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A    COMPREHENSIVE 


DICTIOMM  OF  THE  BIBLE. 

MAINLY    ABBIDGED   FROM 

DR.  TO/.  SMITirS  DICTIONARY  OF  TEE  BIBLE, 

u 

BCT   COMPBISINO 

IMPORTANT  ADDITIONS  AND  IMPROVEMENTS 

FROM    THE    WORKS    OF 

ROBI.VSON",   GESEXIUS,   FORST,   PAPE,    POTT,   WINER,   KEIL,    LAXGE,   KITTO,   FAIRBAIRN 

ALEXANDER,  BARNES,  BUSH,  THOMSON,  STANLEY,  PORTER,  TRISTRAM,  KING,  AYRE, 

AND  MANY   OTHER   EMINENT   SCHOLARS,  COMMENTATORS,  TRAVELLERS, 

AND  AUTHORS  IN  VARIOUS  DEPARTMENTS. 

DESTONED  TO  BE 

A     COMPLETE     GUIDE 

IN  BEOABD  TO 

THE   PRONTNCIATION    AND   SIGNIFICATION    OF  SCRIPTtTRAL  NAMES  ;   THE  SOLUTION   OF    DIFFICULTIES    nESPECTINO 

THE  INTERPRETATION,  AUTHORITY,  AND    HARMONY  OF    THE    OLD    AND    NEW  TESTAMENTS  ;    THE    HISTORY 

AND   DESCRIPTION    OF    BIBLICAL    CUSTOMS,  EVENTS,  PLACES,  PERSONS,  ANIMALS,  PLANTS, 

MINERALS,    AND    OTHER     THINGS     CONCERNING     WHICH     INFORMATION     IS 

NEEDED  FOR  AN  INTELLIGENT  AND  THOROUGH  STUDY  OF  THE 

HOLY    SCRIPTURES,  AND    OF   THE   BOOKS   Of 

THE   APOCRYPHA. 


EDITED   BY 

REV.    SAMUEL    W.    BARNUM. 


ILLUSTRATED    WITH    FIVE    HUNDRED     MAPS    AND    ENGRAVINGS. 


NEW    YORK: 
D.  APPLETON  &  CO.,  90,  92   &  94  GRAND  STREET. 

LONDON:    10    LITTLE    BRITAIN. 
18CS, 


I  r 


Enteeed,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  In  the  year  1S67,  by 

D.    APPLETON  &  CO. 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern  District  of  New  Tork. 


,. 


■■ 


^ 


PREFACE. 

Dr.  "William  Smith's  Dictionary  op  the  Bible,  published  in  1860-63,  and  containing,  i:i 
its  three  octavo  volumes,  nearly  3,200  pages,  is  a  work  of  acknowledged  excellence ;  but  its 
size,  cost,  and  scholarly  character,  untit  it  for  the  use  of  the  great  mass  of  those  who  need  a 
Dictionary  of  the  Bible.  The  Concise  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  abridged  from  the  larger 
work,  under  Dr.  Smith's  superintendence,  by  Mr.  William  A.  Wright  (1.039  pp.,  8vo,  1805), 
is  well  executed  in  many  respects;  but  it  leaves  out  a  large  part  of  the  illustrations,  references, 
tables,  and  some  entire  articles ;  frequently  presupposes  a  familiar  acquaintance  with  the  Script- 
ures and  with  the  learned  languages ;  alters,  often  unsatisfactorily,  the  pronunciation  of  hundreds 
of  proper  names,  and  plainly  evinces  a  lack  of  appreciation  of  the  popular  necessities.  Dr. 
Smith's  Smaller  Dictionary  of  the  Bible  (617  pp.,  crown  8vo,  1866)  is  characterized,  in 
general,  by  the  same  excellences  and  faults  as  the  Concise  Dictionary,  and,  while  it  has  about 
twenty  valuable  maps  and  plates  which  are  not  in  either  of  the  other  works,  it  is  far  from 
being  commensurate  with  the  wants  of  studious  readers  of  the  Bible. 

The  Comprehensive  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  which  is  the  fruit  of  three  years  of  editorial 
labor,  is  a  modified  abridgment  of  Smith's  larger  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  designed  to  present 
the  results  of  modern  scholarship  in  a  complete,  intelligible,  and  reliable  form  for  popular  use. 
It  aims  to  bo,  in  all  respects,  a  Standard  Dictionary  for  the  People. 

The  general  principles  which  have  guided  the  Editor  in  the  preparation  of  the  present  work 
are  the  following  : — 

I.  To  make  every  thing  intelligible  to  those  who  understand  only  the  English  language,  and 
to  place  them  as  nearly  as  possible  on  a  level  with  the  scholars  who  are  familiar  with  the  origi- 
nal languages  of  the  Scriptures. 

II.  To  condense  the  greatest  possible  amount  of  valuable  information  into  one  volume  of 
convenient  size  and  moderate  cost. 

III.  To  guard  against  all  influences  hostile  to  Christian  faith  and  love. 

In  carrying  out  these  general  principles,  the  Comprehensive  Dictionary  is  distinguished 
from  Smith's  Dictionaries  of  the  Bible,  as  well  as  from  most  others,  in  respect  to — 

1.  Pronunciation.  Tliis  Dictionary  presents  intelligibly  and  accurately  the  results  of  a  dili- 
gent and  extended  examiiuxtion  of  the  principles,  analogies,  and  prevalent  usage  in  this  depart- 
ment. In  some  cases,  two  different  modes  of  pronunciation  are  given,  each  of  which  has  a 
foundation  of  authority  or  of  reason  to  support  it.  All  the  words  in  the  vocabulary  are  pro- 
nounced and  divided  into  syllables,  and  words  or  parts  of  words  are  also  respelled  whenever 
this  is  needed  to  indicate  the  pronunciation. 

2.  Etymology.  The  derivation  and  signification  of  the  proper  names  are  systematically  given 
according  to  tlie  best  etymologists. 

3.  Orthography.  The  Scriptural  names  and  words  in  which  there  are  diversities  of  spelling 
are  inserted  in  the  vocabulary  under  the  diflferent  forms  which  are  prevalent,  with  a  reference 
from  the  less  common  to  the  usual  form. 

4.  Geography.  JIany  important  additions  and  corrections  have  been  made  in  this  depart- 
ment, giving  the  results  of  the  latest  investigations,  identifying  the  ancient  sites  according  to 
the  opinions  of  the  best-informed  geographers  ami  travellers,  supplying  numerous  maps,  plans, 
views  of  places,  &c.  Among  the  arlditions  in  this  volume  are  the  Plan  of  ancient  Ant'och  in 
Syria  after  .Aliiller  (from  Conybeare  &  Howson's  Life  and  Epistles  of  St.  Paul),  the  Maps  of 
Arabia  and  Egypt  (from  Cassell's  Bible  Dictionary),  the  Map  of  the  Jordan  (from  Tristram's 

367902 


iv  PREFACE. 

Land  of  Israel),  the  two  maps  of  Palestine  (the  first  from  Smith's  Smaller  Dictionary,  the  other 
from  Ayre's  Treasury  of  Bible  Kuowledge),  and  the  Map  of  the  Countries  visited  ))y  the  Apostle 
Paul  (from  the  last  edition  of  Kitto's  Cyclopsedia  of  Biblical  Literature).  In  most  other  cases 
the  authorities  are  given  with  the  map  or  other  important  addition. 

5.  Ilktory  of  Cities  and  Countries.  Many  articles  in  Smitli's  Dictionaries  of  the  Bible  pre- 
suppose tlie  reader's  access  to  Smith's  Dictionary  of  Geography,  &c.,  and  thus  omit  important 
historical  facts  which  the  Comprehensive  Dictionary  briefly  supplies. 

6.  Theology  and  Church  Order.  This  Dictionary  aims,  without  inculcating  either  sectarian 
or  latitudinarian  views,  to  assist  its  readers  in  ascertaining  for  themselves  the  tc-achings  of  the 
Bible  in  regard  to  religious  doctrines  and  ecclesiastical  organization.  It  carries  into  this  depart- 
ment of  Biblical  investigation  the  feature,  which  Smith's  Dictionary  adopts  in  respect  to  nat- 
ural-history terms  and  some  others,  of  giving  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  equivalents  of  the  English 
words  with  their  exact  significations  and  uses. 

7.  Consistency  of  the  Dictionary  with  itself.  While  no  important  opinion  has  been  suppressed 
and  no  real  difiiculty  evaded,  great  care  has  been  taken  to  harmonize  with  the  best  authorities 
and  with  one  another,  if  possible,  the  oft-conflicting  opinions  and  statements  of  diflerent  writers 
in  Smith's  Dictionary,  or  to  provide  for  each  having  its  own  proper  influence  by  inserting 
cross-references  and  notes,  and  often  giving  the  name  of  the  original  contributor  in  connection 
■with  his  opinion  or  statement  or  article. 

8.  References.  The  Scripture  references  of  Smith's  Dictionary  have  been  diligently  collated, 
often  corrected,  and  in  some  articles  considerably  increased  in  number.  The  multitude  of  new 
cross-references  to  other  articles  in  this  Dictionary  will  greatly  facilitate  the  finding  of  the  in- 
formation contained  in  the  work. 

9.  Additions  to  the  original  Korh.    Many  new  articles  have  been  added,  and  numerous  addi- 
tions have  been  made  to  other  articles,  in  order  to  give  greater  value  and  completeness  to  this 
Dictionary.     One-third  of  the  cuts  and  most  of  the  maps  are  from  other  sources  than  Smith's  _ 
Dictionaries.    The  additions  and  modifications  in  every  part  of  this  volume,  and  on  every 
subject  in  it,  make  it,  indeed,  almost  a  new  work. 

10.  Authorities.  The  new  matter  has  been  drawn  from  a  wide  range  of  first-class  anthori- 
ties.  The  title-page  and  list  of  abbreviations  give  the  names  of  a  few  only  out  of  the  more 
than  200  writers  whose  productions  in  various  forms  have  been  laid  under  contribution  for  the 
improvement  of  this  Dictionary.  Much  use  has  been  made,  not  only  of  Dictionaries  of  the 
Bible,  Concordances,  Lexicons,  Commentaries,  Cyclopa;dias,  Books  of  Travel,  and  other  bound 
volumes  of  the  highest  character,  but  also  of  elaborate  essays  and  reviews  in  various  periodi- 
cals. Valuable  aid  in  several  departments  has  been  received  from  officers  of  Yale  College. 
From  these  and  other  sources,  many  of  which  are  mentioned  in  the  body  of  the  work,  the 
Editor  has  obtained  the  needed  material  to  make  this  "  A  Comprehensive  Dictionary  of  the 
Bible." 

11.  Engravings.  It  is  believed  that  no  Dictionary  of  the  Bible  is  so  well  illustrated ;  but 
its  abundant  Pictorial  Illustrations,  as  well  as  its  numerous  Maps,  are  intended  for  instruction 
and  general  utility  rather  than  for  mere  ornament. 

13.  Typography.  The  large  and  open  page,  legible  type,  and  accurate  and  beautiful  me- 
chanical execution,  need  no  commendation. 

To  all  who  have  aided  him  in  the  prosecution  of  his  labors,  and  especially  to  the  President 
and  Librarian  of  Yale  College,  for  the  unrestricted  use  of  the  College  Library,  the  Editor 
would  return  his  hearty  thanks. 

That  the  preparation  and  publication  of  this  volume  may  promote  the  cause  of  true  reli- 
^on  and  sound  Biblical  learning,  is  the  earnest  desire  and  prayer  of 

THE  EDITOR. 
New  IUten,  June  4, 1668. 


I 


LIST  OF  CONTRIBUTORS  TO  THE  ORIGINAL  WORK. 


Very  Rev.  HEN'RY  ALFORD,  D.  D.,  Dean  of  Canterbury;  Author  of  an  edition  of  the  Greek  Testa- 
ment with  a  critical  and  cxegclical  Commentary. 

Rev.  HENllY  BAILEY,  B.  D.,  Warden  of  St.  Augustine's  College,  Canterbury. 

Rev.  ALFRED  BARRY,  B.  D.,  Principal  of  Cheltenham  College. 

Rev.  WILLIAM  L.  BEVAN,  M.  A.,  Vicar  of  Hay. 

Rev.  JOSEPH  W.  BLAKE.SLEY,  B.  D.,  Canon  of  Canterbury. 

Rev.  HORATIUS  BOXAR,  D.  D.,  Kelso ;  Author  of  "  The  Land  of  Promise,"  "  The  Desert  of  Si- 
nai," iic. 

Rev.  THOMAS  E.  BROWN,  M.  A.,  Vice-Principal  of  King  William's  CoUege,  Isle  of  Man. 

Ven.  ROBERT  W.  BROWNE,  M.  A.,  Archdeacon  of  Bath. 

Right  Rev.  E.  HAROLD  BROWNE,  D.  D.,  Lord  Bishop  of  Ely. 

Rev.  WILLIAM  T.  BULLOCK,  M.  A.,  Secretary  of  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel 

Rev.  SAMUEL  CL.VRK,  M.  A.,  Vicar  of  Bredwardine  with  Brobury. 

Rev.  F.  C.  COOK,  M.  A.,  Canon  of  Exeter. 

Right  Rev.  GEORGE  E.  L.  COTTON,  D.  D.,  Lord  Bishop  of  Calcutta. 

Rev.  J.  LLEWELYN  DA  VIES,  M.  A.,  Rector  of  Christ  Church,  Marylebone. 

Rev.  GEORCjE  E.  DAY,  D.  D.,  Prof,  of  Hebrew  and  Biblical  Theology,  Yale  College,  New  Haven,  Ct. 

EMANUEL  DEUTSCH,  M.  R.  A.  S.,  University  of  Berlin,  and  British  Museum. 

Rev.  WILLI .\M  DRAKE,  M.  A.,  Hon.  Canon  of  Worcester. 

Rev.  EDWARD  P.  EDDRUP,  M.  A.,  Principal  of  the  Theological  College,  Salisbury. 

Right  Rev.  CHARLES  J.  ELLICOTT,  D.  D.,  Lord  Bishop  of  Gloucester  and  Bristol;  Author  of  "A 
Critical  and  Grammatical  Commentary  on  St.  Paul's  Epistles,"  &c. 

Rev.  FREDERICK  W.  FARRAR,  M.  A.,  Assistant  Master  of  Harrow  School. 

JAMES  FERGUS30N,  F.  R.  S.,  F.  R.  A.  S.,  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Institute  of  British  Architects;  Author 
of  '•  Essay  on  the  Anc.  Topography  of  Jerusalem,"  "  Palaces  of  Nineveh  and  Persepolis  Restored,"  &c. 

EDMUND  S.  FFOULKES,  M.  A.,  late  Fellow  of  Jesus  College,  Oxford. 

Right  Rev.  WILLIAM  FITZGERALD,  D.  D.,  Lord  Bishop  of  Killaloe. 

Rev.  FRANCIS  GARDEN,  M.  A.,  Subdean  of  the  Chapel  Royal. 

Rev.  F.  W.  GOTCH,  LL.  D.,  Hebrew  Examiner,  University  of  London ;  President  of  the  Baptist  College, 
Bristol. 

GEORGE  GROVE,  Crystal  Palace,  Sydenham. 

Rev.  HORATIO  B.  HACKETT,  D.  D.,  Prof  of  Biblical  Literature,  Newton,  Mass. ;  Author  of  "  A  Cora- 
mentarv  ( n  t'le  Original  Text  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,"  "  Illustrations  of  Scripture,"  &c. 

Rev.  ERNEST  HAWKINS,  B.  D.,  Canon  of  Westminster. 

Rev.  HENRY  HAYMAN,  M.  A.,  Head  Master  of  the  Grammar  School,  Cheltenham. 

Ven.  LORD  ARTHUR  C.  HERVEY,  M.  A.,  Archdeacon  of  Sudbury  and  Rector  of  Ickworth ;  Author  of 
"  Genealogies  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ." 

Rev.  JAMES  A.  HESSEY,  D.  C.  L.,  Head  Master  of  Merchant  Tailors'  School,  Preacher  to  the  Hon. 
Society  of  Gray's  Inn;  Prebendary  of  St.  Paul's;  Bampton  Lecturer  for  1860. 

JOSEPH  D.  HOOKER,  M.  D.,  F.  R.  S.,  Royal  Botanic  Gardens,  Kew. 

Rev  JAMES  J.  HORNBY,  M.  A.,  Principal  of  Bishop  Cosin's  Hall. 

Rev.  WILLIAM  HOUGHTON,  M.  A.,  F.  L.  S.,  Rector  of  Preston  on  the  Weald  Moors,  Salop. 


iv  PREFACE. 

Land  of  Israel),  the  two  maps  of  Palestine  (the  first  from  Smith's  Smaller  Dictionary,  the  other 
from  Ayre's  Treasury  of  Bible  Knowledge),  and  the  Map  of  the  Countries  visited  Ijy  the  Apostle 
Paul  (from  the  last  edition  of  Kitto's  Cyelojjsedia  of  Biblical  Literature).  In  most  other  cases 
the  authorities  are  given  with  the  map  or  other  important  addition. 

5.  HMory  of  Cities  and  Countries.  Many  articles  in  Smith's  Dictionaries  of  the  Bible  pre- 
suppose the  reader's  access  to  Smith's  Dictionary  of  Geography,  &c.,  and  thus  omit  important 
historical  facts  which  the  Comprehensive  Dictionary  briefly  supplies. 

6.  Theology  and  Church  Order.  This  Dictionary  aims,  without  inculcating  either  sectarian 
or  latitudinarian  views,  to  assist  its  readers  in  ascertaining  for  themselves  the  tf-achings  of  the 
Bible  in  regard  to  religious  doctrines  and  ecclesiastical  organization.  It  carries  into  this  depart- 
ment of  Biblical  investigation  the  feature,  which  Smith's  Dictionary  adopts  in  respect  to  nat- 
ural-history terms  and  some  others,  of  giving  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  equivalents  of  the  English 
words  with  their  exact  significations  and  uses. 

7.  Consistency  of  the  Dictionary  with  itself.  While  no  important  opinion  has  been  suppressed 
and  no  real  difficulty  evaded,  great  care  has  been  taken  to  harmonize  with  the  best  authorities 
and  with  one  another,  if  possible,  the  oft-conflicting  opinions  and  statements  of  different  writers 
in  Smith's  Dictionary,  or  to  provide  for  each  having  its  own  proper  influence  by  inserting 
cross-references  and  notes,  and  often  giving  the  name  of  the  original  contributor  in  connection 
with  his  opinion  or  statement  or  article. 

8.  References.  The  Scripture  references  of  Smith's  Dictionary  have  been  diligently  collated, 
often  corrected,  and  in  some  articles  considerably  increased  in  number.  The  multitude  of  new 
cross-references  to  other  articles  in  this  Dictionary  will  greatly  facilitate  the  finding  of  the  in- 
formation contained  in  the  work. 

9.  Additions  to  the  original  icorh.     Many  new  articles  have  been  added,  and  numerous  addi- 
tions have  been  made  to  other  articles,  in  order  to  give  greater  value  and  completeness  to  this 
Dictionary.     One-third  of  the  cuts  and  moat  of  the  maps  are  from  other  sources  than  Smith's . 
Dictionaries.    The  additions  and  modifications  in  every  part  of  this  volume,  and  on  every 
subject  in  it,  make  it,  indeed,  almost  a  new  work. 

10.  Authorities.  The  new  matter  has  been  drawn  from  a  wide  range  of  first-class  authori- 
ties. The  title-page  and  list  of  abbreviations  give  the  names  of  a  few  only  out  of  the  more 
than  200  writers  whose  productions  in  various  forms  have  been  laid  under  contribution  for  the 
improvement  of  this  Dictionary.  Much  use  has  been  made,  not  only  of  Dictionaries  of  the 
Bible,  Concordances,  Lexicons,  Commentaries,  Cyclopaedias,  Books  of  Travel,  and  other  bound 
volumes  of  the  highest  character,  but  also  of  elaborate  essays  and  reviews  in  various  periodi- 
cals. Valuable  aid  in  several  departments  has  been  received  from  officers  of  Yale  College. 
From  these  and  other  sources,  many  of  which  are  mentioned  in  the  body  of  the  work,  the 
Editor  has  obtained  the  needed  material  to  make  this  "  A  Comprehensive  Dictionary  of  the 
Bible." 

11.  Engravings.  It  is  believed  that  no  Dictionary  of  the  Bible  is  so  well  illustrated ;  but 
its  abundant  Pictorial  Illustrations,  as  well  as  its  numerous  Maps,  are  intended  for  instruction 
and  general  utility  rather  than  for  mere  ornament. 

13.  Typography.  The  large  and  open  page,  legible  type,  and  accurate  and  beautiful  me- 
chanical execution,  need  no  commendation. 

To  all  who  have  aided  him  in  the  prosecution  of  his  labors,  and  especially  to  the  President 
and  Librarian  of  Yale  College,  for  the  unrestricted  use  of  the  College  Library,  the  Editor 
would  return  his  hearty  thanks. 

That  the  preparation  and  publication  of  this  volume  may  promote  the  cause  of  true  reli- 
gion and  sound  Biblical  learning,  is  the  earnest  desire  and  prayer  of 

THE  EDITOR. 

New  IIaven,  June  4, 1868. 


LIST  OF  CONTRIBUTORS  TO  THE  ORIGINAL  WORK. 


i 


I 


Very  Rev.  HEVRY  ALFORD,  D.  D.,  Dean  of  Canterbury;  Author  of  an  edition  of  the  Greek  Testa- 
ment with  a  critical  and  cxegetical  Commentary. 

Rev.  HENllY  BAILEY,  B.  D.,  Warden  of  St.  Augustine's  College,  Canterbury. 

Rev.  ALFRED  BARRY,  B.  D.,  Principal  of  Cheltenham  College. 

Rev.  WILLIAM  L.  BEVAN,  M.  A.,  Vicar  of  Hay. 

Rev.  JOSEPH  W.  BLAKE.SLEY,  B.  D.,  Canon  of  Canterbury. 

Rev.  HORATIUS  BONAR,  D.  D.,  Kelso;  Author  of  "The  Laud  of  Promise,"  "The  Desert  of  Si- 
nai," &c. 

Rev.  THOMAS  E.  BROWN,  M.  A.,  Vice-Principal  of  King  William's  CoUege,  Isle  of  Man. 

Yen.  ROBERT  W.  BROWNE,  M.  A.,  Archdeacon  of  Bath. 

Right  Rev.  E.  HAROLD  BROWNE,  D.  D.,  Lord  Bishop  of  Ely. 

Rev.  WILLIAM  T.  BULLOCK,  M.  A.,  Secretary  of  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel. 

Rev.  SAMUEL  CLARK,  M.  A.,  Vicar  of  Bredwardine  with  Brobury. 

Rev.  F.  C.  COOK,  M.  A.,  Canon  of  Exeter. 

Right  Rev.  GEORGE  E.  L.  COTTON,  D.  D.,  Lord  Bishop  of  Calcutta. 

Rev.  J.  LLEWELYN  DA  VIES,  M.  A.,  Rector  of  Christ  Church,  Marvlebone. 

Rev.  GEORGE  E.  DAY,  D.  D.,  Prof,  of  Hebrew  and  Biblical  Theology,  Yale  College,  New  Haven,  Ct. 

EMANUEL  DEUTj^CH,  M.  R.  A.  S.,  University  of  Berlin,  and  British  Museum. 

Rev.  WILLI  .\M  DRAKE,  M.  A.,  Hon.  Canon  of  Worcester. 

Rev.  EDWARD  P.  EDDRUP,  M.  A.,  Principal  of  the  Theological  College,  Salisbury. 

Right  Rev.  CHARLES  J.  ELLICOTT,  D.  D.,  Lord  Bi.-ihop  of  Gloucester  and  Bristol;  Author  of  "A 
Critical  and  Grammatical  Commentary  on  St.  Paul's  Epistles,"  &c. 

Rev.  FREDERICK  W.  FARRAR,  M.  A.,  Assistant  Master  of  Harrow  School. 

JAMES  FERGUSSON,  F.  R.  S.,  F.  R.  A.  S.,  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Institute  of  British  Architects;  Author 
of  '■  Essay  on  the  Anc.  Topography  of  Jerusalem,"  "  Palaces  of  Nineveh  and  Persepolis  Restored,"  &c. 

EDMUND  S.  FFOULKES,  M.  A.,  late  Fellow  of  Jesus  College,  Oxford. 

Right  Rev.  WILLIAM  FITZGERALD,  D.  D.,  Lord  Bishop  of  Killaloe. 

Rev.  FRANCIS  GARDEN,  M.  A.,  Subdean  of  the  Chapel  Royal. 

Rev.  F.  W.  GOTCH,  LL.  D.,  Hebrew  Examiner,  University  of  London ;  President  of  the  Baptist  College, 
Bristol. 

GEORGE  GROVE,  Crystal  Palace,  Sydenham. 

Rev.  HORATIO  B.  HACKETT,  D.  D.,  Prof,  of  Biblical  Literature,  Newton,  Mass. ;  Author  of  "A  Com- 
mentarv  en  t'lc  Original  Text  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,"  "  Illustrations  of  Scripture,"  &c. 

Rev.  ERNEST  HAWKINS,  B.  D.,  Canon  of  Westminster. 

Rev.  HENRY  HAYMAN,  M.  A.,  Head  Master  of  the  Grammar  School,  Cheltenham. 

Ven.  LORD  ARTHUR  C.  HERVEY,  M.  A.,  Archdeacon  of  Sudbury  and  Rector  of  Ickworth ;  Author  of 
"  Genealogies  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ." 

Rev.  JAMES  A.  HESSEY,  D.  C.  L.,  Head  Master  of  Merchant  Tailors'  School,  Preacher  to  the  Hon. 
Society  of  Gray's  Inn;  Prebendary  of  St.  Paul's;  Bampton  Lecturer  for  1860. 

JOSEPH  D.  HOOKER,  M.  D.,  F.  R.  S.,  Royal  Botanic  Gardens,  Kew. 

Rev  JAMES  J.  HORNBY,  M.  A.,  Principal  of  Bishop  Cosin's  Hall. 

Rev.  WILLIAM  HOUGHTON,  M.  A.,  F.  L.  S.,  Rector  of  Preston  on  the  Weald  Moors,  Salop. 


vi  LIST   OF   COXTIUBLTORS  TO   THE   ORIGINAL  WORK. 

Rev.  JOHN  S.  HOWSOX,  D.  D.,  Principal  of  the  Collegiate  Institution,  Liverpool ;  Hulsean  Lecturer  for 
1863  ;  Joint-Author  with  Rev.  W.  J.  Conybeare  of  "  The  Life  and  Epistles  of  St.  Paul." 

Rev.  EDGAR  HUXTABLE,  M.  A.,  Subdean  of  Wells. 

Rev.  W.  BASIL  JONES,  M.  A.,  Prebendary  of  York  and  of  St.  David's. 

AUSTEN  H.  LAYARD,  D.  0.  L.,  M.  P.,  Under  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs  ;  Author  of  "  Nineveh 
and  its  Remains,"  "Discoveries  among  the  Ruins  of  Nineveh  and  Babylon,"  &c. 

Rev.  STANLEY  LEATHES,  M.  A.,  M.  R.  S.  L.,  Prof,  of  Hebrew',  King's  CoUege,  London. 

Rev.  JOSEPH  B.  LIUHTFOOT,  M.  A.,  Hulsean  Prof,  of  Divinity,  Cambridge. 

Rev.  D.  W.  MARKS,  Prof,  of  Hebrew,  University  College,  London. 

Rev.  FREDERICK  MEYRICK,  M.  A.,  One  of  Her  Majesty's  Inspectors  of  Schools. 

Prof.  JULES  OPPERT,  of  Paris ;  Author  (in  French)  of  an  Assyrian  Grammar,  Annals  of  Sargoa, 
Chronology  of  Babylon  and  Assyria,  French  Scientific  Expedition  in  Mesopotamia,  &c. 

Rev.  EDWARD  R.  ORGER,  M.  A.,  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  St.  Augustine's  CoUege,  Ca»terbury. 

Ven.  THOMAS  J.  ORMEROD,  M.  A.,  Archdeacon  of  Suffolk. 

Rev.  JOHN  J.  S.  PEROWNE,  B.  D.,  Vice-Principal  of  St.  David's  College,  Lampeter. 

Rev.  THOMAS  T.  PEROWNE,  B.  D.,  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge. 

Rev.  HENRY  W.  PHILLOTT,  M.  A.,  Rector  of  Staumon-on-Wye. 

Rev.  EDWARD  H.  PLUMPTRE,  M.  A.,  Prof  of  Divinity,  King's  College,  London. 

E.  ST^VJ^LEY  POOLE,  M.  R.  A.  S.,  South  Kensington  Museum. 

R.  STUART  POOLE,  M.  R.  S.  L.,  British  Museum;  Author  of  "Hone  .(EgyptiacsD,"  "Genesis  of  tlie 
Earth  and  of  Man,"  &c. 

Rev.  J.  LESLIE  PORTER,  M.  A.,  Author  of  "  Handbook  of  Syria  and  Palestine,"  "Five  Years  in  Damas- 
cus," &c. ;  Prof,  of  Sacred  Literature,  Assembly's  College,  Belfast. 

Rev.  CHARLES  PRITCIIARD,  M.  A.,  F.  R.  S.,  Hon.  Secretary  of  the  Royal  Astronomical  Society. 

Rev.  GEORGE  RAWLINSON,  M.  A.,  Camtlen  Prof,  of  Ancient  History,  Oxford  ;  Bampton  Lecturer  for 
1859  ;  Author  of  a  new  English  version  of  the  History  of  Herodotus,  with  Notes  and  Appendices,  "  The 
Five  Great  Monarchies  of  the  Ancient  World,"  &c. 

Rev.  HENRY  J.  ROSE,  B.  D.,  Rector  of  Hougliton  Conquest,  Bedford.-hire. 

Rev.  WILLIAM  SELWYN,  D.  D.,  Lady  Margaret's  Prof,  of  Divinity,  Cambridge. 

WILLIAM  SMITH,  LL.  D.  (Editor),  Classical  Examiner  in  the  University  of  London. 

Rev.  ARTHUR  P.  STANLEY,  D.  D.,  Rcpius  Prof  of  Ecclesiastical  History,  Oxford  ;  Dean  of  Westminster ; 
Author  of  "  Sinai  and  Palestine,"  "  History  of  the  Eastern  Church,"  kc. 

Rev.  C.\LV1N  E.  STOWE,  D.  D.,  Hartford,  Ct. ;  late  Prof,  of  Sacred  Literature,  Andover,  Mass. 

Rev.  JOSEPH  P.  THOMPSON,  D.  P.,  Pastor  of  the  Bioadway  Tabernacle  Chuich,  New  York ;  Author 
of  "  Ejypt,  Past  and  Present,"  &c. 

Most  Rev. William  Thomson,  D.  D.,  Lord  Archbishop  of  York. 

Rev.  JOSEPH  F.  THRUPP,  M.  A.,  Vicar  of  Barrington. 

SAMUEL  P.  TREGELLES,  LL.  D.,  Author  of  "  An  Account  of  the  Printed  Text  of  the  Greek  Testa- 
ment," a  critical  edition  of  the  Greek  New  Testament,  &c. 

Rev.  II.  B.  TRISTRAM,  M.  A.,  F.  L.  S.,  Master  of  Greatham  Hospital;  Author  of  "The  Land  of 
Israel." 

Hon.  EDWARD  T.  B.  TWISTLETON,  M.  A.,  late  Fellow  of  Balliol  College,  Oxford. 

Rev.  EDMUND  VENABLES,  M.  A.,  Bonchurch,  Isle  of  Wight. 

Rev.  BROOKE  F.  WESTCOTT,  M.  A.,  Assistant  Master  of  Harrow  School ;  Author  of  "  Introduction  to 
the  Study  of  the  Gospels." 

Rev.  CHRISTOPHER  WORDSWORTH,  D.  D.,  Archdeacon  and  Canon  of  Westminster  ;  Author  of  a  Com- 
mentary on  the  Bible. 

WILLIAM  ALDIS  WRIGHT,  M.  A.,  Librarian  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge ;  Hebrew  Examiner  in  the 
University  of  London. 


A   COMPEEHEIsfSIVE 


DICTIOJS^AEY    OF    THE    BIBLE. 


A 

A'a-lar.    Addan. 

Aaron  [air'on]  (fr.  Htb.  =  mountaineer?  Ges. ; 
enlightmcd,  Fii.),  the  brother  of  MosES  and  Miriam, 
and  son  of  Ararara  and  Jochebed  (Num.  xxvi.  59, 
xxxili.  39).  He  was  three  years  older  than  Moses, 
and  probably  several  years  younger  than  Miriam  (Ex. 
ii.  4,  Tii.  7).  He  is  first  mentioned  in  Ex.  iv.  14,  as 
"  Aaron  the  Levite,"  who  "could  speak  well."  He 
was  apparently,  like  many  eloquent  men,  impulsive 
and  comparatively  unstable,  leaning  almost  wholly 
on  his  brother ;  incapable  of  that  endurance  of  lone- 
liness and  temptation,  which  is  an  element  of  real 
greatness ;  but  earnest  in  his  devotion  to  God  and 
man,  capable  of  sacrifice  and  of  discipline  by  trial, 
and  deservedly  styled  "  the  saint  of  the  Lord  "  (Ps. 
cvi.  16).  He  was  appointed  by  Jehovah  to  be  the 
Interpreter  and  "  Mouth  "  (Ex.  iv.  16)  of  Moses, 
who  was  "  slow  of  speech ; "  and  accordingly  he  was 
not  only  the  organ  of  communication  with  the  Israel- 
ites and  with  Pharaoh  (Ex.  iv.  30,  vii.  2),  but  also 
the  actual  instrument  of  working  most  of  the  mir- 
acles of  the  Exodus.  (See  Ex.  vii.  19,  &e.)  Thus 
on  the  way  to  Mount  Sinai,  during  the  battle  with 
Anialek,  Aaron  with  Hur  held  up  the  weary  hands 
of  Moses,  when  they  were  lifted  up  for  the  victory  of 
Israel,  not  in  prayer,  but  to  bear  the  rod  of  God 
(Ex.  xvii.  9).  Through  all  this  period  he  was  sub- 
ordinate to  his  brother.  At  Sinai,  Aaron  only  ap- 
proaches with  Nadab  and  Abihu,  and  the  seventy  eld- 
ers of  Israel,  by  special  command,  near  enough  to  see 
God's  glory,  but  not  so  as  to  enter  His  immediate 
presence.  Left  then,  on  Moses'  departure,  to  guide 
the  people,  Aaron  fails  to  withstand  the  demand  of 
the  people  for  visible  "  gods  to  go  before  them " 
(sec  Ex.  xxxii. ;  Calf  ;  Idolatry).  There  can  hard- 
ly le  a  stronger  contrast  with  this  weakness,  and 
the  self-convicted  shame  of  his  excuse,  than  the 
burning  indignation  of  Moses,  and  his  stern,  decisive 
measures  of  vengeance ,  although  beneath  these  lay 
an  ardent  affection,  which  went  almost  to  the  verge 
of  presumption  in  prayer  for  the  people  (Ex.  xxxii. 
19-34),  and  gained  forgiveness  for  Aaron  himself 
(Deut.  ix.  20).  Immediately  after  this  great  sin, 
Aaron  was  consecrated  by  Moses  to  the  new  office 
of  iiiGii-PRiKST.  The  order  of  God  for  the  consecra- 
tion is  found  in  Ex.  xxix.,  and  the  record  of  its  exe- 
cution in  Lev.  viii.  The  solemnity  of  the  office,  and 
its  entire  dependence  for  sanctity  on  the  ordinance 
J 


ABA 
of  God,  were  vindicated  by  the  death  of  his  sons, 
Nadab  and  Abihu,  for  "  offering  strange  fire  "  on  the 
altar  (Lev.  x.).  From  this  time  the  history  of  Aaron 
is  almost  entirely  that  of  the  priesthood,  and  its 
chief  feature  is  the  great  rebellion  of  Korah  and  the 
Levites  against  his  sacerdotal  dignity,  united  with 
that  of  Dathan  and  Abiram  and  tlie  Kcubenites 
against  the  temporal  authority  of  Moses.  The  true 
vindication  of  Aaron's  priesthood  was,  not  so  much 
the  death  of  Korah  by  the  fire  of  the  Lord,  as  the 
efficacy  of  his  offering  of  incense  to  stay  the  plague, 
by  which  he  was  seen  to  be  accepted  as  an  Inter- 
cessor for  tlie  people.  The  blooming  of  his  rod, 
which  followed,  was  a  miraculous  sign,  visible  to  all, 
and  capable  of  preservation,  of  God's  choice  of  him 
and  his  house.  The  murmuring  of  Aaron  and  Miriam 
against  Moses  clearly  proceeded  from  Aaron's  trust 
in  his  priesthood,  and  Miriam's  in  her  prophetic  in- 
spiration, as  equal  commissions  from  God  (Num.  xii. 
2).  It  probably  originated  mainly  with  Miriam,  and 
seems  to  have  vanished  at  once  before  the  declaration 
of  Moses'  exaltation  above  all  prophecy  and  priest- 
hood, except  that  of  One  who  was  to  come.  Acting 
with  Moses  in  the  guidance  of  the  people,  he  shared 
his  sin  at  Meribah,  and  its  punishment  (Num.  xx. 
10-12)  Aaron's  death,  at  the  age  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty-three  years  (Num.  xxxiii.  39),  seems  to 
have  followed  very  speedily.  It  took  place  on  Mount 
Hor,  after  the  transference  of  his  robes  and  office  to 
Eleazar,  who  alone  with  Moses  was  present  at  his 
death,  and  performed  his  burial  (Num.  xx.  28).  This 
mount  is  still  called  the  "  Mountain  of  Aaron."  The 
wife  of  Aaron  was  Elisheba  (Ex.  vi.  23) ;  and  the 
two  sons  who  survived  him  were  Eleazar  and  Itha- 
MAR.  The  high-priesthood  descended  to  the  former, 
and  was  in  his  family  until  the  time  of  Eli,  and 
again  from  Zadok  onward. 

Aar'on-ites  [air]  =  descendants  of  Aabom  (1  Chr. 
xii.  27,  xxvii.  17).     Priest. 

k\>  (Ueh.  fallier).     Abba;  Mo.STn. 

Ab'a-rne  (L. ;  2  Esd.  i.  40)  =  Haoakeck. 

A-bad'don  (Heb.  dcslrudlon).  Rev.  ix.  1 1.     Apol- 

LYON. 

Ab-a-di'as  =  Obadiah,  son  of  Jebiel  (1  Esd.  viii. 
35).  • 

A-bag'tha  (Heb.  fr.  Sansc.  =3  given  by  fortune, 
Bohlen,  Ges. ;  see  Bigtha),  one  of  the  seven  eunuchs 
in  the  Persian  court  of  Ahasuerus  (Esth.  i.  10). 

Ab'a>na  (L.  fr.  Heb.  —  Aua.na,  Ges.),  one  of  the 


2 


"ABi 


ABI 


"rivers  of  Damascus  "  (2  K.  v.  12),  probably  the 
modem  Barada,  the  chief  river  of  the  city.  This 
clear  and  limpid  stream  is  the  main  source  of  the 
beauty  and  fertility  of  the  plain  of  Damascus.  It 
rises  in  the  Antilibanus,  at  about  twenty-three  miles 
N.  W.  from  the  city,  alter  flowing  through  which,  in 
several  distinct  streams,  it  runs  across  the  plain  and 
falls  by  different  branches  into  the  Bahret  el-Kibliyeh 
("  South  Lake  ")  and  Bahret  esh-Shurkiyeh  ("  East 
Lake  "),  two  of  the  three  lakes  or  marshes  fifteen  or 
twenty  miles  E.  of  Damascus  (Rbn.  lii.  446  ;  Ptr.  cbs. 
V.  ix.).     Amana  ;  Pharpar. 

Aba-rim  (Heb.  regions  beyond,  Ges.),  a  mountain 
or  range  of  highlands  E.  of  the  Jordan,  in  the  land 
of  Moab  (Deut.  xxxii.  49),  facing  Jericho,  and  form- 
ing the  E.  wall  of  the  Jordan  valley  at  that  part. 
Its  most  elevated  spot  was  "  the  Mount  Nebo,  '  head ' 
of  '  the '  PisGAH,"  from  which  Moses  viewed  the 
Promised  Land  before  his  death  (Num.  xxvii.  12, 
xxxiii.  47,  48 ;  Deut.  xxxii.  49  ;  probably  Jer.  xxii. 
20,  A.  V.  "  passages  ").     Ije-Abarim. 

Ab'ba  (0^a\.  father  =  Heb.  As),  a  term  applied  to 
God  by  the  Lord  Jesus  (Mk.  xiv.  36),  and  by  St.  Paul 
(Horn.  viii.  15  ;  Gal.  iv.  6). 

Ab'da  (fr.  Heb.  =  servant,  sc.  of  God,  Ges.).  1. 
Father  of  Adoniram  (1  K.  iv.  6).— 2.  Son  of  Sham- 
mua  (Neh.  xi.  17) ;  =  Obadiah  in  1  Chr.  ix.  16. 

Ab'de-el  (fr.  Heb.  =  servant  of  God,  Ges.),  father 
of  Shclemiah  (Jer.  xxxvi.  26). 

Ab'di  (Heb.  servant  of  Jehovah,  Ges.).  1.  A  Mc- 
rarite,  ancestor  of  Ethan  the  singer  (1  Chr.  vi.  44). 
— 2.  A  Merarite,  father  of  Kisn  4  (2  Chr.  xxix.  12). 
—3,  One  of  the  sons  of  Elam  in  the  time  of  Ezra, 
who  had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  26). 

Ab-di'as  (2  Esd.  i.  S9)  —  Obadiah. 

Ab'di-el  (Heb.  servant  of  God,  Ges.),  a  Gaditc, 
Bon  of  Guni  and  father  of  Ahi  (1  Chr.  v.  15). 

Ab'don  (Heb.  servile,  Ges.).  1.  A  judge  of  Israel 
(Judg.  xii.  13,  15),  perhaps  =  Bedan  in  1  Sam.  xii. 
11.— 2.  Son  of  Shashak  (1  Chr.  viii.  23).— 3.  First- 
born son  of  Jehiel,  the  father  of  Gibeon  (1  Chr. 
viii.  30,  ix.  35,  36). — 4.  Son  of  Micah,  and  a  contem- 
porary of  Josiah  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  20) ;  =  Achbor  in  2 
K.  xxii.  12. — 5<  A  city  of  Asher,  given  to  the  Ger- 
shonites  (Josh.  xxi.  30 ;  1  Chr.  vi.  74) ;  =  Hebron  2. 

A-bed  DC-go  (Chal.  servant  of  Kego,  perhaps  =  the 
Chal.  god  Nebo),  the  Chaldean  name  given  to  Dan- 
iel's friend  Azariah,  miraculously  saved  from  the 
fiery  furnace  (Dan.  i.-iii.).     Azahiah  24. 

Abel  (L.  fr.  Heb.  hebel ■=  breath,  vapor,  transilori- 
•less  ;  probably  so  called  from  the  shortness  of  his 
life),  second  son  of  Adam,  murdered  by  his  brother 
Cain  (Gen.  iv.  1-16).  Jehovah  showed  respect  for 
Abel's  offering,  but  not  for  Cain's,  because  (Heb.  xi. 
4)  Abel  "  by  faith  offered  a  more  excellent  sacrifice 
than  Cain."  The  expression  "  sin,"  i.  e.  sin-offering, 
"  lieth  at  the  ^oor  "  (Gen.  iv.  7),  seems  to  imply 
that  the  need  of  sacrifices  of  blood  to  obtain  for- 
giveness was  already  revealed.  Rather,  "  sin  "  (per- 
sonified in  this  address  of  God  to  Cain)  "  lieth  " 
(lit.  crourheth,  i.  e.  lieth  in  wait  for  thee,  like  a  wild 
beast)  "  at  the  door "  (so  Ges.,  Bush,  Fbn.,  &c.). 
Our  Lord  spoke  of  Abel  as  the  first  martyr  (Mat. 
xxiii.  35);  so  did  the  early  church  subsequently. 
A  legend  connects  his  name  with  Abila  (Abile.ne), 
near  which  is  his  reputed  tomb,  Kebi  Habil  =  Pro- 
phet Abel'(B,X\.  xii.  n.). 

Abel  (Heb.  meadow,  Ges.),  the  name  of  several 
places  in  Palestine.  I.  A'bel-betb-ma'a-chah  [-kah] 
(Heb.  meadow  of  Beth-Maachah,  Fii.),  or  A'CEL- 
ua'im  (Heb.  Abel  on,  or  meadow  of,  the  waters),  or 
simply  A'bel,  a  town  of  some  importance  ("  a  city 


and  a  mother  in  Israel,"  2  Sam.  xx.  19),  in  the  ex- 
treme N.  of  Palestine ;  named  with  Dan,  Cinneroth, 
Kedesh  ;  early  a  prey  to  the  invading  kings  of  Syria 
(1  K.  XV.  20  :  '^Chr.  xvi.  4)  and  Assyria  (2  K.  xv. 
29).  Here  Sheba  was  overtaken  and  besieged  by 
Joab  (2  Sam.  xx.  14,  15);  and  the  city  was  saved 
by  the  exercise,  on  the  part  of  one  of  its  inhabi- 
tants, of  its  proverbial  sagacity  (18).  It  was  prob- 
ably at  the  modem  Abil,  a  village  on  a  hill,  one  hour 
N.  E.  from  Jinnin  (anciently  Rehob  ?)  (Rbn.  iii.  372  ; 
Thn.  i.  324). — 1.  A'bel-miz'ra-im  (Heb.  the  mourn- 
ing of  Hgypt),  the  name  given  by  the  Canaanites  to 
the  floor  of  Atad  (Gen.  1.  11). — 3>  A'bel-shit'tim 
(Heb.  meadow  of  acacias)  in  the  "  plains  "  of  Moab ; 
on  the  low  level  of  the  Jordan  valley,  in  distinction 
from  the  cultivated  "  fields  "  on  the  upper  level  of 
the  fable-land.  Here,  their  resting-place  befcre  cross- 
ing the  Jordan,  Israel  "  pitched  from  Beth-jesimoth 
unto  Abel-Shittim  "  (Num.  xxxiii.  49).  The  place  is 
most  frequently  called  Shittim.  In  the  days  of 
Josephus,  it  was  known  as  Abila,  the  town  embos- 
omed in  palms,  sixty  stadia  from  the  river.  Among 
these  palms  (so  Josephus)  Deuteronomy  was  deliv- 
ered by  Moses.  The  town  and  the  palms  have  dis- 
appeared ;  the  acacia-groves  still  lemain. — 4.  A'bel- 
>ie-ho'lah  (Heb.  meadow  of  the  dance),  named  with 
Beth-shean  and  Jokneam(l  K.  iv.  12),  and  therefore 
in  the  N.  part  of  the  Jordan  valley.  To  "  the  border 
of  Abel-Meliolah  "  and  to  Beth-shittah,  the  routed 
host  fled  from  Gideon  (Judg.  vii.  22).  Here  Elisha 
was  found  at  his  plough  by  Elijah  (1  K.  xlx.  16-19). 
— 5,  A'bel-ce-ra'mim  (or  A.  Crdmim,  Heb.;  A.  V., 
"  the  plain  of  the  vineyards'  ),  a  place  E.  of  Jordan, 
beyond  Aroer,  to  which  Jephthah's  pursuit  of  the 
Ammonites  extended  (Judg.  xi.  33).  An  Abel  is 
mentioned  by  Eusebius  at  six  miles  beyond  Philadel- 
phia (Rabbah) ;  and  another,  where  are  now  ruins, 
more  to  the  N.,  twelve  miles  E.  from  Gadara. — C< 
"  The  great  '  Abel,'  in  the  field  of  Joshua  the  Beth- 
shemite"  (1  Sam.  vi.  18).  Probably  (cotr.p.  ver.  14, 
15)  for  Abel  .should  be  read  Men(m  Heb.)  =  "  stone." 
Some,  however,  suppose  the  place  named  Abel  from 
the  "mouming"  there  (ver.  1 9 ;  comp.  Gen.  1.  11). 
The  A.  V.  here  mserts  "  stone  of." 

A'bez  (Heb.  tin  ?  Ges.),  a  town  of  Issachar,  named 
between  Kishion  and  Remeth  (Josh.  xix.  20  only). 

A'bl  (Heb.  =  Abijah,  Ges.).  mother  of  king  Hez- 
ekiah  (2  K.  xviii.  2),  called  Abijah  in  2  Chr.  xxix.  1. 
Her  father  was  Zaehariah,  or  Zechariah. 

A-M'a  (fr.  Heb.  =  Abijah).  1.  Son  of  Rehoboam; 
=  Abijah  1,  or  Abijam  (1  Chr.  iii.  10;  Mat.  i.  7). — 
2.  Chief  of  the  eighth  course  of  priests ;  a  descend- 
ant of  Eleazar  (Lk.  i.  5) ;  =  Abijah  3. 

A-bl'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Abijah).  1.  Son  of  Becher, 
Benjamin's  son  (1  Chr.  vii.  8);  supposed  by  Lord 
A.  C.  Hervey  =  Aphiaii  (?). — 2.  Wife  of  Ilezron 
(1  Chr.  ii.  24). — 3<  Second  son  of  Samuel,  whom 
together  with  his  eldest  son  Joel  he  made  judge  in 
Beersheba  (1  .«am.  viii.  2  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  28).  The  cor- 
ruptness of  their  administration  was  the  reason  al- 
leged by  the  Israelites  for  demanding  a  king. 

A-bl-ll  ben  =  Abiel  2. 

A-bi'a-sapb  or  E-bi'a-s«pb  (Heb.  vhose  father  [Ko- 
rah,  Num.  xvi.]  God  took  away,  S\m.;  father  of  gath- 
ering, i.  e.  the  gatherer,  Fii.  and  Ges.),  the  head  of  a 
family  of  the  Korhites.  In  Ex.  vi.  24,  he  appears  to  be 
a  son  of  Koiah  and  brother  of  Assir  and  Elkanah : 
in  1  Chr.  vi.  23,  Ebiasaph  (probably  =  Abiasaph) 
is  son  of  Elkanah,  the  son  of  Afsir,  the  son  of  Ko- 
rah  (comp.  v.  37).  Ihe  natural  inference  from  this 
would  be  that  in  Ex.  vi.  24,  "  the  sons  of  Korah  "= 
the  families  into  which  the  bouse  of  the  Korhites 


ABI 


ABI 


a 


wa»  fubdivided  (oomp.  1  Chr.  ix.  19).  Among  the 
remarkable  descendants  of  Abiasaph,  according  to 
1  Ctir.  vi.  33-37,  were  Samuel  tlie  prophet  and  El- 
kana'n  his  father  (1  Sam.  L  1),  and  Heman  the 
Bthjer. 

A-bi'a-thar  (fr.  Heb.  =  whose  father  survived,  so. 
deceased  mother,  Sim. ;  father  of  eicellfiice,  or  of 
abundance,  Fii.,  Ges.),  high-priest  of  the  line  of  Eli 
and  Ithamar.  He  was  the  only  one  of  all  the  sons 
of  Ahimelkch  who  escaped  the  slaughter  of  his  fa- 
ther's house  by  Saul  (1  Sam.  xxii.).  Abiathar  fled 
to  David  "  with  an  cphod  in  his  hand,"  and  was  thus 
enabled  to  inquire  of  the  Lord  for  him  (1  Sam.  xxiii. 
6,  9,  XXX.  7 ;  2  Sam.  ii.  1,  v.  19,  kc).  The  fact  of 
David  having  been  the  unwilliiig  cause  of  the  death 
of  all  Abiathar's  kindred,  coupled  with  his  gratitude 
to  Ahimelech,  made  him  a  firm  and  steadfast  friend 
to  Abiathar  all  his  lifs.  Abiathar  on  his  part  ad- 
hered to  David  in  his  wanderings,  was  with  him  in 
Hebron  (2  Sam.  ii.  1-3),  carried  the  ark  before  him 
to  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  xv.  11 ;  1  K.  ii.  26),  continued 
faithful  to  him  in  Absalom's  rebellion  (2  Sam.  xv. 
24-36,  xvii.  15-17,  xix.  11);  and  "  was  afflicted  iu 
all  wherein  David  was  afflicted."  He  was  also  one 
of  David's  chief  counsellors  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  34).  Abi- 
athar was,  however,  one  of  Adonijah's  chief  parti- 
sans, while  Zadok  wai  on  Solomon's  side.  For  this 
Abiathar  was  supers^  led  in  the  high-priesthood,  and 
banished  to  his  native  Anathoth,  and  his  life  was 
spared  by  Solomon  only  on  the  strength  of  his  long 
and  faithful  service  to  Dnvid.  "  Solomon  tlrrust  out 
Abiathar  from  being  priest  unto  the  Lord,"  and 
"Zadok  the  priest  did  the  king  put  in  the  room  of 
Abiathar"  (1  K.  ii.  27,  35).  Probably  Abiathar  did 
not  long  survive  David,  though  he  is  mentioned  in  1 
K.  iv.  4  (comp.  ver.  2,  and  1  Chr.  vi.  10).  There 
are  some  difficulties  connected  with  Abiathar.  (1.) 
It  is  difficult  to  determine  the  position  of  Abiathar 
relatively  to  Zadok,  and  to  account  for  the  double 
high-priesthood.  Zadok,  descended  from  Eleazar, 
Aaron's  elder  son,  is  first  mentioned  in  1  Chr.  xii.  28, 
as  "  a  young  man  mighty  of  valor,"  who  joined  Da- 
vid while  he  reigned  in  Hebron.  From  this  time 
we  read,  both  in  Samuel  and  Chronicles,  of  "  Zadok 
and  Abiathar  the  priests,"  Zadok  being  always  named 
first.  And  yet  Solomon  on  his  accession  put  Zadok 
in  the  room  of  Abiathar.  Perhaps  Abiathar  was  the 
first,  and  Zadok  the  second  priest ;  but  from  the 
superior  strength  of  the  house  of  Eleazar,  which  fur- 
nished sixteen  out  of  the  twenty-four  courses  (1  Chr. 
XXIV.),  Zadok  acquired  considerable  influence  with 
David  ;  and  this,  added  to  his  being  the  heir  of  the 
elder  line,  and  perhaps  also  to  some  of  the  passages 
being  written  after  Zadok's  line  were  eitablished  in 
the  high-priesthood,  led  to  the  prece<lence  given  him 
over  Abiathar.  Possibly  jealousy  of  Zadok  inclined 
Abiathar  to  join  Adonijah's  faction.  It  is  remark- 
able how,  first,  Saul's  cruel  slaughter  of  the  priests 
at  Nob,  and  then  the  political  error  of  the  wise  Abi- 
athar, led  to  the  fulfilment  of  God's  denunciation 
against  the  house  of  Eli,  as  noticed  ia  1  K.  ii.  27. 
(HicH-PRiEST.)  (2.)  In  2  Sam.  viii.  17,  1  Chr.  xviii. 
16,  and  1  Chr.  xxiv.  3,  6,  31,  Ahimelech  is  substi- 
tuted for  Abiathar,  and  Ahiinelceh  (Abimelech)  the 
ton  of  Abiathar,  instead  oiAbinlhar  the  non  of  Ahim- 
elech ;  yet  in  2  Sam.  xi.  23,  and  elsewhere  in  the 
0.  T.,  we  are  uniformly  told  that  Abiathar  was  priest 
with  Zadok  in  David's  reign,  and  that  he  was  the 
son  of  Ahimelech,  and  Ahimelech  the  son  of  Ahitub. 
The  difficulty  is  increased  by  finding  Abiathar  spoken 
of  as  the  high-priest  in  whose  (une  David  ate  the 
shewbread,  in  Mk.  ii.  26.     However,  David's  friend 


was  so  Aexe\^  Ahialkar  the  son  of  Ahimelech  that 
one  can  only  suppose  a  clerical  error  propagated 
from  one  passage  to  another.  The  mention  of^Ai- 
aihar  by  our  Lord  in  Mk.  ii.  26,  might  be  accounted 
for,  if  Abiathar  persuaded  his  father  to  allow  Dav^d 
to  have  the  bread,  and  if,  as  is  probable,  the  loaves 
were  Abiathar's  (Lev.  xxiv.  9),  and  given  by  him 
with  his  own  hand  to  David.  Abiathar  might  then 
be  spoken  of  by  anticipation  as  high-priest  (so 
Barnes),  or  as  the  same  Greek  word  in  the  plural 
is  commonly  translated  "  chief-priests  "  in  the  N.  T., 
Abiathar  may  be  here  designated  simply  as  a  chief- 
priest  ;  compare  A.nnas  2  (so  Fairbairn  ). 

I'bib.     Month. 

A-bi'dab  or  A-bi'da  (Heb.  father  of  knoultdge, 
i.  e.  knowing,  Ges.),  son  of  Midiau  (Gen.  xxv.  4 ; 
1  Chr.  i.  33). 

Ab'i-dan  (Heb.  father  of  the  judge,  Ges.),  chief 
of  Benjamin  at  the  Exodus  (Num.  i.  11,  ii.  22,  vii. 
60,  65,  X.  24). 

A'bl-cl  {Heh.  father  of  strength,  i.  e.  strong,  Ges.). 

I.  Father  of  Kish  and  Ner,  and  ancestor  of  Saul  (1 
Sam.  ix.  1),  and  of  Abner  (1  Sam.  xiv.  51).  (Ner  ; 
Saul  2.) — 2.  An  Avbathite,  one  of  David's  mighty 
men  (1  Clir.  xi.  32).  In  2  Sam.  xxiii.  31,  he  is 
called  Abi-albon,  a  name  of  the  same  meaning. 

A-bi-e'/.er  (Heb.  father  of  help).  I.  Eldest  son 
of  Gilead,  and  descendant  of  Mauasseh,  and  appar- 
ently at  one  time  the  leading  family  of  the  tribe 
(Josh.  xvii.  2 ;  1  Chr.  vii.  18 ;  Num.  xxvi.  30,  where 
the  name  is  contracted  Jeezer  ;  comp.  Judg.  vi.  15, 
34,  viii.  2).  The  present  text  of  1  Chr.  vii.  18,  makes 
Abiezer  a  son  of  Gilead's  sister.  He  was  the  an- 
cestor of  Gideon. — 2.  One  of  David's  "  valiant  men  " 
(2  Sam.  xxiii.  27 ;  1  Chr.  xi.  28,  xxvii.  12). 

A-bl-ez'rite  =  descendant  of  Abiezer  1  (Judg.  vi. 

I I,  24,  viii.  32). 

Ab'i-gail  [-gal]  (fr.  Heb.  =  whose  father  is  exul'.a- 
lion,  Ges.).  1.  The  beaatiful  wife  of  Nabal,  a  wealthy 
owner  of  goats  and  slieep  in  Carmel.  When  David's 
messengers  were  slighted  by  Nabal,  Abigail  took  the 
blame  upon  herself,  supplied  David  and  his  followers 
with  provisitms,  and  succeeded  in  appeasing  his  an- 
ger. Ten  days  after  Nabal  died,  and  David  sent  for 
Abigail  and  made  her  his  wife  (1  Sam.  xxv.  14,  &c.). 
By  her  he  bad  a  son  Chileab  (2  Sam.  iii.  3)  or  Daniel 
(1  Chr.  iii.  1). — 2.  A  sister  of  David  and  of  Zeruiah, 
married  to  Jether  3  the  hhmaeltte  (or  Ithra  ;  Israel- 
ite in  2  Sam.  xvii.  25,  is  probably  a  transcriber's  er- 
ror) ;  mother  of  Amasa  (1  Chr.  ii.  17).     Nahash  2. 

•  Ab'i-gd  (Heb.)  (2  Sam.  xvii.  25,  marg.)  —  Adi- 
OAIL  2. 

Ab-i-ba'll  (fr.  Heb.  =  father  of  might,  i.  e.  niiglUy, 
Ges. ;  in  No.  2  and  4  —  fa'Jier  of  light,  Sim.).  1. 
Father  of  Zuriel,  chief  of  the  Lcvilical  family  of 
Merari  under  Moses  (Num.  iii.  35).'^2.  Wife  of  Abi- 
shur  (1  Chr.  ii.  29).— 3.  Son  of  Huri  of  the  tribe  of 
Gad  (1  Chr.  v.  14). — 1.  Wife  of  Rehoboam,  and 
daughter,  i.  e.  descendant  of  Eliab,  David's  elder 
brother  (2  Chr.  xi.  18).— .5.  Father  of  Esther  and 
uncle  of  Mordecai  (Esth.  ii.  15,  ix.  29). 

A-bi'hn  (Heb.  —  to  whom  He  [God]  is  falhfr, 
Ges.),  second  son  (Num.  iii.  2)  of  Aaron  by  Elisheba 
(Ex.  vi.  23),  who  with  his  father  and  his  brother 
Nadab  and  seventy  elders  of  Israel  accompanied 
Moses  to  the  summit  of  Sinai  (Ex.  xxiv.  1).  Being, 
together  with  Naiiab,  probably  while  intoxicated 
(comp.  Lev.  x.  8-11),  guilty  of  offering  strange  fire 
(Lev.  X.  1)  to  the  Lord,  they  were  both  consumed  by 
fire  from  heaven,  and  Aaron  and  his  surviving  sons 
were  forbidden  to  mourn  for  them. 

A-bi'had  (Heb.  whose  father  is  Judah,  Ges. ;  fa- 


ABI 


ABI 


ther  [God]  ia  re7iown,  Fu.),  son  of  Bela  and  grand- 
son of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  3). 

A-bi'jah  (Heb.  whose  father  is  Jehovah,  Ges. ;  = 
Abia,  Abiah,  &c.).  1.  The  son  and  successor  of 
Rehohoam  on  the  throne  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xii.  16) ; 
called  "  Abuam  "  in  1  K.,  "  Abia  "  in  1  Chr.,  &c., 
"Abijah  "  in  2  Chr.  From  1  K.  xv.  we  learn  that  Abi- 
jah  endeavored  to  recover  the  kingdom  of  the  Ten 
Tribes,  and  made  war  on  Jeroboam  ;  that  he  walked 
in  all  the  sins  of  Rehoboam  (idolatry,  &c.,  1  K.  xiv.  23, 
24);  and  that  his  heart  "was  not  perfect  before 
God  as  the  heart  of  David  his  father."  In  2  Chr. 
xiii.  his  war  is  more  minutely  described ;  he  was 
successful  in  battle,  and  took  the  cities  of  Bethel, 
Jeshanah,  and  Ephrain,  with  their  dependent  vil- 
lages. It  is  also  said  that  his  army  consiated  of 
400,000  men,  and  Jeroboam's  of  800,000,  of  whom 
600,000  fell  in  the  action  ;  but  Kennicott  maintains 
that  our  MSS.  are  frequently  incorrect  as  to  num- 
bers, and  gives  reasons  for  reducing  these  to  40,000, 
80,0t'0,  and  50,000,  and  Davidson  ( The  Text  of  the 
O.  T.  considered)  claims  that  copyists  were  led  into 
error  by  using  different  modes  of  marking  numbers 
and  confounding  the  letters  by  which  they  were  often 
denoted.  (Census.)  In  2  Clir.  we  are  told  that  after 
his  victory  Abijah  "  waxed  mighty,  and  married  four- 
teen wives,"  whence  we  may  well  infer  that  he  was 
elated  with  prosperity,  and  like  Solomon  fell  into 
wickedness,  aa  described  in  1  K.  He  reigned  three 
years.  His  mother  was  Maachah  or  Michaiah,  and 
Abijah  was  probably  descended  from  David  both  on 
his  father's  and  mother's  side.  (Jcdah,  Kingdom 
of;  Israel,  Kingdom  of.) — 2,  The  son  of  Jeroboam 
I.,  king  of  Israel,  in  whom  alone,  of  all  Jeroboam's 
house,  was  found  "  some  good  thing  toward  the  Lord 
God  of  Israel,"  and  who  was  therefore,  unlike  the 
rest,  suffered  to  go  down  to  the  grave  in  peace.  He 
died  in  his  childhood,  just  after  Jeroboam's  wife  had 
been  sent  in  disguise  to  seek  help  for  him,  in  his 
sickness,  from  the  prophet  Ahijah,  who  gave  her  the 
above  answer  (1  K.  xiv.) — 3,  A  descendant  of  Elea- 
zar,  who  g.ive  his  name  to  the  eighth  of  the  twenty- 
four  courses  into  which  the  priests  were  divided  by 
David  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  10 ;  2  Chr.  viii.  14).  The  Abi- 
jah in  Neh.  xii.  4,  17,  may  be  a  family  name,  cr  an 
individual  descendant  of  this  Abijah.  (See  No.  4.) 
To  the  course  of  Abijah  or  Abia  belonged  Zaeharias 
the  father  of  John  the  Baptist  (Lk.  i.  6).^-l.  A  priest 
who  with  Nehemiah  covenanted  to  walk  in  God's 
law  (Neh.  x.  7) ;  possibly  a  family  name  =  No.  3. 
— 5.  Mother  of  King  Hezckiah  (2  Chr.  xxix.  1) ;  = 
Abi. 

A-bijam  (Heb.  father  of  the  sea,  mariner,  Ges.), 
son  and  successor  of  Rehoboam  (1  K.  xiv.  31,  xv.  1, 
V,  8);  =  Abijah  1. 

Ab'Ma.    Abilene. 

Ab-1-le'ne  (Gr.  fr.  Abila,  which  probably  =  Abel, 
meadow  ;  not  from  Abel  the  martyr),  a  tetrarchy  of 
which  tlie  capital  was  Abila,  a  city  on  the  E.  slope 
of  Antilibanus,  in  a  district  fertilized  by  the  river 
Barada.  (Abana.)  The  position  of  the  city  is  desig- 
nated by  the  ancient  itineraries  as  eighteen  miles 
from  Damascus,  and  thirty-eight  (or  thirty-two)  miles 
from  Heliopolis  or  Baalbec ;  and  its  remains  have 
been  discovered  in  a  remarkable  gorge  culled  the 
Sik  Wady  Barada,  where  the  river  breaks  down 
through  the  mountain  toward  the  plain  of  Damascus. 
It  is  impossible  to  fix  the  limits  of  the  Abilene  men- 
tioned (Lk.  iii.  11  as  the  tetrarchy  of  Lysanias.  Like 
other  districts  of  the  East  it  doubtless  underwent 
many  changes,  both  of  m&sters  and  of  extent,  before 
it  was  finally  absorbed  in  the  province  of  Syria. 


A-bim'a-el  (Heb.,  prob.  =  father  of  Mael,  Ges.),  a 
sou  of  Joktan  (Gen.  x.  28  ;  1  Chr.  i.  22),  and  prob- 
ably the  progenitor  of  an  Arab  tribe,  peihaps  the 
Minnei  (Boeliart).       Arabia. 

A-bim'e-Iei'h  [-lek]  (Heb.  father  of  the  king  or 
father-kiny),  the  name  of  several  Philistine  kings  ; 
perhaps  a  common  title  of  these  kings ;  compare 
Pharaoh,  Cesar,  the  title  Padishah  (  =  father-king) 
of  the  Persian  kings,  &c.  In  the  title  of  Ps.  xxxiv. 
the  naine  Abimtlech  is  given  to  the  king,  called 
AcHiSH  in  1  Sam.  xxi.  11.  I.  A  PhiRstine,  king  of 
Gerar  (Gen.  xx.  xxi.),  who,  exercising  the  right 
claimed  by  Eastern  princes,  of  collecting  all  the  beau- 
tiful women  of  their  dominions  into  their  bartin 
(Gen.  xii.  15  ;  Esth.  ii.  3),  sent  for  and  took  Sarah. 
(Abraham.) — 2.  Another  king  of  Gcrar  who  re- 
proved Isaac  for  his  deception  in  relation  to  Re- 
bekah  (Gen.  xxvi.  1,  &c.). — 3<  Son  of  Gideon  by  his 
Shechemite  concubine  (Judg.  viii.  31).  After  his 
father's  death  he  murdered  his  seventy  brethren, 
except  Jotham  the  youngest,  who  concealed  himpclf; 
and  he  then  persuaded  the  Shechemites,  through  the 
influence  of  his  mother's  brethren,  to  elect  him  king. 
(Shechem.)  When  Jotham  heard  that  Abimelcch 
was  made  king,  be  addressed  to  the  Ehecliemitcs 
his  fable  of  tie  trees  choosing  a  king  (Judg.  ix.). 
After  Abimelech  had  reigned  throe  years,  the  citi- 
zens of  Shechem  rebelled.  He  was  absent  at  the 
time,  but  returned  and  quelled  the  insurrection. 
Shortly  afler  he  stormed  and  took  Thtbez,  but  was 
struck  on  the  head  by  a  woman  with  the  fragment 
of  a  mill-stone  (comp.  2  Sam.  xi.  21);  and  lest  he 
should  be  said  to  have  died  by  a  woman,  he  hade 
his  armor-bearer  slay  him.  Thus  God  avenged  the 
murder  of  his  brethren,  and  fulfilled  Jolham's  curse. 
— i.  Son  of  Abiathar  (1  Chr.  xviii.  16) ;  =  AniaE- 
i.Ecii  in  2  Sam.  viii.  17.  Abiathar. 
'  A-biu'a-dab  (Heb.  father  of  nobleness,  or  nolle  fa- 
ther, Ges.).  1,  A  Levite  of  Kirjath-jeaiim,  in  whose 
house  the  ark  remained  twenty  ycHrs  (1  Sam.  vii.  1, 
2 ;  1  Chr.  xiii.  7). — i>  Jesse's  second  son,  who  fol- 
lowed Saul  to  his  war  against  the  Philistines  (1  Sam. 
xvi.  8,  xvii.  13). — 3t  A  sen  of  Saul,  slain  with  his 
father  and  brothers  on  Mount  Gilbca  (1  Sam.  xxxi. 
2). — 4.  Father  of  one  of  Solomon's  twelve  commis. 
saries,  who  is  called  in  the  margin  Ben-abinadab  (1 
K.  iv.  11). 

Ab'i-uer,  a  Hebrew  form  of  Abner  (1  Sam.  xiv.  50, 
marg.). 

A-bin'o-tm  (Heb.  father  of  pleasantness,  or  of 
grace,  Ges.),  the  father  of  Baiak  (Judg.  iv.  6,  12  ;  v. 
1,  12). 

A-bi'wm  (Heb.  father  of  altitude,  Ges.).  I.  A 
Eeubenite,  son  of  Eliab,  and  conspirator  with  tl.e 
Keubenites  Dathan  and  On,  and  the  Levite  Korah, 
against  Moses  and  Aaron  (Num.  xvi.).— 2.  Eldest 
son  of  HiEL,  the  Bethelite,  who  died  when  his  father 
laid  the  foundations  of  Jericho  (1  K.  xvi.  34). 

A-blron  =  Abiram  1  (Ecclus.  xiv.  18). 

Ab-l-sel  =  Abishua  2  (2  Esd.  i.  2). 

Ab'I-slisg  (Heb.  father  of  error,  Ges.),  a  beautiful 
Shvmammite,  taken  into  David's  harem  to  comfort 
him  in  his  extreme  old  age  (1  K.  i.  1-4).  After  Da- 
vid's death  Adonijah  induced  Bathsheba  to  ask 
Solomon  to  give  him  Abishag  in  marriiige  ;  but  this 
imprudent  petition  cost  Adonijah  his  life  (1  K.  ii. 
13,  &c.). 

A-blsh  a-1  or  A-bi'shai  (Hob.  father  of  a  gift,  Ges.), 
son,  probably  eldest  son,  of  David's  sister  Zeruiah, 
and  brother  to  Joab  and  Asahel  (1  Chr.  ii.  16).  He 
was  an  early,  courageous,  and  devoted  follower  of 
David,  and  one  of  his  chief  oflSeers.    He  accoinpa- 


ABI 


ABO 


nieJ  David  in  his  desperate  night  expedition  to  Saul's 
camp,  and  was  restrained  by  David  from  stabbinf^  the 
sleeping  Iting  with  his  own  spear  (1  Sum.  xxvi.  6-9). 
lie  13  next  mentioned  as  associated  with  Joab  in  pur- 
suing Abner  at  Gibeon,  burying  Asahel,  and  after- 
ward slaying  Abner  (2  Sara.  ii.  18,  24,  iii.  30).  In 
the  war  against  Hanun,  Abishai,  as  second  in  com- 
nianu,  was  opposed  to  the  army  of  the  Ammonites 
before  the  gates  of  Kabbah,  ami  drove  them  before 
him  into  the  city,  while  Jcab  defeated  the  Syrians 
(2  Sam.  X.  10,  14  ;  1  Chr.  xix.  11, 15).  The  decisive 
defeat  of  the  Edomites  in  the  valley  of  salt  (1  Chr. 
xviii.  12),  which  brought  them  to  a  state  of  vassal- 
age, was  due  to  Abishai,  acting  perhaps  under  the 
immediate  orders  of  the  king  (see  2  Sam.  viii.  13), 
or  of  Joab  (Ps.  li.  title).  He  aecompanied  the  king 
in  his  Bight  from  Absalom,  and  was  eager  to  punish 
the  insolence  of  rihimei  (2  Sam.  xvi.  9,  12,  xix.  21). 
In  the  battle  in  the  wood  of  Ephraim  Abishai  com- 
manded one-tliird  of  the  army  (2  Sam.  xviii.  2,  5,  12). 
In  the  absence  of  Amasa  he  was  summoned  to  as- 
semble the  troops  in  Jerusalem  and  pursue  after  the 
rebel  Sheba  (2  Sam.  xx.  6,  10).  He  also  rescued 
David  from  the  gigantic  I'hilistine,  Ishbi-benob  (2 
Sam.  xxi.  17).  His  having  successfully  fought  single- 
handed  against  three  hundred,  won  for  him  a  place 
as  captain  of  the  second  three  of  David's  mighty 
men  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  18  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  20).  Of  the  end 
of  liis  life  we  have  no  record. 

A-bLsh'a-lom  (Hcb.  =  Absalom),  father,  or  grand- 
father, of  Maachah,  who  was  the  wife  of  Rehoboam, 
and  mother  of  Abijah  (1  K.  xv.  2,  10);  called  Ab- 
salom in  2  Chr.  xi.  20,  21 ;  probably  David's  son 
(see  LXX.,  2  Sara.  xiv.  27). 

i-b!sh'a-a  (Ilcb.  father's  welfare,  Sim. ;  father  or 
lord  of  happinens,  Fii. ;  father  of  wefare,  Ges.).  1, 
Son  of  B.'la,  of  tlie  tribe  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii. 
4). — 2.  Son  of  Phinelias,  and  father  of  Bukki,  in  the 
genealogy  of  the  high-priests  (1  Chr.  vi.  4,  5,  50,  51 ; 
Ezr.  vii.  4,  5);  called  in  the  Apocrypha  Abisei  and 
Auisctf.     High-  riest. 

Ib'l-iihnr  (Heb.  futher  of  the  wall,  Ges.),  son  of 
Shammai  ( 1  Chr.  ii.  28,  29). 

Ab'l-snm  =  Abisiiita  2  (1  Esd.  viii.  2). 

Ab'i-tnl  (ileb.  whose  fatlur  is  the  (leu\  Ges.),  one 
of  D.ivid's  wives  (2  Sam.  iii.  4;  1  Chr.  ili.  3). 

Ab'i-tnb  (lli'b.  father  of  j/oodnens,  Ges.),  son  of 
Shah.iT-aim  by  Hushiin  (1  Chr.  viii.  11). 

A-blud  (L.  =  ABiiiun),  descendant  of  Zorobabel 
in  the  genealogy  of  Jesis  Christ  (Mat.  i.  13).  Lord 
A.  C.  licrvey  identifies  him  with  IIodaiaii  and  Joda 
2,  and  supposes  him  the  grandson  of  Zorobabel 
through  his  daughter  Shelomith. 

•  AbJectS  (Ps.  XXXV.  15),  the  A.  V.  translation  of 
the  Ileb.  pi.  nichhn,  which  (so  Ges.)  =  amitem,  sc. 
with  the  tongue,  i.  e.  railers,  slanderers ;  or  (so  Lu- 
ther, J.  X.  Alexander  on  Ps.)  —  smitten,  sc.  in  the 
feet,  i.  e.  the  lame,  cripples. 

Ab-lu'tiOD.      POBIFICATIOS. 

Ab'aer  (Heb.  father  of  a  Uyht  =  Abiner.  Ges.). 
I.  Son  of  Ner,  i^aul's  uncle  (sec  Sahl  2),  and  com- 
mander-in-chief of  his  army  (1  Sam.  xiv.  50,  51  ;  1 
Chr.  xxvi.  28).  He  conducted  David  inio  Saul's 
presence  after  the  death  of  Goliath  (xvii.  55-67); 
and  afterward  accompanied  his  master  when  he 
sought  David's  life  at  Hachilah  (xxvi.  3-14).  After 
Saul's  death,  he  was  the  main  stay  of  his  family.  Af- 
ter the  disastrous  battle  of  Mount  Gilboa,  David  was 
proclaimed  king  of  Judah  in  Hebron  (2  Sam.  ii.  4), 
but  the  rest  of  the  country  being  apparently  in  the 
hand.-!  of  the  Philistines,  five  years  passed  before 
Abner  proclaimed  Ishbosueth  king  of  Israel,  at  Ma- 


hanaim.  Ishbosheth  was  generally  recognized,  ex- 
cept by  Judah.  War  soon  broke  out  between  the 
two  rival  kings,  and  a  "  very  sore  battle  "  was  fought 
at  Gibeon  between  the  men  of  Israel  under  Abner 
and  the  men  of  Juiiah  under  Joab.  When  tlie  unny 
of  Ishbosheth  was  defeated,  Joab's  swill-footed 
youngest  brother  Asahel  pursued  Abner,  and  in 
spite  of  warning  refused  to  leave  him,  so  that  Ab- 
ner in  self-defence  killed  him.  After  this  the  war 
continued,  success  inclining  more  and  more  to  the 
side  of  David,  till  at  last  the  imprudence  of  Ishbosh- 
eth deprived  him  of  the  counsels  and  generalship  of 
the  hero,  who  was  the  only  support  of  his  tottering 
throne.  Abner  had  married  Kizpah,  Saul's  concu- 
bine, and  this,  according  to  the  views  o(  Oriental 
courts,  might  imply  a  design  upon  the  throne.  (Ab- 
salom; Adonijah.)  Rightly  or  wrongly,  Isliboshcth 
so  understood  it,  and  reproached  Abner  with  it.  Ab- 
ner, alter  an  indignant  reply,  opened  negotiations 
with  David,  by  whom  he  was  most  favorably  re- 
ceived at  Hebron.  He  then  undertook  to  procure 
his  recognition  throughout  Israel ;  but  after  leaving 
his  court  for  the  purpose  was  enticed  back  by  Joab, 
anil  treacherously  murdered  by  him  and  his  brother 
Abishai,  at  tlie  gate  of  the  city,  partly  no  doubt,  as 
Joab  sliowed  afterward  in  the  case  of  Amasa,  from 
fear  lest  so  distinguished  a  convert  to  their  cause 
should  gain  too  high  a  place  in  David's  favor,  but 
ostensibly  in  retaliation  for  the  death  of  Asahel. 
This  murder  caused  the  greatest  sorrow  and  indig- 
nation to  David ;  but,  as  the  assassins  were  too 
powerful  to  be  punished,  lie  contented  himself  with 
showing  every  public  token  of  respect  to  Abner's 
memory,  by  following  the  bier  and  pouring  forth  a 
simple  dirge  over  the  slain  (2  Sam.  iii.  33,  34). — 2, 
The  father  of  Jaasiel,  chief  of  the  Bcnjamites  in  Da- 
vid's reign  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  21) ;  probably=  No.  1. 

*  A-bom-l-na'tion,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  several 
Heb.  words  {shlkkuts,  shekcts,  td'cbuh,  &c.),  and  of 
the  Gr.  bddugnta.  "  These  W-crds  describe  generally 
any  object  of  detestation  or  disgust  (Lev.  xviii.  22 ; 
Dent.  vii.  25);  and  are  applied  to  an  impure  or  de- 
testable action  (Ez.  xxii.  11,  xxxiii.  26;  Mai.  ii.  11, 
&c.) ;  to  any  thing  causing  a  ceremonial  pollution 
(Gen.  xliii.  32,  xlvi.  S4;  Deut.  xiv.  3);  more  esfe- 
cially  to  idols  (Deut.  vii.  26;  IK.  xi.  5,  7;  2  K. 
xxiii.  13,  &c.);  also  to  food  offered  to  idols  (Zceh. 
ix.  7,)  "  &c.  (Kit.).  The  "  abomin.ation  of  the  Egyp- 
tians "  in  Ex.  viii.  20,  according  to  some,  denotes 
the  cow,  which  all  the  Egyptians  held  sacred  ;  ac- 
cording to  others,  sometliing  in  the  rites  of  Hebrew 
worship,  which  would  be  peculiarly  offensive  to  the 
Egyptians.     See  the  next  article. 

A-bom-l-Da'tion  «f  Bes-o-la'tion,  mentioned  by 
our  Saviour  (Mat.  xxiv.  15  ;  Mk.  xiii.  14)  as  a  sign 
of  the  approacliing  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  with 
reference  to  Dan.  ix.  27,  xi.  31,  iii.  11.  The  Jews 
considered  the  prophecy  of  Daniel  as  fulfilled  in  the 
profanation  of  the  Temple  under  Antiochus  Epipha- 
nes,  when  the  Israelites  themselves  erected  an  idol- 
atrous altar  upon  the  saered  altar,  and  offered  sacri- 
fice thereon  :  this  altar  is  described  as  "the  abomi- 
nation of  desolation  "  (1  Mc.  i.  54,  vi.  7).  The  pro- 
phecy, however,  refciie  I  ultimately  to  the  destnie- 
tion  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Romans,  and  consequently 
"  the  abomination  of  desolation  "  must  be  something 
connected  with  that  event.  But  it  is  not  easy  to 
find  one  which  meets  all  the  requirements  of  the 
case  :  the  iiitroduclion  of  the  Roman  standard  into 
the  Temple  is  not  "  the  abomination  of  desolation," 
properly  speaking,  unless  the  Jews  themselves  parti- 
cipated in  the  worsliip  of  them;  moreover,  this  event, 


ABR 


ABB 


as  well  as  several  others  which  have  been  proposed, 
e.  g.  the  erection  of  the  statue  of  Hadrian,  &c.,  fails 
in  regard  to  the  time  of  occurrence,  being  subsequmt 
to  the  destruction  of  the  city.  Probably  the  pro- 
fanities of  the  Zealots  constituted  "  the  abomina- 
tion," which  was  the  sign  of  impending  ruin  (so 
Hug,  Stier,  Alford,  &c.).     Abomination. 

A'bra-bam  {Heb.  father  of  a  multitude),  originally 
A'bram  (Heb.  father  of  elevation),  son  of  Terad, 
and  brother  oi  Nahor  and  Haran  ;  the  progenitor 
of  the  Hebrew  nation  and  of  several  cognate  tribes, 
"  the  father  of  all  them  that  believe  "  (Kom.  iv.  11), 
and  "  the  Friend  of  God  "  ( Jas.  ii.  23).  His  history 
is  recorded  with  much  detail  in  the  Scriptures  as  the 
very  type  of  a  true  patriarchal  life.  (Patriarch.) 
His  character  is  free,  simple,  and  manly ;  full  of  hos- 
pitality and  family  affection  ;  truthful  to  all  who 
were  bound  to  him  by  their  ties,  though  not  un- 
tainted with  Eastern  craft  toward  aliens ;  ready  for 
war,  but  not  a  professed  warrior  or  plunderer ;  free 
and  childlike  in  religion,  and  gradually  educated  by 
Gpd's  hand  to  a  sense  of  its  all-absorbing  claims. 
Terah  was  an  idolater  (Josh.  xxiv.  2).  Abram  ap- 
pears as  the  champion  of  monotheism,  and  to  him 
are  referred  the  beginnings  of  the  Mosaic  polity. — 
Abram  was  probably  born  when  his  father  was  one 
hundred  and  thirty  years  old,  the  statement  in  Gen. 
xi.  26,  that  Terah  was  seventy  years  old,  probably 
referring  to  his  age  when  his  eldest  sen  Haran  was 
born,  and  both  Abram  and  Nahor  being  born  sub- 
sequently (comp.  Gen.  xi.  26,  32,  xii.  4,  with  Acts 
vii.  2-4).  (Chronology.)  In  obedience  to  a  call  of 
God,  Abram,  with  his  father  Terah,  his  wife  Sarai, 
and  his  nephew  Lot,  left  his  native  L'r  of  the  Chal- 
dees,  and  dwelt  for  a  time  in  Haran,  where  Terah 
died.  After  his  father's  death,  Abram,  now  seventy- 
five  years  old,  pursued  his  course,  with  Sarai  and 
Lot,  to  the  land  of  Canaan,  whither  he  was  directed 
by  the  divine  command  (Gen.  xii.  5),  when  he  re- 
ceived the  general  promise  that  he  should  become 
the  founder  of  a  great  nation,  and  that  all  the  fam- 
iUes  of  the  earth  should  be  blessed  in  him.  He 
passed  through  the  heart  of  the  country  by  the  great 
highway  to  Shechem,  and  pitched  his  tent  at  the 
oak  (A.  V.  "  in  the  plain ;  "  see  Plain  1)  of  Moreh 
(Gen.  xii.  6).  Here  he  received  in  vision  from  Je- 
hovah the  further  revelation  that  this  was  the  land 
which  his  descendants  should  inherit  (xii.  7).  An 
altar  to  Jehovah  perpetuated  the  memory  of  this 
divine  appearance.  The  next  halting-place  of  the 
wanderer  was  in  a  strong  position  on  a  mountain  E. 
of  Bethel,  between  Betliel  and  Ai,  where  another 
altar  was  reared  (Gen.  xii.  8).  But  the  country  was 
suffering  from  famine,  and  Abram,  like  his  descend- 
ants two  centuries  later,  finding  neither  pasture  for 
his  cattle  nor  food  for  his  household,  journeyed  still 
southward  to  the  rich  corn-lands  of  Egypt.  As  the 
caravan  approached  the  entrance  to  the  country, 
Abram,  fearing  that  the  great  beauty  of  Sarai  might 
tempt  the  powerful  monarch  of  Egypt  and  expose 
his  own  life  to  peril,  adopted  a  policy  which,  as  on 
a  subsequent  occasion,  produced  the  very  conse- 
quences it  was  intended  to  avert.  Sarai  was  to  rep- 
resent herself  as  his  sister,  which,  as  she  was  prob- 
ably the  daughter  of  his  brother  Haran,  she  might 
do  with  some  semblance  of  truth.  But  her  fresh 
northern  beauty  excited  the  admiration  of  the 
swarth-skinned  Egyptians :  the  princes  of  Pharaoh 
saw  her  and  praised  her  to  the  king,  aiid  she  was 
taken  into  the  royal  harem,  while  Abram  was  loaded 
with  munificent  presents.  But  the  deception  was 
discovered,  and  Pharaoh  with  some  indignation  dis- 


missed him  from  the  country  (xii.  10-20).  (Gene- 
sis.) How  long  Abram  remained  in  Egypt  is  uncer- 
tain. It  is  supposed  that  he  was  tlieie  during  the 
sway  of  the  Shepherd  kings  in  Memphis,  and  that 
from  participating  in  their  war  of  conquest  he  ac- 
quired the  favor  of  the  reigning  prince.  But  this  is 
mere  conjecture,  and  the  narrative  in  Genesis  seems 
to  imply  that  his  residence  in  Egypt  was  not  pro- 
tracted.— Abram  leil  Egypt  with  great  possessions, 
and,  accompanied  by  Lot,  returned  by  the  S.  of  Pal- 
estine, to  his  former  encampment  between  Beihel 
and  Ai.  The  increased  wealth  of  the  two  kinsmen 
was  the  ultimate  cause  of  their  separation.  The  soil 
was  not  fertile  enough  to  support  them  both  ;  their 
herdsmen  quarrelled  ;  and,  to  avoid  dissensions  in  a 
country  where  they  were  surrcur.dcd  by  enemies, 
for  "  the  Cauaanite  and  Perizxite  were  then  in  the 
land,"  Abram  proposed  that  each  should  follow  his 
own  fortune.  Lot,  eager  lo  quit  the  nomadic  life, 
chose  the  fertile  plain  of  the  Jordan ;  while  Abram 
dwelt  in  tents,  a  pilgrim  in  the  land  of  promise.  On 
this  occasion  the  two  promises  already  icceived  were 
reiterated  in  one.  From  the  hill-lop  where  he  stood 
he  looked  N.  and  S.  and  E.  and  W.  upon  the  country 
hereafter  to  be  peopled  by  his  numerous  descendant.'--. 
After  parting  from  Lot,  Abiaro,  strong  in  numbeis 
and  wealth,  quitted  the  hill-fastness  between  Bethel 
and  Ai,  and  pitched  his  tent  among  the  oak-groves 
(Oak;  Plain  7)  of  llamre,  close  to  Hebron,  where 
he  built  a  thiid  cen.memrrative  altar  to  Jehovah 
(Gen.  xiii.). — The  nairative  is  now  interrupted  by  a 
remarkable  episode  in  Abiam's  life,  which  vividly 
represents  him  in  the  light  in  which  he  was  regard- 
ed by  the  contemporary  chieftains  of  Canaan.  The 
chiefs  of  the  tribes  who  peopled  the  oasis  of  the 
Jordan  had  been  subdued  in  a  previous  irruption  of 
northern  warriors,  and  for  twelve  years  had  been  the 
tributaries  of  Chedorlaomer,  king  of  Elam.  Their 
rebellion  brought  down  upon  Palestine  and  the 
neighboring  countries  a  fresh  flood  of  invaders  from 
the  N.  E.,  who  swept  thiough  the  regions  E.  of  the 
Jordan,  and,  returnir.g,  joined  battle  with  the  re- 
volted chieftains  in  the  vale  of  Siddim.  The  king 
of  Sodom  and  his  confederates  were  defeated,  their 
cities  plundered,  and  a  host  of  captives  accompanied 
the  victorious  army  of  Chedorlaomer.  Among  them 
were  Lot  and  his  family.  Abram,  then  confederate 
with  llamre  the  Amorite  and  his  brethren,  heard 
the  tidings  from  a  fugitive,  and,  hastily  arming  his 
trusty  servant.',  started  in  pursuit.  He  followed  the 
track  of  the  conquerors  to  Dan,  and  in  a  night- 
attack  completely  routed  their  host,  and  checked 
for  a  time  the  stream  of  northern  immigration. 
The  captives  and  plunder  were  all  recovered,  aid 
Abram  was  greeted  on  his  return  by  the  king  of 
Sodom,  and  by  Melchizkiip.k,  king  of  Salem,  priest 
of  the  Most  High  God,  who  blessed  the  patriarch, 
and  received  from  him  a  tenth  of  the  spoil.  In 
this  episode,  Abram  "the  Hkbeew  "  (xiv.  13),  ap- 
pears as  a  powerful  emir  with  numerous  retainers, 
living  on  terms  of  equality  with  others  like  himself^ 
who  were  anxious  to  court  the  friendship  of  so  for- 
midable an  ally,  and  ccmbining  with  the  peaceful 
habits  oi  a  pastoral  life  the  same  capabihty  for  war- 
fare which  is  characteristic  of  the  Arab  race.  With 
great  dignity  he  refuses  to  enrich  himself  by  the  re- 
sults of  his  victory,  and  claims  only  a  share  of  the 
booty  for  his  Amorite  confederates  to  whom  he  ap- 
parently extends  his  protection  in  return  for  permis- 
sion to  reside  in  their  territory  (Gen.  xiv.). — During 
his  residence  at  Hebron,  and  apparently  while  appre- 
hending the  vengeance  of  the  powerful  king  of  Elam, 


ABR 


ABR 


the  tlirice-rcpeated   promise  that  his   descendants 
should  become  a  mighty  nation  and  possess  the  land 
in  which  he  was  a  stran£;cr,  was  confirmed  with  all 
the  solemnity  of  a  religious  ceremony.   A  deep  sleep 
fell  upon  Abram,  and  in  the  horror  of  great  dark- 
ness which  shrouded  him  as  he  watched  the  sacri- 
fices, the  future  destinies  of  his  race  were  symbol- 
ized and   revealed  with   greater  distinctness   than 
heretofore.     Each  revelation  acquired  greater  defi- 
niteness  than  the  preceding.     He  is  now  assured 
that,  though  childless,  the  heir  of  his  wealth  and  the 
inheritor  of  his  blessing  shall  be  no  adopted  stranger, 
but  the  issue  of  his  own  loins.    Ten  years  had  passed 
since,  in  obedience  to  the  divine  command,  he  had 
left  his  father's  house,  and  the  fulfilment  of  the  prom- 
ise was  apparently  more  distant  than  at  first.    But  his 
faith  was  counted  to  him  for  righteousness,  and  when 
the  lamp  of  fire  had  passed  between  the  fragments 
of  the  sacrifice,  Abram  entered  into  a  covenant  with 
Jehovah  (Gen.   xv.).     At  the  suggestion  of  Sarai, 
who  despaired  of  having  children  of  her  own,  he  took 
as  his  concubine  Hagar,  her  Egyptian  maid,  who 
bare  him  Isbmael  in  the  eighty-sixth  year  of  his  age 
(Gen.  xvi.).     But  this  was  not  the  accomplishment 
of  the  promise.    Thirteen  years  elapsed,  during  which 
Abram  still  dwelt  in  Hebron,  when  the  Ijst  step  in  the 
revelation  was  made,  that  Sarai's  son,  and  not  Ish- 
mael,  should  inherit  both  the  temporal  and  spiritual 
blessings.     The,  covenant  was  renewed,  and  the  rite 
of  circumcision  established  as  its  sign.     This  most 
important  crisis  in  Abram's  life  is  marked   by  the 
significant  change  of  his  name  to  Abraham,  while  his 
wife's  from   Sarai  became  Sarah.      In  his  ninety- 
ninth  year  Abraham  was  circumcised,  in  accordance 
with  the  divine  command,  together  with  Ishmael  and 
all  the  males  of  his  household,  as  well  the  servants 
bom  in  his  house  as  those  purchased  from  the  for- 
eigner (Gen.  xvii.).     The  promise  that  Sarah  should 
have  a  son  was  repeated  in  the  remarkable  scene 
described  in   ch.   xviii.     Three  men   stood    b^'fore 
Abraham  as  he  sat  in  his  tent-door  in  the  heat  of 
the  day.      The  patriarch,  with   true   Eastern   hos- 
pitality, welcomed   the  strangers,  and   bade   them 
rest  and  refresh  themselves.     The  meal  ended,  they 
foretold  the  birth  of  Isaac  and  went  on  their  way  to 
Sodom.     Abraham  accompanied  them,  and  pleaded 
in  vain  with  Jehovah  to  avert  the  vengeance  threat- 
ened to  the  devoted  cities  of  the  plain  (xviii.  17-3.3). 
— In  remarkable  contrast  with  Abraham's  firm  faith 
with  regard  to  the  magnificent  fortunes  of  his  pos- 
terity stands  the  incident  which  occurred  during  his 
temporary  residence  among  the  Philistines  in  Gerar, 
whither  he  had,  for  some  cause,  removed  after  the 
destruction  of  Sodom.'     Sarah's  beauty  won  the  ad- 
miration of  Abimelech,  the  king  of  the  country ; 
Abraham's  temporizing  policy  produced  the  same 
results  as  before ;    and  the  narrative  of  ch.  xx.  is 
nearly  a  repetition  of  that  in  ch.  xii.  11-20.     Abime- 
Icch's  dignified  rebuke  taught  him  that  he  was  not 
alone  in  recognizing  a  God  of  justice.     It  is  evident 
from  Gen.  xxi.  22-34,  that  Abraham's  prosperity  had 
at  this  time  made  him  a  powerful  auxiliary,  whom  it 
was  advisable  for  Abimelech  to  conciliate  and  court, 
and  his  conduct  therefore  evidences  a  singular  weak- 
ness of  character  in  one  otherwise  so  noble  and  chiv- 
alrous.— At  length  Isaac,  the  long-looked-for  child, 
was  bom.     His  birth  was  welcomed  by  all  the  re- 
joicings which  could  greet  the  advent  of  one  whose 
future  was  of  such  rich  promise.     Sarah's  jealousy, 


■  Perhaps  the  }Ilttltes  hod  driven  oat  the  Amorlles  from 
Hebron  (comp.  zxUI.). 


aroused  by  Ishmasl's  mockery  of  Isaac,  whicn  per- 
haps took  place  at  the  "  great  banquet "  made  by 
Abraham  to  celebrate  the  weaning  of  her  son  (Gen. 
xxi.  9),  demanded  that,  with  his  mother  Hagar,  he 
should  be  driven  out  (Gen.  xxi.  10).  Abraham  re- 
luctantly consented,  consoled  by  the  fresh  promise 
that  Ishmael  too  should  become  a  great  nation.  But 
the  severest  trial  of  his  faith  was  yet  to  come.  After 
another  long  period  (twenty-/ive  years,  so  Josephus) 
he  receives  tlie  strange  command  to  take  Isaac,  and 
otter  him  for  a  burnt-offering  at  an  appointed  place. 
Such  a  bidding,  in  direct  opposition  to  the  prompt- 
ings of  nature  and  the  divine  mandate  against  the 
shedding  of  human  blood,  Abraham  hesitated  not  to 
obey.  His  faith,  hitherto  unshaken,  supported  him 
in  this  final  trial,  "  accounting  that  God  was  able  to 
raise  up  his  son,  even  from  the  dead,  from  whence 
also  he  received  him  in  a  figure"  (Heb.  xi.  19) — 
probably  the  same  faith  to  which  our  Lord  refers, 
that  God  promised  to  be  the  "  God  of  Isaac  "  (Gen. 
xvii.  19),  and  that  he  was  not  a  "  God  of  the  dead, 
but  of  the  living."  The  sacrifice  was  stayed  by  the 
angel  of  Jehovah,  the  promise  of  spiritual  blessing 
for  the  first  time  repeated,'  and  Abraham  with  his 
son  returned  to  Beersheba,  and  for  a  time  dwelt 
there  (Gen.  xxii.).  But  we  find  him  in  his  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty-seventh  year  again  at  Hebron,  for 
there  Sarah  died  (comp.  Gen.  xvii.  17  and  xxiii.  1,  2), 
and  was  buried  in  the  cave  of  Machpelah,  which 
Abraham  purchased  of  Ephron  the  Hittite,  for  the 
exorbitant  price  of  four  hundred  shekels  of  silver. 
(Mo.NEY.)  The  grasping  character  of  Ephron  and 
the  generosity  of  Abraham  are  finely  contrasted  in 
Gen.  xxiii.  In  the  presence  of  the  elders  of  Heth, 
the  field  of  Machpelah,  with  the  cave  and  trees  that 
were  in  it,  were  made  sure  to  Abraham  :  the  first  in- 
stance on  record  of  a  legal  conveyance  of  property. 
In  his  one  hundred  and  fortieth  year  (comp.  Gen.  xxi. 
5  and  xxv.  20),  Abraham  commissioned  the  steward 
of  his  house  (ELifezER  l)to  seekawife  for  Isaac  from 
the  family  of  his  brother  Nahor,  binding  him  by  the 
most  solemn  oath  not  to  contract  an  alliance  with  the 
daughters  of  the  Canaanltes  among  whom  he  dwelt 
(Gen.  xxiv.).  For  Abraham's  marriage  with  Ketu- 
rah  and  her  position,  see  Ketuhah.  Her  six  sons, 
ZiMRAH,  JoKSHAN,  Medan,  Midian,  Ishbak,  and 
SiiiTAii,  became  the  ancestors  of  nomadic  tribes  in- 
habiting the  countries  S.  and  S.  E.  of  Palestine  (Ara- 
bia). Her  children,  like  Ishmael,  were  dismissed 
with  presents,  and  settled  in  the  East  country  during 
Abraham's  lifetime,  and  Isaac  was  left  sole  heir  of 
his  father's  wealth  (Gen.  xxv.  1-6). — Abraham  lived 
to  see  the  gradual  accomplishment  of  the  promise  in 
the  birth  of  his  grandchildren  Jacob  and  Esau,  and 
witnessed  their  growth  to  manhood  (Gen.  xxv.  26). 
His  last  years  appear  to  have  been  passed  in  tran- 
quillity, and  at  the  goodly  age  of  one  hundred  ivnd 
seventy-five  he  was  "  gathered  to  his  people,"  and 
laid  beside  Sarah  in  the  tomb  of  Machpelah  by  his 
sons  Isaac  and  Ishmael  (xxv.  7-10).  From  his  inti- 
mate communion  with  the  Almighty,  Abraham  is 
distinguished  by  the  high  title  of  "  the  '  friend '  of 
God"  (2  Chr.  xx.  7;  Is.  xli.  8;  Jas.  ii.  23);  and 
El-KhalV,  "  the  Irienii,"  is  the  appellation  by  which 
he  is  familiarly  known  in  the  traditions  of  the  Arabs, 
who  have  given  the  same  name  to  Hebron,  the  place 


'  The  promise,  that  "In  his  seed  nil  nations  should  be 
blessed,"  would  be  now  understowi  very  dirterenily,  and 
felt  to  be  far  above  the  temporal  promise,  in  which,  per- 
haps, at  first  It  seemed  to  be  ahsorheil.  Now  preemi- 
nently "Abraham  saw  the  day  of  Christ  and  was  glad" 
(JQ.  vlit.  MJ. 


8 


ABR 


ABS 


of  his  residence. — The  legends  recorded  of  him  are 
numerous.  According  to  Josephus  he  taught  tlie 
worship  of  one  God  to  the  Chaldeans,  and  instructed 
the  Egyptians  in  astronomy  and  mathematics.  Tlie 
Greek  tradition  related  by  Nicolaus  of  Damascus  as- 
signs to  him  the  conquest  of  that  city,  and  maltes 
him  its  king  for  a  time  (Jos.  i.  7,  §§  1,  2).  With 
the  help  of  Ishmael  he  is  said  to  have  rebuilt,  for 
the  fourth  time,  the  Kaaba  over  the  sacred  black 
stone  of  Mecca.  The  Rabbinical  legends  tell  how 
Abraham  destroyed  the  idols  which  his  father  made 
and  worshipped,  and  how  he  was  delivered  from  the 
fiery  furnace  into  which  he  was  cast  by  Nimrod. 

A'bra-bam's  Bosom  (Lk.  xvi.  22).  From  the  cus- 
tom of  rccl'uing  on  couches  at  meals,  and  consider- 
ing the  guest  who  was  next  below  the  master  of  the 
house,  and  thus  lay  in  his  bosom,  as  especially  priv- 
ileged (Meals),  it  was  natural  to  speak  of  being  in 
"  Abraham's  bosom  "  in  order  to  convey  an  idea  of 
one's  enjoying  the  highest  feUcity  and  honor  in  heav- 
en (comp.  Mat.  viii.  11). 
i'bram.    Abraham. 

*Ab'refh  [-rek]  (Heb.,  prob.  fr.  Egyptian)  =  "  bow 
the  knee,"  A.  V.  (Gen.  xli.  43,  marg.). 

Ab'sa-lom  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  father  of  pence).  I. 
Third  son  of  David,  by  Maachah,  daughter  of  Tal- 
niai,  king  of  Geshur.  He  is  scarcely  mentioned  till 
after  David  had  committed  his  great  crime  (2  Sam. 
xi.),  and  then  appears  as  the  instrument  by  whom 
was  fulfilled  God's  threat,  that  "  evil  should  be  raised 
up  against  him  out  of  his  own  house,  and  that  his 
neighbor  should  lie  with  his  wives  in  the  sight  of  the 
sun"  (2  Sam.  xii.  11).  David's  polygamy  (Marriage) 
raised  up  jealousies  and  conflicting  claims  between 
the  sons  of  different  mothers,  each  apparently  living 
with  a  separate  house  and  establishment  (2  Sam.  xiii, 
8 ;  xiv.  24  ;  comp.  1  K.  vii.  8,  &c.).  Absalom's  sis- 
ter Tamar  was  violated  by  her  half-brother  Amnon 
(2  Sam.  xiii.) ;  but  the  king,  though  indignant  at  the 
crime,  would  not  punish  his  first-oom.  Absalom, 
the  natural  avenger  of  such  an  outrage  (comp.  Gen. 
xxxiv.),  brooded  over  the  wrong  for  two  years,  and 
then  invited  all  the  princes  to  a  sheep-shearing  feast 
at  his  estate  in  Baal-hazor.  Here  he  ordered  his  ser- 
vants to  murder  Amnon,  and  then  fled  for  safety  to 
his  grandfather's  court  at  Geshur,  where  he  remained 
for  three  years.  David  was  overwhelmed  by  this  ac- 
cumulation of  family  sorrows,  and  thought  it  impos- 
sible to  pardon  or  recall  him.  But  by  an  artifice  of 
Joab,  a  woman  of  Tekoali  (2  Sara,  xiv.),  having  per- 
suaded David  to  prevent  the  avenger  of  blood  from 
pursuing  a  young  man  who,  she  said,  had  slain  his 
brother,  induced  David  to  recall  Absalom  from  his 
banishment ;  yet  David  would  not  see  Absalom  for 
two  more  years,  though  he  allowed  him  to  live  in 
Jerusalem.  At  last,  wearied  with  delay,  and  per- 
ceiving that  his  exclusion  from  court  interfered  with 
the  ambitious  schemes  which  he  was  forming,  the 
impetuous  young  man  sent  his  servants  to  burn  a 
field  of  corn  near  his  own,  belonging  to  Joab.  There- 
upon Joab,  probably  dreading  some  further  outrage 
from  his  vioience,  brought  him  to  his  father,  from 
whom  he  received  the  kiss  of  reconciliation.  Absa- 
lom now  began  to  prepare  for  rebellion,  mged  partly 
by  his  restless  wickedness,  partly  perhaps  by  the 
fear  lest  Solomon  should  obtain  the  succession,  to 
which  he  would  feel  himself  entitlefl  as  being  now 
David's  eldest  surviving  son,  since  Chileab  was  prob- 
ably dead.  It  is  harder  to  account  for  his  temporary 
success,  and  the  imminent  danger  which  befell  so 
powerful  a  government  as  his  father's.  As  David 
grew  older  he  may  have  become  less  attentive  to  in- 


dividual complaints,  and  to  that  personal  administra- 
tion of  justice  which  was  one  of  an  Eastern  king's 
chief  duties.  And  now  Absalom,  by  his  personal 
beauty  and  the  luxuriant  growth  of  his  hair  (2  Sam, 
xiv.  25,  26),  his  splendid  retinue  (xv.  1),  .ind  many 
fair  speeches  and  courtesies,  "  stole  the  hearts  of  the 
men  of  Israel"  (xv.  2-6).  Probably  too  the  great 
tribe  of  Judah  liad  taken  some  offence  at  David's 
government,  perhaps  from  finding  themselves  com- 
pletely merged  in  one  united  Israel ;  and  hoped  se- 
cretly for  preiiminenco  under  his  son.  Absalom  selects 
Hebron,  tlie  old  capital  of  Judah  (now  supplanted  by 
Jerusalem),  as  the  scene  of  the  outbreak ;  Amasa,  his 
chief  captain,  and  Ahithophel  of  Giloh  his  principal 
counsellor,  are  both  of  Judah,  and  after  the  rebellion 
was  crushed  we  see  signs  of  ill-feeling  between  Judah 
and  the  other  tribes  (xix.  41).  The  date  of  Absa- 
lom's rebellion,  "  after  forty  years,"  in  2  Sam.  xv.  7, 
it  seems  belter  to  consider  a  false  reading  for  "  four 
years"  (Jos.  vii.  9,  §  1,  has  four  years),  than  to  in- 
terpret it  of  the  fortieth  year  of  David's  reign.  The 
revolt  was  at  first  completely  successful ;  David  fled 
over  the  Jordan  to  Mahanaira.  Absalom  occupied 
Jerusalem,  and  by  the  advice  of  Ahithophel  took  pos- 
session of  David's  harem,  in  which  he  had  left  ten 
concubines.  This  was  considered  to  imply  a  formal 
assumption  of  all  David's  royal  rights  (Abner;  Ado- 
nijah),  and  was  also  the  fulfilment  of  Nathan's  pro- 
phecy (2  Sam.  xii.  11).  But  Ahithophel's  vigorous 
counsels  were  afterward  rejected  through  the  crafty 
advice  of  Hushai,  who  insinuated  himself  into  Absa- 
lom's confidence  to  work  his  ruin,  and  Ahithophel 
himself  went  home  to  Giloh,  and  committed  suicide 
(xvi.,  xvii.).  At  last,  after  being  solemidy  anointed 
king  at  Jerusalem  (xix.  10),  and  lingering  there  far 
longer  than  was  expedient,  Absalom  crossed  the  Jor- 
dan to  attack  his  father,  who  by  this  time  had  rallied 
round  him  a  considerable  force,  whereas,  had  Ahith- 


Tho  ao-called  Tomb  of  Abaalom. 

ophel's  advice  been  followed,  ho  would  probably 
have  been  crushed  at  once.  A  decisive  battle  was 
fought  in  the  wood  of  Ephraim.  (Ephraim,  the 
Woon  OF.)  Here  Absalom's  forces  were  totally  de- 
feated, and  as  he  himself  was  escaping,  his  long  hair 
was  entangled  in  the  branches  of  a  terebinth  (or  oak), 
where  he  was  left  hanging  while  the  mule  on  which 
he  was  riding  ran  away  from  under  him.     He  was 


AB3 


ACC 


9 


dispatched  by  Joab  in  spite  of  the  prohibition  of 
DaviJ,  who,  when  he  heard  of  his  death,  lamented 
over  him  in  the  pathetic  words,  "  0  my  son  Absa- 
lom !  my  son,  my  son  Absalom  !  would  God  I  had 
died  for  thee  !  0  Absalom,  my  son,  my  son  ! "  He 
was  buried  in  a  great  pit  in  the  forest,  and  the  con- 
querors threw  stones  over  his  grave,  an  old  proof  of 
bitter  hostility  (Josh.  vii.  26).  The  sacred  historian 
contrasts  this  dislionored  burial  with  the  tomb 
("Absalom's  place")  which  Absalom  had  raised  in 
tho  JCi?ig's  dale  (comp.  Gen.  xiv.  17)  for  the  three 
sons  whom  he  had  lost  (eomp.  2  Sam.  xviii.  18,  with 
xiv.  27),  and  where  he  probably  had  intended  that 
his  own  remains  should  be  laid.  Josephus  (vii.  10, 
8  3)  mentions  the  pillar  of  Absalom  as  two  stadia 
(i  mile)  from  Jerusalem.  An  existing  monument  in 
the  valley  of  Jehoshaphat  bears  the  name  of  the 
Tomb  of  Absalom ;  but  the  Ionic  pillars  round  its 
base  show  that  it  belongs  to  a  much  later  period, 
even  if  it  be  a  tomb  at  all.  (Abishalom  ;  Tamar  3.) — 
2.  The  father  of  Mattathias  (1  Me.  xi.  70)  and  Jona- 
than (1  Mc.  xiii.  11). 

ib  sa-lon  (fr.  Heb.  =  Absalom),  ambassador  from 
Judas  Maccabeus  and  the  Jews  to  Ijy3i.is(2  Mc.  xi.  17). 

*  ib'shal  (Ueb.  1  Chr.  xix.  11,  marg.)  =:  Abishai. 

A-bn'bns  (fr.  Gr.),  father  of  the  I'tolemeus,  who 
was  son-in-law  and  murderer  of  Simon  Maccabeus 
(I  Mc.  ivi.  11,  15). 


ic'a-tan  =  Hakkatan  (1  Esd.  viii.  38). 

At'rad  (Heb.  band,  i.  e.  fortress,  caslle,  Ges.),  one 
of  the  four  cities  in  the  land  of  Shinar,  which  were 
the  beginning  of  Nimrod's  kingdom  (Gen.  x.  10). 
Its  position  is  quite  uncertain.  Jerome  {Onom.) 
states  the  belief  of  the  Jews  in  his  day  that  Nisibis 
(now  Nisibtit)  in  N.  E.  Mesopotamia,  on  the  Khabuur, 
was  Accad.  The  theory  of  Rawlinson  is,  that  "  Ak- 
kad  "  was  the  name  of  the  "  great  primitive  Hamite 
race  who  inhabited  Babylonia  from  the  earliest 
time."  He  identifies  the  city  "  with  a  town  in 
Lower  Babylonia,  called  Kinzi  Accad  in  the  inscrip- 
tions, the  site  of  which  is  not  yet  determined."  Col. 
Taylor,  Kitto,  &c.,  place  Accad,  &\,Akk(r-koof,  about; 
fifty  miles  N.W.  of  Babylon,  where  is  a  remarkable 
ancient  heap  of  ruins  called  "  Nimrod's  Hill." 

Ae'fa-ron.    Ekron. 

At'elio  [ak'ko]  (Heb.  sand  heated  by  the  stin,  Ges.) 
=  Ptolemais  in  1  Mc.  and  N.  T.,  now  called  ^Akka, 
or  by  Europeans,  St.  Jean  cTAcre,  or  Acre,  the  most 
important  seaport  town  on  the  coast  of  Palestine, 
about  tliirty  miles  S.  of  Tyre,  on  a  slightly  projecting 
headland,  at  the  northern  extremity  of  tlie  spacious 
bay  formed  by  the  bold  promontory  of  (Jarmel  on  the 
opposite  side.  The  hills,  which  farther  N.  are  close 
to  the  sea-shore,  recede,  and  leave  round  Accho  a 
fertile  plain  about  fifteen  miles  long  and  six  miles 
broad,  watered  by  the  ."mail  liver  Belus  {NaJir  Na^- 


'Ak&a  or  Acre  ~  ancient  Accho  or  Ptolemali  (trom  KUto), 


m4n),  whioh  dl'cliarges  itself  into  the  sea  close  nn- 
der  the  walls  of  the  town :  to  the  S.  E.  is  a  road  to 
the  interior  in  the  direction  of  Sepfhoris.  Accho, 
thus  favorably  placed  in  command  of  the  approaches 
from  the  N.,  both  by  sea  and  land,  has  been  justly 
termed  the  "  key  of  Palestine." — In  the  division  of 
Canaan,  Accho  fell  to  Ashcr,  but  was  never  wrested 
from  its  original  inhabitants  (Judges  i.  81);  and 
hence  it  is  reckoned  by  the  classical,  writers  as  a 
Pbenieian  city.    No  further  mention  is  made  of  it  in 


the  0.  T.,  but  after  the  dismemberment  of  the  Mace 
donian  empire  it  was  the  most  important  town  on 
the  coast.  Along  with  the  rest  of  Phenicia  it  fell  to 
Egypt,  and  was  named  Ptolemais,  after  one  of  the 
Ptolemies,  prol)ably  Soter.  In  the  wars  that  ensued 
between  Syria  and  Egypt,  it  was  taken  by  Antiechus 
the  Great,  and  attaclied  to  his  kingdom.  Wlien  the 
Maccabees  established  themselves  in  Judca,  it  be- 
came the  base  of  operations  against  them.  Simon  drove 
bis  enemies  back  within  its  walls,  but  did  not  take  it 


10 


ACO 


ACH 


(1  Mc.  V.  22).  Wben  Alexander Balas claimed  theSyr- 
ian  throne,  Demetrius  offered  to  Jonathan  the  posses- 
sion of  Ptolemais  and  its  district  (1  lie.  x.  39).  At 
Ptolemais  Jonathan  afterward  had  a  conferecce  with 
Alexander  and  the  king  of  Egypt  (x.  59-60),  and  here 
also  he  was  subsequently  slain  (xii.  45-48).  On  the 
decay  of  the  Syrian  power,  Ptolemais  became  inde- 
pendtnt.  Ultimately  it  passed  into  the  hands  of  the 
Eomans,  who  constructed  a  military  road  along  the 
coast,  from  Berytus  to  Sepphoris,  passing  through 
it,  and  elevated  it  to  the  rank  of  a  colony.  Herod's 
new  city  of  Cesarea,  however,  far  outshone  it.  The 
only  notice  of  it  in  th(?  N.  T.  is  in  connection  with 
^t.  Paul's  return  from  his  third  missionary  journey 
(Acts  xxi.  1).  He  came  from  Tyre  to  Ptolemais  by 
sea  (3),  stayed  one  day  with  the  Christian  commu- 
nity here,  then  proceeded,  probably  by  land,  to  Cesa- 
rea (8),  and  thence  to  Jerusalem  (15-17).  It  was 
afterward  the  scat  of  a  Christian  bishopric,  was 
a  famous  stronghold  dming  the  Crusades,  was  be- 
Bieged  unsuccessfully  by  Napoleon  in  1799,  and  has 
since  been  twice  (1832  and  1840)  bombarded  and 
laid  in  ruins.  Few  rem.ains  of  antiquity  are  to  be 
found  in  the  modern  town. 

Ac'eos,  father  of  John  and  grandfather  of  Eupole- 
mus  the  ambassador  from  Judas  Maccabeus  to  Rome 
(1  Mc.  viii.  17). 

Ac'coz  (1  Esd.  V.  SB).     Hakkoz  ;  Koz. 

*  Ac-turs'cd.     Anathema  ;  Excommunication. 

*  Ae-fn-sa'tion.    Judge;  Trial;  Witness. 

*  At-tn'scr.     Accusation  ;  Satan. 
A-ccl'ds-ma  [-sel-]  (fr.  Chal.  =fdd  of  blcod),  the 

name  given  by  the  Jews  of  Jerusalem  to  a  "  field  " 
near  Jerusalem  purchased  by  Judas  Iscariot  with 
the  money  received  for  the  betrayal  of  Christ,  and 
so  called  from  his  violent  death  (Acts  i.  19).  In 
Mat.  xxvii.  8,  the  "  field  of  blood  "  was  purchased 
by  the  priests  with  the  thirty  pieces  of  silver,  after 
they  had  been  cast  down  by  Judas,  as  a  burial-place 
for  strangers,  the  locality  being  well  known  .it  the 
time  as  "  the  Potter's  Field."  These  accounts 
have  been  reconciled  by  considering  "  purchased  " 
in  Acts  i.  1 8  =  gave  occasion  to  purchase,  i.  e.  did 
that  ill  consequence  of  which  the  field  was  purchased 
with  the  money  gained  by  his  treachery.  For  anal- 
ogous examples  in  the  N.  T.,  see  Mat.  ii.  16,  xxvii. 
60 ;  Jn.  iv.  1  ;  Acts  vii.  21 ;  Rom.  xiv.  15  ;  1  Cor. 
vii.  16  ;  1  Tim.  iv.  16,  &c.  The  great  body  of  Bib- 
lical critics  (Kuinoel,  Tholuck,  Olshaufen,  Rbn.,  &c.) 
adopt  this  view  (Ilackett  on  ^cfe  i.  18).  Ecclesiastical 
tradition  has  distinguished  the  field  for  burying  stran- 
gers from  the  place  where  Judas  committed  suicide. 
The  traditional  position  of  the  latter  has  been 
changed  at  different  times  ;  the  latest  makes  the  tree 
of  Judas  stand  near  the  summit  of  the  "  Hill  of 
Evil  Counsel  "  (Stl.  105,  183).  It  is  observable,  that 
the  passage  in  Acts  does  not  state  where  Judas  fell 
headlong  or  how  he  came  thus  to  fall ;  yet  it  has  been 
generally  supposed  that  the  death  took  place  in  the 
field  which  was  called  Aceldama  for  the  double  rea- 
son that  it  was  bought  with  the  price  of  our  Lord's 
blood  and  likewise  stained  with  the  blood  of  Judas. 
The  "  field  of  blood "  or  Aceldama,  described  by 
most  travellers,  and  probably  the  same  with  that 
mentioned  by  Jerome  ( Onom.),  is  on  the  steep  south- 
em  face  of  the  valley  of  Hinnom,  near  its  eastern 
end,  on  a  narrow  plateau,  more  than  half  way  up 
the  hillside.  Its  modem  name  is  Bak  ed-damm.  It  is 
separated  by  no  enclosure ;  a  few  venerable  olive- 
trees  occupy  part  of  it,  snd  the  rest  is  covered  by  a 
ruined  square  edifice,  half  built,  half  excavated,  which, 
perhaps  originally  a  church,  was  in  Maundrcll's  time 


in  use  as  a  charnel-house.  It  was  believed  in  the  mid- 
dle ages  that  the  soil  of  this  place  rapidly  consumed 
bodies  buried  in  it,  and,  in  consequence  either  of  this 
or  of  the  sanctity  of  the  spot,  great  quantities  of  the 
earth  were  taken  away;  e.  g.  by  the Pisan Crusaders 
in  1218  for  their  Campo  /Sari<oatPisa,  and  by  the  Em- 
press Helena  for  that  at  Rome.  Besides  the  charnel- 
house  above  mentioned,  there  are  several  large  hol- 
lows in  this  immediate  neighborhood  which  may 
have  been  caused  by  such  excavations.  The  forma- 
tion of  the  hill  is  cretaceous,  and  hence  favorable  to 
the  rapid  decay  of  animal  matter. 

A-tha'i-a  [proii.  a-kay'ya  as  an  Eng.  word],  (Gr., 
named  fr.  i\\e  Achaioi  or  Ac/ten,  one  of  the  four 
ancient  Greek  races  or  tribes,  said  to  have  descended 
from  Achaeus,  grandson  of  Hellen),  in  the  N.  T.,  a 
Roman  province,  which  included  tlie  whole  of  the 
Peloponnesus  and  the  greater  part  of  Greece  proper 
with  the  adjacent  islands.  Achaia  was  thus  ijearly 
coextensive  with  the  kingdom  of  modern  Greece. 
The  provinces  of  Achaia  and  Macedonia  compre- 
hended the  whole  of  Greece:  hence  "Macedonia 
and  Achaia "  frequently  in  the  N.  T.  =:  all  Greece 
(Acts  xviii.  12,  27,  xix.  21 ;  Rom.  xv.  26,  xvi.  5  [the 
best  MSS.  heie  read  "  Asia  "]  ;  1  Cor.  xvi.  15  ;  2 
Cor.  i.  1,  ix.  2,  xi.  10;  1  Th.  i.  7,  8).  A  narrow  sHp 
of  country  on  the  northern  coast  of  Peloi)onnesu8 
was  originally  called  Achaia,  the  cities  of  which 
were  confederated  in  an  ancient  League,  which  was 
renewed,  D.  c.  280,  for  the  purpose  of  resisting  the 
Macedonians.  This  League  subsequently  included 
other  Grecian  states,  and  became  the  most  powerful 
political  body  in  Greece ;  and  hence  the  Romans  ap- 
plied the  name  of  Achaia  to  the  Peloponnesus  and  the 
S.  of  Greece,  when  they  took  Corinth  and  destroyed 
the  League,  B.  c.  146.  Under  Augustus,  b.  c.  27, 
Achaia  was  assigned  to  the  senate,  and  was  governed 
by  a  proconsul.  Tiberius,  a.  d.  1G,  tcok  it  away 
from  the  senate,  and  made  it  an  imperial  province 
governed  by  a  procurator  ;  but  Claudius  restored  it 
to  the  senate.  Gallio  is  therefore  (Acts  xviii.  12) 
correctly  called  the  "  proconsul  "  (A.  V.  "  deputy  ") 
of  Achaia.     Greece. 

A-thai-ens  [a-kay'e-kus]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  of  Achaia, 
Achean),  a  Christian  associated  with  Stephanas,- &c. 
(1  Cor.  xvi.  17,  and  subscription);  probably  born 
and  resident  in  Achaia. 

A'than  [kan]  (Ileb.  troulhr,  z=  Achar,  Ges.),  an 
Israelite  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  who,  when  Jericho 
and  all  that  it  contained  were  devoted  to  destruction, 
accreted  a  portion  of  the  spoil  in  his  tent.  For  this 
sin  Israel  was  defeated  in  the  attack  ujjon  Ai. 
When  Achan  was  taken  by  lot,  and  his  guilt  was 
manifest  by  his  confession  and  tlie  diseoveiy  of  the 
booty,  he  was  stoned  to  death  with  his  whole  family 
by  the  people  in  a  valley  between  Ai  and  Jericho, 
and  their  remains,  together  with  his  property,  were 
burnt.  From  this  event  the  valley  received  the 
name  of  Achor.  From  the  similarity  of  Achan  to 
Achor,  Joshua  said  to  Achnn,  "Why  hast  thou 
troubled  us  ?  the  Lord  shall  trouble  thee  this  day  " 
(Josh.  vii.).  Achan's  family  have  been  commonly 
regarded  as  accomplices  in  his  sin,  and  therefore 
justly  punished  with  him ;  but  some  legard  them 
as  involved  in  the  punishment  of  Achan  through 
the  sanguinary  severity  of  Oriental  nations,  from 
which  the  Israelites  were  by  no  means  free. 

A'fhar  [-kar]  —  Achan  (1  Chr.  ii.  7). 

A'fhaz  [-kaz]  =  Ahaz,  king  of  Judah  (Mat.  i.  9). 

Ach'fcor  [ak-]  (Ilcb.  movsi,  Ges.)  1,  Father  of 
Eaalhanan,  king  of  EOom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  38,89;  1 
Chr.  i.  49).— '2.  Son  of  Michaiah  ;  probably  a  court- 


ACH 


ACT 


It 


o£5cer  of  Josiah  (2  K.  xxii.  12,  14 ;  Jer.  ixvi.  22, 
xxxTi.  12) ;  =  Abdon  in  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  20. 

A-thi-atll'a-rns  [-ke-ak'-],  cupbearer  and  chief 
minister  at  the  court  of  Sarehedonus,  or  Esarbaddon, 
king  of  Nineveh,  and  nephew  to  Tobit  (Tob.  i.  21, 
22,  ii.  10,  xi.  18,  xiv.  10).  From  the  mention  of 
Aman  in  the  last  pas.sage,  it  has  been  conjectured 
that  Achiacharu.s  ia  but  ttie  Jewish  name  of  Morde- 
cai ;  but  the  differences  between  Aeliiacharus  and 
Mordeeai  are  much  more  strongly  marked  than  the 
resemblance.". 

l-fhi'as  [ki]  son  of  Phinees ;  high-priest  and 
progenitor  of  Esdras  (2  Esd.  i.  2) ;  probably  con- 
founded with  Ahiaq  1,  grandson  of  Phinehas. 

A'cbim  [-kim]  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jachin),  son  of  Sadoc, 
and  father  of  Eliud,  in  our  Lord's  genealogy  (Mat. 
L  14). 

A'ehl-or  [-ke-]  (fr.  Eeh.=brot7ier  of  light),  a  general 
of  the  Ammonites  in  the  army  of  Holofernes,  repre- 
sented as  becoming  a  proselyte  to  Judaism  (Jd.  v. 
vi.  xiv.). 

Atbish  [-kish]  (Heb.  angry?  Ges. ;  serpent  master 
or  charmer?  Fii.),  a  Philistine  king  of  Gath,  son  of 
Maoch  ;  called  (Ps.  xxxiv.,  title)  Abimelech.  David 
twice  found  a  refuge  with  him  when  he  fled  from 
Saul.  On  the  first  occasion,  being  recognized  by  the 
servants  of  Achish  as  one  celebrated  for  his  victo- 
ries over  the  Philistines,  he  was  alarmed  for  his  safe- 
ty, feigned  madne.<<s  (1  Sam.  xxi.  10-13),  and  fled  to 
the  cave  of  AduUam.  On  a  second  occasion  David 
fled  to  Achish  with  six  hundred  men,  remained  at 
Gath  a  year  and  four  months,  and  received  from 
him  the  town  of  Ziklag  (xxvii.-xxix.).  Whether 
Achish,  to  whom  Shimei  went  in  disobedience  to  the 
commands  of  Solomon  (1  K.  ii.  40),  be  the  same 
person,  is  uncertain. 

A-ehi'tob  =  Ahitob  1  (1  Esd.  vijl  2  ;  2  Esd.  i.  1). 

Atb'nit-tba.    Ecbatana. 

A'thcr  [-kor]  (Ueb.  trouble),  Val'ley  of,  the  spot 
at  which  Aciian  was  stoned  (Josh.  vii.  24,  26),  on 
the  northern  boundary  of  Judah  (xv.  7 ;  also  Is. 
Ixv.  10;  IIos.  ii.  15). 

Ach'sa  [ak-]  (1  Chr.  ii.  49)  =  AcHSAn. 

Aeb'sab  [ak-]  (Heb.  ankle-chain,  Ges.),  daughter 
of  Caleb,  the  son  of  Jephunneh.  Her  father  prom- 
ised her  in  marriage  to  whoever  should  take  Debir. 
Otiiniel,  her  uncle  or  cousin,  took  that  city,  and  ac- 
cordingly received  the  hand  of  Achsah  as  his  re- 
ward. Caleb,  at  Achsah's  request,  added  to  her 
dowry  the  upper  and  lower  springs  as  suitable  to 
her  inheritance  in  a  south  country  (Josh.  xv.  15- 
19;  Judg.  i.  11-15).  Achsah,  or  Achsa,  is  men- 
tioned again  as  the  daughter  of  Caleb  the  son  of 
Uezron,  in  I  Chr.  ii.  49. 

Aeb'sbaph  [ak'shaf]  (Heb.  incantation,  fatcina- 
Hon,  Ges.),  a  city  of  Asher,  named  between  Beten 
and  Alammelech  (Josh.  xix.  25) ;  originally  the  seat 
of  a  Canaanite  king  (xi.  1,  xiL  20);  possibly  the 
modern  Kauf,  ruins  (Rbn.  iii.  65)  on  the  N.W.  edge 
of  the  Hi'Jfh  (.Merom);  more  probably  (so  Mr. 
Grove)  C'haifa  or  Haifa,  under  Mt.  Carniel,  an  im- 
portant town,  but  not  mentioned  in  the  Scriptures, 
unless  ns  Aehshaph. 

Acb'zib  [ak-1  (Hob.  fai»e,  Ges.).  1.  A  city  of 
Judah  in  the  low  country  (Valley  5),  named  with 
Keilah  and  Mareshah  (Josh.  xv.  44;  Mic.  i.  14); 
probably  =  Ciiezib  and  Ciiozeba.  In  Mic.  i.  14  is 
a  play  on  the  name :  "  the  houses  of  Achzib  shall 
be  (Ueb.  adizab)  a  lie." — 2.  A  town  of  Asher  (Josh. 
xix.  29),  from  which  the  Canaanites  were  not  ex- 
pelled (Judg.  i.  31);  afterward  Ecdippa.  It  is  now 
a-Zib,  a  village  on  the  sea-shore  at  the  mouth  of  the 


Kahr  el-Kurn,  two  and  one-third  hours  N.  of  Acre 
(Rbn.  iii.  G28).  After  the  return  from  Babylon 
Achzib  was  considered  by  the  Jews  as  the  northern 
limit  of  the  Holy  Land. 

Ae'l-pha  [as-]  (1  Esd.  v.  31)  =  HAKcrnA. 

Ac'i-tho  [as-]  (Jd.  viii.  1) ;  probably  =  AcnixoB 
or  Aiimin. 

Ae-ra-bat'ti-nei    Arabattine  ;  Akkabbiu. 

*  A-crab'bim  (Josh.  xv.  3,  marg.)  =  Akrabbim. 

*  A'eie.  In  1  Sam.  xiv;  14,  occurs  the  expression, 
"  within  as  it  were  a  half-acre  of  land,  which  a  yoke 
of  oxen  miglU plough  "  (marg.  "  half  a  furrow  of  an 
acre  of  land "),  and  in  Is.  v.  10,  we  have  "  tea 
acres."  The  Heb.  tsemed  (here  translated  "acre") 
is  literally  a  yoke,  and  as  a  measure  of  land  denotes 
as  much  a.^  a  yoke  of  oxen  can  plough  in  a  day 
(Ges.),  i.  e.  probably  about  two-thirds  of  an  acre. 
Comp.  L.  jugerum. 

Arts  of  the  A-p6s'tles,  a  second  'treatise  by  the 
author  of  the  third  Gospel  (Luke).  The  identity  of 
the  writer  of  both  books  is  shown  by  their  great 
similarity  in  style  and  idiom,  and  the  usage  of  par- 
ticular words  and  compound  forms.  It  is,  at  first 
sight,  somewhat  surprising  that  notices  of  the  au- 
thor are  so  entirely  wanting,  not  only  in  the  book 
itself,  but  also,  generally,  in  the  epistles  of  St.  Paul, 
whom  he  must  have  accompanied  for  some  years. 
But  the  habit  of  the  apostle  with  regard  to  mention- 
ing his  companions  was  very  various  and  uncertain, 
and  no  epistles  were,  strictly  speaking,  written  by 
him  while  our  writer  was  in  his  company,  before  his 
Roman  imprisonment ;  for  he  does  not  seem  to  have 
joined  him  at  Corinth  (Acts  xviii.),  where  1st  and  2d 
Thessalonians  were  written,  nor  to  have  been  with 
him  at  Ephesus  (xix.),  whence,  perhaps,  Galatians 
was  written ;  nor  again  to  have  wintered  with  him 
at  Corinth  (xx.  3)  at  the  time  of  his  writing  Romans, 
and,  perhaps,  Galatians. — The  book  commences  with 
an  inscription  or  dedication  to  Theophilus  ;  but  it 
was  evidently  intended  for  the  members  of  the 
Christian  Church,  whether  Jews  or  Gentiles  ;  for  its 
contents  are  of  the  utmost  consequence  to  the  whole 
Church.  They  are  2'lie  fvlfilment  of  the  promise  of 
the  Father  by  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  the 
results  of  that  outpouring,  by  tlie  dispersion  of  the 
Gospel  among  Jeus  and  Gentiles.  Immediately  after 
the  Ascension,  St.  Peter  becomes  the  prime  actor 
under  God  in  founding  the  Church.  He  is  the  centre 
of  the  first  great  group  of  sayings  and  doings.  He 
opens  the  doors  to  Jews  (ii.)  und  Gentiles  (x.).  The 
preparation  of  Saul  of  Tarsus  for  preaching  the 
Gospel  to  the  cultivated  Gentile  world,  the  progress, 
in  his  hand,  of  that  work,  his  joumeyings,  preach- 
ings, and  perils,  his  stripes  and  imprisonments,  his 
testifying  in  Jerusalem  and  being  brought  to  testify 
in  Rome, — these  arc  the  subjects  of  the  latter  half 
of  the  book,  of  which  the  great  central  figure  is  the 
Apostle  Paul.  Probably  the  bcok  was  written  at 
Rome,  A.  D.  63,  about  two  years  after  St.  Paul's  ar- 
rival there  (xxviii.  30).  (Luke,  Gosi-el  of.)  Had 
any  considerable  alteration  in  the  apostle's  circum- 
stances taken  place  before  the  publication,  it  would 
naturally  have  been  noticed.  Besides,  the  arrival  in 
Rome  was  an  important  period  in  the  apostle's  life: 
the  quiet  which  succeeded  it  was  favorable  to  the 
publication  of  the  historical  material  collected  in 
Judca,  and  during  the  various  missionary  journeys. 
Or,  taking  another  and  not  \er-s  probable  view,  Nero 
was  beguming  to  undergo  that  change  for  the  worse, 
which  disgraced  the  latter  portion  of  his  reign,  and 
brought  on  the  bitter  persecution  of  the  Christians. 
— The  genuineness  of  the  Acts  has  ever  been  recog- 


12 


ACU 


ADA 


nized  in  the  Church.  It  is  mentioned  (Eueeb.  Hist. 
Jiccles.)  among  the  acknowledged  diTine  writings.  It 
is  first  directly  quoted  in  the  epistles  of  the  churches 
of  Lyons  and  Vienne  to  those  of  Asia  and  Phrygia 
(a.  d.  177);  then  repeatedly  and  expressly  by  Ire- 
DiEus,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  TertuUian,  &c.  It 
was  rejected  by  the  Marcionites  (cent,  iii.)  and  Man- 
icheans  (cent,  iv.)  as  contradicting  some  of  their  no- 
tions. In  modem  Germany  Baur  and  some  others 
have  attempted  to  throw  discredit  on  it ;  but  their 
view  has  found  no  favor.  (Canon  ;  Gospels  ;  In- 
spiration; John,  Gospel  0F.)^The  text  of  the  Acts 
is  very  full  of  various  readings ;  more  so  than  any 
other  book  of  the  N.  T.  To  this  several  causes 
may  have  contributed ;  e.  g.  attempts  of  copyists  to 
assimilate  the  statements  and  expressions  in  this 
book  to  those  in  the  Gospels  and  Epistles,  to  suit 
the  views  of  affer-times  in  respect  to  ecclesiastical 
order  or  usage,  to  save  the  dignity  of  the  apostles,  to 
produce  verbal  accordance  in  different  accounts  of 
the  same  event,  &c.  There  are  in  this  book  an  un- 
usual number  of  those  remarkable  interpolations  of 
considerable  length,  which  are  found  in  the  Codex 
Bezse  (D)  and  its  cognates.  (New  Testament.) 
Bornemann  has  published  an  edition  in  which  these 
interpolations  are  inserted  in  full.  But,  while  some 
of  them  appear  genuine,  the  greater  part  are  un- 
meaning and  absurd. 

Ac'n-a  (1  Esd.  v.  30),  prob.  =  Akkitb  3. 

Ac'nb  (1  Esd.  v.  31),  prob.  =  BAKBnK. 

id'a-dab  (Heb.  fintival,  Ges.),  a  city  in  the  ex- 
treme S.  of  Judah  named  with  Dimonah  and  Kedesh 
(Josh.  XV.  22) ;  site  unknown. 

A'dah  (Heb.  ornament,  beauty)  1.  The  first  men- 
tioned of  the  two  wives  of  Lamecii  1,  and  mother 
of  Jabal  and  Jubal  (Gen.  iv.  19). — 2.  A  Hittitess, 
Elon's  daughter,  one  of  the  three  wives  of  Esau, 
mother  of  his  first-bom  son  Eliphaz  (Gen.  xxxvi.  2, 
10  ff.,  15  ff.);  called  Bashematii  in  Gen.  xxvi.  34. 

A-da'i-ah  [ah-da'yah]  or  Ad-a-i'ab  (Heb.  whom  Je- 
hovah has  adorned).  1.  Maternal  grandfather  of 
king  Josmh,  an<l  native  of  Boscath  in  Judah  (2  K. 
xxii.  1). — i,  A  Gcrshonite  Levite,  ancestor  of  Asaph 
(1  Chr.  vi.  41);  =  Iddo  in  ver.  21. — 3.  A  Benjamite, 
son  of  Shimhi  (1  Chr.  viii.  21). — i,  A  priest,  son  of 
Jeroham  (1  Chr.  i.\.  12;  Neh.  xi.  12). — 5>  Ancestor 
of  Maaseiah,  captain  under  Jahoiada  (2  Chr.  xxiii. 
1). — 6t  A  son  of  Bani  and  husband  of  a  foreign 
wife  in  Ezra's  time  (Ezr.  x.  29) ;  =  Jedeus  in  Esd.  ix. 
30. — 7.  A  son  of  another  Bani,  or  another  son  (de- 
scendant) of  the  same  (see  Bani  3),  who  had  also 
taken  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  39). — 8.  A  man  of 
Judah,  of  the  line  of  Pharez,  (Neh.  xi.  5) ;  perhaps 
=  No.  5. 

A-da'li-a  (L.  form  of  Heb. ;  fr.  Pcrs.  =  fre  be- 
longing to  Ized,  or  a  fire-god,  Fii.),  a  son  of  Haman 
(Esth.  ix.  8). 

Ad'am  (Heb.),  the  name  of  the  first  man,  apparent- 
ly from  the  ground  (Heb.  Uddnu'ih)  of  which  he  was 
formed.  The  idea  of  redness  of  color  seems  to  be 
inherent  in  the  word.  The  Creation  of  man  was 
the  work  of  the  sixth  day.  It  was  with  reference 
to  him  that  all  things  were  designed  by  the  Creator. 
In  Gen.  i.-x.  there  appear  to  be  three  distinct  his- 
tories relating  more  or  less  to  the  life  of  Adam. 
The  1st  (i.  l.-ii.  3)  records  the  creation  ;  the  2d  (!i. 
4-iv.  26)  gives  an  account  of  paradise,  the  original 
sin  of  man,  and  the  immediate  posteiity  of  Adam  ; 
the  3d  (v.-ix.)  contains  mainly  the  history  of  Noah, 
referring  it  would  seem  to  Adam  and  his  descendants 
principally  in  relation  to  that  patriarch.  (Genesis.) 
—The  Mosaic  accounts  declare  Adam  created  in  the 


image  and  likeness  of  God,  which  probably  (so  Prof. 
Leathes,  the  original  author  of  this  article)  points  to 
the  Divine  pattern  and  archetype  after  which  man's 
intelligent  nature  was  fashioned  ;  reason,  understand- 
ing, imagination,  volition,  &c.,  being  attributes  of 
God.  Man  alone  of  the  animals  of  the  earth  is  a 
spirit,  created  to  reflect  God's  righteousness  and 
truth  and  love,  and  capable  of  holding  direct  com- 
munion with  him.  As  long  as  his  will  moved  in 
harmony  with  God's  will,  he  fulfilled  the  purpose  of 
his  Creator.  When  he  refused  submission  to  God, 
he  broke  the  law  of  his  existence  and  fell.  Comp. 
Gen.  ix.  6 ;  1  Cor.  xi.  7 ;  Jas.  iii.  9,  with  Col.  iii.  10. 
— The  name  Adam  was  not  confined  to  the  father 
of  the  human  race,  but  like  the  Latin  homo  was  ap- 
plicable to  woman  os  well  as  man  ;  e.  g.  Gen.  v.  1, 
2,  "  This  is  the  book  of  the  'history'  (A.  V.  "gen- 
erations") of  Adam  in  the  day  that  God  created 
'Adam'  (A.  V.  "man"),  in  the  likeness  of  God 
made  He  him  ;  male  and  female  created  He  them  ; 
and  blessed  them,  and  called  their  name  Adam  in 
the  day  when  they  were  created." — Adam  was  placed 
in  a  garden  which  the  Lord  God  had  planted  "  east- 
ward in  Eden,"  "  to  dress  it  and  to  keep  it "  (Gen. 
ii.).  He  was  permitted  to  eat  of  the  fruit  of  every 
tree  in  the  garden  but  one,  the  "  tree  of  the  knowl- 
edge of  good  and  evil."  \Vhat  this  was,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  say.  Its  name  seems  to  indicate  that  it  had 
the  power  of  bestowing  the  consciousness  of  the 
difference  between  good  and  evil ;  in  the  ignorance 
of  which  man's  Innocence  and  happiness  consisted. 
The  prohibition  to  taste  the  fruit  of  this  tree  was 
enforced  by  the  menace  of  death.  Another  tree  was 
called  "  the  tree  of  life."  Pome  suppose  this  to  have 
acted  as  a  kind  of  medicine,  and  that  by  the  con- 
tinual use  of  it  our  first  parents,  not  created  im- 
mortal, were  preserved  from  death.  (Abp.  Whately.) 
While  Adam  was  in  Eden,  he  exercised  the  power  of 
naming  animals  and  objects  of  sense,  a  faculty  which 
is  generally  considered  as  indicating  mature  and  ex- 
tensive intellectual  resources.  There  being  no  com- 
panion suitable  for  Adam,  the  Lord  God  caused  a 
deep  sleep  to  fall  upon  him,  and  took  one  of  his 
ribs  from  him,  which  He  fiishioned  into  a  woman 
and  brought  her  to  the  man  (Eve).  At  this  time 
they  were  both  naked,  without  the  consciousness  of 
shame.  The  first  man  is  a  true  man  before  the 
Fall,  with  the  powers  of  a  man  and  the  innocence 
of  a  child.  He  is  "the  figure  of  Him  that  was  to 
come,"  the  second  Adam,  Christ  Jesus  (Rom.  v.  14). 
By  the  subtlety  of  the  Serpent,  Eve  was  beguiled 
into  a  violation  of  the  command  Imposed  upon  them. 
She  took  of  the  fruit  of  the  forbidden  tree  and  gave 
it  to  her  husband.  Then  their  eyes  were  opened, 
and  they  knew  that  they  were  naked.  The  Scrip- 
tures teach  that  in  consequence  of  sin  Adam  and  all 
mankind  suffer  the  death  of  the  body  as  well  as  other 
manifold  evil  (Gen.  iii.  16-19;  Rom.  v.  12;  1  Cor. 
XV.  22) ;  yet  it  is  a  disputed  point  among  theologians 
whether  this  death  of  the  body,  &c.,  which  come 
upon  all  under  an  economy  of  grace  and  upon  Jesus 
Christ,  "  the  second  Adam,"  properly  constitute 
either  wholly  or  in  part  the  threatened  penalty  (Gen. 
ii.  17)  of  Death.  The  very  prohibition  to  eat  of  the 
tree  of  life  after  his  transgression  was  probably  a 
manifestation  of  Divine  mercy,  because  the  greatest 
malediction  of  all  would  have  been  to  have  the  gift 
of  indestructible  life  superadded  to  a  state  of  wretch- 
edness and  sin. — In  the  middle  ages  discussions  w  ere 
raised  as  to  the  period  of  Adam's  sinlessness  in 
Eden ;  Dante  supjiosed  Adam  to  have  been  in  the 
earthly  paradise  not  more  than  seven  hours ;  but,  of 


ABA 


ADD. 


13 


course,  all  this  ia  conjectural. — Adam  lived  nine  hun- 
dred and  thirty  years.  (Chronology.)  His  sons 
mentioned  in  Scripture  are  Cain,  Abel,  and  Seth  ;  it 
is  implied,  however,  that  he  had  other  eons  as  well 
as  daughters.     Man  ;  Tongues,  Confusion  of. 

Adam  (Heb.  mrlh  ;  see  above  ;  firmnens,  Fii.),  a 
city  oa  the  Jordan  "  beside  Zaretan,"  in  the  time  of 
Joshua  (Josli.  iii.  16).  It  is  not  elsewhere  men- 
tioned. 

Ad  a-mah  (Heb.  earlh,  Ges.),  "  a  fenced  city  "  of 
Naphtali,  named  between  Cliinnereth  and  Kamah 
(Josh.  -kw.  36);  probably  N.W.  of  the  sea  of  Galilee. 
Ad'a-mant,  the  translation  of  the  Heb.  shdmir  in 
Ez.  iii.  9  and  Zech.  vii.  12.  In  Jer.  xvii.  1,  shcimir 
is  translated  "  diamond."  In  these  three  passages 
the  word  =  some  stone  of  excessive  hardness,  and 
is  used  metaphorically.  Our  English  adamarU  is  de- 
rived from  the  Greek,  and  signifies  "  the  unconquer- 
able," in  allusion  perhaps  to  the  hard  nature  of  the 
substance  indicated,  or  because  it  was  supposed  to 
be  indestructible  by  fire.  The  Greek  writers  gener- 
ally apply  the  word  to  some  very  hard  metal,  perhaps 
steel,  though  they  do  also  use  it  for  a  mineral.  In  Eng- 
lish, adamarU  sometimes  =  the  diamond,^  but  often 
any  substance  of  impenetrable  hardness.  That  some 
hard-cutting  stone  is  intended  in  the  Bible  is  evident 
from  Jer.  xvii.  1 : — "  The  sin  of  Judah  is  written 
with  a  pen  of  iron  and  with  the  point  of  a  diamond." 
Since  the  Hebrews  appear  to  have  been  unacquainted 
with  the  true  diamond,  it  is  very  probable  from  Ez. 
iii.  9  ("adamant  Aan/(T/^a«/m.'"),  that  thdmir  — 
some  variety  of  corundum,  a  mineral  inferior  only  to 
the  diamond  in  hardness.  Of  this  mineral  there  are 
two  principal  groups — the  crystalline  and  the  granu- 
lar ;  to  the  crystalline  varieties  belong  the  indigo- 
blue  sapphire,  the  reJ  oriental  ruby,  the  yellow 
oriental  topaz,  the  green  oriental  emerald,  the  violet 
oriental  amethyst,  the  brown  adam.intine  spar.  But 
the  ih'iinir  or  "  adamant "  of  the  Scriptures  most 
probably  =:  the  granular  or  missive  variety  of  co- 
rundum, known  by  the  name  of  emery,  and  exten- 
sively used  for  polishing  and  cutting  gems  and  other 
hard  substances.  Tiie  Greek  name  for  the  emery- 
stone  or  the  emery-powder  is  smjris  or  smlria,  ani 
the  Hebrew  lexicographers  derive  this  word  from 
the  Hebrew  shdmir.     Shamir  ;  Thoxxs. 

Ad'a-llll(Heb.  human,  Ges.),  a  place  on  the  border 
of  Naphtali  (Josh.  xix.  33) ;  connected  by  some 
with  the  next  name  (Nekeb);  called  in  the  postr 
biblical  times  Damin. 

A'dar  (Heb.  Addar  =  height,  top,  Fii.),  a  place  on 
the  southern  boundary  of  Judah  (Josh.    xv.  3);z= 
Hazar-aduar. 
A'dar.     Month. 

Ad'a-sa  (Gr.  —  Haoasha,  Wr.),  a  place  in  Judea, 
a  day's  journey  from  Gazera,  and  thirty  stadia  from 
Bethhoron  (Jos.  xii.  10,  §  5).  Here  Judas  Macca- 
beus encamped  before  the  battle  in  which  Nicanor 
was  killed  (1  Mc.  vii.  40,  45). 

Ad'fc«-el  (Heb.  miracle  of  Ood ?  Ges.),  a  son  of 

Ishmael  (Gen.  xxv.  13 ;  1   Chr.  i.  29),  and  probably 

the  progenitor  of  an  Arab  tribe. 

Ad'dan  (Heb.  strong,  Fii.),  a  place    from  which 

some  of  the  captivity  returned  with  Zerubbabel  who 

c.:)uld  not  show  their  pedigree  as  Israelite.s  (Ezr.  ii. 

69);  =  Addon  (Neb.  vii.  61)  and  Aalar(1  Esd.  v. 

86).     Eden  2. 

Addar  (Heb.  mighty  one,  lord,  Fu.),  son  of  Bela 

(1  Chr.  viii.  3).     Ard". 


Ad  dcTt  This  is  used  in  the  A.  V.  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  four  Hebrew  names  of  poisonous  ser- 
pents, viz.,  'acliJihub,  pelhen,  tsepha'  or  tnipKotii,  and 
thSphiphon.  The  word  "  adder  "  occurs  five  times  in 
the  text  of  the  A.  V.,  viz.,  Gen.  xlix.  17  (marg. 
arrom-snake) ;  Ps.  Iviii.  4  (marg.  asp),  xci.  13  (marg. 
asp),  cxl.  3  ;  Prov.  xxiii.  32  (marg.  cockatrice) ; — 
and  three  times  in  the  margin,  with  tockatriee  in  the 
text,  viz..  Is.  xi.  8,  xiv.  29,  lix.  5. — 1.  'Achs/mb  is 
found  only  in  Ps.  cxl.  3  :  "  They  have  sharpened 
their  tongues  like  a  serpent ;  adder's  poison  is  under 
their  lips."     "  Asp  "  is  used  in  the  quotation  of  this 


Tozicoft  of  Egypt  (JcAw  orenico/a.) 

from  the  LXX.  in  Rom.  iii.  13.  The  poison  of  ven- 
omous serpents  is  oflen  employed  by  the  sacred 
writers  figuratively  to  express  the  evil  tempers  of 
ungodly  men.  Tlie  Jews  were  probably  acquainted 
with  only  five  or  six  species  of  poisonous  serpents 
(Serpent)  ;  and  as  Pethen  and  Shfphiphon  were 
probably  the  Egyptian  Cobra  and  the  Horned  Viper, 
'Achihiib  may  be  the  Toxicoa  of  Egypt  and  north- 
ern Africa,  called  by  naturalists  the  JSchis  amiicola. 
At  any  rate  the  Jews  were  probably  acquainted  with 
this  species,  which  ia  common  in  Egypt  and  probably 
in  Syria. — 3.  Pethen.  (Asp.) — 3.  Tscpha',  or  7'siph'- 
d«»,  occurs  five  times  in  the  Hebrew  Bible.  In  Prov. 
xxiii.  32,  it  is  translated  adder  (marg.  cockatrice'), 
and  in  the  text  (see  above)  of  Is.  xi.  8,  xiv.  29,  111. 
6 ;  Jer.  viii.  17,  it  is  translated  cockatrice.  From 
Jeremiah  we  learn  that  it  was  of  a  hostile  nature, 
and  from  the  parallelism  of  Is.  xi.  8,  it  appears  that 


•  Oar  English  diamond  \i  merely  a  cormptlon  of  adamant. 
Compare  the  French  diamante  and  Chenuau  demant. 


Homed  C«nut«  ( Ctiuta  B<milrtitHl).-ifT<m  tpecl 


Mul) 


it  was  considered  even  more  dreadful  than  the 
Pethen.  Bochart  makes  Tsiph'oni  =  the  Basilisk 
of  the  Greeks  (the  representative  of  Petheti  [Asp] 
used  by  the  LXX.  in  Ps.  xci.  13),  which  was  sup- 


14 


ADD 


ADO 


posed  to  destroy  life,  burn  up  grass,  and  break 
stones  by  the  pernicious  influence  of  its  breath. 
I'ossibly  the  TsiplCuni  may  be  the  Algerine  adder 
(Clntho  maiirifanica),  but  this  is  mere  conjecture. — 
4>  Sluphiphin  occurs  only  in  Gen.  xli.x.  17:  "Dan 
shall  be  a  serpent  by  the  way,  an  adder  in  the  path, 
that  biteth  the  horsc-hecls,  so  that  his  rider  shall 
fall  backward."  The  habit  of  lurking  in  the  sand 
and  biting  at  the  horse's  heels,  here  alluded  to,  suits 
the  character  of  a  well-known  species  of  venomous 
snake,  and  helps  us  to  identify  it  with  the  celebrated 
horned  viper,  the  asp  of  Cleopatra  { Ccrantes  Hassel- 
gimtii),  which  is  found  abundantly  in  the  dry  sandy 
deserts  of  Egypt,  Syria,  and  Arabia.  The  Cerastes 
is  extremely  venomous  ;  Bruce  compelled  one  .to 
scratch  eighteen  pigeons  upon  the  thigh  as  quickly 
as  possible,  and  they  all  died  nearly  iu  the  same  in- 
terval of  time.  The  species  averages  from  twelve 
to  fifteen  inches  in  length,  but  ^s  occasionally  found 
larger. 

id'dl  (Gr.,  prob.  fr.  Heb.  =  ornameiil).  1.  Son 
of  Cosani,  and  father  of  Mclchi,  in  our  Lord's  geneal- 
ogy (Lk.  iii.  28);  probably  contracted  from  Adikl  or 
Adaiah. — 2t  The  name  occurs  in  a  very  corrupt  verse 
(1  Esd.  ix.  31);  comp.  Ezr.  x.  30. 

Addo  =  Inno  (1  Esd.  vi.  1). 

Addon  (Hcb.  strong,  Fii.)  —  Adbak. 

Ad'dns  (L.  fr.  Gr.)  I.  Ancestor  of  a  family  enu- 
merated among  the  children  of  Solomon's  servants 
in  1  Esd.  V.  34 ;  not  in  Ezr.  li.  or  Nch.  vii. — 2.  An- 
cestor of  a  family  removed  from  their  priesthood  in 
Ezra's  time  for  being  unable  to  establish  their  priest- 
ly genealogy  (1  Esd.  v.  38).  He  is  there  said  to 
have  married  Augia,  daughter  of'  Berzelus,  or  Bar- 
zillai.    In  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  he  is  called  Barzellai. 

A'dcr  (Heb.  Eder  =:  flock,  Ges.),  a  Benjamite,  son 
of  Beriah  ( 1  Chr.  viii.  I's). 

idi-da  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.),  a  town  on  an  eminence 
overlooking  the  low  country  of  Judah,  fortified  liy 
Simon  Maccabeus  in  his  wars  with  Tryphon  (1  Mc. 
xii.  38,  xiii.  13) ;  probably  =  Hadid  and  Adithaim. 

A'di-Cl  (Heb.  =  ornament  of  God.  Ges.).  1,  A 
prince  of  Simeon,  participant  in  the  murderous  raid 
upon  the  shepherds  of  Gedor  in  the  reign  of  Heze- 
kiah  (1  Chr.  iv.  36). — 2,  A  priest,  ancestor  of  Maasiai 
(I  Chr.  ix.  12). — 3,  Ancestor  of  Azmaveth,  David's 
treasurer  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  25). 

A'din  (Heb.  effeminate,  voluptneus,  Ges.),  ancestor 
of  a  family  of  whom  454  (Ezr.  ii.  15),  or  655  (Neh.  vii. 
20),  returned  with  Zerubbabel,  and  51  with  Ezra  (Ezr. 
viii.  6).  They  (or  one  of  this  name)  joined  with  Ne- 
hemiah in  a  covenant  to  separate  themselves  from 
the  heathen  (Neh.  x.  16).  ■ 

Ad'i-na  (Heb.  slender,  pHant,  Ges. ;  a  hixurioits, 
effeminate  one,  Fii.),  a  Reubenite  chief,  one  of  Da- 
vid's captains  beyond  the  Jordan  (1  Chr.  xi.  42). 
According  to  the  A.  V.  and  the  Syriac  he  had  the 
command  of  thirty  men  ;  but  the  passage  should  be 
rendered  "  and  over  him  were  thirty,"  i.  e'.  the  thirty 
before  enumerated  were  his  superiors,  just  as  Be- 
naiah  (1  Chr.  xxvii.)  was  "  above  the  thirty." 

Ad'i-no  (Heb.  =  AnixA,  Fii.)  tbe  Ez'nite,  2  Sam. 
xxiii.  8.     EzNiTE  ;  .Tashobeam. 

Ad'i-nas  =  Ja.min,  the  Levite  fl  Esd.  ix.  48). 

Ad-i-tba'lm  (Heb.  double  ornament,  Ges.),  a  city  of 
Judah,  in  the  low  country  (Valley  5);  named,  be- 
tween Sharaim  and  Gederah,  in  Josh.  xv.  36  only  ; 
probably  =  Hadid  and  Adida. 

Ad-jn-ra'tlon.    F.xorcism  ;  Oath. 

Ad  lal  (Heb.  Gods  justice,  Ges.),  ancestor  of 
Shapliat,  David's  herdsman  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  29). 

Ad'mah  (HeD.  earth,  Ges. ;  fortress,  Fii.),  one  of 


the  "  cities  of  the  plain,"  always  coupled  with  Ze- 
boim  (Gen.  x.  19,  xiv.  2,  8;  Deut.  xxix.  23;  Hos. 
xi.  8).     It  had  a  king  of  its  own.     Sodom. 

Ad'ma-tha  or  Ad-ma'tba  (Heb.  fr.  Pcrs.  =  givm 
btj  the  Highest  Being,  Fii.),  one  of  the  seven  princes 
of  Persia  (Esth.  i.  14). 

Ad'na  (Heb.  pleasure,  Ges.)  1.  One  of  the  family 
of  Pahath-Moab  who  married  a  foreign  wile  in  Ezra's 
time  (Ezr.  x.  SO). — 2.  A  priest,  descendant  of  Harim 
in  the  days  of  high-priest  Joiakim  (Neh.  xii.  15). 

Ad'nah  (Heb.  pleasure,  Ges.).  1,  A  Manassite 
captain  who  deserted  from  Saul  and  joined  David  on 
his  road  to  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  20). — 2.  The  captain 
over  300,000  men  of  Judah  in  Jehoshaphat's  army 
(2  Chr.  xvii.  14). 

*  A-do'nai  (Heb.  pi.  of  excellence)  =  Lord. 

A-don-i-lie'zek  (Heb.  lord  of  Bezek),  the  Canaanite 
king  of  Bezek,  vanquished  by  the  tribe  of  Judah 
(Judg.  i.  3-7),  who  cut  off  his  thumbs  and  great  toes, 
and  brought  him  prisoner  to  Jenisalem,  where  he 
died.  He  confessed  that  he  had  inflicted  the  same 
cruelty  upon  seventy  conquered  kings. 

Ad-0-n!'jah  (fr.  Heb.,  my  Ijord  is  Jehovah).  1, 
The  fourth  son  of  David,  byHaggith,  born  at  Hebron 
(2  Sam.  iii.  4).  On  the  death  of  his  three  brothers, 
Aranon,  Chileab,  and  Absalom,  he  became  eldest 
son  ;  and  when  his  father  was  visibly  declining,  put 
forward  his  pretensions  to  the  crown.  David  had 
promised  Bath-shcba  in  accordance  with  the  appoint- 
ment of  Jehovah  (1  Chr.  xxii.  9,  10,  xxviii.  5)  that 
Solomon  should  inherit  the  succession  (1  K.  i.  30). 
Adonijah's  cause  was  espoused  by  Abiathar  and  Joab, 
with  many  capti'.ins  of  the  ro^al  army  belonging  to 
the  tribe  of  Judah  (comp.  1  K.  i.  9  and  25) ;  and 
these,  with  all  the  princes  except  Solomon,  were  en- 
tertained by  Adonijah  at  a  great  sacrificial  feast  held 
"  by  the  stone  Zoiieleth,  which  is  by  Ex-rooel." 
Nathan  and  Both-sheba  apprised  David  of  these  pro- 
ceedings, who  immediately  gave  orders  that  Solomon 
should  be  conducted  on  the  royal  mule  in  solemn  pro- 
cession to  GiHON  2.  Here  he  was  anointed  and  pro- 
claimed king  by  Zadok,  and  joyfully  recognized  by 
the  people.  This  decisive  measure  struck  teiTor  into 
the  opposite  party,  and  Adonijah  fled  to  the  sanctu- 
ary, but  was  pardoned  by  Solomon  on  condition  that 
he  should  "  show  himself  a  worthy  man,"  with  the 
threat  that  "  if  wickedness  were  found  in  him  he 
should  die"  (i.  52).  The  death  of  David  quickly  fol- 
lowed ;  and  Adonijah  begged  Bath-sheba  (Quee.n) 
to  procure  Solomon's  consent  to  his  marriage  with 
Abishag  (1  K.  i.  3).  This  was  regarded  as  a  fresh 
attempt  on  the  throne  (Absalom  ;  Abner)  ;  and 
therefore  Solomon  ordered  him  to  be  put  to  death  by 
Benaiah,  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  his  previous 
pardon.— 2.  A  Levite  in  the  reign  of  Jeho^haphat 
(2  Chr.  xvii.  8). — 3«  A  chief  who  scaled  the  covenant 
(Neh.  X.  16);  according  to  Ge.s.,  &c.  =  Adonikam. 

Ad-O-nl'kam  (Hcb.  lord  of  the  enemy,  Ges. ;  lord  is 
assisting,  Fii.),  ancestor  of  a  family  of  whom  666  or 
667  returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii. 
13;  Neh.  vii.  18;  1  Esd.  v.  14),  others  with  Ezra 
(Ezr.  viii.  13  ;  1  Esd.  viii.  39^  ;  =  (.so  Ges.,  &c.)  Ado- 
nijah 3. 

Ad-o-ni'ram  (Heb.  lord  of  altitude,  Ges.),  by  con- 
traction AnoRAM,  also  Hadoram,  chief  receiver  of  the 
tribute  during  the  reigns  of  David  (2  Sam.  xx.  24), 
Solomon  (1  K.  iv.  6),  and  Rehoboam  (1  K.  xii.  18; 
2  Chr.  xii.  18).  This  last  monarch  sent  him  to  col- 
lect the  tribute  from  the  rebellious  Israelites,  who 
stoned  him  to  death. 

A-don-l-ze'dek  (Heb.  lord  of  jns'iee),  the  Amcrite 
king  of  Jerusalem,  who  with   four  other  Amorite 


ADO 


ADR 


15 


kings  having  laid  siege  to  Gibeon,  Joshua  marched 
to  the  relief  of  his  new  allies  and  put  the  besiegere  to 
flight.  The  five  kings  took  refuge  in  a  cave  at  Mak- 
KiDAH,  whence  they  were  taken  and  slain,  their 
bodies  hung  on  trees,  and  then  buried  in  the  cave 
(Josh.  X.  1-27). 

A-dap  lion,  an  expression  metaphorically  used  by 
St.  Paul  in  reference  to  the  present  and  prospective 
privileges  of  Christians  (Rom.  viii.  15,  23;  Gal.  iv. 
5 ;  Eph.  i.  5).  He  probably  alludes  to  the  Uoman 
custom  of  adoption,  by  which  a  person,  not  having 
children  of  his  own,  might  adopt  as  his  son  one  born 
of  other  parents.  By  it  the  adopted  child  was  en- 
titled to  the  name  and  sacred  rites  of  his  new  father, 
and  ranked  as  his  heir-at-law  :  while  the  adopter  was 
entitled  to  the  property  of  the  son,  and  exercised 
toward  him  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  a  f.ither. 
In  short,  the  relationship  was  to  all  intents  and  pur- 
poses the  same  as  between  a  real  father  and  son. 
The  selection  of  a  person  to  be  adopted  implied  a 
decided  preference  and  love  on  the  part  of  the  adopt- 
er :  and  St.  Paul  aptly  transfers  the  well-known  feel- 
ings and  customs  connected  with  the  act  to  illustrate 
the  position  of  the  Christianized  Jew  or  Gentile. 
The  Jews  themselves  had  no  process  of  adoption 
(Esther  ;  Moses)  :  indeed,  it  would  have  been  in- 
consistent with  the  regulations  of  the  Mosaic  law 
affecting  the  inheritance  of  property  :  the  instances 
occasionally  adduced  as  referring  to  the  custom  (Gen. 
XV.  3,  xvi.  2,  XXX.  6-9)  are  evidently  not  cases  of 
adoption  proper. 

inlo'ra  (Gr.),  or  A'd»r  (L.).    Adoraim. 

id-o-ra'lm  (Heb.  two  mounds,  Ges.),  a  fortified  city 
built  by  Kehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  9),  in  Judah,  appar- 
ently in  or  near  the  low  country  (Valley  5),  since  it 
is  by  Josephus  almost  uniformly  coupled  with  Mare- 
shah  ;  probably  =  Adora  or  Ador  (1  Mc.  xiii.  20), 
unless  that  he  Dor,  on  the  sea-coast  below  Carmel. 
Robinson  (ii.  215)  identifies  it  with  Dura,  a  large 
village  on  a  rising  ground,  2^  hours  VV.  of  Hebron. 

A-da'rani.     Adoniram. 

Ad-o-ra'UoR<  The  acts  and  postures  by  which  the 
Hebrews  expressed  adoration  were  similar  to  those 
still  in  use  among  Oriental  nations.  To  rise  up  and 
suddenly  prostrate  the  body  was  the  most  simple 


Adoration.    ADcient  EgyptiaD.— (WilkiDson.) 


method ;  but  generally  the  prostration  was  more 
formal,  the  person  falling  upon  the  knee  and  then 
gradually  inclining  the  body  until  the  forehead 
touched  the  ground.  Such  prostration  was  usuil  in 
the  worship  of  Jehovah  (Gen.  xvii.  3  ;  Ps.  xcv.  6) ; 
it  was  also  the  formal  mode  of  receiving  visitors 
(Gen.  xviii.  2),  of  doing  obeisance  to  superiors  (2 
Sam.  xiv.  4),  and  of  showing  respect  to  equals  (IK. 
ii.  19).  Occasionally  it  was  repeated  three  times 
(1  Sam.  XX.  41),  and  even  seven  times  (Gen.  xxxiii. 
3)-  It  was  accompanied  by  such  acts  as  a  kiss  (Ex. 
xviii.  7),  laying  hold  of  the'  knees  or  feet  of  the  per- 
son to  whom  the  adoration  was  paid  (Mat.  xxviii.  9), 


and  kissing  the  ground  on  which  he  stood  (Ps.  Ixxii. 
9 ;  Mic.  vii.  17).  Similar  adoration  was  paid  to 
idols  (IK.  xix.  18):  sometimes,  however,  prostra- 
tion was  omitted,  and  the  act  consisted  simply  in 
kissing  the  hand  to  the  object  of  reverence  (Job 
xxxi.  27),  and  in  kissing  the  statue  itself  (Hos.  xiii. 
2).  The  same  customs  prevailed  in  our  Saviour's 
time,  as  appears  not  only  from  their  being  often  prac- 
tised toward  Himself,  but  also  from  the  parable  of 
the  unmerciful  servant  (Mat.  xviii.  26),  and  from 
Cornelius's  reverence  to  St.  Peter  (Acts  x.  25),  to 
which  the  apostle  objected,  as  implying  too  great 
honor,  especially  as  coming  from  a  Roman,  to  whom 
prostration  was  not  usual.  Idolatry  ;  Prayer  ; 
Sacrifice. 


AdoratloQ.    Modem  Egyptian.— (Lace.) 

*  A-dorn'ing.    Dress  ;    Hair  ;    Ornaments,   Per- 

SO.VAL. 

A-dram'me-lecli  [-lek]  (Heb.).  I.  An  idol  woi^ 
shipped  in  Samaria  by  the  colonists  from  Sepharvaim 
(2  K.  xvii.  31)  with  rites  resembling  those  of  Moloch, 
children  being  burnt  in  his  honor.  Gesenius  ex- 
plains Adrammelech  as  from  Hebrew  eder  hammelech 
—  splendor  of  the  kinrj.  Reland  makes  the  word  = 
fire-king,  and  regards  Adrammelech  as  the  sun-god. 
Sir  H.  Rawlinson  regards  Adrammelech  as  the  male 
power  of  the  sun,  and  Anammelech,  mentioned  with 
Adrammelech  as  a  companion-god,  as  the  female 
power  of  the  sun. — 2.  Son  of  the  Assyrian  king 
Sennacherib,  whom  Adrammelech,  in  conjunction 
with  his  brother  Sharezer,  murdered  in  the  temple 
of  Nisroch  at  Nineveh,  after  the  failure  of  the  As- 
syrian attack  on  Jerusalem.  The  parricides  escaped 
into  Armenia  (2  K.  xix.  37 ;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  21  ;  Is. 
xxxvii.  38). 

Ad-ra-m^t'ti-nm  [ad-dra-mit'te-um]  (fr.  Gr. ;  said 
to  have  been  named  from  Adramys,  brother  of  Croe- 
sus, king  of  Lydia),  a  seaport  in  the  province  of 
Asia,  in  tlie  district  anciently  called  jEolis,  and  also 
Mysia  (see  Acts  xvi.  7).  Adramyttiura  gave  name 
to  a  deep  gulf  on  this  coast,  opposite  to  the  opening 
of  which  is  the  island  of  Lesbos.  (Mitylene.)  St. 
Paul  was  never  at  Adramyttium,  except  perhaps 
during  his  second  missionary  journey,  on  his  way 
from  Galatia  to  Troaa  (Acts  xvi.) ;  but  his  voyage 
from  Cesarea  was  in  a  ship  belonging  to  this  place 
(Acts  xxvii.  2).  Adramyttium  was  in  St.  Paul's  time 
a  Roman  assize-town,  and  a  place  of  considerable 
traffic,  on  the  great  Roman  road  between  Assos, 
Troas,  and  the  Hellespont  on  one  side,  and  Perga- 
mus,  Ephesus,  and  Miletus  on  the  other,  and  con- 
nected by  similar  roads  with  the  interior  of  the 
country.  The  modem  Adramyti  is  a  poor  village, 
but  a  place  of  some  trade  and  ship-building. 

A'drt-a,  more  properly  A'dri-as  (Gr.),  probably  de- 
rived from  the  town  of  Adria,  near  the  Po,  at  first 


16 


ADR 


ADU 


denoted  the  part  of  the  gulf  of  Venice  which  is  in 
that  neighborhood,  afterward  the  whole  of  that  gulf. 
Subsequently  it  obtained  a  much  wider  extension, 
and  in  the  apostolic  age  denoted  that  natural  divi- 
sion of  the  Mediterranean  which  Humboldt  names 
the  Syrtic  basin  (see  Acts  xxvii.  17),  and  which  had 
the  coasts  of  Sicily,  Italy,  Greece,  and  Africa  for  its 
boundaries.  This  definition  is  explicitly  given  by  al- 
most a  contemporary  of  St.  Paul,  the  geographer 
Ptolemy,  who  also  says  that  Crete  is  bounded  on  the 
W.  byAdria.  Later  writers  state  that  Malta  divides 
the  Adriatic  sea  from  the  Tyrrhenian  sea,  and  tlie 
isthmus  of  Corinth  the  JSgean  from  the  Adriatic. 
Thus  the  ship  in  which  Josephus  started  for  Italy 
about  the  time  of  St.  Paul's  voyage  foundered  in 
Adria  {Life,  3),  and  there  be  was  piclied  up  by  a 
ship  from  Cyrene  and  taken  to  Puteoli  (see  Acts 
xxviii.  13).  The  apostle  also  thus  passed  through 
Adria  (Acts  xxvii.  27)  before  his  sliipwreck  at  Mal- 
ta.    Melita. 

A'dri-el  (Heb.  Jlock  of  God,  Ges.),  son  of  Bar- 
zillai  the  Meholathite,  to  whom  Saul  gave  his  daugh- 
ter Merab,  previously  promised  to  David  (1  Sam. 
xviii.  19).  His  five  sons  were  among  the  seven 
descendants  of  Saul  whom  David  surrendered  to  the 
GfBEONiTES  (2  Sam.  xxi.  8).     Rizpah. 

id'n-el  (fr.  Gr.  —  Adiel  ?),  an  ancestor  of  Tobit 
(Tob.  i.  1). 

i'dnriam  (Heb.  justice  of  the  people,  Sim.,  Ges.), 
in  the  Apocrypha  Odollam,  a  city  ol'  Judah  in  the 
lowland  (Valley  5 ;  Josh.  xv.  35 ;  comp.  Gen. 
xxxviii.  1,  "Judah  went  down,^''  and  Mic.  i.  16,  where 
it  is  named  with  Mareshah  and  Achzib) ;  the  seat  of 
a  Canaanite  king  (Josh.  xii.  15),  and  evidently  a  place 
of  great  antiquity  (Gen.  xxxviii.  1,  12,  20) ;  fortified 
by  Rchoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  1),  reoccupied  by  the  Jews 
after  their  return  from  Babylon  (Neh.  xi.  30),  and 
still  a  city  in  the  time  of  the  Maccabees  (2  Mo.  xii. 
38). — The  city  of  Adullam  may  have  been  near  Deir 
Diibban,  five  or  six  miles  N.  of  Eloutlieropolis.  The 
limestone  cliffs  of  the  whole  of  that  locality  are 
pierced  with  extensive  excavations,  some  one  of 
which  (so  Mr.  Grove,  with  Stl.,  V.  de  V.,  &c.)  may 
have  been  the  "cave  of  Adullam,"  the  refuge  of 
David  (1  Sam.  xxii.  I ;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  13  ;  1  Chr.  xi. 
15).  Monastic  tradition  (with  which  Kit.,  Fbn., 
Bonar,  Ayre,  Thn.,  &c.,  coincide)  places  the  cave  of 
Adullam  at  Khiireilun,  where  is  an  immense  natural 
cavern  in  the  side  of  a  precipice,  about  two  hours 
S.  E.  of  Bethlehem  (Rbn.  i.  481). 

A-dDl'lam-ite  —  a  native  of  Adullam  (Gen.  xxxviii. 
1,  12,  20). 

A-dnl'ter-y.  The  parties  to  this  crime  were  a 
married  woman  and  a  man  who  was  not  her  hus- 
band. The  toleration  of  polygamy,  indeed,  renders 
it  nearly  impossible  to  make  criminal  a  similar  of- 
fence committed  by  a  married  man  with  a  woman 
not  his  wife.  In  the  patriarchal  period  the  sanctity 
of  marriage  is  noticeable  from  Abraham's  fear,  not 
that  his  wife  will  be  seduced  from  him,  but  that  he 
may  be  killed  for  her  sake,  and  especially  from  the 
scruples  ascribed  to  Pharaoh  and  Abimelech  (Gen. 
xii.,  XX.).  The  woman's  punishment,  as  commonly 
among  Eastern  nations,  was  no  doubt  capital,  and 
probably  death  by  fire  (xxxviii.  24).  The  Mosaic 
penalty  was  that  both  tlie  guilty  parties  should  be 
stoned,  and  it  applied  as  well  to  the  betrothed  as  to 
the  married  woman,  provided  she  were  free  (Deut. 
xxii.  22-24).  A  bondwoman  so  offending  was  to  be 
scourged,  and  the  man  was  to  make  a  trespass  offer- 
ing (Lev.  xix.  20-22  ;  Punishments). — The  system 
of  inheritances,  on  which  the  polity  of  Moses  was 


based,  was  threatened  with  confusion  by  the  doubt- 
ful offspring  caused  by  this  crime,  and  this  secured 
popular  sympathy  on  the  side  of  morality  until  a  far 
advanced  stage  of  corruption  was  reached.  Probably, 
when  that  territorial  basis  of  polity  passed  away — as 
it  did  after  the  captivity — and  when  the  marriage  tie 
became  a  looser  bond,  public  feeling  in  regard  to 
adultery  changed,  and  the  penalty  of  death  was  sel- 
dom or  never  inflicted.  Thus,  in  the  case  of  the 
woman  brought  to  our  Lord  (Jn.  viii.  3-11),  it  is 
likely  that  no  one  then  thought  of  stoning  her  in 
fact,  though  there  remained  the  written  law  ready  for 
the  caviller.  It  is  likely  also  that  a  divorce,  in  which 
the  adulteress  lost  her  dower  and  rights  of  mainte- 
nance, &c.,  was  the  usual  remedy,  suggested  by  a  wish 
to  avoid  scandal  and  the  excitement  of  commisera- 
tion for  crime.  The  expression  (Mat.  i.  19)  "  to  make 
her  a  public  example,"  probably  means  to  bring  the 
case  before  the  local  Sanhedrim,  which  was  the  usual 
course,  but  which  Joseph  did  not  propose  to  take, 
preferring  repudiation,  because  that  could  be  man- 
aged privately. — Concerning  the  famous  trial  by  the 
WATER  OF  JEALOUSY  (Xum.  v.  11-31),  it  has  been 
questioned  whether  a  husband  was,  in  case  of  certain 
facts,  bound  to  adopt  it.  The  more  likely  view  is, 
that  it  was  meant  as  a  relief  to  the  vehemence  of 
Oriental  jealousy  (so  Mr.  Hayman).  The  ancient 
strictness  of  the  nuptial  tie  gave  room  for  intense 
feeling :  and  in  that  intensity  probably  arose  this 
strange  custom,  which  no  doubt  Moses  found  pre- 
vailing, and  which  is  said  to  be  paralleled  by  a  (brm 
of  ordeal  called  the  "  red  water  "  in  western  Africa. 
The  forms  of  Hebrew  justice  (see  Talmud)  all  tended 
to  limit  the  application  of  this  test.  1.  By  prescribing 
certain  facts  presumptive  of  guilt,  to  be  established 
on  oath  by  two  witnesses.  2.  By  technical  rules  of 
evidence  which  made  proof  of  those  presumptive 
facts  difficult.  3.  By  exempting  certain  large  classes 
of  women  (all  indeed,  except  a  pure  Israelitess  mar- 
ried to  a  pure  Israelite,  and  some  even  of  them)frora 
the  liability.  4.  By  providing  that  the  trial  could 
only  be  before  the  great  Sanhedrim.  5.  By  invest- 
ing it  with  a  ceremonial  at  once  humiliating  and  in- 
timidating, yet  which  still  harmonized  with  the  spirit 
of  the  whole  ordeal  in  Num.  v.  But,  6.  Above  all, 
by  the  conventional  and  even  mercenary  light  in 
which  the  nuptial  contract  was  latterly  regarded. — 
When  adultery  ceased  to  be  capital,  as  no  doubt  it 
did,  and  divorce  became  a  matter  of  mere  conveni- 
ence, this  trial  was  doubtless  discontinued.  And 
when  adultery  became  common,  as  the  Jews  them- 
selves confess,  it  would  have  been  impious  to  expect 
the  miracle  which  it  supposed.  If  ever  the  Sanhe- 
drim were  constrained  to  adopt  this  tiial,  no  doubt 
every  effort  was  used,  nay,  was  prescribed  to  over- 
awe the  culprit  and  induce  confession.  Besides, 
however,  the  intimidation  of  the  woman,  the  man 
was  likely  to  be  repelled  from  the  public  exposure 
of  his  suspicions.  Divorce  was  a  ready  and  quiet 
remedy. — Adultery  is  also  used  in  the  Scriptures  in 
a  wider  sense  to  include  fornication  and  all  lewd- 
ness (Ex.  XX.  14  ;  Mat.  v.  27,  28  j  2  Pet.  ii.  14),  and 
oft^  figuratively  to  denote  unfaithfulness  to  cove- 
nant obligations  toward  God,  or  idolatry,  apostasy, 
&c.  (Jer.  iii.  8,  9,  comp.  20 ;  Ez.  xxiii.  37  ;  I!ev.  ii. 
22,  &c.).  Concubine  ;  Divorce  ;  Harlot  ;  Mar- 
riage. 

A-darn'mlm,  the  go'Ing  up  to  or  of  (Heb.  ma'aleh 
ttdiimmim  =  the  pass  of  the  red) ;  a  landmark  of 
the  boundary  of  Benjamin,  a  rising  ground  or 
pass  "  over  against  Gilgal,"  and  "  on  the  S.  side 
of  the  'torrent'"  (Josh.  xv.  7,  xviii.  17),  where  is 


ADT 


AGR 


17 


Btill  the  road  leading  up  from  Jericho  and  the  Jor- 
dan to  Jerusalem,  on  tlic  southeni  face  of  the  gorge 
of  the  Wudi/  Kelt.  Jerome  (Onom.)  ascribes  the 
mime  to  the  blood  shed  there  by  the  robbers  who 
infested  the  pass  in  liis  day,  as  they  do  still,  and  as 
they  did  in  the  days  of  our  Lord,  of  whose  parable 
of  the  Good  Samaritan  this  is  the  scene.  But  the 
n.ime  is  probably  derived  from  some  ancient  tribe 
of  "red  m^n"  in  the  country. 

*  Ad  Ter-sa-ry.    Satan  ;  Trial  ;  War. 

•  Ad  TO-t»te  (Gr.  parakletos  =  called  tu  one's  aid, 
axsistini/;  hence  an  advocate,  a  comforter,  Rbn.  N.  T. 
Lex.)  =  one  who  pleads  another's  cause  before  a 
judge;  apphed  to  Jesus  Christ  (1  Jn.  ii.  1  ;  JunoE ; 
Trial).  The  same  Greek  word  is  also  applied  to  the 
Holy  Ghost,  and  translated  "  Comforter."  Spirit, 
THE  Holy.  • 

A-e-dl'»8  (1  Esd.  ix.  27),  probably  a  corruption  of 
Eli  a  II. 

J)gjrpt  [eejipt]  =  Eqtpt. 

jEne-as  [ee  ne-as :  in  L.  p.-ox  ee-nee'as]=:  Eneas. 

JJnDll  [ee'non]  =:  Enon. 

Jira  feo'ra],  now  written  Era.     Chronolosy. 

Ji-tlil-o'pl-a  [ee-the-o'pe-i]  —  EniioPiA. 

Af-Su't-tyi     Marriaos. 

Aga-bl  (1  Esil.  V.  30)  =  Haoab. 

Ag'a-b03  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  locust,  Drusius ;  fp.  Heb. 
z=  to  looe,  Grotius,  &3.),  a  Ciii-istian  prophet  in  the 
apostolic  age  (Acts  xi.  28,  xxL  10).  He  predicted 
(Acts  xi.  28)  a  famine  in  the  reign  of  Clauoius 
"  throughout  all  the  worll."  This  expression  may 
take  a  narrower  or  a  wider  sense,  eitlier  of  which 
confirms  the  prediction.  Aii  Greek  and  Roman 
writers  used  "  the  world  "  of  the  Groek  an  1  the  Ro- 
man world,  so  a  Jewish  writer  could  use  it  naturally 
of  the  Jewish  world  or  Palestine.  Ancient  writers 
give  no  account  of  any  universal  famine  in  the  reign 
of  Claudius,  but  they  speak  of  several  severe  fam- 
ines in  particular  countries.  Josephus  (xx.  2,  §  5, 
and  5,  g  2)  mentions  one  at  that  time  in  Judea, 
whic'.i  swept  away  many  of  the  inhabitants.  This 
probably  is  the  famine  to  which  Agabus  refers.  It 
toDk  place  (Jos.  xx.  5,  §  2)  when  Cuspius  Fadus  and 
Tibe  ins  Alexander  were  procurators ;  i.  e.  it  may 
have  be^un  about  the  close  of  a.  d.  44,  and  lasted 
three  or  four  years.  Fadus  was  sent  into  Judea  on 
the  death  of  Agrippa,  which  occurred  A.  D.  44.  If 
we  attach  the  wider  sense  to  "  world,"  the  prediction 
may  be  of  a  famine  throughout  the  Roman  empire 
during  the  reign  of  Claudius  (the  year  is  not  speci- 
fied), not  nec'ssarily  in  all  parts  at  the  same  time. 
We  find  mention  of  three  other  fanines  during  this 
reign  :  one  in  Greece,  and  two  in  Rome. 

A'glg(Heb.  fr.  Ar.  root  =:  lo  burn,  Gcs.),  possibly 
the  title  of  the  kings  of  Amaiek,  like  Pharaoh  of 
Egypt.  One  king  of  this  name  is  mentioned  in 
Num.  xxiv.  7,  and  another  in  1  Sam.  xv.  The  latter 
Saul  spared  with  the  best  of  the  spoil,  although  the 
Ainalekites  were  by  divine  command  to  be  extir- 
pate! (Ex.  xvii.  14;  Deut.  xxv.  17-19).  For  this 
disobedience  Samuel  was  commissioned  to  declare 
to  Saul  his  rejection,  and  he  himself  sent  for  Agag 
and  cut  him  in  pieces.  Haman  is  called  the  Agaq- 
iTE(Eilh.  iii.  1,  10,  viii.  3,  5).  The  Jews  considered 
Haman  a  descendant  of  Agag,  the  Amalekite,  and 
be  ice  account  for  his  hatred  to  their  race. 

A'g.ig-Ue.    Auao. 

A  gar  =  Haoar. 

A-gar-eucs'  [ay-gar-eenz']  (Bar.  iii.  23)  =  Haqar- 
kses. 

A^'ate  i."!  mentioned  four  times  in  the  A.  V.  (Ex. 
xxviu.  19,  ixxii.  12 ;  la.  Uv.  12 ;  Ez.  xxvii.  16).   In 


Ex.  where  the  Heb.  word,  shiho  is  used  to  denote  the 
second  stone  in  the  third  row  of  the  high-priest's 
breastplate,  commentators  are  generally  agreed  that 
affale  is  intended  ;  in  Isaiah  and  Ezekiel  the  Heb.  word 
is  cadedd,  i)iobahly=the  ruby  (Ges.).  In  Ez.  xxvii. 
IB,  where  the  text  has  agate,  the  margin  has  chryao- 
prase.  Our  English  agate  derives  its  name  from  the 
river  Achates,  in  Sicily,  on  the  banks  of  which,  ac- 
cording toTheophrastus  and  Pliny,  it  was  first  found  ; 
but  as  agates  are  met  with  in  almost  every  country, 
this  stone  was  doubtless  from  the  earliest  times 
known  to  the  Orientals.  It  is  a  variety  of  quartz 
with  stripes  or  bands  of  different  colors  or  shades, 
and  is  met  with  generally  in  rounded  nodules,  or  iu 
veins  in  trap-rocks ;  specimens  are  often  found  on 
the  sea-shore,  and  in  the  beds  of  streams,  the  rocks 
in  which  they  had  been  embedded  having  been  de- 
composed by  the  elements,  when  the  agates  have 
dropped  out. 

Age,  Old.  (For  distinctions  or  exemptions  on  ac- 
count of  age,  see  Lev.  xxvii.  7  ;  Num.  viii.  25.)  In 
early  stages  of  civilizntion,  when  experience  ia  the 
only  source  of  piactical  knowledge,  old  age  has  its 
special  value  and  honors.  Besides,  the  Jew  was 
taught  to  consider  old  age  as  a  reward  for  piety,  and 
a  token  of  God's  favor.  In  private  life  the  aged 
were  looked  up  to  as  the  depositaries  of  knowledge 
(Job.  XV.  10) :  the  young  rose  up  in  their  presence 
(Lev.  xix.  32);  they  gave  their  opinion  first  (Job 
xxxii.  4) :  gray  hairs  were  a  "  crown  of  glory  "  and 
the  "beauty  of  old  men"  (Prov.  xvi.  31,  xx.  29). 
The  attainment  of  old  age  was  regarded  as  a  special 
blessing  (Job  v.  26),  not  only  on  account  of  the  pro- 
longed enjoyment  of  life  to  the  individual,  but  also 
because  it  indicated  peaceful  and  prosperous  times 
(Zcch.  viii.  4  ;  1  Mc.  xiv.  9  ;  Is.  Isv.  20).  In  public 
affairs  age  carried  weight  with  it,  especially  in  the 
infancy  of  the  state :  under  Moses  the  old  men  or 
elders  acted  as  the  representatives  of  the  people  in 
all  matters  of  difficulty  and  deliberation,  and  thus  be- 
came a  class,  the  title  gradually  ceasing  to  convey 
the  notion  of  age,  and  being  used  in  an  official  sense, 
like  the  L.  Patrcs  (=  Fathers,  the  official  title  of 
Roman  senators),  Scnalores  (—  senators,  fr.  seiicx  = 
old),  &c.  (CoNGBEGATioN  ;  ELDER.)  On  the  descrip- 
tion of  old  age  iu  Eccl.  xii.  1-7,  see  under  Medicine. 

A'gee  [g as  in  get]  (Heb.  fugitive,  Ges.),  a  Hararite, 
father  of  SnAMMAii  3  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  11). 

Ag-ge'ns  [g  as  in  get]  (1  Esd.  vi.  1,  vii.  3;  2  Esd. 
i.  40)  =  Uaggai. 

*  Ag'o-ny  (fr.  Gr.,  lit.  a  contest,  struggle  for  cic- 
toni,  L.  &  S.),  used  in  2  Mc.  iii.  14,  16,  21,  and  Lk. 
xxii.  44,  to  denote  an  inward  struggle  or  conflict,  ex- 
treme mental  anguish.  Getbsemane;  Jksus Christ; 
Sweat,  Bloody. 

Agri-enWure.  This,  though  prominent  in  the 
lives  of  Adam,  Cain,  and  Noah,  wa^  little  cared  for 
by  the  patriarchs  ;  more  so,  however,  by  Isaac  and 
Jacob  than  by  Abraham  (Gen.  xxvi.  12,  xxxvii.  7), 
in  whose  time,  probably,  if  we  except  the  lower  Jor- 
dan valley  (xiii.  10),  there  was  little  regular  culture 
in  Canaan.  Thus  in  Gerar  and  Shechcm  pastoral 
wealth  apparently  predominated  (xxxiv.  28).  The 
herdmen  strove  with  Isaac  about  his  wells;  about 
his  crops  there  was  no  contention  (xxvi.  12-22).  In 
Joshua's  time  (Num.  xiii.  23,  24),  Canaan  was  in  a 
much  more  advanced  agriculturJ  state  th.^.n  when 
Jacob  left  it  (Deut.  viii.  8),  resulting  probalily  from 
the  severi^  experience  of  famines,  and  the  example 
of  Egypt,  to  which  its  people  were  thus  led.  The 
pastoral  life  kejjt  the  sacred  family  distinct  from 
mixture  and  locally  unattached,  especially  in  Egypt. 


18 


AGR 


AGR 


Afterward  agriculture  became  the  basis  of  the  Mo- 
saic conimonwealth.  It  tended  to  cheek  not  only 
the  contaminating  influence  of  foreign  nations,  which 
commerce  would  have  favored,  but  also  the  freeboot- 
ing  and  nomad  life,  and  made  a  numerous  offspring 
profitable,  as  it  was  already  honorable  by  natural 
sentiment  and  by  law.  Taken  in  connection  with 
the  inalienable  character  of  inheritances  tllEiR),  it 
gave  each  man  and  each  family  a  stake  in  the  soil 
and  nurtured  a  hardy  patriotism.  Every  family  felt 
its  own  life  with  intense  keenness,  and  had  its  divine 
tenure  to  guard  from  alienation  (Lev.  xxv.  23).  The 
prohibition  of  culture  in  the  sabbatical  tear  formed, 
under  this  aspect,  a  kind  of  rent  reserved  by  the  Di- 
vine Owner.  Landmarks  were  sacred  (Deut.  xix. 
14),  and  the  heritage  reverted  to  the  owner  in  the 
year  of  jubilee.  (Jubilee,  Year  of.) — Agricullural 
Calendar. — The  Jewish  calendar,  as  fixed  by  the 
three  great  testivals,  turned  on  the  seasons  of 
green,  ripe,  and-  fully-gathered  produce.  The  year 
ordinarily  consisting  of  twelve  months  (Month)  was 
divided  into  six  agricultural  periods  as  follows  : — 

I.  Sowing  Time. 
(  beginiiin?  about  I 

lisrl,  latter  halR       autumnal       I 

(        equinox        >  Early  rain  due. 

Marcheshvan 

Cbisleu,  former  half J 

II.  Uneipe  Time. 
Chlslen,  latter  half. 

Tebeth. 

Sebat,  former  half. 

III.  Cold  Season. 
Bcbat,  latter  half "j 

(Vea'dar)'.. ■■.■.■.'. ■.■.■.'..'  '.".'.'.■.■.■.■.■."■.■.  f  ^^"•""  "^°  ''"<'• 
Kisao,  former  half J 

IV.  Harvest  Time. 

(  Beginning  abont  ver- 

Kisan,  latter  half I  „      nal  equinox. 

I   Kariey  green. 

1  Passover. 
Ijar. 
Bivan,  former  half \  ^^h-' J^pe. 

V.  Summee. 
Sivan,  latter  half. 
Tammuz. 
Ab,  former  half. 

TI.  Sultet  Season. 
Ab,  latter  half. 
Klnl. 
Tlsrl,  former  half Ingathering  of  fruits. 

Thus  the  six  mbnths  from  mid  Tisri  to  mid  Nisan 
were  mainly  occupied  with  the  process  of  cultivation, 
and  the  rest  with  the  gathering  of  the  fruits.  Tlie 
ancient  Hebrews  had  little  notion  of  green  or  root- 
crops  for  fodder.  Barley  supplied  food  both  to  man 
and  beast,  and  "\Iillet"  was  grazed  while  green, 
and  its  ripe  grain  made  into  bread.  Mowing  (Am. 
vii.  1 ;  Ps.  Ixxii.  6)  and  liay-making  were  familiar 
processes.  (Grass  ;  Hat.) — Climaie  and  Soil. — A 
change  in  the  cUmate  of  Palestine,  caused  by  in- 
crease of  population  and  the  clearance  of  trees,  must 
have  taken  place  before  the  period  of  the  N.  T.  A 
further  cliange  caused  by  the  decrease  of  skilled  agri- 
cultural labor,  e.  g.  in  irrigation  and  terrace- making, 
has  since  ensued.  Yet  wherever  industry  is  secure, 
the  soil  still  asserts  its  old  fertility.  (For  the  vari- 
eties in  climate,  soil,  surface,  &c.,  see  Palestine.) 
Timber. — The  IsraeUtes  probably  found  in  Canaan 
a  fair  proportion  of  woodland,  which  their  necessities 
must  have  led  them  to  reduce  (Josh.  xvii.  18 ;  Fob- 


est).  But  even  in  early  times  timber  seems  to  have 
been  far  less  used  for  building  material  than  among 
Western  nations.  (Architecture.)  No  store  of 
wood-fuel  seems  to  have  been  kept:  ovens  were 
heated  with  dung,  hay,  &c.  (Ez.  iv.  12,  15;  Mat.  vi. 
30) ;  and,  in  any  case  of  sacrifice  on  an  emergency, 
some  source  of  supply  is  mentioned  for  the  wood 
(1  Sam.  vi.  14;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  22  ;  IK.  xix.  21  ;  comp. 
Gen.  xxii.  3,  6,  7 ;  Bread  ;  Coal  ;  Cooking,  &c.). 
Jiain  and  Irrigation. — The  abundance  of  water  in 
Palestine,  from  natural  sources,  made  Canaan  a  con- 
trast to  rainless  Egypt  (Deut.  viii.  7,  xi.  8-12).  Rais 
was  commonly  expected  soon  after  the  autumnal  equi- 
nox or  mid  Tisri ;  and  if  by  the  first  of  Cliisleu  none 
had  fallen,  a  fast  w  as  proclaimed.  (Dew  ;  Famine.)  The 
peculiar  Egyptian  method  of  irrigation  supposed  to  be 
alluded  to  in  Deut.  xi.  10— "where  thou  wateredst  it 
witli  thy  foot  " — was  not  unknown,  though  less  prev- 
alent in  Palestine.  That  peculiarity  seems  to  have 
consisted  in  making  in  the  fields  square  shallow  beds, 
like  our  salt-pans,  surrounded  by  a  raised  border  of 
earth  to  keep  in  the  water,  which  was  then  turned  fiom 
one  square  to  another  by  pushing  aside  the  mud,  to 
open  one  and  close  the  next  with  the  loot.  Others  (Nie- 
buhr,  Ros.,  &c.)  think  Deut.  xi.  10  refers  to  some  la- 
borious method  of  raising  water  to  the  level  of  gar- 
dens, &c.,  by  a  machine  turned  by  the  foot.  (See 
Egypt.)  In  Palestine  iriigation  was  essential;  and 
for  tliis  the  large  extent  of  rocky  surface,  easily  exca- 
vated for  cisterns  and  ducts,  was  most  useful.  Even 
the  plain  of  Jericlio  is  watered  not  by  canals  from 
the  Jordan,  since  the  river  lies  below  the  land,  but 
by  rills  converging  from  the  mountains.  In  these 
features  of  the  country  lay  its  expansive  resources  to 
meet  the  wants  of  a  multiplying  population.  The 
lightness  of  agricultural  labor  in  the  plains  set  fiee 
an  abundance  of  hands  for  terracing  and  watering ; 
and  the  result  gave  the  highest  stimulus  to  industry. 
Crops. — The  cereal  crops  of  constant  mention  are 
Wheat  and  Barley,  and  more  rarely  Rye  (?)  and 
Millet.  The  Vine,  Olive,  Fig,  Ccmmin,  Fitches (?), 
Beans,  Lentiles,  may  also  be  named  among  the  sta- 
ple produce.  To  tliese,  later  writers  add  many  gar- 
den plants,  e.  g.  kidney-beans,  peas,  lettuce,  endives, 
leeks,  garlics,  onions,  melons,  cucumbers,  cabbages, 
&c.  (Garden.)  The  produce  wliicli  formed  Jacob's 
present  would  keep,  and  had  been  preserved  during 
the  famine  (Gen.  xliii.  11;  Flax). — Pkmghing  and 
Sowing. — The  plough  probably  was  like  the  Egyptian, 
and  the  ploughing  light,  usually  with  one  yoke  of 
oxen.  Such  is  still  used  in  Asia  Minor,  and  its  parts 
are  sho\vn  in  fig.  1  ;  a  is  the  pole  to  which  one  of  the 
yokes,  b,  is  attached  ;  c,  the  share  ;  d,  tlie  handle ;  e 
represents  three  modes  of  arming  the  share ;  and  / 
is  a  goad  with  a  scraper  at  the  other  end,  pioLably 
for  cleaning  the  share.   (Goad;  IIaurow.)   Mountains 


Fig.  ].— Plough,  Ac,  as  fltni  MteA  tn  Apia  .Minor.— (From   Fellows'*   Alia 
Minor. j 

and  steep   places   were    hoed.      (Mattock.)      New 
ground  (broken  up  in  the  spring  and  ploughed  a 


AGR 


AGR 


19 


second  time ;  see  Is.  xxviii.  24)  and  fallows  (Jer.  iv. 
3 ;  Oos.  X.  12)  were  cleared  of  stones  and  of  thorns 
(Is.  V.  2)  early  in  the  year,  sowing  or  gathering  from 
"  among  thorns "  being  a  proverb  for  slovenly 
husbandry  (Job  v.  5;  I'roy.  xxiv.  30,  31).     Sowuio 


often  took  place  mlhout  previous  ploughing.  In 
highly  irrigated  spots  the  seed  was  trampled  in  by 
cattle  (Is.  xxxii.  20),  as  in  Egypt  by  goats.  Some- 
times, howcvi>r,  the  sowing  was  by  patches  only  in 
wellmauuied  spots,  as  in  lig.  4,  from  Surenhusius  on 


Fig.  3.— Goats  treading  En  the  grain,  when  loim  In  the  Seld,  after  Ui«  water  haa  lubeided. — (Wilkinton,  Tombs,  near  the  Pyramids.) 


the  Mislina.  Where  the  soil  was  heavier,  the  plough- 
ing was  best  done  dry ;  but  the  formal  routine  of 
heavy  Western  soils  was  not  the  standard  of  the 
naturally  fine  tilth  of  Palestine  generally.  Seventy 
days  before  the  passover  was  the  time  prescribed  for 


Fig.  4.— Ondn  growing  In  patehea.— (Sorenbaalna.) 

sowing  for  the  "  wave-sheaf,"  and  probably,  there- 
fore, for  that  of  barley  generally.     (Barley;  First 


Vig.  £.— Sowing,— ^Snrenhuaina.; 


Frcits  ;  Palestise  ;  Whbai.)    The  custom  of  watch 
ing  ripcQing  crops  and  threshing  floors  against  theft 


or  damage,  is  probably  ancient  (Ru.  iii.  4,  7 ;  Is.  i. 
8). — TItc  rotation  of  crops,  familiar  to  the  Egyp- 
tians, was  probably  known  .to  the  Hebrews.  Sow- 
ing a  field  with  divers  seeds  was  forbidden  (Deut. 
xxii.  9),  and  minute  directions  are  given  by  the  rab- 


Fig.  6.— Sowing— <SurenhufIua) 

bis  for  arranging  a  seeded  surface  with  great  variety, 
as  in  figs  5,  0,  yet  avoiding  juxtaposition  of  different 
kinds.  Three  furrows'  interval  was  the  prescribed 
margin.  The  blank  spaces  in  fig.  5,  a  and  A,  repre- 
sent such  margins,  tapering  to  save  ground.  Wide 
spaces  were  often  left  round  vines  and  olive-trees, 
and  the  rest  of  the  ground  cropped,  as  in  fig.  7. 
Reaping  and  Threshing. — The  wheat,  &c.,  was  reaped 
by  the  Sicklf,  or  was  pulled  up  by  the  roots.  It  was 
bound  in  sheaves  or  heaped,  as  in  fig.  9.   The  sheaves 


20 


AGR 


AOB 


Fig.  1.—  Wheat  -field  with  Olives.— (Surenhuaiiia.) 

or  heaps  were  carted  (Am.  ii.  13)  to  the  floor — a  cir- 
cular spot  of  hard  ground,  probably,  as  noiv,  from 


Fig.  8.— Reaping  wheat.— (WilkinBon,  Tomtt  of  tie  Eingt,    T\titM.) 

fifty  to  eighty  or  a  hundred  feet  in  diameter.     Such 
floors  were  probably  permanent,  and  became  well- 


known  spots  (Gen.  1.  10,  11  ;  2  pam.  xxiv.  16,  18). 
On  these  the  oxen,  &e.,  forbidden  to  be  muzzled 
(Deut.  XXV.  4),  trampled  out  tlie  grain.  At  a  later 
time  the  Jews  used  a  threshing  sledge,  called  morng 
(Is.  xli.  15  ;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  22  ;  1  Chr.  xxi.  23),  proba- 
bly resembling  the  rwreg,  still  employed  in  Egypt — a 
stage  with  three  rollers  ridged  with  iron,  which,  aided 


*^^TW^ 


Fig.  10.— Tlie  yineg,  a  threabing  machine  used  by  the  modern  Egyptiana.— {Fbn.) 


Fig.  9.— Reaping.— (Sorenbnaloa.) 

by  the  driver's  weight,  crushed  out,  often  injuring, 
the  grain,  and  cut  or  tore  the  Straw.  (Chaff.) 
Lighter  grains  were  beaten  out  with  a  stick  (Is. 
xxviii.  27).  Barley  was  sometimes  soaked  and  then 
parched  before  treading  out,  which  separated  tlie 
pellicle  of  the  grain.  The  use  of  animal  manure  is 
proved  frequent  by  such  expressions 
as  "  Dung  upon  the  face  of  the 
earth,"  &c.  (Ps.  Ixxxiii.  10;  2  K.  ix. 
37 ;  Jer.  viii.  2,  &c. ;  see  Forks). 
Whinowing. —  The  "  shovel  "  and 
"  fan  "  (Is.  XXX.  24),  the  preci.se  dif- 
ference of  which  is  doubtful,  indicate 
the  process  of  winnowing — an  im- 
portant part  of  ancient  husbandry 
(Vf.  i.  4,  XXXV.  5  ;  Job  xxi.  18  ;  Is. 
xvii.  13).  Evening  was  the  favorite 
time  (Ru.  iii.  2),  when  there  was 
mostly  a  breeze.  Tlie  "  fan  "  (Mat. 
iii.  12)  was  perhaps  a  broad  shovel 
which  threw  the  grain  up  against 
the  wind.  The  last  process  was  the 
shaking  in  a  sieve  to  separate  diit 
and  refuse  (Am.  ix.  9  ;  Barn  ;  Egypt  ; 
Mill). — Fields  and  floors  were  not 
commonly  enclosed  ;  vineyards  most- 


Fle.  II.— Treading  out  the  grain  by  oxen,  and  winncwln^.    1.  Ralfing  iin  tlie  ears  ti  tlie  centre.    2.  The  driver.    3.  Winnowing,  with  wooden 
*  "  "  '  •  •liovelB.-(WilhiMon,  TK,ba.) 


ly  were  with  a  tower  and  other  buildings  (Num. 
xxii.  24  ;  Ps.  Ixxx.  13  ;  Is.  v.  6  ;  Mat.  xxi.  33  ;  comp. 
Judg.  vi.  II).  Banks  of  mud  from  ditches  were 
also  useii. — Rent,  dr. — A  tenant  might  pay  a  fixed 
money  rent  (Cant.  viii.  11),  or  a  stipulated  share  of 
the  fruits  (2  Sam.  ix.  10  ;  Mat.  xxi.  34),  one-half,  one- 


third,  &c.,  as  local  custom  prescribed.  A  passer- 
by might  eat  any  quantity  of  corn  or  grapes,  but 
not  reap  or  carry  off  fruit  (Deut.  xxiii.  24,  25  ;  Mat. 
xii.  1).  Alms;  Cor.ner  ;  Gleaning;  Poor;  Tithe. 
A-grip'pa  (L.  born  with  difficulli/,  Gellius,  Schl.), 
Herod. 


AG0 


AHA 


21 


*  A'gao,  Cara'ingi    Fktkr. 

i'^ar  (Ucb.  peihaps  =  an  cssrmhler,  one  of  ilie 
assembhi,  sc.  of  wise  men,  Ges. ),  the  son  of  J akeh  ; 
an  unknown  Hebrew  sage,  who  uttered  or  collected 
the  sayings  of  wisdom  recorded  in  Prov.  xxx.  Ewald 
attributes  to  him  the  authorship  of  Prov.  xxx.  1- 
j;x.\i.  9,  in  consequence  of  the  similarity  of  style 
exhibited  in  tlie  three  sections  therein  contained, 
and  places  him  not  earUer  than  the  end  of  the 
seventh  or  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  B.  c.  The 
Rabbins,  according  to  Rashi,  and  Jerome  after  them, 
interpreted  the  name  symbolically  of  Solomon,  who 
"collected  understanding"  and  is  elsewhere  called 
"  Koheleth  "  (A.  V.  "  the  Preacher  ").  Bunsen  makes 
Agur  an  inhabitant  of  Massa,  and  probably  a  descend- 
ant of  one  of  the  five  hundred  Simeonites,  who  drove 
out  the  Ainalekites  from  Mt.  Seir  (1  Chr.  iv.  42,  43). 
Uitzig  makes  him  the  son  of  the  Queen  of  Massa  and 
brother  of  Lemuel. 

A'bab  (Heb.  fal/ier's  brother,  Ges.).  1,  Son  of 
Omri ;  seventh  king  of  the  separate  kingdom  of 
Israel  (Israel,  Kingdom  of),  and  second  of  his 
dynasty.  The  great  lesson  from  his  life  ( 1  K.  xvi.- 
xxii.)  is  the  depth  of  wickedness  into  which  a  weak 
man  may  fall,  even  though  not  devoid  of  good  feel- 
ings and  amiable  impulses,  when  he  abandons  him- 
self to  the  guidance  of  another  person,  resolute,  un- 
scrupulous, and  depraved.  The  cause  of  his  ruin 
was  his  marriage  with  Jezebel,  daughter  of  Ethbaal, 
king  of  Tyre.  Ahab's  reign  was  distinguished  by 
the  ministry  of  Elijah,  who  was  brought  into  direct 
collision  with  Jezebel  when  she  introduced  into  Is- 
rael on  a  grand  scale  the  impure  worship  of  Baal  and 
of  Astarte  (Ashtoreth  ;  Ashekah),  and  proceeded 
systematically  to  hunt  down  and  put  to  death  God's 
prophets  (Obadiah  10).  How  the  worship  of  God 
was  restored,  and  the  idolatrous  priests  slain,  in  con- 
sequence of  "  a  .lore  famine  in  Samaria,"  is  relate  i 
under  Elijah.  But  heathenism  and  persecution 
were  not  the  only  crimes  into  which  Jezebel  led  her 
yielding  husband.  One  of  his  chief  tastes  was  for 
splendid  architecture,  which  he  showed  by  building 
an  ivory  house  and  several  cities.  (Hiel  ;  Jericho.) 
The  beautiful  city  of  Jezreel  he  adorned  with  a  pal- 
ace and  park  for  his  own  residence,  though  Samaria 
remained  the  capital  of  his  kingdom.  Desiring  to 
add  to  his  pleasure-grounds  there  the  vineyard  of 
Naboth,  he  proposed  to  buy  it  or  give  land  in  ex- 
change for  it ;  and  when  this  was  refused  by  Naboth, 
in  accordance  with  the  Mosaic  law  (Lev.  xxv.  23),  a 
false  accusation  of  blasphemy  was  brought  against 
him,  and  he  and  his  sons  were  stoned  to  death.  Eli- 
jah now  declared  that  the  entire  extirpation  of  Ahab's 
house  was  appointed  for  his  long  course  of  wicked- 
ness, crowned  by  this  atrocious  crime.  The  execu- 
tion, however,  of  the  sentence  was  delayed  in  conse- 
quence of  Ahab's  humbling  himself.  Ahab  was  cn- 
faged  in  two  defensive  campaigns  against  Bcn-hadad 
1.,  king  of  Damascus,  and  iu  one  offensive.  In  the 
first,  Benhadad  laid  siege  to  Samaiia ;  and  Ahab, 
encouraged  by  God's  prophets,  made  a  sudden  attack 
on  him  whilst  in  the  plenitude  of  arrogant  confidence 
he  was  banqueting  in  his  tent  with  his  thirty-two 
vassal  kings.  The  Syrians  were  totally  routeii,  and 
fled  to  Damascus.  Next  year  Ben-hadad,  believing 
that  his  failure  was  owing  to  some  peculiar  power  of 
the  God  of  Israel  over  the  hills,  invaded  Israel  by 
way  of  Aphek  5.  Yet  Ahab's  victory  wa>i  so  com- 
plete that  Ben-hadad  himself  fell  into  his  hands ;  but 
was  released  (contrary  to  the  will  of  God  as  an- 
nounced by  a  prophet)  on  condition  of  restoring  all 
the   cities   of   Israel   which  he  held,  and  making 


"  streets "  for  Ahab  in  Damascus ;  i.  e.  admitting 
into  his  capital  permanent  Hebrew  officers,  in  an  in- 
dependent position,  with  special  dwellings  for  them- 
selves and  their  retinues,  to  watch  over  the  commer- 
cial and  political  interests  of  Ahab  and  his  subject?. 
A  similar  privilege  had  been  exacted  by  Ben-hadad's 
predecessor  from  Omri  in  Samaria.  After  this  great 
success  Ahab  enjoyed  peace  for  three  years,  when, 
in  conjunction  with  Jehoshaphat,  king  of  Judah,  he 
attacked  Ramoth  in  Gilead,  which  was  held  by  the 
Syrians,  but  claimed  by  Ahab  as  belonging  to  Israel. 
But  God's  blessing  did  not  rest  on  the  expedition, 
and  Ahab  was  told  by  the  prophet  Micaiaii  that  it 
would  fail.  For  giving  this  warning  Micaiah  was  im- 
prisoned ;  but  Ahab  was  led  by  it  to  disguise  him- 
self, so  as  not  to  offer  a  conspicuous  mark  to  the 
archers  of  Ben-hadad.  But  he  was  slain  by  a  "  cer- 
tain man  who  drew  a  bow  at  a  venture  ; "  and,  though 
staid  up  in  his  chariot  for  a  time,  he  died  toward 
evening,  and  his  army  dispersed. '  When  he  was 
brought  to  be  buried  in  Samaria,  and  his  chariot  n  as 
washed  in  the  pod  of  Samaria  (1  K.  xxii.  37,  38), 
the  dogs  licked  up  his  blood  ;  a  partial  fulfilment  of 
Elijah's  prediction  (1  K.  xxi.  19),  which  was  more 
literally  accomplished  in  the  case  of  his  son  (2  K. 
ix.  26). — 2,  A  lying  prophet,  who  deceived  the  cap- 
tive Israelites  in  Babylon,  and  was  burnt  to  death  by 
Nebuchadnezzar  (Jer.  xxix.  21). 

i'ha-rab  (Heb.  after  the  brother,  Ges.),  third  son 
of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  1).     Aher  ;  Ahiram. 

A-har'bel  (Heb.  behind  the  breastwork,  sc.  bom, 
Ges.),  ancestor  of  certain  families  of  Judah,  appar- 
ently descended  through  Coz  from  Ashur,  the  posthu- 
mous son  of  Ilezron.  The  Targum  of  Rabbi  Joseph 
on  Chronicles  identifies  him  with  "  Hur  the  first-boru 
of  Miriam"  (1  Chr.  iv.  8). 

Aba-sal  (Heb.  =  Ahaziah?  Ges.;  holder,  pro- 
lector,  Eli.),  a  priest,  ancestor  of  Amashai  (Nch.  xi. 
13).     Jahzeraii. 

A-has'bal  (Htb.  Hale  refuge  vcilh  Jehovah,  Sini., 
Gps.;  blooming,  nhining,  &c.  Jah  is,  Fii.),  father  of 
Eliphelet,  David's  captain  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  34) ;  =  Ir 
in  I  Ohr.  xi.  35. 

*  A-bash-Te'rosb  (Heb.)  =:  Ahascerus  (Ezr.  iv.  6, 
marg.). 

A-has-n-e'ms  (fr.  Heb.  Ahashverosh  [see  above] 
or  Achaxhvcrosh  =  Siiusc.  kshalra,  "  kiiig,"^  kshenhe 
in  the  arrow-headed  inscriptions  of  I'erstpolis  =  Gr. 
Xerxes  ;  see  Artaxerxes),  the  name  of  one  Median 
and  two  Persian  kings  in  the  0.  T.  In  the  following 
chronological  table  of  the  Medo-Persian  king?  from 
Cyaxares  to  Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  according  to 
their  ordinary  classical  names,  their  supposed  Scrifi- 
tural  names  are  added  in  italics  by  Bishop  Cotton, 
the  original  author  of  this  aiticle: — 1.  Cyaxares, 
king  of  Media,  and  conqueror  of  Nineveh  (son  of 
Phraortes  and  grandson  of  Deioccs),  began  to  reign 
n.  c.  fi34  ;  =  Ahasuerus.  2.  Astyages  (his  son), 
last  king  of  Me<lia,  b.  c.  594 ;  =  Darins  the  M(de. 
3.  Cyrus  (son  of  his  daughter  Maiidane  and  Cam- 
byses,  a  Persian  noble),  first  king  of  Persia,  559  ;  = 
Cyruf.  4.  Cambyses  (hisson),  529  ;  =  y)/ia««fr?M. 
6.  A  Magian  usurper  (who  personated  Smerdis, 
younger  son  of  Cyrus),  621  ;  =  Artaxerxet.  6.  Da- 
rius Hystaspis  (raised  to  the  throne  on  the  over- 
throw of  the  Magi),  521  ;  =  Darins.  7.  Xerxes 
(his  son),  485  ;  =  Ahasueius.  8.  Artaxerxes  Longi- 
manus (Gr.  Artaxerxes  Macrochcir)  (his  son),  496- 
465;  —  Artaxerxes. — I.  In  Dan.  ix.  1,  Ahasucrus  is 
said  to  be  the  father  of  Darius  the  Mede.  Now 
Cyaxares  almost  certainly  =  Ahasucrus,  Grccize<l 
into  Axares  with  the  prefix  Cy-  or  Kai-,  common  to 


■22 


AHA 


AHA 


the  Kaianian  dynasty  of  kings  (Malcdlm^s  Persia,  ch. 
iii.) ;  compare  Kai  Khosroo,  the  Persian  name  of 
Cyrus.  Darius  the  Mede  was  probably  Astyages 
(son  of  tiiis  Cyaxares),  perhaps  set  over  Babylon  as 
viceroy  by  his  grandson  Cyrus,  and  allowed  to  live 
there  in  royal  state.  This  first  Ahasuerus,  then,  is 
Cyaxares,  the  conqueror  of  Nineveh.  Accordingly 
Tob.  xiv.  15,  says  that  Nineveh  was  taken  byNabu- 
chodonosor  and  Assuerus,  i.  e.  Cyaxares.— 2t  In 
Ezr.  iv.  6,  the  enemies  of  the  Jews,  after  the  death 
of  Cyrus,  desirous  to  frustrate  the  building  of  Jeru- 
salem, send  accusations  against  them  to  Ahasuerus, 
king  of  Persia.  This  must  be  Cambyses.  For  their 
opjjosition  continued  from  the  time  of  Cyrus  to  that 
of  Darius  (iv.  5),  and  .Ahasuerus  and  Artaxerxes 
(i.  e.  Cambyses  and  the  pseudo-Smerdis)  reigned  be- 
tween them  (iv.  6-24).  (But  see  Ezra,  Book  of.) 
Xenophon  calls  the  brother  of  Cambyses  Tanyoxarcs 
(i.  c.  the  younger  Oxares),  whence  we  infer  that  the 
elder  Oxares  or  Axares,  or  Ahasuerus  was  Camby- 
ses. His  constant  wars  probably  prevented  him 
Irom  interfering  in  the  concerns  of  the  Jews.  He 
was  plainly  called'  after  his  grandfather,  who  was 
not  a  king,  and  therefore  it  is  very  likely  that  he 
also  assumed  the  kingly  name  or  title  of  Axares  or 
Cyaxares,  which  had  been  borne  by  hia  most  illus- 
trious ancestor. — 3.  The  Ahasuerus  of  Esth.  i.-x. 
Having  divorced  his  queen  Vashti  for  refusing  to 
appear  in  public  at  a  banquet,  he  married  four  years 
after,  the  Jewess  Esther,  cousin  and  ward  of  MoR- 
DECAi.  Five  years  after  this,  Haman,  having  been 
slighted  by  Mordecai,  prevailed  upon  Ahasuerus  to 
order  the  destruction  of  all  the  Jews  in  the  empire. 
But  before  the  day  appointed  for  the  massacre,  Es- 
ther and  Mordecai  destroyed  Uaman's  influence  with 
the  king,  who  put  Haman  to  death,  and  gave  the 
Jews  the  right  of  sell'-dcfence.  The  Jews  then  killed 
several  thousands  of  their  opponents.  Now,  from 
the  extent  assigned  to  the  Persian  empire  (Esth.  i. 
,1),  "  from  India  even  unto  Ethiopia,"  Darius  Hys- 
taspis  is  the  earliest  king  to  whom  this  history  can 
apply,  and  it  is  hardly  worth  while  to  consider  the 
claims  of  any  after  Artaxerxes  Longimanus.  But 
Darius's  wives  were  the  daughters  of  Cyrus  and 
Otanes,  and  he  differs  from  Ahasuerus  both  in  name 
and  character.  The  character  of  Artaxerxes  Longi- 
manus is  also  very  unlike  that  of  Ahasuerus.  Be- 
sides, in  Ezr.  vii.  1-7,  11-26,  Artaxerxes,  in  the 
seventh  year  of  his  reign,  issues  a  decree  very  favor- 
able to  the  Jews,  and  it  is  unlikely,  therefore,  that 
in  the  12th  (Esth.  iii.  7),  Haman  could  speak  to  him 
of  them  as  if  he  knew  nothing  about  them,  and  per- 
suade him  to  sentence  them  to  an  indiscriminate 
massacre.  Ahasuerus  therefore  =  Xerxes  (the  names 
being  identical) :  and  this  conclusion  is  fortified  by 
the  resemblance  of  character,  and  by  certain  chrono- 
logical indications.  As  Xerxes  scourged  the  sea, 
and  put  to  death  the  engineers  of  his  bridge  because 
their  work  was  injured  by  a  storm,  so  Ahasuerus  re- 
pudiated Vashti  because  she  would  not  violate  the 
decorum  of  her  sex,  and  ordered  the  massacre  of  the 
whole  Jewish  people  to  gratify  Haman.  In  the  third 
year  of  the  reign  of  Xerxes  was  held  an  assembly  to 
arrange  the  Grecian  war  (Hdt.  vii.  7  ff ).  In  the 
third  year  of  Ahasuerus  was  held  a  great  feast  and 
assembly  in  Shushan  the  palace  (Esth.  i.  3).  In  the 
seventh  year  of  his  reign  Xerxes  returned  defeated 
from  Greece,  and  consoled  himself  by  the  pleasures 
of  the  harem  (Hdt.  ix.  108).  In  the  seventh  year  of 
his  reign  (Esth.  ii.  16)  Ahasuerus  replaced  Vashti 
by  marrying  Esther,  one  of  the  fair  young  virgins 
sought  for  the  king  (ii.  2).     The  tribute  he  "laid 


upon  the  land  and  upon  the  isles  of  the  sea  "  (x.  ') 
may  well  have  been  the  result  of  the  expenditure 
and  ruin  of  the  Grecian  expedition. 

A-ha'Ta  (Heb.  prob.  =  water,  Ges. ;  river,  stream, 
Fii),  a  place  (Ezr.  viii.  15),  or  a  river  (viii.  21),  ou 
the  banks  of  which  Ezra  collected  the  second  expe- 
dition which  returned  with  him  from  Babylon  to 
Jerusalem;  called  Tuebas  in  1  Esd.  viii.  41,  61. 
Various  have  been  the  conjectures  as  to  its  locality ; 
but  Kawlinson  considers  Ahava  =  AvA  and  Iviii, 
the  modem  Hit,  on  the  Euphrates,  due  E.  of  Da- 
mascus. 

A'haz  (Heb. /)05sf«sor  ,•  in  the  N.  T.  Achaz)  1. 
The  eleventh  king  of  Judah  (Jcdah,  Kingdom  cf  ; 
Israel,  KiNcroM  of),  fon  cf  Jotham,  ascended  (he 
throne  in  his  twentieth  (some  say  twenty-fifth  ;  see 
Hezekiah)  year  (2  K.  xvi.  2).  At  his  accession, 
Eezin,  king  of  Damascus,  and  Pekah,  king  of  Israel, 
were  leagued  against  Judah,  and  they  proceeded  to 
lay  siege  to  Jerusalem.  (Tabeal.)  Upon  (his 
IsAiAH  gave  advice  and  encouragement  to  Ahaz,  and 
the  allies  failed  in  their  attack  on  Jeruealtm  (Is. 
vii.-ix.).  But  the  allies  took  a  vast  number  of  cap- 
tives, who,  however,  were  restored  on  (he  remon- 
strance of  the  prophet  Oded  ;  and  they  also  inflicted 
a  severe  injury  on  Judah  by  the  capture  of  Ei.ath, 
on  the  Red  Sea ;  while  the  Philistines  invaded  the 
W.  and  S.  (2  K.  xvi. ;  2  Chr.  xxviii.).  Ahaz  sought 
deliverance  of  Tiglath-pileser,  king  of  Assyria,  who 
invaded  Syria,  took  Damascus,  killed  Kczin,  and  de- 
prived Israel  of  its  northern  and  trans-Jordanic  dis- 
tricts. But  Ahaz  purchased  (his  help  at  a  costly 
price :  he  became  tributary  to  Tiglath-pileser,  sent 
him  all  the  triasures  of  (he  Temple  and  his  own 
palace,  and  even  appeared  before  him  in  Damescua 
as  a  vassal.  He  also  sought  for  safety  in  heathen 
ceremonies ;  making  his  son  pass  through  the  fire  to 
Moloch,  consulting  wizards  and  necromancers  (Is. 
viii.  19),  sacrificing  to  the  Syrian  gods,  introducing 
a  foreign  altar  from  Damascus,  and  probably  (he 
worship  of  (he  heavenly  bodies  frcm  Assyiia  End 
Babylcn,  as  he  sctms  (o  have  set  up  (he  horses  of 
(he  sun  mendoncd  in  2  K.  xxiii.  11 ;  and  "  (he  altars 
on  the  top  (or  roof)  of  the  upper  chamber  of  Ahaz  " 
(2  K.  xxiii.  12)  were  connected  with  the  adora- 
tion of  the  stars.  We  sec  another  and  blameless  re- 
sult of  (his  intercourse  wi(h  an  astionomical  people 
in  the  "  sundial  of  Ahaz."  (Is.  xxxviii.  8  ;  Dial). 
He  died  after  a  reign  of  sixteen  years. — 2,  i-oa 
of  Mieah  the  grandson  of  Jonathan  (hrough  Meiib- 
baal  or  Mcphiboshe(h  (1  Chr.  viii.  85,  36,  ix.  42). 

A-ba-zi'gh  (fr.  Heb.  =z  nliom  Je^iovah  fvstains.  1. 
Son  of  Ahab  and  Jezebel,  and  eigh(h  king  of  Israch 
(Israel,  Kingijom  of.)  After  (he  ba(tle  of  Ramoth 
in  Gilead  (he  Syrians  had  (he  ccmmand  of  (he  coun- 
try E.  of  Jordan,  and  cut  off  all  ccnimunication  be- 
tween the  Israelites  and  Woabitcs,  so  that  (he  vas- 
sal king  of  Moab  refused  his  yearly  (ribute  of  100,000 
lambs  and  100,000  rams  with  their  wool  (crmp.  Is. 
xvi.  1).  Before  Ahaziah  could  enforce  his  claim,  he 
was  seriously  injured  by  a  fall  through  a  lattice  in 
his  palace  at  t'amaria.  In  his  health  he  had  wor- 
shipped his  mo(her's  gods,  and  now  he  sent  (o  in- 
quire of  the  oracle  of  Baal-zebub  in  the  Philistine 
city  of  Ekron  whether  he  should  recover  his  health. 
But  Elijah  rebuked  him  for  this  impiety,  and  an- 
nounced (o  him  his  approaching  dea(h.  fie  reigned 
two  years.  For  his  endeavor  to  join  the  king  of 
Judah  in  trading  (o  Ophir,  see  Jehosbafhat  (1  K. 
xxii.  49-63 ;  2  K.  i.  ;  2  Chr.  xx.  35-37).— 8.  Fifth 
king  of  Judah  (Jcpah,  Kingdom  op;  Israel,  King- 
dom of),  son  of  Jeuoram   2  and  Ahab's  daughter 


AHB 


AHI 


23 


Atlialiah,  and  therefore  nephew  of  Ahaziah  1.     He 
is  called  Azariah,  2  Chr.  sxii.  6,  piobably  by  a  copy- 
isit's  error,  and  Jehoahaz,  2  Chr.  xxi.  17.     2  K.  viii. 
26,  correctly  makes  him  twenty-two  yeiirs  old  at  his 
accession,  though  2  Chr.  xxii.  2  has  his  age  at  that 
time  forty-two  ;  for  (2  Chr.  xxi.  5,  20)  his  father  Jeho- 
rani  was  forty  when  he  died,  so   that  a   transcriber 
must  have  made  a  mistake  in  the  numbers.  Ahaziah 
was  an  idolater,  and  allied  himself  with  his  uncle 
Jeiioram  2,  king  of  Israel,  against  Hazael,  the  new 
kmg  of  Syria.     The  two  kings  were,  however,  de- 
feated at   Ramoth   Gilead,  where  Jehoram   was  so 
severely  wounded  th  it  he  retired  to  Jezreel  to  be 
healed."     The  revolution  carried  out  in  Israel  by 
Jbhl-  under  the  guidance  of  Elisha  broke  out  while 
Ahaziah  was  visiting  his  uncle  at  Jezreel.     As  Jehu 
approached  the  town,  Jehoram  and  Ahaziah   went 
out  to  meet  him ;  but  both  the  kings  were  slain. 
The  apparent  discrepancy  between  2  K.  ix.  27-29 
and  2  Chr.  xxii.  9,  Keil  {'Comtn.  on  2  K.  1.  c.)  re- 
moves thus:  When  Ahaziah  saw  Jehoram  slain   by 
Jehu,  he  fled  first  by  the  way  to  the  garden-house 
and  escaped  to  Samaria ;  but   was  here,   where   he 
had  hid  himself,  talien  by  Jehu's  men  who  followed 
him,  brought  to  Jeh.-i,  who  was  still  at  or  near  Jez- 
reel, and  at  his  command  slain  at  the  hill  Gur,  be- 
side Ibleam,  in  his  chariot,  i.  e.  mortally  wounded 
with  an  arrow,  so  that  he,  again  fleeing,  expired  at 
Megiddo;  and  as  a  corpse  he  was  c.irriei  by  his  ser- 
vants to  Jerusalem  and  buried  there.     Tlie  account 
in  2  Chr.  is  much  curtailed.     Ahaziah  reigned  one 
year  (2  K.  viii.  26,  ix.  29).     The  difference  between 
2  K.  viii.  45,  "  in  the  twelfth  year  of  Joram,"  and 
ix.  29,  "  in  the  eleventh  year  of  Joram,"  is  most 
simply  explained  by  a  different  computation  of  the 
beginning  of  the  years  of  his  reign  (Keil). 

Ah'b.-in(Heb.  brollier  of  the  wise,  or  brotherli/,  Gea.), 
son  of  Abishur  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  29). 
A'her  (Heb.  after,  next,  another,  Ges.),  ancastor  of 
UusHiM  (1  Chr.  vii.  12);  by  some  translated  "an- 
other ;  "  not  improbably =Ahiram,  Aharah,  Ahoah, 
Em. 

A'hl  (Heb.  =  Ahijah,  Ges.).  1.  A  Gadite,  chief 
of  a  family  in  Bashan  (1  Chr.  v.  15).  The  LXX. 
translates  Ahi  "  brother,"  the  Vulgate  "  brethren." 
—2.  An  Asherite,  son  of  Shamer  (1  Chr.  vii,  34). 

A-bi'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =:  brother  [i.  e.  friend]  of  Je- 
hovah, Ges.;  =  Ahijah).  1.  Son  of  Ahitub  1.  He 
was  the  Lord's  priest  in  Shiloh,  wearing  an  ephod 
(1  Sam.  xiv.  3,  18).  There  is  a  difficulty  in  recon- 
ciling the  statement  in  1  Sam.  xiv.  18,  concerning 
the  ark  being  used  for  inquiring  by  Ahiah  at  Saul's 
bidding,  and  the  statement  that  they  inquired  not  at 
the  ark  in  the  days  of  Saul  (1  Chr.  xiii.  3).  But  all 
difficulty  will  disappear  if  we  apply  the  expression 
in  1  Chr.  xiii.  3,  only  to  all  the  latter  years  of  Saul, 
when  the  priestly  estabhshment  was  at  Kob,  and  not 
at  Kirjath-jearim,  where  the  ark  was.  The  narrative 
in  1  Sam.  xiv.  is  entirely  favorable  to  the  mention  of 
the  ark  (comp.  2  Sam.  vi.  3).  (Gibeaii  2,  3,  4.) 
Ahiah  probably  =  Ahimelech  the  son  of  Ahitub. 
However,  Ahimelech  may  have  been,  as  Gesenius 
supposes,  brother  to  Ahiah. — 3<  One  of  the  sons  of 
Shisha,  Solomon's  scribes  (1  K.  iv.  3). — i.  Son  of 
Bela  (1  Chr.  viii.  7) ;  =  Ahoah. 

A-hl'ani(neb.  fa/ber's  brother,  Ges.),  one  ofDavid's 
thirty  valiant  men  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  83  ;   1  Chr.  xi.  35). 
A-bi'an  (Heb.  brotherli/,  Ges.),  a  Manassite,  son  of 
Shumidah(l  Chr.  vii.  19). 

A-hl-«'l!ep  (lleb.  brother  of  help,  Ges.).  It  Son 
of  Ammishaddai,  and  chieftain  of  Dan  under  Moses 
(.Vura.   i.  12,  ii.  25,  vii.  66,  71,  x.  25.-2.  A  Benja- 


mite  chief  of  a  body  of  archers  that  came  to  David 
at  Ziklag(l  Chr.  xii.  3). 

A-hi'hnd  (Heb.  brother  [i.  e.  fricvd]  of  the  Jeu^s, 
Ges.).  1.  Son  of  Shelomi,  and  prince  of  Asher;  as- 
sistant in  the  division  of  Canaan  (Num.  xx.iLiv.  27). 
—8.  (Heb.  brother  or  friend  of  union,  Ges.).  A 
Benjamite,  of  the  sons  of  Ehud  (1  Chr.  viii.  7). 

A-hl'jah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Ahiah).  1.  A  prophet  of 
Shiloh  (1  K.  xiv.  2),  hence  called  the  Shilonite  (xi. 
29),  of  whom  we  have  two  remarkable  prophecies 
extant :  the  one  in  1  K.  xi.  31-39,  addressed  to  Jer- 
oboam, announcing  the  rending  of  the  ten  tribes 
from  Solomon,  and  the  transfer  of  the  kingdom  to 
Jeroboam;  the  other  in  1  K.  xiv.  6-16,  delivered 
in  the  prophet's  extreme  old  age  to  Jeroboam's  wife, 
in  whicli  he  foretold  the  death  of  Jeroboam's  sick 
son  (Abijaii  2),  the  destruction  of  Jeroboam's  house 
on  account  of  the  images  which  he  had  set  up,  and 
the  captivity  of  Israel  "  beyond  the  river  "  Euphrates. 
Jeroboam's  speech  concerning  Ahijah  (IK.  xiv.  2, 
3)  shows  the  estimation  in  which  he  held  his  truth 
and  prophetic  powers.  In  2  Chr.  ix.  29,  reference  is 
made  to  a  record  of  Solomon's  reign  in  the  "  pro- 
phecy of  Ahijah  the  Shilonite." — %.  Father  of  fJaa- 
sha, 'king  of  Israel  (1  K.  xv.  27,  83).— 3.  Son  of 
Jerahmeel  (1  Chr.  ii.  25);  in  the  LXX.  translated 
"  his  brother." — i.  One  of  David's  valiant  men,  a 
Pelonite  (1  Chr.  xi.  36 ;  Eliam  2).— 5.  A  Levite  in 
David's  reign,  who  was  over  the  treasures  of  the 
house  of  God  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  20);in  the  LXX.  trans- 
lated "  their  brethren." — 6<  A  chief  who  sealed  the 
covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  26). 

A-bi'kam  (Heb.  brollin-  of  the  enemy,  Ges.),  son  of 
Shnphan  the  scribe,  and  an  influential  officer  at  the 
courts  of  Josiah,  and  of  Jehoiakim,  He  was  one 
of  the  deleiates  sent  by  Josiah  to  consult  Huldah 
(2  K.  xxii.  12-20 ;  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  20-28).  In  the 
reign  of  Jehoiakim  he  protected  the  prophet  Jere- 
miah (Jer.  xxvi.  24).  His  son  Gedaliah  was  made 
governor  of  Judah  by  Nebuchadnezzar. 

A-hi'lnd  (Heb.  brother  of  one  born,  Ges.).  1,  Father 
of  Jehoshaphat,  the  recorder  under  David  and  Solo- 
mon (2  Sam.  viii.  16,  xx.  24  ;  1  K.  iv.  3  ;  1  Chr.  xviii. 
15). — 2.  Father  of  Baana,  one  of  Solomon's  com- 
missaries (1  K.  iv.  12) ;  =  No.  1  f 

A-hiin'a-az(neb.  brother  of  anger,  Ges.).  1.  Father 
of  Saul's  wife,  Ahinoam  (1  Sam.  xiv.  60). — 2.  Sonof  the 
high-priest  ZAnoKl,and  celebrated  for  his  swiftness 
of  foot.  When  David  fled  from  Jerusalem,  on  account 
of  Absalom's  rebellion,  Zadok  and  Abiathar,  accom- 
panied by  their  sons,  Ahimaaz  and  Jonathan,  and 
HcsiiAi,  remained  behind  at  his  bidding.  Ahimaaz 
and  Jonathan  stayed  outside  the  walls  of  the  city  at 
E.s-Rooel.  a  message  soon  came  to  them  from 
Zadok  and  Abiathar  through  a  maid-servant,  that 
Ahithophel  had  counselled  an  immediate  attack  upon 
David,  and  that  the  king  must  cross  the  Jordan 
without  delay.  They  started  at  once  on  their  errand, 
but  a  lad  went  and  told  Absalom,  who  ordered  a  hot 
pursuit.  In  the  mean  time,  they  reached  Baiiurlm, 
where  a  woman  hid  them  in  a  well  in  the  court-yard, 
and  covered  the  wells  mouth  with  ground  or  bruised 
com.  (CocRT  ;  Well.)  Absalom's  servants  coming 
up  searched  for  them  in  vain ;  and  as  soon  as  they 
were  gone,  Ahimaaz  and  Jonathan  haste<l  on  to 
David,  and  told  him  Ahithophel's  counsel.  David 
with  his  whole  company  crossed  the  Jonlan  that 
night  (2  Sam.  xv.  24-37,  xvii.  15-22).  After  Absa- 
lom was  killed,  Ahimaaz  was  very  urgent  with  Joab 
to  be  employed  as  the  messenger  to  run  and  carry 
the  tidings  to  David.  Joab  at  first  would  not  allow 
him  to  bear  such  tidings ;  but  after  Cuahi  bad  start- 


24 


AEI 


AHO 


ed  with  the  tidings,  Ahimaaz  was  so  importunate  to 
be  allowed  to  run  too  that  at  length  Joab  consented. 
Taking  another  way  by  the  plain  Ahimaaz  outran 
Cushi,  and,  arriving  first,  reported  to  the  king  the 
good  news  of  the  victory,  suppressing  his  knowledge 
of  Absalom's  death,  and  lea\ing  to  Cushi  the  task 
of  announcing  it  (2  Sam.  xviii.  19-33).  This  is  the 
last  we  hear  of  Ahimaaz.  The  assertion  of  Josephus 
(x.  8,  §  6),  that  he  filled  the  office  of  high-priest,  may 
be  merely  an  inference  from  his  coming  between 
Zadok  and  Azariah  in  the  genealogy  of  the  high- 
priests  (1  Chr.  vi.  8, 9).  From  comparing  1  K.  iv.  2  with 
1  Chr.  vi.  10,  we  should  conclude  that  Ahimaaz  died 
before  Zadok,  and  that  Zadok  was  succeeded  by  his 
grandson  Azariah. — 3i  Solomon's  son-in-law  and  com- 
missary in  Naphtali;  husband  of  Easmath(l  K.  iv.  15). 

A-hi'man  (Heb.  broihnr  of  a  gift,  Ges.).  1.  One 
of  the  three  giant  Anakim  of  Hebron  (Num.  xiii.  22, 
33),  seen  by  Caleb  and  the  spies,  and  afterward  slain 
by  the  tribe  of  Judah  (Judg.  i.  10). — 2.  A  Levite, 
porter  at  the  king's  gate  (1  Chr.  ix.  17). 

A-him'e-lech  [Jek]  (Heb.  bmther  of  the  khig,  Ges.). 

1.  Son  of  Abitub  (1  Sam.  xxii.  11, 12),  and  high-priest 
at  Nob  in  the  days  of  Saul.  He  gave  David  the  shew- 
bread  to  eat,  and  the  sword  of  Goliath  ;  and  for  so 
doing  was,  upon  the  accusation  of  Doeg  the  Edomite, 
put  to  death  with  his  whole  house  by  Saul's  order. 
Eighty-five  (the  LXX.  read  305)  priests  were  thus 
cruelly  slaughtered  ;  Adiathar  alone  escaped. 
On  Al.imelech's  identity  with  Ahiah,  see  Ahiah  1. 
On  theconfusion  heiifcen  Ahimelech  and  Abialhar  in 
1  Chr.,  see  Adiathar. — 2.  A  Hittite,  one  of  David's 
companions  while  he  was  persecuted  by  Saul ;  called 
in  the  LXX.  Abimelech  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  6). 

A-hi'moth  (Heb.  brother  of  death,  Ges.),  a  Koha- 
thite  Levite  of  the  house  of  the  Korhites  (1  Chr.  vi. 
261  •  =  Mahath  in  verse  35. 

A-bin'a-dab  (Heb.  liberal  or  noble  brother,  Ges.), 
son  of  Iddo,  and  commissary  of  Solomon  in  the  dis- 
trict of  Mahanaim  (1  K.  iv.  14). 

A-bin'o-am  (Heb.  brother  of  grace).  1,  The  daugh- 
ter of  Ahimaaz  and  wife  of  Saul  (1  Sam.  xiv.  50).— 

2.  A  Jezreelitcss,  married  to  David  during  his  wan- 
dering life  (1  Sam.  xxv.  43),  with  him  and  his  other 
wife  Abigail  at  the  court  of  Achish  (xxvii.  3),  taken 
prisoner  with  her  by  the  Amalekites  at  Ziklag  (xxx. 
5),  but  rescued  by  David  (18),  again  mentioned  as 
with  him  in  Hebron  (2  Sam.  ii.  2);  mother  of  his 
eldest  son  Amnon  (iii.  2  ;  1  Chr.  iii.  1 ). 

A-bi'o  (Heb.  brotherly,  Ges.).  1.  Son  of  Abinadab, 
who  accompanied  the  ark  when  it  was  brought  out 
of  his  father's  house  (2  Sam.  vi.  3,  4  ;  1  Chr.  xiii.  7). 
—i.  A  Benjamite,  son  of  Beriah  3  (1  Chr.  viii.  14). 
— 3.  A  Benjamite,  son  of  Jehiel,  the  father  of  Gibe- 
on  (1  Chr.  viii.  31,  ix.  37). 

A-lli'ra  (Heb.  brother  of  evil,  Ges.),  chief  of  Naph- 
tali under  Moses  (Num.  i.  15,  ii,  29,  vii.  78,  83,  x.  27). 

A-lli'ram  (Heb.  brother  of  the  high,  Ges.),  son  of 
Benjamin,  and  ancestor  of  the  AiiiRAMiTES  (Num.  xxvi. 
38).  In  Gen.  xlvi.  21,  for  Ahiram  appears  "Ehi 
and  Rosh,"  the  former  being  probably  the  true  read- 
ing, of  which  the  latter  was  an  easy  corruption.  Aiier. 

A-lii'ram-ites  —  the  descendants  of  Auiram  (Num. 
xxvi.  38). 

A-Ii[s'a-matb  [-male]  (Heb.  brother  of  help,  Ges.), 
a  Danite,  father  of  AhoHab  (Ex.  xxxi.  C,  xxxv.  14, 
xxxviii.  23). 

A-blsh'a-bar  (Heb.  brother  of  the  dawn,  Ges.),  a 
Benjamite,  sen  of  Bilhan  (1  Chr.  vii.  10). 

A-hl'sbar  (Heb.  brother  of  the  tinger,  or  brother  of 
the  upright,  Ges.),  the  controller  of  Solomon's  house- 
hold (1  K.  iv.  6). 


A-hlth'o-phel  [-ftl]  (Heb.  brother  of  folly,  Ges.),  a 
native  of  Giloh,  in  Judah,  and  privy  councillor  of 
David,  whose  advice  had  the  authority  of  a  divine 
oracle  (2  Sam.  xvi.  23).  He  was,  according  to  many, 
the  grandfather  of  Bath-sheba.  (Eliam.)  Absalom 
en  revolting  sent  for  him,  and  when  David  heard 
that  Aliithophel  had  joined  the  conspiracy,  he  prayed 
Jehovah  to  turn  his  counsel  to  foolishness  (xv.  31), 
alluding  possibly  to  the  signification  of  his  name. 
David's  grief  at  the  treacliery  of  his  confidential 
friend  found  expression  in  Ps.  xli.  9,  Iv.  12-14.  To 
show  to  the  people  that  the  breach  between  Absalom 
and  his  father  was  irreparable,  Ahithophel  persuaded 
him  to  take  possession  of  the  royal  harem  (2  Sam. 
xvi.  21).  David,  iu  order  to  counteract  his  counsel, 
sent  HcsHAi  to  Absalom.  Ahithophel  had  recom- 
mended an  immediate  pursuit  of  David  ;  but  Hushai 
advised  delay.  When  Ahithophel  saw  that  Hushai's 
advice  prevailed,  he  despaired  of  success,  and  return- 
ing to  his  own  home,  "  put  his  household  in  order  and 
hanged  himself"  (xvii.  1-23). 

A-bl'tnl)  (Heb.  brother  or  friend  of  goodness,  Ges.). 
I.  A  priest  of  the  house  of  Eli  and  family  of  Itha- 
niar ;  son  of  Phinchas,  and  elder  biolher  of  Ichabod, 
also  father  of  Ahimelech  1  or  Ahiah  1  (1  Sam.  xiv. 
3,  xxii.  9,  11).  There  is  no  record  that  he  ever  was 
high-priest. — 2.  A  priest  of  the  house  of  Eleazar ; 
son  of  Amariah,  and  father  (or  grandfather ;  see 
Meraioth)  of  Zadok  the  high-priest  (1  Chr.  vi.  7,  8 ; 
2  Sam.  viii.  17;  Ezr.  vii.  2).  From  1  Chr.  ix.  11, 
where  he  is  styled  "  the  ruler  of  the  house  of  God," 
like  the  high-priest  Azariah  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  13),  it  is 
probable  that  Ahitub  was  high-frifst.  See  also 
Neh.  xi.  11.  It  is  difficult  to  determine  the  exact 
time  of  Ahitub's  high-priesthood.  If  he  was  father 
to  Zadok  he  must  have  been  high-priest  with  Ahime- 
lech ;  but  if  grandfather,  his  age  coincided  with  No. 
1. — 3i  In  1  Chr.  vi.  11,  12,  a  priest  or  high-priest, 
son  of  another  Amanah,  and  father  of  another  Zadok. 
(Zadok  2.) 

Ab'lab  (Heb.  fulness,  fertility,  Ges.),  a  city  of 
Asher  from  which  the  Canaanites  were  not  driven 
out  (Judg.  i.  31):  supposed  by  Bertheau  =  Ann- 
SHAPH  ;  more  probably  the  place  known  in  later  his- 
tory as  Gush  Chaleb  or  Gush  Halab  (Giscala),  iden- 
tified with  the  modem  village  of  el-Jisih,  near  t'afcd, 
in  the  hilly  country  N.  W.  of  the  sta  of  Galilee  (Kob- 
inson,  ii.  446,  iii.  73). 

Ab'lai  (Heb.  =  0  that!  Ges.),  daughter  of  Shc- 
shan,  and  wife  of  Jarha  (1  Chr.  ii.  31,  35);  foun- 
dress of  an  important  branch  of  the  Jerahmcelites 
(xi.  41). 

A-bo'ah  (Heb.  prob.  =  Ahiah),  son  of  Bcla,  the 
son  of  Benjamin  ( 1  Chr.  viii.  4) ;  =  Ahiah  3.  Aheb  ; 
Ahiram  ;  comp.  Gera  ;  Naaman  2. 

A-bo'bife  =  descendant  of  Ahoah  (2  Sam.  xxiii. 
9,  28;  1  Chr.  xi.  12,  29,  xxvii.  4). 

A-bo'lab  (Ileb.  [she  has]  Ao-  teitl,  or  her  tabernacle, 
Ges.),  a  harlot,  used  by  EzckiQl  as  the  symbol  of 
Samaria  (Ez.  xxiii.  4,  5,  "36,  44). 

A-bo'Ii-ab  (Heb.  tent  of  his  father,  Ges.),  a  Danite 
of  great  skill  as  a  weaver  and  embroiderer,  whom 
Moses  appointed  with  Bczaleel  to  erect  the  taber- 
nacle (Ex.  xxxi.  6,  xxxv.  SO,  35,  xxxvi.  1,  2,  xxxviii. 
23). 

A-bol'i-beh  (Heb.  my  tabernacle  is  in  her,  Ges.),  a 
harlot,  used  by  EzeUiel  as  the  symbol  of  Judah  (Ez. 
xxiii.  4,  11,  22,  3G,  44). 

A-bcI-!-ba'inab  (Heb.  te7tt  of  the  lieight,  Ges.),  one 
(probably  the  second)  of  Esau's  three  wives  ;  daugh- 
ter of  Anaii,  a  descendant  of  Seir  the  Horite  (Gen. 
xxxvi.  2,  25),  and  mother  of  three  of  Esau's  sons, 


AHU 


AJA 


25 


Jeush,  Jaalam,  Korah  (ver.  5,  14,  18).  In  Gen. 
x\v\.  34,  Aholibamah  U  called  Jpdith,  daughter  of 
Beeri,  the  Hittite.  Probably  Judith  was  her  proper 
personal  name,  and  the  name  Aholibamah  whicli  she 
nrceived  as  the  wife  of  Esau  and  foundress  of  three 
tribes  of  his  descendants ;  she  is  tlierf fore  in  the 
narrative  called  Judith,  and  in  the  genealogical  table 
Aholibamah.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  recurrence 
of  the  name  Aholibamah  in  the  concluding  li>t  of  the 
table  (Gen.  xxxvi.  40-43  ;  see  also  1  Chr.  i.  51-54), 
which  we  must  regard  as  a  list  of  names  of  places 
and  not  of  persons.  The  district  named  from  Aholi- 
bamah, or  perhaps  rather  from  which  she  received 
her  married  name,  was  no  doubt  (as  the  name  in- 
dicates) in  the  heights  of  the  mountains  of  Edora, 
probably  therefore  near  Mount  Hor  and  Petra. 

i-bn'mil  (Heb.  brotlier  of  [i.  e.  dwelling  near'\ 
vater,  Gcs.),  son  of  Jahath,  and  head  of  a  family  of 
Zorathitcs  (1  Chr.  iv.  2). 

A-bn'zam  (Heb.  Ahuzzam  =  Ihcir  possemon,  Ges.), 
son  of  Ashur,  the  father  of  Tekoa,  by  his  wife  Naa- 
rah  ( 1  Chr.  iv.  6). 

A-bnz'zath  (llcb.  possession.  Ges.),  a  friend  of  the 
Philistine  king  Abimelech,  who  accompanied  him  at 
his  inten-iew  with  Isaac  (Gen.  xxvi.  26). 

A'l  (Heb.  heap  of  ruins,  Ges.).  1.  A  royal  city 
(comp.  Josh.  viii.  2.3,  29,  x.  1,  xii.  9)  of  Ctniian,  al- 
ready existing  in  the  time  of  Abraham  (Gen.  xii.  8; 
Hai),  and  lying  E.  of  Bethel  (comp.  Josh.  xii.  9), 
and  "  beside  Bcthaven"  (Josh.  vii.  2,  viii.  9).  The 
Israelites,  after  destroying  Jericho,  attempted  to 
take  Ai,  but  were  at  first  unsuccessful.  (Achan.) 
Afterward  the  city  was  taken  by  an  ambuscade,  and 
■was  "  utterly  destroyed  "  (Josh,  vii.,  viii.,  ix.,  3,  x.  1, 
2,  xii.  9).  However,  the  name  Aiath  (probably  = 
Ar)  was  still  attached  to  the  locality  at  the  time  of 
Sennacherib's  march  on  Jerusalem  (Is.  x.  28).  The 
"  men  of  Bethel  and  Ai "  (223  in  Ezr.  ii.  28  ;  123 
in  Neh.  vii.  32)  returned  from  the  captivity  with  Ze- 
rubbabel;  and  "  Michmash,  Aija  (probably  —  Ai), 
and  Bethel,"  with  their  "  daughters,"  were  among 
the  places  reoccupied  by  the  Benjamites  (Neh.  xi. 
31).  Travellers  differ  as  to  the  site  of  the  city  which 
Joshua  doomed  to  be  a  "  heap  and  a  desolation  for- 
ever." Robinson  (ii.  573-5)  supposes  it  on  a  low 
hill  with  ruins,  about  three  miles  S.  S.  E.  of  Bethel  ; 
Van  de  Veldu  (ii.  278-9),  on  an  isolated  hill  with  a 
great  heap  of  stones,  about  one  mile  an  1  a  half 
E.  S.  E.  of  Bethel.  It  is  the  opinion  of  some  that 
AviM  in  Josh,  xviii.  23,  and  Gaza  in  1  Chr.  vii.  28 
are  corru|)tion3  of  Ai. — 2.  A  city  of  the  Ammonites, 
probably  attached  to  Heshbon  (Jer.  xlix.  3). 

Al'all  [like  Isaiah]  (Heb.  :=  cry,  clamor,  Ges.).  1. 
Son  of  Zibeon,  and  brother  of  Anaii  (1  Chr.  i.  40); 
called  in  Gen.  xxxvi.  24,  Ajah. — 2.  Father  of  Riz- 
pah,  the  concubine  of  Saul  (2  Sam.  Ui.  7,  xxi.  8,  10, 11). 

Al'ath  (fr.  Hub.),  probably  =  Ai  (Is.  x.  28). 

A1'J»  (fr.  Heb.),  probably  =  Ar  (Nth.  xi.  31). 

Ai'Ja-loa  (fr.  Heb.  =  a  place  of  deer  or  (jazelles  = 
Deerfield,  Ges.).  1,  A  city  of  the  Kohathites  (Josh. 
xxi.  24  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  69),  originally  allotted  to  Dan 
(.Josh.  xix.  42  ;  A.  V.  "  Ajalon  "),  which  tribe,  how- 
ever, could  not  dispossess  the  Amorites  of  the  place 
(Judg.  i.  35).  Aijalon  was  fortified  by  Rehoboam 
(2  Chr.  xi.  10)  during  his  conflicts  with  the  new 
kingdom  of  Ephraim  (1  K.  xiv.  80),  and  we  last  hear 
of  It  as  in  the  hands  of  the  Philistines  (2  Chr. 
xxviii.  18,  A.  V. •Ajalon;"  see  also  1  Chr.  viii. 
13).  Being  on  the  frontier  of  the  two  kingdoms, 
Aijalon  is  spoken  of  sometimes  (1  Chr.  vi.  69,  comp. 
with  66)  as  in  Ephraim,  and  sometimes  (2  Chr.  xi.  10 ; 
1  Sam.  xiv.  81)  as  in  Judab  and  Benjamin.    Aijalon 


is  identified  with  the  modem  YAlo,  a  village  a  little 
N.  of  the  Jatfa  road,  about  fourteen  miles  W.  N.  W. 
of  Jerusalem,  on  the  side  of  a  long  hill  which  (brms 
the  southern  boundary  of  a  fine  valley  of  wheat  and 
barley  fields.  This  valley,  now  Merj  Urn  'Oincir, 
was  undoubtedly  "the  valley  of  Ajalon"  (Josh.  x. 
12),  which  witnessed  the  defeat  of  the  Canaanites  by 
Joshua  (Rbn.  ii.  253,  iii.  145). — 2.  A  place  in  Zebu- 
lun,  the  burial-place  of  Elon,  one  of  the  judges 
(Judg.  xii.  12). 

Ai  je-lcth  8lia'har  (fr.  Heb.  =  (he  hind  of  the  morn- 
ing dawn),  found  only  in  the  title  of  Ps.  xxii.,  and 
variously  interpreted.  Some  take  it  for  the  name  of 
a  musical  instrument :  others  suppose  it  to  express 
allegorically  the  argument  of  Ps.  xxii. ;  the  Chaldee 
Paraphrast  translates  "  the  power  of  the  continual 
morning  sacrifice,"  implying  a  direction  to  the  chief 
musician  respecting  the  tiiae  of  chanting  the  psalm ; 
but  the  weiglit  of  authority  predominates  in  favor  of 
the  interpretation  which  assigns  to  the  phrase  the 
sole  purpose  of  describing  to  the  musician  the  mel- 
ody (not  now  extant,  but  well  known  in  David's 
time  and  afterward)  to  which  the  psalm  was  to  be 
played. 

A'lii  (Heb.  ^ayin)  =  an  eye,  and  also,  in  the  simple 
but  vivid  imagery  of  the  East,  a  spring  =  fountain, 
or  natural  burst  of  living  water,  the  well  or  tank  of 
artificial  formation  being  always  designated  by  the 
Hebrew  words  Beer  and  Bor.  Ain  oftenest  occui'S 
in  combination  (in  the  form  of  En  =  Heb.  'eyn),  as 
in  En-gew,  En-gannim,  &c.  It  occurs  alone  in  three 
cases: — !•  One  of  the  landmarks  on  the  eastern 
boundary  of  Palestine,  as  described  by  Moses  (Num. 
xxxiv.  11),  RiBLAU  being  "on  the  E.  side  of  the 
spring"  (A.  V.  "Ain").  This  is  probably  ^Ain  el- 
Azy,  the  main  source  of  the  Orontes,  and  a  fountain 
remarkaljle  for  its  force  and  magnitude,  about  nine 
miles  S.  W.'of  the  modern  Ribleh  (Rbn.  iii.  534; 
Ptr.  ii.  335-6,  358). — 2.  One  of  the  southernmost 
cities  of  Judab  (Josh.  xv.  32),  afterward  allotted  to 
Simeon  (Josh.  xix.  7  ;  1  Chr.  iv.  32),  and  given  to 
the  priests  (Josh.  x.xi.  16).  In  1  Chr.  vi.,  Ashan 
takes  the  place  of  Ain.  (En-Rimmon.) — 3.  The  six- 
teenth letter  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  (Ps.  cxix.). 
Number;  Writing. 

*  Air,  the  translation  in  the  A.  V.  of — 1.  Hebrew 
sMmayim  (  =  heaven)  cnly  in  Prov.  xxx.  19,  and 
in  the  phrases  "bird  of  the  air"  (2  Sam.  xxi.  10; 
Eccl.  X.  20),  "fowl  of  the  air"  (Gen.  i.  26  fT.,  &c.).— 

2.  Hebrew  ruah  or  ruach  (Job  xii.  14  only);  usu- 
ally translated  "  breath  "  (Gen.  vi.  1 7,  &c.),  "  wind  " 
(Gen.  viii.  1,  &c.)  or  "spirit"  (Gen.  i.  2,  &c.). — 3* 
Greek  ouranos  (  z=z  heaven),  only  in  the  phrases 
"  birds  of  the  air "  (Mat.  viii.  20,  &c.),  and  "  fowls 
of  the  air  "  (Jd.  xi.  7;  Mat.  vi.  26,  &c.);  in  LXX. 
=r  No.  1. — 4.  Greek  pneuma  (  =  breath,  spirit),  once 
in  Wis.  v.  11,  where  "  the  light  air  ....  is  passed 
through  "  by  a  bird  ;  in  LXX.  =:  No.  2. — 5.  Greek 
aer  (in  Homer,  &c.  =  the  lower  air,  atmosphere,  Uie 
thick  air  or  haze  that  surrounds  the  earth  ;  opposed 
to  Greek  aither,  i.  e.  the  pure  upper  air ;  hence, 
misty  darkness,  mist,  gloom ;  in  later  writers,  air, 
L.  &  S.),  uniformly  translated  "air"  in  N.  T.  (Acts 
xxii.  23  ;  1  Cor.  ix.  26,  xiv.  9;  Eph.  ii.  2  ;  1  Th.  iv. 
17;  Rev.  ix.  2,  xvi.  17),  also  in  Apocrypha  (Wis.  ii. 

3,  v.  11,  12,  vii.  3,  xvii.  10  [Gr.  9];  2  Me.  v.  2).— 
"  The  prince  of  the  power  of  the  air  "  (Eph.  ii.  2) 
=  Satan. 

A-l'ras,  one  of  the  "  servants  of  the  Temple,"  or 
Nethinim,  whose  sons  came  up  with  Zorobabel  (I 
Esd.  V.  31);  perhaps  =  Reaiah. 

A'Jah  =  AiAH  1  (Gen.  xxxvi.  24). 


26 


AJA 


ALE 


ij'a-Ion  (Josh.  x.  12,  six.  42;  2  Chr.  xxviii.  18)  = 
AuALON  1,  the  Hebrew  being  the  same  in  both. 

A'kan  (Ileb.  iwist,  turn,  Ges. ;  criminal,  Fii.),  son 
of  Ezer,  and  descendant  of  Seir  (Gen.  xxxvi.  27);  = 
Jakan  and  Jaakan. 

Ak'knb  (Heb.  insidious,  Ges.).  1.  A  descendant 
of  Zerubbabel  and  son  of  Elioenai  (1  Chr.  iii.  24). — 
i,  A  Levite,  porter  or  doorkeeper  at  the  E.  gate  of 
the  Temple  ;  =r  Dacobi  (1  Esd.  v.  28).  His  descend- 
ants succeeded  to  his  office,  and  appear  among  those 
who  returned  from  Baljylon  (1  Chr.  ix.  17;  Ezr.  ii. 
42  ;  Neh.  vii.  45,  xi.  19,  xii.  25).— 3.  One  of  the 
Nethinim,  whose  family  returned  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ezr.  ii.  45) ;  probably  =  ActJA  in  I  Esd.  v.  30. — 
4<  A  Levite  who  assisted  Ezra  in  expounding  the 
law  to  the  people  (Xeh.  viii.  7) ;  =  Jacubus  in  1 
Esd.  ix.  48. 

A-krab'bim  (Heb.  scorpions,  Ges.),  flie  as-rent'  of, 
and  the  going  np  to  ',  also  "  Ma'a-leh-acrabbim  " 
(Heb.  tlie  scorpion  pass).  A  pass  between  the  S. 
end  of  the  Dead  Sea  and  Zin,  on  the  southern 
boundary  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  3)  and  of  the  Holy 
Land  (Num.  xxxiv.  4).  Also  the  northern  (?)  boun- 
dary of  the  Amorites  (Judg.  i.  36).  Judas  Maccabeus 
gained  here  a  great  victory  over  the  Edomites  (1  Mc. 
V.  3  ;  "  Arabattine  ").  Perhaps  Akrabbim  is  the 
steep  pass  es-Sufdh,  by  which  the  final  step  is  made 
from  the  desert  to  the  level  of  the  actual  land  of 
Palestine.  (Zephath.)  Robinson  (ii.  120)  identifies 
Akrabbim  with  the  line  of  chalk  cliffs,  seven  or 
eight  miles  long,  and  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  and 
fifty  feet  high,  which  cross  the  Arabah  in  an  irreg- 
ular curve  from  N.  W.  to  S.  E.,  six  or  eight  miles 
S.  of  the  Dead  Sea.  Akrabbim  must  not  be  con- 
founded with  Akrabattene,  a  district  or  toparchy, 
under  the  Romans,  between  Neapolis  and  Jericho 
(Jos.  B.  J.  ii.  12,  §  4,  &c. ;   Rbn.  iii.  296).     Arbat- 

TIS. 

il'a-bas-ter  (Gr.  alabaslron  or  alabastros,  original- 
ly [so  Stephanus]  the  name  of  the  vessels,  of  pecu- 
liar shape  [see  cut],  in  which  ointments  were  kept, 
hence  applied  to  the  material  of  which  the  vessels 
were  commonly  made)  occurs  in  the  N.  T.  onlv  in 
the  notices  of  the  alabaster-box  of  ointment  with 
which  a  woman  anointed  our  Lord  when  he  sat  at 
meat  (Mat.  xxvi.  7 ;  Mk.  xiv.  3 ;  Lk.  vii.  37 ;  Mart 
Magdalene).     The  modem  alabaster  includes  both 


AUbaater  VeMels.— From   the   British  Moseam.    The  inscription  on  the 
centre  vessel  denotes  the  quantity  it  holds. 

a  granular  variety  of  ffi/psum  and  the  oriental  ala- 
baster. Gypsum  is  a  hydrous  sulphate  of  lime,  and 
forms,  when  calcined  and  ground,  the  well-knpwu 


plaster  of  Park.  The  oriental  alabaster,  so  much 
valued  on  account  of  its  translucency,  and  for  its 
variety  of  colored  streakings,  red,  yellow,  gray,  &c., 
is  a  carbonate  of  lime,  known  in  mineralogy  as  sta- 
lagmite. The  ancient  alabaster  principally,  if  not 
solely  =  the  oriental  alabaster  (Dana).  Both  these 
kinds  of  alabaster,  but  especially  the  latter,  are  and 
have  been  long  used  for  various  ornamental  pur- 
poses, such  as  in  the  fabrication  of  vases,  boxes,  &a 
The  ancients  considered  alabaster  (carbonate  of 
Ume)  the  best  material  in  which  to  preserve  their 
ointments.  "Unguents,"  says  Pliny,  "keep  best 
in  alabaster."  In  Mk.  xiv.  3,  the  woman  who 
brought  "  the  alabaster-box  of  ointment  of  spike- 
nard "  is  said  to  break  the  box  before  pouring  out 
the  ointment,  which  probably  only  means  breaking 
tlie  seal  which  kept  the  essence  of  the  perfume  from 
evaporating. 

Al'a-metta  (Heb.  covering,  Ges.),  a  son  of  Becher, 
the  son  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  vii.  8). 

A-lammc-Ieth  [-lek]  (Heb.  king's  oak),  a  place  in 
Asher,  named  between  Achshaph  and  Amad  (Josh, 
xix.  26  only) ;  site  unknown. 

Al'a-moth  (Heb.;  Ps.  xlvi.  title  ;  1  Chr.  xv.  20), 
supposed  by  some  to  be  a  musical  instrument,  by 
others  a  particular  melody  (comp.AijKLETH  Shahar). 
Gesenius  interprets  the  Hebrew  'a/  'aldmolh  (A.  V. 
"  upon  Alamoth  ")  to  mean  ajter  the  manner  of  vir- 
gins, i.  e.  with  the  female  voice  =  our  treble  or 
soprano.  So  also  J'rof.  J.  A.  Alexander  {on  Ps. 
xlvi.). 

Al'cl-mns  [-se-]  (fr.  Gr.  =  valiant,  a  name,  as- 
sumed, according  to  the  prevailing  fashion,  as  rep- 
resenting Eliakim),  a  Jewish  priest  of  the  Hellen- 
izing  party.  On  the  death  of  Menclaus,  Alcimus, 
though  not  of  the  pontifical  family,  was  appointed 
high-priest  by  the  influence  of  Lysias,  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  Onias,  the  nephew  of  Menelaus.  When  Deme- 
trius Sotcr  obtained  the  kingdom  of  Syria  he  paid 
court  to  that  monarch,  who  confirmed  him  in  his  of- 
fice, and  through  his  general  Bacchides  established 
him  at  Jerusalem.  His  cruelty,  however,  was  so 
great  that,  in  spite  of  the  force  left  in  his  command, 
he  was  unable  to  withstand  the  opposition  which  he 
provoked,  and  he  again  fled  to  Demetrius,  who  im- 
mediately took  measures  for  his  restoration.  The 
first  expedition  under  Nicanor  proved  unsuccessful ; 
but  upon  this  Bacchides  marched  a  second  time  into 
Judea  with  a  large  army,  routed  Judas  (Maccabees), 
who  fell  in  the  battle  (161  b.  c),  and  reinstated  Al- 
cimus. After  his  restoration,  Alcimus  seems  to 
have  attempted  to  modify  the  ancient  worship,  and 
as  he  was  pulling  down  "  the  wall  of  the  inner  court 
of  the  sanctuary  "  (i.  e.  which  separated  the  court 
of  the  Gentiles  from  it)  he  was  "  plagued  "  (by  paral- 
ysis), and  "  died  at  that  time,"  160  B.  c.  (1  Mc.  vii 
ix. ;  comp.  2  Mc.  xiv.  xv.). 

At'e-ma  (fr.  Gr.),  a  large  and  strong  city  in  Gilead 
in  the  time  of  the  Maccabees  (1  Mc.  v.  26);  site  un- 
known. 

Are-metb  (Heb.  covering,  Ges.),  a  Bcnjamite,  de- 
scended from  Jonathan  the  son  of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii. 
36,  ix.  42). 

Ale-metb  (Heb.  'Allemeth  =  concealment,  Ges.  & 
Fii.),  a  city  of  the  priests  in  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  vi. 
60);  =  Ai.MON  ;  probably  at  'Almil,  a  low,  naked 
hill  about  one  mile  N.  E.  of  'Andta  (Anathoth). 

*  A'lepll  (fr.  I'henician  =  ox,  Ges.),  the  first  letter 
of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  (Ps.  cxix.).  Alpha  ;  Ndm- 
BEa ;  Writing. 

Ai-ex-an'der  (L.  fr.  Gr.  Alexandros  =  tJie  helper 
of  men)  III,,  king  of  Macedon,  surnamed  the  Great, 


ALE 


ALE 


27 


"the  son  of  Philip"  (1  Mc.  i.  1-9,  v\.  2)  and  Olym- 
pian, was  bom  at  I'clla,  B.  c.  356.  On  his  mother's 
side  he  claimed  descent  fr.  Achilles.  At  an  early  age 
he  was  placed  under  the  care  of  Aristotle ;  and  while 
still  a  youth,  he  turned  the  fortune  of  the  day  at 
Cliaeronea,  b.  c.  338.  On  the  murder  of  PhiHp  (b.  c. 
SStt)  Alexander  put  down  the  disaffection  and  hos- 
tility by  which  his  throne  was  menaced.  In  b.  c. 
S34  he  crossed  the  Hellespont  to  carry  out  the  plans 
of  his  father,  and  execute  the  mission  of  Greece  to 
the  civilized  world.  The  battle  of  the  Granicus  was 
followed  by  the  subjugation  of  western  Asia,  and 
the  next  year  the  fate  of  the  East  was  decided  at  Issus. 
Tyre  and  Gaza,  the  only  cities  in  western  Syria  which 
offered  Alexander  any  resistance,  were  reduced  and 
treated  with  unusual  severity  (b.  c.  332).  Egypt 
next  submitted  to  him ;  in  b.  c.  331  he  founded 
Alexandria,  and  finally  defeated  Darius  at  Gauga- 
mela ;  and  in  B.  c.  330  his  unhappy  rival  was  mur- 
dered by  Bessus,  satrap  of  Bactria.  The  next  two 
years  Alexander  was  consolidating  his  Persian  con- 
quests and  reducing  Bictria.  In  b.  c.  327  he  crossed 
the  Indus,  penetrated  to  the  Uydaspes,  and  was 
there  forced  by  the  discontent  of  his  array  to  turn 
West.  He  reached  Susa,  b.  c.  325,  and  then  pro- 
ceeded to  Babylon,  b.  c.  324,  which  he  chose  as  the 
capital  of  his  empire.  There  (b.  c.  323)  he  died  in 
the  midst  of  his  gigantic  plans ;  and  those  who  in- 
herited his  conquests  left  his  designs  unachieved  and 
unattempted  (comp.  Dan.  vii.  6,  viii.  5,  xi.  3). — The 
famous  tradition  of  Alexander's  visit  to  Jerusalem 
during  his  Phcnician  campaign  (Jos.  xi.  8,  §  1  ff.) 
has  been  a  fruitful  source  of  controversy.  The  Jews, 
it  Is  said,  had  provoked  his  anger  by  refusing  to 
transfer  their  allegiance  to  him,  and  after  the  reduc- 
tion of  Tyre  and  Gaza  he  turned  toward  Jerusalem. 
Jaddua  (Jaddus)  the  high-priest  (Neh.  xii.  11,  22), 
who  had  been  warned  in  a  dream  how  to  avert  the 
king's  anger,  calmly  awaited  his  approach,  and  when 
he  drew  near  went  out  to  meet  him,  clad  in  his  rohes 
of  hyacinth  and  gold,  and  accompanied  by  a  train  of 
priests  and  citizens  arrayed  in  white.  Alexanderwas 
so  moved  by  tlie  solemn  spectacle  that  he  did  rever- 
ence to  the  holy  name  inscribed  upon  the  tiara  of 
the  high-priest ;  and  when  Parmenio  expressed  sur- 
prise, he  replied  that  "  he  had  seen  the  god  whom 
Jaddua  represented  in  a  dream  at  Dium,  encouraging 
him  to  cross  over  into  Asia,  and  promising  him  suc- 
cess." After  this,  it  is  said,  he  visited  Jerusalem, 
offered  sacrifice  there,  heard  the  prophecies  of  Daniel 
which  foretold  his  victory,  and  conferred  important 
privileges  upon  the  Jews  in  Judoa,  Babylonia,  and 
Media,  which  they  enjoyed  under  his  successors. 
The  narrative  is  repeated  in  the  Talmud  and  in  later 
Jewish  writers.  On  the  other  hand,  no  mention  of 
the  event  occurs  in  Arrian,  Plutarch,  Diodorus,  or 
Curtius.  But  though  the  details  as  given  by  Jose- 
phus  may  be  ineorreat,  the  miin  fact  harmonizes 
with  statements  made  by  Justin  and  Curtius,  and 
with  the  subsequent  actual  possession  by  the  Jews 
of  important  privileges ;  and  internal  eviderc3  is  de- 
cidedly in  favor  of  the  story  even  in  its  details. 
From  policy  or  conviction  Alexander  delighted  to 
represent  himself  as  chosen  by  destiny  for  the  great 
act  which  he  achieved.  The  siege  of  Tyre  arose  pro- 
fessedly from  a  religious  motive.  The  battle  of  Issus 
was  preceded  by  the  visit  to  Gordium ;  the  invasion 
of  Persia  by  the  pilgrimage  to  the  temple  of  Ammon. 
And  the  silence  of  the  classical  historians,  who  noto- 
riously disregarded  and  misrepresented  the  fortunes 
of  the  Jews,  cannot  be  conclusive  against  the  occur- 
rence of  an  event  which  must  have  appeared  to  them 


trivial  or  unintelligible.  The  tradition,  whether  true 
or  false,  presents  an  important  aspect  of  Alexander's 
character.  Orientalism  (Alexandria)  was  a  neces- 
sary deduction  from  his  principles.  His  final  object 
was  to  "  unite  and  reconcile  the  world."  The  first 
and  most  direct  consequence  of  his  policy  was  tiie 
weakening  of  nationalities,  and  this  prepared  the  way 
for  the  dissolution  of  the  old  religions.  The  spread 
of  commerce  followed  the  progress  of  arms ;  and  the 
Greek  language  and  literature  became  practically  uni- 
versal. The  Jews  were  at  once  most  exposed  to  the 
powerful  influences  thus  brought  to  bear  upon  the 
East  (Antiochus  II.-VII.),  and  most  able  to  support 
them.  Their  powerful  hierarchy,  their  rigid  ritual- 
ism, and  their  great  doctrine  of  the  unity  of  God, 
combined  to  keep  them  faithful  to  the  God  of  their 
fathers.  (Dispersion,  Jews  op  the.)  Alexander's 
conquest  furnished  them  the  occasion  and  the  power 
of  fulfilling  their  mission  to  the  world. — In  the  pro- 
phetic visions  of  Daniel  the  influence  of  Alexander 
is  necessarily  combined  with  that  of  his  successors. 
But  some  traits  of  "  the  first  mighty  king  "  (Dan.  viii. 
21,  xi.  3)  are  given  with  vigorous  distinctness.  The 
he-goat  by  which  he  is  typified  suggests  the  notions 
of  strength  and  speed  ;  and  the  universal  extent  (Dan. 
viii.  5,  .  .  .  .  from  the  west  on  the  face  of  l/ie  whole 
earth)  and  marvellous  rapidity  of  his  conquests  (Dan. 
1.  c,  he  touched  not  the  ground)  are  brought  forward 
as  the  characteristics  of  his  power,  which  was  direct- 
ed by  ilie  strongest  personal  impetuosity  (Dan.  viii. 
6,  in  the  fury  of  his  power).  He  ruled  with  great  do- 
minion, and  did  according  to  his  will  (xi.  3),  "  and 
there  was  none  that  could  deliver  .  .  .  out  of  his 
hand  "  (viii.  7). 


Tetradmchm  TAttic  t-jlpnt)  of  Lyalmachas,  Kin^  ni  Thrace. 

Obverw,  Head  of  Alexander  the  threat  as  a  young  Jupiter  Amnion. 

Raven«,  Banleui  Lutiwaehua  —  tif  King  Lttaimaehus.     In  Held,  mono^pTim 

and  2  "*  S,    Patlas  seated  to  left,  holding  a  Victory. 

Al-ex-an'der  Ba'las  (L.  Alexander,  see  above ; 
Balaa  =:  lord,  fr.  Aram.?),  according  to  some,  a 
natural  son  of  Antiochds  IV.  Epiphanes,  but  more 
generally  regarded  as  an  impostor  who  falsely  as- 
sumed the  connection.  He  claimed  the  throne  of 
Syria,  162  B.  c,  in  opposition  to  Demetrids  Soter. 
After  landing  at  Ptolemais  Alexander  gained  the 
warm  support  of  Jonathan  (Maccabees)  ;  and  though 
at  first  unsuccessful,  in  150  b.  c.  he  completely  routed 
the  forces  of  Demetrius,  who  himself  fell  in  the  re- 
treat. Afterward  Alexander  mariied  Cleopatra, 
daughter  of  Ptolemy  VI.  Philometor ;  and  appointed 
Jonathan  governor  of  Judea.  But  after  obtaining 
power  he  gave  himself  up  to  a  life  of  indulgence ; 
and  Demetrius  Nicator,  son  of  Demetrius  Soter, 
having  landed  in  Syria  147  b.  c,  found  powerful  sup- 
port. At  first  Jonathan  defeated  and  slew  ApoUo- 
nius,  the  governor  of  Celosyria,  who  had  joined  the 
party  of  Demetrius,  for  which  exploit  he  received 
fresh  favors  from  Alexander;  but  shortly  afterward 
(b.  c.  146)  Ptolemy  entered  Syria  with  a  large  force, 
and  after  he  had  placed  garrisons  in  the  chief  cities 
on  the  coast,  which  received  him  by  Alexander's 
commands,  suddenly  pronounced  himself  in  favor  of 


28 


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ALE 


Demetrius,  alleginj;,  probably  with  truth,  the  exist- 
ence of  a  conspiracy  against  his  life.  Alexander, 
who  had  been  forced  to  leave  Antioch,  was  in  Cilicia 
when  he  heard  of  Ptolemy's  defection.  He  hastened 
to  meet  him,  but  was  defeated,  and  fled  to  Abac  in 
Arabia,  where  he  was  murdered,  b.  c.  146.  1  Me.  x. 
xi.  and  Jos.  xiii.  show  clearly  the  partiality  of  the 
Jews  for  Alexander  "as  the  first  that  entreated  of 
true  peace  with  them,"  and  the  same  feeling  was  ex- 
hibited afterward  in  the  zeal  with  which  they  sup- 
ported his  son  Antiochus  VL 

Al-cx-an'der  (L.  fr.  Gr. ;  see  above),  in  N.  T.  1. 
Son  of  Simon  the  Cyrenian ;  mentioned  with  his 
brother  Rufus  probably  as  well  known  among  early 
Christians  (Mk.  xv.  21). — 2.  A  kinsman  of  Annas 
the  high-priest  (Acts  iv.  6),  apparently  in  some  high 
office ;  supposed  by  some  =  Alexander  the  Alabarch 
at  Alexandria,  brother  of  Philo  Judaeus,  and  an  old 
friend  of  the  Emperor  Claudius  (Jos.  xviii.  8,  §  1, 
xix.  5,  §  1). — 3,  A  Jew  at  Ephesus,  put  forwani 
daiing  the  tumult  raised  by  Demetrius  the  silver- 


smith (Acts  xix.  3.S),  to  plead  with  the  mob  for  ihe 
Jews,  as  being  unconnected  with  the  attempt  to 
overthrow  tlie  worship  of  Diana.  Or  (so  Calvin,  &c., 
suppose)  a  Jewish  convert  to  Christianity,  whom  the 
Jews  were  willing  to  expose  as  a  victim  to  the  mob. 
— 4.  An  Eplsesian  Christian,  reprobated  by  St.  Paul 
(1  Tim.  i.  20)  as  having  made  shipwreck  concerning 
the  faith.  This  may  be  the  same  witl;-^5.  Alexan- 
der, the  coppersmith,  who  had  done  the  apostle 
many  mischiefs,  and  of  whom  Timothy  was  exhorted 
to  beware  (2  Tim.  iv.  14). 

il-ex-an  dri-a  [in  L.  Al-ex-an-dri'a]  (L.  fr.  Gr. ; 
named  fr.  Alkxander  ;  3  Sic.  iii.  1 ;  Acts  xviii.  24), 
the  Hellenic,  Uoman,  and  Christian  capital  of  Egypt, 
was  founded  by  Alexander  the  Great,  B.  c.  332,  who 
himself  traced  the  ground-plan  of  the  city,  which  he 
designed  to  make  the  metiopolis  of  his  Western  em- 
pire. The  work  thus  begun  was  continued  after  the 
death  of  Alexander  by  the  Ptolemies.  Every  natural 
advantage  contributed  to  its  prosperity.  The  climate 
and   site  were   singularly   healthy.      The  harbors, 


Plan  of  Alexandria.— ^Froui  Fbn.) 


formed  by  the  island  of  Pharos  on  which  was  the 
magnificent  light-house,  one  of  the  seven  wonders  of 
the  ancient  world,  and  the  headland  Lochias,  were 
safe  and  commodious,  alike  for  commerce  and  for 
war ;  and  the  Lake  Mareotis  was  an  inland  haven 
for  the  merchandise  of  Egypt  and  India.  Under  the 
despotism  of  the  later  Ptolemies  the  trade  of  Alexan- 
dria declined,  but  its  population  and  wealth  were 
enormous.  Ailer  the  victory  of  Augustus  (b.  c.  31) 
it  suffered  for  its  attachment  to  the  cause  of  Antony ; 
but  its  importance  as  one  of  the  chief  corn-ports  of 
Rome '  secured  for  it  the  general  favor  of  the  first 
emperors.     In  later  times  the  seditious  tumults  for 

*  Thn  Alexflndnan  corn-vessels  were  lar^e  and  bfindsome. 
They  Kenerully  6.iilcd  direct  to  Puteoll ;  but  from  stress  of 
weather  often  kept  close  under  the  Asiatic  coast  (Acts 
xxvli.  xxvlii).    Suip. 


which  the  Alexandrians  had  always  been  notorious, 
desolated  the  city,  and  religious  feuds  aggravated 
the  popular  distress.  Yet  even  thus,  though  Alex- 
andria Buffered  greatly  from  constant  dissensions 
and  the  weakness  of  the  Byzantine  court,  the  splen- 
dor of  "  the  great  city  of  the  West"  amazed  Amrou, 
its  Arab  conqueror  (a.  d.  640);  and  after  centuries 
of  Mohammedan  misrule  and  the  loss  of  trade  conse- 
quent on  the  discovery  of  the  route  to  India  by  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  it  promises  again  to  justify  the 
w;sdom  of  its  founder. — The  population  of  Alexan- 
dria was  mixed  from  the  first;  and  this  fact  foin:ed 
the  groundwork  of  the  Alexandrian  character.  The 
three  regions  into  which  the  city  was  divided  (Rtgio 
Judaeorum,  Brxuluhtm,  Hhacohs)  corresponded  to  the 
three  chief  classes  of  its  inhabitants,  Jews,  Greeks, 
Egyptians  ;  but  it  had  also  representatives  of  almcst 


ALE 


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29 


every  nation.  According  to  Joscphus,  Alexander 
himself  assigned  to  the  Jews  a  place  in  his  new 
city ;  "  and  they  obtained  equal  privileges  with  the 
Macedonians,"  in  consideration  "of  their  services 
against  the  Egyptians."     Ptolemy  I.,  after  the  cap- 


ture of  Jerusalem,  removed  a  considerable  number 
of  its  citizens  to  Alexandria.  Many  others  followed 
of  their  own  accord  ;  and  all  received  the  full  Mace- 
donian franchise,  as  men  of  known  and  tried  fidelity. 
The  numbers  and  inipcrtance  of  the  Egyptian  Jews 


""f^ll^a^  T  ■i*!'^'"  1 1 


AlezandrU  from  tbt  Sontliw*«t.— DcteripUcn  da  VEgypU.-~(FT<im  FTin.) 


rapidly  increased  under  the  Ptolemies.     Philo  esti- 
mates them  in  his  time  at  little  less  than  a  million ; 
and  adJs,  that  two  of  the  five  districts  of  Alexandria 
were  called  "  Jewish  districts  ; "  and  that  many  Jews 
lived  scattered  in  the  remaining  three.     Julius  Cesar 
and  Augustus  confirmed  to  them  their  previous  priv- 
ileges, and  they  retained  them,  with  various   inter- 
ruptions,  during  the  tumults  and   persecutions   of 
later  reigns.     They  were  represented,  at  least  from 
the  time  of  Cleopatra  to  the  reign  of  Claudius,  by 
tlieir  own  officer  (called  "  ethnarch,"   "  alabarch," 
&c.),  and  Augustus  appointed  a  council  (i.  e.  Sanhe- 
drim) "  to  superintend  the  affairs  of  the  Jews  "  ac- 
cording to  their  own  laws.     The  establishment  of 
Christianity  altered  the  civil  position  of  the  Jews, 
but  they  maintained  their  relative  prosperity,  and 
when  Alexandria  was  taken  by  Amrou,  forty  thou- 
sand tribniary  Jews  were  reckoned  among  the  marvels 
of  the  city. — For  some  time  the  Jews  both  in  Alex- 
andria and  Jerusalem  were  subject  to  the  civil  power 
of  the  first  Ptolemies,  and  acknowledged  the  high- 
priest  as  their  religious  head.     The  persecution   of 
Ptolemy   Philopator   (217   b.   c.  ;    Maccabees,    3d 
Book  of)  first  alienated  the  Jews  of  Palestine,  who 
from  that  time  were  connected  with  Syria  (Anti- 
ocHcs  III.);  anl  the  same  policy  which   alienated 
them,  gave  unity  and  decision  to  the  Jews  of  Alex- 
andria.   The  Septcaoint  translation,  and  the  temple 
of  Leontopolis  (161  b.  c.  ;  O.vias  5),   widened  the 
breacli  thus  opened.     Yet  at  the  beginning  of  the 
Christian  era  the  Egyptian  Jews  still  paid  the  contri- 
butions to  the  temple-service.     Jerusalem   was  still 
the  Holy  City,  and  the  Alexandrians  had  a  synagogue 
there  (.\cts  vi.  9).     The  internal  administration  of 
the  Alexandrian  church  was  independent  of  the  San- 
hedrim at  Jerusalem ;  but  re.^pecl  survived  submis- 
sion.— The  religion  and  philosophy  of  Alexandria, 
however,  combined  with  other  causes  to  produce 
there  a  distinct  form  of  the  Jewish  character  and 
faith,  of  which  Philo  is  the  most  distinguished  rep- 
resentative.    (Wisdom  OF  Solomon.)     Alexander  the 
Great  symbolized  the  spirit  with  which  he  wished  to 
animate  his  new  capital  by  founding  a  temple  of  Isis 
>  Bide  by  side  with   the  temples  of  tlie  (irecian  gods. 
'■iT<!i£  creeds  of  the  East  and  West  were  to  coexist  in 
Un  oijly  union  ;  and  afterward  the  mixed  worship  of 
ko  npis  wa.s  characteristic  of  the  Greek  kingdom  of 
Itjjfpt.     The  monarclis  who  favored  the  worship  "of 
Serapis   founded  and  embellished  the  museum  and 
the  celebrated  Library  ;  and  part  of  the  Library  was 
in  the   temple  of  Serapis.     The  Egyptian  Jews   im- 
bibed  the    spirit   which    prevailed    around    them. 
AitisTODi-LCS  1  and  other  Jews  wrote  in  Greek.   The 


histories  of  the  0.  T.  were  adapted  to  classical  mod- 
els.    The  precepts  of  Leviticus  were  versified,  and 
the  Exodus  was  dramatized.  Aristobulus  endeavored 
to  show  that  the  Pentateuch  was  the  real  source  of 
Greek  philosophy,  and  it  became  a  chief  object  of 
Jewish  speculation  to  trace  out  tlie  subtle  analogips 
between  these.     The  facts  of  the  Scriptures  were 
supposed  to  be  essentially  symbolic,  and  the  lan- 
guage a  veil  over  the  truths  there  contained.     Thus 
the  Supreme  Being  might  be  withdrawn  from  im- 
mediate contact  with  the  world,  and  the  Biblical  nar- 
ratives might  be  applied  to  the  phenomena  of  the 
soul.     Li  the  time  of  Philo  (b.  c.  20-a.  c.  50)  the 
theological  and  interpretative  systems  of  the  Alex- 
andrian  Jews,    both   of  which    have   an   important 
bearing  upon  the  Apostolic  writings,  were  evidently 
fixed  even  in  many  of  their  details.     This  Alexan- 
drian teaching  powerfully  furthered  the  reception  of 
Apostolic   truth,  while   the  doctrine  of  the   Word 
(Memra)  and  the  system  of  mystical  interpretation, 
which,  through  the  influence  of  Greek  literature  and 
philosophy  grew  up  within  the  Rabbinic  schools  of 
Palestine,  had  a  closer  coimection  with  the  expression 
of  this   truth  in   the  language  of  St.  John  and   the 
"  allegories  "  of  St.   Paul.     Philo's  phraseology  is 
strikingly  like  that  of  St.  John,  while  the  idea  is 
dissimilar.    Thus  he  represents  the  Logos  (=  Word) 
as  divine,  at  one  time  as  the  reason  of  God  in  which 
the  archetypal  ideas  of  things  exist,  at  another  as 
the  Word  of  God  by  which  He  makes  Himself  known 
to  the  outward  world  ;  but  he  nowhere  realizes  the 
notion  of  one  who  is  at  onceRevealir  and  the  Reve- 
lation.    The  allegoric  method  of  Philo  also  prepared 
for  the  spiritual  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures,  but 
did  not  anticipate  it.     While  Philo  regarded  that 
'vhieh  was  positive  in  Judaism  as  the  mere  symbol 
of  abstract  truths,  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
it  appears  as  the  shadow  of  blessings  realized  (x.  1) 
in  a  personal  Saviour.     The  speculative  doctrines 
which  thus  worked  for  the  general   reception   of 
Christian  doctiuie  were  also  embodied  in  a  form  of 
society   which   was   afterward    transferred    to  the 
Christian   church.      Numerous   bodi<8    of   ascetics 
( Therapevla:\  especially  near  Lake  Mareotis,  devoted 
themselves  to  discipline  and  study,  abjuring  society 
and  labor,  and  often  forgetting,  it  is  said,  the  simjjlest 
wants  of  nature  in  contemplating  the  hidden  wisdom 
of  the  Scriptures.      Eusebius  (//.  E.  ii.   IB)  even 
claimed  them  as  Christians ;  and  some  of  the  forms 
of  monasticism  were  evidently  modelled  after  the 
Thcrapeutaj.     According  to  the  connnoii  legend  St. 
Mark   first   "  preached   the   Gospel  in   Egypt,  and 
founded  the  first  church  in  Alexandria."    At  the  be 


30 


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^ning  of  the  second  century  the  number  of  Chris- 
tians at  Alexandria  must  have  been  very  large,  and 
the  great  leaders  of  Gnosticism  who  arose  there 
(Basilides,  Valentinus)  exhibit  an  exaggeration  of 
the  tendency  of  the  church.  Apollos,  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  and  Origen  have  been  among  the  dis- 
tinguished Christians  born  at  Alexandria.  The 
Bishop  (afterward  Patriarch)  of  Alexandria  had  for 
ages  great  influence  in  the  Christian  Church.  New 
Testament  ;  Old  Testament. 

Al-ex-an'dri-ans.  1.  The  Greek  inhabitants  of 
Alexandria  (3  Mc.  ii.  30,  iii.  21).— 2.  The  Jewish 
colonists  of  that  city,  who  were  admitted  to  the  priv- 
ileges of  citizenship,  and  had  a  synagogue  at  Jeru- 
salem (Acts  vi.  9).     Alexandria. 

irgom  or  il'mng  (both  Heb.)  Trees;  the  former 
occurring  in  2  Chr.  ii.  8,  ix.  10,  11,  the  latter  in  1 
K.  X.  11,  12.  These  words  are  undoubtedly  identi- 
cal. From  1  K.  X.  11,  12 ;  2  Chr.  ix.  10,  11,  we  learn 
that  these  trees  were  brought  in  great  plenty  from 
Ophir,  together  with  gold  and  precious  stones,  by 
the  fleet  of  Hiram,  for  Solomon's  Temple  and  house, 
and  for  the  construction  of  musical  instruments.  In 
2  Chr.  ii.  8,  Solomon  is  represented  as  desiring  Hiram 
to  send  him  "  cedar-trees,  fir-trees,  and  algum-trees 
out  of  Lebanon."  From  1  K.  it  seems  clear  that  the 
almug-trees  came  from  Ophir ;  and  as  it  is  improb- 
able that  Lebanon  should  also  have  been  a  locality 
for  them,  the  passage  wliich  appears  to  ascribe;  the 
growth  of  them  to  Lebanon  (so  Mr.  Houghton)  must 
be  an  interpolation  of  some  transcriber,  or  else  it  must 
bear  a  different  interpretation.  Perhaps  the  wood 
had  been  brought  from  Ophir  to  Lebanon,  and  Solo- 
mon instructed  Hiram  to  send  on  to  Jerusalem  the 
timber  imported  from  Ophir  that  was  lying  at  the 
port  of  Tyre,  with  the  cedars  which  had  been  cut  in 
Mount  Lebanon.  The  algum  or  almug  tree  may 
have  been  the  red  sandal-wood  (Pierocarpiis  santah- 
mis).  This  tree  is  a  native  of  India  and  Ceylon. 
The  wood  is  very  heavy,  hard,  and  fine  grained, 
and  of  a  beautiful  garnet  color.  Dr.  Royle  (in  Kit.) 
favors  the  white  sandal-wood  (Stmtalmn  album). 
This  tree  grows  in  the  mountainous  parts  of  the 
coast  of  Malabar,  &c.,  and  is  deliciously  fragrant  in 
the  parts  near  the  root.  It  is  much  used  in  tlie  man- 
ufacture of  work-boxes,  cabinets,  and  other  orna- 
ments, and  by  the  Chinese  as  incense. 

A-li'ah  =  Alvah. 

A-li'an  =  Alvan. 

•  AI'leo  (ale'yen).    Stranoer. 

Al'le-go-ry,  a  figure  of  speech,  defined  by  Bishop 
Marsh,  in  accordance  with  its  etymology,  as  "  a  rep- 
resentation of  one  thing  which  "is  intended  to  excite 
the  representation  of  another  thing ; "  the  first  rep- 
resentation being  consistent  with  itself,  but  requir- 
ing, or  capable  of  admitting,  a  moral  or  spiritual  in- 
terpretation over  and  above  its  literal  sense.  An 
allegory  has  been  considered  by  some  as  a  lengthened 
or  sustained  metaphor,  or  a  continuation  of  meta- 
phors, as  by  Cicero,  thus  standmg  in  the  same  rela- 
tion to  metaphor  as  parable  to  simile ;  but  the  inter 
pretation  of  allegory  differs  from  that  of  metaphor, 
in  having  to  do  not  with  words  but  things.  In  every 
allegory  there  is  a  twofold  sense :  the  immediate  or 
historic,  which  is  understood  from  the  words,  and  the 
ultimate  or  allegorical,  which  is  concerned  with  the 
things  signified  by  the  words.  Thus  in  Gal.  iv.  24, 
the  apostle  gives  an  allegorical  interpretation  to  the 
historical  narrative  of  Hagar  and  Sarah ;  not  treating 
that .  narrative  as  an  allegory  in  itself,  as  our  A.  V. 
would  lead  us  to  suppose,  but  drawing  from  it  a 
deeper  sense  than  is  conveyed  by  the  immediate  rep- 


resentation. For  an  example  of  pure  allegory,  see 
Lk.  XV.  11-32  ;  for  examples  of  mixed  allegory  (i.  e. 
with  more  or  less  of  application),  see  Ps.  Ixxx. ;  Jn. 
XV.  1-8. 

Ai-Ie-ln'ia  [-yah]  (L.  from  Heb. ;  Rev.  xix.  1  ff.)= 
Hallelujah. 

Al-U'an-tes.  The  Israelites  in  Palestine  at  first 
formed  no  connections  w  ith  the  surrounding  nations. 
(Gibeonites  ;  Nethinim.)  But  under  the  kings  they 
were  brought  more  into  contact  with  foreigners  (com- 
pare also  Abraham,  Isaac,  Jacob.)  Solomon  con- 
cluded two  important  commercial  treaties :  (1.)  with 
Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  originally  to  obtain  materials 
and  workmen  for  the  Temple,  and  afterward  for  the 
supply  of  ship-builders  and  sailors  (1  K.  v.  2-12,  ix. 
27);  (2.)  with  a  Pharaoh,  king  of  Egypt,  by  which 
he  secured  a  monopoly  of  the  trade  in  horses  and 
other  products  of  that  country  (1  K.  x.  28,  29; 
Commerce).  After  the  division  of  the  kingdom,  the 
alliances  were  offensive  and  defensive.  The  kings  of 
Judah  and  Israel  both  sought  a  connection  with 
Syria,  on  which  side  Israel  was  particularly  assailable 
(IK.  IV.  19);  but  Asa  ultimately  secured  the  active 
cooperation  of  Ben-hadad  against  Baasha  (1  K.  xv. 
16-20).  An  alliance  between  Israel  and  Judah  was 
formed  under  Aliab  and  Jehoshaphat,  which  was 
maintained  until  the  end  of  Ahab's  dynasty :  it  oc- 
casionally extended  to  commercial  operations  (2 
Chr.  XX.  36).  When  war  broke  out  between  Ama- 
ziah  and  Jeroboam  II.  a  coalition  was  formed  be- 
tween Kezin,  king  of  Syria,  and  Pekah  on  the  one 
side,  and  Ahaz  and  Tiglath-pileser,  king  of  Assyria, 
on  the  other  (2  K.  xvi.  5-9).  By  this  means  an 
opening  was  afforded  to  the  advances  of  the  Assyrian 
power :  and  the  kingdoms  of  Israel  and  Judah,  as 
they  were  successively  attacked,  sought  the  alliance 
of  the  Egyptians.  Thus  Hoshea  made  a  treaty  with 
So,  and  rebelled  against  Shalmaneser  (2  K.  xvii.  4). 
Hezekiah  adopted  the  same  policy  in  opposition  lo 
Sen\jacherib  (Is.  xxx.  2) ;  but  in  neither  case  was  the 
alliance  productive  of  much  good ;  though  afterward, 
when  Egypt  itself  was  threatened,  the  Assyrians 
were  defeated,  and  a  temporary  relief  was  afforded 
thereby  to  Judah  (2  K.  xix.  9,  36).  On  the  restora- 
tion of  indcpendtnce  Judas  Maccabeus  sought  an  al- 
liance with  the  Romans  as  a  counterpoise  to  Syria  (1 
Mc.  viii. ;  Ambassador).  This  alliance  was  renewed 
by  Jonathan  (1  Mc.  xii.  1)  and  by  Simon  (1  Mc.  xv. 
17).  On  the  last  occasion  the  independence  of  the 
Jews  was  recognized  and  fomially  notified  to  the 
neighboring  nations,  b.  c.  140  (1  Mc.  xv.  22,  23). 
Treaties  of  a  friendly  nature  were  at  the  same  period 
concluded  with  the  Lacedemonians  under  an  impres- 
sion that  they  came  of  a  common  stock  (1  Mc.  xii. 
2,  xiv.  20).  The  Roman  alliance  was  again  renewed 
by  Hyrcanus,  b.  c.  128,  but  it  ultimately  proved  fatal 
to  Jewish  independence:  the  rival  claims  of  Hyr- 
canus and  Aristobulus  having  been  referred  to  Pom- 
pey,  b.  c.  63,  he  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity 
to  place  the  country  under  tribute.  Finally,  Herod 
was  made  king  by  the  Roman  Senate. — The  forma- 
tion of  an  alliance  was  attended  with  various  reli- 
gious rites  (Covenant  ;  Oatp),  a  feast,  &c.  Presents, 
were  also  sent  by  the  parties  soliciting  the  alhijrthf 
(1  K.  XT.  18;  2  K.  xvi.  8;  1  Mc.  xv.  18).-  -J^  th- 

RIAGE.  ^  Kal 

Al'lom  =  Ami  =  Amon  (1  Esd.  v.  34  ;  comp.  Esu'. 
ii.  57;  Neh.  vii.  59). 

Al'lon  (Heb.  oak;  Ges.),  a  Simeonite,  ancestor  of 
Ziza  (1  Chr.  iv.  37). 

Al'lon  (Ileb.  alloii  or  elon  ^ati  oak,  Ges  ).  1.  A 
place  named  among  the  cities  of  Naphtali  (Josh.  xix. 


ALM 


31 


83).  Probably  it  should  be  taken  with  the  following 
word,  i.  e.  "  the  oak  by  Zaanannim,"  or  "  the  oak  of 
the  loading  of  tents,"  as  if  named  from  some  nomad 
trlhe  freqHentinj:  the  spot.  (Zaanaim.) — 2.  k\  1«B- 
te'tbnth  [-kuth]  (Hcb.  oak  of  weeping),  the  tree  un- 
der which  Kebekah's  nurse,  Deborah,  was  buried 
(Gen.  XXXV.  8).     Deborah  1,2;  Tabor,  the  Plain  of. 

•ll-mlght'y  (Heb.  Shaddai;  Or.  panlokralor),  a 
title  of  God  from  his  boundless  might  or  power  (Gen. 
xlix.  25;  Num.  xxiv.  4,  16;  Ru.  i.  20,  '21;  Job  v. 
17,  vi.  4;  Wis.  vii.  25;  Ecclus.  1.  14;  Kcv.  i.  8, 
&c.).     Jehovah. 

il-ailt'dad  (Hcb.  the  extetidon  or  measure,  Fii.  ?), 
the  fii-st,  In  order  of  the  sons  of  Joktan  (Gen.  x. 
28;  1  Chr.  i.  20),  and  the  progenitor  of  an  Arab 
tribe.  Uis  name  appears  to  be  preserved  in  that  of 
Mudiid,  a  famous  personage  in  Arabian  history,  the 
reputed  fatlier  of  Islimael's  Arab  wife,  and  chief  of 
the  Joktauite  tribe  of  Jurhum. 

Al'mon  (Heb.  concealment,  Ges.),  a  city  of  the 
priests  in  Benjamin  fJosh.  xxi.  18) ;  =  Alemeth. 

Al  mon-Ulb-la-tba  Im  (fr.  Heb.  =  corwealmeut  of 
the  two  cukes,  prob.  fr.  the  shape  of  the  city,  Ges.), 
a  station  of  the  Israelites  between  Dibon-gad  and 
the  mountains  of  Abarim  (Num.  xxxiii.  46,  47) ; 
probably  =:  Beth-diblatuaim. 

il'lDimd-tree,  Al'iuiiad  [ah'mund].  This  word  is 
found  in  Gen.  xliii.  11  ;  Ex.  xxv.  33,  34,  xxxvii.  19, 
20;  Num.  xvii.  8;  Eccles.  xii.  5  ;  Jer.  i.  11,  in  the 
text  of  the  A.  V.  It  is  invariably  represented  by 
the  Hebrew  shdked,  which  sometimes  stands  for  the 
whole  tree,  sometimes  for  tlie  fruit  or  nut ;  e.  g.  in 
Gen.  xliii.  11,  Jacob  commands  his  sons  to  tike  as 
a  present  to  Joseph  "  a  little  honey,  spices  and 
myrrh,  nuts  and  almonds  ;  "  here  tlie  fruit  is  clearly 
meant.  In  Exodus  the  "  bowls  made  like  unto  al- 
monds," which  were  to  adorn  the  golden  candlestick, 
seem  to  allude  to  the  nut  also.  Aaron's  rod,  that 
miraculously  budded,  yielded  almond-nuts.  In  Ec- 
clesiastes  and  Jeremiah  the  Hebrew  is  translated 
almond-tree,  which  from  the  context  it  certainly  rep- 
resents. It  is  clearly  then  a  mistake  to  suppose  with 
some  writers  that  shdked  exclusively  ==  almond-nuts, 
and  that  laz  (translated  "  hazel  "  in  Gen.  xxx.  37,  A. 
V.)  =  the  tree.  Probably  this  tree,  conspicuous  as  it 
was  for  Us  early  flowering  and  useful  fruit,  was  known 
by  these  lico  dill'erent  names.  Shdked  is  derived 
from  a  root  which  signifies  "  to  be  wakeful,"  "  to 
hasten,"  for  the  almond-tree  blossoms  very  early  in 
the  season,  the  flowers  appearing  before  the  leaves. 
Hence  it  was  regarded  by  the  Jews  as  a  welcome 
harbinger  of  the  spring,  reminding  them  that  the 
winter  was  passing  away,  that  the  flowers  would 
soon  appear  on  the  earth,  that  the  time  of  the  sing- 
ing of  birds  was  come,  and  the  voice  of  the  turtle 
would  soon  be  heard  in  the  land  (Cant.  i.  11,  12). 
The  word  shdked,  therefore,  or  the  tree  which  /jas<- 
eried  to  put  forth  its  blossoms,  was  a  very  beautiful 
and  fitting  synoiiyme  for  the  luz,  or  almond-tree,  in 
the  language  of  a  people  so  fond  of  imagery  and 
poetry  as  were  the  Jews.  The  almond-tree  has  been 
noticed  in  flower  at  Sidon  as  early  as  the  9th  of 
January;  the  18th,  19th,  and  Tid  are  also  recorded 
dates  at  other  places  in  Palestine.  This  fact  will  ex- 
plain Jer.  i.  11,  12,  "The  word  of  the  Lord  came 
unto  nie,  saying,  Jeremiah,  what  seest  thou  ?  And 
I  said,  I  see  the  rod  of  an  almond-tree  (shAked). 
Then  said  the  Lord  unto  me.  Thou  hast  well  seen,  for 
I  will  hasten  (shiked)  my  word  to  perform  it."  The 
expression  in  Eccl.  xii.  5,  "  the  almond-tree  shall 
flourish,"  is  generally  understood  as  emblematic  of 
Ih'.:  hoary  locks  of  old  age  thuily  scattered  on  the 


head,  as  the  white  blossoms  appear  on  the  yet  leaf- 
less boughs  of  this  tree.  Gesenius  translates  "  the 
almond  is  rejected,"  because  the  flowers  are  gener- 
ally pink  or  rose-colored,  though  they  are  sometimes 


Almond-tree  and  bloBBoms. 

nearly  white.  But  all  the  old  versions  agree  with  the 
A.  \'.,  and  the  allusion  may  refer  to  the  hastening  of 
old  age  in  the  case  of  him  who  remembered  not  his 
Creator  in  the  days  of  his  youth.  (See  also  under 
Meoicine.) — The  almond-tree  has  always  been  re- 
garded by  the  Jews  with  reverence,  and  even  to  this 
day  the  English  Jews  on  their  great  feast-days  carry 
a  bough  of  flowering  almond  to  the  synagogue,  just 
as  the  Jews  of  old  presented  palm  branches  in  the 
temple.  The  almond-tree  (Amiigdaliis  communis)  is 
a  native  of  Asia  and  northern  Africa,  but  it  is  culti- 
vated in  the  milder  parts  of  Europe,  &c.  The  tree 
is  about  twelve  or  fourteen  feet  high  ;  the  flowers  are 
pink,  and  arranged  mostly  in  pairs  ;  the  leaves  are 
long,  ovate,  with  a  serrated  margin,  and  an  acute 
point.  The  covering  of  the  fruit  is  downy  and  suc- 
culent, enclosing  the  hard  shell  which  contains  the 
kernel.  It  is  curious  to  observe,  in  connection  with 
the  almond-bowls  of  the  golden  candlestick,  that,  in 
the  language  of  lapidaries,  Almonds  are  pieces  of 
rock-crystal,  even  now  used  in  adorning  branch- 
candlesticks. 

Alms  [ahmz].  This  word  is  not  found  in  our  ver- 
sion of  the  0.  T.,  but  it  occurs  repeatedly  in  the  N. 
T.,  and  in  Tobit  and  Ecclcsiasticus.  Instead  of 
"  righteousness  "  the  LXX.  have  "  alms  "  in  Deut. 
xxiv.  13,  and  Dan.  iv.  24  (27  A.  V.);  while  some 
manuscripts  read  with  the  Vulgate  in  Mat.  vi.  1, 
"  righteousness."  Almsgiving  is  strictly  enjoined 
by  the  law.  (Blind  ;  Corner  ;  Cleaning  ;  Loan  ; 
Poor;  Tithe;  Widow.)  For  the  theological  esti- 
mate of  it  among  the  Jews  see  Job  xxxi.  17  ;  Esth. 
ix.  22;  Ps.  cxii.  9  ;  Acts  ix.  36,  x.  2  ;  also  Tob.  iv. 
10, 1 1,  xiv.  10, 1 1  ;  and  Ecclus.  iii.  30,  xl.  24.  And  the 
Talmudists  interpret  righteousness  by  almsgiving  in 
Gen.  xviii.  19 ;  Ps.  xvii.  15  ;  Is.  liv.  14,  &c.— In  the 
women's  court  of  the  Temple  were  thirteen  recep- 
tacles for  voluntary  offerings  (Mk.  xii.  41),  one  of 
which  was  devoted  to  alms  for  the  education  of  poor 
children  of  good  family. — After  the  Captivity,  but  at 
what  time  is  unknown,  a  definite  system  of  alms- 
giving WHS  introduied  and  even  enforced  under  pen- 
alties. Collectors  received  money  for  the  poor  of  the 
city  in  a  chest  or  box  every  Sabbath  in  the  syna- 
gogue, and  distributed  it  in  the  evening ;  and  also 
collected  food  and  money  for  the  poor  in  general  in  a 
dish  every  day  from  house  to  house  which  they  dis- 


ALM 


ALT 


tributed.  Special  collections  and  distributions  were 
made  on  fastrdays.  The  Piiarisees  were  zealous  and 
ostentatious  in  almsgiving  (Mat.  vi.  2).  The  expres- 
sion "  do  not  sound  a  trumpet "  is  probably  only  a 
mode  of  denouncing  their  display,  by  a  figure  drawn 
from  the  frequent  and  well-linown  use  of  trumpets 
in  religious  and  other  celebrations,  Jewish  as  well  as 
heathen. — The  duty  of  relieving  the  poor  was  not 
neglected  by  the  Christians  (Mat.  vi.  1^ ;  hk.  xiv. 
13  ;  Acts  XX.  36  ;  Gal.  ii.  10).  Every  Christian  was 
exhorted  to  lay  by  on  the  first  day  of  each  week 
some  portion  of  his  profits,  to  be  applied  to  the  wants 
of  the  needy  (Acta  xi.  30  ;  Rom.  xv.  25-27  ;  1  Cor. 
xvi.  1^). 

Al'mng-trees  =  Alghm-teees. 

Al'na-than  or  Al-ua'tban  (Gr.)  =  Elnathas  2  (1 
Esd.  viii.  44). 

Aloes  [al'oze],  Llgn-AI'oes  [lig-nal'oze,  or  line-al- 
oze]  (in  Heb.  uMlim,  uhdlo'h),  the  name  of  a  costl]^ 
and  sweet-smelling  wood  mentioned  in  Num.  xxiv.  6 ; 
Ps.  xlv.  8;  Prov.  vii.  17;  Cant.  iv.  14.  The  word 
"  aloes  "  occurs  once  in  the  N.  T.  (Gr.  aloe,  Jn.  xix. 
39),  when  Nicodemus  brings  "  a  mixture  of  myrrh 
and  aloes,  about  a  hundred  pound  weight,"  for  anoint- 
ing tlie  body  of'our  Lord.  It  is  usually  identified  with 
the  agallochum  or  aloes-wood  of  commerce,  much  val- 


Aqiiilarin  agallocliuin. 

ued  in  India  for  fumigation  and  for  incense  on  account 
of  its  aromatic  qualities.  The  tree  which  produces 
this  wood,  the  Aquilaria  agallochum  ot  nortliern 
India,  grows  to  the  height  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
feet,  being  twelve  feet  in  girth.  It  is,  however,  un- 
certain whether  the  akAlim  or  ahdloth  is  in  reality 
the  aloes-wood  of  commerce,  which  in  its  turn  must 
not  be  confounded  with  the  aloes  used  in  medicine  ; 
some  kind  of  odoriferous  cedar  may  be  the  tree  de- 
noted by  these  Hebrew  terms. 

A'lotU  (Heb.  ascents  ?)  a  place  or  district,  forming 
with  Asher  the  Jurisdiction  of  Baanah,  Solomon's 
commissary  (1  K.  iv.  16).  The  LXX.  and  later 
scholars  read  "  Bealoto  "  as  one  word,  instead  of 
"  in  (=  Heb.  M)  Aloth  "  (A.  V.). 


Al'pba  (see  Aleph),  the  first  letter  of  the  Greek  al- 
phabet, as  Omega  is  the  last.  Its  significance  is 
plainly  indicated  in  the  context,  "  I  am  Aljiha  and 
.Omega,  the  beginning  and  the  end,  the  first  and  the 
last"  (Ilev.  xxii.  13,  i.  8,  11,  xxi.  6;  comp.  Is.  xli. 
4,  xliv.  6).  Both  Greeks  and  Hebrews  employed  the 
letters  of  the  alphabet  as  numerals.  Kuuber; 
Writing. 

Alpha-bet.    Writing. 

Al-phieus  [-fee-]  (L.)  =  Alpheus. 

Al-phc'ns  [-fee-]  (L.  Alphmis  ;  fr.  Aram.  Halpai 
or  Chalpai  z=  exchange  /),  the  father  of  the  apostle 
James  the  Less  (Mat.  x.  3  ;  Mk.  iii.  18 ;  Lk.  vi.  15  ; 
Acts  i.  13),  and  husband  of  that  Mary  who,  with  the 
motlier  of  Jesus  and  others,  was  standing  by  the 
cross  during  the  crucifixion  (Jn.  xix.  25 ;  Mary  op 
Cleophas).  In  this  latter  place  he  is  called  "  Clo- 
pas  "  in  the  margin  (text  of  A.  V.  "  Cleophas  ") ;  a 
variation  arising  from  the  double  pronunciation  of 
the  Hebrew  letter  Cheth  ;  and  found  also  in  the 
rendering  of  Hebrew  names  by  tlie  LXX.  Whether 
Alpheus  =  the  Ci.eopas  of  Lk.  xxiv.  18,  can  never 
be  satisfactorily  determined.  If,  as  commonly,  we 
read  in  Lk.  vi.  16,  Acts  i.  13,  "  Judas  the  brother  of 
James,"  then  the  apostle  (Judas,  the  Biiother  of 
James)  was  anotlier  son  of  Alpheus.  And  in  Mk. 
ii.  14,  Levi  (or  Matthew)  is  also  said  to  have  been 
the  son  of  Alpheus.  For  further  particulars  see 
James. 

Al-ta-ne'ns  (fr.  Gr. ;  1  Esd.  ix.  33)  =  Mattenai  1. 

Altar  [awl'tar].  A.  The  first  altar  of  which  we 
have  any  account  is  tliat  built  by  Noah  when  he  left 
the  ark  ((ien.  viii.  20).  In  (he  early  times  altars  were 
usually  built  in  certain  spots  hallowed  by  religious 
associations,  e.  g.  where  God  appeared  (Gen.  xii.  7, 
xiii.  18,  xxvi.  25,  xxxv.  1).  Generally  of  course 
they  were  erected  for  offering  sacrifice  (Sacrifice)  ; 
but  in  some  instances  they  appear  to  have  been  only 
memorial,  e.  g.  that  built  by  Moses,  and  called  Je- 
IIOVAH-Nissi  (Ex.  xvii.  15,  16),  and  that  built  by  the 
Reubenites,  &c.,  "  in  the  borders  of  Jordan,"  to  be 
"  a  « itness  "  between  them  and  the  rest  of  the  tribes 
(Josh.  xxii.  10-29).  Altars  were  probably  originally 
made  of  earth.  The  Law  of  Moses  allowed  them  to 
be  made  either  of  earth  or  unhewn  stones  (Ex.  xx. 
24,  25) ;  any  iron  tool  would  profane  the  altar — but 
this  could  only  refer  to  the  body  of  the  altar,  and 
that  part  on  which  the  victim  was  laid,  as  directions 
were  given  tp  make  a  casing  of  shittim-wood  over- 
laid with  brass  for  the  altar  of  buint-oflcring.  (See 
below.)  In  later  times  they  were  frequently  built  on 
high  places,  especially  in  idolatrous  wor.ship  (Deut. 
xii.  2;  High  Places;  Tabernacle;  TE.vrLE).  The 
sanctity  attaching  to  the  altar  led  to  its  being  re- 
garded as  a  place  of  refuge  or  asylum  (Ex.  xxi.  14  ; 
1  K.  i.  50,  ii.  28). — B.  The  Law  of  Moses  directed 
that  two  altars  sliould  be  made,  the  Altar  of  Burnt- 
offering  (called  also  simply  "  the  Altar"),  and  the 
Altar  of  Incense. — I.  The  Altar  of  Burnt-offering, 
or  "  brazen  altar"  (Ex.  xxxviii.  30),  called  in  Mai.  i. 
7,  1 2,  "  tlie  lalile  of  the  Lord,"  perhaps  also  in  Ez. 
xliv.  10.  It  differed  in  construction  at  diflerent 
times. — (1).  In  the  Tadernacle  (Ex.  xxvii.  1  flf., 
xxxviii.  1  ft'.)  it  was  portable,  square,  ti\  c  cubits  long, 
five  broad,  and  three  high,  made  of  phinks  of  shitliin- 
wood  (Shittabtree)  o\erlaid  with  brass.  The  in- 
terior was  hollow,  and  probably  filled  up  with  earth 
(so  Raslii)  whenever  the  tabernacle  was  set  up.  At 
the  four  corners  were  four  projections  called  horns, 
also  made  of  shittim-wood  overlaid  with  brass  (Ex. 
xxvii.  2).  They  probably  were  of  one  piece  w  ilh  the 
altar,  and  projected  upward ;  and  to  them  the  vie- 


ALT 


ALT 


33 


tim  was  bound  when  about  to  be  sacrificed  (Ps.  cxviii. 
27).  At  the  eonsccRition  of  priests  (Es.  xxix.  12) 
and  the  offering  of  the  sin-oflcring  (Lev.  iv.  7  ff.)  the 
blood  of  the  victim  was  sprinkled  on  the  horns  of  the 
altar.  Round  the  altar,  midway  between  the  top 
and  bottom,  ran  a  projecting  ledge  (A.  V.  "  com- 
pass"), on  wliich  perhaps  the  priests  stood  when 
they  officiated.  To  the  outer  edge  of  this  ledge  a 
grating  or  net-work  of  brass  was  affixed,  and  reached 
to  the  bottom  of  the  altar,  which  thus  appealed 
larger  below  than  above.  At  the  four  comers  of  the 
net-work  were  four  brazen  rings,  into  which  were  in- 
serted the  staves  of  shittim-wood  by  which  the  altar 
was  carried.  As  the  priests  were  forbidden  to 
ascend  the  altar  by  steps  (Ex.  xx.  26),  it  has  been 
conjectured  that  a  slope  of  earth  led  gradually  up 
(.Jewish  tradition  says  on  the  S.  side)  to  the  ledge 
from  which  they  officiated.  The  place  of  the  altar 
was  at  "  the  door  of  the  tabernacle  of  the  tent 
of  the  crmgregation "  (Ex.  xl.  29).  The  various 
utensils  for  the  service  of  the  altar  (Ex.  xxvii. 
3)  were;  (a.)  Pans  to  clear  away  the  fat  .ind  ashes 
with.  (Pan.)  (6.)  Shoveh  for  removing  ashes, 
(c.)  Basins,  in  which  the  blood  of  the  victims  was  re- 
ceived, and  from  which  it  was  sprinkled.  (Basin.) 
(d.)  Mesh-honks  (three-pronged,  see  1  Sam.  ii.  13,  14), 
by  which  the  flesh  wa.s  removed  from  the  caldron  or 
pot.  (Hook.)  (e.)  Fire-pam,  or  cemers  ("  snuff'- 
dishes  "  in  Ex.  xxv.  38),  for  taking  coals  from  the 
fire  on  the  altar  (Lev.  xvi.  12),  or  for  burning  in- 
cense(Xum.  xvi.  6,  7  ;  Fire-Pan).  All  these  utensils 
were  of  brass. — (2.)  In  Solomon's  Temple  the  altar 
as  well  as  the  building  was  considerably  larger, 
square  as  before,  but  twenty  cubits  long,  twenty 
broad,  and  ten  high  (2  Chr.  iv.  1),  made  entirely  of 
brass  (1  K.  viii.  64  ;  2  Chr.  vii.  7).  It  had  no  grat- 
ing: and  the  ascent  to  it  was  probably  by  three 
successive  platforms,  with  steps  leading  to  each,  as 


AlUt  of  Biirnt-OfferiDg,  from  Suranliailat'B  Xitima, 


in  the  figure  annexed.  The  Law  indeed  positively 
forbade  the  use  of  steps  (Ex.  xx.  26),  and  Josephus 
asserts  that  in  Herod's  Temple  the  ascent  was  by  an 
inclined  plane.  On  the  other  hand  steps  are  intro- 
duced in  the  Temple  of  Kzekiel  (Ez.  xliii.  17),  and 
Ex.  XX.  26,  has  been  interpreted  as  prohibiting  a 
continumis  flight  of  stairs,  and  not  a  broken  ascent. 
But  the  Biblical  account  is  so  brief  that  we  cannot 
determine  the  question.  Asa  "  renewed  "  this  altar 
(2  Chr.  XV.  8),  i.  e.  repaired  it,  or  more  probably 
perhaps  reeonsecraled  it  after  it  had  been  polluted  by 
idol-worship.  Subsequently  Ahaz  had  it  removed  to 
the  N.  side  of  the  nsw  altar  which  Urijah  had  made 
by  his  direction  (2  K.  xvi.  14).  It  was  "cleanseil  " 
by  command  of  Hczekiab  (2  Chr.  xxix.  18),  and  Ma- 
8 


nasseh,  after  the  repentance,  either  repaired  or  re- 
built it  (xxxiii.  16!.  It  may  have  been  broken  up, 
and  the  brass  carried  to  Babylon,  but  this  is  not 
mentioned  (Jer.  lii.  17  tf.). — (3.)  The  altar  in  the 
second  (Zerubbabel's)  Teruple  was  built  before  the 
foundations  of  the  Temple  were  laid  (Ezr.  iii.  2),  on 
the  same  spot  (so  Jos.  xi.  4,  §  1)  on  which  that  of 
Solomon  had  stood.  It  was  constructed,  aS'  we  may 
infer  from  1  Mc.  iv.  47,  of  unhewn  stones.  Antio- 
chus  Epiphanes  desecrated  it  (1  Mc.  i.  54);  and  (so 
Jos.  xii.  5,  §  4)  removed  it  altogether.  Judas  Mac- 
cabeus built  a  new  altar  of  unhewn  stone  (1  Mc.  iv. 
47).— (4.)  The  altar  erected  by  Herod  is  thus  de- 
scribed (Jos.  £.  J.  V.  6,  §  6) :  "  In  front  of  the  Temple 
stood  the  altar,  fifteen  cubits  in  height,  and  in 
breadth  and  length  of  equal  dimensions,  viz.  fifty 
(Rufinus  says  forty)  cubits ;  it  was  built  foursquare, 
with  horn-like  corners  projecting  from  it ;  and  on 
the  S.  side  a  gentle  acclivity  led  up  to  it.  Moreover 
ft  was  made  without  any  iron  tool,  neither  did  iron 
ever  touch  it  at  any  time."  The  dimensions  given 
in  the  Mishna  are  different.  In  connection  with  the 
horn  on  the  S.  W.  was  a  pipe  to  receive  the  blood  of 
the  victims  sprinkled  on  the  left  side  of  the  altar, 
and  carry  it  by  a  subterranean  passage  into  the 
brook  Kidron.  I'nder  the  altar  was  a  cavity  into 
which  the  drink-offerings  passed.  It  was  covered 
with  a  slab  of  marble,  and  emptied  from  time  to 
time.  On  the  north  side  of  the  altar  were  a  number 
of  brazen  rings,  to  secure  the  animals  brought  for 
sacrifice.  Round  the  middle  of  the  altar  ran  a  scir- 
let  thread  to  mark  where  the  blood  was  to  be  sprin- 
kled, whether  above  or  below  it.  According  to  Lev. 
vi.  12,  13,  a  perpetual  fire  was  to  be  kept  burning 
on  the  altar.  This  was  the  symbol  and  token  of  the 
perpetual  worship  of  Jehovah.  It  was  essentially 
different  from  the  perpetual  fires  of  the  Persians  and 
of  Vesta,   which   were  not   sacrificial  fires  at  all. 


^^ 


SappoMd  form  of  tlie  Altar  of  Inceiue. 

(Fire.)  This  perpetual  fire  was  one  of  the  five 
things  in  the  first  temple  which  Jewish  tradition  de- 
clares to  have  been  wanting  in  the  second. — II.  The 
Altar  of  Incense,  called  also  the  "  golden  altar  "  (Ex. 
xxxix.  38  ;  Num.  iv.  11),  to  distinguish  it  from  No. 
I.  Probably  this  is  the  "  altar  of  wood  "  (Ez.  xli. 
22),  described  as  the  "  table  that  is  before  the  lA>rd." 
The  name. "altar"  was  not  strictly  appropriate,  aa 
no  sacrifices  were  offered  upon  it ;  but  once  in  the 
year,  on  the  great  day  of  atonement,  the  high-priest 
sprinkled  upon  its  horns  the  blood  of  the  sin-oSertng 


34 


ALT 


AUA 


(Ex.  XXX.  10). — (1.)  That  in  the  Tabernacle  was  of 
sliittim-woud,  overlaid  with  pure  gold,  a  cubit  in 
length  and  breadth,  and  two  cubits  in  height.  Like 
the  Altar  of  Burnt-offering  it  had  horns  at  the  four 
corners.  It  had  also  a  lop  or  roof,  on  which  the 
incense  was  laid  and  lighted.  Many,  following  the 
Vulgate  (cralxndam  epis),  have  supposed  a  kind  of 
grating  to  be  meant ;  but  for  this  there  is  no  author- 
ity. Round  the  altar  was  a  border  or  wreath 
("  crown,"  A.  V.).  Below  this  were  two  golden  rings 
"  for  places  for  the  staves  to  bear  it  withal."  The 
staves  were  of  shittim-wood  overlaid  « ith  gold.  Its 
Appearance  may  be  illustrated  by  the  preceding  figure. 
This  altar  stood  in  the  Holy  PUce,  "  before  the 
veil  that  is  by  the  ark  of  the  testimony  "  (Ex.  xxx. 
6,  xl.  5). — (2.)  The  altar  in  Solomon's  Temple  was 
similar  (I  K.  vii.  48  ;  1  Chr.  xxviii.  18),  but  was 
made  of  cedar  overlaid  with  gold  (1  K.  vi.  20,  22). — 
(3.)  The  Altar  of  Incense  is  mentioned  as  removejj 
from  the  Temple  of  Zerubbabel  by  Antiochus  Epiph- 
anes  (1  Mc.  i.  21).  Judas  Maccabeus  restored  it, 
with  the  holy  vessels,  &c.  (1  Mc.  iv.  49).  On  the 
arch  of  Titus  no  Altar  of  Incense  appears.  But  that 
it  existed  in  the  last  Temple,  and  was  richly  over- 
laid, we  learn  from  the  Mishna.  As  the  sweet  incense 
was  burnt  upon  it  every  day,  morning  and  evening 
(Ex.  xxx.  7,  8),  and  the  blood  of  atonement  was 
sprinkled  upon  it  (v.  10),  this  altar  had  a  special  im- 
portance attached  to  it.  It  is  the  only  altar  which 
appears  in  the  Heavenly  Temple  (Is.  vi.  6 ;  Rev.  viii. 
3,  4).— C.  Other  Altars.  (1.)  Altars  of  brick.  There 
seems  to  be  an  allusion  to  such  in  Is.  Ixv.  3,  though 
Rosenmiiller  (and  so  Gesenius  and  Maurcr)  supposes 
the  allusion  is  to  some  Babylonish  custom  of  burn- 
ing incense  on  bricks  covered  with  magic  formulse 
or  cuneiform  inscriptions. — (2.)  An  Altar  to  an  Un- 
known God  (Acts  xvii.  23).  St.  Paul  mentions  in 
his  speech  on  Mars'  Hill  that  he  had  himself  seen 
such  an  altar  in  Athens.  Pausanias  and  Philostratus 
mention  "  altars  of  unknown  gods  "  at  Athens.  It  is 
not  probable  that  such  an  inscription  referred  to  the 
God  of  the  Jews,  as  One  whose  Name  it  was  unlawful 
to  utter,  as  some  have  supposed.     Diogenes  Laertius 


Various  Altars. 

1,  2.  Egyptian,  from  bas-reliefs.— (RoaellinJ.) 

3.  Assyrian,  found  at  Khorsabad.-^Laynrd.) 

4.  Bnl>-  Ionian,  Bibli'ih^que  NatinnaU. — I  Layard.) 
6.  Assyrian,  from  Kborsabad. — (Layard.) 

says  that  in  the  time  of  a  plague,  when  the  Atheni- 
ans knew  not  wh.at  god  to  propitiate  in  order  to 
avert  it,  Epimenides  caused  black  and  white  sheep 
to  be  let  loose  from  the  Areopagus,  and  wherever 
tbey  lay  down,  to  be  offered  to  the  respective  divini- 
ties. It  was  probably  on  this  or  similar  occasion^ 
that  altars  were  dedicated  to  an  Unknown  God,  since 
they  knew  not  what  god  was  offended  and  required 
to  be  propitiated. 


Al-tas'thith  [-kith]  (fr.  Heb.  =  des(roi/  not),  in  the 
title  of  Ps.  Ivii.,  Iviii.,  lis.,  Ixxv.,  probably  the  begin- 
ning of  sonie  song  or  poem  to  the  tune  of  which 
those  psalms  were  to  be  chanted.  Comp.  Aijeleth 
Shahar,  &c. 

A'lnsh  (Heb.  a  crowd  of  men,  Talmud),  a  station 
of  the  Israelites  on  their  journey  to  Sinai,  the  last 
before  Rephidim  (Num.  xx-xiii.  13,  14);  given  in  the 
Seder  01am  as  eight  miles  from  Rephidim.  Wilder- 
ness OF  THE  Wandering. 

Al'vab  (Heb.  evil,  Ges.),  a  duke  of  Edom  (Gen. 
xxxvi.  40);  z=  Aliab  in  1  Chr.  i.  51. 

Al'van  (Heb.  tall,  thick,  Ges.),  a  Horite,  son  of 
Shobal  (Gen.  xxxvi.  23);  =  Alian  in  1  Chr.  i.  40. 

A'mad  (Heb.  people  of  duration.  Ges.),  an  un- 
known place  in  Asher,  between  Alammelech  and 
Misheal  (Josh.  xix.  26  only.) 

A-niitd'a-tha  (Esth.  xvi.  10,  17),  and  A-mad'a-tbns 
(Esth.  xii.  6) ;  =  Hammedatha. 

A'mal  (Heb.  labor,  Ges.),  an  Asherite,  son  of  Helem 
(1  Chr.  vii.  35). 

Am'a-Iek  (Heb.  a  people  thai  licks  up  ?  Fbn.,  Ayre, 
&c.).  Is  Son  of  Eliphaz  by  his  concubine  Timna  ; 
grandson  of  E.san,  and  a  chieftain  ("duke,"  A.V.)  of 
Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  12,  16  ;  1  Chr.  i.  36).— 8.  "Ama- 
lek "  often  =  Amalekites,  as  in  Ex.  xvii. ;  Num. 
xxiv.  20;  Deut.  xxv.  17-19,  &c. 

Am'a-lck-ites  (fr.  Amalek),  a  nomadic  tribe  which 
occupied  the  peninsula  of  Sinai  and  the  wilderness 
between  the  southern  hill-ranges  of  Palestine  and 
the  border  of  Egypt  (Num.  xiii.  29 ;  1  Sam.  xv.  7, 
xxvii.  8).  Arab  historians  represent  them  as  origi- 
nally dwelling  on  the  shores  of  the  Persian  Gulf, 
whence  they  were  pressed  W.  by  the  grow  th  of  the 
Assyrian  empire,  and  spread  over  a  portion  of  Ara- 
bia before  its  occupation  by  the  descendants  of  Jok- 
tan.  This  account  of  their  origin  harmonizes  with 
Gen.  xiv.  7,  where  the  "country"  of  the  Amalek- 
ites is  mentioned  several  generations  before  the  birlh 
of  the  Edomite  Amalek,  though  the  passage  does 
not  assert  that  the  Amalekites  were  then  in  that 
"  country  "  :  it  throws  light  on  the  traces  of  a  per- 
manent occupation  of  central  Palestine  in  their  pas- 
sage W.,  as  indicated  by  the  names  "  Amalek  "  and 
"Mount  of  the  Amaleldtes"  (Judg.  v.  14,  xii.  15): 
and  it  accounts  for  the  silence  of  Scripture  as  to 
any  relationship  between  the  Amalekites  and  the 
Edomites  or  the  Israelites.  That  a  mixture  of  the 
two  former  races  occurred  at  a  later  period,  would 
in  this  case  be  the  only  inference  from  Gen.  xxxvi. 
16,  though  many  writers  have  considered  that  pas- 
sage to  refer  to  the  origin  of  the  whole  nation,  ex- 
plaining Gen.  xiv.  7,  as  a  case  of  prolepsis  or  anti- 
cipation. The  physical  character  of  the  district, 
which  the  Amalekites  occupied,  necessitated  a  no- 
madic life,  and  they  took  their  families  with  them 
even  on  a  military  expedition  (Judg.  vi.  5).  Their 
wealth  consisted  in  flocks  and  herds.  Mention  is 
made  of  a  "  town  "  (1  Sam.  xv.  5),  but  their  towns 
could  have  been  little  more  than  stations,  or  nomadic 
enclosures.  The  kings  or  chieftains  perhaps  had  the 
hereditary  title  Agag  (Num.  xxiv.  7  ;  1  Sam.  xv.  8). 
Two  important  routes  led  through  the  Amalekite 
district,  viz.,  from  Palestine  to  Egypt  by  the  Isthmus 
of  Suez,  and  to  southern  Asia  and  Africa  by  the 
Elanitic  arm  of  the  Red  Sea.  It  has  been  conjec- 
tured that  the  expedition  of  the  four  kings  (Gen. 
xiv.)  had  for  its  object  the  opening  of  the  latter 
route  ;  and  it  was  by  the  former  that  the  Amalekites 
first  came  in  contact  with  the  Israelites,  whose  prog- 
ress they  attempted  to  stop  by  a  guerilla  warfare 
(Deut.  xxv.  18),  but  were  signally  defeated  at  Rephi- 


AMA 


AHB 


35 


DIM  (Ex.  xvii.).  In  union  with  the  Canatinitos  thpy 
again  attacked  the  Israelites  on  the  borders  of  Pal- 
estine, and  defeated  them  near  Hormah  (Num.  xiv. 
45).  Afterward  they  were  at  one  time  in  league 
with  the  Moabitcs  (Jndg.  iii.  13)  defeated  by  Ehud 
near  Jericho ;  at  another  time  with  the  Uidianitea 
(Judg.  vi.  3)  defeated  by  Gidejn.  Saul  overran  their 
whole  district  from  Havilah  to  Shur,  and  inflicted  an 
immense  lo4s  upon  thera  (1  Sam.  xv.);  and  an  Ama- 
lekite  in  turn  claimed  to  have  sftiin  Saul  (2  Sam.  i.). 
T.ie!r  power  was  thenceforth  broken,  and  they  do- 
generated  into  a  horde  of  banditti.  Their  contests 
with  David  and  destruction  of  Ziklag  ended  in  their 
8i;;nal  defeat  (1  Sam.  xxvii.,  xx.x.).  The  last  notice 
of  the  Ara;ilekite3  is  that  the  Simeonites  in  the  days 
of  Hezcki.ih  sm'jte  "  the  rest "  or  the  remnant  of 
them  (1  Chr.  iv.  43).  Tlie  words  of  Moses  (Deut. 
XXV.  19)  anil  of  BaLiam  (Num.  xxiv.  20)  seem  to 
have  been  fulfilled  in  their  complete  destruction. 
Hahan. 

A'mam  (Heb.  galhermj-place,  Fii.),  a  city  in  the  S. 
of  Judah,  namad  wiih  Sliema  and  Moladah  in  Josh. 
XV.  28  only.     KESiorH  1. 

A'mm  =  Haman  (Tob.  xiv.  10 ;  Esth,  x.  7,  xii.  6, 
xiii.  3,  12,  xiv.  17,  xvi.  10,  17). 

Am'a-nil  (fr.  Heb.  ^  confirmation,  Gss. ;  (h^  eslab- 
lis'ied,  delermhied,  Fii.),  a  mountain  (Cant.  iv.  8^; 
conamonly  regarded  as  the  part  of  Anti-L  »binon  in 
which  the  river  Abasa  (2  K.  v.  12  ;  written  "Ama- 
na"  in  marg.  of  A.  V.,  Hcb.  Keri,  &c.)ha3  its  source. 

An-l-rl'th  (Heb.  whom  Jcliunah  said,  i.  e.  proin^ 
i»ed,  Gei.).  1.  Father  of  AniTUB  2,  and  soa  of  Me- 
raijth,  in  the  line  of  the  high-priests  (1  Chr.  vi.  7, 
62  ;  HioH-PaiEJT  ;  Zado;:).— I,  Hi»h-prie;t  in  the 
rjign  of  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xix.  11) ;  son  of  Aza- 
riah,  and  the  seventh  in  descent  from  No.  1  (1  Chr, 
vL  11).— J.  H^ad  of  a  family  of  Kohathite  Levites 
(1  Chr.  xxiii.  19,  xxiv.  23). — 1.  A  priest  in  Heze- 
kiah's  time  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  15) ;  supposed  by  Lord  A. 
C.  Hervey  to  be  a  f  imily  name  ^  Immgr  1.^5.  A  son 
of  Bani  in  Ezra's  time ;  husband  of  a  foreign  wife 
(Ezr.  X.  42). — 6.  A  priest  who  returned  with  Zerub- 
babel  (Neli.  x.  3,  xii.  2,  13). — T.  A  descendant  of 
Pharez,  the  son  of  Julah(Neh.  xi.  4) ;  probably  = 
Imri  in  1  Clir.  ix.  4. — 8.  An  ancestor  of  Zephaniah 
the  prophet  (Zeph.  i.  1). 

Am-a-rl'as  (Gr. ;  1  Esd.  viii.  2 ;  2  EsJ.  i.  2)  =  Ama- 

RIAIl  1. 

Am'a-sa  (Heb.  burden).  1.  Son  of  Ithra  or  Jether, 
by  Abigail,  David's  sister  (2  Sam.  xvii.  25).  He  was 
Abialom's  commander-in-chief  (Absalom),  and  was 
totally  defeated  by  Joab  (xviii.).  Afierward  he  was 
forgiven  by  David,  recognized  ijy  him  as  his  nephew, 
and  appointed  Joab's  successor  (xix.  13).  Joab 
afterward,  when  they  were  both  in  pursuit  of  the 
rebel  Slieba,  pretending  to  salute  Amasa,  stabbed 
him  with  his  sword  (xx.  10),  which  he  held  in  his 
left  hand. — 2.  One  of  the  princes  of  Ephraim  in 
Pekah's  reign,  who  succored  the  captives  from  Judah 
(2  Chr.  xxviii.  12). 

Aoi'a-Sii(Hcb.  burdensome,  Gcs.).  !•  A  Kohathite, 
father  of  Mahath  a!id  ancestor  of  Samuel  and  Ileman 
the  singer  (1  Chr.  vi.  25,  35).— 2.  Chief  of  the  cap- 
tains of  Judah  and  Benjamin,  who  joined  David  at 
Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  18);  whether  z=  Amasa,  David's 
nephew,  is  uncertain. — 3.  One  of  the  priests  who 
blew  trumpets  before  the  ark,  when  David  brought 
k  from  the  house  of  Obed-edom  (1  Chr.  xv.  24).— 
1.  Another  Kohathite,  father  of  another  Mahath,  in 
the  reign  of  Hezeklah  (2  Chr.  xxlx.  12),  unless  the 
name  is  that  of  a  family. 

Am'a-shal  (fr.  Heb.  =  Amasai),  son  of  Azareel, 


and  priest  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  xi.  1 3) ;  ap- 
parently =  Maasiai  (1  Chr.  ix.  12). 

Am-a-Si'ab  (Ileb.  whom  Jehovah  bears  in  his  arms, 
Ges.),  son  of  Zichri,  and  captain  of  200,000  warriors 
of  Judah  under  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xvii.  16). 

A'math.    IIamath. 

•  Ani'a-thais.    Amatiiis. 

Am-a-the  is  (1  Esd.  ix.  29).    Athlat. 

Am'a-this  (or  Am'a-thas),  "the  land  of"  =  the 
region  or  district  of  Hamath  (1  Mc.  xii.  25). 

Am-a-zi'ah  (fr.  Heb.  whom  Jehovah  strengthens, 
Ges.),  son  of  Joash  1,  and  eighth  king  of  Judah 
(Judah,  Kingdom  of  ;  Israel,  Kingdom  of),  succeeded 
to  the  throne  at  the  age  of  twenty-five,  on  the  mur- 
der of  his  father,  and  punished  the  murderers,  but 
spared  their  children,  in  accordance  with  Deut.  xxiv. 
16  (2  K.  xiv.  6).  He  made  war  on  the  Edomites,  de- 
feated them  in  the  valley  of  salt  (Salt,  Valley  of), 
and  took  their  capital,  which  he  named  Joktheel. 
We  read  in  2  Chr.  xxv.  12-14,  that  the  victorious 
Jews  threw  10,000  Edomites  from  the  cliffs,  and 
that  Amaziah  worshipped  the  gods  of  the  country  ; 
an  exception  to  the  general  character  of  his  reign 
(comp.  2  K.  xiv.  3,  with  2  Chr.  xxv.  2).  In  conse- 
quence of  this  he  was  overtaken  by  misfortune. 
Having  already  offended  the  Hebrews  of  the  north- 
em  kingdom  by  sending  back,  in  obedience  to  a 
prophet,  100,000  troops  whom  he  had  hired  from  it, 
he  had  the  foolish  arrogance  to  challenge  Joasii  2, 
king  of  Israel,  to  battle.  But  Judah  was  completely 
defeated,  and  Amaziah  himself  was  taken  prisoner, 
and  conveyed  by  Joash  to  Jerusalem,  which  opened 
its  gates  to  the  conqueror  (so  Josephus).  A  portion  of 
the  northern  wall  of  Jerusalem  was  broken  down, 
and  treasures  and  hostages  were  carried  off  to  Sa- 
maria. Amaziah  lived  fifteen  years  after  the  death 
of  Joash ;  and  in  the  twenty-ninth  year  of  his  reign 
was  murJered  by  conspirators  at  Lachish,  whither 
he  had  retired  for  safety  from  Jerusalem.  This  is 
recorded  as  a  consequence  of  his  turning  away  from 
Jehovah  (2  Chr.  xxv.  27).— 2.  A  descendant  of 
Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  34). — 3.  A  Levite,  ancestor  of 
Ethan  the  singer  (vi.  45). — 4.  Priest  of  the  golden 
calf  at  Bethel,  who  endeavored  to  drive  the  prophet 
Amos  from  Israel  (Am.  vii.  10,  12,  14). 

Am-bas'sa-dor  =  an  official  representative  of  one 
sovereign  or  people  at  the  court  or  seat  of  govern- 
ment of  another  sovereign  or  people.  Examples  of 
ambassadors  occur  in  the  cases  of  Edom,  Moab,  and 
the  Amorites  (Num.  xx.  14,  xxi.  21  ;  Judg.  xi.  17- 
19),  aftenvard  in  that  of  the  fraudulent  Gibeonites 
(Josh.  ix.  4,  &c.),  and  in  the  insUnces  mentioned 
Judg.  xi.  12,  14,  and  xx.  12.  They  are  alluded  to 
more  frequently  during  and  after  tlie  contact  of  the 
great  monarchies  of  Syria,  Babylon,  &c.,  with  those 
of  Judah  and  Israel,  as  in  the  invasion  of  Sennache- 
rib. They  were  usually  men  of  high  rank  (2  Sam. 
viii.  10;  2  K.  xviii.  17,  18;  Is.  xxx.  4).  Ambassa- 
dors were  employed,  not  only  on  occasions  of  hostile 
challenge  or  insolent  menace  (2  K.  xiv.  8  ;  1  K.  xx. 
2,  5,  6  ;  2  K.  xix.  9,  14),  but  of  friendly  compliment, 
of  request  for  alliante  or  other  aid,  of  submissive 
deprecation,  and  of  curious  inquiry  (2  Sam.  x.  2 ; 
2  K.  xvi.  7,  xviii.  14  ;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  31  ;  Lk.  .xiv.  32 ; 
Alliances).  See  also  Is.  xviiL  2;  Ez.  xvii.  15,  &c. 
—The  apostle  Paul  claims  for  himself  and  Timothy 
in  preaching  the  Gospel  the  deference  due  to  ambas- 
sadors of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  (2  Cor.  v.  20  ;  Epb. 
vi.  20).  . 

Am  ber  (Heb.  hashmal  or  chashmal)  occurs  only  in 
Ez.  i.  4,  27,  viii.  2.  (Colors.)  It  is  usually  supposed 
by  biblical  critics,  but  by  no  means  certain,  that  the 


/ 


36 


AMB 


Hebrew  word  denotes  a  metal,  and  not  the  fofsil 
resin  called  amber.  The  LXX.  and  Vulgate  afford 
ho  certain  clew  to  identification,  for  the  Greek  word 
electron  (L.  e/frfj-uni)  employed  as  its  equivalent,  was 
used  to  express  both  amber  and  a  certain  metal, 
which  was  composed  of  four  parts  of  gold  to  one  of 
Biiver,  and  held  in  very  high  estimation  by  the  aa- 
cients. 

*"  Am'bnsh,  Am'bnsb-meiit.    War. 

A  men'  (Heb.  firm,  trite,  truth  ;  often  used  in  Gr. 
of  N.  T.,  and  at  tlie  beginning  of  a  sentence  usually 
in  A.  V.  translated  "  verily,"  i.  e.  in  truth,  certainlt/, 
in  other  positions  usually  not  translated,  and  then= 
so  be  it,  let  it  be  true),  a  word  used  in  strong  assev- 
erations, fixing  aa  it  were  the  stamp  of  truth  upon 
the  assertion  which  it  accompanied,  and  making  it 
binding  as  an  oath  (comp.  Num.  v.  22).  In  Deut. 
xxvii.  15-26,  the  people  were  to  say  "  Amen,"  as 
the  Levites  pronounced  each  of  the  curses  upon 
Mount  Ebal,  signifying  by  this  their  assent  to  the 
conditions  under  which  the  curses  would  be  inflicted. 
So  among  the  Rabbins,  "  Amen  "  involves  the  ideas 
of  swearing,  acceptai  ce,  and  truthfulness.  The  first 
two  are  illustrated  by  the  passages  alreadv  quoted  ; 
the  last  by  1  K.  i.  36;  Jn.  iii.  3,  5,  11  (A.  V. 
"verily"),  in  which  the  assertions  are  made  with 
the  solemnity  of  an  oath,  and  then  strengthened  by 
the  repetition  of  "  Amen."  "Amen  "  was  the  prop- 
er response  of  the  person  to  whom  an  oath  nas  ad- 
ministered (Neh.  v.  13,  viii.  6;  1  Chr.  xvi.  SO;  Jer. 
xi.  5,  marg.,  text  of  A.  V.  "  so  be  it "),  and  the 
Deity  to  whom  appeal  is  made  on  such  occasions 
is  called  "the  God  of  Amen"  (Is.  Ixv.  16,  A.  V. 
"  truth  "),  as  being  a  witness  to  the  sincerity  of  the 
implied  compact.  With  a  similar  significance  Christ 
is  called  "  the  Amert,  the  faithful  and  true  witness  " 
(Rev.  iii.  14  ;  comp.  Jn.  i.  14,  xiv.  6  ;  2  Cor.  i.  20). 
It  is  matter  of  tradition  that  in  the  Temple  the 
"  Amen  "  was  not  uttered  by  the  people,  but  that, 
instead,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  priest's  prayers, 
they  responded,  "  Blessed  be  the  name  of  the  glory 
of  his  kingdom  for  ever  and  ever."  Of  this  a  trace 
is  supposed  to  remain  in  the  concluding  Eentence 
of  the  Lord's  Prayer  (comp.  Rom.  xi.  36).  But  in 
the  synagogues  and  private  houses  it  was  custom- 
ary for  the  people  or  members  of  the  family  who 
were  present  to  say  "  Amen  "  to  the  prayers  offered 
by  the  minister  or  the  master  of  the  house,  and 
the  custom  remained  in  the  early  Christian  Church 
(Mat.  vi.  13  ;  1  Cor.  xiv.  16).  And  not  only  pub- 
lic prayers,  but  those  offered  in  private,  and  dox- 
ologies  were  appropriately  concluded  with  "Amen" 
(Rom.  ix.  5,  xi.  36,  xv.  33,  xvi.  27;  2  Cor.  xiii.  14, 
&c.). 

*  A-merte',  to,  =  to  punish  by  inflicting  a  fine 
(Deut.  xxii.  19).     Punishments. 

Am'e-thyst  (Heb.  ahtdi,mh  or  aelilamdh ;  Gr. 
amelhiistos,  the  origin  of  amethi/st,  generally  regarded 
as  thus  named  from  its  supposed  power  of  dispelling 
drunkenness  in  those  who  wore  it).  Mention  is 
made  of  this  precious  stone,  which  formed  tha  third 
in  the  third  row  of  the  higli-priest's  breastplate,  in 
Ex.  xxviii.  19,  xxxix.  12,  "And  the  third  row  a 
ligure,  an  agate,  and  an  amethyst."  It  occurs  also 
in  the  N.  T.  (Rev.  xxi.  20  ;  Gr.  amethiistos)  as  the 
twelfth  stone  which  garni.shed  the  foundations  of  the 
wall  of  the  heavenly  Jerusalem.  Modem  mineralo- 
gists by  the  term  amethyst  usually  understand  the 
amethystine  variety  of  quartz,  or  rose  quartz,  which 
is  crystalline,  highly  transparent,  and  of  a  violet  or 
purplish-violet  color.  The  oriental  amethyst  is  a 
variety  of  corundum,  of  a  violet  color.     (Adamant  ; 


AMM 

Sapphire.)  The  Hebrew  and  Greek  terms  doubtless 
denoted  one  or  both  of  these  two  minerals. 

A  ml  (Heb.  prob.  corrupted  from  Amon),  one  of 
"  Solomon's  seiTunts  "  (Ezr.  ii.  57) ;  =  Amon  3,  and 
Ali.om. 

A-min'a-dab  (Gr.  and  L. ;  Mat.  i.  4 ;  Lk.  iii.  33) 

=  AMiMINAnAB  1. 

A-mlt'tai  (Heb.  true,  veraeions,  Ges.l,  father  of  the 
prophet  Jonah  (2  K.  xiv.  25  ;  Jon.  i.  1). 

Am'mab  (Heb.  beyinning,  head,  Gcs. ;  icaterfaU, 
Fii.),  the  hill  of,  a  hill  "  facing  "  Giah  by  the  way  of 
the  wilderness  of  Gibeon  ;  the  point  to  which  Jtab'3 
pursuit  of  Abner  extended  (2  Sam.  ii.  24);  site  un- 
known.    Metheg-Ammah. 

Am'ml  (Heb.  my  people),  a  figurative  name,  apf  lii  d 
to  the  kingdom  of  Israel  in  token  of  God's  reconcilic- 
fion  with  them  (Hos.  ii.  1),  in  contrast  with  Lo-ammi. 
Comp.  Ruiiamah  and  Lo-Kuhamah. 

im'ml-doi  (Gr.),  in  some  copies  Am-mld'i-ol  (Gr. ; 

1  Esd.  V.  20).  "  They  of  Chadias  and  Amniidci " 
are  named  here,  not  in  Ezra  or  Nehcmiah,  among 
those  who  came  up  from  Babylon  with  ZoioLa- 
bel. 

Am'ml-el  (^Heh.  kindred  [i.  e.  servants  or  uorship- 
]>ers^  of  God,  Ges.).  I.  The  .'^py  selected  by  Moses 
from  the  tribe  of  Dan  (Num.  xiii.  12). — i,  lather  of 
Maehir  of  Lodebar  (2  Sam.  ix.  4,  5,  xvii.  27). — 3. 
Father  of  Bath-sheba  (1  Chr.  iii.  5);  called  Eliam  in 

2  Sam.  xi.  3.-4.  Sixth  son  of  Obcd-edom  (1  Chr. 
xxvi.  5),  and  a  doorkeeper  of  the  Temple. 

kxa'm\-\iriA(Yleh.  kindred  of  Judah,GK9.).  1,  An 
Ephraimite,  father  of  Elishama,  the  chief  of  the  tribe 
under  Moses  (Num.  i.  10,  ii.  18,  vii.  4P,  53,  x.  22; 
1  Chr.  vii.  26),  and  ancestor  of  Joshua. — 2.  A  Sim- 
eonite,  father  of  Shemuel,  a  prince  of  the  tribe 
.(Num.  xxxiv.  20)  at  the  division  cf  Canaan.— 3. 
Father  of  Pedahel,  a  prince  of  Naphtali  at  the  same 
time  (xxxiv.  28). — I.  (Heb.  text  and  A.  V.  murg. 
Ammihnr  =  kindred  of  nobles,  Ges. ;  Keri,  Ammi- 
/(«</.)  Father  of  Talmai,  the  king  of  Geshur  (2  Sam. 
xiii.  37). — &,  A  descendant  of  Pharcz,  son  of  Judah 
(1  Chr.  ix.  4). 

*  Am'nil-bnr  =  AMMiiiun  4. 

Am-m!n'a-dab  (Heb.  kindred  of  the  prince,  Gcs. ; 
man  of  generosity,  Fii.).  1.  In  N.  T.  Aminadab. 
Son  of  Ram  or  Aiam,  and  father  of  Nahshcn,  i\ho 
was  the  prince  of  Judah  under  Moses  (Num.  i.  7,  ii. 
3;  Ru.  iv.  19,  20;  1  Chr.  ii.  10),  and  o(  Ehsheba 
Aaron's  wife  (Ex.  vi.  23).  He  probably  died  in 
Egypt  before  the  Exodus. — 2.  A  Kohathite  Levile, 
chief  of  the  cne  hundred  anfl  twelve  sons  of  Uzzicl, 
summoned  by  David,  with  other  chief  Levites  and 
priests,  to  bring  the  ark  of  God  to  Jerusalem  (1  Chr. 
XV.  10-12).— 3.  In  1  Chr.  vi.  22  =:  Izhar. 

Am-min'a-dib  (Heb.).  In  Cant.  vi.  12,  it  is  uncer- 
tain whether  we  ought  to  read,  Amminadib,  with 
the  A.  v.,  or  my  mlling people  (  z=  Heb.  ^ammi  nu- 
dib),  as  in  the  margin. 

Am-ml-sbed'da-l  or  Am-ml-sliad'dal  (Heb.  kindred 
[i.  e.  servant^  of  the  Almighty,  Ges.),  father  cf  A!:i- 
ezer,  the  prince  of  Dan  at  the  Exodus  (Num.  i.  12, 
ii.  25,  vii.  66,  71,  x.  25).  ' 

Am-mlz'a-bad  (Heb.  kindred  of  the  Giver,  i.  c.  cf 
Jehovah,  Ges.),  son  of  Eenaiah,  and  apparently 
Benaiah's  lieutenant  in  the  third  division  cf  Davie's 
army  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  6). 

Ain'mon  (Heb.  =  Ben-Ammi,  Ges.),  im'moo-iltC!, 
fhli'dren  of  Am'mon,  a  people  descended  frcra  Pern 
Ammi,  the  son  of  Lot  by  his  younger  daughter  (Gen. 
xix.  38 ;  comp.  Ps.  Ixxxiii.  7,  8),  as  Moab  was  by 
the  elder ;  and  dating  from  the  destruction  of  Sodom. 
The  near  relation  between  the  two  peoples  indicated 


AMM 


A3I0 


37 


in  their  origin  continued  through  their  existence 
(eomp.  Judg.  x.  6 ;  2  Chr.  xx.  1 ;  Zeph.  ii.  8,  &c.). 
Indeed,  so  close  was  their  union  that  each  appears 
to  be  occasionally  spoken  of  under  the  name  of  the 
olher.  See  Deut.  ii.  19;  xxiii.  4;  Judg.  xi.,  &c. 
Unlike  Moab,  the  precise  position  of  the  territory  of 
the  Ammonites  is  not  ascertainable.  In  tlie  earliest 
mention  of  them  (Deut.  ii.  20)  they  are  said  to  have 
destroyed  the  Zamzummira,  and  to  have  dwelt  in 
their  place,  Jabbok  bemg  their  border  (Num.  xxi. 
24  ;  Deut.  ii.  37,  iii.  1(5).  "  Land  "  or  "  country  " 
is,  however,  rarely  ascribed  to  them,  nor  is  there  any 
reference  to  those  haoits  and  circumstances  of  civ- 
ilization, which  so  constantly  recur  in  the  allusions 
to  Mcab  (Is.  XV.,  xvi. ;  Jer.  xlviii.).  On  the  contrary 
we  find  everywhere  traces  of  the  fierce  habits  of 
marauders  in  tlieir  incursions  (1  Sam.  xi.  2  ;  Am.  i. 
13).  and  a  verv  high  degree  of  crafty  cruelty  to  their 
foes  (Jer.  xl.  14;  Jd.  vii.  11,  12).  Probably  Moab 
was  the  settled  and  civilized  half  of  the  nation  of 
Lot,  and  Ammon  its  predatory  and  nomad  section. 
On  the  W.  of  Jordan  they  never  obtained  a  footing. 
In  the  timas  of  the  Judges  they  passed  over  once 
with  Moab  and  Amalek,  and  seized  Jericho  (Judg. 
iii.  1.3),  and  a  second  time  "  to  fight  against  Judah 
and  Benjamin,  and  the  house  of  Ephraira  "  (x.  9) ; 
but  they  quickly  returned  to  the  freer  pastures  of 
(iilead.  (Chephar  iia-Ammonai.)  The  hatred  of 
the  Israelites  toward  the  Ammonites  arose  partly 
from  thc'ir  opposition  or  denial  of  assistance  to  the 
Israelites  on  their  approach  to  Canaan,  but  mainly 
from  their  share  in  the  affair  of  Balaam  (Deut. 
xxiii.  4  ;  Neh.  xiii.  1).  The  command,  "  distress 
not  the  Moabites  ....  distress  not  the  children  of 
Ammon,  nor  raedJle  with  them"  (Deut.  ii.  9,  19; 
and  oomp.  37),  is  followed  by  a  sentence  excluding 
Uoab  and  Ammon  from  the  congregration  for  ten 
generations  (Deut.  xxiii.  3).  This  animosity  con- 
tinued in  force  to  the  latest  date.  Subdued  by  Jeph- 
tliah  who  smote  twenty  ciiies  (Judg.  xi.  33),  and  scat- 
tered with  great  slaugliter  by  Saul  (1  Sam.  xi.  U, 
xiv.  47),  they  enjoyed  under  his  successor  a  short 
respite,  probably  from  the  connection  of  Moab  with 
David  (l  Sam.  xxii.  3).  But  this  was  soon  brought 
to  a  close  by  their  king's  shameful  treatment  of  the 
friendly  messengers  of  David  (2  Sam.  x.  4 ;  1  Chr. 
xix.  4),  for  which  he  destroyed  their  city,  and  in- 
flicted on  them  the  severest  blows  (2  Sam.  xii. ; 
1  Chr.  XX. ;  Kabbah).  In  the  days  of  Jehoshaphat 
they  made  an  incursion  into  Judah  with  the  Moabites 
and  the  Maonites  (Mehunim),  but  were  signally  re- 
pulsed, and  so  many  killed  that  three  days  were  oc- 
cupied in  spoiling  the  bodijs  (2  Chr.  xx.  1-25).  Be- 
fore Amos  prophesied,  they  made  incursions,  and  com- 
mitted atrocities  in  Gilead  (Am.  i.  13) ;  they  paid 
tribute  to  Uzziah  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  8  ;  the  LXX.  ascribe 
this  to  the  Mehunim)  ;  Jotham  had  wars  with  iliem, 
and  exacted  from  them  a  heavy  tribute  of  "  silver 
(comp.  "jewels,"  2  Chr.  xx.  25),  wheat,  and  barley" 
(2  Chr.  xxvii.  5).  They  took  possession  of  the  cities 
of  Gad,  from  which  the  Jews  had  been  removed  by 
Tiglath-pileser  (Jer.  xlix.  1-fi) ;  and  other  incursions 
are  elsewhere  alluded  to  (Zeph.  ii.  8,  9).  At  the  cap- 
tivity many  Jews  took  refuge  among  the  Ammonites 
from  the  Assyrians  (Jer.  xl.  11),  but  on  the  return 
from  Babylon.  Tobiali  the  Ammonite  and  Sanballat 
(probably  a  Moabite)  were  foremost  among  the  op- 
ponents of  Ncheniiairs  restoration.  The  Ammonites 
are  mentioned  in  Jd.  v.,  vi.,  vii.  and  1  Mc.  v.  G,  30-43. 
(Ammositess.)— The  tribe  was  governed  by  a  king 
(Nahash  1 ;  Judg.  xi.  12,  &c. ;  1  Sam.  xii.  12 ;  2  Sam. 
X.  1  ;  Jer.  xl.  14),  and  by  "  priaceg  "  (2  Sam.  i.  8  ; 


1   Clir.  xix.  3). — The  divinity  of  the  tribe  was  Mo» 
LECH,  also  written  Milcom  and  Malcham. 

Ammon-l-tess  [t  as  m  Ammotdte]  =  an  Ammonite 
woman.  Naamah  2,  the  mother  of  Rehoboam  ( 1  K. 
xiv.  21,31  ;  2  Chr.  xii.  13),  and  Shimeath,  the  mother 
of  one  of  the  murderers  of  Joash  (2  Chr.  xxiv.  26) 
were  of  the  race  of  Am.mon.  For  allusions  to  these 
mixed  marriages  see  1  K.  xi.  1  ;  Ezr.  ix.  1  If. ;  Neh. 
xiii.  23  If.     Marriage,  II.  i. 

Am'non  (Ueb.  faithful,  Ges.).  I,  Eldest  son  of 
David,  by  Ahinoam  the  Jezieelitess,  born  in  Hebron 
while  his  father's  royalty  was  only  acknowledged  in 
Judah.  He  dishonored  his  half-sister  Tamar,  and 
was  in  consequence  murdered  by  her  brother  Absa- 
lom (2  Sam.  iii.  2,  xiii.  1-29  ;  1  Chr.  iii.  1).— 2.  Son 
of  Shimon  (1  Chr.  iv.  20). 

A'raok  (Heb.  deep,  Ges.),  a  chief  priest,  companion 
of  Zerubbabel  (Neh.  xii.  7,  20). 

A'mou  (Heb.),  an  Egyptian  divinity,  whose  name 
occurs  in  No-Amon 
(Nah.  iii.  8,  marg.), 
or  Thebes.  The 
Greeks  called  this 
divinity  Ammon.  The 
ancient  Egyptian 
name  is  Amen  ="the 
hidden."  Amen  was 
one  of  the  eight  gods 
of  the  first  order,  and 
chief  of  the  triad  of 
Thebes.  He  was  wor- 
shipped at  that  city 
as  Anun-Ra  (  =  "  A- 
men  the  sun  "),  repre- 
sented as  a  man  wear- 
ing a  cap  with  two 
high  plumes,  and 
Ameit-Ra  ka  mu'ef 
(  =  "  Amen-Ra,  who 
is  both  male  and  fe- 
male "),  represented 
as  the  generative  principle.  The  Greeks  identified 
Amen  with  Zeus,  and  he  was  therefore  called  Zcua 
Ammon  and  Jupiter  Ammon. 

A'ni'jil  (Heb.  architect,  Ges. ;  others  say,  son  or 
fuDler-child,  Ges.).  I.  King  of  Judah,  son  and  suc- 
cessor of  Manasseh  (2  K.  xxi.  18-26  ;  2  Chr.  xxxiii. 
20-25;  Mat.  i.  10;  Ji'dah.  Kingdom  or;  Israel, 
Kingdom  of).  Following  his  father's  example,  Anion 
devoted  himself  wholly  to  the  service  of  false  pods, 
but  was  killed  in  a  conspiracy  after  a  reign  of  two 
years.  The  people  avenged  him  by  putting  all  the 
conspirators  to  death,  and  made  his  son  Joaiah  king. 
To  Amon's  reign  we  must  refer  the  terrible  picture 
of  idolatry  supported  in  Jerusalem  by  priests  and 
prophets  (Zeph.  i.  4,  iii.  4),  the  poor  ruthlessly  op- 
pressed (iii.  3),  and  shameless  indifference  to  evil 
(iii.  11). — i.  Prince  or  governor  of  Samaria  in  the 
reign  of  Ahad  (1  K.  x-xii.  26  ;  2  Chr.  xviii.  25).  The 
precise  nature  of  his  office  is  not  known.  Perhaps 
the  prophet  Micaiah  was  intrusted  to  his  custody  as 
captain  of  the  citadel. — i.  See  Ami. 

imVrite,  the  Am'o-rites  (fr.  Heb.  =  the  dwellers 
on  the  summits,  mountaineers),  one  of  the  chief  na- 
tions who  possessed  the  land  of  Canaan  before  its 
conquest  by  the  Israelites.  "  Amorite  "  (so  Mr.  G. 
Grove)  was  a  local  term,  and  not  the  name  of  a  dis- 
tinct tribe.  Gesenius  says  the  name  is  sometimes 
taken  in  a  wide  sense,  so  as  to  include  all  the  other 
Canaanitish  tribes  (Gen.  xv.  16,  xlviii.  22,  &c.).  In 
Gen.  X.  10,  "the  Amorite"  is  given  as  the  fourth  son 
of  Canaan.    The  Amorites  as  dwelling  on  the  eleva- 


AmoD.— From  Sculptures,  British 
Museum  ^Ayrej. 


38 


AMO 


AMB 


teJ  portions  of  the  country,  are  contrasted  with  the 
Canaanites,  who  dwelt  in  the  lowlands  ;  and  the  two 
thus  formed  the  main  broad  divisions  of  the  Holy 
Land.  "  The  Hittite,  and  the  Jebusite,  and  the  Amo- 
rite,  dwell  in  the  mountain  (of  Judah  and  Ephraim), 
and  the  Canaanite  dwells  by  the  sea  (the  lowlands 
of  Philistia  and  Sharon)  and  by  the  'side'  of  Jor- 
dan" (in  the  Arabali) — was  the  report  of  the  spies 
(Num.  xiii.  29  ;  and  see  Josh.  v.  1,  x.  6,  xi.  3 ;  Deut, 
i.  7,  20,  "  mountain  of  the  Amorites,"  44).  In  the 
earliest  times  (Gen.  xiv.  7)  they  occupied  the  banen 
heights  W.  of  the  Dead  Sea.  (En-gedi  ;  Hazezon- 
Tamar.)  From  this  point  they  stretched  W.  to  He- 
bron, where  Abram  was  then  dwelling  (Gen.  xiv.  13). 
We  next  meet  them  on  the  high  table-lands  E.  of 
the  Jordan.  Sihon,  their  liing,  had  taken  the  rich 
pasture-land  S.  of  the  Jabbok,  and  driven  the  Moab- 
ites  across  the  Arnon  (Num.  xxi.  13,  26).  The  Is- 
raelites apparently  approached  fiom  the  S.  E., 
keeping  "  on  the  other  (i.  e.,  E.)  side"  of  the  upper 
part  of  the  Arnon,  which  there  bends  S.,  so  as  to 
form  the  eastern  boundary  of  Moab.  Their  request 
to  pass  through  his  land  was  refused  by  Sihon ;  he 
"  went  out "  agamst  them,  was  killed  with  his  sons 
and  his  people,  and  his  land,  cattle,  and  cities  were 
taken  by  Israel  (Num.  xxi.  21-31  ;  Deut.  ii.  26-36). 
This  rich  tract,  bounded  by  the  Jabbok  on  the  N., 
the  Ai-non  on  the  S.,  Jordan  on  the  W.,  and  "  the 
wilderness  "  on  the  E.,  was,  perhaps,  especially  the 
"  land  of  the  Amorites  "  (Num.  xxi.  31  ;  Josh.  xii.  2, 
3,  xiii.  9;  Judg.  xi.  21,  22);  but  their  possessions 
extended  to  Hermon  (Deut.  iii.  8,  iv.  48),  embracing 
"all  Gilead  and  all  Bashan  "  (iii.  10),  with  the  Jor- 
dan valley  on  the  E.  of  the  river  (iv.  49),  and  form- 
ing together  the  land  of  the  "  two  kings  of  the  Amo- 
rites," Sihon  and  Og  (Deut.  xxxi.  4  ;  Josh.  ii.  10,  ix. 
10,  xxiv.  12).  After  the  passage  of  the  Jordan  the 
Amorites  disputed  with  Joshua  the  conquest  of  the 
W.  country  (Josh.  x.  5,  &c.,  xi.  3,  &c.).  After  the 
conquest  of  Canaan  the  Bible  scarcely  mentions  the 
Amorites,  except  in  designating  the  earlv  inhabitants 
of  the  country  (Judg.  i.  34-36  ;  1  Sam.  vii.  14 ;  IK. 
ix.  20,  21  ;  2  K.  xxi.  11,  &c.). 

Amos  (Heb.  a  burden).  1.  A  native  of  Tekoa  in 
Judah,  originally  a  shepherd  and  dresser  of  sycamore- 
trees,  called  by  God  to  be  a  prophet,  although  not 
trained  in  any  of  the  regular  prophetic  schools  (Am. 
i.  1,  vii.  14,  15).  He  travelled  from  Judah  into  the 
kingdom  of  Israel  or  Ephraim,  and  there  exercised 
his  ministry,  probably  not  for  any  long  time.  His 
date  cannot  be  later  than  the  death  of  Jeroboam  II. 
(about  784  B.  c. ;  see  Israel,  Kingdom  of),  for  he 
prophesied  "  in  the  reigns  of  Uzziah,  king  of  Judah, 
and  Jeroboam  the  son  of  Joash,  king  of  Israel,  two 
years  before  the  Earthquake"  (i.  1).  But  his  min- 
istry probably  took  place  earlier,  perhaps  about  the 
middle  of  Jeroboam's  reign,  for  Amos  speaks  of  his 
conquests  as  completed  (vi.  13  ;  comp.  2  K.  xiv.  25), 
yet  the  Assyrians,  who  toward  the  end  of  his  reign 
were  approaching  Palestine  (Hos.  x.  6,  xi.  5),  do  not 
Beem  as  yet  to  have  caused  any  alarm.  Amos  pre- 
dicts indeed  that  Israel  and  other  neighboring  na- 
tions will  be  punished  by  certain  wild  conquerors 
from  the  N.  (i.  5,  v.  27,  vi.  14),  but  does  not  name 
them.  Israel  was  now  at  the  height  of  power,  wealth, 
and  security;  but  the  poor  were  oppressed  (viii.  4), 
the  ordinances  of  religion  thought  burdensome  (viii. 
6),  and  idleness,  luxury,  and  extravagance  were  gen- 
eral (iii.  15).  The  source  of  these  evils  was  Idola- 
try— that  of  the  golden  calves.  CALF-worship  was 
specially  practised  at  Bethel,  also  at  Gilgal,  Dan, 
and  Beersheba  in  Judah  (iv.  4,  v.  6,  viii.  14),  and 


was  offensively  united  with  the  true  worship  of  the 
Lord  (v.  14,  21-23;  comp.  2  K.  xvii.  33).  Amos 
went  to  rebuke  this  at  Bethel,  but  the  liigli-priest 
Amaziah  2  complained  of  him  to  Jeroboam,  and  en- 
deavored to  drive  him  from  the  northern  kingdom. 
The  book  of  the  prophecies  of  Amos  seems  divided 
into  four  principal  portions  closely  connected  to- 
gether. (].)  From  i.  1  to  ii.  3  he  denounces  the 
sins  of  the  nations  bordering  on  Israel  and  Judah  ; 
(2.)  from  ii.  4  to  vi.  14,  he  describes  the  state  of 
these  two  kingdoms,  especially  the  foimer ;  (3.)  in 
vii.  1  to  ix.  10,  after  reflecting  on  the  previous 
prophecy,  he  relates  his  visit  to  Bethel,  and  sketches 
the  impending  punishment  of  Israel  which  he  pre- 
dicted to  Anaziah  ;  (4.)  he  rises  to  a  loftier  strain, 
looking  forward  to  the  time  when  the  hope  of  the 
Messiah's  kingdom  will  be  fulfilled,  and  His  people 
forgiven  and  established  in  the  enjoyment  of  God's 
blessings  to  all  eternity.  The  chief  peculiarity  of  the 
style  consists  in  the  number  of  allusions  to  natural 
objects  and  agricultural  occupations,  as  might  be 
expected  from  the  early  life  of  the  author.  See  i.  3, 
ii.  13,  iii.  4,  5,  iv.  2,  7,  9,  v:  8,  19,  vi.  12,  vii.  I,  ix. 
3,  9,  13,  14.  The  references  to  it  in  the  N.  T.  are 
two  :  V.  26,  26,  27  is  quoted  in  Acts  vii.  42,  43,  and 
ix.  11  in  Acts  xv.  16.  As  the  book  is  not  a  seiies 
of  detached  prophecies,  but  logically  and  artistically 
connected  in  its  several  parts,  it  was  probably  writ- 
ten by  Amos  as  we  now  have  it  after  his  return  to 
Tekoa  from  his  mission  to  Bethel.  (Canon.)—?.  Sen 
of  Naum,  and  ancestor  of  Jesus  Christ  (Lk.  iii.  25). 

i'nioz  (Heb.  amols  =  strong,  Ges.),  father  of  the 
prophet  Isaiah,  and,  according  to  Rabbinical  tradi- 
tion, brother  of  Amaziah,  king  of  Judah  (2  K.  xix.  2, 
20,  XX.  1  ;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  22,  xxxii.  20,  32  ;  Is.  i.  1, 
ii.  1,  xiii.  1,  XX.  2,  xxxvii.  2,  21,  xxxviii.  1). 

Am-phip'o-lis  [-fii)-](Gr.  round  the  eily ;  for  the 
river  Strymon  flowed  almost  round  Anr.phipolis),  a 
city  of  Macedonia,  through  which  Paul  and  Silas 
passed  on  their  way  from  Philippi  to  Thessalonica 
(Acts  xvii.  1 ).  It  was  thirty-three  Roman  miles  from 
Philippi.  It  stood  upon  an  rminence  on  the  left  or 
E.  bank  of  the  Strymon,  just  below  the  lake  Cercini- 
tis,  and  about  three  miles  from  the  sea.  It  was  a 
colony  of  the  Athenians,  and  was  memorable  in  the 
Peloponnesian  war  for  the  battle  fought  under  its 
walls,  in  which  both  Brasidas  and  Cleon  were  killei'. 
On  its  site  is  now  a  village  called  Neokhirio,  in 
Turkish  Jmi-Keui,  or  "New  To«n." 

Am'pli-as  (Gr.  fr.  L.  =  extended,  enlarged,  Schleus- 
ner),  a  Chiistian  at  Eome,  styled  by  the  Apostle  Paul 
"  my  beloved  in  the  Lord  "  (Itom.  xvi.  8). 

im'ram  (Heb.  kindred  of  the  High,  i.  e.  of  God, 
Ges.).  1.  A  son  of  Kohath,  and  grandson  of  the 
patriarch  Levi ;  husband  of  Jochebcd,  his  father's 
sister  ;  father  of  Moses,  Aaron,  and  Miriam  (Ex.  vi. 
18,  20;  Num.  iii.  19,  xxvi.  58,  59;  1  Chr.  vi.  2,  3, 
18).  Mr.  Wright  and  others  suppose  that  in  this 
genealogy  several  generations  have  been  omitted  ; 
for  froin  Joseph  to  Joshua  ten  generations  are 
recorded  (Gen.  xlvi.  20  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  22-27),  while 
from  Levi  to  Moses  there  are  but  three ;  and  again, 
the  Kohathites  in  the  time  of  Moses  mustered  8,600 
males,  from  a  month  old  and  upward  (Num.  iii.  28). 
But  Jochebcd,  Amrani's  wife,  is  dcsiribed  as  a  daugh- 
ter of  Levi,  born  to  him  in  Egypt  (Num.  xxvi.  59) ; 
though  the  suggestion  has  been  made  that  "  Levi  " 
here  may  =  the  tribe  of  Levi  instead  of  the  individ- 
ual. (Chronology  II. ;  Genealogy.)  The  faith 
and  firmness  of  Amram  and  his  wife  are  favorably 
noticed  (Heb.  xi.  23). — 2.  (Heb.  Hamran  or  Cham- 
ran,  prob.  an  error  for  Hemdan,  Ges.)    A  son  of 


AMR 


kSA. 


39 


Dishon  and  descendant  of  Seir  (1  Clir.  i.  41);  = 
Hemdan. — 3.  A  son  of  Bani  in  Ezra's  time,  husband 
of  a  fortigQ  wife  (Blzr.  x.  84) ;  =  Omaerus  iu  1  Esd. 
ix.  34. 

Am'ram-ite;  =  descendants  of  Auram  1 ;  a  branch 
of  the  Kotiathite  Levites  (Num.  iii.  27  ;  1  Chr.  ixvi. 
23). 

Am'ra-pbel  (Heb.  fr.  Sanscrit  =  keeper  of  the  gods, 
fie.-i.),  a  king  of  Sliinar  or  Babylonia,  who  joined  the 
incursion  of  Ciieuorlaomer  against  the  kings  of  Sod- 
om, Gomorrah,  &c.  (Gen.  xiv.). 

Aai'n-leU  were  ornaments,  gems,  scrolls,  &c.,  worn 
as  preservatives  against  enchantments,  and  generally 
inscribed  with  mystic  forms  or  characters.  The  word 
does  not  occur  in  the  A.  V.,  but  the  "  earrings"  in 
Gen.  XXXV.  4,  were  probably  amulets  taken  from  the 
glain  Shechemites.  They  were  among  the  spoils  of 
Midian  (Judg.  viii.  24),  and  perhaps  tlieir  objection- 
able character  was  the  reason  why  Gideon  asked  for 
them.  In  Hos.  ii.  13,  "  decking  herself  with  ear- 
ring:! "  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  signs  of  the  "  days 
of  Baalim."  The  "  earrings  "  in  Is.  iii.  20,  were  also 
amulets.  (Eak-rings  ;  E.\chant.me.\ts  3  ;  Ephescs  ; 
rKO.NTLETS.)  The  Jews  were  particularly  addicted 
to  amulets,  and  the  only  restriction  placed  by  the 
Rabbis  on  their  use  was,  that  none  but  approved 
amulets  (i.  e.  such  as  were  known  to  have  cured  three 
persons)  were  to  be  worn  on  the  Sabbath.  Div- 
ination ;     Epuesds  ;     Fkontleps  ;    Magic  ;    Tera- 

PUIM. 

Am'zi  (fr.  Heb.*=  stronj!,  Ges.).  1.  A  Levite  of 
the  family  of  Merari,  and  ancestor  of  Ethan  the  singer 
(1  Chr.  vi.  46). — i,  A  prii.>st,  ancestor  of  Adaiah  in 
Nehemiali's  time  (N'eh.  xi.  12). 

A'oab  (Heb.  —  place  of  cluslcmi  Ges.),  a  town  in 
the  mountains  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  50),  once  belong- 
ing to  the  Anakim  (Josh.  xi.  21).  It  has  retained 
its  ancient  name,  and  lies  among  the  hills  six  or  eight 
miles  S.  S.  W.  of  Hebron  (Rbn.  i.  494). 

An'a-el  (Gr.  =  Hanikl  ?),  brother  of  Tobit  (Tob. 
i.  21). 

A'nah  (Hsb.  answer,  sc.  to  prayer,  Ges.),  son  of 
Zibeon,  the  son  of  Seir  the  Horite,  and  father  of  I 
Aholibamah,  one  of  Esau's  wivts  (Gen.  xxxvi.  2,  14, 
18,  24,  25,  29;   1  Chr.  i.  40,  41).     Anah  was  prob- 
ably the  head  (A.  V.  "  duke  ")  of  a  tribe  independent 
of,  and  equal  with,  his  father's  tribe ;  and  Anah  is 
therefore  mentioned  (Gen.  xxxvi.  20 ;  1  Chr.  i.  38) 
among  the  sons  of  Seir  who  were  heads  of  tribes. 
In  Gen.  xxxvi.  2,  Aholibamah  is  described  as  "  the 
daughter  of  Anah,  the  daughter  ('  son '  LXX.  and 
Sam.)  of  Zibeon  the  Hivite;"  "daughter"  in  the 
second   ca.i<e  (here  =  descendant,  grand-daughter) 
referring  still  to  Aholibamjli,  and  not  to  Anah,  as  is 
evident  from  verse  25.     But  in  Gen.  xxvi.  34,  the 
same  wife  of  Esau  is  called  Judith,  the  daughter  of 
Beeri  the  Ilittite.     If  therefore  Judith  =  Aholiba- 
mah, Beeri  the  Ilittite  apparently  =  Anah  the  Hivite, 
and  on  this  supposition  there  seems  to  arise  a  two- 
fold discrepancy.     Anah  was  a  Horite  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
20) ;  but  "  Uivite,"  in  verse  2,  is  probably  a  mistake 
of  the  transcriber  for  "  Horite  "  (and  the  Alexandrian 
MS.    of  the  LXX.  actually  rea<ls  "  Horite  "  here),  or, 
as  Hengstenberg  supposes,  Anah  may  have  belonged 
to  that  branch  of  the  Hivites,  who  from  living  in 
caves  were  called  Horites  or  Troglodytes.    Hengsten- 
berg conjectures  that  from  his  discovering  the  hot 
springs  in  the  wilderness  (Mcle  3),  Anah  obtained 
the  name  Bkkki  {=  the  m«»  of  the  ivetls),  and  that 
the  "  Uittite,"  in  Gen.  xxvi.,  is  a   general  term  = 
"  Canaanite"  (comp.  Gen.  xxvii.  46  with  xxviii.  1). 
An-a-ba'ratb  (Heb.  hollow  way  or  pass,  Fii.),  a 


place  in  Isaachar,  named  with  Shihon  and  Eabbith 
(Josh.  xix.  19);  site  unknown. 

A-naiab  [ah-nay'yah]  or  An-a-i'ab  (Heb.  ichom 
Je/iovah  ansicers,  Ges.).  I.  Probably  a  priest;  one 
who  stood  on  Ezra's  right  hand  as  he  read  the  law 
to  the  people  (Neh.  viii.  4) ;  =  Ananias  in  1  Esd.  ix. 
43. — 2.  A  chief  of  the  people  who  sealed  the  cove- 
nant with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  22). 
A'nak.    Anakim. 

An'a-kim  or  An'a-klms  (Heb.  'andHm,  fr.  'andk  = 
length  of  neck,  Ges.),  a  race  of  giants,  descendants 
of  Arba(Josh.  xv.  13,  xxi.  11),  dwelling  in  the  south- 
ern part  of  Canaan,  particularly  at  Hebron,  or  Kir- 
jath-Arba.  They  are  also  called  sons  of  Anak  (Num. 
xiii.  33),  desceiuhnis  of  Anak  (Num.  xiii.  22),  and 
som  of  ATwkim  (Deut.  i.  28).  These  designations 
show  "  Anak  "  to  be  the  name  of  the  race  rather 
than  that  of  an  individual,  and  accordingly  Arba, 
their  progenitor,  "  was  a  great  man  among  the  Ana- 
kim "  (Josh.  xiv.  15).  The  race  appenrs  to  have 
been  divided  into  three  tribes  or  families,  bearing 
the  names  Sheshai,  Ahiman,  and  Talmai.  Thougli 
the  warlike  appearance  of  the  Anakim  had  struck 
the  Israelites  with  terror  (Num.  xiii.  28 ;  Deut.  ix. 
2),  they  were  dispossessed  by  Joshua,  and  utterly 
driven  from  the  land,  except  a  small  remnant  that 
found  refuge  in  Gaza,  Gath,  and  Ashdod  (Josh.  xi. 
21,  22).  Hebron  became  the  possession  of  Caleb, 
who  drove  out  from  it  the  three  sons  of  Anak  men- 
tioned above,  i.  e.  tlie  three  families  or  tribes  of  the 
Anakim  (Josh.  xv.  14  ;  Judg.  i.  20).     Giants. 

An'a-miin  (Heb.),  a  Mizraite  people  or  tribe,  set- 
tled probably  in  or  near  Egypt  (Gen.  x.  13  ;  1  Chr. 
i.  11).     Mizraim. 

A-narn'me-lceh  (Heb.  prob.  =  imaffe  of  the  king, 
or  [so  Hyde]  head  of  the  king,  i.  e.  the  constellation 
Cepheus,  Ges.),  an  idol  of  the  colonists  introduced 
into  Samaria  from  Sepharvaira  (2  K.  xvii.  31) ;  the 
companion-god  to  Adrammelech. 

A'nan  (Heb.  covering,  cloud,  Ges.).  1.  A  chief  of 
the  people  who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah 
(Neh.  X.  26).— 2.  Hanan  4(1  Esd.  v.  30). 

A-na'nl  (Heb.  =  Ananiah,  Ges.),  seventh  son  of 

Elioenai,  and  descendant  of  Zerubbabel  (1  Chr.  iii.  24). 

AD-a-ni'ab  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  covers,  i.  e. 

protects,  Ges.),  probably  a  priest,  and  ancestor  of 

AZARIAH  19  (Neh.  iii.  23). 

Aa-a-Di'ab  (see  above),  a  place,  named  between 
Nob  and  Hazor,  in  which  the  Benjamites  lived  after 
the  captivity  (Neh.  xi.  32). 

An-a-nl'as  (Gr.  fr.  Heb  =  Ananiaii  or  Hananiar). 
1,  Ancestor  of  a  family  of  101  (Vulgate  130)  under 
Zorobabel  (1  Esd.  v.  16);  not  in  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 
—8.  Hanani  3  (1  Esd.  ix.  21).— 3.  Hananiah  9  (1 
Esd.  i.x.  2«). — 1.  Ana  I  AH  1  (1  Esd.  ix.  43).— 5. 
Hanan  5  (1  Esd.  ix.  48).— 6.  Father  of  the  Azarias 
personated  by  Raphael  (Tob.  v.  12,  13).  In  the 
LXX.  he  appears  to  be  Tobit's  elder  brother. — t. 
Ancestor  of  Judith  (Jd.  viii.  1). — 8.  Hananiah  7,  or 
Shadracii  (Sg.  3  H.  Ch.  66;  1  Me.  ii.  59).— ».  A 
high-priest  in  Acts  xxiii.  2-5,  xxiv.  1.  He  was  the 
son  of  Nebedicus,  succeeded  Joseph  son  of  Camydus, 
and  preceded  Ismael  son  of  I'habi.  (Hiaii-PRiEST.) 
He  was  nominated  to  the  office  by  Herod,  king  of 
Chalcis,  in  a.  d.  48  ;  and  in  a.  d.  62  sent  to  Rome 
by  the  prefect  Ummidius  Quadratus  to  answer  before 
the  Emperor  Claudius  a  charge  of  opprei.'^ion  brought 
by  the  Samaritans.  He  appears,  however,  not  to 
have  lost  his  office,  but  to  have  resumed  it  on  his 
return.  He  was  deposed  shortly  before  Felix  left 
the  province ;  but  still  had  great  power,  which  he 
used  violently  and  lawlessly.    He  was  assassinated 


40 


ANA 


AND 


by  the  Bicarii  (or  rolbers)  at  the  beginning  of  the 
last  Jewish  war. — 10.  A  disciple  of  Jerusalem,  hus- 
band of  Sappiiira  (Acts  V.  1-11).  Having  sold  his 
goods  for  the  benefit  of  the  church,  he  kept  back  a 
part  of  the  price,  bringing  to  the  apostles  the  re- 
mainder, as  if  it  were  the  whole,  his  wii'e  also  being 
privy  to  the  scheme.  St.  Peter,  being  enabled  by 
the  Spirit  to  see  through  the  fraud,  denounced  him 
as  having  lied  to  tlie  Holy  Ghost,  i.  e.  having  at- 
tempted to  pass  upon  the  Spirit  resident  in  the 
apostles  an  act  of  deliberate  deceit.  On  hearing 
this,  Ananias  fell  down  und  expired.  That  this  inci- 
dent was  no  mere  physical  consequence  of  St.  Peter's 
severity  of  tone,  as  some  German  writers  have  main- 
tained, distinctly  appears  by  the  direct  sentence  of  a 
similar  death  pronounced  by  the  same  apostle  upon 
Sapphira  a  few  hours  after.  Ananias's  death  may 
indeed  have  been  unlooked  for  by  the  apostle,  who 
was  in  this  matter  only  the  organ  and  announcer  of 
the  divine  justice  which  was  pleased  by  this  act  of 
deserved  severity  to  protect  the  morality  of  the  in- 
fant church  and  strengthen  its  power  for  good.^11. 
A  Jewish  disciple  of  Damascus  (Acts  ix.  10-17),  "  a 
devout  man  according  to  the  law,  having  a  good  re- 
port of  all  the  Jews  which  dwelt  there  "  (Acts  xxii. 
12).  Being  ordered  by  the  Lord  in  a  vision,  he 
sought  out  Saul  (Paul)  during  the  blindness  and 
dejection  which  followed  his  conversion,  and  an- 
nounced to  him  his  future  conimisfion  as  a  preacher 
of  the  Gospel,  conveying  to  him  at  the  same  time, 
by  the  laying  on  of  his  hands,  the  restoration  of 
eight,  and  commanding  him  to  arise,  and  be  baptized, 
and  wash  away  his  sins,  calling  on  the  name  of  the 
Lord.  Tradition  makes  him  afterward  bishop  of 
Damascus,  and  a  martyr. 

A-nan'i-«l  (Gr.  prob.  =  Hananeel),  forefather  of 
Tobit  (Tob.  i.  1). 

A'cath  (Heb.  answer,  sc.  to  prayer,  Ges.),  father 
of  Shamgar  (Judg.  iii.  31,  v.  6). 

A-Dath'e-ma  (Gr. ),  literally  a  thing  suspended,  in 
N.  T.  generally  translated  "  accursed,"  =  Hebrew 
kerem  or  eherem,  signifying  a  thing  or  person  devoted. 
Any  object  so  devoted  to  the  Lord  w  as  irredeemable : 
if  an  inanimate  object,  it  was  to  be  given  to  the 
priests  (Num.  xviii.  14) ;  if  a  living  creature,  it  was 
to  be  slain  (Lev.  xxvii.  28,  29).  Generally  such  a 
vow  respected  only  the  idolatrous  nations  marked 
out  for  destruction  by  the  special  decree  of  Jehovah 
(Num.  xxi.  2  ;  Josli.  vi.  17  ;  but  occasionally  the 
vow  was  made  indefinitely  (Judg.  xi.  31 ;  1  Sam.  xiv. 
24  ;  Jephtiiah;  Jonathan  1).  The  breach  of  such 
a  vow  by  any  one  directly  or  indirectly  participating 
in  it  was  punished  with  death  (Josh.  vii.  25  ;  Achan). 
When  applied  to  the  extermination  of  idolatrous  na- 
tions, according  to  God's  positive  command  (Ex.  xxii. 
20 ;  1  Sam.  xv.  3,  21),  the  idea  of  a  vow  appears  to 
be  dropped,  although  a  vow  was  occasionally  super- 
added to  the  command  (Num.  xxi.  2  ;  Josh.  vi.  17  ; 
HoRMAH  ;  Jericho).  Anathema  is  translated  "  ac- 
cursed" in  N.  T.  four  times  (Rom.  ix.  3,  comp.  Ex. 
xxxii.  32  ;  1  Cor.  xii.  3  ;  Gal.  i.  8,  9) ;  once  it  is  not 
translate  i  (1  Cor.  xvi.  22  ;  see  Maranatha),  and  once 
(Acts  xxiii.  14)  it  occurs  with  its  kindred  verb  ana- 
ihemalizo  (z=  to  anathematize,  to  make  an  anathema, 
to  declare  accursed),  and  the  two  are  translated  "  we 
have  bound  (ourselves)  under  a  great  curse,"  literally 
we  have  anathematized  ourselves  U'ith  an  anathema. 
The  Greek  verb  anathematizd  also  occurs  in  Mk.  xiv. 
71  (A.V.  "to  curse"),  Acts  xxiii.  12  (A.V.  "bound 
under  a  curse"),  21  (A.  V.  "have  bound  with  an 
oath  "),  and  in  1  Mc.  v.  B  (A.  V.  "  destroyed  utter- 
ly ").    Curse;  Excommunication;  Vows. 


An'a-tfcofh  (Heb.  answers,  gc.  to  prayers,  Ges.).  1, 
Son  of  Beeher,  a  son  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  vii.  8). — ?, 
A  chief  of  the  people  who  sealed  the  covenant  with 
Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  19) ;  or  perhaps  —  "  the  men  tf 
Anathoth  "  in  Neh.  vii.  27. 

An'a-tbotl)  (see  above),  a  priests'  city,  in  the  tribe 
of  Benjamin  (Josh.  x.\i.  18  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  60),  the  na- 
tive place  of  Abiathar,  Abiezer  2,  Jehu  5,  and 
Jeremiah  the  piophet.  The  "men"  of  Anathoth 
returned  from  the  captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii. 
23;  Neh.  vii.  27;  1  Esd.'v.  18).  Anathoth  lay  on 
or  near  the  great  road  from  the  N.  to  Jerusalem  (Is. 
X.  30),  and  is  placed  by  Eusebius  and  Jerome  at 
three  miles  from  the  city.  Its  position  has  been  dis- 
covered (Robinson)  at  'Andta,  on  a  broad  ridge  an 
hour  and  a  quarter  N.  N.  E.  from  Jerusalem.  The 
cultivation  of  the  priests  survives  in  tilled  liclds  of 
grain,  with  figs  and  olives.  There  are  the  remains 
of  walls  and  strong  foundations;  and  the  quarries 
still  supply  Jerusalem  with  building  stone. 

Anth'or.    Ship. 

*  An'cient  [ane'shcnt].  (Age,  Old;  EbnER.) 
"The  Ancient  of  Days"  (Dan.  vii.  9,  13,  22)  is  a 
title  of  the  Supreme  King  and  Judge,  i.  e.  God  (comp. 
'the  Eternal"). 

Andrew  (fr.  Gr.  Andreas  r=  manly),  one  among 
the  first  called  of  the  apostles  of  our  Lord  (Jn.  i. 
40;  Mat.  iv.  18);  brother  (whether  elder  or  younger 
is  uncertain)  of  Simon  Peter.  He  was  of  Bethsaida, 
and  had  been  a  dii^ciple  of  John  the  Bapti.^t.  On 
hearing  Jesus  a  second  time  designated  by  him  as 
the  Lamb  of  God,  he  left  his  former  ma.<tcr,  and, 
with  another  of  John's  disciples,  attached  himself  to 
our  Lord.  He  brought  his  brother  Simon  to  Jesus 
(Jn.  i.  41).  The  apparent  discrepancy  with  Mat.  iv. 
18  ff.,  Mk.  i.  16  ff.,  where  the  two  appear  to  have 
been  called  together,  is  no  real  one;  St.  John  rela- 
ting the  first  introduction  of  the  biothers  to  Jesus, 
the  other  evangelists  their  fonnal  call  to  follow  Him 
in  His  ministry.  In  the  catalogue  of  the  apostles, 
Andrew  appears,  in  Mat.  x.  2,  Lk.  vi.  14,  second, 
next  after  Peter;  but  in  Mk.  iii.  16,  Acts  i.  13, 
fourth,  after  Peter,  James,  and  John,  and  in  com- 
pany with  Philip.  And  this  appears  to  liave  been 
his  real  place  of  dignity  among  the  apostles ;  ibr  in 
Mk.  xiii.  3,  we  find  Peter,  James,  John,  and  Andrew, 
inquiring  privately  of  our  Lord,  about  His  coming ; 
and  in  Jn.  xii.  22,  when  certain  Greeks  wished  for 
an  interview  with  Jesus,  they  applied  through  An- 
drew, who  consulted  Philip,  and  witli  him  made  the 
request  known  to  our  Lord.  This  last  ciicumstance, 
with  the  Greek  character  of  both  their  names,  may 
perhaps  point  to  some  slight  Hellenistic  connection 
on  the  part  of  the  two  apostles ;  though  it  is  extreme- 
ly improbable  that  any  of  the  twelve  were  Hellenists 
in  the  proper  sense.  When  the  five  thousand  in 
the  wilderness  want  food,  Andrew  points  out  the 
little  lad  with  the  five  barley  louves  and  two  fishes 
(Jn.  vi.  8  ff.).  Scripture  relates  nothing  of  him  be- 
yond these  scattered  notices.  Traditions  about  him 
are  various.  Eusebius  makes  him  preach  in  Scythia ; 
Jerome  and  Theodoret  in  Achaia  (Greece) ;  Niccpho- 
rus  in  Asia  Minor  and  Thrace.  He  is  said  to  have 
been  crucified  at  Patrie  in  Achaia  on  a  cross  decus- 
sate (=  X),  hence  called  "St.  Andrew's  cross." 
(Cross  2.)  Some  ancient  writers  speak  of  an  apoc- 
ryphal Acts  of  Andrew. 

An-drg-ni'tns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  man-conquering).  !■ 
An  officer  left  as  viceroy  (A.  V.  "  deputy,"  2  Mc.  iv. 
31)  in  Antioch  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (b.  c.  171). 
At  the  instigation  of  Menelacs,  Andronicus  put  to 
death  the  high-priest  Onias  3.     This  murder  excited 


ANE 


ANG 


41 


general  iaJignalion  ;  and  on  the  return  of  Antioclius, 
Andronicus  was  publicly  degraded  and  executed  (2 
Mc.  iv.  31-<i8). — 2.  Another  officer  of  Anliochus 
Epiphaiies  left  by  him  ou  Garizim  (2  Mc.  v.  23), 
probably  in  occupation  of  the  temple  there.  (Gkui- 
ziM.>— 3.  A  Christian  at  Rome,  saluted  by  St.  Paul 
(Kom.  xvi.  7),  together  with  Junias  (Junia),  both 
being  called  "kinsmen"  and  "  fellow-prisonei's,"  and 
"of  note  among  the  apostles"  (Dr.  Alford  takes 
"  apostles  "  here  in  the  wider  sense  of  this  term  = 
Christian  messensers  and  teachei-s ;  Prof  Stuart, 
Conybeare  and  Howson,  and  many  others  take 
"  apo.stle  "  in  the  common  meaning,  and  "  of  note  " 
as  =  welt  knoian),  and  described  as  converted  to 
Christ  before  himself.  One  tradition  makes  him 
bishop  of  Panuonia  ;  another,  of  Spain. 

i'nem  (Ileb.  two  foimtaiim,  Ges.),  a  city  of  Issa- 
char,  allotted  to  the  (Jershonites  (1  Chr.  vi.  73); 
perliaps  =  Es-gan.nim  2. 

k'ntr  {lleh.  bill/,  G<^s,;  juvenilU;/,  Fti.),  a  city  of 
Manasseh  W.  of  Jordan,  allotted  to  the  Kohathites 
(1  Chr.  vi.  70) ;  =  Taanacii  ? 

A'ner  (see  above),  one  of  the  three  Amorite  chiefs 
of  Hebron  who  aideJ  Abraham  in  pursuing  and  rout- 
ing the  four  invading  kings  (Gen.  xiv.  13,  ^).    CuE- 

DOKLAOMKR. 

""A-nfthon  (Gr. ;  Mat.  xxiii.  23,  marg.).     Anise. 

An etiiolli-ite  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  27),  Ao'e-totU-itc  ( 1 
Chr.  xxvii.  12),  and  .in'totll-its  (1  Chr.  xi.  28,  xii.  3) 
:=  an  inliabitant  of  Anathoth  in  Benjamin. 

An'e-toth-ite  =  Anetiiothite. 

An-ga-reu'o  (Gr.).    Compel. 

An'gels  [ane'jelz]  (fr.  Gr.  =  messeiigem  =  Fleb. 
maldchim).  A  race  of  spiritual  beings,  exalted 
above  man,  although  infinitely  below  God,  whose  of- 
fice is  "  to  do  Him  service  in  heaven,  and  by  Ills 
appointment  to  succor  and  defend  men  on  earth."  I. 
Seri/ilnral  nxe  of  the  word. — In  many  passages  "  the 
angel  of  God,"  "  the  angel  of  Jehovah,"  is  a  mani- 
festation of  God  himself.  Compare  Gen.  xxii.  1 1  with 
12,  and  Ex.  iii.  2  with  6  and  14;  where  the  "  angel 
of  Jehovah  "  is  called  "  God,"  and  "  JeliDvah,"  and 
accepts  the  worship  due  to  God  alotie.  (Contrast 
Rev.  xix.  10,  xxii.  D.)  SeealsoGen.  xvi.  7,  13,  xxxi. 
11,  13,  xlviii.  15,  10;  Num.  xxii.  22,  32,  35,  and 
eomp.  Is.  Ixiii.  9  with  Ex.  xxxiii.  It,  &c.,  &c.  Side 
by  side  with  these  expressions,  we  read  of  God's  be- 
ing manifested  in  the  form  of  man  ;  as  to  Abraham 
at  Mauire  (Gen.  xviii.  2,  22,  eomp.  xix.  1),  to  Jacob 
at  I'eniel  (Gen.  xxxii.  24,  30),  to  Joshua  at  Gilgal 
(Josh.  V.  13,  15),  &c.  Apparently  both  sets  of  pas- 
8ages  refer  to  the  same  kind  of  manifestation  of  the 
Divine  Presence.  Now,  since  "no  man  hath  seen 
God"  (the  Father)  "at  any  time,"  and  "the  only- 
begotten  Son,  which  is  in  tiie  bosom  of  the  Father, 
Ue  hath  revealed  Him  "  (Jn.  i.  18),  the  "  Angel  of  the 
Lord  "  in  such  passages  must  be  He,  who  is  from  the 
beginning  the  "  Word,"  i.  e.  the  Manifester  or  Re- 
vealer  of  God,  and  these  appearances  must  be  "  fore- 
shiduwings  of  the  Inearaation."  Besides  this  highest 
application  of  "  angel  "  or  "  messenger,"  it  is  used  of 
any  messengers  of  God,  as  the  prophets  (Is.  xlii.  19 ; 
Hag.  i.  13;  Mat.  iii.  1),  the  priests  (Mai.  ii.  7),  and 
the  rulers  of  the  Christian  churches  (Rev.  i.  20). 
Compare  .Vposti.e,  and  see  SyNAOOauK.  Kev.  I.  Jen- 
nings, of  Ongar,  England,  maintains  that "  the  angels 
of  the  seven  churches"  (Rev.  i.  20,  &c.)  =  the  mes- 
sengers of  the  churches  to  which  the  epistles  were 
addressed  (ii.,  iii.),  whom  he  supposes  those  churches 
sent  to  the  apostle  in  Patmos  (B.  S.  xii.  346  ff.). — 
II.  Nature  of  Anr/eU. — Little  is  said  of  their  nature 
08    disUuct   from   their  office.      They   are    termed 


"  ppiilts"  (as  in  Ileb.  i.  14).  The  word  is  the  same 
(Gr.  pneuma)  as  that  used  of  the  soul  ot  man,  when 
separate  from  the  body  (e.  g.  Mat.  xiv.  26  ;  Lk.  xxiv. 
37,  39;  1  Pet.  iii.  19).  Many  of  the  Christian 
Fathers  and  of  the  philosophers  of  the  middle  ages 
as  well  as  some  modern  theologians  have  maintained 
the  corporeality  or  materiality  of  the  angelic  nature. 
But  their  arguments — that  the  word  pnuuvia  denotes 
only  the  supersensuous  and  rational,  yet  not  necessa- 
rily immaterial,  element  of  man's  nature,  that  there 
is  a  "  spiritual  (Gr.  psiichikon)  body  "  (1  Cor.  xv.  44), 
that  men,  after  the  resurrection,  having  this  spiritual 
body,  are  yet  "  like  the  angels  "  (Gr.  isanggeloi,  Lk. 
XX.  36),  and  that  there  is  a  general  resemblance  in 
titles  (e.  g.  "  sons  of  God,"  "  gods  ")  and  appearance 
(Gen.  xviii.,  xix;  Lk.  xxiv.  4;  Acts  i.  10,  &c.)  be- 
tween angels  and  men,  and  that  therefore  the  angels 
are  now  bolh  in  nature  and  character  what  mankind 
will  be  in  heaven — are  all  fairly  met  by  arguments 
drawn  from  the  use  of  the  same  word  to  denote  the 
nature  of  God  (Jn.  iv.  24)  and  designate  the  Holy 
Ghost  (Spirit,  the  Holy),  from  tlie  known  fact  that 
angels  are  not  ordinarily  visible  or  perceptible  to 
human  sense,  and  hence  must  be,  when  they  become 
visible,  ditfeient  in  some  important  respect  from 
what  thoy  usually  are,  from  the  fact  that  the  spiritual 
or  ttlorified  bodies  of  the  redeemed  are  represented 
as  like  Christ's  (Phil.  iii.  21)  and  not  as  angelic,  and 
from  the  acknowledged  imperfection  of  the  figurative 
human  language  which  the  sacred  writers  must  use 
in  attempting  to  describe  all  invisible  things,  inclu- 
ding the  human  soul  and  God  Himself  (See  Prof. 
Stuart  in  B.  S.  for  1843,  pp.  88-154,  or  in  Comm. 
on  Apocalypse,  ii.  397-409.) — The  angels  are  re- 
vealed to  us  as  finite,  created  beings.  Holy  and 
lovely,  happy  and  immortal,  endowed  with  power 
and  might,  knowledge  and  wisdom,  desires  and  sym- 
pathies, affections  and  wills;  in  short,  as  su|)erliu- 
man  moral  agents,  beings  who  think  and  feel  and 
choose,  and  are  capable  of  unlimited  progress,  the 
proper  and  glorious  inhabitants  of  heaven  (Ps.  viii.  5, 
ciii.  20  ;  Mat.  vi.  10,  xviii.  10,  xxiv.  36 ;  Mk.  xiii.  32; 
Lk.  XV.  10;  Eph.  iii.  10  ;  Col.  i.  16 ;  2  Th.  i.  7 ;  1  Pet. 
i.  12  ;  2  Pet.  ii.  1 1  ;  Rev.  vii.  1 1,  &c.).— The  angels  are 
very  numerous  (Dan.  vii.  10;  Ileb.  xii.  22;  Rev.  v.  11, 
&c.),  and  are  called  the  "holy  angelf,"  "angels  of 
God,"  "  elect  angelf,"  "  angels  of  light,"  "  holy  ones," 
&c.  (Gen.  xxviii.  12  ;  Dan.  iv.  13,  23,  viii.  13;  Mat. 
XXV.  31  ;  Lk.  ix.  26;  2  Cor.  xi.  14;  1  Tim.  v.  21, 
&e.),  in  distinction  from  the  angels  which  "kept  not 
their  first  estate,"  or  "the  devil  and  his  angels,"  &c. 
(Apollvon;  Demon;  Devil;  Satan.) — HI.  OJiceof 
the  ariffeh. — Of  their  office  in  heaven,  we  have  only 
vague  prophetic  glimp.»es  (1  K.  xxii.  19;  Is.  vi.  1-3; 
Dan.  vii.  9,  10;  Kev.  v.  11,  &c.),  which  show  us 
nothing  but  a  never-ceasing  adoration.  Their  office 
toward  man  is  fiir  more  fully  described.  They  are 
represented  as,  in  the  widest  sense,  agents  of  God's 
providence,  natural  uiul  fupernalural,  to  the  body 
and  to  the  soul.  The  operations  of  nature  arc  spoken 
of,  as  under  angelic  guidance  fulfilling  the  will  of 
God.  Thus  the  pestilences  which  slew  the  first-bom 
(Ex.  xii.  23;  Heb.  xi.  28),  the  disobedient  people  in 
the  wilderness  (1  Cor.  x.  10),  the  Israelites  in  the 
days  of  David  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  16;  1  Chr.  xxi.  16).  and 
the  amiy  of  Sennacherib  (2  K.  xix.  35  ;  2  Chr.  xxiii. 
21),  as  also  the  plague  which  cut  off  Herod  (Acts  xii. 
28),  arc  plainly  spoken  of  as  the  work  of  the  "angel 
of  the  Lord."  Nor  can  the  numerous  declarations 
of  the  Apocalypse  be  resolved  into  mere  poetical  im- 
agery. (See  especially  Rev.  viii.  and  ix.)  More  par- 
ticularly, however,  angels  are  spoken  of  as  ministeni 


42 


ANG 


ANI 


of  the  supemalural  (or  spinfual)  providence  of  God ; 
as  agents  in  the  spiritual  redemption  and  sanctifica- 
tion  of  man.  In  Job  (i.  6,  ii.  1,  xxxyiii.  7)  tliey  are 
spoken  of  vaguely,  as  surrounding  God's  throne 
above,  and  rejoicing  in  the  completion  of  His  creative 
work,  without  any  hint  of  their  direct  and  visible  ap- 
pearance to  man.  In  Genesis,  after  the  call  of  Abra- 
ham, the  angels  mingle  with  and  watch  over  the 
chosen  famili/,  entertained  by  Abraham  and  by  Lot 
(Gen.  xviii.,  xix.),  guiding  Abraham's  servant  to  Pa- 
dan-aram  (xxiv.  7,  40),  seen  by  the  fugitive  Jacob 
at  Bethel  (x.xviii.  12),  and  welcoming  his  return  at 
Mahanaim  (xxxii.  1).  Their  miuistry  hallows  domes- 
tic life,  and  is  closer,  more  familiar,  and  less  awful 
than  in  after-times.  (Contrast  Gen.  xviii.  with  Judg. 
vi.  21,  22,  xiii.  16,  22.)  In  the  subsequent  history 
of  the  chosen  nation,  the  records  of  their  appearance 
belong  especially  to  the  periods  of  the  Judges,  and 
of  the  Captivity,  the  former  one  destitute  of  direct 
revelation  or  prophetic  guidance,  the  latter  one  of 
special  trial  and  unusual  contact  with  heathenism. 
In  Judges  angels  appear  to  rebuke  idolatry  (ii. 
1-4),  to  call  Gideon  (vi.  11,  &c.)  and  consecrate 
Samson  (xiii.  3,  &c.)  to  the  work  of  deliverance. 
During  the  prophetic  and  kingly  period,  angels  ap- 
pear when  needed  by  the  prophets  themselves  (1  K. 
xix.  5  ;  2  K.  vi.  17),  and  are  (as  noticed  above)  min- 
isters of  God  in  the  operations  of  nature.  But  in  the 
Captivity,  angels  are  revealed  as  watching,  not  only 
over  Jerusalem,  but  also  over  heathen  kingdoms,  un- 
der the  providence,  and  to  work  out  the  designs,  of 
the  Lord.  (See  Zech.;  also  Dan.  iv.  13,  23,  x.  10, 
13,  20,  21,  &c.)  The  Incarnation  marks  a  new 
epoch  of  angelic  ministration.  "  The  angel  of  Jeho- 
vah," the  lord  of  all  created  angels,  having  now  de- 
scended from  heaven  to  earth,  it  was  natural  that  His 
servants  should  continue  to  do  Him  service  there. 
Whether  to  predict  and  glorify  His  birth  itself  (Mat. 
i.  20;  Lk.  i.,  ii.),  to  minister  to  Him  after  His  temp- 
tation and  agony  (Mat.  iv.  11 ;  Lk.  xxii.  43),  or  to  de- 
clare His  resurrection  and  triumphant  ascension 
(Mat.  xxviii.  2;  Jn.  xx.   12;  Acts  i.   10    11)   they 


seem  now  to  be  indeed  "  ascending  and  descending 
on  the  Son  of  man,"  almost  as  though  transferring 
to  earth  the  ministrations  of  heaven.  The  N.  T.  is 
the  history  of  tlie  Church  of  Christ,  e^ery  member 
of  which  is  united  to  Him.  Accordingly,  the  angels 
are  revealed  now,  as  "ministering  spirits"  to  each 
individual  member  of  Christ  for  His  spiritual  guid- 
ance and  aid  (Heb.  i.  14).  The  records  of  their  visi- 
ble appearance  are  unfrequent  (Acts  v.  19,  viii.  26, 
X.  3,  xii.  7,  xxvii.  23) ;  but  their  presence  and  aid  are 
referred  to  familiarly  ever  after  the  Incarnation. 
They  watch  over  Christ's  little  ones  (Mat.  xviii.  10), 
rejoice  over  a  penitent  sinner  (Lk.  xv.  10),  are  pres- 
ent in  the  worship  of  Christians  (1  Cor.  xi.  10)  and, 
perhaps,  bring  their  prayers  before  God  (Rev.  viii.  3, 
4),  and  bear  the  souls  of  the  redeemed  into  Paradise 
(Lk.  xvi.  22).  In  one  word,  they  are  Christ's  minis- 
ters of  grace  now,  as  they  shall  be  of  judgment  here- 
after (Mat.  xiii.  39,  41,  49,  xvi.  27,  xxiv.  31,  &c.). 
The  mode  of  their  action  is  not  made  known  to  us. 
(For  the  evil  angels,  see  Demon  ;  Demoniac;  Devil; 
Satan.)  That  there  are  degrees  of  the  angelic  nature, 
fallen  and  unfallcn,  and  special  titles  and  agencies 
belonging  to  each,  is  clearly  declared  (Eph.  i.  21 ; 
Rom.  viii.  38).  Archangel  ;  Chehdbim  ;  Seraphim  ; 
Michael';  Gabriel. 

An'gliog.     Fishing. 

A'ni-am  ( Heb.  sighing  of  the  people,  Ges.),  a  Manas- 
site,  son  of  Shemidah  (1  Chr.  vii.  19). 

A'niin  (Heb.  fountains,  Ges.),  a  city  in  the  moun- 
tains of  judah,  named  with  Eshtemoh  and  Goshen 
(Josh.  XV.  50);  probably  at  the  ruined  village  el- 
Ghuwein,  about  ten  miles  south  of  Hebron  (Win.  i. 
354 ;  Rbn.  ii.  204). 

An'ise  [annis]  (Gr.  anethon).  This  word  occurs 
only  in  Mat.  xxiii.  23,  "  Woe  unto  you,  scribes  and 
Pharisees,  hypocrites  !  for  ye  pay  tithe  of  mint  and 
anise  (marg.  "  Gr.  anethon,  dill  ")  and  cummin."  ^It 
is  by  no  means  certain  whether  the  anise  (Prmpinella 
Anisum,  Linn.)  or  the  dill  (Anethum  graveolens)  is 
here  hitended,  but  more  probably  the  latter.  Both 
the  dill  and  the  anise  are  umbelliferous  plants,  and 


iFtmpinilla  Antium.) 


Comjnos  1>U1     {Aneiltum  graeeolent.'i 


ANE 


ANO 


43 


are  much  alike  in  external  character ;  tlie  seeds  of 
both,  moreover,  are  aromatic,  and  have  been  long  em- 
ployed in  medicine  and  cookery,  as  condiments  and 
carminatives.  Both  are  cultivated,  but  dill  is  said 
to  be  more  a  plant  of  Eastern  cultivation  than  anise. 
Ank  let.  Thi.-!  word  does  not  occur  in  the  A.  V., 
bat  the  thins  denoted  by  it  is  mentioned  in  the  plu- 
ral (Is.  iii.  IS,  Ilel).  'achasim,  A.  V.  "  tinkling  orna- 
ments about  their  feet ; "'  see  also  Is.  iii.  IG).  Anklets 
were  fastened  to  the  ankle-b md  of  each  leg,  were  as 
common  as  bracelets  and  armlets,  and  made  of  much 
the  same  materials  ;  the  pleasant  jingling  and  tink- 
ling which  they  made  as  they  knocked  against  each 
other,  was  no  doubt  a  reason  why  they  were  admired. 
They  are  still  worn  in  the  East,  and  Lane  {Mod. 
MgUpt)  quotes  from  a  song,  in  allusion  to  the  pleas- 
ure caused  by  their  sound,  "  the  ringing  of  thine 
anklets  has  deprived  me  of  reason."  Hence  Moham- 
med forV)ade  them  in  public ;  "  let  them  not  make  a 
noise  with  their  feet,  that  their  ornaments  which 
they  hide  may  (thereby)  be  discovered "  {Koran, 
xxiv.  81).     Bells;  Chain;  Ornamesm,  Personal. 


M'h. 


AnkleU  (h,  Avre). 
1.  ?,  9, 4.  Ff^ptlsa  from  pftintiogi.    6.  "Modern,  Vomby  dancioff-grlrl*. 
t,  t.  AMyrian,  oi  iron  Ksd  brooxe,  uom  originftU  ui  the  Nineveh  Collection, 
£TitUb  Miueum. 

An'na  (G.  and  L.  fr.  Heb.  =  Hannar),  the  name 
in  Punic  of  Dido's  sister  (Virgil,  ^neid,  iv.);  used 
in  the  LXX.  and  Vulgate  for  Hannah  (1  Sam.  i.  2 
S.)  and  in  the  Vulgate  for  Edna  (Tob.  vii.  2  ff.). 
1.  The  wife  of  Tobit  (Tob.  i.  9  ft.).— 2.  An  aged 
widow  and  "  prophetess  "  in  Jerusalem  at  the  time 
of  our  Lord's  presentation  in  the  Temple  (Lk.  ii. 
36).     She  was  of  the  tribe  of  Ashkr. 

An'Da-«g  (I  Esd.  v.  23)  =  Senaah. 

An  nas  (Gr.).  I.  Harim  (1  E^d.  ix.  32).— 8.  (fr. 
Heb.  =  IIanan,  Fit.).  A  high-priest  of  the  Jews. 
He  was  son  of  one  Seth,  and  was  appointed  high- 
priest  A.  D.  7,  by  Quirinus,  imperial  governor  of 
Syria  ;  but  was  obliged  by  Valerius  Gratus,  procura- 
tor of  Judea,  to  give  way  to  Ismael,  son  of  Phabi, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Tiberius,  a.  d.  14. 
But  soon  Ismael  was  succeeded  by  Eleazar,  son  of 
Annas ;  then  followed,  after  one  year,  Simon,  son  of 
Camithus,  and  then,  after  another  year,  (about  A.  D. 
25),  Joseph  Calatuas,  son-in-law  of  Annas  (Jn.  xviii. 


13).  But  in  Lk.  iii.  2,  Annas  and  Caiaphas  are  both 
called high-piiests,  Annas  being  mentioned  first.  Our 
Lord's  first  hearing  (Jn.  xviii.  13)  was  before  Annas, 
who  then  sent  him  bound  to  Caiaphas.  In  Acts  iv.  6, 
Annas  is  plainly  called  the  high-priest,  and  Caiaphas 
merely  named  with  others  of  his  family.  Winer  sup- 
poses that  Annas  retained  the  title  from  his  former 
enjoyment  of  the  office.  Wiesclcr  and  Selden  main- 
tain that  the  two,  Annas  and  Caiaphas,  were  together 
at  the  head  of  the  Jewish  people,  Caiaphas  as  actual 
high-priest,  Annas  as  president  of  the  Sanhedrim. 
Others  again  suppose  that  Annas  held  the  office  of 
sagan,  or  substitute  of  the  high-priest,  mentioned  by 
the  later  Talmudists.  (Comp.  Abiathar.)  He  lived 
to  old  age,  having  had  five  sons  high-priests. 

An-no'liS  (fi-.  Gr. ;  1  Esd.  vui.  48).  Probably  a 
corruption  of  the  Hebrew  word  illo,  A.  V.  "  with 
him  "  (Ezr.  viii.  19). 

A-noint'ing  in  the  Scriptures  is  either  I.  Material, 
with  0.1,  or  II.  Sfiirilual,  with  the  Holy  Ghost. — I. 
Material. — 1.  Ordinary.  Anointing  the  body  or 
head  with  oil  was  a  common  practice  with  the  Jews, 
as  with  other  Oriental  nations  (Deut.  xxviii.  40  ;  Ku. 
iii.  3  ;  Mic.  vi.  15  ;  Bath).  Abstinence  from  it  was 
a  sign  of  mourning  (2  Sam.  xiv.  2  ;  Dan.  x.  3  ;  Mat. 
vi.  17).  Anointing  the  head  with  oil  or  ointment 
seems  also  to  have  been  a  maik  of  respect  some- 
times paid  by  a  host  to  his  guests  (Lk.  vii.  40  and 
Ps.  xxiii.  6 ;  see  also  Jn.  xi.  2,  xii.  3),  and  was  an 
ancient  Egyptian  custom  at  feasts.  From  the  dis- 
continuance of  anointing  in  times  of  sorrow  and  dis- 
aster, to  "  be  anointed  with  oil "  =  to  enjoy  success 
or  prosperity  (Ps.  xcii.  10;  comp.  Eccl.  ix.  8  ;  Oil; 
Ointment). — 2.  Official  (Messiah).  (a)  Prophets 
were  occasionally  anointed  to  their  office  (IK.  xix. 
16),  and  are  called  messiahs,  or  anointed  (1  Chr. 
xvi.  22  ;  Ps.  cv.  15).  (i)  Priests,  at  the  institution 
of  the  Levitical  priesthood,  were  all  anointed  to  their 
offices,  Aaron's  sons  as  well  as  Aaron  himself  (Ex. 
xl.  15  ;  Num.  iii.  3) ;  but  afterward  anointing  seems 
to  have  been  especially  reserved  for  the  high-priest 
(Ex.  xxix.  29  ;  Lev.  xvi.  32) ;  so  that  "  the  priest 
that  is  anointed  "  (Lev.  iv.  3)  probably  =  the  high- 
priest  (so  the  LXX.  and  most).  See  also  Lev.  iv.  6, 
16,  and  vi.  22.  (c)  The  Hebrews  were  familiar  with 
anointing  kings  before  they  had  any  (Judg.  ix.  8, 
15).  Anointing  was  the  principal  and  divinely- 
appointed  ceremony  in  the  inauguration  of  their 
kings  (1  Sam.  ix.  16,  x.  1 ;  1  K.  i.  34,  39) ;  indeed, 
'•  the  Lord's  anointed  "  was  a  common  designation 
of  the  theocratic  king  (1  Sam.  xii.  3,  5  ;  2  Sam.  i. 
14,  16  ;  xix.  21).  David  was  thrice  anointed  to  be 
king:  (l.)  privately  by  Samuel,  before  Saul's  death, 
to  confer  on  him  a  right  to  the  throne  (1  Sam.  xvi. 
1,  13);  (2.)  over  Judah  at  Hebron  (2  Sam.  ii.  4);  (3.) 
over  the  whole  nation  (2  Sam.  t.  3).  After  the  sep- 
aration, the  kings  both  of  Judah  and  of  Israel  seem 
still  to  have  been  anointed  (2  K.  ix.  3,  xi.  12).  So 
late  as  the  Captivity  the  king  is  culled  "  the  anointed 
of  the  Lord"  (Ps.  Ixxxix.  38,  51;  Lam.  iv.  20). 
Some,  however,  think,  that  after  David,  subsequent 
kings  were  not  anointed,  except  when,  as  in  the  cases 
of  Solomon,  Joish,  and  Jehu,  the  right  of  succession 
was  disputed  or  transferred  (Jahn,  liib.  Arehaology). 
Hazael  was  to  be  anointed  king  over  Syria  (1  K.  xix. 
15).  Cyrus  also  is  called  the  Lord's  anointed,  as 
raised  by  God  to  the  throne  to  deliver  the  Jews  out 
of  captivity  (Is.  xlv.  1).  (rf)  Inanimate  ohjeets  were 
anointed  with  oil  as  set  apart  for  religious  service. 
Thus  Jacob  anointed  a  pillar  at  Bethel  (Gen.  xxxi. 
13) ;  the  tabernacle  and  all  its  furniture  were  conse- 
crated by  anointing  (Ex.  xxx.  26-28). — 3.  Eccletioi- 


44 


ANO 


ANT 


Ccal.  Anointing  nitli  oil  in  the  name  of  the  Lord 
is  prescribed  by  !5t.  James  to  be  used  together  with 
prayer,  by  the  elders  of  the  church,  for  the  recovery 
of  the  sick  (Jas.  v.  14).  Analogous  to  this  is  the 
anointing  with  oil  practised  by  the  twelve  (Mk.  vi. 
13),  and  our  Lord's  anointing  the  eyes  of  a  blind 
man  with  clay  made  from  saliva,  in  restoring  him 
miraculously  to  sight(Jn.  ix.  6, 11). — IL  Spiritual. — 
1.  In  theO.  T.  a  dehverer  is  promised  under  the  title 
of  Messiah,  or  Anointed  {Vs.  ii.  2  ;  Dan.  ix.  25,  26) ; 
and  his  anointing  is  described  to  ,be  with  the  Holy 
Ghost  (Is.  Ixi.  1 ;  sec  Lk.  iv.  1 8).  As  anointing  with 
oil  betoivcned  prosperity,  and  produced  a  cheerful 
aspect  (Ps.  civ.  15),  so  this  spiritual  unction  is  fig- 
uratively described  as  anointing  "  with  the  oil  of 
gladness  "  (Ps.  xlv.  1 ;  lieb.  i.  9).  In  the  N.  T.  Jesus 
of  Nazareth  is  shown  to  be  the  Messiah,  or  Christ, 
or  Anointed  of  the  0.  T.  (Jn.  i.  41 ;  Acts  ix.  22, 
xvii.  2,  3,  xviii.  5,  28);  and  his  being  anointed  with 
the  Holy  Ghost  is  asserted  and  recorded  (Jn.  i.  32, 
33 ;  Acts  iv.  27,  x.  38). — 2.  Spiritual  anointing  with 
the  Holy  Ghost  is  conferred  also  upon  Christians  by 
God  (2  Cor.  i.  21 ;  1  Jn.  ii.  20,  27;  Spirit,  The 
Holy).  To  anoint  -the  eyes  with  eye-salve  figura- 
tively denotes  the  process  of  obtaining  spiritual 
perception  (Kev.  iii.  18).  • 

A'nos  (fr.  Gr.),  a  son  of  Maani  or  Bani;  perhaps  = 
Vamam(1  Esd.  ix.  34). 

Ant  (Heb.  nSmuluh).  This  insect  is  mentioned 
twice  in  the  0.  T. :  in  Prov.  vi.  6,  "  Go  to  the  ant, 
thou  sluggard  ;  consider  her  ways,  and  be  wise  ; " 
in  XXX.  25,  "  The  ants  are  a  people  not  Etroug,  yet 
they  prepare  their  meat  in  the  summer."  ,  In  the 
former  passage  the  unlbrced  diligence  of  this  insect 
is  instanced  as  an  example  worthy  of  imitation  ;  in 
the  latter  the  ant's  wisdom  is  especially  alluded  to, 
for  these  insects,  though  "  little  upon  the  earth,  are 
exceeding  wise."  It  is  well  known  that  the  ancient 
Greeks  and  Romans  believed  that  the  ant  stored  up 
food,  which  it  collected  in  the  summer,  ready  for 
the  winter's  ccnsuniplion ;  but  this  is  now  considered 
by  most  naturalists  an  error.  Ants  are  carnivo- 
rous, or  rather  omnivorous,  in  their  habits  of  living. 
They  eat  sweet  fruits,  crumbs  of  bread,  animal  food 
of  various  kinds  &c. ;  but  their  favorite  food  is  the 
Kaccharine  secretion  from  the  bodies  of  the  aphides 
or  plant-lice.  The  European  species  of  ants  are  all 
dormant  in  the  winter,  and  consequently  require  no 
food  ;  but  until  we  know  more  accurately  the  habits 
of  ants  in  Palestine  and  other  warm  countries  "  it 
would  be  rash  to  affirm  that  no  ants  have  maga- 
zines for  provisions"  (Kirby  and  Spence,  Iidrod.  to 
Entomology,  ii.  46).  "  Tliey  are  great  robbers  ; 
and  the  farmer  must  keep  a  sharp  eye  to  his  floor 
in  harvest,  or  they  will  abstract  a  large  quantity 
of  grain  in  a  single  night"  (Thn.  i.  520-1). — The 
words  of  Solomon  do  not  necessarily  teach  that  ants 
store  up  food  for  future  use,  though  they  have  been 
commonly  so  understood.  Kirby  and  Spence  say : 
"  He  does  not  affirm  that  the  ant,  which  he  proposes 
to  the  sluggard  as  an  example,  laid  up  in  her  maga- 
zine stores  of  grain  against  winter,  but  that,  with 
considerable  prudence  and  foresight,  she  makes  use 
of  proper  seasons  to  collect  a  supply  of  provisions 
sufficient  for  her  purposes.  She  prepares  her  bread 
and  gathers  her  food  (viz.,  such  food  as  is  suited  to 
her)  in  summer  and  harvest  (i.  e.  when  it  is  most 
plentiful),  and  thus  shows  her  wisdom  and  prudence 
by  using  the  advantages  offered  to  her."  The  accu- 
racy of  Solomon  may  also  be  vindicated,  if,  as  is  not 
improbable,  the  Heb.  nSmAluh  includes  the  termites, 
or  "  white  ants,"  which,  although  belonging  to  a  dif- 


ferent order  of  insects,  are  yet  popularly  associatcll 
with  "ante."  "  White  ants"  are  especially  abundant 
in  tropical  regions,  but  one  or  more  among  the  nu- 
merous species  may  be  found  in  most  temperate 
climes.  They  form  populous  societies,  and  their  hab- 
itations often  contain  large  stores  of  vegetable  food. 
in'ti-thrlst  (fr.  Gr.  =  against  CkrUt  or  instead  of 
Christ).  This  term  is  emplryed  only  by  the  Apostle 
John  in  his  second  and  third  Epistles.  Nevertheless, 
by  an  almost  universal  consent,  the  term  has  been 
cpplied  to  the  Man  of  Sin  in  2d  Thessalonians,  to  the 
Little  Horn  and  to  the  fierce-countenanced  King  in 
Daniel,  and  to  the  two  Boasts  of  Revelation,  as 
well  as  to  the  false  Christ  spoken  of  in  Mat.  xxiv. — 
I.  In  Mat.  xxiv.  3-31,  our  Lord  is  not  speaking  of 
any  one  individual  (or  polity),  but  rather  of  those 
forerunners  of  the  Antichrist  who  are  his  servants 
and  actuated  by  his  spirit.  This  passage  does  not 
therefore  elucidate  for  us  the  characteristics  cf  the 
Antichrist. — II.  The  Antichrist  is  mentioned  in  sev- 
eral passages  in  the  Epistles  of  John  (1  Jn.  ii.  18-23, 
iv.  1-3;  2  Jn.  5-7).  The  whole  teaching  here  with 
regard  to  the  Antichrist  himself  seems  to  be  confined 
to  the  words  twice  repeated,  "  Ye  have  heard  (i.  e. 
by  oral  teaching  from  the  apostle)  that  the  Anti- 
christ shall  come."  The  lest  appears  to  be  rather  a 
practical  application  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Anti- 
christ than  a  formal  statement  of  it.  The  apostle 
wains  his  readers  that  the  spirit  of  the  Antichrist 
could  exist  even  then,  though  tlie  coming  of  the 
Antichrist  himself  was  future,  and  that  all  who  de- 
nied the  Messiahship  and  Sonshii)  of  Jesus  were 
Antichrists,  as  being  wanting  in  that  divine  principle 
of  love  wl.iih  is  the  essence  of  Christianity,  and 
thus  being  types  of  the  final  Antichrist  who  was  to 
come— IIL  St.  Paul  (2  Th.  ii.  1-12;  1  Tim.  iv.  1-3; 
2  Tim.  iii.  1-6)  does  not  employ  the  term  Antichrist, 
but  there  can  be  no  hesitation  in  identifying  with  the 
Antichrist  who  was  to  come  "  that  Man  of  Sin,  the 
Son  of  Perdition,  who  opposelh  and  exalted  himself 
above  all  that  is  called  God  or  that  is  worshipped." 
He  also  refers  to  his  previous  oral  teaching,  and  says 
that  "  the  mystery  of  iniquity  (i.  e.  the  spirit  of  Anti- 
christ or  Antichristianism)  doth  already  work."  He 
adds  an  assurance  that  the  Antichiist  should  not  t  e 
revealed  in  person  until  some  present  obstacle  to  his 
appearance  should  have  been  taken  awa)',  and  until 
the  predicted  "  falling  away  "  or  apostasy  sliould 
have  occurred.  From  St.  John  and  St.  Paul  together 
we  learn  (1.)  that  the  Antichrist  would  come;  (2.) 
that  he  would  not  come  until  a  certain  obstacle  to 
his  coming  (supposed  by  the  early  Christian  w  liters 
to  be  the  power  of  secular  law  existing  in  the  Roman 
empire)  was  removed;  (8.)  nor  till  the  time  of,  or 
rather  till  after  the  "falling  away;"  (4.)  that  his 
characteristics  would  be  (a)  open  opposition  to  God 
and  religion,  (i)  a  claim  to  the  incommunicable  attri- 
butes of  God,  (c)  iniquity,  sin,  and  lawlessness,  (rf)  a 
power  of  working  lying  miracles,  (e)  marvellous  ca- 
pacity of  beguiling  ^ouls  ;  (5.)  that  he  would  be 
actuated  by  Satan ;  (6.)  that  his  spirit  was  already 
at  work,  manifesting  itself,  partially,  incompletely, 
and  typically,  in  the  teacliers  of  infidelity  and  im- 
morality already  abounding  in  the  Church.  Tliis 
last  is  considered  as  referring  to  such  as  Cerinthus, 
Simon  Magus,  the  Gnostics,  &c. — IV.  The  fierce- 
countenanced  King  of  Dan.  viii.  8-25,  xi.  36-39,  is 
universally  recognized  to  be  Antiochus  Epipiianes, 
who  is  regarded  as  the  chief  prototype  of  the  Anti- 
christ ;  and  the  prophecy  may  therefore  be  consid- 
ered as  typically  descriptive  of  the  Antichrist. — V. 
In  the  prophecy  of  the  Little  Horn  (Dan.  vii.  7-27) 


ANT 


ANT 


45 


thf  four  beasts  represent  four  kings,  i.  e.  four  king- 
doin<  or  empires  ( =  tlie  Assyrian,  Persian,  Grecian, 
and    Roman   empires),   and   tlie  last   (the  Koraan) 
Ijreaks  up  into  ten  kingdoms,  among  wliich  grows 
up  anotlier  (the  Little  Horn)  which  gets  the  n.astery 
over  three  of  tlie  ten.     This  Little  Horn  is  not  an 
individual,  but  a  kinglom  or  polity,  and  therefore 
cannot  be  identified  with  the  Antichrist  of  St.  John's 
and  St.  Paul's  Epistles. — VL  The  Apocalyptic  Beast 
of  St.  John  (Uev.  xiii.    1-8,   xvii.    1-18)1  is  clearly 
identical  with  the  Little  Horn  of  Daniel,  and  there- 
fore is  not  the  Antichrist.     But  it  is  evident  that  the 
two  former  sustain  some  relation  to  the  Antichrist. 
There  are  four  classes  of  writers  on  the  Antichrist : 
— (1.)  those  who  regard  him  as  an  individual  vet 
future,  among  whom  are  most  of  the  early  Christian 
Fathers,  the  early  Waldenses,  &c. ;  (2.)  those  who 
regard  him  as  a  polity  now  present,  among   whom 
are  the  W'aldenses  of  the  fourteenth  century,  Wick- 
liifites,  Hussites,  Luther,  Calvin,   Cranmer,  &c.,   all 
regarding  the  system  of  Popery  as  the  Antichrist ; 
(3.)  those  who  regard  him  as  an  inJividu  il  already 
past,  among  whom  are  Roman  Catholics  on  one  side, 
and  Grotius,  Eichhorn,  Hug,  E.vald,  Stuart,  Davidson, 
&c.,  on  the  other,  their  general  view  bemg  that  the 
Apoc  ilypse  describes  the  triumph  of  Christianity  over 
Judaism  i  i  the  first  century  and  over  Heathenism  in 
the  third  ;  (4.)  those  who  consider  the  Antichrist  as 
an  antichristian  and  lawless  principle  not  embodied 
either  in  an  individual  or  in  a  special  polity,  e.  g. 
Koppe,  Storr,  Nitzsch,  Pelt.     Of  theso  four  opinions 
the  first  two  appear  to  contain  the  truth   between 
them  (so  Mr.  Meyrick).     Tlie  Apocalyptic  Beast  may 
be  identified  with  "  the  falling  away "  (2  Th.  ii.  3  ; 
not  "a  falling  away,"  as  in  A.  V.),  and  the  antitype 
of  both  may  be  found  in  the  corrupted  Church  of 
Christ,  in  which  there  has  been  a  filling  away  from 
her  purity  and  first  love  into  unfaithfulness  to  God, 
exhibited  especially  in  idolatry  an  1  creature-worship. 
As  a  religious  defection  grows  up  by  degrees,  we 
cannot  point  to  its  precise  commance  nent.     Cyril 
of  Jerusalem  ( fourth  century)  considered  it  already 
existing.     Tiie  decrees  of  tlie  second   Council  of 
Nice,  A.  D.  787,  and  the  theory  of  the  Papal  Suprem- 
acy put  forth  by  Pope  Gregory  VII.  (eleventh  cen- 
tury) and  subsequently  prevalent  to  the  sixteenth 
century  and  onward,  are  noticeable  in  this  connec- 
tion.    According  to  the  view  here  presented,  the  fall 
of  Babtlo.n  (i.  e.  of  Rome)  would  be  as  yet  future, 
as  well  as  tlie  still  subsequent  destruction   of  the 
corrupted  Church,  on  the  day  of  the  coming  of  Christ. 
The  period  of  the  three  and  a  half  times  would  con- 
tinue down  to  this  destruction. — VII.  The  Apoca- 
lyptic Beast  from  the  Earth  (Rev.  xiii.  11-18),  or 
the  False  Prophet  (xix.  11-21  ;  comp.  xvi.  13),  ap- 
parently repreient  the  Antichrist,  if  the  Antichrist 
appears  at  all  in  the  Apocalypse.     The  characteris- 
tics of  this  Boast  are  (1.)  miracle-working,  (2.)  a 
special  power  of  beguiling,  (3.)  an  outward  resem- 
blance to  the  Messiah  ("horns  like  a  lamb"),  (4.) 
the  title  "  The  False  Prophet,"  our  Lord  being  em- 
phatically "The  Prophet."     Compare  2  Th.  ii.  1-12, 
and  III.  4  above.     The  antitype  of  this  might  be  an 
individual  person  who  will  nt  some  future  time  arise, 
and  ally  himself  with  the  corrupted  Church,  repre- 
sent himself  as  her  minister  and  vindicator  (Rev.  xiii. 
12),  compel  men  by  violence  to  pay  her  reverence 
(14),  breathe  a  new  life  into  her  decaying  frame  by 
hi»  use  of  the  secular  arm  in  her  behalf  ( 1 5),  forbid- 
ding civil  rights  to  those  who  renounce  her  authority 
and  reject  her  svmbols  (17),  and  putting  them  to 
death  by  the  sword  (15),  while  personally  he  is  an 


atheistical  blasphemer  (1  Jn.  ii.  22),  and  sums  up  in 
himself  the  evil  spirit  of  unbelief  which  has  been 
working  in  the  world  from  St.  Paul's  days  to  his 
(2  Th.  ii.  7).  The  Antichrist  would  thus  combine 
the  forces,  generally  and  happily  separated,  of  Infi- 
delity and  Superstition.  In  this  would  consist  the 
special  horror  of  his  reign.  Hence  also  the  special 
sufterings  of  the  faithful  believers  until  Christ  Him- 
self once  again  appears  to  vindicate  the  cause  of 
Truth  and  Liberty  and  Religion. 

"  An'ti-Ub'a-nns  (L.  over  against  Lebanon;  Jd.  i.  7), 
the  range  of  mountains  E.  of  Lebanon,  also  called 
Ami-Lebanon.  Mount  Hermon  is  its  southern  and 
highest  summit.  Ccelesyria  or  Celosyria  lies  be- 
tween Antilibanus  and  Lebanon. 

Ao'tl-oeb  [-te-ok]  (fr.  Gr. ;  named  from  Antiochus, 
father  [son,  so  some]  of  the  founder).  1,  In  Syria. 
The  capital  of  the  Grecian  kings  of  Syria,  and  after- 
ward the  residence  of  the  Roman  governor  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Syria ;  situated  where  the  chain  of  Lebanon 
running  N.,  abruptly  meets  that  of  Taurus  running 
E.  Here  the  Orontes  breaks  through  the  mountains, 
and  Antioch  was  placed  at  a  bend  of  the  river,  partly 
on  an  island,  partly  on  the  level  which  forms  the  left 
bank,  and  partly  on  the  steep  and  craggy  ascent  of 
Mo'unt  Silpius,  which  rose  abruptly  on  the  S.  In  the 
immediate  neighborhood  was  Daphne,  the  celebrated 
sanctuary  of  Apollo,  with  its  temple  and  fountains 


Gate  of  St.  Paul.  Anttocti. 

and  grove  of  laurels  and  cypresses,  a  nursery  of 
heathenish  pollution  (2  Mc.  iv.  33);  whence  the  city 
was  sometimes  called  "  Antioch  by  Daphne."  Anti- 
och was  founded  300  b.  c,  by  Seleucus  Nicator. 
Jews  were  settled  there  from  the  first  in  large  num- 
bers, were  governed  by  their  own  ethnarch,  and  al- 
lowed to  have  the  same  political  privileges  with  the 
Greeks.  Antioch  grew  under  the  Seleucid  kings,  till 
it  became  a  city  of  great  extent  and  of  remarkable 
beauty.  Some  of  the  most  magnificent  buildings 
were  on  the  island.  One  feature,  apparently  char- 
acteristic of  the  great  Assyrian  cities — a  vast  street 
with  colonnades,  intersecting  the  whole  from  end  to 
end — was  added  by  Antiochus  Epiphancs.  For  some 
notices  of  the  Antioch  of  this  period,  and  of  its  rela- 
tion to  Jewish  history,  see  1  Mc.  ill.  37,  xi.  13;  2 
Mc.  iv.  7-9,  V.  21,  xi.  36.  It  is  the  Antioch  of 
the  Roman  period  with  which  we  are  concerned  in 
the  N.  T.  By  Pompey  it  had  been  made  a  free  city, 
and  such  it  continued  till  the  time  of  Antoninus  Pius. 
The  early  emperors  raised  there  some  large  and  im- 


46 


ANT 


ANT 


portant  structures,  such  as  aqueducts,  amphitheatres, 
and  baths.  Herod  the  Great  contributed  a  road  and 
a  colonnade.  The  citizens  of  Antioch  under  the  Em- 
pire were  noted  for  souriilous  wit  and  the  invention 
of  nicknames.     This  perhaps  was  the  origin  of  the 


name  Christian. — No  city,  after  Jerusalem,  is*  so 
intimately  connected  with  the  history  of  the  apos- 
tolic church.  These  two  cities  were  closely  asso- 
ciated in  certain  points.  One  of  the  seven  deacons 
appointed  at  Jerusalem,  was  Nicolas,  a  proselyte  of 


npTHcatatlve  of  Antioch  in  Syria.— From  Smith*!  Smaller  Dictionary. 


Antioch  (Acts  vi.  5).  The  Christians,  dispersed  from 
Jerusalem  at  Stephen's  death,  preached  the  Gospel 
at  Antioch  (xi.  19).  From  Jerusalem,  Agabus,  who 
foretold  the  famine,  and  other  prophets,  came  to  An- 
tioch (xi.  27,  28);  and  Barnabas  and  Saul  were  con- 
sequently sent  on  a  mission  of  charity  from  Antioch 
to  Jerusalem  (xi.  30,  xii.  25).  From  Jerusalem  the 
Judaizers  came,  who  disturbed  the  church  at  Antioch 
(xv.  1) ;  and  at  Antioch  St.  Paul  rebuked  St.  Peter 


Antioch  In  FlsldU.— From  Amndell'i  Diteowria  tnAtia  Jfin«r.— (Fbn.) 


for  conduct  into  which  he  had  been  betrayed  through 
the  influence  of  emissaries  from  Jerusalem  (Gal.  ii. 
11,  12). — At  Antioch  the  first  Gentile  church  was 
founded  (Acts  xi.  20,21);  here  the  disciples  of  Jesus 
Christ  were  first  called  Christians  (xi.  26) ;  here  St. 


Paul  exercised  his  ministerial  work  (xi.  22-26,  xiv. 
26-28,  XV.  35,  and  xviii.  22,  23) ;  here  he  began  and 
ended  his  first  and  second  missionary  journeys  (xiii. 
1-3,  xiv.  26,  XV.  36,  xviii.  22),  and  entered  upon  the 
third  (23).  To  the  Gentile  converts  at  Antioch  weie 
especially  addressed  the  letters  from  tlie  apostles, 
&c.,  at  Jerusalem  (xv.  23).  Antioch  was  afterward 
an  important  centie  for  Christian  progress.  Ignatius, 
who  suffered  martyrdom  under  Trajan  at  Rome,  was 
bishop  of  Antioch  forty 
years  ;  Chryso.=tom,  the  elo- 
quent preacher,  was  born 
at  Antioch.  The  bishop  has 
been  styled  patriarch  of  An- 
tioch since  the  fourth  cen- 
tury; and  this  title  is  now 
borne  by  prelates  of  three 
Oriental  churches  (Greek, 
Syriac,  and  Maronite), 
though  for  a  long  time  none 
of  them  have  resided  at  Ai  - 
tioch.  Tlie  nominal  Chiis- 
tians  at  Antioch  (mod.  Anta- 
kia)  were  estimalerl  at 
2,000,  and  the  whole  pop- 
ulation at  20,000,  in  1856, 
■when  American  Protestant 
missionaries  began  to  preach 
the  Gospel  there.  Antioch 
has  suftered  greatly  from 
wars  and  earthquakes.  It 
was  a  principality  under  the  Crusaders  a.  d.  1098- 
1269.  In  1269  its  churches  were  destroyed  by  its 
captor,  the  Sultan  Bibars. — 2.  In  Pisidia  (Acts  xiii. 
14,  xiv.  19,  21  ;  2  Tim.  iii.  11),  on  the  borders  of 
Phrygia,  at  the  modern  Yalobalch,  which  is  distant 


ANTIOCH. 


47 


PLAN  OP  ANCIENT  ANTIOCH  AFTEK  MULLBB. 


4-8 


ANT 


ANT 


from  Ak-sher  (now  known  to  be  the  ancient  Philo- 
nielium,  but  formerly  supposed  to  be  the  site  of 
Aatioch  in  Pisiilia)  six  hours  over  the  mountains. 
The  ruins  are  very  considerable.  Tliis  city,  lilie 
No.  1,  was  founded  by  Seleucus  Nicator.  Under 
the  Romans  it  became  a  colony,  and  was  also 
called  Cesarea.  When  St.  Paul  first  visited  the  city, 
(Acts  xiii.  14),  in  his  first  missionary  journey  with* 
Birnabas,  his  preaching  in  the  synagogue  led  to  the 
reception  of  the  Gospel  by  many  Gentiles  :  and  this 
resulted  in  a  violent  persecution  by  the  Jews,  who 
first  drove  him  from  Antioch  to  Iconium  (50,  51), 
and  subsequently  followed  him  even  to  Lystra  (xiv. 
19).  St.  Paul,  on  his  return  from  Lystra,  revisited 
Antioch  to  strengthen  the  disciples  (21).  He  prob- 
ably visited  Antioch  again  at  the  beginning  of  his 
second  journey,  when  Silas  was  his  associate,  and 
Timotheus  (TiMornr),  a  native  of  this  neighborhood, 
had  jujt  been  added  to  the  party.     Phrygia  ;  Pi- 

SIDIA. 

An-tl-O-clira  [-ki'ah]  (1  Mc.  iv.  35,  vi.  63  ;  2  Mc. 
iv  33,  V.  21)  =  AMTtocT  1. 

Aa-t!-o  clli-!in )  [-ke-anz],  partisans  of  Antiocbus 
Epiplianes  (2  Mo.  iv.  9,  19J. 

An-ti'o-tbl3  [-kis]  (Gr.)  concubine  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  (2  Me.  iv.  30). 

Aa-ti'o-elini  [-kus]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  the  witXitander), 
father  of  Nutninius,  ambassador  from  Jonathan  to 
the  Rjinaus  (1  Mc.  xii.  16,  xiv.  22). 

An-ti'o-slliij  (see  above)  II.,  king  of  Syria,  sur- 
name! Tlie'03  (Gr.  the  Ojcl),  suocsedei  hii  fathor 
Antiochus  Soter,  b.  c.  251.  During  the  earlier  part 
of  his  reign  he  was  engaged  in  a  fierce  war  with 
Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  king  of  E;ypt,  in  the  course 
of  which  Parthia  and  Baetria  rjvoltai  ani  became 
independent  kingdoms.  At  length  {a.  c.  250)  peace 
was  ravde,  and  the  two  monarchs  "joined  themselves 
together,"  and  Ptoleaiy  ("  the  king  of  the  Sauth  ") 
give  his  daug'.iter  Baranicei]  mirriage  to  Antiochus 
("  ;he  king  of  the  North  "),  who  set  aside  his  former 
wife,  Laodlce,  to  receive  her.  When  Ptolemy  died 
(b.  c.  247),  Antiochus  recalled  Laodice  and  her  chil- 
dren Seleucus  and  Antiochus  to  court.  Thus  Bere- 
nice was  "  not  able  to  retain  her  power  ;  "  and  Lao- 
dice,  in  jeilous  fear  lest  she  might  again  lose  her 
ascendency,  poisoned  Antiochus  (him  "  that  strength 
ened  her,"  i.  e.  Berenice),  and  caused  Berenice  and 
her  infant  son  to  be  put  to  death,  b.  c.  216.  After 
the  death  of  Antiochus,  Ptolemy  Euergetes,  brother 
of  Berenice  ("  out  of  a  branch  of  her  roots  "),  who 
succeeded  his  fither  Ptolemy  Philadelphu.i,  avenged 
his  sister's  death  by  an  invasion  of  Syria,  in  which 
Laodice  was  killed,  her  son  Seleucus  Callinicua 
driven  for  a  time  from  the  throne,  and  the  whole 
country  plundered.  The  hostilities  thus  renewed 
continued  many  years ;  and  on  the  death  of  Seleu- 
cus, B.  c.  223,  after  his  "  return  into  his  own  land," 
his  sons  Alexander  (Seleucus)  Ceraunus  and  Antio- 
chus "assembled  a  multitude  of  great  forces" 
against  Ptolemy  Philopator,  the  son  of  Euergetes, 
and  one  of  them  (Antiochus)  threatened  to  overthrow 
the  power  of  Egypt  (Dan.  xi.  6-10). 

An-tro-ebaj  III.  (see  above),  surnamed  the  Great, 
succeeded  his  brother  Seleucus  Ceraunus,  who  was 
assassinated  after  a  short  reign  b.  c.  22i  He  pros- 
ecuted the  war  against  Ptolemy  Philopator  with  vii^- 
or,  and  at  first  with  success,  b.  c.  218  he  drove  the 
Egyptian  forces  to  Sidon,  conquered  Samaria  and 
Gilead,  and  wintered  at  Ptolemais,  but  was  defeated 
next  year  at  Raphia,  near  Gaza  (b.  c.  217),  with  im- 
mense loss,  and  in  consequence  made  a  peace  with 
Ptjiemy,  in  which  he  ceded  to  him  the  disputed  prov- 


inces of  Celosyria,  Phenicia,  and  Palestine.  During 
the  next  thirteen  years  Antiochus  was  strengthen- 
ing his  position  in  Asia  Minor,  and  on  the  fron- 
tiers of  Parthia,  and  by  his  successes  gained  his  sur- 
name of  t/ie  Great,  u.  c.  205,  Ptolemy  Philopator 
died,  and  left  his  kingdom  to  his  son  Ptolemy  Epiph- 
anes, who  was  only  five  years  old.  Antiochus  tlien 
united  with  Piiilip  III.  of  Macedon  to  conquer 
and  divide  the  Egyptian  dominions.  Tlie  Jews, 
exasperated  by  the  conduct  of  Ptolemy  Pliilopator 
both  in  Palestine  and  Egypt,' openly  espoused  his 
cause,  under  the  influence  of  a  short-sighted  policy 
("  the  factious  among  thy  people  shall  rise,"  i.  e. 
against  Ptolemy).  Antiochus  occupied  the  three 
disputed  provinces,  but  was  recalled  to  Asia  by  a 
war  with  Attahis,  king  of  Pergamus  ;  and  his  ally 
Philip  was  embroiled  with  the  Romans.  Then  Ptol- 
emy, by  the  aid  of  Scopus,  again  made  himself  mas- 
ter of  Jeru.salem,  and  recovered  the  territory  which 
he  had  lost.  B.  c.  198,  Antiochus  reappeared  in  the 
field  and  gained  a  decisive  victory  •'  near  the  sources 
of  the  Jordan ; "  and  afterward  captured  Scopus 
and  the  remnant  of  his  forces  in  Sidon.  The  Jews, 
who  had  suffered  severely  during  the  struggle,  wel- 
comed Antiochus  as  their  deliverer,  and  "  he  stood 
in  the  glorious  land  which  by  his  hand  was  to  be 
consumed."  His  further  designs  against  Egypt  were 
frustrated  by  Roman  intervention ;  and  his  daughter 
Cleopatra,  whom  he  gave  in  marriage  to  Ptolemy 
Epiphanes,  with  the  Phenician  provinces  for  her 
dower,  favored  the  interests  of  her  husband  rather 
than  those  of  her  father.  From  Egypt  Antiochus 
turned  again  to  Asia  Minor,  and  after  various  suc- 
cesses, crossed  over  to  Greece,  and  by  the  advice 
of  Hannibal  entered  on  a  war  with  Rome.  His  vic- 
torious course  was  cheeked  at  ThermopyUc  (b.  c. 
191),  and  he  was  finally  defeated  at  Magnesia  in 
Lydid,  B.  c.  190.  By  the  peace  concluded  b.  c.  188, 
he  was  forced  to  cede  all  his  possessions  "  on  the 
Roman  side  of  Mount  Taurus,"  and  to  pay  an  enor- 
mous  sum    to    defray   the  expenses  of    the   war. 


Tetmrlmchm  f  Attic  tnlent)  of  Anti^ohus  III. 
Obverae,  Head  of  King  to  rlzht.    Reverse,  j5a»ii"'^  ^n/t'^r^ou  (Gr.  ~  o^ 
A'in^  Antiochus),    In  Held,  two  mooo^rHma.    ApoMo,  uaked,  seated  on 
eortina  (L,  ^  a  trijfod  in  the  form  of  a  caldron)  to  left. 

This  last  condition  led  to  his  ignominious  death. 
B.  c.  187  he  attacked  a  rich  temple  of  Belus  in  Ely- 
niais,  and  was  slain  by  the  people  who  rose  in  its  de- 
fence. Thus  "  he  stumbled  and  fell,  and  was  not 
found  "  (Dan.  xi.  11-19). — Antiochus  not  only  as- 
sured to  the  Jews  perfect  freedom  and  protection  in 
their  worship,  but  made  splendid  contributions  tow- 
ard the  support  of  the  temple  ritual,  and  gave  various 
immunities  to  the  priests  and  other  inhabitants  of  Je- 
rusalem. He  also  transported  two  thousand  families 
of  Jews  from  Mesopotamia  to  Lydia  and  Phrygia,  to 
repress  the  tendency  to  revolt  manifested  in  those 
provinces.  Two  sons  of  Antiochus  succeeded  him, 
first  Seleucus  Philopator,  then  Antiochus  IV. 

Aa-ti'o-chns  (see  above)  IV.,  E-pipli'a-nes  [e-pif 'a- 
neez]  'Gr.  the  illustrious),  the  youngest  son  of  Antio- 


ANT 


ANT 


49 


CHCS  THE  Great.  He  was  given  as  a  hostage  to  the 
KoDians  (b.  c.  188)  alter  his  father's  defeat  at  Mag- 
nesia. B.  c.  176  he  was  released  by  the  intervention 
of  his  brother  Seleuccs,  wlio  substituted  his  own 
eon  Demetrius  in  his  place.  Aiitiochus  was  at  Athens 
when  Selcueus  was  assassinated  by  Heliodorus.  By 
the  assistance  of  Eunienes  and  Attalus,  he  easily  ex- 
pelled the  usurper  Heliodorus,  and  himself  "  obtained 
the  kingdom  by  flatteries,"  to  the  exclusion  of  his 
nephew  Demetrius.  The  accession  of  Antioehus  was 
immediately  followed  by  desperate  efforts  of  the  Hel- 
lenizing  party  at  Jerusalem  to  assert  their  supremacy. 
Jason  4  persuaded  the  king  to  transfer  the  high- 
priesthood  from  his  brother  Onias  III.  to  him,  and 
bought  permission  to  carry  out  his  design  of  habitu- 
ating the  Jews  to  Greek  customs ;  but  three  years 
afterward  Me.nelacs,  who  offered  the  king  a  larger 
bribe,  was  appointed  high-priest,  wlule  Jason  took 
refuge  among  the  Ammonites.  From  these  circum- 
stances, and  from  the  marked  honor  with  which  An- 
tioehus was  received  at  Jerusalem  very  early  in  his 
reign  (about  B.  c.  173),  it  appears  that  he  easily  re- 
gained the  border  provinces  given  as  the  dosver  of 
his  sister  Cleopatra  to  Ptolemy  Epiplianes.  But  his 
ambition  led  him  to  undertake  four  campaigns  against 
Egypt,  B.  c.  171, 170, 109, 168,  and  his  complete  con- 
quest of  the  country  was  prevented  only  by  Roman 
interference.  The  exhaustion  of  his  treasury,  and 
the  armed  conflicts  of  the  rival  high-priests  whom  he 
had  appointed,  furnished  the  occasion  for  an  assault 
upon  Jerusalem  on  his  return  from  his  second  Egyp- 
tian campaign  (b.  c.  170),  which  he  had  probably 
planned  with  Ptolemy  Philometor,  who  was  at  that 
time  in  his  power.  The  Temple  was  plundered,  a 
terrible  massacre  took  place,  and  a  Phrygian  govern- 
or was  left  with  Menelaus  in  charge  of  the  city. 
At  the  close  of  the  fourth  Egyptian  expedition,  two 
years  afterward,  Antioehus  detached  a  force  under 
Apollonius  to  occupy  Jerusalem  and  fortify  it,  and 
availed  himself  of  the  assistance  of  the  ancestral  ene- 
mies of  the  Jews.  The  decrees  then  followed  which 
have  rendered  his  name  infamous.  The  Temple  was 
desecrated,  and  the  observance  of  the  law  was  for- 
bidden. "On  the  15th  day  of  Casleu  the  Syrians 
set  up  the  abomination  of  desolation  (i.  e.  an  idol 
altar)  upon  the  altar."  Ten  days  afterward  an 
offering  was  made  upon  it  to  Jupiter  Olympius.  At 
Jerusalem  all  opposition  appears  to  have  ceased ; 
but  Mattathias  and  his  sons  organized  a  successful 
resistance  ("  holpen  with  a  little  help  ").  (Macca- 
bees.) Meanwhile  Antioehus  turned  hia  arms  tow- 
ard Parthia  and  Armenia.  Hearing  not  long  after- 
ward of  the  riches  of  a  temple  of  Nanea  in  Elymais 
(comp.  Antiociius  III.),  he  resolved  to  plunder  it. 
The  attempt  was  defeated ;  and  the  event  hastened 
his  death.  He  retired  to  Babylon,  and  thence  to 
Taboe  in  Persia,  where  he  died,  b.  c.  164,  the  victim 
of  superstition,  terror,  and  remorse,  having  first 
heard  of  the  successes  of  the  Maccabees  in  restoring 
the  Temple-worship  at  Jerusalem  (1  Me.  i.-vi.  ;  2  Mc. 
i.,  iv.,  v.).  "  He  came  to  his  end  and  there  was  none 
to  help  him." — The  reign  of  Antioehus  was  the  last 
great  crisis  in  Jewish  history  before  the  coming  of  our 
Lord.  The  prominence  given  to  it  in  prophecy  (Dan. 
vii.  8,  25,  viii.  11  ff.,  xi.  21-46)  fitly  accords  with  its 
typical  and  representative  character.  (Antichrist.) 
Ihe  conquest  of  Alexander  the  Great  (Alexan- 
dria) had  introduced  Greek  thought  and  life  into 
the  Jewish  nation  ;  and  now,  after  one  hundred  and 
fifty  years,  an  outward  straggle  must  decide  whether 
Judaism  was  to  be  merged  in  a  rationalized  Pagan- 
ism, or  to  become  purer  and  more  vigorous.    The 


exposed  position  of  Judea  between  Syria  and  Egypt, 
the  terrible  crimes  of  the  wars  of  "  the  N.  and  S." 
and  the  persecutions  first  from  Egypt  and  then  from 
Syria,  all  betokened  the  approaching  struggle.  Po- 
litically the  Jews  mu.st  now  either  be  independent, 
or  abandon  every  prophetic  hope.  Nor  was  their 
social  and  religious  position  less  perilous.  Foreign 
influence  had  made  itself  felt  in  daily  life ;  and  be- 
fore the  rising  of  the  Maccabees  no  opposition  was 
offered,  even  by  the  priests,  to  the  execution  of  the 
king's  decrees.  (Jason  4.)  Antioehus  at  first  imi- 
tated the  Uberal  policy  of  his  predecessors  ;  and  the 
occasion  for  his  attacks  was  furnished  by  the  Jews 
themselves.  Able,  energetic,  and  liberal  to  profu- 
sion, Antioehus  was  reckless  and  imscrupulous  in  the 


Tetradrachm  (Attic  talent)  of  Antioehus  IV.  Rpipbanea. 

Obverse,  Head  of  King  to  right.    Reverse,  Basile'i  Anticcnott  ThtrmEpipk' 

anov*  yilKftAfwm  {Gr.  j^  of  King  Anttochua    Thtoa  Ejitphanei  A'icepio- 

nM,  i.  e.  bringing  victory).    Jupiter  seated,  to  left,  holding  a  victory.    la 

field,  monogram. 

execution  of  his  plans.  He  had  learned  at  Rome  to 
court  power  and  to  dread  it.  He  gained  an  empire, 
and  remembered  that  he  had  been  a  hostage.  Re- 
gardless himself  of  the  gods  of  his  fathers,  he  did 
not  appreciate  religion  in  others  ;  and  he  became  a 
type  cf  the  enemy  of  God  (Antichrist)  by  the  disre- 
gard of  every  higher  feeling.  "  He  magnified  him- 
self above  all."  His  real  deity  was  the  Roman  war- 
god  ;  and  fortresses  were  his  most  sacred  temples. 
Confronted  with  such  a  persecutor,  the  Jew  realized 
the  spiritual  power  of  his  faith.  The  evils  of  heathen- 
ism were  seen  concentrated  in  a  personal  shape.  The 
outward  forms  of  worship  became  invested  with  a 
sacramental  dignity.  Coirmon  life  was  purified  and 
ennobled  by  heroic  devotion.  An  independent  nation 
asserted  the  integrity  of  its  hopes  in  the  face  of 
Egjpt,  Syria,  and  Rome. 

in-tl'o'-tlins  (see  above)  V.,  En'pa-lor  (Gr.  of 
noble  dacint),  succeeded  his  father  Antiochus  IV., 
B.  c.  164,  while  still  a  child,  under  the  guardianship 
of  Lysias,  though  Antioehus  had  on  his  death-bed 
assi(;ned  this  < flSce  to  Philip,  his  own  foster-brother. 
Shortly  after  his  accession  he  marched  against  Jeru- 
salem with  a  large  army,  accompanied  by  Lysias,  to 
relieve  the  Syrian  garrison.  He  repulsed  Judas 
(Maccabees)  at  Eethzacharias,  and  took  Bethsura. 
But  when  the  Jewish  force  in  the  Temple  was  on  the 
point  of  yielding,  Lysias  persuaded  Antioehus  to 
make  peace  that  he  might  advance  to  meet  Philip, 
who  had  made  himself  master  of  Antioch.  Philip 
was  speedily  overpowered;  but  the  next  year  (b.  c. 
162)  Antioehus  and  Lysias  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Deuetrius  Soter,  who  caused  them  to  be  put  to 
death  in  revenge  for  his  own  wrongs  from  Antioehus 
Epiphanes  (1  Mc.  iiL  32,  83,  vi.,  vii.  2-4 ;  2  Mc.  ix. 
29,  xiv.  1,  2). 

in-tl'o-chns  (see  above)  VI.  was  the  son  of  Alex- 
ander Balas  and  Cleopatra.  After  his  father's 
death  (146  b.  c.)  he  remained  in  Arabia;  but  though 
still  a  child,  he  was  soon  brought  forward  by  Tbt- 
piioN  (about  146  B.  c.)  as  a  claimant  to  the  throne 
of  Syria  against    Deuetrics    Nicator.     Tryphon 


50 


ANT 


APO 


succeeded  in  gaining  Antioch ;  and  afterward  the 
most  of  Syria  submitted  to  Antiochus.  Jonatlian 
(Maccabees),  confirmed  by  him  as  high-priest  and 
ruler  of  Judea,  &c.,  contributed  greatly  to  his  suc- 
cess, occupying  Ascalon  and  Gaza,  reducing  the 
country  as  far  as  Damascus,  and  defeating  the  troops 
of  Demetrius.  (Nasor.)  Tryphon  having  now  gained 
the  supreme  power  in  Antiochus's  name,  took  Jona- 
than by  treachery  and  put  him  to  death,  b.  c.  143  ; 
and  afterward  murdered  Antiochus,  and  ascended 
the  throne  (1  Mc.  xi.  39-xiii.  31). 

An-tlo-chns  (see  above)  VIL,  Sl-de'tes  [-teez] 
(Gr.  of  Side,  in  Pamphylia),  king  of  Syria,  was  the 
second  son  of  Demetrips  I.  When  his  brother, 
Demetrius  Nicator,  was  taken  prisoner  (about  141 
B.  c.)  by  the  king  of  Parthia  (Absaoes  VI.),  he  mar- 
ried his  wife  Cleopatra  and  took  the  throne  (137 
B.  c.)  from  the  usurper  Tryphon.  At  first  he  made 
a  very  advantageous  treaty  with  Simon  (Maccabees), 
but  afterward  violated  it  and  sent  against  him  a  force 
under  Cendebeus,  who  occupied  Cedron  1,  and 
harassed  the  surrounding  country.  After  the  defeat 
of  Cendebeus  by  Simon's  sons,  Antiochus  undertook 
an  expedition  against  Judea  in  person.  He  laid  siege 
to  Jerusalem,  but  (so  Josephus)  granted  honorable 
terms  to  John  Hyrcanus  (b.  o.  133),  who  had  made 
a  vigorous  resistance.  Antiochus  next  turned  his 
arms  against  the  Parthians,  and  Hyrcanus  accoaipa- 
nied  him  in  the  campaign.  But  after  some  successes 
he  was  entirely  defeated  by  Phraortes  II.  (Arsaces 
VII.),  and  fell  in  the  battle,  about  B.  c.  127-6 
(1  Mc,  XV.,  xvi.). 

in'ii-pas  (Gr.  =  Antipater,  Rbn.  N'.  T.  Lex.  ; 
ajainsl  all,  Fbn.).  I.  See  Herod  2.' — i,  Am.aityrat 
Pergamos  (Rev.  ii.  13);  according  to  tradition,  tlie 
bishop  of  Pergamos ;  said  to  have  suffered  martyr- 
dom under  Domitian  by  being  cast  into  a  burning 
brazen  bull. 

An-tlp'a-ter  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  oiv.r  against  [i.  e.  like] 
his  father),  son  of  Jason  ;  Jewish  ambassador  to  the 
Lacedemonians  (1  Mc.  .xii.  16,  xiv.  22). 

An-tip'a-trls  (Gr. ;  named  fr  Antipater,  Herod's 
father),  a  town  to  which  the  soldiers  conveyed  St. 
Paul  by  night  on  their  march  from  Jerusalem  to 
Cesarea  (Acts  xxiii.  31);  anciently  namel  Caphar- 
saba ;  rebuilt  and  named  Antipatris  by  Herod.  It 
was  (Itin.  Hier.)  forty-two  miles  from  Jerusalem  and 
twenty-six  from  Cesarea.  The  modern  village  Kefr- 
Siba  answers  to  the  ancient  name,  and  its  position 
is  in  sufficient  harmony  with  what  Josephus  says  of 
the  position  of  Antipatris,  in  a  well-watered  and  well- 
wooded  plain,  near  a  hilly  ridge,  and  with  his  notices 
of  a  trench  dug  from  thence  for  military  purposes 
to  the  sea  near  Joppa  by  one  of  the  Asmonean 
princes. 

An-to'ni-a  (L.),  a  fortress  (A.  V.  "  castle,"  Acts 
xxi.  34,  &c.),  built  by  Herod  on  the  site  of  the  more 
ancient  Baris,  N.  W.  of  the  Temple,  and  named  by 
him  after  his  friend  Antony.  (Jerusalem.)  The 
word  nowhere  occurs  in  the  Bible. 

An-fo-tlli'jah  (Heb.  answers  from  Jehovah,  Ges.),  a 
Benjamite,  son  of  Shashak  (1  Chr.  viii.  24). 

An'to-thite  (fr.  Anathoth),  a  dweller  at  Anathoth 
(1  Chr.  xi.  28,  xii.  3);  =  Anethothite. 

A  null  (Heb.  hound  together,  Ges.),  son  of  Coz  and 
descendant  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  8). 

A'nas,  a  Levite  (1  Esd.  ix.  48) ;  =  Baki  7. 

*  Ad'tiI,  a  smith's  iron  block  (Is.  xli.  7  ;  Ecclus. 
xxxviii.  23).     Handicraft. 

Ap'a-me  (Gr.),  concubine  of  Darius,  and  daughter 
of  Bartacus  (1  Esd.  iv.  29). 

A-pel'les  [-leez]  (Gr.  given  by  Apollo,  A.  F.  Pott), 


a  Christian  saluted  by  St.  Paul  (Rom.  xvi.  10)  as 
"  approved  in  Christ."  Tradition  makes  him  bishop 
of  Smyrna  or  Heraclea. 

Apes  (Heb.  kophim),  occur  in  1  K.  x.  22,  "  once 
in  three  years  came  tlie  navy  of  Tharshish  (Tarshish 
2),  bringing  gold,  and  silver,  ivory,  and  apes,  and 
peacocks,"  and  in  the  parallel  passage  of  2  Chr.  ix. 
21.  Probably  the  Hebrew  word  here  used  was  not 
intended  to  refer  to  any  one  particular  species  of 
ape,  biU  may  have  denoted  any  animals  of  the  mon- 
key triDe,  including  apes,  baboons,  and  monkeys 
proper. 

A-pbar'sath-ehltes  [-kites],  A-pbar'sltes,  A-phar'- 
sa-chitcs  [a-far'sa-kites]  (all  fr.  Heb.),  certain  tribes, 
colonies  from  which  had  been  planted  in  Samaria  by 
Asnapper  (Ezr.  iv.  9,  v.  6).  The  first  and  last  are 
regarded  as  the  same,  and  have  been  supposed  to  be 
the  PariEtacse  or  Parsetaceni  (=  mmmtaitieers),  a 
tribe  on  tlie  borders  of  Media  and  Persia ;  the  second 
has  been  referred  to  the  Parrhasii,  and  by  Gesenius 
to  the  Persians. 

A'pbek  [-fek]  (Heb.  strength,  fortress,  a  strong 
city,  Geo.).  1.  A  royal  city  of  the  Canaanites,  the 
king  of  which  was  killed  by  Joshua  (Josh.  xii.  18); 
probably  =  Aphekah. — 2.  A  city,  apparently  in  the 
extreme  N.  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  30) ;  probably  = 
Aphik,  and  the  city  on  the  N.  "  border  of  the  Amor- 
ites,"  apparently  beyond  Sidon,  identified  with  the 
Aphaca  of  classical  times,  famous  for  its  temple  of 
Venus,  the  ruins  of  which  are  the  modern  Afka  on  the 
N.W.  slopes  of  Lebanon,  midway  between  Baalbek 
and  Byblus  (Jebeil). — 3>  A  place  at  which  the  Phi- 
listines encamped,  before  the  battle  in  which  Eli's 
sons  were  killed  and  the  ark  taken  (1  Sam.  iv.  1); 
apparently  N.W.  of,  and  not  far  from  Jerusalem. — i. 
The  scene  of  another  encampment  of  the  Philistines, 
before  the  defeat  and  death  of  Saul  (1  Sam.  xxix.  1); 
possibly  =  No.  3. — 5i  A  walled  city  on  the  military 
road  from  Syria  to  Israel,  apparently  a  common  spot 
for  engagements  with  Syria  (1  K.  xx.  26  ff. ;  2  K. 
xiii.  17).  It  was  situated  in  "the  plain"  (IK.  xx. 
25  ;  Plain  4)  E.  of  the  Jordan,  where  is  the  modem 
village  of  Fik,  at  the  head  of  the  Wady  Fik,  six 
miles  E.  of  the  sea  of  Galilee,  the  great  road  between 
Damascus,  A^dbulus,  and  Jerusalem  still  passing 
through  it. 

A-phe'kab  (Heb.  strong  place,  Ges.),  a  city  of  Ju- 
dah, in  the  mountains  (Josh.  xv.  63) ;  probably  = 
Aphek  1. 

A-phcre-ma  (fr.  Gr.),  one  of  the  three  "govern- 
ments," "  Apherema,  and  Lydda,  and  Ramathem," 
added  to  Judea  from  Samaria  by  Demetrius  Soter, 
and  confirmed  by  Nicanor(l  Mc.  xi.  84);  probably  =: 
Ephraim  and  Ophrah  1. 

A-pber'ra  (Gr.)  ancestor  of  some  of  the  sons  of 
Solomon's  servants  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel 
(1  Esd.  V.  34);  not  in  Ezra  and  Nehemfeh. 

A-phi'ah  (Heb.  rekindled,  refreshed,  Ges.),  ancestor 
of  King  Saul  (1  Sam.  ix.  1);  supposed  by  Lord  A. 
C.  Hervey  =  Abiah  1  (?). 

A'phik  (Heb.  strong,  Ges.),  a  city  of  Asher  (Judg. 
!.  31);  probably  r=  Aphek  2. 

Aph'rab  (Heb.  female  fawn,  Ges.),  tbe  Hoase  of, 
a  place  (Mic.  i.  10),  supposed  by  some  =  Ophrah  1. 

Apb'ses  [afseez]  (L.  fr.  Heb.  the  dispersion,  Ges), 
chief  of  the  eighteenth  course  of  priests  (1  Chr.  xxi  v. 
15). 

A-poc'a-lypse  [-I'ps]  (fr.  Gr.  =  revelation).  Rev- 
elation OF  St.  John. 

A-poe'ry-pha  (fr.  Gr. ;  primarily  =  hidden,  secret, 
sc.  books ;  apparently  associated,  toward  the  end 
of  the  second  century,  with  the  idea  of  spunoua ; 


APO 


APO 


51 


afterward  =  spurious),  a  tenii  popularly  applied  to 
the  following  fourteen  books:  1  Esilras;  2Gsdras; 
Tobit;  Judith;  Esther  x.  4-xvi. ;  Wisdom;  Ecclcsi- 
asticus ;  Barueh  ;  Song  of  the  Three  Holy  Children  ; 
History  of  Susanna ;  Bel  and  the  Dragon ;  Prayer  of 
Manasses  ;  1  Maccabees  ;  2  Maccabees.  These 
books  are  treated  of  under  their  titles.  For  their  re- 
lation to  the  canonical  books  of  the  0.  T.  see  Canon. 
(Inspiration.)  These  books  represent  the  period  of 
transition  and  decay  after  the  return  of  the  Jews 
from  Babylon,  and  most  (perhaps  all)  were  probably 
written  B.  c.  300-30.  We  may  notice  in  them  (1.) 
the  absence  of  the  prophetic  element ;  (2.)  the  al- 
most total  disappearance  of  the  power  shown  in  the 
poetry  of  the  0.  T. ;  (3.)  the  appearance  of  works  of 
fiction  resting  or  purporting  to  rest  on  an  historical 
foundation ;  (4.)  the  growth  of  a  purely  legendary 
literature  ;  (6.)  the  tendency  to  pass  off  supposititious 
books  under  the  cover  of  illustrious  names;  (6.)  the 
insertion  of  unauthenticated  formal  documents  as  au- 
thentic; (7.)  abundant  errors  and  anachronisms; 
(8.)  some  peculiarities  connected  with  the  religious 
and  ethical  development  of  Judaism,  as  the  manifest 
influences  of  the  struggle  against  idolatry  under  An- 
tiochus,  the  growing  hostility  to  the  Samaritans,  the 
prominence  assigned  in  Tobit  to  alms-giving,  with 
the  growing  belief  in  the  individual  guardianship  of 
angels  and  the  germs  of  a  grotesque  demonolopy 
there  apparent,  and  (in  Wisdom)  the  teachings  in 
respect  to  wisdom,  to  the  kingdom  of  God  and  its 
eternal  blessings,  and  to  the  love  and  righteousness 
of  God. 

ip-ol-lo'ni-a  (Gr.  fern.  =  of  or  from  ApoUo),  a 
city  of  Macedonia,  through  which  I*aul  and  i<llas 
passed  in  their  way  from  I'hilippi  and  Amphipolis  to 
Thesiialonica  (Acts  xvii.  1 ).  It  was  thirty  Uoman 
miles  from  Amphipohs,  and  thirty-seven  from  Thcs- 
salonica  (Itin.  Ant.). 

ip-oMo'ni-as  (L.  fr.  Gr.  masc.  =  of  or  from 
Apollo).  I.  Son  of  Thrasea.i,  governor  of  C'elcsyria 
and  Phenice,  under  Seleuccs  IV.  riiii.oPATOH,  B.  c. 
187  ff.,  a  bitter  enemy  of  the  Jews  (2  Mc.  iv.  4),  who 
urged  the  king  at  the  Instigation  of  Simon  3,  to 
plunder  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem  (iii.  B  ff. ;  Helio- 
DORfs). — 2.  An  officer  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and 
governor  of  Samaria,  who  led  onl  a  large  force  against 
Judas  Maccabeus,  but  was  defeated  and  slain,  b.  c. 
166  (1  Mc.  iii.  10-12);  probably  the  same  who  was 
chief  commissioner  of  the  revenue  of  Jndea,  spoiled 
Jerusalem,  taking  advantage  of  the  Sabbath,  and  oc- 
cupied a  fortified  position  there,  B.  c.  1 68  ( 1  Mc.  i. 
29  ff. ;  2  Mc.  v.  24-26.-3.  Son  of  Mcnestheus  (pos- 
sibly =  No.  2);  an  envoy  sent  (b.  c.  178)  by  Anti- 
ochus Epiphanes  to  congratulate  t'tolemy  Philometor 
on  his  being  enthroned  (2  Mc.  iv.  21).' — I,  Son  of 
Genncus ;  a  Syrian  general  under  Antiochus  V.  Eu- 
pator,  about  n.  c.  163  (2  Mc.  xii.  2). — 5.  Apollouiun 
Daut  of  JoFcphus  (=  Apollonius  of  the  Dahse  or  Da'i, 
a  people  of  Sogdiana ;  comp.  Dehavites),  a  governor 
of  Celosyria  under  Alexander  Balas,  who  embraced 
the  cause  of  Demetrius  Nicator,  and  was  appointed 
to  a  chief  command.  Apollonius  with  a  large  force 
attacked  Jonathan  (Maccabees),  but  was  entirely 
defeated  by  him  (b.  c.  147)  near  Azotus  (1  Mc.  x. 
69-87). 

Ap-ol-loph'a-DCS  [-lof  a-neez]  Gr.  revealfd  by  or 
an  Apollo),  a  companion  of  Timotiieus  2,  killed  by 
Judas  Maccabeus  at  Gazara  (2  Mc.  x.  37). 

A-poI'lM  (Gr.  =  Apoi,toNics,  or  Apollodorus,  i.  e. 
ghm  hfi  Apoflo),  a  Jew  from  Alexandria,  "  elo- 
quent" (the  Gr.  may  =  /earned)  and  mighty  in  the 
Scriptures :  one  instructed  in  the  way  of  the  Lord, 


according  to  the  imperfect  view  of  the  disciples  of 
John  the  Baptist  (Acts  xviii.  26),  but  on  his  coming 
to  Ephcsus  during  a  temporary  absence  of  ,St.  Paul, 
A.  D.  54,  more  perfectly  taught  by  Aquila  and  Pris- 
cilla.  After  this  he  became  a  preacher  of  the  Gospel, 
first  in  Achaia  and  then  in  Corinth  (Acts  xviii.  27, 
xix.  1),  where  he  watered  that  which  Paul  had 
planted  (1  Cor.  iii.  6).  When  the  apostle  wrote  1 
Corinthians,  Apollos  was  with  or  near  him  (1  Cor. 
xvi.  12 1,  probably  at  Ephesus  in  a.  d.  57,  unwilling 
at  that  time  to  journey  to  Corinth,  but  proposing  to 
do  so  when  he  should  have  convenient  time.  In  Tit. 
iii.  13,  Titus  is  desired  to  "  bring  Zenas  the  lawyer 
and  Apollos  on  their  way  diligently,  that  nothing  may 
be  wanting  to  thim."  After  this  nothing  is  known 
of  him.  Tradition  makes  him  bishop  of  Cesarca. 
Another  tradition,  credited  by  Jerome,  made  him  at 
last  bishop  of  Corinth ;  others  still,  bishop  of  Colo- 
phon, of  Iconium,  &c. — ApoUos's  exact  part  in  the 
missionary  work  of  the  apostolic  age  can  never  be 
ascertained.  After  the  entire  amity  between  St.  Paul 
and  him  which  appears  in  1  Corinthians,  it  is  hardly 
I  Of  sible  to  imagine  any  important  difference  in  the 
doctrines  which  they  taught.  There  may  have  been 
difference  enough  in  the  outward  character  and  ex- 
pression of  the  two  to  attract  the  lover  of  eloquence 
and  philcEcphy  rather  to  Apollos,  somewhat  perhaps 
to  the  disparaptmtntof  St.  Paul.  Luther  and  others 
supposed  Aj  olios  the  author  of  the  epistle  to  the 
HeiJrews. 

i'f cUtbd  [in-L.  pron.  A-pol'ly-on]  (Latinized  Gr. 
=  d<ilr<i,(r  z-  lUb.  Abalbon),  in  Rev.  ix.  11,  "the 
arpel  of  ll  c  Icticmltss  pit."  The  Hebrew  Abap- 
tcN,  leic  a  fynon\me  of  .Afollyon,  is  really  abstract 
=  "  destructicn  "  (Jtb  xxvi.  6,  xxviii.  22  ;  Prov,  xv. 
11,  &c.).  The  angel  j\pollyon  is  further  described 
as  the  kirg  of  the  locusts  w  hich  rose  from  the  t moke 
of  the  lottcmliss  pit  at  the  Eounding  of  the  fifth 
titmjct.  Jicm  the  occurrence  of  the  Hebrew  word 
in  Ps.  Ixxxviii.  11,  the  Ralbir.s  made  Abaddon  the 
rcthcrnicst  of  tl.e  two  regions  into  which  they  di- 
vided the  lower  world.  But  in  Rev.  ix.  11,  Abaddon 
and  ^fcllvoD  aie  rimes  of  the  angel  and  not  of  the 
abyss.  There  is  r.o  authority  for  connecting  it  with 
"  the  destiover  "  in  1  Cor.  x.  10.  As!*ceis,  the 
king  of  the  di  mens  in  Jewish  mythology,  is  probably 
connected  with  .Apollvon  as  "the  destiover"  or  de- 
Etroyirg  i.npel.     See  also  Wis.  xviii.  22,  26.    Satan. 

A-pts'tle  [apts'l]  (fr.  Gr.  =  one unl for(h),  in  the 
N.  T.,  originally  the  eflicial  iicme  of  these  twelve  of 
the  difciplcs  whom  Jesus  chose  to  send  forth  first  to 
preach  the  Gcfpel,  and  to  be  with  Him  during  His 
ministry  en  earth  (Lk.  vi.  13).  Afterward  it  was  ex- 
tended to  others  (Matthias;  Paii)  who,  though 
not  of  the  twelve,  yet  were  equal  with  them  in  office 
and  dignity  (1  Cor.  ix.,  ic).  The  word  aho  appears 
to  have  been  u^ed  in  a  non-efficial  sense  to  designate 
a  much  wider  circle  of  Cbristiin  messengers  and 
teachers  (see  2  Cor.  viii.  23 ;  Phil.  ii.  25  ;  A.  V. 
"  messenger  "  in  these  passages).  It  is  once  applied 
to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  one  senl  from  God 
(Hcb.  iii.  1  ;  coir.p.  Mai.  iii.  1  ;  Jn.  iii.  34  ;  Ex.  iii. 
10-15;  Anoei-s).  This  article,  abridged  from  one 
by  Dr.  Alford,  treats  only  of  those  who  were  officially 
designated  apostles.  The  original  qualification  of  an 
apostle,  as  stated  by  St.  Peter  (Acts  i.  21,  22),  on 
occasion  of  electing  a  successor  to  the  traitor  Judas, 
was,  that  he  should  have  been  personally  acqu.iinled 
with  the  whole  ministerial  course  of  our  Lord,  from 
His  baptism  by  John  till  the  day  when  He  was  taken 
up  into  heaven.  He  Himself  describes  them  as 
'  they  that  had  continued  with  Him  in  His  tempta- 


52 


APO 


APO 


tions  "  (Lk.  xxii.  28).  By  this  close  personal  inter- 
course with  Him,  they  were  peculiarly  fitted  to  give 
testimony  to  the  facts  of  redemption  ;  and  we  gather, 
from  His  own  words  (Jn.  xiv.  26,  xv.  26, 27,  xvi.  13), 
that  by  an  especial  bestowal  of  the  Spirit's  influence 
their  memories  were  quickened,  and  their  power  of 
reproducing  what  they  had  heard  from  Him  increased 
above  the  ordinary  measure  of  man.  The  apostles 
were  from  the  lower  ranks  of  life,  simple  and  un- 
educated ;  some  of  them  were  related  to  Jesus  ac- 
cording to  the  flesh ;  some  had  been  disciples  of 
John  the  Baptist.  Our  Lord  chose  them  early  in 
His  public  career,  though  it  is  uncertain  precisely  at 
what  time.  •  (Jesds  Christ.)  Some  of  them  had 
Q^ertainly  partly  attached  themselves  to  Him  before ; 
but  after  their  call  as  apostles  they  appear  to  have 
been  continuously  witli  Him  or  in  His  service.  They 
ssem  to  have  been  all  on  an  equality,  both  during 
and  after  the  ministry  of  Christ  on  earth.  We  find 
one  indeed  (Peter),  from  fervor  of  personal  char- 
acter, usually  prominent  among  them,  and  distin- 
guished by  having  the  first  place  assigned  him  in 
founding  the  Jewish  and  Gentile  churches  (Mat.  xvi. 
18 ;  Acts  ii.  14,  42,  xi.  11 ;  comp.  Rev.  xxi.  14  ;  Eph. 
ii.  20) ;  but  we  never  find  the  slightest  trace  in  Scrip- 
ture of  any  superiority  or  primacy  being  in  conse- 
quence accorded  to  him.  We  also  find  that  he  and 
two  others,  James  and  John,  the  sons  of  Zebedee, 
are  admitted  to  the  inner  privacy  of  our  Lord's  acts 
and  sufferings  on  several  occasions  (Mat.  xvii.  1-9, 
xxvi.  37 ;  Mk.  v.  37) ;  but  this  is-  no  proof  of  su- 
periority in  rank  or  office.  Early  in  our  Lord's  min- 
istry. He  sent  them  out  two  and  two  to  preach  re- 
pentance and  perform  miracles  in  His  name  (Mat.  x. ; 
Lk.  ix.).  This  mission  was  of  the  nature  of  a  solemn 
call  to  the  chddren  of  Israel,  to  whom  it  was  con- 
fined (Mat.  x.  5,  6).  The  apostles  were  early  warned 
by  their  Master  of  the  solemn  nature  and  the  danger 
of  tlieir  calling  (x.  17).  They  accompanied  Him  in 
His  journeys  of  teaching  and  to  the  Jewish  feasts, 
saw  His  wonderful  works,  heard  His  discourses  ad- 
dressed to  the  people  (Mat.  v.-vii.,  xxiii. ;  Lk.  vi.  13- 
49),  or  those  which  He  held  with  learned  Jews  (Mat. 
xix.  13  if. ;  Lk.  x.  25  tf.),  made  inquiries  of  Him  on 
religious^piatters,  sometimes  concerning  His  own 
sayings,  sometimes  of  a  general  nature  (Mat.  xiii.  10 
ff.,  XV.  15  ft.,  xviii.  1  ffi,  xxiv.  3  ff.,  Lk.  viii.  9  ff.,  xii. 
41  ;  Jn.  ix.  2  ff.,  xiv.  5,  22,  &c.):  sometimes  they 
worked  miracles  (Mk.  vi.  13  ;  Lk.  ix.  6),  sometimes 
attempted  to  do  so  without  success  (Mat.  xvii.  16). 
They  recognized  their  Master  as  the  Christ  of  God 
(Mat.  xvi.  16 ;  Lk.  ix.  20),  and  ascribed  to  Him 
supernatural  power  (Lk.  ix.  64);  but  in  the  recogni- 
tion of  the  spiritual  teaching  and  mission  of  Christ, 
they  made  very  slow  progress,  held  back  as  they 
were  by  weakness  of  apprehension  and  by  national 
prejudices  (Mat.  xv.  16,  xvi.  22,  xvii.  20,  21;  Lk.ix. 
54,  xxiv.  25  ;  Jn.  xvi,  12) :  they  were  compelled  to 
ask  of  Him  the  explanation  of  even  His  simplest 
parables  (Mk.  viii.  14  ff. ;  Lk.  xii.  41  ff.),  and  openly 
confessed  their  weakness  of  faith  (xvii.  5).  Even  at 
the  removal  of  our  Lord  from  the  earth  they  were 
yet  weak  in  their  knowledge  (xxiv.  21  ;  Jn.  xvi.  12), 
though  He  had  so  long  been  carefully  preparing  and 
instructing  them.  And  at  His  apprehension  by  the 
chief  priests  and  Pharisees,  of  which  He  had  so 
often  forewarned  them,  they  all  forsook  Him  and 
lied  (Mat.  xxvi.  56).  They  left  His  burial  to  one 
who  was  not  of  their  number,  and  to  the  women, 
and  were  only  convinced  of  His  resurrection  on  the 
very  plainest  proofs  furnished  by  Himself.  It  was 
first  when  this  fact  became  undeniable  that  light 


I  seems  to  have  entered  their  minds,  and  not  even 
then  without  His  special  aid,  opening  tiieir  under, 
standings  that  they  might  understand  the  Scriptures. 
Even  after  that,  many  of  them  returned  to  their  com- 
mon occupations  (Jn.  xxi.  3  ff.),  and  it  required  a 
new  direction  from  the  Lord  to  recall  them  to  their 
mission,  and  reunite  them  in  Jerusalem  (Acts  i.  4). 
Before  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  the  Church, 
Peter,  at  least,  seems  to  have  been  specially  inspired 
by  Him  to  declare  the  prophetic  sense  of  Scripture 
respecting  the  traitor  Judas,  and  direct  his  place  to 
be  tilled  up.  On  the  feast  of  Pentecost,  ten  days 
after  our  Lord's  ascension,  the  Holy  Spirit  came 
down  on  the  assembled  church  (Acts  ii.) ;  and  from 
that  time  the  apostles  became  altogether  different 
men,  giving  witness  with  power  of  the  life  and  death 
and  resurrection  of  Jesus  as  He  had  declared  they 
should  (Lk.  xxiv.  48  ;  Acts  i.  8,  22,  ii.  32,  iii.  16,  v. 
32,  xiii.  31).  First  of  all  the  mother-church  of  Je- 
rusalem grew  up  under  their  hands  (iii.-vii.),  and 
their  superior  dignity  and  power  were  universally 
acknowledged  by  the  rulers  and  the  people  (v.  12 
ff.).  Even  the  persecution  which  arose  about  Ste- 
phen, and  put  the  first  check  on  the  spread  of  the 
Gospel  in  Judea,  does  not  seem  to  have  brought 
peril  to  the  apostles  (viii.  1).  Their  first  mission 
out  of  Jerusalem  was  to  Samaria  (viii.  5-26), 
where  the  Lord  Himself  had,  during  His  ministry, 
sown  the  seed  of  the  Gospel.  Here  ends,  prop- 
erly speaking  (or  rather  perhaps  with  the  general 
visitation  hinted  at  in  Acts  ix.  31,  32),  the  first  pe- 
riod of  the  apostles'  agency,  during  which  its  centre 
is  Jerusalem,  and  the  prominent  figure  is  St.  Peter. 
The.  centre  8f  the  second  period  of  the  apostolic 
agency  is  Antioch,  where  a  church  soon  was  built 
up,  consisting  of  Jews  and  Gentiles  ;  and  the  central 
figure  of  this  and  of  the  subsequent  period  is  St. 
Paul,  not  originally  of  the  twelve,  but  wonderfully 
prepared  and  miraculously  won  for  the  high  office. 
This  period,  whose  history  (all  that  we  know  of  it) 
is  related  in  Acts  xi.  19-30,  xiii.  1-5,  was  marked 
by  the  united  working  of  Paul  and  the  other  apos- 
tles, in  the  cooperation  and  intercourse  of  the  two 
churches  of  Antioch  and  Jerusalem.  From  this  time 
the  third  apostolic  period  opens,  marked  by  the 
almost  entire  disappearance  of  the  twelve  from  the 
sacred  narrative,  and  the  exclusive  agency  of  St. 
Paul,  the  great  apostle  of  the  Gentiles.  The  re- 
maining narrative  of  the  Acts  is  occupied  with 
his  missionary  journeys ;  and  when  we  leave  him 
at  Rome,  all  the  Gentile  churches  from  Jerusalem 
round  about  unto  Illyricum  owe  to  him  their  foun- 
dation, and  look  to  him  for  supervision.  Of  the 
missionary  agency  of  the  rest  of  the  twelve,  we 
know  absolutely  nothing  from  the  sacred  narra- 
tive. Some  notices  of  their  personal  history  will  be 
found  under  their  respective  names,  together  with 
the  principal  legends  which  have  come  down  to  us 
respecting  them.  (See  Peter,  James,  John  espe- 
cially.)— The  apostolic  office  seems  to  have  been  pre- 
eminently to  found  the  churches,  and  uphold  them 
by  supernatural  power  specially  bestowed  for  that 
purpose.  It  ceased,  as  a  matter  of  course,  with  its 
first  holders :  all  continuation  of  it,  from  the  very 
conditions  of  its  existence  (comp.  1  Cor.  ix.  1),  being 
impossible.  The  bishops  of  the  ancient  churches 
coexisted  with,  and  did  not  in  any  sense  succeed,  the 
apostles ;  and  when  it  is  claimed  for  bishops  or  any 
church  officers  that  they  are  their  successors,  it  can 
be  understood  only  chronologically,  and  not  officially. 
Acts  op  the  Apostles. 
*  i-pos'tle-sbip  [-pos'l-],   the  office  of   an  apos- 


APO 


AQU 


53 


TLE  (Acts  i.  25 ;  Eom.  i.  6 ;  1  Cor.  ix.  2  ;  Gal.  U. 
8). 

•  A-poth'e-fa-ry.    Medicine  ;  Ointment. 

Ap  pa-im  (Ueb.  the  two  nostrils,  face,  Ges. ;  face, 
i.  e.  presence,  so.  of  God,  ¥».),  son  of  Nadab,  and 
descendant  of  Jerahmeel  (1  Cbr.  ii.  30,  31). 

•  ip-pur'cl.    DitEss. 

Ap-ptal't  The  principle  of  appeal  was  recognized 
by  the  Mosaic  law  in  the  establishment  of  a  central 
court  under  the  presidency  of  the  judge  or  ruler  for 
the  time  being,  before  which  all  cases  too  difficult  for 
the  local  courts  were*  to  be  tried  (Deut.  xvii.  8,  9; 
Judge  ;  Trial).  Thus  the  appeal  lay  in  the  time 
of  the  Judges  to  the  judge  (Judg.  Iv.  5),  and  under 
the  monarchy  to  the  king,  who  appears  to  have  de- 
puted certain  persons  to  inquire  into  the  facts  of  the 
case,  and  record  his  decision  thereon  (2  Sam.  xv.  3). 
Jehoshaphat  delegated  his  judicial  authority  to  a 
court  permanently  established  for  the  purpose  (2 
Chr.  xix.  8).  These  courts  were  reestablished  by 
Kzra  (Ezr.  vii.  25).  After  the  institution  of  the 
Sanhedrim  the  final  appeal  lay  to  them.  A  Roman 
citizen  under  the  republic  had  the  right  of  appealing 
in  criminal  cases  from  the  decision  of  a  magistrate 
to  the  people ;  and  as  the  emperor  succeeded  to  the 
power  of  the  people,  there  was  an  appeal  to  him  in 
the  last  resort.  St.  Paul,  as  a  Koman  citizen,  exer- 
cised a  right  of  appeal  from  the  local  court  at  Jeru- 
salem to  the  emperor  (Acta  xxv.  11).  But  as  no 
decision  had  been  given,  there  could  be  no  appeal, 
properly  speaking,  in  his  case :  the  language  used 
(ver.  9)  implies  the  right  on  the  part  of  the  accused 
of  electing  to  be  tried  either  by  the  provincial  magis- 
trate, or  by  the  emperor.  Since  the  procedure  in 
the  Jewish  courts  at  that  period  was  of  a  mixed  and 
undefined  character,  the  Roman  and  Jewish  authori- 
ties coexisting  and  carrying  on  the  course  of  justice 
between  them,  Paul  availed  himself  of  his  undoubted 
privilege  to  be  tried  by  the  pure  Roman  law. 

ip'pbi-a  [affe-ah]  (Gr.  form  of  L.  Apjna),  a 
Christian  woman  addressed  jointly  with  Philemon 
and  Archippus  in  Phn.  2 ;  apparently  a  member 
of  Philemon's  household,  and  not  improbably  his 
wife. 

Ap'pbns  [af  fus]  (L.  fr.  Heb.  —  the  wary,  Mieha- 
clis),  surname  of  Jonathan  Maccabeus  ( 1  Mc.  ii.  5). 

Ap'pl-l  Forum  (L.  market-place  of  Appius,  i.  e. 
probably  of  Appius  Claudius),  a  wtU-known  station 
on  the  Appian  Way  or  great  road  from  Rome  to  the 
neighborhood  of  the  bay  of  Naples.  St.  Paul,  hav- 
ing landed  at  Puteoli  (Acts  xxviii.  18)  on  his  arrival 
from  Malta,  proceeded  under  the  charge  of  the  cen- 
turion along  the  Appian  Way  toward  Rome,  and 
found  at  Appii  Forum,  forty-three  mile?  from  Rome 
(llin.  Anl.  ;  Ittii.  Hier.),  a  group  of  Christians  who 
liad  gone  to  meet  him  (ver.  15).  Horace  describes 
Appii  Forum  as  full  of  taverns  and  boatmen.  This 
arose  from  its  being  at  the  N.  end  of  a  canal  which 
ran  parallel  with  the  road,  through  a  considerable 
part  of  the  Pomptine  or  Pontine  Marshes.  The  site 
is  at  some  ruins  near  Treponti.     Three  Taverns. 

Ap'ple-Tree,  Apple  (Heb.  tappuah  or  tappuach). 
The  A.  V.  mentions  the  apple-tree  in  the  following 
passages.  Cant.  ii.  3 :  "As  the  apple-tree  among 
the  trees  of  the  wood,  go  is  my  beloved  among  the 
sons.  I  sat  down  under  his  shadow  with  great  de- 
light, and  his  fruit  was  sweet  to  my  taste."  Cant, 
viii.  6:  "I  raised  thee  up  under  the  apple-tree :  there 
thy  mother  brought  thee  forth."  Joel  i.  12,  where 
the  apple-tree  is  named  with  the  vine,  fig,  pomegran- 
ate, and  palm  trees,  as  withering  under  the  desolat- 
ing eifects  of  the  locust,  palmer-worm,  &c.    The  fruit 


of  this  tree  is  mentioned  in  Prov.  xxv.  11:  "A  word 
fitly  spoken  is  like  apples  of  gold  in  pictures  of  sil- 
ver." In  Cant.  ii.  5  :  "  Comfort  mc  with  apples,  for 
I  am  sick  of  love ; "  vii.  8,  "  The  smell  of  thy  nose 
(shall  be)  like  apples."  Celsius  and  others  maintain 
that  the  quince  rather  than  the  ajiple  is  meant  in  the 
above  passages.  The  quince  was  sacred  to  Venus, 
and  its  fragrance  was  held  in  high  esteem  by  the 
ancients.  "  Its  scent,"  says  an  Arabian  author, 
"  cheers  my  soul,  renews  my  strength,  and  restores 
my  breath."  On  the  other  hand.  Dr.  Koyle  (in  Kit.) 
thinks  that  the  citron  is  meant,  and  says,  "The  rich 
color,  fragrant  odor,  and  handsome  appearance  of 
the  tree,  whether  in  flower  or  in  fruit,  are  particu- 
larly suited  to  all  the  above  passages  of  Scripture." 
Yet  neither  the  quince  nor  the  citron  is  "  sweet  to 
the  taste."  Thomson  (ii.  3i8-9)  favors  the  A.  V.  in 
its  translation  of  "  apples."  He  says  of  Askelon,  "  It 
is  especially  celebrated  for  its  apples,  which  arc  the 
largest  and  best  I  have  ever  seen  in  this  country. 
When  I  was  here  in  June,  quite  a  caravan  started 
for  Jerusalem  loaded  with  them,  and  they  would  not 
have  disgraced  even  an  American  orchard.  The 
Arabic  word  for  apple  is  almost  the  same  as  the 
Hebrew,  and  it  is  as  perfectly  definite,  to  say  the 
least,  as  our  English  word,  as  much  as  the  word  for 
■grape,  and  just  as  well  understood;  and  so  is  that 

for  citron As  to  the  smell  and  color,  all  the 

demands  of  the  biblical  allusions  arc  fully  met  by 
these  apples  of  Askelon ;  and  no  doubt,  in  ancient 
times  and  in  royal  gardens,  their  cultivation  was  far 
superior  to  what  it  is  now,  and  the  fruit  larger  and 
more  fragrant."  Most  travellers  assert  that  the 
apples  of  Palestine  arc  generally  of  a  very  inferior 
quality.  It  is  questionable  (so  Mr.  Houghton) 
whether  the  apple  would  merit  the  Scriptural  char- 
acter for  excellent  fragrance.  The  orange  would 
answer  all  the  demands  of  the  Scriptural  passages, 
and  orange-trees  are  found  in  Palestine ;  but  there 
is  not  sufficient  evidence  that  this  tree  was  known  in 
the  earlier  times  to  the  inhabitants  of  Palestine,  the 
tree  having  been  probably  introduced  at  a  later 
period.  Tristram  (p.  606)  maintains  that  thcapricot, 
which  abounds  in  Palestine,  a  "  deliciously  perfumed 
fiuit," — "  golden  fruit "  on  a  tree  of  "  bright  yet  pale 
fohage," — is  the  "apple"  of  the  Scriptures.  The 
question  of  identification,  therefore,  is  still  an  open 
one.  As  to  the  apples  of  Sodom,  see  Vine  of  Sop- 
OM.  The  expression  "  apple  of  the  eye "  occurs  in 
Deut.  xxxii.  10;  Ps.  xvii.  8;  Piov.  vii.  2;  Lam.  ii. 
18 ;  Zech.  ii.  8.  The  English  word  here  is  the  rep- 
resentative of  the  Hebrew  word  ishon,  \.  e.  "little 
man  "  :=  the  English  pupil,  Latin  pupillut. 

*  Ap-pre-hend',  to.    Games;  Officer;  Trial. 

•Apron  [a'pum],  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1. 
Hebrew  hiigoruh  or  chugoruh  (Gtn.  iii.  7,  marg. 
"things  to  gird  about) ;"  usually  translated  "Gir- 
dle" (2  Sam.  xviii.  11,  &c.). — 2.  Hebrew  mifpahath 
or  mitpachath  (Ru.  iii.  15  marg.  "vail"  in  text); 
see  Dress,  III. — 3.  Greek  sitnikiiUhion  (Acts  xix. 
12) ;  see  Handkerchief. 

Aq'ni-la  [ak'we-lah]  (L.  eagle),  a  Jew  whom  St. 
Paul  found  at  Corinth  on  his  arrival  from  Athens 
(Acts  xviii.  2).  He  was  a  native  of  Pontus,  but  hud 
fled,  with  his  wife  Priscilla,  from  Rome  in  conse- 
quence of  an  order  of  Claudics  commanding  all 
Jews  to  leave  the  city.  He  became  acquainted  with 
St.  Paul,  and  they  abode  together,  ard  wrought  at 
their  common  trade  of  making  the  Cilician  tint  or 
hair  cloth.  On  the  apostle's  departure  from  Corinth, 
one  and  a  half  years  afterward,  Priscilla  and  Aqiiila 
accompanied  him  to  Ephcsus  on  his  way  to  Syria. 


51 


AR 


ARA 


Tliere  they  afterward  taught  Apollos  the  way  of  the 
Lord  more  perfectly.  At  what  time  they  became 
Christians  ia  uncertain.  When  1  Corinthians  xvi.  19 
was  written,  Aquila  and  his  wife  were  still  in  Ephesus ; 
but  in  Uom.  xvi.  3  fl'.  we  find  them  again  at  Rome, 
and  their  house  a  place  of  assembly  for  the  Chris- 
tians. They  are  there  described  as  having  endangered 
their  lives  for  that  of  the  apostle.  In  2  Tim.  iv.  19, 
they  are  saluted  as  with  Timotheus,  probably  at 
Ephesus.  There  is  a  vague  tradition  that  they  were 
afterward  beheaded. 

Ar  (Heb.  city,  Ges.),  or  Ar  of  Dlo'ab,  one  of  the 
chief  places  of  Moab  (Is.  xv.  1 ;  Num.  xxi.  28);  — 
Rabbah  2 ;  known  in  the  time  of  Eusebius  and  Je- 
rome as  Areopolis  and  Uiibbath-Moab.  The  site,  still 
called  Rabba,  lies  about  half  way  between  Kerak 
(ancient  Kir  of  Moab)  and  the  Wady  Mojeb  (ancient 
Arnon),  ten  or  eleven  miles  from  each,  the  Roman 
road  passing  through  it.  The  remains  are  not  im- 
portant. In  the  books  of  Moses,  Ar  appears  =  the 
whole  nation  of  Moab;  see  Deut.  ii.  9,  18,  29;  Num. 
xxi.  15. 

Ara  (Ileb.  =  lion?  Ge?.),  a  son  of  Jether,  of  the 
tribe  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  38). 

A'rab  (Heb.  ambush,  Ges.),  a  city  in  the  mountains 
of  Judah,  probably  near  Hebron  (Josh.  xv.  52). 

Ar'a-bah  (Heb.  \'irdbdh  =  arid  trad,  sterile  region,' 
Ges.),  a  word  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  Hebrew, 
though  only  in  Josh,  xviii.  18  in  the  A.  V.  It  is 
used  generally  to  indicate  a  barren,  uninhabitable 
district  (translated  "  wilderness  "  in  the  A.  V.  in  Job 
xxiv.  5,  xxxix.  6;  Is.  xxxiii.  9;  Jer.  li.  43  ;  "desert" 
in  Is.  XXXV.  1,  6,  xl.  3,  xli.  19,  li.  3;  Jer.  xvii.  6,  I. 
12;  "deserts"  in  Jer.  ii.  6,  v.  6,  marg.);  but  the 
Arabah  (tr.  in  the  A.  V.  "  plain  "  in  Deut.  i.  1,7,  ii. 
8,  iii.  17,  twice,  iv.  49;  Josh.  iii.  16,  viii.  14,  xi.  16, 
xii.  1,  3,  twice;  1  Sam.  xxiii.  24;  2  Sam.  ii.  29,  iv. 
7 ;  2  K.  xiv.  23,  xxv.  4 ;  Jer.  xxxix.  4,  hi.  7 ; 
"plains"  in  Josh.  xi.  2,  xii.  8;  "champaign"  in 
Deut.  xi.  30 ;  "  desert "  in  Ez.  xlvii.  8  ;  "  wilderness  " 
in  Am.  vi.  14)  indicates  more  particularly  the  deep- 
aunken  valley  or  trench  which  extends  from  the 
slopes  of  Hermon  to  the  Elanitic  Gulf  ( Gu{f  of 
'Akabah)  of  the  Red  Sea  ;  the  most  remarkable  de- 
pression known  to  exist  on  the  surface  of  the  globe. 
Through  the  N.  portion  of  this  the  Jordan  rushes 
through  the  lakes  of  Haleh  and  Gennesaret  down  its 
tortuous  course  to  the  Dead  Sea.  (Sea,  The  Salt.) 
This  portion,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  in 
length,  called  by  Jerome  (Onom.)  Anion  (Gr.  chan- 
nel), is  known  among  the  Arabs  as  el-Ghor.  (Pales- 
tine ;  Plain  5.)  The  S.  boundary  of  the  Ghor  is 
the  wall  of  cliffs  which  crosses  the  valley  about  six 
or  eight  miles  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea.  (Akrabbim.) 
From  their  summits,  S.  to  the  Gulf  of  'Akabah,  the 
valley  changes  its  name,  or  rather  retains  its  old 
name  of  IVady  eP Arabah.  This  S.  portion  is  rather 
more  than  one  hundred  miles  long,  varying  in  width 
from  two  (or  four,  so  some)  miles  at  the  Gulf  of 
'Akabah  to  fourteen  or  sixteen  miles  at  about  seventy 
miles  N.  of  this.  It  lies  between  the  long  and  deso- 
late limestone  ranges  of  the  Tih  on  the  W.  (Wil- 
derness OF  THE  Wandebino)  and  the  mountains  of 
Edom  on  the  E.  Its  surface  is  dreary  and  desolate, 
and  the  heat  is  terrible.  The  drainage  of  the  N.  part 
(probably  to  about  sixty  miles  S.  from  the  Dead  Sea) 
is  by  the  IVadi/  el-Jeib  into  the  Dead  Sea,  that  of  the 
remainder  into  the  Gulf  of  'Akabah. — In  the  Bible, 
in  the  times  of  the  conquest  and  the  monarchy  the 
name  Arabah  was  applied  to  the  valley  in  the  entire 
length  of  both  its  S.  and  N.  portions.  Thus  in  Deut. 
i.  1  (prob.)  and  ii.  8  (A.  V.  "  plain  "  in  both_cases), 


the  allusion  is  to  the  S.  portion,  while  the  other  pas- 
sages, in  which  the  name  occurs,  points  to  the  N. 
portion.  See  Deut.  iii.  17,  iv.  49;  Josh.  iii.  16,  xi. 
2,  xii.  3 ;  and  2  K.  xiv.  25.  The  allusions  In  Deut. 
xi.  30  ;  Josh.  viii.  14,  xii.  1,  xviii.  18;  2  Sam.  ii.  29, 
iv.  7  ;  2  K.  xxv.  4  ;  Jer.  xxxix.  4,  Iii.  7,  become  in- 
telligible with  this  meaning  of  the  Arabah.  In  Josh. 
xi.  16  and  xii.  8  the  Arabah  ("plain"  or  "cham- 
paign" A.  V.)  is  one  of  the  great  natural  divisions 
of  the  conquered  country. 

Ar-a-bat'ti-ne,  in  Idumea  (1  Mc.  r.  3).     Akrab- 
bim. * 

A-ra'bi-a  (Gr.  and  L. ;  see  below),  a  country 
known  in  the  0.  T.  under  two  designations. — 1.  The 
East  Country,  Heb.  erels  kedeni  (see  East  ;  Gen.  xxv. 
6):  or  perhaps  tlie  East,  Heb.  kedern  (x.  30;  Num. 
xxiii.  7 ;  Is.  ii.  6 ;  the  last  two  passages  relate  to 
Mesopotamia  and  Babylonia,  Ges.);  a.nii  Laud  of  t/ie 
sons  ("people"  A.  V.)  of  the  East  (Gen.  xxix.  1); 
gentile  name,  Heb.  bifnei/  kedem  =  sons  ("  children  " 
or  "  men,"  A.  V.)  of  the  East  ( Judg.  vi.  3,  33,  vii. 
12;  IK.  iv.  30;  job  i.  3;  Is.  xi.  14;  Jer.  xhx. 
28;  Ez.  xxv.  4).  From  these  passages  it  appears 
that  the  Larid  of  the  East  and  Sons  of  the  East  indi- 
cate, primarily,  the  country  E.  of  Palestine  and  N.  of 
the  Arabian  peninsula,  and  the  tribes  descended 
from  Ishmael  and  from  Keturah ;  and  that  this  ori- 
ginal signification  may  have  become  gradually  ex- 
tended to  Arabia  and  its  inhabitants  generally, 
though  without  any  strict  limitation. — 2.  'ArAb  and 
'Arab  (Heb.  =:  arid,  sterile,  Ges.),  whence  "Arabia" 
(2  Chr.  ix.  14  ;  Is.  xxi.  13  ;  Jer.  xxv.  24;  Ez.  xxvii. 
2 1 ).  This  name  seems  to  have  the  same  geographi- 
cal reference  as  the  former.  Among  geographers  in 
general,  however,  both  classical  and  modern,  "  Ara- 
bia "  designates  the  whole  of  the  extensive  region 
which  occupies  the  S.  W.  corner  of  the  continent  of 
Asia.  According  to  this  prevalent  usage,  Arabia 
reaches  from  12J '  to  34^°  N.  latitude,  and  from  32^" 
to  00°  E.  longitude  from  Greenwich,  or  from  109|^° 
to  137"  E.  longitude  from  Washington.  This  region 
is  bounded  on  the  N.  by  Palestine  and  Syria  ;  on  the 
E.  by  the  Euphrates  (or  ancient  Babylonia,  Chaldea, 
&c.),  the  Pei-sian  Gulf,  and  the  Sea  of  Arabia  ;  on  the 
S.  by  the  Sea  of  Arabia  or  Indian  Ocean,  and  the 
Strait  of  Bab-el-Mandeb;  on  the  W.  by  the  Red  Sea, 
or  Arabian  Gulf,  and  Egypt.  The  name  Erythrean 
Sea  was  ancientlv  apijHed  to  the  Arabian  and  Persian 
Gulfs  (especially  the  former ;  see  Red  Sea),  as  well 
as  to  the  sea  or  ocean  on  the  S.  of  Arabia.  Accord- 
ing to  the  above  description,  the  greatest  length  of 
Arabia,  from  Egypt  to  the  Sea  of  Arabia,  is  about 
1,650  miles;  its  greatest  width,  from  near  ancient 
Palmyra  to  a  point  on  the  coast  E.  of  the  Strait  of 
Bab-el-Mandeb,  is  about  1,450  miles.  Its  area  would 
thus  be  nearly  1,100,000  square  miles.  Geogra- 
phers have  differed  greatly  in  their  estimates  of  the 
extent  of  Arabia,  some  making  it  embrace  an  area 
equal  to  more  tlian  one-third  of  that  contained  in  the 
whole  United  States,  and  others  reducing  it  to  about 
one-fourth  of  the  aiea  of  the  United  States.  Much 
of  this  discrepancy  is  due  to  the  unsettled  boundary 
of  North  Arabia  (see  II.  below),  which  spreads  out  in 
that  direction  into  deserts  that  meet  those  which  may 
be  considered  as  belonging  to  the  neighboring  coun- 
tries, and  are  occupied  by  roving  tribes  of  Arabs 
having  scarcely  a  nominal  subjection  to  any  superior 
authority.  Arabia  is  indeed  one  of  the  few  countries 
of  the  south  where  the  descendants  of  the  aboriginal 
inhabitants  have  neither  been  extirpated  nor  expelled 
by  northern  invaders. — "  There  is  no  people,"  says 
Ritter,  "  who  are  less  circumscribed  to  the  territory 


ARA 


ARA 


55 


"XaUrTiSdirrmiajnei  art  -written  thui(Aiai) 

4fo A'S 


usually  assiirncd  to  tliem  than  the  Arabs ;  their 
range  outstrips  peocraphical  boundaries  in  all  direc- 
tions" (Morrcn,  in  Kit.).  Arabia  was  divided  by  the 
ancient  classical  pcopraphers  into  Arabia  Felix  (L., 
Happy  A  rabia),  A  rabia  Dearrta  ( L.,  Desert  A  rabia), 
and  Pefraa  (L.,  Stont/  Arabia,  or  [so  some]  named 
from  its  chief  city  Petra ;  see  Sf.la).  It  may  be 
more  conveniently  divided  into  Arabia  Propfr, 
Korthem  Araliia,  and  Wettem  Arabia. — 1.  Arabia 
Proper,  or  the  Arabian  peninsula,  consists  of 
high  table-land,  declining  toward  the  N. ;  its 
most  elevated  portions  being  the  chain  of  mountains 
nearly  parallel  to  the  Red  Sea,  and  the  territory  E. 
of  the  S.  part  of  this  chain.  The  high  land  is  en- 
circled from  the  Gulf  of 'Akabah  to  the  head  of  the 
Persian  Gulf  by  a  belt  of  low  littoral  country.  So 
far  as  the  interior  has  been  explored  it  consists  of 


mountain  and  desert  tracts,  relieved  by  large  districts 
under  cultivation,  well  peopled,  watered  by  wells  and 
streams,  and  enjoying  periodical  rains.  There  are 
no  Jiavigablo  rivers.  The  desert  of  Ahkaf,  accord- 
ing to  Mr.  W.  G.  Palgrave,  extends  from  about  23J° 
to  17°  N.  latitude.  The  most  fertile  tracts  are  those 
on  the  S.  W.  and  S.  Arabia  Proper  may  be  subdi- 
vided into  five  principal  provinces:  the  Yemen  in  the 
S.  W.,  on  the  Red  Sea  and  Indian  Ocean;  the  dis- 
tricts of  Hadramawt,  Mahrch,  and  'Omftn,  on  the 
Indian  Ocean,  and  the  entrance  of  the  Persian  Gulf; 
El-Bahre)Ti,  toward  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf; 
the  great  central  country  of  Nejd  and  Yem&meh ; 
and  the  Ilijftz  and  Tihftmeh  on  the  Red  Sea.  The 
modem  Yemen  is  especially  productive  and  pictu- 
resque. The  deserts  atford  pasturage  after  the  rains. 
The  prsducts  mentioned  in  the  Bible  as  coming  from 


56 


ARA 


ARA 


Arabia  will  be  found  described  under  their  respec- 
tive lieads.  (Ass  ;  Camel  ;  Fraskixcense  ;  Gold  ; 
Horse  ;  Locdst  ;  Ostrich  ;  Serpent  ;  Shittah-tree  ; 
Spick;  Stones,  Precious,  &c.) — II.  Northern  Ara- 
bia or  tlie  Arabian  Deserts-divided  by  the  Arabs 
(who  do  not  consider  it  as  strictly  belonging  to  their 
country)  into  the  Deserts  of  Mesopotamia,  Syria,  and 
El-'Iraic — is  a  high,  undulating,  parched  plain,  of 
which  the  Euphrates  forms  the  natural  boundary 
from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the  frontier  of  Syria,  whence 
it  is  bounded  by  the  latter  country  and  the  desert 
of  Petra  on  the  N.  W.  and  W.,  the  peninsula  of  Ara- 
bia forming  its  southern  limit.  It  has  few  oases,  the 
water  of  the  wells  is  generally  either  brackish  or  un- 
potable,  and  it  is  visited  by  the  Simoom.  (Winds.) 
The  Arabs  find  pasture  for  their  flocks  and  herds 
after  the  rains,  and  in  the  more  depressed  plains ; 
and  the  desert  generally  produces  prickly  shrubs, 
&c.,  on  which  the  camels  feed.  The  inhabitants, 
principally  descendants  of  Ishuael  and  of  Ketorah, 
were  known  to  the  ancients  as  "  dwellers  in  tents," 
L.  Scenitie  (compare  Is.  xiii.  20;  Jer.  xli.x.  31;  Ez. 
xxxviii.  11);  and  they  extended  from  Babylonia  on 
the  E.  (compare  Num.  xxiii.  7  ;  2  Chr.  xxi.  16 ;  Is.  ii. 
6,  xiii.  20y,  to  the  borders  of  Egypt  on  the  W.  Their 
predatory  habits  are  mentioned  in  2  Chr.  xxi.  16,  17, 
xxvi.  7;  Job  i.  15;  Jer.  iii.  2.  They  conducted  a 
considerable  trade  of  merchandise  of  Arabii  and  In- 
dia from  the  shores  of  the  Persian  Gulf  (Ez.  xxviu 
20-24),  whence  a  chain  of  oases  still  forms  caravan- 
stations  ;  and  they  likewise  with  the  Idumeans 
traded  from  the  western  portions  of  the  peninsula, 
probably  in  the  products  of  Southern  Arabia  and 
Ethiopia  (Gen.  xxxvii.  25,  28;  1  K.  x.  15,  25;  2 
Chr.  ix.  14,  24  ;  Is.  Ix.  6  ;  Jer.  vi.  20).— III.  West- 
ern Arabia  includes  the  peninsula  of  Sinai,  and  the 
desert  of  Petra,  corresponding  generally  with  the 
ancient  Arabia  Petra;a.  It  was  in  the  earliest  times 
inhabited  by  the  Horites.  Its  later  inhabitants 
were  in  part  the  same  as  those  of  Northern  Arabia, 
but  mostly  descendants  of  Esau,  and  it  was  called 
the  land  of  Edom,  or  Iduraca,  also  the  desert  of  Seir, 
or  Mount  Seir.  The  common  origin  of  the  Idu- 
means from  Esau  and  Ishmael  is  found  in  Esau's 
marriage  with  Ishmael's  daughter  (Gen.  xxviii.  9, 
xxxvi.  3).  The  Nabatheans  (sec  Nebaioth)  succeed- 
ed to  the  Idumeans,  and  Iduraea  is  mentioned  only 
as  a  geographical  designation  after  the  time  of  Jo- 
sephus.  Petra  was  in  the  great  route  of  the  west- 
ern caravan-traffic  of  Arabia,  and  of  the  merchan- 
dise brought  up  the  Elanitic  Gulf.  (See  Northern 
Arabia;  Edom  ;  Elatii  ;  Ezion-geber,  &c.) — Inhabit- 
ants. The  Arabs,  like  every  other  ancient  nation 
of  any  celebrity,  have  traditions  representing  their 
country  as  originally  inhabited  by  races  which  be- 
came extinct  at  a  very  remote  period.  These  were 
the  tribes  of  'Ad,  Thamood,  Umeiyim,  'Abeel,  Tasm, 
Jedees,  'Emleek  (Amaiek?),  Jurhum  (the  first  of 
this  name),  and  Webiri :  some  omit  the  fouyth, 
eighth,  and  ninth,  but  add  J4sim.  The  majority  of 
their  historians  derive  these  tribes  from  Shem  ;  but 
some,  from  Ham,  though  not  through  Cush.  Their 
traditions  refer  the  origin  of  the  existing  nation  (1.) 
to  Kahtan,  whom  they  and  most  European  scholars 
identify  with  Joktan;  and  (2.)  to  Ishmael,  who,  they 
say,  married  a  descendant  of  Kahtin.  They  are  si- 
lent respecting  Cushite  settlements  in  Arabia ;  but 
certain  passages  in  the  Bible  seem  to  agree  with 
modern  research,  that  Cushites  were  among  its  early 
inhabitants.  (Ccsh  ;  Dedan  ;  Eden  1 ;  Ethiopia  ; 
Havilah  ;  NiMBOD ;  Raamah  ;  Sabtah  ;  Sabtecha  ; 
Seba  ;  Sheba.)     1.  The  descendants  of  Joktan  occu- 


pied the  principal  portions  of  the  S.  and  S.  W.  of  the 
peninsula,  with  colonies  in  the  interior.  (Mesha  ; 
Sephar.)— The  principal  Joktanite  kingdom,  and 
the  chief  state  of  ancient  Arabia,  was  that  of  the 
Yemen,  founded  (according  to  the  Arabs)  by  Yaarub, 
son  (or  descendant)  of  Kahtan  (Joktan).  Its  most 
ancient  capital  was  probably  SanW,  tbrmerly  called 
Azdl.  (UzAL.)  The  other  capitals  were  Marib,  or 
Sebii,  and  Zafari.  (Sephar.)  This  was  the  Bible 
kingdom  of  Sheba.  Its  rulers,  and  most  of  its 
people,  were  descendants  of  Seba  (  =  Sheba),  whence 
the  classical  Sahwi.  The  dominant  family  was  ap- 
parently that  of  Himyer,  son  (or  descendant)of  Seba. 
A  member  of  this  family  founded  the  more  modern 
kingdom  of  the  Himyerites,  the  latter  appellation  ap- 
parently superseding  the  former  only  shortly  before 
the  Christian  era,  i.  e.  after  the  foundation  of  the 
later  kingdom.  The  rule  of  the  Himyerites  (whence 
the  Homerilm  of  classical  authors)  probably  extend- 
ed over  the  modern  Yemen,  Hadramiivit,  and  Mah- 
reh.  Their  kingdom  lasted  until  a.  d  525,  when  it 
fell  before  an  Abyssinian  invasion.  Already,  about 
the  middle  of  the  fourth  century,  the  kings  of  Axum 
appear  to  have  become  masters  of  part  of  the  Ye- 
men, adding  to  their  titles  the  names  of  places  in 
Arabia  belonging  to  the  Himyerites.  After  four 
reigns  they  were  succeeded  by  Illinyerlte  princes, 
vassals  of  Persia,  the  last  of  whom  submitted  to  Mo- 
hammed. Kings  of  Hadramawt  (:=r  Hazarmaveth, 
the  classical  Chatramotitoe)  are  also  enumerated  by 
the  Arabs.  The  Greek  geographers  mention  a  fourth 
people  In  conjunction  with  IheSabwi,  Homerilm,  and 
Chatramotitw, — the  Mimei,  who  have  not  been  iden- 
tified with  any  biblical  or  modern  name.  Some 
place  them  as  high  as  Mecca ;  but  Fresnel  places 
them  in  Hadramawt.  The  other  chief  Joktanite 
kingdom  was  that  of  the  Hij^z,  founded  by  Jurhura 
(  =;  Hadoram  1  ?),  brother  of  Yaarub,  who  left  the 
Yemen  and  settled  near  Mecca.  The  Arab  lists  of 
its  kings  are  Inextricably  confused ;  but  the  name 
of  their  leader  and  of  two  of  his  successors  was  Mu- 
dad  (or  El-Mudad),  probably  =  Almodad.  Ishmael, 
according  to  the  Arabs,  married  a  daughter  of  the 
first  Mudad,  whence  sprang  'Adnin  the  ancestor  of 
Mohammed.  This  kingdom  merged,  by  intermar- 
riage and  conquest,  into  the  tribes  of  Ishmael. 
Other  Joktanite  kingdoms  were  founded  in  North- 
ern Arabia,  as  that  of  El-Hcereh  in  El-Irfik  (after- 
ward Ishmaelltic)  and  that  of  Ghassan  on  the 
confines  of  Syria  (many  of  whose  rulers  were 
named  El-Harith,  perhaps  =  Aretas).  The  his- 
tory of  all  the  Arabs  for  more  than  a  thousand 
years  past  has  been  closely  connected  with  Mo- 
hammedanism. (See  Religio7i,  below.) — 2.  The 
Ishmaelites  appear  to  have  entered  the  peninsula 
from  the  N.  W.  That  they  have  spread  over  the 
whole  of  it  (except  one  or  two  districts  on  the  S. 
coast  which  are  said  to  be  still  inhabited  by  unmixed 
Joktanite  peoples),  and  that  the  modem  nation  is 
predominantly  Ishmaelite,  is  asserted  by  the  Arabs. 
(See  the  articles  on  Ishmael  and  his  sons,  also  Ha- 
oarenes.)  They  extended  N.  from  the  Hljilz  into 
the  desert,  where  they  mixed  with  Keturahltes  and 
other  Abrahamic  peoples  :  and  W.  to  Idumea,  where 
they  mixed  with  Edomites,  &c.  The  tribes  sprung 
from  Ishmael  have  always  been  governed  by  petty 
chiefs  or  heads  of  families  (sheikhs  and  emeers) ; 
they  have  generally  followed  a  patriarchal  life  and 
have  not  originated  kingdoms,  though  they  have  in 
some  instances  succeeded  to  those  of  Joktanites,  the 
principal  one  of  these  being  that  of  El-Ileereli  (see 
above). — 3.  The  descendants  of  Keturau  appear  to 


ARA 


ARA 


57 


have  settled  cbiefly  N.  of  the  peninsula  in  Desert 
Arabia,  from  Palestine  to  the  Persian  Gulf.  (Dedan  ; 
Sheba,  ic). — i.  In  Northern  and  Western  Arabia 
are  other  peoples,  sometimes  classed  with  the  Arabs. 
(Amalkk  ;  Esau,  &c.). — ReHr/ion.  The  most  ancient 
idolatry  of  the  Arabs  must  have  been  fetichism,  of 
which  there  are  striking  proofs  in  the  sacred  trees 
and  stones  of  historical  times,  and  in  the  worship  of 
the  heavenly  bodies,  or  Sabeism.  (InoL  ;  IroLATRY.) 
The  objtcts  of  the  earlier  fetichism,  the  stone-wor- 
ship, tree-worship,  &c.,  of  various  tribes,  are  too 
numerous  to  mention.  Manah,  the  goddess  wor- 
shipped between  Mecca  and  Medina,  has  been  com- 
pared with  Mem  (Is.  Ixv.  11),  A.  V.  "number." 
Magianism  (Magi)  never  had  very  numerous  follow- 
ers. Christianity  was  introduced  in  southern  Arabia 
toward  the  close  of  the  second  century.  It  fiourishcd 
chiefly  in  the  Yemen,  where  many  churches  were 
built.  It  also  rapidly  advanced  in  other  portions  of 
Arabia  through  the  kingdom  of  Heereh,  Ghassuti,  &c. 
The  persecutions  of  the  Christians  brought  about 
the  fall  of  the  liimyerite  dynasty  (see  above)  by  the 
invasion  of  the  Christian  ruler  of  Abyssinia.  Juda- 
ism was  propagated  in  Arabia,  principally  by  Kara- 
ites, at  the  Captivity,  but  it  was  introduced  before 
that  time :  it  became  very  prevalent  in  the  Yemen, 
and  in  the  IlijSz,  especially  at  Kheybar  and  Medina, 
where  there  are  said  to  be  still  tribes  of  Jewish  ex- 
traction. Mohammedanism  has  almost  wholly  super- 
seded other  religious  in  Arabia.  Its  fundamental 
principle  is,  "  There  is  one  God,  and  Mohammed  is 
his  prophet."  Mohammed,  born  near  Mecca  in  or 
about  A.  D.  670,  assumed  the  prophetic  oflSce  in  his 
fortieth  year  as  the  restorer  of  the  pure  religion  re- 
vealed by  God  to  Abraham,  and  afterward  promul- 
gated his  doctrines  in  the  Koran.  His  religion  (Is- 
lam, or  Islamism)  is  made  up  of  Christianity,  Juda- 
ism, and  Paganism.  In  6'i2  a  plot  against  his  life 
constrained  him  to  flee  from  Mecca  to  Medina.  This 
flight  (called  the  Heyira,  from  the  Arabic)  is  the  era 
from  which  Mohammedans  reckon  time  by  lunar 
years  of  354  days  each.  The  citizens  of  Medina  cm- 
braced  the  prophet's  cause,  and  from  this  time  his 
religion  was  propagated  by  the  sword.  Before  his 
death  at  Medina  in  632,  he  had  brought  all  Arabia 
under  his  dominion.  Medina  was  the  capital  of  Mo- 
hammed's successors,  who  were  styled  caliphs,  about 
twenty-five  years ;  Ali,  fourth  caliph,  Mohammed's 
Bon-in-law,  removed  to  Kufa  on  the  Euphrates,  and 
was  there  a8.sassinated  (661)  after  reigning  five  years; 
then  Damascus  was  the  seat  of  the  caliphs  till  762 ; 
afterward  Bagdad  for  several  centuries.  About  934 
the  caliphate  became  a  mere  nominal  dignity,  and 
various  Mohammedan  countries  had  their  own  abso- 
lute rulers.  Syria  and  Palestine  came  under  Arab 
sway  between  632  and  639  ;  Egypt  in  640 ;  Persia, 
Mesopotamia,  and  Armenia  about  640 ;  northern 
Africa  within  the  seventh  century ;  Spain  was  in- 
vaded in  709,  and  a  kingdom  established  there, 
which  lasted  till  1492,  though  the  progress  of  the 
Arabs  (also  called  Saracens  and  Moors)  in  western 
Europe  was  stopped  by  the  victory  gained  over  them 
in  732  by  Charles  Martel  of  France.  In  one  hun- 
dred years  from  the  Hegira  the  dominion,  faith,  and 
language  of  the  Arabs  overspread  the  regions  be- 
tween the  Atlantic  and  the  Indus.  Afterward  vari- 
ous tribes  of  Tartars  embraced  Mohammedanism, 
and  made  it  the  state  religion  in  their  empires  in 
India,  Turkey,  &c.  The  present  number  of  Moham- 
medans in  the  worid  is  probably  160,000,000,  prin- 
cipally in  Arabia,  Turkey,  Persia,  and  neighboring 
countries  in  Asia,  and  in  northeastern  and  central 


Africa.  The  three  holy  cities  of  Mohammedans  are 
Mecca,  Medina,  and  Jerusalem.  Mohammedans  are 
divided  into  sects  :  the  great  majority  are  Sonnites 
or  Sunnites,  who  receive  the  swnna  (Ar.  =  tradilion) 
as  well  as  the  Koran  ;  while  the  Shiites  (Persians 
and  Kurds)  reject  the  sunna  and  maintain  that  Ah, 
fourth  caliph,  was  the  first  lawful  successor  of  Mo- 
hammed. The  Wahabees  or  followers  of  Abd-el- 
Wahab  (born  in  Eastern  Arabia  between  1720  and 
1730,  died  1787),  who  aimed  to  restore  Mohammed- 
anism to  its  original  purity,  and  founded  a  kingdom 
in  1770,  were  at  one  time  masters  of  nearly  all  Ara- 
bia, held  Mecca  and  Medina,  but  were  defeated  in 
1818,  and  their  power  was  supposed  to  be  broken; 
but  Mr.  W.  G.  Palgrave  in  1862  found  their  kingdom 
extending  from  26^°  to  23^°  N.  Lat.,  and  from  the 
Persian  Gulf  on  the  E.  to  the  province  of  IlijSz  on 
the  W.,  and  now  stronger  than  ever,  its  new  capital 
Riadh  being  a  very  beautiful  and  populous  town. 
(See  the  articles  Arabia,  Mohammedaxism,  and  Wa- 
HAUEES  in  the  Kew  Amtr.  Cyc.,  and  Exploration 
AND  DiSCOVERY  in  the  Annual  Cyc.  for  1864.) — Lan- 
ffvaffe.  Arabic,  the  language  of  Arabia,  and  gener- 
ally regarded  as  the  language  of  the  Islmiaelites,  is 
the  vernacular  tongue  through  southwestern  Asia 
and  northern  Africa,  and  the  language  of  religion 
wherever  Mohammedani-im  prevails.  (See  above.) 
It  is  the  most  developed  and  the  richest  of  the  Sl)e- 
mitic  languages,  and  the  only  one  of  which  we  have 
an  extensive  literature :  it  is,  therefore,  of  great  im- 
portance to  tie  study  of  Hebrew.  Probably  in  Ja- 
cob's time  (Gen.  xxxi.  47)  and  Gideon's  (Juilg.  vii. 
9-15)  theShcmitic  languages  differed  much  less  than 
in  after-times.  But  it  appears  from  2  K.  xviii.  26, 
that  in  the  eighth  century  b.  c.  only  the  educated 
Jews  understood  Aramaic.  Apparently,  the  Himye- 
ritic  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  sister  of  the  Hebrew, 
and  the  Arabic  (commonly  so  called)  as  a  sister  of 
the  Hebrew  and  Aramaic,  or,  in  ils  classical  phasis, 
as  a  descendant  of  a  sister  of  these  two  ;  but  the 
Himyetitic  probably  is  mixed  with  an  African  lan- 
guage. Respecting  the  Himyeritic,  the  ancient  lan- 
guage of  Southern  Arabia,  until  lately  little  was 
known ;  but  monuments  bearing  inscriptions  in  this 
language  have  been  discovered,  principally  in  Hadra- 
miiwt  and  the  Yemen,  and  some  of  the  inscriptions 
have  been  published.  (Shemitio  Languages  ;  Ver- 
sions, Arabic.) — For  several  centuries  after  a.  d. 
800  the  Arabs  (or  Saracens)  were  preeminent  in 
mathematics,  philosophy,  geography,  astronomy, 
medicine,  architecture,  poetry,  romance,  &c.  The 
court  at  Bagdad  was  then  the  world's  centre  of 
learning  and  civilization,  while  Europe  was  in  dark- 
ness — The  majinerf  and  customs  of  the  Arabs  are 
of  great  value  in  illustrating  the  Bible.  No  one 
can  mix  with  this  people  witiiout  being  constantly 
and  forcibly  reminded  cither  of  the  early  patriarchs 
or  of  the  settled  Israehtes.  (Agk,  Olo  ;  Beard  ; 
Dress  ;  Father  ;  Frontlets  ;  Ornaments,  Personal  ; 
Ring;  Sandal;  Seal;  SHEriiEBo;  Veil;  Writing, 
&c.) — References  in  the  Bible  to  the  Arabs  them- 
selves are  still  more  clearly  illustrated  by  the  manners 
of  the  modern  people  in  their  predatory  expeditions, 
mode  of  warfare,  caravan-journeys,  &c.  To  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  book  of  Job,  an  intimate  knowledge 
of  this  people  and  their  language  and  literature  is  es- 
sential.— Commtrce.  While  the  Ishmaelite  tribes  have 
been  caravan-merchants,  the  Joktanites  of  Southern 
Arabia  have  been  the  chief  traders  of  the  Red  Sea,  car- 
rying their  commerce  to  the  shores  of  India  as  well 
as  of  Africa.  See  passages  in  the  Scriptures  relating 
to  Solomon's  fleets  and  the  maritime  trade.     (Ship.) 


58 


ARi. 


ARA. 


The  commerce  of  Southern  Arabia  with  Palestine 
was  evidently  by  the  two  great  caravan  routes  from 
the  heaJ  of  the  Red  Sea  and  from  that  of  the  Persian 
Gulf :  the  former  especially  taking  with  it  African 
produce ;  the  latter,  Indian.  All  testimony  goes  to 
show  that  from  the  earliest  ages  the  people  of  Ara- 
bia have  travelled  and  formed  colonies  in  distant 
lands. 

A-ra'bl-ans  (in  the  Scriptures :  see  Arabia),  the 
nomadic  tribes  inhabiting  the  country  E.  and  S.  of 
Palestine,  who  in  the  early  Hebre>v  history  were 
known  as  Ishmaelites  and  descendants  of  Keturah. 
Their  roving  pastoral  life  in  the  desert  is  alluded  to 
in  Is.  xiii.  20 ;  Jer.  iii.  2 ;  2  Mc.  xii.  1 1 ;  their  coun- 
try is  associated  with  that  of  the  Dedanim,  the  trav- 
elling merchants  (Is.  xxi.  13),  with  Dedan,  Tema, 
and  Buz  (Jer.  xxv.  24),  and  with  Dedan  and  Kedar 
(Ez.  xxvii.  21),  all  of  which  were  probably  in  the 
N.  part  of  the  peninsula  later  known  as  Arabia. 
During  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat,  the  Arabians,  with 
the  Philistines,  were  tributary  to  Judah  (2  Chr.  xvii. 
11);  but  in  the  reign  of  his  successor  they  revolted, 
ravaged  the  country,  plundered  the  royal  palace, 
slew  all  the  king's  sons  except  the  youngest,  and  car- 
ried oif  the  royal  harem  (2  Chr.  xxi.  16,  xxii.  1).  The 
Arabians  of  Gur-baal  were  again  subdued  by  Uzziah 
(xxvi.  1).  On  the  return  from  Babylon  they  were 
among  the  foremost  in  hindering  Nehemiah's  work 
of  restoration,  and  plotted  with  the  Ammonites  and 
others  for  that  end  (N'eh.  iv.  7).  Geshem,  or  Gasli- 
mu,  a  leader  of  the  opposition,  was  of  this  race  (ii. 
19,  vi.  1).  In  later  times  theArabians  served  under 
Timotheus  against  JuJas  Maccabeus,  but  were  de- 
feated (1  Mc.  V.  .39;  2'Mc.  xii.  10).  The  Zabiideans, 
an  Arab  tribe,  were  routed  by  Jonathan,  brother 
and  successor  of  Judas  (1  Mc.  xii.  31).  Zibdiel,  the 
assassin  of  Alexander  Balas  (xi.  17),  and  Simalcue 
who  brought  up  Alexander  Balas's  young  son  An- 
tiochus  (xi.  39),  afterward  Antiochus  VI.,  were  both 
Arabians.  The  "Arabians"  in  Acts  ii.  11,  were 
Jews  or  Jewish  proselytes  from  Arabia  (compare 
ver.  5-10). 

A'rad  (Heb.  wild  ass,  Ges.,  Fii.),  a  Benjamite,  son 
of  Beriah  (1  Chr.  viil.  13). 

A'rad  (Heb.  see  abore),  a  royal  city  of  the  Ca- 
naanites,  nam:;d  with  Hormah  and  Libnah  (Josh.  xii. 
14).  The  wilderness  of  Judah  was  to  "  the  S.  of 
Arad"  (Judg.  i.  16).  It  is  also  undoubtedly  named 
in  Num.  xxi.  1  (comp.  Hormah  in  ver.  3),  and  xxxiii. 
40,  translated  properly  "the  Canaanite  king  of 
Arad,"  A.  V.  "  king  Arad  the  Canaanite."  The  site 
of  Arad  has  been  identified  (Rbn.  ii.  101)  with  "  a 
barren-looking  eminence,"  Tell  'Ardd,  one  hour  and 
a  half  N.  E.  by  E.  from  MUh  (Moladah),  and  eight 
hours  fram  Hebron. 

Ar'a-das  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Arvad  (1  Mc.  xv.  23). 
A'rali  (Heb.  perhaps  =  wayfaring,  Ges.).  1.  An 
Ashcritc,  of  the  sons  of  Ulla  (1  Chr.  vii.  39). — 2.  An- 
cestor of  a  family  of  773  (Ezr.  ii.  5)  or  652  (Neh.  vii. 
10)  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel.  One,  Shechaniah, 
was  fatlier-in-law  of  Tobiah  the  Ammonite  (Neh.  vi. 
18).     Arab  =  Ares  in  1  Esd.  v.  10. 

Aram  (Heb.  high  region,  highlands,  Ges.).  1.  The 
name  by  which  the  Hebrews  designated,  generally, 
the  country  lying  to  the  N.  E.  of  Palestine ;  the  high 
table-land  which  stretches  from  the  Jordan  to  the 
Euphrates ;  also  the  region  beyond  the  Euphrates, 
especially  the  mountainous  region  and  high  plain  be- 
tween it  and  the  Tigris  N.  of  35°,  called  in  Hebrew 
Aramrnaluiraim  =  Ihe  highland  of  the  two  rivers 
(see  Haran  ;  Ps.  Ix.  trtle ;  also  in  Heb.,  A.  V.  "  Me- 
sopotamia," in  Gen.  xxiv.  10 ;   Deut.  xxiii.  6  [4] ; 


Judg.  iii.  8 ;  1  Chr.  xix.  6),  Padan-aram  (Gen.  xxv- 
20,  &c.),  A)-am  simply  (Num.  xxiii.  7 ;  Judg.  iii.  10, 
marg. ;  comp.  2  Sam.  x.  16,  A.  V.  "  Syrians  [Heb. 
Aram]  beyond  the  river  ").  Aram  is  usually  trans- 
lated, as  in  the  Vulgate  and  LXX.,  "Syria"  or 
"  Syrians."  The  Hebrew  derivative  Arammi  z^ 
the  Aramite,  translated  "  Syrian  "  in  A.  V.,  is  used 
in  Gen.  xxv.  20,  and  other  parts  of  the  Pentateuch, 
to  designate  a  dweller  in  Aram-naharaim  ;  in  2  K. 
v.  20,  &c.,  an  inhabitant  of  that  part  of  Syria  which 
had  Damascus  for  its  capital.  (See  Aram-damme-, 
sek  below.)  The  shortened  Hebrew  plural  Rammirn 
for  Arammim,  A.  V.  "  Syrians,"  occurs  in  2  Chr. 
xxii.  5  ;  compare  Ram  3.  (See  Shemitic  Languages.) 
Besides  Aram-naharaim  and  Padan-aram,  we  meet 
with  the  following  small  nations  or  kingdoms  form- 
ing parts  of*  the  general  land  of  Aram: — 1.  Aram- 
zobah  (Ps.  Ix.  title  ;  also  in  Heb.,  A.  V.  "  Syrians  of 
Zoba,"  2  Sam.  x.  6,  8),  or  simply  Zobah  (1  Sam. 
xiv.  47,  &c.).  2.  Aram  hcQi-rehob,  A.  V.  "Syrians 
of  Beth-rehob  "  (2  Sam.  x.  6),  or  Rehob  (x.  8).  3. 
Aram-maachah,  A.  V.  "  Syria-maachah  "  (1  Chr. 
xix.  6),  or  Maacah  only  (2  Sam.  x.  6 ;  Maacah  2). 
4.  Geshcr,  "in  Aram,"  A.  V.  "in  Syria"  (2  Sam. 
XV.  8).  5.  Aram-dammcsck  (Damascus)  (2  Sam.  viii. 
6,  6  ;  1  Chr.  xviii.  5,  6).  Tlie  whole  of  these  petty 
states  are  spoken  of  collectively  as  "Aram"  (2  Sam. 
X.  9  ft'.),  but  Damascus  gradually  absorbed  the  small- 
er powers  (1  K.  xx.  1),  and  took  the  name  of  "Aram" 
alone  (Is.  vii.  8 ;  also  1  K.  xi.  25,  xv.  18,  &c.).  See 
also  IIamatii  ;  Hamath-Zobah  ;  Isii-tob. — According 
to  Gen.  X.,  Aram  was  a  son  of  Shem,  and  his  breth- 
ren were  Elam,  Asshur,  Arphaxad,  and  Lud. — 2.  Son 
of  Kemuel,  and  descendant  of  Nahor  (Gcn.xxii.  21); 
probably  =  Ram  3. — 3f  An  Aslieritc,  son  of  Shamer 

(l  Chr.  vii.  34) I,  Son  of  Esrom,  or  Hczron  ;  = 

Ram  1  (Mat.  i.  3,  4 ;  Lk.  iii.  33). 

A'ram-l-tess  [i  as  in  vine]  (fr.  Heb.)  =  a  female 
inhabitant  of  Aram;  a  Syrian  woman  (1  Chr.  vii 
14). 

A'ram-na-ba-ra'im  (Heb. ;  Ps.  Ix.  title).   Asah  1 

A'ram-za'bah  (Heb. ;  Ps.  Ix.  title).    Aram  1. 

A'ran  (Heb.  wild  goat,  Ges.),  a  Horite,  son  of- 
Dishan  (Gen.  xxxvi.  28;  1  Chr.  i.  42). 

*  Ar-a-ni'ah  (fr.  Heb. ;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  18,  marg.)  = 
Araunah. 

Ar'a-rat  (Heb.  fr.  Sansc.  =  hobj  land,  Bohlen, 
Ges.),  a  mountainous  district  of  Asia  mentioned  in 
the  Bible — (1.)  as  the  resting-place  of  the  Ark  af- 
ter the  Deluge  (Gen.  viii.  4) :  (2.)  as  the  asylum  of 
the  sons  of  Sennacherib  (2  K.  xix.  37,  marg;  Is. 
xxxvii.  38,  marg. ;  A.  V.  "  the  land  of  Armenia  ") : 
(3.)  as  the  ally,  and  probably  the  neighbor,  of  Min- 
ni  and  Ashchenaz  (Jer.  Ii.  27 ;  Armenia).  In  Gen. 
iji.  2,  "  from  the  E."  A.  V.,  apparently  indicating 
its  position  as  E.  of  Mesopotamia,  is  more  correctly 
in  tlie  margin  "  eastward,"  as  in  Gen.  ii.  8,  xii.  8, 
xiii.  11,  with  reference  to  the  writer's  own  country 
rather  than  to  Ararat.  The  name  Ararat,  though  un- 
known to  Greek  and  Roman  geographers  and  to  the 
modem  Armenians,  was  an  indigenous  and  an  an- 
cient name  for  a  portion  of  Armenia,  for  Moses  of 
Chorene  gives  Araratia  as  the  designation  of  the 
central  province.  In  its  biblical  sense  Ararat  :=  gen- 
erally the  .\rmenian  highlands — the  lofty  plateau 
which  overlooks  the  plain  of  the  Araxes  on  the  N., 
and  of  Mesopotamia  on  the  S.  Various  opinions  have 
been  put  forth  as  to  the  spot  where  the  ark  rested, 
as  described  in  Gen.  viii.  4.  Josephus  (i.  'A,  §  6) 
quotes  a  tradition  from  Berosus  the  Chaldean,  fixing 
the  spot  on  the  mountains  of  Kurdistan.  Local  tra- 
dition still  points  to  the  Jebel  Judi,  in  this  range,  as 


ARA 


ABB 


69 


the  scene  of  llic  event,  and  reports,  with  Berosus, 
that  fragments  of  the  ark  exist  on  its  summit.  Josc- 
phus  also  (1.  c.)  gives  another  tradition  from  Nicolaus 
Damascenus  that  a  mountain  in  Armenia  named 
Baris,  beyond  Minjas,  was  the  spot.  Josephus 
stales  liimsclf  (i.  3,  §  5)  that  the  spot  where  Noah 
loft  tlie  ark  liad  received  an  Armenian  name  which 
he  renders  Apobaterion  (  =  the  place  of  descent),  and 
which  seems  identical  with  Naehdjevan,  on  tlie  banks 
of  the  Araxes.  To  this  neighborhood  native  Arme- 
nians now  assign  all  the  associations  connected  witli 
Xoah,  and  Europeans  have  so  far  indorsed  this  last 
opinion  as  to  give  the  name  Ararat  exclusively  to 
the  mountain  called  Massu  by  the  Armenians,  Agri- 
Dagh  (  =  Sleep  Mountain)  by  the  Turks,  and  Kuh- 
i-yuh  (  :=  A'oah's  Mountain)  by  the  Persians.  This 
mountain,  the  loftiest  and  most  imposiag  in  the  re- 
gion, rises  immediately  out  of  the  plain  of  the  Araxes, 
and  tenniuates  in  two  conical  peaks,  named  the  Great 
and  Less  Ararat,  about  seven  miles  apart,  the  former 
of  which  is  17,200  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea 
and  about  14,0iJ0  above  the  plain  of  the  Anixes, 
while  the  latter  is  lower  by  4,000  feet.  The  summit 
of  the  higher  rises  about  3,000  feet  above  the  limit 
of  perpetual  snow.  It  is  of  volcanic  origin.  The 
summit  of  Ararat  was  first  ascended  in  1829  by  Par- 
rot, who  describes  a  secondary  summit  about  400 


yards  from  the  highest  point,  and  on  the  gentle  de- 
pression between  the  two  eminences  he  sunnises  that 
the  ark  rested.  The  region  immediately  below  the 
limit  of  perpetual  snow  is  barren  and  unvisitcd  by 
beast  or  bird.  Arguri,  the  only  village  known  to 
have  been  built  on  its  slopes,  was  the  spot  where, 
according  to  tradition,  Xoah  planted  his  vineyard. 
Lower  down,  in  the  plain  of  Araxes,  is  Nachdjevan, 
where  the  patriarch  is  reputed  to  have  been  buried. 
— Taking  the  Armenian  plateau  from  the  base  of 
Ararat  in  the  N.  to  the  range  of  Kurdistan  in  the 
S.  as  =  "the  mountains  of  Ararat"  (Gen.  viii.  4), 
we  notice— (1.)  Its  elevation.  It  rises  to  a  height 
of  from  6,000  to  7,000  feet  above  the  sea,  presenting 
a  surface  of  extensive  pluns,  whence  spring  lofty 
mountain  ranges,  having  a  generally  parallel  direc- 
tion from  E.  to  W.,  and  connected  with  each  other 
by  transverse  ridces  of  moderate  height.  (2.)  Its 
geograpliieal  poxition.  It  is  equidistant  from  the 
Euxinc  and  the  Caspian  seas  on  the  N.,  and  between 


the  Persian  Gulf  and  the  Mediterranean  on  the  S. 
Viewed  with  reference  to  the  dispersion  of  the  na- 
tions, Armenia  is  the  true  centre  of  the  world  :  and 
Ararat  is  now  the  great  boundary-stone  between  the 
empires  of  liussia,  Turkey,  and  Persia.  (3.)  Its 
physical  charaetir.  Though  of  volcanic  origin,  Ar- 
menia difiers  materially  from  other  regions  of  similar 
geological  formation,  for  it  does  not  rise  to  a  sharp 
well-defined  central  crest,  but  expands  into  plains 
separated  by  a  graduated  series  of  subordinate 
ranges.  It  is  far  more  accessible,  both  from  with- 
out, and  within  its  own  limits,  than  other  districts 
of  similar  elevation.  The  fall  of  the  ground  in  the 
centre  of  the  plateau  is  not  decided  in  any  direction  ; 
for  the  Araxes,  which  flows  into  the  Caspian,  lists 
W.  of  either  brunch  of  the  Euphrates,  and  runs  N. 
at  first;  while  the  Euphrates,  which  flows  to  the  S. 
rises  N.  of  tl  e  Araxes,  and  runs  W.  at  first.  (4.) 
The  climate.  Winter  lasts  from  October  to  May,  and 
is  succeeded  by  a  brief  spring  and  summer  of  intense 
heat.  In  April  the  Armenian  plains  are  still  covered 
with  snow ;  and  in  the  early  part  of  September  it 
freezes  keenly  at  night.  (5.)"  The  vegetation.  Grass 
grows  luxuriantly  on  the  plateau,  and  furnishes 
abundant  pasture  during  the  summer  to  the  flocks 
of  the  nomad  Kurds.  Wheat,  barley,  and  vines  ripen 
at  iar  higher  altitudes  than  on  the  Alps  and  the  Pyre- 
nees ;  and  the  harvest  is  brought 
to  maturity  with  wonderful 
speed.  These  observations  show 
that,  while  the  elevation  of  the 
Armenian  plateau  constituted  it 
the  natural  resting-place  of  tho 
ark  after  the  Deluge,  its  geo- 
graphical pcsition  and  physical 
character  secured  an  impartial 
distribution  of  mankind  to  the 
various  quarters  of  the  world. 
The  climate  furnished  a  power- 
ful inducement  to  sieek  the  more 
tempting  regions  on  all  sides  of 
it.  At  the  same  time  the  char- 
acter of  the  vegetation  was  re- 
markably adapted  to  the  nomad 
state  in  which  Noah's  early  de- 
scendants probably  lived. 

ir'a-ratli  (Tob.  i.  21)  =  Ara- 
rat. 

A-ran'Bab  (fr.  Heb.  various- 
ly written ;  =  Jali  is  strong, 
Fii.),  a  Jebusite  who  sold  to 
David  a  site  for  an  altar  to 
Jehovah  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  18-24);  =  Ornan.  Keil 
(on  1  Chr.  xxi.  26,  Eng.  tr.)  says  of  the  apparent 
discrepancy  between  1  Chronicles  and  2  Samuel  in 
regard  to  the  price,  &c. ;  "  in  1  Chr,  xxi.  25,  it  is 
stated  that  David  gave  to  Oman  for  the  place  (prob- 
ably the  hill,  Mount  Moriah)  600  shekels  of  gold. 
On  the  other  hand,  in  2  Sam.  xxiv.  24,  we  read  that 
David  bought  the  threshing-foor  and  the  oxen  for  50 
shekels  of  silver.  The  very  words  of  the  two  pas- 
sages show  that  the  authors  were  writing  of  diff'ertnt 
things,  and,  therefore,  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  there  is  any  error."  From  2  Sam.  xxiv.  23, 
"  these  things  did  Araunah  the  king,  give  unto  tho 
king,"  it  has  been  inferred  that  he  was  one  of  the 
royal  race  of  the  Jebusites. 

ir'ba  (Heb.  giant-Baal  or  Saal-Hercvles,  Fii.),  the 

progenitor  of  the  Anakim,  from  whom  Hkbkon  was 

called  KiRjATii-ARnA  (Josh.  xiv.  15,  xv.  13,  xxi.  11). 

Ar'bah  (=  Arra),  the  tit'}'  of  =  EiRJAxu-ABbA  or 

Hebron   Gen.  xxxv.  27). 


60 


ARB 


ARC 


Ar'bath-ite  (fr.  Heb.),  the,  =  a  native  of  the  Ara- 
BAH  or  Ohor.  Gescnius  makes  Arbathite  =  one 
from  Beth-arabah.  Abi  albon  the  Arbathite  was 
one  of  David's  valiant  men  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  31 ;  1  Chr. 
li.  32). 

Ir-bat'tls  (fr.  Gr.),  a  district  of  Palestine  (1  Mc.  v. 
23  only) ;  according  to  Ewald,  the  district  N.  of  the 
sea  of  Galilee,  part  of  which  is  still  called  Ard  el- 
Balihah,  but  perhaps  a  corruption  of  Acrabattine  = 
the  toparchy  between  Neapolis  and  Jericho.    Aerab- 

BIU. 

Ar-be'la  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  dtadel  of  Chd,  Wr.),  only 
in  1  Me.  ix.  2,  defining  the  situation  of  Masaloth, 
which  was  besieged  and  taken  by  Bacchides  and  Al- 
cimus.  According  to  Josephus  this  Arbela  was  a  city 
of  Galilee  near  the  lake  of  Gennesaret,  and  remark- 
able for  certain  impregnable  caves,  the  resort  of 
robbers  and  insurgents,  and  the  scene  of  more  than 
one  desperate  encounter.  Arbela  is  identified  with 
the  existing  Irbid,  a  site  with  a  few  ruins  W.  of 
Medjel  (Magdala),  on  the  S.  E.  side  of  the  Wady  el- 
Hamdm,  in  a  small  plain  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  of 
Kurun  Hattiii.  The  caverns  are  in  the  opposite  face 
of  the  ravine,  and  bear  the  name  of  Kuld'at  Ibn 
Madn.  Arbela  may  be  the  Betu-arbel  of  Hos.  x. 
14. 

Ar'bite,  the  (fr.  Heb.  =  native  of  Arab,  Ges.). 
Paarai  the  Arbite  was  one  of  David's  heroes  (2 
Sam.  xxiii.  35) ;  called  in*  1  Chr.  xi.  37,  Naarai  the 
son  of  EzBAi. 

Ar-bo'nat  (Gr.  Abronas),  a  torrent,  apparently  near 
Cilicia ;  possibly  the  Nahr  Abraim  or  Ibrahim  (an- 
cient Adonis),whicli  rises  in  Lebanon  at  Afka  (ancient 
Aphek),  and  falls  into  the  Mediterranean  at  Jebed 
(Byblos) ;  or  a  corruption  of  the  Hebrew  ''eber  han- 
ndhdr  —  beyond  Ihe  river,  i.  e.  Euphrates  (Jd.  ii.  24). 

*  Areh.  The  arch  was  used  by  the  Egyptians  at 
Thebes  as  early  as  b.  c.  1510  (Wilkinson),  and  by 
the  ancient  Assyrians  (Rawlinson).  It  was  therefore 
probably  known  to  the  Israelites.  The  plural  of  the 
Hebrew  eylim  is  translated  "  arches  "  in  Ez.  xl.  16 
ff.  A.  V.  (margin,  "  galleries  "  or  "  porches  ") ;  but 
the  real  meaning  is  doubtful.  The  'Targums,  LXX., 
Vulgate,  Fairbairn  {on  Ezekiel),  &e.,  translate /wj-f/iai; 
but  Gesenius  says  they  were  carried  round  an  edifice, 
and  are  distinguished  from  the  porches.  Fiirst  de- 
fines it  a  sort  of  hall-like  space  that  reeedea  and  pro- 
jects.   Temple. 

*  Arch-an'gel  [ark-ane'jel]  (fr.  Gr.  =:  a  chief  of 
the  angels)  1  Th.  iv.  16  ;  Jude  9.  Angel  ;  Gabriel  ; 
Michael  ;  Raphael  ;  Uriel. 

Ar-che-la  US  f-ke-]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  ^  leading  the  people, 
a  chief,  L.  &  S.),  son  of  Herod  the  Great,  by  a  Sa- 
maritan woman,  Malthace,  and,  with  his  brother 
Herod  Antipas,  brought  up  at  Rome.  At  the  death 
of  Herod  (b.  c.  4)  his  kingdom  was  divided  between 
his  three  sons,  Herod  Antipas,  Archelaus,  and  Philip. 
Herod  by  will  gave  to  Archelaus  "  the  kingdom," 
but  Augustus,  though  he  confirmed  the  will  in  gen- 
eral, appointed  Archelaus  ethnarch,  promising  him 
the  dignity  of  king  afterward,  if  he  governed  well. 
He  received  half  of  what  had  been  subject  to  Herod, 
including  Idumea,  Judea,  Samaria,  witli  the  cities  of 
Cesarea,  Sebaste,  Joppa,  and  Jerusalem,  the  wholei 
yielding  him  six  hundred  talents'  income  (Jos.  xy^| 
8,  §  1,  and  11,  §  4).  In  the  tenth  year  of  his  q^iigipi 
(ninth,  so  Dion  Cassius',  a.  d.  6,  a  complaint  was 
preferred  against  him  by  his  brothers  and  his  sub- 
jects on  the  ground  of  his  tyranny,  in  consequence 
of  which  he  was  banished  to  Vienne  in  Gaul,  where 
he  is  generally  said  to  have  died.  But  Jerome  re- 
lates that  he  was  shown  the  sepulchre  of  Archelaus 


near  Bethlehem.  He  seems  to  have  been  guilty  of 
great  cruelty  and  oppression  (Mat.  ii.  22).  Josephus 
relates  that  he  put  to  death  three  thousand  Jews  in 
the  Temple  not  long  after  his  accession.  Archelaus 
wedded  illegally  Glaphyra,  once  the  wife  of  his  bro- 
ther Alexander,  who  had  had  children  by  her. 

ArcU'e-ry.    Arms. 

Arche-Tites  [-ke-]  (fr.  Heb.),  perhaps  =  inhabit- 
ants of  Erech,  placed  as  colonists  in  Samaria  (Ezr. 
iv.  9). 

Ar'ebi  [-ki]  (Heb.)  Josh.  xvi.  2.     Archite. 

Ar-chip'pns  [-kip-]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  i-uUng  horses),  a 
Christian  teacher  in  Colosse  (Col.  iv.  17),  called  by 
St.  Paul  his  "  fellow-soliiier  "  (Phn.  2) ;  probably  a 
member  of  Philemon's  family.  Some  suppose  him 
to  have  bcQn  overseer  of  the  church  at  Colosse ; 
others  (improbably)  a  teacher  at  Laodicea.  There  is 
a  legend  that  he  was  one  of  the  seventy  disciples, 
and   suffered  martyrdom  at  Chona,  near  Laodicea. 

Ar'thite  [-kite]  (fr.  Heb.  as  if  from  a  place  named 
Erech),  the,  the  usual  designation  of  David's  friend 
Hushai  (2  Sam.  xv.  32,  xvii.  5,  14  ;  1  Chr.  xxvii.  33). 
The  same  word  (in  the  Hebrew)  occurs  in  Josh.  xvi. 
2,  where  "  the  borders  of  Archi  "  (i.  e.  "  the  Ar- 
chite") an;  named  as  somewhere  near  Bethel. 

Ar'ehl-tec-ture  [-ke-].  Gen.  iv.  17,  20,  22,  ap' 
pears  to  divide  mankind  into  the  "dwellers  in  tents" 
and  the  "  dwellers  in  cities."  (City  ;  Fenced  City.) 
The  race  of  Shem  (Gen.  x.  11,  12,  22,  xi.  2-9) 
founded  the  cities  in  the  plain  of  Shinar,  Babylon, 
Nineveh,  &c.,  one  of  which,  Resen,  is  called  '•  a  great 
city."  We  have  in  Gen.  xi.  3-9,  an  account  of  the 
earliest  recorded  building,  and  of  the  materials  em- 
ployed in  its  construction.  (Babel,  Tower  of.)  In 
Esth.  i.  2,  mention  is  made  of  the  palace  at  Susa 
(Shushan),  the  spring  residence  of  the  kings  of 
Persia  (Esth.  iil.  15) ;  and  in  Tobit  and  Judith,  of 
EcBATANA,  to  which  they  retired  during  the  heat  of 
summer  (Tob.  iii.  7,  xiv.  14  ;  Jd.  i.  14).  In  Egypt 
the  Israelites  appear  first  as  builders  of  cities  (Pitliom 
and  Raamses),  compelled  to  labor  at  the  buildings  of 
the  Egyptian  monarchs  (Ex.  i.  11).  The  Israelites 
were  by  occupation  shepherds,  and  by  habit  dwell- 
ers in  tents  (Gen.  xlvii.  3).  They  had  therefore 
originally,  speaking  properly,  no  architecture.  In 
Canaan  they  became  dwellers  in  towns  and  in  houses 
of  stone  (Lev.  xiv.  34,  45  ;  IK.  vii.  10);  but  these 
were  not  all,  nor  indeed  in  most  cases,  built  by  them- 
selves (Deut.  vi.  10;  Num.  xiii.  19,  22;  Josh.  xiv. 
15).  The  peaceful  reign  and  vast  wealth  of  Solo- 
mon gave  great  impulse  to  architecture ;  for  besides 
the  Temple  and  his  other  great  works,  he  built  for- 
tresses and  cities  in  various  places,  Baalath,  Tadmor, 
&c.  (1  K.  ix.  15-24).  Subsequent  kings  are  recorded 
as  builders:  Asa(l  K.  xv.  23),  Baasha  (xv.  17), 
Omri  (xvi.  24),  Ahab  (xvi.  32,  xxii.  39),  Hezekiah 
(2  K.  XX.  20 ;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  27-30),  Jehoash,  and 
Josiah  (2  K.  xii.  11,  12,  xxii.  6);  and  Jehoiakim, 
whose  winter  palace  is  mentioned  (Jer.  xxii.  14, 
xxxvi.  22  ;  see  also  Am.  iii.  15).  On  the  return  from 
captivity  the  chief  care  of  the  rulers  was  to  rebuild 
the  Temple  and  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  in  a  substan- 
tial manner,  with  stone,  and  with  timber  from  Leba- 
non (Ezr.  iii.  8,  v.  8  ;  Neh.  ii.  8,  iii.).  Under  Herod 
and  his  successors  not  only  was  the  Temple  magnifi- 
cently rebuilt,  but  the  fortifications  and  other  public 
buildings  of  Jerusalem  were  enlarged  and  embel- 
lished (Lk.  xxi.  5).  Herod  also  built  the  town  of 
Cesarea  ;  enlarged  Samaria,  and  named  it  Sebaste  ; 
built  the  cities  of  Agrippeum  and  Phasaelis ;  and 
even  adorned  with  buildings  many  foreign  cities. 
His  sons  built  or  rebuilt  Cesarea  Philippi,  Tiberias, 


ARC 


ABO 


61 


Bethsaida,  &c.  These  great  works  were  undoubted- 
ly splendid,  and  probably  formed  on  Greek  and 
liomun  models.  For  details  in  regard  to  the  palace 
of  Solomon,  the  temples,  &c.,  at  Jerusalem,  see  Je- 
ECSALEM  ;  Marble  ;  Palace  ;  Temple,  &c.  For  the 
domestic  architecture  of  the  Jews,  see  Handicraft  ; 
House. 

.Ire-tn'rns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  bear's  tail).  The  Hebrew 
words  'ii»A  and  ''ai/ish(^a  barrow  bearer,  the  Arabic 
name  of  the  Great  Bear,  Ges.),  rendered  "  Arcturus  " 
in  the  A.  V.  of  Job  ix.  9,  xxxviii.  32,  in  conformity 
with  the  Vulgate  of  the  former  passage,  are  now 
generally  believed  to  be  identical,  and  to  represent 
the  constellation  Ursa  Major,  known  commonly  as 
the  Great  Bear,  or  Charles's  Wain.  The  star  now 
known  as  Arcturus  is  a  star  of  the  first  magnitude 
jn  the  constellation  Bootes,  and  is  nearly  in  a  line 
with  two  bright  stars  in  the  tail  of  the  Great  Bear. 
The  ancient  versions  differ  greatly  in  their  render- 
ings. The  LXX.  render  'ash  by  the  "  Pleiades"  in 
Job  ix.  9  (unless  the  text  which  they  had  before 
them  had  the  words  in  a  different  order),  and  ^ayish 
by  "  Hesperus,"  the  evening  star,  in  Job  xxxviii.  32. 
In  the  former  they  are  followed  or  supported  by  the 
Chaldee,  in  the  latter  by  the  Vulgate. 

Ard  (Heb.  fugitive),  son  of  Bela  and  grandson  of 
Benjamin  (Num.  xxvi.  40) ;  ancestor  of  the  Ardites  ; 
probably  =  Ard,  the  "  son  "  of  Benjamin  in  Gen. 
xlvi.  21  ;  =  Addar  in  1  Chr.  viii.  3.  Becheb;  Naa- 
MAN  2. 

Ar'fUth— "the  field  called  Ardath  "  (2  Esd.  ii. 
26). 

Ard'ites  =  tbe  descendants  of  Ard  (Xam.  xxvi. 
40). 

Ar'don  (Heb.  fw/ilive,  Ges.),  son,  by  Azubah,  of 
Caleb  the  son  of  Uezron  (1  Chr.  ii.  18). 

A-re'll  (Heb.  sOTi  of  a  hero,  Ges. ;  see  Ariel),  a  son 
of  Gad  (Gen.  xlvi.  16;  Num.  xxvi.  IT);  ancestor  of 
the  Arelitss. 

•  A-r*'Iltes  =  a  family  descended  from  Areli 
(Num.  xxvi.  17).  < 

A-re-op'a-glte  [-jite]  =  a  member  of  the  court  of 
Areopagus  (Acts  xvii.  34). 

A-re-op'a-gns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  hill  of  Ares  ;  the  Gr. 
Ares  =  L.  Mars  ;  Acts  xvii.  19  ;  literally  translated 
Mars'  Hill  in  verse  22),  a  rocky  height  in  Athens, 
opposite  the  W.  end  of  the  Acropolis,  from  which  it 
is  separated  only  by  an  elevated  valley.  It  rises 
gradually  from  the  N.  end,  and  terminates  abruptly 
on  the  S.,  over  against  the  Acropolis,  at  which  point 
it  is  about  fifty  or  sixty  feet  above  the  valley  already 
mentioned.  Tradition  deiives  its  name  from  the 
legendary  trial,  before  the  gods  assembled  here,  of 
Mars  for  murdering  Neptune's  son  Halirrhothius. 
This  spot  was  the  place  of  meeting  of  the  celebrated 
Council  of  Areopagus,  often  called  simply  "  the  Are- 
opagus," the  mo.st  ancient  and  venerable  of  the 
Athenian  courts.  This  court  consisted  of  those  who 
had  held  the  office  of  Archon,  and  they  were  Areopa- 
gites  for  life,  unless  disqualified  by  misconduct.  At 
first  the  court  tried  only  cases  of  wilful  murder, 
wounding,  poison,  and  arson  ;  but  Solon  gave  it  ex- 
tensive censorial  and  politic;il  powers.  It  continued 
to  exist  under  the  Roman  emperors.  Its  meetings 
were  held  on  the  S.  E.  summit  of  the  rock.  There 
are  still  sixteen  stone  steps  cut  in  the  rock,  leading 
up  to  the  hill  from  the  valley  of  the  Agora  or  "  mar- 
ket "  l)elow ;  and  immediately  above  the  steps  is  a 
bench  of  stones  excavated  in  the  rock,  foiaiing  three 
sides  of  a  quadrangle,  and  facing  the  S.  Here  the 
Areopagitcs  sat  as  judges  in  the  open  air.  On  the 
E.  and  W.  side  are  raised  blocks,  probably  those  de- 


scribed by  Euripides  as  assigned,  one  to  the  accuser, 
the  other  to  the  accused. — The  Areopagus  was  the 
spot  from  which  St.  Paul  delivered  his  memorable 
address  to  the  men  of  Athens  (Acts  xvii.  22-31). 
Some  commentators  suppose  that  St.  Paul  was 
brought  before  the  Council  of  Areopagus ;  but  there 
is  no  trace  in  the  narrative  of  any  judicial  proceed- 
ings. He  "  disputed  daily  "  in  the  "  market "  (ver. 
17),  which  was  S.  of  the  Areopagus  in  the  valley. 
Attracting  more  and  more  attention,  "  certain  philos- 
ophers of  the  Epicureans  and  Stoics  "  brought  him 
up  from  the  valley,  probably  by  the  stone  steps  al- 
ready mentioned,  to  the  Areopagus  above,  that  they 
might  listen  to  him  more  conveniently.  Here  the 
philosophers  probably  took  their  seats  on  the  stone 
benches  usually  occupied  by  the  members  of  the 
Council,  while  the  multitude  stood  on  the  steps  and 
in  the  valley  below. 

A'res  (L.)  :;;  Arah  2  (1  Esd.  V.  10). 

Ar'e-tas  (Gr.  fr  Ar.  =  a  cutter,  graver,  Pococke, 
Wr.),  a  common  appellation  of  many  of  the  Arabian 
kings  or  chiefs.  (Arabia  ;  Edom;  Nebaioth.)  Only 
two  require  mention  here. — 1.  A  contemporary  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  (b.  c.  170)  and  Jason  (2  Mc.  v. 
8). — 2.  The  father-in-law  of  Herod  Antipas,  and 
king  of  Arabia  Petra?a,  whose  ethnarch  ("gov- 
ernor," A.  V.)  kept  the  city  of  Damascus  with  a 
garrison,  desirous  to  apprehend  St.  Paul  (2  Cor.  xi. 
32).  There  is  a  somewhat  difficult  chronological 
question  respecting  the  subordination  pf  Damascus 
to  this  Aretas.  Under  Augustus  and  Tiberius  the 
city  was  attached  to  the  province  of  Syria ;  and  it  is 
probable  that  a  change  in  the  rulership  took  place 
after  the'  death  of  Tiberius.  There  had  been  war  for 
some  time  between  Aretas  and  Herod  Aniipas.  A 
battle  was  fought,  and  the  army  of  Antipas  destroyed. 
Vitellius,  governor  of  Syria,  was  sent  to  his  aid 
against  Aretas  ;  but  while  on  his  march  he  heard  of 
the  death  of  Tiberius  (a.  d.  37),  and  remained  at 
Aniioeh.  By  this  change  of  affairs  at  Rome  a  com- 
plete reversal  took  place  in  the  situation  of  Antipas 
and  Aretas.  The  former  was  (a.  d.  39)  banished  to 
Lyons,  and  his  kingdom  given  to  his  nephew  and 
enemy  Herod  Agrippa,  who  was  intimate  with  the 
new  emperor  Caligula.  It  would  be  natural  that 
Aretas  should  be  received  into  favor ;  and  the  more 
so  as  Vitellius  had  an  old  grudge  against  Antipas, 
which,  Josephus  says,  he  concealed  till  he  obtained 
revenge  under  Caligula.  Now  in  a.  d.  SB,  Caligula  is 
known  to  have  made  several  changes  in  the  E. ;  and 
these  facts,  coupled  with  the  non-existence  of  any 
Damascene  coins  of  Caligula  or  Claudius,  make  it 
probable  that  about  this  time  Damascus,  which  had 
belonged  to  the  predecessor  of  Aretas,  was  granted  to 
him  by  Caligula.  The  other  hypotheses,  that  the 
ethnarch  was  ouly  visiting  the  city,  or  that  Aretas 
had  seized  Damascus  on  Vitellius's  giving  up  the  ex- 
pedition against  him,  are  very  improbable  (so  Dr. 
Alford). 

A-rt'ng  (fr.  Gr.),  a  king  of  the  Lacedemonians, 
whose  letter  to  the  high-priest  Onias  is  given  in  1 
Mc.  xii.  20-28.  There  were  two  Spartan  kings  of 
the  name  of  Areus,  of  whom  the  first  reigned  B.  c. 
309-265,  and  the  second,  grandson  of  the  former, 
died  at  eight  years  old,  b.  c.  257.  The  first  high- 
priest  of  the  name  of  Onias  held  the  office  B.  c.  323- 
800,  and  probably  wrote  the  letter  to  Areus  I.  be- 
tween 309  and  800. 

Ar'gob  (Heb.  the  stony),  a  tract  of  country  on  the 
E.  of  the  Jordan,  in  Bashan,  containing  sixty  great 
and  fortified  cities.  Argob  was  in  the  portion  allot- 
ted to  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh,  and  was  taken  pee- 


62 


ARQ 


ARK 


session  of  by  Jair.  (HAVOTn-JAiH.)  It  afterward 
formed  one  of  Solomon's  commissariat  districts  under 
an  officer  at  Raraoth-Gilead  (Deut.  iii.  4, 13,  14  ;  1  K. 
iv.  13).  In  later  times  Argob  was  called  Tracho- 
Niris,  apparently  a  mere  translation  of  the  older 
name ;  and  it  is  now  apparently  identified  with  the 
Ltjah,  a  very  remarkable  district  S.  of  Damascus, 
and  E.  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee.  This  extraordinary 
region — about  twenty-two  miles  from  N.  to  S.  by 
fourteen  from  W.  to  E.,  and  of  a  regular,  almost 
oval,  shape — has  been  described  as  an  ocean  of  ba- 
saltic rocks  and  bowlders,  tossed  about  in  the  wild- 
est confusion,  and  intermingled  with  fissures  and 
crevices  in  every  direction.  "  Strange  as  it  may 
seem,  this  forbidding  region  is  thickly  studded  with 
deserted  cities  and  villages,  all  solidly  built  and  of 
remote  antiquity  "  (Ptr.  ii.  241).  The  peculiar  He- 
brew word  constantly  attached  to  Argob  (hebel,  or 
chehel,  literally  =r  rope,  A.  V.  "  region  ")  accurately 
designates  the  remarkably  defined  boundary  of  the 
Lfjahy  "  sweeping  round  in  a  circle  clearly  defined  as 
a  rocky  shore  line  ; "  "  resembling  a  Cyclopean  wall 
in  ruins"  (Ptr.  ii.  219). 

Ar'gab  {Heb. ;  see  above),  a  man  killed  with  Pek- 
ahiah,  king  of  Israel  (2  K.  xv.  25) ;  perhaps  a  Gil- 
eadite  officer,  who  was  governor  of  Argob  ;  accord- 
ing to  some,  an  accomplice  of  Pekah  in  the  murder 
of  Pekahiah.  Sebastian  Sohmid  makes  Argob  and 
Arieh  —  two  princes  of  Pekahiah,  whom  Pekah  .slew 
with  the  king.  Rashi  makes  Argob  =  tlie  royal 
palace,  near  which  was  the  castle  in  which  the  mur- 
der took  place. 

A-rUa-ra'thes  [theez]  (Gr.,  probably  fr.  Sansc.  = 
great,  or  honorable,  master)  (properly  Mithridates)  VIi 
Plll-lop'a-tor  (Gr.  loviuD  his  father),  king  of  Cappa- 
docia,  B.  c.  163-130.  He  was  educated  at  Rome,  and 
his  subservience  to  the  wishes  of  the  Romans  (b.  c. 
158)  cost  him  his  kingdom;  but  he  was  shortly 
afterward  restored  by  the  Romans  to  a  share  in  the 
government ;  and  on  the  capture  of  his  rival  Olopher- 
nes  by  Demetrius  Soter,  regained  the  supreme  power. 
He  fell,  B.  c.  130,  in  the  war  of  the  Romans  against 
Aristoiiicus.  Letters  were  addressed  to  him  from 
Rome  in  favor  of  the  Jews  (1  Mc.  xv.  22),  who,  in 
after-timis,  seem  to  have  been  numerous  in  his  king- 
dom (Acts  ii.  9  ;  compare  1  Pet.  i.  1). 

A-rid'a-i  or  A-ri'dai  (Heb.  fr.  Pers.  =  the  strong? 
Ges. ;  perhaps  fr.  Zend  =  giving  what  is  worthy,  Fii.), 
ninth  son  of  Hainan  (Esth.  ix.  9). 

A-rld'a-tba  or  Ar-i-da'tha  (etymology  =  Aridai, 
Ges.),  sixth  son  of  llaraan  (Esth.  ix.  8). 

A'rI-ch  (Heb.  tlie  ho;i,  probably  from  his  daring  as 
a  warrior),  cither  an  accomplice  of  Pekah  in  his  con- 
spiracy against  Pekahiah,  king  of  Israel ;  or  (so  Se- 
bastian Schmid)  a  prince  of  Pekahiah,  who  was  put 
to  deatli  with  him  (2  K.  xv.  25).  Rashi  explains  it 
literally  of  a  golden  lion  which  stood  in  the  castle. 
Argob. 

A'rl-el  (Heb.  lion,  i.  e.  hero,  of  Ood,  or  hearth  of 
Ood  ;  see  below).  1,  One  of  the  "  chief  men  "  under 
Ezra  in  the  caravan  from  B.ibylon  to  Jerusalem  (Ezr. 
viii.  16). — The  Hebrew  word  occurs  also  in  reference 
to  two  Moabites  slain  by  Benaiah  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  20 ; 
1  Chr.  xi.  22).  Many  with  Gesenius  and  A.  V.  re- 
gard the  word  as  an  epithet,  "  lion-like ; "  but  The- 
nius,  Winer,  Fiirst,  &c.,  make  it  a  proper  name,  and 
translate  "  two  (sons)  of  Ariel"  (comp.  Areli). — 2. 
A  designation  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem  (Is.  xxix.  1,  2, 
7).  Gesenius,  Ewald,  Havemick,  and  many  others 
make  it  =:  lion  of  God  ;  Umbreit,  Knobel,  and  most 
ancient  Jewish  expositors  make  it  =  hearth  of  God, 
tracing  the  first  part  to  the  Arabic.    The  latter  mean- 


ing is  suggested  by  the  use  of  the  word  in  Ez.  xliii. 
15,  16  (where,  however,  the  reading  is  doubtful),  as 
a  synonyme  for  the  altar  of  burnt-ofiering,  though 
Hiivernick  makes  it  even  here  =  lion  of  God, 
Ar-l-ma-tha;'a  (L.)  =  Arimathea. 
Ar-i-ma-the'a  (L.  Arimalhasa,  fr.  Heb.  Ramath- 
ai.m),  "a  city  of  Judea;"  the  birthplace  or  residence 
of  Joseph  ok  Arimathea  (Mat.  xxvii.  57  ;  Mk.  xv.  43  ; 
Lk.  xxiii.  51  ;  Jn.  xix.  38);  probably  =  the  Ramah 
of  1  Sam.  i.  1,  19.     Ramah  2. 

A'ri-och  [-ok]  (Assyrio-Chal.  fr.  Sansc.  =  vener- 
able, Bohlen,  Ges.  ;  noble,  Fii.).  1.  The  king  of 
EUasar,  an  ally  of  Chedorlaomer  in  his  expedition 
against  Sodom,  &c.  (Gen.  xiv.  1,  9). — 2.  The  captain 
of  Nebuchadnezzar's  body-guard  (Dan.  ii.  14,  &c.). 
— 3>  King  of  the  Elymeans  (Jd.  i.  6).  Junius  and 
Tremellius  make  him  =  Deioces,  king  of  part  of  Media. 
A-rls'a-i  or  A-ri'sal  (Pers.  fr.  Sansc.  =  Vishnn\ 
arrow,  Bohlen),  eighth  son  of  Haman  (Esth.  ix.  9). 

Ar-is-tar'cbas  [-kus]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  excellent  ruler, 
L.  &  S.),  a  Thcssalonian,  who  accompanied  St.  Paul 
on  his  third  missionary  journey,  and  with  Gains  was 
seized  in  the  tumult  at  Ephesus  (Acts  xix.  29).  He 
was  with  the  apostle  on  his  return  to  Asia  (xx.  4) ; 
and  again  (xxvii.  2)  on  his  voyage  to  Rome.  He  was 
afterward  St.  Paul's  fellow-prisoner  and  fellow-laboier 
in  Rome  (Col.  iv.  10;  Phn.  24).  Tradition  makes 
him  bishop  of  Apamea. 

Ai'-is-tO-bu'lns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  best  advised,  or  best 
advising,  L.  &.  S.).  1«  A  Jewish  priest,  who  resided 
in  Egypt  in  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  VI.  Philometor. 
In  a  letter  of  Judas  Maccabeus  he  is  addressed  (165 
B.  c.)  as  the  representative  of  the  Egyptian  Jews, 
and  "the  master"  (i.  e.  counsellor'?)  of  the  king 
(2  Mc.  i.  10).  He  was  probably  the  peripatetic  philos- 
opher who  dedicated  to  Ptolemy  Philometor  his  alle- 
goric exposition  of  the  Pentateuch.  Considerable 
fragments  of  this  work  have  been  preserved  by  Cle- 
mens Alexandrinus  and  Eusebius,  but  the  authenticity 
of  the  quotations,  though  now  generally  conceded, 
has  been  vigorously  contested.  The  object  of  Aris- 
tobulus  was  to  prove  that  the  peripatetic  doctrines 
were  based  on  the  Law  and  the  Prophets.  (Alex- 
andria.)— 2.  A  resident  at  Rome,  some  of  whose 
household  are  greeted  in  Rom.  xvi.  10.  Tradition 
makes  him  one  of  the  seventy  disciples,  and  after- 
ward a  preacher  of  the  Gospel  in  Britain. 

•  Ark,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb.  dron  (see 
Ark  of  the  Covenant  ;  Chest  1),  and  tebdh,  and  the 
Gr.  kibdtois.  The  Heb.  tebih  is  used  of  both  Noah's 
"ark"  (Gen.  vi. -viii.  ;  see  Noah),  and  the  "ark" 
in  which  Moses  was  put  (Ex.  ii.  3,  5 ;  see  Reed  2). 
The  Gr.  kibotos  in  N.  T.  and  Apocrypha  denotes 
both  Noah's  "ark"  (Mat.  xxiv.  38,  &c.)  and  the 
"  ark "  of  the  covenant  (2  Mc.  ii.  4,  5 ;  Heb.  ix. 
4,  &c.). 

Ark  of  the  Cov'e-nant  [kuv-].  The  first  piece  of 
the  tabernacle's  furniture,  for  which  precise  direc- 
tions were  delivered  (Ex.  xxv.). — I.  It  appears  to 
have  been  an  oblong  chest  (Ark)  of  shittim  (acacia) 
wood,  two  and  a  half  cubits  long,  by  one  and  a  half 
broad  and  deep.  Within  and  witliout  gold  was  over- 
laid on  the  wood,  and  on  the  upper  side  or  lid,  which 
was  edged  with  gold,  the  Merct  Seat  (Cherdbim) 
was  placed.  Tlie  ark  had  a  ring  at  each  of  the  four 
corners,  and  through  these  were  passed  staves  of  the 
same  wood  similarly  overlaid,  by  which  it  wts  car- 
ried by  the  Kohathites  (Num.  vii.  9,  x.  21).  The 
ends  of  the  staves  were  visible  without  the  veil  in 
the  holy  place  of  the  temple  of  Solomon  (IK.  viiii 
8).  The  ark,  when  transported,  was  enveloped  in 
the  "  veil "  of  the  dismantled  Tabernacle,  in  the 


ARK 


ARM 


63 


curtain  of  badger's  skins,  and  in  a  blue  cloth  over  all, 
and  was  therefore  not  seen  (Num.  iv.  5,  20). — II.  Its 
purpose  or  object  was  to  contain  inviolate  the  Divine 
autograph  of  the  two  tables,  that  "covenant"  from 
which  it  derived  its  title.  It  was  alco  probably  a 
reliquary  for  the  pot  of  manna  and  the  rod  of  Aaron. 
1  K.  viii.  9  says  "  there  was  nothing  in  the  ark  save 
the  two  tables  of  stone  which  Moses  put  there  at 
Horeb."  Vet  Ileb.  ix.  4  asserts  that,  besides  the 
two  tables  of  stone,  the  "  pot  of  manna  "  and  "  Aa- 
ron's rod  that  budded  "  were  inside  the  ark  ;  prob- 
ably by  Solomon's  time  these  relics  had  disappeared. 
The  A.  V.  in  1  Chr.  xiii.  3,  "  we  inquired  not  at  it," 
seems  to  imply  a  use  of  the  ark  for  an  oracle ;  but 
the  LXX.  translate  "  we  sought  it  not."  (Ahiah  1.) 
— Occupying  the  most  holy  spot  of  the  sanctuary,  it 
tended  to  exclude  any  idol  from  the  centre  of  wor- 
ship. It  was  also  the  support  of  the  mercy  seat, 
materially  symbolizing,  perhaps,  the  "  covenant "  as 
that  on  which  "  mercy  "  rested.  Jer.  iii.  16  predicts 
the  time  when  even  "  the  ark  should  be  no  more  re- 
membered," as  tlie  climax  of  spiritualized  religion. — 
III.  For  the  chief  facts  in  the  earlier  history  of  the  ark, 
see  Josh.  iii.  and  vi.  In  the  decline  of  religion  in  a 
later  period  a  superstitious  security  was  attached  to 
its  presence  in  battle  ( 1  Sam.  iv.).  Yet,  though  this  was 
rebuked  by  its  permitted  capture,  its  sanctity,  when 
captured,  was  vindicated  by  miracles,  in  its  avenging 
progress  through  the  Philistine  cities  (v.).  After- 
ward it  came  back,  first  to  Betii-shemesh  (vi.) ;  then 
it  sojourned  among  several,  probably  Levitical,  fam- 
ilies (vii.  1,  2;  2  Sam.  vi.  3,  11  ;  1  Chr.  xiii.  13,  xv. 
24,  25)  in  the  border  villages  of  E.  Judah,  and  did 
not  take  its  place  in  the  tabernacle,  but  dwelt  in  cur- 
tains, i.  e.  in  a  separate  tent  pitched  for  it  in  Jeni- 
salera  by  David.  Its  bringing  up  by  David  thither 
was  a  national  festival.  Subsequently  the  Temple, 
when  completed,  received,  in  the  installation  of  the 
ark  in  its  shrine,  the  signal  of  its  inauguration  by 
the  effulgence  of  Divine  glory  instantly  manifested. 
Several  Psalms  contain  allusions  to  these  events, 
c.  g.  xxiy,,  xlvii.,  cv.,  cxxxii. — When  idolatry  became 
more  shameless  in  Judah,  Manasseh  placed  "a 
carved  image  "  in  the  "  house  of  God,"  and  probably 
removed  the  ark  to  make  way  for  it.  This  may  ac- 
count for  its  being  remstated  by  Josiah  (2  Chr. 
xxxiii.  7,  XXXV.  3).  It  was  probably  taken  or  de- 
stroyed by  Nebuchadnezzar  (2  Esd.  x.  22).  Pri- 
dcaux's  argument  that  there  miml  have  been  an  ark 


EfTpttaa  Ark.— <WIlkluoD,  Jnettnt  i^/<<«M.) 

in  the  second  temple  is  of  no  weight  against  express 
testimony,  such  us  that  of  Josephus,  ic.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Rabbins,  a  sacred  stone,  the  "  stone  of 
drinking,"  stood  in  its  stead. — The  ancient  Egyp- 
tians, Etruscans,  Greeks,  Romans,  &c.,  had  also 
mystic  chests  or  arks. 

Ark'lte  (fr.  Ueb.  =  inhabitant  of  Area  or  of  Arce, 
Ges.),  the,  one  of  the  families  of  the  Canaunites 


(Gen.  X.  17  ;  1  Chr.  i.  16),  located  in  the  N.  of  Phe- 
nicia.  The  city  of  Arce  or  Area  is  mentioned  by 
Josephus,  Pliny,  Ptolemy,  &c.  From  jElius  Lanipri- 
dius  we  learn  that  it  contained  a  temple  dedicated 
to  Alexander  the  Great.  It  was  the  birthplace  of 
Alexander  Severus,  and  was  thence  called  Caesarea 
Libani.  The  Crusaders  besieged  it,  a.  d.  1099,  for 
two  months  in  vain,  but  afterward  took  it.  In  1202 
it  was  destroyed  by  an  earthquake.  The  site,  now 
'Arka,  lies  on  the  coast,  two  to  two  and  a  half  liours 
from  the  shore,  about  twelve  miles  N.  of  Tripoli,  and 
five  S.  of  the  Nahr  el-JOicbir.  A  rocky  hill  rises  to 
the  height  of  one  hundred  feet  close  above  the  A'a/ir 
'Arka  ;  on  the  top  of  this  is  an  area  of  about  two 
acres,  en  which  and  on  a  plateau  to  theN.  the  ruins 
of  the  former  town  are  scattered. 

•  irm,  one  of  the  upper  limbs  of  the  human  body 
(2  Sam.  i.  10,  &c.),  often  figuratively  =:  strength, 
might,  jioucr  (Ex.  xv.  16;  Ps.  xliv.  3;  Jn.  xii.  38, 
&c.).  Hence  "  to  break  one's  arm  "  =  to  destroy  his 
jjouer  (Ps.  X.  15,  &c.).  "With  a  stretched-out 
arm  "  (Ex.  vi.  6,  &c.),  and  "  to  make  bare  the  arm  " 
(Is.  Hi.  10),  refer  to  the  position  of  an  ancient  war- 
rior ready  for  battle  and  prepared  to  use  his  strength 
to  the  best  iulvanlage.     Dress. 

Ar-m»-ged  don  [g  hard]  (fr.  Heb.  =  hll  o/Megid- 
ro),  a  place  (Rev.  xvi.  16).  The  locality  imphed  in 
the  Hebrew  term  is  the  great  battle-field  of  the  0.  T. 
In  a  similar  passage  in  Joel  (iii.  2,  12),  the  sense  of 
the  Divine  judgments  is  spoken  of  as  the  "  valley  of 
Jehoshaphat,"  the  fact  underlying  the  image  being 
Jehoshaphat's  great  victory  (2  Chr.  xx.  26 ;  sec  Zecli. 
xiv.  2,  4).  So  here  the  scene  of  the  struggle  of  good 
and  evil  is  suggested  by  that  battle-field,  the  plain 
of  Esdraelon,  which  was  famous  for  two  great  vic- 
tories, of  Barak  over  the  Canaanites  (Judg.  iv.,  v.), 
and  of  Gideon  over  the  Midianites  (vii.) ;  and  for  two 
great  disasters,  the  deaths  of  Saul  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  8), 
and  of  Josiah  (2  K.  xxiii.  29,  30;  2  Clir.  xxxv.  22). 
The  same  figurative  language  is  used  in  Zecb.  xii. 
11. 

Ar-me'nl-a  (L.  end  Gr.,  fr.  Heb.  =  mountains  of 
MiNNi ;  see  below)  is  not  in  the  Hebrew,  though  it 
occurs  in  A.  V.  (2  K.  xix.  37;  Is.  xxxvii.  38)  for 
Ararat  (comp,  marg.).  The  Hebrew  writers  use  the 
names  Ararat,  Mi.sni,  and  Togarmah  to  describe 
certain  districts  of  Armenia  (see  below). — The  limits 
of  the  region  called  Armenia  have  varied  greatly, 
but  are  described  in  general  under  Ararat.  The  Ar- 
menians cliiim  descent  from  llaig  or  Uaik,  son  of 
Tliorgom  (  =  Togarmah).  The  ancient  kingdom  of 
Armenia  fell  before  the  Macedonian  power  D.  c.  328. 
Afterward  it  was  sometimes  independent,  sometimes 
under  the  Syrian  or  other  foreign  rule.  Lesser  Ar- 
menia (the  i)art  W.  of  the  Euphrates)  became  a 
Roman  province  under  Vespasian.  Greater  Arme- 
nia (E.  of  the  Euphrates)  was  an  independent  king- 
dom 190-34  B.  c,  and  was  afterward  for  centuries 
an  object  of  contention  between  the  Romans  and 
Parthians,  who  by  turns  appointed  and  deposed  its 
rulers.  M.iny  of  the  Armenians  became  Christians 
in  the  fourth  century,  and  the  W.  part  of  Armenia 
was  attached  to  the  Roman  empire  a.  d.  387  ;  the 
E.  part  was  then  assigned  by  compact  to  Persia,  and 
soon  became  a  field  of  heathenish  persecution.  The 
Armenians  are  now  widely  scattered  through  Turkey 
and  other  countries  ;  all  nominally  Christians ;  every- 
where, like  the  Jews,  a  distinct  trading  people,  but 
nowhere  an  independent  nation.  The  Armenian  is 
one  of  the  chief  Oriental  churches ;  and  in  its  forms, 
&c.,  is  much  like  the  Greek  church. — The  acquaint- 
ance of  the  Hebrews  with  this  country  was  probably 


64 


ARM 


ARM 


derived  from  the  Phenicians.  In  the  prophets,  Ar- 
menia is  one  of  the  extreme  N.  nations  known  to  the 
Jews.  (1.)  Arakat,  properly  the  central  district  of 
Armenia,  whither  the  sons  of  Sennacherib  fled  (2  K. 
xix.  37,  marg. ;  Is.  xxxvii.  38,  marg.),  is  summoned 
in  Jer.  li.  27,  with  Minni  and  Ashchenaz,  to  the  de- 
struction of  Babylon.  (2.)  Minni,  only  in  Jer.  li.  27, 
is  probably  =  the  district  Miuyas,  in  the  upper  val- 
ley of  the  Mnrad-su  branch  of  the  Euphrates.  (3.) 
ToQARMAH  is  uoticcd  in  two  passages  of  Ezekiel,  in 
both  of  which  it  apparently  =  Armenia.  In  xxvii. 
14,  he  speaks  of  Togarmah  in  connection  with  Me- 
shech  and  Tubal ;  in  xxxviii.  6,  it  is  described  as 
"of  the  N.  quarters"  in  connection  with  Gomer. 
These  particulars,  the  known  relationship  between 
Togarmah,  Ashkenaz,  and  Riphath  (Gen.  x.  3),  and 
the  traditional  belief  of  the  Armenians  thU  they  are 
descendants  from  Togarmvh,  unite  to  establish  the 
conclusion  that  Togarmah  =  Armenia.  Tonoues, 
Confusion  of  ;  Versio.ns,  Ancient  (Armenian). 

Arm'let,  an  ornament  universal  in  the  East,  espe- 
cially among  women ;  used  by  princes  as  one  of  the 
insignia  of  royalty,  and  by  distinguished  persons  in 
general.  The  word  is  not  used  in  the  A.  V. ;  in 
Num.  xxxi.  50,  the  Hebrew  ets^d-ldh  is  translated 
"chains;"  in  2  Sam.  i.  10,  "the  bracelet  on  his 
arm."  Sometimes  only  one  was  worn,  on  the  right 
arm  (Esclu.-i.  xxi.  21).  From  Cant.  viii.  6,  it  appears 
that  the  signet  sometimes  consisted  of  a  jewel  on  the 
armlet.  These  ornaments  were  worn  by  most  an- 
cient princes.  They  are  frequent  on  the  sculptures 
of  Persepolis  and  Nineveh,  and  were  worn  by  the 
kings  and  people  of  Persia,  by  the  old  British  chiefs, 
&c.  In  the  Egyptian  monuments  kings  are  often 
represented  with  armlets  and  bracelets.  They  are 
still  worn  among  the  most  splendid  regalia  of  modern 


I.  Offensive  weapons  :  Arms. 

II.  Defensive  weapons :  Armor. 

I.     Offensive  weapons. — 1.  The   "Sword"   (Heb. 

hereb  or  chereb)  is  frequently  mentioned  (Gen.  iii.  24, 

xxvii.  40,  xxxi.   26,   xxxiv.   25,   26,   &c.);  but  very 

Uttle  can  be  gathered  as  to  its  shape,  size,  material, 


Assyrian  Armlet.— (From  Niaeveh  Marbles,  British  Museum.) 

oriental  sovereigns,  and  it  is  even  said  that  those  of  the 
king  of  Persia  are  worth  a  million  pounds  sterling. 
Now,  as  in  ancient  times,  they  are  sometimes  made 
plain,  sometimes  enchased  ;  sometimes  with  the  ends 
not  joined,  and  sometimes  a  complete  circle.  Their 
enormous  weight  may  be  conjectured  from  Gen. 
xxiv.  22.  Bracelet;  Gold;  Ornaments,  Personal. 
Ar-mo'ni  (Heb.  of  a  fortress,  palatine,  Ges.),  son 
of  Saul  by  Rizpah  (2  Sam.  xxi.  8). 

•  Ar'mor.    Arms. 

•  Ar'mor-bear'cr,  one  who  bears  another's  shield, 
&c. ;  one  who  carries  the  arms  or  armor  of  a  king 
or  military  chief  Abimeleeh  (Judg.  ix.  54),  Saul  (1 
Sam.  xvi.  21,  xxxi.  4  ff. ;  1  Chr.  x.  4  f ),  Jonathan 
his  son  (1  Sam.  xiv.  1  ff.),  Goliath  (1  Sam.  xvii.  7, 
41),  and  Joab  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  37 ;  1  Chr.  xi.  39),  are 
mentioned  as  having  had  each  his  armor-bearer. 
David  was  armor-bearer  to  Saul,  and  Naharai  to 
Joab.  Joab  had  ten  armor-bearera  at  Absalom's 
death  (2  Sam.  xviii.  15). 

•  Ar  mo-ry,  a  building  for  receiving  arms  or  armor, 
or  for  suspending  them  within  or  upon  it  (Neh.  iii. 
19 ;  Cant.  iv.  4 ;  compare  1  K.  x.  17  ;  2  Chr.  xi.  12  ; 
Ez.  xxvii.  10,  1 1 ).     It  is  used  figuratively  in  Jer.  1.  25. 

Arms,  Ar'mori  The  subject  naturally  divides  itself 
into— 


Gr.  beftry-armed  Warrior —From  Hope's  Cottume  of  tAt  Aneienti. — (Tbo.) 

or  mode  of  use.  Ehud's  sword  ("dagger,"  A.  V., 
but  the  same  in  Hebrew,  as  above)  was  only  a  cubit 
long,  concealed  under  his  garment,  and  we  do  not 
know  that  it  was  shorter  than  usual.  But  even  if  it 
was,  the  narratives  m  2  Sam.  ii.  16,  and  xx.  8-10, 
and  the  case  with  which  David  used  the  sword  of  Go- 
hath  (1  Sam.  xvii.  51 ;  xxi.  9),  go  to  show  that  the 
Hebrew  sword  was  both  lighter  and  shorter  than  the 
modem  sword  It  was  carried  in  a  sheath  (Heb. 
ta'ar  in  1  Sam.  xvii.  51,  &c. ;  ndddn  in  1  Chr.  xxi. 
27),  slung  by  a  girdle  (1  Sam.  xxv.  13),  and  resting 
upon  the  thigh  (Ps.  xlv.  3;  Judg.  iii.  16),  or  upon 
the  hips  (2  Sam.  xx.  8).  The  common  Greek  sword 
(Gr.  xiphos,  A.  V.  "sword,"  onlv  in  2  Mc.  xiv.  41 ; 
=  Heb.  hereb  in  LXX.,  in  Josh."  x.  28  ff,  &c.)  had  a 
short  cut-and-thrust  blade,  diminishing  gradually  from 
hilt  to  point,  made  in  early  times  of  bronze,  afterward 
of  iron,  and  was  worn  on  the  left  side.  A  long  and 
broad  sword  (Gr.  rhomphaia  ;  see  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.\ 
like  that  used  by  the  Thracians,  and  carried  on  the 
rights-boulder  =  "sword"  in  Ecclus.  xxi.  3,  xxii. 
21,  xxvi.  28,  xxxis.  30,  xl.  9,  xlvi.  2  ;  Bar.  ii.  25  ; 
1  Mc.  ii.  9,  iii.  3,  iv.  33,  vii.  38,  viii.  23,  ix.  73  ;  2  Mc. 
XV.  15,  16  ;  Lk.  ii.  35  ;  Rev.  i.  16,  ii.  12,  16,  vi.  8, 
xix.  15,  21  :  also  in  the  LXX.  in  Gen.  iii.  24  ;  Ex.  v. 
21,  xxxii.  27,  &c.  =  Heb.  hereb.  The  Gr.  machaira 
(originally  [so  L.  &  S.]  a  large  knife  or  dirk  ;  as  a 
weapon,  a  short  sword  or  dagger;  afterward  a  sabre  or 
bent  sword;  compare  xiphos,  above)  is  translated 
"sword"  in  Ecclus.  xxviii.  18;  1  Mc.  iii.  12,  x.  85; 
Mat.  X.  34,  xxvi.  47  ff.,  and  often  in  the  N.  T. ;  and 
very  often  in  the  LXX.  =  Heb.  hereb  (Gen.  xxvii. 
40,  &c.).  "  Girding  on  the  sword  "  symbolically  = 
commencing  war ;  and  a  similar  expression  denotes 
those  able  to  serve  (Judg.  viii.  10;  1  Chr.  xxi.  5). 
We  read  of  swords  with  two  edges  (Judg.  iii.  16  ; 
Ps.  cxlix.  fi  ;  Ecclus.  xxi.  3 ;   Heb.  iv.  12  ;  Rev.  i.  16, 


ARU 


ARM 


65 


ii.  12),  and  "  whetting"  the  sword  (Deut.  xxxii.  41 ; 
Ps.  Ixiv.  3  ;  Ez.  xxi.  9).  Doubtless  it  was  of  metal, 
<or  it  was  bright  and  "glittering  ;"  but  Josh.  v.  2, 
3  ("  swords  of  rock,"  A.  V.  "  sharp  knives  ")  per- 
haps implies  that  in  early  times  the  material  was 


flint.  (Axe;  Knife.)— 2.  The  "Spear,"  of  which 
there  were  at  least  three  distinct  kinds,  a.  The 
"  Spear  "  (Ileb.  hanith  or  chanilh),  apparently  of  the 
largest  kind.  It  was  the  weapon  of  Goliath  (1  Sam. 
xvii.  7,  45  ;  2  Sam.  xxi.  19  ;  1  Chr.  xx.   5),  and  of 


Romftn  Soldier.— Bartoli'i  Arch  of  Seven*.— <Fbn.) 


Auyriiia  Spearman. — tFbn.) 


Egyptian  heavy-armed  Soldier. — (Fbn.) 


Other  giants  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  21  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  23)  and 
mighty  warriors  (2  Sam.  ii.  23,  xxiii.  18;  1  Chr.  xi. 
11,  20).  It  was  the  habitual  companion  of  King 
Saul  (1  Sam.  xxii.  6,  xxvi.  7  ff. ;  2  Sara.  i.  6).  This 
heavy  weapon  (not  the  lighter  "javelin,"  A.  V.)  he 
cast  at  Diivid  (1  Sam.  «viii.  10,  11.  xix.  9,  10),  and 
at  Jonathan  (xx.  33).     The  "  hinder  end  "  of  this, 


Pmlan  Sword,  or  Actnacet. 

Ahncr  drove  through  the  body  of  Asahel  (2  Sam.  ii. 
28).  It  is  mentioned  also  in  1  Sam.  xiii.  19,  22, 
xxi.  8  ;  2  K.  xi.  10;  1  Chr.  xii.  34  ;  2  Chr.  xxiii,  9, 
and  numerous  poetical  passages. — b.  The  "Javelin" 
( Heb.  cidon),  apparently  lighter  than  the  preceding. 
It  was  appropriate  for  such  manosuvring  as  in  Josh, 
viii.  14-27,  and  could  be  held  outstretched  for  a 
Q 


considerable  time  (18,  26  ;  A.  V.  "  spear  ").  When 
not  in  action  it  was  carried  on  the  warrior's  back 
(1  Sam.  xvii.  6,  A.  Y.  "  target  ").  In  Job  xxxix.  23, 
the  A.  V.  inconsistently,  with  the  Vulgate,  translates 
"  shield,"  as,  with  the  Vulgate  and  LXX.,  in  1  Sam. 
xvii.  45  ;  in  xli.  29  (Heb.  21)  "  spear,"  as  in  Jer.  vl. 
23 ;  in  Jer.  1.  42,  '^  lance."— c.  Another  kind  of 
spear  (Ileb.  romah  or  rornach).  This  occurs 
in  Num.  xxv.  7  (A.  V.  "javelin") ;  Judg.  v. 
8  ;  1  K.  xviii.  28  (A.  V.  "  lancets  ;"  of  161 1, 
"  lancers  ") ;  often  in  the  later  books,  espe- 
cially in  the  phrase  "shield  and  spear" 
(=  aims);  1  Chr.  xii.  8  (A.  V.  "buckler"), 
£4  ("spear"),  2  Chr.  xi.  12,  xiv.  8  (Heb.  7), 
xxv.  6;  Nch.  iv.  13,  16,  21  (Heb.  7,  10, 
15);  Ez.  xxxix.  9,  kc.—d.  Proljably  a  lighter 
missile  or  "dart"  (Heb.  she/ah  or  shelach  = 
something  sf«?) ;  translated  in  A.  V.  in  2  Chr. 
xxiii.  10,  "weapon,"  xxxii.  5,  "darts;" 
Neh.  iv.  17  (Heb.  11)  "weapon,"  23  (Heb. 
17,  "weapon"  in  marg.);  Job  xxxiii.  18, 
xxxvi.  12,  "sHord"  m  both;  Joel  ii.  8, 
•  "  sword,"  "  dart "  in  margin.     The  Gr.  belos 

(Eph.  vi.  16)  and  bolis  (Ileb.  xii.  20),  both 
translated  "  dart  "  in  A.  V.,  =  shehih  or  liels 
(arrow,  No.  3,  below)  in  LXX.— «.  The  Hel). 
sliebel,  ordinarily  =  a  rod  (Ex.  xxi.  20,  &c.), 
or  staff  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  21,  &c.),  and  hence  a 
bdton  or  sapire  (Gen.  xlix.  10,  &c.),  is  used 
once  for  the  "darts"  with  which  Joab  dis- 
patched Absalom  (2  Sam.  xviii.  14).  The 
plural  of  the  Gr.  xulo7t,  translated  "staves" 
in  Mat.  xxvi.  47,  66;  Mk.  xiv.  43,  48;  Lk. 
xxii.  52,  literally  =  wood,  hence  things  of  wood,  clubs, 
staves,  &c.— •/.  Tlie  Heb.  makkilyad,  literally  transla- 
ted in  LXX.,  Vulgate,  A.  V.,  &e.,  "  liand-staves  "  (Ez. 
xxxix.  9),  according  to  Gescnius  =  dart,  or  javelin. — 
ff.  The  Heb.  tai/in  (=:  spear,  lance,  Ges.)  occurs  once 
2  Sam.  xxi.  16),  and  is  translated  "  spear  "  in  the  A. 
'.,  as  in  the  LXX.  and  Vulgate— A.  The  Qeb.  I60wih 


■?. 


66 


ARM 


or  idlhdch,  translated  in  A.  V.  "  darts  "  in  Job  xli.  29 
(Heb.  21),  but  in  the  LXX.  and  Vulgate  "  hammer," 
"mallet,"  or  "  maul,"  =  club,  bludgeon,  Gesenius. — /. 
The  Heb.  massd,  translated  "  dart  "  in  A.  V.  in  Job 
ili.  26  (Heb.  18),  =  darl,  arrow,  Gesenius. — "  Spear  " 


SwordB,  various,  from  Lavard,  Botta,  K«r  Porter,  Ac— (Fbn.) 
1,  Aiayrian  Sword-hiU.    2,  Aaavrlan  curved  Sword.    3,  Persian  Acinacea. 
4,  End  of  Aaayrian  Sword-sheath.    5,  Roman  Sword-    6,  Greek  Sword. 

occurs  in  tlie  N.  T.  only  in  Ju.  xix.  34,  and  there  = 
the  Gr.  longcke,  which  the  LXX.  use  in  1  Sam.  xvii. 
7  as  =  Goliath's  "spear's  head"  (its  proper  mean- 
ing), but  in  Judg.  v.  8,  &c.,  as  =  Heb.  romah.  In 
the  Apocrypha  "  spear "  is   the  translation  of  the 


GpTptlan  Javelins.  Spear  and  Dart  beads,  from  Wilkinson. — fFbn.) 
1,  Javelins.  2,  Javelin-head.  3, 4,  Speur-heads.  5,  Dart  head. 


Or.  words  lonc/chS  (2  Mc.  xt.  11),  doru  (Jd.  xi.  2; 
Ecclus.  xxix.  13),  and  gaisos  {Jd.  ix.  7).  Of  these 
the  third  is  used  in  the  LXX.  as  =:  Heb.  eidon  in 
Josh.  Till.  18.  The  second  {doru)  is  the  common 
translation  of  the  Heb.  hanilh,  also  of  rdmah  in  2 
Chr.  xi.  12,  xiv.  8,  xxvi.  14,  &c.,  and  of  kayin  in  2 
Sam.  xxi.  16.  "Darts"  in  Jd.  i.  15  =  plural  of  Gr. 
zibunS,  which  the  LXX.  use  for  haniih  ("  spear  ")  in 
Is.  ii.  4,  and  for  «rf(5«  ("  spear")  in  Jer.  vi.  23. — 
"  Pikes  "  in  2  Mc.  t.  3  =  the  plural  of  Gr.  kamax 
(  =  any  long  piece  of  mood,  shaft  of  a  spear,  &c.,  L. 
&  S.).— 3.  The  "  Bow"  (Heb.  kesheth;  Gr.  toxon)  is 
met  with  in  the  earliest  history,  in  use  both  for  the 
chase  (Gen.  xxi.  20,  xxvii.  3)  and  war(xlviii.  22).  In 
later  times  archers  accompanied  the  Philistine  (1 
Sam.  xxxi.  3 ;  1  Chr.  x.  3)  and  Syrian  armies  (1  K. 
xxii.  34).  Hebrew  common  soldiers,  captains  high 
in  rank  (2  K.  ix.  24),  and  even  kings'  sons  (1  Sam. 
xviii.  4),  carried  the  bow,  and  were  expert  in  its  use 


ARM 

(xx.  20,  36 ;  2  Sam.  i.  22).  The  tribe  of  Benjamin 
seems  to  have  been  especially  addicted  to  archery 
(1  Chr.  viii.  40,  xii.  2  ;  2  Chr.  xiv.  8,  xvii.  17);  but 
there  were  also  bowmen  among  Reuben,  Gad,  Mana?- 
seh  (1  Chr.  v.  18),  und  Ephraim  (Ps.lxxviii.  9).    The 


Egyptian  Archer  and  Quiver.— From  Wllkinsoa— (Fbn.) 

bow  seems  to  have  been  bent  by  the  aid  of  the  foot, 
the  Hebrew  behigliteriiUy  (readers  of  t/ic  bow,  &c.,  in 
1  Chr.  V.  18,  viii.  40;  2  Chr.  xiv.  8;  Is.  v.  28;  Pp. 
vii.  12,  &c.  Bows  of  "steel"  (?)  are  mentioned  as 
if  specially  strong  (2  Sam.  xxii.  35  ;  Job  xx.  24 ;  Ps. 
xviii.  34).  It  is  possible  that  in  1  Chr.  xii.  2,  a  kind 
of  bow  for  shooting  bullets  or  stones  is  alluded  to 
(Wis.  V.  22,  "  stone-bow  ").  The  "  Arrows  "  (Heb. 
hets  or  chets,  plural  hitstsim  or  chitstsim)  were  carried 
in  a  Qdiver.  The  bow  and  arrows  are  called 
"artillery"  (1  Sam.  xx.  40;  marg.  "instruments"), 
i.  e.  weapons.  (Fdrnitcre  1.)  From  Job  vi.  4,  they 
seem  to  have  been  sometimes  poisoned  ;  and  Ps.  cxx. 
4,  may  point  to  a  practice  of  using  arrows  with  some 
burning  material  at- 
tached to  them.  (Div- 
ination 10;  Magog.) 
—  4.  The  "Sling" 
(Heb.  kela';  Greek 
sphendone)  consists  of 
two  strings  of  sinew 
or  some  fibrous  sub- 
stance, attached  to  a 
leathern  receptacle 
for  the  stone  in  the 
centre;  it  is  swung 
once  or  twice  round 
the  head,  and  the 
stone  is  then  dis- 
charged by  letting  go 
one  of  the  strings. 
The  sling  is  first  al- 
luded to  in  Judg.  XX. 
16,  in  noticing  the 
seven  hundred  Bcn- 
jamites  who  with  their 
left  hand  could  "sling 
stones  at  an  liair- 
breadth  and  not  miss" 
(comp.  1  Clir.  xii.  2). 
David  killed  Goliath 
of  a  Hebrew  or  Syrian  shepherd  (1  Sam.  xvii.  40  ff.), 


Roman  Slinger. — From   Column  of  An- 
toninus.— (Fbn.) 


with   this    common  weapon 


ARM 


ARM 


67 


who  by  using  it  kept  at  a  distance  and  drove  off  any 
tiling  attempting  to  molest  his  flocks.  Abigail's 
bold  metaphor — "  the  souls  of  thine  enemies,  them 
shall  God  sliug  out,  as  out  of  the  middle  of  a  sling" 
(1  Sam.  x.\v.  29) — was  natural  for  the  wife  of  a  man 
whose  possessions  in  flocks  were  so  great  as  those  of 
Nabal.  The  sling  was  advantageously  used  among 
the  Syrians  as  well  as  the  Hebrews  in  attacking 
and  defending  towns,  and  in  skirmishing  (1  Mc. 
ix.  11).  In  action  the  stones  were  carried  in  a 
bag  round  the  neck  (1  Sam.  xvii.  40)  or  were  heaped 
up  at  the  feet  of  the  combatant.  Under  the  mon- 
archy, slingers  formed  part  of  the  regular  army  (2'  K. 
iii.  25),  though  the  slings  with  which  they  could 
break  down  the  fortifications  of  Kir-liaraseth  must 
have  been  more  ponderous  than  in  early  times,  and 
more  like  the  engines  which  king  Uzziah  contrived 
to  "  shoot  great  stones  "  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  15 ;  E.ngine). 
In  2  Chr.  xxvi.  14,  mention  is  made  of  stones  espe- 
cially adapted  (or  sUiigs  (i.  e.  smooth  stone.« ;  com- 
pare 1  Sam.  xvii.  40): — "Uzziah  prepared  .... 
shields  and  spears  .  .  .  bows  and  sling-stones  "  (see 
margin  ;  A.  V.  "slings  to  cast  stones  "). 

II.  Armor. — 1.  The  "Breastplate"  occurs  in  1 
Sam.  xvii.  5,  in  descnbing  Goliath's  equipments, 
Hcb.  shiryon  kmkassim,  A.  V.  "  coat  of  mail," 
literally  breastplate  o/sca'es,  and  further  (38),  where 
Shirijon  alone  is  translated  "coat  of  mail."  This 
passage  contains  the  most  complete  inventory  of 
the  furniture  of  a  warrior  to  be  found  in  the  sacred 
history.  The  Heb.  shtrymi  (A.  V.  "harness;" 
margin,  "  breastplate ")  occurs  in  1  K.  xxii.  34, 
and  2  Chr.  xviiL  33,  in  the  phrase  translated  in 
A.  v.,  after  the  Syriac,  "  between  the  joints  of  the 
harness,"  where  the  real  meaning  is  probably  "  be- 
tween the  joints  and  the  breastplate."  One  of  the 
three  forms,  Khiri/6ii,  s/iiri/oii,  MryAIi,  is  also  found 
in  2  Chr.  xxvi.  'l4  and  Neh.  iv.  16  (Hcb.  10,  trane- 
late<l  in  A.  V.  "  habergeons "  in  both) ;  in  Job  xli. 
26  (lleb.  18  ;  A.  V.  "  habergeon  ; "  mai^in,  "  breast- 
plate"), and  Is.  lix.  17  (A.  V.  "breastplate"). 
(Sinio.N.) — A  kindred  word  (Heb.  sirijon  =  coat  of 
tiwil,  Ges.)  is  translated  "  brigandine  "  in  the  A.  V. 
of  Jer.  xlvi.  4,  li.  8.     The  Gr.  tliorax  occurs  in  Rev. 


i|ik(tii<tiiiiiiiiii 


EfTptiao  Cnlnaet — From  WUMqiod.— (Fbo.) 

ix-  9,  17  ;  figuratively  in  Eph.  vi.  14  ;  1  Th.  v.  8  ;  in 
liXX.  for shiryon, &c.  The  "  breastplate  "  oreuirass, 
covere<l  the  body  from  the  neck  to  the  thighs,  and 
coDoiHted  of  two  parts,  one  covering  the  front,  the 
other  the  back  (Rbn.  Jf.  T.  LexX  It  was  of  bronze 
(BRAS.a),  iron,  sometimes  of  gold,  &c.  (Hioii-prikst.) 
—2.  The  Hcb.  ta/ird  or  tac/ird,  in  A.  V.  "  habergeon  " 
(i.  e.  a  (|uilted  shirt  or  double*  put  on  over  the  head), 
is  mentioned  but  twice — in  reference  to  the  gown  of 
the  high-priest  (Ex.  xxviii.  32,  xxxix.  23).     Gesenius 


defines  the  Hebrew  "  a  military  garmcni,  properly  of 
linen,  strong  and  thickly  woven,  and  furnished  round 
the  neck  and  breast  with  a  breastplate  or  coat  of 


Assyrian  Cuirass. — From  Layard. — (Fbn.) 

mail."— 3.  The  " Helmet "  (Heb.  coba'  or  ioba'  ; 
Gr.  jirrikephalaia  ;  1  Sara.  xvii.  5,  38 ;  2  Chr.  xxvi. 
14;  Ez.  xxvii.  10;  Eph.  vi.  17,  &c.),  for  covering 
and   defending  the  head,   was   originally  made  oif 


Egyptian  Helmets.— From  VViIkIiisoQ.-KFbn.) 

leatnor  or  skin,  frequently  strengthened  or  adorned 
with  bronze  or  gold,  with  or  without  a  crest,  some- 
times wholly  of  metal,  or  of  wood,  of  cloth  in  many 
folds,&c. — 4.  "  Greaves  "(Heb.miVs^rfAor  nnVsc/xiA), 
or  defences  for  the  feet  (.so  Mr.  Grove),  or  for  the 
legs  (so  Ges.,  Kit.,  Fbn.,  &e.), 
made  of  brass,  are  named  in  1 
Sam.  xvii.  6,  only. — 5.  Two  or 
more  kinds  of  "  Shield  "  are  dis- 
tinguishable, a.  The  large  shield 
(Hcb.  feiHJid/i),  encompassing (Ps. 
V.  12,  XXXV.  2,  A.  v.  "  buckler," 
xci.  4)  and  protecting  tlie  whole 
person.  When  not  in  actual  con- 
flict, it  was  carried  before  the 
warrior  (1  Sam.  xvii.  7,  41).  The 
word  is  used  in  the  formula 
"  shield  and  spear,"  &c.,  in  1  Chr. 
xii.  8,  24,  34  ;  2  Chr.  xi.  12,  &c.,  to  denote  weapons 
generally  (see  "  Spear,"  a,  b,  above).  *.  Of  smaller 
dimensions  was  the  buckler  or  target  (Heb.  tndgeu), 
probably  for  use  in  hand-to-hand  fighting.  The 
difference  in  size  between  thi.t  and  the  tahm&h  is 
evident  from  1  K.  x.  16,  17;  2  Chr.  ix.  15,  16, 
where  a  much  larger  quantity  of  gold  is  used  for  the 
tximiAh  (A.  V.  "  target ")  than  for  the  m<}ffen  (A.  V. 
"shield  ").  The  nttlc/en  is  mentioned  in  2  Sam.  i.  21, 
xxii.  81  (A.  V.  "buckler");  2  Chr.  xii.  9,  10;  Job 
XV.  26  (A.  V.  "  bucklers  ") ;  I's.  iii.  3  (Heb.  4,  A.  V. 
"shield");  xviii.  2  (Heb.  3,  A.  V.  "  buckler  "),  4c. 
It  also  occurs  in  a  formula  for  weapons  of  war,  w  ith 
the  bow  (2  Chr.  xiv.  8  [Hcb.  7,  A.  V.  "shields"], 
xvii.  17),  darts  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  6).  The  ordinary 
shield  consisted  of  a  frame-work  of  wood  covered 
with  leather,  and  thus  might  be  burned  (Ez.  X2xix. 


■Jrinn  Ortaves. — 
Lsyard.— (Fin.) 


68 


ARM 


ARM 


9).  The  "  boss  "  (Job  xv.  36)  was  the  exterior  con- 
vex part  or  back  (Ges.).  The  mdgen  was  frequently 
cased  with  metal,  either  brass  or  copper ;  its  appear- 
ance in  tliis  c;ise  resembled  gold,  when  the  sun  shone 
on  it  (1  Mc.  vi.  39),  and  to  this  rather  than  to  the 
practice  of  smearing  blood  on  the  shield,  we  may 
refer  the  redness  in  Nah.  ii.  3.  Shields  were  anointed 
(Oil),  and  protected  from  the  weather  by  being  kept 
covered,  except  in  actual  conflict  (Is.  xxii.  6).  The 
shield  was  worn  on  the  left  arm,  to  which  it  was  at- 
tached by  a  strap.  Shields  of  state  were  covered 
with  beaten  gold.  Solomon  made  such  for  use  in 
religious  processions  (1  K.  x.  16,  11).     Shields  were 


ShleldA — 1,  AMjrian.    2,  8,  Peraisa.— From  Layanl,  Ker  Porter.— {Fba  .) 


suspended  about  public  buildings  for  ornamental 
purposes  (1  K.  x.  17;  1  Mc.  iv.  67,  vi.  2).  In  meta- 
phorical language  tiie  "  shield  "  =  protection  or  pro- 
tector, generally  spoken  of  God  (Gan.  xv.  1 ;  Ps.  iii. 

3,  xxviii.  7,  Ixxxiv.  11  [Heb.  12],  &c.),  but  in  Ps. 
xlvii.  9  (Heb.  10),  of  earthly  rulers,  in  Eph.  vi.  16,  of 
faith.  The  Gr.  thureos  (=  "shield,"  A.  V.,  Eph.  vi. 
16)  is  used  in  the  LXX.  for  both  mdffSn  (Judg.  v.  8; 
2  Sam.  i.  21,  &c.)  and  fsinndh  ("target,"  A.  V.,  2 
Chr.  ix.  15,  &c.).  So  the  Gr.  anpin  (—  "  shield,"  A. 
v.,  inJd.  ix.  7;  Ecclus.  xxix.  13  ;  1  Mc.  xv.  18,  20; 

2  Mc.  V.  3)  in  the  LXX.  =  nviyen  (1  Chr.  v.  18  ;  2 
Chr.  ix.  16,  &c.)  and  tsinndh  once  (Jer.  xlvi.  3,  xxvi. 

3  Gr.).  The  plural  of  the  Gr.  aspidiskS  (=  small 
nhielrh)  is  once  used  (1  Me.  iv.  57,  "shields,"  A.  V.). 
The  Gr.  hoplon,  a  general  term  for  arms  (used  in  the 
LXX.  for  "  weapons  "  in  Ez.  xxxix.  9),  is  translated 
in  the  plural  "  shields "  in  1  Mc.  vi.  2,  and  in  the 
LXX  =  mAgen  (1  K.  x.  17,  xiv.  26,  27,  &c.),  both 
sfielah  (see  J.  2,  d,  above)  and  mir/en  (A.  V.  "  darts 
and  shields,"  2  Chr.  xxxii.  5),  shelel  (see  6,  below  ; 
A.  V.  "  weapon,"  2  Chr.  xxiii.  9),  and  both  tsinndh 
and  sdherdk  (see  c,  below ;  A.  V.  "  shield  and  buck- 
ler," Ps.  xci.  4,  xc.  4  Gr.).— «.  The  Heb.  soherdh  or 
socherdh,  a  poetical  term  occurring  only  in  Ps.  xci. 

4,  =  "  shield,"  A.  V.,  and  so  Gesenius. — 6.  The  Heb. 
shelet  is  translated  by  some  (after  Rashi)  "  quiver," 
by  some  "  weapons  "  generally,  by  others  (Kimchi, 
Ges.,  A.  v.,  and  most)  a  "  shield."  It  denoted  cer- 
tain weapons  of  gold  taken  by  David  from  Hadade- 
zer,  king  of  Zobah  (2  Sam.  viii.  7 ;  1  Chr.  xviii.  7), 
and  dedicated  in  the  Temple  (2  K.  xi.  10  ;  2  Chr. 
xxiii.  9  ;  Cant.  iv.  4).  In  Jer.  li.  11  ;  Ez.  xxvii.  11, 
the  word  refers  to  foreign  armor.     Egtpt  ;  Persians. 

Armyi     I.  Hebrew  army. — The  military  organiza- 
tion of  the  Hebrews  commenced  with  their  depar- 


ture from  Egypt.  Every  man  above  twenty  years  of 
age  was  a  soldier  (Num.  i.  3):  each  tribe  formed  a 
regiment  with  its  own  banner  and  leader  (ii.  2,  x. 
14) :  their  positions  in  the  camp  or  on  tlio  inarch 
were  accurately  fixed  (ii.  x. ;  E.ncampmknt):  the 
whole  army  started  and  stopped  at  a  given  signal  (x. 
5,  6) :  thus  they  came  up  out  of  Egypt  ready  for 
tile  fight  (Ex.  xiii.  18).  On  the  approach  of  an  ene- 
my, a  conscription  was  made  from  the  general  body 
under  the  direction  of  a  muster-master  (A.  V.  "  of- 
ficer "  or  "  scribe  of  the  host,"  Deut.  xx.  5 :  2  K. 
xxy.  19  ;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  11),  by  whom  also  the  officers 
were  appointed  (Deut.  xx.  9).  The  army  was  then 
divided  into  thousands  and  hundreds  under  their  re- 
spective cajitains  (Num.  xxxi.  14),  and  still  further 
into  families  (ii.  34;  2  Chr.  xxv.  5,  xxvi.  12).  From 
the  time  the  Israelites  entered  Canaan  until  the  es- 
tablishment of  tlie  kingdom,  little  progress  was 
made  in  military  affairs ;  their  wars  resembled  border 
forays.  (War.)  No  general  muster  was  made  at 
this  period  ;  but  the  combatants  were  summoned  on 
the  spur  of  the  moment. — With  the  kings  arose  the 
custom  of  maintaining  a  body-guard,  which  formed 
the  nucleus  of  a  standing  army.  Thus  Saul  had 
3,000  select  warriors  (1  Sam.  xiii.  2,  xiv.  52,  xxiv. 
2),  and  David,  before  his  accession  to  the  throne, 
600  (xxiii.  13,  xxv.  13).  This  band  he  retained  after 
he  became  king,  and  added  the  Cheretiiites  and 
Peletiiites  (2  Sam.  xv.  18,  xx.  7),  together  with  an- 
other class  (called  in  Hebrew  shdlishim,  literally 
third  men  ;  hence  chariot-warriors,  so  Gesenius,  be- 
cause each  chariot  coDtained  three  soldiers ;  the 
thirty  officers  of  the  guard,  so  Ewald,  see  2  Sam. 
xxiii.  23  ff),  officers  of  high  rank  (A.  V.  "captains" 
n  1  K.  ix.  22 ;  2  K.  x.  25 ;  1  Chr.  xi.  11,  &c.),  the 
chief  of  whom  (2  K.  vii.  2,  A.  V.  "  lord ; "  1  Chr. 
xii.  18,  A.  V.  "chief  of  the  captains")  was  imme- 
diately about  the  king's  person.  David  further  or- 
ganized a  national  militia,  divided  into  twelve  regi- 
ments, each  serving  under  its  own  officers  a  year  (1 
Chr.  xxvii.  1);  at  the  head  of  the  army  when  in 
active  service  he  appointed  a  commander-in-chief  (A. 
V.  "  captain  of  the  host,"  1  Sam.  xiv.  50 ;  2  Sam. 
xix.  13  ;  or  "  general,"  1  Chr.  xxvii.  34). — Hitherto 
the  anny  had  consisted  entirely  of  infantry  (A.  V. 
"  footmen,"  1  Sam.  iv.  10,  xv.  4),  the  use  of  horses 
having  been  restrained  by  divine  command  (Deut. 
xvii.  16);  but  David  reserved  100  chariots  from  the 
spoil  of  the  Syrians  (2  Sam.  viii.  4) :  these  probably 
served  as  the  foundation  of  the  force  which  Solomon 
afterward  enlarged  to  1,400  chariots  and  12,000 
horsemen  (1  K.  x.  26 ;  2  Chr.  i.  14  ;  Chariot  ;  Horse). 
— It  does  not  appear  that  the  system  established  by 
David  was  maintained  by  the  kings  of  Judah ;  but 
in  Israel  the  proximity  of  Syria  necessitated  the 
maintenance  of  a  standing  army.  The  militia  was 
occasionally  called  out  in  time  of  peace  (2  Chr.  xiv. 
8,  xxv.  5,  xxvi.  11);  but  such  cases  were  excep- 
tional. On  the  other  hand  the  body-guard  appears 
to  have  been  regularly  kept  up  (1  K.  xiv.  28  ;  2  K. 
xi.  4,  11).  Occasional  lefcrence  is  made  to  war- 
chariots  and  horsemen  (viii.  21,  xviii.  23,  24,  &c.). 
— Of  the  arrangement  and  manoeuvring  of  the  ai-my 
in  the  field,  we  know  but  little.  A  division  into 
three  bodies  is  frequently  mentioned  (Judg.  vii.  16, 
ix.  43;  1  Sam.  xi.  11  ;  2  Sam.  xviii.  2).  Jehoshaphat 
divided  his  army  into  five  bodies  (2  Chr.  xvii.  14- 
18).  The  maintenance  and  equipment  of  the  soldiers 
at  the  public  expense  dates  from  the  establishment 
of  a  standing  army.  U  is  doubtful  whether  the  sol- 
dier ever  received  pay  even  under  the  kings  (the 
only  recorded  instance  of  pay  applies  to  mercenaries, 


ASN 


ARP 


69 


2  Chr.  XXV.  6) :  but  he  was  maintained,  while  on 
active  service,  and  provided  with  arms  (1  K.  iv.  27, 
X.  16,  17;  2  Chr.  x.wi.  14).  At  the  Exodus  the 
number  of  the  warriors  was  600,000  (Ex.  xii.  37)  or 
603,550  (xxxviii.  26 ;  Xum.  i.  46) ;  at  the  entrance 
into  Canaan  601,730  (xxvi.  51).  In  David's  time  the 
army  amounted,  according  to  2  Sam.  xxiv.  9,  to 
1,800,000,  viz.  800,000  for  Israel  and  900,000  for 
Judah;  but  according  to  1  Chr.  xxi.  5,  6  to  1,670,- 
0(10,  viz.  1,100,000  for  Israel  and  470,000  for  Judah. 
(NiMBKK.)  The  militia  in  service,  a  division  for 
each  month  of  the  vear,  then  amounted  to  24,000  x 
12  =  288,000  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  1  ff.).  Afterward  the 
army  of  Judah  under  Abijah  is  stated  at  400,000, 
and  that  of  Israel  under  Jeroboam  at  800,000  (2 
Chr.  xiii.  3).  Still  later,  Asa's  army,  derived  from 
Judah  and  Benjamin  alone,  is  put  at  580,000  (xiv. 
8)  and  Jehoshaphat's  at  1,160,000  (xvii.  14  ff. ;  Ckn- 
scs).  The  system  adopted  by  Judas  Maccabeus  was 
in  strict  conformity  with  the  Mosaic  law  (1  Mc.  iii. 
65) :  and  though  he  maintained  a  standing  army  (iv. 
6  ;  2  Mc.  viii.  16),  yet  the  custom  of  paying  the  sol- 
diers appears  to  have  originated  afterward  with 
Simon  (1  Mc.  xiv.  32).  The  introduction  of  meice- 
naries  commenced  with  John  Hyrcanus;  the  intes- 
tine commotions  in  the  reign  of  Alexander  Jannseus 
obliged  him  to  increase  the  number  to  6,200  men  ;  and 
the  same  policy  was  followed  by  Alexandra  and  by 
Herod  the  Great,  who  had  in  his  pay  Thracian,  Ger- 
manic, and  Gallic  troops.  The  discipline  and  arrange- 
ment of  the  army  was  gradually  assimilated  to  that 
of  the  Romans,  and  the  titles  of  the  officers  borrowed 
from  it. —  II.  Roman  Arm II. — This  was  divided  into 
legions,  the  number  of  which  varied  considerably, 
each  under  six  tribunes  ( "  chief  captain,"  Acts  xxi. 
31),  who  commanded  by  turns.  The  legion  w  as  sub- 
divided into  ten  cohorts  ("  band,"  Acts  x.  1),  the  co- 
hort into  three  maniples,  and  the  maniples  into  two 
centuries,  containing  originally  a  hundred  men,  as 
the  name  implies,  but  subsequently  from  fifty  to 
a  hundred,  according  to  the  strength  of  the  legion. 
There  were  thus  in  a  legion  sixty  centuries,  each 
under  a  centurion  (Acts  x.  1,  22  ;  Mat.  viii.  5,  xxvii. 
64).  In  addition  to  the  legionary  cohorts,  indepen- 
dent cohorts  of  volunteers  served  under  the  Koman 
8t..ndard9.  One  of  these  cohorts  was  named  the 
Italian  (Acts  x.  1),  as  consisting  of  volunteers  from 
Italy.  The  cohort  named  "Augustus'  "  (xxvii.  1) 
may  have  been  an  independent  cohort,  known  as  the 
Augustan  or  imperial,  because  it  held  some  such  re- 
lation to  the  procurator  as  the  imperial  life-guard  at 
Kome  held  to  the  emperor.  It  may  have  been  = 
the  Italian  cohort  above  (Hackett,  o«  Acts,  1.  c). 
The  headquarters  of  the  Koman  forces  in  Judea  were 
at  Ccsarca.  Captain  ;  Ensign  ;  Ql-ateknion  ;  Spear- 

MKN. 

ir'na  (L.),  an  ancestor  of  Ezra  (2  Esd.  i.  2) ;  =: 
Zeraiiiaii  1,  or  Zaraias  1. 

Arnaii  (Hel).  active,  nimble,  Ges.),  a  man  whose 
sons  are  in  Zcrubbabfl's  genealogy  (1  Chr.  iii.  21); 
according  to  the  LXX.,  Vulgate,  and  Syriac  versions, 
son  of  Kephaiah. 

Ar'non  (Ilcb.  a  ntshing,  roaring,  i.  e.  a  roaritig 
ftream,  Ges.),  the  river  or  torrent  which  formed  the 
N.  boundary  of  Moah,  separating  Moab  from  the 
Amorites  (Num.  xxi.  13  ff. ;  Judg.  xi.  22),  and  after- 
ward from  Israel  (Ueuben)  (Deut.  ii.  24,  36,  iii.  8, 
12,  16,  iv.  48;  Josh.  xii.  I,  2,  xiii.  9,  16;  Judg.  xi. 
18,  26  ;  2  K.  X.  33  ;  Jer.  xlviii.  20).  From  Judg.  xi. 
18,  it  seems  to  have  been  also  the  E.  border  of  Moab. 
Its  fords  are  mentioned  in  Is.  xvi.  2;  its  IIioii 
PtACES  in  Num.  xxi.  28.    By  Josephus  it  is  described 


as  rising  in  the  mountains  of  Arabia  and  flowing 
through  all  the  wilderness  till  it  falls  into  the  Dead 
Sea.  The  modern  Wady  el-Mojeb  undoubtedly  = 
the  Arnon.  Its  principal  source  is  near  Katrine,  on 
the  route  of  the  Mecca  pilgrims.  Thence  it  flows 
N.W.  under  several  names,  and  takes  that  of  Wady 
el-Mojtb  one  hour  E.  of  ^Ar&Hr  (Aeoek),  whence  it 
flows  AV.  to  the  Dead  Sea.  On  the  S.  edge  of  the 
ravine  through  which  it  flows  are  some  ruins  called 
Mehalet  el  Haj,  and  on  the  N.  edge,  directly  oppo- 
site, those  oVAraHr.  Burckhardt  judged  the  width 
across  the  ravine  here  to  be  about  two  niiles ;  tlie 
descent  on  the  S.  sic'e  lo  the  water  is  extremely 
steep  and  almost  impassable.  The  stream  (in  June 
and  July)  runs  through  a  level  strip  of  giass  some 
forty  yards  in  width,  with  a  few  oleanders  and  wil- 
lows on  the  margin.  It  enters  the  Bead  Sea  through 
a  chasm  about  one  hundred  feet  wide  and  a  low 
delta  at  its  mouth. 

A-rod'  (Heb.  perhaps  =  icild  ass,  Ges.),  a  son  of 
Gad;  ancestor  of  the  Ai.omTEs  (Kum.  xxvi.  17); 
called  Arodi  in  Gen.  xlvi.  16. 

A-io'di  (Heb.)  =  Aeod. 

i'rod-ites.    Arod. 

A-ro'er  (Heb.  ruins,  places  whose  fonndations  are 
laid  bare,  Ges.),  the  name  of  several  towns  of  E. 
and  W.  Palestine.  1.  A  city  "by  the  brink"  or 
"on  the  bank  of,"  or  "by"  the  torrent  Arnon,  the 
S.  point  of  (he  territory  of  Sihon,  king  of  the  Amor- 
ites, and  afterward  of  the  tribe  of  Reuben  (Deut.  ii. 
36,  iii.  12,  iv.  48;  Josh.  xii.  2,  xiii.  9,  16  ;  Judg.  xi. 
26 ;  2  K.  X.  33  ;  1  Chr.  v.  8),  but  later  again  in  pos- 
session of  Moab  (Jer.  xlviii.  19).  The  description 
of  Aroer  by  Eustbius  and  Jerome  agrees  with  that  of 
Burckhardt,  who  found  ruins  named  'Arffir  on  the 
old  Roman  road,  upon  the  very  edge  of  the  precipi- 
tous N.  bank  of  the  Wadi/  JHojib.  Burckhardt 
found  also  between  the  Arnon  and  \]'adi/  Lejum,  one 
hour  E.  of  Aroer,  a  hill  w  ith  ruins,  perhaps  "  the 
city  that  is  in  the  midst  of  the  river  "  (Josh.  xiii.  9, 
16,  Ac;  Aenon). — 2.  Aroer  "that  is  'facing' (A. 
V.  "before")  Ijadeah  1,"  a  town  built  by  and  be- 
longing to  Gad  (Num.  xxxii.  34 ;  Josh.  xiii.  25 ;  2  Sam. 
xxiv.  6) ;  probably  the  place  mentioned  in  Judg.  xi. 
33;  perhaps  at  Ayra,  a  ruined  fite,  two  and  a  half 
hours  S.  W.  of  (S-Salt  (Ritter).^3,  Aroer,  in  Is. 
xvii.  2,  if  a  place  at  all,  must  be  still  furthei'  N.  than 
No.  2,  and  dependent  on  Damascus.  Roi^enmiiller, 
Gesenius  (formerly),  &c.,  however  took  it  to  be  = 
No.  2:  Gesenius  (Lex.  1654,  ed.  by  libn.)  translated 
"Aroer"  here  rnins. — 4<  A  town  in  Judah  (1  Sam. 
XXX.  28  only),  identified  (Rbn.  ii.  199)  with  some 
ruins  called  Ar'drah,  in  HWv  'Ar'Arah,  on  the  road 
from  Petra  to  Gaza,  about  eleven  miles  E.  S.  £.  of 
Beer-sheba. 

A-ro'er-lte  (fr.  Heb.  =  one  from  Akoer),  a  designa- 
tion of  Ilothan  (1  Chr.  xi.  44). 

A'rom  (Gr.),  ancestor  of  thirty-two  men,  said  lo 
have  returned  with  Zorobnbel  (1  Esd.  v.  16);  possi- 
bly =  HAsnrM  1. 

"  Ar-path  shad  [-pak-]  (Heb.;  Gen.  x.  22,  marg.) 
=  Akpiiaxaii. 

Ar'pad  (Heb.  prop,  tvpport,  i.  e.  forlijied  city, 
Ges.),  d  city  or  district  In  Syria,  apparently  depend- 
ent on  Damascus  (Jer.  xlix.  23) ;  invariably  named 
with  Hamatii,  but  otherwise  unknown  (2  K.  xviii. 
84,  xix.  13;  Is.  x.  9);  =  A.  V.  "Arphad"  in  Is. 
xxxvi.  19,  xxxvii.  13.  Some  have  6U))poscd  Arpad 
=  Arvao,  but  the  similarity  of  names  does  not 
prove  this. 

Ar'phad  f-fadj  =  Arpad. 

Ar-phai'«d  (Or.  and  L. ;  Heb.  ArpachAad  =  the 


70 


ARR 


ASA 


stronghold  of  the  Chaldees,  Ewald).  1.  Son  of  Shem 
and  ancestor  of  Eber  (Gen.  x.  22,  24,  xi.  10-13 ;  Lk. 
iii.  36).  Boehart  supposed  the  name  preserved  in 
that  of  the  province  Arrapachitis  in  N.  Assyria. — 2. 
A  king  "  who  reigned  over  the  Modes  in  Ecbatana, 
and  strengthened  the  city  by  vast  fortifications,"  and 
was  afterward  entirely  defeated,  taken,  and  slain  by 
"  Nabuchodonosor,  king  of  Assyria  "  (Jd.  i.) ;  fre- 
quently identified  with  Beioces,  the  founder  of  Ecbat- 
ana ;  but  more  like  his  son  Phraortes,  who  fell  in  a 
battle  with  the  Assyrians,  663  b.  c.  Niebuhr  endeav- 
ors to  identify  the  name  with  Astyages.     Jcdith. 

Ar-rny',    Dress;  Ornaments,  Personal. 

Ar'rowSi    Arms. 

*  Ar'row-snake  (Gen.  xlix.  17,  marg.)    Adder. 
Ar-sa'ces  [-seez]  (L.  fr.  Annenian,  &c. ;  =  [so  Rln.] 

the  venerable  I)  VI.,  a  king  of  Parthia  who  ass\imed 
the  royal  title  Arsaces  in  addition  to  his  proper 
name,  Mithridates  I.  He  made  great  additions  to 
the  empire  by  successful  wars;  defeated  and  cap- 
tured Demetrids  II.  NiCATOR,  B.  c.  138  (1  Mc.  xiv. 
1-3) ;  treated  him  with  respect  and  gave  kim  his 
daughter  in  marriage,  but  kept  him  in  confinement 
till  his  own  death,  about  b.  c.  130. 

Ar'sa-reth,  a  region  beyond  the  Euphrates,  ap- 
parently of  great  extent  (2  Esd.  xiii.  45). 

Ar-tax-erx'es  [ar-tag-zerk'seez]  (Gr. ;  Heb.  Arlah- 
or  Arlachshashta  or  shast ;  fr.  old  Pers.  ^  great 
king),  the  name  probably  of  tiou  different  kings  of 
Persia  mentioned  in  the  O.  T.  1.  The  Artaxerxes 
in  Ezr.  iv.  1,  who  stopped  the  rebuilding  of  the 
temple,  appears  =  Smerdis,  the  Magian  impostor, 
and  pretended  brother  of  Cambyses  (Ahasuerus  2), 
who  usurped  the  throne  b.  c.  522,  and  reigned  eight 
months.  The  name  Artaxerxes  may  have  been 
adopted  or  conferred  on  him  as  a  title. — i.  The  Ar- 
taxerxes of  Neh.  ii.  1,  who  permits  Nehemiah  to 
spend  twelve  years  at  Jerusalem,  in  order  to  settle 
affairs  there,  may  be  identified  with  Artaxerxes 
Longimanus,  theson  of  Xerxes,  who  reigned  n.  c.  464- 
425,  and  is  probably  the  same  king  who  had  allowed 
Ezra  to  go  to  Jerusalem  for  a  similar  purpose  (Ezr. 
vii.  1).  Some  have  supposed  the  Artaxerxes  of  Ezr. 
vii.  1  =:  Xerxes.     Ahasuerus  3. 

Ar'tC-mas  {Gv.  g^ven  by  Artemis;  see  Diana),  a 
companion  of  St.  Paul  (tit.  iii.  12).  According  to 
tradition  he  was  bishop  of  Lystra. 

*  Ar-tif  i-cer.     Handicraft. 

*  Ar-tU'le-ry  in  1  Sam.  xx.  40  =  weapons ;  see 
Arms  I.  3;  Furniture,  1 :  in  1  Mc.  vi.  61  =  engines 
to  cast  missiles  ;  see  E.vgine. 

*  Arts.  See  Agriculture  ;  ARCniTECXtTRE  ;  Han- 
dicraft ;  Medicine,  &c.  "  Curious  Arts  "  (Acts  xix. 
19) ;  see  Magic. 

Ar'n-botli  (fr.  Hcb.  —  lattices,  windoics,  Ges. ; 
eowrt,  Fii.),  the  third  of  Solomon's  commissariat  dis- 
tricts (1  K.  iv.  10).  It  included  Sochoh,  and  there- 
fore probably  =:  the  rich  corn-growing  lowland  coun- 
try.    Sephela  ;  Vallev  5. 

A-rn'mah  (Heb.  height,  Fii.),  a  place  apparently 
near  Shechem,  at  which  Abimelech  resided  (Judg.  ix. 
41);  possibly  =  Rumaii. 

Ar'Tad  (Heb.  prob.  =  a  wandering,  Ges.),  a  place 
in  Phenicia,  the  men  of  which  are  named  with  those 
of  Zidon  as  the  navigators  and  defenders  of  Tyre  in 
Ez.  xxvii.  8,  11.  In  agreement  with  this,  "the  Ar- 
vadite"in  Gen.  x.  18,  and  1  Chr.  i.  16,  is  a  son  of 
Canaan.  Arvad  is  undoubtedly  the  island  of  Ruwdd 
(anciently  Aradus),  which  lies  off  Tortosa  ( Tartm), 
two  or  three  miles  from  the  Phenieian  coast,  some 
distance  above  the  mouth  of  the  river  Eleutherus, 
now  the  Nahr  el-Kebir.     The  island  is  high  and 


rocky,  but  very  small,  hardly  one  mile  in  circum- 
ference. 

Ar'vad-itc  (fr.  Heb.)  =  a  native  of  Arvad. 

Ar'za  (Heb.  earl/i,  Ges.),  prefect  of  the  palace  at 
Tirzah  under  Elali,  king  of  Israel,  who  was  assassi- 
nated at  a  banquet  in  Arza's  house  bv  Zimri  (1  K. 
xvi.  9). 

A's.l  (Heb.  curing,  physician).  1.  Son  of  Abijah, 
and  third  king  of  Judah,  conspicuous  for  his  eaniest- 
ness  in  supporting  the  worship  of  God  and  rooting 
out  idolatry,  and  for  the  vigor  and  wisdom  of  his 
government  (1  K.  xv.  ff.  ;  2  Chr.  xiv.  ff'. ;  Mat.  i.  7, 
8 ;  High  Places).  In  his  zeal  against  heathenism 
he  did  not  spare  his  grandmother  Maacuaii,  tlie 
"King's  Mother."  (Mother;  Queen.)  Asa  burnt 
the  symbol  of  her  religion  (1  K.  xv.  13  ;  Idol  4),  and 
threw  its  ashes  into  the  brook  Kidron,  and  then  de- 
posed Maachah  from  her  dignity.  He  also  placed 
in  the  Temple  certain  gilts  which  his  father  had  ded- 
icated, and  renewed  the  great  altar  which  the  idola- 
trous priests  apparently  had  desecrated  (2  Chr.  xv. 
8).  Besides  this,  he  fortified  (Uties  on  his  frontiers, 
and  raised  an  anny,  amounting,  according  to  2  Chr. 
xiv.  8,  to  580,000  men  (comp.  Abijah  1  ;  Number). 
Thus  Asa's  reign  marks  the  return  of  Judah  to  a 
consciousness  of  the  high  destiny  to  which  God  had 
called  her.  The  good  effects  of  this  were  visible  in 
the  enthusiastic  resistance  of  the  people  to  Zerah  5, 
the  Ethiopian.  At  the  head  of  an  enormous  host  (a 
million  of  men,  2  Chr.  xiv.  9)  Zerah  attacked  Ma- 
RESHAH.  There  he  was  utterly  defeated,  and  driven 
back  with  immense  loss  to  Gerar.  As  Asa  returned, 
laden  with  spoil,  he  was  commended  and  encouraged 
by  a  prophet  (Azariah  9),  and  then  in  the  fifteenth 
year  of  his  reign  convoked  an  assembly  of  his  own 
people  with  many  from  Israel,  and  solemnly  renewed 
the  national  covenant  with  God  (2  Chr.  xv.).  The 
peace  which  followed  this  victory  was  broken  by  the 
attempt  of  Baasha  of  Israel  to  fortify  Ramah,  "  that 
he  might  not  suffer  any  to  go  out  or  come  in  unto 
Asa,  king  of  Judah"  (xvi.  1).  To  stop  this  Asa  pur- 
chased tlie  help  of  Ben-hadid  I.,  king  of  Damascus, 
by  a  large  payment  of  treasure,  forced  Baasha  to 
abandon  his  purpose,  and  destroyed  the  works  at 
Ramah,  using  the  material  to  fortify  Geba  1  and 
Mizpeh.  (MizPAH  6  )  The  we'l<  which  he  sunk  at 
Mizpeh  were  famous  in  Jeremiah's  time  (Jer.  xli.  9). 
The  means  by  which  he  obtained  this  success  were 
censured  by  the  prophet  Hanani,  who  seems  even  to 
have  excited  some  discontent  in  Jerusalem,  in  con- 
sequence of  which  he  was  imprisoned,  and  suffered 
other  punishments  (2  Chr.  xvi.  10).  In  his  old  age 
Asa  suffered  from  the  gout,  and  "  he  sought  not  to 
the  Lord,  but  to  the  physicians."  He  died  greatly 
loved  and  honored  in  the  forty-first  year  of  his  reign. 
There  are  some  dllficulties  connected  with  its  chro- 
nology. Thus,  in  2  Chr.  xvi.  1,  we  read  that  Baasha 
fortified  Ramah  in  the  thirty-sixth  year  of  Asa's 
reign,  while  from  1  K.  xv.  33,  Baasha  appears  to 
have  died  in  the  twenty-sixth.  The  former  number 
is  supposed  by  the  marginal  note  of  A.  V.,  by  Clinton, 
&c.,  to  refer  to  the  year  of  the  separate  kingdom  of 
Judah  —  Asa's  sixteenth  year  and  Baasha's  thir- 
teenth. So  in  2  Chr.  xv.  19,  the  "  thii  ty-fifth  year 
of  Asa's  reign  "  may  =  tliirty-fifth  year  of  the  king- 
dom of  Jndah.  (Israel,  Kingdom  of;  Judah,  King- 
dom OF.) — 2.  A  Levite,  ancestor  of  Berechiaii  3  (1 
Chr.  ix.  16). 

As-a-dl'as  (Gr. ;  prob.  =  Hasadiah),  son  of  Chel- 
cias,  or  llllkiah,  and  ancestor  of  Baruch  (Bar.  i.  1). 

A'sa-el,  an  ancestor  of  Tobit  (Tob.  11);=  Jahzeel 
or  Jahziel  ? 


ASA 


ASH 


71 


I'sa-hd  (Heb.  whom  God  made,  or  constituled, 
Ges.).  1.  A  nephew  of  David  ;  youngest  son  of  his 
sister  Zeruiah,  and  brotlier  of  Abisliai  and  Joab  ;  one 
of  David's  tliirty  valiant  men  ;  celebrated  for  his 
swiftness  of  foot ;  slain  at  Gibeon  by  Abner  (2  Sam. 
ii.  18  ft'.,  xxiii.  24;  1  Chr.  ii.  16,  xi.'26).— 2.  One  of 
the  Levites  sent  by  Jehosliaphut  to  teach  in  Judah 
(2  Chr.  ivii.  8). — i.  A  Levile  in  Hezekiah's  reign ; 
overseer  of  tithes,  &c.  (xx.xi.  13). — 1.  Father  of 
J0SATHA.N  1  (Ezr.  X.  15) ;  called  Azael  in  1  Esd.  ix. 
14. 

is-a-brah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Asaiah),  a  servant  of  king 
Josiuh,  sent  with  llilkiah,  &e.,  to  inquire  of  Jehovah 
respecting  the  book  of  the  law  found  in  the  Temple 
(2  K.  xxii.  12,  14) ;  also  called  Asaiah  (2  Chr.  xxxiv. 
20). 

i-sat'ah  [ah-sa'yah]  or  As-a-i'all  (fr.  Heb.  —  whom 
Jehovah  made  or  constituled).  1<  A  prince  of  the 
Simeoniies  in  Hezekiah's  reign,  participant  in  the 
extermination  of  the  Haraite  shepherds  of  Gedor  (1 
Chr.  iv.  30). — 2.  A  Le\Tte,  chief  of  the  220  sons 
of  Merari,  summoned  by  David  with  other  Levites 
and  priests,  to  bring  the  ark  of  God  to  Jerusalem 
(vi.  30,  XV.  6,  11). — 3.  The  firstborn  of  the  Shilon- 
ITES,  resident  with  his  family  in  Jerusalem  after  the 
return  from  Babylon  (ix.  5) ;  supposed  by  some  = 
Maaseiah  9. — I,  AsAHiAH  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  20). 

As'a-na  (L.)  =  Asnah  (1  Esd.  v.  31). 

A'saph  (Heb.  collector,  Ges.).  1.  A  Levite,  son  of 
Berechiah,  and  one  of  the  leaders  of  David's  choir 
(1  Chr.  vi.  39,  xv.  17,  xxv.  6,  9).  Psalms  I.  and 
Ixxiii.-lxxxiii.  are  attributed  to  him  (Psalms)  ;  and 
he  ^»as  in  after-times  celebrated  as  a  seer  (Prophet) 
as  well  as  a  musical  composer  (2  Chr.  xxix.  30;  Neh. 
xii.  46).  Tlie  office  appears  to  have  remained  hered- 
itary in  his  family,  unless  he  was  the  founder  of  a 
school  of  poets  and  musical  composers,  who  were 
called  after  him  "  the  sons  of  Asaph,"  as  the  Home- 
ridifi  from  Homer  (1  Chr.  xxv.  1  f. ;  2  Chr.  xx.  14, 
xxix.  13;  Ezr.  ii.  41,  iii.  10;  Neh.  vii.  44,  xi.  22).— 
2.  Father  or  ancestor  of  Joah,  the  recorder  under 
Hezekiah  (2  K.  xviii.  18,  37 ;  Is.  xxxvi.  3,  22) ;  not 
improbably  =  No.  1. — 34  Keeper  of  the  royal  forest 
or  "  paradise  "  of  Artaxerxes  (Neh.  ii.  8),  probably  a 
Jew. — 1.  Ancestor  of  Mattaniah  2  (1  Chr.  ix.  15; 
Neh.  xi.  17);  probably  =  No.  1  and  2. — 5.  In  1  Chr. 
xxvi.  1,  Asaph  probably  =  Abiasaph  or  Ebiasapb. 

A-sare-el  (Heb.  whom  Ood  hath  boioid,  sc.  by  a 
TOW,  Ges.),  a  son  of  Jehaleleel  in  the  genealogies  of 
Judah  (1  Clir.  iv.  16). 

As-a-Klah  (fr.  Heb.  =  uprit/fU  toicard  Ood,  Ges  ), 
one  of  the  sons  of  Asaph  1(1  Chr.  xxv.  2) ;  =  Jesh- 
arelah  in  verse  14. 

•  As  a-rites,  a  misprint  in  some  copies  for  Ata- 
RITES  in  1  Chr.  ii.  54,  marg. 

As'ca-lon  (L  )  =  Ashkelon. 

•  Ascension.    Bethany  1 ;  Jescs  Christ. 
A-s«'a»(L.)  =  IsniJAH  (1  Esd.  ix.  32). 
A-seb-e-bl'a  (Gr.)  =  Sherebiah  (1  Esd.  viii.  47). 
A»-e-bra  =  Hasiiabiah  7  (1  Esd.  viii.  48). 
A.se-nath  (Heb  ;   fr    Egyptian  =  iihe  who  ts  of 

Neith  (the  Egyptian  Ncith  =  Rom.  Minerva],  Ges. : 
perhaps  rather  [comp.  Bithiaii],  a  Hebrew  name  re- 
ceived on  her  marriage  to  Joseph,  =  [comp.  Assah] 
itorehowte  or  bramble),  daugliter  ol  I'otipheraii, 
pnest,  or  prince,  of  On ;  wile  of  Joseph  ((icn.  xli. 
45),  and  mother  of  Mana.ssch  and  Ephraim  (xli.  50, 
xlvi.  20). 

Aser  or  Aser  (L.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Asher  (Tob.  i.  2 ; 
Lk.  ii.  36;  Rev.  vii.  6), 

Ase-rer  =  Sisera  2  (1  Esd.  v.  32). 

•  Ash  (Heb.),  Job  ix.  9,  marg.     ARcrrRna. 


Ash  (Heb.  oren)  occurs  only  in  Is.  xliv.  14,  as  one 
of  the  trees  out  of  the  wood  of  which  idols  were 
carved :  "  He  heweth  him  down  cedars,  and  taketh 
the  cypress  and  the  oak  which  he  strengtheneth  for 
himself  among  the  trees  of  the  forest ;  he  planteth 
an  ash  and  the  rain  doth  nourish  it."  It  is  impos- 
sible (so  Mr.  Houghton)  to  determine  the  tree  de- 
noted by  the  Hebrew  word  ;  the  LXX.  and  the  Vul- 
gate understand  some  species  of  pine-tree.  The  trans- 
lation in  A.  V.  ("ash")  was  probably  adopted  from 
the  similarity  of  the  L.  ornus  (=.  ash)  to  the  Heb. 
6reH,  and  Dr.  Royle  (in  Kitto)  says  the  Manna  Ash 
{Ontus  Europcca)  is  found  in  Syria,  but  being  culti- 
vated it  may  have  been  introduced. 

A'shan  (Heb.  smoke,  Ges.),  a  city  in  the  low  coun- 
try of  Judah,  named  in  Josh.  xv.  42,  «ith  Libnah 
and  Ether ;  in  Josh.  xix.  7,  and  1  Chr.  iv.  32,  with 
Ain  and  Uimnion,  as  belonging  to  Simeon  ;  in  1  Chr. 
vi.  59,  as  a  priests'  city,  occupying  the  same  place 
as  Ais  2,  in  Josh.  xxi.  16  ;  perhaps  =  Chorashan 
in  1  Sam.  xxx.  30.  Wilton  (in  Fbn.,  art.  Libnah) 
identifies  Ashan  with  ISehthi  near  Gaza. 

Ash-bc'a  (Heb.  /  adjure,  Ges.),  a  proper  name,  but 
whether  of  a  person  or  place  is  uncertain  (1  Chr.  iv. 
21).  Houbigant  makes  it  a  place,  and  would  render 
"  the  house  of  Ashbea  "  by  Beth-ashbea.  The  whole 
clause  is  obscure.  The  Taigum  of  Habbi  Joseph 
paraphrases  it  "  and  the  family  of  the  house  of  man- 
ufacture of  the  fine  linen  for  the  garments  of  the 
kings  and  priests,  delivered  to  the  house  of  Eshba." 

Asb'bel  (Heb.  determination  of  God,  Ges. ;  =  Esh- 
BAAL,  Fit.),  son  of  Benjamin  and  ancestor  of  the 
AsHDELiTES  (Gcii.  xlvi.  21;  Num.  xxvi.  38;  1  Chr. 
viii.  1). 

Ash'bel-ites  =  descendants  of  Asbbel  (Num.  xxvi, 
38). 

Asb'chc-naz  [-ke-]  (1  Chr.  i.  6  ;  Jer.  Ii.  27)  =  AsH- 

KENAZ. 

Asb'dod  (Heb.  stronghold,  castle,  Ges.),  A-zo'tns 
(L.  fr.  Heb.)  in  Acts  viii.  40;  one  of  the  five  confed- 
erate cities  of  the  Philistines,  situated  about  thirty 
miles  from  the  S.  frontier  of  Palestine,  three  from 
the  Mediterranean,  and  nearly  midway  between  Gaza 
and  Jcppa.  It  stood  on  an  elevation  overlooking 
the  plain,  was  strongly  fortified,  and  was  one  of  the 
seats  of  the  worship  of  Dagon  (1  Sam.  v.  5).  It  was 
assigned  to  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  47),  but  was  never  sub- 
dued by  the  Israelites,  though  Uzzinh  broke  down 
the  wall  of  the  town,  and  established  forts  on  the 
adjacent  hills  ;  and  even  down  to  Nehcmiah's  age  it 
preserved  its  distinctiveness  of  race  and  language 
(Neh.  xiii.  23,  24).  It  occupied  a  commanding  posi- 
tion on  the  high-road  from  Palestine  to  Egypt,  and 
was  besieged  by  Taitan  about  b.  c.  716,  apparently 
to  frustrate  Hezekiah's  league  with  Egypt  (Is.  xx.  1). 
The  effects  of  its  siege  of  twenty-nine  years  by 
Psammetichus  (n.  c.  630)  are  incidentally  referred  to 
in  Jer.  xxv.  20.  It  apparently  recovered  from  this 
blow,  and  was  allied  with  the  Arabians,  &c.  against 
Jerusalem  (Neh.  iv.  7).  It  was  destroyed  by  the 
Maccaiiees  (1  Mc.  v.  68,  x.  84),  and  lay  in  ruins  until 
the  Roman  conquest  of  Judea,  when  it  was  restored 
by  Gabinius  (b.  c.  55).  The  only  notice  of  it  in  the 
N.  T.  is  in  connection  with  Philip's  return  irom  Gaza 
(Acts  viii.  40).  It  is  now  an  insignificant  village 
called  J'Ssdiid.     (See  cut  on  next  page.) 

Ash'dod-ites  =  the  inhabitants  of  Asudod  (Neh. 
iv.  7);  called  Asiidothites  in  Josh.  xiii.  3. 

Ash'dotb  PIs'gah  (Heb.  outjiouringa  of  torrents  [or 
ravines^  of  Pisyah,  Ges.) ;  only  in  Deut.  iii.  17  ;  Josh, 
xii.  3,  xiii.  20  ;  and  in  Deut.  iv.  49,  A.  V.  "  springs 
of  PisQAU."  In  Deuteronomy  the  words  form  part  of 


12 


ASH 


ASH 


a  formula  (A.  V.  "  under  Ashdoth  Pisgah  eastward," 
"eastward  under  the  sprinirs  of  Pisgah"),  apparently 
defining  the  mountains  which  enclose  the  Dead  Sea 
on  tlie  E.  The  same  intention  Is  evident  in  Josh, 
xii.  3  and  xiii.  20 ;  and  in  Josh.  x.  40  and  xii.  8, 
Ashdoth  (A.  V.  "  the  springs ")  is  used  alone  to 
denote  one  of  the  main  natural  divisions  of  the  coun- 
try. A  kindred  word  (Heb.  eshed,  A.  V.  "  stream  ") 
is  used  in  Num.  xxi.  15,  which  also  refers  to  the  E. 
of  the  Dead  Sea. 

Ash'doth-ites  (Josh.  xiii.  3)  =  Ashdodites. 

ish'er  (Heb.  happy,  blessed,  Ges.).  1.  (in  Apoc. 
and  N.  T.  Aser).  Eighth  son  of  Jacob,  by  Zilpah, 
Leah's  handmaid  (Gen.  xxx.  13).  This  passage  is 
full  of  paronomastic  turns :  "  And  Leah  said,  '  In 
my  happiness  am  I,  for  the  daughters  will  call  me 
happy,'  and  she  called  his  name  Asher  "  (i.  e.  "  hap- 
py ").  A  similar  play  occurs  in  the  blessing  of  Moses 
(Dent,  xxxiii.  24). — Asher  is  in  the  lists  of  the  tribes 
in  Gen.  xxxv.,  xlvi. ;  Ex.  i. ;  Num.  i.,  ii.,  xiii.,  &c. 
During  the  march  through  the  desert  Asher's  place 
was  between  Dan  and  Naphtali  on  the  N.  side  of  the 
tabernacle  (iL  27). — The  territory  assigned  to  Asher 
was  on  the  sea-shore  from  Carmel  northward,  with 
Manasseh  on  the  S.,  Zebulun  and  Issachnr  on  the  S.  E., 
and  Naphtali  on  the  N.  E.  Tlie  boundaries  and  towns 
are  given  in  Josh.  xix.  24-31,  xvii.  10, 11 ;  and  Judg.  i. 
81,  32.  The  S.  boundary  was  prolJably  one  of  the 
streams  which  enter  the  Mediter'-anean  S.  of  Dor(mod- 
em  Tantura) — either  Nahr  el-Defneh  or  NahrZurka. 
The  tribe  had  the  maritime  portion  of  the  rich  plain 
of  Esdraelon,  probably  for  eight  or  ten  miles  from  the 
shore.  The  boundary  then  appears  to  have  run  N.,  pos- 
sibly bending  to  the  E.  to  embrace  Ahlab,  and  reaching 
Zidon  by  Kanah,  whence  it  turned  and  came  down 
by  Tyre  to  Achzib.  This  territory  contained  some 
of  the  richest  soil  in  Palestine  ;  and  to  this  fact,  as 
well  as  to  their  proximity  to  the  Phenicians,  the  de- 
generacy of  the  tribe  may  be  attributed  (Judg.  i.  31, 
V.  17).  At  the  numbering  of  Israel  at  Sinai,  Asher 
was  more  numerous  than  Ephraim,  Manasseh,  or  Ben- 
jamin (Num.  i.  32-41);  but  in  the  reign  of  David, 
its  name  is  altogether  omitted  from  the  list  of  the 


chief  rulers  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  16-22).  Some  from  Asher 
came  to  Jerusalem  to  attend  Hezekiah's  Passover 
(2  Chr.  XXX.  11).  Simeon  and  Asher  have  been  said 
to  be  the  only  tribes  W.  of  the  Jordan  whiclw  fur- 
nished no  hero  or  judge  to  the  nation.  "  One  name 
alone  shines  out  of  the  general  obscurity — the  aged 
widow  '  Anna  the  daughter  of  Phanuel  of  the  tribe 
of  Asher,'  who  in  the  very  close  of  the  history  de- 
parted not  from  the  Temple,  but  '  served  God  with 
fastings  and  prayers  night  and  day'  "  (Stl.  261). — 2. 
A  place  on  the  S.  boundary  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh 
(Josh.  xvii.  7) ;  placed  by  Eusebius  on  the  road  from 
Shechcm  to  Bethshan  or  ScythopoUs,  about  fifteen 
miles  from  the  former ;  supposed  by  Porter  (Hand- 
fxjol;  p.  348)  to  have  been  at  the  modern  hamlet  of 
Teyiiiiir,  three-quarters  of  an  hour  from  Tubm  (an- 
ciently Thebez). 

A-siie'rah  (Ilcb.  prob.  fr.  a  root  signifying  to  be 
ulraifilU,  direct),  the  name  of  a  Phenician  goddess,  or 
rather  of  the  idol  itself;  translated  in  A.  V.  "  grote," 
after  the  LXX.  and  Vulgate.  Asherah  is  very  closely 
connected  n  itli  Ashtoueth  and  her  worship,  and  with 
Baal  (Judg.  iii.  7,  co:np.  ii.  3  ;  vi.  25  ;  IK.  xviii.  19  ; 
2  K.  xxiii.  13-15).  Many  critics  have  regarded  Ashe- 
rah and  Ashtoreth  as  identical ;  but  Bertheau's  view 
appears  to  be  correct,  that  Ashtoreth  is  the  proper 
name  of  the  goddess,  whilst  Asherah  is  the  name  of 
her  image  or  symbol.  This  symbol  seems  in  all 
cases  to  have  been  of  wood  (see  Judg.  vi.  25-30  ;  2 
K.  xxi.  7,  xxiii.  6,  14). 

Ash'er-ites  =  descendants  of  Asher  1,  and  mem- 
bers of  his  tribe  (Judg.  i.  32). 

Ash'eSi  The  ashes  on  the  altar  of  burnt-offering 
were  gathered  into  a  cavity  in  its  surface.  On  the 
days  of  the  three  solemn  festivals  the  ashes  were  not 
removed,  but  the  accumulation  was  taken  away 
afterward  in  the  morning,  the  priests  casting  lots  for 
the  office.  The  ashes  of  a  red  heifer  burnt  entire 
(Num.  xix.),  ceremonially  purified  the  unclean  (lleb. 
ix.  13),  but  polluted  the  clean.  (Pduification.) 
Ashes  about  the  person,  especially  on  the  head,  were 
a  sign  of  son-ow.  (Mourning.)  "Ashes"  figm-a- 
tively   =   any  thing  liffht,  worthless,  fallacious  (Job 


ASH 


ASH 


13 


xiu.  12;  Is.  xUt.  20).  "Dust  and  ashes"  (Gen. 
xviii.  27,  &c.)  is  a  proverbial  expression  for  the  low- 
ness  anil  frailty  of  huniau  nature  ((ies.). 

ish'i-na  (Heb. ;  aocordiug  to  the  Talmudists,  a 
gout  tril/ioul  hair,  or  rather  with  short  hair),  a  god 
worshipped  by  the  Ilaniathite  colonists  in  Samaria 
(2  K.  xvii.  30).  Ashima  has  been  regarded  as  = 
the  Mendesian  god  of  the  Egyptians,  tlie  Pan  of 
the  Greeks.  It  has  also  been  identified  with  the 
Phenieian  god  Esiuun,  to  whom  belong  the  eharac- 
teristics  both  of  Pan  and  of  Jisculapins. 

Ash  ke-lon  (Heb.,  perhaps  =  migration, Ges.),  also 
written  is'ke-IoB,  in  the  Appcrypha  iit'ra-lon,  one 
of  the  five  cities  of  the  lords  of  the  Philistines  (Josh, 
siii.  3  ;  1  Sum.  vi.  17),  on  the  shore  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, W.  S.  W.  from  Jerusalem,  on  the  main  road 
from  Egypt  through  Gaza  to  central  and  northern 
Palestine.  The  village  near  the  ruined  site  retains  its 
ancient  name.  Samson  went  down  from  Timnath  to 
Ashkelon  (Judg.  xiv.  19),  as  if  to  a  remote  place 
whence  his  slaying  thirty  men  and  taking  their  spoil 
was  not  likely  to  be  heard  of.  Ashkelon  is  also 
mentioned  in  Judg.  i.  18  ;  2  Sam.  i.  20 ;  Jer.  xxv. 
20,  xlvii.  5,  7;  Am.  i.  8  ;  Zeph.  ii.4,  7;  Zech.  ix.  5  ; 
in  the  Apocrypha  in  Jd.  ii.  28 ;  1  Mc.  x.  8(5,  xi.  60, 
xii.  33.  In  post-biblieal  times  Ashkelon  rose  to 
considerable  importance.  Kear  the  town  were  the 
temple  and  sacred  lake  of  Dcrceto,  the  Syrian  Venus. 
(Atargatis.)  The  soil  around  was  remarkable  for 
its  fertility.  The  "  Eschalot "  or  "  ShuUot,"  a  kind 
of  onion,  was  first  grown  there.  Ashkelon  was  a 
famous  stronghold  in  the  Crusades.  By  the  Moham- 
medap  geographers  it  was  called  "  the  bride  of  Syria." 
Its  position  is  naturally  very  strong,  and  a  small 
harbor  toward  the  E.  advanced  a  little  way  into  the 
town. 

.4sh'ke-naz  (Heb. ;  see  below),  one  of  the  three 
sons  of  Gonier,  son  of  Japiieth  (Gen.  x.  3),  i.  e.  one 
of  the  peoples  or  trilies  belonging  to  that  part  of  the 
Japhetic  division  of  the  human  race  which  bears  the 
name  of  Gomer.  The  original  seat  of  the  people  of 
Ashkenaz  was  undoubtedly  in  the  neighborhood  of 
AitME.viA,  since  they  are  connected  (Jer.  li.  27  ;  A.  V. 
"  Ashchenaz ")  with  the  kingdoms  of  Ararat  and 
MiNXi.  We  may  probably  recognize  the  tribe  of 
Ashkenaz  afterward  on  the  N.  shore  of  .\sia  Minor, 
in  the  name  of  Lake  Ascanius,  and  in  Europe  in  the 
name  Scand-\a,  <S'c«Hrf-inavia.  Knobel  regards  Asli- 
kenaz  as  a  compound  (Ash-kenaz  =  the  .^s-race ; 
perhaps  the  origin  of  the  name  Asia),  and  considers 
Ashkenaz  =  the  German  race. 

Asb'nab  (Heb.  the  strong,  fortified,  Ges.),  the  name 
of  two  cities,  both  in  the  Lowland  of  Judah;  (I,) 
named  between  Zorcah  and  Zanoah,  and  therefore 
probably  W.  of  Jerusalem  (Josh.  xv.  33) ;  and  (2.) 
between  Jiphtah  and  Nezib,  and  therefore  S.  W. 
of  Jerusalem  (xv.  43).  Wilton  (in  Kbn.  under 
Libnah)  identifies  this  Ashnah  with  Deir  Esneid, 
a  village  about  six  miles  N.  E.  of  Gaza. 

Asb'pe-naz  ( Heb.  ;  fr.  Pers.  and  Sansc.  =  nose  of 
the  horse,  Kildiger,  Ges. ),  Nebuchadnezzar's  master 
of  the  eunuchs  (Dan.  i.  3). 

Ash'rl-*l  (1  Chr.  vii.  14),  properly  Asriei.. 

A»h'ta-rotb<  1.  Hebrew  plural  of  AsnroRETH 
(Judg.  ii.  13;  1  Sam.  vii.  3,  xxxi.  10);  associated 
with  the  plural  Baalim  (Judg.  x.  6 ;  1  Sam.  vii.  4, 
xiL  10).  Gesenius  maintains  that  these  plurals  ^ 
statues  of  Ashtoreth  and  Baal ;  but  probably  (so 
Movers)  they  indicate  different  modifications  of  the 
divinities  themselves. — %,  A  city  on  the  E.  of  Jordan, 
in  Bashan,  in  the  kingdom  of  Og,  doubtless  so  called 
from  being  a  seat  of  the  worship  of  the  goddess 


•Ashtaroth  or  Ashtoreth.  It  is  generally  mentioned 
in  describing  Og  (Deut.  i.  4 ;  Josh.  ix.  10,  xii.  4, 
xiii.  12).  It  fell  to  the  half  tribe  of  Manasseh  (Josh, 
xiii.  3lj,  and  was  given  with  its  suburbs  to  the  Ger- 
shonites  (1  Chr.  vi.  71,  Heb.  56).  Jerome  states  that 
in  his  time  it  lay  six  miles  from  Adra,  which  again 
was  twenty-five  from  Bostra.  Eusebius  and  Jerome 
speak  of  two  villages  or  castles,  nine  miles  apart,  be- 
tween the  cities  Adura  and  Abila.  One  of  these  was 
possibly  Af-htaroth  ;  the  other  may  have  been  Asiite- 
roth-Karnaim.  The  only  trace  of  the  name  yet  re- 
covered in  these  districts  is  7'eU-Ashterah,  or  Jshe- 
rah,  a  large  mound  or  hill  about  six  miles  W.  of 
Edr''a  (ancient  Edrei  ?)t  Ashtaroth  is  also  written 
AsTAROTH,  and  probably  =  Beeshteraii. 

Ash'te-rath-ltc  =  a  native  or  inhabitant  of  Ashta- 
Roin  (1  Chr.  xi.  44)  beyond  Jordan.  Uzziathe  Ash- 
terathite  was  one  of  David's  valiant  men. 

Asb'te-rotb  Knr-na'im  (Heb".  Ashtaroth  of  the  two 
horns  or  peaks),  a  place  of  very  great  antiquity,  the 
abode  of  the  Rephaim  at  the  incursion  of  Chedorla- 
omer  (Gen.  xiv.  5).  The  name  reappears  as  Carnaim 
or  Carxion  (1  Mc.  v.  26,  43,  44  ;  2  Mc.  xii.  21,  26), 
"  a  strong  and  great  city  "  in  "  the  land  of  Galaad." 
It  is  usually  assumed  (probably  incorrectly)  =  Ash- 
taroth 2.  Es-Sanamrin  (=;  the  two  idols),  by  which 
the  word  is  rendered  in  the  Arabic  version  of  Saa- 
diah,  is  now  an  important  place  on  the  route  of  the 
Mecca  pilgruns,  about  twenty-five  miles  S.  of  Damas- 
cus, and  to  the  N.  W.  of  the  Lejah. 

Aiili'to-retll  (Heb.  =  star,  Ges.,  Fii.,  Movers,  &c.), 
the  principal  female  divinity  of  the  Phenieians,  as 


Flfon  of  Astart*  Ibuid  In  EtrarU,  from  IUwUdmh^  Herodotiu.  U.  449. 

Baal  was  the  principal  male  divinity.  (Ashtaroth.) 
The  name  Ishtar  (imdoubtcdiy  =  Ashtoreth  of  the 
0.  T.  and  the  Greek  and  Roman  Aatarte)  appears  to 


74 


ASH 


ASP 


be  clearly  identified  in  the  list  of  the  great  gods  of" 
Assyria.  The  worship  of  Astarte  seems  to  have  ex- 
tended wherever  Phenician  colonies  were  founded. 
The  character  and  attributes  of  Ashtoreth  are  in- 
volved in  considerable  perplexity.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  general  notion  symbolized  is  that  of 
productive  power,  as  Baal  symbolizes  that  of  genera- 
tive power ;  and  it  would  be  natural  to  conclude 
that  as  the  sun  is  the  great  symbol  of  the  latter,  and 
therefore  =  Baal,  so  the  moon  is  the  symbol  of  the 
former  and  must  =  Astarte.  That  this  goddess  was 
so  typified  can  scarcely  be  doubted  (compare  the 
name  Ashteroth-Karnaim).  It  is  certain  that  she 
was  by  some  ancient  writers  identified  with  the  moon. 
On  the  other  hand  the  Assyrian  Ishtar  appears  to 
have  been  not  the  moon-goddess,  but  the  planet 
Venus :  and  it  is  certain  that  Astarte  was  by  many 
ancient  writers  identified  with  the  goddess  Venus  (or 
Aphrodite),  and  also  with  the  planet  of  that  name. 
Movers  distinguishes  two  Astartes,  one  Carthaginian- 
Sidonian,  a  virgin  goddess  symbolized  by  the  moon, 
the  other  Syro  Phenician  symbolized  by  the  planet 
Venus.  ■  Whether  this  be  so  or  not,  it  is  certain  that 
the  worship  of  Astarte  became  identified  with  that 
of  Venus,  and  that  this  worship  was  connected  with 
the  most  impure  rites  is  apparent  from  the  close 
connection  of  this  goddess  with  Asherab  (1  K.  xL  5, 
83;  2  K.  xxiii.  13). 

ish'nr  (fr.  Heb.  perhaps  =  bJachiess,  Ges.),  pos- 
thumous son  of  Hezron  by  his  wife  Abiali  ( 1  Chr.  iL 
24,  iv.  5) ;  "  father  "  or  founder  of  Tekoa. 

Ash'ur-ites  (fr.  Heb.),  a  people  named  among  Ish- 
bosheth's  subjects  (2  Sam.  ii.  9).  The  Arabic, 
Syriac,  and  Vulgate  versions,  and  Ewald  take  Ashur- 
ites  =  the  Geshurites  (Aram  ;  Geshuk)  ;  but  Geshur 
had  a  king  of  its  own,  Talmai,  David's  father-in-law 
(1  Chr.  iii.  2,  compare  4  ;  2  Sam.  xiii.  37),  and  was 
too  remote.  It  may  therefore  be  safer  to  follow  the 
Targura  of  Jonathan,  which  has  Beth-Asher(=  home 
o/yls/ifr),  and  is  supported  by  several  MSS.  of  the 
original  text.  "  The  Asherites  "  will  then  =  tlie 
inhabitants  of  the  country  W.  of  the  Jordan  above 
Jezreel.     Box-tree. 

Ashvath  (\ieh.  firmer,  stronger,  Fii.),  an  Asherite, 
son  of  Japhlet  (1  Chr.  vii.  33). 

Asia  [in  Gr.  or  L.  pron.  a'she-ah,  but  in  English 
usually  a'shali]  (Gr.  and  L. ;  fr.  a  root  denoting  au- 
rora, orient,  the  East,  Pott ;  see  Asukenaz).  In  the 
N.  T.  this  occurs  in  Acts  ii.  9,  vi.  9,  xvi.  6,  xix.  10, 
22,  26,  27,  XX.  4,  16,  18,  xxi.  27,  xxvu.  2 ;  Rom.  xvi. 
5  (in  A.  v.,  &c.,  "  Achaia  ") ;  1  Cor.  xvi.  19  ;  2  Cor. 
i.  8  ;  2  Tim.  i.  15  ;  1  Pet.  i.  I ;  Rev.  i.  4,  11.  ("  Chief 
of  Asia  " :  see  Asiarcas.)  In  all  these  passages  the 
word  =  not  "  the  continent  of  Asia,"  nor  what  we 
commonly  understand  by  "  Asia  Minor,"  but  a  Ro- 
man province  which  embraced  the  W.  part  of  the 
peninsula  of  A.'^ia  Minor,  and  of  which  Ephesus  was 
the  capital.  This  province  originated  in  the  bequest 
of  Attalus,  king  of  Pergamus,  or  king  of  Asia,  who 
left  by  will  to  the  Roman  Republic  his  hereditary 
dominions  in  the  W.  of  the  penmsula  (b.  c.  133). 
In  the  division  made  by  Augustus  of  senatorial  and 
imperial  provinces,  it  was  placed  in  the  former  class, 
and  was  governed  by  a  proconsul.  It  contained 
many  important  citie.-!,  among  which  were  the  seven 
churches  of  the  Apocalypse,  and  was  divided  into 
assize  districts  for  judicial  business.  It  included  the 
territory  anciently  subdivided  into  ^Eolis,  Ionia,  and 
Doris,  and  afterward  into  Mysia,  Lydia,  and  Caria. 
(Lycia;  Bithynia;  Phrygia  ;  Gai.atia.)  The  title 
"  King  of  Asia  "  was  used  by  the  Seleucid  monarcbs 
of  Antioch(l  Mc.  xi.  13). 


A'sl-artbs  [a'she-arks]  (fr.  Gr.  =  rulen  of  Asia  ; 
"chief  of  Asia,"  A.  V.;  Acts  xix.  31),  officers  chosen 
annually  by  the  cities  of  that  part  of  the  province  of 
Asia,  of  which  Ephesus  was,  under  Roman  govern- 
ment, the  metropolis.  They  had  charge  of  the  pul> 
lie  Games  and  religious  theatrical  spectacles,  the  ex- 
penses of  which  they  bore.  Their  office  was  thus,  in 
great  measure  at  least,  religious,  and  they  are  conse- 
quently sometimes  called  "  high-priests."  The  office 
of  Asiarch  was  annual,  and  subject  to  the  approval 
of  the  proconsul,  but  might  be  renewed ;  and  the 
title  appears  to  have  been  continued  to  those  who 
had  at  any  time  held  the  office. 

As-1-W'as  (fr.  Gr.),  a  son  of  Phoros  or  Parosh  (1 
Esd.  ix.  26);  apparently  —  Malciiijaii  3. 

Asl-cl  (Heb.  created  of  God,  Ges.).  1.  A  Simcon- 
ite,  ancestor  of  Jehu  4  (1  Chr.  iv.  35). — 2t  One  of  the 
five  swift  writers  taken  by  Esdras  to  write  the  law 
and  the  historv  of  the  world  (2  Esd.  xiv.  24). 

As'i-pha  (I  Esd.  V.  29)  =  Hasupua. 

As'kr-lon  (Judg.  i.  18;   1  Sam.  vi.  17)  —  Ashke- 

LOX. 

As-mo-de'ns  (L.,  fr.  Heb.  root  =  to  destroy,  or  [so 
Reland]  fr.  Pers.  =  to  tempt)  =  Abaddon  or  Apol- 
LYON  (Tob.  iii.  8,  17).  Since  the  Talmud  calls  him 
"  king  of  the  demons,"  some  identify  him  with  Beel- 
zebub, and  others  with  Azracl.  In  Tobit  this  evil 
spirit  is  represented  as  loving  Sara,  the  daughter  of 
Raguel,  and  causing  the  death  of  seven  husbands; 
but  Tobias,  instructed  by  Raphael,  having  burnt  the 
heart  and  liver  of  a  fish  on  "  the  ashes  of  the  per- 
fumes," "  the  evil  spirit  tied  into  the  utmost  parts  of 
Egypt,  and  the  angel  bound  him"  (Tob.  viii.  1-3). 

As'nah  (Heb.  storehouse  or  thornbusJi,  Ges.),  an- 
cestor of  certain  Nethinim  under  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii. 
50) ;  =  AsANA. 

As-nap'per  (Heb.  Asnappar,  fr.  Sansc.  =  leader  of 
an  army?  Bohlen),  in  Ezr.  iv.  10,  the  "great  and 
noble  "  person  who  settled  the  Cutheans  and  others 
in  the  cities  of  Samaria.  He  has  been  variously 
identified  with  Shalmaneser,  Sernacherib,  and  Esar- 
haddon,  but  was  more  probably  a  general  of  the  lat- 
ter king. 

A'som  (Gr.  and  L.)  =  Hashum  (1  Esd.  ix.  33). 

Asp.  !■  The  Heb.  pethen  occurs  in  Deut.  xxxii. 
33  ;  Job  XX.  14,  16;  Ps.  Iviii.  5  (4,  A.  V),  xci.  13  ; 
Is.  xi.  8 ;  and  is  translated  in  A.  V.  in  Psalms  "  ad- 
der" (margin,  "asp  "),  elsewhere  "asp."  "Asp" 
among  the  ancients  (Gr.  and  L.  aspis)  probably  stood 
for  several  diftierent  kinds  of  venomous  serpents  ;  in 
modern  zoology  it  generally  —  an  Alpine  species, 
the  Vipera  aspis  of  Linnaius.  The  "  adder"  ("asp," 
margin)  of  Ps.  Iviii.  5,  was  a  snake  upon  which  the 
serpent-charmers  practised  their  art.  In  this  pas- 
sage the  wicked  are  compared  to  "  the  deaf  adder 
that  stoppeth  her  ear,  which  will  not  hearken  to  the 
voice  of  charmers,  charming  never  so  wisely."  From 
Is.  xi.  8,  "  the  sucking  child  shall  play  on  the  hole 
of  the  asp,"  it  would  appear  that  this  serpent  dwelt 
in  holes  of  walls,  &c.  The  true  explanation  of  Ps. 
Iviii.  5,  is  that  some  serpents  defy  all  the  attempts 
of  the  channer :  in  the  language  of  Scripture  such, 
may  be  termed  deaf.  The  point  of  the  rebuke  con- 
sists in  the  fact  that  this  serpent  could  hear  the 
charmer's  song,  but  would  not.  The  individual  case 
in  question  was  an  exception  to  the  rule.  Serpents, 
though  comparatively  deaf  to  ordinary  sounds,  are 
no  doubt  capable  of  hearing  the  sharp,  shrill  sounds 
which  the  charmer  produces  either  by  his  voice  or 
by  an  instrument ;  and  this  comparative  deafness  is 
probably  the  very  reason  why  such  sounds  aa  the 
charmer  makes  produce  the  desired  effect  in  the  sub- 


ASP 


ASS 


15 


ject  under  treatment.  (Serpent-Charmino.)  As  the 
Kgyptian  cobra  is  more  frequently  used  than  any 
other  species  by  the  serpent-channers  of  the  Bible 
lands,  is  fond  of  concealing  itself  in  walls  and  in 
holes,  and  as  tlie  probable  derivation  of  the  Hebrew 
word  pelhm  (from  a  root  8i;;nifying  to  distend  or  ex- 
pand) may  refer  to  the  expanding  powers  of  this 
serpent's  neck  when  irritated,  it  appears  to  have  the 
best  claim  to  represent  the  "  asp  "  of  the  A.  V. — 2. 
The  (Jr.  as]>is,  translated  "  asp,"'  occurs  in  Rom.  iii. 
13,  and  in  the  LXX.  of  Ps.  exl.  3,  as  =  Heb.  'ac7i- 
thub.    {.\dder  1.)    See  above  under  No.  1. 


E^yptuD  Cobra.— <J\^a«a  Haje.) 

is-pAla-thns  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  a  sweet  perfume  men- 
tioned in  Ecd.  xxiv.  15.  Theophrastus  enumerates 
it  with  cinnamon,  cassia,  and  many  other  artiiles 
used  for  ointments.  Probably  at  least  two  kinds  or 
varieties  of  plants  were  anciently  known  by  this 
name ;  one  was  white,  inodorous,  and  inferior ;  the 
other  had  red  wood  under  the  bark,  and  was  highly 
aromatic.  The  plant  was  of  so  thorny  a  nature  that 
Plato  says  cruel  tyrants  were  punished  with  it  in  the 
lower  world.  The  Liqniim  Rhodianum  is  by  some 
supposed  to  be  the  suljstance  indicated  by  the  aspaU 
aihua  ;  the  plant  which  yields  it  is  the  Convolvulus 
leopariua  of  LimiEeus,  a  native  of  the  Canary  Isl- 
ands. 

As'pa-tba  or  is-pa'th«  (Pers.,  prob.  fr.  Sansc.  = 
ffiveii  bt)  a  horse,  i.  e.  by  Bramuh  under  the  form  of 
a  horse,  Benfey,  Pott,  Ges.,  Fit.),  third  son  of  Haman 
(Esth.  ix.  7). 

As'phar,  tlie  pool  in  "  the  wilderness  of  Thecoe  " 
(1  Me.  ix.  33).  Can  this  name  (Gr.  lakkos  Aupkar) 
rz  /(/CM  Agphaltites,  i.  e.  Dead  Sea  ? 

Aii-phar'a-SBS  (1  Esd.  v.  8)  =  MispERErn  or  Miz- 

PAR. 

As'rI-el  (Heb.  vow  of  Ood,  Ges.),  son  of  Gilead, 
and  great-grandson  of  Manasseh  (Num.  xxvi.  31 ; 
Josh.  xvii.  2) ;  ancestor  of  the  Asrielites  ;  errone- 
ously AsHRiEi.  in  the  A.  V.  of  1  Chr.  vii.  14.  Ac- 
cording to  1  Chr.  vii.  14  in  the  LXX.,  Asriel  was  the 
son  of  Manasseh  by  his  Syrian  concubine. 

A.s'rl-el-ltes  =  a  family  of  Manassites,  descend- 
ed from  Asriel  (Num.  xxvi.  31). 

Ass.  Five  Hebrew  names  of  the  genus  Afinia  (■= 
the  "Ass"  kind)  occur  in  the  0.  T.  1.  llamor  or 
Chamor  (\.  V.  "ass,"  "he-ass")  =  the  m.-Ue  do- 
mestic ass,  also  in  a  general  sense  any  ass  whether 
male  or  female.  The  ass  is  frequently  mentioned  in 
the  Bible :  it  was  used  for  carrying  burdens,  for 
riding,  for  ploughing,  for  grinding  at  the  mill,  and 
for  carrying  baggage  in  wars.  Issaehar  was  com- 
pared to  a  strong  ass  (Gen.  zliz,  14),  not  reproach- 


fully, but  because  the  ass  is  "  a  patient,  drudging 
animal,  capable  of  enduring  the  severest  labor  with- 
out sulfering  any  diminution  of  strength  or  hardi- 
hood "  (Bush,  ^M  loc).  The  ass  in  Eastern  countries 
is  a  very  different  animal  from  what  he  is  in  Western 
Europe  or  America.  The  most  noble  and  honorable 
among  the  Jews  were  wont  to  be  mounted  on  asses : 
and  in  this  manner  our  Lord  Himself  made  his  trium- 
phant entry  into  Jerusalem  (Mat.  xxi.  2).  He  came 
indeed  "  meek  and  lowly,"  but  it  is  a  mistake  to 
suppose  that  the  fact  of  His  riding  on  the  ass  had 
aught  to  do  with  his  meekness ;  although  thereby, 
doubtless.  He  meant  to  show  the  peaceable  nature 
of  His  kingdom,  as  horses  were  used  only  for  w  ar 
purposes.  In  illustration  of  Judg.  v.  10,  "  Speak  ye 
that  ride  on  while  asses  "  (the  Hebrew  here  is  plural 
of  athuti  =  she-asa  ;  see  below),  it  may  be  mentioned 
that  Buckingham  tells  us  that  one  of  the  peculiari- 
ties of  Bagdad  is  its  race  of  white  asses,  which  are 
saddled  and  bridled  for  the  conveyance  of  passen- 
gers. .  .  .  that  they  are  large  and  spirited,  and  have 
an  easy  and  steady  pace.  In  Deut.  xxii.  10  "  plough- 
ing with  an  ox  and  an  ass  together"  was  forbidden, 
probably  because  they  could  not  pull  pleasantly  to- 
gether on  account  of  the  difference  in  size  and 
strength ;  perhaps  also  tliis  prohibition  may  have 
some  reference  to  the  law  given  in  Lev.  xix.  19  (com- 
pare 2  Cor.  vi.  14).  The  ass  was  not  used  for  food. 
The  Mosaic  law  considered  it  unclean,  as  "not 
dividing  the  hoof  and  chewing  the  cud."  In  extreme 
cases,  however,  as  in  the  great  famine  of  Samaria, 
when  "  an  ass's  head  was  sold  for  eightv  nieces  of 
silver"  (2  K.  vi.  26),  the  flesh  was  eaten.— 2.  Athon 
(A.  V.  "she-ass,"  " ass ")  =  the  common  domestic 
she-ass  (Gen.  xii.  16,  xlix.  11,  A.  V.  "ass,"  &c.). 
Balaam  rode  on  a  shc-ass  (Num.  xxi.  23,  &c.).  The 
asses  of  Kish  which  Saul  sought  wore  she-asses  (1 
Sam.  ix.  8,  &e.).     The  Shunammite  (2  K.  iv.  22,  24) 


SyrlnQ  Wild  Asi  (^Ati>^v»  //fmi/.piM^.— Specimen  in  Zoological     , 
GardeoB,  London, 

rode  on  one  when  she  went  to  seek  Elislia.  She- 
asses  fonned  the  special  charge  of  one  of  David's 
officers  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  30).— 8.  'Ai/ir  (A.  V.  "foal," 
"  ass  colt,"  "  young  ass,"  "  colt ")  =:  a  young  ass 
(Gen.  xxxii.  1(5,  A.  V.  15,  "foals,"  xlix.  11,  A.  V. 
"  foal ; "  Judg.  x.  4,  xii.  14 ;  Job  xi.  12  ;  Is.  xxx.  6, 
24 ;  Zcch.  ix.  9).  Sometimes  this  is  spoken  of  as 
being  old  enough  for  riding  upon,  for  carrying  bur- 
dens, and  for  tilling  the  ground. — 4.  I'ere  (A.  V. 
"wild  ass")  =  a  species  of  wild  ass  (Gen.  xvi.  12, 
A.  V.  "  wild  man,"  literally  "  wild-ass  man  ;  "  Ps. 
civ.  11;  Job  vi.  5,  xi.  12,  xxiv.  5,  xxxix.  5,  first 
clause  J  Hos.  viii.  9 ;  Jer.  ii.  24,  xiv.  6 ;  Is.  xxxii. 
14).  Hosea  compared  Israel  to  a  wild  ass  of  the 
desert. — 5.  'ylr<5</(A.  V.  "wild  ass")  occurs  only  in 
the  latter  clause  of  Job  xxxix.  6  ;  but  hi  what  respect 
it  differs  from  the  Pere  (mentioned  in  the  former 


76 


ASS 


ASS 


clause  ;  see  above)  is  uncertain.  The  Cbaldee  plural 
' Arddai/i/d  (A.  V.  "  wild  asses  ")  occurs  in  Dan.  v. 
21.  Bochart,  Gesenius,  &c.,  suppose  No.  4  =z  No.  5 ; 
but  they  may  be  different  animals. — The  species  of 
the  Ass  kind  known  to  the  ancient  Jews  and  repre- 
sented by  the  preceding  Hebrew  words  and  by  the 
Greek  words  otios,  huwzugion  (=  beast  of  burden), 
and  onagros(—  "  wild  a.'is,"  Ecclus.  xiii.  19)  in  the 
N.  T.  and  Apocrypha,  are  the  Asimts  Hemijiptis,  a 
wild  ass  which  inhabits  the  deserts  of  Syria,  Mesopo- 
tamia, and  N.  Arabia  ;  the  Asinus  vulgaris  of  the  N. 
E.  of  Africa,  the  true  onager  or  aboriginal  wild  ass, 
whence  the  domesticated  breed  has  sprung ;  and 
probably  the  Asimis  Onager,  the  Koulan  or  Ghor- 
khur,  which  is  found  in  Western  Asia  from  48°  N. 


tibor-UiuT  or  Koulan  iAtiniu  Onager).— Specimen  In  BritUh  Miueam. 

latitude  S.  to  Persia,  BeUichistan,  and  Western  India. 
Mr.  Layard  remarks  that  in  fleetness  the  wild  ass 
{Asinus  Hcmippns)  equals  the  gazelle,  and  to  over- 
take them  is  a  feat  which  only  one  or  two  of  the 
most  celebrated  mares  have  been  known  to  accom 
plish.     Compare  Job  xxxijc.  6-8. 

As-sa-bi'as  (1  Esd.  i.  9)  =  Hasiiabiah  6. 

is-Sill'l-motli  (1  Esd.  viii.  36)  =  Shelomith  6. 

As-sa-nl'as  ( 1  Esd.  viii.  54)  =  Hasiiabiah  8. 

*  As-say,  to  =to  essay,  to  attempt,  to  try  (Deut.  iv. 
34  ;  1  Sam.  xvii.  39 ;  Job  iv.  2 ;  2  Mc.  ii.  23  ;  Acts 

'  jx.  26,  xvi.  7;  Ileb.  xi.  29). 

*  is-sem'bly,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb. 
mS'ed  (frorii  a  verb  signifying  to  point  out  or  appoint, 
hence  to  meet  by  appointment,  Ges.)  (Lam.  i.  15 ;  Ez. 
xUv.  24);  often  translated  "congregation"  (Num. 
xvi.  2,  &c.),  once  "synagogue"  (Ps.  Ixxiv.  8);  also 
translated  variously  "set  time"  (Gen.  xvii.  21,  &c.), 
"  time  appointed  "  (Gen.  xviii.  14,  &c.),  "  appointed 
season"  (Num.  ix.  2  ft'.),  "season"  (Gen.  1.  14,  &c.), 
"time"  (Dan.  xii.  7),  "solemn  day"  (Num.  x.  10, 
&c.),  "solemn  feast"  (xv.  3,  &e.),  "set  feast"  (xxix. 
89,  &c.),  "solemnity"  (Deut.  xxxi.  10,  &c.),  "solemn 
assembly"  (Zeph.  iii.  18),  "feast"  (2  Chr.  xxx.  22), 
"  place  of  the  assembly  "  (Lam.  ii.  6). — 2.  Heb. 
mdshiib  (Ps.  cvii.  32  only) ;  elsewhere  translated 
"dwelling"  (Gen.  x.  30,  &c.),  "habitation  "  (xxxvi. 
43,  &c.),  or  "seat"  (1  Sam.  xx.  18,  25,  &c.).— 3. 
Heh.  mikrd  (Is.  i.  13,  iv.  5);  elsewhere  translated 
"convocation"  (Ex.  xii.  16,  &c.),  "calling"  (Num. 
X.  2),  "  reading "  (Neh.  viii.  8). — 4.  Hebl  sod  (Ps. 
Ixxxix.  7,  Heb.  8,  cxi.  1;  Jer.  vi.  11,  xv.  17;  Ez. 
xiii.  9);  also  translated  "secret"  (Gen.  xlix.  6, 
&c.),  "counsel"  (Ps.  Iv.  14,  Heb,  15,  &c.),  "se- 
cret counsel"  (Ps.  Ixiv.  2,  Heb.  3),  &c. — S.  Heb. 
'eddh  (Num.  x.  2,  3,  &c.) ;  usuallv  translated  "  con- 
gregation" (Ex.  xii.  3,  6,  19,  47,  &c.).— 6.  Heb. 
'tifsdrdh  or  \'itsereth  (Jer.  ix.  2,  Heb.  1,  only);  else- 
where translated  "  solemn  assembly  "  (Lev.  xxiii.  36, 


&c.),  "solemn  meeting"  (Is.  i.  13).— 7.  Heb.  kd/uU 
(Gen.  xlix.  6;  Ex.  xii.  6,  xvi.  3;  Lev.  iv.  13,  &c.) ; 
usually  translated  "congregation"  (iv.  14,  21,  &c.), 
sometimes  "  company "  (Num.  xxii.  4,  &c.),  once 
"  multitude "  (Gen.  xxviii.  3). — 8.  Heb.  kehilldh 
(Neh.  V.  7  only);  elsewhere  translated  "congrega- 
tion" (Deut.  xxxiii.  4  only). — 9.  Gr.  ekkUsia  (liter- 
ally =  what  is  called  ottt  or  summoned)  ( Jd.  vi.  16, 
21,  vii.  29,  xiv.  6  ;  Acts  xix.  32,  39,  41);  also  trans- 
lated "congregation"  (Ecclus.  xxiv.  2,  xxxi.  11 
[xxxiv.  11,  Gr.J,  xxxiii.  18  [Gr.  19],  xxxviii.  33,  1. 
13,  20 ;  1  Mc.  ii.  86,  iv.  59,  xiv.  19) ;  uniformly 
translated  "  church  "  in  N.  T.  except  in  Acts  xix. ; 
in  LXX.  =  Heb.  kdhcil  (No.  7  above)  in  Deut.  ix.  10, 
xviii.  16,  xxiii.  1,  2,  3,  8,  xxxi.  30;  Josh.  viii.  35. — 
10.  Gr.  sunagoge  (literally  ==  a  bringing  together,  a 
gathering,  a  collection,  see  Sus.  41,  60;  Jas.  ii.  2); 
translated  "  congregation  "  (Ecclus.  i.  30,  iv.  7,  xxi. 
9,  xxiv.  23,  xiv.  18;  1  Mc.  xiv.  28  ;  Acts  xiii.  43); 
elsewhere  in  N.  T.  translated  "  synagogue  ; "  in  LXX. 
=  Heb.  '«^/«  and  kdhdl  {So.  5  and  7)  usually;  also 
=  Heb.  sod  (No.  4)  in  Jer.  vi.  11  ;  al.so  =  Heb.  ^-c- 
hilldh  in  Deut.  xxxiii.  4. — 11.  Gt.  siistrophe  (literally 
=  a  turning  together,  a  rolling  np  together,  a  gather- 
ing or  union  in  a  mass)  (1  Mc.  xiv.  44);  translated 
"concourse"  (Acts  xix.  40).  In  Acts  xxiii.  12, 
"  banded  together  "  in  A.  V.  (Gr.  poiesantes  smtro- 
phSn)  =r  having  made  a  gathering,  viz.,  in  secret,  i.  e. 
formed  a  combination  or  conspiracy.  Compare  use 
of  the  word  in  the  LXX.  =  Heb.  sod  (No.  4  above)  in 
Ps.  l.xiv.  2  (3,  Heb.  ;  Ixiii.  3,  Gr.). — 12.  Gr.  panegnris, 
translated  "  general  assembly  "  (Heb.  xii.  23  only); 
=1  in  Herodotus,  &c.,  an  assembly  of  a  whole  nation, 
especially  for  a  public  festival  such  as  the  Olympic 
games,  &c.,  a  high  festival,  a  solemn  assembly  at  a 
high  festival  (L.  &  S.).  CHnRCH  ;  Congregation  ; 
Stnaoogce. 

As'slmr  [ash'ur]  (Heb.).  Assnuniu;  Assyria. 
As-sharim  [ash-shu'rim]  (Heb.  stejis  ?  see  Assiipr, 
under  Assyria),  a  tribe  descended  from  Dedan,  the 
grandson  of  Al)raham  and  Keturah  (Gen.  xxv.  3) ; 
not  identified  with  certainty.  Knobel  considers  them 
=  the  Asshur  of  Ez.  xxvii.  23,  and  connected  with 
S.  Arabia. 

As-si-dc'ans  [as-se-dee'anz]  (fr.  Heb.  ffasidim  or 
Chiisidim  =  the  pious,  puritans  =  "  saints  "  in  Ps. 
Ixxix.  2,  and  "  Chasldim,"  the  name  adopted  by  a 
Jewish  sect  originating  in  Poland  about  a.  d.  1740), 
the  name  assumed  by  a  section  of  the  orthodox 
Jews  (1  Mc.  ii.  42,  vii.  13  ;  2  Mc.  xiv.  6)  as  distin- 
guished from  the  Hellenizing  faction  (A.  V.  "  the  un- 
godly "  and  "  the  wicked  ").  They  appear  to  have 
existed  as  a  party  before  the  Maceabean  rising,  and 
were  probably  bound  by  some  peculiar  vow  to  the 
external  observance  of  the  Law.  FranUel  has  shown 
that  both  theEssENES  and  the  Pharisees  are  sections 
of  the  AssinEANS,  and  that  all  three  orders  are  fre- 
quently spoken  of  under  the  same  name  (Ginsburg 
in  Kitto,  art.  Essenos). 

As'slr  (Heb.  one  bound,  a  captive,  Ges.).  ]•  Son 
of  Korah  (Ex.  vi.  24;  1  Chr.  vi.  22).— 2.  Son  of  Ebi- 
asaph,  and  ancestor  of  Samuel  (vi.  23,  37). — 3,  Son 
of  Jeconiah  (iii.  17),  unless  "  Jeconiah  the  captive" 
be  the  true  rendering. 

As'sos  (Gr.)  or  As'sns  (L.),  a  seaport  of  the  Roman 
province  of  Asia,  in  the  district  anciently  called 
Mysia.  It  was  situated  on  the  N.  shore  of  the  gulf 
of  Adramyttivm,  about  seven  miles  from  the  oppo- 
site coast  of  Lesbos,  near  Methymna.  A  good 
Roman  road,  connecting  the  central  parts  of  the 
province  with  Alexandria  Troas  (Troas)  passed 
through  Assos,  which  was  about  twenty  miles  from 


ASS 


ASS 


17 


Troas.  These  geographical  points  illustrate  St.  Paul's 
rapid  passage  through  the  town  (Acts  xx.  13,  14). 
The  ship  in  which  he  was  to  accomplish  his  \oyage 
from  Troas  to  Cesarea,  went  round  Cape  Lectuni, 
while  he  took  the  much  shorter  journey  by  land. 


Thus  he  was  able  to  join  the  ship  without  difficulty, 
and  in  sufficient  time  for  her  to  anchor  off  Mitylene 
at  the  close  of  the  day  on  which  Troas  had  been  left. 
Assos  was  entirely  a  Greek  city.  Tlie  remains  are 
numerous  and  remarkably  well  preserved,  partly  be- 


Absos.    The  Acro{ioliji. 


cause  many  of  the  buildings  were  of  granite. — ^The 
Greek  word  asson  (A.  V.  "  close  by  ")  in  Acts  xxvii. 
13,  is  translated  in  the  Vulgate  as  a  proper  name, 
and  was  erroneously  supposed  to  be  a  city  in  Crete. 
The  Rhemish  Testament  translates  "  when  they  had 
loosed  from  Asson,  they  sailed  elo.se  by  Crete." 

As-SB-«'nis  (L.)  =  Ahascekcs  (Tob.  xiv.  15). 

is'snr  (L.).  I.  AssHCR  or  Assvria  (Ezr.  iv.  2; 
Ps.  Ixxxiii.  8;  2  Esd.  ii.  8;  Jd.  ii.  14,  v.  1,  vi.  1,  17, 
vii.  20,  24,  xiii.  15,  xiv.  3,  xv.  6,  xvi.  4). — 2.  Uarhcr 
(1  Esd.  V.  31). 

•  As^n'ranre  [ash-shu'rans]  =  a  making  secure  or 
ntre,  hence,  iJial  which  gives  security  or  sureness,  a 
stale  of  seniriti/  or  of  being  tiire  (Deut.  xxviii.  66  ; 
Is.  xxxii.  17).  In  N.  T.  it  is  once  (Acts  xvii.  31) 
tlie  tran.slation  of  the  Gr.  pintis  (which  is  almost  uni- 
formly and  correctly  translate;!  "  faith  ").  The  Gr. 
plernphoria  (  =  /;;'/  conviclioii,  certaintu,  L.  &  S.) 
is  once  (1  Tb.  i.  5)  translated  "assurance,"  and  three 
times  (Col.  ii.  2;  Heb.  vi.  11,  x.  22)  "  full  assu- 
rance." 

As-syr'l-«  (L.  form),  As'shnr  (Heb.  step,  Ges. ;  hero, 
miqhli/  [as  a  man's  name],  and  level,  plain  [as  a 
name  of  the  land],  Fii.),  a  great  and  powerful  coun- 
try lying  on  the  Tigi-is  (Gen.  ii.  14),  the  capital 
of  which  was  Xinevf.h  (x.  II,  &c.).  It  derived 
its  name  apparently  from  Asshur,  the  son  of  ?hem 
(Gen.  X.  22),  who  in  later  times  was  worshipped  by 
the  Assyrians  as  their  chief  god.  The  boundaries  of 
Assyria  differed  greatly  at  different  periods.  Prob- 
ably in  the  earliest  times  it  was  confined  to  a  small 
tract  of  low  country,  lying  chiefly  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Tigris.  Giadually  its  limits  were  extended, 
until  it  came  to  be  regarded  as  comprising  the  whole 
region  between  the  Armenian  mount-iins  (lat.  "ii" 
30)  on  the  N.,  and  the  country  about  Bagdad  (lat. 
33^80)  on  the  S.  The  E.  boundary  was  the  high 
range  of  Zagros,  or  mountains  of  Kurdistan  ;  the  W. 


was,  according  to  some,  the  Mesopotamian  desert, 
according  to  others,  the  Euphrates.  The  greater 
part  of  the  region  embraced  in  ancient  Assyria  is 
now  nominally  subject  to  the  Turkish  sultan.  It  is 
peopled  by  Turks,  who  are  found  in  the  towns  and 
larger  villages ;  by  Kurds,  who  as  well  as  the  Turks 
are  Mohammedans  (Arabia,  Religion),  but  are  much 
more  numerous,  and  are  some  of  them  stationary  in 
villages,  while  others  are  nomadic  ;  and  by  Christians, 
including  Chaldeans,  Kestoiians,  Syrians,  Ai-menians, 
&c.,  who  are  scattered  over  the  whole  region,  though 
most  numerous  in  the  N. — 1.  General  character  of 
the  country. — On  the  N.  and  E.  the  high  mountain- 
chains  of  Armenia  and  Kurdistan  are  succeeded  by 
low  ranges  of  limestone-hills  of  a  somewhat  arid  as- 
pect, with  some  rich  plains  and  fertile  valleys.  To 
these  ridges  there  succeeds  at  first  an  undulating 
country,  well  watered  and  fairly  productive,  which 
finally  sinks  down  upon  the  great  Mesopotamian 
plain,  the  modern  district  of  El-Jezireh.  (Mesopo- 
tamia.) This  vast  flat,  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles 
in  length,  is  interrupted  only  by  the  Sinjar  range,  a 
conspicuous  and  beautiful  narrow  limestone  range 
rising  abruptly  out  of  the  plain.  Above  and  below 
this  barrier  is  an  immense  level  tract,  not  alluvial, 
in  most  places  considerably  above  the  rivers,  scantily 
watered  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Tigris,  but  abun- 
dantly supplied  on  the  left.  All  over  this  vast  flat, 
now  mostly  a  wilderness,  rise  "  gi  ass-covered  heaps, 
marking  the  site  of  ancient  habitations,"  which  serve 
to  mark  the  extent  of  the  real  Assyrian  dominion. 
They  are  numerous  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Tigris, 
and  on  the  right  they  thickly  stud  the  entire  coun- 
try.— 2.  Provinces. — The  classical  geographers  di- 
vided Assyria  into  a  number  of  regions,  which  ap- 
pear to  be  chiefly  named  from  cities,  as  Arbelitis 
from  Arbela ;  Calacine  (or  Calachene)  from  Calah  or 
Halah  ;  Apolloniatis  from  Apollonia :  Siltacenc  from 


78 


ASS 


ASS 


Sittaee,  &c.  Adiabene,  however,  the  richest  region 
of  all,  derived  its  appellation  from  the  Zab  (DM) 
river  on  which  it  lay. — 3.  Chief  Cities. — The  chief 
cities  of  Assyria  in  the  time  of  its  greatness  appear 
to  have  been — Nineveh  ;  Calau  or  IIalah  ;  Asshur 
(now  Kileh  Shcrghat) ;  Sargina,  or  Dur-Sargina  (now 
KhorsabiiJ);  Arbela  (still  yi  r6z7) ;  Opis  (at  the  junc- 
tion of  the  Biyaleh  with  the  Tigris) ;  and  Sittaee  (a 
little  farther  down  the  latter  river,  if  this  place 
should  not  rather  be  reckoned  to  Babylonia). — 4. 
Nations  bordering  on  Assyria. — On  the  N.  lay  Ar- 
menia ;  on  the  E.  in  the  mountains  were  originally 
many  independent  tribes  (now  represented  by  the 
Kurds,  &c.),  and  beyond  them  was  Media,  which  ul- 
timately subjected  the  mountaineers,  and  was  then 
brought  into  direct  contact  with  Assyria ;  on  the  S. 
were  Elam  or  Susiana,  and  Babylonia ;  on  the  W., 
Arabia,  Syria,  and  the  country  of  the  Hittites. — 5. 
History  of  Assyria— original  peopling. — Scripture 
informs  us  that  Assyria  was  peopled  from  Babylon 
(Gen.  X.  11),  and  both  classical  tradition  and  the 
monuments  of  the  country  agree  in  this  representa- 
tion. In  Herodotus  (i.  7),  Ninus,  the  mythic  foun- 
der of  Nineveh,  is  the  son  (descendant)  of  Belus,  the 
mythic  founder  of  Babylon — a  tradition  in  which  the 
derivation  of  Assyria  from  Babylon,  and  the  greater 
antiquity  and  superior  position  of  the  latter  in  early 
times  are  shadowed  forth  sufficiently.  Recent  re- 
searches clearly  show  that  Babylonian  greatness  and 
civilization  was  earlier  than  Assyrian,  and  that  while 
the  former  was  of  native  growth,  the  latter  was  de- 
rived from  the  neighboring  country  (see  §  16,  be- 
low).— 6.  Date  of  Uie  foundation  of  the  kingdom. — 
As  a  country,  Assyria  was  evidently  known  to  Moses 
(Gen.  ii.  14,  xxv.  18;  Num.  xxiv.  ■22,  24);  but  it 
does  not  appear  in  Jewish  history  as  a  kingdom  till 
the  reign  of  Menahem  (about  B.  c.  770).  Ctesias 
represents  the  empire  as  founded  b.  c.  2182;  but 
his  account  is  untrustworthy.  Herodotus  relates 
that  the  Assyrians  were  "  lords  of  Asia "  for  520 
years,  and  then,  after  a  period  of  anarchy,  the  Me- 
dian kingdom  was  formed,  179  years  befoi-e  the 
death  of  Cyrus,  or  b.  c.  708.  He  would  thus,  it  ap- 
pears, have  assigned  to  the  foundation  of  the  As- 
syrian empire  a  date  not  much  before  b.  c.  1228. 
Berosus,  who  made  th3  empire  last  526  years  to  the 
reign  of  Pul,  would  certainly  have  placed  the  rise 
of  the  kingdom  within  the  tliirt2enth  century.  This 
is,  perhaps,  the  utmost  that  can  be  determined  with 
any  approach  to  certainty.  Dr.  Brandis  fixes  b.  c. 
1273  as  the  date. — 7.  Early  kings,  from  the  founda- 
tion of  the  kingdom  to  Pul. — According  to  Rawlin- 
son,  whose  views  are  given  in  this  article,  the  resi- 
dence of  the  earliest  kings  and  of  the  previous  Baby- 
lonian governors  of  the  country,  was  at  Kileh-Sher- 
ghal,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Tigris,  sixty  miles  S. 
of  the  later  capital.  (But  see  Nineveh.)  The  kings 
proved  to  have  reigned  there  are  fourteen,  divisible 
into  three  groups,  and  reigning  probably  from  b.  c. 
1273  to  b.  c.  930.  The  most  remarkable  of  the 
series  was  called  Tiglath-pileser,  apparently  king  tow- 
ard the  close  of  the  twelfth  century,  and  thus  con- 
temporary with  Samuel.  The  other  monarchs  of  the 
Kileh-Sherghatseries,  both  before  and  after  Tiglath- 
pileser,  are  comparatively  insignificant.  Sardanapa- 
lus  the  first,  probably  the  warlike  Sardanapalus  of 
the  Greeks,  transferred  the  seat  of  government  from 
Kileh- Sherghat  to  Nimrud,  where  he  built  the  first 
of  those  magnificent  palaces  recently  exhumed  (see 
Layard,  Nineveh  and  its  Remains,  ii.  ch.  11).  He 
was  a  great  conqueror,  carrying  his  arms  W.  to 
Syria  and  the  Mediterranean.     His  son  Shalmaneser 


or  Shalmanubar,  was  a  still  greater  conqueror.  He 
appears  to  have  been  opposed  in  his  Syrian  wars 
by  Ben-hadad  and  Hazael,  and  to  have  taken  trib- 
ute from  Jehu,  king  of  Israel.  His  son  and  grand- 
son followed  in  his  steps,  but  scarcely  equalled  hia 
glory.  The  latter  is  thought  =  the  biblical  Pul, 
Phul,  or  Phaloch. — 8.  The  kings  from  Pul  to  Mar- 
haddon. — The  succession  of  the  Assyrian  kings  from 
Pul  almost  to  the  close  of  the  empire  is  rendered 
tolerably  certain,  not  merely  by  the  inscriptions,  but 
also  by  the  Jewish  records.  In  2  Kings  we  find  Pul, 
TiGLlTH-piLESER,  Shalmaneseb,  Sennacherib,  and 
Esae-haddon,  following  one  another  in  rapid  succes- 
sion (2K.  XV.  19,  29,  xvii.  3,  xviii.  13,  xix.  37);  and 
in  Isaiah  (xx.  1)  we  have  Sargon,  a  contemporary 
of  the  prophet,  and  evidently  belonging  to  the  same 
series.  The  inscriptions  show  us  that  Sargon  was 
the  father  of  Sennacherib,  and  give  us  for  the  last 
half  of  the  eighth  and  the  first  half  of  the  seventh 
century  B.  c.  the  (probably)  complete  list  of  Tiglath- 
pileser  II.,  Shalmaneser  11.,  Sargon,  Sennacherib,  and 
Esar-haddon. — 9.  Lower  Dynasty. — It  seems  to  be 
certain  that  at,  or  near,  the  accession  of  Pul,  about 
B.  c.  770,  a  great  change  occurred  in  Assyria.  It 
was  only  twenty-three  years  later,  that  the  Babylo- 
nians considered  their  independence  to  have  com- 
menced (B.  c.  747).  Tradition  seems  to  show  that 
about  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  b.  c.  there 
must  have  been  a  break  in  the  line  of  Assyrian 
kings,  and  probably  the  Pul  or  Phaloch  of  Scripture 
was  really  the  last  king  of  the  old  monarchy,  and 
Tiglath-pileser  II.,  his  successor,  was  the  founder  of 
what  has  been  called  the  "  Lower  Empire." — 10. 
Supposed  loss  of  the  empire  at  this  period. — Many 
writers  of  repute  (Clinton,  Niebuhr,  &c.)  have  been 
inclined  to  accept  the  statement  of  Herodotus  with 
respect  to  the  breaking  up  of  the  whole  empire  at 
this  period.  It  is  evident,  however,  from  Scripture, 
that  in  the  reigns  of  Tiglath-pileser,  Shalmaneser, 
Sargon,  Sennacherib,  and  Esar-haddon,  Assyria  was 
as  great  as  at  any  former  era.  These  kings  all  warred 
successfully  in  Palestine  and  its  neighborhood; 
some  attacked  Egypt  (Is.  xx.  4) ;  one  was  master  of 
Media  (2  K.  xvii.  6) ;  another  had  authority  over 
Babylon,  Susiani,  and  Elymais  (xvii.  24 ;  Ezr.  iv.  9). 
The  Assyrian  annals  also  represent  the  empire  as 
continually  rising  under  these  monarchs,  and  reach- 
ing its  culminating  point  under  Esar-haddon.  This 
representation  is  fully  borne  out  by  the  indications 
of  greatness  in  the  architectural  monuments,  and 
by  the  statements  of  the  writers  supposed  to  have 
drawn  from  Berosus.  This  second  Assyrian  kingdom 
was  evidently  greater  and  more  glorious  than  the 
first.  Herodotus  may  have  supposed,  erroneously, 
though  naturally,  that  when  Babylon  became  free 
(b.  c.  747),  there  was  a  general  dissolution  of  the 
empire.  Yet  even  as  regards  Babylon,  the  Assyrian 
loss  was  not  permanent.  Sargon,  Sennacherib,  and 
Esar-haddon,  all  exercised  full  authority  over  that 
country. — 11.  Siieccssors  of  Esar-haddon. — By  the 
end  of  Esar-haddon's  reign,  the  kingdoms  of  Hamath, 
of  Damascus,  and  of  Samaria,  had  been  successively 
absorbed  ;  Phenicia  had  been  conquered ;  Judea  had 
been  made  a  feudatory ;  Philistia  and  Idumea  had 
been  subjected,  Egypt  chastised,  Babylon  recovered, 
cities  planted  in  Media.  A  profound  peace  seems 
now  to  have  followed.  EsaHiaddon's  son,  Sardana- 
palus II.,  occupied  almost  his  whole  time  in  the 
pleasures  of  the  chase.  In  Scripture  we  hear  nothing 
of  Assyria  after  Esar-haddon,  and  profane  history  is 
equally  silent  until  the  attacks  begin  which  brought 
about  her  downfall. — 12.    Fall   of  Assyria. — This 


ASS 


ASU 


T9 


was  long  before  predicted  (Is.  x.  6-19).  The  first 
Median  atlacli  on  Nineveh  took  place  (so  Herodotus) 
about  B.  c.  633.  For  some  time  their  efforts  were 
unsuccessful ;  but  after  a  while,  having  won  over  tlie 
IJabylonians  to  their  side,  they  became  superior  to 
the  Assyrians  in  tlie  field,  and  about  b.  c.  B25,  or  a 
little  earUer,  laid  final  siege  to  the  capital.  (Meiiia.) 
Saracus,  the  last  liing — probably  giandson  of  Esar- 
haddon — after  a  stout  and  prolonged  defence,  col- 
lected his  wives  and  treasures  in  his  palace,  and  with 
his  own  hand  setting  fire  to  the  building,  perished 
in  the  flames. — 13.  FulflmeiU  of  prophtcy. — The 
prophecies  of  Nahum  and  Zcphaniah  (ii.  13-15) 
against  Assyria  were  probably  delivered  shortly  be- 
fore the  catastrophe.  Ezeltiel,  writing  afterward,  bears 
witness  (Ez.  xxxi.)  to  the  complete  destruction  of 
As.syria.  In  accordance  with  Naliura's  announcement 
(Xah.  iii.  19),  Assyria  never  succeeded  in  maintain- 
ing a  distinct  nationality.  Once  only  was  revolt  at- 
tempted, about  a  century  after  the  Median  conquest, 
but  it  failed  signally,  and  the  Assyrians  were  thence- 
forth submissive  sultjccts  of  the  Persian  empire. — 14. 
General  character  of  the  empire. — Lilse  all  the  early 
monarchies  of  any  great  extent,  it  was  composed  of  a 
number  of  separate  kingdoms.  The  Assyrian  mon- 
archs  bore  sway  over  many  petty  kings  (compare  2 
Clir.  ix.  26) — the  native  rulers  of  the  several  coun- 
tries— who  held  their  crowns  by  the  double  tenure  of 
homage  and  tribute.  Menahem  (2  K.  xv.  19),  Hoshia 
(xvii.  4),  Ahaz  (xvi.  8),  Hezekiah  (xviii.  4),  and  Ma- 
nasseh  (2  Chr.  xxxiii.  1 1-13),  were  certainly  in  this  po- 
sition, as  were  many  native  kings  of  Babylon.  It  is  not 
quite  certain  how  tar  Assyria  required  a  religious  con- 
formity from  the  subject  people.  Iler  religion  was  a 
gross  and  complex  polytheism,  comprising  the  worship 
of  thirteen  principal  and  numerous  minor  divinities,  at 
the  head  of  all  of  whom  stood  the  chief  god,  Asshur, 
who  seems  to  be  the  deified  patriarch  of  the  nation 
((ien.  X.  22).  (Ashtoketh  ;  Ataroatis  ;  Baal  ;  Da- 
GON  ;  Grove  ;  Idolatry.)  The  inscriptions  appear  to 
state  that  in  all  conquered  countries  the  Assyrians 
set  up  "  the  laws  of  Asshur,"  and  "  altars  to  the 
Gi-eat  God."."  It  was  probably  from  this  Assyrian 
requirement  that  Ahaz,  on  his  return  from  Damas- 
cus, where  he  had  made  his  submission  to  Tiglath- 
pilescr,  incurred  the  guilt  of  idolatry  (2  K.  xvi.  10- 
16).  Yet  Hezekiah,  though  tributary,  was  not  an  idol- 
ater.— 15.  Its  extent. — The  native  monuments  and  the 
Scriptures  indicate  the  following  boundaries  :  on  tlic 
W.,  the  Mediterranean  and  the  river  Halys;  on  the 
N.,  a  fluctuating  line,  never  reaching  the  Euxine  nor 
extending  beyond  the  N.  frontier  of  Armenia ;  on 
the  E.,  the  Caspian  Sea  and  the  Great  Salt  Desert ; 
on  the  S.,  the  Persian  Gulf  and  the  Desert  of  Arabia. 
The  countries  within  these  limits  are — Susiana,  Chal- 
dea.  Babylonia,  Media,  Matiene,  Armenia,  Assyria 
Proper,  Mesopotamia,  parts  of  Cappadocia  and  Cili- 
cia,  Syria,  Phenicia,  Palestine,  and  Idumea.  Cyprus 
was  also  for  a  while  a  dependency  of  Assyria,  as 
were  perhaps  at  one  time  certain  portions  of  Lower 
Egypt. — 16.  Civilization,  of  the  Aiai/rians. — This,  as 
already  observed,  was  derived  originally  from  the 
Babylonians.  The  Assyrians  were  a  Shemitic  race, 
originally  resident  in  Babylonia  (then  Cushite),  who 
ascended  the  valley  of  the  Tigris  and  established  a 
separate  nationality.  Their  modes  of  writing  and 
building,  the  form  and  size  of  their  bricks,  their 
architectural  ornamentation,  their  religion  and  wor- 
ship, in  a  great  measure,  were  drawn  from  Babylon, 
which  they  always  regarded  as  a  sacred  land — the 
original  seat  of  their  nation,  and  the  true  home  of 
all  their  gods,  except  Asshur.   Still,  as  their  civiliza- 


tion developed,  it  became  in  many  respects  peculiar. 
Their  art  is  of  home  growth.  The  alalwister  quarries 
in  their  neighborhood  supplied  them  with  a  material 
unknown  to  the  Babylonians.  Their  emblematical 
figures  of  the  gods  have  a  dignity  and  grandeur  in- 
dicating the  possession  of  some  elevated  feelings. 
Their  pictures  of  war,  and  of  the  chase,  and  even 
sometimes  of  the  more  peaceful  incidents  of  human 
life,  have  a  fidelity,  a  spirit,  a  boldness,  and  an  ap- 
pearance of  life  which  place  them  high  among  real- 
istic schools.  The  advanced  condition  of  the  As- 
syrians in  various  other  respects  is  abundantly  evi- 
denced by  the  sculptures  and  the  remains  discov- 
ered among  their  buildings.  They  attained  to  a  very 
high  degree  of  matoi  iai  comfort  and  prosperity.  (Arch  ; 
Armi.et  ;  Arms  ;  Bottle  ;  Chariot  ;  Ciierub  ;  Engine  ; 
Glass  ;  Horse  ;  Metals  ;  Shemitic  Languages,  &e.) 
They  were  still,  however,  in  the  most  important  points 
barbarians.  Their  government  was  rude  and  in- 
artificial ;  their  religion  coarse  and  sensual ;  their 
conduct  of  war  cruel ;  even  their  art  materialistic 
and  so  debasing;  they  had  served  their  purpose 
when  they  had  prepared  the  East  for  centralized 
government,  and  been  God's  scourge  to  Israel  (Is.  x. 
5,  6);  they  nere,  therefore,  swept  away  to  allow 
the  rise  of  that  Aryan  race  (Mede.s)  which,  with 
less  appreciation  of  art,  was  to  introduce  into  western 
Asia  a  more  spiritual  form  of  religion,  a  better  treat- 
ment of  captives,  and  a  superior  governmental  or- 
ganization. 

•  As-syr'i-an  =  a  native  or  inhabitant  of  Assyria 
(Is.  X.  5,  24,  &c.). 

As'ta-roth  (Dtut.  i.  4)  =  Ashtarotii  2. 
As-tar'te  (Gr.  and  L.)  =  Ashtoreth. 
As'tatll  (Gr.)  =  AZGAD  (1  Esd.  viii.  38). 

*  As-ton'ied  [-id],  an  old  English  word  =  asion- 
iihed  (Ezr.  ix.  3  ;  Job  xvii.  8,  xviii.  20 ;  Ez.  iv.  17  ; 
Dan.  iii.  24,  iv.  19,  v.  9). 

*  As-trol'o-gers  [-jerz]  (Is.  xlvii.  13  ;  Dan.  i.  20,  ii. 
2,  10,  27,  iy.  7,  v.  7,  11,  15).     Astronomy. 

•  As-tron'o-my  was  especially  cultivated  among 
the  ancient  Chaldeans.  The  Egyptians  (Egypt) 
made  considerable  progress  in  astronomical  obser- 
vations, and  are  supposed  to  have  been  the  first 
instructors  of  the  Greeks  in  this  branch  of  knowl- 
edge. Both  these  nations  connected  astronomy 
with  religious  observances  (Ashtoketh  ;  Baal  ; 
Idolatry;  Queen  of  Heaven)  and  the  prediction 
of  future  events  (Divination  ;  Magi),  as  well  as  with 
the  computation  of  time  (Chronology  ;  Day  ;  Dial  ; 
Hour  ;  Month  ;  Year).  The  Hebrews  are  not 
known  to  have  made  much  advance  in  astronomi- 
cal science,  though  there  are  many  allusions  in  the 
Scriptures  to  the  visible  heavens.  (AncruRus ;  Crea- 
tion ;  Darkness  ;  Earth  ;  Firmament  ;  Heaven  ; 
LrciFEB ;  Mazzaroth  ;  Moon  ;  Orion  ;  Pleiades  ; 
Star  of  the  Wise  Men  ;  Sun.) 

As-ty'a-ges  [-jeez]  (L.  fr.  Zend  Aj-<iahak,Sh  H.  C. 
Rawlinson ;  =  the  oiling  snake,  the  emblem  of  the 
Median  power),  the  last  king  of  the  Medes,  b.  c.  595 
-560,  or  B.  c.  592-658,  conquered  by  Cyrus  (B.  and 
D.  1). 

A-sap'p!m  (Heb.  (jatheringa),  and  Ilonse  of  A-snp'- 
pim  (=  house  of  the  gatherings)  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  15, 
17) ;  a  proper  name  of  chambers  on  the  S.  side  of 
the  Temple  (so  some) ;  certain  store-rooms  (Gese- 
nius  and  Bertheau) ;  the  council-chambers  in  the 
outer  court  of  the  Temple  in  which  the  elders  held 
their  deliberations  (Fiirst,  after  the  Vulgate);  "Hn- 
tels  "  (Targum  of  Itabbi  Joseph).  The  Hebrew  word 
in  Neh.  xii.  26,  A.  V.,  is  translated  "  thresholds," 
margin  "  treasuries,"  or  "  assemblies." 


80 


AST 


ATH 


J-syn'cri-tns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  incomparable  or  unsocial, 
L.  &  S.),  a  Christian  at  Rome,  saluted  by  St.  Paul 
(Rom.  xvi.  14). 

A'tad  (Ileb.  thorn),  the  thresb'lng-floor  of,  a  spot 
"beyond  (i.  c. W.  of)  Jordan,"  at  which  Joseph  and 
his  brethren,  on  their  way  from  Egypt  to  Hebron, 
made  their  seven  days'  "  great  and  very  soie  mourn- 
ing "  over  the  body  of  Jacob ;  in  consequence  of 
which  it  acquired  from  the  Canaanites  ("  the  in- 
habitants of  the  land  "  W.  of  Jordan  ;  see  Gen.  1. 
13;  Canaan,  &c.)  the  new  name  of  Abel-Mizraim 
(Gen.  1.  10,  11).  According  to  Jerome  it  was 
in  his  day  called  Bethagla  or  Bethacla  ('Beth- 
Hoqla)  ;  more  probably  it  was  S.  of  Hebron  (Thn.  ii. 
385). 

At'a-rah  (Heb.  crown,  Ges.),  a  wife  of  Jerabmeel, 
and  mother  of  Onam  (1  Chr.  ii.  26). 

A-tar'ga-tis,  or  I)er'ce-ta  (both  L.  fr.  Gr. ;  orig. 
fr.  Syr.  =  an  opening,  Michaelis ;  a  fish,  Ges.),  a 
Syrian  goddess,  represented  generally  with  the  body 
of  a  woman  and  the  tad  of  a  fish  (compare  Dagon) 
Her  most  famous  temples  were  at  Hierapolis  (Ma- 
bug)  and  Ascalon.  Herodotus  identified  her  with 
Aphrodite  (=i  Roman  Venus)  Urania.  Lucian  com- 
pared her  with  Here  ( =  Roman  Juno),  though  he 
allowed  that  she  combined  traits  of  otlier  deiues. 
Plutarch  says  that  some  regarded  her  as  "  Aphro- 
dite, others  as»Here,  others  as  the  cause  and  nat- 
ural power  which  provides  the  principles  and  seeds 
for  all  things  from  moisture."  This  last  view  is 
pronounced  an  accurate  description  of  the  attributes 
of  the  goddess,  and  explains  her  fish-like  form  and 
popular  identification  with  Aphrodite.  A  temple  of 
Atargatis  (2  Mc.  xii.  26)  at  Camion  was  destroyed 
by  Judas  Maccabeus  (1  Mc.  v.  44).  Some  have  sup- 
posed that  Atargatis  was  the  tutelary  goddess  of 
the  first  Assyrian  dynasty,  and  that  the  name  ap- 
pears in  Tiglath-  or  Tilgath-pileser. 

*  At'a-rites  (1  Chr.  ii.  54,  marg.)     Ataroth  4. 

At'a-roth  (Heb.  crowns).  1.  One  of  the  towns  in 
the  "  land  of  Jazer  and  land  of  Gilead  "  (Num. 
xxxii.  3),  taken  and  built  by  the  tribe  of  Gad  (xxxii. 
34).  From  its  mention  with  places  on  the  N.  E.  of 
the  Dead  Sea  near  Jebel  (  =  mount)  Attarus,  a  con- 
nection has  been  assumed  between  Ataroth  and  that 
mountain.  But  this  seems  too  far  S.  (Atroth.) 
— 2i  A  place  on  the  (S.  ?)  boundary  of  Ephraim 
and  Manasseh  (Josh.  xvi.  2,  7) ;  =  No.  3  ? — 3.  At'a- 
rotb-a'dar  or  At'a-rath-ad'dar  (B.eh.  croions  of  Ad- 
dar,  Ges.),  on  the  W.  border  of  Benjamin,  "near 
the  hill  that  lieth  on  the  S.  side  of  the  nether  Beth- 
horon  "  (Josh.  xvi.  5,  xviii.  13).  The  Onomasticon 
mentions  an  Atharoth  in  Ephraim,  in  the  mountains, 
four  miles  N.  of  Sebaste ;  also  two  places  of  the  name 
not  far  from  Jerusalem.  The  former  cannot  be  the 
large  village  on  a  hill  about  fifteen  miles  N.  of 
Jerusalem,  now  'Atdra  (Rbn.  ii.  265).  Another 
'Atdra,  ruins,  six  or  seven  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem 
(Rbn.  i.  576),  is  too  far  E.  to  be  =  No.  3,  and  too 
far  S.  to  be  =  No.  2. — 4.  "Ataroth,  the  house  of 
Joab,"  a  place  (?)  occurring  in  the  list  of  the  de- 
scendants of  Judali  (1  Chr.  ii.  54  ;  margin  "Alarites, 
or  crowns  of  the  home  of  Joab  ").  Gesenius,  Kitto, 
&c.,  make  it  Ataroth-ieth-Joab,  a  city  of  Judab. 
Beth. 

A'ter  (Heb.  shut  up,  bound,  perhaps  dumb,  Ges.). 
1.  Ancestor  of  certain  porters  of  the  Temple  who 
returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  42  ;  Neh.  vii.  45) ; 
=  Jatal  in  1  Esd.  v.  28. — 2.  "The  children  (de- 
scendants) of  Ater  of  Hezekiah  "  (ninety-eight  in 
number)  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  16  ;  Neh. 
vii.  21),  and  are  supposed  to  have  been  among  the 


chief  of  the  people  who  sealed  the  covenant  with 
Nehemiah  (x.  17  ;  A.  V.  "Ater,  Hizkijah  ").  The 
name  appears  in  1  Esd.  v.  16,  as  Atehezi.is. 

A-ter-c-zi'as,  a  corruption  of  Ater  of  Hezekiah  (1 
Esd.  v.  16).     Ater  2, 

A'thaeh  [thak]  (fr.  Heb.  =  hdging-jjlace,  Ges.), 
one  of  the  places  in  Judah,  which  David  and  his  men 
frequented  during  his  residence  at  Ziklag(l  Sam. 
XXX.  30) ;  supposed  by  some  a  copyist's  error  for 
Ether  (Josh.  xv.  42).  In  the  Vatican  LXX.  it  is 
written  Kombe. 

A-thai'ah  [ah-tha'yah]  or  Ath-a-i'ah  (Heb. ;  per- 
haps =  Asaiah,  Ges.),  a  descendant  of  Pharez  and 
resident  at  Jerusalem  after  the  return  from  Babylon 
(Neh.  xi.  4) ;  =  Uthai  in  1  Chr.  ix.  4. 

Atll-a-llab  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  afflicts, 
Ges.).  1.  Daughter  of  Ahab  and  Jezebel,  and  wife 
of  Jehoram  2,  the  son  of  Jehoshaphat,  king  of  Ju- 
dah. She  probably  introduced  into  the  S.  kingdom 
the  worship  of  Baal.  After  the  great  revolution  un- 
der Jehu  in  Samaria,  she  killed  nil  tlie  royal  family 
of  Judah  who  had  escaped  his  sword  (2  K.  xi.  1  ;  2 
Chr.  xxii.  10),  availing  herself  probably  of  her  posi- 
tion as  King's  Mother  (Mother;  Queen)  to  perpe- 
trate the  crime.  From  the  slaughter  of  the  royal 
house  Ahaziah's  youngest  son  Joash  1  was  rescued 
by  his  aunt  Jehosheba,  who  had  married  Jehoiada 
4,  the  high-priest.  The  clnld  was  brought  up  under 
Jehoiada's  care,  and  concealed  in  the  Temple  six 
years,  during  which  period  Athaliah  reigned  over 
Judah.  At  length  Jehoiada,  comnmnicating  his  de- 
sign to  five  "captains  of  hundreds"  (2  Chr.  xxiii.  1), 
and  securing  the  cooperation  of  the  Levites  and 
chief  men  in  the  country-towns,  brought  the  young 
Joash  into  the  Temple  to  receive  the  allegiance  of 
the  soldiers  of  the  guard.  It  was  customary  on  the 
Sabbath  for  one-tliird  of  them  to  do  duty  at  the  pal- 
ace, while  two-thirds  restrained  the  crowd  of  visitors 
and  worshippers  at  the  Temple  by  occupying  the 
gates.  On  the  day  fixed  for  the  outbreak  there  was 
no  change  in  the  arrangement  at  the  palace,  lest 
Athaliah,  who  did  not  worship  in  the  Temple,  should 
form  suspicions  from  missing  her  usual  guard,  but  tlie 
other  two-thirds,  armed  with  King  David's  "  spears 
and  bucklers  and  shields "  (Arms),  protected  the 
king's  person  in  the  Temple.  Athaliah  was  first 
roused  to  a  sense  of  her  danger  by  the  shouts  and 
music  at  the  inaiiguration  of  her  grandson,  and  hur- 
ried into  the  Temple.  She  arrived,  however,  too 
late,  and  was  immediately  put  to  death  by  Jehoiada's 
commands,  without  the  precincts.  The  only  other 
recorded  victim  of  this  happy  revolution,  was  Mat- 
tan  1,  the  priest  of  Baal.  (Jcdah,  Kingdom  of;  Is- 
rael, Kingdom  of.) — %,  A  Beiijamite  chief,  son  of 
Jeroham,  who  dwelt  at  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  viii.  26). 
— 3.  A  son  (descendant)  of  Elam,  whose  son  Jeshai- 
ah  with  seventy  males  returned  with  Ezra  from  Baby- 
lon (Ezr.  viii.  7). 

Ath-a-ri'as,  a  corruption  of  "  the  Tibshatha  "  (1 
Esd.  V.  40). 

A-tlie'iii-ans  =  natives  or  citizens  of  Athens  (Acts 
xvii.  21). 

Ath-e-na'bi-ns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  having  life,  or  strength, 
from  Minerva  ;  see  Athens),  "  the  king's  friend," 
an  envov  of  Antiochus  VII.,  Sidetes,  to  Simon  Mac- 
cabeus (i  Mc.  XV.  28-36). 

Atb'eng  [-enz]  (fr.  Gr.  goddess  Athena  =  Roman 
Minerva),  the  capital  of  Attica,  and  the  chief  seat  of 
Grecian  learning  and  civilization  during  the  golden 
period  of  the  history  of  Greece  ;  said  to  have  been 
founded  by  Cecrops,  B.  c.  1566,  and  ruled  by  kings 
(one  of  whom,  Theseus,  is  said  to  have  united  the 


ATH 


ATO 


81 


twelve  cities  of  Attica  into  one  confederacy  with 
Athens  at  its  head)  till  the  death  of  Codrus,  b.  c. 
1069,  then  by  archoiis,  who  through  the  influence 
of  the  popular  assembly  became  at  length  simply 
municipal  officers  of  high  rank.  Tlie  laws  of  Solon 
(about  B.  c.  594)  were  the  foundation  of  the  Athenian 


PIad  of  Athena,  tbowing  the  petition  of  the  Agora  or  "  MarkeU' 


civil  polity,  though  the  ordinances  of  Draco,  which 
punished  capitally  the  smallest  theft  as  well  as  mur- 
der, were  retained  in  regard  to  many  religious  mat- 
ters. Athens  was  captured  by  the  Romans  under 
Sylla  B.  c.  86,  and  its  commerce  was  annihilated.  It 
fell  into  the  power  of  the  Turks  a.  n.  1456,  and  was 
afterward  twice  (14f>7  and  1687)  taken  by  the  Vene- 
tians, and  twice  (1470  and  1688)  recaptured  by  the 
Turks.     During  the  war  for  Grecian  independence, 


losophy  and  the  fine  arts.  It  has  still  in  the  Parthe- 
non, &c.,  some  of  tlie  noblest  monuments  of  ancient 
art. — St.  Paul  visited  Athens  in  his  journey  from  Ma- 
cedonia, and  appears  to  have  remained  there  some 
time  (Acts  xvii.  14-34;  comp.  1  Th.  iii.  1).  During 
his  residence  he  delivered  his  memorable  discourse  on 
tlie  Areopagus  to  the  "  men  of 
Athens  "  (Acts  xvii.  2fi-31).  The 
Agora  or  "  market,"  where  St.  Paul 
disputed  daily,  was  situated  in  the 
vaUey  between  four  hills,  being 
liounded  by  the  Acropolis  on  the 
N'.E.  and  E.,  by  the  Areopagus  on 
the  N.,  by  the  Pnyx  on  the  N.  W. 
and  W.  and  by  the  Museum  on  the 
S.  The  inquisitive  character  of  tlie 
Athenians  (Acts  xvii.  21)  is  at- 
tested by  the  unanimous  voice  of 
antiquity.  Demosthenes  rebuked 
his  countrymen  for  their  love  of 
constantly  going  about  in  the 
market,  and  asking  one  another. 
What  news  ?  The  "superstitious" 
chaiacter  of  the  Athenians  (Acta 
xvii.  22)  is  also  confirmed  by  the 
ancient  writers.  Thus  Pausanias 
says  that  the  Athenians  surpassed 
all  other  states  in  attention  to  tlie 
worship  of  the  gods;  and  hence 
the  city  was  crowded  in  every 
direction  with  temples,  altars,  and 
other  sacred  buiidings.  On  the 
Unknown   God,"  see  Altar.      Of 


Th«  Ar«ofM4{tu,  or  Man'  Hill,  and  Acropolia.— From  a  vlaw  by  Bartlatt (Fbo.) 

Athens  was  taken  by  the  Greeks  (1822)  and  retaken 
hy  the  Turks  (1827),  who  kept  possession  of  it  till 
1832.  Since  1835,  it  has  been  the  capital  of  the 
kingdom  of  Greece  (see  New  Amur,  Cyc,  art. 
Athens). — Athens  wag  the  city  of  Pericles,  Demos- 
Ihenes,  Socrates,  Plato,  &c. ;  long  distinguished  for 
its  spirit  of  liberty  and  its  culture  of  eloquence,  phi- 
6 


"altar  to  the 
the  Christian  church,  founded  by  St.  Paul  at  Athens, 
according  to  ecclesiastical  tradition,  Dionysus  the 
Areopagite  was  the  first  bishop. 

Ath'lai  (Heb.  =  Athaliah,  Ges.),  a  son  of  Behai, 
who  put  away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  28) ;  called 
Amatheis  in  1  Esd.  ix.  29. 
it'i-pha  (1  Esd.  V.  32)  =  Hatipha. 
*  A-tonement,  in  the  0.  T.  and  Apocrypha  (see 
No.  6,  below)  is  an  expia- 
tion or  satisfaction  for  sin 
by  which  forgiveness  is  ob- 
tained.    (Blemish;    Sacri- 
fice.)   Several  Hebrew  and 
Greek  words  are  thus  trans- 
lated in  the  A.  V.— 1.  The 
Hebrew  plural  eippiirim  is 
translated  "atonement"  or 
"atonements"    (Ex.    xxix. 
36,  XXX.  10,  16  ;  Lev.  xxiii. 
27,  28,  XXV.  9  [Atonement, 
Day  of]  ;  Num.  v.  8,  xxix. 
II).— 2.  The  Hebrew  verb 
caphar  (literally  :=  to  cover 
over  sin,  to  cover  sin,  Ges.) 
is   usually  translated    "  to 
make      atonement "     (Ex. 
xxix.  33,  36,  37,  xxx.  10, 
15,    16,    &c.),     sometimes 
"  to   make   reconciliation  " 
(Lev.    viii.    16;     Dan.    ix. 
24,  &c.),  "to  purge  away" 
(Ps.  Ixv.  3  [4  Heb.],  &c.), 
"to   purge"  (1    Sam.   iii.    14,   &c.),  "to   be  merci- 
ful "   (Deiit.    xxxii.   43,    &e.),    "  to   forgive "   (Ps. 
Ixxviii.   38;    Jer.  xviii.   23),   &c.— 3.   The   Hebrew 
noun  cdpher  is  translated  "  atonement  "  in  the  mai^ 
gin  of  Job  xxxiii.  24,  and  "ransom  "  in  the  text  (as 
in  Ex.  XXX.  12;  Job  xxxvi.  18,  &c.).     (Camphire; 
Pitch.) — 4.   The  Greek  compound  verb  exilaskomai 


82 


ATO 


ATO 


(  =  to  appease  or  win  over,  L.  &  S.)  ia  translated  "  to 
make  atoDement  "  in  Ecclus.  iii.  3,  30  ;  usually  in  the 
LXX.  =  caphar  (No.  2,  above ;  compare  No.  6,  be- 
low).— 5.  The  Greek  hilasmos  (  =  a  means  of  ap- 
peasing, a  propitiation,  a  sacrifice,  L.  &  S.)  is  trans- 
lated "  atonement "  in  2  Mc.  iii.  33,  and  "  propitia- 
tion "  in  1  Jn.  ii.  2,  iv.  10 ;  in  the  LXX.  —  cippu- 
rim  (No.  1,  above)  in  Lev.  xxv.  9  and  Num.  v.  8. 
The  Greek  verb  hilaskomai  (  =:  to  reconcile  to  one's 
self,  sc.  by  expiation,  to  propitiate,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.) 
in  the  LXX.  =  cApliar  (No.  2,  above  ;  comp.  No.  4) 
in  Ps.  Ixv.  3  (4,  Heb.,  and  Ixiv.  4,  Gr.),  Ixxviii.  38 
(Ixxvii.  38,  Gr.) ;  it  is  also  used  in  the  N.  T.  in  Lk. 
xviii.  13  (A.  V.  '"be  merciful")  and  Heb.  ii.  17  (A. 
V.  "  to  make  reconciliation  ").  The  kindred  Greek 
word  hilasterlon  is  translated  "  propitiation  "  in  Rom. 
iii.  25,  and  "  Mercy-seat  "  in  Heb.  ix.  5,  and  is  com- 
monly used  in  the  LXX.  for  the  latter  (Ex.  xxv.  18 
if.,  &c.). — 6.  The  Greek  ialallage  (literally  exchange, 
change,  sc.  of  feeling,  &c. ;  hence  settlement  of  difficul- 
ties), translated  "  atonement"  in  Rom.  v.  11,  is  trans- 
lated in  the  margin  "  reconciliation,"  as  in  the  text 
of  2  Cor.  V.  18,  19,  and  is  translated  "reconciling  " 
in  Rom.  xi.  15.     Jesus  Christ;  Saviour. 

A-tonement,  the  Day  of  (called  "the  fast"  in 
Acts  xxix.  9,  A.V),  the  great  day  of  national  humil- 
iation, and  the  only  one  commanded  in  the  Mosaic 
law.  (Fasts.)  The  mode  of  its  observance  is  de- 
scribed in  Lev.  xvi. ;  the  victims  offered,  besides  those 
strictly  belonging  to  the  special  service  of  the  day 
and  to  the  usual  daily  sacrifice,  arc  enumerated  in 
Num.  xxix.  7-1 1 ;  and  the  conduct  of  the  people  is 
emphatically  enjoined  in  Lev.  xxiii.  26-32. — IL  It 
was  kept  on  the  10th  day  of  Tisri,  i.  e.  from  the 
evening  of  the  9th  to  the  evening  of  the  10th  of  that 
month,  five  days  before  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles. 
(Festivals.) — IIL  The  observances  of  the  day  are 
thus  described  in  the  law.  It  was  to  be  kept  by  the 
people  as  a  solemn  sabbath.  On  this  occasion  only 
the  high-priest  was  permitted  fo  enter  into  the  Holy 
of  Holies.  Having  bathed  his  person  and  dressed 
himself  entirely  in  tlie  holy  white  linen  garments,  he 
brought  a  young  bullock  for  a  sin-offering  and  a  ram 
for  a  burnt-offering,  purchased  at  his  own  cost,  for 
himself  and  his  family,  and  two  young  goats  for  a 
sin-offering  with  a  ram  for  a  burnt-offering,  which 
•were  paid  for  out  of  the  public  treasury,  for  the 
people.  He  then  presented  tlie  two  goats  before  the 
Lord  at  the  door  of  the  tabernacle  and  cast  lots  upon 
them.  On  one  lot  "  {or  Jehovah'"  was  inscribed,  and 
on  the  other  "  for  Azazel "  ("  for  the  scape-goat,"  A. 
v.).  He  next  sacrificed  the  young  bullock  as  a  sin- 
offering  for  himself  and  his  family.  Taking  with 
him  some  of  the  blood  of  the  bullock,  he  tilled  a 
censer  with  burning  coals  from  the  brazen  altar,  took 
a  handful  of  incense,  and  entered  into  the  most  holy 
place.  He  then  threw  the  incense  upon  the  coals 
and  enveloped  the  mercy-seat  in  a  cloud  of  smoke. 
Then,  dipping  his  finger  into  the  blood,  he  sprinkled 
it  seven  times  before  ("upon,"  A.V.  and  Ewald)  the 
mercy-seat  eastward.  The  goat  upon  which  the  lot 
" for  Jelwvah'''  had  fallen  was  then  slain,  and  the 
high-priest  sprinkled  its  blood,  like  the  bullock's,  be- 
fore the  mercy-seat.  He  then  purified  the  holy  place, 
sprinkling  some  of  the  blood  of  both  the  victims  on 
the  altar  of  incense  (see  Ex.  xxx.  10).  At  this  time 
no  one  besides  the  high-priest  was  sufiered  to  be 
present  in  the  holy  place.  After  the  purification  of 
the  Holy  of  Holies,  and  of  the  holy  place,  the  high- 
priest  laid  his  hands  upon  the  head  of  the  goat  on 
which  the  lot  ^'- for  Azazel"  had  fallen,  and  confessed 
over  it  all  the  sins  of  the  people.    The  goat  was 


then  led,  by  a  man  chosen  for  the  purpose,  into  the 
wilderness,  into  "  a  land  not  inhabited,"  and  was 
there  let  loose.  The  high-priest  after  this  returned 
into  the  holy  place,  bathed  himself  again,  put  on  his 
usual  garments  of  office,  and  offered  the  two  rams  as 
burnt-offerings,  one  for  himself  and  one  for  the 
people.  He  also  burnt  upon  the  altar  the  fat  of  the 
two  sin-offerings,  while  their  flesh  was  carried  away 
and  burned  outside  the  camp.  They  who  took  away 
the  flesh  and  the  man  who  had  led  away  the 
goat  had  to  bathe  their  persons  and  wash  their 
clothes  as  soon  as  their  service  was  performed. 
The  accessary  burnt-offerings  mentioned  Num.  xxix. 
7-11,  were  a  young  bullock,  a  ram,  seven  lambs, 
and  a  young  goat. — IV.  Josephus,  giving  of  course 
the  practice  in  the  second  Temple,  when  the  ark 
of  the  covenant  had  disappeared,  states  that  the 
high-priest  sprinkled  the  blood  with  his  finger  seven 
times  on  the  ceiling  and  seven  times  on  the  floor  of 
the  most  holy  place,  and  seven  times  toward  it 
(apparently  outside  the  veil),  and  round  the  golden 
altar;  then  going  into  the  court  he  either  sprinkled 
or  poured  tlie  blood  round  the  great  altar.  The 
kidneys,  the  top  of  the  liver,  and  tlie  extremities  of 
the  victims  were  burned  with  the  fat. — V.  The  Mish- 
na  (  Yoma)  professes  to  give  the  observances  of  the 
day  according  to  the  usage  in  the  second  Temple. 
1.  The  high-priest  himself,  dressed  in  his  colored 
official  garments,  performed  on  the  Day  of  Atone- 
ment, all  the  duties  of  the  ordinary  daily  service, 
lighting  the  lamps,  presenting  the  daily  sacrifices, 
&c.  After  this  he  bathed  himself,  put  on  the  white 
garments,  and  commenced  the  special  rites  of  the 
day.  2.  The  high-priest  went  into  the  Holy  of  Holies 
four  times  this  day  :  (1.)  with  the  censer  and  incense ; 
(2.)  with  the  bullock's  blood ;  (3.)  with  the  goat's 
blood ;  (4.)  after  the  evening  sacrifice,  to  bring  out 
the  censer  and  incense-plate.  This  is  not  opposed 
to  Heb.  ix.  7.  Compare  Lev.  xvi.  12,  14,  15.  3. 
The  blood  of  the  bullock  and  that  of  the  goat  were 
each  sprinkled  eight  times,  once  toward  the  ceiling 
and  seven  times  on  the  floor  (see  above,  IV.).  4. 
After  he  had  gone  into  the  most  holy  place  the  third 
time,  and  had  returned  into  the  holy  place,  the  high- 
priest  sprinkled  the  blood  of  the  bullock  (and  so  of 
the  goal)  eight  times  toward  the  veil.  Having  then 
mingled  the  blood  of  the  two  victims  together  and 
sprinkled  the  altar  of  incense  with  the  mixture,  ho 
came  into  the  court  and  poured  out  what  remained 
at  the  foot  of  the  altar  of  burnt-offering.  5.  For 
seven  days  before  the  Day  of  Atonement  the  high- 
priest  kept  away  from  his  own  house,  and  dwelt  in 
a  chamber  appointed  for  his  use.  To  provide  further 
for  his  incurring  some  undeanness,  a  deputy  was 
chosen  who  might  act  for  him  when  the  day  came. 
Compare  Jos.  xvii.  6,  §  4.  During  these  seven  days 
as  well  as  on  the  Day  of  Atonement,  the  high-priest 
performed  the  ordinary  duties  of  the  daily  service. 
On  the  third  and  seventh  days  hi  was  sprinkled  with 
the  ashes  of  the  red  heifer  to  cleanse  him  if  he  had 
touched  a  dead  body  without  knowing  it.  6.  The 
two  goats  of  the  sin-offering  were  to  be  of  similar 
appearance,  size,  and  value.  The  lots  were  put  into 
a  little  box  or  urn,  into  which  the  high-pi-icst  put 
both  his  hands  and  took  out  a  lot  in  each,  while  the 
two  goats  stood  before  him.  The  lot  in  each  hand 
belonged  to  the  goat  in  the  corresponding  position. 
The  high-priest  then  tied  a  piece  of  scarlet  cloth  on 
the  scape-goat's  head,  called  "  the  scarlet  tongne," 
from  its  shape.  A  prayer  was  then  oftcred  by  the 
high-priest  over  the  head  of  the  gout,  which  was  led 
away  by  the  man  appointed.     As  soon  as  it  reached 


ATO 


AUG 


83 


B  certain  spot,  a  signal  was  made  to  the  high-priest, 
who  waited  for  it.  Tlie  man  who  led  the  goat  is 
said  to  have  taken  him  to  the  top  of  a  high  precipice 
and  tlirown  him  down  baclcward,  so  as  to  dasli  him 
to  pieces.  Originally,  however,  the  goat  was  set  free 
(Lev.  xvi.  22,  a6).  7.  The  high-priest,  on  receiving 
the  signal  that  the  goat  had  reached  the  wilderness, 
read  some  lessons  from  the  law,  and  offered  up  some 
prayers,  lie  then  bathed  himself,  resumed  his  col- 
ored garments,  and  oifered  cither  the  whole,  or  a 
great  part,  of  the  accessary  offering  (Num.  xxix.  7- 
11)  with  the  regular  evening  sacrifice.  After  this, 
be  wa.«hcd  again,  put  on  the  white  garments,  and 
entered  the  most  holy  place  for  the  fourth  time  (see 
above,  T.  2).  8.  All  (except  invalids  and  children 
under  thirteen  years)  are  forbidden  to  eat  any  thing 
that  day  so  large  as  a  date,  to  drink,  or  to  wash  from 
sunset  to  sunset.  In  the  law  itself  no  express  men- 
tion is  made  of  abstinence  from  food. — VI.  In  re- 
gard to  the  Hebrew  word  Azazel  ("  scape-goat,"  A. 
v.),  the  opinions  most  worthy  of  notice  are — 1.  A 
designation  of  the  goat  itself.  The  old  interpreters 
in  general,  the  Vulgate,  Pymmachus,  Aquila,  Luther, 
the  A.  v.,  &c.,  supposed  it  =:  the  goat  sent  away,  or 
let  loose.  But  the  application  of  Azazel  to  the  goat 
itself  involves  the  Hebrew  text  in  difficulty.  If  one 
expression  in  Lev.  xvi.  8,  &c.  :r=  for  Jehovah,  the 
other  naturally  =;  for  Azasel,  with  the  preposition 
in  the  same  sense.  If  tiiis  is  admitted,  taking  Azazel 
=  the  goat  itself,  an  inconsistency  appears  in  Lev. 
xvi.  10,  26.  2.  The  name  of  the  place  to  which  the 
goat  was  sent.  But  the  place  is  specified  in  Lev. 
xvi.  10,  21,  22(Ges.).  3.  A  personal  being  to  whom 
the  goat  was  sent,  (a.)  Gescnius  makes  Azazel  — 
averler.  expiator,  and  supposes  it  to  be  some  false 
deity  who  was  to  be  appeased  by  a  sacrifice  of  the 
goat.  (A.)  Others  have  regarded  him  as  an  evil 
spirit,  or  the  devil  himself.  Spencer  (on  the  Heb. 
Ritual  Lawn)  supposes  that  the  goat  was  given  up  to 
the  devil.  Hengstenberg,  confidently  affirming  that 
Azazel  =  Satan,  repudiates  the  conclusion  that  the 
goat  was  a  sacrifice  to  Satan,  and  maintains  that  the 
goat  was  sent  away  laden  with  the  sins  of  God's  peo- 
ple, now  forgiven,  in  order  to  mock  their  spiritual 
enemy.  4.  An  explanation  of  the  word  which  seems 
less  objectionable,  if  not  wholly  satisfactory,  would 
render  the  designation  of  the  lot  (Lev.  xvi.  8,  &c., 
"  foi-  the  scape-goat,"  A.  V.)  "  for  complete  sending 
away"  (Tholuck,  Biihr,  Winer,  &c.).—Vn.  The  Tal- 
mndists  regiirdcd  the  Day  of  Atonement  as  an  oppor- 
tunity afforded  ihom  of  wiping  off  the  score  of  their 
more  heavy  offences.  Philo  speaks  of  the  day  as  an 
occasion  for  self-restraint  in  regard  to  bodily  indul- 
gence, and  for  bringing  home  to  our  minds  the  truth 
that  man  docs  not  live  by  bread  alone,  but  by  what- 
ever God  is  pleased  to  appoint.  It  cannot  be  doubted 
that  what  especially  distinguished  the  symbolical  ex- 
piation of  this  day  from  that  of  the  other  services 
of  the  law,  was  its  broad  and  national  character, 
with  perhaps  a  deeper  reference  to  the  sin  which  be- 
longs to  the  nature  of  man. — In  the  particular  rites 
of  the  day,  three  points  appear  very  distinctive.  1. 
The  white  garments  of  the  high-priest.  2.  His  en- 
trance into  the  Holy  of  Holies.  3.  The  scape-goat. 
Heb.  ix.  7-25,  teaches  us  to  apply  the  first  two  par- 
ticulars. The  high-priest  himself,  with  his  person 
cleansed  and  dres8e<l  in  white  garments,  was  the 
type  of  that  pure  and  holy  One  who  was  to  purify 
His  people  from  their  sins.  But  the  subject  of  the 
jcapc-goat  is  one  of  great  doubt  and  difficulty.  Of 
those  who  take  Azazel  =  the  Evil  Spirit  (VL  8, 
above),  some  have  supposed  that  the  goat  was  a  sort 


of  bribe,  or  retaining  fee,  for  the  accuser  of  men. 
Spencer  made  it  a  symbol  of  the  punishment  of  the 
wicked  ;  while  Hengstenberg  considers  it  significant 
of  the  freedom  of  those  who  had  become  reconciled 
to  God.  Some  few  have  supposed  that  the  goat  was 
taken  into  the  wilderness  to  suffer  there  vicariously 
for  the  sins  of  the  people.  But  it  has  been  ginerally 
considered  that  it  was  dismissed  to  signify  the  carry- 
ing away  of  their  sins,  as  it  were,  out  of  the  sight  of 
Jehovah.  Since  the  two  goats  were  parts  of  one  and 
the  same  sin-offering,  they  form  together  but  one 
symbolical  expression.  There  may  have  been  two, 
simply  because  a  smgle  material  object  could  not 
symbolically  embrace  the  whole  truth  to  be  expressed 
(compare  Heb.  ix.).  Hence  some,  regarding  each  goat 
as  a  type  of  Christ,  supposed  that  the  one  slain 
represented  his  death,  and  the  one  set  free  his  resur- 
rection. But  we  shall  take  a  simpler,  and  perhaps  a 
truer  view  (so  Mr.  Clark,  the  original  author  of  this 
article),  if  we  look  upon  the  slain  goat  as  setting 
forth  the  act  of  sacrifice,  in  giving  up  its  own  life  for 
others  "  to  Jehovah,"  in  accordance  with  the  require 
ments  of  the  Divine  law ;  and  the  goat  which  carried 
off  its  load  of  sin  "  for  complete  removal,"  as  signi- 
fying the  cleansing  influence  of  faith  in  that  sacrifice 
(compare  Ps.  ciii.  12). 

At'roth  (Heb.  crowns,  Ges.),  a  city  of  Gad  (Num. 
xxxii.  S5).  No  doubt  the  name  should  be  taken 
with  that  following  it,  Shophan,  to  distinguish  this 
place  from  Ataroth  1,  in  the  same  neighborhood. 

At'tal  [-tay]  (Heb.  perhaps  =  opportune,  Gcs.). 
!•  Grandson  of  Sheshan  the  Jerahmeelite  through 
his  daughter  Ahlai  the  wife  of  Jarha  (1  Chr.  ii.  35, 
36). — 2.  The  sixth  of  the  mighty  Gadite  captains, 
who  forded  the  swollen  Jordan,  and  joined  David  in 
the  wilderness  (1  Chr.  xii.  II). — 3.  A  son  of  King 
Rehoboam  by  Maachah  (2  Chr.  xi.  20). 

At-ta-li'a  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  a  coast-town  of  Pamphylia 
(Acts  xiv.  25),  from  which  Paul  and  Barnabas  sailed 
on  their  return  to  Antioch  from  their  missionary 
journey  into  Asia  Minor.  It  was  built  by  Attains 
Philadelphus,  king  of  Pergamus, about  150  B.C.,  and 
named  after  him.  It  was  intended  to  command  the 
trade  with  Egypt  and  Syria.  It  is  still  an  important 
town,  the  modern  AdaHa  or  Satalia,  on  the  gulf  of 
the  same  name  on  theS.  coast  of  Asia  Minor  (Leake; 
Spratt  and  Forbes). 

it'ta-Ins  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  the  name  of  three  kings  of 
Pci^amus  who  reigned  respectively  b.  c.  241-197, 
159-138  (Philadelphus),  138-133  (Philometor).  It 
is  uncertain  whether  the  letters  sent  frtm  Rome  in 
lavor  of  the  Jews  (1  Mc.  xv.  22)  were  addressed  to 
Attains  n.  (Philadelphus),  or  Attains  IIL  (Philo- 
metor), "as  their  date  falls  in  b.  c.  139-8  (Lticius), 
about  the  time  when  the  latter  succeeded  his  uncle. 

At-tha-ra'tes  (Gr.),  a  corruption  of  "the  Tirsha- 
tha"(l  Esd.  ix.  49).    Atharias. 

*  At-tire'.    Diadem  ;  Dress. 

An'gi-a  [aw'je-ah]  (Gr.),  daughter  of  Berzelus  or 
Barzillai,  and  wife  of  Annus  (1  Esd.  v.  38) ;  not  in 
Ezra  or  Nehemiah. 

Aa-gns'tns  fe'sar  or  An-gns'tns  Cas'sar  f-see'zar] 
(L.  Augustus  [=:  consecrated,  august,  majestic']  Ceesnr; 
see  Gksar),  the  first  Roman  emperor.  During  his 
reign  Christ  was  bom  (Lk.  ii.  1  ff.).  Augustus  was 
bom  A.  c.  c.  691,  B.  c.  63.  His  father  was  Caius 
Octavius ;  his  mother  Atia,  daughter  of  Julia,  the 
sister  of  Caius  Julius  Caisar  (:=  Julius  Cesar,  the 
dictator).  He  bore  the  same  name  ns  his  fatlier, 
Caius  Octavius.  He  was  principally  educated  by  his 
great-uncle  Jnlius  Cesar,  and  was  made  his  heir. 
After  his  murder,  b.  c.  44,  the  young  Octavius,  then 


84 


AUG 


AX 


Caias  Julius  CsBSar  Octavianus,  was  taken  into  the 
Triumvirate  witli  Antony  and  Lepidus,  and,  after  tlie 
removal  of  the  latter,  divided  the  empire  with  An- 
tony. The  struggle  with  Antony  for  the  supreme 
power  waa  terminated  in  favor  of  Octavianus  by  the 
battle  of  Actium,  b.  c.  31.     On  this  victory,  he  was 


Coin  of  Aoguatui.— (Fbn.) 


saluted  emperor  by  the  senate,  who  conferred  on  him 
the  title  Augustu3"(B.  c.  27).  He  managed  with  con- 
summate tact  to  consolidate  his  power  by  gradually 
uniting  in  himself  all  the  principal  state  offices. 
After  the  battle  of  Actium,  Herod,  who  had  espoused 
Antony's  side,  found  himself  pardoned,  taken  into 
favor  and  confirmed,  nay  even  increased  in  his 
power.  After  Herod's  death  in  a.  d.  4,  Augustus 
divided  his  dominions  almost  exactly  according  to 
his  dying  directions,  among  his  sons,  but  afterward 
exiled  Akchelaus.  Augustus  died  at  Nola  in  Cam- 
pania, August  19,  A.  n.  C.767,  a.  d.  14,  in  his  seventy- 
sixth  year ;  but  long  before  his  deatli  he  had  asso- 
ciated Tiberius  with  him  in  the  empire. 

in-gaa'tus'  Band  (Acts  xxvii.  1).    Army,  II. 

Aa-ra'nns  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  leader  of  a  riot  at  Jerusa- 
lem (2  Mc.  iv.  40). 

An-te'as  (1  Esd.  ix.  48)  ==  Hodijah  1. 

* An-tUor'l-ty.  Army;  Chain;  Elder;  Father; 
Governor  ;  Judge  ;  Kinq  ;   Law  ;   Prince  ;  Trial, 

&C. 

A'ya  (fr.  Heb.  =  overturning,  Ges.),  a  place  in  the 
empire  of  Assyria,  from  which  colouists  (Avites  2) 
were  brought  to  Samaria  (2  K.  xvii.  24) ;  probably 
(so  Ra«linson)  =  Ahava  and  Ivaii. 

AT'a-ran  (fr.  Ar.,  in  allusion  to  his  killing  the  royal 
elephant ;  see  1  Mc.  vi.  43-46),  the  surname  of  Ele- 
azar,  brother  of  Judas  Maccabeus  (1  Mc.  ii.  5),  er- 
roneously Savaran  in  1  Mc.  vi.  43. 

A'Ten  (Heb.  nothingness).  1.  The  "plain  of  Aven" 
("  Bikath-aven,"  margin),  mentioned  by  Amos  (i.  5) 
in  his  denunciation  of  Syria  and  the  country  N.  of 
Palestine,  has  not  been  identified  with  certainty. 
The  LXX.  translate  "  the  plain  of  On,"  i.  e.  of  He- 
liopolis  or  Baalbek=the  modern  el-BukiCa.  (Plain 
2). — 2.  In  Hos.  X.  8,  "  the  high  places  of  xiven," 
the  word  clearly  =  Beth-aven,  i.  e.  Bethel.> — 3.  In 
Ez.  XXX.  17,  "Aven"  =  On,  the  sacred  city  of  Ueli- 
opolis  in  Egypt. 

*  A-ven'gcr  of  Blood.    Blood,  Avenger  op. 

A'?iin,  A'vims,  or  A'vites  (Heb.  Avvim  =  dwellers 
among  ruins,  Ges.).  1.  A  people  among  the  early 
inhabitants  of  Palestine,  dwelling  in  the  S.  W.  cor- 
ner of  the  sea-coast,  whither  they  may  have  made 
their  way  N.  from  the  desert.  In  Deut.  ii.  23  we  see 
them  dwelling  in  the  villages  ("  Hazerim,"  A.  V.)  in 
the  S.  part  of  the  great  western  lowland  (Plain  6), 
"  as  far  as  Gaza."  In  these  rich  possessions  they 
were  attacked  by  "  the  Caphtorim  which  came  forth 
out  of  Caphtor,"  and  who  after  "  destroying  "  them 
and  "dwelling  in  their  stead,"  appear  to  have  pushed 
them  further  N.  Possibly  a  trace  of  their  existence 
is  found  in  "Avim"  (or  "the  Avim")  among  the 
cities  of  Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  23).  Yet  "  Avim  " 
here  may  =  Ai.    It  is  a  curious  fact  that  both  the 


LXX.  and  Jerome  identified  the  Avim  with  the  Hi- 
vites,  and  also  that  the  town  of  Avim  was  in  the 
actual  district  of  the  Hivites  (Josh.  ix.  7,  17,  com- 
pare with  xviii.  22-27). — 2.  "Avites,"  the  people  of 
AvA,  sent  as  colonists  into  Samaria  (2  K.  xvii.  31). 
They  were  idolaters,  worshipping  Nibhaz  and  Tar- 
tak. 

A'vith  (Heb.  ruins,  Ges.),  the  city  of  Hadad,  the 
son  of  Bedad,  an  early  king  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
36  ;  1  Chr.  i.  46). 

*  A-way'  with  is  several  times  used  elliptically  or 
peculiarly  in  the  A.  V.  In  Jn.  xix.  15  and  Acts  xxi. 
36,  "  aw  ay  with  him  "  =  go  away  with  him,  i.  e.  take 
him  away,  or  put  him  out  of  the  way,  viz.,  by  killing 
him.  So  also  in  Lk.  xxiii.  18  ;  Acts  xxii.  22. — In 
Is.  i.  13,  "I  cannot  away  with  "=  I  cannot  go  with, 
I  cannot  be  in  /ellowship  with,  I  cannot  endure. 

Awl,  a  tool  for  boring,  only  noticed  in  connection 
with  boring  the  servant's  ear  (Ex.  xxi.  6  ;  Deut.  xv. 
17).  The  ancient  Egyptian  awl  was  much  like  the 
well-known  modern  instrument.     Medicine. 

Ax  or  Ase.  Seven  Hebrew  words  are  translated 
"  ax "  (thus  spelled  in  the  English  authorized  edi- 
tions) in  the  A.V. — 1.  Oarzen,  from  a  root  .~ignifying 
to  cut  or  sever.  It  consisted  of  a  head  of  iron  (com- 
pare Is.  X.  34),  fastened,  with  thongs  or  otherwise, 
upon  a  handle  of  wood,  and  so  liable  to  slip  off 
(Dtut.  xix.  5  ;  compare  2  K.  vi.  5).  It  was  used  for 
felling  trees  (Deut.  x.x.  19;  Is.  x.  15),  and  also  for 
shaping  the  wood  when  felled,  perhaps  like  the 
modern  adze  (1  K.  vi.  7). — 2.  Hereb  or  chereb, 
usually  translated  "  sword "  (Arms),  is  used  of 
other  cutting  instruments,  as  a  "  knife "  (Josh.  v. 
2)  or  razor  (Ez.  v.  1),  or  a  tool  for  hewing  or 
dressing  stones  (Ex.  xx.  25),  and  is  once  translated 
"  ax  "  (Ez.  xxvi.  9),  evidently  denoting  a  weapon 
for  destroying  buildings,  a  pick-axe. — 3.  Caslishil 
occurs  but  once  (Ps.  Ixxiv.  6),  and  is  evidently  a 
later  word,  denoting  a  large  axe. -4.  Magzeruh  (2 
Sam.  xii.  31),  and,  5,  Megerdh  (1  Chr.  xx.  3)  are 


Ancient  Epvpllan  nnd  Aftsyrian  Atpa. — (Fbn.l 
1,  9,  3,  Egyptian.— Willimaou.         4,  5,  ABflyrian.— British  MuMatiL 

found  in  the  description  of  the  punishments  inflicted 
by  David  upon  the  Ammonites  of  Kabbah.  The  lat- 
ter word  is  properly  "  asaw,"  and  is  probaljly  a  copy- 
ist's error  for  the  former. — 6.  Ma'atsdd,  translated 
"  ax"  in  Is.  xliv.  12  (marg.),  and  Jer.  x.  3,  was  an 
in.strument  employed  both  by  the  iron-smith  and  the 
carpenter,  and  is  supposed  to  be  a  curved  knife  or 
bill,  smaller  than — 7.  Kardom,  which  was  a  large 
axe  used  for  felling  trees  (Judg.  ix.  48  ;  1  Sam.  xiiL 


AXL 


AZA 


85 


20,  21 ;  Ps.  Ixxiv.  6 ;  Jer  xlri.  22).— The  "  battlc- 
ax"  (Heb.  mappeb,  Jer.  li.  20)  was  probably  u 
heavy  mace  or  uiaul,  like  that  which  gave  his  French 
surname  to  Charles  Martel. — The  Gr.  axine,  trans- 
late J  "  ax  "  in  the  N.  T.  (Mat.  iii.  10;  Lk.  lii.  9),  is 
used  iu  the  LXX.  for  the  Heb.  yanen  (No.  1,  above) 


Aodeat  Egyptian  Battle-azet,  Pole-axe,  Mocea,  and  Ciub. — (FbQ.) 

in  Deut.  six.  5  and  Is.  x.  15,  and  uniformly  for  kar- 
dim  (Xo.  7,  above). — The  Gr.  pelehis,  translated 
"ax"  in  Bar.  vi.  15  (Ep.  Jer.  i.  14  in  Gr.),  and  used 
in  the  LXX.  for  garzai  once  (1  K.  vi.  7)  and  for 
cash»hil  (Kg.  3,  above)  in  Ps.  Ixxiv.  6  (Ixxiii.  6  in 
Gr.)  =z  an  axe  or  hatchet,  usually  a  carijenter's  axe 
(L&R.). 

"  Axle-tree  is  the  translation  in  the  A.  V.  of — 1. 
Heb.  plural  of  ,(/(W (literally,  hand)  (\  K.  vii  32,  33). 
— 2.  Gr.  axon  (Ecclus.  xxxiii.  6).  Caet  ;  CaijuOT ; 
Later  ;  Waoon. 

A'za-«l  =  ASAHEL  4. 

Az-a-e  Ins,  probably  merely  a  repetition  of  the  pre- 
ceding name  Esril  (1  Esd.  ix,  34) ;  perhaps  =  Aza- 
REEL  4. 

A'zal  (fr.  Heb.  =  tide,  near,  Vulg.,  Henderson),  a 
name  mentioned  (Zech.  xiv.  5  only)  as  the  limit  to 
which  the  ravine  of  the  Mount  of  Olives  will  extend 
when  "  Jehovah  shall  go  forth  to  fight."  Several 
commentators  agree  with  the  Vulgate  in  taking  Azal 
a.s  an  appellative. 

Az-a-Uab  (Heb.  -whom  Jehnvah  has  reserved,  Ges.), 
father  of  Shaphan  the  scribe  (2  K.  xxii.  3 ;  2  Chr. 
ixxiv.  8). 

Az-a-ni'ah  (Heb.  whom  Jehovah  heart,  Ges.),  a 
Levite,  father  of  Jesbua  in  Nebemiah's  time  (Neh. 
X.9). 

A-za  pbl-on  (1  Esd.  v.  83),  possibly  a  corruption 

of  SOPHERETII. 

Az'a-ra,  one  of  the  "servants  of  the  Temph  "  (1 
Esd.  V.  31);  not  in  Ezra. 

A-za  ra-«l  (Heb.  =  Azareel),  a  Levite-musician 
(Neh.  xii.  36). 

A-za're-el  (Heb.  whom  Ood  helps,  Ges.).  I.  A 
Korhite  who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  6). 
-—2.  A  Levite  musician  in  David's  time ;  son  of  He- 
man  (xxv.  18);  called  Uzziel  in  xxv.  4. — 3,  Son 
of  Jcroham,  and  prince  of  Dan  under  David  (xxvii. 
22). — I.  A  son  or  descendant  of  Bani,  who  put  away 
his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  41);  probably  =:  E.sril  or 
AzAELfs  in  1  Esd.  ix.  34. — 5>  A  priest,  father  of 
Amashai  (Xch.  xi.  13). 

Az-a-rt'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  helps,  Ges. ; 
L.  and  Gr.  AzARiAs).  I.  Son  of  Ahimaaz  (1  Chr. 
vi.  9).  He  appears  from  1  K.  iv.  2,  to  have  suc- 
ceeded bis  grandfather  Zaooe  as  Hica-PRiEsr  in  Sol- 


omon's reign.  To  him  probably  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Her- 
vey),  instead  of  to  his  grandson  (No.  6),  belongs  the 
notice  in  1  Chr.  vi.  10,  "  He  it  is  that  executed  the 
priest's  office  in  the  temple  that  Solomon  built  at 
Jeruiialem." — 2.  A  chief  officer  of  Solomon's,  the  son 
of  Nathan  ;  perhaps  David's  grandson  (1  K.  iv.  6). — 
3>  Tenth  king  of  judah,  more  frequently  called  Uz- 
ziAH  (2  K.  xiv.  21,  XV.  1,  6,  7,  8,  17,  23,  27;  1  Chr. 
iii.  12). — 1.  Son  of  Ethan,  and  great-grandson  of  Ju- 
dah (1  Chr.  ii.  8). — 5.  A  captain  of  Judah  at  the  in- 
auguration of  Joash  ;  son  of  Jehu,  and  grandson  of 
Obed  (1  Chr.  ii.  88,  39;  2  Chr.  xxiii.  1),  compare 
No.  13.— «.  Son  of  Johanan  (1  Chr.  vi.  10,  1 1) ;  prob- 
ably high-priest  (see  No.  1,  above)  in  the  reigns  of 
Abijah  and  Asa,  as  his  son  Amariah  was  in  the  days 
of  Jehoshaphat ;  but  we  know  nothing  of  his  char- 
acter or  acts. — 7.  Son.of  Hilkiah  2,  the  high-priest;, 
and  father  of  Seraiah  2  (1  Chr.  vi.  13).  This  Aza- 
riali  IS  by  some  considered  different  from  the  ances- 
tor of  Ezra  m  1  Chr.  ix.  11  and  Ezr.  vii.  1. — 8.  Son 
of  Zcphaniah,  a  Kohathite,  and  ancestor  of  S.nmiiel 
the  prophet  (1  Chr.  vi.  36).— 9.  Son  of  Oded(2  Chr. 
XV.  1),  called  simply  Oded  in  ver.  8 ,  a  prophet,  and 
a  contemporary  of  Azariah  6,  and  of  Hanani  the 
seer.  His  brief  but  pithy  exhortation  (ver.  2-7) 
moved  king  Asa  and  the  people  of  Judah  and  Ben- 
jamin to  i)ut  away  idolatry  and  renew  the  national 
covenant  with  Jehovah,  m  which  reformation  many 
from  the  northern  kingdom  joined  them. — 10. 
Son  of  Jehoshaphat,  king  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xxi. 
2). — 11.  Another  son  of  Jehoshaphat,  and  brother 
of  No.  10  (ib.).— 12.  In  2  Chr.  xxii.  6,  Azariah  = 
Amaziaii  2. — 13.  A  captain  of  Judah  in  Athaliah's 
time  ;  son  of  Jeroham  (2  Chr.  xxiii.  1) ;  compare  No. 
5. — 14.  The  HiGH-PRiEST  in  the  reign  of  Uzziah,  king 
of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  17-20).  When  King  Uzziah, 
elated  by  his  groat  prosperity  and  power,  "  trans- 
gressed against  the  Lord  his  God,  and  went  into  the 
Tem|)le  of  the  Lord  to  burn  incense  upon  the  altar 
of  incense,"  Azariah  the  priest,  with  eighty  of  his 
brethren,  went  in  boldly  after  him,  withstood  him, 
and  thrust  him  out  after  he  was  smitten  with  leprosy. 
Azariah  was  contemporary  with  the  prophets  Isaiah, 
Amos,  and  Joel,  and  doubtless  witnessed  the  great 
earthquake  in  TJzziah's  reign  (Am.  i.  1 ;  Zech.  xiv.  5). 
— 15.  Son  of  Johanan  ;  one  of  the  Ephraimite  prin- 
ces in  Pckah's  time  who  succored  and  sent  back  the 
captives  from  Judah  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  12). — 16.  A  Ko- 
hathite, father  of  Joel  in  Hezekiah's  time  (xxix.  12). 
— 17,  A  Merarite  in  Hezekiah's  time;  son  of  Jehal- 
elel  (xxix.  12). — 18.  The  man-PRiEST  in  the  days  of 
Hezekiah  (xxxi.  10,  13).  He  appears  to  have  co- 
operated zealously  with  the  king  in  the  thorough 
purification  of  the  Temple  and  restoration  of  the 
temple-services. — 19.  One  who  repaired  part  of  the 
wall  of  Jerusalem  in  Nehemiah's  time ;  son  of  Maa- 
seiah  (Neh.  iii.  23,  24). — 80.  One  of  those  who  re- 
turned from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (vii.  7) ;  also 
called  Seraiah  (Ezr.  ii.  2)  and  Zacharias  (1  Esd.  v. 
8). — 21.  An  expounder  of  the  law  with  Ezra ;  = 
AzARiAS  3 ;  probably  a  Levite  (Neh.  viii.  7). — 22. 
A  priest  who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehomiah  (x. 
2),  and  probably  the  same  who  assisted  in  the  dedi- 
cation of  the  city  wall  (xii.  33). — 23.  Jezaniah  (Jer. 
xliii.  2.) — 21.  The  original  name  of  Abed-nego,  one 
of  Daniel's  three  friends  (Dan.  i.-iii.).  (MtsnACii ; 
SnADRACii). — 25.  A  priest,  father  of  Amariau  1,  and 
grandfather  of  Ahitub  2  (Ezr.  vii.  3). 

Az-a-rl'as  (U  and  Gr.  =  Azariah).  1.  Uzziah  3 
(1  Esd.  ix.  21). — 2.  "Urijah  8  (ix.43  ;  compare  Neh. 
viii.  4).— 3.  Azariah  21  (1  Esd.  ix.  48).— 4.  Priest 
in  the  line  of  Esdras  (2  Esd.  i.  1) ;  =  Azariah  7  and 


86 


AZA 


AZZ 


EzERiAS. — 5i  Name  assumed  by  the  angel  Raphael 
(Tob.  V.  12,  vi.  6,  13,  vii.  8,  ix.  2). — 6.  A  captain 
under  Judas  Maccabeus  (1  Mc.  v.  18,  56,  60). — 7. 
AZARIAH  24  (Sg.  3  H.  Ch.  2,  26,  66). 

A'zaz  (Heb.  strong,  Ges.),  a  Reubenite,  father  of 
Bela  (1  Chr.  v.  8). 

*  A-za'zel  (Lev.  xvi.  8,  marg.).  Atonement,  Day 
OF,  VI. 

Az-a-zl'ah  (Heb.  whom  Jehovah  strengthem,  Ges.). 
1 .  A  Levite  in  the  reign  of  David,  appointed  to  play 
the  harp  when  the  ark  was  brought  up  from  the 
house  of  Obed-edom  (1  Chr.  xv.  21).— 8.  Father  of 
Hoshea,  prince  of  Ephraira  under  David  (xxvii.  20). 
— 3.  One  of  the  Levites  in  Hezeljiah's  reign,  who 
had  charge  of  the  tithes,  &c.  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  13). 

Az-baz'a-retb  (L),  king  of  the  Assyrians,  probably 
a  corruption  of  Esar-hadoon  (1  Esd.  v.  69). 

iz'bak  (Heb.  strong  devastatimi,  Ges.),  father  of 
Nehemiah  3  (Neh.  iii.  16). 

A-ze'kall  (Heb.  a  field  dug  over  or  hrokeii  up,  Ges.), 
a  town  of  Judah  with  dependent  villages,  lying  in 
the  lowland  (Plain  6)  near  Socoh  1  (Josh.  xv.  35). 
Joshua's  pursuit  of  the  Canaanites  after  the  battle 
of  Beth-horon  extended  to  Azekah  (Josh.  x.  10,  11). 
Between  Azekah  and  Socoh  the  Philistines  encamped 
before  the  battle  in  which  Goliath  was  killed  (1  Sam. 
xvii.  1).  It  was  fortified  by  Rehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  9), 
was  still  standing  at  the  invasion  of  Nebuchadnezzar 
(Jer.  xxxiv.  7),  and  was  reoccupied  by  the  Jews  after 
the  Captivity  (Neh.  xi.  30).  The  site  of  Azekah  is 
possibly  (so  Schwarz)  at  Tdl  Zakariya,  a  hill  near 
'Ain-shems  (Beth-shemesh). 

A'zel  (fr.  Heb.  =  iioble,  Ges.),  a  descendant  of  Saul 
(1  Chr.  viii.  37,  38,  ix.  43,  44). 

A'zem  (fr.  Heb.  =  bone,  Ges.),  a  city  in  the  ex- 
treme S.  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  29),  afterward  allotted 
to  Simeon  (xix.  3);  =  Ezem.  Wilton  (The  Negeb) 
and  Rowlands  (in  Fairbaim  under  "  S.  Country ") 
connect  Azem  with  the  preceding  word  in  xv.  29  as 
one  name  (lim-azem  or  Ije-azem),  which  they  identify 
with  el-'Aujeh  or  el-'Abdeh,  a  site  with  extensive 
ruins,  including  a  church,  strong  fortresses,  &c.,  now 
the  headquarters  of  the  Azdeimeh  Arabs,  thirty  to 
thirty -five  miles  S.W.  of  Beer-sheba.  Robinson  iden- 
tifies this  place  with  the  Eboda  of  Ptolemy. 

Az-e-phn'rith,  or  more  properly  Ar-si-pbn'rltb,  a 
name  which,  in  the  LXX.  of  1  Esd.  v.  16,  occupies 
the  place  of  Jorau  in  Ezr.  ii.  18,  and  of  Hariph  in 
Neh.  vii.  24 ;  perhaps  a  corrupt  combination  of  these 
names. 

A-ze'tas  (Gr.).  "  Sons  of  Ceilan  and  Azetas  "  re- 
turned with  Zorobabel  according  to  1  Esd.  v.  1 5,  but 
are  not  in  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 

Az'gad  (Heb.  strong  in  fortune,  Ges.),  ancestor  of 
a  family,  of  whom  1,222  (2,822,  so  Neh.  vii.  17)  re- 
turned with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  12);  110,  with  Joha- 
nan  at  their  head,  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  12).  With 
the  other  heads  of  the  people  they,  or  one  of  this 
name,  joined  in  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh. 
X.  15).  The  name  is  Sadas  in  1  Esd.  v.  13,  and  the 
number  of  the  family  is  there  given  3,222.  In  1  Esd. 
viii.  38,  it  is  Astath. 

A-zi'a,  a  "  servant  of  the  temple"  (1  Esd.  v.  31), 
=  UzzA  3. 

A-zi'e-1  (2  Esd.  i.  2),  ancestor  of  Esdras ;  =  Aza- 
RiAii  25  and  Ezias. 
A'zl^l  (Heb.)  =  Jaaziel  (1  Chr.  xv.  20). 
A-zi  za  (Heb.  strong,  Ges.),  a  son  of  Zattu  in  Ezra's 
time,  husband  of  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  27);  =  Sar- 
DEiTS  in  1  Esd.  ix,  28. 
Az>Dia'veth  (Ueb.  strottg  as  death  ?  Ges.).     It  One 


of  David's  "  valiant  men,"  a  native  of  Bahurim  (2 
Sam.  xxiii.  31;  1  Chr.  xi.  33);  probably  a  Benja- 
mite. — 2.  A  descendant  of  Mephibosheth,  or  Merib- 
baal  (1  Chr.  viii.  36,  ix.  42).— 3.  Fatiier  of  Jeziel 
and  Pelet,  Benjamite  slingers  and  archers  who  joined 
David  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  3);  perhaps  =  No.  1. 
Possibly  "  sons  of  Azmavetli  "  here  denotes  natives 
of  the  place  of  that  name  (see  next  article). — 1. 
Overseer  of  the  royal  treasures  in  the  reign  of  David 
(1  Chr.  xxvii.  23). 

Az-ma'veth  (Heb.  ;  see  above),  a  place,  probably 
in  Benjamin ;  according  to  Mr.  Finn,  at  tlie  modern 
village  of  Hhmeh  S.  E.  of  er-Ram.  (Ramah  1.) 
Forty-two  of  "  the  children  of  Azniaveth  "  (=  "  men 
of  Beth-Azmaveth,"  in  Neh.)  returned  from  the 
Captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  24).  The  "  sons 
of  the  singers "  seemed  to  have  settled  round  it 
(Neh.  xii.  29). 

Az'mon  (fr.  Heb.  =  strong),  a  place  named  on  the 
S.  boundary  of  Palestine,  between  Kadesh  and  "  the 
river  of  Egypt"  ( IVarfv  el-Arish)  (Num.  xxxiv.  4, 
5 ;  Josh.  xv.  4) ;  identified  by  Wiltou  (in  Fairbaim, 
art.  Karkaa)  with  Wadg  el-Kicsdimeh,  about  forty- 
five  miles  S.  S.  W.  of  Beer-sheba. 

Az  notb-ta  bor  (Heb.  ears  [i.  e.  possibly,  summits^ 
of  Tabor),  a  place  on  the  boundary  of  Naphtali 
(Josh.  xix.  34);  not  identified;  mentioned  by  Euse- 
bius  as  in  the  plain  in  the  confines  of  Diocsesarea 
(Sepphoris). 

A'zor  (Gr.  and  L.  fr.  Heb.  =  Azdr),  son  of  Elia- 
kim,  in  the  line  of  our  Lord  (Mat.  i.  13,  14). 

A-ZO'tllS  (L.)  =:  ASHDOD. 

A-zo'tos  (L.  =  Ashdod),  Slonnti  In  the  battle  in 
which  Judas  Maccabeus  fell,  he  broke  the  right 
wing  of  Bacchides'  army,  and  pursued  them  to 
Mount  Azotus  (1  Mc.  ix.  15),  which  is  supposed 
(Rbn.  Phi/s.  Geog.,  p.  47)  to  be  the  low  round  hill 
ou  which  Azotus  (Ashdod)  was,  and  still  is,  situated. 

Az'ri-el  (Heb.,  help  of  God,  Ges.).  I.  A  chieftain 
and  wtirrior  of  Manasseh  E.  of  Jordan  (1  Chr.  v.  24). 
— 3.  A  Naphtalite,  fatlier  of  Jerimoth  in  David's 
time  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  19). — 3i  Father  of  Seraiah,  an 
officer  of  Jehoiakim  (Jer.  xxxvi.  26). 

Az-ri'kam,  compare  Ahikam  (Heb.  help  against 
the  enemy,  Ges.).  1.  A  descendant  of  Zerubbabel, 
and  son  of  Neariah  (1  Chr.  iii.  23). — 2.  Eldest  son 
of  Azel,  and  descendant  of  King  Saul  (viii.  38,  ix.  44). 
— 3>  A  Levite,  ancestor  of  Shemaiah  in  Nehemiah's 
time  (ix.  14  ;  Neh.  xi.  15). — ^1.  Governor  of  the 
house,  or  prefect  of  the  palace  to  King  Ahaz ;  slam 
by  Zichri  in  Pekah's  invasion  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xxviii. 

7). 

A-zn'bah  (Heb. /orsaAw,  deserted,  Ges.).  I.  Wife 
of  Caleb,  son  of  Hezron(l  Chr.  ii.  18, 19).— 2.  Mother 
of  King  Jehoshaphat  (1  K.  xxii.  42;  2  Chr.  xx.  31). 

A'znr  (Heb.  Azzur  =  helper,  Ges.).  1.  A  Benja- 
mite (priest?  so  Hitzig)  of  Gibeon,  and  father  of 
Hananiah  the  false  prophet  (Jer.  xxviii.  1). — 2« 
Father  of  the  Jaazaniah  against  whom  Ezekiel  pro- 
phesied (Ez.  xi.  1). 

A-zn'ran,  ancestor  of  432  enumerated  in  1  Esd.  v. 
15,  among  those  who  returned  from  Babylon  with 
Zorobabel;  not  in  Ezr.  u.  and  Neh.  vii. ,  perhaps  = 

AZZPR. 

Az'zah  (Heb.  stronq,  fortified,  Ges.)  =  GAZA(Deut 
ii.  23 ;   1  K.  iv.  24  :  Jer.  xxv.  20). 

Az'zaa  (Heb.  strong  or  sharp,  Fii.),  a  man  of  Is- 
sachar  ;  father  of  Paltiel  (Num.  xxxiv.  26). 

Az'zor  (Heb.  kel/ier,  Ges. ;  =  AzuR),  a  chief  who 
sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  17) ; 
probably  a  family  name. 


BAA 


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87 


B 


Ba'al  (Heb.  lord,  master,  possensor,  omter,  Ges.), 
1.  Father  of  the  Reubenite  prince  Beerah  (1  Chr.  v. 
5). — 2.  A  Benjaniite,  son  of  Jehiel,  the  father  or 
founder  of  Gibeon  (viii.  30,  ix.  36). 

Baal  (Heb. ;  see  above),  the  supreme  male  divinity 
of  tlie  Phcnieian  and  Canaanitish  nations,  as  Ashto- 
RETH  was  their  supreme  female  divinity.  Both  names 
are  used  in  the  plural  to  designate,  not,  as  Gesenius 
maintains,  statues  of  the  divinities,  but  different 
modifications  of  the  divinities  themselves.  The 
plutal  Baalim  is  found  frequently  alone  (Judg.  ii.  11, 
X.  10;  1  K.  xviii.  18;  Jer.  ix.  14;  Hos.  ii.  17),  as 
well  as  in  coimcetion  with  Ashtaroth  (Judg.  x.  6 ;  1 
Sam.  vii.  4)  and  with  Asherah  (A.  V.  "  the  groves," 
Judg.  iii.  7  ;  2  Clir.  xxxiii.  3).  There  can  be  no 
doubt  of  the  very  high  antiquity  of  the  worship  of 
Baal.  VVe  find  it  established  among  the  Moabites 
and  their  aUies  the  Midianites  in  the  time  of  Moses 
(Num.  xxii.  41),  and  through  these  nations  the 
Israelites  were  seduced  to  the  worship  of  this  god 
under  the  particular  form  of  Baal-peor  (Num.  xxv. 
8-18;  Deut.  iv.  3).  Notwithstanding  the  fearful 
punishment  which  their  idolatry  then  brought  upon 
them,  the  succeeding  generation  returned  to  the 
worship  of  Baal  (Judg.  ii.  10-13),  and,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  period  when  Gideon  was  judge  (vi.  25, 
&c.,  viii.  33 1,  this  form  of  idolatry  seems  to  have 
prevailed  among  them  up  to  the  time  of  Samuel 
(X.  10;  1  Sam.  vii.  4),  at  whose  rebuke  the  people 
renounced  the  worship  of  Baalim  Yet  afterward 
the  worship  of  Baal  spread  greatly,  and  with  that 
of  Asherah  became  the  religion  of  the  court  and  peo- 
ple of  the  ten  tribes  under  Ahab  and  Jezebel  (1  K. 
xvi.  31-33,  xviii.  19,  22;  Rom.  xi.  4).  (Elijah.) 
And  though  this  idolatry  was  occasionally  put  down 
(2  K.  iii.  2,  X.  28),  it  appears  never  to  have  been  per- 
manently abolished  among  them  (xvii.  16).  In  the 
kingdom  of  Judah  also  Baal-worship  extensively  pre- 
vailed. During  the  reign  of  Ahaziah  and  the  usur- 
pation of  his  mother  Athaliah,  Ahab's  sister,  it  ap- 
pears to  have  been  the  religion  of  the  court  (viii.  27  ; 
temp.  xi.  18),  as  afterward  under  Ahaz(xvi.  3  ;  2  Chr. 
xxviii.  2),  and  Manasseh  (2  K.  xxi.  3).  The  worship 
ol  Baal  among  the  Jews  seems  to  have  been  with 
much  pomp  and  ceremonial.  Temples  were  erected 
to  him  (1  K.  xvi.  32 ;  2  K.  xi.  18);  his  images  were 
set  up  (x.  26) ;  his  altars  were  very  numerous  (Jer. 
xi.  13),  were  erected  particularly  on  lofty  eminences 
(1  K.  xviii.  20;  High  Places),  and  on  the  roofs  of 
houses  (Jer.  xxxii.  29);  there  were  priests  in  great 
numbers  (IK.  xviii.  19),  and  of  various  classes  (2  K. 
X.  19);  the  worshippers  appear  to  have  been  arrayed 
in  appropriate  robes  (x.  22) ;  the  worship  was  per- 
formed by  burning  incense  (Jer.  vii.  9)  and  offering 
buint-sacrifices,  occasionally  of  human  victims  (xix. 
6).  The  olticiatiug  priests  danced  with  frantic  shouts 
aiound  the  altar,  and  cut  themselves  with  knives  to 
excite  the  attention  and  coiii|ia8sion  of  the  god  (1  K. 
xviii.  26-28).  Through  all  the  Phenician  colonies 
we  find  traces  of  the  worship  of  this  god,  m  names, 
as  Asdru-Atf/,  Hanni-/W,  &c.,  and  in  in.scriptions ;  nor 
need  we  hesitate  to  regard  the  Babylonian  Bel  (Is. 
xlvi.  1)  or  BeluR,  as  essentially  =  Baal,  though  per- 
haps under  some  modified  form.  The  same  perplex- 
ity oecurs  respecting  the  connection  of  this  god  with 
the  heavenly  bodies,  as  in  regard  to  Ashtohkth. 
C'reuzer  and  Movers  declare  Baal  to  be  the  Sun  god  ; 
on  the  other  band,  Herodotus  makes  Bel  =  the  Greek 


Zeus  (=  Roman  Jcpiter),  and  there  seems  to  be  no 
doubt  that  Bel-Merodach  is  the  planet  Jupiter.  Pro- 
bably the  symbol  of  Baal  as  well  as  of  Ashtoreth 
varied  at  different  times  and  in  different  localities. 
Among  the  compounds  of  Baal  in  the  0.  T.  are  : — 1. 
Ba'al-be'ritb  (Heb.  covenant-Baa/,  the  god  who  comes 
into  covenant  with  the  worshippers).  This  form  of 
Baal  was  worshipped  at  Shechem  by  the  Israelites 
after  the  death  of  Gideon  (Judg.  viii.  33,  ix.  4). — 2t 
Ba'al-ze'bnb  (Heb.  Baal,  or  Lo7-cl,  of  the  flu),  wor- 
shipped at  Ekron  (2  K.  i.  2,  3,  16).  The"  Greeks 
gave  a  similar  epithet  to  Zeus  (Jititer),  and  Pliny 
speaks  of  a  Fly-god.  The  name  in  the  N.  T.  is 
Beelzebub. — 3i  Ba'al-banan  (Heb.  Baal  is  gracioim). 
a.  An  early  king  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  38,  39  ;  1  Chr. 
i.  49,  50).  b.  David's  superintendent  of  his  olive 
and  sycamore  plantations  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  28);  "the 
Gedebite,"  perhaps  of  Canaanitish  origin. — 4.  Ba'al- 
pc  or  (Heb.  Lord  of  optviiig,  in  obscene  sense,  Ges.). 
We  have  already  referred  to  the  worship  of  this  god. 
The  narrative  (Num.  xxv.)  seems  clearly  to  show 
that  this  form  of  Baal-worship  was  connected  with 
licentious  rites.  Baal-peor  was  identified  by  the 
Rabbins  and  early  Fathers  with  Priapus,  the  god  of 
procreation. 

Ba'al  (see  above),  geography.  This  word,  the  pre- 
fix or  sutF.x  to  the  names  of  several  places  in  Pales- 
tine, never  seems  to  have  become  a  naturalized 
Hebrew  word  (compare  Hos.  ii.  16);  and  such  places 
called  by  this  name  or  its  compounds  as  can  be 
identified,  were  either  near  Phenicia,  or  in  proximity 
to  some  other  acknowledged  seat  of  heathen  worship. 
The  places  in  the  names  of  which  Baal  forms  a  part 
are : — 1.  Ba'al,  a  town  of  Simeon  (1  Clir.  iv.  33  only), 
apparently  =  BaalathBeer. — i,  Ba'al-ah  (Hebrew 
fern,  of  Baal),  (a.)  Another  (probably  the  earlier 
or  Canaanite)  name  for  Kirjath-Jeaeim,  or  Kirjath- 
Baal.  It  is  mentioned  in  Josh.  xv.  9,  10 ;  1  Chr. 
xiii.  6.  In  Josh.  xv.  11,  it  is  called  Mount  Baalah, 
and  in  xv.  60,  and  xviii.  14,  Kirjath-Baal.  In  2  Sam. 
vi.  2,  the  name  is  "  Baale  (Heb.  pi.  of  Baal ;  = 
Baalim)  of  Judah."  Robinson  (Phi/s.  Ocog.,  p.  47) 
supposes  Mount  Baalah  =  a  short  line  of  hills, 
nearly  parallel  with  the  coast,  and  not  far  W.  of 
Ekron.  (6.)  A  town  in  the  S.  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv. 
29),  called  ako  (xix.  3)  Balah,  and  (1  Chr.  iv.  29) 
BiLiiAii.  (BizjOTiijAH  ) — 3.  Baal-ath  (Heb.  =  Ba- 
alah), a  town  ot  Dan  named  with  Gibbethon,  Gath- 
rimmon,  and  other  PhiUstinc  places  (Josh.  xix.  44); 
probablv  =  the  Baalath  afterward  built  or  rebuilt 
by  Solomon  (1  K.  ix.  18;  2  Chr.  viii.  6).— 4.  Baal- 
afll-be'er  (Heb.  Baal  of  the  well  =  Holy-well)  = 
Baal  1,  a  town  in  the  S.  part  ol  Judah,  given  to 
Simeon,  which  al.«o  bore  the  name  ol  Ramath  of 
THE  South. — 5.  Baal-gad  (Heb.  Baal  the  Forlwie 
bringer),  used  to  denote  the  most  N.  (Josh.  xi.  17, 
xii.  7)  or  perhaps  N.  W.  (xiii.  B)  point  to  which 
Joshua's  victories  extended  ;  probably  a  Phenician 
or  Canaanite  sanctuary  of  Baal  under  the  aspect  of 
Gad,  or  Fortune;  supposed  by  some  =  Baalbek; 
more  probable  (so  Schwarz,  Rbn.,  &c.)  at  the  mod- 
ern  Bdtiids.  (Cra*REA  Philippi.) — 0.  Ba  al-iia  uion 
(Heb.  Baal  of  nmlttlnde),  a  place  at  which  Solomon 
had  a  vineyard,  evidently  of  great  extent  (Cant.  viii. 
11).  The  only  clew  to  its  situation  is  the  miiition 
in  Jd.  viii.  S,  of  a  Belam6n  or  BalamCn  (A.  V.  Ba- 
LAMo)  near  Dothaim ;  and  therefore  in  the  mouniains 
of  Ephraim,  not  far  N.  of  Samaria.  KosenmuUer, 
Wilson,  &c.,  suppose  Baal-hainon  =  Baal-gad  (above) 
and  Bunlbik  ;  Ewald  supposes  it  =  Hamuon  1.— 7. 
Ba  al-ba'zor  (Heb.  Baal's  village),  a  place  "  by  (A. 
V.  "  beside  ")  Ephraim,"  where  Absalom  appears  to 


88 


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BAB 


have  had  a  sheep-farm,  and  where  Amnon  was  mur- 
dered (2  Sam.  xlii.  23). — 8.  Mount  Ba'al-ber'mon 
(Judg.  iii.  3),  and  simply  Bajil-hermon  (1  Chr.  v.  23). 
This  is  usually  considered  as  a  distinct  place  from 
Mount  Hermon ;  but  we  know  that  this  mountain 
had  at  least  three  names  (Deut.  iii.  9),  and  Baal- 
hermon  may  have  been  a  fourth  in  use  among  the 
Pheuician  worshippers  of  Baal  (so  Mr.  Grove),  Gcse- 
niusand  Robinson  make  Baal-hermon=Baalgad(No. 
5,  above),and  Mount  Baal-hermon=an  adjacent  moun- 
tain near  (or  partof)Mount  Hermon. — 9.  Ba'al-me'on 
(Hcb. ;  Mean  :=  dioelling,  habitation,  Ges.),  one  of  the 
towns  built  or  rebuilt  by  the  Reubenites ,  named 
with  Nebo  (Num.  xx-xii.  38  ;  1  Chr.  v.  8) ;  probably 
=:  Beth-baal-meon,  Beon,  and  Beth-meon.  In  the 
time  of  Ezekiel  it  was  Moabite,  one  of  the  cities 
which  were  "  the  glory  of  the  country  "  (Ez.  xxv.  9). 
In  the  days  of  Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  was  still 
called  Balmano,  nine  miles  from  Heshbon,  and  re- 
puted to  be  the  native  place  of  EUsha.  The  site  is 
supposed  to  be  at  MtVi7>,  a  ruined  place  of  consider- 
able size,  one  hour  S.  of  Heshbon  (Rbn.,  Phys.  Geoy., 
61). — 10.  Ba'al-per'a-ziffl  (Hcb. ;  Peranum  =r  bursts 
or  deslruclions),  the  scene  of  a  victory  of  David  over 
the  Philistines,  and  of  a  great  destruction  of  their 
images  (2  Sam.  v.  20;  1  Chr.  xiv.  11);  perhaps  pre- 
viously the  seat  of  a  high  place  or  sanctuary  of  Baal. 
(Perazim,  Mount.) — II.  Ba'al-shali-sha  (fr.  Heb. ; 
see  Shalisha),  a  place  named  only  in  2  K.  iv.  42  ; 
apparently  not  far  from  Gilgal  (compare  ver.  38) ; 
possibly  in  the  district,  or  "  land,"  of  Shalisha. — 
12.  Ba'al-ta'mar  (Heb.  high  place  for  sanctuarii^  of 
the  palm),  a  place  (Judg.  xx.  33  only)  near  Gibeah 
of  Benjamin.  The  palm-tree  of  Deborah  (iv.  5)  was 
in  this  region,  and  is  possibly  alluded  to. — 13.  Ba'al- 
ze'phon  (Heb.  place  of  Zephon,  i.  e.  of  a  watch-tower, 
R.  S.  Poole ;  place  of  Typhon  or  sacred  to  Typhoii, 
Ges.),  a  place  in  Egypt  near  where  the  Israelites 
crossed  the  Red  Sea  (Ex.  xiv.  2,  9 ;  Num.  xxxiii.  7). 
From  the  position  of  Goshen  and  the  indications  af- 
forded by  the  narrative  of  the  route  of  the  Israelites, 
Mr.  R.  S.  Poole  places  Baal-zephon  on  the  W.  shore  of 
the  Gulf  of  Suez,  a  little  below  its  head,  which  at  that 
time  was  about  thirty  or  forty  miles  N.  of  the  present 
head.     (Pi-hahiroth  ;  Red  Sea,  Passage  of.) 

Ba'al-ab.    Baal,  geography,  2. 

Ba'al-ath.     Baal,  geography,  3,  4. 

Ba'al-e  of  Jndah.     Baal,  geography,  2,  a. 

*  Ba'al-1  (fr.  Heb.  =  my  Baal,  i.  e.  my  husband) 
(Hos.  ii.  16).     IsHL 

Ba'al-im,  Hebrew  plural  of  Baal. 

Ba'a-lls  (Heb.  son  of  exultatiun,  Ges.)  king  of  the 
Ammonites  when  Jerusalem  was  destroyed  by  Nebu- 
chadnezzar (Jer.  xl.  14).     IsHMAEL  6. 

Ba'a-na  (Heb.  son  of  affliction,  Ges.)  1.  Solomon's 
commissary  in  Jezreel  and  the  N.  of  the  Jordan  val- 
ley W.  of  the  river  ;  son  of  Ahilud  (IK.  iv.  12). — 
2.  Father  of  Zadok  inNehemiah's  time  (Neh.  iii.  4). 
—3.  Baanah  4  (1  Esd.  v.  8). 

Ba'a-nah  (Heb.  soKo/q^irfio?i,  Ges.).  1,  Son  of 
Rimmon ;  a  Benjamite  captain  who  with  his  brother 
Bechab  murdered  Ish-bosheth.  For  this  they  were 
killed  by  David,  and  their  mutilated  bodies  hung  up 
over  the  pool  at  Hebron  (2  Sam.  iv.  2,  6,  6,  9). — 2. 
A  Netophathite,  father  of  David's  warrior  Heleb  or 
Heled  (xxiii.  29;  1  Chr.  xi.  30).— 3,  Son  of  Hushai ; 
Solomon's  commissary  in  Ashcr  (1  K.  iv.  16). — 1,  A 
man  who  accompanied  Zerubbabel  on  his  return 
from  the  Captivity  (Ezr.  ii.  2  ;  Neh.  vii.  7) ;  possibly 
the  chief  who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiab 
(x.  27).     Baana  3. 

Bl-a-nl'as  (1  Esd.  ix.  26)  =  Benaiah  8,  a. 


Ba'a-ra  (Heb.  brutish,  Ges.),  one  of  the  wives  of 
the  Benjamite  Sliahar.iim  (1  Chr.  viii.  8). 

Ba-a-sel'ab  [see'yah]  (Heb.  work  of  Jehovah, 
Ges.),  a  Gershomte  Levite,  ancestor  of  Asaph  (1  Chr. 
VI.  40,  Heb.  25). 

Ba  a-sba  ( Heb. ;  from  a  root  signifying  to  be  bad, 
offensive,  Ges. ;  in  the  work,  or  he  toho  seeks  and  lays 
waste,  Calmet),  third  sovereign  of  the  separate  king- 
dom of  Israel,  and  the  founder  of  its  second  dynasty. 
(Israel,  Kingdom  of.)  He  was  son  of  Ahijah  of  the 
tribe  of  Issachar,  andconspired  against  King  Nadab, 
son  of  Jeroboam,  when  he  was  besieging  the  Philis- 
tine town  of  Gibbethon  (1  K.  xv.  27),  and  killed  him 
with  his  whale  family.  He  appears  to  have  been  of 
humble  origin  (xvi.  2).  It  was  probably  in  the  thir- 
teenth year  of  his  reign  that  he  made  war  on  Asa, 
and  began  to  fortify  Uamah.  He  was  defeated  by 
the  unexpected  alliance  of  Asa  with  Ben-hadad  I. 
of  Damascus.  Baasha  died  in  the  twenty-fourth 
year  of  his  reign,  and  was  honorably  buried  in  tlie 
beautiful  city  of  Tirzah,  which  he  had  made  bis 
capital  (xvi.  6 ;  2  Chr.  xvi.  1-6). 

*  Babe.    Child. 

Ba  bel  (Heb.  confusion,  Ges. ;  Chal.  Babil  =  the 
gate  of  the  goil  II,  or  the  gale  of  God,  Cbaldee  ety- 
mology, so  llawlinson),  Bab'y-lon  (L.  form),  is  prop- 
erly the  capital  city  of  the  country,  which  is  cnlled 
in  Genesis  Shinar,  and  in  the  later  Scriptures 
Chaldea,  or  the  land  of  the  Chaldeans.  The  archi- 
tectural remains  discovered  in  S.  Babylonia,  taken 
in  conjunction  with  the  monumental  records,  seem 
to  indicate  (Rawlinson's  views  are  given  in  this  ar- 
ticle and  the  next ;  compare  Assyria  and  Nine- 
veh) that  it  was  not  at  first  the  capital,  nor,  in- 
deed, a  town  of  very  great  importance.  Erech,  Ur, 
and  Ellasar  appear  to  have  been  all  more  ancient 
than  Babylon,  and  were  capital  cities  when  Babil 
was  a  provincial  village.  The  first  rise  of  the 
Chaldean  power  was  in  the  region  close  upon  the 
Persian  Gulf;  thence  the  nation  spread  N.  up  the 
course  of  the  rivers,  and  the  seat  of  government 
moved  in  the  same  direction,  being  finally  fixed  at 
Babylon,  perhaps  not  earlier  than  b.  c.  1700. — I. 
Topography  of  Babylon — Ancient  Descriptions  of 
the  City. — The  descriptions  of  Babylon  in  classical 
writers  are  derived  chiefly  from  Herodotus  and  Cte- 
sias.  According  to  Herodotus,  the  city,  which  was 
built  on  both  sides  of  the  Euphrates,  formed  a  vast 
square,  enclosed  within  a  double  line  of  high  walls, 
the  extent  of  tlie  outer  circuit  being  480  stades,  or 
about  56  miles.  The  entire  area  included  would 
thus  have  been  about  200  square  miles.  The 
houses,  which  were  frequently  three  or  four  sto- 
ries high,  were  laid  out, in  straight  streets  crossing 
each  other  at  right  angles.  In  each  division  of  the 
town  there  was  a  fortress  or  stronghold,  consisting 
in  the  one  case  of  the  royal  palace,  in  the  other  of 
the  great  temple  of  Belus.  The  two  portions  of  the 
city  were  united  by  a  bridge,  composed  of  a  series 
of  stone  piers  with  movable  platforms  of  wood 
stretching  from  one  pier  to  another.  According  to 
Ctesias,  the  circuit  of  the  city  was  360  stades,  a 
little  under  42  miles.  It  lay,  he  says,  on  both 
sides  of  the  Euphrates,  and  the  two  parts  were  con- 
nected together  by  a  stone  bridge  5  stades  (above 
1,000  yards)  long  and  30  feet  broad,  of  the  kind  de- 
scribed by  Herodotus.  At  either  extremity  of  the 
bridge  was  a  royal  palace,  that  in  the  E.  city  being 
the  more  magnificent.  The  two  palaces  were  joined, 
not  only  by  the  bridge,  but  by  a  tunnel  under  the 
river !  Ctesias's  account  of  the  temple  of  Belus 
has  not  come  down  to  us. — In  examining  these  de- 


BAB 


BAB 


89 


scriptions,  we  shall  most  conveniently  commence 
from  tlio  outer  circuit  of  the  town.  All  the  ancient 
writers  appear  to  agree  that  a  district  of  vast  size, 
more  or  less  inlmbitcd,  was  enclosed  within  lofty 
walls,  and  included  under  the  name  of  Babylon. 
With  respect  to  the  exact  extent  of  the  circuit  they 
differ.  Ilerodotus  and  Pliny  make  it  480  stadcs, 
Strabo  385,  Quintus  Curtius  368,  Clitarchus  305,  and 
Ctcsias  360  stades.  Here  we  have  merely  the  raod- 
crdte  variations  to  be  expected  m  independent  meas- 
urements, except  in  the  first  of  the  numbers.     Per- 


haps (so  Oppert)  ITcrodotus  spoke  of  the  ovier  wall 
which  could  be  traced  in  his  time,  while  the  later 
writers,  who  never  speak  of  an  inner  and  an  outer 
barrier,  give  the  measurement  of  Herodotus's  inner 
wall,  which  may  have  alone  remained  in  their  day. 
Taking  the  lowest  estimate  of  the  extent  of  the  cir- 
cuit, we  shall  have  for  the  space  within  the  rampart 
an  area  of  above  100  square  miles :  nearly  five  times 
the  size  of  London !  It  is  evident  that  this  vast 
space  cannot  have  been  entirely  covered  with  houses. 
Diodorus  confesses  that  but  a  small  part  ol  the  en- 


chart  of  Mw  CouDtr;  rouod  B«b]rloo,  with  Utniu  of  the  Aadent  City,  according  to  Oppert. 


closure  was  inhabited  in  his  own  day,  and  Quintus  Cur- 
tius says  that  as  much  as  nine-tenths  consisted,  even 
ni  the  most  flourishing  times,  of  gardens,  parks,  para- 
dises, fields,  and  orchards.  The  height  of  the  walls 
Herodotus  makes  200  royal  cubit.",  or  337^  feet ; 
Cteaias  50  fathoms,  or  300  feet ;  Pliny  and  Solinus 
200  royal  feet ;  Strabo  BO  cubits,  or  75  feet.  We 
are  forced  to  fall  back  on  the  earlier  authorities, 
who  are  also  the  only  eye-witnesses ;  and,  surprising 
as  it  seems,  perhaps  we  must  believe  the  statement, 
that  the  viist  enclosed  space  above  mentioned  was 
surrounded  by  walls  which  have  well  been  termed 
"artificial  mountains,"  being  nearly  the  height  of  the 
dome  of  St.  Paul's !  The  thickness  of  the  wall  Herod- 
otus makes  60  royal  cubits,  or  nearly  85  feet ;  Pliny 
and  Sohuu.s,  00  royal,  or  about  60  common  feet ;  and 
Strabo,  32  feet.    The  latter  may  belong  propcily  to 


the  inner  wall,  which  was  of  less  thickness  than  the 
outer.  According  to  Ctesias  the  wall  was  strength- 
ened with  250  towers,  irregularly  disposed  to  guard 
the  weakest  parts ;  and  according  to  Herodotus  it  had 
100  gates  of  brass,  with  brazen  lintels  and  side-pttsts. 
The  gates  and  walls  are  mentioned  in  Scripture ;  the 
height  of  the  one  and  the  breadth  of  the  other  being 
specially  noticed  (Jcr.  li.  58 ;  compare  1.  15,  a'nd  li.  53). 
Herodotus  and  Ctesias  both  relate  that  the  banks 
of  the  river  as  it  flowed  through  the  city  were  on 
each  side  ornamented  with  quays.  Some  remains  of 
a  quay  or  embankment  (E)  on  the  E.  side  of  the 
stream  still  exist,  upon  the  bncks  of  which  is  read 
the  name  of  the  last  king.  Perhaps  a  remarkable 
mound  (K)  which  interrupts  the  long  flat  valley — 
evidently  the  ancient  course  of  the  river — may  be  a 
trace  of  the  bridge  which  both   these   writers  de- 


90 


BAB 


BAB 


Bcribe. — II.  Present  State  of  the  Ruins. — About  five 
miles  above  Hillah,  on  the  opposite  or  left  bank  of 

[a] 


Prosent  State  of  the  RatDBof  Babylon. 


the  Euphrates,  occurs  a  series  of  artificial  mounds 
of  enormous  size.  Tliey  consist  chiefly  of  three  great 
masses  of  building — the  high  pile  (A)  of  unbaked 


brickwork  called  by  Rich  '  Mujellihe,'  but  known  to 
the  Arabs  as  'BabW ;  the  building  denominated  the 


Portions  of  Ancient  Babylon  dlstlngalBbable  in  the  present  Rutnl. 

'■Kasr'  or  palace  (B);  and  a  lofty  mound  (C),  upon 
which  stands  the  modern  tomb  of  AmrAm-ihi-  Alb. 
Besides  these  principal  masses  the  most  remarkable 


View  of  Babil,  iTom  the  West. 


BAB 


BAB 


91 


features  are  two  parallel  lines  of  rampart  (FF) 
bounding  the  chief  ruins  on  the  E.,  some  similar  but 
inferior  remains  on  the  N.  and  W.  (I  I  and  H),  an 
embankment  along  the  river-side  (E),  a  remarkable 
isolated  heap  (K)  in  the  middle  of  a  long  valley, 
which  seems  to  have  been  the  ancient  bed  of  the 
stream,  and  two  long  lines  of  rampart  (G  G),  meet- 
ing at  a  right  angle,  and  with  the  river  forming  an 
irregular  triangle,  within  which  all  the  ruins  on  this 
side  (except  Babil)  are  enclosed.  On  the  W.,  or 
right  bank,  there  is  the  appearance  of  an  enclosure, 
and  of  a  building  of  moderate  size  within  it  (D),  but 
there  are  no  other  ruins  near  the  river.  Scattered 
over  the  country  on  both  sides  of  the  Euphrates,  are 
a  number  of  remarkable  mounds,  usually  standing 


single,  which  are  plainly  of  the  same  date  with  the 
great  mass  of  ruins  upon  the  river  bank.  Of  these, 
by  far  the  most  striking  is  the  vast  ruin  called  the 
Birs-Nimrud.  (Babel,  Tower  of.) — III.  Identijica- 
tioH  of  Silex. — On  comparing  the  existmg  ruins  with 
the  accounts  of  ancient  writers,  the  great  difficulty 
which  meets  us  is  the  position  of  the  remains  almost 
exclusively  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river.  All  the 
old  accounts  agree  in  representing  the  Euphrates  as 
running  through  the  town,  and  the  principal  build- 
ings as  placed  on  the  opposite  sides  of  the  stream. 
Perhaps  the  most  probable  solution  is  to  be  found  in 
the  fact,  that  a  large  canal  (called  Shcbtl)  mtervened 
in  ancient  times  between  the  Kasr  mound  (B)  and 
the  ruin  now  called  Babit  (A),  which  may  easily  have 


view  of  the  Kur. 


been  confounded  by  Herodotus  with  the  main  stream. 
If  this  explanation  be  accepted  as  probable,  we  may 
identify  the  principal  ruins  as  follows: — 1.  The  great 
mound  of  Babil  =  the  ancient  temple  of  Bclus.  It 
is  an  oblong  mass,  about  200  yards  long,  140  yards 
broad,  and  140  feet  high,  composed  chiefly  of  un- 
baked brick,  but  originally  coated  with  fine-burnt 
brick  laid  in  mortar.  It  formed  the  tower  of  the 
temple,  and  was  surmounted  by  a  chapel,  but  the 
main  shrine,  the  altars,  and  no  doubt  the  residences 
of  the  priests,  were  at  the  foot,  in  a  sacred  precinct. 
2.  The  mound  of  the  Kasr  —  the  site  of  the  great 
palace  of  Nkbcchadnezzar.  It  is  an  irregular  square 
of  about  700  yards  each  way,  and  apparently  chiefly 
formed  of  the  old  palace-platform,  on  which  arc  still 
standing  certain  portions  of  the  ancient  palace  or 
"  Kasr."  The  walls  are  of  pale  yellow  burnt  bricks 
of  excellent  quality,  laid  in  fine  lime  cement.  No 
plan  of  the  palace  is  to  be  made  out  from  the  exist- 
ing remains,  which  are  tossed  in  apparent  confusion 
on  the  highest  point  of  the  mound.  3.  The  mound 
o(  Amram  is  thought  by  M.  Oppert  =  the  "  hanging 
gardens"  of  Nebuchadnezzar;  but  as  they  were 
only  400  feet  each  way,  it  is  much  too  large  for 
them ;  and  most  probably  it  =  the  ancient  palace, 
coeval  with  Babylon  itself,  of  which  Nebuchadnez- 


zar speaks  in  his  inscriptions  as  adjoining  his  own 
more  magnificent  residence.  4.  The  ruins  marked 
D  D  on  either  side  of  the  Euphrates,  together  with 
all  tlie  other  remains  on  the  right  bank,  may  =  the 
let^ser  palace  of  Ctesias,  which  is  said  to  have  been 
connected  with  the  greater  by  a  bridge  across  the 
river,  as  well  as  by  a  tunnel  under  the  channel  of 
the  stream.  6.  The  two  long  parallel  lines  of  em- 
bankment on  the  E.  (F  F  in  the  plan),  may  =r  the 
lines  of  an  outer  and  inner  enclosure,  of  which 
Nebuchadnezzar  fpeaks  as  defences  of  his  palace; 
or  =  the  embankments  of  an  enormous  reservoir, 
which  is  often  mentioned  by  that  monarch  as  adjoin- 
ing his  palace  toward  the  E.  6.  The  embankment 
(E)  is  composed  of  bricks  marked  with  the  name  of 
Labynetus  or  Nabumt,  and  is  undoubtedly  a  portion 
of  the  work  which  Berosus  ascribes  to  the  last  knig. 
The  most  remarkable  fact  connected  with  the  mag- 
nificence of  Babylon,  is  the  poorness  of  the  material 
with  which  such  wonderful  results  were  produced. 
With  bricks  (Brick)  made  from  the  soil  of  the  coun- 
try, and  at  first  only  "  slime  for  mortar"  (Gen.  xi. 
3),  were  constructed  edifices  so  vast  that  they  still 
remain  among  the  most  enormous  nuns  in  tl;e  world. 
— IV.  Hulory  of  Babylun. — Scripture  represents  the 
"  beginning  of  the  kingdom  "  as  in  the  time  of  Nm 


92 


BAB 


BAB 


ROD,  the  grandson  of  Ham  (Gen.  x.  6-10).  The  most 
ancient  inscriptions  appear  to  show  that  the  primi- 
tive inhabitants  of  the  country  were  really  Cushite, 
i.  e.  identical  in  race  with  the  early  inhabitants  of  S. 
Arabia  and  of  Ethiopia.  The  seat  of  government 
was  then,  as  has  been  stated,  in  lower  Babylonia, 
EnEcn  and  Ur  being  the  capitals.  The  country  was 
called  Shinar,  and  the  people  the  Ahkadim.  (Ac- 
cad.)  Of  the  art  of  this  period  we  have  specimens 
in  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  capitals,  which  date  from 
at  least  the  twentieth  century  b.  c.  The  early  an- 
nals of  Babylon  are  filled  by  Beroaus,  the  native  his- 
torian, with  three  dynasties  ;  one  of  forty-nine  Chal- 
dean kings,  who  reigned  453  years ;  another  of  nine 
Arab  kings,  who  reigned  245  years ;  and  a  third  of 
forty-nine  Assyrian  monarchs,  who  held  dominion 
for  526  years.  It  would  appear  then  as  if  Babylon, 
after  having  had  a  native  Chaldean  dynasty  (Chedor- 
laomer),  fell  wholly  under  Shemitic  influence,  becom- 
ing subject  first  to  Arabia  for  two  centuries  and  a 
half,  and  then  to  Assyria  for  above  five  centuries, 
.and  not  regaining  even  a  qualified  independence  till 
the  time  marked  by  the  close  of  the  Upper  and  the 
formation  of  the  Lower  Assyrian  empire.  But  the 
statement  is  too  broad  to  bo  exact ;  and  the  monu- 
ments show  that  Babylon  was  at  no  time  absorbed 
into  Assyria,  or  even  for  very  many  years  together 
a  submissive  vassal.  The  line  of  Babylonian  kings 
becomes  exactly  known  to  us  from  the  era  of  Nabo- 
Jiassar,  b.  c.  747.  The  "  Canon  of  Ptolemy  "  gives 
us  the  succession  of  Babylonian  monarchs,  with  the 
exact  length  of  the  reign  of  each,  from  b.  c.  747, 
when  Nabonassar  mounted  the  throne,  to  B.  c.  331, 
When  the  last  Persian  king  was  dethroned  by  Alex- 
ander. Of  the  earlier  kings  of  the  Canon,  the  only 
one  worthy  of  notice  is  Mardocempalus  (b.  c.  721), 
the  Merodach-Baladan  of  the  Scriptures ;  but  with 
Nabopoiassar,  Nebuchadnezzar's  father,  a  new  era  in 
the  history  of  Babylon  commences.  He  was  ap- 
pointed to  the  government  of  B  ibylon  by  the  last 
Assyrian  king,  when  the  Medes  were  about  to  make 
their  final  attack  (Ni.neveh):  whereupon,  betraying 
the  trust  reposed  in  him,  he  went  over  to  the  enemy, 
arranged  a  marriage  between  his  son  Nebuchadnez- 
zar and  the  daughter  of  the  Median  leader,  and 
joined  in  the  last  siege  of  the  city.  On  the  success 
of  the  confederates  (b.  c.  625)  Babylon  became  not 
only  an  independent  kingdom,  but  an  empire.  The 
Jews  with  others  then  passed  from  dependency  on 
Assyria  to  dependency  on  Babylon.  At  a  later'date 
hostilities  broke  out  with  Egypt.  Neehoh  (Pharaoh 
9)  invaded  the  Babylonian  dominions  on  the  S.  W. 
(2  K.  xxiii.  29,  &c.,  xxiv.  7 ;  2  Chr.  xxxv.  20).  Na- 
bopoiassar was  now  advanced  in  life ;  he  therefore 
sent  his  son  Nebuchadnezzar  against  the  Egyptians, 
and  the  battle  of  Carchemish  restored  to  Babylon  the 
former  Uraits  of  her  territory  (compare  2  K.  xxiv. 
7  with  Jer.  xlvi.  2-12).  Nebcchadnezzar,  by  far 
the  most  remarkable  of  all  the  Babylonian  monarchs, 
was  acknowledged  king  upon  his  father's  death,  b.  c. 
604.  He  died  b.  c.  661,  having  reigned  forty-three 
years,  and  was  succeeded  by  Evil-Merodach,  his 
son,  called  in  the  Canon  Illoarudamus.  This  prince 
was  murdered  two  years  afterward,  by  Neriglissar, 
his  brother-in-law=the  Nerigassola.ssar  of  the  Canon 
=(apparently)  the  "  Nergal-shar-ezer,  Rab-mao  "  of 
Jer.  xxxix.  3,  13.  Neriglissar  built  the  palace  at 
Babylon,  which  seems  to  have  been  placed  originally 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  river.  He  reigned  but  four 
years,  and  left  the  crown  to  his  son,  Laborosoarchod. 
This  prince,  when  he  bad  reigned  nine  months,  be- 
came the  victim  of  a  conspiracy.     Nabonidus  (or 


Labynetus),  one  of  the  conspirators,  succeeded  b.  c. 
655,  very  shortly  before  the  war  broke  out  between 
Crans  and  Croesus.  Having  entered  into  alliance 
with  the  latter  of  these  monarchs  against  the  former, 
he  provoked  the  hostility  of  Cyrus,  who,  b.  c.  539, 
advanced  at  the  head  of  his  irresistible  hordes,  but 
wintered  upon  the  Diyaleh  or  Gyndes,  making  his 
final  approaches  in  the  ensuing  spring.  Nalionidus 
took  the  field  in  person  at  the  head  of  his  army,  leav- 
ing his  son  Belshazzar  to  command  in  the  city.  He 
was  defeated  and  forced  to  shut  himself  up  in  Bor- 
sippa  (marked  now  by  the  Birs-Nimrud),  till  after 
the  fall  of  Babylon.  Belshazzar  guarded  the  city, 
but  allowed  the  enemy  to  enter  the  town  by  the 
channel  of  the  river.  Babylon  was  thus  taken  by 
a  surprise,  as  Jeremiah  had  prophesied  (li.  31) — by 
an  army  of  Medes  and  Persians,  as  intimated  one 
hundred  and  seventy  years  earlier  by  Isaiah  (xxi. 
1-9),  and,  as  Jeremiah  had  also  foreshown  (li.  39), 
durmg  a  festival.  In  the  carnage  which  ensued 
upon  the  taking  of  the  town,  Belshazzar  was  slain 
(Dan.  V.  30).  According  to  Dan.  v.  31,  it  would 
seem  as  if  Babylon  was  taken,  not  by  Cyrus,  king 
of  Persia,  but  by  a  Median  kmg,  named  Darius. 
There  is,  however,  sufficient  indication  that  "  Darics 
THE  Mede  "  was  not  the  real  conqueror,  but  a  mon- 
arch with  a  certain  delegated  authority  (see  Dan.  v. 
31,  and  ix.  1).  With  the  conquest  by  Cyrus  com- 
menced the  decay  and  ruin  of  Babylon,  though  it 
continued  a  royal  residence  through  the  entire' 
period  of  the  Persian  empire.  The  defences  and 
public  buildings  suffered  grievously  from  neglect 
during  the  long  period  of  peace  after  the  reign  of 
Xerxes.  After  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
the  removal  of  the  seat  of  empire  to  Antioch  under 
the  Seleucidse  gave  the  finishing  blow  to  the 
prosperity  of  the  place.  Since  then  Babylon  has 
been  a  quarry  from  which  all  the  tribes  in  the 
vicinity  have  derived  the  bricks  with  which  they 
have  built  their  cities  (Seleucia,  Ctesiphon,  Bagdad, 
Hillah,  &c.).  The  "  groat  city,"  "  the  beauty  of  the 
Chaldees'  excellency,"  has  thus  emphatically  "be- 
come heaps "  (Jer.  li.  37).  Her  walls  have  alto- 
gether disappeared — they  have  "  fallen  "  (li.  44), 
been  "  thrown  down  "  (1.  15),  been  "  utterly  broken  " 
(li.  68).  "  A  drought  is  upon  her  waters  "  (1.  39); 
for  the  system  of  irrigation,  on  which,  in  Babylonia, 
fertility  altogether  depends,  has  long  been  laid  aside 
(Chaldea)  ;  "  her  cities  "  are  everywhere  "  a  desola- 
tion "  (li.  43) ;  her  "  land  a  wilderness ; "  "  wild 
beasts  of  the  desert  lie  there ;  "  and  "  owls  dwell 
there  "  (compare  Layard,  Nbi.  and  Bab.,  p.  484,  with 
Is.  xiii.  21,  22,  and"  Jer.  1.  39):  the  uati\cs  regard 
the  whole  site  as  haunted,  and  neither  will  the  "Arab 
pitch  tent,  nor  the  shepherd  fold  sheep  there  "  (Is. 
xiii.  20). 

Ba'bd  (Heb. ;  see  above),  Tow'cr  of.  The  "  tower 
of  Babel  "  is  only  mentioned  once  in  Scripture  (Gen. 
xi.  4-9),  and  then  as  incomplete.  (Tongues,  Co.nfc- 
sioN  OF. )  It  was  built  of  bricks,  and  the  "  slime  "  used 
for  mortar  was  probably  bitumen.  (Bkick  ;  Mortar  ; 
Slime.)  A  Jewish  tradition  declared  that  fire  fell  from 
heaven,  and  split  the  tower  through  to  its  foundation ; 
while  Alexander  Polyhistor  and  the  other  profane 
writers  who  noticed  the  tower,  said  that  it  had  been 
blown  down  by  the  winds.  Such  autliorities  there- 
fore as  we  possess,  represent  the  building  as  de- 
stroyed soon  after  its  erection  (so  Rawlinson).  When 
the  Jews,  however,  were  carried  captive  into  Baby- 
lonia, they  were  struck  with  the  vast  magnitude  and 
peculiar  character  of  certain  of  the  Daljylonian  tem- 
ples in  one  or  other  of  which  they  thought  to  rec- 


BAB 


BAB 


93 


(^izc  the  very  tower  itself.  The  predominant  opin- 
ion was  in  favor  of  the  great  temple  of  Nebo  at 
Borsippa,  the  modem  Birs-Nimrud,  although  the 
distance  of  that  place  from  Babylon  is  an  insuperable 
difficulty  in  the  way  of  the  identification  (see  below). 
The  Birs-Nimrvd  appears  to  have  been  a  sort  of 
oblique  pyramid  built  in  seven  receding  stages. 
L'pon  a  platform  of  crude  brick,  raised  a  few  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  alluvial  plain,  was  built  of 
burnt  brick  the  first  or  basement  stage — an  exact 
square,  272  feet  each  way,  and  26  feet   m  perpen- 


dicular height.  Upon  this  stage  wa.s  erected  a  second, 
230  feet  each  way,  and  likewise  26  feet  high  ;  which, 
however,  was  not  placed  exactly  in  the  middle  of  the 
firat,  but  considerably  nearer  to  the  S.  W.  end  or 
back  of  the  building.  The  other  stages  were  ar- 
ranged similarly — the  third  being  188  feet,  and  again 
26  feet  high  ;  the  fourth,  146  feet  square,  and  16  feet 
high  ;  (tie  fifth,  104  feet  square,  and  16  feet  high  ; 
the  sixth,  62  feet  square,  and  15  feet  high;  and  the 
seventh  20  feet  square,  and  IB  feet  high.  On  the 
seventh  stage  was  probably  placed  the  ark  or  taber- 


Temple  of  Bin-Nimrud  at  Borsipps. 


nacle,  which  seems  to  have  been  again  15  feet  high, 
and  must  have  nearly,  if  not  entirely,  covered  the 
top  of  the  seventh  story.  The  entire  original  height, 
allowing  3  feet  for  the  platform,  would  thus  have 
been  156  feet,  or,  without  the  platform,  153  feet. 
The  whole  formed  a  sort  of  oblique  pyramid,  the 
gentler  slope  facing  theN.  E.,  and  the  steeper  inclin- 
ing to  the  S.  W.  On  the  N.  E.  side  was  the  grand 
entrance,  and  here  stood  the  vestibule,  a  separate 
building,  the  ruins  of  which  having  joined  those 
from  the  temple  itself,  fill  up  the  intermediate  space, 
and  very  remarkably  prolong  the  mound  in  this  di- 
rection.' (See  Rawl'inson's  lldt.  ii.  483.)  The  Birs 
temple,  called  the  "  Temple  of  the  Seven  Spheres," 
was  ornamented  with  the  planetary  colors,  but  this 
was  most  likely  a  peculiarity.  The  other  chief  fca- 
ture.i  of  it  seem  to  have  been  common  to  most,  if 
not  all  of  the  Babylonian  temple-tower?. — To  the 
preceding  description,  from  Rawliuson,  may  here  be 
added  the  following  from  Profft^Bor  Opjicrt.  Tiie 
history  of  the  confusion  of  languages  was  preserved 
at  Babylon,  as  we  learn  from  classical  and  Babylo- 
nian authorities.  The  Talmudists  say  that  the  true 
site  of  the  Tower  of  Babel  was  at  Borsif,  the  Greek 


Borsippa,  the  Birs-Mmnid,  t^  miles  S.  W.  from 
HiUah,  and  nearly  11  miles  from  the  N.  ruins  of 
Babylon.  The  Babylonian  name  of  this  locality  is 
Barsip  or  Barzijja  =  Tower  of  TongiMs.  This 
building,  erected  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  and  named  the 
temple  of  the  Seven  Lights  of  the  Earth,  i.  e.  the 
planets,  i.s  the  same  that  Herodotus  describes  as  the 
Tower  of  Jupiter  Belus.  The  temple  consisted  of  a 
large  substructure,  a  stade  (600  Babylonian  feet)  in 
breadth,  and  75  feet  in  height,  over  which  were  built 
seven  other  stages  of  25  feet  each.  The  top  was 
the  temple  of  Nebo.  Nebuchadnezzar  thus  notices 
this  building  in  the  Borsippa  inscription : — "  We  say 
for  the  other,  i.  e.  this  edifice,  the  house  of  the  Seven 
Lights  of  the  Earth,  the  most  ancient  monument  of 
Borsippa  :  A  former  king  built  it  (they  reckon  forty- 
two  ages)  but  he  did  not  complete  its  head.  Since  a 
remote  time  people  had  alandmied  it,  uithnvt  ordir 
npressinff  t/uir  uords.  Since  that  time  the  earth- 
quake and  the  thunder  had  dispersed  its  sim-dried 
clay  ;  the  bricks  of  the  casing  had  been  split,  and 
the  earth  of  the  interior  had  been  scattered  in  heaps. 
Merodach,  the  great  lord,  excited  my  mind  to  repair 
this  building.    I  did  not  change  the  site,  nor  did  I 


94: 


BAB 


BAB 


take  away  the  foundation-stone As  it  had 

been  in  former  times,  so  I  founded,  I  made  it :  as  it 
had  been  in  ancient  days,  so  I  exalted  its  summit." 
— It  is  not  necessary  (so  Rawlinson)  to  suppose  that 
any  real  idea  of  "  scaling  heaven  "  was  present  to 


the  minds  of  those  who  raised  the  Tower  of  Babel  or 
any  other  of  the  Babylonian  temple-towers.  The  ex- 
pression used  in  Gen.  xi.  4,  is  a  mere  hyperbole 
for  great  height  (compare  Deut.  i.  28;  Dan.  iv.  11, 
&c.),  and  should  not  be  taken  literally.      Military 


Temple  of  the  Seven  Spberee  at  Bonlppa. 

(Elevation  restored.) 

A  The  basemeDt  story — black. 

B  Tbe  3d  stage — orange. 

C  The  3d  stnge— red. 

T>  The  4tb  stage — golden  (1). 

E  The  5th  stage — yellow. 

F  The  6th  stage— blue. 

G  The  7th  stage— silver  (!). 

H  The  ehrine  or  chapel. 


defence  was  probably  the  primary  object  of  such 
edifices  in  early  times :  but  with  the  wish  for  this 
may  have  been  combined  further  secondary  mo- 
tives, which  remained  when  such  defence  was  other- 
wise provided  for.  Diodorus  states  that  the  gi-eat 
tower  of  the  temple  of  Belus  was  used  by  the 
Chaldeans  as  an  observatory,  and  the  careful  em- 
placement of  the  Babylonian  temples  with  the  angles 
}a?ing  the  four  cardinal  points,  would  be  a  natural 
consequence,  and  may  be  regarded  as  a  strong  con- 
firmation of  the  reality  of  this  application. 

Ba'bl  (1  Esd.  viii.  37)  =  Bedai. 

Bab'y-lon  (L.  fr.  Gr.  Babulon;  see  Babel).  1,  The 
occurrence  of  this  name  in  1  Pet.  v.  13  has  given 
rise  to  a  variety  of  conjectures,  viz. — a.  That  Bab- 
ylon tropically  denotes  Rome  (so  fficumenius,  Je- 
rome, Grotius,  Lardner,  Cave,  Whitby,  Macknight, 
Hales,  Ilorne,  &c.).  In  support  of  this  opinion  is 
brought  forward  a  tradition  recorded  by  Eusebius 
(H.  E.  ii.  15),  on  the  authority  of  Papias  and  Clem- 
ent of  Alexandria,  that  1  Peter  was  composed  at 
Rome.  But  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  the 
name  is  used  figuratively,  and  the  subscription  to 
an  epistle  is  the  last  place  we  should  expect  to  find 
a  mystical  appellation. — 4.  Cappellus  and  others 
take  Babylon,  with  as  little  reason,  to  mean  Jeru- 
salem.— c.  Bar-Hebra;ii3  understands  by  it  the 
house  in  Jerusalem  where  the  apostles  were  as- 
sembled on  the  day  of  Pentecost.-— d.  Others  place 
it  on  the  Tigris,  and  identify  it  with  Seleucia  or 
Ctesiphon,  but  for  this  there  is  no  evidence. — e. 
That  Babylon  rz:  the  small  fort  of  that  name  which 
formed  the  boundary  between  Upper  and  Lower 
Egypt.  Its  site  is  marked  by  the  modem  Bnboul 
in  the  Delti,  a  little  N.  of  Fostat,  or  old  Cairo. 
According  to  Strabo  it  derived  its  name  from  some 


Babylonian  deserters  who  had  settled  there.  In 
his  time  it  was  the  headquarters  of  one  of  the 
three  legions  which  giirrisoned  Egypt.  Josephua 
(ii.  16,  §  1)  says  it  was  built  on  the  site  of  Lctop- 
olis,  when  Cambyses  subdued  Egypt.  That  this 
IS  the  Babylon  of  1  Peter  is  the  tradition  of  the 
Coptic  Church,  and  is  maintained  by  Le  Clerc,  Mill, 
Pearson,  &e.  There  is,  however,  no  proof  that  the 
apostle  Peter  was  ever  in  Egypt,  and  a  very  slight 
degiee  of  probability  is  created  by  the  tradition 
that  his  companion  Mark  was  bishop  of  Alexandria. 
— f.  The  most  natural  supposition  of  all  (adopted 
by  Erasmus,  Drusius,  Beza,  Lightfoot,  Bengel,  Wot- 
stein,  A.  Clarke,  Barnes,  Davidson,  Tregelles,  Words- 
woith,  &c.)  is  that  Babylon  here  =  the  old  Babylon 
on  the  Euphrates  (Babel),  which  was  largely  inhab- 
ited by  Jews  at  the  time  in  question  (Jos.  xv.  3, 
§  I).  The  only  argument  against  this  view  is  the 
negative  evidence  supplied  by  the  silence  of  his- 
torians as  to  St.  Peter's  having  visited  Babylon, 
but  this  cannot  be  allowed  to  have  much  weight. 
In  support  of  it,  Lightfoot  suggests  that  this  city 
"was  one  of  the  greatest  knots  of  Jews  in  the 
world,"  and  St.  Peter  was  the  minister  of  the  cir- 
cumcision,— 3.  In  the  Apocalypse,  the  symbolical 
name  by  which  Rome  is  denoted  (Rev.  xiv.  8,  xvii., 
xviii.).  The  power  of  Rome  was  regarded  by  the 
later  Jews  as  that  of  Babylon  by  their  forefathers 
(compare  Jer.  11.  7  with  Rev.  xiv.  8),  and  hence,  what- 
ever the  people  of  Israel  be  understood  to  symbolize, 
Babylon  represents  the  antagonistic  principle.  Akti- 
CHRisT ;  Revelation. 

Bab-y-lo'nt-ans  =  inhabitants  of  Babylon  (Ba- 
bel), who  were  among  the  colonists  planted  in  the 
cities  of  Samaria  by  the  conquering  Assyrians  (Ezr. 
iv.  9J.     Afterward,  when  the  warlike  Chaldeans  ae- 


BAB 


BAO 


95 


quired  the  predominance  in  the  seventh  century  b.  c, 
"Chaldean"  and  "Babylonian"  became  almost  sy- 
nonymous (Ez.  xxlU.  14,  15,  17  ;  compare  Is.  xlviii. 
14,  20). 

Bab-y-lo'nLsh  Gar'ment,  literally  "robe  of  Shinar" 
(Josh.  vij.  il).  An  ample  robe,  probably  made  of 
the  skin  or  fur  of  an  animal  (compare  Gen.  xxv.  25), 
and  ornamented  with  embroidery,  or  perhaps  a  va- 
riegated garment  with  figures  inwoven  in  tlie  fashion 
for  which  the  Babylonians  were  celebrated.    Dress; 

E.MBROIDKRER. 

Baca  (Heb.  weeping,  lamentation,  Ges.),  the  Val'- 
ley  of  (lleb.  'emek  ;  see  Valley  1),  a  valley  some- 
where in  Palestine,  through  which  ttic  exiled  Psalm- 
ist sees  in  vision  the  pilgrims  passing  in  their 
march  toward  the  sanctuary  of  Jehovah  at  Zion 
(Ps.  Ixxxiv.  6) ;  translated  by  the  Targum,  Ge- 
henna. (HiNNOM,  Valley  of),  by  the  Vulgate, 
"vale  of  tears."  The  explanation  of  Baca,  as  iz: 
the  Valley  of  Mulberry-Trees  (Heb.  becdim;  2  Sara. 
V.  23,  24 ;  1  Chr.  xiv.  13,  14)  is  now  very  commonly 
abandoned  for  the  one  given  in  the  ancient  versions, 
the  "  vale  of  weeping  "  or  "  of  sorrow,"  a  beautiful 
poetical  description  of  the  present  life  as  one  of  suf- 
fering (J.  A.  Alexander  on  Ps.  Ixxxiv.). 

Bac'thi-des  (Gr.  son  of  Bacchus ),  a  friend  of  An- 
tiochus  Epiphanes  and  governor  of  Mesopotamia, 
commissioned  by  Demetrius  Soter  to  investigate  the 
charges  which  Alcimus  preferred  against  Judas  Mac- 
cabeus. After  the  defeat  and  death  of  Nicanor,  he 
led  a  second  expedition  into  Judea.  Judas  Macca- 
beus fell  in  battle  (b.  c.  161),  and  Bacchides  reestab- 
lished the  supremacy  of  the  Syrian  faction.  Bac- 
chides next  attempted  to  surprise  Jonathan,  but  he 
escaped  across  the  Jordan.  Having  completed  the 
pacification  of  the  country,  Bacchides  returned  to 
Demetrius  (b.  c.  160).  After  two  years  he  came 
back  at  the  request  of  the  Syrian  faction,  but,  meet- 
ing with  ill  success,  he  turned  against  those  who  had 
induced  him  to  undertake  the  expedition,  and  sought 
an  honorable  retreat.  When  this  was  known  by 
Jonathan  he  sent  envoys  to  Bacchides  and  conclud- 
ed a  peace,  B.  c.  158  (1  Mc.  vii.  ix.).  ' 

Bae^barns  [-ku-]  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  one  of  the  "  holy 
singers,"  who  had  taken  a  foreign  wife  (1  Esd.  ix. 
24) ;  not  m  Ezr,  x. 

Bat'tbns  [-kus]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  BaJcchos  ;  also  written 
in  L.  laechva,  Diwiysws,  fr.  Gr.  Jakchos,  Diouiims), 
properly  the  god  of  wine,  in  Roman  and  Greek  my- 
thology, said  to  have  been  the  son  of  Jupiter  and 
Semele.  In  later  times  the  most  varied  attributes 
were  centred  in  him  as  the  source  of  luxuriant  fertil- 
ity of  nature,  and  the  god  of  civilization,  gladness, 
and  inspiration.  His  worship  was  greatly  modified 
by  the  introduction  of  Eastern  elements,  and  as- 
sumed the  twofold  form  of  wild  orgies  and  mystical 
rites.  "  The  feast  of  Bacchus  "  called  Dionysia  or 
Bacchanalia  (2  Mc.  vi.  7),  was  celebrated,  especially 
in  later  times,  with  wild  extravagance  and  licentious 
enthusiasm.  Women,  as  well  as  men,  joined  in  the 
processions,  acting  the  part  of  Bacchantes,  crowned 
with  ivy  and  bearing  the  thyrsus.  Before  the  per- 
secution of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  168  B.  c.,  in  which 
"  the  Jews  were  compelled  to  go  in  procession  to 
Bacchus,  carrying  ivy,"  the  secret  celebration  of  the 
Bacchanalia  in  Italy  had  been  revealed  to  the  Roman 
senate  (b.  c.  186),  and  a  decree  was  passed  forbid- 
ding its  observance  in  Rome  or  Italy.  To  the  Jews 
Bacchus  would  necessarily  appear  as  the  embodi- 
ment of  paganism  in  its  most  revolting  shape,  sanc- 
tioning tlie  most  tumultuous  passions  and  the  worst 
excesses.     Xicauor  is  said  to  have  threatened  to 


erect  a  temple  of  Bacchus  on  the  site  of  the  Temple 
at  Jerusalem  (xiv.  33). 

Ba-{e'nor  [-see-]  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  apparently  a  captain 
of  horse  under  Judas  Maccabeus  (2  Mc.  xii.  36). 

Bach'rttes  [bak-]  (fr.  Heb.),  the  —  the  family  of 
Becher,  son  of  Ephraim  (Num.  xxvi.  85). 

Badger-skins.  The  Heb.  iahash  or tachash,  which 
the  A.  V.  renders  badger,  occurs  with  the  Heb.  ''or, 
'ordtli  (r=  "skin,"  "skins"),  in  Ex.  xxv.  5,  xxvi. 
14,  XXXV.  7,  23,  xxxvi.  19,  xxxix.  34 ;  Num.  iv.  6,  8, 
10,  11,  12,  14,  and  without  'or,  25.  In  Ez.  xvi.  10, 
it  is  mentioned  as  the  substance  out  of  which 
women's  shoes  were  made ;  in  the  former  passages 
the  skins  are  named  in  relation  to  the  tabernacle, 
ark,  &c.,  and  appear  to  have  formed  the  exterior 
covering  of  these  sacred  articles.  There  is  much 
obscurity  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  word  ; 
the  ancient  versions  seem  nearly  all  agreed  that  it 
denotes  not  an  animal,  but  a  color,  either  black  or 
sky-blue ;  but  this  interpretation  has  no  ground 
either  in  its  etymology  or  in  the  cognate  languages. 
Some  versions,  as  the  German  of  Luther  and  the 
A.V.,  have  supposed  that  it  denotes  the  badger,  but 
the  badger  is  a  quadruped  not  found  in  the  Bible 
lands.  Whatever  is  the  substance  indicated  by  the 
Hebrew  word,  it  evidently  (Ex.  xxxv.  23)  was  some 
material  in  frequent  use  among  the  Israelites  during 
the  Exodus,  and  the  construction  of  the  sentences 
where  the  name  occurs  seems  to  imply  that  the  skin 
of  some  animal  and  not  a  color  is  denoted  by  it. 
The  Arabian  duchash  or  iuchash  denotes  a  dolphin, 
but  probably  is  not  restricted  in  its  application,  but 
may  refer  to  either  a  seal  or  a  cetacean.  The  skin  cf 
the  dugong,  which  is  a  cetacean,  allied  to  the  dol- 
phins, from  its  hardness  would  be  well  suited  for 
making  soles  for  shoes,  and  the  Arabs  near  Cape 
Mussendum  employ  theskins  of  these  animals  for  a 
similar  purpose.  The  "  Dugong  of  the  Red  Sea  " 
was  named  by  Professor  Riippell  Hahcore  Taler- 
naaili,  under  the  impression  that  it  was  the  animal 
whose  skin  was  used  to  cover  the  tabernacle,  &c. 
Perhaps  the  animal  was  a  seal,  the  skin  of  which 
would  suit  all  the  demands  of  the  Scriptural  allu- 
sions (so  Mr.  Houghton),  Colonel  C.  H.  Smith  (in 
Kitto),  and  Mr.  P.  H.  Gosse  (in  Fairbairn)  suppose  it 
some  species  of  antelope,  probably  of  an  iron-gray 
or  slate  color,  and  adduce  the  ceremonial  unclcan- 
ncss  of  seals  and  cetaceans  (Lev.  xi.  10-12)  as  an 
argument  that  their  skins  would  not  be  used  to  cover 
the  tabernacle  and  its  holy  vessels  (compare  ver.  81 
-47).  Palestine,  Zoologij. 

Bag  is  the  A.  V.  rendering  of  several  words.  1. 
Heb.  hfiritim  or  charUim,  the  "  bags  "  in  which 
Naaman  bound  up  the  two  talents  of  silver  for  Ge- 
hazi  (2  K.  V.  23),  probably  so  called,  according  to 
Gesenius,  from  their  long,  cone-like  shape.  The 
word  only  occurs  besides  in  Is.  iii.  22  (A.  V. 
"  crisping-pms  "),  and  there  denotes  the  reticules 
carried  by  the  Hebrew  ladies.  2.  Heb.  cis,  a  bag 
for  carrying  weights  (Deut.  xxv.  13  ;  Prov.  xvi.  11 ; 
Mic.  vi.  11),  also  used  as  a  purse  (Prov.  i.  14;  Is. 
xlvi.  6).  3.  Heb.  cli  or  clli,  translated  "  bag,"  in  1 
Sam.  xvii.  40,  49,  is  a  word  of  most  general  mean- 
ing,  commonly  translated  "  vessel "  or  "  instru- 
ment." (Furniture  1.)  In  Gen.  xlii.  25,  it  is  the 
"  sack  "  in  which  Jacob's  sons  carried  the  com  from 
Egypt,  and  in  1  Sam.  ix.  7,  xxi.  5  (Heb.  6),  it  denotes 
a  bag,  or  wallet,  for  carrying  food  (A.  V.  "  vessel ;  " 
compare  Jd.  x.  5,  xiii.  10,  16).  The  shepherd's 
"  bag  "  (marg.  "  vessel,"  1  Sam.  xvii.  40)  of  David 
seems  to  have  been  worn  by  him  as  necessary  to  his 
calling,  and  was  probably  (compare  Zech.  xi.  16,  16, 


BAG 


BAL 


where  A.  V.  "instruments"  is  the  same  Hebrew 
word)  for  carrying  the  lambs  which  were  unable  to 
walk  or  were  lost,  and  contained  materials  for  heal- 
ing such  as  were  sick,  and  binding  up  those  that 
were  broken  (compare  Ez.  xxxiv.  4,  16)  ;  so  Mr.  W. 
A.  Wright ;  but  see  Arms  I.  3 ;  Scrip.  4.  Heb. 
tsyror,  properly  a  "  bundle  "  (Gen.  xlii.  35  ;  1  Sara. 
XXV.  29),  appears  to  have  been  used  by  travellers  for 
carrying  money  during  a  long  journey  (Prov.  vii.  20  ; 
Hag.  i.  6;  compare  Lk.  xli.  33 ;  Tob.  ix.  5).  In  such 
"  bundles  "  the  priests  bound  up  the  money  contrib- 
uted for  the  restoration  of  the  Temple  under  Je- 
hoiada  (2  K.  xii.  10,  A.  V.  "  put  up  in  bags  ").  Job 
(xiv.  IV)  represents  his  sin  as  sealed  up  in  a  "bag," 
i.  e.  carefully  put  up  and  kept  as  treasure  by  the 
Almighty. — Tlie  Gr.  pera,  translated  "  bag  "  in  Jd. 
X.  6,  xiii.  10,  15,  is  translated  "scrip"  in  N.  T. 
The  Gr.  thulakioii  (=  little  bay,  L.  and  S.)  occurs  in 
the  plural  in  Tob.  ix.  5  (A.  V.  "  bags  ")  as  used  for 
holding  monev.  The  "  bag  "  (Gr.  glossokomon,  used 
for  "  chest "  in  LXX.  in  2  Chr.  xxiv.  8, 10,  11)  which 
Judas  carried  was  probably  a  small  box  or  chest  (Jn. 
xii.  0,  xiii.  29).  The  Gr.  balantion,  translated  in  the 
plural  "  bags"  (Lk.  xii.  33),  is  elsewhere  in  the  N. 
T.  translated  "  Pcrse,"  and  in  the  LXX.  =:  tsSror  (No. 
4  above;  Job.  xiv.  17),  and  =  eis  (No.  2,  above; 
Prov.  i.  14). 

Ba'gO  (Gr.)  =  BiGFAi  1  (1  Esd.  viii.  40). 

Ba-go'as  (Gr.  fr.  Pers.  —  emmch,  Pliny;  happy, 
fortunale.  Pott;  protected  by  the  goth,  Oppert,  RIii.), 
the  eunuch  in  attendance  upon  Holofernes,  who  had 
charge  of  all  that  he  had,  and  was  tlie  first  to  dis- 
cover his  master's  assassination  (J J.  xii.  11,  13,  15, 
xiii.  1,  3,  xiv.  14). 

BagO-1  (Gr.)  =  BiGVAi  1  (1  Esd.  v.  14). 

Ba-lia-ra'iHite  (fr.  Heb.),  thet    Bahorim. 

Ba-ha'rlm  (Heb.  young  me«.'»  village,  Ges.),  a  vil- 
lage, apparently  on,  or  close  to  the  road  leading  up 
from  the  Jordan  valley  to  Jerusalem.  Shimei  the 
Boj  of  Gera  resided  here  (2  Sam.  xvi.  5 ;  IK.  ii.  8). 
Here  iu  the  court  of  a  house  was  the  well  in  which 
Jonathan  and  Ahiraaaz  eluded  their  pursuers  (2  Sara. 
xvii.  18).  Here  Phaltiel,  the  husband  of  Michal,  bade 
farewell  to  his  wife  when  on  her  return  to  King  Da- 
vid at  Hebron  (iii.  16).  Bahurim  must  have  been 
very  near  the  S.  boundary  of  Benjamin,  and  Dr. 
Barclay  conjectures  that  the  pl.ice  lay  where  some 
ruins  still  exist  close  to  a  Wady  Ruwabu,  which  runs 
in  a  straight  course  for  three  miles  from  Olivet  di- 
rectly toward  Jordan.  Azmavkth  "  the  Barhumite  " 
(xxiii.  31),  or  "the  Baharumite"  (1  Chr.  xi.  33),  is 
the  only  native  of  Bahurim  that  we  hear  of  except 
Shimei. 

Ba'jith  (fr.  Heb.  =  the  house),  referring  to  the 
"  tem])le  "  of  the  false  gods  of  Moab,  as  opposed  to 
the  "  high  places  "  (Is.  xv.  2  ;  compare  xvi.  12). 

Bak-bak'kar  (Heb.,  perhaps  =  wasting  of  the 
mountain,  Ges.),  a  Lovite,  apparently  a  descendant 
of  Asaph  (1  Chr.  ix.  15). 

Bak'bnk  (Heb.  bottle,  Ges.),  ancestor  of  certain 
Nethinira  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  51 ; 
Neh.  vii.  53). 

Bak-bn-ki'ah  (Heb.  emptying  [i.  e.  vasting']  of  Je- 
hovah, Ges.).  1.  A  prominent  Levite  in  Nehemiah's 
time  (Neh.  xi.  17,  xii.  9). — 2,  A  Levite  porter,  ap- 
parently =:  No.  1  (xii.  25). 

Ba'king.    Bread. 

BaLtam  [-lam]  (Heb.,  perhaps  =  foreigner,  strari- 
yer,  Ges. :  lord  of  the  pcop'e,  Vitringa ;  destructioii 
of  the  people,  Sim.),  the  son  of  Beor,  a  man  endowed 
with  the  gift  of  prophecy  (Num.  xxii.  5),  and  occu- 
pying a  prominent  place  in  0.  T.  history  (xxii. -xxiv., 


■xxxi.  8,  16,  &e.).  He  was  son  of  Beor  (compare 
Bela  2),  and  seems  to  have  lived  at  Pethor,  a  city  of 
Mesopotamia  (Deut.  xxiii.  4).  He  himself  speaks 
of  being  "  brought  from  Aram  out  of  the  mountains 
of  the  E."  (Num.  xxiii.  7).  Balaam  is  one  of  those 
instances  in  Scripture  of  persons  dwelling  among 
heathens  but  possessing  a  certain  knowledge  of  the 
one  true  God.  He  was  a  poet  and  a  prophet,  appar- 
ently celebrated  for  wisdom  and  sanctity.  At  this 
time  the  Israelites  were  encamped  in  the  plains  of 
Moab.  Balak,  the  king  of  Moab,  having  witnessed 
the  discomfiture  of  his  neighbors,  the  Amorites,  by 
this  people,  entered  into  a  league  with  the  Midianitos 
against  them,  and  dispatched  messengers  to  Balaam 
with  the  rewards  o{  divination  in  their  hands.  (Ma- 
gic.) When  the  elders  of  Moab  and  Midian  tcid 
him  their  message,  he  seems  to  have  had  some  mis- 
givings as  to  the  lawfulness  of  their  request,  for  he 
mvited  them  to  tarry  the  night  with  him  that  he 
might  learn  how  the  Lord  would  regard  it.  These 
misgivings  were  confirmed  by  God's  express  prohi- 
bition of  his  journey.  Balaam  reported  the  answer, 
and  the  messengers  of  Balak  returned.  The  king 
of  Moab,  however,  not  deterred  by  this  feilure,  sent 
again  more  and  more  honorable  princes  to  Balaam. 
The  prophet  again  refused,  but  notwithstanding  in- 
vited the  erabus.sy  to  tarry  the  night  with  him,  that 
he  might  know  what  the  Lord  would  say  unto  him 
further ;  and  thus  by  his  importunity  he  obtained 
from  God  the  permission  he  desired,  but  was  warned 
at  the  same  time  that  his  actions  would  be  overruled 
according  to  the  Divine  will.  Balaam  therefore  pro- 
ceeded on  his  journey  with  the  messengers  of  Balak. 
But  God's  anger  was  kindled  at  this  manifestation 
of  determined  self-will,  and  the  angel  of  the  Lord 
stood  in  the  way  for  an  adversary  against  him. 
"  The  dumb  ass,  speaking  with  man's  voice,  forbade 
the  madness  of  the  prophet"  (2  Pet.  ii.  16).  It  is 
evident  that  Balaam,  although  acquainted  with  God, 
was  desirous  of  throwing  an  air  of  mystery  round 
his  wisdom,  from  the  instructions  he  gave  Balak  to 
offer  a  bullock  and  a  ram  on  the  seven  altars  he 
everywhere  p^epared  for  him.  His  religion,  there- 
fore, was  probably  the  natural  result  of  a  general 
acquaintance  with  God  not  confirmed  by  any  cove- 
nant. There  is  an  allusion  to  Balaam  in  Mic.  vi.  5, 
where  Bishop  Butler  thinks  that  a  conversation  is 
preserved  which  occurred  between  him  and  the  king 
of  Moab  upon  this  occasion.  But  such  an  opinion 
is  hardly  tenable.  "  The  doctrine  of  Balaam  "  is 
spoken  of  in  Rev.  ii.  14,  where  an  allusion  has  been 
supposed  to  Nicolas,  the  founder  of  the  sect  of  the 
NicoLAiTANs,  the  two  names  being  probably  similar 
in  signification.  Balaam's  love  of  the  wages  of  un- 
righteousness and  his  licentious  counsel  are  referred 
to  in  2  Pet.  ii.  15  and  Jude  11  ;  compare  Rev.  ii.  14. 
Though  the  utterance  of  Balaam  was  overruled  so 
that  he  could  not  curse  the  children  of  Israel,  he 
nevertheless  suggested  to  the  Moabites  the  expedient 
of  seducing  them  to  comrait  fornication.  The  effect 
of  this  is  recorded  in  Num.  xxv.  A  battle  was  af- 
terward fought  against  the  Midianites,  in  which  Ba- 
laam sided  with  them  and  was  slain  by  the  sword  of 
the  people  whom  he  had  endeavored  to  curse  (Num. 
xxxl.  8;  Josh.  .xiii.  22).     Mkssiah  ;  Prophet. 

Ba'lae  (Rev.  ii.  14)  =  Balak. 

Bal'a-dan  (Heb.  Bel  is  liis  lord,  worshipper  of  Bel, 
Ges. ;  having  power  and  riches,  Fii.).  Merodacu- 
Baladan. 

Ba'lah  (Heb.)  =  Baal,  geography,  2,  b,  and  BiL- 
HAii  2  (Josh.  xix.  3). 

Balak  (Heb.  empty,  vacant,  Ges.),  son  of  Zippor, 


BAL 


BAQ 


97 


king  of  the  Moabites,  at  the  time  when  tlic  cliildrcn 
of  Lrael  were  bringinj;  their  journevings  in  the  wil- 
derness to  a  close.  Balak  entered  into  a  league  with 
Midian  and  hired  Balaam  to  curse  the  Israelites ; 
but  his  designs  were  frustrated  (Num.  xiii.-xxiv.). 
He  is  mentioned  also  at  Josh.  xxiv.  9;  Judg.  li.  26 ; 
Slic.  vi.  5  ;  Rev.  ii.  14  ("Balac,"  A.  V.). 

Bal'a-mo  (fr.  (ir  ).     Baal,  geograpliy,  6. 

B«l  ance  or  Bal'an-«eg,  is  the  translation  in  the 
A.  V.  of  two  Hebrew  and  two  Greek  words.  ]■ 
Hcb.  mozinayirn,  the  dual  form  of  which  points 
to  the  double  scales  (Lev.  xi.'?.  36 ;  Job  xxxi.  6, 
&C.).  The  balance  in  this  form  is  found  on  the 
Egyptian  monuments  as  early  as  Joseph's  time. 
The  weights  used  were  at  first  probably  stones,  and 
hence  "  stone  "  =  any  weight  whatever,  though  af- 
terward made  of  lead  (Lev.  six.  36  ;  Deal.  xxv.  13, 
15;  Prov.  xi.  1,  xx.  10,  23;  Zech.  v.  8).  These 
weights  were  carried  in  a  Bag.  (Money.)— 2.  Heb.  kd- 
neh,  translated  "  balance  "  in  Is.  xlvi.  6,  generally  ^  a 
measuring-rod,  and  it  also  =  the  tongue  or  beam  of 
a  balance.— 3.  Gr.  plastingi,  originally  applied  to 
the  scale-pan  alone,  =  "  balance  "  in  Wis.  xi.  22 
(Gr.  23) ;  2  Mc.  ix.  8. — 1.  Gr.  zugos,  literally  a  yoke, 
is  translated  "a  pair  of  balances  "  in  Rev.  vi.  5,  "a 
balance  "  in  Ecclus.  xxi.  25,  xxviii.  25.  This  (also 
the  neuter  ziigon)  is  used  in  the  LXX.  as  =  Xo.  1. 
— The  balance  is  a  well-known  symbol  of  strict  jus- 
tice (Job  xxxi.  6 ;  Dan.  v.  21,  &c.) ;  but  in  Rev.  vi. 
5,  many  consider  it  a  symbol  of  famine  (compare 
ver.  6,  and  Lev.  xxvi.  26).  Scales  ;  Weights  akd 
Measires. 

Ba-las'a-aigj  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Maaseiab  6  (1  Esd.  ix. 
43). 

Bald'ncsSi  There  are  two  kinds  of  baldness,  viz., 
artificial  and  natural.  The  latter  seems  to  have 
been  uncommon,  since  it  exposed  people  to  public 
derision,  and  is  perpetually  alluded  to  as  a  mark  of 
squalor  and  misery  (2  K.  ii.  23  ;  Is.  iii.  24,  "  instead 
of  well-set  hair,  baldness,  and  burning  instead  of 
beauty  ;  "  Is.  xv.  2  ;  Jer.  xlvii.  5  ;  Ez.  vii.  18,  &c.). 
For  this  reason  it  seems  to  have  been  included  under 
the  disqualifications  for  priesthood  (Lev.  xxi.  20, 
LXX.,  Jewish  interpretation).  In  Lev.  xiii.  29,  &c., 
very  carefid  directions  are  given  tc  distinguish  "a 
plague  upon  the  head  and  beard,"  from  mere  natural 
baldness  which  is  pronounced  to  be  clean,  ver.  40. 
(Lepek.)  Artificial  baldness  marked  the  conclusion 
of  a  Xazarite's  vow  (Acts  xviii.  18;  Num.  vi.  9,  18), 
and  was  a  sign  of  Mocrxino.  It  is  often  alluded  to 
in  Scripture  ;  as  in  Mic.  i.  16  ;  Am.  viii.  10,  &c.  ;  and 
in  Deut.  xiv.  1,  2,  the  reason  for  its  being  forbidden 
to  the  Israelites  is  their  being  "  a  holy  and  peculiar 
people."  (See  Lev.  xix.  27,  and  Jer.  ix.  26,  marg.) 
The  practices  alluded  to  in  the  latter  passages  were 
adopted  by  heathen  nations  in  honor  of  various 
god.s.     Beard;  Hair;  Idolatry. 

Balm  [bahra]  (Heb.  tuOri,  taSri)  occurs  in  Gen. 
xxxvii.  25,  as  one  of  the  substances  which  the  Ish- 
maelites  were  bringing  from  (Jilead  to  take  into 
Egypt;  in  Gen.  xliii.  11,  as  one  of  the  presents 
which  Jacob  sent  to  Joseph  ;  in  Jer.  viii.  22,  xlvi. 
11,  li.  8,  where  it  appears  that  the  balm  of  (iilead 
had  a  medicinal  value ;  in  Ez.  xxvii.  17  (margin, 
"  rosin  ")  as  an  article  of  commerce  brought  by 
Judah  into  Tyre.  It  is  impossible  to  identify  it  with 
any  certainty.  Perhaps  it  does  not  refer  to  an  ex- 
udation from  any  particular  tice,  but  was  intended 
to  denote  any  resinous  substance  which  had  a  medi-, 
cinal  value.  If  the  prodiice  of  any  particular  tree 
is  intcnde<i  by  the  word,  it  was  probably  cither  Mas- 
Ticii,  or  the  "  Balm  of  Gilead,"  also  known  as  bal- 
7 


sam  of  Mecca,  or  opobalsam.  (Spice  1.)  The  latter 
is  highly  esteemed  by  the  Arabs  as  a  stomachic  and 
as  an  external  remedy  for  wounds. 

Bal-nn'us  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Binnui  2  (1  Esd.  ix.  31). 

Bal-tha'sar  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Belshazzar  (Bar.  1.  11, 
12). 

Ba'mah  (Heb.  high  place),  appears  in  its  Hebrew 
form  only  in  one  passage  (Ez.  xx.  29),  very  obscure, 
and  full  of  paronomasia :  "  What  is  the  /ijjr/i-place 
whereunto  ye  hie  (A.  V.  "  go  ")  ?  and  the  name  of 
it  is  called  Bamuh  (=  high  place)  unto  thi^  day." 
High  Places. 

Ba'moth  (Heb.  heighlH,  Ges.),  a  halting-place  of 
the  Israelites  on  their  way  to  Canaan  (Num.  xxi.  18, 
19),  situated  in  the  Amorite  country  N.  of  the  Ar- 
non,  between  Nahaliel  and  Pisgah  ;  =  Bamoth-Baal, 
and  identified  with  a  site  marked  by  stone  heaps  on 
Jebel  Altdrus  (so  Knobel). 

Ba'moth-Ba'al  (Heb.  high  places  of  Baal),  a  sanc- 
tuary of  Ba:il  in  the  country  of  Moab  (Josh.  xiii. 
17);  probably  =  the  "high  places"  in  Is.  xv.  2, 
A.  v.,  in  the  enumeration  of  the  towns  of  Moab. 

Ban  (fr.  Gr.)  —  Tobiah  1  (1  Esd.  v.  37). 

Ba-n«i'as  (Gr.)  =  Benaiah  8,  rf(l  Esd.  ix.  35). 

*  Band.  Army  ;  Chain  ;  Children  ;  Cord  ;  Pun- 
ishments ;  Ship;  Troop,  &c. 

Ba'ni  (Heb.  bmlt,  Ges.).  1.  A  Gadite,  one  of 
David's  heroes  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  36 ;  Mibhar). — 2.  A 
Levite  of  the  line  of  Mcrari,  aud  ancestor  of  Ethan 
(1  Chr.  vi.  46). — 3.  A  man  of  Judah  of  the  line  of 
Pharez  (ix.  4). — i,  "  Children  (or  "  sons  ")  of  Bani " 
returned  from  ciiptivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  10, 
X.  29,  34;  1  Esd.  v.  12);  supposed  by  some  to  be 
represented  collectively  in  Neh.  x.  14.  (Binnui  4  ; 
Mani  ;  Maani.). — 5>  An  Israelite  "  of  the  .sons  of 
Bani  "  (Ezr.  x.  38  ;  Bannus).— 6.  A  Levite,  father 
of  liehum  (Neh.  iii.  17). — 7t  A  I.evite  in  Nehemiah's 
time  (viii.  7 ;  ix.  4,  5  ;  x,  13);  possibly  =  No.  6, 
if  the  name  is  that  of  a  family.  (Anus.) — 8.  An- 
other Levite,  of  the  sons  of  Asaph  (xi.  22). 

Ba'nid  (Gr.  Banias;  L.  Baiiia),  (1  Esd.  viii.  36), 
represents  a  n!;me  which  seme  suppose  hns  escaped 
from  the  prcstnt  Hebrew  text  (see  Ezr.  viii.  10). 

*  Ban'isfh-niout.    Punishments. 

*  Bank<     Money-changers  ;  War. 
Ean-nal'a  (fr.  Gr.)  —  Zabad  5  (1  Esd.  ix.  33). 

*  Banner.    Ensign. 

Ban'nas  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Bani  6,  or  Binnui  3  (1  Esd. 
ix.  34). 

Ban'qneti  [bank'wets],  among  the  Hebrews,  were 
not  only  a  means  of  social  enjoyment,  but  were  a 
part  of  the  observance  of  religious  festivity.  At 
the  three  solemn  Festivals,  when  all  the  males  ap- 
peared before  the  Lonl,  the  family  also  had  its  do- 
mestic feast  (Deut.  xvi.  11).  Probably  both  males 
and  females  went  up  (1  Sam.  i.  9)  together,  to  hold 
the  festival.  Siicrificcs,  both  ordinary  and  extraor- 
dinary, as  in  heathen  nations  (Ex.  xxxiv.  16  ;  Judg. 
xvi.  23),  includeil  a  banquet,  and  Eli's  sons  made 
this  latter  the  prominent  part.  Besides  religious 
celebrations,  weaning  a  son  and  heir,  a  Marriage, 
the  separation  or  reunion  of  friends,  sheep-rhearing, 
&c.,  were  customarily  attended  by  a  banquet  or 
revel  (Gen.  xxi.  8,  xxix.  22,  xxxi.  27,  64 ;  1  Sam. 
xxv.  2,  36;  2  Sam.  xiii.  23).  Birthdayban()uets 
are  mentioned  in  the  cases  of  Pharaoh  and  Herod 
(Gen.  xl.  20;  Mat.  xiv.  6;  Birthdays).  The  usual 
time  of  the  ban((uet  was  the  evening,  and  to  begin 
early  was  a  mark  of  excess  (Is.  v.  11 ;  Ecd.  x.  16). 
The  most  essential  materials  of  the  banqueting-room, 
next  to  the  viands  and  wine,  which  lust  was  often 
drugged  with  spices  (I'rov.  ix.  2  ;  Cant.  viii.  .2),  were 


98 


BAX 


BAP 


perfumed  ointments,  garlands  or  loose  flowers,  white 
or  brilliant  robes  ;  after  tliese,  exliibitions  of  music, 
singers,  and  dancers,  riddles,  jesting  and  merriment 
(Is.  xxviii.  1  ;  Wis.  ii.  7 ;  2  S.im.  xix.  35  ;  Is.  x.w. 
6,  V.  12;  Judg.  xiv.  12;  Neh.  viii.  10;  Eccl.  x.  19; 
Am.  vi.  5,  B  ;  Mat.  xxii.  1 1  ;  Lk.  xv.  25).  Seven 
days  was  a  not  uncommon  duration  of  a  festival, 
especially  for  a  wedding,  but  sometimes  fourteen 
(Gen.  xxix.  27;  Judg.  xiv.  12;  Tob.  viii.  19);  hut 
if  the  bride  were  a  widow,  three  days  Ibrmed  the 
limit.  •  There  seems  no  doubt  that  the  Jews  of  the 
0.  T.  period  used  a  common  table  for  all  the  guests. 
In  Joseph's  entertainment  a  ceremonial  separation 
prevailed  ;  but  the  common  phrase  to  "  sit  at  table," 
or  "  eat  at  any  one's  table,"  shows  the  originality  of 
the  opposite  usage.  The  posture  at  table  in  early 
times  was  sitting,  and  the  guests  were  ranged  in 
order  of  dignity  (Gen.  xliii.  33  ;  1  Sam.  ix.  22) :  the 
words  which  imply  the  recumbent  posture  belong  to 
the  N.  T.  In  religious  banquets  the  wine  was  mixed, 
by  rabbinical  regulation,  with  three  parts  of  water, 
and  four  short  forms  of  benediction  were  pronounced 
over  it.  DuiNK,  Strong  ;  Food  ;  Meals  ;  Passovek  ; 
Reoiiabites  ;  Wine. 

Bann-as  (1  Esd.  v.  26),  probably  a  corruption  of 
Ileb.  binep  —sons  or  "children"  (of  Ilodaviah) ; 
compare  Ezr.  ii.  40  and  Neh.  vii.  43. 

Baptism  (fr.  Gr. ;  see  VII.  below).  I.  It  is  well 
known  that  ablution  or  bathing  was  common  in 
most  ancient  nations  as  a  preparation  for  prayers 
and  sacrifice  or  as  expiatory  of  sin.  There  is  a  natural 
connection  in  the  nihid  between  the  thought  of 
physical  and  that  of  spiritual  pollution.  In  warm 
countries  this  connection  is  probably  even  closer 
than  incolder  climates;  and  hence  the  frequency  of 
ablution  in  tlie  religious  rites  througliout  the  East. 
— II.  The  history  of  Israel  and  the  Law  of  Moses 
abound  with  such  lustrations  (Gen.  xxxv.  2  ;  Ex. 
xix.  10;  Lev.  xiii.,  xiv.,  xv.,xvi.  26,  28,  xvii.  15,  xxii. 
4,  6  ;  Num.  xix.).  Before  great  religious  observances 
such  purifications  were  especially  solemn  (Jn.  xi. 
55) ;  and  in  the  later  times  of  the  Jewish  history 
there  appear  to  have  been  public  baths  and  buildings 
set  apart  for  this  purpose,  one  of  which  was  prob- 
ably the  pool  of  Betiiesda  (v.  2).  It  was  natural 
that,  of  all  people,  tlie  priests  most  especially  should 
be  required  to  purify  themselves  in  this  manner. 
The  consecration  of  the  high-priest  was  first  by 
baptism,  then  by  unction,  and  lastly  by  sacrifice 
(Ex.  xxix.  4,  xl.  12;  Lev.  viii.).  The  spiritual  sig- 
nificance of  all  these  ceremonial  washings  was  well 
known  to  the  devout  Israelite.  "  I  will  wash  my 
hands  in  innocency,"  says  the  Psalmist,  "and  so  will 
I  compass  thine  altar"  (Ps.  xxvi.  6  ;  compare  Ii.  2, 
Ixxiii.  13).  The  prophets  constantly  speak  of  pardon 
and  conversion  from  sin  under  the  same  figure  (Is.  i. 
16,  iv.  4;  Jer.  iv.  14;  Zech.  xiii.  1).  From  the 
Gospel  history  we  learn  that  at  that  time  ceremonial 
washings  had  been  greatly  multiplied  by  traditions 
of  the  doctors  and  elders  (Mk.  vii.  3,  4),  and  the  tes- 
timony of  the  Evangelist  is  fully  borne  out  by  that 
of  the  later  writings  of  the  Jews.  The  most  im- 
portant and  probably  one  of  the  earliest  of  these 
traditional  customs  was  the  baptizing  of  Proselytes. 
There  is  a  universal  agreement  among  later  Jewish 
writers  (Talmud,  Maimonides,  &c.)  that  all  the  Isra- 
elites were  brought  into  covenant  with  God  by  cir- 
cumcision, baptism,  and  sacrifice,  and  that  the  same 
ceremonies  were  necessary  in  admitting  proselytes 
(so  Bishop  E.  H.  Browne,  the  original  author  of  this 
article). — III.  The  Baptism  of  John. — These  usages 
of  the  Jews  will  account  for  the  readiness  with  which 


all  men  flocked  to  the  baptism  of  John  the  Baptist. 
Corresponding  with  the  custom  of  cleansing  by  water 
from  legal  impurity  and  with  the  baptism  of  prose- 
lytes from  heathenism  to  Judaism,  it  seemed  to  call 
upon  them  to  come  out   from   the  unbelieving  and 
sinful  habits  of  their  age,  and  to  enlist  themselves 
into  the  company  of  those  who  were   preparing  for 
the    manifestation    of    the    deliverance   of    Israel. 
John's  baptism   appears  to  have  been  a  kind  of 
transition   from  the  Jewish  baptism  to  the  Chris- 
tian.    All  ceremonial  ablutions  under  the  Law  pic- 
tured to  the  eye  that  inward  cleansing  of  the  heart 
which  can  come  only  from  the  grace  of  God,  and 
which  accompanies  forgiveness   of  sins.     So  John's 
baptism  was  a  "  baptism  of  repentance  for  remission 
of  sins  "  (Mk.  i.  4) ;  it  was  accompanied  with  con- 
fession (Mat.  iii.  6) ;  it  was  a  call  to  repentance ;  it 
conveyed  a  promise  of  pardon  ;  and  the  whole  was 
knit  up  with  faith  in  Ilim   that  should   come  after, 
even   Christ   Jesus   (Acts  xix,  4).      Jesus   himself 
deigned  to  be  baptized  with  it,  and  perhaps  some  of 
His  disciples  received  no  other  baptism  but  John's 
until  they  received  the  special  baptism  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  on  the  day  of  Pentecost.     Yet  John  himself 
speaks  of  it  as  a  mere  baptism  with  water  unto  re- 
pentance, pointing  forward  to  Him  who  should  bap- 
tize with  the  Holy  Ghost  and  with  fire  (Mat.  iii.  11). 
And   the  distinction  between   John's  baptism   and 
Christian   baptism  appears    in   the  case  of  ApoUos 
(Acts  xviii.  25-27),  and  of  the  disciples  at  Ephesus 
(xix.  1-6).     We  cannot  but  draw  from  this  history 
the  inference  that  there  was  a  deeper  spiritual  signif- 
icance in  Christian  baptism  than  in  John's  baptism, 
and  that,  as  John  was  a  greater  prophet  than  any 
that  before  him  had  been  born  of  women,  and  yet 
the  least  in  tlie  kingdom  of  heaven  was  greater  than 
he  (Mat.  xi.  11),  so  his  baptism  surpassed  in  spirit- 
ual  import  all  Jewish   ceremony,   but  fell  equally 
short  of  the  sacrament  ordained    by  Christ. — IV. 
Tlie  Bapliem  of  Jesim.—VXMvA^  iXv:^  most  important 
action  of  John  as  a  baptist  was  his  baptism  of  Jesus. 
No  doubt  it  was  the  will  of  Christ  in  the  first  place, 
by  so  submitting  to  baptism,  to  set  His  seal  to  the 
teaching  and  the  ministry  of  John.     Again,  as  He 
was  to  be  the  Head  of  His  Church  and  the  Captain 
of  our  salvation,  He  was  pleased  to  undergo  that 
rite  which  He  afterward  enjoined  on  all  His  follow- 
ers.    And,  once  more,  His  baptism  consecrated  the 
baptism  of  Christians    forever ;  even  as  afterward 
His  own  partaking  of  the  Eucharist  gave  still  further 
sanction  to  His  injunction  that  His  disciples  ever 
after  should  continually  partake  of  it.     But,  beyond 
all  this.  His  baptism  was  His  formal  setting  apart 
for  His  ministry,  and  was  a  most  important  portion 
of  His  consecration  to  be  the  High  Priest  of  God. 
He  was  just  entering  on  the  age  of  thirty  (Lk.  iii. 
23),  the  age  at  which  the  Levites  began   their  min- 
istry and  the  rabbis  their  teaching.     It  has  been 
mentioned  (II.  above)  that  the  consecration  of  Aaron 
to  the  high-priesthood  was  by  baptism,  unction,  and 
sacrj/fc-c  (Lev.  viii.).     All  these  were  undergone  by 
Jesus.     First,   He  was  baptized  by  John.     Then, 
just  as  the  high-priest  was  anointed  immediately 
after  his  baptism,  so  when  Jesus  had  gone  up  out  of 
the  water,  the  heavens  were  opened  unto  Him,  and 
the  Spirit  of  God  descended  upon  Him  (Mat.  iii.  16); 
and   thus   "  God   anointed  Jesus   of  Nazareth  with 
the  Holy  Ghost  and  with  power  "  (Acts  x.  38).    The 
sacrifice  indeed  was  not  till  the  end  of  His  earthly 
ministry,  when  He  oft'ered  up  the  sacrifice  of  Him- 
self; and  then  ut  His  resurrection  and  ascension  He 
fully  took  upon  Him  the  office  of  priesthood,  enter- 


BAP 


BAP 


99 


ing  into  the  presence  of  God  for  us,  pleading  the  ef- 
ficacy of  His  sacrifice,  and  blessing  those  for  whom 
that  sacrifice  was  oft'erod.  Baptism,  therefore,  was 
the  beginning  of  consecration ;  unction  was  the  im- 
mediate consequent  upon  the  baptism  ;  and  saerilice 
was  the  completion  of  the  initiation,  so  that  IJe  was 
thenceforth  perlecled,  or  fully  consecrated  as  a 
Priest  for  evermore  (Heb.  vii.  28). — V.  ISaptism  of 
tite  IKviplfx  of  Christ. — Whether  our  Lord  ever 
baptized  lias  been  doubted.  The  only  passage  which 
may  distinctly  bear  on  the  question  is  Jn.  \v.  1,  2, 
where  it  is  said  "  that  Jesus  made  and  baptized  more 
disciples  than  John,  though  Jesus  Himself  baptized 
not,  but  His  disciples."  We  necessarily  infer  from 
it,  that,  as  soon  as  our  Lord  began  His  ministry, 
and  gathered  to  Him  a  company  of  disciples.  He, 
like  John  the  Baptist,  admitted  into  that  company 
by  the  administration  of  baptism.  The  making  dis- 
ciples anil  the  baptizing  them  went  together.  After 
tne  resurrection,  when  the  Church  was  to  be  spread 
and  the  Gospel  preached,  our  Lord's  own  commis- 
sion conjoins  the  making  of  disciples  with  their  bap- 
tism (Mat.  xxviii.  19;  compare  Acts  ii.  38,  vih.  12, 
86,  38,  i-x.  18,  X.  47,  48,  xvi.  15,  33,  &c.).  Baptism 
then  was  the  initiatory  rite  of  the  Christian  Church, 
as  circimicision  was  of  Judaism.  As  circumcision 
admitted  to  the  Jewish  covenant — to  its  privileges 
and  responsibility — so  baptism,  which  succeeded  it, 
was  the  mode  of  admission  to  the  Christian  cove- 
nant, to  its  graces  and  privileges,  duties  and  service. 
— \l.  The  Types  of  Ilaplum.—l.  In  ]  Pct.iii.  21, 
the  deliverance  of  Noah  in  the  Deluge  is  compared 
to  the  deliverance  of  Christians  in  baptism.  The 
connection  in  this  passage  between  baptism  and 
"  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ  "  may  be  com- 
pared with  Col.  ii.  12. — 2.  In  1  Cor.  x.  1,  2,  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Red  Sen  and  the  shadowing  of  tlie  mirac- 
ulous cloud  are  treated  as  types  of  baptism.  The 
passage  from  the  condition  of  bondmen  in  Egypt 
was  through  the  Ked  Sea  and  with  the  protection  of 
the  luminous  cloud.  It  is  sufficiently  apparent  how 
this  may  resemble  the  enlisting  of  a  new  convert 
into  the  body  of  the  Christian  Church. — 3.  Another 
type  of,  or  rather  a  rite  analogous  to,  baptism  was 
circumcision  (Col.  ii.  11).  The  obvious  leason  for 
the  comparison  is,  that  circumcision  was  the  en- 
trance to  the  Jewish  Church  and  the  ancient  cove- 
nant, baptism  to  the  Christian  Church  and  to  the 
new  covenant. — 4.  In  more  than  one  instance  death 
is  called  a  baptism  (Mat,  xx.  22,  23 ;  Mk.  x.  38,  39  ; 
Lk.  xii.  50).  It  is  generally  thought  that  baptism 
here  —  an  inundation  of  sorrows,  and  that  our  Lord 
meant  to  indicate  that  He  Himself  had  to  pass 
through  "  the  deep  waters  of  affliction."  Is  it  not 
probable  that  some  deeper  significance  attaches 
to  the  comparison  of  denth,  especially  of  our  Lord's 
death,  to  baptism,  when  we  consider  too  that  the 
connection  of  baptism  with  the  death  and  resurrec- 
tion of  Christ  is  so  much  insisted  on  by  St.  Paul? 
— VII.  Namn  of  Baptism. — 1.  "Baptism  "  (Gr.bap- 
iisma:  the  Greek  haptismo*  occurs  only  four  times, 
viz.:  Mk.  vii.  4,  8;  Heb.  vi.  2,  ii.  10).  The  Greek 
verb  baptizein  (fr.  bapteiu,  to  dip),  is  the  rendering 
by  the  LXX.  In  2  K.  v.  14  of  the  Heb.  tiibnl  = 
"dip"  in  A.  V.  In  Van.  iv.  33  (Gr.  30)  Oaptein  in 
the  LXX.  corresponds  to  "  wet "  in  A.  V.  'The  Lat- 
in Fathers  render  baptizein  by  tingere  (=  to  wet, 
moisten,  bailie  with  or  in  any  li(|uid,  Andrews'  L. 
Jjef:\  mergere  (=:  to  dip,  dip  in,  immerse,  Andrews' 
L.  I.er..),  and  mergilare  (ziz  to  dtp  in,  immerse,  An- 
drews' Z.  LtT.).  By  the  Greek  Fathers,  the  word 
baptizein  a  often  used,  frequently  figuratively,  for  to 


immerse  or  overwhelm  with  sleep,  sorrow,  sin,  &c. 
Hence  bapiisma  properly  and  literallv  =  immersion 
(so  Bishop  Browne).'— 2.  "The  W'ater "  (A.  V. 
"water")  is  a  n.ime  of  baptism  in  Acts  x.  47. 
With  this  phrase  "  the  water,"  used  of  baptism, 
compare  "  the  breaking  of  bread  "  as  a  title  of  the 
Kucharist  (Acts  ii.  42). — 3.  "The  Washing  of 
Water"  (literally  "  the  bath  of  the  water")  is  an- 
other Scriptural  terra,  by  which  baptism  is  signified 
(Eph.  V.  2ti).  There  appears  clearly  in  these  words 
a  reference  to  the  bridal  bath  (Marriage  III.) ;  but 
the  allusion  to  baptism  is  clearer  still. — 4.  "The 
washing  of  regeneration  "  (literally  "  the  bath  of 
regeneration  ")  is  a  phrase  (Tit.  iii.  5)  naturally  con- 
nected with  the  foregoing.  All  ancient  and  most 
modern  commentators  have  interpreted  it  of  bap- 
tism. There  is  so  much  resemblance,  both  in  the 
phraseology  and  in  the  argument,  between  Tit.  iii.  5 
and  1  Cor.  vi.  11,  that  the  latter  ought  by  all  means 
to  be  compared  with  the  former.  Another  passage 
containing  very  similar  thoughts,  clothed  in  almost 
the  same  words,  isActsxxii.  16. — 5.  "Illumination  " 
(Gr.  photismos).  It  has  been  much  questioned 
whether  "  enlightened  "  (Gr.  photizesOud),  in  Ileb.  vi, 
4,  X.  32,  be  used  of  baptism  or  not.  Justin  Martyr, 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  and  almost  all  the  Greek 
Fathers,  use  plwlismos  as  =  baptism.  This  use  is 
now  very  commonly  considered  entirely  ecclesiasti- 
cal, not  Scriptural.  But  the  Greek  photagogia  (= 
ilhtmination)  was  u  term  for  admission  into  the  an- 
cient mysteries.  Baptism  was  without  question  the 
initiatory  rite  in  reference  to  the  Christian  faith. 
Now,  that  Christian  faith  is  more  than  once  called 
by  St.  Paul  the  Christian  "  mystery  "  (Eph.  i.  9,  iii, 
4,  vi,  19  J  Col.  iv.  3).  Hence,  as  baptism  is  the  ini- 
tiatory Christian  rite,  admitting  us  to  the  service  of 
God  and  to  the  knowledge  of  Christ,  it  may  not  im- 
probably have  been  called  photimws,  and  afterward 
photagogia,  as  having  reference,  and  as  admitting, 
to  the  mystcrg  of  the  Gospel,  and  to  Christ  Himself, 
who  is  the  Jfi/iterg  of  God  (Col.  i.  27,  ii.  2).— VIII. 
Other  I'roniinoit  Texts  referring  to  Baptism. —  1.  The 
passage  in  Jn.  iii.  5 — "  Except  a  man  be  born  of 
water  and  of  the  Spirit,  he  cannot  enter  into  the 
kingdom  of  God"  —  has  been  a  well-established 
battle-field  from  the  time  of  Calvin.  Stier  quotes 
with  entire  apjiroliation  the  words  of  Meyer  (on  Jn. 
iii.  5) : — "  Jusus  si}eaks  here  concerning  a  spiritual 
baptism,  as  in  chapter  vi.  concerning  a  spiritual  feed- 
ing ;  in  both  places,  however,  with  reference  to  their 
visiljle  auxiliary  means." — 2.  The  prophecy  of  John 
the  Baptist,  that  our  Lord  should  baptize  with  the 
Holy  Ghost  and  with  fire  (Mat.  iii.  11),  may  be  inter- 
preted (so  Bp.  Browne)  by  a  hendiadys.  The  water 
of  John's  baptism  could  but  wash  the  body ;  the 
Holy  Ghost  with  which  Christ  was  to  baptize,  should 
purify  the  soul  as  with  fire.  Many  commentators, 
ancient  and  modern,  understand  this  verse  thus  :  He 
will  cither  overwhelm  (lichly  furnish)  you  with  all 
spiritual  gifts,  or  overwhelm  with  fire  unquenchable 
(Rbn.  N.  T.  Zfir.).— 3.  Gal.  iii.  27  :  "  For  as  many  of 
you  as  have  been  baptized  into  Christ,  have  put  on 
Christ,"  The  contrast  is  between  the  Christian  and 
the  Jewish  church  :  one  bond,  the  other  free;  one  in- 
fant, the  other  adult.  And  the  transition-point  is  nat- 
urally that  at  which  by  baptism  the  service  of  Christ 
is  undertaken  and  the  promises  of  the  Gospel  are 
claimed.     This  is  represented  as  putting  on  Christ 

>  It  Is  unquestionable,  however  (so  Bishop  Browne),  that 
In  Mk.  vii.  4,  baptizentltai  (translated  "  wasli "  A.  V.)  is 
used,  where  Immer.'iion  of  the  whole  body  is  not  ■  intended 
(compare  Ileb.  vi.  2,  ix.  10). 


100 


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BAR 


and  in  Him  assuming  the  position  of  full-grown  men. 
In  this  more  privileged  condition  there  is  the  power 
of  obtaining  justification  by  faith,  a  justification 
which  the  Law  had  not  to  offer. — I.  1  Oor.  xii.  13: 
"  For  b)'  one  Spirit  (or,  in  one  spirit)  we  were  all 
baptized  into  one  body,  whether  Jews  or  Greeks, 
wliether  bond  or  free,  and  were  all  made  to  drink  of 
one  Spirit."  The  resemblance  of  this  passage  to  the 
last  is  very  clear.  In  the  old  dispensation  there  was 
a  marked  division  between  Jew  and  Gentile  (Greek): 
under  the  Gospel  there  is  one  body  in  Christ.  Pos- 
sibly there  is  an  allusion  to  both  sacraments.  Both 
our  baptism  and  our  partaking  of  the  cup  in  the 
communion  are  tokens  and  jdedgei  of  Christian  uni- 
ty.— 5.  Rom.  vi.  4  and  Col.  ii.  12,  are  so  closely  par- 
allel that  we  may  notice  them  together.  Probaljly, 
ns  in  the  former  passages  St.  Paul  had  brought  for- 
ward baptism  as  the  symbol  of  Christian  unity,  so 
in  these  he  refers  to  it  as  the  token  and  pledge  of  the 
spiritual  death  to  sin  and  resurrection  to  righteous- 
ness ;  and  of  the  final  victory  over  death  in  the  last 
day,  through  the  power  of  the  resurrection  of  Christ. 
— IX.  Jiecipieiiis  of  Baptism. — The  command  to 
baptize  was  co-extensive  with  tlie  command  to 
preaeli  the  Gospel.  All  nations  were  to  be  evangel- 
ized ;  and  they  were  to  be  made  disciples,  admitted 
into  the  fellowship  of  Christ's  religion,  by  baptism 
(Mat.  xxviii.  19).  Whosoever  believed  the  Gospel 
was  to  be  baptized  (Mk.  xvi.  16).  Oa  this  command 
the  apostles  acted.  Every  one  who  received  as  truth 
the  teaching  of  the  first  preachers  of  the  Gospel, 
and  was  willing  to  enroll  himself  in  the  company  of 
the  disciples,  appears  to  have  been  admitted  to  bap- 
tism on  a  confession  of  his  faith.  There  is  no  dis- 
tinct evidence  in  the  N.  T.  that  there  was  in  those 
early  days  a  body  of  catechumens  gradually  prepar- 
ing for  baptism,  such  as  existed  in  the  ages  imme- 
diately succeeding  the  apostles.  The  great  question 
has  been,  whether  the  invitation  extended,  not  to 
adults  only,  but  to  infants  also.  The  universality  of 
the  invitation,  Christ's  declaration  concerning  the 
blessedness  of  infants  and  their  fitness  for  His  king- 
dom (Mk.  X.  14),  the  admission  of  infants  to  circum- 
cision and  to  the  baptism  of  Jewish  proselytes,  the 
mention  of  whole  households,  and  the  subsequent 
practice  of  the  Church,  have  been  principally  relied 
on  by  the  advocates  of  infant  baptism.  The  silence 
of  the  N.  T.  concerning  the  baptism  of  infants,  the 
constant  mention  of  faith  as  a  pre-requisite  or  con- 
dition of  baptism,  the  great  spiritual  blessings  which 
seem  attached  to  a  right  reception  of  it,  and  the  re- 
sponsibility entailed  on  those  who  have  taken  its 
obligations  on  themselves,  seem  the  chief  objections 
urged  against  pedo- baptism.  But  here  we  must  leave 
ground  which  has  been  so  extensively  occupied  by 
controversialists. — X.  The  Mode  of  Baptism. — The 
language  of  the  N.  T.  and  of  the  primitive  Fathers 
sufficiently  points  to  immersion  as  the  common  mode 
of  baptism.  But  in  the  case  of  tlie  family  of  the 
jailer  at  Philippi  (Acts  xvi.  33),  and  of  the  3,000 
converted  at  Pentecost  (Acts  ii.),  it  seems  hardly 
likely  that  immersion  should  have  been  possible. 
Moreover  the  ancient  Church,  which  mostly  adopted 
immersion,  was  satisfied  with  affusion  in  case  of 
clinical  baptism — the  baptism  of  the  sick  and  dying. 
— QueslioHS  and  Aimwrrs. — In  the  early  times  of 
the  Christian  Church  we  find  the  catechumens  re- 
quired to  renoimce  the  devil  and  to  profess  their 
faith  in  the  Holy  Trinity  and  in  the  principal  articles 
of  the  Creed.  It  is  supposed  by  many  that  St.  Peter 
(1  Pet.  iii.  21)  refers  to  a  custom  of  this  kind  as  ex- 
isting from  the  first  (compare  1  Tim.  vi.  12 ;  2  Tim. 


i.  1 3). — XI.  TJie  Formula  of  Baptism. — ^It  would  seem 
from  our  Lord's  own  direction  (Mat.  xxviii.  19)  tliat 
the  words  made  use  of  in  the  administration  of  bap- 
tism should  be  those  generally  retained  :  "  I  baptize 
thee  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and 
of  tlie  Holy  Ghost." — The  expressions  in  Acts  ii. 
38,  viii.  16,  x.  48,  xix.  5 — "in  the  name  of  Jesus 
Christ,"  "  of  the  Lord  Jesus,"  "  of  the  Lord  " — mean 
only  that  those  who  were  baptized  with  Christian 
baptism  were  baptized  into  the  faith  of  Christ,  not 
that  tlie  form  of  words  was  different  from  that  en- 
joined in  Matthew. — Sponsors. — There  is  no  mention 
of  sponsors  in  the  N.  T.  In  very  early  ages  of  the 
Church  sponsors  were  in  use  both  for  children  and 
adults. — XII.  Baptism  for  the  Dead. — 1  Cor.  xv.  29. 
"  Else  what  shall  they  do  which  are  baptized  for  the 
dead,  if  the  dead  rise  not  at  all  ?  Why  are  they 
then  baptized  for  the  dead  ?  "  1.  Tertullian  tells  us 
of  a  custom  of  vicarious  baptism  as  existing  among 
the  Marcionites ;  and  (jhrysostom  relates  of  the  same 
heretics,  that,  when  one  of  their  catechumens  died 
without  baptism,  they  used  to  put  a  living  person 
under  the  dead  man's  bed,  and  asked  whether  he  de- 
sired to  be  baptized  ;  the  living  man  answering  that 
he  did,  they  then  baptized  him  in  place  of  the  de- 
parted. Epiphanius  relates  a  similar  custom  among 
the  Ccrinthians,  which,  he  said,  prevailed  from  fear 
that  in  the  resurrection  those  should  suffer  punish- 
ment who  had  not  been  baptized.  The  question 
naturally  occurs.  Did  St.  Paul  allude  to  a  custom  of 
this  kind,  which  even  in  his  days  had  begun  to  pre- 
vail among  heretics  and  ignorant  persons  ?  If  so,  he 
no  doubt  adduceJ  it  as  an  argumentum  ad  homhiem 
(i.  e.  an  argument  founded  on  principles,  right  or 
wrong,  whicli  the  reader  admitted).  "  If  the  dead  rise 
not  at  all,  what  benefit  do  they  expect  who  baptize 
vicariously  for  the  dead  ? "  Perhaps  the  greater 
number  of  modern  commentators  have  adopted  this, 
as  the  simplest  and  most  rational  sense  of  the  apos- 
tle's words.  It  is,  however,  equally  conceivable  that 
the  passage  in  St.  Paul  gave  rise  to  the  subsequent 
pr.ictice  among  the  Marcionites  and  Ccrinthians.  2. 
Chrysostom  (and  so  Tertullian,  Theodoret,  &c.)  be- 
lieves the  apostle  to  refer  to  the  profession  of  faith 
in  baptism,  part  of  which  was  "  I  believe  in  the  resur- 
rection of  the  dead."  Robinson  (N.  T.  Lex.)  explains 
"  baptized  for  the  dead  "  as  =:  baptized  on  account 
of  the  dead,  i.  e.  into  a  belief  of  the  resurrection  of 
the  dead ;  but  says  some  explain  it  as  =  baptized 
(overwhelmed)  with  calamities  for  the  dead,  i.  e.  ex- 
posed to  great  suffering  in  the  hope  of  a  resurrection. 
— 3.  "  What  shall  they  do,  who  are  baptized  when 
death  is  close  at  hand  ?  "  (Epiphanius.) — 4.  "  Over 
the  graves  of  the  martyrs."  Vossius  adopted  this 
interpretation  ;  but  it  is  very  unlikely  that  the  cus- 
tom prevailed  in  the  days  of  St.  Paul. — 5.  "  On  ac- 
count of  a  dead  Saviour." — 6.  "  What  shall  they 
gain,  who  are  baptized  for  tlie  sake  of  the  dead  in 
Christ  ?  " — 1.  "  What  shall  they  do,  who  are  bap- 
tized in  the  place  of  the  dead?"  i.  e.  who,  as  the 
ranks  of  the  faithful  are  thinned  by  death,  come  for- 
ward to  be  baptized,  that  they  may  fill  up  the  com- 
pany of  believers  (Le  Clerc,  Doderlein,  Olshausen, 
Fairbairn,  &c.). 

'*  Baptist.     John  thk  Baptist. 

Bar-abbas  (Gr.  fr.  Aram.;  =  son  of  Ayiba,  Sim., 
or  son  of  the  father,  Rbn.),  a  robber,  who  had  com- 
mitted murder  in  an  insurrection  in  Jerusalem,  and 
was  lying  in  prison  at  the  time  of  the  trial  of  Jesus 
before  Pilate.  He  instead  of  Jesus  was  released  by 
Pilate  at  the  request  of  the  Jewish  multitude  (.Mat. 
xxvii.  16-26;  Mk.  xv.  7-15;  Lk.  xxiii.  18-25;  Ju. 


BAR 


liAR 


101 


xviii.  40).  His  narae  in  Mat.  xxvii.  16,  1'7,  accord- 
ing to  many  of  tlie  cursive,  or  later,  M£S.,  was  Jesus 
Butuhbus.    Thieves,  the  two. 

Bar  ii-(hel  [-kel]  (Heb.  whom  Ood  halh  blessed, 
Ges.),  "the  Buzite,"  father  of  Elihu  1  (Job  xxxii. 
2,  6).     Biz  1. 

*  Bar-a-tbi'ab,  in  some  editions  for  Berechiah 
(Zecli.  i.  ],  7). 

Bar-a-rbi'is  (Gr.)  =  Barachiah  or  Berechiah 
(Mat.  xxiii.  S5).     Zacharias. 

Ba'mk  (Heb.  lightning),  son  of  Abinoam  of  Kcdesb- 
naphtali  (Kedesh  3),  iucite<l  by  Deborah  2  to  deliver 
Israel  from  the  yoke  of  Jabin  (Judg.  iv.  6  if. ;  Heb. 
li.  32).  Accompanied,  at  his  express  desire,  by  Deb- 
orah, Barak  led  his  ruddy-armed  force  of  10,000 
men  from  Naphtali  and  Zebulun  to  an  encampment 
on  the  summit  of  Tabor,  and  utterly  routed  the  un- 
wieldy host  of  the  Canaanites  in  the  plain  of  Jczreel 
(Esdraelon),  "the  battle-tield  of  Palestine."  The  vic- 
tory was  decisive,  Harosheth  taken  (Judg.  iv.  16), 
SisERA  murdered,  and  Jabin  ruined.  The  victors 
composed  a  splendid  ode  in  commemoration  of  their 
deliverance  (v.).  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  supposes  the 
narrative  to  be  a  repetition  of  Josh.  xi.  1-12,  but 
there  are  geographical  and  other  difficulties  in  the 
way.  Compare  Josh.  xi.  7-9  with  Judg.  iv.  6,  7, 
12-16  and  v.  18-21. 

Bar-ba'ri-an  (fr.  Gr.).  "  Every  one  rot  a  Greek 
is  a  barbarian  "  is  the  common  Greek  definition,  and 
in  this  strict  sense  the  word  is  used  in  Itomans  i.  14, 
"  I  am  debtor  both  to  Greeks  and  barbarians." 
"  Greeks  and  barbarians  "  is  the  constant  division 
found  in  Greek  literature,  but  Thucydides  points  out 
that  this  distinction  is  subsequent  to  Homer.  It 
often  retains  this  primitive  meaning,  as  in  1  Cor.  xiv. 
1 1  (of  one  using  an  unknown  tongue),  and  Acts  xxviii. 
2  ("  barbarous  people,"  A.  V.),  4  (of  the  Maltese, 
who  spoke  a  Punic  dialect).  The  ancient  Egyptians, 
like  the  modem  Chinese,  had  an  analogous  word 
(Hdt.  ii.  158).  So  completely  was  the  term  "  bar- 
barian" accepted,  that  even  Josephus  and  Philo 
scruple  as  little  to  reckon  the  Jews  among  them,  as 
the  early  Romans  did  to  apply  the  term  to  them- 
selves. Afterward  only  the  savage  nations  were 
called  barbarian.".     Compare  Gentiles  ;  Heathen. 

"  Barber.    Handicraft  ;  Razor. 

Bar-bn'mile  (fr.  Heb.),  the.    Bahcrim. 

Ba-rlah  (Heb.  fugitive,  Ges.),  a  son  of  Shcmainh, 
a  descendant  of  the  royal  family  of  Judah  (1  Chr. 
iii.  22). 

Bar-Je'SBS  (fr.  Deb.  =  son  of  [Jesus,  or]  Josliua). 
Elyma.«. 

Bar-Jo'na  (fr.  Heb.  or  Aram.  =  son  of  Jonas  or 
of  Jnna/i,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.,  kc. ;  others  make  it  = 
son  of  Joanna  or  of  Jolianmi).     Peter. 

Bar  ko8  (Heb.  paitittr,  Ges.),  ancestor  of  certain 
Nethinim  who  returned  with  Zerubbabcl  (Ezr.  ii.  63; 
Keh.  vii.  55). 

Bar'le;  (Heb.  sS'inlh),  the  well-known  cereal,  often 
mcntioncfl  in  the  Bible.  It  was  grown  by  the  He- 
brews (Lev.  xxvii.  16;  Deut.  viii.  8;  Ru.  ii.  17;  2 
Chr.  ji.  10,  16,  kc),  who  used  it  for  baking  into 
bread,  chiefly  amongst  the  poor  (Judg.  vii.  13  ;  2  K. 
iv.  42;  Jn.  vi.  9,  13):  for  making  into  bread  by 
mixing  it  with  wheat,  beans,  lentils,  millet,  kc.  (Ez. 
iv.  9);  for  making  into  cakes  (12);  and  as  fodder 
for  horses  (1  K.  iv.  28).  The  bailey  harvest  is 
mentioiie<l  Ru.  i.  22,  ii.  23 ;  2  Sam.  xxi  9,  10.  It 
takes  place  in  Palestine  in  March  and  April,  and  in 
the  hilly  districts  as  late  as  May ;  but  the  period  of 
course  varies  according  to  the  localities.  The  barley 
harvest  always  precedes  the  wheat  harvest,  in  some 


places  by  a  week,  in  others  by  fully  three  weeks 
(Rbn.  i.  430,  551).  In  Egypt  the  barley  is  about  a 
month  earlier  tlian  the  wheat,  whence  its  total  de- 
struction by  tlie  hail-storm  (Ex.  ix.  31).  Barley  was 
sown  at  any  time  between  November  and  March,  ac- 
cording to  the  season.  Barley  bread  is  even  to  this 
day  little  esteemed  in  Palestine.  This  fact  elucidates 
some  passages  in  t?cripturc.  Why,  e.  g.,  was  Oarlei/ 
meal,  and  not  the  ordinary  meal-offering  of  u/ieat 
flour,  to  be  the  jealousy-ofiering  (Num.  v.  15)?  Be- 
cause thereby  is  denoted  the  low  reputation  in  which 
the  implicated  parlies  were  held.  The  homer  and  a 
half  of  barley,  as  part  of  the  purchase-money  of 
the  adulteress  (Hos.  iii.  2),  has  doubtless  a  similar 
typical  meaning.  With  this  circumstance  in  re- 
membrance, how  forcible  is  the  expression  (Ez.  xiii. 
19),  "Will  ye  pollute  me  among  my  people  for 
handfuls  of  6a?7f V  .^  "  The  knowledge  of  this  fact 
aids  to  point  out  the  connection  between  Gideon 
and  the  barley-cake,  in  the  dream  which  the  "  man 
told  to  his  fellow"  (Judg. vii.  13).  Gideon's  "family 
was  poor  in  Manassch — and  he  was  the  least  in  his 
father's  house;"  and  doubtless  the  Midianites  knew 
it.  "  If  the  Midianites  were  accustomed  in  their  ex- 
temporaneous songs  to  call  Gideon  and  his  band 
'  eattrs  of  barley  bread,'  as  their  successors  the 
haughty  Bedanin  often  do  to  ridicule  their  enemies, 
the  application  would  be  all  the  more  natural " 
(Thn.  ii.  166).     Agricultcke  ;  Bread;  Food. 

*Barn.  The  words  "barn,"  "garner,"  "store- 
house," appear  to  be  used  indiscriminately  in  the 
A.  V.  to  represent  a  number  of  Hebrew  and  Greek 
words.  1.  Heb.  <?o««,  usually  translated  "thresh- 
ingfloor,"  is  tron.slated  "bain"  in  Job  xxxix.  12, 
and  "  barn-floor  "  in  2  K.  vi.  27. — 2.  Heb.  mlgurah 
is  translated  "barn"  (Hag.  ii.  19).— 3.  Heb.  plural 
iisumim  is  translated  "storehouses"  in  Deut.  xxviii. 
8,  and  "barns"  in  the  margin  and  in  Prov.  iii.  10. 
—4.  Heb.  plural  miimgurolh  is  translated  "  barns  " 
(Joel  i.  17).  —  5.  Heb.  olmr,  usually  translated 
"  Ircasure  "  or  "  treasury  "  is  in  the  plural  translated 
"storehouses"  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  25,  &c.),  and  "gar- 
ners "  (Joel  i.  17). — 6.  Heb.  meiiv  is  in  the  plural 
translated  "  garners  "  (Ps.  cxliv.  13). — 7.  Heb.  mait- 
4«s  is  in  the  plural  translated  "  storehouses  "  (Jer. 
I.  26). — 8.  Heb.  plural  miscnoth  or  misetnotli  (2  Chr. 
xxxii.  28)  is  translated  "  storehouses." — 9.  Gr. 
apolhike  is  tianslated  "  barn  "  (Mat.  vi.  26,  xiii.  80 ; 
Lk.  xii.  18,  24)  and  "gamer"  (Mat.  iii.  12  ;  Lk.  iii. 
17);  in  LXX.  =  No.  7,  above. — 10.  Gr.  tameimi  is 
translated  "storehouse"  (Ecclus.  xxix.  12;  Lk.  xii. 
24 j,  and  in  LXX.  =  No.  3  above. — Barns  for  stor- 
ing HAY  are  unknown  in  the  East,  but  buildings, 
chambers,  cells,  &e.,  for  stoiing  wheat  and  other 
produce,  often  under  ground,  are  common.  Domes- 
tic animals  are  often  sheltered  in  the  same  room  or 
enclosure  with  their  master.  Ageiccltire  ;  Food  ; 
Grass  ;  HocsE  ;  Inn  ;  Manger  ;  Ox  ;  Straw,  &c. 

Bar'na-bas  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  son  of  proylunj,  or  of 
exhortation,  or,  but  less  probably,  of  consolation,  as 
A.  v.),  a  name  given  by  the  apostles  (Acts  iv.  36) 
to  JosES,  a  Levite  of  the  island  of  Cyprus,  who  was 
early  a  disciple  of  Christ.  He  introduced  (ix.  27) 
the  newly-converted  Said  to  the  apostles  at  Jerusa- 
lem, in  a  way  which  seems  to  imply  previous  ac- 
quaintance between  the  two.  On  tidings  coming  to 
the  church  at  Jerusalem  that  men  of  Cyprus  and 
Cyrcne  had  been  preaching  to  Gentiles  at  Antioeh, 
Barnabas  was  sent  thither  (xi.  19-26),  and  went  to 
Tarsus  to  seek  Saul,  as  one  specially  raised  up  to 
preach  to  the  Gentiles  (xxvi.  17).  Having  brought 
Saul  to  Autiocb,  he  was  lent  uith  him  to  Jerusalem 


102 


BAR 


BAR 


with  relief  for  the  brethren  in  Judea  (xi.  30).  On 
their  return  to  Antioeh,  they  (xiii.  2)  were  solemnly 
set  apart  by  the  chureh  for  the  missionary  work, 
and  sent  forth  (a.  d.  46).  From  this  time  Barnabas 
and  Paul  enjoy  the  title  and  dignity  of  apostles  (xiv. 
14  ;  1  Cor.  ix.  6 ;  Apostle).  Their  first  missionary 
journey  (Acts  xiii.,  xiv.)  was  contined  to  Cyprus  and 
Asia  Minor.  After  their  return  to  Antioeh  (a.  d.  47 
or  48),  they  were  sent  (a.  d.  50),  with  some  others, 
to  Jerusalem,  to  determine  with  the  apostles  and  el- 
ders the  difficult  question  respecting  the  necessity  of 
circumcision  for  the  Gentile  converts  (xv.  ;  Gal.  ii.). 
On  that  occasion  Paul  and  Barnabas  were  recognized 
as  the  apostles  of  the  uncircumcision.  After  an- 
other stay  in  Antioeh  on  their  return,  a  variance 
took  place  between  Barnabas  and  Paul  on  the  ques- 
tion of  taking  with  them,  on  a  second  missionary 
journey,  John  Mark,  sister's  son  to  Barnabas  (Acts 
XV.  36,  ff).  "  The  contention  was  so  sharp,  that  they 
parted  asunder,"  and  Barnabas  took  Mark  and  sailed 
to  Cyprus,  his  native  island.  He  is  mentioned  after- 
ward only  in  1  Cor.  ix.  6 ;  Gal.  ii.  1,  9,  13  ;  Col.  iv. 
10.  As  to  his  further  labors  and  death,  traditions 
differ.  Some  say  tliat  he  went  to  Milan,  and  be- 
came first  bishop  of  the  church  there.  There  is  ex- 
tant an  apocryphal  work,  probably  of  the  fifth  cen- 
tury, Ada  et  I'assio  Bamabce  in  Cypro  ;  and  a  still 
later  encomium  of  Barnabas  by  a  Cyprian  monk 
Alexander.  We  have  an  epistle  in  twenty-one  chap- 
ters called  by  the  name  of  Barnaljas.  Its  authen- 
ticity has  been  defended  by  some  great  writers  ;  but 
it  is  very  generally  given  up  now,  and  the  epistle  is 
believe!  to  have  been  written  early  in  the  second 
century  (so  Dr.  Alford). 

Ba-ro'dis  (Gr.),  a  name  inserted  among  those 
"  servants  of  Solomon  "  whose  "  sons  "  returned 
with  Zorobabel  (1  Esd.  v.  34) ;  not  in  Ezra  and  Ne- 
heraiah. 

*  Bar'rel,  the  translation  in  four  passages  (1  K. 
xvii.  12,  14,  16,  xviii.  33  (34  FIcb.)  of  the  Hebrew 
cdd,  usually  translated  "  pitcher." 

*  Bar'reu-ness.    Children;  Palestine. 
Bar'sa-bas  (fr.  Heb.  =  son  of  Subas  or  of  Saba). 

JcsEPH  Barsabas;  Judas  Barsabas. 

Bar'ta-cns  (fr.  Gr.),  father  of  Apame,  the  concu- 
bine of  King  Darius  (1  Esd.  iv.  29).  "The  admir- 
able "  was  probably  an  official  title  belonging  to  his 
rank. 

Bar-thol'o-inew  (Gr.  Bartholomaion  ;  L.  Bariholo- 
nueits  ;  fr.  Heb.  =  son  of  Talmai  or  of  Tolmai),  one 
of  the  twelve  apostles  of  Christ  (Mat,  X.  3;  Mk.iii.  18; 
Lk.  vi.  14  ;  Acts  i.  13) ;  probal)ly  =  Nathanael  1. 
If  this  may  be  assumed,  he  was  born  at  Cana,  of  Gali- 
lee :  and  is  said  to  have  preached  the  Gospel  in  India, 
i.  e.  probably  Arabia  Felix.  Some  allot  Armenia  to 
him  as  his  mission-field,  and  report  him  to  have 
been  there  flayed  alive  and  then  crucified  with  his 
head  downward. 

Bar-ti-msc'ns  (L.)  =  Bartimecs. 

6ar-ti-me'us  (L.  Bariinueus  ;  fr.  Heb.  =  son  of 
TiMEUS,  or  Timai),  a  blind  beggar  of  Jericho  who 
(Mk.  X.  46  ft.)  sat  by  the  wayside  begging  as  our 
Lord  was  passing,  and  was  miraculously  healed  by 
Him  of  his  blindness.  Mark  may  be  reconciled  with 
Mat.  XX.  29  ff.  and  Lk.  xviii.  35  ff.,  in  several  ways. 
Some  suppose  our  Lord  remained  several  days  in 
Jericho,  and  healed  Bartimeus  while  returning  from 
an  excursion  out  of  the  city  ;  others  translate  in  Lk. 
xviii.  35  "  was  nigh  "  instead  of  "  was  come  nigli," 
and  consider  Lk.  xix.  1,  a  mere  passing  announce- 
ment not  defining  the  time  pf  the  miracle  as  previous 
or  of  the  visit  to  Zaccheus  as  subsequent  to  his  en- 


tering and  passing  through  Jericho ;  others  still  sup- 
po.-^e  Bartimeus  cried  out  to  Jesus  as  He  was  enter- 
ing the  city  and  again  as  He  was  leaving  it,  and  was 
healed  perhaps  a  day  or  more  after  his  first  outcry 
upon  a  second  more  importunate  one,  &c.  The  men- 
tion of  Bartimeus  or  of  one  beggar  in  Matthew  and 
Mark  is,  of  course,  not  inconsistent  with  the  men- 
tion of  two  in  Luke ;  the  second  may  have  been  less 
prominent,  or  even  absent  altogether  at  the  first  out- 
cry.    Jesus  Christ. 

Ba'rnch  [-ruk]  (Heb.  blessed  =  Benedict).  1.  Son 
of  Neiiah,  the  friend  (Jcr.  xxxii.  12),  amanuensis 
(xxxvi.  4-32),  and  faithful  attendant  of  Jeremiah 
(xxxvi.  10  ff.)  in  the  discharge  of  his  prophetic  of- 
fice. He  was  of  a  noble  family  (compare  Jer.  Ii. 
59;  Bar.  i.  1),  and  of  distinguished  acquirements; 
and  his  brother  Seraiah  was  a  court  officer  of  Zede- 
kiah.  His  enemies  accused  him  of  influencing  Jer- 
emiah in  favor  of  the  Chaldeans  (Jer.  xliii.  3  ;  com- 
pare x.xxvii.  13);  and  he  was  thrown  into  prison 
with  that  prophet,  where  he  remained  till  the  cap- 
ture of  Jerusalem,  b.  c.  586.  By  the  permission  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  he  remained  with  Jeremiah  at  Miz- 
peh  (Jos.  X.  9,  §  1) ;  but  was  afterward  forced  to  go 
down  to  Egypt  (Jer.  xliii.  6).  According  to  one  tra- 
dition he  went  after  Jeremiah's  death  to  Babylon, 
and  died  there;  according  to  another  (Jerome) 
Banich  and  Jeremiah  both  died  in  Egypt. — 2.  Soa 
of  Zabbai ;  an  earnest  laborer  with  Nehemiah  in  re- 
building the  walls  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  20). — 3. 
A  priest,  or  family  of  priests,  who  sealed  the  cove- 
nant with  Nehemiah  (x.  6). — 4>  Son  of  Col-hozeh,  a 
descendant  of  Judah  through  Perez,  or  Pharez  (xi. 
5). 

Ba'-rnth,  the  Book  of,  is  remarkable  as  the  only 
book  in  the  Apocrypha  which  is  formed  on  the 
model  of  the  prophets ;  and  though  wanting  in 
originality,  it  presents  a  vivid  reflection  of  the  an- 
cient prophetic  fire.  It  may  be  divided  into  two 
main  parts,  (1.)  i.-iii.  8,  and  (2.)  iii.  9-end.  The 
first  consists  of  an  introduction  (I.  1-14),  followed 
by  a  confession  and  prayer  (I.  15-iil.  8).  The  second 
opens  with  an  abrupt  address  to  Israel  (ill.  9-iv.  30), 
pointing  out  their  sin  In  neglecting  the  divine  teach- 
ing of  Wisdom  (ill.  9-iv.  8),  and  introducing  a  noble 
lament  of  Jerusalem  over  her  children,  through 
which  hope  still  gleams  (iv.  9-30) ;  afterward  the 
writer  addresses  Jerusalem  in  words  of  triumphant 
joy,  and  paints  in  glowing  colors  the  return  of  God's 
chosen  people  and  their  abiding  glory  (iv.  30-v.  9). 
— 1.  The  book  at  present  exists  in  Greek,  and  in 
several  translations  made  from  the  Greek.  Of  the 
two  Old  Latin  versions  which  remain,  that  which 
is  incorporated  in  the  Vulgate  is  generally  literal ; 
the  other  is  more  free.  The  vulgar  Syiiac  and 
Arabic  follow  the  Greek  text  closely. — 2.  The 
assumed  author  is  undoubtedly  the  companion  of 
Jeremiah,  but  the  details  of  the  book  are  incon- 
sistent with  the  assumption.  It  exhibits  not  only 
historical  inaccuracies,  but  also  evident  traces 
of  a  later  date  than  the  beginning  of  the  Ca])tivity 
(Iii.  9  ff.,  iv.  22  ff. ;  1.  3  S;  compare  2  K.  x.xv.  27).— 
3.  The  book  was  held  in  little  esteem  among  the 
Jews ;  though  it  is  stated  in  the  Greek  text  of  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  that  it  was  read,  together 
with  the  Lamentations,  "  on  the  tenth  day  of  the 
month  Gorpiaius"  (I.  e.  the  Day  of  Atonement). 
From  the  time  of  Irenasus  it  was  frequently  quoted 
both  in  the  East  and  in  the  West,  and  generally  as 
the  work  of  Jeremiah.  It  was,  however,  "  obelized  " 
throughout  in  the  LXX.  as  deficient  in  the  Hebrew. 
At  the  Council  of  Trent  it  was  admitted  into  the  Ro- 


BAR 


BAS 


108 


man  Catholic  canon ;  but  the  Protestant  churches 
have  unanimously  placed  it  among  the  Apoorvplial 
books. — i.  Considerable  discussion  has  been  raised 
as  to  the  original  lanjruage  of  tlie  book.  Those 
who  advocated  its  authenticity  generally  supposed 
that  it  was  first  written  in  llebiew.  Others  again 
have  maintained  that  the  Greek  is  the  original  text. 
The  truth  appears  to  lie  between  these  extremes. 
The  two  divisions  of  the  book  are  distinguished  by 
marked  peculiarities  of  style  and  language.  The 
Hebraic  character  of  the  first  part  is  such  as  to  mark 
it  as  a  translation  and  not  as  a  work  of  a  Hebraizing 
(ircek.  The  second  part,  on  the  other  hand,  closely 
approaches  the  Alexandrine  type.  (Alexandria.)— 
6.  The  most  probable  explanation  of  this  contrast  is 
gained  by  supposing  that  some  one  thoroughly  con- 
versant with  the  Alexandrine  translation  of  Jeremiah 
found  the  Hebrew  fragment  which  forms  the  basis 
of  the  book  already  attached  to  the  writings  of  that 
prophet,  and  wrought  it  up  into  its  present  form. — 
6.  There  are  no  certain  data  by  which  to  fix  the  time 
of  tlie  composition.  The  Hebrew  portion  may  be 
assigned  to  the  close  of  the  Persian  period  (4th  cent, 
n.  c.) ;  but  the  present  book  must  be  placed  consid- 
erably later,  probably  about  the  time  of  the  war  of 
liberation  (B.  c.  160),  or  somewhat  earlier. — 7.  7/ie 
EjAslle  of  Jeremiah,  which,  according  to  the  author- 
ity of  some  Greek  Mi?S.,  stands  in  the  A.  V.  as  the 
sixth  chapter  of  Haruch,  is  the  work  of  a  later  period. 
It  may  be  assigned  probably  to  the  first  century  n.  c. 
— 8.  A  Syriac  first  Epistle  of  Baruch  "  to  the  nine 
and  a  half  tribes"  is  found  in  the  London  and  Paris 
Polyglots.  Fritzsche  considers  it  to  be  the  produc- 
tion of  a  Syrian  monk. 

Bar'ze-lai  (1  Esd.  v.  38,  marg.).     Addus  2  ;  Bar- 

ZILI.AI    1,  2. 

Rar-zil'la-i  or  Bar-zU'lal  [Heb.  iron\.  1 .  A  wealthy 
Gileadite  who  showed  hospitality  to  David  when  he 
fled  from  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xvii.  27  ;  1  K.  ii.  7).  On 
the  score  of  his  age,  and  probably  from  a  feeling  of 
independence,  he  declined  the  king's  oft'er  of  ending 
his  days  at  court  (2  Sam.  xix.  31-39). — 2.  The  hus- 
band of  a  daughter  of  No.  1,  whose  descendants  were 
unable,  after  the  captivity,  to  prove  their  priestly 
genealogy  (Ezr.  ii.  01;  Neh.  vii.  63).  (Addis; 
AuoiA.)— 3.  A  Meholathite,  whose  son  Adriel  mar- 
ried Michal,  Paul's  daughter  (2  Sam.  xxi.  8). 

B«s'a-lolb  (1  Esd.  v.  31)  =  Bazlith. 

Baii'ra-nia  (L.  fr.  Or.),  a  place  in  Gilead  where 
Jonathan  Maccabeus  was  killed  by  Trjphon  (1  Mc. 
xiii.  23);  site  unknown. 

Ba'slian  (Heb.  %/i/  mndy  noil,  Ges. ;  basaltJnnxl, 
Fii.),  an  extensive  district,  embracing  all  the  N.  part 
of  the  land  possessed  by  the  Israelites  on  the  E.  of 
Jordan.  It  is  sometimes  spoken  of  as  "  the  land  of 
Bashan"  (1  Chr.  v.  11;  compare  Num.  xxi.  3.3, 
xxxii.  33),  and  sometimes  as  "all  Bashan  "  (Deut. 
iii.  10,  13;  Josh.  xii.  5,  xiii.  11,  30),  but  most  com- 
monly as  "  Bashan "  simply.  It  was  taken  by  the 
children  of  Israel  after  their  conquest  of  the  land  of 
Sihon  from  Arnon  to  Jabbok.  They  "  tin-ned  "  from 
their  road  over  Jordan  and  "  went  up  by  the  way  of 
Bashan"  to  Edrei.  Here  they  encountered  Og,  king 
of  Bashan,  who  "  came  out,"  probably  from  the  natu- 
ral fastnesses  of  Argoli,  only  to  meet  the  entire  de- 
struction of  himself,  his  sons,  and  all  his  peojile 
(Num.  xxi.  3.3-35;  Deut.  iii.  1-3).  The  limits  of 
Bashan  are  very  strictly  defined.  It  extended  from 
the  "  bonier  of  Gilead  "  on  the  S.  to  Motmt  Hermon 
on  the  N.  (Deut.  iii.  3,  10,  14  ;  Josh.  xii.  5  ;  1  Chr. 
V.  23),  and  from  the  Jordan  valley  on  the  W.  to  Sal- 
chab  and  the  border  of  the  Geshurites,  and  the  Ma- 


achalhitcs  on  the  E.  (Josh.  xii.  3-5 ;  Deut.  iii.  10\ 
Tliis  important  district  was  bestowed  on  the  half 
tribe  of  Manasseh  (Josh.  xiii.  29-31),  together  with 
"  half  Gilead."  It  is  named  in  the  list  of  Solomon's 
commissariat  districts  (1  K.  iv.  13).  It  was  devas- 
tated by  Hazael  in  the  reign  of  Jehu  (2  K.  x.  33). 
It  was  famous  for  its  oaks  (Is.  ii.  13  ;  Ez.  xxvii.  6 ; 
Zech.  xi.  2)  and  rich  pasture  lands  and  superior  cat- 
tle (Ps.  xxii.  12  ;  Jer.  1.  19 ;  Ez.  xxxix.  18,  &c.). 
Stanley  (114,  n.)  supposes  "the  hill  (literally 
"mount")  of  Bashan  "  in  Ps.  Ixviii.  15  =  AntiUba- 
nus,  of  which  Mount  Hermon  is  the  highest  part. 
After  the  Captivity,  Bashan  was  divided  into  four 
provinces — Gaulanitis  (Golan),  Auranitis  (Hauran), 
Trachonitis  (Argob),  and  'B&i:tniBaL,OT  Ard-el-Bathan- 
yeh,  which  lies  E.  of  the  Lfjah  and  N.  of  the  range 
of  Jcbcl  Hauran  or  ed-Driize. 

Ba'sbaD-ha'rotb-Ja'ir  (fr.  Heb.  =  Banhan  of  the 
villages  of  J  air),  a  name  given  to  Argob  after  its  con- 
quest by  Jair  (Deut.  iii.  14).     Havotii-jair. 

Basb  C-matb  (fr.  Heb.  =  fragrant),  daughter  of 
Ishmael,  and  the  third  of  Esau's  three  wives  (Gen. 
xxxvi.  3,  4,  13),  from  whose  son,  Reuel,  four  tribes 
of  the  Edomites  were  descended.  When  first  men- 
tioned she  is  called  Mahalatii  (xxviii.  9) ;  w  hilst,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  name  Bashcmath  is  in  the  narra- 
tive (xxvi.  34)  given  to  another  of  Esau's  wives,  the 
daughter  of  Elon  the  Hittite.  (Adah  2.)  The  Samar- 
itan text  seeks  to  remove  this  difficulty  by  reading 
Mahalath  instead  of  Bashemath  in  the  genealogy. 
We  might  with  more  probability  suppose  that  this 
name  (Bashemath)  has  been  assigned  to  the  wrong 
pereon  in  one  or  other  of  the  passages  ;  but  if  so  it 
is  impossible  to  determine  which  is  erroneous.   Ahol- 

IBAMAH. 

Ba'siD.  Four  Hebrew  words  {mizr&lc,  agg&n,  <•?- 
plior  or  rjilivr  [see  Frost  3],  mph),  and  one  Greek 
word  (ni/zler)  are  translated  "  basin,"  "  basins,"  in 
the  A.  V. ;  but  between  the  "  basin,"  "  bowl," 
"charger,"  "cup,"  "dish,"  "goblet,"  it  is  scarcely 
possible  now  to  ascertain  the  precise  distinction. 
Their  form  and  material  can  only  be  conjectured  from 
the  analogy  of  ancient  Assyrian  and  Egyptian  speci- 
mens of  woi  ks  of  the  same  kind,  and  from  modem 
Oriental  vessels  for  culinary  or  domestic  purposes. 
Among  the  smaller  vessels  for  the  Tabernacle  or 
Temple  service,  many  must  have  been  required  to 
receive  from  the  sacrificial  victims  the  blood  to  be 
sprinkled  for  purification.  Moses,  on  the  occasion 
of  the  great  ceremony  of  purification  in  the  wildei- 
ncs.«,  put  half  the  blood  in  "  the  basins,"  or  bowls, 
and  afterward  sprinkled  it  on  the  people  (Ex.  xxiv. 
6,  8).  Among  the  vessels  cast  in  metal,  whether 
gold,  silver,  or  brass,  by  Hiram,  for  Solomon,  besides 
the  laver  and  great  sea,  mention  is  made  of  basins, 
bowls,  and  cups.  Of  the  first  (margin,  howls)  he  is 
said  to  have  iTijde  one  bundled  (2  Chr.  iv.  8,  1 1,  22  ; 
1  K.  vii.  40,  45,  40,  50;  compare  Ex.  xxv.  29  and 
1  Chr.  xxviii.  14,  17).  The  "basin"  from  which 
our  Lord  washed  the  disciples'  feet  (Gr.  nipler,  Jn. 
xiii.  5),  was  probably  deeper  and  larger  than  the 
hand-basin  for  sprinkling.  Wasiuno  the  Hands  and 
Feet. 

Bas'ket.  The  five  following  Hebrew  terms  =  "  bas- 
ket," "baskets,"  in  the  A.  V. :  (1.)  Sal,  so  called  from 
the  twigs  of  wliicli  it  was  originally  made,  specially 
u.sed  for  holding  bread  (Gen.  xl.  10  iV. ;  Ex.  xxix.  3, 
23  ;  Lev.  viii.  2,  26,  31  ;  Num.  vi.  15,  17,  19).  The 
form  of  the  Egyptian  bread-basket  is  delineated  in 
Wilkinson's  AneieiU  &t/pliatis,  iii.  220,  after  the 
specimens  represented  in  the  tomb  of  Rameses  III. 
These  were  of  gold,  and  hence  the  term  sal  must 


104 


BAS 


BAT 


have  passed  from  its  strict  etymological  meaning  to 
any  vessel  applied  to  the  purpose.  In  Judg.  vi.  19, 
meat  is  served  up  in  a  sal,  which  could  hardly  have 
been  of  wickerwork.  The  "  white  baskets "  (Gen. 
xl.  16)  are  supposed  to  be  baskets  of  white  (peeled) 
twigs  (so  Rashi),  or  baskets  of  white  bread  (Ges.), 
or  baskets  "  full  of  holes  "  (marg.),  i.  e.  open-work 
baskets.  (2.)  SalsiVoth,  a  word  of  kindred  origin, 
applied  to  the  basket  used  in  gathering  grapes  (Jer. 
vi.  9).  (3.)  Tene,  in  which  the  first-fruits  of  the 
harvest  were  presented  (Deut.  xxvi.  2,  4).    From  its 


Egyptiau  BikaLcu. — (B'rom  Wilkinson.) 

being  coupled  with  the  kneading-bowl  (A.  V.  "store," 
Deut.  xxviii.  5,  17),  we  may  infer  that  it  was  also 
used  for  household  purposes,  perhaps  to  bring  the 
corn  to  the  mill.  (4.)  Cvliib  or  club,  so  called  from 
its  similarity  to  a  bird-cage  or  trap,  probably  in  re- 
gard to  its  having  a  lid :  it  was  used  for  carrying 
fruit  (Am.  viii.  1,  2).  Cage.  (5.)  Dud,  used  for 
carrying  fruit  (Jer.  xxiv.  1,  2),  as  well  a.a  on  a  larger 
scale  for  carrying  clay  to  the  bi'ick-yard  (Ps.  Ixxxi. 
6  ;  "  pots,"  A.  v.),  or  for  holding  bulkv  articles 
(2  K.  X.  7).— In  the  N.  T.  the  three  Greek  terms, 
kofihinos,  spnrh,  sargane  ■=  "  basket."  The  last 
occurs  only  in  2  Cor.  xi.  33,  in  describing  St.  Paul's 
escape  from  Damascus,  for  which  Acts  ix.  25  uses 
the  second.  The  first  is  exclusively  used  in  the 
description  of  the  miracle  of  feeding  the  five  thousarid 
(Mat.  xiv.  20,  xvi.  9;  Mk.  vi.  43;  Lk.  ix.  17;  Jn. 
vi.  13) ;  the  second  is  used  in  that  of  the  four  thou- 
sand (Mat.  XV.  37  ;  Mk.  viii.  8) :  the  distinction  be- 
tween these  is  most  definitely  brought  out  in  Mat. 
xvi.  9,  10  and  Mk.  viii.  19,  20.     Handicraft. 

Bas'matb  (Hcb.  fragrant),  daughter  of  Solomon, 
Dian-ied  to  his  commissary,  Ahimaaz  (1  K.  iv.  15). 

*  Ba'sun  =  Basin. 

Bas'sa  (Gr.)  =  Bezai  (1  Esd.  v.  16). 

Baslal  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Besai  (1  E?d.  v.  31). 

Bas'tard.  Among  those  who  were  excluded  from 
entering  the  congregation,  even  to  the  tenth  genera- 
tion, was  the  one  called  in  Heb.  mamzer  (A.  V.  "  bas- 
tard "),  who  was  classed  in  this  respect  with  the  Am- 
monite and  Moabite  (Deut.  xxiii.  2).  The  term  is 
not,  however,  applied  indefinitely  to  any  illegitimate 
offspring,  but,  according  to  the  rabbins,  to  one  born 
of  relations  between  whom  marriage  is  forbidden,  or 
one  whose  parents  are  liable  to  the  punishment  of 
"cutting  off"  by  the  hands  of  Heaven,  or  one  whose 
parents  are  liable  to  death  by  the  hou.se  of  judgment, 
as,  e.  g.  the  offspring  of  adultery.  The  ancient  ver- 
sions (LXX.,  Vulgate,  Syriac)  add  another  class,  the 
children  of  a  harlot,  and  in  this  sense  the  terra 
manzer  or  manner  survived  in  the  Latin  Pontifical 
law.  The  child  of  a  non-Israelite  and  a  mamzir 
was  also  reckoned  by  the  Talmudists  a  mamzer,  as 
was  the  issue  of  a  slave  and  a  mamzer,  and  of  a 
mamzer  and  female  proselyte.  The  term  also  occurs 
iu  Zech.  ix.  6,  "  a  bastard  shall  dwell  in  Ashdod," 


where  it  seems  to  denote  a  foreign  race  of  mixed  and 
spurious  birth.  Dr.  Geiger  infers'from  this  passage 
that  mamzer  specially  signifies  the  issue  of  such  mar- 
riages between  the  Jews  and  the  women  of  Ashdod 
as  are  alluded  to  in  Neh.  xiii.  23,  24,  and  applies  it 
exclusively  to  the  Philistine  bastard. — "  Bastards  " 
(Gr.  nottioi)  in  Heb.  xii.  8,  figuratively  =  those  whom 
God  regards  as  not  His  true  children  or  people. 

Bat  (Heb.  'iitalleph  ;  Gr.  nukleris).  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  A.  V.  is  correct  in  its  rendering  of 
these  words.    In  the  A.  V.  of  Lev.  xi.  19,  and  Deut. 


Bat. — {Taphotoua  per/oratut,) 

xiv.  18,  the  "bat"  closes  the  lists  of  "fomk  that 
shall  not  be  eaten  ;  "  but  it  must  be  remembered 
that  the  ancients  considered  the  bat  to  partake  of 
the  nature  of  a  bird,  and  the  Heb.  oph  translated 
"  fowls "  (literally  =  a  wing)  might  be  applied  to 
any  winged  creature  (compare  Lev.  xi.  20).  Besides 
the  passages  cited  above,  the  bat  is  mentioned  in  Is. 
ii.  20 :  "  In  that  day  a  man  shall  cast  his  idols  .... 
to  the  moles  and  to  the  bats ; "  and  in  Bar.  vi.  22,  in 
the  passage  that  so  graphically  sets  forth  the  vanity 
of  IBabylonish  idols  :  "  Their  faces  are  blacked 
through  the  smoke  that  cometh  out  of  the  temple. 
Upon  their  bodies  and  heads  sit  bals,  swallows,  and 
birds,  and  the  cats  also."  Many  travellers  have 
noticed  the  immense  number?  of  bats  touud  in  cav- 
erns in  the  East,  and  Layard  says  that  on  the  occa- 
sion of  a  visit  to  a  cavern  these  noisome  beasts 
compellcil  him  to  retreat. 

Bath,  Ba'tbing.  This  was  a  prescribed  part  of  the 
Hebrew  ritual  of  purification  in  cases  of  accidental, 
leprous,  or  ordinary  uncleanness  (Lev.  xv.,  xvi.  26, 
28,  xvii.  15,  16,  xxii.  6;  Num.  xix.  7,  8,  19  ;  2  Sam. 
xi.  2,  4  ;  2  K.  V.  10);  as  al.so  after  mourning,  which 
always  implied  defilement  (Ru.  iii.  3 ;  2  Sam.  xii. 
20;  Washing).  The  high-priest  at  his  inauguration 
(Lev.  viii.  6)  and  on  the  day  of  atonement,  once  be- 
fore each  solemn  act  of  propitiation  (xvi.  4,  24),  was 
also  to  bathe.  A  bathing-chamber  was  probably  in- 
cluded in  houses  even  of  no  great  rank  in  cities  from 
early  times  (2  Sam.  xi.  2) ;  much  more  in  those  of 
the  wealthy  in  later  times ;  often  in  gardens  (Sus. 
15).  With  bathing.  Anointing  was  customarily 
joined;  the  climate  making  both  these  essential 
alike  to  health  and  pleasure,  to  which  luxury  added 
the  use  of  perfumes  (Sus.  17;  Jd.  x.  3  ;  Esth.  ii.  12). 
The  "  pools,"  such  as  that  of  Siloam,  and  Hezekiah 
(Neh.  iii.  15,  16;  2  K.  xx.  20;  Is.  xxii.  11  ;  Ju.  ix. 
7),  often  sheltered  by  porticoes  (Jn.  v.  2),  are  the 
first  indications  we  have  of  public  bathing  accom- 
modation. 

Bath  (Heb.).     Weights  and  Measdres. 

Bath-rab'bim  (Hel).  daughter  of  many,  Ges.),  the 
gate  ofj  one  of  the  gates  of  the  ancient  city  of  Uesh- 


BAT 


BEA 


105 


bon  (Cant.  vii.  4,  6  Heb.).  The  "Gate  of  Batli- 
rabbim  "  at  Hcshbon  would,  according  to  the  Oritii- 
tal  custom,  be  the  gate  pointing  to  a  town  of  that 
name.  The  only  place  m  this  neighborhood  at  all 
resembling  Bath-rabbim  in  sound  is  Rabbab,  Future 
investigations  may  settle  this  point. 

Bath-she'ba  (Heb.  daughltr  of  the  oath,  or  daur/h- 
ter  of  seven,  sc.  years,  Ges. ;  2  Sam.  xi.  3,  &c. ;  also 
called  Bath-shua  in  1  Chr.  iii.  5),  the  daughter  of 
Eliam  (2  Sam.  xi.  3),  or  Ammiel  (1  Chr.  iii.  5),  and 
wife  of  Uriah  the  Hittite.  The  child  which  was 
the  fruit  of  her  adulterous  intercourse  with  David 
died  ;  but  after  marriage  she  became  the  mother  of 
four  sons,  Solomon,  Shimej,  Shobab,  and  Nathan. 
When  Adonijah  attempted  to  set  aside  in  his  own 
favor  the  succession  promised  to  Solomon,  Bath-she- 
ba  was  employed  by  Nathan  to  inform  the  king  of 
the  conspiracy  (1  K.  i.  11-31).  After  the  accession 
of  Solomon,  she,  as  queen-mother  (Mother  ;  Qcekn), 
requested  permission  of  her  son  for  Adonijah  to  take 
in  marriage  Abishag  the  Shunamite  (1  K.  ii.  13-22). 
— Jewish  tradition  ascribes  Prov.  xxxi.  to  Bath-she- 
ba.     Le.miel. 

Bath-shn'a  (Ileb.  dauglUer  of  the  oalh,  Ges.)  = 
Batii-siieba. 

Batil-zath-a-ri'ns  (fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  Zechariah), 
a  place,  named  only  in  1  Mc.  vi.  32,  33,  to  which 
Judas  Maccabeus  marched  from  Jerusalem,  and 
where  he  encamped  for  the  relief  of  Bethsura. 
(Betii-zi-r.)  The  two  places  were  seventy  stadia 
apart,  and  the  approaches  to  Bath-zacharias  were  in- 
tricate and  confined.  This  description  is  met  in 
every  respect  by  the  modem  Bcil  Sakdi-ieh,  about 
eight  English  miles  N.  of  Beit  Sur,  the  ancient  Beth- 
zur  (libn.  iii.  283,  284). 

*  Bat'tor-lng-Rauii    Ram,  Battering. 

*  Bat  tie.     Arms;  Army;  War. 
Bat'tlf-axe,  Jer.  li.  20.     Axe  ;  Macl. 

*  Bat'tle-DienU.    Fenced  City  ;  HorsE. 

*  Ba  tus  (Gr.  batos,  fr.  Heb.  batJi).  See  Weights 
AND  Measures,  at  end. 

Ba'vai  or  Bav'a-i  (fr.  Per?.  =  Bebai,  Ges.),  son 
of  Ilenadad ;  ruler  of  the  district  of  Keilah  (Half- 
Part)  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  18). 

*  Bay,     Colors. 

Bay-tree  (Heb.  ezrdh  or  ezrdeh).  Most  of  the 
Jewish  doctors  understand  by  this  Hebrew  word  in 
Ps.  xxxvii.  35  (instead  of  "  bay-tree,"  A.  V.,  which 
is  a  species  of  laurel,  Laurus  ttobilis)  "  a  tree  which 
grows  in  its  own  soil" — one  that  has  never  been 
transplanted,  and  is  consequently  flourishing  and 
vigorous ;  which  la  the  interpretation  given  in  the 
margin  of  the  A.  V.  The  Hebrew  word  literally  = 
"  a  native,"  in  contradistinction  to  "  a  stranger,"  or 
"  a  foreigner." 

Baz'llth  (fr.  Heb.  =  a  strippinr/,  natediuss,  Gea.), 
ancestor  of  certain  Nethinim  who  returned  witli 
Zerulibabel  (Neh.  vii.  54);  =  Bazlutii  (Ezr.  ii.  52), 
and  Basai.oth  (1  Esd.  v.  31). 

Baz'iDtb  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Bazlitii. 

BdeiriDin  [del'yum]  (Heb.  bfdolah  or  bcdolaeh),  a 
precious  substance,  the  name  of  which  occurs  in  Gen. 
ii.  12,  with  "gold"  and  "onyx  stonCj"  as  one  of  the 
productions  of  the  land  of  Havilah,  and  in  Num.  xi. 
7,  where  manna  is  in  color  compared  to  bdellium. 
It  is  iinpossibte  to  say  whether  the  Hebrew  word 
denotes  a  mineral,  or  an  animal  production,  or  a 
vegetable  exudation.  Bochart,  Gesenius,  &c.,  make 
it  =  "pearls,"  but  the  balance  of  probabilities 
seems  to  favor  the  translation  of  the  A.  V.  (so  Mr. 
Houghton,  with  Josephus,  Aipiila,  Celsius,  Sprengel, 
&e.).     Bdellium  is  an  odoriferous  exudation  from  a 


tree  which  is  (so  Kaempfer)  the  Borassus  fabelUfor- 
mh,  Linna!us,  of  Arabia  Felix. 

Be-n-ii'ali  (Heb.  whose  lord  [Baal]  is  Jehovah, 
Ges.),  a  lieiijamite,  who  went  over  to  David  at  Zik- 
lag  (1  Chr.  .\ii.  6). 

Be'a-loth  (Heb.  pi.  fem.  of  Baal),  a  town  in  the 
extreme  S.  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  24).     A  loth;  Te- 

LEM. 

Bean,  Cltil'dren  of,  a  tribe,  apparently  of  preda- 
tory Bedouin  habits,  destroyed  by  Judas  Maccabeus 
(1  Mc.  V.  4).     The  name  perhaps  =  Beon. 

Beans  (Heb.  p6l ;  2  Sam.  xvii.  28  ;  Ez.  iv.  9). 
Beans  are  cultivated  in  Palestine.  (Agriccltcre.) 
Beans  are  in  blo,«som  in  January ;  they  have  been 
noticed  in  flower  at  Lydda  on  the  23d,  and  at  Sidon 
and  Acre  even  earlier ;  they  continue  in  flower  till 
March.  In  Egypt  beans  are  sown  in  November  and 
reaped  in  the  middle  of  February,  but  in  Syria  the 
harvest  is  later. 

Bear  (Heb.  and  Chal.  dob  ;  Gr.  arl-los  or  arkos). 
The  Syrian  bear  (Ursus  Syriacus),  which  is  without 
doubt  the  "bear"  of  the  Bible,  is  still  found  on  the 


Syrian  Bear.— <i7r»u«  St/riacu*.') 

higher  mountains  of  Palestine.  During  the  summer 
months  these  bears  keep  to  the  snowy  parts  of  Leba- 
non, but  descend  in  winter  to  the  villages  and  gar- 
dens; it  is  probable  also  that  at  this  period  in  former 
days  they  extended  their  visits  to  other  parts  of 
Palestine.  We  read  of  bears  being  found  in  a  wood 
between  Jericho  and  Bethel  (2  K.  ii.  24);  it  is  not 
improbable  therefore  that  the  destruction  of  tlio 
forty-two  children  who  mocked  Elisha  took  place 
some  time  in  the  winter,  when  these  animals  inhab- 
ited the  lowlands  of  Palestine.  The  ferocity  of  the 
bear  when  deprived  of  its  young  is  alluded  to  in  2 
Sam.  xvii.  8;  Prov.  xvii.  12;  llos.  xiii.  8;  its  at- 
tacking flocks  in  1  Sam.  xvii.  34,  &c. ;  its  craftiness 
in  ambush  in  Lam.  iii.  10,  and  its  being  a  dangerous 
enemy  lo  man  in  Am.  v.  19.  The  passage  in  Is.  lis. 
1 1,  would  be  better  translated,  "  we  groan  like  bears," 
in  allusion  to  the  animal's  plaintive  groaning  noise. 
The  bear  is  mentioned  also  in  Dan.  vii.  S  ;  Wis.  xi. 
17  ;  Ecclus.  xlvii.  3 ;  Rev.  xiii.  2. 

Beard.  Western  Asiatics  have  always  cherished 
the  beard  as  the  badge  of  the  dignity  of  manhood, 
and  attached  to  it  the  importance  of  a  feature.  The 
Egyptians,  on  the  contrary,  sedulously,  for  the  most 
part,  shaved  the  hair  of  the  face  and  head  and  com- 
pelled their  slaves  to  do  the  like.  They,  however, 
wore  a  false  beard  of  plaited  hair,  and  of  varying 
length  and  form,  according  to  the  wearer's  rank. 
The  enemies  of  the  Egyptians,  including  probably 
many  of  the  nations  of  Canaan,  Syria,  and  Armenia, 
&c.,  are  represented  nearly  always  bearded.  In  the 
Ninevite  monu.nents  is  a  series  of  battle-views  from 
the  capture  of  Lachish  by  Sennacherib,  in  which 


106 


BEA 


BEC 


the  captives  have  beards  like  some  of  those  in  the 
Egyptian  monumonts.  There  is,  however,  an  ap- 
pearance of  conventionalism  both  in  Egyptian  and 
Assyrian  treatment  of  the  hair  and  beard  on  monu- 
ments, which  prevents  our  accepting  it  as  cliaracter- 
istic.    Nor  is  it  possible  to  decide  with  certainty  the 


Beards.    Eg^tiaa,  from  WilkinBon  (top  row).    Of  other  oatioDB,  from 
RoaeUiDi  Rod  Layard. 

meaning  of  the  precept  (Lev.  xix.  27,  xxi.  5)  regard- 
ing the  "  corners  of  the  beard."  Probably  the  Jews 
retained  the  hair  on  the  sides  of  the  face  between 
the  ear  and  the  eye,  which  the  Arabs  and  others 
shaved  away.  Size  and  fulness  of  beard  are  said  to 
be  regarded,  at  the  present  day,  as  a  murk  of  re- 
spectability and  trustworthiness.  The  beard  is  the 
object  of  an  oath,  and  that  on  which  blessings, 
shame,  &c.,  are  spoken  of  as  resting.  The  custom 
was  and  is  to  shave  or  pluck  it  and  the  hair  out  in 
mourning  (Is.  1.  6,  xv.  2 ;  Jer.  xli.  .5,  xlviii.  37 ; 
Ezr.  ix.  3  ;  Bar.  vi.  3 1 ) ;  to  neglect  it  in  seasons  of 
permanent  affliction  (2  Sam.  xix.  24),  and  to  regard 
any  insult  to  it  as  the  last  outrage  wliich  enmity  can 
inflict  (x.  4 ;  compare  Is.  vii.  20).  The  beard  was 
the  object  of  salutation  (2  Sam.  xx.  9).  The  dress- 
ing, trimming,  anointing,  &o.,  of  the  beard,  was  per- 
formed with  much  ceremony  by  persons  of  wealth 
and  rank  (Ps.  cxxxiii.  2).  The  removal  of  the  beard 
was  a  part  of  the  ceremonial  treatment  proper  to  a 
leper  (Lev.  xiv.  9). 

Beast,  the  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of  the 
following  Hebrew  and  Greek  words:  1,  Heb.  4c/ie- 
mdh,  the  general  name  for  domestic  cattle  of  any 
kind,  also  =  any  large  (fuadniped,  as  opposed  to 
fowls  and  creeping  things  (Gen.  i.  24,  25,  A.  V. 
"cattle"  in  both,  vi.  7,  20,  "cattle"  A.  V.,  vii.  2; 
Ex.  ix.  25 ;  Lev.  xi.  2  [the  latter  "  beasts  "],  3 ;  1  K. 
iv.  33  [v.  13,  Heb.]  ;  Prov.  xxx.  30,  &c.);  or  =  beast 
of  burden,  horse,  mule,  &c.  (1  K.  xviii.  5  ;  Nch.  ii.  12, 
14,  &c.);  or  =  wild  beast  (Deut.  xxxii.  24;  Ilab.  ii.  17; 

1  Sam.  xvii.  44). — 2.  Heb.  bl'ir  denotes  all  kinds  of 
caille,  like  the  L.  pecus  (Ex.  xxii.  5  [4,  Heb.];  Num. 
XX.  4,  "  cattle  "  A.  V.,  8,  1 1 ;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  48,  "  cattle  " 
A.  v.),  or  specially  beast  of  burden  (Gen.  xlv.  17). — 3< 
Heb.  hai/i/d/i  or  c/iai/i/ah  (properly  fern.  adj.  =  llviuff, 
Ges.)  =  any  aH/»mi(Gen.  i.  24,  25,  30,  ii.  19;  Lev.  xi. 

2  [the  former  "  beasts  "],  &c.).  It,  however,  very  fre- 
quently =  roild  beast,  when  the  meaning  is  often  more 
fully  expressed  l)y  the  addition  of  the  Hebrew  word 
hoMiideh  =  "  of  the  field  "  (Gen.  iii.  1 ;  Ex.  xxiii.  11 ; 
Lev.  xxvl.  22;  Deut.  vii.  22  ;  IIos.  ii.  12  [14,  Heb.], 
xiii.  8 ;  Jer.  xii.  9,  &c.). — i,  Heb.  eiz,  translated 
"wild  beasts"  (Ps.  1.  11),  "wild  beast"  (Ixxx.  13, 
Heb.  14);  =  any  moving  thing,  Ges.— 5i  Heb.  plu- 
ral tsif/im,  translated  "  wild  beasts  of  the  desert " 
(Is.  xiii.  21,  xxxiv.  14,  margin  "ziim"  in  both;  Jer. 
1.  39) ;  =  inhabitanl.1  of  the  desert  (so  Gesenius), 


whether  men  (A.  V.  "  they  that  dwell  in  the  wilder- 
ness," Ps.  Ixxii.  9  and  Is.  xxiii.  13 ;  "  the  people  in- 
habiting the  wilderness,"  Ps.  Ixxiv.  14),  or  animals, 
i.  e.  jackals,  ostriches,  wild  beasts  (see  above,  and 
compare  No.  6).— 6t  Heb.  plural  iyim,  translated 
"  wild  beasts  of  the  islands  "  (Is.  xiii.  22,  margin, 
"  lim,"  xxxiv.  14,  margin,  ■'  Ijim;"  Jer.  1.  39);  = 
howlers,  i.  e.  jackals,  Ges.  (compare  No.  5).— Tt  Heb. 
plural  of  adj.  meri  (=  fat,  fatted,  Ges.),  translated 
"  fat  beasts  "  (Am.  v.  22),  "  fed  beasts  "  (Is.  i.  11); 
elsewhere  translated  "  i'atlings,"  "  fat  cattle,"  and 
in  singular,  "  fatling."  (See  Ox.) — 8.  Heb.  rcees/t. 
(Dromedary.) — 9.  Heb.  plural  circdroth,  translated 
"  swift  beasts  "  (Is.  Ixvi.  'lQ);z:zdromedarics,  orsimjt 
camels,  Bochart,  Gesenius,  &c.  (Camel.)— 10.  Gr. 
ktmos  (literally,  possession,  property)  =  a  "  beast,"  a 
elomestic  animal  as  bought  or  sold  (Rev.  xviii.  13), 
as  yielding  meat  ( 1  Cor.  xv.  39),  as  used  for  riding, 
burdens,  &c.  (Lk.  x.  34 ;  Acts  xxiii.  24) ;  in  LXX. 
=  No.  1  and  2  above  (Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)— II,  Gr. 
therion  =  "  beast,"  "  wild  beast,"  any  wild  animal 
(Wis.  xii.  9,  xvi.  5,  xvii.  19  [Gr.  18]  ;  1  Mc.  vi.  35 
ff. ;  2  Me.  XV.  20,  21  ;  Mk.  i.  13 ;  Acts  x.  12,  .xi.  6, 
xxviii.  4,  5  ;  Heb.  xii.  20 ;  Jas.  iii.  7  ;  Rev.  vi.  8) ; 
used  figuratively  and  symbolically  (Tit.  i.  12  ;  Rev. 
xi.  7,  xiii.  1  ff,  xiv.  9,  11,  &c ) ;  in  LXX.  =  No.  1 
and  3.  The  Greek  primitive  iher  occurs  in  Wis.  xi. 
18  (Gr.  19)  in  the  plural  =  "  wild  beasts."— 12.  Gr. 
plural  letrupoda  =  "  four-footed  beasts,"  quadrupeds 
(Acts  X.  12,  xi.  6;  Rom.  i.  23);  in  LXX.  =  No.  1 
and  3.— 13.  Gr. sphagion  =  a  "slain  beast,"  a  victim 
slanghtereel  in  sacrifice  (Acts  vii.  42). — 11,  Gr.  zoon, 
a  "beast,"  properly  a  living  thing,  an  animal  {W\s. 
xi.  15  [Gr.  10], xiii.  14,  xv.  18,  19,  xvii.  19[Gr  18J; 
Ecclus.  xiii.  13;  Heb.  xiii.  11  ;  2  Pet.  ii.  12;  Jude 
10);  used  svmbolically  (Rev.  iv.  6-9,  v.,  vi.,  vii.  11, 
xiv.  3,  XV.  7',  xix,  4) ;  in  LXX.  =  No.  3  (Rbn.  N.  T. 
Lex.). — 15.  Gr.  knodalon  =  "  beast,"  a  loild  animal, 
especially  one  that  is  dangerous  or  harmful  (Wis.  xi. 
15  [Gr.  16],  xvi.  1,  xvii.  9). 

*  Beating.     Punishments. 

*  Bean'ti-fal  Cate  (Acts  iii.  2,  10).    Temple. 
Bc'bai  or  Beb'a-i  (Heb.  fr.  Pehlvi  6o6  =  father, 

Ges.).— 1.  Ancestor  of  623  (Ezr.  ii.  1 1  ;  1  Esd.  v. 
13 ;  628  in  Neh.  vii.  10)  who  returned  with  Zcnib- 
babcl ;  of  28  who  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  11); 
of  4  who  had  taken  foreign  wives  (x.  28  ;  1  Esd.  ix. 
29).  The  name  cither  of  the  family  or  of  an  indi- 
vidual occurs  also  among  those  who  sealed  the  cove- 
nant (Neh.  X.  15). — 2.  Father  of  the  Zechariah  who 
was  leader  of  the  28  mentioned  above(Ezr.  viii.  11). 

Be'bai  or  Beb'a-i  (Gr.),  a  place  named  only  in  Jd. 
XV.  4. 

Be'ther  [-ker]  (Heb.  first-born ;  yomig  camel, 
Ges.).  1.  The  second  son  of  Benjamin,  according 
to  Gen.  xlvi.  21,  and  1  Chr.  vii.  0;  but  emitted  in  1 
Chr.  viii.  1.  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  regards  the  Hebrew 
bUchoro  (translated  in  A.  V.  "  his  first-born  ")  in  1 
Chr.  viii.  1,  as  a  corruption  of  Becher,  so  that  the 
genuine  reading  would  be  Benjamin  begat  Bela, 
Becher,  anel  Ashbel,  in  exact  agreement  with  Gen. 
xlvi.  21.  He  suggests  another  view  as  possible,  viz., 
that  1  Chr.  viii.  1,  is  right,  and  that  in  Gen.  xlvi. 
21,  and  1  Chr.  Vii.  8.  Becher,  as  a  proper  name,  is  a 
corruption  of  bech6r{—  first-born),  so  that  Benjamin 
had  no  son  Becher.  But,  he  thinks,  it  can  scurcely 
be  doubted,  that  Becher  was  one  of  Benjamin's 
three  sons  (Bela,  Becher,  Ashbel),  and  came  down 
to  Egypt  with  Jacob,  being  one  of  the  fourteen  de- 
scendants of  Rachel  who  settled  in  Egypt  (Gen. 
xlvi.  20,  21).  As  no  Becher  or  family  named  after 
Becher  appears  among  the  Benjamites  in  Num.  xxvi. 


EEC 


BEE 


107 


S8-41,  Lord  A.  C.  Herrey  supposes  the  Beelier 
and  Baohrites  among  ihe  sons  of  Ephraim  (ver.  35) 
to  be  the  same  persou  and  his  family,  and  thus  ex- 
phiins ;  The  slaughter  of  the  sons  of  Ephraim  by  tlie 
nion  of  Gath,  wlio  came  to  steal  their  cattle  out  of 
the  land  of  Goshen,  in  that  border  affniy  related  in 
1  Chr.  vii.  21,  had  sadly  thinned  the  house  of 
Ephraim  of  its  males.  The  daughters  of  Ephraim 
must  therefore  have  sought  husbands  in  other  tribes, 
and  in  many  cases  must  have  been  heiresses.  Prob- 
ably, therefore,  Becher,  or  his  heir  and  head  of  his 
bouse,  man-ied  an  Ephraimitish  heiress,  daughter  of 
Shuthklah  (1  Chr.  vii.  20,  21),  and  so  his  house 
was  reckoned  in  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  just  as  Jaib, 
the  son  of  Segub,  was  reckoned  in  the  tribe  of  Ma- 
nasseh  (ii.  22  ;  Num.  xxxii.  40,  41).  Dr.  P.  Holmes, 
in  Kitto,  edition  1866,  however,  maintains  that 
neither  Becher  the  Benjamite  nor  his  heir  could  be- 
come an  heir  of  Ephraim  by  marriage  (compare 
Num.  xxxvi.) ;  but  that  the  clause  "  of  Becher  the 
family  of  the  Bachrites  "  should  be  transferred  from 
Num.  xxvi.  35  to  ver.  38,  and  that  Becher's  family 
became  insignificant  or  extinct  at  or  before  the 
Captivity,  and  for  this  reason  Becher  is  not  men- 
tioned in  1  Chr.  viii.  The  junior  branches  of 
Becher's  family  (1  Chr.  vii.  8)  would,  of  course,  ac- 
cording to  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey,  continue  in  the 
tribe  of  Benjamin. — 2<  Son  of  Ephraim  (Num.  xxvi. 
85) ;  perhaps  =  Bereh  2 ;  see  No.  1  above. 

Be-cho'ratb  [-\io-]{lieb.JirsMrih,first-born,Ges.), 
a  Benjamite,  son  of  Apiiiah,  and  ancestor  of  King 
Sail  (1  Sam.  ix.  1). 

Bce'tMeth  (fr.  Syr.  =  hmise  ofdavghter),  the  plain 
of,  mentioned  in  Jd.  ii.  21,  as  lying  between  Nine- 
veh and  Cilicia.  The  name  has  been  compared 
with  Baktaialla,  a  town  of  Syria  named  by  Ptol- 
emy, Bactiali  in  the  Peutinger  Tables,  which  place 
it  twenty-one  miles  from  Antioch.  Perhaps,  if  an 
historical  word,  it  is  a  corruption  of  Hebrew  bik'ah. 
Plain  2. 

Bed  and  Bed'thsmbtr  [-chame-].  We  may  distin- 
guish in  the  Jewish  bed  five  principal  parts: — 1.  the 
mattress  ;  2.  the  covering  ;  3.  the  pillow ;  4.  the  bed- 
stead or  support  for  one  ;  5.  the  ornamental  portions. 


f 

1 

:,          1 

;k:  SZ.  :JK^'^''2i. 

li^mihM 

i-^iiss^iiika^mmk 

i 

■lel^fi 

U     _  .    ^-J               _, 

- 

»%3 

i 

.        1 

:? 

B«dft. — (From  FeUowa,  Alta  Minof.) 

— I.  This  portion  of  the  bed  was  limited  to  a  mere  mat, 
oroneor  more  quilti>. — 2.  A  quilt  finer  than  those  used 
in  No.  1.  In  summer  a  thin  blanket  or  the  outer  gar- 
ment worn  by  day  (1  Sam.  xix.  13)  sufficed.  The 
latter  often,  in  the  case  of  the  poor,  formed  No.  1 
and  2.  The  common  bed  or  couch  in  modern  Pales- 
tine is  merclv  a  thicklv-padded  quilt  (Thn.  ii.  7  ;  com- 
pare Mat.  ix.  2  ff. ;  Mk.  ii.  4  ff. ;  Lk.  v.  18  ff.  ;  Jn. 
V.  8  ff.).  Hence  the  law  provided  that  it  should  not 
be  kept  in  pledge  after  sunset,  that  the  poor  man 
might  not  lack  his  needful  covering  (Deut.  xxiv.  13). 
— 3.  The  only  material  mentioned  for  this  is  that 


named  in  1  Sam.  xix.  13,  and  the  word  used  is  of 
doubtful  meaning,  probably  =  some  fabric  woven  or 
plaited  of  goat's-hair.  It  is  clear,  however,  that  it 
was  something  hastily  adopted  to  serve  as  a  pillow, 
and  is  not  decisive  of  the  ordinary  use.  In  Ez.  xiii. 
18,  occurs  the  Hebrew  word  ceset/i,  which  seems  to 
be  the  proper  term.  Such  pillows  are  common  to 
this  day  in  the  East,  formed  of  sheep's  fleece  or 
goat's-skiu,  with  a  stuffing  of  cotton,  &c. — 4.  The 
bedstead  was  not  always  necessary,  the  divan,  or 
platform  along  the  side  or  end  of  an  Oriental  room, 
sufficing  as  a  support  for  the  bedding,  and  the  same 
article  being  used  for  a  covering  by  night  and  a  gar- 
ment by  day.  Yet  some  slight  and  portable  frame 
seems  implied  among  the  senses  of  the  Hebrew 
milldh,  which  is  used  for  a  "bier"  (2  S.im.  iii.  31), 
for  the  ordinary  bed  (1  Sara.  xix.  13 ;  2  K.  iv.  10), 
for  the  litter  on  which  a  sick  person  might  be  car- 
ried (1  Sam.  xix.  15  ;  compare  Cant.  iii.  7),  for  Ja- 
cob's bed  of  sickness  (Gen.  xlvii.  31),  and  for  the 
couch  on  which  guests  reclined  at  a  banquet  (Esth.  i. 
6  ;  Ez.  xxiii.  41.) — 5.  The  ornamental  portions  weie 
pillars  and  a  Canopy  (Jd.  xiii.  9),  ivory  carvings, 
gold  and  silver,  and  probably  mosaic  work,  purple 
and  fine  linen  (Esth.  i.  6 ;  Cant.  iii.  9  ["  Chariot," 
A.  V. ;  "  bed,"  marg.],  10).  The  ordinary  furniture 
of  a  bedcliamber  in  private  life  is  given  in  2  K.  iv. 


B«d  and  Head-rut— CWUklnwii,  Aneititt  Egfptiaiu,) 

10.  The  "  bedchamber  "  in  the  Temple  where  Jo- 
ash  was  hidden,  was,  probably,  a  store-chamber  for 
keeping  beds  (2  K.  xi.  2  ;  2  Chr.  xxii.  11).  The  po- 
sition of  the  bedchamber  in  the  most  remote  and 
secret  parts  of  the  palace  seems  marked  in  Ex.  viii. 
3;  2  K.  vi.  12. 

Be'dad  (Heb.  separation,  part,  Ges.),  father  of  Ila- 
dad  king  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  35  ;  1  Chr.  i.  46). 

Be'dau  (Heb.  sou  of  Dan,  viz.  Samson,  Chaldce 
and  Rabbins  ;  senile  =  Abdon,  Ges.,  Ewald).  I,  In 
1  Sam.  xii.  11,  a  judge  of  Israel  between  Jenibbaal 
(Gideon)  and  Jephthab.  Some  make  Bcdan  =  the 
Jair  of  Judg.  x.  3.  The  LXX.,  Syriac,  and  Arabic 
all  have  Barak,  a  very  probable  correction  except  for 
the  order  of  the  names. — i,  A  Hanassite,  son  of 
Ulam  (1  Chr.  vii.  17). 

Be-dfl'gh  [-dee'yah]  (Heb.  probably  =  servant  of 
Jchnmh,  Ges.),  a  son  of  Bani  in  Ezra's  time,  hu-sbaud 
of  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  85). 

Bee  (Heb.  dlbordh ;  Deut.  i.  44;  Judg.  xiv.  8; 
P.S.  cxviii.  12;  Is.  vii.  18).  That  Palestine  abounded 
in  bees  is  evident,  for  it  was  a  land  "  flowing  with 
milk  and  Honey."  (Wax.)  Modern  travellers 
(Maundrell,  Haekett,  &c.)  allude  to  the  bees  of  Pal- 
estine. Thomson  (i.  460)  speaks  of  immense 
swanns  of  bees  which  made  their  home  in  a  gigan- 
tic cliff  of  Wadij  Kurn.  "  The  people  of  M'alia, 
several  years  ago,"  he  says,  "  let  a  man  down  the 
face  of  the  rock  by  ropes.  He  was  entirely  pro- 
tected from  the  assaults  of  the  bees,  and  extracted 


^ 


108 


BEE 


BEE 


a  large  amount  of  honey  ;  but  he  was  so  terrified  by 
the  prodigious  swarms  of  bees  that  he  could  not  be 
induced  to  repeat  the  exploit."  Tliis  forcibly  illus- 
trates Deut.  xxxii.  13,  and  Ps.  Ixxxi.  16,  as  to  "honey 
out  of  the  rock,"  and  the  two  passages  fnini  Psalms 
and  Judges  quoted  above,  as  to  the  fearful  nature  of 
the  attacks  of  these  insects  when  irritated.  English 
naturalists  know  little  of  the  species  of  bees  found  in 
Palestine.  Mr.  F.  Smith,  our  best  authoiity  on  tlie 
Hymenoptera,  who  has  described  seventeen  species 
of  true  honey-bees  (the  genus  Apis),  is  inclined  to 
believe  that  the  honey-bee  of  Palestine  is  distinct 
from  the  honey-bee  (A.  mellifica)  of  this  country  (so 
Mr.  Houghton,  original  author  of  this  article).  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  attacks  of  bees  in  Eastern 
countries  are  more  to  be  dreaded  than  in  more  tem- 
perate climates.  Swarms  in  the  East  are  far  larger 
than  with  us,  and,  on  account  of  the  heat  of  the  cli- 
mate, one  can  readily  imagine  that  their  stings  must 
give  rise  to  very  dangerous  symptoms.  We  can  well, 
therefore,  understand  the  full  force  of  the  Psalmist's 
complaint,  "  They  compassed  me  about  like  bees." 
The  passage  about  the  swarm  of  bees  and  honey  in 
the  lion's  carcass  (Judg.  xiv.  8)  admits  of  easy  expla- 
nation. Tlie  lion  which  Samson  slew  had  been  dead 
some  little  time  before  the  bees  took  up  thtir  abode 
in  the  carcass,  for  it  is  expressly  stated  that  "  after  a 
time  "  Samson  returned  and  saw  the  bees  and  honey 
in  the  lion's  carcass,  so  that  "  if  any  one  here  repre- 
sents to  himself  a  corrupt  and  putrid  carcass,  the 
occurrence  ceases  to  have  any  true  similitude,  for  it 
is  well  known  that  in  tliese  countries  at  certain  sea- 
sons of  the  year,  the  heat  will  in  the  course  of  twen- 
ty-four hours  so  completely  dry  up  the  moisture  of 
dead  camels,  and  that  without  their  undergoing  de- 
composition, that  tlieir  bodies  long  remain,  like  mum- 
mies, unaltered  and  entirely  free  from  offensive  odor  " 
(Oedmann).  Probably,  also,  ants  would  help  to  con- 
sume the  carcass,  and  soon  leave  little  but  the  skele- 
ton. Is.  vii.  18,  "the  Lord  shall  hiss  for  the  bee 
that  is  in  the  land  of  Assyria,"  has  been  understood 
by  some  to  refer  to  the  practice  of  "  calling  out  the 
bees  from  their  hives  by  a  hissing  or  whistling  sound 
to  their  labor  in  the  fields,  and  summoning  them 
again  to  return "  in  the  evening ;  but  probably  it 
has  reference  "  to  the  custom  of  the  people  in  the 
East  of  calling  the  attention  of  any  one  by  a  signifi- 
cant hiss  or  rather  hist "  (Mr.  Denham,  in  Kitlo). 

Be-e-ira-da(Heb.  known  by  Baul ;  whom  the  Lord 
knows  and  cares  for,  Ges.),  son  of  David,  born  in  Je- 
rusalem (1  Chr.  xiv.  7);  =  Eliada. 

Be-el'sa-rns  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Bilbiian  (1  Esd.  v.  8). 

Be-el-tetil'mns  (fr.  Gr. ;  see  below),  an  officer  of 
Artaxerxes  residing  in  Palestine  (1  Esd.  ii.  16,  25). 
The  name  is  a  corruption  of  the  Chaldee  title  of  Re- 
hum  (—  lord  of  judyment,  A.  V.  "  chancellor,"  Ezr. 
iv.  8). 

•  Be-el'ze-bnb  (L.).    Beelzebul. 

Bc-erze-bal  (see  below),  the  title  of  a  heathen 
deity,  to  whom  the  Jews  ascribed  the  sovereignty  of 
the  evil  spirits  (Mat.  x.  25,  xii.  24,  27  ;  Mk.  iii.22  ; 
Lk.  xi.  15  if.).  The  correct  reading  is  without  doubt 
jBeelzebid,  and  not  Beelzebub  as  given  in  the  Syriac, 
Vulgate,  A  V.,  &c.  1.  The  explanations  off'ered  in 
reference  to  the  change  of  the  final  letter  of  the  name 
Baal-zebcb  (see  under  Baal  ;  but  some  disl)elieve 
this  supposed  connection  between  Beclzebul  and 
Baal-zebub)  may  be  ranged  into  two  classes,  accord- 
ing as  they  are  based  on  the  sound,  or  the  rnemmiy 
of  the  word.  The  former  proceeds  on  the  assump- 
tion that  the  name  Beelzebub  was  for  some  reason 
offensive  to  the  Greek  ear.     The  second  class  of  ex- 


planations carries  the  greatest  weight  of  authorty 
with  it ;  these  proceed  on  the  groimd  that  the  Jews 
intentionally  changed  the  pronunciation  of  the  word, 
so  as  either  to  give  a  significance  to  it  adapted  to 
their  own  ideas,  or  to  cast  ridicule  upon  the  idolatry 
of  the  neighboring  nations  (compare  Sychar  for 
Sychem,  Bethaven  for  Bethel).  Some  connect  the 
term  with  the  Hebrew  zebul  =  habitation,  thus  mak- 
ing Beclzebul  =  tlie  lord  of  tfw  dwelling  (A.  V.  "  the 
master  of  the  house,"  Mat.  x.  25),  whether  as  the 
"  prince  of  the  power  of  the  air  "  (Eph.  ii.  2),  or  as 
the  prince  of  the  lower  world,  or  as  inhabiting  hu- 
man bodies,  or  as  occupying  a  mansion  in  the  seventh 
heaven,  like  Saturn  in  Oriental  mythology.  Others 
derive  it  from  tlie  Hebrew' 2e4'7  :=  dung,  i\m&  making 
Beclzebul,  literally  =  tlie  lord  of  dung,  or  the  dutu/- 
hill ;  and  in  a  secondary  sense  (as  zebd  was  used  by 
the  Talmudical  writers  as  =  idol  or  itlolatry)  =  the 
lord  of  idols,  prince  of  false  gods.  It  is  generally 
held  that  the  former  of  these  two  senses  is  more  par- 
ticularly referred  to  in  the  N.  T. :  the  latter,  however, 
is  adopted  by  Lightfoot  and  Schleusncr.  Hug  inge 
niously  conjectures  that  the  fly,  under  which  Baal- 
zebub  was  represented,  was  the  Scarabwus  pillu- 
larius  or  dunghill  beetle,  in  which  case  Baal-zebub 
and  Beclzebul  might  be  used  indifferently. — 2.  The 
Jewish  reference  to  Baal-zebub  in  Mat.  x.  25  may 
have  originated  in  a  fancied  resemblance  between 
the  application  of  Ahaziah  to  Baal-zebub,  and  that 
of  the  Jews  to  our  Lord  for  the  ejection  of  the  un- 
clean spirits.  The  title,  "  prince  of  the  devils,"  may 
have  special  reference  to  the  nature  of  the  disease  in 
question  as  incurable  by  any  human  power,  or  it  may 
have  been  educed  from  the  name  itself  by  a  fancied 
or  real  etymology.  The  notices  of  Beelzebul  are  ex- 
clusively connected  with  the  subject  of  Demoniacs,  a 
circumstance  which  may  account  for  the  subsc(iueut 
disappearance  of  the  name. 

Beer  (Ileb.  w'fH;  compare  A:n').  1.  One  of  the 
latest  halting-places  of  the  Israelites,  lying  beyond 
the  Arnon,  and  so  called  from  the  well  there  dug  by 
the  "princes"  and  "nobles"  of  the  people,  and 
celebrated  in  a  fragment  of  poetry  (Num.  xxi.  16- 
18);  possibly  =  Beer-elim. — 2.  A  place  to  which 
Jotham,  the  son  of  Gideon,  fled  for  fear  of  his  brother 
Abimelech  (Judg.  ix.  21) ;  according  to  Eusebius  and 
Jerome,  ten  miles  N.  of  Eleutheropolis.  Here  is 
now  a  deserted  village  el-Bireh  near  ^ Ain-Shems 
(Beth-shemesh).  But  perhaps  Beer  =  Beerotii 
(Rbn.  i.  452). 

Bc'e-ra  (Heb.  well,  Ges.),  son  of  Zophah,  of  the 
tribe  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  37). 

Be'cr-all  (Heb.  %oell,  Ges.),  prince  of  the  Reuben- 
ites,  carried  away  by  Tiglath-pi'eser  (1  Chr.  v.  6). 

Be'er-c'lim  (ileb.  well  of  heroes,  Ges.),  a  spot 
named  iu  Is.  xv.  8  as  on  the  "  border  of  Moab." 
Beer  1. 

Be'er-i  (Heb.  of  or  from,  a  well,  Ges. ;  ilhistrious, 
Fii.).  !•  Father  of  Esau's  wile,  Judith  (Gen.  xxvi. 
34;  Anaii). — 2>  Father  of  the  prophet  Hosea  (Uos. 
i.  1). 

Bc'cr-la-hal'-rol  [-hay'roy]  (Heb.  well  of  the  living 
and  seeing,  sc.  God ;  well  of  life  of  vision,  i.  e.  of  life 
after  a  vision  of  God,  Ges.),  a  well,  or  rather  a  liv- 
ing spring  (A.  V.  '-fountain,"  Gen.  xvi.  7),  betwe;;n 
Kadesh  and  Bered,  in  the  wilderness,  "  in  the  way 
to  Shur,"  and  therefore  in  the  "  S.  country,"  which 
was  so  named. by  Hagar,  because  God  saw  her  there 
(Gen.  xvi.  14).  By  this  well  Isaac  dwelt  both  before 
and  after  the  death  of  his  father  (xxiv.  02,  xxv.  11). 
In  both  these  passages  the  A.  V.  has  "  the  well  La- 
hai-roi."     Mr.  Rowlands  announces  the  discovery  ot 


BEE 


BEH 


109 


the  well  Lahai-roi  at  Moyle  or  Moihlii  (Ar.  el^^fu- 
weileh  ■=  suit-places,  Rbn.),  a  station  on  the  road  to 
Beer-shcba,  ten  hours  S.  \V.  of  linhaibth  (ancient 
Re'.ioboth  ?),  and  about  fifty  miles  S.  W.  from  Beer- 
sheba;  near  which  is  a  hole  or  cavern  bearing  the 
name  of  Beit  Hagar  (Kitter,  Sinai,  1086,  7);  but 
this  requires  confirmation. 

B*'er-Oth  (Heb.  ledls),  one  of  the  four  cities  of  tlie 
Hivites  who  deluded  Joshua  into  a  treaty  of  peace 
with  them ;  the  other  three  being  (iibeon,  Chephi- 
i-ah,  and  Kirjath-jearim  (Josh.  ix.  17).  Beeroth  was 
with  tlie  rest  of  these  allotted  to  Benjamin  (xviiL 
2.5),  in  whose  possession  it  continued  at  the  time  of 
David,  the  murderers  of  Ish-bosheth  belonging  to  it 
(2  8am.  iv.  2).  It  is  again  named  with  C'hephriah 
and  Kirjath-jearim  in  the  list  of  those  who  returned 
from  Babylon  (Ezr.  ii.  25;  Neh.  vii.  29;  Beroih). 
Beeroth  was  probably  at  the  modem  el-Bireh,  a  vil- 
lage about  ten  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem  by  the  great 
road  to  X^ublus,  just  below  a  ridge  which  bounds  the 
prospect  X.  from  the  Holy  city.  As  this  is  the  first 
hajting-place  of  caravans  going  N.  from  Jerusalem, 
it  is  not  improbably,  as  is  claimed  by  monastic  tradi- 
tion, the  place  wliere  the  "  parents  "  of  Jesus  "  sought 
Him,"  and  whence  "  they  turned  back  again  to  Jeru- 
salem, seeking  Him  "  (Lk.  ii.  44,  45  ;  Stl.  210).  Na- 
harai  "  the  Beerolhite  "  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  37),  or  "  the 
Berotbite"  (1  Clir.  xi.  29),  was  one  of  David's  val- 
iant men. 

B«*r-otb  (Heb.  icelh,  Ges.)  of  the  Children  of 
Ja'a-kan  =  the  wells  of  the  tribe  descended  from 
Ja.\kan  ;  one  of  the  halting-places  of  the  Ipraelites 
in  the  desert  (Deut.  x.  6).  In  Num.  xxxiii.,  the 
name  is  Bene  Jaakan  only. 

Be'er-oth-ite  (fr.  Heb.)  =  one  from  Beeroth. 

Beer— shc'ba  (Ilcb.  well  of  swearinp,  or  of  siven), 
one  of  the  oldest  pliices  in  Palestine,  forming  the  S. 
limit  of  the  country.  There  are  two  not  inconsistent 
accounts  of  the  origin  of  the  name. — 1.  Ahbaiiam  dug 
the  well,  and  gave  the  name,  because  there  he  and 
Abimelech,  the  king  of  the  Philistines,  "  sware " 
both  of  them  (Gen.  xxi.  31).  But  the  compact  was 
ratified  by  the  setting  apart  of  "seven  ewe  lambs  ;" 
and  as  the  Hebrew  word  for  "  seven  "  is  S/ieha,  some 
suppose  that  this  is  the  meaning  of  the  name.  In 
chapters  xxi.,  xxii.  it  is  spelt  in  the  Heb.  Beer-shitha. 
— 2.  In  an  occurrence  almost  precisely  similar,  a 
Philistine  king,  Abimelecu,  and  a  Phichol,  his  chief 
captain,  are  again  concerned,  but  with  Isaac  instead 
of  Abraham  (xxvi.  31-33;  Shebah).  In  xxvi.  IS, 
we  are  told,  "  Isaac  digged  again  the  wells  of  water 
which  they  had  digged  in  the  days  of  Abraham  his 
father ;  for  the  Philistines  had  stopped  them  after 
the  death  of  Abraham ;  and  he  called  their  names 
after  the  names  by  which  his  father  had  called 
them." — There  are  at  present  on  the  spot  two  prin- 
cipal wells,  and  five  smaller  ones  (Bonar).  The  two 
principal  wells  are  on  or  close  to  the  N.  bank  of  the 
Wady  es-Seba'.  They  lie  just  100  yards  apart,  and 
are  visible  from  a  considerable  distance.  The  E., 
and  larger  of  the  two  is,  according  to  the  careful 
incasureroents  of  Robinson  (1.  204),  12J  feet  in  diam- 
eter, and  at  the  time  of  his  visit  (April  12)  was  44| 
feet  to  the  surface  of  the  water :  the  masonry  which 
cnclo.ses  the  well  reaches  downward  for  284  f6<^t. 
The  other  well  is  5  feet  in  diameter,  and  was  42  feet 
to  the  water.  The  curb-stones  round  the  mouth  of 
both  wells  are  worn  into  deep  grooves  by  the  action 
of  the  ropes  of  so  many  centuries,  anil  "  look  as  if 
frilled  or  fluted  all  round."  The  five  lesser  wells  arc 
in  a  group  in  the  bed  of  the  wady  (V.  de  V.  ii.  186). 
On  some  low  hills  N.  of  the  large  wells  are  scattered 


the  foundations  and  ruins  of  a  town  of  moderate 
size.  There  are  no  trees  or  shrubs  near  the  spot. — 
From  the  lime  of  Jacob  (Gen.  xxviii.  10,  xlvi.  1,  5) 
till  the  conquest  of  the  country  we  only  catch  a  mo- 
mentary glimpse  of  Beersheba  in  the  lists  of  the  cities 
in  the  extreme  S.  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  28)  given  (o 
the  tribe  of  Simeon  (xix.  2  ;  1  Chr.  iv.  28).  Samuel's 
sons  were  judges  there  (1  Sam.  viii.  2).  There  Eli- 
jah halted  on  his  way  to  Horeb,  and  left  his  servant 
(1  K.  xix.  3).  "  From  Dan  to  Becr-sheba  "  (Judg. 
XX.  1,  &c.),  or  " from  Becr-sheba  to  Dan"  (1  Chr. 
xxi.  2 ;  compare  2  Sam.  xxiv.  2)  =  the  whole  of  the 
promised  land  ;  just  as  "  from  Geba  to  Beer-shcba  " 
(2  K.  xxiii.  8),  or  "  from  Bcer-sheba  to  Mount  Ephra- 
im  "  (2  Chr.  xix.  4)  =  the  S.  kingdom  after  the 
disruption.  After  the  return  from  the  Captivity  the 
formula  is  narrowed  still  more,  and  becomes  "  frcm 
Beer-sheba  to  the  Valley  of  Hinnom"  (Neh.  xi.  30). 
In  the  time  of  Amos,  Beer-sheba,  like  Bethel  and 
Gilgal,  was  the  seat  of  an  idolatrous  worship,  ap- 
parently connected  in  some  intimate  manner  with 
the  X.  kingdom  (Am.  v.  5,  viii.  14).  After  this,  with 
the  mere  mention  that  Beer-sheba  and  the  villages 
round  it  were  reinbabited  after  the  Captivity  (Neh. 
xi.  30),  the  name  dies  entirely  out  of  the  Bible  record. 
In  the  time  of  Jerome  it  was  still  a  considerable 
place ;  and  later  it  is  mentioned  as  an  episcopal  city 
under  the  bishop  of  Jerusalem.  It  retains  its  an- 
cient name  as  nearly  in  sound  as  an  Arabic  significa- 
tion will  pcnnit — Bir  es-Seba^  =  the  "  well  of  the 
lion,"  or  "  of  seven." — "  The  wilderness  of  Beer-she- 
ba "  (Gen.  xxi.  14)  "  probably  denotes  the  desert 
country  S.  of  Bcer-sht  ba  toward  the  wilderness  of 
Parax  '  (Bush  on  Gen.  1.  c). 

Be-esh'te-rah  (Heb.  liovse,  or  temple,  of  Ashlorelh, 
Ges.),  one  of  the  two  cities  allotted  to  the  sons  of 
Gershom,  out  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh  beyond  Jor- 
dan (Josh.  xxi.  27) ;  apparently  =  Asiitarotii  2. 

Beetle.     Locust  3. 

*  Beeves.    Bui.r. ;  Ox. 

»  Beggar.     Alms ;  Poor. 

'  Bc-got'ten.  The  phrases  "  only-bcgotten  "  (Jn.  i. 
14,  18,  iii.  Ifi,  18  ;  1  Jn.  iv.  9)  and  "first-begotten" 
(Heb.  i.  6;  Rev.  i.  5)  especially  designate  the  Lord 
Jesis  Christ,  the  Son  of  God. 

Be-hesd'iug.    Plni.shments. 

Be'be-moth  or  Be-lie'nioth  (Heb.  pi.  of  majesty 
[fr.  biheiin'iA  ;  see  Beast  1]  =  the  gnat  beast,  Ges.). 
There  can  be  little  or  no  doubt,  that  by  this  word 
(Job  xl.  15-24)  the  hippopotamus  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =: 
river-horse)  is  intended,  since  all  the  details  descrip- 
tive of  the  behemoth  accord  entirely  with  the  ascer- 


Klppopotorou  (JIippopatam»»  ctmfkibiiu). 

tained  habits  of  that  animal  (so  Mr.  Houghton,  with 
Bochart,  Shaw,  Rosenmiiller,  Harmer,  Gesenius,  Fiirst, 
most  English  commentators,  &c.).  The  hippopota- 
mus is  an  aquatic  African  quadruped,  larger  than 


110 


BEK 


BEL 


the'ox,  but  more  closely  allied  to  the  rhinoceros  and 
hog.  Since  in  the  first  part  of  Jehovah's  discourse 
(Job  xxxviii.,  xxxix.)  land  animals  and  birds  are 
menlioned,  it  suits  the  general  purpose  of  that  dis- 
course better  to  suppose  that  aqitalic  or  amphibious 
creatures  are  spoken  of  in  the  last  half  of  it ;  and 
since  the  "  leviathan,"  by  almost  universal  consent 
=:  the  crocodile,  the  "  behemoth  "  seems  clearly  = 
the  hippopotamus,  anciently  (see  Egypt)  his  asso- 
ciate in  tlie  Nile.  The  description  of  the  animals  ly- 
ing under  "  the  shady  trees,"  amongst  the  "  reeds  " 
and  willows,  is  peculiarly  applicable  to  tlie  hippopot- 
amus. It  has  been  argued  that  such  a  description 
is  eciually  applicable  to  the  elephant;  but  this  is 
hardly  the  case,  for  though  the  elephant  is  fond  of 
frequent  ablutions,  and  is  frequently  seen  near  the 
water,  yet  the  constant  habit  of  the  hippopotamus, 
a?  implied  in  verses  21,  22,  seems  to  be  especially 
made  the  subject  to  which  tlie  attention  is  directed. 

lie'kab  (Heb.  a  pirt,  half,  Gjs.).  Weights  and 
JIeasokes. 

Be!.     Baal. 

Bel  aail  Urag'oa.    Daniel,  Apoosyphal  additions 

TO. 

Be'la  (Heb.  a  swallowhir/  up,  or  deslruciion).  1. 
One  of  the  five  cities  of  "  the  plain  "  (Plain  8),  which 
was  spared  at  the  intercession  of  Lot,  and  named 
ZoAR  (Gon.  xiv.  2,  8,  xix.  22).  The  king  of  Bela  is 
the  only  one  of  the  five  confederates  whose  name  is 
not  given,  and  this  suggests  the  probability  of  Bela 
having  been  his  o.vn  name,  as  well  as  tlie  name  of 
his  city,  which  may  have  been  so  called  from  him. — 
2>  Son  of  Beor,  and  king  of  Edo:n,  eight  gener.itions 
before  Saul,  king  of  Israel,  or  about  the  lime  of  the 
Exodus  (Gen.  xxxvi.  32  ff. ;  1  Clir.  i.  43  ff.).  Bernard 
Hyde,  following  some  Jewish  commentators  (Sim. 
Oiiom.  142,  n.),  identifies  this  Bela  with  Balaam  the 
son  of  Boor ;  but  the  evidence  from  the  name  does 
not  prove  more  than  identity  of  family  and  race. 
There  is  nothing  to  guide  us  as  to  the  age  of  Beor, 
or  Bosor,  the  founder  of  the  house  from  whicli  Bela 
and  Balaam  sprung.  Tlie  name  Beor  is  of  a  decid- 
edly Chaldee  or  Aramean  form  ;  and  we  are  express- 
ly told  that  Balaam  the  son  of  Beor  dwelt  in  Pethor, 
which  is  by  the  river  of  the  land  of  the  children  of 
his  people,  i.  e.  the  river  Euphrates ;  and  he  himself 
describes  his  home  as  being  in  Aram  (Num.  xxii.  5, 
xxiii.  7).  Hence  not  improbably  Bela  the  son  of 
Beor,  who  reigned  over  Edom  in  the  city  of  Dinha- 
bah,  was  a  Chaldean  by  birth,  and  reigned  in  Edom 
by  conquest.  He  may  have  been  contemporary  with 
Jtoses  and  Balaam. — 3.  Eldest  son  of  Benjamin 
(Gen.  xlvi.  21 ;  A.  V.  "  Belah ; "  Num.  xxvi.  38,40; 
1  Chr.  vii.  6,  viii.  1),  and  head  of  the  family  of  the 
Belaites. — 1.  Son  of  Azaz,  a  Reubenite  (1  Chr. 
V.  8). 

Bclah.    Bela  3. 

Bc'la-itss,  the  (Num.  xxvi.  38)  —  descendants  of 
Bela  3. 

Berc-inns(l  Esd.  ii.  16)  =:  Bisiilam. 

Be'li-al  (fr.  Heb.,  see  below).  The  A.  V.,  follow- 
ing the  Vulgate,  frequently  treats  this  word  as  & 
proper  name  in  the  0.  T.,  particularly  where  it  is 
connected  with  man  of,  or  son  of:  in  other  instances 
it  is  translated  "  wicked,"  "  evil,"  "  naughty,"  "  un- 
godly" (Dent.  XV.  9;  Ps.  xli.  8,  ci.  3;  Prov.  vi. 
12,  xvi.  27,  xix.  28;  Nah.  i.  11,  15);  "ungodly 
men"  (Ps.  xviii.  4,  A.  V.).  Unquestionably,  how- 
ever, the  word  is  not  a  proper  name  in  the  0.  T. ;  it 
=  worlhlessness,  and  hence  recklessness,  lawlessness. 
A  sou  or  man  or  child  of  Belial  =  a  worthless,  law- 
less fellow  :  it  occurs  frequently  in  this  sense  in  the 


historical  books  (Judg.  xix.  22,  xx.  13  ;  1  Sara.  i.  16 
["daughter  of  Belial"  =  worthless,  or  wicked  wo- 
man, Ges.],  ii.  12,  x.  27,  xxv.  17,  25,  xxx.  22  ;  2  Sam. 
xvi.  7,  XX.  1  ;  1  K.  xxi.  10  ;  2  Clir.  xiii.  7),  only  once 
in  the  earlier  books  (Deut.  xiii.  13).  In  2  Sam.  xxiii. 
6,  and  Job  xxxiv.  18  (A.  V.  ''  wicked"),  Belial  stands 
by  itself,  as  a  term  of  reproach.  In  2  Cor.  vi.  15, 
the  term  in  the  Greek,  according  to  Griesbach  and 
others,  is  Beliar,  a  Syiiac  form  (Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.), 
not,  as  in  the  A.  V.,  Belial ;  and  here  it  is  generally 
considered  an  appellative  of  Satan,  as  the  per- 
sonification of  all  that  was  bad  :  Beiigel  explains  it 
of  Antichrist,  as  more  strictly  the  opposite  of  Christ. 

*  Be'lieve,  to,  in  the  N.  T.,  especially  denotes  to 
exercise  faith  in  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  to  be  a  Chris- 
tian (Acts  xiii.  35,  xxi.  2U,  25;  Horn.  x.  4,  10;  1 
Cor.  i.  21,  &c.).     Faith. 

*  Bc-liev'ers  =  Christians  (Acts  v.  14  ;  1  Tim.  iv. 
12).     Believe. 

*  Bell.     Bells. 

Bcl'liHS  (Heb.  mappuaJi  or  mappuach).  The  word 
occurs  only  in  Jer.  vi.  29,  "  The  bellows  are  burned ;" 
where  their  use  is  to  heat  a  smelting  furnace.  A  pic- 
ture of  two  different  kinds  of  bellows,  both  ingenious- 
ly constructed,  may  be  found  in  Wilkinson,  Ancient 
Egiiplians,  iii.  338.  "They  consisted,"  he  says,  "of 
a  leather,  secured  and  fitted  into  a  frame,  from  which 
a  long  pipe  extended  for  carrying  the  wind  to  the 
fire.  They  were  worked  by  the  feet,  t!ie  operator 
standing  upon  them,  with  one  under  cacli  foot,  and 
pressing  them  alternately  while  he  pulled  up  each 
exhausted  skin  with  a  string  he  held  in  his  hand. 
In  one  instance  we  observe  from  the  painting,  that 
when  the  man  left  the  bellows,  they  were  raised  as 
if  inflated  with  air;  and  this  would  imply  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  valve.  The  pipes  even  in  the  time  of 
Thothmes  II.,  (supposed  to  be)  the  contemporary  of 
Moses,  appear  to  have  been  simply  of  reed,  tippel 
with  a  metal  point  to  resist  the  action  of  the  fire." 
Handicraft. 


Egyptian  Bellowe.    (F,  CailUard.  Hfflifrchei 
Anrient  Ei}i/ptie)u.) 


Bells.  There  are  two  Hebrew  words  thus  trans- 
lated in  the  A.  V.,  viz.  pa'amon  (Ex.  xxviii.  33,  34, 
xxxix.  25,  26)  and  mllsilloth  (Zech.  xiv.  20 ;  A.  V. 
margin,  "bridles").  In  Exodus  the  bells  were 
golden,  according  to  the  Rabbis  seventy-two  in  num- 
ber, which  alternated  with  the  three-colored  pomegra- 
nates round  the  hem  of  the  high-priest's  epliod.  The 
object  of  them  was  that  his  sound  might  be  heard 
when  he  went  in  unto  the  holy  place,  and  when  he 
came  out,  that  he  die  not  (Ex.  xxviii.  34 ;  Ecclus. 
xiv.  9).  No  doubt  they  answered  the  same  pur- 
pose as  the  bells  used  by  the  Brahmins  in  the  Hindoo 
ceremonies,  and  by  the  Roman  Catholics  during  the 
celebration  of  mass.  To  this  day  bells  are  frequently 
attached  to  the  anklets  of  women.  (Anklkt.)  The 
little  girls  of  Cairo  wear  strings  of  them  round  their 


BEL 


BEK 


111 


feet.  In  Zech.  xiv.  20  the  "bells  of  the  horses" 
(A.  V.)  probably  —  concave  or  flat  pieces  of  brass, 
which  were  sometimes  attached  to  horses  for  orna- 
ment. 

Bfl'ma-lm  (see  Belmen),  a  place  apparently  S.  of 
Dothaim  (Jd.  vii.  3) ;  possibly  =  Belmen. 

Bel  mm  (apparently  fr.  Adel-maim),  a  place  named 
among  tlic  towns  of  Samaria,  as  lying  between  Beth- 
horon  and  Jericho  (Jd.  iv.  4). 

Brl-sbaz'zjir  (fr.  Clial. ;  prob.  =  Belteshazzar, 
Ges.,  Fii.  ;  Hel  has  formed  a  kviff,  Dr.  E.  Hincks), 
the  last  king  of  Babylon.  During  a  splendid  feast  in 
his  palace  he  was  affrighted  by  a  mysteiious  hand- 
writing on  the  wall.  After  applying  in  vain  to  other 
wise  men,  he  sent  for  Daniel,  who  boldly  rebuked 
him  for  his  pride  and  impiety,  and  then  interpreted 
the  Divine  message  to  him.  Belshazzar  was  slain 
the  .same  night  (see  Dan.  v. )  Xcnophon  also  tells  us 
that  Babylon  was  taken  by  Cyrus  in  the  night,  while 
the  inhabitant'!  were  engaged  in  feasting  and  revelry, 
and  that  the  king  was  killed.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  narratives  of  Berosus  in  Josephus  and  of  Herodo- 
tus differ  from  the  above  account  in  some  important 
particulars.  Berosus  calls  the  last  king  of  Babylon 
Nabonnediis  or  Nabonadius,  and  says  that  in  the 
seventeenth  year  of  his  reign  Cyrus  took  Babylon, 
the  king  having  retired  to  the  neighboring  city  of 
Borsippua  or  Borsippa.  Being  blockaded  in  that  city 
Nabonnedus  surrendered,  his  life  was  spared,  and  a 
principality  or  estate  given  to  him  in  Carmania,  where 
he  died.  According  to  Herodotus  the  last  king  was 
called  Labvnetus,  a  name  easy  to  reconcile  with  the 
Nabonnedus  of  Berosus,  and  the  Nabannidochus  of 
Megasthenes.  Cyrus,  after  defeating  Labynctus  in 
the  open  field,  appeared  before  Babylon,  within  which 
the  besieged  defied  attack  and  even  blockade.  But 
he  took  the  city  by  drawing  off  for  a  time  the  waters 
of  the  Euphrates,  and  then  marching  in  with  his 
whole  army  along  its  bed  during  a  great  Babylonian 
festival.  These  discrepancies  have  lately  been  cleared 
up  by  the  discoveries  of  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson.  From 
the  inscriptions  on  some  cylinders  found  at  Muglieir 
(see  Ur),  it  appenrs  that  the  eldest  son  of  Nabonne- 
dus was  called  Bel-shar-ezar,  contracted  into  Bel- 
sliazzar,  and  admitted  by  his  father  to  a  share  in  the 
government.  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson  says,  "  We  can 
now  understand  how  Belshazzar,  as  joint  king  with 
his  father,  may  have  been  governor  of  Babylon,  when 
the  city  was  attacked  by  the  combined  forces  of  the 
Medes  and  Persians,  and  may  have  perished  in  the 
assault  which  followed ;  while  Nabonnedus  leading 
a  force  to  the  relief  of  the  place  was  defeated,  and 
obliged  to  take  refuge  in  Borsippa,  capitulating  after 
a  short  resistance,  and  being  subsequently  assigned, 
according  to  Berosus,  an  honorable  retirement  in 
Carmania."  Belshazzar's  position  as  joint  ruler  with 
liis  father  harmonizes  with  Daniel's  being  the  "third 
ruler  in  the  kingdom"  (Dan.  v.  16,  29),  the  highest 
position  then  tenable  by  a  subject  (G.  Rawlinson, 
Hist.  Evidenecit,  442).  In  Dan.  v.  2,  Nebuchadnez- 
zar is  called  the  father  of  Belshazzar.  This,  of 
course,  need  only  mean  grandfather  or  ancestor. 
Rawlinson  connects  Belshazzar  with  Nebuchadnezzar 
through  his  mother,  thinking  it  probable  that  Nabu- 
nahit  (  =:  Nabonnedus)  would  strengthen  his  posi- 
tion by  marrying  the  daughter  of  that  king,  who 
would  thus  be  Belshazzar's  maternal  grandfather. 
A  totally  different  view  is  taken  by  Marcus  Nicbuhr, 
who  considers  Belshazzar  to  be  anf)ther  name  for 
Evil-merodach,  the  son  of  Nebuchadnezzar.  On 
liawlinson's  view,  Belshazzar  died  B.  c.  638 ;  on 
Niebuhr's,  o.  c.  669. 


*  Bel-te-shaz'zar,  an  Assyrio-Babylonish  name 
(  =  Ber.i  jirince,  i.  e.  whom  Bel  favors,  Ges. ;  i>'c/, 
or  maiiUainer,  of  t/te  lord,  Fii.)  given  to  Dan'iel 
(Dan.  i.  V,  &c.). 

Ben  (Hob.  son),  a  Levite  "of  the  second  degree," 
one  of  the  porters  appointed  by  David  lor  the  ark 
(1  Chr.  XV.  18). 

*  Ben-a-bUi'a-dab  (Heb.)  =  "  son  of  Abinadab  " 
(1  K.  iv.  11,  marg.).     Abinadab  4. 

Be-nai'ab  [-na'yah]  (fr.  Heb.  whom  Jehovah  halh 
built,  Ges.).  1.  Son  of  Jehoiada  the  chief  priest  (1 
Chr.  x-tvii.  5),  and  therefore  of  the  tribe  of  Le\i, 
though  a  native  of  Kabzeel  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  20  ;•  1  Clr. 
xi.  22)  in  the  S.  of  Judah  ;  set  by  David  (xi.  26) 
over  his  body-guard  of  Cherethites  and  Pelethitcs  (2 
Sam.  viii.  18  ;  1  Chr.  xviii.  17 ;  2  Sam.  xx.  23),  and 
occupying  a  middle  rank  between  the  first  three  of 
the  "  niiglity  men,"  and  the  thirty  "  vahant  men  of 
the  armies "  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  22,  2S ;  1  Chr.  xi.  25, 
xxvii.  6.)  The  exploits  which  gave  him  this  rank 
are  narrated  in  2  Sam.  xxiii.  20,  21  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  22  ff. 
lie  was  captain  of  the  host  for  the  third  month  (1 
Chr.  xxvii.  5).  Benaiah  remained  faithful  to  Solo- 
mon during  Adonijah's  attempt  on  the  crown  (1  K. 
i.);  he  put  to  death,  at  the  king's  command,  Ado- 
nijah,  Joab,  and  Shimei ;  and  was  raised  into  the 
place  of  Joab  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  whole 
army  (ii.,  iv.  4).  He  appears  to  have  had  a  son, 
called  after  his  grandfather,  Jehoiada,  who  succeed- 
ed Ahithophel  about  the  person  of  the  king  (1  Chr. 
xxvii.  34).  But  this  is  possibly  a  copyist's  mistake 
for  "  Bciuiiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada." — 2.  "  Benaiah 
the  PiRATiioNiTE ; "  an  Ephrai mite,  one  of  David's 
thirty  "valiant  men"  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  30;  1  Chr.  xi. 
31),  and  captain  of  the  eleventh  monthly  course 
(xxvii.  14). — 3,  A  Levite  in  David's  time,  who 
"played  with  a  psaltery  on  Alamoth"  (xv.  18,20, 
xvi.  0). — I.  A  priest  in  David's  time,  appointed  to 
blow  the  trumpet  before  the  ark  (xv.  24,  xvi.  (j). — 
5.  A  Levite  of  the  sons  of  Asaph  (2  Chr.  xx.  14). — 
6t  A  Levite  in  Hezekiah's  time,  one  of  the  "  over- 
seers of  offerings"  (xxxi.  13). — 7.  A  prince  of  Sim- 
eon in  Hezekiah's  time,  participant  in  the  exter- 
mination of  the  shepherds  of  Gedor  (1  Chr.  iv.  36). 
— g.  Four  laymen  in  Ezra's  time,  who  had  taken 
strange  wives: — a.  A  descendant  of  Parosh  (Ezr. 
X.  25).  Baanias. — b.  A  descendant  of  Pahath-moab 
(x.  30).  Naidus. — c.  A  descendant  of  Bani  (x.  36). 
Mabiiai. — d.  A  descendant  of  Ncbo  (x.  43).  Ba- 
naiaS. — 9.  Father  of  Pelatiah  4  (Ez.  xi.  1,  13). 

Ben-am'oil  (Heb.  son  of  my  kindred),  son  of  Lot 
by  his  younger  daughter,  and  progenitor  of  the  Am- 
monites (Gen.  xix.  38). 

*  Benth'cs,  the  A.  V.  translation  in  Ez.  xxvii.  C  of 
the  Hebrew  keresh  (margin  "  hatches  "  ;  literally  = 
a  "  board"  or  plank,  Ex.  xxvi.  15  ff.  &c.).  Hitzig, 
Fairbairn  {on  Ez.),  &c.,  suppose  the  proper  trans- 
lation in  Ezekiel  to  be  "  thy  deck."     Box-tree. 

*  Ben-de'kar  (Heb.  lance-bearer,  Fii.)  =  "  son  of 
Dekar  "(IK.  iv.  9,  margin). 

Be  ne-be'rak  (Heb.  sems  of  lightning,  Ges.),  a  city 
of  the  tribe  of  Dan  (Josh.  xix.  45  only) ;  at  the 
modem  Ibn  Abrak,  a  few  miles  from  el-Yehudi<jeh 
(Jehud)?  (Scholz,  Kitto). 

*  Ben-*-fa«'lor  (L.  a  doer  of  goo<l=  Gr.  cuergetcx), 
a  title  of  honor  given  to  ki'ngs,  &c.  (I.k.  x.\ii.  25). 
Thus  Vespasi.ui  was  styled  by  the  people  of  Tibe- 
rias (Jos.  li.  J.  iii.  9,  §  8).     El'Eroetes. 

Be'ne-Ja'a-kan  (Heb.  tons  of  Jaakan),  a  tribe  who 
gave  their  name  to  certain  wells  in  the  desert 
which  formed  one  of  the  halting-plnecs  of  the  Israel- 
ites on  their  journey  to  Canaan    (Num.  xxxiii.  31, 


112 


BEN 


BEN 


32) ;  also  called  Bf.eroth  or  the  Children  op  Ja- 
AKAN.     See  Deuteronomy,  B.,  I.,  5. 

Bene-ke'dem    (Heb.)  i=:  "the    children    of   the 

East." 

*  Be n-gc'ber  (Heb.)  =  "  son  of  Geber  "  (1  K.  iv. 
13,  margin). 

Ben-ha'dad  or  Ben'-ha-dad  (Heb.  son  [i.  e.  wor- 
shipper] of  Hadad,  a  Syrian  god),  the  name  of  three 
kings  of  Damascus.  (For  their  dates,  compare  Is- 
rael, Kingdom  op  )-^1i  Ben-hadad  I.  was  either 
son  or  grandson  to  Kezon,  and  in  his  time  Damas- 
cus was  supreme  in  Syria.  His  alliance  was  courted 
both  bv  Baasha  of  Israel  and  Asa  of  Judah  (1  K. 
XV.  18  if. ;  2  Chr.  xvi.  2  ff.).  He  finally  closed  with 
the  latter  on  receiving  a  large  amount  of  treasure, 
and  conquered  a  great  part  of  the  N.  of  Israel, 
thereby  enabling  Asa  to  pursue  his  victorious  oper- 
ations in  the  S.  From  1  K.  xx.  34,  it  would  ap- 
piiar  that  he  continued  to  malfe  war  upon  Israel 
in  Omri's  time,  and  forced  him  to  make  "  streets  " 
in  Samiria  for  Syrian  residents.  (Aiiab.)— 2i  Ben- 
hadad  II.,  son  of  the  preceding,  and  also  king  of 
Damascus.  Long  wars  with  Israel  characterized  his 
reign  (1  K.  xx.,  <ic.),  of  which  the  earlier  campaigns 
are  described  under  Ahab.  His  power  and  the  ex- 
tent of  his  dominion  are  proved  by  the  thirty-two 
vassal  kings  who  accompanied  him  to  his  first  siege 
of  Samaria.  Some  time  after  Ahab'a  death,  Ben- 
hadad  renewed  the  war  with  Israel  (2  K.  vi.,  &c.), 
attacked  Samaria  a  sacond  time,  and  pressed  the 
siege  so  closely  that  tliere  was  a  terrible  famine 
in  the  city.  But  the  Syrians  broke  up  in  the  niglit 
in  consequence  of  a  sudden  panic.  Soon  after  Ben- 
hadad  fell  sick,  and  sent  Hazael  to  consult  Elisha 
as  to  the  issue  of  his  malady.  Ou  the  day  after 
Ilazael's  return  Ben-halad  was  murdered,  as  is 
commonly  thought,  by  Hazael  (viii.  15).  Ewald 
thinks  tliat  one  or  more  of  Ben-hadad's  own  ser- 
vants were  the  murderers.  B.>n-hadad  probably 
reigned  some  thirty  years. — 3>  Ben-hadad  III.,  son 
of  Hazael,  and  liis  successor  on  the  throne  of  Syria 
(xiii.  3,  &c.).  His  reign  was  disastrous  for  Damas- 
cus, and  the  vast  power  wielded  by  his  father  sank 
into  insignificance.  When  he  succaeded  to  the 
throne,  Jehoash  recovered  the  cities  which  the 
Syrians  had  taken  from  Jehoaliaz,  and  beat  him  in 
Aphek  (xiii.  1 7,  23).  Jehoash  gained  two  more  vic- 
tories, but  did  not  restore  the  dominion  of  Israel 
on  the  E.  of  Jordan.  This  glory  was  reserved  for 
his  successor.  His  misfortunes  in  war  are  noticed. 
Am.  i.  4. 

Ben-ha'il  (Heb.  son  of  the  host,  i.  e.  warrior),  one 
of  the  princes  whom  Jehosliaphat  sent  to  teach 
in  the  cities  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xvii.  7). 

Beu-lia'nan  (Heb.  SOB  o/ 0)48  5'cacioM.'!,  Ges.),  son 
of  Shimon,  in  the  line  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  20). 

*Ben-he'sed  (Heb.)  =  "son  of  Hesed"  (1  K.  iv. 
10,  miirgin).    . 

*Ben'-hur  (Heb.)  =  "son  of  Ilur"  (1  K.  iv.  8, 
margin).     Hur  5. 

Be-lii'nn  (Heb.  our  son,  Ges.),  a  Levite  who 
sealed  tlie  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  13, 
Heb.  14). 

Beu'ja-min  (Heb.  B'my&min  =  son  of  (lie  right 
hand,  i.  c.  fortunate,  dexterous,  Vulgate,  A.  V. 
margin,  Ges. ;  Binydmim  =  son  of  days,  i.  e.  son 
of  my  old  age  [compare  Gen.  xliv.  20],  Sam.  Codex, 
I'hilo,  Aben-ezra,  &c.).  1.  The  youngest  of  Jacob's 
children,  and  the  only  one  of  the  thirteen  who  was 
born  in  Palestine.  His  birth  took  place  on  the 
road  between  Bethel  and  Bethlehem,  a  short  dis- 
tance from  the  latter,  and  his  mother  Rachel  died 


in  giving  him  birth,  naming  him  with  her  last 
breath  Ben-oni  (=  son  of  my  sorrow).  This  was  by 
Jacob  changed  into  Benjamin  (Gen.  xxxv.  16-18). 
In  1  Sam.  ix.  1,  margin,  the  name  appears  as  Jemini. 
Until  the  journeys  of  Jacob's  sons  and  of  Jacob 
himself  into  Egypt,  we  hear  nothing  of  Benjamin, 
and  as  far  as  he  is  concerned  those  well-known  nar- 
ratives (Gen.  xlii.-xlv.)  disclose  nothing  beyond  the 
very  strong  affection  entertained  toward  him  by  his 
father  and  his  whole-brother  Joseph,  and  the  rela- 
tion in  which  he  stood,  as  if  a  mere  darling  child  to 
the  whole  of  his  family.  Kven  the  harsh  natures  of 
the  elder  patriarchs  relaxed  toward  him.  But  Ben- 
jamin can  hardly  have  been  the  "  lad "  which  we 
commonly  imagine  him  to  be,  for,  at  the  time  that 
the  patriarchs  went  down  to  reside  in  Egypt,  when 
•'  every  man  with  his  house  went  with  Jacob,"  ten 
sons  are  ascribed  to  Benjamin — a  larger  number 
than  to  any  of  his  brothers — and  two  of  these  (Mup- 
pim,  Huppim),  from  the  plural  formation  of  their 
names,  were  themselves  apparently  families  (xlvi. 
21).  Jacob's  prophecy  in  respect  to  the  tribe  was, 
"Benjamin  shall  raven  as  a  wolf;  in  the  morning  he 
shall  devour  the  prey,  and  at  night  he  shall  divide 
the  spoil  "  (xlix.  27).  Benjimiin  is  in  the  Usts  of 
the  tribes  in  E.x.  i. ;  Num.  i.,  ii.,  xiii.,  xxvi.,  xxxiv. ; 
Deut.  xxvii.,  xxxiii. ;  1  Chr.  ii.,  viii.,  &c.  The  prox- 
imity of  Benjamin  to  Ephraim  during  the  march  to 
the  Promised  Land  (Num.  ii.  18-24)  was  maintiined 
in  the  territories  allotted  to  each  (Josh,  xviii.  11  11'.). 
Benjamin  lay  immediately  to  the  S.  of  Ephraim,  be- 
tween him  and  Judah.  The  situation  of  this  terri- 
tory was  highly  favorable.  It  fonned  almost  a 
parallelogram,  of  about  twentj-six  miles  in  length 
by  twelve  in  breadth.  Its  E.  boundary  was  the  Jor- 
dan, and  from  thence  it  extended  to  the  wooded 
district  of  Kirjath-jearim,  about  eight  miles  W.  of 
Jerusalem,  while  in  the  other  direction  it  stretched 
from  the  valley  of  Hinnom,  under  the  "  Shoulder  of 
the  Jebusite"  (A.V.  "side  of  Jebusi")on the  S.,  to 
Bethel  on  the  N.  Thus  Dan  Intervened  between  Ben- 
jamin and  the  Philistines,  while  the  communications 
with  the  valley  of  the  Jordan  were  in  their  own 
power.  On  the  S.  the  territory  ended  abruptly  with 
the  steep  slopes  of  the  hill  of  Jerusalem, — on  the 
N.  it  melted  imperceptibly  into  the  possessions  of 
the  friendly  Ephraim.  The  smallness  of  this  district 
(=less  than  one-fourth  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island) 
was,  according  to  Josephus,  compensated  for  by  the 
excellence  of  the  land. — (1.)  The  general  level  of 
this  part  of  Palestine  is  very  high,  not  less  than 
2,000  feet  above  the  maritime  plain  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean on  the  one  side,  or  than  3,000  feet  above  Ihe 
deep  valley  of  the  Jordan  on  the  other ;  and  besides, 
this  general  level  or  plateau  is  surmounted,  in  this 
district,  by  a  large  number  of  eminences,  almost 
every  one  of  which  has  borne  some  part  in  the  his- 
toryof  the  tribe. — (2.)  No  less  important  than  these 
eminences  are  the  torrent-beds  and  ravines  by  which 
the  upper  country  breaks  down  into  the  deep  tracts 
on  each  side  of  it.  They  formed  then,  as  they  do 
still,  the  only  mode  of  access  from  the  plains  of 
Philistia  and  Sharon  on  the  W.,  or  the  deep  valley 
of  the  Jordan  on  the  E. — Tlie  passes  on  the  E.  side 
are  much  more  difficult  and  intricate  than  those  on 
the  W.  The  principal  one,  which,  now  unfrequented, 
was  doubtless  in  ancient  times  the  main  ascent  to 
the  interior,  leaves  the  Arabah  behind  the  site  of 
Jericho,  and  breaking  through  the  barren  hills  with 
many  a  wild  bend  and  steep  slope,  extends  to  and  in- 
deed beyond  the  very  central  ridge  of  the  table-land 
of  Benjamin,  to  the  foot  of  the  eminence  on  which 


BEN 


BER 


113 


stand  the  ruins  of  Birch,  the  ancient  Beeroth.  Another 
of  these  passes. is  tliat  which,  since  the  time  of  our 
Saviour,  has  l)een  the  regular  road  between  Jericho 
and  Jerusalem,  the  scene  of  the  parable  of  the  Good 
Samaritan. — Such  were  the  limits  and  the  character 
of  the  possession  of  Benjamin  as  fixed  by  those  who 
originally  divided  the  land.  But  in  1  Chr.  viii.  12, 
13,  we  find  mention  of  Benjamites  wlio  built  Lod 
and  Ono,  and  of  others  who  were  founders  of  Aija- 
lon,  all  which  towns  were  beyond  the  spot  named 
above  as  the  W.  point  in  their  boundary.  These 
places  too  were  in  their  possession  after  the  return 
from  the  Captivity  (Neh.  xi.  35). — The  contrast  be- 
tween the  warlike  character  of  the  tribe  and  the 
peaceful  image  of  its  proginitor  comes  out  in  many 
scattered  notices.  Benjamin  was  the  only  tribe 
which  seems  to  have  pursued  aichcry  to  any  pur- 
])ose,  and  their  skill  in  the  bow  and  the  sliug  was 
celebrated.  Ehud  the  son  of  Gera  accomplished 
his  purpose  on  Eglon  with  less  risk,  owing  to  his 
proficiency  in  using  his  left  hand,  a  practice  appar- 
ently confined  to  Benjamites  (Judg.  iii.  16,  and  see 
XX.  16 ;  1  Chr.  xii.  2).  Baanah  and  Kechab,  "  the 
sons  of  Kimmon  the  Beerothite  of  the  children  of 
Benjamin  "  (2  Sum.  iv.  2),  are  the  only  Israelites  W. 
of  tlie  Jordan  named  in  the  whole  history  as  captains 
of  marauding  predatory  bands.  (1{oi)Bkuy  ;  Tmietes.) 
The  dreadful  deed  recorded  in  Judg.  xix.,  though 
repelled  by  the  whole  country,  was  unhesitatingly 
adopted  and  defended  by  Benjamin  with  an  obsti- 
nacy and  spirit  truly  extraordinary.  That  fright- 
ful transaction  was  indeed  a  crisis  in  the  history 
of  the  tribe :  the  six  hundred  who  took  refuge  in 
the  cliff  Rimmon  were  the  only  survivors.  A  long 
interval  must  have  elapsed  between  bo  abject  a 
condition  and  the  culminating  point  at  which  we 
next  meet  with  the  tribe.  Several  circumstances 
may  have  conduced  to  its  restoration  to  that  place 
which  it  was  now  to  assume.  The  Tabernacle 
was  at  Shiloh  in  Ephraim  during  the  time  of  the  last 
Judge ;  but  the  Ark  was  in  Benjamin  at  Kirjath- 
jearim.  Ramali,  the  official  residence  of  Samuel, 
and  containing  a  sanctuary  greatly  frequented  (1 
Sam.  ix.  12,  &c.), — Mizpeh,  where  the  great  assem- 
blies of  "  all  Israel "  were  held  (vii.  5), — Bethel,  per- 
haps the  most  ancient  of  all  the  sanctuaries  of  Pales- 
tine, and  (jibeon,  "the  great  high  place"  (1  K.  iii.  4), 
were  all  in  the  land  of  Benjamin.  The  people  who 
resorted  to  these  various  places  must  gradually  have 
been  accustomed  to  associate  the  tribe  with  power 
and  sanctity.  The  struggles  and  contest  which  fol- 
lowed Paul's  death  arose  from  the  natural  unwilling- 
ness of  the  tribe  to  relin(iuish  its  position  at  the 
head  of  the  nation,  especially  in  favor  of  Judah. 
Had  it  been  Ephraim,  the  case  might  have  been  dif- 
ferent, but  Judah  had  as  yet  no  connection  with  the 
house  of  Joseph,  and  was  besides  the  tribe  of  David, 
whom  Saul  had  pursued  with  such  unrelenting  en- 
mity. The  tact  and  sound  sense  of  Abner,  however, 
succeeded  in  overcoming  these  diflSculties.  Still  the 
insults  of  Shimei  and  the  insurrection  of  Sheba  are 
indications  that  the  soreness  still  existed,  and  we  do 
not  hear  of  any  cordial  cooperation  or  firm  union 
between  the  two  tribes  until  the  disruption  of  the 
kingdoms  (1  K.  xii.  21  ;  2  Chr.  xi.  1).  The  alliance 
was  further  strengthened  by  a  covenant  solemnly 
undertaken  (xv.  9),  and  by  the  employment  of  Ben- 
jamites in  high  positions  in  the  army  of  Judah  (xvii. 
17).  But  what  al)Ove  all  must  have  contributed  to 
strengthen  the  alliance  was  the  fact  that  the  Temple 
was  the  common  property  of  both  tribes.  Hence- 
forward the  history  of  Benjamin  becomes  merged  in 
8 


that  of  the  S.  kingdom.  (Jcdah,  Kingdom  of.) 
Not  only  Sacl  2,  the  king,  but  Mordecai  and  Esther 
and  Saul  ("  who  also  is  called  Paul  ")  the  apostle, 
were  Benjamites. — 2.  A  man  of  the  tribe  of  Ben- 
jamin, son  of  Bilhan,  and  the  head  of  a  family 
of  warriors  (1  Chr.  vii.  10). — 3,  A  son  of  Harim 
in  Ezra's  time,  husband  of  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x. 
32). — 1.  A  contemporary  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  23, 
xii.  34). 

BeDJa-min,  Gate  of,  a  gate  on  the  N.  side  of  Jeru- 
salem ;  probably  =:  the  gate  of  Ephraim  (so  Ges.) 
(Jer.  xxxvii.  13,  xxxviii.  7;  Zech.  xiv.  10).  "The 
high  gate  of  Benjamin"  (Jor.  xx.  2)  may  have  been 
a  corresponding  gate  of  the  temple  (compare  2  K. 
XV.  35),  (Henderson  on  Jcr.  I.  c). 

*Bcn'J8-mite  (for  Berjaminite;  fr.  Heb.)  =  de- 
scendant of  Benjamin  1  (Judg.  iii.  15,  xix.  16 ;  1 
Sam.  ix.  1,  4,  21,  &c.). 

Be'no  (Heb.  his  son),  a  Levite  of  the  sons  of  Merari 
(1  Chr.  xxiv.  26,  27). 

Ben-o'ni  (Heb.  son  of  my  sorrow,  A.  V.  marg.,  or 
son  of  my  strength,  i.  e.  of  my  last  cftort,  Hiller),  the 
name  given  by  the  dying  Rachel  to  her  newly-boin 
son,  but  changed  by  his  father  into  Benjamin  (Gen. 

XXXT.   18). 

Ben-zo'helh  (Heb.  son  of  Zohelh),  a  name  occur- 
ring among  the  descendants  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  20). 

Be  on  (Heb.),  a  place  on  the  E.  of  Jordan  (Num. 
xxxil.  3),  doubtless  a  contraction  of  Baal-meox  (com- 
pare ver.  38). 

Be'or  (Heb.  torch,  lamp,  Ges.).  1.  Father  of  the 
Edomile  king  Bela  2  (Gen.  xxxvL  32  ;  1  Chr.  i.  43). 
— 2.  Father  of  Balaam  (Num.  xxii.  5,  xxiv.  3,  15, 
xxxi.  8  ;  Deut.  xxiii.  4  ;  Josh.  xiii.  22,  xxiv.  9;  Mic. 
vi.  6) ;  =  No.  1  ? ;  called  Bosor  in  the  N.  T. 

Bera  (Heb.  son  of  evil,  Ges.),  king  of  Sodcm  at 
the  invasion  of  Ghedorlaomer  (Gen.  xiv.  2 ;  also  17 
and  21). 

Ber'a-thah  [-kah]  (Heb.  blessing,  Ges.),  a  Benja- 
mite,  who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  3). 

Ber'a-tbah  [kah]  (Heb.  blessing),  Val'ley  of,  a  val- 
ley so  named  because  there  Jehoshaphal  and  his 
people  assembled  to  "bless"  Jehovah  after  the 
overthrow  of  the  hosts  of  Moabites,  Ammonites,  and 
Mehunira,  who  had  come  against  them  (2  Chr.  xx. 
26).  Tlie  name  of  Bereikut  (probably  =  Beraehah) 
is  now  at'.aelied  to  ruins  in  a  valley  of  the  same  name 
lying  between  Tekoa  and  the  main  road  from  Bethle- 
hem to  Hebron. 

Ber-a-ehi'ali  [-ki-]  (fr.  Heb.  =  Berechiaii),  a  Gcr- 
shonite  Levite  ( 1  Chr.  vi.  39) ;  =  Berechiaii  6. 

Be-rai'ah  or  Ber-a-i'th  (Heb.  whom  Jehovah  cre- 
ated, Ges.),  a  Benjamite  chief,  son  of  Shimhi  (1  Chr. 
viii.  21). 

Be-re'»  (L.  Beraa,  fr.  Gr.  Beroia  ;  named  from  the 
abundance  of  its  waters  ?  Conyb.  and  H.  i.  339). 
I.  A  city  of  Macedonia,  to  which  St.  Paul  retired  with 
Silas  and  Tiniotheus,  in  the  course  of  his  first  visit 
to  Europe,  on  being  persecuted  in  Thessalonica,  and 
from  which,  on  being  again  persecuted  by  emissaries 
from  Thessalonica,  he  withdrew  to  the  sea  for  the 
purpose  of  proceeding  to  Athens  (Acts  xvii.  10  fl'.). 
The  community  of  Jews  must  have  been  considerable 
in  Berea,  and  their  character  is  described  in  very  fa- 
vorable terms  (11).  Sopater,  one  of  St.  Paul's  mis- 
sionary companions,  was  from  Berea  (Acts  xx.  4). 
Berea,  now  Verria  or  Kara  ■  Verria,  is  forty-five 
miles  W.  S.W.  from  Thessalonica,  on  the  E.  slope  of 
the  Olympian  mountain-range,  commanding  an  exten- 
sive view  of  the  plain  of  the  Axiua  and  Haliacmon, 
and  had  in  1864  about  six  thousand  inhabitants, 
one-quarter  Turks,  about  two  hundred  Jews,  and  the 


Hi 


BER 


BES 


rest  Greeka  (Rev.  E.  M.  Dodd  in  B.  S.  xi.  883).  A  few 
ancient  remains,  Greeli,  Roman,  and  Byzantine,  still 
exist  here. — 2,  A  city  of  Syria,  the  modern  Alepjm 
(2  Mc.  xiii.  4). — 3,  A  place  in  Judea,  apparently  not 
very  far  from  Jerusalem  (1  Mc.  ix.  4). 

Ber-C-chi'ah  [-ki-]  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  hath 
blessed,  Ges.).  1.  Son  of  Zerubbabel  (1  Chr.  iii.  20). 
— 2.  Father  of  Meshullam  13  (Neh.  iii.  4,  30;  vi. 
18).— 3.  A  Levite  of  the  line  of  Elkanah  (1  Chr.  ix. 
16). — 4.  A  doorkeeper  for  the  ark  (1  Chr.  xv.  23). 
— 3>  A  prince  of  Ephraim  in  Pekah's  reit;n,  who  with 
others  succored  the  captives  from  Judah  (2  Chr. 
xxviii.  12). — 6i  Father  of  Asaph  the  singer  (1  Chr. 
XV.  17);  =  Berachiah. — 7.  Father  of  Zechariah  the 
prophet  (Zech.  i.  1,  7). 

Be'red  (Heb.  hail,  Ges.).  !•  A  place  in  the  S.  of 
Palestine,  between  which  and  Kadesh  lay  the  well 
Lahai-roi  (Gen.  xvi.  14);  according  to  some  =  Elusa, 
now  el-Khulasah  (Betiiul). — 2.  A  son  or  descendant 
of  Ephraim  (1  Chr.  vii.  20) ;  supposed  by  Lord  A.  C. 
Hervey  =  Becher  (?). 

Ber-e-nl'ce  =  Bernice. 

Be'rl  (Heb.  =  Beeri,  Ges.),  son  of  Zophah,  of  the 
tribe  of  Ashei-  (1  Chr.  vii.  36). 

Be-ri'ah  (Heb.  in  evil,  or  a  gift ;  see  below).  1. 
San  of  Asher  (Gen.  xlvi.  17 ;  Num.  xxvi.  44,  45), 
from  whom  descended  the  "  family  of  the  Beriites  " 
(44). — 2.  Son  of  Ephraim,  so  named  on  account  of 
the  state  of  his  father's  house  when  he  was  bom 
(see  1  Chr.  vii.  20-23).  This  notice  refers  to  a  period 
of  Hebrew  history,  respecting  which  the  Bible  affords 
us  no  other  like  information — the  time  between  Ja- 
cob's death  and  the  beginning  of  the  oppression. 
Apparently  some  of  Ephraira's  sons  had  attained  to 
manhood,  and  the  Hebrews  were  still  free.  (SnuxnE- 
LAH.)  The  men  of  Gath  were  probably  born  in  the 
E.  part  of  Lower  Egypt,  if  not  in  Goshen  itself.  At 
this  time  very  many  foreigners  must  have  been  set- 
tled in  Egypt  (compare  Gen.  xlvi.  34).  Or  these  men 
of  Gath  may  have  been  mercenaries  like  the  Chere- 
thim  (in  Egyptian  SJuiyratana,  see  Pelethites),  who 
were  in  the  Egyptian  service  at  a  later  time,  as  in 
David's,  and  to  whom  lands  were  probably  allotted 
as  to  the  native  army. — %,  A  Benjaraite.  He  and 
his  brother  Shema  were  ancestors  of  tlie  inhabitants 
of  Ajalon,  and  expelled  the  inhabitanta  of  Gath  (1 
Chr.  viii.  13,  16). — t,  A  Gerslionite  Levite,  son  of 
Shimei(l  Chr.  xxiii.  10,  11). 

Be-ri'ites  (fr.  Heb.)  =  descendants  of  Bkriah  1. 

Be'rites  (Heb.  Berim  ^=  wells,  a  place  or  district, 
Ges. ;  or  descendants  of  Beri  ?),  tlie,  =  a  tribe  or 
people  named  with  Abel  and  Beth-maachali — and 
therefore  doubtless  situated  in  the  N.  of  Palestine — 
mentioned  only  as  vi-iited  by  Joab  in  his  pursuit  after 
Sheba  the  son  of  Bichri  (2  Sam.  xx.  14). 

Be'rith,  the  god  (Judg.  ix.  46)  =  Baal-Berith. 
See  under  Baal  1. 

Ber-ni'ce  [as  an  Eng.  word  usually  pron.  ber'nis] 
(L.  fr.  Gr.  =  carrying  off  victory,  victorious,  L.  &  S.), 
also  written  Berenice,  eldest  daughter  of  Herod 
Agrippa  I.  Slie  was  first  married  to  her  uncle 
Herod,  king  of  Chalcis,  and  after  his  death  (a.  d.  48) 
she  lived  under  circumstances  of  great  suspicion  with 
her  own  brother  Agrippa  n.,in  connection  with  whom 
Bhe  is  mentioned  (Acts  xxv.  13,  23,  xxvi.  30)  as  hav- 
ing visited  Featus  on  his  appointment  as  Procurator 
of  Judea.  She  was  a  second  time  married,  to  Pole- 
mon,  king  of  Cilicia,  but  soon  left  him,  and  returned 
to  her  brother.  She  afterward  became  the  mistress 
of  Vespasian,  and  of  his  son  Tilus. 

Be-ro'daeh-Bara-dnn  [-dak]  (Heb.)  =  Merodach- 
Baladan  (2  K.  XX.  12). 


Be'roth  (1  Esd.  v.  19)  =  Bkeroth. 

Be-ro'tiiah  (Heb.  wells,  Fii.),  Be-rd'thai  (Heb.  my 
wells,  Ges. ;  wells  of  Jehovah,  Sim. ;  the  deity  wor- 
shipped in  the  cypress,  Fii.).  The  first  of  these  two 
names,  each  of  which  occurs  once  only,  is  given  (Ez. 
xlvii.  16)  in  connection  with  Hamath  and  Damascus 
as  forming  part  of  the  N.  boundary  of  the  promised 
land.  The  second  is  mentioned  (2  Sam.  viii.  8)  as  a 
city  of  Zobah  taken  by  David,  also  in  connection  with 
Hamath  and  Damascus.  The  well-known  city  Beirut 
(ancient  Berytus)  naturally  suggests  itself  as  identi- 
cal with  one  at  least  of  the  names  ;  but  in  each  in- 
stance the  circumstances  of  the  case  seem  to  require 
a  position  further  E.  Fiirst  regards  Bei'Otliah  and  Be- 
rothai  as  distinct  places,  and  makes  Berothah  =  Be- 
rytus. Van  de  Velde  suggests  Tell  el-Byrut/i,  be- 
tween Tadmor  and  Hamath  (Kitto). 

Be-rotb'itc,  the  (1  Chr.  xi.  39)  =  one  from  Bercth 
or  Beerotii. 

*  Ber'rics  are  mentioned  in  the  A.  V.  only  in  Is. 
xvii.  6  and  Jas.  iii.  12  as  the  fruit  of  the  olive-tree. 
Olive. 

Bcr'ji  (Heb.  tarshish,  supposed  to  be  named  fr. 
Tarshish),  occurs  in  Ex.  xxviii.  20,  xxxix.  13  ;  Cant. 
V.  14;  Ez.  i.  16,  X.  9,  xxviii.  13  (marg.  chrysolite); 
Dan.  X.  6.  There  is  little  or  nothing  in  these  passages 
to  lead  us  to  any  satisfactory  conclusion  as  to  its  iden- 
tity, except  in  Cant.  v.  14  :  "  His  hands  are  orbs  of 
gold  adorned  with  the  tarshish  stone  "  (A.  V.  "  gold 
rings  set  with  the  beryl").  The  orbs  or  rings  of 
gold  refer  not  to  rings  on  the  fingers,  but  to  tlie 
fingers  themselves,  as  they  gently  press  upon  the 
thumb  and  thus  form  the  figure  of  an  orb  or  a  ring. 
The  latter  part  is  the  causal  expletive  of  the  former. 
In  this  passage  not  only  are  the  hands  called  orbs 
of  gold,  but  the  reason  why  they  are  thus  called  is 
immediately  added — specially  on  account  of  the  beau- 
tiful chrysolites  with  which  tlie  hands  were  adorned. 
Pliny  says  of  the  ancient  chrysolite,  "  it  is  a  trans- 
parent stone  with  a  refulgence  like  that  of  gold." 
Since  then  the  golden  stone  (  =  chrysolite)  is  admir- 
ably suited  to  the  above  passage  in  Canticles,  the 
ancient  chrysolite,  which  is  the  modern  yellow  topaz, 
appears,  to  have  a  better  claim  than  any  other  gem 
to  represent  the  Heb.  tarshish. — The  Greek  berullos, 
from  wliich  "  beryl "  is  derived,  is  found  in  Tob.  xiii. 
17  and  Rev.  xxi.  20.  Tob.  xiii.  17  declares  "  the 
streets  of  Jerusalem  shall  be  paved  with  beryl  and 
carbuncle  and  stones  of  Opliir."  In  Rev.  xxi.  20 
"  beryl "  is  the  eighth  foundation  of  the  wall  of  the 
New  Jerusalem.  The  beryl  is  identical  with  the 
emerald  except  in  its  color,  which  is  green  or  blu- 
ish-green. 

Ber-ze'Ins  (1  Esd.  v.  38)  =  Barzillai  1. 

Be'sai  (Heb.  fr.  Sansc.  =  victor;/?  Ges.),  ancestor 
of  certain  Xethinim  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ezr.  ii.  49;  Neh.  vii.  62).     Bastai. 

*  Be-siegcd'  Pla'eeSi  The  Heb.  mdlsdr,  thus  trans- 
lated in  2  K.  xix.  24  and  Is.  xxvii.  35,  also  trans- 
lated "defence"  in  Is.  xix.  6,  and  "fortified  cities" 
in  Mic.  vii.  12,  is  supposed  =  Mizraim,  i.  e.  Egypt 
(Boch.,  Ges.,  Keil,  &c.).     FExcEn  City. 

Bes-o-dei'ah  [-deeyah]  ((r.  Heb.  =  »«  the  intimacy 
of  Jehovah,  i.  e.  confidant  of  Jehovah,  Ges.),  father 
of  Meshullam  14  (Neh  iii.  6). 

*  Be'som  [-zum],  a  broom  or  brush  of  twigs,  used 
figuratively  in  Is.  xiv.  23.  The  instrument  is  men- 
tioned in  this  passage  only,  but  sweeping  is  spoken 
of  in  Mat.  xii.  44 ;  Lk.  xi.  25,  xv.  8. 

Be'sor  (Heb.  cool,  cold,  Ges.),  the  brook,  a  torrent- 
bed  or  wady  in  the  extreme  S.  of  Judah  (1  Sam.  xxx. 
9,  10,  21  only).     It  must  have  been  S.  of  Ziklag,  and 


BES 

is  supposed  (Rbn.  Phys.  Geog.  121-3)  =  Wady  Ar'd- 
rah  running  from  Ar'arah  (Aroer  4)  to  Bcer-sheba. 

•  B«-stead'  [-sled],  an  old  Englisii  word  com- 
pounded of  the  prefix  be  and  sUad,  i.  e.  ptace ;  com- 
pare belated,  bemglited,  beslowed,  bewiuhed,  &c. 
"Hardly  bestead"  (Is.  viii.  21)  =  in  a  utate  of 
hareUhip,  in  didreaed  circumstances,  afflicted,  op- 
pressed. 

'  Be-st»w'  [-sto],  to,  in  the  A.  V.,  as  now,  =  to 
give,  grant,  or  confer  (Ex.  xxxii.  29,  &c.) ;  also  lu  slow 
uicai/  or  lai/  up  in  store,  to  deposit  or  store  (2  K.  v. 
24;  Lk.  xi'i.  17,  18,  &c.). 

Be'Uh  ( Ueb.  trust,  confidence,  Ges.),  a  city  belon"- 
ing  to  Hadadezer,  king  of  Zobah,  mentioned  with 
Btrothai  (2  S&tp.  viii.  8);  =  Tiehath  ;  site  un- 
known. 

Bet'a-ne  (Gr.),  a  place  appan-ntly  S.  of  Jerusalem 
(Jd.  i.  9);  possibly  =z  Belhanin  of  Eusebius,  two 
miles  from  the  Terebinth  or  Oak  of  Abraham  and 
four  from  Hebron.  This  has  been  variously  identi- 
fied with  Betharath,  Bethainum  (Bktii-anoth),  and 
Betaneh  or  Ecbataua  in  Syria,  placed  by  Pliny  on 
Carmel. 

Be'ten  (Heb.  belly,  perhaps  =  valley,  Ge?.),  a  city 
on  the  boi-dcr  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  25);  identified  by 
Eusebius  with  a  place  then  called  Bebeten,  eight 
miles  E.  of  Ptoleraais. 

Bifth,  the  English  form  of  the  Heb.  beyih,  from 
bayith,  which  is  the  most  general  Hebrew  word  for 
a  bouse  or  habitation.  Strictly  speaking  it  has  the 
force  of  a  settled  dwelling,  as  in  Gen.  xxxiil.  17, 
where  the  building  of  a  "house"  marks  the  termina- 
tion of  a  stage  of  Jacol>'s  wanderings  ;  but  it  is  also 
employed  for  a  dwelling  of  any  kind,  even  for  a  tent, 


BET 


115 


as  in  Gen.  xxiv.  32,  Judg.  xviii.  31,  1  Sam.  i.  7. 
From  this  general  force  the  transition  was  natural  to 
a  "house"  in  the  sense  of  a  family.  Like  ^t'des  in 
Latin  and  Dom  in  German,  Beth  has  the  special 
meaning  of  a  temple  or  house  of  worship.  Beth  is 
not  found  in  the  A.  V.,  except  (1.)  as  the  name  of 
the  second  letter  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  (Fs.  cxix. ; 
Number;  Writing),  and  (2.)  in  combination  with 
other  words  to  form  the  names  of  places  (see  below). 

Beth-ab'a-ra  (Gr.  fr.  Hel).  =  house  of  the  ford  or 
ferry),  a  place  beyond  Jordan,  in  which,  according 
to  the  Received  Text  of  the  N.  T.,  John  was  baptiz- 
ing (Jn.  i.  28),  apparently  at  the  time  that  he  bap- 
tized Christ  (compare  ver.  29,  39,  So).  If  this  read- 
ing be  correct,  Bethabara  may  =  Beth-baeah  (Ubn. 
riiys.  Geog.  168  ;  V.  de  V.  ii.  271),  or  =  Bethnim- 
RAH  (Mr.  Grove).  But  the  olc'est  MSS.  (A  B,  see 
New  Testa.ment)  and  the  Vulgate  have  in  Jn.  1.  28 
not  Bethabara  but  Bethany. 

B«th'-a-nath  ( L.  fr.  Heb.  =  hoiise  cf  response,  per- 
haps, of  echo,  Ges.),  one  of  the  "  fenced  cities  "  of 
Naphtali,  named  with  Betli-shemesh  (Josh.  xix.  88); 
from  neither  of  them  were  the  Canaanites  expelled 
(Judg.  i.  33).  It  Is  supposed  =  the  modern  village 
Min'a/a,  a  half  hour  north  of  Bint  Jebail,  between 
Tyre  and  the  waters  of  Merom  (Thn.  i.  315  ;  V. 
de  V.  i.  170). 

Bcth'-a-n«tb  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  Beth-anath,  Ges.), 
a  town  in  the  mountainous  di.strict  of  Judah,  named 
with  Halhul,  Beth-zur,  &c.,  in  Josh.  xv.  59  only; 
probably  at  the  ruins  called  Biit-'ainim,  between 
Hebron  and  Haliiul ;  compare  Beiaxe. 

Betb'a-ny  (fr.  Aram.  =  house  of  dales,  Lightfoot, 
iieland).     I,  A  village  intimately  associated  with  the 


Betkuiy.— (Fhim  SmlUil  SmaUer  DIeUoiiu;.) 


most  familiar  acts  and  scenes  of  the  last  dava  of  the 
life  of  Christ  Here  He  raised  Lazarcs  from  the 
dead ;  from  Bethany  He  commenced  His  triumphal 
enti7  into  Jerusalem ;  at  Bethany  was  His  nightly 
TCsting-place  during  the  time  immediatelv  preceding 
His  passion;  here  at  the  houses  of  Martha  and 
Mart  and  of  Simon  the  Leper  we  are  admitted  to 
view  Him,  more  nearly  than  elsewhere,  in  the  circle 


of  His  domestic  life ;  somewhere  here,  on  these 
wooded  slopes  beyond  the  ridge  of  Olivet,  the 
apostles  stood  when  "  He  was  parted  from  thcuj, 
and  carried  up  into  heaven  "(Mat.  xxi.,  xxvi. ;  Mk. 
xi.,  xiv. ;  Lk.  xix.,  ixiv. ;  Jn.  xi.,  xii.).  Bethany  was 
situated  "  at  "  the  Mount  of  Olives  (Mk.  xi.  1  ;  Lk. 
xix.  29),  about  fifteen  stadia  (A.  V.  "furlongs") 
from  Jerusalem  (Jn.  xi.  18),  on  or  near  the  usual 


116 


BET 


BET 


road  from  Jevicho  to  the  city  (Lk.  six.  29,  compare 
1  ;  Mk.  xi.  1,  compare  x.  40),  and  dose  by  and  W.  (?) 
of  Bethphage,  the  two  being  several  times  mentioned 
together. — There  never  appears  to  have  been  any 
doubt  as  to  the  site  of  Bethany,  which  is  now  known 
by  a  name  derived  from  Lazarus — el-' Azarii/eh  or 
Lazarieh.  It  lies  on  tlie  E.  slope  of  the  Mount  of 
Olives,  fully  one  mile  beyond  the  summit,  and  not 
very  far  from  the  point  at  which  the  road  to  Jericho 
liegins  its  more  sudden  descent  toward  the  Jordan 
valley. — EP Azarlyeh  is  a  ruinous  and  wretched  vil- 
lage, a  wild  mountain  hamlet  of  some  twenty  fam- 
ilies. In  the  village  are  shown  the  traditional  sites 
of  the  liouse  and  tomb  of  Lazarus,  and  of  the  house 
of  Simon  the  leper. — 2,  (fr.  Ileb. ;  see  above ;  house 
of  shijiping,  Tboluck;  boat-house,  Fbn.).  A  place 
beyond  Jordan,  known  only  from  Jn.  i.  28.     Beth- 

ABARA. 

Beth-ar'a-bah  (fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  the  desert),  one 
of  the  six  cities  of  Judah  in  the  Arabaii  (Josh.  xv. 
61),  on  the  N.  border  of  the  tribe,  and  apparently 
between  Beth-l\oglah  and  the  high  land  W.  of  the 
Jordan  valley  (xv.  6) ;  also  included  in  the  hst  of 
the  towns  of  Benjamin  (xviii.  22). 

B*th-a'ram  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =:  honse  of  the  height,  or 
mountain-hotise.  Ges.),  a  town  of  Gad,  E.  of  tlis  Jor- 
dan, in  "  the  Valley  "  1  (Josh.  xiii.  27),  and  no 
doubt  =  Beth-harajj.  Eusebius  and  Jerome  report 
that  in  their  day  its  appellation  was  Bethramphtha, 
and  that,  in  honor  of  Augustus,  Herod  had  named  it 
Libias.  Josephus  says  that  Herod  (Antipas),  on 
taking  possession  of  liis  tetrarchy,  fortified  Seppho- 
ris  and  the  city  of  Betharamplitha,  building  a  wall 
round  the  latter,  and  calling  it  Julias  in  honor  of  the 
emperor's  wife  (viz.  Julia;  previously  called  Livia). 
Jerome  describes  it  as  between  Jericho  and  Heshbon, 
and  it  is  said  there  are  ruins  er-Ram  a  few  miles  E. 
of  Jordan  in  this  direction  (Ptr.  in  Kit.).     Beth- 

JESIIIMOTH.  ' 

Beth-ar'bel  (fr.  Heb.  =  hmse  of  God's  ambush, 
Ges.),  the  scene  of  a  sack  and  massacre  by  Shalman 
or  Shalmaneser  (Hos.  x.  14);  supposed  =  the  an- 
cient stronghold  of  Arbela  in  Galilee  (so  Gesenius, 
Robinson,  &c.),  or   an  Arbela   near  Bella  (so  Hit- 

Beth-a'ven  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  naught,  i.  e.  bad- 
vess),  a  place  on  the  mountains  of  Benjamin,  E.  of 
Bethel  (Josh.  vii.  2,  xviii.  12),  and  lying  between 
that  place  and  Michmash  (1  Sam.  xiii.  5,  xiv.  23). 
In  Hos.  iv.  15,  v.  8,  x.  5,  the  name  is  transferred, 
with  a  play  on  the  word  very  characteristic  of  this 
prophet,  to  the  neighboring  Bethel — once  the  "  house 
of  God,"  but  then  the  house  of  idols,  of  "  naught." 

Beth-az-ma'TCth  (fr.  Heb. ;  see  Azmaveth)  (Neh. 
vii.  28  only)  =  Azmateth,  and  Betiisamos. 

Beth-ba'al-me'on  (fr.  Heb. ;  see  Baal-meon,  under 
Baal),  a  city  of  Keuben,  on  the  "  plai.n  "  4,  E.  of 
Jordan  (Josh.  xiii.  17);  =  Baal-Meon,  Beon,  and 
Beth-meon.     See  Baal-meon,  under  Baal,  Geog.,  9. 

Beth-ba'rah  (fr.  Heb.  =  hovae  of  passage,  or  ojf  the 
ford),  named  only  in  Judg.  vii.  24,  as  a  point  ap- 
parently S.  of  the  scene  of  Gideon's  victory.  Beth- 
barah  derives  its  chief  interest  from  the  possibility 
that  its  more  modem  representative  may  have  been 
Bethabara  where  John  baptized.  It  was  probably 
the  chief  ford  of  the  district. 

Beth-ba'si  (fr.  a  Gr.  form  of  Heb.  ?),  a  town  in 
which  Jonathan  and  Simon  Maccabeus  took  refuge 
from  Bacchidcs  (1  Me.  ix.  62,  64);  probably  in  tlie 
Jordan  valley  not  far  from  Jericho ;  possibly  =  "  the 
valley  of  Keziz." 

BetU-bir'e-l  (fr.  Heb.   =  house  of  my  creation, 


Ges.),  a  toivn  of  Simeon  (1  Ciir.  iv.  31),  apparently  = 
Beth-lebaoth. 

Betll'-«ar  (fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  lambs;  house  of 
■pasture,  Ges.),  a  place  named  as  the  point  to  which 
the  Israelites  pursued  the  Philistines  (1  Sam.  viL 
11);  perhaps  at  the  ruined  village  Beit-far  about 
three  miles  N.  W.  of  'Ain-Shems  or  Beth-shemesh 
(Ptr.  in  Kit.).  Josephus  says  that  the  stone  Ebese- 
ZER  was  set  up  here. 

Beth-da'gan  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  house  o/'Dagon).  1,  A 
city  in  the  low  country  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  41),  and 
therefore  not  for  from  the  Philistine  territory,  with 
which  its  name  implies  a  connection.  Caphardagon 
existed  as  a  very  large  village  between  Diospolis 
(Lydda)  and  Jamnia  in  the  time  of  Jerome.  A  place 
called  Beit  Dfjan  has  been  found '  between  Lydda 
and  Jaft'a  (Kbn.  iii.  298),  but  this  appears  too  far  N. 
(see  No.  3). — 2.  A  town,  apparently  near  the  coast, 
on  the  boundary  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  27);  probably 
a  Philistine  colonv. — 3>  A  house  or  temple  of  Dagou 
at  Ashdod  (1  Mc.  x.  83,  84).  Dr.  P.  Holmes  (in 
Kitto)  supposes  this  Beth-dagon  a  city,  perhaps  = 
Caphardagon  and  Beit  Dijan  (see  No.  1  above). 

Betb-dib-la-tha'im  (fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  the  double 
cake,  sc.  of  figs),  a  town  of  Moab  (Jer.  xlviii.  22) ; 
apparently  =  Almox-Diblatiiaim. 

*  Beth-e'dcn  (fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  pleasaniness, 
Ges.)  (Am.  i.  5,  marg.).     Eden  3. 

*  Beth-eked  (Heb.)  =  "  Siiearing-IIouse." 
Bcth'-el  (fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  God).  I.  A  well- 
known  city  and  holy  place  in  central  Palestine. 
Jacob  twice  solemnly  gave  this  name  after  his  meet- 
ing with  God.  (1.)  Under  the  awe  inspired  by  the 
nocturnal  vision  of  God,  when  on  his  journey  from 
his  father's  house  at  Beer-sheba  to  seek  his  wife  in 
Haran  (Gen.  xxviii.  19).  This  verse  indicates  a  dis- 
tinction between  the  early  Canaanite  "  city  "  Liz, 
and  the  "place,"  as  yet  marked  only  by  the  "stone," 
or  the  heap  erected  by  Jacob  to  commemorate  his 
vision. — (2.)  After  Jacob's  return  from  Padan-aram, 
on  the  occasion  of  God's  blessing  him  and  confirm- 
ing to  him  the  name  of  Israel  (xxxv.  14,  15). — In 
xii.  8,  the  name  of  Bethel  is  given  to  this  spot  by 
anticipation  (so  Bush,  Kitto,  &c.)  in  narrating  the 
removal  of  Abram  from  the  oaksof  Moreh  to  "  '  the' 
mountain  on  the  E.  of  Bethel,"  with  "  Bethel  on  the 
W.  and  Hai  on  the  E."  Here  he  built  an  altar;  and 
hither  he  returned  from  Egypt  with  Lot  before  their 
separation  (xiii.  3,  4). — No  mention  is  made  in  the 
above  narratives  of  any  town  or  buildings  at  Bethel 
at  that  early  period,  and  a  marked  distinction  is 
drawn  in  them  between  the  "city"  of  Lnz  and  the 
consecrated  "  place  "'  in  its  neighborhood  (compare 
xxxv.  7).  In  the  ancient  chronicles  of  the  conquest 
the  two  are  still  distinguished  (Josh.  xvi.  1,  2);  ami 
the  appropriation  of  the  name  of  Bethel  to  t)ie 
city  appears  not  to  have  been  made  till  it  was  taken 
by  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  ;  after  which  the  name  of 
Luz  occurs  no  more  (Judg.  i.  22-26). — After  the  con- 
quest Bethel  is  frequently  heard  of.  In  the  troubled 
times  when  there  was  no  king  in  Israel,  the  peo|)lo 
went  up  in  their  distress  to  Bethel  to  ask  counsel  of 
God  (xx.  18,  26,  31,  xxi.  2;  A.  V.  "house  of  God''). 
Heie  was  the  ark  of  the  covenant  under  the  charge 
of  Aaron's  grandson  Phinehas  (xx.  26-28,  xxi.  4); 
and  the  mention  of  a  regular  road  or  causeway  be- 
tween it  and  the  great  town  of  Shechem  is  doubtle.-'s 
an  indication  that  it  was  already  in  much  repute. 
Later  we  find  it  named  as  one  of  the  holy  cities  to 
which  Samuel  went  in  circuit  (1  Sam.  vii.  16).  Here 
Jeroboam  placed  one  of  the  two  calves  of  gold 
(Calf  ;    Idolatry),   and   built  a   "  house   of  higb 


BET 


BET 


117 


places  "  and  an  altar  of  incense,  by  which  he  him- 
self stood  to  bum  (1  K.  xll.  29  IF.);  as  we  see  him 
in  the  familiar  picture  of  1  K.  xiii.  Toward  the  end 
of  Jeroboam's  life  Bethel  fell  into  the  hands  of  Ju- 
dah  (■>  Chr.  xiii.  19).  Elijah  visited  Betliel,  and  we 
bear  of  "  sons  of  the  prophets  "  resident  there  (2  K. 
ii.  2,  3),  two  facts  apparently  incompatible  witli  the 
active  existence  of  the  calf-worship.  The  mention  of 
the  bears  so  close  to  the  town  (iii.  23,  25),  looks  too 
as  if  the  neighborhood  were  not  much  frequented 
at  that  time.  But,  after  the  destruction  of  the  Baal 
wort^hip  by  Jehu,  Bethel  comes  once  more  into  view 
(x.  29).  Under  the  descendants  of  this  king  the 
place  and  the  worship  must  have  greatly  Oourished, 
for  by  the  time  of  Jeroboam  II.  the  rude  village  was 
again  a  royal  residence  with  a  "  king's  liouse  "  (Am. 
vii.  13)  and  altars  (iii.  14).  (Aiios.}— How  this  pros- 
perity came  to  its  doom  we  are  not  told.  After  the 
desolation  of  the  N.  kingdom  by  the  king  of  As- 
syria, Bethel  still  remained  an  abode  of  priests,  who 
taught  the  wretched  colonists  "  how  to  fear  Jeho- 
vah," "  the  God  of  the  land  "  (2  K.  xvii.  28,  27).  In 
the  account  of  Josiah's  iconoclasm  (xxiii.)  we  catch 
one  more  glimpse  of  the  altar  of  Jeroboam,  with  its 
last  loathsome  fire  of  "  dead  men's  bones  "  burning 
upon  it.  It  is  curious  that  men  of  Bethel  and  Ai  re- 
turned with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  28;  Neh.  vii.  32); 
and  that  they  returned  to  their  ancestral  place  whilst 
continuing  their  relations  with  Nehemiah  and  the 
restored  worship  (Xeh.  xi.  31).  In  1  Esdras  the 
name  appears  as  Betolifs.  In  later  times  Bethel  is 
only  named  once,  amongst  the  strong  cities  in  Judea 
repaired  by  Bacchides  during  the  struggles  of  the 
times  of  the  Maccabees  (1  Mc.  ix.  50). — Bethel  re- 
ceives a  bare  mention  from  Eusebius  and  Jerome,  as 
twelve  miles  from  Jerusalem  on  the  right  hand  of 
the  road  to  Sichcm  ;  and  here  its  ruins  still  lie  under 
the  scarcely  altered  name  of  Beitin.  They  cover  a 
space  of  three  or  four  acres,  upon  the  front  of  a 
low  hill  between  the  heads  of  two  hollow  wadys 
which  unite  and  run  off  into  the  main  valley  ex-Su- 
tceinit.  The  round  mount  S.  E.  of  Bethel  must  be 
the  "  mountain "  on  which  Abram  built  the  altar 
(Gen.  xii.  8). — i,  A  town  in  the  S.  of  Judah,  named 
in  Josh.  xii.  16,  and  1  Sam.  xix.  27;  probably  = 
Chesii.,  Bethul,  and  Bethitel. 

Betll'-«l-lte  (fr.  Heb.)  =  one  from  Bethel.  Hiel 
the  Hcthelite  rebuilt  Jericho  (1  K.  xvi.  34). 

Betb-emek  (fr.  Heb.  =  fiouse  of  the  vallei/),  a 
place  on  or  near  the  border  of  Asher,  on  the  N.  side 
of  which  was  the  ravine  of  Jiphthah-el  (Josh.  xix. 
27).  Robinson  (iii.  103,  108)  discovered  an  'Amkah 
about  eight  miles  N.  E.  of  'Akka  ;  but  if  Jef&l  — 
Jiphthah-el,  the  site  of  Beth-cmek  must  bo  farther 
S.  than  ^Amkah. 

Be'ther  (Heb.  scclion,  i.  e.  a  region  cut  up  by 
mountains  and  valleys,  rough,  craggy,  precipitous, 
Ges.),  the  Mono'Ulns  of.  Bether  in  Cant.  ii.  17 
("  divi.sion,"  margin)  "  may  best  be  taken  as  an  appel- 
lation." (Jiec  above  from  Ges.)  If,  however,  it  be  a 
proper  name,  the  position  of  the  mountains  of  Bether 
is  utterly  unknown  (Rbn.  Pkt/t.  Oeog.  ti9). 

B»-thts'd»  [-thez-]  (fr.  Syr.  =  houst  of  mercy,  or 
fr.  Hi'b.  =  ///acf  of  Oie  flowing  of  icriter),  the  Greek 
form  of  the  Hebrew  name  of  a  reservoir  or  tank, 
whh  five  "  porches,"  close  upon  the  sheep-gate  or 
"market"  (Sheep-maiiket)  in  Jerusalem  (Jn.  v.  2). 
The  porches — i.  e.  cloisters  or  colonnades — were  ex- 
tensive enough  to  accommodate  a  large  number  of 
sick  and  infirm  people,  whose  custom  it  was  to  wait 
there  for  the  "  troubling  of  the  water."  Eusebius 
describes  it  as  existing  in  his  time  aa  two  pools,  the 


one  supplied  by  the  periodical  rains,  while  the  water 
of  the  other  was  of  a  reddish  color,  due,  as  the  tra- 
dition then  ran,  to  the  fact  that  the  flesh  of  the  sac- 
rifices was  anciently  washed  there  before  oftering. 
See,  however,  the  comments  of  Lightfoot  on  this 
view,  in  his  Exercit.  on  St.  John,  v.  2.  Eusebius's 
statement  is  partly  confirmed  by  the  Bordeaux  Pil- 
grim (a.  d.  333).  The  large  reservoir  called  the  Bir- 
ket  Israil,  within  the  walls  of  the  city,  close  by  the 
St.  Stephen's  Gate,  and  under  the  N.  E.  wall  of  the 
Haram  area,  is  generally  considered  to  be  the  mod- 
em representative  of  Bethesda.  Robinson  (i.  342- 
3)  suggests  that  Bethesda  may  =  the  "  fountain  of 
the  Virgin,"  in  the  valley  of  the  Kidron,  a  short 
distance  above  the  Pool  of  Siloam. 

Beth-e'zel  (fr.  Heb.  =  hovxe  of  firm  root,  i.  e.  fixed 
dwelling,  Ges.),  a  place  (Mic.  i.  11  only)  doubtless 
in  the  plain  of  Philistia. 

Beth-ga'der  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  the  wall,  Ges.), 
doubtless  a  place,  though  it  occurs  in  the  genealo- 
gies of  Judah  as  if  a  person  (1  Chr.  ii.  51  ;  compare 
Bethlehem  and  other  names  of  places  in  the  con- 
text) ;  possibly  =  Geder. 

Beth-ga'ioni  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  the  weaned, 
Ges. ;  house  of  the  camel  /),  a  town  of  Moab,  in  the 
"  plain  country  "  (Plain  4)  E.  of  Jdrdan  (Jcr.  xlviii. 
23,  compare  21);  apparently  a  place  of  late  date, 
since  there  is  no  trace  of  it  in  Num.  xxxii.  34-38, 
and  Josh.  xiii.  16-20 ;  supposed  by  Dr.  Eli  Smith 
(and  so  Porter  and  Winer)  to  have  been  at  the  mod- 
cm  f/n  el-Jemil,  eight  or  ten  miles  S.  W.  from  Bos- 
tra.    Bozrah  2. 

Brth-biic'ee-reill  [-hak'se]  (fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  the 
mne),  a  place  (Part)  with  a  ruler  or  prince  in  Ne- 
hemiah's  time  (Neh.  iii.  14) ;  situated  near  Tekoa, 
and  used  as  a  beacon-station  (Jer.  vi.  1).  By  Jerome 
a  village  named  Belhacharma  is  said  to  have  been 
on  a  mountain  between  Tekoa  and  Jerusalem,  a  po- 
sition in  which  the  eminence  known  as  the  Frank 
mountain  (Herodium)  stands  conspicuous  ;  and  this 
has  accordingly  been  suggested  as  Beth-haccerem. 

Beth-bag'gau  (Heb.)  =  "Garoen  Hodse." 

Beth-ha'ran  (fr.  Heb.  =  Beth-aram,  Ges.),  one  of 
the  fenced  cities  E.  of  the  Jordan,  built  by  the  Gad- 
ites  (Num.  xxxii.  36) ;  =  Beth-aram. 

Belh-bog'la  and  Bcth-bcg'lab  (fr.  Heb.  =  par- 
tridye-house,  Ges.),  a  city  of  Benjamin  on  the  liorder 
of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  6,  xviii.  IV,  21).  A  magnificent 
spring  and  a  ruin  between  Jericho  and  the  Jordan 
still  bear  the  names  of  ^Ain-hajla  and  Kusr  Hajla 
(Rbn.  i.  544-6),  and  are  doubtless  on  or  near  the  old 
site.     Atad. 

Betb-ho'rou  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  caverns  or 
holes  ;  house  of  the  hollow,  Ges.),  the  name  of  two 
towns  or  villages,  an  "  upper  "  and  a  "  nether " 
(Josh.  xvi.  3,  5  ;  1  Chr.  viL  24),  on  the  road  from 
Gibeon  to  Azekah  (Josh.  x.  li>,  11)  and  the  Phihs- 
tine  plain  (1  Mc.  iii.  24).  Bcth-horon  lay  on  the 
boundary-line  between  Benjamin  and  Ephraim  (Josh. 
xvi.  3,  5,  xviii.  13,  14),  was  counted  to  Ephraim  (Josh. 
xxi.  22;  1  Chr.  vii.  24),  and  given  to  the  Kohuthitea 
(Josh.  xxi.  22 ;  1  Chr.  vi.  68,  53  Heb.).  There  is 
no  room  for  doubt  that  the  two  Beth-horons  still 
survive  in  the  modern  villages  of  Beit-''  Ur,  et-Tahta 
(=  t/ie  lower), and  el-Foka  (=:  the  upper),  which  were 
first  noticed  by  Dr.  Clarke.  The  roaci  connecting 
them  is  mcmorat)le  for  the  victories  of  Joshua  over 
the  five  kings  of  the  Amorites  (Josh.  x. ;  Ecclus. 
xlvi.  6)  and  of  Judas  Maccabeus  over  the  Syrians 
under  Seron  (1  Mc.  iii.).  The  importance  of  this 
road,  the  main  approach  to  the  interior  of  the  coim- 
try  from  the  hostile  districts  on  both  sides  of  Pales- 


118 


BET 


BET 


tine,  at  once  explains  and  justifies  the  frequent  for- 
tiScation  of  these  towns  at  diiferent  periods  of  the 
history  (1  K.  ix.  17  ;  2  Chr.  viii.  5  ;  1  Me.  ix.  50; 
JJ.  iv.  4  ["  Betboron  "]  ;  compare  5).  This  road 
is  still  "  the  great  road  of  communication  and  heavy 
transport  between  Jerusalem  and  tlie  sea-coast." 
The  Upper  Beth-horon  was  twelve  Roman  miles  (100 
stadia,  so  Josephus)  from  Jerusalem  (Rbn.  ii.  252). 
From  Gibeou  to  tlie  Upper  Beth-horon  is  a  distance 
of  about  four  miles  of  broken  ascent  and  descent 
The  ascent,  however,  predominates,  and  this  tl\ere- 
fore  appears  to  be  the  "  going  up  "  to  Beth-horon 
which  formed  the  first  stage  of  Joshua's  pursuit  of 
the  Amorites  (Josh.  x.  10).  Willi  the  upper  village 
the  descent  commences  ;  the  road  rough  and  difficult 
even  for  the  mountain-paths  of  Palestine.  This 
rough  descent  from  the  upper  to  tlie  lower  BeiW  Ur 
is  the  "  going  down  to  Beth-horon  "  (x.  11). 

Beth-jesli'i-in»tli  or  Beth-jes'i-moth  (both  fr.  Heb. 
=  house  of  the  toasles),  a  town  or  place  E.  of  Jordan, 
on  the  lower  level  at  the  S.  end  of  the  Jordan  val- 
ley (Kum.  xxxiii.  49) ;  named  with  Ashdoth-pisgah 
and  Beth-peor  (Josh.  xiii.  20).  It  was  one  of  the 
limits  of  the  encampment  of  Israel  before  crossing 
t!ie  Jordan.  It  was  allotted  to  Reuben  (Josh.  xii. 
3,  xiii.  20),  but  came  afterward  into  the  hands  of 
Moab,  and  formed  one  of  the  cities  which  were  "  the 
glory  of  the  country  "  (Ez.  xxv.  9).  Schwarz  (228) 
quotes  "  a  Beih-jisiinuth  as  still  known  at  the  N.  E. 
point  of  the  Dead  Sea  half  a  mile  from  the  Jor- 
dan ; "  but  this  requires  confirmation.  Tristram 
(525)  supposes  Beth-jeshimoth  was  at  tlie  ruins  of 
er-Iiameh,  about  five  miles  N.  E.  of  the  mouth  of 
the  JoRnAN. 

Beth-leb'a-otll  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  houne  of  lionesses), 
a  town  of  Simeon  (Josh.  xix.  G) ;  probably  =  Leb- 
AOTH,  and  Beth-birei. 

Betll'le-hem  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  bread).  1. 
One  of  the  oldest  towns  in  Palestine,  especially  cel- 
ebrated as  the  birth-place  of  David  and  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ.  Near  it  Benjamin  was  born,  and 
Rachel  died  (Gen.  xxxv.  19 ;  xlviii.  1).  Its  earliest 
name  was  Ephrath  or  Ephratah,  and  it  is  not  till 
long  after  the  occupation  of  the  country  by  the  Isra- 
elites that  we  meet  with  it  under  its  new  name  of 
Bethlehem  (Ru.  i.  19,  22,  ii.  4,  iv.  11 ;    1  Sam.  xvi. 


4,  &e.).  (HuR  2 ;  Salma.)  It  is  called  Bethlehem 
Ephratah  (Ru.  iv.  II  ;  Mie.  v.  2).  It  is  frequently 
entitled  Betulkuem-judah  (Judg.  xvii.  7  if.,  xix.  1  fl'. ; 


Ru.  i.  1,  2;  1  Sam.  xvii.  12),  possibly,  though  hardly 
probably,  to  distinguish  it  from  the  small  and  remote 
place  of  the  same  name  in  Zebulun  (see  No.  2  below). 
Though  not  named  as  a  Levitical  city,  it  was  ap- 
parently a  residence  of  Levites,  for  from  it  came 
Jonathan,  the  son  of  Gershom,  who  became  the  first 
priest  of  the  Danites  at  their  new  settlement  (Judg. 
xvii.  7,  xviii.  30),  and  from  it  also  came  tlie  concu- 
bine of  the  other  Levite  whose  death  at  Gibeah 
caused  the  destruction  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (xix. 
1  S.).  The  Book  of  Ruth  is  a  page  from  the  domes- 
tic history  of  Bethlehem ;  the  names,  almost  the 
very  persons,  of  the  Bethlehemites  are  there  brought 
before  us  ;  we  are  allowed  to  assist  at  their  most  pe- 
culiar customs,  and  to  witness  the  very  springs  of 
those  events  which  have  conferred  immortality  on 
the  name  of  the  place.  The  elevation  of  David  to 
the  kingdom  does  not  appear  to  have  affected  the 
fortunes  of  his  native  town. — The  residence  of  Saul 
acquired  a  new  title  specially  from  him  (2  Sam.  xxi. 
C),  but  David  did  nothing  to  dignify  Bethlehem,  or 
connect  it  with  himself.  The  only  touch  of  recollec- 
tion which  he  manifests  for  it,  is  that  recorded  in 
the  well-known  story  of  his  sudden  longing  for  the 
water  of  the  well  by  the  gate  of  his  childhood  (xxiii. 
14  ff  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  16  ff.). — The  few  remaining  casual 
notices  of  Bethlehem  in  the  0.  T.  may  be  quickly 
enumerated.  It  was  fortifieil  by  Rehoboam  (2  Chr. 
xi.  6).  By  the  time  of  the  Captivity,  the  Inn  of 
Chiinham  by  Bethlehem  appears  to  have  become  the 
recognized  point  of  departure  for  travellers  to 
Egypt  (Jcr.  xli.  17) — a  caravanserai  or  khan,  per- 
haps the  identical  ore  which  existed  there  at  the  time 
of  our  Lord,  like  those  which  still  exist  all  over  the 
East  at  the  stations  of  travellers.  Lastly,  "  Children 
of  Bethlehem,"  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and 
twentv-three,  returned  with  Zerubbabel  from  Babv- 
lon  (Ezr.  ii.  21  ;  Neh.  vii.  2C).— In  the  N.  T.  Beth- 
lehem retains  its  distinctive  title  "Bethlehem  of 
Judea,"  =  Bethlehem-judah  in  O.  T.  (Mat.  ii.  1,  5), 
and  it  is  also  styled  the  "  city  of  David  "  (Lk.  ii.  4, 
11 ;  compare  Jn.  vii.  42).  The  passages  just  quoted 
and  the  few  which  follow,  exhaust  the  references  to 
it  in  the  N.  T.  (Mat.  ii.  6,  8,  16 ;  Lk.  ii.  15).  (Angels  ; 
Herod;  Magi;  Manger;  Star  of  the  Wise  Men.) 
After  this  nothing  is  heard  of  it  till  near  the  middle 
of  the  second  century,  when  Justin 
Martyr  speaks  of  our  Lord's  birth 
as  having  taken  place  "  in  a  certain 
cave  very  close  to  the  village."  There 
is  nothing  in  itself  improbable  in  the 
supposition  that  the  place  in  which 
Joseph  and  Mary  took  shelter,  and 
where  was  the  " manger  "  or  "  stall," 
was  a  cave  in  the  limestone  rock  of 
which  tlie  eminence  of  Bethlehem  is 
composed.  But  the  step  from  the 
belief  that  the  Nativity  may  have 
taken  place  in  a  cavern,  to  the  belief 
that  the  present  subterraneous  vault 
or  crypt  is  that  cavern,  is  a  very 
wide  one.  The  Emperor  Hadrian, 
among  other  desecrations,  had  ac- 
tually planted  a  grove  of  Adonis  at 
the  spot.  This  grove  remained  at 
Bethlehem  from  a.  d.  135  till  315. 
The  Church  of  theNativity  was  built 
,.,.„.j  here,  it  is  said,  by  the  Empress  He- 

lena in  the  fourth  century.  The 
Crusaders  took  possession  of  Bethlehem  on  their  ap- 
proach to  Jerusalem.  King  Baldwin  I.  erected  Beth- 
lehem into  a  bishopric  A.  D.  1110.     Like  Jerusalem 


BET 


BET 


119 


it  was  destroyed  by  tlie  Kharismians  in  1244  (Ebn. 
i.  471-2). — The  modem  town  of  Beit  Lalim  lies  to 
the  E.  of  the  main  road  from  Jerusalem  to  Hebron, 
six  miles  S.  from  the  ibrmer.  It  covers  the  E.  and 
N.  E.  parts  of  the  ridge  of  a  long  gray  hill  of  Jura 
limestone,  which  stands  nearly  due  E.  and  W.,  and 
is  about  one  mile  in  length.     The  hill  has  u  deep 


valley  on  the  N.  and  another  on  the  S.  The  monks 
have  fixed  the  spot  where  the  angels  appeared  to  the 
shepherds,  in  a  valley  about  half  an  hour  E.  from 
Bethlehem  (libn.).  The  village  lies  hi  a  kind  of  ir- 
regular triangle,  at  about  150  yards  from  the  ajjcx 
of  which,  and  separated  from  it  by  a  vacant  space 
on  the  extreme  E.  pait  of  the  ridge,  spreads  the 


Bethlehem. — (From  Smith's  SmaUer  Dictionary.) 


noble  Basilica  of  St.  Helena,  "  half  church,  half 
fort,"  now  embraced  by  its  three  convents — Greek, 
Latin,  and  Armenian.  One  fact  of  great  interest  is 
a.ssociated  w  ith  a  portion  of  the  crypt  of  this  church, 
viz.,  that  here,  "  beside  what  he  believed  to  be  the 
cradle  of  the  Christian  faith,"  St.  Jerome  lived  tor 
more  than  thirty  years,  leaving  a  lasting  monument 
of  his  sojourn  in  the  Vulgate  translation  of  the 
Bible. — The  population  of  Beil  Lahm  is  about  three 
thousand  soids,  entirely  nominal  Christians.  All 
travellers  remark  the  good  looks  of  the  women,  the 
substantial  clean  appearance  of  the  houses,  and  the 
general  air  of  coraibrt  for  an  Eastern  town  which 
prevails. — 2.  A  town  of  Zebulun  (Josh.  xix.  1 5  only) ; 
situated  at  the  modern  Beit  Lahm,  a  miserable  vil- 
lage about  six  miles  W.  of  Nazareth  (Rbn.  iii.  113). 

*  Beth'-le-hcm  Eph'ra-t«h  (fr.Heb.)= Bethlehem 
1,  and  EpnaATAii. 

Beth'-le-hem-ite  (fr.  Heb.=one  from  Bethlehem) 
(1  Sam.  xvi.  1,  18,  xvii.  58;  2  Sam.  xxi.  ly). 

•  Bctb -Ir-bem-jn'dah  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Bethlehem  1. 
Betli-lu'mon  (1  Esd.  v.  17)  =  Bethlehem  1. 
Beth-iiia'tiH;liah  [-kah]  (fr.  Heb.  =  hovM  of  Ma- 

achah,  Ges),  a  place  named  only  in  2  Sam.  xx.  14, 
15,  in  deBning  the  position  of  Abel;  perhaps  — 
Maachah,  or  Aram-maachah,  one  of  the  petty  Syrian 
kingdoms  in  the  N.  of  Palestine.  Beth-maacliah  is 
supposed  by  Tliomson  (i.  326)  to  have  been  at  the 
modem  Hunin,  three  or  four  miles  from  Abil  (Abel). 
But  see  Beth-rehob. 

Bctk-mar'ca-botll  (fr.  Ueh.=h(»tseofihe  ekariots), 
a  town  of  Simeon,  situated  in  the  extreme  S.  of 
Judah,  with  Ziklag  and  Hormah  (Josh.  xix.  5  ;  1  Chr. 
iv.  31);  perhaps  =  Madmannah.  Rowlands  (in  Fair- 
baim,  under  "  S.  country  "'  suggests  that  the  name 


may  be  retained  in  Wady  el-Miiriabeh,  about  ten 
miles  S.  W.  of  Beer-sheba.     But  see  Madmannah. 

Bctli-nicon  (fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  habitation,  Ges.) 
(Jer.  xlviii.  23),  contiacted  from  Beth-baal-meon. 

*  Beth-Qiil'lo  (Heb.)  (2  K.  xii.  20,  margin)  = 
"house  of  Millo."     Millo,  the  House  of,  2. 

Betll-llim'rah  (fi.  IIeli.=  ho-nse  of  limpid  and  sweet 
waters,  Cos.),  a  fenced  city  E.  of  the  Jordan  taken 
and  built  by  the  tribe  of  Gad  (Num.  xxxii.  30),  de- 
scribed as  lying  in  the  valley  beside  Beth-haran 
(Josh.  xiii.  27) ;  also  called  Nimrah  ;  identified  with 
the  ruins  of  Nimriii,  at  the  lower  end  of  the  Wudy 
Slm'ib,  at  the  mouth  of  which,  a  few  miles  above 
Jericho,  is  one  of  the  regular  fords  of  the  Jordan 
(Rbn.  i.  551).     Bethabaha. 

Bctli-o'ron  =  Beth-uoeon  (Jd.  iv.  4). 

Beth-pa'let  (fr.  Heb.  =  houae  of  fiffht),  a  town  in 
the  extreme  south  of  Jud.th,  named  (Josh.  xv.  27) 
with  Moladal)  and  Beer-sheba  ;  =  Betii-piielet  ;  at  a 
ruin  called  Jerrah?  (so  Wilton  in  Kegel).  Hazap.- 
oaddah. 

Bctll-paz'zez  (fr.  Heb.=  hmise  of  dispersion,  Ges."), 
a  town  of  Issachar  named  with  En-gauuim  and  En- 
baddah  (Josh.  xix.  21). 

Beth-pe'or  (fr.  Heb.  =  temple  of  Peor,  i.  e.  of 
Baal-pcor,  Ges.),  a  place,  no  doubt  dedicate!!  to  th.e 
god  Baal-peor,  on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  opposite  Jericho, 
and  six  miles  above  Libias  or  IJeth-haran.  It  was  in 
the  possession  of  Reuben  (Josh.  xiii.  20).  One  cf 
the  last  halting-places  of  the  children  of  Israel  is 
designated — "  the  ravine  ("  valley,"  A.  V.)  over 
against  Beth-peor"  (Deut.  iii.  29,  iv.  46). 

Beth'pbage  [-fa-je,  or  -faje]  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  house 
of  unripe  Jiffs),  a  place  on  the  nioiuit  of  Olives,  on 
the  road  between  Jericho  and  Jerusalem ;  apparently 


120 


BET 


BET 


close  to  Bethany  (Mat.  xxi.  1 ;  Mk.  xi.  1 ;  Lk.  xix. 
29),  and  from  its  being  named  first  in  the  narrative 
of  a  journey  from  E.  to  \V.,  it  has  been  supposed 
(Ilbn.,  &c.)  E.  of  Bethany.  No  remains,  however, 
which  could  answer  to  this  position  have  been  found, 
and  the  traditional  site  is  above  Bethany,  half-way 
between  that  village  and  the  top  of  the  mount. 
Schwarz  (2C3,  4),  Van  de  Velde  (ii.  257),  and  Bar- 
clay, in  his  map,  appear  to  agree  in  placing  Beth- 
phage  on  the  S.  shoulder  of  the  "  Mount  of  Offence," 
above  the  village  of  Siloam,  and  therefore  W.  of 
Bethany  (for  this  compare  Ju.  xii.  1-12  with  Mat. 
xxi.  1). 

Betli-phe'Ict  (fr.  Heb.  =  Beth-palet)  (Neh.  xi.  26) 
=z  Beth-palet. 

Beth-ra'piia  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  Kapha,  or  of 
the  giant),  a  name  which  occurs  in  the  genealogy  of 
Judah  as  the  son  of  Esh-ton  (1  Chr.  iv.  12). 

BetU-rc'hob  (fr.  lleb.  =  house  of  Rehob,  or  of 
room),  a  pliice  mentioned  as  having  near  it  the  val- 
ley in  which  lay  the  town  of  Laish  or  Dan  (Judg. 
xviii.  28).  It  was  one  of  the  little  kingdoms  of  Aram 
or  Syria  (2  Sam.  x.  6),  also  called  Rehob.  Robinson 
supposes  (iii.  371)  that  Beth-rehob  was  at  the  modern 
Ilunin,  a  large  ruined  fortress  commanding  the  plain 
of  the  Haleh,  in  which  the  city  of  Dan  ( Tell  el-Kddy) 
lay ;  Thomson  (i.  328,  376)  supposes  Beth-rehob  to 
have  been  at  the  modern  BAnias,  where  is  also  an 
ancient  castle  commanding  the  pass  from  the  Huleh 
over  Hermon  to  Damascus  and  the  E. 

Beth-sa'i-da  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  fish).  1, 
"  Bethsaida  of  Galilee"  (Jn.  xii.  21),  a  city  which 
■was  the  native  place  of  Andrew,  Peter,  and  Philip 
(Jn.  i.  44,  xii.  21)  in  the  land  of  Gennesaret  (Mk. 
vi.  45 ;  compare  53),  and  tlierefore  on  the  VV.  side 
of  the  lake.  It  was  evidently  near  to  Capernaum, 
and  Chorazin  (Mat.  xi.  21  ;  Lk.  x.  13  ;  and  compare 
Mk.  vi.  45,  with  Jn.  vi.  17),  and,  if  the  interpretation 
of  the  name  is  to  be  trusted,  close  to  tlie  water's 
edge.  Robinson  (ii.  405-6,  iii.  359)  places  Bethsaida 
at  ^Ain  et-Tdbighah,  a  small  village  with  a  copious 
stream  and  immense  fountains,  about  two-thirds  of 
a  mile  N.  of  Khihi  Miiiyeh,  which  he  identifies  with 
Capernaum. — 2t  By  comparing  the  narratives  in 
Mk.  vi.  31-53,  and'Lk.  ix.  10-17,  in  tlie  latter  of 
which  "  a  desert  place,  belonging  to  the  city  called 
Bethsaida,"  is  named  as  the  spot  at  which  the  mir- 
acle of  feeding  the  five  thousand  took  place,  while 
in  the  former  the  disciples  are  said  to  have  been  con- 
strained by  Jesu.s  "  to  get  into  the  ship  and  to  go  to 
the  other  side  before  unto  Bethsaida"  (verse  45),  and 
then,  after  the  gale,  to  have  come  (verse  53)  "  into 
the  land  of  Gennesaret,"  Reland  concluded  that  the 
Bethsaida  mentioned  in  Lk.  ix.  10  must  have  been  a 
second  place  of  the  same  name  on  the  E.  of  the  lake. 
Such  a  place  there  was  at  the  N.  E.  extremity,  for- 
merly a  village,  but  rebuilt  and  adorned  by  Philip  the 
Tetrarch,  and  raised  to  the  dignity  of  a  town  under 
the  name  of  Julias,  after  the  daughter  of  tlie  emper- 
or. Here  in  a  magnificent  tomb  Philip  was  buried. 
Of  this  Bethsaida  we  have  certainly  one  and  proba- 
bly two  mentions  in  the  Gospels  :— ^«.)  That  named 
above  (Lk.  ix.  10). — (6.)  The  other,  most  probably, 
in  Mk.  viii.  22. —  Until  the  latter  part  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century  there,  was  supposed  to  be  only  one 
Bethsaida,  viz.  at  the  entrance  of  the  Jordan  into 
the  lake  or  sea  of  Gennesaret.  Reland's  assumption 
of  two  Bethsaidas,  given  above,  though  now  adopted 
by  many  (Robinson,  Winer,  Kitto,  Fairbairn,  Mr. 
Grove,  &c.),  is  not  accepted  by  some  of  the  best  inves- 
tigators (Hug,  Thomson,  B.  S.  xviii.  251,  &c.).  There 
are  remains  of  ancient  buildinas  on  both  sides  of  the 


Jordan  at  and  above  its  entrance  into  the  lake  of 
Gennesaret.  Those  on  the  W.  side  are  supposed  by 
Thomson  (ii.  9)  to  mark  that  part  of  Bethsaida  which 
was  in  Galilee ;  those  on  the  E.  side  to  belong  to 
that  part  which  Philip  repaired  and  called  Julias. 
The  "  desert  place "  where  the  five  thousand  were 
fed  was  probably  the  modern  Butaiha,  a  smooth, 
grassy  plain  at  the  N.E.  part  of  the  lake  (Thomson 
ii.  29).     (See  Map  under  Jorhan.) 

Betli'sa-mos  (1  Esd.  v.  18)  =  Beth-azmaveth. 

Betii'san  (L.  form  of  Beth-shean)  (1  Mc.  v.  52 ; 
xii.  40,  41)  =  Beth-siiean. 

Bcth'-sllitn  (fr.  Heb.  =:  Beth-shean,  Ges.)  (1  Sam. 
xxxi.  10,  12;  2  Sam.  xxi.  12)  =  Beth-shean. 

Betll^slic'an  (fr.  Heb.  —  house  of  quid,  Ges.),  or 
in  Samuel,  Bethshan,  and  in  1  Mc.  Bethsan,  a  city, 
which,  with  its  dependent  towns,  belonged  to  Slanas- 
seh  (1  Chr.  vii.  29),  though  within  the  limits  of  Issa- 
char  (Josh.  xvii.  11),  and  therefore  on  the  W.  of 
Jordan  (compare  1  Mc.  v.  52) — but  not  mentioned 
in  the  lists  of  the  latter  tribe.  The  Canaanites  were 
not  driven  out  from  the  town  (Judg.  i.  27).  In  Solo- 
mon's time  it  seems  to  have  given  its  name  to  a  dis- 
trict extending  from  the  town  itself  to  Abel-meho- 
lah;  and  "all  Beth-shean"  was  under  charge  of  one 
of  his  commissariat  ollicers  (1  K.  iv.  12).  The 
corpses  of  Saul  and  his  sons  were  fastened  up  to  the 
wall  of  Beth-shean  by  the  Philistines  (1  Sam.  xxxi. 
10, 12)  in  the  open  "street"  or  space,  which — then  as 
now — fronted  the  gate  of  an  Eastern  town,  and  were 
taken  away  by  the  men  of  Jabesh-Gilead  (2  Sam.  xxi. 
12).  In  connection  with  the  Maccabees  it  is  men- 
tioned in  a  cursory  manner  (1  Me.  v.  52,  xii.  40,  41). 
The  name  of  Scythopolis  (Jd.  iii.  10  ;  2  Mc.  xii.  29) 
has  not  survived  to  the  present  day ;  and  the  place 
is  still  called  Bcisdn.  The  village  and  ruins  are  on 
the  brow,  just  where  the  great  plain  of  Jezreel  de- 
scends, some  three  hundred  feet,  to  the  level  of  the 
Ohof  or  Jordan  valley,  about  twelve  miles  S.  of  the 
sea  of  Galilee,  and  four  miles  VV.  of  the  Jordan. 

Beth'-she-mesli  or  Beth-she'mesb  (fr.  Heb.  =  house 
of  the  sun).  ]•  A  town  on  the  N.  boundary  of  Ju- 
dah (Josh.  XV.  10).  It  was  between  Kirjath-jearim 
and  Timnah,  and  near  the  low-country  of  Philistia. 
Beth-shemesh  was  one  of  the  cities  of  Judah  allotted 
to  the  priests  (Josh.  xxi.  16  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  59) ;  and  it 
is  named  in  one  of  Solomon's  commissariat  districts 
(1  K.  iv.  9).  When  the  Philistines  sent  back  the 
ark,  it  came  from  Ekron  to  Beth-shemesh,  and  the 
men  of  Beth-shemesh  (probably  the  number  50,070  is 
erroneous ;  see  Abijah)  were  smitten  for  looking  into 
the  ark  (1  Sam.  vi.).  At  Beth-shemesh  Amaziah, 
king  of  Judah,  was  defeated  and  taken  by  Jehoash, 
king  of  Israel  (2  K.  xiv.  11,  13  ;  2  Chr.  xxv.  21,  23). 
Beth-shemesh  was  taken  and  occupied  by  the  Philis- 
tines in  the  days  of  Ahaz  (2  Chr.  xxviil.  18).  Beth- 
shemesh  probably  =  Irshemesh  (compare  Josh.  xv. 
10,  xlx.  41,  43  ;  1  K.  iv.  9).  Beth-shemesh  is  now 
^Ain-Shems,  a  ruined  village  about  two  miles  from 
the  great  Philistine  plain,  and  three  and  two-thirds 
hours  =  eleven  miles  S.  E.  from  Ekron  (Rbn.  ii. 
224-6,  573). — 2.  A  citv  on  the  border  of  Issachar 
(Josh.  xix.  22).— 3.  A  "fenced  city"  of  Naphtali, 
from  which  the  Canaanites  were  not  expelled  ;  twice 
named  (Josh.  xix.  38  ;  Judg.  i.  33)  with  Beth-anath. 
— 4.  An  idolatrous  temple  or  place  in  Egypt  (Jer. 
xllii.  13) ;  =  On,  or  Heliopolis,  called  by  the  Arabs 
in  the  middle  ages  ^Ain-Shems. 

Belli '-slie-mite  or  Beth-she'inlte  (fr.  Heb.  =  one 
from  Beth-shemesh)  (1  Sam.  vi.  14,  18). 

Bcth-s'jit'tall  (fr.  Heb.  =  hotfe  of  the  acacia),  one 
of  the  spots  to  which  the  flight  oi'  the  host  of  the 


BET 


BEZ 


121 


Midianites  extended  after  their  discomfiture  by 
Gideon  (Judg.  vii.  22) ;  conjectured  to  have  been  at 
tlie  modern  iihutla,  between  Mount  Tabor  and  Beth- 
shean  (Itbn.  ii.  356). 

Beth-sn'ra  (L.)  =  Beth-zcr  (1  Me.  ir.  29,  61, 
vi.  7,  26,  31,  49,  50,  ix.  52,  x.  14,  xi.  65,  xiv.  7;  2 
Mc.  xi.  5,  xiii.  19,  22). 

Beth-bippn-all  (fr.  Heb.  =  house  of  the  apple,  or 
citron  ;  see  Apple),  a  town  in  tlie  mountains  of  Ju- 
dah,  near  Hebron  (Josh.  xv.  53 ;  compare  1  Clir.  ii. 
43) ;  at  the  modern  village  of  Teffuh,  an  hour  and 
tliree-<iuarters,  or  say  five  miles,  W.  of  Hebron,  on  a 
ridge  of  higli  table-land.     Tappuaii. 

B«-tba'el  (Heb.  mau  of  God,  Ges.),  son  of  Xahor 
bv  Milcah  ;  nephew  of  Abraham,  and  father  of  ICe- 
bekah  (Gen.  xxii.  22,  23,  xxiv.  15,  24,  47,  xxviii. 
2).  In  XXV.  20,  and  xxviii.  5,  he  is  called  "  Bethuel 
the  Syrian."  Though  often  referred  to  as  above  in 
the  narrative,  Bethuel  only  appears  in  person  once 
(xxiv.  50).  Prof.  Blunt  ingeniously  conjectures 
(Coincidnices,  I.  §  iv.)  that  he  was  the  subject  of 
some  imbecility  or  other  incapacity. 

Bc-tbn'cl  (Heb.  abode  of  Ood,  Ges.)  =  Bcthcl 
(1  Chr.  iv.  30).     Bethel  2. 

Beth  nl  (Heb.  abode  of  God,  Ges.),  a  town  of 
Simeon  in  the  S.,  named  with  El-tolad  and  Hormah 
(Josh.  xix.  4) ;  =  Ciiesil  and  Bethuel  ;  probably  z= 
Betuel  2 ;  supposed  by  Rowlands  to  liave  been  at 
the  ruins  el-Khniusah  (ancient  Elusa),  about  twelve 
miles  S.W.  from  Beer-sheba  ;  by  others  at  Bdt  Ula, 
six  or  eiglit  miles  E.  from  Beit  Jibrin  (ancient  Eleu- 
tlieropolis). 

Be-thn  li-s  (L. ;  Gr.  Beluhna;  fr.  Heb.  =  the  vir- 
gin of  Jehovah,  Westeott),  the  city  which  was  the 
scene  of  the  chief  events  of  the  Book  of  JcniTH,  in 
which  book  only  the  name  occurs.  Its  po.^ition  is 
described  with  very  minute  detail.  It  was  near  to 
Dothaim  (iv.  6),  on  a  hill  which  overlooked  the  plain 
of  Esdraelon  (vi.  11,  13,  14,  vii.  7,  10,  xiii.  10)  and 
commanded  the  passes  from  that  plain  to  the  hill 
country  of  Manasseh  (iv.  7,  vii.  1),  in  a  position  so 
strong  that  Holofcmes  abandoned  the  idea  of  taking 
it  by  attack,  and  determined  to  reduce'  it  by  possess- 
ing himself  of  the  two  springs  or  wells  which  were 
'under  the  city,"  in  the  valley  at  the  foot  of  the 
minence  on  which  it  was  built,  and  from  which  the 
iuliabitants  derived  their  chief  supply  of  water  (vi. 
11,  vii.  7,  13,21).  Notwithstanding  this  detail,  how- 
ever, the  identification  of  tlie  site  of  Bethulia  is  one 
of  the  greatest  puzzles,of  sacred  geography.  Von 
Raumcr  [I'ul.  135,  6)  suggests  Sdnur,  whicli  is  per- 
haps the  nearest  to  proi)ability.  This  is  a  village 
with  an  old  eastle  on  a  steep  lofty  rock,  about  two 
miles  from  Dothan,  and  seven  from  Jniin  (En-gnn- 
nlui)  (V.  de  V.  i.  366),  which  stand  on  the  very  edge 
of  the  gi  eat  plain  of  Esdraelon. 

Bfth-zatb-a-rlas.     Batiizacharias. 

Befh'-znr  (fr.  Heb.  =  liovuie  of  rock),  a  town  In 
ilie  mountains  of  Judah,  named  between  Halhul  and 
(W.dor  (Josh.  XV.  58) ;  probably  founded  by  the  peo- 
ple of  Maon  (1  Chr.  ii.  45),  and  fortified  by  Rehobo- 
am  (2  Chr.  xi.  7).  After  the  Captivity  the  ruler  of 
the  district  (A.  V.  "  half  part;"  see  Part)  of  Beth- 
zur  assisted  Nchemiah  in  rebuilding  the  wall  of  Jeru- 
salem (Neh.  ill.  16).  Before  Beth-zur  Judas  Miiccu-. 
beus  gained  one  of  his  earliest  victories  over  Lysias 
(1  Me.  iv.  29).  It  was  strongly  fortified  by  Judas 
and  his  brethren  as  a  defence  against  Idumea  (verse 
61),  and  afternanl  wn.s  besieged  and  taken  by  Anti- 
ochus  Eupator  (vi.  31,  50),  and  Simon  Maccabeus 

ixl.  65).  (Bkthsura.)  The  recovery  of  the  site  of 
ietb-zur,  undsr  the  almost  identical  Dame  of  Beit-Sur 


(B.  S.  1843,  p.  66),  explains  its  impregnability,  and 
also  the  reason  for  the  choice  of  its  position,  since  it 
commands  the  road  from  Beer-sheba  and  Hebron, 
which  has  always  been  the  main  approach  to  Jeru- 
salem from  the  S. 

Be-toll-BS  (1  Esd.  V.  21)  =  Bethel  1. 

Bet-o-mes'tham  and  Bct-o-mas'tbcm  (fr.  Gr.),  a 
town  "  over  against  Esdraelon,  facing  the  plain  that 
is  near  Dothaim  "  (Jd.  iv.  6,  xv.  4).  No  attempt  to 
identify  it  has  been  hitherto  successful. 

Beto-nlm  (Heb.  =  j/istachio  nuts),  a  town  of  Gad, 
apparently  on  the  N.  boundary  (Josh.  xiii.  26). 

*  Be-traj',  to,  in  A.  V.  =  to  deliver  into  an  ene- 
my's power  bji  treachery  or  violation  of  obligation  (1 
Chr.  xii.  17  ;  Mat.  x.  4,  &c.).     Jldas  Iscabiot. 

Be-trotb'iiig.     Marriage. 

Bea'lab  [bu-]  (lleb.  married),  the  name  whieli  tlia 
land  of  Israel  is  to  bear,  when  "  the  land  sliall  be 
married  "  (Is.  Ixil.  4).  The  marriage  relationship  sets 
forth  the  covenant  of  grace  (Fairbaini).  Marriage,  V. 

*  Be-wail',  to.     Mourning. 

*  Ee-wittb,  to.    Divination;  Magic. 

*  Be-wray',  to,  an  old  English  verb  =  to  betray, 
expone,  or  riiake  known  (Is.  xvi.  3  ;  Mat.  xxvi.  73,  &c.). 

*Be-yond'.  The  phrase  "beyond  Jordan"  in  the 
Pentateuc'h  (writlen  E.  of  Jordan)  =  W.  of  Jordan 
(Gen.  1.  10,  11  ;  Deut.  iii.  25) ;  in  Is.  ix.  1  and  Mat. 
iv.  15  =  beyond  the  sources  of  the  Jordan  (so  Lange 
on  Mat.  1.  c. ;  Galilee  extended  N.  of  the  Jordan); 
elsewhere  in  A.  V.  usually  =  E.  of  Jordan  (Josh. 
Ix.  10,  xiii.  8  ;  Jn.  i.  28,  &c.).  So  also  "on  yonder 
side  Jordan,"  "  on  the  other  side  Jordan,"  &c.,  usu- 
ally =  W.  of  Jordan  in  the  Pentateuch,  but  E.  of 
Jordan  elsewhere  (Num.  xxxil.  19 ;  Deut.  xi.  30 ; 
Josh.  xii.  1;  Mk.  x.  1,  &c.).  To  "go  beyond" 
(Num.  xxii.  18,  xxiv.  13  ;  1  Th.  iv.  6)  =  to  overpass 
or  overgo,  to  transgress. 

Bc'zai  (Heb.  prob.  =  Besai,  Ges.),  ancestor  of 
323  (Ezr.  ii.  17  ;  324  in  Neh.  vii.  23),  who  returned 
from  captivity  with  Zcrubbabel.  (Bassa.)  The  name 
occurs  again  among  those  who  sealed  the  covenant 
(Neh.  X.  18). 

Bez'a-lfel  (fr.  Heb.  =:  in  the  shadow  of  Ood,  i.  e. 
in  his  protection,  Ges.).  1.  The  artificer  to  whom 
was  confided  by  Jcliovah  the  design  and  execution 
of  the  works  of  art  required  for  the  tabernacle  in 
the  wilderness  (Ex.  xxxi.  1-6,  xxxv.  30  ff.,  xxxvi., 
xxxvii.,  xxxviil.).  His  charge  was  chiefly  In  all 
works  of  metal,  wood,  and  stone.  Aholiab  was 
associated  with  him  for  the  textile  fabrics.  Bezaleel 
was  of  the  tiibe  of  Judah,  the  son  of  Uii  the  son  of 
Hur  (1  Chr.  ii.  20). — 2.  A  son  of  Pahatli-moab  who 
had  taken  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  30) ;  called  Sestkel 
in  1  Esdras. 

Be'zek  (Heb.  lightning,  Ges.).  1.  The  residence 
of  AnoNi-BEZEK  (Judg.  i.  5) ;  in  the  lot  of  Judah 
^verse  8),  and  inhabited  by  Canaanites  and  Perizzites 
(verse  4).  This  must  have  been  distinct  from — 2. 
The  place  where  Saul  numbered  the  forces  of  Israel 
and  Judah  before  going  to  the  relief  of  Jabesh-tJilead 
(1  Sam.  xi.  8).  This  cannot  have  been  more  than  a 
day's  march  from  Jabesh ;  and  was  therefore  doubt- 
less somewheie  in  the  centre  of  the  country,  near  the 
Jordan  valley.  Euscbius  and  Jerome  mention  two 
places  of  this  name  close  together,  seventeen  miles 
from  Neapolis  (Shechem)  on  the  road  to  Beth-shean  ; 
but  neither  has  been  identified  In  modem  times. 

Bc'zer  (fr.  Heb.  =  ore  of  gold  and  silver,  precious 
metals  In  the  rude  state  as  cut  or  dng  out  of  mines, 
ties.)  In  tlie  wH'der-ness,  a  city  of  the  Reubenites,  with 
suburbs,  set  a  part  by  Moses  as  one  of  the  three  cities  of 
refuge  E.  of  the  Jordan,  and  allotted  to  the  Mcrarites 


b 


123 


BEZ 


BIB 


(Deut.  iv.  43  ;  Josh.  xx.  8,  xxi.  36;  1  Chr.  vi.  78); 
probably =BosoR  1 ;  probably  situated  S.  E.  of  Hesh- 
bon  oil  the  borders  of  the  desert  (Porter  in  Kitto). 

Be'zer  (fr.  Heb. ;  see  above),  son  of  Zophah  ;  a 
chief  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  37). 

Be'zetb  (Gr.),  a  place  at  which  Bacchides  encamped 
after  leaving  Jerusalem  (1  Me.  vii.  10).  By  Jose- 
phus  the  name  is  given  as  "  the  village  Bethzetbo  " 
(compare  Beth-Zaith,  a  Syriac  name  of  the  Mount  of 
Olives).  The  name  may  thus  refer  either  to  the 
main  body  of  the  Mount  of  Olives,  or  to  that  branch 
of  it  N.  of  Jerusalem,  which  at  a  later  period  was 
called  Bezetha. 

Bia-tas  (1  Esd.  ix.  48)  =  Pelaiah  2. 
Bi'ble  [-bl]  (fr.  the  Gr.  pi.  biblia  =  smnll  bookn). 
I.  The  application  of  the  word  Biblia,  as  a  distinctive 
term,  to  tlie  collected  books  of  the  0.  T.  and  N.  T.  is 
not  to  be  traced  further  back  than  tlie  fifth  century. 
Greek  writers  enumerate  "  the  books  "  (ta  biblia)  of 
the  0.  T.  and  N.  T. ;  and  as  these  were  contrasted 
with  the  apocryphal  books  circulated  by  heretics, 
there  was  a  natural  tendency  to  the  appropriation  of 
the  word  as  limited  by  th^  article  to  the  whole  collec- 
tion of  the  canonical  Scriptures.  (Caxo.v  ;  Inspira- 
tion; New  TESTA.MENr;  Old  Testament;  Scripture; 
Writing.)  The  liturgical  use  of  the  Scriptures,  as 
the  worsliip  of  the  Church  became  organized,  would 
naturally  favor  this  application.  The  MSS.  from 
which  they  were  read  would  be  emphatically  t/ie 
books  of  each  church  or  monastery.  And  when  this 
use  of  the  word  was  established  in  the  East,  it  would 
naturally  pass  gradually  to  the  Western  Church.  It 
is  however  worthy  of  note,  as  bearing  on  the  history 
of  the  word  in  our  own  language,  and  on  that  of  its 
reception  in  the  Western  Church,  that  "Bible"  is  not 
found  in  Anglo-Saxon  literature.  In  R.  Brunne  (p. 
2!I0),  Piers  Ploughman  (1916,  4271),  and  Chaucer 
(Frol.  437),  it  appears  in  its  distinctive  sense.  From 
that  time  (fourteenth  century)  the  higher  use  prevailed 
to  the  exclusion  of  any  lower  ;  and  the  choice  of  it, 
ratherthanof  any  of  its  synonymes,  by  the  great  trans- 
lators of  the  Scriptures,  VVickliffe,  Luther,  Covcrdale, 
fixed  it  beyond  all  possibility  of  a  change. — II.  The 
history  of  the  growth  of  the  collections  known  as  the 
0.  T.  and  N.  T.  respectively,  will  be  found  under  Canon. 
The  two  were  looked  on  as  of  coiirdinate  authority, 
and  therefore  as  parts  of  one  whole.  (Inspiration.) 
The  earliest  records  of  the  worship  of  the  Christian 
Church  indicate  the  liturgical  use  of  writings  of  the 
N.  T.,  as  well  as  of  the  O.  T.  Theophilus  of  Antioch, 
Ireaaeus,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  TertuUian,  all  speak 
of  the  N.  T.  writings  as  making  up  with  the  0.  T. 
the  whole  of  Scripture. — III.  The  existence  of  a 
collection  of  sacred  books  recognized  as  authorita- 
tive, leads  naturally  to  a  more  or  less  systematic  ar- 
rangement. The  Prologue  to  Ecclesiastieus  mentions 
"  the  law  and  the  prophets  and  the  other  Books." 
In  the  N.  T.  there  is  the  same  kind  of  recognition. 
"  The  Law  and  the  Prophets  "  is  the  shorter  (Mat. 
xi.  13,  xxii.  40;  Acts  xiii.  13,  &c.);  "the  Law,  the 
Prophets,  and  the  Psalms"  (Lk.  xxiv.  44),  the  fuller 
statement  of  the  division  popularly  recognized.  The 
arrangement  of  the  books  of  the  Hebrew  text  under 
these  three  heads  requires,  however,  a  further  notice. 
— 1.  The  Tonlh  (Heb.  =  Gr.  noinos  =  "  Law  ")  natu- 
rally continued  to  occupy  the  position  which  it  must 
have  held  from  the  first  as  the  most  ancient  and 
authoritative  portion  (Pentateuch).  In  the  Hebrew 
classification  the  titles  of  the  five  distinct  portions 
of  ''  the  Law^  "  (Genesis,  Exodus,  Leviticus,  Numbers, 
Deuteronomy)  were  taken  from  the  initial  words  of 
the  books,  or  from  prominent  words  in  the  initial 


verse  :  in  that  of  the  LXX.,  and  so  in  the  Vulgate 
and  A.  v.,  they  were  intended  to  be  significant  of  the 
subject  of  each  book. — 2.  The  next  group  (Heb. 
Nebiiin  =  "the  Prophets")  presents  a  more  singular 
combination.  The  arrangement  stands  as  follows  : 
a.  The  Elder  or  Former  Prophets  (Joshua,  Judges, 

1  Samuel,  2  Samuel,  1  Kings,  2  Kings). — b.  The 
Later  Prophets,  viz.,  the  Major,  i.  e.  Greater  (Isaiah, 
Jeremiah,  Ezekiel),  and  the  Lesser,  i.  e.  the  twelve 
Minor  Prophets  (=  Ilosca,  Joel,  Amos,  Obadiah, 
Jonah,  Micah,  Nahum,  Habakkuk,  Zephaniab,  Hag- 
gai,  Zechariah,  Malachi).  The  Hebrew  titles  of  these 
books  correspond  to  those  of  the  English  bibles. 
The  grounds  on  which  books  simply  historical  were 
classed  under  the  same  name  as  those  which  con- 
tained the  teaeliing  of  Prophets,  in  the  stricter  sense 
of  the  word,  are  not  at  first  sight  obvious,  but  the 
0.  T.  presents  some  facts  which  may  suggest  an  ex- 
planation. The  Sons  of  the  Prophets  (Prophet  ; 
Samuel)  (1  Sam.  x.  5 ;  2  K.  v.  22,  vi.  1)  living  to- 
gether as  a  society,  almost  as  a  caste  (Am.  vii.  14), 
trained  to  a  religious  life,  cultivating  sacred  minstrel- 
sy, must  have  occupied  a  position  as  instructors  of 
the  people,  even  in  the  absence  of  the  special  calling 
which  sent  them  as  God's  messengers  to  the  people. 
A  body  of  men  so  placed  become  naturally,  unless 
intellectual  activity  is  absorbed  in  asceticism,  histo- 
rians and  annalists.  The  references  in  the  historical 
books  of  the  0.  T.  show  that  they  actually  were  so. 
Nathan  the  prophet.  Gad,  the  seer  of  David  (1  Chr. 
xxix.  29),  Ahijah  and  Iddo  (2  Chr.  ix.  29),  Isaiah  (2 
Chr.  xxvi.  22,  xxxii.  32),  are  cited  as  chroniclers. — 
3.  Last  in  order  came  the  group  known  as  Cllliubiin 
(Heb.  =  writings  ;  in  Gr.  gruplieia  [=  writinffs], 
ha(/io(/rapha  [a  word  transferred  into  Latin  and  Eng- 
lish] =  sacred  vmtings),  including  the  remaining 
books  of  the  Hebrew  Canon,  arranged  in  the  follow- 
ing order,  and  with  subordinate  divisions :  (a) 
Psalms,  Proverbs,  Job.  (A)  Canticles,  Iluth,  Lamen- 
tations, Eeclesiastes,  Esther,  called  "  the  five  rolls  " 
(Heb.  mtgilloth).  (c)  Daniel,  Ezra,  Neheniiah,  1 
Chronicles,  2  Chronicles. — The  LXX.  placed  "  the 
Law  "  first,  but  did  not  recognize  the  distinctions 
between  the  Greater  and  Lesser  Prophets,  and  be- 
tween the  Prophets  and  the  Hagiographa.  Daniel, 
with  the  apocryphal  additions,  ibilows  Ezekiel ;  the 
Apocryphal  first  or  third  Esdras  comes  as  a  second, 
following  the  Canonical  Ezra.  Tobit  and  Judith  are 
placed  after  Nehcmiah  ;  AVisdom  and  Ecclesiastieus 
after  Canticles ;  Baruch  before  and  the  Epistle  of 
Jeremiah  after  Lamentatiens  ;  the  twelve  Lesser 
Prophets  before  the  four  Greater,  and  1  and  2  Mac- 
cabees at  the  close  of  all.  The  Latin  vjrsion  follows 
Dearly  the  same  order,  inverting  the  relative  position 
of  the  Greater  and  Lesser  Prophets.  The  separation 
of  the  Apocrypha  then  left  the  others  in  the  order 
of  th^  A.  V.  The  history  of  the  arrangement  of  the 
Books  of  the  N,  T.  also  presents  some  variations. 
The  four  Gospels  (probably  arranged  according  to 
their  traditional  daies)  and  the  Acts  ok  the  Apos- 
tles uiiiforndy  stand  first.  They  are  so  far  to  the 
N.  T.  what  the  Pentateuch  was"  to  the  0.  T.  The 
position  of  the  Acts  as  an  intermediate  book,  the 
sequel  to  the  Gospels,  the  prelude  to  the  Epistles, 
was  obviously  natural.     After  this  we  meet  with 

'  some  striking  differences.  The  order  in  the  .Alex- 
andrian, Vatican  and  Ephraem  MSS.  (A  B  C)  (New 
Testament,  I.  28)  gives  precedence  to  the  Catholic 
or  "  General "  Epistles  (Jas.,  1  Pet.,  2  Pet.,  1  Jn., 

2  Jn.,  3  Jn.,  Jude),  and  this  appears  to  have  been 
characteristic  of  the  Eastern  Churches.  The  West- 
ern Church,  on  the  other  hand,  as  represented  by . 


BIB 


Bia 


123 


Jerome,  Augustine,  &c.,  gave  priority  of  position  to  ' 
the  Pauline  Epistles  (Pai'l),  tliose  addressed  to 
elmrelies  being  arranged  according  to  their  relative 
importance  before  those  addressed  to  individuals. 
The  Ajwealypse  (Revelation  of  St.  Jons),  as  might 
be  expected  from  the  peculiar  character  of  its  con- 
tents, occupied  a  position  by  itself.  Its  compara- 
tively late  recognition  may  have  determined  the  po- 
sition whicli  it  has  uniformly  held  as  the  last  of 
the  Sacred  Books. — IV.  Division  into  Chaplirs  and 
Verses.— I.  The  Hebrew  of  the  0.  T.  It  is  hardly 
possible  to  conceive  of  the  liturgical  use  of  the 
books  of  the  0.  T.,  without  some  kinds  of  recog- 
nized division.  The  references,  however,  in  Mk.  xii. 
28  and  Lk.  xx.  37,  Rom.  xi.  2  and  Acts  viii.  32,  in- 
dicate a  division  which  hud  become  familiar,  and 
show  that  some  at  least  of  the  sections  were  known 
])opularly  by  titles  taken  from  their  subjects.  In 
like  manner  the  existence  of  a  cycle  of  lessons  is 
indicated  by  Lk.  iv.  17  ;  Acts  xiii.  15,  xv.  21 ;  2  Cor. 
ill  14.  The  Talmudic  division  is  on  the  following 
plan.  "  The  Law  "  was  in  the  first  instance  divided 
into  fifty-four  sections  (Heb./>ar«Ati/d//i)  so  as  to  pro- 
vide a  lesson  for  each  Sabbath  in  the  Jewish  inter- 
calary year.  Coexisting  with  this  there  was  a  sub- 
division into  lesser  sections.  Toe  lesser  sections 
themselves  wei'e  classed  under  two  heads — the  open 
(Me\).  plthuholh  OT pilhuchoih),  which  served  to  indi- 
cate a  change  of  subject  analogous  to  that  between 
two  paragraphs  in  modern  writing,  and  began  ac- 
cordingly a  fresh  line  in  theMSS. ;  and  the  shut  (Mth. 
tilhumolh),  which  corresponded  to  minor  divisions, 
and  were  marked  only  by  a  space  within  the  line. 
The  sections  (Heb.  hajiludroth)  of  "the  Prophets  " 
were  intended  to  correspond  with  the  larger  sections 
of  "  t!ie  Law,"  and  thus  furnish  a  lesson  for  every 
Sabbath  ;  but  the  traditions  of  the  German  and  the 
Spanish  Jews  present  a  considerable  diversity  in 
the  length  of  the  divisions.  Of  the  traditional  di- 
visions of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  however,  that  which 
has  exercised  the  most  influence  in  the  received 
arrangement  of  the  text,  was  the  subdivision  of  the 
larger  sections  into  verses  (Heb.  pusukim).  These 
do  not  appear  to  have  been  used  till  the  post-Tal- 
mudic  recension  of  the  text  by  the  M.isoretes  of  the 
ninth  century.  The  chief  facts  that  remain  to  be 
stated  as  to  the  verse  divisions  of  the  0.  T.  are,  that 
it  was  adopted  by  Stephens  in  his  edition  of  the  Vul- 
gate, 1555,  and  by  Frellon  in  thut  of  1356  ;  that  it 
appeared  for  the  first  time  in  an  English  translation, 
in  the  Geneva  Bible  of  1560,  and  was  thence  trans- 
ferred to  the  Bishop's  Bible  of  1568,  and  the  Author- 
ized Version  of  1611.  In  Coverdale's  Bible  we  meet 
with  the  older  notation,  which  was  in  familiar  use 
for  other  books,  and  retained  in  some  instances  (e.  g. 
in  references  to  Plato)  to  the  present  times.  The 
letters  A  B  C  D  are  placed  at  e(iual  distances  in  the 
margin  of  each  page,  and  the  reference  is  made  to 
the  page  (or,  in  the  case  of  Scripture,  to  the  chapter) 
and  the  letter  accordingly.  A  more  systematic  di- 
vision into  chapters  was  generally  adopted  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  and  is  traditionally  ascribed  to 
Stephen  I,aiigdon,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  or  to 
Cardinal  Hugo  =  Hugh  de  St.  Cher.  As  regards  the 
0.  T.,  the  present  arrangements  grows  out  of  the 
nnion  of  Cardinal  Hugo's  capitular  divi.«ion  and  the 
Masorctic  verses.  The  Apocryphal  books,  to  which 
of  couwe  no  Masorctic  division  was  applicable,  did 
not  receive  a  versicular  division  till  the  Latin  edition 
of  Pagninus  in  1528,  nor  the  division  now  in  use  till 
Stephens's  edition  of  the  Vulgate  in  1646.— 2.  In 
the  Jf.  T.,  as  in  the  0.  T.,  the  system  of  notation 


grew  out  of  the  necessities  of  study  Tlie  compari- 
son of  the  Gospel  narratives  gave  rise  to  attempts 
to  exhibit  the  harmony  between  them.  Of  these,  the 
first  of  which  we  have  any  record,  was  the  Uialcs- 
sari/ii  of  Tatian  in  the  second  centtirv.  This  was 
followed  by  a  work  of  like  character  from  Anjmonius 
of  Alexandria  in  the  third.  The  system  adopted  by 
Ammonius,  however,  was  practically  inconvenient. 
The  search  after  a  more  convenient  method  of  ex- 
hibiting the  parallelisms  of  the  Gospel  led  Eusebius 
to  form  the  ten  Canons  which  bear  his  name,  and  in 
which  the  sections  of  the  Gospels  are  classed  ac- 
cording as  the  fact  narrated  is  found  in  1,  2,  3,  or 
4  of  the  Evangelists.  The  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  were 
first  divided  in  a  similar  manner  by  the  unknown 
bishop  to  whom  Euthalius  assigns  the  credit  of  it 
(about  S'JO),  and  he  himself,  at  the  instigation  of 
Atbanasius,  applied  the  method  of  division  to  the 
Acts  and  the  Catholic  Epistles.  Andrew,  bishop  of 
Cesarea  in  Cappadocia,  completed  the  work  by  di- 
viding the  Apocalypse  (about  500).  With  the  X.  T., 
however,  as  with  the  0.  T.,  the  division  inso  chap- 
ters, adopted  by  Cardinal  Hugo  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  superseded  those  that  had  been  in  use  inc- 
viou.sly,  appeared  in  the  early  editions  of  the  Vul- 
gate, was  transferred  to  the  English  Bible  by  Covei- 
dale,  and  so  became  universal.  The  notation  of  the 
verses  in  each  chapter  naturally  followed  on  the  use 
of  the  Masoretic  verses  for  the  0.  T.  The  whole 
work  of  subdividing  the  chapters  of  the  N.  T.  into 
verses  was  accomplished  by  Robert  Stephens  in 
1548,  during  his  journey  from  Paris  to  Lyons. 
While  it  was  in  progress  men  doubted  of  its  success. 
Xo  sooner  was  it  known  than  it  met  with  universal 
acceptance.  The  edition  in  which  this  division  was 
first  adopted  was  published  in  1551 ;  another  came 
from  the  same  press  in  1535.'  It  was  used  for  the 
Vulgate  in  the  Antwerp  edition  of  Hcntenius  in 
1559,  for  the  English  version  published  in  Geneva 
in  1500,  and  from  that  time,  with  slight  variations  in 
detail,  has  been  universally  recognized.  The  con- 
venience of  this  division  for  reference  is  obvious ; 
but  it  may  be  questioned  whether  it  has  not  been 
purchased  at  a  great  sacrifice  of  the  perception  by 
ordinary  readers  of  the  true  order  and  connection 
of  the  narrative  or  thought  of  the  sacred  writers. 
The  original  is  more  faithfully  represented  in  the 
Paragraph  Bibles  and  in  the  Greek  Testament  as  ed- 
ited by  Halin,  Lachmann,  Tischendorf,  &c. 

Bkil'ri  [bik-]  (Heb.  [first-born,  Sim. ;  youthful, 
Ges.,  Fii. ;  perhaps  smi  of  Beeher,  Ld.  A.  C.  H.),  an- 
cestor of  Sheba  (2  Sam.  xx.  1,  &e.). 

BId'kar  (Heb.  son  of  stubbing,  i.  e.  stabber,  Ges.), 
Jehu's  "  captain,"  oi'iginally  his  fellow-oflicer  (2  K. 
ix.  25) ;  who  completed  the  sentence  on  Jchoram 
son  of  Ahab  by  ousting  his  body  into  the  field  of 
Naboth. 

Bier.    Bi-RiAL  2. 

Big  tba  (Heb.  perhaps  =  gardi-n,  gardener,  or 
fr.  Pers.  and  Sansc.  =.  given  bn  fortmic,  Ges.;  prob- 
ably =  Abagtha),  one  of  the  seven  chambeilains  or 
eunuchs  of  Ahasuerus  (Eslh.  i.  10). 

BIg'tlian  and  Big'tha-na  (both  Heb.  =  BiornA, 
Ges.),  a  eunuch  ('■  chamberlain,"  A.  V.)  in  the  court 
of  Ahasuerus,  one  of  those  "  who  kept  the  door  " 
and  conspirator  with  Teresh  against  the  king's  life 
(Esth.  ii.  21).  The  conspiracy  was  detected  by  Mor- 
(lecai,  and  the  eunuchs  hung.  Prideaux  supposes 
that  these  officers  had  been  partially  superseded  by 
the  degiadati(m  of  Vashti,  and  sought  revenge  by 
the  murder  of  Ahasuerus. 

Blg'vai  or  Big'va-I  (Ilcb.  perhaps  =  husbandman, 


124 


BIE 


BIS 


gardener,  or  [so  Bohlen]  fr.  Sansc.  =  happy,  Ges.). 
1.  Ancestor  ol'  2,066  (Neh.  2,067)  nho  returned  from 
the  Captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  14  ;  Neh.  vii. 
19),  and  of  72  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  14).  (Bago  ; 
Baooi.) — 3f  Apparently  a  chief  of  Zerubbabel's  ex- 
pedition (Ezr.  ii.  2 ;  JSeh.  vii.  7),  who  afterward 
signed  the  covenant  (Neli.  x.  16). 

Bik'ath-A'vea  (Ileb.)  (Am.  i.  5,  margin).  Aten  1. 

Bil'dad  (Heb.  son  of  contention,  Ges.),  the  second 
of  Job's  three  friends  ;  called  "  the  Suuhite  "  (Job 
ii.  11,  &c.).     Job. 

Bil'e-ani  (Heb.  =  Balaam),  a  town  in  the  western 
half  of  the  tribe  of  Manasstli  (1  Chr.  vi.  70  only), 
given  to  the  Koh.athites.  In  Josh.  xvii.  and  xxi. 
Ibleam  and  Gath-iummon  2  are  substituted  for  it. 

Bil'gah  (Heb.  cheerfulness,  Ges.).  1,  A  priest  in 
David's  time ;  Iiead  of  the  fifteenth  course  for  the 
Temple  service  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  14). — 2.  A  priest  who 
returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua 
(Neh.  xii.  5,  18);  probably  =  Bilgai. 

Bil'gai  or  Bll'ga-i  (Heb.  =  Bilgaii,  Ges.),  a  priest 
who  staled  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  8). 
Bilgah  2. 

Bilhah  (Heb.  hashfidness  ?  Ges.).  1,  Handmaid 
of  Rachel  (Gen.  xxix.  29),  and  concubine  of  Jacob, 
to  whom  she  bore  Dan  and  Naphtali  (Gen.  xxx.  3- 
8,  XXXV.  23,  xlvi.  25;  1  Chr.  vii.  13).  Reuben  al'ter- 
ward  lay  with  her  (Gen.  xxxv.  22). — 2.  A  town  of 
the  Simeonites  (1  Chr.  iv.  29);  also  called  Baalau 
and  Balaii. 

BUhaa  (Heb.  perhaps  bmhful,  modest,  Ges.).  1. 
A  Horite  chief,  son  of  Ezer,  dwelling  in  Mount  Seir 
(Gen.  xxxvi.  27 ;  1  Chr.  i.  42). — 2.  A  Benjamite, 
son  of  Jediael  (1  Chr.  vii.  10). 

*Bill.     Divorce;  Loan;  Writing. 

Bil'sban  (Heb.  son  of  the  ioiic/ue,  i.  e.  eloquent, 
Ges.),  a  companion  of  Zerubbabel  on  his  expedition 
from  Babylon  (Ezr.  ii.  2 ;  Neh.  vii.  7). 

BlTa'hA\{Heb.  son  of  circumcision,  i.  e.  circumcised, 
Ges.),  an  Asherite,  son  of  Japhlet  (1  Chr.  vii.  33). 

Bin'e-a  (Heb.  a  gushing  forth,  fountain,  Sim., 
Ges.),  son  of  Moza,  descendant  of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii. 
37,  ix.  43). 

Bin'nn-i  (Heb.  a  building,  Ges.).  1.  A  Levite, 
father  of  Noadiaii  1  (Ezr.  viii.  33). — 2.  A  son  of 
Pahath-moab ;  husband  of  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x. 
30);  =  BALNncs. — 3.  A  son  of  Bani ;  husband  of 
a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  38). — 1.  Bani  4  (Neh.  vii.  1.")). 
— 5.  A  Levite,  son  of  Henadad,  who  assisted  in  re- 
pairing the  wall  of  Jerusalem  under  Nehemiah 
(Neh.  iii.  24,  x.  9);  possibly  =  Binnui  in  xii.  8,  who 
sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah. 

Bird  is  the  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  fol- 
lowing :— 1.  Heb.  'oph  (Gen.  xl.  17,  19,  kc),  liter- 
ally wing  =  any  winged  animal ;  often  translated 
"TowL." — 2.  Ileb.  tsippor  (Gen.  vii.  14,  xv.  10; 
Lev.  xlv.  4  ff.  ;  Deut.  xiv.  11,  &c.)  =  a  small  bird, 
and  generally  any  bird.  — 3.  Heb.  'agit  (Is.  xlvi.  U  ; 
Jer.  xii.  9  ;  Ez.  xxxix.  4)  =  a  "  ravenous  bird." — 4. 
Ov.  peteinon(Ei:c\n3.  xxvii.  9,  19,  xliii.  17;  Mat.  viii. 
20,  &c.) ;  usually  in  pi.  =  "  birds,"  winged  animals; 
compare  No.  1. — 5.  Gr.ptena,  pi.  adj.  fv.'ptenos(\  Cor. 
XV.  39)  =  icinged  animals,  "  birds." — 6.  Gr.  orncon 
(Wis.  V.  11,  xvii.  18,  Gr.  17  ;  Rev.  xviii.  2)  ="  bird." 
— Most  of  the  above  Hebrew  and  Greek  words  are 
also  translated  "  fowl." — In  modern  zoology,  birds 
constitute  a  class  of  vertebrate  animals,  warm- 
blooded, oviparous,  feathered,  with  beak,  two  feet, 
and  two  wings  adapted  more  or  less  perfectly  for 
flight.  Birds  are  often  noticed  in  the  Scriptures. 
Ravenous  birds  and  some  others  were  accounted  un- 
clean by  the  Mosaic  Law,  while  most  graminivorous 


and  granivorous  birds  appear  to  have  been  reckoned 
CLEAN  (Lev.  xi.  13-20;  Deut.  xiv.  11-20).  Bit- 
tern ;  Cage  ;  Dove  ;  Food  ;  Fowl  ;  Gin  ;  Hyena  ; 
Nest  ;  Net  ;  Ostrich  ;  Partridge  ;  Purification  ; 
QcAiLS  ;  Sacrifice  ;  Snare  ;  Sparrow  ;  Tiirii.e, 
&c. 

Bir'sha(Heb.  son  of  wickednesn,  Ges.),  king  of  Go- 
morrah at  the  invasion  of  Chedorlaomer  (Gen.  xiv. 

2)- 

*  Birth.    Children. 

Birtil'day.  The  custom  of  observing  birthdays 
is  very  ancient  (Gen.  xl.  20;  Jer.  xx.  15);  and  in 
Job  i.  4,  &c.,  we  read  that  Job's  sons  "feasted 
every  one  his  day."  In  Persia  they  were  celebrated 
with  peculiar  honors  and  banquets,  and  in  Egypt  the 
kings'  birthdays  were  kept  with  great  pomp.  (Ban- 
quets.) Probably  in  consequence  of  the  ceremonies 
Ufcual  in  their  celebration,  the  Jews  regarded  their 
observance  as  an  idolatrous  custom  (Lightfoot). 
Many  suppose  that  in  Mat.  xiv.  6  and  Mk.  vi.  21  the 
feast  to  commemorate  Herod's  accession  is  intended, 
for  such  feasts  were  common,  and  were  called  "  the 
day  of  the  king"  (Hos.  vii.  0);  but  it  is  supposed 
by  Robinson  (N.  T.  Lex.),  Kitto,  Meyer,  Barnes,  &c., 
to  have  been  on  the  anniversary  of  his  birth. 

Birtli'riglit.    First-bokn. 

Bir'za-vitll  (Ileb.  holes,  wounds,  or  inell  of  olives! 
Ges.),  a  name,  probably  of  a  place,  occurring  in  the 
genealogies  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  31 ;  compare  ii.  50, 
51,  ix.  33,  &e.).     Malcihel. 

Bisb'iam  (Ucb.  son  of  jieace,  Ges.),  apparently  an 
officer  or  commissioner  of  Artaxerxes  in  Palestine  at 
the  return  of  Zerubbabel  from  captivity  (Ezr.  iv.  7) ; 
called  Belemus  in  1  Esdras. 

Bisil'O])  (fr.  Gr.  epiikopos  =  "  overseer"  ;  L.  epis- 
copus).  The  word  cpiskopos,  applied  in  the  N.  T.  to 
the  officers  of  the  church  who  were  charged  with 
certain  functions  of  superintendence,  had  been  in 
use  before  as  a  title  of  office.  The  inspectors  or 
commissioners  sent  by  Athens  to  her  subject-states 
were  episkopoi  (Aristoph.  Av.  1022).  The  title  was 
still  current  and  beginning  to  be  used  by  the  Romans 
in  the  later  days  of  the  republic  (Cic.  ad  Att.  vii. 
11).  The  Hellenistic  Jews  found  it  employed  in  the 
LXX.,  though  with  no  very  definite  value,  for  officers 
charged  with  certain  functions  (Num.  iv.  16  [of  Ele- 
azar's  office],  xxxi.  14  ["officers,"  A.  V];  Ps.  cix. 
8  [Gr.  episkope  =  episcopate,  "  liffice  "  in  A.  V.]  ; 
Is.  Ix.  17  ["exactors,"  A.V.]).  W'hen  the  organization 
of  the  Christian  churches  in  Gentile  cities  involved 
the  assignment  of  the  work  of  pastoral  superintend- 
ence to  a  distinct  order,  the  title  episkopos  present- 
ed itself  as  at  once  convenient  and  familiar,  and  was 
therefore  adopted  as  readily  as  the  word  elder  (Gr. 
presbuteros)  had  been  in  the  mother  church  of  Jeru- 
silem.  That  the  two  titles  were  originally  equivar 
lent  is  clear  from  the  following  facts  (so  Professor 
Plumptre,  original  author  of  this  article) : — 1.  Bishops 
and  elders  are  nowhere  named  together  as  orders 
distinct  from  each  other. — 2.  Bishops  and  deacons 
are  named  as  apparently  an  exhaustive  division  of 
the  officers  of  eluirches  addressed  by  St.  Paul  as  an 
apostle  (Phil.  i.  1  ;  1  Tim.  iii.  1,  8).— 3.  The  same 
persons  are  described  by  both  names  (Acts  xx.  17, 
28;  Tit.  i.  5,  7).— 4.  Elders  discharge  functions  es- 
sentially episcopal,  i.  e.  involving  pastoral  superin- 
tendence (1  Tim.  V.  17;  1  Pet.  v.  1,  2  [Gr.  episkopo- 
rentes  =  "taking  the  oversight,"  A.  V.]). — Assum- 
ing as  proved  the  identity  of  the  bishops  and  elders 
of  the  N.  T.,  we  inquire  into — I.  The  relation  be- 
tween the  two  titles.  II.  The  functions  and  mode  of 
appointment  of  the  men  to  whom  both  titles  were 


BIS 


BIT 


125 


appliw3. — I.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  "  elders  " 
had  the  priority  in  o  der  of  time.  The  order  itself 
is  recognized  iu  Acts  xi.  30,  and  iu  Acts  xv.  It 
is  transferred  by  Paul  and  Barnabas  to  the  Gentile 
churches  in  their  first  missionary  journey  (Acts  xiv. 
23).  The  earliest  use  of  "  bishops,"  on  the  other 
hand,  is  in  the  address  of  St.  Paul  to  the  elders  of 
Miletus  (Acts  xx.  28  ["  overseers,"  A.  V.]),  and  there 
it  is  rather  descriptive  of  functions  than  given  as  a 
title.  The  earliest  epistle  in  which  it  is  formally 
used  as  =  "  elders "  is  Philippians,  as  late  as  the 
time  of  his  first  imprisonment  at  Rome. — II.  Of 
the  order  in  which  the  first  elders  were  appointed, 
as  of  the  occasion  which  led  to  the  institution  of  tlie 
office,  we  have  no  record.  From  the  analogy  of  the 
seven  in  Acts  vi.  5,  6,  it  would  seem  probable  that 
they  were  chosen  by  the  members  of  the  church  col- 
lectively, and  then  set  apart  to  their  office  by  the  lay- 
ing on  of  the  apostles'  hands.  In  the  case  of  Tim- 
othy (1  Tim.  iv.  14  ;  2  Tim.  i.  fi)  the  "  presbytery," 
probably  the  body  of  the  elders  at  Lystra,  had  taken 
part  with  the  apostle  in  this  act  of  ordination. 
(Evangelist.)  The  conditions  to  be  observed  in 
choosing  these  officers,  as  stated  in  the  pastoral 
epistles,  are,  blameless  life  and  reputation  among 
those  "  that  are  without "  as  well  as  within  the 
church,  fitness  for  the  work  of  teaching,  the  wide 
kindliness  of  temper  which  shows  itsell  in  hospital- 
ity, the  "being  the  husband  of  one  wife"  (i.  e.,  most 
probably,  not  divorced  and  then  married  to  another), 
showing  powers  of  government  in  his  own  household 
a.'  well  as  in  self-control,  not  being  a  recent  and, 
thciefore,  an  untried  convert.  When  appointed,  the 
duties  of  the  bishop-elders  appear  to  have  been  as 
follows : — 1.  General  superintendence  over  the  spir- 
itual well-being  of  the  flock  (1  Pet.  v.  2).  2.  The 
work  of  teaching,  both  publielv  and  privately  (1  Th. 
v.  12;  1  Tim.  v.  17;  Tit.  i.  9).  3.  The  work  of 
visiting  the  sick  appears  in  Jas.  v.  14,  as  assigned 
to  the  elders  of  the  church.  4.  Among  other  acts 
of  charity,  that  of  receiving  strangers  occupied  a 
comspicuous  place  (1  Tim.  iii.  2;  Tit.  i.  8). — The 
mode  in  which  these  officers  of  the  church  were  sup- 
ported or  remunerated  varied  probably  in  diffijrent 
cities.  At  Miletus  St.  Paul  exhons  the  elders  of  the 
church  to  follow  his  example  and  work  for  their 
own  livelihood  (Acts  xx.  34).  In  1  Cor.  ix.  14,  and 
Gal.  vi.  e,  he  asserts  the  right  of  the  ministers  of  the 
church  to  be  supported  by  it.  In  1  Tim.  v.  17,  he 
gives  a  special  application  of  the  principle  in  the  a»- 
pignmcnt  of  a  double  allowance  to  those  who  have 
been  conspicuous  for  their  activity  (so  Professor 
Plumptre,  &c. ;  Conybeare  and  Ilowson  translate 
"  twofold  honor, "  implying  reward ;  Bloomfield 
gays,  "  no  doubt  reaped  is  included,  as  well  as  pro- 
vhion;"  Uoljinson  [N.  T.  Ltv.]  translates  "double 
[i.  e.  any  greater  relative  amount  of]  honor ; "  com- 

Sarc  the  A.  V.  "  double  honor  ").  Collectively  at 
erusalem,  and  probably  in  other  churches,  the  body 
of  bisho|>-elders  took  part  in  deliberations  (Acts  xv. 
6-22,  xxi.  18),  addressed  other  churches  (xv.  23), 
were  joined  with  the  apostles  in  the  work  of  ordain- 
ing by  the  laying  on  of  hands  (1  Tim.  iv.  14 ;  2  Tim. 
i.  IC). — nicre  is  no  doubt  that  after  the  apostolic 
age  the  "  bishop  "  had  authority  over  the  "  ciders," 
but  how  far  this  ecclesiastical  preeminence  is  sanc- 
tioned by  the  N.  T.  or  by  apostolic  practice  is  a 
matter  of  controversy  between  the  supporters  and 
opimsers  of  diocesan  episcopacy,  the  discussion  of 
which  is  foreign  to  the  object  of  this  Dictionary 
of  the  Bible.  Apostlk  ;  Deacos  ;  Elder  ;  Evan- 
QELIST  ;    Ml.VISTER  ;  Ordain  ;  Pastob. 


*  Bi'son  (Deut.  xiv.  5,  marg.).     Pygaro. 

*  Bit.     Horse. 

Bi-tbi'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  davglder  [i.  e.  wcrs/iipper] 
of  Jehovah;  see  Ase-nath),  daughter  of  a  Pharaoh, 
aud  wife  of  Mered,  a  descendant  of  Judab  (1  Chr.  iv. 
18).  The  Scriptures,  as  well  as  the  Egyptian  monu- 
ments, show  that  the  Pharaohs  intermarried  with 
foreigners ;  but  such  alliances  seem  to  have  been 
contracted  with  royal  families  alone.  It  may  be  sup- 
posed that  Bithiah  was  taken  captive. 

Bitb'ron  (Ueb.  properly,  section,  i.  e.  a  region  eut 
up  with  mountains  and  valleys ;  or  better,  a  valley 
cutting  into  mountains  =  a  craggy  valley,  riiountaiu 
gorge,  defile,  Ges. ;  compare  Betber),  probably  a 
district  in  the  Jordan  valley  (Plain  5),  on  the  E. 
side  of  the  river  (2  Sam.  ii.  29).  Some  take  Bithron 
as  a  proper  name;  others  (Gesenius,  Robinson,  &c. ; 
see  above)  as  an  appellation  of  a  rugged  district,  or 
of  a  ravine,  e.  g.  Wady  Adjh'm. 

Bi-thyn'1-a  (L.  fr.  Gr. ;  named  from  the  Bithyni,  a 
Thracian  people  from  the  Strymon),  a  province  of 
Asia  Minor  mentioned  only  in  Acts  xvi.  7,  and  1 
Pet.  i.  1.  Bithynia,  considered  as  a  Roman  province, 
was  on  the  W.  contiguous  to  Asia.  On  the  E.  its 
limits  underwent  great  modifications.  The  province 
was  originally  inherited  by  the  Roman  republic 
(b.  c.  74)  as  a  legacy  from  Nicomedes  III.,  the  last 
of  an  independent  line  of  monarehs,  one  of  whom 
had  invited  into  Asia  Minor  those  Gauls  who  gave 
the  name  of  Galatia  to  the  central  district  of  the 
peninsula.  On  the  death  of  Mithridates,  king  of 
Pontus,  B.  c.  63,  the  W.  part  of  the  Pontic  kingdom 
was  added  to  the  province  of  Bithynia,  which  again 
received  further  accessions  on  this  side  under  Augus- 
tus, A.  n.  7.  Pliny  the  younger  governed  Bithynia 
as  pro-consul  when  he  wrote  his  celebrated  letter  to 
the  Emperor  Trajan  respecting  the  persecution  of 
Christians ;  and  the  Niccne  creed  owes  its  origin  and 
name  to  the  general  Council  held  at  Nice,  the  chief 
town  in  Bithynia,  a.  d.  325. 

Bit'ter  Herbs  (Heb.  mtjrdrim;  in  Lam.  iii.  15  trans- 
lated "  bitterness  ").  The  Israelites  were  command- 
ed to  eat  the  Paschal  lamb  "  with  unleavened  bread 
and  with  bitter  herbs"  (Ex.  xii.  8;  Num.  ix.  11). 
According  to  Aben  Ezra  the  ancient  Egyptians  al- 
ways placed  dillerent  kinds'  of  herbs  upon  the  table 
with  mustard,  and  dipped  morsels  of  bread  into  this 
salad.  That  the  Jews  derived  this  custom  of  eating 
herbs  with  their  meat  from  the  Egyptians  is  extreme- 
ly probable.  The  "  bitter  herbs  "  probably  —  the 
various  edible  kinds  of  bitter  plants,  whether  culti- 
vated or  wild,  which  the  Israelites  could  obtain  with 
facility,  particularly  bitter  cresses  and  other  crucif- 
erous plants,  or  the  chiccory  group  of  the  compositw, 
the  hawkweeds,  sow-thistles,  and  wild  lettuces  which 
grow  abundantly  in  the  peninsula  of  Sinai,  in  Pales- 
tine, and  in  Egypt. 

•  Bit'ter  Water.  Adultery ;  Water  of  Jeal- 
ousy. 

Bittern  (Heb.  kippod).  The  Hebrew  word  has 
been  variously  translated,  the  old  versions  generally 
(and  so  Gesenius,  Winer,  Fiirst,  &c.)  sanctioning 
"  hedgehog  "  or  "  porcupine ;  "  "  tortoise,"  "  bea- 
ver," "  otter,"  "  owl,"  have  also  all  been  conjectured, 
but  without  reason.  Philological  arguments  appear 
to  be  rather  in  favor  of  the  "hedgehog"  or  "  por- 
cupine," for  the  Ileb.  kippdd  appears  =  kvnfud,  the 
Arabic  word  for  the  hedgehog ;  but  zoologically,  the 
hedgehog  or  porcupine  is  quite  out  of  the  question. 
The  word  occurs  in  Is.  xiv.  23,  xxxiv.  1 1  ;  Zcpli.  ii.  14. 
The  former  passage  would  seem  to  point  to  some 
solitude-loving  aquatic  bird,  and  so  the  .A.  V.  trans- 


126 


BIT 


ktion  "  bittern  "  is  probably  correct.  This  bird  has 
a  habit  of  erecting  and  bristling  out  the  feathers  of 
t'le  neck,  which  gives  it  some  resemblance  to  a  porcu- 
pine. Col.  H.  Smith,  in  Kitto,  says,  "  though  not  build- 
ing like  the  stork  on  the  tops  of  houses,  it  resorts  like 
the  heron  to  ruined  structures,  and  we  have  been  in- 
formed that  it  has  been  seen  on  the  summit  of  Tank 
Kisra  at  (Jtesiphon."  The  bittern  (Bi'taunis  stellaris) 
belongs  to  the  heron  family  of  birds ;  it  has  a  wide 
range,  being  found  in  Russia  and  Siberia  as  far  N.  as 
the  river  Lena,  in  Europe  generally,  in  Barbary,  S. 
Africa,  Trebizond,  and  in  the  countries  between  the 
Black  and  Caspian  Seas,  &c. 


Bolaurui  sttUaria. 


6i-tn'mcn.    Slimr. 

BU-Jotll'jah  (fr.  Heb.  =  coniempl  of  Jehovah,  Ges.), 
a  town  in  the  S.  of  Judah  named  with  Beer-sheba 
and  Baalah  (Josh.  xv.  28).  Wilton  {The  Ner/eb) 
and  Rowlands  (in  Fairbjirn  under  "  S.  Country  ") 
connect  this  with  tlie  following  "  Baalah  "  as  a 
compound  name.  The  former  supposes  it  at  the 
modern  village  Deir  el-Beldh,  on  the  coast,  nine  or 
ten  miles  S.  W.  from  Gaza ;  the  latter  possibly  at 
Bawdty,  an  ancient  site  in  the  plain  fifteen  or  twenty 
miles  nearly  S.  from  Gaza. 

Biz'tha  (Heb  prob.  fr.  Pers.,  denoting  his  condi- 
tion as  a  eimuch,  Ges.),  the  second  of  the  seven 
eunuchs  of  King  Ahasuerus  (Esth.  i.  10). 

Blatk.     Colors. 

Blains  (Heb.  aba'bu'dlh,  fr.  bua\  to  boil  up),  vio- 
lent ulcerous  inflammations.  It  was  the  sixth  plague 
of  Egypt  (Ex.  ix.  9,  10),  and  hence  is  called  in  Deut. 
xxviii.  27,  35,  "  the  botch  of  Egypt."     Medicine. 

Blas'phe-my,  in  its  technical  English  sense,  signi- 
fies the  speaking  evil  of  God,  and  in  this  sense  it  is 
found  Ps.  Ixxiv.  18;  Is.  lii.  5  ;  Rom.  ii.  24,  &c.  But 
according  to  its  Greek  derivation  it  may  mean  any 
species  of  calumny  and  abuse  (or  even  an  unlucky 
word,  Euripides,  Ion.  1187):  see  1  K.  xxi.  10;  Acts 
xviii.  6  ;  Jude  9,  "  railing,"  A.  V.,  &c.  Blasphemy 
was  punished  with  stoning,  which  was  inflicted  on 
the  son  of  Shelomith  (Lev.  xxiv.  11).  On  this 
charge  both  our  Lord  and  St.  Stephen  were  con- 
demned to  death  by  the  Jews,  When  a  person  heard 
blasphemy  he  laid  his  hand  on  the  head  of  the  of- 
fender, to  symbolize  his  Bole  responsibility  for  the 


BLO 

guilt,  and  rising  on  his  feet,  tore  his  robe,  which 
iuight  never  again  be  mended.  "  The  blasphemy 
against  the  Holy  Ghost "  has  been  a  fruitful  theme 
for  speculation  and  controversy  (Mat.  xii.  31  ;  Mk. 
iii.  29).  It  consisted  in  attributing  to  the  power  of 
Satan  those  unquestionable  miracles,  which  Jesus 
performed  by  "  the  finger  of  God,"  and  the  power 
of  the  Holy  Spirit ;  nor  have  we  any  safe  ground  for 
extending  it  to  include  all  sorts  of  williug  (as  dis- 
tinguished from  wilful)  offences,  besides  this  one 
limited  and  special  sin. 

*  Blasting  (Heb.  shidlAphdn),  a  scorching  or  blight 
of  grain  by  the  influence  of  the  E.  wind,  ke.  (Deut. 
xxviii.  22 ;  1  K.  viii.  37,  &c. ;  compare  Gen.  xli.  6 
ff.).     Winds. 

Blas'tns(L.  fr.  Gr.^^abud,  sprout),  the  chamberlain 
of  Herod  Agrippa  I.,  made  by  the  people  of  Tyre 
and  Sidon  a  mediator  between  them  and  the  angry 
king  (Acts  xii.  20). 

*  Blem'ish  (Heb.  mum;  Gr.  momos).  All  officiat- 
ing priests  and  all  victims  for  sacrifice  were  required 
to  be  without  blemish,  i.  c.  without  bodily  defect 
(Lev.  xxi.  17  ff.,  xxii.  17  ft". ;  Deut.  xv.  21,  22,  &c.). 
Both  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  words  are  used  figu- 
ratively of  moral  defects  or  faults  (Deut.  xxxii.  5, 
A.  V.  ''spot,"  margin  "  blot;  "  Ecclus.  xviii.  15  ;  2 
Pet.  ii.  13).  Jesus  Christ  is  compared  to  "a  lamb 
without  blemish  (Gr.  a-momos)  and  without  spot " 
(1  Pet.  i.  19).     Atonement;  Priest;  Sacrifice. 

*  Blessing,  in  the  Scriptures,  may  come  (l.)to 
men,  &c.,  from  God,  when  He  confers  on  them  any 
favor  or  benefit  (Gen.  i.  28  ;  Ps.  iii.  8,  &.e.) ;  (2.)  to  God 
from  men,  &c.,  when  they  thankfully  acknowledge 
His  goodness  and  praise  Him  for  His  excellence  (I's. 
ciii.  1,  2,  20-22  ;  Rev.  v.  13,  &c.);  (3.)  to  man  from 
man,  when  one  prays  for  or  declares  God's  favor 
toward  the  other  (Gen.  xxvii.,  xlviii.,  xlix. ;  Deut. 
xxxiii.,  &e.),  or  pronounces  him  favored  (Ps.  x.  3, 
&c.) ;  (4.)  to  man  from  himself,  when  he  prays  for 
God's  favor  or  pronounces  himself  prosperous  or  happy 
without  reference  to  it  (Deut.  xxix.  19;  Is.  Ixv.  16, 
&c.),  &c.     Prayer. 

Blind'ingt     Punishments. 

Blind'ness  is  extremely  common  in  the  East  from 
many  causes.  (Medicine.)  Blind  men  figure  re- 
peatcdlv  in  the  N.  T.  (Mat.  ix.  27  ff.,  xi.  5,  xii.  22, 
XX.  30  ff. ;  Mk.  viii.  22  ff. ;  Lk.  vii.  21  ;  Jn.  v.  3,  ix. 
1  ff.  &c.),  and  "  opening  the  eyes  of  the  blind  "  is 
mentioned  in  prophecy  as  a  peculiar  attribute  of  the 
Messiah  (Is.  xxix.  18,  &c.).  (Miracles.)  The  Hebrews 
were  specially  charged  to  treat  the  blind  with  com- 
passion and  care  (Lev.  xix.  14;  Deut.  xxvii.  18). 
(Poor.)  Blindness  is  several  times  mentioned  in  the 
Bible  as  miraculously  sent  upon  enemies  of  God's 
people  (Gen.  xix.  11  ;  2  K.  vi.  18-22  ;  Acts  ix.  9). 
Blindness  wilfully  inflicted  for  political  or  other  pur- 
poses was  common  in  the  East  (1  Sam.  xi.  2 ;  Jer. 
xxxix.  7).     Pdnishments. 

Blood.  To  blood  is  ascribed  in  Scripture  the 
mysterious  sacredness  which  belongs  to  life,  and 
God  reserves  it  to  Himself  when  allowing  man  the 
dominion  over  and  the  use  of  the  lower  animals  for 
pood.  Thus  reserved,  it  acquires  a  double  power  : 
1,  that  of  sacrificial  atonement  (Sacrifice)  ;  and  2, 
that  of  becoming  a  curse  when  wantonly  shed,  un- 
less duly  expiated  (Gen.  ix.  4;  Lev.  vii.  26,  xvii.  11- 
14).  As  regards  1,  the  blood  of  sacrifices  was  caught 
by  the  Jewish  priest  from  the  neck  of  the  victim  in 
a  basin,  then  sprinkled  seven  times  (in  case  of  birds 
at  once  squeezed  out  on  the  altar,  but  that  of  the 
passover  on  the  lintel  and  door-posts,  Ex.  xii. ; 
Lev.  iv.  5-7,  xvi.  14-19).    In  regard  to  2,  it  sufficed 


BLO 


BOO 


12T 


to  pour  the  auimal's  blood  on  the  earth,  or  to  bury 
it,  as  a  solemn  renderin;;  of  the  life  to  God  ;  in  case 
of  humiui  bloodshed  (Murder)  a  mysterious  connec- 
tion is  observable  between  the  curse  of  blood  and 
the  earth  or  land  on  which  it  is  shed  (Gen.  iv.  Id, 
ix.  4-6  ;  Xum.  xxxv.  83  ;  Deut.  xxi.  1  fl'. ;  Ps.  cvi. 
o8).  That  "  blood  and  water  "  came  out  from  our 
I.iird's  side  when  the  soldier  pierced  Ilim  on  the 
cross,  is  explained  by  Dr.  W.  A.  Nicholson  (in  Kitto) 
on  the  supposition  that  some  effusion  had  taken 
place  in  the  cavity  of  the  chest,  and  that  the  spear 
penetrateJ  below  the  level  of  the  fluid.  On  this  suppo- 
sition, the  wound  being  inflicted  shortly  after  death, 
blood  would  also  have  trickled  down  with  tlie  water, 
or,  at  any  rate,  have  appeared  at  the  mouth  of  the 
wounri,  though  none  of  the  large  vessels  had  been 
wounded. 

Blood,  .4-Ten'ger  of,  or  8e-T*n'ger  of.  It  was,  and 
even  still  is,  a  common  practice  among  nations  of 
patriarchal  habits,  that  the  nearest  of  kin  should, 
as  a  matter  of  duty,  avenge  the  death  of  a  murdered 
relative  (Mcrder).  Compensation  for  murder  is  al- 
lowed by  the  Koran.  Among  the  Bedouins,  and 
other  Arab  tribes,  should  the  offer  of  blood-money 
be  refused,  the  '  Thar,'  or  law  of  blooi,  comes  into 
operation,  and  any  person  within  the  fifth  degree  of 
blood  from  the  homicide  may  be  legally  killed  by 
any  one  within  the  same  degree  of  consanguinity  to 
the  victim.  Frcfpiently  the  homicide  will  wander 
from  tent  to  tent  over  the  Desert,  or  even  rove 
through  the  towns  and  villages  on  its  borders  with 
a  chain  round  his  neck  and  in  rags,  begging  contri- 
butions from  the  charitable  to  pay  the  apportioned 
blood-money.  Three  days  and  four  hours  are  allowed 
to  the  persons  included  within  the  '  Thar '  for  es- 
cape. The  right  to  blood-revenge  is  never  lost,  ex- 
cept as  annulled  by  compensation :  it  descends  to 
the  latest  generation.  Similar  customs  with  local 
distinctions  are  found  in  Persia,  Abyssinia,  and 
among  the  Druses  and  Circassians.  The  law  of 
Moses  was  very  precise  in  its  directions  on  the  sub- 
ject of  Retaliation. — 1.  The  wilful  murderer  was  to 
be  put  to  death  without  permission  of  compensation. 
The  nearest  reUtive  of  the  deceased  became  the 
authorized  avenger  of  blood  (Heb.  goi'l ;  Xum. 
XXXV.  19|,and  was  bound  to  execute  retaliation  him- 
self if  it  lay  in  his  power.  The  king,  however,  in 
later  times,  appears  to  have  had  the  power  of  re- 
straining this  license.  The  shedder  of  blood  was 
thus  regarded  as  impious  and  polluted  (Num.  x.xxv. 
16-31  ;  Deut.  xix.  11-13;  2  Sam.  xiv.  7,  11,  xvi.  8, 
and  iii.  29,  with  1  K.  ii.  31,  33;  2Chr.  xxiv.  22-25). 
— 2.  The  law  of  retaliation  was  not  to  extend  be- 
yond the  immediate  offender  (Deut.  xxiv.  16  ;  2  K. 
xiv.  6;  2  Chr.  xxv.  4;  Jer.  xxxi.  29,  30  v  Ez.  xviii. 
20). — 3.  Tlie  involuntary  shedder  of  blood  was  per- 
mitted to  take  flight  to  one  of  six  Cities  of  Refuge 
(N'uin.  XXXV.  22  ff.;  Deut.  xix.  4-6).     CiTT  of  Re- 

FCOE. 

Blood,  Is'sne  oft  The  mcnstruous  discharge  or 
an  unnatural  discharge  of  blood  from  the  womb 
(Lev.  XV.  19-30;  Mat.  ix.  20;  Mk.  v.  25;  Lk.  viii. 
43).  (Medicine.)  The  latter  caused  a  permanent 
legal  uncleanness,  the  former  a  temporary  one, 
mostly  for  seven  days ;  after  which  the  woman 
was  to  be  purified  by  the  customary  offering. 
Plripication. 

Blood,  Re-Tcn'ger  of.    Blood,  Avenger  op. 

*  Bloody  FIm.     Flcx,  Bloody  ;  Medicine. 
'  Bloody  Sweat.     Sweat,  Bloody. 

*  Blot,  in  A.V.  fig.zr  hlame  or  Mamemorl/iitiesi  (Job 
xxxi.  7  ;  Prov.  ix.  7).  To  "  blot  out,"  fig.  -  to  cancel, 


remove,  destroy  (Deut.  ix.  14  ;  Ps.  li.  1  ;  Rev.  iii.  5, 
&c.).     Atonement. 

Bine.    Colors. 

Bo-an-«r'ges  [-.jeez]  (Gr.  form  of  Aram.  =  sons  of 
thunder),  a  name  given  by  our  Lord  to  the  two  sons 
of  Zebcdec,  James  and  John  (Mk.  iii.  17).  Proljahly 
the  name  had  respect  to  the  fiery  zeal  of  the  biotli- 
ers,  signs  of  which  we  may  see  in  Lk.  ix.  54;  Mk. 
ix.  38 ;  compare  Mat.  xx.  20  ff. 

Boar.    Swine. 

*  Boat.     Egypt  ;  Snip. 

Bo'az  [Wch.itectncss;  alacrit;/,  Ges.).  1.  A  wealthy 
Bethlchemite,  kinsman  to  Naomi's  husband,  Elime- 
lech  (Ru.  ii.  1,  &c.).  Finding  that  the  kinsman  of 
RcTii,  who  stood  in  a  still  nearer  relation  than  him- 
self, was  unwilling  to  perform  the  office  of  the  near- 
est kinsman  (Heb.  ^oc/),  he  had  those  obligations 
publicly  transferred  with  the  usual  ceremonies  to  his 
own  discharge ;  and  hence  it  became  his  duty  by  the 
"  levirate  law  "  to  marry  Ruth,  and  to  redeem  the  es- 
tates of  her  deceased  husband  Mahlon  (iv.  1  ff.) 
(Marriage,  II.  ii.  1.)  He  gladly  undertook  these 
responsibilities,  and  their  ha])py  union  was  blessed 
by  the  birth  of  Obed  from  whom  in  a  direct  line  our 
Lord  was  descended.  Boaz  is  mentioned  in  tlie 
genealogy  (Mat.  i.  5  ;  Lk.  iii.  32  ;  "  Booz  "  in  both), 
but  there  is  great  difficulty  in  assigning  his  date.  If 
Boaz  =  Ibzan,  as  is  stated  with  some  shadow  of 
probability  by  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  and  various 
Rabbis,  several  generations  must  be  inserted.  Even 
if  we  shorten  the  period  cf  the  Judges  to  240  years 
(Chronology;  Judges),  we  must  suppose  that  Boaz 
was  the  youngest  son  of  Salmon,  and  that  he  did 
not  marry  till  the  age  of  sixty-five. — 2.  One  of  Solo- 
mon's brazen  pillars  erected  in  the  Temple  porch. 
(jAcniN ;  Temple.)  It  stood  on  the  left,  and  was 
18  cubits  high(l  K.  vii.  15,  21  ;  2  Chr.  iii.  15ff.;  Jer. 
hi.  21).  The  apparent  discrepancies  (18  and  35  cubits 
high)  arise  from  including  or  excluding  the  orna- 
ment which  united  the  shaft  to  the  chapiter,  &c. 

Bor'cas  (1  Esd.  viii.  2)  =  Bukkp. 

Both'e-rn  [bok-]  {Uch.thefi-st-born  is  he,  Ges.),  a 
Benjamite,  son  of  Azcl  (1  Chr.  viii.  38,  ix.  44); 
translated  in  LXX.  "  his  first-born." 

Bo'chim  [-kirn]  (Heb.  =  the  weepers  ;  the  weepine;, 
Ges.),  a  place  W.  of  Jordan,  above  Gilgal  (Judg.  ii. 
1,5). 

Bo'ban  (Ileb.  thumb,  Ges.),  a  Rcubenite,  after 
whom  was  named  a  stone  on  the  border  of  the  teiri- 
tories  of  Benjamin  and  Judah,  between  Beth-arahah 
and  Beth-hog!a  on  the  E.,  and  Adnmmim  and  En-she- 
mesh  on  the  \V.  (Josh.  xv.  6,  xviii.  17). 

Boll.     Medicin?:. 

*  Boiled  [o  as  in  hole]  =  formed  into  seed-vessels, 
(toinif  to  seed  (Ex.  ix.  31).  Gesenius  makes  the 
Hebrew  =  in  fower. 

Bol'ster.    Bed;  Pillow. 

*  Bond.  Chain;  Cord;  Law;  Punishments; 
Slave;  Trial. 

Bond'age.    Slave. 

Bon'net.     Head-dress. 

Book.     Writing. 

Booths.    Stct'OTH  ;  Tabernacles,  Feast  of. 

Boo'ty  consistetl  of  captivosof  both  sexes,cattle,  and 
whatever  a  captured  city  might  contain,  especially 
metallic  treasures.  Within  the  limits  of  Canaan  no 
captives  were  to  be  made  (Deut.  xx.  14, 16).  (Anath- 
ema.) Beyond  those  limits,  in  case  of  warlike  re- 
sistance, all  the  women  am]  children  were  to  be 
made  captives,  and  the  men  put  to  death.  The 
law  of  booty  was  that  it  should  be  divided  equally 
between  the  army  who  won  it  and  the  people  of 


128 


BOO 


BOZ 


Israel,  but  of  the  former  half  one  head  in  every 
five  hundred  was  reserved  to  God,  and  appropriated 
to  the  priests,  and  of  the  latter  one  in  every  fifty 
was  similarly  reserved  and  appropriated  to  the  Le- 
vites  (Num.  xxxi.  26-47).  As  regarded  the  army, 
David  added  a  regulation  that  the  biggage-guard 
should  share  equally  with  the  troops  engaged  (1 
Sara.  XXX.  24,  25).     War. 

Bd'oz  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Boaz  1  (Mat.  i.  5 ;  Lk. 
iii.  S2). 

Bo'i'lth  (2  Esd.  i.  2)  —  Bukki. 

Bor'row-ing.    Loan. 

Bos'cath  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Bozkatti  (2  K.  xxii.  I). 

*Bo'som  [boo'zum].     Ahbaham's  Boso.m;  Dress. 

Bo'SOr  (Gr.  and  L.  fr.  Heb.).  1.  A  lorge  fortified 
city  on  tlie  E.  of  Jordan  in  the  laud  of'  Gilead  (1 
Mc.  V.  26,  36) ;  probably  =  Bezer. — i.  The  Aramaic 
pronunciation  of  Beor,  the  father  of  Balaam  (2 
Pet.  ii.  15). 

Bos'o-ra,  a  strong  city  in  Gilead  taken  by  Judas 
Maccabeus  (1  Mc.  v.  26,  28);  doubtless  =  Bostra. 
See  BozRAH  2. 

*Boss.     Ar.ms,  II.  5. 

Botfhi     Blains  ;  Medicine. 

Bi)t'tle>  Four  Hebrew  words  [Minelh  or  chemeth, 
nebd  or  nehel,  hafcbuk,  nol)  and  the  Greek  askos  are 
translated  "bottle"  in  the  A.V.  (Cruse  2  ;  Pitcher.) 
Bottles  in  Scripture  are  of  two  kinds,  both  of  them 
capable  of  being  closed  from  the  air :  1.  The  skin 
bottle;  2.  Tlie  bottle  of  earthen  or  glass  ware. — 
1.  The  Arabs,  and  all  that  lead  a  wandering  life, 
keep  their  water,  milk,  and  other  liquors,  in  leath- 
ern bottles.  These  are  made  of  goatskins.  When 
the  animal  is  killed,  they  cut  off  its  feet  and  head, 
and  di'aw  It  in  this  manner  out  of  the  skin,  with- 

Skin  Bottles. — (From  the  MuBeo  Borbonlco.) 

out  opening  its  belly.  In  Arabia  they  tan  these 
skins  with  acacia-bark  and  the  hairy  part  is  left 
outside.  They  afterward  sew  up  the  places  where 
the  legs  were  cut  off  and  the  tail,  and  when  it  is 
filled  they  tie  it  about  the  neck.  The  great  leath- 
ern bottles  are  made  of  the  skin  of  a  he-goat,  and 
the  small  ones,  that  serve  instead  of  a  bottle  of 


Egypttan  Bottles.—!  to  7  glaw.    S  to  11  earthenvare. — (Froin  the  British 
Museum  Collection.) 

t 

water  on  the  road,  are  made  of  a  kid's  skin.    Bruce 
g'ves  a  description  of  a  vessel  of  the  same  kind, 


but  larger,  made  of  an  ox's  skin.  Wine-bottles  of 
skin  are  mentioned  as  used  by  Greeks,  Konians, 
and  Egyptians,  by  Homer  {Od.  vi.  78  ;  //.  iii.  247); 
by  Herodotus  (ii.  121),  as  nsed  in  Egypt;  and  by 
Virgil  (Georg.  ii.  384).  Skins  for  wine  or  other 
litjuids  are  in  use  to  this  day  in  Spain,  where  they 
are  called  borrachas.  The  cftiect  of  exteraal  heat 
(rather,  of  smoke)  upon  a  skin-bottle  is  indicated  m 
I's.  cxix.  83,"  a  bottle  in  the  smoke,"  and  of  expansion 
or  strain  produced  by  fermentation  in  Mat.  ix.  17, 
"  new  wine  in  old  bottles." — 2.  Vessels  of  metal, 
earthen,  or  glass  ware  for  liquids  were  in  use  among 
the  Greeks,  Egyptians,  Etruscans,  and  Assyrians, 
and  also  no  doubt  among  the  Jews,  es|)ecially  in 
later  times.  Thus  Jer.  xix.  I,  "a  potter's  earthen 
bottle."  The  Jews  ])robably  borrowed  their  manu- 
factures in  this  particular  from  Egypt,  whicli  was 
celebrated  for  glass  work. 
Bow.    Arms,  I.  3. 

*  Bovr'els,  in  Scripture,  =  the  inward  parts,  often 
particularly  denoting  the  upper  viscera,  i.  e.  the 
heart,  &c.  ;  hence,  figuratively,  the  inner  man,  the 
soul,  thoughts,  afflictions,  tender  feelings,  love,  mer- 
cy, &c.     Compare  the  English  breast,  heart,  &c. 

*  Bowing.     Adoration. 

Bowl.  The  Hebrew  words  translated  "  bowl "  in 
the  A.  V.  are  niizrcik,  saph,  gulluh,  seplul,  gibia\ 
menakkilh  ;  see  also  Ccp ;  Disn  ;  Pot.  On  the  un- 
certainty as  to  the  precise  form  and  material,  see 
Basin.  Bowls  would  .probably  be  used  at  meals  for 
liquids,  or  broth,  or  pottage  (2  K.  iv.  40).  Modern 
Arabs  are  content  with  a  few  wooden  bowls.  In  the 
British  Museum  are  several  terra-cotta  bowls  with 
Chaldean  inscriptions  of  a  superstitious  character, 
expressing  charms  against  sickness  and  evil  spirits, 
which  may  possibly  explain  the  "  divining  cup  "  of 
Joseph  (Gen.  xliv.  5).  The  bowl  was  filled  with 
some  liquid  which  was  drunk  off  as  a  charm  against 
evil.  On  "the  golden  bowl"  (Eccl.  xii.  6),  see  under 
Medicine. 

*Box.     Alabaster;  Vial. 

Box'-tree  or  Box,  the  translation  in  the  A.  V.  of 
the  Hebrew  tlashs/iur  (Is.  xli.  19,  Ix.  13).  The  Tal- 
mudical  and  Jewish  writers  generally,  with  the  A.V. 
and  other  modem  versions,  Rosenmidler,  Parkhurst, 
&c.,  are  of  opinion  that  the  box-tree  is  intended. 
The  Syriac  and  the  Arabic  version  of  Saadias,  with 
Gesenius  and  Fiirst,  understand  by  it  a  species  of 
cedar  called  sherbin,  distinguished  by  its  small  cones 
and  upright  branches.  Although  the  claim  of  the 
box-tree  to  represent  the  Hebrew  iiashshur  is  far  from 
being  satisfactorily  established,  yet  the  evidence  rests 
on  a  better  foundation  than  that  which  supports  the 
claims  of  the  sherbin  (so  Mr.  Houghton).  Bochart, 
Rosenmiiller,  &c.,  suppose  box-trees  to  be  meant  in 
Ez.  xxvii.  6,  where  the  A.  V.  has  "  the  company  of 
the  Ashurites,"  and  thus  translate :  "  Thy  benciiks 
have  they  made  of  ivory,  inlaid  with  box-wood  from 
the  isles  of  Chittim."  Box-wood  writing  tablets  are 
alluded  to  in  2  Esd.  xiv.  24. 

Bo'zez  (fr.  Ileb.  =  shining,  glittering,  Ges.),  one 

of  the  two  "  sharp  rocks  "  (Heb.  =  "  teeth  of  the 

•cliff")  "between  the  passages"  by  which  Jonathan 

entered   the  Philistine  garrison  at  Michmash.     It 

seems  to  have  been  that  on  the  N.  (1  Sam.  xiv.  4,  5). 

Boz'kath  (fr.  Heb.  =  s/ony  region,  high,  Ges.),  a 
city  of  Judah  in  the  lowlands  (Valley  5 ;  Josh.  xv. 
39) ;  the  niitive  place  of  King  Josiah's  mother  (2  K. 
xxii.  1,  A.  V.  "Boscath");  site  unknown. 

Boz'rah  (fr.  Heb.  =  a  fold,  iheepfold,  fortress, 
stronghold,  Ges.).  1.  In  EnoM — the  city  of  King 
Jobab  the  son  of  Zerah  (Gen.  xxxvi.  33 ;  1  Chr.  i. 


BRA 


BRA 


129 


44) ;  doubtless  the  place  mentioned  in  later  times  in 
connection  with  Edom  (Is.  xxxiv.  6,  Ixiii.  1  ;  Jer. 
ilix.  13,  ^2;  Am.  i.  12;  Mic.  ii.  12).  There  is  no 
rea.son  to  doubt  tliat  the  modern  representative  of 
Bozruh  is  el-Biuiaireh,  a  village  first  visited  by  Burek- 


hardt,  on  the  mountain  district  S.  E.  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  between  Tufileh  and  Petra,  about  half-way  be- 
tween (he  latter  and  the  Dead  Sea. — 2.  Among  the 
cities  of  the  land  of  Moab  (Jer.  xlviii.  24)  is  a  Boz- 
rah  apparently  iu  the  "  plain  country "  (Plain  4 ; 


Batrak^  tb«  ancient  Bo«tn  ca  Bozrab  f 


ver.  21).  Here  lay  Heshbon,  Nebo,  Kiriathaim,  Dib- 
lathaim,  aud  the  other  towns  named  in  this  passage, 
and  probably  here  (so  Mr.  Grove)  Bozrah  should  be 
sought,  and  not,  as  has  been  lately  suggested  (Ptr. 
ii.  102,  &c.),  at  Bostra,  the  Roman  city  in  Bashan 
full  sixty  miles  from  Heshbon.  Yet  Bostra  (the 
modem  Busrah,  now  mostly  in  ruins)  was  certainly 
at  a  later  date  an  important  city ;  it  is  in  a  fertile 
region  ;  it  is  not  elsewhere  mentioned  in  the  Scrip- 
tures ;  the  catalogue  in  Jeremiah  includes  cities  "  far 
or  near ; "  and  this  may  have  been  a  city  of  Moab  at 
that  time. 

Brare'lrt,  the  translation  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  Heb. 
cla'aiJuh  (AitMi.ET),  Udmid  (flen.  xxir.  22,  30,  &c.), 
third  (Is.  iii.  19),  and  pdtiiU  (Gen.  xxxviii.  18,  25  ; 


Bracelet!  and  Armlela. — (Fbn.) 

the  Hebrew  word  here  probably  =  "a  string  by 
which  a  seal-ring  was  suspended  ; "  see  Lace).  Under 
9 


Armlet  an  account  is  given  of  these  ornaments,  the 
materials  of  which  they  were  generally  made,  the 
manner  in  which  they  were  worn,  &c.  Bracelets  of 
fine  twisted  Venetian  gold  are  still  common  in  Egypt. 
Men  as  well  as  women  wore  bracelets.  Layard  says 
of  the  Assyrian  kings  :  "  The  arms  were  encircled 
by  armlets,  and  tJie  wrists  by  bracelets." 

Bram'ble.    Thorns. 

*  Branfb  =  a  Hnib  or  shoot  of  a  tree,  vine,  &c. 
(Gen.  xl.  10,  12;  Ps.  civ.  12,  &c.);  often  figurative- 
ly =  that  which  is  closely  united  to  something  else, 
like  a  branch  to  a  tree,  as  descendants  to  an  ances- 
tor, kindred  to  a  family,  Christians  to  Jesus  Christ, 
&c.  (Jn.  XV.  5 ;  Rom.  xi.  16  ff.,  &c.).  Jksus  Christ 
himself,  as  a  descendant  of  David  and  the  Messiah, 
is  especially  so  called  (Is.  iv.  2,  xi.  1 ;  Jer.  xxiii.  5, 
xxxiii.  15  ;  Zech.  iii.  8,  vi.  12  ;  Nazarene).  To  "  put 
the  branch  to  the  nose"  (Ez.  viii.  17)  is  supposed  to 
refer  to  some  idolatrous  ceremony,  and  to  indicate 
insolent  or  contemptuous  feeling  (Fairbairn). 

BnuSe  The  Heb.  nlhosheth  or  nichosheth  is  im- 
properly translated  "  brass,"  since  the  Hebrews  were 
not  acquainted  with  the  compound  of  copper  and 
zinc  known  by  that  name.  The  Hebrew  word  is 
often  translated  "  brazen  "  (Ex.  xxxviii.  4,  30  ;  1  K. 
xiv.  27;  Jer.  xv.  20,  &c.),  once  "copper"  (Ezr.  viii. 
27,  margin  "brass"),  once  "steel"  (Jer.  xv.  12). 
The  kindred  Heb.  adj.  v&Jmsh  or  n&chush  is  trans- 
lated "of  brass,"  margin  "brazen"  (Job  vi.  12); 
the  feminine  nehushdh  or  nlchusuh  is  translateil 
"brass"  (Lev.  xxvi.  19;  Job  ixriii.  2,  &c.),  and 
"  steel  "  (2  Sam.  ixii.  35  ;  Job  xx.  24  ;  Ps.  xviii.  34, 
Ileb.  35).  In  most  places  of  the  0.  T.  the  correct 
translation  would  be  copper,  althougli  it  may  some- 
times =  bronze,  a  compound  of  copper  and  tin.  In- 
deed, a  simple  metal  was  obviously  iutendcd,  as  we 


130 


BRA 


BRE 


see  from  Deut.  viii.  9,  xxxiii.  25,  and  Job  xxviii.  2. 
Copper  was  known  at  a  very  early  period,  and  the 
invention  of  worlving  it  is  attributed  to  Tubal-cain 
(Gen.  iv.  22).  Its  extreme  ductility  made  its  appli- 
cation almost  universal  among  the  ancients.  The 
Gr.  chalkos  is  translated  "  brass  "  (Mat.  x.  9,  here  = 
Money;  Rev.  xviii.  12)  and  "money"  (Mk.  vi.  8, 
xii.  41).  Two  kindred  words  are  also  used,  viz. 
chalkeos,  A.  V.  "of  brass"  (Rev.  :x.  20),  and  plural 
of  chalhon,  A.  T.  "  brazen  vessels  "  (Mk.  vii.  4). 
"Sounding  brass"  (Gr.  chalkos;  1  Cor.  xiii.  1)  =: 
an  instrument  made  of  brass  or  copper,  i.  e.  a  trum- 
pet or  cymbal  (Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.).  It  often  occurs 
in  metaphors,  e.  g.  Lev.  xxvi.  19 ;  Deut.  xxviii.  23; 
Job  vi.  12;  Jer.  vi.  28.  It  is  often  used  as  an  em- 
blem of  strength,  Zech.  vi.  1 ;  Jer.  i.  18.  The  Gr. 
chalkolibanoii  in  Rev.  i.  15,  ii.  18  (A.  V.  "fine 
brass"),  has  excited  much  difference  of  opinion. 
Some  suppose  it  =  orichalcum,  a  mixed  metal  (see 
Amber)  more  valuable  than  gold.  It  may  perhaps 
be  deep-colored  frankincense  (so  Mr.  Farrar). 

*  Bra'vcr-y,  in  Is.  iii.  18,  A.  V.  =  heaxity,  splendor. 

*  Bray,  to  =  to  make  a  harsh  noiie  like  an  ass 
(Job  vi.  5,  &c.);  also,  to  pound,  mash,  or  break  in 
pieces  (Prov.  xxvii.  22).     Punishments. 

*  Brazen  Sea.    Sea,  SIolten. 
Bra'zeu  Serpent.    Serpent,  Brazen. 

*  Breathes,  in  Judg.  v.  17  (Heb.  pi.  of  miphrdts, 
literally  a  rent,  breach,  notch,  sc.  in  the  coast,  Ges.), 
probably  =  havens,  harbors.  See  also  Fenced 
City  ;  House  ;  War,  &c. 

Bread  (Heb.  lehem  or  lechem ;  Gr.  artoi).  •  The 
preparation  of  bread  as  an  article  of  food  dates  from 
a  very  enrly  period  :  the  earliest  undoubted  instance 
of  its  use  is  found  in  Gen.  xviii.  6.  "  Bread  "  in  the 
Scriptures  often  =  food  in  general  (Gen.  xviii.  5; 
Ex.  xvi.  4,  15,  29;  Lev.  xxi.  8,  17;  Neh.  v.  18; 
Mat.  vi.  11,  XV.  26,  &c.).  "  To  eat  bread  "  common- 
ly in  the  Scriptures  =  to  eat  food,  to  take  a  meal 
(Gen.  iii.  19,  xxviii.  20,  xxxi.  54 ;  Ps.  xli.  9,  cii.  4 ; 
Mat.  XV.  2;  Jn.  xiii.  18;  2  Th.  iii.  8,  12,  &c.,  &c.). 
The  corn  or  grain  employed  for  making  bread  was 
of  various  sorts  :  the  best  bread  was  made  of  wheat, 
which  after  being  ground  produced  the  "  flour  "  or 
"meal"  (Judg.  vi.  19;  1  Sam.  i.  24  ;  1  K.  iv.  22, 
xvii.  12,  14),  and  when  sifted  the  "  fine  flour"  (Ex. 
xxix.  2 ;  Gen.  xviii.  6)  usually  employed  in  the  sacred 
offerings  (Ex.  xxix.  40;  Lev.  ii.  1;  Ez.  xlvi.  14), 
and  in  the  meals  of  the  wealthy  (1  K.  iv.  22 ;  2  K. 
vii.  1;  Ez.  xvi.  13,  19;  Rev.  xviii.  13).  Barley 
was  used  chiefly  by  the  poor,  or  in  times  of  scarcity 
(2  K.  iv.  38,  42  ;  Rev.  vi.  6,  &c.).  "  Spelt"  (Rye) 
was  also  used  both  in  Egypt  (Ex.  ix.  32)  and  Pales- 
tine (Is.  xxviii.  25  ;  Ez.  iv.  9).  Occasionally  the 
grains  above  mentioned  were  mixed,  and  other  in- 
gredients, such  as  beans,  lentils,  and  millet,  were  add- 
ed (Ez.  iv.  9  ;  compare  2  Sam.  xvii.  28) ;  the  bread  so 
produced  is  called  "  barley  cakes  "  (Ez.  iv.  12,  '■^  as 
barley  cakes,"  A.  V.),  inasmuch  as  barley  was  the 
main  ingredient.  The  amount  of  meal  ibr  a  single 
baking  was  an  cphah  or  three  measures  (Gen.  xviii. 
6  ;  Judg.  vi.  19;  1  Sam.  i.  24;  Mat.  xiii.  33).  The 
baking  was  done  in  primitive  times  by  the  mistress 
of  the  house  (Gen.  xviii.  6)  or  one  of  the  daughters 
(2  Sam.  xiii.  8) ;  female  servants  were  however  em- 
ployed in  large  households  (1  Sam.  viii.  13).  Baking 
as  a  profession,  was  carried  on  by  men  (Gen.  xl.  1 
ff. ;  Hos.  vii.  4,  6).  In  Jerusalem  the  bakers  con- 
gregated m  one  quarter  of  the  town,  as  we  may  infer 
from  the  names  "bakers'  street"  (Jer.  xxxvii.  21), 
and  "tower  of  the  ovens"  (Neh.  iii.  11,  xii.  38, 
"  furnaces,"  A,  V.).     The  bread  taken  by  persons 


on  a  journey  (Gen.  xlv.  23 ;  Josh.  ix.  12)  was  prob- 
ably a  kind  of  biscuit.  The  process  of  making  bread 
was  as  follows  : — the  flour  was  first  mixed  with  wa- 
ter, or  perhaps  milk  ;  it  was  then  kneaded  with  the 


Egyptians  kneading  dfuph  with  their  hanii*.— (Williinson,  from  a  paintiDg 
in  the  Tomb  of  Remeees  111.  at  Thet}e8.> 

hands  (in  Egypt  with  the  feet  also)  in  a  small  wooden 
bowl  or  "  kneading-trough  "  ("  store,"  A.  V.  in  Deut. 
xxviii.  5,  17),  until  it  became  dough  (Ex.  xii.  34,  39 ; 
2  Sam.  xiii.  8;  Jer.  vii.  18;  Hos.  vii.  4).     Leaven 


E^ptiana  Itnending  the  dough  with  their  feet. 
At  a  and  h  the  dontrh  is  prol>ably  left  to  ferment  in  a  baeliet,  as  is  now 
done  at  Cairo. — (Williinson.) 

was  generally  added :  but  when  the  time  for  prepara- 
tion was  short,  it  was  omitted,  and  unleavened  cakes, 
hastily  baked,  were  eaten,  as  is  still  the  prevalent 
custom  among  the  Bedouins  (Gen.  xviii.  6,  xix.  3 ; 


Egyptians  mailing  cakes  of  broad  sprinkled  with  seeds. — (Wilkinson.) 

Ex.  xii.  39  ;  Judg.  vi.  19  ;  1  Sam.  xxviii.  24 ;  Pas?- 
ovek).  The  leavened  mass  was  allowed  to  stand 
for  some  time  (Mat.  xiii.  33;  Lk.  xiii.  21).  The 
dough  was  then  divided  into  round  cakes  (Ex.  xxix. 
23;  Judg.  vii.  13,  viii.  5:  1  Sam.  x.  3;  Prov.  vi. 
26),  not  unlike  flat  stones  in  shape  and  appearance 
(Mat.  vii.  9  ;  compare  iv.  3),  about  a  span  in  diam- 
eter and  a  finger's  breadth  in  thickness.  The  cakes 
were  sometimes  punctured,  and  hence  called  in  He- 
brew halldh  or  challah  (A.  V.  "eake,"  "cakes;" 
Ex.  xxix.  2,  23  ;  Lev.  ii.  4,  viii.  26,  xxiv.  5  ;  Num. 
vi.  15,  19,  XV.  20  ;  2  Sam.  vi.  19),  and  mixed  with 
oil.  Sometimes  they  were  rolled  out  into  wafers 
(Ex.  xxix.  2,  23  ;   Lev.  ii.  4 ;   Num.  vi.  16-19),  and 


BRE 


BBI 


131 


merely  coated  with  oil.  The  cakes  were  now  taken 
to  the  oven,  having  been  first,  in  Efrypt,  gathered 
into  "white  (?)  baskets"  (Gen.  xl.  10;   Basket  1). 


An  Egyptian  t^nyiag  cake*  to  the  oven. — (Wilkinson.) 

The  baskets  were  placed  on  a  tray  and  carried  on 
the  baker's  head  (Gen.  xl.  16).  The  methods  of 
baking  were,  and  still  are,  very  various  in  the  East, 
adapted  to  the  various  styles  of  life ;  in  oven.",  fixed 
or  portable  (Fire;  Oven);  in  holes  dug  in  the 
ground,  &c.  Among  the  pastoral  Jews,  as  among 
the  modem  Bedouins,  the  cakes  were  spread  upon 
heated  stones,  or  thrown  into  the  heated  embers  of 


the  fire  itself,  or  roasted  by  being  placed  between 
layers  of  dung,  which  burns  slowly,  and  is  therefore 
specially  adapted  for  the  purpose  (Ez.  iv.  12,  15). 
The  cakes  required  to  be  carefully  turned  during 
the  process  (Hos.  vii.  8).  Some  kinds  of  bread 
were  baked  on  a  pan  ;  such  cakes  appeared  to  have 
been  chiefly  used  as  sacred  offerings  (Lev.  ii.  5,  vi. 
21  [Ueb.  14],  vii.  9 ;  1  Chr.  xxiii.  29).  A  similar 
cooking  utensil  was  used  by  Tamar  (2  Sam.  xiii.  9). 
A  different  kind  of  bread,  probably  resembling  the 
/tila  of  the  Bedouins,  a  pasty  substance,  was  pre- 
pared in  a  saucepan  (frjiiiig-pan,  A.  V.) ;  this  was 
also  reserved  for  sacred  offerings  (Lev.  ii.  7  ;  vii.  9). 
Sbewbread. 
Brenst'plate.    Arms,  II.  1  ;  High-Priest,  I.  2,  a. 

*  Breeches.    Hiou-Priest ;  Priest. 

*  Brethren.    Brother. 

*  Bribe.  Magistrates  were  expressly  forbidden  to 
take  bribes  or  gifts  (Ex.  xxiii.  8  ;  Deut.  xvi.  19,  &c.), 
lest  justice  should  thus  be  perverted.  Samuel's  sons 
took  bribes,  and  in  consequence  the  Israelites  desired 
a  king  (1  Sam.  viii.  3  ff. ;  comp.  xii.  3  ff.).  See 
Gifts  ;  also  Job  xv.  34  ;  Ps.'  xxvi  10 ;  Is.  xxxiii. 
15;  Am.  V.  12. 

BrUk.  Herodotus  (i.  179),  describing  the  mode 
of  building  the  walls  of  Babylon,  says  tliat  the  clay 
dug  out  of  the  ditch  was  made  into  bricks  as  soon 


Forei^  captiTee  employed  in  making  bricke  at  Tbebes. — (Wilkinun). 

I%>.I,1  Men  retnmlng  nn^r  carrylns  the  brirka.  F1^.  3,  «.  Taakma.tera.  Fiet.  4,  S.  Men  carrTing  bricka.  Flga.l?,13.  ripping  and  mlxlnp  the  clay 
or  moil.  Tiga.  it,  14.  Making  brlcka  with  a  wooden  mould,  ff,  h.  Fig.  15.  Fetching  watiT  from  the  tank,  k.  At  e,  the  bricks  (t(>bl)  are  aaid  to  be 
Bud«  at  Tb«b«a. 

88  it  was  carried  up,  and  burnt  in  kilns.  The  brick  ]  Tower  of  Babel,  in  which  the  builders  used  brick 
were  cemented  with  hot  bitumen,  and  at  every  thir-  instead  of  stone,  and  slime  for  mortar  (Gen.  xi.  3). 
tieth  row  crates  of  reeds  were  etuffcd  in.  This  ac-  The  Babylonian  bricks  were  more  commonly  burnt  in 
count  agrees  with  the  history  of  the  building  of  the  |  kilns  than  those  used  at  Nineveh,  which  are  chiefly 


132 


BRI 


BUt 


sun-dried  like  the  Egyptian.  They  are  usually  from 
twelve  to  thirteen  inches  square,  and  three  and  a 
half  inches  thick,  and  most  of  them  bear  the  name, 
inscribed  in  cuneiform  character,  of  Nebuchadnezzar, 
whose  buildings,  no  doubt,  replaced  those  of  an  ear- 
lier age.  They  thus  possess  more  of  the  character 
of  tiles  (Ez.  iv.  1).  They  were  sometimes  glazed  and 
enamelled  with  patterns  of  various  colors.  The  Is- 
raelites, in  common  with  other  captives,  were  em- 
ployed by  the  Egyptian  monarchs  in  making  bricks 
and  in  building  (Ex.  i.  14,  v.  7).  Egyptian  bricks 
were  not  generally  dried  in  kilns,  but  in  the  sun,  and 
even  without  straw  aie  as  firm  as  when  first  put  up 
in  tlie  reigns  of  the  Amunoplis  and  Thotlnnes  whose 
names  they  bear.  When  made  of  the  Nile  mud,  they 
required  straw  to  prevent  cracking ;  and  crude  brick 
walls  had  frequently  the  additional  security  of  a  layer 
of  reeds  and  sticks,  placed  at  intervals  to  act  as  bind- 
ers. A  brick-kiln  is  mentioned  as  in  Egypt  (Jer. 
xliii.  9).  A  brick  pyramid  is  mentioned  (Herodotus, 
ii.  136)  as  the  work  of  King  Asychis.  Tlie  Jews 
learned  the  art  of  brick-making  in  Egypt,  and  we  find 
the  use  of  the  brick-kiln  in  David's  time  (2  Sam.  xii. 
31),  and  a  complaint  tliat  the  people  built  altars  of 
brick  (Is  Ixv.  3).     Altar,  f,  1 ;  Pottery. 

Bride,  Bride'groom.    Marriage. 

Bridge.  The  only  mention  of  a  bridge  in  the 
Canonical  Scriptures  is  indirectly  in  the  proper  name 
Geshhr.  Judas  Maccabeus  is  said  to  have  intended 
to  make  a  bridge  in  order  to  besiege  the  town  of 
Caspis,  situated  near  a  lake  (2  Mc.  xii.  13).  Though 
the  ARCH  was  known  and  used  in  Egypt  as  early  as 
the  fifteen  century  b.  c,  the  Romans  were  the  first 
constructors  of  arched  bridges.  They  made  bridges 
over  the  Jordan  and  other  rivers  of  Syria,  of  which 
remains  still  exist.  A  stone  bridge  over  the  Jordan, 
about  two  miles  below  the  lake  of  the  Huleh,  called 
the  bridge  of  the  daughters  of  Jacob,  is  mentioned  by 
B.  de  la  Brocquifere,  a.  d.  1432,  and  a  portion  of  one 
by  Arculf,  a.  d.  700.  The  bridge  connecting  the 
Temple  with  the  upper  city,  of  whieli  Josephus 
speaks,  seems  to  have  been  an  arched  viaduct. 

"Bridle.  Ass;  Bells; Horse;  Mdle;Pdnishmexts. 

Bri'er.    Thorns. 

Brigan-dine.    Arms,  II.  1. 

Brliu'stoue  (Heb.  gophrith  ;  Gr.  iheion),  a  well- 
known  inflammable  substance  =  sulphur  (Deut.  xxix. 
23;  Job  xviii.  15,  &e.)  It  is  found  in  considerable 
quantities  on  the  shores  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  in 
different  parts  of  the  world,  usually  in  volcanic 
districts  ;  also  in  combination  with  metals,  &c. 
"  Brimstone  and  fire  "  ( =  burning  brimstone.  Bush  ; 
sulphurous  flames,  Rbn.)  are  associated  in  the  de- 
struction of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  (Gen.  xix.  24 ; 
Lk.  xvii.  29),  and  in  the  punishment  of  the  wicked 
(Ps.  xi.  6  ;  Ez.  xxxviii.  22  ;  Rev.  xiv.  10,  xix.  20, 
&c. ;  compare  2  Pet.  ii.  6  ;  jude  7). 

*  Brold'ered,  an  obsolete  English  word  =  em- 
broidered. (See  Embroiderer.)  "Broidered  hair" 
(1  Tim.  ii.  9,  marg.  "plaited")  is  the  A.  V.  transla- 
tion of  Gr.  plcffnia  (=  a  braid  of  hair,  braided  hair, 
Rbn.  N.  T.  Lac.).  Some  copies  have  "  broided 
hair  "  or  "  braided  hair."     Hair. 

Brook,  tlie  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Hebrew 
Aphik,  properly  =  a  violent  torrent,  sweeping 
through  a  mountain  gorge  (Ps.  xlii  1,  Heb.  2) ; 
elsewhere  translated  "  stream,"  "  channel,"  "  river." 
— 2.  Heb.  yim;  an  Egyptian  word  (in  the  plural  = 
the  branches  and  canals  of  the  Nile,  Ges.)  (Is.  xix. 
6-8);  elsewhere  translated  "'river,"  "flood." — 3. 
Heb.  michal,  probably  =  a  rivulet,  or  small  stream 
(2  Sam.  xvii.  20  only).— 1.  Heb.  nahal  or  nachal  — 


the  dry  torrent-bed  (Valley  3),  and  the  torrent  it- 
self (1  Sam.  xvii.  3,  &c. ;  see  River  2);  =  Ar.  wadi/, 
and  Gr.  c/uimarrhotis  or  cheimarrhm ;  also  trans- 
lated "  river,"  "  stream,"  "  valley." — 5.  Gr.  cliei- 
marrhos  (Jd.  ii.  8;  1  Mc.  v.  37  if.;  Jn.  xviii.  1)  = 
Heb.  nahal,  No.  4  above. — 6.  Gr.  diorux  (Ecclus. 
xxiv.  SO,  31)  =  something  dag,  a  trench  or  canal. — 
T.  Gr.  )-A««fta  (Ecclus.  xxxix.  13)  =  that  which /oas, 
a  stream. 

*  Broth,  or  soup,  is  mentioned  only  in  Judg.  vi. 
19,  20,  and  Is.  Ixv.  4.     Food. 

Brother.  The  Hebrew  ah  or  dch  is  used  in  various 
senses  in  the  0.  T.  besides  its  strict  sense  of  brother 
(Gen.  iv.  2  ff.,  xix.  20,  xlix.  5,  &c.),  and  the  less  exact 
sense  of  half-brother  (Gen.  xlii.  15,  16;  Judg.  ^4ii. 
19  ;  2  Sam.  xiii.  7  ff'.,  &c.),  as  1.  A  kin.sman,  and 
not  a  mere  biother;  e.  g.  nephew  (Gen.  xiv.  16,  xiii. 
8;  xxix.  12,  15);  cousin  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  22).  2.  One 
of  the  same  tribe  (2  Sam.  xix.  12,  Heb.  13).  3.  Of 
the  same  people  (Ex.  ii.  1 1),  or  even  oi  a  cognate  peo- 
ple (Num.  XX.  14).  4.  An  ally  (Am.  i.  9;  see  marg.). 
5.  Any  friend  (Job  vi.  15).  6.  One  of  the  same 
office  (1  K.  ix.  13).  7.  A  fellow-man  (Lev.  xix.  17). 
8.  Metaphorically  of  any  similarity.  It  is  a  very 
favorite  Oriental  metaphor,  as  in  Job  xxx.  29,  "  I  am 
a  brother  to  dragons; "see  Dragon  1. — The  Gr. 
adelphoH  has  a  similar  range  of  meanings  in  the 
N.  T.,  and  is  also  used  for  a  disciple  (Mat.  xxv.  40, 
&c.);  a  fellow-worker  (1  Cor.  i.  1,  &c.),  and  espe- 
cially a  Christian.  Indeed,  it  was  by  this  name  that 
Christians  usually  spoke  of  each  other  (Acts  ix.  30, 
xi.  29,  &c.).  The  Jewish  schools  distinguish  between 
"brother"  and  "neighbor;"  "brother"  =  an  Is- 
raelite by  blood,  "  neighbor  "  =  a  proselyte.  They 
allowed  neither  title  to  the  Gentiles  ;  but  Christ  and 
the  apostles  extended  the  name  "  brother "  to  all 
Christians,  and  "  neighbor  "  to  all  the  world  (1  Cor.  v. 
11  ;  Lk.  x.  29  ff.).  Thequestion  as  to  who  were  "the 
brethren  of  the  Lord,"  is  discussed  under  James. 

*  Brown.    Colors. 

*  Brnlt  (pron.  brute),  an  old  English  and  French 
word  =  rumor  or  news  (Jer.  x.  22  ;  Nah.  iii.  19). 

Bn-bas'tis  (L.)  =  Pi-beseth. 

*  Bnck'ler.     Arms,  I.  2,  c,  and  II.  5,  6. 

*  BniTet,  to  (Gr.  kolaphizo)  =  to  smite  with  t/iejist, 
to  box  on  the  ear,  to  cnff ;  in  a  wider  sense,  to  smite, 
to  maltreat  (Mat.  xxvi.  67 ;  Mk.  xiv.  65 ;  1  Cor.  iv. 
11;  2  Cor.  xii.  7;  1  Pet.  ii.  20). 

*  Bnild'ing.  Architecture  ;  Barn  ;  House  ;  Temple. 
Buk'kl  (Heb.  =  Bckkiah,  Ges.).     1.  Son  of  Abi- 

shua  and  father  of  Uzzi ;  fourth  after  Aaron  in  the 
line  of  the  high-priests  in  1  Chr.  vi.  5,  51  (v.  31,  vi. 
36  Heb.),  and  in  the  genealogy  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  vii.  4) ; 
called  in  1  Esd.  viii.  2,  Boccas,  corrupted  to  Borith, 
2  Esd.  i.  2.  Whether  Bukki  ever  was  high-priest, 
we  are  not  informed  in  Scripture.  Josephus  men- 
tions him  in  one  place  (v.  11,  §  6)  as  high-priest,  in 
another  (viii.  1,  §  3)  as  the  first  of  those  who  lived 
a  private  life,  while  the  pontifical  dignity  was  in  the 
house  of  Ithamar.  (High-Priest). — 2.  Son  of  Jogli 
and  prince  of  Dan  ;  assistant  to  Joshua  and  Eleazar 
in  the  division  of  Canaan  (Num.  xxxiv.  22). 

Bnk-ki'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  wastiiig  from  Jehovah,  Ges.), 
a  Kohathite  Levite,  of  the  sons  of  Heman,  musician 
In  the  Temple  (1  Chr.  xxv.  4,  13). 

Bnl  \u  as  in  rfW/].     Month. 

Bull,  BnU'oek,  terms  used  synonymously  with  ox, 
oxen,  in  the  A.  V.  as  the  representatives  of  several 
Hebrew  words.  The  plural  of  the  Greek  tanros  is 
translated  "bulls"  in  Heb.ix.  13,  x. 4. — The  Hebrew 
bdkdr  is  properly  a  generic  name  for  homed  cattle 
when  of  full  age  and  fit  for  the  plough.    Accordingly 


BUB 


BUR 


.  133 


it  is  variously  rendered  bullock  (Is.  Ixv.  25),  eow  (Ez. 
iv.  15),  oxeii  (Gen.  xii.  16),  beeves  (Lev.  xxii.  19,  21), 
&c. — The  Hi'bi-ow  sJtor  almost  always  =  one  head 
of  horned  eallle,  without  distinction  of  age  or  sex 
(Ex.  xxi.  28  ff,  "ox  "  A.  V. ;  Lev.  xxii.  23,  28,  &c.). 
It  is  very  seldom  used  collectively.  The  Chaldee 
form,  tor,  occurs  in  Ezr.  vi.  9,  17,  vii.  17  ;  Dan.  iv. 
25  (22  Heb.),  &c. — The  Hebrew  ^egel,  fem.  'egldh 
r=  a  calf  male  or  female,  properly  of  the  first  year. 
The  word  is  used  of  a  trained  heifer  (Hos.  x.  11),  of 
one  giving  milk  (Is.  vii.  21,  compare  22),  of  one 
used  in  ploughing  (Judg.  xiv.  18),  and  of  oije  three 
years  old  (Gen.  xr.  9). — The  Hebrew  par  =  a  bull, 
bullock,  especially  a  young  bullock,  a  steer  (Ex.  xxix. 
1 ;  Lev.  iv.  3  ff.,  &c.),  Ges. ;  once  (Judg.  vi.  25)  pos- 
sibly a  bull  of  seven  years  old. — The  Hebrew  plural 
abbirim  (literally  strong  ones)  is  used  for  bvlls  in  Ps. 
xxii.  12  (A.  V.  "strong  bulU ;"  13  Heb.),  1.  13, 
Ixviii.  30,  Heb.  31;  Is.  xxxiv.  7;  Jer.  1.  11.— The 
Hebrew  to  is  translated  "  wild  bull  "  in  Is.  li.  20,  and 
"  wild  ox  "  in  Dei't.  xiv.  5.  It  was  possibly  one  of 
the  larger  species  of  antelope,  and  took  its  name  from 
its  swiftness.  Robinson  (iii.  396)  mentions  large 
herds  of  black  and  almost  hairless  buffaloes  as  still 
existing  in  Palestine,  and  these  may  be  the  animal 
indicated.  Agriculture;  Calf;  Clean;  Food: 
Heifer;  Herd;  Ox;  Sacrifice. 

BDl'msh  [«  as  in  bull,  full].    Reed. 

*  Bnlwarks.    Fenced  City  ;  War. 

Bn  nah  (Heb.  discretion,  Ges.),  son  of  Jerahmeel, 
and  descendant  of  Pharez  and  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii   25). 

Ban  nl  (Heb.  bitilt,  Ges.).  1.  A  Levite  in  Nebe- 
miah's  time  (Neh.  ix.  4). — 2.  A  chief  of  the  people 
in  Xeliomiah's  time  (x.  15). — 3,  A  Levite,  ancestor 
of  Shemaiah  in  Neheraiah's  time(xi.  15). 

Bar'i-al  [ber'rc-al].  The  Jews  uniformly  disposed 
of  the  corpse  by  entombment  where  possible,  and 
failing  that,  by  interment ;  extending  this  respect  to 
the  remains  even  of  the  slain  enemy  and  malefactor 
(1  K.  xi.  15;  Deut.  xxi.  23),  in  the  latter  case  by 
express  provision  of  law. — 1.  Tlie  Place  of  Burial. 
A  natural  cave  enlarged  and  adapted  by  excavation, 
or  an  artificial  imitation  of  one,  was  the  standard 


type  of  sepulchre.  (Tomb.)  This  was  what  the 
structure  of  the  Jewish  soil  supplied  or  suggested. 
Sepulchres,  when  the  owner's  means  permitted  it, 
were  commonly  prepared  beforehand,  and  stood  often 
in  gardens  (Garden),  by  roadsides,  or  even  adjoining 
houses.  Kings  and  prophets  alone  were  probably 
buried  within  towns  (1  K.  ii.  10,  xvi.  6,  28  ;  2  K.  x. 
85,  xiii.  9  ;  2  Chr.  xvi.  14,  xxviii.  27  ;  1  Sam.  xxv. 
1,  xxviii.  3).  Sarah's  tomb  and  Rachel's  seem  to 
have  been  chosen  merely  from  the  place  of  death  ; 
but  the  successive  interments  at  the  former  (Macii- 
pelah)  are  a  chronicle  of  the  strong  family  feeling 
among  the  Jews.  It  was  deemed  a  misfortune  or  an 
indignity  not  onlv  to  be  deprived  of  burial  (Is.  xiv. 
20;  Jer.  vii.  33,"viii.  1,  2,  &c. ;  2  K.  ix.  10),  but  in 
a  lesser  degree  to  be  excluded  from  the  family  sepul- 
chre (1  K.  xiii.  22  ;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  23,  xxxiii.  20;  com- 
pare 2  Sam.  xxi.  14).  Similarly  it  was  a  mark  of  a 
profound  feeling  toward  a  person  not  of  one's  family 
to  wish  to  be  buried  with  him  (Ru.  i.  17 ;  IK.  xiii. 
31),  or  to  give  him  a  place  in  one's  own  sepulchre 
(Gen.  xxiii.  6 ;  compare  2  Chr.  xxiv.  16).  Cities 
soon  became  populous  and  demanded  cemeteries, 
which  were  placed  without  the  walls ;  such  a  one 
seems  intended  by  "  the  graves  of  the  children  of  the 
people  "  (2  K.  xxiii.  6),  situated  in  the  valley  of  the 
Kidron  or  of  Jehoshaphat  Jeremiah  (vii.  32,  xix. 
11)  threatens  that  Topiiet  should  be  polluted  by 
burying  there  (compare  2  K.  xxiii.  10).  Such  was 
also  the  "Potter's  Field"  (Mat.  xxvii.  7).  Sepul- 
chres were  marked  sometimes  by  pillars,  as  that  of 
Rachel  (Gen.  xxxv.  20),  or  by  pyramids  as  those  of 
the  Asmoneans  at  Modin  (1  Mc.  xiii.  28),  and  had 
places  of  higher  and  lower  honor.  Such  as  were  not 
otherwise  noticealjle  were  scrupulously  "  wliited " 
(Mat.  xxiii.  27)  once  a  year,  after  the  rains  before 
the  passover,  to  warn  passers  by  of  defilement. — 2. 
^he  Mode  of  Burial.  While  the  0.  T.  notices  the 
burial  of  persons  of  rank  or  public  eminence,  the 
N.  T.  takes  its  examples  from  private  station.  But 
in  both  cases  "  the  manner  of  the  Jews "  included 
the  use  of  spices,  where  they  could  command  the 
means.    Thus  Asa  lay  in  a  "  bed  of  spices  "  (2  Chr. 


Btbylonlan  CoiiiM  titxi  Li<l,  of  ^nvn  fflaxed  potUrj,  from  Warku,  tbe  anelent  Erecli. — (layRrd.) 


XTi.  14).  A  portion  of  these  were  burnt  in  honor 
of  the  deceased,  and  to  this  use  was  probably  des- 
tined part  of  the  one  hundred  pounds'  weight  of 
"  myrrh  and  aloes  "  in  our  Lord's  case.  On  high 
state  occasions  the  vessels,  bed,  and  furniture  used 
by  the  deceased  were  burnt  also.  Such  was  proba- 
bly the  "  great  burning  "  made  for  Asa.  If  a  king 
was  unpopular  or  died  disgraced  (2  Chr.  xxi.  19), 
this  WIS  Dot  obscnred.    In  no  case,  save  that  of  Saul 


and  his  sons,  were  the  bodies  burned  (compare  Am. 
vi.  7  10);  and  even  then  the  bones  were  Interred, 
and  rcexhumed  for  solemn  entombment.  It  was  the 
office  of  the  next  of  kin  to  perform  and  preside  over 
the  whole  funereal  office ;  but  a  company  of  public 
buriers  (Ez.  xxxix.  12-14)  had  apparently  become 
customary  in  the  times  of  the  N.  T.  (Acts  v.  6,  10). 
Coffins  were  but  seldom  used,  and  if  used  were  open ; 
but  fixed  stone  sarcophagi  were  common  in  tombs 


134^ 


BUR 


BUS 


of  rank  The  bier,  the  word  for  which  in  the  0.  T. 
also  =  "  BED,"  was  borne  by  the  nearest  relatives, 
and  followed  by  any  who  wished  to  do  honor  to 
the  dead.  The  grave-clothes  were  probably  of  the 
fashion  worn  in  life,  but  swathed  and  fastened  with 


bandages,  and  the  head  covered  separately.  Pre- 
viously to  this,  s])ices  were  applied  to  the  corpse  in 
the  form  of  ointment,  or  between  the  folds  of  the 
linen ;  hence  our  Lord's  remark,  that  the  woiuau 
had  anointed  his  body,  "  with  a  view  to  dressing  it 


Ancient  Egj'ptUn  Fauenil  Froceisioa.— From  Culliaud. — (Kbn.J 


Modern  Egyptlim  Funeral  Procession. — From  Lane's  Modem  Ej/yptiant. — (Fbn.) 


in  these  grave-clothes."  (Embalming  ;  Mourning.) 
— 3.  Prevalent  Notions  in  regard  to  Burial.  The 
precedent  of  Jacob's  and  Joseph's  remains  being  re- 
turned to  the  land  of  Canaan  was  followed,  in  wish 
at  least,  by  every  pious  Jew.  Following  a  similar 
notion,  some  of  the  Rabbins  taught  that  only  in  that 
land  could  those  who  were  buried  obtain  a  share  in 
the  resurrection  which  was  to  usher  in  Messiah's 
reign  on  earth.  Tombs  were,  in  popular  belief,  led 
by  the  same  teaching,  invested  with  traditions  (com- 
pare Abel  ;  Ezra  ;  Tomb,  &e.). 

•  Bnrn'ing.    Burial  ;  Punishments. 

*  Bnrn'ing  A'gne  (Lev.  xxvi.  16).    Fever. 
Bnrnt'-offer-lng  (Heb.  usually  'o.'d/s,  literally  that 

which  is  made  to  go  up  ;  Gr.  holokautoma,  thai  which 
is  xoholly  burnt,  a  holocaust)  in  A.  V.  =  the  offering 
(Atonement  ;  Sacrifice),  which  was  wholly  consumed 
by  fire  on  the  altar,  and  the  whole  of  which,  except 
the  refuse  ashes,  "  ascended  "  in  tlie  smoke  to  God. 
Every  sacrifice  was  in  part  a  "  burnt-ofl'ering,"  be- 
cause, since  fire  was  the  chosen  manifestation  of  God's 
presence,  the  portion  of  each  sacrifice  especially  ded- 
icated to  Him  was  consumed  by  fire.  The  burnt-of- 
fering is  first  named  in  Gen.  viii.  20,  as  offered  after 
the  Flood.  Throughout  the  whole  of  Genesis  (see 
XV.  9,  17,  xxii.  2  ff.)  it  appears  to  be  the  only  sacri- 
fice referred  to ;  afterward  it  became  distinguished 
as  one  of  the  regular  classes  of  sacrifice  under  the 
Mosaic  law.  Now  all  sacrifices  are  divided  (see  Heb. 
V.  1)  into  "gifts"  and  "sacrifices  for  sin"  (i.e. 
eucharistic  and  propitiatory  sacrifices),  and  of  the 
former  of  these  the  burnt-offering  was  the  choicest 
specimen.  (Sin-offering,  &c.)  The  meaning  of  the 
whole  burnt-offering  was  that  which  is  the  original 
idea  of  all  sacrifice,  the  offering  by  the  sacrificer  of 
himself,  soul  and  body,  to  God,  the  submission  of 
his  will  to  the  Will  of  the  Lord.  It  typified  (see 
Heb.  V.  1,  3,  V,  8)  our  Lord's  offering  (as  especially 


in  the  temptation  and  the  agony),  the  perfect  sacri- 
fice of  His  own  human  will  to  the  Will  of  His  Fa- 
ther. In  accordance  with  this  principle  it  was  enact- 
ed that  with  the  burnt-offering  a  "  meat-offering  " 
(of  floiir  and  oil)  and  "  drink-offering  "  of  wine  should 
be  offered,  as  showing  that,  with  themselves,  men 
dedicated  also  to  God  the  chief  earthly  gifts  with 
which  He  had  blessed  them  (Lev.  viii.'  18,  22,  26, 
ix.  16,  17,  xiv.  20;  Ex.  xxix.  40;  Num.  xxviii.  4, 
5).  The  ceremonial  of  the  burnt-offering  is  given 
in  detail  in  Lev.  i.,  vii.  8,  viii.  18  ff,,  &c.  For  the 
public  burnt-offerings,  see  Sacrifice,  D,  a.  Private 
burnt-offerings  were  appointed  at  the  consecration 
of  priests  (Ex.  xxix.  15  ff. ;  Lev.  viii.  18  ff.,  ix.  12 
ff.),  at  the  purification  of  women  (Lev.  xii.  6,  8), 
at  the  cleansing  of  the  lepers  (xiv.  19  ff.),  and  re- 
moval of  other  ceremonial  uncleanness  (xv.  16,  30), 
on  any  accidental  breach  of  the  Nazaritic  vow,  or  at 
its  conclusion  (Num.  vi. ;  compare  Acts  xxi.  26),  &e. 
'Bvit  freewill  burnt-offerings  were  offered  and  accepted 
by  God  on  any  solemn  occasions,  e.  g.  at  the  dedica- 
tion of  the  tabernacle  (Num.  vii.)  and  of  the  temple 
(1  K.  viii.  64),  when  they  were  offered  in  extraordi- 
nary abundance. 

Bnsb.  1.  The  Hebrew  word  sSneh  ("  bush,"  A.V.) 
occurs  only  in  those  passages  which  refer  to  Jeho- 
vah's appearance  to  Moses,  "  in  the  flame  of  fire  in 
the  bush"  (Ex.  iii.  2-4;  Deut.  xxxiii.  16).  The 
Greek  word  is  batos  both  in  the  LXX.  and  in  the  N. 
T.  (Mk.  xii.  26  ;  Lk.  xx.  37  ;  Acts  vii.  30,  35 ;  in  Lk. 
vi.  44,  "bramble  bush  "  A.  v.).  The  Gr.  batos  = 
rubus,  Vulgate ;  and  both  in  ancient  writers  =  the 
different  kinds  of  brambles  or  species  of  the  genus 
Rubus  (raspberry  and  blackberry  bush,  &c.).  Cel- 
sius has  argued  that  the  Rulms  vulgaris,  i.  e.  Kubm 
fruticosus,  the  bramble  or  blackberry  bush,  =  the 
seneh,  and  traces  the  etymology  of  Mount  "  Sinai " 
to  this  name.     Sprengel  identifies  the  scneh  with 


BU9 


CAI 


135 


what  he  terms  the  Rubut  tanctiis  ("  a  variety,"  says 
Dr.  J.  P.  Hooker,  "  of  Jiiibus  fmiicosw  "),  and  says 
it  grows  abundantly  near  Sinai.  It  is  impossible  to 
say  what  kind  of  thorn  bush  is  intended  by  sineh  ; 
but  Sinai  is  almost  beyond  the  range  of  the  genus 
liub'U. — 2.  The  Heb.  niuh  or  siach,  plural  sihim  or 
nichim,  is  translated  "  bushes "  in  Job  xxx.  4,  7, 
"  plant "  in  Gen.  ii.  5,  "  shrubs  "  in  Gen.  xxi.  15. 
Gcscnius  translates  "  a  shrub,  bush." 
ItDsh  el.    See  at  end  of  Weights  and  Measures. 

•  Bnt'len    Ccp-bearer. 

Bnt'ter.  Gescnius  supposed  that  the  Heb.  hemdh 
or  c/temdh  (hemak  or  citemdh  in  Job  xxix.  6),  trans- 
lated "  butter  "  uniformly  in  the  A.  V.,  generally 
means  curdled  milk,  curds;  poetically,  milk  in  gen- 
eral ;  once  (Prov.  xxx.  33)  clieese;  but  never  butter 
in  the  Scriptures.  It  occurs  in  Gen.  xviii.  8  ;  Deut. 
xxxii.  14 ;  Judg.  v.  25  ;  2  Sam.  xvii.  29  ;  Job  xx. 
17,  xxix.  6;  Ps.  Iv.  21  (Heb.  22);  Prov.  xxx.  33; 
)s.  vii.  15,  22.  Hasselquist  says  the  Arab  women 
"  made  butter  in  a  leather  bag,  hung  on  three  poles 
erected  for  the  purpose,  in  the  form  of  a  cone,  and 
drawn  to  and  fro  by  two  women."  The  butter  of 
modern  Palestine,  after  being  thus  made,  is  boiled 
or  melted,  and  put  in  goat-skin  bottles.  "  In  winter 
it  resembles  candied  honey,  in  summer  it  is  mere 
oil  "  (Thn.  i.  293).     Cheese  ;  Milk. 

•  Baying  [by-].  Agriccltcrk  ;  Commerce  ;  Jdbi- 
lee,  the  Year  of  ;  Slave. 

Bnz  (Heb.  coulempt).  1.  The  second  son  of  Mil- 
cah  and  Xahor  (Gen.  xxii.  21).  Elihu,  called  "the 
Buzite  "  of  the  kindred  of  Kam,  i.  e.  Aram,  was 
probably  a  descendant  of  Buz,  whose  family  seems 
to  have  settled  in  Arabia  Deserta  or  Petnea  (Jcr. 
XXV.  23). — 2.  A  name  in  the  gcnejiogics  of  the  tribe 
of  Gad  (1  Chr.  v.  14). 

Bnzl  (Heb.  =  Bczite,  Ges.),  father  of  Ezekiel 
the  prophet  (Ez.  i.  3). 

Bnz'ite  (fr.  Heb.)  =  descendant  of  Buz  1  (Job 
xxxii.  2,  6) 

•  By  is  used  in  1  Cor.  iv.  4  A.  V.  in  the  now  ob- 
solete sense  of  agaius'. ;  "  I  know  nothing  by  my- 
self," i.  e.  I  am  not  conscious  of  wrong  doing. 

Bys  tins  (L.  fr.  Gr.).    Li.nen. 


c 

fab.    Weights  and  MEAStTRES. 

Cab'bon  (Heb.  cake,  Ges.),  a  town  in  the  lotv  coun- 
try of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  40  only). 

*  Cai'lns  (Jcr.  xxxvii.  16;  margin  "cells")  prob- 
ably =  the  arched  cavities  on  vaults,  in  which  pris- 
oners were  lodged,  round  the  sides  of  the  "  dungeon  " 
or  pit  (Henderson  on  Jer.  1.  c.). 

Ca'bul  (Heb.  limit,  border,  LXX.,  Boch. ;  a*  some- 
Ihifui  exhaled,  as  nothiruj,  Hiller),  a  place  on  the 
boundary  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  27);  probably  at  the 
modem  village  of  Kabul,  a  small  village  eight  or 
nine  miles  E.  of  'Akka  (Rbn.  iii.  88).  Being  thus 
on  the  very  borders  of  Galilee,  probably  this  place 
has  some  connection  with  the  district  containing 
twenty  cities,  presented  by  Solomon  to  Hiram,  king 
of  Tyre  (1  K.  ii.  11-14). 

Cid'dls,  surname  of  Joannan,  the  eldest  brother 
of  Judas  >IaccabeU3(l  Mc.  ii.  2). 

Ca'dM  (1  Mc.  xi.  63,  73)  =  Kedesh  3. 

Ca  dr^bar'ne  (Jd.  v.  14)  =  Kadesh-barnea. 

Cad  mi-el  ( 1  Esd.  v.  26,  58)  =  Kadmiel. 

C«'sar  [see'zar]  (L.)  =  Cesar. 

f»!*-a-re'a  fws-a-ree'a]  fL.)  =  Cesarea. 

t»s-a-re  a  Pbl-Up'pl  (L.)  =  Cesarea  Philippi. 


•  Cage>  1.  The  Heb.  ciliib  or  club,  translated  "  cage  " 
in  Jer.  v.  27  (margin  "coop"),  is  a  trap-cage,  con- 
trived for  keeping  in  it  a  decoy  bird,  and  furnished 
with  valves  or  clappers  which  shut  as  soon  as  a  bird 
has  entered  (so  Gesenius).  (Basket  4.) — 2.  The 
Gr.  kartallos,  translated  "  cage"  in  Ecclus.  xi.  30,  =r 
a  basket  with  a  pointed  bottom  (L.  &  S.). — 3.  The 
Gr.  phulake,  literally  a  icatching  or  guarding  (L.  &  S.), 
translated  in  Rev.  xviii.  2,  "ease"  and  "hold,"  Is 
usually  in  N.  T.  translated  "  prison "  (Mat.  v.  25, 
xiv.  3,  10,  &c.).  Robinson  (N.  T.  Lex.)  translates 
it  here  watch-post,  station,  haunt. 

Cai'a-phas  [kay'ya-fas]  (iV.  Gr.  form  of  Aram.  = 
depressioti,  Buxtorf),  in  full  Jo'seph  Cal'a-pbas, 
high-priest  of  the  Jews  under  Tiberius  during  our 
Lord's  public  ministry,  and  at  the  time  of  His  con- 
demnation and  cruciiixion  (Mat.  xxvi.  3,  57;  Jn.  xi. 
49,  xviii.  13,  14,  24,  28 ;  Acts  iv.  6).  The  Procura- 
tor Valerius  Gratus  appointed  him  to  the  dignity. 
He  held  it  during  the  whole  procuratorship  of  Pon- 
tius Pilate,  but  was  deposed  by  the  Proconsul  Vitel- 
lius  (a.  d.  36).  He  was  son-in-law  of  Annas  2. 
High-Priest  ;  Jesus  Christ. 

CaiD  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  what  is  gotten,  aequimtion;  or 
a  spear,  Ges.  [see  Arms,  I.  2,  y]  ;  or  a  smith.  Von 
Bohlen).  The  historical  facts  in  the  life  of  Cain 
(Gen.  iv.)  are  briefly  these  : — He  was  the  eldest  son 
of  Adam  and  Eve  ;  he  followed  the  business  of  agri- 
culture ;  in  a  fit  of  jealousy,  roused  by  the  rejection 
of  his  own  sacrifice  and  the  acceptance  of  Abel's,  he 
committed  the  crime  of  murder  (Abel),  for  which 
he  was  expelled  from  Eden,  and  led  the  life  of  an 
exile ;  he  settled  in  the  land  of  Nod,  and  built  a  city 
which  he  named  after  his  son  Enoch  ;  his  descend- 
ants are  enumerated,  together  with  the  inventions 
for  which  they  were  remarkable.  References  to  Cain 
occur  in  Heb.  xi.  4;  1  Jn.  iii.  12;  Jude  11.  The 
following  points  deserve  notice  in  connection  with 
the  Biblical  narrative : — 1 .  The  position  of  the  land 
of  Nod  (Heb.  =/?«^A<,  nandering,(jes.),  which  it  seems 
vain  to  attempt  to  identify  with  any  special  locality. 
2.  The  "  mark  set  upon  Cain  "  probably  means  that 
Jehovah  gave  a  sign  to  Cain,  very  much  as  signs 
were  afterward  given  to  Noah  (Gen.  ix.  13),  Moses 
(Ex.  iii.  2,  12),  Gideon  (Judg.  vi.  17,  21),  Elijah  (I 
K.  xix.  11),  Ahaz  (Is.  vii.  10-14),  and  Hezekiah  (Is. 
xxxviii.  7,  8).  3.  The  narrative  implies  the  exist- 
ence of  a  considerable  population  in  Cain's  time 
(vcr.  14).  4.  The  descendants  of  Cain  are  enumer- 
ated to  the  sixth  generation.  Some  commentators 
(Knobel,  Von  Bohlen)  have  traced  an  artificial  struc- 
ture in  this  genealogy,  by  which  it  is  rendered  paral- 
lel to  that  of  the  Sethiles ;  but  the  differences  far 
exceed  the  points  of  similarity.  5.  The  social  con- 
dition of  the  Cainites  is  prominently  brought  for- 
ward in  the  history.  Cain  founded  the  first  city ; 
Lamech  instituted  polygamy  ;  Jabal  introduced  the 
nomadic  life  ;  Jubal  invented  musical  instruments  ; 
Tubal-cain  was  the  first  smith  ;  Lamech's  language 
takes  the  stately  tone  of  poetry;  and  even  the 
names  of  the  women,  Naamah  {pleasant),  Zillah 
(s/iadow),  Adah  (ornamental),  seemed  to  bespeak  an 
advanced  state  of  civilization.  But  along  with  this, 
there  was  violence  and  godlessness ;  Cain  and  La- 
mech furnish  proof  of  the  former,  while  the  con- 
cluding words  of  Gen.  iv.  26  imply  the  latter.  6. 
The  contrast  established  between  the  Cainites  and 
the  Sethitea  appears  to  have  reference  solely  to  the 
social  and  religious  condition  of  the  two  races. 

Cala  (see  above),  a  city  in  the  mountains  of  Ju- 
dah, named  with  Zanoah  and  Gibeah  (Josh.  xv.  67). 

Ca-roan  or  Cai'nan  (L.  fr.  Heb.  —  possessor,  FU. ; 


136 


CAK 


OAL 


imiili,  perhaps  lancer,  Ges.).  1,  Son  of  Enos ;  arid 
great-jjrandson  of  Adam  through  Seth ;  father  at 
seventy  years  of  Malialaleel  ;=Kenan.  He  died  aged 
910  (Gen.  v.  9-14;  Lk.  iii.  37).  The  rabbinical  tra- 
dition was  that  he  first  introduced  idol-worship  and 
astrology — a  tradition  which  the  Hellenists  trans- 
ferred to  the  post-diluvian  Cainan. — 2i  Son  of 
Arphaxad,  and  father  of  Sala,  according  to  Lk.  iii. 
35,  36,  and  usually  called  the  second  Cainan.  He  is 
also  found  in  the  present  copies  of  the  LXX.  in  Gen. 
X.  24,  xi.  12,  but  is  nowhere  named  in  the  Hebrew 
HSS.,  nor  in  the  Samaritan,  Chaldee,  Syrxac, Vulgate, 
&c.,  versions.  It  seems  certain  that  his  name  was 
introduced  into  the  genealogies  of  the  Greek  0.  T., 
in  order  to  bring  them  into  harmony  with  the  gen- 
ealogy of  Christ'in  St.  Luke's  Gospel,  where  Cainan 
was  found  in  the  time  of  Jerome.  Probably  Cainan 
was  not  inserted  in  Lk.  iii.  36  by  St.  Luke  himself 
(it  is  not  in  the  Codex  Bezm  ;  see  New  Testament), 
but  was  afterward  added,  either  by  accident,  or  to 
make  up  the  number  of  generations  to  seventeen,  or 
from  some  other  cause  which  cannot  now  be  discov- 
ered. 

CakeSt    Bread  ;  Qdeen  of  Heaven. 

Ca'lab  (Heb.  completion,  old  age,  Ges.),  one  of  the 
most  ancient  cities  of  Assyria.  Its  foundation  is 
ascribed  to  the  patriarch  Asshur  (Gen.  x.  11).  (NiM- 
KOD.)  According  to  Rawlinson,  the  site  of  Caluh  is 
marked  by  the  Niinrud  ruins  (Njneveh).  If  this  be 
regarded  as  ascertained,  Calah  must  be  considered 
to  have  been  at  one  tune  (about  b.  c.  930-720)  the 
capital  of  the  empire.  Dr.  H.  Lobdell  (in  B.  S.  xiv. 
236)  supposed  Caluh  to  be  at  Kalali  Shrrghai  (see 
Assyria,  §  7).  Bochart,  Gesenius,  &c.,  make  Calah 
=  Halab. 

Cal-a-mol'a-lns  (1  Esd.  v.  22),  a  corrupt  name,  ap- 
parently from  Elam,  Lod,  and  Hadid. 

Cal'a-mns.    Reed  4. 

Car«Ol  (Heb.  sustenance  I  Ges.),  a  man  of  Judah, 
son  or  descendant  of  Zerah  (1  Chr.  ii.  6) ;  probably 
=  Chalcol.     Darda  ;  Maiiol. 

Cal'dron,  a  vessel  for  boiling  flesh,  either  for  cer- 
emonial or  domestic  use.  It  is  the  translation  in 
A.  V.  of  four  Hebrew  words,  viz.,  agmon  (Job  xli. 
20 ;  see  Reed  1),  dud  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  13;  see  Basket 
6 ;  Pot  3),  sir  (Jer.  Iii.  18,  19  ;  Ez.  xi.  3,  V,  11 ;  see 
Pot  4),  kallahatk  or  kallachath  (1  Sam.  iL  14;  Mic. 
ui.  8). 


Bronze  CaldroQ  from  Egyftiaa  Theb«s. — (BrltUh  Museum.) 

Ca'leb  (Heb.  dog?  Ges. ;  the  bold,  the  valiant,  i.  e. 
ahero,  Fii.).  1.  According  to  1  Chr.  ii.  9,  18,  19, 
42,  son  of  Hezron,  the  son  of  Pharez,  the  son  of 
Judah,  and  the  father  of  Hur  by  Ephrath  or  Ephra- 
tah.  His  brothers,  according  to  the  same  authority, 
were  Jerahmeel  and  Ram ;  his  wives  Azubah,  Jeriotii, 
and  Ephrath ;  and  his  concubines  Ephah  and  Ma- 
achah  (ver.  9,  18,  19,  46,  48).  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey 
regards  the  text  in  1  Chr.  ii.  as  corrupt  in  many 
places.  Keil  maintains  that  Caleb  the  son  (i.  e.  the 
descendant)  of  Hezron  =  Caleb  the  son  of  Jephun- 


neh  (?) ;  compare  Josh.  xv.  16  and  1  Chr.  ii.  49. 
— !i  "Son  of  Jephunneh,"  by  which  patronymic  the 
illustrious  spy  is  usually  designated  (Num.  xiii.  6, 
and  ten  other  places),  with  the  addition  of  "  the 
Kenezite"  (=  son  of  Kenaz)  in  Num.  xxxii.  12  ;  Josh, 
xiv.  6,  14.  Caleb  is  first  mentioned  in  the  list  of 
the  rulers  or  princes  sent  to  search  the  land  of  Ca- 
naan in  the  second  year  of  the  Exodus.  Caleb  was 
a  prince  or  chief  in  the  tribe  of  Judah,  perhaps  as 
chief  of  the  family  of  the  Hezronitcs.  He  and 
Joshua  the  son  of  Nun  were  the  only  two  of  the 
whole  number  who,  on  their  return  from  Canaan  to 
Kadesh-Barnea,  encouraged  the  people  to  enter  in 
boldly  to  the  land,  and  take  possession  of  it ;  for 
which  act  of  faithfulness  they  narrowly  escaped 
stoning  at  the  hands  of  the  infuriated  people.  In 
the  plague  that  ensued,  while  tlie  other  ten  spies 
perished,  Caleb  and  Joshua  alone  were  spared.  Forty, 
five  years  afterward,  when  some  progress  had  been 
made  in  the  conquest  of  the  land,  Caleb  came  to 
Joshua  and  claimed  possession  of  the  land  of  the 
Anakims,  Kirjath-Arba,  or  Hebron,  and  the  neigh- 
boring hill  coimtry  (Josh.  xiv.).  This  was  imme- 
diately granted  to  him,  and  the  following  chapter  re- 
lates how  he  took  possession  of  Hebron,  driving  out 
the  three  sons  of  Anak;  and  how  he  offererl  Achsah 
his  daughter  in  marriage  to  whoever  would  take 
Kirjath-Sephor,  i.  e.  Debir ;  and  how  when  Othniel, 
his  younger  brother  or  nephew,  had  performed  the 
feat,  he  not  only  give  him  his  daughter  to  wife,  but 
with  her  the  up]ier  and  nether  springs  of  water 
which  she  asked  for.  After  this  we  hear  no  more 
of  Caleb,  nor  is  the  time  of  his  death  recorded. 
Though  Hebron  became  a  city  of  the  priests,  the 
surrounding  territory  continued  to  be  in  Caleb's  pos- 
session, at  least  till  David's  tirae(l  Sam.  xxv.  3,  xxx. 
14).  "  The  S.  of  Caleb  "  (xxx.  14)  =  that  portion 
of  the  "  S.  land  "  (Josh.  xv.  19)  of  Palestine  occu- 
pied by  Caleb  and  his  descendants.  A  very  interest- 
ing question  arises  as  to  the  birth  and  parentage  of 
Caleb.  He  is,  as  we  have  seen,  styled  "  the  son  of 
Jephunneh  the  Kenezite,"  and  Othniel,  afterward  the 
first  Judge,  is  also  called  "  the  son  of  Kenaz  "  (Josh. 
XV.  17  ;  Judg.  i.  13,  iii.  9,  11).  On  the  other  hand 
the  genealogy  in  1  Chr.  ii.  makes  no  mention  what- 
ever of  either  Jephunneh  or  Kenaz,  but  represents 
Caleb,  though  obscurely  (vcr.  50 ;  so  Lord  A.  C.  Hei^ 
vey),  as  a  son  of  Hur  and  grandson  of  No.  1  (see,  too, 
chapter  iv.  and  No.  3  below).  Again  in  Josh.  xv. 
13,  we  have  this  singular  expression,  "  Unto  Caleb 
the  son  of  Jephunneh  he  gave  a  part  among  the  chil- 
dren of  Judah  /"  and  in  xiv.  14,  the  no  less  signifi- 
cant one,  "  Hebron  became  the  inheritance  of  Caleb 
the  son  of  Jephunneh  the  Kenezite,  because  that  he 
wholly  followed  Jehovah,  GodoflsraeV  It  becomes 
therefore  quite  possible,  but  not  at  all  certain,  that 
Caleb  was  a  foreigner  by  birth  ;  a  proselyte,  incor- 
porated into  the  tribe  of  Judah.— -3.  Son  of  Hur. 
His  descendants  in  1  Chr.  ii.  60  If.  appear  to  be  a  dif- 
ferent family  from  the  sons  of  Caleb,  the  son  of  Je- 
phunneh, in  iv.  15.  Bezaleel,  the  grandson  of  Hur  (ii. 
20;  Ex.  xxxv.  SO,  &c.),  was  contemporary  with  the 
spies,  who  thus  seem  to  have  been  a  generation  later 
than  Caleb  the  son  of  Hur  (so  Dr.  P.  Holmes,  ia 
Kltto). — 1.  Ca'ieb-Eph'ra-tah,  according  to  the  pres-  , 
ent  text  of  1  Chr.  ii.  24,  the  name  of  a  place  where 
Hezron  died.  But  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  regards  the 
present  text  ns  corrupt,  and  the  reading  which 
Jerome's  Hebrew  Bible  had,  and  which  is  preserved 
in  the  LXX.,  as  probably  the  true  one,  "  Caleb  came 
in  unto  Ephratah." 

Calf.     In  Ex.  xxxii.  4,  we  are  told  that  Aaron, 


CAL 


CAM 


137 


constrained  by  the  people  in  the  absence  of  Moses, 
made  a  molten  calf  (Heb.  'egel ;  see  Bcll)  of  the 
golden  ear-rings  of  the  people,  to  represent  the  Elo- 
HIM  (A.  V.  "  gods  ")  which  brought  Israel  out  of 
Egvpt.  It  does  not  seem  likely  that  the  ear-rings 
would  have  provided  the  enormous  quantity  of  gold 
required  for  a  solid  figure.  More  probaljly  it  was  a 
wooden  figure  laminated  with  gold,  a  process  known 
to  have  existed  in  Egypt.     "  A  gilded  ox  covered 


Bronze  figure  of  ApU.— {Wilkioion.) 

Trith  a  pall  "  was  an  emblem  of  Osiris  (Wilkinson, 
iv.  335).  To  punish  the  apostasy  Moses  burnt  the 
calf,  and  then  grinding  it  to  powder  scattered  it  over 
the  water,  where,  according  to  some,  it  produced  in 
the  drinkers  effects  similar  to  the  water  of  jealousy 
(Num.  v.).  He  probably  adopted  this  course  as  the 
deadliest  and  most  irreparable  blow  to  their  super- 
stition, or  as  an  allegorical  act  (Job  xv.  16),  or  with 
reference  to  an  Egyptian  custom  in  honor  of  Apis 
(Hdt.  ii.  41 ;  Poole's  Si/nopsis  on  Ex.  xxxii.  20). 
The  process  which  he  used  is  difficult  of  explanation. 
Bochart  and  Rosenmiiller  think  that  he  merely  cut, 
ground,  and  filed  the  gold  to  powder  (MiSEs).  It 
has  always  been  a  great  dispute  respecting  this  calf 
and  those  of  Jeroboam,  whether,  I.  the  Jews  in- 
tended them  for  some  Egyptian  god,  or  II.' for  a 
mere  cherubic  symbol  of  Jehovah.  Of  the  various 
sacred  cows  of  Egypt,  tho=o  of  Isis,  of  Athor,  and 
of  the  three  kinds  of  sacred  bulls.  Apis  (Memphis), 
Bastis,  and  Mnevis,  Sir  Q.  Wilkinson  fixes  on  the  lat- 
ter as  the  prototype  of  the  golden  calf;  "the  offer- 
ings, dancings,  and  rejoicings  practised,  on  that  oc- 
casion were  doubtless  in  imitation  of  a  ceremony 
they  had  witnessed  in  honor  of  Mnevis"  (Ancient 
E<f!iptian»,  v.  197).  It  seems  to  us  more  likely  that 
in  this  calf-worship  the  Jews  merely 

"  Likened  their  Maker  to  the  gniv6d  ox ; " 

or  in  other  words,  adopted  a  well-understood  cheni- 
bic  emblem.  The  prophet  Hocea  is  full  of  denun- 
ciations against  the  calf-worship  of  Israel  (Hos.  viii. 
B,  6,  X.  6),  and  mentions  the  curious  custom  of  kits- 
iti'j  them  (xiii.  2).  His  change  of  Bethel  into  Betb- 
avcn  possibly  arose  from  contempt  of  this  idolatry. 
The  calf  at  Dan  was  carried  away  by  Tiglath-Pileser, 
and  that  of  Bethel  ten  years  after  by  his  son  Shal- 
maneser  (Pridcaux,  Conn.  i.  15).  In  the  expression 
"the  calves  of  our  lips"  (IIos.  xiv.  2),  "calves" 
metaphorically  =  victims  or  sacrifices,  and  the  pas- 
sage signifies  either  "we will  render  to  thee  sacrifices 
of  our  lips,"  i.  e.  "  the  tribute  of  thanksgiving  and 
praise,"  or  "  we  will  offer  to  thee  the  sacrifices  which 
our  lips  have  vowed."  Bull  ;  Chercbih  ;  Idolatry  ; 
Ox. 

Cal'l-tag  (L.)  =  KrtiTA  (1  Esd.  ix.  23,  48). 

Cal-Us'tbe-lics  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  adorned  mlh  Urength, 


L.  &  S.),  a  partisan  of  \icanor,  bunit  by  the  Jews 
on  Nicanor's  defeat  for  setting  fire  to  "  the  sacred 
portals"  (2  Mc.  viii.  33). 

faruell  or  Cal'no  (both  Heb.  in  form,  probably  =: 
the  fort  of  the  Babi/lonish  god  Ana  or  Anu)  appears 
in  Gen.  x.  10  among  the  cities  of  Ninirod  "  in  the 
land  of  Shinar."  Rawlinson  identifies  Calneh  with 
tlie  modern  A'{/fer,  about  sixty  miles  S.  E.  of  Baby- 
lon, on  the  E.  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  where  are  ex- 
tensive ruins.  We  may  gather  from  Scripture  that 
in  the  eighth  century  b.  c.  Calneh  was  taken  by  one 
of  the  Assyrian  kings,  and  never  recovered  its  pros- 
perity (Is.  X.  9 ;  Am.  vi.  2).  The  Targums,  Eusebius 
and  Jerome,  &c.,  identified  Calneh  with  the  ancient 
Ctesipbon,  on  the  E.  bank  of  the  Tigris,  eighteen  or 
twenty  miles  below  Bagdad. 

Cal'llO  =  Calneh  (Is.  x.  9). 

Cal'phi  (L.),  father  of  Jonathan's  captain  Jcdas  3 
(1  Mc.  xi.  TO). 

Cal'Ta-ry  (fr.  L.  calvaria  =:  a  bare  skull  =  Gol- 
gotha), a  word,  not  a  proper  name,  occurring  in  the 
A.  V.  only  in  Lk.  xxiii.  33,  and  denoting  the  place 
of  the  CRUCIFIXION  of  Jesus  Christ.  The  popular 
expression  "Mount  Calvary  "  is  not  wananted  by 
any  statement  in  the  accounts  of  the  place  of  our 
Lord's  crucifixion.     Golgotha. 

Cam'cli  The  Heb.  gdnuil,  Gr.  kamelos,  L.  camelm, 
are  used  to  express  the  genus  "  camel,"  irrespective 
of  any  difference  of  species,  age,  or  breed.  It  is 
clear  from  Gen.  xii.  IG  and  Ex.  ix.  3  that  camels 
were  early  known  to  the  Egyptians,  thougli  no  rep- 
resentation of  this  animal  has  yet  been  discovered 
in  the  paintings  or  hieroglyphics.  The  Ethiopians 
had  "camels  in  abundance "  (2  Chr.  xiv.  15);  the 
queen  of  Sheba  came  to  Jerusalem  "  with  camels 
that  bare  spices  and  gold  and  precious  stones  "(IK. 
X.  2) ;  the  men  of  Kedar  and  of  Hazor  possessed 
camels  (Jer.  xlix.  29,  32) ;  David  took  away  camels 
from  the  Geshurites  and  the  Amalekites  (I  Sam. 
xxvii.  9,  compare  xxx.  17);  Ben-hadad,  king  of 
Syria,  sent  to  Elisha  forty  camels'  burden  of  good 
things  (2  K.  viii.  9) ;  the  Ishmaelites  trafficked 
with  Egypt  in  the  precious  gums  of  Gilcad,  carried 
on  the  backs  of  camels  (Gen.  xxxvii.  25) ;  the  Mid- 
ianites  and  the  Amalekites  possessed  camels  "  as 
the  sand  by  the  sea-side  for  multitude  "  (Judg.  vii. 
12);  Job  had  three  thousand  camels  before  his  af- 
fliction (Job  i.  3),  and  six  thousand  afterward  (xiii., 
12).  The  camel  was  used  for  riding  (Gen.  xxiv.  64  ; 
1  Sam.  xxx.  17);  as  a  beast  of  burden  generally 
(Gen.  xxxvii.  25  ;  2  K.  viii.  9  ;  1  K.  x.  2,  &c.) ;  anil 
for  draught  purposcs(Is.  xxi.  7).  From  1  Sam.  xxx. 
17  we  learn  that  camels  were  used  in  war.  John 
the  Baptist  wore  a  garment  made  of  camel's  hair 
(Mat.  iii.  4  ;  Mk.  i.  6),  and  some  have  supposed  that 
Elijah  "  was  clad  in  a  dress  of  the  same  stuff." 
(Dress  ;  Sackcloth.)  Chardin  (in  Ilarmer's  Obnerv. 
ii.  487)  says  the  people  in  the  East  make  vestments 
of  camel's  hair,  which  they  pull  off  the  animal  at 
the  time  it  is  changing  its  coat.  Camel's  milk  was 
much  esteemed  by  Orientals,  and  was  probably  used 
by  the  Hebrews,  though  no  distinct  reference  to  it  is 
made  in  the  Bible.  Camel's  flesh,  although  much 
esteemed  by  the  Arabs,  was  forbidden  as  food  to  the 
Israelites  (Lev.  xi.  4  ;  Dent.  xiv.  7),  because,  though 
the  camel  "  eheweth  the  cud,  it  divideth  not  the 
hoof."  Dr.  Kitto  (I'hys.  Hist,  of  Pal,  p.  391)  says, 
"  the  Arabs  adorn  the  necks  of  their  camels  with  a 
band  of  cloth  or  leather,  upon  which  arc  Strung 
small  shells  called  cowries  in  the  foi-m  of  half- 
moons  ; "  this  very  aptly  illustrates  Judg.  viii.  21, 
26,  with  reference  to  the  moon-shaped  ornaments  on 


138 


CAM 


CAM 


the  necks  of  the  camels  which  Gideon  took  from 
Zebah  and  Zalmunna.  From  the  temperate  habits 
of  the  camel  with  regard  to  its  requirements  of  food 
and  water,  and  from  its  wonderful  adaptation,  both 
structurally  and  physiologically,  to  traverse  the  arid 


Bactrian  CameL 


regions  which  for  miles  afford  but  a  scanty  herbage, 
we  can  readily  give  credence  to  the  immense  num- 
bers which  Scripture  speaks  of  as  the  property  either 
of  tribes  or  individuals.    The  three  thousand  camels 


Arabian  Camet 

of  Job  may  be  illustrated  to  the  very  letter  by  a 
passage  in  Aristotle  (H.  A.  ix.  37,  §  5) :  "  Now  some 
men  in  upper  Asia  jjossess  as  many  as  three  thousand 
camels." — 2.  The  Hebrew  masculine  becher,  feminine 
bichrdh,  occur  only  in  Is.  Ix.  6  and  Jer.  ii.  23,  and 
are  translated  in  the  A.  V.  "  dromedary."  Boehart 
(and  so  (Jesenius)  contends  that  the  Hebrew  word  is 
indicative  only  of  a  difference  in  age,  and  adduces 
the  Arabic  beera  in  support  of  his  opinion  that  a 
young  camel  is  signified  by  the  term.  Etymologi- 
cally  the  Hebrew  word  is  more  in  favor  of  tlie 
"  dromedary."  So,  too,  are  the  old  versions. — 3. 
As  to  the  Hebrew  circdrolh  (Is.  Ixvi.  20 ;  A.  V. 
"swift  beasts")  there  is  some  difference  of  opinion. 
The  explanation  given  by  Boehart  after  some  of  the 
Rabbis,  and  adopted  by  Rosenmiiller,  Gesenius,  Lee, 
&c.,  that  "  dromedaries  "  are  meant,  is  not  satisfac- 
tory to  Mr.  Houghton,  who  prefers,  with  Michaelis 
and  Parkhurst,  to  understand  the  "  panniers  "  or 


"  baskets  "  carried  on  the  backs  of  camels  or  mules, 
and  to  refer  the  word  to  its  unreduplicated  form 
(Hebrew  car,  A.  V.  "furniture,"  i.  e.  the  camel's 
saddle  with  a  kind  of  canopy  over  it)  in  Gen. 
xxxi.  34. — 4.  The  Hebrew  plural  ahaslUlrdnim  or 
Schashterdydm,  translated  "camels"  in  Esth.  viii. 
10,  14,  A.  v.,  =r  milks  (so  Boehart,  Gesenius, 
&c.). — The  species  of  camel  in  common  use  among 
the  Jews  and  the  heathen  nations  of  Palestine 
was  the  Arabian  or  one-humped  camel  (Camehts 
Arabicwt).  With  feet  adMiirably  formed  for  journey- 
ing over  dry  and  loose  sandy  soil ;  with  an  internal 
reservoir  for  a  supply  of  water  when  the  ordinary 
sources  of  nature  fail ;  with  a  hump  of  fat  ready 
on  emergencies  when  even  the  prickly  thorns 
and  mimosas  of  the  desert  cease  to  afford  food ; 
with  nostrils  which  can  close  valve-like  when  the 
sandy  storm  fills  the  air,  this  valuable  animal  well 
deserves  the  title  of  the  ship  of  the  desert.  The 
dromedary  is  a  swifter  animal  than  the  baggage- 
camel,  and  is  used  chiefly  for  riding  purposes  ;  it  is 
merely  a  finer  breed  than  the  other :  the  Arabs  call 
it  the  Heirie.  The  speed  of  the  dromedary  has  been 
greatly  exaggerated,  the  Arabs  asserting  that  it  is 
swifter  than  the  horse  ;  eight  or  nine  miles  an  hour 
is  the  utmost  it  is  able  to  perform  ;  this  pace,  how- 
ever, it  is  able  to  keep  up  for  hours  together. — The 
Bactrian  camel  [Camclus  Baclrianas),  the  only  other 
known  species,  is  found  in  China,  Russia,  and  Central 
Asia,  and  has  two  humps  ;  it  is  not  capable  of  such 
endurance  as  its  Arabian  cousin  ;  it  was  known  to 
the  Assyrians,  &c.,  and  doubtless  to  the  Jews  also 
in  their  later  history  ;  it  is  employed  by  the  Persians 
in  war  to  carry  one  or  two  guns  which  are  fixed  to 
the  saddle.  According  to  Burekhardt,  breeders  often 
extirpate  the  forward  hump  of  this  species,  and  thus 
procure  more  space  for  the  pack-saddle  and  load, 
and  make  the  animal  like  the  Arabian  species  (Col. 
C.  H.  Smith,  in  Kitto). — The  camel,  as  may  be  read- 
ily conceived,  is  the  subject  among  Orientals  of 
many  proverbial  expressions ;  many  are  cited  by 
Boehart  (Hieroz.  i.  30) ;  compai-e  Mat.  xxiii.  24,  and 
xix.  24,  where  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  cor- 
rectness of  the  A.  v.,  notwithstanding  the  attempts 
made  from  time  to  time  to  explain  away  the  ex- 
pression ;  the  very  magnitude  of  the  hyperbole  is 
evidence  in  its  favor :  with  the  Talmuds  "  an  ele- 
phant passing  through  a  needle's  eye  "  was  a  com- 
mon figure  for  any  thing  impossible. 

Ca'nion  (Heb.  full  of  stalks  or  grain  ?  Ges.),  the 
place  in  which  Jair  the  Judge  was  buried  (Judg.  x. 
5) ;  a  city  of  Gilead  (so  Josephus).  Eusebius  and 
Jerome  make  Camon  =  Ctamon. 

Camp.    Encampment. 

Cam'phire  (Ylnh.cdpher)  no  doubt  is  an  incorrect  ren- 
dering of  the  Heb.  term  (Atonement  3 ;  Pitch),  which 
=some  aromatic  substance  only  in  Cant.  i.  14,  iv.  13  : 
the  margin  in  both  passages  has  "  cypress,"  imitat- 
ing kupros  in  the  LXX.  and  rt/prus  in  the  Vulgate 
in  form  but  not  in  signification.  Camphire,  or,  as 
it  is  now  generally  written,  camphor,  is  the  product 
of  a  tree  largely  cultivated  in  the  island  of  Formosa, 
the  Camphora  officinarmn,  allied  to  tlio  laurel.  From 
the  expression  "  cluster  of  coplur  in  the  vineyards 
of  En-gedi,"  in  Cant.  i.  14,  the  Chaldee  version  reads 
"  bunches  of  grapes."  The  substance  really  denoted 
by  the  Hebrew  cophcr  is  the  Lawsonia  alba  of  bota- 
nists, the  htnna  of  Arabian  naturalists.  The  in- 
habitants of  Nubia  call  the  henna  plant  ICJiofreh. 
Hasselquist,  speaking  of  this  plant,  says  "  the  leaves 
are  pulverized  and  made  into  a  paste  with  water ; 
the  Egyptians  bind  this  paste  on  the  nails  of  their 


CAN 


CAN 


139 


hands  and  feet,  and  keep  it  on  all  night :  this  gives 
them  a  deep  yellow,  which  is  greatly  admired  by 
Eastern  nations.  The  color  lasts  for  three  or  four 
weeks  before  there  is  occasion  to  renew  it.    The 


Lawtonia  otto. 

custom  is  SO  ancient  in  Egypt  that  I  have  seen  the 
r.ails  of  the  mummies  dyed  in  this  manner."  Not 
only  the  nails,  but  the  hair,  beard,  &c.,  were  also 
dyed  with  henna.  The  beard  dyed  with  henna  Is 
afterward  made  black  by  the  application  of  indigo. 
Sonnini  says  the  women  are  fond  of  decorating  them- 
selves with  the  flowers  of  the  henna  plant ;  but  they 
take  them  in  their  hand  and  perfume  their  bosoms 
with  them.  Compare  with  this  Cant.  i.  13. — The 
Lawsonia  alba  when  young  is  without  thorns,  and 
when  older  is  spinous,  whence  Linnsus's  names, 
Laimonia  inermia  and  Lawsonia  spinosa  ;  he  re- 
garding his  specimens  as  two  distinct  species.  The 
henna  plant  grows  in  Egypt,  Syria,  Arabia,  and  N. 
India.  The  flowers  are  white,  and  grow  in  clusters, 
and  are  very  fragrant.  The  whole  shrub  is  from 
four  to  six  feet  high. 

€«'n«  (L.  fr.  Heb.  Mndh  [Robinson,  iV.  T.  Lex.] 
=  /ihre  of  reedn,  Ges.)  of  eal'l-lee,  once  Ca'na  in 
Gali-leC)  a  village  or  town  not  far  from  Capernaum, 
memorable  as  the  scene  of  Christ's  first  miracle  (Jn. 
ii.  1,  11,  iv.  46),  as  well  as  of  a  subsequent  one  (iv. 
46-54),  and  the  native  place  of  Nathanael  1  (xxi. 
2).  The  traditional  site  is  at  Ke/r  Kenna,  a  small 
village  about  four  and  a  half  miles  N.  E.  of  Nazareth. 
It  now  contains  only  the  ruins  of  a  church  said  to 
stand  over  the  house  in  which  the  miracle  was  per- 
formed, and — doubtless  much  older — the  fountain 
from  which  the  water  for  the  miracle  was  brought. 
The  tradition  idcntitying  Ke/r  Kenna  with  Cana  ex- 
isted in  the  time  of  Willibald  (the  latter  half  of  the 
eighth  century),  and  of  Phocas  (twelfth  century), 
liut  the  claims  of  another  site  have  been  brought 
forward  with  much  force  (Rbn.  ii.  346-9,  ill.  108). 
The  rival  site  is  a  village  situated  further  N.,  about 
five  miles  N.  of  Srffurieh  (Sepphoris)  and  nine  of 
-Vazareth,  near  the  present  Jefal,  the  Jotapata  of  the 
Jewish  wars.  The  village  still  blears  the  name  of 
Kann^el-jelil  =  "  Cana  of  Galilee  "  in  Arabic.  The 
Gospel  history  will  not  be  affected  whichever  site 
may  be  tlie  real  one.     Focstain. 

Ca'naan  [ka'nanl  (lleb.  Cina'an  or  Cna'an,  fr.  a 
verb  denoting  to  be  bowed  down,  to  be  low,  Ges. ; 


Gr.  k  L.  Chanaiin).  1,  Fourth  son  of  Ham  (Gen. 
X.  6  ;  1  Chr.  i.  8) ;  the  progenitor  of  the  Phenioians 
("Zidon"),  and  of  the  various  natjons  who  before 
the  Israelite  conquest  peopled  the  sea-coast  of  Pal- 
estine, and  generally  the  whole  of  the  country  W. 
of  the  Jordan  (Gen.  x.  13 ;  1  Chr.  i.  18;  Canaan, 
Land  of  ;  Canaanites).  In  Gen.  ix.  20-27  a  curse 
is  pronounced  on  Canaan  (as  many  have  maintained) 
for  Ham's  unfilial  and  irreverential  conduct ;  but  Pro- 
fessor Bush  {Notes,  1.  c.)  remarks,  that  Ham's  act  was 
rather  the  occasion  than  the  cau^e  of  the  prediction 
against  Canaan  (con- pare  Is.  xxxix.  6), — that  here, 
as  often  in  the  Scriptures,  individuals  are  not  so 
much  contemplated  as  the  nations,  &c.,  descended 
from  them,  and  the  special  sins  of  the  Canaanites 
(licentiousness,  &c. ;  compare  Lev.  xviii.  24  fl") 
were  closely  allied  to  Ham's  sin  in  Gen.  ix.  22, — 
that  Ham  as  a  father  was  affected  by  the  curse  on 
Canaan, — and  that  the  curse  did  not  necessarily 
come  upon  righteous  descendants  of  Canaan  (e.  g. 
Melchizedek,  Abimelech),  nor  upon  tlie  Canaan- 
ites in  general  any  further  than  as  their  own  sins 
were  the  procuring  causes  of  it  (SonoM ;  Gibeon- 
ITES,  &c.). — i,  "  Canaan  "  sometimes  (e.  g.  Zcph.  ii. 
5)  =  the  country  itself — more  generally  styled  "  the 
land  of  Canaan."  (See  next  article.)  We  also  find 
"Language  of  Canaan  "  (Is.  xi.x.  18):  "Wars  of 
Canaan"  (Judg.  iii.  1):  "Inhabitants  of  Canaan" 
(Ex.  XV.  15) :  "  King  of  Canaan  "  (Judg.  iv.  2,  23, 
24,  V.  19) :  "  Daughters  of  Canaan"  (Gen.  xxviii.  1, 
6,  8,  xxxvi.  2) :  "  Kingdoms  of  Canaan  "  (Ps.  cxxxv. 
11).  The  word  "  Canaan  "  is  also  translated  in  the 
A.  V.  (Is.  xxiii.  8)  "  traflRckers ; "  (xxiii.  11)  "the 
merchant  city ; "  (Ez.  xvii.  4)  "traffic;"  (Hos.  xii. 
7)  "He  is  a  merchant;"  (Zcph.  i.  11)  "merchant- 
people." 

(^'naan,  the  Land  of  (literally  Lowland;  see 
Canaan)  =  the  country  W.  of  the  Jordan  and  Dead 
Sea,  and  between  those  waters  and  the  Mediterranean 
(Palestine)  ;  specially  opposed  to  the  "  land  of 
Gilead,"  i.  e.  the  high  table-land  E.  of  the  Jordan. 
True,  the  district  to  which  the  name  of  "  lowland  " 
is  thus  applied  contained  many  very  elevated  spots ; 
but  high  as  the  level  of  much  of  the  country  W.  of 
the  Jordan  undoubtedly  is,  several  things  prevent  it 
from  leaving  an  impression  of  elevation,  viz.  (1.)  that 
wide  maritime  plain  over  which  the  eye  ranges  for 
miles  from  the  central  hills,  (2.)  the  still  deeper  and 
more  remarkable  InjUow  of  the  Jordan  valley,  (3.)  the 
almost  constant  presence  of  the  long  high  line  of  the 
mountains  E.  of  the  Jordan.  The  word  "  Canaan- 
ite  "  was  used  in  the  0.  T.  in  two  senses,  a  broader 
and  a  narrower  (Canaanites)  ;  but  this  does  not  ap- 
pear to  be  the  case  with  "  Canaan,"  at  least  in  the 
older  cases  of  its  occurrence  (Gen.  xii.  5,  xiil.  12, 
&c.).  It  is  only  in  later  notices  (e.  g.  Zeph.  ii.  5  ; 
Mat.  XV.  22),  that  we  find  it  applied  to  the  low  mari- 
time plains  of  Phiiistia  and  Phenicia  (compare  Mk. 
vii.  26). 

Ca'naan-ite  [-nan-].  The,  the  designation  of  the 
Apostle  Simon  (Mat.  x.  4;  Mk.  iii.  18),  otherwise 
known  as  "  Simon  Zelotes."  The  word  does  not 
signify  a  descendant  of  Canaan,  nor  a  native  of  Cana, 
but  it  comes  from  a  Chaldee  or  Syriac  word,  Kan- 
neiln  or  Knonoyo,  by  which  the  Jewish  sect  or  fac- 
tion of  "the  Zealots"  was  designated.  The  Syriac 
word  Ls  the  reading  of  the  I'cshito  version.  The 
Greek  equivalent  is  Zelotes  (Lk.  vi.  15  ;  Acts  i.  13). 

Ca'naan-ites  [-nan-].  The  (see  Canaan),  a  word 
used  in  two  senses:  1.  For  the  tribe  of  "the  Ca- 
naanites "  only  =  the  dwellers  in  the  lowland.  The 
whole  of  the  country  W.  of  Jordan  was  a  "  low- 


uo 


CAN 


CAN 


land"  as  compared  with  the  loftier  and  more  ex- 
tended tracts  on  the  E. :  but  there  was  a  part  of  this 
western  country 'which  was  still  more  emphaticall)'  a 
"  lowland."  a.  There  were  the  plains  lying  between 
the  shore  of  the  Mediterranean  and  the  foot  of  the 
hills  of  Benjamin,  Judah,and  Ephraim.  (Jezreel  1 ; 
Palestine  ;  Sephela  ;  Sharon  1,  &c.)  b.  But  sepa- 
rated entirely  from  these  was  the  still  lower  region 
ot  the  Jordan  Valley  or  Arabah.  "  The  Canaanite 
dwells  (A.  V.  '  Canaanites  dwell ')  by  the  sea,  and 
by  the  side  (A.  V.  'coast')  of  Jordan"  (Num.  xiii. 
29).  In  Gen.  x.  18-20  tlie  seats  of  the  Canaanite 
tribe  are  given  as  on  the  sea-shore  and  in  the  Jordan 
Valley.  In  Josh.  xi.  3  "  the  Canaanite  on  the  E. 
and  on  the  W."  is  carefully  distinguished  from  the 
Amorite,  &c.,  who  held  "the  mountain"  (A.  V. 
"mountains")  in  the  centre  of  the  country.  (Char- 
iot.) In  Ex.  iii.  8,  17,  &c.,  the  Canaanites  are  men- 
tioned with  the  Hittites,  Amorites,  Perizzites,  Hivites, 
and  Jebusites,  as  the  nations  to  be  expelled  by  the 
Israelites  ;  in  Deut.  vii.  1,  and  Josh.  iii.  10,  xxiv.  11, 
the  GU'gasliites  are  added,  making  seven  nations  in 
all ;  in  Gen.  xv.  19-21  the  list  of  ten  nations  in- 
cludes some  E.  of  Jordan,  and  probably  some  S.  of 
Palestine. — 2.  Applied  as  a  general  name  to  the  non- 
Israelite  inhabitants  of  the  land  (compare  Canaan). 
Instances  of  this  are,  Gen.  xii.  6  ;  Num.  xxi.  3 ;  Judg. 
i.  See  also  Gen.  xxiv.  3,  87,  compare  xxviii.  2,  6  ; 
Ex.  xiii.  11,  compare  5.  Like  the  Phenicians,  the 
Canaanites  were  probably  given  to  commerce ;  and 
thus  probably  in  later  times  Canaanite  occasionally 
—  "a merchant"  (Job  xli.  6  ;  Prov.  xxxi.  24  ;  com- 
pare Canaan). — On  the  language  of  the  Canaanites, 
see  Shemitic  LANonAGES  ;  Tongues,  Conftjsion  of. 

Can'da-ee  [-see ;  as  an  English  name  usually  pron. 
kan'dase]  (L. ;  Gr.  kandake  ;  fr.  Ethiopic  :=  chief, 
or  1-uler,  of  servantu  [y],  Sim.),  a  queen  of  Ethiopia 
(Meroij),  mentioned  Acts  viii.  27.  The  name  was 
not  a  proper  name  of  an  individual,  but  that  of  a 
dynasty  of  Ethiopian  queens.  Prof  Uackett  (in  £.  S. 
xxiii.  515)  appears  disposed  to  regard  these  as  queens 
of  that  part  of  Ethiopia  of  which  the  capital  was  J\'a- 
pata,  eighty-six  geographical  miles  N.  of  Meroe. 

*  Candle  [dl].  The  Heb.  iter  and  Gr.  liichnos, 
often  translated  "candle"  in  the  A.  V.  (Job  xviii. 
6,  xxi.  17 ;  Mat.  v.  15,  &c.),=  a  light,  i.  e.  a  candle, 
lamp,  lantern,  &c.  (Ges.,  Rim.  N.  2'.  Lex.).  Candle- 
stick ;  Lamp. 

Can  die-stick  [-dl-],  which  Moses  was  commanded 
to  make  for  the  tabernacle,  is  described  Ex.  xxv. 
31-37,  x'xxvii.  17-24.  It  is  called  in  Lev.  xxiv.  4, 
"the  pure  candlestick,"  and  in  Ecchis.  xxvi.  17, 
"  the  holy  candlestick."  With  its  various  appurte- 
nances it  required  a  talent  of  "  pure  gold,"  and  it 
was  not  moulded,  but  "  of  beaten  work."  Joscphus, 
however,  says  that  it  was  of  cast  gold,  and  hollow. 
As  the  description  pven  in  Ex.  is  not  very  clear,  we 
abbreviate  Lightfoot's  explanation  of  it.  "  The  foot 
of  it  was  gold,  from  which  went  up  a  shaft  straight, 
which  was  the  middle  light.  Near  the  foot  was  a 
golden  dish  wrouglit  almondwise ;  and  a  little  above 
that  a  golden  knop,  and  above  that  a  golden  flower. 
Then  two  branches,  one  on  each  side,  bowed,  and 
coming  up  as  high  as  the  middle  shail.  On  each  of 
them  were  three  golden  cups  placed  almondwise  on 
sharp,  scollop-shell  fashion ;  above  which  was  a 
golden  knop,  a  golden  flower,  and  the  socket.  Above 
the  branches  on  the  middle  shaft  was  a  golden  boss, 
above  which  rose  two  shafts  more  ;  above  the  com- 
ing out  of  these  was  another  boss,  and  two  more 
shaft.'!,  and  then  on  the  shaft  upward  were  three 
golden  scollop-cups,  a  knop,  and  a  flower :  so  that 


the  heads  of  the  branches  stood  an  equal  height " 
{Works,  ii.  399,  cd.  Pitman).  The  whole  weight 
of  the  candlestick  was  100  minae  =  about  229  lbs. 
troy  or  1S8J^  lbs.  avoirdupois  (Weights  and  Meas- 
ures) ;  its  height  was,  according  to  the  Rabbis,  five 
feet,  and  the  breadth,  or  distance  between  the  exte- 
rior branches,  three  and  a  half  feet.  It  has  been 
calculated  to  have  been  worth  £5,076  =  about 
$23,000,  exclusive  of  workmanship.  Generally  it 
was  "  a  type  of  preaching  "  or  of  "  the  light  of  the 
law"  (Lightfoot,  1.  c).  Similarly  candlesticks  are 
made  types  of  the  Spirit,  of  the  Church,  of  witnesses, 
&c.  (compare  Zech.  iv. ;  Rev.  ii.  5,  xi.  4,  &c.).  The 
candlestick  was  placed  on  the  S.  side  of  the  first 
apartment  of  the  tabernacle,  opposite  the  table  of 
shenbread  (Ex.  xxv.  37),  and  was  lighted  every 
evening  and  dressed  every  morning  (Ex.  xxvii.  20, 
21,  XXX.  8  ;  compare  1  Sam.  iii.  3).     Each  lamp  was 


CandlesticTi.— (From  Arch  of  Titos.) 

supplied  with  cotton,  and  half  a  log  of  the  purest 
olive-oil  (about  two  wine-glasses),  which  was  suf- 
ficient to  keep  them  burning  during  a  long  night. 
When  carried  about,  the  candlestick  was  covered 
with  a  cloth  of  blue,  and  put  with  its  appendages  in 
badger-skin  bags,  which  were  supported  on  a  Ww 
(Num.  iv.  9).  In  Solomon's  Temple,  instead  of  this 
candlestick,  there  were  ten  golden  candlesticks  simi- 
larly embossed,  fivt;  on  the  right  and  five  on  the  left 
(1  k.  vii.  49;  2  Chr.  iv.  7).  Thov  were  taken  to 
Babylon  (Jer.  Hi.  19).  In  the  Temple  of  Zerubliabel  j 
there  was  again  a  single  candlestick  (1  Mc.  i.  21,  iv. 
49).  The  description  given  of  it  by  Josephus  agreis 
only  tolerably  with  the  sculpture  on  the  Arch  ol' 
Titus  ;  but  he  hints  that  it  was  not  identical  with 
the  one  used  in  the  Temple.  The  candlestick  repre- 
sented on  the  arch  of  Titus  as  borne  in  liis  triuni]  '. 
A.  D.  70,  was  probably  taken  fiom  Rome  to  Carth:i 
A.  D.  455,  by  Genseric,  thence  carried  to  Constantii. 
pie,  and  then  respectfully  deposited  at  Jerusaleiii, 
A.  D.  533.     It  has  never  been  heard  of  since. 

*  Can'dy  (Acts  xxvii.  7,  marg.),  an  English  form 
of  Candia,  the  modem  name  of  Crete. 

Cane.     Reed  4. 

Canker-worm.    Loctrsr  8. 

Can'neh  (Heb.)  (Ez.  xxvii.  23),  probably  a  contrac- 
tion of  Calneii,  which  is  the  reading  of  one  MS. 

Canon  of  Striplnre,  The  (L.  canon,  fr.  Gr.  kmiM.) 
=  "the  collection  of  books  which  form  the  original 
and  authoritative  written  rule  of  the  faith  and  priu- 
tice  of  the  Christian  church."     Starting  from  this 


CAS 


CAJT 


141 


definition  the  present  article  will  examine  shortly — 
I.  Tlie  original  meaning  of  the  terra :  II.  The  Jew- 
ish Canon  of  the  0.  T.  as  to  (a)  its  formation,  and 
(i)  extent:  111.  ITie  Christian  Canon  of  the  0.  T. ; 
and  IV.  of  the  N.  T. — I.  77te  itse  of  the  word  Canon. 
— The  word  kan6n,'m  classical  Greek, is (1.) properly 
a  straight  rod,  as  the  rod  of  a  shield,  or  that  used  in 
weaving,  or  a  carpenter's  rule  ;  hence  (2.)  metaphor- 
ically a  testitty  rtde  (or  model)  in  ethics,  or  in  art,  or 
in  language.  (3.)  The  word  was  also  used  passively 
for  o  tnewiured  space,  and,  in  later  times,  for  a  fixed 
tax.  The  ecclesiastical  usage  of  kanon  offers  a  com- 
plete parallel  to  the  classical.  In  Jd.  xiii.  6  it  occurs 
in  its  literal  sense  =  "  pillar,"  A.  V. ;  in  Gal.  vi.  16 
and  2  Cor.  x.  15  it  is  translated  "  rule,"  A.  V. ;  in 
2  Cor.  X.  13  the  A.  V.  has  "  rule,"  margin  "  line," 
and  in  verse  16  "line,"  margin  "rule."  In  patristic 
writings  it  commonly  =  "  a  nde "  in  the  widest 
sense,  and  especially  in  the  phrases  "the  rule  [kanon) 
of  the  church,"  "  the  rule  of  faith,"  "  the  rule  of 
truth."  This  rule  was  regarded  cither  as  the  ab- 
stract, ideal  standard,  embodied  only  in  the  life  and 
action  of  the  church ;  or,  again,  as  the  concrete, 
definite  creed,  which  set  forth  the  facts  from  which 
that  life  sprang.  As  ap])lied  to  Scripture  the  deriv- 
atives of  kanon  are  used  long  before  the  simple 
word.  The  Latin  translation  of  Origen  speaks  of 
Scrijituree  Canouicm  (L.  =:  canonical  Scriptures) 
(De  Princ.  iv.  33),  libri  reaulares  (L.  =  Ijooks  of  [or 
aecordintf  to]  tlic  nde)  {Comm.  in  Mat.  §  117),  and 
libri  canonizali  (L.  =  books  canonized,  i.  e.  made  or 
determined,  according  to  rule)  (id.  §  28).  This  cir- 
cumstance seems  to  show  that  the  title  "  Canonical  " 
was  first  given  to  writings  in  the  sense  of  "  admitted 
by  the  rule,"  and  not  as  ^^  forming  part  of  and  giving 
the  rule."  The  first  direct  application  of  kanon  to 
the  Scriptures  seems  to  be  in  the  verses  of  Amphi- 
lochius  (about  a.  d.  380),  where  the  word  indicates 
the  rule  by  which  the  contents  of  the  Bible  must  be 
determined,  and  thus  secondarily  an  index  of  the 
constituent  books.  Among  Latin  writers  it  is  com- 
monly found  from  the  time  of  Jerome  and  Augustine, 
and  their  usage  of  the  word,  which  is  wider  than  that 
of  Greek  writers,  is  the  source  of  its  modem  accepta- 
tion. The  uncanonical  books  were  described  simply 
as  "  those  without,"  or  "  those  uncanonized."  The 
Apocryphal  books  (Apocrtpha),  which  were  sup- 
posed to  occupy  an  intermediate  position,  were 
called  "  books  read,"  or  "  ecclesiastical,"  though 
the  latter  title  was  also  appliej  to  the  canonical 
Scriptures.  The  canonical  books  were  also  called 
"  books  of  the  Testament,"  and  Jerome  styled  the 
whole  collection  "  the  holy  library,"  which  happily 
expresses  the  unity  and  variety  of  "the  Bible. — II.  (a) 
Tlie  formation  of  the  Jewish  Canon. — The  history 
of  the  Jewish  Canon  in  the  earliest  times  is  beset 
with  the  greatest  difficulties.  Before  the  period  of 
the  exile  only  faint  traces  occur  of  the  solenni  prcser- 
Tation  and  use  of  sacred  books.  According  to  the 
command  of  Moses  the  "  book  of  the  law  "  was  "  put 
in  the  side  of  the  ark  "  (Deut.  xxxi.  26),  but  not  in 
it  (1  K.  viii.  9 ;  compare  Jos.  iii.  1,  g  7,  v.  1,  §  17), 
and  thus  in  tlie  reign  of  Josiah,  Ililkiah  is  said  to 
have  "  found  the  book  of  the  law  in  the  house  of 
the  Lord"  (2  K.  xxii.  8;  compare  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  14). 
This  "  book  of  the  law,"  which,  in  addition  to  the 
direct  precepts  (Ex.  xxiv.  7),  contained  general  ex- 
hortations (Deut.  xxviii.  01)  and  historical  narratives 
(Ex.  xvii.  14),  was  further  increased  by  the  records 
of  Joshua  (Josh.  xxiv.  26),  and  probably  by  other 
writings  (1  Sam.  x.  2.5).  At  a  subsefiueiit  time  col- 
lections of  proverbs  were  made  (Prov.  xxv.  1),  and 


the  later  prophets(especially  Jeremiah)  were  familiar 
with  the  writings  of  their  predecessors.  It  perhaps 
marks  a  further  step  in  the  formation  of  the  Canon 
when  "  the  book  of  the  Lord  "  is  mentioned  as  a 
general  collection  of  sacred  teaching  (Is.  xxxiv.  16  ; 
compare  xxix.  18).  at  once  familiar  and  authorita- 
tive ;  but  it  is  unlikely  that  any  definite  collection 
either  of  "  the  psalms  "  or  of  "  the  prophets"  existed 
before  the  Captivity.  At  that  time  Zcchariah  (vii.  12) 
speaks  of  '■  the  law  "  and  "  the  former  prophets"  as 
in  some  measure  coordinate  ;  and  Daniel  (ix.  2)  re- 
fers to  "  the  books  "  in  a  manner  which  seems  to  mark 
the  prophetic  writings  as  already  collected  into  a 
whole.  Even  after  the  Captivity  the  history  of  the 
Canon,  like  all  Jewish  history  up  to  the  date  of  the 
Maccabees,  is  wrapped  in  great  obscurity.  Popular 
belief  assigned  to  Ezra  2  and  "  the  great  synagogue  " 
the  task  of  collecting  and  promulgating  the  Scrip- 
tures as  part  of  their  work  in  organizing  the  Jewish 
church.  Doubts  have  been  thrown  upon  this  belief, 
but  it  is  in  every  way  consistent  with  the  history  of 
Judaism  and  with  the  internal  evidence  of  the  books 
themselves.  The  account  (2  Mc.  ii.  13)  which  assigns 
a  collection  of  books  to  Nehemiah  is  in  itself  a  con- 
firmation of  the  general  truth  of  the  gradual  forma- 
tion of  the  Canon  during  the  Persian  period.  The 
persecution  of  Antiochus  (d.  c.  168)  was  for  the 
0.  T.  what  the  persecution  of  Diocletian  was  for  the 
N.  T.,  the  final  crisis  which  stamped  the  sacred 
writings  with  their  peculiar  character.  The  king 
sought  out  "the  books  of  the  law"  (1  lie.  i.  56) 
and  burnt  them ;  and  the  possession  of  a  ''  book 
of  the  covenant"  was  a  capital  crime  (Jos.  xii. 
5,  §  4).  After  the  Maccabean  persecution  the  his- 
tory of  the  formation  of  the  Canon  is  merged  in 
the  history  of  its  contents.  The  Bible  appears  fiom 
that  time  as  a  whole,  and  it  is  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance to  notice  that  the  collection  was  peculiar 
in  character  and  circumscribed  in  contents.  All  the 
evidence  which  can  be  obtained,  though  it  is  con- 
fessedly scanty,  tends  to  show  that  it  is  false,  both 
in  theory  and  fact,  to  describe  the  0.  T.  as  "  all 
the  relics  of  the  Hebrseo-Chaldaic  literature  up  to 
a  certain  epoch,"  if  the  phrase  is  intended  to  refer 
to  the  time  when  the  Canon  w  as  completed. — (6)  The 
contents  of  the  Jewish  Canon. — The  first  notice  of  the 
0.  T.  as  consisting  of  distinct  and  definite  parts  oc 
curs  in  the  prologue  to  the  Greek  translation  of  the 
Wisdom  of  Sirach  (Ecclesiasticus),  in  which  "  the 
law,  the  prophets,  and  the  rest  of  the  books,"  are 
mentioned  as  integral  sections  of  a  completed  whole. 
A  like  threefold  classification  is  used  for  describing 
the  entire  0.  T.  in  Lk.  xxiv.  44  (compare  Acts 
xxviii.  23).  The  general  contents  of  these  three 
classes  still,  however,  remain  to  be  determined.  Jo- 
sephus  (Ap.  i.  8),  the  earliest  direct  witness  on  the 
subject,  enumerates  twenty-two  books  "  which  are 
justly  believed  to  be  divine :  "  five  books  of  Moses, 
thirteen  of  the  prophets,  extending  to  the  reign  of 
Artaxerxes  hzz  husband  of  Esther,  according  to  Jose- 
phus),  and  four  which  contain  hymns  and  directions 
for  life.  Still  there  is  some  ambiguity  in  this  enu- 
meration, for  in  order  to  make  up  the  numbers  it  is 
necessary  either  to  rank  Job  among  the  prophets,  or 
to  exclude  one  book,  and  in  that  case  probably  Ec- 
elesiastes,  from  the  liagiographa.  The  former  alter- 
native is  the  more  probable,  for  it  is  worthy  of  spe- 
cial notice  that  Josephus  regards  primarily  the  his- 
toric character  of  the  prophets.  The  popular  belief 
that  the  Sadducees  received  only  the  books  of  Mosea 
rests  on  no  sufficient  authority.  The  casual  quota- 
tions of  Josephus  agree  witli   his   express  Canon. 


142 


CAN 


CAN 


The  writings  of  the  N.  T.  completely  confirm  the 
testimony  of  Josephus.  Coincidences  of  language 
show  that  the  apostles  were  familiar  with  several  of 
the  Apocryphal  books ;  but  they  do  not  contain  one 
authoritative  or  direct  quotation  from  them,  while, 
with  the  exception  of  Judges,  Ecclesiastes,  Canticles, 
Esther,  Ezra,  and  Nehemiah,  every  other  book  in 
the  Hebrew  Canon  is  used  either  for  illustration  or 
proof.  Several  of  the  early  Fathers  describe  the  con- 
tents of  the  Hebrew  Canon  in  terms  which  generally 
agree  with  the  results  already  obtained.  Melito  of 
Sardis  (cir.  179  a.  d.)  in  a  journey  to  the  East  made 
the  question  of  the  exact  number  and  order  of  "  the 
books  of  the  0.  T."  a  subject  of  special  inquiry. 
He  gives  the  result  in  the  following  form :  the  books 
are,  5  Moses  .  .  .  Joshua,  Judges,  Ruth,  4  Kings, 
2  Chronicles,  P,aalm.-<,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Can- 
ticles, Job,  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  12  Prophets,  Daniel, 
Ezekiel,  Esdras.  Origen,  in  enumerating  the  twenty- 
two  books  "  which  the  Hebrews  hand  down  as  in- 
cluded in  the  Testament,"  omits  the  book  of  the 
twelve  minor  prophets,  and  adds  "  the  letter  "  to  the 
book  of  Jeremiah  and  Lamentations.  The  statement 
of  Jerome  is  clear  and  complete.  He  gives  the 
contents  of  the  Law,  the  Prophets,  and  the  Hagio- 
grapha,  in  exact  accordance  with  the  Hebrew  autho- 
rities, placing  Daniel  in  the  last  class ;  and  adding 
that  whatever  is  without  the  number  of  these  must 
be  placed  among  the  Apocrypha.  The  statement  of 
the  Talmud  is  in  many  respects  so  remarkable  that 
it  must  be  transcribed  entire.  "  But  who  wrote  [the 
books  of  the  Bible]  ?  Moses  wrote  his  own  book,  ? 
the  Pentateuch,  the  section  about  Balaam,  and  Job. 
Joshua  wrote  his  own  book  and  the  eight  [last]  verses 
of  the  Pentateuch.  Sanmel  wrote  his  own  book,  the 
book  of  Judges,  and  Ruth.  David  wrote  the  book 
of  Psalms  [of  which,  however,  some  were  composed] 
by  the  ten  venerable  elders,  Adam,  the  first  man, 
Melchizedek,  Abraham,  Moses,  Heman,  Jeduthun, 
Asaph,  and  the  three  sons  of  Korah.  Jeremiah 
wrote  his  own  book,  the  books  of  Kings  and  Lamen- 
tations. Hezekiah  and  his  friends  reduced  to  writ- 
ing the  books  contained  in  the  memorial  word 
laMSHaK,  i.  e.  Isaiah,  Proverbs,  Canticles,  Eccle- 
siastes. The  men  of  the  Great  Synagogue  (Syna- 
OOGDE,  THE  Great)  reduccd  to  writing  the  books  con- 
tained in  the  memorial  word  KaNDaG,  i.  e.  Ezekiel, 
the  twelve  lesser  prophets,  Daniel,  and  Esther.  Ezra 
wrote  his  own  book,  and  jsrought  down  the  genealo- 
gies of  the  books  of  Chronicles  to  his  own  times.  .  .  . 
Who  brdught  the  remainder  of  the  books  [of  Chron- 
icles] to  a  close  ?  Nehemiah  the  son  of  Hachalijah." 
In  spite  of  the  comparatively  late  date  (about  a.  d. 
600)  from  which  this  tradition  is  derived,  it  is  evi- 
dently in  essence  the  earliest  description  of  the  work 
of  Ezra  and  the  Great  Synagogue  which  has  been 
preserved.  The  details  must  be  tested  by  other 
evidence,  but  the  general  description  of  the  growth 
of  the  Jewish  Canon  bears  every  mark  of  probability. 
The  later  Jewish  catalogues  throw  little  light  upon 
the  Canon.  They  generally  reckon  twenty-two  books, 
equal  in  number  to  the  letters  of  the  Hebrew  alpha- 
bet, five  of  the  Law,  eight  of  the  Prophets  (Joshua, 
Judges  and  Ruth,  1  and  2  Samuel,  1  and  2 
Kings,  Isaiah,  Jeremiah  and  Lamentations,  Ezekiel, 
12  Prophets),  and  nine  of  the  Hagiographa.  The 
last  number  was  more  commonly  increased  to  eleven 
by  the  distinct  enumeration  of  the  books  of  Ruth 
and  Lamentations  ("  the  twenty-four  Books  ").  In 
Hebrew  MSS.,  and  in  the  early  editions  of  the  0.  T., 
the  arrangement  of  the  later  books  offers  great  varia- 
tions, but  they  generally  agree  in  reckoning  all  sepa- 


rately except  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  So 
far  then  it  has  been  shown  that  the  Hebrew  Canon 
was  uniform  and  coincident  with  our  own  ;  but  while 
the  Palestinian  Jews  combined  to  preserve  the  strict 
limits  of  the  old  prophetic  writings,  the  Alexandrine 
Jews  (Alexandria  ;  Septuagint)  allowed  themselves 
greater  freedom.  But  so  far  as  an  authoritative 
Canon  existed  in  Egypt,  it  is  probable  that  it  was 
the  same  as  that  of  Palestine,  and  that  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Christian  era  the  Jews  had  only  one 
Canon  of  the  sacred  writings,  and  that  this  Canon 
was  recognized  by  our  Lord  and  His  apostles. — III. 
TTie  histori/  of  the  0.  T.  Canon  among  Christian 
writers  exhibits  the  natural  issue  of  the  currency  of 
the  LXX.,  enlarged  as  it  had  been  by  apocryphal  ad- 
ditions. In  proportion  as  the  Fathers  were  more  or 
less  absolutely  dependent  on  that  version  for  their 
knowledge  of  the  0.  T.  Scriptures,  they  gradually 
lost  in  common  practice  the  sense  of  the  difference 
between  the  books  of  the  Hebrew  Canon  and  the 
Apocrypha.  The  custom  of  individuals  grew  mto  the 
custom  of  the  church  ;  but  the  custom  of  the  church 
was  not  fixed  in  an  absolute  judgment.  The  history 
of  the  Christian  Canon  is  to  be  sought  in  the  first 
instance  from  definite  catalogues,  and  not  from  iso- 
lated quotations.  But  even  this  evidence  is  incom- 
plete and  unsatisfactory,  few  of  the  catalogues  being 
really  independent,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  subjoined 
table  (No.  I.).  They  evidently  fall  into  two  great 
classes,  Hebrew  and  Latin  ;  and  the  former,  again, 
exhibits  three  distinct  varieties,  which  are  to  be 
traced  to  the  three  original  sources  from  which  the 
catalogues  were  derived.  The  first  may  be  called 
the  pure  Hebrew  Canon,  which  is  that  of  Protestant 
churches  in  general.  The  second  differs  from  this 
by  the  omission  of  the  book  of  Esther.  The  third 
differs  by  the  addition  of  Baruch,  or  '•  the  Letter." 
During  the  four  first  centuries  this  Hebrew  Canon 
is  the  only  one  which  is  distinctly  recognized,  and 
it  is  supported  by  the  combined  authority  of  those 
Fathers  whose  critical  judgment  is  entitled  to  tlie 
greatest  weight.  The  real  divergence  as  to  the  con- 
tents of  the  0.  T.  Canon  is  to  be  traced  to  Augus- 
tine, whose  wavering  and  uncertain  language  on  the 
point  furnishes  abundant  materials  for  controversy. 
In  a  famous  passage  (De  Doclr.  Christ,  ii.  8  [13])  he 
enumerates  the  books  which  are  contained  in  "  the 
whole  Canon  of  Scripture,"  and  includes  among  them 
the  Apocryphal  books  without  any  clear  mark  of 
distinction.  This  general  statement  is  further  con- 
firmed by  two  other  passages,  in  which  it  is  argued 
that  he  draws  a  distinction  between  the  Jewish  and 
Christian  Canons,  and  refers  the  authority  of  the 
Apocryphal  books  to  the  judgment  of  the  Christian 
church.  But  in  each  case  a  distinction  is  drawn  be- 
tween the  "  Ecclesiastical  "  and  property  "  Canoni- 
cal "  books.  The  enlarged  Canon  of  Augustine,  which 
was,  as  it  will  be  seen,  wholly  unsupported  by  any 
Greek  authority,  was  adopted  at  the  Council  of  Car- 
thage (a.  d.  397  ?),  though  with  a  reservation,  and 
afterward  published  in  the  decretals  which  bear  the 
name  of  Innocent,  Damasus,  and  Gelasius ;  and  it 
recurs  in  many  later  writers.  But  nevertheless  a 
continuous  succession  of  the  more  learned  Fathers 
in  the  West  maintained  the  distinctive  authority  of 
the  Hebrew  Canon  up  to  the  period  of  the  Reforma- 
tion.— Roman  Catholics  allow  that  up  to  the  date  of 
the  Council  of  Trent  the  question  of  the  Canon  was 
open,  but  one  of  the  first  labors  of  that  assembly 
was  to  circumscribe  a  freedom  which  the  growth  of 
literature  seemed  to  render  perilous.  The  decree 
of  the  Council  "  on  the  Canonical  Scriptures  "  pro- 


CAK 


CAN 


143 


DOunced  the  enlarged  Canon,  including  the  Apocryphal 
bookd,  except  1  and  2  Esdras  and  the  Prayer  of  Ma- 
nasses,  to  be  deserving  in  all  its  parts  of  "  equal  ven- 
eration," and  added  a  list  of  books  "  to  prevent  the 
possibdity  of  doubt."  This  hasty  and  peremptory 
decree,  unlike  in  its  form  to  any  catalogue  before 
published,  was  closed  by  a  solemn  anathema  against 
all  who  should  "  not  receive  the  entire  books  with 
all  their  parts  as  sacred  and  canonical."  This  de- 
cree was  not,  however,  passed  without  opposition ; 
and  in  spite  of  the  absolute  terms  in  which  it  is  ex- 
pressed, later  lioman  Catholics  (e.  g.  Du  Pin,  Jahn) 
have  sought  a  method  of  escaping  from  the  definite 
c<iualization  uf  the  two  classes  of  sacred  writings  by 
a  forced  interpretation  of  the  subsidiary  clauses. — 
The  reformed  churches  unanimously  agreed  in  con- 
firming the  Hebrew  Canon  of  Jerome,  and  refused  to 
allow  any  dogmatic  authority  to  the  Apocryphal 
books  ;  but  the  form  in  which  this  judgment  was  ex- 
pressed varied  considerably  in  the  ditl'erent  confes- 
sions. The  English  church  (Art.  6)  appeals  directly 
to  the  opinion  of  St.  Jerome,  and  concedes  to  the 
Apocryphal  books  (including  [1571]  4  Esdras  and  the 
Prayer  of  Manasses)  a  use  '"  for  example  of  life  and 
instruction  of  manners,"  but  not  for  the  establishment 
of  doctrine. — The  expressed  opinion  of  the  later 
Greek  church  on  the  Canon  of  Scripture  has  been 
modified  in  some  cases  by  the  circumstances  under 
which  the  declaration  was  made.  The  authorized 
Russian  catechism  distinctly  quotes  and  defends  the 
Hebrew  Canon  on  the  authority  of  the  Greek  Fathers, 
and  repeats  the  judgment  of  Athanasius  on  the  use- 
fulness of  the  Apocryphal  books  as  a  preparatory 
study  in  tbe  Bible ;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  that 
the  current  of  Greek  opinion,  in  accordance  with  the 


unanimous  agreement  of  the  ancient  Greek  cata- 
logues, coincides  with  this  judgment. — The  history 
of  the  Syrian  Canon  of  the  0.  T.  is  involved  in  great 
obscurity  from  the  scantiness  of  the  evidence  which 
can  be  brought  to  bear  upon  it.  The  Peshito  Version 
was  made,  in  the  first  instance,  directly  from  the 
Hebrew,  and  consequently  adhered  to  the  Hebrew 
Canon  ;  but  as  the  LXX.  was  used  afterward  in  re- 
vising the  version,  many  of  the  Apocryphal  books 
were  translated  from  the  Greek  at  an  early  period, 
and  gradually  added  to  the  original  collection. — The 
Armenian  Canon,  as  far  as  it  can  be  ascertained  from 
editions,  follows  that  of  the  LXX.,  but  it  is  of 
no  critical  authority  ;  and  a  similar  remark  applies 
to  the  Ethiopian  Canon. — IV.  The  history  of  the 
Canon  of  the  Kew  Tcstamait  presents  a  remarkable 
analogy  to  that  of  the  Canon  of  the  0.  T.  The  chief 
difl'erence  lies  in  the  general  consent  with  which  all 
the  churches  of  the  West  have  joined  in  ratifying 
one  Canon  of  the  N.  T.,  while  they  are  divided  as  to 
the  position  of  the  0.  T.  Apocrypha.  The  history 
of  the  N.  T.  Canon  may  be  conveniently  divided 
into  three  periods.  The  first  extends  to  the  time  of 
Hcgesippus  (about  a.  d.  ITO),  and  includes  the  era 
of  the  separate  circulation  and  gradual  collection  of 
the  Apostolic  writings.  The  second  is  closed  by  the 
persecution  of  Diocletian  (a.  d.  303),  and  marks  the 
separation  of  the  sacred  writings  from  the  remaining 
ecclesiastical  literature.  The  third  may  be  defined 
by  the  third  Council  of  Carthage  (a.  d.  397),  in 
which  a  catalogue  of  tbe  books  of  Scripture  was 
formally  ratified  by  conciliar  authority. — 1.  'Ilie  his- 
tori/  of  the  Canoji  of  the  New  Testament  to  170  A.  D. 
— The  writings  of  the  N.  T.  themselves  contain  little 
more  than  faint  intimations  of  the  position  which 


No.  L— CHEISTIAN  CATALOGUES  OF  THE  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

This  list  by  Mr.  Westcott  extends  only  to  such  books  as  are  disputed.  Of  the  si^ns,  *  Indicites  that  the  book  is  expressly 
Kckoncd  as  Holy  Scripture :  t  that  it  is  placed  expressly  in  a  second  rank :  ?  that  It  is  mentioned  with  doubt.  A  blank 
marks  the  silence  of  the  author  as  to  the  book  in  question. 


I  , 
1     ". 


1^ 

A 

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• 

• 

* 

•f 

• 

t 

t 

t 

t 

t 
+ 

t 

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t 

t 

t 

f 
t 
t 

« 

9 

t 

t 
* 

• 

♦ 

* 

• 

* 

• 

• 

* 

• 

• 

L  CoxciLiAR  Catalooues: 

(Laodlcene) a.  c.  S6S 

Carthat'lniaa 897         (?) 

Apostolic  Canons..., 

IL  Private  Catalogueb: 
(a)  Greek  writers. 

Mellto A.C.160        (?) 

Orisen 183-2.'>3(?) 

Athanasins. 2»t!-.378 

Cyril  of  Jerusalem . .  .815-8S6 
Si/nopHir  X  S<i'ipl. 
(Nlccphorl)  Stiehometria 
Gregory  of  Nozlanzen. 310-301 

AmphllochluB 880        (?) 

Epiphanlus 808-408  (?) 

Lconlius 690         (?j 

John  I):iniaRCeniis  .  1 1.*^ 
Nicepliorus  Cullistus.880         (?) 
Cod.  Or.  .S<tc  X 

(6)  lAttin  writers. 
Hilary  of  Poicliers  A.  r.  t  870  (?) 

tliTome X'2!l-4au 

Kutlnua :iSO        (?) 

AniriMtinc 8A5-430 

(Daniastis) 

<lnnr>cetit) 

Ca^!^l(Kloriis +  .^70 

Isidore  of  Seville... +  696 
Bacmrn.    Gallic.    ^  ante   annoa 
1000  "(  —  before  1000  yean). 


• 

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t 

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Cone.  Laod,  Can.  lix. 

Cone.  Corthog.  111.  Can.  xxxix.    (All!  xlvli.) 

Can.  Apost.  \\x\i.    (Alii  Ixixv.) 


Jp.  Easeb.  IT.  E.  iv.  26. 

Ap.  Enseb.  //.  E.  vi.  25. 

Ep.  Fest.  I.  767,  Ed.  Ben. 

Oitech.  iv.  86. 

Credner,  Zur  Gesch.  d.  Kan.  127,  Ac. 

Credner,  ibid.  117,  &c. 

Carm.  xii.  81,  Ed.  Par.  1840. 

Amphiloch.  Ed.  Cciiibef.  p.  182. 

De  Mensuris,  p.  102.  Ed.  Pelav. 

Oe  .Vectis,  Act.  il.  (Golhindi,  xii.  625,  0). 

Dejide  ortliod.  Iv.  17. 

Hodv,  p.  61S. 

Montfaucon,  Bibl.  Coislin,  p.  198,  4. 


Prol.  in  Ps.  15. 

Prol.  Galeiit.  ix.  pp.  547,  &c ,  Ed.  Mlgne. 

Erpos.  Symb.  87.  8. 

De  Doctr.  Cliri»t.  li.  8. 

Credner.  p.  188. 

Ep.  ad  Exsup.  (Oallandl,  vUl.  56,  7). 

De  Iwtit.  Div.  lilt.  xlv. 

De  ()rig.  vl.  1. 

Uody,  p.  654. 


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145 


they  were  to  occupT.  The  mission  of  the  apostles 
was  essentially  one  of  preaching,  and  of  founjing  a 
ciiurch.  The  prevailing  spiritual  method  of  inter- 
preting the  0.  T.,  and  the  peculiar  position  which 
the  first  Christians  occupied,  as  standing  upon  the 
verge  of  "  the  coming  age,"  seemed  to  preclude  the 
necessity  and  even  the  use  of  a  "  N.  T."  Yet  the 
apostles  claim  for  their  writings  a  public  use  (1  Th. 
V.  27;  Col.  iv.  16;  Rev.  xxii.  18),  and  an  authori- 
tative power  (1  Tim.  iv.  1,  &c.  ;  2  Th.  iii.  6  ;  Rev. 
xxii.  19);  and  when  2  Peter  was  written,  the  Epis- 
tles of  St.  Paul  were  placed  in  significant  connection 
with  "  the  other  Scriptures." — The  transition  from 
the  Apostolic  to  the  sub-Apostohc  age  is  essentially 
abrupt  and  striking.  An  age  of  conservatism  suc- 
ceeds an  age  of  creation ;  but  in  feeling  and  general 
character  the  period  which  followed  the  working  of 
the  apostles  seems  to  have  been  a  faithful  reflection 
of  that  which  they  moulded.  The  writings  of  the 
Apostolic  Fathers  (about  70-120  a.  d.)  are  all  occa- 
sional. They  sprang  out  of  peculiar  circumstances, 
and  offered  little  scope  for  quotation.  At  the  same 
time  they  show  that  the  Canonical  books  supply  an 
ade(iuate  explanation  of  the  belief  of  the  next  age, 
and  must  therefore  represent  completely  the  earlier 
teiching  on  which  that  was  based.  In  three  places, 
however,  in  which  it  was  natural  to  look  for  a  more 
distinct  reference,  Clement  {Ep.  47),  Ignatius  {ad 
Eph.  12),  and  Polycarp  {Ep.  3)  refer  to  Apostolic 
Epistles  written  to  those  whom  they  were  them- 
selves addressing.  The  casual  coincidences  of  the 
writings  of  the  Apostolic  Fathers  with  the  language 
of  the  Epistles  are  much  more  extensive.  With 
the  exception  of  the  Epistles  of  Jude,  2  Pficr,  2 
John,  and  3  John,  with  which  no  coincidences  oc- 
cur, and  1  Thessalonians,  2  Thessalonians,  Colossians, 
Titus,  and  Philemon,  with  which  the  coincidences 
are  very  questionable,  all  the  other  Epistles  were 
clearly  known,  and  used  by  them ;  but  still  they 
are  not  quoted  with  the  fonnulas  which  preface 
citations  from  the  0.  T.,  nor  is  the  famous  phrase 
of  Ignatius  (ad  Pkilad.  5),  "  havini  fled  for  refuge 
to  the  Gospel  as  to  the  flesh  of  Christ  and  to  the 
apostles  as  to  the  presbytery  of  the  Church,"  suf- 
ficient to  prove  the  existence  of  a  collection  of 
Apostolic  records  as  distinct  from  the  sum  of  Apos- 
tolic teaching.  The  coincidences  with  the  Gospels, 
on  (he  other  hand,  are  numerous  and  interesting, 
but  such  as  cannot  be  referred  to  the  exclusive 
use  of  our  present  written  Gospels.  The  details  of 
the  life  of  Christ  were  still  too  fresh  to  be  sought 
for  only  in  fixed  records ;  and  even  where  memory 
was  less  active,  long  habit  intei-posed  a  barrier  to 
the  recognition  of  new  Scriptures.  The  sense  of 
the  infinite  depth  and  paramount  authority  of  the 
0.  T.  was  too  powerful  even  among  Gentile  con- 
verts to  require  or  to  admit  of  the  immediate  ad- 
dition of  supplementary  books  (so  Mr.  Westcott, 
the  original  author  of  this  article).  But  the  sense  of 
the  peculiar  position  which  the  apostles  occupied, 
as  the  original  inspired  teachers  of  the  Christian 
cliurch,  was  alreaily  making  itself  felt  in  the  sub- 
Apostolic  age.— The  next  period  (120-170  a.  n.), 
which  may  be  fitly  termed  the  age  of  the  Apologists, 
carries  the  history  of  the  formation  of  the  Canon  one 
sicp  further.  The  facts  of  the  life  of  Christ  acquired 
a  fresh  importance  in  controversy  with  Jew  and 
Gentile.  The  oral  tradition,  which  still  remained  in 
the  former  age,  was  dying  away,  and  a  variety  of 
written  documents  claimed  to  occupy  its  place. 
Then  it  was  that  the  Canonical  Gospels  were  defin- 
itely separated  from  the  mass  of  similar  narratives 
10 


in  virtue  of  their  outward  claims,which  had  remained, 
as  it  were,  in  abeyance  during  the  period  of  tradi- 
tion. Other  narratives  remained  current  for  some 
time,  but  where  the  question  of  authority  was  raised, 
the  four  Gospels  were  ratified  by  universal  consent. 
The  testimony  of  Justin  Martyr  (about  146  a.  d.)  is 
in  this  respect  most  important.  An  impartial  ex- 
amination of  his  Evangelic  references  shows  that 
they  were  derived  certainly  in  the  main,  probably  ex- 
clusively, from  our  Synoptic  Gospels  (i.  e.  Matthew, 
Mark,  and  Luke),  and  that  each  Gospel  is  distinctly 
recognized  by  him.  The  references  of  Justin  to  St. 
John  are  less  decided ;  and  of  the  other  books  of  the 
N.  T.  he  mentions  the  Apocalypse  only  by  name 
(Dial.  c.  81),  and  offers  some  coincidences  of  lan- 
guage with  the  Pauline  Epistles. — The  evidence  of 
Papias  (about  140-150  a.  d.)  is  nearly  contemporary 
with  that  of  Justin,  but  goes  back  to  a  still  earlier 
generation.  It  seems  on  every  account  most  reason- 
able to  conclude  that  he  was  acquainted  with  our 
present  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  Mark,  the  former 
of  which  he  connected  with  an  earlier  Hebrew  origi- 
nal ;  and  probably  also  with  the  Gospel  of  St.  John, 
with  1  John  and  1  Peter,  and  the  Apocaliipse. 
Meanwhile  the  Apostolic  writings  were  taken  by 
various  mystical  teachers  as  the  foundation  of 
strange  schemes  of  speculation,  which  are  popular- 
ly confounded  together  under  the  general  title  of 
Gnosticism,  whether  Gentile  or  Jewish  in  their 
origin.  The  need  of  a  definite  Canon  must  have 
made  itself  felt  during  the  course  of  the  Gnostic 
controversy.  The  Canon  of  Marcion  (about  140  a.  d.) 
contained  both  a  Gospel  ("The  Gospel  of  Christ") 
which  was  a  mutilated  recension  of  St.  Luke,  and 
an  "  Apostle  "  or  Apostolicon,  which  contained  ten 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul — the  only  true  apostle  in  Mar- 
cion's  judgment — excluding  the  pastoral  Epistles 
and  Hebrews.  The  narrow  limits  of  this  Cancn 
were  a  necessary  consequence  of  Marcion's  belief 
and  position,  but  it  offers  a  clear  witness  to  the  fact 
that  Apostolic  wrilingg  were  thus  early  regarded  as 
a  complete  original  rule  of  doctrine. — The  close  of 
this  period  of  the  history  of  the  N.  T.  Canon  is 
marked  by  the  existence  of  two  important  testimo- 
nies to  the  N.  T.  as  a  whole.  Hitherto  the  evidence 
has  been  in  the  main  fragmentary  and  occasional ; 
but  the  Muratorian  Canon  in  the  West  (written  about 
170  A.  D.),  and  the  Peshito  (Versions,  Ancient 
Striac)  in  the  East,  deal  with  the  collection  of 
Christian  Scriptures  as  such.  Up  to  this  point  2 
Peter  is  the  only  book  of  the  N.  T.  which  is  not  re- 
cognized as  an  Apostolic  and  authoritative  writing  ; 
and  in  this  result  the  evidence  from  casual  quotations 
coincides  exactly  with  the  enumeration  in  the  two 
express  catalogues. — 2.  The  history  of  the  Canon  of 
theXew  Testament  from  170  a.  D.  to  303  a.  d. — From 
the  close  of  the  second  century  Christian  writers 
take  the  foremost  place  intellectually  as  well  as 
morally ;  and  the  powerful  influence  of  the  Alex- 
andrine church  widened  the  range  of  Catholic 
thought,  and  checked  the  spread  of  speculative  her- 
esies. From  the  first  the  common  elements  of  the 
Roman  and  Syrian  Canons  form  a  Canon  of  acknowl- 
edged books,  regarded  as  a  whole,  authoritative  and 
inspired,  and  coordinate  with  the  0.  T.  Each  of 
these  points  is  proved  by  the  testimony  of  contem- 
porary Fathers  who  represent  the  churches  of  Asia 
Minor,  Alexandria,  and  N.  Africa.  Irenseus  speaks 
of  the  Scriptures  as  a  whole,  without  distinction  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  as  "  perfect,  inasmuch 
as  they  were  uttered  by  the  Word  of  God  and-  His 
Spirit."  "  There  could  not  be,"  he  elsewhere  argues, 


146 


CAN 


CAN 


"  more  than  four  Gospels  or  fewer."  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  again,  marks  "  the  Apostle  "  or  "  the 
Apostles  "  as  a  collection  definite  as  "  the  Gospel," 
and  combines  them  as  "  Scriptures  of  the  Lord " 
with  the  Law  and  the  Prophets.  Tertullian  notices 
particr.larly  the  introduction  of  the  word  Tmiament 
for  the  earlier  word  Instrume7it,  as  appUed  to  the 
dispensation  and  the  record,  and  appeals  to  the 
N  7'.,  as  made  up  of  the  "  Gospels  "  and  "  Apos- 
tles." This  comprehensive  testimony  extends  to  the 
four  Gospels,  the  Acts,  1  Peter,  1  John,  13  Epistles 
of  St.  Paul,  and  the  Apocalypse  ;  and,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  Apocalypse,  no  one  of  these  books 
was  ever  afterward  rejected  or  questioned  till  modern 
times.  But  this  important  agreement  as  to  the  prin- 
cipal contents  of  the  Canon  left  several  points  still 
undecided.  The  East  and  West,  as  was  seen  in  the 
last  section,  severally  received  some  books  which 
were  not  universally  accepted.  So  far  the  error  lay 
in  defect ;  but  in  other  cases  apocryphal  or  unapos- 
tolic  books  obtained  a  partial  sanction  or  a  popular 
use  before  they  finally  passed  into  oblivion.  Gener- 
ally it  may  be  said  that  of  the  "  disputed  "  books  of 
the  N.  T.  the  Apocali/pse  was  universally  received 
with  the  single  exception  of  Dionysius  of  Alexandria, 
by  all  the  writers  of  the  period ;  and  the  Epistle  to 
the  Hebrews,  by  the  churches  of  Alexandria,  Asia  (?), 
and  Syria,  but  not  by  those  of  Africa  and  Rome. 
The  Epistles  of  James  and  Jude,  on  the  other  hand, 
were  little  used,  and  2  Peter  was  barely  known. 
— 3.  77te  history  of  the  New  Testamenl  Canon, 
A.  D.  303-397.  —  The  persecution  of  Diocletian 
was  directed  in  a  great  measure  against  the 
Christian  writings.  The  plan  of  the  emperor  was 
in  part  successful.  Some  were  found  who  obtained 
protection  by  the  surrender  of  the  sacred  books,  and 
at  a  later  time  the  question  of  the  readmission  of 
these  "  traitors  "  (traditures),  as  they  were  emphat- 
ically called,  created  a  schism  in  the  church.  The 
Donatists,  who  maintained  the  sterner  judgment  on 
their  crime,  may  be  regarded  as  maintaining  in  its 
strictest  integrity  the  popular  judgment  in  Africa 
on  the  contents  of  the  Canon  of  Scripture  which 
was  the  occasion  of  the  dissension  ;  and  Augustine 
allows  that  they  held  in  common  with  the  Catholics 
the  same  "  Canonical  Scriptures,"  and  were  alike 
"  bound  by  the  authority  of  both  Testaments."  The 
complete  Canon  of  the  N.  T.,  as  commonly  received 
at  present,  was  ratified  at  the  third  Council  of  Car- 
thage (a.  d.  397),  and  from  that  time  was  accepted 
throughout  the  Latin  church,  though  occasional 
doubts  as  to  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  still  re- 
mained. Meanwhile  the  Syrian  churches,  faithful 
to  the  conservative  spirit  of  the  East,  still  retamed 
the  Canon  of  the  Peshito.  Chrysostom  (f  407  a.  p.), 
Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  (f  429  a.  d.),  and  Theo- 
doret,  who  represent  the  church  of  Antioch,  furnish 
no  evidence  in  support  of  the  Epistles  of  Jude,  2 
Peter,  2  John,  3  John,  or  the  Apocalypse.  Junilius, 
in  his  account  of  the  public  teaching  at  Nisibis, 
places  the  Epistles  of  James,  Jude,  2  John,  3  John,  2 
I'etcr  in  a  second  class,  and  mentions  the  doubts 
which  existed  in  the  East  as  to  the  Apocalypse.  And 
though  Ephrem  Syrus  was  acquainted  with  the  Apoc- 
alyjKe,  yet  his  genuine  Syrian  works  exhibit  no 
haljitual  use  of  the  books  not  contained  in  the  Syrian 
Canon. — The  churches  of  Asia  Minor  seem  to  have 
occupied  a  middle  position  as  to  the  Canon  between 
the  East  and  West.  With  the  exception  of  the 
Apocalypse,  they  received  generally  all  the  books  of 
the  N.  T.  as  contained  in  the  African  Canon.  The 
well-known  Festal  Letter  of  Athanasius  (f  373  a.  d.) 


bears  witness  to  the  Alexandrine  Canon.  This  con- 
tains a  clear  and  positive  list  of  the  books  of  the 
N.  T.  as  they  are  received  at  present;  and  the  judg- 
ment of  Athanasius  is  confirmed  by  the  practice  of 
his  successor  Cyril. — One  important  catalogue  yet 
remains  to  be  mentioned.  After  noticing  in  sepa- 
rate places  the  origin  and  use  of  the  Gospels  and 
Epistles,  Eusebius  sums  up  in  a  famous  passage  the 
results  of  his  inquiry  into  the  evidence  on  the  Apos- 
tolic books  furnished  by  the  writings  of  the  three 
first  centuries  (H.  E.  iii.  25).  In  the  first  class  of 
acknowledged  books  (Gr.  homologowmena)  he  places 
the  four  Gospels,  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  (i.  e.  four- 
teen), 1  John,  1  Peter,  and,  in  case  its  authenticity 
is  admitted  (such  seems  to  be  his  meaning),  tlie 
Apocalypse.  The  second  class  of  disputed  books 
(Gr.  aidilegomend)  he  subdivides  into  two  parts,  (1.) 
such  as  were  generally  known  and  recognized,  in- 
cluding the  Epistles  of  James,  Jude,  2  Peter,  2  John, 
3  John;  (2.)  those  which  he  pronounces  spurio^is,  i.  e. 
which  were  either  unauthentic  or  unapostolic,  as 
the  Acts  of  Paul,  the  Shepherd,  the  Apocalypse  of 
Peter,  the  Apocalypse  of  John  (if  not  a  work  of  the 
apostle),  and  according  to  some  the  Gospel  accord- 
ing to  the  Hebrews.  These  two  great  classes  con- 
tam  all  the  books  which  had  received  ecclesiastical 
sanction,  and  were  in  common  distinguished  from  a 
third  class  of  heretical  forgeries  ifi.  g.  the  Gospels  of 
Thomas,  Peter,  Matthias,  &c.). — At  the  era  of  the 
Reformation  the  question  of  the  N.  T.  Canon  be- 
came again  a  subject  of  great  though  partial  interest. 
The  hasty  decree  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  which  af- 
firmed the  authority  of  all  the  books  commonly  re- 
ceived, called  out  the  opposition  of  controversialists, 
who  quoted  and  enforced  the  early  doubts.  Eras- 
mus denied  the  Apostolic  origin  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews,  2  Peter,  and  the  Apocalyp'e,  but  left  their 
canonical  authority  unquestioned.  Luther,  on  the 
other  hand,  created  a  purely  subjective  standard  for 
the  canonicity  of  the  Scriptures,  and  placed  the  Gospel 
of  John  and  1  John,  Romans,  Galatians,  Ephesians, 
and  1  Peter,  in  the  first  rank  as  containing  the  "  ker- 
nel of  Christianity,"  but  set  aside  Hebrews,  Jude, 
James,  and  the  Apocalypse,  at  the  end  of  his  version, 
and  spoke  of  them  and  the  remaining  Antilegomena 
(see  above)  with  varying  degrees  of  disrespect,  though 
he  did  not  separate  2  Pder,  2  John,  3  John,  from  the 
other  Epistles.  The  doubts  which  Luther  rested 
mainly  on  internal  evidence  were  variously  extended 
by  some  of  his  followers  ;  but  their  views  received 
no  direct  sanction  in  any  of  the  Lutheran  symbolic 
books.  The  doubts  as  to  the  Antilegomena  of  the 
N.  T.  were  not  confined  to  the  Lutherans.  Carlstadt 
placed  the  Antilegomena  in  a  third  class.  Calvin.while 
he  denied  the  Pauline  authorship  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews,  and  at  least  questioning  the  authenticity  of  2 
Peter,  did  not  set  aside  their  canonicity,  and  he  notices 
the  doubts  as  to  James  and  Jude  only  to  dismiss  them. 
— The  articles  of  the  church  of  England  and  of  the 
Protestant  Episcopal  church  in  the  United  States  of 
America  define  Holy  Scripture  as  "  the  canonical 
books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  of  whose 
authority  was  never  any  doubt  in  the  church  "  (Art. 
vi.).  This  definition  is  followed  by  an  enumeiation 
of  the  books  of  the  0.  T.  and  of  the  Apocrypha  ; 
and  then  it  is  said  summarily,  without  a  dctaili-l 
catalogue,  "  all  the  books  of  the  N.  T.,  as  they  arc 
commonly  received,  we  do  receive  and  account  them 
canonical." — The  judgment  of  the  Greek  church  in 
the  case  of  the  0.  T.  was  seen  to  be  little  more  than 
a  reflection  of  the  opinions  of  the  West.  The  con- 
fession of  Metrophanes  gives  a  complete  list  of 


CAN 


CAN 


147 


the  liooks.  At  present,  as  was  already  the  case  at 
the  dose  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  Antile- 
goniena  are  reckoned  by  the  Greek  church  as  ecjual 
in  canonical  authority  in  all  respects  with  the  re- 
maining books.  See  the  articles  on  the  separate 
books  of  the  Scriptures  ;  Apocrypha  ;  Bible  ;  Gos- 
pels; Inspiration;  Miracles;  Nkw  Testament; 
Old  Testament  ;  Pentatecch  ;  Prophet  ;  Scrip- 
TCRE  ;  Septiaoint  ;  Versions  ;  Vulgate. 

Can'o-pjr  (Gr.  kinopeion)  (Jd.  x.  21,  xiii.  9,  15, 
xvi.  19).  The  canopy  of  Holofernes  (Bed)  is  the 
only  one  expressly  mentioned.  It  probably  retained 
the  mosquito  nets  or  curtains  in  which  the  Greek 
name  originated,  although  its  being  "  woven  with 
purple,  and  gold,  and  emeralds,  and  precious  stones  " 
(Jd.  X.  21)  betrays  luxury  and  display  rather  than 
such  simple  usefulness. 

Can'ti-tles  [-te-klz]  (fr.  L.  =  little  songs),  entitled 
in  the  A.  V.  "  the  Song  of  Solomon,"  (and  in  i.  1) 
"  the  Song  of  songs  (i.  e.  the  most  beautiful  of 
songs)  which  is  Solomon's." — I.  Anthor  and  date. 
— By  the  Hebrew  title  (in  i.  1)  it  is  ascribed  to  Sol- 
omon ;  and  so  in  all  tlie  versions,  and  by  the  major- 
ity of  Jewish  and  Christian  writers,  ancient  and 
modem.  In  fact,  if  we  except  a  few  of  the  Talmud- 
ical  writers,  who  assigned  it  to  the  age  of  Ilezekiah, 
there  is  scarcely  a  dissentient  voice  down  to  the 
close  of  the  la.-:t  century.  More  recent  criticism, 
however,  has  called  in  question  this  deep-rooted  and 
well-accredited  tradition.  Among  English  scholars 
Kcnnicott,  among  German  Eichhom  and  Rosenmiil- 
ler,  regard  the  poem  as  belonging  to  the  age  of  Ezra 
and  Xehemiah.  The  charge  of  Chaldaism  has  been 
vigorously  pressed  by  Rosenmiiller,  and  especially 
by  Eichhom.  But  Gesenius  assigns  the  book  to  the 
golden  age  of  Hebrew  literature,  and  traces  "  the 
lew  solitary  Chaldaisms  "  which  occur  in  the  writings 
of  that  age  to  the  hands  of  Chaldee  copyists.  He 
has  moreover  suggested  an  important  distinction 
between  Chaldaisms  and  dialectic  varieties  indigenous 
to  N.  Palestine,  where  he  conjectures  that  Judges 
and  Canticles  were  composed.  Nor  is  this  conjec- 
ture inconsistent  with  the  opinion  which  places  it 
among  the  "  thousand  and  five "  songs  of  Solo- 
mon (1  K.  iv.  32;  compare  ix.  19  and  2  Chr.  viii.  6). 
Probably  Solomon  had  at  least  a  hunting-seat  some- 
where on  the  slopes  of  Lebanon  (compare  Cant.  iv. 
8,  Hcb.  9),  and  in  such  a  retreat,  and  under  the  in- 
fluence of  its  scenery,  and  the  language  of  the  sur- 
rounding peasantry,  he  may  have  written  Canticles. 
On  the  whole  it  seems  unnecessary  to  depart  from  the 
,  plain  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  title.  Supposing  the 
dute  fixed  to  the  reign  of  .Solomon,  the  question,  at 
what  period  of  that  monarch's  life  the  poem  was 
written  is  closely  connected  with  the  interpretation 
of  It,  whether  literally  as  an  outburst  of  human  love 
in  his  youth,  or  allegoriealli/  as  the  product  of  hie 
matured  wisdom  after  repentance  of  his  sin.  (See 
l)elow  III.). — II.  Form. — This  question  is  not  deter- 
mined by  the  Hebrew  title.  The  non-continuity 
which  many  critics  attribute  to  the  poem  is  far  from 
being  a  modem  discovery.  Ghislerius  (sixteenth 
century)  considered  it  a  drama  in  five  acts.  Down 
to  the  eighteenth  century,  however,  the  Canticles 
were  generally  regarded  as  continuous.  Gregory 
Naaanzen  calls  it  "  a  bridil  drama  and  song."  Ac- 
cording to  Patrick,  it  is  a  "  Pastoral  Eclogue,"  or  a 
"  Dramatic  Poem  ; "  according  to  Lowth,  "  an  epitha- 
lamium  (or  nuptial  dialogue)  of  a  pastoral  kind.'" 
Michaelis  and  Rosenmiiller,  while  differing  as  to  its 
interpretation,  agree  in  making  it  continuous.  Bos- 
auet,  and  after  him  Calmet,  Percy,  Williams,  and 


Lowth,  divided  the  Song  into  seven  parts,  or  scenes 
of  a  pastoral  drama,  corresponding  with  the  seven 
days  of  the  Jewish  nuptial  ceremony.  His  division  is 
impugned  by  Taylor  {Fragments  in  Calmet),  who 
proposes  one  of  six  days  ;  and  considers  the  drama 
to  be  post-nuptial,  not  ante-nuplial,  as  it  is  explained 
by  Bossuet.  The  entire  nuptial  theory  has  been 
severely  handled  by  J.  D.  Michaelis,  and  the  literal 
school  of  interpreters  in  general.  Lowth  makes  it 
a  drama,  but  only  of  the  minor  kind,  i.  e.  dramatic 
as  a  dialogue.  He  was  unable  to  discover  a  plot. 
Moreover,  if  the  only  dramatic  element  in  Can- 
ticles be  the  dialogue,  the  rich  pastoral  character 
of  its  scenery  and  allusions  renders  the  term 
drama  less  applicable  than  that  of  idyl.  The 
idyllic  form  seems  to  have  recommended  itself  to 
the  allegorical  school  of  translators  as  getting  rid 
of  that  dramatic  unity  and  plot  which  their  system 
of  interpretation  reduced  to  a  succession  of  events 
without  any  culminating  issue.  But  the  majority 
of  recent  translators  belonging  to  the  literal  school 
have  adopted  the  theory  of  Jacobi  (see  below.  III., 
3).  Based  as  this  theory  is  upon  the  dramatic  evo- 
lution of  a  simple  love-story,  it  supplies  that  essen- 
tial movement  and  interest,  the  want  of  which  was 
felt  by  Lowth ;  and  justifies  the  application  of  the 
term  drama,  to  a  composition  of  which  it  manifests 
the  vital  principle  and  organic  structure. — III.  Mean- 
ing.— The  schools  of  interpretation  may  be  divided 
into  three : — the  mystical,  or  typical;  the  allegorical; 
and  the  literal. — 1.  The  mystical  interpretation  is 
properly  an  offshoot  of  the  allegorical,  and  prob- 
ably owes  its  origin  to  the  necessity  which  was  felt 
of  supplying  a  literal  basis  for  the  speculations  of 
the  allegorists.  This  basis  is  either  the  marriage 
of  Solomon  with  Pharaoh's  daughter  (so  most  mys- 
tical interpreters,  before  1800),  or  his  marriage  with 
an  Israelitish  woman,  the  Shulamite  (so  Good,  &c.). 
The  mystical  interpretation  makes  its  first  appear- 
ance in  Origen,  who  wrote  a  voluminous  commen- 
tary upon  the  Canticles.  It  reappears  in  Abulpha- 
ragius  (1226-1286),  and  was  received  by  Grotius, 
approved  of,  and  systematized  by  Bossuet,  indorsed 
by  Lowth,  and  used  for  the  purpose  of  translation 
by  Percy  and  Williams. — 2.  Allegorical. — Notwith- 
standing the  attempts  to  discover  this  principle  of 
interpretation  in  the  LXX.  (Cant.  iv.  8);  Jesus  the 
son  of  Sirach  (Ecclus.  xlvii.  14-17;  Wis.  viii.  2); 
and  Josephus  (Ap.  i.  §  8);  it  is  impossible  to  trace 
it  with  any  certainty  farther  back  than  the  Talmud. 
According  to  the  Talmud  the  beloved  =  God ;  the 
loved  one,  or  bride  =:  the  congrigation  of  Israel. 
This  general  relation  is  expanded  into  more  particu- 
lar detail  by  the  Targum,  or  Chaldee  Paraphrase, 
which  treats  the  Song  of  songs  as  an  allegorical  his- 
tory of  the  Jewish  people  from  the  Exodus  to  the 
coming  of  the  Messiah,  and  the  building  of  the  third 
Temple.  Elaborate  as  it  was,  the  interpretation  of 
the  Targum  was  still  further  developed  by  the  medi- 
ODval  Jews,  who  introduced  it  into  their  liturgical 
services.  A  new  school  of  Jewish  exegesis  was 
originated  by  Mendelssohn  (1729-1786);  which, 
without  actually  denying  the  existence  of  an  alle- 
gorical meaning,  devoted  itself  to  the  literal  inter- 
pretation. In  the  Christian  church,  the  Talmudical 
interpretation,  imported  by  Origen,  was  all  but  uni- 
versally received.  It  was  called  in  question  by 
Erasmus  and  Grotius,  and  was  gradually  superseded 
by  the  typical  theory  of  (Jrotius,  Bossuet,  I.owtli, 
&c.  In  the  eighteenth  century  the  allegorical  theory 
was  reasserted,  and  reconstructed  by  Putlcndorf 
(1776),  and  the  reactionary  allegorists  (sec  below). 


148 


CAN 


CAP 


Some  of  the  more  remarkable  variations  of  the  al- 
legorical school  are : — (a.)  The  extension  of  the  Chal- 
dee  allegory  to  the  Chri.-tinii  eluirch  (so  Aponius, 
Cocceius,  line).  (A.)  Luther's  theory  limits  the  alle- 
gorical meaning  to  the  contemporaneous  history  of 
the  Jewish  people  under  Solomon,  (c.)  According 
to  Gliislerius  and  Cornelius  a  Lapide,  the  Bride  = 
the  Virgin  Mary.  (</.)  Puffendorf  refers  the  spir- 
itual sense  to  the  circumstances  of  our  Saviour's 
death  and  burial. — 3.  The  Literal  interpretation 
seems  to  have  been  connected  with  the  general 
movement  of  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  (360-429)  and 
his  followers,  against  the  extravagances  of  the  early 
Christian  allegorists.  Its  scfieme  was  nuptial,  with 
Pharaoh's  daughter  as  the  bride.  The  miplial  theory 
was  adopted  by  Grotius  as  the  literal  basis  of  a 
secondary  and  spiritual  interpretation ;  and,  after 
its  dramatical  development  by  Bossuet,  long  con- 
tinued to  be  the  standard  scheme  of  the  mystical 
school.  In  1803  it  was  reconstructed  by  Good,  with 
a  Jewish  instead  of  an  Egyptian  bride.  The  purely 
literal  theory  owes  its  origin  to  Germany.  Michaelis 
(1770)  regarded  the  Song  as  an  exponent  of  wedded 
love,  innocent,  and  happy.  From  this  time  German 
scholarship  was  mainly  with  the  literalists.  The 
most  gincrally  received  interpretation  of  the  modem 
literalists  is  that  originally  proposed  by  Jacob! 
(1771),  adopted  by  Herder,  Amnion,  Umbrcit, 
Ewald,  &c. ;  and  more  recently  by  Prof.  Meier  of 
Tiibingen  (1854),  and  in  England  by  Mr.  Ginsburg, 
in  his  very  excellent  translation  (1857).  According 
to  the  detailed  application  of  this  view  as  given  by 
Mr.  Ginsburg,  the  Song  is  intended  to  displ.ay  the 
victory  of  humble  and  conslatd  love  over  the  tempta- 
tions of  wealth  and  royalty.  The  tempter  is  Solomon : 
the  object  of  his  seductive  endeavors  is  a  Shulamite 
shepherdess,  who,  surrounded  by  the  glories  of  the 
court  and  the  fascinations  of  unwonted  splendor, 
pines  for  tlie  shepherd-lover  from  whom  she  has  been 
involuntarily  separated.  The  drama  is  divided  into 
five  sections,  indicated  by  the  thrice-repeated  for- 
mula of  adjuration  (ii.  7,  iii.  5,  viii.  4),  and  the  use 
of  another  closing  sentence  (v.  1).  Prof.  Weir  (see 
below)  also  divides  Canticles  into  five  sections,  but 
makes  the  third  end  with  vi.  9  (not  v.  1). — But  even 
in  Germany  a  strong  band  of  reactionary  allegorists 
have  maintained  their  ground.  On  the  whole,  their 
tendency  is  to  return  to  the  Chaldee  Paraphrase ;  a 
tendency  especially  marked  in  Rosenmiiller.  The 
allegorical  interpretation  has  been  defended  in 
America  by  Professors  Stuart  and  Burrowes,  and  by 
Prof.  Stowe  in  American  Bible  Repository  for  July, 
1847.  It  is  also  maintained  by  Prof.  D.  H.  Weir  in 
Fairbairn.  Tlie  principal  internal  arguments  ad- 
duced by  them  to  show  that  the  book  delineates  the 
mutual  love  of  God  and  His  people  are — (1.)  the  sig- 
nifications of  "  Solomon"  (Heb.  Shelomoh  =  peace- 
giver)  and  "  Shulamite  "  (Heb.  Shulammith  =  peace- 
enjoying?):  (2.)  the  sudden  changes  from  the  sin- 
gular to  the  plural  indicating  tliat  Shulammith  is  to 
be  taken  collectively  (i.  4,  &c.):  (3.)  the  occurrence 
of  scenes  and  expressions  (e.  g.  iii.  1-4,  v.  7,  viii.  I, 
2),  wliich,  literally  understood,  are  abhorrent  to 
Eastern  manners,  yet  not  uncommon  in  Eastern  alle- 
gorical poetry :  (4.)  the  entire  absence  of  jealousy  in 
such  scenes  as  are  represented  in  i.  4,  v.  1,  vi.  8,  9 : 
(6.)  the  dreamy  and  even  impossible  character  of 
many  scenes  if  Hterally  understood  (ii.  14-17,  iv.  8, 
&c. ).  For  external  arguments  the  allegorists  adduce 
Jewish  tradition,  the  analogy  of  Oriental  poetry,  and 
especially  the  matrimonial  metaphor  so  frequently 
employed  in  the  Scriptures  to  describe  the  relation 


between  Jehovah  and  Israel  (Ex.  xxxiv.  15,  16 ; 
Num.  XV.  3J  ;  Ps.  Ixxiii.  27;  Jer.  iii.  1-11 ;  Ez.  xvi., 
xxiii.,  &c.).  Compare  also  Ps.  xlv. ;  Is.  v.  1,  liv.  4- 
6,  Ixii.  4,  5  ;  Mat.  ix.  15  ;  Jn.  iii.  29;  2  Cor.  xi.  2  ; 
Eph.  V.  23  ff.  ;  Eev.  xix.  7  if. ;  xxi.  2,  xxU.  17.— IV. 
Canoiiicity. — The  book  was  rejected  from  the  Canon 
by  Castellio  and  Winston ;  but  in  no  case  has  its 
rejection  been  defended  on  external  grounds.  It  is 
found  in  the  LXX.,  and  in  the  translations  of  Aquila, 
Symmaclms,  and  Theodotion.  It  is  contained  in  the 
catalogue  given  in  the  Talmud,  and  in  the  catalogue 
of  Melito ;  and  in  short  we  have  the  same  evidence 
for  its  canonicity  as  that  which  is  commonly  ad- 
duced for  the  canonicity  of  any  book  of  the  0.  T. 
Bible  ;  Canon  ;  In.spiration,  &c. 

fa-pcr'na-nm  (Gr.  Kapernaoum  or  Kapharnaoum, 
prob.  fr.  Heb.  [see  Caphar]  =  village  of  Kahum, 
Kbn.  N.  T.  Lex.),  a  city  of  Galilee,  the  scene  of 
many  acts  and  incidents  in  the  life  of  Christ.  There 
is  no  mention  of  Capernaum  in  the  0.  T.  or  Apoc- 
rypha, but  Is.  ix.  1  (in  Heb.,  viii.  23)  is  applied  to 
it  in  Mat.  iv.  16.  The  few  notices  of  its  situation  in 
the  N.  T.  are  not  sufficient  to  determine  its  exact  posi- 
tion. It  was  on  the  W.  shore  of  the  sea  of  Galilee 
(Mat.  iv.  13  ;  compare  Jn.  vi.  24),  and,  if  recent  dis- 
coveries are  to  be  trusted,  was  of  sufficient  impoit- 
ance  to  give  to  that  sea,  in  whole  or  in  part,  the  name 
of  the  "  lake  of  Capernaum."  (So  also  Tiberias.)  It 
was  in  (so  Mr.  Grove),  or  not  far  from  (so  Thn. 
ii.  31),  the  "land  of  Gennesaret  "  (Mat.  xiv.  34, 
compare  Jn.  vi.  17,  21,  24),  i.  e.  the  rich,  busy  plaiu 
on  the  W.  shore  of  the  lake,  which  we  know  from 
Josephus  and  from  other  sources  to  have  been  at 
that  time  one  of  the  most  prosperous  and  crowded 
districts  in  all  Palestine.  Being  on  the  shore,  Ca- 
pernaum was  lower  than  Nazareth  and  Cana  of  Gali- 
lee, from  which  the  road  to  it  was  one  of  descent 
(Jn.  ii.  12  ;  Lk.  iv.  31).  It  was  of  sufficient  size  to 
be  always  called  a  "city"  (Mat.  ix.  1  ;  Mk.  i.  33); 
had  its  own  svnagogue,  in  which  onr  Lord  frequent- 
ly taught  (Jn.  vi.  59;  Mk.  i.  21  ;  Lk.  iv.  33,  38)— a 
synagogue  built  by  the  centurion  of  the  detachment 
of  Roman  soldiers  which  appears  to  have  been  quar- 
tered in  the  place  (Lk.  vii.  1,  compare  8;  Mat.  viii. 
8  if.).  But  besides  the  garrison  there  was  also  a 
customs  station,  where  tlie  dues  were  gathered  botli 
by  stationary  (Mat.  ix.  9 ;  Mk.  ii.  14 ;  Lk.  v.  27)  and 
by  itinerant  (Mat.  xvii.  24)  officers.  Tlie  only  in- 
terest attaching  to  Capernaum  is  as  the  residence  of 
our  Lord  and  His  apostles,  the  scene  of  so  mm 
miracles  and  "  gracious  words."  At  Nazareth  1 1  ■ 
was  "brought  up,"  but  Capernaum  was  empliatical-' 
ly  His  "  own  city ;  "  it  was  when  He  returned  thither 
that  He  is  said  to  have  been  "  at  home"  ("  in  tiie 
house,"  A.  v.,  Mk.  ii.  1).  Here  He  chose  the  Evan- 
gelist Matthew  or  Levi  (Mat.  ix.  9).  The  brothers 
Simon  Peter  and  Andrew  belonged  to  Capernaum 
(Mk.  i.  29),  and  it  is  perhaps  allowable  to  imagine 
that  it  was  on  the  sea-beach  that  they  heard  lln' 
quiet  call  which  was  to  make  them  forsake  all  ami 
follow  Him  (Mk.  i.  16,  17,  compare  28).  It  was  here 
that  Christ  worked  the  miracle  on  the  centurion's 
servant  (Mat.  viii.  5;  Lk.  vii.  1),  on  Simon's  wife's 
mother  (Mat.  viii.  14;  Mk.  i.  30;  Lk.  iv.  38),  the 
paralytic  (Mat.  ix.  1 ;  Mk.  ii.  1 ;  Lk.  v.  18),  and  the 
man  afflicted  with  an  unclean  devil  (Mk.  i.  32 ;  Lk. 
iv.  33).  At  Capernaum  occurred  the  incident  of  tlie 
child  (Mk.  ix.  83;  Mat.  xviii.  1 ;  compare  xvii.  24); 
and  in  the  synagogue  there  was  spoken  the  wondei'- 
ful  discourse  of  Jn.  vi.  (see  verse  69).  The  doom 
which  our  Lord  pronounced  against  Capernaum  and 
the  other  unbelieving  cities  of  the  plain  of  Geunesa- 


O.VP 


CAP 


U9 


ret  has  been  remarkably  fulfilled.  The  spots  which 
lav  claim  to  its  site  are  I.  Khan  ilinyeh  (advocated 
by  Robinson  [il.  403  if.,  iii.  348  ft'.],  I'orter  in  Kitto, 
&C.),  a  mound  of  ruins  which  takes  its  name  from 
an  old  kban  hard  by  on  the  N.     This  mound  is  situ- 


ated close  upon  the  sea-shore  at  the  >'.  W.  extremity 
of  the  plain  (now  El  GItuueir).  2.  Three  miles  N.  E. 
of  Khim  Mint/eh  is  the  otlior  claimant,  Tell  IJuin 
(favored  by  Thomson  [i.  640  ft'.],  \ViUon  [ii.  142  iK\ 
Kitter,Van  de  Velde,  kc),  ruins  of  walls  and  loun  'a- 


Lake  of  Tib«riu  from  TtU  Him,  oaa  of  the  lappoeed  eitee  of  Capemaam.— <Fbn.) 


tions  covering  a  space  of  half  a  mile  long  by  a  quarter 
wide,  on  a  point  of  the  shore  projecting  into  the  lake 
and  backed  by  a  very  gently  rising  ground.  3.  'Ain 
el-iludaxearah  {/he  Bound  Founlain),  in  the  W. 
boundary  of  the  plain,  a  mile  and  a  half  back  from 
the  shore,  and  about  three  miles  S.  S.  \V.  of  Kh&n 
Minyeh,  was  long  believed  to  mark  the  site,  and  its 
claims  have  recently  been  advocated  by  Tristram 
(442  ff.)  and  De  Saulcy.     Chorazin  ;  BETiisAinA. 

*  Caph  (Ileb.  =  curved,  hollow,  the  hollow  of  the 
hand,  the  palm,  Ges.),  the  eleventh  Hebrew  letter, 
placed  at  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  section  (ver. 
81-88)  of  Ps.  cxix.     Number;  Writing. 

Ca'phar  (Heb.  =  village,  hamlet  [—  Ar.  ke/r]; 
literally  a  coverinrj,  shelter,  from  the  verb  r&phar, 
Ges. ;  sec  Atonement),  translated  in  the  plural  "  vil- 
lages" (1  Chr.  xxvii.  25;  Neh.  vi.  2;  Cant.  vii.  11). 
The  kindred  Hebrew  word  eophtr  is  translated  "vil- 
lages" in  1  Sam.  vi.  18.  In  names  of  places  it  oc- 
curs in  Chephar-ha-Ammonai,  Cuephirah,  Caphar- 
Salama,  Capernacm,  i.  e.  Caphamahura. 

Caphar-sala-nia  (L.  fr.  Heb. ;  see  Caphar),  a 
place  at  which  a  battle  was  fought  between  Judas 
Maccabeus  and  Nicanor  (1  Mc.  vii.  31);  apparently 
near  Jerusalem  ;  =  the  village  of  Siloam? 

Ca-phen'a-tha  (fr.  Talmudic  caphnioth  denoting 
unripe  fiyn,  Lightfoot),  a.  place  apparently  close  to 
and  on  the  E.  side  of  Jerusalem,  which  was  repaired 
bv  Jonathan  Maccabeus  (1  Mc.  xii.  37). 

Ca-phi'ra  (L.)  =  Chephirah  (1  Esd.  v.  19). 

Capb  tho-rin  (1  Chr.  i.  12)  =  Capiitorim. 

Capb  tor  ( Ileb.  a  crotm  or  chaplet,  Ges.),  a  country 
thrice  mentioned  as  the  primitive  scat  of  the  Phi- 
listines (Deut.  ii.  23  ;  Jer.  xlvii.  4 ;  Am.  ix.  7),  who 
are  once  called  Caphtorims  (Deut.  ii.  23),  as  of  the 
same  race  with  the  Mizraite  people  of  that  name 
("Caphtorim,"  Gen.  X.  14  ;  "  Caphthorim,"  1  Chr. 
i.  12).  (C'ASLtrniM.)  The  position  of  the  country, 
since  it  was  peopled  by  Mizraites,  must  be  supposed 
to  be  in  Egypt  or  near  to  it  in  Africa,  for  the  idea 
of  the  S.  W.  of  Palestine  is  excluded  by  the  migra- 
tion of  the  Philistines.  Caphtor  in  most  of  the  an- 
cient veielons  is  translated  Cappadocia ;  some  have 
made  Caphtor  =  Cyprus ;  Rosenmiiller,  Miivcre, 
Ewald,  Fiirst,  kc,  favor  Crete.  Mr.  K.  S.  Poole 
has  proposed  to  recognize  Caphtor  in  the  ancient 


Egyptian  name  Coptos.  We  must  not  suppose,  how- 
ever, that  Caphtor  was  Coptos :  it  must  rather  be 
compared  to  the  Coptite  nome,  probably  in  primitive 
ages  of  greater  extent  than  under  the  Ptolemies,  for 
the  number  of  nomes  was  in  the  course  of  time 
greatly  increased.  The  Caphtorim  stand  last  in  the 
list  of  the  Mizraite  peoples  in  Genesis  and  Chron- 
icles, probably  as  dwellers  in  Upper  Egypt,  the 
names  next  before  them  being  of  Egyptian,  and  the 
earliest  names  of  Libyan  peoples.  The  migration 
of  the  PhiUstines  is  mentioned  or  alluded  to  in  all 
the  passages  speaking  of  Caphtor  or  the  Caphtorim. 
The  period  of  the  migration  must  have  been  very 
remote,  since  the  Philistines  were  already  established 
in  Palestine  in  Abraham's  time  (Gen.  xxi.  32,  34). 
The  evidence  of  the  Egjptian  monuments,  which  is 
indirect,  tends  to  the  same  conclusion,  but  takes  us 
yet  further  back  in  time.  We  find  from  the  sculp- 
tures of  Ramcses  III.  at  Medeenet  Haboo,  that  the 
Egyptians  about  1200  b.  c.  were  at  war  with  the 
Philistines,  the  Tok-karu  (=  Carians?  so  Mr.  Poole) 
and  the  Shayratana  (see  Pelethites)  of  the  Sea,  and 
that  other  Shayratana  served  them  as  mercenaries. 
This  evidence  points  therefore  to  the  spread  of  a 
seafaring  race  cognate  to  the  Egyptians  at  a  very  re- 
mote time.  Probably  the  Philistines  left  Caphtor 
not  long  after  the  first  arrival  of  the  Mizraite  tribes, 
while  they  had  not  yet  attained  that  attachment  to 
the  foil  that  afterward  so  eminently  characterized 
the  descendants  of  those  which  formed  the  Egyptian 
nation. 

*  taph'to-rlm  (Heb.  pi.  of  Caphtor)  =  a  people 
descended  from  Mizraim  (Gen.  x.  14).     Caphtor. 

Capll'to-rims  (Deut.  ii.  23),  an  English  form  of 
Caphtorim.     Caphtor. 

Cap-pa-do'd-»  [-shc-a]  (L.  fr.  Gr. ;  fr.  Pers.,  Hdt.), 
a  district  of  Asia  Minor  interesting  in  reference  to 
N.  T.  history  only  from  the  mention  of  its  Jewish 
residents  among  the  hearers  of  St  Peter's  first  ser- 
mon (Acts  ii.  9),  and  its  Christian  residents  among 
the  readers  of  his  first  Epistle  (1  Pet.  i.  1).  The 
Jewish  community  in  this  region,  doubtless,  formed 
the  nucleus  of  the  Christian  :  and  the  former  may 
probably  be  traced  to  the  first  introduction  of  Jewish 
colonists  into  Asia  Minor  by  Seleucus.  The  range 
of  Mount  Taurus  and  the  upper  course  of  the  Ec- 


150 


CAP 


CAP 


PHRATES  may  safely  be  mentioned,  in  general  terms, 
as  natural  boundaries  of  Cappadocia  on  the  S.  and 
E.  Its  geographical  limits  on  the  W.  and  N.  were 
variable.  In  early  times  the  name  reached  as  far  N. 
as  the  Euxine  Sea.  Cappadocia  is  an  elevated  table- 
land intersected  by  mountain-chains.  It  seems  al- 
ways to  have  been  deficient  in  wood ;  but  it  was  a 
good  grain  country,  and  particularly  famous  for 
grazing.  Its  Roman  metropolis  was  Cesarea,  now 
Kai$ariyeh.  The  native  Cappadociuns  seem  origi- 
nally to  have  belonged  to  the  Syrian  Btoclc.  Aria- 
RiTHES ;  Lycaonia  ;  POSTCS. 

Captain,  the  translation  in  the  A.  V.  of  nearly 
twenty  difterent  words,  Hebrew,  Chaldee,  and  Greek, 
denoting  in  general  a  chief  or  leader,  either  military 
or  civil.  (1.)  As  a  purely  military  title,  it  is  the 
translation  of  the  Hebrew  sar  (lit.  one  that  has  do- 
minion, a  chief ;  see  Governor  10)  (Num.  xxxi.  14; 
1  K.  i.  19,  25';  2  K.  L  9  ft'.,  &e.).  The  Greek  chili- 
archos  (lit.  comm'xnier  of  1,000 ;  hence,  a  Roman 
military  tribune)  is  translated  "  captain  "  in  Jn.  xviii. 
12  and  Rev.  xix.  18,  but  usually  "chief  captain" 
(Acts  xxi.  31  (F.,  &e.).  (Army.)  The  "captain  of 
the  guard"  in  Acts  xxviii.  16  was  probably  the  pre- 
torian  prefect  or  commander  of  the  emperor's  body- 
guard. (2.)  Hebrew  kdlsin,  occasionally  translated 
"  captain"  (Josh.  x.  24  ;  Judg.  xi.  6,  11),  sometimes 
also,  like  sar,  denotes  a  civil  officer,  and  is  translated 
"prince"  (Prov.  xxv.  15,  &c.),  "ruler"  (Is.  iii.  6,  7, 
&e.),  &c.  So  also  Hebrew  ntisi  (lit.  onr.  elevated  or 
exalted,  Ges.)  (Num.  ii.  3,  5,  &c.),  ronh  (lit.  the  head) 

!Num.  xiv.  4,  &c.),  ndgid  (lit.  the  foremost,  Ges.), 
1  Sara.  ix.  16,  &c.),  &c.  (3.)  The  "captain  of  the 
Temple "  mentioned  by  St.  Luke  (xxii.  4,  52 ;  Acts 
iv.  1,  V.  24)  superintended  the  guard  of  priests  and 
I.evites,  who  kept  watch  by  night  in  the  Temple. 
The  office  appears  to  have  existed  from  an  early 
date.  (4.)  The  Greek  arehegos,  translated  "  cap- 
tain" in  Heb.  ii.  10,  =  leader,  author,  founder  (Rbu. 
N.  T.  Lex.). 

*  Cap'tire.     Captivity;  Slave;  War. 

Ciip-tiv'ity.  The  bondage  of  Israel  in  E^ypt,  and 
their  subjugation  at  different  times  by  the  Philistines 
and  other  nations,  are  sometimes  included  under  the 
above  title  ;  and  the  Jews  themselves,  perhaps  with 
reference  to  Daniel's  vision  (ch.  vii.),  reckon  their 
national  captivities  as  four — the  Babylonian,  Median, 
Grecian,  and  Roman.  But  tlie  present  article  is  con- 
fined to  the  forcible  deportation  of  the  Hebrew  peo- 
ple from  their  native  land,  and  their  forcible  deten- 
tion, under  the  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  kings.  The 
kingdom  of  Israel  was  invaded  by  three  or  four  suc- 
cessive kings  of  Assyria.  Pul  or  Sardanapalus,  ac- 
cording to  Rawlinson,  imposed  a  tribute  (n.  c.  Y'?!  ; 
762,  liln.)  upon  Menahem  (1  Clir.  v.  26,  and  2  K. 
XV.  19).  Tiglath-Pileser  carried  away  (n.  c.  740)  the 
trans-Jordanio  tribes  (1  Chr.  v.  26)  and  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Galilee  (2  K.  xv.  29,  compare  Is.  ix.  1)  to 
Assyria.  Shahnaneser  twice  invaded  (2  K.  xvii.  3,  5) 
the  kingdom  wliich  remained  to  Hoshea,  took  Sama- 
ria (b.  c.  721)  after  a  siege  of  three  years,  and  car- 
ried Israel  away  into  Assyria.  Sennacherib  (b.  c. 
713)  is  stated  to  have  carried  into  Assyria  200,000 
captives  from  the  Jewish  cities  which  he  took  (2  K. 
xviii.  13).  Nebuchadnezzar,  in  the  first  half  of  his 
reign  (b.  c.  606-562),  repeatedly  invaded  Judah,  be- 
sieged Jerusalem,  carried  away  the  inhabitants  to 
Babylon,  and  destroyed  the  city  and  Temple.  Two 
distinct  deportations  are  mentioned  in  2  K.  xxiv.  14 
(including  10,000  persons)  and  xxv.  11;  one  in  2 
Chr.  xxxvi.  20 ;  three  in  Jer.  Hi.  2S-30,  including 
4,600  persons ;  one  in  Dan.  i.  2.     The  two  principal 


deportations  were,  (1.)  that  which  took  place  b.  c. 
598,  when  Jthoiaehin  with  all  the  nobles,  soldiers, 
and  artificer.s  was  carried  away  ;  and  (2.)  tliat  which 
followed  the  destruction  of  the  Temple  and  the  cap- 
ture of  Zcdekiah  b.  c.  588.  The  three  which  Jere- 
miah mentions  may  have  been  the  contributions  of  a 
particular  class  or  district  to  the  general  captivity  ; 
or  they  may  have  taken  place  under  the  orders  of 
Nebuchadnezzar,  before  or  after  the  two  principal 
deportations.  The  captivity  of  certain  selected  chil- 
dren B.  c.  607,  meiitioned  by  Daniel,  who  was  one  of 
them,  may  have  occurred  when  Nebuchadnezzar  was 
colleague  or  lieutenant  of  his  father  Nabopolassar,  a 
year  before  he  reigned  alone.  The  seventy  years  of 
captivity  predicted  by  Jeremiah  (xxv.  12)  are  dated 
by  Prideaux  from  b.  c.  606.  The  captivity  of  Ezekiel 
dates  from  b.  c.  598,  when  that  prophet,  like  Morde- 
cai  the  uncle  of  Esther  (Esth.  ii.  6),  accompanied 
Jehoiachin.  The  captives  were  treated  not  as  slaves 
but  as  colonists.  There  was  nothing  to  hinder  a 
Jew  from  rising  to  the  highest  eminence  in  the  state 
(Dan.  ii.  48),  or  holding  the  most  confidential  office 
near  the  person  of  the  king  (Neh.  i.  11  ;  Tob.  i.  13, 
22).  The  advice  of  Jeremiah  (xxix.  5,  &c.)  was  gen- 
erally followed.  The  exiles  increased  in  numbers 
and  in  wealth.  They  observed  the  Mosaic  law  (Esth. 
iii.  8 ;  Tob.  xiv.  9).  They  kept  up  distinctions  of 
rank  among  themselves  (Ez.  xx.  1).  Their  genea- 
logical tables  were  preserved,  and  they  were  at  no 
loss  to  tell  who  was  the  rightful  heir  to  David's  tlironr. 
Tliey  had  neither  place  nor  time  of  national  gather- 
ing, no  Temple ;  and  they  offered  no  sacrifice.  But 
t!ie  rite  of  circumcision  and  their  laws  respecting 
food,  &o.,  were  observed  ;  their  priests  were  witli 
them  (Jer.  xxix.  1);  and  possibly  the  practice  of 
erecting  synagogues  in  every  city  (Acts  xv.  21)  was 
begun  by  the  Jews  in  the  Babylonian  Captivity. 
The  Captivity  is  not  without  contemporaneous  litera- 
ture. In  Tobit  we  have  a  picture  of  the  iuner  lite 
of  a  family  of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali,  among  the  cap- 
tives whom  Shalmaneser  brought  to  Nineveh.  Banich 
seems,  in  Mr.  Layard's  opinion,  to  have  been  written 
by  one  whose  eyes,  like  those  of  Ezekiel,  were  I'a- 
miliar  with  the  gigantic  forma  of  Assyrian  sculpture. 
Several  of  the  Psalms  appear  to  express  the  senti- 
ments of  Jews  who  were  either  partakers  or  wit- 
nesses of  the  Assyrian  captivity.  But  it  is  from  the 
three  great  prophets,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  Daniel, 
that  we  learn  most  of  the  condition  of  the  children  of 
the  Captivity.  The  Babylonian  Captivity  was  brought 
to  a  close  by  the  decree  (Ezr.  i.  2)  of  Cyrus  (b.  c. 
536),  and  the  return  of  a  portion  of  tl;e  nation  under 
Zerubbabel  (b.  c.  535),  Ezra (b.  c.  458),  and  Nehemiah 
(b.  c.  445).  The  number  who. returned  upon  the  decree 
of  B.  c.  536  was  42,360,  besides  servants.  Among 
them  about  30,000  are  specified  (compare  Ezr.  ii  and 
Neh.  vii.)  as  belonging  to  the  tribes  of  Judah,  Ben- 
jamin, and  Levi.  It  has  been  inferred  that  the  re- 
maining 12,000  l)elonged  to  the  tribes  of  Israel 
(compare  Ezr.  vi.  17).  (Censcs.)  Those  who  were 
left  in  Assyria  (Esth.  viii.  9,  11),  and  kept  up  their 
national  distinctions,  were  known  as  The  Dispersion 
(Dispersion,  Jews  of  the)  :  and,  in  course  of  time, 
they  served  a  great  purpose  in  diffusing  a  knowledge 
of  the  true  God,  and  in  affording  a  point  for  the  com- 
mencement of  the  efforts  of  the  Evangelists  of  the 
Christian  faith.  Many  attempts  have  been  made  to 
discover  the  ten  tribes  existing  as  a  distinct  commu- 
nity. Josephus  (xi.  5,  §  2)  believed  that  in  his  day 
they  dwelt  in  large  multitudes,  somewhere  beyond 
the  Euphrates,  in  Arsareth,  according  to  2  Esd.  xiii. 
46.     The  imagination  of  Christian  writers  has  sought 


CAB 


CAR 


151 


tbem  in  the  neighborhood  of  their  last  recorded  hab- 
itation, in  the  Afghan  tribes,  at  the  foot  of  the  Hiuia- 
layas,  in  the  Blacli  Jews  of  Malabar,  in  the  Nesto- 
rians,  and  in  the  N.  American  Indians.  But  thougli 
history  bears  no  witness  of  their  present  distinct 
existence,  it  enables  us  to  track  tlie  footsteps  of  the 
departing  race  m  four  directions  after  the  time  of  the 
Captivity.  (1.)  Some  returned  and  mixed  with  the 
Jews  (Lk.  ii.  36  ;  Phil.  iii.  5,  &c.).  (2.)  Some  were 
left  in  Samaria,  mingled  with  the  Samaritans  (Ezr. 
Ti.  21 ;  Jn.  iv.  12),  and  became  bitter  enemies  of  the 
Jews.  (3.)  Many  remained  in  Assyria,  and  were 
recognized  as  an  integral  part  of  the  Dispersion  (see 
Acts  Ii.  9,  xxvi.  7).  (4.)  Most,  probably  (so  Prideaux), 
apostatized  in  Assyria,  adopted  the  usages  and  idolatry 
of  the  nations  among  whom  they  were  planted,  and 
became  wholly  swallowed  up  in  them. — The  Captiv- 
ity was  a  period  of  change  in  the  vernacular  language 
of  the  Jews  (see  Neh.  viii.  8)  (Shemitic  Lasglages), 
and  in  the  national  character.  Commeece  ;  Cyrus  ; 
luoi-ATRT  ;  Jerusalem  ;  Synagogue. 

Car-a-ba'si-on  (fr.  Gr.),  a  corrupt  name  to  which  it 
is  dillicult  to  find  anv  thing  corresponding  in  the  He- 
brew text  (1  Esd.  ix!  34). 

Car'bnn-ele  [-bunk-1],  a  precious  stone  of  a  deep 
red  color,  now  more  commonly  cMed  ffarjiel  (Dana). 
Carbuncle  is  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb. 
ehliiU  or  ekddeh,  which  occurs  only  in  Is.  liv.  12,  in 
the  description  of  the  beauties  of  the  new  Jerusalem. 
Perhaps  this  may  be  a  general  term  =  any  b)-i(//it 
tparkling  gem,  but  as  it  occurs  only  once,  it  is  im- 
possible to  determine  its  real  meaning. — 2.  Heb. 
harCkatb,  bdreteth,  the  third  stone  in  the  firat  row 
of  the  sacerdotal  breastplate  (Ex.  xxviii.  17,  xxxix. 
1 0),  also  one  of  the  mineral  treasures  of  the  king  of 
Tyre  (Ez.  xxviii.  13);  probably  (so  Braun,  with  the 
LXX.,  Vulg.  and  Jos.)  =  the  emerald,  a  precious 
stone  of  a  rich  green  color;  see  Emerald  2. — 3. 
Greek  anihrax  (see  Coal  6)  (Tob.  xiii.  17 ;  Ecclus. 
ixxii.  5)  =  the  carbuncle  (L.  &  S.,  &c.).  The  an- 
cients probably  included  under  this  name  every 
kind  of  red,  transparent,  fiery  stone,  including  the 
garnet,  ruby,  &c.  (C.  W.  King).    (See  above.) 


Car'cas  (Heb.  fr.  Sansc.  =  severe  /  Ges.),  the  sev- 
enth of  the  "chamberlains"  of  Ahasuerus  (Esth. 
i.  10). 

Car'tba-mis  (1  Esd.  i.  25)  =  Carchemish. 

Car'tlie-mish  [-ke-]  (fr.  Heb.  =  fortrtu  of  Che- 
mosh,  Ges.),  a  city  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  20 ;  Is.  x.  9 ;  Jer. 
xlvi.  2),  generally  supposed  =  the  classical  Circesi- 
um  on  the  E.  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Chaboras.  (Habor.)  But  Rawliuson  main- 
tains that  Carchemish  lay  very  much  higher  up  the 
Euphrates,  occupying  nearly  the  site  of  the  later  J/a- 
btifi,  or  Hierapolis,  and  apparently  commanding  the 
ordmary  passage  of  the  Euphrates  at  Bir,  or  Bireh- 
jik,  and  thus  in  the  contentions  between  Egypt  and 
A.ssyria  its  possession  was  of  primary  consequence. 
Carchemish  appears  to  have  been  taken  by  Pharaoh- 
Necho  shortly  after  the  battle  of  Megiddo  (about  b.  c. 
608),  and  retaken  by  Nebuchadnezzar  after  a  battle 
three  years  later,  B.  c.  605. 

Ca-re'ali  (2  K.  xxv.  23)  =  Kareah. 

Ca'ri-a  (L.  form  of  Gr. ;  fr.  Car,  an. ancient  king 
of  Caria,  Ildt.),  the  S.  part  of  the  region  which  in  the 
N.  T.  is  called  Asia,  and  the  S.  W.  part  of  the  pen- 
insula of  Asia  Minor.  In  the  Roman  times  the  name 
of  Caria  was  probably  loss  used  than  previously.  At 
an  earlier  period  we  find  it  mentioned  as  a  separate 
district  (1  Mc.  xv.  23).  At  this  time  (b.  c.  139)  it 
was  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  privilege  of  freedom, 
granted  by  the  Uomans.  A  little  before  it  had  been 
assigned  by  them  to  Rhodes,  and  a  Uttle  later  it  was 
incorporated  in  the  province  of  Asia.  Cnidus,  Hah- 
CARNASSus,  and  Miletus  were  in  Caria.     Capiitor. 

Car-ma'nl-ailS  =  the  inhabitants  of  Carmania,  a 
province  of  Asia  N.  of  the  Persian  Gulf  (2  Esd.  xy. 
30).     The  Carmanians  were  a  warlike  race  (Strabo). 

Car'me  (1  Esd.  v.  25)  =  Harim. 

Car  met  (Heb.  ;  nearly  always  with  the  article  = 
the  park,  or  Ihe  uceJI-woodfd  place).  1,  (In  Kings, 
generally  "  Mount  Carmel,"  in  the  Prophets,  '•  Car- 
mel.")  A  mountain  which  forms  one  of  the  most 
striking  and  characteristic  features  of  Palestine.  Aa 
if  to  accentuate  more  distinctly  the  bay  (AccBo) 
which  forms  the  one  indentation  in  the  coast,  this 


wy«kM^«u.HA* 


MoQDt  CuiD«),  with  th«  rUIa^e  of  Half*,  and  tba  month  of  tfa«  Kialion.— (Falrbaini.) 


noble  ridge,  the  only  headland  of  lower  and  central 
Palestine,  forms  its  S.  boundary,  running  out  with 
a  bold  bluff  promontory  all  but  into  the  very  waves 
of  the  Mediterranean.  From  this  point  it  stretches 
in  a  nearly  stiaight  line,  bearing  about  S.S.E.,  for  a 
little  more  than  twelve  miles,  when  it  tcnninatcs 
suddenly  in  a  bluff  somewhat  corresponding  to  its 
W.  end,  breaking  down  abruptly  into  the  hills  of 


Jenin  and  Samaria,  which  form  at  that  part  the  cen- 
tral mass  of  the  country.  Cai-mel  thus  stands  as  a 
wall  between  the  mariiime  plain  of  Sharon  on  the  S., 
and  the  more  inland  expanse  of  Esdraelon  on  the  N. 
Its  structure  is  in  the  main  the  Jura  formation  (upper 
oolite),  which  is  prevalent  in  the  centre  of  W.  I'ales- 
tine — a  soft,  while  limestone,  with  nodules  and  veins 
of  Bint.     In  form  Carmel  is  a  tolerably  continuous 


152 


CAR 


CAR 


ridge,  at  the  W.  end  about  600,  and  at  the  E.  about 
1,600  feet  above  the  sea.  It  is  still  clothed  with  the 
same  "  excellency  "  of  "  wood,"  which  supplied  the 
prophets  of  Israel  and  Judah  alike  with  one  of  their 
most  favorite  illustrations  (is.  xxxiii.  9  ;  Mic.  vii.  14). 
Modem  traveller  delight  to  describe  its  "  rocky 
dells  with  deep  jungles  of  copse" — its  "shrubberies 
thicker  than  any  otliers  in  central  Palestine  "  (Stl., 
MS.) — its  "impenetrable  brushwood  of  oaks  and 
other  evergreens,  tenanted  in  the  wilder  parts  by  a 
profusion  of  game  and  wild  animals"  (I'tr.,  Hand- 
book), but  in  other  places  bright  with  "  hollyhocks, 
jasmine,  and  various  flowering  creepers  "  (V.  de  V.). 
Carmel  fell  within  the  tribe  of  AsucH  (Josh.  xix.  26). 
The  king  of  "  Jokncam  of  Carmel "  was  one  of  the 
Canaanite  chiefs  who  fell  before  the  arms  of  Joshua 
(xii.  22).  These  are  the  earliest  notices  of  the  name. 
There  is  not  in  them  a  hint  of  any  sanctity  as  attach- 
ing to  the  mount.  But  probably  from  very  early 
times  it  wag  considered  as  a  sacred  spot  (1  K.  xviii. 
30).  (High  Places.)  In  later  times  we  know  that 
its  reputation  was  not  confined  to  Palestine.  But 
that  which  has  made  the  name  of  Carmel  most  fa- 
miliar to  the  modern  world  is  its  intimate  connection 
with  the  history  of  the  two  great  prophets  of  Israel 
— Elijah  and  Elisha.  Here  Elijah  brought  back 
Israel  to  allegiance  to  Jehovah,  and  slew  the  prophets 
of  Baal  (1  K.  xviii.  19  (f.).  His  sacrifice  to  Jehovah, 
without  doubt,  took  place  at  the  E.  end  of  the  ridge 
near  the  highest  point  of  the  whole  range,  command- 
ing the  last  view  of  the  sea  behind,  and  the  first  view 
of  the  groat  plain  of  Esdraelon  in  front,  both  the  city 
of  Jezreel  and  the  winding  bed  of  the  Kishon  being  dis- 
tinctly visible  from  this  spot,  now  called  el-Maharra- 
kah  (Ar.  ^  tlie  burning  or  the  sacrifice).  "  Close  be- 
neath, on  a  wide  upland  sweep,  under  the  shade  of 
ancient  olives  and  round  a  well  of  water,  said  to  be 

perennial  (?Thn.) must  have  been  ranged  on 

one  side  the  king  and  people  with  the  850  prophets  of 
Baal  and  Astarte,  and  on  the  other  ....  the  prophet 
of  the  Lord  "  (Stl.  315  ff. ;  .see  also  V.  de  V.  i.  320 
ft'.;  Thn.  ii.  220  ft".).  Probably  at  Mount  Carmel 
also  (2  K.  i.  9,  "  on  the  top  of  a  hill,"  A.  V. ;  literally, 
"  on  the  top  of  the  mount ")  Elijah  "  caused  fire  to 
come  down  from  heaven "  and  consume  the  two 
"  fifties  "  of  the  guard  which  Ahaziah  had  dispatched 
to  take  him  prisoner,  for  having  stopped  his  messen- 
gers to  Baal-zebub  the  god  of  Ekron  (2  K.  i.  9-15). 
The  tradition  in  the  present  convent  is,  that  Elijah 
and  Elisha  both  resided  on  the  mountain,  and  a  cave 
is  actually  shown  under  the  high-altar  of  the  church 
as  that  of  Elijah.  After  the  ascent  of  Elijah,  Elisha 
went  to  Mount  Carmel  (2  K.  ii.  25),  though  only  for 
a  time ;  but  he  was  again  there  at  the  Sliunamniite's 
visit  after  the  death  of  her  son  (iv.  25),  and  that  at 
a  time  when  no  festival,  no  "new  moon  or  sabbath" 
(v.  23),  required  his  presence.  This  is  the  last  men- 
tion of  Carmel  as  the  scene  of  any  event  in  the  sacred 
history.  Carmel  has  derived  its  modem  name  from 
Elijah  ;  Mar  Elyas  is  the  common  designation,  Kur- 
tiiii  being  occasionally,  but  only  seldom,  heard. 
From  the  Latin  convent  (on  the  W.  end  of  Mount 
Carmel),  has  sprung  the  celebrated  order  of  the  Bare- 
footed Carmelite  Friars,  who  claim  to  derive  their 
origin  from  Elijah,  but  probably  originated  on  Mount 
Carmel  in  the  twelfth  century. — 2.  A  town  in  the 
mountiiinous  country  of  Judali  (Josh.  xv.  55),  familiar 
to  us  as  the  residence  of  Nabal  (1  Sam.  xxv.  2,  5,  7, 
40),  and  the  native  place  or  residence  of  David's 
favorite  wife,  "  Abigail  tlie  Carmelitess."  This  was 
doubtless  the  Carmel  at  which  Saul  set  up  a  "place  " 
(literally  a  "  hand  ")  after  his  victory  over  Amalek 


(1  Sam.  XV.  12).  And  this  Carmel,  and  not  the  N. 
mount,  must  have  been  the  spot  at  which  King 
Uzziah  had  his  vineyards  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  10).  In  the 
time  of  Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  was  the  seat  of  a 
Koman  garii?on.  The  ruins  of  the  town,  now  Kur- 
mul,  still  remain  at  three  hours  (=  six  or  seven  miles) 
S.  by  E.  from  Hebron,  close  to  those  oi  Ma'hi  (Maon), 
Zlf  (Ziph),  and  other  places  named  with  Carmel  in 
Josh.  XV.  55. 

Car  luel-ite  =  a  native  of  Carmel  2,  as  Nabal  (1 
Sam.  XXX.  5  ;  2  Sam.  ii.  2,  iii.  3)  and  Hezrai  or  Hezro 
(2  Sam.  xxiii.  35 ;  1  Chr.  xi.  37). 

Carmd-i-tess  [i  pronounced  as  in  Carmelite^  r= 
a  woman  of  Carmfx  2  ;  used  only  of  Abigail,  David's 
wife  (1  Sam.  xxvii.  3  ;  1  Chr.  iii.  1). 

Car'mi  (Hub.  vine-dresser,  Ges.).  1.  Fourth  son 
of  Reuben,  and  progenitor  of  the  Carmites  (Gen. 
xlvi.  9  ;  Ex.  vi.  14  ;  Num.  xxvi.  6 ;  1  Chr.  v.  3). — 
3.  A  man  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  sou  of  Zabdi,  and 
father  of  Achan,  the  "  troubler  of  Israel  "  (Josh.  vii. 
1,  18  ;   1  Chr.  ii.  7,  iv.  1). 

Car'mites  =  a  family  of  Reuben,  descended  from 
Cakmi  1  (Num.  xxvi.  6). 

I'ar-naim  (L.  fr.  Gr.)  a  city  E.  of  Jordan,  besieged 
and  taken  by  Judas  Maccabeus  (1  Mc.  v.  20,  43, 
44) ;  =  Car.nion  and  Ashteroth-Karnaim. 

Car'ni-on  (L.  fr.  Gr.)  =  Carnaim  (2  Mc.  xii.  21,  26) 
(Ashteroth-Karnaim). 

Car'peu-tcr.     Handicraft. 

Car'pns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =^  fruit),  a  Christian  at  Troas, 
with  whom  St.  Paul  left  a  cloak  (2  Tim.  iv.  13) ;  ac- 
cording to  Hippolytus,  bishop  of  Berytus  in  Thrace. 

Car'riage  [-rij].  This  word  occurs  six  times  in 
the  text  of  tlie  A.  V.  and  =  what  is  carried,  baariagc. 
It  is  the  translation  of: — 1.  Heh.  pi.  of  rfS  or  cell,  lit- 
erally any  thing  completed  or  made ;  see  Furniture  ( 1 
Sam.  xvii.  22  ;  Is.  x.  28) ;  generally  translated  ''  stuff'" 
or  "  vessels."  2.  Heb.  c^buddh  =  heavy  matters,  pre- 
cious things,  wealth,  Ges.  (Judg.  xviii.  21  only).  3. 
Heb.  nesudh  =  ichat  is  borne,  burden,  Ges.  (Is.  xlvi. 
1).  4.  In  Acts  xxi.  15,  the  Greek  participle  ajioskeu- 
asamenoi  or  episkenasamcnoi,  "  we  took  up  our  car- 
riages," A.  v.,  =  having  packed  away  or  packed  up 
our  baggage.  5.  But  in  the  margin  of  1  Sam.  xvii. 
20,  and  xxvi.  5-7 — and  there  only — "  carriage  " 
(Heb.  ttia'gdl),  translated  "  trench  "  in  the  text,  =  a 
wagon  or  cart.  The  allusion  is  to  the  circle  of 
wagons  round  the  encampmeut.  Cart  ;  Chariot  ; 
'Wagon. 

Car  she-na  (Heb. ;  from  Pers.  =  slender  man,  Fii. ; 
=  spoiler,  Bohlen ;  =  black,  Benfey),  one  of  the 
seven  princes  of  Persia  and  Media  (Esth.  i.  14). 

Cart  (Heb.  \-tgdldh),  translated  "  wagons  "  in  Gen. 
xlv.  19,  21,  27,  xlvi.  5;  Num.  vii.  3,  6,  7,  8,  a  ve- 


Eg^'ptian  curt  with  two  wb««lB — (VVilkinion.) 


hide  drawn  by  cattle  (2  Sam.  vi.  6),  to  be  distin- 
guished from  the  chariot  drawn  by  horses.     The 


CAB 


CAS 


153 


Greek  hamaxa,  translated  in  plural  "  carts  "  in  JU. 
XV.  11,  lias  the  same  meaning.  Carts  and  wagons 
were  either  open  or  covered  (Num.  vii.  3),  and  were 
used  for  conveyance  of  persons  (Gen.  xlv.  10),  bur- 
dens (1  Sam.  vi.  7,  8),  or  produce  (Am.  ii.  13).  As 
tliere  are  few  roads  in  Syria  and  Palcstiue  and 
the  neighlwring  countries  (Highwav  ;  Jkri'Sa- 
LESi),  whecltarriages  for  any  purpose  except  con- 
veyance of  agricultural  produce  are  all  but  un- 
known, except  as  they  have  been  recently  intro- 
duced uito   Egypt,   &c.,   from  Europe  and  Amer- 


Egyptlan  cart  with  four  wbeeU.— (Wilkliuoo.) 

ica.  The  only  cart  used  in  W.  Asia  has  two  wheels 
of  solid  wood.  But  in  the  monuments  of  ancient 
Egypt  representations  are  found  of  carts  with  two 
wheels,  having  four  or  six  spokes,  used  for  carrying 
produce,  and  of  one  used  for  religious  purposes  hav- 
ing four  wheels  with  eight  spokes.  A  bas-relief  at 
Nineveh  represents  a  cart  having  two  wheels  with 
eight  spokes,  drawn  by  oxen,  conveying  female  cap- 
tives (see  cut  from  Layard).     Carhiage  ;  Wagon. 


Auyrlui  cart  drawn  by  oxen.— {Lajrard,  U.  398.) 

•  Carved  Im'age.    Idol  19,  20. 

Car'vingi  The  arts  of  carving  and  engraving  were 
much  in  request  in  the  construction  both  of  the 
Tabernacle  and  the  Temple  (Ex.  xxxi.  5,  xxxv.  33  ; 

1  K.  vi.  18,  35  ;  Ps.  Ixxiv.  6),  as  well  as  in  the  or- 
namentation of  the  priestly  dresses  (Ex.  xxviii.  9- 
86  ;  Zech.  iii.  9  ;  2  Chr.  ii.  7-14).  Amulets  ;  Beza- 
lEEL ;  Ceiling;  E.ngbaveb  ;  Handicraft;  Higm- 
Pbie-st  ;  House  ;  Hcram  3  ;  Palace  ;  Temple. 

Cas«'ment.    Lattice. 

Ca-«lpb'i-a  (Heb.  in  silver,  LXX. ;  the  V!hik  moun- 
tainous or  unowy  mountdiiious  Caucasian  region, 
Fii.),  a  place  of  uncertain  t^ite  on  the  road  between 
Babylon  and  Jerusalem  (Ezr.  viii.  17).  Fiirst  main- 
tains that  it  was  in  the  S.  of  Media,  which  lay  be- 
tween the  Caspian  Sea  and  Babylonia,  and  hence 
not  far  from  the  route  of  the  Israelites  as  they  re- 
turned. 

t'as'Ieo  (T,.)  =  Chisleu  (I  Mc.  i.  64,  iv.  62,  69 ; 

2  Mc.  i.  9,  18,  X.  6).     Mo.NTH. 
ias'iB-hiin(Heb.),  a  Mizraitc  people  or  tribe  (Gen. 

J.  14  ;  1  Chr.  i.  12).  The  only  clew  we  have  as  yet 
to  the  tK)8ition  of  the  Casluhim  is  their  place  in  the 
lint  of  the  sons  of  Mizraim  between  the  Pathrusim 
and  the  Caputobih,  whence  it  is  probable  that  they 


were  seated  in  Upper  Egypt.  Poole,  &c.,  pu)  pose 
the  phrase,  "of  whom  came  the  Philistines,"  should 
fellow  "  Caphthorim  "  in  1  Chr.,  and  "  Cuphtorini  " 
in  Gen.  The  LXX.  seem  to  identify  the  Casluhim 
with  the  Hashmannim  of  Ps.  Ixviii.  31  (A.  V. 
"  princes  ").  Bocliart  su))poses  (and  so  Gesenius) 
the  Casluliim  =  the  Colchians,  who  are  said  to 
have  been  an  Egyptian  colony.  The  supposition 
is  improbable  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole).  Forster  con- 
jectures the  Casluhim  =  the  inhabitants  of  Cas- 
siotis,  a  low  littoral  sandy  region,  about  forty  miles 
E.  from  Pelusiura,  and  Bunsen  assumes  this  to  be 
proved;  but  the  unproductiveness  of  the  ground  is 
a  serious  difficulty  in  the  way. 

Cas'pjioil  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Casphor  (1  Mc.  v.  36). 

Cas'phor  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  one  of  the  fortified  cities  in 
the  "  land  of  Galaad  "  (1  Mc.  v.  26),  in  which  the 
Jews  took  refuge  from  the  Ammonites  under  Timo- 
thcus  (compare  ver.  6),  and  which  with  other  cities 
was  taken  by  Judas  Maccabeus  (v.  36  "  Casphon") ; 
probably  =  Caspis  ;  possibly  =  Heshbon  (so  Grotius, 
Calmet,  Winer). 

Cas  pis,  a  strong  fortified  city — whether  E.  or  W. 
of  Jordan  is  not  plain — having  near  it  a  lake  two 
stadia  (  =  J  mile)  in  breadth.  It  was  taken  by 
Judas  Maccabeus  with  great  slaughter  (2  Mc.  xii. 
13,  16).     Casphor. 

Cas'sia  [kash'ya]  (L.),  the  representative  in  the 
A.  V.  of — 1.  Heb.  kidddh  (fr.  kddad,  to  divide  or 
cleave,  Gcs.)  one  of  the  ingredients  in  the  composi- 
tion of  the  '•  oil  of  holy  ointment"  (Ex.  xxx.  24), 
also  an  article  of  merchandise  brought  to  Tyre  (Ez. 
xxvii.  19).  The  A.  V.  is  doubtless  correct  in  the 
translation  of  the  Hebrew  word  (so  the  Chaldee, 
Syriac,  Gesenius,  FUrst,  &c.),  though  there  is  con- 
siderable variety  of  reading  in  the  old  versions,  and 
the  investigation  of  the  .subject  is  a  difficult  one.  It 
is  clear  that  the  Latin  writers  by  casia  or  cassia  un- 
derstood both  the  Oriental  product  now  called  cas- 
sia, and  some  low  sweet  herbaceous  plant ;  but  the 
Greek  word  is  limited  to  the  Eastern  product  (so  Mr. 
Houghton,  in  Smith's  Dictionary,  Appendix  A).  Dios- 
corides  mentions  several  kinds  of  cassia,  and  says  they 
are  produced  in  Spicy  Arabia.  One  kind  is  known  by. 
the  name  of  mosyleiii,  or,  according  to  Galen,  of  mo- 
syllos,  from  the  ancient  city  and  promontory  Mosyllon, 
on  the  coast  of  Africa,  near  the  modern  Cape  Guar- 
dafui.  Will  not  this  tliiow  some  light  on  Ez.  xxvii. 
19,  "Dan  and  Javan  and  Meuzal  (so  margin)  traded 
in  thy  markets  with  cassia,  calamus,"  &c. '!  The  cas- 
sia would  be  brought  from  India  to  Meuzal  (Uzal), 
and  thence  exported  to  Tyre  and  other  countries  under 
the  name  of  JHeuzaliiis,  or  Meuzal  cassia.  Cassia 
is  not  produced  by  any  trees  which  are  now  found 
growing  in  Arabia.  Probably  therefore  the  Greek 
authors  were  mistaken  on  this  subject,  and  have 
occasionally  regarded  products  imported  into  Ara- 
bia, and  thence  exported  N.  to  other  countries,  as 
the  natural  productions  of  that  country.  The  cassia- 
bark  of  commerce  is  inferior  to  the  true  cinnamon,  and 
is  yielded  by  various  kinds  of  Cinnamomum,  wliich 
grow  in  different  parts  of  India. — 2.  Heb.  kctsVoth 
(fr.  kdlsa\  to  cut  or  strip  off,  Ges.)  (Ps.  xlv.  8  only), 
generally  supposed  to  be  another  term  =  cafsia. 
The  old  versions,  as  well  as  the  etymology  of  the 
Hebrew  word,  favor  this  interpretation. 

Cas'tle  [kas'l]  (L.),  Aktonia  ;  Fenced  Citt  ; 
War. 

Cas'tor  and  Pol'Inx  (both  L.  fr.  Gr.),  the  Dioscuri 
(Gt.  Dioskouroi  =  smia  of  Jupiter)  of  lieu  then  my- 
thology (Acts  xxviii.  11).  I'hese  two  heroes,  the  twin- 
sons  of  Jupiter  and  Leda,  were  regarded  as  the  tute- 


154 


CAT 


CAV 


lary  divinities  of  sailors.  They  appeared  in  heaven 
as  the  constellation  Gemini  (L.  ^  Oie  Tviins).  As 
the  ship  mentioned  by  St.  Luke  was  from  Alexandria, 
it  may  be  noticed  that  Castor  and  Pollux  were  spe- 
cially honored  in  the  neighboring  district  of  Cyre- 
naica,  of  which  Cybexe  was  the  capital.  In 
art  these  divinities  were  sometimes  represent- 
ed simply  as  stars  hovering  over  a  ship,  but 
more  frequently  as  young  men  on  horseback,  with 
conical  caps  and  stars  above  them.  Such  figures 
were  probably  painted  or  sculptured  at  the  bow  of 
the  ship,  and  Cyril  of  Alexandria  says  that  such  was 
always  the  Alexandrian  method  of  ornamenting 
each  side  of  the  prow.     Ship. 


Stiver  coin  of  Bruttii.  Obverse.  Hends  of  Castor  and  Pollux  to  right. 
Reverse;  Ciistor  and  Pollux  mouuted.  advancing  lo  riglit.  In  the  ex- 
eiTjue  BPE  I'TIQiN  (Gr.  —  of  (Ac  Bruttii,  a  people  ol  lower  Italy). 

Cat  occurs  only  in  the  plural  in  Bar.  vi.  22.  The 
Greek  word  ailouros,  as  used  by  Aristotle,  has  more 
p.irticular  refurence  to  the  wild  cat.  Herodotus  (ii. 
66)  applies  it  to  denote  the  domestic  animal.  The 
context  of  tlie  passage  in  Barucli  appears  to  point 
to  the  domesticated  animal.  '  Perhaps  the  people  of 
Babylon  ori<:inally  procured  the  cat  from  Egypt. 
The  domestic  cat  of  tlie  ancient  Egyptians,  and 
our  own  domestic  cat  [Felis  domcstim  or  Calus,  of 
Ray),  are  supposed  by  some  to  be  identical  with 
the  J^elis  maniciilala  (Iliippell),  of  Nubia,  but 
there  is  considerable  doubt  on  this  point.  The 
Egyptians,  it  is  well  known,  paid  an  absurd  rever- 
ence to  the  cat ;  it  accompanied  them  in  their  fowl- 
ing expeditions  ;  it  was  deemed  a  capital  offence  to 
kill  one ;  and  when  a  cat  died  it  was  embalmed  and 
buried  at  Bubastis,  the  city  sacred  to  the  moon,  of 
which  divinity  the  cat  was  reckoned  a  symbol. 

Cat'er-pil-lar,  the  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of 
— 1.  Heb.  fidsU  or  chiUU,  literally  =  devourer,  Ges. 
(1  K.  viii.  37  ;  2  Chr.  vi.  28 ;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  46  ;  Is. 
xxxiii.  4  ;  Joel  i.  4,  ii.  25),  inconsistently  translated 
in  LXX.  and  Vulgate  by  three  different  terms  in 
each  :  probably  =  a  locost,  perhaps  in  its  larva 
state. — 2.  Ueb.  yelek,  literally  =  feeder,  Ges.  Lo- 
cust 8 ;  Palmee-worm. 

Ca-tha'a  apparently  =  Giddel  (1  Esd.  v.  30). 

Cat'tlef  Beast;  Bull;  Calf;  Goat;  Herd; 
Lamb  ;  Ox ;  Sheep. 

CanI,  the  translation  in  A.V.  of — 1.  Heb.  yotherelh, 
literally  redundant ;  applied  collectively  to  Me 
lobes  of  the  liver,  as  if  redundant  parts  of  it,  the 
flips,  Ges.  (Ex.  xxix.  13,  22,  &c.). — 2.  Heb.  si/ffor, 
literally  a  shutting  up,  enclosure;  applied  to  the  parts 
about  the  heart,  the  pericardium,  Ges.  (Hos.  xiii.  8). 
— 3.  Heb.  pi.  s/igbisim,  in  A.  V.  "  cauls  "  (i.  e.  net- 
ted caps  worn  by  women),  margin  "  net-works  "  (Is. 
iii.  18)  =  head-dresses  or  ornaments  of  the  head-dress 
of  Hebrew  ladies.  Schroeder  understands  medal- 
lions or  sun-shaped  ornaments  worn  on  the  necklace. 
Head-dress  ;  Ornaments,  Personal. 

•Cause' way  =  a  raised  path  or  way  (1  Chr.  xxvi. 
16,  18  ;  Prov.  xv.  19,  margin;  Is.  vii.  3,  margin). 
Hiohway. 

*  Caos'ey,  an  old  spelling  of  Causewat. 


Caves  The  chalky  limestone  of  which  the  rocks 
of  Syria  and  Palestine  chiefly  consist,  present.s,  as 
is  the  case  in  all  limestone  formations,  a  vast  num- 
ber of  caverns  and  natural  fissures,  many  of  wliich 
have  also  been  artificially  enlarged  and  adapted  to 
various  purposes  both  of  shelter  and  defence.  This 
circumstance  has  also  given  occasion  to  tlie  use  of  a 
large  number  of  words  in  the  Scriptures  to  denote 
caves,  holes,  and  fissures,  some  of  them  giving 
names  to  the  towns  and  places  and  their  neighbor- 
hood. Out  of  them  may  be  selected — I.  Heb.  mV- 
drdh,  usually  translated  "  cave  "  (Gen.  xix.  30,  xxiii. 
9,  &c.). — II.  Heb.  hur  or  hor,  also  written  chur  or 
chor,  usually  translated  "  a  hole,"  once  in  plural 
"caves"  (Job  XXX.  6).  From  this  come  (a.)  the 
name  of  the  Horites  of  Mount  Seir  ;  (b.)  Hauran  ; 
(c.)  the  two  towns  of  Betii-horon  ;  (d.)  the  town 
Horonaim. — III.  Heb.  hagdvim  or  chiiguvim  =  ref- 
uges, asylums,  Ges.,  A.  V.  "  clefts  "  (Cant.  ii.  14  ; 
Jer.  xlix.  16  ;  Ob.  S).— IV.  Heb.  pi.  of  minhdrdh, 
=  a  fssure,  cleft,  in  mountains  or  rocks,  hollowed 
out  by  the  water,  Ges.  ;  A.  V.  "  dens  "  (Judg.  vi.  2). 
— V.  Heb.  pi.  of  mehilldh  or  mechiUdh,  A.  V. 
"caves"  (Is.  ii.  19). — VI.  Gr.  ope  =  an  opening, 
hole,  L.  &  S. ;  translated  "  place,"  margin  "  hole  " 
(Jas.  iii.  11);  in  plural  "caves"  (Heb.  xi.  38);  in 
LXX.  =  No.  IV.  (Ob.  3).— VII.  Gr.  spelaion  =  a 
grotto,  cave,  cavern,  pit,  L.  &  S. ;  usually  in  A.  V. 
"den"  (Mat.  xxi.  13,  &;c.),  once  "cave"  (Jn.  xi. 
38);  in  LXX.  =  No.  L  (Gen.  xix.  30,  &c.).  The 
most  remarkable  caves  noticed  in  Scripture  are : — 
1,  That  in  which  Lot  dwelt  after  the  destruction  of 
Sodom  (Gen.  xix.  30). — 2.  The  cave  of  Machpelaii. 
— 3.  Cave  of  Makkedah. — i.  Cave  of  Adcllam. — 
5.  Cave  of  Ex-gedi  (1  Sam.  xxiv.  3). — 6.  Obadiah's 
cave  (1  K.  xviii.  4). — 7.  Elijah's  cave  in  IIoreb(xix. 
9). — 8,  9.  The  rock  sepulchres  of  Lazarus,  and  of 
our  Lord  (Jn.  xi.  38 ;  Mat.  xxvii.  60).  The  existing 
caverns  near,  the  S.  E.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  serve 
fully  to  justify  the  mention  of  a  cave  as  the  place  of 
Lot's  retirement ;  as  those  on  the  W.  side  agree  both 
in  situation  and  in  name  with  the  caves  of  En-gedi. 
The  cave  in  which  Obadiah  concealed  the  projihets 
was  probably  in  the  northern  part  of  the  country, 
in  which  abundant  instances  of  caves  fit  for  such  a 
purpose  might  be  pointed  out.  The  site  of  the  cave 
of  Elijah,  as  well  as  of  the  "  cleft  "  of  Moses  on  Mount 
Horeb  (Ex.  xxxiii.  22),  is  also  obviously  indetermi- 
nate. Besides  these  special  caves  there  is  frequent 
mention  in  the  0.  T.  of  caves  as  places  of  refuge. 
Thus  the  Israelites  took  refuge  from  the  Phili.stines 
in  holes"  (1  Sam.  xiv.  11).  So  also  in  the  time  of 
Gideon  they  had  taken  refuge  from  the  Midianites 
in  dens  and  caves  and  strongholds,  such  as  abound 
in  the  mountain  region  of  Manasseh  (Judg.  vi.  2). 
(House  ;  Sela.)  Banditti  often  made  the  caves  of 
Palestine  their  accustomed  haunt.  Josephus  speaks 
of  the  robber  inhabitants  of  the  caves  of  Arbela, 
also  of  those  of  Trachonitis,  who  lived  in  large  cav- 
erns, and  annoyed  much  the  trade  with  Damascus, 
but  were  put  down  by  Herod.  It  was  the  caves, 
which  lie  beneath  and  around  so  many  of  the  Jewish 
cities  that  formed  the  last  hiding-places  of  the  Jewish 
leaders  in  the  war  with  the  Romans.  (Jerusalem.)  No 
use,  however,  of  rock  caverns  more  strikingly  connects 
the  modem  usages  of  Palestine  and  the  adjacent  re- 
gions with  their  ancient  history  than  the  employment 
of  them  as  burial-places.  The  rocky  soil  of  so  large  a 
portion  of  the  Holy  Land  almost  forbids  intennents, 
except  in  cavities  either  natural  or  hewn  from  the 
rock.  Accordingly  numerous  sites  are  shown  in  Pal- 
estine and  adjacent  lands  of  (so-called)  sepulchres  of 


CED 


CEI 


155 


saints  and  hsrore  of  the  0.  T.  and  N.  T.,  venerated 
both  by  Christians  and  Mohammedans.  Burial  ; 
Cistern  ;  Tomb. 

Cedar.  There  is  little  doubt  that  the  Hebrew  era 
(the  firtnlji-rovtul a»d strong  Iree),  invariably  rendered 
"cedar"  by  the  A.  V.,  does  i^tiind  for  that  tree  in 
most  of  the  passages  wliere  tlie  word  occurs.  It  is 
described  as  tall  (is.  ii.  13),  spreading  (Ez.  xxxi.  3), 
abundant  (1  K.  v.  6,  10),  fit  for  beams,  pillars,  and 
boards  (vi.  10,  15,  vii.  2),  for  masts  (Ez.  xxvii.  6), 
and  for  carved  work  as  images  (Is.  xllv.  14).  "Ce- 
dar "  timber  was  used  by  David  and  Solomon  in  their 
buildings  (2  Sam.  v.  11  ;  1  K.  v.  6,  vi.  15,  vii.  2), 
and  by  Zerubbabcl  in  the  second  Temple  (Ezr.  iii.  1). 
"Cedar"  in  the  Scriptures,  especially  =  the  cedar 
of  Lebanon  (Ccdnis  Libmii);  but  that  the  woid  is 
used  in  a  wider  sense  to  denote  otinr  oonirer(jus 


trees,  is  clear  from  some  Scriptural  passages  where 
it  occurs.  For  instance,  the  "  cedar  wood  "  in  Lev. 
xiv.  6  can  hardly  be  the  wood  of  the  Lebanon  cedars, 
seeing  that  these  could  never  have  grown  in  the  pen- 
insula of  Sinai.  In  another  passage  (Ez.  xxvii.  5), 
perhaps  ei-ez  =  some  Jir  ;  probably,  as  Dr.  Hooker 
conjectures,  the  Finns  Halijiensis  =  Aleppo  Pine, 
which  grows  in  Lebnnon,  and  is  better  fitted  for  fur- 
nishing ship-masts  than  the  wood  of  the  Cedrus  Li- 
bani.  The  Cedrus  Libani,  Firms  Ilalepensis,  and 
Jiimpenis  exccha  =  tall  Jumper,  were  probably  all 
included  under  the  term  erez  ;  though,  no  doubt,  this 
name  more  especially  =  the  cedar  of  Lebanon,  as 
the  firmest  and  grandest  of  the  conifers.  As  to  the 
"cedar  wood"  used  in  purifications,  probably  one  of 
the  smaller  junipers  is  intended  (/.  Sabina  ?),  for  it  is 
doubtful  whether  the  Juniperus  excelsa  exists  at  all 


The  C«dAn  of  Lebancn.— (From  Acre's  Trtatury  of  BibU  JCnovUdgt.) 


in  Arabia.  As  far  as  is  at  present  known,  the  cedar 
of  Lebanon  is  confined  in  Syria  to  one  valley  of  the 
Lebanon  range,  viz.,  that  of  the  Kedisha  Uivcr,  which 
flows  from  near  the  highest  point  of  the  range  W.  to 
the  Mediterranean,  and  enters  the  sea  at  the  port  of 
Tripoli.  The  grove,  of  more  than  four  hundred  trees 
of  all  sizes,  is  at  the  very  upper  part  of  the  valley, 
about  fifteen  miles  from  the  sea,  6,800  feet  above 
that  level,  and  their  position  is  moreover  above  that 
of  all  other  arboreous  vegetation.  The  valley  here 
is  very  broad,  open,  and  shallow,  and  the  grove  forms 
a  mere  speck  on  its  flat  floor.  On  nearer  inspection, 
the  cedars  are  found  to  be  eonfineil  to  a  small  por- 
tion of  a  range  of  low  stony  hills  of  rounded  outlines, 
and  perhaps  tiO  to  100  feet  above  the  plain,  which 
»weep  across  the  valley.  Tlie.se  hills  are  believed  by 
Dr.  Hooker  to  be  old  moraines,  deposited  by  glaciers 
that  once  debouched  on  to  the  plain  from  the  sur- 
rounding tops  of  Lebanon. 

Cc'dron  [sec-]  (L. ;  Gr.  Kedr&n).  I.  A  place  for- 
tified by  Cenilebeus  under  the  orders  of  the  king  An- 
tiochus  (Sidetes),  as  a  station  from  which  to  com- 
mand the  roads  of  Judea  (1  Mc.  xv.  39,  41,  xvL  9). 


It  was  not  far  from  Jamnia  (Jabneel),  or  from  Azo- 
tu?  (Ashdod),  and  was  probably  the  modern  Kaira  or 
Knirah,  which  lies  on  the  maritime  plain  below  the 
river  Hubiri,  and  three  miles  S.W.  oVAkir  (Ekron). — 
8.  The  N.  T.  name  of  the  brook  Kidron  (Jn.  xviii. 
1  only). 

Cel'lan  [see-]  (fr.  Gr.)  (1  Esd.  v.  16).     Azetas. 

Ceil'lng  [seel-].  The  descriptions  of  Scripture  (1 
K.  vl.  9,  18,  vii.  3  ;  2  Chr.  ill.  6,  9;  Jcr.  xxii.  14; 
Hag.  i.  4),  and  of  Jo.sephus,  show  that  the  ceilings 
of  the  Temple  and  the  palaces  ol'  the  Jewish  kings 
were  formed  of  cedar  or  fir  planks  applied  to  tlie 
beams  or  joints  crossing  from  wall  to  wall,  probably 
with  sunk  panels,  edged  and  oniamented  with  gold, 
and  carved  with  incised  or  other  patterns,  sometimes 
painted  (Jer.  xxii.  14).  Probably  both  Egyptian  and 
Assyrian  models  were  followed,  in  this  as  in  other 
branches  of  architectural  construction,  before  the 
Roman  period.  Examples  are  extant  of  Egyptian 
ceilings  in  stucco  painted  with  devices,  of  a  date 
much  earlier  than  that  of  Solomon's  Temple.  Of 
these  devices  the  principal  are  the  guilloche,  the 
chevron,  and  the  scroll.     The  panel  work  in  ccihngs, 


156 


CEL 


OEN 


which  has  been  described,  is  found  in  Oriental  nnd 
N.  African  dwellings  of  late  and  modern  times.  Por- 
ter describes  the  ceilings  of  houses  at  Damascus  as 
delicately  painted.  Many  of  the  rooms  in  the  Palace 
of  the  Moors  at  the  Alhambra  were  ceiled  and  orna- 
mented with  the  richest  geometrical  patterns.  Ar- 
chitecture ;  Carting  ;  House  ;  Palack  ;  Temple. 


Faselled  celling  from  houM  in  Cairo. — (Lane,  Modem  Esyptiaiu.) 

Cel'o-syr'l-a  [sel-1  (L,  Ccetesyria,  Ccelonyria,  fr. 
Gr.  =  hoUow  Si/fia),  an  ■English  form  of  the  name 
given  by  the  Greeks,  after  Alexander's  time,  to  the 
remarkable  valley  or  hollow  between  the  two  moun- 
tain-ranges of  Libanus  (or  Lebanon)  and  Antilibanus, 
stretching  from  latitude  33°  20'  to  34°  40',  nearly 
one  hundred  miles,  and  containing  the  celebrated 
city  of  Heliopolis  or  Baalbek,  the  rivers  Orontes  and 
Litany,  &c.  Tiie  term  was  also  used  in  a  much 
wider  sense  to  include  the  inhabited  tract  (in  which 
was  Damascus)  E.  of  the  Antilibanus  range  to  the 
desert ;  and  then  further  on  that  side  of  Jordan, 
tiirough  Trachonitis  and  Perea,  to  Idumea  and  the 
borders  of  Egypt.  In  the  Apocrypha  there  is  fre- 
quent mention  of  Celosyria  in  a  somewhat  vague 
sense,  nearly  =  Svria  (1  Esd.  ii.  17,  24,  27,  iv.  48, 
vi.  29,  vii.  1,  viii.  67  ;  1  Mc.  x.  69  ;  2  Mc.  iii.  5,  8, 
iv.  4,  viii.  8,  x.  11).  AvEN  1 ;  Cielesyhia  ;  Plain  2  ; 
Valley  4. 

Cen'chre-a  [sen'kre-a]  (L.  Cenchrece,  fr.  Gr. ;  see 
below),  the  E.  harbor  of  Corinth  (i.  e.  its  harbor  on 
the  SaronicGulf )  and  the  emporium  of  its  trade  with 
the  Asiatic  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  as  Lechaiura 
(Lutrdki)  on  the  Coi-inthian  Gulf  connected  it  with 
Italy  and  the  West.  St.  Paul  sailed  from  Cenchrea 
(Acts  xviii.  18)  on  his  return  to  Syria  from  his 
second  missionary  journey ;  and  when  he  wrote  his 
«pistle  to  the  Romans  in  the  course  of  the  third 
journey,  an  organized  church  seems  to  have  been 
formed  here  (Rom.  xvi.  1  ;  see  Piiede).  The  dis- 
tance of  Cenchrea  from  Corinth  was  seventy  stadia, 
or  about  nine  miles.  The  modem  village  of  Kikries 
retains  the  ancient  name,  which  is  conjectured  by 
Dr.  Sibthorpe  to  be  derived  from  the  millet  (Gr.  keng- 
chros),  which  still  grows  there. 

Cett-de-be'us  [sen-]  (L.  Vendebams,  fr.  Gr.),  a  gen- 
eral left  by  Antiochus  VII.  in  command  of  the  sea- 
board of  Palestine  ( 1  Mc.  xv.  38,  &c.)  after  the  defeat 
of  Tryphon  B.  c.  138.  He  fortified  Cedron  1,  and 
harassed  the  Jews  for  some  time,  but  was  afterward 
defeated  by  the  sons  of  Simon  Maccabeus,  with  great 
loss  (1  Mc.  xvi.  1-10). 

Cen'ser  [sen-]  (Heb.  malUdh  or  machtdh,  and  mik- 
terdh).  The  former  of  the  Hebrew  words  seems  = 
any  instrument  to  seize  or  hold  burning  coals,  or  to 
receive  ashes,  &c.,  such  as  the  appendages  of  the 
brazen  altar  and  golden  candlestick  mentioned  in  Ex. 
XXV.  38,  xxxvii.  23.  It,  however,  generally  bears  the 
limited  meaning  which  properly  belongs  to  the  sec- 
ond word,  found  only  in  the  later  books  (e.  g.  2  Chr. 
xxvi.  19  ;  Ez.  viii.  11),  =  a  small  portable  vessel  of 


metal  fitted  to  receive  burning  coals  from  the  altar, 
and  on  which  the  incense  for  burning  was  sprinkled 
(2  Chr.  xxvi.  18;  LU.  i.  9).  The  only  distinct  pie- 
cepts  regarding  the  use  of  the  censer  are  found  in 
Num.  iv.  14,  and  Lev.  xvi.  12.  Solomon  piepaied 
"  censers  of  pure  gold  "  as  part  of  the  same  fui-iiiture 
(1  K.  vii.  50  ;  2  Chr.  iv.  22).  Possibly  their  geneial 
use  may  have  been  to  take  up  coals  from  the  brazen 
altar,  and  convey  the  incense  while  burning  to  the 
"  golden  altar,"  or  "  altar  of  incense,"  on  which  it 
was  to  be  offered  morning  and  evening  (Ex.  xxx.  7, 
8  ;  compare  Rev.  viii.  3,  5,  where  the  Greek  is  iiha- 
notos).  So  Uzziah,  when  he  was  intending  "  to  bum 
incense  upon  the  altar  of  incense,"  took  "  a  censer 
in  his  baud"  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  16,  19).  The  Greek  thu- 
mialerioii,  translated  "  censer  "  in  Heb.  ix.  4,  according 
to  some  =  the  allar  of  incense  ;  but  the  A.  V.  trans- 
lation is  favored  by  the  use  of  this  Greek  word  for 
"  censer"  in  the  LXX.  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  19  ;  Ez.  viii.  11). 
Census  [sen-]  (L.).  I.  Moses  laid  down  the  law 
(Ex.  xxx.  12,  13)  that  whenever  the  people  were 
numbered,  an  cflering  of  half  a  shekel  should  be 
made  by  every  man  above  twenty  years  of  age,  by 
way  of  atonement  or  propitiation.  The  instances  of 
numbering  recorded  in  the  0.  T.  are  as  follows  : — 1. 
Under  the  express  direction  of  God  (Ex.  xxxviii.  26), 
in  the  third  or  fourth  month  after  the  Exodus  during 
the  encampment  at  Sinai,  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of 
raising  money  for  the  Tabernacle.  The  numbers 
then  taken  amounted  to  603,550  men  (Chronology 
II.).  2.  Again,  in  the  second  month  of  the  second 
year  after  the  Exodus  (Xum.  i.  1  ft'.).  This  census 
may  have  been  simply  a  formal  verification  of  the 
result  of  the  census  previously  made  (so  Palfrey).  It 
was  taken  to  ascertain — (a.)  the  number  of  fighting 
men  from  the  age  of  twenty  to  filly ;  (h.)  the  amount 
of  the  redemption  offering  due  on  account  of  all  the 
FIRST-BORN  both  of  persons  and  cattle.  The  Levites, 
who  amounted  to  22,000  (perhaps  300  others  [com- 
pare Num.  iii.  22,  28,  34,  with  39]  were  themselves 
fii'st-born,  and  therefore  could  not  be  substitutes  for 
other  Israelites),  were  taken  in  lieu  of  the  first-born 
males  of  the  rest  of  Israel,  22,273  in  number,  ami 
for  the  sui-plus  of  273  a  money  payment  of  1,3(1.5 
shekels,  or  5  shekels  each,  was  made  to  Aaron  and 
his  sons  (Num.  iii.  39-51).  8.  Another  numbering 
took  place  thirty-eight  years  afterward  (Xum.  xxvi.), 
pi-evious  to  the  entrance  into  Canaan,  when  the  total 
number,  excepting  the  Levites,  amounted  to  601,730 
males,  showing  a  decrease  of  1,820.  4.  The  next 
formal  numbering  of  the  whole  people  was  in  the 
reign  of  David  (2  Sam.  xxiv.).  The  men  of  Israel 
above  twenty  years  of  age  were  800,000,  and  of 
Judah  500,000,  total  1,300,000.  1  Chr.  (xxi.  5,  6, 
xxvii.  24)  gives  the  number  of  Israel  1,100,000,  and 
of  Judah  470,000,  total  1,570,000;  but  informs  us 
that  Levi  and  Benjamin  were  not  numbered.  5.  The 
census  of  David  was  completed  by  Solomon,  by  causing 
the  foreigners  and  remnants  of  the  conquered  nations 
resident  in  Palestine  to  be  numbered.  Their  number 
=:  153,600,  and  they  were  employed  in  forced  labor 
on  his  great  architectural  works  (Josh.  ix.  27 ;  IK. 
V.  15,  ix.  20,  21  ;  1  Chr.  xxii.  2 ;  2  Chr.  ii.  17,  18). 
(Nethinim  ;  Slave.)  Between  this  time  and  the 
Captivity,  from  the  numbers  in  the  armies  under  suc- 
cessive kings  of  Israel  and  Judah,  may  be  gathered 
with  more  or  less  probability,  and  with  due  consid- 
eration of  the  circumstances  of  the  times  as  influ- 
encing the  number  of  the  levies,  estimates  of  the 
population  at  the  various  times  mentioned.  (Army  ; 
Israel,  Kingdom  of.)  6.  Rehoboam  collected  from 
Judah  and  Benjamin  180,000  men  to  fight  against 


CEN 


CES 


157 


Jeroboam  (1  K.  xii.  21).  V.  Abijam,  with  400,000 
men,  made  war  on  Jeroboam  witli  800,000,  of  whom 
600,000  were  slain  (2  Chr.  xiii.  3,  17).  %  Asa  liad 
an  army  of  300,000  men  from  Juduli,  and  280,000 
(Joseplius  .says  250,000)  from  Benjamin,  nitli  which 
he  defeated  Zerah  the  Ethiopian,  with  an  army  of 
1,000,000  (xiv.  8,  9).  9.  Jehoshaphat,  besides  men 
in  garrisons,  had  under  arms  1,160,000  men,  includ- 
ing perhaps  subject  foreigners  (xvii.  14-19).  10. 
.\maziah  liad  from  Judah  and  Benjamin  800,000, 
besides  100,000  mercenaries  from  Israel  (xxv.  5,  6). 
1 1.  Uzziah  could  bring  into  the  field  307,500  men 
(307,000,  Jos.),  well  armed,  under  2,600  officers 
(xxvi.  11—15).  Other  and  partial  notices  of  num- 
bers indicating  population  are  given  in  Judg.  vi.  85, 
vii.  3,  xii.  6  (compare  Num.  xxvi.  37),  Judg.  xx.  35, 
30  (compare  Num.  x.xvi.  41);  1  Chr.  xii.  23-38  ;  1 
K.  XX.  15  ;  2  K.  xxiv.  14,  16  ;  Jcr.  lii.  30.  See  also 
1  Chr.  v.  18,  vii.  5,  7,  9,  11,  40,  &c.  12.  The  num- 
ber of  those  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  in  the 
first  caravan  is  reclconed  at  42,300  (Ezr.  ii.  64) ;  but 
of  these  perhaps  12,542  belonged  to  other  tribes 
than  Judah  and  Benjamin.  The  purpose  of  this 
census  was  to  settle  with  reference  to  the  year  of 
Jubilee  the  inheritances  in  the  Holy  Land,  which 
had  been  disturbed  by  the  Captivity,  and  also  to 
ascertain  the  family  genealogies,  and  insure,  as  far 
za  possible,  the  purity  of  the  Jewish  race  (Ezr.  ii. 
69,  X.  2,  8,  18,  44;  Lev.  xxv.  10).  In  the  second 
caravaii,  B.  c.  458,  the  number  was  1,496.  Women 
and  children  are  in  neither  case  included  (Ezr.  viii. 
1-14).  Throughout  all  these  accounts  two  points 
are  clear:  (1.)  That  great  pains  were  taken  to  ascer- 
tain and  register  the  numbers  of  the  Jewish  people 
at  various  times  for  the  reasons  mentioned  above. 
(2.)  That  the  numbers  given  in  some  cases  can  with 
difficulty  be  reconciled  with  other  numbers  of  no 
very  distant  date,  as  well  as  with  the  presumed 
capacity  of  the  country  for  supporting  population. 
Thus  David's  census  would  represent  a  population 
of  at  least  5,814,000  in  Israel,  of  whom  not  less  than 
2,000,000  belonged  to  Judah  ;  Jehoshaphat's  (one 
hundred  years  later)  of  4,640,000  in  Judah  and  Ben- 
jamin, including  subject  foreigners ;  while  Amaziah's 
and  Uzziah's  were  much  less.  If  now  we  estimate 
the  whole  area  of  Palestine,  including  the  trans- 
Jordanic  tribes,  at  not  exceeding  11,000  square 
miles,  and  of  Judah  and  Benjamin  at  3,185  square 
miles,  the  population  of  Palestine  under  David  would 
l)e  not  less  than  530  to  one  square  mile,  and  that  of 
Judah  and  Benjamin  under  Jehoshaphat,  if  we  make 
DO  account  of  the  subject  foreigners  and  garrisons, 
at  1,480  to  one  square  mile.  The  population  of  Lan- 
cashire (England)  in  1852  was  1,004  to  one  square 
mile  ;  of  Middlesex  (England,  in  which  is  London) 
was  6,683  to  one  square  mile ;  of  the  island  of  Malta 
in  1849  was  1,182  to  one  sq.  mile.  Several  provinces 
of  China,  with  areas  of  from  39,000  to  70,000  square 
miles  each,  have  630  or  more  persons  (in  one  case 
832)  to  one  square  mile.  While  great  doubt  rests 
on  the  genuineness  of  numerical  expressions  in  O.  T. 
(Abijah  1 ;  Number),  it  must  be  considered  that  the 
readings  on  which  our  version  is  founded,  give  with 
trifling  variations  the  same  results  as  those  presented 
by  the  LXX.,  and  by  Josephus.  S.  Palestine,  af  least, 
was  very  populous  before  the  entrance  of  the  Israel- 
ites ;  compare  the  population  of  Ai  ("few  "  ±:  12,000 
men  and  women.  Josh.  vii.  3,  viii.  2£),  of  Gibcon 
("greater  than  Ai,"  x.  2),  the  123  cities  "with  their 
Tillages"  in  Judah  and  Simeon  (xv.,  lix.  1-9),  the 
20  in  Benjamin  (xviii.  21-28),  &c.  There  are 
abundant  traces  throughout  the  whole  of  Palestine 


of  a  much  higher  rate  of  fertility  in  former  as  com- 
pared with  present  times,  a  fertility  remarked  by 
profane  «  riters,  and  of  which  the  present  neglected 
state  of  cultivation  affords  no  test.  (Agricultube.) 
This  combined  with  the  positive  divine  promises  cf 
populousness,  increases  the  probability  of  at  least 
approximate  correctness  in  the  foregoing  estimates 
of  population. — II.  The  Roman  census  under  the 
Republic  consisted,  so  far  as  the  present  purpose  is 
concerned,  in  an  enrolment  of  persons  and  property 
by  tribes  and  households.  The  census  was  taken, 
more  or  less  regularly,  in  the  provinces,  under  the 
republic,  by  provincial  censors,  and  the  tribute  regu- 
lated at  their  discretion,  but  no  complete  census  was 
made  before  the  time  of  Augustus,  who  carried  out 
three  general  inspections  of  this  kind,  viz.,  (1.)  B.  c. 
28  ;  (2.)  B.  c.  8 ;  (3.)  a.  d.  14  ;  and  a  partial  one, 
A.  D.  4.     CvRENirs  ;  Taxing. 

Cen-tn'ri-on  (fr.  L.  ((nlvrio  =  ccmmander  of  one 
hundred).     Army  ;  Cornelius. 

Ce'phttS  [sce'fas]  (L.  fr.  Hcb.  =  a  rock).     Peter. 

Ce'ras  =  Keros  (1  Esd.  v.  29). 

Ce's«r  [see'zar]  (L.  Camr  =  cut  out,  sc.  from  his 
mother,  Pliny),  always  in  the  N.  T.  =  the  Roman 
emperor,  the  sovereign  of  Judea  (Jn.  xix.  12,  15; 
Acts  xvii.  7,  &c.).  The  N.  T.  history  falls  entirely 
within  the  reigns  of  the  five  first  emperors,  viz.,  Au- 
gustus, Tiberius,  Caligula,  CuAumus,  and  Nero, 
who  were  all  related  to  Julius  Cesar  the  Dicta- 
tor. 

Ces-«-re'«  [ses]  (L.  Casarea,  nsmed  in  honor  of 
Augustus  Cesar),  a  city,  named  in  the  N.  T.  as  the 
residence,  apparently  for  several  years,  of  Philip  the 
Evangelist,  the  scene  of  the  conversion  of  Corne- 
lius the  centurion,  of  the  death  of  Herod  Agrippa 
I.,  and  of  several  events  in  the  history  of  St.  Paul, 
including  his  imprisonment  for  two  years,  his  plead- 
ing before  Felix,  Festus,  and  Herod  Agrippa  II., 
and  his  appeal  to  Cesar  (Acts  viii.  40,  ix.  30,  x.  1, 
24,  xi.  11,  xii.  19,  xviii.  22,  xxi.  8,  16,  xxiii.  23,  33, 
xxv.  1,  4,  0,  13).  Cesavea  was  situated  on  the  coast 
of  Palestine,  on  the  line  of  the  great  road  from 
Tyre  to  Egypt,  and  about  half  way  between  Jcppa 
and  Accho  or  Ptolemais.  St.  Peter's  journey  from 
Joppa  (x.  24)  occupied  rather  more  than  a  day.  On 
the  other  hand  St.  Paul's  jouiney  fiom  Ptolemais 
(xxi.  8)  was  acccmplishrd  within  the  day.  The 
distance  from  Jerusalem  was  about  seventy  miles ; 
Josephus  states  it  in  round  numbers  as  six  hundred 
stadia.  (Antipatris.)  In  Strabo's  time  there  was 
on  this  point  of  the  coast  merely  a  town  called 
"  Strato's  tower "  with  a  landing-place,  whereas,  in 
the  time  of  Tacitus,  Cesarea  is  spoken  of  as  the  head 
of  Judoa.  It  was  in  this  interval  that  the  city  was 
built  by  Herod  the  Great.  The  work  was  in  fact  ac- 
complished in  ten  years.  The  utmost  care  and  ex- 
pense were  lavished  on  the  building  of  Cesarea.  A 
vast  breakwater  protected  its  harbor.  It  was  the 
official  residence  of  the  Ilerodian  kings,  and  of  Fes- 
tus, Felix,  and  the  other  Roman  procurators  of  Ju- 
dea. Here  also  were  the  head(iuarters  of  the  mili- 
tary forces  of  the  province.  The  Gentile  population 
predominated ;  and  at  the  Jewish  synagogue-wor- 
ship the  0.  T.  was  read  in  Greek.  Constant  feuds 
took  place  between  the  Jews  and  Greeks.  At  Ces- 
area Vespasian  was  declared  emperor.  He  made  it 
a  Roman  colony.  Eusebius  the  ecclesiastied  his- 
torian wivs  bishop  of  Cesarea  in  the  fourth  century. 
Cesarea  continued  to  be  a  city  of  some  importance 
even  in  the  time  of  the  Crusades.  Now,  though  an 
Arabic  corruption  of  the  name  still  lingers  on  the 
site  {KaMriyeky,  it  is  utterly  desolate ;  and  its  ruins 


158 


CES 


CE3 


have  for  a  long  perioJ  been  a  quarry,  from  which 
other  towns  ia  this  part  of  Syria  have  been  built. 


Ces-a-re'a  Phi-ISp'pi  [ses-]  (L.  Camrea  PMHppi, 
named  by  Hekod  Philip  II.  after  Cesab  and  him- 


Cesarea. — (From  a  Sketch  by  W  m.  Ti]jpin?,  !-?'!.> 


self),  is  mentioned  only  in  Mat.  xvi.  13  ;  Mk.  viii.  27. 
Ce.sarea  Philippi  was  the  N.  point  of  our  Lord's  jour- 
neyings  ;  and  the  passage  in  His  life,  which  was  con- 
nected with  the  place,  was  otherwise  very  marked. 
(Tbaxsfiquration.)     Tlie  place  itself  too  is  remark- 


able in  its  physical  and  picturesque  characteristics, 
and  also  in  its  historical  associations.  It  was  at  the 
E.  and  most  important  of  the  tno  recognized  sources 
of  the  Jordan,  the  other  being  at  the  Tell  el-Kadi 
(Dan  2.)    The  spring  rises,  and  the  city  was  built 


The  Source  of  the  Jordan  at  Biini'is  (Ceurea  Philippi).— *Vom  Van  de  Velde,  Le  Pays  rf'/*ra«^.— <Fbn.) 


on  a  limestone  terrace  in  a  valley  at  the  base  of 
Mount  Ilerraon.  Cesarea  Philippi  has  no  0.  T.  his- 
tory, though  it  has  been  not  unreasonably  identified 
with  Baal- Gad.  (Baal,  geography,  5  ;  see  also 
Beth-rehob.)  Its  annals  run  back  direct  from 
Herod's  time  into  heathenism.    It  was  the  Panium 


of  Josephus  (xv.  10,  §  3),  and  the  Faneas  of  tly 
Greeks  and  Romans ;  and  the  inscriptions  are  uo 
yet  obliterated  which  show  that  the  god  Pan  ha 
once  a  sanctuary  at  this  spot.  Panium  became  pap 
of  the  territory  of  Philip,  tetrarch  of  Trachonitia 
who  enlarged  and  embellished  the  town,  and  call© 


CE3 


CHA 


159 


it  Cesarea  Philippi.  Agrippa  II.  called  the  place 
I  Nermiiiu  in  lienor  of  Ntro.-  Titus  exhibited  gladia- 
torial shows  here  after  the  end  of  tlie  Jewish  war. 
Coins  of  Cesarea  Paneas  continued  tlirough  the 
reigns  of  many  emperors.  Tlio  biisliop  of  I'ancm 
appears  in  ecclesiastical  history.  The  modern  vil- 
lage is  called  Buniiis,  the  Arabic  form  of  Paneas. 
The  vast  castle  above  the  site  of  the  city,  built  in 
SjTO-Greek  or  even  Phenician  times,  is  still  the  most 
remarkable  fortress  in  the  Holy  Land. 

•  (>s  il  (Ilcb.  ci*U  or  cxil  =z  fool,  Ges.)  =  Orion 
(margin  of  Job  ix.  9  and  xxxviii.  31). 

Cf'tafc  (fr.  Gr.)  (1  Esd.  r.  30),  a  name  among  the 
Ncthinim,  not  in  Ezra  or  Nehemiah. 

Cba'bris  [ka-]  (fr.  Gr.),  son  of  Gothoniel ;  one  of 
the  three  "  rulers  "  or  "  ancients  "  of  Bethulia,  in 
tlie  time  of  Judith  (Jd.  vi.  IS,  viii.  10,  x.  6). 

Chadl-as[kii-]  (fr.  Gr.),  (1  Esd.  v.  20).    AMMinoi. 

fhaff,  the  translation  in  A.V.  of— 1.  Heb.  hushash 
or  cliiishiuh  —  dri/  grass,  hay  (Is.  v.  24,  xxxiii.  11). 
— 2.  Heb.  mols  =  chaff  separated  by  winnowing 
from  the  grain — the  liusk  of  the  wheat  (Job  xxi. 
18 ;  P.«.  i.  4,  &c.). — 3.  Heb.  Uhen,  once  (Jcr.  xxiii. 
28)  translated  "  chaff,"  once  (Job  xxi.  18)  "  stubble," 
elsewhere  "  straw  "  (Ex.  v.  7,  10,  11,  &c.);  =  straw, 
as  broken  up  and  cut  in  pieces  by  threshing,  short 
ttraie,  chaff,  Ges.  (Straw.) — 4.  Chaldaic  'ur,  once 
(Dan.  ii.  S5). — 5.  Gr.  achuron  (Mat.  iii.  12  ;  Lk.  iii. 
17)  =  chaf,  short  straw,  (Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  ;  in  LXX. 
=  No.  *  &  3. 

Chain.  Chains  were  used,  1.  as  badges  of  office ; 
2.  for  ornament ;  3.  for  confining  prisoners.  1.  The 
gold  chain  placed  about  Joseph's  neck  (Gen.  xli.  42), 
and  that  promised  to  Daniel  (Dan.  v.  7),  are  in- 
stances of  the  first  use.  In  Egypt  it  was  one  of  the 
insignia  of  a  judge,  who  wore  an  image  of  trutli  at- 
tached to  it ;  it  wa,«  also  worn  by  the  prime  minister. 
In  Persia  it  was  considered  not  only  as  a  mark  of 
royal  favor,  but  a  token  of  investiture.  2.  Chains 
for  ornamental  purposes  were  worn  by  men  as  well 
as  women  in  many  countries  both  of  Europe  and 
Asia,  and  probably  among  the  Hebrews  (Prov.  i.  9). 
The  necklace  consisted  of  pearls,  corals,  &c.,  threaded 
on  a  string.  Besides  the  neeklace,  other  chains  were 
worn  (Jd.  X.  4)  hanging  down  as  far  as  the  waist,  or 
even  wver.  Some  were  adorned  with  pieces  of 
metal,  shaped  in  the  form  of  the  moon  ("  round  tires 
like  the  moon,"  A.  V. ;  Is.  iii.  18).  The  Midianitcs 
adorned  the  necks  of  their  camels  with  it(Judg.  viii. 
21,  26).  To  other  chains  were  suspended  various 
trinkets — as  scent-bottles  ("  tablets  "  A.  V.,-Is.  iii. 
20)  and  mirrors  (iii.  23).  Step-chains  were  attached 
to  the  ankle-rings,  which  shortened  the  step  and 
produced  a  mincing  gait  (Is.  iii.  16,  18).  (Anklkt  ; 
Eak-rinos;  Ornaments,  Pkrsonal.)  3.  The  means 
adopted  for  confining  prisoners  among  the  Jews 
were  fetters  similar  to  our  handcuffs  (Cord).  Among 
the  Uomans,  the  prisoner  was  handcuffed  to  one,  and 
occasionally  to  two  guards  (Acts  xii.  6,  7,  xxi.  33). 
Trial. 

Chal're-do-ny  [kal'se-]  (Or.  ehalkeddn,  named  fr. 
Chalcedon)  (Rev.  xxi.  19  only).  The  name  is  applied 
in  modem  mineralogy  to  a  variety  of  quartz 
(Aoate),  of  a  pearly  or  wax-like  lustre  and  of 
great  translucency.  There  can,  however,  be  little 
doubt  that  the  .stone  to  which  Theophrastus  (De 
ZapiJ.  ^  2.5)  refers,  as  found  in  the  island  opposite 
Chalcedon  and  used  as  a  solder,  must  have  been  the 
green  transparent  carbonate  of  copper,  or  our  cop- 
per emerald. 

Chalfol  [kal-1  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Calcol  (1  K.  iv.  81). 

ChalHbe'a  (L.)  =  Cbaldea. 


Cbal-de'a  [kal-]  (L.  Chaldaa  ;  Kaldi  or  Kaldai  on 
native  monuments  ;  Heb.  Casdim,  derived  by  some 
from  CiiKsEi),  =  "  Chaldeans  ;  "  see  also  Chilmad) 
is  pro])crly  only  the  most  S.  portion  of  Babylonia, 
it  is  used,  however,  in  our  version  for  the  Ilebrew 
Casdim  ("  Chaldeans "),  under  which  term  the  in- 
habitants of  the  entire  country  are  designated  ;  and 
it  will  therefore  here  be  taken  in  this  extended  sense. 
The  origin  of  the  term  is  very  doubtful. — 1.  Extent 
ayid  boundaries. — The  tract  of  country  viewed  in  Scrip- 
ture as  the  land  of  the  Chaldeans  is  that  vast  alluvial 
plain  which  has  been  formed  by  the  deposits  of  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Tigris — at  least  so  iiir  as  it  lies 
to  the  W.  of  the  latter  stream.  This  extraordinary 
flat,  unbroken  except  by  the  works  of  man,  extends 
from  Hit  on  the  Euphrates  and  Tekrit  on  the  Tigris 
to  the  Persian  Gulf,  four  hundred  miles  along  the 
course  of  the  rivers,  and  is  on  an  average  about  one 
hundred  miles  in  width. — 2.  General  character  of  the 
country. — The  general  aspect  of  the  country  is  thus 
described  :  "  In  former  days  the  vast  plains  of  Bab- 
ylon were  nourished  by  a  complicated  system  of 
canals  and  watercourses,  which  spread  over  the  sur- 
face of  the  country  like  a  net  work.  The  wants  of 
a  teeming  population  were  suppUed  by  a  rich  soil, 
not  less  bountiful  than  that  on  the  banks  of  the 
Egyptian  Nile.  Like  islands  rising  from  a  golden 
sea  of  waving  corn,  stood  frequent  groves  of  palm- 
trees  and  pleasant  gardens,  affording  to  the  idler  or 
traveller  their  grateful  and  highly-valued  shade. 
Crowds  of  passengers  hurried  along  the  dusty  roads 
to  and  from  the  busy  city.  The  land  was  rich  in 
corn  and  wine.  How  changed  is  the  aspect  of  that 
region  at  the  present  day  !  Long  lines  of  mounds, 
it  is  true,  mark  the  courses  of  those  main  arteries 
which  formerly  diffused  life  and  vegetation  along 
their  banks,  but  their  channels  are  now  bereft  of 
moisture  and  choked  with  drifted  sand  ;  the  smaller 
offshoots  are  wholly  effaced.  '  A  drought  is  upon 
the  waters,'  says  the  prophet,  '  and  they  shall  be 
dried  up ! '  All  that  remains  of  that  ancient  civil- 
ization— '  that  glory  of  kingdoms,' — '  the  praise  of 
the  whole  earth,' — is  recognizable  in  the  numerous 
mouldering  heaps  of  brick  and  rubbish  which  over- 
spread the  surface  of  the  plain.  Instead  of  the 
luxurious  fields,  the  groves,  and  gardens,  nothing 
now  meets  the  eye  but  an  arid  waste — tlie  dense 
population  of  former  times  is  vanished,  and  no  man 
dwells  there."  (Loftus's  Chaldaa,  14,  15).  The 
prosperity  and  fertility  of  the  country  depend  en- 
tirely on  the  regulation  of  the  waters.  Carefully  ap- 
plied and  husbanded,  they  are  sufficient  to  make  the 
entire  plain  a  garden. — 3.  Divisions. — The  true 
Chaldea  is  always  in  the  geographers  the  most  S. 
portion  of  Babylonia,  chiefly  (if  not  solely)  on  the 
right  bank  of  tfie  Euphrates.  Babylonia  above  this, 
is  separated  into  two  districts,  called  respectively 
Amordacia  and  Anranitis.  The  former  is  the  name 
of  the  central  territory  round  Babylon  itself;  the 
latter  is  applied  to  tlie  regions  toward  the  N.,  where 
Babylonia  borders  on  Assyria. — 4.  Cities. — Babylonia 
was  celebrated  at  all  times  for  the  number  and  an- 
tiquity of  its  cities.  Some  of  the  most  important 
of  those  were  Accad,  Babylon  (Babel),  Borsippa 
{Birs-Nimrvd),  Sippara  or  Sepiiarvaim,  Calneh, 
Erech,  Ur,  Is  (Hit)  (Ahava  ;  Ivah)  ;  and  a  multi- 
tude of  others,  the  sites  of  many  of  which  have  not 
been  determined. — 6.  Canals. — One  of  the  most  re- 
markable features  of  ancient  Babylonia  was  its  net- 
work of  canals.  Three  principal  canals  carried  off 
the  waters  of  the  Euphrates  toward  the  Tigris,  above 
Babylon : — (1.)  The  original  "  Royal  River,"  or  Ar- 


IGO 


CHA 


CHA 


Malclia  of  Berosus ;  (2.)  the  l^ahr  Malcha  of  the 
Ar.ibs;  (3.)  the  Nahr  Kutha.  On  the  other  side  of 
the  stream,  a  large  canal,  leaving  the  Euphrates  at 
Hit,  where  the  alluvial  plain  commences,  skirted  the 
deposit  on  the  W.  along  its  entire  extent,  and  fell 
into  the  Persian  Gulf  at  the  head  of  the  Bubian 
creek ;  while  a  second  main  artery  branched  from 
the  Euphrates  nearly  at  Mosaib,  and  ran  into  a  great 
lake,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Borsippa,  whence  the 
lands  S.  W.  of  Babylon  were  irrigated.  From  these 
and  other  similar  channels,  with  their  numerous 
branches  and  crosscuts,  every  field  was  duly  supplied 
with  water  "  by  the  hand  or  by  the  help  of  engines  " 
(Hdt.).  Herodotus  (so  Rln.)  probably  refers  by  "  en- 
gines "  to  the  common  hand-swipe  or  sweep,  repre- 
sentations of  which  are  found  on  the  monuments. 


HaDd-Bwipe. — From  a  slab  of  Sennacherib. — (RawllluoQ*8  Herodotut,  1.  35&) 

(Egypt.) — 6.  Sea  of  Nedjef,  Chaldean  marshes,  &e. 
— The  "  great  inland  fresh-water  sea  of  Ned/'ef  " 
(Loftus,  45)  is  a  permanent  lake  of  considerable 
depth,  S.  of  Babylon,  about  forty  miles  in  length, 
and  thirty-five  miles  in  its  greatest  width.  Above 
and  below  the  Sea  of  Neiijef,  from  the  Birs-Nimrud 
to  Kufa,  and  from  the  S.  E.  extremity  of  the  Sea  to 
iSamajia,  extend  the  famous  Chaldean  marshes,  where 
Alexander  was  nearly  lost. — 7.  Productions. — The 
extraordinary  fertility  of  the  Chaldean  soil  has  been 
noticed  by  various  writers.  It  is  said  to  be  the  only 
country  in  the  world  where  wheat  grows  wild.  He- 
rodotus declared  (i.  1 93)  that  grain  commonly  re- 
turned two-hundredfold  to  the  sower,  and  occasion- 
ally three-hundredfold.  The  palm  was  undoubtedly 
one  of  the  principal  objects  of  cultivation.  The  soil 
is  rich,  but  there  is  little  cultivation,  the  inhabitants 
subsisting  chiefly  upon  dates.  More  than  half  the 
country  is  left  dry  and  waste  from  the  want  of  a 
proper  system  of  irrigation ;  while  the  remaining 
half  is  to  a  great  extent  covered  with  marshes  owing 
to  the  same  neglect.     See  Map,  under  Euphrates. 

Cbal-de'ans  [kal-dee'anz]  or  Cbal'dees  [kal'deez] 
(see  Chaldea),  appear  in  Scripture,  until  the  time 
of  the  Captivity,  as  the  people  of  the  country  which 
has  Babylon  for  its  capital,  and  which- is  itself 
termed  Siiinak  ;  but  in  Daniel,  while  this  meaning  is 
still  found  (v.  30,  and  ix.  1),  a  new  sense  shows  it- 
self. The  Chaldeans  are  classed  with  the  magicians 
and  astronomers ;  and  evidently  form  a  sort  of  priest 
class,  who  have  a  peculiar  "  tongue  "  and  "  learn- 
ing "  (i.  4),  and  are  consulted  by  the  king  on  reli- 
gious subjects.  The  same  variety  appears  in  pro- 
fane writers.  It  appears  that  the  Chaldeans  were 
in  the  earliest  times  merely  one  out  of  the  many 
Cushite  tribes  inhabiting  the  great  alluvial  plain 
known  afterward  as  Chaloea  or  Babylonia.  Their 
special  seat  was  probably  that  S.  portion  of  the 
country  which  so  late  retained  the  name  of  Chaldea. 
Here  was  Ur  "  of  the  Chaldees."  In  process  of 
time,  as  they  grew  in  power,  their  name  gradually  pre- 
vailed over  those  of  the  other  tribes  inhabiting  the 
country  ;  and  by  the  era  of  the  Jewish  Captivity  it 


had  begun  to  be  used  generally  for  all  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Babylonia.  It  had  come  by  this  time  to 
have  two  senses,  both  ethnic:  (1.)  as  the  special 
appellative  of  a  particular  race  to  whom  it  had  be- 
longed from  the  remotest  times  ;  (2.)  as  a  designa- 
tion of  the  nation  at  large  in  which  this  race  was 
predominant.  That  the  Chaldeans  proper  were  a 
Cushite  race  is  proved  by  the  remains  of  their  lan- 
guage, which  closely  resembles  the  Galla  or  ancient 
language  of  Ethiopia.  Now  it  appears  by  the  in- 
scriptions tliat  while  both  in  Assyria  and  in  later 
Babylonia,  the  Shemitic  type  of  speech  prevailed  f'  a- 
civil  purposes,  the  ancient  Cushite  dialect  was  re- 
tained as  a  learned  language  for  scientific  and  re- 
hgious  literature.  This  is  no  doubt  the  "  learning  " 
and  the  "  tongue  "  to  which  reference  is  made  in 
Dan.  i.  4.  (Shemitic  Languages  ;  Toxgdes,  Cox- 
FDsiON  of;  Versions,  Ancient.)  The  Chaldeans 
were  really  the  learned  class ;  they  were  priests, 
magicians,  or  astronomers,  and  in  the  last  of  the 
three  capacities  they  probably  effected  discoveries 
of  great  importance.  Accordhig  to  Strabo,  there 
were  two  chief  seats  of  Chaldean  learning,  Borsipjja, 
and  Ur  or  Orchoe.  To  these  we  may  add,  from 
Pliny,  Babylon  and  Sippara  or  Sepharvaim.  The 
Chaldeans  (it  would  appear)  congregated  into  bodies, 
forming  what  we  may  perhaps  call  universities,  and 
pursuing  the  studies,  in  which  they  engaged,  to- 
gether. They  probably  mixed  up  to  some  extent 
astrology  with  their  astronomy,  even  in  the  earlier 
times,  but  they  certainly  made  great  advances  in 
astronomical  science.  In  later  times  they  seem  to 
have  degenerated  into  mere  fortune-tellers.  As- 
tronomy ;  Divination  ;  Idolatry  ;  Magi  ;  Magic. 

Chal'deeSi     Chaldeans. 

Chalk  [chawk]  Stoues  =  stones  of  lime  or  limi 
stone  (Is.  xxvii.  9). 

*  Chamber  [chame-].  The  "  chambersof  imagery" 
(Ez.  viii.  12)  refer  to  the  imitation  of  Egyptian  man- 
ners by  painting  on  the  wall  of  a  chamber  represen- 
tations of  the  irrational  creatures  and  various  idols 
which  were  the  immediate  objects  of  worship  (Fair- 
bairn). — The  "  chambers  of  the  South  "  (Job  ix.  9) 
=  the  remotest  recesses  of  the  South  (Gesenius) ; 
compare  Ps.  civ.  3.  Bed  ;  House  ;  Palace  ;  Tem- 
ple. 

*  Cham'bcr-ing  =  lewdness,  or  licentious  behavior 
(Rom.  xiii.  13). 

Cbam'ber-laio.  Erastus  "  the  chamberlain  "  of 
the  city  of  Corinth,  was  one  whose  salutations  to 
the  Roman  Christians  are  given  in  Rom.  xvi.  23. 
The  office  which  he  held  was  apparently  that  of 
public  treasurer,  an  inferior  magistrate,  who  had 
the  charge  of  the  public  chest  under  the  authority 
of  the  senate,  and  kept  the  accounts  of  the  public 
revenues  (Governor  14).  The  office  held  by  Blas- 
tus,  "  the  king's  chamberlain  "  (margin  "  that  was 
over  the  king's  bed-chamber  "),  was  entirely  different 
from  this  (Acts  xii.  20).  It  was  a  post  of  honor 
which  involved  great  intimacy  and  influence  with 
the  king.  For  chamberlain  as  used  in  the  0.  T., 
see  EuNucn. 

Cha-me'le-on  [ka-],  the  translation  in  A.  V.,  LXX., 
and  Vulgate  of  the  Heb.  coah  or  coach  (literally 
strength),  one  of  the  unclean  animals  in  Lev.  xL  30. 
(Mole  1.)  Bochart  accepts  the  Arabic  reading  of 
elioarlo,  i.  c.  the  lirard,  known  by  the  name  of  the 
"Monitor  of  the  Nile"  {Monitor  Nilotiais,  GrcyV 
a  large  strong  reptl'e  common  in  Egypt  and  otln 
parts  of  Africa ;  hut  the  evidence  which  suppori; 
this  interpretation  >8  far  from  conclusive. 

Cham'ois  [shan^  me  or  sha-moi],  the  translation 


I 


CHA 


CHA 


161 


in  A.  V.  of  the  Heb.  zemer,  one  of  the  animals  al- 
lowed for  food  (Deut.  xiv.  6);  the  LXX.,  Vulgate, 
and  some  other  versions,  give  "camelopard"  or 
"  giraffe."  But  there  is  no  evidence  th.it  the  cham- 
ois or  the  camelopard  has  ever  been  seen  in  Pales- 
tine or  Lebanon.  Col.  C.  H.  Smith  (in  Kitto)  sug- 
gests the  Kebsch  (Ammotroffus  Tragelaphux),  a  wild 
sheep,  in  general  form  like  a  goat,  not  uncommon, 
he  says,  in  the  Mokattam  rocks  near  Cairo,  and 
found  also  in  Sinai ;  not  improbably  this  is  the  ani- 
mal denoted. 

•  Cham-piiigD'  [sham-pane']  (fr.  Fr.)  =  a  plain 
(Deut.  xi.  30 ;  Ez.  xxvii.  '1,  margin).  Arabah  ; 
Plain  2,  3  ;   V'allky  4. 

ChanaaB  [ka'nan],  the  Greek  and  Latin  form  of 
Canaan  (.Id.  v.  .3,  9,  10;  Ba-.  iii.  22;  Sus.  56;  1 
Mc.  ix.  S7;  Acts  vii.  11,  xiii.  19). 

Chanaao-ite  [ka'nau-ite]  (Jd.  v.  16)  =  Canaan- 

ITE. 

•  Chan'eeWor  [ch  as  in  much]  (Ezr.  iv.  8,  9,  17). 
Rehcm  2. 

•  Chan'fl-Boiie  (Job  xxxi.  22,  margin)  —  the  bone 
of  the  aini  above  the  elbow. 

•Changers  (Jn.  ii.  15).     Monet-ciia.ngeh.s. 
Chan-no-ne'iiS  (fr.  Gr.);  apparently  —  Merabi  (1 
Esd.  viii.  48). 

•  Cba  norb  [ka'nok]  (Heb.)  =  Enoch  1  (Gen.  iv. 
17,  margin). 

•  Chapel  [ch  as  in  much],  the  translation  in  A.  V. 
(Am.  vii.  13)  of  Heb.  mikdash  (^  any  thing  sacred, 
a  holy  place,  Ges.),  elsewhere  usually  translated 
"  sanctuary."  In  1  Mc.  i.  47  the  plural  of  Gr.  ddo- 
leion  (=  "  idol's  temple  "  in  1  Mc.  x.  83,  &c. ;  1  Cor. 
viii.  10)  is  translated  "  chapels  of  idols."  In  2  Mc. 
X.  2,  xi.  3,  the  plural  of  Gr.  Umenot  is  translated 
"chapels."     See  cut  under  Temple. 

Chap'i-ter  =  the  upper  member,  or  capital  of  a 
pillar ;  also  possibly  a  roll  moulding  at  the  top  of  a 
building  or  work  of  art :  as  (1.)  of  the  pillars  of  the 
Tabernacle  and  Temple,  and  of  the  two  pillars 
called  especially  Jachin  and  BoAZ;  and  (2.)  of  the 
lavers  (Laver)  belonging  to  the  Temple  (Ex.  xxxviii. 
17;   IK.  vii.  27,  31,  38,  41). 

•  Cbap'men  =  traders;  in  2  Chr.  ix.  14,  especially 
men  who  travel  for  the  sake  of  traffic. 

Char-a-ath'a-lar  [kar-]  (Gr.).  "  Cherub,  Addan, 
and  Immer"  (Ezr.  ii.  69)  is  changed  in  1  Esd.  v.  3(5 
to  "  Chaniathalar  leading  them,  and  Aalar." 

Char'a-ca  [kar-]  (Gr.  and  L.),  a  place  (2  Mc.  xii. 
17  only)  inhabited  by  the  Jews  called  Tubieni,  on 
the  E.  of  Jordan,  750  stadia  from  the  city  Caspis. 
Ewald  identifies  it  with  Rapiioi).  The  only  name 
like  Oharaca  now  known  on  the  E.  of  Jordan  is  Ke- 
rak,  the  ancient  Km  of  Moab. 

Chara-shim  (Heb.  hiirdshim  or  chiirAshim  = 
erafhmcii),  tlic  Val'ley  of,  a  place  founded  or  settled 
by  JoAB  2(1  Chr.  iv.  14),  and  reinhabited  by  Ben- 
jamites  after  the  Captivity  (Neh.  xi.  35).  In  Nehe- 
miah  it  is  "  valley  of  craftsmen."     Engraver. 

Char'tba-Biis  [ch  as  k]  (L.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Carciie- 
llisn(l  End.  i.  25). 

Char'cliomisli  [ch  as  i]  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Carchemish 
(2  Chr.  XXXV.  20). 

Char'tM  [kar'kas]  (1  Esd.  v.  82).  Corrupted  from 
Barkos. 

Cha're-a  [ka-]  (Gr.)  =  Harsha  (1  Esd.  v.  32). 

Charger  [ch  as  in  mitchX  the  translation  in  A.  V. 
of— 1.  Heb.  ayarUil  (Ezr.  \.  9,  twice  in  plural,  only), 
probably  =  sltiughler-bamn,  i.  e.  a  basin  for  receiv- 
ing blood,  Ges.— -2.  Heb.  ke'drdh  (Num.  vii.  13- 
85)  =  a  deep  dtth,  boml,  charger,  Ges. ;  elsewhere 
(Ex.  xxT.  29,  ixxviL  16;  Num.  iv.  7)  translated 
II 


"  dishes."  The  "  chargers  "  in  Num.  vii.  were  of 
silver,  and  weighed  each  one  hundred  and  thirty 
shekels,  or  sixty-five  ounces. — 3.  Gr.  pinax,  literally 
a  board,  plahk  ;  hence  a  wooden  trencher,  dish,  or 
plate,  and  the  Greek  name  continued  when  the  mate- 
rial was  changed,  L.  &  S.  (Mat.  xiv.  8,  1 1  ;  Mk.  vi.  25, 
28) ;  in  Lk.  xi.  39  translated  "  platter."  The  daugh- 
ter of  Herodias  brought  the  head  of  John  Baptist  in 
a  charger.     Basin. 

Char  1-ot,  the  translation  in  A.  V.  of— 1.  Heb.  re- 
cheb  =  (so  Ges.)  a  wagon,  chariot,  either  for  war  or 
serving  for  luxury  and  pomp ;  often  referring  chiefly 
to  the  horses,  and  also  to  the  warriors  who  sit  upon 
the  chariots  (2  Sam.  viii.  4,  x.  18). — 2.  Heb.  rechub, 
a  chariot  or  horse  (Ps.  civ.  3). — 3.  Heb.  mercdb,  a 
chariot  (1  K.  iv.  26,  v.  6  Heb.)  or  seat  (Lev.  xv.  9 
[A.  V.  "  saddle "]  ;  Cant.  iii.  10  [A.  Y.  "  cover- 
ing"]).— i.  Heb.  mercahdh  (=  No.  1  in  signification, 
each  occurring  many  times  in  0.  T.). — 5.  Heb.  ridi- 
ba/i  z=  a  riding  or  driving,  Ges.  (Ez.  xxvii.  20 
only).  No.  1-5  are  all  from  the  same  root  (r&chab  = 
to  ride). — 6.  Heb.  'agdldh  (Ps.  xlvi.  9,  Heb.  10),  else- 
where translated  "  cart  "  or  "  wagon." — 7.  Heb. 
appiryoH  (Cant.  iii.  9,  margin  "  bed  ")  =  a  sedan, 
litter,  a  portable  couch  or  palanquin,  Ges. — 8.  Heb. 
hdtsen  (Ez.  xxiii.  24  only)  —  veapons,  arms,  Ges., 
Targums,  &c. ;  chariots,  A.  V.,  Fbn.  on  Ez. — 9.  Gr. 
harma  (Acts  viii.  28,  29,  38,  &c.);  in  LXX.  =  No. 
1,  4,  5. — 10.  Gr.  rhede  (Rev.  xviii.  13,  in  plural 
only)  =  a  four-wheeled  carriaeje  for  travelling,  a 
chariot,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.  Of  the  chariot  as  a  ve- 
hicle used  for  peaceful  purposes,  the  following  are 
probable  instances  as  regards  the  Jews,  1  Sam.  viii. 
11  ;  2  Sam.  xv.  1  ;  1  K.  xii.  18,  xviii.  44  ;  Is.  xxii. 
18  ;  and  as  regards  other  nations.  Gen.  xlL  43,  xlvi. 
29;  2  K.  V.  9,  21  ;  Acts  viii.  28  ft'.  The  earliest 
mention  of  chariots  in  Scripture  is  in  Egypt,  where 
Joseph,  as  a  mark  of  distinction,  was  placed  in 
Pharaoh's  second  chariot  (Gen.  xii.  43),  and  later 
when  he  went  in  his  own  chariot  to  meet  his  father 
on  his  entrance  into  Egypt  from  Canaan  (xlvi.  29). 
In  the  funeral  procession  of  Jacob  chariots  also 
formed  a  part,  possibly  by  way  of  escort  or  as  a 
guard  of  honor  (1.  9).  The  next  mention  of  Egyp- 
tian chariots  is  for  a  warlike  purpose  (Ex.  xiv.  7). 
In  this  point  of  view  chariots  among  some  ancient 
nations,  as  elephants  among  others,  may  be  regard- 
ed as  filling  tlie  place  of  heavy  artillery  in  modem 
times,  so  that  the  military  power  of  a  nation  might 
be  estimated  by  the  number  of  its  chariots.  Thus 
Pharaoh  in  pursuing  lirael  took  with  him  600 
chariots.  The  Canaanites  of  the  valleys  of  Palestine 
could  resist  the'  Israelites  successfully  in  consequence 
of  the  number  of  their  chariots  of  iron,  i.  e.  perhaps 
armed  with  iron  scythes  (see  below;  Ges. «.  v. ;  Josh, 
xvii.  18;  Judg.  i.  19).  Jabin,  king  of  Canaan,  had 
900  chariots  (Judg.  iv.  3).  The  Philistines  in  f'aul's 
time  had  30,000,  a  number  which  seems  excessive 
(1  Sam.  xiii.  6).  David  took  from  Hadadezer,  king 
of  Zobah,  1,000  chariots  (2  Sam.  viii.  4),  and  from 
the  Syrians  a  little  later  700  (x.  18),  who  in  order 
to  recover  their  ground  collected  32,000  chariots  ( 1 
Chr.  xix.  7).  Up  to  this  time  the  Israelites  pos- 
sessed few  or  no  chariots,  partly  no  doubt  in  conse- 
quence of  the  theocratic  prohibition  against  multi- 
plying horses,  for  fear  of  intercourse  with  Egypt, 
and  the  regal  despotism  implied  in  the  possession 
of  them  (Deut.  xvii.  16;  1  Sam.  viii.  11,  12).  But 
to  some  extent  David  (2  Sam.  viii.  4),  and  in  a  much 
greater  degree  Solomon,  broke  through  the  prohibi- 
tion. He  raised,  therefore,  and  maintained  a  force 
of  1,400  chariots  (1  K.  x.  26)  by  taxation  on  certaia 


162 


CHA 


CHE 


cities  agreeably  to  Eastern  custom  in  such  matters 
(1  K.  ix.  19,  X.  25 ;  Xen.  Anabasis,  i.  4,  9).  The 
chariots  themselves  and  also  the  horses  were  im- 
ported chiefly  from  Egypt,  and  the  cost  of  each 
chariot  was  600  shekels  of  silver,  and  of  each  horse 
160  (1  K.  X.  29).  From  this  time  chariots  were 
regarded  as  among  the  most  important  arms  of  war, 
though  the  supplies  of  them  and  of  horses  appear  to 
have  been  still  mainly  drawn  from  Egypt  (1  K.  xxii. 
84 ;  2  K.  ix.  16,  21,  xiii.  7,  14,  xviii.  24,  xxiii.  30 ;  Is. 
xxxi.  1).  The  Egyptian  chariot  and  doubtless  that 
of  the  Israelites  had  a  nearly  semicircular  wooden 
frame  with  straightened  sides,  resting  posteriorly  on 
the  axle  of  a  pair  of  wheels,  and  supporting  a  rail 
of  wood  or  ivory  attached  to  the  frame  by  leathern 


thongs  and  a  wooden  upright  in  front.  The  back 
of  the  car  was  open  ;  the  sides  were  strengthened 
and  ornamented  with  leather  and  metal  binding  ;  the 
floor  was  of  rope  net-work,  to  give  a  springy  footing 
to  the  occupants.  On  the  right-hand  side  was  the 
bow-case ;  sometimes  also  the  quiver  and  spear-ease 
were  on  this  side,  crossing  diagonally.  If  two  war- 
riors were  in  the  chariot,  a  second  bow-case  was  add- 
ed. Tlie  two  wheels  had  each  usually  sis  spokes, 
and  were  fastened  to  the  axle  by  a  lineh-pin  secured 
by  a  thong.  The  horses  wore  a  breast-band  and 
girths  attached  to  the  saddle,  and  head  furniture, 
but  no  traces.  A  bearing-rein  was  fastened  to  a 
ring  or  hook  in  front  of  the  saddle,  and  the  driving 
reins  passed  through  other  reins  on  each  side  of  both 


bgyiiunu  J  rioLea  in  ihclr  chAriot. — ^Vi/  ilkiQMD.; 


horses.  Most  commonly  two  persons,  and  some- 
times three  rode  in  the  chariot,  of  whom  the  third 
was  employed  to  carrv  the  state  umbrella  (2  K.  ix. 
20,  24 ;  IK.  xxii.  34 ;  Acta  viii.  38).  A  second 
chariot  usually  accompanied  the  king  to  battle 
to  be  used  in  case  of  necessity  (2  Clir.  xxv.  34). 
Chariots  of  other  nations  are  mentioned,  as  of  As- 
syria (2  K.  xix.  23  ;  Ez.  xxiii.  24),  Syria  (2  Sam.  viii. 
and  2  K.  vi.  14,  15),  Persia  (Is.  xxii.  6),  Ethiopia  (2 
Chr.  xiv.  9),  the  Philistines,  &c.  (see  above).  An- 
tiochus  Eupator  is  said  to  have  had  300  chariots 
armed  with  scythes  (2  Mc.  xiii.  2).  (Arms  ;  Army  ; 
Highway;  Horse.)  The  prophets  allude  frequently 
to  chariots  as  typical  of  power  (Ps.  xx.  7,  civ.  3 ; 
Jer.  li.  21;  Zech.  vi.  1).  In  the  N.  T.,  the  only 
mention  of  a  chariot,  except  in  Rev.  ix.  9  and  xviii. 
13,  is  in  the  case  of  the  Ethiopian  eunuch  (Acts 
Tiii.  28,  29,  38). 


AuyrlaD  diaiiot 

»  Char'l-ty  (fr.  L.)  in  A.  V.  of  N.  T.  is  a  frequent 
translation  of  the  Gr.  a^ap^  (1  Cor.  viii.  1,  xiii.,  &c.). 


usually  and  properly  translated  "love  "  (Lk.  xi.  42  ; 
Rom.  V.  5,  8,  &c.).     Feasts  of  Charity. 

*  Chann'er.     Divination  ;  Serpent-charming. 
Char'mis  [kar'mis]  (Gr.),  son  of  Melchiel;  one  of 

the  three  "  ancients  "  or  "  rulers  "  of  BethuUa  (Jd. 
vi.  15,  viii.  10,  x.  6). 

Char'ran  [kar'ran]  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Haran  (Acts 
vii.  2,  4). 

Chase  [ch  as  in  much'].    Hunting. 

Chas'e-ba  [kas-]  (Gr.),  probably  a  corruption  of 
Gazera,  the  na.Tie  succeeding  Chaseba  (1  Esd.  v. 
31). 

•  Cha'rah  [ka-]  (Gen.  iii.  20,  margin)  =  Eve. 
Che'bar   [ke-]  (Heb.  length,  Ges.),  a  river  in  thr 

"land  of  the  Chaldeans"  (Ez.  i.  3),  on  the  barK- 
of  which  some  of  the  Jews  were  located  at  the  tinu 
of  the  Captivity,  and  where  Ezekiel  saw  his  earlier 
visions  (Ez.  i.  1,  iii.  15,  23,  &c.).  It  is  commonly 
regarded  as  =  the  Habor,  or  river  of  Gozan,  to 
which  some  portion  of  the  Israelites  were  removed 
by  the  Assyrians  (2  K.  xvii.  6).  But  Rawlinson 
thinks  the  Chebar  of  Ezekiel  must  be  looked  for  in 
Babylonia,  and  may  be,  as  Bochart  supposed,  the 
Nahr  Malcha  or  Royal  Canal  of  Nebuchadnezzar, 
in  the  excavation  of  which  the  Jewish  captives  may 
have  been  employed.     Chaldea  ;  Euphrates. 

Cheb'el  [keb-]  (Heb.  hehel  or  chebel).     Region. 

Ched-or-la-o'mtr  [ked-]  (Heb.  handful  ofsheavn 
but  prob.  fr.  Pers.,  Ges.),  a  king  of  Elam,  in 
time  of  Abraham,  who  with  three  other  chiefs  ma 
war  upon  the  kings  of  Sodom,  Gomorrah,  Admk 
Zeboim,  and  Zoar,  and  reduced  them  to  servitud 
Thirteen  years  afterward  these  rebelled  ;  the  n« 
year  Chedorlaomer  and  his  allies  marched  up 
their  country,  and  after  defeating  many  neighfa 


CHB 


CHE 


163 


ing  tribes,  completely  routed  the  iiTe  kings  in  the 
vale  of  Siildiiu  ;  but  as  the  victors  carried  oft'  Lot 
and  his  possessions  with  the  spoil,  Abram  pursued 
and  suiotc  Chedorlaoraer  and  his  forces,  and  rescued 
Lot,  with  all  that  had  been  taken  (Gen.  xiv.).  Ched- 
orlaonier  (so  RIn.)  may  have  been  the  leader  of  cer- 
tain immigrant  Chaldean  Elamites  who  founded  the 
great  Chaldean  empire  of  Berosus  in  the  early  part 
of  the  twentieth  century  B.  c. 

CIlMSe  is  mentioned  only  three  times  in  the  Bible, 
viz.  in  Job.  x.  10  (Heb.  gibinah  zn  curdled  milk; 
chie»e,  Ges.) ;  1  Sam.  xvii.  18  (Ileb.  fUirUnei/  heluUtib 
or  ch/iiilBey  htehdlilb  =  eutliugn  [i.  e.  slices]  of  cnrds^ 
new  or  soft  cheese,  Ges. ;  A.  V.  "  cheeses,"  marg. 
"cheeses  of  milk")  ;  2  Sam.  xvii.  29  (Heb.  shipholh- 
bAkir  =  cheeses  [properly,  that  which  is  rubbed, 
grated,  ground  fine,  in  order  to  be  eaten]  of  kine, 
Ges. ;  "  cheese  of  kine,"  A.  V.).  The  cheese  now 
common  in  the  East  is  of  very  indifferent  quality, 
usually  in  cakes  about  the  size  of  a  tea-saucer,  white, 
very  salt,  without  a  rind,  and  soon  becoming  exces- 
sively hard  and  dry  (Kit.).  The  Bedouin  Arabs  have 
coagulated  buttermilk,  which  is  dried  until  it  be- 
comes quite  hard,  and  is  then  ground  ;  the  Arabs 
cat  it  mixed  with  butter  (Burckhardt,  iioles  on  the 
Sedouiiis,  i.  60). 

Clie'lll  [ke-]  (Heb.  perfection,  Ges.),  a  son  of 
Pahath-moab,  and  husband  of  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr. 
I.  30). 

(Iiel^i'as  [kelrsi'as]  (fr.  Gr.  form  of  Hilkiah).  1. 
Ancestor  of  Bsruch  (Bar.  i.  1). — 2,  Hilkuh  the 
high-prie.«t  in  the  time  of  Josiah  (Bar.  i.  7). — %,  The 
father  of  Susanna  (Sus.  2,  29,  63).  Tradition  repre- 
sents him  as  the  brother  of  Jeremiah,  and  =  2. 

Cliel'll-ans  [kel'le-anz]  =  inhabitants  of  Cbellus 
(Jd.  ii.  23). 

Chel'loh  [kel'Iu]  (fr.  Heb.  =  strong,  robust,  Fii.),  a 
son  of  Bani,  and  husband  of  a  foreign  wife  (Ez.  x. 
35). 

Chel'lus  [kel-]  (fr.  Gr.),  one  of  the  places  beyond 
(i.  e.  W.  of)  Jordan  to  which  Xabuchodonosor  sent 
his  summons  (Jd.  i.  9).  Except  its  mention  with 
"  Kades  "  there  is  no  clew  to  its  situation.  Reland 
supposes  it  =  Elusa,  south  of  Beer-sheba. 

Cbe'lod  [ke-]  (fr.  Gr.).  "  Many  nations  of  the 
sons  of  Chelod  "  were  among  those  who  obeyed  the 
summons  of  Nabuehodonosor  to  his  war  with  Ar- 
phaxad  (Jd.  i.  6).  The  word  is  apparently  cor- 
rupt. 

Che'lab  [ke-]  (Heb.  trap-cage,  basket,  Ges.).  1.  A 
man  among  the  descendants  of  Judah,  described  as 
brother  of  Shuah  and  father  of  Mehir  (1  Chr.  iv.  11). 
—2.  Father  of  Ez.ri,  David's  officer  (xxvii.  26). 

Chr-lnbal  [ke-lu'bay]  (Heb.  =  Caleb,  Ges.),  son 
of  Ilezron  ( 1  Chr.  ii.  9) ;  —  Caleb  1. 

fhrma-rtm,  (hrma-rims  [ck  as  k]  (Heh. clmurtm 
or  cinurim  z=  idol-priests  ;  fr.  a  Syr.  w^ord  denoting 
blackTiess,  sadness,  and  concretely  one  who  goes  about 
ill  black  or  in  mourning,  hence  an  ascetic,  priest  in 
general,  Ges.).  This  word  only  occurs  in  the  text  of 
the  A.  V.  in  Zeph.  i.  4.  In  2  K.  xxiii.  5  it  is  ren- 
dere<l  "  idolatrous  priests,"  and  in  Hos.  x.  6  "  priests," 
and  in  both  cases  "  chemarim  "  is  in  the  margin.  In 
Hebrew  usage  the  word  is  exclusively  applied  to  the 
priests  of  the  false  worship. 

Cbe'moith  [ke-]  (Heb.  perhaps  »!«&(/>«•)•,  vanquisher, 
Ges.),  the  national  deitv  of  the  Moabitcs  (Num.  xxi. 
29;  Jer.  xlviii.  7,  13,  46).  In  Judg  xi.  24,  he  also 
(ippears  as  the  god  of  the  Ammonites.  Solomon  in- 
troduced, and  Josiah  abolished,  the  worship  of  Che- 
mosh  at  Jerusalem  (1  K.  xi.  7  ;  2  K.  xxiii.  13).  Je- 
rome identifies  him  with  Baal-peor;    others    with 


Baal-zebub ;  others,  as  Gesenius,  with  Mars,  and 
others  with  Saturn. 

*  Cli«'na-an  (Gen.  ix.  18,  marg.)  =  Canaan. 

Che-na'a-nab  [ke-]  (Heb.  fem.  of  Canaan,  Ges.). 
1,  Son  of  Benjamin's  grandson  Bilhan,  and  head  of 
a  Benjamite  house  (1  Chr.  vii.  10). — 2.  Father,  or 
ancestor,  of  Zedekiah  the  false  prophet  (IK.  xxii.  1 1 , 
24  ;  2  Chr.  xviii.  10,  23) ;  perhaps  —  1. 

Chen  a-nl  or  Cbf-na'nl  (Heb.  prob.  =  Chenaniah, 
Ges.),  a  Levite  who  assisted  at  the  solemn  purifica- 
tion of  the  people  under  Ezra  (Neh.  ix.  4). 

Cben-a-ni'all  [ken-]  (Heb.  —  whom  Jehovah  hath 
set,  Ges.),  chief  of  the  Levites,  when  David  carried 
the  ark  to  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  xv.  22,  27,  xxvi.  29). 

I'he'phar-ba-am'mo-nai  [ke'fai^]  (Heb.  village  or 
hamlet  of  the  Ammouiies  ;  see  Caphar),  a  city  of 
Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  24),  probably  named  from 
some  incursion  of  the  Ammonites ;  site  unknown. 

CbC-phi'rab  [ke-fi'ra]  (Heb.  =  village  or  hatidet ; 
see  Caphar),  one  of  the  four  cities  of  the  Gibeonites 
(Josh.  ix.  17),  afterward  in  Benjamin  (xviii.  20). 
The  men  of  Chephirah  returned  with  Zerubbabcl 
from  Babylon  (Ezr.  ii.  25 ;  Neh.  vii.  29).  Dr.  Robin- 
son seems  to  have  discovered  it  in  the  ruined  village 
of  Kefir,  about  eleven  miles  W.N.W.  from  Jerusa- 
lem.    Caphika. 

Clie'raD  [ke-]  (Heb.  lyre,  Ges.),  son  of  Dishon  the 
Horite  "duke"  (Gen.  xxxvL  26  ;  1  Chr.  i.  41). 

t'be're-as  [ke-]  (fr.  Gr.),  governor  of  Gazara,  and 
brother  of  Timotheus  ;  both  slain  at  Gazara*  by  the 
forces  of  Judas  Maccabeus  (2  Mc.  x.  32,  37). 

Clirr'e-tllim,  Cher'e-tliims  \ch  as  A]  (Heb.  pi.  ctre- 
ihini  or  ereihim)  (Ez.  xxv.  16).     Cherethites. 

Clier'e-(hlt«s  [ker-]  (fr.  Heb.  cerelhi  or  crelM,  pi. 
clrethim  or  crelhim  ;  see  below)  and  Pel'e-tbites,  the 
life-guards  of  King  David  (2  Sara.  viii.  18,  xv.  18, 
XX.  7,  23  ;  1  K.  i.  38,  44  ;  1  Chr.  viii.  17).  These 
titles  are  commonh-  said  to  signify  "  executioners 
and  couriers."  It  is  plain  that  these  royal  gu;irds 
were  employed  as  executioners  (1  K.  ii.  25,  34,  46  ; 
2  K.  xi.  4),  and  as  couriers  (1  K.  xiv.  27,  marg. 
•'  runners  ").  But  it  has  been  conjectured  that  they 
may  have  been  foreign  mercenaries.  They  are  con- 
nected with  the  Gittitcs,  a  foreign  tribe  (2  Sam.  xv. 
18) ;  and  the  Cherethites  are  mentioned  as  a  nation 
(1  Sam.  XXX.  14;  also  in  Ez.  xxv.  16,  A.  V.  "  Cher- 
ethim  "  or  "  Chereihims  ")  dwelling  apparently  on 
the  coast,  and  therefore  probably  Philistines,  of 
which  name  Pelethitks  may  be  only  another  form. 
Prof.  D.  H.  Weir  (in  Fairbaim)  suggests  that  the 
Cherethites  and  Pelethites  were  mostly  Israelite 
refugees  with  David  among  the  Cherethites  of  Phi- 
listia,  mingled  perhaps  with  some  native  Chere- 
thites. Fiirst  makes  the  Cherethites  —  Cretans  or 
emigrants  from  Crete,  and  so  the  LXX.  in  Ez.  xxv. 
16  (A.  v.  "Cherethim  ")  and  Zeph.  ii.  5. 

Cbe'ritll  [ke-]  (Heb.  a  cutting,  separation,  Ges.), 
the  Brook,  the  torrent-bed  or  wadg  (Brook  4)  in 
which  Elijuli  hid  himself  during  the  early  part  of  the 
three  years'  drought  (1  K.  xvii.  8,  5).  The  position 
of  the  Cherith  has  been  much  disputed.  Eusebius 
and  Jerome  place  it  E.  of  Jordan,  where  also  Schwnrz 
would  identify  it  in  a  Wadi/  Alias,  opposite  Bcth- 
shcan.  This  is  the  Wad;/  el-  Yahis  (Jabesh).  The 
tradition  mentioned  by  Marinus  Sanutus  in  1321, 
that  it  ran  by  Phasaelus,  Herod's  city  in  the  Jordan 
valley,  would  make  it  the  'Ain  el-Fnsdit,  a  fountain 
concealed  under  high  cliffs,  from  which  a  brook 
flows  through  a  narrow  valley,  S.  of  Kurn  Sirtabeh, 
and  falls  into  the  Jordan  aliout  fifteen  miles  above 
Jericho.  This  view  is  supported  by  Bachiene,  a.  d. 
1768,  and  by  Van  de  Vcldc  (ii.  810).    Kobineon,  on 


164 


CHE 


CHE 


the  other  hand  (i.  658),  would  find  the  name  in  the 
Wady  Kelt,  a  deep,  wild  ravme,  also  W.  of  Jordan, 
and  behind  Jericho. 

Cbe'rnb  [ke-]  (Heb. ;  see  next  article  below),  ap- 
parently a  place  in  Babylonia  from  which  some  per- 
sons of  doubtful  extraction  returned  to  Judea  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  59  ;  Neh.  vii.  61). 

Chrr'ab,  Cher'a-btm,  Cher'-n-bims  {ch  as  in  church 
and  Rachel]  (Heb.  cSrub  or  crub  =  a  keeper,  warder, 
guard,  sc.  of  the  Deity,  to  guard  against  all  ap- 
proach ?  Ges. ;  Heb.  pi.  cerubim,  or  cruhim.  Many 
other  etymologies  have  been  proposed.)    In  regard 


Ajayrias  tphlnz. — (Layard,  ti.  348.) 


to  cherubim,  two  principal  opinions  have  been  held : 
( 1 . )  that  they  are  an  order  of  superhuman  beings, 
having  a  separate  and  real  existence  (see  below) ; 
(2.)  that  they  were  merely  symbolical  figures  or 
imaginary  beings,  like  the  composite  creature-forms 


in  the  religious  insignia  of  Assyria,  Egypt,  Babylonia, 
and  Persia,  e.  g.  the  sphinx,  the  gryphons  or  griflins, 
winged  bulls  and  lions  of  Nineveh,  &c.  (Nisroch.) 
In  the  sacred  boats  or  arks  of  the  Egyptians,  (cut,  p. 
166),  are  sometimes  found  two  figures  with  extended 
wnigs,  which  remind  us  of  the  description  of  the 
cherubim  "  covering  the  mercy-seat  witli  their  wings, 
and  their  faces  (looking)  one  to  another"  (Ex.  xxv.  20). 
The  cherubim  are  first  mentioned  as  "  placed  at  the  E. 
of  the  garden  of  Eden  "  (Gen.  iii.  24).  A  pair  (E.\. 
xxv.  18,  &c.)  were  placed  on  the  mercy-seat  of  the 
ark :  a  pair  of  colossal  size,  probably  in  addition  to 
the  others,  overshadowed  it  hi  Solomon's  Tem- 
ple with  the  canopy  of  their  contiguously  ex- 
tended wings  (1  K.  vi.  23  ff.).  Jehovah  is 
often  spoken  of  as  "  manifesting  himself,  or 
dwelling  between  the  cherubim  "  (Ex.  xxv.  22  ; 
Num.  vii.  89  ;  1  Sam.  iv.  4  ;  2  Sam.  vi.  2,  &c.). 
Cherubim  were  likewise  represented  on  the 
curtains  and  veil  of  the  Tabernacle  (Ex.  xxvi. 
1,  31,  xxxvi.  8,  35),  on  the  walls  and  doors 
and  veil  of  the  Temple  (1  K.  vi.  29,  32,  35  ;  2 
Chr.  iii.  14,  &c.),  and  on  the  bases  of  the 
lavcrs  (1  K.  vii.  29,  36).  Ezekiel  (i.  4-14) 
speaks  of  four  "  living  creatures,"  and  similar- 
ly the  apocalyptic  "beasts"  (Beast  14)  (Rev. 
iv.  6)  are  four.  The  cherubim  are  sometimes 
placed  beneath  the  actual  presence  of  Jehovah, 
whose  moving  throne  they  appear  to  draw  (Ez. 
i.  5,  25,  26,  X.  1,2,  6, 1).  The  glory  symboliz- 
ing that  presence  which  eye  cannot  sec  rests 
or  rides  on  them,  or  one  of  them,  thence  dis- 
mounts to  the  Temple  threshold,  and  then  de- 
parts and  mounts  again  (Ez.  x.  4,  18;  compare 
ix.  3  ;  Ps.  xvui.  10).  Those  on  the  ark  were  to 
be  placed  with  wings  stretched  forth,  one  at  each  end 
of  the  mercy-seat,  and  to  be  made  "  of  the  mercy-seat." 
They  are  called  the  cherubim  of  glory  (Heb.  ix.  5),  as 
on  or  between  them  the  glory,  when  visible,  rested. 
They  were  anointed  with  the  holy  oil,  like  the  ark 


Tha  winged  female  sphtsx  of  Egypt— (Wilkinson.) 

itself,  and  the  other  sacred  furniture.  Their  wings 
were  to  be  stretched  upward,  and  their  faces  "  tow- 
ard each  other  and  toward  the  mercy-seat."  It  is 
remarkable  that  with  such  precise  directions  as  to 
their  position,  attitude,  and  material,  nothing,  save 
that  they  were  winged,  is  said  (in  Exodus)  concern- 
ing their  shHpe.  In  Ez.  i.  (compare  x.)  they  are 
minutely  described  as  having  a  composite  creature- 
form,  of  which  the  man,  lion,  ox,  and  eagle  were  the 
elements.  In  Ez.  x.  14  their  "  first  face  "  is  said  to 
be  "  the  face  of  a  cherub  "  (compare  i.  10).  Bahr  is 
inclined  to  think  that  the  precise  form  varied  within 
certnin  limits  ;  e.  g.  the  cherubic  figure  might  have 
one,  two,  or  four  faces,  two  or  four  feet,  one  or  two 
pair  of  wings,  and  might  have  the  bovine  or  leonine 
type  as  its  basis,  &c.  Mr.  F.  W.  Farrar  (in  Kit.) 
maintains,  that,  "  although  the  complete  symbol  of 


Auyrian  Griffin. — (Layard,  U.  459.) 

the  cherubim  was  composed  of  four  separate  or 
united  forms  of  Ufe,  they  might  be  sufficiently  indi- 
cated by  any  one  of  these  four  elements,  and  that 
the  shape  in  which  they  were  commonly  represented 
was  either  that  of  a  winged  ox  (perhaps  with  a 
human  head),  or  of  a  winged  man  (perhaps  with 
calves'  feet)."  (See  below.)  Fairbairn  also  consid- 
ers them  symbolic  and  imaginary  beings,  "  not  pre- 
sented to  our  view  as  always  entirely  alike;  "but 
regards  them  as  "  composite  animal  forms  "  with  "  a 
predominantly  human  aspect" — "ideal  representa- 
tives of  humanity  in  its  highest  and  holiest  places — 
representatives  not  of  what  it  actually  is,  but  of  what 
it  was  destined  to  become,  when  the  purpose  of  Go ' 
in  its  behalf  was  accomplished,  and  other  elemenj 
than  those  now  belonging  to  it  had  gathered  into  i 
condition."    Probably  most  of  those  who  have 


CHE 

Died  the  personal  reality  of  the 
cherubim  have  maintained  tliat 
they  are  symbols  directly  or  in- 
dbectly,  either  of  the  natural 
perfections  of  God,  e.  g.  omnip- 
otence, omniscience,  &c.  (personi- 
fications, in  fact,  of  natural  power 
employed  in  God's  service),  or  of 
the  divme  moral  attributes,  e.  g. 
justice,  slowness  to  anger,  &c 
Thus  Prof.  Stuart  (on  Jiev.  iv.  6) 
regards  the  living  creatures  or 
cherubim  as  "  symbolic  of  the 
all-penading  power,  providence, 
and  government  of  God  who 
uses  tliem  as  His  instruments." 
As  in  Kev.  v.  10  the  best  critical 
authorities  read  "  them "  and 
"  they,"  instead  of  "  us  "  and 
"  we  "  with  the  A.  V.  and  com- 
mon Greek  text.  Prof.  Stuart  sug- 
gests that  the  first  clause  in  verse 
9,  may  be  sung  by  the  twenty-four 
elders  and  the  four  hving  crea 
tures,  the  last  clause  by  the 
elders  alone,  verse  10  by  the 
living  creatures  alone,  &c.,  and  refers  for  such  re- 
sponsive praise  to  Ps.  xxiv.  and  Is.  vi.  1-8.  Mr. 
Barnes  (on  Ncd.  iv.  6)  regards  the  living  creatures  of 
Revelation  and  Ezekiel  as  "  designed  to  furnish  some 


CHE 


165 


A  Grecian  GrUBn. 


representation  of  the  government  of  God — to  illus- 
trate, as  it  were,  that  on  which  the  divine  government 
resli,  or  which  constitutes  its  support — viz.,  power, 
mteUigence,  vigilance,  energy."     John  Hutchinson^ 


Wingwi  han)«i<lie«d«il  Uon  of  AHyria — From  .S.  W,  Palace,  NImroad.— (toyard'k  Nintvti,  L  16.) 


166 


CHE 


CHI 


Parkhuret,  &c.,  considered  the  cherubim  as  emblems 
of  the  Trinity,  with  man  incorporated  into  the  divine 
essence,  &c. — But  many  eminent  theologians  (Calvin, 
Dwight,  &c.),  with  probably  the  great  majority  of 
ordinary  readers  of  the  Scriptures,  have  regarded  the 


A  lacred  Egyptian  boat  or  ark,  with  two  figures  p«rbaps  reMlnbliilg  ehern- 
bim. — t.VVilkiDSOii,) 

cherubim  as  real  spiritual  beings,  or  as  symbolical- 
ly (so  Doddridge,  Whitby,  &c.)  representing  such 
beings.  (Seraphim.)  Gesenius  defines  the  cherub 
as  "  a  creature  of  a  sacred  and  celestial  na- 
ture." The  ancient  Arabic  version  translated  the 
Hebrew  by  "  angels."  Some  have  held  that  the  cher- 
ubim =  angels  in  general,  others  that  they  constitute 
a  distinct  order  of  angels,  or  of  spiritual  beings 
superior  to  angels.  As  it  is  not  certain  that  spiritual 
beings  have  any  proper  shape  of  their  own  (AiNGELs), 
the  apparent  form  might  vary  (see  above)  without 
involving  any  corresponding  change  in  the  essential 
nature  of  the  beings  represented  or  symbolized. 
Gesenius  supposes  the  attributes  of  the  lion,  ox, 
and  eagle  added  to  the  human  figure,  to  mark  the 
strength  and  swiftness  of  these  ministers  of  Deity. — 
The  king  of  Tyre  is  styled  (Ez.  xxviii.  14,  16)  "the 
anointed  cherub  that  covereth,"  "  covering  cherub," 
in  allusion  to  the  cherubim  covering  the  mercy-seat 
with  their  wings  and  with  reference  to  his  peculiarly 
exalted  and  privileged  position. 

Ckes'a-lon  [kes-]  (Heb.  confidence,  hope,  Ges. ;  lit- 
erally lohui,  Jiank),  one  of  the  landmarks  on  the  W. 
part  of  the  N.  boundary  of  Judah,  apparently  on 
the  side  of  Mount  Jearim  (Josh.  xv.  10) ;  probably 
at  the  modern  village  named  Kesla,  about  six  miles 
N.  E.  of  ^ Ainshenis  (Beth-shemesh)  on  the  western 
mountains  of  Judah  (Ubn.  ii.  30  n. ;  iii.  154).  Eu- 
sebius  and  Jerome  mention  a  Chaslon,  but  the  for- 
mer places  it  in  Benjamin,  the  latter  in  Judah  :  both 
agree  that  it  was  a  very  large  village  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Jerusalem. 

Cbe'sed  [ke-]  (Ueb.  increase,  sc.  of  the  family, 
Sim.),  fourth  son  of  Nahor  (Gen.  xxii.  22),  from 
whom  (so  Jerome,  &c.)  came  the  Casdim  or  Chal- 
deans.     ClIALDEA. 

Ihe'sll  [ke-l  (Heb.  fool  =  Cesil),  a  town  in  the 
extreme  S.  of  Palestine,  named  with  Hormah  and 
Ziklag  (Josh.  xv.  30);  probably=BETH(TL,  Bethuel, 
Bethel  2.  Rowlands  and  Wilton  make  Chesil  =z 
the  modern  el-IOmlasah  (Elusa).  The  former  (in 
Fairbairn)  suggests  that  Chesil  may  be  Khuz&i  or 
Kl.uzAli,  a  little  N.  of  el-KhuIasah,  and  then  the 
latter  =  Chorashan. 

Chest,  the,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb. 
&r6n,  invariably  used  for  the  Ark  of  the  Covenant 


(Ark)  ;  also  once  for  the  "  coffin  "  (probably  like 
that  in  the  cut)  in  which  Joseph's  bones  were  car- 
ried from  Egypt  (Gen.  1.  26  ;  Bpuial  ;  Embalmi.no)  ; 
and  six  times  for  tlie  "  chest  "  in  which  Jehoiada  the 
priest  collected  the  alms  for  the  repairs  of  the  Tern- 


Egyptian  chest  or  box  from  Thebefl.— (W'ilkinaon.) 

pie  (2  K.  xii.  9,  10;  2  Chr.  xxiv.  8-11).— 2.  Heb. 
pi.  ffendzim,  "  chests  "  (Ez.  xxvii.  24  only) ;  =  treas- 
ure chests,  in  which  precious  goods  or  wares  are 
stored,  Ges.  ;  translated  "  treasuries  "  in  Esth.  iii.  9, 
iv.  1. 

Chest'nnlr-tree,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb. 
'armoH  in  Gen.  xxx.  3"?,  and  Ez.  xxxi.  8.  In  Ezekiel 
it  is  spoken  of  as  one  of  the  glories  of  Assyria. 
The  balance  of  authority  (LXX.,  Vulgate,  Chaldee, 
Syriac,  Arabic,  &c.)  is  certainly  in  favor  of  the 
oriental  plane-tree  (Platamts  orientalis)  as  the  tree 
denoted.  The  occidental  plane4ree  (Plataniix  occi- 
dentalis),  a  closely  allied  species,  is  well  known  in 
tlie  United  States  as  the  button-wood  or  button-ball 
tree,  and  is  often  called  sycamore.  The  A.  V.  fol- 
lows the  Rabbins,  but  the  context  of  the  passages 
where  the  word  occurs,  indicates  some  tree  which 
thrives  best  in  low  and  rather  moist  situations, 
whereas  the  chestnut-tree  is  a  tree  which  prefers  dry 
and  hilly  ground.  The  plane-trees  of  Palestine  were 
probably  more  numerous  in  ancient  days  than  now ; 
though  modem  travellers  occasionally  refer  to  them. 
In  Ecclus.  xxiv.  14,  wisdom  is  compared  to  "  a  plane- 
tree  (Gr.  platanos)  by  the  water." 

Che-snl'loth  [kc-]"(Heb.  hopes,  Ges. ;  literally,  t/ie 
loins),  a  town  of  Issachar,  named  between  Jezreol 
and  Shunem  (Josh.  xix.  18) ;  according  to  Robinson 
(ii.  332)  and  Porter  (in  Kitto)  =  Chisloth-Tabor. 
Keil  (on  Joshua)  and  others  deny  this  identity. 

*  Cheth  (Heb.  hej/th  or  cheiith,  probably  =  an  en- 
closure, fence,  Ges.),  the  eighth  letter  of  the  Hebrew 
alphabet  (Ps.  cxix.).     Writing. 

Chet'ti-im  [kel'te-im]  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Chittim(1  Mc.  i. 

1)- 

Ciic'zlb  [ke-]  (Heb.  lyin^,  false,  Ges.),  the  l)irth- 
place  of  Shelah  (Gen.  xxxviii.  6);  probably  =  AcH^ 
ziB  1.  Wilton  (in  Fbn.,  art.  Keilah)  places  Che; 
at  Min  Kussabeh,  a  fountain  with  ruins  about  ft 
hours  S.  W.  from  Biit  Jibrin  (Eleutheropolis). 
»  Clllek'ens  (2  Esd.  i.  30 ;  Mat.  xxiii.  37).  He) 
Chl'don  (Heb.  javelin;  see  Arms,  I.  2,  b),  the  nami 
in  1  Chr.  xiii.  9  of  the  threshing-floor  at  which  the 
accident  to  the  ark,  on  its  transport  from  Kirjath- 
jearim  to  Jerusalem,  took  place,  and  the  death  of 
Uzzah.    In  2  Sam.  vi.  the  name  is  given  as  Nachon. 

*  Chief  of  Asia.    Asiarchs. 

Child.  Chll'dren.  Tlie  blessing  of  offspring,  but 
especially,  and  sometimes  exclusively,  of  the  male 
sex,  is  highly  valued  among  all  Eastern  nations, 
while  the  absence  is  regarded  as  one  of  the  severest 
punishments  (Gen.  xvi.  2,  xxv.  21,  xxix.  31,  xxx.  1, 


rth- 

I 

.mWl 


cm 


CHI 


167 


14 ;  Deut.  vii.  14 ;  1  Sam.  i.  6  ff.,  ii.  6,  iv.  20  ;  2  Sam. 
Ti.  23,  xviii.  18  ;  2  K.  iv.  14 ;  Esth.  v.  11  ;  Ps.  cxxvii. 
3,  5  ;  Ecc-l.  vi.  3  ;  Is.  xlvii.  9  ;  Jer.  xx.  15  ;  Hos.  ix. 
14).  Childbirth  is  in  the  East  usually,  but  not  always, 
easy  (Gen.  xxxt.  17,  xxxviii.  28  ;  Ex.  i.  19  ;  1  Sam. 
iv.  19,  20).  (Midwife.)  As  soon  as  the  cliild  was 
born,  and  the  umbilical  cord  cut,  it  was  washed  in 
a  bath,  rubbed  with  salt,  and  wrapped  in  swaddling- 
clothes.  Arab  mothers  sometimes  rub  their  children 
with  earth  or  sand  (Ez.  xvi.  4  ;  Job  xxxviii.  9  ;  Lk. 
ii.  7).  On  the  eighth  day  the  rite  of  circumcision, 
in  the  case  of  a  boy,  was  performed,  and  a  name 
given,  sometimes,  but  not  usually,  the  same  as  that 
of  the  father,  and  generally  conveying  some  spe- 
cial meaning.  After  the  birth  of  a  male  child  the 
mother  was  considered  unclean  for  7  +  33  days ; 
if  the  child  were  a  female,  for  double  that  period, 
14  -f-  66  days.  At  the  end  of  the  time  she  was  to 
make  an  offering  of  purification  of  a  lamb  as  a 
bumtofleriug,  and  a  pigeon  or  turtle-dove  as  a  sin- 
offering,  or  in  case  of  poverty,  two  doves  or  pigeons, 
one  as  a  burnt-offering,  the  other  as  a  sin-offering 
(Lev.  xii.  ;  Lk.  ii.  22).  The  period  of  nulling  ap- 
pears to  have  been  sometimes  prolonged  to  three 
years  (Is.  xlix.  15 ;  2  Mc.  vii.  27).  Nurses  were 
sometimes  employed  (Ex.  ii.  9 ;  Gen.  xxiv.  59,  xxxv. 
8  ;  2  Sam.  iv.  4  ;  2  K.  xL  2  ;  2  Chr.  xxii.  11  ;  comp. 
Gen.  xxi.  7  ;  1  Sam.  i.  23  ;  Cant.  viii.  1 ;  Is.  xlix. 
16).  (Nurse.)  The  time  of  weaning  was  an  occasion 
of  rejoicing  (Gen.  xxi.  8).  (Banquets.)  Arabchildren 
wear  little  or  no  clothing  for  four  or  five  years  :  the 
young  of  both  sexes  are  usually  carried  by  the 
mothers  on  the  hip  or  the  shoulder,  a  custom  to 
which  allusion  is  made  by  Isaiah  (Is.  xlix.  22,  Ixvi. 
12).  Both  boys  and  girls  in  their  early  years  were 
under  the  care  of  the  women  (Prov.  xxxL  1).  Ai'ter- 
ward  the  boys  were  taken  by  the  father  under  his 
charge.  Those  in  wealthy  families  had  tutors  or 
governors,  who  were  sometimes  eunuchs  (Num.  xi. 
12 :  2  K.  x.  1,  5  ;  I.s.  xlix.  23 ;  Gal.  iii.  24).  (Educa- 
tion.) Daughters  usually  remained  in  the  women's 
apartments  till  marriage,  or  were  employed  in  vari- 
ous domestic  occupations,  the  seclusion  being  more 
strict  in  later  times  and  among  the  higher  classes 
(Gen.  xxiv.  11,  16,  xxix.  10;  Ex.  ii.  16;  1  Sam.  ix. 
11  ;  2  Sam.  xiii.  7 ;  Ecclus.  vii.  25,  xlii.  9  ;  2  Me.  iii. 
19).  (Dress;  Mother;  Slave;  Women.)  The  first- 
born male  children  were  regarded  as  devoted  to 
God,  and  were  to  be  redeemed  by  an  offering  (Ex. 
xiii.  13  ;  Num.  xviii.  15  ;  Lk.  ii.  22).  The  authority 
of  parents,  especially  of  the  father,  over  children 
was  very  great,  as  was  also  the  reverence  enjoined 
by  the  law  to  be  paid  to  parents.  The  disobedient 
cliild,  the  striker  or  revilerof  a  parent,  was  liable  to 
capital  punishment,  though  not,  under  the  Mosaic 
law,  at  the  independent  will  of  the  parent.  (Patri- 
arch ;  Punishments.)  Children  were  sometimes 
taken  as  bond-servanta,  in  case  of  non-payment  of 
debt  (2  K.  iv.  1  ;  Neh.  v.  5  ;  Is.  L  1  ;  Mat.  xviii.  25). 
Parental  authority  and  filial  duty  are  inculcated  in 
the  fifth  commandment  and  enforced  in  the  N.  T. 
(Ex.  XX.  12  ;  Eph.  vi.  1  ff-.,  iic).  "  Child,"  "  chil- 
dren "  often  figuratively  denote  origin,  relationship, 
resemblance,  ic.  Adoption  ;  Brother  ;  Daughter  ; 
Heir  ;  Son. 

Chil'e-ab  [kil-]  (Heb.  perhaps  =  tike  his  father, 
Ges.).     Abigail  ;  Daniel  1. 

Chil'l-en  [kil'e-on]  (Heb.  a  fAning,  Ges.),  son  of 
Elimelech  and  Naomi,  and  husband  of  Orpah  ;  "  an 
Ephrathite  of  Betlilehem-judah  "  (Ru.  L  3-6,  iv  9). 
Ruth. 

Cbirmad  [kil-]  (Heb.  enclosure  [i.  e.  defence']  of 


Media,  Sim.),  a  place  or  country  mentioned  with  She- 
ba  and  Assliur  (Ez.  xxvii.  23) ;  supposed  by  Bochart, 
&c.  (improbably)  =  ancient  Charmandc,  a  town  near 
the  Euphrates  about  150  miles  N.  W.  of  Babylon. 
Rawlinson  makes  Chilmad  =  the  city  of  Kalmadha 
(near  Bagdad),  with  which  he  is  disposed  to  connect 
the  name  Chaldea. 

Chim'ham  [kim-]  (Heb.  pining,  lontnng,  Ges.),  a  , 
follower,  and  probably  a  son  of  Barzillai  the  Gilead- 
ite,  who  returned  from  beyond  Jordan  with  David 
(2  Sam.  xix.  37,  38,  40 ;  compare  1  K.  ii.  7).  David 
appears  to  have  bestowed  on  him  a  possession  at 
Bethlehem,  on  which,  in  later  times,  an  inn  or  Khan 
was  standing  (Jer.  xli.  17).  In  2  .Sam.  xix.  40,  the 
name  is  in  the  Hebrew  text  and  margin  of  A.  V. 
Chimhan. 

lliinihan  [kim-]  (Heb.).     Chimham. 

Ciiin'ne-ieth  [kin-]  (Heb.  cinneretk  —  lyre,  Ges.), 
a  fortified  city  in  Naplitali  (Josh.  xix.  35  only),  of 
which  no  trace  is  found  in  later  writers,  and  no  re- 
mains by  travellers.  By  Jerome  Chiunereth,  perhai>s 
from  some  tradition,  was  identified  with  the  later 
Tiberias.     (See  the  next  article,  and  Cinneroth.) 

Chlii'ne-reth  [kin-]  (Heb. ;  see  above),  Sea  of, 
(Num.  xxxiv.  11  ;  Josh.  xiii.  27),  the  inland  sea,  most 
known  as  the  "  lake  of  Gennesaeet,"  mentioned  as 
at  the  end  of  Jordan  opposite  to  the  "  Sea  of  the 
Arabah,"  i.  e.  the  Dead  Sea  ;  as  having  the  Arabah 
below  it,  &e.  (Deut.  iii.  17  ;  Josh.  xi.  2,  xii.  3).  In 
the  two  latter  passages  it  is  Chinneroth.  It  seems 
likely  that  Chiniicreth  was  an  ancient  Canaanite 
name  existing  long  prior  to  the  Israelite  conquest. 

Cbin'oe-roth  [kin-]  (Heb.  pi.  cinnlrolh  =  It/res,' 
Ges.).     CiiiNNEBEiH,  Sea  of  ;  Cinnieotii. 

ILi'os  [ki-]  (Gr. ;  derived  by  some  fr.  Gr.  chiSn, 
snow),  an  island  in  the  Grecian  Archipelago.  St. 
Paul  passed  near  Chios  on  his  return  voyage  from 
Troas  to  Cesarca  (Acts  xx.,  xxi.).  Having  come 
from  Assos  toMitylene  in  Lesbos  (xx.  14),  he  arrived 
the  next  day  over  against  Chios  (15),  the  next  day 
at  Samoa  and  tarried  at  Trogyllium  ;  and  the  follow- 
ing day  at  Miletus ;  thence  he  went  by  Cos  and 
Rhodes  to  Patara  (xxi.  1).  At  that  time  Chios  en- 
joyed »he  privilege  of  freedom,  and  it  is  not  certain 
that  it  ever  was  politically  a  part  of  the  province  of 
Asia,  though  it  is  separated  from  the  mainland  only 
by  a  strait  of  five  miles.  Its  length  is  about  thirty- 
two  miles,  and  in  breadth  it  varies  from  eight  to 
eighteen.  Its  outline  is  mountainous  and  bold  ;  and 
it  has  always  been  celebrated  for  its  beauty  and 
fruitfulness.  It  was  desolated  by  the  Persians  B.  c. 
494,  and  in  the  Greek  war  of  independence  by  the 
Turks,  who  (1822)  massacred  25,000  of  its  inhabi- 
tants, and  sold  45,000  into  skvery. 

this'leo  [kis'lu].     Month. 

Cllls'lon  [ki.s-]  (Htb.  covfdence,  hope,Ges.),  father 
of  Elided,  a  prince  of  Benjamin  at  the  division  of 
Canaan  (Num.  xxxiv.  21). 

Cllls'loth-ta'bor  [kis-J  (Heb.  loins,  or  flank,  of 
Tabor,  Ges.),  a  place  to  the  border  of  which  reached 
the  border  of  Zebulun  (Josh.  xix.  12);  perhaps  at 
the  modern  village  Iksdl,  i.  e.  about  two  and  u  half 
miles  W.  of  Mount  Tabor.  Chesulloth  ;  Tabor 
(city). 

I'btt'tim  [kit-]  (Heb.  pi.,  prob.  =  Hittites,  Ges. ; 
see  below ),  a  family  or  race  descended  from  Javau 
(Gen.  X.  4  ;  1  Chr.  i.  7  ;  A.  V.  "Kittim  "),  closely  re- 
lated to  the  DoDANiM.  Balaam  predicts  that  a  fleet 
should  proceed  "  fiom  the  coast  of  Chittim "  to 
"  afflict  "  Assyria,  &c.  (Num.  xxiv.  24) :  in  Is.  xxiii. 
1,12,  "  the  land  of  Chittim  appears  as  the  resort  of 
the  fleets  of  Tyre :  in  Jer.  ii.  10,  the  "  isles  of  Chitr 


168 


CHI 


CHB 


tjm  "  are  to  the  far  W.,  as  Kedar  to  the  E.  of  Pales- 
tine :  the  Tyrians  procured  thence  the  cedar  or  box- 
wood (Box-tree),  which  they  inlaid  with  ivory  for 
tlie  decifs  of  tlieir  vessels  (Ez.  xxvii.  6) ;  in  Dan.  xi. 
30,  "  ships  of  Chittim  "  advance  to  the  S.  to  meet 
the  king  of  the  N.  At  a  later  period  we  find  Alex- 
ander the  Great  described  as  coming  from  the  land 
of  Chettiim  (1  Mc.  i.  1),  and  Perseus  as  king  of  the 
CiTiMS  (viii.  5).  Josephus  considered  Cypkus  as  the 
original  seat  of  the  Chittim,  adducing  as  evidence 
the  name  of  its  principal  town,  Citium.  Citium  was 
without  doubt  a  Phenician  town.  From  the  town 
the  name  extended  to  the  whole  island  of  Cyprus, 
which  was  occupied  by  Phenician  colonies.  The 
name  Chittim,  which  in  the  first  instance  had  ap- 
plied to  Pheniciaiis  only  (=  Hittites),  passe<l 
over  to  the  islands  which  they  had  occupied,  and 
thence  to  the  people  who  succeeded  the  Phenicians 
in  the  occupation  of  them.  Thus  in  1  Maccabees, 
Chittim  evidently  =  Macedonia.  In  the  wider  ac- 
ceptation Chittim  comprehended  the  islands  and 
coasts  of  the  Mediterranean,  especially  of  the  N. 
parts,  viz.,  Greece  and  Italy  (Geseuius).  In  an  ctli- 
nological  jioint  of  view,  Chittim  must  be  regarded 
as  applying,  not  to  the  original  Phenician  settlers  of 
Cyprus,  but  to  the  race  which  succeeded  them  ;  viz. 
the  Carians.  Tlie  Carians  were  connected  with  the 
Leleges,  and  must  be  considered  as  related  to  the 
Pelasgic  family,  though  quite  distinct  from  the  Hel- 
lenic branch. 

Chi'u:i  [ki-]  (Heb.  prob.  =  statue,  image,  Ges.). 
,Resiphan. 

CJllo'c  [klo'e]  (Gr.  iJw  first  Uciht  green  shoot  of 
plants  in  spring,  especially  young  green  corn  or 
grass;  hence,  the  verdant,  an  epithet  of  Ceres, 
L.  &  S.),  a  woman,  some  of  whose  household  had 
informed  St.  Paul  of  the  divisions  in  the  Corinthian 
church  (1  Cor.  i.  11). 

Cbo'ba  (Gr.),  a  place  (Jd.  iv.  4),  apparently  in 
central  Palestine ;  probably  the  same  as 

Clio'bai  or  CIlob'H-i  (Gr.)  (Jd.  xv.  4,  5).  The  name 
suggests  HoBAii,  if  the  distance  from  the  probable 
site  of  Bethulia  were  not  too  great.  Van  de  Vekle 
(i.  3S8)  identifies  Chobai  with  the  modern  Kuhdlieh, 
between  Siknur  (Bethulia?)  and  Jenhi  (En-gannim). 

Clia-ra'siian  [ko-]  (Heb.  smoking  furnace,  Ges. ; 
clior  in  Syr.  and  Ar.  =  habitation,  place,  Wr.,  P. 
Holmes  [in  Kit.] ;  see  Ashan),  one  of  the  places  in 
which  "  David  and  his  men  were  wont  to  haunt "  ( 1 
Sam.  XXX.  30);  generally  identified  with  Ashan. 
Jlowlands  (in  Fairbairn  under  "  S.  Country")  sug- 
gests that  Chorashan  may  be  el-Klmlnsah.    Bethtjl  ; 

ClIESIL. 

Clio-ra'zin  [ko-]  (Gr.  district  of  Zin,  Origan ;  fr. 
Heb.  —  WDodij  places,  forests,  Lightfoot),  one  of  tlie 
cities  in  which  our  Lord's  mighty  works  were  done, 
but  named  only  in  His  denunciation  (Mat.  xi.  21 ; 
Lk.  X.  13).  Jerome  describes  it  as  on  the  shore  of 
the  lake,  two  miles  from  Capernaum.  Robinson 
makes  KhAn  Minyeh  =  Capernaum,  Et-TAbigluih  = 
Bethsaida,  and  Tell  Hum  —  Chorazin.  Thomson 
identifies  Chorazin  with  the  ruined  site  Khorazy 
or  KJierAzeh,  two  miles  N.  (Robinson  makes  it  three 
miles  N.  W.)  of  Tell  HUm  (his  Capernaum). 

Cbo-ze'ba  (Heb.  lying,  false,  Ges.).  The  "men  of 
Chozebah "  are  named  (1  Chr.  iv.  22)  among  the 
descendants  of  Shclah  the  son  of  Judah.  Chozeba 
probably  =  Ciiezib  and  Achzib. 
.  Cbrist  [ch  pron.  as  k,  i  as  in  pine^  (fr.  Gr.  chris- 
ios  =  anointed  =  Messiah).  Jesus  Christ  ;  Mes- 
siah. 

Cbris'tian  \ch  as  k,  i  as  in  pin^  (fr.  Christ).    The 


disciples,  we  are  told  (Acts  xi.  26),  were  first 
called  Christians  at  Antiocii  1,  somewhere  about 
A.  D.  43.  They  were  known  to  eacli  other  as  breth- 
ren of  one  family,  as  disciples  of  the  same  Master, 
as  believers  in  the  same  faith,  and  as  distinguished 
by  the  same  endeavors  after  holiness  and  consecra- 
tion of  life  ;  and  so  were  called  among  themselves 
"brethren"  (Acts  xv.  1,  23;  1  Cor.  vii.  12),  "dis- 
ciples" (Acts  ix.  2G,  xi.  29),  "believers"  (Acts  v. 
14),  "saints"  (Rom.  viii.  27,  xv.  25).  But  the 
outer  world  could  know  nothing  of  the  true  force 
and  significance  of  these  terms.  The  Jews  could 
add  nothing  to  tlie  scorn  which  the  names  Naz.v- 
renes  and  Galileans  expressed,  and  had  they  en- 
deavored to  do  so  they  would  not  liave  defiled  the 
glory  of  their  Messiali  by  applying  Ids  title  to  those 
whom  tliey  could  not  but  regard  as  the  followers  of 
a  pretender.  The  name  "  Christian,"  then,  which, 
in  the  only  other  cases  where  it  appears  in  tlie  N.  T. 
(Acts  xxvi.  28;  1  Pet.  iv.  16:  compare  Tac.  Ann. 
XV.  44),  is  used  contemptuously,  could  not  have  been 
originally  applied  by  the  early  disciples  to  them- 
selves, tiioiigh  afterward  adopted  and  gloried  in  by 
them  (compare  Cross),  nor  could  it  have  come  to 
them  from  tlieir  own  nation  the  Jews ;  it  must, 
therefore,  have  been  imposed  upon  tliem  by  the 
Gentile  world,  and  no  place  could  have  so  ap- 
propriately given  rise  to  it  as  Antiocii,  where  the 
first  church  was  planted  among  the  heathen.  Its 
inhabitants  were  celebrated  for  their  wit  and  a 
propensity  for  conferring  nicknames.  Tlie  Emperor 
Julian  himself  was  not  secure  from  their  jests.  Ap- 
pollonius  of  Tyana  was  driven  from  the  city  by  ilie 
insults  of  the  inliabitants.  Their  wit,  however,  was 
otten  harmless  enough  ;  and  there  is  no  reason  to 
suppose  that  the  name  "  Christian  "  of  itself  was 
intended  as  a  term  of  scurrilitj'  or  abuse,  though  it 
would  naturally  be  used  with  contempt.  Suidas  says 
the  name  was  given  in  the  reign  of  Claudius,  when 
Peter  appointed  Evodius  bishop  of  Antioch,  and  they 
who  were  formerly  called  Nazarenes  and  Galileans 
had  their  name  changed  to  Christians. 

Chron'i-elCS  [krou'e-klz]  (fr.  Gr.  pi.  chronika  = 
books  of  [or  concerning]  lime,  hence,  annals  or 
chronology,  L.  &  S. ;  in  Heb.  dibrey  hayyamim.  = 
words  of  the  days,  hence,  daily  affairs,  chronicles, 
Ges.),  the  name  originally  given  to  the  record  made 
by  the  appointed  historiographers  in  the  kingdoms 
of  Israel  and  Judah  (1  K.  xiv.  19),  and  then  to 
the  abridgment  of  sacred  history  which  in  the  A.  V. 
is  called  "  The  First  Book  of  the  Chronicles  "  and 
"  The  Second  Book  of  the  Chronicles."  In  the  LXX. 
these  books  are  called  Paraleipomenon  (Gr.  =  of 
things  left  remaining)  proton  (^  first),  Faraleijiome- 
ii6n  diuteron  (=  second),  which  is  understood,  after 
Jerome's  explanation,  as  meaning  that  they  are  sup- 
plementary to  the  books  of  Kings.  The  Vulgate  re- 
tains both  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  name  in  Latin 
characters,  Dilire  haiamim,  and  Para/ip/omenon. 
The  constant  tradition  of  the  Jews,  in  which  they 
have  been  followed  by  the  great  mass  of  Christian 
commentators,  is  that  these  books  were  for  the  most 
part  compiled  by  Ezra.  In  fact,  the  internal  evidence 
as  to  the  time  when  the  book  of  Chronicles  was  com- 
piled, seems  to  tally  remarkably  with  the  tradition 
concerning  its  authorship.  Notwithstanding  this 
agreement,  however,  the  authenticity  of  Chronicles 
has  been  vehemently  impugned  by  De  Wette  and 
other  German  critics,  whose  arguments  have  been 
successfully  refuted  by  Dahler,  Keil,  Movers,  &c. 
As  regards  the  plan  of  the  book,  of  which  Ezra  is  a 
continuation,  forming  one  work,  it  becomes  apparent 


CHR 


CHB 


1G9 


V.  !icn  we  consider  it  as  the  compilation  of  Ezra  or 
Bonic  one  nearly  contemporary  with  him  (so  Lord  A. 
C.  Hcrvey,  original  author  ot'  this  article).  One  of 
the  greatest  difficulties  connected  with  the  Captivity 
and  the  return  must  have  been  the  maintenance  of 
that  genealogical  distribution  of  the  lands  which 
yet  was  a  vital  point  of  the  Jewish  economy.  An- 
other difficulty  intimately  connected  with  the  former 
was  the  maintenance  of  the  Temple  services  at  Jeru- 
salem. This  could  only  be  efifected  by  the  residence 
of  the  priests  and  Levites  in  Jerusalem  in  the  or- 
der of  their  courses :  and  this  residence  was  only 
practicable  in  the  case  of  the  payment  of  the  ap- 
pointed tithes,  first-fruits,  and  other  offerings.  But 
then  again  the  registers  of  the  Levitical  genealogies 
were  necessary,  in  order  that  it  might  be  known  who 
were  entitled  to  such  and  such  allowances,  as  por- 
ters, singers,  priests,  &c. ;  because  all  these  offices 
went  by  families ;  and  agiiin  the  payment  of  the 
tithes,  first-fruits,  &c.,  was  dependent  upon  the  dif- 
ferent families  of  Israel  being  established  each  in 
his  inheritance.  Obviously  therefore  one  of  the 
most  pressing  wants  of  the  Jewish  community  after 
tlieir  retuni  from  Babylon  would  be  trusty  genea- 
logical records.  But  further,  not  only  had  Zerub- 
babel  (Ezr.  iii.,  v.,  vi.),  and  after  him  Ezra  and  Ne- 
hemiah  (ii.,  viii. ;  Neh.  vli.,  viii.),  labored  most  earn- 
estly to  restore  the  Temple  and  the  public  worship 
of  God  there  to  the  condition  it  had  been  in  under 
the  kings  of  Judah ;  but  it  a5>pear3  clearly  from 
their  policy,  and  from  the  language  of  the  con- 
temporary prophets,  Haggai  and  Zechariah,  that 
they  had  it  much  at  heart  to  reinfuse  something 
of  national  Ufe  and  spirit  into  the  heart  of  the 
people,  and  to  make  them  feel  that  they  were 
etill  the  inheritors  of  God's  covenanted  mercies, 
and  that  the  Captivity  had  only  temporarily  inter- 
rupted, not  dried  up,  the  stream  of  God's  favor  to 
their  nation.  Now  nothing  could  more  effectually 
aid  these  pious  and  patriotic  designs  than  setting  be- 
fore the  people  a  compendious  history  of  the  king- 
dom of  David,  which  should  embrace  a  full  account 
of  its  prosperity,  trace  the  sins  which  led  to  its 
OTerlhrow,  carry  the  thread  through  the  period  of 
the  Captivity,  and  continue  it  as  it  were  unbroken 
on  the  other  side ;  and  those  passages  in  their  for- 
mer history  would  be  especially  important  which  ex- 
hibited their  greatest  and  best  kings  as  engaged  in 
building  or  restoring  the  Temple,  reforminu;  all  cor- 
ruptions in  religion,  and  zealously  regulating  the 
services  of  the  house  of  God.  As  regards  the  king- 
dom of  Israel  or  Samaria,  seeing  it  had  utterly  and 
hopcles.^ly  passed  away,  and  that  the  existing  in- 
habitants were  among  the  bitterest  "  adversaries  of 
Judah  and  Benjamin,"  it  would  naturally  engage 
very  little  of  the  compiler's  attention.  These  con- 
siderations explain  exactly  the  plan  and  scope  of  that 
historic-il  work  which  is  supposed  to  have  consisted 
of  the  two  books  of  Chronicles  and  Ezra.  For  after 
having  given  the  genealogical  divisions  and  settle- 
ments ol  the  various  tribes  (1  Chr.  i.-viii.),  the  com- 
piler murks  distinctly  his  own  age  and  pur))08e  by 
infonning  us  of  the  disturbance  of  those  settlements 
_  by  the  Hahylonish  Captivity  (ix.  1),  and  of  the  par- 
■  tial  restoration  of  them  at  the  return  from  Babylon 
(2-.34).  He  then  gives  a  continuous  liistory  of  the 
kingdom  of  Judah  from  David  to  his  own  times  (ix. 
85-Ezr.  X.)  introduced  by  the  closing  scene  of  Saul's 
_  life  (1  Chr.  x.),  which  introduction  is  itself  prefaced 
by  n  penenlogy  of  Saul's  house  (ix.  ."!6-44),  extracted 
from  the  genealogical  tables  drawn  up  in  the  reign 
of  Eezekiah  (bo  Lord  A.  C.  flervey).     1  Chr.  xv.- 


xvii.,  xxii.-xxix. ;  2  Chr.  xiii.-xv.,  xxiv.,  xxvi., 
xxix.-xxxi.,  xxxT.,  are  among  the  passages  wholly 
or  in  part  peculiar  to  the  books  of  Chronicles,  which 
mark  the  compiler's  purpose,  and  are  especially 
suited  to  the  age  and  work  of  Ezra.  Many  Clial- 
daisms  in  the  language  of  these  books,  the  resem- 
blance of  the  style  of  Chronicles  to  that  of  Ezra, 
which  is,  in  parts,  avowedly  Ezra's  composition,  tlie 
reckoning  by  Darics  (1  Chr.  xxix.  7  ;  A.  V.  "  drams"), 
as  well  as  the  breaking  off  of  the  narrative  in  the 
lifetime  of  Ezra,  are  among  other  valid  arguments 
by  which  the  authorahip,  or  rather  compilation  of 
1  and  2  Chronicles  and  Ezra  is  vindicated  to  Ezra. 
As  regards  the  materials  used  by  him,  and  the 
sources  of  his  information,  they  are  not  difficult  to 
discover.  The  genealogies  are  obviously  transcribed 
from  some  register,  in  w  liich  were  preserved  the  gen- 
ealogies of  the  tribes  and  families  drawn  up  at  dif- 
ferent times,  from  the  time  of  David  to  the  time  of 
Ezra  (compare  1  Chr.  vi.  33  ff.  with  iii.  19-24).  The 
same  wide  divergence  in  the  age  of  other  materials 
embodied  in  the  books  of  Chronicles  is  also  appa- 
rent. Thus  the  information  in  1  Chr.  i.,  concerning 
the  kings  of  Edom  before  the  reign  of  Saul,  was  ob- 
viously compiled  from  very  ancient  sources.  The 
same  may  be  said  of  the  incident  of  the  slaughter  of 
the  sons  of  Ephraim  by  the  Gittites  (1  Chr.  vii.  21, 
viii.  13),  and  of  the  account  of  the  sons  of  Slielah 
and  their  dominion  in  Moab  (iv.  21,  22).  The  curi- 
ous details  concerning  the  Reubenites  and  Gadites 
in  1  Chr.  v.  must  have  been  drawn  from  contempo- 
rary documents,  embodied  probably  in  the  genealo- 
gical records  of  Jotham  and  Jeroboam,  while  other 
records  used  by  the  compiler  are  as  late  as  after  the 
return  from  Babylon  (e.  g.  1  Chr.  ix.  2  if. ;  2  Chr. 
xxxvi.  20  ff.) ;  and  others  (e.  g.  Ezr.  ii.,  iv.  6-23)  are 
as  late  as  tlie  time  of  Artaxerxes  and  Nehemiah. 
Hence  it  is  further  manifest  that  the  books  of  Chro- 
nicles and  Ezra,  though  put  into  their  present  foim 
by  one  hand,  contain  in  fact  extracts  from  the  writ- 
ings of  many  different  writers,  which  were  extant  at 
the  time  the  compilation  Kas  made.  For  the  full  ac- 
coimt  of  the  reign  of  David,  he  made  copious  ex- 
tracts from  the  books  of  Samuel  the  seer,  Nathan  the 
prophet,  and  Gad  the  seer  (1  Chr.  xxix.  29).  For 
the  reign  of  Solomon  he  copied  from  "  the  book  of 
Nathan,"  from  "  the  prophecy  of  Ahijah  the  Shilon- 
ite,"  and  from  "  the  visions  of  Iddo  the  seer  "  (2 
Chr.  ix.  29).  Another  work  of  Iddo  called  "  the  story 
(margin,  "  commentary  ")  of  the  prophet  Iddo,"  sup- 
plied an  account  of  the  acts,  and  the  ways,  and  say- 
ings, of  King  Abijah  (xiii.  22):  while  yet  another 
book  of  Iddo  concerning  genealogies,  with  the  hook 
of  the  prophet  Shemaiah,  contained  the  acts  of  King 
Kehoboam  (xii.  15).  For  later  times  the  "  Book  of 
the  kings  of  Israel  and  Judah  "  is  repeatedly  cited 
(2  Chr.  XXV.  26,  xxvii.  7,  xxxii.  32,  &c.),  also  "the 
story  (margin,  'commentary')  of  the  book  of  the 
Kings  "  (xxiv.  27),  and  "the  sayings  of  the  seers" 
(margin,  "  Ilosai ;  "  xxxiii.  19) ;  for  the  reign  of  Jc- 
hoshaphat  "  the  book  of  Jehu  the  son  of  Hanani  " 
(xx.  34),  and  for  the  reigns  of  Uzziah  and  Hczckiah 
"the  vision  of  the  prophet  Isaiah"  (xxvi.  22,  xxxii. 
32).  Besides  the  above-named  works,  there  was  al- 
so the  public  national  record  mentioned  in  Nch.  xii. 
23.  The  "  Chronicles  of  David  "  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  24), 
are  probably  the  same  as  those  written  by  Sanmcl, 
Nathan,  and  Gad  (xxix.  29).  From  this  time  the 
affairs  of  each  king's  reign  were  regularly  recorded  f 
in  a  book  (1  K.  xiv.  29,  xv.  7,  &c.);  and  it  was 
doubtless  from  this  common  source  that  the  pas- 
sages in  the  Books  of  Samdel  and  Kings  identical 


iro 


CHR 


with  the  Books  of  Chronicles  were  derived.  Most, 
if  not  all,  of  the  alleged  discrepancies  in  regard  to 
the  facts  and  numbers  may  be  satisfactorily  ex- 
plained. (Abijah  1  ;  Ahaziah  2  ;  Akaunah  ;  Asa  ; 
Ce.nsus  ;  Israel,  Kingdom  of,  &c.)  As  regards  2 
Chr.  xxxvi.  8  if.,  and  Ezr.  i.,  a  comparison  of  them 
with  2  K.  xxiv.,  xxv.,  will  lead  to  the  conclusion 
that  while  the  writer  of  the  narrative  in  Kings  lived 
in  Judah,  and  died  under  the  dynasty  of  Nebuchad- 
nezzar, the  writer  of  the  chapter  in  Chronicles  lived 
at  Babylon,  and  survived  till  the  commencement  at 
least  of  the  Persian  dynasty.  Moreover,  he  seems 
to  speak  as  one  who  had  long  been  a  subject  of  Neb- 
uchadnezzar, calling  him  simply  "  King  Nebuchad- 
nezzar." Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  supposes  it  highly 
probable  that  as  Jeremiah  wrote  the  closing  portion 
of  the  Book  of  Kings,  so  did  Daniel  write  the  corre- 
sponding portion  in  Chronicles,  and  down  to  the  end 
of  Ezr.  i.  As  regards  the  language  of  these  books, 
as  of  Ezra,  Nehcmiah,  Esther,  and  the  later  proph- 
ets, it  has  a  marked  Chaldee  coloring,  and  Gesenius 
says  of  them,  that  "  as  literary  works,  they  are  de- 
cidedly inferior  to  those  of  older  date  "  (Inlrod.  to 
Heb.  Grammar).  The  books  of  Chronicles  have  al- 
ways had  their  place  in  the  0.  T.  (Bible,  III.  3 ; 
Canon.)  Though  not  expressly  quoted  in  the  N.  T., 
they  are  supposed  to  be  alluded  to,  e.  g.  in  Heb.  v. 
4  (compare  1  Chr.  xxiii.  13),  Lk.  i.  5  (compare  1  Chr. 
xxiv.  10),  Mat.  xxiii.  35  and  Lk.  xi.  51  (compare  2 
Chr.  xxiv.  20,  21). 

Cbro-nol'o-gy  [kro-nol'o-je]  (fr.  Gr.  =:  computation 
of  lime,  L.  &  S.).  The  object  of  this  article  (origi- 
nally by  Mr.  11.  S.  Poole)  is  to  indicate  the  present 
state  of  biblical  chronology,  i.  e.  of  the  technical  and 
historical  chronology  of  tlie  Jews  and  their  ancestors 
from  the  earliest  time  to  the  close  of  the  N.  T.  Canon. 
— I.  Technical  Chronology,  comprehending  the  mode 
of  reckoning  time  and  the  terms  used  to  denote 
divisions  of  time. — The  technical  part  of  Hebrew 
Chronology  presents  great  difficulties.  The  biblical 
information  is  almost  wholly  inferential.  (Inspira- 
tion.) We  must  not  expect  among  the  patriarchs 
and  Israelites  either  the  accuracy  of  modern  science 
or  the  inaccuracy  of  modern  ignorance.  The  Arabs 
of  the  desert  afford  the  best  parallel.  (Astronomy.) 
Many  of  the  genealogies  given  in  the  Bible  are 
broken  witliout  being  in  consequence  technically  de- 
fective as  Hebrew  genealogies  (Mat.  i.  8 ;  Ezr.  vii. 
1-5;  1  Chr.  xxvi.  24;  IK.  .xix.  16;  2  K.  ix.  20, 
compare  2,  14,  &c. ;  see  Genealogy).  There  is  no 
use  of  the  generation  as  a  division  of  time  in  the 
Pentateuch,  unless  in  Gen  xv.  16,  where,  however, 
the  meaning  most  probably  is  that  some  of  the  fourth 
generation  should  come  forth  from  Egypt.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  the  ancient  Hebrews  had  any 
division  smaller  than  an  hour. — Hour. — The  "  hour  " 
is  mentioned  in  Dan.  iii.  6,  15,  iv.  19,  33,  v.  5,  but 
in  no  one  of  these  cases  is  a  definite  period  of  time 
clearly  intended  by  the  word  employed.  The  Egyp- 
tians divided  the  day  and  night  into  hours  like  our- 
selves from  at  least  B.  c.  about  1200.  It  is  there- 
fore not  improbable  that  the  Israelites  were  ac- 
quainted with  the  hour  from  an  early  period.  The 
"  DIAL  of  Ahaz "  implies  a  division  of  the  kind. 
In  the  N.  T.  we  find  the  same  system  as  the  modern, 
the  hours  being  reckoned  from  the  beginning  of  the 
Jewisli  night  and  day. — Day. — For  the  civil  day  of 
twenty-four  hours  we  find  in  one  place  (Dan.  viil.  14, 
margin)  the  term  "  evening-morning "  (also  in  2 
Cor.  xi.  25,  A.  V.  "  a  night  and  a  day ; "  compare 
Jon.  i.  17  ;  Mat.  xii.  40).  The  civil  day  was  divided 
into  NiouT  and  natural  day,  the  periods  of  darkness 


CHB 

and  light  (Gen.  i.  5).  The  night,  and  therefore  the 
civil  day,  is  generally  held  to  have  begun  at  sunset 
(Lev.  xxiii.  32).  "  Between  the  two  evenings " 
(margin  of  Ex.  xii.  6 ;  Num.  ix.  .S,  xxviii.  4)  is  a 
natural  division  between  the  late  afternoon  when  the 
sun  is  low,  and  the  evening  when  his  light  has  not 
wholly  disappeared,  the  two  evenings  into  which  the 
natural  evening  would  be  cut  by  the  commencement 
of  the  civil  day  if  it  began  at  sunset.  The  natural  day 
probably  was  held  to  commence  at  sunrise,  morning- 
twilight  being  included  in  the  last  watch  of  tlie  night, 
according  to  the  old  as  well  as  the  later  division ; 
some,  however,  made  the  morning-watch  part  of 
the  day.  Four  natural  periods,  smaller  than  the 
civil  day,  are  mentioned.  These  are  "  evening," 
and  "  morning,"  "  noon "  (or  "  mid-day"),  and  "  mid- 
night." All  these  seem  to  designate  periods,  evening 
and  morning  being,  however,  much  longer  than  noon 
and  midnight.  The  night  was  divided  into  watches, 
three  in  the  0.  T.  ;  four  in  the  N.  T.  (Watches  oi- 
Night.) — Week. — The  Hebrew  week  was  a  period 
of  seven  days  ending  with  the  Sabbath  ;  therefore 
it  could  not  have  lieen  a  division  of  the  month,  which 
was  lunar,  without  intercalation.  The  week,  whetlier 
a  period  of  seven  days,  or  a  quarter  of  the  month, 
was  of  common  use  in  antiquity.  The  Egyptians, 
however,  were  without  it,  dividing  their  month  of 
thirty  days  into  decades  as  did  the  Athenians.- — 
Month. — The  months  by  which  the  time  is  measured 
in  the  account  of  the  Flood  seem  to  be  of  thirty 
days  each,  probably  forming  a  year  of  three  hundred 
and  sixty  days,  for  tlie  first,  second,  seventh,  and 
tenth  months  are  mentioned  (Gen.  viii.  13,  vii.  11, 
viii.  14,  4,  5).  The  montlis  from  the  giving  of  the 
Law  until  the  time  of  the  Second  Temple,  were  lunar. 
Their  average  length  would  of  course  be  a  lunation, 
or  a  little  (44')  above  twenty-nine  and  a  half  days, 
and  therefore  they  would  in  general  be  alternately 
of  twenty-nine  and  thirty  days,  but  it  is  possible 
that  occasionally  months  might  occur  of  twenty- 
eight  and  thirty-one  days,  if,  as  is  highly  probable, 
the  commencement  of  each  was  strictly  determined 
by  observation.  The  first  day  of  the  month  is 
called  "  NEW  moon." — Year. — It  has  been  supposed, 
as  already  mentioned,  that  in  Noah's  time  there  was 
a  year  of  three  hundred  and  sixty  days.  The  dates 
ill  the  narrative  of  the  Flood  might  indeed  be  ex- 
plained in  accordance  with  a  year  of  three  hundred 
and  sixty-five  days.  The  evidence  of  the  prophetic 
Scriptures  is  however  conclusive  as  to  the  knowledge 
of  a  year  of  the  former  length.  There  can  bo  no 
doubt  that  the  year  instituted  at  the  Exodus  was  es- 
sentially tropical  (i.  e.  averaging  nearly  three  hundred 
and  sixty-five  and  a  quarter  days,  the  period  of  the 
sun's  passing  from  one  tropic  or  equinox  to  the 
same  again),  since  certain  observances  connected 
with  the  produce  of  the  land  were  fixed  to  particular 
days.  It  is  equally  clear  that  the  months  were  lunar, 
each  commencing  with  a  new  moon.  Probably  the 
nearest  new  moon  about  or  after  the  equinox,  but 
not  much  before,  was  chosen  as  the  commencement 
of  the  year,  and  a  thirteenth  month  was  intercalated 
or  added,  whenever  the  twelfth  ended  too  long  be- 
fore the  equinox  for  the  first-fruits  of  the  harvest 
to  be  oflfered  in  the  middle  of  the  month  following, ' 
and  the  similar  offerings  at  the  times  appointed. 
The  later  Jews  had  two  beginnings  to  tlic  year.  At 
the  time  of  the  Second  Temple  the  seventh  month 
of  the  civil  reckoning  was  Abib,  the  first  of  the 
sacred.  Hence  it  has  been  held  that  the  institution 
at  the  time  of  the  Exodus  was  merely  a  change  of 
commencement,  and  not  the  introduction  of  a  new 


CHR 


CHR 


171 


year ;  nnd  also  that  from  this  time  there  were  the 
two  beginnings.  The  former  opinion  is  at  present 
purely  hypothetical,  and  has  been  too  much  mixed 
up  with  the  latter,  for  which,  on  the  contrary,  there 
u  some  evidence.  The  strongest  point  in  this  evi- 
dence is  the  circumstance  that  the  sabbatical  and 
jubdee  years  commenced  in  the  seventh  month,  and 
doubtless  on  its  first  day.  It  is  perfectly  clear  that 
this  would  be  the  most  convenient,  if  not  the  neces- 
sary, commencement  of  single  years  of  total  cessa- 
tiou  from  the  labors  of  the  field,  since  each  year  so 
commencing  would  comprise  the  whole  round  of 
the.-ie  occupations  in  a  regular  order  from  seed-time 
to  harvest,  and  from  harvest  to  vintage  and  gather- 
ing of  fruit.  VVe  can  therefore  come  to  no  other 
conclusion  but  that  for  the  purposes  of  agricultdri 
the  year  was  held  to  begin  with  the  seventh  month, 
while  the  months  were  still  reckoned  from  the  ."acred 
commencement  in  Abib. — Seasons. — The  ancient 
Hfbrews  do  not  appear  to  have  divided  their  year 
into  fixed  seasons.  We  find  mention  of  the  natural 
sea-sons,  "  summer,"  and  "  winter,"  which  =  the 
whole  year  in  Ps.  Ixxiv.  17 ;  Zech.  xiv.  8  ;  and 
perhaps  Gen.  viii.  22.  The  Hebrew  word  for  the 
former  of  these  properly  =  the  time  of  cutting 
fruits,  and  the  Hebrew  word  for  the  latter  =  the  time 
of  gathering  fruits  ;  the  one  referring  to  the  early 
fruit  season,  the  other  to  the  late  one  (=  autumn, 
not  unfrequently  including  winter,  Ges.).  There  are 
two  agricultural  seasons  of  a  more  special  character 
than  the  preceding  in  their  ordinary  use.  These  are 
"  seed-time  "  and  "  harvest."  (Agriculture.) — Fes- 
tivals and  Holydays. — (See  Fasts  ;  Festivals  ;  Jubi- 
lee, Year  ok;  Sabbatical  Year.) — Eras. — There 
are  indications  of  several  historical  eras  having  been 
used  by  the  ancient  Hebrews,  but  our  information 
is  so  scanty  that  we  are  generally  unable  to  come 
to  positive  conclusions. — 1.  The  Exodus  (Ex.  xii. 
41,  61)  is  used  as  an  era  in  1  K.  vi.  1,  in  giving  the 
date  of  the  foundation  of  Solomon's  Temple. — 2. 
The  foundation  of  Solomon's  Temple  is  conjectured 
by  Ideler  to  have  bei;n  an  era  (1  K.  ix.  10  ;  2  Chr. 
viii.  1). — 3.  The  era  once  used  by  Ezekiel  (i.  1),  and 
commencing  in  Josiah's  eighteenth  year,  was  most 
probably  connected  with  the  sabbatical  system  (2  K . 
xxiii.  22;  2  Chr.  xxxv.  18,  xxxiv.  30;  ccmp.  Deut. 
xxxi.  10-13). — 4.  The  era  of  Jehoiachin's  captivity  is 
constantly  used  by  Ezekiel.  The  earliest  date  is 
the  fifth  year  (i.  2),  and  the  latest,  the  twenty-seventh 
(xxix.  \1).  The  prophet  generally  gives  the  date 
without  applying  any  distinctive  term  to  the  era. 
We  have  no  proof  that  it  was  used  except  by  those 
to  whose  captivity  it  referred.  Its  first  year  was 
current  b.  c.  59G,  conmiencing  in  the  spring  of  that 
year. — 5.  The  beginning  of  the  seventy  years' 
Captivity  docs  not  appear  to  have  been  used  as  an 
era. — 0.  The  return  from  Babylon  does  not  appear 
to  be  employed  as  an  era  ;  it  is,  however,  reckoned 
from  in  Ezra  Hi.  1,  8,  as  is  the  Exodus  in  the  Penta- 
teuch.— 7.  The  era  of  the  Seleucida;  (b.  c.  312)  is 
used  in  1  and  2  Maccabees.  (Maccabees,  Books 
Of.) — 8.  The  liberation  of  the  Jews  from  the  Syrian 
yoke  in  the  first  year  of  Simon  the  Maccabee  is 
stated  to  have  been  commemorated  by  an  era  used 
in  contracts  and  agreements  (1  Me.  xiii.  41  ;  Mac- 
cabees).— Regnal  Years. — By  the  Hebrews  regnal 
years  appear  to  have  been  counted  from  the  begin- 
ning of  the  year,  not  from  the  day  of  the  king's  ac- 
cesislon.  Tlius,  if  a  king  came  to  the  throne  in  the 
last  month  of  a  year,  reigned  for  the  whole  of  the 
next  year,  and  died  in  the  first  month  of  the  third 
year,  we  might  have  dates  in  bis  first,  second,  and 


third  years,  although  he  governed  for  no  more  than 
thirteen  or  fourteen  months. — II,  Histurieul  Chro- 
nology.— The  historical  part  of  Hebrew  Chronology 
is  not  less  difficult  than  the  technical.  The  informa- 
tion in  the  Bible  is  indeed  direct  rather  than  inferen- 
tial, although  there  is  very  important  evidence  of 
the  latter  kind,  but  the  present  state  of  the  numbers 
makes  absolute  certainty  in  many  cases  impossible. 
(Abijah  1  ;  Census.)  The  frequent  occurrence  of 
round  numbers  is  a  matter  of  minor  Importance,  for, 
although  when  we  have  no  other  evidence,  it  mani- 
festly precludes  our  arriving  at  positive  accurac}', 
the  variation  of  a  few  years  is  not  to  be  balanced 
against  great  differences  apparently  not  to  be  posi- 
tively resolved,  as  those  of  the  primeval  numbers  in 
the  Hebrew,  LXX.,  and  Samaritan  Pentateuch. — 
Biblical  data. — It  will  be  best  to  examine  the  biblical 
information  under  the  main  ])eriods  Into  which  it 
may  be  separated,  beginning  with  the  earliest.  (A.) 
First  Period,  from  Adam  to  Abram's  departure  frcni 
Haran. — All  the  numerical  data  in  the  Bible  for  the 
chronology  of  this  Interval  are  comprised  in  two  gen- 
ealogical lists  in  Genesis,  the  first  from  Adam  to 
Noah  and  his  sons  (Gen.  v.  3-32),  and  the  second 
from  Shem  to  Abram  (xi.  10-26),  and  In  certain  pas- 
sages in  the  same  book  (vii.  6,  11,  viii.  IS,  Ix.  5:8, 
29,  xi.  32,  xll.  4).  The  Masoretic  Hebrew  text,  the 
LXX.,  and  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  greatly  differ, 
as  may  be  seen  by  the  following  table. 


Age  of  CBch  when 

the  next  wae 

horn. 

YeKM  or  each  after 

the  next  waa 

bora. 

Total  length  of 

the  life  of 

each. 

LXX. 

Heb. 

Sam. 

LXX.    Heb,    Bam. 

1  7(f0          8rO 
1  707          mi 
'  716           815 
1  740           840 

i  720       eao 

810      ..      1   788 
1   900           80O 

LXX. 

930 
919 
906 
910 
896 
969 
366 
969 

763 
»S0 
600 

Htb. 

;; 

111 

Sam. 

Aduin 

830 

506 
190 
170 
166 
169 
165 
187 
167 
188 
609 
ICO 

im 

2V44 

T^r 

i::o 

120 
134 
130 
139 
130 

79 
119 

10 

1146 
1946 

130 
1C6 
90 
10 
6 

69 
\i 
67 

1S9       63 

S«tli    

Enos 

Muhaltil«el 

jHFtd 

647 

Enoch         

Methuselah 

Lairecb 

1782)     789 

809 

666      696 
1  4J8      .. 

600      .. 

663 
600 

ISO 
663 

sum 

166S 

1309 

TbU  WM  "  two  veari  afttir  the 
ntKid." 

ArphnxBd 

CaiDim 

Snlah 

86 

SO 
34 
30 
39 
30 
99 

4<10 

3.-i0 
330 
1   970 
S09 
901 
900 
199 

(136) 

403 

403 
430 

119 

(136) 

803 

303 

109 
107 
100 
69 

(16) 

(6361 
|J60) 
1460) 
(404) 
<339) 
(339) 
(330) 
,S08, 

906 

(438)!  4^ 

(433)!  <S3 
(464)'  404 

Peleg 

(939)'  939 
{Kfl    SS9 

(930)    9S0 

Nahor 

(148)    148 

..      145 

Ahrnm  leavet 
HftraD 

366 

1016 

The  parentheses  indicate  numbers  not  stated,  but 
obtained  by  computation  from  others.  ^  The  dots  in- 
dicate numbers  agieeing  with  the  LXX.  The  two 
numbers  for  Methuselah  and  Nahor  are  given  by 
different  readings  of  the  LXX.  The  number  of 
generations  In  the  LXX.  is  one  in  excess  of  the 
Hebrew  and  Samaritan  on  account  of  the  "  Second 
Cainan,"  whom  the  best  chronologers  are  agreed 
in  rejecting  as  spurious.  The  variations  arc  the 
result  of  design,  not  accident,  as  is  evident  from 
the  years  before  the  birth  of  a  son  and  the  residues 
agreeing  in  their  sums  in  almost  all  eases  in  the 
antediluvian  generations,  the  exceptions,  save  one, 
being  apparently  the  result  of  necessity  that  lives 
should  not  overiap  the  date  of  the  Flood.  We  have 
no  clew  to  tlie  date  or  dates  of  the  alterations  be- 


172 


CHR 


CHR 


yoiid  that  we  can  trace  the  LXX.  form  to  the  first 
century  of  the  Christian  era,  if  not  higher,  and  the 
Hebrew  to  the  fourth  century :  if  the  Samaritan  num- 
bers be  as  old  as  the  text,  we  can  assign  tliera  a 
higher  antiquity  tlian  what  is  known  as  to  the  He- 
brew. The  cause  of  tlie  alterations  is  most  uncer- 
tain. It  has  indeed  been  conjectured  that  the  Jews 
shortened  the  chronology  in  order  that  an  ancient 
prophecy  that  the  Messiah  should  come  in  the  sixth 
millenary  of  the  world's  age  might  not  be  known  to 
be  fulfilled  in  the  advent  of  our  Lord.  The  reason 
may  be  sufficient  in  itself,  but  it  does  not  rest  upon 
sufficient  evidence.  The  different  proportions  of  the 
generation  and  lives  in  the  LXX.  and  Hebrew  have 
been  asserted  to  afford  an  argument  in  favor  of  the 
former.  But  a  stronger  is  found  in  the  long  period 
required  from  the  Flood  to  the  Dispersion  and  the 
establishment  of  kingdoms.  With  respect  to  prob- 
ability of  accuracy  arising  from  the  state  of  the  text, 
the  Hebrew  certainly  has  the  advantage.  If,  how- 
ever, we  consider  the  Samaritan  form  of  the  lists  as 
sprung  from  the  other  two,  the  LXX.  would  seem 
(so  Mr.  Poole)  to  be  earlier  than  the  Hebrew,  since 
it  is  more  probable  that  the  antediluvian  generations 
would  have  been  shortened  to  a  general  agreement 
with  the  Hebrew,  than  that  the  postdiluvian  would 
have  been  lengthened  to  suit  the  LXX. ;  for  it  is 
obviously  most  likely  that  a  sufficient  number  of 
years  having  been  deducted  from  the  earlier  genera- 
tions, the  operation  was  not  carried  on  with  the 
later.  Mr.  Poole  is  inclined  to  prefer  the  LXX. 
numbers  after  the  Deluge,  and,  as  consistent  with 
them,  and  probably  of  the  same  authority,  those 
before  the  Deluge  also.  (But  see  below  the  Princi- 
pal Systems  of  Biblical  Chrotiotogy  ;  also,  Ale.xan- 
DRiA  ;  Samaritan  Pentateuch  ;  Septuagint.)  It 
remains  for  us  to  ascertain  what  appears  to  be  the 
best  form  of  each  of  the  three  versions,  and  to  state 
the  intervals  thus  obtained.  In  the  LXX.  antedilu- 
vian generations,  that  of  Methuselah  is  187  or  167 
years :  the  former  seems  to  be  undoubtedly  the  true 
number,  since  the  latter  would  make  this  patriarch, 
if  the  subsequent  generations  be  correct,  to  survive 
the  Flood  fourteen  years.  In  the  postdiluvian  num- 
bers of  the  LXX.  we  must  reject  the  second  Cainan. 
Of  the  two  forms  of  Nahor's  generation  in  the  LXX. 
we  must  prefer  79,  as  more  consistent  with  the  num- 
bers near  it,  and  as  also  found  in  the  Saniaritan.  In 
the  Case  of  Terah  (see  Abraham),  Mr.  Poole  sup- 
poses the  number  might  have  been  changed  by  a 
copyist,  and  takes  the  145  years  of  the  Samaritan. — 
It  has  been  generally  supposed  that  the  Dispersion 
took  place  in  the  days  of  Peleg,  on  account  of  what 
is  said  in  Gen.  x.  25.  The  event,  whatever  it  was, 
must  have  happened  at  Peleg's  birth,  rather  than,  as 
some  have  supposed,  at  a  later  time  in  his  life.  Mr. 
Poole  therefore  considers  the  following  as  the  best 
forms  of  the  numbers  according  to  the  three  sources. 

LXX.  Hcb.  Sara. 

Creation 0                 0  0 

Flood  loccupying  chief  part 

of  this  year) 2262  1056  1807 

Birth  (if  Peleg 401)            101)  401) 

Departure  of  Abram  from          VIOH          )-867  VIOIT 

Haran 616)            266)  616  j 

3279  202-3  S324 

(B.)  Second  Period,  from  Abram's  departure  from 
Haran  to  the  Exodus. — The  length  of  this  period  is 
stated  by  St.  Paul  as  430  years  from  the  promise  to 
Abraham  to  the  giving  of  the  Law  (Gal.  iii.  17),  the 
first  event  being  held  to  be  that  recorded  in  Gen.  xil. 
1-5.     The  same  number  of  years  is  given  in  Ex.  xii. 


40,  41.  A  third  passage,  occurring  in  the  same 
essential  form  in  both  Testaments,  and  therefore 
especially  satisfactory  as  to  its  textual  accuracy,  is 
the  divine  declaration  to  Abraham  of  the  future  his- 
tory of  his  children : — "  Know  of  a  surety  that  thy 
seed  shall  be  a  stranger  in  a  land  [that  is]  not  theirs, 
and  shall  serve  them  ;  and  they  shall  afflict  them 
four  hundred  years;  and  also  that  nation,  whom 
they  shall  serve,  will  I  judge :  and  afterward  shall 
they  come  out  with  great  substance"  (Gen.  xv.  13, 
14 ;  compare  Acts  vii.  6,  7).  The  four  hundred 
years  cannot  be  held  to  be  the  period  of  oppression 
without  a  denial  of  the  historical  character  of  the 
narrative  of  that  time,  but  can  only  be  supposed  to 
mean  the  time  from  this  dedaration  to  the  Exodus. 
This  reading,  which  in  the  A.  V.  requires  no  more 
than  a  slight  change  in  the  punctuation,  if  it  suppose 
an  unusual  construction  in  Hebrew,  is  perfectly  ad- 
missible according  to  the  principles  of  Shemitic 
grammar,  and  might  be  used  in  Arabic.  We  find 
no  difficulty  in  accepting  the  statements  as  to  the 
longevity  of  Abraham  and  cei-tain  of  his  descendants 
(see  Patriarch  ;  also  under  2''echnical  Chronology), 
and  can  go  on  to  examine  the  details  of  the  period 
under  consideration  as  made  out  from  evidence  re- 
quiring this  admission.  The  narrative  affords  the 
following  data  which  we  place  under  two  periods — 
(1.)  that  from  Abram's  leaving  Haran  to  Jacob's 
entering  Egypt,  and  (2.)  that  from  Jacob's  entering 
Egypt  to  the  Exodus. 

(1.)  Age  of  Abraham  on  leaving  Haran 75  years 

"        at  Isaac's  birth 100 

Age  of  Isaac  at  -laeob's  birth 60 

Age  of  Jacob  on  entering  Egypt 130 

216  or  215  years. 

(2.)  Age  of  Levi  on  entering  Egypt  about  45 

Residue  of  his  life i»2 

Oppression  after  the  death  of  Jacob's  sons  (Ex.  i. 

6,  7  ff.) 
Age  of  Moses  at  Exodus 80 

172 

Age  of  Joseph  in  the  same  year 89 

Residue  of  his  life 71 

Age  of  Moses  al  Exodus 80 

151 

These  data  make  up  about  387  or  388  years,  to 
which  it  is  reasonable  to  make  some  addition,  since 
it  appears  that  all  Joseph's  generation  died  before 
the  oppression  commenced,  and  it  is  probable  that  it 
had  begun  some  time  before  the  birth  of  Moses.  The 
sura  we  thus  obtain  cannot  be  far  different  from  430 
years,  a  period  for  the  whole  sojourn  that  these  data 
must  thus  be  held  to  confirm.  The  genealogies  re- 
lating to  the  time  of  the  dwelling  in  Egypt,  if  coa 
tinuous,  which  there  is  much  reason  to  suppose  some 
to  be,  are  not  repugnant  to  this  scheme ;  but  one 
alone  of  them,  that  of  Joshua  in  1  Chr.  (vii.  23,  25- 
27),  if  a  succensioi,  can  be  reconciled  with  dating  the 
430  years  from  Jacob's  entrance  into  Egypt.  The 
historical  evidence  should  be  carefully  weighed.  Its 
chief  point  is  the  increase  of  the  Israelites  from  the 
few  wlio  went  with  Jacob  into  Egypt,  and  Joseph 
and  his  sons,  to  the  600,000  men  who  came  out  at 
the  Exodus.  (Census.)  At  the  former  date  are 
enumerated — "  besides  Jacob's  sons'  wives  " — Jacob, 
his  12  sons  and  1  daughter,  51  grandsons  and  1 
grand-daughter,  and  4  great-grandsons,  making  70  ■ 
souls  (Gen.  xlvi.  8-27).-  Tlie  generation  to  which  [ 
children  would  be  bom  about  this  time  was  thus  of 
at  least  fifty-one  pairs,  since  all  are  males  except 
one,  who  most  probably  married  a  cousin.  This 
computation  takes  no  account  of  polygamy,  which 


GIR 


CHR 


173 


was  certainly  practised  at  the  time  by  the  Hebrews. 
This  first  generation  must,  unless  there  were  at  the 
time  other  grand-daughtei-s  of  Jacob  besides  tlie  one 
mentioned  (compare  verse  7),  have  taken  foreign 
wives,  and  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  tlic  same  to 
have  been  constantly  done  afterward,  though  prob- 
ably in  a  less  degree  (compare  Lev.  xxiv.  10).  Bond- 
servants and  children  born  from  them  in  the  house 
were  adopted  into  the  number  of  their  own  people 
(1  C'hr.  ii.  34,  35 ;  compare  Gen.  xiv.  14,  xv.  3,  xvii. 
27,  x-tx.  43,  xlvii.  1 );  other  foreigners  may  have  been 
proselyted  (see  Caleb  1);  early  marriages  probably 
prevailed  (compare  xxxviii.  14) ;  and  longevity  aided 
to  swell  the  population  (xlvii.  28,  1.  22;  Ex  vi.  16, 
18,  20,  &c.  ;  see  Ahram  1  ;  Genealogy  ;  Genera- 
tion). It  has  been  calculated  that  the  Israelites  in 
Egypt  must  have  doubled  on  an  average  once  in 
fifteen  and  a  half  years ;  but  in  view  of  the  fore- 
going statements,  of  the  ascertained  rate  of  increase 
in  several  modern  nations  (the  United  States  double 
every  20  or  23  years  ;  and  in  some  parts  this  rate  is 
much  exceeded),  and  of  the  especial  blessing  which 
attended  the  people,  the  interval  of  about  215  years 
does  not  seem  too  short  for  the  increa.'ie.  "  What- 
ever may  be  the  issue  of  the  diversity  between  lead- 
ing Egyptologers,  certain  it  is  that  the  chronology  of 
Egypt  is  not  yet  adjusted  to  a  scale  so  fixed  that  it 
is  worth  while  to  try  to  conform  to  it  the  elements 
of  biblical  chronology  scattered  through  the  0.  T." 
{J.  P.  Thompson,  D.  D.,  in  B.  S.  xiv.  652).— (C.) 
Tliird  Period,  from  the  Exodus  to  the  Foundation 
of  Solomon's  Temple. — There  is  but  one  passage 
from  which  we  obtain  the  length  of  this  period  as  a 
whole.  It  is  that  in  which  the  Foundation  of  the 
Temple  is  dated  in  the  480th  (Heb,),  or  440th  (LXX.) 
year  after  the  Exodus,  in  the  4th  year  and  2d  month  of^ 
Solomon's  reign  (1  K.  vi.  1).  Subtracting  from  480 
or  440  years  the  first  three  years  of  Solomon  and 
the  forty  of  David,  we  obtjiin  (480  —  43  =)  437  or 
(440  —  43  =)  397  years.  These  results  we  have  first 
to  compare  with  the  detached  numbers.  These  are 
— (I.)  From  Exodus  to  death  of  Moses,  40  years. 
(2.)  Leadership  of  Joshua,  1  +  x  years.  (3.).  Inter- 
val between  Joshua's  death  and  the  First  Servitude, 
X  years.  (4.)  Servitudes  and  rule  of  Judges  until 
Eli's  death,  4.30  years.  (5.)  Period  from  Eli's  death 
to  Saul's  accession,  20 +  x  years.  (6.)  Saul's  reign, 
40  year.?.  (7.)  David's  reign,  40  years.  (8.)  Solo- 
mon's reign  to  Foundation  of  Temple,  3  years.  Sum, 
3  I -I- 580  years.  It  is  possible  to  obtain  approxima- 
tively  the  length  of  the  three  wanting  numbers. 
Joshua's  age  at  the  Exodus  was  20  or  20 -fa;  years 
(Num.  xiv.  29,  30),  and  at  his  death,  110 :  therefore 
the  utmost  length  of  his  rule  must  be(l  10  —  20  —  40 
=)  50  years.  After  Joshua  there  is  the  time  of  the 
Elders  who  overlived  him,  then  a  period  of  disobe- 
dience and  idolatry,  a  servitude  of  8  years,  deliver- 
ance by  Othniel  the  son  of  Kenaz,  and  rest  for 
40  years  until  Othniel's  death.  The  duration  of 
Joshua's  government  is  limited  by  the  circumstance 
that  Caleb's  lot  was  apportioned  to  him  in  the  sev- 
enth year  of  the  occupation,  and  therefore  of  Joshua's 
nde,  when  he  was  85  years  old,  and  that  he  con- 
quered the  lot  after  Joshua's  death  (Josh.  xiv.  6-1 6  ; 
XV.  13-19 ;  Judg.  i.  9-15,  20).  If  we  suppose  that 
Caleb  set  out  to  conquer  his  lot  about  7  years  after 
its  apportionment,  then  Joshua's  rule  would  be  about 
13  years,  and  he  would  have  been  a  little  (about  18 
years)  older  than  Caleb. '  The  interval  between 
Joshua's  death  and  the  First  Servitude  is  limited 
by  the  history  of  Othniel.  He  was  already  a  warrior 
when  Caleb  conquered  his  lot ;  be  lived  to  deliver 


Israel  from  the  Mesopotamian  oppressor,  and  died 
at  the  end  of  the  subsequent  40  years  of  rest.  Sup 
posing  Othniel  to  have  been  30  years  old  when  Caleb 
set  out,  and  1 10  years  at  his  death,  32  years  would 
remain  for  the  interval  in  question  (Judg.  iii.  8-11). 
The  rule  of  Joshua  may  be  therefore  reckoned  to 
have  been  about  1 3  years,  and  the  subsequent  inter- 
val to  the  First  Servitude  about  32  years,  altogether 
47  (45)  years.  These  numbers  cannot  be  con.sidered 
exact ;  but  they  can  hardly  be  far  wrong,  more  espe- 
cially the  sum.  The  residue  of  Samuel's  judgeship 
after  the  20  years  from  Eli's  death  until  the  solemn 
fast  and  victory  at  Mizpeh  (1  Sam.  vii.  2),  can 
scarcely  have  much  exceeded  20  years.  Samuel 
must  have  been  still  young  at  the  time  of  Eli's  death, 
and  he  died  very  near  the  close  of  Saul's  reign  (xxv. 
1,  xxviii.  3).  If  he  were  ten  years  old  at  the  former 
date,  and  judged  for  20  years  after  the  victory  at 
Mizpeh,  he  would  have  been  near  90  years  old  (10? 
+  20-f-20?-f38?)  at  his  death,  which  appears  to 
have  been  a  long  period  of  life  at  that  time.  If  we 
thus  suppose  the  three  uncertain  intervals,  the 
residue  of  Joshua's  rule,  the  time  after  his  death 
to  the  First  Servitude,  and  Samuel's  rule  after  the 
victory  at  Mizpeh  to  have  been  respectively  6,  32, 
and  20  years,  the  sum  of  the  whole  period,  accord- 
ing to  Mr.  Poole,  will  be  (580  +  58=)  638  years. 
(Compare  Acts  xiii.  19-21 ;  Judg.  xi.  26  ;  also.  Prin- 
cipal Si/'stems  of  Biblical  Chronology,  below ;  Judges, 
Book  of,  VII. ;  Kings,  1st  and  2d  Books  of,  I. — 
(D.)  FourOi  Period,  from  the  Foundation  of  Solo- 
mon's Temple  to  its  Destruction. — The  dates  of  this 
period  can  be  more  easily  ascertained.  With  the 
exception  of  two  supposed  interregnums,  one  of  1 1 
years  between  Jeroboam  II.  and  Zachariah,  and  the 
other  of  9  years  between  Pekah  and  Hoshea,  for 
which  in  both  cases  he  would  suppose  a  longer  reign 
of  the  earlier  of  the  two  kings  between  whom  the 
interregnums  are  conjectured,  Mr.  Poole  accepts  the 
computation  of  the  period  given  in  the  margin  of  the 

A.  V.  He  also  corrects  (see  below)  the  date  of  the 
conclusion  of  this  period,  there  given  b.  c.  588  to 
686,  and  estimates  the  whole  period  to  be  of  about 
425  years,  that  of  the  undivided  kingdom  120  years, 
that  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah  about  388  years,  and 
that  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel  about  255  years.  (See 
Israel,  Kingdom  of,  and  Judah,  Kingdom  of  ;  also, 
Prohahle  determination  of  Dates,  below.) — (E.)  Fifth 
Period,  from  tlie  Destruction  of  Solomon's  Temple 
to  the  Return  from  the  Babylonish  Captivity. — The 
determination  of  the  length  of  this  period  depends 
upon  the  date  of  the  return  to  Palestine.  The  decree 
of  Cyrus  leading  to  that  event  was  made  in  the  first 
year  of  his  reign,  doubtless  at  Babylon  (Ezr.  i.  1), 

B.  c.  638,  but  it  does  not  seem  certain  that  the  Jews 
at  once  returned.  (Babel  ;  Ezra,  Book  of.  )  Two 
numbers,  held  by  some  to  be  identical,  must  here  be 
considered.  One  is  the  period  of  70  years,  during 
which  the  tyranny  of  Babylon  over  Palestine  and 
the  East  generally  was  to  last,  prophesied  by  Jere- 
miah (xxv.),  and  the  other,  the  70  years'  Captivity 
(xxix.  10  ;  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  21 ;  Dan.  ix.  2).  The  com- 
mencement of  the  former  period  is  plainly  the  first 
year  of  Nebuchadnezzar  and  fourth  of  jchoiakim 
(Jer.  xxv.  1),  when  the  successes  of  the  king  of 
Babylon  began  (xlvi.  2),  and  the  miseries  of  Jerusa- 
lem (xxv.  29),  and  the  conclusion,  the  fall  of  Baby- 
lon (12).  The  famous  seventy  years  of  Captivity 
would  seem  to  be  the  same  period  as  this,  since  it  was 
to  terminate  with  the  return  of  the  captives  (xxix.  10). 
This  period  we  consider  to  be  of  48 -I- a;  years,  the 
doubtful  number  being  the  time  of  the  reign  of 


174 


CHR 


CHR 


Cyrus  before  the  return  to  Jerusalem,  probably 
about  two  or  three  years.  (For  the  subsequent 
chronology,  see  Auaslerus  ;  Annas  2  ;  Aktaxer- 
XES ;  Babel  ;  Belshazzar  ;  Caiaphas  ;  Cyrenius  ; 
Daniel  ;  Darius  ;  Evil-Meuodach  ;  Hfrod  ;  High- 
Priest  ;  James  ;  Jerusalem  ;  Jescs  Christ  ;  John 
THE  Apostle  ;  Maccabees  ;  Nehemiah  ;  Paul  ;  Per- 
sians ;  Peter  ;  Roman  Empire  ;  Star  of  the  Wise 
Men,  &c.) — Principal  System!!  of  Biblical  Chronology. 
— Upon  the  data  we  have  considered  three  princii)al 
systems  of  Biblical  Chronology  have  been  founded, 
which  may  be  termed  the  Long  System,  the  Short, 
and  the  Rabbinical.  There  is  a  fourth,  which, 
although  an  offshoot  in  part  of  the  last,  can  scarcely 
be  termed  biblical,  inasmuch  as  it  depends  for  the 
most  part  upon  theories,  not  only  independent  of, 
but  repugnant  to  the  Bible :  this  last  is  at  present 
peculiar  to  Baron  Biinsen.  The  principal  advocates 
of  the  Long  Chronology  are  Jackson,  Hales,  and 
Des-Vignoles.  They  take  the  LXX.  for  the  patri- 
archal generations,  and  adopt  the  long  interval  fiom 
the  Exodus  to  the  Foundation  of  Solomon's  Temple. 
The  Short  Chronology,  from  Jerome's  time  the  rec- 
o:;nized  system  of  the  West,  has  had  a  multitude 
of  illu.<triou8  supporters  (Usher,  Newton,  Petavius, 
Michaelis,  Ge'^enius,  Stuart,  Clinton,  &c.),  and  is 
adopted  in  the  margin  of  the  A.  V.  Usher  may  be 
considered  as  its  most  ablea  dvocate.  He  follows  the 
Hebrew  in  tlie  patriarchal  generations,  and  takes  the 
480  years  from  the  Exodus  to  the  Foundation  of 
Solomon's  Temple.  The  Rabbinical  Chronology, 
partially  received,  chiefly  by  the  German  school, 
accepts  the  biblical  numbers,  but  makes  the  most 
B!  bitrary  corrections.  For  the  date  of  the  Exodus 
it  h,i8  been  virtually  accepted  by  Bunsen,  Lcpsius, 
and  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey. 


Creation 

rioi.d 

Abi-iim  leiivos  Haran 

E.\0(lH3 

Foundation  of  Solo- 
mon's Tem;ile 

Destruction  of  Siilo-  , 
mon's  Temple f 


1 

1 

1 

i 

1 

BuQsen. 

s 

4 

o 

B.C. 

B.  C.  1  B.  C.  1  &  C  1                        B.  C. 

5411  S426'4004'3088'(Adnm)  dr.  20.000 

3155  8i:0  2:MS  2.327, (Noah)    cir.  10,000 

207S  2023  1921  1901 

IWS  15il3  1491  1331 

1,820 

1027 

1014 

1012 

1013 

1,004 

586   BS6   688   589 


B86 


The  principal  disagreements  of  these  chronologers, 
besides  those  already  indicated,  must  be  noticed. 
In  the  postrdiluvian  period  Hales  rejects  the  Second 
Cainan  and  reckons  Terah's  age  at  Abram's  birth 
130  instead  of  70  years;  Jackson  accepts  the  Sec- 
ond Cainan  and  does  not  make  any  change  in  the 
second  case ;  Usher  and  Petavius  follow  the  Hebrew, 
but  the  former  alters  the  generation  of  Terah,  while 
the  latter  does  not.  The  period  of  the  kings,  from 
the  Foundation  of  Solomon's  Temple,  is  very  nearly 
the  same  in  the  computations  of  Jackson,  Usher,  and 
Petavius  :  Hales  lengthens  it  by  supposing  an  inter- 
regnum of  11  years  after  the  death  of  Amaziah ; 
Bunsen  shortens  it  by  reducing  the  reign  of  Ma- 
nasseh  from  55  to  45  years. — Probah'e  determination 
of  dales  and  intervals  (by  Mr.  Poole). — Having  thus 
gane  over  the  biblical  data,  it  only  remains  for  us  to 
state  what  we  believe  to  be  the  most  satisfactory 
scheme  of  chronology,  derived  from  a  comparison 
of  these  with  foreign  data,  principally  Egyptian  and 
Assyrian. — (1.)  Date  of  the  Destruction  of  Solomon's 
I'emple. — The  Temple  was  destroyed  in  the  19th 
year  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  in  the  6th  month  of  the 


Jewish  year  (Jer.  lii.  12.  13  ;   2  K.  xxv.  8,  9).    In 

Ptolemy's  Canon  this  year  is  current  in  the  proleptic 
(i.  e.  reckoned  by  anticipation)  Julian  year,  b.  c.  586, 
and  the  5th  month  may  be  considered  as  about  = 
August  of  that  year. — (2.)  Sync/tronvsm  of  Josiah 
and  Pharaoh  Necho. — The  death  of  Josiah  can  be 
clearly  shown  on  biblical  evidence  (Israel,  Kingoom 
of)  to  have  taken  place  in  the  22d  year  before  that 
in  which  the  Temple  was  destroyed,  i.  e.  in  the  Jew- 
ish year  from  the  spring  of  d.  c.  608  to  the  sjiring 
of  fi07.     P.  Necho's  Ist  year  is  proved  by  the  Apis- 
tablets  to  have  been  most  probably  the  Egyptian 
vague  year,  Jan.  b.  c.  609-8,  but  jiossibly  610-9. 
(Egypt.)    'The  expedition  in  opposing  which  Josiah 
fell    cannot   be    reasonably  dated   earlier  than   P. 
Necho's  2d  year,  b.  c.  609-8  or  608-7.     We  have 
thus  B.  c.  608-7  for  the  last  year  of  Josiah,  and  638-7 
for  that  of  his  accession,  the  former  date  falling 
within  the  time  indicated  by  the  chronology  of  P. 
Necho's  reign. — (3.)  Synchronism  of  Hezekiah  and 
Tirhakah. — Tirhakah  is  mentioned  as  an  opponent 
of  Sennacherib  shortly  before  the  miraculous  de- 
struction of  his  army  in  the  14th  year  of  Hezekiah. 
It  has  been  lately  proved  from  the  Apis-tablets  that 
the  first  year  of  Tirhakah's  reign  over  Egypt  was 
the  vague  year  current  in  b.  c.  689.     The  14th  year 
of  Hezekiah,  according  to  the  received  chronology, 
is  B.  c.  713,  or,  if  we  correct  it  two  years  on  account 
of  the  lowering  of  the  date  of  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple,  b.  c.  711.     If  we  hold  that  the  expedition 
dated  in  Hezekiah's  14th  year  was  different  from 
that  which  ended  in  the  destruction  of  the  Assyrian 
army,  we  must  still  place  the  latter  event  before  b.  c. 
695.     There  is,  therefore,  at  first  sight  a  discrepancy 
of  at  least  six  years.  But  most  probably  at  the  time 
of  Sennacherib's   disastrous   expedition,   Tiihakah 
was  king  of  Ethiopia  in  alliance  with  the  king  or 
kings  of  Egypt,  and  afterward  assumed  the  crown 
of  Egypt.    (Israel,  Kingdom  of.) — (4.)  Synchronism 
of  liehoboam  and  Shishak. — Rehoboam  appears  to 
have  come  to  the  throne  about  249  years  before  the 
accession  of  Hezekiah,  and  therefore  about  b.  c. 
973.  (Israel,  Kingdom  of.)  The  invasion  of  Shishal: 
took  place  in  his  5th  year  (1  K.  xiv.  25),  by  this 
computation,  B.  c.  969.     He  appears  to  have  come 
to  the  throne  at  least  21  or  22  years  before  his  ex- 
pedition against  Rehoboam  (1  K.  iii.   1,  ix.  24,  xi. 
26-40,  &c.).     An  inscription  at  the  quarries  of  Sil- 
silis  in  Upper  Egypt  records  the  cutting  of  stone  in 
the  22d  year  of  Sheshonk  I.,  or  Shishak,  for  con- 
structions in  the  chief  temple  of  Thebes,  where  we 
now  find  a  record  of  his  conquest  of  Judah.     On.J 
these  grounds  we  may  place  the  accession  of  ShishalcJ 
B.  c.  about  990. — (5.)  Exodus. — Arguments  founded! 
on  independent  evidence  afford  the  best  means  of  J 
deciding  which  is  the  most  probable  computation 
from  biblical  evidence  of  the  date  of  the  Exodus.! 
A  comparison   of  the   Hebrew  calendar  with   thftl 
Egyptian  (Egypt)  has  led  Mr.  Poole  to  the  follow-I 
ing  result : — The  civil  commencement  of  the  Hebrew! 
YEAR  was  with  the  new-moon  nearest  to  the  autumnal  I 
equinox ;  and  at  the  approximative  date  of  the  Ex- 
odus obtained  by  the  long  reckoning,  we  find  that  j 
the  Egyptian  vague  year  commenced  at  or  about  i 
that  point  of  time.     This  approximative  date,  then 
fore,  falls  about  the  time  at  which  the  vague  year! 
and  the  Hebrew  year,  as  dated  from  the  autumnall 
equinox,  nearly  or  exactly  coincided  in  their  com-| 
mencements.     It  may  be  reasonably  supposed  that  j 
the  Israelites  in  the  time  of  the  oppression  had  made  j 
use  of  the  vague  year  as  the  common  year  of  the  | 
country,  which  indeed  is  rendered  highly  probable  { 


CIFR 


CHU 


175 


by  the  circumstance  that  they  had  mostly  adopted 
the  Egyptian  religion  (Josh.  xxiv.  14 ;  Ez.  xx.  7,  8), 
the  celebrations  of  which  were  kept  according  to 
this  year.  When,  therefore,  the  festivals  of  the 
Law  rendered  a  year  virtually  tropical  necessary,  of 
the  kind  either  restored  or  instituted  at  the  Exodus, 
it  seems  most  probable  that  the  cuiTcnt  vague  year 
was  fixed  under  Moses.  If  this  supposition  be  cor- 
rect, we  should  expect  to  find  that  the  1 4th  day  of 
Abib,  on  which  fell  the  full-moon  of  the  Passover  of 
the  Exodus,  corresponded  to  the  14th  day  of  a 
Phanienoth,  in  a  vague  year  commencing  about  the 
autumnal  equinox.  It  has  been  ascertained  by 
computation  that  a  full-moon  fell  on  the  14th  day 
of  Phamenoth,  on  Thursday,  April  21st,  b.  c.  1652. 
A  full-moon  would  not  fall  on  the  same  day  of  the 
vague  year  at  a  shorter  interval  than  25  years  before 
or  after  this  date,  while  the  triple  coincidence  of  the 
new-moon,  vague  year,  and  autumnal  ecjuinox  could 
not  recur  in  less  than  1500  vague  years.  The  date 
thus  obtained  is  but  four  years  earlier  than  Hales's, 
and  the  interval  from  it  to  that  of  the  Foundation  of 
Solomon's  Temple,  b.  c.  about  1010,  would  be  about 
642  years,  or  four  years  in  excess  of  that  previously 
obtained  from  the  numerical  statements  in  the  Bible. 
We  therefore  take  B.  c.  1652  as  the  most  satisfac- 
tory date  of  the  Exodus. — (6.)  Daleof  tlie  Commence- 
ment of  the  430  I/ears  of  Sojourn. — Mr.  Poole  holds 
that  the  430  yeara  of  Sojourn  [see  above,  under 
Biblical  data  (B.)]  commenced  when  Abraham  en- 
tered Palestine,  and  that  the  interval  was  of  430 
complete  years,  or  a  little  more,  commencing  about 
the  time  of  the  vernal  equinox,  b.  c.  2082,  or  nearer 
the  beginning  of  that  proleptic  Julian  year. — (7.) 
Date  of  tlie  Dupertion. — Taking  the  LXX.  numbers 
as  most  probable,  Mr.  Poole  places  the  Dispersion,  if 
coincident  with  Peleg's  birth  [see  above,  Biblical 
data  (A.)],  B.  c.  about  2698,  or,  if  we  accept  Usher's 
correction  of  Terah's  age  at  the  birth  of  Abra- 
ham, about  2758.— (8.)  Date  of  the  FlooJ.—The 
Flood,  as  ending  about  401  years  before  the  birth 
of  Peleg,  would  be  placed  b.  c.  about  3099  or 
8159  (see  above).  The  year  preceding,  or  the 
402d,  was  that  mainly  occupied  by  the  catastrophe. 
It  is  most  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  Noach- 
ian  colonists  began  to  spread  about  300  years 
after  the  Flood.  As  far  as  we  can  learn,  no  inde- 
pendent historical  evidence  points  to  an  earlier 
period  than  the  middle  of  the  28th  century  B.  c. 
as  the  time  of  the  foundation  of  kingdoms,  al- 
though the  chronology  of  Egypt  reaches  to  about 
this  period,  while  that  of  Babylon  (Babel)  and 
other  slates  does  not  greatly  fall  short  of  the  same 
antiquity. — (9.)  Date  of  the  Creation  of  Adam. — The 
numbers  given  by  the  LXX.  for  the  antediluvian 
patriarchs  (see  above)  would  place  the  creation  of 
Adam  2262  years  before  the  end  of  the  Flood,  or 
B.  c.  about  5361  or  6421. 

Chrys'o-lite  [kris-]  (fr.  Gr.  =  golden  nlone),  one 
of  the  precious  stones  in  the  foundation  of  the 
heavenly  Jerusalem  (Rev.  xxi.  20).  It  also  occurs 
in  Ez.  xxviii.  19,  margin.  It  has  been  already 
■tated  (Bkrtl)  that  the  chrysolite  of  the  ancients 
=  the  modem  Oriental  topaz.  The  chrysolite  in 
modem  mineralogy  is  a  mineral,  massive  or  crystal- 
lized, of  various  shades  of  green,  composed  of  silica, 
magnesia,  and  iron. 

ihrys'o-pnu*  [kris'o-praze]  (fr.  Gr.  =  gnUkn  lock) 
occurs  twice  in  the  margin  of  A.  V.  in  Ezekiel ;  viz. 
in  xxvii.  16,  Heb.  cadedd,  text  of  A.  V.  "aoatk," 
and   in   xxviii.    18,   Heb.   ndphec,   text  of   A.   V. 

"  EMEEALD."      C1IBYSOPKASU8. 


•  Oiry-sop'ra-sns  [kre-]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  cnnvso- 
prase)  occurs  only  in  Rev.  x.xi.  20,  as  the  tenth  of 
the  precious  stones  in  the  walls  of  the  heavenly 
Jerusalem,  f^ome  suppose  the  ancient  chrysopia- 
sus  =  the  modern  chrysoprase,  viz.  the  apple  or 
leek-green  variety  of  agate ;  but  Mr.  King  {Aa'. 
Hiit.,  Anc.  and  Mod.,  of  Precious  Stones,  &c.,  130, 
163)  considers  Pliny's  chrysoprasus  as  a  paler 
variety  of  our  Indian  chrysolite,  and  says  that 
antique  works  do  not  occur  in  our  chrysoprase, 
though  intagli  are  known  upon  a  mineral  much  re- 
sembling it,  but  more  of  a  bluish  cast,  probably  the 
cerulean  jasper,  which  is  also  said  to  be  sometimes 
found  in  antique  Egyptian  jewelry  set  alternately 
with  bits  of  lapis-lazuli. 

Clinb  [kub]  (Ileb.),  the  name  of  a  people  in  alli- 
ance with  Egypt  in  the  time  of  Nebuchadnezzar 
(Ez.  XXX.  5),  and  probably  of  northern  Africa,  or 
of  the  lands  near  Egypt  to  the  S.  Some  have  pro- 
posed to  recognize  Chub  in  the  names  of  various 
African  places,  e.  g.  Kobe,  a  port  on  the  Indian 
Ocean  ;  Koiimt,  in  the  Mareotic  nonie  in  Egypt,  kc. 
Others,  however,  think  the  present  Hebrew  text 
corrupt  in  this  word.  It  has  been  therefore  pro- 
posed to  read  Nvb  for  Nubia,  as  the  Arabic  ver- 
sion has  "  the  people  the  Noobch."  Far  better,  on 
the  score  of  probability,  is 'the  emendation  which 
Uitzig  proposes,  Lub  =  the  Lcbim.  In  the  ab- 
sence of  better  evidence  we  prefer  the  reading  of 
the  present  Hebrew  text. 

Chan  [kun]  (Ileb.  fr.  a  verb  denoting  to  eland 
iipriffht,  to  8(t  up,  Ges.),  a  city  of  Hadadezer  (1  Chr. 
xviii.  8),  called  Berothai  in  2  Sam.  viii.  8. 

Chnrdi  (usually  derived,  with  the  Scottish  kirk, 
Ger.  kirche,  and  similar  words  in  the  Teutonic  and 
Slavonian  languages,  from  the  Gr.  kuriakon,  which 
literally  ^  pertaining  to  the  Lord ;  but  by  Mr. 
Meyrick,  after  Lipsius,  connected  with  the  h.circnK, 
circulns,  the  Gr.  kuklos,  each  literally  ^  a  circle), 
the  A.  V.  translation  throughout  the  N.  T.  (except 
in  Acts  xix.  32,  39,  41 ;  see  Assembly  9)  of  the 
Gr.  ckklesia,  Latin  form  eccletia  (originally  and  in 
classical  use  =  an  assembly  called  out  by  the  ma- 
gistrate, or  by  legitimate  authority).  Ekklhia,  of 
which  the  Latin  form  is  ecelesia,  in  the  LXX.  =  the 
Heb.  kdhat  (see  Assembly  7).  The  Gr.  hieroswlos 
(=  robber  of  temples,  L.  &  S.)  is  translated  in  the 
plural  (Acts  xix.  37)  "robbers  of  churches,"  and 
in  the  singular  (2  Mc.  iv.  42)  "church-robber;" 
but  elsewhere  "church"  occurs  only  as  the  trans- 
lation of  the  Gr.  ekklesia.  "Church"  in  Acts  vii. 
88;  Heb.  ii.  12,  like  "congregation"  in  Ps.  xxii. 
22;  Deut.  xxxi.  30  (Heb.  kMdl  in  both  of  these, 
also  Gr.  ekklhia  in  the  LXX.)  =  the  whole  assem- 
bly or  congregation  of  the  Israelitish  people.  The 
word  occurs  only  twice  in  the  Gospels  (Mat.  xvi. 
18,  "  On  this  rock  will  I  build  my  church  "  [Peter]  ; 
xviii.  17,  "Tell  it  unto  the  church"  [Excommcnica- 
tion]),  but  frequently  in  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and 
Revelation,  and  denotes  (1.)  a  particular  church, 
i.  e.  a  local  Christian  congregation  or  company  of 
believers  (Acts  viii.  1,  xi.  22,  26;  Rom.  xvi.  1,  4,  5  ; 
Gal.  i.  2 ;  Rev.  i.  4,  1 1,  20,  &c.) ;  (2.)  the  church  uni- 
versal, i.  e.  the  whole  body  of  believers  or  Christians 
(Mat.  xvi.  18;  Eph.  i.  22,  iii.  10;  Heb.  xii.  23,  &c.). 
— The  following  definitions  arc  selected  from  differ- 
ent sources.  The  Greek  Church  teaches  :  "  The 
church  is  a  divinely  instituted  community  of  men, 
united  by  the  orthodox  faith,  the  law  of  God,  the 
hierarchy,  and  the  sacraments  "  ( Catechism,  Moscow, 
188B).  The  Roman  Catholic  Bellarmine  defines  it: 
"  The  company  of  Christians  knit  together  by  the 


17G 


CHU 


CIB 


profession  of  the  same  faith  and  the  communion  of 
the  same  sacraments,  under  the  government  of  law- 
ful pastors,  and  especially  of  the  Roman  bishop  as 
the  only  Vicar  of  Christ  upon  earth."  The  Church 
of  England  and  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  in 
the  United  States  of  America  declare :  "  The  visible 
church  of  Christ  is  a  congregation  of  faithful  men, 
in  which  the  pure  word  of  God  is  preached,  and 
the  sacraments  be  duly  ministered  according  to 
Christ's  ordinance,  in  all  those  things  that  of  neces- 
sity are  requisite  to  the  same"  (Art.  xi.x.).  The 
Lutheran  Church  defines  :  "A  congregation  of  saints, 
in  which  the  Gospel  is  rightly  taught  and  the  sacra- 
ments rightly  administered  "  {Confessio  Aiigustana, 
1B31,  Art.  vii.).  The  Presbyterian  Church  in  the 
United  States  of  America  defines :  "  The  universal 
church  consists  of  all  those  persons,  in  every  nation, 
together  with  their  children,  who  make  profession 
of  the  holy  religion  of  Christ,  and  of  submission  to 

His  laws A  particular  church  consists  of  a 

number  of  professing  Christians,  with  their  offspring, 
voluntarily  associating  together,  for  divine  worship, 
and  godly  living,  agreeably  to  the  holy  Scriptures ; 
and  submitting  to  a  certain  form  of  government  " 
{Form  of  Government,  ii.  gg  2,  4).  The  Epitome 
of  Church  Government  and  Fellowship  which  re- 
ceived "  a  general  apffroval  "  of  the  National  Con- 
gregational Council,  held  at  Boston,  1865,  declares  : 
"  For  government  t'here  is  no  one  visible,  universal 
church  ;  nor  are  there  national,  provincial,  diocesan, 
or  classical  churches,  but  only  local  churches  or 
congregations  of  believers,  and  responsible  directly 
to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  one  Head  of  the 
church  universal  and  of  every  particular  church  .  .  . 
A  church  is  a  society  of  professed  believers,  united 
by  a  covenant  express  or  implied,  whereby  all  its 
members  agree  with  the  Lord  and  with  each  other 
to  observe  all  the  ordinances  of  Christ,  especially 
in  united  worship  and  in  mutual  watchfulness  and 
helpfulness."  Acts  of  the  Apostles  ;  Aposti.e  ; 
Baptis.m  ;  Believers  ;  Bisnop  ;  Christian  ;  Dea- 
con ;  Deaconess  ;  Disciple  ;  Elder  ;  Evangelist  ; 
E.^coMMUNiCATioN  ;  Lord's  Supper  ;  Saint  ;  Syna- 
gogue. 

Clin'$!iaii-r!$li-a-tha'iiii  [ku-]  (Heb.  CusnAN  of 
tteofold  wickedness,  i.  e.  the  horrible  [so  Targums, 
&c.]  ;  president  of  two  governments,  Fii.),  the  king 
of  Mesopotamia  who  oppressed  Israel  during  eight 
years  in  the  generation  immediately  follownig 
Joshua  (Judg.  iii.  8  ff.).  The  seat  of  his  dominion 
was  probably  the  region  between  the  Euphrates  and 
the  Khnbour.  Chushan-Rishathaim's  yoke  was 
broken  from  the  neck  of  the  people  of  Israel  by 
Othniel,  and  nothing  more  is  heard  of  Mesopotamia 
as  an  aggressive  power.  The  rise  of  the  Assyrian 
empire,  about  b.  c.  1270,  would  naturally  reduce 
the  bordering  nations  to  insignilicance. 

Clin'si  [ku-]  (fr.  Gr.),  a  place  named  only  in  Jd. 
vii.  18,  as  near  Ekrebel,  and  upon  the  brook  Mocn- 

MtlR. 

Clm'za  [ku-]  (Gr.  Chouzas,  from  Aram.  =  seer  ?), 
properly  CliDzas,  the  house-steward  of  Herod  Anti- 
pas,  husband  of  the  Joanna  healed  by  our  Lord 
(Lk.  viii.  3). 

Cl-llc'i-«  [se-lish'e-a]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  ;  named  from  the 
Phenician  Cilix,  brother  of  Cadmus,  Hdt. ;  from  a 
Phenioian  word  for  stone,  Boch.),  a  maritime  prov- 
ince in  the  S.  E.  of  Asia  Minor,  bordering  on  Pain- 
phylia  in  the  W.,  Lycaonia  and  Cappadocia  in  the 
N.,  and  Syria  in  the  E.  Lofty  mountain  chains, 
with  only  a  few  difficult  passes  or  "  gates,"  separate 
it  from  these  provinces,  Mount  Amanus  from  Syria, 


and  Taurus  from  Cappadocia.  The  western  portion 
of  the  province  is  intersected  with  the  ridges  of 
Taurus  and  was  denominated  Trachcea  (fr.  Gr.  = 
rough),  in  contradistinction  to  PedioK  (Gr.  level)  in 
the  E.  The  connection  between  the  Jews  and  Cili- 
cia  dates  from  the  time  when  it  became  part  of  the 
Syrian  kingdom.  (Antiochus  III.)  In  the  apostolic 
age  they  were  still  tliere  in  considerable  numbers 
(Acts  vi.  9).  Cilieia  was  from  its  geographical  po- 
sition the  high-road  between  Syria  and  tlie  West ; 
it  was  also  the  native  country  of  St.  Paul  (Tarsus)  ; 
hence  it  was  visited  by  him,  soon  after  his  conver- 
sion (Gal.  i.  21  ;  Acts  ix.  30) ;  and  again  in  his 
second  apostolical  journey,  when  he  Entered  it  on 
the  side  of  Syria,  and  crossed  Taurus  by  the  "  Cill- 
cian  Gates  "  into  Lycaonia  (Acts  xv.  41).  Cilieia 
became  a  Roman  province  after  the  defeat  of  tlie 
Cilician  pirates  by  Pompey  b.  c.  67,  and  Cieeio 
was  once  proconsul  of  Cilieia;  but  western  or 
"  rough  "  Cilieia  appears  to  have  been  governed  by 
its  own  kings  till  the  time  of  Vespasian. 

*  Ci'mall  (Heb.  heap,  cluster,  Ges.)  (Job  ix  0, 
marg.,  xxxviii.  81,  marg. ;  translated  "Pleiades" 
in  the  text). 

Cln'na-moil  [sin-]  (Heb.  kinnamon;  Gr.  k'mnamon, 
kinnamomon;  fr.  Phenician  =  cane  or  tube,  from  tlie 
form  of  its  rolls,  Hdt,),  a  well-known  aromatic  sub- 
stance, the  rind  of  the  Laurus  Cinnamomum,  or 
Ciunamomuni  Zei/lanicum,  a  small  tree  of  the  laurel 
family,  found  in  Ceylon.  It  is  mentioned  in  Ex. 
XXX.  23  as  one  of  the  component  parts  of  the  holy 
anointing  oil,  which  Moses  was  commanded  to  pre- 
pare; in  Prov.  vii.  17  as  a  perfume  for  the  bed  ;  and 
in  Cant.  iv.  14  as  one  of  the  plants  of  the  garden 
which  is  the  image  of  the  spouse.  In  Rev.  xviii.  Vi 
it  is  enumerated  among  the  merchandise  of  the 
great  Babylon.  It  was  imported  into  Judea  by  the 
Phenicians  or  by  the  Arabians,  and  is  now  found  in 
Sumatra,  Borneo,  China,  &c.,  but  chiefly,  and  of  the 
best  quality,  in  the  S.  W.  part  of  Ceylon.     Cassia. 

Cin'ne-roth  (Heb.  pi.  =  li/res,  Ges.),  All,  a  district 
named  with  the  "  land  of  Naphtali "  and  other 
northern  places  as  having  been  laid  waste  by  Beii- 
hadad  (1  K.  xv.  20).  It  was  possibly  the  small  en- 
closed district  X.  of  Tiberias,  and  by  the  side  of  the 
lake,  afterward  known  as  "  the  plain  of  Gennesa- 

RET."       CllINNEROTII. 

Ci-ra'ma  (fr.  Gr.)  (1  Esd.  v.  20)  =  Ramah  in  Ezr. 
ii.  26. 

Clr-cam-ds'ion  [sur-kum-sizh'un]  (fr.  L.  =  a  cnt- 
tmg  around,  especially  of  the  prepuce  or  foreskin  ; 
Heb.  muldh;  Gr.  pcritomc),  was  peculiarly,  thougli 
not  exclusively,  a  Hebrew  rite.  It  was  enjoined  upon 
Abraham,  the  father  of  the  nation,  by  God,  at  the 
institution,  and  as  the  token,  of  the  Covenant, 
which  assured  to  him  and  his  descendants  the  prom- 
ise of  the  Messiah  (Gen.  xvii.).  It  was  thus  made 
a  necessary  condition  of  Hebrew  nationality.  Every 
male  child  was  to  be  circumcised  when  eight  days 
old  (Lev.  xii.  3)  on  pain  of  death  (Gen.  xvii.  12-14; 
Ex.  iv.  24-26).  If  the  eighth  day  were  a  Sabbath, 
the  rite  was  not  postponed  (Jn.  vii.  22,  23).  Slaves, 
whether  home-born  or  purchased,  were  circumcised 
(Gen.  xvii.  12,  13)  ;  and  foreigners  must  have  their 
males  circumcised  before  they  could  be  allowed  to 
partake  of  the  passover  (Ex.  xii.  48),  or  become 
Jewish  citizens.  The  operation,  performed  with  a 
sharp  instrument  (iv.  25  ;  Josh.  v.  2  ;  Knike),  was 
painful,  at  least  to  grown  persons  (Gen.  xxxiv.  25 ; 
Josh.  v.  8).  It  seems  to  have  been  customary  to 
name  a  child  when  it  was  circumcised  (Lk.  i.  5U  ; 
Children.)    The  Israelites  were  not  circumcised  in 


CIS 


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177 


till'  wilderness,  probably  as  under  a  temporary  re- 
ji-ction  by  God,  and  therefore  prohibited  fiom  using 
the  sign  of  the  Covenant ;  but  "  the  reproach  of 
Egypt,"  i.  e.  the  threatened  taunt  of  their  former 
masters  that  God  had  brouglit  them  into  the  wilder- 
ness to  slay  them  (Ex.  xxxii.  12;  Num.  xiv.  13-16; 
Deut.  ix.  2S),  which,  so  long  as  they  remained  un- 
circumcised  and  wanderers  in  the  desert  for  their 
sin,  was  in  danger  of  falling  upon  them,  was  "  rolled 
away"  when  they  were  circumcised  in  Gilgal 
(Josh.  V.  2-9).  Circumcision  has  prevailed  exten- 
sively both  in  ancient  and  modern  times  ;  Herod- 
otus, &c.,  state  that  the  Egyptians  (probably  only 
the  priests  and  those  initiated  into  the  mysteries) 
were  circumcised ;  and  among  some  nations,  as 
e.  g.  the  Abyssinians,  Nubians,  modern  Egyptians, 
and  Hottentots,  a  similar  custom  is  said  to  be  prac- 
tised by  both  sexes.  The  biblical  notice  of  the  rite 
describes  it  as  distinctively  Hebrew  or  Jewish,  so  that 
in  theN.T.  "the circumcision"  and  "the  uncircum- 
cision  "  frequently  =  the  Jews  and  the  Gentiles. 
Circumcision  certainly  belonged  to  the  Hebrews  as  it 
did  to  no  other  people,  by  virtue  of  its  divine  insti- 
tution, of  the  religious  privileges  attached  to  it,  and 
of  the  strict  regulations  which  enforced  its  obser- 
vance. Moreover,  the  0.  T.  history  incidentally 
discloses  the  fact  that  many,  if  not  all,  of  the  na- 
tions witli  whom  they  came  in  contact  were  uncircum- 
cised.  Tlie  origin  of  the  custom  among  one  large  sec- 
tion of  those  Gentiles  who  follow  it,  is  to  be  found 
in  the  biblical  record  of  Ishmacl  (Gen.  xvii.  25). 
Josephus  relates?  that  the  Arabians  circumcise  after 
the  thirteenth  year,  because  Ishmael,  the  founder  of 
their  nation,  was  circumcised  at  that  age.  Though 
Mohammed  did  not  enjoin  circumcision  in  the  Ko- 
ran, he  was  circumcised  himself,  according  to  the 
custom  of  his  country  :  and  circumcision  is  now  as 
common  among  the  Mohammedans  as  among  the 
Jews.  The  process  of  restoring  a  circumcised  per- 
son to  his  natural  condition  by  a  surgical  operation 
was  sometimes  undergone.  Some  of  the  Jews  in 
the  time  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  wishing  to  assim- 
ilate themselves  to  the  heathen  around  them,  built 
a  gymnasium  (A.  V.  "  place  of  exercise  ")  at  Jeru- 
salem, and  that  they  might  not  be  known  to  be 
Jews  when  they  appeared  naked  in  the  games, 
"made  themselves  uncircunieiscd "  (1  Mc.  i.  15). 
Against  liaving  recourse  to  this  practice,  from  an  ex- 
cessive anti-Judaistic  tendency,  St.  Paul  cautions 
the  Corinthians  (1  Cor.  vii.  18^.  The  attitude  wliich 
Christianity,  at  its  introduction,  assumed  toward 
circumcision  was  one  of  absolute  hostility,  so  far  as 
the  necessity  of  the  rite  to  salvation,  or  its  posses- 
sion of  any  religious  or  moral  worth  were  concerned 
(Acts  XV. ;  Gal.  v.  2).  (Timothy;  TiTt:s.)  The  Abys- 
sinian Christians  still  practise  circumcision  as  a  na- 
tional custom.  An  ethical  idea  is  attached  to  cir- 
cumcision even  in  the  0.  T.  (Ex.  vi.  12,  30  ;  Jer.  vi. 
10;  Lev.  xxvi.  41)  as  the  symbol  of  purity  (see  Is. 
liL  1).     Mkuicine. 

Cls  [.'■is]  (L.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Kisn  1  (Acts  xiii.  21). 

Cl'sal  [>i  say]  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Kisii  3  (E.sth.  xi.  2). 

Ck'trrn  [sis-]  (fr.  L. ;  Heb.  bor),  a  receptacle 
for  water,  either  conducted  from  an  external  spring, 
or  proceeding  from  rainfall.  The  dryness  of  the 
summer  months  between  May  and  September,  in 
Syria,  and  the  scarcity  of  springs  in  many  parts 
of  the  country,  make  it  necessary  to  collect  in 
rcscr^■oirs  and  cisterns  the  rain-water,  of  which 
abundance  falls  in  the  intermediate  period.  (AcRi- 
CI.I.TLRE;  Palf-stine.)  The  larger  sort  of  pub- 
lic tanks  or  reservoirs  (Ar.  birkeh,  Heb.  biiri- 
12 


call)  are  usually  called  in  A.  T.  "  pool,"  while  for 
the  smaller  and  more  private  it  is  convenient  to  re- 
serve the  name  "  cistern."  Both  pools  and  cisterns 
are  frequent  throughout  the  whole  of  Syria  and 
Palestine.  On  the  long-forgotten  way  from  Jericho 
to  Bethel,  "  broken  cisterns  "  of  high  antiquity  are 
found  at  regular  intervals.  Jercsale.m,  described 
by  Strabo  as  well  supplied  with  water,  in  a  dry 
neighborhood,  depends  mainly  for  this  upon  its  cis- 
terns, of  which  almost  every  [irivate  house  possesses 
one  or  more,  excavated  in  the  rock  on  wliich  the 
city  is  built.  The  cisterns  have  usually  a  round 
opening  at  the  top,  sometimes  built  up  with  stone- 
work above  and  furnished  with  a  curb  and  a  wheel 
for  the  bucket  (Eccl.  xii.  6),  so  that  they  have  ex- 
ternally much  the  appearance  of  an  ordinary  well. 
The  water  is  conducted  into  them  from  the  roofs  of 
the  houses  during  the  rainy  season,  and  with  care 
remains  sweet  during  the  whole  summer  and  au- 
tumn. In  this  manner  most  of  the  larger  houses 
and  public  buildings  are  supplied.  Empty  cisterns 
were  sometimes  used  as  prisons  and  places  of  con- 
finement. Joseph  was  cast  into  a  "  pit  "  (Ilcb.  bor) 
(Gen.  xxxvii.  22),  and  his  "  dungeon  "  in  Egypt  is 
called  by  the  same  Hebrew  name  (xli.  14).  Jere- 
miah was  thrown  into  a  miry  though  empty  cistern, 
whose  depth  is  indicated  by  the  cords  used  to  let 
him  down  (Jer.  xxxviii.  6). 

CitL'trn  [sith-]  (=  L.  cithara,  Gr.  k,lhara)(\  Mc. 
iv.  54),  a  musical  instrument,  resembling  a  guitar, 
most  probably  of  Greek  origin,  employed  by  the 
Chaldeans,  and  introduced  by  the  Hebrews  into  Pal- 
estine on  tlieir  return  thither  after 
the  Babylonian  Captivity.  With 
respect  to  the  shape  of  the  cithern 
mentioned  in  the  Apocrypha,  the 
opinion  of  the  learned  is  divided  : 
according  to  some  it  resembled  in 
form  the  Greek  delta  A,  others  rep- 
resent it  as  a  half-moon,  and  others 
again  like  the  modern  guitar.  In 
many  Eastern  countries  it  is  still  in 
use  with  strings,  varying  in  number 
from  three  to  twenty-four.  Under '^ 
the  name  of  Koothir,  the  traveller 
Niebuhr  describes  it  as  a  wooden 
plate  or  dish,  with  a  hole  beneath  and  a  piece  of 
skin  stretched  above  hke  a  drum.  In  Mendelssohn's 
edition  of  the  Psalms,  the  Koothir  ov  Kathrus  is  de- 
scribed by  the  accompanying  figure. 

flt'lBlS  [sit'timz]  (fr.  "llcb.)   —  Cdittim  (1  Mc. 
viii.  5). 

t'it'l-zoii,  the  A.  V.  translation  uniformly  in  the 
N.  T.  (Lk.  XV.  15,  xix.  14  in  plural  ;  Acts  xxi.  39) 
of  the  Gr.  polites  (=  a  member  of  a  <iiy  or  state,  dt- 
iztn,  freinmn  ;  fr.  polia,  city,  L.  k  S.),  translated  in. 
Apocrypha  in  plural  "  citizens"  (2  Mc.  iv.  50,  &c.) 
or  "countrymen"  (5,  &c.).  The  kindred  Greek 
word  poUteia  (r=  ilie  relation  in  which  a  citizen  ^tarids 
to  the  slate,  citizenship,  L.  &  S.)  is  translated  "  free- 
dom "  in  Acts  xxii.  28,  and  "  commonwealth "  in 
Eph.  ii.  10.  Another  (poliieuma)  is  translated  "con- 
versation "  (Phil.  iii.  20).  In  the  Hebrew  common- 
wealth, which  was  framed  on  a  basis  of  religious, 
rather  than  of  political  privileges  and  distinctions, 
the  idea  of  the  commonweallh  was  merged  in  that 
of  the  CoxoREOATiON,  to  which  every  Hebrew,  and 
even  the  stranger,  under  certain  restrictions,  was 
admitted.  But  in  Greece  and  Rome,  citizenship, 
comprehending  not  only  complete  protection  by 
the  laws,  but  also  in  the  higher  sense,  a  partici- 
pation in  the  legislative  and  judicial  power  of  the 


ITS 


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CLA 


Btate  or  city,  was  highly  valued.  In  2  JIc.  ix.  15 
reference  is  made  to  tlie  citizens  of  Athens,  and 
in  several  passages  in  the  X.  T.  to  Roman  citizens. 
The  privilege  of  Koman  citizenship  was  originally 
ac(iuired  in  various  ways,  as  by  purchase  (Acts 
xxii.  28),  by  military  services,  by  favor,  or  by  manu- 
mission. The  right  once  obtained  descended  to  a 
man's  children.  Among  the  privileges  attached  to 
citizenship,  we  note  that  a  man  could  not  be  bound 
or  imprisoned  without  a  formal  trial  (ver.  29),  still 
less  be  scourged  (xvi.  37 ;  Cie.  in  Verr.  v.  tiS,  60). 
Another  privilege  attaching  to  citizenship  was  the 
appeal  from  a  provincial  tribunal  to  the  emperor 
at  Rome  (Acts  xxv.  11).  Gentile  Christians  are 
figuratively  "  fellow-citizens  (Gr.  mmpolitai)  of  the 
saints"  (Eph.  ii.  19),  i.  e.  members  of  the  spiritual 
commonwealth  of  Israel,  or  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven.  Kixgdo.m. 
Cit'ron.     Apple-t!\ee. 

City  [sit'te],  the  A.V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb.  '«r 
and  Hr,  plural  of  both  driin,  from  'ur,  lo  keep  watch. 
— 2.  Ileb.  kirydk,  kiryalh,  dual  kiri/ut/taim,  from 
kirah,  to  approach  as  an  enemi/ ,  probably  the  most 
ancient  name  for  city,  but  seldom  used  in  prose 
as  a  general  name. — 3.  Heb.  kireth  =  Xo.  2  (Job 
xxix.  7;  Prov.  viii.  3,  ix.  3,  14,  xi.  11). — 1.  Chal. 
kiri/tih  and  kiri/d  =  Xo.  2  (Ezr.  iv.  10  ff.).— 5.  Gr. 
polis,  uniformly  in  the  X^.  T.  translated  "  city  ;  "  in 
the  LXX.  =  Xo.  1,  2,  3,  4  ;  the  plural  of  the"  deriv- 
ative politarches  being  twice  translated  "  rulers  of 
the  city "  (Acts  xvii.  6,  8).  (Fenckd  City  ;  Vil- 
lage.) The  earliest  notice  in  Scripture  of  eity- 
building  is  of  Enoch  by  Cain,  in  the  land  of  his 
exile  (Gen.  iv.  17).  After  the  confusion  of  tongues, 
Nimrod  founded  Babel,  Erech,  Accad,  and  Calneh, 
in  the  land  of  Sliinar,  and  Asshur  (or  XiMEon), 
built  Xineveh,  Rehoboth,  Calah,  and  Resen,  the 
last  being  "  a  great  city."  A  subsequent  passage 
mentions  Sidon,  Gaza,  Sodom,  Gomorrah,  Admah, 
Zeboim,  and  Lasha,  as  cities  of  the  Canaauites,  but 
without  implying  for  them  antiquity  equal  to  that 
of  Xineveh  and  the  rest  (x.  10-12,  19,  xi.  3,  9). 
The  earliest  description  of  a  city,  properly  so  called, 
is  that  of  Sodom  (xix.  1-22) ;  but  it  is  certain  that 
from  very  early  times  cities  existed  on  the  sites 
of  Jerusalem,  Hebron,  Shechem,  Damascus,  &c. 
Hebron  is  said  to  have  been  built  seven  years  be- 
fore Zoan  (Tanis)  in  Egypt,  and  is  thus  the  only 
Syrian  town  which  presents  the  elements  of  a  date 
for  its  foundation  (Xum.  xiii.  22).  Even  before 
the  time  of  Abraham  there  were  cities  in  Egypt 
(Gen.  xii.  14,  15  ;  Xum.  xiii.  22),  and  the  Israelites, 
during  their  sojourn  there,  were  employed  in  build- 
ing or  fortifying  the  "  treasure  cities  "  of  Pithom 
and  Raamsos  (Ex.  i.  11).  Meanwhile  the  settled 
inhabitants  of  Syria  on  both  sides  of  the  Jordan 
had  grown  in  power  and  in  number  of  "  fenced  cit- 
ies," which  were  occupied  and  perhaps  partly  re- 
built or  fortified  after  the  conquest.  But  from 
some  of  these  the  possessors  were  not  expelled 
till  a  late  period,  and  Jerusalem  itself  was  not  cap- 
tured till  the  time  of  David  (2  Sam.  v.  6,  9).  From 
this  time  the  Hebrews  became  a  city-dwelling  and 
agricultural  rather  than  a  pastoral  people.  David 
enlarged  Jerusalem,  and  Solomon,  besides  cmbel- 
li-shing  his  capital,  also  built  or  rebuilt  Tadmor 
(Palmyra),  Gezer,  Beth-horon,  Hazor,  and  Megiddo, 
besides  store-cities  (ver.  7,  9,  10 ;  1  K.  ix.  15-18  ;  2 
Chr.  viii.  6).  Collections  of  houses  in  Syria  for  so- 
cial habitation  may  be  classed  under  three  heads  : 
— (1.)  cities;  (2.)  towns  with  citadels  or  towers 
for  resort  and  defence  |  (3.)  unwalled  villages.    The 


cities  may  be  assumed  to  have  been  in  almost  all 
cases  "  fenced  cities."  But  around  the  city,  es- 
pecially in  peaceable  times,  lay  undefended  "siii- 
URus"(l  Chr.  vi.  57  ff. ;  Xum.  xxxv.  1-5;  Josh, 
xxi.),  to  which  the  privileges  of  the  city  extended. 
The  city  thus  became  the  citadel,  while  the  pop- 
ulation overflowed  into  the  suburbs  (1  Mc.  xi.  61). 
The  absence  of  walls  as  indicating  security  in 
peaceable  times,  is  illustrated  by  Zechariah  (ii.  4 ; 
compare  1  K.  iv.  23).  According  to  Eastern  cus- 
tom, special  cities  were  appointed  to  furnish  spe- 
cial supplies  for  the  service  of  the  state.  Gover- 
nors for  these  and  their  surrounding  districts  were 
appointed  by  David  and  by  Solomon  (1  K.  iv.  7  ft'., 
ix.  19  ;  1  Chr.  xxvii.  25  ;  2  Chr.  xvii.  12,  xxi.  3  ;  1 
Mc.  x.  39).  To  this  practice  our  Lord  alludes  in 
his  parable  of  the  pounds  (Lk.  xix.  17,  19).  To 
the  Levites  forty-eight  cities  were  assigned,  thir- 
teen of  them  for  the  family  of  Aaron  (Piuest),  six 
as  refuge  (Josh.  xxi.).  (City  of  Refuge.)  In  many 
Eastern  cities  much  space  is  occupied  by  gardens 
(Gardex),  and  thus  the  size  of  the  city  is  greatly 
increased.  The  vast  extent  of  Xineveh  and  of  Bab- 
ylon may  thus  be  in  part  accounted  (or.  In  most 
Oriental  cities  the  streets  are  extremely  narrow,  sel- 
dom allowing  more  than  two  loaded  camels,  or  one 
camel  and  two  foot-passengers,  to  pass  each  other. 
(Street.)  The  open  spaces  near  the  gates  of  towns 
were  in  ancient  times,  as  they  are  still,  used  as 
places  of  assembly  by  the  elders,  of  holding  courts 
by  kings  and  judges,  and  of  general  resort  by  cit- 
izens. They  were  also  used  as  places  of  public  ex- 
posure by  way  of  punishment  (Jer.  xx.  2  ;  Am.  v. 
10). — "  City  of  David,"  in  2  Sam.  v.  9  and  else- 
where in  the  0.  T.,  =  Mount  Zion  in  Jerusalem  ;  in 
Lk.  ii.  4,  11  =  Bethlehem  1.  Jerusalem  is  also 
styled  "  the  city  of  God  "  (Ps.  xlvi.  4,  xlviii.  1,  8, 
&c.),  "  the  holy  city  "  (Xeh.  xi.  1,  18,  &c.).— C%  <■/ 
Destruction  {Is.  xix.  18) ;  see  Ir-ha-iieres. — See  al^o 
Arciiitectdue  ;  City  of  Refuge  ;  Council  ;  Eldek  ; 
Gate  ;  Governor  ;  House  ;  Judge  ;  Sanhedrim  ; 
Street  ;  Walls. 

City  of  Kef nge.  Six  Levitical  cities  were  spe- 
cially chosen  for  refuge  to  the  involuntary  homicide 
(Blood,  Avenger  of;  Murder)  until  released  from 
lianishment  by  the  death  of  the  high-priest  (Xum. 
xxxv.  6,  9  ff. ;  Josh.  xx.  2  «.,  xxi.  13,  &c.).  There 
were  three  on  each  side  of  Jordan.  On  the  W.  of 
Jordan  were — 1.  Kedesh,  in  Xaphtali;  2.  Shechem, 
in  Mount  Ephraim  ;  3.  Hebron,  in  Judah.  On  the 
E.  side  of  Jordan  were — 4.  Bezer,  in  the  tribe  of 
Reuben,  in  the  plains  of  Moab;  5.  Ramoth-Gii.ead, 
in  the  tribe  of  Gad ;  6.  Golan,  in  Bashan,  in  the 
half-tribe  of  Manasseh.  Maimonides  says  all  the 
forty-eight  Levitical  cities  had  the  privilege  of  asy- 
lum, but  that  the  six  refuge-cities  were  required  to 
receive  and  lodge  the  homicide  gratuitously.  Tlie 
directions  respecting  the  refuge-cities  present  some 
difliculties  in  interpretation.  The  Levitical  cities 
were  to  have  a  space  of  1,000  cubits  (about  583 
yards)  beyond  the  city  wall  for  pasture  and  other 
purposes."  Presently  after,  2,000  cubits  are  ordered 
to  be  the  suburb  limit  (Xum.  xxxv.  4,  6).  The  so- 
lution of  the  dilTiculty  may  be,  either  the  2,000 
cubits  are  to  be  added  to  the  1,000  as  "fields  of 
the  suburbs"  (Lev.  xxv.  34),  or  the  additional 
2,000  cubits  were  a  special  gift  to  the  refuge-cities, 
whilst  the  other  Levitical  cities  had  only  1,000 
cubits  for  suburbs.     City  ;  Suburbs. 

Claa'da  (fr.  Gr.)  (Acts  xxvii.  IC).  A  small  islai 
nearly  duo  W.  of  Cape  Slatala  on  the  S.  coast  ■ 
Crete,  and  nearly  due  S.  of  Phenice.    It  is  still 


CLA 


CLI 


179 


called  daudaneta,  or  Gaudonm,  by  the  Greeks, 
which  the  Italians  have  corrupted  into  Gozzo.  The 
sliip  wliicli  conveyed  St.  I'aul  was  seized  by  the  gale 
a  little  after  passing  Cape  Matala,  when  on  her  way 
from  Fair  Havens  to  I'heniee  (Acts  xxvii.  12-17). 
Tlie  storm  came  down  from  the  island  (Eiroclv- 
don),  and  there  was  danger  lest  the  ship  should  be 
driven  into  the  African  Syrtis  (Quicksands).  She 
was  driven  to  Clauda  and  ran  under  the  lee  of  it, 
where  the  water  would  be  smooth. 

ClaniU-a  (L.  fem.  of  Claudius),  a  Christian  wo- 
man mentioned  in  2  Tim.  iv.  21,  as  saluting  Timo- 
thy ;  supposed  by  Dean  Alford  and  others  to  have 
been  the  wife  of  I'udens,  and  originally  a  Uritish 
maiden,  daughter  of  King  Cogidubmis,  an  ally  of 
Koine,  who  took  the  name  of  his  imperial  patron, 
Tiberius  Claudius. 

ClaBdi-ns  (L./ome, perhaps  celebrated,  A.  F.  Pott: 
B  surname  common  to  two  celebrated  Konian  clans, 
one  patrician,  the  other  plebeian),  in  full,  Tiberius 
Claudius  Xcro  Drusus  Germanicus,  fourth  Koman 
emperor,  reigned  from  41  to  54  a.  d.  He  was  the 
son  of  Xero  Drusus,  was  born  in  Lyons,  Aug.  1, 
B.  c.  9  or  10,  and  lived  private  and  unknown  till 
the  day  of  his  being  called  to  the  throne,  Jan.  24, 
A.  D.  41.  He  was  nominated  to  the  supreme  power 
mainly  through  the  influence  of  Herod  Agrippa  I. 
In  the  reign  of  Claudius  there  were  several  famines, 
arising  from  unfavorable  harvests  (Acts  xi.  28-80). 
(Agabus.)  Claudius  was  induced  by  a  tumult  of 
the  Je»vs  in  Rome,  to  expel  them  from  the  city 
(xviii.  2).  The  date  of  this  event  is  uncertain. 
After  a  weak  and  foolish  reign  he  was  poisoned  by 
his  fourth  wife  Agrippina,  the  mother  of  Nero, 
Oct.  13,  A.  D.  54.  For  a  coin  with  his  image,  see 
Cypru.s. 
ClxD  dl-us  Lys'l-as.  Lvsias. 
•  tlav*,  from  Cleavk. 

Clay,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  til  (Ps. 
xl.  2,  Heb.  8;  Is.  xli.  25;  Nah.  iii.  14),  usually  and 
properly  translated  "  mire,"  but  in  Isaiah  and  Xahum 
above  =  potter's  clay,  Ges. — 2.  Ileb.  homer  or  <"A<i- 
tner  =  (soGes.)Way, Zoom, sc.  ofareddish  color,  e.  g. 
potter's  clay  (Is.  xlv.  0,  &c.),  as  used  for  sealing 
(Job  xxxviii.  14;  see  below),  mire  (xxx.  19),  &c. ; 
also  translated  "  mortar  "  (Gen.  xi.  3 ;  Ex. 
i.  14,  &c.),  "mire"  (Job  xxx.  19;  Is.  x.  6,  &c.). — 
3.  Chal.  luisaph  or  chanaph  (Dan.  ii.  33  f!.)=z sherdx, 
burnt  day,  eart/ieii-ware,  Ges.^-4.  Heb.  mdet  (Jer. 
xliii.  9)  =r  mortar,  cement,  Ges. — 5.  Ileb.  ma'ubfh 
luiadumah  (1  K.  vii.  46),  translated  "the  clay 
ground,"  margin  "  the  thickness  of  the  ground,"  = 
the  compact  mil,  probably  clayey,  Ges. ;  probably  = 
'<i4<ii/  kriiidilmuh,  A.  V.  "  the  clay  ground,"  margin 
"thicknesses  of  the  ground"  (2  Chr.  iv.  17). — 6. 
Gr.  ;>e/<w  (Jn.  ix.  6,  11,  14,  15;  Rom.  ix.  21);  in 
LXX.  =  No.  1  and  2.  The  great  seat  of  the  pottery 
of  the  present  day  in  Palestine  is  Gaza,  where  are 
made  the  vessels  in  dark  blue  clay  so  frequently 
met  with.  (  Brick  ;  Handicraft.)  Wine  jars 
in  Egypt  were  sometimes  sealed  with  clay ;  mum- 
my pits  were  sealed  with  the  same  svibstance,  and 
remains  of  clay  are  still  found  adhering  to  the 
(tone  door-jambs.  Our  liOrd's  tomb  may  been 
thus  scaled  (Mat.  xxvii.  66),  as  also  the  earthen 
vessel  containing  the  evidences  of  Jeremiah's  pur- 
chase (Jer.  xxxii,  14).  The  seal  used  for  pubVc 
documents  was  rolled  on  the  moist  clay,  and  the 
tablet  was  then  placed  in  the  fire  and  baked.  The 
practice  of  sealing  doors  with  clay  to  facilitate  de- 
tection in  case  of  malpractice  is  still  common  in 
the  East. 


*  Clean  (Heb.  idhdr  ;  Gr.  katharm),  and  rn-tlean' 
(Heb.  tume ;  dr.  akatharlus),  ierms  used  in  the  Scrip- 
tures— (1.)  in  a  literal  or  physical  sense  (Lev.  iv.  12, 
xiv.40;  Mat.  xxvii.  59,  &c.);— (2.)  in  a  legal  or  cere- 
monial sense  (Gen.  vii.  2,  8,  viii.  20 ;  Lev.  xi. ;  Deut. 
xii.,  xiv. ;  Acts  x.  14,  28,  ic.) ; — (3.)  in  a  moral  or 
spiritual  sense  (I's.  xix.  9,  Heb.  10;  Is.  vi.  5;  Ez. 
xliv.  23 ;  Jn.  xv.  3 ;  Eiih.  v.  5,  kc). — The  cere- 
monial distinction  before  the  Flood  was  probably 
made  with  reference  to  sacrifice ;  the  distinction 
of  the  Mosaic  law  referred  to  sacrifice,  food,  &c. 
The  regulations  made  in  this  respect  doubtless 
tended  to  promote  health,  to  keep  the  Israelites 
separate  from  the  surrounding  heathen,  and  to  set 
forth  impressively  great  spiritual  truths  (Heb.  ix. 
9-14).  Law  OF  Moses  ;  I'ukification;  Sacrifice; 
U.vei.EAN  Meats. 

•Cleave,  an  English  verb  used  in  regular  and 
irregular,  transitive  and  intransitive  forms  in  the 
Scriptures.  To  "  cleave  to  "  (Gen.  ii.  24,  &c.)  =  to 
adhere  to,  stick  clostly  to,  cling  to,  often  in  spite  of 
efforts  or  influences  tending  to  separation.  So 
"clave  to"  (Ru.  i.  14,  &c.),  "cleaved  to"  (2  K. 
iii.  3,  &c.)  —  ad/nred  to,  clmiff  to.  To  "cleave," 
transitively  (Lev.  i.  17;  Deut.  xiv.  6;  Ecel.  x.  9, 
&c.),  also  intransitively  (Zech.  xiv.  4),  =  to  dividi, 
spill,  separate,  sc.  a  thing  into  its  parts.  So  "  clave  " 
(Gen.  xxii.  3,  ic),  "cleft"  (Mic.  i.  4),  "cloven" 
(Acts  iii.  2,  &c.)  =  diridid  or  sepwatid.  The  noun 
cleft  or  CLiFT  is  connected  with  the  latter  signifi- 
cation, t 

*  Clefl  (fr.  Cleave)  (Deut.  xiv.  6 ;  Cant.  ii.  14,  &c.) 
=  a  fissure  or  opening  made  by  separation  of  parts ; 
also  written  Cliit. 

CleBl'ent  (Gr.  Klinih,  fr.  L.  Clemens  :=  mild,  calm, 
cletiictit),  a  fellow-laborer  of  St.  Paul  at  Philippi 
(Phil.  iv.  3).  It  was  generally  believed  in  the  an- 
cient church,  that  this  C'lunient  =  the  Disliop  of 
Rome,  afterward  so  celebrated. 

Cle  O-pas  (Gr.  Kltopas,  prob.  contr.  fr.  Kleopatros 
=:  fame-father,  i.  e.  of  great  fame,  or  inheriting 
fame  from  a  father),  one  of  the  two  disciples  who 
were  going  to  Enimaus  on  the  day  of  the  resurrec- 
tion (Lk.  xxiv.  18).  It  is  a  question  whether  this 
Cleopas  =  the Cleophas (accurately  in maig.  Clopas) 
or  Alpheus  in  Jn.  xix.  25.     Mary  of  Cleophas. 

Clc-0-pa'tra  (L.  fr.  Gr.  fern,  of  Kleopatros  =  Cle- 
opas). 1.  The  wife  of  Ptolemeus  (Esth.  xi.-l)  was 
probably  the  grand-daughter  of  Antiociius  111.  and 
both  sister  and  wife  of  Ptolemy  VI.  Philowktor. — 
8.  A  daughter  of  Ptolemy  VI.  Philometor  and  No.  1, 
who  was  married  first  to  Alexander  Balas  b.  c.  150 
(1  Me.  X.  58),  and  afterward  given  by  her  father  to 
Demetrius  Nieator  when  he  invaded  Syria  (xi.  12). 
During  the  captivity  of  Demetrius  in  Parthia,  Cleo- 
patra married  his  brother  Antioehus  VII.  Sidetes. 
She  afterward  murdered  Seleucus,  her  eldest  son 
by  Demetrius ;  and  at  length  was  herself  poisoned, 
B.  c.  120,  by  a  draught  which  she  had  prepared  for 
her  second  son  Antioehus  Vlll. 

Cle'o-pbas  [-fas]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  CL0PAs)=ALPnEU3 
( Jn.  xix.  25).  Alpheus  ;  Cleopas  ;  Mary  of  Cleo- 
phas. 

*  Cliff  (anciently  written  clift:  see  Cleave)  = 
a  high  steep  rock,  appearing  as  if  eUft  or  siilit  off 
by  violence.  In  2  Chr.  xx.  16  the  Ileb.  ma'fileh  is 
translated  "cliff"  in  A.  V.,  margin  "ascent"  (see 
Ziz) ;  elsewhere  "  ascent,"  "  going  up,"  kc.  (see 
Akrabbim).  In  Job  xxx.  6,  the  Heb.  'iirutK,  trans- 
lated "cliffs"  in  A.  V.,  =  horror,  terror,  Ges.;  and 
80  "cliffs  of  the  valleys"  in  A.  V.  should  be  rather 
a  horror  of  valleys,  i.  e.  horrible  valleys.    Valley  3. 


130 


CLI 


COL 


*Clift,  an  old  spelling  of  Cleft  and  of  Cliff, 
found  in  some  copies  of  the  A.  V. 

*  Cloak.    Dress. 

*  Clo'pas  (Gr.  Kldpas  —  Alpheus)  (Jn.  xix.  25, 
margin)  =  Cleopuas. 

Clo'tlling.     Dress  ;  Fuller  ;  IIaxdicraft. 

Clond  (usually  in  A.  -V.  =  Heb.  ''Andn  and  Gr. 
nephele).  The  shelter  given,  and  refreshment  of 
rain  promised,  by  clouds,  give  them  their  peculiar 
prominence  in  Oriental  imagery,  and  the  individual 
cloud  in  an  ordinarily  cloudless  region  becomes  well 
defined  and  is  dwelt  upon  like  the  individual  tree 
in  the  bare  landscape.  When  a  cloud  appears, 
rain  is  ordinarily  apprehended,  and  thus  the  "  cloud 
without  rain  "  becomes  a  proverb  for  the  man  of 
promise  without  performance  (Prov.  xvi.  15 ;  Is. 
xviii.  4,  XXV.  5 ;  Jude  12 ;  compare  Prov.  xxv.  14). 
The  cloud  is  a  figure  of  transitoriness  (Job  xxx. 
15;  Hos.  vi.  4),  and  of  whatever  intercepts  divine 
favor  or  human  supplication  (Lam.  ii.  1,  iii.  44). 
Being  the  least  substantial  of  visible  forms,  it  most 
easily  suggests  spiritual  being.  Hence  it  is  the 
recognized  machinery  by  which  supernatural  ap- 
pearances are  introduced  (Is.  xix.  1 ;  Ez.  i.  4;  Rev. 
i.  7).  (Darkness.)  A  bright  cloud,  at  any  rate  at 
times,  visited  and  rested  on  the  Mercv  Scat  (Ex. 
xxix.  42,  43  ;  1  K.  viii.  10,  11 ;  2  Chr.  v.  14 ;  Ez.  xliii. 
4),  and  was  by  later  writers  named  Shechinah.  See 
the  next  art. ;  Air  ;  Fikmamest  ;  Heaven  ;  Rain  ; 
Sky;  Vapor. 

Clond,  Pil'lar  of.  This  was  the  active  form  of 
the  symbolical  glory-cloud,  betokening  God's  pres- 
ence to  load  His  chosen  host,  or  to  inquire  and 
visit  offences,  as  the  luminous  cloud  of  the  sanc- 
tuary exhibited  the  same  under  an  aspect  of  repose. 
The  cloud,  which  became  a  pillar  when  the  host 
moved,  seems  to  have  rested  at  other  times  on  the 
Tabernacle,  whence  God  is  said  to  have  "  come  down 
in  the  pillar"  (Num.  xii.  5;  so  Ex.  xxxiii.  9,  10). 
It  preceded  the  host,  apparently  resting  on  the  ark 
which  led  the  way  (Ex.  xiii.  21,  xl.  36,  &c. ;  Num. 
ix.  15-23,  x.  34).    Shechinah. 

*  Clont'ed  (Josh.  ix.  5)  =  patched  or  mended.  See 
Colors,  I.,  spoiled. 

*Cl0Dts,  east  (Jer.  xxxviii.  11,  12)  =  cast-off  ra^s, 
or  torn  clothes. 

* ClOTen,  from  Cleave. 

Cnl'dos  [ni-]  (L.  fr.  Gr.)  is  mentioned  in  1  Mc. 
XV.  23,  as  one  of  the  Greek  cities  which  contained 
Jewish  residents  in  the  second  century  b.  c,  and  in 
Acts  xxvii.  7,  as  a  harbor  which  was  passed  by  St. 
Paul  after  leaving  llyra,  and  before  running  under 
the  lee  of  Crete.  It  was  a  city  of  great  conse- 
quence, at  the  extreme  S.  W.  of  the  peninsula  of 
Asia  Minor,  on  a  promontory  now  called  Cape  Orio, 
which  projects  between  tlie  islands  of  Cos  and 
Rliodes  (see  Acts  xxi.  1).  All  the  remains  of 
Cnidus  show  that  it  must  have  been  a  city  of  great 
magnificence. 

*  Coaeh'es  (Is.  Ixvi.  20,  margin).     Litters. 

Coal,  the  A.  V-.  translation  of  several  different 
words.  1.  The  most  common  in  Hebrew  is  ^ra^f/ri/j 
or  gaeheleth,  a  live  ember,  translated  in  the  plu- 
ral "burning  coals,"  as  distinguished  from  No.  2 
below  (Prov.  xxvi.  21).  In  2  Sam.  xxii.  9,  13, 
"  coals  "  or  "  coals  of  fire  "  metaphorically  =  the 
lightnings  proceeding  from  God  (comp.  Ps.  xviii. 
8.  12,  13,  cxl.  10).  The  proverbial  expression, 
"  Thou  shalt  heap  coals  of  fire  upon  his  head " 
(Prov.  xxv.  22 ;  adopted  by  St.  Paul  in  Rom.  xii. 
20),  raetiiphorically  expresses  the  burning  shame 
and  confusion  which  men  must  feel  when  their  evil 


is  requited  by  good. — 2.  Heb.  peh&m  or  pecliam  iii 
Prov.  xxvi.  21  (comp.  No.  1  above)  clearly  =  fml 
not  yet  lighted;  but  in  Is.  xliv.  12,  liv.  IB  ^^fucl 
lighted.  The  fuel  meant  in  the  above  passages  is 
probably  charcoal,  and  not  mineral  coal  (see  be- 
low).— 3.  Ileb.  retseph  or  ritspah.  In  the  narrative 
of  Elijali's  miraculous  meal  (IK.  xix.  6)  retseph 
(A.  V.  "baken  on  the  coals")  is  used  to  descrilie 
tlie  mode  in  which  the  cake  was  baked,  viz.,  on  a 
hot  stone.,  as  is  still  usual  in  the  East.  So  rilspuh 
in  Is.  vi.  6  (A.  V.  "  a  live  coal ")  properly  =  a  hot 
stone,  Ges. — t.  Heb.  resheph  in  Hab.  iii.  5,  is  rendered 
in  A.  V.  "  burning  coals,"  and  in  the  margin  "  burn- 
ing diseases."  The  former  meaning  is  supportud 
by  Cant.  viii.  6  (A.  V.  "  coals  "),  the  latter  by  Deut. 
xxxii.  24  (A.  V.  " burning  lieat,"  marg.  "coals"). 
— 5.  In  Lam.  iv.  8,  "  their  visage  is  blacker  than  a 
coal"  (Heb. sAe/ior  or  shich6r)ii  in  the  margin  (and 
so  Ges.)  "darker  than  blackness." — 6.  Gr.  anthrax 
is  translated  in  plural  "  coals  of  fire  "  (Rom.  xii. 
20 ;  see  No.  1,  also  Carbuxcle  3),  and  "  coals " 
(Ecclus.  viii.  10).  The  kindred  anthrakia  is  trans- 
lated "a  fire  of  coals"  (Jn.  xviii.  18,  xxi.  9);  "a 
heap  of  coals  "  (Ecelus.  xi.  32).  There  is  no  evi- 
dence that  the  ancient  Hebrews  were  acquainted 
with  mineral  coal,  though  it  is  found  in  Lebanon. 
It  seems  pretty  clear  that  the  ancients  generally 
used  charcoal  for  their  fuel.  Agricdlture  ;  Breaij  ; 
Cooking;  Fire;  Forest;  Oven. 

*  Coast,  in  A.V.  =  border,  limit,  bound,  as  of  a 
country,  tribe,  district,  &c.  (Ex.  x.  4,  14,  19;  JosIl 
XV.  1,  4  ;  Mat.  ii.  16,  viii.  34,  &c.). 

Coat.     Dress. — Coat  of  mail  ;  see  Arms,  II.  1. 

Cotk.  In  the  N.  T.  the  "  cock  "  is  mentioned  in 
reference  to  St.  Peter's  denial  of  our  Lord,  and  in- 
directly in  the  word  "cock-crowing"  (Mat.  xxvi. 
34  ;  Mk.  xiv.  30,  xiii.  35,  &c.).  The  domestic  couk 
and  jiEN  were  early  known  to  the  ancient  Greek- 
and  Romans.  They  were  undoubtedly  of  Asiatic 
origin,  and  not  improbably  the  Greeks  obtainol 
them  from  Persia.  They  are  now  common  in  Pal- 
estine. As  no  mention  is  mode  in  the  O.  T.  oi 
tlieso  birds,  and  no  figures  of  them  occur  in  the 
Egyptian  monuments,  Mr.  Houghton  thinks  that 
they  came  into  Judea  with  the  Romans,  who  prize  J 
these  birds  both  as  articles  of  food  and  for  code 
fighting.  The  Mishna  says  "they  do  not  ro:' 
cocks  at  Jerusalem  on  account  of  the  holy  things : 
but  if  there  was  any  such  restraint,  it  must  ha\ 
been  an  arbitrary  practice  of  the  Jews,  not  bindii; . 
on  foreigners  at  Jerusalem.  But  the  cock  wliicii 
Peter  heard  crow  might  have  been  not  in  the  city, 
but  on  the  Mount  of  Olives,  or  elsewhere  within 
hearing.     Watciif.3  of  Night. 

Cofk'a-trice.    Adder  3. 

Cotk'le  (Ileb.  boshfiJi)  occurs  only  in  Job  xxxi. 
40.  Celsius  has  argued  in  favor  of  the  aconite,  the 
Aconitum  A'apelliis,  wliich  however  is  cpiite  a  moini- 
tain — never  a  field — plant.  But  Mr.  Houghton  be- 
lieves the  boshdh  =:  any  bad  weeds  or  fruit,  perhap- 
bad  or  smutted  barley,  or  some  of  the  U3elt■^- 
grasses  which  have  somewhat  the  appearance  cl 
barley,  such  as  Hordeum  murinnm,  &c. 

Coel-e-sjr'l-a  [sel'le-]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =:  hollow  Syria) 
=  Celosvria. 

Coffer  (Heb.  argdz),  a  movable  box  banging  from 
thj  side  of  a  cart  (1  Sam.  vi.  8,  11,  15).  On  the 
phrase  "  in  a  coffer"  (Ezr.  vi.  2,  marg.),  see  Ecbatana. 

Coffin.     Burial  ;  Chest  1  ;  E.mbalming. 

Co'la  (fr.  Gr.),  a  place  (Jd.  xv.  4  only) ;  perhaps 
(so  Simonis)  =  Abel-meholaii,  which  is  also  writ- 
ten Abel-mecMah. 


COL 


COL 


181 


■  Col-ho'zeh  (Heb.  aUseeing),  a  man  of  the  tribe 
of  Jtulah  (Xeli.  iii.  15,  xi.  5). 

toll-as (1  Esd.  ix.  23)  =  Kelaiah. 

Collars  (Juilg.  viii.  20).     Ear-ri.ngs. 

(V)l  IrSF,  the.  Li  2  K.  xsii.  14  it  is  s.iiil  in  the 
A.  V.  that  Iluldah  the  prophetess  "  dwelt  in  Jeru- 
salem in  the  college "  {ilch.  mishueli),  margin  "in 
the  second  part"  The  same  part  of  the  city  is  un- 
doubtedly alluded  to  in  Zeph.  i.  10  (A.  V.  "  the 
second"),  and  probably  in  Xch.  xi.  9  (A.  V.  "sec- 
ond over  the  city,"  literally  "  over  the  city  sec- 
ond "),  mishiieh  being  translated  "  second  "  in  each. 
Our  translation  derived  "the  college"  from  the 
Targum  of  Jonathan,  which  has  "  house  of  instruc- 
tion," a  school-house  supposed  to  have  been  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  Temple.  Keil's  explanation 
is  probably  the  true  one,  that  the  mishnch  was  the 
"  lower  city,"  built  on  the  hill  Akra. 

•  Colleps  of  fat  (Job  xv.  27)  =  pieces,  fnkes,  or 
tlices  of  fat. 

Col'o-ny,  a  designation  of  Piiilippi,  in  Acts  xvi. 
12.  After  the  battle  of  Actium,  Augustus  assigned 
to  his  veterans  those  parts  of  Italy  which  had  es- 
poused the  cause  of  Antony,  and  transported  many 
of  the  expelled  inhabitants  to  Philippi,  Dyrachium, 
and  other  cities.  In  this  way  Philippi  was  made  a 
Roman  colony,  and  it  is  thus  described  both  in  in- 
scriptions and  upon  the  coins  of  Augustus.  The 
colonists  went  out  as  Roman  citizens  (Citizen)  to 
represent  and  reproduce  the  city  in  the  midst  of  an 
alien  population.  Their  names  were  still  enrolled 
in  one  of  the  Roman  tribes.  They  were  governed 
by  Roman  law,  had  their  own  magistrates,  and  were 
free  from  any  intrusion  by  the  governor  of  the 
province.  Their  land  had  the  same  freedom  from 
taxation  as  land  in  Italy 

Col'ors  [kul'lurz].  The  terms  relative  to  color, 
occurring  in  the  Bible,  may  be  arranged  in  two 
classes :  I.  Those  applied  to  the  description  of 
natural  objects;  II.  Those  artificial  mixtures  em- 
ployed in  dyeing  or  painting.— I.  The  natural  colors 
noticed  in  the  Bible  are  white,  black,  red,  yellow, 
and  green.  Of  these  yellow  is  very  seldom  no- 
ticed ;  it  was  apparently  regarded  as  a  shade  of 
green,  for  the  Ueb.  yCrakrak  is  applied  to  gold  (Ps. 
Ixviii.  13,  "j-ellow,"  A.  V.),  and  to  the  leprous  spot 
(Lev.  xiii.  49,  xiv.  37;  A.  V  in  both  "greenish"), 
and  very  probably  the  hue  of  the  leprous  hair  (30, 
32,  36;  Ueb.  tmhdl) ;  A.  V.  "yellow")  differed 
little  from  the  "  greenish  "  spot  on  the  garments. 
Green  is  frequently  noticed,  but  the  reference  is 
seldom  to  colors.  Thus  the  Heb.  rn'Cinan,  usually 
translated  "green"  in  A.  V.,  applies  to  what  is 
vigorous  and  fourishing  (Deut.  xii.  2 ;  Job  xv.  32, 
&c.),  and  the  Heb.  yardk  and  yerek,  translated 
"  green,"  "  green  thing,"  &c.,  in "  A.  V.,  have  the 
ridical  signification  of  pitting  fnrlh  leaves,  sprout- 
ing (Gen.  i.  30;  Is.  xv.  6,  xxx'vii.  27,  &c.).  So  also 
the  Ueb.  lak  or  lack,  usually  translated  "  green  " 
(Gen.  XXX.  37 ;  Judg.  xvi.  7,  8 ;  Ez.  xvii.  24,  xx. 
47),  is  translated  literally  "moist"  in  Num.  vi.  3; 
and  Heb.  rulob,  translated  "green"  in  Job  viii.  10, 
*=  juicy,  Ges.  (Cotton  ;  Linex.)  The  Gr.  chloros 
(  ^.jiale  green,  light  green,  greenish  yellow,  strictly 
of  the  color  of  young  grass,  corn,  &c.,  L.  &  S.)  is 
translated  "green"  (Mk.  vi.  39;  Rev.  viii.  7,  ix.  4), 
and  "  pale "  (Rev.  vi.  8) ;  and"  in  LXX.  —  Heb. 
t/irdk;  yerek,  and  lah  or  Inch.  The  Gr.  hugros  (  = 
watery,  irrf,  moist;  hence  sappy,  green,  Rbn.  N.  T. 
Lez.)  is  applied  to  a  tree  and  translated  "green" 
in  Lk.  xxiii.  31 ;  and  in  LXX.  =  Heb.  tali  or  larh  in 
Judg.  xvi.  7,  8,  and  rdtdb  m  Job  viii.  IG.     The  only 


fundamental  color  of  which  the  Hebrews  appear  to 
have  had  a  clear  conception  was  red  ;  and  even  this 
is  not  very  often  noticed.  They  had  therefore  no 
scientific  knowledge  of  colors.  The  highest  de- 
velopment of  color  in  the  mind  of  the  Hebrew 
evidently  was  light,  and  hence  the  predominance 
given  to  white  as  its  representative  (Hat.  xvii.  2 ; 
Jlk.  ix.  3 ;  Lk.  ix.  29 ;  compare  "  brightness," 
Heb.  zohar,  Ez.  viii.  2  ;  Dan.  xii.  3).  The  Hebrew, 
translated  "color,"  in  Ez.  i.  4,  7,  16,  &c.,  is  ^ayin, 
literally  eye,  i.  e.  the  look,  the  glance,  such  as  the  eye 
or  any  thing  brilliant  gives  forth  (Fbn.  on  £s.). 
Next  to  white,  black,  or  rather  dark,  holds  the  most 
prominent  place,  not  only  as  its  opposite,  but  also 
as  representing  the  complexion  of  the  Orientals. 
The  three  colors,  white,  black,  and  red,  were  some- 
times intermixed  in  animals,  and  gave  rise  to  the 
Hebrew  terms  tsuhor  or  Isdchor  (A.  V.  "white") 
=  dappled,  probably  white  and  red  (so  Mr.  Bevan ; 
Gesenius  says  "  v>hite,  probably  of  a  light  reddish 
color"),  see  Ass  (Judg.  v.  10);  'dkod  =  "  ring- 
straked,"  either  with  white  bands  on  the  legs,  or 
white-footed;  ndkod  =  "speckled,"  tdiu  (participle 
from  tdld  —  to  patch,  Ges.;  the  Hebrew,  translated 
"  CLOUTED  "  in  Josh.  ix.  5,  is  from  the  same  verb)  = 
"  spotted,"  and  bdrod  ~  piebald  (A.V.  "  grisled  "  ), 
the  spots  being  larger  in  the  last  than  in  the  two 
others,  but  the  three  being  white  and  black  (Gen. 
XXX.  32  ff. ;  bdrod  also  in  Zech.  vi.  3,  6).  It  re- 
mains for  us  now  to  notice  the  various  terms  ap- 
plied to  these  three  colors.  1.  IVfiite.  The  most 
common  Hebrew  term  is  Idbdn,  which  (or  its  kin- 
dred Idben)  is  applied  to  such  objects  as  milk  (Gen. 
xlix.  12),  manna  (Ex.  xvi.  31),  snow  (Is.  i.  IS), 
horses  (Zech.  i.  8),  raiment  (Eccl.  ix.  8) ;  and  a 
cognate  word  =:  "  the  moon  "  (Is.  xxiv.  23).  The 
Heb.  tsah  or  tsach,  dazzling  white,  is  applied  to  the 
complexion  (Cant.  v.  10);  the  Chal.  hivvdr  or  chiv- 
vdr,  for  which  the  LXX.  have  leukos  (see  below),  to 
snow  (Dan.  vii.  9  only);  the  Heb.  sib  (A.  V.  "gray- 
headed")  to  the  hair  alone  (1  Sam.  xii.  2;  Job  xv. 
10).  The  Heb.  cchdli  (Lev.  xili.  21  if.,  A.V.  "some- 
what dark  ")  —  palish  white,  Ges.  Another  class 
of  terms  arises  from  the  textures  of  a  naturally 
white  color  (Heb.  bits,  shesh,  Gr.  bussos,  &c. ;  see 
Cotton  ;  Linen).  These  were  without  doubt  pri- 
marily applied  to  the  material ;  but  the  idea  of 
color  is  also  prominent,  particularly  in  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  curtains  of  the  tabernacle  (Ex.  xxvi. 
1),  and  the  priests'  vestments  (xxviii.  6).  (See  also 
Basket  1 ;  Marble.)  In  Esth.  i.  6,  the  first  Hebrew 
word  translated  "  white,"  hur  or  chur,  which  also 
occurs  in  viii.  15,=^nc  white  linen,  Ges. ;  the  second 
Hebrew  word,  dar,  translated  "white,"  margin 
"  alabaster,"  is  commonly  taken  =  a  pearl,  but  per- 
haps =  a  species  of  marble  or  alabaster  resembling 
pearl,  or  possibly  mother  of  pearl  (so  Ges.).  In  N. 
T.,  the  Gr.  lampros  (Rev.  xv.  6,  xix.  8)  and  leukos 
(Mat.  V.  36,  xvii.  2,  &c. ;  also  in  LXX.  =  Heb. 
Idbdn  above)  and  the  verb  Itukaiuo  (Mk.  ix.  3,  &c.) 
are  translated  "  white;"  and  the  participle  kekonia- 
rnenos  (=  whitewashed)  is  translated  "whitcd" 
(Mat.  xxiii.  27;  Acts  xxiii.  3).  White  was  symboli- 
.cal  of  innocence,  of  joy,  ana  of  victory. — 2.  Black. 
The  shades  of  this  color  are  expressed  in  the  Ueb. 
shdhur  or  shdchdr  and  shdhar  or  shdchar,  applied  to 
the  hair  (Lev.  xiii.  31,  37;  Cant.  v.  11);  the  com- 
plexion (Cant.  i.  6),  particularly  when  affected  with 
disease  (Job  xxx.  80) ;  horses  (Zech.  vi.  2,  6) :  Ueb. 
hum  or  chum,  literally  scorched  (A.  V.  "  brown,"  Gen. 
xxx.  82  ff.),  applied  to  sheep;  the  word  expresses 
the  color  produced  by  influence  of  the  sun's  rays : 


182 


COL 


COL 


Heb.  verb  kddnr,  literally  to  be  dirty,  translated  in 
A.  V.  "  to  be  black,"  "  blackish,"  "  dark,"  "  dark- 
ened, '  &c.,  applied  to  mourner's  robes  (Jer.  viii.  21, 
xiv.  2);  a  clouded  sky  (1  K.  xviii.  45);  night  (Mic. 
iii.  6  ;  Jer.  iv.  28 ;  Joel  ii.  10,  iii.  15) ;  a  turbid  brook 
(Kidron),  particularly  when  rendered  so  by  melted 
snow  (Job  vi.  16).  The  Gr.  melas  is  translated 
"black"  in  N.  T.  (Mat.  v.  36,  &c.),  and  in  LXX.  = 
Heb.  sMhor  or  sluichdi:  Black,  as  the  opposite  to 
white,  is  symbolical  of  evil  (Zech.  vi.  2,  6  ;  Rev. 
vi.  5).— 3.  Red.  The  Ueb.  ddom  (=  "red,"  "rud- 
dy," A.  V.  and  Ges.)  and  kindred  words  iXdam  (  = 
"  to  be  red  "  or  "  ruddy  "),  admoni  (=  "  red  "),  are 
applied  to  blood  (2  K.  iii.  22) ;  a  garment  sprinkled 
with  blood  (Is.  Ixiii.  2);  a  heifer  (Num.  xix.  2); 
pottage  made  of  lentiles  (Gen.  xxv.  30) ;  a  horse 
(Zech.  i.  8,  vi.  2);  wine  (I'rov.  xxiii.  31);  the  com- 
plexion (Gen.  xxv.  25;  Cant.  v.  10;  Lam.  iv.  7). 
The  Heb.  udamddm  (  =  "  reddish  "  or  "  somewhat 
reddisli")is  applied  to  a  leprous  spot  (Lev.  xiii. 
19,  &c.,  xiv.  37).  Tlie  Heb.  sArok,  literally  fox- 
colored,  bay,  is  applied  to  a  horse  (A.  V.  "  speckled," 
margin  "  bay,"  Zech.  i.  8).  The  Gr.  piirrhox  (  = 
flame-colored,  fiery  red,  red,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  is 
translated  "  red  "  in  Rev.  vi.  4,  xii.  3,  and  in  LXX. 
=:  Heb.  ddoiH.  The  kindred  Greek  verb  purrhazo 
(  =  "to  be  red,"  A.  V.)  occurs  in  Mat.  xvi.  2,  3. 
(See  also  Red  Sea.)  This  color  was  symbolical  of 
bloodshed  (Zech.  vi.  2  ;  Rev.  vi.  4,  xii.  3). — II.  Arti- 
ficial colors.  The  art  of  extracting  dyes,  and  of 
applying  them  to  various  textures,  appears  to  have 
been  known  at  a  very  early  period.  (Dress;  Handi- 
craft.) The  Hebrews  were  probably  indebted  both 
to  the  Egyptians  and  the  Phenicians ;  to  the  latter 
for  the  dyes,  and  to  the  former  for  the  mode  of  ap- 
plying them.  The  purple  dyes  which  they  chiefly 
used  were  extracted  by  the  Phenicians  (Ez.  xxvii. 
16),  and  in  certain  districts  of  Asia  Minor,  espe- 
cially Thyatira  (Acts  xvi.  14).  (Elisiiah.)  The 
dyes  consisted  of  purples,  light  and  dark  (the  lat- 
ter =:  "blue,"  A.  v.),  and  crimson  ("scarlet,"  A. 
v.);  these  three  we're  contributed  for  holy  pur- 
poses (Ex.  xxv.  4) ;  vermilion  was  introduced  at  a 
late  period. — 1.  Purple  (Heb.  argdm&n,  argev&n  ; 
Chal.  argevdtid,  Dan.  v.  1,  16,  29,  A.  V.  "scarlet;" 
Gr.  porphura.  porphurea,  porphuroits).  This  color 
was  obtained  from  the  secretion  of  a  species  of 
shell-fish,  the  Murex  Irimculun  of  Linna;us,  which 
was  found  in  various  parts  of  the  Mediterranean 
Sea.  The  coloring  matter  was  contained  in  a  small 
vessel  in  the  throat,  only  a  single  drop  in  each  ani- 
mal, and  the  value  was  proportionally  high.  The 
Greek  and  probably  the  other  terms  were  applied 
with  great  latitnde,  not  only  to  all  colors  extracted 
from  the  shell-fish,  but  even  to  other  brilliant 
colors  (compare  Jn.  xix.  2  with  Mat.  xxvii.  28,  and 
see  \o.  3,  below).  The  same  may  be  said  of  the 
L.  purpitreus.  Generally  speaking,  however,  the 
"  purple "  of  the  Scriptures  must  be  considered 
as  defined  by  the  distinction  between  the  purple 
proper,  and  the  other  purple  dye  (A.  V.  "blue"), 
which  was  produced  from  another  species  of  shell- 
fish. The  latter  was  undoubtedly  a  dark  violet 
tint,  while  the  former  had  a  light  reddish  tinge.. 
Robes  of  a  purple  color  were  worn  by  kings  (Judg. 
viii.  261,  and  by  the  highest  olTicers,  civil  and  reli- 
gious (Esth.  viii.  15  ;  1  Mc.  x.  20,  64,  &c.).  They 
were  also  worn  by  the  wealthy  and  luxurious  (Jer. 
X.  9;  Ez.  xxvii.  7;  Lk.  xvi.  19;  Rev.  xvii.  4,  xviii. 
16). — 2.  Blue  (Wah.teci'ileth  ;  Gr.  huakitithos,  hual-tn- 
thinos  ;  Jacinth).  This  dye  was  procured  from  a 
species  of  shell-fish  found  on  the  coast  of  Phenicia, 


and  called  by  modern  naturalists  Helix  lanlhina. 
The  tint  is  best  explained  by  the  statements  of 
Josephus  (iii.  7,  §  7)  and  Philo  that  it  was  em- 
blematic of  the  sky,  in  which  case  it  represents 
not  the  light  blue  of  our  Northern  climate,  but  the 
deep  dark  hue  of  the  Eastern  sky.  The  A.  V.  has 
rightly  described  the  tint  in  Esth.  i.  6  (margin)  as 
violet.  This  color  was  used  in  the  same  way  as 
purple  (see  above,  No.  1). — 3.  Scarlet  (A.  V. 
"  crimson,"  twice  in  0.  T. ;  see  below).  The  terms 
by  which  this  color  is  expressed  in  Hebrew  vary ; 
sometimes  shdxi  simply  is  used,  as  in  Gen.  xxxviii. 
28,  30  (A.  V.  "scarlet  thread").  Is.  i.  18  (A.  V. 
"  scarlet"),  Jer.  iv.  30  (A.V. "  crimson"),  &c. ;  some- 
times tdla'alh  shani,  as  in  Ex.  xxv.  4,  &c. ;  some- 
times told',  as  in  Is.  i.  18  (A.  V.  "crimson"),  and 
Lam.  iv.  5  (A.  V.. "scarlet");  and  in  Nah.  ii.  8, 
Heb.  4,  the  plural  participle  meihutld'im  (A.  V.  "  in 
scarlet,"  margin  "  dyed  ")  is  used.  The  word  car- 
mil  (A.  V.  "crimson,"  2  Chr.  ii.  7,  14,  iii.  14)  wa- 
introduced  into  Hebrew  at  a  late  period,  probablx 
from  Armenia,  to  express  the  same  color.  Tlh 
first  of  these  terms  expresses  the  brilliaiici/  of  tin 
color;  the  second  the  worm,  or  grub,  whence  tli. 
dye  was  procured.  The  Gr.  kokkos  is  translated 
"scarlet"  in  Ecclus.  xiv.  11,  and  its  adjective  kok- 
kinos  is  translated  in  the  N.  T.  "scarlet,"  "scarlet 
color,"  "  scarlet-colored  "  (Mat.  xxvii.  28,  compare 
No.  1,  above;  Heb.  ix.  19;  Rev.  xvii.  3,  4,  xviii.  12, 
16);  and  in  the  LXX.  is  used  generally  for  the  pro- 
ceding  Hebrew  words.  The  dye  was  produced  from 
the  females  of  an  insect  {Coccm  Ilicia,  Linn.,  Ar. 
kermen,  whence  crimson),  somewhat  resembling  the 
cochineal,  which  is  found  in  considerable  quantiti'- 
in  Armenia  and  other  Eastern  countries.  The  tin; 
produced  was  crimson  rather  than  scarlet.  The 
only  natural  object  to  which  it  is  applied  in  Scri))- 
ture  is  the  lips,  which  are  compared  to  a  "  scarlet " 
thread  (Cant.  iv.  3).  "Scarlet"  threads  were  se- 
lected as  distinguishing  marks  from  their  brilliancy 
(Gen.  xxxviii.  28 ;  Josh.  ii.  18,  21),  and  hence  the 
color  is  expressive  of  what  is  excessive  or  glarimj 
(Is.  i.  18).  "Scarlet"  robes  were  worn  by  the 
luxurious  (2  Sam.  i.  24;  Prov.  xxxi.  21 ;  Rev.  xvii. 
4,  &c.):  "scarlet"  was  the  appropriate  hue  of  a 
warrior's  dress  from  its  similarity  to  blood  (Nah.  ii. 
3;  compare  Is.  ix.  5),  and  was  especially  worn  by 
officers  in  the  Roman  army  (Mat.  xxvii.  28).  The 
three  colors  above  described,  purple,  blue,  and 
scarlet,  together  with  white,  were  employed  in  tli 
textures  used  for  the  curtains  of  the  tabernaeli 
and  for  the  sacred  vestments  of  the  priests  (Ex. 
xxvi.  1,  &c.). — 4.  VerDiillon  {lleh.  slidshar ;  Gr.mil- 
tos).  This  was  a  pigment  used  in  fresco  paintings, 
either  for  drawing  figures  of  idols  on  the  walls  of 
temples  (Ez.  xxiii.  14),  for  coloring  the  idols  them 
selves  (Wis.  xiii.  14),  or  for  decorating  the  wail 
and  beams  of  houses  (Jer.  xxii.  14).  The  Grci  ! 
term  =  both  red  lead  and  red  ochre  ;  the  L.  sivo/r. 
(the  translation  in  Vulgate)  =  the  best  kind  «l 
ochre,  which  came  from  SinojK  on  the  Enxine  or 
Black  Sea.  Vermilion  was  a  favorite  color  among 
the  Assyrians,  as  is  still  attested  by  the  sculptures 
of  Nimroud  and  Khorsabad. 

Co-los'8%  [-see]  (L.)  =  CoLOSSE. 

Co-Ios'se  (L.  Q'olossfe ;  Gr.  lutlossai  or  Kolas- 
sai),  a  city  in  the  Roman  province  of  Asia 
(Piirygia),  in  the  upper  part  of  the  basin  of 
the  river  Meander,  on  one  of  its  afHuents  named 
the  Lycus.  Hierapolis  and  Laodicea  were  i' 
its  immediate  neighborhood  (Col.  ii.  1,  iv.  13,  1  ' 
16;    see  Rev.  i.   11,  iii.   14).     Colosse  was   more 


COL 


COL 


183 


ancient,  and  fell,  as  these  other  two  cities  rose 
in  importance.  The  three  were  destroyed  by  an 
earth(iual{c  (so  Eusebius)  in  the  ninth  year  of  Nero, 
but  Colosse  was  a  flourishing  place  three  years 
afterward.     It  was  situated  close  to  the  great  road 


from  Ephesus  to  the  Euphrates.  Hence  our  im- 
pulse would  be  to  conclude  that  St.  Paul  passed 
this  way,  and  founded  or  confirmed  the  Colossian 
church  on  his  third  missionary  journey  (Acts  .xviii. 
23,  xix.  1).     (See  the  next  article.)     The  most  com- 


petent commentators,  however,  agree  in  thinking 
that  Col.  ii.  1,  proves  that  St.  Paul  had  never  been 
there,  when  the  epistle  was  written.  That  the  apos- 
tle hoped  to  visit  the  place  on  being  delivered  from 
his  Roman  imprisonment  is  clear  from  Phn.  22 
(comp.  Phil.  ii.  24).  Philemon  and  Onesimuswere 
dwellers  in  Colosse.  So  also  were  Archippus  and 
Epaphras.  Mr.  Hamilton  was  the  first  to  deter- 
mine the  actual  site  of  the  ancient  city,  which  ap- 
pears to  be  about  three  miles  N.  from  the  modern 
vUage  of  Clu/nas. 

Co-Ifts'iiiaDS  [ko-Iosh'yanz]  ( =  people  of  Co- 
iosse),  the  E-pis'tle  to  the,  was  written  by  the 
Apostle  Paul  during  his  first  captivity  at  Rome 
(Acts  xxviii.  16),  and  apparently  in  that  portion  of 
it  (Col.  iv.  3,  4)  when  the  apostle's  imprisonment 
had  not  assumed  the  more  severe  character  which 
seems  to  be  reflected  in  Phil.  i.  20,  21,  30,  ii.  27, 
and  which  not  improbably  succeeded  the  death  of 
Burrus  in  A.  D.  62,  and  the  decline  of  the  influence 
of  Seneca.  This  important  and  profound  epistle 
was  addressed  to  the  Christians  of  the  once  large 
and  influential,  but  now  smaller  and  declining,  city 
of  Colosse,  and  was  delivered  to  them  by  Tychicus, 
whom  the  apostle  had  sent  both  to  them  (Col.  iv. 
7,  8)  and  to  the  church  of  Ephesus  (Eph.  vi.  21), 
to  inquire  into  their  state  and  to  administer  exhor- 
tation and  comfort.  The  epistle  seems  to  have  been 
called  forth  -by  the  information  St.  Paul  had  re- 
ceived from  Epaphras  (Col.  iv.  12;  Phn.  23)  and 
from  Onesimus,  both  of  whom  appear  to  have  been 
natives  of  Colosse,  and  the  former  of  whom  was, 
if  not  the  special  founder,  yet  certainly  one  of  the 
very  earliest  preachers  of  the  gospel  in  that  city. 
The    main  object  of  the   epistle  is   not   merely, 


as  in  Philipplans,  to  exhort  and  to  confirm,  nor 
as  in  Ephesians,  to  set  forth  the  great  fea- 
tures of  the  church  of  the  chosen  in  Christ, 
but  especially  to  warn  the  Colossians  agamst 
a  spirit  of  semi-Judaistic  and  semi-Oriental  phi- 
losophy which  was  corrupting  the  simplicity  of 
their  belief,  and  was  noticeably  tending  to  obscure 
the  eternal  glory  and  dignity  of  Christ.  With 
regard  to  its  geimhiencM  and  ant/tenlicili/,  there  are 
no  grounds  for  doubt.  The  external  testimonies  are 
explicit,  and  the  internal  arguments,  founded  on 
the  peculiarity  of  style,  the  nerve  and  force  of  the 
arguments,  and  the  originality  that  appears  in  every 
paragraph,  are  unusually  strong  and  well  defined. 
(Ca.\on.)  a  few  special  points  demand  a  brief 
notice. —  1.  The  opinion  that  the  epistles  to  the 
Colossians,  Ephesians,  and  Philemon,  were  written 
during  the  apostle's  imprisonment  at  Cesarea  (Acts 
xxi.  27-xxvi.  32),  i.  e.  between  Pentecost  a.  n.  SS 
and  the  autumn  of  a.  d.  CO,  has  been  recently  advo- 
cated by  several  writers  of  ability,  and  stated  with 
such  cogency  and  clearness  by  Jleyer,  as  to  deserve 
some  consideration.  But  to  go  no  further  than 
the  present  epistle,  the  notices  of  the  apostle's  im- 
prisonment in  ch.  iv.  3,  4,  11,  certainly  seem  his- 
torically inconsistent  with  the  nature  of  the  im- 
prisonment at  Cesarea.  The  permission  of  Felix 
(Acts  xxiv.  23)  can  scarcely  be  strained  into  any 
degree  of  liberty  to  teach  or  preach  the  Gospel. — 
2.  The  nature  of  the  erroneous  teaching  condemned 
in  this  epistle  has  been  very  differently  estimated. 
Three  oi)iniona  only  seem  to  deserve  any  serious 
consideration :  (a)  that  these  erroneous  teachers 
were  adherents  of  Neo-l'latonism,  or  of  some  forms 
of  Occidental  philosophy ;  (4)  that  they  leaned  tQ 


184 


COL 


COM 


Essene  doctrines  and  practices ;  (c)  that  they  advo- 
cated that  admixture  of  Christianity,  Judaism,  and 
Oriental  philosophy  which  afterward  became  con- 
solidated into  Gnosticism.  Of  these  («)  has  but 
little  in  its  favor,  except  the  somewhat  vague  term 
"  philosophy  "  (ch.  ii.  8)  , which,  however,  it  seems 
arbitrary  to  restrict  to  Grecian  philosophy  ;  {b)  is 
much  more  plausible  as  far  as  the  usages  alluded 
to,  but  seems  inconsistent  both  with  the  exclusive 
nature  and  circumscribed  localities  of  Essene  teach- 
ing ;  (<•)  on  the  contrary  is  in  accordance  with  the 
Gentile  nature  of  the  church  of  Colosse  (i.  21), 
with  its  very  locality — speculative  and  superstitious 
Phrygia — and  with  that  tendency  to  associate 
Judaieal  observances  (ii.  10)  with  more  purely  the- 
osophistic  speculations  (18),  which  became  after- 
ward so  conspicuous  in  developed  Gnosticism. — 3. 
The  strikin::;  similarity  between  many  portions  of 
this  epistle  and  Ephesians  has  given  rise  to  much 
speculation,  both  as  to  the  reason  of  this  studied 
similarity,  and  as  to  the  priority  of  order  in  respect 
to  composition.  The  similarity  may  reasonably  be 
accounted  for,  (1.)  by  the  proximity  in  time  at  which 
the  two  epistles  were  written ;  (2.)  by  the  high  proba- 
bility that  in  two  cities  of  Asia  within  a  moderate 
distance  from  one  another,  there  would  be  many 
doctrinal  prejudices,  and  many  social  relations,  that 
would  call  forth  and  need  precisely  the  same  lan- 
guage of  warning  and  exhortation.  The  priority 
in  composition  must  remain  a  matter  for  a  reason- 
able diiference  of  opinion.  Bishop  Ellicott  believes 
the  shorter  and  perhaps  more  vividly  expressed 
Epistle  to  the  Colossians  to  have  been  first 
written,  and  to  have  suggested  the  more  compre- 
hensive, more  systematic,  but  less  individualizing. 
Epistle  to  the  Ephesians. 
Cal'oars  [kul'lurz]  =  Colors. 

*  Com'fort-er  =  one  who  gives  comfort  (2  Sam. 
X.  3;  Eccl.  iv.  1,  &c.);  especially  applied  to  the 
Holy  Spirit  in  N.  T.  (Jn.  xiv.  16,  &c.).  Spirit,  the 
Holy  ;  also  Advocatk. 

*  Com-miind'niciti     Law;  Law  of  Moses;   Ten 

COMMAXDME.XTS. 

C0!u'iuere3>  From  the  time  that  men  began  to 
live  in  cities,  trade,  in  some  shape,  must  have  been 
carried  on  to  supply  the  town-dwellers  with  neces- 
saries, but  it  is  also  clear  that  international  trade 
must  have  existed  and  affected  to  some  extent  even 
the  pastoral  nomad  races,  for  we  find  that  Abra- 
ham was  rich,  not  only  in  cattle,  but  in  silver,  gold, 
and  gold  and  silver  plate  and  ornaments  (Gen.  xiii.  2, 
xxiv.  22,  53).  (Metals;  Money;  Ornaments,  Per- 
so.NAL.)  Among  trading  nations  mentioned  in  Scrip- 
ture, Egypt  holds  in  very  early  times  a  prominent 
position,  though  her  external  trade  was  carried  on, 
not  by  her  own  citizens,  but  by  foreigners,  chiefly  of 
the  nomad  races.  (Arabia.)  It  was  an  Ishmael- 
ite  caravan,  laden  with  spices,  which  carried  Joseph 
into  Egypt.  From  Egypt  it  is  likely  that  at  all 
times,  especially  in  times  of  general  scarcity,  corn 
would  be  exported,  which  was  paid  for  by  the  non- 
exporting  nations  in  silver,  which  was  always 
weighed  (Gen.  xli.  57,  xlii.  3,  25,  35,  xliii.  11,  12, 
21).  Intercourse  with  Tyre  does  not  appear  to 
have  taken  place  till  a  later  period.  At  an  early 
period  trade  was  carried  on  between  Babylon  and 
the  Syrian  cities,  and  gold  and  silver  ornaments 
were  common  among  the  Syrian  and  Arabian  races 
(Num.  xxxi.  50;  Josh.  vii.  21;  Judg.  V.  30,  viii. 
24;  Job  vi.  19).  Until  the  time  of  Solomon  the 
Hebrew  nation  may  be  said  to  have  had  no  foreign 
trade.     (Agricoltlre  ;   Alliance  ;   Loan  ;   Ship.) 


Solomon,  however,  organized  an  exten.'iive  trade 
with  foreign  countries.  (Elath;  Tarsiiish.)  lie 
imported  linen  yarn,  horses,  and  chariots  from 
Egypt  (1  K.  X.  22-29).  Phenicians  brought  by  sea 
to  JOPPA  the  cedar  and  other  timber  for  his  great 
architectural  works,  whilst  Solomon  furnished  tiicm 
provisions  (1  K.  v.  6,  9;  2  Chr.  ii.  15,  10).  Solo- 
mon also  built,  or  more  probably  fortified.  Palmyra 
(Tadmor),  as  a  caravan  station  for  the  land-commerce 
with  eastern  and  southeastern  Asia  (1  K.  ix.  18). 
After  his  death  the  maritime  trade  declined,  and  an 
attempt  made  by  Jehoshapliat  to  revive  it  proved 
unsuccessful  (1  K.  xxii.  48,  49).  We  know,  how- 
ever, that  Phenicia  was  supplied  from  Judea  with 
wheat,  honey,  oil,  and  balm  (1  K.  v.  11 ;  Ez.  xxvii. 
17;  Acts  xii.  20),  whilst  Tyrian  dealers  brought 
fish  and  other  merchandise  to  Jerusalem  at  the 
time  of  the  return  from  Captivity  (Xeh.  xiii.  10),  as 
well  as  timber  for  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temjile, 
which  then,  as  in  Solomon's  time,  was  brought  by 
sea  to  Joppa  (Ezr.  iii.  7).  Oil  was  exported  to 
Egypt  (Hos.  xii.  1),  and  fine  linen  and  ornamental 
girdles  of  domestic  maimfacture  were  sold  to  the 
merchants  (Prov.  xxxi.  24).  The  successive  inva- 
sions to  whieli  Palestine  was  subjected  must  have 
impoverished  the  country  from  time  to  time,  but 
much  wealth  must  somewhere  have  existed ;  so 
much  so  that,  in  the  language  of  Ezeldel,  Jerusa- 
lem appears  as  the  rival  of  Tyre,  and  through  its 
port,  Joppa,  to  have  carried  on  trade  with  foreign 
countries  (Is.  ii.  6,  10,  iii.  11,  23  ;  Hos.  xii.  7;  Ez. 
xxvi.  2;  Jon.  i.  3).  The  internal  trade  of  the 
Jews,  as  well  as  the  external,  was  much  promotci!, 
as  was  the  case  also  in  Egypt,  by  the  festivals, 
which  brought  large  numbers  of  persons  to  Jeru- 
salem, and  caused  great  outlay  in  victims  for  sacri- 
fices and  in  incense  (1  K.  viii.  63).  The  places  of 
public  market  were,  then  as  now,  chiefly  the  open 
spaces  near  the  gates,  to  which  goods  were  brought 
for  sale  by  those  who  came  from  the  outside  (Neh, 
xiii.  15,  16;  Zeph.  i.  10).  The  traders  in  later 
times  were  allowed  to  intrude  into  the  temple,  in 
the  outer  courts  of  v.iiich  victims  were  publicly 
sold  for  the  sacrifices  (Zech.  xiv.  21 ;  Mat.  xxi.  12 ; 
Jn.  ii.  14).  The  Jews  in  their  dispersion  became, 
and  have  continued  to  bo,  a  nation  of  traders. 
Camel;  Captivity;  Cesarea;  Dispersion,  Jew.s 
OF  the;  Gate;  Inn;  Market;  Moxey-chanoehs; 
Slave;  Stones,  Precious;  Weights  and  Meas- 
ures. 
* Coci'mon-wenltli.     Citizen;  Congregation.  | 

*  Com-pcl'  (fr.  L.,  lit.  to  drive  iogethm-),  the  A.  V 
translation  of — 1.  Heb.  anas  {—to  urge,  prexs,  com- 
pel, Ges.)  (Esth.  i.  8  only). — 2.  Heb.  iiiidah  or  nd- 
dach  (  =  to  thnist,  impel,  seduce,  Ges.)  (2  Chr.  xxi. 
11);  elsewhere  translated  "drive"  (Dent.  xxx.  1; 
2  K.  xvii.  21;  Jer.  viii.  3,  &c.),  "thrust"  (Deut. 
xiii.  5,  10),  "force"  (Deut.  xx.  19;  Prov.  vii.  21), 
&c. — 3.  Heb.  'aftftcf  (  =  to  labor,  work,  serve,  Ges.) 
(Lev.  XXV.  39,  margin  "  serve  thyself  with  ") ;  else- 
where translated  "  serve  "  (vcr.  40,  &c.),  &c. — 4. 
Heb.  pilrats  (literally,  to  break,  break  out  or  forth, 
Ges.)  (1  Sam.  xxviii.  23);  elsewhere  translated 
"  break  forth "  (Ex.  xix.  22,  24,  &c.),  "  break 
down  "  (2  K.  xiv.  13,  &c.),  &c. — 5.  Gr.  anangkaz6 
{  z=  to  force,  compel,  require,  constraht,  especially 
by  argument ;  from  anangke,  force,  nccessiti/,  L.  A: 
S.)  (Lk.  xiv.  23;  Acts  xxvi.  11;  2  Cor.  xii.  11; 
Gal.  ii.  3,  14);  also  translated  "constrain"  (Mat. 
xiv.  22;  Mk.  vi.  45  ;  Acts  xxviii.  19;  Gal.  vi.  12). 
— 6.  Gr.  anggareuo  (Mat.  v.  41,  xxvii.  32  ;  Jlk.  xv. 
21),  a  word  of  Persian,  or  rather  of  Tartar  origin 


COK 


CON 


185 


r=  to  comjxl  to  srrve  as  a  mounled  courier  (Gr.  anff- 
ffaros).  According  to  the  Persian  system  (Htlt. 
viii.  98),  in  order  to  make  all  haste  in  carrying 
royal  messages,  relays  of  men  and  horses  were 
stationed  at  intervals,  and  the  couriers,  who  had 
license  from  the  government  to  press  into  the  ser- 
vice men,  horses,  and  vessels,  handed  the  dispatch 
from  one  to  another  without  interruption  either 
from  weather  or  darkness.  Hence  the  word  =: 
press  or  imjjress  hiio  service.     Epistle. 

Con-s-lli'ah  (Ueb.  whom  Jehovah  hath  set,  Ges. ; 
=r  C0NOXI.111),  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Levites  iu 
the  time  of  Josiah  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  9). 

*  Con-tis'lon  [kon-sizh'un]  (fr.  L.  =  n  cutting 
off),  a  term  of  contempt  for  mere  outward  circum- 
cision (I'liil.  iii.  2). 

Con'tn-blne  [konk'yu-bine]  (fr.  L. ;  Ueb.pVegesh; 
Gr.  pallake),  among  the  ancient  Hebrews,  &c.,  =  a 
wife  of  secondary  rank.  The  concubine's  condition 
was  a  definite  one,  and  quite  independent  of  the 
fact  of  there  being  another  woman  having  the 
rights  of  wife  toward  the  same  man.  The  differ- 
ence probably  lay  in  the  absence  of  the  right  to 
the  "  bill  of  divorcement "  (see  Divorce),  without 
which  the  wife  could  not  be  repudiated.  With  re- 
gard to  the  children  of  wife  and  concubine,  there 
was  no  such  difference  as  our  illegitimacy  implies ; 
the  latter  were  a  supplementary  family  to  the  for- 
mer, their  names  occur  in  tiie  patriarchal  genealo- 
gies (Gen.  xxii.  24  ;  1  Chr.  i.  32),  and  their  position 
and  provision  would  depend  on  the  father's  will 
(Gen.  XXV.  G).  The  state  of  concubinage  is  assumed 
and  provided  for  by  the  law  of  Moses.  A  concu- 
bine would  generally  be  cither  (1.)  a  Hebrew  girl 
bought  of  her  father ;  (2.)  a  Gentile  captive  taken 
in  war;  (3.)  a  foreign  slave  bought,  or  (4.)  a 
Canaanitish  woman,  bond  or  free.  The  rights  of 
(1.)  and  (2.)  were  protected  by  law  (Ex.  xxi.  7  ft". ; 
Deut.  xxi.  10-14),  but  (3.)  was  unrecognized,  and 
(4.)  prohibited.  Free  Hebrew  women  also  might 
become  concubines.  So  Gideon's  concubine  seems 
to  have  been  of  a  family  of  rank  and  influence  in 
Shechem,  and  such  was  probably  the  state  of  the 
Levite's  concubine  (Judg.  xix.,  xx.).  The  ravages 
of  war  among  the  male  sex,  or  the  impoverishment 
of  families  might  often  induce  this  condition.  The 
case  (1.)  was  not  a  hard  lot  (Ex.  xxi.).  The  pro- 
visions relating  to  (2.)  are  merciful  and  considerate 
to  a  rare  degree,  but  overlaid  by  the  Rabbis  with 
distorting  comments.  In  the  books  of  Samuel  and 
Kings  the  concubines  mentioned  belong  to  the 
king,  and  their  condition  and  number  cease  to  be 
a  guide  to  the  general  practice.  A  new  king  step 
pcd  into  the  rights  of  his  predecessor,  and  by  Sol- 
omon's time  the  custom  had  approximated  to  that 
of  a  Persian  harem  (2  Sam.  xii.  8,  xvi.  21 ;  1  K.  ii. 
22).  To  seize  on  royal  concubines  for  his  use  was 
thus  a  usurper's  first  act.  Abner  ;  Absalom  ;  Ad- 
oxijAii;  Adultery;  Haoar;  Heir;  Kkturah  ; 
Uarriare;  Slave;  Women. 

•  Con-dem-na'ticn.  Damnation  ;  Judges  ;  Pcn- 
isiiMKXTs;  Trial. 

fon'dait  l-dilj  (Heb.  K'dVdA  =  a  trench,  water- 
conme,  cmitiJ,  or  aq-aeduct).  1.  Although  no  notice 
is  given  in  the  Scriptures  or  Josephus  pf  any  con- 
nection between  the  pools  of  Solomon  beyond  Beth- 
lehem and  a  supply  of  water  for  Jerusalem,  it 
seems  unlikely  that  so  large  a  work  as  the  pools 
should  he  constructed  merely  for  irrigating  his 
-ardens  (Ecel.  ii.  6);  and  tradition,  both  oral  and 
lis  represented  by  Talmudical  writers,  ascribes  to 
Solomon  the  formation  of  the  original  aqueduct  by 


which  water  was  brought  to  Jerusalem.  Pontius 
Pilate  applied  the  sacred  treasure  of  the  Corban  to 
the  work  of  bringing  water  by  an  aqueduct. 
AVhether  his  work  was  a  new  one  or  a  reparation 
of  Solomon's  original  aqueduct  cannot  be  deter- 
mined. The  aqueduct,  though  much  injured,  and 
not  serviceable  for  water  beyond  Bethlehem,  stiil 
exists;  the  water  is  conveyed  from  tlie  fountains 
which  supply  the  pools  about  two  miles  S.  of  Beth- 
lehem. (Pool.) — 2.  Among  the  works  of  Hcze- 
kiah  he  is  said  to  have  stopped  the  "  upper  water- 
course of  Giiiox,"  and  brought  it  down  straight  to 
the  W.  side  of  the  city  of  David  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  SO ; 
compare  2  K.  xviii.  17).     Jerusalem. 

Co'Bey  or  Co'ny,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the 
Heb.  sMphdn,  which  is  now  universally  allowed  to 
be  the  IJyrax  Si/riaciis,  a  gregarious  onimal  of  the 
class  Pachydermata,  found  in  Palestine,  living  in 
the  caves  and  clefts  of  the  rocks.  In  Lev.  xi.  6 
and  in  Deut.  xiv.  1  it  is  declared  to  be  unclean, 
because  it  chews  the  cud,  but  does  not  divide  the 
hoof.  In  Ps.  civ.  18  we  are  told  "the  rocks  are  a 
refuge  for  the  conies,"  and  in  Prov.  xxx.  26  that 
"  the  conies  are  but  a  feeble  folk,  yet  make  they 
their  houses  in  the  rocks."  The  ijyrax  satisfies 
exactly  the  expressions  in  the  two  last  passages.  The 
action  of  its  jaws  resembles  that  of  the  ruminating 
animals,  yet,  like  the  hare,  it  is  not  classed  among 
them  by  naturalists,  as  it  has  incisors  or  cutting  teeth 
in  the  upper  jaw  and  lacks  the  four  stomachs  of'  those 
animals,  its  true  affinities  being  with  the  tapir,  &c. 
It  feeds  on  grass  and  the  young  shoots  of  shrubs, 
and  is  about  the  size  of  a  cony  or  rabbit,  which  in 
some  of  its  habits  it  much  resenjbles.  Its  color  is 
gray  or  brown  on  the  back,  white  on  the  belly ;  it 
has  long  hair,  a  very  short  tail,  and  round  ears.  It 
is  found  on  Lcbanou  and  iu  the  Jordan  and  Dead 
Sea  valleys. 


HynuE  Syrinciii.— <FTom  a  tpecUnen  In  the  British  Maseum.) 

*  Con-fee'tlon  =  a  preparation  or  compound  of 
different  ingredients  (Ex.  xxx.  85).     Ointment. 

*  (.'on-fcc'tion-o-rles.    Ointment. 

*  ton-fn  siun  of  Tongues.     Tongues,  CoNtrsioN 

OF. 

Con-pre-ga'Uon  [kong-gre-]  (fr.  L. ;  for  the  He- 
brew words  see  Assembly).  This  term  describes 
the  Hebrew  people  in  its  collective  capacity  under 
its  peculiar  aspect  as  a  holy  community,  held  to- 
gether by  religious  rather  than  political  bonds. 
Sometimes  it  is  used  in  a  broad  sense  as  inclusive 
of  foreign  settlers  (Ex.  xii.  19);  but  more  properly, 
as  exclusively  appropriate  to  the  Hebrew  element 
of  the  population  (Num.  xv.  16).  Every  circum- 
cised Hebrew  was  a  member  of  the  congregation, 
and  took  part  in  its  proceedings,  probably  from  the 
time  that  he  bore  arms.  It  is  important,  however, 
to  observe  fhat  he  acquired  no  political  rights  in 
his  individual  capacity,  but  only  as  a  member  of  a 
houxc  ;  for  the  basis  of  the  Hebrew  polity  was  the 
house,  whence  was  formed  in  an  ascending  scale 


186 


CON 


COR 


the  family  or  collection  of  houses,  the  tribe  Or  col- 
lection of  fiiniilies,  and  the  congragalUm  or  collection 
of  tribes.  The  congregation  occupied  an  important 
position  under  the  Theocracy,  as  the  national  assem- 
bly or  parliament,  invested  with  legislative  and  judi- 
cial powers ;  each  house,  family,  and  trioe  being  rep- 
resented by  its  head  or  father.  The  number  of  these 
representatives  being  inconveniently  large  for  or- 
dinary business,  a  further  selection  was  made  by 
Moses  of  seventy,  who  formed  a  species  of  standing 
committee  (xi.  16).  Occasionally  indeed  the  whole 
body  of  the  people  was  assembled  at  the  door  of 
the  Tabernacle  of  the  congregation  (x.  3).  The 
people  were  strictly  bound  by  the  acts  of  their  rep- 
resentatives, even  in  cases  where  they  disapproved 
of  them  (Josh.  ix.  18).  After  the  occupation  of 
the  land  of  Canaan,  the  congregation  was  assembled 
only  on  matters  of  the  highest  importance  (Judg. 
X.  17,  xi.  11,  XX.  1 ;  1  Sam.  vii.  5,  x.  17 ;  2  Sam.  v. 
1;  1  K.  xii.  20;  2  K.  xi.  19,  xxi.  24,  xxiii.  30;  2 
Chr.  xxvi.  1,  xxx.  5,  xxxiv.  29;  1  Mc.  iii.  40).  In 
the  later  periods  of  Jewish  history  the  congrega- 
tion was  represented  by  the  Sanhedrim.  Chl'rch  ; 
Citizen;  Convocation;  Elder;  Prince;  Stran- 
ger;   SVNAGOOUE. 

Co-ni'ah  (fr.  Ilcb.  ■=  JEnoiACiiiN),  contracted  from 
Jeconiaii  (Jer.  xxii.  24,  28,  xxxvii.  1). 

Con-o-ni'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Conaniaii),  a  Lcvite,  ruler 
of  the  offerings  and  tithes  in  the  time  of  Ilezekiah 
(2  Chr.  xxxi.  12,  13). 

*  Coa'seicnec  [shens]  (fr.  L.),  the  uniform  A.  V. 
translation  in  the  X.  T.  of  the  Or.  simeidesis,  literal- 
ly =:  a  knowing  with  one^s  self,  consciowincss  ;  hence 
conscience,  the  moral  faculty  which  distinguishes  be- 
tween riglit  and  wrong,  and  prompts  to  choose  the 
right  and  avoid  the  wrong,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.  (Jn.  viii. 
9 ;  Rom.  ii.  15,  &c.).  In  tlic  0.  T.  it  occurs  in  A.V. 
once  (Eccl.  x.  20,  margin,  "  thought  "  in  text)  as  the 
translation  of  Ileb.  maddS,  for  which  the  LXX. 
have  here  simciJexis,  and  which  elsewhere  =  "  knowl- 
edge" (2  Chr.  i.  10-12  ;  Dan.  i.  17),  "  science  "  (ver. 
4). 

Con-sc-cra'tloiii  See  Anointing;  High-Priest; 
Priest  ;  Tabernacle  ;  Tithe. 

*  Can-Tcr-satloa  (fr.  L.)  in  the  A.V.  =  manner  of 
life,  habitual  course  of  action,  conduct,  an  etymological 
meaning  now  disused.  It  is  the  translation  of — 1 .  Heb. 
derech  (lit.  agoing,  way,  hence  way  of  acting,  course 
of  living,  conduct,  Ges.)  (Ps.  xxxyii.  14, 1.  23,  margin, 
"  way  "  in  both),  usually  translated  "  way  "  in  the 
0.  T. — 2.  Gr.  anastrophe  (literally,  a  turning  about, 
hence  mode  of  life,  conduct,  L.  &  S.,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lac.) 
uniformly  (Gal.  i.  13 ;  Eph.  iv.  22,  &c.).  The  kindred 
Gr.  verb  anastrephomai  (literally,  to  turn  one's  self 
about,  hence  to  live  or  conductone's  self)  is  translated 
in  2  Cor.  i.  12  and  Eph.  ii.  3  (aorist  tense)  "  have  had 
(had)  conversation  ;  "  elsewhere  translated  "  live  " 
(Heb.  xiii.  18  ;  2  Pot.  ii.  18),  &c.~3.  Gr.  politeuma, 
ill  Phil.  iii.  20,  ;=  the  slate,  community,  commonwealth, 
Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.  ;  citizenship,  life  as  a  citizen,  L.  &  S. 
(see  Citizen)  ;  life,  tenor  of  life,  Conybeare  &  How- 
son.  The  kindred  Gr.  verb politeuomai  {=  to  be  a 
citizen,  to  live  as  a  citizen,  hence  to  live,  L.  &  S.,  Rbn. 
N.  T.  Lex.,  Conybeare  &  Howson)  is  translated  in 
Phil.  i.  27  (second  person  plural,  imperative  present) 
"  let  your  conversation  be "  and  in  Acts  xxiii.  1 
(first  person  singular,  indicative  perfect)  "  I  have 
lived." — 4.  Gr.  tropos  (literally,  a  turning  or  turn, 
hence  way,  manner  of  life)  (Heb.  xiii.  5|,  elsewhere 
translated  "  manner  "  (Acts  i.  11 ;  Jude  7),  "  way  " 
(Rom.  iii.  2  ;  Phil.  i.  18),  &e. 

Can-ro-ca'tion,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  He- 


brew mikri  (Assembly  3),  applied  invariably  to 
meetings  of  a  religious  character,  in  contradistinction 
to  CONGREGATION.  With  ono  exception  (Is.  i.  13), 
the  word  is  peculiar  to  the  Pentateuch. 

*  Cony  =  Coney. 

Cooking-  As  meat  did  not  form  an  article  of  or- 
dinary diet  among  the  Jews,  the  art  of  cooking  was 
not  carried  to  any  perfection.  Few  animals  were 
slaughtered  except  for  purposes  of  hospitality  or 
festivity.  The  proceedings  on  such  occasions  ap- 
pear to  have  been  as  follow  :— On  the  arrival  of  a 
guest  the  animal,  either  a  kid,  lamb,  or  calf,  was 
killed  (Gen.  xviii.  7  ;  Lk.  xv.  23),  its  throat  being 
cut  so  that  the  blood  might  be  poured  out  (Lev.  vii. 
26) ;  it  was  then  flayed  and  was  ready  either  for 
roasting  or  boiling  :  in  the  former  case  the  animal 
was  preserved  entire,  and  roasted  either  over  a  fire 
(Ex.  xii.  8,  46)  of  wood  (Is.  xliv.  10),  or  perhaps,  aa 
the  mention  of  tire  implies  another  method,  in  an 
oven,  consisting  simply  of  a  hole  dug  in  the  earth, 
well  heated  and  covered  up ;  the  Paschal  lamb  (Pass- 
over) was  roasted  by  the  tirst  of  these  methods  (E.x. 
xii.  8,  9 ;  2  Chr.  xxxv.  13).  Boiling,  however,  was 
the  more  usual  method  of  cooking.  Vegetables 
were  usually  boiled,  and  served  up  as  pottage  (Gen. 
XXV.  29  ;  2  K.  iv.  38).  Eish  was  also  cooked  (Lk. 
xxiv.  42),  probably  broiled.  The  cooking  was  in 
early  times  performed  by  the  mistress  of  the  house- 
hold (Gen.  xviii.  6) ;  professional  cooks  were  al'tvi- 
ward  employed  (1  Sam.  viii.  13,  ix.  23).  Food  ; 
Meals. 

*  Coop.     Cage  1. 

Coos  (L.  fr.  Gr.)  =  Cos  (Acts  xxi.  1). 

Copper  (fr.  Gr. ;  see  Cyprus),  the  A.  V.  transla- 
tion in  Ezr.  viii.  27  of  the  Heb.  nehoshetli  or  ncchoshelh, 
usually  rendered"  Brass."  (Steel.)  Copper  is  usually 
found  as  pyrites  (sulphuret  of  copper  and  iron), 
malachite  (carbonate  of  copper),  or  in  the  state  of 
oxide,  and  occasionally  in  a  native  state,  principally 
in  America.  It  was  almost  exclusively  used  by  the 
ancients  for  common  purposes ;  for  which  its  elastic 
and  ductile  nature  rendered  it  practically  available. 
It  was  possessed  in  countless  abundance  (2  Chr.  iv. 
18),  and  used  for  chains  (Judg.  xvi.  21,  A.  V.  "  fet- 
ters"), pillars,  lavcrs  (1  K.  vii.  15  fP.;  2  K.  xxv.  13; 

1  Chr.  xviii.  8)  (Sea,  Molten),  and  the  other  Tcniplo 
vessels,  mirrors  (Ex.  xxxviii.  8;  Job  xxxvii.  IS), 
arms,  as  helmets,  spears,  &c.  (1  Sam.  xvii.  5,  6,  38  ; 

2  Sam.  xxi.  16).  The  "  bow  of  steel  "  ^Ps.  xviii. 
34,  &c.)  should  be  "  bow  of  copper."  The  ancients 
could  hardly  have  applied  copper  to  these  purposes 
without  possessing  some  judicious  system  of  alloys, 
or  perhaps  some  forgotten  secret  for  rendering  the 
metal  harder  and  more  elastic  than  we  can  make  it. 
The  "  vessels  of  fine  copper  "  (Ezr.  viii.  27,  margin 
"  yellow  "  or  "  shining  brass  ; "  compare  1  Esd.  viii. 
57,  "fine  brass") may  have  been  of  oriehalcura,lil:r 
the  Persian  or  Indian  vases  found  among  the  .tron- 
ures  of  Darius.  Copper  vessels  were  brought  (Ez. 
xxvii.  13)  to  the  markets  of  Tyre  by  merchants  of 
Javan,  Tubal,  and  Meshech,  i.  e.  probably  tlio 
Jloschi,  &c.,  who  worked  the  copper  mines  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Mount  Caucasus.  CorrERSMiTii ; 
Metals  ;  Mines. 

Copiter-smitli,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Gr. 
chalkens,  in  2  Tim.  iv.  14.  The  Greek  term  often,  as 
here,  z=  any  worker  in  metals  (Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.). 
Copper  ;  Handicraft  ;  Smith. 

*  Cor  (Heb.  a  round  vessel)  =  Homer.  AVeioiits 
AND  JIeasures. 

Coral  occurs  only,  as  the  somewhat  doubtful,  yrt 
most  probable,  reudering  of   the  Hebrew  runwlh 


COR 

(literally  =:  hit/h  Ihinffs),  in  Job  xxviii.  18,  and  Ez. 
xxvii.  lb.  The  old  versions  fail  to  afford  us  any 
clew.  The  natural  upward  form  of  growth  of  the 
common  red  coral  of  the  Mediterranean,  with  which 
the  Rabbins  identify  it,  is  well  suited  to  the  etymol- 


COR 


187 


Common  red  coral  of  the  Medlterrtueaa  ( Corallivm  rvbrvm). 

i.  Bmnch  of  coral.    9.  Pari  of  branch,  enUrgcl  to  show  thecoopbyte  with 

iu  ei(jbt  tentacles. — From  Miliio  Edwurils,  //ist.  det  Curailinea. — (.Fbu.J 

ogT  of  the  word.  Pliny  says  that  the  Indians 
(i.  e.  people  of  the  East  Indies)  valued  coral 
as  the  Romans  valued  pearls.  Coral  often  oc- 
curs in  ancient  Egyptian  jewelry,  as  used  for 
beads  and  amulets.  Coral  is  the  stony  frame 
(mostly  of  carbonate  of  lime),  which  is  formed  by 
the  animal  secretions  of  zoophytes  or  polyps,  and 
corresponds  to  the  skeletons  of  more  highly  organ- 
ized animals.  There  are  numerous  tribes  of  zoo- 
phytes, some  of  which  produce  coral  of  a  tree-like 
or  other  form  of  apparent  vegetation.  See  Applelon's 
yew  Americati  C'/clvjxedia,  and  especially  Prol'essor 
Dana,  on  Znophyter. 

Cor'ban  (L.  fr.  Ueb.  korbdn),sn  offering  to  God  of 
any  sort,  bloody  or  bloodless,  but  particularly  in 
fulfilment  of  a  vow.  The  law  laid  down  rules  for 
vows  (Lev.  .Nxvii. ;  Xum.  xxx.).  Upon  these  rules 
the  traditionists  enlarged,  and  laid  down  that  a  man 
might  interdict  himself  by  vow,  not  only  from  using 
for  himself,  but  from  giving  to  another,  or  receiving 
from  him  some  particular  object  whether  of  food  or 
any  other  kind  whatsoever.  The  thing  thus  inter- 
dicted was  considered  as  corban.  A  person  might 
i  thus  exempt  himself  from  any  inconvenient  obliga- 
I  tion  under  plea  of  corban.  Our  Lord  denounced 
practices  of  this  sort  (Mat.  xv.  5;  Mk.  vii.  11),  as 
annulling  the  spirit  of  the  law. 

Cor'be  (fr.  Gr.),  a|)parently  =  Zaccai  (1  Esd.  v. 

n\ 

l'«rd.  Several  Hebrew  words  (hebel  or  cliehel,  hut 
or  i-hul,  yelher,  meyth&r,  iibolli)  are  translated  in  the 
A.  V.  "  cord,"  "  line,"  "  band,"  "  rope,"  "  thread," 
"  string,"  &c.,  with  various  distinctions  of  meaning 
and  application.  Of  the  various  purposes  to  which 
cord,  including  under  that  term  rope,  and  twisted 
thongs,  was  applied,  the  following  are  specially 
worthy  of  notice — (1.)  For  fastening  a  tent  (Ex. 
XXXV.  18,  xxxix.  40;  Is.  liv.  2).— (2.)  For  leading  or 
binding  animals,  as  a  halter  or  rein  (I's.  cxviii.  27 ; 
Ilos.  xi.  4). — (3.)  For  voking  them  either  to  a  cart 
(Is.  v.  18)  or  a  plough  (Job  xxxij.  10,  A.V.  "  band  "). 
— (4.)  For  binding  prisoners  (Judg.  xv.  13  ;  I's.  ii. 
3,  cxxix.  4  ;  Ez.  iii.  25). — (5.)  For  bowstrings  (Ps. 
xi.  2),  made  of  catgut.— -(6.)  For  the  ropes  or  "  tack- 
lings  "  of  a  vessel  (Is.  xxxiii.  23).  (Snip.) — (7.)  For 
measuring  ground,  A.V.  "  line  "  (2  Sam.  viii.  2  ;  Ps. 


Ixxviii.  55  ;  Am.  vii.  17  ;  Zech.  ii.  1),  hence  "  cord  " 
or  "  line"  =  an  inheritance  (Ps.  xvi.  6).  (Region.) 
— (8.)  For  Fisiii.NG,  nuxTixG,  kc.  (Net.) — (9.)  For 
attaching  articles  of  dress  ;  as  the  "  wrtatheii 
chains,"  which  were  rather  twisted  cords,  worn  by 
the  high-priests  (Ex.  x.xviii.  14,  22,  24,  xxxix.  15, 17). 
—(10.)  For  fastening  awnings  (Esth.  i.  6). — (11.) 
For  attaching  to  a  plummet.  (Haxdicuaft.) — (12.) 
For  drawing  water  out  of  a  well,  sustaining  or  rais- 
ing heavy  weights  (Josh.  ii.  15  ;  Jer.  xxxviii.  6,  13). 
The  materials  of  which  cord  was  made  varied  ac- 
cording to  the  strength  and  the  use  reijuircd  ;  the 
strongest  rope  was  probably  made  of  strips  of  camel 
hide  as  still  used  by  the  Bedouins.  The  finer  sorts 
were  made  of  flax  (Is.  xix.  9),  silver  threads  (Eccl. 
xii.  6),  &c. ;  others  of  the  fibre  of  date  palm,  and 
probably  of  reeds  and  rushes.  In  the  N.  T.  the 
Greek  schoinion  (properly,  a  rope  Iw'stedof  ruJus  ; 
generally,  a  rope  or  cord,  L.  &  S.)  is  applied  in  the 
plural  to  the  whip  which  our  Saviour  made  (Jn.  ii. 
15),  and  to  the  ropes  of  a  ship  (Acts  xxvii.  32). 

Co'rc  (L.)  =  KoKAH  4  (Ecclus.  xlv.  18  ;  Jude  11). 

Co-rl-an'dPr.  The  plant  called  Corianihurn  mli- 
vtim  is  found  in  Egypt,  Persia,  and  India,  and  has  a 
round  tall  stalk ;  it  bears  umbelliferous  white  or 
reddish  flowers,  from  which  arise  globular,  grayish, 
spicy  seed-corns,  niarketl  with  fine  stria;.  It  is 
mentioned  twice  in  the  Bible  (Ex.  xvi.  31 ;  Num.  xi. 

n 

Corinth  (L.  Corinlhns  ;  Or.  KorintJws  ;  said  to 
have  been  named  from  Corinthus,  son  of  Jupiter). 
This  city  is  alike  remarkable  for  its  distinctive 
geographical  position,  its  eminence  in  Greek  and 
Roman  history,  and  its  close  connection  with  the 
early  spread  of  Christianity.  Geographically  its 
situation  was  so  marked,  that  the  name  ol  its  hiliniHs 
has  been  given  to  every  narrow  neck  of  land  be- 
tween two  seas.  But,  besides  this,  the  site  of  Corinth 
is  distinguished  by  another  conspicuous  physical 
feature — viz.  the  Acrocorhilhus,  a  vast  citadel  of 
rock  which  rises  abruptly  to  the  height  of  two 
thousand  feet  above  the  6t;a,  and  the  summit  of 
which  is  so  extensive  that  it  once  contained  a  whole 
town.  Below  the  Acrocorinthus,  to  the  \.,  was  the 
city  of  Corinth,  on  a  table-land  descending  in  ter- 
races to  the  low  plain  which  lies  between  Cen( urea 
the  eastern  harbor  on  the  Saronic  gulf  and  Lcchffum 
the  western  harbor,  one  and  a  half  mile  distant,  on 
the  gulf  of  Corinth.  The  situation  of  Corinth,  and 
and  the  possession  of  these  eastern  and  western  har- 
bors, are  the  secrets  of  her  history.  The  earliest 
passage  in  her  progress  to  eminence  was  probably 
Phcnician.  But  at  the  most  remote  period  of  which 
we  have  any  sure  record,  we  find  the  Greeks  estab- 
lished here  in  a  position  of  wealth  and  military 
strength.  Some  of  the  earliest  ellbrts'of  Greek 
ship-building  are  connected  with  Corinth  ;  and  her 
colonies  to  the  W.  were  among  the  first  and  most 
flourishing  sent  out  from  Greece.  Corinth  was  one 
of  the  largest  and  most  magnificent  cities  of  ancient 
Greece,  a  political  rival  of  Athens,  pave  name  to 
the'most  elaborate  order  of  Greek  architecture,  and 
claimed  to  have  invented  the  art  of  painting.  In  the 
latest  passages  of  Greek  history  Corinth  held  a  con- 
spicuous place.  Coriuth  was  the  head  of  the  Achean 
league  (Aciiaia).  It  is  not  the  true  Greek  Corinth, 
destroyed  by  the  Romans  146  n.  c,  with  which  we 
have  to  do  in  the  life  of  St.  Paul,  but  the  Corinth 
which  was  rebuilt  and  established  as  a  Roman  col- 
ony, about  one  hundred  years  afterward,  by  Julius 
Cesar.  The  distinction  between  the  two  must  be 
carefully  remembered.     The  new  city  was  Laidly 


188 


COR 


COR 


less  distinguished  than  the  old,  and  it  acquired  a 
fresh  importance  as  the  metropolis  of  the  Roman 
province  of  Achaia.  Corinth  was  a  place  of  great 
mental  activity,  as  well  as  of  commercial  and  manu- 
facturing enterprise.  Its  wealth  was  so  celebrated 
as  to  be  proverbial ;  so  were  the  vice  and  profligacy 
of  its  inhabitants.     The  worship  of  Venus  here  was 


attended  with  shameful  licentiousness.  All  these 
points  are  indirectly  illustrated  by  passages  in  the 
two  epistles  to  the  Corintuians.  Corinth  is  still 
an  episcopal  see.  The  city  has  now  shrunk  to  a 
wretched  village,  on  the  old  site,  and  bearing  the 
old  name,  which,  however,  is  often  corrupted  into 
Gortho.    Pausanias,  in  describing  the  anticiuitics  of 


Corinth  as  they  existed  in  his  day,  distinguishes 
clearly  between  those  which  belonged  to  the  old 
Greek  city,  and  those  which  were  of  Roman  origin. 
Two  relics  of  Roman  work  are  still  to  be  seen,  one 
a  heap  of  brick-wOrk  which  may  have  been  part  of 
the  baths  erected  by  Hadrian,  the  other  the  remains 
of  an  amphitheatre  with  subterranean  arrangements 
for  gladiators.  Far  more  interesting  are  the  ruins, 
on  the  W.  side  of  the  modern  town,  of  the  ancient 
Greek  temple,  probably  the  oldest  of  which  any  re- 
mains are  left  in  Greece.  The  Posidonium,  or  sanc- 
tuary of  Neptune,  the  scene  of  the  Isthmian  games, 
from  which  St.  Paul  borrows  some  of  his  most  strik- 
ing Imagery  in  1  Corinthians  and  other  epistles,  was 
a  short  distance  N.  E.  of  Corinth,  at  the  narrowest 
part  of  the  Isthmus,  near  the  harbor  of  Schoenus 
(now  Kalamdki)  on  the  Saronic  gulf.  The  exact 
Bite  of  th?  temple  is  doubtful ;  but  to  the  S.  are  the 
remains  of  the  stadium,  where  the  foot-races  were 
run  (1  Cor.  ix.  24) ;  to  the  E.  are  those  of  the 
theatre,  which  was  probably  the  scene  of  the  pugi- 
listic contests  (26):  and  abundant  on  the  shore  are 
the  •  small  green  pine-trees  which  gave  the  fading 
wreath  (25)  to  the  victors  in  the  games. 

Co-rlii'thl-ans(=people  of  Corinth),  First  E-pls'tle 
to  the,  was  written  by  the  Apostle  Pacl  toward 
the  close  of  his  three-year  stay  at  Ephesus  (Acts 
xix.  10,  XX.  31),  which  (1  Cor.  xvi.  8)  probably 
terminated  with  the  Pentecost  of  a.  d.  57  or  58. 
The  bearers  were  probably  (according  to  the  com- 
mon subscription)  Stephanas,  Fortunatus,  and 
Achaicus,  who  had  been  recently  sent  to  the 
apostle,  and  who  (xvi.  17),  are  especially  com- 
mended to  the  honorable  regard  of  the  church  of 
Corinth.     This  varied  and  highly  characteristic  let- 


ter was  addressed  not  to  any  party,  but  to  the  whole 
body  of  the  large  Judeo-Gentile  (Acts  xviii.  4,  8, 
10)  church  of  Corinth,  and  appears  to  have  been 
called  forth,  1st,  by  the  information  the  apostle 
had  received  from  members  of  the  household  of 
Chloe  (1  Cor.  i.  11),  of  the  divisions  among  them, 
which  were  of  so  grave  a  nature  as  to  have  already 
induced  the  apostle  to  desire  Timothy  to  visit 
Corinth  (iv.  17)  after  his  journey  to  Macedonia 
(Acts  xix.  22) ;  2dly,  by  the  information  he  had 
received  of  a  grievous  case  of  incest  (1  Cor.  v.  1), 
and  of  the  defective  state  of  the  Corinthian  con- 
verts, not  only  in  regard  of  general  habits  (vi.  1 
ff.)  and  church  discipline  (xi.  20  if.),  but,  as  it 
would  also  seem,  of  doctrine  (xv.);  3dly,  by  tlii' 
inquiries  that  had  been  specially  addressed  to  St. 
Paul  by  the  church  of  Corinth  on  several  matters 
relating  to  Christian  practice.  The  apostle  opens 
with  his  usual  salutation  and  an  expression  ot 
thankfulness  for  their  general  state  of  Christian 
progress  (i.  1-9) ;  then  passes  to  the  divisions 
among  them,  incidentally  justifying  his  own  con- 
duct and  preaching  (i.  10,  iv.  16),  and  concludin;; 
with  a  notice  of  the  mission  of  Timothy  and  \\\^ 
own  intended  visit  (iv.  17-21);  next  deals  with  the 
case  of  incest  (v.  1-8),  noticing,  as  he  passes,  some 
previous  remarks  he  had  made  on  not  keeping 
company  with  fornicators  (9-13);  comments  on 
their  litigation  before  heathen  tribunals  (vi.  1-S 
and  again  reverts  to  fornication  and  uncleanni- 
(9-20);  answers  their  inquiries  about  marriagr 
(vii.  1-24),  and  the  celibacy  of  virgins  and  widows 
(25-40) ;  then  discusses  the  lawfulness  of  eating 
things  sacrificed  to  idols,  and  Christian  freedom 
generally  (viii.),  with  a  digression  on  liis  having 


COR 


COR 


1S9 


waived  his  apostolic  privileges  in  performing  his 
apostolic  duties  (ix.);  then  reverts  to  and  con- 
cludes the  subject  of  the  use  of  things  offered  to 
idols  (x.-xi.  1);  reproves  tlieir  behavior  in  the 
assemblies  of  the  cliurch,  both  in  respect  to  wo- 
men prophesying  and  prajiug  with  uncovered 
heads  (2-16),  and  their  irregularities  at  the  Lord's 
Supper  (17-34);  then  gives  instructions  on  the 
exercise  of  spiritual  gifts  (xii.-xiv.),  with  a  pane- 
gyric of  charity  (xiii.),  and  a  defence  of  the  doc- 
trine of  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  (xv.) ;  and 
closes  with  directions  concerning  the  contributions 
for  the  saints  at  Jerusalem  (xvi.  1-4),  notices  of  his 
own  intended  movements  (5-9),  commendation  of 
Timothy,  &c.  (10-18),  greetings  (19,  20),  and  an  au- 
tograph salutation  and  benediction  (21-24). — With 
regard  to  the  genuinetiei^s  and  aulhenlicity  of  this 
epistle  no  doubt  has  ever  been  entertained.  The 
external  evidences  are  extremely  distinct,  and  the 
character  of  the  composition  such,  that  if  any 
critic  should  hefeafter  be  bold  enough  to  question 
the  correctness  of  the  ascription,  he  must  be  pre- 
pared to  extend  it  to  all  the  epistles  that  bear  the 
name  of  the  great  apostle.  (Canon.)  Two  special 
points  deserve  separate  consideration  : — 1.  The  state 
of  parties  at  Corinth  at  the  time  of  the  apostle's 
writing.  The  few  facts  supplied  to  us  by  the  Acts 
of  the  Apostles,  and  the  notices  in  the  epistle, 
appear  to  be  as  follows : — The  Corinthian  church 
was  planted  by  the  apostle  himself  (1  Cor.  iii.  6), 
in  his  second  missionary  journey  (Acts  xviii.  1  ff.). 
He  abode  in  the  city  a  year  and  a  half  (xviii.  11). 
A  short  time  after  the  apostle  left  the  city, 
Apollos  went  to  Corinth  (xix.  1).  This  visit  of 
ApoUos  appears  to  have  formed  the  commence- 
ment of  a  gradual  division  into  two  parties,  the 
followers  of  St.  Paul,  and  the  followers  of  Apollos 
(compare  1  Cor.  iv.  6).  These  divisions,  however, 
were  to  be  multiplied;  for,  as  it  would  seem, 
shortly  after  the  departure  of  Apollos,  Judaizing 
teachers,  supplied  probably  with  letters  of  com- 
mendation (2  Cor.  iii.  1)  from  the  church  of  Jeru- 
salem, appear  to  have  come  to  Corinth  and  to  have 
preached  the  Gospel  in  a  spirit  of  direct  antago- 
nism to  St.  Paul  permnally.  To  this  third  party  we 
may  perhaps  add  a  fourth  that,  under  the  name  of 
"the  followers  of  Christ"  (1  Cor.  i.  12),  sought  at 
first  to  separate  themselves  from  the  factious  ad- 
herence to  particular  teachers,  but  eventually  were 
driven  by  antagonism  into  positions  equally  secta- 
rian and  inimical  to  the  unity  of  the  church.  At 
this  momentous  period,  before  parties  had  become 
consolidated,  and  had  distinctly  withdrawn  from 
communion  with  one  another,  the  apostle  writes ; 
and  in  the  outset  of  the  epistle  (i.-iv.  21)  we  have 
his  noble  and  impassioned  protest  against  this  four- 
fold rending  of  the  robe  of  Christ. — 2.  'llie  number 
of  tplslles  written  by  St.  Paul  to  the  Corinthian 
church  will  probably  remain  a  subject  of  contro- 
versy to  the  end  of  time.  The  well  known  words 
(v.  9)  certainly  seem  (so  Bishop  EUicott,  agreeing 
with  Calvin,  Doddridge,  Scott,  Kosenmiiller,  Barnes, 
Conybeare  and  Howson,  &c.)  to  point  to  some 
former  epistolary  communication  to  the  church 
of  Corinth,  which  is  now  lost.  The  Greek  and 
most  Latin  and  Dutch  commentators,  with  Slack- 
night,  Bloomficid,  Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander  (in  Kit- 
to),  &c.,  would  translate  the  verse,  "  I  have  written 
to  you  in  this  epistle,"  &c.  No  notice  has  been 
taken  of  the  supposed  lost  epistle  by  any  writers 
of  antiquity.  The  apocryphal  letter  of  the  church 
of  Corinth  to  St.  Paul,  and  St.  Paul's  answer,  exist 


ing  in  Armenian,  are  worthless  productions  that 
deserve  no  consideration. 

Co-rin'thi-ans,  Second  E-pls'tle  to  the,  was  written 
a  few  months  subsequently  to  the  first,  in  the  same 
year  (see  above),  and  thus  probably  about  the  au- 
tumn of  A.  D.  57  or  58,  a  short  time  previous  to 
the  apostle's  three  months'  stay  in  Achaia  (Acts 
XX.  3).  The  place  whence  it  was  written  was 
clearly  not  Ephesus  (2  Cor.  i.  8),  but  Macedonia 
(vii.  5,  viii.  1,  ix.  2),  whither  the  apostle  went  by 
way  of  Troas,  after  waiting  a  short  time  in  the  lat- 
ter place  for  the  return  of  Titus  (ii.  12,  13).  The 
Vatican  MS.,  the  bulk  of  later  MSS.,  and  the  old 
Syriac  version,  assign  Philippi  as  the  exact  place 
whence  it  was  written ;  but  for  this  assertion  we 
have  no  certain  grounds  to  rely  on :  thijt  the  bear- 
ers, however,  were  Titus  and  his  associates  (Luke  ?) 
is  apparently  substantiated  by  eh.  viii.  23,  ix.  3,  5. 
The  epistle  was  occasioned  by  the  information  which 
the  apostle  had  received  from  Titus,  and  also  prob- 
ably from  Timothy,  of  the  reception  of  the  first 
epistle.  Perhaps  the  return  of  Timothy  and  the 
intelligence  he  conveyed  might  have  made  the 
apostle  feel  the  necessity  of  at  once  dispatching 
to  the  contentious  church  one  of  his  immediate 
followers  (Titus),  with  instructions  to  support  and 
strengthen  the  effect  of  the 'epistle,  and  to  bring 
back  the  most  recent  tidings  of  the  spirit  prevail- 
ing at  Corinth.  These  tidings,  as  it  would  seem 
from  our  present  epistle,  were  mainly  favorable ; 
the  better  part  of  the  church  were  returning  back 
to  their  spiritual  allegiance  to  their  founder  (i.  13, 
14,  vii.  9,  15,  16),  but  there  was  still  a  faction, 
possibly  of  the  Judaizing  members  (comp.  xi.  22), 
that  were  sharpened  into  even  a  more  keen  ani- 
mosity against  the  apostle  personally  (x.  1,  10), 
and  more  strenuously  denied  his  claim  to  apostle- 
ship.  The  contents  of  this  epistle  are  thus  very 
varied,  but  may  perhaps  be  roughly  divided  into 
three  parts: — 1st,  the  apostle's  account  of  the 
character  of  his  spiritual  labors,  accompanied  with 
notices  of  his  affectionate  feelings  toward  his  con- 
verts (i.-vii.) ;  2dly,  directions  about  the  collections 
(viii.,  ix.);  3dly,  defence  of  his  own  apostolical 
character  (x.-xiii.  10).  The  genuineticss  and  an- 
ihmticiti)  are  supported  by  the  most  decided  exter- 
nal testimony,  and  by  internal  evidence  of  such  a 
kind  that  what  has  been  said  on  this  point  in  re- 
spect of  the  first  epistle  is  here  even  still  more  ap- 
plicable. (Canon  ;  Paul.)  The  principal  historical 
difficulty  connected  with  the  epistle  relates  to  the 
number  of  visits  made  by  the  apostle  to  the  church 
of  Corinth.  The  words  of  this  epistle  (xii.  14,  xiii. 
1,  2),  seem  distinctly  to  imply  that  St.  Paul  had 
visited  Corinth  tuiee  before  the  time  at  which  he 
now  writes.  St.  Luke,  however,  only  mentions  one 
visit  prior  to  that  time  (Acts  xviii.  1  ff.);  for  the 
visit  recorded  in  Acts  xx.  2,  3,  is  confessedly  subse- 
quent. We  must  assume  that  the  apostle  made  a 
visit  to  Corinth  which  St.  Luke  did  not  record, 
probably  during  the  period  of  his  three-year  resi- 
dence at  Ephesus. 

Cor'mo-rant,  the  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of 
the  Hebrew  kiath  (Pelican)  and  shdidch.  The 
latter,  occurring  only  as  the  name  of  an  unclean  bird 
in  Lev.  xi.  17  and  Deut.  xiv.  17,  has  been  various- 
ly rendered  ;  but  some  sea  bird  is  generally  under- 
stood to  be  denoted  by  it.  The  etymology  (from  a 
root  signifying  to  east  or  throw)  points  to  some 
plunging  bird :  the  common  cormorant  (Phalacro- 
corax  C'arbo),  which  some  writers  have  identified 
with  the  shdidch,  is  very  widely  distributed,  but,  ac- 


190 


COR 


GOR 


cording  to  Mr.  Iloughton,  13  unknown  in  the  east- 
ei-n  MeJiterranean ;  another  species  is  found  S.  of 
the  Red  Sea,  but  (so  Mr.  Houghton)  none  on  the 
W.  coast  of  Palestine  (?).  Oediuann,  Miehaelis, 
Rosenmiiller,  Geseuius,  &u.,  make  the  Gr.  kataraktes 
(—  shahk-h)  =:  the.  gannet  or  solan  goose  (<S«/a 
niba),  whicli,  like  the  cormorant,  belongs  to  the  peli- 
can family. 

Carn,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  several  Hebrew 
words,  as  bir  or  bcir  (Gen.  xli.  33,  Sic.)\  also  trans- 
lated "wheat"  (Jer.  .\kiii.  28,  &c.);  dik/dn  (Gen. 
xxvii.  28,  37,  &c.),  twice  (Xum.  xviii.  12 ;  Jer.  xxxi. 
12)  translated  "wheat;"  sh'be.r  (Gen.  xlii.  1,  2, 
&c.),  translated  "victuals"  once  (Xeh.  x.  31,  Ileb. 
32),  &c. ;  also  of  several  Greek  words,  as  kokkos  (Jn. 
xii.  24),  elsewhere  translated  "grain"  (Mat.  xiii. 
81,  &c.);  si'os  (Mk.  iv.  28;  Acts  vii.  12),  elsewhere 
translated  "wheat"  (Mat.  iii.  12,  &c.);  plural s/x>W- 
ma  (Mat.  xii.  1),  elsewhere  translated  "cornfields" 
(Mk.  ii.  23 ;  Lk.  vi.  1),  &c.— "  Corn,"  in  the  Scrip- 
tures as  now  in  England  =  grain,  or  the  various 
cereals.  The  most  common  kinds  were  wheat, 
BARLEY,  spelt  (A.  V.  "rye,"  "fitches"),  and  mil- 
let ;  oats  are  mentioned  only  by  rabbinical  writers. 
Corn-crops  are  still  reckoned  at  twentyfold  what 
was  sown,  and  were  anciently  much  more.  "  Seven 
ears  on  one  stalk "  (Gen.  xli.  22)  is  no  unusual 
phenomenon  in  Egypt  at  this  day.  Wheat  (2  Sam. 
iv.  6)  was  stored  in  the  house  for  domestic  purpo- 
ses. (Barn.)  It  is  at  present  often  kept  in  a  dry 
WELL,  and  perhaps  the  "  ground  corn  "  of  2  Sam. 
xvii.  19  was  meant  to  imply  that  the  well  was  so 
used.  From  Solomon's  time  (2  Chr.  ii.  10,  15),  as 
AQRiciiLTL'RE  became  developed  under  a  settled 
government,  Palestine  was  a  corn-exporting  coun- 
try, and  her  grain  was  largely  taken  by  Tyre  (Ez. 
xxvii.  17;comp,  Am.  viii.  3).  (Commerce.)  "Plenty 
of  corn  "  was  part  of  Jacob's  blessing  (Gen.  xxvii. 
28  ;  comp.  Ps.  Ixv.  13).  Maize,  or  Indian  corn,  has 
been  generally  supposed  exclusively  a  native  of 
America,  and  hence  unknown  in  Europe  and  the 
East  before  1492.  M.  Rifaud,  however,  discovered  in 
1819  grains  and  leaves  of  it  under  the  head  of  a 
mummy  at  Thebes,  and  hence  Dr.  J.  Hamilton  (in 
Fairbairn)  supposes  it  may  have  been  known  to 
the  Hebrews ;  but  may  not  these  grains  and  leaves 
have  been  deposited  there,  by  accident  or  design,  at 
some  time  within  the  last  three  or  four  centuries  ? 

Cor-nc'lUns  (L.,  according  to  Schl.  fr.  L.  cornu, 
a  horn;  the  name  of  a  celebrated  Roman  clan),  a 
Roman  centurion  of  the  Italian  cohort  (Army,  II.) 
stationed  in  Cesarea  (Acts  x.  1,  &c.),  a  devout  man 
full  of  good  works  and  alms-deeds  (Proselyte).  Cor- 
nelius and  those  assembled  in  his  house  were  baptized 
by  St.  Peter,  and  thus  Cornelius  became  the  first- 
fruits  of  the  Gentile  world  to  Christ.  Tradition  has 
been  busy  with  his  life  and  acts.  According  to  Je- 
rome he  built  a  Christian  church  at  Cesarea ;  but 
later  tradition  makes  him  bishop  of  Scamandios 
(Seamandria  ?),  and  ascribes  to  him  the  working  of 
a  great  miracle. 

Cor'ner.  The  "corner"  of  the  field  was  not 
allowed  (Lev.  xix.  9)  to  be  wholly  reaped.  The 
poor  had  a  right  to  carry  off  what  was  so  left, 
and  this  was  a  part  of  the  maintenance  from  the 
soil  to  which  that  class  were  entitled.  On  the 
principles  of  the  Mosaic  polity  every  Hebrew  fami- 
ly had  a  hold  on  a  certain  fixed  estate,  and  could 
by  no  ordinary  and  casu.il  calamity  be  wholly 
beggared.  Hence  its  indigent  members  had  the 
claims  of  kindred  on  the  "  corners,"  &c.,  of  the 
field  which  their  landed  brethren  reaped.     In  the 


later  period  of  the  prophets  their  constant  com- 
plaints concerning  the  defrauding  the  poor  (Is.  x. 
2;  Am.  v.  11,  viii.  6)  seem  to  show  that  such  laws 
had  lost  their  practical  force.  Still  later,  under 
the  Scribes,  minute  legislation  fixed  one-sixtieth  as 
the  portion  of  a  field  which  was  to  be  left  for  the 
legal  "  corner ; "  but  provided  also  (which  seems 
hardly  consistent)  that  two  fields  should  not  be  so 
joined  as  to  leave  one  corner  only  where  two 
should  fairly  be  reckoned.  The  proportion  being 
thus  fixed,  all  the  grain  might  be  reaped,  and 
enough  to  satisfy  the  regulation  subsequently  sep- 
arated from  the  whole  crop.  This  "  corner  "  was, 
like  the  gleaning,  tithe-free.  Agricllture  ;  Beard  ; 
Gleaning;  Hair;  Poor;  Tithe;  Widow. 

*  Corner-gate  (2  K.  xiv,  13;  2  Chr.  xxv.  23,  xxvi. 
9 ;  Jer.  xxxi.  38 ;  Zech.  xiv.  10),  a  gate  of  Jerusa- 
lem, 400  cubits  from  the  gate  of  Ephraim  (Epii- 
RAiM,  Gate  of);  apparently  (so  Kit.)  at  the  X.  W. 
corner. 

Corner-stone,  a  stone  of  great  importance  in 
binding  together  the  sides  of  a  building.  Some  of 
the  corner-stones  in  the  ancient  work  of  the  Tem- 
ple foundations  are  17  or  19  feet  long,  and  7J  feet 
thick.  (See  cut,  under  Jerlsalilvi,  of  the  E.  corner 
of  the  S.  wall.)  At  Nineveh  the  corners  are  sometimes 
formed  of  one  angular  stone.  "  Corner-stone," 
or  "  head  of  the  corner,"  sometimes  =  any  princi- 
pal person,  as  the  princes  of  Egypt  (Is.  xix.  13, 
A.V.  "  the  stay,"  margin  "  the  corners,"  or  "gover- 
nors"), and  is  thus  applied  to  our  Lord  (Ps.  cxviii. 
22  ;  Is.  xxviii.  16  ;  Mat.  xxi.  42  ;  Eph.  ii.  20 ;  1  Pet. 
ii.  6,  7).  In  Ps.  cxliv.  12,  translated  in  A.  V.  "  that 
our  daughters  may  be  as  corner-stones,  polished 
(margin  "cut")  after  the  similitude  of  a  palace," 
Gesenius  translates  "that  our  daughters  may  be  as 
corner-columns  finely  sculptured,"  supposing  an 
allusion  to  the  slender,  tall,  and  elegant  caryatides, 
or  columns  representing  female  figures,  common  in 
Egyptian  architecture. 

Cor'net  (Heb.  sh6phAr\  a  loud-sounding  instru- 
ment, made  of  the  horn  of  a  ram  or  of  a  chamois 
(sometimes  of  an  ox),  and  used  by  the  ancient  He- 
brews for  signals,  for  announcing  the  "  Jubilee  " 
(Lev.   xxv.  9),  for  proclaiming  the  new  year,  for 
the  purposes  of  war  (Jer.  iv.  8,  19;  compare  Job 
xxxix.  25),  as  well  as  for  the  sentinels  placed  at  the 
watch-towers  to  give  notice  of  the  approach  of  an 
enemy  (Ez.   xx,\iii.   4,   5).     Shiphur  is   generally 
rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "trumpet,"  but  "cornet" 
(the  more  correct  translation)  is  used  in  1  Chr.  xv. 
28  ;  2  Chr.  xv.  14 ;  Ps.  xcviii.  6 ;  Hos.  v.  8 ;  and  in 
the  margin  of  Ps.  el.  3  ;  Joel  ii.  1.    "  Cornet "  is  also 
employed  in  Dan.  iii.  5,  7,  10,  15,  for  the  Chalde 
Iceren  (literary  a  horn).     Oriental  scholars  for  the! 
most  part  consider  shophar  and  keren  to  be  one  and 
the  same  musical  instrument;   but  some   biblical 
critics  regard  shophar  and  Heb.  hutnolseruh  or  cliHt' 
sotserdh  (=  "trumpet"  in  Num.  x.   2  ff.,  &c.)  1 
belonging  to  the  species  of  kerm,  the  general  ter 
for  a  ^urm.     Gesenius  makes  htttsotnirdh  or  cA<iteo?»] 
ser&h  =  the  straight  trumpet,  and  nhophiXr  =  one 
crooked  like  a  horn.     The  silver  trumpets  whidtl 
Moses  was  charged  to  furnish  for  the  Israelites,! 
were  to  be  used  for  the  following  purposes :  for  thai 
calling  together  of  the  assembly,  for  the  joumeyingl 
of  the  camps,  for  sounding  the  alarm  of  war,  anal 
for  celebrating  the  sacrifices  on  festivals  and  ne*l 
moons  (Num.  x.  1-10).     In  the  age  of  Solomon  the 
"silver  trumpets"  were  increased  in  number  t< 
120  (2  Cor.  V.  12);  and,  independently  of  the  ob 
jecta  for  which   they  had  been  first  introduce^ 


'cot 


cou 


191 


thev  were  now  employed  in  the  orchestra  of  the 
Temple  as  an  accoinpaniment  to  songs  of  thanks- 
giving and  [liaise.  The  Hob.  yobel,  used  sometimes 
=:=  "  vearof  Jibilke"  (comp.  Lev.  xxv.  13,  15,  with 
XXV.  iS,  30),  generally  =  the  institution  of  Jubilee, 
but  in  some  instances  (so  Piof.  Marks)  z=  a  musical 
instrument,  resembling  in  its  object,  if  not  in  its 
eliape,  the  kerei)  and  the  sho/ihdr  (Ex.  xix.  13,  A.  V. 
"trumpet,"  margin  "cornet").  The  Heb.  plural 
mcna'anim,  translated  in  A.  V.  "cornets,"  Vulgate 
" tiilra"  (2  Sam.  vi.  5  only)  =  a  musical  instru- 
ment or  rattle,  which  gave  a  tinkling  sound  on 
being  shaken  (Ges.).  The  Gr.  mlpingx  is  translated 
"trump"  or  "trumpet"  in  N.  T.  (Mat.  xxiv.  31; 
1  Cor.  xiv.  8,  XV.  62,  &c.),  and  in  LXX.  =  Heb. 
thophir,  hiilaoUiCrAli  or  ckals6lserii/i,  and  Keren. 
The  sounding  of  the  cornet  was  the  distinguishing 
ritual  feature  of  the  festival  appointed  by  Moses 
to  be  held  on  the  first  day  of  the  seventh  month 
under  the  denomination  of  "a  day  of  blowing 
trumpets"  (Num.  xxix.  1),  or  "a  memorial  of  blow- 
ing of  trumpets"  (Lev.  xxiii.  24).  (Asse.mbly  3; 
CosvocATio.s ;  Festivals  ;  Trumpets,  Feast  of.) 
The  cornet  is  also  sounded  in  the  synagogue  at  the 
close  of  the  service  for  the  Day  of  Atonement,  and, 
amongst  the  Jews  who  adopt  the  ritual  of  the  S(- 
phardim,  on  the  seventh  day  of  the  feast  of  Taber- 
nacles, known  by  the  post-biblical  denomination  of 
"  the  Great  Uosannah." 
•  Cor-rnp'tion,  Jloant  of  (2  K.  xxiii.  13).    Olives, 

lIof.ST  OP. 

Cos  or  Co'os  (both  L.  fr.  Or.),  now  Slanchio  or 
Slanto,  a  small  island  N.  \V.  from  Rhodes,  at  the 
entrance  of  the  Grecian  Archipelago.  It  contained 
Jewish  residents  in  the.  time  of  the  Maccabees  (1 
lie.  XV.  23).  Josephus  mentions  that  the  Jews  had 
a  great  amount  of  treasure  stored  there  during  the 
Mithridatic  war,  and  that  Julius  Cesar  issued  an 
edict  in  favor  of  the  Jews  of  Cos.  Herod  the  Great 
conferred  many  favors  on  the  island.  St.  Paul,  on 
the  return  from  his  third  missionary  journey,  passed 
the  night  here,  after  sailing  from  Miletcs.  It  was 
celebrated  for  its  light  woven  fabrics,  and  for  its 
wines — also  for  a  temple  of  .lEsculapius,  which  was 
virtually  a  museum  of  anatomy  and  pathology.  The 
Emperor  Claudius  bestowed  upon  Cos  the  privilege 
of  a  free  state.  The  chief  town  (of  the  same  name) 
was  on  the  X.  E.,  near  a  promontory  called  Scanda- 
rium  :  and  perhaps  it  is  to  the  town  that  reference 
is  made  in  Acts  xxi.  1  (A.  V.  "  Coos  "). 

(o'san  (prob.  fr.  IIcb.=a  diviver,  Rbn.  y.  T.  Lri.), 
son  of  Elniodam,  in  the  line  of  Joseph  the  husband 
of  Mary  (Lk.  iii.  28). 

"  Cotes,  the  A.  V.  translation  in  2  Chr.  xxxii.  28 
of  Heb.  pi.  fivsroth  (=  crib,  manger,  Ges.).  (Barn  ; 
Ua.nger.)  "  Cote  "  properly  =  cot  or  cottage,  as 
in  "  sheep-eotc,"  &c. 

■Cot'tige  =  a  small  habitation  (nousE). — 1.  ITcb. 
pi.  cirith  or  eroth,  A.  V.  "  cottages  "  in  Zeph.  ii.  6 
only,  =:  pitu,  ciitemK,  itelh  (so  Gesenius,  Henderson) ; 
metuliiirn,  pasture-groundi  (so  Fiirst). — 2.  Heb.  melu- 
niik,  A.  V.  "  cottage,"  in  Is.  xxiv.  20,  =  hanr/hig-bed, 
hammock  ;  in  Is.  i.  8,  A.  V.  "  lodge,"  =  lodge,  hut 
(so  Gesenius,  Fiirst).  (Cucumbers.)— 3.  Heb.  succdh, 
A.  V.  "  cottage  "  in  Is.  i.  8,  is  elsewhere  translated 
"  booth,"  "  tabernacle,"  ic.  Tabernacles,  Feast 
or. 

Cotton,  the  proper  translation  (so  Gesenius,  &c.) 

J        of  the  Heb.  carpan  (compare  L.  carfxisiu  ;  Gr.  kar- 

jMKof  ;  Pansc.  karjxlia  =:  cotton),  Esth.  i.  6,  where 

the  Vulgate  has  carbanni  colont,  as  if  a  color,  not 

a  material  (so  in  A.  V.  "  green  "),  were  intended. 


There  is  n  doubt  whether  under  the  Hebrew  shM 
and  bits,  in  A.  V.  "  white  linen,"  "  line  linen,"  kc, 
cotton  may  have  been  included.  (Linen.)  Cotton 
garments  for  the  worship  of  the  temples  are  said  to 
be  mentioned  in  the  Rosctta  stone.  There  is,  how- 
ever, no  word  for  the  cotton  plant  in  Hebrew,  nor 
any  reason  to  suppose  that  there  was  any  early 
knowledge  of  the  fabric.  The  Egyptian  mummy 
swathings  are  decided  to  have  been  of  linen,  and 
not  cotton.  The  very  difficulty  of  deciding,  how- 
ever, shows  how  easily  even  scientiSc  observers  may 
mistake,  and,  much  more,  how  impossible  it  would 
have  been  for  ancient  popular  writers  to  avoid  con- 
fusion. Varro  knew  of  tree-wool  on  the  authority 
of  Ctesias,  contemporary  with  Herodotus.  The 
Greeks,  through  the  commercial  consequences  of 
Alexander's  conquests,  must  have  known  of  cotton 
cloth,  and  more  or  less  of  the  plant.  Cotton  was 
manufactured  and  worn  extensively  in  Egypt,  but 
extant  monuments  give  no  proof  of  its  growth,  as 
in  the  case  of  flax,  in  that  country.  But  when  Pliny 
(a.  D.  115)  asserts  that  cotton  was  then  grown  in 
Egvpt,  a  statement  confirmed  by  Julius  Pollux  (a 
century  later),  we  can  hardly  resist  the  inference 
that,  at  least  as  a  curiosity  and  as  an  experiment, 
some  plantations  existed  there.  This  is  the  more 
likely  since  we  find  the  cotton-tree  (not  cotton-plant) 
is  mentioned  still  by  Pliny  as  the  only  remarkable 
tree  of  the  adjacent  Ethiopia ;  and  since  Arabia,  on 
its  other  side,  appears  to  have  known  cotton  from 
time  immemorial,  to  grow  it  in  abundance,  and  in 
parts  to  be  highly  favorable  to  that  product.  In 
India,  however,  we  have  the  earliest  records  of  the 
use  of  cotton  for  dress ;  of  which,  including  the 
starching  of  it,  some  curious  traces  are  found  as 
early  as  800  B.  c,  in  the  Institutes  of  M.anu.  Cot- 
ton is  now  both  grown  and  manufactured  in  various 
parts  of  Syria  and  Palestine  ;  but  there  is  no  proof 
that,  till  they  came  in  contact  with  Persia,  the 
Hebrews  generally  knew  of  it  as  a  distinct  fabric 
from  linen. 
Coach.    Bed. 

•  Cool  ter  [o  as  in  jjo]  (fr.  L.  culler),  (1  Sam.  xiii. 
20,  21)  =  "  ploughshare,"  as  the  Hebrew  word  eth 
is  elsewhere  translated.     Agriculture. 

Conn'dl  (fr.  L. ;  Gr.  sunedrion).  1.  The  great 
council  of  the  Sanhedrim,  which  sat  at  Jerusalem 
(Mat.  xxvi.  59,  &c.). — 2.  A  name  applied  to  the  lesser 
courts  (x.  17  ;  Mk.  xiii.  9),  of  which  there  were  two 
at  Jerusalem,  and  one  in  each  town  of  Palestine. 
The  constitution  of  these  courts  is  a  doubtful  point ; 
but  their  existence  is  clearly  implied  in  the  passages 
quoted;  and  perhaps  the  "judgment "  (Mat.  v.  21) 
applies  to  them.  (Judges;  Saniieiirim.) — 3.  (Gr. 
sumboulion).  A  kind  of  jury  or  privy  council  (Acts 
xxv.  12),  consisting  of  a  certain  number  of  as.=essors 
who  assisted  Roman  governors  in  the  administration 
of  justice  and  other  p\iblic  matters. — 4.(Gr.  «(r«io«- 
lion,  usually  translated  "  counsel,"  as  in  margin). 
A  consultation,  or  meeting  for  deliberation  (Mat. 
xii.  14). 

•  Con'rl-er  [koo're-cr].  Compel  ;  Epistle  ;  Foot- 
man. 

•  Conrse  [o  as  in  no].  Astronomy  ;  Games  ; 
Priest. 

Court  [o  as  in  no\  (Heb.  hAlner  or  chdtser),  an  open 
enclosure,  applied  in  the  A.  V.  most  commonly  (as 
the  translation  of  Heb.  hdtner  or  c/wla'r)  to  the 
enclosures  of  the  Tabernacle  and  the  Tkmpi.e  (Ex. 
xxvii.  9,  xl.  33  ;  Lev.  vi.  16  ;  1  K.  vi.  3(!,  vii.  8 ;  2  K. 
xxiii.  12  ;  2  Chr.  xxxiii.  5,  &c.).  In  2  Chr.  iv.  9  and 
vi.  13,  the  Heb..  ^Hzdrdh  is  employed,  apparently, 


192 


con 


CRE 


for  the  same  places.  Raiser  or  cli&tser  also  =  the 
court  of  a  prison  (Neh.  iii.  25  ;  Jer.  xxxii.  2,  &c.), 
of  a  private  iiolse  (2  Sam.  xvii.  18),  and  of  a  palace 
(2  K.  XX.  4  ;  Esth.  i.  5,  &c.) ;  and  often  =  "  village." 
Uazer. 

Coa'tba  (fr.  Gr.),  a  servant  of  the  Temple  who  re- 
turned with  Zorobabel  (1  Esd.  v.  32) ;  not  in  Ezra 
and  Nehemiah. 

Cove-nant  [o  as  in  love].  The  Heb.  bSrith,  of  which 
the  Gr.  dia'hike  (see  below)  is  the  usual  translation 
in  the  LXX.,  is  taken  by  Gesenius  to  mean  pri- 
marily a  culling,  with  reference  to  the  custom  of 
cutting  or  dividing  animals  in  two,  and  passing  be- 
tween the  parts  in  ratifying  a  covenant  (Gen. 
XV. ;  Jer.  xxxiv.  18,  19).  Professor  Lee  makes  the 
proper  signification  of  the  word  an  eating  lugethtr, 
or  banquel,  because  among  the  Orientals  to  eat  to- 
gether amounts  almost  to  a  covenant  of  friendship. 
(Banquets  ;  Salt.)  In  the  N.  T.  the  Gr.  diaiheke 
(properly  a  diaposilion  or  arrangement ;  in  classic 
Greek  writers  usually  a  ditposilion  hy  mil  of  prop- 
erty, Rbn.  N.  T.  I^ex.,  L.  &  S.)  is  frequently,  though 
not  uniformly,  translated  "  testament  "  in  the  A.V., 
whence  the  English  names  Old  Testament  and  New 
Testament.  In  its  biblical  meaning  of  a  compact 
or  agreement  between  two  parties,  the  word  is  used 
— 1.  Of  a  covenant  between  Ood  and  man.  Man  not 
being  in  any  way  in  the  position  of  an  independent 
covenanting  party,  the  phrase  is  evidently  used  by 
way  of  accommodation.  Strictly  speaking,  such  a 
covenant  is  quite  unconditional,  and  amounts  to  a 
promise  (Gal.  iii.  15  ff.)  or  act  of  mere  favor  (Ps. 
ixxxix.  28).  Thus  the  assurance  given  by  God  after 
the  Flood,  that  a  like  judgment  should  not  be  re- 
peated, and  that  the  recurrence  of  the  seasons,  and 
of  day  and  night,  should  not  cease,  is  called  a 
"  covenant  "  (Gen.  ix. ;  Jer.  xxxiii.  30).  Generally, 
however,  the  for.u  of  a  covenant  is  maintained,  by 
the  benefits  wliich  God  engages  to  bestow  being 
made  by  Ilim  dependent  upon  the  fulfilment  of  cer- 
tain conditions  which  He  imposes  on  man.  Thus 
the  covenant  of  Sinai  was  conditioned  by  the  ob- 
servance of  the  ten  commandments  (Ex.  xxxiv.  27, 
28  ;  Lev.  xxvi.  15),  which  are  therefore  called  "  Je- 
hovah's covenant "  (Deut.  iv.  13),  a  name  which  was 
extended  to  all  the  books  of  Moses,  if  not  to  the 
whole  body  of  Jewish  canonical  Scriptures  (2  Cor. 
iii.  13,  14).  This  last-mentioned  covenant,  which 
was  renewed  at  different  periods  (Deut.  x.xix. ;  Josh. 
xxiv. ;  2  Chr.  xv.,  xxiii.  xxix.,  xxxiv. ;  Ezr.  x. ;  Neh. 
ix.,  X.),  is  one  of  the  two  principal  covenants  be- 
tween God  and  man.  They  are  distinguished  as  old 
and  new  (Jer.  xxxi.  31-34;  Heb.  viii.  8-13,  x.  16), 
with  reference  to  the  order,  not  of  their  institution, 
but  of  their  actual  devolopmefit  (Gal.  iii.  17),  and 
also  as  being  the  instruments  respectively  of  bond- 
age and  freedom  (iv.  24).  Consistently  with  this 
representation  of  God's  dealings  with  man  under 
the  form  of  a  covenant,  such  covenant  is  said  to  be 
confirmed,  in  conformity  to  human  custom,  by  an 
OATii  (Deut.  iv.  31  ;  Ps.  Ixxxix.  3),  to  be  sanctioned 
by  curses  to  fall  upon  the  unfaithful  (Deut.  xxix. 
21),  and  to  be  accomp.anied  by  a  sign,  such  as  the 
the  rainbow  (Gen.  ix.),  circumcision  (xvii.),  or  the 
Sabbath  (Ex.  xxxi.  16,  17). — 2.  Of  a  covenant  between 
man  and  man,  i.  c.  a  solemn  compact  or  agreement, 
either  between  tribes  or  nations  (1  Sam.  xi.  1 ;  Josh. 
ix.  6,  15)  (Alliances),  or  between  individuals  (Gen. 
xxxi.  44),  by  which  each  party  bound  himself  to 
fulfil  certain  condition.s,  and  was  assured  of  receiv- 
ing certain  advantages.  In  making  such  a  covenant 
God  was  solemnly  invoked  as  witness  (xxxi.  50),  and 


I  an  oath  was  sworn  (xxi.  31).  A  sign  or  witness  of 
j  the  covenant  was  sometimes  framed,  such  as  a  gift 
(xxi.  30),  or  a  pillar,  or  heap  of  stones  erected  (xxxi. 
52).  The  marriage  compact  is  called  "  the  covenant 
of  God  "  (Prov.  ii.  17  ;  see  Mai.  ii.  14).  "  Cove- 
nant "  came  to  be  applied  to  a  3ure  ordinance,  such 
as  that  of  the  shewbread  (Lev.  xxiv.  8) ;  and  is 
used  figuratively  in  such  expressions  as  a  "  covenant 
with  death  "  (Is.  xxviii.  18),  or  "  with  the  beasts  of 
the  field"  (Hos.  ii.  18). 

CoWi  Blll  ;  Butter  ;  Cheese  ;  Heifer  ;  Heed  ; 
Milk  ;  0.\. 

Coz  (fr.  Heb.  =  thorn,  Ges.),  a  man  among  the 
descendants  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  8). 

Coz'bi  (Heb.  lying,  false,  Ges.)  a  Midianite  woman, 
slain  with  Zimri  by  Phinehas ;  daughter  of  Zur,  a 
chief  of  the  Midianites  (Num.  xxv.  15,  18). 

*  Crack'nels,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  pi.  nik- 
kudim  =  (so  Gesenius)  a  kind  of  cake  which  prob- 
ably crumbled  easily  (1  K.  xiv.  3).    Bread  ;  Mouldy. 

*  Crafts'man  =  a  man  of  any  particular  craft  or 
art,  a  mechanic  (Deut.  xxvii.  15  ;  Acts  xix.  24,  38, 
&c.).     Charashim. 

CranCi  Probably  the  A.  V.  is  incorrect  in  ren- 
dering the  Heb.  sus  by  "  crane,"  which  bird  is  prob- 
ably intended  by  the  Heb.  ''dgur,  translated  "  swal- 
low "  by  the  A.  V.  In  Hezekiah's  prayer  (Is. 
xxxviii.  14),  "  Like  a  crane  (Heb.  sits),  or  a  swallow 
(Heb.  ^(igiir),  so  did  I  twitter  ;  "  and  again  in  Jer. 
viii.  7  these  two  words  occur  in  the  same  order,  from 
which  latter  passage  we  learn  that  both  birds  were 
migratory.  According  to  most  of  the  ancient  ver- 
sions, Gesenius,  Fiirst,  &o.,  sus  denotes  a  "  swal- 
low." "Crane"  is  a  name  of  several  species  of 
large  wading  birds  belonging  to  the  genus  Grus. 

tra'tes  [-teez]  (fr.  Gr.),  governor  of  the  Cyprians, 
left  by  Sostratus  in  charge  of  the  "  castle  "  of  Jeru- 
salem (?),  in  the  reign  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (2 
Mc.  iv.  29). 

*  Crc-a'tion  (fr.  L.).  The  book  of  Genesis  opens 
with  the  declaration,  "  In  the  beginning  God  created 
the  heaven  and  the  earth"  (i.  1),  and  after  alluding 
(2)  to  a  chaotic  state,  goes  on  (3  ff.)  to  describe  thel 
works  of  God  during  six  days,  on  the  last  of  which] 
man  was  created.  The  Scriptures  differ  from  thai 
sacred  books  of  all  heathens  in  ascribing  the  J 
creation,  preservation,  and  government  of  the  uni-i 
verse  to  the  supreme  God  in  the  active  exercise  of  1 
His  infinite  power,  wisdom,  and  goodness  (Genesis,! 
■D.  1),  It  is  now  generally  agreed  that  neither  ial 
Gen.  i.  1,  nor  elsewhere  in  the  Scriptures,  is  any] 
definite  time  assigned  as  that  of  the  first  creative] 
act,  i.  e.  that  the  Scriptures  do  not  determine  how  j 
long  ago  "  the  beginning  "  of  created  existence  was,! 
though  they  teach  that  the  heaven  and  earth  havol 
not  existed  from  eternity,  but  were  called  into  ex- 
istence by  the  fiat  of  the  Almighty.  It  is  now  also] 
the  prevalent  opinion  among  the  best  geologists  agj 
well  as  biblical  scholars,  that  the  discoveries  of  J 
modern  science  are  not  at  all  irreconcilable  with  the 
declarations  of  the  Scriptures.  The  precise  model 
of  reconciliation  between  them  is  indeed  still  a  mat-l 
ter  of  controversy.  Many  (Chalmers,  Buckland,! 
&c.)  have  held  that  the  work  of  the  six  days  in  Gen.  j 
i.  3  ff.  and  Ex.  xx.  11  comprehended  only  the  pres-^ 
ent  arrangement  of  the  material  universe  and  the  j 
introduction  of  the  existing  orders  of  animals  and  ] 
plants  with  man  at  their  head,  a  process  occupyingi 
six  natural  days — that  the  chaotic  state  in  Gen.  i.  3j 
marked  the  total  or  partial  wreck  or  wrecks  of  al 
previously  existing  creation  with  the  plants  and  ani-I 
mals  now  known  only  as  fossils — and  that  ages  man 


CRE 


CKE 


193 


have  elapsed  between  the  original  creation  in  verse 
1  and  tlic  six  days'  work  in  verse  3  ff.  The  present 
commonly  received  opinion  among  geologists  is  that 
the  "  six  days  "  in  Gen.  i.  3  ff.  (compare  ii.  4)  and 
Kx.  XX.  11  =:  six  successive  periods  of  time,  each 
of  very  long  duration — that  during  these  periods 
plants  and  animals  were  created,  flourished,  and  be- 
came extinct,  rocks  were  formed  by  the  action  of 
fire  and  by  sedimentary  deposits  under  water,  and 
various  other  changes  took  place,  all,  so  fur  as  men- 
tioned, in  the  order  described  in  Gen.  i.,  the  earth 
gradually  becoming  fitted  for  the  reception  of  man, 
and  the  existing  forms  of  vegetable  and  animal  life. 
This  opinion  may  be  illustrated  by  the  following 
brief  view  of  Professor  Guyot's  explanation  of  Gen. 
L  (from  Bihliotheca  Sacra,yi\\.  324  If.).  Verse  1  de- 
scribes the  creation  of  the  matter  of  the  universe. 
Verse  2  represents  this  matter  in  its  chaotic  (i.  e. 
gaseous)  state.  Then  come  the  six  cosmogonic 
"  flays  "  (i.  e.  long  periods),  ending  with  a  day  of 
-t.  These  six  days  are  divided  into  two  periods 
•  three  days  each.  In  the  first  three  days  the 
creation  of  inorganic  matter  takes  place ;  in  the 
'■iC'ond  three  the  creation  of  organic  beings,  ending 
ith  man.  The  last  day  in  each  series  is  subdivided, 
iitaining  two  works,  while  the  others  contain  but 
if  each.  The  works  of  each  day  form  great  steps 
the  development,  or  rather  in  the  successive 
'■ation,  of  the  universe  and  of  the  globe.  These 
lays"  or  periods  are  of  unequal  length,  the  first 
rhaps  being  the  longesf,  and  the  others  gradually 
i "Coming  shorter.  Science  teaches  that  the  original 
t'irm  of  matter  is  the  gaseous.  The  work  of  the 
first  day  was  the  production  of  light  by  the  combina- 
tion of  the  chemical  parts,  according  to  their  aflin- 
iies.  That  of  the  second  day  was  the  creation  of 
•  firmament,  i.  e.  the  separation  of  the  mass  of 
iseous  matter  into  an  immense  number  of  nebu- 
13  bodies  or  globes,  "  the  waters  above  the  firma- 
:  ant "  afterward  constituting  the  celestial  bodies, 
and  "  the  waters  under  the  firmament  "  afterward 
becoming  the  earth.  In  the  third  day  were  two 
works: — (1.)  the  concentration  of  the  matter  of 
the  globe  into  a  mineral  mass  (at  first  entirely  melt- 
ed, but  gradually  cooling  on  the  outside),  with  the 
separation  of  the  waters  of  the  ocean,  which  were 
previously  in  the  fonn  of  vapor,  from  the  land 
which  constituted  the  first  continents  ;  (2.)  the  ap- 
pearance of  vegetation.  The  work  of  the  fourth 
day  was  the  organization  of  the  solar  system  in  its 
present  condition,  the  siiccession  of  days  and  nights 
and  of  seasons,  i.  e.  of  the  climates  and  physical 
conditions  necessary  to  the  existence  of  living 
beings.  The  work  of  the  filth  day  was  the  creation 
of  the  lower  orders  of  animals,  including  the  water 
animals,  the  amphibious  and  other  reptiles,  and  the 
birds,  and  comprehending  the  paleozoic  and  reptil- 
ian ages  of  geology.  The  work  of  the  sixth  day, 
corresponding  to  the  tertiary  age  of  geology,  was 
twofold:  (1.)  the  creation  of  the  higher  animals 
specially  living  on  the  dry  land,  or  the  mammals  ; 
(2.)  the  creation  of  man.  After  this  comes  the 
seventh  day  of  rest,  or  the  still  unfinished  Sabbalh 
of  the  earth,  since  the  beginning  of  which  no  new 
creation  has  taken  place.  Only  the  outlines  of  the 
grand  cosmogonic  week  are  given  by  Moses,  who 
received  his  narrative  a.s  a  revelation  from  God,  and 
probably  did  not  himself  fully  comprehend  the  sys- 
tem of  creation  which  he  described. — The  facts 
ithcrcd  from  nature  teach  us,  according  to  Profes- 
r  Dana,  that  species  have  not  been  made  out  of 
species  by  any  process  of  growth  or  development ; 
13 


— that  the  "  original  divine  power  "  did  not  create  a 
generic  or  universal  germ  from  which  all  subordi- 
nate genera  or  species  were  developed ; — that  the 
evolution  or  plan  of  progress  was  by  successive 
creations  of  species  in  their  full  perfection  ; — that 
the  creation  was  not  in  a  lineal  scries  from  the  very 
lowest  upward,  for  gigantic  saurians  appeared  be- 
fore turtles  and  serpents,  trilobitcs  were  superior  to 
many  crustaceans  afterward  created,  &c. ;  yet  there 
was  a  gradual  elevation  of  the  successive  races  in- 
volved in  the  gradual  refrigeration  of  the  earth,  as 
also  in  its  other  steps  of  physical  progress ;  while 
the  creations  of  the  tribes  were  not  simultaneous, 
but  successive,  and  occurring  at  many  different 
times,  after  more  or  less  complete  exterminations 
of  previously  existing  life  (LMiolheca  i-acra,  xiii. 
119  ff.).  .\fter  all  the  objections  raised  against  the 
credibility  of  the  Mosaic  account  of  the  creation,  it 
is  still  accepted  and  reverenced  by  the  wisest  and 
best  among  men  of  science.  "The  scientific  writers 
in  our  language,"  says  Professor  Dana  (Bihliotheca 
Sacra,  xiii.  645),  "  that  aim  to  exalt  the  Bible  in 
their  works,  greatly  outnumber  those  that  publish 
works  of  detraction."  The  simple  believer  in  the 
Scriptures  has  no  need  to  fear  the  investigations  of 
science  in  any  of  its  departments  ;  for  the  God  that 
gave  the  Bible  is  the  God  of  truth,  and  every  truth 
will  be  found  ultimately  to  be  in  harmony  with  every 
other  truth.  Adam  ;  Astronomy  ;  Day  ;  Earth  ; 
Firmament  ;  Gknksis  ;  IIkaven  ;  Inspiration  ;  Je- 
hovah ;  Man  ;  Tongces,  Coneusion  of. 

Credlt-or.    Loan. 

CrfStens  [-scnz]  (L. growing,  increasing)  (2  Tim. 
iv.  10),  an  assistant  of  St.  Paul,  said  to  have  been 
one  of  the  seventy  disciples.  According  to  early 
tradition,  he  preached  the  Gospel  in  Galatia.  Later 
tradition  makes  him  preach  in  Gaul,  and  found  the 
church  at  Vienne. 

t'rete  [krect]  (fr.  Gr.  Krile,  said  to  be  named  from 
a  nymph  Crcta,  or  from  Cres,  its  first  king,  or  [so 
Strabo]  from  the  Cvreles,  its  ancient  inhabitants),  the 
modern  Candia.  This  large  island,  which  closes  in 
the  Greek  Archipelago  on  the  S.,  extends  through 
a  distance  of  140  miles  between  its  eflitrcrae  points 
of  Cape  Salmone  (Acts  xxvii.  7)  on  the  E.,  and 
Cape  Ciiumctopon  beyond  Phenice  (12)  on  the  W. 
Though  extremely  bold  and  mountainous,  this  island 
has  very  fruitful  valleys,  and  in  early  times  it  was 
celebrated  for  its  hundred  cities.  From  Crete  comes 
the  Latin  name  of  "  chalk,"  cnta,  i.  e.  Cretan  earth. 
Crete  was  conspicuous  in  the  mythology  and  early 
history  of  Greece,  especially  in  connection  with  its 
king  and  legislator  Minos,  but  comparatively  unim- 
portant in  its  later  history.  (Pei.ethites.)  It  seems 
likely  that  a  very  early  actiuaintance  existed  be- 
tween the  Cretans  and  the  Jews.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  Jews  were  settled  in  the  island  in  considerable 
numbers  during  the  period  between  the  death  of 
Alexander  the  Great  and  the  final  destruction  of 
Jerusalem.  Gortyna  seems  to  have  been  their 
chief  residence  (1  Me.  xv.  23).  Thus  the  special 
men  ion  of  Cretans  (Acts  ii.  11)  among  those  who 
were  at  Jerusalem  at  Pentecost  is  just  what  we 
should  expect.  No  notice  is  given  in  the  Acts  of 
any  more  direct  evangelization  of  Crete ;  and  no 
absolute  proof  can  be  adduced  that  St.  Paul  was 
ever  there  before  hia  voyage  from  Cesarea  to  Puteo- 
li.  The  circumstances  of  St.  Paul's  recorded  visit 
were  briefly  as  follows.  The  wind  being  contrary 
when  he  was  off  Cnidl's,  the  ship  was  forced  to  run 
down  to  Cape  Salmone,  and  thence  under  the  lee  of 
Crete  to  Fair  Havens,  near  Lasea.     Thence,  after 


194 


CRE 


CRO 


Bome  delay,  an  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made,  on 
the  wind  becoming  favorable,  to  reach  Phenice  for 
the  purpose  of  wintering  there  (xxvii.  7-12).  It  is 
evident  from  Tit.  i.  5,  that  the  apostle  himself  was 
in  Crete,  where  he  had  left  Titus,  at  no  long  inter- 
val of  time  before  he  wrote  the  letter.  (Titus,  Epis- 
tle TO.)  In  Tit.  i.  12,  St.  Paul  adduces  from  Epi- 
menides,  a  Cretan  sage  and  poet,  contemporary  with 
Solon,  si.xth  century  b.  c.  (Altar,  C,  2  ;  Athens), 
a  quotation  in  which  the  vices  of  his  countrymen 
are  described  in  dark  colors  —  "  liars,"  "  evil 
beasts"  (=  brutes),  "slow  bellies"  (=  lazy  glutr 
tons). 

Gretes  [kreets]  (Acts  ii.  11),  Cre'tlans  [-shanz] 
(Tit.  i.  12)  =  Cretans,  inhabitants  of  Crete. 

*Crib  (Job  xxxix.  9;  Prov.  xiv.  4;  Is.  i.  3). 
Barn  ;  Cotes  ;  Manger. 

*  Crime.  Blasphemy  ;  Divination  ;  Idolatry  ; 
Murder  ;  Punishments  ;  Slave  ;  Trial. 

Crimson.     Colors. 

*  Crisp'ing-Pins  (Is.  iii.  22).     Bag  1. 

Cris'pns  (L.  «(*•/(■(/.<'),  ruler  of  the  Jewish  s^Tia- 
gogue  at  Corinth  (Acts  xviii.  8) ;  baptized  with  his 
family  by  St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  i.  14).  According  to  tra- 
dition, ho  became  afterward  bishop  of  .*]gina. 

Cross.  Except  the  Latin  ert^z,  from  which  the 
English  "  cross  "  is  derived,  there  was  no  word  de- 
finitively and  invariably  applied  to  this  instrument  of 
punishment.  The  Greek  stauroa,  uniformly  and  cor- 
rectly translated  "  cross  "  in  the  N.  T.,  in  Homer  =: 
an  upright  pale  or  stake  (L.  &  S.).  For  the  different 
forms,  see  below.  As  the  emblem  of  a  slave's 
death  and  a  murderer's  punishment,  the  cross  was 
naturally  looked  upon  with  the  profoundest  horror, 
and  closjly  connected  with  the  ideas  of  pain,  of 
guilt,  and  of  ignominy  (Gibbon,  ii.  153).  But  after 
the  celebrated  vision  of  Constantine,  in  which,  ac- 
cording to  Eusebius,  a  lumi- 
nous cross  appeared  in  the 
heavens  after  mid-day  with  the 
inscription  in  Greek,  "  By  this 
conquer,"  the  representation 
being  repeated  at  night  in  a 
dream,  in  which  Christ  also 
appeared  to  him,  he  ordered 
his  friends  to  make  a  cross 
of  gold  and  gems,  such  as  he 
had  seen,  and  "  the  towering 
eagles  resigned  the  flags  unto 
the  cross  "  (Pearson),  and  "  the 
tree  of  cursing  and  shame " 
"  sat  upon  the  sceptres  and 
was  engraved  and  signed  on  the 
foreheads  of  kings "  (Jeremy 
Taylor,  Life  of  Christ,  iii.  xv.  1). 
The  new  stand- 
ards were  called 
by  the  Latin  name  " 
Labarum,a.nA  may 
be    seen    on    the  „    , 

J.  /-,         ^  Greek  monnfrram 

coins  01  Constan- XP(— CHR.  • 


Crux 


1.  Simplex. 


I 
Com  pacta. 


:j^" 


(From  a  coin  in  the  BritUh 
Museum.) 


tine  the  Great  and  Si'"''-  J^*.'*^ 

ters  on  tuu   aides 

his  nearer  succes-    «">  the  Greek 
sors.     The  Laba-  *"■""  <'^'  ""• 

•         J  •!.      J         OuEOi  (11). 

rum  13  described 
in  Eusebius,  and,  besides  the  pendent  cross,  sup- 
ported the  celebrated  embroidered  monogram  of 
Christ,  which  was  also  inscribed  on  the  shields  and 
helmets  of  the  legions.  We  may  tabulate  thus  the 
various  descriptions  of  cross,  using  the  Latin  desig- 
nations, which  are  mostly  explained  in  the  subsequent 
description : — 


2.  Dccussata. 
Andreana,  or 
Burirundian. 


I 
I.  Commissa 
and  aubata. 


4.  Immisea. 
or  capiiata. 


1.  The  crux  simplex,  (L.  =  a  cross  simple),  or  mere 
stake  of  one  single  piece  without  transom,  was 
probably  tlie  original  of  the  rest.  Sometimes  it 
was  merely  driven  through  the  man's  chest  (see 
cut  under  War),  but  at  other  times  it  was  driven 
longitudinally  through  the  whole  body,  coining  out 
at  the  mouth.  Another  form  of  punishment  con- 
sisted of  tyiiiff  the  criminal  to  the  stake,  from  which 
he  hung  by  his  arms. — 2.  The  crux  dectissata  (L.  = 
a  cross  decussate,  or  X-shaped),  is  called  St.  Andrew's 
cross  (Andrew),  although  on  no  good  grounds.  It 
was  in  the  shape  of  the  letter  X. — 3.  The  crux  com- 
missa (\j.  =  a  cross  joined  together),  or  St.  An- 
thony's cross  (so  called  from  being  embroidered  on 
tliat  saint's  cope),  was  in  the  shape  of  the  letter  T. 
A  variety  of  this  cross  (the  crux  ansala  ^_j. 
[L.  =  a  croxs  with  a  handle],  "crosses  with  ||  ^t 
circles  on  tlieir  heads "  )  is  found  "  in  the  "  ^| 
sculptures  from  Khorsabad  and  the  ivories  from 
Niraroud.  In  the  Egyptian  sculptures,  a  similar 
object,  called  a  crux  ansata,  is  constantly  borne  by 
divinities.  The  same  symbol  has  been  also  found 
among  the  Copts,  and  (perhaps  accidentally)  among 
the  Indians  and  Persians. — 4.  The  crux  immissa  (L. 
=  a  cross  let  into,  or  let  in),  or  Latin  cross,  dift'ered 
from  the  former  by  the  projection  of  the  upright 
above  the  crossbar.  That  this  was  the  kind  of 
cross  on  which  our  Lord  died  is  obvious  from  the 
mention  of  the  "  title,"  as  placed  above  our  Lord's 
head,  and  from  the  almost  unanimous  tradition ;  it 
is  repeatedly  found  on  the  coins  and  columns  of 
Constantino.  There  was  a  projection  from  the 
central  stem,  on  which  the  body  of  the  sufferer 
rested.  This  was  to  prevent  the  weiglit  of  the  body 
from  tearing  away  the  hands.  Whether  there  was 
also  a  support  to  the  feet  (as  we  see  in  pictures),  is 
doubtful.  An  inscription  was  generally  placed 
above  the  criminal's  head,  briefly  expressing  h\^ 
guilt,  and  generally  was  carried  before  him.  It  was 
covered  with  white  gypsum,  and  the  letters  were 
black.  Nicquetus  says  it  was  white  with  red  let- 
ters. It  is  a  question  whether  tying  or  binding  to 
the  cross  was  the  more  common  method.  Tliat  our 
Lord  was  nailed,  according  to  prophecv,  is  certain 
(John  XX.  25,  27,  &e. ;  Zech.  xii.  10;  Ps.  xxii.  16). 
It  is,  however,  extremely  probable  that  both 
methods  were  used  at  once.  The  story  of  the  so- 
called  "invention  (i.  e.  discovery)  of  the  cross," 
A.D.  326,  is  too  famous  to  be  altogether  passed  over. 
Socrates,  Theodoret,  &c.,  say,  that  the  Empress 
Helena,  Constantino's  mother,  was  instructed  in  a 
dream  to  go  to  Jerusalem,  that  she  found  there 
three  crosses  with  a  superscription,  that  one  of 
them  miraculously  cured  a  dying  woman,  and  was 
therefore  declared  to  be  the  genuine  cross  of  Christ, 
and  that  she  gave  a  part  of  it  to  the  city  of  Jerusa- 
lem, and  sent  the  rest  to  Constantine.  Afterward, 
pieces  of  the  so-called  true  cross  were  distributed 
through  Christendom.  To  this  day  the  supposed 
title,  or  rather  fragments  of  it,  are  shown  to  the 
people  once  a  year  in  the  church  of  Santa  Croce  in 
Gerusalemme  at  Rome.  In  the  epistles  of  ^' 
Paul,  "  the  cross  of  Christ,"  or  "  the  cross  "  pim|:: 
figuratively  =  all  that  is  connected  with  the  cross, 


CRO 


CRU 


19: 


I.  e.  the  sufferings  and  death  of  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  the  saeritice  for  sin  which  lie  offered  (see 
Atoxemknt),  and  iu  general,  the  great  doctrines  of 
the  Gospel  (1  Cor.  i.  17,  IS;  Gal.  v.  11,  vi.  12,  14, 
&.(:.  >.  Compare  the  '"  name  "  of  the  Lord  (Ex.  xxxiv. 
6-7 ;  1  Sam.  xii.  22,  &c.).  It  was  not  till  the  6th 
century  that  the  emblem  of  the  cross  became  the 
imoffe  of  the  crucifix.  As  a  symbol  the  use  of  it 
was  frequent  in  the  early  church.  It  was  not  till 
the  second  century  that  any  particular  cfhcacy  was 
attached  to  it.     Crucifixion  ;  Jesus  Christ. 

troWDi     This  ornament,  which  is  both  ancient 
and  universal,  probably  originated  from  the  fillets 
used  to  prevent  the  hair  from  being  dishevelled  by 
the  wind.     Such  fillets  are  still  common,  and  they 
may  be  seen  on  the  sculptures  of  I'ersepolis,  Nine- 
veh, and  Egypt;    they  gradually   developed  into 
turbans,  which  by  the  addition  of  ornamental  or 
precious  materials  assumed  the  dignity  of  mitres  or 
crowns.     The  use  of  them  as  ornaments  probably 
was  suggested  by  the  natural  custom  of  encircling 
the  head  with  flowers  in  token  of  joy  and  triumph 
(Wis.  ii.  8 ;  Jd.  xv.  13).     Both  the  ordinary  priests 
and   the  high   priest   wore   them.     The  common 
"  bonnet "  of  the  priests  (Hcb.  migbd'uh  ;  Ex.  xxviii. 
40,   xxxix.   28),   formed  a  sort  of  linen  turban  or 
crown  (Jos.  iiL  7,  §  3).     The  mitre  of  the  high  priest 
(Heb.  Milsnephelh,  used  also  of  a  regal  "diadem," 
Ez.  xxi.  26)  was  much  more  splendid  (Ex.  xxviii. 
36  ff.,  xxxix.  28,  30,  31 ;  Lev.  viii.  9).     It  had  a 
fillet  of  blue  lace,  and  over  it  a  golden  diadem 
(lleb.  near,  A.  V.  "crown,"  Ex.  xxix.  6).     The 
gold  band  was  tied   behind  with  blue  lace  (em- 
broidered  with   flowers),   and    being    two   fingers 
broad,  bore  the  inscription  "  Holiness  to  the  Lord  " 
(compare  Rev.  xvii.  5 ;    Jos.  ill.  7,  §  7 ;  B.  J.  v.  5, 
ij  7).     The  use  of  the  crown  by  priests,  and  in  reli- 
_ious   services   was   universal.     "A  striped  head- 
ness  and  queue,"  or  "  a  short  wig,  on  which  a  band 
was  fastened,  ornamented  with  an  asp,  the  symbol 
of  royalty,"  was  used  by  the  kings  of  Egypt  in  re- 
ligious ceremonies  (Wilkinson's  Ancient  Efftfptians, 
iii.  3.'54,  fig.  13).     The  crown  worn  by  the  kings  of 
Assyria  was  "  a  high  mitre  .  .  .  frequently  adorned 
with  flowers,  &c.,  and  arranged  in  bands  of  linen  or 
silk.     Originally   there   was   only   one   band,    but 
afterward  there  were  two,  and  the  ornaments  were 
richer  "  (Layard,  ii.  320).     There  are  many  words  in 
Scripture  denoting  a  crown  besides  those  mention- 
ed :  as  Ilcb.  pier,  the  head-dress  of  bridegrooms 
(Is.  Ixi.  10,  A.  V.   "ornaments;"  Ez.  xxiv.   17,  A. 
\'.  "  the  tire  of  thine  head  "),  and  of  women  (Is.  iii. 
20,  A.  V.    ''bonnets");   Heb.  tufphirolfi^  a  head- 
dress (A.   V.   "  diadem  " )   of  great  splendor  (Is. 
xxviii.   6);  Heb.  livydh,   a  wreath  (A.  V.  "orna- 
ment") of  flowers  (I'rov.  i.  9,  iv.  y);  and   Heb. 
Mniph  {Bee  Diadem;  Heaivdress),  a  common  tiara 
or  turban  (Job  xxix.  14,  A.  V.  "diadem;"  Is.  iii. 
23,  A.  V,  "  hoods).     The  general  Hebrew  word  for 
"crown"  is  Vitdrdh,  and  we  must  attach  to  it  the 
notion  of  a  costly  turban  irradiated  with  pearls  and 
gems  of  priceless  value,  which  often  form  aigrettes, 
or  plumes,  for  feathers,  as  in  the  crowns  of  modem 
Asiatic  sovereigns.     Such  was  probably  the  crown, 
which  with  its  precious  stones  weighed  (or  rather 
«a»  worth)  a  -talent,  taken    by  David    from    the 
king  of  Ammon  at  Rabbah,  and  used  as  the  state 
crown  of  Judah  (2  Sam.  xii.  30).     The  Gr.  slephanon, 
in  the  LXX.,  =  Heb.  'aidrdh,  and  is  used  in  the 
N'.  T.  for  every  kind  of  crown ;  the  Gr.  elemma  is 
used  once  (Acts  xiv.  13)  for  the  "garlands  "used 
with  victims.     In  Rev.  xii.  8,  xiii.  1,  xix.  12,  allusion 


IS  made  to  many  "  crowns  "  worn  in  token  of  ex- 
tended dominion.  In  these  passages  the  Gr.  <fia- 
ditna  (=  diadem)  is  used.  The  laurel,  pine,  or 
parsley  crowns  given  to  victors  in  the  great  games 
of  Greece  are  finely  alluded  to  by  St.  Paul  (1  Cor. 
ix.  25 ;  2  Tim.  u.  5,  &c.). 


Egyptian,  Asayrian,  and  other  Crowne.— (Fairbaim). 

1.  Efryptian  crown  of  the  upper  country. — Wilkinaon. 

2.  Egyj)liMn  crown  of  the  lower  country. — Wilkinaon. 

3.  Egyptian  crown  of  the  united  upper  and  lower  couiltriea. — WiikinicD. 

4.  Asayrian  crown  of  a  king  in  Nineveh. — Inyard. 

5.  Aaayrlnn  crown  of  Sardanapalua  111. — Luyard. 

6.  Aaayrinn  crown  of  Sennacherib. — Laynrd. 

7.  Crown  of  Tigranca,  liing  of  Syria,— From  a  tetradrachm. 

8.  Crown  from  sculpture  at  Pereepolia. — Sir  Robert  Ker  Porter's  Travels. 

9.  Civic  crown. — From  coin  of  the  Roman  emperor  Galba. 

Crown  cf  Thorns  (Mat.  xxvii.  29;  Mk.  xv.  17; 
Jn.  xix.  2,  5).  Our  Lord  was  crowned  with  thorns 
in  mockery  by  the  Roman  soldiers.  The  object 
seems  to  have  been  insult,  and  not  the  infliction  of 
pain  as  has  generally  been  supposed.  The  Rham- 
nus  or  Spina  Christi,  although  abundant  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Jerusalem,  cannot  be  the  plant  in- 
tended, because  its  thorns  are  so  strong  and  large 
that  it  could  not  have  been  woven  into  a  wreath. 
Had  the  acacia  been  intended,  as  some  suppose,  the 
phrase  would  have  been  dift'ercnt.  Obviously  some 
small  flexile  thorny  shrub  is  meant. 

Cro-el-fix'ion  was  in  use  among  the  Egyptians 
(Gen.  xl.  19),  the  Carthaginians,  the  Persians  (Esth. 
vii.  10),  the  Assyrians,  Scythians,  Indians,  Germans, 
and  from  the  earliest  times  among  the  Greeks  and 
Romans.  Whether  this  mode  of  execution  was 
known  to  the  ancient  Jews  is  a  matter  of  dispute. 
Probably  the  Jews  borrowed  it  from  the  Romans. 
It  was  unanimously  considered  the  most  horrible 
form  of  death.  Among  the  Romans  also  the  degra- 
dation was  a  part  of  the  infliction,  and  the  punish- 
ment if  applied  to  freemen  was  only  used  in  the 
case  of  (lie  vilest  criminals.  Our  Lord  was  con- 
demned to  it  by  the  popular  cry  of  the  Jews  (Mat. 
xxvii.  23)  on  the  charge  of  sedition  against  Cesar 
(Lk.  xxiii.  2),  although  the  Sanhedrim  had  pre- 
viouslv  condemned  him  on  the  totally  distinct  charge 


196 


CRU 


cue 


of  blasphemy.  The  scarlet  robe,  crown  of  thorns, 
and  other  insults  to  which  our  Lord  was  subjected 
were  illegal,  and  arose  from  the  spontaneous  petu- 
lance of  the  brutal  soldiery.  But  the  punishment 
properly  commenced  with  scourging,  after  the 
criminal  had  been  stripped.  It  was  inflicted  not 
with  the  comparatively  mild  rods,  but  the  more 
terrible  scourge  (2  Cor.  xi.  24,  25),  which  was  not 
used  by  the  Jews  (Deut.  xxv.  3).  Into  these 
scourges  the  soldiers  often  stuck  nails,  pieces  of 
bones,  &c.,  to  heighten  the  pain,  which  was  often 
BO  intense  that  the  sufferer  died  under  it.  In  our 
Lord's  case,  however,  this  infliction  seems  neither 
to  have  been  the  legal  scourging  after  sentence,  nor 
yet  the  examination  by  torture  (Acts  xxii.  24),  but 
rather  a  scourging  before  the  sentence,  to  excite 
pity  and  procure  immunity  from  further  punish- 
ment (Lk.  xxiii.  22;  Jn.  xix.  1).  The  criminal  car- 
ried his  own  CROSS,  or  at  any  rate  a  part  of  it. 
Hence,  figuratively,  to  lake,  take  up,  or  bear  one's 
cross  =  to  endure  suffering,  affliction,  or  shame,  like 
a  criminal  on  his  way  to  the  place  of  crucifixion 
(Mat.  X.  38,  xvi.  24;  Lk.  xiv.  27,  &c.).  The  place 
of  execution  was  outside  the  city  (1  K.  xxi.  13 ; 
Acts  vii.  58;  Heb.  xiii.  12),  often  in  some  public 
road  or  other  conspicuous  place.  Arrived  at  the 
place  of  execution,  the  sufferer  was  stripped  naked, 
the  dress  being  the  perquisite  of  the  soldiers  (Mat. 
xxvii.  "So).  The  cross  was  then  driven  into  the 
ground,  so  that  the  feet  of  the  condemned  were  a 
foot  or  two  above  the  earth,  and  he  was  lifted  upon 
it,  or  else  stretched  upon  it  on  the  ground,  and 
then  lifted  with  it.  Before  the  nailing  or  binding 
took  place,  a  medicated  cup  was  given  out  of  kind- 
ness to  stupefy  the  sufferer,  usually  of  "  wine 
mingled  with  myrrh."  Our  Lord  refused  it,  prob- 
ably that  his  senses  might  i5e  clear  (Mat.  xxvii.  34 ; 
Mk.  XV.  23).  (Gall.)  Ue  was  crucified  between  two 
"  thieves  "  or  "  malefactors,"  according  to  prophecy 
(Is.  liii.  12) ;  and  was  watched  according  to  custom 
by  a  party  of  four  soldiers  (Jn.  xix.  23)  with  their 
centurion  (Mat.  xxvii.  54),  whose  express  office  was 
to  prevent  the  stealing  of  tfie  body.  This  was  ne- 
cessary from  the  lingering  character  of  the  death, 
which  sometimes  did  not  supervene  even  for  three 
days,  and  was  at  last  the  result  of  gradual  benumb- 
ing and  starvation.  But  for  this  guard,  the  persons 
might  have  been  taken  down  and  recovered,  as  was 
actually  done  in  the  case  of  a  friend  of  Josephus. 
Fracture  of  the  legs  was  especially  adopted  by  the 
Jews  to  hasten  death  (Jn.  xix.  31).  But  the  un- 
usual rapidity  of  our  Lord's  death  was  due  to  the 
depth  of  His  previous  agonies,  or  may  be  sufficiently 
accounted  for  simply  from  peculiarities  of  constitu- 
tion. Pilate  expressly  satisfiedhimself  of  the  actual 
death  by  questioning  the  centurion  (Mk.  xv.  44). 
In  most  cases  the  body  was  suffered  to  rot  on  the 
cross  by  the  action  of  sun  and  rain,  or  to  be  de- 
voured by  birds  and  beasts.  Sepulture  was  gener- 
ally therefore  forbidden ;  but  in  consequence  of 
Deut.  xxi.  22,  23,  an  express  national  exception  was 
made  in  favor  of  the  Jews  (Mat.  xxvii.  68).  This 
accursed  and  awful  mode  of  punishment  was  hap- 
pily abolished  by  Constantine.     Punishmknts. 

Crnse,  the  translation  in  the  A.  V.  of  three  dis- 
tinct Hebrew  words. — 1.  Tsappahath  or  tsappachath 
(—a  cruse,  flask,  Ges.),  carried  by  Saul  on  his  ex- 
pedition after  David  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  11,  12,  16), 
and  by  Elijah  (IK.  xix.  6),  to  hold  water.  In  a 
similar  case  in  the  present  day  this  would  be  a 
globular  vessel  of  blue  i)orous  clay  about  nine  inches 
iu  diameter,  witli  a  neck  about  three  inches  long,  a 


small  handle  below  the  neck,  and  opposite  the 
handle  a  straight  spout,  with  an  orifice  about  the 
size  of  a  straw,  through  which  the  water  is  drunk 
or  sucked.  A  similar  globular  vessel '  probably 
contaiaed  the  oil  of  the  widow  of  Zarephath  (IK. 
xvii.  12,  14,  16). — 2.  The  noise  which  these  ves- 
sels make  when  emptied  through  the  neck  is  s>ig- 
gestive  of  the  second  term,  bakbuk,  which  is  used 
for  a  "cruse  of  honey"  (1  K.  xiv.  3),  and  an 
"  earthen  bottle  "  (Jer.  xix.  1,  10). — 3.  Apparently 
very  different  from  both  these  is  the  other  term, 
tsClohith  or  Isildchith,  which  occurs  only  in  2  K.  ii.  20, 
and  was  probably  a  flat  metal  saucer  of  the  form  still 
common  in  the  East.  Other  words  from  the  same 
root  are  translated  in  2  Chr.  xxxv.  13  "  pans,"  and 
in  2  K.  xxi.  13  "  dish." 

Crys'tal,  the  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of — 1. 
Heb.  zScucilh  (Job  xxviii.  17  only);  "The  gold  and 
the  crystal  cannot  equal  it,"  i.  e.  wisdom.  Notwith- 
standing the  different  interpretations  ("rock  crys- 
tal," "glass,"  "adamant,"  kc),  that  have  been  as- 
signed to  this  word,  there  can,  Mr.  Houghton  thinks, 
be  very  little  doubt  that "  glass  "  is  intended.  The  old 
versions  and  paraphrases,  Ges.,  Fii.,  &c.,  favor  this 
interpretation. — 2.  Heb.  kerah  or  kerach,  which  in 
other  passages  in  the  0.  T.  =  "  ice,"  "  frost ; "  but 
once  only  (Ez.  i.  22),  as  is  generally  understood  = 
"  crystal."  The  ancients  supposed  rock-crystal  to 
be  merely  ice  congealed  by  intense  cold.  The  simi- 
larity of  appearance  between  ice  and  crystal  caused 
no  doubt  the  identity  of  the  terms  to  express  these 
substances. — 3.  Gr.  krnstallos  (in  LXX.  :=  No.  2) 
occurs  in  N.  T.  in  Rev.  iv.  6,  xxii.  1.  It  may  mean 
either  "  ice,"  or  "  crystal."  A  participle  of  the 
kindred  Greek  verb  knMallizd  occurs  in  Rev.  xxi. 
11,  A.  V.  "clear  as  crystal." 

Cn'bJt.    Weights  and  Measfres. 

Cnck'oo  [m  as  in  bull'\,  spelled  "  cuckow  "  in  some 
copies,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb.  Aahaph 
or  shaehaph.  Mr.  Houghton  thinks,  there  is  no 
authority  for  this  translation  of  the  A.  V., 
though  the  "  cuckoo  "  ( Cuculus  canorm),  a  migra- 
tory insectiverous  bird  of  the  Eastern  continent,  ia 
said  to  pass  the  winter  in  Palestine,  and  may  be 
the  bird  in  question  (Gosse  in  Fairbairn,  Col.  C. 
H.  Smith  in  Kitto) ;  the  Hebrew  word  occurs 
twice  only  (Lev.  xi.  16;  Deut.  xiv.  15),  as  the 
name  of  some  unclean  bird.  Bochart  has  at- 
tempted to  show  that  the  Hebrew  denotes  the 
ccjyphus  (kepphos  of  Aristotle),  which  is  probably  the 
storm-petrel  ( 77iatnssidroma  pclaqica),  a  small  web- 
footed  sea-bird.  Gesenius,  following  the  LXX.  andj 
Vulgate,  makes  the  Hebrew  =  the  sea-mew  or  se 
gull,  a  sea-bird  of  the  genus  Larus,  Linn.  Tristra 
has  suggested  that  some  of  the  larger  petrels,  e.  gf 
the  Puffitms  einereus  and  P.  Anglontm  (shearwater), 
which  abound  in  the  E.  of  the  Mediterranean  and 
are  similar  in  their  habits  to  the  storm-petrel,  may 
be  denoted  by  the  Hebrew  term. 

Cu'cnm-bers,  the  translation  of  the  Heb.  kish- 
s/iuim,  which  occurs  once  only,  in  Num.  xi.  5,  as 
one  of  the  good  things  of  Egypt  for  which  the  Is- 
raelites longed.  There  is  no  doubt  that  this  is  a 
correct  translation  of  the  Hebrew,  though  the  name 
may  not  have  been  confined  to  the  common  cucum- 
ber. Egypt  produces  excellent  cucunibers,  mrlons, 
&c.  (Melon),  the  Cucumis  chate  being  styled  by 
Hasselquist  "  the  Egyptian  melon  or  queen  of  lhe_ 
cucumbers."  This  plant  prows  in  the  fertile  eartj 
around  Cairo  after  the  inundation  of  the  Nile,  an^ 
not  elsewhere  in  Egypt.  The  C.  chaie  is  a  variet] 
only  of  the  common  musk-niclon  (C  Melo);  it  wa 


CCM 


CUB 


197 


once  cultivated  in  England  and  called  "  the  ronnd- 
Icaved  Egyptian  melon  ; "  but  it  is  rather  an  insipid 
sort.  Besides  the  Ciuumis  c/iate,  the  common  cu- 
cumber f  C.  ealimis),  of  which  the  Arabs  distinguish 
a  number  of  varieties,  is  common  in  Egypt.  .  "  Both 
Cucu/nia  ehate  and  C.  sativus,"  says  Tristram,  "are 
now  grown  in  great  quantities  in  Palestine:  on 
visiting  the  Arab  school  in  Jerusalem  (1858)  I 
observed  that  the  dinner  which  the  children 
brought  with  them  to  school  consisted,  without 
exception,  of  a  piece  of  barley  cake  and  a  raw 
cucumber,  wliich  they  eat  rind  and  all."  The 
"lodge  (Cottage  2)  in  a  garden  of  cucumbers" 
(Ileb.  mikshiih  =  a  field  of  cuaimbers,  Ges.,  Fii.) 
(Is.  i.  8)  is  a  rude  temporary  shelter,  erected  in  the 
open  grounds  where  vines,'  cucumbers,  gourds,  &.e., 
are  grown,  in  which  some  lonely  man  or  boy  is  set 
to  watch,  either  to  guard  tlie  plants  from  robbers, 
or  to  scare  away  the  foxes  and  jackals  from  the 
vines.     Compare  Bar.  vi.  70. 

•  Camber,  to,  in  A.  V.  —  to  encnmber,  overload, 
harags  (Lk.  x.  40);  to  encumber  melcssl;/,  or  spoil 
(xUi.  7). 

•  CDm'brancc  =  an  encumbrance  or  burden  (Deut. 
i.  12). 

Corn'miB  (Heb.  cammon  ;  Gr.  kuminon),  one  of 
the  cultivated  plants  of  Palestine  (Is.  xxviii.  25, 
27 ;  Mat.  xxiii.  23).  It  is  an  umbelUferous  plant 
{Cuminum  sativum,  Linn.),  something  like  fennul. 
Tlie  seeds  have  a  bitterish  warm  taste  witli  an  aro- 
matic flavor.  The  Maltese  are  said  to  grow  it  at 
the  present  day,  and  to  thresh  it  with  a  rod  as 
described  by  Isaiah. 

•  Cnnnlng,  in  A.  V.,  as  an  adjective  —  skilful, 
expert,  as  a  workman,  &c.  (Gen.  xxv.  27 ;  Ex.  xxxviii. 
23,  &c.) ;  or  skilfully  done,  as  work  (Ex.  xxviii.  15, 
&c.) ;  as  a  noun  ^  skUl,  experltiess  (Ps.  cxxxvii.  5). 

tap.  The  chief  Hebrew  words  rendered  "  cup  " 
in  the  A.  V.  are,  1.  cos  (Gen.  xl.  11,  13,  21,  kc); 
2.  ktsdoth,  only  in  plural  (1  Chr.  xxviii.  17),  else- 
where translated  "covers"  (Ex.  xxv.  29,  &c.) ;  3. 
gebia'  (Gen.  xliv.  2, 12,  16,  17),  elsewhere  translated 
in  plural  "bowls"  (Ex.  xxv.  31,  &c.),  once  "pots" 
(Jer.  XXXV.  6).  For  the  Heb.  ar/gun  ("  cups,"  Is. 
xxii.  24),  see  Basin  ;  for  Heb.  saph  (2  Sam.  xvii.  28, 
margin;  Zech.  xii.  2),  see  Basin.  The  Gr.  poterion 
(—  drinking  vessel  or  cup)  is  uniformly  translated 


% 

m^)p 

h 

^K^u^^i^ 

AMyrian  cap*.— (Fntrbatrn.) 
I.  Llon-bemd  cap. —Sculpture-,  Kliorubsil.— Bftto. 
S.  Llon-hmul  cup  wirh  bnD'llc.— Khonnbitd.— Botu. 
a.  Cup.— Sculpture,  KbrranbBd.— RottfL 
4.  Cup  of  red  pottery,— N'lmrrtud.—LayBrd. 
I.  Painted  cup  from  KnramlM.— Ijivnrd. 
ft.  7,  bronte  cup*.— Nlmroud.— Brit\Bh  Muaeitia. 

"  cup"  in  the  N.  T.  (Mat.  x.  42,  xxiii.  25,  &c.),  and 
in  tlie  LXX.  =  Heb.  cos.  The  cups  of  the  Jews, 
whether  of  metal  or  earthenware,  were  pofsiblv  bor- 
rowed, in  point  of  shape  and  design,  from  Egypt 


and  from  tne  Phenicians,  who  were  celebrated  in 
that  branch  of  workmanship.  Egyptian  cups  were 
of  various  shapes,  either  with  handles  or  without 
them.  In  Solomon's  time  all  his  drinking  vessels 
were  of  gold,  none  of  silver  (1  K.  x.  21).  Babylon 
is  compared  to  a  golden  cup  (Jer.  li.  7).  The  great 
laver,  or  "sea,"  was  made  with  a  brim  like  the 
brim  of  a  cup  (Heb.  cos),  "with  flowers  of  lilies" 
(1  K.  vii.  26),  a  form  which  the  Persepolitan  cups 


Egyptian  cnpa. — (Fairbaim.) 
1.  ?.  8.  From  painttnps  at  Thebea.— WilkinBon. 
4,  Porccliiiu  cup. —  W  ilkinsoa. 

6.  Cup  (if  green  earthenware,  with  lotoa  flower  painted  in  blacit. — 
Itritifth  Mueeiim, 

6.  Cup  of  coarse  pottery. — Erltisb  Mu&eum. 

7.  Cup  of  wood. — British  MuBtum. 

8.  Cups  of  arra^nite. — liritish  MuBeom. 

9.  Saucer  of  earthenware. — \\~illiiii&cn. 

resemble. — "  Cup  "  often  =  what  is  contained  in  a 
cup,  cupful  (Mat.  X.  42 ;  Lk.  xxiii.  20,  &c.).  Hence, 
figuratively,  "  cup  z3  one's  lot  or  portion,  as  if  the 
contents  of  a  cup  presented  by  God  to  be  drank, 
whether  of  good  (Ps.  xvi.  5,  xxiii.  5,  &c.),  or  of  evil 
(Ps.  xi.  6,  Ixxv.  8  ;  Mat.  xx.  22,  23,  xxvi.  39, 42,  &c.). 
"The  cup  of  salvation"  (Ps.  cxvi.  13)  =  the  cup 
of  thanksgiving  to  God  for  deliverance  or  salvation. 
"  The  cup  of  blessing^,'  (1  Cor.  x.  16)  =  the  cup  on 
or  over  which  a  blessing  has  been  pronounced.  (See 
Lord's  Sipper  ;  Passover,  I.  d.)  "  The  cup  of 
devils  "  (Gr.  pi.  of  daimonion  ;  see  Demon)  (verse  21) 
=  the  cup  consecrated  to  devils,  or  heathen  gods. 
See  also  Divination  12. 

t'op'-bear-cr  (Heb.  mashkeh  =  one  who  gives  to 
drink  ;  Gr.  oinockoos  =  one  who  pours  out  wine) ; 
an  officer  of  high  rank  with  Egyptian,  Persian,  As- 
syrian, as  well  as  Jewish  nionarchs  (1  K.  x.  5).  It 
was  his  special  business  to  fill  and  hand  the  cups 
of  wine,  &c.,  to  the  king  and  his  guests.  Not  un- 
frequently  it  was  his  duty  to  taste  the  wine  in  tlie 
king's  presence  before  delivering  it  to  the  king. 
His  privilege  of  free  access  to  the  sovereign  made 
his  office  one  of  high  trust  and  often  of  great  polit- 
ical and  pecuniary  value.  The  chief  cup-bearer,  or 
butler,  to  the  king  of  Egypt  was  the  means  of  rais- 
ing Joseph  to  his  high  position  (Gen.  xl.  1  fl'.,  xli. 
9  ff.).  Radshakeh  is  supposed  to  have  tilled  a  like 
office  in  the  Assyrian  court  (2  K.  xviii.  17).  Nehe- 
uiAH  was  cup-bearer  to  Artaxerxes  Longimanus, 
king  of  Persia  (Neh.  i.  11,  ii.  1).     Acuiaciiaris. 

•Cars*.    Anathema. 

fnr'tain*  The  Hebrew  terms  translated  in  the 
A.  V.  by  this  word  are: — 1.  YirVdh,  usually  in  pi. 
yUri'M,  the  ten  "curtains"  of  fine  linen,  and  alj-o 
the  eleven  of  goats'  hair,  which  covered  the  Taber- 
nacle of  Moses  (Ex.  xxvi.  1-13,  xxxvi.  8-17).  The 
charge  of  these  curtains  and  of  the  other  textile 


198 


CUS 


CYM 


fabrics  of  the  Tabernacle  was  laid  on  the  Gershon- 
ites  (Xum.  iv.  25).  "  Curtains  "  sometimes  =  the 
Tabernacle  (2  Sam.  vii.  2 ;  1  Chr.  xvii.  1),  or  a 
Tent  (Jer.  iv.  20,  &c.). — 2.  Jldsdc,  the  "  lianging" 
for  the  doorway  of  the  Tabernacle  (Ex.  x.wi.  SB,  &o.), 
and  also  for  the  gate  of  the  court  round  the  Taber- 
nacle (Ex.  x-wii.  16,  &c.).  The  rendering  "cur- 
tain "  occurs  but  once  (Num.  iii.  26).  The  idea  in 
the  root  of  nuhdc  seems  to  be  that  of  shielding  or 
protecting.  If  so,  it  may  have  been  not  a  curtain 
or  veil,  but  an  awning  to  shade  the  entrances. 
(Hanging  1.)— 3.  Dok,  found  but  once  (Is.  xl.  22),  = 
Jincness,  hence,  foie  cloth,  a  garment,  curtain,  <S:c. 
(Ges.);  a  fine  thin  cloth,  a  fine  carpet  (Eii.). 

Cusll  (Heb.  btac/,;  Fii.),  a  Benjamite  mentioned 
only  in  the  title  to  Ps.  vii.  lie  was  probably  a  fol- 
lower of  Saul,  the  head  of  his  tribe. 

Cnih  (Heb.  black,  Fii.),  the  name  of  a  son  of  Ham, 
apparently  the  eldest,  and  of  a  territory  or  territo- 
ries occupied  by  his  descendants. — 1.  In  the  gene- 
alogy of  Noah's  children  Gush  seems  to  be  an  indi- 
vidual, for  it  is  said  "  Gush  begat  Nimrod  "  (Gen.  x. 
8 ;  1  Chr.  i.  10).  If  the  name  be  older  than  his 
time  he  may  have  been  called  after  a  country 
allotted  to  him.  Descendants  of  Cush  enumerated 
are :  his  sons,  Seba,  IIavilah,  Sabtah  or  Sabta, 
Kaamaii,  and  Sabtechah  or  Sabtecha  ;  liis  grand- 
sons, Sheba  and  Dedan;  and  Nimrod,  mentioned 
after  the  rest,  and  apparently  a  remoter  descendant 
than  they. — 2,  Gush  as  a  country,  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole, 
the  original  author  of  this  article,  regards  as 
African  in  all  passages  except  Gen.  ii.  13,  margin 
("  Ethiopia  "  in  text,  A.  V. ;  see  Eden  1).  We  may 
thus  distinguish  a  primeval  and  a  post-diluvian 
Cush.  The  former  was  encompassed  by  Gihon,  the 
second  river  of  Paradise ;  it  would  seem  therefore 
to  have  been  somewhere  to  the  N.  of  Assyria.  It 
is  possible  that  Cush  is  in  this  case  a  name  of  a 
period  later  than  that  to  which  the  history  relates, 
but  it  seems  more  probable  that  it  was  of  the  ear- 
liest age,  and  that  tlie  African  Cush  was  named 
from  this  older  country.  In  the  ancient  Egyptian 
inscriptions  Ethiopia  above  Egypt  is  termed  Keesh 
or  Kesh,  and  this  territory  probably  perfectly  = 
the  African  Cush  of  the  Bible.  The  Cushites,  how- 
ever, had  clearly  a  wider  extension,  like  the  Ethio- 
pians of  the  Greeks,  but  apparently  with  a  more 
definite  ethnic  relation.  The  Cushites  appear  to 
have  spread  along  tracts  extending  from  the  higher 
Nile  to  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris.  History  aifords 
many  traces  of  this  relation  of  Babylonia  (Babel), 
Arabia,  and  Ethiopia.  Zerah  the  Cushite  (A.  V. 
"  Ethiopian  "),  defeated  by  Asa,  was  most  probably 
a  king  of  Egypt.  So  also  Tirhakah.  Very  soon 
after  their  arrival  in  Africa,  the  Cushites  appear  to 
have  established  settlements  along  the  S.  Arabian 
coast,  on  the  Arabian  shore  of  the  Persian  Gulf  and 
in  Babylonia,  and  thenoo  onward  to  the  Indus,  and 
probably  N.  to  Nineveh.     Arabia. 

Cn'sban  (Heb.  fr.  Cisn)  (Ilab.  iii.  1),  possibly  = 
Chcshax-rishatiiaim,  king  of  Mesopotamia.  The 
order  of  events  alluded  to  by  the  prophet  seems  to 
favor  this  supposition.  There  is  far  less  reason  for 
the  supposition  that  Cushan  here  =  an  Asiatic 
Ci-sii  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole). 

t'n'shl  (Heb.  =  Cusihte;  Ethiopian).  1.  A  man 
apparently  attached  to  Joab's  person,  but  unknown 
and  unaccustomed  to  the  king,  as  may  be  inferred 
from  his  not  being  recognized  by  tlie  watchman, 
and  also  from  the  abrupt  manner  in  which  he  breaks 
his  evil  tidings  to  David.  That  Cushi  was  a  for- 
eigner— as  we  should  infer  from  his  name — is  also 


slightly  corroborated  by  his  ignorance  of  the  ground 
in  the  Jordan  valley,  by  knowing  which  Ahiniaaz 
outran  him  (2  Sam.  xviii.  21  ff.). — 2.  An  ancestor  of 
Jehudi  at  Jehoiakim's  court  (Jer.  xxxvi.  14). — 3i 
Father  of  Zephaniah  the  prophet  (Zeph.  i.  1). 

*  tnsll'ite  (fr.  Heb.  =  dtscendant  from  Cush) 
(Num.  xii.  1, margin;  "  Ethiopian "  in  text).  Ethi- 
opian Woman. 

Cutll  or  (n'tbab  (both  Heb.  in  form ;  supposed 
by  Boch.,  &c.  to  be  Chal.  =:  Cush  ;  treasure-house  I 
Ayre),  one  of  the  countries  whence  Shalmaneser 
introduced  colonists  into  Sam^iria  (2  K.  xvii.  24, 
30).  The  position  of  Cuthah  is  undecided  ;  Jose- 
phus  speaks  of  a  river  of  that  name  in  Persia,  and 
fixes  the  residence  of  the  Cutheans  in  the  interior 
of  Persia  and  Media.  Two  localities  have  been  pro- 
posed, each  of  which  corresponds  in  part,  but 
neither  wholly,  with  Josephus : — 1.  Kutha,  of  the 
Arab  geographers,  between  the  Tigris  and  Eu- 
phrates, the  site  of  which  has  been  identified  with 
the  ruins  of  Towibah  immediately  adjacent  to  Baby- 
lon.— 2.  The  Cutheans  have  been  identified  with 
the  Cossaii,  a  warlike  tribe,  who  occupied  the 
mountain  ranges  dividing  Persia  and  Media. 

Catting  off  from  tbe  PeopICi  Excommunication  ; 
Punishments. 

*  Cnt'ting  off  the  Hair.    Hair;  Nazarite;  Vows. 

*  Cnt'tiug  off  the  Head.    Punishments. 
Cnt'tings  (in  tbe  Flesh).     The  prohibition  (Lev. 

xix.  28)  against  marks  or  cuttings  in  the  flesh  for 
the  dead  must  be  taken  in  connection  with  the  paral- 
lel passages  (Lev.  xxi.  5 ;  Deut.  xiv.  1),  in  which  shav- 
ing the  head  with  the  same  view  is  equally  forbidden. 
But  it  appears  from  Jer.  xvi.  6,  7,  xli.  5,  that  some 
outward  manifestation  of  grief  in  this  way  was  not 
wholly  forbidden,  or  was  at  least  tolerated.  (Mourn- 
ing.) The  ground,  therefore,  of  the  prohibition 
must  be  sought  elsewhere,  and  will  be  found  in 
the  superstitious  or  inhuman  practices  prevailing 
among  heathen  nations.  The  priests  of  Baal  cut 
themselves  with  knives  to  propitiate  the  god  "  after 
their  manner"  (1  K.  xviii.  28).  Herodotus  says 
the  Carians,  who  resided  in  Europe,  cut  their  fore- 
heads with  knives  at  festivals  of  Isis  ;  in  this  respect 
exceeding  the  Egyptians,  who  beat  themselves  on 
these  occasions.  Lucian,  speaking  of  the  Syrian 
priestly  attendants  of  this  mock  deity,  says,  that 
using  violent  gestures  they  cut  their  arms  and 
tongues  with  swords.  The  prohibition,  therefore, 
is  directed  against  practices  prevailing  not  among 
the  Eg)-ptians  whom  the  Israelites  were  leaving,  but 
among  the  Syrians,  to  whom  they  were  about  to 
become  neighbors.  But  there  is  another  usage  con- 
templated more  remotely  by  the  prohibition,  viz., 
that  of  printing  marks,  tattooing,  to  indicate  alle- 
giance to  a  deity,  in  the  same  manner  as  soldiers 
and  slaves  bore  tattooed  marks  to  indicate  allegiance 
or  serfdom.  This  is  evidently  alluded  to  in  Rev. 
xiii.  16,  xvii.  5,  xix.  20,  and,  though  in  a  contrary 
direction,  in  Ez.  ix.  4  ;  Gal.  vi.  17  ;  Rev.  vii.  3,  and 
perliaps  Is.  xliv.  5  and  Zech.  xiii.  6. 

Cf'a-Dioil  [si-]  (fr.  Gr.  =  bean-field,  L.  &  S.),  a 
place  named  only  in  Jd.  vii.  3,  as  lying  in  the  plain 
(A.  V.  "  valley  ")  over  against  Esdraelom.  If  "  Es- 
draelom "  =:  Jezreel,  this  description  answers  to 
the  situation  of  the  ruins  at  Tell  Kahnon,  on  the 
eastern  slopes  of  Mount  Carmel,  a  conspicuous  po- 
sition overlooking  the  Kishon  and  the  great  plain. 
Camon  ;  Jokneam. 

Cymbal,  Cymbals  [sim-]  (Heb.  plural  tnHtselim 
[2  Sam.  vi.  5  ;  Ps.  el.  5],  and  dual  mltailtaylm  [1 
Chr.  XV.  8,  &c.],  both  translated  in  LXX.  by  plural 


CYP 


CYR 


199 


of  Gr.  kumbalon,  which  in  singular  occurs  in  1  Cor. 
xiii.  1,  and  from  which  comes  the  English  "  cjm- 
bal "  througli  the  L.  cymbatum),  a  percussive  musi- 
cal instrument.  Two  kinds  of  cymbals  are  men- 
tioned in  Ps.  cl.  5,  "  loud  cymbals  "  or  castanets, 
and  "  high-sounding  cymbals."  The  former  con- 
sisted of  four  small  plates  of  brass  or  of  some  other 
bard  metal ;  two  plates  were  attached  to  each 
hand  of  the  performer,  and  were  struck  together  to 
produce  a  loud  noise.  The  latter  consisted  of  two 
larger  plates,  one  held  in  each  hand,  and  struck  to- 
gether as  an  accompaniment  to  other  instruments. 
The  use  of  cymbals  was  not  necessarily  restricted  to 
the  worship  of  the  Temple  or  to  sacred  occasions  : 
they  were  employed  for  military  purposes,  and  also 
by  the  iiebrcw  women  as  a  musical  accompaniment 
to  their  national  dances.  Both  kinds  of  cymbals 
are  still  common  in  the  East  in  military  music.  The 
cymbals  used  in  modern  orchestras  and  military 
bands,  are  two  metal  plates  of  the  size  and  shape 
of  saucers,  one  fixed,  the  other  held  by  the  per- 
former in  his  left  hand.  These  resemble  very 
closely  the  "  high-sounding  cymbals  "  of  old,  and 
are  used  in  a  similar  manner  to  mark  the  rhythm, 
especially  in  music  of  a  loud  and  grand  character. 
Sells. 

Cy'prfSS  [si-],  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  ITeb. 
tirzah  (Is.  .\liv.  14  only).  We  are  quite  unable  to 
assign  any  definite  rendering  to  it  (so  Mr.  Hough- 
ton). Besides  the  "  cypress,"  the  "  beech,"  the 
"  holm-oak,"  and  the  "  fir "  have  been  proposed. 
The  Hebrew  word  points  to  some  tree  with  a  hard 
grain,  and  tliis  is  all  that  can  be  positively  said  of 
it. — 2.  Gr.  luparisfos  (  =  cypress,  or  evirgreen 
ei/jirets,  C'upressut  sempervirens,  L.  &  S.,  Dr.  Royle 
in  Kit.  &c.),  described  as  growing  "  upon  the  moun- 
tains of  Hermon  "  (Ecclus.  x.xiv.  13)  and  "up  to 
the  clouds"  (1.  10).  The  cjpress,  at  present,  is 
found  cultivated  only  in  the  lower  levels  of  Syria 
(so  Mr.  Houghton).  It  is  a  native  of  the  Taurus, 
it  is  "  a  flame-shaped,  tapering,  cone-like  tree,  with 
upright  branches  grow  ing  close  to  the  trunk,  and  re- 
sembling in  general  appearance  the  Lombardy  pop- 
lar" (Loudon).  Its  foliage  is  dark  evergreen,  and 
its  wood  is  fine-grained,  hard,  fragrant,  very  durable, 
and  of  a  beauliiul  reddish  hue.     Gopher  Wood. 

Cyp'ri-ans  [sip're-anz]  =:  inhabitants  of  the  island 
of  Cyprus  (2  Mc.  iv.  29).  At  the  time  alluded  to 
(i.  c.  during  the  reign  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes), 
they  were  under  the  dominion  of  Egypt,  and  were 
governed  by  a  viceroy.     Crates. 

Cyprus  [si-]  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  a  large  island  of  the  Medi- 
terranean, about  one  hundred  and  fortj-cight  miles 
long,  and  about  forty  miles  broad  for  two-thirds  of 
its  length,  the  X.  E.  end  being  a  long  narrow  pen- 
insula. Cyprus  is  about  130  miles  N.  W.  from 
Sidon.  This  island  was  in  early  times  in  close  com- 
mercial connection  with  Phenicia ;  and  there  is 
little  doubt  that  it  is  referred  to  in  such  passages 
of  the  0.  T.  as  Ez.  xxvii.  6.  (Ciiiitim.)  Josephus 
(i.  6,  g  1)  makes  this  identification  in  the  most  ex- 
press terms.  Possibly  Jews  may  have  settled  in 
Cyprus  before  the  time  of  Alexander.  Soon  after 
his  time  they  were  numerous  in  the  island,  as  is 
distinctly  implied  in  1  Mc.  xv.  23.  The  first  notice 
of  it  in  the  N.  T.  is  in  Acts  iv.  86,  as  the  native 
place  of  liAiiNAnAS.  In  Acts  xi.  19,  20,  it  appears 
prominently  in  connection  with  the  earliest  spread- 
ing of  CTiristianity,  and  is  again  mentioned  in  con- 
nection with  the  missionary  journeys  of  St.  Paul 
(xiii.  4-13,  XV.  39,  xxi.  3),  and  with  his  voyage 
to  Rome  (xxvii.  4).    Situated  in  the  extreme  E. 


comer  of  the  Mediterranean,  with  the  range  of 
Lebanon  on  the  E.,  and  that  of  Taurus  on  the  N., 
distinctly  visible,  it  never  became  a  thoroughly 
Greek  island.  Its  religious  rites  were  half  Oriental 
(Papiios),  and  its  political  history  has  almost  al- 
ways been  associated  with  Asia  and  Africa.  It  was 
rich  and  productive.  Its  Iruits  and  flowers  were 
famous.  The  mountains  also  produced  metals, 
especially  copper,  which  derives  its  name  from 
Cyprus.  Cyprus,  after  being  subject  to  the  Egyp- 
tian king  Amasis,  became  a  part  of  the  Persian 
empire,  and  furnished  ships  against  Greece  in  Xer- 
xes' expedition.  For  a  time  it  was  subject  to  Greek 
influence,  but  again  became  tributary  to  Persia. 
After  the  battle  of  Issus,  it  joined  Alexander,  and 
after  his  death,  fell  to  Ptolemy.  The  island  be- 
came a  Roman  province  (b.  c.  58)  under  circum- 
stances discreditable  to  Rome.  At  first  its  admin- 
istration was  joined  with  that  of  Cilicia,  but  after 
the  battle  of  Actium  it  was  separately  governed.  In 
the  first  division  it  was  made  an  imperial  province ; 
but  tlie  emperor  aftern  ard  gave  it  up  to  the  senate. 
The  proconsul  ("depctv,"  A.  V.;  the  coin  below 
names  a  proconsul  of  the  Cyprians  on  its  reverse :  see 
Serous  Paulis)  appears,to  have  resided  at  Papiios 
on  the  W.  of  the  island.  In  the  reign  of  Trajan  a 
terrible  insurrection  of  the  Jews  led  to  a  massacre, 
first  of  the  .Greek  inhabitants,  then  of  the  insur- 
gents. In  the  ninth  century,  Cyprus  fell  into  the 
power  of  the  Saracens.  The  crusaders  conquered 
it  under  Richard  I.  of  England  in  1191  ;  the  Vene- 
tians in  1473;  the  Turks  in  1571.  Capiitor;  Elv- 
MAS;  Salauis. 


Copper  Coin  of  Cvpnis,  under  Emperor  Clnudins. 

ObT.     |CLlAVr)IVS.CAESA[RI.     Head  of  Emperor  to  left.     Her. 

Ein  KoMINIoY  Il[POKA]OY  AKSVIIA  KVUPIiuM. 

fy-re'ne  (L.  fr.  Gr. ;  said  to  have  been  named 
from  C)/rene,  mother  of  its  first  chief),  the  principal 
city  of  that  part  of  northern  Africa,  which  was 
anciently  called  Cyrenaica,  and  also  (from  its  five 
chief  cities)  Pentapolitana.  This  district  was  that^ 
wide  projecting  portion  of  the  coast  (corresponding 
to  the  modern  Tripoli),  which  was  separated  from 
the  territory  of  Carthage  on  the  one  hand,  and  that 
of  Egypt  on  the  other.  Its  surface  is  a  table-land 
descending  by  terraces  to  the  sea ;  and  it  was  cel- 
ebrated for  its  climate  and  fertility.  (Libya.)  The 
points  to  be  noticed  in  reference  to  Cyrene  as  con- 
nected with  the  N.  T.  are  these, — that,  though  on 
the  African  coast,  it  was  a  Greek  city;  that  the 
Jews  were  settled  there  in  large  numbers,  and  that 
under  the  Romans  it  was  politically  connected  with 
Crete.  The  Greek  colonization  of  this  part  of 
Africa  under  Battus  began  as  early  as  n.  c.  C31 ; 
and  it  became  celebrated  for  its  commerce,  physi- 
cians, philosophers  (Piiilosopuy),  and  poets.  Af- 
ter the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great,  it  became  a 
dependency  of  Egypt.  In  this  period  we  find  the 
Jews  established  there  with  great  privileges.  Ptol- 
emy the  son  of  Lagus  introduced  them  (see  1  Mc. 
XV.  23).    Soon  after  the  Jewish  war  (a.  v.  70)  they 


200 


CYR 


CYK 


rose  against  the  Roman  power.  In  B.  c.  Y5  the 
territory  ol'  Cyrene  was  reduced  to  the  form  of  a 
province.  On  the  conquest  of  Crete  (b.  c.  67)  the 
two  were  united  in  one  province,  and  together  fre- 
quently called    Creta-Cyrene.     The   numbers  and 


position  of  the  Jews  in  Cyrene  prepare  ua  for  the 
frequent  mention  of  the  place  in  the  N.  T.  in  con- 
nection with  Christianity.  Simon,  who  bore  our 
Saviour's  cross  (Mat.  xxvii.  32  ;  Mk.  xv.  21 ;  Lk.  xxiii. 
26)  was  a  native  of  Cyrene.  Jewish  dwellers  in  Cyre- 


Cyrene.    The  Necropolis  or  Cetnotory. — (From  Rawlinftoo'e  l/erodotua,  iii.  112.) 


naica  were  in  Jerusalem  at  Pentecost  (Acts  ii.  10). 
They  even  gave  their  name  to  one  of  the  synagogues 
in  Jerusalem  (vi.  9).  Christian  converts  from  Cyrene 
were  among  those  who  contributed  actively  to  the  for- 
mation of  the  first  Gentile  church  at  Antioch  (xi. 
20).  Luciusof  Cyrene(xiii.  1)  is  traditionally  said  to 
have  been  the  first  bishop  of  his  native  district. 
The  ruins  of  Cyrene  occupy  a  vast  space  at  the 
modern  Ghrenna,  550  miles  E.  of  the  city  of  Tri- 
poli ;  Apollonia,  the  port  of  Cyrene,  about  twelve 
*miles  distant,  is  also  in  ruins. 

*  Cy-re'Dl-an  (Mk.  xv.  21 ;  Lk.  xxiii.  26 ;  Acts 
vi.  9)  =  a  person  from  Cyrene. 

Cy-re'iil-ns,  the  English  rendering  in  the  A.  V. 
of  the  Gr.  Kurenios,  which  is  itself  the  Greek  form 
of  the  Roman  name  Quirinus  (  =  spearman,  war- 
rior, Freund).  The  full  name  is  Publius  Sulpicius 
Quirinus.  lie  was  consul  a.  u.  c.  742,  b.  c.  12,  and 
made  governor  of  Syria  after  the  banishment  of 
Arohelaus  in  A.  D.  6.  He  was  sent  to  make  an  en- 
rolment of  property  in  Syria,  and  made  accordingly, 
both  there  and  in  Judea,  a  census  or  registration. 
(Taxing.)  But  this  census  seems  in  Lk.  ii.  2  to  be 
identified  with  one  which  took  place  at  the  time  of 
the  birth  of  Jesus  Christ,  when  Sentius  Saturninus, 
as  has  been  commonly  supposed,  was  governor  of 
Syria.  Hence  has  arisen  a  considerable  difficulty, 
which  has  been  variously  solved,  either  by  suppos- 
ing some  corruption  in  the  text  of  St.  Luke,  or  by 
giving  some  unusual  sense  to  his  words.  But  A. 
\V.  Zumpt,  of  Berlin,  has  shown  it  to  be  probable 


that  Quirinus  was  twice  governor  of  Syria,  and  by 
arguments  too  long  to  be  reproduced  here,  but 
very  striking  and  satisfactory,  fixes  the  time  of  his 
first  governorship  at  from  B.  c.  4 — when  he  suc- 
ceeded Quintilius  Varus,  the  successor  of  Sentius 
Saturninus  (Jos.  xvii.  5,  §  2) — to  B.  c.  1,  when  he 
was  succeeded  by  Marcus  Lollius. 

Cy'rns  (L. ;  Heb.  Coresh  ;  probably  fr.  Pers.  = 
the  sun),  the  founder  of  the  Persian  empire  (see 
Dan.  vi.  28,  x.  1,13;  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  22,  23),  was, 
according  to  the  common  legends,  the  son  of  Man- 
dane,  the  daughter  of  Astyages  the  last  king  of 
Media,  and  Cambyses,  a,  Persian  of  the  royal  fam- 
ily of  the  Achaimenida;.  In  consequence  of  a 
dream,  Astyages,  it  is  said,  designed  the  death  of 
his  infant  grandson,  but  the  child  was  spared  by 
those  whom  he  charged  with  the  cortimission  of  the 
crime,  and  was  reared  in  obscurity  under  the  name 
of  Agradates.  When  he  grew  up  to  manhood  his 
courage  and  genius  placed  him  at  the  head  of  the 
Persians.  The  tyranny  of  Astyages  had  at  that 
time  alienated  a  large  faction  of  the  Medes,  and 
Cyrus  headed  a  revolt  which  ended  in  the  defeat 
and  capture  of  the  Median  king  B.  c.  559,  near  Pa- 
sargada;,  supposed  to  have  been  about  fifty  miles 
N.  E.  of  Persepolis,  at  the  modern  Murg-Aub.  Al- 
ter consolidating  the  empire  which  he  thus  gained, 
Cyrus  entered  on  that  career  of  conquest  which  has 
made  him  the  hero  of  the  East.  In  b.  c.  546  (?) 
he  defeated  Croesus,  and  the  kingdom  of  Lydia  was 
the  prize  of  his  success.     Babylon  fell  before  his 


CYB 


DAD 


201 


•rmy,  and  the  ancient  domiuions  of  Assyria  were 
added  to  his  empire  (b.  c.  538).  (Belshazzar  ; 
Darii's  the  Mede.)  Probably  Cyrus  planned  an 
mvasion  of  Egypt ;  and  there  are  traces  of  cam- 
paigns in  Central  Asia,  in  which  he  appears  to 


have  attempted  to  extend  his  power  to  the  Indus. 
Afterward  he  attacked  the  Massagetie,  and  accord- 
ing to  Herodotus  fell  in  a  battle  against  them  b.  c. 
539.  His  tomb  is  still  shown  at  I'asargadie,  the 
scene  of  his  first  decisive  victory.     In  the  absence 


Tomb  otCjn»  at  Xurg-Aub^  the  aadent  Paaargods. 


of  authentic  details  of  his  actions,  the  empire  which 
he  left  is  the  best  record  of  his  power  and  plans. 
Like  an  Oriental  Alexander,  he  aimed  at  universal 
dominion  ;  and  the  influence  of  Persia,  like  that 
of  Greece,  survived  the  dynasty  from  which  it 
sprang.  In  every  aspect  the  reign  of  Cyrus  marks 
an  epoch  in  universal  history.  The  fall  of  Sardis 
and  Babylon  was  the  starting-point  of  European 
life.  But  the  personal  relations  to  God's  people, 
with  which  he  is  invested  in  the  Scriptures,  are  full 
of  a  more  peculiar  interest.  Hitherto  the  great 
kings,  with  whom  the  Jews  had  been  brought  into 
contact,  had  been  open  oppressors  or  seductive  al- 
lies ;  but  Cyrus  was  a  generous  liberator  and  a 
just  guardian  of  their  riglits.  An  inspired  proph- 
et (Is.  xliv.  28)  recognized  him  "  a  shepherd  "  of 
the  Lord,  an  "anointed"  king  (xlv.  1).  The  per- 
manent effects  which  Persia  has  wrought  upon  the 
world  can  be  better  traced  through  the  Jewish 
people  than  through  any  other  channel.  In  this 
respect  also,  Cyrus  stands  out  clearly  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  East,  as  Ale^^nder  afterward  of 
the  West.  The  one  led  to  the  development  of  the 
idea  of  order,  and  the  other  to  that  of  independence. 
Ecclesiastically  the  first  crisis  was  signalized  by  the 
consolidation  of  a  church ;  the  second  by  the  dis- 
tinction of  sects.  The  one  found  its  outward  em- 
bodiment in  "  the  great  Synagogue  "  (Svnaoogite, 
THE  Great);  the  other  in  the  dynasty  of  the  A s- 
moncans.  (Maccabees.)  The  edict  of  Cyrus  for 
the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple  (2  Chr.  xxxvi.  22,  23; 
Ezr.  i.  1-4,  iil  7,  iv.  3,  v.  13,  17,  vi.  8)  was  in  fact 
the  beginning  of  Judaism ;  and  the  great  changes 
by  which  the  nation  was  transformed  into  a  church 
are  clearly  marked.  1.  The  lesson  of  the  kingdom 
was  completed  by  the  Captivitv.  The  sway  of  a 
temporal  prince  was  at  length  felt  to  be  only  a  faint 
image  of  that  Messianic  kingdom  to  which  the 
prophets  pointed.     2.  The  Captivity,  which  was  the 


punishment  of  idolatry,  was  also  the  limit  of  that 
sin.  Thenceforth  the  Jews  apprehended  the  spir- 
itual nature  of  their  faith,  and  held  it  last  through 
persecution.  3.  The  organization  of  the  oiitnard 
church  was  connected  with  the  purifying  of  doc- 
trine, and  served  as  the  form  in  which  the  (ruth 
might  be  realized  by  the  mass.  Prayer  assumed  a 
new  importance.  The  Scriptures  were  collected. 
Synagogues  were  erected,  and  schools  formed. 
Scribes  shared  the  respect  of  priests.  4.  Above 
all,  the  bond  by  which  "  the  people  of  God  "  was 
held  together,  was  at  length  felt  to  be  religious, 
and  not  local,  nor  even  primarily  national.  The 
Jews,  incorporated  in  different  nations,  still  looked 
to  Jerusalem  as  the  centre  of  their  faith.  Dispeu- 
sio.N,  TuE  Jews  of  the. 


D 

Sab'x-reh  (Josh.  xxi.  28)  =  Daberath. 

Dab'ba-sbetb  (Hcb.  hump  of  a  camel,  Ges. ;  hilU 
plaee,  Fii.),  a  town  on  the  boundary  of  Zebulun 
(Josh.  xix.  11). 

Uab'e-r«th  (Heb.  pasture,  Fii.),  a  town  on  the 
boundaryof  Zebulun  (Josh.  xix.  12)  named  as  next 
to  Chislolh-Tabor.  But  in  1  Chr.  vi.  72,  and  in 
Josh.  xxi.  28  (A.  V.  "  Dabarah  ")  it  is  named  as  a 
Levitical  city  out  of  Issachar.  Robinson,  Wilson, 
Porter,  &c.,  identify  Daberath  with  the  small  mod- 
ern village  DeMrirh  on  the  side  of  a  ledge  of  rocks 
at  the  W.  foot  of  Tabor. 

Da'bri-a,  one  of  the  five  swift  seribcs  who  re- 
corded the  visions  of  Esdraa  (2  Esd.  xiv.  24  ;  com- 
pare 37,  42).     AsiEi,  2. 

Da-(o'bi  (fr.  Gr.)  (1  Esd.  v.  28)  =r  Akkcb  2. 

Dad-dens  or  Sad-dens  (1  Esd.  viii.  48,  46),  a  cor- 
ruption of  Iddo  6  (Ezr.  viii.  17). 


202 


DAG 


DAM 


•  Dag'ger.    Abms,  I.  1. 

Da'gou  (Ileb.  little  fish,  dear  little  fish,  Ges.),  ap- 
parently the  raasculine  (1  Sam.  v.  3,  4)  correlative 
of  Atakgatis,  was  the  national  god  of  the  Philis- 


FUh-god.— From  Nimroud.— (Layard.) 

tines.  The  most  famous  temples  of  Dagon  were  at 
Gaza  (Judge,  xvi.  21-30)  and  Ashdod  (1  Sam.  v.  5,  6 ; 
1  Chr.  X.  10).  The  latter  temple  was  destroyed  by 
Jonathan  in  the  MaCcabean  wars  (1  Mc.  x.  83,  84, 
xi.  4).  Traces  of  the  worship  of  Dagon  likewise 
appear  in  the  names  Caphar-Dagon  and  Beth-Da- 
GON.  Dagon  was  represented  with  the  face  and 
hands  of  a  man  and  the 
tail  of  a  fish  (1  Sam.  v.  4). 
In  the  Babylonian  myth- 
ology the  name  Dagon 
(Odahm)  is  applied  to  a 
fish-like  being  who  rose 
from  the  waters  of  the  Red 
Sea  as  one  of  the  great 
benefactors  of  men.  Nie- 
buhr  appears  to  identify 
this  being  with  the  Pheni- 
god,  but  Rawlinson 
The  fish-like  form 


-From  Khorsabad.— 
(Layard.) 


Flih-god.' 

cian 
regards  them  as  wholly  distinct. 
was  a  natural  emblem  of  fruitfulness,  and  as  such 
was  likely  to  be  adopted  by  seafaring  tribes  in  the 
representation  of  their  gods. 

Dai'san  (Gr.)  (1  Esd.  v.  31)  =  Rezix  2. 

Da-lal'ah  [-la'yah]  or  Dal-a-i'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  De- 
LAiAii),  sixth  son  of  Elioenai,  a  descendant  of  the 
royal  family  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iii.  24). 

»Dale  (Gen.  xiv.  17;  2  Sam.  xviii.  18)  =  Val- 
ley 1.     Shaveh. 

•  U.l'letli  (Heb.  door),  the  fourth  letter  of  the 
Hebrew  alphabet  (Ps.  cxix).    Number  ;  Writing. 


Dal-ma-nn'tha  (L.),  a  town' on  the  W.  side  of  the 
sea  of  Galilee  near  Magdala.  About  one  mile  from 
JIagdala  is  a  narrow  glen  to  the  S.,  at  the  mouth 
of  which  are  the  ruins  of  a  village.  The  place  is 
called  'Am  el-Barideh,  "  the  cold  Fountain."  Here 
probably  (so  Porter)  is  the  site  of  Dalmanutha. 

Dal-ma'ti-a  [-she-a]  (Gr.  and  L.  ;  named  [so  Po- 
lybius]  from  Delininium,  or  Dalminium,  the  ancient 
capital),  a  mountainous  district  on  the  E.  coast 
of  the  Adriatic  Sea,  extending  from  the  river  Naro 
in  the  S.  to  the  Savus  in  the  N.  It  formed  a  por- 
tion of  the  Roman  province  of  Illyiuclm  after 
A.  D.  9.  St.  Paul  sent  Titus  there  (2  Tim.  iv.  10), 
and  he  himself  had  preached  the  Gospel  in  its  im- 
mediate neighborhood  (Kom.  xv.  19). 

Dal'phou  [-ion]  (Heb.  fr.  Pcrs.),  the  second  of 
the  ten  sous  of  Haman  slain  by  the  Jews  (Esth.  ix. 

Dam'a-ris  (Gr.  and  L. ;  perhaps  =  Gr.  damalia, 
a  heifer,  Grotius,  &c.),  an  Athenian  woman  con- 
verted to  Christianity  by  St.  Paul's  preaching  (Acts 
xvii.  34).  Chrysostom  and  others  held  her  =  the 
wife  of  Dionysius  the  Areopagite. 

*  Dain-as-cencs'  [-seenz]  (fr.  Gr.)  =  inhabitants 
of  Damascus  (2  Cor.  xi.  32). 

Da-mas' ens  (L. ;  Heb.  Dammesek  or  Darmenelc, 
acilviti/,  alertness,  perhaps  in  reference  to  traffic, 
Ges.),  one  of  the  most  ancient,  and  at  all  times  one 
of  the  most  important,  of  the  cities  of  Syria.  It 
is  situated  in  a  plain  of  extreme  fertility,  which  lies 
E.  of  the  great  chain  of  Antilibanus,  on  the  edge 
of  the  desert.  This  plain,  which  is  nearly  circular, 
and  about  thirty  miles  in  diameter,  owes  its  fertil- 
ity to  the  river  Barada.  (.\bana.)  Two  other 
streams,  the  Wudy  Ilelhon  upon  the  N.,  and  the 
Awaj  upon  the  S.,  increase  the  fertility  of  the  Dam- 
ascene plain.  (Piiakpar.)  According  to  Joscphus, 
Damascus  was  founded  by  Uz,  the  son  of  Aram, 
and  grandson  of  Shem.  It  is  first  mentioned  in 
Scripture  in  connection  with  Abraham  (Gen.  xiv. 
15),  whose  steward  was  a  native  of  the  place  (xv. 
2).  We  may  gather  from  his  name  (Eliezer),  as 
well  as  from  the  statement  of  Josephus,  which  con- 
nects the  city  with  the  Arameans,  that  it  was  a 
Shemitic  settlement.  Nothing  more  is  known  of 
Damascus  until  the  time  of  David,  when  "  the  Syr- 
ians of  Damascus  came  to  succor  Iladadezer,  king 
of  Zobah,"  with  whom  David  was  at  war  (2  Sam. 
viii.  5  ;  1  Chr.  xviii.  5).  On  this  occasion  "  David 
slew  of  the  Syrians  22,000  men;"  and  in 
consequence  of  this  victory  became  completely 
master  of  the  whole  territory,  which  he  garrisoned 
with  Israelites  (2  Sam.  viii.  6).  It  appears  that  in 
the  reign  of  Solomon,  Rezon,  who  had  been  a  sub- 
ject of  Iladadezer,  and  had  escaped  when  David 
conquered  Zoljah,  made  himself  master  of  Damas- 
cus, and  established  his  own  rule  there  (1  K.  xi. 
23-25).  Afterward  the  family  of  Iladad,  whom  Xic- 
olaiis  of  Damascus  makes  king  of  Damascus  in  Da- 
vid's time,  appears  to  have  recovered  the  tlirone, 
and  Ben-iiadad  I.,  grandson  of  the  antagonist  of 
David,  is  found  in  league  with  Baasha,  king  of  Is- 
rael, against  Asa  (xv.  19;  2  Chr.  xvi.  3),  and 
afterward  in  league  with  Asa  against  Baasha  (1  K. 
XV.  20).  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Hadad  IV. 
(Ben-iiadad  II.  of  Scripture),  who  was  defeated  by 
AiiAB  (IK.  XX.).  Three  years  afterward  war  broke 
out  afresh,  through  Ahab's  claim  to  Ramoth-Gilead 
(xxii.  1-4).  The  defeat  and  death  of  Ahab  at 
that  place  (15-37)  seem  to  have  enabled  the  Syr- 
ians of  Damascus  to  resume  the  offensive.  Their 
bauds  ravaged  the  lauds  of  Israel  during  the  reign 


DAM 


DAM 


203 


of  Jehoram ;  and  they  even  undertook  at  this  time 
a  second  siege  of  Samaria,  which  was  frustrated 
miraculously  (2  K.  vi.  24,  vii.  6,  7).     After  this,  we 


do  not  hear  of  any  more  attempts  against  the  Isra- 
elite capital.  The  cuneiform  inscriptions  show- 
that  toward  the  close  of  his  roign  Beu-hudad  was 


THE  PLAIW  AWD  LAKES  OF    DAMASCUS. 


Th]E  map  u  from  Falrbaim'l  Imperial  BiiU  Dietumary. 


exposed  to  the  assaults  of  a  great  conqueror,  who 
was  bent  on  extending  the  dominion  of  Assyria 
over  Syria  and  Palestine.  Perhaps  these  circum- 
stances encouraged  Hazael  to  murder  Ben-hadad 
and  seize  the  throne,  which  Elisha  had  declared 
would  certainly  one  day  be  his  (viii.  15).  Short- 
ly after  the  accession  of  Hazael  (about  b.  c.  884), 
he  was  in  his  turn  attacked  by  the  Assyrians, 
who  defeated  him  with  great  loss  amid  the  fast- 
nesses of  Antilibanus.  However,  in  his  wars  with 
Israel  and  Judah  he  was  more  fortunate,  and  his 
son  Bes-hadad  III.  followed  up  his  successes  (viii. 
28,  29,  ix.  14,  15,  x.  32,  33,  xii.  17,  18,  xiii.  3-7, 
22,  24).  At  last  a  deliverer  appeared  (verse  5), 
and  Joash,  the  son  of  Jchoahaz,  "  beat  Hazael 
thrice,  and  recovered  the  cities  of  Israel "  (verse 
25).  In  the  next  reign  still  further  advantages  were 
gained  by  the  Israelites.  Jeroboam  II.  (about  B.C. 
836)  is  said  to  have  "  recovered  Damascus  "  (xiv. 
28),  and  though  this  may  not  mean  that  he  cap- 
tured the  city,  it  at  least  implies  that  he  obtained 
a  certain  influence  over  it.  A  century  later  (about 
B.  c.  742)  the  Syrians  appear  as  allies  of  Israel 
against  Judah  (xv.  37).  It  seems  to  have  been 
during  a  pause  in  the  struggle  against  Assyria  that 
Rf.zin,  king  of  Damascus,  and  Pckah,  king  of  Israel, 
resolved  conjointly  to  attack  Jerusalem,  intending 
to  depose  Ahaz  and  set  up  as  king  a  creature  of 
their  own  (Is.  vii.  1-6 ;  2  K.  xvi.  6).  The  attempt 
signally  failed.  Ahaz  asked  and  obtained  aid  from 
Tigi.ath-Pileser  ;  Rezin  was  slain,  the  kingdom  of 
Damascus  brought  to  an  end,  and  the  city  itself 
destroyed,  the  inhabitants  being  carried  captive  in- 
to Assyria  (verses  7-9  ;  compare  Is.  vii.  8  and  Am. 
i.  6).  It  was  long  before  Damascus  recovered  from 
this  serious  blow  (Is.  xvii.  1  ;  Jer.  xli.x.  23  If. ;  Am. 
L  4).    We  do  not  know  at  what  time  Damascus  was 


rebuilt;  but  Strabo  says  that  it  was  the  most  fa- 
mous i)lace  in  Syria  during  the  Persian  period  (Cth 
century,  &c.,  n.  c).  Shortly  after  the  battle  of  Is- 
sus  (Alexander  the  Great),  it  was  taken  by  Par- 
menio ;  and  from  this  time  it  continued  to  be  a 
place  of  some  importance  under  the  Greeks,  becom- 
ing however  decidedly  second  to  Antioch  1.  The 
Romans  became  masters  of  it  n.  c.  64.  At  the  time 
of  the  Apostle  Pall,  it  formed  a  part  of  the  king- 
dom of  Aretas  (2 Cor.  xi.  32).  A  little  later  it  was 
reckoned  to  Decapolis.  It  grew  in  magnificence 
under  the  Greek  emperors,  and  when  taken  by  the 
Mohammedans  (Arabia)  a.  d.  634,  was  one  of  the 
first  cities  of  the  Eastern  world.  It  is  still  a  city 
of  160,000  inhabitants.  July  9,  1860,  the  Moham- 
medans of  Damascus  massacred  about  6,000  of  (he 
Christian  population,  and  burned  their  quarter  of 
the  city.  Damascus  has  always  been  a  great 
centre  for  trade.  It  would  appear  from  Ez. 
xxvii.  18  that  Damascus  took  manufactured  goods 
from  the  Phenicians,  and  supplied  tliem  in  ex- 
change with  wool  and  wine.  But  the  passage 
trade  of  Damascus  (Camel)  has  probably  been  at 
all  times  more  important  than  its  direct  commerce. 
Some  translate  Am.  iii.  12  (A.  V.  "in  Damascus 
on  a  couch  ")  "  on  the  damask  couch ; "  but  it  is 
questionable  whether  this  fabric,  or  the  peculiar 
method  of  working  in  steel,  which  has  impressed 
itself  in  a  similar  way  upon  the  speech  of  the 
world,  was  invented  by  the  Damascenes  before 
the  Mohammedan  era. — Certain  localities  in  Da- 
mascus are  shown  as  the  site  of  those  Scrip- 
tural events  which  especially  interest  us  in  its 
history.  A  "long  wide  thoroughfare,"  leading 
direct  from  one  of  the  gates  to  the  castle  or 
palace  of  the  Pasha,  is  "  called  by  the  guides 
'Straight'"  (Acts  ix.  11);   but  the  natives  know 


204 


DAM 


DAX 


it  among  therasclTCS,  as  "  the  Street  of  Bazaars." 
The  house  of  Judas  is  shown,  but  it  is  not  in 
the  street  "  Straight."     That  of  Ananias  is   also 


pointed  out.  The  scene  of  the  conversion  is  con- 
fidently  said  to  be  an  open  green  spot,  surrounded 
by  trees,  and  used  as  the  Christian  burial-ground  ; 


eua. — (From  Smith's  Smaller  l>ii 


but  four  distinct  spots  have  been  pointed  out  at 
different  times,  so  that  little  confidence  can  be 
placed  in  any  of  them.  The  point  of  the  walls  at 
which  St.  Paul  was  let  down  by  a  basket  (verse 
23  ;  2  Cor.  xi.  33)  is  also  shown. 

*  Darn'mc-sck  (Ileb.)  (2  K.  xvi.  9,  margin)  = 
Damascl-s. 

*  Dammlm  (Heb.)  (1  Sam.  xvii.  1,  margin). 
Ephes-Dammim. 

*  Dain-na'tlan  (fr.  L.),  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 
1.  Gr.  apolela  (  =:  u'ler  destruction,  perdition,  Rbn. 
N.  T.  Lex.)  (2  Pet  ii.  8);  elsewhere  translated 
"destruction"  (Mat.  vii.  13;  Rom.  ix.  22;  Phil, 
iii.  19 ;  2  Pet.  ii.  1,  iii.  16),  "  waste  "  (Mat.  xxvi.  8 ; 
Mk.  xiv.  4),  "  perdition  "  (Jn.  xvii.  12 ;  Phil.  i.  28 ; 
2  Th.  ii.  3  ;  1  Tim.  vi.  9 ;  Heb.  x.  39  ;  2  Pet.  iii.  7  ; 
Rev.  xvii.  8,  11),  "  damnable  "  (2  Pet.  ii.  1,  literally 
of  perdition,),  &c. — 2.  Gr.  krima  (  —  Judgment,  Rbn. 
JV.  T.  Lex.)  (Mat.  xxiii.  14;  Mk.  xii.  40  ;  Lk.  xx. 
47 ;  Rom.  iii.  8,  xiil.  2  ;  1  Cor.  xi.  29  ;  1  Tim.  v. 
12);  elsewhere  translated  "judgment"  (Mat.  vii. 
2  ;  Rom.  ii.  2,  3,  &c.),  "  condemnation  "  (Lk.  xxiii. 
40  ;  Jas.  iii.  1,  &c.),  &c. — 3.  Gr.  kriai^  (properly  = 
neparation;  in  N.  T.  judgment,  Rbn.  iV.  T.  Lex.) 
(Mat.  xxiii.  33;  Mk.  iii.  29;  Jn.  v.  29);  usually 
translated  "judgment"  (Mat.  v.  21,  22,  x.  16,  &e.), 
also  "condemnation"  (Jn.  iii.  19,  v.  24),  and  "ac- 
cusation "  (2  Pet.  ii.  11 ;  Jude  9). — 4.  Gr.  katadikS 
(=  eondemnation,  Rhn.  jV.  T.  Lex.)  (Wis.  xii.  47). — 
So  also  the  Greek  verb  krino  (properly  =  to  separate, 
hence,  to  decide,  to  .judge,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.),  from 
which  are  derived  No.  2  and  3  above,  ia  usually 
translated  "to  judge"  (Mat.  vii.  1,  2;  Jn.  v.  22, 
30,  &c.),  sometimes  "to  condemn"  (Jn.  iii.  17,  18; 
Acts  xiii.  27,  &c.),  "to  determine"  (Acts  iii.  13;  1 
Cor.  ii.  2 ;  2  Cor.Ji.  1,  &c.),  &e.,  is  translated  in  the 
passive  "  might  be  damned  "  (2  Th.  ii.  12).  The 
Greek  compound  verb  katakrind  {  —  to  give  judg- 
ment against,  to  condemn,  Rbn.  N.  1',  Lex     is  uni- 


formly  translated  "  to  condemn  "  (Mat.  xii.  41,  4'i, 
XX.  18,  &c. \  except  twice  in  the  passive,  viz.  Mlc 
xvi.  16  ("shall  be  damned"),  Rom.  xiv.  23  ("  i.s 
damned  ").  Death  ;  Eternal  ;  Hell  ;  Judgment  ; 
Punishments. 

Dan  (Heb.  jndge),  1.  The  fifth  son  of  Jacob,  and 
the  first  of  Bilhah,  Rachel's  maid  (Gen.  xxx.  6). 
The  origin  of  the  name  is  given  in  the  exclamation 
of  Rachel — "  '  God  hath  judged  me  {ddnavni)  .  .  . 
and  given  me  a  son,'  therefore  she  called  his  nainr 
Dan"  [judge).  In  the  blessing  of  Jacob  (xlix.  Id) 
this  play  on  the  name  is  repeated — "  Dan  shall 
judge  (y&din)  his  people."  (Adder  4.)  Dan  was 
own  brother  to  Naphtali ;  but  no  personal  histoiv 
of  him  is  preserved.  Only  one  son  (HcsniM  1)  i~ 
attributed  to  him  (xlvi.  23);  but  when  the  peo]  ! 
were  numbered  in  tlie  wilderness  of  Sinai,  his  trii 
was,  with  the  exception  of  Judah,  the  most  nunii . 
ous  of  all,  containing  62,700  men  able  to  serve. 
The  position  of  Dan  during  the  march  through  the 
desert  was  on  the  N.  side  of  the  Tabernacle,  anion;; 
the  hindmost  of  the  long  procession  (Num.  ii.  2."., 
26,  31,  X.  25).  It  arrived  at  the  threshold  of  the 
Promised  Land,  and  passed  the  ordeal  of  the  rite  s 
of  Baal-peor  with  an  increase  of  1,700  on  tlie 
earlier  census  (xxv.,  xxvi.  42,  43).  The  remaining 
notices  of  the  tribe  before  the  passage  of  the 
Jordan  are  unimportant.  It  furnished  a  "  prince" 
to  the  apportionment  of  the  land  ;  and  it  was  ap- 
pointed to  stand  on  Mount  Ebal  at  the  ceremony 
of  blessing  and  cursing  (Dent,  xxvii.  13).  Moses 
said  of  Dan  :  "  Dan  is  a  lion's  whelp ;  he  shall  leap 
from  Bashan  "  (xxxiii.  22).  Dan  was  the  last  of  the 
tribes  to  receive  his  portion,  and  tliat  portion  was 
apparently  the  smallest  of  the  twelve  (Josh.  xix. 
40-48).  But  notwithstanding  its  smalhiess  it  h.id 
eminent  natural  advantages.  On  the  N.  and  E.  it 
was  completely  embraced  by  Ephraim  and  Benja- 
min, while  on  the  S.  E.  and  S.  it  joined  Judah,  and 


DAX 


DAN 


205 


was  thus  surrounded  by  the  three  most  powerful 

Mtcs  of  the  whole  confederacy.     From  Japho — 

iterward  Joppa,  and  now  i'dfa — on  the  N.,  to  Ek- 

11  and  Gath-rimmon  on  the  S.,  a  length  of  at  least 

■  iirteen  miles,  that  noble  tract,  one  of  the  most 
rtile  in  the  whole  of  Palestine,  was  allotted  to 
is  tribe.     (Sephela.)    By  Josephus  (v.  1,  §  22, 

lid  3,  g  ))  this  is  extended  to  Ashdod  on  the  S. 
id  iJor  on  the  N.     But  this  rich  district,  the  corn- 
Id  and  the  garden  of  the  whole  S.  of  Palestine, 
us  too  valuable  to  be  given  up  without  a  struggle 
\  its  original  possessors.     The  Amorites  accord- 
irly  "  forced  the  children  of  Dan  into  the  moun- 
)in,  for  they  would  not  suffer  them  to  come  down 
to  the  valley  "  (Judg.  i.  34) — forced  them  up  from 
ic  corn-fields  of  the  plain,  with  their  deep  black 
lil,  to  the  villages  whose  ruins  still  crown  the  hills 
lilt  skirt  the  lowland.     With  the  help  of  Ephraim, 
an  prevailed  against  the  Amorites  for  a  time,  but 
i:i  a  few  years  the  Philistines  took  the  place  of  the 
Amorites  and  with  the  same  result.     These  con- 
-ileralions  enable  us  to  understand  how  it  hap- 
iied  that  long  after  the  partition  of  the  land  "all 
iiMnheritance  of  the  Danites  had  not  fallen  to 
iliem  among  the  tribes  of  Israel"  (.xviii.  1).     They 
also  explain  the  warlike  and  independent  character 
I  the  tribe  betokened  in  the  name  of  their  head- 
lartcrs  "  Mahankh-Dan,"  "the  camp,  or  host,  of 
i'an,"  in  the  fact  specially  insisted  on  and  reiter- 
urd  (II,  16, 17)  of  the  complete  equipment  of  their 
"I)  warriors  "appointed  with  weapons  of  war," — 
d  the  lawless  freebooting  style  of  their  behavior 
'  Micah.     In  the  "security"  and  "quiet"  (7,  10) 
•  I  their  rich  northern  possession  (No.  2,  below)  the 
I '  inites  enjoyed  the  leisure  and  repose  which  had 
'•n  denied  them  in  their  original  seat.     Gcscnius 
inslates  Judg.  v.  17  (A.  V.  "and  why  did  Dan  re- 
in in  ships?") — a7Hl  Dan,  why  ahidei  he  at  the 
'pn  ?  i.  e.  why  dwells  he  listless  on  the  coast  of 

■  sea?  In  the  time  of  David  Dan  still  kept  its 
ice  among  the  tribes  (1  Chr.  xii.  35).  Asher  is 
litted,  but  the  ruler  or  prince  "of  Dan  "  is  roen- 
ned  in  the  list  of  1  Chr.  xxvii.  22.     But  from 

is  time  forward  the  name  as  applied  to  the  tribe 
'  uiishes;  it  is  kept  alive  only  by  the  northern  city. 
In  the  genealogies  of  1  Chr.  ii.-xii.  the  descendants 
j  of  Dan  are  omitted  entirely,  which  is  remarkable 
I  when  the  great  fame  of  Samson  (Aiioliad  ;  IIuham 
■  "i.  and  the  warlike  character  of  the  tribe  are  con- 
lired,  and  can  only  be  accounted  for  by  suppos- 
-'  that  its  genealogies  had  perished.     Lastly,  Dan 
omitted  from  the  list  of  those  who  were  scaled 
■  the  angel  in  the  vision  of  St.  John  (Rev.  vii. 
6-8). — 2.  The  well-known  city,  so  familiar  as  the 
most  northern  landmark  of  Palestine,  in  the  com- 
mon expression  "  from  Dan  even  to  Beeb-siieba  " 
(Judg.  XX.  ],  4c.).     The  name  of  the  place  was 
originally  Laisii  or  Lesiiem.     Its  inhabitants  lived 
"  after  the  manner  of  the  Zidonians,"  i.  e.  engaged 
in  commerce,  and  without  defence.     Living  thus 
"  quiet  and  secure,"  they  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the 
active  and  practised  freebooters  of  the  Danites. 
These  conferred  upon   their  new  acquisition   the 
name  of  their  own  tribe,  "  after  the  name  of  their 
father  who  was  bom  unto  Israel  "  (Judg.  xviii.  7, 
27-29  ;  Josh.  xix.  47).     The  locality  of  the  town  ia 
specified  with  some  minuteness.     It  was  "far  from 
Zidon,"  and  "  in  the  valley  that  is  by  Beth-rehob." 
.   To  the  form  of  the  graven  image  set  up  by  the  Dan- 
I   ites  in  their  new  home,  and  the  nature  of  the  idol- 
atry we  have  no  clew,  nor  to  the  relation,  if  any, 
between  it  and  the  calf-worship  (Calf  ;   Idolatt.v) 


afterward  instituted  there  by  Jeroboam  (1  K.  xii. 
29,  30 ;  Am.  viii.  14).— After  the  establishment  of 
the  Danites  at  Dan  it  became  the  acknowledged  ex- 
tremity of  the  country.  Dan  was,  with  other 
northern  cities,  laid  waste  by  Ben-hadad  (1  K.  xv. 
20;  2  Chr.  xvi.  4),  but  is  uiterward  mentioned  in 
Jer.  iv.  15,  viii.  16.  Various  considerations  (its 
mention  in  Gen.  xiv.  14 ;  Deut.  xxxiv.  1,  &c.)  in- 
cline to  the  suspicion  that  Dan  was  a  holy  place  of 
note  from  a  far  earlier  date  than  its  conquest  by 
the  Danites.  With  regard  to  Gen.  xiv.  14  three 
explanations  suggest  themselves. — (1.)  That  an- 
other place  of  the  same  name  is  intended. — (2.) 
That  it  is  a  prophetic  anticipation  by  the  sacred 
historian  of  a  name  which  was  not  to  exist  till  cen- 
turies later. — (3.)  That  the  passage  originally  con- 
tained an  older  name,  as  Laish ;  and  that  when 
that  was  superseded  by  Dan,  the  new  name  was  in- 
serted in  the  MSS.  (Ewald).— The  Tell  el-Kudi,  a 
mound  from  the  foot  of  which  gushes  out  one  of 
the  largest  fountains  in  the  world,  the  main  source 
of  the  Jordan,  is  very  probably  the  site  of  the  town 
and  citadel  of  Dan.  The  spring  is  called  el-Ledduti 
(possibly  a  corruption  of  Dan),  and  the  stream  from 
tlie  spring  Kahr  id-Bhan,  while  the  name,  Tell  el- 
Kddi,  "  the  Judge's  mound,"  agrees  in  signification 
with  the  ancient  name.  It  is  four  miles  west  of 
BUnids.  (Cesarea  Philippi.) — 3.  In  Ez.  xxvii.  19 
(Deb.  vediin,  A.  V.  "  Dan  also ")  Gescnius  has 
Vedan,  as  the  proper  name  of  an  Arabian  city, 
probably  'Aden,  whence  cloths,  wrought  iron,  cas- 
sia and  other  spices  were  brought  to  Tyre.  Fiirst 
regards  "  Dan  "  here  as  a  contraction  of  Dedax. 
Others  refer  it  to  the  tribe  of  Dan. 

Dance.  1.  The  dance  is  spoken  of  in  Holy  Scripture 
universally  as  symbolical  of  some  rejoicing,  and  is 
often  coupled  for  the  sake  of  contrast  with  mourn- 
ing, as  in  Eccl.  iii.  4  (compare  Ps.  xxx.  11  ;  Mat.  xi. 
17).  In  the  earlier  period  it  is  found  combined  with 
some  song  or  refrain  (Ex.  xv.  20,  xxxii.  18,  19 ;  1 
Sam.  xxi.  11);  and  with  the  tambourine  (A.  V. 
"  timbrel  "),  more  especially  in  those  impulsive  out- 
bursts of  popular  feeling  which  cannot  find  sufficient 
vent  in  voice  or  in  gesture  singly.  Dancing  formed 
a  part  of  the  religious  ceremonies  of  the  Egyptians, 
and  was  also  common  in  private  entertainments. 
Many  representations  of  dances,  both  of  men  and 
women,  are  found  in  the  Egyptian  paintings.  The 
"feast  unto  the  Lord,"  which  Moses  proposed  to 
Pharaoh  to  hold,  was  really  a  dance.  The  Hebrew 
verb  hagag  or  chdgag,  translated  in  Ex.  v.  1  "  hold 
a  feast,"  literally  (so  Gescnius)  =:  to  move  in  a  cirde, 
hence  to  dance,  properly,  in  a  circle  (1  Sam.  xxx.  16, 
A.  V.  "dancing");  to  keip  afestivitl,  celebrate  a  holi- 
day, sc.  by  leaping  and  dancing,  by  sacred  dances 
(Ex.  V.  1;  Lev.  xxiii.  41,  A.  V.  "shall  keep," 
"  shall  celebrate ; "  Ps.  xlii.  4,  Ileb.  6,  A.  V.  "  that 
kept  holyday  ") ;  to  reel,  to  be  giddy,  .spoken  of  drunk- 
ards (Ps.  evii.  27,  A.V.  "reel  to  and  fro").  Women, 
however,  among  the  Hebrews,  made  the  dance  their 
especial  means  of  expressing  their  feelings ;  and  so 
welcomed  their  husbands  or  friends  on  their  return 
from  battle  (1  Sam.  xviii.  6).  The  "  eating  and  drink- 
ing and  dancing"  of  the  Amalekites  is  recorded, 
as  ia  the  people's  "rising  up  to  play,"  with  a 
tacit  censure  (xxx.  16;  Ex.  xxxii.  6;  1  Cor.  x.  7). 
So  among  the  Bedouins,  native  dances  of  men  are 
mentioned,  and  are  probably  an  ancient  custom. 
The  Hebrews,  however,  save  in  such  moments  of 
temptation,  seem  to  have  left  dancing  to  the  women. 
But  more  especially,  on  such  occasions  of  triumph, 
any  woman  whose  nearness  of  kin  to  the  champion 


206 


DAN 


DAN 


of  the  moment  gave  her  a  public  character  among 
her  own  sex,  seems  to  have  felt  that  it  was  her  part 
to  lead  such  a  demonstration  of  triumph,  or  of  wel- 
come (Ex.  XV.  20;  Judg.  xi.  34;  1  Sam.  xviii.  6,  7; 
JU.  XV.  12,  13).  This  marks  the  peculiarity  of 
David's  conduct,  when,  on  the  return  of  the  Ark  of 
God  from  its  long  sojourn  among  strangers  and  bor- 
derers, he  (2  Sam.  vi.  6-22)  was  himself  chorus- 
leader  ;  and  here  too  the  women,  with  their  tim- 
brels (see  especially  verses  5,  19,  20,  23),  took  an 
important  share,  this  fact  brings  out  more  mark- 
edly the  feelings  of  Saul's  daughter  Michal,  keeping 
aloof  from  the  occasion,  and  "  looking  through  a 
window  "  at  the  scene.  She  should,  in  accordance 
with  the  examples  of  Miriam,  &c.,  have  herself  led 
the  female  choir,  and  so  come  out  to  meet  the  Ark 
and  her  lord.  She  stays  with  the  "  household  "  (20) 
and  "comes  out  to  meet"  him  with  reproaches,  per- 
haps feeling  that  his  zeal  was  a  rebuke  to  her 
apathy.  From  the  mention  of  "  damsels,"  "  tim- 
brels," and  "dances"  (see  No.  2,  below",  (Ps. 
Ixviii.  25,  cxlix.  3,  cl.  4),  as  elements  of  religious 
worship,  it  may  perhaps  be  inferred  that  David's 
feeling  led  him  to  incorporate  in  its  rites  that  pop- 
ular mode  of  festive  celebration.  This  does  not 
seem  to  have  survived  him  (compare  2  Chr.  xxix. 
30,  XXXV.  4,  15).  In  later  Judaism  the  dance  of  men 
was  practised  at  the  feast  of  Tabernacles.  Loose 
morality    commonly    attended    festive    dances    at 


Egypt!  in  dances.— (Wilkin  on.) 

heathen  shrines.  Said  Cicero,  "  No  one  dances  un- 
less he  is  either  drunk  or  mad  "  (Kitto).  In  the 
earlier  period  of  the  Judges  the  dances  of  the  vir- 
gins in  Shiloh,  apart  from  men  (Judg.  xxi.  19-23), 


•were  certainly  part  of  a  religious  festivity.  What 
the  fashion  or  figure  of  the  dance  was,  is  a  doubtful 
question.  Most  of  the  Hebrew  verbs  tianslated  "  to 
dance  "  in  A.  V.,  viz.  }uigag  or  ch6gar/  above,  hul  or 
chul  (Judg.  xxi.  21,  23),  cArar  (2  Sam.  vi.  14,  16), 
literally  =  to  turn  or  mooe  in  a  circle.  The  Hebrew 
verb  rdkad,  also  translated  "to  dance"  (1  Chi',  xv. 
29;  Job  xxi.  11 ;  Eccl.  iii.  4;  Is.  xiii.  21),=  to  Ini/i, 
skip,  e.  g.  for  joy,  or  for  fear  (Ps.  cxiv.  4,  6,  A.  V. 
"  skipped  ").  The  Greek  verb  oreheoniai  (=  to  U'<i/>, 
sc.  by  rule,  to  dance,  Rbn.  JV.  ?'.  Lex.)  is  translated 
in  N.  T.  "  to  dance  "  (Mat.  xi.  17,  &c.),  and  in  LXX. 
r=  Heb.  cdrar  and  rdkad.  Dancing  also  had  its 
place  among  merely  festive  amusements  apart  from 
any  religious  character  (Jer.  xxxi.  4,  13 ;  Lam.  v. 
15;  Mk.  vi.  22;  Lk.  xv.  25).  Children  dance  (Job 
xxi.  11 ;  Mat.  xi.  17;  Lk.  vii.  32).— 2.  By  this  word 
is  also  rendered  in  theA.V.  and  by  Gesenius,  Fiirst, 
LXX.,  &c.,  the  Hebrew  mdhol  or  muckol ,  which 
Professor  Marks,  Dr.  A.  Clarke,  Mendelssohn,  the 
Arabic  version,  &c.,  regard  as  denoting  a  musical 
instrument  of  percussion,  supposed  to  have  been 
used  by  the  Hebrews  at  an  early  period  of  their 
history.  In  Ps.  cl.  the  sacred  poet  exhorts  mankind 
to  praise  Jehovah  in  Uis  sanctuary  with  all  kinds 
of  music ;  and  among  the  instruments  mentioned 
is  found  nulhol  ormdchol  (verse  4;  A.  V.  "dance," 
margin  "pipe").  Professor  Marks,  &c.,  believe  it 
to  have  been  made  of  metal,  open  like  a  ring,  wiili 
small  bells  attached  to  its  border,  and  played  iit 
weddings  and  merry-makings  by  women,  who  in- 
companied  it  with  tlif 
voice.  One  author  iK- 
sci'ibes  it  as  having  tink- 
ling metal  plates  fastened 
on  wires,  at  intervals  with- 
in the  circle  that  formed 
the  instrument,  like  the 
modern  tambourhie ;  ;u- 
cording  to  others  it  was  <il' 
M„.ic.iln.tr„nenu.  Da»«.-  metal  or  wood,with  a  handle 
(Mendeissolin.)  whicli  the  performer  ini^ht 

BO  manage  as  to  set  in  motion  several  rings  strung 
on  a  metal  bar,  passing  from  one  side  of  the  instru- 
ment to  the  other,  the  waving  of  which  produced  a 
loud,  merry  sound. 

Uan'l-el  (L.  fr.  Heh.  Ddnii/el  or  Ddnicl  =  jinljf 
of  God,  Ges. ;  Ood  is  judi/e,  Fii.).  I.  The  second 
son  of  David,  by  Abigail  the  Carmelitess  (1  Chr.  iii. 
1);  in  2  Sam.  iii.  3  called  Chilead. — 2.  A  descend- 
ant of  Ithamar,  who  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viiL 
2). — 3>  A  priest  who  sealed  the  covenant  drawn  up 
by  Nehcmiah  b.  c.  445  (Neh.  x.  6) ;  perhaps  =  No. 
2. — 4.  The  fourth  of  "  the  greater  prophets."  (See 
the  next  article.)  Nothing  is  known  of  his  parentage 
or  family.  He  appears,  however,  to  have  been  of 
royal  or  noble  descent,  and  to  have  possessed  con- 
siderable personal  endowments  (Dan.  i.  3,  4).  He 
was  taken  to  Babylon  in  "  the  third  year  of  Jchoia- 
kim  "  (b.  c.  604) '  and  trained  for  the  king's  service 

'  This  date  has  given  rise  to  many  objections,  because  .le- 
hoiakim's  fourth  year  is  identilied  with  Nebuchadnezzar's 
first  (Jer.  xxv.  1).  Various  explanations  have  been  proposi-il, 
but  the  text  of  Daniel  suggests  the  true  explanation.  The 
second  5ear  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  reign  (Dan.  ii.  1)  falls  after 
the  completion  of  Daniel's  three  years'  training  which  coin- 
menced  with  his  captivity  (I.  1,  5J;  and  this  is  a  clear  Indica- 
tion that  the  expedition  mentioned  in  i.  1  was  undertalicn  in 
the  lastyear  of  Nabopoiassar.  while  as  yet  Nebuchadnezziir 
was  not  properly  icing.  Some  further  (lifflcuities  apf.car  to 
have  been  satisfectorily  removed  by  NIebuhr.  The  date  in 
Jer.  xlvl.  2  is  not  that  of  the  battle  of  Carchemish,  but  of  tli« 
prophet's  warning ;  and  the  threats  and  promises  lu  .ler. 
xxv.  are  consistent  with  the  notion  of  a  previous  suhjeo- 


I 


DAN 


DAN 


207 


(Beltesbazzar  ;  Chaldeaks)  with  his  three  com- 
panions. Like  Joseph,  in  earlier  times,  he  gained 
the  favor  of  his  guardian,  and  was  divinely  sup- 
ported in  his  resolve  to  abstain  from  the  "  king's 
meat  "  for  fear  of  defilement  (8-16).  At  the  close 
of  his  three  years'  discipline,  Daniel  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  exercising  his  peculiar  gilt  of  interpreting 
dreams,  on  the  occasion  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  decree 
against  the  Magi  (5,  17,  18,  ii.  14  ft'.).  In  conse- 
quence of  his  success  he  was  made  "  ruler  of  the 
whole  province  of  Babylon,"  and  "  chief  of  the 
governors  over  all  the  wise  men  of  Babylon  "  (ii. 
48).  He  afterward  interpreted  the  second  dream 
of  Nebuchadnezzar  (iv.  8-27),  and  the  handwriting 
on  the  wall  which  disturbed  the  feast  of  Bklshazzar 
(v.  10-38),  though  he  no  longer  held  his  ofiicial  po- 
sition among  the  magi  (7,  8,  12),  and  probably  lived 
at  Susa  (viii.  2).  At  the  accession  of  Darius  he 
was  made  first  of  the  "  three  presidents  "  of  the 
empire  (vl.  2|,  and  was  delivered  from  the  lions' 
den,  into  which  he  had  been  cast  for  his  faithfulness 
to  the  rites  of  his  faith  (10-23;  compare  B.  & 
D.  29-42).  At  the  accession  of  Cyrus  he  still  re- 
tained his  prosperity  (Dan.  vi.  28;  compare  i.  21  ; 
B.  &  D.  2) ;  though  he  does  not  appear  to  have 
remained  at  Babylon  (compare  Dan.  i.  21),  and  in 
"  the  third  year  of  Cyrus  "  (b.  c.  534)  he  saw  his 
last  recorded  vision  on  the  banks  of  the  Tigris  (x. 
1,  4).  According  to  Mohammedan  tradition,  Daniel 
returned  to  Judea,  held  the  government  of  Syria, 
and  finally  died  at  Susa,  where  his  tomb  is  still 
shown,  and  is  visited  by  crowds  of  pilgrims.  In 
Ezekicl  mention  is  made  of  Daniel  as  a  pattern  of 
righteousness  (xiv.  14,  20)  and  wisdom  (xxviii.  3) ; 
and  since  Daniel  was  still  j-oung  at  that  time  (about 
B.  c.  588-584),  some  have  thought  that  another 
prophet  of  the  name  must  have  lived  at  some  earlier 
time,  perhaps  during  the  Captivity  of  Nineveh, 
who.se  fame  was  transferred  to  his  later  namesake. 
On  the  other  hand  the  narrative  in  Dan.  i.  11,  ira- 
jilies  that  Daniel  was  conspicuously  distinguished 
for  purity  and  knowledge  at  a  very  early  age  (com- 
pare Sus.  45),  and  he  may  have  been  nearly  forty 
years  old  at  the  time  of  Ezckiel's  prophecy. 

Dan'l-el,  the  Book  of  (Daniel  4),  is  the  earliest 
example  of  apocalyptic  literature,  and  in  a  great 
degree  the  model  according  to  which  all  later  apoc- 
alypses were  constructed  (so  Mr.  Westcott,  the  ori- 
ginal author  of  this  article).  In  this  aspect  it  stands 
at  the  head  of  a  series  of  writings  in  which  the 
deepest  thoughts  of  the  Jewish  people  found  ex- 
pression after  the  close  of  the  prophetic  era.  (Enoch, 
Book  of  ;  Esdras,  SECo.vt)  Book  of  ;  Revelation  or 
St.  John.)  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  exercised 
a  greater  influence  upon  the  earlier  Christian  church 
than  any  other  writing  of  the  0.  T.,  while  in  the 
Gospels  it  is  especially  distinguished  by  the  emphatic 
quotation  of  our  Lord  (Mat.  xxiv.  15). — 1.  In  stud- 
ying Daniel,  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  rec- 
ognize its  apocalyptic  character.  To  the  old  proph- 
ets Daniel  stands,  in  some  sense,  as  a  commentator 
(Dan.  ix.  2-19):  to  succeeding  generations,  as  the 
herald  of  immediate  deliverance.  The  form,  the 
style,  and  the  point  of  sight  of  prophecy,  are  re- 
linquished upon  the  verge  of  a  new  period  in  the 
existence  of  God's  people,  and  fresh  instruction  is 
given  to  them  suited  to  their  new  fortunes.  The 
change  is  not  abrupt  and  absolute,  but  yet  it  is  dis- 
tinctly felt.     The  eye  and  not  the  ear  is  the  organ 

tlon  (if  Jerasalom  to  Nebuchadnezzar  which  may  have  been 
icrompllsbed  withont  resistance  (so  Mr.  Weatcott,  original 
author  of  this  article). 


of  the  Seer :  visions  and  not  words  are  revealed  to 
him.  The  Babylonian  exile  supplied  the  outward 
training  and  the  inward  necessity  for  this  last  form 
of  divhie  teaching ;  and  the  prophetic  visions  of 
Ezekicl  form  the  connecting  link  between  the  char- 
acteristic types  of  revelation  and  prophecy. — 2.  The 
language  of  the  book,  no  less  than  its  general  form, 
belongs  to  an  era  of  transition.  Like  Ezra,  Daniel 
is  composed  partly  in  the  vernacular  Aramaic  (Chal- 
dee),  and  partly  in  the  sacred  Hebrew.  The  intro- 
duction (i.-ii.  4  a)  is  written  in  Debrew.  On  the 
occasion  of  the  "Syriac"  (i.  e.  Aramaic)  answer  of 
the  Chaldeans,  the  language  changes  to  Aramaic, 
and  this  is  retained  till  the  close  of  the  seventh 
chapter  (ii.  4  A-vii.).  The  personal  introduction  of 
Daniel  as  the  writer  of  the  text  (viii.  1)  is  marked 
by  the  resumption  of  the  Hebrew,  which  continues 
to  the  close  of  the  book  (viii.-xii.).  The  character 
of  the  Hebrew  hears  the  closest  affinity  to  that  of 
Ezekiel  and  Habakkuk.  The  Aramaic,  like  that  of 
Ezra',  is  also  of  an  earlier  form  than  exists  in  any 
other  Chaldaic  document.  The  use  of  Greek  tech- 
nical terms  marks  a  period  when  commerce  had  al- 
ready united  Persia  and  Greece ;  and  the  occurrence 
of  peculiar  words  which  admit  of  an  explanation 
by  reference  to  Aryan  and  not  to  Shemitic  roots 
(JIedes;  Persians;  Shemitic  Languages)  is  almost 
inexplicable  on  the  supposition  that  the  prophecies 
are  a  Palestinian  forgery  of  the  Maccabean  age. — 
3.  The  book  is  generally  divided  in  two  nearly  equal 
parts.  The  first  of  these  (i.-vi.)  cont-iins  chiefly 
historical  incidents;  the  second  (vii.-xii.)  is  en- 
tirely apocalyptic.  But  this  division  takes  no  ac- 
count of  the  difference  of  language,  nor  of  the 
change  of  person  at  the  beginning  of  chapter  viii. 
It  seems  better  to  divide  the  book  into  three  parts. 
The  first  chapter  forms  an  introduction.  Chapters 
ii.-vii.  give  a  general  view  of  the  progressive  his- 
tory of  the  powers  of  the  world,  and  of  the  prir- 
ciples  of  the  divine  government  as  seen  in  events 
of  the  life  of  Daniel.  Chapters  viii.-xii.  trace  in 
minuter  detail  the  fortunes  of  the  people  of  God, 
as  typical  of  the  fortunes  of  the  church  in  all  ages 
(see  §  11,  below). — 4.  The  position  which  Daniel 
occupies  in  the  Hebrew  Canon  seems  at  first  sight 
remarkable.  It  is  placed  among  the  Holy  writings 
(or  Hagioffiafiha  ;  see  Bible)  between  Esther  and 
Ezra,  or  immediately  before  Esther,  and  not  among 
the  prophets.  This  collocation,  however,  is  a  na- 
tural consequence  (so  Mr.  Westcott)  of  its  being  as 
distinct  in  its  character  from  the  prophetic  writings 
as  the  Apocalypse  of  St.  John  from  the  apostolic 
epistles  (see  above,  §  1). — 5.  The  unity  of  the  book 
in  its  present  form,  notwithstanding  the  difference 
of  language,  is  generally  acknowledged.  Still  there 
is  a  remarkable  difference  in  its  internal  character. 
In  the  first  six  chapters  and  the  beginning  of  the 
seventh  Daniel  is  spoken  of  hinlorically  (i.  6-21,  ii. 
14-49,  iv.  8-27,  V.  13-29,  vi.  2-28,  vii."  1,  2) :  in  the 
rest  of  the  book  he  appears  perstmalli/  as  the  writer 
(vii.  16-28,  viii.  1-ix.  22,  x.  1-9,  xii.  6).  The  caute 
of  the  difference  in  person  is  commonly  supposed  to 
lie  in  the  nature  of  the  case.  Mr.  Westcott,  how- 
ever, thinks  it  more  probable  that  the  peculiarity 
arose  from  the  manner  in  which  the  book  assumed 
its  final  shape  (see  §  10,  below). — 6.  Allusion  has 
been  made  already  to  the  influence  which  the  book 
exercised  upon  the  Christian  church.  A);art  from 
the  general  type  of  Apocalyptic  composition  which 
the  apostolic  writers  derived  from  Daniel  (2  Th. 
ii. ;  Rev.  throughout;  com|)are  Mat.  xxvi.  64,  xxi. 
44  ?),   the  New   Testament   iucidenlnlly  acfcnowl- 


1 


208 


DA>f 


edges  each  of  the  characteristic  elements  of  the 
book,  its  miracles  (Heb.  xi.  33,  34),  its  predictions 
(Mat.  xxir.  15),  and  its  doctrine  of  angels  (Lk.  i.  19, 
26).  At  a  still  earlier  time  the  same  intluence  may 
be  traced  in  the  Apocrypha.  Baruch  exhibits  so 
many  coincidences  with  Daniel,  that  by  some  the 
two  books  have  been  assigned  to  the  same  author 
(Fritzsche) ;  and  the  first  book  of  Maccabees  rep- 
resents Mattathias  quoting  the  marvellous  deliver- 
ances recorded  in  Daniel,  together  with  those  of 
earlier  times  (1  Mc.  ii.  69,  60),  and  elsewhere  ex- 
hibits an  acquaintance  with  the  Greek  version  of 
the  book  (1  Mc.  i.  54  =  Dan.  ix.  27).  The  allusion 
to  the  guardian  angels  of  nations,  which  is  intro- 
duced into  the  Alexandrine  translation  of  the  Pen- 
tateuch (Deut.  xxxii.  8,  LXX.),  and  recurs  in 
Ecclus.  xvii.  17,  may  have  been  derived  from  Dan. 
X.  21,  xii.  1,  though  this  is  uncertain,  as  the  doc- 
trine probably  formed  part  of  the  common  belief. 
According  to  Josephus  (xi.  8,  §g  4,  5),  the  proph- 
ecies of  Daniel  gained  for  tlie  Jews  the  fovor  of 
Alexander  the  Great  ;  and  whatever  credit  may 
be  given  to  the  details  of  his  narrative,  it  at  least 
shows  the  unquestioning  belief  in  the  prophetic 
worth  of  the  book  which  existed  among  the  Jews  in 
his  time. — 7.  The  testimony  of  the  Synagogue  and 
the  Church  gave  a  clear  expression  to  the  judgment 
implied  by  the  early  and  authoritative  use  of  the 
book,  and  pronounced  it  to  contain  authentic  proph- 
ecies of  Daniel,  without  contradiction,  with  one 
exception,  till  modern  times.  Porpliyry  alone  (f 
about  305  A.n.)  assailed  the  book.  Externally  it  is 
as  well  attested  as  any  book  of  Scripture. — 8.  The 
history  of  the  assaults  upon  the  prophetic  worth  of 
Daniel  in  modern  times  is  full  of  interest.  First, 
doubts  were  raised  as  to  the  authorship  of  chapters 
i.-vii.  (Spinoza,  Xewton),  which  are  compatible  with 
the  recognition  of  their  canonicity.  Then,  the 
variations  in  the  LXX.  suggested  the  belief  that 
chapters  iii.-vi.  were  a  later  interpolation  (J.  D.  Mi- 
chaelis).  Next,  the  last  six  chapters  only  were  re- 
tained as  a  genuine  book  of  Scripture  (Eichhorn, 
first  and  second  edition) ;  and  at  last  the  whole 
book  was  rejected  as  the  work  of  an  impostor  in  the 
time  of  AxTiooHus  Epiphanks  (Corrodi,  783 :  Uitzig 
fixes  the  date  more  exactly  from  170  B.C.  to  the 
spring  of  164  b.  c).  This  last  opinion  has  found, 
especially  in  Germany,  a  very  wide  acceptance. 
Among  those  who  have  doubted  or  denied  the 
authenticity  of  Daniel  are  Gesenius,  De  Wette,  Ro- 
senmiiUer,  Bertholdt,  Bleek,  Ewald,  Knobel,  Len- 
gerke,  &c.  It  has  been  defended  by  Staiidlin,  Jahn, 
Hengstenberg,  Iliivernick,  Keil,  Auberlen,  &c.,  in 
Germany ;  by  Stuart,  Barnes,  &c.,  in  America,  and 
by  English  writers  generally.  The  leading  grounds 
on  which  modern  critics  reject  the  book,  are  the 
alleged  "  fabulousness  of  its  narratives,"  and  "  the 
minuteness  of  its  prophetic  history."  "  The  contents 
of  the  book,"  it  is  said,  "  are  irrational  and  impos- 
sible "  (Ilitzig).  Such  critics,  of  course,  deny  in- 
SPiRATio.v,  reject  miracles,  and  set  aside  as  repug- 
nant to  reason  every  thing  that  is  divine  or  super- 
natural in  the  Scriptures  or  elsewhere.  (Prophet,  &c.) 
— 9.  The  general  objections  against  the  "  legenda- 
ry" miracles  and  specific  predictions  of  Daniel  are 
strengthened  by  other  objections  in  detail,  which 
cannot,  however,  be  regarded  in  themselves  as  of 
any  considerable  weight.  Not  only,  it  is  said,  is  the 
book  placed  among  the  Ilagiographa,  but  Daniel  is 
omitted  in  the  list  of  prophets  given  in  the  Wisdom 
of  Sirach ;  the  language  is  corrupted  by  an  inter- 
mixture of  Greek  words ;  the  details  are  essentially 


DAN 

unhistorical ;  the  doctrinal  and  moral  teaching  be- 
trays a  late  date.  In  reply  to  these  remarks,  it 
may  be  urged,  that  if  the  book  of  Daniel  was  al- 
ready placed  among  the  Ilagiographa  at  the  time 
when  the  Wisdom  of  Sirach  was  written,  the  omis- 
sion of  the  name  of  Daniel  (Ecclus.  xlix.)  is  most 
natural.  Nor  is  the  mention  of  Greek  musical 
instruments  (iii.  5,  7,  10)  surprising  at  a  time  when 
the  intercourse  of  the  East  and  West  was  already 
considerable.  Yet  further  the  scene  and  characters 
of  the  book  are  Orieidal,  e.  g.  the  colossal  image 
(iii.  1),  the  fiery  furnace,  the  martyr-like  boldness 
of  the  three  confessors  (ver.  16),  the  decree  of 
Darius  (vi.  7),  the  lions'  den  (7,  19),  the  demand  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  (ii.  6),  his  obeisance  before  Daniel 
(46)  (Adoration),  his  sudden  fall  (iv.  33).  In  doc- 
trine, again,  the  book  is  closely  connected  with  the 
writings  of  the  Exile,  and  forms  a  last  step  in  the 
development  of  the  ideas  of  Messiau  (vii.  13,  &c.), 
of  the  RESURRECTION  (xii.  2,  3),  of  the  ministry  of 
ANGELS  (viii.  16,  xii.  1,  &c.),  of  personal  devotion 
(vi.  10,  11,  i.  8),  which  formed  the  basis  of  later 
speculations,  but  received  no  essential  addition  in 
tlie  interval  before  tlie  coming  of  our  Lord.  Gen- 
erally it  may  be  said  that  while  the  book  presents 
in  many  respects  a  startling  and  exceptional  char- 
acter, yet  it  is  far  more  dilHcult  to  explain  its  com- 
position in  the  Maccabean  period  than  to  connect 
the  peculiarities  wliich  it  exhibits  with  the  exigen- 
cies of  the  Return.  (Alexandria  ;  Apocrypha  ;  Bi:l- 
SHAZZAR ;  Captivity  ;  Chaldeans  ;  Cyrus  ;  Daniel  ; 
Darius  1;  Maccabees;  JIagi  ;  Medes;  Nebuchad- 
nezzar; Persians;  Septuagint.) — 10.  But  while 
all  historical  evidence  supports  the  canonicity  of 
the  book  of  Daniel,  it  does  not  follow  that  the  re- 
cognition of  the  unity  and  authority  of  the  book  is 
necessarily  connected  with  the  belief  that  the  whole 
is  to  be  assigned  to  the  authorship  of  Daniel.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Jewish  tradition  the  books  of  Ezekiel, 
the  twelve  minor  prophets,  Daniel  and  Esther,  were 
written  (i.  e.  drawn  up  in  their  present  form)  by  the 
men  of  the  great  synagogue  (Synagogue,  the  Great), 
and  in  the  case  of  Daniel  the  tradition  is  supported 
by  strong  internal  evidence,  as  the  manner  in  which 
Daniel  is  spoken  of  (i.  17,  19,  20,  v.  11,  12;  the 
title  in  ix.  23,  xii.  is  different). — 11.  The  interpreta- 
tion of  Daniel  has  proved  an  inexhaustible  field  for 
the  ingenuity  of  commentators,  and  the  certain  re- 
sults are  comparatively  few.  According  to  the  ; 
traditional  view,  which  appears  as  early  as '2 
Esdras  and  the  epistle  of  Barnabas,  the  four  cm-  j 
pires  described  in  chapters  ii.,  vii.,  are  the  Babylo-  i 
nian,  the  Medo-Persian,  the  Greek,  and  the  Romanj, 
AVith  nearly  equal  consent  it  has  been  suppose 
that  there  is  a  change  of  subject  in  xi.  31  ff,  " 
which  the  seer  passes  from  the  persecutions  of  Aa 
tiochus  to  the  times  of  Antichrist.  According  i 
Mr.  Westcott  this  interpretation  destroys  the  grei 
idea  of  a  cyclic  development  of  history  which  liel 
at  the  basis  of  all  prophecy ;  and  the  revelations  < 
Daniel  gain  their  full  significance  when  they  an 
seen  to  contain  an  outline  of  all  history  in  the  1 
tory  of  the  nations  which  ruled  the  world  befori 
Christ's  coining.  He  regards  the  empires 
Daniel  as  those  of  the  Babylonians,  Medes,  Persian 
and  Greeks,  who  all  placed  the  centre  of  the 
power  at  Babylon,  and  appear  to  have  exhibited  ( 
one  stage  the  great  types  of  national  life ;  but  th 
first  fulfilment  of  the  vision  was  only  inchoativ 
and  the  correlatives  of  the  four  empires  must 
sought  in  post-Christian  history  (compare  Babylo 
and  Rome,  &c.).    (Abominatios  op  Desolatio* 


DAS 


DAR 


209 


Alexaxder  III. ;  Antichrist  ;  AsTiocnrs  II.-IV. ; 
Babel;  Babylon,  &c.) — 12.  There  is  no  Chaldee 
translation  of  Daniel.  The  Greek  version  has  un- 
dergone singular  changes.  At  an  early  time  the 
LXX.  version,  which  was  certainly  very  uniaithful, 
was  supplanted  in  the  Greek  bibles  by  that  of 
Theodotion,  and  in  the  time  of  Jerome  the  ver- 
sion of  Theodotion  was  generally  "  read  by  the 
churches."  In  the  course  of  time,  however,  the 
Tcrsion  of  Theodotion  was  interpolated  from  the 
LXX.,  so  that  it  is  now  impossible  to  recover  the 
original  text  (see  the  next  article).  Meanwhile  the 
original  LXX.  translation  passed  entirely  out  of 
use,  and  it  was  supposed  to  have  been  lost  till  the 
last  century,  when  it  was  published  at  Rome. 

DaD'i-cl  (see  above),  A-poe'ry-phal  Ad-di'tions  to. 
The  Greek  translations  of  Daniel,  like  that  of  Esther, 
contain  several  pieces  not  in  the  original  text.  The 
most  important  of  these  additions  are  contained  in 
the  Apocrypha  of  the  A.  V.  under  the  titles  of  7'/ie 
Song  of  the  three  Holy  Children,  The  History  of  Su- 
tantia  ,and  The  History  of  the  Dcsti  tiction  of  Bel  and 
the  Dragon. — I.  a.  The  first  of  these  pieces  is  incor- 
porated into  the  narrative  of  Daniel.  After  the 
three  confessors  were  thrown  into  the  furnace 
(Dan.  iii.  2.'5),  Azarias  is  represented  praying  to 
God  for  deliverance  (t-'g.  3  11.  Ch.  3-22)  and  in  an- 
swer the  angel  of  the  Lord  shields  them  from  the 
fire  which  consumes  their  enemies  (23-27),  whcrc- 
npon  "  the  three,  as  out  of  one  mouth,"  raise  a 
triumphant  song  (29-68),  of  which  a  chief  part  (35- 
•6)  has  been  used  as  a  hymn  in  the  Christian 
church  since  the  fourth  century  (see  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayer  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal 
Church,  under  Morning  Prayer,  "  0  all  ye  works 
of  the  Lord,"  kc). — b.  The  two  other  pieces  appear 
ire  distinctly  as  appendices,  and  offer  no  scm- 
ncc  of  forming  part  of  the  original  text.  The 
lory  of  Sunanna  (or  Thejudgmtnt  of  Haiiiil)  is 
lerally  found  at  the  beginning  of  the  book  (Vat. 
iT'Alcx.  JISS.  Old  L.  version);  though  it  also  oc- 
irs  after  the  twelfth  chapter  ( Vnlg.  cd.  Complu- 
isian).  The  Hixlory  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon  is 
iCed  at  the  end  of  the  book ;  and  in  the  LXX. 
lion  it  bears  a  special  heading  as  "pail  of  the 
heqi  of  Habakkuk." — 2.  The  additions  are 
found  in  both  the  Greek  texts,  the  LXX.  and  Theo- 
dotion, in  the  Old  Latin  and  Vulgate,  and  in  the 
\isting  Syriac  and  Arabic  versions.  On  the  other 
iml  there  is  no  evidence  that  they  ever  formed 
part  of  the  Hebrew  text,  and  they  were  originally 
wanting  in  the  Syriac. — 3.  Various  conjectures  have 
been  made  as  to  the  origin  of  the  additions.  It 
has  been  supposed  that  they  were  derived  from 
Aramaic  originals,  but  the  character  of  the  additions 
themselves  indicates  rather  the  hand  of  an  Alex- 
andrine writer  (Alkxanhria)  ;  and  it  is  not  unlikely 
lliat  the  translator  of  Daniel  wrought  up  traditions 
which  were  already  current,  and  appended  them  to 
iiis  work.     Canon. 

Daniteg  (from  Dan),  the  —  the  descendants  of 
I 'AN,  and  members  of  his  tribe  (Judg.  xiii.  2,  xviii. 
1.11;  1  Chr.  xii.  35). 

Dan-Ja'iin  (Heb.  Dan  in  the  xcood,  Vulg.,  Ges. ; 
Dan  |i.  e.  Baal  or  Pan  ;  see  below]  playing  the  pipe, 
Fii.),  a  place  named  only  in  2  Sam.  xxiv.  6  as  one 
of  the  points  visited  by  Joab  in  taking  the  census 
of  the  people.  It  occurs  between  Gilead  and  Zion, 
and  probably  z=  Dan  2.  Kiirst  makes  Dan-jaan  = 
BdiiiiU,  where  Banl  or  Pan  was  worshipped  in  a 
grotto.  Cksarea  Philippi. 
Dan'Dab  (Ileb.  low  t^round,  Fii.),  a  city  in  the 
14 


mountains  of  Judah  (Josh.  xr.  49),  probably  S.  or 
S.  AV.  of  Hebron  ;  site  unknown. 

Daphne  [daf-]  (Gr.  laurel ;  also  the  daughter  of 
the  river-god  Peneus,  who,  pursued  by  Apollo,  is 
said  to  have  been  changed  into  a  laurel),  a  cele- 
brated grove  and  sanctuary  of  Apollo,  ntar  Akti- 
ocH  1  (2  He.  iv.  33).  The  distance  betweyi  the  two 
places  was  about  five  miles,  and  in  history  they  are 
associated  most  intimately  together.  The  situation 
was  of  extreme  natural  beauty,  with  perennial 
fountains  and  abundant  wood.  Here  Seltucus 
Nicator  erected  a  magnificent  temple  and  colossal 
statue  of  Apollo.  The  succeeding  Seleucid  mon- 
archs,  especially  Antiochus  Epiphaucs,  embellished 
the  place  still  further.  AVhen  Syria  became  Roman, 
Daphne  continued  to  be  fair.ous  as  a  place  of  pil- 
grimage andvice.  The  site  has  been  well  identified 
by  Pocockc  and  other  travellers  at  Biit-il-Mua  (  = 
the  House  of  the  Water),  on  the  left  Lank  of  the 
Orontes,  to  the  S.  W.  of  Antioch. 

Da'ia  (Heb.)  -  Daeda  (1  Chr.  ii.  6). 

Dar'da  (Ueb.  pearl  of  uiidom,  Gcs. ;  bearer, 
holder,  Fii.),  a  son  of  Mahol,  and  one  of  four  men  of 
great  fame  for  their  wisdom,  but  surpassed  by  Solo- 
mon (1  K.  iv.  31).  In  1  Chr.  ii.  6,  however,  the 
same  four  names  occur  again  as  "  sons  of  Zeiah," 
of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  with  the  slight  difference  that 
Darda  appears  as  Dara.  The  identity  of  these  per- 
sons with  those  in  1  K.  iv.  31  has  been  greatly 
debated;  but  there  cannot  be  much  reasonable 
doubt  that  they  are  the  same  (so  Mr.  Grove).  He- 
man  1,  2. 

Dar'ir.     Dram  ;  Monet,  II.  2. 

Da-li'cs  (L. ;  Heb.  Duryuvish  ;  from  old  Pers.  = 
coercer,  ccracrvator,  Ildt.,  Ges.),  the  name  of  several 
kings  of  Media  and  Persia.  Three  khigs  bearing 
this  name  are  mentioned  in  the  0.  T.  1.  "Darius  the 
Mede  "  (Can.  xi.  1,  vi.  1),  "  the  son  of  Ahasiterus  of 
thesced  of  theMEiiEs"  (ix.  1),  who  succeeded  to  the 
Babylonian  kingdom  (Babel)  on  the  death  of  Bclshaz- 
zar,  being  then  sixty-two  years  old  (v.  31,  ix.  1).  Only 
one  year  of  his  reign  is  mentioned  (ix.  1,  xi.  1);  but 
that  was  of  great  importance  for  the  Jews.  Daniel 
was  advanced  by  the  king  to  the  highest  dignity 
(vi.  1  ft'.),  probably  in  consequence  of  his  former 
services  (compare  v.  17);  and  after  his  miraculous 
deliverance,  Darius  issued  a  decree  tnjoining 
throughout  his  dominions  "reverence  for  the  God 
of  Daniel "  (vi.  25  fF.).  The  extreme  obscurity  of 
the  Babylonian  annals  has  given  occasion  to  three 
different  hypotheses  as  to  the  name  under  which 
Darius  the  Mede  is  known  in  history.  The  first  of 
these  which  identifies  him  with  Darius  Hystaspis, 
rests  on  no  plausible  evidence,  and  may  be  dis- 
missed at  once.  The  second,  adopted  by  Josephus, 
and  supported  by  many  recent  critics  (Berth- 
oldt,  Lengerke,  Hiiveinick,  Ilcngstenberg,  Au- 
berlen),  is  more  deserving  of  notice.  Accord- 
ing to  this  he  was  Cyaxares  II.,  "the  son  and 
successor  of  Astyages,"  who  is  commonly  regarded 
as  the  last  king  of  Media.  But  the  only  diicct  evi- 
dence for  the  existence  of  Cyaxares  II.  is  that  of 
Xenophon's  romance.  A  third  identification  (Winer, 
Nicbuhr)  remains,  by  which  Darius  is  represented 
as  the  personal  name  of  "Astyages,"  the  last  king 
of  the  Medcs,  and  this  appears  to  satisfy  all  the  con- 
ditions of  the  problem  (so  Mr.  Westcott,  original 
author  of  this  article).— 2.  Da-ri'n^,  the  son  of 
HjfE-tas'pes  (L.  from  old  Pers.  =  fosKeesor  of  horses, 
Bonfey),  or  D.  Ilys-ta»'pls,  the  fifth  in  descent  from 
Acha^mcnes,  the  founder  of  the  Perso-Aryan  dynasty 
(Persians).     I'pon   the  usurpation  of  the  Magian 


210 


DAR 


DAV 


Smerdis  ( Artaxerxes  1 ),  he  conspired  with  six  other 
Persian  chiefs  to  overthrow  the  impostor,  and  on  the 
success  of  the  plot  was  placed  upon  the  throne  b.  c. 
521.  His  designs  of  foreign  conquest  were  inter- 
rupted by  a  revolt  of  the  Babylonians,  which  was  at 
lengtli  put  down  and  severely  punished  (about  b.  c. 
516).  After  the  subjugation  of  Babylon,  Darius 
turned  his  arms  against  Scythia,  Libya,  and  India. 
The  defeat  of  Marathon  (b.  c.  4'.)0)  only  roused  him 
to  prepare  vigorously  for  that  decisive  struggle  with 
the  \Vest  which  was  now  inevitable.  His  plans 
were  again  thwarted  by  rebellion,  and  he  died  b.  c. 
485.  With  regard  to  the  Jews,  Darius  Ilystaspis 
pursued  the  same  policy  as  Cyrus,  and  restored  to 
them  the  privileges  which  they  had  lost  (Ezr.  iv. 
24,  v.,  vi. ;  Haggai;  Jerusalem;  Zechariah  1). — 3> 
Da-rl'as  tbc  Pcr'sian  (Xeh.  xii.  22)  max  be  identified 
with  Darius  II.  Nothus  (Ochus),  king  of  Persia  b.  c. 
424-3 — 403-4,  if  the  whole  passage  in  question  was 
written  by  Neiiemiah.  If,  however,  the  register  was 
continued  to  a  later  time,  as  is  not  iraprobablff,  the 
occurrence  of  the  name  Jaddua  (ver.  11,  22)  points 
to  Darius  III.  Codomannus,  the  antagonist  of 
Ale.xander  the  Great,  and  last  king  of  Persia  b.  c. 
836-330  (1  Me.  i.  1). — 4.  Areus,  king  of  the  Lace- 
demonians (1  Mc.  xii.  7). 

Dark'ness  is  spoken  of  aa  encompassing  the  actual 
presence  of  God,  as  that  out  of  which  lie  speaks, 
the  envelope,  as  it  were,  of  Divine  glory  (E.v.  xx. 
21;  IK.  viii.  12;  Ps.  xcvii.  2;  compare  Joel  ii.  31, 
iii.  15;  Mat.  xxiv.  29,  &c.).  (Cloud.)  The  plague 
of  darkness  in  Egypt  (Ex.  x,  21-23  ;  Ps.  cv.  28)  has 
been  ascribed  by  various  commentators  to  non- 
miraculous  agency,  but  no  sufficient  account  of  its 
intense  degree,  long  duration,  and  limited  area,  as 
proceeding  from  any  physical  cause,  has  been  given. 
The  darkness  "over  all  the  land"  (.Mat.  xxvii.  45; 
Mk.  XV.  33 ;  Lk.  xxiii.  44)  attending  the  crucifixion 
has  been  similarly  attributed  to  an  eclipse.  Phlcgon 
of  Trallos  indeed  mentions  an  eclipse  of  intense 
darkness,  which  began  at  noon,  and  was  combined, 
he  says,  in  Bithynia,  with  an  earthquake,  which  in 
the  uncertain  state  of  our  chronology  more  or  less 
nearly  synchronizes  with  the  event.  Wieselcr,  how- 
ever, and  De  Wette,  consider  the  year  of  Phlegon's 
eclipse  an  impossible  one  for  the  crucifixion,  and  re- 
ject that  explanation  of  the  darkness.  Orlgen  also 
denies  the  possibility  of  such  a  cause ;  for  by  the 
fixed  Paschal  reckoning  the  moon  must  have  been 
about  full.  The  argument  from  the  duration  (3 
hours)  is  al.-o  of  great  force ;  for  an  eellpse  seldom 
lasts  in  great  intensity  more  than  6  miimtes.  On 
the  other  hand,  Seyffarth  maintains  that  the  Jewish 
calendar,  owing  to  their  following  the  sun,  had  be- 
come so  far  out  that  the  moon  might  possibly  have 
been  at  new.  lie  however  views  this  rather  as  a 
natural  basis  than  as  a  full  account  of  the  darkness, 
which  in  its  degree  at  Jerusalem  was  still  preternat- 
ural. Darkness  is  also,  as  in  "  land  of  darkness," 
used  for  the  state  of  the  dead  (Job  x.  21,  22) ;  and 
frequently  figuratively  =  gloom,  adversity,  misery 
(Ps.  cvii.  10,  cxiiii.  3;  Is.  v.  30,  &c.),  also  =  igno- 
rance, uuhelief,  and  sin,  as  the  privation  of  spiritual 
Light  (Jn.  i.  5;  iii.  19).     Mist;  Night. 

Dar'kon  (Ileb.  scnllerer,  Ges. ;  bearer,  Fii.),  an- 
cestor of  some  among  the  "  children  of  Solomon's 
servants,"  who  returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerub- 
babel  (Ezr.  ii.  56 ;  Xeh.  vii.  58).     Lozox. 

•  Dart.    Arms,  IL  2. 

Ddtes  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  5,  margin).  IIoxet  ;  Palm- 
Tree. 

Ua'tban  (Ileb.  of,  or  from,  a  fountain,  Ges.,  Fii.), 


a  Eeubenite  chieftain,  son  of  Eliab,  and  brother  of 
Abiram,  who  joined  the  conspiracy  of  Kokaii  the 
Levite  (Num.  xvi.  1  S.,  xxvi.  9 ;  Deut.  xi.  6 ;  IV. 
cvi.  17). 

Dath'e-ma  (Gr.),  a  fortress  in  which  the  Jews  of 
Gilead  took  refuge  from  the  heathen  (1  Mc.  v.  i'l. 
The  reading  of  the  Peshito-Syriac,  liumtha,  poiiils 
to  Ramotii-Gilead,  which  can  hardly  fail  to  be  tlic 
correct  identification. 

Dangb'ter  (Ileb.  batht  Gr.  ilmgater).  1.  The 
word  in  Scripture  not  only  =:  daughter  in  tlu' 
strict  sense,  but  grand-daughter  or  other  feiufl 
descendant,  much  in  the  same  way  and  like  extuiit 
with  "  SON  "  (Gen.  xxiv.  48,  xxxi.  43).  (Child  ;  Eiii- 
CATio.x.) — 2.  The  female  inhabitants  of  a  place,  a 
country,  or  the  females  of  a  particular  race  arc 
called  "  daughters  "  (Gen.  vi.  2,  xxvii.  46,  xxviii.  (i, 
xxxvi.  2;  Num.  xxv.  1;  Deut.  xxiii.  17;  Is.  iii.  1(1; 
Jor.  xlvi.  11,  xlix.  2-4;  Lk.  xxiii.  28).— 3.  The 
same  notion  of  descent  explains  the  phrase  "  daugh- 
ters of  music,"  i.  e.  singing-birds  (Eccl.  xii.  4),  ami 
the  use  of  the  word  for  branches  of  a  tree  (Gi]i. 
xlix.  22),  the  pupil  of  the  eye  (literally  "daughdr 
of  the  eye")  (Lam.  ii.  18;  Ps.  xvii.  8),  and  the  ex- 
pression "  daughter  of  90  years  "  (A.  V.  "  90  years 
old"),  to  denote  the  age  of  Sarah  (Gen.  xvii.  17). — 
4.  It  is  also  used  of  cities  in  general,  poetically  lur 
the  inhabitants  of  a  city,  often  for  the  whole  body 
of  inhabitants  personified  as  a  female,  Ges.  (Is.  x. 
32,  xxiii.  12 ;  Jer.  vi.  2,  23  ;  Zech.  ix.  9).— 5.  But 
more  specifically  of  dependent  towns,  villages,  or 
hamlets,  while  to  the  principal  city  the  correlative 
"mother"  is  applied  (Num.  xxi.  25,  marg. ;  2  Chr. 
xxviii.  18,  A.  V.  "vill.iges"  in  both;  Josh.  xvii.  11, 
16;  Judg.  i.  27;  1  Chr.  vii.  28,  29;  A.  V.  "towns" 
in  these  passages).     IIazerim;  Village. 

Da'vid  (Hob.  beloved),  the  son  of  Jesse,  is  the 
best  known  to  us  of  any  of  the  characters  in  the 
0.  T.  In  him,  as  in  the  case  of  St.  Paul  in  the 
N.  T.,  we  have  the  advantage  of  comparing  a  il 
tailed  narrative  of  his  life  with  undoubted  woi 
of  his  own  composition,  and  the  combined  resuli  . 
a  knowledge  of  his  personal  character,  such  as  we 
probably  possess  of  no  historical  personage  befme 
the  Christian  era,  with  the  exception  of  Cicero,  anl 
perhaps  of  Cesar.  His  life  may  be  divided  into 
three  portions,  more  or  less  corresponding  to  tin; 
three  old  lost  biographies  by  Samuel,  Gad,  ami 
Nathan : — I.  His  youth  before  his  introduction  to 
the  court  of  Saul.  II.  His  relations  with  Saul. 
III.  His  reign. — I.  The  earlg  life  of  David  caniami 
in  many  important  respects  the  antecedents  of  his 
future  career.  1.  His  family  may  best  be  seen  in 
the  form  of  a  genealogy.  It  thus  ap])ears  that 
David  was  the  youngest  son,  probably  the  youngest 
child,  of  a  family  of  ten.  His  mother's  name  is 
unknown.  His  father,  Jesse,  was  of  a  great  ape 
when  David  was  still  young  (1  Sam.  xvii.  12).  His 
parents  both  lived  till  after  his  final  rupture  with 
Saul  (xxii.  3).  Through  them  David  inherited 
several  points  which  he  never  lost,  (a)  His  con- 
nection with  Moab  through  his  great-grandmother 
Ruth.  This  he  kept  up  when  he  escaped  to  Moab 
and  intrusted  his  aged  parents  to  the  care  of  the 
king  (xxii.  3),  and  it  may  not  have  been  without  its 
use  in  keeping  open  a  wider  view  in  his  mind  and 
history  than  if  he  had  been  of  purely  Jewish  de- 
scent, (b)  His  birthplace,  Bethlehem.  His  recol- 
lection of  the  well  of  Bethlehem  is  one  of  the  most 
touching  incidents  of  his  later  life  (1  Chr.  xi.  17), 
and  it  is  his  connection  with  it  that  brought  the 
place  again  in  after-times  into  universal  fame  (Lk. 


DAV 


DAV 


211 


ii.  4).  ((•)  Ilis  general  connection  with  the  tribe  of 
Judah.  in  none  of  the  tribes  docs  the  tribal  feel- 
ing .appear  to  have  been  stronger,  (rf)  Ilia  rela- 
tions to  Zeruiah  and  Abigail.  Though  called,  in 
1  Chr.  ii.   16,  eistcra  of  David,  thej'  arc  not  ex- 


pressly called  the  daughters  of  Jesse ;  and  Abigail, 
in  2  yam.  xvii.  25,  is  called  the  daughter  of  Xa- 
HASii.  Stanley  asks,  Is  it  too  much  to  suppose 
that  David's  mother  had  been  the  wife  or  concu- 
bine of  Kahash,  and  then  married  by  Jesse  ? — 2. 


SRimon 

«r  Sit)  ma 

(Rii.  Iv.  SI  i 

1  Chr.  ii.  11). 


Eliinelecli  ■*  Naomi  (Ru.  i.  1^ 


.1. 


Boaz  —  Ruth  —  Mai.  Ion 
I  (Ru.  iv.  10)1 

Obed 
(Ru.  iv.  H). 

I 


Cliiiion  —  Orpab. 


(?  Sam.  ivii.  !£)Kahaiii  [I]  — onbiowa  — J<w<(l  Chr.  iL  »I1). 

I  I 


JcDiithan  (1  Clir.  xxvii.  Zi)  \T\. 


Zeruiah 
ll  l-hr. 


Abigail .-  Jetkcr  >■  Ira  I  t 

I  (1  Chr.    (Jerome. 

ii.  17).     i^v.  lUk. 

I  oa  1  Chr. 

I  xl.  4U). 


Ejiab,    Atinudiib, 
Elibu 
(I  Chr. 
nvlL  iS). 


I 
Shnmmah, 
Sbin.uin, 
Sbtmeah 
i-1  Soin. 
xxi.  Kl). 
I 


Ozt^m 
(Aeam, 
Jca.  Jos. 

y\.  8,  §  I.    tL  8,  <i  1.) 
Rei,  Ewaid). 


Rmldni 
(Rael, 


lukd. 


AeL 


Zeb:.di8b 
(1  Cbr.  uril.  T), 


,         Abiball  ^  Rehoboam. 
(i  Chr.  xi.  19,. 


Jcaiilbnn  Jcnadnb  Jcel  {?] 

(2  Saul.  xxi.  81 ;        (S  Sam.  (Jeron.e, 

1  Cbr.  xxvii.  3x  [!]).  iiiL  3).  ijv.  ]Itb, 

(Natfaaul  OQ  1  Cbr, 

Jerome,  V".  O'l-  "■  3«). 
ou  1  Sam,  XVL  Vi). 


I 

(one 

[I  Sam.  ivl.  10] 

i«  not  given, 

unleaa 

Elibu, 

Syr.  and 

Ar. 

1  Chr.  a  19). 


As  the  youngest  of  the  family  he  may  possibly 
have  received  froni  his  parents  the  name,  which 
first  appears  in  him,  of  Jjacid,  the  beloved,  the  dar- 
linff.  Perhaps  for  this  same  reason  he  was  never 
intimate  with  his  brethren.  The  familiarity  which 
he  lost  with  his  brothers  he  gained  with  his 
nephews.  The  three  sons  of  his  sister  Zeruiah, 
and  the  one  son  of  his  sister  Abigail,  were  proba- 
bly of  the  same  age  as  David  himself,  and  they  ac- 
cordingly were  to  him  throughout  life  in  the  rela- 
tion usually  occupied  by  brothers  and  cousins. 
The  two  sons  of  his  brother  Shimeah  are  both 
connected  with  his  aftei'-history.  One  was  Jona- 
dab,  the  friend  and  adviser  of  his  eldest  son  Am- 
non  (2  Sam.  xiii.  3).  The  other  was  Jonathan  (2 
Sam.  xxi.  21),  who  afterward  perhaps  (see  Joxa- 
THA.N  2)  became  the  counsellor  of  David  him- 
i-clf  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  32).  The  first  time  that  David 
appears  in  history  at  once  admits  us  to  the 
whole  l^imily  circle.  There  was  a  practice  once 
a  year  at  Bethlehem,  probably  at  the  first  new 
moon  of  the  year,  of  holding  a  sacrificial  feast, 
at  which  Jesse,  as  the  chief  proprietor  of  the 
place,  would  preside  (1  Sam.  xx.  6),  with  the  ciders 
'if  the  town.  At  this  or  such  like  feast  (xvi.  1) 
.-uddenly  appeared  the  great  prophet  Samuel,  dri- 
ving a  heifer  before  him,  and  having  in  his  hand  a 
horn  of  the  consecrated  oil  of  the  Tabernacle. 
The  heifer  was  killed.  The  party  were  waiting  to 
I  ('gin  the  feast.  Samuel  stood  with  his  horn  to 
pour  forth  the  oil  (AxoixTiNc),  as  if  for  an  invita- 
lion  to  begin  (compare  ix.  22).  He  was  restrained 
by  divine  intimation  as  son  after  son  passed  by. 
niiab,  the  eldest,  by  "  his  height "  and  "  his  coun- 
tenance," seemed  the  natural  counterpart  of  Saul, 
whose  rival,  unknown  to  them,  the  prophet  came 
to  select.  But  the  day  was  gone  when  kings  were 
chosen  because  they  were  head  and  shoulders  taller 
than  the  rest.  "Samuel  said  unto  Jesse,  Are  here 
all  thy  children  ?  And  he  said.  There  rcmaineth 
yet  the  youngest,  and  behold  he  kecpclh  the 
sheep."  This  is  our  first  and  most  characteristic 
introduction  to  the  future  king.  The  boy  was 
brought  in,  and  "anointed"  by  the  prophet  "in 
the  midst  of  his  brethren ;  and  the  spirit  of  the 
Lord  came  upon  David  from  that  day  forward" 
(xvi.  13).  It  is  useless  to  speculate  on  the  extent 
to  which  bis  mission  was  then  known  to  himself  or 


to  others.  Joscphus  (vi.  8,  8  1)  says  that  Samticl 
whispered  it  into  his  car.  We  are  enabled  to  fix 
his  appearance  at  once  in  our  minds.  He  was  of 
short  stature,  with  red  or  auburn  hair,  such  as  is 
not  unfrequently  seen  in  his  countrymen  of  the 
East  at  the  present  day.  In  later  life  he  wore  a 
beard.  His  bright  eyes  are  especially  mentioned 
(xvi.  12),  and  generally  he  was  remarkable  for  the 
grace  of  his  figure  and  countenance  ("  iair  of  eyes," 
"comely,"  "goodly,"  xvi.  12,  margin,  18,  xvii.  42), 
well  made,  and  of  immense  strength  and  agility. 
His  swiftness  and  activity  made  him  (like  his 
nephew  Asahel)  like  a  wild  gazelle,  his  I'ect  like 
harts'  feet,  and  his  arms  strong  enough  to  break  a 
bow  of  steel  (Ps.  xviii.  S3,  34).  He  was  pursuing 
the  occupation  allotted  in  Eastern  countries  usually 
to  the  slaves,  the  females,  or  the  despised  of  the 
iamily.  He  usually  carried  a  switch  or  wand  (A,V. 
"staff")  in  his  hand  (1  Sam.  xvii.  40),  such  as 
would  be  used  for  his  dogs  (xvii,  43),  and  a  scrip 
or  wallet  (Bag  3)  round  his  neck,  to  carry  any 
thing  that  was  needed  for  his  shepherd's  life  (xvii, 
40), — 3,  But  there  was  another  preparation  still 
more  needed  for  his  oflicc,  which  is  his  next  intro- 
duction to  the  history,  When  the  body-guard  of 
Saul  were  discussing  with  their  master  where  the 
best  minstrel  could  be  found  to  chase  away  his  mad- 
ness by  music,  one  of  the  young  men  in  the  guard 
suggested  David,  Saul,  with  the  absolute  control 
inherent  in  the  idea  of  an  Oriental  king,  instantly 
sent  for  him,  and  in  the  successful  effort  of  David's 
harp  we  have  the  first  glimpse  into  that  genius  for 
music*  and  poetry  which  was  afterward  consecrated 
in  the  Psalms, — 4,  One  incident  alcne  of  his  soli- 
tary shepherd  life  has  come  down  to  us — his  con- 
flict with  the  lion  and  the  bear  in  defence  of  bis 
father's  flocks  (xvii,  84,  35).  But  it  did  not  stand 
alone.  He  was  already  known  to  Saul's  guards  for 
his  martial  exploits,  probably  (so  Stanley)  against 
the  Philistines  (xvi.  18),  and,  when  he  suddenly  ap- 
peared in  the  camp,  his  elder  lirother  inimcdiatcly 
guessed  that  he  had  left  the  sheep  in  his  ardor  to 
sec  the  battle  (xvii.  28).  The  reconciliation  of  the 
apparently  contradictory  accounts  in  1  Sam.  xvi. 
14-23,  and  xvii.  12-31,  65-68,  has  much  perplexed 
commentators.  "  The  old  solution  of  the  difficulty, 
that  as  David,  after  his  first  introduction  to  Saul, 
did  not  abide  constantly  with  him,  but  went  and 


212 


DAV 


DAV 


came  between  Saul  and  his  father's  house  (xvii.  15), 
he  may  have  been  at  home  when  the  war  with  the 
Philistines  broke  out ;  and  as  Saul's  distemper  was 
of  the  nature  of  mania,  he  very  probably  retained 
no  recollection  of  David's  visits  to  him  while  under 
it,  but  at  each  new  interview  regarded  and  spoke 
of  him  as  a  stranger,  is,  after  all,  the  best  that  has 
been  suggested"  (Dr.  \V.  L.  Alexander  in  Kitto). 
The  statement  that  David  became  Saul's  armor- 
bearer,  &c.  (xvi.  21)  may  be  anticipatory  (compare 
xvi.  22  and  xviii.  2),  or  Saul  may  have  had  as  many 
armor-bearers  as  Joab  (2  Sam.  xviii.  15),  and  in 
either  case  both  Saul  and  Abner  might  easily  fail 
to  recognize  David,  especially  in  the  excitement  of 
the  moment  and  under  the  greatly  changed  appear- 
ance which  David  probably  presented  at  his  en- 
counter with  Goliath.  Nor  would  his  having 
been  Saul's  armor-bearer  without  actual  service  in 
the  field  have  made  him  a  proficient  in  the  use  of 
arms  or  armor  at  this  time.  His  encounter  with 
GoLiAxn  took  place  at  Epiies-dammim,  in  the  fron- 
tier-hills of  Judah.  Saul's  army  is  encamped  on 
one  side  of  the  ravine,  the  Philistines  on  the  other ; 
the  watercourse  of  Elah  runs  between  them.  A 
Philistine  of  gigantic  stature,  and  clothed  in  com- 
plete armor,  insults  the  comparatively  defenceless 
Israelites,  amongst  whom  the  king  alone  appears  to 
be  well  armed  (xvii.  38 ;  compare  xiii.  22).  No  one 
can  be  found  to  take  up  the  challenge.  At  this 
juncture  David  appears  in  the  camp.  Just  as  he 
comes  to  the  circle  of  %vagons  (Carriage  3)  which 
formed,  as  in  Arab  settlements,  a  rude  fortification 
round  the  Israelite  camp  (xvii.  20),  he  hears  the 
well-known  shout  of  the  Israelite  wai^cry  (compare 
Num.  xxiii.  21).  The  martial  spirit  of  the  boy  is 
stirred  at  the  sound ;  he  leaves  his  provisions  with 
the  baggage-master,  and  darts  to  join  his  brothers, 
like  one  of  the  royal  messengers,  into  the  midst  of 
the  lines.  Then  he  hears  the  challenge,  now  made 
for  the  fortieth  time — sees  the  dismay  of  his  coun- 
trymen— hears  the  reward  proposed  by  the  king — 
goas  with  the  impetuosity  of  youth  from  soldier  to 
soldier,  talking  of  the  event,  in  spite  of  his  brother's 
rebuke — ho  is  introduced  to  Saul — undertakes  the 
combat.  His  victory  over  the  gigantic  Philistine  is 
rendered  more  conspicuous  by  his  own  diminutive 
stature,  and  by  the  simple  weapons  with  which  it 
was  accomplished — not  the  armor  of  Saul,  which 
he  naturally  found  too  large,  but  the  shepherd's 
sling,  which  he  always  carried  with  him,  and  the 
five  polished  pebbles  which  he  picked  up  as  ho 
went  from  the  watercourse  of  the  valley,  and  put 
in  Ills  shepherd's  wallet.  Two  trophies  long  re- 
mained of  the  battle — one,  the  sword  of  the  Philistine 
(Arms,  I.  1),  which  was  hung  up  behind  the  ephod  in 
the  Tabernacle  at  Nob  (1  Sam.  xxi.  9);  the  other, 
the  head,  which  he  bore  away  himself,  and  which 
was  cither  laid  up  at  Nob,  or  subsequently  at  Jeru- 
salem. Ps.  cxliv.,  though  by  its  contents  of  a 
much  later  date,  is  by  the  title  in  the  LXX. 
"against  Goliath."  But  there  is  also  a  psalm, 
preserved  in  the  LXX.  at  the  end  of  the  Psalter, 
aud  which,  though  probably  a  mere  adaptation 
from  the  history,  well  sums  up  this  early  period  of 
his  life. — II.  Relations  with  Saul. — We  now  enter 
on  a  new  aspect  of  David's  life.  The  victory  over 
Goliath  had  been  the  turning-point  of  his  career. 
Saul  inquired  his  parentage,  and  took  him  finally  to 
his  court.  Jonathan  was  inspired  by  the  romantic 
friendship  which  bound  the  two  youths  together  to 
the  end  of  their  lives.  The  triumphant  songs  of 
the  Israclitish  women  announced  that  they  felt  that 


in  him  Israel  had  now  found  a  deliverer  mightier 
even  than  Saul.  And  in  those  songs,  and  in  the  tame 
which  David  thus  acquired,  was  laid  the  foundation 
of  that  unhappy  jealousy  of  Saul  toward  him 
which,  mingling  with  the  king's  constitutional 
malady,  poisoned  his  whole  future  relations  to 
David.  Three  new  qualities  now  began  to  de- 
velop themselves  in  David's  character.  The  first 
was  his  prudence,  already  glanced  at  (1  Sam. 
xvi.  18),  which  was  the  marked  feature  of  the 
beginning  of  his  public  career  (xviii.  5,  14,  15, 
18,  23,  30).  It  was  that  peculiar  Jewish  caution 
which  has  been  compared  to  the  sagacity  of  a 
hunted  animal,  such  as  is  remarked  in  Jacob,  and 
afterward  in  the  persecuted  Israelites  of  the  mid- 
dle ages.  Secondly,  we  now  see  his  magnanimous 
forbearance  called  forth  first  toward  Saul,  but  dis- 
playing itself  (with  a  few  painful  exceptions)  in  the 
rest  of  his  life.  He  is  the  first  example  of  the  vir- 
tue of  chivalry.  Thirdly,  his  hairbreadth  escapes, 
continued  through  so  many  years,  impressed  upon 
him  a  sense  of  dependence  on  the  Divine  help, 
clearly  derived  from  this  epoch  (2  Sam.  iv.  9 ;  1  K. 
i.  29 ;  Ps.  xviii.  2,  36,  xxxi.  20).  This  course  of 
life  subdivides  itself  into  four  portions  : — 1.  Uis  life 
at  the  court  of  Saul  till  his  final  escape  (1  Sam. 
xviii.  2-xix.  18).  His  office  is  not  exactly  defined. 
Hut  it  would  seem  that,  having  been  first  armor- 
bearer  (xvi.  21,  xviii.  2),  then  captain  over  a  thou- 
sand— the  subdivision  of  a  tribe — (xviii.  13),  he 
finally,  on  his  marriage  with  Michal,  the  king's 
second  daughter,  was  raised  to  the  high  office  of 
captain  of  the  king's  body-guard,  second  only,  if  not 
equal,  to  Aimer,  the  captain  of  the  host,  and  Jona- 
than, the  heir  apparent.  These  three  formed  the 
usual  companions  of  the  king  at  his  meals  (xx.  26, 
compare  xxii.  14).  David  was  now  chiefly  known 
for  his  successful  exploits  against  the  Philistines, 
by  one  of  which  (xviii.  25  ff.)  he  won  his  wife,  and 
drove  back  the  Philistine  power  with  a  blow  from 
which  it  only  rallied  at  the  disastrous  close  of  Saul's 
reign.  He  also  still  performed  from  time  to  time 
the  office  of  minstrel.  But  the  successive  snares 
laid  by  Saul  to  entrap  him,  and  the  open  violence 
into  which  the  king's  madness  twice  broke  out,  at 
last  convinced  him  that  his  life  was  no  longer  safe. 
He  had  two  faithful  allies,  however,  in  the  court — the 
son  of  Saul,  his  friend  Jo.nathan  1 — the  daughter  of 
Saul,  his  wife  Miciial.  Warned  by  the  one,  and 
assisted  by  the  other,  he  escaped  by  night,  and  was 
thenceforward  a  fugitive  (Ps.  lix.  title).  Jonathan 
he  never  saw  again  except  by  stealth.  Michal  was 
given  in  marriage  to  another  (Phaltiel),  and  he  saw 
her  no  more  till  long  after  her  father's  death.  2. 
His  escape  (1  Sam.  xix.  18  to  xxi.  15).  He  first  fied 
to  Naioth  of  Ramali,  to  Samuel.  This  is  the  first 
recorded  occasion  of  his  meeting  with  Samuel  since 
the  original  interview  during  his  boyhood  at  Beth- 
lehem. Up  to  this  time  both  the  king  and  himself 
had  thought  that  a  reunion  was  possible  (see  xx.  6, 
26).  But  the  madness  of  Saul  now  became  more 
settled  and  ferocious  in  character,  and  David's  dan- 
ger proportionably  greater.  The  secret  interview 
with  Jonathan  confirmed  the  alarm  already  excited 
by  Saul's  endeavor  to  seize  him  at  Ramah,  and  he 
now  determined  to  leave  his  country,  and  take 
refuge,  like  Coriolanus  or  Themistocles  in  like  cir- 
cumstances, in  the  court  of  his  enemy.  Before  this 
last  resolve,  he  visited  Nob,  the  seat  of  the  Taber- 
nacle, partly  to  obtain  a  final  interview  with  the 
high-priest  (xxii.  9,  15),  partly  to  obtain  food  and 
weapons.     On  the  pretext  of  a  secret  mission  from 


DAV 


DAV 


213 


Saul,  he  gained  an  answer  from  the  oracle,  some  of 
the  consecrated  loaves,  and  the  consecrated  sword 
of  Goliath  (Ps.  Hi.  title).  (Abiathar  ;  Aiiimelech  1 ; 
DoKii.)  Uis  stay  at  the  court  of  Acuisii  was  short. 
Discovered  possibly  by  "  the  sword  of  Goliath,"  his 
presence  revived  the  national  enmity  of  the  Philis- 
tines against  their  former  conqueror,  and  he  only 
escaped  by  feigning  madness  (1  Sam.  xxi.  13).  3.  llis 
life  as  an  independent  outlaw  (xxii.  1  to  xxvi.  25). 
(o)  Uis  first  retreat  was  the  cave  of  Adullam, 
where  he  was  joined  by  his  whole  family,  now  feel- 
ing themselves  insecure  from  Saul's  fury  (xxii.  1). 
This  was  probably  the  foundation  of  his  intimate 
connection  with  his  nephews,  the  sons  of  Zeruiah. 
(AuisiiAi ;  AsAiiEL  1  ;  Joab.)  Besides  these,  were 
outlaws  and  debtors  from  every  part.  (A)  His  next 
move  was  to  a  stronghold,  either  (so  Stanley)  the 
mountain,  afterward  called  Herodium,  probably 
the  modem  Frank  Mountain,  called  in  Arabic 
el-FnreidU,  and  lying  close  to  the  traditional 
cave  of  AduUam,  or  the  fastness  called  by  Jose- 
phus  (B.  J.  viii.  9,  §  S)  Alasada,  the  Greek  form 
of  the  Hcb.  mltsad  or  miisudah,  A.  V.  "hold"  (1 
Sam.  xxii.  4,  5;  1  Chr.  xii.  16),  and  identified  by 
Robinson  (i.  525)  with  the  ruin  on  the  modern 
Stbbeh,  a  pyramidal  cliff  about  ten  miles  S.  of  En- 
gedi  (see  cut,  under  Sea,  the  Salt)  ;  but  some 
suppose  this  "  hold "  was  in  the  land  of  Moab. 
Whilst  there  he  had  deposited  his  aged  pa- 
rents, for  the  sake  of  greater  security,  beyond 
the  Jordan,  with  their  ancestral  kinsman  of 
Moab  (1  Sam.  xxii.  3).  The  neighboring  king,  Ka- 
hash  of  Ammon,  also  treated  him  kindly  (2  Sam.  x. 
2).  Here  occurred  the  chivalrous  exploit  of  the 
three  heroes  to  procure  water  from  the  well  of 
Bethlehem,  and  David's  chivalrous  answer,  like  that 
of  Alexander  in  the  desert  of  Gedrosia  (1  Chr.  xi. 
16-19;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  14-17).  He  was  joined  here 
by  two  separate  bands.  One  a  little  body  of  eleven 
fierce  Gadite  mountaineers,  who  swam  the  Jordan 
in  flood-time  to  reach  him  (1  Chr.  xii.  8).  Another 
was  a  detachment  of  men  from  Judah  and  Benjamin 
under  Amasai  (=  Amasa,  David's  nephew?),  who 
henceforth  attached  himself  to  David's  fortunes 
(16-18).  (c)  At  the  warning  of  the  prophet  Gad, 
he  fled  next  to  the  forest  of  IIareth,  and  then  again 
fell  in  with  the  Philistines,  and  again,  apparently 
advised  by  Gad  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  4),  made  a  descent  on 
their  foraging  parties,  and  relieved  Keilaii,  in  which 
he  took  up  his  abode.  Whilst  there,  now  for  the 
first  time  in  a  fortified  town  of  his  own  (xxiii.  7),  he 
was  joined  by  a  new  and  most  important  ally — Abi- 
athar, the  last  survivor  of  the  house  of  Ithamar. 
By  this  time  the  400  who  had  joined  him  at  Adul- 
lam  (xxii.  2)  had  swelled  to  600  (xsiii.  13).  ((/) 
The  situation  of  David  was  now  changed  by  the  ap- 
pearance of  Saul  himself  on  the  scene.  Apparently 
the  danger  was  too  great  for  the  little  army  to  keep 
together.  They  escaped  from  Keilah,  and  dispersed, 
"  whithersoever  they  could  go,"  amongst  the  fast- 
nesses of  Judah.  ilcnceforth  it  becomes  difficult 
to  follow  his  movements  with  exactness.  But  thus 
much  we  discern.  He  is  in  the  wilderness  of  Ziph 
2.  Once  (or  twice)  the  Ziphites  betray  his  move- 
ments to  Saul.  From  thence  Saul  literally  hunts 
him  like  a  partridge,  the  treacherous  Ziphites  beat- 
ing the  bushes  before  him,  and  3,000  men,  stationed 
to  catch  even  the  print  of  his  footsteps  on  the  hills 
(xxiii.  14,  22  [Ueb.l,  24  fLXX.],  xxiv.  11,  xxvi.  2, 
20).  David  finds  himself  driven  to  the  extreme  S. 
of  Judah,  in  the  wilderness  of  Maon.  On  two,  if  not 
three  occasions,  the  pursuer  and  pursued  catch  sight 


of  each  other ;  twice  David  generously  spares  Saul's 
life,  and  Saul  confesses  his  fault  and  predicts  the 
future  prosperity  of  David  (xxiii.  25-29,  xxiv.  1-22, 
xxvi.).  To  this  period  are  annexed  by  their  titles 
Ps.  liv.,  Ivii.,  Ixiii.,  cxlii.  Whilst  he  was  in  the  wil- 
derness of  Maon  occurred  David's  adventure  with 
Nabal,  instructive  as  showing  his  mode  of  carrying 
on  the  freebooter's  life,  and  his  marriage  with  Abi- 
gail. His  marriage  with  Ahixoam  from  Jezreel  2, 
also  in  the  same  neighborhood  (Josh.  xv.  56),  seems 
to  have  taken  place  a  short  time  before  (1  Sam.  xxv. 
43,  xxvii.  3  ;  2  Sam.  iii.  2).  4.  Uis  service  under 
Achish  (1  Sam.  xxvii.  1-2  Sam.  i.  27).  Wearied 
with  his  wandering  life  he  at  last  crosses  the  Philis- 
tine frontier,  not,  as  before,  in  the  capacity  of  a  fugi- 
tive, but  the  chief  of  a  powerful  band — his  COO  men 
now  grown  into  an  organized  ibroe,  w  ith  their  wives 
and  families  around  them  (1  Sam.  xxvii.  3,  4).  After 
the  manner  of  Eastern  potentates,  Achish  gave  him, 
for  his  support,  a  city — Ziklao  on  the  frontier  of 
Philistia  (xxvii.  6).  There  we  meet  with  the  first 
note  of  time  in  David's  life.  He  was  seltkd  there 
for  a  year  and  fo^ir  montha  (xxvii.  7),  and  a  body 
of  Bcnjamite  archers  and  slingers,  twenty-three  of 
whom  are  specially  named,  joined  him  from  the  very 
tribe  of  his  rival  (1  Chr.  xii.  1-7).  He  deceived 
Achish  into  confidence  by  attacking  the  old  No- 
madic inhabitants  of  the  desert  frontier,  and  repre- 
senting the  plunder  to  be  of  portions  of  the  S.  tribes 
or  the  Nomadic  allied  tribes  of  Israel.  But  this 
confidence  was  not  shared  by  the  Philistine  nobles, 
and  accordingly  David  was  sent  back  by  Achish 
from  the  last  victorious  campaign  against  Saul. 
During  his  absence  the  roving  Amalekites, 
whom  he  had  plundered  during  the  previous  year, 
had  made  a  descent  upon  Ziklag,  burnt  it  to  the 
ground,  and  carried  oft'  the  wives  and  children  of 
the  new  settlement.  A  wild  scene  of  frantic  grief 
and  recrimination  ensued  between  David  and  his 
followers.  It  was  calmed  by  an  oracle  of  assurance 
from  Abiathar.  Assisted  by  the  Manassites  who 
had  joined  him  on  the  march  to  Gilboa  (1  Chr.  xii. 
19-21),  he  overtook  the  invaders  in  the  desert,  and 
recovered  the  spoil  (1  Sam.  xxx.).  Two  days  after 
this  victory  an  Amalekite  arrived  from  the  N.  with 
the  fatal  news  of  the  defeat  of  Gilboa.  The  recep- 
tion of  the  tidings  of  the  death  of  his  rival  and 
of  his  friend,  the  solemn  mourning,  the  vent  of  his 
indignation  against  the  bearer  of  the  message,  the 
pathetic  lamentation  that  followed,  well  close  the 
second  period  of  David's  life  (2  Sam.  i.  1-27). — III. 
David's  reign. — (I.)  As  king  of  Judah  at  Hebro.n, 
seven  and  a  half  years  (2  Sam.  ii.  1-v.  5).  Hebron 
was  selected,  doubtless,  as  the  ancient  sacred  city 
of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  the  burial-place  of  the  pa- 
triarchs and  the  inheritance  of  Caleb.  Here  David 
was  first  formally  anointed  king  (ii.  4).  To  Judah 
his  dominion  was  nominally  confined.  Gradually 
his  power  increased,  and  during  the  two  years 
which  followed  the  elevation  of  Islibosheth  a  series 
of  skirmishes  took  place  between  the  two  king- 
doms. Then  rapidly  followed,  though  without  Da- 
vid's consent,  the  successive  murders  of  Abxer  and 
of  IsiiBOSHETii  (iii.  30,  iv.  6).  The  throne,  so  long 
waiting  for  him,  was  now  vacant,  and  the  united 
voice  of  the  whole  people  at  once  called  him  to 
occupy  it.  A  solemn  league  was  made  between 
him  and  his  people  (v.  3).  For  the  thir<l  time 
David  was  anointed  king,  and  a  festival  of  three 
days  celebrated  the  joyful  event  (1  Chr.  xii.  89). 
His  little  hand  had  now  swelled  into  "a  great 
host,  like  the  host  of  God  "  (xii.  22).      The  com- 


214 


DAY 


DAV 


mand  of  it,  which  had  formerly  rested  on  David 
alone,  he  now  devolved  on  his  nephew  Joab  (2 
Sam.  ii.  28).  Underneath  this  show  of  outward 
prosperity,  two  cankers,  incident  to  the  royal  state 
which  David  now  assumed,  had  first  made  them- 
selves apparent  at  Hebron,  which  darkened  all  the 
rest  of  his  career:  (1.)  the  formation  of  a  harem, 
according  to  the  usage  of  Oriental  kings  (ii.  2,  iii. 
3-5,  14  ff.) ;  (2.)  the  increasing  power  of  his  kins- 
men and  chief  officers,  which  the  king  strove  to  re- 
strain within  the  limits  of  right  (iii.  31-36).  (II.) 
Reign  over  all  Israel  thirty-three  years  (2  Sam.  v.  5 
to  1  K.  ii.  11).  1.  The  foundation  of  Jerusalem. 
One  flistncss  alone  in  the  centre  of  the  land  had 
hitherto  defied  the  arms  of  Israel.  On  this,  with  a 
singular  prescience,  David  fi.ted  as  his  future  capital. 
By  one  sudden  assault  Jebus  was  taken.  The  reward 
bestowed  on  the  successful  scaler  of  the  precipice 
was  the  highest  place  in  the  army.  Joab  hencefor- 
ward became  captain  of  the  host  (1  Chr.  xi.  6).  The 
royal  residence  was  instantly  fixed  there — fortifica- 
tions were  added  by  the  king  and  by  Joab — and  it 
was  known  by  the  special  name  of  the  "  city  of 
David  "  (xi.  7  ;  2  Sam.  v.  9).     The  Philistines  made 


two  ineffectual  attacks  on  the  new  king  (2  Sam.  v. 
17-25),  and  a  retribution  on  their  former  victories 
took  place  by  the  capture  and  conflagration  of  their 
own  idols  (1  Chr.  xiv.  12).  Tyre,  now  for  the  first 
time  appearing  in  the  sacred  history,  allied  herself 
with  Israel ;  and  Hiram  sent  cedarwood  for  the  build- 
ings of  the  new  capital  (2  Sam.  v.  11),  especially 
for  the  palace  of  David  himself  (vii.  2).  Unhallowed 
and  profane  as  the  city  had  b,een  before,  it  was  at 
once  elevated  to  a  sanctity  which  it  has  never  lost, 
above  any  of  the  ancient  sanctuaries  of  the  land. 
The  ark  was  now  removed  from  its  obscurity  at 
Kirjath-jearim  with  marked  solemnity.  A  temporary 
halt,  owing  to  the  death  of  Uzzah,  detained  it  at 
Obed-edom's  house,  after  which  it  again  moved  for- 
ward with  great  state  to  Jerusalem.  It  was  the 
greatest  day  of  David's  life.  One  incident  only  tar- 
nished its  splendor — the  reproach  of  Michal,  his 
wife  (Dance),  as  he  was  finally  entering  his  own 
palace,  to  carry  to  his  own  household  the  benedic- 
tion which  he  had  already  pronounced  on  his  people. 
His  act  of  severity  toward  her  was  an  additional 
mark  of  the  stress  which  he  himself  laid  on  the 
solemnity  (vi.   20-23 ;   1   Chr.   xv.  29  ;  Ps.  vi.,  xv., 


TABLE  OF  D.WID'S  WIVES  AM)  CHILDREN. 


(I.)    Wives  of  the  Wanderings. 

(1  Sam.  iivii.  3 1  1  Chr.  ill.  1.) 
Abiooam  of  Jezreel    -«    Abigail  of  Carmel. 


Amnon  or  Jefaiel  t  T 

(Jerome  ^.  lleh, 

on  1  Cbr.  uvii.  32). 


Cbileab  or  Daniel 

(1  Chr.  ill.  1; 

Joe.  Til.  I,i4). 


Maacab    ^ 
of  Oeeliur 

I 


(II.)    Wives  at  Hebron. 

(2  Sam.  iii.  2-5  j  1  Cbr,  ill.  1-4) 
Hai^tb    —    Afcitol 


Eglah    —    Mlc!;al 
I  (2  Sam. 

UL  13j. 


Absalom.  Tamor.      Adonijab.    Sbepbatiab.    Ithream. 


I 


N.  B. — Tbere  were,  beaides,  10  concubinee 
(S  Sam.  V.  13,  r%'.  16),  whose  cbUdreu  (1  Cbr. 
ill.  9)  are  not  named. 


3  Bona  who 

died  i'i  Sam, 

xiv.  27, 

iviU.  18). 


Tamer— Uriel! 
(2  Sam.  I  (SChr. 
IIV.  27).       ilil.  2). 

Maachah  —  Rehosoam 

Mlcbaiah       I   (1  K.  IV.  8). 
(2Chr.iiii.  2).  I 

Abijau. 


(III.)  Wives  at  Jerusalem. 

(1.)  Wivee  not  named  (2  Sam.  v.  13-16 ;  1  Chr.  liL  5-8,  xir.  4-7). 


Ibbar,         Eliehua, 
£b«ar         Eiisbama 
(LXX.).       (1  Chr. 
iii.  6). 


Eliphelet, 
Elpalet 
(1  Chr. 
xir.i). 


Nogab.         Nepbeg.         Japbio.  Eliabama. 


Eliada, 
JWe\  iaila 
(1  Chr. 
xiv.  7). 


Eliphelet,  Jerimoth 

Klipbalet.     (2  Chr.  iL  18). 


Mabalatb  —  Reboboam. 


(2.)  Batb-iheba, 

Batb-sbiia 

(I  Cbr.  llL  5). 


one  died 

as  a  child 

(2  Sam.  xil.  15), 


Sbammua, 

Sbimea 

(1  Chr.  iii  5X 


Shobab. 


Solomon 
(2  Sam.  xil.  25). 


Mabalatb  —  Rsboboau  —  Maachah 

I  (1  K.  xv.  2). 


xxiv.,  xxix.,  XXX.,  xlvi.,  Ixviii.,  xcvi.,  ci.,  cr.,  cvi., 
cxxxii,,  and  compare  1  Chr.  xvi.  8-36).  2.  Foun- 
dation of  the  court  and  empire  of  Israel  (2  Sam. 
viii.-xii.).  The  erection  of  the  new  capital  at  Jeru- 
salem introduces  us  to  a  new  era  in  David's  life  and 
in  the  history  of  the  monarchy.  He  became  a  king 
on  the  scale  of  the  great  Oriental  sovereigns  of 
Egypt  and  Persia,  with  a  regular  administration  and 
organization  of  court  and  camp,  and  he  also  founded 
an  nnperial  dominion  which  for  the  first  time  real- 
ized the  prophetic  description  of  the  bounds  of  the 
chosen  people  (Gen.  xv.  18-21).  The  internal  or- 
ganization now  established  lasted  till  the  final  over- 
throw of  the  monarchy.  The  empire  was  of  much 
shorter  duration,  continuing  only  through  the  reigns 
of  David  and  his  successor  Solomon.     But,  for  the 


period  of  its'  existence,  it  lent  a  peculiar  characte 
to  the  sacred  history  (2  Sam.  vii.  9).     (a)  In  the  in'^ 
ternal  organization  of  the  kingdom,  the  first  ne« 
element  to  be  considered   is  the  royal  family,  tha 
dynasty,  of  which  David  was  the  founder,  a  position 
which  entitled  him  to  the  name  of  "Patriarchs 
(Acts  ii.  29),  and  (ultimately)  of  the  ancestor  of  tbjj 
Messiah.     Of  these,  Absalom  and  Adonijaii  botT 
inherited  their  father's  beauty (2  Sam.  xiv.  25 ;  IT 
i.  6) ;  but  Solomon  alone  possessed  any  of  his  highd 
qualities.     It  was  from  a  union  of  the  children 
Solomon  and  Absalom  that  the  royal  line  was  ca 
ried  on  (1  K.  xv.  2).     David's  strong  parental  affea 
tion  for  all  of  them  is  very  remarkable  (2  Sam.  xiil 
31,   33,   36,   xiv.   33,  xviii'.  5,  33,  xix.  4  ;   1  K.  i._6)I 
(6)  The  military  organization  (Arms  ;  Army),  whW 


DAV 


DAV 


215 


was  in  fact  inherited  from  Saul,  but  greatly  devel- 
■  iped  by  David,  was  as  follows  :  (1.)  "  The  Host,"  i.  e. 
•:ie  whole  available  military  force  of  Israel,  in  12 
iivisions  of  24,OUO  each,  wlio  wore  held  to  be  in 
iiity  month  by  month  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  1-15).  The 
nnivwas  still  distinguished  from  those  of  surround- 
iig  nations  as  a  force  of  infantry  without  cavalry. 
1  lie  only  innovations  as  yet  allowed  were  the  iu- 
iioductiou  of  a  very  limited  number  of  chariots 
•1  Sam.  viii.  4)  and  of  mules  for  the  princes  and 
llicers  instead  of  the  asses  (xiii.  29,  xviii. 
.'(.  (2.)  The  Body-guard  now  assumed  a  peculiar 
'v;.piniiiation.  They  are  usually  called  "  Cheretii- 
1  Ks  and  Feletiiites."  The  captain  of  the  force  was 
JJe.vaiai!  1,  son  of  Jchoiada  (2  Sam.  viii.  18,  xv.  18, 
XX.  23 ;  IK.  i.  38,  44).  (3.)  The  most  peculiar  mil- 
itary institution  in  David's  army  was  that  which 
arose  out  of  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  his  early 
life.  The  nucleus  of  what  afterward  became  the 
inly  standmg  army  in  David's  forces  was  the  band 
if  six  hundred  men  who  had  gathered  round  him  in 
l.iii  wanderings.  The  number  of  six  hundred  was 
-till  preserved.  It  became  yet  further  subdivided 
into  three  large  bands  of  two  hundred  each,  and 
f  mall  bands  of  twenty  each.  The  small  bands  were 
commanded  by  thirty  olficers,  one  for  each  band, 
who  together  formed  . "  the  thirty,"  and  the  three 
large  bands  by  three  officers,  who  together  formed 
"  the  three,"  and  the  whole  by  one  chief,  "  the  cap- 
tain of  the  mighty  men  "  (2  Sara,  xxiii.  8-39 ;  1  Chr. 
xi.  9-47).  This  commander  of  the  whole  force  was 
Abishai,  David's  nephew  (1  Chr.  xi.  20 ;  and  com- 
jiare  2  Sara.  xvi.  9).  The  preceding  is  the  view 
ilopted  by  Stanley.  (Army.)  (c)  Side  by  side  with 
ihis  military  organization  were  established  social 
liid  moral  institutions.  Some  were  entirely  for  pas- 
I'lral,  agricultural,  and  financial  purposes  (1  Chr. 
xxvii.  25-31),  others  for  judicial  (xxvi.  29-32). 
>i)me  few  are  named  as  constituting  what  would 
now  be  called  the  court  or  council  of  the  king; 
the  councillors,  Ahithophel  of  Gilo,  and  Jonathan 
the  king's  "uncle"  or  nephew  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  32, 
33);  the  "companion"  or  "friend,"  Ilushai  (33;  2 
Sam.  XV.  37,  xvi.  19);  the  scribe,  Slieva  or  Seraiah, 
and  at  one  time  Jonathan  (xx.  25 ;  1  Chr.  xxvii. 
32);  Jchoshaphat,  the  recorder  or  historian,  and 
Adoram  the  tax-collector,  both  of  whom  survived 
him  (2  Sam.  xx.  24;  IK.  xii.  18,  iv.  3,  6).  Dut  the 
more  peculiar  of  David's  institutions  were  those 
directly  bearing  on  religion.  Two  prophets  appear 
as  the  king's  constant  advisers.  Of  these,  tjad, 
who  seems  to  have  been  the  elder,  had  been  David's 
companion  in  exile ;  and  from  liis  being  called  "  the 
seer,"  belongs  probably  to  the  earliest  form  of  the 
prophetic  schools.  Nathan,  who  appears  for  the 
first  time  after  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom  at 
Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  vii.  2),  is  distinguished  both  by 
his  title  of  "prophet,"  and  by  the  nature  of  the 
prophecies  which  he  utters  (5-17,  xii.  1-14),  as  of 
the  purest  type  of  prophetic  dispensation,  and  as 
the  hope  of  the  new  generation,  which  he  supports 
in  the  person  of  Solomon  (1  K.  i.).  Two  high-priests 
also  appear — representatives  of  the  two  rival  houses 
of  Aaron  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  3);  here  again,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  two  prophets,  one,  Abiatbar,  who  at- 
tended him  at  Jerusalem,  companion  of  his  exile, 
nnd  connected  with  the  old  time  of  the  judges 
(xxvii.  34),  joining  hira  after  the  death  of  Saul,  and 
becoming  afterward  the  support  of  his  son ;  the 
other  Zadok,  who  ministered  at  Gibeon  (xvi.  39), 
and  was  made  the  head  of  the  Aaronic  family 
(xxvii.  17).   Besides  these  four  great  religious  func- 


tionaries there  were  two  classes  of  subordinates — 
prophets,  specially  instructed  in  singing  and  music, 
uuder  Asaph,  llcman,  and  Jeduthun  (xxv.  1-El) — 
Levitcs,  or  attendants  on  the  sanctuary,  who  again 
were  subdivided  into  the  guardians  of  the  gates  ar.d 
guardians  of  the  treasures  (xxvi.  1-28)  which  hiid 
been  accumulated,  since  the  recstablislimcnt  of  the 
nation,  by  Samuel,  Saul,  Abner,  Joab,  and  David 
himself  (26-28).  {d)  From  the  internal  state  of 
David's  kingdom  we  pass  to  its  external  relations. 
Within  ten  years  from  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  he 
had  reduced  to  a  state  of  permanent  subjection  the 
Philistines  on  theW.  (2Sam.viii.  1);  thcMoABiiES 
on  the  E.  (viii.  2) ;  the  Syrians  on  the  N.  E.  as  far 
as  the  Euphrates  (viii.  3);  the  Edomites  (viii.  14) 
on  the  S. ;  and  finally  the  Ammonites,  who  had 
broken  their  ancient  alliance,  and  made  one  grand 
resistance  to  the  advance  of  his  empire  (x.  1-19, 
xii.  2G-31).  These  three  last  wars  were  entangled 
with  each  other.  The  last  and  crowning  point  was 
the  siege  of  Kabbah  1  (2  Sam.  xxii. ;  Ps.  xviii.,  xx., 
xxi.,  Ix.,  Ixviii.,  cviii.  7-13).  3.  Three  great  calam- 
ities may  be  .selected  as  marking  the  beginning, 
middle,  and  close  of  David's  otherwise  prosperous 
reign ;  which  appears  to  be  intimated  in  the  question 
of  Gad  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  13),  "  a  three  years'  famine  (1 
Chr.  xxi.  12  ;  probably  the  "  7  "  in  2  Sam.  is  a  copy- 
ist's error),  a  three  months'  flight,  or  a  three  days' 
pestilence."  (a)  Of  these,  the  first  (the  three  years' 
famine)  (2  Sam.  xxi.  1  ff.)  introduces  us  to  the  last 
notices  of  David's  relations  with  the  house  of  Saul. 
There  has  often  arisen  a  painful  suspicion  in  later 
times,  as  there  seems  to  have  been  at  the  lime  (xvi. 
7),  that  the  oracle,  which  gave  as  the  cause  of  the 
famine  Saul's  massacre  of  the  Gibeonites,  may  have 
been  connected  with  the  desire  to  extinguish  the  last 
remains  of  the  fallen  dynasty.  But  such  an  expla- 
nation is  not  needed.  The  massacre  was  probably 
the  most  recent  national  crime  that  had  lelt  any 
deep  impression  ;  and  the  whole  tenor  of  David's 
conduct  toward  Saul's  family  is  of  an  opposite  kind 
(compare  ix.  1-13,  xxi.  7, 14).  (i)The  second  group 
of  incidents  contains  the  tragedy  of  David's  life, 
which  grew  in  all  its  parts  out  of  the  polygamy, 
with  its  evil  consequences,  into  which  he  had 
plunged  on  becoming  king.  Underneath  the  splen- 
dor of  his  last  glorious  campaign  against  the  Am- 
monites, was  a  dark  story,  known  probably  at  that 
time  only  to  a  very  few  ;  the  double  crime  of  adul- 
tery with  liath-shcba,  and  of  the  virtual  murder  of 
Uriah  1  (xi.  ff.).  The  crimes  are  undoubtedly  those 
of  a  common  Oriental  despot.  But  the  rebuke  of 
Nathan ;  the  sudden  revival  of  the  king's  con- 
science ;  his  grief  for  the  sickness  of  the  child  ;  (he 
gathering  of  liis  uncles  and  elder  brothers  around 
him  ;  his  return  of  hope  and  peace  ;  are  character- 
istic of  David,  and  of  David  only  (Ps.  xxxii.,  li.). 
But  the  clouds  from  this  time  gathered  over  David's 
fortunes,  and  henceforward  "  the  sword  never  de- 
parted from  his  house"  (2  Sam.  xii.  10).  The 
outrage  on  his  daughter  Tamar  2  ;  the  murder  of 
his  eldest  son  Amnon  1  ;  and  then  the  revolt  of  his 
best-beloved  Absalom,  brought  on  the  crisis  which 
once  more  sent  him  forth  a  wanderer,  as  in  the  days 
when  he  fled  from  Saul ;  and  this,  the  heaviest  trial 
of  his  life,  was  aggravated  by  the  impetuosity  of 
Joab,  now  perhaps,  from  his  complicity  in  David's 
crime,  more  unmanageable  than  ever.  The  rebellion 
was  fostered  apparently  by  the  growing  jealousy  of 
the  tribe  of  Judah  at  seeing  their  king  absorbed 
into  the  whole  nation ;  and  if  Ahithophel  was  the 
grandfather  of  Bath-sheba,  its  main  supporter  was 


216 


DAY 


DAY 


one  whom  David  had  provoked  by  his  own  crimes 
(Ps.  iii.,  iv.  [?],  xlii.,  Iv.,  Ixix.,  cix.,  cxliii.).  (Aiiimaaz 
2;  Barzillai  1;  Shimei  2.)  Mahaxaim  was  the 
capital  of  David's  exile,  as  it  had  been  of  the  exiled 
house  of  Saul  (2  Sam.  xvii.  24  ;  eomp.  ii.  8,  12).  His 
forces  were  arranged  under  the  three  great  military 
officers  who  remained  faithful  to  his  fortunes — Joaij, 
Abishai,  and  Ittai,  who  seems  to  have  taken  the 
place  of  Benaiah  as  captain  of  the  guard  (xviii.  2). 
On  Absalom's  side  was  David's  nephew  Amasa  (xvii. 
25).  Tlie  final  battle  was  fought  in  the  forest  of 
Ephraim  (Ephraim,  the  Woon  of),  which  terminated 
in  the  accident  leading  to  the  death  of  Absalom. 
The  return  was  marked  at  every  stage  by  rejoicing 
and  amnesty  (xix.  16-40).  Judah  w.is  first  recon- 
ciled. The  embers  of  the  insurrection  still  smoul- 
dering (xix.  41-43)  in  David's  hereditary  enemies 
of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  were  trampled  out  by  the 
mixture  of  boldness  and  sagacity  in  Joab,  now,  after 
the  murder  of  Amasa,  once  more  in  his  old  posi- 
tion ;  and  David  again  reigned  in  undisturbed  peace 
at  Jerusalem  (xx.  1-22).  (c)  The  closing  period  of 
David's  life,  with  the  exception  of  one  great  calam- 
ity, may  be  considered  as  a  gradual  preparation  for 
the  reign  of  his  successor.  This  calamity  was  the 
three  days'  pestilence  which  visited  Jerusalem  at 
the  warning  of  the  prophet  Gad.  The  occasion 
which  led  to  this  warning  was  the  census  of  the 
people  taken  by  Joab  at  the  king's  orders  (xxiv.  1- 
9 ;  1  Chr.  xxi.  1-7,  xxvii.  23,  24).  Joab  refused  al- 
together to  number  Levi  and  Benjamin  (xxi.  6). 
The  plague  and  its  cessation  were  conunemorated 
down  to  the  latest  times  of  the  Jewish  nation.  At 
the  threshing-floor  of  Araunah,  or  Oman,  the  Je- 
busite  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  16  ff. ;  1  Chr.  xxi.  1,5  it.),  an  aw- 
ful vision  appeared,  such  as  is  described  in  the  later 
days  of  Jerusalem,  of  the  angel  of  the  Lord  stretch- 
ing out  a  drawn  sword  between  earth  and  sky  over 
the  devoted  city.  The  scene  of  such  an  apparition 
at  such  a  moment  was  at  once  marked  out  for  a 
sanctuary.  David  demanded,  and  Araunah  willing- 
ly granted  the  site ;  the  altar  was  erected  on  the 
rock  of  the  threshing-floor ;  the  place  was  called 
"  Moriaii  "  2  (2  Chr.  iii.  1) ;  and  for  the  first  time  a 
holy  place,  sanctified  by  a  vision  of  the  divine  pres- 
ence, was  recognized  in  Jerusalem.  This  spot  after- 
ward became  the  altar  of  the  Temple,  and  therefore 
the  centre  of  the  national  worship,  with  but  slight 
interruption,  for  more  than  one  thousand  years,  and 
it  is  even  contended  that  the  same  spot  is"  the  rock 
still  regarded  with  almost  idolatrous  veneration,  in 
the  centre  of  the  Mussulman  "  Dome  of  the  Rock." 
A  formidable  conspiracy  to  interrupt  the  succession 
(Ado.nuah)  broke  out  in  the  last  days  of  David's 
reign,  which  detached  from  his  person  two  of  his 
court,  Joab  and  Abiathar.  But  Zadok,  Nathan,  Be- 
naiah, Shimei,  and  Rei,  remaining  firm,  the  plot  was 
stifled,  and  Solomon's  inauguration  took  place  under 
his  father's  auspices  (1  K.  i.  1-53  ;  Ps.  ii.,  xcii.). — 
By  this  time  David's  infirmities  had  grown  upon 
him.  The  warmth  of  his  exhausted  frame  was  at- 
tempted to  be  restored  by  the  introduction  of  Abi- 
SHAQ  (1  K.  i.  1  ff.,  ii.  17  ff.).  His  last  song  is  pre- 
served— a  striking  union  of  the  ideal  of  a  just  ruler 
which  he  had  placed  before  him,  and  of  the  difficul- 
ties which  he  had  felt  in  realizing  it  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  1 
-1).  His  last  words,  as  recorded,  to  his  successor, 
are  general  exhortations  to  his  duty,  combined  with 
warnings  against  Joab  and  Shimei,  and  charges  to 
remember  tlie  children  of  Barzillai  (1  K.  ii.  1-9). 
He  died,  according  to  Josephus,  at  the  age  of  seven- 
ty, and  "  was  buried  in  the  city  of  David."     After 


the  return  from  the  Captivity,  "  the  sepulchres  of 
David  "  were  still  pointed  out  "  between  Siloah  and  the 
house  of  the  mighty  men,"  or  "  the  guardhouse  "  (Xeli. 
iii.  16).  His  tomb,  which  became  the  general  sepulchre 
of  the  kings  of  Judah,  was  pointed  out  in  the  latest 
times  of  the  Jewish  people.  The  edifice  shown  as 
such  from  the  Crusades  to  the  present  day  is  on  tlie 
S.  hill  of  modern  Jerusalem,  commonly  called  Mount 
Zion,  under  the  so-called  "  Ca-naculum  ;  "  but  it  can- 
not be  identified  with  the  tomb  of  David,  which  wils 
emphatically  vnihin  the  walls.  David's  character  is 
fully  brought  out  in  the  historical  record  of  his  lil'c 
and  in  his  Fsalsis.  His  faults,  which  were  certainly 
great,  have  oitcn  been  exaggerated.  They  were  the 
common  faults  in  his  day  of  a  man  of  ardent  pas- 
sions, and  were  especially  to  be  expected  in  one 
placed  in  his  varying  circumstances.  His  life  will 
compare  favorably  in  this  respect  with  the  lives  of 
Eastern  warriors  aud  monarchs  in  general.  On  the 
other  hand,  his  virtues  shine  with  peculiar  bright- 
ness, and  render  it  not  inappropriate  for  God  to  call 
him  "  a  man  after  his  own  heart  "  (1  Sam.  xiii.  14  ; 
Acts  xiii.  22).  If  his  sins  were  great,  his  humiliation 
was  as  deep,  and  his  penitence  evidently  as  sincere 
as  any  ever  recorded  (Ps.  Ii.,  &c.).  He  had  the  high 
honor  of  being  both  an  ancestor  and  a  representative 
(Ez.  xxxiv.  23,  24,  &c.)  of  the  Lord  Jksus  Cubist. 
Israel,  Kingdom  of. 

Da'vid,  City  of.    BExirLEnEM ;  Jerusale.m. 

Day  (Heb.  yum;  Gr.  himera).  The  variable  length 
of  the  natural  day  at  different  seasons  led  in  the  ^ 
very  earliest  times  to  the  adoption  of  the  civil  day  , 
(or  one  revolution  of  the  sun)  as  a  standard  of  time 
Tlie  commencement  of  the  civil  day  varies  in  differe 
nations ;  the  Babylonians  reckoned  it  from  sunris 
to  sunrise ;  the  Umbrians  from  noon  to  noon  ;  the ' 
Romans  from  midnight  to  midnight ;  the  Athenians 
and  others  from  sunset  to  sunset.  The  Hebrews 
naturally  adopted  the  latter  reckoning  (Lev.  xxiii.  32, 
"  from  even  unto  even  shall  ye  celebrate  your  sab- 
bath ")  from  Gen.  i.  6,  "  the  evening  and  the  momhic/ 
were  the  first  day  "  (see  below).  The  Jews  are  sup- 
posed, like  the  modern  Arabs,  to  have  adopted  from 
an  early  period  minute  specifications  of  the  parts  of 
the  natural  day.  Roughly  indeed  they  were  content 
to  divide  it  into  "  morning,  evening,  and  noon  "  (Ps. 
Iv.  17);  but  when  they  wished  for  greater  accuracy 
they  pointed  to  six  unequal  parts,  each  of  which  was 
again  subdivided.  These  are  held  to  have  been 
called  in  Hebrew :  I.  Kesheph  (A.  V.  "  twilight," 
1  Sam.  XXX.  17,  &c.  ;"  dawning  of  the  morning," 
Ps.  cxix.  14,  &c.)  and  shaliar  or  shaehar  (usually 
translated  in  A.V.  "the  morning,"  Gen.  xix.  15,  &c.) 
=  the  daum.  After  their  acquaintance  with  Persia 
they  divided  this  into  (a)  the  time  when  the  eastern, 
and  (6)  when  the  western  horizon  was  illuminated. 
The  writers  of  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  divide  the 
dawn  into  four  parts. — II.  Biker  (usually  translated 
"  mornhig,'"  Gen.i.  5,  8,  13,  19,  23,  31,  xix.  27,  &c.), 
sunrise.  Some  suppose  the  Jews,  like  other 
Oriental  nations,  commenced  their  civil  day  at  this 
time  until  the  Exodus. — III.  Horn  or  cliom  liayijwa, 
"heat  of  the  day"  (Gen.  xviii.  1,  &c.),  about  nine 
o'clock. — IV.  Tshharnim,  the  two  tioons  (Gen.  xliii. 
16,  A.  V.  "noon  ;"  Deut.  xxviii.  29,  A.  V.  "noon- 
day "). — Y.Ruah  or  ruaeh  hayyom,  "  the  cool  (literally 
uiind)  of  the  day,"  before  sunset  (Gen.  iii.  8) ;  so  called 
by  the  Persians  to  this  day. — VI.  'Ereb,  "  evening." 
The  phrase  between  the  two  evenings  (V^\.  xvi.  12,  A.V. 
"at  even:"  xxx.  8,  A.V.  "at  even,"  margin  "be- 
tween the  two  evens  "),  marking  the  time  for  slaying 
the  paschal  lamb  and  offering  the  evening  sacrifice 


DAY 


DEA 


217 


(Ex.  xii.  6,  A.V.  "  in  the  evening,"  margin  "between 
tlie  two  evenings ;  "  xxix.  39,  A.V.  "  at  even  "),  led 
to  a  dispute  between  the  Karaites  and  Samaritans  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  Pharisees  on  the  other.  The 
former  tools  it  to  mean  between  sunset  and  lull  dark- 
ness (Deut.  xvi.  6) ;  the  Rabbinists  explained  it  as 
the  time  between  the  beginning  and  end  of  sunset. 
— The  word  "  day  "  is  used  of  a  festal  day  (Hos.  vii. 
6),  a  birthday  (Job  iii.  1),  a  day  of  ruin  (Hos.  i.  1 1  ; 
Job  xviii.  20),  the  judgment-day  (Joel  i.  15  ;  1  Th. 
V.  2),  the  kingdom  of  Christ  (in  Jn.  viii.  66  =  time, 
time  of  manifestation,  Kbn.  A'.  T.  Lex. ;  in  Rom.  xiii. 
12  =  the  light  ot  true  and  higher  kuowledge,  moral 
light,  Itbn.  N.  T.  I^ex.),  and  in  other  senses  which  are 
mostly  self-explaining.  "  Day  "  is  often  used  indefi- 
nitely =:(i7n*  or  period  of  time  {Gen.  ii.  4  ;  Judg.  xviii. 
80 ;  is.  xlviii.  7  ;  Jn.  xiv.  20,  &c.).  On  the  length  of 
the  "  six  days  "  of  Geu.  i.,  see  Creation.  Many  in- 
terpreters regard  the  "days"  in  Dan.  xii.  11,12; 
Bev.  xi.  3,  9,  &c.,  as  sjTnbolizing  or  denoting  yean, 
and  compare  Lev.  xxv.  3,  4  ;  Num.  xiv.  34  ;  Ez.  iv. 
2-6.  Of  those  who  believe  the  work  of  Creation 
to  have  occupied  six  long  successive  periods  of  time, 
some  adopta/V/Kro/iveand  some  mtymbolic  principle 
of  interpretation  :  1.  The /'^'wj-a&c,  that  "  day  "  in 
Gen.  i.  and  Ex.  xx.  11  (as  in  Gen.  ii.  4,  &c.),  and  its 
equivalent  phrase,  "  evening  and  morning,"  directly 
=z  an  indetinite  period  of  timet  This  view  claims 
that  neither  "  evening  and  morning  "  nor  "  day  " 
could  be  literally  understood  of  the  first  three 
*'  days  "  of  Gen.  i.,  before  the  sun  and  moon  ap- 
peared (and  the  second  three  must  be  similar  to  the 
first  three) :  but  that  "  evening  and  morning  "  must 
here  simply  =  the  natural  boundaries  of  one  of  those 
successive  periods  called  "  days."  2.  The  syntbolic, 
that  "  day  "  (and  so  "  evening  and  morning  ")  is  used 
literally  in  Gen.  i.  &c.  ;  but  it  is  then  made  a  typical 
II  presentative  of  a  higher  period  (compare  the  "sev- 
nty  weeks  "  of  Daniel,  and  see  above).  The  Mosaic 
record  may  thus  have  been  originally  communicated 
to  man  in  a  series  of  visions,  each  vision  giving  a 
view  of  one  "day's"  work,  the  "morning"  then=the 
period  of  the  presence  of  creative  energy  or  activity, 
and  the  "  evening  "  =  that  of  the  absence  or  casation 
of  this  energy  or  activity ;  or  without  visions  the 
same  symbolization  would  be  used.  Both  these 
views  regard  the  word  "  day,"  &c.,  as  the  best  to  ex- 
press, in  a  revelation  made  to  Hebrews  and  unedu- 
cated minds  generally,  the  abstract  idea  of  a  regular 
succession  of  periods  of  indefinite  duration  (Prof.  E. 
P.  Barrows  in  B.  S.,  xiv.  79  ff. ;  Rev.  E.  A.  Walker  in 
New  Englarulcr,  xix.  653  if,).  Chronoi-OGY  ;  Hour  ; 
JiDGMENT,  Day  of;  Night;  Sabbath;  Week. 

Days'man,  an  old  English  term,  meaning  umpire 
or  arfiilnilor  (Job  ix.  33).  It  is  derived  from  day, 
in  the  specific  sense  of  a  day  fixed  for  a  trial.  The 
word  is  found  in  Spenser's  Faerie  Queeiie,  ii.  c.  8, 
in  the  Bible  published  in  1551  (1  Sam.  ii.  25),  and 
in  other  works  of  the  same  age. 

Dtaron,  the  A.  V.  translation  in  Phil.  i.  1 ;  1 
Tim.  iii.  8,  12  of  the  Gr.  diakonns,  elsewhere  trans- 
lated "minister"  (Mat.  xx.  26;  Rom.  xiii.  4,  xv.  8, 
4c.)  and  "  servant  "  (Mk.  ix.  35  ;  Jn.  xii.  26  ;  Rom. 
xvi.  1,  &c.).  In  1  Tim.  iii.  10, 13,  the  corresponding 
Greek  verb  dinkoneo  =  to  "  use  the  office  of  a  dea- 
con ;  "  elsewhere  =  to  "minister"  (Mat.  iv.  11, 
Tiii.  15,  kc.)  and  "serve"  (Lk.  x.  40,  xxii.  26,  27; 
Jn.  xii.  2,  26  ;  Acts  vi.  2,  &c.).  The  office  described 
by  this  title  appears  in  the  N.  T.  as  the  correlative 
of  Bishop.  The  two  are  mentioned  together  in 
Phil.  i.  I ;  1  Tim.  iii.  Like  most  words  of  similar 
hnport,  it  appears  to  have  been  first  used  in  its 


generic  sense,  implying  subordinate  activity  ( 1  Cor. 
iii.  5  ;  2  Cor.  vi.  4  ;  A.  V.  "  ministers  "  in  both), 
and  afterward  to  have  gained  a  more  defined  con- 
notation, as  applied  to  a  distinct  body  of  men  in 
the  Christian  society.  The  narrative  of  Acts  vi. 
is  commonly  referred  to  as  giving  an  account  of 
the  institution  of  this  ofiice.  The  apostles,  in 
order  to  meet  the  complaints  of  the  Uellciiistic 
Jews,  that  their  widows  were  neglected  in  the 
daily  ministration  (Gr.  diakonia),  call  on  the  body 
of  believers  to  choose  seven  men  "full  of  tie 
Holy  Ghost  and  of  wisdom,"  whom  they  "may  ap- 
point over  this  business."  It  is  questioned  by 
many,  whether  the  seven  =  the  deacons  of  the 
N.  T.  (Seven,  the.)  There  are  indications,  how- 
ever, of  the  existence  of  another  body  in  the 
church  of  Jerusalem  whom  we  may  compare 
with  the  deacons  of  Phil.  i.  1,  and  1  Tim.  iii. 
8.  As  the  "  elders  "  of  Acts  xiv.  23,  xv.  6  ;  1  Pet. 
V.  1,  were  not  merely  men  advanced  in  years,  so 
the  "  joung  men"  of  Acts  v.  6,  10,  were  probably 
not  merely  young  men,  but  persons  occupying  a 
distinct  position  and  exercising  distinct  functions. 
The  identity  of  "  bishops  "  and  "  elders  "  has  been 
shown  under  Bishop  ;  and  it  is  natural  to  infer 
that  there  was  a  similar  relation  between  the  "  dea- 
cons "  and  "  young  men."  Lk.  xxii.  26  tends  to 
the  same  conclusion.  Assuming  on  these  data  the 
identity  of  the  two  names  we  have  to  ask — (I.)  To 
what  previous  organization,  if  any,  the  order  is 
traceable?  (II.)  What  were  the  qualifications  and 
functions  of  the  men  so  designated  'I  I.  As  the 
constitution  of  the  Jewish  synagogie  had  its  el- 
ders and  pastors,  so  also  it  had  its  subordinate  of- 
ficers (Lk.  iv.  20,  A.  V.  "  minister  "),  whose  work 
it  was  to  give  the  reader  the  rolls  containing  the 
lessons  for  the  day,  to  clean  the  synagogue,  to  open 
and  close  it  at  the  right  times.  II.  The  moral 
qualifications  described  in  1  Tim.  iii.,  as  necessary 
for  the  office  of  a  deacon,  are  substantially  the 
same  as  those  of  the  bishop.  The  deacons,  how- 
ever, were  not  required  to  be  "  given  to  hospital- 
ity," nor  to  be  "apt  to  teach."  It  was  enough  for 
them  to  "hold  the  mystery  of  the  faith  in  a  pure 
conscience."  They  were  not  to  gain  their  living 
by  disreputable  occupations.  On  offering  them- 
selves for  their  work  they  were  to  be  subject  to  a 
strict  scrutiny  (iii.  10),  and  if  this  ended  satisfac- 
torily were  to  enter  on  it.  Prom  the  later  practice 
of  the  church,  the  analogy  of  the  synagogue,  and 
the  scanty  notices  of  the  N.  T.,  we  may  think  of 
the  "deacons"  in  the  church  of  Jerusalem  as  pre- 
paring the  rooms  in  which  the  disciples  met,  taking 
part  in  the  distribution  of  alms  out  of  the  common 
fund,  maintaining  order  at  the  daily  meetings  of 
the  disciples  to  break  bread,  distributing  the  bread 
and  the  wine  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  which  the  apos- 
tle or  his  representative  had  blessed.  According 
to  Tertullian  (second  century)  and  Jerome  (fourth 
century),  deacons  were  permitted  in  some  churches 
to  baptize.  It  does  not  appear  to  have  belonged 
to  the  office  of  a  deacon  to  teach  publicly  in  the 
church.  The  possession  of  any  special  "  gift  "  or 
talent  would  lead  naturally  to  a  higher  work  and 
office,  but  the  idea  that  the  diaconate  was  but  a 
probation  through  which  a  man  had  to  pass  before 
he  could  be  an  elder  or  bishop  was  foreign  to  the 
constitution  of  the  church  of  the  first  century.  The 
best  expositors  (compare  Wiesinger  and  Ellieott) 
regard  the  "  good  degree "  gained  by  those  who 
"have  used  the  office  of  a  deacon  well,"  as  refer- 
ring to  the  honor  which  belongs  essentially  to  the 


218 


DEA 


DEC 


lower  work,  not  to  that  which  they  were  to  find  in 
promotion  to  a  higher. 

Dea't'on-ess.  The  Gr.  diak-onos  is  found  in  Rom. 
xvi.  1  (A.  V.  "servant"),  associated  with  a  female 
name,  and  this  has  led  to  the  conclusion  that  there 
existed  in  the  apostolic  age,  as  there  undoubtedly 
did  a  little  later,  an  order  of  women  bearing  that 
title,  and  exercising  in  relation  to  their  own  se.\ 
functions  analogous  to  those  of  the  deacons.  On 
this  hypothesis  it  has  been  inferred  that  the  women 
mentioned  in  Rom.  xvi.  6,  12,  belonged  to  such  an 
order.  The  rules  given  as  to  the  conduct  of  women 
in  1  Tim.  iii.  11  and  Tit.  ii.  3,  have  in  like  manner 
been  referred  to  them,  and  they  have  been  identi- 
fied even  with  the  "  widows "  of  1  Tim.  v.  3-10. 
(Widow.)  In  some  of  these  instances,  however,  it 
seems  hardly  doubtful  that  writers  have  transferred 
to  the  earliest  age  of  the  church  the  organization 
of  a  later. 

*  Dead  [ded].     Death. 

l)e.ld  Sea.  This  name  nowhere  occurs  in  the 
Bible,  and  appears  not  to  have  existed  until  the 
second  century  a.  c.     Sea,  the  Salt. 

*  Doaf  [def  or  deef  ]  =;  unable  to  he.ar  (Ex.  iv. 
11,  &c.).  It  was  forbidden  in  the  Law  to  curse 
them  (Lev.  xix.  14).  Jesus  Christ  often  restored 
hearing  to  the  deaf,  and  adduced  this  as  a  proof  of 
Uis  Messiahship  (Mat.  xi.  5;  Mk.  vii.  32-37,  &c.). 
(Miracles.)  Those  are  figuratively  "deaf"  who 
refuse  to  ol)ey  the  divine  requirements  (Is.  xxix. 

18,  xlii.  18,  &c.). 
Dearth.    Famine. 

*  Death  (Heb.  mdvcth  ;  Gr.  thanatos,  &c.)  =r  the 
termination  or  extinction  of  life.  1.  "  To  die," 
"death,"  "dead,"  are  used  with  reference  to  the 
termination  of  human  or  animal  life,  whether  nat- 
urallv  (Gen.  v.  5,  xxiii.  2,  3  ff.,  xxv.  8,  11 ;  Mat.  -\. 
8;  Mk.  V.  23,  xii.  20  ff.,  &c.)  or  by  violence  (Gen. 
xxvi.  9;  Ex.  x.xi.  34  ff. ;  Judg  xvi.  30;  Mat.  xv. 
4;  Jn.  xix.  33,  &c.). — 2.  They  also  refer  to  the  de- 
parture or  destitution  of  spiritual  life,  or  a  state  of 
insensibility  to  holiness,  &c.,  as  connected  with  sin 
or  alienation  from  God  (Mat.  viii.  22,  first ;  Eph.  ii. 
1,  &c.). — 3.  They  also  refer  to  the  perdition,  or  ut- 
ter destitution  of  happiness  and  final  exclusion 
from  God's  favor,  which  is  also,  under  the  law  of 
God,  consequent  on  unforgiven  sin,  and  which  in 
Rev.  ii.  11,  &c.,  is  called  the  "second  death  "  (Jn. 
vi.  50,  viii.  51  ;  Rom.  vi.  21,  23,  &c.).  In  Mat.  viii. 
22  the  spiritually  "dead"  (No.  2)  are  to  bury  the 
naturally  "  dead  "  (No.  1);  and  elsewhere  the  dif- 
ferent senses  are  often  closely  connected,  and  may 
be  illustrated  in  the  same  sentence  or  even  in  the 
same  word  (Lk.  xv.  24,  32,  &c.).  "  Death  "  is  often 
personified  (Rev.  vi.  8,  &c.).  Physical  death  (No. 
1)  is  represented  as  a  return  to  the  dust  (Gen.  iii. 

19,  &c.),  a  removal  or  an  absence,  sc.  from  the 
body  (Job  x.  21 ;  Mat.  xxvi.  24 ;  Phil.  i.  23,  &c.),  a 
sleep  (Jer.  Ii.  39;  Dan.  xii.  2;  Jn.  xi.  11,  12,  &c.), 
&c.  15i,oOD  ;  Dam.nation  ;  Darkness  ;  Eternal  ; 
Gate;  Hell;  Murder;  Punisilmexts. 

De'blr  (Heb.  inner  nanduaiy,  Ges.).  1.  A  town 
in  the  mountains  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  49),  one  of  a 
group  of  eleven  cities  to  the  W.  of  Hebron.  The 
earlier  name  of  Dcbir  was  Kir.iatii-sepher  and 
KiRJATii-SANNAH.  Joshua  took  it  after  Hebron, 
and  destroyed  its  king,  its  Anakim,  and  all  its  in- 
habitants (Josh.  X.  38  ff.,  xi.  21,  xii.  13).  It  was 
apparently  reoccupied  by  the  Canaanites  after  this 
conquest,  and  afterward  taken  by  Othniel  (Josh. 
XV.  15  ff.).  It  was  one  of  the  cities  given  with  their 
"suburbs"  to  the  priests  (Josh.  x.\i.  15;  1  Chr.  vi. 


68).  Debir  does  not  appear  to  have  been  known  to 
Jerome,  nor  has  it  been  discovered  with  certainty 
in  modern  times.  About  three  miles  W.  of  Hebron 
is  a  deep  and  secluded  valley  called  the  WaJi/ A'un- 
kur,  enclosed  on  the  N.  by  hills,  of  which  one  bears 
a  name  certamly  suggestive  of  Debir — Devrir-bun 
(Rosen ;  Rbn.  I'h^/s.  Oeog.,  249).  Schwarz  speaks 
of  a  Warji/  Dibir  in  this  direction.  Van  de  Velde 
finds  Debir  at  Dilbeh,  six  miles  S.  W.  of  Hebron.— 
2.  A  place  on  the  N.  boundary  of  Judah,  near  the 
"  Valley  of  Achor "  (Josh.  xv.  7),  and  therefore 
somewhere  in  the  complications  of  hill  and  ravine 
behind  Jericho.  A  Wady  Dabor  is  marked  in  Van 
de  Velde's  map  as  close  to  the  S.  of  JVeby  Mxisa,  at 
the  N.  W.  corner  of  the  Dead  Sea. — 3.  The  "  bor- 
der of  Debir  "  is  named  as  forming  part  of  the  boun- 
dary of  Gad  (Josh.  xiii.  26),  and  as  apparently  not 
far  from  Mahanaim  ;  site  unknown. 

De'bir  (Heb.,  see  above),  king  of  Eglon ;  one  of 
the  five  Amorite  kings  hanged  by  Joslma  at  Mak- 
KEDAii  (Josh.  X.  3,  23). 

Deb'o-ra  (  =  Deborah),  a  woman  of  Naphtali, 
mother  of  Tobiel,  the  father  of  Tobit  (Tob.  i.  8). 

Dcb'o-rah  (Ileb.  bee,  Ges.,  Fii.).     1,  The  nurse  of 
Rebekah  (Gen.  xxxv.  8).     Deborah    accompanied 
Rebekah  from  the  house  of  Bethuel  (xxiv.  59),  and  is 
only  mentioned  by  name  on  the  occasion  of  her 
burial,  under  the  *oak-trce  of  Bethel,  which  was 
called  in  her  honor  Allox-Bachuth. — 2.  Aproplut- 
ess  who  judged  Israel  (Judg.  iv.,  v.).     Sfie  livid 
under  the  palm-tree  of  Deborah,  between  Raiii:i!i 
and  Bethel  in  Mount  Ephraim   (iv.   B),  which,  ;is 
palm-trees  were  rare  in  Palestine,  "is  mention-  1 
as  a  well-known   and  solitary  landmark,  and  \' 
probably  the  same  spot  as  that   called   (xx. 
Baal-Tamar,  or  the  sanctuary  of  the  palm"  (Si I. 
146).     She  was  probably  a  woman  of  Ephraim,  :i!- 
though,  from  the  expression  in  Judg.  v.  15,  some 
suppose  her  to  have  belonged  to  Issachar.     Lapi- 
doth  was  probably  her  husband,  and   not   Barak,    . 
as  some   say.     She  was  not  so  much  a  judge  as  J 
one  gifted  with  prophetic  command  (iv.  6,  14,  v.   > 
7),  and  by  virtue  of  her  inspiration  "a  mother  in  . 
Israel."     Jabin's  tyranny  was  peculiarly  felt  in  the  i 
northern   tribes,  who  were   near   his  capital  and  .• 
under  her  jurisdiction,  viz.  Zebulon,  Naphtali,  and  • 
Issachar :  hence,  when  she  summoned  Barak  to  tlio 
deliverance,  it  was  on  them  that  the  brunt  of  the 
battle  fell.     Under  her  direction  Barak  encamped 
on  the  broad  summit  of  Tabor.    Deborah's  prophin  y 
was  fulfilled,  the   army  of  Jabin  2  was  dcfeati.-!, 
and  SisERA  1  was  slain  by  Jael  (iv.  7,  9,  comp 
15  ff.).     Deborah's  title  of  "prophetess"  inclii' 
the  notion  of  inspired  poetry,  as  in  Ex.  xv.  20 ;  and 
in  this  sense  the  glorious  triumphal  ode  (Judg.  v.) 
well  vindicates  her  claim  to  the  oflice.     Prophet. 

Debt  [det],  Debt'or.    Loan. 

*  Dec  a-logne  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Ten  Commandments. 

De-eap'o-lis  (Gr.  the  ten  cilies).  This  name  occurs 
only  three  times  in  the  Scriptures  (Mat.  iv.  25  ;  Mk. 
V.  20,  vii.  31).  Immediately  after  the  conquest  of 
Syria  by  the  Romans  (b.  c.  65)  ten  cities  appear  to 
have  been  rebuilt,  partially  colonized,  and  endowed 
with  peculiar  privileges  ;  the  country  around  tliem 
was  hence  called  DecapoHs.  The  limits  of  the  tcr; ' 
tory  were  not  very  clearly  defined;  and  probu' 
(so  Porter)  in  the  course  of  time  other  neighboiiii_ 
cities  received  similar  privileges.  Pliny  cnumeratis 
them  as  follows:  Soythopolis  or  Betii-shean,  Hip- 
pos, Gadara,  Pella,  Philadelphia  (Rabbah  1),  Gki;- 
ASA,  Dion,  Canatha  (Kexatii),  Damascus,  and 
Raphana.    Ptolemy  (v.  17)  makes  Capitolias  one  of 


DEO 

the  ten ;  and  an  old  Palmyrene  inscription  includes 
Abila.  (Abilene.)  Josephus  (B.  J.  iii.  9,  §  7)  calls 
Scythopolis  the  largest  city  of  Dccapolis,  thus  mani- 
festly excluding  Damascus  from  the  number.  All 
the  cities  of  Decapolis,  except  Scythopolis,  lay  E. 
of  the  Jordan.  It  would  appear,  however,  from 
Mat.  iv.  26,  and  Mk.  vii.  81,  that  Decapolis  was  a 
general  appellation  for  a  large  district  extending 
along  both  sides  of  the  Jordan.  Pliny  says  it 
reached  from  Damascus  on  the  N.  to  Philadelphia 
on  the  S.,  and  from  Scythopolis  on  the  W.  to  Cana- 
tha  on  the  E.  This  region,  once  so  populous  and 
prosperous,  from  which  multitudes  flocked  to  hear 
the  Saviour,  and  through  which  multitudes  followed 
Bis  footsteps,  is  now  almost  without  an  inhabitant. 
* Dr-tision  (Heb.  Mruts  or  chdruts  =  decision, 
judgment,  LXX.,  Ges.,  Fii.,  &c.).  Valley  of  (Joel  iii. 
14).  Jeuosiiaphat,  Valley  of. 
•  De-€ree'.  Judge;  King;  Law. 
Dt'dan  ( Heb.  low  country,  Fii. ;  advance  [i.  e.  in- 
crease^ of  the  family,  Sim.).  1.  The  name  of  a  son 
of  Raamah,  son  of  Ctsn  (Gen.  x.  7 ;  1  Chr.  i.  9). — 
2.  A  son  of  JoKsiiAN,  son  of  Ketl'Bah  (Gen.  xxv.  3 ; 
1  Chr.  i.  32).  The  usual  opinion  respecting  these 
founders  of  tribes  is  that  the  first  settled  among  the 
sons  of  Cush,  wherever  these  latter  may  be  placed  ; 
the  second,  on  the  Syrian  borders,  about  the  terri- 
tory of  Edom.  But  Gesenius  and  Winer  have  sug- 
gested that  the  name  may  apply  to  one  tribe  ;  and 
I  this  may  be  adopted  as  probable  on  the  supposition 
that  the  descendants  of  the  Kcturahite  Dedan  inter- 
married with  those  of  the  Cushite  Dedan,  whom  Mr. 
E.  S.  Poole  places,  presumptively,  on  the  borders  of 
tlie  Persian  Gulf.  (Arabia.)  The  theory  of  this  mixed 
descent  gains  weight  from  the  fact  that  in  each  case 
I  the  brother  of  Dedan  is  named  Siieba.  It  may  be 
I  supposed  that  the  Dedanites  were  among  the  chief 
traders  traversing  the  caravan-route  from  the  head 
of  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the  S.  of  Palestine,  bearing 
mercliandise  of  India,  and  possibly  of  southern 
Arabia ;  and  hence  the  mixture  of  such  a  tribe  with 
another  of  different  (and  Kcturahite)  descent  pre- 
sents no  impossibility.  The  passages  in  the  Bible 
in  which  Dedan  is  mentioned  (besides  the  genealo- 
gies above  referred  to)  are  Is.  xxi.  13  ("  Dedanim  "), 
Jer.  xxv.  23,  xlix.  8,  and  Ez.  xxv.  13,  xxvii.  15,  20, 
xxxviii.  13,  and  are  in  every  case  obscure.  The 
probable  inferences  from  these  mentions  of  Dedan 
arc — 1.  That  Dedan,  son  of  Raamah,  settled  on  the 
shores  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  his  descendants  be- 
came caravan-merchants  between  that  coast  and 
Palestine.  2.  That  Jokshan,  or  a  son  of  Jokshan, 
by  intermarriage  with  the  Cushite  Dedan  formed  a 
tribe  of  the  same  name,  which  appears  to  have  had 
its  chief  settlement  in  the  borders  of  Idumea,  and 
perhaps  to  have  led  a  pastoral  life.  A  native  indi- 
cation of  the  name  is  presumed  to  exist  in  the  island 
Diidan,  on  the  borders  of  the  gulf. 

Ord'a-nlin  or  Ue-da'nim  (Heb.  pi.  of  Dedan)  (Is. 
xxi.  13).     Dedan. 

I)cd-i-fa'tion,  Feast  of  the,  the  festival  instituted 
to  conunemorate  the  purging  of  the  Temple  and  the 
rebuilding  of  the  altar  after  Judas  Maccabeus  had 
driven  out  the  Syrians,  b.  c.  164.  It  is  named  only 
once  in  the  Canonical  Scriptures  (Jn.  x.  22).  Its 
institution  is  recorded  1  Mc.  iv.  62-59.  It  com- 
menced on  the  25th  of  Chisleu  (in  December ;  see 
Mo.sTii),  the  anniversary  of  the  pollution  of  the 
Temple  by  Antiochus  Epiphancs,  b.  c.  167.  Like 
lie  great  Mosaic  feasts,  it  lasted  eijiht  days,  but  it 
ad  not  rcfpiire  attendance  at  Jerusalem.  It  was  an 
occasion  of  much  festivity.     The  writer  of  2  Mc. 


DEL 


219 


tells  us  that  it  was  celebrated  in  nearly  the  same 
manner  as  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  with  the  car- 
rying of  branches  of  trees,  and  with  much  singing 
(x.  6,  7).  Josephus  states  that  the  festival  was 
called  "  Lights."  In  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem  the 
"Hallel"  (=  Hallelujah,  or  service  of  praise;  see 
Passover)  was  sung  every  day  of  the  feast 

Deer.    Fallow-Deer. 

Dc-grces',  Song  of,  a  title  given  to  fifteen  Psalms, 
from  cxx.  to  cxxxiv.  inclusive.  Four  of  them  (cxxii., 
exxiv.,  cxxxi.,  cxxxiii.)  are  attributed  to  David,  one 
(the  central  one,  cxxvii.)  to  Solomon,  and  the  other 
ten  give  no  indication  of  their  author.  Eichhorn 
supposes  them  all  to  be  the  work  of  one  and  the 
same  bard,  and  he  also  shares  the  opinion  of  Her- 
der, who  interprets  the  title,  "  Hymns  for  a  journey." 
With  respect  to  the  Heb.  ma'aloth,  literally  ascetits, 
translated  in  the  A.  V.  "  degrees,"  a  great  diversity 
of  opinion  prevails  amongst  biblical  critics.  Ac- 
cording to  some  it  refers  to  the  melody  to  which 
the  Psalm  was  to  be  chanted.  Others,  including 
Gesenius,  derive  the  word  from  the  poetical  compo- 
sition of  the  song,  and  from  the  circumstance  that 
the  concluding  words  of  the  preceding  sentence  are 
often  repeated  at  the  commencement  of  the  next 
verse  (compare  cxxi.  4,  5,  and  cxxiv.  1-2  and  3-4). 
Aben  Ezra  quotes  an  ancient  authority,  which  main- 
tains that  the  degrees  allude  to  the  fifteen  steps 
which,  in  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  led  from  the 
court  of  the  women  to  that  of  the  men,  and  on  each 
of  which  steps,  one  of  the  fifteen  songs  of  degrees 
was  chanted.  The  most  generally  accredited  opin- 
ion, however,  is  that  they  were  pilgrim  songs,  sung 
by  the  people  as  they  went  tip  to  Jerusalem  (com- 
pare Ex.  xxxiv.  24 ;  IK.  xii.  27,  28 ;  Acts  xv.  2, 
xviii.  22,  xxi.  12,  &c.).  Hengstenberg  supposes  that 
the  five  ancient  Psalms  by  David  and  Solomon,  sung 
by  the  people,  as  they  wait  up  to  Jerusalem,  before 
the  Captivity,  were  made  the  basis  of  a  whole  series 
or  system,  designed  for  the  same  use  by  an  inspired 
writer  after  the  return,  who  not  only  added  ten 
Psalms  of  his  own,  as  appears  from  the  identity  of 
tone  and  diction,  but  joined  them  to  the  old  ones  in 
a  studied  and  artificial  manner  (Alexander  on  Ps. 
cxx.). 

Oe'lia-Tites  (from  Heb.  =  villagers?  Ges.),  are 
mentioned  but  once  in  Scripture  (Ezr.  iv.  9).  They 
were  among  the  colonists  planted  in  Samaria  after 
the  completion  of  the  Captivity  of  Israel.  From 
their  name  and  their  being  coupled  with  the  Susan- 
chites  and  the  Elamitks,  it  is  fairly  concluded  that 
they  are  the  Dai  or  Dahi,  mentioned  by  Herodotus 
(i.  125)  among  the  nomadic  tribes  of  Persia,  and  re- 
garded by  some  as  the  ancestors  of  the  modern 
Danes.     Compare  Apollomis  5. 

De  kar  (from  Heb.  =  a  thriisling  through,  Ges.). 
The  son  of  Dekar  (Ben-Dekar)  was  Solomon's  com- 
missary in  the  western  part  of  the  hill-country  of 
Judah  and  Benjamin,  Shaalbim  and  Beth-shemesh 
(1  K.  iv.  9). 

Ue-Iai'ab  (la'yah)  or  DrI-a-i'ah  (Ileb.  JekovaKs 
freedmau  =  Dalaiam).  1.  A  priest  in  the  time  of 
David,  leader  of  the  twentv-third  course  of  priests 
(1  Chr.  xxiv.  18).— 8.  "Cluldren  of  Delaiah"  were 
among  the  people  of  uncertain  pedigree  who  re- 
turned from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  60 ; 
Neh.  vii.  62). — 3.  Son  of  Mehetabeel  and  father  of 
Shcmaiah  (Xeh.  vi.  10).^.  Son  of  Slieiuaiah,  one 
of  the  "princes"  about  the  court  of  Jchoiakim 
(Jer.  xxxvi.  12,  25). 

])e-U'lah,  or  Uel'i-lab  (Heb.  feeble,  pining  with 
desire,  Ges.),   a  woman  who  dwelt  in  the   valley 


220 


DEL 


DEM 


of  Sor.EK,  beloved  by  Samson  (Judg.  xvi.  4-20). 
Her  connectiou  with  Samson  forms  the  third  and 
last  of  those  amatory  adventures  which  in  his  histo- 
ry are  so  inextricably  blended  with  the  craft  and 
prowess  of  a  judge  in  Israel.  She  was  bribed  by 
the  "  lords  of  the  Philistines  "  to  win  from  Samson 
the  secret  of  his  strength,  and  the  means  of  over- 
coming it.  There  seems  to  be  little  doubt  that  she 
was  a  Philistine  courtesan ;  and  her  employment  as  a 
political  emissary,  together  with  the  large  sum  offered 
fjr  her  services  (1,100  pieces  of  silver  from  each 
Ijrd  =  5,500  shekels ;  compare  Judg.  iii.  3),  and  the 
tict  attributed  to  her  in  Judges,  but  more  espe- 
cially in  Josephus,  indicates  a  position  not  likely  to 
ba  occupied  by  any  Israelitish  woman  at  that  period 
of  national  depression. 

Deluge.    NoAit. 

De'lns  (from  Gr.  delos  =  visible,  probably  from  the 
story  of  its  becoming  suddenly  visible  by  order  of 
Neptune,  L.  &  S.),  mentioned  in  1  Mc.  xv.  23,  is 
the  smallest  of  the  islands  called  Cyclades  in  the 
jEgean  Sea,  or  Grecian  Archipelago.  It  was  one  of 
the  chief  seats  of  the  worship  of  Apollo,  and  was 
celebrated  as  the  birthplace  of  this  god  and  of  his 
sister  Artemis.     Diana. 

Oe'inas  (Gr.,  most  probably  a  contraction  from 
Demetrius,  or  perhaps  from  Demarcluis  ^=  governor 
of  the  people),  a  companion  of  St.  Paul  (Phn.  24 ;  Col. 
iv.  14)  during  his  first  imprisonment  at  Rome.  At  a 
later  period  (2  Tim.  iv.  10)  we  find  him  mentioned  as 
having  deserted  the  apostle  througli  love  of  this 
present  world,  and  gone  to  Thessalonica. 

De-me'tri-OS  (L.  from  Gr.  =:  of,  or  belonging  to, 
the  goddess  Ceres,  in  Gr.  Dcmeler,  L.  &  S.).  A 
maker  of  silver  shrines  of  Artemis  (Diana)  at  Ephe- 
sus  (Acts  xix.  24).  These  were  small  models  of  the 
great  temple  of  the  Ephesian  Artemis,  with  her 
statue,  which  it  was  customary  to  carry  on  journeys, 
and  place  on  houses,  as  charms. — 2.  A  Christian 
highly  commended  in  3  Jn.  12  ;  improbably  supposed 
by  some  =  No.  1.     John,  3d  epistle  of. 

De-me'trl-ns  (L.  from  Gr.,  see  above)  I.,  snr- 
named  So'ter  (Gr.  Saviour),  king  of  Syria,  was  the 
son  of  Seleuccs  Puilopator,  and  grandson  of  Anti- 
ociu's  THE  Great.  While  still  a  boy  he  was  sent  by 
his  father  as  a  hostage  to  Rome  (u.  c.  175)  in  ex- 
change for  his  uncle  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  From 
his  position  he  was  unable  to  offer  any  opposition  to 
the  usurpation  of  the  Syrian  throne  by  Antiochus 
IV. ;  but  on  the  death  of  that  monarch  (n.  c.  164)  he 
claimed  his  Uberty  and  the  recognition  of  his  claim 
by  the  Roman  senate  in  preference  to  that  of  his 
cousin  Antiochus  V.  His  petition  was  refused ;  he 
left  Italy  secretly,  and  landed  with  a  small  force  in 
Tripolis  in  Phenicia  (1  Mc.  vii.  1 ;  2  Mc.  xiv.  1).  The 
Syrians  soon  declared  in  his  favor  (b.  c.  162),  and 
Antiochus  and  his  protector  Lysias  were  put  to  death 
(1  Mc.  vii.  2-4;  2  Mc.  xiv.  2).  His  campaigns 
against  the  Jews  were  unsuccessful  (1  Mc.  vii.-x.). 
(Alcimus;  Ariarathes;  Bacchides;  Maccabees; 
NicANOR.)  In  D.  c.  152,  Alexander  Balas  was 
brought  forward,  with  the  consent  of  the  Roman 
senate,  as  a  claimant  to  the  throne.  The  rivals  met 
in  a  decisive  engagement  (b.  c.  150),  and  Demetrius, 
afler  displaying  the  greatest  personal  bravery,  was 
defeated  and  slain  (1  Mc.  x.  48-50). 

De-me'trt-ns  (see  above)  II.,  surnamed  Ni-ca'tor 
(the  victorious),  was  the  eldest  son  of  Demetrius 
SoTER.  He  was  sent  by  his  father,  together  with  his 
brother  Antiochus  Siiietes,  with  a  large  treasure,  to 
Cnidus,  when  Alexander  Balas  laid  claim  to  the 
throne  of  Syria.     When  he  was  grown  up  he  made 


a  descent  on  Syria  (b.  c.  148),  and  was  received  with 
general  favor  (1  Mc.  x.  67  ff.).  His  campaigns 
against  Jonathan  and  the  Jews,  and  the  favorable 
terms  obtained  from  Demetrius  by  Simon,  are  de- 
scribed in  1  Mc.  x.-xiii.  (Antiochus  VI. ;  Apol- 
LONius  5 ;  Maccabees  ;  Ptolemy  VI. ;  Tkyphon.) 
In  b.  c.  138,  Demetrius  was  taken  prisoner  l)y  Aksa- 
CES  VI.  (Mithridates),  whose  dominions  he  had  in- 
vaded (1  Mc.  xiv.  1-3).  Mithridates  treated  his  cap- 
tive honorably,  and  gave  him  his  daughter  in  mar- 
riage. When  Antiochus  Sidetes,  who  had  gained 
possession  of  the  Syrian  throne,  invaded  Partliia, 
Phraates  employed  Demetrius  to  effect  a  diversion. 
In  this  Demetrius  succeeded,  and  when  Antiodms 
fell  in  battle,  he  again  took  possession  of  the  Syrian 
crown  (b.  c.  128).  Not  long  afterward  a  pretender, 
supported  by  Ptolemy  Physcon,  appeared  in  tlie 
field  against  him,  and  after  suffering  a  defeat  he  was 
assassinated,  according  to  some  by  his  wife  (Cleo- 
patra 2),  while  attempting  to  escape  by  sea. 

Demon  (from  Gr.  daimon.  LXX.  use  Gr.  daimo- 
nion  ;  N.  T.  daimonion,  rarely  daimon,  both  trans- 
lated "  devil "  in  A.V.). — I.  The  usage  of  daimon  in 
classical  Greek  is  various.  In  Homer,  where  tlie 
gods  are  but  supernatural  men,  it  is  used  inter- 
changeably with  "  god  ; "  afterward  in  Hesiod,  when 
the  idea  of  the  gods  had  become  more  exalted  and 
less  familiar,  the  "  demons  "  are  spoken  of  as  inter- 
mediate beings,  the  messengers  of  the  gods  to  men. — 
II.  In  the  LXX.  the  words  daimon  and  daimonion  are 
not  found  very  frequently,  but  yet  employed  to  ren- 
der different  Hebrew  words ;  generally  in  reference  to 
the  idols  of  heathen  worship.  In  Josephus  we  find  the 
word  "  demons  "  used  always  of  evil  spirits.  liy 
Philo  it  appears  to  be  used  in  a  more  general  sense, 
as  equivalent  to  "  angels,"  and  referring  to  both  good 
and  evil. — III.  We  now  come  to  the  use  of  the  term 
in  the  N.  T.  In  the  gospels  generally,  in  Jas.  ii.  19, 
and  in  Rev.  xvi.  14,  the  demons  (A.  V.  "devils") 
are  spoken  of  as  spiritual  beings,  at  enmity  with 
God,  and  having  power  to  afflict  man,  not  only  with 
disease,  but,  as  is  marked  by  the  frequent  epithet 
"  unclean,"  with  spiritual  pollution  also.  Tliey 
"  believe  "  the  power  of  God  "  and  tremble  "  (Jas.  ii. 
19);  they  recognize  the  Lord  as  the  Son  of  God 
(Mat.  viii.  29;  Lk.  iv.  41),  and  acknowledge  the 
power  of  His  name,  used  in  exorcism,  in  the  place 
of  the  name  of  Jehovah,  by  his  appointed  messen- 
gers (Acts  xix.  15);  and  look  forward  in  terror  to 
the  judgment  to  come  (Mat.  viii.  29).  The  descrip- 
tion is  precisely  that  of  a  nature  akin  to  the  angelic 
(Angels)  in  knowledge  and  powers,  but  w  ith  the 
emphatic  addition  of  the  idea  of  positive  and  active 
wickedness.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  its  being  a 
doctrine  of  Scripture,  mysterious  (though  not  neces- 
sarily impossible)  as  it  may  be,  that  in  idolatry  the 
influence  of  the  demons  was  at  work  and  permitted 
by  God  to  be  effective  within  certain  bounds.  Of 
the  nature  and  origin  of  the  demons.  Scripture  is  all 
but  silent.  From  Mat.  xii.  24-30;  Mk.  iii.  22-30; 
Lk.  xi.  14-26 ;  Rev.  xvi.  14,  we  gather  that  the  de- 
mons are  agents  of  Satan  in  his  work  of  evil,  subject 
to  the  kingdom  of  darkness,  and  doubtless  doomed 
to  share  in  its  condemnation ;  and  we  conclude 
probably  that  they  =  «he  "angels"  of  the  devil 
(Mat.  x.\v.  41;  Rev.  xii.  7,  9),  the  "principalities 
and  powers  against  whom  we  wrestle"  (Eph.  vi.  12, 
&c.).     Beelzebub  ;  Demoniacs  ;  Devil  ;  Satan. 

De-mo'nl-aes  (the  more  literal  translation  of  the 
Gr.  pi.  diiiinonizomenoi,  A.  V.  "possessed  with 
devils,"  &c.),  a  term  frequently  used  in  the  N.  T.,  and 
applied  to  persons  suflfering  under  the  possession  of 


DEM 


DEM 


221 


DEMOS  or  evil  spirit,  such  possession   generally 
owing  itself  visibly  in  bodily  disease  or  mental  de- 
1  aiigcnient.     (So  the  Gr.  daimoni.n  echei,  A.  V.  "  he 
1  ith  a  devil,"  might  be  translated  /le  has  a  demon, 
he  i.i  a  demoniac.)     In  our  Lord's  time  {as  is  seen, 
L'.  constantly  in  Josephus)  the  belief  in  the  pos- 
-iion  of  men  by  demons,  who  were  either  the  souls 
wicked   men   after  death,   or    evil   angels,   was 
oroughly  established  among  all  the  Jews  except 
i!io  Sadducees  alone.      With  regard  to  the  frequent 
intion  of  demoniacs  in  Scripture  three  main  opin- 
IS  have  been  started. — I.  Tliat  of  Strauss  and  the 
.  thical  school,  which  makes   the  whole  account 
rrely  svTnbolic,  without  basis  of  fact.     The  notion 
aids  or  falls  with  the  mythical  theory  as  a  whole, 
ich  would  takeaway  not  only  the  inspiration,  but 
1  the  truth  of  the  Scriptural  narration.  (Mihacles.) 
— II.  The  second  theory  is,  that  our  Lord  and  the 
EvangeUsts,  in  referring  to  demoniacal  possession, 
gpokc  only  in  accommodation  to  the  general  belief 
of  the  Jews,  without  any  assertion  as  to  its  truth  or 
its  falsity.     It  is  concluded  that,  since  the  symptoms 
!  the  affliction  were  frequently  those  of  bodily  dis- 
e  (as  dumbness.  Mat.  ix.  32  ;  blindness.  Mat.  xii. 
22 ;  epilepsy,  Mk.  ix.  17-27),  or  those  seen  in  cases 
of  ordinary  insanity  (as  in  Mat.  viii.  28 ;  Mk.  v.  1-5), 
''ince  also  the  phrase  "  to  have  a  devil "  is  constantly 
>d   in  connection  with,  and  apparently  =    "to 
'  ■  mad"  (Jn.  vii.  20,  viii.  48,   x.  20,   and  perhaps 
Mat.  xi.  18;    Lk.  vii.  33);    and  since,  lastly,  cases 
of  demoniacal  possession  are  not  known  to  occur 
in  our  own  days,  therefore  we  must  sflpposo  that 
our  Lord  spoke,  and  the  Evangelists  wrote,  in  ac- 
Mpdance  with  the  belief  of  the  time,  and  with  a 
•  w  to  be  clearly  understood,  especially  by  the  suf- 
lers  themselves,  but  that  the   demoniacs   were 
'  rely  persons  pufTcring  under  unusual  diseases  of 
"ly  and  mind.     With  regard  to  this  theory  also, 
must  be  remarked  that  it  does  not  accord  either 
>  itii  tlie  general  principles  or  with  the  particular 
language  of  Scripture.    Accommodation  is  possible, 
when,  in  things  indifferent,  language  is  used  which, 
although  scientifically  or  etymologically  inaccurate, 
yet  conveys  a  true  impression,  or  when,  in  things 
not  indifferent,  a  declaration  of  truth  (1  Cor.  iii.  1, 
2),  or  a  moral  law  (Mat.  xix.  8),  is  given,  true  or 
right  as  far  as  it  goes,  but  imperfect  because  of  the 
imperfect  progress  of  its  recipients.     But  certainly 
here  the  matter  was  not  indifferent,  and  superstition 
in  things  of  far  less  moment  was  denounced  by  our 
Lord.     Xor  was  tlie  language  used  such  as  can  be 
paralleled     with     mere     conventional    expression. 
There  is  no  harm  in  our  "  speaking  of  certain  forms 
of  madness  as  lunacy,  not  thereby  implying  that  we 
believe  the  moon  to  have  or  to  have  had  any  influ- 
ence upon  them ;  .  .  .  but  if  we  began  to  describe 
the  cure  of  such  as  the  moon's  ceasing  to  afflict 
them,  or  if  a  physician  were  solemnly  to  aildress 
the  moon,   bidding  it   abstain  from    injuring    his 
patient,  there  would  be  here  a  passing  over  to  quite 
a  diHerent  region,  ....  there  would  be  that  gulf 
between  our  thoughts  and  words  in  which  the  es- 
sence of  a  lie  consists.  Now  Christ  does  everywhere 
use  such  language  as  this.''     (Trench,  On  Miracles, 
p.  153.)     Nor  is  there  in  the  whole  of  the  N.  T.  the 
least  indication  that  any  ''  economy "  of  teaching 
was  employed  on  account  of  the  "  hardness  "  of  the 
Jews'  "  hearts."     Possession  and  its  cure  are  re- 
corded plainly  and  simply ;  demoniacs  are  frequent- 
ly distinguished  from  those  afflicted  with  bodilv  sick- 
'     ness  (Mk.  i.  32,  xvi.  17,  18;  Lk.  vi.  17,  18)^  even, 
it  would  seem,  from  the  epileptic  (A.  V.  "  lunatic," 


Mat.  iv.  24) ;  the  same  outward  signs  arc  sometimes 
referred  to  possession,  sometimes  merely  to  disease 
(compare  Mat.  iv.  24,  with  xvii.  15  ;  xii.  22,  with 
Mk.  vii.  32,  &c.);  the  demons  are  represented  as 
speaking  in  their  own  persons  with  superhuman 
knowledge,  and  acknowledging  our  Lord  to  bo,  not 
as  the  Jews  generally  called  him,  son  of  David,  Lut 
Son  of  God  (Mat.  viii.  29;  Mk.  i.  24,  v.  7;  Lk.  iv. 
41,  &c.).  All  these  things  speak  of  a  personal 
power  of  evil,  and,  if  in  any  case  they  refer  to  w  hat 
we  might  call  mere  disease,  they  at  any  rate  tell  us 
of  something  in  it  more  than  a  morbid  state  of 
bodily  organs  or  self-caused  derangement  of  mind. 
Nor  docs  our  Lord  speak  of  demons  as  personal 
spirits  of  evil  to  the  multitude  alone,  but  in  His 
secret  conversations  with  llis  disciples,  declaring 
the  means  and  conditions  by  which  power  over  them 
could  be  exercised  (Mat.  xvii.  21).  Twice  also  He 
distinctly  connects  demoniacal  possession  with  the 
power  of  the  Evil  One;  once  in  Lk.  x.  18,  to  the 
seventy  disciples,  where  He  speaks  of  His  powers 
and  theirs  over  demoniacs  as  a  "  fall  of  Satan," 
and  again  in  Mat.  xii.  25-30,  when  He  was  accused 
of  casting  out  demons  through  Beelzebub,  and,  in- 
stead of  giving  any  hint  that  the  possessed  were 
not  really  under  any  direct  and  personal  power  of 
evil,  He  uses  an  argument,  as  to  the  division  of  Sa- 
tan against  himself,  which,  if  possession  be  unreal, 
becomes  inconclusive  and  almost  insincere.  Lastly, 
the  single  fact  recorded  of  the  entrance  of  the  de- 
mons at  Gadara  (Mk.  v.  10-14)  into  the  herd  of 
swine,  and  the  effect  which  that  entrance  caused,  is 
sufficient  to  overthrow  the  notion  that  our  Lord  and 
the  Evangelists  do  not  assert  or  imply  any  objective 
reality  of  possession.  In  the  face  of  this  mass  of 
evidence  it  seems  difficult  to  conceive  how  the 
theory  can  be  reconciled  with  any  thing  like  truth 
of  Scripture.  (Divination;  Insi'ihation;  Lunatics; 
Medicine  ;  Miracles.) — III.  We  are  led,  therefore 
(so  Mr.  Barry),  to  the  ordinary  and  literal  interpre- 
tation of  these  passages,  that  there  are  evil  spirits, 
subjects  of  the  Evil  One,  who,  in  the  days  of  the 
Lord  Himself  and  His  apostles  especially,  were  per- 
mitted by  God  to  exercise  a  direct  influence  over 
the  souls  and  bodies  of  certain  men.  This  influence 
is  clearly  distinguished  from  the  ordinary  power  of 
corruption  and  temptation  wielded  by  Satan  through 
the  permission  of  God.  The  distinguishing  feature 
of  possession  is  the  complete  or  incomplete  loss  of 
the  sufferer's  reason  or  power  of  will ;  his  actions, 
his  words,  and  almost  his  thoughts  are  mastered  by 
the  evil  spirit  (Mk.  i.  24,  v.  7;  Acts  xix.  15),  till 
his  personality  seems  to  be  destroyed,  or,  if  not  de- 
stroyed, so  overborne  as  to  produce  the  conscious- 
ness of  a  twofold  will  within  him,  like  that  scmc- 
times  felt  in  a  dream.  In  the  ordinary  temptations 
and  assaults  of  Satan  the  will  itself  yields  conscious- 
ly, and  by  yielding  gradually  assumes,  without 
losing  its  apparent  freedom  of  action,  the  charac- 
teristics of  the  Satanic  nature.  It  is  solicited,  urged, 
and  persuaded  against  the  strivings  of  grace,  but 
not  overborne.  Still,  however,  possession  is  only 
the  special,  and,  as  it  were,  miraculous  form  of  the 
"  law  of  sin  in  the  members,"  the  power  of  Satan 
over  the  heart  itself,  recognized  by  St.  Paul  as  an 
indwelling  and  agonizing  power  (Horn.  vii.  21-24). 
Nor  can  it  be  doubted  that  it  was  rendered  possible 
in  the  first  instance  by  the  consent  of  the  sufferer 
to  temptation  and  to  sin.  That  it  would  be  most 
probable  in  those  who  yielded  to  sensual  temptations 
may  easily  be  conjectured  from  general  observation 
of  the  tyranny  of  a  habit  of  sensual  indulgence. 


222 


MV. 


DES 


Almost  all  the  cases  of  demoniac  possession  are  re- 
corded as  occurring  among  the  rude  and  half-Gentile 
population  of  Galilee.  It  was  but  natural  that  the 
power  of  evil  should  show  itself  in  more  open  and 
direct  hostility  than  ever,  in  the  age  of  our  Lord 
and  His  apostles,  when  its  time  was  short,  that  it 
should  talie  the  special  form  of  possession  in  an 
age  of  such  unprecedented  and  brutal  sensuality  as 
that  which  precede  1  Ilis  coming,  and  continued  till 
the  leaven  of  Christianity  was  felt ; — that  it  should 
have  died  away  gradvially  before  the  great  direct, 
and  still  greater  indirect,  influence  of  Christ's  king- 
dom. Accordingly  wc  find  early  fathers,  e.  g.  Justin 
Martyr,  Tertullian,  alluding  to  its  existence  as  a 
common  thing,  mentioning  the  attempts  of  Jewish 
exorcism  in  the  name  of  Jehovah  as  occasionally 
successful  (Mat.  xii.  27  ;  Acts  xix.  13),  but  especially 
dwelling  on  the  power  of  Christian  exorcism  to  east 
it  o\it  from  the  country  as  a  test  of  the  truth  of  the 
Gospel,  and  as  one  well-known  benefit  which  it  al- 
ready conferred  on  the  empire.  By  degrees  the 
mention  is  less  and  less  frequent,  till  the  very  idea 
is  lost  or  perve  t:!d. 

Dem'o-plioa  [-fon]  (Gr.),  a  Syrian  general  in  Pales- 
tine under  Antiochns  V.  Eupator  (2  Mc.  xii.  2). 

Dc-na'rl-ns  (L.).     Monky,  II.  2 ;  Penny. 

De-pos'it  [-poz-]  (fr.  L.).  The  arrangement  by 
which  one  man  kept  at  another's  request  the  prop- 
erty of  the  latter  until  demanded  back,  was  one 
common  to  all  the  nations  of  antiquity.  Our  Saviour 
seems  to  allude  to  conduct  in  such  cases  as  a  test 
of  honesty  (Lk.  xvi.  12).  In  the  later  times,  when 
no  banking  system  (Loan)  was  as  yet  devised, 
shrines  were  often  used  for  the  custody  of  treasure 
(2  Mc.  iii.  10, 12,  15) ;  but,  especially  among  an  agri- 
cultural people,  the  exigencies  of  war  and  other 
causes  of  absence,  must  often  have  rendered  it  ne- 
cessary for  an  owner  to  intrust  property,  especially 
animals,  to  the  custody  of  another.  The  articles 
specified  by  the  Mosaic  law  on  this  subject  are :  (1.) 
"money  or  stuff;  "  and  (2.)  "  an  ass,  or  an  ox,  or  a 
sheep,  or  any  beast."  The  first  case  was  viewed  as 
only  liable  to  loss  by  theft  (probably  for  loss  by  ac- 
cidental fire,  &c.,  no  compensation  could  be  claimed), 
and  the  thief,  if  found,  was  to  pay  double,  i.  e.  prob- 
ably to  compensate  the  owner's  loss,  and  the  unjust 
suspicion  thrown  on  the  depositary.  If  no  theft 
could  be  proved,  the  depositary  was  to  swear  before 
the  judges  that  he  had  not  appropriated  the  article, 
and  then  was  quit.  In  the  second,  if  the  beast  were 
to  "  die  or  be  hurt,  or  driven  away,  no  man  seeing 
it," — accidents  to  which  beasts  at  pasture  were 
easily  liable, — the  depositary  was  to  purge  himself 
by  a  similar  oath.  In  case,  however,  the  animal 
were  stolen,  the  depositary  was  liable  to  restitution, 
which  probably  was  necessary  to  prevent  collusive 
theft.  If  it  were  torn  by  a  wild  beast,  some  proof 
was  easily  producible,  and,  in  that  case,  no  restitu- 
tion was  due  (Ex.  xxii.  7-13).  In  case  of  a  false 
oath  so  taken,  the  perjured  person,  besides  making 
restitution,  was  to  "  add  the  fifth  part  more  there- 
to," to  compensate  the  one  injured,  and  to  "  bring 
a  ram  for  a  trespass-offering  unto  the  Lord  "  (Lev. 
vi.  5,  6).  In  Tob.  v.  3  a  written  acknowledgment 
of  a  deposit  is  mentioned  (compare  i.  14,  iv.  20). 

Dep'n-ty,  the  uniform  rendering  in  the  A.V.  of  the 
Greek  anllinpatos  =  proconsul  (Acts  xiii.  7,  8,  12, 
xix.  38).  The  derived  Greek  verb  anthupa'eHo {AcU 
xviii.  12)  =  "  to  be  deputy."  At  the  division  of 
the  Rom.in  provinces  by  Augustus  (b.  c.  27)  into 
senatorial  and  imperial,  the  emperor  assigned  to  the 
senate  such  portions  of  territory  as  were  peaceable, 


and  could  be  held  without  force  of  arms,  an  arrange- 
ment which  remained  with  frequent  alterations  till 
the  third  century.  Over  these  senatorial  provinces 
the  senate  appointed  by  lot  yearly  an  officer,  called 
proconnul,  who  exercised  purely  civil  functions.  The 
provinces  were  in  consequence  called  proconm!ar. 
(Achaia;  Asia;  Cyprus;  Gallio;  SergicsI'aulus.) 
The  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland  was  formerly  called 
depuli)  (Shakespeare,  Henry  VIII.  iii.  2). 

Dcr'bc  (Gr.).  The  exact  position  of  this  town 
has  not  yet  been  ascertained,  but  its  general  situa- 
tion is  undoubted.  It  was  in  the  eastern  part  of  the 
great  upland  plain  of  Lycaonia,  which  stretches  from 
IcoNiuM  E.  along  the  N.  side  of  the  chain  ot  Taurus. 
It  must  have  been  somewhere  near  the  place  where 
the  pass  called  the  Cilician  Gates  opened  a  way  from 
the  low  plain  of  Cilieia  to  the  table-land  of  the  in- 
terior ;  and  probably  it  was  a  stage  upon  the  great 
road  which  passed  this  way.  Derbe  was  visited  by 
St.  Paul  on  his  first  (Acts  xiv.  6,  20)  and  second 
missionary  journeys  (xvi.  1),  and  probably  also  on 
the  third  (xviii.  23,  xix.  1).  "  Gains  "  was  "  of  Der- 
be "  (xx.  4).  Three  sites  have  been  assigned  to 
Derbe.  (1.)  By  Col.  Leake  it  was  supposed  to  be 
Hiu-bir-Kilmeh,  at  the  foot  of  the  Karadof/h,  a  re- 
markable volcanic  mountain  which  rises  from  the 
Lycaonian  plain ;  but  this  is  almost  certainly  the 
site  of  Lystra.  (2.)  In  Kiepert's  Map,  Derbe  is 
marked  farther  to  the  E.,  at  a  spot  where  there  are 
ruins,  and  which  is  in  the  line  of  a  Uonian  road, 
(8.)  Hamilton  and  Texier  are  disposed  to  place  it  at 
Divle,  a  little  to  the  S.  W.  of  the  last  position,  and 
nearer  to  the  roots  of  Taurus. 

Desert,  in  the  sense  ordinarily  attached  to  the 
word,  is  a  vast,  burning,  sandy  plain,  alike  destitute 
of  trees  and  of  water;  but  no  such  region  as  this 
is  ever  mentioned  in  the  Bible  as  having  any  con- 
nection with  the  history  of  the  Israelites.  Thewonl-; 
rendered  in  the  A.  V.  by  "desert,"  when  used  in 
the  historical  books,  denoted  definite  localities,  and 
those  localities  do  not  answer  to  the  common  con- 
ception of  a  "desert." — 1.  Heb. 'ur«Aa/»  (literally 
arid  tract,  sterile  region,  Ges.),  as  already  sho"u 
(Arabah),  with  the  article  =  the  sunken  valley  X. 
and  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  but  particularly  the  former. 
In  the  sense  of  the  Jordan  Valley  it  is  translated 
"  desert "  only  in  Ez.  xlvii.  8 ;  in  a  more  general 
sense  of  waste,  deserted  country  it  is  translated  "  des- 
ert "  in  Is.  XXXV.  1,  6,  xl.  3,  xii.  19,  li.  3  ;  Jer.  ii.  6, 
V.  6,  xvii.  6,  1.  12. — 2.  Heb.  midbdr  =r  paj<t)ire 
ground,  usually  translated  "  wilderness,"  is  trans- 
lated "  desert  "  in  speaking  of  the  Wilderness  op 
THE  Wandering  in  Ex.  iii.  1,  v.  3,  xix.  2  ;  Num.  xx.  1. 
xxvii.  14,  xxxiii.  16  ;  and  in  more  than  one  of  tli' 
it  is  evidently  employed  for  the  sake  of  eupli" 
merely.  In  Ex.  xxiii.  31  it  —  the  desert  of  Arabia 
(Bush),  and  in  2  Ohr.  xxvi.  10  it  =  the  district  S.  E. 
of  Jerusalem  and  W.  of  the  Dead  Sea  (Bcrtheau). 
Midbdr  (almost  uniformly  translated  "  wilderness  ") 
is  most  frequently  used  for  those  tracts  of  waste 
land  which  lie  beyond  the  cultivated  ground  in  the 
immediate  neighborhood  of  the  towns  and  villages 
of  Palestine  (Beth-aven  ;  Gibeon  ;  Jeruel  ;  Maon  ; 
Paran;  Ziph,  &c.),  covered  in  spring  with  a  rich, 
green  verdure  of  turf  and  small  shrubs  and  herlis 
of  various  kinds,  but  at  the  end  of  summer  havinga 
most  dreary  aspect,  as  the  herbage  withers,  the  turf 
dries  up  and  is  powdered  thick  with  the  dust  of  the 
chalky  soil.  In  the  poetical  books  "  desert "  i-< 
found  as  the  translation  of  midbdr  in  Dent,  xxxii. 
10 ;  Job  xxiv.  5  ;  Ps.  Ixxv.  6,  margin,  Heb.  7  ;  Prnv. 
xxi.  19,  margin;  Is.  xxi.  1 ;  Jer.  xxv.  24. — 3.  Ilcb. 


DES 

Kirb4h  or  ehdrbdh  appears  to  have  the  force  of  dri/- 
nesf,  and  thence  of  deaohuion.  It  docs  not  occur  in 
any  historical  passages.  It  is  rendered  "  desert "  in 
Ps.  cii.  6;  Is.  xlviii.  21 ;  Ez.  xiii.  4.  The  term  com- 
monly employed  for  it  in  the  A.  V.  is  "waste  places" 
or  "  desolation." — 4.  Heb.  ylshimon  with  the  article, 
apparently  denotes  the  waste  tracts  on  both  sides 
of  the  Dead  Sea.  In  all  these  cases  it  is  treated  as 
a  proper  name  in  the  A.  V.  (Jeshimon.)  Without 
the  article  it  occurs  in  a  few  passages  of  poetry,  and 
ts  translated  "  wilderness  "  in  Deut.  xxxii.  10,  and 
"desert"  in  Ps.  Ixxviii.  40;  cvi.  14;  Is.  xliii.  ly, 
20. — 5.  Gr.  rremos  ^  nolilari/,  lonely,  desolate  ;  as  a 
noun,  a  solittide,  desert,  mlderness  ( \j.  &  S.,  Rbn.  N. 
T.  Lex.),  translated  "desert"  (Mat.  xiv.  13,  15, 
xxiv.  26,  &c.),  "  wilderness "  (Mat.  iii.  1,  3,  &c.), 
"desolate"  (.Mat.  xxiii.  38;  Lk.  xiii.  35 ;  Acts  i. 
20 ;  Gal.  iv.  27),  "  solitary  "  (Mk.  i.  35),  and  in  LXX. 
=  Xos.  2  and  3.  The  kindred  Gr.  noun  eremia,  usu- 
ally translated  "wilderness"  (Mat.  xv.  S3,  &c.),  is  in 
the  plural  translated  "  deserts  "  once  (Heb.  xi.  38). 

Oes'san  (L.),  a  village  (not  "town  "),  at  which  Ni- 
canor's  army  was  once  encamped  during  his  cam- 
paign with  Judas  (2  Mc.  xiv.  16).  Ewald  conjectures 
that  it  may  have  been  Adasa. 

•  De-strac tion,  City  of.    (Is.  xix.  18).    Ir-ha- 

BERES. 

Uea'el  (Heb.  "invocation  of  God,  Gcs.),  father  of 
Eliasaph,  the  "  prince  "  of  Gad  at  the  numbering  of 
the  people  at  Sinai  (Num.  i.  14,  vii.  42,  47,  x.  20). 
The  same  man  is  mentioned  again  in  ii.  14  as  Recel, 
owing  to  an  interchange  of  the  two  very  similar 
Hebrew  letters. 

Ucn-ler-onVmy  (fr.  Gr.  =1  second  law).  1.  Con- 
tents. The  book  consists  chiefly  of  three  discourses 
dehvered  by  Moses  shortly  before  his  death.  They 
were  spoken  to  all  Israel  in  the  plains  of  Moab  on 
the  E.  side  of  the  Jordan  (i.  1),  in  the  eleventh 
month  of  the  last  year  of  their  wanderings,  the  for- 
tieth year  after  their  Exodus  from  Egypt  (i.  3).  Sub- 
joined to  these  discourses  are  the  Song  of  Moses, 
the  Blessing  of  Moses,  and  the  story  of  his  death. 
— (I.)  The  first  discourse  (i.  1-iv.  40).  After  a  brief 
histoiieal  introduction,  the  speaker  recapitulates  the 
chief  events  of  the  last  forty  years  in  the  wilderness, 
and  especially  those  events  which  had  the  most  im- 
mediate bearing  on  the  entry  of  the  people  into  the 
promised  land,  and  bases  on  this  an  earnest  and 
powerful  exhortation  to  obedience.  To  this  discourse 
is  appended  a  brief  notice  of  the  severing  of  the 
three  cities  of  refuge  on  the  E.  side  of  the  Jordan 
(iv.  41-43). — (II.)  Tlie  second  discourse  is  introduced 
like  the  first  by  an  explanation  of  the  circumstances 
under  which  it  was  delivered  (iv.  44-49).  It  em- 
braces V.  1-xxvi.  19,  and  contains  a  recapitulation, 
with  some  modifications  and  adilitions,  of  the  Law 
already  given  on  Jloimt  Sinai.  It  will  be  observed 
that  no  pains  arc  taken  here,  or  indeed  generally  in 
the  Mosaic  legislation,  to  keep  the  several  portions 
of  the  law,  considered  as  moral,  ritual,  and  ceremo- 
nial, apart  from  each  other  by  any  clearly  marked 
line.  Hut  there  is  in  this  discourse  a  very  manifest 
gradual  descent  from  the  higlier  ground  to  the 
lower.  The  speaker  begins  by  setting  forth  Jeho- 
vah Himself  as  the  great  object  of  love  and  worship, 
thence  he  passes  (1.)  to  the  religious,  (2.)  to  the  po- 
litical, and  (3.)  to  the  social  economy  of  his  people. 
—(III.)  In  the  third  discourse  (xxvii.  1-xxx.  20), 
J  the  Elders  of  Israel  are  associated  with  Moses.  The 
people  arc  commanded  to  set  up  stones  upon  Mount 
Ebal,  and  on  them  to  write  "  all  the  words  of  this 
law."     Then  follow  the  Bevcral  curses  to  be  pro- 


DEU 


223 


nounccd  by  the  Levites  on  Ebal  (xxvii.  14-26),  and 
the  blessings  on  Gerizim  (xxviii.  1-14).  How  ter- 
rible will  be  the  punishment  is  further  portrayed  in 
the  vivid  words  of  a  prophecy  too  fearfully  verified 
in  the  subsequent  history  of  the  people. — (IV.)  The 
delivery  of  tlie  law  as  written  by  Moses  (for  its  still 
further  preservation)  to  the  custody  of  the  Levites, 
and  a  charge  to  the  people  to  hear  it  read  once  every 
seven  years  (xxxi.) :  the  Song  of  Moses  spoken  in 
the  ears  of  the  people  (xxxi.  30-xxxii.  44) :  and  the 
blessing  of  the  twelve  tribes  (xxxiii.).--(V^.)  The 
Book  closes  (xxxiv.)  with  an  account  of  the  death 
of  Moses,  which  is  first  announced  to  him  in  xxxii. 
48-62.— B.  liclation  of  Dmtcronomy  to  the  preceding 
books.  It  lias  been  an  opinion  very  generally  enter- 
tained by  the  more  modem  critics,  as  well  as  by  the- 
earlier,  that  the  book  of  Deuteronomy  forms  a  com- 
plete whole  in  itself,  and  that  it  was  appended  to 
the  other  books  as  a  later  addition.  The  more  con- 
servative critics  contend  that  Deuteronomy  forms 
an  integral  part  of  the  Pentateuch,  which  is 
throughout  to  be  ascribed  to  Moses.  Others  have 
given  reasons  for  believing  thht  it  was  written  by 
the  Jehovist,  or  supposed  later  writer,  according  to 
the  documentary  hypothesis ;  whilst  others  again 
are  in  favor  of  a  difl'erent  author.  The  chief  grounds 
on  which  the  last  opinion  rests  are  the  many  varia- 
tions and  additions  to  be  found  in  Deuteronomy, 
both  in  the  historical  and  legal  portions,  as  well  as 
the  observable  difffcrence  of  style  and  phraseology. 
It  is  necessary,  therefore,  before  we  come  to  con- 
sider more  directly  the  question  of  authorship,  to 
take  into  account  these  alleged  peculiarities  ;  and  it 
may  be  well  to  enumerate  the  principal  alleged  dis- 
crepancies, additions,  &c.,  and  to  subjoin  the  replies 
and  explanations  which  they  call  forth. — (I.)  Alleged 
Discrepancies.  The  most  important  discrepancies 
alleged  to  exist  between  the  historical  portions  of 
Deuteronomy  and  the  earlier  books  are  the  follow- 
ing:— (1.)  The  appointment  of  judges  (i.  6-18)  is 
at  variance  with  the  account  in  Ex.  xviii. — To  this 
it  has  been  answered,  that  although  Deut.  i.  6  men- 
tions the  departure  from  Sinai,  yet  Deut.  i.  9-17  re- 
fers evidently  to  what  took  place  during  the  abode 
there,  as  is  shown  by  comparing  the  expression  "  at 
that  time,"  ver.  9,  with  the  same  expression  vcr.  18. 
Again,  there  is  no  force  in  the  objection  that  Je- 
thro's  counsel  is  here  passed  over  in  silence.  When 
making  allusion  to  a  well-known  historical  fact,  it  is 
unnecessary  for  the  speaker  to  enter  into  details. 
This  at  most  is  an  omission,  not  a  contradiction. 
Lastly,  the  story  in  Exodus  is  perfectly  distinct  from 
that  in  Num.  xi ,  and  there  is  no  confusion  of  the 
two  here.  Nothing  is  said  of  the  institution  of  the 
seventy  in  Deuteronomy,  probably  because  the  office 
was  only  temporary,  and  if  it  did  not  cease  before 
the  death  of  Moses,  was  not  intended  to  be  perpet- 
uated ni  the  promised  land. — (2.)  Chapter  i.  22  is 
at  variance  with  Num.  xiii.  2,  because  here  Moses  is 
said  to  have  sent  the  spies  into  Canaan  at  the  sugges- 
tion of  the  peojite,  whereas  there  God  is  said  to  have 
commanded  the  measure. — The  explanation  is  ob- 
vious. The  people  make  the  request ;  Moses  refers 
it  to  God,  who  then  gives  to  it  His  sanction.— (3.) 
Chapter  i.  44,  "  And  the  Amorites  which  dwelt  in 
that  mountain,"  &c.,  whereas  in  the  story  of  the 
same  event.  Num.  xiv.  43—45,  Amalekites  are  men- 
tioned.— The  Amorites  stand  here  not  for  "  Ama- 
lekites," but  for  "  Canaanites,"  as  being  the  most 
powerful  of  all  the  Canaanitish  tribes.  (Amoritk.) 
— (4.)  Chapter  ii.  2-8,  confused  and  at  variance 
with  Num.  xi.  14-21,  and  xxi.  4.     In  the  former 


224 


DEU 


we  read  (ver.  4),  "  Ye  are  to  pass  through  the  coast 
of  your  brethren,  the  children  of  Esau."  In  the 
latter  (ver.  20),  "  And  he  said,  Thou  shalt  not  go 
through.  And  Edom  came  out  against  hini,"  &c. — 
But,  according  to  Deuteronomy,  tliat  part  of  the 
Edomite  territory  only  was  traversed  which  lay 
about  Elath  and  Ezion-geber,  whereas  the  opposi- 
tion, according  to  Numbers,  was  offered  at  Kadesh. 
In  Deut.  ii.  8  the  failure  of  an  attempt  to  pass  else- 
where is  implied.  Again,  the  unfriendliness  of  the 
Edomites  and  Moabites  in  not  coming  out  to  meet 
the  Israelites  with  bread  and  water  (Num.  xx.  19, 
20;  Deut.  xxiii.  4),  was  the  very  reason  why  the 
latter  were  oljliged  to  buy  provisions  of  them  (ii. 
28,  29),  for  which  in  both  accounts  they  offered  to 
pay  (Num.  xx.  19;  Deut.  ii.  6). — (5.)  More  perplex- 
ing is  tlie  difference  in  the  account  of  the  encamp- 
ments of  the  Israelites,  as  given  Deut.  x.  6,  7,  com- 
pared with  Num.  xx.  23,  xxxiii.  30  and  37.  The 
explanation  given  by  Kurtz  is  on  the  whole  the 
most  satisfactory.  He  says:  "In  the  first  month 
of  the  fortieth  year  the  whole  congregation  comes 
a  second  time  to  the  wilderness  of  Zin,  which  is  Ka- 
desh (Num.  xxxiii.  36).  On  the  down-route  to 
Ezion-geber  they  had  encamped  at  the  several  sta- 
tions, Moseroth  (or  Mosera),  Bene-Jaakan,  Hor-ha- 
gidgad,  and  Jotbath.  But  now  again  departing 
from  Kadesh,  they  go  to  Jlount  Ilor,  '  in  the  edge 
of  the  land  of  Edom '  (ver.  37,  38),  or  to  Moserah 
(Deut.  X.  6,  7),  this  last  being  in  the  desert  at  the 
foot  of  the  mountain.  Bene-Jaakan,  Gudgodah, 
and  Jotbath  were  also  visited  about  this  time,  i.  e. 
a  second  time,  after  the  second  halt  at  Kadesh." 

(WlLDEKNp;3S  OF  THE  WANDERING.) (6.)    In  DcutCr- 

onomy  the  usual  name  for  the  mountain  on  which 
the  law  was  given  is  Horeb,  only  once  (xxxiii.  2) 
Sinai  ;  whereas  in  the  other  books  Sinai  is  far  more 
common  than  Horeb.  The  answer  given  is,  that 
Horeb  was  the  general  name  of  the  whole  moun- 
tain-range ;  Sinai,  the  particular  mountain  on 
which  the  law  was  delivered. — (II.)  The  Additions 
both  to  the  liistorical  and  legal  sections  are  of  far 
more  importance,  and  the  principal  of  them  we 
shall  here  enumerate. — (1.)  In  the  History,  (a.)  The 
command  of  God  to  leave  Horeb  (Deut.  i.  6,  7,  not 
mentioned  Num.  x.  11).  The  repentance  of  the  Is- 
raelites (Deut.  i.  45,  omitted  Num.  xiv.  45).  The 
intercession  of  Moses  in  behalf  of  Aaron  (Deut.  ix. 
20,  omitted  Ex.  xxxii.,  xxxiii.).  These  are  so  slight, 
however,  that  they  might  have  been  passed  over 
very  naturally  in  the  earlier  books.  But  of  more 
note  are:  (6.)  The  command  not  to  fight  with  the 
Moabites  and  Ammonites  (Deut.  ii.  9,  19),  or  with 
the  Edomites,  but  to  buy  of  them  food  and  water 
(ii.  4-8).  The  notices  respecting  the  earlier  in- 
habitants of  the  countries  of  Moab  and  Ammon  and 
of  Mount  Seir  (ii.  10-12,  20-23);  the  sixty  fortified 
cities  of  Bashan  (iii.  4) ;  the  king  of  the  country 
who  was  "of  the  remnant  of  giants"  (iii.  11);  the 
different  names  of  Hermon  (iii.  9) ;  the  wilderness 
of  Kedemoth  (ii.  26) ;  and  the  more  detailed  account 
of  the  attack  of  the  Amalekites  (xxv.  17,  18  ;  com- 
pare Ex.  xvii.  8). — (2.)  In  the  Law.  The  appoint- 
ment of  the  cities  of  refuge  (Deut.  xix.  7-9 ;  com- 
pare Num.  xxxv.  14  and  Deut.  iv.  41);  of  one  par- 
ticular place  for  the  solemn  worship  of  God,  where 
all  offerings,  tithes,  &c.,  are  to  be  brought  (Deut. 
xii.  5  ff.),  whilst  the  restriction  with  regard  to  the 
slaying  of  animals  only  at  the  door  of  the  taber- 
nacle of  the  congregation  (Lev.  xvii.  3,  4)  is  done 
away  (Deut.  xii.  15,  20,  21);  the  regulations  re- 
specting tithes  to  be  brought  with  the  sacrifices 


DEU 

and  burnt-offerings  to  the  appointed  place  (6,  11, 
17,  xiv.  22  ff.,  xxvi.  12  ff.) ;  concerning  false  proph- 
ets and  seducers  to  idolatry  and  those  that  hearken 
unto  them  (xiii.);  concerning  the  king  and  the 
manner  of  the  kingdom  (xvii.  14  ff.);  the  prophets 
(xviii.  15  ff.);  war  and  military  service  (xx.);  the 
expiation  of  secret  murder ;  the  law  of  female  cap- 
tives ;  of  first-born  sons  by  a  double  marriage ;  of 
disobedient  sons ;  of  those  who  suflTer  death  by 
hanging  (xxl);  the  laws  in  xxii.  5-8,  13-21;  of 
divorce  (xxiv.  1  ff.);  and  various  lesser  enactments 
(xxiii.,  XXV.);  the  form  of  thanksgiving  in  offering 
the  first-fruits  (xxvi.) ;  the  command  to  write  the 
law  upon  stones  (xxvii.),  and  to  read  it  liefore  all 
Israel  at  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  (xxxi.  10-13). 
Many  others  are  rather  extensions  or  modifications 
of,  than  additions  to,  existing  laws. — (',  Author. 
1.  It  is  generally  agreed  that  by  far  the  greater 
portion  of  the  book  is  the  work  of  one  author.  The 
only  parts  which  have  been  questioned  as  possible 
interpolations,  are,  according  to  De  Wette,  iv.  41-3 
X.  6-9,  xxxii.  and  xxxiii.  2.  It  cannot  be  denied 
that  the  style  of  Deuteronomy  is  very  different  from 
that  of  the  other  four  books  of  the  Pentatecch. 
3.  Who  then  was  the  author?  On  this  point  the 
following  principal  hypotheses  have  been  main- 
tained:— (1.)  The  old  traditional  view  that  this 
book,  like  the  other  books  of  the  Pentateuch,  is 
the  work  of  Moses  himself  Of  the  later  critics, 
Ilengstenberg,  Havernick,  Ranke,  Stuart,  &c.,  have 
maintained  this  view.  In  support  of  this  opinion  it 
is  said :  (a.)  That  supposing  the  whole  Pentateuch 
to  have  been  written  by  Moses,  the  change  in  style 
is  easily  accounted  for  when  we  remember  that  the 
last  book  is  hortatory  in  its  character,  that  it  con- 
sists chiefly  of  orations,  and  that  these  were  de- 
livered under  very  peculiar  circumstances.  (4.) 
That  the  use  of  language  is  not  only  generally  in 
accordance  with  that  of  the  earlier  books,  and  that 
as  well  in  their  Elohistio  as  in  their  Jehovistic  por 
tions  (i.  e.  in  those  from  the  alleged  older  document, 
in  which  the  name  of  God  is  Elohim,  as  well  as  in 
those  from  the  alleged  later  one,  in  which  the  naui 
Jehovah  is  used  ;  see  Pentateuch),  but  that  thti  > 
are  certain  peculiar  forms  of  expression  common 
only  to  these  five  books,  (c.)  That  the  alleged  dis- 
crepancies in  matters  of  fact  between  this  and  tlir 
earlier  books  may  all  be  reconciled,  (d.)  That  tlir 
book  bears  witness  to  its  own  authorship  (xxxi.  I'J), 
and  is  expressly  cited  in  the  N.  T.  as  the  work  of 
Moses  (Mat.  xix.  7,  8;  Mk.  x.  3  ff. ;  Acts  iii.  22, 
vii.  37).  The  advocates  of  this  theory  of  cour.<c' 
suppose  that  the  last  chapter,  containing  an  ac- 
count of  the  death  of  Moses,  was  added  by  a  later 
hand,  and  perhaps  formed  originally  the  bcginniu'.; 
of  the  book  of  Joshua. — (2.)  The  opinion  of  Stiiln 
lin  (and  as  it  would  seem,  of  Bleek)  that  the  autln  : 
is  the  same  as  the  writer  of  the  Jehovistic  or  latei 
portions  of  the  other  books. — (3.)  The  opinion  of 
De  Wette,  Gesenius,  &c.,  that  the  author  of  Deuter- 
onomy is  distinct  from  the  Jehovist  (i.  e.  the  writer 
of  the  alleged  later  document  of  the  other  books). 
— (4.)  Prom  the  fact  that  certain  phrases  occurring 
in  Deuteronomy  are  found  also  in  Jeremiah,  it  has 
been  too  hastily  concluded  by  Von  Bohlen,  Gese- 
nius, &c.,  that  both  books  were  the  work  of  th'- 
prophet. — (5.)  Ewald  is  of  opinion  that  it  was  writ- 
ten by  a  Jew  living  in  Egypt  during  the  latter  half 
of  the  reign  of  Manasseh.  The  song  of  Moses 
(xxxii.)  is,  according  to  him,  not  by  the  author  of 
the  rest  of  Deuteronomy,  but  is  nevertheless  later 
than  the  time  of  Solomon. — D.  Date  of  Compofi- 


I 


I 


DEV 


DU 


225 


Hon.  Was  the  book  really  written,  as  its  language 
certainly  implies,  before  the  entry  of  Israel  into  the 
Promised  Land  *  To  suppose  it  was  written  long 
after  the  settlement  of  the  Israelites  in  Canaan,  in 
the  reign  of  Solomon,  or  in  that  of  Manasseh,  is 
not  only  to  malce  the  book  an  historical  romance, 
but  to  attiibute  very  considerable  inventive  skill  to 
the  author.  De  Wette  argues,  indeed,  that  the 
character  of  the  laws  is  such  as  of  itself  to  presup- 
pose a  long  residence  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  lie 
instances  the  allusion  to  the  Temple  (xii.  and  xvi. 
1-7),  the  provision  for  the  right  discharge  of  the 
kingly  anil  prophetical  offices,  the  rules  for  civil 
•nd  military  organization,  and  the  state  of  the  Le- 
Tites,  who  are  represented  as  living  without  cities 
(though  such  are  granted  to  them  in  Num.  xxxv.) 
and  without  tithes  (allotted  to  them  in  Num.  xviii. 
20  ft.).  Other  reasons  for  a  later  date,  such  as 
the  mention  of  the  worship  of  the  sun  and  moon 
(Deut.  iv.  19,  xvii.  3:  compare  Am.  v.  26);  the 
punishment  of  stoning  (Deut.  xvii.  5,  xxii.  21  ff. ; 
compare  Ex.  xix.  13,  xxi.  28  ff. ;  Lev.  xx.  2,  27, 
.Vc);  the  iKirae  /fa»/  of  Tabernacles  (Deut.  xvi.  13; 
'ompare  Lev.  xxiii.  34);  and  the  motive  for  keep- 
•'■'i  the  Sabbath  (Deut.  v.  15;  compare  Ex.  xx.  11 ; 

II'  motive  does  not  exclude  other  motives),  are 

:    little  force.     For  a  further  discussion   of  the 

;fStion  of    authorship,   as   well   as  of    the    date 

I    the    legislation    in    Deuteronomy,  see    Penta- 

rcii. 

Devil   [dev'l],  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Gr. 

■iholos  j(  =:  a  traducer,  mcusei;  dandirtr,  Rbn. 
X.  T.  Lix.).  This  Greek  word  is  found  in  the 
jihiral  in  1  Tim.  iii.  11  (A.V.  "slanderers  ") ;  2  Tim. 
iii.  3  and  Tit.  ii.  3  (A.  V.  in  both  "false  accusers," 
margin  "  make-bates  ").  In  all  other  cases  it  is 
used  with  the  article  in  the  singular  as  a  descriptive 
name  of  Sata.v  (A.  V.  "  the  devil,"  Wis.  ii.  24 ; 
Mat.  iv.  I,  6,  8,  11,  xiii.  39,  xxv.  41,  &c.),  excepting 
'Si.1t  in  Jn.  vi.  70  (A.  V.  "a  devil")  it  is  applied 

■  ithout  the  article)  to  Judas  (compare  Mat.  xvi. 

;  I,  as  doing  Satan's  work,  also  (without  the  article) 
Satan  (Acts  xiii.  10,  A.  V.  "thou  child  of  the 
•vil,"  literally />«;ir«  son) ;  in  LXX.  =  "Satan." 
The  name  describes  Satan  as  slandering  God  to 
roan,  and  man  to  God. — 2.  Gr.  daimm  (Mat.  viii. 
31,  &c.),  dnimmiimi  (Tob.  vi.  7,  17,  Gr.  8,  18;  Bar. 
iv.  7,  35 ;  Mat.  vii.  22,  ix.  33  f.,  &c.),  &c.  (Demon  ; 
Demoniacs.)— 3.  Heb.  sd'ir  (Lev.  xvii.  7;  2  Chr. 
xi.  15),  an  object  of  idolatrous  worship  =  a  he-goat, 
Ges.  (Goat;  Satyrs.) — i.  Ileb.  pi.  s/icWim  (Deut. 
xxxii.  17;  Ps.  cvi.  37)  =  idok,  properly  lords, 
Ges. ;  demonn,  LXX.  ;  compare  1  Cor.  x.  20. 

Dew.  This  in  the  summer  is  so  copious  in  Pal- 
estine that  it  supplies  to  some  extent  the  absence  of 
rain  (Ecclus.  xviii.  16,  xliii.  22),  and  becomes  im- 
portant to  the  agriculturist.  As  a  proof  of  this 
copiousness  the  well-known  sign  of  Gideon  (Judg. 
vi.  87,  39,  40)  may  be  adduced  (compare  Cant.  v. 
2 ;  Dan.  iv.  23,  25).  Thus  it  is  coupled  in  the  di- 
vine blessing  with  rain,  or  mentioned  as  a  prime 
source  of  fertility  (Gen.  xxvii.  28  ;  Deut.  xxxiii.  13; 
Zech.  viii.  12),  and  its  withdrawal  is  attributed  to  a 
curse  (2  Sam.  i.  21  ;  1  K.  xvii.  1 ;  Hag.  i.  10).  It 
becomes  a  leading  object  in  prophetic  imagery  by 
reason  of  its  penetrating  moisture  without  the  ap- 
parent effort  of  rain  (Deut.  xxxii.  2 ;  Job  xxix.  19 ; 
Ps.  cxxxiii.  3  ;  Prov.  xix.  12;  Is.  xxvi.  19;  Ilos. 
xiv.  5 ;   Mic.  V.  7) ;   while  its  speedy  evanescence 

i>ifics  the  transient  goodness  of  the  hypocrite 
Hos.  vi.  4,  xiii.  3).  With  the  proverbial  expres- 
sions (I'rov.  iii.  20),  "  the  clouds  drop  down  the 
15 


dew,"  compare  the  common  modern  phrase,  "  the 
dew  falls."     Agbiculture;  Earth. 

Dl'a-dfm  (fr.  Gr.,  literally  =  something  bound 
around,  sc.  tlie  head).  What  the  "  diadem  "  of  the 
Jews  was  we  know  not.  (('rown.)  That  of  other 
nations  of  antiquity  was  a  fillet  of  silk,  two  inches 
broad,  bound  round  the  head  and  tied  behind,  the 
invention  of  which  is  attributed  to  Bacchus.  Its 
color  was  generally  white ;  sometimes,  however,  it 
was  of  blue,  like  that  of  Darius ;  and  it  was  sown 
with  pearls  or  other  gems  (Zech.  ix.  16),  and  en- 
riched with  gold.(I!ev.  ix.  7).  It  was  peculiarly  the 
mark  of  Oriental  sovereigns  (1  Me.  xiii.  32).  A 
crown  (Ileb.  neser  —  diudini,  Ges.)  was  used  by  the 
kings  of  Israel,  even  in  battle  (2  Sam.  i.  10);  but 
probably  this  was  not  the  state  crown  (Ileb.  'oW- 
ruli,  2  Sam.  xii.  30),  although  used  in  the  corona- 
tion of  Joash  (2  K.  xi.  12).  In  Esth.  i.  11,  ii.  17, 
we  have  the  Ileb.  cether  for  the  turban  (A.  V. 
"  crown  ")  worn  by  the  Persian  king,  queen,  or 
other  eminent  persons  to  whom  it  was  conceded  as 
a  special  favor  (viii.  IB).  The  diadem  of  the  king 
differed  from  that  of  others  in  having  an  ertct  tri- 
angular peak.  The  words  in  Ez.  xxiii.  15  (trans- 
lated in  A.  v.  "exceeding  in  dyed  attire")  mean 
long  and  flowing  turbans  of  gorgeous  colors. 

W'al.  The  Heb.  pi.  tna'aloth  (translated  "  dial," 
margin  "  degrees,"  in  2  K.  xx.  11;  Is.  xxxviii.  8)  is 
rendered  "steps"  in  A.  V.  (Ex.  xx.  26;  1  K.  x.  19, 
20,  &c.),  and  "degrees"  in  A.  V.  (2  K.  xx.  9,  10, 
11 ;  Is.  xxxviii.  8,  &c. ;  see  Degrees,  Songs  of).  In 
the  absence  of  any  materials  for  determining  the 
shape  and  structure  of  the  solar  instrument,  which 
certainly  appears  intended  (Ahaz),  the  best  course 
is  to  follow  the  most  strictly  natural  meaning  of  the 
words,  and  to  consider  with  Cyril  of  Alexandria  and 
Jerome,  that  the  nia\'il6lh  were  really  stairs,  and 
that  the  shadow  (perhaps  of  some  column  or  obelisk 
on  the  top)  fell  on  a  greater  or  smaller  number  of 
them  according  as  the  sun  was  low  or  high.  The 
terrace  of  a  palace  might  easily  be  thus  orna- 
mented.    Astronomy;  CnRONOi.ooy;  Hour. 

Uia-mcnil  [di'a-mund  or  di'inund],  the  A.  V. 
translation  of — 1.  Heb.  yakalim,  a  precious  stone, 
the  third  in  the  second  row  on  the  breastplate  of 
the  high-priest  (Ex.  xxviii.  18,  xxxix.  11),  and  men- 
tioned (Ez.  xxviii.  13)  among  the  precious  stones  of 
the  king  of  Tyre.  Our  translation,  "  diamond,"  is 
derived  from  Abcn  Ezr.i,  defended  by  Braun,  and 
apparently  embraced  by  Eurst,  Henderson,  Bush, 
&c.  The  diamond  is  a  well-known  tranejiarent  gem, 
the  hardest  and  most  costly  of  all  minerals.  Several 
of  the  ancient  versions  translate  the  Hebrew  word 
"  the  ONYX,  which,"  says  Gesenius,  "  is  not  im- 
probable." Kaliseh  says  "  perhaps  Emerald." — 2. 
Heb.  sliumir  (iev.  xvii.  1).     Adamant. 

Dl-a'na  or  Di-an'a.  This  Latin  word,  properly 
denoting  a  Roman  divinity,  is  the  representative  of 
the  Greek  ArUmis,  the  tutelary  goddess  of  the 
Ephesians,  who  plays  so  important  a  part  in  Acts 
xix.  The  Ephesian  Diana  was,  however,  regarded 
as  invested  with  very  different  attributes,  and  made 
the  object  of  a  different  worship,  from  the  ordinary 
Diana  of  the  Greeks,  and  rather  perhaps  =  Astarte 
(Asiitoreth)  and  other  female  divinities  of  the  East. 
In  some  respects  there  was  doubtless  a  fusion  of  the 
two.  Diana  was  the  goddess  of  rivers,  of  pools,  and 
of  harbors ;  and  these  conditions  are  satisfied  by 
the  situation  of  the  sanctuary  at  EriiESUS.  Again, 
on  coins  of  Ephesus  we  sometimes  find  her  exhib- 
ited as  a  huntress  and  with  a  stag.  But  the  true 
Ephesian  Diana  is  represented  in  a  form  entirely 


226 


DIB 


alien  from  Greek  art,  viz.  as  a  many-breasted  mum- 
my, and  was  undoubtedly  a  symbol  of  the  produc- 
tive and  nutritive  powers  of  nature.  The  coin  be- 
low will  give  some  notion  of  the  image,  which  was 


Greek  imperial  copper  coin  of  Ephesua  and  Smyrna  allied 
("O^iot'Oia) ;  Domitia,  witli  name  of  proconsul. 

Obv.-  AOMITI.1  CeBACTH.  Bust  to  rfght.  Eev.:  AN0Y 
KAICeN  IIAITOY  OMONOIA  e*«  ZMYP.  Epbesian 
l)iana. 

grotesque  and  archaic  in  character.  The  head 
wore  a  mural  crown,  each  hand  held  a  bar  of  metal, 
and  the  lower  part  ended  in  a  rude  block  covered 
with  figures  of  animals  and  mystic  inscriptions. 
This  idol  was  regarded  as  an  oljject  of  peculiar 
sanctity,  and  was  believed  to  have  fallen  down  from 
heaven  (Acts  xis.  3.5).  The  cry  of  the  mob  (28), 
"  Great  is  Diana  of  the  Ephe-sians  ! "  and  the  strong 
expression  (27),  "  whom  all  Asia  and  the  world 
worshippeth,"  may  be  abundantly  illustrated  from 
a  variety  of  sources.  The  term  "  great "  was  evi- 
dently a  title  of  honor  recognized  as  belonging  to 
the  Ephesian  goddess.  We  find  it  in  inscriptions, 
&o.  Pausanias  tells  us  that  the  Ephesian  Diana 
was  more  honored  privately  thiin  any  other  deity. 

Dib-la'im  or  DiblH-im  (Heb.  douhle  cake?  Ges.), 
mother  of  Hosea's  wife  Gomer  (Uos.  i.  3).  Gese- 
nius  and  Fairbaim  make  Diblaim  the  father  of 
Goraer. 

Dib'latb  (Heb.  Dihiah),  a  place  named  only  in  Ez. 
vi.  14,  as  if  situated  at  one  of  the  extremities  of  the 
land  of  Israel;  regarded  by  Jerome,  Michaelis, 
Gesenius,  &c.,  as  a  copyist's  mistake  for  Riblah. 

Dl'bon  (Heb.  a  jnning,  wasting,  Ges. ;  river-place, 
Fii.).  1.  A  town  on  the  E.  side  of  Jbrdan,  in  the 
rich  pastoral  country,  which  was  taken  possession 
of  and  rebuilt  by  the  children  of  Gad  (Num.  xxxii. 
3,  34).  From  this  circumstance  it  possibly  received 
the  name  of  DiBo.v-OAn.  Its  first  mention  is  in  the 
ancient  fragment  of  poetry  Num.  xxi.  30,  and  from 
this  it  appears  to  have  belonged  originally  to  the 
Moabites.  We  find  Dibon  counted  to  Reuben  in 
Josh.  xiii.  9,  17.  In  the  time  of  Isaiah  and  Jere- 
miah, however,  it  was  again  in  possession  of  Jloab 
(Is.  XV.  2;  Jer.  xlviii.  18,  22,  compare  24).  In  the 
same  denunciations  of  Isaiah  it  appears,  probably, 
under  the  name  of  Dimon.  In  modern  times  the 
name  Dfdhdn  has  been  discovered  by  Seetzen,  Irby 
and  Mangles,  and  Burckhardt  as  attached  to  ex- 
tensive ruins  on  the  Roman  road,  about  three  miles 
N.  of  the  Arnon.  All  agree,  however,  in  describing 
these  ruins  as  lying  low. — 2.  One  of  the  towns  re- 
inhabited  by  the  men  of  Judah  after  the  Captivity 
(Neh.  xi  25) ;  probably  =  Dimonah.  Rowlands 
(in  Fairbaim,  under  "  S.  country  ")  makes  Dib(m  = 
MMnb,  a  ruined  site  about  four  miles  E.  of  Tell 
'Ar&d  (Arad). 

Dl'bon-gad  (Heb.  wailing  of  Oad),  one  of  the 
halting-places  of  the  Israelites  (Num.  xxxiii.  45, 
46);  probably  —  Dibon  1. 

])lb'ri  (Heb.  eloquent  ?  Ges. ;  horn  on  the  pasture, 
or  Jah  distributes  promise,  Fii.),  a  Danite,  father  of 
Shelomith  1  (Lev.  xxiv.  11). 

*  Di-dracli'ma  [-drak-]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  didrachmon  = 


DIN 

a  douhle  drachm)  (Mat.  xvii.  24,  margin).     Drachm  ; 
Money  ;  Shekel. 

Did  jr-mus  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  the  twin),  a  surname  of 
the  Apostle  Thomas  (Jn.  xi.  16,  xx.  24,  xxi.  2). 

*  Die,  to.    Death. 

DtlL'lall  (Heb. ;  see  below)  (Gen.  x.  27 ;  1  Chr.  i. 
21),  a  son  of  Joktan,  whose  settlements,  with  thu.-i- 
of  Joktan's  other  sons,  must  be  looked  for  in  Aiti- 
BiA.  The  name  in  Hebrew  signifies  "  a  palm-tree," 
hence  it  is  thought  that  Diklah  is  a  part  of  Arabia 
containing  many  palm-trees.  Bochart,  and  after 
him  Gesenius,  refer  the  descendants  of  Diklah  to 
the  llina;i,  a  people  of  Arabia  Felix  inhabiting  a 
palmifcrous  country.  No  trace  of  Diklah  is  known 
to  exist  in  Arabic  works,  except  the  mention  of  a 
place  cnWed  Dakalah  in  El-ycmdmeh,  with  many 
palm-trees.  The  Ar.  nakhleh  also  signifies  a  pahti- 
trce,  and  is  the  name  of  many  places,  especially 
Nakhleh  el-  Yemdneei/eh,  and  Nakldeh  esh-Shdmeei/eli, 
two  well-known  towns  situate  near  each  other. 
Therefore,  1.  Diklah  may  probably  be  recovered  in 
the  place  called  Dakalah  above  mentioned ;  or, 
possibly,  2.  in  one  of  the  places  named  Nakhleh. 

Dil'e-an  (Heb.  gourd-field,  Ges.),  one  of  the  cities 
in  the  lowlands  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  38) ;  not  iden- 
tified with  certainty.  Van  do  Velde  suggests  that 
it  may  be  the  modern  place  Tina,  about  three  miles 
N.  of  Tell  es-Safieh  (Gath  ?),  in  the  maritime  plain  of 
Philistia,  S.  of  Ekron. 

Dim'nah  (Heb.  a  place  of  dung,  Fu.),  a  city 
in  the  tribe  of  Zebulun,  given  to  the  Merarite  Le- 
vites  (Josh.  xxi.  35) ;  possibly  a  variation  of  Rim- 
MON  (1  Chr.  vi.  77).  Van  de  Velde  supposes  Dim- 
nah  at  the  village  of  Ddmon,  seven  or  eight  miles 
E.  S.  E.  of  'Akka  (Accho). 

Di'mon  (Heb.  =  Dibon,  Ges.,  Fii.),  the  Wa'ters 
of,  some  streams  on  the  E.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  in  the 
land  of  Moab,  against  which  Isaiah  is  here  uttering 
denunciations  (Is.  xv.  9).  Gesenius  conjectures 
that  Dimon  =  Dibon. 

Di-mo'nali  (Heb.  =  Dibon,  Ges.),  a  city  in  the 
S.  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  22),  probably  =  Dibox   ' 
Rowlands  (in  Fbn.  under  "  S.  Country")  supp< - 
Dimonah    (in    LXX.   Regma)  =   'Ain   Rakhnf.  , 
about  fifteen  miles  E.  S.  E.  of  Beer-sheba. 

Di'nah  {Ueh.  Judged,  avenged;  compare  Dan),  the 
daughter  of  Jacob  by  Leah  (Gen.  xxx.  21).  She  ac- 
companied her  father  from  Mesopotamia  to  Canaan, 
and,  having  ventured  among  the  inhabitants,  was 
violated  by  Shechem  the  son  of  Hamor,  tlie  chief- 
tain of  the  territory  in  which  her  father  had  settled 
(xxxiv.)  Her  age  at  this  time,  judging  by  the  sub- 
sequent notice  of  Joseph's  age  (xxxvii.  2),  may  have 
been  from  thirteen  to  fifteen,  the  ordinary  period  of 
MARRIAGE  in  Eastern  countries.  Shechem  proposed 
to  make  the  usual  reparation  by  paying  a  sum  to 
the  father  and  marrj'ing  her  (xxxiv.  12).  But  in 
this  case  the  suitor  was  an  alien,  and  the  crown  of 
the  offence  consisted  in  its  having  been  committed 
by  an  alien  against  the  favored  people  of  God  ;  he 
had  "  wrought  folly  in  Israel  "  (xxxiv.  7).  Tlie  pro- 
posals of  Hamor,  who  acted  as  his  deputy,  were 
framed  on  the  recognition  of  the  hitherto  complete 
separation  of  the  two  peoples;  he  proposed  the 
fusion  of  the  two  by  the  establishment  of  the  rights 
of  intermarriage  and  commerce.  The  sons  of  Jaeol>, 
bent  upon  revenge  (Absalom  ;  Blood,  Avenger  of), 
availed  themselves  of  the  eagerness  which  Shechem 
showed,  to  effect  their  purpose ;  they  demanded,  as 
a  condition  of  the  proposed  union,  the  circumcision 
of  the  Shechemites.  They  therefore  assented; 
and  on  the  third  day,  when  the  pain  and  fever  re- 


J 


DINT 


DIS 


227 


suiting  from  the  operation  were  at  the  highest, 
Simeon  anil  Levi,  own  brothers  to  Dinah,  attaekeil 
tliem  unexpectedly,  slew  all  the  males  and  plun- 
dered their  city.  Nothing  more  is  certainly  known 
ol'  Dinah  ;  but  she  probably  went  with  the  rest  into 
Egjpt  (xlvi.  15). 

i»i'n»-ItfS  (i'r.  Heb.  =  a  people  from  some  un- 
known place  or  region  called  Din  [=  a  eaune,  judg- 
mental, Fii.),  an  unknown  people  of  the  Assyrian 
empire,  from  whom  colonists  were  placed  by  As- 
KAPPER  in  Samaria  after  the  Captivity  of  the  ten 
tribes  (Ezr.  iv.  9). 

INu'ha-bilh  (Heb.  lord  [i.  e.  place]  of  plundering  ? 
Ges. ;  bituthig  aside,  eoiiccalment,  little  place,  Fii.), 
the  capital  city,  and  probably  the  birthplace,  of 
Itela,  son  of  Beor,  king  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  32 ; 
1  Chr.  i.  43);  not  identified. 

"  Dinner.    Meals. 

Ul-o-n^s'i-a  [-nish'e-a]  (L.  fr.  Gr.)  =  "  the  feast 
of  Baichis." 

D!-o-nys'l-ns  [-nish'e-us]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  of  Diony- 
sm  or  Bacchcs)  the  A-rc-«p'a-gite  (Acts  xvii.  34), 
.m  eminent  Athenian  (Arkopagite  ;  Areopagus) 
converted  to  Christianity  by  the  preaching  of  St. 
Paul.  Eusebiug  makes  him,  on  the  authority  of 
Dionysius,  bishop  of  Corinth,  to  have  been  first 
bishop  of  Athens.  According  to  a  later  tradition 
he  sutfered  martyrdom  at  Athens.  The  writings 
once  attributed  to  him  are  now  confessed  to  be  the 
production  of  some  neo-Platonists  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury. 

i»l-o-ny'sns  (L.  fr.  Gr.)  —  Baccttcs  (3  Mc.  ii.  29). 

Dl-os-to-rln'thi-ns  (fr.  Gr.).     Month. 

Dl-Ot'rc-plies  [-fcezj  (Gr.  Jove-nnrtund,  L.  &  S.), 
a  professed  Christian,  ambitious  and  domineering, 
who  resisted  the  Apostle  John's  authority  (3  Jn.  9, 
10).    John,  3d  Epistle  of. 

Uls-fl'ple  [dis-si'pl]  (fr.  L.  =  learner,  scholar,  pu- 
pil).    Christian  ;  Edlcation. 

I>i«'(ns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  quoit),  a  circular  plate  of 
stone  or  metal,  made  for  throwing  to  a  distance  as 


I>lKol>oIia  cr  Qiwlt-i-ltther.— lOtmlcy,  Bt^i.  dtr  alun  Suit, 
yt,l.  1,  DO.  ]»9.> 

an  exercise  of  strength  and  dexterity.  The  discus 
or  quoit  was  originally  of  stone  (Homer,  Pindnr). 
DiioMlm  (L.  fr.  Gr.)  =  one  who  throws  or  pitches 
the  discus.  Pitching  the  discus  was  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal gymnastic  exercises  (Games)  of  the  Greeks, 


and  was  introduced  among  the  Jews  by  the  high- 
priest  Jason  4  (2  Mc.  iv.  14). 

Lis-ea'ses.     Medicine. 

Dish,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb.  sephel 
(also  translated  "  bow  l  "),  tsallahath  or  Isullaclmth, 
and  keVtrah  (also  translated  "charger"),  also  (Mat. 
xxvi.  23  ;  Mk.  xiv.  20)  of  the  Gr.  trublion  (=  a  dish, 
howl,  for  eating  or  drinking,  Ebn.  N.  T.  Lex.).  Ba- 
sin ;  Meals. 

Di'shan  (Ileb.  =  Dishon),  youngest  son  of  Seir 
the  Horite  (Gen.  xxxvi.  21,  28,  SO ;  1  Chr.  i.  38,  42). 

•  Di'shon  (Heb.)  (Deut.  xiv.  5,  marg.).     Pygarg. 

Di'shon  (Heb.  antelope ;  see  Ptgabg).  1.  The 
fifth  son  of  Seir  (Gen.  xxxvi.  21,  26,  30;  1  Chr.  i. 
41). — 2.  The  son  of  Anah  and  grandson  of  Seir 
(Gen.  xxxvi.  25;  1  Chr.  i.  38,  41).  Dishon  and 
DisiiAN  belong  to  the  same  root.  The  geographical 
position  of  the  tribes  descended  from  these  patri- 
\  archs  is  uncertain.  Knobcl  places  them  E.  and  S.  E. 
of  the  Gvlfof'Ahcbah.     Arabia. 

Dis-per'sion,  the  Jews  of  tlie,  or  simply  The  Bis- 
per'slon  (Gr.  diaspora,  A.  V.  "  the  dispersed,"  [ Jn. 
vii.  35],  "which  are  scattered  abroad"  [Jas.  i.  1], 
"scattered"  [1  Pet.  1.  1];  comp.  Deut.  xxviii.  25; 
Jer.  xxxiv.  17),  was  the  general  title  applied  to  those 
Jews  who  remained  settled  in  foreign  countries  after 
the  return  from  the  Babylonian  exile,  and  during  the 
period  of  the  second  Temple.  The  Dispersion,  as  a 
distinct  element  influencing  the  entire  character  of 
the  Jews,  dates  from  the  Babylonian  exile.  (CAr- 
TiviTY ;  Commerce;  Cyrus.)  Outwardly  and  in- 
wardly, by  its  effects  both  on  the  Gentiles  and  on 
the  people  of  Israel,  the  Dispersion  appears  to  have 
been  the  clearest  providential  preparation  for  the 
spread  of  Christianity.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
Christian  era  the  Dispersion  was  divided  into  three 
great  sections:  the  Babylonian,  the  Syrian,  the 
Egyptian."  Precedence  was  yielded  to  the  first. 
From  Babylon  the  Jews  spread  throughout  Persia, 
Media,  and  Parthia  ;  but  the  settlements  in  China 
belong  to  a  modern  date.  The  Greek  conquests  in 
Asia  extended  the  limits  of  the  Dispersion.  Sc- 
leucus  Nicator  transplanted  large  bodies  of  Jewish 
colonists  from  Babylonia  to  the  capitals  of  his 
western  provinces.  His  policy  was  followed  by  his 
succes.sor  Antiochus  the  Great;  and  the  persecu- 
tions of  Antioehus  Epiphanes  only  set  ved  to  push 
forward  the  Jewish  emigration  to  the  remoter  dis- 
tricts of  his  empire.  Large  settlements  of  Jews 
were  established  in  Armenia,  in  Cyprus,  in  the  isl- 
ands of  the  yEgean,  and  on  the  western  coast  of 
Asia  Minor.  The  Jews  of  the  Syrian  provinces 
gradually  formed  a  closer  connection  with  their 
new  homes,  and  together  with  the  Greek  language 
adopted  in  many  respects  Greek  ideas.  (Hellenist.) 
This  Hellenizing  tendency,  however,  found  its  most 
free  development  at  Alexandria.  The  Jewish 
settlements  established  there  by  Alexander  and 
Ptolemy  I.  became  the  source  of  the  African  Dis- 
persion, which  spread  over  the  N.  coast  of  Africa, 
and  perhaps  inland  to  Abyssinia.  At  Cyrene  and 
Berenice  (Tiipoli)  the  Jewish  inhabitants  foimcd  a 
considerable  portion  of  the  population.  The  Af- 
rican Dispersion,  like  all  other  Jews,  preserved  their 
veneration  for  the  "  holy  city,"  and  recognized  the 
universal  claims  of  the  Temple  by  the  annual 
tribute.  But  the  distinction  in  language  led  to 
wider  dilTerenccs,  which  were  averted  in  Babylon  by 
the  currency  of  an  Aramaic  dialect.  Alter  the  de 
struction  of  the  Temple,  a.  d.  70,  the  Zealots  found  a 
reception  in  Cyrene;  and  toward  the  close  of  the 
reign  of  Trajan,  a.  d.  115,  the  Jairish  population 


228 


DIS 


DIV 


in  Africa  rose  witli  terrible  ferocity.  The  Jewish 
settlements  in  Rome  were  consequent  upon  the  oc- 
cupation of  Jerusalem  by  Pompey,  B.  c.  63.  The 
captives  and  emigrants  whom  he  brought  with  him 
were  located  in  the  trans-Tiberine  quarter,  and  by 
degrees  rose  in  station  and  importance.  In  the 
reign  of  Claudius  the  Jews  became  objects  of  sus- 
picion from  their  immense  numbers ;  and  the  internal 
disputes  led  to  their  banishment  from  the  city  (Acts 
xviii.  2).  This  expulsion,  if  general,  can  only  have 
been  temporary,  for  in  a  few  years  the  Jews  at  Rome 
were  numerous  (xxviii.  17  if.).  The  influence  of 
the  Dispersion  on  the  rapid  promulgation  of  Christi- 
anity can  scarcely  be  overrated.  The  course  of  the 
apostolic  preaching  followed  in  a  regular  progress 
the  line  of  Jewish  settlements.  The  mixed  assem- 
bly from  which  the  first  converts  were  gathered  on 
the  day  of  Pentecost  represented  each  division  of 
the  Dispersion  (Acts  ii.  9,  11 ;  [1.]  Parthians  .... 
Mesopotamia;  [2.]  Judea  [i.  e.  S^ria]  .  .  .  Pam- 
phylia;  [3.]  Egypt .  .  .  Greece ;  [4.]  Romans  .  .  .), 
and  these  converts  naturally  prepared  the  way  for 
the  apostles  in  the  interval  which  preceded  the  be- 
ginning of  the  separate  apostolic  missions.  Antioch 
1  ;  Paul  ;  Peter  ;  Seven,  the. 

*  Dis'taff.     Spinning. 

*Di'Tes  [-veez],  a  Latin  adjective  (=  rich),  often 
used  in  theological  writings  to  designate  "  the  rich 
man"  in  the  parable  of  Lk.  xvi.  19-31,  and  doubt- 
less derived  from  the  Vulgate  version. 

DiT-i-na'tlon  (Ez.  xiii.  7  ;  Acts  xvi.  16,  &e.).  This 
art  "  of  taking  an  aim  of  divine  matters  by  human, 
which  canpot  but  breed  mixture  of  imaginations " 
(Bacon,  JSssay  xvii.),  has  been  universal  in  all  ages 
and  all  nations,  alike  civilized  and  savage.  One  kind 
of  divination  was  called  Natural,  in  which  the  me- 
dium of  inspiration  was  transported  from  his  own 
individuality,  and  became  the  passive  insftrument  of 
supernatural  utterances.  The  other  kind  of  divina- 
tion (i.  e.  by  the  observation  of  phenomena)  was 
artificial,  and  probably  originated  in  an  honest  con- 
viction that  external  nature  sympathized  with  and 
frequently  indicated  the  condition  and  prospects  of 
mankind  ;  a  conviction  not  in  itself  ridiculous,  and 
fostered  by  the  accidental  synchronism  of  natural 
phenomena  with  human  catastrophes.  When  once 
this  feeling  was  established  the  supposed  manifesta- 
tions were  infinitely  multiplied.  The  invention- of 
divination  is  ascribed  to  Prometheus,  to  tlie  Phry- 
gians and  Etrurians,  especially  sages,  or  to  the  devil. 
In  the  same  way  Zoroaster  ascribes  all  magic  to  Ah- 
riman.  (Persians.)  Similar  opinions  have  prevailed 
in  modern  times.  Many  forms  of  divination  are 
mentioned  in  Scripture,  and  the  subject  is  so  fre- 
quently alluded  to,  that  it  deserves  careful  exami- 
nation. 1.  Heb.  hartummim  or  (•hartummim,  A.  V. 
"  magicians,"  are  first  mentioned  as  a  prominent 
body  at  the  Egyptian  court  (Gen.  xli.  8,  &c.).  They 
were  a  class  of  Egyptian  priests,  eminent  for  learn- 
ing. The  same  name  is  applied  to  the  Magi  of  Bab- 
ylon (Dan.  i.  20,  &o.).  (Magic.)  Daniel  was  made 
"  master  of  the  magicians,"  &c.,  by  Nebuchadnezzar 
(v.  11). — 2i  Heb.  hacdmim  or  chtic&mim,  A.  V. 
"wise  men"  (Ex.  vii.  11  ;  Esth.  i.  13;  Jer.  1.  35), 
does  not  seem  to  mean  any  special  class,  but  merely 
the  wise  men  of  Egypt,  &c.,  generally  (R.  S.  Poole). 
A  kindred  word,  Chal.  haccim  or  chaccim,  A.  V. 
"  wise  men,"  is  used  similarly  in  Dan.  ii.  12  if.,  &c. 
— 3i  Heb.  mScashshephim,  A.  V.  "  sorcerers,"  prop- 
erly =  those  who  tise  maffic  formidaa,  incaniathms, 
&c.,  Ges.  (Ex.  vii.  11;  Dan.  ii.  2;  Mai.  iii.  5); 
mscaslisfieph,  Bing.  masc,  A.  V.  "  a  witch  "  (Deut. 


xviii.  10) ;  mecashshephdh,  sing,  fem.,  A.  V.  "  a 
witch  "  (Ex.  xxii.  18,  Heb.  17).  The  kindred  noun 
cashshilphim  is  translated  in  A.V.  "  sorcerers  "  (Jer. 
xxvii.  9).  (Enchantments  2.) — 4.  Heb.  yiddCoiiiin 
(Lev.  xix.  31,  XX.  6,  &c.),  uniformly  translated  in  A.  A', 
"wizards,"  or  in  sing.  "  wizard,"  literally  i-Hoi(/«t^ 
or  wise  ones,  but  always  applied  to  wizards  and  fal  je 
prophets  (R.  S.  Poole). — 5.  Heb.  oboth,  sing,  oh, 
A.  V.  "  familiar  spirits  "  ("  spirit "),  or  "  those  that 
have  familiar  spirits  "  (Lev.  xx.  6  ;  Is.  viii.  19,  xix. 
3,  &c.) ;  shoel  6b,  A.  V.  "  a  consulter  with  familiap 
spirits"  (Deut.  xviii.  11).  The  words  properly  de- 
note spirits  of  the  dead,  and  then  by  an  easy  meton\- 
my  those  wlio  consulted  them.  They  ate  also  called 
Pythones.  Hence  the  "  spirit  of  Python  "  (Acta 
xvi.  16,  margin).  These  ventrilo<jui$ts  {so  theLXX. 
render  oboth)  "  peeped  and  muttered "  from  the 
earth  to  imitate  the  voice  of  the  revealing  familiar 
(Is.  xxix.  4,  &e. ;  1  Sam.  xxviii.  8 ;  Lev.  xs.  27). 
Ob  properly  =  a  bottle  (Job  xxxii.  19),  and  was  ap- 
plied to  the  magician,  because  he  was  supposed  to 
be  inflated  by  the  spirit.  Of  this  class  was  the 
witch  of  Endor. — 6.  Heb.  ld.icm  kCsdmim,  literally 
a  diviner  of  divinationn  (R.  S.  Poole),  A.  y.  "  that 
useth  divination  "  (Deut.  xviii.  10),  or  kosem  simply, 
A.  V.  "  soothsayer,"  margin  "  diviner  "  Josh,  xiil 
22),  usually  l-osimim  in  pi.,  A.V.  "  diviners  "  (Deut 
xviii.  14,  &c.),  =  a  diviner,  one  who  foretells,  used 
only  of  false  prophets,  Ges. — 7.  'Heh.ine'onen,  A.V. 
"an  observer  of  times"  (Mic.  v.  12;  2  K.  xxi.  6), 
is  derived  by  Gesenius,  &c.,  from  '««««,  to  conr, 
and  may  mean  generally  vsing  hidden  arts  (Is.  ii. 
6,  A.  V.  "  are  soothsayers ;  "  Jer.  xxvii.  9,  A.  V. 
"  enchanters").  If  derived  from  ^ayin,  an  eye,  it  — 
one  who  fascinates  with  the  eyes,  as  in  the  Syriac  ver- 
sion. A  belief  in  the  evil  eye  was  universal,  and  is 
often  alluded  to  in  Scripture  (Prov.  xxiii.  6 ;  Mat 
XX.  15;  Tob.  iv.  7 ;  1  Sam.  xviii.  9,  "Saul  eyed 
David  ").  Others  again  make  the  ^oninim  (the  form 
of  the  word  in  Is.  ii.  6,  &c.)  =  "  soothsayers,"  who 
predicted  "  times,"  as  in  A.V.,  from  the  observation 
of  the  clouds.  Gesenius  says  the  word  "scod 
rather  to  imply  some  kind  of  divination  conneci 
with  idolatry."  (Meonenim.) — 8.  Heb.  minahhh  oi 
meuacliesh,  A.  V.  "  an  enchanter  "  (Deut.  xviii.  10). 
The  verb  ndhash  or  ndchash  (Serpent),  from  which 
this  comes,  translated  "use  enchantments"  (Lev. 
xix.  26;  2  K.  xvii.  17,  xxi.  6;  2  Chr.  xxxiil.  6), 
"divine,"  margin  "make  trial"  (Gen.  xliv.  6,  15), 
"  learn  by  experience"  (xxx.  27),  &c.,  =  to  take  arir 
guries,  pi-actix  divination,  prognosticate,  augur,  Ges. 
Some  understand  by  it  divination  by  serpents  (Ges.). 
(Serpent-charming.)  The  noun  nahash  or  nachash 
is  translated  "  enchantment"  (Num.  xxiii.  23,  xxiv. 
1).  Kindred  Hebrew  words  {Idhash  or  Idrhash,  verb, 
&c.)  are  translated  "  charmers  "  (Ps.  Iviii.  5,  Heb. 
6),  "  enchantment  "  (Eccl.  x.  11),  "  channed  "  (Jer. 
viii.  17).  Both  verbs  properly  =  to  hiss,  whisper, 
especially  applied  to  the  whispering  or  muttering  of 
sorcerers,  Ges.— 9i  Heb.  hober  h'lbdrim  or  ehoher 
chiibdrim,  A.  V.  "  charming,"  literally  charming 
charms  (Ps.  Iviii.  5,  Heb.  6);  hober  hdber,  A.  V.  "a 
charmer,"  literally  one  charming  a  charm  (Deut 
xviii.  11);  =  binding  with  spells,  fascinating,  ehanii- 
ing,  spoken  of  a  species  of  magic  practised  by  bind- 
ing magic  knots  (Ges.).  The  pi.  noun,  A.  V.  "  en- 
chantments," occurs  alone  in  Is.  xlvii.  9,  12.  (Ma- 
gic ;  Serpent-charming.) — 10.  Belomants,  i.  e.  those 
who  divine  by  arrows.  In  Ez.  xxi.  21,  NebucI 
nezzar,  at  the  parting  of  two  ways,  uses  divinal 
by  arrows  to  decide  whether  he  shall  proi 
against  Jerusalem  or  Rabbah.     Jerome  explains  it 


DIV 

of  mingrmg  'n  a  quiver  arrows  on  which  were  in- 
scribed the  names  of  various  cities,  that  city  being 
attacked  the  name  of  which  was  drawn  out.  Estius 
says  he  threw  up  a  bundle  of  arrows  to  see  wliich 
way  they  would  light,  and  falling  on  the  right  hand 
he  marched  toward  Jerusalem. — 11.  Closely  con- 
nected with  this  was  divination  by  rods,  or  rhabdo- 
inancy  (IIos.  iv.  12,A.V.  "stafl").  Of  tliis  many  kinds 
are  mentioned,  e.  g.  striking  the  ground  with  a  staff 
and  uttering  horrid  noises,  till  the  diviner  becomes 
frantic,  and  prophesies  ;  measuring  a  staff  with  the 
finger  or  band,  and  uttering  one  of  a  set  of  words 
at  each  measurement ;  peeling  .  one  side  of  a  rod, 
and  throwing  it  up  to  see  whether  the  peeled  or  un- 
peelcd  side  will  fall  uppermost ;  setting  up  rods  and 
observmg  which  way  they  fall,  &c.  (Dr.  P.  ilolmes, 
in  Kitto). — 12.  Cup  divination  (Gen.  xliv.  5).  Park- 
burst  and  others,  denying  that  divination  is  intend- 
ed, make  it  a  mere  cup  of  office  "  for  which  he 
would  search  carefully."  But  in  all  probability 
the  A.V.  is  right  (conii)arc  No.  8  above  and  Magic). 
I  lie  divination  was  by  means  of  radiations  from  the 
ivater  or  from  magically  inscribed  gems,  &c.,  thrown 
to  it. — 13.  Consultation  of  Terapiiim  (Zech.  x.  2, 
iigin ;  Ez.  xxL  21,  margin,  &c.).  These  were 
uuoden  images  consulted  as  "  idols,"  from  which 
the  excited  worshippers  fancied  that  they  received 
oracular  responses. — 11.  Divination  by  the  liver,  or 
hepatoscopy  (Ez.  xxL  21).  The  liver  was  the  most 
important  part  of  the  sacrifice.  Thus  the  deaths  of 
th  Alexander  and  Ilephaestion  were  foretold. — 15. 
ivination  by  drkams,  or  oneiromancy  (Dent.  xiii.  2, 
;  Judg.  vii.  13;  Jer.  xxiii.  32).  Many  warnings 
xur  in  Scripture  against  the  impostures  attendant 
■Ai  the  interpretation  of  dreams  (Zech.  i.  2,  &c.). 
We  find  however  no  direct  trace  of  seeking  for 
<lreams. — 16.  The  consultation  of  oracles  may  be 
nsidcred  as  another  form  of  divination  (Is.  xli.  21 
-i,  xliv.  7).  (Oracle.)  That  there  were  several 
oracles  of  heathen  gods  known  to  the  Jews  we  may 
infer  both  from  the  mention  of  that  of  Baal-zcbub 
at  Ekron  (2  K.  i.  2-6),  and  from  the  towns  named 
Deuir.  Moses  forbade  every  species  of  divination, 
because  a  prying  into  the  future  clouds  the  mind 
with  superstition,  and  because  it  would  have  been 
an  incentive  to  idolatry  (2  K.  xxi.  6 ;  Is.  ii.  6) ;  in- 
deed the  frequent  denunciations  of  the  sin  in  the 
prophets  tend  to  prove  that  tliese  forbidden  arts 
presented  peculiar  temptations  to  apostate  Israel. 
But  f!od  supplied  His  people  with  substitutes  for 
divination,  which  would  have  rendered  it  superflu- 
ous, and  left  them  in  no  doubt  as  to  His  will  in  cir- 
cumstances of  danger,  had  they  continued  faith- 
ful. It  was  only  when  they  were  unfaithful 
tlift  the  revelation  was  withdrawn  (1  Sam.  xxviii. 
6 ;  2  Sam.  ii.  1 ;  v.  23,  ic).  Superstition  not  vin- 
frequcntly  goes  hand  in  hand  with  skepticism,  and 
hence,  amid  the  general  infidelity  prevalent  through 
the  Roman  empire  at  our  Lord's  coming,  imposture 
was  rampant;  as  a  glance  at  the  pages  of  Tacitus 
will  sutlice  to  prove.  Hence  the  lucrative  trades  of 
such  men  as  Simon  Magus  (Acts  viii.  '.)),  Bar-jesus 
(xiii.  6,  8),  the  slave  with  the  spirit  of  I'ython  (xvi. 
16),  the  vagattond  Jews,  exorcists  (Lk.  xi.  19  ;  Acts 
six.  13),  and  others  (2  Tim.  iii.  13;  Rev.  xix.  20, 
&C.),  as  well  as  the  notorious  dealers  in  magical 
books  at  Ephesus  (Acts  xix.  19).  Demo.nmacs;  In- 
spiration; Magic;  Prophet;  Urim  and  Tui'MMIm. 
Di-Tortt'  [oa8in/or<-«](fr.  L.).  The  law  regulating 
^  this  subject  is  found  Deu\,  xxiv.  1-4,  and  the  cases  in 
which  the  right  of  a  husband  to  divorce  his  wife 
was  lost,  are  slated  xiiL  19,  29.    The  ground  of  di- 


DIV 


229 


vorce  (Heb.  'ervath  ddbdr,  A.  V.  "  some  unclean- 
ncss  ")  is  a  point  on  w  hich  tlie  Jewish  doctors  of 
the  period  of  the  N.  T.  widely  differed  ;  the  school 
of  Shammai  seeming  to  limit  it  to  a  moral  delin- 
quency in  the  woman,  whilst  that  of  Uillel  extended 
it  to  any  thing  offensive  or  displeasing,  e.  g.  if  the 
wife  burnt  the  food  she  was  cooking  for  her  hus- 
band. The  Pharisees  wished  perhaps  to  embroil 
our  Saviour  with  tliese  rival  schools  by  their  ques- 
tion (Mat.  xix.  8) ;  by  His  answer  to  which,  as  well 
as  by  His  previous  maxim  (v.  31),  He  declares  that 
but  for  their  hardened  state  of  heart,  such  questions 
would  have  no  place.  Yet  from  the  distinction 
made,  "  but  I  say  unto  you"  (v.  31,  32),  it  seems 
to  follow,  that  He  regarded  all  the  lesser  causes 
than  "fornication"  (Adllterv)  as  standing  on  too 
weak  ground,  and  declined  the  question  of  how  to 
interpret  the  words  of  Moses.  It  would  be  unreason- 
able, therefore  (so  Mr.  Hayman),  to  suppose  that 
by  "  some  uncleanness,"  to  which  he  limited  the 
remedy  of  divorce,  Moses  meant  "  fornication,"  i.  e. 
adultery,  for  that  would  have  been  to  stultify  the 
law  "  that  such  should  be  stoned  "  (Jn.  viii.  5 ;  Lev. 
XX.  10).  But  the  husband  was  not  bound,  so  far  as 
appears,  to  denounce  his  guilty  wife,  it  being  the 
business  of  the  local  police  to  bring  crimes  before 
the  local  courts  for  their  adjudication.  Thus  the 
husband,  even  in  cases  of  adultery,  might  give  the 
ordinary  bill  of  divorcement,  leaving  it  to  common 
fame  to  bring  the  matter  before  the  police  magis- 
trates. This  view  of  Jewish  usage  explains  Jer.  iii. 
8  and  Mat.  i.  19  (so  Pres.  Woolsey,  in  iWro  Enr/lan- 
der,  xxvi.  220).  Knobel  says  of  the  Heb.  'crvalh 
ddbdr, A.  V.  "some  uncleanness,"  in  Dent.  xxiv.  1, 
that  the  phrase  is  used  of  human  excrement  in  Deut. 
xxiii.  15  (A.V.  14),  and  is  properly  a  "  ihame  "  or  dis- 
grace from  a  thing  (le.  xx.  4),  i.  e.  any  thing  which 
awakens  the  feeling  of  shame  and  repulsion,  inspires 
aversion  and  disgust,  and  nauseates  in  contact,  e.  g. 
bad  breath,  a  secret  running  sore,  &c.  He  con- 
siders the  schools  of  Hillel  and  Shammai  as  "  both 
wrong  in  this,  that  they  built  up  a  general  principle 
upon  the  words,  whilst  the  author  only  speaks  of 
the  commonest  cause  of  divorce  at  his  time"  {Com- 
mentary on  Dtnteroriomy,  quoted  by  Pres.  Wool- 
sey, in  New  EngJander,  xxvi.  92).  The  practical 
difliculty,  however,  which  attends  on  the  doubt 
which  is  «<«o  found  in  interpretingMoses' words  will 
be  lessened  if  we  consider,  that  the  mere  giving  "  a 
bill  of  divorcement "  (compare  Is.  1.  1  ;  Jer.  iii.  8), 
would  in  ancient  times  require  the  intervention  of  a 
Levite,  not  only  to  secure  the  formal  correctness  of 
the  instrument,  but  because  the  art  of  writing  was 
then  generally  unknown.  This  would  bring  the 
matter  under  the  cognizance  of  legal  authority,  and 
tend  to  check  the  rash  exercise  of  the  right  by  the 
husband.  But  the  absence  of  any  case  in  point  in 
the  period  which  lay  nearest  to  the  lawgiver  him- 
self, or  in  any,  save  a  much  more  recent  one,  makes 
the  whole  question  one  of  great  uncertainty.  It  is 
contrary  to  all  known  Oriental  usage  to  suppose 
that  the  right  of  ([uilting  their  liusband  and  choos- 
ing another,  was  allowed  to  women.  Salome  is 
noted  as  the  first  instance  of  it  (Jos.  xv.  7,  §  10); 
one,  no  doubt,  derived  from  the  growing  prevalence 
of  heathen  laxity. — The  N.  T.  doctrine  concerning 
divorce  is  to  be  gathered  from  Mat.  v.  81,  82,  xix. 
3-9;  Mk.  X.  2-12;  Lk.  xvi.  18;  Rom.  vii.  2,  3; 
and  1  Cor.  vii.  10-16.  Our  Saviour  in  the  Gospels 
lays  down  these  four  niles :  (1.)  The  man  who  in 
conformity  with  the  permi.'ision  or  sufferance  of 
the  law  puts  away  his  wife  by  a  bill  of  divorce- 


230 


DIV 


DOD 


ment — "  saving  for  the  cause  of  fornication  " — 
and  marries  another,  commits  adultery  "  against 
her"  (Mark)  or  to  her  injury.  (2.)  The  man  who 
i\\ns  puts  away  his  wife,  causes  her  to  commit 
adultery,  i.  e.  by  placing  it  within  her  power  to 
marry  whom  she  pleases  leads  her  to  form  an  adul- 
terous connection,  inasmuch  as  she  is  still  his  wife 
in  the  eye  of  God  (Matthew).  (3.)  The  man  who 
marries  her  wlio  has  been  thus  put  away  commits 
adultery  (Matthew  ;  Luke).  (4.)  The  woman  who 
jjuts  away  her  husband  and  is  married  to  another, 
commits  adultery  (Mark ;  Romans).  The  general 
principle,  serving  as  the  groundwork  of  all  these 
declarations,  is,  that  legal  divorce  does  not,  in  the 
view  of  God,  and  according  to  the  correct  rule  of 
morals,  authorize  either  husband  or  wife  thus  sep- 
arated to  marry  again,  with  the  single  exception 
that,  when  the  divorce  occurs  on  account  of  a 
sexual  crime,  the  innocent  party  may  without  guilt 
contract  a  second  marriage.  In  1  Cor.  vii.  the 
apostle  notices  two  cases :  (a)  when  both  the  parties 
were  Christian  believers  (ver.  10,  11),  for  which  case 
the  Lord  had  given  commandment  in  the  Gospels  ; 
(b)  where  one  of  the  parties  was  an  unbeliever  (12 
if. ),  which  case  had  not  been  provided  for  by  the 
Saviour's  authority.  In  (a)  the  apostle  conceives 
also  of  a  state  of  things,  in  which  a  woman  sep- 
arated from  her  husband,  perhaps  permanently,  on  ac- 
count of  dissensions  between  the  married  pair,  shall 
liave  no  right,  according  to  the  Lord's  command- 
ment, to  marry  another  man,  i.  e.  of  an  actual 
separation  from  bed  and  board,  without  a  dissolu- 
tion of  the  marriage  relation  or  absolute  divorce. 
This  third  state  between  divorce  and  marriage  hus 
then  the  apostle's  qualified  sanction,  not,  of  course, 
as  something  desirable,  but  probably  as  a  kind  of 
barricade  against  divorce,  and  a  defence  of  the 
Saviour's  commandment.  In  (4)  the  apostle's  words 
involve,  without  expressing  fully,  the  principle  that 
the  believing  party  is  not  to  initiate  any  steps 
which  will  terminate  the  marriage  union,  but  must 
remain  passive,  while  all  active  proceedings  are 
expected  to  emanate  from  the  other  side.  Thus, 
should  the  unbelieving  husband  or  wife  be  content 
to  dwell  with  the  Christian  partner,  the  latter  may 
not  put  the  other  away.  Marriage  and  the  mar- 
riage-bed preserve  their  sanctity,  because  one  of 
the  parties  is  a  consecrated  person.  Otherwise  the 
children  would  be  unclean,  whereas  all  admit  that 
they  are  consecrated,  and  thus  certainly  separated 
by  a  broad  line  from  a  family  where  both  partners 
are  unbelievers  or  heathens.  But  the  heathen, 
whose  husband  or  wife  had  become  a  Christian  con- 
vert, might  be  soured  or  alienated  for  that  very 
reason,  and  might  insist  on  terminating  the  union. 
The  apostle's  decision  then  is,  "  If  the  unbelieving 
depart,  let  him  depart,"  i.  e.  if  he  separates  himself 
from  his  Christian  partner,  let  him  take  his  course 
unhindered.  A  believer  has  not  been,  by  his  pro- 
fession, brought  into  slavery,  is  not  in  bondage  in 
such  cases,  is  not  subjected  to  the  obligation  of 
keeping  up  the  marriage  relation  and  of  preventing 
the  disruption  by  active  measures  of  his  own.  Such 
bondage  would  subject  the  believer  to  a  state  of 
warfare,  but  God's  call  to  him,  when  He  invites 
him  into  the  Gospel,  is  in  the  form  of  peace.  And, 
moreover,  let  not  the  believing  party  think  that  he 
ought  to  take  upon  him  this  painful  obligation  in 
order  to  convert  the  heathen  partner.  For  it  is 
wholly  uncertain  whether  by  living  with  such  a 
partner,  when  he  is  bent  on  separation,  any  such 
result  will  be  attained.     The  apostle  clearly  had  no 


thought  about  remarriage  in  such  cases.  The  Chris 
tian  wife  or  husband  must  accept  as  a  fact  what 
the  unbelieving  partner  has  done,  but  the  marriaL'i', 
so  far  as  the  apostle  lets  his  opinion  be  known,  nr:iy 
still  have  been  indissoluble,  and  the  injured  bu- 
liever  must  remain  in  a  state  of  desertion.  The  apes- 
tie,  therefore,  in  1  Cor.  vii.  advances  beyond  our 
Lord's  position  in  a  single  particular, — ^in  conceiv- 
ing of,  and,  to  a  certain  degree,  authorizing  separ:i- 
tion  without  license  of  remarriage ;  but  this  doi  ^^ 
not  lead  him  to  any  departure  from  our  Lord's 
principles.  (This  view  of  the  N.  T.  doctrine  is 
abridged  from  President  Woolsey's  article  in  the 
A'cw  Englandcr,  xxvi.  212  ft.)     Marriage  ;  Womk.n. 

Diz'a-hab  (lleb.  of  gold,  i.  e.  a  place  rich  in  gold, 
Ges.),  a  place  in  the  Arabian  l)esert,  mentioiHil 
Deut.  i.  1,  as  limiting  the  position  of  the  spot  iu 
which  Moses  is  there  represented  as  addressing  the 
Israelites.  It  is  by  Robinson,  Gesenius,  &c.,idemi- 
fied  with  Daliah,  a  cape  on  the  W.  shore  of  tlje 
Gulf  of  'Akaba/i,  E.  of  Sinai. 

*  Doe  tor  (L.  teacher).     Lawyer  ;  Rabbi. 

Do'cas  (Gr.  (/ok;  fr.  Syr.=  a  tower,  Wr.),  a  "little 
hold"  near  Jericho  (1  Me.  xvi.  15,  compare  vcim' 
14)  built  by  Ptolemee,  the  son  of  Abubus,  in  whicli 
he    entertained    and    murdered   his    father-in-l;i>^ 
Simon  Maccabeus  with  his  two  sons.     The  n:i 
still  remains  attached  to  the  copious  and  exceFh 
springs  of '^  i«-/>!2^,  which  burst  forth  in  the  U«i/;/ 
Nawd'iineh,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  of  Quaraii- 
tania  (Kuruntul),  about  four  miles  N.W.  of  Jerichi). 
Above  the  springs  are  traces  of  ancient  foundations, 
which  may  be  those  of  Ptolemee's  castle,  but  m^ 
probably  of  that  of  the  Templars,  one  of  win 
stations  this  was. 

Do'dai  or  Dod'a-1  (Ileb.  =  Dodo),  an  Aholiite 
who  conmianded  the  course  of  the  second  month  (1 
Chr.  xxvii.  4) ;  probably  =  Dodo  2. 

Dod'a-nim  or  Uonla'nim  (Heb.  =  Dedan,  Sim. : 
in  some  copies  and  in  margin  of  A.  V.,  1  Chr.  i.  7, 
Rodanim),  a  "  son,"  i.  e.  family  or  race,  descended 
from  Javan,  the  son  of  Japheth  (Gen.  x.  4  ;  1  Chr.  i. 
7).  The  weight  of  authority  is  in  favor  of  tlic  fonmr 
name.  Dodanim  is  referred  by  Le  Clerc  and  Mi- 
chaelis  to  the  inhabitants  of  Dodona  in  Epirus  ;  but 
possibly  (so  Gesenius,  Fiirst,  &c.).=the  iJardaniinis, 
who  were  found  in  historical  times  in  Illyricura  and 
Troy,  the  former  district  being  regarded  as  th(>ir 
original  seat,  and  were  probably  a  semi-Pclasgio 
race,  grouped  with  the  Ciiittim  in  the  genealogical 
table,  as  more  closely  related  to  them,  than  to  the 
other  branches  of  the  Pelasgic  race.  Kalisch  identi- 
fies Dodanim  with  the  Daunians,  who  occupied  t!  ■> 
coast  of  Apulia  ;  he  regards  the  name  as  refcn  i 
to  Italy  generally. 

Dod'a-vah  or  Do-da'Tali  (Ileb.  love  of  Jihovak, 
Ges. ;  Jah  is  friend,  Fii.),  a  man  of  Mareshah  in 
Judah  ;  in  the  Jewish  traditions  son  and  ncphiw 
of  Jehoshaphat ;  father  of  Eliezer  who  dcnoumi d 
Jehoshaphat's  alliance  with  Ahaziah  (2  Chr.  x.\. 
37). 

I)o'do(Heb.  amatory,  Ges. ;  Jah  in  friend,  Fii  1. 
If  A  man  of  Bethlehem,  father  of  Elhanan,  who  wi- 
one  of  David's  thirty  captains  or  "  valiant  men  "  i  - 
Sam.  xxiii.  24  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  26).  He  is  a  different  |" 
son  from — i. "  Dodo  the  Ahoiiite,"  father  of  Elea/ 
the  second  of  the  three  mighty  men  who  were  ovi  i 
the  thirty  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  9;  I'Chr.  xi.  12).  He,  ir 
his  son — in  which  case  we  must  suppose  the  won  is 
"  Eleazar  son  of"  to  have  pscapcd  from  the  text  — 
probably  had  the  command  of  the  second  montldy 
course  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  4).     Iu  the  latter  passage  thu 


DOE 


DOV 


231 


name  is  Dodai. — 3.  A  man  of  Issachar,  forefather 
of  Tola  tlie  Judge  (Jud-r.  x.  1). 

Do'r^  [lleh. /earj'u/,  Ges.,  Fii.),  an  Edomite, chief 
of  Saul's  licrdmcn.  He  was  at  Nob  when  Ahinie- 
Uch  gave  David  the  sword  of  Goliath,  and  not  only 
yave  information  to  Saul,  but,  when  others  declined 
the  office,  himself  executed  the  king's  order  to  de- 
stroy the  priests  of  Nob,  to  the  number  of  eighty- 
five  persons,  with  their  families,  and  all  their 
property  (1  Sam.  xxi.  7,  xxii.  9,  18,  22 ;  Ps.  Hi.  title). 
Probably  he  was  a  proselyte,  attending  under  seme 
vow  or  act  of  purification  at  the  Tabernacle. 

Deg  (Heb.  celeb  ;  Or.  kuon,  kuuaHou),  an  animal 
frequently  mentioned  in  Scripture  (Canu  familiarig, 
Linn.).  It  was  used  by  the  Hebrews  as  a  watch  for 
their  houses  (Is.  Ivi.  10),  and  for  guarding  their 
flocks  (Job  XXX.  1).  Then  also,  as  now,  troops  of 
hungry  and  semi-wild  dogs  used  to  wander  about 
the  fields  and  streets  of  the  cities,  devouring  dead 
bodies  and  other  offal  (1  K.  xir.  11,  xvi.  4,  xxi.  19, 
23,  xxii.  38 ;  2  K.  ix.  10,  36  ;  Jer.  xv.  3 ;  Ps.  lix.  6, 
14),  and  thus  became  such  objects  of  dislike  that 
fierce  and  cruel  enemies  are  poetically  styled  "  dogs" 
in  Ps.  xxii.  16,  20.  Moreover,  the  dog  being  an  un- 
clean animal  (Is.  Ixvi.  3),  the  terms  "  dog,"  "  dead 
dog,"  "  dog's  head  "  were  used  as  terms  of  reproach, 
or  of  humilitv  in  f  peaking  of  one's  self  (1  Sam.  xxiv. 
14;  2  Sam.  "iii.  8,  ix.  8,  xvi.  9 ;  2  K.  viii.  13). 
Through  the  East  "  dog  "  is  a  term  of  reproach  for 
impure  and  profane  persons  (Rev.  xxii.  15),  and  in 
this  sense  is  used  by  the  Jews  respecting  tlie  Gen- 
tiles, and  by  Mohammedans  respecting  Christians. 
In  allusion  to  its  lechery  "deg  "=«  male prosHlti/c, 
todomite,  Ges.  (Deut.  xxiii.  18).  Stanley  saw  on  the 
very  site  of  Jezreel  the  descendants  of  the  dogs  that 
devoured  Jezebel,  prowling  on  the  mounds  without 
the  walls  for  offal  and  carrion  thrown  out  to  them 
to  consume. 

Uoor.     Gate  ;  UorsE. 

Uoph'kah  (Ilcb.  cattle-driving,  Fii.),  a  station  in 
the  Desert  where  the  Israelites  encamped  (Num. 
xxxiii  12).     Wilderness  of  the  Waxdekixg. 

Dor  (Heb.  circle  of  houses  tof/eiher,  <ili/,  Fii.),  an 
ancient  royal  city  of  the  Canaanites  (Josh.  xii.  23), 
whose  ruler  was  an  ally  of  Jabin,  king  of  Hazor, 
against  Joshua(xi.  1,  2).  It  was  probably  the  most 
S.  settlement  of  the  Phenicians  on  the  coast  of 
Syria.  Josephus  describes  it  as  a  maritime  city,  on 
the  W.  border  of  Manasseh  and  the  N.  border  of 
Dan  near  Mount  Carniel.  It  appears  to  have  been 
within  the  territory  of  the  tribe  of  Asher,  though 
allotted  to  Manasseh  (Josh.  xvii.  11  ;  Judg.  i.  27). 
The  original  inhabitants  were  never  expelled  ;  but 
during  the  prosperous  reigns  of  David  and  Solomon 
they  were  made  tributary  (Judg.  i.  27,  28),  and  the 
latter  monarch  stationed  at  Dor  one  of  his  twelve 
purveyors  (1  K.  iv.  11).  Trj-phon,  the  murderer  of 
Jonathan  Maccabeus,  and  usurper  of  the  throne  of 
Sjria,  having  sought  an  asylum  in  Dor,  the  city  was 
besieged  and  captured  by  Antiochus  Sidetes  (1  Mc. 
XV.  1 1  ff.,  A  .V. "  Dora  ").  It  was  afterward  rebuilt, 
and  remained  an  important  place  during  the  early 
years  of  the  Roman  rule  in  Syria.  It  became  an 
episcopal  city,  but  was  already  ruined  and  deserted 
in  the  fourth  century.  Jerome  i)laces  it  on  the 
coast,  "  in  the  ninth  mile  from  Cesarea,  on  the  way 
to  Ptoleinais."  Just  at  the  point  indicated  is  the 
small  village  of  Tantura,  probably  an  Arab  corrup- 
tion of  Dora,  consisting  of  about  thirty  bouses, 
wholly  constructed  of  ancient  materials. 

Do  r«  (Gr.)  =  DoR  (1  Mc.  xv.  11,  13,  25). 

Dor'tas  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  aiUelope,  yaulU).    Tabitua. 


Do-rym'e-nes  [-rim'e-neez]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  valiant 
with  the  spear),  father  of  Ptolemee  1  (1  Mc.  iii.  88; 
2  Mc.  iv.  45) ;  probably  the  same  Eorymeues  who 
fought  against  Antiochus  the  Great. 

Do-sithe-DS  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  giving  to  God  or  given 
by  God).  I.  "A  priest  and  Levite,"  who  carried 
the  translation  of  Esther  to  Egypt  (Esth.  xi.  1). — 2. 
A  captain  of  Judas  Maccabeus  in  the  battle  against 
Timotheus  (2  Mc.  xii.  19,  24). — 3.  A  horse-soldier 
of  Bacenor's  company,  a  man  of  prodigious  strength, 
who,  in  attempting  to  capture  Gorgias,  was  cut 
down  by  a  Thracian  (xii.  35). — 4.  The  son  of  Dri- 
mylus,  a  Jew,  who  had  renounced  the  law  of  his 
fathers,  and  w  as  in  the  camp  of  Ptolemy  Philopalor 
at  Kaphia  (3  Mc.  i.  3).  He  was  peihaps  a  cham- 
berlain. 

Do'lba-im  (Gr.)  =  Dothas. 

Do  than  (Ilcb.  tuo  cisterns,  Ges.;  double  femntain, 
Fii.),  a  place  first  mentioned  (Gen.  xxxvii.  17)  in 
connection  with  the  history  of  Josei'h  1,  and  ap- 
parently as  in  the  neighborhood  of  Shechem.  It 
next  appears  as  the  residence  of  Elisiia  (2  K.  vi. 
13).  Later  still  we  encounter  it  as  a  landmark  in 
the  account  of  Holofernes'  campaign  against  lictliu. 
lia  (A.  V.  "  Dothaim,"  Jd.  iv.  6,  vii.  3,  18,  viii.  3). 
Dothan  was  known  to  Eusebius,  who  places  it 
twelve  miles  to  the  N.  of  Sebaste  (Samaria) ;  and 
here  its  ruins  have  been  discovered  (V.  de  V., 
Rbn.)  bearing  its  ancient  name  unimpaired,  situ- 
ated at  the  S.  end  of  a  plain  of  the  richest  pastur- 
age, four  or  five  miles  S.  W.  of  Jenin  (En-gannim), 
and  separated  only  by  a  swell  or  two  of  hills  from 
the  plain  of  Esdra:;lon.  The  traditional  site  was  at 
the  Khun  Jubb  Yusuf  (Ar.  =  the  khan  of  Joseph's 
Pit),  near  Tdl-Hum  (Capernaum  ?),  at  the  N.  of  the 
sea  of  Galilee. 

*  Dcngli.    Bread. 

Dove  (Heb.  i/OT(«A;  Gt.  periitera).  The  first  men- 
tion of  this  bird  occurs  in  Gen.  viii.  The  dove's 
rapidity  of  flight  is  alluded  to  in  Ps.  Iv.  6  ;  the 
beauty  of  its  plumage  in  Ixviii.  13;  its  dwelling  in 
the  rocks  and  valleys  in  Jer.  xlviii,  28,  and  Ez.  vii. 
16;  its  mournful  voice  in  Is.  xxxviii.  14,  lix.  11  ; 
Nah.  ii.  7;  its  harmlessness  in  Mat.  x.  16;  its  sim- 
plicity in  Hos.  vii.  11.  The  bride's  eyes  are  repre- 
sented as  dove-like  (Cant.  i.  15,  iv.  1),  and  "dove" 
is  a  term  of  endearment  (ii.  14,  v.  2,  &c. ;  Ges.) 
The  dove  is  a  symbol  of  perfect  gentleness,  purity, 
fulness  of  life,  and  the  power  of  communicating  it 
(Lange  07i  Mat.  iii.  16).  Doves  are  kept  in  a  domes- 
ticated state  in  many  parts  of  the  East.  The  pigeon- 
cote  is  a  universal  feature  in  the  houses  of  Upper 
Egypt.  In  Persia  pigeon-houses  are  erected  at  a 
distance  from  the  dw  ellings,  for  the  purpose  of  col- 
lecting the  dung  as  manure.  There  is  probably  an 
allusion  to  such  a  custom  in  Is.  Ix.  8.  Coumei.ce  ; 
Dove's  Dung  ;  Foon;  Sacrifice;  Turtle. 

Dove's  Dong  (Heb.  hirgi/Snim  or  ehiri/t/oinm, 
KSri  dihyonim).  Various  explanations  have  been 
given  of  the  passage  in  2  K.  vi.  25,  w  Inch  describes 
the  famine  of  Samaria  to  have  been  so  excessive, 
that  "  an  ass's  head  was  sold  for  fourscore  pieces 
of  silver,  and  the  fourth  part  of  a  cab  of  dove's 
dung  for  five  pieces  of  silver."  The  old  ver- 
sions and  very  many  ancient  commentators  are 
in  favor  of  a  literal  interpretation  of  the  He- 
brew word.  Bochart  has  labored  to  shew  that 
it  denotes  a  species  of  cicer,  "  chick-pea,"  which 
he  says  the  Arabs  call  usndn,  and  sometimes  im- 
properly "dove's  or  sparrow's  dung."  I.innajus 
suggested  that  the  Hebrew  may  signily  the  bulbous 
plant,  Ortiilhogalum  umtcltatum,  "  Star  of  Bcthle- 


232 


DOW 


DEE 


hem."  With  regard  to  Boehart's  opinion,  Celsius, 
who  advocates  the  literal  interpretation,  has  shown 
that  it  is  founded  on  an  error.  Still  there  is  diffi- 
culty in  believing  that  even  in  the  worst  horrors  of 
a  siege  a  substance  so  vile  as  is  implied  by  the  lit- 
eral rendering  (Duno)  should  have  been  sold  at  the 
rate  of  about  one  pint  for  si.\  shillings  and  four- 
pence  sterling;  and,  with  Keil  and  Gesenius,  while 
we  admit  the  possibility,  even  the  probability  of  the 
literal  meaning,  we  do  not  admit  its  necessity,  and 
therefore  refrain  from  deciding  (so  Mr.  Houghton). 

Dow'ry.    Marriage. 

Uraehm  [dram]  (fr.  Gr.  drachmS,  originally  what 
one  can  hold  in  the  hand,  a  handful,  L.  &  S.),  a 
Greek  silver  coin,  varying  in  weight  on  account  of 
the  use  of  different  talents  (2  Mc.  iv.  19,  x.  20,  xii. 
43 ;  Lk.  XV.  8,  margin  "  drachma  ").  The  Jews 
must  have  been  acquainted  with  three  talents — the 
Ptolemaic,  the  Phenician,  and  the  Attic.  The 
drachms  of  these  talents  weigh  respectively,  during 
the  period  of  the  Maccabees,  about  55  grains  troy, 
685,  and  66,  and,  according  to  the  present  weight 
of  U.  S.  silver  coins,  in  value  =  about  14  to  17 
cents.  In  Luke  (A.  V.  "piece  of  silver")  the 
Roman  denarius  ("  Penny  "),  of  nearly  the  same 
value,  seems  to  be  intended.  Money  ;  Weights 
AND  Measures. 

*  Dracli'ma  [drak-]  (L.  fr.  Gr.)  =  Drachm  (Lk. 
XV.  8,  margin). 

Dragon  (fr.  Gr.).  The  A.  V.,  apparently  follow- 
ing the  Vulgate,  rendered  by  the  same  word  "  drag 
on  " — 1.  Heb.  tan,  always  in  the  plural,  usually  tan- 
niin  (Job  xxx.  29;  Ps.  xliv.  19,  Heb.  20;  Is.  xili. 
22,  xxxiv.  l.S,  XXXV.  7,  xliii.  20;  Jer.  ix.  11,  Heb. 
10,  X.  22,  xiv.  6,  xUx.  33,  U.  37  ;  Mic.  i.  8),  once 
pi.  fem.  taimoth  (Mai.  i.  3).  In  Lara.  iv.  3  an  Ara- 
maic plural  form  (so  Gesenius)  tannin  (Keri  tanuim) 
u  translated  in  A.  V.  "  sea-monsters,"  margin  "  sea- 
calves."  It  is  always  applied  to  some  creatures  in- 
habiting the  desert,  and  we  should  conclude  from 
this  that  it  refers  rather  to  some  wild  beast  than  to 
a  serpent.  The  Syriac  (according  to  Pococke,  Ge- 
senius, Alexander  on  Isaiah,  &c.)  translates  "jack- 
als." They  suckle  their  young  (Lam.  iv.  3),  and 
utter  a  wailing  cry  like  that  of  a  child  (Job  xxx.  29 ; 
Mic.  i.  8). — 2.  Heb.  tannin,  which  seems  to  refer  to 
any  great  monster,  whether  of  the  land  or  the  sea, 
more  usually  to  some  kind  of  serpent  or  reptile,  but 
not  exclusively  restricted  to  that  sense.  When  we 
examine  special  passages,  we  iind  the  word  used  in 
Gen.  i.  21  (A.  V.  "whales");  Ps.  cxlviii.  7,  and 
probably  in  Job  vii.  12  (A.  V.  "  whale  "),  of  the 
great  sea-monsters,  the  representatives  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  deep.  On  the  other  hand,  in  Ex. 
vii.  9,  10,  12  (A.  V.  "serpent"  in  these  verses); 
Deut.  xxxii.  33;  Ps.  xei.  13,  it  refers  to  land-ser- 
pents of  a  powerful  and  deadly  kind.  It  is  also  ap- 
plied metaphorically  to  Pharaoh  or  to  Egypt  (Is. 
xxvii.  1,  li.  9 ;  Ez.  xxix.  3,  xxxii.  2,  A.  V.  "whale," 
margin  "dragon;"  perhaps  Ps.  Ixxiv.  13),  and, 
especially  as  feet  are  attributed  to  it,  it  probably  = 
the  crocodile  as  the  well-known  emblem  of  Egypt. 
When  used  of  the  king  of  Babylon  (Jer.  U.  34),  it 
probably  =  some  great  serpent,  such  as  might  in- 
habit the  sandy  plains  of  Babylonia. — 3.  Gr.  drakon, 
in  the  Apocalypse  (Rev.  xii.  3,  4,  7,  9,  13,  16,  17, 
&c.),  applied  metaphorically  to  "the  old  serpent, 
called  the  Devil,  and  Satan,"  the  description  of  the 
"  dragon  "  being  dictated  by  the  symbolical  mean- 
ing of  the  image  rather  than  by  any  reference  to 
any  actually  existing  creature.  The  reason  of  this 
scriptural  symbol  is  to  be  sought  not  only  in  the 


union  of  gigantic  power  with  c.aft  and  malignity, 
of  which  the  serpent  is  the  natural  emblem,  but 
in  the  record  of  the  serpent's  agency  in  the  tempta- 
tion (Gen.  iii.). 

*  Drag'oB-well  (Heb.  'eyn  haUannin  =^  fountain  nf 
the  dragon  ;  see  AiN  ;  Dragon  2  ;  Fountain  1),  ap- 
parently over  against  the  Valley  Gate  of  Jerusalkm 
(Neh.  ii.  13);  probably  (so  Robinson,  Gesenius, 
Alc.)  =  the  fountain  or  pool  of  GiHON. 

Urain,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  adarcon, 
darcmon  ordarcemon  (Ezr.  ii.  69,  viii.  27;  Xeh.  vii. 
70-72 ;  1  Chr.  xxix.  7),  more  accurately  translated 
daric  =  a  Persian  gold  coin  current  in  Palestine  al- 
ter the  return  from  Babylon.  The  darics  which 
have  been  discovered  are  thick  pieces  of  pure  gold, 
of  archaic  style,  bearing  on  the  obverse  the  figure 
of  a  king  with  bow  and  javelins,  or  bow  and  dagger, 
and  on  the  reverse  an  irregular  incuse  squaiv 
(Money,  II.  2.)  Their  full  weight  is  about  12n 
grains  troy  (about  the  weight  of  a  U.  S.  half-eagle). 

*  Draagllt  [draft],  the  A.  V.  translation  of^l. 
Gr.  affra  (=  a  ralching  of  game,  a  hunting  or  fish- 
ing ;  hence,  what  is  caught,  a  draught,  a  catch  of 
fishes)  (Lk.  v.  4,  9). — 2.  Gr.  aphedron  (literally  =  a 
place  of  silling  ajtarl,  hence  a  privy,  draught,  Rbii. 
N.  T.  Lex.)  (Mat.  xv.  17;   Mk.  vii.'l9).     Dralght- 

HOCSE. 

*  Dranglit'-Iionse  =  a  receptacle  for  filth,  a  privy 
(2  K.  X.  27).     Dradght  2;  Dung. 

Dreams. — I.  The  main  diii'erence  between  our 
sleeping  and  waking  thoughts  appears  to  lie  in  tlii- 
— that,  in  the  former  case,  the  perceptive  facukii- 
of  the  mind  are  active,  while  the  reflective  power 
are  generally  asleep.  Yet  there  is  a  class  of  dream 
in  which  the  reason  is  not  wholly  asleep.  In  the.-- 
cases  it  seems  to  look  on  as  it  were  from  without, 
and  so  to  have  a  double  consciousness.  In  eithui 
case  the  ideas  suggested  are  accepted  by  the  mind 
in  dreams  at  once  and  inevitably,  instead  of  being 
weighed  and  tested,  as  in  our  waking  hours.  But  it 
is  evident  that  the  method  of  such  suggestion  is  still 
undetermined,  and  in  fact  is  no  more  capable  of  hi 
ing  accounted  for  by  any  single  cause  than  the  su:: 
gestion  of  waking  thoughts.  The  material  of  the^t■ 
latter  is  supplied  either  by  ourselves,  through  the 
senses,  the  memory,  and  the  imagination,  or  by 
other  men,  generally  through  the  medium  of  words, 
or  lastly  by  the  direct  action  of  the  Spirit  of  God,  or 
of  created  spirits  of  orders  superior  to  our  own,  or 
the  spirit  within  us.  So  also  it  is  in  dreams.  On 
the  two  points  in  which  the  material  is  supplied  by 
ourselves  or  by  other  men,  experience  gives  un- 
doubted testimony ;  as  to  the  third,  it  can,  from  the 
nature  of  the  case,  speak  but  vaguely  and  uncertain- 
ly. The  Scripture  declares,  not  as  any  Strang'- 
thing,  but  as  a  thing  of  course,  that  the  influen<'' 
of  the  Spirit  of  God  upon  the  soul  extends  to  it- 
sleeping  as  well  as  its  waking  thoughts. — II.  It  is, 
of  course,  with  this  last  class  of  dreams  that  w« 
have  to  do  in  Scripture.  The  dreams  of  memory  or 
imagination  are  indeed  referred  to  in  Eccl.  v.  3  ;  Is. 
xxix.  8 ;  but  it  is  the  history  of  the  Revelation  of 
the  Spirit  of  God  to  the  spirit  of  man,  whether 
sleeping  or  waking,  which  is  the  proper  subject  of 
Scripture  itself.  It  must  be  observed  that,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  principle  enunciated  by  St.  Paul 
in  1  Cor.  xiv.  15,  dreams,  in  which  the  understand- 
ing is  asleep,  arc  recognized  indeed  as  a  method  of 
divine  revelation,  but  placed  below  the  visions  of  I^ 
prophecy,  in  which  the  understanding  plays  its  part 
It  is  true  that  the  book  of  Job,  standing  as  it  does 
on  the  basis  of  "  natural  religion,"  dwells  on  dreams 


DKE 


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233 


and  "  visions  in  deep  sleep  "  as  the  chosen  method 
of  God's  revelation  of  Himself  to  man  (see  Job  iv. 
13,  vii.  14,  xxxiii.  15).  But  in  Num.  xii.  6  ;  Deut. 
xiii.  1,  3,  5  ;  Jer.  xxvii.  9  ;  Joel  ii.  28,  &c.,  dreamers 
of  dreams,  whether  true  or  false,  are  placed  below 
"prophets,"  and  even  below  "diviners"  (so  Mr.  A. 
Barry  and  Jewish  doctors;  see  Divixatio.s  ;  Proph- 
et) ;  and  similarly  in  the  climax  of  1  Sam.  xxviii.  6, 
w^e  read  that  "  Jehovah  answered  Saul  not,  neither 
by  dreams,  nor  by  Urim,  nor  by  prophets."  Under 
the  Christian  dispensation,  while  we  read  frequently 
of  trances  and  visions,  dreams  are  never  referred  to 
as  vehicles  of  divine  revelation.  In  accordance  with 
this  principle  are  the  actual  records  of  the  dreams 
sent  by  God.  The  greater  number  of  such  dreams 
were  granted,  for  prediction  or  for  warning,  to  those 
who  were  aliens  to  the  Jewish  covenant  (Gen.  xx. 
3-7,  xxxi.  24,  xl.  5,  xli.  1-8  ;  Judg.  vii.  13 ;  Dan.  ii. 
1  ff.,  iv.  10-18 ;  Mat  ii.  12,  xxvii.  19).  And,  where 
dreams  are  recorded  as  means  of  God's  revelation 
to  11  is  chosen  servants,  they  are  almost  always  re- 
ferred to  the  periods  of  their  earliest  and  most  im- 
perfect knowledge  of  Him  (Gen.  xv.  12,  and  per- 
haps 1-9,  xxviii.  12-15,  xxxvii.  5-10;  1  K.  iii.  fi; 
Mat.  i.  20,  ii.  13,  19,  22).  The  only  exception  to 
this  is  in  the  dreams  and  "visions  of  the  night" 
given  to  Daniel  (Dan.  ii.  19,  vii.  1 ;  see  also  1  K. 
ix.  2-9).  The  general  conclusion  therefore  is,  first, 
that  the  Scripture  claims  the  dream  as  a  medium 
through  which  God  may  speak  to  man  either  di- 
rectly, or  indirectly  in  virtue  of  a  general  influence 
upon  all  his  thoughts ;  and  secondly,  that  it  lays 
far  greater  stress  on  that  divine  influence  by 
which  the  understanding  also  is  affected,  and 
leads  us  to  believe  that  as  such  influence  extends 
more  and  more,  revelation  by  dreams,  unless  in 
very  peculiar  circumstances,  might  be  expected  to 
pass  away. 

Dress.  This  subject  includes — I.  Materials.  The 
earliest  and  simplest  robe  was  made  out  of  the 
leaves  of  a  tree  (A.  V.  "  fig-leaves  "),  portions  of 
which  were  sewn  together,  so  as  to  form  an  apron 
(Gen.  iii.  7).  After  the  fall,  the  skins  of  animals 
supplied  a  more  durable  material  (iii.  21),  which 
was  adapted  to  a  rude  state  of  society,  and  is  stated 
to  have  been  used  by  various  ancient  nations.  Skins 
were  not  wholly  disused  at  later  periods :  the  "  man- 
tle" worn  by  Elijah  appears  to  have  been  the  skin 
of  a  sheep  or  some  other  animal  with  the  wool  left 
on.  It  was  characteristic  of  a  prophet's  office  from 
its  mean  appearance  (Zech.  xiii.  4 ;  compare  Mat. 
vii.  15).  Pelisses  of  sheep-skin  still  form  an  or- 
dinary aVticle  of  dress  in  the  East.  (Lkathek.)  The 
art  of  weaving  hair  was  known  to  the  Hebrews  at 
an  early  period  (Ex.  xxvi.  7,  xxxv.  6) ;  the  sack- 
ctOTii  used  by  mourners  was  of  this  material.  John 
the  Baptist's  robe  was  of  camel's  hair  (Mat.  iii.  4). 
(Cauei,.)  Wool,  we  may  presume,  wijs  introduced 
at  a  very  early  period,  the  flocks  of  the  pastoral 
families  being  kept  partly  for  their  wool  (Gen. 
xxxviii.  12):  it  was  at  all  times  largely  employed, 
particularly  for  the  outer  gannents  (Lev.  xiii.  47  ; 
Deut.  xxii.  11,  &c.).  Probably  the  accpiaintance 
of  the  Hebrews  with  li.sen,  and  perhaps  cotton, 
dates  from  the  period  of  the  captivity  in  Egypt, 
when  they  were  instnicted  in  the  manufacture  (1 
Chr.  iv.  21).  After  their  return  to  Palestine  we  have 
frequent  notices  of  linen.  Silk  was  not  introduced 
ontil  a  very  late  period  (Rev.  xviii.  12).  The  use  of 
mixed  material,  such  as  wool  and  flax,  was  forbid- 
den (Lev.  xix.  19;  Deut.  xxii.  11).— H.  Color  and 
decoraiion.    The  prevailing  color  of  the  Hebrew 


dress  was  the  natural  white  of  the  materials  em- 
ployed, which  might  be  brought  to  a  high  state  of 
brilliancy  by  the  art  of  the  fuller  (Mk.  ix.  3).  It  is 
uncertain  when  the  art  of  dyeing  (Colors)  became 
known  to  the  Hebrews ;  the  dress  worn  by  Joseph 
(Heb.  cCthoneth  passim;  see  below,  III.  1;  Gen. 
xxxvii.  3,  23)  is  variously  taken  to  be  either  a  "coat 
of  divers  colors "  (A.  V.,  LXX.,  Vulg.,  &c.),  or  a 
tunic  furnished  with  slejves  and  reaching  down  to 
the  ankles.  The  latter  is  probably  the  correct 
sense  (Gesenius,  Fiirst,  &c.).  The  notice  of  scar- 
let thread  (xxxviii.  28)  implies  some  acquaintance 
with  dyeing.  The  Egyptians  had  carried  the  art 
of  weaving  and  embroidery  to  a  high  state  of  per- 
fection, and  from  them  the  Hebrews  learned  various 
methods  of  producing  decorated  stuft's.  The  ele- 
ments of  oniamentation  were — (1.)  weaving  with 
threads  previously  dyed  (Ex.  xxxv.  26) ;  (2.)  the 
introduction  of  gold  thread  or  wire  (Ex.  xxviii.  6 
ff);  (3.)  the  addition  of  figures.  (Embroiderer.) 
Robes  decorated  with  gold  (I's.  xlv.  13),  and  at  a 
later  period  with  silver  thread,  were  worn  by  royal 
personages  (compare  Acts  xii.  21);  other  kinds  of 
embroidered  robes  were  worn  by  the  wealthy  both 
of  Tyre  (Ez.  xvi.  13)  and  Palestine  (Judg.  v.  30 ;  Ps. 
xlv.  14).  The  art  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
maintained  among  the  Hebrews  ;  the  Babylonians 
and  other  Eastern  nations  (Babylonish  Garment), 
as  well  as  the  Egyptians  (Josh.  vii.  21;  Ez.  xxvii. 
7,  24),  excelled  in  it.  Nor  does  the  art  of  dyeing 
appear  to  have  been  followed  up  in  Palestine : 
dyed  robes  were  imported  from  foreign  countries 
(Zephaniah  i.  8),  particularly  from  Phenicia,  and 
were  not  much  used  on  'account  of  their  ex- 
pcnsiveness :  purple  (Prov.  xxxi.  22;  Lk.  xvi.  19) 
and  scarlet  (crimson  ;  see  Colors,  II.  3 ;  2  Sam. 
i.  24)  were  occasionally  worn  by  the  wealthy.  The 
surrounding  nations  were  more  lavish  in  their  use 
of  them :  the  wealthy  Tyrians  (Ex.  xxvii.  7),  the 
Midianitish  kings  (Judg.  viii.  26),  the  Assyrian  no- 
bles (Ez.  xxiii.  6),  and  Persian  officers  (Esth.  viii.  15), 
are  all  represented  in  purple  or  blue. — III.  The 
names,  forms,  and  mode  of  wearing  the  rohcs.  It  is 
difficult  to  give  a  satisfactory  account  of  the  various 
articles  of  dress  mentioned  in  the  Bible.  The  gen- 
eral characteristics  of  Oriental  dress  have  indeed 
preserved  a  remarkable  uniformity  in  all  ages ;  the 
modern  Arab  dresses  much  as  the  ancient  Hebrew 
did  ;  there  are  the  same  flowing  robes,  the  same  dis- 
tinction between  the  outer  and  inner  garments,  the 
former  heavy  and  warm,  the  latter  light,  adapted  to 
the  rapid  and  excessive  changes  of  temperature  in 
those  countries ;  and  there  is  the  same  distinction 
between  the  costume  of  the  rich  and  the  poor,  con- 
sisting in  the  multiplication  of  robes  of  a  finer  tex- 
ture and  more  ample  dimensions.  Hence  the  numer- 
ous illustrations  of  ancient  costume,  which  may  be 
drawn  from  the  usages  of  modem  Orientals,  sup- 
plying in  great  measure  the  want  of  contempora- 
neous representations.  The  costume  of  the  men 
and  women  was  very  similar ;  there  was  sufficient 
difference,  however,  to  mark  the  sex,  and  it  was 
strictly  forbidden  to  a  woman  to  wear  the  aiipenda- 
gcs  (e.  g.  the  staff,  signet-ring,  and  other  ornaments, 
or,  according  to  Josephus,  the  weapons)  of  a  man  ; 
as  well  as  to  a  man  to  wear  the  outer  robe  of  a 
woman  (Deut.  xxii.  6).  We  shall  first  describe  the 
robes  common  to  the  two  sexes,  and  then  those  pe- 
culiar to  women.  1.  The  most  essential  article  of 
dress  was  a  closely  fitting  garment  (Ileb.  eutldneth, 
clthineth,  or  cth&tielh  ;  wlaence  the  Or.  chilin  ;  prop- 
erly =  o  tunic,  Ges.,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.),  resembling 


231 


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DRE 


in  form  and  use  our  shirt,  though  unfortunately 
translated  "coat"  in  the  A.  V.  (Gen.  iii.  21,  &c.), 
sometimes  "garment"  (2  Sam.  xiii.  18,  19;  Ezr.  ii. 
69;  Neh.  vii.  10,  12),  once  "robe"  (Is.  xxii.  21). 
The  mateiiiil  of  which  it  was  made  was  either  wool, 
cotton,  or  linen.  The  primitive  tunic  was  without 
sleeves  and  reached  only  to  the  knee.  Another 
kind  (Joseph's  ?  see  above,  II.)  reached  to  the 
wrists  and  ankles.  It  was  ^n  either  case  kept  close 
to  the  body  by  a  girdle,  and  the  fold  formed  by  the 
overlapping  of  the  robe  served  as  an  inner  pocket. 
A  person  wearing  the  tunic  alone  was  described  as 
"naked,"  A.  V.  (1  Sam.  xix.  24;  Is.  xx.  2;  Am.  ii. 
]6;  Jn.  xxi.  1).  The  same  expression  is  elsewhere 
applied  to  the  poorly  clad  (Job  xxii.  6 ;  Is.  Iviii.  7 ; 
Jas.  ii.  15),  and  to  the  literally  "naked"  (Job  i.  21, 
xxiv.  1,  10;  Is.  XX.  4,  &c.).  The  annexed  woodcut 
(fig.    1)  represents  the  simplest  style  of  Oriental 


Fig.  1. — Ad  EgyptiaD.— v,Ljme's  Uodem  Ejyptians,') 

dress,  a  long  loose  shirt  or  tunic  without  a  girdle, 
reaching  nearly  to  the  ankle.     The  same  robe,  with 


Fig.  2.— A  Bedouin.— (Lynch,  Bead  Sea,) 

the  addition  of  the  girdle,  is  shown  in  fig.  4.     In  fig. 
2  we  have  the  ordinary  dress  of  the  modern  Bedouin ; 


the  tunic  overlaps  the  girdle  at  the  waist,  leaving  an 
ample  fold,  which  serves  as  a  pocket.  Over  the  tu- 
nic he  wears  the  abba  or  striped  plaid,  and  on  his 
head  is  the  kefhjek  (Head-dress).  2.  The  Heb. 
sadin,  Gr.  sindon,  translated  "sheets,"  margin 
"shirts"  (Judg.  xiv.  12,  13),  "fine  linen,"  (I'rov. 
xxxi.  24;  Is.  iii.  23;  Mk.  xv.  46),  "hnen  cloth" 
(Mat.  xxvii.  59;  Mk.  xiv.  51,  52),  "linen"  (Mk.  .xv. 
46 ;  Lk.  x.xiii.  63),  appears  to  have  been  a  wrapiirr 
of  fine  linen,  which  might  be  used  in  various  way-, 
but  especially  as  a  night-shirt  (Mk.  xiv.  51).  3.  The 
Heb.  me'il,  in  A.  V.  "robe"  (Ex.  xxviii.  4,  31,  31 ; 
1  Sam.  xviii.  4,  &c.),  "  ma.stle  "  (xv.  27;  Ezr.  ix.  :;, 
5,  &c.),  "  coat  "  (1  Sam.  ii.  19),  "  cloak  "  (Is.  lix.  17), 
=  ail  upper  garment,  robe,  especially  an  exterior  tunic, 
fuller  and  longer  than  the  common  one,  but  without 
sleeves ;  that  of  kings'  daughters  was  with  long 
sleeves  (Ges.)  It  was  worn  by  kings  (1  Sam.  xxiv. 
4),  prophets  (xxviii.  14),  nobles  (Job  i.  20),  youths 
(1  Sam.  ii.  19),  women  (2  Sam.  xiii.  18),  priests 
(Ezr.  ix.  3,  5),  particularly  by  the  high-priest.  (Hitiu- 
Phiest,  I.  2,  c;  Priest.)  For  this  the  LXX.  u^L' 
the  Gr.  ependntm,  which  in  Jn.  xxi.  7  =  the  linen 
coat  worn  by  Phenician  and  Syrian  fishermen,  A.  \. 
"  fisher's  coat ;  "  also  Gr.  stole,  translated  "  lon^' 
clothing"  in  Mk.  xii.  38,  &c.  Where  two  tuiiii  - 
are  mentioned  (Lk.  iii.  11)  as  worn  at  the  same  tin 
this  would  be  the  second  ;  travellers  generally  »i 
two,  but  this  was  forbidden  to  the  disciples,  wh 
Jesus  first  sent  them  forth  (Mat.  x.  10;  Lk.  ix. 
compare  xxii.  35,  36).  The  dress  of  the  middle  v 
upper  classes  in  modern  Egypt  (fig.  3)  illustrates  i 


Fig.  3. — An  Egyptian  of  tho  upper  classes. — (Lane.) 

customs  of  the  Hebrews.  In  addition  to  the  tuiil! 
or  shirt,  they  wear  a  long  vest  of  striped  silk  and 
cotton,  called  kafldn,  descending  to  the  ankles,  and 
with  ample  sleeves,  so  that  the  hands  may  be  con- 
cealed at  jileasure.  The  girdle  surrounds  this  vest. 
The  outer  robe  consists  of  a  long  cloth  coat,  called 
yibbeh,  with  sleeves  reaching  nearly  to  the  wrist.  In 
cold  weather  the  abba  is  thrown  over  the  shoulders. 
4.  The  ordinary  outer  garment  consisted  of  a  qua- 
drangular piece  of  woollen  cloth,  probably  resem- 
bling in  shape  a  Scotch  plaid.  The  size  and  texture 
would  vary  with  the  means  of  the  wearer.  Ttie  He- 
brew terms  referring  to  it  are — simlah  (occasionally 
saimdh,  A.\.  "garment,"  Gen.  ix.  23;  Judg.  viiu 
25 ;  Prov.  xxx.  4,  &e.),  Bometimes  put  for  clothes 


DBE 


DRE 


235 


generally  (Gen.  ixxv.  2,  A.  V.  "garments;"  xxxvii. 
o4,  A.  V.  "clothes;"  Ex.  iii.  22,  xxii.  9;  Deut.  x. 
1 3,  A.  V.  "  raiment "  in  this  and  Ex. ;  Is.  iii.  6,  7, 
A.  V.  "  clothing;"  iv.  1,A.V.  "apparel,"  &e.);  beged 

1  lien,  xxxix.  12  If.,  A.  V.  "  garment,"  &c.),  which  is 
more  usual  in  speaking  of  robes  of  a  handsome  and 
substantial  character  (xxvii.  15,  A.  V.  "raiment;" 
xli.  42,  A.  V.  "vestures;"  Ex.  xxviii.  2  S.,  A.  V. 
••  garments  ;  "  1  Sam.  xix.  13,  A.  V.  "cloth  ;  "  IK. 
,\xii.  10  ;■  2  Chr.  xviii.  9,  A.  V.  "  robes  "  in  both  ;  Is. 
Kiii.  1  ff.,  A.  V.  "  garments,"  &c.);  ccsulh,  appro- 
priate to  passages  where  covering  or  protection  is 
the  prominent  idea  (Ex.  xxii.  27,  Heb.  26,  A.  V. 
"raiment;"  Job  xxvi.  6,  xxxi.  19,  A.  V." cover- 
ing" in  both);  and  lastly  ll'jush,  usual  in  poetry, 
but  specially  applied  to  a  warrior's  cloak  (2  Sam. 
XX.  8,  A.  V".  "  garment "),  priests'  "  vestments  "  (2  K. 
X.  22),  and  royal  "  apparel  "  (Esth.  vi.  8  if.,  viii.  15). 
A  cognate  Hebrew  term  {malbunh)  describes  specifi- 
cally a  state-dress,  in  a  royal  household  (1  K.  x.  5; 

2  Chr.  ix.  4  ;  A.  V.  "  apparel "  in  both)  or  for  relig- 
ious festivals  (2  K.  X.  22,  A.  V.  "  vestments");  else- 
where handsome  robes  (Job  xxvii.  16;  Is.  Ixiii.  3; 
Ez.  xvi.  13;  Zeph.  i.  8 ;  A.  V.  "apparel"  in  the 
last,  "  raiment  "  in  the  others).  Another  Hebrew 
term,  mad,  with  its  derivations  midddh  and  medev,  is 
•  xpressive  of  the  amplitude  of  the  Hebrew  garments 
1  l.ev.  vi.  10,  Ileb.  3,  A.  V.  "  garment ; "  Judg.  iii. 
16,  A.  V.  "raiment;"  2  Sam.  xx.  8,  A.  V.  "gar- 
ment," &c.)  The  Gr.  himalion  (Mat.  v.  40,  A.  V. 
"cloak;"  Acts  ix.  39,  A.  V.  "garments,"  &c.)  and 
7i>/«  express  the  corresponding  idea,  the  latter  being 
c  specially  appropriate  to  "  robes  "  of  more  than  or- 
ilin;iry  grandeur  (1  Mc.  x.  21,  xiv.  9,  A.  V.  "ap- 
parel ; "  Mk.  xii.  38,  A.  V.  "  long  clothing ; "  xvi.  5, 
A.  V.  "long  garment;"  Lk.  xv.  22,  xx.  46;  Rev. 
vi.  11,  vii.  9,  13,  14).  The  outer  garment  might  be 
worn  in  various  ways,  cither  wrapped  round  the 
liody,  or  worn  over  the  shoulders,  like  a  shawl,  willi 
the  ends  or  "  skirts  "  hanging  down  in  front ;  or  it 
might  be  thrown  over  the  head,  so  as  to  conceal  the 
face  (2  Sam.  xv.  30;  Esth.  vi.  12).  The  ends  were 
.'ikirted  with  a  fringe  and  bound  with  a  dark  purple 
ribbon  (Num.  xv.  38)  :  it  was  confined  at  the  waist 


Flf.  4.  S.— E^yptiolu  of  tb«  loirar  ordt n. — (lane.) 

i  iv  a  girdle,  and  the  fold,  formed  by  the  overlapping 
(if  tlie  robe,  sei-ved  as  a  pocket.   The  ordinary  mode 


of  wearing  the  outer  robe,  now  called  abba,  is  ex- 
hibited in  figures  2  and  5.  The  arms,  when  falling 
down,  are  completely  covered  Ijy  it,  as  in  fig.  5 ;  but 
in  holding  any  weapon,  or  in  active  work,  the  lower 
part  of  the  arm  is  exposed,  as  in  fig.  2.  (Apron  ; 
Frontlets;  Haxi>kerchikk;  Mantle  ;  Sandal.)  The 
dress  of  the  women  differed  from  that  of  the  men 
in  regard  to  the  outer  garment,  the  tunic  being  worn 
c(|ually  by  both  sexes  (Cant.  v.  3).  The  names  of 
their  distinctive  robes  were  as  follows  : — (1.)  Heb. 
mitpahath  or  rmtpuchalh,  a  kind  of  shawl  (a  wide 
upper  garment  of  a  woman,  a  mantle,  a  cloak,  Gese- 
nius)  (Ru.  iii.  15,  A.  V.  "vail,"  margin  "sheet"  or 
"apron;"  Is.  iii.  22,  A.  V.  "wimples").  (2.)  Heb. 
ma'Citdphdh,  another  kind  of  shawl  (a  cloak,  mantle, 
Ges.)  (Is.  iii.  22,  A.  V.  "  mantles").  (3.)  Heb.  fsdHph 
("vail,"  A.V.,  Ges.)  (Gen. xxiv.  65,  xxxviii.  14,  19); 
probably  (so  Mr.  Bevan,  after  the  LXX.)  a  light  sum- 
mer dress  of  handsome  appearance  and  of  ample 
dimensions.  (4.)  Heb.  rddid  ("  vail,"  A.  V.,  Ges.),  a 
similar  robe  (Is.  iii.  23;  Cant.  v.  7).  (5.)  Heb.  peth- 
igil  ( A.V.  "  stomacher  ")  a  kind  of  costly  raiment,  \ieT- 
haps  ati  embroidered  festive  ffartnint,  Ges.  (Is.  iii.  24). 
(6.)  Heb.  gilyonim  (23),  according  to  Schroeder  and 
the  LXX.,  =  ira9i»pare)it garments;  in  A.V.  "glass- 
es ;  "  according  to  Chaldee,  Vulgate,  Gesenius,  &c., 
=  mirrors,  i.  e.  tablets  or  plates  of  polished  metal, 
used  by  the  Hebrew  women  as  mirrors.  The  gar- 
ments of  females  were  terminated  by  an  ample  bor- 


Fig.  6. — Ad  E^ptian  womor. — ^Li^ne.) 

der  or  fringe  (Hem  of  Garment)  (Heb.  sh6bel,shul, 
A.  V.  "  skirts  ")  which  concealed  the  feet  ( Jer.  xiii. 
22).  Figures  6  and  7  illustrate  some  of  the  pecu- 
liarities of  female  dress  ;  the  former  is  an  Egyptian 
woman  (in  her  walking  dress);  the  latter  represents 
a  dress,  probably  of  great  antiquity,  still  worn  by 
the  peasants  in  the  S.  of  Egypt.  (Marriage  ;  Orna- 
ments, Personal;  Veil.)— The  dresses  of  foreign 
natlcms  are  occasionally  referred  to  in  the  Bible; 
that  of  the  Persians  is  described  in  Dan.  iii.  21,  in 
Chaldaic  terms,  which  Mr.  Bevan  thus  explains  by 
comparison  with  Herodotus : — ( 1 . )  The  sarbdlin  (A.V. 
"coats")  br  drawers,  which  were  the  distinctive  fea- 
ture in  the  Persian  as  compared  with  the  Hebrew 
dress;  (2.)  the  patlish  ("A.  V.  "hosen")or  inner 
tunic ;  (3.)  the  carbeld  (A.V.  "  hat ")  or  upper  tunic, 
corresponding  to  the  me'il  of  the  Hebrews  ;  (4.)  the 
/c6i«/i(A.V.  "garment")  or  cloak,  which  was  worn, 
like  the  Hebrew  begtd,  over  all.     Gesenius  makes 


236 


DRE 


DRI 


No.  1  —  "  either  long  and  wide  irowsers,  such  as  are 
still  worn  by  the  Orientals ;  or  chats,  mantles : " 
No.  2  ^  a  tunic,  undergarment :  No.  3  ^  mantle  or 
Greek  cloak :  No.  4  ^a  garment,  vestment,  especially 
a  splendvl  garment  :=  Heb.  lebush,  above.     In  addi- 


ng. 7.— A  womaa  of  the  southern  province  of  Upper  Egypt— (Lane.) 

tion  to  these  terms  we  have  notice  of  a  robe  of  state 
of  fine  linen  and  purple,  Heb.  tachrich,  so  called 
from  its  ample  dimensions  (Esth.  viii.  15).  The  ref- 
erences to  Greek  or  Roman  dress  are  few :  the  Gr. 
chlamus  or  chlamijs  (2  Mc.  xii.  35,  A.  V.  "coat;" 
Mat.  x-wii.  28,  31,  A.  V.  "robe")  was  either  the  L. 
palndamentum,  the  military  cloak  of  the  Roman  sol- 
diery, or  the  Gr.  chlamys  itself,  which  was  introduced 
under  the  emperors  :  it  was  especially  worn  by  offi- 
cers. The  travelling  "  cloak  "  (Gr.  plielones)  referred 
to  by  St.  Paul  (2  Tim.  iv.  13)  is  generally  identified 
with  the  Roman  pcenula,  which  was  a  thick  upper 
garment,  and  seems  to  have  been  a  long  sleeveless 
cloak  with  an  opening  for  the  head{Rbn.  iV.  T.  Lex.) 
It  is,  however,  otherwise  explained  as  a  travelling 
case  for  carrying  clothes  or  books. — IV.  Special 
usages  relating  to  dress.  The  loose  flowing  Hebrew 
robes  admitted  of  a  variety  of  symbolical  actions. 
Rending  them  was  expressive  of  grief,  &c.  (Mourn- 
ing.) Generally  the  outer  garment  alone  was  thus 
rent  (Gen.  xxxvii.  34;  Job  i.  20,  ii.  12),  occasionally 
the  inner  (2  Sam.  xv.  32),  and  occasionally  both 
(Ezr.  ix.  8;  Mat.  xxvi.  65;  compare  Mk.  xiv.  63). 
Shaking  the  garments,  or  shaking  the  dust  off  them, 
was  a  sign  of  renunciation  (Acts  xviii.  6)  (Dust); 
spreading  them  before  a  person,  of  loyalty  and  joy- 
ous reception  (2  K.  ix.  13;  Mat.  xxi.  8);  wrapping 
them  round  the  head,  of  awe  (1  K.  xix.  13),  or  of 
grief  (2  Sam.  xv.  30;  Esth.  vi.  12;  Jer.  xiv.  3,  4) ; 
casting  them  off,  of  excitement  (Acts  xxii.  23) ;  lay- 
ing hold  of  them,  of  supplication  (1  Sam.  xv.  27; 
Is.  iii.  6,  iv.  1 ;  Zech.  viii.  23).  (Arm.)  The  length 
of  the  dress  rendered  it  inconvenient  for  active  ex- 
ercise ;  hence  the  outer  garments  were  eiljier  left  in 
the  house  by  a  person  working  close  by  (Mat.  xxiv. 
18)  or  were  thrown  off  when  the  occasion  arose  (Mk. 
X.  60 ;  Jn.  xiii.  4  ;  Acts  vii.  58),  or,  if  this  was  not 
possible,  as  in  the  case  of  a  person  travelling,  they 
were  girded  up  (1  K.  xviii.  46 ;  2  K.  iv.  29,  ix.  1 ;  1 
Pet.  i.  13);  on  entering  a  house  the  upper  garment 
wa3  probably  laid  aside  and  resumed  on  going  out 


(Acts  xii.  8).  In  a  sitting  posture,  the  garments  con- 
cealed the  feet ;  this  was  held  to  be  an  act  of  rever- 
ence (Is.  vi.  2).  The  proverbial  expression  in  1  Sam. 
XXV.  22 ;  IK.  xiv.  10,  xxi.  21 ;  2  K.  ix.  8,  probably 
(so  Mr.  Bevan,  &c.)  owes  its  origin  to  the  length  of 
the  garments,  which  made  it  more  natural  to  per- 
form this  office  of  nature  in  a  sitting  posture :  the 
expression  is  variously  understood  to  mean  the  low- 
est or  i/oungexl  of  the  people.  Gesenius  says,  "  a 
male  person,  especially  where  mention  is  made  of 
exterminating  a  whole  tribe  or  family."  To  cut  the 
garments  short  was  the  grossest  insult  a  Jew  could 
receive  (2  Sam.  x.  4).  To  raise  the  border  or  skirt 
of  a  woman's  dress  was  a  similar  insult,  implying 
her  unchastity.  The  number  of  suits  possessed  by 
the  Hebrews  was  considerable  :  a  single  suit  (Judg. 
xvii.  10)  consisted  of  an  under  and  upper  garment. 
The  presentation  of  a  robe  in  many  instances 
amounted  to  installation  or  investiture  (Gen.  xii. 
42;  Esth.  viii.  15  ;  Is.  xxii.  21);  on  the  other  hand, 
taking  it  away  amounted  to  dismissal  from  office  (2 
Mc.  iv.  38).  The  production  of  the  best  robe  was  a 
mark  of  special  honor  in  a  household  (Lk.  xv.  22). 
The  number  of  robes  thus  received  or  kept  in  store 
for  presents  was  very  large,  and  formed  one  of  the 
main  elements  of  wealth  iu  the  East  (Job  xxvii.  16; 
Mat.  vi.  19;  Jas.  v.  2),  so  that  "to  have  clothing" 
z=  to  be  wealthy  and  powerful  (Is.  iii.  6,  7).  But 
others  understand  this  =  to  have  still  a  garment,  as 
an  exception  to  the  general  destitution  of  clothing 
(Alexander  on  Is.,  1.  c).  On  grand  occasions  the 
entertainer  offered  becoming  robes  to  his  guests. 
(Banquets  ;  Marriage.)  The  color  of  the  garments 
was,  as  already  observed,  generally  white ;  hence  a  , 
spot  or  stain  readily  showed  itself  (Is.  Ixiii.  3 ;  Juda 
23  ;  Rev.  iii.  4).  (Soap.)  The  business  of  makinJ 
clothes  devolved  upon  women  in  a  family  (Provj 
xxxi.  22 ;  Acts  ix.  39) ;  little  art  was  required  iu 
what  we  may  term  the  tailoring  department ;  thi 
garments  came  forth  for  the  most  part  ready  mada 
from  the  loom,  so  that  the  weaver  supplanted  tha 
tailor.     Arms  ;  Bed  ;  Handicraft  ;  Loan. 

*  Drink.      See  Food. — For  Drink-offering  ;  se 
Burnt-offering  ;  Meat-offering  ;  Wine,  &c. 

Drink,  Strong.  The  Heb.  shecdr  (Gr.  sikera),  in  iti 
etymological  sense,  applies  to  any  intoxicating  beT 
erage :  it  is  generally  connected  witli  wine,  eithe 
as  an  exhaustive  expression  for  all  other  liquon 
(e.  g.  Judg.  xiii.  4  ;  Lk.  i.  5),  or  as  parallel  to  it 
particularly  in  poetical  passages  (e.  g.  Is.  v.  llj 
Mic.  ii.  11);  in  Num.  xxviii.  7  (A.  V.  "strong  wine;" 
comp.  Ex.  xxix.  40)  it  clearly  =  wine.  (Drunkard.! 
We  may  infer  from  Cant.  viii.  2,  that  the  Hebrew 
were  in  the  habit  of  expressing  the  juice  of  othe 
fruits  besides  the  grape  for  the  purpose  of  makin 
wine  ;  the  pomegranate,  which  is  there  noticed,  wa 
probably  one  out  of  many  fruits  so  used.  In  I^ 
xxiv.  9  there  may  be  a  reference  to  the  sweetness 
some  kind  of  strong  drink.  We  learn  from  Jeromjj 
&c  ,  that  the  following  beverages  were  known  to  th 
Jews:  1.  Beer,  which  was  largely  consumed  iuEgy 
under  the  name  oi  zythus,  and  was  thence  introduce 
into  Palestine.  It  was  made  of  barley ;  certail 
herbs,  such  as  lupin  and  skirret,  were  used  as  sub 
stitutes  for  hops.  The  boozah  of  modern  Egypt 
made  of  barley-bread,  crumbled  in  water,  and  lell 
until  it  has  fermented  ;  the  Arabians  mix  it  witT 
spices,  as  described  in  Is.  v.  22.  2.  Cider,  notice 
in  the  Mishna  as  apple-wine.  3.  Iloneg-wine,  of  whici 
there  were  two  sorts  :  one,  consisting  of  a  mixturi 
of  wine,  honey,  and  pepper ;  the  other  a  decoctiol| 
of  the  juice  of  the  grape,  termed  dCbash  (honet)  bj 


DRO 


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237 


the  Hebrews,  and  dihs  by  the  modem  Syrians.  4. 
Dnte-wine,  also  manufactured  in  Kgypt  by  mashing 
the  fruit  in  water  in  certain  proportions.  A  similar 
method  is  still  used  in  Arabia,  except  that  the  fiuit 
is  not  mashed  :  the  palm-wine  of  modern  Egypt  is 
the  sap  of  the  tree  itself,  obtained  by  an  incision 
into  its  heart.  5.  Various  other  fruits  and  vegeta- 
bles are  enumerated  by  Pliny  as  supplying  materials 
{oT /actilvous  or  home-made  wine,  such  as  figs,  mil- 
let, the  carob  fruit,  &c.  Not  improbably  the  He- 
brews applied  raii-iiia  to  this  purpose  in  the  simple 
Daanncr  lollowed  by  the  Arabians,  viz.,  by  putting 
tiiem  in  jars  of  water  and  burying  them  in  the 
ground  until  fermentation  takes  place. 

DroDl'e-da-ry  [drum-],  the  representative  in  the 
A.  V.  of — 1.  Heb.  bicker  or  bic/irah.  (Camel  2.) — 
2.  Heb.  rechcsh,  in  A.  V.  "  dromedaries  "  (1  K.  iv. 
28,  margin  "mules,"  or  "swift  beasts"),  "mules" 
(Esth.  viii.  10,  14),  "swift  beast"  (Mic.  i.  13);  no 
doubts"  a  superior  kind  of  horse  "(Ges.). — 8.  Heb. 
rammdch,  only  in  pi.  (Esth.  viii.  10),  A.  V.  "  young 
dromedaries,"  Ileb.  biney  hurammdcMm,  literally 
mma  of  marcs,  this  being  an  e.xplanation  of  the  pre- 
ceding Hebrew  word,  translated  in  A.  V.  "  camels," 
properly  (so  Gesenius,  &c.)  tunics.     Camel  4. 

•  Dropsy  occurs  only  in  Lk.  xiv.  2,  in  translation 
of  Greek  hndrojnios  (=  dropncal),  A.  V.  "  which 
bad  the  dropsy."  The  man  afflicted  with  this  well- 
known  disease  was  healed  by  our  Saviour  on  the 
Sabbath.     Medicine  ;  Miracles. 

•Drought.     Agricultire  ;  Famine;  Rain. 
•Drowning.      Noah;   Pcnishments;  Red  Sea, 
Pas-sacie  of. 

•  Drnuk'ard,  Drnnk'en-ness.  The  first  recorded  in- 
rtance  of  drunkenness  is  in  Gen,  ix.  21  ff.  (Noaii.) 
Warnings  against  the  use  of  wine  and  strong  drink 
are  uttered  in  the  Scriptures  (Lev.  x.  9 ;  Prov.  xxiii. 

I   29-82) ;    drunkenness   is  set  forth  as  abominable 

'I   (Rom.   xiii.   13;    Gal.   v.   21;  Eph.   v.   18);  exam- 

'  lea  of  its  evil  consequences  are  often  given  (1  K. 

li.  9,  XX.  16;  Dan.  v.  1,  &c.);  and  drunkards  are 

'be  excluded  from  Christian  fellowship,  and  from 

ic  kingdom  of  God(l  Cor.  v.  11,  vi.  10).     Persons 

bi  e  figuratively  "  drunken,"  who  arc  intensely  cx- 

I  cited,  or  overcome  with  sorrow,  rage,  &c.  (Is.  xxix. 

9,  li.  21 ;  Rev.  xvii.  6,  &c. ;  compare  our  use  of  in- 

'  r'icated).     Drink,  Strong  ;  Wine. 

Drn-sll'la(L.  fem.  diminutive  oi  Drusug,a.  Roman 
surname),  daughter  of  Herod  Agrippa  1.  and  Cypres. 
She  was  at  first  betrothed  to  Antiochus  Epipha- 
nes,  prince  of  Commagene,  but  was  married  to 
Azizvis,  king  of  Emesa.  Soon  after,  Felix,  pro- 
curator of  Judea,  brought  about  her  seduction  by 
means  of  the  Cyprian  sorcerer  Simon,  and  took 
her  as  his  wife.  In  Acts  xxiv.  24,  we  find  her  in 
company  with  Felix  at  Cesarea.  Felix  had  by  Dru- 
silla  a  son  named  Agrippa,  who,  together  with  his 
mother,  perished  in  the  eruption  of  Vesuvius  under 
Titus. 

•  Dnkf  (fr.  L.  dtix  =  leader),  the  A.V.  translation 
of —  1 .  H  eb.  altuph  ( =r  head  of  a  family  or  tribe,  chief, 
chieftain,  prince,  Ges.),  applied  to  the  chiefs  of  the 
Edomites  and  Horites  (Gen.  xxxvi.  16  ff.;  Ex.  xv. 
16;  l.Chr.  i.  Kl  ff.).  The  same  Hebrew  word  (A.V, 
"governor")  is  also  in  Zech.  ix.  7,  xii.  6,  6,  applied 
to  the  Jewish  chiefs.  The  pi.  in  Jer.  xiii.  21  (A.V, 
"captains")  =  chiefs,  leaders  in  general  (Ges.). — 2. 
Heb.  tithieh  (=  one  anoinled,  i.  e.  a  prince  consecrated 
by  anointing,  Ges. ;  compare  Messiah),  applied  to 
the  princes  of  Midian  under  Sihon  (Josh.  xiii.  21); 
usually  translated  "  princes  "  (Pb.  Ixiiiii.  11,  Heb. 
12;  £z.  xxxii.  80,  &c.). 


Dnrci-mer  [se-]  the  A.V.  translation  of  the  dial. 
mm]jdnydh,a.  musical  instrument, mentioned  in  Dan. 
iii.  5  (margin  " sj-niphony,"  or  "singing"),  10,  15. 
Rabbi  Saadia  Gaon  describes  the  term  as  =  the  bag- 
pipe, an  opinion  adopted  by  the  majority  of  biblical 
critics.  The  same  instrument  is  still  in  use  among 
peasants  in  the  N.  W.  of  Asia,  and  in  S.  Europe, 
where  it  is  known  by  the  similar  name  Sattipopna 
or  Zatnpognti.  Some  (Gesenius,  &c.)  trace  the  ety- 
mology of  the  Chaldee  word  to  the  Gr.  siimphonia 
( =  Eng.  symphony) ;  others  regard  it  as  a  bhemit- 
ic  word.  The  modern  "  dulcimer  "  is  a  triangular 
stringed  instrument. 

Du'mah  (Heb.  silence,  Ges.),  a  son  of  Ishmael ; 
most  probably  the  founder  of  an  Ishmaelite  tribe 
of  Arabia,  and  thence  the  name  of  the  principal 
place,  or  district,  inhabited  by  that  tribe  (Gen.  xxv. 
14;  1  Chr.  i.  30;  Is.  xxi.  11).  The  name  of  a  town 
in  the  N.AV.  part  of  the  iiemnsn\sx,  Doomat  el-Jcndd, 
about  4°  E.  of  Petra  (so  Porter,  in  Kitto),  is  held 
by  Gesenius  and  others  to  have  been  thus  derived. 
It  signifies  "  Dumah  of  the  stones  or  blocks  of 
stone,"  and  seems  to  indicate  that  the  place  was 
built  of  unhewn  or  Cyclopean  masonry,  similar  to 
that  of  very  ancient  structures. 

Dn'mab  (Heb.  silence),  a  city  in  the  mountainous 
district  of  Judah,  near  Hebron  (Josh.  xv.  62).  Rob- 
inson passed  the  ruuis  of  a  village  called  cd-Dati- 
meh,  four  or  five  miles  S.  W.  of  Hebron,  and  this 
may  possibly  be  Dumah. 

*  DDmb  [dum]  =  unable  to  speak  (Ex.  iv.  1 1,  &c.). 
Jesus  Christ's  making  the  dumb  to  speak  was  one 
of  the  proofs  of  his  Messiahship  (Mat.  ix.  32,  33, 
xii.  22,  &c.).     Miracles. 

Dang.  The  uses  of  dung  were  twofold,  as  ma- 
nure, and  as  fuel.  The  manure  consisted  either  of 
straw  steeped  in  liquid  manure  (Is.  xxv.  10),  or  the 
sweepings  (Is.  v.  26,  margin)  of  the  streets  and 
roads,  which  were  carefully  removed  from  about 
the  houses,  and  collected  in  heaps  outside  the  walls 
of  the  towns  at  fixed  spots  (hence  the  "  dung-gate  " 
or  "dung-port"  at  Jerusalem,  Nch.  ii.  13),  and 
thence  removed  in  due  course  to  the  fields.  The 
mode  of  applying  manure  to  trees  was  by  digging 
holes  about  their  roots  and  inserting  it  (Lk.  xiii.  8), 
as  still  practised  in  southern  Italy.  In  the  case  of 
sacrifices  the  dung  was  burnt  outside  the  camp  (Ex. 
xxix.  14;  Lev.  iv.  11,  viii.  17;  Num.  xix.  5):  hence 
the  extreme  opprobrium  of  the  threat  in  Mai.  ii.  3. 
Particular  directions  were  laid  down  in  the  law  to 
enforce  cleanliness  with  regard  to  human  ordure 
(Deut.  xxiii.  12  ff.);  it  was  the  grossest  insult  to 
turn  a  man's  house  into  a  receptacle  for  it  (2  K.  x. 
27,  A.  V.  "draught-house;"  Ezr.  vi.  11;  Dan.  ii. 
6,  iii.  29,  "  dunghill  "  A.V.) ;  public  establishments 
of  that  nature  are  still  found  in  the  large  towns  of 
the  East.  The  "  dunghill  "  was  put  as  the  emblem 
of  deep  and  squalid  poverty  (so  Gesenius)  (1  Sam. 
ii.  8 ;  Ps.  cxiii.  7) ;  to  "  embrace  dunghills  "  =  to 
lie'  in  the  dust,  to  wallow  in  filth,  Ges.  (Lam.  iv.  E). 
In  Phil.  iii.  8,  "  dung  "  A.  V.  (Gr.  pi.  skvbala)  prop- 
<iT\y zziwhat  is  thromi  to  the  dogs,  refuse,  offal,  things 
worthless  (Rbn.  N.  T.  L«t.).  The  difficulty  of  pro- 
curing fuel  in  Syria,  Arabia,  and  Egypt,  has  made 
dung  in  all  ages  valuable  as  a  substitute :  it  was 
probably  used  lor  heating  ovens  and  for  baking 
cakes  (Ez.  iv.  12,  15),  the  equable  heat,  which  it  pro- 
duced, adapting  it  peculiarly  for  the  latter  opera- 
tion. (Bread;  Oven.)  Cow's  and  camel's  dung  is 
still  used  for  a  similar  purpose  by  the  Bedouins. 
Tlie  dung  is  mixed  with  chopped  straw,  made  into 
cakes,  and  dried  for  use  (Kitto).    Dove's  Dcno. 


238 


DUN 


EAR 


•DBng'-{rate(Neh.  iii.  13, 14,  xii.  31)orDnng'-port. 
a  gate  of  Jercsalem,  perhaps  (so  Kitto,  Bonar,  &c.) 
on  the  S.  near  the  modern  "  dung-gate,"  Bab  el-mu- 
gharibeh,  in  the  Tyropreon.  Others  place  it  on  the 
W.  or  S.  W.  Kitto  supposes  it  =  "the  gate  be- 
tween the  two  walls  "  (2  K.  xxv.  4 ;  Jer.  xxxix.  4). 

DBn'gcon  [-jun].     Cistern  ;  Prisox. 

Dora  (Heb.  circle,  Fii.),  the  phiin  where  Nebu- 
chadnezzar set  up  the  golden  image  (Dan.  iii.  1), 
has  been  sometimes  identified  with  a  tract  a  little 
below  Tekrit,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Tigris,  where 
the  name  Dur  is  still  found.  M.  Oppert  places  the 
plain  (or,  as  he  calls  it,  the  "  valley  ")  of  Dura  to 
the  S.  E.  of  Babylon,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  mound 
of  Dowair  or  Duair.  He  discovered  on  this  site 
the  pedestal  of  a  colossal  statue. 

*  Dnst  is  often  used  figuratively  as  well  as  literally 
in  the  Scriptures.  (Ashes  ;  Earth  ;  Mortar  ;  Mourn- 
ing.) To  "return  to  the  dust"  is  closely  con- 
nected with  Death  or  the  dissolution  of  the  body 
(Gen.  iii.  19).  To  "lick  the  dust"  is  used  hypcr- 
bolically  of  those  who  prostrate  themselves  in  the 
dust  (Ps.  Ixxii.  9;  Mic.  vii.  17);  but  "to  put  one's 
mouth  in  the  dust "  =  to  bow  in  silence,  and 
await  God's  help  (Gesenius).  To  throw  dust  on 
or  at  one  indicates  rage  and  contempt  (2  Sam.  xvi. 
13;  Acts  xxii.  23).  To  shake  off  the  dust  of  one's 
feet  symbolizes  (so  Lange)  a  complete  cessation  of 
all  fellowship,  and  a  renunciation  of  influence  (Mat. 
X.  14;  Mk.  vi.  11;  Acts  xiii.  51).     Dress. 

•Dye'iag.    Colors;  Dress;  Uandicraft. 


E 

Ea'gle  [ee'gl]  (Heb.  nesher;  Gr.  aitos).  The  Hebrew 
word,  which  occurs  frequently  in  the  0.  T.,  and  is 
uniformly  in  A.  V.  translated  "  eagle,"  may  denote 
a  particular  species  of  the  Falconidte  or  falcon 
family,  as  in  Lev.  xi.  13;  Deut.  xiv.  12,  where  the 
"  eagle  "  is  distinguished  from  the  ossifragk,  os- 
PRAY,  and  other  raptatorial  birds  ;  but  the  term  is 
used  also  to  express  the  griffon  vulture  ( VuUur 
fulvus)  in  two  or  three  passages.  At  least  four 
distinct  kinds  of  eagles  have  been  observed  in  Pal- 
estine, viz.  the  golden  eagle  (Aqui/a  C/iri/saitos), 
the  spotted  eagle  (Aguila  nwvia),  the  commonest 
species  in  the  rocky  districts,  the  imperial  eagle 
(Aguila  heliaca),  and  the  very  common  Circaetos 
fiallicm,  which  preys  on  the  numerous  reptiles  of 
Palestine.  The  Hebrew  iiexher  may  stand  for  any 
of  these  different  species,  though  perhaps  more  par- 
ticular reference  to  the  golden  and  imperial  eagles 
and  the  griffon  vulture  may  be  intended.  The  Scrip- 
tures refer  to  the  eagle's  swiftness  of  flight  (Deut. 
xxviii.  49;  2  Sam.  i.  23  ;  Jer.  iv.  13,  xlix.  22  ;  Lam. 
iv.  19,  &c.) ;  its  mounting  high  into  the  air  (Job 
xxxix.  27;  Prov.  xxiii.  5,  xxx.  19;  Is.  xl.  31);  its 
strength  and  vigor  (Ps.  ciii.  5) ;  its  predaceous  hab- 
its (Job  ix.  26;  Prov.  xxx.  17);  its  setting  its  nest 
in  high  places  (Job  xxxix.  27;  Jer.  xlix.  16);  its 
care  in  training  its  young  to  fly  (Ex.  xix.  4  ;  Deut. 
xxxii.  11);  its  powers  of  vision  (Job  xxxix.  29). 
Mic.  i.  16,  "  Enlarge  thy  baldness  as  the  eagle,"  has 
been  understood  (improbably)  by  Bochart  and  others 
to  refer  to  the  eagle  at  the  time  of  its  moulting  in 
the  spring.  But  if  the  nesher  =  the  griffon  vulture 
the  simile  is  peculiarly  appropriate,  for  the  whole 
head  and  neck  of  this  bird  are  destitute  of  true 
feathers.  Some  Jewish  interpreters  have  illustrated 
Ps.  ciii.  5  (see  also  Is.  xl.  31)  by  a  reference  to  the 
old  fables  about  the  eagle  being  able  to  renew  his 


strength  when  rery  old ;  most  modem  commentators 
think  the  verse  refers  to  the  eagle  after  the  moulting 
season,  when  the  bird  is  more  full  of  activity  than 
before ;  but  Mr.  Houghton  much  prefers  Hengsten- 
berg's  explanation, — "Thy  youth  is  renewed, so  that 
in  point  of  strength  thou  art  like  the  eagle."  The 
"  eagles  "  of  Mat.  xxiv.  28  and  Lk.  xvii.  37  may  in- 
clude the  griffon  vulture  and  the  Egyptian  vulture 
(Gikr-Eagle),  though,  as  eagles  frequently  prey  upon 
dead  bodies,  there  is  no  necessity  to  restrict  the 
Greek  word  to  the  vulture  family.  The  figure  of  an 
eagle  is  now  and  has  been  long  a  favorite  military 
ensign.  The  Persians  so  employed  it ;  a  fact  which 
illustrates  the  passage  in  Is.  xlvi.  11.  The  same 
bird  was  similarly  employed  by  the  Assyrians  and 
the  Romans.     See  cuts  under  Ensign. 


Imperial  Eagle  (ji^ila  k«Haea\ 

E'a-nes  (1  Esd.  ix.  21),  a  name  which  stands  in  tlie 
place  of  IIarim,  Maaseiah,  and  Elijah,  in  the  par- 
allel list  of  Ezr.  X.  21. 

*  Ear  =  the  organ  of  hearing.  (Deaf.)  In  regard 
to  boring  the  servant's  ear,  see  Slave. 

*  Ear,  to,  an  old  English  verb  =  to  plongh  (Deut. 
xxi.  4;  1  Sara.  viii.  12;  Is.  xxx.  24).  So  "earing" 
(Gen.  xlv.  6)  and  "earing  time"  (Ex.  xxxiv.  21)  = 
ploughing,  jAonghing  time. 

Ear' nest  as  a  noun  (2  Cor.  i.  22,  v.  B ;  Eph.  i.  14) 
is  the  A.  v.  translation  of  arrhabdn,  a  Gr.  form  of 
the  Heb.  'erdbon,  which  was  introduced  by  the  Phe- 
nicians  into  Greece,  and  also  into  Italy,  where  it  re- 
appears under  the  L.  forms  of  arrhabo  and  arrha. 
It  may  again  be  traced  in"  the  Fr.  arrheii,  and  in  the 
old  English  expression  EarPs  or  Ark's  money.  The 
Heb.  word  was  used  generally  for  "  pledge  "  (Gen. 
xxxviii.  17,  18,  20),  and  in  its  cognate  forms  for 
"pledge"  (1  Sam.  xvii.  18),  "surety"  (Prov.  xvii. 
18),  and  "  hostages  "  (2  K.  xiv.  14  ;  2  Chr.  xxv.  24 ; 
literally  sons  of  suretyship).  The  Gr.  derivative,  how- 
ever, acquired  a  more  technical  sense  as  signifying 
the  deposit  paid  by  the  purchaser  on  entering  into 
an  agreement  for  the  purcha.?e  of  any  thing.  Tlie 
adjective  "earnest"  (Rom.  viii.  19;  Heb.  ii.  1,  &c.) 
and  adverb  "earnestly  "(1  Sam.  xx.  6,28;  Lk.  xxii. 
44,  56,  &c.)  are  often  used  in  A.V.  in  their  ordinary 
meaning,  usually  in  translating  some  intensive  com- 
pound or  idiomatic  expression  of  the  original. 

Ear'-rings.    The  Heb.  nezem,  by  which  these  or- 


EAR 


EAR 


239 


OMUents  are  usually  described,  is  ambiguous,  origin- 
allj  referring  to  the  nose-ring  (Gen.  xxiv.  47,  A.  V. 
"  ear-ring ; "  Prov.  xi.  22  ;  Is.  iii.  21 ;  Ez.  xvi.l2  ;  A.V. 
"jewel  "  in  the  last  three),  and  tlicnce  transferred 
to  the  ear-ring.  The  Ueb.  'ut/U  is  also  translated 
"car-rings  "  (Xiim.  xxii.  50 ;  Ez.  xvi.  12) ;  and  once 
(Is.  iii.  20)  Heb.  Ukelshim  (=  charms,  Ges. ;  see 
Amclets).  The  material  of  which  ear-rings  were 
made  was  generally  gold  (Ex.  xxxii.  2),  and  their 
trjrni  circular.  They  were  worn  by  women  and  by 
youth  of  both  sexes  (Ex.  I.  <■.).  It  lias  been  inferred 
from  the  passage  quoted,  and  from  Judg.  viii.  24, 
that  they  were  not  worn  by  men :  these  passages 
arc,  however,  by  no  means  conclusive.  The  car-ring 
appears  to  have  been  regarded  with  supei-stitious 
reverence  as  an  anmlet.  On  tliis  account  they  were 
surrendered  along  with  the  idols  by  Jacob's  house- 
hold (Gen.  XXXV.  4).  Chardin  describes  ear-rings 
with  talismanic  figures  and  characters  on  them,  as  still 
t\:-ting  in  the  East.  Jewels  (Ueh.nSiiphdlh— drops, 
J  '■ijits  for  the  ears,  especially  of  pearls,  Gts. ; 
tiMu.-lated  in  Judg.  viii.  26  "  collars,"  margin  "  sweet 
jcwd.-i,''  and  in  Is.  iii.  19  "chains,"  margin  "sweet 
balls  ")  were  sometimes  attached  to  the  rings.  The 
size  of  the  ear-rings  still  worn  in  Eastern  countries 
far  exceeds  what  is  usual  among  ourselves ;  hence 
they  formed  a  handsome  present  (Job  xUi.  11),  or 
offering  to  the  service  of  God  (Num.  xxxi.  50).  Oe- 
BAHK.sTS,  Personal. 


Egyptiim  Ear-ringJ. — (From  WilkinBon.) 

Earth.  The  term  is  used  in  two  widely  different 
senses:  (1.)  for  the  material  of  which  the  earth's 
surface  is  composed,  Heb.  Oddrndh  ;  (2.) as  the  name 
of  the  planet  on  which  man  dwells,  Heb.  erels.  The 
Gr.  ffe  is  used  in  both  senses  of  "  earth  "  (Mat.  xiii. 
6,  &c.;  V.  18,  &c.).— I.  The  Heb.  addmdh  is  the 
earlli  in  the  sense  of  soil  or  ground,  particularly  as 
being  susceptible  of  cultivation.  The  earth  supplied 
the  elementary  substance  of  which  man's  body  was 
formed,  and  the  terms  dddm  (A.  V.  "  man,"  Adam) 
and  i'i(tdmdh{A.V.  "ground  ")  are  brought  into  jux- 
taposition, implying  an  etymological  connection  (Gen. 
ii.  7).  The  law  prescribed  "  earth  "  as  the  material 
out  of  which  altars  were  to  be  raised  (Ex.  xx.  24). 
(Altar.) — II.  The  Heb.  erels  (and  so  tlie  Gr.  jre  in  the 
LXX.  and  N.  T.)  is  applied  in  a  more  or  less  extended 
sense: — 1.  to  the  whole  world  (Gen.  i.  1) ;  2.  to  land 
«s  opposed  to  sea  (Gen.  i.  10) ;  3.  to  a  country  (Gen. 
xxi.  32,  A.V.  "land");  4. to  a  plot  of  ground  (Gen. 
Kiii.  1 5,  A.  V.  "  land  ") ;  5.  to  the  "  ground  "  on  which 
a  man  stands  (Gen.  xxxiii.  3) ;  6.  to  the  inhabitants 
of  the  earth  (Gen.  vi.  II,  xi.  U.  "Earth"  often, 
especially  in  the  N.  T.,  =  the  land  or  eountry  of 
Judea  or  jPa(>««He(Lk.  xxiii.  44;  Rom.  ix.  28;  Jas. 
T.  17,  &c.). — For  the  origin  of  the  earth,  see  Crea- 
tios.  Probably  the  Hebrews,  in  conimon  with  other 
ancient  nations,  regarded  the  earth  as  the  grand 


centre  round  which  the  sun  and  all  thehearenly 
bodies  revolve ;  but  it  is  manifest  that  the  Scriptures, 
in  using  the  language  which,  literally  and  strictly 
interpreted,  would  convey  this  idea,  neither  make 
themselves  responsible  for  its  scientific  accuracy,  nor 
positively  inform  us  what  the  real  belief  of  the  He- 
brews on  this  subject  was.  Those  among  us  who 
fully  adopt  the  Copcrnican  system  of  astronomy,  have 
no  hesitation  in  saying,  "  The  sun  rises ;  "  "  the  moon 
and  stars  set,"  &c. ;  those  who  believe  that  the 
earth  is  a  sphere  still  speak  of  "  the  level  of  the 
earth  ;  "  those  who  believe  the  dew  is  simply  deposited 
on  the  cold  earth  from  the  warm  air,  say  w  ith  others, 
"  the  dew  falls ; "  those  who  believe  that,  according 
to  the  laws  of  optics,  we  only  take  cognizance  of 
pictures  or  impressions  made  on  the  retina  of  the 
eye,  do  not  scruple  to  affirm  that  they  see  the  per- 
sons before  their  eyes,  &c.  In  all  these  cases  we  use 
the  scientifically  incorrect  language  which  is  descrip- 
tive of  appearances ;  yet  we  are  not  m  isunderstood 
when  we  use  this  convenient  language,  nor  do  we 
ordinarily  suppose  that  we  ourselves  sanction  a  false 
view,  or  that  those  whom  we  address  receive  from 
us  a  false  view,  or  hold  it  themselves.  Much  of  the 
Bible  (Psalms,  Isaiah,  &c.)  is  animated  poetry;  the 
whole  is  so  written  that  it  may  be  the  Book 
for  the  people.  The  Scriptures,  therefore,  use 
language  which  all  can  readily  understand  when 
they  speak  of  the  sun's  rising  and  going  down 
(Gen.  XV.  17,  xix.  23,  &c.),  of  Joshua's  commanding 
the  sun  to  stand  still  upon  Gibeon  and  the  moon  in 
the  valley  of  Ajalon  (Josh.  x.  12,  18),  of  the  heavens 
as  spread  out  (Job  ix.  8),  of  the  earth  as  having 
foundations  (xxxviii.  4,  6  ;  Ps.  civ.  5  ;  Prov.  viii.  29) 
and  pillars  (.lob.  ix.  6;  Ps.  Ixxv.  3).  In  Job  xxvi. 
7,  the  earth  is  represented  as  hung  upon  nothing. 
(Astronomy  ;  Heaven,  &c.)  The  "  pit  "  or  "  hell  " 
is  spoken  of  as  beneath  the  earth's  surface 
(Xum.  xvi.  SO ;  Dent,  xxxii.  22  ;  Job  xi.  8).  There 
seem  to  be  traces  (mostly  in  poetical  passages)  of 
the  same  ideas  as  prevailed  among  the  Greeks,  that 
the  world  was  a  disc  (Is.  xl.  22),  bordered  by  the 
ocean  (Deut.  xxx.  13  ;  Job  xxvi.  10  ;  Ps.  exxxix.  9  ; 
Prov.  viii.  27),  with  Jerusalem  as  its  centre  (Ez.  v. 
5),  which  was  thus  regarded,  like  Delphi,  as  the 
flaw/ (Judg.  ix.  37;  Ez.  xxxviii.  12),  or,  according 
to  another  view,  the  highest  point  of  the  world. 
But  Jerusalem  might  be  regarded  as  the  centre  of 
the  world,  not  only  as  the  seat  of  religious  light  and 
truth,  but  to  a  certain  extent  in  a  geographical 
sense.  A  different  view  has  been  gathered  from  the 
expression  "  four  corners,"  as  though  implying  the 
quadrangular  shape  of  a  garment  stretched  out ; 
but  "  comers  "  may  be  applied  in  a  metaphorical 
sense  to  the  extreme  ends  of  the  world  (Job  xxxvii. 
3;  Is.  xi.  12;  Ez.  vii.  2).  As  to  the  size  of  the 
earth,  the  Hebrews  had  but  a  very  indefinite  notion. 
Without  unduly  pressing  the  language  of  prophecy, 
it  may  be  said  that  their  views  on  this  point  extend- 
ed but  little  beyond  the  nations  with  which  they 
came  in  contact ;  its  solidity  is  frequently  noticed, 
its  dimen.sions  but  seldom  (Job  xxxviii.  18  ;  Is.  xlii. 
6).  The  Bible  abounds  in  topographical  details  re- 
specting Palestine  and  the  neighboring  countries. 
For  fulness  of  detail  in  topography,  for  graphic 
sketches  of  scenery,  for  minute  accuracy  in  the  de- 
scription of  natural  products,  peculiarities  of  climate, 
and  manners  and  customs,  no  history,  ancient  or 
modem,  can  be  compared  with  the  Bible  (Ptr.  in 
Kit.).  Josh,  xii.-xxi.  contain  a  remarkable  descrip- 
tion not  only  of  the  general  features  and  boundaries 
of  Palestine,  but  of  the  names  and  situations  of  its 


240 


EAR 


'EAS 


towns  and  villages.  The  earth  was  divided  into  four 
quarters  or  regions  corresponding  to  the  four  points 
of  the  compass ;  these  were  described  in  various 
ways,  sometimes  according  to  their  positions  rela- 
tively to  a  person  facing  the  E.,  before,  behind,  the 
rifflit  hand,  and  the  left  hand,  thus  representing  re- 
spectively E.,  W.,  S.,  and  N.  (Job  xxiii.  8,  9) ;  some- 
times relatively  to  the  sun's  course,  the  ruing,  the 
selling  (Ps.  1.  1);  sometimes  as  the  seat  of  the  four 
winds  (Ez.  xxxvii.  9).  Of  the  physical  objects  noticed 
in  the  0.  T.  we  may  make  the  following  summary, 
omitting  of  course  the  details  of  the  geography  of 
Palestine: — 1.  Seas — the  Mediterranean,  termed  the 
"great  sea"  (Xum.  xxxiv.  6),  the  "sea  of  the  Phi- 
listines" (Ex.  xxiii.  31),  and  the  "  uttermost  sea" 
(Deut.  xi.  24);  the  "Red  Sea"  (Ex.  x.  19),  or 
"  Egyptian  Sea  "  (Is.  xi.  15) ;  the  Dead  Sea,  under  the 
names  "Salt  Sea"  (Sea,  the  Salt)  (Gen.  xiv.  3), 
"  Eastern  Sea  "  (Joel  ii.  20),  and  "  Sea  of  the  Plain  " 
(Deut.  iv.  49) ;  and  the  Sea  of  Chinnereth,  or  Gali- 
lee (Num.  xxxiv.  11).  (Sea.)  2.  Rivers — the  Eu- 
phrates, which  was  specifically  "  the  river  "  (Gen. 
xxxi.  21),  or  "  the  great  river  '  (Deut.  i.  7) ;  the  Nile, 
which  was  named  either  "  the  River  "  3  (Gen.  xli. 
1),  or  SiHOR  (Josh.  xiii.  3);  the  Tigris,  under  the 
name  of  IIipbekel  (Dan.  x.  4);  the  Cueb.ui  (Ez. 
i.  3) ;  the  IIabor  (2  K.  xvii.  6) ;  the  River  of 
Eotpt  (Xum.  xxxiv.  5) ;  and  the  rivers  of  Damascus, 
Abaxa  anil  Pharpar  (2  K.  v.  12).  For  the  Gihon 
and  Pison  (Gen.  ii.  11,  13),  seeEoES.  3.  Moimtahis 
— Ararat  or  Armenia  (Gen.  viii.  4) ;  Sinai  (Ex.  xix. 
2);  Horeb  (Ex.  iii.  1);  Hor  (Num.  xx.  22)  near 
Petra;  Lebanon  (Deut.  iii.  25);  and  Sephar  (Gen. 
X.  30)  in  Arabia.  The  distribution  of  the  nations 
over  the  face  of  the  earth  is  systematically  described 
in  Gen.  x.  (Tongues,  Confusion  of),  to  which  ac- 
count subsequent  additions  are  made  in  chapters 
XXV.  and  xxxvL,  and  in  the  prophetical  and  historical 
books.  The  hereditary  connection  of  the  Hebrews 
with  Mesopotamia  and  the  importance  of  the  dy- 
nasties which  bore  sway  in  it  make  it  a  prominent 
feature  in  the  ancient  world.  Tli^  Egyptian  bondage 
introduces  to  our  notice  some  of  the  localities  in 
Lower  Eoypt,  viz.  the  province  of  Goshen,  and  the 
towns  Rameses  (Gen.  xlvii.  11);  O.N  (xli.  45);  Pi- 
thom  (Ex.  i.  11);  and  Migdol  (xiv.  2)  ItisdilBcult 
to  estimate  the  amount  of  information  which  the 
Hebrews  derived  from  the  Phenicians  ;  but  no  doubt 
from  them  they  learned  the  route  to  Ophir,  and  be- 
came acquainted  with  the  positions  and  productions 
of  a  great  number  of  regions  comparatively  un- 
known. From  Ez.  xxvii.  we  may  form  some  notion  of 
the  extended  ideas  of  geography  which  the  Hebrews 
had  obtained.  The  progress  of  information  on  the  side 
of  Africa  is  clearly  marked  ;  the  distinction  between 
Upper  and  Lower  Egypt  is  shown  by  the  applica- 
tion of  the  name  Pathros  to  the  former  (Ez.  xxix.  14). 
Memphis,  the  capital  of  Lower  Egypt,  is  first  men- 
tioned in  Hos.  ix.  6,  and  afterward  frequently  as 
"Noph"  (Is.  xix.  13);  Thebes,  the  capital  of  Upper 
Egypt,  at  a  later  period,  as  "  No-Amon  "  (Nah.  iii.  8) 
and  "  No  "  ( Jer.  xlvi.  25) ;  and  the  distant  Syene  (Ez. 
xxix.  1 0).  Several  other  towns  are  noticed  in  the  Delta. 
The  wars  with  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians,  and  the 
captivities  which  followed,  bring  us  back  again  to  the 
geography  of  the  East.  Incidental  notice  is  taken  of 
several  important  places  in  connection  with  these 
events.  The  names  of  Persia  (2  Chr.  xxxvi.  20) 
and  India  (Esth.  i.  1)  now  occur:  whether  the  far- 
distant  China  is  noticed  at  an  earlier  period  under 
the  name  Sinim  (Is.  xlix.  12)  admits  of  doubt.  The 
names  of  Greece  and  Italy  are  hardly  noticed  in  He- 


brew geography :  the  earliest  notice  of  the  former, 
subsequently  to  Gen.  x.,  occurs  in  Is.  Ixvi.  19,  under 
the  name  of  Javan.  If  Italy  is  described  at  all,  it  ia 
under  the  name  Chittim  (Dan.  xi.  30).  In  the  Mac- 
cabcan  era  the  classical  names  came  into  common 
use ;  and  henceforward  the  geogiaphy  of  the  Bible, 
as  far  as  foreign  lands  are  concerned,  is  absorbed  in 
the  wider  field  of  cla.ssical  geography. 

Eartli'en-ware.     Pottery. 

Earthquake.  Earthquakes,  more  or  less  violent, 
are  of  frequent  occurrence  in  Palestine,  as  might  be 
expected  from  the  numerous  traces  of  volcanic  agency 
visible  in  that  country.  (Argob  ;  Sea,  the  Salt,  &c.) 
The  instances  recorded  in  the  Scriptures,  however,  are 
butfew  (1  Sam.  xiv.  15 ;  1  K.  xix.  11, 12  ;  Mat.  x.xviii, 
2  ;  Acts  xvi.  26,  &c. ;  see  below) ;  the  most  remark- 
able occurred  in  the  reign  of  Uzziah  (Am.  i.  1 ;  Zech. 
xiv.  5),  which  Josephus  connected  with  the  sacrilege 
and  consequent  punishment  of  that  monarch  (2  Chr. 
xxvi.  16  if.).  From  Zech.  xiv.  4  we  are  led  to  infer 
that  a  great  convulsion  took  place  at  this  time  in  the 
Mount  of  Olives,  the  mountain  being  split  so  as  to 
leave  a  valley  between  its  summits.  Josephus  (ix. 
10,  §  4)  records  something  of  the  sort,  but  his  ac- 
count is  by  no  means  clear.  We  cannot  but  think 
that  the  two  accounts  have  the  same  foundation,  and 
that  the  Mount  of  Olives  was  really  affected  by  the 
earthquake.  An  earthquake  occurred  at  the  time 
of  our  Saviour's  crucifixion  (Mat.  xxvii.  61-64),  which 
may  be  deemed  miraculous  rather  from  the  conjunc- 
tion of  circumstances  than  from  the  nature  of  the 
phenomenon  itself  Josephus  (xv.  6,§  2)  records  a  very 
violent  earthquake,  b.  c.  31,  in  which  10,000  people 
perished.  Terrible  earthquakes  visited  Svria  and 
Palestine  a.  d.  1170,  1202,  1759,  &c.  That  of  Jan- 
uary 1,  1837,  was  felt  in  a  region  500  miles  long 
by  90  broad,  but  the  principal  scene  of  ruin  was  in 
Upper  Galilee.  Mr.  Caiman,  who  accompanied  Rev. 
W.  M.  Thomson  to  minister  relief  to  the  sufferers, 
estimated  5,025  killed,  and  405  wounded  at  Saftd, 
775  killed  and  65  wounded  at  Tiberias,  and  more 
than  1,500  killed  in  other  places  (Kitto,  Ph/s.  Hist, 
of  Pal.,  88  ff. ;  Thn.  i.  429  ff.).  Earthquakes  are 
not  unfrequently  accompanied  by  fissures  of  the 
earth's  surface;  instances  of  this  are  recorded  in 
connection  with  the  destruction  of  Korah  and  liis 
company  (Num.  xvi.  32),  and  at  the  time  of  our 
Lord's  death  (Mat.  xxvii.  51);  the  former  may  be 
paralleled  by  a  similar  occurrence  at  Oppido  m 
Calabria  A.  n.  1783,  where  the  earth  opened  to  the 
extent  of  600,  and  a  depth  of  more  than  200  feet. 
Darkness  is  frequently  a  concomitant  of  earth- 
quakes. The  awe  which  an  earthquake  never  fails 
to  inspire  rendered  it  a  fitting  token  of  Jehovah's 
presence  (Judg.  v.  4  ;  2  Sam.  xxii.  8 ;  Ps.  Ixxvii.  18, 
xcvii.  4,  civ.  32;  Am.  viii.  8;  Ilab.  iii.  10).  An 
earthquake  is  a  symbol  of  a  wide-spread  and  terrible 
calamity,  or  of  a  great  political  convulsion  or  catas- 
trophe (Rev.  vi.  12,  &c.). 

East.  The  Hebrew  terms,  descriptive  of  the  east, 
differ  in  idea,  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  in  applica- 
tion ;  (\.)  Heb.  kedem  (and  so  the  forms  kedcni, 
kddim,  kidmdh,  kadmon,  kadmoni)  properly  means 
that  which  is  before  or  in  front  of  a.  person,  and  was 
applied  to  the  E.  from  the  custom  of  turning  in  that 
direction  when  describing  the  points  of  the  compass, 
before,  behind,  the  right,  and  the  left,  representing 
respectively  E.,  W.,  S.,  and  N.  (Job  xxiii.  8,  9; 
A.  V.  "  forward,"  "  backward,"  "  on  the  left  hand," 
"  on  the  right  hand  ") ;  (2.)  Hcb.  niizrdh  or  mizrdch 
means  the  place  of-  the  sun's  rising.  Bearing  in 
mind  this  etymological  distinction,  it  is  natural  tl. 


EAS 


EBE 


241 


No.  1  should  be  used  when  the  four  quarters  of  the 
world  are  described  (as  in  Gen.  xiii.  14,  xxviii.  14  ; 
Job  xxiii.  8,  "J  ;  Ez.  xlvii.  IS  ff.),  and  Xo.  2  when  the  E. 
is  only  distinguished  from  the  W.  (Josh.  xi.  3 ;  I's. 
1.  1,  A.  V.  "from  the  rising  of  the  sun  unto  the 
going  down  thereof;  "  ciii.  12,  exiii.  3;  A.  V.  "from 
the  rising,"  &c. ;  Zech.  viii.  7),  or  from  some  other 
one  quarter  (Dan.  viii.  9,  xi.  44  ;  Am.  viii.  12);  ex- 
ceptions to  this  usage  oceur  in  I's.  cvii.  3,  and  Is. 
xliii.  5,  each,  however,  admitting  of  explanation. 
Again,  No.  2  ia  used  in  a  strictly  geographical  sense 
to  describe  a  spot  or  country  immediately  before 
another  in  an  easterly  direction  ;  hence  it  occurs  in 
Gen.  ii.  8,  iiL  24,  xi.  2  (Ararat),  xiii.  11,  xxv.  6, 
4c. ;  and  hence  the  subsc(iuent  application  of  the 
term,  as  a  proper  name  (Gen.  xxv.  6,  A.  V.  "  east- 
wai-d,  unto  the  E.  country ; "  Judg.  vi.  3,  33,  &c., 
"  children  of  the  E.,"  literally  so;.»  of  the  E.  ;  Job  i.  3, 
"men  "  [marg."  sons]  of  the  E. ; "  compare  our  jjlnase 
"the  East,"  and  see  bEriiAR),  to  the  lands  lying  im- 
mediately eastward  of  I'alestine,  viz.  Arabia,  Meso- 
potamia, and  Babylonia ;  on  the  otlier  hand,  Iso.  2  is 
used  of  the  far  East  with  a  less  definite  sigiufication 
(Is.  xli.  2,  25,  A.V.  "  the  rising ;  "  xliii.  5,  xlvi.  1 1 ).  In 
the  LXX.  the  Gr.  anatolai,  plural  of  analole,  which 
literally  =  Xo.  2,  is  used  both  forXo.  1  and  Xo.  2.  So 
in  X.  T".  (Mat.  ii.  1,  viii.  11,  xxiv.  27  ;  Lk.  xiii.  29  ;  Itev. 
xvi.  12).  The  Greek  singular  anaioU  is  translated 
"East"  in  JIat.  ii.  2,  9;  Rev.  vii.  2,  xxi.  13;  but 
Lanpc  and  most  recent  interpreters  translate  the 
Gr.  en  le  analoli  in  Mat.  ii.  2,  9,  literally  in  the  rixinff 
sc.  of  the  star :  otherwise  "  in  the  E."  =  in  Arabia. 
(Star  of  the  Wisk  Men.)  In  Vs.  Ixxv.  7  (Heb.  6) 
the  Ileb.  mut»d{=^  going  forth,  place  of  going  forth  ; 
lience  east,  whence  the  sun  goes  forth,  Ges.)  is  trans- 
lated "  east ; "  and  in  Jcr.  xix.  2  a  gate  of  Jerusalem  is 
called  in  A.  V.  "  east  pate,"  marg.  "  sun  gate  "  (Heb. 
hanilh  or  eharsith  in  Kcri,  the  test  having  u  instead 
of  J),  translated  by  Gesenius,  Henderson,  &c.,  the  pot- 
tery gate). — Children,  or  men,  of  the  East ;  see  above. 

Easter,  in  the  A.  V.  of  Acts  xii.  4,  is  chiefly 
noticeable  as  an  example  of  the  want  of  consistency 
in  the  translators.  In  the  earlier  English  versions 
"  Easter  "  had  been  frequently  used  as  the  transla- 
tion of  the  Gr.  paiu'ha.  At  the  last  revision.  Pass- 
over  was  substituted  in  all  passages  but  this. 

•East  C«te  (Neh.  iii.  29),  agate  of  Jerusalem  ; 
perhaps  (so  Ges.)  =  the  Water-gate  or  IIorse-gate. 
In  Jer.  xix.  2,  marg.  "  sun-gate,"  Ges.  supposes  it  := 
the  gate  by  which  one  went  out  to  the  Valley  of 
Hinnom ;  others  suppose  it  =  the  Valley  Gate. 

*  Rust  Sea,  the  =  the  Dead  Sea.     Sea,  the  Salt. 
East  Wind.    Winds. 

•  Eat,  Eating.    Food ;  Meals. 

E'bal  (Heb.  done,  Ges. ;  =  Obal,  Fii.).  1.  Son  of 
Shobal  the  son  of  Seir  (Gen.  xxxvi.  23 ;  1  Chr.  i.  40). 
— i,  Obal  the  son  of  Joktan  (1  Chr.  i.  22  ;  comp. 
Gen.  X.  28). 

E'bal  (Heb.  stoiie,  Ges. ;  bare  mount,  Fii.),  Jlonnt, 
a  mount  in  the  promised  land,  on  which,  according 
to  the  command  of  Moses,  the  Israelites  were,  after 
their  entrance  on  the  promised  land,  to  "  put  "  the 
curse  which  should  fall  upon  them  if  they  disobeyed 
the  commandments  of  Jehovah.  The  blessing  con- 
sequent on  obedience  was  to  be  similarly  localized 
oil  Mount  Gerizim  (Deut.  xi.  26-29).  Half  the 
tribes  were  to  stand  on  Mount  Gerizim,  responding 
to  blessings,  and  half  on  Ebal,  responding  to  curses, 
as  pronounced  by  the  Levites,  who  remained  with 
the  ark  in  the  centre  of  the  interval  (xxvii. ;  com- 
pare Josh.  viii.  30-85).  On  Ebal  further  was  to  be 
erected  an  altar  of  large  unhewn  stones,  plastered 
IG 


with  lime,  and  inscribed  with  the  words  of  the  law. 
Where,  then,  were  Ebal  and  Gerizim  situated  V  The 
all  but  unanimous  reply  to  this  is,  that  they  are  the 
mounts  which  form  the  sides  of  the  fertile  valley  in 
which  lies  Nablis,  the  ancient  Suechem — Ebal  on  the 
X\  and  Gerizim  on  the  S.  (1.)  It  is  plain  that  they 
were  situated  near  together,  with  a  valley  between. 
A  voice  can  be  heard  without  difliculty  acrous  this 
valley,  which,  between  the  lower  slopes  of  the 
mountains  where  the  tribes  probably  gtcod,  is 
about  200  yards  wide  (Ptr.  in  Kit.).  (2.)  Gerizim 
was  very  near  Phechcm  (Judg.  ix.  7),  and  in 
Joscphus's  time  the  names  appear  to  have  been 
attached  to  the  mounts,  which  were  then,  as 
now,  Ebal  on  the  N.  and  Gerizim  on  the  P.  Eusc- 
bius  and  Jerome  place  them  in  the  Jordan  valley, 
near  Gilgal ;  but  they  speak  merely  from  hearsay. 
It  is  well  known  that  one  of  the  most  serious  varia- 
tions between  the  Hebrew  text  of  the  Pentateuch 
and  the  Samaritan  text  is  in  reference  to  Ebal  and 
Gerizim.  In  Dent,  xxvii.  4,  the  Samaritan  Las  Ger- 
izim, which  all  critics  of  eminence,  except  Kenni- 
cott,  regard  as  a  corrupt  reading  (so  Ptr.  in  Kit.), 
while  the  Hebrew  (as  in  A.  V.)  has  Ebal,  as  the 
mount  on  which  the  altar  to  Jehovah  and  the  in- 
scription of  the  law  were  to  be  erected.  Upon  this 
basis  the  Samaritans  ground  the  sanctity  of  Gerizim 
and  the  authenticity  of  the  temple  and  holy  place, 
which  did  exist  and  still  exist  there.  Ebal  is  rarely 
ascended  by  travellers,  but  its  summit,  according  to 
A'andeVelde,  is  about  2,700  feet  above  the  sea,  1,028 
feet  above  j\Vi6/i5s,  and  about  100  feet  higher  than 
Gerizim.  Both  mounts  are  terraced,  and  there  is  little 
or  no  perceptible  dift'crence  in  soil,  &c.  The  struc- 
ture of  Gerizim  is  nunimulitic  limestone,  with  occa- 
sional outcrops  of  igneous  rock,  and  that  of  Ebal  is 
probably  similar.  At  its  base  above  the  valley  of 
Kallux  are  numerous  caves  and  sepulchral  excava- 
tions. The  modern  name  of  Ebal  is  Hitli  SaUniii},ah, 
irom  a  Mohammedan  female  saint,  whose  tomb  is 
standing  on  the  eastern  part  of  the  ridge,  a  little 
before  the  highest  point  is  reached.  Stanley  (233  n.) 
gives  the  modern  name  of  the  mount  as  'Imad  ed- 
Dien  (the  jUlar  of  the  religion). 

E'bcd  (Heb.  servatit,  slave).  l.(Many  MSS.  and  the 
Syriac  and  Arabic  versions,  have  Eijer).  Father 
of  Gaai.,  who  w ith  his  brethren  assisted  the  men  of 
Shechtni  in  their  revolt  against  Abimelech  (Judg. 
ix.  26, 28,  SO,  31, 36.-2.  Son  of  Jonathan  ;  one  of  the 
"sous"  of  Adin  who  returned  from  Babylon  with 
Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  6) ;  w  ritlen  Obeth  in  1  Esd. 

E  b('d-ni*'l«*h  [lek]  (Heb.  see  below),  an  Ethio- 
pian eunuch  in  the  service  of  King  Zcdekiah, 
through  whose  interference  Jeremiah  was  released 
from  prison,  and  who  was  on  that  account  preserved 
from  harm  at  the  taking  of  Jerusalem  (Jer.  xxxviii. 
7  ft.,  xxxix.  15  ft'.).  His  name  seems  to  be  an  official 
title  =  Kinr/'s  slave,  i.  e.  minister. 

*  E'bfh  (ileb.)  (Job.  ix.  26,  marg.).  The  margin 
"ships  of  desire,"  or  "ships  of  Ebch,"  answers  to 
"  swift  ships  "  in  the  text  of  the  A.  V.  Ges.  &  Fii. 
make  the  Heb.  ebeh  —  rtcd,  bvlrtish,  papp-vs,  and 
understand  sftips  of  reed,  i.  e.  boats  or  skifls  made 
of  papyrus,  and  famous  for  lightness  and  sw  iftness. 

EOYIT. 

Eb'en-e'zer  (Heb.  the  stone  of  help),  a  stone  set  up 
by  Samuel  after  a  signal  defeat  of  the  Philistines, 
as  a  memorial  of  the  "  help  "  received  on  the  occa- 
sion from  Jehovah  (1  Sam.  vii.  12);  named  twice 
previously  (iv.  1,  v.  1),  but  not  unnaturally,  in  the 
narrative  written  after  the  event.  Its  position,  still 
unknown,  was  between  Mizpeh  and  Suen. 


2i2 


EBE 


ECB 


E'ber  (Ileb.  the  region  beyond,  Gcs. ;  production, 
thoot,  Fii.).  1.  Son  of  Salah,  and  great-grandson 
of  Shem(Gcn.  x.  21,  24,  25,  xi.  14-17;  1  Chr.  i.  18, 
19,  25);  =  Heber  in  Lk.  iii.  35.  In  Num.  xxiv.  24, 
"Eber"  ^  thedescendantsofEber,  or  the  Hebrews 
collectively  (compare  Israel).  Eber,  according  to 
Gen.  xi.,  not  only  survived  all  his  own  lineal  ances- 
tors, but  attained  nearly  twice  the  age  of  any  of  his 
descendants  in  the  line  of  Abraham,  and  indeed  out- 
lived all  of  them  down  to  Abraham  himself,  dying  four 
years  after  the  latter,  at  the  age  of  464  years.  Of  all 
who  have  lived  since  the  flood,  only  Noah  and  Shem 
are  recorded  as  older  than  Eber  at  their  respective 
deaths,  and  their  greater  age  is  due  to  their  having 
lived  before  as  well  as  after  the  flood.  Eber  is  as  pre- 
eminent for  his  length  of  life  after  the  flood  as  Me- 
THCSELAH  for  his  before  it. — i,  A  Benjamite,  son  of 
Elpaal  and  descendant  of  Shaharaim  (1  Chr.  viii.  12). 
— 3.  A  priest,  chief  of  the  house  of  Amok  under 
high-priest  Joiakim  (Neh.  xii.  20). 

E-ira-saph  (Heb.  =  Abiasaph),  a  Kohathite  Le- 
vite  of  the  family  of  Korah,  ancestor  of  the  prophet 
Samuel  and  of  Heman  the  singer  (1  Chr.  vi.  23, 
37).  The  same  man  is  probably  intended  in  ix.  19. 
The  name  appears  =  Abiasaph,  and  in  one  pas- 
sage (1   Chr.  xxvi.  1)  to  be  abbreviated  to  Asaph. 


Ebony  iBiotpyrot  Ehfnum). 

Eb'o-ny  (Heb.  hohnim  =  wood  as  hard  as  stone) 
occurs  only  in  Ez.  xxvii.  15,  as  one  of  the  valuable 
commodities  imported  into  Tyre  by  the  men  of 
Dedan.  The  best  kind  of  ebony  is  yielded  by  the 
Diospyros  Ehcnum,  a  tree  which  grows  in  Ceylon  and 
Southern  India;  but  there  are  many  trees  of  the 
natural  order  Ebenacem  which  produce  this  material. 
The  ancients  held  the  black  heart-wood  in  high  es- 
teem. It  admits  of  a  fine  polish,  and  is  used  for 
cabinet-work.  There  is  every  reason  for  believing 
that  the  ebony  afforded  by  the  Diospyros  Ehcnum 
was  imported  from  India  or  Ceylon  by  Phenician 
traders;  though  it  is  equally  probable  that  the 
Tyrian  merchants  were  supplied  with  ebony  from 
trees  which  grew  in  Ethiopia.  It  is  not  known  what 
tree  yielded  the  Ethiopian  ebony. 

E-bro'nah  (Heb.  ^abrondh  =  passage,  sc.  of  the  sea, 
Ges. ;  coast-place,  bank-place,  Fii.),  a  station  of  the 
Israelites  in  the  desert,  immediately  preceding 
EzioN-GABER,  possibly  a  ford  across  the  head  of  the 
Elanitic  Gulf  (Num.  xxxiii.  34,  33).  Wilderness 
OF  the  Waxderi.ng. 


E-ta'nns,  one  of  the  five  swift  scribes  who  attend- 
ed on  Esdras  (2  Esd.  xiv.  24).     Asiel  2. 

Ee-bat'a-na, or  Ec-bat's-ne(L.  Ecbatana,  Edatanw, 
from  Gr. ;  Heb.  Ahmithd,  or  Achmithd  ;  all  frfim  old 
Persian  or  Aryan  =  place  of  horses,  stable,  Lassen; 
jdace  of  assemblage.  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson).  It 
is  doubtful  whether  the  name  of  this  place  is  really 
contained  in  the  Hebrew  Scriptures.  Many  of  the 
best  commentators  understand  the  expression,  in 
Ezr.  vi.  2,  differently,  and  translate  it  "  in  a  coft'er  " 
(A.  V.  "  Achmetha ; "  margin  "  Ecbatana,"  or 
"  in  a  coffer  "  ).  If  a  city  is  meant,  there  is  little 
doubt  of  one  of  the  two  Ecbatanas  being  intended, 
for  except  these  towns  there  was  no  place  in  the 
province  of  the  Medes  which  contained  a  palace, 
or  where  records  are  likely  to  have  been  deposited. 
In  the  Apocrvpha  "  Ecbatane  "  is  frequently  men- 
tioned (Tob.  ii'i.  7,  .xiv.  12,  14;  Jd.  i.  1,  2;  2"Mc.ix. 
3,  &c.).  Two  cities  of  the  name  of  Ecbatana  seem 
to  have  existed  in  ancient  times,  one  the  capital  of 
northern  Media,  the  Jledia  AtropatGne  of  Straho; 
the  other  the  metropolis  of  the  larger  and  more  im- 
portant province  known  as  Media  JIagna.  The  site 
of  the  former  Sir  II.  Rawlinson  regards  as  the  very 
curious  ruins  at  Tukht-i-SuleimaH  (lat.  36^  28, 
long.  47'  9);  while  that  of  the  latter,  about  150 
miles  S.  E.  of  the  former,  is  occupied  by  Humadan, 
which  is  one  of  the  most  important  cities  of  modern 
Persia.  There  is  generally  some  difficulty  in  deter- 
mining, when  Ecbatana  is  mentioned,  whether  the 
nortliern  or  the  southern  metropolis  is  intended. 
Few  writers  are  aware  of  the  existence  of  the  two 
cities,  and  they  lie  sufficiently  near  to  one  another 
for  geographical  notices  in  most  cases  to  suit  citlier 
site.  The  northern  city  was  the  "  seven-walled 
town,"  with  battlements  coated,  five  of  them  with 
paint  of  different  colors,  one  with  silver,  and  one 
with  gold,  described  by  Herodotus,  and  declared  by 
him  to  have  been  the  capital  of  Cyrus  (Ildt.  i.  98, 
99,  153);  and  it  was  thus  most  probably  there  that 
the  roll  was  found  which  proved  to  Darius  that 
Cyrus  had  really  made  a  decree  allowing  the  Jews 
to  rebuild  their  temple.  The  peculiar  feature  of  the 
site  of  Takht-i-Suleiman,  which  Sir  H.  Rawlinson  pro- 
poses to  identify  with  the  northern  Ecbatana,  is  a 
conical  hill  rising  to  the  height  of  about  150  feet 
above  the  plain,  and  covered  both  on  its  top  and 
sides  with  massive  ruins  of  the  most  antique  and 
primitive  character.  A  perfect  enceinte,  formed  of 
large  blocks  of  squared  stone,  may  be  traced  round 
the  entire  hill  along  its  brow ;  within  there  is  an 
oval  enclosure  about  800  yards  in  its  greatest  and 
400  in  its  least  diameter,  strewn  with  ruins,  which 
cluster  round  a  remarkable  lake,  filled  with  water 
exquisitely  clear  and  pleasant  to  the  taste.  On 
three  sides — the  S.,  the  W.,  and  the  N. — the  ac- 
clivity is  steep,  and  the  height  above  the  plain  uni- 
form, but  on  the  E.  it  abuts  upon  a  hilly  tract  of 
ground,  and  here  it  is  but  slightly  elevated  above 
the  adjacent  country.  The  northern  Eel)atana 
continued  to  be  an  important  place  down  to  the  13tli 
century  after  Christ.  By  the  Greeks  and  Romans 
it  appears  to  have  been  known  as  Gaza,  Gajaca,  or 
Canzaca,  "the  treasure  city,"  on  account  of  the 
wealth  laid  up  in  it;  while  by  the  Orientals  it  was 
termed  Shiz.  Its  decay  is  referable  to  the  Mogul 
conquests  about  a.  d.  1200;  and  its  final  ruin  is 
supposed  to  date  from  about  the  15th  or  16th  cen- 
tury. In  the  2d  book  of  Maccabees  (ix.  3,  &c.)  the 
"  Ecbatane  "  is  undoubtedly  the  southern  city,  now 
represented  both  in  name  and  site  by  Ilutnadiiu. 
This  place,  situated  on  the  northern  flank  of  the 


I 


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243 


greiit  mountain  called  formerly 
Orontes,  and  now  Etwend,  was 
perhaps  as  ancient  as  tlic  other, 
and  iii  lar  better  known  in  history. 
If  not  the  Median  capital  of  Cyrus, 
it  wus  at  any  rate  regarded  irom 
the  time  of  Darius  Hystaspis  as  the 
chief  city  of  the  Perf^ian  satrapy  oi 
Media,  and  as  such  it  became  the 
guiunier  reisidence  of  the  Persian 
kings  from  Darius  downward.  It 
was  alterward  the  metropolis  of 
the  Parthian  empire,  and  is  now  a 
city  of  from  20,000  to  80,000  in- 
habitants. The  Jews,  niany  of 
whom  reside  here,  regard  it  as  the 
residince  of  Ahasuerus  (Shishan), 
and  show  within  its  precincts  the 
tomb  of  Esther  and  Morpecai. 
The  "  Ecbatane  "  of  Tobit  and  Ju- 
dith is  thought  by  Sir  H.  Kawlin- 
8on  to  be  the  northern  city. 


'J/^.^cni''" 


PlRn  of  tbe  Northern  Ecbatana  ^  Ulfl  inod«m  TaiH-i-8vlttmati, 
1.  Remstnt  of  a  Fire-Tempje.    2.  P.iiined  Mosgne.    3.  Ancient  buildinire,  with  shafts  and  capitiils. 
4.  Knina  of  tbe  palnce  of  Abakal  Kban.    5.  Cemetery,    fi.  Ridge  of  Rocli  called  "  the  Drnctn." 
7.  Hll:  called  TatcitaA  or  "  tbe  Stable."    8.  Ruins  of  RaliBlah.  9.  Rocky  bill  of  Zindani-Soleiu;aii. 


Gontbvm  Ecbatana  - 


the  modem  Ilamadan,    Tlia  nhia  It)  tbe  foreground  arv  said  to  b«  of  the  * 
&tj'hrate*  Ex/Mttum. — (Fairbaim.) 


castle  "*  or  palace  of  Darius.— From  Chesney's 


Ewle-sl-as'teg  [ek-klee-ze-as'teez]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  = 
pnachir  =  Ueh.  KoheMi ;  see  below).— I.  Title. 
The  Hebrew  title  of  this  book  is  taken  from  the 
name  by  which  the  son  of  David,  or  the  writer  who 
personates  him,  speaks  of  himself  tlirougliout  it. 
The  apparent  anomaly  of  the  feminine  termination 
indicates  that  the  abstract  noun  has  been  transferred 
from  the  oflice  to  the  person  holding  it ;  and  hence, 
with  the  single  exception  of  Eccl.  vii.  27,  the  noun, 
notwithstanding  Its  form,  is  used  throughout  in  the 
ma-scullne.  The  word  has  been  applied  to  one  who 
speaks  publicly  in  an  assembly,  and  there  is,  to  say 
the  least,  a  tolerable  agreement  (LXX.,  Vulgate, 
Luther,  A.  V.,  Ge.oenius,  Knobel,  Stuart,  &c.)  in  favor 
of  this  interpretation.  On  the  other  hand,  flrotius 
(followed  by  Herder,  Jahn,  and  Mendelssohn)  has 
suggested  "  compiler  "  as  a  better  equivalent. — II. 
Can<miHly.  In  the  Jewish  division  of  the  books  of 
the  Old  Testament,  Ecclcsiastes  ranks  as  one  of 
"the  five  Rolls"  (Bible,  III.  3,  b.\  and  its  position, 
as  having  canonical  authority,  appears  to  have  been 
recognized  by  the  Jews  from  the  time  in  which  the 
idea  of  a  canox  first  presented  itself.  We  find  It  In 
«U  the  Jewijih  catalogues  of  the  sacred  books,  and 


from  them  it  has  been  received  universally  by  the 
Chilstian  Church.  Some  singular  passages  in  the 
Talmud  indicate,  however,  that  the  recognition  was 
not  altogether  unhesitating,  and  that  it  was  at  least 
questioned  how  far  the  book  was  one  which  it  was 
expedient  to  place  among  the  Scriptures  that 
were  read  iiubllcly. — III.  Author  and  Date.  The 
hypothesis  naturally  suggested  by  the  account  that 
the  writer  gives  of  himself  in  chapters  i.  and 
ii.  is,  that  it  was  written  by  the  only  "  son  of 
David  "  who  was  "  king  over  Israel  in  Jerusalem  " 
(i.  1,  12).  The  belief  that  Solomon  was  actually 
the  author  was,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  received 
generally  by  the  Rabbinic  commentators  and  the 
whole  series  of  Patristic  writers.  Grotius  was  in- 
deed almost  the  firet  writer  who  called  it  In  question 
and  started  a  diflerent  hypothesis,  viz.  that  it  was 
written  after  Solomon's  time  by  some  one  who  per- 
sonated that  king  as  penitent.  The  objections 
urged  against  the  traditional  belief  by  Grotius  and 
later  critics,  and  the  hypotheses  substituted  for  it, 
are  drawn  chiefly  from  the  book  itself. —  Olijtctk.n 
1.  The  language  of  the  book  is  said  to  be  Incoiv. 
sistcnt  with  the  belief  that  it  was  written  by  Solo- 


2W 


ECC 


ECC 


mon.  It  belongs  (so  Grotius,  DeWette,  Ewald,  and 
most  German  ci'ities,  Stuart,  &c.)  to  the  time  when 
t'le  ol  Jar  Hebrew  was  becoming  largely  intermingled 
with  Aramaic  forms  and  words,  and  as  such  takes 
its  place  in  the  latest  group  of  books  of  the  0.  T. 
The  prevalence  of  abstract  forms  is  urged  as  be- 
longing to  a  later  period  than  that  of  Solomon  in 
the  development  of  Hebrew  thought  and  language. 
The  answers  given  to  these  objections  by  the  de-  ' 
fenders  of  the  received  belief  are  (a)  that  many  of  | 
what  wo  call  Aramaic  or  Chaldee  forms  may  have 
belonged  to  the  period  of  pure  Hebrew,  though 
they  have  not  come  down  to  us  in  any  extant  wri- 
tings ;  and  (6)  that,  so  far  as  they  are  tbreign  to  the 
Hebrew  of  the  time  of  Solomon,  he  may  have  learned 
them  from  his  "  strange  wives,"  or  from  the  men 
who  came  as  ambassadors  from  other  countries. — 
Objection  2.  Would  Solomon  have  been  likely  to 
speak  of  himself  as  in  i.  12,  or  to  describe  with 
bitterness  the  misery  and  wrong  of  which  his  own 
misgovernment  had  been  the  cause,  as  in  iii.  16,  iv. 
1  ?  On  the  hypothesis  that  he  was  the  writer,  the 
whole  book  is  an  acknowledgment  of  evils  which 
he  had  occasioned,  while  yet  there  is  no  distinct 
confession  and  repentance.  The  question  here 
raised  is  worth  considering,  but  it  can  hardly  lead 
in  either  direction  to  a  conclusion. — Objection  3.  It 
has  been  urged  that  the  state  of  sociaty  indicated 
in  this  book  leads  to  the  same  conclusion  as  its  lan- 
guage, and  carries  us  to  a  period  after  the  return 
from  the  Babylonian  captivity,  when  the  Jews  were 
enjoying  comparative  freedom  from  invasion,  but 
were  exposed  to  the  evils  of  misgovernment  under 
the  satraps  of  the  Persian  king.  Significant,  though 
not  conclusive  in  either  direction,  is  the  absence  of 
all  reference  to  any  contemporaneous  prophetic  ac- 
tivity, or  to  any  Jlessianic  hopes.  Tlie  use  through- 
out the  book  of  Elohim  instead  of  JEnovAn,  as  the 
divine  name  (God),  leaves  the  question  as  to  date 
nearly  where  it  was.  The  indications  of  rising 
questions  as  to  the  end  of  man's  life,  and  the  con- 
stitution of  his  nature,  of  doubts  like  those  which 
afterward  developed  into  Sadduceeism  (iii.  19-21),  of 
a  copious  literature  connected  with  those  questions, 
confirm,  it  is  urged,  tlie  hypothesis  of  the  later 
date.  It  may  be  added,  too,  tliat  the  absence  of  any 
reference  to  such  a  work  as  this,  in  the  enumeration 
of  Solomon's  writfngs  in  1  K.  iv.  32,  tends  at  least 
to  the  same  conclusion.  In  this  case,  however,  as 
in  others,  the  arguments  of  recent  criticism  are 
stronger  against  the  traditional  belief  than  in  sup- 
port of  any  rival  theory,  and  the  advocates  of  that 
belief  might  almost  be  content  to  rest  their  case 
upon  the  discordant  hypotheses  of  their  opponents. 
On  the  assumption  that  the  book  belongs  not  to  the 
time  of  Solomon,  but  to  the  period  subsequent  to 
the  Captivity,  the  dates  which  have  been  assigned 
to  it  occupy  a  range  of  more  than  three  hundred 
years.  Grotius  supposes  Zerubbabel  to  be  referred  to, 
in  xii.  11,  as  the  "One  Shepherd,"  and  so  far  agrees 
witli  Keil,  who  fixes  it  in  the  time  of  Ezra  and  Ne- 
hemiah.  Stuart  supposes  that  Ecclesiastes  may 
have  been  written  between  the  first  return  of  the 
Jews  from  Babylon  (oS.")  b.  c.)  and  Ezra's  time  (about 
eighty  years  afterward).  Ewald  and  De  Wette  con- 
jecture the  close  of  the  period  of  Persian  or  the 
commencement  of  that  of  Macedonian  rule ;  Bert- 
holdt  the  period  between  Alexander  the  Great  and 
Antiochus  Epiphanes ;  Hitzig  about  204  b.  c.  ;  Hart- 
mann,  the  time  of  the  Maccabees.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  main  facts  relied  on  by  these  critics  as 
fatal  to  the  traditional  belief  are  compatible  with 


any  date  subsequent  to  the  Captivity. — IV.  Plan. 
Tlie  book  of  Ecclesiastes  comes  before  us  as  being 
conspicuously,  among  the  writings  of  the  0.  T.,  the 
great  stumbling-block  of  commentators.  Some  at 
least  of  the  R.xbbinical  writers  were  perplexed  by 
its  teachings.  Little  can  be  gathered  from  the  Pa- 
tristic interpreters.  The  book  is  comparatively  sel- 
dom quoted  by  them.  No  attempt  is  made  to  mas- 
ter its  plan  and  to  enter  into  the  spirit  of  its  writer. 
When  we  descend  to  the  more  recent  developments 
of  criticism,  wo  meet  with  an  almost  incredible  di- 
vergence of  opinion.  Lutlier  sees  in  it  a  noble  de- 
sign of  leading  men,  in  the  midst  of  all  the  troubles 
and  disorders  of  human  society,  to  a  true  endurance 
.and  reasonable  enjoyment.  Grotius  finds  in  it  only 
a  collection  of  many  maxims,  connected  more  or 
less  closely  with  the  great  problems  of  human  life. 
Others  reject  these  views  as  partial  and  one-sided, 
and  assert  that  the  object  of  the  writer  was  to  point 
out  the  secret  of  a  true  blessedness  in  the  midst  of 
all  the  distractions  and  sorrows  of  the  world  as  con- 
sisting in  a  calm,  thankful  enjoyment  of  the  good 
that  comes  from  God.  The  variety  of  these  opin- 
ions indicates  sufficiently  that  the  book  is  as  far  re- 
moved as  possible  from  the  character  of  a  formal 
treatise.  It  is  that  which  it  .professes  to  be — tlie 
confession  of  a  man  of  wide  experience  looking 
back  upon  his  past  life,  and  looking  out  u])on  tlie 
disorders  and  calamities  which  surround  him.  The 
true  utterances  of  such  a  man  are  the  records  of  liis 
struggles  after  truth,  of  his  occasional  glimpses  of 
it,  of  his  ultimate  discovery.  The  writer  of  Eccle- 
siastes is  not  a  didactic  moralist,  nor  a  prophet,  but 
a  man  who  has  sinned  in  giving  way  to  selfishness 
and  sensuality,  upon  whdm  have  come  from  that  sin 
satiety  and  weariness  of  life ;  in  whom  the  mood 
of  spirit,  over-reflective,  indisposed  to  action,  has 
become  dominant  in  its  darkest  form,  but  who  has, 
through  all  this,  been  under  the  discipline  of  a  divine 
education,  and  has  learned  from  it  the  lesson  which 
God  meant  to  teach  him.  What  that  lesson  was 
will  be  seen  from  an  examination  of  the  book  itself. 
It  is  tolerably  clear  that  the  recurring  burden  of 
"  Vanity  of  vanities  "  and  the  teaching  which  rec- 
ommends a  life  of  calm  enjoyment  mark,  when- 
ever they  occur,  a  kind  of  halting-place  in  the  suc- 
cession of  thoughts.  Taking  this,  accordingly,  as 
his  guide.  Professor  Plumptre,  the  original  author 
of  this  article,  considers  the  whole  book  as 
falling  into  five  divisions,  eacli  of  the  first  four, 
to  a  certain  extent,  running  parallel  to  the  others 
in  its  order  and  results,  and  closing  with  that 
which,  in  its  position  no  less  than  its  substance, 
is  "  the  conclusion  of  the  whole  matter."  (1.) 
Chapters  i.  and  ii.  This  portion  of  the  book  more 
than  any  other  has  the  character  of  a  personal 
confession.  The  Preacher  starts  with  reproducing 
the  phase  of  despair  and  weariness  into  which  his 
experience  had  led  him  (i.  2,  3).  To  the  man  who 
is  thus  satiated  with  life,  the  order  and  regularity 
of  nature  are  oppressive  (i.  4-7).  That  which 
seems  to  be  new  is  but  the  repetition  of  the  old 
(i.  8-11).  Then,  having  laid  bare  the  depth  to 
which  he  had  fallen,  he  retraces  the  path  by  which 
he  had  travelled  thitherward.  First  he  had  sought 
after  wisdom  as  that  to  which  God  seemed  to  call 
him  (i.  13),  but  the  pursuit  of  it  was  a  sore  tra- 
vail, and  there  was  no  satisfaction  in  its  posses- 
sion. The  first  experiment  in  the  search  after 
happiness  had  failed,  and  he  tried  another — to  sur- 
round himself  with  all  the  appliances  of  sensual 
enjoyment,  and  yet   in   thought   to   hold   himself 


I 


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245 


above  it  (ii.  1-0).  But  this  also  failed  to  give  liim 
peace  (ii.  11).  The  first  section  closes  with  that 
which,  in  different  forms,  is  the  main  lesson  of 
the  book — to  make  the  best  of  what  is  actually 
around  one  (ii.  24) — to  substitute  for  the  reckless, 
feverish  pursuit  of  pleasure  the  calm  enjoyment 
which  men  may  yet  find  both  for  the  senses  and  the 
intellect.  (2.)  Chapters  iii.  1-vi.  9.  The  order  of 
thought  in  this  section  has  a  different  starting- 
point.  One  who  looked  out  upon  the  infinitely 
varied  phenomena  of  men's  life  might  yet  discern, 
in  the  midst  of  that  variety,  traces  of  an  order. 
There  are  times  and  seasons  for  each  of  them  in  its 
turn,  even  as  there  are  for  the  vicissitudes  of  the- 
world  of  nature  (iii.  1-8).  The  heart  of  man  with 
its  changes  is  the  mirror  of  the  universe  (iii.  11),  and 
is,  like  that,  inscrutable.  And  from  this  there  comes 
the  same  conclusion  as  from  the  personal  experience. 
Calmly  to  accept  the  changes  and  chances  of  life,  en- 
tering into  whatever  joy  they  bring,  as  one  accepts 
the  order  of  nature,  this  is  the  way  of  peace  (iii.  13). 
The  thought  of  the  ever-recurring  cycle  of  nature, 
which  had  before  been  irritating  and  disturbing, 
now  whispers  the  same  lesson.  The  transition  from 
this  to  the  opening  thoughts  of  chapter  iv.  seems 
at  first  somewhat  abrupt.  Instead  of  the  self- 
centred  search  after  happiness,  he  looks  out  upon 
the  miseries  and  disorders  of  the  world,  and  learns 
to  svmpathize  with  suffering  (iv.  1).  And  in  this 
survey  of  life  on  a  large  scale,  as  in  that  of  a  per- 
sonal experience,  there  is  a  cycle  which  is  ever  being 
repeated.  The  opening  of  chapter  v.  again  presents 
the  appearance  of  abruptness,  but  it  is  because  the 
survey  of  human  life  takes  a  yet  wider  range.  The 
eye  of  the  Preacher  passes  from  the  dwellers  in 
palaces  to  the  worshippers  in  the  Temple,  the  de- 
vout and  religious  men.  Have  they  found  out  the 
secret  of  life,  the  path  to  wisdom  and  happiness  ? 
The  answer  to  that  question  is,  that  there  the  blind- 
ness and  folly  of  mankind  show  themselves  in  their 
worst  forms.  The  command  "  Fear  thou  God " 
(verse  7)  meant  that  a  man  was  to  take  no  part  in 
a  religion  such  as  this.  But  that  command  also 
suggested  the  solution  of  another  problem,  of  that 
prevalence  of  injustice  and  oppression  which  had 
before  weighed  down  the  spirit  of  the  inquirer. 
The  section  ends  as  before  with  the  conclusion,  that 
to  feed  the  eyes  with  what  is  actually  before  them 
is  better  than  the  ceaseless  wanderings  of  the  spirit. 
(8.)  Chapters  vi.  10-viii.  15.  So  fiir  the  lines  of 
thought  all  seemed  to  converge  to  one  result.  The 
ethical  teaching  that  grew  out  of  the  wise  man's 
experience  had  in  it  something  akin  to  the  higher 
forms  of  Epicureanism.  But  the  seeker  could  not 
rest  in  this,  and  found  himself  beset  with  thoughts 
at  once  more  troubling  and  leading  to  a  higher 
truth.  The  spirit  of  man  looks  before  and  after, 
and  the  uncertainties  of  the  future  vex  it  (vi.  12). 
There  are  signs  (vli.  1-14)  of  a  clearer  insight  into 
the  end  of  life.  Then  conies  an  oscillation  which 
carries  him  back  to  the  old  problems  (vii.  15).  The 
repetition  of  thoughts  that  had  appeared  before  is 
perhaps  the  natural  consequence  of  such  an  oscil- 
lation, and  accordingly  in  chapter  viii.  we  find  the 
seeker  moving  in  the  same  round  as  before.  There 
are  the  old  reflections  on  the  misery  of  man  (viii.  6), 
and  the  confusions  in  the  moral  order  of  the  uni- 
verse (viii,  10,  11),  the  old  conclusion  that  enjoy- 
ment, such  enjoyment  as  is  compatible  with  the 
fear  of  God,  is  the  only  wisdom  (viii.  15).  (4.) 
Chapters  viii.  l(S-xii.  8.  After  the  pause  implied 
in  bis  again  arriving  at  the  lesson  of  verse  15,  the 


Preacher  retraces  the  last  of  his  many  wanderings. 
This  time  the  thought  with  which  he  started  was  a 
profound  conviction  of  the  inability  of  man  to  un- 
ravel the  mysteries  by  which  he  is  surrounded  (viii. 
17),  of  the  nothingness  of  man  when  death  is 
thought  of  as  ending  all  things  (ix.  3-6),  of  the 
wisdom  of  enjoying  life  while  we  may  (ix.  7-10), 
of  the  evils  which  afl'ect  nations  or  individual  man 
(ix.  11,  12).  The  wide  experience  of  the  Preacher 
suggests  sharp  and  pointed  sayings  as  to  these 
evils  (x.  1-20),  each  true  and  weighty  in  itself,  but 
not  leading  him  on  to  any  firmer  standing-ground 
or  clearer  solution  of  the  problems  which  oppressed 
him.  It  is  here  that  the  traces  of  plan  and  method 
in  the  book  seem  most  to  fail  us.  In  chapter  xi., 
however,  the  progress  is  more  rapid.  The  tone  of 
the  Preacher  becomes  more  that  of  direct  exhorta- 
tion, and  he  speaks  in  clearer  and  higher  notes. 
The  end  of  man's  life  is  not  to  seek  enjoyment  for 
himself  only,  but  to  do  good  to  others,  regardless 
of  the  uncertainties  or  disappointments  that  may 
attend  his  efforts  (xi.  1-4).  The  secret  of  a  true 
life  is  that  a  man  should  consecrate  the  vigor  of  his 
youth  to  God  (xii.  1).  It  is  well  to  do  that  before 
the  night  comes,  before  the  slow  decay  of  age  be- 
numbs all  the  faculties  of  sense  (xii.  2,  0),  before 
the  spirit  returns  to  God  who  gave  it.  The  thought 
of  that  end  rings  out  once  more  the  knell  of  the 
nothingness  of  all  things  earthly  (xii.  8) ;  but  (5.) 
(xii.  9-14)  it  leads  also  to  the  "  conclusion  of  the 
wliole  matter,"  to  that  to  which  all  trains  of  thought 
and  all  the  experiences  of  life  had  been  leading  the 
seeker  after  wisdom,  that  "to  fear  God  and  keep 
his  commandments"  was  the  highest  good  attain- 
able. If  the  representation  which  has  been  given 
of  the  plan  and  meaning  of  the  book  be  at  rill  a 
true  one,  wo  find  in  it,  no  less  than  in  the  book  cf 
Job,  indications  of  the  struggle  with  the  doubts  and 
difficulties  which  in  all  ages  of  the  world  have  pre- 
sented themselves  to  thoughtful  observers  of  the 
condition  of  mankind.  The  writer  of  the  book  of 
Job  deals  with  the  great  mystery  presented  by  the 
.sufferings  of  the  righteous.  In  the  words  of  the 
Preacher,  we  trace  chiefly  the  weariness  or  satiety 
of  the  pleasure-seeker,  and  the  failure  of  all  schemes 
of  life  but  one.  In  both,  though  by  very  diverse 
paths,  the  inquirer  is  led  to  take  refuge  in  the 
thought  that  God's  kingdom  is  infinitely  great,  and 
that  man  knows  but  the  smallest  fragment  of  it; 
that  he  must  refrain  from  things  which  are  too  high 
for  him,  and  be  content  with  the  duties  of  his  own 
life  and  the  opportunities  it  presents  for  his  doing 
the  will  of  God. 

Ec-flr-si-as'ti-fos  [ek-klee-ze-as'tc-kus]  (L.  fr.  Gr. 
=  bdonyhifi  to  the  pvb'ic  asscnibli/  or  <!iurrli,  i.  e. 
church-reading  book  ;  see  below),  the  title  given  in 
the  Latin  version  to  the  Apocryphal  book  which  is 
called  in  some  manuscripts  and  editions  of  the  LXX. 
77ie  Wisdom  of  Jeans  the  &'oji  of  Sirach,  and  in 
the  Vat.  MS.,  &c..  Wisdom  of  Sirach.  The  word, 
like  many  others  of-  Greek  origin,  appears  to  have 
been  adopted  in  the  African  dialect.  The  right  ex- 
planation of  the  word  is  given  by  Rufinus,  who  re- 
marks that  "  it  does  not  designate  the  author  of 
the  book,  but  the  character  of  the  writing,"  as  pub- 
licly used  in  the  services  of  the  church.  According 
to  Jerome,  the  originiil  Hebrew  title  was  J'mtrls  ; 
and  the  Wisdom  of  Sirach  shared  with  the  canoni- 
cal book  of  Proverbs  and  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon 
the  title  of  J7te  hook  of  all  virtues.  In  the  Syriac 
version  the  book  is  entitled  The  book  of  Jemts  the 
son  of  Simeou  Asiro  (i.  e.  the  bound) ;  and  the  same 


243 


ECC 


ECL 


book  is  called  the  wisdom  of  the  son  of  Asiro.     In  ' 
many  places  it  is  simply  styled   Wisdom.     2.  The 
writer  of  the  present  book  describes   himself   as 
"  Jesus  (i.  e.  Jeshua  or  Joshua)  the  son  of  Siracii, 
of  Jerusalem  (1.   27).     3.    The  language  in  which  : 
the  book  was  originally  composed  was  llebrew,  i.  e. 
perhaps  the  vernacular  Aramean  dialect  (compare 
Ju.  V.  2,  xix.  13,  &c.).     Jerome   says   that  he  had 
met  with  the  "  Hebrew  "  text.     The  internal  char- 
acter of  the  present  book  bears  witness  to  its  for- 
eign source.     4.  Nothing,  however,  remains  of  the 
original  proverbs  of  Ben  Sira  except  the  few  frag- 
ments in  pure  Hebrew  which  occur  in  the  Talmud 
and  later  Rabbinic  writers ;    and  even  these  may 
have  been  derived  from  tradition  and  not  from  any 
written  collection.     The  Greek  translation  incor- 
porated in  the  LXX.,  which  is  probably  the  source 
from  which  the  otlier  translations  were   derived, 
was  made  by  the  grandson  of  the  author  in  Egypt 
"  in  the  reign  of  Kuergetes,"  for  tlic  instruction  of 
those  "  in  a  strange  country  who  were  previously 
prepared  to  live  after  the  law."     The  date  which  is 
thus  given  is  unfortunately  ambiguous.     Two  kings 
of  Egypt  bore  the  surname  Euergetes;   Ptolemy 
III.,  the  son  and  successor  of  Ptolemy  II.  Phila- 
delphus,  B.  c.  247-222  ;  and  Ptolemy  VII.  Physcon, 
the  brother  of  Ptolemy  VI.  Piiilometor,  b.  c.  170- 
117.    Some  have  supposed  that  the  "  Simon  the  high- 
priest,  the  son  of  Onias,"  eulogized  in  chapter  1.,  = 
Simon  I.  "  the  Just,"  who  was  high-priest  about  310- 
290  B.  c,  and  that  the  grandson  of  Jesus  the  son  of 
Sirach,  who  is  supposed  to  have  been  his  younger  con- 
temporary, lived  in  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  III. :  others 
again  have  applied  the  eulogy  to  Simon  II.,  also 
the  son  of  Onias  and  high-priest  when  Ptolemy  IV. 
PiiiLOPATOK  endeavored  to  force  an  entrance  into 
the  Temple,  b.  c.  217,  and  fixed  the  translation  in 
the  time  of  Ptolemy  VII.     But  both  suppositions 
are  attended  with  serious  difficulties.     From  these 
considerations    it    appears    best    (so    Mr.    West- 
cott)    to    combine   the   two   views.      The    grand- 
son of  the   author  was   already  past  middle-age 
when  he   came   to   Egypt,  and   if  his  visit   took 
place   early   in   the    reign    of   Ptolemy   Physcon, 
it  is  quite  possible  that  the  book  itself  was  writ- 
ten wdiile   the  name  and   person   of  the   last   of 
"  the  men  of  the  great  synagogue"  were  still  familiar 
to  his  countrymen.     5.   The  name  of  the  Greek 
translator  is  unknown.     He  is  commonly  supposed 
to  have  borne  the  same  name  as  his  grandfather, 
but  this  tradition  rests  only  on  conjecture  or  mis- 
understanding.    6.  It  is  a  more  important  fact  that 
the  book  itself  api)ears  to  recognize  the  incorpora- 
tion of  earlier  collections  into  its  text.     Jesus  the 
son  of  Sirach,  while  he  claims  for  himself  the  wri-« 
ting  of  the  book,  characterizes  his  father  as  one 
"  who  poured  forth  a  shower  of  wisdom  from  his 
heart "  (1.  27).     From  the  very  nature  of  his  work, 
the  author  was  like  "a  gleaner  after  the  grape- 
gatherers  "  (xxxiii.  16).      7.   The  Syriae  and  Old 
Latin  versions,  which  latter  Jerome  adopted  with- 
out alteration,  differ  considerably  from  the  present 
Greek  text,  and  it  is  uncertain  whether  they  were 
derived  from  some  other  Greek  recension  or  from 
the  Hebrew  original.     The  Arabic  version  is  di- 
rectly derived  from  the  Syriae.     8.   The  existing 
Greek  MSS.  present  great  discrepancies  in  order, 
and  numerous  interpolations.     The  arrangement  of 
XXX.  25-xxxvi.  17,  in  the  Vatican  and  CompUiten- 
sian  editions,  is  very  different.     The  A.  V.  follows 
the  latter.     9.  "  The  design  of  this  book  "  (so  Gins- 
burg  in  Kitto)  "  is  to  propound  the  true  nature  of 


wisdom,  and  to  set  forth  the  religious  and  social 
duties  which  she  teaches  us  to  follow  through  all 
the  varied  stages  and  vicissitudes  of  this  life ;  thus 
teaching  the  practical  end  of  man's  existence  by 
reviewing  life  in  all  its  different  bearings  and  as- 
pects." It  is  impossible,  says  Mr.  Westcott,  to 
make  any  satisfactory  plan  of  the  book  in  its  pres- 
ent shape.  The  latter  part,  xlii.  15-1.  21,  is  distin- 
guished from  all  that  precedes  in  style  and  subject;  ' 
and  "  the  praise  of  noble  men  "  seems  to  form  a 
complete  whole  in  itself  (xliv.-l.  24).  The  words 
of  Jerome  imply  that  the  original  text  presented  a 
triple  character  answering  to  the  three  works  of 
Solomon,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  and  Canticles. 
Eichhorn  supposed  that  the  book  was  made  up  of 
three  distinct  collections  which  were  afterward 
united:  i.-xxiii. ;  xxiv.-xlii.  14;  xlii.  15-1.  24. 
Bretschneider  sets  aside  this  hypothesis,  and  at  the 
same  time  one  which  he  had  formerly  been  inclined 
to  adopt,  that  the  recurrence  of  the  same  ideas  in 
xxiv.  32  ff. ;  xxxiii.  16,  17  (xxx.);  1.  27,  marks  the 
conclusions  of  three  parts.  The  last  five  verses  of 
chapter  1.  (25-29)  form  a  natural  conclusion  to  the 
book ;  and  the  prayer,  which  forms  the  last  chapter 
(li.),  is  wanting  in  two  MSS.  10.  The  earliest  clear 
coincidence  with  the  contents  of  the  book  occurs  in 
the  epistle  of  Barnabas  (ch.  xix.  =  EccUis.  iv.  31), 
but  the  parallelism  consists  in  the  thought,  and  there 
is  no  mark  of  quotation.  The  parallels  which  have 
been  discovered  in  the  N.  T.  are  too  general  to  show 
that  they  were  derived  from  the  written  text,  and 
not  from  popular  language.  The  first  distinct  quo- 
tations occur  in  Clement  of  Alexandria ;  but  from 
the  end  of  the  second  century  the  book  was  much 
used  and  cited  with  respect.  Clement  (Alex.) 
speaks  of  it  continually  as  Scripture,  as  the  work 
of  Solomon.  Origcn  cites  passages  with  the  same 
formula  as  the  canonical  books.  The  other  writers 
of  the  Alexandrine  school  follow  the  same  practice. 
Augustine  quotes  the  book  constantly  himself  as 
the  work  of  a  prophet,  the  Word  of  God,  "  Scrip- 
ture," but  he  expressly  notices  that  it  was  not  in  the 
Hebrew  Canon.  Jerome,  in  like  manner,  contrasts 
the  book  with  the  "  Canonical  Scriptures,"  as 
"doubtful,"  while  they  are  "sure."  The  book  is 
not  quoted  by  Irenajus,  Ilippolytus,  or  Euscbius; 
and  is  not  contained  in  the  Canon  of  Mdito,  Origen, 
Cyril,  Laodicea,  Hilary,  or  Rufinus.  It  was  never 
included  by  the  Jews  among  their  Scriptures.  (Aroc- 
e^tha;  Canon.)  11.  But  while  the  book  is  des- 
titute of  canonical  authority,  it  is  a  most  im- 
portant monument  of  the  religious  state  of  the 
Jews  at  the  period  of  its  composition.  As  an  ex- 
pression of  Palestinian  theology  it  stands  alone ;  for 
there  is  no  sufficient  reason  for  assuming  Alexan- 
drine interpolations  or  direct  Alexandrine  influence. 
The  book  marks  the  growth  of  that  anxious  legal- 
ism which  was  conspicuous  in  the  sayings  of  the 
later  doctors. 

E-cllpse'  of  the  Sim.  No  historical  notice  of  an 
eclipse  occurs  in  the  Bible,  but  there  are  passages 
in  tlie  prophets  which  contain  manifest  allusion  to 
this  phenomenon  (Am.  viii.  9 ;  Mic.  iii.  6 ;  Zcch. 
xiv.  6;  Joel  ii.  10,  31;  iii.  15).  (Moon;  Srx.) 
Some  of  these  notices  probably  refer  to  eclipses 
that  occurred  about  the  time  of  the  respective  com- 
positions :  thus  the  date  of  Amos  coincides  with  a 
total  eclipse  which  occurred  February  9,  B.  c.  784, 
and  was  visible  at  Jerusalem  shortly  after  noon; 
that  of  Micah  with  the  eclipse  of  June  6,  b.  c.  716. 
A  passing  notice  in  Jer.  xv.  9  coincides  in  date  with 
the  eclipse  of  September  30,  b.  c.  610,  well  known 


ED 

from  Hcrodotus's  account  (i.  74,  103).  The  dark- 
ness that  overspread  the  world  at  the  crucifixion 
cannot  witli  reason  be  attributed  to  an  eclipse,  as 
the  moon  was  at  the  full  at  the  time  of  the  Pass- 
over. 

Ed  (Heb.  wilness),  a  word  inserted  in  the  A.  V. 
of  Josh.  xxii.  34,  apparently  on  the  authority  of  a 
few  Mt^S.,  and  also  of  the  Syriac  and  Arabic  ver- 
sions, but  not  existing  in  the  generally  received  He- 
brew Text  except  in  the  last  clause  of  the  verse, 
where  it  is  translated  "  witness." 

E'dar  (Ilcb.  'eder  z=Jiock,  drove),  Tow'er  oA  1. 
A  place  named  only  in  Gen.  xxxv.  21.  Jacob's  first 
halting-place  between  Bethlehem  and  Hebron  was 
"  beyond  the  tower  of  Edar."  According  to  Jerome 
it  was  1,000  paces  (=:  one  mile)  from  Bethlehem. — 
2.  The  "  tower  of  the  flock  "  (margin  "  Edar  ")  in 
Jlic.  iv.  8  =  "  the  stronghold  of  the  daughter  of 
Zion,"  i.  e.  of  Mount  Zion  or  Jerusalem. 

Ed-di'as  (1  Esd.  ix.  26)  =  Jeeiaii. 

Fden  (Heb.  delight,  pleasure,  Ges.).  1,  The  first 
residence  of  man.  (Adam  ;  Paradise.)  It  w  ould 
be  difficult,  in  the  whole  history  of  opinion,  to  find 
any  subject  which  has  so  invited,  and  at  the  same 
time  so  completely  baffled,  conjecture,  as  the  Gar- 
den of  Eden.  In  order  more  clearly  to  understand 
the  merit  of  the  several  theories,  it  will  be  nects- 
sary  to  submit  to  a  careful  examination  the  narra- 
tive on  which  they  arc  founded.  Omitting  those 
portions  of  Gen.  ii.  8-14  which  do  not  bear  upon 
the  geographical  position  of  Eden,  the  description 
is  as  follows  (literally  translated  by  Mr.  W.  A. 
Wright,  the  original  author  of  this  article) : — 
"  And  the  Lord  God  planted   a  garden   in   Eden 

eastward And   a   river  goeth   forth   from 

Eden  to  water  the  garden ;  and  from  thence  it  is 
divided  and  becomes  four  heads  (or  arms).  The 
name  of  the  first  ix  Pison :  that  is  it  which  com- 
passeth  the  whole  land  of  Havilah,  where  in  the 
gold.  And  the  gold  of  that  land  is  good :  there 
it  the  bdellium  and  the  onyx  stone.  And  the  name 
of  the  second  river  ia  Gihon  ;  that  is  it  which  eom- 
passclh  the  whole  land  of  Cush  (A.  V.  '  Ethiopia ;' 
see  margin).  And  the  name  of  the  third  river  is 
Hiddckel ;  that  is  it  which  floweth  before  Assyria. 
And  the  fourth  river,  that  is  Euphrates."  In  the 
eastern  portion,  then,  of  the  region  of  Eden  was  the 
garden  planted.  The  river  which  flowed  through 
Eden  watered  the  garden,  and  thence  branched  off 
into  four  distinct  streams.  The  first  problem  to  be 
solved,  then,  is  this : — To  find  a  river  which,  at  some 
stage  of  its  course,  is  divided  into  four  streams, 
two  of  which  are  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates.  The 
identity  of  these  rivers  with  the  Iliddekel  and 
Phmth  (Heb.,  A.  V.  "  Euphrates")  has  never  been 
disputed,  and  no  hypothesis  which  omits  them  is 
worthy  of  consideration.  Setting  aside  minor  dif- 
ferences of  detail,  the  theories  with  regard  to  the 
situation  of  the  terrestrial  paradise  naturally  divide 
themselves  into  two  classes.  The  first  class  in- 
cludes all  those  which  place  the  garden  of  Eden 
below  the  junction  of  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris,  and 
interpret  the  names  Pison  and  Gihon  of  certain 
portions  of  these  rivers:  the  second,  those  which 
seek  for  it  in  the  high  table-land  of  Armenia,  the 
fniitful  parent  of  many  noble  streams.  The  old 
versions  supply  us  with  little  or  no  assistance.  It 
would  be  a  hopeless  ta.sk  to  attempt  to  chronicle 
the  opinions  of  all  the  commentators  upon  this 
question ;  their  name  is  legion.  Philo  is  the  first 
who  ventured  upon  an  allegorical  interpretation. 
He  conceived  that  by  paradise  is  .darkly  shadowed 


EDE 


247 


forth  the  governing  faculty  of  the  eoul ;  that  the 
tree  of  life  signifies  religion,  whereby  the  soul  is 
immortalized ;  and  by  the  faculty  of  knowing  good 
and  evil  the  middle  sense,  by  which  are  discerned 
things  contrary  to  nature.  The  four  rivers  he  ex- 
plains of  the  several  virtues  of  prudence,  temper- 
ance, courage,  and  justice  ;  while  the  main  stream 
of  which  they  are  branches  is  the  generic  virtue, 
goodness,  which  goeth  forth  from  Eden,  the  wis- 
dom of  God.  The  opinions  of  Philo  would  not  be 
so  much  worthy  of  consideration,  were  it  not  that 
he  has  been  followed  by  many  of  the  Fathers. 
Among  the  Hebrew  traditions  enumerated  by  Je- 
rome is  one  that  paradise  was  created  before  the 
world  was  formed,  and  is  therefore  beyond  its  lim- 
its. Among  the  literal  interpreters  there  is  an 
infinite  diversity  of  opinions.  AYhat  is  the  river 
which  goes  forth  frcm  Eden  to  water  the  garden  ? 
is  a  question  which  has  been  often  asked,  and  still 
waits  for  a  satisfactory  answer.  That  the  ocean 
stream  which  surrounded  the  earth  was  the  source 
from  which  the  four  rivers  flowed  was  the  opinion 
of  Josephus.  It  was  the  Shat-el-Arab,  according  to 
those  who  place  the  garden  of  Eden  below  the  junc- 
tion of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  and  their  con- 
jecture would  deserve  consideration  were  it  not 
that  this  stream  cannot,  with  any  degree  of  propri- 
ety, be  said  to  rise  in  Eden.  By  those  who  refer 
the  position  of  Eden  to  the  highlands  of  Armenia, 
the  "river"  frcm  which  the  four  streams  diverge  is 
conceived  to  mean  "  a  collection  of  springs,"  or  a 
well-watered  district.  But  this  signification  of  the 
word  is  wholly  without  a  parallel.  Michaelis,  Jahn, 
Bush,  &c.,  make  "river"  in  verse  10  a  collective 
singular  =  rivers,  i.  e.  the  four  rivers  afterward 
specified.  The  latter  part  of  the  verse  (A.  V.  "from 
thence  it  was  parted,  and  became  into  four  heads") 
Bush  would  understand  thus:  "afterward  the 
rivers  were  parted  (i.  e.  assir/ncd  in  geographical 
reckoning  to  their  particular  districts),  and  became 
known  as  four  principal  rivers."  That  the  Hid- 
dckel is  the  Tigris,  and  the  Fliralh  the  Euphrates, 
has  never  been  denied,  except  by  those  who  assume 
that  the  whole  narrative  is  a  myth  which  originated 
elsewhere,  and  was  adapted  by  the  Hebrews  to 
their  own  geographical  notions.  With  regard  to 
the  Pison,  the  most  ancient  and  most  universally 
received  opinion  (Josephus,  Euscbius,  Jerome,  Au- 
gustine, &c.)  identifies  it  with  the  Ganges.  But 
Rashi  maintained  that  the  Pison  was  the  Nile. 
That  the  Pison  was  the  Indus  was  an  opinion  cur- 
rent long  before  it  was  revived  by  Ewald  and 
adopted  by  Kalisch,  Gescnius,  Bush,  &c.  Philosior- 
gius  conjectured  that  it  was  the  Hydaspes.  Some 
have  found  the  Pison  in  the  Nahannalca,  one  of  the 
artificial  canals  which  formerly  joined  the  Euphrates 
and  Tigris.  (Chai.uea.)  Even  those  commentators 
who  agree  in  placing  the  terrestrial  paradise  on  the 
Hhat-cl-Arab,  the  stream  formed  by  the  junction  of 
the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  between  Ctesiphon  and 
Apamea,  by  no  means  agree  in  deciding  to  which 
of  the  branches,  into  which  this  stream  ie  again 
divided,  the  names  Pison  and  Gihon  are  to  be  ap- 
plied. Calvin,  Scaliger,  &c.,  conjectured  that  the 
Pison  was  the  most  easterly  of  these  channels ; 
Huet  and  Bochart  that  it  was  the  westernmost. 
The  advocates  of  the  theory  that  the  true  position 
of  Eden  is  to  be  sought  for  in  the  mountains  of  Ar- 
menia (Reland,  Calmct,  Rosenmiiller,  Hartniann, 
&c.)  have  identified  the  Pison  with  the  Phasis. 
Raumer  endeavored  to  prove  that  it  was  the 
Aras   or  Araxes,  which   flows   into   the  Caspian 


248 


EDE 


EDE 


Sea.  Colond  Chesney,  from  the  results  of  cxten- 
Bive  observations  iu  Armenia,  was  "led  to  infer 
that  the  rivers  known  by  the  comparatively  modern 
names  of  Ualys  and  Araxes  are  those  which,  in  the 
book  of  Ueiiesis,  have  the  names  of  Pison  and  Gi- 
hon ;  and  that  the  country  within  the  former  is  the 
land  of  Ilavilah,  whilst  that  which  borders  upon  the 
latter  is  the  still  more  remarkable  country  of  Cush." 
In  Genesis  the  Pison  is  defined  as  that  which  sur- 
rounds the  whole  land  of  Ilavilah.  It  is,  then,  ab- 
solutely necessary  to  fix  the  position  of  Ilavilah 
before  proceeding  to  identify  the  Pison  with  any 
particular  river.  In  Gen.  ii.  11,  12,  it  is  described 
as  the  land  where  the  best  gold  was  found,  and  which 
was  besides  rich  in  the  treasures  of  "  bdelliusi  " 
and  the  "  onyx  "  stone.  If  the  Ilavilah  of  Gen.  ii. 
be  identical  with  any  one  of  the  countries  mentioned 
in  Gen.  x.  29,  xxv.  18,  and  1  Sam.  xv.  7,  we  must  look 
for  it  on  the  E.  or  S.  of  Arabia,  and  probably  not 
far  from  the  Persian  Gulf.  That  Ilavilah  is  that 
part  of  India  through  which  the  Ganges  flows,  and, 
more  generally,  the  eastern  region  of  the  earth ; 
that  it  is  to  be  found  iu  Susiana  (Hopkinson),  in 
Ava  (Buttmann),  or  in  the  Ural  region  (Raumer), 
are  conclusions  necessarily  following  upon  the  as- 
sumptions with  regard  to  the  Pison.  Hartnjann, 
Reland,  and  Rosenraiiller  are  in  favor  of  Colchis, 
the  scone  of  the  legend  of  the  Golden  Fleece.  For 
all  these  hypotheses  there  is  no  more  support  than 
the  merest  conjecture.  The  second  river  of  Paradise 
presents  dilficulties  not  less  insurmountable  than  the 
Pison.  Those  who  maintained  that  the  Pison  was  the 
Ganges  held  also  (with  Gesenius,  Bush,  &c.)  that  the 
Gihon  was  the  Nile.  The  etymology  of  Gihon  seems 
to  indicate  that  it  was  a  swiftly  flowing,  impetuous 
stream.  According  to  Golius,  Jichoon  is  the  name 
given  to  the  Oxus,  which  has,  on  tliis  account,  been 
assumed  by  Rosenmiiller,  Hartmann,  and  Michaelis 
to  be  the  Gihon  of  Scripture.  But  the  Araxes,  too, 
is  called  by  the  Persians  Jichoon  ar-Iius,  and  from 
this-  circumstance  it  has  been  adopted  by  Reland, 
Calmet,  and  Colonel  Chesney  as  the  modern  repre- 
sentative of  the  Gihon.  Bochart  and  Uuet  contend- 
ed that  it  was  the  easternmost  of  t!ie  channels  by 
which  the  united  streams  of  the  Euphrates  and 
Tigris  fall  into  the  Persian  Gulf.  Calvin  considered  it 
to  be  the  most  westerly.  That  it  should  be  the  Oron- 
tes  (Leclerc),  the  Ganges  (Buttmann  and  Ewald), 
the  Kur,  or  Cyrus  (Link),  necessarily  followed  from 
the  exigencies  of  the  several  theories.  Rask  and 
Verbrugge  are  in  favor  of  the  Gyndes  of  the  an- 
cients, a  tributary  of  the  Tigris.  Cush  has  been 
connected  with  Cdth  or  Ccthah  (2  K.  xvii.  2t). 
Bochart  identified  it  with  Susiana,  Link  with  the 
country  about  the  Caucasus,  and  Hartmann  with 
Bactria  or  Balkh,  the  site  of  Paradise  being,  in  this 
case,  in  the  celebrated  vale  of  Kashmir.  C'nsh  (A. 
V.  "  Ethiopia  ")  is  generally  applied  in  the  Old  Tes- 
tament to  the  countries  S.  of  the  Israelites.  It  was 
the  southern  Umit  of  Egypt  (Ez.  xxix.  10),  and  ap- 
parently the  most  western  of  the  provinces  over 
which  the  rule  of  Ahasuerus  extended,  "  from  India 
even  unto  Ethiopia"  (Esth.  i.  1,  viii.  9).  Egypt 
and  Cush  are  associated  in  the  majority  of  instances 
in  which  the  word  occurs  (Ps.  Ixviii.  31 ;  Is.  xviii. 
1;  Jer.  xlvi.  9,  &c.):  but  in  two  passages  Cush 
stands  iu  close  juxtaposition  with  Elam  (Is.  xi.  11), 
and  Persia  (Ez.  xxxviii.  5).  In  2  Chr.  xxi.  16,  the 
Arabians  are  described  as  dwelHng  "beside  the 
Cushites"  ("near  the  Ethiopians,"  A.V.),  and  both 
are  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  Philistines. 
Further,  Cush  and  Seba  (Is.  xliii.  3),  Cush  and  the 


Sabcans  (Is.  xlv.  14)  are  associated  in  a  manner 
consonant  with  the  genealogy  of  the  descendants  of 
Ham  (Gen;  x.  7),  in  which  Seba  is  the  son  of  Cush. 
From  all  these  circumstances  it  is  evident  that  Cush 
included  both  Arabia  and  the  country  S.  of  Egypt 
on  the  western  coast  of  the  Red  Sea.  It  is  possi. 
ble,  also,  that  the  vast  desert  tracts  W.  of  Egypt 
were  known  to  the  Hebrews  as  the  laud  of  Cush, 
but  of  this  we  have  no  certain  proof.  (See  Cfsn, 
Ethiopia,  and  their  derivatives.)  In  the  midst  of 
this  diversity  of  opinions,  what  is  the  true  conclu- 
sion at  which  we  arrive  V  All  the  theories  which 
have  been  advanced  share  the  inevitable  fate  of  con- 
clusions which  are  based  upon  inadequate  premises. 
The  problem  may  be  indeterminate  because  the  data 
are  insufiicient.  It  would  scarcely,  on  any  other 
hypothesis,  have  admitted  of  so  many  apparent  so- 
lutions. Other  methods  of  meeting  the  difficulty 
have  been  proposed.  Some  have  unhesitatingly 
pronounced  the  whole  narrative  a  spurious  interpo- 
lation of  a  later  age  ((Jranville  Penn).  But,  even 
admitting  this,  the  words  demand  explanation. 
Luther  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  garden  re- 
mained under  the  guardianship  of  angels  till  the 
deluge,  and  that  its  site  was  known  to  the  descend- 
ants of  Adam  ;  but  that  by  the  flood  all  traces  of  it 
were  obliterated.  But  the  narrative  is  so  worded  as 
to  convey  the  idea  that  the  countries  and  rivers 
spoken  of  were  still  existing  in  the  historian's  time. 
It  has  been  suggested  that  the  description  of  the 
Garden  of  Eden  is  part  of  an  inspired  antediluvian 
document  (Morren,  Ros.  Oeofi.).  The  conjecture 
is  incapable  of  proof  or  disproof  The  effects  of  the 
flood  in  changing  the  face  of  countries,  and  altering 
the  relations  of  land  and  water,  are  too  little  known 
at  pre.sent.to  allow  any  inferences  to  be  drawn  from 
them.  Meanwhile,  as  every  expression  of  ojiiuion 
results  in  a  confession  of  ignorance,  it  will  be  more 
honest  to  acknowledge  the  dilTiculty  than  to  rest 
satisfied  with  a  fictitious  solution. — 2.  One  of  the 
marts  which  supplied  the  luxury  of  Tyre  with 
richly  embroidered  stuffs ;  associated  with  Ilaran, 
Sheba,  and  Asshur  (Ez.  xxvii.  23).  In  2  K.  xi.x.  12, 
and  Is.  xxxvii.  12,  "  the  children  of  Eden  "  are  men- 
tioned with  Gozan,  Ilaran,  and  Rczeph,  as  victims 
of  the  Assyrian  greed  of  conquest.  According  to 
Bochart,  who  makes  this  =  Xo.  1,  it  may  be  Addax, 
or  Addana,  which  geographers  place  on  the  Eu- 
phrates. Michaelis  is  in  favor  of  the  modern  Aden, 
in  S.  W.  Arabia,  as  the  Eden  of  Ezekiel.  In  the 
absence  of  positive  evidence,  probability  seems  to 
point  to  the  N.  W.  of  Mesopotamia  as  the  locality 
of  Eden. — 3.  "  House  of  Eden  "  (Am.  i.  5,  margin 
Bcth-c'den  =  houne  of  pleasure),  probably  the  name 
of  a  country  residence  of  the  kings  of  Damascus. 
Michaelis,  misled  by  an  apparent  resemblance  in 
name,  identified  it  with  Ehdev,  about  a  day's  jour- 
ney from  Baalbek.  But  Grotius,  with  greater  ap- 
pearance of  probability,  pointed  to  the  Faradisus 
of  Ptolemy  as  the  locality  of  Eden.  The  desolate 
and  uninteresting  ruins  of  old  Jmieh,  about  two  and 
a  half  miles  in  circumference,  and  one  hour  S.  S.  E. 
from  Tlihleh  (Ptr.  ii.  331  ff.),  are  supposed  by  Robin- 
son (iii.  656)  to  mark  the  site  of  Ptolemy's  ancient 
town  of  ParadisuK.  Others  have  conjectured  that 
Beth-eden  is  no  other  than  Bcil-Jcnn{T^  the  house  of 
Paradise),  not  far  to  the  S.  W.  of  Damascus,  on  the 
eastern  slope  of  Ilermon,  and  a  short  distance  from 
Medjel. 

E'dfn  (Heb.,  see  above).  I.  A  Gershonite  Lc- 
vite,  son  of  Joah,  in  the  days  of  Hczekiah  (3 
Chr.  xxix.  12).-.-2.   Also  a  Levite,  contemporary 


I 


EDE 


EDO 


249 


and  probnMy  identical  with  the  preceding  (2  Chr. 
xxxi.  15). 

Eder  (lUb.  a  foci).  1.  A  town  of  Judah  in  the 
extreme  S.,  on  tlic  borders  of  Edom  (Josli.  xv.  21) ; 
perhaps  =  Arad.  Rowlands  (in  Fljn.  under  "  S. 
Country  ")  supposes  it  at  Edthhal  or  Udlieirah,  an 
ancient  site  ten  or  twelve  miles  W.  of  kclbeh 
(Slasada). — i.  A  Levite  of  the  family  of  Mcrari,  in 
the  time  of  David  (1  (.'lir.  xxiii.  23,  xxiv.  80). 

E'dfS  [ee'deezj  (1  Esd.  ix.  36)  =  Jadau. 

Edna  (Gr.  fr.  Deb.  =  phmuie),  the  wife  of 
Kaguel  (Tob.  rii.  2,  8,  14,  IG;  x.  12;  xi.  1). 

1,'dcin  (Ueb.  »■«/),  the  came  given  to  EsAr,  the 
firstborn  son  of  Isaac,  and  twin  brother  of  Jacob, 
when  he  sold  his  birthright  to  the  latter  for  a  meal 
of  lentile  pottage.  The  peculiar  color  of  the  pottage 
gave  rise  to  the  name  Ji'tlom  =  }■«/  (Gen.  xxv.  29- 
34).  The  country  which  the  .Lord  subsequently 
gave  to  Esau  was  hence  called  the  "field  (A.  V. 
"  country  ")  of  Edom  "  (Gen.  xxxii.  81,  or  "  land  of 
Edom  "  (xxxvi.  16 ;  Num.  xxxiii.  S7),  or  Idumea. 
Probably  its  physical  aspect  may  have  had  something 
to  do  with  this.  Edom  was  previously  called  Mount 
Heir.  (Seir,  MotNT.)  The  original  inhabitants  of  the 
country  were  called  Dorites.  The  boundaries  of 
Edom,  though  not  directly,  are  yet  incidentally  de- 
fined with  tolerable  distinctness  in  the  Bible.  The 
country  lay  along  the  route  pursued  by  the  iL^rael- 
ites  from  the  peninsula  of  Sinai  to  Kadesh-barnca, 
and  thence  back  again  to  Elath  (Deut.  i.  2,  ii.  1-8) ; 
that  is,  along  the  E.  side  of  the  great  valley  of 
Ababah.  (Wiliierness  or  the  Wandering.)  It 
reached  southward  as  far  as  Elath,  which  stood  at 
the  northern  end  of  the  gulf  of  Elath,  and  was  the 
seaport  of  the  Edomites ;  but  it  does  not  seem  to 
have  extended  farther,  as  the  Israelites  on  passing 
Elath  struck  out  eastward  into  the  desert,  so  as  to 
pass  round  the  land  of  Edom  (Deut.  ii.  8).  On  the 
N.  of  Edom  lay  the  territory  of  Moab,  through  which 
the  Israelites  were  also  prevented  from  going,  and 
were  therefore  compelled  to  go  from  Kadcsh  by  the 
southern  extremity  of  Edom  (Judg.  xi.  17,  18;  2 
K.  iii.  6-it).  The  boundary  between  Moab  and 
Edom  appears  to  have  been  the  "  brook  Zcred " 
(Deut.  ii.  13,  14,  18),  probably  the  modern  Mad;/ d- 
Ahn/,  which  still  divides  the  provinces  of  Kerak 
(Moab)  and  Jebdl  (Gebalene).  But  Edom  was 
wholly  a  mountainous  country.  It  only  embraced 
the  narrow  mountainous  tract  (about  100  miles  long 
by  20  broad)  extending  along  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Arabah  from  the  northern  end  of  the  gulf  of  Elath 
to  near  the  southern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea.  The 
mountain-range  of  Edcm  is  at  present  divided  into 
two  districts.  The  northern  is  called  Mil.  It 
begins  at  Wady  el-Ahsy,  which  separates  it  from 
Kernky  and  it  terminates  at  or  near  Pctra.  The 
iouthern  district  is  called  enh-Sherah,  a  name  which, 
though  it  resembles,  bears  no  radical  relation  to  the 
Hebrew  Scir.  The  physical  geography  of  Edcm  is 
somewhat  peculiar.  Along  the  western  base  of  the 
monntain-range  are  low  calcareous  hills.  To  these 
succeed  lofty  masses  of  igneous  rock,  chiefly  por- 
phyry, over  which  lies  red  and  variegated  sandstone 
in  irregular  ridges  and  abrupt  clifl's,  with  deep 
ravines  between.  The  latter  strata  give  the  moun- 
tains their  most  striking  features  and  remarkable 
colors.  The  average  elevation  of  the  summits  is 
about  2,000  feet  above  the  sen.  Along  the  eastern 
side  nms  an  almost  unbroken  limestone  ridge,  a 
thousand  feet  or  more  higher  llian  the  other.  This 
ridge  sinks  down  with  an  easy  slope  into  the  plateau 
of  the  Arabian  desert.     (Akauia.)    While  Edom  is 


thug  wild,  rugged,  and  almost  inaccessible,  the  deep 
glens  and  flat  terraces  along  the  mountain  sides  are 
covered  with  rich  ecil,  from  which  trees,  shrubs, 
and  floweis  now  spring  up  luxuriantly  (compare 
Gen.  xxvii.  39).  The  ancient  capital  of  Edcm  was 
BozRAii  (tustirch),  near  the  northern  border  (Gen. 
xxxvi.  S3;  Is.  xxxiv.  6,  Ixiii.  1;  Jer.  xlix.  13,22). 
But  Sela  (Ptira)  appears  to  have  been  the  principal 
stronghold  in  the  days  of  Amaziah  (n.  c.  838;  2  K. 
xiv.  7).  Elatii  and  Ezion-geeer  were  the  seaports  ; 
they  were  captured  by  David,  and  here  Srclcmon 
equipped  his  merchant-fleet  (2  S-'r.m.  viii.  14 ;  1  K. 
ix.  26).  When  the  kingdom  of  Israel  begun  to  de- 
cline, the  Edomites  not  only  reconquered  their  lost 
cities,  but  made  frequent  inroads  upon  southern 
Palestine  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  17).  During  the  Captivity 
they  advanced  westward,  occupied  the  whole  terri- 
tory of  their  brethren  the  Amalekitcs  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
12;  1  Sam.  xv.  1  it'.),  and  even  took  possession  of 
many  towns  in  soulliern  Palestine,  including  Hebron. 
The  name  Edom,  or  rather  Idumea,  was  now  given 
td  the  country  lying  between  the  valley  of  Aiabah 
and  the  shores  of  the  Mediterrarcan.  A\  hilc  Idi.mea 
thus  extended  westwaid,  Edcm  Pioper  was  taken 
possession  of  by  the  Nabatheans  (Nebaiotii).  They 
were  a  powerful  people,  and  held  a  great  part  of 
southeni  Arabia.  They  took  Petra  and  established 
themselves  there  at  least  three  centuries  b.  c. 
Leaving  off  their  ntmad  habits,  they  settled  down 
amid  the  mountains  of  Edom,  engaged  in  commerce, 
and  founded  the  Uttle  kingdom  called  by  Horaan 
writers  Aralia  Pdraa,  which  embraced  nearly  the 
same  territory  as  the  ancient  Edcm.  Some  of  its 
nionarehs  took  the  name  Aretas.  The  kingdom 
was  finally  subdued  by  the  Romans  a.  d.  105.  Un- 
der the  Romans  the  transport  trade  increased,  and 
roads  were  constructed.  To  the  Nabathcans  Petra 
owes  these  great  monuments  which  are  still  the 
wonder  of  the  world.  Early  in  the  Christian  era 
Edom  Proper  w  as  included  by  geographers  in  Pal- 
estine, but  in  the  fifth  century  a  new  division  was 
made  of  the  whole  country  into  Palaflina  I'rima, 
iSfcimda,  and  Tertia  (^=  lit,  2d,  and  Zd  Pah  dine). 
The  last  embraced  Edcm  and  seme  neighboring 
provinces,  and  when  it  became  an  ecclesiastical 
division  its  metropolis  was  Petra.  In  the  seventh 
century  the  Jlohammedan  conquest  gave  a  death- 
blow to  the  commerce  and  prcs]  erity  of  Edom.  The 
great  cities  fell  to  ruin,  and  the  country  became,  as 
it  is  still,  a  desert  (Ez.  xxxv.  8,  4,  7,  9,  14).  On  a 
commanding  height  about  twelve  n-ilcs  X.  of  Petra 
the  Crusaders  built  a  strong  fortress  called  Aloiis 
Pegalis,  now  iliCbil:  Frcm  that  time  until  the 
present  century  Edcm  remained  an  uiiKncwn  land. 
In  1812  Buickhardt  passed  through  it,  and  dis- 
covered the  wonderful  ruins  of  Pctra.  In  1828 
Laborde  visited  Petra.  Many  have  since  followed 
the  first  explorers. 

E'dcm-ites  =  the  descendants  of  EsAti,  or  Edom. 
They  soon  became  a  numerous  and  powerful  nation 
(Gen.  xxxvi.  1  ff. ;  AnoLiBAMAii,  &c.).  Their  first 
form  of  government  af  pears  to  have  resembled  that 
of  the  modern  Bedouins  ;  each  tribe  or  clnn  having 
a  petty  chief  or  sheikh  ("  Dike,"  A.V.).  The  Hor- 
ites,  who  inhabited  Mount  Seir  from  an  early  jicriod, 
and  among  whom  the  Edomites  still  lived,  had  their 
sheikhs  also.  At  a  later  period,  probably  w  hi  n  the 
Edomites  began  a  war  of  extermination  against  the 
Horites,  they  felt  the  necessity  of  united  action  un- 
der one  competent  leader,  and  then  a  king  was 
chosen.  Against  the  Uoritcs  the  children  of  Edom 
were  completely  successful.    Having  either  extcr- 


250 


EDO 


EDU 


minated  or  expelled  them,  tliey  occupied  their  whole 
country  (Dcut.  ii.  12).  A  statement  in  Gon.  xxxvi. 
31,  and  1  Chr.  i.  43,  serves  to  lix  the  period  of  the 
dynasty  of  the  eight  kings.  They  "  reigned  in  tlie 
land  of  Edom  before  there  reigned  any  king  over 
the  children  of  Israel ; "  i.  e.  (so  Porter)  before  the 
time  of  Jloses,  who  may  be  regarded  as  the  first 
virtual  king  of  Israel  (compare  Ueut.  xxxiii.  5  ;  Ex. 
xviii.  16-iy).  Esau's  bitter  hatred  to  his  brother 
Jacob  for  fraudulently  obtaining  his  blessing  ap- 
pears to  have  been  inherited  by  his  latest  posterity. 
The  E  Jomites,  prepared  to  resist  by  force  any  intru- 
sion, peremptorily  refused  to  permit  the  Israelites 
to  pass  through  their  land  (Num.  xx.  14-21).  For 
400  years  we  hear  no  more  of  the  iiJomites.  They 
were  then  attacked  and  defeated  by  Saul  (1  Sam. 
xiv.  47).  Some  forty  years  later  David  overthrew 
their  army  in  the  "  Valley  of  Salt,"  and  his  general, 
Joab,  following  up  the  victory,  destroyed  nearly  the 
whole  male  population  (1  K.  xi.  13,  16),  and  placed 
Jewish  garrisons  in  all  the  strongholds  of  Edora  (2 
Sara.  viii.  13,  14).  IIadad  4,  a  member  of  the 
royal  family  of  Edom,  made  his  escape  with  a  few 
followers  to  Egypt,  where  he  was  kindly  received  by 
Pharaoh.  After  the  death  of  David  he  returned, 
and  tried  (Jos.  viii.  7,  §  6)  to  excite  his  countrymen 
to  rebellion  against  Israel,  but  failing  in  the  attempt 
he  went  on  to  Syria,  where  he  became  one  of  Solo- 
mon's greatest  enemies  (1  K.  xi.  H-22).  The 
Edomites  continued  subject  to  Israel  (1  K.  xxii.  47  ; 
2  K.  iii.  9)  till  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (b.  c.  914), 
when  they  attempted  to  invade  Israel  in  conjunction 
with  Ammon  and  Moab,  but  were  miraculously  de- 
stroyed in  the  valley  of  Berachah  (2  Chr.  xx.  22  If.). 
A  few  years  later  they  revolted  against  Jehoram, 
elected  a  king,  and  for  half  a  century  retained  their 
independence  (xxi.  8  ff.).  They  were  then  attacked 
by  Amaziah,  and  Sela,  their  great  stronghold,  was 
captured  (2  K.  xiv.  7  ;  2  Chr.  xxv.  11, 12).  Yet  the 
Israelites  were  never  able  again  completely  to  subdue 
them  (xxviii.  17).  When  Nebuchadnezzar  besieged 
Jerusalem  the  Edomites  joined  him,  and  took  an 
active  part  in  the  plunder  of  the  city  and  slaughter 
of  the  Jews.  Their  cruelty  at  that  time  seems  to  be 
specially  referred  to  in  Ps.  cxxxvii.  On  account  of 
these  acts  of  cruelty  committed  upon  the  Jews  in 
the  day  of  their  calamity,  the  Edomites  were  fearfully 
denounced  by  the  later  prophets  (Is.  xxxiv.  5-8, 
Ixiii.  1-4;  Jer.  xlix.  17;  Lam.  iv.  21;  Ez.  xxv.  12 
ff.,  XXXV.  3  if.;  Am.  i.  11,  12;  Ob.  1  ff.).  On  the 
conquest  of  Judah,  the  Edomites,  probably  in  re- 
ward for  their  services  during  the  war,  were  per- 
mitted to  settle  in  southern  Palestine,  and  the 
whole  plateau  between  it  and  Egypt ;  but  they  were 
about  the  same  time  driven  out  of  Edom  Proper  by 
the  Nabatheans.  For  more  than  four  centuries  they 
continued  to  prosper.  Bat  during  the  warlike  rule 
of  the  Maccabees  they  were  again  completely  sub- 
dued, and  even  forced  by  John  Hyrcanus  to  con- 
form to  Jewish  laws  and  rites,  and  submit  to  the 
government  of  Jewish  prefects.  The  Edomites  were 
now  incorporated  with  the  Jewish  nation,  and  the 
whole  province  was  often  termed  by  Greek  and 
Roman  writers  Idumea.  One  of  the  prefects,  An- 
tipater,  an  Idumean  by  birth,  became,  through  the 
friendship  of  the  Roman  emperor,  procurator  of 
Judea,  and  his  son  was  King  Herod  the  Great. 
Immediately  before  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus, 
20,000  Idumeans  were  admitted  to  the  Holy  City, 
which  they  filled  with  robbery  and  bloodshed.  From 
this  time  the  Edomites,  as  a  separate  people,  disap- 
pear from  the  page  of  history.      The  character  of 


the  Edomites  was  drawn  by  Isaac  in  his  prophetical 
blessing  to  Esau — "  By  thy  sword  shalt  thou  live  " 
(Gen.  xxvii.  40).  Little  is  Icnown  of  their  religion ; 
but  that  little  shows  them  to  have  been  idolaters 
(2  Chr.  xxv.  14, 15,  20).  Josephus  (xv.  7,  §  9)  refers 
to  both  the  idols  and  priests  of  the  Idumeans.  The 
habits  of  the  Idumeans  were  singular.  The  Horitcs, 
their  predecessors  in  Mount  Seir,  were,  as  their 
name  implies,  iroylodytes,  or  dwellers  in  caves;  and 
the  Edomites  seem  to  have  adopted  their  dwellings 
as  well  as  their  country  (Jer.  xlix.  16;  Ob.  3,  4). 
Everywhere  we  meet  with  caves  and  grottoes  hewn 
in  the  soft  sandstone  strata.  Those  at  Petra  are 
well  known.  The  nature  of  the  climate,  the  drj-- 
ness  of  the  soil,  and  their  great  size,  render  them 
healthy,  pleasant,  and  commodious  habitations, 
while  their  security  made  them  specially  suitable  to 
a  country  exposed  in  every  ago  to  incessant  attacks 
of  robbers. 

Ed  re-i  (Ileb.  strong,  might}/,  Ges. ;  corn-district, 
plantation,  ¥u.).  I,  One  of  the  two  capital  cities  of 
Basiian  (Num.  xxi.  33;  Deut.  i.  4,  iii.  10;  Josh, 
xii.  4).  In  Scripture  it  is  only  mentioned  in  con- 
nection with  the  victory  gained  by  the  Israelites 
over  the  Amorites  under  Og  their  king,  and  the  ter- 
ritory thus  acquired.  Probably  the  Israelites  did 
not  long  retain  it.  The  ruins  of  this  ancient  city, 
still  bearing  the  name  Mlr'a  (so  Porter),  stand  on  a 
rocky  promontory  which  projects  from  the  S.  W. 
corner  of  the  Lejah.  (Argob.)  Tlie  site  is  a  strange 
one — without  water  (except  in  large  subterranean 
cisterns),  without  access,  except  over  rocks  and 
through  defiles  all  but  impracticable,  yet  in  tlie 
midst  of  a  fertile  plain.  The  ruins  are  nearly  thred 
miles  in  circumference,  and  have  a  strange,  wild 
look,  rising  up  in  black  shattered  masses  from  tho 
midst  of  a  wilderness  of  black  rocks.  A  number 
of  the  old  houses  still  remain ;  they  are  low,  mas- 
sive, and  gloomy,  and  some  of  them  are  half  buried 
beneath  heaps  of  rubbish.  In  these  the  present  in- 
habitants (about  fifty  families  in  1854)  reside.  Tlie 
monuments  show  it  must  have  been  an  important 
town  under  the  Romans.  The  identity  of  this  site 
with  the  Edrei  of  Scripture  has  been  (piestioned  by 
many  writers  (Reland,  Ritter,  Burckhardt,  &c.),  who 
follow  Eusebius,  and  place  the  capital  of  Baslian  at 
the  modern  Der^a,  about  fourteen  miles  further  S. 
in  the  open  plain. — 2.  A  town  of  northern  Pales- 
tine, allotted  to  the  tribe  of  Naphtali,  and  situated 
near  Kedesh  (Josh.  xix.  37).  About  two  miles  S. 
of  Kedesh  is  a  conical  rocky  hill  called  Tell  KItur- 
aibeh  =  hill  of  the  ruin.  It  is  evidently  an  old  site, 
and  Porter  supposes  it  may  be  that  of  EdreL 
Robinson  (iii.  365  f.)  regards  this  as  the  site  of 
IIazor  1. 

Ed-n-ca'tion.  Although  nothing  is  more  carefully 
inculcated  in  the  Law  than  the  duty  of  parents  to 
teach  their  chilurex  its  precepts  and  principles 
(Ex.  xii.  26,  xiii.  8,  14 ;  Deut.  iv.  5,  9,  10,  vi.  2,  7, 
20,  &c.),  yet  there  is  little  trace  among  the  Hebrews 
in  earlier  times  of  education  in  any  other  subjects. 
The  wisdom  therefore  and  instruction,  of  which  so 
much  is  said  in  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  are  to  be  un- 
derstood chiefly  of  moral  and  religious  discipline, 
imparted,  according  to  the  direction  of  the  Law,  by 
the  teaching  and  nndir  the  example  of  parents 
(Prov.  i.  2,  8,  ii.  2,  10,  iv.  1,  7,  20,  viii.  1,  ix.  1,  10, 
xii.  1,  xvi.  22,  xvii.  24,  xxxi.).  Exceptions  to  this 
statement  may  perhaps  be  found  in  the  instances 
of  Moses  himself,  who  was  brought  up  in  all  Egyp- 
tian learning  (Acts  vii.  22) ;  of  the  writer  of  the  book 
of  Job,  who  was  evidently  well  versed  in  natural 


1 


EDIT 


EGY 


251 


history  and  in  tlie  astronomy  of  tlie  day  (Job 
xxxviii.  31,  xxxix.,  xl.,  xli.);  of  Daniel  and  liis  com- 
panions in  captivity  (Dan.  i.  4,  17) ;  and  above  all, 
in  the  intellectual  gilta  and  acquirements  of  Solo- 
mon, which  were  even  more  renowned  than  his 
political  greatness  (1  K.  iv.  29-34,  x.  1-9 ;  2  Chr. 
ix.  1-8),  and  the  memory  of  which  has,  with  much 
exaggeration,  been  widely  preserved  in  Oriental  tra- 
dition. The  commands  to  write  the  precepts  of  tlie 
Law  upon  the  posts  of  the  house  and  on  the  gates 
(Dent.  vi.  9,  xi.  20),  and  upon  great  stones  at 
Mount  Ebal  "  very  plainly  "  (xxvii.  2-8),  presup- 
pose a  general  knowledge  of  reading  and  writing 
communicated  by  parents  to  childien.  In  later 
times  the  prophecies,  and  comments  on  them  as  well 
as  on  the  earlier  Scriptures,  together  with  other  sub- 
jects, were  studied.  Jerome  adds  that  Jewish 
children  were  taught  to  say  by  heart  the  genealo- 
gies. Parents  were  required  to  teach  their  children 
some  trade.  (Handicraft.)  Previous  to  the  Cap- 
tivity, the  chief  depositaries  of  learning  were  the 
schools  or  colleges,  from  which  in  most  cases  (see 
Am.  vii.  14)  proceeded  that  succession  of  public 
teachers  (Prophet)  who  at  various  times  endeavored 
to  reform  the  moral  and  religious  conduct  of  both 
rulers  and  people.  Besides  the  prophetical  schools, 
instruction  was  given  by  the  priests  in  the  Temple 
and  elsewhere,  but  their  subjects  were  doubtless 
exclusivelv  concerned  with  religion  and  worship 
(Lev.  X.  11;  Ez.  xliv.  23,  24;  1  Chr.  xxv.  7,  8; 
ilal.  ii.  7).  From  the  time  of  the  settlement  in 
Canaan  there  must  have  been  among  the  Jews  per- 
sons skilled  in  writing  and  in  accounts.  Perhaps 
the  neighborliood  of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun  to  the 
commercial  district  of  Phcnicia  may  have  been  the 
occasion  of  their  reputation  in  this  respect  (Judg. 
V.  14).  The  municipal  officers  of  the  kingdom,  es- 
pecially in  the  time  of  Solomon,  must  have  required 
a  staff  of  well-educated  persons  under  the  recorder 
or  historiographer,  who  compiled  memorials  of  the 
reign  (2  Sam.  viii.  16,  xx.  24;  2  K.  xviii.  18;  2  Chr. 
xxxiv.  8).  (Scribes.)  To  the  schools  of  the  Prophets 
succeeded,  after  the  Captivity,  the  synagogues, 
which  were  either  themselves  used  as  schools  or 
had  places  near  them  for  that  purpose.  (Rabbi  ; 
.Sy.VAGOonE.)  A  school  or  teacher  was  required  in 
the  Mishna  for  every  twenty-five  children  ;  when  a 
community  had  only  forty  children  they  might  have 
a  master  and  an  assistant.  The  age  for  a  boy  to  go 
to  school  was  six  years ;  before  that  the  father 
must  instruct  his  son.  Besides  these  elementary 
schools,  there  were  colleges,  at  first  confined  to 
Jerusalem,  but  gradually  established  in  all  the 
countries  where  the  Jews  resided.  The  topics  dis- 
cussed in  the  colleges,  comprehending  all  the 
sciences  of  that  time,  are  preserved  in  the  Talmud 
(Ginsburg  in  Kitto).  After  the  destruction  of  Jeru- 
salem, colleges  were  maintained  for  a  long  time  at 
Japhne  in  Galilee,  at  Lydda,  at  Tiberias,  the  most 
famous  of  all,  and  Sepphoris.  According  to  the 
principles  laid  down  in  the  Mishna,  boys  at  five 
years  of  age  were  to  begin  the  Scriptures,  at  ten  the 
Mishna,  at  thirteen  they  became  siibject  to  the 
whole  law,  at  fifteen  they  entered  the  Gcmara. 
Teachers  were  treated  with  great  respect,  and  both 
pupils  and  teachers  were  exhorted  to  respect  each 
other.  Physical  science  formed  part  of  the  course 
of  instruction.  L'nmarried  men  and  women  were  not 
allowed  to  be  teachers  of  boys.  In  the  schools  the 
Rabbins  sat  on  raised  seats,  and  the  scholars,  ac- 
cording to  their  age,  sat  on  benches  below  or  on  the 
ground.    Of  female  education  we  have  little  account 


in  Scripture.  Needlework  formed  a  large,  but  by  no 
means  the  only,  subject  of  instruction  imparted  to 
females,  whose  position  in  society  and  in  the  house- 
hold must  by  no  means  be  considered  as  represented 
in  modern  Oriental  usage  (sec  Prov.  xxxi.  10,  26; 
Sus.  3 ;  Lk.  viii.  2,  3,  x.  39  ;  Acts  xiii.  50 ;  2  Tim.  i.  5). 
(Dress;  Women.)  Among  the  Mohammedans,  edu- 
cation, even  of  boys,  is  of  a  most  elementary  kind, 
and  of  girls  still  more  limited.  In  one  respect  it 
may  be  considered  as  the  likeness  or  the  caricature  of 
the  Jewish  system,  viz.  that  besides  the  most  com- 
mon rules  of  arithmetic,  the  Koran  is  made  the 
staple,  if  not  the  only,  subject  of  instruction. 

*  E^.     Bird  ;  Food  ;  Hen. 

Kg'iab  (Heb.  a  heifer),  one  of  David's  wives  dur- 
ing his  reign  in  Hebron,  and  mother  of  his  son 
Ithream  (2  Sam.  iii.  5;  1  Chr.  iii.  3).  According  to 
the  ancient  Hebrew  tradition,  she  was  Michal. 

Egla-im  (Heb.  (wo ponds),  a  place  named  only  in 
Is.  XV.  8,  apparently  one  of  the  most  remote  points 
on  the  boundary  of  Moab ;  perhaps  =  En-eglaim. 

Eg'ltin  (Heb.  vitnline,  of  a  calf,  Ges.),  a  king  ef 
the  Moabites  (Judg.  iii.  12  ff.),  who,  aided  by  the 
Ammonites  and  the  Amalekites,  crossed  the  Jordan 
and  took  "the  city  of  palm-trees"  (Jekicijo). 
Here  he  built  himself  a  palace  (so  Jos.  t.  4,  §  1  ff.), 
and  continued  for  eighteen  years  to  oppress  the 
children  of  Israel,  who  paid  him  tribute.  The  cir- 
cumstances of  his  death  are  somewhat  differently 
given  in  Judges  and  in  Joscphus.  In  Judges  the 
Israelites  send  a  present  by  Ehud  (iii.  15);  in 
Josephus  Ehud  wins  his  favor  by  repeated  presents 
of  his  own.  In  Judges  we  have  two  scenes,  the 
offering  of  the  present  and  the  death  scene  (18, 19) ; 
in  Josephus  there  is  but  one  scene.  In  Judges  the 
place  seems  to  change  from  the  reception-rocm  into 
the  "summer-parlor,"  where  Ehud  found  him  upon 
his  return  (comp.  18,  20).  In  Josephus  the  entire 
action  takes  place  in  the  summer-parlor.  The 
obesity  of  Eglon,  and  the  consequent  impossibility 
of  recovering  the  dagger,  are  not  mentioned  by 
Josephus.  After  this  desperate  achievement,  Ehud 
repaired  to  ?cirath  in  the  mountains  of  Ephraim 
(iii.  26,  27).  To  this  wild  central  region,  command- 
ing, as  it  did,  the  plains  E.  and  W.,  he  summoned 
the  Israelites  by  sound  of  "trumpet"  (Cornet). 
Descending  from  the  hills,  they  fell  upon  the  Moab- 
ites, killed  the  greater  number  at  once,  seized  the 
fords  of  Jordan,  and  not  one  of  the  fugitives  es- 
caped. 

Eg'Ion  (Heb.,  see  above),  a  town  of  Judah  in  the 
low  country  (Jo?h.  xv.  39).  During  the  struggles 
of  the  conquest,  Eglon  was  one  of  a  confederacy  of 
five  Amorite  towns  which  under  Jerusalem  (ArON- 
iZEDEc)  attempted  resistance,  by  attacking  Gibeon 
after  the  treaty  of  the  latter  with  Israel  (Josh.  x.). 
It  was  destroyed  by  Joshua  (x.  34  ff.,  xii.  12).  The 
name  doubtless  survives  in  the  modem  'Ajidti,  a 
shapeless  mass  of  ruins,  about  ten  miles  from  Beit 
Jibrin  (Eleutheropolis)  and  fourteen  from  Gaza,  on 
the  S.  of  the  great  maritime  plain. 

Egypt  [ee'jipt]  (L.  jUgyjibis ;  said  to  have  been 
named  from  an  ancient  king  of  the  country),  a  coun- 
try occupying  the  northeastern  angle  of  Africa, 
and  lying  between  north  latitude  31°  37' and  24"  1', 
and  east  longitude  27"  13'  and  34°  12'.  Its  limits 
appear  always  to  have  been  very  nearly  the  same. 
In  Ezckiel  (xxi.x.  10,  xxx.  6,  margin  of  both),  the 
whole  country  is  spoken  of  as  extending  from  MiG- 
DOL  to  Syene,  which  indicates  the  same  limits  to  the 
E.  and  S.  as  at  present. — Namts.  The  common 
name  of  Egypt  in  the  Bible  is  "  Mizhaim  "  (Htb. 


253 


BGT 


EGT 


ifitsraytm,  generally  translated  "  Egypt "  in  A.  X.\ 
or  more  fully,  "  the  land  of  Mizruiiu,"  A.  V.  "  the 
land  of  E^rpt."  lu  foi'in  JliUrayim  is  a  dual,  and 
aeoorJin^ly  it  is  generally  joined  with  a  plural  verb. 
When,  therefore,  in  Gen.  x.  6,  Mizraim  is  mentioned 
as  a  son  of  Ilaiu,  we  must  not  conclude  (so  Mr.  K. 
S.  Poole,  the  author  of  this  article),  that  any  thing 
more  is  m.'aut  than  that  Egypt  was  colonized  by 
descendants  of  Ham.  The  dual  number  doubtless 
indicates  the  natural  division  of  the  country  into  an 
upper  and  lower  region.  The  Ueb.  singular  Mdkor 
also  occurs,  and  some  suppose  that  it  indicates 
Lower  Egypt,  but  there  is  no  sure  ground  for  this  as- 
sertion. The  .\rabic  name  of  Egypt,  J/inr,  signifies 
ml  inmL  Egypt  is  also  called  in  the  Bible  "  the 
land  of  Ham"  (Ps.  cv.  23,  27;  compare  IxxviiL  61), 
and  "  Rahab  ; "  both  the--e  appear  to  bo  poetical 
appellations.  The  common  ancient  Egyptian  name 
of  the  country  is  written  in  hieroglyphics  Kern, 
which  was  perhaps  pronounced  Chem ;  the  demotic 
form  is  Ktmee.  This  name  signifies,  alike  in  the 
ancient  language  and  in  Coptic,  bta-^k,  and  may  be 
suppose:!  to  have  been  given  to  the  laud  on  account 
of  the  blac'.vness  of  its  alluvial  soil.  We  may  rea- 
sonably conjecture  that  AV/n  is  the  Egyptian  eciuiv- 
alent  of  Ha'n,  and  also  of  Mazor,  these  two  worjs 
being  similar  or  even  the  same  in  sense  Vnder 
the  Pharaohs  Egypt  was  divided  into  Upper  and 
Lower,  "the  two  regions"  Ta-ieef  called  respect- 
ively "the  Southern  Region"  Ta-res,  and  the 
"  Xorthem  Region  "  Ta-nuheet.  There  were  differ- 
ent crowns  for  the  two  regions,  that  of  Upper 
Egypt  being  white,  that  of  Lower  Egypt  red,  the 
two  together  composing  the  so-called  /wcAfn'.  The 
sovereign  had  a  special  title  as  ruler  of  och  region : 
of  Upper  Egypt  he  was  St'eit  =  tiaff,  and  of  Lower 
Egypt  She')'  =  bef,  the  two  combined  forming  the 
co.nmon  title  S-jteH-Si'iebt.  The  initial  sign  of  the 
former  name  is  a  bent  reed  (compare  2  K.  xviiL 
21 ;  Is.  xxxvL  6 ;  Ez.  xxix.  6).  In  sabse<iuent 
times  this  double  division  obtained.  In  the  time  of 
the  Greeks  and  Romans,  Upper  Egypt  was  divided 
into  the  Ueptanomis  and  the  Thebis,  making  alto- 
gether three  provinces,  but  the  division  of  the 
whole  country  into  two  was  even  then  the  most 
usual. — SHpfr/irin.  Egypt  has  a  superficies  of  about 
0,582  square  geographical  miles  of  soil,  which  the 
Nile  either  does  or  can  water  and  fertilize.  This 
computation  includes  the  river  and  lakes  as  well  as 
sandy  tracts  which  can  be  inundated ;  but  the  whole 
space  either  cultivate-J  or  fit  for  cultivation  is  no 
more  than  about  5,626  square  miles.  Anciently 
2,78S  square  miles  more  may  have  been  cultivated, 
and  now  it  would  be  possible  at  once  to  reclaim 
about  1,295  square  miles.  The  chief  differences  in 
the  character  of  the  surface  in  the  times  b.  c.  were 
that  the  long  valley  through  which  flowed  the  canal 
between  the  .Vile  and  theRed  Sea  was  then  culti- 
Tated  (Goshen),  and  that  the  Gulf  of  Suez  extended 
much  further  X.  than  at  present. — Attdfni  Cilifs. 
(Alexaxdria;  Hanks;  Msmphis;  Ox;  Pi-besfth; 
PtTHOM;  Ramesbs;  Sis;  Syexe;  Tahfashes; 
TliEBEs;  ZoAN.) — .Vo/n«.  From  a  remote  period 
Egypt  was  divided  into  Xomes  ffeitpu,  singular  Hfsp, 
each  of  which  had  its  special  objects  of  worship. 
They  are  said  to  have  been  first  thirty-six  in  number. 
Ptoiemy  enumerates  forty-four;  Pliny,  forty-six; 
afterward  they  were  further  increased.  There  is  no 
distinct  reference  to  them  in  the  Bible.  — Gfneral 
aopntrxtncf,  C'imaU,  «t-.\  The  general  appearance 
of  the  country  eaimot  have  greatly  changed  since 
the  davs  of  Moses.     The  Delta  was  alwavs  a  vast 


level  plain,  although  of  old  more  perfectly  watc 
than  now  by  the  branches  of  theNilcandnumei' 
canals,wliile  the  narrow  valley  of  Upper  Egypt  ni 
have  suffered  still  less  alteration.     Anciently,  lb 
ever,  the  nishes  must  have  been  abundant ;  whci . 
now  they  have  almost  disappeared,  except  in   ; 
lakes.     The  whole  country  is  remarkable  for  it.-; 
treme  fertility,  which  especially  sti-ikes  the  behol 
when  the  rich  green  of  the  fields  is  contrasted  w 
the  utterly  bare  yellow  mountains,   or  the  s;i 
strewn  rocky  desert  on  cither  side.     The  climat 
equable  and  healthy.      Rain  is  not  very  unfreqv. 
on  the  northern  coast,  but  inland  very  rare.     Uu 
vation  nowhere  depends  upon  it.     The  absence 
rain  is  mentioned  in  Dent.  xi.  10, 11,  as  render; 
artificial  irrigation   necessary,  unlike  the  case 
Palestine,  and  in  Zech.  xiv.  18  as  peculiar  to  ■ 
country.     Eg\"pt  has   been   visited  in  all  ages 
severe  pestilences,  but  it  cannot  be  determined  t 
any  of  those  of  ancient  times  were  of  the  charai 
of  the  modern  plague.     (Medicixe;  Plagies,  i 
Ten.)     Famines  are  frctjuent,  and  one  in  the  mi-; 
ages,  in  the  time  of  the  Fitimee  Khaleefeh  El-M 
tansir-billah,  seems  to  have  been  even  more  severe 
than  that  of  Joseph.  (Famixe.) — Geotogy.  The  fertile 
alluvial  plain  of  the  Delta  (between  the  ancient  Pelu- 
siac  and  Canopic  mouths  of  the  Nile),  and  the  nar- 
row winding  valley  of  Upper  Egvpt  (which  is  seldom 
more  than  twelve  miles  across),  are  bounded  by,' 
rocky  deserts  covered  or  stiewn  with  sand.     On*l 
either  side  of  the  plain  they  are  low,  but  they  over-| 
look  the  valley,  above  which  they  rise  so  steeply  as  J 
from  the  river  to  present  the  aspect  of  cli£&.     Thej 
formation  is  limestone  as  far  as  a  little  above  Thebes,^ 
where  sandstone  begins.     The  First  Cataract,  I 
southern  limit  of  Ejypt,  is  caused  by  granite 
ether  primitive  rocks,  which  rise  through  the  ! 
stone  and   obstruct   the   river's  bed.     Limesto 
sandstone,  and  granite  were  obtained  from  qua 
near  the  river ;  basalt,  breccia,  and  porphyry  ( 
others  in  the  eastern  desert,  between  the  The 
and  the  Red  Sea.     .4.n  important  geological  ch« 
has  in  the  course  of  centuries  raised  the  coua 
near  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Suez,  and  depr 
that  on  the  northern  side  of  the  isthmus. 
the   Christian   era   the   head   of  the  gulf  hasj 
tired   southward    (Is.   xi.    15,  xix.   5). — lite 
The  inundation  of  the  Nile  fertilizes  and  sust 
the  country,  and  makes  the  river  its  chief  ble 
a  very  low  inundation  or  failure  of  rising  being  t 
cause  of  famine.     The  Nile  was  on  this  ac 
anciently  worshipped.     The  rise  begins  in 
about  the  summer  solstice,  and  the  inundation  < 
mences   about    two   months  later.      The  gn 
height  is  attained  about  or  somewhat  after  the  i 
tumnal  equinox.     The  inundation  lasts  about  l' 
months. — CtltimtioH^  Affrirullurf,  dv.    The  i 
prosperity  of  Egypt  is  attested  by  the  Bible  ast 
as  by  the  numerous  monuments  of  the  con 
As  early  as  the  age  of  the  Great  Pyramid  it 
have  been  densely  populatetL     The  contrast  of  i 
present  state  of  Egvpt  to  its  former  prosperitj 
more   to  be   ascribed  to  political  than  to  phj 
cal  causes.    Egvpt  has  lost  all  strength  and  ene 
It  is  naturally  an  agricultural  country.  As  &r  1 
as  the  davs  of  Abraham,  we  find  that,  when  the  { 
uce  failed  in  Palestine,  Egvpt  was  the  natural! 
source.      In  the  time  of  Joseph  it  was  evid 
the  granary,  at  least  during  famines,  of  the  nati 
around.     The  inundation,  as  takin::  the  place! 
rain,  has  always  rendered  the  system  of  agr 
ture  peculiar;  and  the  artificial  irrigation  do 


EGY 


EOY 


253 


(^  e   aiterr   aji 


IT  ^   -^. 


DlAnXalooy 


EGYPT 


'EniQbni  amn 


Efolc  SUoarm  Tiames  are  wriUen  Hitu  (sues) 
_3l<) 


_Ui_Catar.irt  r<JiJnoain"L. 


254 


EGY 


EGT 


the  time  of  low  Nile  is  necessarily  on  the  same 
principle.  Watering  -with  the  foot  (Dcut.  xi.  10, 
11)  may  refer  to  some  mode  of  irrigation  by  a 
machine,  but  the  monuments  do  not  afford  a  rep- 
resentation of  it.    (AORICCLTUEE.)    That  now  called 


Shadoof,  or  pole  and  bucket  for  watenng  the  garden, — (Wilklnaoo.) 

the  shadoof  is  depicted,  and  seems  to  have  been 
the  common  means  of  artificial  irrigation.  (Chal- 
DEA.)  There  are  detailed  pictures  of  breaking  up 
the  earth,  or  ploughing,  sowing,  harvest,  thresh- 
ing, and  storing  the  wheat  in  granaries.  The  pro- 
cesses of  agriculture  began  as  soon  as  the  water 
of  the  inundation  had  sunk  into  tlie  soil,  about  a 
month  after  the  autumnal  equinox,  and  the  har- 
vest-time was  about  and  soon  after  the  vernal 
equinox  (Ex.  ix.  31,  32).  Vines  were  extensively 
cultivated.     Of  other  fruit-trees,  the  date-palm  was 


Granary,  Bhowin^  how  the  enin  waa  put  In,  and  that  the  doors  a  b  wera 
intended  for  taking  it  out.— ^Wilkineon.) 

the  most  common  and  valuable.  The  gardens  re- 
sembled the  fields,  being  watered  in  the  same  man- 
ner by  irrigation.  On  the  tenure  of  land  much 
light  is  thrown  by  the  history  of  Joseph.  Before 
the  famine  each  city  and  large  village  had  its  field 
(Gen.  xli.  48) ;  but  Joseph  gained  for  Pharaoh  all 
the  land,  except  that  of  the  priests,  in  exchange 
for  food,  and  required  for  the  right  thus  obtained 
a  fifth  of  the  produce,  which  became  a  law  (xlvii. 
20-26).  The  evidence  of  the  monuments,  though 
not  very  explicit,  seems  to  show  that  this  law  was 
ever  afterward  in  force  under  the  Pharaohs.  The 
great  lakes  in  the  N.  of  Egypt  were  anciently  of 
high  importance,  especially  for  their  fisheries  and 


the  growth  of  the  papyrus.  The  canals  are  now 
far  less  numerous  thau  of  old,  and  many  of  them 
are  choked  and  comparatively  useless. — Botany. 
The  cultivable  land  of  Egypt  consists  almost  wholly 
of  fields,  in  which  are  very  few  trees.  There  are 
no  forests  and  few  groves,  except  of  date-palms 
(Palm-tree),  and  in  Lower  Egypt  a  lew  of  orange 
and  lemon-trees.  There  are  also  sycamores,  nnil- 
bcrry-trees  and  acacias,  cither  planted  on  the  sides 
of  roads  or  standing  singly  in  the  fields.  The 
Theban  palm  grows  in  the  Thebais,  generally  in 
clumps.  These  were  all,  except  perhaps  the  mul- 
berry-tree, of  old  common  in  the  country.  The 
chief  fruits  are  the  date,  grape,  fig,  sycamore-fig, 
pomegranate,  banana,  many  kinds  of  melons,  and 
the  olive ;  and  there  are  many  others  less  conunnn 
or  important.  These  were  also  of  old  producul 
in  the  country.  The  vegetables  are  of  many  kinds 
and  excellent,  and  form  the  chief  food  of  the  com- 
mon people  (Num.  xi.  4,  5).  The  most  important 
field-produce  in  ancient  times  was  wheat ;  after  it 
must  be  placed  barley,  millet,  flax,  and  among  the 
vegetables,  lentils,  peas,  and  beans.  (Agriculture; 
Food  ;  Garden.)  It  is  clear  from  tlie  evidence  of 
the  monuments  and  of  ancient  writers  that,  of  old, 
reeds  were  far  more  common  in  Egypt  than  now. 
The  byblus  or  papyrus  (Reed  2)  is  almost  or  quite 
unknown.  Anciently  it  was  a  common  and  most 
important  plant :  beats  were  made  of  its  stalks, 
and  of  their  thin  leaves  the  famous  paper  was 
manufactured.  The  lolus  was  anciently  the  favor- 
ite flower,  and  at  feasts  it  took  the  place  of  tlie 
rose  among  the  Greeks  and  Arabs :  it  is  now  very 
rare. — Zoology.  Of  old  Egypt  was  far  more  a  pas- 
toral country  than  at  present.  The  neat  cattle  are 
still  excellent,  but  lean  kine  are  more  common 
among  them  tlian  they  seem  to  have  been  in  the 
days  of  Joseph's  pliaraoh  (Gen.  xli.  19).  Shcop 
and  goats  have  always  been  numerous.  Anciently 
swine  were  kept,  but  not  in  great  numbers  ;  now 
there  arc  none,  or  scarcely  any.  Under  the  Pha- 
raohs the  horses  of  the  country  were  in  repute 
among  the  neighboring  nations,  wlio  purchased 
them  as  well  as  chariots  out  of  Egypt.  Asses  were 
anciently  numerous  :  the  breed  at  the  present  time 
is  excellent.  Dogs  were  formerly  more  prized  than 
now,  for  being  held  by  most  of  the  Muslims  to  be 
extremely  unclean,  they  are  only  used  to  watch  the 
houses  in  the  villages.  The  camel  has  nowliere 
been  found  mentioned  in  the  inscriptions  of  Egypt, 
or  represented  on  the  monuments.  Probably  camels 
were  not  kept  in  Egypt,  but  only  on  tlie  frontier. 
The  deserts  have  always  abounded  in  wild  animals, 
especially  of  the  canine  and  antelope  kinds.  An- 
ciently the  hippopotamus  (Behemoth)  was  found  in 
the  Egyptian  Nile,  and  hunted.  Now,  this  animal 
is  rarely  seen  even  in  Lower  Nubia.  The  elephant 
may  have  been,  in  the  remotest  historical  period, 
an  inhabitant  of  Egypt,  and,  as  a  land  animal,  has 
been  driven  further  S.  than  the  hippopotamus. 
Bats  abound  in  the  temples  and  tombs.  The  birds 
of  Egypt  are  not  remarkable  for  beauty  of  plu- 
mage :  in  so  open  a  country  this  is  natural.  Birds 
of  prey  are  numerous,  but  the  most  common  are 
scavengers,  as  vultures  and  the  kite.  Both  wading 
and  web-footed  birds  abound  on  the  islands  and 
sandbanks  of  the  river,  and  in  the  sides  of  the 
mountains  which  approach  or  touch  the  stream. 
Among  the  reptiles,  the  crocodile  (Dragon  2;  Le- 
viathan) must  be  especially  mentioned.  Frogs  are 
very  numerous  in  Egypt,  and  their  loud  an<l  con- 
stant croaking  in  the  autumn  makes  it  not  diflScult 


EGY 


EGY 


255 


to  picture  the  Plague  of  Frogs.  Serpents  and 
snakes  are  also  common,  but  the  more  venomous 
have  tlieir  home,  like  the  scorpion,  in  the  desert 
(compare  Deut.  viii.  15).  Tlie  Nile  and  lakes  have 
an  abundance  of  fish.     Among  the  insects  the  lo- 


custs must  be  mentioned,  which  sometimes  come 
upon  the  cultivated  land  in  a  cloud.  As  to  the 
lice  and  flies,  they  are  still  pla^^ues  of  Egypt. 
(Plaoues,  the  Tex.) — Ancient  luludiilanti.  The  old 
inhabitants  of  Egypt  appear  from  their  monuments 


MaLliig  a  papyrus  boat.— ^Wilkinflon.) 


Bow  or  tha  Nil«,  ihoniag  hovr  the  aail  wu  bsuned  to  the  yards,  aad  the  nature  of  the  rigging. — (WUkinaon.) 


and  the  testimony  of  ancient  writers  to  have  occu- 
pied in  race  a  place  between  the  Xigritians  and  the 
Caucasians.  In  the  diminution  of  the  Nigritian 
characteristics  as  well  as  in  regard  to  dress,  man- 
ners, and  character,  the  influence  of  the  Arab  set- 
tlers (Arabia)  is  apparent.  The  ancient  Egyptians 
were  very  religious  and  contemplative,  but  given  to 
base  superstition,  patriotic,  respectful  to  women, 
hospitable,  generally  frugal,  but  at  times  luxurious, 
very  sen<ual,  lying,  thievish,  treacherous,  and  cring- 
ing, and  intensely  prejudiced,  through  pride  of  race, 
against  strangers,  although  kind  to  them.  This  is 
very  much  the  character  of  the  modern  inhabitants, 
except  that  Slohammcdanism  has  taken  away  the 
respect  for  women. — Langnag;.  The  ancient  Egyp- 
tian language,  from  the  earliest  period  at  which  it 
is  known  to  us,  is  an  agglutinate  monosyllabic  form 
of  speech.  It  is  expressed  by  the  signs  which  we 
call  hieroglyphics.  The  character  of  the  language 
is  compound ;  it  consists  of  elements  resembling 
tho-Ho  of  the  Xigritian  languages  and  the  Chinese 
langu-age  on  the  one  hand,  and  those  of  the  Siie- 
MiTic  Languaoks  on  the  other.  As  early  as  the  age 
of  the  twenty-si:tth  dynasty  a  vulgar  dialect  was 
expressed  in  the  demotic  or  enchorial  writing.  This 
dialect  forms  the  link  connecting  the  old  language 
with  the  Coptic,  which  does  not  very  greatly  differ 
from  the  monuTiental  language  (the  Siicred  dialect), 
except  in  the  presence  of  many  Greek  words.  The 
key  to  the  ancient  Egyptian  language  is  the  cele- 


brated Rosetta  stone,  a  slab  of  black  marble,  found 
by  the  French  in  1799  near  the  mouth  of  the  Ro- 
setta branch  of  the  Nile,  and  now  in  the  British 
Museum.  It  contains  a  decree,  written  in  sacred, 
enchorial,  and  Greek  characters,  respecting  the  co- 
ronation of  Ptolemy  V.Epiphanes. — Religion.  The 
basis  of  the  religion  was  Nigritijin  fetisliism,  the 
lowest  kind  of  nature-worship,  differing  in  different 
parts  of  the  country,  and  hence  obviously  indigen- 
ous. On  this  were  engrafted,  first,  cosmic  worship, 
mixed  up  with  traces  of  primeval  revelation,  as  in 
Babylonia ;  and  then,  a  system  of  personifications 
of  moral  and  intellectual  abstractions.  (Idolatry.) 
There  were  three  orders  of  gods — the  eight  great 
gods  (Amox),  tlie  twelve  lesser,  and  the  Osirian 
group,  comprehending  Osiris,  his  sister  and  wife 
Isis,  their  son  Horus,  &c.  They  were  represented 
in  human  forms,  sometimes  having  the  heads  of 
animals  sacred  to  them,  or  bearing  on  their  heads 
cosmic  or  other  objects  of  worship.  Osiris,  the 
personification  of  moral  good,  was  the  most  re- 
markable of  these  gods.  Typhon  was  his  adversary. 
The  fetishism  included,  besides  the  worship  of  ani- 
mals, that  of  trees,  rivers,  and  hills.  Each  of  these 
creatures  or  objects  was  appropriated  to  a  divinity. 
There  was  no  prominent  hero-worship,  although  de- 
ceased kings  and  other  individuals  often  received 
divine  honors.  Sacrifices  of  animals,  and  offerings 
of  food,  and  libations  of  wine,  oil,  &c.,  were  made. 
The  great  doctrines  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul. 


256 


EGY 


EGY 


man's  responsibility,  and  future  rewards  and  pun- 
ishments, were  taught,  also  the  transmigration  of 
the  soul.  Among  the  rites,  circumcision  is  the 
most  remarkable :  it  is  as  old  as  the  time  of  the 
fourth  dynasty.  The  Israelites  in  Egypt  appear 
during  the  oppression,  for  the  most  part,  to  have 
adopted  the  Egyptian  religion  (Josh.  xxiv.  14  ;  Ez. 
XX.  7,  8).  The  golden  calf,  or  rather  steer,  was 
probably  taken  from  the  bull  Apis,  certainly  from 
one  of  the  sacred  bulls.  Remphan  and  Chiun  were 
foreign  divinities  adopted  hito  the  Egyptian  Pan- 
theon. AsHTORETH  was  Worshipped  at  Memphis. 
Doubtless  this  worship  was  introduced  by  the  Phe- 
nician  Shepherds. — Laws.  We  have  no  complete 
account  of  the  laws  of  the  ancient  Egyptians  either 
in  their  own  records  or  in  works  of  ancient  writers. 
The  paintings  and  sculptures  of  the  monuments 
indicate  a  very  high  degree  of  personal  sai'ety, 
showing  us  that  the  people  of  all  ranks  commonly 
went  unarmed,  and  without  military  protection. 
Capital  punishment  appears  to  have  been  almost 
restricted,  in  practice,  to  murder.  Crimes  of  vio- 
lence were  more  severely  treated  than  offences 
against  religion  and  morals.  Popular  feeling  seems 
to  have  taken  the  duties  of  the  judge  upon  itself 
in  the  case  of  impiety  alone  (Ex.  viii.  26). —  Oov- 
ernment.  The  government  was  monarchical,  but 
not  of  an  absolute  character.  The  sovereign  was 
not  superior  to  the  laws,  and  the  priests  had  the 
power  to  check  the  undue  exercise  of  his  authority. 
Komes  and  districts  were  governed  by  officers  whom 
the  Greeks  called  nomarchs  and  toparclis.  There 
seems  to  have  been  no  hereditary  aristocracy,  except 
perhaps  at  the  earliest  period. — ^oreiffn  Policy. 
The  foreign  policy  of  the  Egyptians  must  be  re- 
garded in  its  relation  to  the  admission  of  foreigners 
into  Egypt,  and  to  the  treatment  of  tributary  and 
allied  nations.  In  the  former  aspect  it  was  char- 
acterized by  an  exclusiveness  which  sprang  from  a 
national  hatred  of  the  yellow  and  white  races,  and 
was  maintained  by  the  wisdom  of  preserving  the 
institutions  of  the  country  from  the  influence  of  the 
pirates  of  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Indian  Ocean, 
and  the  robbers  of  the  deserts.  Ilence  the  jealous 
exclusion  of  the  Greeks  from  the  northern  ports 
until  Naucratis  was  opened  to  them,  and  hence,  too, 
the  restriction  of  Shemite  settlers  in  earlier  times 
to  the  land  of  Goshen,  scarcely  regarded  as  part  of 
Egypt.  The  general  policy  of  the  Egyptians  tow- 
ard their  eastern  tributaries  seems  to  have  been 
marked  by  great  moderation.  The  Pharaohs  inter- 
married with  them,  and  neither  forced  upon  them 
Egyptian  garrisons,  except  in  some  important  posi- 
tions, nor  attempted  those  deportations  that  are  so 
marked  a  feature  of  Asiatic  policy.  In  the  case  of 
those  nations  which  never  attacked  them,  they  do 
not  appear  to  have  even  exacted  tribute.  So  long 
as  their  general  supremacy  was  uncontested,  they 
■would  not  be  unwise  enough  to  make  favorable  or 
neutral  powers  their  enemies.  Of  their  relation  to 
the  Israelites  we  have  for  the  earlier  part  of  this 
period  no  direct  information.  The  explicit  account 
of  the  later  part  is  fully  consistent  with  the  general 
policy  of  the  Pharaohs.  Shishak  and  Zerah  are 
the  only  exceptions  in  a  series  of  friendly  kings. — 
With  respect  to  the  African  nations  a  different  policy 
appears  to  have  been  pursued.  The  Rcbu  (Lebu) 
or  LuDiM,  to  the  W.  of  Egypt,  on  the  N.  coast,  were 
reduced  to  subjection,  and  probably  employed,  like 
the  Shayretana  or  Cherethim  (Pelethites)  as  mer- 
cenaries. Ethiopia  was  made  a  purely  Egyptian 
province,  ruled  by  a  viceroy,  "  the  Prince  of  Kesh 


(Cush),"  and  the  assimilation  was  so  complete  that 
Ethiopian  sovereigns  seem  to  have  been  received 
by  the  Egyptians  as  native  rulers.  Further  S.,  the 
negroes  were  subject  to  predatory  attacks  like  the 
slave-hunts  of  modern  times. — Army.  There  are 
some  notices  of  the  Egyptian  army  in  the  0.  T. 
They  show,  like  the  monuments,  that  its  most  im- 
portant branch  was  the  chariot-force.  The  Pharaoh 
of  the  Exodus  led  600  chosen  cliariots  besides  his 
whole  chariot-force  in  pursuit  of  the  Israelites. 
The  warriors  fighting  in  chariots  are  probably  the 
"  horsemen  "  mentioned  in  the  relation  of  this  event 
and  elsewhere,  for  in  Egyptian  they  are  called  the 
"  horse  "  or  "  cavalry."  We  have  no  subsequent 
indication  in  the  Bible  of  the  constitution  of  an 
Egyptian  army  until  the  time  of  the  22d  dynasty, 
when  we  find  that  Shishak's  invading  force  was 
partly  composed  of  foreigners ;  whether  mercenaries 
or  allies,  cannot  as  yet  be  positively  determined, 
although  the  monuments  make  it  most  probable 
that  they  were  of  the  former  character.  The  army 
of  Necho,  defeated  at  Carchemif^h,  seems  to  have 
been  similarly  composed,  although  it  probably  con- 
tained Greek  mercenaries,  who  soon  afterward  be- 
came the  most  important  foreign  clement  in  the 
Egyptian  forces.  (Arms  ;  Army  ;  Chariot  ;  Ex- 
siON.) — Dome&tic  Life.  The  sculptures  and  paint- 
ings of  the  touibs  give  us  a  very  full  insight  into 
the  domestic  life  of  the  ancient  Egyptians,  as  may 
be  seen  in  Sir  G.  Wilkinson's  great  work.  (Beard; 
Bread;  Dress;  Food;  Gate;  Hair;  Head-dress; 
HorsE;  Meals,  ic.)  What  most  strikes  us  in 
their  manners  is  the  high  position  occupied  by  wom- 
en, and  tlie  entire  absence  of  the  harem  system  of 
seclusion.  Marriage  appears  to  have  been  uni- 
versal, at  least  with  the  richer  class ;  and  if  polyg- 
amy were  tolerated  it  was  rarely  practised.  Ctn- 
cubinage  (Concubine)  was  allowed,  the  concubines 
taking  the  place  of  inferior  wives.  There  were  no 
castes  (i.  e.  civil,  religious,  military,  &c.,  functions 
were  not,  as  in  India,  necessarily  hereditary),  al- 
though great  classes  were  very  distinct,  especially 
the  priests,  soldiers,  artisans,  and  herdsmen,  with 
laborers.  The  occupations  of  the  higher  class  were 
the  superintendence  of  their  fields  and  gardens; 
their  diversions,  hunting  and  fishing.  The  tend- 
ing of  cattle  was  left  to  the  most  despised  of  the 
lower  class.  (Heed  ;  Shepherd.)  The  Egyptian 
feasts,  and  the  dances,  music,  and  feats  whicli  ac- 
companied them,  for  the  diversion  of  the  guests, 
as  well  as  the  common  games,  were  probably  intro- 
duced among  the  Hebrews  in  the  most  luxurious 
days  of  the  kingdoms  of  Israel  and  Juclah.  (Ban- 
quets; Bells;  Cornet;  Cymual;  Dance;  Games; 
Harp;  Pipe;  Timbrel,  &:c.)  The  account  of  the 
noontide  dinner  of  Joseph  (Gen.  xliii.  16,  31-34) 
agrees  with  the  representations  of  the  monuments. 
The  funeral  ceremonies  (Burial  ;  Embalming)  were 
far  more  important  than  any  events  of  the  Egyptian 
life,  as  the  tomb  was  regarded  as  the  only  true  home. 
— Literature  and  Art.  The  Egyptians  were  a  very 
literary  people,  and  time  has  preserved  to  us,  be- 
sides the  inscriptions  of  their  tombs  and  temples, 
many  papyri,  of  a  religious  or  historical  character, 
and  "one  tale.  They  bear  no  resemblance  to  the 
books  of  the  0.  T.,  except  such  as  arises  from  their 
sometimes  enforcing  moral  truths  in  a  manucr  not 
wholly  different  from  that  of  Proverbs.  The  moral 
and  religious  system  is,  however,  essentially  dil- 
ferent  in  its  principles  and  their  application.  In 
science,  Egyptian  influence  may  be  distinctly  traced 
in  the  Pentateuch.     Moses  was  "  learned  in  all  the 


1 


e:;y 


EGT 


wisdom  of  the  Egyptians  "  (Acts  vii.  22),  and  prob- 
ably derived  from  lliem  the  astronomical  knowledge 
which  was  necessary  for  the  calendar.  (Astronomy  ; 
CnaoxoLOOv.)  The  Egyptians  excelled  in  geometry 
and  mechanics.  (Arch,  &c.)  They  attained  a  high 
proficiency  in  medici.se  and  surgery.  Anatomy 
was  practised  from  the  earliest  ages.  The  wonder- 
ful remains  of  Memphis,  Thebes,  kc,  show  the  at- 
tainments of  the  Egyptians  in  the  arts  of  architec- 
ture, sculpture,  and  painting. — Ma(iicians.  We  find 
frcciuent  reference  in  the  Bible  to  the  magicians  of 
Eij'ypt  (Gen.  xli.  8 ;  Ex.  rii.  11,  kc).  (Divination  ; 
'^Laic.)— Industrial  Aria.  The  industrial  arts  held 
an  important  place  in  the  occupations  of  the  Egyp- 
tians. The  workers  in  fine  flax  and  the  weavers 
of  white  LINEN  are  mentioned  in  a  manner  that 
shows  they  were  among  the  chief  contributors  to 
the  riches  of  the  country  (Is.  xix.  9).  The  fine 
linen  of  Egypt  found  its  way  to  Palestine  (Prov.  vii. 
16).  Pottery  was  a  great  branch  of  the  native 
manufijctures,  and  appears  to  have  furnished  em- 
ployment to  the  Hebrews  during  the  bondage  (Ps. 
Ixxxi.  0,  Ixviii.  13;  compare  Ex.  i.  14).  (Basket; 
Bellows  ;  Brick  ;  Cart  ;  Glass  ;  HANDiCRAtT,  &c.) 
— t'exliita's.  The  religious  festivals  were  numerous, 
and  some  of  them  were,  in  the  days  of  Uerodotus, 
kept  with  great  merry-making  and  license.  The 
feast  which  the  Israelites  celebrated  when  Aaron 
had  made  the  golden  calf  seems  to  have  been  very 
much  of  the  same  character.  (Idol;  Idolatry.) — 
Manneri  of  Morlern  Inhahitanh.  The  manners  of 
the  modern  inhabitants  are  more  similar  to  those 
of  the  ancient  Ilebrews,  on  account  of  Arab  influ- 
ence, than  were  the  manners  of  their  predecessors 
(sec  above  ;  also  Arabia). — Chronology  and  His- 
tory.— The  subject  may  be  divided  into  three  main 
branches,  technical  chronology,  historical  chronol- 
ogy, and  history  : — 1.  Technical  Chronology.  That 
the  Egyptians  used  various  periods  of  time,  and 
made  astronomical  observations  from  a  remote  age, 
is  equally  attested  by  ancient  writers,  and  by  their 
monuments.  There  appear  to  have  been  at  least 
three  years  in  use  with  the  Egyptians  before  the 
Roman  domination,  the  Vague  Year,  the  Tropical 
Year,  and  the  Sothic  Year ;  but  it  is  not  probable 
that  more  than  two  of  these  were  employed  at  the 
same  time.  The  Vague  Year  contained  365  days 
without  any  additional  fraction,  and  therefore 
passed  through  all  the  seasons  in  about  1,500  years. 
It  was  used  for  both  civil  and  religious  purposes. 
The  Vague  Year  was  divided  into  twelve  months, 
each  of  thirty  days,  with  five  additional  days,  after 
the  twelfth.  The  months  were  assigned  to  three 
8ca,sonfl,  each  comprising  four  months,  called  re- 
spectively the  1st,  2d,  3d,  and  4th  of  those  seasons. 
The  names  by  which  the  Egyptian  months  are  com- 
monly known,  Thoth,  Paoplii,  &c.,  are  taken  from 
the  divinities  to  which  they  were  sacred.  The 
seasons  arc  called,  according  to  Mr.  Poole's  ren- 
dering, those  of  Vegetation,  Manifestation,  and  the 
Waters  or  the  Inundation :  the  exact  meaning  of 
their  names  has,  however,  been  much  disputed. 
They  evidently  refer  to  the  phenomena  of  a  Trop- 
ical Year,  and  such  a  year  we  must  therefore  con- 
clude the  Egyptians  to  have  had,  at  least  in  a  re- 
mote period  of  their  history.  M.  Brugsch  in  his 
work  on  the  Egyptian  year  (Berlin  and  Paris,  1856) 
makes  the  first  four  months,  not,  like  most  Egyp- 
tologern,  of  Vegetation,  but  of  Inundation ;  the 
second  four,  not  of  Manifestation  or  Harvest,  but 
of  Winter ;  the  third  four,  not  of  Inundation,  but 
of  Summer.  He  makes  but  two  seasons  of  six 
17 


months  each,  Summer  and  Winter,  the  first  half  of 
tlie  period  of  Inundation,  with  which  he  begins  the 
year,  belonging  to  Summer,  and  the  second  half  to 
Winter  (li.  S.  xiv.  644  tt'.).  The  Sothic  Year  was 
a  supposed  sidereal  year  of  805^  days,  commencing 
with  the  so-called  heliacal  rising  of  Holhis  (  = 
Sirius).  The  Vague  Year,  having  no  intercalation, 
constantly  retreated  through  the  Sothic  Year,  until 
aperiod  of  1,461  years  of  the  former  kind,  and  1,400 
of  the  latter  had  elapsed,  from  one  coincidence  of 
commencements  to  another.  The  Egyptians  are 
known  to  have  used  two  great  cycles,  the  Sothic 
Cycle  and  the  Tropical  Cycle.  The  former  was  a 
cycle  of  the  coincidence  of  the  Sothic  and  Vague 
Years,  and  therefore  consisted  of  1,460  years  of  the 
former  kind.  The  Tropical  Cycle  was  a  cycle  of 
the  coincidence  of  the  Tropical  and  Vague  Years. 
It  has  been  s\ipposed  by  M.  Biot  to  have  a  duration 
of  1,605  years;  but  the  length  of  the  1,500  Vague 
Years  is  preferable.  The  monuments  make  men- 
tion of  Panegyrical  Months,  which  Mr.  Poole  makes 
to  be  periods  of  thirty  years  each,  and  divisions 
of  a  year  of  the  same  kind. — 2.  Historical  Chronol- 
ogy. The  materials  for  historical  chronology  are 
the  monuments  and  the  remains  of  the  historical 
work  of  Manetho.  The  remains  of  Munetho's  his- 
torical work  consist  of  a  list  of  the  Egyptian  dynas- 
ties and  two  considerable  fragments,  one  relating 
to  the  Shepherds,  the  other  to  a  tale  of  the  Exodus. 
The  list  is  only  known  to  us  in  the  epitome  given 
by  Africanus,  preserved  by  Syncclius,  and  that 
given  by  Eusebius.  These  present  such  great  dif- 
ferences that  it  is  not  reasonable  to  hope  that  we 
can  restore  a  correct  text.  The  series  of  dynasties 
is  given  as  if  they  were  successive,  in  which  case 
the  commencement  of  the  first  would  be  placed  full 
5000  years  n.  c,  and  the  reign  of  the  king  who  built 
the  Great  Pyramid  4000.  The  monuments  do  not 
warrant  so  extreme  an  antiquity,  and  the  great 
majority  of  Egyptologers  have  therefore  held  that 
the  dynasties  were  partly  contemporary.  The  evi- 
dence of  the  monuments  leads  to  the  same  conclu- 
sion. Kings  who  unquestionably  belong  to  different 
dynasties  arc  shown  by  them  to  be  contemporary. 
The  monuments  will  not,  in  Mr.  Poole's  opinion, 
justify  any  great  extension  of  the  period  assigned 
to  the  first  seventeen  dynasties  (b.  c.  2700-1500). 
The  last  date,  that  of  the  commencement  of  the 
18th  dynasty,  cannot  be  changed  more  than  a  few 
years.  The  date  of  the  beginning  of  the  first  dy- 
nasty, or  the  era  of  Mencs,  which  Mr.  Poole  is  dis- 
posed to  place  B.  c.  2'717,  is  more  doubtful,  but  a 
concurrence  of  astronomical  evidence  points  to  the 
28th  century.  Some  have  supposed  a  much  greater 
antiquity  for  the  commencement  of  Egyptian  his- 
tory. Lepsius  places  the  accession  of  Menes  D.  c. 
3892,  and  Bunscn,  200  years  later.  Their  system 
is  founded  upon  a  passage  in  the  chronological 
work  of  S)-ncellus,  which  assigns  a  duration  of 
3555  to  the  thirty  dynasties.  It  is  by  no  means 
certain  that  this  number  is  given  on  the  authority 
of  Manetho,  but  apart  from  this,  the  whole  state- 
ment is  unmistakably  not  from  the  true  Manetho. 
— 3.  History.  That  Egypt  was  colonized  by  the 
descendants  of  Noah  in  a  very  remote  age  is  shown 
by  the  mention  of  the  migration  of  the  Philistines 
from  Cathtor  (Gen.  x.  14 ;  see  Casluhim),  which 
had  taken  place  before  the  arrival  of  Abraham  in 
Palestine.  Before  this  migration  could  occur,  the 
Caphtorim  and  other  Mizraites  must  have  occupied 
Egypt  for  some  time.  A  remarkable  passage  (Num. 
xiii.  22)  points  to  a  knowledge  of  the  date  at  which 


258  ^R-  R-  S.  POOLE'S  TABLE    OF    THE    FIRST    SEVEXTEEX    DTXASTIES. 


.1 

J,  ^  1    TniN-irns 
2T00  1. 2-n 

^eru  cf  lIcneB) 

MEMPH1TE8 

' 

?fifl'i 

i;i.  clr.  2C50 

2S(H) 

'     ELF.l'IIAX- 

1       UNITES 

2400 

U.  cir.  S470     j    IV.  dr.  S440        ^'-  °'-  '*<" 

1 
1 

2800 
2200 
2100 

i 

kzsi.     Data  in 
t     reign  or 
SupLJMS 

DERAOLEO- 
I'OLITES 

DIOS- 
POLITES  ? 

VL  cir.  SSOO 

IX.dr.SHIO 

XI.  clr.  SiioO 

1 

XOITES 

SHEPHERDS 

2000 

XIL  cir.  ZU€0 

8005.      Date  in 

rei^  of  Anieit- 

«uiha  II. 
1986.    llaU    In 

reisn  cf  Htiet- 

Ui^llLI 

XIV.  cir.  2080 

XV.  dr.  ii080 

XVI.  cir.  8060 

clr.  Srsi. 
Ahr.-[i.»iii 
visila  l-t-jpt 

1900 

XnL  cir.  19S0 

1876.    Joneph 

governor. 
1867.       Jocob 

etee         ibto 

Egypt- 

ISOO 

VII.  cir.  1800 
VUI.  dr.  18110 

1700 

X.  clr.  1750 

(215  years) 

1652.     EiodM 

ICOO 

1500 

XVni.  dr.  I6S5 

EGY 


EGY 


259 


Eoan,  an  ancient  city  of  Eg>'pt,  was  founded.  The 
evidence  of  the  Egyptians  as  to  the  primeval  his- 
tory of  their  race  and  country  is  extremely  in- 
definite. They  seem  to  have  separated  mankind 
into  two  great  stocUs,  and  each  of  these  again  into 
two  branches,  for  they  appear  to  have  represented 
themselves  and  the  negroes,  the  red  and  black 
races,  as  the  clnldren  of  the  pod  Horus,  and  the 
Shemites  and  Europeans,  the  yellow  and  white  races, 
OS  the  children  of  the  goddess  Pesht.  They  seem 
therefore  to  have  held  a  double  origin  of  the  species. 
The  absence  of  any  important  traditional  period  is 
very  remarkable  in  the  fragments  of  Egyptian  his- 
tory. These  commence  with  the  divine  dynasties, 
and  pass  abruptly  to  the  human  dynasties.  The 
indications  are  of  a  sudden  change  of  seat,  and  the 
Bettlumeiit  in  Egypt  of  a  civilized  race,  which, 
either  wisliing  to  be  believed  native,  or  having  lost 
all  ties  that  could  keep  up  the  traditions  of  its  first 
dwelling-place,  filled  up  the  commencement  of  its 
history  with  materials  drawn  from  mythology. 
There  is  no  trace  of  the  tradition  of  the  Deluge 
which  is  found  in  almost  every  other  country  of  the 
world.  The  priests  are  indeed  reported  to  have 
told  Solon,  when  he  spoke  of  one  deluge,  that  many 
had  occurred,  but  the  reference  is  more  likely  to 
have  been  to  great  floods  of  the  Nile  than  to  any 
extraordinary  catastrophes.  The  history  of  the 
dynasties  preceding  the  eighteenth  is  not  told  by  any 
continuous  series  of  monuments.  E.xcept  those  of 
the  fourth  and  twelfth  dynasties  there  are  scarcely 
any  records  of  the  age  left  to  the  present  day, 
and  thence  in  a  great  measure  arises  the  dif- 
ficulty of  determining  the  chronology.  From 
the  time  of  Menes,  the  first  king,  until  the 
Shepherd-invasion,  Egypt  seems  to  have  enjoyed 
perfect  tranquillity.  During  this  age  the  Mcm- 
phitc  line  was  the  most  powerful,  and  by  it,  un- 
der the  fourth  dynasty,  were  the  most  famous  pyra- 
mids raised.  The  Shepherds  were  foreigners  who 
came  from  the  East,  and,  in  some  manner  unknown 
to  Manetho,  gained  the  rule  of  Egypt.  Those  whose 
kings  composed  the  fii'teenth  dynasty  were  the  first 
and  most  important  They  appear  to  have  been 
Phenieians.  Most  probably  the  PiiARAon  1  of  Abra- 
ham was  of  this  line.  The  period  of  Egyptian  his- 
tory to  which  the  Shepherd-invasion  should  be  as- 
Bigned  is  a  point  of  dispute.  It  is  generally  placed 
after  the  twelfth  dynasty,  for  it  is  argued  that  this 
powerful  line  could  not  have  reigned  at  the  same 
time  as  one  or  more  Shepherd-dynasties.  Mr. 
Poole  thinks  that  this  objection  is  not  valid,  and  that 
the  Shepherd-invasion  was  anterior  to  the  twelfth 
dyna.=ty.  The  rule  of  the  twelfth  dynasty,  which 
was  of  Thebans,  lasting  about  160  years,  was  a 
period  of  prosperity  to  Egypt,  but  after  its  close 
those  calamities  appear  to  have  occurred  which 
made  the  Shepherds  hated  by  the  Egyptians.  During 
the  interval  to  the  eighteenth  d)'nasty  there  seems 
to  have  been  no  native  line  of  any  importance  but 
that  of  the  Thebans,  and  more  than  one  Shepherd 
dynasty  exercised  a  severe  rule  over  the  Egyptians. 
—We  mii:-t  here  notice  the  history  of  the  Israelites 
in  Egypt  with  reference  to  the  dynasty  of  the  Pha- 
raohs who  favored  them,  and  that  of  their  oppress 
org.  According  to  the  scheme  of  biblical  cimo- 
SOLOOT  which  Mr.  Poole  believes  to  be  the  most 
probable,  the  whole  sojourn  in  Egypt  would  belong 
to  the  period  before  the  eighteenth  dynasty.  The 
laraelites  would  have  come  in  and  gone  forth  during 
•hat  obscure  age  for  the  history  of  which  we  have 
ttle  or  no  monumental  evidence.  This  would  explain 


the  absence  of  any  positive  mention  of  them  on  the 
Egyptian  monuments.  Since  tlie  Pharaoh  2  of 
Joseph  must  have  been  a  powerful  ruler  and  held 
Lower  Egypt,  there  can  be  no  question  that  he  was, 
if  the  dates  be  correct,  a  Shepherd  of  the  fifteenth 
dynasty.  The  "  new  king,"  "  which  knew  not  Jo- 
seph," is  thought,  by  many  who  hold  with  Mr.  Poole 
as  to  the  previous  history,  to  have  been  an  Egyp- 
tian, and  head  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty.  It  seenis 
at  first  sight  extremely  probable  that  the  king  who 
crushed,  if  he  did  not  expel  the  Shepherds,  would 
be  the  first  oppressor  of  the  nation  which  they  pro- 
tected. But  Ex.  i.  9,  10,  Mr.  Poole  thinks,  points 
to  a  divided  country  and  a  weak  kingdom,  and  can- 
not apply  to  the  time  of  the  eighteenth  and  nine- 
teenth dynasties.  If  we  conclude  that  the  Exodus 
most  probably  occurred  before  the  eighteenth  dy- 
nasty, we  have  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  whether  the 
Pharaohs  of  the  oppression  (Pharaoh  3)  appear 
to  have  been  Egyptians  or  Shepherds.  The  change 
of  policy  is  in  favor  of  their  having  been  Egyptians, 
but  is  by  no  means  conclusive.  If  the  chronology 
be  correct,  we  can  only  decide  in  favor  of  the  Shep- 
herds. During  the  time  to  which  tlie  events  are  as- 
signed there  were  no  important  lines  but  the  The- 
ban,  iind  one  or  more  of  Shepherds.  Manetho,  ac- 
cording to  the  transcript  of  Afrioanu.s,  speaks  of 
tlirce  Shepherd-dynasties,  the  fifteenth,  sixteenth, 
and  seventeenth,  the  last  of  which,  according  to 
the  present  text,  was  of  Shepherds  and  Thebans, 
but  this  is  probably  incorrect,  and  the  dynasty 
should  rather  be  considered  as  of  Shepherds  alone. 
Is.  lii.  4  indicates  that  the  oppressor  was  an  As- 
syrian, and  therefore  not  of  tlie  fifteenth  dynasty, 
which,  according  to  Manetho,  in  the  Epitomes,  was 
of  Phenieians,  and  opposed  to  the  Assyrians. 
Among  the  names  of  kings  of  this  period  in  the 
Royal  Turin  Papyrus,  are  two  which  appear  to  be 
Assyrian,  so  that  we  may  reasonably  suppose  that 
some  of  the  foreign  rulers  were  of  that  race.  It  is 
not  possible  at  present  to  decide  whether  they  were 
of  the  sixteenth  or  seventeenth  dynasty.  The  his- 
tory of  the  eighteenth,  nineteenth,  and  twentieth 
dynasties  is  that  of  the  Egyptian  empire.  Aahmes, 
the  head  of  the  eighteenth  (b.  c.  about  1525),  over- 
threw the  power  of  the  Shepherds,  and  probably 
expelled  them.  Queen  Amennemt  and  Thothmes 
II.  and  III.  are  the  earliest  sovereigns  of  whom 
great  monuments  remain  in  the  temple  of  El- 
Karnak,  the  chief  sanctuary  of  Thebes.  The  last 
of  these  rulers,  whom  Wilkinson  regards  as  the 
Pharaoh  of  the  Exonis  (Pharaoh  4),  was  a  great 
foreign  conqueror,  and  reduced  Xineveh,  and  per- 
haps Babylon  also,  to  his  sway.  Amenoph  III.,  his 
great-grandson,  states  on  the  sacred  liedln 
(searubiei),  struck  apparently  to  commemorate  his 
marriage,  that  his  northern  boundary  was  in  Meso- 
potamia, his  southern  in  Kara  (Choice  ?).  The  head 
of  the  nineteenth  djTiasty,  Sethee  I.,  or  Scthos 
(b.  c.  about  1340),  waged  great  foreign  wars,  par- 
ticularly with  the  Hittites  of  the  valley  of  the 
Orontes,  whose  capital  Ketcsh,  situate  near  Emesa 
(now  Hunui),  he  captured.  His  son  Rameses  II. 
was  the  most  illustrious  of  the  Pharaohs.  If  he  did 
not  exceed  all  others  in  foreign  concpiests,  he  far 
outshone  them  in  the  grandeur  and  beauty  of  the 
temples  with  which  he  adorned  Egypt  and  Nubia. 
(Thebes.)  His  chief  campaign  was  against  the  Hit- 
tites and  a  great  confederacy  they  had  formed. 
Menptah,  the  son  and  successor  of  Rameses  II.,  is 
supposed  by  the  advocates  of  the  Rabbinical  date 
of  the  Exodus  (Cuko.\ology)  to  have  been  the  I'ha- 


2G0 


EGY 


EKR 


raoh  in  whose  time  the  Israelites  went  out.  One 
other  king  of  this  period  must  be  noticed,  Ranieses 
III.,  of  the  twentieth  dynasty  (b.  c.  about  liOO), 
whose  conquests,  recorded  on  the  walls  of  his  great 
temple  of  Medeenet  Haboo  in  western  Thebes,  seem 
to  have  been  not  less  important  than  those  of  Ra- 
meses  II.  Under  his  successors  the  power  of  Egypt 
evidently  declined,  and  toward  the  close  of  the 
dynasty  the  country  seems  to  have  fallen  into 
anarcliy,  the  high-priests  of  Amen  (Amon)  having 
usurped  regal  power  at  Thebes  and  a  Lower  Egyp- 
tian dynasty  (the  twenty-tirst)  arisen  at  Tanis. 
Probably  the  Egyptian  princess  who  became  Solo- 
mon's wife  was  a  daughter  of  a  late  king  of  the 
Tanite  dynasty.  The  head  of  the  twenty-second 
dynasty,  Shcshonk  I.,  the  Siiishak  of  the  Bible,  re- 
stored the  unity  of  the  kingdom,  and  revived  the 
credit  of  the  Egyptian  arms  (b.  c.  about  990). 
Probably  his  successor,  Osorkon  I.,  is  the  Zkrah  of 
Scriptuie,  defeated  by  Asa.  Egypt  makes  no  figure 
in  Asiatic  history  during  the  twenty-third  and 
twenty-fourth  dynasties:  under  the  twenty-fifth  it 
regained,  in  part  at  least,  its  ancient  importance. 
This  was  an  Ethiopian  line,  the  warlike  sovereigns 
of  which  strove  to  the  utmost  to  repel  the  onward 
stride  of  Assyria.  So,  whom  Mr.  Poole  is  disposed 
to  identify  with  Shebok  II.  or  Sebichus,  the  second 
Ethiopian,  rather  than  with  Shebek  I.  or  Sabaco, 
the  first,  made  an  alliance  with  Iloshea,  the  last  king 
of  Israel.  Tehrak  or  Tikhakaii,  the  third  of  this 
house,  advanced  against  Sennacherib  in  suppoit  of 
Hezekiah.  After  this,  a  native  dynasty  again  oc- 
cupied the  throne,  the  twenty-sixth,  of  Saite  kings. 
Psanietek  I.  or  Psammetichus  I.  (b.  c.  664),  who 
may  be  regarded  as  the  head  of  this  dynasty,  v.  arred 
in  Palestine,  and  took  Ashdod,  after  a  siege  of 
twenty-nine  years.  Xeku  or  Necho  (Pharaoh  9), 
the  son  of  Psammetichus,  continued  the  war  in  the 
E.,  and  marched  along  the  coast  of  Palestine  to  at- 
tack the  king  of  Assyria.  At  Mcgiddo,  Jo^iah  en- 
countered him  (B.C.  oOS-V),  notwithstanding  the  re- 
monstrance of  the  Egyptian  king,  which  is  very  il- 
lustrative of  the  policy  of  the  I'haraohs  in  the  E. 
(2  Chr.  xx,\v.  21),  no  less  than  is  his  lenient  con- 
duct after  the  defeat  and  death  of  the  king  of  Ju- 
dah.  The  army  of  Necho  was  after  a  short  space 
routed  at  Carchemish  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  b.  c. 
605-4  (Jer.  xlvi.  2).  The  second  successor  of 
Kecho,  Aprics,  or  Pharaoh-hophra  (Phakaoii  10), 
sent  his  army  into  Palestine  to  tlie  aid  of  Zedekiah 
(Jer.  xxxvii.  5, 7, 1 1),  so  that  the  siege  of  Jerusalem 
was  raised  for  a  time,  and  kindly  received  the  fugi- 
tives from  the  captured  city.  He  seems  to  have 
been  afterward  attacked  by  Nebuchadnezzar  in  his 
own  country.  There  is,  however,  no  certain  ac- 
count of  a  complete  subjugation  of  Egypt  by  the 
king  of  Babylon.  Amasis,  the  successor  of  Aprics, 
had  a  long  and  prosperous  reign,  and  somewhat  re- 
stored the  weight  of  Egypt  in  the  E.  But  the  new 
power  of  Persia  was  to  prove  even  more  terrible  to 
his  house  than  Babylon  had  been  to  the  house  of 
Psammetichus,  and  the  son  of  Amasis  had  reigned 
but  six  months  when  Cambyses  reduced  the  coun- 
try to  the  condition  of  a  province  of  his  empire 
(b.  c.  525).  The  people  frequently  revolted,  and 
were  as  often  subdued,  but,  about  414  B.  c,  they 
drove  out  the  Persians,  when  Amyrtanis  the  Saite 
became  the  sole  king  of  the  twenty-eighth  d^Tiasty, 
and  reigned  six  years.  After  him  came  the  twenty- 
ninth  or  Jlcndcsian  dynasty  of  four  kings  :  then  the 
thirtieth  dynasty  of  three  Sebcnnyte  kings,  the  last 
of  whom,  Nectanebo  II.  or  Nekht-nebf,  was  con- 


quered and  dethroned  ty  Arfaxerxes  Ochus  about 
350  B.  c,  when  Egypt  became  again  a  Persian 
province.  Alexander  the  Great  conquered  it,  Bai 
B.  c.  (Alexandria.)  Alter  him  came  the  Ptolemies 
or  Greek  kings  (Ftolemv  I.,  &c.),  who  ruled  Egypt 
till  it  became  a  Roman  province  under  AuoisTis 
Cesar  (b.  c.  30).  It  came  under  the  Mohanjmeilan 
power  (Arabia)  a.  d.  C40,  and  became  a  Turkisli 
province  in  1517.  Frtm  1805  to  1849  Mehemct 
Ali  was  pasha,  and  the  vice-royalty  of  Egypt,  as  a 
fief  of  the  Turkish  empire,  is  now  hereiiiiary  in  his 
family.  Prophecy  (Jer.  xlvi. ;  Ez.  xxix.,  xxx.,  &c.) 
has  been  strikingly  fulfilled  in  regard  to  Egy];t, 
From  the  second  Persian  conquest,  more  than  two 
thousand  years  ago,  until  our  own  da)S,  not  oi.e 
native  ruler  has  occupied  the  throne. 

*  E-g)pt',  River  of.    River  of  Egypt. 

E-gyp tian  [-jipshan]  =  one  from  Egypt  (Ex.  ii. 
19);  usually  a  native  of  Egypt  (ii.  11  f,  kc).  'I  lie 
Hebrew  word  -most  commonly  rendered  "Egyp- 
tians" (Mitfrayim)  is  the  name  of  the  country,  and 
might  be  appropriately  so  translated  in  n^any  casts. 

*E-gyp'tian  tt&  =  JSed  Sea  (Is.  xi.  15). 

*  E-gyp'tian  Ver'slcns.  Versions,  Ancient,  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments. 

E'hl  (Ileb.  contuclioti,  Fii.),  head  of  one  of  the 
Benjamite  houses  (Gen.  xlvi.  21).     Ahiram. 

E  bud  (Heb.  uuiun,  Ges. ;  strong,  pcuer/til,  Fii.). 
I.  Son  of  Bilhan,  and  great-grandson  of  Benjamin 
the  Patriarch  (1  Chr.  vii.  10,  viii.  6).— 2.  Kon  of 
Gera  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (Judg.  iii.  15  fl'.);  llie 
second  Judge  of  the  Israelites  (b.  c.  1S3C).  In  (he 
Bible  he  is  not  called  a  Judge  but  a  deliverer  (I.e.): 
so  Othniel  (Judg.  iii.  9)  and  all  the  Judf^ts  (Nth.  ix. 
27).  Josephus  (v.  4,  g  3)  makes  Ehud  Judge  eighty 
years.  As  a  Benjamite  he  was  specially  chosen  lo 
destroy  Eglon,  who  had  established  himself  in  Jeri- 
cho, which  was  within  that  tribe.  He  was  very  strong, 
and  "  left-handed,"  literally  as  in  margin,  "shut  of 
his  right  hand."  The  words  are  differently  ren- 
dered: 1.  left-handed,  and  unable  to  use  his  ripU 
(Targum,  Josephus,  Arabic,  Gestnius,  Fiiist,  A.V., 
&c.);  2.  using  his  left  hand  as  readily  as  his  right; 
anibidextrous  (LXX.,  Vulgate,  kc).  The  fact  of 
drawing  the  dagger  frcm  the  right  thigh  (Judg.  iii. 
21)  is  consistent  with  either  opinion. 

E'ker  (Ileb.  a  rcotinti  up,  a.  plant  rooted  up  and 
transplanted,  Ges.),  a  descendant  of  Judah  through 
Hezron  and  Jerahmeel  (1  Chr.  ii.  27). 

Ek'rc-bcl  (Gr.,  see  below),  a  place  named  in  Jd. 
vii.  18  only,  apparently  in  the  hill  country  S.  E.  of 
the  plain  of  Esdra^lon  and  of  Dolhain.  'Ihe  Syiiac 
reading  (Ecrubal)  points  to  Acrabldn,  mcntir.ncd 
by  Eusel]ius  as  the  capital  of  a  district  called. Ina- 
hatline  (see  under  Akrabbim),  and  now  kn,nii  as 
'Akrabih,  a  considerable  village  about  seven  ii:ilis 
S.  E.  of  A'ablus. 

Ek'ron  (Heb.  eradication,  Ges.),  one  of  tlio  f.vc 
towns  belonging  to  the  lords  of  the  Philistines,  and 
the  mot^t  northerly  of  the  five  (Jo.sh.  xiii.  3).  Like 
the  other  Philistine  cities,  its  situation  was  in 
lowlands.  It  fell  to  the  lot  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  { 
40 ;  Judg.  i.  18),  and  formed  a  landmaik  on  his  I 
border,  the  boundary  running  thence  to  the  seal 
Jabneel  1.  We  afterward  find  it  mentioned  ama 
the  cities  of  Ban  (Josh.  xix.  43).  Put  hcfcrc 
monarchy  it  was  again  in  lull  possession  of  the  II 
listincs  (1  Sam.  v.  10).  Ekron  was  the  last  place| 
which  the  ark  was  carried  before  its  return 
Israel,  and  the  mortality  there  in  consee.r.ciicc 
seems  to  have  been  more  deadly  than  at  .\!!liil<  J 
or  Gath  (v.  11,  12).     Prtm  LUrcu  to  Eeth-Lhcnicth 


I 


EKR 


ELA 


•2C1 


was  a  straij;lit  liijrliway  (vi.).  Ilcnceforward  Ekron 
appears  to  have  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  I'hi- 
liitined  (xvii.  52;  2  K.  i.  2  ff'.;  Jer.  x.w.  20;  Am.  i. 
8 ;  Zcph.  ii.  4  ;  Zech.  ix.  5,  1).  A  sanctuary  of 
Baal-zebiib  (Baal  2)  was  there.  'Atir,  the  modern 
representative  of  Ekron,  is  a  nuid  village,  about  five 
miles  S.  W.  oi  Ranhh,  on  the  X.  side  of  the  fertile 
valley  Wadi/  Surar.  In  the  Apocrypha  it  appears 
as  .\ic.\p.ox  (1  Mc.  X.  89,  only),  bestowed  with  its 
bo.iKrs  by  Alexander  Balas  on  Jonathan  Maccabeus 
as  a  reward  for  his  services. 

Ek  roa-ltps  =  natives  or  inhabitants  of  Ekron 
(Josh.  xiii.  3 ;  1  Sam.  v.  10). 

Kla  (Gr.)  =  Elam  i  (1  Esd.  ix.  27). 

KlH-rilll  (llcb.  whom  God  puis  on,  i.  c.  fills  with 
Hiin-elf,  Oos. ;  Gol  is  ornament,  Fii.),  a  descendant 
of  Eiilnaim  through  SiiUTiiELAn  (1  Chr.  vii.  20). 

E  lah  (  Ucb.  slrenglh;  hence,  oak,  or  terebinth,  Gcs., 
Fii.).  1.  A  duke  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  41  ;  1  Chr. 
L  5:!). — i.  Father  of  Shimei,  Solomon's  commissary 
in  Itenjamin  (1  K.  iv.  18).— 3i  Son  and  successor  of 
Ba:i-li:i,  king  of  Israel  (1  K.  xvi.  8  (f.);  his  reign 
laste<l  for  little  more  than  a  year  (compare  verse  8 
with  10).  lie  was  killed,  while  drunk,  by  Zimri,  in 
the  house  of  his  steward  Arza,  and  his  family  was 
exterminated. — I.  Father  of  Iloshea,  the  last  king 
of  Israel  (2  K.  xv.  30,  xvii.  1).— 5.  Son  of  Caleb, 
the  son  of  Jephunneh  (1  Chr.  iv.  15).— 6t  A  Ben- 
jainite  chief,  son  of  I'zzi  (ix.  8). 

E'lali  (Heb.,  see  above),  the  Valley  of,  a  valley  in 
(not  "by,"  as  the  A.  V.  has  it)  which  the  Israelites 
were  encamped  against  the  Philistines  when  David 
killed  Goliath  (1  Sam.  xvii.  2,  19,  xxi.  9).  It  lay 
somewhere  near  Socou  1  of  Judah,  and  Azkkaii, 
and  was  nearer  Ekron  than  any  other  Philistine 
town.  So  1  Sam.  xvii.  Socoh  probably  =  ,S7(«- 
Krikfh,  some  fourteen  miles  S.  W.  of  Jerusalem, 
on  the  S.  slopes  of  the  Wady  es  Sunt  (=  ralteij 
of  the  acacia),  a  fertile  valley  which  runs  off  in 
a  northwestern  direction  into  the  Philistine  plain, 
and  is  identified  by  Robinson  (and  so  Porter  in 
Kitto,  &c.)  with  the  valley  of  Elah.  One  of  the 
lar'.'est  terebinths  in  Palestine  still  stands  in  the 
vicinity  (Rbn.  ii.  20,  21).  The  traditional  Valley 
of  Elah  is  the  Wiiif;j  Beit  Hanina,  which  lies 
about  four  miles  N'.W.  of  Jerusalem,  and  is  crossed 
by  the  road  to  AVA  SamwU. 

E  lam  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  unliniilcd drtratim,  eternili/, 
Sim.),  originally  the  name  of  a  man,  a  son  of  Shem 
(Ocn.  X.  22;  1  Chr.  i.  17).  Commonly,  however,  it 
is  used  as  the  appellation  of  a  countrv  (Gen.  xiv.  I, 
I';  Is.  xi.  11,  xxi.  2;  Jer.  xxv.  25,  xlix.  34-39;  Ez. 
xxxii.  24;  Dan.  viii.  2).  The  Elam  of  Scripture 
appears  to  be  the  province  lying  S.  of  Assyria, 
and  W.  of  Persia  Proper,  to  which  Herodotus 
gives  the  name  of  Cissia  (iii.  91,  v.  49,  &c.),  and 
which  is  termed  Susis  or  Susiana  by  the  geog- 
raphers. It  includes  a  portion  of  the  mountain- 
ous country  separating  between  the  Mesopotanjian 
plain  and  the  high  table-land  of  Iran,  together 
with  a  fertile  and  valuable  low  tract  at  the  foot 
of  the  range,  between  it  and  the  Tigris.  It  appears 
from  Gen.  x.  22,  that  this  country  was  originally 
peopled  by  descendants  of  Shem,  closely  allied  to  the 
Aramcans  (Syrians) and  the  Assyrians ;  and  from  Gen. 
xiv.  1-12,  that  by  the  time  of  Abraham  a  very  im- 
portant power  had  been  built  up  in  the  same  region. 
(CnEi>oRi.AOMF.R.)  It  is  plain  that  at  this  early  time 
the  predominant  power  in  Lower  Mesopotamia  was 
Elam,  which  for  a  while  held  the  place  possessed 
earlier  by  Babylon  (Gen.  x.  10),  and  later  by  either 
Babylon  or  Assyria.     Discoveiies  made  in  the  coun- 


try itself  confirm  this  view.  (Shcshan.)  The 
Eiamitiv  empire  established  at  this  time  was,  how- 
ever, but  of  short  duration.  Toward  the  close 
of  the  Assyrian  period  she  is  found  allied  with 
Babylon  and  engaged  in  hostilities  with  Assyria ; 
but  she  seems  to  have  declined  in  strength  after  the 
Assyrian  empire  was  destroyed.  Elam  was  a  prov- 
ince of  Babylon  under  lielshazzar.  It  is  uncertain 
at  w  hat  time  the  Persians  added  Elam  to  their  em- 
pire. Possibly  it  only  fell  under  their  dominion  to- 
gether with  Babylon  ;  but  there  is  some  reason  to 
think  that  it  may  have  revolted  and  joined  the 
Persians  before  the  city  was  besieged  (see  Is.  xxi.  2, 
xxii.  C).  She  now  became  merged  in  the  Persian 
empire,  forming  a  distinct  satrapy.  Susa  (Shushan), 
her  capital,  was  made  the  ordinary  residence  of  the 
court,  and  the  metropolis  of  the  whole  empire. — 2. 
A  Korhite  Levite,  fifth  son  of  Mcshelomiah ;  one 
of  the  sons  of  Asaph,  in  David's  time  (1  Chr.  xxvi. 
3). — 3>  A  Benjaniite  chief,  son  of  Shashak  (1  Chr. 
viii.  24). — 1.  "  Children  of  Elam,"  to  the  number 
of  1,254,  returned  with  Zerubbabel  from  Babylon 
(Ezr.  ii.  7;  Neh.  vii.  12;  1  E.sd.  v.  12),  and  71 
with  Ezra  in  the  second  caravan  (Ezr.  viii.  7 ;  1 
Esd.  viii.  33).  Six  "  sons  of  Elam  "  w ere  among  the 
husbands  of  foreign  wives  in  Ezra's  time  (Ezr.  x. 
2G).  "  Elam "  occurs  among  the  chief  of  the 
people,  who  signed  the  covenant  with  Nchcmiah 
(Xeh.  X.  14). — 5i  1,274  children  of  a  second  ("the 
other")  Elam  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii. 
31 ;  Xeh.  vii.  34). — 6i  One  of  the  priests  who  ac- 
companied Xehemiah  at  the  dedication  of  the  new 
wall  of  Jerusalem  (Xeh.  xii.  42). 

E'lam-ites  (fr.  Heb.,  see  below)  =  the  original  in- 
habitants of  the  country  called  Elam  (Ezr.  iv.  9) ; 
they  were  descendants  of  Shem,  and  perhaps  drew 
their  name  from  an  actual  man  Elam  (Gen.  x.  22). 
Strabo  says  Ihcy  were  skilful  archers  (compare  Is. 
xxii.  6  ;  Jer.  xlix.  35).  The  "  Elamitcs  "  in  Acts  ii. 
9  were  probably  descendants  from  captive  Jews  or 
Israelites  in  Elam  (compare  Is.  xi.  11).  In  Jd.  i.  6 
the  name  is  given  from  the  Greek  as  Elymeans. 

Era-Silll  (Heb.  whom  God  made,  Ges. ;  Go<l  is 
creator,  Fii. ;  =  Eleasaii).  !•  A  priest,  of  the  sons 
of  Pashur,  in  Ezra's  time,  who  had  married  a  Gentile 
wife  (Ezr.  x.  22). — 2.  Son  of  Sliaplian  ;  one  of  the 
two  men  sent  on  a  mission  by  King  Zedekiah  to 
Xeluichadnezzar  at  Babvlon  (Jer.  xxix.  3). 

E'latU  (fr.  Heb.  sing.)!  E'lotll  (fr.  Heb.  pi.  =  trees, 
a  grove,  perhaps  palm-grove,  Ges.),  a  town  of  the 
land  of  EtiOM,  commonly  mentioned  with  Ezion- 
gebcr,  and  situate  at  the  head  of  the  Arabian  Gulf, 
which  was  thence  called  the  Elanitic  Gulf.  It  first 
occurs  in  the  account  of  the  wanderings  (Deut.  ii. 
8),  and  in  later  times  nmst  have  come  under  the 
rule  of  David  in  his  conquest  of  Edom  (2  Sam.  viii. 
14).  We  find  the  place  named  again  in  connection 
with  Solomon's  navy  (1  K.  ix.  20;  compare  2  Chr. 
viii.  17).  It  was  apparently  included  in  the  revolt 
of  Edom  against  Joram  recorded  in  2  K.  viii.  20 ; 
but  it  was  taken  and  rebuilt  by  Azariah  (xiv.  22 ; 
2  Chr.  xxvi.  2).  Afterward  "Rezin  king  of  Syiia 
recovered  Elath,  and  drave  out  the  Jews  from 
Elath ;  and  the  Syrians  (the  Keri,  LXX.,  Vulg., 
and  most  expositors  read  '  Ediimites,'  instead  of 
'Syrians')  came  to  Elath,  and  dwelt  there  to  this 
day"  (xvi.  6).  From  this  time  the  place  is  not 
mentioned  until  the  Roman  period,  during  which 
it  became  a  frontier  town  of  the  south,  and  the  resi- 
dence of  a  Christian  bishop.  Under  the  rule  of  the 
Greeks  and  Romans  it  lost  its  former  importance ; 
but  iu  Mohammedan  times  it  again  became  a  placv 


262 


ELB 


ELE 


of  some  note.  "  Extensive  mounds  of  rubbish  mark 
the  site  of  ^(7«/4,  the  Elath  of  Scripture"  (Rbn.  i. 
163).  Near  tlicse  is  the  castle  of  'Akabah,  an  im- 
portant station  on  the  route  of  Egyptian  pilgrims  to 
Mecca. 

El-bcth'fl  (Heb.  God  of  ike  Kcvae  of  God,  or 
God  of  Bethel),  the  name  which  Jacob  bestowed 
on  the  place  at  which  God  appeared  to  him  when 
he  was  fleeing  from  Esau  (Gen.  xxxv.  7).     Bethp^l. 

El'ei-a  [-she-a]  (fr.  Gr.  =  Hilkiam  ?),  ancestor 
of  Judith,  and  therefore  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon  (Jd. 
viii.  1). 

£l'da-ah  (Heb.  whom  God  called)  (Gen.  xxv.  4 ; 
1  Chr.  i.  33),  the  last,  in  order,  of  the  sons  of 
MiDiAN.  No  satisfactory  trace  of  the  tribe  which 
Ave  may  suppose  to  have  taken  the  appellation  has 
yet  been  found. 

EI'dad  (Heb.  whom  God  loven  —  Theophilcs, 
Ges.  ;  God  is  a  friend,  Fii.)  and  Me'dad  (fr.  Heb.  = 
love,  Ges.,  Fu.),  two  of  the  seventy  elders  to  whom 
was  communicated  the  prophetic  power  of  Moses 
(Num.  xi.  16,  26).  Although  their  names  were 
upon  the  list  which  Moses  had  drawn  up  (xi.  20), 
they  did  not  repair  with  the  rest  of  their  brethren 
to  the  tabernacle,  but  continued  to  prophesy  in  the 
camp.  Moses  being  requested  by  Joshua  to  forV)id 
this,  refused  to  do  so,  and  expressed  a  wish  that 
the  gift  of  prophecy  mijiht  be  diffused  throughout 
the  people.  The  mode  of  prophecy  in  the  case  of 
Eldad  and  Medad  was  probably  the  extempore  pro- 
duction of  hymns,  chanted  forth  to  the  people 
(Hammond):  compare  the  case  of  Saul,  1  Sam.  x. 
11.     Prophet. 

Elder.  The  term  elda-  (or  old  man,  as  the  Heb. 
z&kev,  usually,  in  the  plural,  translated  "  elders," 
literally  imports)  was  one  of  extensive  use,  as  an 
official  title,  among  the  Hebrews  and  the  surround- 
ing nations.  It  had  reference  to  various  offices, 
head-servants,  officers  of  Pharaoh's  household,  mas- 
ter workmen,  &c.  (Gen.  xxiv.  2  [A.  V.  "eldest"], 
1.  7;  2  Sam.  xii.  17;  Ez.  xxvii.  9  [A.  V.  "an- 
cients "]).  As  betokening  a  political  office,  it  ap- 
plied not  only  to  the  Hebrews,  but  also  to  the 
Egyptians  (Gen.  1.  7),  the  Moabites  and  Midianites 
(Num.  xxii.  7).  Wherever  a  patriarchal  system  is 
in  force,  the  office  of  the  elder  will  be  found,  as  the 
key-stone  of  the  social  and  political  fabric :  it  is  so 
at  the  present  day  among  the  Arabs,  where  the 
Sheikh  (  =  the  old  man)  is  the  highest  authority  in 
the  tribe.  (Age,  Old.)  The  earliest  notice  of  the 
elders  acting  in  concert  as  a  political  body  is  at  the 
time  of  the  Exodus.  They  were  the  representatives 
of  the  people,  so  much  so  that  elders  and  people  are 
occasionally  used  as  equivalent  terms  (compare 
Josh.  xxiv.  1  with  2,  19,  21 ;  1  Sam.  viii.  4  with  7, 
10,  19).  (Congregation.)  Their  authority  was 
undefined,  and  extended  to  all  matters  concerning 
the  public  weal.  When  the  tribes  became  settled, 
the  elders  were  distinguished  by  different  titles  ac- 
cording as  they  were  acting  as  national  representa- 
tives (1  Sam.  iv.  3;  1  K.  xx.  7;  2  K.  xxiii.  1,  &c.), 
as  district  governors  over  the  several  tribes  (Deut. 
xxxi.  28;  2  Sam.  xix.  11),  or  as  local  magistrates 
in  the  provincial  towns,  whose  duty  it  was  to  sit  in 
the  gate  and  administer  justice  (Deut.  xix.  12  ;  Ru. 
iv.  9,  11;  1  K.  xxi.  8).  (Judge.)  Their  number 
and  influence  may  be  inferred  from  1  Sam.  xxx.  26 
ff.  They  retained  their  position  under  all  the  po- 
litical changes  which  the  Jews  underwent :  under 
the  Judges  (Judg.  ii.  7;  1  Sam.  iv.  3) ;  under  the 
kings  (2  Sam.  xvii.  4);  during  the  Captivity  (Jer. 
xxix.  1;   Ez.  viii.  1);   subsequently  to  the  return 


(Ezr.  V.  5,  vi.  7,  14,  x.  8,  14) ;  under  the  Maccabees, 
when  they  were  described  sometimes  as  the  sinate 
(Gr.  gerousia,  1  Me.  xii.  6  [A.  V.  "  elders  "j  ;  2  Mc. 
i.  10,  xi.  27  [A.  V.  "council"  in  both],  iv.  44  [A.  V. 
"  senate  "]),  sometimes  by  their  ordinary  title  (Gr. 
prefbnliros,  literally  one  older  or  more  agid,  almost 
uniformly  translated  "  ejder,"  in  plural  "  elders," 
(1  Mc.  vii.  33,  xi.  23,  xii.  86);  and,  lastly,  at  the 
commencement  of  the  Christian  era,  w  hen  they  are 
noticed  as  a  distinct  body  from  the  Sanhedrim 
(Mat.  xvi.  21,  xxi.  23,  xxvi.  59).  St.  Luke  describes 
the  whole  order  by  tlie  Greek  collective  term  pm- 
buterion  (Lk.  xxii.  06  [A.  V.  "elders"];  Acts  xxii. 
5  [A.  V.  "  estate  of  the  elders  "]),  and  the  same 
word  is  translated  "  presbytery  "  in  1  Tim.  iv.  14. 
For  the  position  of  the  ciders  in  the  sjningogue  and 
the  Christian  church,  see  Synagogue;  Bishop. 

E'le-ad  (Heb.  whom  God  apiplauds,  Ges. ;  God  is 
prokcior,  Fii.),  a  descendant  of  Ephraim  (1  Chr.  vii. 
21).     Shutiielah. 

E-Ic-a'Ieh  (Heb.  whither  God  ascends,  Ges. ;  Ihe 
exalted  God,  Fii.),  a  place  on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  ia 
the  pastoral  country,  taken  possession  of  and  le- 
built  by  the  tribe  of  Reuben  (Num.  xxxii.  3,  37). 
By  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah  it  is  mentioned  as  a  Moal- 
ite  town  (Is.  xv.  4,  xvi.  9 ;  Jer.  xlviii.  34).  The  ex- 
tensive ruins  of  the  place  are  still  to  be  seen,  bear- 
ing very  nearly  their  ancient  name,  El-Al,  a  little 
more  than  one  mile  N.  E.  of  Heshbon. 

E-!e'a-sa  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  Eleasah  or  Adasa  ?),  a 
place  at  which  Judas  Maccabeus  encamped  bctore 
the  battle  with  Bacchides,  in  which  he  lost  his  life 
(1  Mc.  ix.  5).  It  was  apparently  not  far  from  Azo- 
tus  (compare  15).     Laish. 

E-lc'a-sah  or  E-Ic-a'sKh  (Ileb.  =  Elasah).  1. 
Son  of  Helez  ;  a  descendant  of  Judah,  of  the  family 
of  Hezron  (1  Chr.  ii.  89). — 2.  Son  of  Rapho,  or 
Rephaiah;  a  descendant  of  Saul  through  Joiiatlian 
and  Merib-baal  or  Mephibosheth  (1  Chr.  viii.  37,  ix. 
43). 

E-le-a'zar  or  E-lc'a-z«r  (Heb.  whom  God  lulps, 
Ges.;  Oodis  helper,  Fii.).  1.  Third  son  of  Aaron, 
by  Elisheba,  daughter  of  Ammhiadab.  After  (lie 
death  of  Nadab  and  Abihu  without  children  (Lev. 
X.  1  if. ;  Num.  iii.  4),  Elcazai;  was  appointed  chief 
over  the  principal  Levites  (Num.  iii,  32).  With  his 
brother  Ithamar  he  ministered  as  a  priest  during 
their  father's  Hfetime,  and  immediately  before  liis 
death  was  invested  on  Mount  Ilor  with  the  sacred 
garments,  as  the  successor  of  Aaron  in  the  office  of 
HiGn-PRiEST  (xx.  28).  One  of  his  first  duties  was  in 
conjunction  with  Moses  to  superintend  the  census 
of  the  people  (xxvi.  3).  He  also  assisted  at  the  in- 
auguration of  Joshua  (xxvii.  22,  23),  at  the  division 
of  the  Midianite  spoil  (xxxi.  21  ff.),  and  after  the 
conquest  of  Canaan  in  the  distribution  of  the  land 
(Josh.  xlv.  1,  &c.).  The  time  of  his  death  is  not 
mentioned  in  Scripture;  Josephus  says  it  took 
place  about  the  same  time  as  Joshua's,  twenty-tive 
years  after  the  death  of  Jloses.  He  was  buried  in 
the  hill  of  Phineas  his  son  (xxiv,  23).— 2.  The  son 
of  Abinadab,  of  the  hill  of  Kirjath-jearim,  conse- 
crated to  take  charge  of  the  ark  (1  Sam.  vii.  1). — 
3<  The  son  of  Dodo  the  Ahoiiite  ;  one  of  the  three 
principal  mighty  men  of  David's  army  (2  Sam.  xxiii. 
9  ft".;  1  Chr.  xi.  12  ft'.).— 4.  A  Levite,  son  of  Malili, 
and  grandson  of  Merari  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  21,  22,  xxiv. 
28). — 5t  A  priest  who  took  part  in  the  feast  of 
dedication  under  Nehemiah  (Neh.  xii.  42). — 6.  A 
son  (i.  e.  descendant)  of  Parosh ;  an  Israehte  (i.  e. 
a  layman)  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife,  and  had 
to  put  her  away  (Ezr.  x.  25  ;  1  Esd.  ix.  26).— 7.  Son 


I 


ELE 


ELI 


263 


of  Phinchas  a  Levite  (Ezr.  viii.  33  ;  1  Esd.  viii.  63). 
—8.  In  1  Esd.  viii.  43  =  Eliezeu  7. — 9.  Surnamed 
AVABA.N  (1  Mc.  ii.  5) ;  fourth  son  of  Mattathias ;  fell 
by  an  act  of  self-devotion  in  an  engagement  with 
Antiochus  Eupator,  B.  c.  164  (vi.  43  If.).  In  a  for- 
mer battle  with  Nicanor,  Eleazar  was  appointed  by 
Judas  to  read  "  the  holy  book  "  before  the  attack, 
and  the  watch-word  in  {he  fight — "The  help  of 
God  " — was  his  own  name  (2  ilc.  viii.  23). — lU.  A 
distinguished  scribe  of  great  age,  who  suBered  mar- 
tyrdom during  the  persecution  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes  (2  Mo.  vi.  18-31). — !!•  Father  of  Jason, 
ambassador  from  Judas  Maccabeus  to  Rome  (1  Mc. 
viii.  18). — 12.  The  son  of  EUud,  in  the  genealogy 
of  Jesus  Christ  (Mat.  i.  15). 

•  E-lect'  (fr.  L.=  chosen,  selected,  especially  by  God), 
the  -V.  V.  translation  of  the  Ileb.  bdliir  or  bdchir 
(Is.  xlii.  1,  .\lv.  4,  Ixv.  9,  22)  and  Gr.  ekkktos  (Mat. 
x.\iv.  22,  24,  31 ;  Mk.  xiii.  20,  22,  27;  Lk.  xviii.  7; 
Rom.  viii.  33;  Col.  iii.  12;  1  Tim.  v.  21;  2  Tim.  ii. 
10;  Tit.  i.  1 ;  1  Pet  i.  2,  ii.  6;  2  Jn.  1,  13),  each  of 
which  is  also  translated  "chosen"  in  other  places 
(2  Sam.  xxi.  6  margin,  text  "did  choose;"  1  Chr. 
xvi.  13 ;  I's.  Ixxxix.  3  [Ueb.  4],  cv.  6,  43,  cvi.  5, 
23;  Is.  .xli'ii.  20,  Ixv.  15  ;  Mat.  xx.  16,  -xxii.  14;  Lk. 
xxiil.  35;  Rom.  xvi.  13;  1  Pet.  ii.  4,  9;  Rev.  xvii. 
14).  So  the  Gr.  ekloye  (  =  ehoice,  election,  selection, 
Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  is  translated  "  election  "  in  Rom. 
ix.  11,  xi.  5,  7,  28;  1  Th.  i.  4 ;  2  Pet.  i.  10,  and 
"chosen"  (literally  vessel  of  election)  in  Acts  ix. 
13. 

E-lp-a-zn'ros  (1  Esd.  ix.  24)  =  Eliashib  4. 

EI-E-lo  hc-ls'm-el  (fr.  Ilcb.  =  Almigldy,  God  of 
Israel),  the  name  bestowed  by  Jacob  on  the  altar 
which  he  erected  facing  the  city  of  Shechera  (Gen. 
xixiii.  19,  20. 

E'leph  (Heb.  ox  or  thousand;  =  Aleph),  a  town 
allotted  to  Benjamin,  named  next  to  Jerusalem 
(Josh,  xviii.  28). 

El'e-pbant.  The  word  does  not  occur  in  the 
text  of  A.  V.  of  the  canonical  Scriptures,  but  is 
fotmd  as  the  marginal  reading  to  Beiiemoth,  in 
Job  xl.  13.  " Etepliants'  teeth"  is  the  marginal 
reading  for  "itorv"  in  1  K.  x.  22;  2  Chr.  ix.  21. 
Elephants  are  mentioned  as  being  used  in  warfare 
(1  Mc.  i.  17,  iii.  34,  vi.  34  If.,  viii.  6,  xi.  56;  2  Mc. 
xi.  4,  xiii.  2,  &c.).  Elephants  are  now  found  na- 
tive only  in  .S.  Asia  and  in  middle  and  S.  Africa. 
Their  great  size,  strength,  sagacity,  and  docility, 
are  well  known.  They  are  distinguished  from 
all  other  (juadrupeds  by  their  flexible  proboscis  or 
trunk. 

.  *  E-len-the-rop'o-lis  (Gr.  free  citi/),  a  city  of  S. 
Palestine,  not  mentioned  in  the  Scriptures,  but  im- 
portant as  the  capital  of  a  large  province  and  the 
scat  of  a  bishop  in  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries 
A.  c. ;  probably  so  named  about  a.  d.  202 ;  previ- 
ously called  Detor/ahra,  and  supposed  by  Thomson 
(ii.  860)  also  =  Gath  ;  now  Beit  Jibrin,  a  village 
with  extensive  and  massive  ruins  of  a  fortress, 
groups  of  caverns,  &c.  (Rbn.  ii.  24,  Ac).  It  is 
about  twenty  miles  S.  \V.  from  Jerusalem. 

E-lea'the-rng  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =free),  a  river  of  Syria 
mentioned  in  1  Mc.  xi.  7 ;  xii.  30.  In  early  ages  it 
was  a  noted  border  stream.  According  to  Strabo 
it  separated  Syria  from  Phcnicia,  and  formed  the 
X.  limit  of  C'elosyria.  Of  the  identity  of  the 
Elcutherus  with  the  modern  Nahr  el-Kebir,  "  Great 
River,"  there  cannot  be  a  doubt.  Its  highest  source 
IS  at  the  N.  E.  base  of  Lebanon ;  it  sweeps  round 
the  N.  end  of  the  range,  through  the  opening  called 
In  Scripture   "  the   entrance  of  Hamath "  (Num. 


xxxiv.  8) ;  and  falls  into  the  Mediterranean  about 
eighteen  miles  N.  of  Tripolis. 

EI-ba'naB  (Heb.  whom  Uod  bestowed,  Gcs. ;  God 
is  kind,  Pii.).  I,  A  distinguished  warrior  in  David's 
time,  who  performed  a  memorable  exploit  against 
the  Philistines. — (a.)  2  Sam.  xxi.  19  says  that  he 
was  the  "  son  of  Jaare-oregim  the  Bctlilehemite," 
and  that  he  "  slew  Goliath  the  Gittite,  the  staff  of 
whose  spear  was  like  a  weaver's  beam."  Here,  in 
the  A.V.,  the  words  "  the  brother  of"  are  inserted, 
to  bring  the  passage  into  agreement  with — (6.)  1 
Chr.  XX.  5,  which  states  that  "  Elhanan  son  of  Jair 
(or  Jaor)  slew  Lahmi  the  brother  of  Goliath  the 
Gittite,  the  staff  of  whose  spear,"  &c.  Of  these 
two  statements  the  latter  is  probably  the  more  cor- 
rect— the  differences  between  them  being  much 
smaller  in  the  original  than  in  English.  Nearly  all 
the  commentators  consider  the  text  of  Samuel 
here  to  be  corrupt,  and  correct  it  from  Chronicles 
(so  Keil).  The  Hebrew  word  oregim  occurs  twice 
in  the  verse  in  Samuel,  first  as  a  proper  name,  and 
again  at  the  end,  "  weavers."  The  former  has 
probably  been  taken  in  by  an  early  transcriber 
from  the  latter,  i.  e.  from  the  next  line  of  the  MS. 
— 2>  The  son  of  Dodo  of  Bethlehem,  one  of  David's 
"  thirty  "  valiant  men,  and  named  first  on  the  list 
after  Asahel  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  24 ;  1  Chr.  xi.  26). 

Eli  (Heb.  ascent,  summit,  the  highest,  Ges.),  a 
HIGH-PRIEST  descended  from  Aaron  through  Itha- 
mar,  the  youngest  of  his  two  surviving  sons  (com- 
pare 1  K.  ii.  27  with  2  Sam.  viii.  17;  1  Chr.  xxiv. 
3).  As  the  history  makes  no  mention  of  any  high- 
priest  of  Ithamar's  line  before  Eli,  he  is  generally 
supposed  to  have  been  the  first  of  that  line  who 
held  the  office.  From  him,  his  sons  having  died 
before  him,  it  appears  to  have  passed  to  his  grand- 
son, AiiiTiB  (1  Sam.  xiv.  3),  and  it  certainly  re- 
mained in  his  family  till  Abiatiiar,  the  grandson 
of  Ahitub,  was  "thrust  out  from  being  priest  unto 
the  Lord  "  by  Solomon  for  his  share  in  Adonijali's 
rebellion  (1  K.  i.  7,  ii.  26,  27),  and  the  high-priest- 
hood passed  back  again  to  the  family  of  Eleazar 
in  the  person  of  Zadok  (ii.  35).  This  return  of  it 
to  the  elder  branch  was  one  part  of  the  evil  de- 
nounced against  Eli  during  his  lifetime,  for  his 
culpable  negligence  in  not  restraining  his  sons, 
when  they  by  their  rapacity  and  licentiousness  pro- 
faned the  priesthood,  and  brought  the  rites  of  re- 
ligion into  abhorrence  among  the  people  ( 1  Sam.  ii. 
22-36,  iii.  11-14,  with  1  K.  ii.  27).  Notwithstand- 
ing this  one  great  blemish,  the  character  of  Eli  is 
marked  by  eminent  piety,  as  shown  by  his  meek 
submission  to  the  divine  judgment  (1  Sam.  iii.  18), 
and  his  supreme  regard  for  the  ark  of  God  (iv.  18). 
In  addition  to  the  office  of  high-priest  he  held  that 
of  judge  forty  years  (twenty  years  in  LXX.),  being 
the  immediate  predecessor  of  his  pupil  Samuel  (vii. 
6,  15-17),  the  last  of  the  judges.  It  has  been  sug- 
gested that  he  was  sole  judge  twenty  years  after 
having  been  co-judge  with  Samson  twenty  years. 
He  died  at  the  advanced  age  of  ninety-eight  years 
(iv.  15),  overcome  by  the  disastrous  intelligence 
that  the  ark  of  God  had  been  taken  in  battle  by  the 
Philistines,  who  bad  also  slain  his  sons  Uophni  and 
Phinehas. 

•  Ell  (Heb.  m,  my  Ood),  E'll,  la'ma  (Heb.  UmA, 
why?  wherefore!)  sa-bach'tlia-nl  (Chal.  slilbaktani, 
hast  tlum  forsaken  me),  the  words  uttered  by  our 
Saviour  in  His  agony  on  the  cross  (Mat.  xxvii.  46), 
quoted  from  Ps.  xxii.  1  (Heb.  2).  The  first  words 
are  given  in  Mk.  xv.  34  more  exactly  according  to 
the  Aramaic  dialect,  "E-lo'i,  E-lo'i,"  &c. 


264 


ELI 


EU 


E-li'Rb  (Heb.  to  whom  God  is  father,  Ges.).  I. 
Son  of  Helon  and  leader  of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun 
at  the  census  in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai  (Num.  i.  9, 
ii.  7,  vii.  24,  29,  x.  16). — 2,  A  Keubenite,  son  of 
Pallu  or  Phallu,  and  father  or  progenitor  of  Dathan 
and  Abiram  (Jsum.  xxvi.  8,  9,  xvi.  1,  12  ;  Deut.  xi. 
6). — 3,  One  of  David's  brotliers,  the  eldest  son  of 
Jesse  (1  Chr.  ii.  13;  1  Sana.  xvi.  6,  xvii.  13,  28). 
His  daughter  Abihail  married  her  second  cousin 
Kehoboani,  and  bore  him  three  children  (2  Chr.  xi. 
18);  although  it  is  dilhcult  not  to  suspect  that 
"  daughter  "  here  =  grand-daughter  or  descendant. 
— 4i  A  Levite  in  liavid's  time,  who  was  both  a 
"porter"  and  a  musician  on  the  "psaltery"  (1 
Chr.  XV.  18,  20,  xvi.  5).— 5.  One  of  the  warlike 
Gadite  leaders  who  came  over  to  Uavid  when  he 
was  in  the  wilderness  taking  refuge  from  Saul  (1 
Chr.  xii.  9). — £.  An  ancestor  of  Samuel  the  Proph- 
et ;  a  Kohathite  Levite,  son  of  Kahath  (1  Chr.  vi. 
27) ;  probably  =  Eliiiu  2  and  Eliel  2. — 7.  Son 
of  Nathanael ;  ancestor  of  Judith,  and  therefore 
a  Simeonite  (Jd.  viii.  1). 

E-li'a-da  (fr.  Ileb.  =  whom  God  knows,  i.  e.  cares 
for,  Ges.).  I.  One  of  David's  sons ;  according  to 
the  lists,  the  youngest  but  one  of  the  family  born 
to  him  in  Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  v.  10  ;  1  Chr.  lii.  8) ;  = 
Bekliada.  From  the  latter  passage  it  appears  he 
was  the  son  of  a  wife  and  not  of  a  concubine. — i. 
A  mighty  man  of  war,  a  Benjamite,  who  led  200,000 
of  his  tribe  to  the  army  of  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr. 
xvii.  17). 

E-Ii'a-dah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Eliada),  father  of  Kezon 
(1  K.  xi.  23). 

E-liVdas  (Gr.)  (1  Esd.  ix.  28)  =  Elioekai. 

E-li'a-dim  (1  Esd.  v.  58),  possibly  altered  from 
Hexadad. 

E-ii'ali  (fr.  Heb.  =  Elijah).  I.  A  Benjamite 
chief,  son  of  Jeroham  (1  Chr.  viii.  27).^2i  A  son, 
i.  c.  descendant,  of  Elam  in  Ezra's  time,  who  had 
married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  26). 

E-li'all-ba  (Ilel).  whom  God  hides,  Ges.),  a  Shaal- 
bonitc,  one  of  David's  thirty  "  valiant  men  "  (2  Sam. 
xxiii.  32 ;  1  Chr.  xi.  33). 

E-li'a-kini  (Ileb.  whom  God  has  set  up,  Ges.).  1, 
Son  of  IIiLKiAii  1 ;  master  of  Hezckiah's  household 
(2  K.  xviii.  26,  £7 ;  Is.  xxxvi.  3,  &c.).  lie  succeeded 
SiiEDNA  in  this  office,  after,  the  latter  had  been 
ejected  from  it  for  his  pride  (Is.  xxii.  15-20).  Elia- 
kim  was  a  good  man,  as  appears  I)y  the  title  em- 
phatically applied  to  him  by  God,  "  my  servant  Elia- 
kim  "  (xxii.  20),  and  as  was  evinced  by  his  conduct 
on  the  occasion  of  Sennacherib's  invasion  (2  K. 
xviii.  37,  xix.  1-5),  and  also  in  the  discharge  of  the 
duties  of  his  high  station,  in  which  he  acted  as  a 
"  father  to  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  and  to  the 
house  of  Judah"(Is.  xxii.  21).  It  was  a  special 
mark  of  the  Divine  approbation  of  his  character  and 
conduct,  of  which,  however,  no  further  details  have 
been  preserved  to  us,  that  he  was  raised  to  the  post 
of  authority  and  dignity  "  over  the  house,"  which  he 
held  at  the  time  of  the  Assyrian  invasion.  What 
this  office  was  has  been  a  subject  of  some  perplexity 
to  commentators.  The  ancients,  including  the 
LXX.  and  Jerome,  understood  it  of  the  priestly 
office.  But  it  is  certain  from  the  description  of  the 
office  in  Is.  xxii.,  and  especially  from  verse  22,  that 
it  was  the  king's  house,  and  not  the  Uouse  of  God, 
of  which  Eliakim  was  prefect.^2.  The  original 
name  of  Jehoiakim,  king  of  Judah  (2  K.  xxiii.  34; 
2  Chr.  xxxvi.  4). — 3f  A  priest  in  Nehemiah's  time, 
who  assisted  at  the  dedication  of  the  new  wall  of 
Jerusalem  (Xeh.  xii.  41).— 4.  Son  of  Abiud,  and 


father  of  Azor,  in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ 
(Mat.  i.  13). — &,  Son  of  Melea,  and  father  of  Jonan, 
in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ  (Lk.  iii.  30,  31). 

E-li'a-U  (Gr.)  (1  Esd.  ix.  34),  probably  =  Bix- 
Nil  3. 

E-U'am  (Heb.  =  Eliab,  Ges. ;  God  is  gathera;  or 
foiindcr  of  families  and  conimnnilics,  Fii.).  ] ,  Father 
of  Batb-sueba,  the  wife  of  David  (2  Sam.  xi.  3).     In 

1  Chr.  iii.  5,  the  names  of  both  father  and  diiu{;lilcr 
are  altered,  the  former  to  Ammiel  and  the  lattir  to 
Bath-shi:a.— 2.  Son  of  Ahithophel  the  Gilonite; 
one  of  David's  "  thirty  "  warriors  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  34). 
The  name  is  omitted  in  I  Chr.  xi.,  but  probalily  =: 
"AuijAii  4  the  I'elonite."  The  ancient  Jewish 
tradition,  preserved  by  Jercne,  is  that  the  two 
Eliams  are  the  same  person. 

E-11-a-o'ni-as  (Gr.)  (1  Esd.  viii.  31)  =  EunoEXAi. 

E-Ii'as,  the  Greek  and  Latin  form  of  Elijah  given 
in  the  A.  V.  of  the  Apocrypha  and  N.  T. :  Eiclus. 
xlviii.  1,4,  12;  1  Me.  ii.  bS;  Jlat.  xi.  14,  xvi.  14, 
xvii.  3,  4,  10,  11,  12,  xxvii.  47,  49  ;  Ilk.  vi.  10,  viii. 
28,  ix.  4,  5,  11-13,  XV.  35,  3G  ;  Lk.  i.  17,  iv.  25, 
26,  ix.  8,  19,  30,  S3,  54  ;  Jn.  i.  21,  25 ;  Kom.  xi.  £ ; 
Jas.  V.  17.  In  Rom.  xi.  2,  the  reference  is  not  to 
the  prophet,  but  to  the  portion  of  Scripture  des- 
ignated by  his  name,  the  words  being  literally  "in 
Elias,"  not  as  in  A.  V.  "of  Elias." 

£-Ii'a-sa];h  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God  has  added, 
Ges. ;  Gvdis  (lalhtrer,  i.  e.  protector,  Fii.).  1.  Sen 
of  Deuel  or  Keuel ;  chief  of  Gad  at  the  census  in 
the  AVilderness  of  Sinai  (Num.  i.  14,  ii.  14,  vii.  42, 
47,  X.  20). — 2.  Son  of  Lacl ;  a  Levite,  and  "  cliitf 
of  the  house  of  the  father  of  the  Gershonites  "  at  the 
same  time  (iii.  24). 

E-li'a-sllib  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Gcd  restores,  Cos.; 
God  is  requitn;  Fii.).  I.  A  priest  in  David's  time, 
the  eleventh  of  the  "  governors  "  of  the  sanctuary 
(1  Chr.  xxiv.  12). — 2.  A  s on  of  Elioenai,  de.^^cer.dant 
of  the  royal  family  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iii.  24). —  3> 
HiGH-rRiEST  at  Jerusalem  at  the  rebuilding  of  the 
walls  under  Kehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  1,  20,  21);  allied 
to  Tobiah  and  Sanballat  (Ezr.  x.  6;  Neh.  xiii.  4,  7, 
28).  His  genealogy  is  given  in  xii.  10,  22,  iS.— 1, 
A  singer  in  Ezra's  time  who  had  married  a  foicicn 
wife  (Ezr.  x.  24).— 5.  A  son  of  Zattu  (x.  27  ,  and 
— £.  A  son  of  Bani  (x.  £6),  both  of  whcm  had 
transgressed  in  the  same  manner. 

E-Ua-sls  (Gr.)  (1  Esd.  ix.  34)  apparently  = 
Jaasac. 

E-ii'fi-tlisb  (Heb.  to  whom  God  comes,  Ccf.\  a 
son  of  lUman  ;  a  musician  in  the  Temple  in  Da\  id's 
time,  who  with  twelve  of  his  sons  and  brethren  had 
the  twentieth  division  of  the  temple-service  (1  Chr. 
XXV.  4,  27). 

}>li  dad  (Heb.  =  ELnAi>,  Ges.,  Fii.),  eon  of  Chis- 
lon ;  the  Benjamite  prince  who  assisted  in  the  di- 
vision of  the  land  of  Canaan  (Num.  xxxiv.  21). 

E'li-fl  (Heb.  to  v.hom  God  is  strivgih,  Ges.;  Gcd 
is  God,  Fii.).  1.  One  of  the  heads  of  the  triliC  of 
Manaspch  on  the  E.  of  Jordan  (1  Chr.  v.  24). — ?• 
Son  of  Toah  ;  a  Levite,  probably  =  Eliah  6  and  Eliiiu 

2  (vi.  34).— 3.  A  Benjamite  chief,  son  of  Shinihi 
(viii.  20). — 4.  A  Benjamite  chief,  son  of  Shashak 
(viii.  22).— 5.  "The  Mahavite;"  one  of  David's 
"valiant  men"  (xi.  46). — C>  Another  of  the  same, 
but  without  any  express  designation  (xi.  47). — T. 
One  of  the  Gadite  heroes  who  came  across  Jordai 
to  David  when  he  was  in  the  wilderness  of  Judi 
hiding  from  Saul  (xii.  11).— S,  A  Kohathite  Lcvil 
chief  of  the  sons  of  Hebron  at  the  transpcrtatii 
of  the  ark  from  the  house  of  Obed-edoip  to  Jerai  _ 
lem  (.XV.  9,  11).— 9.  A  Levite  in  Ilezekiah's  timey 


-T. 

lan_ 

I 

I 


ELI 


ELI 


265 


an  overseer  of  the  offerings  made  in  the  Temple  (2 
C;ir.  xxxi.  13). 

&II-e'Qai,  or  E-II-e'na-i  (Heb.  =  Elioenai),  a 
Bw'iijamitc  chief,  son  of  :5himhi  (1  Chr.  viii.  20). 

E-H-?  Ztr  (llcb.  God  his  helj),  Ges.).  1>  Abra- 
ham's thief  servant,  called  by  him,  as  the  passage 
is  usually  translated,  "Eliezer  of  Damascus,"  or 
"  that  Damascene,  Eliezer,"  literally  "  Damascus 
Eliezer  "  (Gen.  xv.  2).  There  is  an  apparent  con- 
traliction  in  the  A.  V.,  for  it  does  not  appear  how, 
if  he  was  of  "  Damascus,"  he  could  be  "  born  in 
Abraham's  house"  (ver.  3).  Hut  the  Hebrew  phrase 
translated  in  A.  V.  "  born  in  my  house,"  is  literally 
»jrt  of  mi/  home,  which  (so  some)  only  imports  that 
he  was  one  of  Abraham's  household,  not  that  he 
was  born  in  his  house.  But  Gesenius  makes  son  of 
mi/  house  =  my  home-born  slave.  Eliezer  may  be 
called  "  Damascus  Eliezer "  simply  because  his 
family  originally  came  from  Damascus  (so  Kalisch). 
If  Abramam  lived  for  a  while  in  Damascus  (as  Jose- 
phus  relates),  or  if,  as  Beke  supposes.  Haras  was 
in  the  Damascus  district,  Eliezer  might  be  both 
"  Damascus  Eliezer "  and  "  born  in  Abraham's 
house."  In  verse  2,  what  is  translated  in  A.  V. 
"the  steward  of  my  house,"  &c.,  should  probably 
be  rendered  "  the  son  of  possession,"  i.  c.  possessor, 
"of  my  house,  shall  be  .  .  .  Eliezer."  It  was,  most 
likely,  this  same  Eliezer  who  is  described  in  Gen.  xxiv. 
2  (Elder),  and  was  sent  to  Padan-aram  to  take  a 
wife  for  Isaac. — 2.  Second  son  of  Moses  and  Zip- 
porah,  to  whom  his  fiither  gave  this  name,  "  be- 
cause, said  he,  the  God  of  my  father  was  my  help, 
that  delivered  me  from  the  sword  of  Pharaoh  "  (Ex. 
xviii.  4;  1  Chr.  xxiii.  15,  17,  xxvi.  25).  lie  re- 
mained with  his  mother  and  brother  Gershom,  in 
the  care  of  Jethro,  his  grandfather,  when  Moses  re- 
turned to  Egypt  (Ex.  iv.  18  ff.),  she  having  been 
Bent  back  to  her  father  by  Moses  (xviii.  2),  though 
she  set  off  to  accompany  him,  and  went  part  of  the 
way  with  him. — 3<  Son  of  Bcclicr,  and  grandson  of 
Benjamin  (1  Chr.  vii.  8). — 4.  A  priest  in  David's 
reign,  appointed  to  sound  with  the  trumpet  before 
the  ark  (xv.  24). — 5>  Son  of  Zichri,  ruler  of  the  Ueu- 
benitcs  in  David's  reign  (xxvii.  10). — 6.  Son  of  Doda- 
vah,  of  Mareshah  in  Judah  (2  Chr.  xx.  37) ;  a 
prophet,  who  rebuked  Jehoshaphat  for  joining  him- 
self with  Ahaziah  king  of  Israel. — 7i  A  chief  Israel- 
ite— a  "  man  of  understanding  " — whom  Ezra  sent 
with  others  from  Ahava  to  Casiphia,  to  induce  some 
Levites  aud  N'ethinim  to  accompany  him  to  Jerusa- 
lem (Ezr.  viii.  16). — 8,  9,  10.  A  "priest,  a  Levite, 
aid  an  Israelite  of  the  sons  of  Uarim,  who,  in  the 
time  of  Ezra,  had  married  foreign  wives  (Ezr.  x.  18, 
23,  31). — II.  Son  of  Jorim,  in  the  genealogy  of 
Christ  ( Lk.  iii.  29). 

E-ll-ho-r'nai  or  E-U-ho-c'na-i  (Heb.  =  Elioenai), 
son  of  Zerahiah;  one  of  the  sons  of  Pahath-moab, 
who  with  21)0  men  returned  from  the  Captivity  with 
Ezra  (r,zr.  viii.  4). 

H-I-ba'rtph  [ref]  (Heb.  Ood  his  recompense, 
Ges.),  son  of  Shisha,  and  one  of  Solomon's  scribes 
(1  K.  iv.  3). 

E-IIha  or  El'i-Im  (Ileb.  whose  God  is  lit,  i.  e. 
Jehovah.  Ges.).  1.  One  of  the  interlocutors  in  the 
book  of  Job,  described  as  the  "  son  of  Barachel  the 
BfziiE."  In  his  speech  (Job  xxxii.-xxxvii.)  he  de- 
scribes himself  as  younger  than  the  three  friends, 
and  accordingly  his  presence  is  not  noticed  in  the 
first  chapters.— J.  Son  of  Tohu ;  a  forefather  of 
Samuel  the  prophet  (1  Sam.  i.  1).  (Emab  6  ;  Ei.iel 
2.)— 3.  In  1  Chr.  xxvii.  18,  Elihu  "of  the  brethren 
of  David  "  (according  to  ancient  Hebrew  tradition 


=:  Eliab  3)  is  mentioned  as  chief  of  the  tribe  of 
Judah. — 1,  One  of  the  captains  of  the  thousands  of 
Manasseh  (1  Chr.  xii.  20)  who  followed  David  to 
Ziklag  after  he  had  left  the  I'hilistine  army  on  the 
eve  of  the  battle  of  Gilboa,  and  assisted  him  against 
the  marauding  band  of  the  Amalekites  (com|)are  1 
Sam.  XXX.).— 5.  A  Korhite  Levite  in  the  time  of 
David ;  one  of  the  doorkeepers  of  the  house  of 
Jehovah.  He  was  a  son  of  Shemaiah,  and  of  the 
family  of  Obed-edom  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  7). 

i       E-li'jall  (fr.  Heb.   =  rrnj   God  is  Jehovah,  Ges.). 

!  1.  "Elijah  the  Tishbite"  (in  Apocrypha  and  N.  T. 

I  Elias)  has  been  well  entitled  "  the  grandest  and  the 

i  most  romantic  character  that  Israel  ever  produced." 
Certainly  there  is  no  personage  in  the  O.  T.  whose 
career  is  more  vividly  portrayed,  or  who  exercises 
on  us  a  more  remarkable  lascination.  His  rare, 
sudden,  and  brief  appearances — his  undaunted 
courage  and  fiery  zeal — the  brilliancy  of  his  tri- 
umphs— the  pathos  of  his  despondency — the  glory 
of  ids  departure,  and  the  calm  beauty  of  his  reap- 
pearance on  the  Mount  of  Transfiguration — throw 
such  a  halo  of  brightness  around  him  as  is  equalled 
by  none  of  his  compeers  in  the  sacred  story.  The 
ignorance  in  which  we  are  left  of  the  circumstances 
and  antecedents  of  the  man  who  did  and  who  suffered 
so  nmeh,  doubtless  contributes  to  enhance  our  in- 
terest in  the  story  and  the  character.  "  Elijah  the 
Tishbite  of  the  inhabitants  of  Gilead  "(IK.  xvii.  1) 
is  literally  all  that  is  given  us  of  his  parentage  and 
locality.  He  was  from  the  country  on  the  iurther 
side  of  the  Jordan — a  country  of  chase  and  pasture, 
of  tent-villages  and  mountain-castles,  inhabited  by  a 
people  not  settled  and  civilized  like  those  of  Ephraira 
and  Judah,  but  of  wandering,  irregular  habits,  ex- 
posed to  the  attacks  of  the  nomad  tribes  of  the 
desert,  and  gradually  conforming  more  and  more  to 
the  habits  of  those  tribes.  Of  his  appearance  as  he 
"  stood  before "  Ahab,  with  the  suddenness  of 
motion  to  this  day  characteristic  of  the  Bedouins 
from  his  native  hills,  we  can  perhaps  realize  some- 
thing from  the  touches,  few,  but  strong,  of  the  nar- 
rative. Of  his  height  little  is  to  be  inferred ;  that 
little  is  in  favor  of  its  being  beyond  the  ordinary 
size.  His  chief  characteristic  was  his  hair,  long  and 
thick,  and  hanging  down  his  back  ;  which,  if  not 
betokening  the  immense  strength  of  Samson,  yet 
accompanied  powers  of  endurance  no  loss  remark- 
able. His  ordinary  clothing  consisted  (so  Mr.  Grove) 
of  a  girdle  of  skin  round  his  loins  (2  K.  i.  8),  which 
he  tightened  when  about  to  move  quickly  (IK. 
xviii.  46).  But  in  addition  to  this  he  occasionally 
wore  the  mantle,  or  cape,  of  sheep-skin,  which  has 
supplied  us  with  one  of  our  most  familiar  figures 
of  speech.  In  this  mantle,  in  moments  of  emotion, 
he  would  hide  his  face  (xix.  13),  or  when  excited 
would  roll  it  up  as  into  a  kind  of  staff.  On  one  oc- 
casion we  find  him  bending  himself  down  upon  the 
ground  with  his  face  between  his  knees.  The 
solitiiry  life  in  which  these  external  peculiarities  had 
been  assumed  had  also  nurtured  that  fierceness  of 
zeal  and  that  directness  of  address  which  so  distin- 
guished him.  It  was  in  the  wild  loneliness  of  the 
hills  and  ravines  of  Gilead  that  the  knowledge  of 
Jehovah,  the  living  God  of  Israel,  had  been  im- 
pressed on  his  mind,  which  wag  to  form  the  subject 
of  his  mission  to  the  idolatrous  court  and  country 
of  Israel.  The  northern  kingdom  had  at  this  lime 
forsaken  almost  entirely  the  faith  in  Jehovah.  The 
worship  of  the  calves  (Calk;  Idolatry)  had  been  a 
departure  from  Him,  it  was  a  violation  of  His  com- 
mand against  material  resemblances ;  bat  still  it 


266 


ELI 


ELI 


would  appear  that  even  in  the  presence  of 
the  calves  Jehovah  was  aclvnowl(;dgccl,  and  they 
were  at  any  late  a  national  institution,  not  one 
imported  from  tlie  idolatries  of  any  of  the  sur- 
rounding countries.  But  tlie  case  was  quite  dif- 
ferent when  AiiAB  introduced  the  foreign  religion 
of  his  wife's  family,  tlie  worship  of  the  Phenician 
Baal.  (Asheraii  ;  Ashtoreth  ;  Jezebel.)  It  is 
as  a  witness  against  these  two  evils  that  Elijah 
comes  forward. — I.  AVhat  we  may  call  the  first  act 
in  his  life  embraces  between  three  and  four  years 
— three  years  and  si.\  months  for  the  duration  of 
the  drought,  according  to  the  N.  T.  (Lk.  iv.  25 ; 
Jas.  V.  17),  and  three  or  four  months  more  for  the 
journey  to  Horcb,  and  the  return  to  Gilead  (1  K. 
xvii.  l-xi.\.  21).  liis  introduction  is  of  the  most 
startling  description :  he  suddeuly  appears  before 
Ahab,  as  with  the  unrestrained  freedom  of  Eastern 
manners  he  would  have  no  difficulty  in  doing,  and 
proclaims  the  vengeance  of  Jehovah  for  the  ajios- 
tasy  of  the  king.  What  immediate  action  followed 
on  this  we  are  not  told ;  but  it  is  plain  that  Elijah 
had  to  fly  before  some  threatened  vengeance  cither 
of  the  king,  or  more  probably  of  the  queen  (com- 
pare xix.  2).  Perhaps  it  was  at  this  juncture  that 
Jezebel  "  cut  off  the  prophets  of  Jehovah  "  (xviii. 
4).  He  was  directed  to  the  brook  Cheiuth.  There 
in  the  hollow  of  the  torrent-bed  he  remained,  sup- 
ported in  the  miraculous  manner  with  which  we  are 
all  familiar,  till  the  failing  of  the  brook  obliged  him 
to  forsake  it.  His  next  refuge  was  at  Zakepiiath, 
a  Phenician  town  between  Tyre  and  Sidon,  certain- 
ly the  last  place  at  which  the  enemy  of  Baal  would 
be  looked  for.  The  widow  woman  in  whose  house 
he  lived  seems,  however,  to  have  been  an  Israelite, 
and  no  Baal-worshipper,  if  we  may  take  her  adju- 
ration by  "  Jehovah  thy  God  "  as  an  indication. 
Here  Elijah  performed  the  miracles  of  prolonging 
the  oil  and  tlie  meal ;  and  restored  the  widow's  son 
to  life  after  his  apparent  death.  In  this,  or  some 
other  retreat,  an  interval  of  more  than  two  years 
must  have  elapsed.  The  drought  continued,  and 
at  last  the  full  horrors  of  famine,  caused  by  the 
failure  of  the  crops,  descended  on  Samaria.  The 
king  and  his  chief  domestic  officer  (OsAniAH  10)  di- 
vided between  them  the  mournful  duty  of  ascertain- 
ing that  neither  round  the  springs,  which  are  so 
frequent  a  feature  of  central  Palestine,  nor  in  the 
nooks  and  crannies  of  the  most  shaded  torrent- 
beds,  was  there  any  of  the  herbage  left,  which  in 
those  countries  is  so  certain  an  indication  of  the 
presence  of  moisture.  It  is  the  moment  for  the 
reappearance  of  the  prophet.  He  shows  himself 
first  to  the  minister.  There,  suddenly  planted  in 
his  path,  is  the  man  whom  he  and  his  master  have 
been  seeking  for  more  than  three  years.  Before 
the  sudden  apparition  of  that  wild  figure,  and  that 
stern,  unbroken  countenance,  Obadiah  could  not 
but  fall  on  his  face.  Elijah,  however,  soon  calms 
his  agitation — "  As  Jehovah  of  hosts  liveth,  bel'ore 
whom  I  stand,  I  will  surely  show  myself  to  Ahab ; " 
and  thus  relieved  of  his  fear  that,  as  on  a  former 
occasion,  Elijah  would  disappear  before  he  could 
return  with  the  king,  Obadiah  departs  to  inform 
Ahab  that  the  man  they  seek  is  there.  Ahab  ar- 
rived, Elijah  makes  his  charge  — "  Tliou  hast  for- 
saken Jehovah  and  followed  the  Baals."  He  then 
commands  that  all  Israel  be  collected  to  Mount 
Carmel  with  the  four  hundred  and  fifty  prophets  of 
Baal,  and  the  four  hundred  of  Asherah  (Ashtaroth), 
the  latter  being  under  the  especial  protection  of  the 
queen.    There  are  few  more  sublime  stories  in  his- 


tory than  this.  On  the  one  hand  the  solitary  ser- 
vant of  Jehovah,  accompanied  by  his  one  attend- 
ant ;  with  his  wild,  shaggy  hair,  his  scanty  garb 
and  sheepskin  cloak,  but  with  calm  dignity  of  de- 
meanor and  the  mmutest  regularity  of  procedure, 
repairing  the  ruined  altar  of  Jehovah  with  twelve 
stones, — on  the  other  hand  the  eight  hundred  and 
fifty  prophets  of  Baal  and  Ashtaroth,  doubtless  in 
all  the  splendor  of  their  vestments  (2  K.  x.  22), 
with  the  wild  din  of  their  vain  repetitions,  and  the 
maddened  fury  of  their  disappointed  hopes,  and 
the  silent  people  surrounding  all.  The  conclusion 
of  the  long  day  need  only  be  glanced  at.  The  tire 
of  Jehovah  consuming  both  sacrifice  and  altar 
(Miracles;  Prophet) — the  prophets  of  Baal  killed, 
it  would  seem  by  Elijah's  own  hand  (xviii.  40 ;  com- 
pare Deut.  xiii.  1-5,  xviii.  20) — the  king,  with  an 
apathy  almost  unintelligible,  eating  and  drinking 
in  the  very  midst  of  the  carnage  of  his  own  ad- 
herents— the  earnest  prayer  for  rain  (Jas.  v.  18) — 
the  rising  storm — the  ride  across  the  plain  to  Jcz- 
rcel,  a  distance  of  at  least  sixteen  miles ;  the 
prophet,  "  the  hand  of  the  Lord  "  being  on  hiin, 
i.  e.  being  supernaturally  guided  and  strengthened, 
running  before  the  chariot,  but  stopping  short  of 
the  city,  and  going  no  further  than  the  "  entrance 
of  Jezreel."  So  far  the  triumph  had  been  com- 
plete ;  but  the  spirit  of  Jezebel  was  not  to  be  so 
easily  overcome,  and  her  first  act  is  a  vow  of  ven- 
geance against  the  author  of  this  destruction. 
Elijah  takes  refuge  in  flight.  The  danger  was  great, 
and  the  refuge  must  be  distant.  The  first  stage  on 
the  journey  was  Beer-sheba.  Here  Elijah  halted. 
His  servant — according  to  Jewish  tradition  the  boy 
of  Zarephath — he  left  in  the  town  ;  while  he  him- 
self set  out  alone  into  the  wilderness.  His  fpiiit 
is  quite  broken,  and  he  wanders  forth  over  the 
dreary  sweeps  of  those  rocky  hills  wishing  for 
death.  But  God,  who  had  brought  His  servant  into 
this  difficulty,  provided  him  with  the  means  of  es- 
caping from  if.  The  prophet  was  awakened  from  his 
dream  of  despondency  beneath  the  solitary  bush 
of  the  wilderness,  was  fed  with  the  bread  and  the 
water  which  to  this  day  are  all  a  Bedouin's  require- 
ments, and  went  forward,  in  the  strength  of  that 
food,  a  journey  of  forty  days  to  the  mount  of  God, 
even  to  Iloreb.  Here,  in  one  of  the  numerous 
caverns  in  those  awful  mountains,  he  rcmair.ed 
(A.  V.  "  lodged  ")  for  certainly  one  night.  In  the 
morning  came  the  "word  of  Jehovah"— the  ijucs- 
tion,  "  what  doest  thou  here,  Elijah  ?  "  In  answer 
to  this  invitation  the  Prophet  opens  his  griefs.  He 
has  been  very  zealous  for  Jehovah  ;  but  force  has 
been  vain ;  one  cannot  stand  against  a  multitude; 
none  follow  him,  and  he  is  left  alone,  flying  for  his 
life  from  the  sword  which  has  slain  his  brethren. 
The  reply  comes  in  that  ambiguous  and  indirect 
form  in  which  it  seems  necessary  that  the  deepest 
communications  with  the  human  mind  should  be 
couched,  to  be  effectual.  He  is  directed  to  leave 
tlie  cavern,  and  stand  on  the  mountain  in  the  open 
air,  face  to  face  with  Jehovah.  Then,  as  before 
with  Moses  (Ex.  xxxiv.  0),  "  The  Lord  passed  by  " 
in  all  the  terror  of  His  most  appalling  manifesta- 
tions, like  Elijah's  own  modes  of  procedure ;  and 
penetrating  the  dead  silence  which  followed  tlicse, 
came  the  mysterious  symbol  —  the  "still  sraall 
voice,"  and  still  as  it  was  it  spoke  in  louder  accents 
to  the  wounded  heart  of  Elijah  than  the  roar  ai^ 
blaze  which  had  preceded  it.  To  him  no  Iras  v^t 
mistakably  than  to  iloses,  centuries  before,  it  ir^ 
proclaimed  that  Jehovah  was  "  merciful  and  gra- 


I 


ELI 


ELI 


267 


cioas,  lon^i-siiffering  and  abundant  in  goodness  and 
truth."  Elijah  knew  the  call,  and  at  once  stepping 
forward,  and  hiding  his  face  in  his  mantle,  stood 
waiting  for  the  divine  coniraunication.  It  is  in  the 
game  words  as  before,  and  so  is  his  answer ;  but 
with  what  different  force  must  the  question  have 
fallen  on  his  ears,  and  the  answer  left  his  lips !  In 
the  seven  thousand  unknown  worshippers  who  had 
not  bowed  the  knee  to  Baal,  was  the  assurance  that 
Elijah  was  not  alone.  Three  commands  were  laid 
on  him — three  changes  were  to  be  made.  Instead 
of  Bon-hadad,  Ilazael  was  to  be  king  over  Syria ; 
instead  of  Ahab,  Jehu  was  to  be  king  of  Israel ; 
and  Elisha  the  son  of  Shaphat  was  to  be  his  own 
successor.  Of  these  three  commands  the  two  first 
were  reserved  for  Elisha  to  accomplish,  the  last 
only  was  executed  by  Elijah  himself.  His  first 
search  was  for  Elisha.  Apparently  he  soon 
found  him  ;  we  must  conclude  at  his  native  place, 
ABEi.-MEiroLAii.  Elisha  was  ploughing  at  the  time, 
and  Elijah  "  passed  over  to  him  " — possibly  crossed 
the  river  —  and  cast  his  mantle,  the  well-known 
sheepskin  cloak,  upon  him,  as  if,  by  that  familiar 
action,  claiming  him  for  his  son.  A  moment  of 
hesitation,  and  then  commenced  that  long  period 
of  service  and  intercourse  which  continued  till 
Elijah's  removal,  and  which,  after  that  time,  pro- 
cured for  Elisha  one  of  the  best  titles  to  esteem 
and  reverence — "  Elisha  the  son  of  Shaphat,  who 
ponrc<l  water  on  the  hands  of  Elijah." — II.  Ahab 
and  Jezebel  now  probably  believed  that  their 
threats  had  been  effectual,  and  that  they  had  seen 
the  last  of  their  tormentor  (1  K.  xxi.).  After  the 
murder  of  Nabotii,  Ahab  loses  no  time  in  entering 
on  his  new  acquisition.  But  his  triumph  was  a 
short  one.  Elijah  had  received  an  intimation  from 
Jehovah  of  what  was  taking  place,  and  rapidly  as 
the  accusation  and  death  of  Xaboth  had  been  hur- 
ried over,  he  was  there  to  meet  his  ancient  enemy 
ou  the  very  scene  of  his  crime.  And  then  follows 
the  curse,  in  terms  fearful  to  any  Oriental — pecu- 
liarly terrible  to  a  Jew— and  most  of  all  significant  to 
a  successor  of  the  apostate  princes  of  the  northern 
kingdom.  The  whole  of  Elijah's  denunciation  may 
possibly  be  recovered  by  putting  together  the  words 
recalled  by  Jehu,  2  K.  ix.  26,  36,  37,  and  those 
given  in  1  K.  xxi.  19-28.— III.  A  space  of  three  or 
four  years  now  elapses  (compare  1  K.  xxii.  1,  51  ; 
2  K.  i.  17)  before  we  again  catch  a  glimpse  of  Eli- 
jah. Ahaziah,  Ahab's  son  and  successor,  has  met 
with  a  fatal  accident,  and  is  on  his  death-bed  (2  K. 
i.  1,  2  ;  IK.  xxii.  51).  In  his  ejftremity  he  sends 
to  an  oracle  or  shrine  of  Baal  at  the  Philistine  town 
of  Ekron,  to  ascertain  the  issue  of  his  illness.  But 
the  oracle  is  nearer  at  hand  than  the  distant  Ekron. 
An  intimation  is  conveyed  to  the  prophet,  probably 
at  that  time  inhabiting  one  of  the  recesses  of  Car- 
mel,  and,  as  on  the  former  occasions,  he  suddenly 
appears  on  the  path  of  the  messengers,  without 
preface  or  inquiry  utters  his  message  of  death  (2 
K.  i.  3,  4),  and  as  rapidly  disappears.  But  this 
check  only  roused  the  wrath  of  Ahaziah.  A  captain 
was  dispatched,  with  a  party  of  fifty,  to  take  Elijah 
prifioncr.  "  And  there  came  down  fire  from  heaven 
and  consumed  him  and  his  fifty."  A  second  party 
was  sent,  only  to  meet  the  same  fate.  In  this  exe- 
cution of  judgment  Elijah  was  not  gratifying  his 
personal  feelings,  which  our  Lord's  disciples  after- 
ward were  inclined  to  do  (Lk.  ix.  53-56),  but  vindi- 
cating the  honor  of  Jehovah,  which  was  involved 
in  the  protection  of  His  prophet  against  the  im- 
pious violence  of  Ahaziah  and  his  ungodly  messen- 


gers (compare  Ex.  xvi.  7 ;  Lk.  x.  16).  Ilence  a 
change  in  their  course  was  followed  by  a  change  in 
the  mode  of  dealing  with  them  (compare  1  K.  xxi. 
28,  29).  The  altered  tone  of  the  leader  of  a  third 
party  brought  Elijah  down.  But  the  message  was 
delivered  to  the  king's  face  in  the  same  words  as  it 
had  been  to  the  messengers,  and  Elijah  was  allowed 
to  go  harmless.- IV.  It  must  have  been  shortly  after 
the  death  of  Ahaziah  that  Elijah  made  a  communi- 
cation with  the  southern  kingdom.  When  Jehoram 
the  son  of  Jehoshaphat  began  "  to  walk  in  the 
ways  of  the  kings  of  Israel,"  Elijah  sent  him  a 
letter  denouncing  his  evil  doings,  and  predicting  his 
death  (2  Chr.  xxi.  12-15).  In  its  contents  the  let- 
ter bears  a  strong  resemblance  to  the  speeches  of 
Elijah,  while  in  the  details  of  style  it  is  very  pecu- 
liar and  quite  different  from  the  narrative  in  which 
it  is  imbedded.  Mr.  Grove  regards  the  chronologi- 
cal difticulty,  that  Elijah's  removal  must  have  taken 
place  before  Jehoshaphat's  death  (2  K.  iii.  11),  as 
solved  by  Jehoram's  beginning  to  reign  during  Je- 
hoshaphat's lifetime  (Israjx,  Ki.ngdom  of  ;  Jeho- 
ram 2) :  but  his  slaying  his  brethren,  which  the 
writing  reproves,  was  evidently  after  Jehoshaphat's 
death  (compare  2  Chr.  xxi.  1-4  with  13).  The 
ancient  Jewish  commentators  got  over  the  apparent 
dilliculty  by  saying  that  the  letter  was  written  and 
sent  after  Elijah's  translation.  Others  believed  it 
was  the  production  of  Elisha,  for  whose  name  that 
of  Elijah  had  been  substituted  by  copyists ;  others, 
that  it  was  prepared  by  the  spirit  of  prophecy  be- 
fore Elijah's  departure,  but  not  sent  to  Jehoram 
till  afterward ;  others,  that  Elijah's  name  is  asso- 
ciated with  it,  because  it  proceeded  from  the  Elijah 
school  of  prophecy  (2  K.  ii_.),  of  which  he  was  still 
regarded  as  the  ideal  head  (compare  Mai.  iv.  5). 
We  cannot  positively  decide  the  matter,  from  lack 
of  knowledge ;  but  we  can  see  that  it  may  be  ex- 
plained in  several  different  ways. — V.  The  closing 
transaction  of  Elijah's  life  introduces  us  to  a  local- 
ity heretofore  unconnected  with  him  (2  K.  ii.  1,  &c.). 
It  was  at  Gilgal  2 — probably  on  the  western  edge 
of  the  hills  of  Ephraim — that  the  prophet  received 
the  divine  intimation  that  his  departure  was  at 
hand.  He  was  at  the  time  with  Elisha,  who  seems 
now  to  have  become  his  constant  companion,  and 
whom  he  endeavors  to  persuade  to  remain  behind 
while  he  goes  on  an  errand  of  Jehovah.  But 
Elisha  will  not  so  easily  give  up  his  master.  They 
went  together  to  Bethel.  Again  Elijah  attempts  to 
escape  to  Jericho,  and  again  Elisha  protests  that 
he  will  not  be  separated  from  him.  At  Jericho  he 
makes  a  fmal  effort  to  avoid  what  they  both  so 
much  dread.  But  Elisha  is  not  to  be  conquered, 
and  the  two  set  off  across  the  undulating  plain  of 
burning  sand,  to  the  distant  river — Elijah  in  his 
"  mantle  "  of  sheepskin,  Elisha  in  ordinary  clothes. 
Fifty  men  of  the  sons  of  the  prophets  ascend  the 
abrupt  heights  behind  the  town  to  watch  what  hap- 
pens in  the  distance.  Talking  as' they  go,  the  two 
reach  the  river,  and  stand  on  the  shelving  bank  be- 
side its  swift  brown  current.  But  they  are  not  to 
stop  even  here.  It  is  as  if  the  aged  Gileadite  can- 
not rest  till  he  again  sets  foot  on  his  own  side  of 
the  river.  He  rolls  up  his  mantle  as  into  a  staff 
(A.  V.  "  wrapped  it  together "),  and  with  his  old 
energy  strikes  the  waters  as  Moses  had  done  be- 
fore him, — strikes  them  as  if  they  were  an  enemy ; 
and  they  are  divided  hither  and  thither,  and  the 
two  go  over  on  dry  ground.  "  And  it  came  to  pa.ss, 
as  they  still  went  on  and  talked,  that,  behold,  a 
chariot  of  fire  and  horses  of  fire,  and  parted  them 


26S 


ELI 


ELI 


both  asunder,  and  Elijah  went  up  by  the  (A.  V. 
'a')  whirlwind  into  heaven."  (Mikacles.) — And 
here  ends  all  the  information  in  the  0.  T.  of  the  life 
and  work  of  this  great  prophet.  How  deep  was  the 
impression  which  he  made  on  the  mind  of  the  na- 
tion may  be  judged  of  from  the  fixed  belief  which 
many  centuries  after  prevailed  that  Elijah  would 
again  appear  for  the  relief  and  restoration  of  his 
country  (Mat.  xvi.  14  ;  Mk.  vi.  15  ;  Jn.  i.  21).  (John 
TiiK  Baptist.)  Hut  on  the  other  hand,  the  deep 
impression  which  Elijah  had  thus  made  on  his  na- 
tion only  renders  more  remarkable  the  departure 
which  the  image  conveyed  by  tlie  later  references 
to  him  evinces,  from  that  so  sharply  presented  in 
the  records  of  his  actual  life.  With  the  exception 
of  the  culogiums  in  Eeclus.  xlviii.  and  1  Me.  ii.  58, 
and  the  allusion  in  Lk.  ix.  64,  none  of  these  later 
references  allude  to  his  works  of  destruction  or  of 
portent.  They  all  set  forth  a  very  different  side  of 
his  character  from  that  brought  out  in  the  historical 
narrative.  They  speak  of  his  being  a  man  of  like 
passions  with  ourselves  (Jas.  v.  17);  of  his  kind- 
ness to  the  widow  of  Sarepta  (Lk.  iv.  26) ;  of  his 
"restoring  all  things"  (Mat.  xvii.  11);  "turning 
the  hearts  of  the  fathers  to  the  children,  and  the 
disobedient  to  the  wisdom  of  the  just "  (Mai.  iv.  5, 
6 ;  Lk.  i.  17).  lie  appeared  with  Moses  in  heaven- 
ly light  on  the  Mount  of  Transfiguration,  and  then 
talked  to  our  Lord  "  of  His  decease  which  He 
should  accomplish  at  Jerusalem  "  (Mat.  xvii.  1  ft". ; 
Mk.  ix.  2  tr. ;  Lk.  ix.  28  ff.).  Elijah  has  been  can- 
onized {St.  Elias)  in  both  the  Greek  and  Latin 
churches,  and  is  celebrated  in  the  Latin  church  as 
connected  with  the  great  order  of  the  barefooted 
Carmelites.  (Carmel  1.) — i,  A  priest  of  the  sons 
of  Harim,  who  had  mariied  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x. 
21). 

El'i-ka  or  E-li'ka  (Heb.  God  h  rejfcter,  sc.  of  a 
people,  Eii.),  a  Harodite,  one  of  David's  "  thirty  " 
valiant  men  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  25). 

E'iim  (fr.  Heb.  =  trees,  perhaps  palm-trees,  Ges.), 
the  second  station  where  the  Israelites  encamped 
after  crossing  the  Red  Sea,  distinguished  as  having 
had  "  twelve  wells  (rather  '  fountains  ')  of  water, 
and  seventy  palm-trees"  (Ex.  xv.  27  ;  Num.  xxxiii. 
9).  Laborde  supposed  Elim  at  Waily  Useit,  the 
second  of  four  wadys  lying  between  29'  7',  and  29' 
20',  which  descend  from  the  range  of  et-J'ih  (here 
nearly  parallel  to  the  shore)  toward  the  sea.  Stan- 
ley says  "  Elim  must  be  Ghururiehl,  Useit,  or  Taiyi- 
beh."  Lepsius  takes  another  view,  that  Elim  is  to 
be  found  in  Wady  SlmbeiJtch,  the  last  of  the  four. 
Wii-nERSESs  OF  THE  Wandering. 

E-liDl'e-lech  [-lek]  (Heb.  God  is  liiiff,  Ges.,  Fii.), 
a  man  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  and  of  the  family  of 
the  Hezronites,  who  dwelt  in  BethleliemEphratah 
in  the  days  of  the  Judges.  In  consequence  of  a 
great  dearth  in  the  land,  he  went  with  his  wife 
Naomi,  and  his  two  sons,  Mahlon  and  Chilion,  to 
dwell  in  Moab,  where  he  and  his  sons  died  without 
posterity  (Ru.  i.  2,  3,  &c.). 

E-li-0-c'nai  or  K-li-o-e'na>l  (Heb.  toward  Jehovuh 
are  my  eyes,  Ges. ;  =  Eliiioexai  and  Elienai).  1. 
Eldest  son  of  Ncariah,  the  son  of  Shemaiah  (1 
Chr.  iii.  23,  24).— 2.  Head  of  a  family  of  the 
Simeonites  (iv.  S6). — 3,  A  Benjamite  chief,  son  of 
Becher  (vii.  8). — 4,  Seventh  son  of  Meshelemiah, 
the  son  of  Kore,  of  the  sons  of  Asaph  ;  a  Korhite 
Lcvile,  and  a  doorkeeper  of  the  "house  of  Jeho- 
vah "  (xxvi'  3). — 5.  A  priest  of  the  sons  of  Pashur, 
in  Ezra's  time,  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr. 
X.  22) :  possibly  =  6>  mentioned  in  Neh.  xii.  41,  as 


one  of  the  priests  who  accompanied  Kehcmiah  with 
trumpets  at  the  dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jerusa- 
lem.— 7.  An  Israelite,  of  the  sons  of  Zattu,  who 
had  also  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  27). 

E-li-o'nf,s  (Gr.).  1.  Elioenai  5  (1  Esd.  ix.  22). 
—2.  Eliezer  10  (1  Esd.  ix.  32). 

El'i-pbal  or  E-li'pbi'.l  (Heb.  whom  God  jtidejes, 
Ges.),  son  of  Ur  (1  Chr.  xi.  35);  =  Ei.iriip;i,KT  3. 

E-lipll'a-lat  (Gr.)  =  Elimielet  6  (1  Esd.  ix.  S3). 

E-liph'a-let  (fr.  Heb.  =  Ei.irnELET).  1.  The  lost 
of  the  thirteen  sons  born  to  David,  after  his  estab- 
lishment in  Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  v.  16  ;  1  Chr.  xiv.  7); 
z=  Eliphelei  2. — 2.  Elihielet  6  (1  Esd.  viii.  80). 

El'l-pliaz  or  E-Ii'i!lii;z  (Heb.  God  Ids  strchyth, 
Ges.).  1.  Son  of  Esau  and  Adah,  and  father  of 
Teman,  Amalek,  &c.,  "  dukes  in  the  landof  Edom" 
(Gen.  xxxvi.  4,  10-12,  15,  16;  1  Chr.  i.  36,  36).— 2. 
The  chief  of  the  "three  friends"  of  Jon.  lie  is 
called  "the  Tcmanite;"  hence  it  is  naturally  in- 
ferred tliat  he  was  a  descendant  of  Tcmnn,  son  of 
No.  1.  On  him  falls  the  main  burden  of  the  argument 
that  God's  retribution  in  this  world  is  )  erfect  and  cer- 
tain, and  that  consequently  suffering  must  be  a  proof 
of  previous  sin  (Job  iv.,  v.,  xv.,  xxii.).  The  great 
truth  brought  cut  by  him  is  the  unapproachiible 
majesty  and  purity  of  God  (iv.  12-21,  xv.  12-10). 
Still  he,  with  the  other  two  friends,  is  condemned  for 
having,  in  defence  of  God's  providence,  spoken  of 
Him  "the  thing  that  is  not  right."  On  sacrifice 
and  the  intercession  of  Job  all  three  are  pardoned 
(xlii.  7-9) 

E-liph'o-lch  (fr.  Heb.  =  whcm  God  males  distin- 
gitished,  Ges.),  a  Levite  of  the  second  order ;  one  of 
the  gate-keepers  appointed  by  David  to  play  on  the 
harp  "on  the  Sheminith"on  the  occasicn  of  bring- 
ing up  the  ark  to  the  city  of  David  (1  Chr.  xv.  18, 
21). 

E-llph'e»!et  (Heb.  Corf  his  rf(/»V«a«r().  I,  A  sen 
of  David,  born  to  him  after  his  establishment  in 
Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  iii.  6);  n=  Ei.falet. — 2.  Arttlicr 
son  of  David,  born  aho  in  Jerusahm  (iii.  8);  = 
Eliphalet  1. —  3>  Son  of  Abasbai,  son  of  the 
Maaohathite;  one  of  David's  "  thirty  "  warriors  [i 
Sam.  xxiii.  34);  =  Elipiial. — i.  Son  of  Eshck,  a 
descendant  of  king  Saul  through  Jonathan  (1  ( lir. 
viii.  39). — 5.  A  leader  of  the  sons  of  Adonik.im,  who 
returned  from  Babylon  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  13).- 
One  of  the  sons  of  Hashum  in  Ezra's  tinie  who  1 
married  a  foreign  wife  (x.  33). 

E-lis'a-le(h  [-liz-]  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  —  Eliffepa),  tl 
wife  of  Zacharias,  and  mother  of  Joi:n  the  Bapib 
(Lk.  i.  5  ff.).  She  was  herselfof  the  priestly  famij 
and  a  relation  (i.  86)  of  the  mother  of  our  Lo( 
(Mary  the  Virgin.)  She  was  a  person  of  great  pie^ 
and  was  tlie  first  to  greet  Mary,  on  her  crniing  ' 
visit  her,  as  the  mother  of  our  Lord  (i.  42  ff.). 

Fl-l-ff'ns  (L.  Et'isuns,  fr.  Heb.  Elieiia),  the  fotj 
in  which  the  name  Elisha  appears  in  the  A.  V. 
the  Apocrvi)ha  and  the  N.  T.  (Ecdus.  xlviii.  TM 
Lk.  iv.  27)! 

E-Ii'sha  (Heb.  God  his  salvation,  Ges. ;  in  N. 
and  Apocrypha  Eliseis),  son  of  Shapliat  of  Aeh 
MEHOLAH  ;  the  attendant  and  disciple  of  Elijah,  ari 
subsequently  his  successor  as  pkofhet  of  the  kini 
dom  of  Israel.     The  earliest  mention  of  his  namef 
in  the  command  to  Elijah  in  the  cave  at  Horcb  ( 
K.  xix.  16,  17).     But  our  first  introduction  to  tM 
future  prophet  is  in  the  fields  of  his  native  plaO 
probably  in  the  valley  of  the  Jordan.     Elijah,  ^ 
his  way  from  Sinai  to  Damascus  by  the  Jon" 
valle.v,  lights  on  his  successor  engaged  inthelat<i_ 
of  the  field.     To  cross  to  him,  to  throw  over  hig 


■ 


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2G9 


shoulders  the  roujch  luantle — a  token  at  once  of  hi- 
vestiture  with  the  propliet's  ollicc,  and  of  adoption, 
as  ii  «on — »ad  to  Elijah  but  the  work  of  au  instant, 
and  the  prophet  strode  on  as  if  what  he  had  done 
were  nothing — "  tio  back  again,  for  what  have  I 
done  unto  tlioc  ? "  Elisha  was  not  a  man  who, 
having  put  his  hand  to  tlie  plough,  was  likely  to 
look  back ;  he  delayed  merely  to  give  the  farewell 
kiss  to  his  father  and  mother,  and  jireside  at  a  part- 
ing feast  with  his  people,  and  then  followed  the 
gixMt  prophet  on  his  northward  road,  to  become  to 
him  what  Joshua  had  been  to  Moses.  Seven  or 
eight  years  must  have  passed  between  the  call  of 
Elisha  and  the  removal  of  his  master,  and  during 
the  whole  of  that  lime  we  hear  nothing  of  him. 
But  when  that  period  has  elapsed  he  reappears,  to 
become  the  most  prominent  figure  in  the  history  of 
his  country  during  the  rest  of  his  long  life.  In  al- 
most every  respect  Elisha  presents  the  most  com- 
plete contrast  to  Elijah.  The  copious  collection 
of  his  sayings  and  doings  preserved  in  2  K. 
iii.-ix.,  though  in  many  respects  deficient  in  that 
remarkable  vividness  which  we  have  noticed  in  the 
records  of  Elijah,  is  yet  full  of  testimonies  to  this 
contrast.  Elijah  was  a  true  child  of  the  desert,  like  a 
Bedouin.  Tlie  clefts  of  the  Cherith,  the  wild  shrubs 
of  the  desert,  the  cave  at  Ilorcb,  the  top  of  Carmel, 
were  his  hauuts  iind  his  resting-places.  If  he  enters 
a  city,  it  is  only  to  deliver  his  message  of  fire  and 
be  gone.  Elisha,  on  the  other  hand,  is  a  civilized 
roan,  an  inhaliitant  of  cities  (ii.  18,  25,  v.  3,  9,  24, 
Ti.  14,  32).  And  as  with  his  manners  so  with  his 
appearance.  The  slight  touches  of  the  narrative 
show  that  his  dress  was  the  ordinary  garment  of 
an  Israelite,  the  Ileb.  heged  (A.  V.  "  clothes ;  "  see 
DaK.»;.s,  III.  4 ;  2  K.  ii.  12),  that  his  hair  was  worn 
trimmed  b?liind  (so  Mr.  Grove ;  rather,  lie  was  bald) 
in  contrast  to  the  disordered  locks  of  Elijah  (ii.  23, 
as  explained  below),  and  that  he  used  a  walking- 
stalf  (iv.  29)  of  the  kind  orduiarily  carried  by  grave 
or  aged  citizens  (Zcch.  vlii.  4).  If  from  these  ex- 
ternal peculiarities  we  turn  to  the  internal  charac- 
teristics of  the  two,  and  to  the  results  which  they 
produced  on  their  contemporaries,  the  differences 
arc  highly  instructive.  Elijah  was  emphatically  a 
destroyer.  His  mission  was  to  slay  and  demolish 
what'ver  opposed  or  interfered  with  the  rights  of 
Jehovah.  Elisha  was  the  healer,  strikingly  char- 
acteiized  by  beneficence.  On  him  Elijah's  mantle 
descended,  and  he  was  gifted  with  a  double  portion 
of  his  spirit.  By  his  miracles  of  mercy  (so  Jlr. 
Ayre),  Elisha  gained  an  influence  over  even  irre- 
ligious princes;  he  was  the  bulwark  of  the  land 
against  foreign  foes;  he  was  a  witness  for  God, 
known  among  the  neighboring  nations,  and  teaching 
them  that  the  only  true  God  was  Jehovah,  God  of 
Israel ;  he  fostered  the  prophetic  schools,  and  thus 
preserved  a  nucleus  of  piety  in  the  nation,  where 
dotibtless  were  many  more  than  the  7,000  of  Elijah's 
time  who  had  never  bowed  the  knee  at  any  idol 
altar.  The  call  of  Elisha  seems  to  have  taken  place 
about  four  years  before  the  death  of  Aliab.  He 
died  in  the  reign  of  Joash,  the  grandson  ol'  Jehu. 
This  embraces  a  period  of  not  less  than  C.5  years, 
for  certainly  53  of  which  he  held  the  office  of 
"prophet  in  Israel  "  (v.  8).— I.  After  the  departure 
of  his  master,  Elisha  returned  to  dwell  at  Jericho 
(ii.  18).  The  town  had  been  lately  rebuilt  (1  K. 
ivi.  34),  and  was  the  residence  of  a  body  of  the 
"sons  of  the  prophets"  (2  K.  ii.  5,  15),  who  ear- 
nestly sought  and  finally  obtained  from  Elisha  per- 
mission to  send  fifty  of  their  number  to  search  the 


land  for  Elijah.  But  their  three  days'  search  was  in 
vain  (ii.  10,  17).  Xo  one  who  has  visited  the  site 
of  Jerieho  can  forget  how  prominent  a  feature  iu 
the  scene  are  the  two  perennial  springs  which  rise 
at  the  base  of  the  steep  hills  of  (juarantania  behind 
the  town.  One  of  the  springs  was  noxious  at  the 
time  of  Elisha's  visit.  At  the  reiiuest  of  the  men 
of  Jericho  he  remedied  this  evil,  lie  took  salt  in  a 
new  vessel,  and  cast  it  into  the  water  at  its  source 
in  the  name  of  Jehovah.  From  the  time  of  Joscphus 
to  the  present,  the  tradition  of  the  cure  has  been 
attached  to  the  large  spring  nearly  two  miles  N.  W. 
of  the  present  town,  which  now  bears,  jirobably  in 
reference  to  some  later  event,  the  name  of  'Ain  es- 
SiiUun. — II.  We  next  meet  with  Elisha  at  Bethel 
1,  the  seat  of  Jeroboam's  calf-worship  as  well  as 
of  a  school  of  the  prophets,  on  his  way  from  Jericho 
to  Mount  Carmel  (ii.  23).  His  last  visit  had  been 
made  in  company  with  Elijah  on  their  road  down  to 
the  Jordan  (ii.  2).  The  road  to  the  town  whids  up 
the  defile  of  the  Wadi/  Suweiuil.  Here  the  boys  of 
the  town  were  clustered,  waiting,  as  they  still  wait 
at  the  entrance  of  the  villages  of  Palestine,  for  the 
chance  passer-by.  In  the  short-trimmed  locks  of 
Elisha,  how  were  they  to  recognize  the  successor 
of  the  prophet,  with  whose  shaggy  hair  streaming 
over  his  shoulders  they  were  all  familiar  ?  So  with 
the  license  of  the  Eastern  children  they  scoff  at  the 
new-comer  as  he  walks  by — "  Go  uj),  roundhead  I 
go  up,  roundhead  ! "  (So  Mr.  Grove,  after  Ewald. 
But  Gescnius  and  most  interpreters  agree  with  the 
A.  V.  in  the  translation  "  bald-head."  Gesenius 
makes  the  Hcb.  =  a  bald-liead,  having  a  bald  spot 
on  the  crown  or  hinder  part  of  the  head.)  For  once 
Elisha  assumed  the  sternness  of  his  master.  Ho 
turned  upon  them  and  cursed  them  in  the  name  of 
Jehovah,  and  "  there  came  forth  two  she-bears  out  of 
the  wood,  and  tare  forty  and  two  children  of  them." 
Elisha  thus  vindicated,  against  rudeness,  infidelity, 
and  impiety,  his  title  to  respect  as  a  prophet  of  the 
living  God  (compare  i.  9-12  ;  Elijah). — III.  Elisha 
extricates  Jehoram  king  of  Israel,  and  the  kings  of 
Judah  and  Edom,  from  their  difficulty  in  the  cam- 
paign against  Moab,  arising  from  want  of  water  (iii. 
4-27).  This  incident  probably  took  place  at  the 
S.  E.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea. — IV.  The  widow  of  one 
of  the  sons  of  the  prophets  is  in  debt,  and  her  two 
sons  are  about  to  be  taken  from  her  and  sold  as 
slaves  (iv.  1  ff.).  She  has  no  property  but  a  pot  of 
oil.  This  Elisha  causes  (in  his  absence,  iv.  5)  to 
multiply,  until  the  widow  has  filled  with  it  all  the 
vessels  which  she  could  borrow. — V.  The  next  oc- 
currence is  at  Shunem  and  Mount  Carmel  (iv.  8-37). 
The  story  divides  itself  into  two  parts,  separated 
from  each  other  by  several  years,  (a.)  Elisha, 
probably  on  his  way  between  Carmel  and  the  Jordan 
valley,  calls  accidentally  at  Shunem.  Here  he  is 
hospitably  entertained  by  a  woman  of  substance, 
apparently  at  that  time  ignorant  of  the  character 
of  her  guest.  There  is  no  occasion  here  to  quote 
the  details  of  this  charming  narrative,  (i.)  An  in- 
ten-al  has  elapsed  of  several  years.  The  boy  is  now 
old  enough  to  accompany  his  father  to  the  corn- 
field, where  the  harvest  is  proceeding.  The  fierce 
rays  of  the  morning  sun  are  too  powerful  for  him, 
and  he  is  carried  home  to  his  mother  only  to  die  at 
noon.  She  says  nothing  of  their  loss  to  her  hus- 
band, but,  depositing  her  child  on  the  bed  of  the 
man  of  God,  at  once  starts  in  quest  of  him  to 
Mount  Carmel,  fifteen  or  sixteen  miles.  No  ex- 
planation is  needed  to  tell  Elisha  the  exact  state  of 
the  case.    The  heat  of  the  season  will  allow  of  no 


270 


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delay  in  taking  the  necessary  steps,  and  Gehazi  is 
at  once  dispatched  to  run  baclc  to  Shunem  with  the 
utmost  speed.  He  talvcs  the  prophet's  walking- 
Btaif  in  his  hand  which  he  is  to  lay  on  the  face  of 
the  child.  Tlie  mother  and  Elisha  follow  in  haste. 
Before  they  reach  the  village  the  sun  of  that  long, 
anxious  summer  afternoon  must  have  set.  Gehazi 
meets  them  on  the  road,  but  he  has  no  reassuring 
report  to  give,  the  placing  of  the  staff  on  the  face 
of  the  dead  boy  had  called  forth  no  sign  of  life. 
Then  Elisha  enters  the  house,  goes  up  to  his  own 
chamber,  "  and  he  shut  the  door  upon  them  twain, 
and  prayed  unto  Jehovah."  The  child  is  restored 
to  life. — VI.  The  scene  now  changes  to  Gilgal  2, 
apparently  at  a  time  when  Elisha  was  residing  there 
(iv.  38-41).  The  sons  of  the  prophets  are  sitting 
round  him.  It  is  a  time  of  famine.  The  food  of 
the  party  must  consist  of  any  herbs  that  can  be 
found.  The  great  caldron  is  put  on  at  the  com- 
mand of  Elisha,  and  one  of  the  company  brings  his 
blanket  full  of  such  wild  vegetables  (Gourd  2)  as 
he  has  collected,  and  empties  it  into  the  pottage. 
But  no  sooner  have  they  begun  their  meal  than  the 
taste  betrays  the  presence  of  some  noxious  herb, 
and  they  cry  out,  "  There  is  death  in  the  pot,  0 
man  of  God  ! "  In  this  case  the  cure  was  cifected 
by  meal  which  Elisha  cast  into  the  pottage  in  the 
caldron. — VII.  (iv.  42^4).  This  probably  belongs 
to  the  same  time,  and  also  to  the  same  place  as  the 
preceding.  A  man  fiom  Baal-shalisha  brings  the 
man  of  God  a  present  of  the  first-fruits,  which  un- 
der the  law  (Num.  xviii.  8,  12  ;  Deut.  xviii.  3,  4) 
were  the  perquisite  of  the  miuisters  of  the  sanctuary. 
Tills  moderate  provision  is  by  the  word  of  Jehovah 
rendered  more  than  sufficient  for  100  men. — VIII. 
The  simple  records  of  these  domestic  incidents 
amongst  the  sons  of  the  prophets  are  now  inter- 
rupted by  an  occurrence  of  a  more  important  char- 
acter (v.  1-27).  The  chief  captain  of  the  army  of 
Syria  (Naaman),  to  whom  his  country  was  indebted 
for  some  signal  success,  was  afflicted  with  leprosy. 
One  of  the  members  of  his  establishment  was  an 
Israelite  girl,  kidnapped  by  the  Syrian  marauders 
in  one  of  their  forays  over  the  border,  and  she 
brings  into  that  household  the  fame  of  the  name  and 
skill  of  Elisha.  The  news  is  communicated  by 
Naaman  himself  to  the  king.  Ben-hadad  had  yet  to 
learn  the  position  and  character  of  Elisha.  lie 
writes  to  the  king  of  Israel  a  letter  very  character- 
istic of  a  military  prince.  With  this  letter,  and 
with  a  present,  and  a  full  retinue  of  attendants  (13, 
15,  23),  Naaman  proceeds  to  Samaria.  The  king 
of  Israel  is  dismayed;  but  in  consequence  of  a  mes- 
sage from  the  prophet,  Naaman  goes  to  Elisha's 
house  with  his  whole  cavalcade.  Elisha  still  keeps 
in  the  background,  and,  while  Naaman  stands  at  the 
doorway,  contents  himself  with  sending  out  a  mes- 
senger with  the  simple  direction  to  bathe  seven  times 
in  the  Jordan.  The  independent  behavior  of  the 
prophet,  and  the  simplicity  of  the  prescription,  all 
combined  to  enrage  Naaman.  His  servants,  how- 
ever, knew  how  to  deal  with  the  quick  but  not  un- 
generous temper  of  their  master,  and  the  result  is 
that  he  goes  down  to  the  Jordan  and  dips  himself 
seven  times,  "  and  his  flesh  came  again  like  the 
flesh  of  a  little  child,  and  he  was  clean."  His  first 
business  after  his  cure  is  to  thank  his  benefactor, 
lie  returns  with  "  all  his  company,"  and  this  time 
he  will  not  be  denied  the  presence  of  Elisha,  but 
making  his  way  in,  and  standing  before  him,  he 
gratefully  acknowledges  the  power  of  the  God  of 
Israel,  and  entreats  him  to  accept  the  present  which 


he  has  brought  from  Damascus.     Elisha  is  firm,  and 
refuses  the  offer,  though  repeated  with  the  strongest 
adjuration.     But  Gehazi  cannot  allow  such  trcaMu  es 
thus  to  escape  him.     So  he  frames  a  story  by  which 
the  generous  Naaman  is  made  to  send  back  with 
him    to    Elisha's    house    a    considerable   present 
in  money  and   clothes.      Ue   then    went    in    and 
stood   before  his  master  as  if   nothing  had  hap- 
pened.    But  the  prophet  was  not  to  be  so  deceived. 
His  heart  had  gone  after  his  servant  through  llie 
whole  transaction,  even  to  its  minutest  details,  and 
he  visits  Gehazi  with  the  tremendous  puiiishiiK'nt 
of  the  leprosy,   from   which  he  had  just  relieved 
Naaman. — IX.  (vi.  1-7).  We  now  return  to  the  sons 
of  the  prophets,  but  this  time  the  scene  appears  to 
be  changed,  and  is  probably  at  Jericho,  and  during 
the  residence  of  Elisha  there.  Their  habitation  had 
become  too  small.      They  therefore  move  to  the 
close  neighborhood  of  the  Jordan,  and  cutting  down 
beams  make  there  a  new  dwelling-place.     As  one 
of  them  was  cutting  at  a    tree  overhanging  the 
stream,  the  iron  of  his  axe  flew  off  and  sank  into 
the  water.     His  cry  soon  brought  the  man  of  God 
to  his  aid.     The  stream  of  the  Jordan  is  deep  up 
to  the  very  bank,  especially  when  the  water  is  so 
low  as  to  leave  the  wood  dry,  and  is  moreover  so 
turbid  that  search  would  be  useless.    But  the  jiluce 
at  which  the  lost  axe  entered  the  water  is  shown 
to  Elisha ;  he  breaks  off  a  stick  and  casts  it  into 
the  stream,  and  the  iron  appears  on  the  surface, 
and  is  recovered  by  its  possessor. — X.  (vi.  8-23). 
Elisha  is  now  residing  at  Dotiian,  halfway  between 
Samaria  and  Jezreel.    The  incursions  of  the  Syrian 
marauding  bands  (compare  v.  2)  still  continue  ;  Imt 
apparently  with  greater  boldness.  Their  manieuvres 
are  not  hid  from  the  man  of  God,  and  by  his  warn- 
ings he  saves  the  king  "  not  once  nor  tw  ice."    A 
strong  party  with  chariots  is  dispatched  to  capture 
Elisha.     They  march  by  night,  and  before  morning 
take  up  their  station  round  the  base  of  the  emi- 
nence on   which  the  ruins  of  Dothan   still  stand. 
Elisha's  servant — not   Gehazi,    but   apparently   a 
new-comer — is  the  first  to  discover  the  danger.  But 
Elisha  remains  unmoved  by  his  fears  ;  and  at  his 
request  the  eyes  of  the  youth  are  opened  to  behold 
the  spiritual  guards  which    are    protecting  the 
Again  he  prays  to  Jehovah,  and  the  whole  of 
Syrian  warriors  are  struck  blind.  Then  deseendii 
he  offers  to  lead  them  to  the  person  and  the  place 
they  seek.     He  conducts  them  to  Samaria.     There, 
at  the  prayer  of  the  prophet,  their  sight  is  reston 
and  they  find  themselves  not  in  a  retired  coun' 
village,  but  in  the  midst  of  the  capital  of  Isra( 
and  in  the  presence  of  the  king  and  his  troop 
The  king,  eager  to  destroy  them,  at  Elisha's  woi 
feeds  them,  and  sends  them  away  to  their  mosi 
After  such  a  repulse,  it  is  not  surprising  that 
marauding  forays  of  the  Syrian  troops  ceased.— 
(vi.  24-vii.  2).     But  the  king  of  Syria  could  ni 
rest  under  such  dishonor.     He  abandons  his  mi 
rauding  system,  and  gathers  a  regular  army,  wi' 
which  he  lays  siege  to  Samaria.     The  awful  e: 
tremities  to  wliieh  the  inhabitants  of  the  place  wei 
driven  need  not  here  be  recalled.     (Dovk's  Drsa. 
The  king — Joram  (so  Josephus) — vents  his  wraC 
on  the  prophet ;   his  emissary  starts  to  execute  th( 
sentence  ;  Elisha  receives  a  miraculous  iiitiniatioi 
of  the  danger,  and  orders  the  door  to  be  shut ;  thi 
messenger  arrives,  followed    immediately    by    tl 
king  and  one  of  his  officers.    The  king's  licreditai 
love  of  Baal  bursts  forth  :  "  This  evil  is  from  Ji 
hovah,"  the  ancient  enemy  of  my  house,  "  why 


em 


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271 


EhouM  I  wait  for  Je'.iovah  any  longer  ?  "  Elisha 
answers,  predicting  plenty  on  the  morrow.  This 
the  ollioer  declares  incredible.  Elisha  replies : 
"  Thou  shall  see  it  with  thine  eyes,  but  shalt  not 
cat  thereof" — a  prediction  which  was  I'ullilled  on 
the  following  day  of  plenty,  after  the  Syrians  had 
deacrteJ  their  camp,  by  his  being  trodden  upon  in 
the  gate  by  the  people,  so  that  he  died  (vii.  20). — 
XII.  (viii.  1-6).  We  now  go  back  several  years  to 
an  iuci  lent  connected  with  the  woman  of  Shunem, 
at  a  period  antecedent  to  the  cure  of  Naaman  and 
the  transfer  of  his  leprosy  to  Gehazi  (v.  1,  27). 
Elislia  had  been  made  aware  of  a  famine  which  Je- 
hovah was  about  to  bring  upon  the  laud  for  seven 
years ;  and  he  had  warned  his  friend  the  Shunam- 
mite  thereof  that  she  might  provide  for  her  safety. 
At  the  end  of  the  seven  years  she  returned  to  her 
native  place,  to  find  that  during  her  aljsence  her 
house  with  the  field-land  attached  to  it  had  been 
appropriated  by  some  other  person.  To  the  king, 
therefore,  the  Shunammite  had  recourse.  And  now 
occurred  one  of  those  rare  coincidences  which  it  is 
impossible  not  to  ascribe  to  something  more  than 
mere  chance.  At  the  very  moment  of  the  entrance 
of  the  woman  and  her  son,  the  king  was  listening 
to  a  recital  by  Gehazi  of  "  all  the  great  things 
which  Elisha  had  done,"  the  crowning  feat  of  all 
being  that  which  he  was  then  actually  relating — 
the  restoration  to  life  of  the  boy  of  Shunem.  The 
woman  and  her  son  were  instantly  recognized  by 
Gehazi.  From  her  own  mouth  the  king  hears  the 
repetition  of  the  wonderful  tale,  and,  whether  from 
regard  to  Elisha,  or  struck  by  the  extraordinary 
coiiiei  lence,  orders  her  land  to  be  restored  with 
the  value  of  all  its  produce  during  her  absence. — 
Xin.  (viii.  7-15).  Hitherto  we  have  met  with  the 
prophet  only  in  his  own  country.  We  now  find 
him  at  Damascus.  He  is  there  to  carry  out  the 
command  given  to  Elijah  on  Uoreb  to  anoint  11a- 
ZAEL  to  be  king  over  Syria.  At  the  time  of  his  ar- 
rival, Bex-iiadad  was  prostrate  with  his  last  illness. 
The  king's  first  desire  is  naturally  to  ascertain  his 
own  fate ;  and  Hazael  is  commissioned  to  be  the 
bearer  of  a  present  to  the  prophet,  and  to  ask  the 
question  on  the  i)ai-t  of  his  m.ister,  "  Shall  I  re- 
cover of  this  disease  ?  "  The  present  is  one  of 
royal  dimensions  ;  a  caravan  of  forty  camels,  laden 
with  the  riches  and  luxuries  which  that  wealthy  city 
could  alone  furnish.  The  reply,  probably  originally 
ambiguous,  is  doubly  uncertain  in  the  present 
doubtful  state  of  the  Hebrew  te.tt  in  verse  10 ;  but 
the  general  conclusion  was  unmistakable  : — "  Je- 
hovah hath  showed  nie  that  he  shall  surely  die." 
But  this  was  not  all  that  had  been  revealed  to  the 
prophet.  If  Ben-hadad  died,  who  would  be  king  in 
his  stead  but  the  man  who  now  stood  before  him  ? 
The  prospect  was  one  which  drew  forth  the  tears  of 
the  man  of  God.  At  Ilazael's  request,  Elisha  con- 
fesses the  reason  of  his  tears.  But  the  prospect  is 
one  which  has  no  sorrow  for  Hazael.  His  only 
doubt  is  the  possibility  of  such  good  fortune  for 
one  80  mean.  "  But  what  is  thy  slave,  dog  that  he 
is,  that  he  should  do  this  great  thing  ?  "  To  which 
Elislia  rejilies,  "  Jehovah  hatli  showed  mc  that  thou 
wilt  be  king  over  Syria."  Returning  to  the  king, 
Hazael  tclU  him  only  half  the  dark  saying  of  tlie 
luim  of  God—"  He  told  me  that  thoii  shouldest 
surely  recover."  But  that  was  the  last  day  of 
Ucn-hadad's  life.— XIV.  (ix.  1-10).  Two  of  the  in- 
junctions laid  on  Elijah  had  now  been  carried  out ; 
the  third  still  remained.  The  time  was  come  for 
Ihe  fulfilment  of  the  curse  upon  Ahab  by  anointing 


Jkhp  king  over  Israel.  Elisha's  personal  share  in 
the  transaction  was  confined  to  giving  directions  to 
one  of  the  sons  of  the  prophets. — XV'.  Beyond  this 
we  have  no  record  of  Elisha's  having  taken  any 
part  in  the  revolution  of  Jehu,  or  the  events  which 
followed  it.  He  does  not  again  appear  till  we  find 
him  on  his  deathlied  in  his  own  house  (.xiii.  14-19). 
King  Joash,  Jehu's  grandson,  is  come  to  weep  over 
the  approaching  departure  of  the  great  and  good 
prophet.  His  words  are  the  same  as  Elisha's  when 
Elijah  was  taken  away,  "  My  father !  my  father !  the 
chariot  of  Israel  and  the  horsemen  thereof!"  But 
one  final  effort  against  Syria  must  be  made  before 
Elisha's  aid  becomes  unobtainable.  At  the  proph- 
et's command  "  the  arrow  of  Jehovah's  deliverance  " 
is  discharged  toward  Syria,  and  thrice  the  king 
smote  the  bundle  of  arrows  on  the  ground,  "  and 
stayed.  And  the  man  of  God  was  wroth  with 
him,  and  said.  Thou  shouldest  have  smitten  five 
or  six  times,  then  hadst  thou  smitten  Syria  till  thou 
hadst  conquered  it;  whereas  now  thou  shalt  smite 
Syria  but  thrice."  (Joash  2.)— XVI.  (xiii.  20-22). 
The  power  of  the  prophet,  however,  does  not  ter- 
minate with  his  death.  Even  in  the  tomb  he  re- 
stores the  dead  to  life.  It  is  the  only  instance  in 
the  whole  Bible  of  restoration  wrought  by  the  inani- 
mate remains  of  prophet  or  saint. — \V'e  must  not 
omit  to  notice  the  parallel  which  Elisha  presents  to 
our  Lord — the  more  necessary  because,  unlike  the 
resemblance  between  Elijah  and  John  the  Baptist, 
no  attention  is  called  to  it  in  the  X.  T.  It  is  not 
merely  because  he  healed  a  leper,  raised  a  dead 
man,  or  increased  the  loaves,  that  Elisha  resembled 
Christ,  but  rather  because  of  that  loving,  gentle 
temper  and  kindness  of  disposition — characteristic 
of  him  above  all  the  saints  of  the  O.  T. — ever  ready 
to  soothe,  to  heal,  and  to  conciliate,  which  attracted 
to  him  women  and  simple  people,  and  riiade  him 
the  universal  friend  and  "  father,"  not  only  con- 
sulted by  kings  and  generals,  but  resorted  to  by 
widows  and  poor  prophets  in  their  little  troubles 
and  perplexities. — Elisha  is  canonized  in  the  Greek 
church.     His  day  is  June  14. 

E-ll'shah  (Ileb.  firm  bimling,  firm  bond,  Sim.; 
see  below),  tlie  eldest  son  of  Javan  and  grandson 
of  Japheth  (Gen.  x.  4  ;  1  Chr.  i.  7).  The  residence 
of  his  descendants  is  described  in  Ez.  xxvii.  7,  as 
the  "  isles  of  Elishah,"  whence  the  I'henicians  ob- 
tained their  purple  and  blue  dyes.  Josei)hus  iden- 
tified the  race  of  Elishah  with  the  --I-^olians,  who 
were  one  of  the  two  leading  Greek  tribes,  and  for- 
merly inhabited  Thessaly,  Boeotia,  Anatolia,  Pelo- 
ponnesus, &c.  His  view  is  adopted  by  Knobcl  and 
Fiirst  in  preference  to  the  more  generally  received 
opinion  of  Bochart,  Gesenius,  &c.,  that  Elishah  = 
Eiis  (a  district  of  the  Peloponnesus),  and  in  a  more 
extended  sense  Peloponnesus,  and  to  the  view  of 
Michaelis,  that  Elishah  ==  Hellas  (i.  e.  ancient 
Greece).  It  appears  correct  to  treat  it  as  the  des- 
ignation of  a  ra<-e  rather  than  of  a  locality.  Grkek. 

E-lisll'a-ma  (Ilcb.  whom  (x<xl hears,  Ges.).  I.  Son 
of  Ammihiid  ;  the  "  prince  "  or  "  captain  "  of  the 
tribe  of  Ephraim  in  the  Wilderness  of  Sinai  (Xum. 
i.  10,  ii.  18,  vii.  48,  53,  x.  22)  ;  gi-andfather  of 
JosiiLA  1  (I  Chr.  vii.  26). — 3.  A  son  of  King  David, 
born  of  one  of  his  wives  after  his  establishment 
in  Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  v.  16;  1  Chr.  iii.  8,  xiv.  7). — 
3.  Another  son  of  David  (iii.  6),  also  called 
Ei-isiifA. — I.  A  descendant  of  Judah;  son  of  Jek- 
amiah  (ii.  41);  apparently  identified  in  Jewish  tra- 
ditions with — .5.  Tlie  father  of  Xethaniah  and  grand- 
father of  IsusiAEi.  6  (2  K.  XXV.  25  ;  Jer.  .\li.  1).— 6. 


272 


ELI 


ELY 


Scribe  to  King  Jehoiakim  (Jer.  xxxvi.  12,  20,  21).— 
7.  A  priest  in  Jeliosliaphat's  time,  sent  to  teach 
tlie  people  (2  Chr.  xvii.  tt). 

E-lisll'a-phat  (lleb.  whom  God  judges,  Ges.),  son 
of  Zicliri ;  one  of  the  captains  of  hundreds  in  the 
time  of  Jehoiada  (2  Chr.  xxiii.  1). 

E-lisli'e-ba  (llcb.  God  her  oath,  i.  e.  worshipper 
of  God,  Ges.),  the  wife  of  Aaron  (Ex.  vi.  23).  yhe 
was  daugliter  of  Amniinadab,  and  sister  of  Kau- 
suo.N  tlie  captain  of  Judah. 

Kl-i-shn'a  or  E-Ush'n-a  (Heb.  God  his  salvation, 
Ges.),  one  of  David's  sons,  born  in  Jerusalem  (2 
Sam.  V.  15;  1  Chr.  xiv.  5);  =  Elishama  3. 

E-lis'i-inus  =  Eliashib  6  (1  Esd.  ix.  2S). 

E-li'n  (=  Elihl),  ancestor  of  Judith  (Jd.  viii.  1). 

E-U'nd  (L.  fr.  llcb.  =  God  of  the  Jewi),  son  of 
Achini  in  the  genealogy  of  Christ  (Mat.  i.  14,  15). 

£-iiz'a-pIian  (fr.  Heb.=  whom  God  protects,  Ges.). 
1.  A  Levile,  son  of  Uzziel,  chief  of  the  Kohathites  at 
the  census  in  the  Wilderness  of  Sinai  (Num.  iii.  SO). 
— 2.  Son  of  Parnach  ;  the  prince  of  Zebulun  who 
assisted  in  the  division  of  Canaan  (xxxiv.  25). 

E-li'znr  (i'r.  Heb.  =  God  his  rock;  Ges.),  son  of 
Shedeur ;  prince  of  Reuben  in  the  Wilderness  of 
Sinai  (Num.  i.  5,  ii.  10,  vii.  30,  35,  x.  18). 

£rka-nali  (lleb.  whom  God  created,  Ges.),  1. 
A  Kohathite  Levite,  son  or  rather  grandson  (1  Chr. 
vi.  23 ;  [lleb.  8])  of  Korah  (Ex.  vi.  24).— 2.  A  de- 
scendant of  No.  l,son  of  Joel  (1  Chr.  vi.  25,  36). — 
3>  Another  descendant  of  No.  1  in  the  line  of  Ahi- 
nioth,  otherwise  Mahath  (vi.26,35  [Heb.  11,  20]).— 
i.  Another  Kohathite  Levite,  in  the  line  of  Ilcman 
the  singer;  son  of  Jeroham,  and  father  of  Samuel 
the  Prophet  (vi.  27,  34).  He  lived  at  Karaathaim- 
zophim,  in  Mount  Ephraim,  in  Eli's  time;  was  a 
pious  man  of  some  wealth  who  went  up  yearly  to 
Shiloh  to  worship  and  sacrifice ;  had  two  wives, 
Hax-nah  and  Peninnah,  and  children  by  the  latter 
but  none  by  the  former,  till  the  birth  of  Samuel, 
after  which  he  had  by  Hannah  three  sons  and 
two  daughters  (1  Sam.  i.  1,  4,  8,  19,  21,  23,  ii.  2, 
20). — 5.  A  Levite  (1  Chr.  ix.  16);  perhaps  the 
same  as — 6.  A  doorkeeper  of  the  Ark  in  l)avid's 
time  (xv.  23). — 7.  A  Korhite  who  joined  David  at 
Ziklag  (xii.  6). — 8i  An  officer  in  the  household  of 
Ahaz,  king  of  Judah,  slain  by  Zichri  the  E]ihraim- 
ite,  when  Pekah  invaded  Judah.  He  seems  to 
have  been  the  second  in  command  under  the  pre- 
fect of  the  palace  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  7). 

El'kosll  (Heb.  God's  bow,  i.  c.  potrer,  might,  Fii.), 
the  birthplace  of  the  prophet  Nahum,  hence  called 
"  the  Elkoshite  "  (Nah.  i.  1).  Two  widely  dillering 
Jewish  traditions  assign  as  widely  different  local- 
ities to  this  place.  In  the  time  of  Jerome  it  was 
believed  to  exist  in  a  small  village  of  Galilee. 
According  to  Schwartz,  the  grave  of  Nahum  is 
shown  at  Kefr  7'anchrim,  a  village  two  and  a  half 
English  miles  N.  of  Tiberias.  But  mediasval  tra- 
dition attached  the  fame  of  the  prophet's  burial- 
place  to  Hlkush,  a  village  E.  of  the  Tigris,  near 
the  monastery  of  Rabbau  Hormczd,  and  about  thirty 
miles  N.  of  Mosul  (B.  S.  ix.  642-3).  The  former  is 
more  in  accordance  with  the  internal  evidence  af- 
forded by  the  prophecy,  which  gives  no  sign  of 
having  been  written  in  Assyria. 

*  El'kosb-ite  (fr.  Heb.)  =::  one  from  Elkosh  (Nah. 
i.  1). 

El'la-sar  (Heb.  oak  of  Assyria  ?  Jerusalem  Tar- 
gum,  Fii.)  (Gen.  xiv.  1,  9)  has  been  considered  a 
district  or  region  =  Thelasar  ;  but  Rawlinson  re- 
gards it  as  the  city  of  Arioch,  and  the  Hebrew  rep- 
resentative of  the  old  Chaldean  town  called  in  the 


native  dialect  Larsa  or  Larancha.  Larsa  was  a 
town  of  Lower  Babylonia  or  Chaldca,  situated 
nearly  halfway  between  Ur  (Mughiir)  and  Ercch 
( II  urka),  on  the  lett  bank  of  tlie  Euphrates.  It 
is  now  t'enkereh. 

Elm  (Hos.  iv.  13).     Oak  2. 

EI-nio'dKin  (Gr.,  apparently  =  Almodad),  sen  of 
Er,  in  the  genealogy  of  Joseph  (Lk.  iii.  28). 

Elna-KDJ  (Heb.  God  his  eielight,  Ges.),  the  fatlicT 
of  Jeribai  and  Joshaviah,  two  of  David's  " valiant 
men"  (1  Chr.  xi.  46). 

El'na-than  or  El-na'tlian  (Heb.  whom  God  has 
given  =  Theodore,  Ges.).  1.  The  maternal  grand- 
father of  Jchoiachin,  distinguished  as  "  Eli.athiin 
of  Jerusalem"  (2  K.  xxiv.  8);  doubtless  =  EI- 
nathan  the  son  of  Aclibor  (Jer.  xxvi.  22,  xxxvi.  12, 
25). — 2<  The  name  of  three  among  the  "chief  nicn" 
and  "  men  of  understanding  "  in  Ezra's  time  (Ezr. 
viii.  16). 

*E-lo'hiin,  a  Heb.  pi.  applied  as  a  pi.  of  excel- 
lence to  the  true  "  God  "  (Jehovah),  or  as  a  siuiple 
pi.  to  the  "  gods  "  (Idol)  of  the  heathen. 

*  E-lo'i  (Aram.  =  my  God)  (Mk.  xv.  34).  Ei.i, 
Eli,  lama  Sadachiiiani. 

E'lcn  (fr.  Heb.  =  oak,  Ges.).  1.  A  Hitlite,  whose 
daughter  (Adah  ;  Bashemath)  was  one  of  Esau's 
wives  (Gen.  xxvi.  34,  xxxvi.  2). — 2.  The  second  of 
the  three  sons  of  Zebulun  (Gen.  xlvi.  14 ;  Num. 
xxvi.  26) ;  founder  of  the  family  of  the  Elomtes. 
— 3>  "  Elon  the  Zebulonite"  judged  Israel  ten 
years,  and  was  buried  in  Aijalon  in  Zebulun  (Judg. 
xii.  11,  12). 

E'loii(lr.  Heb.  =  oak,  Ges.),  a  city  in  the  lion'.er 
of  Dan  (Josh.  xix.  43) ;  not  identified. 

EkD-bcIll-lia'Dan  (tr.  Heb.  =  oak  of  the  hon.-.,  if 
grace)  is  named  with  two  Danite  towns  in  one  of 
Solomon's  commissariat  districts  (1  K.  iv.  9). 

E'lon-ites,  the  (Num.  xxvi.  26).    Elox  2. 

E'lotli  =  Elath  ( 1  K.  ix.  26 ;  2  K.  xvi.  6  margin  ; 
2  Chr.  viii.  17,  xxvi.  2). 

Elpa-al  (Heb.  God  his  wages,  Ges.),  a  Benjamitc, 
son  of  Hushim  and  brother  of  Abitub  (1  Clir.  viii. 
11);  founder  of  a  numerous  liimily. 

El'pa-lft  (neb.=  Elithelet),  one  of  David's  si  r.s 
born  in  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  xiv.  5);  =  ELirnEiET  1. 

El-pa'rttli  (fr.  Heb.  =  the  terebinlh  or  oak  ol  Pa- 
ran)  (Gen.  xiv.  6).     Parax. 

El'te-keb  (Heb.  God  its  fear,  Ges.),  a  city  in  I 
border  of  Dan  (Josh.  xix.  44),  allotted  to  the  " 
hathite  Levites  (xxi.  23). 

Elte-kon  (Hela.  God  its  foundation,  Ges.),  a< 
in  the  mountains  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  69).  Wil9 
(i.  387)  suggests  that  Eltekon  perhaps  =  TekoaJ 

El'to-lad  (Heb.  perhaps  =  God  its  race  or 
terity,  Ges.),  a  city  in  the  S.  of  Judah  (Josh. ! 
SO),  allotted  to  Simeon  (xix.  4),  and  in  possess 
of  that  tribe  until  the  time  of  David  (1  Chr. 
29).  (ToLAD.)  Wilton  ( The  A'egeb)  places  itf 
the  Wady  el-TJiotda  or  J-ussun,  sixty  or  sexti 
miles  S.  of  Gaza.  Rowlands  (in  Fairbairn,  un^ 
"South  Country")  supposes  its  site  may  be' 
Wadi/  Stdud,  thirtv  or  forty  miles  S.  E.  of  Ga 

E'iol  (Heb.)  CSch.  vi.  15  ;  1  Mc.  xiv.  27).   MoMJ 

E-lo'zai  or  E-la'za-i  (Heb.  God  is  my  praises,  i.\ 
the  object  of  my  praise,  Ges.),  one  of  the  w4 
riors  of  Benjamin,  who  joined  David  at  Ziklag] 
Chr.  xii.  5). 

El-y-mc'ans  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Elamites  (Jd.  i.  6).   Ed 

.MAIS. 

*  El-y-ma'ls  (Gr.  =  Elam),  the  country  of 
Elj-means  (Tob.  ii.  10);  a  district  of  the  Pirsil 
empire,  E.  of  Susiana  (so  Strabo) ;  a  part 


ELY 


EMU 


273 


siana  on  tlio  Persian  gulf  (so  rtolemy).  A  city 
Elymais  (1  Mo.  vi.  1)  has  no  existence  (so  Winer). 
Elam  ;  Nanea. 

Ely-mus  (L.  fr.  Ar.  =  wisc,teamed,  Rbn.  N.  T. 
Lex.  [Maqi],  a  name  of  the  Jewish  sorcerer  (Magic) 
Bar-jkscs,  who  had  attached  himself  to  the  pro- 
consul of  Cyprus,  Serous  I'ai'lcs  (Acts  xiii.  6  ff.). 
On  his  attempting  to  dissuade  the  proconsul  from 
embracing  tlie  Cliristian  faith,  he  was  struck  with 
miraculous  blindness  by  the  Apostle  Pall. 

i;i'za-bad(Heb.  whom  Gorf  Aa*  <;r?V«  =  Theodore, 
Gcs.).  I.  One  of  the  Gadite  heroes  who  came  across 
the  Jordan  to  David  in  the  wilderness  of  Judah  (1 
Chr.  xii.  12). — 2.  A  Korhite  Levite,  son  of  Shc- 
maiah,  and  grandson  of  Obed-edom  (xivi.  7). 

El'za-phan  (fr.  Heb.  =  Elizapiian),  a  Kohathite 
Lcvitc,  second  son  of  Uzzicl  (Ex.  vi.  22). 

Em-balm'ing,  the  process  by  which  dead  bodies 
are  preserved  from  putrefaction  and  decay.  It 
was  most  general  among  the  Egyptians,  and  it  is 


Mimmy  of  Peoamea,  prifltt  of  Axaaa  Ra. — BritUk  MaMimi. — (FalrtMlin.) 

in  connection  with  this  people  that  the  two  in- 
stances in  the  0.  T.  are  mentioned  (Gen.  1.  2,  2(5). 
Of  the  Egyptian  method  of  embalming  there  re- 
main two  minute  accounts  (by  Herodotus  and  Dio- 
dorus  Siculus),  which  have  a  general  kind  of 
agreement,  though  they  differ  in  details.  Herodo- 
tus (ii.  86-89)  describes  three  modes,  varying  in 
completeness  and  expense,  and  practised  by  per- 
sons regularly  trained  to  the  profession,  wlio  were 
imtiated  into  the  mysteries  of  tlie  art  by  their  ances- 
tors. Tlie  most  costly  mode,  which  is  estimated  by 
Diodonis  Siculus  (i.  91)  at  a  talent  of  silver  (more 
than  .J  1,0^0),  was  said  by  the  Egyptian  priests  to 
belong  to  him  whose  name  in  such  a  matter  it  was 
not  lawful  to  mention,  viz.  Osiris.  Tlie  embalmcrs 
first  removed  part  of  the  brain  through  the  nostrils, 
by  means  of  a  crooked  iron,  and  destroyed  the  rest 
by  injecting  caustic  drugs.  An  incision  was  then 
made  along  the  flank  with  a  sharp  Etliiopian  stone, 
and  the  whole  of  the  intestines  removed.  The 
cavity  w;is  rinsed  out  witli  palm-wine,  and  afterward 
scoured  with  pounded  perfumes.  It  was  then  filled 
with  pure  myrrh  pounded,  cassia,  and  other  aromat- 
ics,  except  frankincense.  This  done,  the  body  was 
sewn  up  and  steeped  in  natron  for  seventy  days. 
When  the  seventy  days  were  accomplished,  the  era- 
balmer^  wxshed  the  corpse  and  swathed  it  in  band- 
ages i>f  linen,  cut  in  strips  and  smeared  with  gum. 
They  then  gave  it  up  to  the  relatives  of  the  deceased, 
who  provided  for  it  a  wooden  case,  made  in  the 
shape  of  a  m.an,  in  which  tlie  dead  was  placed,  and 
deposited  in  an  erect  position  against  the  wall  of 
the  sepulchral  chamber.  Diodorus  Siculus  omits 
all  mention  of  the  steeping  in  natron,  but  gives 
Bome  particulars  omitted  by  Herodotus.  When  the 
body  was  laid  out  for  embalming,  the  scribe  marked 
out  the  part  of  the  left  flank  for  the  incision. 
The  di.'fsector  then  hastily  cut  through  as  much 
flesh  as  the  law  enjoined,  and  fled,  pursued  by 
curses  and  volleys  of  stones  from  the  spectators. 
One  embahncr  extracted  the  intestines,  except  the 
heart  and  kidneys ;  another  cleansed  and  rinsed  tliem 
in  palm  wine  and  perfumes.  The  body  was  then  wash- 
ed with  oil  of  cedar,  &c.,  for  more  than  thirty  days, 
and  afterward  sprinkled  with  myrrh,  cinnamon,  &c. 
18 


The  second  mode  of  embalming  cost  about  twenty 
niina'=one-third  of  a  talent.  In  this  case  no  incision 
was  made  in  the  body,  nor  were  the  intestines  re- 
moved, but  cedar-oil  was  injected  into  the  stomach 
by  the  rectum.  The  oil  was  prevented  from  escap- 
uig,  and  the  body  was  then  steeped  in  natron  for  the 
appointed  number  of  days.  On  the  last  day  the  oil 
was  withdrawn,  and  carried  off  with  it  the  stomach 
and  intestines  in  a  state  of  solution,  while  the  flesh 
was  consumed  by  the  natron,  and  nothing  was  left 
but  the  skin  and  bones.  The  body  in  this  state 
was  returned  to  the  relatives  of  the  deceased.  The 
tliird  mode,  which  was  adopted  by  the  poorer 
classes,  and  cost  but  little,  consisted  in  rinsing  out 


Diflorent  forma  cf  Mummy  Caaee. — (Wilklnaon.) 
1,  S,  4,  of  wood.    3,  5,  6,  7,  8,  of '.tone.    9,  of  wood,  nod  of  early  time — be- 
fore the  e^'lit«euth  dynasty.    10,  of  burnt  earthenware. 

the  intestines  with  syrmsea,  an  infusion  of  senna 
and  cassia,  and  steeping  the  body  for  the  usual  num- 
ber of  days  in  natron.  The  medicaments  employed 
in  embalming  were  various.  From  a  chemical  analysis 
of  the  substances  found  in  mummies,  M.  Rouelle 
detected  three  modes  of  embalming — 1.  with  os- 
phaltum,  or  Jew's  pitch,  called  also  funeral  gum^ 
or  gum  of  mummies  ;  2.  with  a  mixture  of  asphal- 
tum  and  cedria,  the  liquor  distilled  from  the  cedar ; 
3.  with  this  mixture  together  with  some  resinous 
and  aromatic  ingredients.  The  powdered  aromatics 
mentioned  by  Herodotus  were  not  mixed  with  the 
bituminous  matter,  but  sprinkled  into  the  cavities 
of  the  body.  But  tlie  differences  in  the  descriptions 
of  Herodotus  and  Diodorus,  and  the  impossibility  of 
reconciling  these  descriptions  in  all  points  with  the 
results  of  scientific  observations  upon  existing  mum- 
mies, lead  to  the  conclusion  that  these  descriptions, 
;  if  correct  in  themselves,  do  not  include  every  method 
of.  embalming  which  was  practised,  and  that  con- 
sequently any  discrepancies  between  them  and  the 
Bible  narrative  cannot  be  fairly  attributed  to  a 
want  of  accuracy  in  the  latter.  The  events  of  Gene- 
sis were  more  than  1,000  years  before  Herodotus, 
who  lived  400  years  before  Diodorus.  The  Egyp- 
tians practised  embalming  (so  Herodotus)  in  accord- 
ance with  their  peculiar  doctrine  of  the  transmigra- 


274 


ElIB 


ENA 


tion  of  souls.  'When  the  practice  ceased  entirely  is 
unknown.  It  does  not  appear  that  embalming, 
properly  so  called,  w-as  practised  by  the  Hebrews. 
Burial  ;  Egypt. 

Em-broid'er-er,  in  the  A.  Y.  =  the  Ileb.  rokem, 
the  productions  of  the  art  being  described  as 
"  needlework  "  or  "  broidered  work  "  (Heb.  rikrndh). 
In  Exodus  XXXV.  35,  &c.,  the  embroiderer  is  con- 
trasted with  the  "  cunning  workman  "  (Ileb.  hoshcb 
or  chusheb).  Various  explanations  have  been  of- 
fered as  to  the  distinction  between  them,  but  most  of 
these  overlook  the  distinction  marked  in  the  Bible 
itself,  viz.  that  the  "  embroiderer  "  wove  simply  a 
variegated  texture,  without  gold  thread  or  figures, 
and  that  the  "  cunning  workman  "  interwove  gold 
thread  or  figures  into  the  variegated  texture.  The 
distinction,  as  given  by  theTalmudists,  Gcsenius,  and 
Biihr,  is  this — that  rikmuh,  or  "  needlework,"  was 
where  a  pattern  was  attached  to  the  stuff  by  being 
sewn  on  to  it  on  one  side,  and  the  work  of  the  "  cun- 
ning workman  "  when  the  pattern  was  worked  into 
the  stuff  by  the  loom,  and  so  appeared  on  bolh  sides. 
This  view  appears  (so  Mr.  Bevan)  to  be  entirely  in- 
consistent with  the  statements  of  the  Bible,  and 
with  the  sense  of  the  word  rilcmdh  elsewhere.  The 
absence  of  the  figure  or  the  gold  thread  in  the  one, 
and  its  presence  in  the  other,  constitute  the  essence 
of  the  distinction.  The  word  translated  "  cunning 
workman  "  involves  the  idea  of  invention  or  detiffn- 
ing  patterns  ;  that  translated  "  needlework  "  the 
idea  of  texlure  as  well  as  vancgated  color,  also  of  a 
regular  disposition  of  colors,  which  demanded  no 
inventive  genius.  The  Heb.  verb  shubata,  translated 
in  the  A.  V.  "  embroider "  (Ex.  xxviii.  39),  and  its 
derivative  tashbets,  translated  "  broidered  "  in  vcr.  4, 
refer  to  stuff  worked  in  a  te^sclalcd  manner,  i.  e.  with 
square  cavities  such  as  stones  might  be  set  in  (the 
same  verb  is  translated  "  set "  in  ver.  20).  The  art 
of  embroidery  by  the  loom  was  extensively  practised 
among  the  nations  of  antiquity.  In  addition  to  the 
Egyptians,  the  Babylonians  were  celebrated  for  it 
(Babylonish  Garment)  ;  but  embroidery  in  the  prop- 
er sense  of  the  term,  i.  e.  with  the  needle,  was  a 
Phrygian  invention  of  later  date  (Pliny  viii.  48). 
Dress;  Girdle. 

Em'c-rald,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb. 
nopluch,  a  precious  stone,  first  in  the  second  row  on 
the  breastplate  of  the  high-priest  (Ex.  xxviii.  18, 
xxxix.  n),  imported  to  Tyre  from  Syria  (Ez.  xxvii. 
16),  used  as  an  ornament  of  clothing  (xxviii.  13, 
margin  "  chrysoprase  ").  In  Exodus,  and  perhaps 
in  Ezekiel  xxviii.  13,  the  LXX.  translate  by  anthrax, 
and  the  Vulgate  by  carbmicidus  (see  Carhuncle  3) ; 
in  Ezekiel  xxvii.  both  vary  from  the  Hebrew,  and 
give  no  equivalent  for  this  word.  Gescnius  trans- 
lates "  a  gem,  precions  stone,  of  an  uncertain  kind." 
Fiirst  has  "  a  carbuncle,  or  a  ruby."  (Contrast  car- 
buncle 2.) — 2.  Gr.  smaragdos,  a  precious  stone, 
used  as  a  seal  or  signet  (Ecclus.  xxxii.  6),  as  an  or- 
nament of  bed  furniture  (.Id.  x.  21),  and  spoken  of 
as  one  of  the  foundations  of  Jerusalem  (liev.  xxi. 
19;  Tob.  xiii.  16).  The  rainbow  round  the  throne 
is  compared  to  emerald  in  Rev.  iv.  3.  Under  this 
Greek  name  the  ancients  comprehended  not  only 
the  trae  emerald,  but  also  gieen  carbonate  of  cop- 
per or  malachite,  also  sulpliate  of  copper  (chryso- 
colla),  and  other  stones,  more  or  less  transparent, 
of  similar  color.  The  emerald,  as  a  gem,  ranks  in 
value  next  to  the  diamond  and  ruby.  It  is  a  com- 
pound of  silica,  alumina,  and  glucina,  and  differs 
from  Beryl  in  its  rich  green  color,  w  hich  is  due  to 
oxide  of  chrome. 


EEl'c-rod;^  (Ileb.  ^ap?w!im,  ti-horim  or  ticlorirt 
a  disease  which  God  threatened  to  inflict  en  the( 
oljodient  Israelites  (Deut.  xxviii.  21),  and  which  1 
actually  inflicted  en  the  I'hilistines  w  ho  had  the  Xi 
(1  Sam.  V.  6,  9,  12,  vi.  4,  6,  11,  17).  It  appeq 
probable  (so  Mr.  Ilayman)  that  the  former  ol  thd 
two  Hebrew  words  (which  is  in  the  text,  except  inl 
Sam.  vi.  11,  17)  means  the  disease,  and  the  latU 
(which  is  in  the  text  in  these  last  passages,  andj 
the  Keri  elsewhere)  the  part  affected,  which  msj 
necessarily  have  been  included  in  the  actually  ( 
isting  image  of  it,  and  have  struck  the  eye  as  1 
essential  thing  represented,  to  which  the  disease  ^ 
an  incident.  As  some  morbid  swelling,  then,  see 
the  most  probable  nature  of  the  disease,  so  no  I 
probable  conjecture  has  teen  advanced  than;} 
hemorrhoidal  tunwrs,  or  bleeding  piles,  are  inti 
cd.  These  are  very  common  in  Syria  at  present,  ( 
cntal  habits  of  w  ant  of  exercise  and  im.proper  fed 
producing  derangement  of  the  liver,  constipatid 
&c.,  being  such  as  to  cause  them. 

L'miin,  or  Lmims  (Ikb.  terrors,  i.  e.  terrible  onej 
a  triljc  or  family  of  gigantic  stature  (gia.nts),  sn 
ten  by  C'hedoilaomer  at  Shaveh  Kiriathaim  (Gd 
xiv.  5),  end  occupying  the  countiy  afterward  hd 
by  the  Moabitcs  (Deut.  ii.  10,  11).  They  were  i 
lated  to  the  Axakim,  and  were  generally  called  1 
the  same  name;  but  the  Moabites  termed  th^ 
Eniini. 

Fin-maii'n-el  (L.  fr.  Ilcb.)  =  Ijimanuel  (MatJ 
23). 

Fm-ma'ns  (E.  fr.    Ilcb.  =  icarm  lath,  Jos. ; 
Hammatii),  the  village  to  which  the  two  discipj 
were  going  when  our  Lord  appeared  to  them  ontl 
way,  on  the  day  of  His  resurrection  (Lk.  xxiv.  Ij 
Luke  makes  its  distance  from  Jerusalem  sixty  sta 
(A.  V.  "  threescore  furlongs  "),  or  about  11  inl 
and  Joscphus  mentions  "a  village  called  En  i 
at  the  same  distance.     From  the  earliest  pup 
which  we  have  any  record  down  to  the  14lh 
tury,  the  opinion  prevailed  among  Christian  wrlS 
that  the  Emmaus  of  Luke  =  the  Emmaus  No.  ~ 
the  border  of  tlie  plain  of  Phihstia,  some  20  mi 
from  Jerusalem  (so  Eusebius  and  Jerome,  Koh 
son,  &c.).     About  a.  n.  ISOO  it  began  to  be  suppori 
that  the  site  of  Emmaus  was  at  the  little  villagej 
Kubdlch,  about  seven  miles  N.  W.  from  Jerus  " 
Thomson  (ii.  3C8,  540)  and  Williams  ( C/iwrMfl 
falestine  1)  suppose  the  site  at  Kuriat  el-F.nab  ( KiR- 
jatii-Jearim).     The  distance  from  Jerusalem  is  the 
main    argument   for   both  these   last  suppositi 
Mr.  Porter  thinks  the  site  of  Emmaus  remains  j 
to  be  identified. — 2.  A  town  in  the  plain  of  Ph 
tia,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  of  Judah,  tw« 
two  Roman  miles  from  Jerusalem,  and  ten  : 
Lydda.     It  was  fortified  by  Bacehides,  the  ge 
of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  in  the  war  with  Jonad 
Maccabeus  (1  Mc.  ix.  50).     In  the  plain  beside  1 
city  Judas  Maccabeus   had  signally  defeated 
Syrians  with  a  mere  handful  of  men  (1  Mc.  iii. 
57,  iv.  3,  &c.).      Emmaus  became  the  capital  o^ 
toparchy  under  the  Romans ;  was  burned  by 
Roman   general  Varus  about  a.  d.  4  ;  rebuilt 
named  Nicopnlis  about  A.  n.  220.     A  small  i 
able  village  called  'Amwds  still  occupies  the  sitt 
the  ancient  city. 

Fib  nifr  (Gr.)  =  Immer  1  (1  Esd.  ix.  21). 

Fni'mnr  (Gr.)  =  Hamor  (Acts  vii.  ]6\  ^ 

*F-Da'jini  (fr.  Heb.   'Eynayim  =   Exam)  (Gen. 
xxxviii.  14,  21).     See  Enam. 

E'dSIH  (i'r.  Heb.  'Eymlm  =  the  double  sj  i-ii    \  ^ 
city  in  the  lowland  (Valley  5)  of  Judah  (Jc^l 


I 


TSSA 

84).  From  its  mention  with  towns  known  to  hare 
been  near  Timnath,  tliis  is  very  probably  tlie  place 
in  ihc  "  doorway  "  or  entrance  of  which  Tamar  sat 
before  her  mterview  with  her  father-in-law  (Gen. 
xxxviii.  14,  A.  V.  "in  an  open  place,"  margin  "in 
the  iloor  of  eyes  "  or  "  of  Eiiajini ; "  verse  HI,  A.  V. 
'•  ojienly,"  margin  "  in  Enajim  "). 

K'aan  (fr.  Ileb.  =:  having  eyes,  Ges.),  father  of 
Aliira,  "  prince "  of  Xaphtali  at  the  numbering  in 
the  wilderness  of  Sinai  (Xiiin.  i.  15,  &c.). 

K-na<  i-bus  (fr.  Gr.)  =:  Elia.siiib  6  (1  Esd.  ix.  34). 

En-ritop  meut  (Hcb.  mik'meh  or  mac/ifineh,  in  all 
places  except  2  K.  vi.  8,  where  tahi'moth  or  iachdnolh 
13  used,  A.  \'.  usually  "  camp  ").  The  word  prima- 
rily denoted  the  resting-place  of  an  artny  or  com- 
pany of  travellers  at  night  (Ex.  xvi.  13  ;  Gen.  xxxii. 
21,  A.  V.  "company"),  and  was  hence  applied  to 
the  army  or  caravan  when  on  its  march  (Ex.  xiv. 
19 ;  Josh.  X.  6,  xi.  4,  A.  V.  "  hosts "  in  both ; 
Gen.  xxxii.  7,  A.V.  "  bands ;  "  8,  A.V.  "  company  "). 
Among  nomadic  tribes  war  never  attained  to  the 
'•_-:iity  of  a  science,  and  their  encampments  were 
■i;(|uently  devoid  of  all  the  appliances  of  more 
.  ijaiatic  warfare.  The  description  of  the  camp 
of  the  Israelites  on  their  march  from  Egypt  (Num. 
iL,  iii.),  supplies  the  greatest  amount  of  information 
on  the  subject :  whatever  else  may  be  gleaned  is 
fro:n  scattered  hints.  (Army.)  The  tabernacle, 
corresponding  to  the  chieftain's  tent  of  an  ordinary 
encampment,  was  placed  in  the  centre,  and  around 
and  facing  it,  arranged  in  four  grand  divisions,  cor- 
responding to  the  four  points  of  the  compass,  lay 
the  host  of  Israel,  according  to  their  standards  (i. 
52,  ii.  2  11").  In  the  centre,  round  the  tabernacle, 
and  with  no  standard  but  the  cloudy  or  fiery  pillar 
which  rested  over  it,  were  the  tents  of  the  priests 
and  Levites,  the  former,  with  Moses  and  Aaron  at 
their  head,  on  the  E.  side ;  the  ICohathites  on  the 
S. ;  the  Gershonites  on  the  \V. ;  the  Merarites  on 
the  -V.  (iii.  23,  21),  35,  38).  The  order  of  encamp- 
ment was  preserved  on  the  march  (ii.  17),  the 
signal  for  which  was  given  by  a  blast  of  the  two 
silver  trumpets  (\.  5).  In  this  description  of  the 
order  of  the  encampment  no  mention  is  made  of 
sentinels,  who,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose,  were 
placed  at  the  gates  (Ex.  xxxii.  26,  27)  in  the  four 
quarters  of  the  camp.  This  was  evidently  the  case 
in  the  camp  of  the  Levites  (compare  1  Chr.  ix.  18, 
24;  2  Chr.  xxxi.  2).  The  sanitary  regulations  of 
the  camp  of  the  Israelites  were  for  the  twofold  pur- 
pose of  preserving  the  health  of  the  vast  multitude 
and  the  puritv  of  the  camp  as  the  dwelling-place  of 
GoJ  (Xum.  v."3  ;  Deut.  xxiii.  10,  12,  14).  The  dead 
were  buried  without  the  camp  (Lev.  x.  4,  5);  lepers 
and  all  with  loathsome  diseases  were  excluded  (xiii. 
46,  xiv.  3;  Xum.  xii.  14,  15);  all  defiled  by  contact 
with  the  dead,  and  captives  taken  in  war,  were  kept 
without  for  seven  days  (xxxi.  19).  The  ashes  from 
the  Siicrifices  were  poured  out  without  the  camp  at 
an  appointed  place,  where  the  entrails  and  all  not 
offered  in  sacrifice  were  burnt  (Lev.  iv.  11,  12,  vi. 
11,  viii.  17).  The  execution  of  criminals  took  place 
without  the  camp  (Lev.  xxiv.  14  ;  Xum.  xv.  35,  SG; 
Josh.  vii.  24),  as  did  the  burning  of  the  young  bul- 
lock for  the  sin-offering  (Lev.  iv.  12).  "These  cir- 
cumstances combined  explain  Ileb.  xiii.  12,  and 
John  xix.  17,  20.  High  ground  appears  to  have 
be.-n  uniformly  selected  for  the  camp,  whether  on  a 
hill  or  mountain  side,  or  in  an  inaccessible  pass 
(Jud,'.  vii.  1,  8,  X.  17;  1  Sam.  xiii.  2,  &c.).  The 
carelessness  of  the  Midianitcs  in  encamping  in  the 
plain  exi)o3ed  them  to  the  night  surprise  by  Gideon, 


ENE 


S75 


and  resulted  in  their  consequent  discomfiture  (Jndg. 
vi.  33,  vii.  8,  12).  But  another  important  considera- 
tion in  fixing  upon  a  position  for  a  camp  was  the 
nearness  of  water :  hence  it  is  found  that  in  most 
instances  camps  were  pitched  near  a  spring  or  well 
(vii.  1 ;  1  Mc.  ix.  33).  The  camp  was  surrounded 
by  the  nui'gdlilh  (1  Sam.  xvii.  2U),  or  ma'fful  (xxvi. 
6,  7),  which  Hebrew  words  some  exjilain  as  an 
earthwork  thrown  up  round  the  encampment  (A.  V. 
"  trench "),  others  as  the  barriers  formed  by  the 
baggage-waggons  (Carriage  5).  We  know  that,  in 
the  case  of  a  siege,  the  attacking  army,  if  possible, 
surrounded  the  place  attacked  (1  ilc.  xiii.  43,  kc). 
(War.)  But  there  was  not  so  nnich  need  of  a  tbrmal 
intrenchmeut,  as  but  few  instances  occur  in  which 
engagements  were  fought  in  the  camps  themselves, 
and  these  only  when  the  attack  was  made  at  night. 
To  guard  against  these  attacks,  sentinels  were  posted 
round  the  camp  (Judg.  vii.  19;  1  Mc.  xii.  27).  The 
valley  which  separated  the  hostile  camps  was  gen- 
erally selected  as  the  fighting-ground  upon  which 
the  contest  was  decided,  and  hence  the  valleys  of 
Palestine  have  played  so  conspicuous  a  part  in  its 
history  (Josh.  viii.  13;  Judg.  vi.  33;  2  Sam.  v.  22, 
viii.  13,  &c.}.  W^hen  the  tigliting-men  went  forth 
to  the  place  of  marshalling,  a  detachment  was  left  to 
protect  the  camp  and  baggage  (1  Sam.  xvii.  20-22, 
XXX.  24).  The  beasts  of  burden  were  probably 
tethered  to  the  tent-pegs  (2  K.  vii.  10;  Zech.  xiv. 
15).     Garrison;  Mahanaim;  Mahaneh-Dax. 

En-diant'inentj.  Several  Hebrew  words  are  trans- 
lated bv  this  and  kindred  terms.  1.  Heb.  Idiim  or 
lihdliryi  {Ex.  vii.  11,  22,  viii.  7,  18)  =r  Kea-et  arts.—l. 
Ccshdp/dm,  A.V.  "witchcrafts"  (2  K.  ix.  22; 
Mic.  V.  12;  Xah.  iii.  4),  "  sorceries"  (Is.  xlvii.  9, 
12),  ^  multered  sjjflls.  The  belief  in  the  power  of 
certain  formulas  was  universal  in  the  ancient  world. 
— 3.  Lahash  or  tachmh,  A.  V.  "enchantment" 
(Eccl.  X.  11),  in  the  pi.  "  ear-rings,"  i.  e.  amulets  (Is. 
iii.  20),  &c.  (DiviXATios  8.)  Tliis  word  is  espe- 
cially used  of  the  charming  of  serpents. — 4.  The 
kindred  word  vahash  or  nachash,  A.  V.  "  enchant- 
ment "  ^  (so  Gesenius)  incantatimt,  enchantment 
(Xum.  xxiii.  23);  aiir/iiri/,  omen,  which  one  takes 
(xxiv.  1).  (DivixATiox  8.) — 5.  I/eber  or  c/ie/jer  = 
spell,  enehantment,  Ges.     Divination  9  ;  Magic. 

En-dor  (fr.   Ileb.   ^eyir-Dor  =  spring  of  Dor ; 

fount  of  the  dwelling,  Ges.),  a  place  in  the  territory 

of  Issachar,  and  yet  possessed  by  JIanasseh  (Josh. 

xvii.    11);   long  held   in   memory  by  the  Jewish 

people  as  connected  with  the  great  victory  over 

Sisera  and   Jabin  (Ps.  Ixxxiii.  9,   10);   the  place 

where  Saul,  on  the  eve  of  his  last  engagement  with 

the  Philistines,  consulted  a  woman  that  had  "  a 

familiar  spirit"  (1  Sam.  xxviii.  7).     (Magic.)    Eu- 

1  sebius  describes  it  as  a  large  village  four  miles  S. 

I  of  Tabor.     Here  on   the  N.  E.  corner  of  Jibti  ed- 

I  Dnhy,  seven  or  eight  miles  from  the  slopes  of  Gil- 

;  boa,  the  name  still  lingers,  attached  to  a  miserable 

village.     The  rock  of  the  mountain,  on  which  it 

stands,  is  hollowed  into  caves,  one  of  which  may 

«  cU  have  been  the  scene  of  the  witch's  incantation. 

E'ae-as  (L.  -Eneas,  pron.  Ee-nee'as),  a  paralytic  at 

Lydda,  healed  by  the  Apostle  Peter  (Acts  ix.  33,  34). 

.   En-rg-la'im  (fr.  Ileb.  =  sjyrimi  of  iii:o  hiifi-rs),  a 

place  named  only  by  Ezekiel  (xlvii.  10),  apparently 

as  on   the  Dead  Sea.     Jerome  locates  it  at   the 

mouth  of  the  Jordan.     Some  make  it  =  Eglaim, 

but  the  two  words  are  different. 

En-e-nes'sar  ((Jr.),  a  corniption  of  the   name 
Shalmaneser  (Tob.  i.  2,  16,  &c.). 
E-ne'ni-w  (fr.  Gr.),  one  of  the  leaders  of  the 


276 


EXG 


ENO 


people  who  rctunied  with  Zorobabel  (1  Esd.  v.  8) ; 
not  in  Ezra  and  Nelicmiah. 

En-gad'di  =  En-gedi  (Ecelus.  xxiv.  14). 

En-gan'nim  (iV.  lleb.  =  spt-ing  of  gardens).  1. 
A  city  ill  the  low  country  of  Judah,  named  between 
Zanoah  and  Tappuah  (Joi-h.  xv.  34). — 2.  A  city  on 
the  border  of  Issachar  (xix.  21),  allotted  to  the 
Gershonite  Levites  (xxi.  29) ;  probably  (Rbn.  ii. 
815)  =  the  Ginaia  of  Josephus  (xx.  6,  §  1),  which 
again,  there  can  be  little  doubt,  survives  in  the 
modern  Je»in,  the  tirst  village  encountered  on  the 
ascent  from  the  great  plain  of  Esdraelon  into  the 
hills  of  the  central  country.  Jenin  contains  about 
2,000  inhabitants  and  is  the  capital  of  a  large  dis- 
trict. It  is  still  surrounded  by  "  orchards"  or  "  gar- 
dens," and  the  "  spring  "  is  to  this  day  the  character- 
istic object  in  the  place.     Anem  ;  Garden-Hocse. 

En'-gC-di  (fr.  Ileb.  =  the  fountain  of  the  kid),  a 
town  in  the  wilderness  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  62),  on 
the  W.  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea  (Ez.  xlvii.  10);  ori- 
ginally Hazkzon-Tamar.  Its  site  is  now  well  known. 
It  is  about  the  middle  of  the  W.  shore  of  the  lake. 
Here  is  a  rich  plain,  half  a  mile  square,  sloping 
very  gently  from  the  base  of  the  mountains  to  the 
water,  and  shut  in  on  the  N.  by  a  lofty  promontory. 
About  one  mile  up  the  western  acclivity,  and  some 
four  hundred  feet  above  the  plain,  is  the  fountain 
of  'Ain  Jidy,  from  which  the  place  gets  its  name. 
Its  banks  are  now  cultivated  by  a  few  families  of 
Arabs,  who  generally  pitch  their  tents  near  this 
spot.  Traces  of  the  old  city  exist  ution  the  plain 
and  lower  declivity  of  the  mountain,  on  the  P.  bank 
of  the  brook.  (See  the  view  in  the  article  Sea,  the 
Salt.)  The  history  of  En-gedi,  though  it  reaches 
back  nearly  4,000  years,  may  be  told  in  a  few  sen- 
tences. Immediately  after  an  assault  upon  the  "Am- 
orites,  that  dwelt  in  Hazczon-Tamar,"  the  five  Mes- 
opotamian  kings  were  attacked  by  the  rulers  of  the 
plain  of  Sodom  (Gen.  xiv.  7 ;  compare  2  Chr.  xx.  2). 
Saul  was  told  that  David  was  in  the  "  wilderness  of 
En-gcdi  (i.  e.  the  wild  region  in  its  neighborhood, 
full  of  caverns,  ravines,  &c.) ; "  and  he  took  "  3,000 
men,  and  went  to  seek  David  and  his  men  upon  the 
rocks  of  the  wild  goats''''  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  29,  xxiv.  1- 
4).  At  a  later  period  En-gedi  was  the  gathering- 
place  of  the  Moabites  and  Ammonites  who  went  up 
against  Jerusalem,  and  fell  in  the  valley  of  Berachah 
(2  Chr.  XX.  2).  The  vineyards  of  En-gedi  were  cel- 
ebrated by  Solomon  (Cant.  i.  14),  its  balsam  by  Jo- 
sephus, and  its  palms  by  Pliny  and  in  Ecelus.  xxiv. 
14.  But  vineyards  no  longer  clothe  the  mountain- 
side, and  neither  palm-tree  nor  balsam  is  seen  on 
the  plain. 

En'gine  [-jin],  a  term  exclusively  applied  to  mili- 
tary affairs  in  the  Bible.  The  engines  of  king  Uzziah, 


WW 


Aaayriin  War  Engines,  from  Bcttn,  plate  160, 


in  2  Chr.  xxvi.  15,  were  designed  to  propel  varioq 
missiles  from  the  walls  of  a  besieged  town  ;  one,  lili 
the  L.  balista,  was  for  stones,  consisting  probably  ( 
a  strong  spring  and  a  tube  to  give  the  right  dire 
tion  to  the  stone  ;  another,  like  the  L.  catvpulta,  i 
arrows,  an   enoimous   stationary  bow  (compare  1 
Mc.  vi.  61,  52).     Another  war-engine  was  the  ba 
tering-ram  (Ez.  iv.  2,  xxi.  22,  xxvi.  9).     (Ram,  BaI 
TEniKG.)    The  marginal  rendering,  "  engine  of  shctl 
(Jer.  vi.  C,  xxxii.  24  ;■  Ez.  xxvi.  8),  is  incorrect ; 
text  has  "  mount,"  i.  e.  mound.     War. 

*  En'glisb  [ing'glibh]  Vcr'fcicns.  .  Version,  A| 
TnORizF.n. 

En-gra'Tcr,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Hcb.  h&rSi 
or  chdrash  in  Ex.  xxviii.  11,  xxxv.  35,  xxxviii.  I 
The  term  =  any  artificer  in  wood,  stone,  or  met^ 
(Charashim;  IlA^DICRAFT.)  The  chief  business  ( 
an  "engraver  in  stone"  (xxviii.  11)  was  cuttid 
names  or  devices  on  rings  and  seals ;  the  only  dJ 
tices  of  engraving  are  in  connection  with  the  higl 
priest's  dress — the  two  onyx-stones,  the  tweli 
jewels,  and  the  mitre-plate  having  inscriptions  ( 
them  (xxviii.  11,  21,  36).  But  the  same  artist 
(e.  g.  Aiioi.iAB,  Bezaleel,  Hiram  2)  combined,! 
skill  and  practice,  many  branches,  which  modei 
division  of  labor  distinguishes  and  assigns  to  dl 
ferent  men  (Br.  P.  Holmes  in  Kitto).  Print  ;  Sea 
En-liad'dab  (fr.  Heb.  =  sharp  or  steifl  'ipring),t 
city  on  the  border  of  Issachar  named  next  to  ~ 
gannini  (Josh.  xix.  21).  Van  de  Velde  would  idc| 
tify  it  with  'Ain-hand  on  the  W.  side  of  Carma 
and  about  two  miles  only  from  the  sea;  but  this] 
surely  out  of  the  limits  of  Issachar,  and  rather) 
Asher  or  Manasseh. 

En-liak'ko-re  (fr.  Heb.  ^=  the  spring  of  the  criei 
the  spring  which  burst  out  in  answer  to  the  cd 
of  Samson  after  his  exploit  with  the  jawbone  (Jud 
xv.  I'j).  Van  de  Velde  improbably  endeavors 
identify  Leiii  with  7\ll  el-Lekiijeh  four  miles  N.  ( 
Beer-sheba,  and  En-hakkore  with  the  large  spriij 
between  the  Tell  and  Khcuetfth  (Keilaii  ?). 

En-ha'zor  (fr.  II cb.  =  spring  of  the  inllage\\ 
fenced  city  in  Naphtali,  distinct  from  Hazor  {lorn 
xix.  37);  not  yet  identified. 

En-mish'pat  (fr.  Hcb.  =  fountain  of  judgme 
Gcs.)  —  Kadesh  (Gen.  xiv.  7). 

Enoch  [-nok]  (Or.  fr.  Heb.  Htindch  or  CkHnA 
=  initiated  or  initiating,  Ges. ;  =  Hanoch). 
The  eldest  son  of  Cain  (Gen.  iv.  17),  who  calld 
the  city  which  he  built  after  his  name  (la 
Ewald  fancies  that  there  is  a  reference  to  tl] 
Phrygian  Iconium.  Other  places  have  been  ide 
tified  with  the  site  of  Enoch  with  little  prob 
bility :  e.  g.  Anachta  in  Susiana,  the  Heniochi  I 
the  Caucasus,  &c. — 2.  The  son  of  Jared 
father  of  Methuselah  (Gon.  v. 
ff. ;  Lk.  iii.  37);  =  Hexocb  in] 
Chr.  i.  3.  In  Judc  14  he  is 
scribed  as  "  the  seventh  fra 
Adam  ; "  and  the  number  is  pro! 
ably  noticed  as  conveying  the  ida 
of  divine  completion  and  rea 
while  Enoch  was  himself  a  tyJ 
of  perfected  humanity.  The  othi 
numbers  connected  with  his  hi| 
tory  appear  too  symmetrical  to  I 
without  meaning  (162  =;  9x6x1 
65  =  5x8T7',  3C5,  &c.).  XH 
tlic  birth  of  Mctluiselah  it  ia 
(Gen.  V.  22-4)  that  Enoch  "walk 
v.  ith  God  300  years .  .  .  and  he  ' 
not ;  for  God  took  him."  The  phr 


EXO 


EXO 


277 


"walked  with  God"  is  elsewhere  only  used  of  Noah 
(vL  9;  compare  xi-ii.  1,  kc),  and  is  to  be  explained 
of  a  prophetic  life  spent  in  ininieJiate  converse 
with  the  spiritual  world.  In  Ecclus.  xliv.  16,  xlix. 
14,  he  is  spoken  of  among  the  "  famous  men  "  as 
"  translated,"  "  taken  "  up  "  from  the  earth."  In 
Beb.  xi.  5  the  spring  and  issue  of  Enoch's  life  are 
clearly  marked.  The  biblical  notices  of  Enoch 
were  a  fruitful  source  of  speculation  in  later  times. 
Some  theologians  disputed  with  subtilty  as  to  tlie 
place  to  which  he  was  removed.  Both  the  Latin 
and  Greek  fathers  commonly  coupled  Enoch  and 
Elijah  as  historic  witnesses  of  the  possibility  of 
a  resurrection  of  the  body  and  of  a  true  human 
exi.*tence  in  glory ;  and  the  voice  of  early  ecclesi- 
astical tradition  is  almost  unanimous  in  regarding 
them  as  "the  two  witnesses"  (Rev.  .xi.  3  ff.)  who 
should  fall  before  "  the  beast."— 3.  In  2  Esd.  vi. 
49,  51,  i,'nn:h  stands  in  the  Latin  (and  English)  Ver- 
sion for  Behfinotli  in  the  Ethiopic.  Enoch,  Book  op. 
E'nseli  (fr.  Ilcb. ;  see  above),  the  Book  Of,  is  one 
of  the  most  important  remains  of  that  early  apoc- 
alyptic literature  of  which  the  book  of  Daniel  is 
the  great  prototype.  I.  The  history  of  the  book 
U  remarkable.  The  first  trace  of  its  existence  is 
generally  found  in  Jude  14,  15  (compare  Enoch 
i.  9),  but  the  words  of  the  apostle  leave  it  uncertain 
whether  he  derived  his  quotation  from  tradition  or 
from  writing,  though  the  wide  spread  of  the  book 
ia  the  second  century  seems  almost  decisive  in 
favor  of  the  latter  supposition.  It  appears  to  have 
been  known  to  Ju.-itin,  Irenieus,  and  Anatolius. 
Clement  of  Alexandria  and  Origen  both  make  use 
of  it.  Tertullian  expressly  quotes  the  book  as  one 
which  was  "  not  received  by  some,  nor  admitted 
into  tlie  Jewish  canon,"  but  defends  it  on  account 
of  its  reference  to  Christ.  Considerable  fragments 
are  preserved  in  the  Chroiwgraphia  of  Georgius 
Syncellus  (about  792  a.  d.),  and  these,  with  the 
scanty  notices  of  earlier  writers,  constituted  the 
sole  remains  of  the  book  known  in  Europe  till 
the  close  of  the  last  century.  Meanwhile,  how- 
ever, a  report  was  current  that  the  entire  book 
was  preserved  in  Aby.ssinia ;  and  at  length,  in  177S, 
Bruce  brought  with  him  on  his  return  from  Egypt 
three  MS.S.  containing  the  complete  Ethiopic  trans- 
lation. It  was  published  (Oxford,  England,  1838) 
by  Archbishop  Laurence,  who  publLnlied  an  English 
translation  with  an  introduction  and  notes  (1821, 
1833, 1838).  Dilhnann  edited  the  Ethiopic  text  from 
five  MS.S.  (Leipsic,  1851),  and  afterward  gave  a 
German  translation  with  a  good  introduction  and 
commentary  (18.')3). — IL  The  Ethiopic  translation 
was  made  from  the  Greek,  and  probably  toward  the 
middle  or  close  of  the  fourth  century.  The  general 
eoincidence  of  the  translation  with  the  patristic 
quotations  of  corresponding  passages  shows  satis- 
factorily that  the  text  from  which  it  was  derived 
was  tlie  same  as  that  current  in  the  early  Church. 
But  it  is  still  uncertain  whether  the  Greek  text 
was  the  original,  or  itself  a  translation.  One  of 
the  earliest  references  to  the  book  occurs  in  the 
Hebrew  Book  of  Jubileeii,  and  the  names  of  the  an- 
gels and  winds  are  derived  from  Aramaic  roots. 
In  addition  to  this,  a  Hebrew  book  of  Enoch  was 
known  and  used  by  Jewish  writers  till  the  thirteenth 
century,  so  that  on  these  grounds,  .imoiig  others, 
many  have  supposed  that  the  book  was  first  com- 
posed in  Hebrew  (Araraeau). — III.  In  its  present 
shape  the  book  consists  of  a  series  of  revelations 
supposed  to  have  been  given  to  Enoch  and  Noah, 
which  extend  to  the  most  varied  aspects  of  nature 


I  and  life,  and  are  designed  to  offer  a  comprehensive 
vindication  of  the  action  of  Providence.  It  has  one 
hundred  and  eight  chapters,  and  may  be  divided  into 
five  parts.  The  Jirst  pari  (chs.  1-36),  after  a  general 
introduction,  contains  an  account  of  the  fall  of  the 
angels  (Gen.  vi.  1)  and  of  the  judgment  to  come 
on  them  and  on  the  giants,  their  offspring  (chs.  6- 
16);  and  this  is  followed  by  the  description  of  the 
journey  of  Enoch  through  the  earth  and  lower 
heaven  in  company  with  an  angel,  who  showed  to 
him  many  of  the  great  mysteries  of  nature,  the 
treasure-houses  of  the  storms  and  winds,  and  fires 
of  heaven,  the  prison  of  the  tallen  and  the  land  of 
the  blessed  (chs.  17-36).  The  second  part  (chs.  37- 
71),  styled  "a  vision  of  wisdom,"  consists  of  three 
"  parables,"  in  which  Enoch  relates  the  revelations 
of  the  higher  secrets  of  heaven  and  of  the  spiritual 
world  which  were  given  to  him.  The  first  parable 
(chs.  38-44)  gives  chiefly  a  picture  of  the  future  bless- 
ings and  manifestations  of  the  righteous,  with  fur- 
ther details  as  to  the  heavenly  bodies :  the  second 
(chs.  45-57)  describes  in  splendid  Imagery  the  coming 
of  Messiah,  and  the  results  which  it  should  work 
among  "  the  elect "  and  the  gainsayers :  the  third 
(chs.  58-69)  draws  out  at  further  length  the  blessei'.- 
ness  of  "  the  elect  and  holy,"  and  the  confusion 
and  wretchedness  of  the  world's  sinful  rulers. 
The  third  part  (c\\s.  72-82),  styled  "  the  book  of  the 
course  of  the  lights  of  heaven,"  deals  with  the 
motions  of  the  sun  and  moon,  and  the  changes  of 
the  seasons ;  and  with  this  the  narrative  of  the 
journey  of  Enoch  closes.  The  fourth  part  (chs.  83 
-91),  not  distinguished  by  any  special  name,  con- 
tains the  record  of  a  dream  which  was  granted  to 
Enoch  in  his  youth,  in  which  he  saw  the  history 
of  the  kingdoms  of  God  and  of  the  world  up  to  the 
final  establishment  of  the  throne  of  Messiah.  The 
ffth  part  (chs.  92-105)  contains  the  last  addresses  of 
Enoch  to  his  children,  in  which  the  teaching  of  the 
former  chapters  is  made  the  groundwork  of  earnest 
exhortation.  The  signs  which  attended  Noah's 
liirth  are  next  noticed  (chs.  106-7};  and  another 
short  "  writing  of  Enoch  "  (ch.  108)  forms  the  close 
to  the  whole  book. — IV.  The  general  unity  which  the 
book  possesses  in  its  present  form  marks  it,  in  the 
main,  as  the  work  of  one  man  ;  but  internal  coin, 
cidence  shows  with  equal  clearness  that  different 
fragments  were  incorporated  by  the  author  Into  his 
work,  and  some  additions  were  probably  made 
afterward.  The  whole  book  appears  to  be  distinctly 
of  Jewish  origin,  and  it  may  be  regarded  as  descrlli- 
ing  an  important  phase  of  Jewish  opinion  shortly 
before  the  coming  of  ('hrist  (so  Mr.  We.stcott,  the 
original  author  of  this  article).  Hoffmann  and 
Weisse  place  the  composition  of  the  whole  Viook 
after  Christ;  so  Stuart,  Volkmar  and  Alford. 
Ewald  distinguishes  as  the  originals  three  books  of 
Enoch,  an  appendix,  and  a  book  of  Noah,  the  ear- 
liest composed  about  b.  c.  144,  and  the  whole  edit- 
ed about  B.  c.  50  with  transpositions,  abridgments, 
&c.  Davidson  (in  Kitto)  agrees  in  the  main  with 
Ewald,  but  supposes  only  two  original  books  of 
Enoch  and  a  book  of  Noah.  Dillmann  upholds 
more  decidedly  the  unity  of  the  book,  and  as- 
signs the  chief  part  of  it  to  an  Aramoan  writer 
about  110  B.  c.  The  book  (so  Mr.  Westcott)  is  dis- 
tinguished from  2d  Esdras  by  its  tone  of  triumphant 
expectation.  It  seems  to  repeat  in  every  form  the 
great  principle  that  the  world,  natural,  moral,  and 
spiritual,  is  under  the  immediate  government  of 
God.  Hence  it  follows  that  there  is  a  terrible  retri- 
bution reserved  for  sinucrs,  and  a  glorious  kingdom 


280 


EPH 


text.  The  special  greetings  might  have  been  separ- 
ately entrusted  to  the  bearer  Tychicus  (Eph.  vi.  22). 
—(2.)  The  question  of  priority  in  respect  of  compo- 
pilion  between  this  epistle  and  Colossians  is  very 
dillicult  to  adjust.     On  the  whole,  both  internal  and 


EPH 


I 


external  considerations  seem  somewhat  in  favor  of 
the  priority  of  Colossians.  On  the  similarity  of 
contents,  see  Colossians,  Epistle  to. 

Eph'e-sns  (L.  fr.  Gr. ;  named  [so  one  legend]  from 
its  founder,  Epluxm,  son  of  the  Cayster ;    or  [so 


Site  of  Epbesua. — (From  Laborde.) 


another]  from  Gr.  ephesh  =  permiuion,  because  the 
Amazons  were  permitted  by  Hercules  to  settle 
there),  an  illustrious  city  in  the  district  of  Ionia, 
•  nearly  opposite  the  island  of  Samos,  and  about  the 
middle  of  the  western  coast  of  the  peninsula  com- 
monly called  Asia  Minor.  It  stood  partly  on  the 
level  ground,  partly  on  some  hills.  Mounts  Prion, 
Coressus,  &c.,  rising  abruptly  from  it,  on  the  S. 
side,  and  near  the  mouth  of  the  river  Cayster.  Of 
the  Koman  province  of  Asia,  Ephesus  was  the  capi- 
tal.— 1.  geographical  Relations.  All  the  cities  of 
Ionia  were  remarkably  well  situated  for  the  growth 
of  commercial  prosperity,  and  none  more  so  than 
Ephesus.  With  a  fertile  neighborhood  and  an  ex- 
cellent climate,  in  the  time  of  Augustus  it  was  the 
great  emporium  of  all  the  regions  of  Asia  within  the 
Taurus :  its  harbor  (named  Panormus),  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Cayster,  was  elaborately  constructed. 
St.  Paul's  life  furnishes  illustrations  of  its  mercantile 
relations  with  Achaia  on  the  W.,  Macedonia  on  the 
N.,  Syria  on  the  E.  (Acts  xviii.  19,  21,  22,  xix.  21, 
XX.  1  ff.,  &c.),  and  to  the  inland  regions  of  the  con- 
tinent. The  "upper  coasts"  (Acts  xix.  1)  through 
which  he  passed  when  about  to  take  up  his  resi- 
dence in  the  city,  were  the  Phrygian  table-lands  of 
the  interior.  Two  great  roads  at  least,  in  the 
Roman  times,  led  eastward  from  Ephesus ;  one 
through  the  passes  of  Tmolus  to  Sardis,  and  thence 
to  Galatia  and  the  N.  E.,  the  other  round  the  ex- 
tremity of  Pactyas  to  Magnesia,  and  so  up  the  valley 
of  the  Meander  to  leonium,  whence  the  communi- 
cation was  direct  to  the  Euphrates  and  to  the  Syrian 
Antioch.  There  seem  to  have  been  Sardian  and 
Magnesian  gates  on  the  E.  side  of  Ephesus  corre- 
sponding to  these  roads  respectively.  There  were 
also  coast-roads  leading  northward  to  Smyrna  and 
southward  to  Miletus.  By  the  latter  of  these  prob- 
ably the  Ephesian  elders  travelled  to  meet  Paul  at 
the  latter  city  (xx.  11,  18). — 2.  Temple  and  Worship 
of  Diana.  Conspicuous  at  the  head  of  the  harbor 
of  Ephesus  was  the  great  temple  of  Diana  or  Arte- 
mis, the  tutelary  divinity  of  the  city.  This  building 
was  raised  on  immense  substructions,  in  consequence 
of  the  swampy  nature  of  the  ground.     The  earlier 


temple,  begun  before  the  Persian  war,  was  burnt 
down  in  the  night  when  Alexander  the  Great  was 
born  (b.  c.  356) ;  and  another  structure,  raised  by 
the  enthusiastic  coiipcration  of  all   the   inhabitants 


plan  of  the  Temple  of  Diana  nt  Ephesus,  with  a  scak-  tif  feet. — (I  r«  ii 
Guhl'a  £i'/t«naca,) 

of  "Asia,"  had  taken  its  place.     The  magnificence 
of  this  sanctuary — 425  feet  long,  220  broad,  built 


EPH 


EPH 


281 


of  cedar,  cypress,  white  marble,  gold,  &c.,  with 
127  columns,  eacli  60  feet  high — was  a  proverb 
throiijhout  the  civilized  world.  Criminals  were  ex- 
empted tVoin  arrest  at  the  temple  or  within  onc- 
ei^lith  of  a  mile  of  it.  In  consequence  of  this  de- 
votion to  the  goddess,  the  city  of  Ephesus  was 
called  in  Gr.  tudJcurus  (Acts  xix.  35,  A.  V.  "  wor- 
Bliipper,"  margin  "  temple-keeper  ")  or  "  warden  "  of 
Diana.  Another  consequence  of  the  celebrity  of 
Diana's  worship  at  Ephesus  was,  that  a  large  manu- 
factory grew  up  there  of  portable  shrines,  which 
strangers  purchased,  and  devotees  carried  with 
them  on  journeys  or  set  up  in  their  houses.  Of  the 
manufacturers  engaged  in  this  business,  perhaps 
Ale-tander  the  "  coi)persmitli "  (2  Tim.  iv.  14)  was  one. 
The  case  of  Demetrius  the  "  silversmith  "  is  ex- 
plicit. (For  the  public  games  connected  with  the 
worship  of  Diana,  see  Asiarchs;  Games.) — 3.  Study 
and  Practice  of  Magic.  There  was  a  remarkable 
prevalence  of  magical  arts  at  Ephesus.  In  illustra- 
tion of  the  magical  books  which  were  pul)licly 
burnt  (Acts  six.  19)  under  the  influence  of  St. 
Paul's  preaching,  it  is  enough  here  to  refer  to  the 
Ephesian  letters  (mentioned  by  Plutarch  and  others), 


which  were  regarded  as  a  charm  when  pronounced, 
and  when  written  down  were  carried  about  as  a.ml'- 
LErs.  (.Magic.) — 4.  Provincial  and  Municipal  Guv- 
cnimeut.  It  is  well  known  that  Asia  was  a  procon- 
sular province ;  and  accordingly  we  find  procon- 
suls (A.  V.  "  deputies  ")  specially  mentioned  (xix. 
38).  Again  we  learu  from  Pliny  (v.  31)  that  Ephesus 
was  an  assize-town ;  and  in  Acts  xix.  38  we  tind 
the  court  days  alluded  to  as  actually  being  held 
(A.V.  "  the  law  is  open  ; "  margin  "  the  court-days 
are  kept")  during  the  uproar.  Ephesus  itself  was 
a  "  free  city,"  and  had  its  own  assemblies  and  its 
own  magistrates.  The  senate  is  mentioned  by  Jo- 
scphus ;  and  St.  Lul^e,  in  Acts  xix.,  speaks  of  the 
demos,  i.  e.  the  privileged  order  of  citizens  (verses 
30,  33,  A.  V.  "  the  people  ")  and  of  its  customary 
assemblies  (ver.  39,  A.  V.  "  a  lawful  assembly "). 
We  even  find  conspicuous  mention  made  of  one  of 
the  most  important  municipal  officers  of  Ephesus, 
the  "  Towx-Cleuk  "  or  keeper  of  the  records,  whom 
we  know  from  other  sources  to  have  been  a  person 
of  great  influence  and  responsibility.  The  theatre 
in  Greek  cities  was  often  the  place  for  large  assem- 
blages (ver.  29,  31).     At  a  meeting  in  the  theatre 


V1«<r  of  iSu  Thastn  si 


at  Cesarea,  Agrippa  I.  received  his  death-stroke  (xii. 
23).  The  tlieatre  at  Ephesus,  the  largest  of  its 
kind  ever  constructed,  was  tj60  feet  in  diameter, 
and  coiild  accommodate  56,700  spectators  (Fair- 
bairn).  It  is  remarkable  how  all  these  political  and 
religious  characteristics  of  Ephesus,  which  appear 
in  the  sacred  narrative,  are  illustrated  by  inscrip- 
tions and  coins.  The  coins  li  Ephesus  are  full  of 
allusions  to  the  worship  of  Diana  in  various  aspects. 
— That  Jews  were  estal)lished  there  in  considerable 
numbers  is  known  from  Josephus,  and  might  be  in- 
ferred from  its  mercantile  eminence  ;  but  it  is  also 
eviilent  from  Acts  ii.  9,  vi.  9.  It  is  here,  and  here 
only,  that  we  find  disciples  of  John  the  Baptist  ex- 
plicitly mentioned  after  the  ascension  of  Christ 
(xviii.  2.5,  \U.  3).  The  case  of  Apoi.i.os  (xviil.  24) 
is  an  exemplification  further  of  the  intercourse  be- 
tween thi.H  place  and  Alexandria. — The  first  seeds 
of  Christian  truth  were  possibly  sown  at  Ephesus 
immediately  after  the  Great  Pentecost  (ii.).  St. 
Paul's  first  visit  was  on  his  return  from  the  second 
missionary  circuit ;   and,  after  a  very  short  stay, 


he  left  there  Aquila  and  Priscilla  (xviii.  19-21). 
In  St.  Paul's  stay  of  more  than  two  years  (xix.  8, 
10,  XX.  31),  which  formed  the  most  important  pas- 
sage of  his  third  circuit,  and  during  which  he  la- 
bored, first  in  the  synagogue  (xix.  8)  and  then  in 


Coin  of  EphMtu,  exliIbiUng  the  head  of  Nero,  and  the  Temple  of  Diana* 

the  school  of  Tyrannus  (ver.  9),  and  also  in  private 
houses  (xx.  20),  and  during  which  he  wrote  1  Co- 
rinthians, we  have  the  period  of  the  chief  evangeli- 
zation of  this  shore  of  the  .^gean.  The  address 
at  Miletus  (xx.  18  ff.)  shows  that  the  church  at 


280 


£PH 


EPH 


text.  The  special  greetings  might  have  been  separ- 
ately entrusted  to  the  bearer  Tychicus  (Eph.  vi.  22). 
— (2.)  The  question  of  priority  in  respect  of  eompo- 
Pilion  between  this  epistle  and  Colossians  is  very 
dillicult  to  adjust.     On  tlie  whole,  both  internal  and 


external  considerations  seem  somewhat  in  favor  ofj 
the  priority  of  Colossians.     On   the   similarity 
contents,  see  Colossians,  Epistle  to. 

Eph'c-sns  (L.  fr.  Or. ;  named  [so  one  legend]  fron 
its  founder,  Ephmiix^  son  of  the  Caysttr;   or  [so] 


Site  of  EpheAus. — (From  Laborde.) 


another]  from  Gr.  ephesis  =  permimon,  because  tlie 
Amazons  were  permitted  by  Hercules  to  settle 
there),  an  illustrious  city  in  the  district  of  Ionia, 
•  nearly  opposite  the  island  of  Samos,  and  about  the 
middle  of  the  western  coast  of  the  peninsula  com- 
monly called  Asia  Minor.  It  stood  partly  on  the 
level  ground,  partly  on  some  hills.  Mounts  Prion, 
Coressus,  &c.,  rising  abruptly  from  it,  on  the  S. 
side,  and  near  the  mouth  of  the  river  Cayster.  Of 
the  Roman  province  of  Asia,  Ephesus  was  the  capi- 
tal.— 1.  Geographical  Relations.  All  the  cities  of 
Ionia  were  remarkably  well  situated  for  the  growth 
of  commercial  prosperity,  and  none  more  so  than 
Ephesus.  With  a  fertile  neighborhood  and  an  ex- 
cellent climate,  in  the  time  of  Augustus  it  was  the 
great  emporium  of  all  the  regions  of  Asia  within  the 
Taurus:  its  harbor  (named  Panormus),  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Cayster,  was  elaborately  constructed. 
St.  Paul's  life  furnishes  illustrations  of  its  mercantile 
relations  with  Achaia  on  the  W.,  Macedonia  on  the 
N.,  Syria  on  the  E.  (Acts  xviii.  19,  21,  22,  xix.  21, 
XX.  1  ff.,  &c.),  and  to  the  inland  regions  of  the  con- 
tinent. The  "upper  coasts"  (Acts  xix.  1)  through 
which  he  passed  when  about  to  take  up  his  resi- 
dence in  the  city,  were  the  Phrygian  table-lands  of 
the  interior.  Two  great  roads  at  least,  in  the 
Roman  times,  led  eastward  from  Ephesus;  one 
through  the  passes  of  Tmolus  to  Sardis,  and  thence 
to  Galatia  and  the  N.  E.,  the  other  round  the  ex- 
tremity of  Paetyas  to  Magnesia,  and  so  up  the  valley 
of  the  Meander  to  Iconium,  whence  the  communi- 
cation was  direct  to  the  Euphrates  and  to  the  Syrian 
Antioch.  There  seem  to  have  been  Sardian  and 
Magnesian  gates  on  the  E.  side  of  Ephesus  corre- 
sponding to  these  roads  respectively.  There  were 
also  coast-roads  leading  northward  to  Smyrna  and 
southward  to  Miletus.  By  the  latter  of  these  prob- 
ably the  Ephesian  elders  travelled  to  meet  Paul  at 
the  latter  city  (xx.  17,  18). — 2.  Templeand  Worship 
of  Diana.  Conspicuous  at  the  head  of  the  harbor 
of  Ephesus  was  the  great  temple  of  Diaxa  or  Arte- 
mis, the  tutelary  divinity  of  the  city.  This  building 
was  raised  on  immense  substructions,  in  consequence 
of  the  swampy  nature  of  the  ground.     The  earlier 


temple,  begun  l)efore  the  Persian  war,  was  bumfi 
down  in  the  night  when  Alexander  the  Great  waij 
born  (b.  c.  356) ;  and  another  structure,  raised  by 
the  enthusiastic  cooperation  of  all  the   inhabitants! 


'    Plan  of  the  Temple  of  Di«na  «t  KplesiiB,  with  a  Bcalc  of  fett.— (Iroo 
Guhi'e  hfkenaea.) 

of  "Asia,"  had  taken  its  place.     The  magnificence 
of  this  sanctuary— 425  feet  long,  220  broad,  built 


EPH 


EPH 


281 


of  cedar,  cypress,  white  marble,  gold,  &c.,  with 
127  columns,  each  60  feet  high — was  a  provtrb 
througliout  the  civilized  world.  Criminals  were  ex- 
empted from  arrest  at  the  temple  or  within  one- 
ei;lhth  of  a  mile  of  it.  In  con.sequence  of  this  de- 
votion to  the  goddess,  the  city  of  Ephesus  was 
Killed  in  Gr.  ncokoros  (Acts  xix.  35,  A.  V.  "  wor- 
shipper," margin  "  temple-keeper  ")  or  "  warden  "  of 
Diun.a.  Another  consequence  of  the  celebrity  of 
Diana's  worship  at  Ephesus  was,  that  a  large  manu- 
factory grew  up  there  of  portable  shrines,  which 
strangers  purchased,  and  devotees  carried  with 
them  on  journeys  or  set  up  in  their  houses.  Of  the 
manufioturers  engaged  in  this  business,  perhaps 
Alexander  the  "  coppersmith  "  (2  Tim.  iv.  14)  was  one. 
The  case  of  Demetrius  the  "  silversmith  "  is  ex- 
plicit (For  the  public  games  connected  with  the 
worship  of  Diana,  see  Asiarciis  ;  Games.) — 3.  Shidy 
and  Piaclice  of  Magic.  There  was  a  remarkable 
prevalence  of  magical  arts  at  Ephesus.  In  illustra- 
tion of  the  magical  books  which  were  publicly 
burnt  (Acts  xix.  19)  under  the  influence  of  St. 
Paul's  preaching,  it  is  enovigh  here  to  refer  to  the 
Ephesian  letters  (mentioned  by  I'lutarch  and  others). 


which  were  regarded  as  a  charm  when  pronounced, 
and  when  written  down  were  carried  about  as  amu- 
lets. (.Magic.) — t.  I'roviudal  and  Mmiicijjal  Gov- 
crtiment.  It  is  well  known  that  Asia  was  a  procon- 
sular province;  and  accordingly  we  find  procon- 
suls (A.  V.  "  deputies  ")  specially  mentioned  (xix. 
38).  Again  we  learn  from  Pliny  (v.  31)  that  Ephesus 
was  an  assize-town ;  and  in  Acts  xix.  38  we  find 
the  court  days  alluded  to  as  actually  being  held 
(A.V.  "  the  law  is  open  ; "  margin  "  the  court-days 
are  kept ")  during  tlie  uproar.  Ephesus  itself  was 
a  "  free  city,"  and  had  its  own  assemblies  and  its 
own  magistrates.  The  senate  is  mentioned  by  Jo- 
sephus ;  and  St.  Lul^e,  in  Acts  xix.,  speaks  of  the 
demos,  i.  e.  the  privileged  order  of  citizens  (verses 
30,  33,  A.  V.  "  the  people  ")  and  of  its  customary 
assemblies  (ver.  39,  A.  V.  "  a  lawful  assembly "). 
We  even  find  conspicuous  mention  made  of  one  of 
the  most  important  municipal  officers  of  Ephesus, 
the  "  Town-Clerk  "  or  keeper  of  the  records,  whom 
we  know  from  other  sources  to  have  been  a  person 
of  great  influence  and  responsibility.  The  theatre 
in  Greek  cities  was  often  the  place  for  large  assem- 
blages (ver.  29,  31).     At  a  meeting  in  the  theatre 


Luw  of  the  Theatre  at  Ephesus.— vFrom  LaborJe.) 


at  Cesarca,  Agrippa  I.  received  his  death-stroke  (xii. 
23).  The  theatre  at  Ephesus,  the  largest  of  its 
kind  ever  constructed,  was  6B0  feet  in  diameter, 
and  could  accommodate  56,700  spectators  (Fair- 
bairn).  It  is  remarkable  how  all  these  political  and 
religious  characteristics  of  Ephesus,  which  appear 
in  the  sacred  narrative,  are  illustrated  by  inscrip- 
tions and  coins.  The  coins  f  f  Ephesus  are  full  of 
allusions  to  the  worship  of  Diana  in  various  aspects. 
— ^That  Jews  were  established  there  in  considerable 
numbers  is  known  from  Josephus,  and  might  be  in- 
ferred from  its  mercantile  eminence  ;  but  it  is  also 
evident  from  Acts  ii.  9,  vi.  9.  It  is  here,  and  here 
only,  that  we  find  disciples  of  John  the  Baptist  ex- 
p'icidy  mentioned  after  the  ascension  of  Christ 
(xviii.  25,  xix.  3).  The  ease  of  Apollos  (xviii.  24) 
is  an  exemplification  further  of  the  intercourse  be- 
tween this  place  and  Alexandria. — The  first  seeds 
of  Christian  truth  were  possibly  sown  at  Ephesus 
immediately  after  the  Great  Pentecost  (ii.).  St. 
Paul's  first  visit  was  on  his  return  from  the  second 
migsionary  circuit;   and,  after  a  very  short  stay, 


he  left  there  Aqcila  and  Priscilla  (xviii.  19-21). 
In  St.  Paul's  stay  of  more  than  two  years  (xix.  8, 
10,  XX.  31),  which  formed  the  most  important  pas- 
sage of  his  third  circuit,  and  during  which  he  la- 
bored, first  in  the  synagogue  (xix.  8)  and  then  in 


Coin  of  Epheeoa,  exhihiting  the  bead  of  Nero,  and  the  Temple  of  Diana* 


the  school  of  Tyrannus  (ver.  9),  and  also  in  private 
houses  (xx.  20),  and  during  which  he  wrote  1  Co- 
rinthians, we  have  the  period  of  the  chief  evangeli- 
zation of  this  shore  of  the  JCgean.  The  address 
at  Miletus  (xx.   18  If.)  shows  that  the  church  at 


282 


EPH 


EPH 


Ephcsus  was  thoroughly  organized  under  its  pres- 
byters. At  a  later  period  Timothy  was  set  over 
them,  as  we  learn  from  the  two  epistles  addressed 
to  him.  St.  Paul's  companions,  Trophimus  and 
Tychicls,  were  natives  of  Asia  (x.x.  4),  and  the 
latter  probably  (2  Tim.  iv.  12),  the  former  certainly 
(Acts  xxi.  29),  of  Ephesus.  In  the  same  connection 
we  ought  to  mention  O.nesiphorus  (2  Tim.  i.  16-18) 
and  his  household  (iv.  19).  On  the  other  hand  must 
be  noticed  certain  specified  Ephesian  antagonists  of 
the  apostle,  the  sons  of  Sceva  and  his  party  (Acts 
xix.  14),  IlymeneuS  and  Alexander  (1  Tun.  i.  20;  2 
Tim.  iv.  14),  and  Phygellus  and  Hennogenes(2  Tim. 
i.  15).  The  church  had  declined  from  its  first  love 
when  the  epistle  to  it  in  Kev.  ii.  l-*?  was  written. 
(See  also  John  the  Apostle.)  The  site  of  ancient 
Ephesus  has  been  visited  and  examined  by  many 
travellers  during  the  last  two  hundred  years.  The 
whole  place  is  now  utterly  desolate,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  small  Turkish  village  at  Ayasaluk.  The 
ruins  are  of  vast  extent,  both  on  Coressus  and  on 
the  plain  ;  but  there  is  great  doubt  as  to  many 
topographical  details.  It  is  satisfactory,  however, 
that  the  position  of  the  theatre  on  Mount  Prion  is 
absolutely  certain.  The  situation  of  the  temple  is 
doubtful. 

Eph'Inl  (Ileb.  judgment,  Ges.),  a  descendant  of 
Judah  through  llezron  and  Jerahraeel  (1  Chr.  ii. 
37). 

Eph'od  (Heb.  something  girded  on  :  veiUng,  cloth- 
ing, Fii.),  a  sacred  vestment  originally  appropriate 
to  the  high-priest  (Ex.  xxviii.  4),  but  afterward 
worn  by  ordinary  priests  (1  Sam.  xxii.  18),  and 
deemed  characteristic  of  the  oflice  (ii.  28,  xiv.  3 ; 
Hos.  iii.  4).  The  importance  of  the  ephod,  as  the 
receptacle  of  the  breastplate,  led  to  its  adoption  in 
the  idolatrous  forms  of  worship  instituted  in  the 
time  of  the  Judges  (Judg.  viii.  27,  xvii.  5,  xviii.  14 
ff.).  A  kind  of  ephod  was  worn  by  Samuel  (1  Sam. 
ii.  18),  and  by  David,  when  he  brought  the  ark  to 
Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  vi.  14;  1  Chr.  xv.  27);  it  was 
made  of  ordinary  linen  (Heb.  bud),  the  priestly 
ephod  of  tine  linen  (Heb.  shesh)  (so  Mr.  Bevan) 
Linen. 

E'pliod  (Ileb.,  see  above ;  oracle-giving,  Fii.),  father 
of  Ilanniel,  prince  of  Manasseh  (Num.  xxxiv.  23). 

*  Eph'plia-tha  (Aram.)  =  be  thou  opened  (Mk.  vii. 
34). 

Ephra-im  (fr.  Heb.  =z  double  fruitfnlness ;  double 
land,  twill  land?  Ges. ;  fruit, posterity,  Fii.).  I.  Second 
son  of  Joseph  1  by  his  wife  Asenath  (Gen.  xli.  52, 
xlvi.  20).  The  first  indication  of  that  ascendancy 
over  his  older  brother  Manasseh,  which  at  a  later 
period  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  so  unmistakably  pos- 
sessed, is  in  the  blessing  of  the  children  by  Jacob 
(Gen.  xlviii.),  a  passage  on  the  age  and  genuineness 
of  which  the  severest  criticism  has  cast  no  doubt. 
Ephraim  was  proljably  at  that  time  about  twenty- 
one  years  old.  He  was  born  before  (he  beginning 
of  the  seven  years  of  famine,  toward  the  latter  part 
of  which  Jacob  had  come  to  Egypt,  seventeen  years 
before  his  death  (xlvii.  28).  Before  Joseph's  death 
Ephraim's  family  had  reached  the  third  generation 
(1.  23),  and  it  must  have  been  about  this  time  that 
the  affray  mentioned  in  1  Chr.  vii.  21  occurred  (so 
Mr.  Grove).  (Beriau  2 ;  Shcthei.ah.)  To  this 
early  period,  too,  must  probably  be  referred  the  cir- 
cumstance alluded  to  in  Ps.  Ixxviii.  9.  The  num- 
bers of  the  tribe  do  not  at  once  fulfil  the  promise 
of  the  blessing  of  Jacob.  At  the  census  in  the 
wilderness  of  Sinai  (Num.  i.  32,  33,  ii.  19)  its  num- 
bers were  40,500,  placing  it  at  the  head  of  the 


children  of  Rachel ;  Manasseh's  number  being 
32,200,  and  Benjamin's  35,400.  But  forty  years 
later  (xxvi.  37),  while  Manasseh  had  advanced  to 
52,700,  and  Benjamin  to  45, GOO,  Ephraim  had  de- 
creased to  32,500,  the  only  smaller  number  being 
thatof  Simeon,  22,200,  and  Levi  (vcr.  02).  During  ihe 
march  through  the  wilderness,  the  pobition  of  the 
sons  of  Jose])h  with  Benjamin  was  on  the  W.  side 
of  the  tabernacle  (ii.  18-24),  and  the  prince  of 
Ephraim  was  Elishaina  (i.  10).  At  the  sending  of 
the  spies,  we  are  first  introduced  to  the  great  heio 
to  whom  the  tribe  owed  much  of  its  subsequent 
greatness.  Under  Joshua  1,  and.  in  spile  of  the 
smallness  of  its  numbers,  the  tribe  must  have  taUtn 
a  high  position  in  the  nation,  to  judge  from  the 
tone  which  the  Ephraimiles  assumed  on  occasions 
shortly  subsequent  to  the  conquest.  The  boundaries 
of  the  portion  of  Ephraim  are  given  in  Josh.  xvi. 
1-10.  The  S.  boundary  was  coincident  for  part  of 
its  length  with  the  K.  boundary  cf  Benjamin.  Com- 
meheiiig  at  the  Jordan,  at  the  reach  ojiposite  Jer- 
icho, it  ran  to  the  "  water  of  Jericho,"  probably 
the  'Ain  iJiik  or'^jii  Snitdn;  thence,  by  one  of  the 
ravines,  the  Wady  Harilh  or  IVady  (Suwfiiiit,  it  as- 
cended through  the  wilderness  (Desert  2)  to  Mount 
Bethel  and  Luz ;  and  thence  by  Ataroth,  "  the  coast 
of  Japhleti,"  Betimioron  the  lower,  and  Gezer,  totlie 
Mediterranean,  probably  about  Jojjpa.  The  general 
direction  of  this  line  is  K.  W.  by  \\'.  In  Josh.  xvi. 
8  we  probably  have  a  fragment  of  the  X.  boundary 
(comp.  xvii.  10).  (Asher;  Kanah;  Manasseh; 
Tapplah  2.)  But  very  possibly  there  never 
was  any  definite  subdivision  of  the  territory 
assigned  to  the  two  brother  tribes  (xvii.  14-18).  It 
is  not  possible  now  to  make  out  any  such  subdivisii  n, 
except,  generallv,  that  Ephraim  lay  to  the  S.,  and 
the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh  to  the  N.  Among  tlic 
towns  named  as  Manasseh's  wereBETll-siiEAN  in  the 
Jordan  Valley,  En-iior  on  the  slopes  of  Ihe  "  Little 
Uermon,"  Taanach  on  the  E.  side  of  Carmel,  and 
Dor  on  the  sea-coast  S.  of  the  same  mountain.  line 
the  boundary — the  N.  boundary — joined  that  <( 
Asher,  which  dipped  below  Carmel  to  take  in  an 
angle  of  the  plain  of  Sharon :  N.  and  N.  W.  of 
Manasseh  lay  Zcbulun  and  Issachar  respectively. 
The  territory  thus  allotted  to  the  "  house  of  Joseph  " 
embraced  the  larger  part  of  what  was  called  Sasia- 
RiA  in  the  time  of  Christ.  Central  Palestine  eon- 
sistsof  an  elevated  district  which  rises  from  the  fiat 
ranges  of  the  wilderness  on  the  S.  of  Judah,  and 
terminates  on  the  N.  with  the  slopes  which  descend 
into  the  great  plain  of  Esdrajlon.  On  the  W.  a  flal| 
strip  sc|]arates  it  from  the  sea,  and  on  the  E. 
other  flat  strip  forms  the  valley  of  the  Jordan.  OQ 
this  district  the  N.  half  was  occupied  by  the  tiifc 
of  Ephraim  and  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh.  Hen 
was  the  "  Mount  Ephraim,"  a  district  which  seems 
to  extend  as  far  S.  as  Eamah  2  and  Bethel  (1  Sam,, 
i.  1,  vii.  17;  2  Chr.  xiii.  4,  19,  compared  with  xvj 
8),  places  but  a  few  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem,  ano 
within  the  limits  of  Benjamin.  In  structure  it  is 
limestone — rounded  hills  separated  by  valleys  of 
denudation,  but  much  less  regular  and  monotonous 
than  the  part  more  to  the  S.,  about  and  below  Jeiu- 
salera ;  with  wide  plains  in  the  heart  of  the  moun- 
tains, streams  of  running  water,  and  continuous 
tracts  of  vegetation.  All  travellers  bear  testimony 
to  the  general  growing  richness  and  beauty  of  the 
country  in  going  N.  from  Jerusalem.  The  wealth 
of  their  possession  had  not  the  same  injniedialely 
degrading  effect  on  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  that  it  liad 
on  some  of  its  northern  brethren.     (Asuer.)    Vari- 


I 


EPH 


EPII 


283 


ous  causes  may  have  helped  to  avert  this  evil.  (1.) 
The  central  situation  of  Ephraim,  in  the  highway 
of  all  communications  from  one  part  of  the  country 
to  another.  (2.)  The  positiou  of  Shechem,  with  tlie 
two  sacred  mountains  of  Ebal  and  GERiiiiM,  and  of 
SlliLOil,  and  further  of  the  tomb  and  patrimony  of 
Joshua — all  in  the  heart  of  the  tribe.  (3.)  There  was 
a  spirit  about  the  tribe  itself  which  may  have  been 
both  a  cause  and  a  conseiiuence  of  these  advan- 
tages of  position.  That  spirit,  though  sometimes 
taking  the  form  of  noble  remonstrance  and  repara- 
tion (2  Chr.  xxviii.  9-15),  usually  manifests  itself 
in  jealous  complaint  at  some  enterprise  undertaken 
or  advantage  gained  in  which  they  had  not  a  chief 
share.  Tlie  unsettled  state  of  the  country  in  gen- 
eral, and  of  the  interior  of  Ephraim  in  particular 
(Judg.  ix.),  and  the  continual  incursions  of  for- 
eigners, prevented  the  power  of  the  tribe  from 
manifesting  itself  in  a  more  formidable  manner 
than  by  these  murmurs,  during  the  time  of  the 
Judges  and  the  first  stage  of  the  monarchy  (viii.  1, 
xii.  1  [JEPnTMAu;  Shibboleth];  2  Sam.  xix.  41- 
43).  S.im\iel,  though  a  Levite,  was  a  native  of 
Mount  Ephraim ;  Saul  belonged  to  a  tribe  closely 
allied  to  the  house  of  Joseph  ;  David's  brilliant  suc- 
cesses and  his  wide  influence  and  religious  zeal  kept 
matters  smooth  for  another  period.  Hut  the  reign 
of  Solomon,  splendid  in  appearance  but  oppressive 
to  the  people,  developed  both  the  circumstances  of 
revolt  and  the  leader  who  was  to  turn  them  to  ac- 
count. Solomon  saw  through  the  crisis,  and,  if  he 
could  have  succeeded  in  killing  Jeroboam  1  as  he 
tried  to  do  (1  K.  xi.  40),  the  disruption  might  have 
been  postponed  for  another  century.  As  it  was, 
the  outbreak  was  deferred  for  a  time,  but  the  irrita- 
tion was  not  allayed,  and  the  insane  folly  of  his  son 
Rehoboam  Inought  the  mischief  to  a  head.  From 
the  time  of  the  revolt,  the  history  of  Ephraim  is  in 
two  senses  the  history  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel, 
since  not  only  did  the  tribe  become  a  kingdom,  but 
the  kingdom  embraced  little  besides  the  tribe.  (Is- 
rael, Kingdom  of.)  This  is  not  surprising,  and 
quite  susceptible  of  explanation.  N.  of  Ephraim 
the  country  appears  never  to  have  been  really  taken 
possession  of  Ijy  the  Israelites  (Judg.  i.  27  ff.).  And 
in  addition  to  this  original  defect  there  is  much  in 
the  physical  formation  and  circumstances  of  the 
upper  portion  of  Palestine  to  explain  why  those 
tribes — exposed  to  the  inroads  and  seductions  of 
their  surrounding  heathen  neighbors,  Phenicians, 
Syrians,  Assyrians,  &c. — never  took  any  active  part 
in  the  kingdom.  But  on  the  other  hand  the  position 
of  Ephraim  was  altogether  ditlerent  It  was  one 
at  once  of  great  richness  and  great  security.  Her 
fertile  plains  and  well-watered  valleys  could  only 
be  reached  by  a  laborious  ascent  through  steep  and 
narrow  ravines,  all  but  impassable  for  an  army. 
There  is  no  record  of  any  attack  on  the  central 
kingdom,  either  from  the  Jordan  Valley  or  the 
maritime  pi  lin.  On  the  N.  side,  from  the  plain  of 
Esdrailon,  it  was  more  accessible,  and  it  was  from 
this  side  that  the  final  invasion  appears  to  have  been 
made.  There  are  few  things  more  mournful  in  the 
sacred  story  than  the  descent  of  this  haughty  and 
jealous  tribe  from  the  culminating  point  at  which  it 
stood  when  it  entered  on  tlie  fairest  poiticm  of  the 
Land  of  Promise — the  chief  sanctuary  and  the  chief 
settlement  of  the  nation  within  its  limits,  its  lea<ler 
the  leader  of  the  whole  people — through  the  dis- 
trust which  marked  its  intercourse  with  its  fellows, 
while  a  member  of  the  confederacy,  and  the  tumult, 
dUseusiou,  and  ungodliness  which  characterized  its 


independent  existence,  down  to  the  sudden  captivity 
and  total  ol)livion  whicli  closed  its  career  (Ilus.  xi. 
1-8). — 2.  Ill  "  Uaal-hazor  which  is  by  (A.  V.  '  be- 
side') Ephraim"  was  Absalom's  sheop-farm,  at 
which  took  place  the  murder  of  Amnoii,  one  of  the 
earliest  precursors  of  the  great  revolt  (2  Sam.  xiii. 
23).  (EPHRAIN.) — 3.  A  city  "  in  the  district  (A.  V. 
'  country ')  near  the  wilderness,"  to  which  our  Lord 
retired  with  His  discijiles  when  threateued  with  vio- 
lence by  the  priests  (Jn.  .\i.  54).  Robinson  conjec- 
tures that  it  =  Ophrah  1,  and  that  their  modern 
representative  is  el-Taijibeh,  a  village  four  or  five 
miles  E.  of  Bethel,  and  sixteen  from  Jerusalem. 

E'phra-im  (Heb.,  sec  above),  GAtC  of,  one  of  the 
gates  of  Jerusalem  (2  K.  xiv.  13;  2  Chr.  xxv.  23; 
Neh.  viii.  16,  xii.  39),  probably  at  or  near  the  posi- 
tion of  the  present  "  Damascus  gate,"  and  named 
from  its  leading  toward  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  ;  prob- 
ably also  =  the  gate  of  Benjamin.  Bexjamis, 
Gate  of. 

*  Eplira-im  (Ileb.,  see  above),  Mannt.  Ephraim  1. 
E'phia-ini  (Ileb.,  see  above),  the  Wood  of,  a  wood, 

or  rather  a  forest  on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  in  which  the 
fatal  battle  was  fought  between  the  armies  of  David 
and  of  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xviii.  0).  Grotius  suggested 
that  the  name  was  derived  from  the  slaughter  of 
Ephraim  at  the  fords  of  Jordan  by  the  Gileadites 
under  Jephthah  (Judg.  xii.  1,  4  ff.).  Is  it  not  at 
least  equally  probable  (Mr.  Grove  asks)  that  the 
forest  derived  its  name  from  this  very  battle,  in 
which  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  must  have  been  con- 
spicuous ? 

E'plira-im-ite  =  a  descendant  of  Ephraim  1  ;  one 
of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  ;  elsewhere  called  "  Eph- 
rathite"  (Josh.  xvi.  10;  Judg.  xii.  5). 

E'pbra-iu  (fr.  Heb.  =  tlie  two  fawns,  Ges.),  a  city 
of  Israel,  which  with  its  dependent  hamlets  Abijah 
and  the  army  of  Judah  captured  from  Jeroboam  (2 
Chr.  xiii.  19) ;  conjectured  =  Ephralm  2,  3,  and 
Ophrah  1. 

Eph'ra-tah,  and  E'pbrath,  or  Eph'ratb  (Heb.  land, 
rcffion,  Ges. ;  fruit,  j/ostfrili',  Fii.).  It  Second  wife 
of  Caleb  the  son  of  Ilezron  ;  mother  of  Ilur,  and 
grandmother  of  Bezalcel  the  artificer  (1  Chr.  ii.  19, 
50,  iy.  4).  (See  Caleb  1,  3,  4 ;  and  No.  2  below.) 
— 2i  The  ancient  name  of  Betlilehem-judah  (Gen. 
XXXV.  15,  19,  xlviii.  7;  Hu.  iv.  11).  (Bethlehem  1.) 
Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  supposes  Ephratah  (Xo.  1,  above), 
the  mother  of  Hur,  was  so  called  from  the  town  of  her 
birth,  and  that  she  probably  was  the  owner  of  the 
town  and  district. — 3t  Gesenius  thinks  that,  in  Ps. 
cxxxii.  6,  Ephralah  means  Ephraim.  So  Fiirst, 
who  understands  by  it  especially  Shiloh,  and  Kir- 
jath-jearim  by  "  the  fieldj  of  the  wood "  in  the 
same  verse. 

*  E'pbrath  or  Eph'ratb  (Heb.)  =  Ephratah. 
E'pbrath-ite  or  Eph'rath-itc.     1.   An  inhabitant 

of  Ephrath,  i.  e.  Bethlehem  (Ru.  i.  2 ;  1  Sam.  xvii. 
12).— 2.  An  Ephraimite  (1  K.  xi.  26).  In  1  Sam.  i. 
1  "  Ephrathite  "  =  Ephraimite  (so  Gesenius  [doubt- 
fully], Lord  A.  C.  Hervey,  &c.);  or  it  may  show 
some  connection  with  Ephrath,  i.  e.  Bethlehem 
(Ayre) ;  or  it  may  simply  denote  a  native  of  Mount 
Ephraim  or  of  the  region  held  by  the  tribe  of  Eph- 
raim.    Samuel. 

E'phron  (Heb.  fawn-like,  Ges.),  son  of  Zohar  a 
Hittite,  from  whom  Abraham  bought  the  field  and 
cave  of  Machpelah  (Gen.  xxiii.  8-17,  xxv.  9,  xlix. 
29,  30,  I.  13). 

E'phron  (sec  above),  a  very  strong  city  on  the  R 
of  Jordan  between  Caraaim  (Ashterotii-Karnaim) 
and  Betu-shea.n,  attacked  and  demolished  by  Jydaa 


284: 


EPH 


ESA 


Maccabeus  (1  Mc.  v.  46-52  ;  2  Mc.  xii.  27) ;  site  un- 
known. 

E'phron  (see  above),  Monct.  The  "cities  of 
Mount  Ephron  "  are  mentioned  as  on  the  N.  boun- 
dary of  the  tribe  of  Judah  (Josii.  xv.  9).  Ephron 
is  probably  the  range  of  hills  on  the  W.  side  of 
XVadt/  BtU-Hanina,  the  traditional  valley  of  Elah. 
Winer  supposes  it  =  Mount  Ephraim.    Ephkaim  1. 

Ep-1-cn-re'ans,  the,  derived  their  name  from  Epi- 
curus (342-271  B.  c),  a  pliilosopher  of  Attic  descent, 
whose  "  Garden  "  at  Athens  rivalled  in  popularity 
the  "  Porch  "  and  the  "  Academy."  Tlie  doctrines 
of  Epicurus  found  wide  acceptance  in  Asia  Minor 
and  Alexandria,  and  they  gained  a  brilliant  advocate 
at  Rome  in  Lucretius  (1(5-50  B.  c).  The  object  of 
Epicurus  was  to  find  in  philosophy  a  practical  guide 
to  happiness.  True  pleasure  and  not  absolute  truth 
was  the  end  at  which  he  aimed ;  experience  and  not 
reason  the  test  on  which  he  relied.  It  is  obvious 
that  a  system  thus  framed  would  degenerate  by  a 
natural  descent  into  mere  materialism  ;  and  in  this 
form  Epicurism  was  the  popular  philosophy  at  the 
beginning  of  the  Christian  era.  It  maintained  the 
claims  of  the  body  to  be  considered  a  necessary  part 
of  man's  nature  coordinate  with  the  soul,  and  af- 
firmed the  existence  of  individual  freedom  against 
the  Stoic  doctrines  of  pure  spiritualism  and  absolute 
fate.  When  St.  Paul  addressed  "Epicureans  and 
Stoics  "(Acts  xvii.  18)  at  Athens,  the  philosophy 
of  life  was  practically  reduced  to  the  teaching  of 
those  two  antagonistic  schools.  In  the  address  of 
St.  Paul,  the  afiimiation  of  the  doctrines  of  creation 
(verse  24),  providence  (verse  26),  man's  dependence 
(verse  28),  resurrection  and  judgment  (verse  31),  ap- 
pears to  be  directed  against  the  cardinal  errors  of 
Epicurism.     Philosophy. 

E-piph'a-ncs  [-neez]  (Gr.  illustrious)  (1  Mc.  i.  10, 
X.  1).     Antiochus  Epiphanes. 

Ep'i-plli  (Or.  fr.  Egyptian)  (3  Mc.  vi.  38),  name 
of  the  eleventh  month  of  the  Egyptian  Vague  year, 
and  the  Alexandrian  or  Egyptian  Julian  year. 

E-pis'tle  [e-pis'l]  (fr.  Gr.  epistoU  =  somethivg  sent 
by  a  messenger,  a  Utter).  "The  use  of  written  let- 
ters implies,  it  needs  hardly  be  said,  a  considerable 
progress  in  the  development  of  civilized  life.  (Wri- 
TiKG.)  In  the  early  nomadic  stages  of  society,  ac- 
cordingly, we  find  no  traces  of  any  but  oral  commu- 
nications. The  first  Recorded  letter  in  the  history 
of  the  0.  T.  was  that  which  David  wrote  to  Joab, 
and  sent  by  the  hand  of  Uriah  (2  Sam.  xi.  14),  and 
this  must  obviously  have  been  sealed  with  the  king's 
SEAL.  Written  communications  become  more  fre- 
quent in  the  later  history  (1  K.  xxi.  8  ff. ;  2  K.  v.  5,  6, 
x.l  ff. ;  2  Chr.  xxi.  12).  Hezelviah  introduces  a  system 
of  couriei-s  (Footman  2  ;  Post  II.)  like  that  afterward 
under  the  Persian  kings  (2  Chr.  xxx.  6,  10;  Esth. 
viii.  10,  14  ;  see  Compel  6),  and  receives  from  Sen- 
nacherib the  letter  which  he  spreads  before  the  Lord 
(2  K.  xix.  14).  Jeremiah  writes  a  letter  to  the  ex- 
iles in  Babylon  (Jcr.  xxix.  1,  3).  Ezra  and  Nehe- 
miah  contain  or  refer  to  manv  such  documents  (Ezr. 
iv.  6,  7,  11,  V.  6,  vii.  11 ;  Neh.  ii.  7,  9,  vi.  5).  The 
stress  laid  on  the  "  open  letter  "  sent  by  Sanballat 
(Neh.  vi.  5)  indicates  that  this  was  a  breach  of  the 
customary  etiquette  of  the  Persian  court.  The  in- 
fluence of  Persian,  and  yet  more,  perhaps,  of  Greek 
civilization,  led  to  the  more  frequent  use  of  letters 
as  a  means  of  intercourse  (1  Mc.  xi.  30,  xii.  6,  20, 
XV.  1,  16;  2  Me.  xi.  16,  34;  Acts  xv.  23  ff.,  xxiii.  25 
ff.,  XXV.  26).  The  Epistles  of  the  N.  T.  in  their  out- 
ward form  are  such  as  might  be  expected  from  men 
brought  into  contact  with  Greek  and  Roman  cus- 


toms, themselves  belonging  to  a  different  race,  and 
so  reproducing  the  imported  style  with  only  partial 
accuracy.  They  are  twenty-one  in  number,  fourteen 
of  them  (see  Hebrews,  Epistle  to  the)  generally 
ascribed  to  Paul,  the  other  seven  to  James,  Peter, 
John,  and  Jlde.  They  begin  (Hebrews  and  1  John 
excepted)  with  the  names  of  the  writer  and  of  those 
to  whom  the  Epistle  is  addressed.  Then  follows  the 
formula  of  salutation.  Then  the  letter  itself  com- 
mences, in  the  first  person,  the  singular  and  plural 
being  used  indiscriminately.  When  the  substance 
of  the  letter  has  been  completed,  come  the  individual 
messages.  The  conclusion  in  St.  Paul's  Epistles  was 
probably  modified  by  the  fact  that  the  letters  were 
dictated  to  an  amanuensis.  When  he  had  done  his 
work,  the  apostle  took  up  the  pen  or  reed,  and  add- 
ed, in  his  own  large  characters  (Gal.  vi.  11),  the 
authenticating  autograph.  In  one  instance  (Rom. 
xvi.  22),  the  amanuensis  in  his  own  name  adds  liia 
salutation.  An  allusion  in  2  Cor.  iii.  1  brings  before 
us  another  class  of  letters  which  must  have  been  in 
frequent  use  in  the  early  ages  of  the  Christian 
Church,  by  which  travellers  or  teachers  were  com- 
mended by  one  church  to  the  good  oflSces  of  others. 
Er  (Heb.  walc/i/ul).  1.  First-born  of  Judah  by  the 
daughter  of  Shuah.  Er  "  was  wicked  in  the  i^ight 
of  the  Lotd  ;  and  the  Lord  slew  him."  It  does  not 
appear  what  the  nature  of  his  sin  was ;  but,  from 
his  Canaanitish  birth  on  the  mother's  side,  it  was 
probably  connected  with  the  abominable  idolatries 
of  Canaan  (Gen.  xxxviii.  3-7;  Num.  xxvi.  19). — 2, 
Descendant  of  irhelah  the  son  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv. 
21). — 3.  Son  of  Jose,  and  father  of  Elniodam,  in  tur 
Lord's  genealogy  (Lk.  iii.  28). 

*  E'ra.     CnRONOLOGY ;  Jesis  Christ. 

E'ran  (Heb.  =  Er,  Gcs.),  son  of  Shuthclah, 
Ephraim 's  eldest  son;  ancestor  of  the  Eranites 
(Num.  xxvi.  36). 

E'rr<u-ites,  tl:c  =  descendants  of  Eran  (Num. 
xxvi.  36). 

E-ras'tns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  r=  beloved,  loveli/,  L.  &  S.).  !• 
One  of  the  attendants  of  St.  Paul  at  E])hesus,  who 
with  Timothy  was  sent  foiward  into  llaccdonia  while 
the  apostle  himself  remained  in  Asia  (Acts  xix.  22); 
probably  =  the  Erastus  n.entioned  in  2  Tim.  iv.  i.0, 
though  not  the  same  with — 2.  "  Erastus  the  ciiasiper- 
LAIN,"  or  rather  the  public  treasurer  of  Corinth,  who 
was  one  of  the  early  converts  to  Christianity  (Kini. 
xvi.  23).  According  to  the  traditions  of  the  Greek 
church,  he  was  first  treasurer  to  the  church  at  Jeru- 
salem, and  afterward  bishop  of  Paneas. 

E'icth  f-rck]  (Heb.  hvfftli,  Gcs.),  one  of  the  cities 
of  Ninirod's  khigdcm  in  the  land  of  Shinar  (Gen.  x. 
10);  doubtless  —  Oichoij  of  Ptolemy,  eighty-two 
miles  S.  and  forty-three  E.  of  Babylon,  the  niodein 
designations  of  the  site,  Warka,  Irla,  and  Irak,  bear- 
ing a  considerable  affinity  to  the  original  name  (so 
Mr.  Bevan,  after  Col.  Taylor,  Rawlinson,  &c.).  This 
place  appears  to  have  been  the  necrop<  lis  of  the 
Assyrian  kings,  the  whole  neighborhood  being  cov- 
ered w  ith  mounds,  and  strewed  with  the  remains  of 
bricks  and  colTins. 

E'ri  (Heb.  waiching  [i.  e.  worsMj)piiiff]  Jehovah, 
Ges.),  son  of  Gad  (Gen.  xlvi.  16),  and  ancestor  of  the 
Erites  (Num.  xxvi.  16). 

*  E'rites  (fr.  Heb.)  =  descendants  of  Eri  (Num. 
xxvi.  16). 

E-sal'as  [c-zavas]  (Gr.)  in  the  N.  T.  =  Isaiah 
(Mat.  iii.  3,  iv.  14,  &c.). 

E'sar-had'don  (Heb.  fr.  Assyrian  ;  perhaps  =  (/»/< 
of  fire,  Bohlen,  Ges.;    vicloriovs  ecriniiav(!ir,iu.),   _ 
one  of  the  greatest  of  the  kings  of  Assyria  ;  son  otm 


ESA 

Sennacherib  and  grandson  of  Sargon  who  succeeded 
Shalmanescr.  Nothing  is  really  known  of  Esar-had- 
don  until  his  accession  (about  B.  c.  680  [so  Rawlin- 
son  ;  see  Sesnaciif.rib]  ;  2  K.  xix.  37  ;  Is.  xxxvii. 
38).  He  appears  by  liis  monuments  to  have  been 
one  of  the  most  powerful — if  not  the  most  powerful 
— of  all  the  Assyrian  monarchs.  He  carried  his 
arms  over  all  Asia  between  the  Persian  Gulf,  the 
Armenian  mountains,  and  the  Mediterranean.  In 
consequence  of  the  disaifection  of  Babylon,  and  its 
frequent  revolts  from  former  Assyrian  kings,  Esai-- 
haddon,  having  subdued  the  sons  of  Merodaeh-bala- 
dan  who  headed  the  national  party,  introduced  the 
new  policy  of  substituting,  for  the  former  govern- 
ment by  viceroys,  a  direct  dependence  upon  the  As- 
syrian crown.  He  is  the  only  Assyrian  monarch 
whom  we  find  to  have  actually  reigned  at  Babylon, 
where  he  built  himself  a  palace,  bricks  from  which 
have  been  recently  recovered  bearing  his  name.  His 
Babylonian  reign  lasted  thirteen  years,  from  B.  c. 
680  to  B.  c.  607.  He  placed  colonists  in  Samaria 
(Ezr.  iv.  2).  Mana.sseh,  king  of  Judah,  was  brought 
before  him  at  Babylon  (2  Chr.  xxxiii.  11),  and  de- 
tained for  a  time  as  prisoner  there,  but  eventually 
restored  to  his  throne.  As  a  builder  of  great  works 
Esar-haddon  is  particularly  distinguished.  Besides 
his  palace  at  Babylon,  he  built  at  least  three  others 
in  difl'orent  parts  of  his  dominions,  either  for  him- 
self or  his  son ;  while  in  a  single  inscription  he 
mentions  the  erection  by  his  hands  of  no  fewer  than 
thirty  temples  in  Assyria  and  Mesopotamia.  The 
S.  W.  palace  at  Nimrud,  the  great  hall  of  which 
was  220  feet  long  by  100  broad,  and  the  porch  or 
antechamber  160  feet  by  60,  is  the  best  preserved 
of  his  constructions.  It  is  impossible  (so  Rawlin- 
son)  to  fix  the  length  of  Esar-haddon's  reign  or  the 
I  order  of  events  in  it.  It  has  been  conjectured  that 
he  died  about  b.  c.  660,  after  occupying  the  throne 
for  twenty  years. 

£"880  (L.  fr.  Ileb.  ExAv  =r  hairy,  rough,  Ges.). 
li  Eldest  son  of  Isaac,  and  twin-brother  of  Jacob. 
The  singular  appearance  of  the  child  at  his  birth 
originated  the  name  (Gen.  xxv.  25).  This  was  not 
the  only  remarkable  circumstance  connected  with 
the  birth  of  the  infant.  Even  in  the  womb  the 
twin-brothers  struggled  together,  and  Rebekah  was 
divinely  informed  that  the  elder  should  serve  the 
younger  (ver.  22,  23).  Esau's  robust  frame  and 
"  rough  "  aspect  were  the  types  of  a  wild  and  dar- 
ing nature.  The  peculiarities  of  his  character  soon 
began  to  develop  themselves.  He  was,  in  fact,  a 
thorough  Bedouin,  a  "  son  of  the  desert,"  who  de- 
lighted to  roam  free  as  the  wind  of  heaven,  and  who 
was  impatient  of  the  restraints  of  civilized  or  settled 
life.  His  old  father,  by  a  caprice  of  affection  not 
uncommon,  loved  his  wilful,  vagrant  boy ;  and  his 
keen  relish  for  savory  food  being  gratified  by  Esau's 
venison,  he  liked  him  all  the  better  for  his  skill  in 
hunting  (xxv.  28).  An  event  occurred  which  ex- 
hibited the  reckless  character  of  Esau  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  selfish,  grasping  nature  of  his  brother 
on  the  other  (29-34;  Heb.  xii.  16,  17).  Jacob 
takes  advantage  of  his  brother's  distress  to  rob  him 
of  that  which  was  as  dear  a.s  life  itself  to  an  Eastern 
patriarch.  (First-born.)  Esau,  under  the  pressure 
of  temporary  suffering,  despises  his  birthright  by 
selUng  It  for  a  mess  of  pottage.  It  is  evident  the 
whole  transaction  was  public,  for  it  resulted  in  a 
new  name,  seldom  applied,  however,  to  Esau  him- 
self, though  almost  universally  given  to  the  country 
he  settled  in  and  to  his  posterity  (Edom  ;  Edomites). 
Eiau  married  at  the  age  of  forty,  and  contrary  to 


ESD 


285 


the  wish  of  his  parents.  (AnoLiBAMAR;  Bashemath.) 
His  wives  were  both  Canaanites ;  and  they  "  were 
bitterness  of  spirit  unto  Isaac  and  to  Rebekah " 
(Gen.  xxvi.  34,  35).  The  next  episode  in  the  his- 
tory of  Esau  and  Jacob  (xxvii.)  is  still  more  painful 
than  the  former.  Jacob,  through  the  craft  of  his 
mother,  is  again  successful,  and  secures  irrevocably 
the  covenant  blessing.  Esau  vows  vengeance.  But 
he  knew  not  a  mother's  watchful  care.  By  a  char- 
acteristic piece  of  domestic  policy  Rebekah  succeed- 
ed both  in  exciting  Isaac's  anger  against  Esau,  and 
obtaining  his  consent  to  Jacob's  departure.  When 
Esau  heard  that  his  father  had  commanded  Jacob 
to  take  a  wife  of  the  daughters  of  his  kinsman 
Laban,  he  also  resolved  to  try  whether  by  a  new 
alliance  he  could  propitiate  his  parents.  He  accord- 
ingly married  his  cousin  Mahalath,  the  daughter  of 
Ishmael  (xxviii.  8,  9).  This  marriage  appears  to 
have  brought  him  into  connection  with  the  Ishmacli- 
tish  tribes  beyond  the  valley  of  Arabah.  He  soon 
afterward  established  himself  in  Mount  Seir  (Seir, 
Mount)  ;  still  retaining,  however,  some  interest  in 
his  father's  property  in  southern  Palestine.  He 
was  residing  in  Mount  Seir  when  Jacob  returned 
from  Padan-aram,  and  had  then  become  so  rich 
and  powerful  that  the  impression  of  his  brother's 
early  offences  seem  to  have  been  almost  completely 
effaced  (so  Porter;  but  see  Gen.  xxxii.,  xxxiii.). 
It  does  not  appear  that  the  brothers  again  met  until 
the  death  of  their  father  about  twenty  years  after- 
ward. They  united  in  laying  Isaac's  body  in  the 
cave  of  Machpelah  (xxxv.  29).  Esau  knew  that  the 
covenant  blessing  was  Jacob's ;  that  God  had  in- 
alienably allotted  the  land  of  Canaan  to  Jacob's 
posterity ;  and  that  Mount  Seir  was  given  to  him- 
self (compare  xxvii.  39,  xxxii.  3;  Deut.  ii.  5);  and 
he  was  tlierefore  desirous  now  to  enter  into  full 
possession  of  his  country,  and  drive  out  its  old  in- 
habitants (Gen.  xxxvi. '6-8;  Deut.  ii.  12).  He 
"  lived  by  his  sword"  (Gen.  xxvii.  40),  and  the  rocky 
fastnesses  of  Edom  would  be  a  safer  and  more  suit- 
able abode  than  southern  Palestine.  Of  Esau's 
subsequent  history  nothing  is  known ;  for  that  of 
his  descendants  (Gen.  xxxvi. ;  1  Chr.  i.  35  ff.)  see 
EnoM  and  Edomites. — 2.  Ziiia  1  (1   E.sd.  v.  2f)). 

E'say  [«  as  z]  =  Isaiah  (Ecclus.  xlviii.  20,  22; 
2  Esd.  ii.  18). 

•  Es-drse'lom  [-dree-]  (Gr.  Endrelom  =  Jezreel) 

=    Es-DR^LON. 

EgHlrse'lon  (Gr.  Esdrelon  =  Jezreel).  Tliis  name 
occurs  in  this  exact  shape  only  twice  in  the  A.  V. 
(Jud.  iii.  9,  iv.  6).  In  Judith  vii.  3  it  is  "  Esdr/Elo.m," 
and  in  i.  8  "  Esdrelom,"  with  the  addition  of  the 
"  great  plain."  In  the  0.  T.  the  plain  is  called  the 
"  Valley  of  Jezreel ; "  by  Josephus  "  the  great 
plain."  The  name  is  derived  from  the  old  royal 
city  of  Jezrefx,  which  occupied  a  commanding  site, 
near  the  eastern  extremity  of  the  plain,  on  a  spur 
of  Mount  Gilboa.  "  The  great  plain  "  of  Esdra;lon 
extends  across  Central  Palestine  from  the  Mediter- 
ranean to  the  Jordan,  separating  the  mountain 
ranges  of  Carmel  and  Samaria  from  those  of  Galilee. 
The  western  section  of  it  is  properly  the  plain  of 
AccHO,  or  'Atka.  The  main  body  of  the  plain  is  a 
triangle.  Its  base  on  the  E.  extends  from  Jndn 
(the  ancient  En-gannim)  to  the  foot  of  the  hills  be- 
low Nazareth,  and  is  about  fifteen  miles  long ;  the 
N.  side,  formed  by  the  hills  of  Galilee,  is  about 
twelve  miles  long ;  and  the  S.  side,  formed  by  the 
Samaria  ridge,  is  about  eighteen  miles.  The  apex 
on  the  W.  is  a  narrow  pass  opening  into  the  plain 
of  ^Akka.    The  plain  of  Esdnclon  has  a  gently  un- 


28d 


ESD 


ESD 


dulating  surface,  dotted  with  several  low  gray  hills, 
and  near  tlie  sides  with  a  few  olive-groves.  Here 
Baral<  triimiphcd,  and  Josiali  was  defeated  and  re- 
ceived Ids  death-wound  (Judg.  v. ;  2  Chr.  xxxv.). 
The  river  Kisiion  drains  the  plain.  (Megiddo.) 
From  the  base  of  this  triangular  plain  three  branches 
stretcli  out  eastward,  lil<e  fingers  from  a  liand,  di- 
vided by  two  bleali,  gray  ridges — one  bearing  the 
familiar  name  of  Mount  Gilboa ;  and  the  other  called 
by  Franks  Little  Jlermou,  but  by  natives  Jihel  ed- 
Jjuhtj.  Into  the  N.  branch,  between  Tabor  and 
Little  Hermon,  the  troops  of  Barak  defiled  from 
Tabor  (Judg.  iv.  14).  Across  the  S.  branch,  between 
Jfnin  and  Gilboa,  Ahaziah  fled  from  Jehu  (2  K.  i.\. 
27).  The  antral  branch  is  the  richest  as  well  as 
the  most  celebrated.  This  is  the  "  Valley  of  Jez- 
recl "  proper — the  battlefield  on  which  Gideon  tri- 
umphed, and  Saul  and  Jonathan  were  overthrown 
(Judg.  vii.  1  ff. ;  1  Sam.  xxi.x.  and  xxxi.).  Two 
things  are  worthy  of  special  notice  in  the  plain  of 
Esdrajlon:  1.  its  wonderful  richness;  2.  its  des- 
olation. If  we  except  the  eastern  branches,  there 
is  not  a  single  inhabited  village  on  its  whole  surface, 
and  not  more  than  one-sixth  of  its  soil  is  cultivated. 
It  is  the  home  of  the  wild  wandering  Arabs,  and  is 
now  known  among  them  only  as  Merj  ibn  'Amer{:^ 
the  plain  of  Ihesun  of  \4)iier).  It  has  always  Decn  in- 
secure— exposed  to  every  hasty  incursion  and  every 
shock  of  war.  The  whole  borders  of  the  plain  are 
dotted  with  places  of  high  interest.  On  the  E.  we 
have  En-dor,  Nain,  Shunem,  Beth-shean,  Gilboa, 
Jezreel ;  on  the  S.,  En-gannim,  Taanach,  and  Megid- 
do ;  at  the  W.,  Carnicl,  &c. ;  on  the  N.,  Kazarcth, 
Tabor,  &c. 

Es'drgs  (Gr.)  in  1  and  2  Esd.  r=  Ezra  the  scribe. 

Esdras  (Gr.  =  Ezra),  First  Book  of,  the  first  in 
order  of  the  Apocryphal  books  in  the  English  Bible. 
In  the  Vatican  and  modern  editions  of  the  LXX.,  our 
1  Esd.  is  called  the  Jirst  look  of  Esdras,  in  relation  to 
the  canonical  Book  of  Ezra  which  follows  it  and  is 
called  the  second  Esdras.  But  in  the  Vulgate,  1 
Esd.  =  the  canonical  Book  of  Ezra,  and  2  Esd.  or 
Nell.  =  our  Nehimiah,  according  to  the  primitive 
Hebrew  arrangement,  mentioned  by  Jerome,  in 
which  Ezra  and  Nchimiah  made  np  two  parts  of 
the  one  book  of  Ezra ;  and  3  and  4  Esd.  =  our  1 
and  2  Esdras.  These  last,  with  the  prayer  of  Ma- 
nasses,  are  the  only  books  of  the  Apocrypha  not 
declared  canonical  by  the  Council  of  Trent.  In  all 
the  earlier  editions  of  the  English  Bilile  the  books 
of  Esdras  are  numbered  as  in  the  Vulgate.  The 
Geneva  Bible  first  adopted  the  classification  used  in 
our  present  Bibles,  in  which  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  = 
the  two  canonical  books,  and  the  two  Apocryphal 
become  1  and  2  Esdras.  As  regards  the  antiquity 
of  this  book  and  the  rank  assigned  to  it  in  the  early 
Church,  it  may  suffice  to  mention  that  Josephus 
quotes  largely  from  it,  and  follows  its  authority. 
It  is  quoted  also  by  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  by 
Cyprian,  Augustine,  Atlianasiiis,  and  other  fathers. 
Nothing  can  be  clearer  on  the  other  hand  than  that 
it  is  rightly  included  by  us  among  the  Apocrypha, 
not  only  on  the  ground  of  its  historical  inaccuracy, 
and  contradiction  of  Ezra,  but  also  on  the  external 
evidence  of  the  early  Church.  That  it  was  never 
known  to  exist  in  Hebrew  and  formed  no  part  of 
the  Hebrew  Canox,  is  admitted  by  all.  As  regards 
the  contents  of  the  book,  and  the  author  or  authors 
of  it — the  first  cliaptcr  is  a  transcript  of  the  two  last 
chapters  of  2  Chr.,  for  the  most  part  verbatim,  and 
only  in  one  or  two  parts  sliglitly  abridged  and  para- 
phrased, and  showing  some  corruptions  of  the  text, 


the  use  of  a  different  Greek  version,  and  some 
various  readings.  Chapters  iii.-v.  6  are  the  oriymal 
portions  of  the  book,  containing  the  legend  of  the 
three  young  Jews  (Zerubbabel,  &c.)  at  the  court  of 
Darius,  and  the  rest  is  a  transcript  more  or  less 
exact  of  Ezra,  with  the  chapters  transposed  and 
quite  otherwise  arranged,  and  a  pcrlion  of  Kclic- 
miah.  Hence  a  twofold  design  in  the  compiler  is 
discernible;  one  to  introduce  and  give  Scripiural 
sanction  to  the  legend  about  Zerubbabel ;  the  oilier 
to  explain  the  great  obscurities  of  Ezra,  in  which, 
however,  he  has  signally  failed.  As  regards  the 
time  and  place  when  the  compilation  was  made,  the 
oriyinal  portion  is  that  which  alone  alibrds  much 
clew.  This  seems  to  indicate  that  the  writer  was 
thoroughly  conversant  with  Hebrew  and  the  He- 
brew Scriptures,  even  if  he  did  not  write  the  l>«(k 
in  that  language.  But  that  he  did  not  live  under 
the  Persian  kings,  appears  by  his  undisciiminating 
use  of  the  phrase  jledes  and  Pirmans,  or  Persians 
and  Medes,  according  as  he  was  imitating  the  lan- 
guage of  Daniel  or  of  Esther  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey, 
the  original  author  of  this  article).  Dr.  C.  D.  Gins- 
burg  (in  Kit.)  regards  the  author  as  a  master  oi  the 
Greek  language,  who  lived  in  Palestine  at  least  100 
years  b.  c.  Dr.  S.  Davidson  says  (hilrodmtinn  to 
the  O.  T.  and  Ajjocrypha),  "  He  w  as  a  Hellenist,  or 
Greek-speaking  Jew,  who  lived  in  Palestine." 

Fs'drss  (Gr.  =  Ezra),  the  See  end  Eo«k  of,  in  the 
English  Version  of  the  Apocevpiia,  and  so  calli  (i  by 
the  author  (2  Esd.  i.  1),  is  more  commonly  knuwn, 
according  to  the  reckoning  of  the  Latin  Version,  as 
the  fonrth  book  of  Ezra.  (Esiiras,  First  Hook 
OF.)  The  original  title,  "the  Apocalypse  of  Ezra," 
is  far  more  appropriate. — 1.  J'or  a  long  time  this 
Book  of  Ezra  was  known  only  by  an  old  Latin  ver- 
sion, which  is  preserved  in  some  MSS.  of  the  Vul-  * 
gate.  A  second  Arabic  text  was  discovered  by  Jlr. 
Gregory  about  the  middle  of  the  17th  century  in  Ivo 
Bodleian  MSS.  A  third  Ethiopic  text  was  publi^lled 
in  1820  by  Archbishop  Laurence  with  English  and 
Latin  translations,  likewise  from  a  Bodleian  MS. — II, 
The  three  versions  were  all  made  diredly  fmni  a 
Greek  text ;  and  in  default  of  direct  evidence  to  ll:e 
contrary,  it  must  be  supposed  that  the  book  waa 
composed  in  Greek. — III.  The  common  Latin  text, 
which  is  followed  in  the  English  version,  contains 
two  important  interpolations  (Chs.  i.  ii.  ;  xv.  svi.) 
which  are  not  found  in  the  Arabic  and  Ethiopic  ver- 
sions, and  are  separated  from  the  genuine  Apoca- 
lypse in  the  best  Latin  MSS.  Both  of  these  passages 
are  evidently  of  Christian  origin  (so  Mr.  ^Vestcott, 
the  original  author  of  this  article).  Another  smaller 
interpolation  occurs  in  the  Latin  version  in  vii.  28, 
where  y?/»KS  meva  Jeius  (A.  V.  "my  son  Jesus") 
answers  to  "  JlIi/  Mtssiah  "  in  the  Ethiopic,  and  to 
"Ml/  Son  Messiah"  in  the  Ariihic.  On  the  other 
hand,  a  long  passage  occurs  in  the  Ethiopic  and  Ant 
bic  versions  after  vii.  35,  which  is  not  found  in  the 
Latin. — IV.  Theoriginal  Apocalyiise(l  Esd.  iii.-xiv.) 
consists  of  a  series  of  angelic  revelations  and  visions 
in  which  Ezra  is  instructed  in  some  of  the  proat 
mysteries  of  the  moral  world,  and  assured  ot  the 
final  triumph  of  the  righteous.  The  subject  of  the 
frst  retvlation  (iii.-v.  15)  is  the  unpcarclialileness 
of  God's  purposes,  and  the  signs  of  the  last  age. 
The  second  revelation  (v.  16-vi.  34)  carries  out  iliis 
teaching  yet  further,  and  lays  cpen  the  graihial 
progress  of  the  plan  of  Providence,  and  the  nenn.css 
of  the  visitation  before  which  evil  must  atliiin  i<9 
most  terrible  climax.  The  third  m>elation  (vi.  35- 
ix.  25)  answers  the  objections  from  the  ai>i:uiiit 


ESD 


ESH 


287 


narrowness  of  the  limits  within  which  the  hope  of 
blessedness  is  confined,  and  describ«s  tlie  coming 
of  Messiah  and  tlie  last  scene  of  Judgment.  After 
this  fi)lli)w  three  visions.  The/>*<  viniwi  (ix.  26-x. 
59)  is  of  a  woman  (Sion)  in  deep  sorrow,  lamenting 
the  death,  wpon  his  bridal  day,  of  her  only  son  (the 
city  built  by  Solomon),  who  liad  been  born  to  her 
after  she  had  had  no  child  for  thirty  years.  But 
while  Ezra  looked,  her  face  "upon  a  sudden  shined 
excee<lingly,"'  and  "  the  woman  appeared  no  more, 
but  there  was  a  city  builded."  The  second  v'mvn 
(xi.,  xii.),  in  a  dream,  is  of  an  eagle  (Rome)  which 
"came  up  from  the  sea "  and  " spread  her  wings 
over  all  the  earth."  After  some  strange  transibr- 
mations,  su<Ulenly  a  lion  (.Messiah)  came  forth  and 
with  a  man's  voice  rebuked  the  eagle,  and  it  was 
burnt  up.  The  third  vision  (xiii.),  in  a  dream,  is  of 
a  man  (.Messiah)  "  flying  with  the  clouds  of  heaven," 
against  whom  the  nations  of  the  earth  arc  gathered, 
till  he  destroys  them  with  the  blast  of  his  mouth, 
and  gathers  together  the  lost  tribes  of  Israel  and  of- 
fers Sion,  "  prepared  and  builded,"  to  His  people. 
Chapter  xiv.  recounts  an  appearance  to  Ezra  of  the 
Lord  who  showed  himself  to  Moses  in  the  bush,  at 
whose  command  he  receives  again  the  law  which 
had  been  burnt,  and  with  the  help  of  scribes  writes 
down  ninety-four  books  (the  twenty-four  canonical 
books  of  the  0.  T.,  and  seventy  of  secret  mysteries). 
— V.  The  date  of  the  book  is  much  disputed,  though 
the  limits  .within  which  opinions  vary  are  narrower 
than  in  the  ease  of  the  book  of  Enoch.  Liieke 
places  it  in  the  time  of  Cesar ;  Van  der  Vlis  shortly 
after  the  death  of  Cesar.  Laurence  and  Ililgenfeld 
bring  it  down  somewhat  lower,  to  28-25  b.  c.  On 
the  other  hand,  Gfriirer,  Wieselcr,  and  Bauer  assign 
the  book  to  the  time  of  Domitian,  a.  n.  81-96.  Dr. 
Ginsburg  (in  Kit.)  assigns  it  to  abont  50  b.  c. — VI. 
The  chief  characteristics  of  the  "  three-headed 
eagle,"  which  refer  apparently  to  historic  details, 
are  "  twelve  feathered  wings,"  "  eight  counter 
f .-alhers,"  and  "  three  heads ; "  but  though  the 
writer  expressly  interprets  these  of  kings  (xii.  14, 
20)  ami  "  kingdoms  "  (xii.  23),  he  is,  perhaps  inten- 
tionally, so  obscure  in  his  allusions,  that  the  inter- 
preUition  only  increases  the  dilficulties  of  the  vision 
itself  One  point  only  may  be  considered  certain, — 
the  eagle  can  typify  no  other  empire  than  Rome. 
But  when  it  is  established  that  the  interpretation  of 
the  vision  is  to  be  sought  in  the  history  of  Home, 
the  chief  difficulties  of  the  problem  begin.  All  is 
evidently  as  yet  vogue  and  uncertain,  and  will  prob- 
ably remain  so  till  some  clearer  light  can  be  thrown 
upon  Jewish  thought  and  history  during  the  critical 
period  100  b.  c.-16o  a.  c— VII.'But  the  book,  i.  e. 
chapters  iii.-xiv.,  is  a  genuine  product  of  Jewish 
thought,  probably  written  in  Egypt ;  the  opening  and 
closing  chapters  certainly  were. — VIII.  In  tone  and 
character  the  Apocalypse  of  Ezra  offers  a  striking 
contrast  to  that  of  Enoch.  (Enoch,  Book  of.)  Tri- 
umphant anticipations  are  overshadowed  by  gloomy 
forebodings  of  the  destiny  of  the  world.  The  idea 
of  victory  is  lost  in  that  of  revenge. — IX.  One  tradi- 
tion which  the  book  contains  obtained  a  wide  recep- 
tion in  early  times,  and  served  as  a  pendant  to  the 
legend  of  the  origin  of  the  LXX.  Ezra,  it  is  said, 
for  forty  days  and  forty  nights  dictated  to  his 
scribes,  who  wrote  ninety-four  books,  of  which 
twenty-four  were  delivered  to  the  people  in  place 
of  the  books  which  were  lost  (xiv.  20-48).  This 
strange  story  probably  owed  its  origin  to  the  tradi- 
tion which  regarded  Ezra  as  the  representative  of 
the  men  of  the  "Great  Synagogue."  (Casos;  Syn- 


AGOGt:E,  THE  Grkat.) — X.  Though  the  book  was 
assigned  to  the  "  prophet "  Ezra  by  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  it  did  not  maintain  its  ecclesiastical 
position  in  the  Church.  Jerome  speaks  of  it  with 
contempt,  and  it  is  rarely  found  in  MSS.  of  the 
Latin  Bible.  It  is  found,  however,  in  the  printed 
copies  of  the  Vulgate  older  than  the  Council  of 
Trent.  On  the  other  hand,  though  this  book  is  in- 
cluded among  those  which  are  "  read  for  examples 
of  life  "  by  the  English  Church,  no  use  of  it  is  there 
made  in  public  worship. 

*Es-die'loin  (Gr.)  —  Esdilslon;  JezkEel  (Jd.  i. 
8). 

Ese-bon  (Gr.)  =  IIeshbon  (Jd.  v.  16). 

Es-e-bri'as  =  Siierebiaii  (1  Esd.  viii.  54). 

Esek  (lleb.  siri/f),  a  well,  which  the  herdsmen  of 
Isaac  dug  in  the  valley  of  Gerar  (Gen.  xxvi.  20). 

Esh'-ba-al  (-hay-]  (Ueb.  Baal's  man),  fourth  son 
of  Saul  (1  Chr.  "viii.  83,  ix.  39),  doubtless  =  IsH- 
BOSHETii.     Compare  Merib-baal. 

Esb'bia  (Ilcb.  =  IIeshbon,  Ges.),  a  Horite,  son 
of  DiSHON  (Gen.  xxxvi.  26  ;  1  Chr.  i.  41). 

Esh'eol  (Heb.  cluster),  brother  of  Mamrc  the  Am- 
orite,  and  of  Aner  ;  one  of  Abraham's  companions 
in  his  pursuit  of  the  four  kings  who  had  carried  off 
Lot  (Gen.  xiv.  13,  24). 

Esh'tol  (Heb.  cluster),  tlie  Tal'lf y,  or  the  Brook, 
of,  a  wadi)  (Bkook  4  ;  Valley  3)  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Hebron,  explored  by  the  spies  sent  by 
Moses  from  Kadesh-barnea.  From  the  terms  of  two 
of  the  notices  of  this  transaction  (Num.  xxxii.  9  ; 
Deut.  i.  24),  it  might  be  gathered  that  Eshcol  was 
the  farthest  point  to  which  the  spies  penetrated. 
But  this  would  contradict  the  express  statement  of 
Num.  xiii.  21,  that  they  went  as  far  as  Rehob. 
From  this  fruitful  valley  they  brought  back  a  huge 
cluster  of  grapes  (Num.  xiii.  23,  24).  The  valley, 
Wadii  Tcff'uh,  coming  down  toward  Hebron  from 
the  N.  W.,  and  distinguished  for  its  fine  vineyards, 
which  "  produce  the  largest  and  best  grapes  in  all 
the  country,"  Robinson  (Phys.  Geog.  121)  "with, 
out  hesitation  "  identifies  with  Eshcol ;  but  says  the 
fountain,  a  few  mmutes  N.  of  the  city,  which  Van 
de  Velde  (ii.  64)  gives  as  ''Ain  JSskali  (fountain  of 
Eshcol)  is  ^Ain  Kashkala,  according  to  the  Arabic 
scholar  G.  Rosen. 

E'slie-an  (Heb.  prop,  support,  Ges.),  a  city  in  the 
mountains  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  62) ;  site  unknown. 

E'shek  (Heb.  opp/ression,  Ges.),  a  Benjamite,  one 
of  the  late  descendants  of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii.  39). 

Esh'ka-loD-itfS  (fr.  Heb.)  the,  =  inhabitants  of 
ASHKELOK  (Josh.  xiii.  3). 

Egh'ta-ol  (Heb.,  perhaps  =  a  receding,  retreat, 
Ges. ;  hollow  watj,  Fii.),  a  town  in  the  low  country 
(Valley  6)  of  Judah,  the  first  of  the  first  group  of 
cities  in  that  district  (Josh.  xv.  33).  Zorah  and 
Eshtaol  were  two  of  the  towns  allotted  to  the  tribe 
of  Dan  out  of  Judah  (xix.  41).  From  them  went 
out  the  Danites  who  took  Laish  (xviii.  2,  8,  11). 
Here,  among  the  old  warriors  of  the  tribe,  Samson 
spent  his  boyhood,  and  hither  after  his  last  exploit 
his  body  was  brought  (xiii.  25,  xvi.  31).  In  the 
OnomffsrtroK  Eshtaol  is  twice  mentioned--{l.)  as  As- 
taol  of  Judah,  described  as  then  existing  between  Azo- 
tus  and  Ascalon  under  the  name  of  Aslho  ;  (2.)  as 
Esthaul  of  Dan,  ten  miles  N.  of  Eleutheropolis. 
Porter  (in  Kitto)  supposes  it  at  the  modern  village 
of  Yeshu'a  or  JSshma',  about  two  miles  E.  of  S6r'a 
(Zorah),  at  the  end  of  a  valley. 

E8h'ta-nl-ites  (fr.  Heb.  =  natives  or  descendants 
of  Eshtaol),  thl^  with  the  Zareathitcs,  were  among 
the  fomilies  of  Kirjath-jcarim  (1  Chr.  it,  63). 


288 


ESH 


EST 


£sb-te-nio'a,  and  Esh'tc-mob  (Imtli  Ileb.  =  obe- 
dieitce,  Ges.),  a  town  of  Juilali,  in  tlie  mountains 
(Josh.  XV.  BO),  allotted  to  the  priests  (.xxi.  14  ;  1 
Chr.  vi.  57).  It  was  one  of  the  places  frequented 
by  David  and  his  follower.*  during  their  wanderings 
(1  Sam.  XXX.  '28,  compare  31).  There  is  little  doubt 
that  it  has  been  discovered  by  Robinson  at  Semu'a, 
a  village  seven  miles  S.  of  Hebron.  Eshtemoa  ap- 
pears to  have  been  founded  by  the  descendants  of 
the  Egyptian  wife  of  a  certain  Mered  (1  Chr.  iv. 
17).  "  Eshtemoa  the  Maachathite  "  (ver.  19)  appears 
to  be  an  actual  person. 

*  Esh'te-moli  (Ileb.)  =  Eshtemoa. 

Esll'ton  (Hcb.  womanish,  uxorious,  Ges.),  a  name 
in  the  genealogies  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  11,  12). 

Es'li  (Gr.,  probably  =  Azaliaii),  son  of  Naggc, 
and  father  of  Xaum,  in  the  genealogy  of  Christ  (Lk. 
iii.  25), 

E-so'ra  (fr.  Gr.),  a  place  fortified  by  the  Jews  on 
the  approach  of  the  Assyrian  army  under  Ilolofer- 
nes  (Jd.  iv.  4) ;  perhaps  =  Hazor,  or  Zoraii. 

*  Es-pons'als.    Marriage. 

Es'iil  (Gr.)  (1  Esd.  ix.  34).    Azareel,  or  Sharai. 

Es'rom  (Gr.)  —  Hezron  2  (Mat.  i.  3  ;  Lk.  iii.  33). 

Es-senes'  (-seenz]  (Gr.  Esscnoi ;  see  below).  I. 
In  the  description  of  Josephus  (B.  J.  ii.  8,  &c.)  the 
Essenes  appear  to  combine  tlie  ascetic  virtues  of  the 
Pythagoreans  and  Stoics  with  a  spiritual  knowledge 
of  the  Divine  Law.  Though  not  mentioned  by  the 
name  Esstnes  in  the  N.  T.,  Dr.  Ginsburg  (in  Kitto) 
thinks  they  are  referred  to  in  Mat.  xix.  12,  1  Cor. 
vii.,  &c.  II.  Various  derivations  have  been  pro- 
posed for  the  name  Essene,  and  all  are  more  or  less 
open  to  objection.  Mr.  Wcstcott  supposes  that 
Essene  represents  a  Chaldean  or  Aramaic  word  = 
seer  (so  Suidas),  or  Ihe  silent,  the  mysta-ions.  Dr. 
Ginsburg  (in  Kitto)  favors  the  derivation  from  liusi 
or  chcisi  =  pious  (compare  Assideans).  III.  The  ob- 
scurity of  the  Essenes  as  a  distinct  body  arises  from 
the  fact  that  they  represented  originally  a  tendency 
rather  than  an  organization.  As  a  sect  they  were 
distinguished  by  an  aspiration  after  ideal  purity 
rather  than  by  any  special  code  of  doctrines. 
From  the  Maccabean  age  there  was  a  continuous  ef- 
fort among  the  stricter  Jews  to  attain  an  absolute 
standard  of  holiness.  (Assideans.)  Each  class  of 
devotees  was  looked  upon  as  practically  impure  by 
their  successors,  who  carried  the  laws  of  purity 
still  further ;  and  the  Essenes  stand  at  the  extreme 
limit  of  the  mystic  asceticism  thus  gradually  re- 
duced to  shape.  To  the  Pharisees  they  stood  nearly 
in  the  same  relation  as  that  in  which  the  Pharisees 
themselves  stood  with  regard  to  the  mass  of  the 
people  (so  Mr.  Westcott,  original  author  of  this  ar- 
ticle ;  see  below,  VII.J  VII.  The  traces  of  the  ex- 
istence of  Essenes  in  common  society  are  not 
wanting  nor  confined  to  individual  cases.  Not 
only  was  a  gate  at  Jerusalem  named  from  them, 
but  a  later  tradition  mentions  the  existence  of 
a  congregation  there  which  devoted  "  one-third  of 
the  day  to  study,  one-third  to  prayer,  and  one-third 
to  labor."  The  isolated  communities  of  Essenes 
furnished  the  type  preserved  in  the  popular  de- 
scriptions. These  were  regulated  by  strict  rules, 
analogous  to  those  of  the  monastic  institutions 
of  a  later  date.  The  full  membership  in  these 
was  attained  after  two  novitiates,  the  first  of  one 
year,  the  second  of  two  years,  when  the  novice 
bound  himself  by  awful  oaths — though  oaths  were 
absolutely  forbidden  at  other  times — to  observe 
piety,  justice,  obedience,  honesty,  and  secrecy.  V. 
The  order  itself  was  regulated  by  an  internal  juris- 


diction. Excommunication  was  equivalent  to  a 
slow  death,  since  an  Essene  could  ndt  take  feed 
prepared  by  strangers  for  fear  of  pollution.  All 
things  were  held  in  common,  without  distinction  of 
property  or  house;  and  special  provision  was  made 
lor  the  relief  of  the  poor.  Self-denial,  temperance, 
and  labor — especially  agriculture — were  the  maiks 
of  the  outward  life  of  the  Essenes  ;  purity  and  di- 
vine communion  the  objects  of  their  aspiration. 
Slavery,  war,  and  commeice  were  alike  forbidden. 
VI.  In  doctrine,  they  did  not  differ  essentially  frcm 
strict  Pharisees.  Moses  was  honored  by  them  next 
to  God.  They  observed  the  Sabbath  with  singular 
strictness,  and  though  unable  to  offer  sacrifices  at 
Jerusalem,  probably  from  regard  to  purity,  they 
sent  gifts  thither.  Like  most  ascetics,  they  turned 
their  attention  specially  to  the  mysteries  of  the 
spiritual  world,  and  looked  upon  the  body  as  a 
mere  prison  of  the  soul.  The  Essenes  (so  Ginsburg, 
in  Kitto)  were  simply  an  order  of  Pfakisees,  livirg 
in  celibacy.  They  believed  that  to  obey  diligently 
the  ccmmandmcnts  of  the  Lord,  to  lead  a  pure 
and  iioly  life,  to  mortify  the  flci:h  and  the  lusts 
thereof,  and  to  be  meek  and  Icwly  in  spirit,  would 
bring  them  in  closer  communion  with  their  Creator, 
and  make  them  the  temples  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
when  they  would  be  able  to  prophesy  and  perfcini 
miracles,  and,  like  Elias  (Elijah),  be  ultimately  the 
forerunners  of  the  Messiah.  VII.  The  number  of  the 
Essenes  is  roughly  estimated  by  Fhilo  at  4,000. 
Their  best-known  settlements  were  on  the  >'.  M'. 
shore  of  the  Ecad  Sea.  VIII.  In  theTalmudic  w  ritirps 
there  is  no  direct  mention  of  the  Essenes,  but  their 
existence  is  recognized  by  the  notice  of  peculiar 
points  of  practice  and  teaching.  IX.  The  chaiacter 
of  Efsenism  limited  its  spread.  Out  of  Palestine 
Levitical  purity  was  impcssible,  for  the  very  land 
was  impure  ;  and  thus  there  is  no  trace  of  the  sect 
in  Babylonia.  The  case  was  different  in  Egypt,  and 
the  tendency  which  gave  birth  to  the  E.'senes  f'ci:rd 
a  fresh  development  in  the  pure  speculation  cf  the 
Therapcutw.  (Ai.EXANrRiA.)  X.  From  the  nature 
of  the  case,  Esscnism  in  its  extreme  form  could  ex- 
ercise very  little  influence  on  Christianity.  In  all 
its  practical  bearings  it  was  diametrically  opposed 
to  the  apostolic  teaching.  The  only  real  similarity 
between  Essenism  and  Christianity  lay  in  the  cem- 
mon  element  of  true  Judaism.  Xaticnally,  how  ever, 
the  Essenes  occupy  the  same  pcsitie.n  as  that  to 
which  John  the  Baptist  was  personally  called. 
They  mark  the  close  of  the  old,  the  longing  for  ike 
new,  but  in  this  case  without  the  promise.  At  a 
later  time  traces  of  Essenitm  appear  in  tie  Cli  n m- 
tines.  After  the  Jewish  war  the  Essenes  dit:.]  i-car 
from  histe)ry. 

Es'tlicr  [-ter]  (Gr.  fr.  Fcrs.  =  the  plaiiel  Vaivt; 
star,  gcnd  forlvr.e,  ha/pimas,  compare  AsjiTOi  EiH, 
Ges.),  a  name  of  Hauaesah,  daughter  of  Al)duiil, 
the  son  of  Shimci,  the  sen  of  Kish,  a  Bcnj:in!!le 
(Esth.  ii.  5,  15).  Esther  was  a  beautiful  .Imisli 
maiden,  an  orphan,  brought  up  by  her  cousin  >loii- 
DECAi,  who  had  an  effice  in  the  household  of  Aius- 
UEHUS  3,  king  of  Persia,  and  dwelt  at  "  Shushan 
the  palace."  When  Vasiiti  had  been  diniissed 
from  being  queen,  and  all  the  fairest  virgins  ol'  the 
kingdom  had  been  collected  at  Shushan  for  the  kirg 
to  choose  her  successor  frcm  among  tle.i,  the 
choice  fell  upon  Esther.  The  king  was  not  aware, 
however,  of  her  race  and  parentage ;  and  so,  <  ii 
the  representation  of  Haman  the  Agnf.ito,  tl  :it  lie 
Jews  scattered  through  his  empire  weie  a  peni;i;eii» 
race,  he  gave  him  full  power  and  aulhoril)  lo  UU 


I 


EST 

them  all,  young  and  old,  women  and  children,  and 
take  possession  of  all  tlieir  property.  The  means 
taken  by  Ksther  to  avert  this  great  calamity  from 
her  people  and  her  kindred,  and  the  success  of  her 
scheme,  by  which  she  became  forever  especially 
honored  among  her  countrymen  (Pckim),  are  fully 
related  in  Esther.  (Esiuer,  Book  of.)  Profane 
history  is  wholly  silent  both  about  Vasliti  and 
Esther.  Herodotus  only  mentions  one  of  Xerxes' 
wives  ;  Scripture  only  mentions  two,  if  indeed  either 
of  them  was  a  wife  at  all.  Lord  A.  C.  Uervey 
thinks  that  Esther,  a  captive,  and  one  of  the  harem, 
was  not  of  the  highest  rank  of  wives,  but  that  a 
special  honor,  with  the  name  of  queen,  may  have 
been  given  to  her,  as  to  Vashti  before  her,  as  the 
favorite  concubine  or  inferior  wife,  whose  offspring, 
however,  if  she  had  any,  would  not  have  succeeded 
to  the  Persian  throne. 

Es'ther  [-ter]  (Gr.,  see  above),  Book  of,  one  of 
the  latest  of  the  canonical  books  of  Scripture, 
written  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey,  &c.)  late  in  the  reign 
of  Xerxes  (Ahasuercs  3),  or  early  in  that  of  his 
son  Artaxerxes  Longimanus.  The  book  has  its 
name  from  Esther,  who  is  so  prominent  in  the  nar- 
rative. The  author  is  not  known,  but  may  very 
probably  have  been  Moroecai  himself.  Those  who 
ascribe  it  to  Ezra,  or  the  men  of  the  Great  Syna- 
gogue, may  have  merely  meant  that  Ezra  edited  and 
added  it  to  the  cano.n  of  Scripture,  which  he  prob- 
ably did.  Esther  appears  in  a  different  form  in  the 
LXX.,  and  the  translations  therefrom,  from  that  in 
which  it  is  found  in  the  Ilebrew  Bible. — L  The 
canonical  Esther  is  placed  among  the  hagiographa 
by  the  Jews,  and  in  that  first  portion  of  them  which 
they  call  "  the  five  rolls."  (Bible  IIL  3.)  It  is 
sometimes  emphatically  called  Megillah  (Heb.  = 
roll),  without  other  distinction,  and  is  read  through 
by  the  Jews  in  their  synagogues  at  the  feast  of 
PcRiM.  It  has  often  been  remarked  as  a  pecu- 
liarity of  this  book,  that  the  name  of  God  does 
not  once  occur  in  it.  It  was  always  reckoned  in 
the  Jewish  canon,  and  is  named  or  implied  in 
almost  every  enumeration  of  the  books  composing 
it,  from  Josephus  downward.  Jerome  mentions  it 
by  name,  as  do  Augustine,  Origen,  and  many  others. 
The  style  of  writing  is  remarkably  chaste  and  sim- 
ple. It  docs  not  in  the  least  savor  of  romance. 
The  Ilebrew  is  very  like  that  of  Ezra  and  parts 
of  1  &  2  Chronicles;  generally  pure,  but  mixed 
with  some  words  of  Persian  origin,  and  some  of 
Chaldaic  alHnit^.  In  short,  it  is  just  what  one 
would  expect  to  find  in  a  work  of  the  age  to 
which  Esther  professes  to  belong. — II.  The  LXX. 
version  of  the  book  consists  of  the  canonical  Esther 
with  various  interpolations  prefixed,  interspersed, 
and  added  at  the  close.  The  chief  additions  are — 
what  in  the  A.  V.  (Apocryph.i)  constitutes  xi.  2- 
xii.  6,  is  in  the  LXX.  placed  before  i.  1  (A.V.);  xiii. 
1-7  (A.  V.)  follows  iii.  13  (A.  V.);  xiii.  8-xiv.  19 
[A.  V.)  follows  iv.  17  (A.  V.) ;  xv.  (A.  V.)  is  an  am- 
plification of  V.  1,  2  (A.  v.);  xvi.  (A.  V.)  is  an  in- 
;erpoIation  in  viii.  13  (A.  V.);  x.  4-xi.  1  (A.  V.)  fol- 
ows  X.  3  (A.  v.).  Though  the  interpolations  of 
he  Greek  copy  are  manifest,  they  make  a  consist- 
;nt  and  intelligible  story.  But  the  Apocryphal 
idditions  as  inserted  in  some  editions  of  the  Latin 
k'ulgate,  and  in  the  English  Bible  under  the  title, 
'  The  rest  of  the  Chapters  of  the  Book  of  Esther, 

ihich  are  found  neither  in  the  Hebrew,  nor  in  tlie 
h«ldee,"  are  incomprehensible ;  the  history  of 
hich  is  this : — When  Jerome  translated  Esther,  he 
[■St  gave  the  version  of  the  Hebrew  alone  as  being 
I  19 


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289 


alone  authentic.  He  then  added  at  the  end  a  version 
in  Latin  of  those  several  passages  in  the  LXX. 
which  were  not  in  the  Hebrew,  stating  where  each 
passage  came  in,  and  marking  them  all  with  an  obe- 
lus [fj.  The  first  passage  so  given  isx.  4-13,  .xi.  1 
(A.  v.),  which  form  the  conclusion  of  the  book  in 
the  LXX.  Having  annexed  this  conclusion,  he  then 
gives  the  Prooetnium  (L.  =:  Introduclion),  which  he 
says  forms  the  beginning  of  the  Greek  Vulgate  (xi. 
2-xii.  6  [A.  V.]) ;  and  so  proceeds  with  the  other 
passages.  But  in  subsequent  editions  all  Jerome's 
explanatory  matter  has  been  swept  away,  and  the 
disjointed  portions  have  been  printed  as  chapters  xi., 
xii.,  xiii.,  xiv.,  xv.,  xvi.,  as  if  they  formed  a  narrative 
in  continuance  of  the  canonical  book.  Esther,  in 
the  LXX.,  in  the  Vatican  edition,  and  most  others, 
comes  between  Judith  and  Job.  Tobit  and  Judith 
have  been  placed  between  it  and  Nehemiah,  doubt- 
less for  chronological  reasons.  But  in  the  very 
ancient  Codex  or  MS.  published  by  Tischendorf, 
and  called  C.  Friderico-Auguslanus {\.  e.  the  Frederic- 
Aitffuslua  MS.),  Esther  immediately  follows  Nehe- 
miah,  and  precedes  Tobit.  The  Apocryphal  addi- 
tions to  Esther  were  probably  written  in  Greek  by 
a  Hellenistic  Jew  or  Jews  to  supply  the  name  of 
God,  and  point  out  more  distinctly  His  interposition 
in  behalf  of  His  chosen  people.  The  Council  of 
Trent  pronounced  the  whole  of  Esther,  including 
these  additions,  to  be  canonical,  but  all  Protestants 
reject  them.     Apocrypha. 

E'tain  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  place  of  ravenous  beasts, 
Ges.).  1,  A  village  or  city  of  Simeon,  specified  only 
in  1  Chr.  iv.  32 ;  =  Ether  ?  (compare  Josh.  xix.  7). 
— i.  A  place  in  Judah,  fortified  and  garrisoned  by 
Rehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  6).  From  its  position  in  this 
list  we  may  conclude  that  it  was  near  Bethlehem 
and  Tekoah.  Here,  according  to  Josephus  (viii.  7, 
§  3)  and  the  Talmudists,  were  the  sources  of  the 
water  from  which  Solomon's  gardens  and  pleasure- 
grounds  were  fed,  and  Bethlehem  and  the  Temple 
supplied.  Robinson  (i.  477,  iii.  273)  supposes  Etam 
at  the  ruined  village  of  UrtAx,  about  one  and  a  half 
miles  S.  of  Bethlehem.  (Etam,  the  Rock). — 3.  A 
name  in  the  lists  of  Judah's  descendants  (1  Chr.  iv. 
3),  but  probably  referring  to  Xo.  2. 

E'tain  (see  above),  the  Botk,  a  cliff  or  lofty  rock, 
into  a  cleft  or  chasm  of  which  Samson  retired  after 
his  slaughter  of  the  Philistines  (Judg.  xv.  8,  11). 
This  natural  stronghold  was  in  the  tribe  of  Judah  ; 
and  near  it,  probably  at  its  foot  was  Lehi  or  Ra- 
math-lehi,  and  En-hakkore  (xv.  9,  14,  17,  19).  The 
extremely  uneven  and  broken  country  round  the 
modern  XJrt&s  (Etam  2)  is  a  fitting  scene  for  the  ad- 
venture of  Samson.  In  the  abundant  springs  and 
the  numerous  eminences  of  the  district  round  Urtds, 
the  cliff  Etam,  Ramath-lehi,  and  En-hakkore  may 
be  yet  discovered. 

*  E-ter'nal  (fr.  L.),  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1. 
Heb.  ''uldm  once(Is.  Ix.  15), usually  translated  "for 
ever"  (Gen.  iii.  22;  Ex.  iii.  15,  xii.  14,  17,  &c.),  or 
"everlasting"  (Gen.  ix.  16,  xvii.  7,  8,  13,  19,  xxi. 
33,  &c.) ;  also  translated  "  alway  "  or  "  always  " 
(Gen.  vi.  3;  1  Chr.  xvi.  16;  Job  vii.  16,  &c.),  "per- 
petual" (Gen.  ix.  12;  Ex.  xxix.  9,  &c.),  "of  old" 
(Gen.  vi.  4  ;  Ps.  cxix.  62,  &c.),  "  old  "  (Deut.  xxxii. 
7  ;  Job  xxii.  15,  &c.),  "  world  "  (Ps.  Iixiii.  12 ;  Eccl. 
iii.  11;  see  below),  &c.  The  Heb.  word  (so  Gese- 
nius)  properly  =r  hidden  ;  specifically,  hidden  lime, 
i.  e.  obscure  and  long,  of  which  the  beginning  or 
end  is  uncertain  or  indefinite,  duration,  everlasting, 
eternity,  spoken — (a)  of  time  long  past,  of  old,  ever- 
lasting (Gen.  vi.  4  ;  Deut.  xxxii.  7,  &c.); — (*)  o£ 


290 


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ETE 


future  time,  ever,  forever,  evermore,  in  such  a  way 
that  the  duration  to  which  it  extends  is  to  be  de- 
termined from  the  nature  of  the  subject,  as  the 
whole  period  of  life  (Deut.  xv.  17,  A.  V.  "ever," 
&c.),  the  whole  duration  ot  a  race,  dynasty,  or  peo- 
ple (Gen.  xvii.  7,  8,  &e.),  the  duration  of  the  earth 
and  the  universe  (Ps.  civ.  6,  A.V.  "  ever,"  &c.),  and 
of  human  things  after  death  (Jer.  li.  39,  57,  A.  V. 
"  perpetual "  in  both  ;  Dan.  xii.  2,  A.  V.  "  everlast- 
ing "  twice,  &c.),  the  existence  of  God  (Gen.  xxi.  33, 
&c. ;  compare  Gen.  iii.  22,  &c.),  the  eternity  of  life, 
prosperity,  &c.,  which  is  hyperbolically  expressed 
in  good  wishes  (1  K.  i.  31,  A.  V.  "for  ever,"  &c.). 
(Eternity.)  In  Keel.  iii.  11, 'd/dm,  in  A.  V.,  LXX., 
Vulgate,  is  translated  "  the  world  ; "  by  Baiir,  Ro- 
BcnmiiUer,  &c.,  eternity ;  by  Gesenius,  the  world, 
hence  love  of  worldly  things,  worldliness  (compare 
No.  4  below) ;  by  Gaab,  Spohn,  Uitzig,  Stuart,  in- 
telligence.  In  Ps.  Ixxiii.  12  (A.V.  "in  the  world"), 
Gesenius,  J.  A.  Alexander,  &c.,  translated  eoer,  for 
ever. — 2.  Heb.  kedcm  once  (Deut.  xxxiii.  ?.7);  once 
translated  "from  everlasting"  (Hab.  i.  12),  fre- 
quently "of  old"  (Neh.  xii.  46;  Ps.  Ixxiv.  2,  12, 
&c.),  &c.  This  Heb.  word  (so  Gesenius)  properly= 
the  front,  what  is  before  ;  and  is  used  of  place  = 
"  east "  (Gen.  x.  30,  &c.),  and  poetically  of  time  = 
former  limes,  aforedme,  ancient  days,  like  No.  1 
(Ps.  Ixxiv.  12,  &c.),  also  of  eternity,  at  least  that 
which  has  no  beginning  (Deut.  xxxiii.  27,  &c.). — 3. 
Gr.  a'idios(=:  everlasting  ;  fr.  Gr.  ad  =  ever,  always, 
L.  &  S.,  Kbn.  JV.  T.  Lex.),  once  applied  to  God 
(Kom.  i.  20) ;  translated  in  the  only  other  passage 
of  its  occurrence  in  the  N.  T.  "  everlasting " 
(Jude  6),  and  there  applied  to  the  "  chains  "  of  the 
fallen  angels. — 4.  Gr.  a»d«  (so  Robinson,  JVI  T.Lex.), 
properly  (compare  No.  1)  =  dnralioii,  the  course  or 
Jiow  of  time,  in  various  relations,  as  determined  by 
the  context,  viz. :  (a),  hvmanlife,  existtnce,  in  Homer, 
&c. ;  (6)  time  indrfnite,  a  period  of  the  world,  the 
world  {see  below  for  N.  T. ;  in  LXX.  for  Nos.  1  &  2  ; 
also  in  other  Greek  writers) ;  (c)  endless  duration,  per- 
petuitji,  tteiiiity  (Eph.  iii.  11 ;  1  Tim.  i.  17,  see  below  ; 
in  LXX.  for  No.  1 ;  also  in  Plato  and  other  Greek 
writers).  This  word  in  different  phrases  is  differ- 
ently translated.  Thus,  under  [li),  the  Gr.  ap'aionos 
(sing.)  is  translated  "  since  the  world  began  "  (Lk. 
i.  70;  Acts  iii.  21),  "from  the  beginning  of  the 
world"  (xv.  18);  apo ton aionoii (\>\.)  "from  the  be- 
ginning of  the  world  "  (Eph.  iii.  9),  "  from  ages  " 
(Col.  i.  26) ;  ek  ton  aidnos,  "  since  the  world  began  " 
(Jn.  ix.  32) ;  pro  ton  aionon,  "  before  the  world  "  (1 
Cor.  ii.  7) ;  ho  nion  houlos,  "  this  world  "  (Mat.  xii. 
32,  xiii.  22,  40;  Mk.  iv.  19;  Lk.  xvi.  8,  xx.  34 ;  Rom. 
xii.  2  ;  1  Cor.  i.  20,  ii.  6,  8,  iii.  18 ;  2  Cor.  iv.  4 ;  Gal. 
i.  4;  Eph.  i.  21,  vi.  12;  1  Tim.  vi.  17;  2  Tim.  iv. 
10;  Tit.  ii.  12);  he  svnteleia  iou  aidnos (smg.)  (Mat. 
xiii.  39,  49,  xxiv.  3,  xxviii.  20)  and  he  sunteleia  ton 
aionon  (pi.) (Heb.  Lx.  26),  both  translated  "the  end 
of  the  world  ;  "  ta  teU  ton  aionon  (1  Cor.  x.  11),  "  the 
ends  of  the  world  ;  "  kata  ton  aiona  tou  kosmou  toittou 
(Eph.  ii.  2),  "according  to  the  course  of  this  world;" 
the  pi.  is  translated  "  worlds "  (i.  e.  heaven  and 
earth,  the  universe)  in  references  to  the  creation 
(Heb.  i.  2,  xi.  3).  Under  (c),  it  is  twice  in  the  pi. 
translated  "  eternal "  (literally  of  durations  or  of 
eternities),  once  of  God's  purpose  (Eph.  iii.  11),  and 
once  of  God  himself  (1  Tim.  i.  17).  Here  belong 
the  Greek  phrases  eis  hemeran  aidnos  (literally  to 
eternity's  day)  (2  Vet.  iii.  18),  translated  "for  ever;" 
«■« ton aid?7a (literally  to tlie eternity),  translated  "for 
ever"  (Mat.  xxi.  19;  Mk.  xi.  14;  Lk.  i.  55;  Jn.  vi. 
61,  58,  viii.  35,  xii.  34,  xiv.  16;  2  Cor.  ix.  9;  Heb. 


V.  6,  vi.  20,  vii.  17,  21,  24 ;  1  Pet.  i.  23,  25  ;  1  Jn.  ii. 
17  ;  2  Jn.  2  ;  Jude  13),  "while  the  world  standeth" 
(1  Cor.  viii.  13),  "  for  evermore  "  (Heb.  vii.  28),  with 
a  negative  in  Greek  usually  translated  "never" 
(Mk.  iii.  29;  Jn.  iv.  14,  viii.  51,  62,  x.  28,  xi.  2r>, 
xiii.  8);  eis  aiona  (literally  to  eteniiy),  also  trans- 
lated "for  ever  "  (2  Pet.  ii.  17);  eii  tons aiunas  (]\l. 
erally  to  the  clirnilies),  also  translated  "  for  ever  " 
(Mat.  vi.  13;  Lk.  i.  33;  Rom.  i.  25,  ix.  5,  xi.  36,.\\i. 
27;  Heb.  xiii.  8),  "for  evermore"  (2  Cor.  xi.  81); 
eis  tousaionas  ton  aionon  (literally  to  the  ttcnitiisof 
the  eternities),  translated  "  for  ever  and  ever  "  (Gal. 
i.  6;  Phil.  iv.  20;  1  Tim.  i.  17;  2  Tim.  iv.  18;  Ilcb. 
xiii.  21  ;  1  Pet.  iv.  11,  v.  11 ;  Rev.  i.  6,  iv.  9,  10,  v. 
13,  14,  vii.  12,  X.  6,  xi.  15,  xv.  7,  xix.  3,  xx.  10, 
xxii.  5),  "for  evermore"  (Rev.  i.  18);  eis  aionas 
aiondniliteraWy  to  eternities  of  eternities),  also  trans- 
lated "for  ever  and  ever"  (Rev.  xiv.  11);  eis  ion 
aiona  tou  aidnos  (literally  to  the  eternity  of  the  eter- 
nity), &\&o  translated  "for  ever  and  ever"  (Heb. i. 
8);  tou  aidnos  ton  aionon  (literally  of  the  elerniiy  of 
the  dimities),  translated  "  world  without  end  "  (Eph. 
iii.  21);  eispantas  tous  aidnas  (literally  to  all  the  eter- 
nities), translated  "  ever  "  (Jude  25) ;  mellon  aion, 
translated  "  the  world  to  come  "  (Ileb.  vi.  5 ;  in 
Mat.  xii.  32,  A.  V.  "  the  world  to  come,"  and  Eph. 
i.  21,  A.  V.  "that  which  is  to  come,"  the  word  mon 
=  "  world  "  is  to  be  supplied  from  the  preceding 
part  of  the  sentence);  ho  aidn  ho  erchomenos,  also 
translated  "the  world  to  come"  (Mk.  x.  30;  Lk. 
xviii.  30);  ho  aidn  ekeinos,  translated  "that  world" 
(Lk.  XX.  35) ;  hoi  aidiics  hoi  eferchomenoi,  translated 
"the  ages  to  come"  (Eph.  ii.  7). — 5.  Gr.  aiiiniis, 
(adj.  fr.  No.  4)  =  (so  Rbn. N.  T. Lex.) ever  eti^'m-hip, 
perpetual,  everlasting  ;  used  (like  No.  1)  (a)  of  time 
long  past  and  indetinile,  primeval,  most  unciail,  of 
old,  in  the  Greek  phrases  ehronois  aicniois  (literally 
in  times  of  old),  translated  "since  the  world  liuan" 
(Rom.  xvi.  25) ;  pro  chrondn  aiCnidn  (literally  he- 
fore  limes  of  old),  translated  "before  the  world  be- 
gan "  (2  Tim.  i.  9  ;  Tit.  i.  2) ;  (h)  of  endless  duration, 
eterned,  cvtrlastiA/,  sometimes  of  that  without  be- 
ginning or  end  (Rom.  xvi.  26,  A.V.  "everlasting;" 
Heb.  ix.  14,  A.  V.  "eternal"),  but  usually  of  the 
endless  future  only,  translated  indiscriminately  in 
A.  V.  "everlasting"  (Mat.  xviii.  8,  xix.  29, xsv.  41; 
Lk.  xvi.  9,  xviii.  30 ;  Jn.  iii.  1 6,  36,  iv.  14,  v.  24,  vi. 
27,  40,  47,  xii.  60;  Acts  xiii.  46  ;  Rom.  vi.  22;  Gal. 
vi.  8;  2  Th.  i.  9,  ii.  16;  1  Tim.  i.  16,  vi.  16;  Heb. 
xiii.  20;  2  Pet.  i.  11;  Rev.  xiv.  6)  and  "eternal" 
(Mat.  xix.  16;  Mk.  iii.  29,  x.  17,  30;  Lk.  x.  25, 
xviii.  18;  Jn.  iii.  15,  iv.  86,  v.  39,  vi.  54,  68,  s.  28, 
xii.  26,  xvii.  2,  3;  Acts  xiii.  48;  Rom.  ii.  7,  v.  21, 
vi.  23;  2  Cor.  iv.  17,  18,  v.  1  ;  1  Tim.  vi.  12,  19;  2 
Tim.  ii.  10;  Tit.  i.  2,  iii.  7;  Heb.  v.  9,  vi.  2,  ix.  12, 
15;  1  Pet.  V.  10;  1  Jn.  i.  2,  ii.  25,  iii.  15,  v.  11,  13, 
20;  Jude 7,  21), once  both  "everlasting"  and  "eter- 
nal" in  the  same  verse  (Mat.  xxv.  46),  and  once 
"forever"  (Phn.  15).  Damnation  ;  Death  ;  EiHt- 
NITY ;  Life. 

*  E-ter'nl-ly  (fr.  L.),  occurs  once  only  in  the  text  of 
the  A.  V.  of  the  canonical  Fcriptures,  viz.,  as  the 
translation  in  Is.  Ivii.  15  of  the  Heb.  'arf  (properly 
a  passing,  progress,  in  space;  a\so  ehiration  in  time; 
hence  perpetual  time,  eternity  ;  =  Heb.  'ilthn,  Gcs. 
[Eternal  1])  in  the  sentence  "  the  high  and  lolty  one 
that  inhabiteth  eternity,"  i.  c.  that  sitteth  en- 
throned for  ever  (Gesenius).  The  Heb.  Vrf  is  twice 
in  A.V.  translated  "  everlasting,"  viz.,  in  tin  ;  ' 
"  everlasting  Father"  (Is.  ix.  6,  Heb.  5)  aii' 
lasting  mountains"  (Hab.  iii.  6),  and  ono  ,1. 
petually  "  (Am.  i.  11),  but  usually  with  a  Hebrew 


I 


ETH 


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291 


position  =  "  for  ever"  (Ps.  cxi.  3,  10,  Ac), or  in 

,!ici;tlt>ii  witli  Ueb.  'dtdm,  =r  "  for  over  and  ever" 

..  XV.   18;  I's.   X.    lii,  cxi.   8,  &c.)     "Eternity" 

OLTurs  tlirej  times  in  tlie  margin  of  A.V.,  viz.,  twice 

sn  tlie  translation  of  Heb.    'oU'im  (Jer.   x.    10,  text 

everlasting  King,"  margin  "  King  of  eternity  ;  " 
Mic.  V.  2  [Heb.  IJ,  text  "from  everlasting,"  margin 
"  from  the  days  of  eternity  "  [Eternal  lj),and  once 
for  Heb.  n«te«4  or  nelsach  (1  Sam.  xv.  29,  text 
"  strength,"  margin  "  eternity,"  or  "  victory  ; "  (ie- 
senins  translates  here  eonfilencc  or  object  of  confi- 
dence), which  m'>st  commonly  =  perptiuUy,  clcrhily, 
is  in  .\.  V.  usually  translated  "  ever  "  or  "  for  ever  " 
(2  Sim.  ii.  2t>;  Is.  xxxiii.  20;  Am.  i.   11,  &c.),  but 

Iniits  of  a  like  variation  in  meaning  with  VW/n 
(EruRNAi.  1). — Eternity  in  the  most  unlimited  sense 
(i.  e.  existence  without  beginning  or  end)  belongs 
ta  Go.1  (Deut.  xxxiii.  27  ;  Ps.  xc.  2,  &e.) ;  as  having 

beginning,  but  no  end  in  the  future,  it  describes 
the  immorUil  existence  of  man  and  of  created  spir- 
itual beings,  and  the  endless  duration  of  their  future 
happiness  or  misery  (Mat.  xxv.  41,  46;  Jn.  iii.  15, 

16,  36,  &c.).  Angels  ;  Damnation  ;  Dkath  ;  ErEts- 
KAL ;  HiNNOM,  Valley  of,  &c. 

Etll.'>lll(Ucb.  fr.  Egyptian  =  Aownrfiri/n/'i/ie  SM.? 
Jablonsky,  ties.),  a  station  of  the  Israelites  as  they 
were  leaving  Egypt.     Exodus,  tiik. 

E'tban  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  perpetiil'/,  firmnem,  Ges. ; 
Ooim  vry  ancient,  Fii.).  1.  "  The  E/.rahite,"  one 
of  the  four  sons  of  Maiiol,  whose  wisdom  was  ex- 
celled by  Solomon  (1  K.  iv.  31;  1  Chr.  ii.  6). 
(Dari)a;  Hkman  1,  2.)  His  name  is  in  the  title  of 
I's.  Ixxxix. — i.  Son  of  Kishi  or  Kushaiah ;  head  of 
the  Merarite  Levites  in  David's  time  (1  Chr.  vi.  44, 

fleb.  29),  and  a  "  singer."  With  Heman  and  Asaph, 
he  heads  of  the  other  two  families  of  Lovites, 
Othan  was  appointed  to  sound  with  cymbals  (xv. 

17,  19).  It  has  been  conjectured  that  the  two 
names  Ethan  and  Jeduthun  belonged  to  one  man, 
nr  are  idsntieal,  but  there  is  no  direct  evidence  of 
this.— J,  A  Gershonite  Levitt-,  ancestor  of  Asaph 
the  singer  (1  Chr.  vi.  42,  Heb.  27).    Joaii  2. 

Eth'a-nim.    Month. 

Eth'bl-sl  [-bay-]  (Ileb.  with  Bial),  kingof  Sidon 
md  father  of  Jezebel  (1  K.  xvi.  31).  Josephus  rep- 
resents him  as  king  of  the  Tyrians  aa  well  as  the 
Bidonians.  We  may  thus  identify  him  with  Eithoba- 
Iu8  or  Ithobalns,  noticed  by  .MenanJer,  a  priest  of 
Astarte,  wlio,  after  having  assassinate  1  Pheles, 
usurped  the  throne  of  Tyre  for  thirty-two  years. 
The  (late  of  Ethbaal'a  reign  may  be  given  as  about 
B.  c.  9  ti)-908. 

E'tlier  (Heb.  abundance,  Ges.),  a  city  of  Judah  in 
the  low  country  (Josh.  xv.  42),  allotted  to  Simeon 
xix.  7);  =  Etam  l,or  Tochex  (?).  Wilton  (in  Fair- 
liairn,  art.  Libnah)  identifies  Ether  with  'Attdrah 
aear  Gaza. 

K-thl-o  pl-A  (L.  ^hiopia,  fr.  Gr.  Ailhiopia,  AiOd- 
upa  =  Ifirnt  [i.  e.  dark,  swarthy]  countenance  ;  see 
lielow),  the  cnuntry  called  by  tlie  Hebrews  "  Ccsn," 
lying  S.  of  Egypt,  and  embracing,  in  its  most  ex- 
tended sense,  the  modern  Nnhin,  Sennaar,  Kurdo- 
fan,  and  A'.  Abi/axinia,  and  in  its  more  definite 
<enac  the  kingdom  of  Mcroe,  from  the  junction  of 
the  Uluc  and  White  branches  of  the  Nile  to  the  bor- 
ler  of  Egypt.  The  only  direction  in  which  a  clear 
lonndary  can  be  fixed  is  in  the  N.,  where  Svexe 
narked  thedivi.sion  between  Ethiopia  and  Egypt  (Ez. 
ixix.  ID):  in  other  directions  the  boundaries  maybe 
rencmlly  described  a."  the  Red  Sea  on  the  E.,  the 
Libyan  desert  on  the  W.,  and  the  AbvRsinian  high- 
atuls  on  the  S.    The  name  "  Ethiopia  "  is  probably 


an  adaptation  of  the  Egyptian  name  "Ethaush  "  (so 
Jlr.  Bcvan,  &c.).  The  Hebrews  do  not  appear  to 
have  had  much  practical  acquaintance  with  Etliio- 
pia  itself,  though  the  Ethiopians  were  well  known 
to  tliem  through  their  intercourse  with  Egypt.  They 
were,  however,  perfectly  aware  of  its  po.sition  (Is. 
xviii.  1 ;  Ez.  xxix.  10;  Zeph.  iii.  10)  and  its  tropical 
characteristics,  and  they  carried  on  commercial  in- 
tercourse with  it  (Job  xxviii.  19  ;  Is.  xlv.  14).  The 
country  is  for  the  most  part  mountainous,  the 
ranges  gradually  increasing  in  altitude  toward  the 
S.,  until  they  attain  an  elevation  of  about  8,000  feet 
in  Ahysiitda.  The  inhabitants  of  Ethiopia  were  a 
Hamitic  race  (Gen.  x.  6),  dark-complexioned  (Jer. 
xiii.  28)  and  stalwart  (Is.  xlv.  14).  They  were  di- 
vided into  various  tribes,  of  which  the  Sabeans  were 
the  most  powerl'ul.  (Seba;  Slkkuws.)  Itie  his- 
tory of  Ethiopia  is  closely  interwoven  with  that  of 
Egypt.  The  two  countries  were  not  unt're(iuently 
united  under  the  same  sovereign.  (So ;  Tirhakah  ; 
Zeuah  4.)  Esar-haddon  is  slated  in  the  Assyrian 
inscriptions  to  have  conquered  both  Egypt  and 
Ethiopia.  At  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Egypt, 
Cambyses  advanced  against  Meroii  and  subdued  it ; 
but  the  Persian  rule  did  not  take  any  root  there, 
nor  did  the  influence  of  the  Ptolemies  generally  ex 
tend  beyond  N.  Ethiopia.  Shortly  before  our  Sav- 
iour's birth,  a  native  dynasty  of  females,  holding  the 
official  title  of  Candace,  held  sway  in  Ethiopia,  and 
even  resisted  the  advance  of  the  Uoman  arms.  Pro- 
phecies against  Ethiopia  are  recorded  (Is.  xviii., 
XX.;  Ez.  xxx. ;  Zeph.  ii.  12;  see  also  Nah.  iii.  9). 
The  conversion  of  Ethiopia  is  predicted  (Ps.  Ixviii. 
31 ;  Is.  xlv.  14 ;  Zeph.  iii.  10  ?).  Sec  the  five  articles 
below. 

E-thl-o'pi-an  (=  one  from  ErnioriA),  properly  a 
"Cusiiite"  (Jer.  xiii.  23);  used  of  Zeraii  (2  Chr. 
xiv.  9  [Heb.  8]),  and  EBEn-.MELECH  (Jer.  xxxviii.  7, 
10,  12,  xxxix.  16).     Ethiopia.ns. 

E-tlii-o'pi-an  Wo'nuii  (ETiiioriAN).  The  wife  of 
Moses  is  so  described  in  Num.  xii.  1  (margin  "  Cush- 
ite").  She  is  elsewhere  said  to  have  been  the 
daughter  of  a  Miilianite,  and  in  consequence  of  this 
some  have  supposed  that  the  allusion  is  to  another 
wife  whom  Moses  married  after  the  death  of  Zip- 

PORAH. 

E-th!-o'pi-ans  (see  Ethtopian),  properly  ''  Cush  " 
or  "  Ethiopia  "  in  Ls.  xx.  4  ;  Jer.  xlvi.  9  ;  elsewhere 
"Cushitcs,"  or  inhabitants  of  Ethiopia  (2  Chr.  xii. 
3,  xiv.  12  f.  [Heb.  11  f],  xvi.  8,  xxi.  16;  Dan.  xi. 
43;  Am.  ix.  7;  Zeph.  ii.  12). 

*  E-thl-op'le  Lan'gnagOi    Shemitic  LAxonAOES. 

•  E-tiil-op'ie  Ver'siOQi     Versions,  Ancient,  at 

THE  0.  AND  N.  T. 

Eth'niA  (Gr.)  in  1  Esd.  ix.  35  apparently  a  corrup- 
tion of  Xebo  in  the  parallel  list  of  Ezr.  x.  43. 

Etil'nsn  (Ileb.  a  pi  ft,  hire,  Ges.),  a  descendant 
of  Judah,  and  son  of  Helah  the  wife  of  Ashur  (1 
Chr,  iv.  7). 

Etil'nl  (Ileb.  ffivinp,  mnnifieent,  Ges. ;  Jehovah 
rncards,  ¥n.),  a  Gershonite  Levite,  ancestor  of 
Asaph  (1  Chr.  vi.  41,  Heb.  26). 

En-bn'lns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  of  good  crmnxel,  nhrcvd, 
prudeiit,  L  &  S.),  a  Christian  at  Rome  mentioned 
by  St.  Paul  (2  Tim.  iv.  21). 

En-er'gf-tes  f-jc-tecz]  (Gr.  a  benefactor),  a  com- 
mon surname  and  title  of  honor  in  Greek  states. 
(ftEXEFArroR.)  The  title  was  borne  by  two  of  the 
Ptolemies,  Ptolemy  III.  Eueroetes  I.,  n.  c.  247- 
222,  and  Ptolemy  VII.  Euergetca  II.,  also  culled 
PtJjIemy  Physcon,  the  brother,  rival,  and  successor 
of  Ptolemy  VI.  Philometoh,  b.  c.  (170)  146-117. 


292 


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EUP 


The  Euergctes  mentioned  in  the  prologue  to  Ecele- 
siasticus  has  been  identified  with  each  of  these. 

En  me-nes  [-neez]  (Gr.  well-disposed,  kind,  friendly, 
L.  &  S.)II.,  Isiug  of  Pergamus,  succeeded  liis  father 
Attalus  I.,  B.  c.  197.  In  the  war  with  Antioclius 
the  Great,  he  rendered  the  most  important  services 
to  the  Romans.  After  peace  was  made  (b.  c.  189), 
he  repaired  to  Rome  to  claim  the  reward  of  his 
loyalty ;  and  the  Senate  conferred  on  him  the  prov- 
inces of  Mysia,  Lydia,  and  Ionia  (with  some  excep- 
tions), Phrygia,  Lycaonia,  and  the  Thracian  Cher- 
sonese (1  Mc.  viii.  8  wrongly  says  "  the  country  of 
India,  and  Media,"  &c.).  The  exact  date  of  his 
death  is  not  mentioned,  but  it  must  have  taken 
place  in  b.  c.  169. 

En'na-tan  (1  Esd.  viii.  44),  apparently  a  corrup- 
tion of^LNATHAN  (compare  Ezr.  viii.  16). 

En'nlce  [yu'nis ;  in  L.  pron.  yu-ni'sce]  (L.  fr.  Gr. 
Munike  =  well-victoriowi),  a  Jewess  of  "  unfeigned 
faith,"  mother  of  Timothy  (2  Tim.  i.  5).  Her  hus- 
band was  a  Greek  (Acts  xvi.  1). 

En'nnch  [yu'nukj  (fr.  Gr. ;  see  No.  2  below),  the 
A.  V.  translation  ol — 1.  Heb.  sdris  (2  K.  ix.  32,  xx. 
18 ;  Is.  xxxix.  7,  Ivi.  3,  4;  Jer.  xxix.  2,  xxxiv.  19, 
xxxviii.  7,  xli.  16,  Hi.  25  ;  Dan.  i.  3,  7  ff.),  often  the 
marginal  translation  (1  Sam.  viii.  15  ;  IK.  xxii.  9; 
2  K.  viii.  6,  xxiii.  11,  xxiv.  12,  15,  xxv.  19  ;  1  Chr. 
xxviii.  1  ;  2  Chr.  xviii.  8;  Esth.  i.  10,  12,  iv.  4). 
The  Hebrew  word  is  also  translated  "  Chamber- 
lain "  (2  K.  ix.  32  [margin],  xxiii.  1 1 ;  Esth.  i.  10, 
12,  15,  ii.  3,  14,  15,  21,  iv.  4,  5,  vi.  2, 14,  vii.  9 ;  Jer. 
xxix.  2  [margin]),  and  "  Officer  "  (Gen.  xxxvii.  36, 
xxxix.  1,  xl.  2,  7  ;  1  Sam.  viii.  15  ;  IK.  xxii.  9  ;  2 
K.  viii.  6,  xxiii.  11  [margin],  xxiv  12,  16,  xxv.  19; 
1  Chr.  xxviii.  1 ;  2  Chr.  xviii.  8). — 2.  Gr.  eunouchos 
(literally  bed-keeper,  chamberlain)  (Mat.  xix.  12 ; 
Acts  viii.  27  ff.).  The  original  Hebrew  word  clearly 
implies  the  incapacity  which  mutilation  involves, 
and  perhaps  includes  all  the  classes  mentioned  in 
Mat.  xix.  12  (see  below),  not  signifying  an  office 
merely.  The  law  (Deut.  xxiii.  1 ;  compare  Lev.  xxi. 
19,  xxii.  24)  is  repugnant  to  thus  treating  any  Is- 
raelite ;  and  Samuel,  when  describing  the  arbitrary 
power  of  the  future  king  (1  Sam.  viii.  15,  margin), 
mentions  "  his  eunuchs,"  but  does  not  say  that  he 
would  make  "  their  sons  "  such.  This,  if  we  com- 
pare 2  K.  XX.  18  and  Is.  xxxix.  7,  possibly  implies  that 
these  persons  would  be  foreigners.  It  was  a  bai^ 
barous  custom  of  the  East  thus  to  treat  captives 
(Hdt.  iii.  49,  vi.  32),  not  only  of  tender  age,  but,  it 
would  seem,  when  past  puberty  The  "  officer  " 
PoTiPHAR  (Gen.  xxxvii.  36,  xxxix.  1,  margin  "eu- 
nuch ")  was  an  Egyptian,  was  married,  and  was 
the  "  captain  of  the  guard  ; "  but  (so  Gesenius)  many 
eunuchs  are  not  wholly  impotent,  and  they  some- 
times live  in  matrimony  (see  Terence,  Juvenal, 
Chardin,  &c.).  In  the  Assyrian  monuments  a  eunuch 
with  a  bloated,  beardless  face  and  double  chin  often 
appears,  sometimes  armed,  and  in  warlike  capacity, 
or  as  a  scribe,  noting  the  number  of  heads  and 
amount  of  spoil,  as  receiving  the  prisoners,  and 
even  as  officiating  in  religious  ceremonies.  The 
origination  of  the  practice  is  ascribed  to  Semiramis, 
and  is  no  doubt  as  early,  or  nearly  so,  as  Eastern 
despotism  itself.  The  complete  assimilation  of  the 
kingdom  of  Israel,  and  latterly  of  Judah,  to  the 
neighboring  models  of  despotism,  is  traceable  in  the 
rank  and  prominence  of  eunuchs  (see  references 
above).  They  mostly  appear  in  one  of  two  rela- 
tions, either  military  as  "  set  over  the  men  of  war," 
greater  trustworthiness  possibly  counterbalancing 
inferior  courage  and  military  vigor,  or  associated. 


as  we  mostly  recognize  them,  with  women  and  chil- 
dren. We  find  the  Assyrian  Rab-Saris,  or  chief 
eunuch  (2  K.  xviii.  17),  employed  together  with 
other  high  officials  as  ambassador.  It  is  probable 
that  Daniel  and  his  companions  were  thus  treated, 
in  fulfilment  of  2  K.  xx.  17, 18  and  Is.  xxxix.  7 ;  com- 
pare Dan.  i.  3,  7.  The  court  of  Herod  of  course 
had  its  eunuchs,  as  had  also  that  of  Queen  Candace 
(Acts  viii.  27).  Three  classes  of  i'  eunuchs "  are 
mentioned  in  Mat.  xix.  12 — (1.)  those  born  incapable 
of  procreation  ;  (2.)  those  made  so  by  emasculaiion ; 
(3.)  those  figuratively  said  to  make  themselves  so, 
because  they  voluntarily  live  like  eunuchs  in  ab- 
stinence.    See  Robinson,  N.  T.  Lex.,  kc. 

Eu-o'dl-as  (Gr.  Euodia  =  a  good  journey,  pros- 
perous course,  L.  &  S. ;  correctly  Euodia),  a  Chris- 
tian woman  at  Philippi,  exhorted  to  live  in  haru.ony 
with  Symyche  (Phil.  iv.  2). 

En-plira'tes  [-tccz]  (Gr. ;  Heb.  Plr&th;  prob- 
ably fr.  Aryan  ^  the  good  and  abounding  rirtr),  a 
river,  most  frequently  denoted  in  the  Bible  by  the 
term  "  the  river ; "  the  largest,  the  longest,  and  by 
far  the  most  important  river  of  Western  Asia.  It 
rises  from  tw  o  chief  sources  in  the  Armenian  moun- 
tains (Armenia),  one  of  them  at  Doridi,  twenty-five 
miles  N.  E.  of  Erzeroum,  and  little  more  than  a  de- 
gree frcm  the  Black  Sea ;  the  other  on  the  N.  slope 
of  the  mountain  range  called  Ala-7'agh,  near  the 
village  of  Diyadin,  and  not  far  from  Mount  Ararat. 
Both  branches  flow  at  first  toward  the  W.  or  S.  W., 
passing  through  the  wildest  mountain  districts  of 
Armenia ;  they  meet  at  Kehban-Maden,  nearly  m 
longitude  39°  E.  from  Greenwich,  having  run  re- 
spectively 400  and  270  miles.  Here  the  stream 
formed  by  their  combined  waters  is  120  yards  wide, 
rapid,  and  very  deep ;  it  now  flows  nearly  S.,  but  in 
a  tortuous  course,  forcing  a  way  through  the  ranges 
of  Taurus  and  Anti-Taurus,  and  still  seeming  as  if 
it  would  empty  itself  into  the  Mediterranean  ;  but 
prevented  from  so  doing  by  the  longitudinal  raiifres 
of  Amanus  and  Lebanon,  here  parallel  to  the  Syiian 
coast,  and  at  no  great  distance  from  it,  the  river  at 
last  in  about  latitude  36°  turns  toward  the  S.  E., 
and  proceeds  in  this  direction  for  above  1,000  miles 
to  its  mouth  in  the  Persian  Gulf.  The  entire  course 
is  calculated  at  1,780  miles,  and  of  this  di.'^tanee 
more  than  two-thirds  (1,200  miles)  is  navigable  for 
boats  and  for  small  steamers.  The  width  of  the 
river  is  greatest  at  the  distance  of  700  or  800  miles 
from  its  mouth,  i.  e.  from  its  junction  with  the 
Kliahour  to  the  village  of  Werdi.  It  there  avei  ages 
400  yards.  From  the  entire  lack  of  tributaries  be- 
low the  Khahour,  the  cmplo)"ment  of  the  watir  in 
irrigation,  and  the  tendency  to  run  off  and  waste  it- 
self in  vast  marshes,  the  lower  course  of  the  river 
is  continually  varying,  and  it  is  doubted  whetlicr  at 
present,  except  in  the  inundation,  any  portion  of 
the  Euphrates  water  is  poured  into  the  ShaUl-Arab 
(the  stream  formed  by  the  junction  of  the  Euphra- 
tes and  Tigris).  The  annual  inundation  of  the 
Euphrates  is  caused  by  the  melting  of  the  snows 
in  the  Armenian  highlands.  It  occurs  in  May.  The 
great  hydraulic  works  ascribed  to  Nebuchadnezzar 
had  for  their  main  object  to  control  the  iimiulation 
by  turning  the  waters  into  canals  and  distributing 
them.  The  Euphrates  has  at  all  times  been  of  some 
importance  as  furnishing  a  line  of  traffic  between 
the  East  and  the  West.  Herodotus  speaks  ol'  per- 
sons, probably  merchants,  using  it  regularly  on  their 
passage  from  the  Mediterranean  to  Babylon.  He 
also  describes  the  circular  boats  in  use,  of  iv-  '  - 
work  coated  with  bitumen,  sometimes  covert 


EDP 


EUP 


293 


Map  of  the  Coantri«s  waUred  by  the  Eophnitea  and  Tigria,  corrected  from  the  Map  b  CaaaeU'a  BibU  Ditiionarf. 


«kin8.    Boata  of  this  kind,  called  kufas,  still  abound 
on  the  river.     The  disadvantage  of  the  route  was 


■  «h,  «  citcular  hoat  of  wicker-work,  li^r  I 

Cbaaaey — ^Rawliaaoa'*  IJ*^^ 


flic  difficult;  of  conveying  return  cargoes  against 
'lie  current.     But  probably  throughout  the  Babylo- 


nian and  Persian  period.s  this  route  was  made  use  of 
by  the  merchants  of  various  nations,  and  by  it  the 
East  and  West  continually  interclianged  their  most 
important  products.  The  Euphrates  is  first  men- 
tioned in  Scripture  as  one  of  the  four  rivers  of 
EnEN  I  (Gen.  ii.  14);  next  in  the  covenant  made 
with  Abraham  (xv.  18),  where  the  whole  country, 
"  from  the  river  of  Egypt  unto  the  great  river,  the 
river  Euphrates,"  is  promised  to  the  chosen  race 
(Deut.  i.  7,  xi.  24  ;  Josh.  i.  4).  From  1  Chr.  v.  9  it 
appears  that  the  tribe  of  Reuben  did  actually  extend 
itself  to  the  Euphrates  in  the  times  anterior  to  Saul. 
During  the  reigns  of  David  and  Solomon  the  do- 
minion of  Israel  actually  attained  to  the  full  extent 
both  ways  of  the  original  promise,  the  Euphrates 
forming  the  boundar^  of  their  empire  to  the  N.  E., 


294 


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EXC 


and  the  river  of  Egypt  to  the  S.  W.  (2  Sam.  viii.  3- 
8 ;  1  K.  iv.  21 ;  1  Chr.  xviii.  3  ff. ;  2  Chr.  ix.  26). 
This  wide-spread  territory  was  lost  upon  the  disrup- 
tion of  the  empire  under  Rehoboam ;  and  no  more 
is  heard  in  Scripture  of  the  Euphrates  until  the  ex- 
pedition of  Necho  against  the  Babylonians  in  the 
reign  of  Josiah.  The  river  still  brings  down  as 
much  water  as  of  old,  but  the  precious  element  is 
wasted  by  the  neglect  .of  man ;  the  various  water- 
courses along  which  it  was  in  former  times  conveyed 
are  dry ;  the  main  channel  has  shrunk ;  and  the 
water  stagnates  in  unwholesome  marshes.  The 
Euphrates  is  mentioned  in  the  N.  T.  only  in  Rev.  ix. 
14,  xvi.  12.     Assyria;  Babel;  Cakchemish  ;  Ciial- 

DEA  ;    MESt)P0TAMIA. 

En-pole-mns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  good  at  war,  L.  &  S.), 
"  the  son  of  John,  the  son  of  Aecos,"  one  of  the  en- 
rovs  sent  to  Rome  by  Judas  Maccabeus,  cir.  b.  c. 
161  (1  Mc.  viii.  17;  2  Mc.  iv.  11).  He  has  been 
identified  with  the  historian  of  the  same  name  men- 
tioned by  Josephus  (Ap.  i.  23),  but  it  is  by  no 
means  clear  that  the  historian  was  of  Jewish  de- 
scent. 

Ea-roe'ly-don  (fr.  Gr.  Eurokluddn,  compounded 
of  Euros,  E.  wind,  and  kludun,  a  wave,  Rbn.  N.  T. 
Lex.),  the  name  given  (Acts  xxvii.  14)  to  the  gale 
of  wind  which  off  the  S.  coast  of  Crete  seized  the 
ship  in  which  St.  Paul  was  ultimately  wrecked  on 
the  coast  of  Malta.  It  came  down  from  the  island, 
and  therefore  must  have  blown,  more  or  less,  from 
the  N.  Next,  the  wind  is  described  as  being  like  a 
typhoon  or  wliirlwind  (A.  V.  "  tempestuous  ").  The 
long  duration  of  the  gale  (verse  27),  the  overclouded 
state  of  the  sky  (20),  and  even  the  heavy  rain  which 
concluded  the  storm  (xxviii.  2),  could  easily  be 
"matched  with  parallel  instances  in  modem  times. 
We  have  seen  that  the  wind  was  more  or  less  north- 
erly. The  context  (xxvii.  14,  16,  17)  gives  us  full 
materials  for  determining  its  direction  with  great 
exactitude.  Dr.  Howson  concludes  that  it  blew 
from  the  N.  E.  or  E.  N.  E.  This  is  quite  in  har- 
mony with  the  natural  sense  of  the  Gr.  Eurahulon 
(=z  a  N.  E.  wind,  L.  &  S. ;  Enroaquih,  Vulg.),  which 
is  regarded  as  tlie  true  reading  by  Bentley,  and  is 
found  in  some  of  the  best  MSS. ;  but  Dr.  Howson 
adheres  to  the  Received  Text. 

En'ty-ehns  [-kus]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  veil  off,  foi-tunate), 
a  youth  at  Troas  (Acts  xx.  9),  who,  having  fallen 
asleep  while  St.  Paul  was  discoursing  far  into  the 
night,  fell  from  his  seat  in  a  window  of  the  third 
story,  and,  being  taken  up  dead,  was  miraculously 
restored  to  life  by  the  apostle. 

E-Tan'se-list  (fr.  Gr.  euanggelisth,  see  below). 
The  constitution  of  the  Apostolic  Church  included 
an  order  orbody  of  men  known  as  E%'angelists.  The 
meaning  of  the  name,  "  The  publishers  of  glad  ti- 
dings," seems  common  to  the  work  of  the  Christian 
ministry  generally,  yet  in  Eph.  iv.  11,  the  "evan- 
gelists "  appear  on  the  one  hand  after  the  "  apos- 
tles "  and  "  prophets : "  on  the  other  before  the 
"  pastors  "  and  "  teachers."  This  passage  accord- 
ingly would  lead  us  to  think  of  them  as  standing  be- 
tween the  two  other  groups — sent  forth  as  mission- 
ary preachers  of  the  Gospel  by  the  first,  and  as 
such  preparing  the  way  for  the  labors  of  the  second. 
The  same  inference  would  seem  to  follow  the  occur- 
rence of  the  word  as  applied  to  Philip  in  Acts  xxi. 
8.  (Philip  THE  Evangelist.)  Timothy  is  to  "  preach 
the  word  ; "  in  doing  this  he  is  to  fulfil  "  the  work 
of  an  Evangelist "  (2  Tim.  iv.  2,  5).  It  follows  from 
what  has  been  said  that  the  calling  of  the  Evangelist 
is  the  proclamation  of  the  glftd  tidmgs  to  those  who 


have  not  known  them,  rather  than  the  instruction 
and  pastoral  care  of  those  who  have  believed  and 
been  baptized.  It  follows  also  that  the  name  de- 
notes a  work  rather  than  an  order.  The  Evangelist 
might  or  might  not  be  a  Bishop-Elder  or  a  Deacqn. 
The  apostles,  so  far  as  they  evangelized  (A.  V. 
"  preached  the  Gospel ;  "  Acts  viii.  25,  xiv.  7  ;  1  Cor. 
i.  17),  might  claim  the  title,  though  there  were  many 
Evangelists  who  were  not  apostles.  Theodoret  de- 
scribes the  Evangelists  as  travelling  missionaries. 
The  account  given  by  Eusebius,  though  somewhat 
rhetorical  and  vague,  gives  prominence  to  the  idea 
of  itinerant  missionary  preaching.  If  the  Gospel 
was  a  written  book,  and  the  office  of  the  Evan- 
gelists was  to  read  or  distribute  it,  then  the  writers 
of  such  books  were  preeminently  "  the  Evan- 
gelists" (Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccles.).  (Gospels.)  In 
later  liturgical  language  the  word  was  applied  to 
the  reader  of  the  Gospel  for  the  day. 

Ere  (fr.  Heb.  Hawaii  or  Chavvdh  =  living,  alive, 
or  life),  the  name  given  in  Scripture  to  the  first 
woman  (Adam's  wife).  The  account  of  Eve's  crea- 
tion is  in  Gen.  ii.  21,  22.  (Marriage.)  Through 
the  subtlety  of  the  serpent.  Eve  was  beguiled  into 
a  violation  of  the  commandment  imposed  upon  her 
and  Adam  (iii. ;  2  Cor.  xi.  3).  The  different  aspects 
under  whicli  Eve  regarded  her  mission  as  a  mother 
are  seen  in  the  names  of  her  sons  (Cain;  Abel; 
Seth).  The  Scripture  account  of  Eve  closes  with 
the  birth  of  Seth  (Gen.  iv.  25). 

*E'veD-liig.     Chronology  1;  Day;  Night. 

*  Ever  and  For  ever.    Eternal ;  Eternity. 

*  Ev-er-last'lngi     Eternal  ;  Eternity. 

E'vi  (Heb.  desire  or  dwelling,  Ges.),  one  of  the  five 
kings  or  princes  of  Midian,  slain  by  the  Israelites 
(Num.  xxxi.  8;  Josh.  xiii.  21). 

E'Til-nie-ro'dach  [-dak]  (Heb.  Merodach's  fool, 
but  probably  a  name  of  Assyrian  or  Babylonian 
origin  is  concealed  under  the  Hebrew  word  trans- 
lated "fool,"  Ges.;  terrible  Merodach,  Fii.  [SIfro- 
dach]),  according  to  Berosus  and  Abydenus,  the  son 
and  successor  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  as  king  of  Baby- 
lon. (Babel.)  He  reigned  but  a  short  time,  having 
ascended  the  throne  on  the  death  of  Nebuchadnez- 
zar in  b.  c.  561,  and  being  himself  murdered  and 
succeeded  by  Neriglissar  in  b.  c.  559.  He  treated 
Jehoiachin  kindly  (2  K.  xxv.  27 ;  Jer.  Iii.  31). 

*  Ewe,  a  female  sheep  (Gen.  xxxii.  14,  &c.). 

*  Ex-fhan'gers  (Mat.  xxv.  27).    Money-changers. 
Ex-tom-mD-ni-ca'tioa  (fr.  L.  =  a  putting  out  of 

the  commuuily),  is  a  power  founded  upon  a  right  in- 
herent in  all  religious  societies,  and  is  analogous  to 
the  powers  of  capital  punishment,  banishment,  and 
exclusion  from  membership,  which  are  exercised  by 
political  and  municipal  bodies. — I.  Jewish  Excom- 
munication. The  Jewish  system  of  excommunica- 
tion was  threefold.  For  a  first  offence  a  delinquent 
was  subjected  to  the  penalty  of  Niddui.  ThQ 
twenty-four  offences  for  which  it  was  inflicted  are 
various,  and  range  in  heinousness  from  keeping  a 
fierce  dog  to  taking  God's  name  in  vain.  The  of- 
fender was  first  cited  to  appear  in  court ;  and  if  he 
refused  to  appear  or  to  make  amends,  his  .sentence 
was  pronounced.  He  was  prohibited  the  use  of  the 
bath,  razor,  or  convivial  table ;  and  all  who  had  to 
do  with  him  must  keep  him  at  four  cubits'  distance. 
He  was  allowed  to  go  to  the  Temple,  but  not  to 
make  the  circuit  in  the  ordinary  manner.  The  term 
of  this  punishment  was  thirty  days ;  and  it  was  ex- 
tended to  a  second  and  to  a  third  thirty  days  when 
necessary.  If  at  the  end  of  that  time  the  offender 
was  still  contumacious,  he  was  subjected  to  the  sec- 


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295 


ond  excommunication  termed  Herem,  or  Cherem 
(Anathema).  Now  the  offender  was  not  allowed  to 
teach  or  to  be  taught  with  others,  to  hire  or  to  be 
liired,  or  to  perlbrui'any  commercial  tran.-^actions 
beyond  purchasing  the  necessaries  of  life.  Tlie  sen- 
tence was  delivered  by  a  court  of  ten,  and  was  ac- 
companied by  a  solemn  malediction.  Lastly  followed 
S/iammui/td,  which  was  an  entire  cutting  oft'  from 
the  congregation.  It  has  been  supposed  by  some 
that  these  two  latter  forms  of  excommunication  were 
undiscinguishable  from  each  other.  The  punish- 
ment of  excommunication  is  not  appointed  by  the 
Law  of  Jloses.  It  is  founded  on  the  natural  right 
of  self-protection  which  all  societies  enjoy.  Tlie 
case  of  Korah,  Dathan,  and  Abiram  (Xnm.  xvi.),  the 
curse  denounced  on  ileroz  (Judg.  v.  23),  the  com- 
mission and  proclamation  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  vii.  26,  x.  8), 
and  the  reformation  of  Nehemiah  (Nch.  xiii.  25),  are 
appealed  to  by  the  Talmudists  as  precedents  by 
which  their  proceedings  are  regulated.  In  the  New 
Testament,  Jewish  excommunication  is  brought 
prominently  before  us  in  the  case  of  the  man  that  was 
born  blind  (Ju.  ix.).  The  expressions  here  used  re- 
fer, no  doubt,  to  the  first  form  of  excommunication, 
or  Nidtlui.  In  Luke  vi.  22,  it  has  been  thought  that 
our  Lord  referred  specifically  to  the  three  forms  of 
Jewish  excommunication :  "  Blessed  are  ye  when 
men  shall  hate  you,  and  when  they  shall  separate 
you  from  their  company,  and  shall  reproach  you, 
and  caul  out  your  name  as  evil,  for  the  Son  of  Man's 
sake."  The  three  words  very  accurately  express  the 
simple  narration,  the  additional  malediction,  and  the 
final  exclusion — niildai^  herim  or  cherem,  and  shani- 
mAlIui.  (Synagogue.) — II.  Christian  Ezconimunica- 
lion.  Excommunication,  as  exercised  by  the  Chris- 
tian Church,  is  not  merely  founded  on  the  natural 
right  possessed  by  all  societies,  nor  merely  on  theex- 
amplc  of  the  Jewish  church  and  nation.  It  was  insti- 
tuted by  our  Lord  (Mat.  xviii.  16-lS),  and  it  was 
practised  and  commanded  by  St.  Paul  (1  Tim.  i.  20 ;  1 
Cur.  V.  2-5, 11 ;  Tit.  iii.  10).  In  tlie  epistles  we  find 
St,  Paul  frequently  claiming  the  right  to  exercise  dis- 
cipline over  his  converts  (compare  2  Cor.  i.  23,  xiii.  10). 
In  two  cases  (1  Cor.  v.  2-5  ;  1  Tim.  i.  19,  20)  we  find 
him  exercising  this  authority  to  the  extent  of  cutting 
off  offenders  from  the  Church.  What  is  the  full 
meaning  of  the  expression,  "  deliver  unto  Satan,"  is 
doubtful.  All  agree  that  excommunication  is  con- 
tained in  it,  but  whether  it  implies  any  further  pun- 
ishment, infiicted  by  the  extraordinary  powers  com- 
mitted specially  to  the  apostles,  has  been  questioned. 
(IIvMEXELS.) — Apostolic  Prcctpt.  In  addition  to 
the  claim  to  exercise  discipline,  and  its  actual  exer- 
cise in  the  form  of  excommunication,  by  the  apos- 
tles, we  find  apostolic  precepts  directing  that  dis- 
cipline should  be  exercised  by  the  Church,  and  that 
in  some  cases  excommunication  should  be  resorted 
to  (Rom.  xvi.  17;  1  Cor.  xvi.  22;  Gal.  i.  8,  9,  v. 
12;  2  Th.  iii.  14;  1  Tim.  vi.  3;  Tit.  iii.  10;  2  Jn. 
10;  3  Jn.  10;  Kev.  ii.  20).  It  has  been  supposed 
that  the  two  expressions,  "  let  him  be  Anathema  " 
(A.V.  "  accursed  ")  (Gal.  i.  8,  9), "  let  him  be  Anath- 
ema Makanatha"  (1  Cor.  xvi.  22),  refer  respec- 
tively to  the  two  later  stages  of  Jewish  excommuni- 
cation— the  hercm  or  cherem' and  the  shammuthd ; 
but  this  view  (so  Conybeare  &  Howson)  appears 
to  be  without  foundation. — Restoration  to  Commun- 
ion. Two  cases  of  excommunication  are  related 
(see  above) ;  and  in  one  of  them  the  restitution  of 
the  offender  is  specially  directed  (2  Cor.  ii.). — The 
Nature  of  Exeommumcation  is  made  more  evident 
by  these  acts  of  St.  Faul  than  by  any  investigation 


of  Jewish  practice  or  of  the  etymology  of  words. 
We  thus  find,  (1.)  that  it  is  a  spiritual  penalty,  in- 
volving no  temporal  punishment,  except  acciden- 
tally;  (2.)  that  it  consists  in  separation  from  the 
communion  of  the  Church  ;  (3.)  that  its  object  is  the 
good  of  the  sufferer  (1  Cor.  v.  5),  and  the  protection 
of  the  sound  members  of  the  Church  (6,  7 ;  2  Tim. 
iii.  17) ;  (4.)  that  its  subjects  are  those  who  are 
guilty  of  heresy  (1  Tim.  i.  20),  or  gross  immorality 
(1  Cor.  V.  1);  (5.)  that  penitence  is  the  condition  on 
which  restoration  to  communion  is  granted  (2  Cor. 
ii.  7).     Church. 

Ex-e-tn'tion-er,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Ileb. 
tabbdh  or  tabbAch  (literally  i=  slaughterer,  slayer,  Ges.) 
in  the  margin  (Gen.  xxxvii.  36 ;  Jer.  xxxix.  9  ;  Dan.  ii. 
14),  translated  uniformly  in  the  text,  when  used  in 
the  plural,  "guard;"  twice  in  the  singular  "  cook" 
(1  Sam.  ix.  23,  24).  Tiie  Hebrew  word  describes 
first,  the  office  of  executioner,  and  secondly,  the 
general  duties  of  a  monarch's  body-guard.  Thus 
Potiphar  was  "chief  of  the  executioners"  (Gen. 
xxxvii.  36,  margin  ;  "  captain  of  the  guard  "  in  text). 
(So  Nebuzar-adan  and  Arioch.)  That  the  "  captain  of 
the  guard"  himself  occasionally  performed  the  duty 
of  an  executioner  appears  from  1  K.  ii.  25, 34.  Never- 
theless the  post  was  one  of  high  dignity. — 2.  The 
Gr.  spekoulator  (Mk.  vi.  27),  borrowed  from  the 
Latin  speculator  ;  originally  a  military  spy  or  scout, 
but  under  the  emperors  transferred  to  the  body- 
guard. 

Es'ile  [eks'ile]  (fr.  L.).     Captivity. 

£x'o-dns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  a  going  out,  L.  &  S.),  the 
second  book  of  the  Law  or  Pentateuch. — A.  Con- 
tents. The  book  may  be  divided  into  two  principal 
parts :  I.  Historical,  i.-xviii. ;  and  II.  Legislative, 
xix.-xl.  The  former  of  these  may  be  subdivided 
into  (1.)  the  preparation  for  the  deliverance  of  Israel 
from  their  bondage  in  Egypt;  (2.)  the  accomplish- 
ment of  that  deHverance.  I.  (1.)  The  first  section 
(i.  1-xii.  36)  contains  an  account  of — The  great  in- 
crease of  Jacob's  posterity  in  Egypt,  and  their  op- 
pression under  a  new  dynasty,  after  the  death  of 
Joseph  (chapter  i.) ;  the  birth,  education,  and  flight 
of  Moses  (ii.) ;  his  solemn  call  to  be  the  deliverer  of 
his  people  (iii.  1-iv.  17),  and  his  return  to  Egypt  in 
consequence  (iv.  18-31) ;  his  first  ineffectual  attempt 
to  prevail  upon  Pharaoh  to  let  the  Israelites  go, 
which  only  resulted  in  an  increase  of  their  burdens 
V.  1-21);  a  further  preparation  of  Moses  and  Aaron 
for  their  office,  together  with  the  account  of  their 
genealogies  (v.  22-vii.  7) ;  the  successive  signs  and 
wonders,  by  means  of  which  the  deliverance  of  Israel 
from  the  land  of  bondage  is  at  length  accomplished 
(Plagues,  the  Ten,  &c.),  and  the  institution  of  the 
PASS0VER(vii.  8-xii.  36).  (2.)  A  narrative  of  events 
from  the  departure  out  of  Egypt  to  the  arrival  of 
the  Israelites  at  Mount  Sinai  (xii.  37-xviii.  27). 
(Exonus,  the;  Passover;  Red  Sea,  Passage  of, 
&c.)  II.  The  solemn  establishment  of  the  Theoc- 
racy on  Mount  Sinai  (xix.-xl. ;  Ten  Commandments  ; 
Calf;  Law  of  Moses  ;  AltaBo  Ark;  High-priest; 
Priests;  Tabernacle,  &c.).  •.  This  book,  in  short, 
gives  a  sketch  of  the  early  history  of  Israel  as  a 
nation :  and  the  history  has  three  clearly-marked 
stages.  First  we  see  a  nation  enslaved ;  next  a 
nation  redeemed ;  lastly  a  nation  set  apart,  and 
through  the  blending  of  its  religious  and  political 
life  consecrated  to  the  service  of  God. — B.  Integrity. 
According  to  Von  Lcngerke  (Kenann  Ixxxviii., 
xc),  the  following  portions  of  the  book  belong  to 
the  original  or  Elohistio  document  (GENf:sis): — 
Chapter  i.  1-14,  u.  23-26,  vi.  2-vii.  7,  xii.  1-28,  37, 


296 


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EXO 


38,  40-61  (xiii.  1,  2,  perhaps),  xvi.,  six.  1,  xx.,  xxv.- 
xxxi.,  xxxv.-xl.  Stiihelin  and  De  Wette  agree  in 
the  main  with  this  division.  Knobel,  the  most  re- 
cent writer  on  tlie  suljject,  in  the  introduction  to  his 
commentary  on  Exodus  and  Leviticus,  has  sifted 
these  books  still  more  carel'uUy,  and  assigns  to  each 
of  the  so-called  original  and  supplementary  docu- 
ments passages  that  Von  Lengerke  assigns  to  the 
other.  A  mere  comparison  of  the  two  lists  of  pas- 
sages selected  by  these  different  writers  as  belonging 
to  the  original  document  is  sufficient  to  show  how 
very  uncertain  all  such  critical  processes  must  be. 
None  of  these  critics  attempt  to  make  the  Divine 
names  a  criterion  to  distinguish  the  several  docu- 
ments. De  Wette  and  his  school  set  down  every 
thing  which  savored  of  a  miracle  as  proof  of  later 
authorship.  Nor  are  Knobel's  critical  tests  con- 
clusive. There  is  nothing  indeed  forced  or  improb- 
able iu  the  supposition,  either  that  Moses  him- 
self incorporated  in  his  memoirs  ancient  tradition 
whether  oral  or  written,  or  that  a  writer  later  than 
Moses  made  use  of  materials  left  by  the  great  legis- 
lator in  a  somewhat  fragmentary  form.  But  the 
unity  of  Exodus  as  a  part  of  the  "live  books  of 
Moses"  was  undisputed  till  modern  times.  (Pen- 
TATEUcn.) — C.  Credibility.  Almost  every  historical 
fact  mentioned  in  Exodus  has  at  some  time  or  other 
been  called  in  question.  But  it  is  certain  that  all 
investigation  has  hitherto  tended  only  to  establish 
the  veracity  of  the  narrator.  A  compaiison  with 
other  writers  and  an  examination  of  the  monuments 
confirm,  or  at  least  do  not  contradict,  the  most  ma- 
terial statements  of  this  book.  Thus,  e.  g.  Manetho's 
Btory  of  the  Hyksos  points  at  least  to  some  early 
connection  between  the  Israelites  and  the  Egyptians, 
and  is  corroborative  of  the  fact  implied  in  the  Pen- 
tateuch that,  at  the  time  of  the  Israclitish  sojourn, 
EoYrr  was  ruled  by  a  foreign  dynasty.  Manetho 
speaks,  too,  of  strangers  from  the  E.  who  occupied 
the  eastern  part  of  Lower  Egypt.  And  his  account 
shows  that  the  Israelites  had  become  a  numerous 
and  formidable  people.  According  to  Exodus  xii. 
87,  the  number  of  men,  besides  women  and  children, 
who  left  Egypt  was  600,000.  This  would  give  for 
the  whole  nation  about  two  and  a  half  millions. 
There  is  no  doubt  some  difficulty  in  accounting  for 
this  Immense  increase,  if  we  suppose  (as  on  many  ac- 
counts seems  probable)  that  the  actual  residence  of 
the  children  of  Israel  was  only  215  years.  We  must 
remember  that  the  number  who  went  into  Egypt  with 
Jacob  was  considerably  more  than  "  threescore  and 
ten  souls  "  (Chronology)  ;  we  must  also  take  into  ac- 
count the  extraordinary  fruitfulness  of  Egypt  (con- 
cerning which  all  writers  are  agreed),  and  especially 
of  that  part  of  it  in  which  the  Israelites  dwelt. 
According  to  De  Wette,  the  story  of  Moses'  birth  is 
mythical,  and  arises  from  an  attempt  to  account 
etymologically  for  his  name.  Other  objections 
are  of  a  very  arbitrary  kind.  The  ten  plagues 
(Plagues,  the  Tes)  are  physically,  many  of  them, 
what  might  be  expected  in  Egypt,  although  in  their 
intensity  and  in  their  rapid  succession  they  are 
clearly  supernatural.  The  institution  of  the  Pass- 
over (ch.  xii.)  has  been  subjected  to  severe  criti- 
cism. This  has  also  been  called  a  mythic  fiction. 
The  critics  rest  mainly  on  the  difference  between  the 
directions  given  for  the  observance  of  this  the  first, 
and  those  given  for  subsequent  passovers.  But 
there  is  no  reason  why,  considering  the  very  remark- 
able circumstances  under  which  it  was  instituted, 
the  first  Passover  should  not  have  had  its  own  pecu- 
liar solemnities,  or  why  instructions  should  not  then 


have  been  given  for  a  somewhat  different  observance 
for  the  future.  In  minor  details  the  writer  shows  a 
remarkable  acquaintance  with  Egypt,  e.  g.  Phara- 
oh's daughter  goes  to  the  river  to  bathe  (Ex.  ii.  5). 
Herodotus  tells  us  (also  the  monuments),  tluit  in 
ancient  Egypt  the  women  were  under  no  restraint, 
but  apparently  lived  more  in  public  than  the  men. 
Besides,  the  Egyptians  supposed  a  sovereign  virtue 
to  reside  in  the  Nile-waters.  According  to  the  monu- 
ments, the  Pharaohs  led  their  armies  to  battle,  and 
the  annies  consisted  entirely  of  infantry  and  chariots 
(xiv.  6,  1).  Many  other  facts  have  been  dis|'utc(l, 
such  as  the  passage  of  the  Kcd  Sea  (Exodus,  the  ; 
Red  Sea,  Passage  of  the),  the  giving  of  the  manna, 
&e.  (Miracles.) — D.  The  authorship  and  date  of 
the  book  are  discussed  under  Pentateuch. 

Ex'o-dns,  the  (L.  fr.  Gr.,  literally  o  going  out, 
especially  =  the  departure  of  the  Israelites  luuicr 
Moses  from  Egypt).  1.  Dale.  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole  ]>lace3 
the  Exodus  b.  c.  1652  (Chronology;  Ecvpt; 
Pharaoh  4),  Hales  b.  c.  1648,  Usher  b.  c.  1491, 
and  Bunsen  b.  c.  1320. — 2.  History.  The  Exodus  is 
a  great  turning-point  In  Biblical  history.  With  it 
the  Patriarchal  dispensation  (Patriarch)  end.*,  and 
the  Law  (Law  of  Moses)  begins,  and  with  it  the 
Israelites  cease  to  be  a  family  and  become  a  nation. 
(Joseph  1 ;  Moses.)  The  history  of  the  Exodu.«  com- 
mences with  the  close  of  the  Ten  Plagues.  (Exoms ; 
Plagues,  the  Ten.)  In  the  night  In  which,  at  mid- 
night, the  first-born  were  slain  (Ex.xii.  29),  Phiinioh 
urged  the  departure  of  the  Israelites  (31,  32). 
(Passover.)  They  at  once  set  forth  from  Raincscs 
(37,  39),  apparently  during  the  night  (42),  but 
toward  morning,  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  first 
month  (Num.  xxxlll.  3).  They  made  three  journeys 
and  encamped  by  the  Red  Sea.  Here  Pharaoh  over- 
took them,  and  the  great  miracle  (Miracles)  oc- 
curred by  which  they  were  saved,  while  the  pursuir 
and  his  army  were  destroyed  (Ex.  xlv. ;  Ps.  exxxvi. 
13-16). — 3.  Geography.  The  following  points  nuift 
be  settled  exactly  or  approximately  : — the  situation 
of  the  land  of  Goshex,  the  length  of  each  day's 
march,  the  position  of  the  first  station  (Ramesks*, 
and  the  direction  of  the  journey.  The  Land  of 
Goshen  must  have  been  an  outer  E.  province  of 
Lower  Egypt,  The  Israelites,  setting  out  from  a 
town  of  Goshen,  made  two  days'  journey  toward 
the  Red  Sea,  and  then  entered  the  wilderness,  a 
day's  jouniey  or  less  from  the  sea.  They  could  only 
therefore  have  gone  by  the  valley  now  called  the 
Wudi-t-  Tumeyldt,  for  every  other  cultivated  or  cul- 
tivable tract  Is  too  far  from  the  Red  Hea.  It  is  not 
diflicult  to  fix  very  nearly  the  length  of  each  day's 
march  of  the  Israelites.  As  they  had  with  tlum 
women,  children,  and  cattle,  it  cannot  be  supposed 
that  they  went  more  than  fifteen  miles  dally ;  at  the 
same  time  it  is  unlikely  that  they  fell  far  short  of 
this.  The  three  journeys  would  therefore  give  a 
distance  of  about  forty-five  milts.  There  seems, 
however,  to  have  been  a  deflection  from  a  direct 
course,  so  that  we  cannot  consider  the  whole  dis- 
tance from  the  starting-point,  Rameses,  to  the  >hore 
of  the  Red  Sea  as  much  more  than  about  thirly 
miles  In  a  direct  line  (Ex.  xili.  17,  18).  Mea.'uring 
from  the  ancient  western  shore  of  the  Anibian 
Gulf  due  E.  of  the  WMi-t-Tumeyltit,  a  distance  of 
thirty  miles  in  a  direct  line  places  the  site  of  liame- 
ses  near  the  mound  called  in  the  present  day  E!- 
'  Alihaseeyeh,  not  far  from  the  AV.  end  of  the  valley  (■•'0 
Mr.  R.  S.  Poole,  the  original  author  of  this  article). 
After  the  first  day's  journey  the  Israelites  encamped 
at  ScccOTH  2 — obviously  a  name  very  dlfiBcult  of 


EXO 


EXO 


297 


identi6cation  —  probably  a  mere  resting-place  of 
caravans,  or  a  military  station,  or  else  a  town  named 
from  one  of  the  two.  The  next  camping-place  was 
Etuam,  the  position  of  which  may  be  very  nearly 
fixed  from  its  being  described  as  "  in  the  edge  of 


the  wilderness  "  (Ex.  xiii.  20 ;  Num.  xxxiii.  6,  7).  It 
is  reasonable  to  place  Etham  where  the  cultivable 
land  ceases,  near  the  Seba  Bidr,  or  Siven  Wells, 
about  three  miles  from  the  W.  side  of  the  ancient 
head  of  the  gulf.  After  leaving  Etham,  the  direction 


Map  to  illiutrate  the  Exodas  of  tbeTBraelltes, 


of  the  route  changed.  The  Israelites  were  com- 
manded "  to  turn  and  encamp  before  Pi-iiAiiiROTn, 
between  Migdol  1  and  the  sea,  over  against  Baal- 
ZEPHON  "  (Ex.  xiv.  2).  Mr.  Poole  regards  the  iden- 
tification of  the  places  mentioned  in  the  narratives 
with  modem  sites  as  impossible  without  the  dis- 
covery of  ancient  Egyptian  names,  and  their  posi- 
tive appropriation  to  such  sites.  From  the  names 
of  the  places  Mr.  Poole  supposes  the  encampment 
was  in  a  depression,  partly  marshy,  having  on  either 
hand  an  elevation  marlied  by  a  watch-tower.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  direction  was  from  the  W. 
to  the  E.,  and  that  the  breadth  of  the  sea  at  the 
place  of  crossing  was  great,  since  the  whole  Egyp- 
tian army  perished.     Red  Sea,  Passage  of. 

Ex'ar-tlst  [-sistl  (fr.  Gr.,  literally  one  who  adminin- 
tertanonth,  L.  &  S. ;  but  usually,  one  wlu>  expels,  or 
profes.scs  to  expel,  demons  bt/  adjurations,  incanta- 
tions, &c.).  The  use  of  the  term  "  exorcists"  in  Acts 
xix.  13  confirms  what  we  know  from  other  sources 
as  to  the  common  practice  of  exorcism  among  the 
Jews.  That  some,  at  least,  of  them,  not  only  pre- 
tende<l  to,  but  possessed,  the  power  of  exorcising, 
appears  by  our  Lord's  admission  when  be  asks  the 


Pharisees,  "  If  I  by  Beelzebub  cast  out  devils,  by 
whom  do  your  di.^ciples  (A.  V.  '  children ')  cast 
them  out?"  (Slat.  xii.  27).  What  means  were  em- 
ployed by  real  exorcists  we  are  not  informed. 
David,  by  playing  skilfully  on  a  harp,  procured  the 
temporary  departure  of  the  evil  spirit  which  troubled 
Saul  (1  Sam.  xvi.  23).  Justin  Martyr  has  an  inter- 
esting suggestion  as  to  the  pos--<ibility  of  a  Jew  suc- 
cessfully exorcising  a  devil,  by  employing  the  name 
of  the  God  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob.  But  he 
goes  on  to  say  that  the  Jewish  exorcists,  as  a  class, 
had  sunk  down  to  the  superstitious  rites  and  usages 
of  the  heathen.  With  this  agrees  the  account  given 
by  Josephus(viii.  2,  §6),  of  an  exorcism  which  he  saw 
performed  by  Eleazar,  a  Jew,  in  the  presence  of  his 
sons,  though  the  virtue  of  the  cure  is  attributed  to 
the  mention  of  the  name  of  Solomon,  and  to  the  use 
of  a  root  and  of  certain  incantations  said  to  have 
been  prescribed  by  him  (compare  Jos.  B.  </.  vii.  6,  §  3). 
It  was  the  profane  use  of  the  name  of  Jesus  as  a 
mere  charm  or  spell  which  led  to  the  disastrous  is- 
sue recorded  in  Acts  xix.  13-16.  The  power  of 
easting  out  devils  was  bestowed  by  Christ  while  on 
earth  upon  the  apostles  (Mat.  x.  8)  and  the  seventy 


298 


EXP 


EZE 


disciples  (Lk.  x.  17-19),  and  was,  according  to  His 
promise  (51Ii.  xvi.  17),  exercised  by  believers  after 
His  Ascension  (Acts  xvi.  18);  but  to  the  Christian 
miracle,  whether  as  performed  by  our  Lord  Himself, 
or  by  His  followers,  the  N.  T.  writers  never  apply 
the  terms  "  exorcise  "  or  "  exorcist."  Demoniacs  ; 
Magic  ;  Miracles. 
Kx-pi-a'tion.    Atonement;  Sacrifice. 

*  Kyc  =  the  organ  of  sight  (Gen.  iii.  6,  7,  &c.) ; 
figuratively  ascribed  to  God,  cherubim,  &c.  (Prov. 
XV.  3  ;  Ez.  i.  18,  &c.).  Blinu  ;  Fountain  ;  Medi- 
cine; Paint;  Punishments;  Tears. 

*  E'zar  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Ezer  1  (1  Chr.  i.  38). 
Ez'ba-i,  or  £z-bai  (Ileb.  shhuiig,  biaulijul,  Fii.), 

father  of  Xaarai,  among  David's  "  valiant  men  "  (1 
Chr.  xi.  37). 

Ez'bon  (Heb.  working,  Ges. ;  hearing  viz.  of  God 
[No.  1],  splendor  \\z.  of  God  [No.  2],  Kii.).  I.  Son  of 
Gad(Gen.  xlvi.  16);  =  OzNi.  (See  No.  2.)— 2.  Son  of 
Bela,  the  son  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  vii.  7).  Lord  A. 
C.  Ilervey  suggests  that  the  family  of  No.  1  might 
have  been  of  Jabesh-Gilead,  and  incorporated  into 
Benjamin  (Judg.  xx.,  xxi.  12-14).     Beciier  1. 

Ez-e-elii'as  [-ki-]  (L.  =:  Hezekiah).  1,  Jahaziah 
(1  Esd.  ix.  14).— 2.  Hezekiau  1  (2  Esd.  vii.  40). 

Ez-e-d'as  [-si-]  (=  Hezekiau)  in  1  Esd.  ix.  43  — 
HiLKiAH  5  hi  Neh.  viii.  4. 

Ez-e-ki'as  (Gr.)  —  Hezekiah  1  (Ecclus.  xlviii.  17, 
22,  xli.x.  4  ;  2  Mc.  xv.   22 ;  Mat.  i.  •.',  10). 

l>zc'ki-el  (fr.  Heb.  Yihezikel,  or  Ycekezlkel  —  Ood 
ivill  gfraiglhen,  or  l/ie  sireiiglh  of  God),  one  of  the 
four  greater  prophets.  He  was  the  son  of  a  priest 
named  Buzi.  The  Rabbis  absurdly  identify  Buzi 
with  Jeremiah.  Another  tradition  makes  Ezekiel 
the  servant  of  Jeremiah.  Ezekiel  rarely  alludes  to 
the  facts  of  his  own  life,  and  we  have  to  complete 
the  imperfect  picture  by  the  colors  of  late  and 
dubious  triidition.  He  was  taken  captive  with  Je- 
hoiachin,  eleven  years  before  the  destruction  of  Je- 
rusalem. Josephus  says  this  happened  when  lie 
was  a  boy,  yet  the  statement  is  questionable.  He 
was  a  member  of  a  community  of  Jewish  exiles  on 
the  banks  of  the  Ciiebar.  By  this  river  "  in  the 
land  of  the  Chaldeans,"  God's  message  first  reached 
him  (Ez.  i.  3).  His  call  took  place  B.  c.  565,  "in 
the  fifth  year  of  King  Jehoiachin's  captivity  "  (i.  2), 
"in  the  thirtieth  year,  in  the  fourth  month"  (i.  1). 
Many  commentators  (Origen,  Carpzov,  Fairbairn, 
&o.)  make  the  latter  expression  =  the  thirtieth  year 
of  his  age,  the  supposed  period  of  assuming  full 
priestly  functions.  (Levite  ;  Priest.)  The  Chaldee 
paraphrase  by  Jonathan  ben  Uzziel  has — "  thirty 
years  after  Hilkiah  the  high-priest  had  found  the 
book  of  the  Law  in  the  sanctuary  ....  in  the 
days  of  Josiah  "  (and  so  Jerome,  Usher,  Haver- 
nick,  &.C.).  Hitzig,  following  many  early  commen- 
tators, supposes  it  the  thirtieth  year  from  the  Ju- 
bilee. It  now  seems  generally  agreed  that  it  was 
the  thirtieth  year  from  the  new  era  of  Nabopolas- 
sar,  father  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  who  began  to  reign 
B.  c.  625.  (Babel.)  The  use  of  this  Chaldee  epoch 
is  the  more  appropriate  as  tlie  prophet  wrote  in 
Babylonia,  and  he  gives  a  Jewish  chronology  in 
verse  2.  The  decision  of  the  question  is  the  less 
important  because  in  all  other  places  Ezekiel  dates 
from  the  year  of  Jehoiachin's  captivity  (xxix.  17, 
XXX.  20,  &c.).  We  learn  from  an  incidental  allu- 
sion (xxiv.  18) — the  only  reference  which  he  makes 
to  his  personal  history — that  he  was  married,  and 
had  a  house  (viii.  1)  in  his  place  of  exile,  and  lost 
his  wife  by  a  sudden  and  unforeseen  stroke.  He 
lived  in  the  highest  consideration  among  his  com- 


panions in  exile,  and  their  elders  consulted  him 
on  all  occasions  (viii.  1,  xi.  25,  xiv.  1,  xx.  1,  &e.). 
The  last  date  he  mentions  is  the  twenty-seventh 
year  of  the  captivity  (xxix.  17),  so  that  his  mission 
extended  over  twenty-two  years,  during  part  of 
which  period  Daniel  was  probably  living,  and  al- 
ready famous  (Ez.  xiv.  14,  xxviii.  3).  He  is  said 
to  have  been  murdered  in  Babylon  by  some  Jew- 
ish prince  whom  he  had  convicted  of  idolatry,  and 
to  have  been  buried  in  the  tomb  of  Sliem  and 
Arphaxad,  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates.  The 
tomb,  said  to  have  been  built  by  Jehoiachin,  was 
shown  a  few  days'  journey  from  Bagdad.  But,  as 
Havernick  remarks,  "by  the  side  of  the  scattered 
data  of  his  external  life,  tlio.';e  of  his  internal  life 
appear  su  much  the  richer."  He  was  distinguished 
by  his  stern  and  inflexible  energy  of  will  and  char- 
acter ;  and  we  also  observe  a  devoted  adherenoe 
to  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  his  national  religion. 
Ezekiel  is  no  cosmopolite,  but  displays  everywhere 
the  peculiar  tendencies  of  a  Hebrew  educated  under 
Levitieal  training.  The  priestly  bias  is  always  vis- 
ible. We  may  also  note  in  Ezekiel  the  absorbing 
recognition  of  his  high  calling  which  enabled  him 
cheerfully  to  endure  any  deprivation  or  misery,  if 
thereby  he  may  give  any  warning  or  lesson  to  his 
people  (iv.,  xxiv.  15,  16,  &c.),  whom  he  so  ardently 
loved  (ix.  8,  xi.  13).  His  predictions  are  marvel- 
lously varied.  lie  has  instances  of  visions  (viii.- 
xi.),  symbolical  actions  (as  iv.  8),  similitudes  (xii., 
XV.),  parables  (as  xvii.),  proverbs  (as  xii.  22,  xviii. 
1  if.),  potms  (as  xix.),  allegories  (as  xxiii.,  xxiv.), 
open  prophecies  (as  vi.,  vii.,  xx.,  &c.).  Among  the 
most  splendid  passages  are  chapters  i.  (Ciifrcbim), 
viii.  (vision  of  Juiiah's  idolatries),  xxvi. -xxviii. 
(against  Tyrus),  xxxi.  (against  Assyria).  The  depth 
of  his  mailer  and  the  marvellous  nature  of  his 
visions  make  him  occasionally  obscure.  Hence  hia 
prophecy  was  placed  by  the  Jews  among  the 
"  treasures,"  those  portions  of  Sciipture  which  (like 
the  early  part  of  Genesis,  and  Canticles)  were  not 
allowed  to  be  read  till  the  age  of  thirty.  The 
Jews  classed  him  in  the  very  highest  rank  of 
prophets. — Of  the  authenticity  of  Ezekiel's  proph- 
ecy there  has  been  no  real  dispute,  although 
a  few  rash  critics  have  raised  questions  about 
the  last  chapters,  even  suggesting  that  they 
might  have  been  written  by  a  Samaritan,  to  incite 
the  Jews  to  suffer  the  cooperation  in  rebuilding  the 
Temple.  The  book  is  divided  into  two  great  parts 
— of  which  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  is  the  turn- 
ing-point ;  chapters  i.-xxiv.  contain  predictions  de- 
livered before  that  event,  and  xxv.-xlviii.  after  it, 
as  we  see  from  xxvi.  2.  Again,  chapters  i.-xxxii. 
are  mainly  occupied  with  correction,  denunciation, 
and  reproof,  while  the  remainder  deal  chiefly  in 
consolation  and  promise.  A  parenthetical  section 
hi  the  middle  of  the  book  (xxv.-xxxiL)  contains  a 
group  of  prophecies  against  seven  foreign  nations, 
the  septenary  arrangement  being  apparently  inten- 
tional. Hiivernick  divides  the  book  into  nine  sec- 
tions, distinguished  by  their  superscriptions,  as  fol- 
lows:— I.  Ezekiel's  call  (i.-iii.  15).  H.  Ihe  general 
carrying  out  of  the  commission  (iii.  16-vii.).  III. 
The  rejection  of  the  people  because  of  their  idol- 
atrous worship  (viii.-xi.).  IV.  The  sins  of  the  age 
rebuked  in  detail  (xii.-xix.).  V.  The  nature  of  the 
judgment,  and  the  guilt  which  caused  it  (xx.-xxiii.). 
VI.  The  meaning  of  the  now  commencing  punish- 
ment (xxiv.).  VII.  God's  judgment  denounced  on 
seven  heathen  nations  (xxv.-xxxii.).  VIII.  Proph- 
ecies, after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  conceni- 


EZE 


EZB 


299 


ing  the  future  condition  of  Israel  (xxxiii.-xxxix.). 
IX.  Tlie  glorious  consummation  (xl.-xlviii.).  Tliere 
are  no  direct  quotations  from  Ezekiel  in  the  N.  T., 
but  in  the  Apocalypse  there  are  many  parallels  and 
obvious  allusions  to  the  later  chapters  (xl.-xlviii.). 
Of  these  chapters  Fairbairn  (on  Ezekiel)  gives  the 
four  main  lines  of  interpretation,  viz.,  1.  The  his- 
torico-lileral  (of  Villalpandus,  Grotius,  Sic),  which 
makes  all  a  prosaic  description  to  preserve  the  mem- 
ory of  Solomon's  temple.  2.  The  hislorico-ideal  (of 
Eiciihorn,  Datlie,  &c.),  which  reduces  them  to  "  a 
sort  of  vague  and  well-meaning  announcement  of 
future  good."  3.  The  JewUh-camal  (of  Lightfoot, 
Hofmann,  &c.),  which  maintains  tliat  their  outline 
was  actually  adopted  by  the  exiles.  4.  The  Chris- 
liait-xpiritual,  or  Messianic  (of  Luther,  Calvin,  and 
most  of  the  Fatliers  and  modern  commentators), 
wliich  makes  thera  "  a  grand,  complicated  symbol 
of  the  good  God  had  in  reserve  for  His  Church." 
Temple. 

E'zel  (Heb.  departure,  Ges.),  the  Stone,  a  well- 
known  stone  near  Siiul's  residence,  the  scene  of  the 
parting  of  David  and  Jonathan  when  David  finally 
fled  from  the  court  (1  Sam.  xx.  19). 

E'zem  (fr.  Ileb.  =:  bone,  Ges.),  a  town  of  Simeon 
(1  Chr.  iv.  29) ;  =  Azem. 

E'zcr  (Xo.  1  fr.  Heb.  =  treasure,  Ges. ;  union, 
Fii. :  No.  2-6,  Heb.  help,  Ges.,  Fii.).  1.  A  Horite 
"duke"  descended  from  Seir  (Gen.  xxxvi.  21,  27, 
80;  IChr.  i.  42);  inconsistently  spelled  Ezar  in 
verse  .38. — 2.  Father  of  Husliah,  in  the  genealogies 
of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  4). — 3.  A  son  of  Ephraim,  slain 
by  the  men  of  Gath  (vii.  21).  (Beriah  2  ;  Shuthe- 
LAn.)^l.  The  first  of  the  Gadite  heroes  who  joined 
David  in  the  wilderness  (xii.  9). — 5.  A  Levite,  son 
of  Jesluia ;  one  of  those  who  repaired  the  wall  of 
Jenisalem  under  Nehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  19)._<i.  A 
priest  who  as.sisted  in  the  dedication  of  the  walls  of 
Jerusalem  under  Nehemiah  (xii.  42). 

Ez-t-ri'aii  (Gr.)  =  Azariah  1  (1  Esd.  viii.  1). 


E-zi'as  (Gr.)  =  Azariah  25 ;  Aziei  (1  Esd.  viii.  2). 

E'zl-on-ga'ber,  or  E'zi-on-ge'ber  (fr.  Heb.  =  tlie 
giant's  backbone),  the  last  station  of  the  Israelites 
before  they  came  to  the  wilderness  of  Zin,  after- 
ward the  station  of  Solomon's  navy  (Elath),  and 
where  Jehoshapliat's  was  "  broken,"  probably  de- 
stroyed on  the  rocks  (Num.  xxxiii.  35,  36 ;  Deut.  ii. 
8  ;  1  K.  ix.  26,  xxii.  48 ;  2  Chr.  viii.  17,  xx.  36).  Kie- 
pert's  map  (1856)  places  it  at  ^iin  el-Ohudi/dn, 
about  twenty  miles  up  what  is  now  the  dry  bed  oi' 
the  Arabah,  but,  as  he  supposed,  then  the  N.  end 
of  the  gulf  Exodus,  the  ;  Red  Ska  ;  Wilderness 
OF  THE  Wandering. 

Ez'nite  (fr.  Ileb.  'etent,  the  reading  of  the  Keri ; 
the  Hebrew  text  has  'etmo,  which  Gesenius  trans- 
lates "  his  spear  "),  tlie^  According  to  2  Sam.  xxiii. 
8,  "Adino  the  Eznite  "  was  another  name  for  "  Jo- 
sheb-bassebet  the  Tachmonite  (margin  ;  text  of  A.V. 
'  the  Tachmonite  that  sat  in  the  seat '),  cliicf  among 
the  captains."  (Jashobeam.)  The  passage  is  moat 
probably  corrupt. 

Ez'ra  (Heb.  help).  1.  A  descendant  of  Judah. 
The  name  occurs  in  the  obscure  genealogy  of  1  Chr. 
iv.  17. — 2.  The  famous  scribe  and  priest  (in  Apoc- 
rypha "  EsDRAS  ") ;  son  of  Sehaiah  7,  and  descendant 
of  HiLKiAH  2,  the  liigh-priest  in  Josiah's  reign  (Ezr. 
vii.  1).  All  that  is  really  known  of  Ezra  is  contained 
in  Ezr.  vii.-x.  and  in  Neh.  viii.  and  xii.  26,  36.  From 
these  passages  we  gather  that  he  was  a  learned  and 
pious  priest  residing  at  Babylon  in  the  time  of  Arta- 
xerxes  Longimanus.  Tlie  origin  of  his  influence 
with  the  king  does  not  appear,  but  in  the  seventh 
year  of  his  reign,  in  spite  of  the  unfavorable  report 
which  had  been  sent  by  Rehura  and  Shimshai  (Ezr. 
iv.  8  If.),  he  obtained  leave  to  go  to  Jerusalem,  and 
to  take  with  him  a  company  of  Israelites,  togetlier  ■ 
with  priests,  Levites,  singers,  porters,  and  Nethiniin. 
The  journey  of  Ezra  and  his  companions  from  Bab- 
ylon to  Jerusalem  took  just  four  months  ;  and  they 
brought  up  with  them  a  large  free-will  ofttiriug  of 


Reputed  Tomb  or  Em  on  the  banke  of  the  TIgrii. 


gold  and  silver,  and  silver  vessels.     It  appears  that 
his  great  design  was  to  effect  a  religious  reformation 


among  the  Palestine  Jews,  and  to  bring  them  back 
to  the  observance  of  the  Law  of  Moses,  from  which 


300 


EZR 


FAB 


they  had  grievously  declined.  His  first  step,  accord- 
ingly, was  to  enforce  a  separation  from  their  wives 
upon  all  who  had  made  heathen  marriages,  in  which 
number  were  many  priests  and  Levites,  as  well  as 
other  Israelites.  This  was  effected  in  little  more 
tlian  six  months  after  his  arrival  at  Jerusalem. 
With  the  detailed  account  of  this  important  trans- 
action Ezra's  autobiography  ends  abruptly,  and  we 
hear  nothing  more  of  him  till,  thirteen  years  af- 
terward, in  the  twentieth  of  Artaxerxes,  we  find 
him  again  at  Jerusalem  with  Nehemiah  "the  Tir- 
shatha."  It  seems  probable  that  after  he  had  ef- 
fected the  above-named  reformation,  and  had  ap- 
pointed competent  judges  and  magistrates,  with 
authority  to  maintain  it,  he  himself  returned  to  the 
king  of  Persia.  The  functions  he  executed  under 
Nehemiah's  government  were  purely  of  a  priestly  and 
ecclesiastical  character.  But  in  such  he  filled  the  first 
place.  As  Ezra  is  not  mentioned  after  Nehemiah's 
departure  for  Babylon  in  the  thirty-second  year  of 
Artaxerxes,  and  as  every  thing  fell  into  confusion 
during  Nehemiah's  absence  (Neh.  xiii.),  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  Ezra  died  or  returned  to  Babylon 
before  that  year.  Josephus  vaguely  says  (xi.  5, 
§  5),  "  he  died  an  old  man,  anil  was  buried  in  a 
magnificent  manner  at  Jerusalem."  Some  Jewish 
chroniclers  say,  he  died  in  the  year  in  which  Alex- 
ander THE  Great  came  to  Jerusalem,  in  the  same 
year  with  Haggai,  Zechariah,  and  Malachi.  Other 
traditions  relate  that  he  died  at  Babylon,  aged  120 
years.  The  Talmud  says  he  died  at  Zamzumu,  a 
town  on  the  Tigris,  while  on  his  way  from  Jerusalem 
to  Susa.  His  reputed  tomb  (see  cut)  is  shown  on 
the  Tigris,  about  twenty  miles  above  its  junction 
with  the  Euphrates  (Kitto).  The  principal  works 
ascribed  to  him  by  the  Jews  are  : — 1 .  The  institu- 
tion of  the  Great  Synagogue.  (Synagogue,  the 
Great.)  2.  The  settling  tlie  canon  of  Scripture, 
and  restoring,  correctnig,  and  editing  the  whole 
sacred  volume.  3.  The  introduction  of  the  Chaldee 
character  instead  of  the  old  Hebrew  or  Samaritan. 
(Shemitic  Languages;  Writing.)  4.  The  author- 
ship of  the  books  of  Chronicles,  Ezra  (Ezra,  Book 
of),  Nehemiah  (Nehemiah,  Book  of),  and,  some  add, 
Esther ;  and,  many  of  the  Jews  say,  also  of  Ezekiel, 
Daniel,  and  the  twelve  prophets.  5.  The  establish- 
ment of  synagogues.  (Synagogue.) — 3.  The  head 
of  one  of  the  twenty-two  courses  of  priests  which  re- 
turned with  Zerubbabel  and  Joshua  (Neh.  xii.  1,  13). 
—4.  One  who  assisted  at  the  dedication  of  the  wall 
of  Jerusalem  (xii.  33) ;  perhaps  =  No.  3. 

Ez'ra  (Heb.  help),  Book  of.  The  book  of  Ezra  is 
manifestly  a  continuation  of  the  books  of  Chron- 
icles (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervcy,  the  original  author  of 
this  article).  Like  these  books,  it  consists  of  the  con- 
temporary historical  journals  kept  from  time  to  time, 
which  were  afterward  strung  together,  and  either 
abridged  or  added  to,  as  the  case  required,  by  a 
later  hand.  That  later  hand,  in  Ezra,  was  doubtless 
Ezra's  own,  as  appears  by  the  four  last  chapters,  as 
well  as  by  other  matter  inserted  in  the  previous 
chapters.  It  has  already  been  suggested  (Chron- 
icles) that  the  chief  portion  of  the  last  chapter  of 
2  Chr.  and  Ezr.  i.  may  probably  have  been  written 
by  Daniel.  The  evidences  of  this  in  Ezr.  i.  must 
now  be  given  more  fully.  Daniel  passes  over  in  ut- 
ter silence  the  first  year  of  Cyrus,  to  which  pointed 
allusion  is  made  in  Dan.  i.  21,  and  Cyrus's  decree, 
and  proceeds  in  ch.  x.  to  the  third  year  of  Cyrus. 
But  Ezr.  i.,  if  placed  between  Dan.  ix.  and  x.,  ex- 
actly fills  up  the  gap,  and  records  the  event  of  the 
first  year  of  Cyrus,  in  which  Daniel  was  so  deeply 


interested.  And  not  only  so,  but  the  manner  of  the 
record  is  exactly  Daniel's  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey ; 
compare  Ezr.  i.  1  with  Dan.  i.  1,  ii.  1,  &c.).  The 
giving  the  text  of  the  decree  (Ezr.  i.  2-4 ;  compare 
Dan.  iv.),  the  mention  of  the  name  of  "  Mithredath 
the  treasurer"  (Ezr.  i.  8;  compare  Dan.  i.  3,  11), 
the  allusion  to  the  sacred  vessels  placed  by  Nebu- 
chadnezzar in  the  house  of  his  god  (Ezr.  i.  7  ;  com- 
pare Dan.  i.  2),  the  giving  the  Chaldee  name  of 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  i.  8,  11 ;  compare  Dan.  i.  7),  and 
the  whole  stand-point  of  the  narrator,  who  evidently 
wrote  at  Babylon,  not  at  Jerusalem,  are  all  circum- 
stances which  in  a  marked  manner  point  to  Daniel 
as  the  writer  of  Ezr.  i.  Ezr.  ii.-iii.  1  is  found  (with 
the  exception  of  clerical  errors)  in  Neh.  vii.  (Ne- 
hemiah, Book  of.)  The  next  portion  (iii.  2-vi.),  ex- 
cept one  large  explanatory  addition  by  Ezra  to  il- 
lustrate the  opposition  by  the  heathen  to  the  rebuild- 
ing of  the  Temple  (iv.  6-23;  Aiiascerus  2;  Arta- 
xerxes 1),  is  tlie  work  of  a  writer  contemporary 
with  Zerubbabel  and  Joshua,  and  an  eye-witness  of 
the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple  in  the  beginning  of  the 
reign  of  Darius  Hystaspis.  That  it  was  the  prophet 
Haggai  becomes  tolerably  sure  when  we  observe 
further  the'  remarkable  coincidences  in  style  (so 
Lord  A.  C.  Hervey).  Chapters  vii.-x.  are  Ezra's 
own,  and  continue  the  history  after  a  gap  of  fifty- 
eight  years — from  the  sixth  of  Darius  to  the  seventh 
of  Artaxerxes.  Keil,  Haverniek,  Fairbairn,  &c., 
maintain  the  unity  of  the  book  as  proceeding  from 
Ezra,  but  allow  that  he  used  previously  existing  doc- 
uments^; Dr.  S.  Davidson  maintains  that  Chronicles, 
Ezra,  and  Nehemiah  originally  formed  but  one  book, 
compiled  by  one  who  put  together  (in  Ezra)  mate- 
rials written  by  Ezra  and  others,  interspersing  his 
own  here  and  there. — The  text  of  Ezra  is  not  in 
a  good  condition.  There  are  many  palpable  cor- 
ruptions both  in  the  names  and  numerals,  and 
perhaps  in  some  other  points.  It  is  written  partly 
in  Hebrew,  and  partly  in  Chaldee.  The  Chaldee 
begins  at  iv.  8,  and  continues  to  the  end  of  vi.  18. 
The  letter  or  decree  of  Artaxerxes,  vii.  12-26,  is 
also  given  in  the  original  Chaldee.  There  has  never 
been  any  doubt  about  Ezra  being  canonical,  although 
there  is  no  quotation  from  it  in  the  N.  T.  (Canon.) 
The  period  covered  by  the  book  is  eighty  years, 
from  the  first  of  Cyrus,  B.  c.  536,  to  the  beginning 
of  the  eighth  of  Artaxerxes,  n.  c.  456.  Esdras, 
1st  Book  of. 

Fz'ra-liite  (fr.  Heb.  =  descendant  of  Ezrah  or  Ez- 
rack,  i.  e.  of  Zerah,  Ges.),  the,  a  title  attached  to 
Ethan  1  (1  K.  iv.  31  ;  Ps.  Ixxxix.  title),  and  Heman 
(Ps.  Ixxxviii.  title). 

Ez'rl  (Heb.  help  of  Jehovah,  Ges.),  son  of  Clielub, 
superintendent  of  King  David's  farm-laborers  (1 
Chr.  xxvii.  26). 


F 

Fa'ble  (fr.  L.  /alula,  literally  wliat  is  spoken  or 
told,  a  narrative,  especially  a  fctitious  narrative  or 
storu).  Taking  the  words  fable  and  parable,  not  in 
their  strict  etymological  meaning,  but  in  that  which 
has  been  stamped  upon  them  by  current  usage, 
looking,  i.  e.  at  the  fables  of  Msop  as  the  type  of 
the  (n^  at  the  parables  of  the  N.  T.  as  the  type 
of  the  other,  we  have  to  ask  (1.)  in  what  rela- 
tion they  stand  to  each  other,  as  instruments  of 
moral  teaching?  (2.)  what  use  is  made  in  the 
Bible  of  this  or  of  that  form  ?     Perhaps  the  most 


FAC 


FAI 


301 


satisfactory  summing  up  of  the  chief  distinctive 
features  of  each  is  in  the  following  extract  from 
Neander  :  — "  The  parable  is  distinguished  from  the 
fable  by  this,  that,  in  the  latter,  qualities,  or  acts 
of  a  higher  class  of  beings  may  be  attributed  to  a 
lower  (e.  g.  those  of  men  to  brutes) ;  while  in  the 
former,  the  lower  sphere  is  kept  perfectly  distinct 
from  that  which  it  seems  to  illustrate.  The  beings 
and  powers  thus  introduced  in  the  parable  always 
follow  the  law  of  their  nature,  but  their  acts,  accord- 
ing to  this  law,  are  used  to  figure  those  of  a  higher 
race."  Of  the  fable,  as  thus  distinguished  from  the 
parable,  we  have  but  two  examples  in  the  Bible : 
(1.)  that  of  the  tress  choosing  their  king,  addressed 
by  Jotham  to  the  men  of  Shechem  (Judg.  ix.  8-15) ; 
(2).  that  of  the  cedar  of  Lebanon  and  the  thistle,  as 
the  answer  of  Jehoash  to  the  challenge  of  Amaziah 
(2  K.  xiv.  9).  The  appearance  of  the  fable  thus 
early  in  the  history  of  Israel,  and  its  entire  absence 
from  the  direct  teaching  both  of  the  0.  and  N.  T. 
are,  each  of  them  in  its  way,  significant.  Taking  the 
received  chronology,  the  fable  of  Jotham  was  spoken 
about  1209  B.  c.  The  Arabian  traditions  of  Lokman 
do  not  assign  to  him  an  earlier  date  than  that  of 
David.  The  first  example  in  the  history  of  Rome  is 
the  apologue  of  Menenius  Agrippa  b.  c.  494,  and  its 
genuineness  has  been  questioned  on  the  ground  that 
the  fable  could  hardly  at  that  time  have  found  its 
way  to  Latium.  The  land  of  Canaan  is,  so  far  as 
we  have  any  data  to  conclude  from,  the  fatherland 
of  fable.  The  absence  of  fables  from  the  teaching 
of  the  0.  T.  must  be  ascribed  to  their  want  of  fitness 
to  be  the  media  of  the  truths  which  that  teaching 
was  to  convey.  The  points  in  which  brutes  or  in- 
animate objects  present  analogies  to  man  are  chiefly 
those  which  belong  to  his  lower  nature,  his  pride, 
indolence,  cunning,  and  the  like.  Hence  the  fable, 
apart  from  the  associations  of  a  grotesque  and  lu- 
dicrous nature  which  gather  round  it,  is  inadequate 
as  the  exponent  of  the  higher  truths  which  belong 
to  man's  spiritual  life.  It  may  serve  to  exhibit  the 
relations  between  man  and  man ;  it  fails  to  represent 
those  between  man  and  God.  To  do  that  is  the 
office  of  the  Parable.  The  fibles  of  false  teachers 
claiming  to  belong  to  the  Christian  Church,  alluded 
to  by  writers  of  the  N.  T.  (Gr.  muthon  [=  h.fabida, 
above],  literally  what  is  spoken  ;  in  N.  T.  =  a  m'/th, 
fable,  legmd,  mi/thir.  tale  or  discourse,  Rbn.  JV.  T. 
Lex. ;  1  Tim.  i.  4,  iv.  7 ;  2  Tim.  iv.  4 ;  Tit.  i.  14 ; 
2  Pet.  i.  16),  do  not  appear  to  have  had  the  charac- 
ter of  fables,  properly  so  called. 

*  Face,  besides  being  used  for  the  outside  or  sur- 
face of  any  thing  (Gen.  i.  29,  &c.),  and  for  the  human 
countenance  (iii.  19,  &c.),  is  figuratively  used  of  God, 
indicating  some  special  manifestation  of  His  pres- 
ence, power,  favor,  &c.  (Ps.  xxxiv.  16,  &c.).  As  it 
was  esteemed  a  special  privilege  to  see  the  face  of 
an  Eastern  monarch,  and  implied  high  dignity  and 
favor  to  have  constantly  this  privilege  (Esth.  i.  14), 
this  is  figuratively  transferred  to  God  (Job  xxxiii. 
26  ;  Ps.  xvii.  15 ;  Mat.  xviii.  10,  &c.). 

Fair  Ha'Teas  [hay'vnz],  the  (an  English  transla- 
tion of  the  Gr.  Kahi  limenes,  probably  originally  a 
descriptive  title),  a  harbor  in  the  island  of  Crete 
(Acts  xxvii.  8),  not  mentioned  in  any  other  ancient 
writing,  but  still  known  by  its  own  Greek  name. 
Fair  Havens  appears  to  have  been  practically  the 
harbor  of  Lasea.  These  places  are  situated  four  or 
five  miles  to  the  E.  of  Cape  Matala,  which  is  the 
most  conspicuous  headland  on  the  S.  coast  of  Crete, 
and  immediately  to  the  \V.  of  which  the  coast  trends 
suddenly  to  the  N.     In  Fair  Havens  the  ship  which 


conveyed  St.  Paul  was  sheltered  froni  the  violent  and 
long-continuing  N.  \V.  winds  to  which  it  would  be 
fully  exposed  beyond  Cape  Matala. 

Fairs,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb.  pi.  'iz^- 
boniiii  (Ez.  xxvii.  12,  11,  16,  19,  22,  27),  translated 
"wares"  in  verse  33.  Mr.  Bevan,  with  Fiirst,  Hit- 
zig,  &c.,  would  translate  "  wares "  throughout. 
Gesenius,  supposing,  with  Fiirst,  the  prunary  mean- 
uig  to  be  traj/ic,  commerce,  translates  a  fair,  market, 
market])lace,  except  in  verses  27,  33,  where  he  trans- 
lates gains,  earnings,  profits  from  traffic.  Haver- 
nick  translates  throughout  exchanges  or  equivalent, 
and  this  Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander  (in  Kitto)  approves. 

*  Faith,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  emun 
^^  faithfulness,  fidelity,  Ges.  (Dent,  xxxii.  20  only), 
elsewhere  translated  "faithful"  (Prov.  xiii.  17,  xiv. 
5,  XX.  6),  "truth"  (Is.  xxvi.  2,  margin  "truths"). 
— 2«  Heb.  (mundh  (kindred  to  No.  1  and  to  Amex) 
once  (Hab.  ii.  4),  elsewhere  translated  "faithful- 
ness" (1  Sam.  xxvi.  23  ;  Lam.  iii.  23,  &c.),  "faithful " 
(Ps.  cxix.  86,  138;  Prov.  xxviii.  20),  "  faithfully " 
(2  K.  xxii.  7,  &c.),  "truth"  (Dent,  xxxii.  4;  Ps. 
xx.xiii.  4,  &c.),  "set  office,"  margin  "trust"  (1  Chr. 
ix.  22,  26,  31,  &e.),  "verily,"  margin  "in  trutli,"or 
"  stablene^s  "  (Ps.  xxxvii.  3),  "  truly"  (Prov.  xii.  22), 
"steady"  (Ex.  xvii.  12),  "stability"  (Is.  xxxiii.  6). 
Gesenius  makes  the  Heb.  =  (a)  firmness,  stability 
(Ex.  xvii.  12);  (b)  security  (Is.  .xxxiii.  6);  (c)  faithful- 
ness, fidelity,  especially  in  fulfilling  promises  (Deut. 
xxxii.  4;  Prov.  xxviii.  20,  &c.);  a\s,o  faith,  trust, 
confidence  of  men  toward  God  (Ps.  xxxvii.  3 ;  Hab. 
ii.  4). — %,  Gr.  elpis  once  (Heb.  x.  23),  elsewhere 
uniformly  translated  "  hope  "  (Acts  ii.  26 ;  Rom.  iv. 
18,  v.  2,  4,  5,  &c.). — 4.  Gr.  pislis  more  than  200 
times  in  N.  T.  (Mat.  viii.  10,  &c.),  once  "  belief" 
(2  Th.  ii.  13),  once  "assurance"  (Acts  xvii.  31), 
once  "fidelity"  (Tit.  ii.  10),  twice  translated  by  a 
phrase  including  a  verb  (Rom.  iii.  28,  "  him  which 
believeth,"  literally  tlie  one  of  [froni]  faith;  Heb.  x. 
39,  "of  them  that  believe,"  literally  of  faith). 
The  kindred  Greek  verb  pisleuo  is  translated  more 
than  200  times  by  the  verb  "believe"  (Mat.  viii.  13, 
&c.),  seven  times  by  "  commit,"  or  "  commit  to  one's 
trust"  (Lk.  xvi.  11  ;  Jn.  ii.  24;  Rom.  iii.  2;  1  Cor. 
ix.  17;  Gal.  ii.  7;  1  Tim.  i.  11  ;  Tit.  i.  3),  once 
"put  in  trust"  (1  Th.  ii.  4).  The  kindred  Greek 
adjective /«Vos  is  translated  "faithful"  more  than 
fifty  times  (Mat.  xxiv.  45,  &c.),  once  "faithfully" 
(3  Jn.  5),  twice  "  true"  (2  Cor.  i.  18;  1  Tim.  iii.l), 
once  "sure"  (Acts  xiii.  34),  twice  "believing"  (Jn. 
XX.  27  ;  1  Tim.  vi.  2),  once  in  plural  "  believers  "  (1 
Tim.  iv.  12),  also  in  a  phrase  including  "believe" 
(Acts  X.  45,  xvi.  1 ;  2  Cor.  vi.  15  ;  1  Tim.  iv.  3,  10, 
V.  16).  According  to  Robinson's  iv.  T.  Lex.,  the  Gr. 
pisHn  properly  =  firm  persuasion,  confiding  belief 
in  the  truth,  veracity,  reality  of  any  person  or  thing ; 
used  sometimes  in  the  N.  T.  as  in  classic  Greek  rr 
faith,  belief  m  general  (Acts  xvii.  31,  A.  V.  "assur- 
ance," margin  "  faith,"  &c.),  or  good  faith,  fidelity, 
sincerity,  faithfulness  (Mat.  xxiii.  23,  &c.) ;  but  es- 
pecially in  reference  to  God  and  divine  things,  to 
Christ  and  His  gospel  =  that  faith,  that  confiding 
belief,  which  is  the  essential  trait  of  Christian  life 
and  character  (Mat.  viii.  10;  Rom.  iii.  22;  Phil.  i. 
25,  27;  Heb.  vi.  1,  &c.);  by  metonymy,  the  object 
of  Christian  faith,  the  faith,  the  gospel  (Acts  vi.  7 ; 
Rom.  i.  5,  &c.). — In  true  Christian  faith  is  included 
not  only  the  intellectual  assent  to  the  truth  of  the 
gospel  (Jas.  ii.  17,  19,  &c.),  but  the  consent  of  the 
will  and  the  correspondence  of  the  life  to  what  this 
truth  involves  (Rom.  iv. ;  Gal.  v.  6 ;  Heb.  xi. ;  Jaa. 
a  20-26).     But  the  full  development  of  this  im- 


303 


FAL 


PAS 


portant  subject  would  require  a  treatise  on  practical 
theology.     Atonemknt;  Justify,  &c. 

*  Fall  of  Man.    Adam. 

Fallow-deer  (Hcb.  yahmur  or  yachmur).  The 
Hebrew  word,  mentioned  only  in  Dent.  xiv.  5  as  an 
animal  allowed  for  food,  and  in  1  K.  iv.  23  as  form- 
ing part  of  the  provisions  for  Solomon's  table,  ap- 
pears to  point  (so  Mr.  Houghton)  to  the  Auli- 
lope  Bubalis,   or  Akelapkas  BuOalis,  a  species  of 


Aleelaphut  Svhalit  —  FaUow  Deer  I 

antelope,  about  the  size  of  a  stag,  and  resembling 
both  the  calf  and  the  stag.  It  is  common  in  north- 
em  Africa,  and  lives  in  herds.  The  modern  name 
is  bckker-el-waxh  (wild  ox).  Col.  C.  H.  Smith  (in 
Kitto)  refers  the  Hebrew  name  to  the  Oryx  Iniroryx,  a 
species  of  antelope  frequently  represented  on  the 
monuments  of  Egypt  and  Nubia.  The  true  fallow- 
deer,  Cervtis  Dntna,  is  undoubtedly  a  native  of  Asia, 
and  is  regarded  by  Gesenius  and  A.  V.  as  the  animal 
meant  by  the  Hebrew  word.     Hart. 

*  Fal'low  Ground.  Ageicpltuke  ;  Jubilee  ;  Sab- 
batical Year. 

*  Fa-mil'iar  Spirit.    Divination  ;  Magic. 

Fam'ine  [-in]  =  a  scarcity  of  food,  usually  preva- 
lent in  Palestine,  &c.,  when  the  sweet  influences  of 
the  Pleiades  are  bound,  i.  c.  when  the  best  and  most 
fertilizing  rains,  which  fall  when  the  Pleiades  set  at 
dawn,  at  the  end  of  autumn,  fail.  In  Egypt  a  de- 
ficiency in  the  rise  of  the  Nile,  with  drying  winds, 
produces  the  same  results.  The  famines  recorded 
in  the  Bible  are  traceable  to  both  these  phenomena  ; 
and  we  generally  find  that  Egypt  was  resorted  to 
when  scarcity  afflicted  Palestine.  In  the  whole  of 
Syria  and  Arabia,  the  fruits. of  the  earth  must  ever 
be  dependent  on  rain ;  the  watersheds  having  few 
large  springs,  and  the  small  rivers  not  being  sufii- 
cient  for  the  irrigation  of  even  the  level  lands.  If, 
therefore,  the  heavy  rains  of  November  and  Decem- 
ber fail,  the  sustenance  of  the  people  is  cut  off  in 
the  parching  drought  of  harvest-time,  when  the 
country  is  almost  devoid  of  moisture.  Egypt,  again, 
owes  all  its  fertility  to  its  mighty  river,  whose  annual 
rise  inundates  nearly  the  whole  land  and  renders  its 
cultivation  an  easy  certainty.  The  causes  of  dearth 
and  famine  in  Egypt  are  occasioned  by  defective  in- 
undation, preceded  and  accompanied  and  followed  by 
prevalent  easterly  and  southerly  winds.  The  first 
famine  recorded  in  the  Bible  is  that  of  Abraham 


after  he  had  pitched  his  tent  on  the  E.  of  Bethel 
(Gen.  xii.  10).  AVe  may  conclude  that  this  famine 
was  extensive,  although  this  is  not  quite  proved  by 
the  fact  of  Abraham's  going  to  Egypt ;  for  in  the 
second  famine,  Isaac  found  refuge  with  Abimekch, 
king  of  the  Philistines,  in  Gerar  (xxvi.  1  fl'.).  We 
hear  no  more  of  times  of  scarcity  until  the  great 
famine  of  Egypt,  which  "  was  over  all  tlie  face  of  the 
earth  "  (xli.  56,  57  ;  Joseph  1).  In  the  seven  years  of 
plenty,  Joseph  was  enabled  to  provide  against  the 
coming  dearth,  and  to  supply  not  only  the  popula- 
tion of  Egypt  with  corn,  but  those  of  the  surround- 
ing countries  (xli.  53-57).  The  modern  history  of 
Egypt  throws  some  curious  light  on  these  ancient  rec- 
ords of  famines,  and  may  assist  us  in  understanding 
their  course  and  extent.  The  most  remarkable 
famine  was  in  the  reign  of  the  Fatimee  Khalcefeh, 
El-Mustansir  bilhih,  the  cnly  seven  years'  ftimine 
in  Egypt  on  record  since  Joseph's  time  (in  the 
year  of  the  licgira  457-464,  a.  d.  1064-1071).  This 
famine  exceeded  in  severity  all  others  of  modern 
times,  and  was  aggravated  by  the  anarchy  which 
then  ravaged  the  country.  Vehement  drought  and 
pestilence,  says  Es-Suyootee,  continued  for  seven 
consecutive  years,  so  that  the  people  ate  corpses, 
and  animals  that  died  of  themselves ;  the  cattle 
perished ;  a  dog  was  sold  for  five  dcenars,  and  a  cat 
for  three  dcfnirs  .  .  .  and  an  ardcljb  (about  five 
bushels)  of  wheat  for  100  dcenars,  and  then  it  failed 
altogether.  He  adds,  that  all  (he  horses  of  the 
Khalcefeh,  save  three,  perished,  and  gives  numerous 
instances  of  the  straits  to  which  the  wretched  in- 
habitants were  driven,  and  of  the  organized  bands 
of  kidnappers  who  infested  Cairo  and  caught  pas- 
sengers in  the  streets  by  ropes  furnished  with  hooks 
and  let  down  from  the  houses.  The  famine  of 
Samaria  (2  K.  vi.  25)  resembled  it  in  many  particu- 
lars; and  that  very  oriefly  recorded  in  2  K.  viii.  1, 
2,  affords  another  instance  of  one  of  seven  j'cars. 
Famines  are  often  spoken  of  in  the  Scriptures  as 
occurring  in  Palestine  (Judg.  vi.  4-6 ;  Ku.  i.  1  ; 
2  Sam.  xxi.  1 ;  IK.  xvii.  1,  7,  xviii.  2 ;  2  K.  iv.  38, 
&c.),  and  were  classed  among"  sore  judgments"  (Ez. 
xiv.  21).  The  evils  of  famine  are  now  much  dimin- 
ished in  civilized  countries  by  the  great  increase  of 
productive  labor  applied  to  agriculture,  of  facilities 
ibr  commercial  exchanges,  of  improvements  in  the 
arts,  &c. ;  but  they  still  exist.  In  Arabia,  famines 
are  of  frequent  occurrence.  "Famine"  is  used 
figuratively  in  Am.  viii.  11. 

*  Fan.    AGriciLTCRE. 

*FRini.     Agricultire. 

Far'tllilig,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  two  names  of 
coins  in  the  N.  T. — 1.  Gr.  kodranlea,  fr.  L.  quadrant, 
literally  =  oiu-foiirth  sc.  of  the  Roman  as,  see  No. 
2  (Mat.  V.  26;  j'lk.  xii.  42);  a  coin  current  in  Pales- 
tine in  the  time  of  our  Lord  =  two  lepta  (A.  V. 
"mites")  =  three-eighths  of  a  cent  (Rbn.  N.  T. 
Lex.). — 2.  Gr.  as-varion  (Mat.  x.  29 ;  Lk.  xii.  6), 
properly  a  small  as,  but  in  the  time  of  our  Lord 
used  as  =  L.  a.i  —  one  and  a  half  cents  (Rbn.  iV. 
T.  Lex.).     Money. 

Fasts. — I.  due  fast  only  was  appointed  by  the 
law,  that  on  the  day  of  Atonement  (Atonement, 
Day  of).  There  is  no  mention  of  any  other  periodi- 
cal fast  in  the  0.  T.,  except  in  Zeeh.  vii.  1-7,  viii. 
19.  From  these  passages  it  appears  that  the  Jews, 
during  their  captivity,  observed  four  annual  fasts, 
in  the  fourth,  fifth,  seventh,  and  tentli  months. 
Zechariah  simply  distinguishes  the  fasts  by  the 
months  in  which  they  were  observed ;  but  the 
Mishna  and  Jerome  give  statements  of  certain  his- 


p  torical  events  which  they  were  intended  to  com- 
''  memorate :  The  fast  of  the  fourth  month  to  cora- 
memorate  the  breaking  of  the  tables  of  the  law  by 
Moses  (Ex.  xxxii),  and  the  storming  of  Jerusalem 
by  Nebuchailiiezzar  (Jcr.  lii,).  The  fast  of  the 
filth  month  to  commemorate  tlie  return  of  the 
epiis,  &c.  (Num.  xiii.,  xiv.),  the  Temple  burnt  by 
Ne&uchadnczzar,  and  again  by  Titus ;  and  the 
plo  ighing  up  of  the  site  of  the  Temple,  with  the  cap- 
ture of  Bether.  The  fast  of  the  seventh  month  to 
commemorate  the  complete  sack  of  Jerusalem  by 
Nebuchadnezzar  and  the  death  of  Gedaliah  (2  K. 
XXV.).  Tlie  fast  of  the  tenth  month  to  commemo- 
rate the  receiving  by  Ezekiel  and  the  other  captives 
in  Babylon  of  the  news  of  the  destruction  of  Jeru- 
salem. Some  other  events  mentioned  in  the  Mishna 
are  omitted  as  unimportant.  Of  those  here  stated, 
several  could  have  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  fasts 
in  the  time  of  the  prophet.  The  number  of  annual 
fasts  in  the  present  Jewish  calendar  has  been  mul- 
tiplied to  twenty-eight,  a  list  of  which  is  given  by 
Reland. — II.  Public  fasts  were  occasionally  pro- 
claimed to  express  national  humiliation,  and  to  sup- 
plicate divine  favor.  In  the  case  of  public  danger, 
the  proclamation  appears  to  have  been  accompanied 
with  the  blowing  of  trumpets  (Joel  ii.  1-15).  The 
following  instances  are  recorded  of  strictly  national 
fasts :  Samuel  gathered  "  all  Israel "  to  Mizpeh  and 
proclaimed  a  fast  (1  Sam.  vii.  6);  Jehoshaphat 
appointed  one  "throughout  all  Judah"  when  ho 
was  preparing  for  war  against  Moab  and  Am- 
mon  (2  Chr.  xx.  3) ;  in  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim, 
one  was  proclaimed  for  "  all  the  people  in  Jeru- 
salem and  all  who  came  thither  out  of  the  cities  of 
Judah,"  when  the  prophecy  of  Jeremiah  was  pub- 
licly read  by  Baruch  (Jer.  xxxvi.  6-10;  compare 
Baruch  i.  5);  three  days  after  the  feast  of  Taber- 
nacles, when  the  second  Temple  was  completed, 
"  the  children  of  Israel  assembled  with  fasting  and 
with  sackclothes  and  earth  upon  them  "  to  hear  the 
law  read,  and  to  confess  their  sins  (Neh.  ix.  1). 
There  are  references  to  general  fasts  in  the  Prophets 
(Joel  i.  14,  ii.  16;  Is.  Iviii.),  and  two  are  noticed  in 
1  and  2  .Maccabees  (1  Me.  iii.  46,  4V;  2  Mc.  xiii.  10- 
12).  There  are  a  considerable  number  of  instances 
of  cities  and  bodies  of  men  observing  fasts  on  oc- 
casions in  which  they  were  especially  concerned 
(Judg.  XX.  26;  1  Sam.  xxxi.'  13;  2  Sam.  i.  12;  1  K. 
xxi.  'J-12;  Ezr.  viii.  21-23;  Esth.  iv.  16).— HI.  Pri- 
vate occasional  fasts  are  recognized  in  Num.  xxx. 
13.  The  instances  given  of  individuals  fasting  under 
the  influence  of  grief,  vexation,  or  anxiety,  are 
numerous  (1  Sam.  i.  7,  xx.  34;  2  Sam.  iii.  35,  xii. 
16;  1  K.  xxi.  27;  Ezr.  x.  6;  Neh.  i.  4;  Dan.  ix.  3, 
X.  3).  The  fasts  of  forty  days  of  Moses  (Ex.  xxiv. 
IS,  xxxiv.  28;  Deut.  ix.  9,  18)  and  Elijah  (1  K.  xix. 
8)  were  special  acts  of  s|)iritual  discipline. — IV.  In 
tiie  N.  T.  the  only  references  to  the  Jewish  fasts  are 
the  mention  of  "  the  Fast,"  in  Acts  xxvii.  9  (gener- 
ally understood  to  denote  the  Day  of  Atonement), 
and  the  allusions  to  the  weekly  fa.sts  (Mat.  ix.  14  ; 
Mk.  ii.  18;  Lk.  v.  83,  xviii.  12;  Acts  x.  30).  These 
fasts  originated  some  time  after  the  Captivity. 
They  were  observed  on  the  second  and  fifth  days  of 
the  week,  which,  being  appointed  as  the  days  for 
public  fasts,  seem  to  have  been  selected  for  these 
private  vohmtary  fasts.  A  time  of  fasting  for  be- 
lievers is  foretold  (Mat.  ix.  15),  and  a  caution  is 
given  (vi.  16-18).  Fasting  and  prayer  are  great 
sources  of  spiritual  strength  (Mat.  xvi'i.  21  ;  Mk.  ix. 
29;  1  Cor.  vii.  6),  and  are  sometimes  especially  ap- 
propriate (Acts  xiii.  8,  xiv.  23).   Our  Saviour  fasted 


FAT 


303 


forty  days  and  forty  nights  (Mat.  iv.  2).  Anna 
fasted  and  prayed  (Lk.  ii.  36). — V.  The  Jewish  fasts 
were  observed  with  various  degrees  of  strictness. 
Sometimes  there  was  entire  abstinence  from  food 
(Esth.  iv.  16,  &c.).  On  other  occasions,  there  ap- 
pears  to  have  been  only  a  restriction  to  a  very  plain 
diet  (Dan.  x.  3).  Rules  are  given  in  the  Talmud  as 
to  the  mode  in  which  fasting  is  to  be  observed  on 
particular  occasions.  Those  who  fasted  frequently 
dressed  in  sackcloth  or  rent  their  clothes,  put  ashes 
on  their  head,  and  went  barefoot  (1  K.  xxi.  27;  Neh. 
ix.  1 ;  Ps.  XXXV.  13).  (Molrsino.) — VI.  The  sacri- 
fice of  the  personal  will,  which  gives  to  fasting  all 
its  value,  is  expressed  in  the  old  term  used  in  the 
law,  qffiictinff  the  soul.  But  the  Jews  were  prone 
in  their  formal  fasts  to  lose  the  idea  of  a  spiritual 
discipline  (Is.  Iviii.  3 ;  Zcch.  vii.  5,  6 ;  compare  Mat. 
vi.  16). 

Fat.  The  Hebrews  distinguished  between  the 
suet  or  pure  fat  of  an  animal  (Heb.  heleb  or  dtekh), 
and  the  fat  which  was  intermixed  with  the  lean 
(Ileb.  mashmanniin),  (Neh.  viii.  10).  Certain  restric- 
tions were  imposed  upon  them  in  reference  to  the 
former:  some  parts  of  the  suet,  viz.,  about  the 
stomacli",  the  entrails,  the  kiJneys,  and  the  tail  of  a 
sheep,  which  grows  to  an  excessive  size  in  many 
Eastern  countries,  and  produces  a  large  quantity  of 
rich  fat,  were  forbidden  to  be  eaten  in  the  case  of 
animals  oifered  to  Jehovah  in  sacrifice  (Lev.  iii.  3, 
9,  17,  vii.  3,  23).  The  ground  of  the  prohibition 
was  that  the  fat  was  the  richest  part  of  the  animal, 
and  therefore  belonged  to  Him  (iii.  16).  The  pre- 
sentation of  the  fat  as  the  richest  part  of  the  animal 
was  agreeable  to  the  dictates  of  natural  feeling,  and 
was  the  ordinary  practice  even  of  heathen  nations. 
The  burning  of  the  fat  of  sacrifices  was  particularly 
specified  in  each  kind  of  ottering.  The  Hebrews 
fully  appreciated  the  luxury  of  well-fjtted  meat,  and 
had  their  stall-fed  oxen  and  calves  ( 1  K.  iv.  23  ;  Jer. 
xlvi.  21;  Lk.  xv.  23).  "Fat"  figuratively  =  the 
best  of  any  production  (Gen.  xiv.  18;  Num.  xviii.  12 
marg'.n ;  Ps.  Ixxxi.  \6  margin,  cxlvii.  14  margin; 
compare  2  Sam.  i.  22 ;  Judg.  iii.  29  margin ;  Is.  x. 
16).     Food  ;  Sacrifice. 

Fat  (i.  e.  Vat),  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb. 
1/ekeb  (Joel  ii.  24,  iii.  13),  commonly  translated 
"  wi.NE-PRESs,"  once  "press-fat"  (Hag.  ii.  16). 

Fa'thcr  (Heb.  d*  ;  Gr.  ;)a&'»-).  The  position  and 
authority  of  the  father  as  the  head  of  the  family  is 
expressly  assumed  and  sanctioned  in  Scripture,  as  a 
likeness  of  that  of  the  Almighty  over  His  creatures. 
It  lies  of  course  at  the  root  of  that  so-called  patri- 
archal government  (Patriarcti)  (Gen.  iii.  16  ;  1  Cor. 
xi.  3),  which  was  introductory  to  the  more  definite 
systems  which  followed,  and  which  in  part,  but  not 
wholly,  superseded  it.  (LAWOPMost:3.)  The  father's 
blessing  was  regarded  as  conferring  special  benefit, 
but  his  malediction  special  injurv,  on  those  on  whom 
it  fell  (Gen.  ix.  25,  27,  xxvii.  27-40,  xlviii.  15,  20, 
xlix.).  The  sin  of  a  parent  affected  in  certain  cases 
the  welfare  of  his  descendants  (2  K.  v.  27 ;  Ex.  xx. 
6 ;  Eli);  though  the  law  forbade  to  punish  the  son 
for  his  father's  transgression  (Deut.  xxiv.  16).  In- 
stances of  legal  enactments  in  support  of  parental 
authority  are  found  in  Ex.  xxii.  17;  Num.  xxx.  3, 
6;  Deut.  xxi.  18,  21 ;  Lev.  xx.  9,  xxi.  9,  xxii.  12: 
and  the  spirit  of  the  law  in  this  direction  may  be 
seen  in  Prov.  xiii.  1,  xv.  5,  xx.  20,  xxviii.  24,  xxx. 
17;  Is.  xiv.  10;  Mai.  i.  6.  (AoK,  Old;  Child; 
Daughter  ;  Education  ;  Marriage  ;  Mother  ; 
Punishments.)  Among  Mohammedans  parental 
authority  has  great  weight  during  the  time  of  pupil- 


804 


FAT 


FEN 


age. — "  Father  "  in  the  Scriptures  =  1  The  male 
parent  (Gen.  is.  22,  23,  &c.) ;  in  the  plural  sometimes 
=  both  parents  (Eph.  vi.  4,  compare  2).  2.  An  an- 
cestor or  forefather,  especially  a  patriarch  or  founder 
of  a  tribe,  people,  city,  &c.  (Gen.  xxviii.  13 ;  Num. 
xviii.  1 ;  1  Chr.  ii.  49  ft'. ;  Mat.  iii.  9,  &c.) ;  in  plural 
=  ancestors  in  general  (Gen.  xv.  15,  &e.).  Hence 
the  originator  of  an  art,  as  the  founder  of  a  family 
composed  of  those  who  practise  it  (Gen.  iv.  21,  &c.), 
the  beginner  of  any  series  or  line  of  succession 
(Gen.  xvii.  4  ;  Jn.  viii.  44 ;  Rom.  iv.  1 1,  &c.),  &c.  3. 
The  author  or  maker  of  any  thing,  especially  a 
creator  (Job  xxxviii.  28;  Jas.  i.  17).  4.  One  who 
acts  or  is  regarded  as  acting  in  any  respect  as  a 
father,  e.  g.  a  benefactor,  protector,  teacher,  adviser, 
&c.  (Job  xxix.  16;  Ps.  Ixviii.  5;  Judg.  xvii.  10; 
Gen.  xlv.  8,  &c.).  God  as  the  great  creator,  presener, 
governor,  is  in  a  sense  the  Father  of  all  men ;  but 
especially  the  Father  of  His  covenant  people  (Jcr. 
xxxi.  9 ;  Mat.  vi.  9,  &c.).  "  The  Father,  the  Son, 
and  the  Holy  Ghost "  are  expressly  distinguished 
(Mat.  xxviii.  19,  &c.).  Son  or  God  ;  Spirit,  the 
Holy. 
Fath'om.    Weights  and  Meascres. 

*  Fat'ling.    Beast  ;  Fat  ;  Food,  &c.        • 
Feasts.     Banquet;  Festivals. 

*  Feasts  of  Char'l-ty  (Gr.  agapni,  pi.  of  agape,  — 
loves  ;  see  Charity)  (Jude  12  only  ,  compare  2  Pet. 
ii.  13  and  1  Cor.  xi.  17  ff.)  =  certain  banquets  or 
social  meals  among  the  early  Christians,  intended  as 
an  exhibition  of  tlieir  mutual  love,  and  usually  cel- 
ebrated in  connection  with  the  Lord's  Supper ;  also 
called  love-ftmts  (L.  agapa).  The  food  was  contrib- 
uted by  the  wealthier  members,  and  shared  among 
all  Christians  who  chose  to  partake  (Acts  ii.  46,  vi. 
2).  Portions  were  also  sent  to  the  sick  and  absent 
members.  In  consequence  of  abuses  they  were  for- 
bidden by  the  .Council  of  Laodicea  A.  D.  361,  and 
by  the  tliird  Council  of  Carthage  a.  d.  397,  to  be 
held  in  houses  of  worship,  and  after  the  prohibitions 
by  the  Council  of  Orleans  a.  d.  541,  and  of  Trullo 
A.  D.  692,  &c.,  were  entirely  disused.  Lord's  Sup- 
per. 

*  Feet,  plural  of  Foot. 

Felix  (L.  happy),  a  Roman  procurator  of  Judea, 
appointed  by  the  Emperor  Claudius,  wliose  freedman 
he  was,  on  the  banishment  of  Ventidius  Cunianus 
in  A.  D.  53.  Tacitus  states  that  Felix  and  Cumanua 
were  joint  procurators ;  Cumanus  having  Galilee, 
and  Felix  Samaria.  Felix  was  the  brother  of  Clau- 
dius's powerful  freedman  Pallas.  He  ruled  the 
province  in  a  mean,  cruel,  and  profligate  manner. 
His  period  of  office  was  full  of  troubles  and  sedi- 
tions. St.  Paul  was  brought  before  Felix  in  Cesarea. 
He  was  remanded  to  prison,  and  kept  there  two 
years,  in  hopes  of  extorting  money  from  him  (Acta 
xxiii.,  xxiv.).  At  the  end  of  that  time  Porcius  Fks- 
Tus  was  appointed  to  supersede  Felix,  who,  on  his 
return  to  Rome,  was  accused  by  the  Jews  in  Cesarea, 
and  would  have  suffered  the  penalty  due  to  his  atroci- 
ties, had  not  his  brother  Pallas  prevailed  with  the  Em- 
peror Nero  to  spare  him.  This  was  probably  in  60 
A.  D.  Felix's  wife  was  Drusilla,  daughter  of  Herod 
Agrippa  L 

Feiitcd  Clt'y  [fenst  sit'te]  (Heb.  mibts&r).  The 
broad  distinction  between  a  city  and  a  village  in 
Bil)lical  language  consisted  in  the  possession  of 
walls.  The  city  had  walls,  the  village  was  unwalled, 
or  had  only  a  watchman's  tower,  to  which  the  villa- 
gers resorted  in  times  of  danger.  A  threefold  dis- 
tinction is  thus  obtained — 1.  "cities;"  2.  unwalled 
"  villages ;  "  3.  villages  with  "  castles  "  or  towers 


(1  Chr.  xxvii.  25).  The  district  E.  of  the  Jordan, 
forming  the  kingdoms  of  Moab  and  Bashan  (Argob), 
is  said  to  have  abounded  from  very  early  times  in 
castles  and  fortresses,  such  as  were  built  by  Uzziah 
to  protect  the  cattle,  and  to  repel  the  inroads  of  the 
neighboring  tribes,  besides  unwalled  towns  (Deut. 
hi.  5;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  10).  The  fortifications  of  the 
cities  of  Palestine,  thus  regularly  "  fenced,"  con- 
sisted of  one  or  more  walls  crowned  with  battle- 
mented  parapets,  having  towers  at  regular  inter\al3 
(xxxii.  5 ;  Jer.  xxxi.  38)  (Jerusalem),  on  which, 
in  later  times,  engines  of  war  (Engine)  were  placed, 
and  watch  was  kept  by  day  and  night  in  time  of 
war  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  9,  15  ;  2  K.  ix.  17).  The  gateways 
of  fortified  towns  were  also  fortified  and  closed  with 
strong  doors  (Nch.  ii.  8,  iii.  3,  6,  &c.).  In  advance 
of  the  wall  there  appears  to  have  been  sometimes 
an  outwork  (Heb.  hiyl  or  cheyl,  2  Sam.  xx.  15,  A.  V. 


The  so-called  Golden  Gftteof  Jen]fti1nn,«howIng8i'ppofledremaIoBOf 
the  old  Jewish  wait 

"  in  the  trench,"  margin  "  against  the  outmost 
wall ;  "  1  K.  xxi.  23,  A.V.  "  wall,"  margin  "  ditch  "), 
which  was  perhaps  cither  a  palisade  or  wall  lining 


Walla  of  Antiocb  In  Syria.— (Ayre'a  Treatury  of  Bible  SnotcUdge.) 


the  ditch,  or  a  wall  raised  midway  within  the  ditch 
itself.  In  many  towns  there  was  a  keep  or  citadel 
for  a  last  resource  to  the  defenders.     Tlicse  foits 


FER 


FEV 


305 


were  well  furnished  with  cisterns.  (Astonia.)  But 
the  fortified  places  of  Palestine  served  only  in  a  few 
instances  to  check  effectually  the  progress  of  an  in- 
vading force,  though  many  instances  of  determined 
and  protracted  resistance  are  on  record,  as  of  Sama- 
ria for  three  years  (2  K.  xviii.  10),  Jeuusalem  (xxv. 
3)  for  four  months,  and  in  later  times  of  Jotapata, 
Ganiala,  llachicrus,  Masada,  and,  above  all,  Jerusa- 
lem itself,  the  strength  of  whose  defences  drew  forth 
the  admiration  of  the  conqueror  Titus. — The  walls 
of  AxTiocn  1,  large  portions  of  which  still  re- 
main were  of  great  size  and  strength,  from  thirty 
to  fifty  feet  high,  and  fifteen  feat  thick,  flanked  by 
numerous  square  towers,  and  carried  up  and 
down  the  steep  movmtain-side. — The  earlier  Egyp- 
tian fortifications  consisted  usually  of  a  quad- 
rangular and  sometimes  double  wall  of  sun-dried 
brick,  fifteen  feet  thick,  and  often  fifty  feet  in 
height,  with  square  towers  at  intervals,  of  the  same 
heiglit  as  the  walls,  both  crowned  with  a  parapet, 
and  a  round-headed  battlement  in  shape  like  a 
shield.  A  second  lower  wall  with  towers  at  the  en- 
trance was  added,  distant  thirteen  or  twenty  feet 
from  the  main  wall,  and  sometimes  another  was 
made  of  seventy  or  one  hundred  feet  in  length,  pro- 
jecting at  right  angles  from  the  main  wall,  to  enable 
tiie  defenders  to  annoy  the  assailants  in  flank.  An- 
Tiocii;  Babylon;  Ninevkii;  Tyre;  War;  Zioon. 

Fer'rst,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Ileb.  andkilh, 
one  of  the  unclean  creeping  things  hi  Lev.  xi.  30  ; 
according  to  the  LXX.  and  Vulgate  =  the  shrew- 
mouse  (.')/«s  aranms);  probably  a  reptile  of  the 
lizard  tribe  (so  Mr.  Drake,  with  Gesenius,  Fiirst, 
&c.).  The  "ferret"  (Mustda  furo,  Linn.)  is  an 
animxl  of  the  weasel  kind,  often  used  to  hunt  rab- 
bits. 

*  Fer'ry-bMt,  the  translation  by  the  A.  V.,  Gese- 
nius, Fiirst,  &c.,of  the  Heb.  '«6ara/t  in  2  Sam.  xix.  18; 
perhaps  a  shallow,  flat-bottomed  boat,  or  a  raft  or 
float  of  reeds  like  those  used  m  crossing  the 
Nile. 

Fes'tl-vals.  L  The  religious  times  ordained  in 
the  Law  fall  under  three  heads : — 1.  Tliosc  for- 
mally connected  with  the  institution  of  the  Sabbath ; 
(a)  The  weekly  Sabbath  itself.  (6)  The  seventh 
new  moon  or  Feast  of  Trumpets.  (Trumpets,  Feast 
OF.)  (c)  The  Sabbatical  Year,  (rf)  The  Year  of 
Jubilee. — 2.  The  great  feasts  ; — («)  The  Pass- 
ove:i.  (4)  Tlie  Feast  of  Pentecost,  of  Weeks,  of 
AVheat-harve-it,  or,  of  the  First-fruits,  {c)  The 
Feast  of  Tabernacles,  or  of  Ingathering.  (Taber- 
nacles, Feast  of.)  Ou  each  of  these  oeeasions  every 
male  Israelite  was  commanded  "  to  appear  before 
the  Lord,"  i.  e.  to  attend  in  the  court  of  the  Taber- 
nacle or  the  Temple,  and  to  make  his  offering  with  a 
joyful  heart  (Lev.  xxiii.  40;  Dent.  xxvi.  11  ;  Neh. 
viii.  «-12).  The  attendance  of  women  was  volun- 
tary, but  the  zealous  often  went  up  to  the  Passover 
(1  Sim.  i.  7,  ii.  19;  Lk.  ii.  41).  On  all  the  days  of 
Iloly  Convocation  there  was  to  be  an  entire  sus- 
pension of  ordinary  labor  of  all  kinds  (Ex.  xii.  IB; 
Lev.  xvi.  29,  xxiii.  21,  24,  25,  35).  Put  on  the 
intervening  days  of  the  longer  festivals  work  might 
be  carried  on.  Besides  their  religious  purpose,  the 
great  festivals  must  have  had  an  important  bearing 
on  the  maintenance  of  a  feeling  of  national  unity. 
The  frequent  recurrence  of  the  sabbatical  number 
(  =  7)  in  the  organization  of  these  festivals  is  remark- 
able. Pentecost  occurs  seven  weeks  after  the  Pass- 
over; the  Passover  and  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles 
last  seven  days  each ;  the  days  of  Holy  Convocation 
are  seven  in  the  year ;  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles 
20 


and  the  Day  of  Atonement  fall  in  the  seventh 
month  of  the  sacred  year ;  the  cycle  of  annual 
feasts  occupies  seven  months,  from  Nisan  to  Tisri. 
The  agricultural  significance  of  the  three  great 
festivals  is  already  set  forth  in  the  account  of  the 
Jewish  sacred  year  in  Lev.  xxiii.  (Agriculture.) 
The  times  of  the  festivals  were  evidently  ordained 
in  wisdom,  so  as  to  interfere  as  little  as  possible 
with  the  industry  of  the  people. — 3.  The  Day  of 
Atonement.  (Atonement,  Day  of.) — II.  After  the 
Captivity,  the  Feast  of  Purim  (Esth.  ix.  20  ft'.)  and 
that  of  the  Dedication  (1  Mc.  iv.  56)  were  insti- 
tuted. The  Feast  of  Wood-carrying,  on  the  fifteenth 
of  the  fifth  month,  is  mentioned  by  Josephus  and 
the  Mishna  (Neh.  x.  34).  The  feasts  of  Nicanor  on 
the  thirteenth  of  the  twelfth  month  (1  Mc.  vii.  49), 
of  Acra  (A.  V.  "  the  tower  ")  on  the  twenty-third 
of  the  second  month  (xiii.  50-62),  of  Water-draw- 
ing on  the  twenty-second  of  the  seventh  month 
(compare  Jri.  vii.  37),  and  some  others,  were  insti- 
tuted after  the  Captivity,  but  subsequently  discon- 
tinued (Dr.  Ginsburg,  in  Kitto).  The  term  "the 
Festival  of  the  Basket "  is  applied  by  Philo  to  the 
offering  of  the  First-fruits  described  in  Deut. 
x.xvi.  1-H.     Banquets. 

Fes'tas  (L.  of  the  holidays,  festal ;  a  Roman  sur- 
name), Por'd-ns  (L.,  the  name  common  to  members 
of  a  certain  Roman  clan,  from  porais,  a  hogi),  suc- 
cessor of  Felix  as  procurator  of  Judea  (Acts  xxiv. 
27),  sent  by  Nero,  probably  in  the  autumn  of  60  a.d. 
A  few  weeks  after  Festus  reached  his  province,  he 
heard  the  cause  of  St.  Paul,  who  had  been  left  a 
prisoner  by  Felix,  in  the  presence  of  Herod  Agrippa 
II.  and  Bernice  his  sister  (xxv.  11,  12).  Judea  was 
in  the  same  disturbed  state  during  Festus's  proo- 
uratorship  as  through  that  of  his  predecessor.  He 
died  probably  in  the  summer  of  a.  d.  62,  having 
ruled  tlie  province  less  than  two  years. 

Fct'tcrs  (=  chains  to  confine  the  feet),  the  A.  V. 
translation  of — 1.  Heb.  7iSliushtat/im  or  ncJmsh- 
tai/im,  in  the  dual  number,  expressing  the  material 
of  which  fetters  were  usually  made,  viz. "  Brass,"  and 
also  that  they  were  made  in  pairs  (Jndg.  xvi.  21 ; 
2  Sam.  iii.  34  ;  2  K.  xxv.  7  ;  2  Chr.  xxxiii.  11,  xxxvi. 
6;  Jer.  xxxix.  7,  Iii.  11,  margin  in  both,  text 
"  chains  "). — 2.  Heb.  cehcl,  once  in  singular,  perhaps 
=  the  link  which  connected  the  fetters  (Ps.  cv.  18, 
exlix.  8).  Iron  is  here  mentioned  as  the  material. 
— 3.  Heb.  pi.  zikkim  (Job  xxxvi.  8),  usually  trans- 
lated "  chains  "  (Ps.  cxlix.  8 ;  Is.  xlv.  14  ;  Nah.  iii. 
10),  but  its  radical  sense  appears  to  refer  to  the 
eoniracliori  of  the  feet  by  a  chain. — 4.  Gr.  pi. 
pedai  (Mk.  v.  4  ;  Lk.  viii.  29). 

Fe'Ter.  The  Heb.  kaddahath  or  kaddachath  is 
translated  in  A.V.  "  burning  ague  "  (Lev.  xxvi.  16), 
and  "  fever  "  (Deut.  xxviii.  22) ;  also  in  xxviii.  22 
Heb.  d'lUeketh  is  translated  "  inflammation,"  and 
harhur  or  charvhnr  is  translated  "  extreme  burn- 
ing." In  the  N.  T.  the  Gr.  noun  puretos  is  trans- 
lated "fever"  (Mat.  viii.  15;  Mk.  i.  31 ;  Lk.  iv.  38, 
39 ;  Jn.  iv.  52  ;  Acts  xxviii.  8),  and  the  kindred  Gr. 
fcm.  participle  jmresso^uia  is  translated  "  sick  of  a 
fever"  (Mat.  viii.  14;  Mk.  i.  30).  Dr.  W.  L.  Alex- 
ander(in  Kitto)  supposes  the  second  (A.  V.  "  inflam- 
mation ")  to  be  the  ague ;  the  third  (A.  V.  "  extreme 
burning")  to  be  dysentery,  or  some  inflammatory 
fever. — Tliese  words,  from  various  roots  signifying 
heat  or  inflammation,  are  suggestive  of  fever,  or  a 
feverish  affection.  Fever  constantly  accompanies 
the  bloody  flux,  or  dysentery  (Acts  xxviii.  8).  Fever 
and  ague,  &c.,  are  very  common  in  Jerusalem  (Rbn. 
Phya.  Qcog.  309).     Malignant  fevers  are  still  preva- 


306 


FIE 


FlBf 


lent,  especially  in  summer  and  autumn,  about  the 
sea  of  Galilee  (Thomson,  i.  547). 

Field.  The  Hebrew  xddih,  usually  translated 
"  field  "  =  unenclosed  land,  the  open  felds,  the  conii- 
tri/,  Ges.  It  embraces  both  tilled  fields  and  pas- 
tures (Gen.  x.xxi.  4,  xxxvii.  7,  &c.),  also  mountain- 
ous land  and  fields,  planted  with  trees  (Judg.  ix. 
32,  compare  36  ;  Ps.  cxxxii.  6).  It  is  frequently 
contrasted  with  what  is  enclosed,  whether  a  vine- 
yard, a  garden,  or  a  walled  town.  In  many  passages 
the  term  implies  what  is  remote  from  a  house  (Gen, 
iv.  8,  xxiv.  63 ;  Deut.  xxii.  23)  or  settled  habitation, 
as  in  the  case  of  Esau  (Gen.  xxv.  27).  (Beast.) 
The  separate  plots  of  ground  were  marked  off  by 
stones  (A.  V.  "  land-marks  "),  which  might  easily 
be  removed  (Deut.  xix.  14,  xxvii.  17 ;  compare  Job 
xxiv.  2 ;  Prov.  xxii.  28,  xxiii.  10) :  the  absence  of 
fences  rendered  the  fields  liable  to  damage  from 
straying  cattle  (Ex.  xxii.  5)  or  fire  (ver.  6  ;  2  Sam. 
xiv.  30) :  hence  the  necessity  of  constantly  watch- 
ing flocks  and  herds.  From  the  absence  of  en- 
closures, cultivated  land  of  any  size  might  be 
termed  a  field.  Similar  remarks  apply  to  the  Gr. 
agros  (rz  Ilcb.  sUdeh,  LXX.),  usually  translated 
"  field  "  in  the  N.  T.  (Mat.  vi.  28,  30,  xiii.  24  ff.,  &c.). 
The  expressions  "fruitful  field"  (Is.  x.  18,  xxix. 
17,  xxxii.  15,  16),  and  "plentiful  field"  (Is.  xvi. 
10  ;  Jer.  xlviii.  33),  are  the  A.  V.  translation  of 
Heb.  carmel  =  a  garden,  orchard,  park,  or  well- 
kept  wood,  as  distinct  from  a  wilderness  or  a  forest. 
Carmel  ;  Fcller's  Field  ;  Potter's  Field. 

Fig,  Fig-trce,  both  occur  as  =  Heb.  Uenuh,  which 
signifies  the  tree  Ficus  Cariea  of  Linnaeus,  and  also 
its  fruit.  In  N.  T.  the  Gr.  snlce  =  "  the  fig-tree," 
and  the  Gr.  plural  suka  =  "  figs."  The  fig-tree  is 
very  common  in  Palestine  (Deut.  viii.  8).  Its  fruit 
is  a  well-known  and  highly-esteemed  article  of  food. 
In  the  East  this  is  of  three  kinds  ;  (1.)  the  earlji  fg 
(Ileb.  btccurdh,  below),  ripening  about  the  end  of 


Fig,  Fietu  CariM.— (Fbn.) 


June;  (2.)  the  summer  fig,  ripening  in  August ;  (3.) 
the  vAnterfig,  larger  and  darker  than  No.  2,  hanging 
and  ripening  late  on  the  tree,  even  after  the  leaves 
were  shed,  and  sometimes  gathered  in  the  spring 


(Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.).  The  blossoms  of  the  fig-tree  are 
within  the  receptacle  or  so-called  "  fi  uit,"  and 
not  visible  outwardly ;  and  this  fruit  begins  to  de- 
velop before  the  leaves.  Hence  the  fig-trce  which 
had  leaves  before  the  usual  time  might  naturally 
have  been  expected  to  have  also  some  figs  on  it 
(Mk.  xi.  13);  but  it  was  not  true  to  its  pretensions. 
The  "  fig-leaves,"  of  which  our  first  parents  made 
themselves  "  aprons  "  (Gen.  iii.7),  have  been  supposed 
to  be  leaves  of  the  banyan  or  Indian  fig  {Ficus  Indica) 
(so  Milton),  or  the  enormous  leaves  of  the  banana 
(Musa  paradlsiaca)  (so  Celsius,  Gesenius,  &c.\  but 
were  probably  the  large  and  beautiful  leaves  of  the 
common  fig-tree.  Mount  Olivet  was  famous  for  its  fig- 
trees  in  ancient  times,  and  they  are  still  found  there. 
"To  sit  under  one's  own  vine  and  one's  own  fig- 
tree"  became  a  proverbial  expression  among  the 
Jews  to  denote  peace  and  prosperity  (1  K.  iv.  25 ; 
Mic.  iv.  4;  Zech.  iii.  10).  The  Ileb.  liccurdh  (II os. 
ix.  10;  Mic.  vii.  1)  =  the  first  ripe  of  the  fi'g-irie  ; 
Heb.  pag  (Cant.  ii.  13 ;  A.  V.  "  green  figs  ")  =  the 
unripe  fig,  which  hangs  through  the  winter ;  Heb. 
dibeidh  =  aroundcakeof  figs  dried  and  compressed 
into  a  mass,  used  for  food  (1  Sam.  xxv.  18,  &c.),  also 
(A.  V.  "  a  lump  of  figs  ")  laid  on  Hczekiah's  boil 
(2  K.  XX.  7;  Is.  xxxviii.  21). 

*Filf,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  pSsirdh  (1 
Sam.  xiii.  21  only),  which  Gesenius  translates  dul- 
ncss,  bliintness,  literally  t/ie  being  notched.  The 
sense  tlnis  would  be :  "  the  Iscaclites  went  down  to 
the  Philistines  to  sharpen  every  man  his  share," 
&c. — "  when  the  mattocks,  &c.,  were  dull ;  "  liter- 
ally uhen  there  was  nolchedness  of  mouths  (i.  e.  dul- 
ness  of  edges)  to  the  mattoels,  &c. 

*  Finer  =  Refiner  (Prov.  xxv.  4). 

*  Fines.     Punishments. 

*  Fin'ger  [fing'ger]  (Heb.  elsba^ ;  Gr.  daltu!os}  = 
one  of  the  five  extremities  of  the  hand.  The  priest 
sprinkled  with  his  fore-finger  (Lev.  iv.  6  ff.,  xiv.  16, 
27,  &c.).  "  Putting  forth  the  finger,"  i.  c.  pointing 
with  it  (Is.  Iviii.  9)  indicated  contempt.  "The 
finger  of  God"  (Ex.  viii.  19;  Lk.  xi.  20)  figuratively 
=  God's  power.  One  of  the  Philistine  giants  had 
six  fingers  on  each  hand  (2  Sam.  xxi.  20 ;  1  Chr. 
XX.  6).     Weights  and  Measures. 

Fir,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb.  blrosh, 
beroth,  denoting  a  tree  whose  timber  was  used  for 
musical  instruments  (2  Sam.  vi.  5),  doors  (IK.  vi. 
34),  gilded  ceilings  (2  Chr.  iii.  5),  boards  or  decks 
of  ships  (Ez.  xxvii.  v).  Mr.  Houghton  supposes  the 
Hebrew  =  the  J'inus  Hahpensis  (Aleppo  pine),  or 
the  J-aniperns  excelsa  (tall  juniper),  both  of  wliich 
grow  on  Lebanon,  and  would  supply  excellent  tim- 
ber for  these  purposes.  (Cedar.)  Gesenius  and 
ancient  interpreters  translate  the  Hebrew  by  Cy- 
press ;  Celsius  regards  it  as  the  cedar  of  Lebanon  ; 
Fiirst  infers  that  several  trees  (cypress,  cedar,  pine, 
&c.)  Were  designated  by  the  term. 

Fire  (Heb.  esA;  Gt.  pur). — I.  7ie%?ows.  (l.)That 
which  consumed  the  burnt  sacrifice,  and  the  incense- 
offering,  beginning  with  the  sacrifice  of  Noah  (Gen. 
viii.  20),  and  continued  in  the  ever-burning  fire  on 
the  altar,  first  kindled  from  heaven  (Lev.  vi.  9,  13, 
ix.  24),  and  rekindled  at  the  dedication  of  Solomon's 
Temple  (2  Chr.  vii.  1,  3).  (Altar  ;  Burnt-Offer- 
ing; Incense;  Sacrifice.)  (2.)  The  symbol  of 
Jehovah's  presence,  and  the  instrument  of  His 
power,  in  the  way  either  of  approval  or  of  destruc- 
tion (Ex.  iii.  2,  XIV.  19,  &c.).  Parallel  with  this  ap- 
plication of  fire  and  with  its  symbolical  meaning  is 
to  be  noted  the  similar  use  for  sacrificial  purposes, 
and  the  respect  paid  to  it,  or  to  the  heavenly  bodies 


FES 


FIR 


3or 


as  symbols  of  deity,  which  prevailed  among  so  many 
nations  of  antiquity,  and  of  which  the  traces  are  not 
even  now  extinct :  e.  g.  the  Sabean  and  Magian  sys- 
tems of  worship,  and  their  alleged  connection  with 
Abraham  ;  the  occasional  relapse  of  the  Jews  them- 
selves into  sun-worship,  or  its  corrupted  form  of 
fire-worship  (Is.  xxvii.  9;  Deut.  xvii.  3,  &c.),  the 
worship  or  deification  of  heavenly  bodies  or  of  fire, 
prevailing  to  some  extent,  as  among  the  Persians, 
80  also  even  in  Egypt.  (Idolatry.)  Fire  for  sacred 
purposes  obtained  elsewhere  than  from  the  altar 
was  called  "strange  fire,"  and  for  use  of  such 
Nadab  and  Abihu  were  punished  with  death  by  fire 
from  God  (Lev.  x.  1,  2;  Xum.  iii.  4,  xxvi.  61).  (3.) 
Of  the  spoil  taken  from  the  Midianites,  such  articles 
as  could  bear  it  were  purified  by  fire  as  well  as  in 
the  water  appointed  for  the  purpose  (Xum.  xxxi. 
23).  The  victims  slain  for  sin-offerings  were  after- 
ward consumed  by  fire  outside  the  camp  (Lev.  iv. 
12,  21,  vi.  30,  xvi.  27  ;  Heb.  xiii.  11).  (Xazarite.) 
— II.  Domestic.  Besides  for  cooking  purposes,  fire 
is  often  required  in  Palestine  for  warmth  ( Jer.  xxxvi. 
22  ;  Mk.  xiv.  54 ;  Jn.  xviii.  18).  (Bread  ;  Coal  ; 
Cooking  ;  Oven.)  For  this  purpose  a  hearth  with  a 
chimney  is  sometimes  constructed,  on  which  either 
lighted  wood  or  pans  of  charcoal  are  placed.  On 
the  Sabbath,  the  Law  forbade  any  fire  to  be  kindled 
even  for  cooking  (Ex.  xxxv.  3  ;  Num.  xv.  32). — III. 
The  dryness  of  the  land  in  the  hot  season,  in  Syria, 
of  course  increases  liability  to  accident  from  fire. 
The  Law  therefore  ordered  that  any  one  kindling  a 
fire  which  caused  damage  to  corn  in  a  field  should 
make  restitution  (Ex.  xxii.  6 ;  compare  Judg.  xv.  4, 
5 ;  2  Sam.  xiv.  30).  (Pi'ni.shme.nts.) — IV.  Fire  or 
flame  is  used  in  a  metaphorical  sense  to  express  ex- 
cited feeling  and  divine  inspiration,  also  to  describe 
temporal  calamities  and  future  punishments  (Ps. 
Ixvi.  12;  Jer.  xx.  9;  Joel  ii.  30;  Mai.  iii.  2;  Mat. 
XXV.  41;  Mk.  ix.  43;  Rev.  xx.  15).  Brimsto.ne  ; 
Blrial;  Death;  Eternal;  Eternity;  Furnace; 
Handicraft  ;  Molech  ;  Refiner  ;  Sbechi.vah  ;  War. 

Firepan,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb.  mahiuh 
or  machtah,  one  of  the  vessels  of  the  temple  service 
(Ex.  xxvii.  3,  xxxviii.  3  ;  2  K.  xxv.  15  ;  Jer.  Iii.  19), 
elsewhere  rendered  "  snuff-dish "  (Ex.  xxv.  38, 
xxxvii.  23;  Num.  iv.  9) and  "censer"  (Lev.  x.  1,  xvi. 
12;  Num.  xvi.  6  ff.).  (Altar.)  There  appear, 
therefore,  to  have  been  two  articles  so  called :  one, 
like  a  chafing-dish,  to  carry  live  coals  for  burning 
incense ;  another,  like  a  snuffer-dish,  used  in  trim- 
ming the  lamps,  to  carry  the  snuffers  and  convey 
away  the  snuff. 

Fir' kin.    Weights  and  Measures. 

Fir'nm-mcnt  (fr.  L.  firmamerUum  —  a  strengthen- 
inij,  support,  prop),  the  A.V.  translation  of  the  Heb. 
rdkia'  (Gen.  i.  6  ff'. ;  Ps.  xix.  1  [Ileb.  2],  cl.  1 ;  Ez.  i. 
22  ff.  X.  1 ;  Dan.  xii.  3),  generally  regarded  as  ex- 
pressive of  simple  expansion,  and  so  rendered  in  the 
margin  of  Gen.  i.  6.  The  Heb.  root  rd/ta'  =  (so  Ge- 
senius)  ( 1. )  to  beat,  to  smite  with  the  feet,  to  "  stamp" 
(Ez.  vi.  II,  XXV.  6),  hence  to  tread  down  enemies  (2 
Sam.  xxii.  42,  A.  V.  "did  spread  them  abroad"); 
(2.)  to  beat  out,  i.  e.  to  spread  out  or  expand  by 
beating,  whether  by  the  hand,  the  foot,  or  any  in^ 
Btrument;  used  of  beating  out  metals  into  thin 
plates  (Ex.  xxxix.  3;  Num.  xvi.  39,  A.  V.  "they 
were  made  broad  plates  ").  The  sense  of  solidilu, 
therefore,  is  combined  with  the  ideas  of  expansion 
and  lenuitj/  in  the  term  (so  Mr.  Bevan,  &c.).  Gese- 
niua  says,  "  hence,  simply  to  spread  out,  to  expand, 
as  God  the  earth  "  (Ps.  cxxxvi.  6,  A.  V.  "  stretched 
out;"  Is.  xlii.  5,  A.  V.  "spread  forth;"  xliv.  24, 


A.  V.  "spreadeth  abroad"),  and  the  heavens  (Job 
xxxvii.  18,  A.  V.  "spread  out").  It  is  unfair  for 
us  to  take  such  poetical  descriptions  as  those  in 
which  the  heavens  are  compared  to  a  mirror  of 
shining  metal,  &c.  (Job  xxxvii.  18;  compare  Gen. 
i.  20  and  Deut.  xxviii.  23),  and  interpret  them  aS 
scientific  statements ;  for  modern  poets  use  language 
fully  as  unscientific.  The  "  tirmaineut "  was  to 
serve  as  a  division  between  the  waters  above  and 
the  waters  below  (Gen.  i.  7).  In  it  were  placed  the 
heavenly  bodies,  sun,  moon,  and  stars  (i.  14) ; 
"  above"  it,  in  Ezekiel's  vision  of  the  cherubim  (Ez. 
1.  22-26),  was  "  the  likeness  of  a  throne "  (God's). 
"  There  seems  no  reason  for  thinking  that  the  sacred 
writers  conceived  of  "  it "  as  a  solid  substance ;  they 
seem  rather  to  have  thought  of  it  as  a  wide  expan- 
sion, in  which  the  clouds,  and  winds,  and  heavenly 
bodies  had  their  place,  and  from  which  the  rain 
came  down  "  (Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander  in  Kitto).  Crea- 
tion ;  Earth  ;  Heaven. 

First'-born  (Heb.  blchor;  Gr.  prdtotokos),  applied 
to  animals  ami  human  beings.  That  some  rights 
of  primogeniture  existed  in  very  early  times  is  plain, 
but  it  is  not  so  clear  in  what  they  consisted.  They 
have  been  classed  as  (a)  authority  over  the  rest  of 
the  family;  (6)  priesthood  ;  (c)  a  double  portion  of 
the  inheritance  (Gen.  xxv.  23,  31,  34,  xxvii.  29,  33j 
36,  xlix.  3  ;  1  Chr.  v.  1,  2  ;  Heb.  xii.  16).  (Esau  ; 
Reuben.)  Under  the  Law,  in  memory  of  the  Ex- 
odus (Plagues,  the  Ten,  No.  10),  the  eldest  son 
was  regarded  as  devoted  to  God,  and  was  in  every 
case  to  be  redeemed  by  an  offering  not  exceeding 
five  shekels,  within  one  month  from  birth.  If  he 
died  before  the  expiration  of  thirty  days,  the  Jewish 
doctors  held  the  father  excused,  but  liable  to  the 
payment  if  he  outlived  that  time  (Ex.  xiii.  12-15, 
xxii.  29;  Num.  viii.  17,  xviii.  15,  16;  Lev.  xxvii.  6). 
(Child.)  This  devotion  of  the  first-born  was  be- 
lieved to  indicate  a  priesthood  belonging  to  the 
eldest  sons  of  families,  which  being  set  aside  in  the 
case  of  Reuben,  was  transferred  to  the  tribe  of  Levi. 
The  eldest  son  received  a  double  portion  of  the 
father's  inheritance  (Deut.  xxi.  16-17),  but  not  of 
the  mother's.  Under  the  monarchy,  the  eldest  son 
usually,  but  not  always,  as  appears  in  the  case  of 
Solomon,  succeeded  his  father  in  the  kingdom  (1  K. 
i.  30,  ii.  22).  The  male  first-born  of  animals  was 
also  devoted  to  God  (Ex.  xiii.  2,  12,  13,  xxxiv.  19, 
20;  Deut.  xii.  5-7,  .xiv.  23).  (Blemish.)  Unclean 
animals  were  to  be  redeemed  with  the  addition  of 
one-fifth  of  the  value,  or  else  put  to  death ;  or,  if 
not  redeemed,  to  be  sold,  and  the  price  given  to  the 
priests  (Lev.  xxvii.  13,  27,  28).  "  First-born,"  or 
"  first-begotten,"  figuratively  denotes  preeminence 
=  first,  chief,  as  "  the  first-born  of  death,"  i.  e.  the 
chief  among  deadly  diseases  (Job  xviii.  13),  "the 
first-born  of  the  poor,"  i.  e.  the  chief  among  the 
sons  of  the  poor,  or  the  poorest  of  the  poor  (Is.  xiv. 
30),  "  the  church  of  the  first-born,"  i.  e.  distin- 
guished saints  (Ileb.  xii.  23).  Tliis  title  is  especially 
appliedtotheLord  Jesus  Christ  (Rom.  viii.  29;  Col. 
i.  15,  18  ;  Heb.  i.  6;  Rev.  i.  5;  compare  Ps.  Ixxxix. 
27). 

First'-frnltS  (Heb.  biccurim,reshith;  Gr.  aparclie). 
1.  The  Law  ordered  in  general,  that  the  first  of  all 
ripe  fruits  and  of  liquors,  or,  as  it  is  twice  expressed, 
the  first  of  first-fruits,  should  be  offered  in  God'a 
house  (Ex.  xxii.  29,  xxiii.  19,  xxxiv.  26).  2.  On  the 
morrow  after  the  Passover  sabbath,  i.  e.  on  the  16th 
of  Nisan,  a  sheaf  of  new  corn  was  to  be  brought  to 
the  priest,  and  waved  before  the  altar,  in  i»cknowl- 
edgmcnt  of  the  gift  of  fruitfulness  (Lev.  xxiii.  5,  6, 


308 


FIR 


FI9 


10-12,  ii.  12).  3.  At  the  expiration  of  seven  weeks 
from  this  time,  i.  e.  at  the  Feast  of  Pentecost,  an 
oblation  was  to  be  made  of  two  loaves  of  leavened 
bread  made  from  the  new  flour,  which  were  to  be 
waved  like  the  Passover  sheaf  (Ex.  xxxiv.  22  ;  Lev. 
xxiii.  15-17;  Num.  xxviii.  26).  4.  The  feast  of  in- 
gathering, i.  e.  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  in  the 
seventh  month,  was  itself  an  acknowledgment  of  the 
fruits  of  the  harvest  (Ex.  xxiii.  16,  xxxiv.  22 ;  Lev. 
xxiii.  39).  These  four  sorts  of  oiferings  were  na- 
tional. Besides  them,  the  two  following  were  of  an 
individual  kind.  fi.  A  cake  of  the  first  dough  that 
was  baked  was  to  be  offered  as  a  heave-offering 
(Num.  XV.  19-21).  6.  The  first-fruits  of  the  land 
were  to  be  brought  in  a  basket  to  the  holy  place  of 
God's  choice,  and  there  presented  to  the  priest,  who 
was  to  set  the  basket  down  before  the  altar  (Deut. 
xxvi.  2-11).  (Festivals.)  The  offerings,  both  pub- 
lic and  private,  resolve  themselves  into  two  classes, 
(a)  produce  in  general,  (A)  offerings,  prepared  prod 
uce.  (a)  Of  the  public  offerings  of  first-fruits,  the 
Law  defined  no  place  from  which  the  Passover  sheaf 
should  be  chosen,  but  the  Jewish  custom,  so  far  as 
represented  by  the  Mishna,  prescribed  that  the 
wave-sheaf  or  sheaves  should  be  taken  from  the 
neighborhood  of  Jerusalem.  (Agriculture.)  The 
offering  made  at  the  feast  of  the  Pentecost  was  a 
thanksgiving  for  the  conclusion  of  wheat  harvest. 
It  consisted  of  two  loaves  (according  to  Joscphus 
one  loaf)  of  new  flour  baked  with  leaven,  which 
was  waved  by  the  priest  as  at  the  Passover.  No 
private  offerings  of  first-fruits  were  allowed  before 
this  public  oblation  of  the  two  loaves.  The  private 
oblations  of  first-fruits  may  be  classed  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  public.  The  Jews  considered  seven 
sorts  of  produce  liable  to  oblation,  viz.  wheat,  bar- 
ley, grapes,  figs,  pomegranates,  olives,  and  dates. 
Though  the  Law  laid  down  no  rule  as  to  quantity, 
the  minimum  fixed  by  custom  was  one-sixtieth.  No 
offerings  wcfc  to  be  made  before  Pentecost,  nor 
after  the  feast  of  the  Dedication  (Ex.  xxiii.  16  ;  Lev. 
xxiii.  16,  17).  The  practice  was  for  companies  of 
twenty-four  to  assemble  in  the  evening  at  a  central 
station,  and  pass  the  night  in  the  open  air.  In  the 
morning  they  were  summoned  by  the  leader :  "  Let 
us  arise  and  go  up  to  Mount  Zion,  the  House  of  the 
Lord  our  God."  On  the  road  to  Jerusalem  they  re- 
cited portions  of  Psalms  cxxii.  and  cl.  Each  party 
was  preceded  by  a  piper,  and  a  sacrificial  bullock 
having  the  tip  of  his  horns  gilt  and  crowned  with 
olive.  At  their  approach  to  the  city  they  were  met 
by  priests  appointed  to  inspect  the  offering,  and 
welcomed  by  companies  of  citizens.  On  ascending 
the  Temple  mount,  each  took  on  his  shoulders  his 
basket,  containing  the  first-fruits  and  an  offering  of 
turtle-doves,  and  proceeded  to  the  court  of  the 
Temple,  where  they  were  met  by  Levites  singing 
Psalm  XXX.  1.  The  doves  were  sacrificed  as  a 
burnt^offering,  and  the  first-fruits  presented  as  ap- 
pointed in  Deut.  xxvi.  After  passing  the  night 
at  Jerusalem,  the  pilgrims  returned  on  the  follow- 
ing day  to  their  homes  (Deut.  xvi.  7).  (6)  The  first- 
fruits  prepared  for  use  were  not  required  to  be 
taken  to  Jerusalem.  They  consisted  of  wine,  wool, 
bread,  oil,  date-honey,  onions,  cucumbers  (Num.  xv. 
19-21;  Deut.  xviii.  4).  They  were  to  be  made,  ac- 
cording to  some,  only  by  dwellers  in  Palestine ;  but 
according  to  others,  by  those  also  who  dwelt  in  the 
land  of  Moab,  Ammon,  or  Egypt.  The  offerings 
were  the  perquisite  of  the  priests  (Num.  xviii.  11 ; 
Deut.  xtiii.  4).  Hezekiah,  and  afterward  Nehemiah, 
restored  the  offerings  of  first-fruits  of  both  kinds, 


and  appointed  places  to  receive  them  (2  Chr.  xxxi. 
5,  11 ;  Neh.  x.  36,  37,  xii.  44 ;  compare  Ez.  xx.  40, 
xliv.  30,  xlviii.  14  ;  Mai.  iii.  8).  An  offering  of  first- 
fruits  is  mentioned  as  an  acceptable  one  to  the  pro- 
phet Elisha  (2  K.  iv.  42).  The  Law  directed  that 
the  fruit  of  all  trees  fresh  planted  should  be  regard- 
ed as  uncircumcised,  or  profane,  and  not  to  be 
tasted  by  the  owner  for  three  years.  The  whole 
produce  of  the  fourth  year  was  devoted  to  God. 
The  fifth  year  the  owner  might  cat  of  the  fruit 
(Lev.  xix.  23-25).  Offerings  of  first-fruits  were  sent 
to  Jerusalem  by  Jews  in  foreign  countries. 

Fish  (Ilcb.  dciff,  ddfftlh ;  Gr.  ichlhits,  opsarion), 
Fisli'ing.  The  Hebrews  recognized  fish  as  one  of 
the  great  divisions  of  the  animal  kingdom  (Gen.  i. 
21,  28,  ix.  2 ;  Ex.  xx.  4  ;  Deut.  iv.  18  ;  IK.  iv.  33). 
Fishes  in  modern  zoology  =  "  oviparous,  vertebrat- 
ed,  cold-blooded  animals,  breathing  water  by  means 
of  gills  or  branchice,  and  generally  provided  with 
fins ; "  but  none  of  these  are  mentioned  by  name  in 
the  Scriptures.  In  the  popular  and  inexact  sense 
of  aquatic  animals,  eleven  sorts  are  mentioned  (so 
Dr.  P.  Holmes  in  Kitto;  Behemoth;  Colors  II. 
1,  2 ;  Dragon  1-3 ;  Frog  ;  Hohse-leecii  ;  Levia- 
than ;  Whale).  The  Heb.  pi.  fimi/oth,  translated 
uniformlv  by  the  A.  V.  and  most  "  ships,"  French 
and  Skinner  {Tr.  of  J\),  Thrupp  {hdi-od.  to  Pk), 
and  Dr.  Holmes  (in  Kitto),  apparently,  would  render 
"nautilus,"  from  the  resemblance  of  this  little  shell- 
fish to  a  ship.  The  fish  of  the  Tigris  which  would 
have  devoured  Tobias  (Tob.  vi.  2  ff.)  is  supposed  by 
Bochart,  &c.,  to  have  been  the  Silurus  ghmh  (allied 
to  the  American  cat-fish  or  bull-head,  Pimelodus  of 
Cuvier),  which  is  sometimes  six  feet  long  and  weighs 
300  pounds ;  but  Col.  C.  H.  Smith  sujiposcs  it  a 
species  of  crocodile.  Dr.  Holmes  supposes  in  Ez. 
xxix.  4  an  allusion  to  the  remora,  Eihineis  Remora, 
which  has  on  its  head  an  adhesive  or  sucking  disc 
enabling  it  to  adhere  to  another  fish.  The  Mosaic 
law  (Lev.  xi.  9,  10)  pronounced  unclean  such  fish 
as  were  devoid  of  fins  and  scales :  these  were  and 
are  regarded  as  unwholesome  in  Egypt.  (Clean  ; 
Foon.)  Of  the  various  species  found  in  the  Sea 
of  Galilee,  the  Silurus  would  be  classed  among  the 
unclean,  while  the  Spams  Oalilceus  (a  species  of 
bream),  and  the  Mtigil  (chub),  would  be  deemed 
"clean."  In  Genesis  i^  21  (compare  verse  28),  the 
great  marine  animals  are  distinguished  from  "  every 
living  creature  ihaX  creepclh"  a  description  applying 
to  fish,  along  with  other  reptiles,  as  having  no  legs. 
The  Hebrews  doubtless  became  familiar  with  the 
remarkable  fecundity  of  fish  while  in  Egypt,  where 
the  abundance  of  fish  in  the  Nile,  and  the  lakes  and 
canals,  rendered  it  one  of  the  staple  commodities  of 
food  (Num.  xi.  5).  The  destruction  of  the  fish  was 
on  this  account  a  most  serious  visitation  to  the 
Egyptians  (Ex.  vii.  21 ;  Is.  xix.  8).  Among  the 
Philistines,  Dagon  was  represented  by  a  figure,  half 
man  and  half  fish.  On  this  account  the  worship  of 
fish  is  expressly  prohibited  (Deut.  iv.  18).  In  Pal- 
estine, the  Sea  of  Galilee  was  and  still  is  remarkably 
well  stored  with  fish,  and  the  value  attached  to  the 
fishery  by  the  Jews  is  shown  by  the  traditional  be- 
lief that  one  of  the  ten  laws  of  Joshua  enacted 
that  it  should  be  open  to  all  comers.  Jerusalem 
derived  its  supply  chiefly  from  the  Mediterranean 
(Neh.  xiii.  16;  compare  Ez.  xlvii.  10).  (Pal- 
estine ;  Zoology  )  The  existence  of  a  regular 
fish-market  is  implied  in  the  notice  of  the  Fisii- 
GATE,  which  was  probably  contiguous  to  it.  Nu- 
merous allusions  to  the  art  of  fishing  occur  in 
the  Bible ;  in  the  0.  T.  metaphorical,  descriptive  of 


FIS 


FLA 


309 


Kj^ypUaiiB  tUiiiii^. —  /roin  Leiit  Ilauav. — (Kawlinson' 


the  conversion  (Jer.  xvi.  16  ;    Ez.  xlvii.  10),  or  of  I 
tlip  destruction  (Eccl.  ix.  12;  Ez.  xxix.  3  ff. ;  Am.  | 


Egyptian  tpeariag  Fisli. — From  Hosellini. — (Fbn.) 


iv.   2;  nab.    i.     14)  of 
God's  enemies  ;  in  the  N. 
T.  mostly  historiciil  (Slat, 
iv.   18,  -20,  21,  &c.),  me- 
taphorical in  Mat.  iv.  19, 
xiii.  47  ff.,  &c.  The  most 
usual  method  of  catching 
fish  was  by  the  use  of  the 
NET,  either    the    casting 
net(Hab.  i.  15  ;  Ez.  xxvi. 
5,   14,  &c.),  probably  re- 
sembling the    one  used 
in  Egypt,  or  the  draw  or 
drag  net  (Is.  xix.  8  ;  Ilab. 
i.  15  ;  Mat.  xiii.  47),  which 
was  larger  and  required 
the  use  of  a  boat :   the 
latter  was  probably  most 
used  on  the  Sea  of  Gali- 
lee,  as   the   number   of 
boats  kept  on  it  was  very 
considerable.        Angling 
was  a  liivorite  pursuit  of  the  wealthy  in  Egypt,  and 
was  followed  by  the  poor  who  could  not  afford  a 
net ;  the  requisites  were  a  iiooK  and  a  line  (Job 
xli.  1  ;  Is.  xix.  8;  Ilab.  i.  15);  the  rod. was  oc- 
casionally dispensed  with,  and  is  not  mentioned 
in  the  Bible.     The  custom  of  drying  (ish  is  fre- 
quently represented  in  the  Egyptian  sculptures. 
A  still  more  scientific  mctliod  was  with  the  tri- 
dent or  the  spear,  as  practised  in  Egypt  in  tak- 
ing  the   crocodile   (Job  xli.   7)   or  the  hippo- 
potamus. 

*  Fish-gate,  a  gate  of  Jerusalem  (2  Chr. 
xxxiii.  14  ;  Neh.  iii.  3,  xii.  39;  Zeph.  i.  10) ;  per- 
haps (so  Gesenius)  that  now  called  St.  Stephen's 
Gate,  or  (so  Kitto)  at  the  N.  E.  part  of  the  city. 


EgypUans  drying  and  prepariuj*  Fiab.— From  Tomb  at  the  Pyraaiids,— (Rawlinaon'o  JItU,  ii.  109.) 


IfigtHa  lativa  -•  '*  Filch«i "  in  A.  V . 


Fitfll'es  (i.  e.  vetches  or  Tares,  leguminous  plants 
allied  to  beans  and  peas),  the  A.  V.  translation  of 
— 1.  Ileb.  cusscmeth  (Ez.  iv.  9),  elsewhere  translated 
"  Rye." — 2.  Heb.  kctsah  or  ketsach  (Is.  xxviii.  25, 
27),  without  doubt  =  the  Kigdla  sativa,  an  her- 
baceous annual  plant,  sometimes  called  Nutmeg 
Flower,  belonging  to  the  natural  order  Ranun- 
etdacen,  which  was  formerly  cultivated  in  Tales- 
tine  for  its  black  aromatic  seeds,  used  in  Eastern 
countries  as  a  medicine  and  a  condiment. 

Flag,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Ileb.  dhxl  or 
dchu  ("  Can  the  flag  grow  without  water,"  Job  viii. 
11);  translated  "MKAnow"  in  Gen.  xli.  2,  18,  as 
that  in  which  the  well-favored  kine  fed.  The  He- 
brew word,  according  to  Jerome,  is  of  Egyptian 
origin,  =  "  any  green  and  coarse  herbage,  such  as 
rushes  and  reeds,  which  grows  in  marsliy  places." 
Gesenius  says,  "  marsh-grass,  reeds,  hxdrmhes,  sedge, 
any  thing  green  which  grows  in  wet  grounds." 
Probably  some  specific  plant  is  denoted  in  Job  viii. 


810 


FLA 


TOO 


11.  Dr.  Rovie  (in  Kitto)  supposes  it  may  be  the 
Cypei-ws  esculenlus  ( =  edible  sedge),  or  a  true  grass, 
e.  g.  a  species  of  Fanicicm.  Kaliseh  malces  it  "  vin- 
questionably  eitlier  the  Cyptrus  esndenlus  or  tlie 
Bulomus  uiiibellatus"  (=  flowering  rusli). — 2.  Heb. 
sup/i  (Ex.  ii.  3,  5  ;  Is.  xix.  6) ;  translated  "  weeds  " 
in  Jon.  ii.  5 ;  used  frequently  in  tlie  0.  T.  with  Heb. 
]/am  (=  "  sea")  to  denote  the  "  Red  Sea,"  i.  e.  the 
"sea  of  weeds."  Gesenius  laakes  siiph  —  u  rush, 
reed,  sedge  ;  Stanley  (p.  6,  n.)  observes,  "  though 
used  commonly  for  jftaffs  or  rushes,  it  would  by 
an  easy  change  be  applied  to  any  aqueous  vegeta- 
tion." 

Flag'on,  the  A.V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb.  Sshishih 
(2  Sam.  vi.  19;  1  Chr.  xvi.  3;  Cant.  ii.  5;  Hos.  iii. 
1)  =  a  cake  of  pressed  raisins  (so  Gesenius,  &c.). — 2. 
Heb.  iiebel  (Is.  xxii.  24),  commonly  =  "bottle"  or 
"  vessel,"  originally  probably  a  skin,  but  in  later 
times  of  pottery  (Is.  xxx.  14).     Psaltery  ;  Viol. 

Flax,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  phhiuh  (Ex. 
ix.  31  ;  Is.  xlii.  3),  and  pesheth  (Josh.  ii.  6;  Judg. 
XV.  14  ;  Prov.  xxxi.  13  ;  Is.  xix.  9 ;  Ez.  xl.  3 ;  Hos. 
ii.  5,  9  [Heb.  7,  11]).  The  latter  is  often  translated 
"linen;"  the  former  is  once  (Is.  xliii.  17)  trans- 
lated "  TOW."  The  dr.  linon  is  translated  "  flax  " 
in  Mat.  3vii.  20  (quoted  from  Is.  xlii.  8)  and  "linen  " 
in  Rev.  xv.  6.  The  common  flax,  Linnm  usilalis- 
slmum,  is  a  well-known  annual  plant.  The  strong 
fibres  of  its  bark  are  manufactured  into  linen, 
&c.  The  seeds  yield  linseed  oil,  and  are  also  used 
in  medicine.  The  Hebrew  and  Greek  words  are 
used  for  the  article  manufactured  in  the  thread, 
the  piece,  or  the  made-up  garment,  and  for  the  plant. 
In  Ex.  ix.  31,  the  flax  of  the  Egyptians  is  recorded 
to  have  been  damiiged  by  the  plague  of  hail.  (Rolled.) 
Probably  the  cultivation  of  flax  for  the  manufacture 
of  linen  was  by  no  means  confined  to  Egypt,  but 
originating  in  India  spread  over  the  whole  continent 
of  Asia  at  a  very  early  period  of  antiquity.  That  it 
was  grown  in  Palestine  even  before  the  conquest  of 
that  country  by  the  Israelites  appears  from  Josh, 
ii.  6.  The  various  processes  employed  in  preparing 
the  flax  for  manufacture  into  cloth  are  indicated  : — 
1.  The  drying  process.  2.  The  peeling  of  the  stalks, 
and  separation  of  the  fibres.  3.  The  hackling  (Is. 
xix.  9).  That  flax  was  anciently  one  of  the  most 
important  crops  in  Palestine  appears  from  Hos.  ii. 
5,  9. 

Flea  (Heb.  par''dsh),  a  well-known  minute  and 
troublesome  insect  (Pulex  irritans)  of  great  agility. 
David  applies  it  to  himself  as  a  term  of  humility 
(1  Sam.  xxiv.  14,  xxvi.  20).  Fleas  are  abundant  in 
the  East,  and  the  subject  of  many  proverbial  expres- 
sions. 

*  Fleefe.    Wool. 

*  Flesli,  the  general  translation  in  the  Scriptures 
of  the  Heb.  bdsdr  and  Gr.  sarx  =  the  muscles,  fat, 
&c.,  on  the  bones  of  the  living  human  or  animal 
body  (Ex.  xvi.  12;  Job  xxxiii.  21  ;  Lk.  xxiv.  39, 
&c.) ;  also  the  human  body,  as  distinguished  from 
the  spirit  (Job  xiv.  22  ;  Jn.  vi.  52  ;  Col.  ii.  5,  &c.) ; 
the  human  body,  or  human  nature,  especially  as 
frail,  prone  to  sin,  opposed  to  what  is  spiritual  or 
holy  (Gen.  vi.  3  ;  Mat.  xxvi.  41  ;  Jn.  iii.  6,  &c.),  &e. 
"  All  flesh  "  sometimes  =  all  animate  beings  (Gen. 
vi.  13,  17,  &c.),  oftener  all  mankind  (Gen.  vi.  12; 
Lk.  iii.  6,  kc).  Christ  "  was  made  flesh  "  (Jn.  i.  14 ; 
1  Jn.  iv.  2,  &c. ;  compare  Heb.  iv.  15),  i.  e.  became 
human,  had  the  nature  and  attributes  of  a  man. 
Ftcsh-hooks  ;  see  Altar.     Food. 

*  Files.    Fly. 

Fllnti    The  Heb.  halldmish  or  challdmish  is  trans- 


lated "flint  "  in  Deut.  viii.  15  ;  Ps.  cxiv.  8;  and  Is. 
1.  7  ;  "  rock  "  in  Job  xxviii.  9,  margin  "  flint ; " 
"flinty,"  literally  of  fi'inl  in  Deut.  xxxii.  13.  In 
Ez.  iii.  9  "  flint "  =  the  Heb.  tsor,  translated  "  sharp 
stone,"  margin  "knife,"  in  Ex.  iv.  25.  Flint  is 
properly  a  variety  of  quartz ;  but  the  Hebrew  prob- 
ably =  any  hard  stone  (Gesenius). 

*  FloctSi     Goat;  LAun  ;  Sheep;  Shepherd. 

Flood.    Noah. 

Floor.      Agriculture  ;    Barn  ;    House  ;    Pate- 

MEXT. 

Floor.     Bread;  Meat-okferixg  ;  Mill. 

Flow'ers.     Palestine,  Eotany. 

Flate,  a  musical  instrument  (Chal.  mashrokithd) 
used  with  others  at  the  worship  of  the  golden 
image  which  Nebuchadnezzar  had  set  up  (Dan.  iii. 
5,  7,  10,  15).     See  also  1  K.  i.  4  margin.     Pipe. 

Flnx,  Blood'y  (Acts  xxviii.  8)  =  the  dysentery, 
which  in  the  East  is,  though  sometimes  sporadic, 
generally  epidemic  and  infectious,  and  then  assumes 
its  worst  form.     Fever  ;  Medicine. 

Fly,  Flies,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb.  zibub 
(Eccl.  X.  1 ;  Is.  vii.  18),  probably  =  any  winged  insect 
or  fly  ;  perhaps  in  Isaiah  =  some  very  troublesome 
and  injurious  fly. — 2.  Heb.  ''drob  ("  swarms  of  Jlies," 
"  divers  sorts  oi' Jlies,"  A.  V.)  =  the  insect,  or  in- 
sects, which  God  sent  to  punish  Pharaoh  in  the 
fourth  plague  (Ex.  viii.  21-31;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  45,  cv. 
31).  (Plagues,  the  Ten.)  As  they  filled  the  houses 
of  the  Egyptians,  not  improbably  common  flits 
(Mvsad(e)  are  more  especially  intfnded. 

Food.  The  diet  of  Eastern  nations  has  been  in 
all  ages  light  and  simple.  As  compared  with  our 
own  habits,  the  chief  points  of  contrast  are  the 
small  amount  of  animal  food  consumed,  the  variety 
of  articles  used  as  accompaniments  to  bread,  the 
substitution  of  milk  in  various  forms  for  our  liquors, 
and  the  combination  of  what  we  should  deem  hete- 
rogeneous elements  in  the  same  dish,  or  the  same 
meal.  The  chief  point  of  agreement  is  the  large 
consumption  of  bread,  the  importance  of  which  in 
the  eyes  of  the  Hebrew  is  testified  by  the  use  of  the 
term  lehcm  or  Icc/um  (originally  food  of  any  kind) 
specifically  for  rread,  as  well  as  by  the  expression 
"staff  of  bread  "  (Lev.  xxvi.  26;  Ps.  cv.  16  ;  Ez.  iv. 

16,  xiv.  13).  Simpler  preparations  of  "  corn  "  were, 
however,  common  ;  sometimes  the  fresh  green  ears 
'w  ere  eaten  in  a  natural  state,  the  husks  being  rubbed 

off  by  the  hand  (Lev.  xxiii.  14;  Deut.  xxiii.  25  ;  2 
K.  iv.  42 ;  Mat.  xii.  1 ;  Lk.  vi.  1);  more  frequently, 
however,  the  grains,  after  being  carefully  picked, 
were  roasted  in  a  pan  over  a  fire  (Lev.  ii.  14),  and 
eaten  as  "  parched  corn,"  in  which  form  they 
were  an  ordinary  article  of  diet,  particularly  among 
laborers,  or  others  who  had  not  the  means  of  dress- 
ing food  (Lev.  xxiii.   14;  Ru.  ii.   14;  1  Sam.  xvii. 

17,  XXV.  18;  2  Sam.  xvii.  28):  this  practice  is  still 
very  usual  in  the  East.  Sometimes  the  grain  was 
bruised  (A.  V.  "beaten,"  Lev.  ii.  14,  16),  and  then 
dried  in  the  sun  ;  it  was  eaten  either  mixed  with 
oil  (Lev.  ii.  15),  or  made  into  a  soft  cake  (A.  V. 
"  dough  ; "  Num.  xv.  20  ;  Neh.  x.  87  ;  Ez.  xliv.  30). 
The  Hebrews  used  a  great  variety  of  articles  to  give 
a  relish  to  bread.  Sometimes  salt  was  so  used 
(Job  vi.  6) ;  sometimes  the  bread  was  dipped  into 
the  sour  wine  (A.  V.  "vinegar")  which  the  laborers 
drank  (Ru.  ii.  14) ;  or,  where  meat  was  eaten,  into 
the  gravy  (Broth),  which  was  either  served  up  sep- 
arately for  the  purpose,  as  by  Gideon  (Judg.  vi.  19), 
or  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  meat-dish,  as  by 
the  Arabs.  Milk  and  its  preparations  hold  a  con- 
spicuous place  in  Eastern  diet,  as   aflfording  sub- 


FOO 


FOR 


311 


etantial  nourishment ;  sometimes  it  was  produceJ 
in  a  fresli  stats  (Gen.  xviii.  8),  but  more  generally 
in  the  form  of  tlie  modem  kban,  i.  e.  sour  milk 
(A.  V.  "  BPTTER ").  (Cheesk.)  Fruit  was  another 
source  of  su'osistence ;  figs  (Fig)  stand  first  in 
point  of  importance ;  they  were  generally  dried  and 
pressed  iutb  cakes.  Grapes  were  generally  eaten 
in  a  dried  state  as  raisins.  (Vine.)  Fruit-cake 
forms  a  part  of  the  daily  food  of  the  Arabians.  (,\p- 
PLE ;  Ma.nxa  ;  Mulberrt-trees  ;  Palm-tree  ;  Pome- 
ORAN.iTE  ;  Sdmmer  Fruits  ;  Syca.mine-tree;  Syca- 
more.) Of  vegetables  we  have  most  frequent  notice 
of  LESTiLS,  which  are  still  largely  used  by  the 
Bedouins  in  travelling ;  Beans,  Clcu.mbers,  Garlic, 
Lekk.s,  Melons,  and  Onions,  which  were  and  still 
are  of  a  superior  quality  in  Egypt  (Xuin.  xi.  6). 
The  modern  Arabians  consume  but  few  vegetables : 
radishes  and  leeks  are  most  in  use,  and  are  eaten 
raw  with  bread.  (Agriculture  ;  Bitter  Herbs  ; 
Garden  ;  Gourd.)  The  spices  or  condiments  known 
to  the  Hebrews  were  numerous.  (Almond  ;  Anise  ; 
Coriander;  Cummin;  Mint;  Mustard;  Nuts;  Rue; 
Spices.)  An  important  article  of  food  was  Honey, 
whether  the  natural  product  of  the  bee,  or  the 
other  natural  and  artificial  productions  included 
under  that  head,  especially  the  dibx  of  tha  Syrians 
and  Arabians,  i.  e.  grape-juice  boiled  down.  Oil 
(Olive)  does  not  appear  to  have  been  used  to  the 
extent  we  might  have  anticipated.  Eggs  are  not 
often  noticed,  but  were  evidently  known  as  articles 
of  food  (Is.  X.  14,  Ux.  5  ;  Lk.  xi.  12).  The  Orientals 
have  been  at  all  times  sparing  in  the  use  of  animal 
food  :  not  only  does  the  excessive  heat  of  the  climate 
render  it  both  unwholesome  to  eat  much  meat,  and 
expensive  from  the  necessity  of  immediately  con- 
suming a  whole  animal,  but  beyond  this  the  ritual 
I  I'^ulations  of  the  Mosaic  law  in  ancient,  as  of  the 
Koran  in  modern  times,  have  tended  to  the  same 
result.  (Cooking.)  It  has  been  inferred  from  Gen. 
ix.  3,  4  that  animal  food  was  not  permitted  before 
the  flood ;  but  the  permission  here  may  be  only 
a  more  explicit  declaration  of  a  condition  implied 
in  the  grant  of  universal  dominion  (i.  28,  compare 
iv.  2,  20,  vii.  2).  The  prohibition  expressed  against 
consuming  the  blood  of  any  animal  (ix.  4)  was 
more  fully  developed  in  the  Levitical  law,  and  en- 
forced by  the  penaltv  of  death  (Lev.  iii.  17,  vii.  26, 
xix.  26  ;  Dent.  xii.  16;  1  Sam.  xiv.  32  ff. ;  Ez.  xliv. 
7,  15).  Gentile  converts  to  Christianity  were  laid 
under  similar  restrictions  (Acts  xv.  20,  29,  xxi. 
ae).  Certain  portions  of  the  pat  of  Bacrificcs  were 
also  forbidd?n,  as  being  set  apart  for  the  altar 
(Lev.  iii.  9,  10,  16,  vii.  25 ;  compare  1  Sam.  ii. 
16  ff. ;  2  Clir.  vii.  7).  Christians  were  forbidden 
to  eat  the  flesh  of  animals,  portions  of  which  had 
been  offered  to  idols  (Acts  xv.  29,  xxi.  25  ;  1  Cor. 
viii.).  All  beasts  and  birds  classed  as  unclean 
(Lev.  xi.  1  ff.  ;  Dent.  xiv.  4  ff.)  were  also  prohibit- 
ed. (Clean;  Unclean  Meat.s.)  The  Hebrews  further 
abstained  from  eating  the  sinew  of  the  hip  (Gen. 
xxxii.  32,  compare  25).  Under  these  restrictions 
the  Hebrews  were  permitted  the  free  use  of  ani- 
mal food :  generally  they  only  availed  themitelves 
of  it  in  the  exercise  of  hospitality  (Gen.  xviii.  7), 
or  at  FESTIVALS  of  a  religious  (Ex.  xii.  8),  public 
(1  K.  i.  9 ;  1  Chr.  xii.  40),  or  private  character 
(Gen.  xxvii.  4  ;  Lk.  xv.  23  ;  Banquets)  :  it  was  only 
in  royal  households  that  there  was  a  dailv  consump- 
tion of  meat  (1  K.  iv.  23 ;  Neh.  v.  18).  The  animals 
killed  for  meat  were— calves  (Gen.  xviii.  7  ;  1  Sam. 
xxviii.  24 ;  Am.  vi.  4) ;  lambs  (2  Sam.  xii.  4  ;  Am. 
vL  4) ;  oxen,  not  above  three  years  of  age  (1  K.  i. 


9;  Prov.  xv.  17;  Is.  xxii.  13;  Mat.  x.xii.  4);  kids 
(Gen.  xxvii.  9  ;  Judg.  vi.  19  ;  1  Sam.  xvi.  20) ;  harts, 
roebucks,  and  fallow-deer  (1  K.  iv.  23) ;  birds  of 
various  kinds ;  fish,  except  such  as  were  without 
scales  and  fins  (Lev.  xi.  9  ;  Dent.  xiv.  9).  Locusts, 
of  which  certain  species  only  were  esteemed  clean 
(Lev.  xi.  22),  were  occasionally  eaten  (Mat.  iii.  4), 
but  considered  as  poor  fare.  (See  the  various 
articles.)  Meat  does  not  appear  ever  to  have  been 
eaten  by  itself;  various  accompaniments  are  no- 
ticed in  Scripture,  as  bread,  milk,  and  sour  milk 
(Gen.  xviii.  8J ;  bread  and  broth  (Judg.  vi.  19) ;  and 
with  fish  either  bread  (Mat.  xiv.  19,  xv.  36 ;  Jn. 
xxi.  9)  or  honeycomb  (Lk.  xxiv.  42).  As  beverages 
the  Hebrews  used  milk,  and  probably  barley-water, 
and  a  mixture,  resembling  the  modem  sherbet, 
formed  of  fig-cake  and  water.  It  is  almost  need- 
less to  say  that  water  was  most  generally  drunk. 
In  addition  to  these  the  Hebrews  were  acquainted 
with  various  intoxicating  liquors.  Drink,  Strong; 
Vinegar  ;  Wine. 

*  Foot  =  one  of  the  lower  extremities,  especially 
of  the  human  body  (Lev.  xiii.  12,  &c.);  figuratively 
ascribed  to  God  (Ex.  xxiv.  10,  &c.).  To  be  "under 
one's  feet "  denotes  subjection  or  conquest  (Ps.  viii. 
6,  &c.),  probably  from  the  eastern  conqueror's  prac- 
tice of  setting  his  feet  on  the  body  or  neck  of  the 
conquered  :  to  "  fall  at  one's  feet "  is  to  pay  homage 
(1  Sam.  XXV.  24,  &c. ;  Adoration)  ;  to  "  sit,"  or  to 
bo  "  brought  up  at  one's  feet  "  is  to  be  a  disciple,  or 
receive  instruction  (Lk.  x.  39 ;  Acts  xxii.  3).  "  Feet " 
euphemistically  ^  the  secret  parts ;  hence  to  "  cover 
one's  feet  "  =  to  ease  one's  self  (Judg.  iii.  24,  &c.). 
Ornaments  for,  or  abovt,  t/tefeet;  see  Anklet  ;  Or- 
naments, Personal.  Agriculture;  Dust;  Meals  ; 
Sandal;  Washing  the  Hands  and  Feet. 

Foot'lnan,  employed  in  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 
1.  Heb.  raffti  =  afoot-man,  especially  a  foot-mtdier, 
Ges.  (Num.  xi.  21  ;  Judg.  xx.  2,  &c.).  (Army.)— 2. 
Heb.  rats  ^  a  runner,  courier,  Ges.  (1  Sam.  xxii. 
17  only;  margin  "runners"  or  "guard").  This 
passage  affords  the  first  mention  of  the  existence 
of  a  body  of  swift  runners  in  attendance  on  the 
king,  though  such  a  thing  had  been  foretold  by 
Samuel  (viii.  11).  This  body  appear  to  have  been 
afterward  kept  up,  and  to  have  been  distinct  (so 
Mr.  Grove)  from  the  body-guard — the  six  hundred 
and  the  thirty — who  were  originated  by  David. 
See  1  K.  xiv.  27,  28 ;  2  Chr.  xii.  10,  11  ;  2  K.  x. 
25,  xi.  4,  6,  11,  13,  19.  In  each  of  these  cases  the 
word  is  the  same  as  the  above,  and  is  rendered 
"  guard  ;  "  but  the  translators  have  put  the  word 
"  runners  "  in  the  margin  in  1  K.  xiv.  27.  Compel  ; 
Epistle  ;  Post  II. 

*  Ford  =  a  place  of  crossing  a  river,  &c.  Fer- 
ry-boat ;  Jordan. 

Fore'liend  [for'ed].  The  practice  of  veiling  the 
face  in  public  for  women  of  the  higher  classes,  es- 
pecially married  women,  in  the  E.,  sufficiently  stig- 
matizes with  reproach  the  unveiled  face  of  women 
of  bad  character  (Gen.  xxiv.  65  ;  Jer.  iii.  3).  (Dress.) 
An  especial  force  is  thus  given  to  the  term  "  hard 
of  forehead  "  as  descriptive  of  audacity  in  general 
(Ez.  iii.  7  [margin],  8,  9).  The  custom  among  many 
Oriental  nations,  both  of  coloring  the  face  and  fore- 
head and  of  impressing  on  the  body  marks  indica- 
tive of  devotion  to  some  special  deity  or  religious 
sect,  is  mentioned   elsewhere.     (Cuttings.)     The 

i  "jewels  for  the  forehead  "  (Ez.  xvi.  12;  Gen.  xxiv. 

j  22)  were  probably  nose-rings.  £ab-rings;  Nose- 
jewel. 

I      •  For'elgn-er  [for'in-er]     Stranger. 


312 


FOB 


roiT 


*  Fore'sliip  (Acts  xxvii.  30)  =  forepart  of  a  ship. 

*  Fore'itkin  =  the  prepuce,  or  projecting  skin  of 
the  male  organ  of  generation,  which  was  cut  off  iu 
CIRCUMCISION  (Gen.  xvii.  11  ff.  &c.);  figuratively  = 
uncleannemi,  impurity  (Deut.  x.  16;  Jer.  iv.  4). 

Forest,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Hcb.  ya'ar, 
hvri'sh  or  choresh,  and  purJts.  The  first  of  these 
most  truly  =  a  forest,  literally  an  abundance  of 
trees  (1  Sam.  xxii.  5  ;  1  K.  vii.  2,  &c.) ;  often  ti-ans- 
lated  "  wood  "  (Deut.  xix.  5  ;  Josh.  xvii.  15,  18,  &c.). 
The  second  (=  a  thick  wood,  thicket,  forest,  Ges.)  is 
translated  "wood"  in  1  Sam.  xxiii.  15  ff.,  and  in 
plural  "forests"  in  2  Chr.  xxvii.  4.  The  third, 
pardes  (P ARxmsF.),  once  =  "forest"  (Xeh.  ii.  8), 
elsewhere  "orchard"  (Eccl.  ii.  5;  Cant.  iv.  13). 
Although  Palestine  has  never  been  in  historical 
times  a  woodland  country,  yet  no  doubt  there  was 
much  more  wood  formerly  than  at  present.  (1.) 
The  wood  of  Ephraim  clothed  the  slopes  of  the 
hills  that  bordered  the  plain  of  Jezreel,  and  the 
plain  itself  near  Beth-shan  (Josh.  xvii.  15  ff.). 
(Ephraim,  Wood  of.)  (2.)  The  wood  of  Bethel 
(2  K.  iL  23,  24)  was  in  the  ravine  which  de- 
scends to  the  plain  of  Jericho.  (3.)  The  forest 
of  Hareth  (1  Sam.  xxii.  5)  was  somewhere  on  the 
border  of  the  Philistine  ])lain,  in  the  southern  part 
of  Judah  (4.)  The  wood  through  which  the  Israel- 
ites passed  in  their  pursuit  of  the  Philistines  (1  Sam. 
xiv.  25)  was  probably  in  a  valley  near  Aijalon  (com- 
pare 31).  (5.)  The  "wood  "  (Ps.  cxxxii.  0)  implied 
in  the  name  of  Kirjatii-jkarim  (1  Sam.  vii.  2) 
must  have  been  near  Kirjath-jearim.  (6.)  The 
"  forests  "  in  which  Jotham  placed  his  forts  (2  Chr. 
xxvii.  4)  were  (so  Bertheau)  the  wooded  hills  or 
mountain-summits  of  Judah,  where  cities  could  not 
be  built.  (7.)  The  plain  of  Sharon  1  was  partly 
covered  with  wood  (Is.  Ixv.  10).  (8.)  The  wood  in 
the  wilderness  of  Ziph  2,  in  which  David  concealed 
himself  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  15  ff.),  lay  S.  E.  of  Hebron. 
The  house  of  the  forest  of  Lebanon  (1  K.  vii.  2,  x. 
17,  21  ;  2  Chr.  ix.  16,  20)  was  so  called  probably 
from  being  fitted  up  with  cedar.  (Palace.)  The 
forest  supplied  an  image  of  pride  and  exaltation 
doomed  to  destruction  (2  K.  xix.  23;  Is.  x.  18, 
xxxii.  19,  xxxvii.  24;  Jer.  xxi.  14,  xxii.  7,  xlvi.  23; 
Zech.  xi.  2),  and  of  unfruitfulness  as  contrasted  with 
a  cultivated  field  or  vineyard  (Is.  xxix.  17,  xxxii. 
15;  Jer.  xxvi.  18;  Hos.  ii.  12). 

*  Forks  (1  Sam.  xiii.  21)  =  three-pronged  instru- 
ments for  gathering  up  hay,  straw,  &c.  (so  Gese- 
nius).     Agriculture 

*  For-ni-ca'tion.    Adultery  ;  Harlot. 
For-ti-fi-ca'tions.    Fenced  City  ;   Tower  ;  War. 

*  Fortress.     Fortifications,  &c. 

For-tn-iia'tns  (L.  prospered,  fortunate),  a  Corin- 
thian Christian  at  Ephesus,  with  Stephanas  and 
Achaicus,  when  St.  Paul  wrote  1  Corinthians ;  per- 
haps Fortiinatus  and  Achaicus  were  members  of 
Stephanas's household  (1  Cor.  xvi.l7).  The  Fortuna- 
tus  mentioned  at  the  end  of  Clement's  first  epistle  to 
the  Corinthians  was  possibly  the  same  person. 

*  FoDu-da'tion,  Gate  of  the  (2  Chr.  xxiii.  5).  Sub, 
Gate  of. 

*  Fonnd'er.    Handicraft  ;  Metals. 
FooDtain,   the  A.   V.   translation   of — 1.    Heb. 

'aym  (AiN  ;  Gen.  xvi.  7  ;  Num.  xxxiii.  9 ;  Deut.  viii. 
7,  xxxiii.  28;  1  Sam.  xxix.  1  ;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  3;  Neh. 
ii.  14,  iii.  15,  xii.  37;  Piov.  viii.  28),  also  translated 
"well"  (Gen.  xxiv.  13  ff.;  Ex.  xv.  27;  Judg.  xv. 
19  margin;  Neh.  ii.  13),  often  "eye."— 2.  Heb. 
ma'ydti  (Gen.  vii.  11,  viii.  2;  Lev.  xi.  36;  Josh.  xv. 
9 ;  i  K.  xviii.  5 ;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  4 ;  Ps.  Ixxiv.    15, 


cxiT.  8  ;  Prov.  v.  16,  viii.  24,  xxv.  26  ;  Cant.  iv.  12, 
15;  Is.  xli.  18;  Hos.  xiii.  15;  Joel  iii.  18  [iv.  18 
Heb.]),  "well"  (Josh,  xviii.  15;  2  K.  iii.  19,  25; 
Ps.  Ixxxiv.  0  [Heb.  7];  Is.  xii.  3),  "siiing"(Ps. 
Ixxxvii.  7,  civ.  10). — 3>  Hcb.  bor  or  hayir  once  (Jer. 
vi.  7).  (AiN  ;  Cistern.)— 1.  Ileb.  malbHa'  once 
(Eccl.  xii.  0),  elsewhere  translated  "spring"  (Is. 
XXXV.  7,  xlix.  10). — 5.  Hcb.  mukor,  usually  figura- 
tively (Lev.  XX.  IS  ;  Ps.  xxxvi.  9  [Heb.  10],"lxviii.  26 
jHeb.  27J ;  Prov.  v.  18,  xiii.  14,  xiv.  27  ;  Jer.  ii.  13, 
ix.  1  [viii.  23  Heb.],  xvii.  13;  Zcch.  xiii.  1),  trans- 
lated "  issue  "  (Lev.  xii.  7),  "  well  "  (Prov.  x.  11), 
"  well-spring "  (Prov.  xvi.  22;  xviii.  4),  "spring" 
(Prov.  xxv.  26;  Jer.  Ii.  S6 ;  Hos.  xiii.  15).— 6.  Gr. 
pffc  (in  LXX.  =  No.  1,  2,  5)  (Mk.  v.  29  ;  Jas.  iii. 
11,  12;  Eev.  vii.  17,  viii.  10,  xiv.  7,  xvi.  4,  xxi.  6), 
translated  "well"  (Jn.  iv.  6,14;  2  Pet.  ii.  17)- 
Among  the  attractive  features  presented  by  the 
Land  of  Promise  to   the  nation  migrating  from 


Egypt  by  way  of  the  desert,  none  would  be  more 
striking  than  the  natural  push  of  waters  from  the 
ground.  The  springs  of  Palestine,  lhouf:h  thort- 
lived,   are   remarkable  for    their    abundance   and 


So-called  "  Fountain  **  of  Cana.— (From  Roberta.) 

beauty,  especially  those  which  fall  into  the  Jordan 
and  its  lakes.  The  spring  or  fountain  of  living 
water  is  distinguished  in  all  Oriental  languages  from 
the  artificial  well.  The  volcanic  agency  which  has 
operated  so  powerfully  in  Palestine  has,  from  very 
early  times,  given  tokens  of  its  working  in  the  warm 
springs  which  are  found  near  the  Sea  of  Galilee  and 
the  Dead  Sea.  (ITammatii  ;  Palestine,  Geolopy  %  10 ; 
Sea,  the  Salt,  II.  §  4.)  Jerusalem  appears  to  have 
possessed  either  more  than  one  perennial  spring,  or 


FOIT 


FRO 


513 


one  issuing  by  more  than  one  outlet.  In  Oriental 
cities  generally  public  fountains  are  frequent. 
Traces  of  such  fountains  at  Jerusalem  may  perhaps 
be  found  in  the  names  En-rogkl,  the  "Urago.n- 
«Ei,L,"and  the  "gate  of  the  fountain"  (Xeh.  ii.  13, 

14).     Fof.STAI.N-GATE. 

*  Fonn'tain-gatc  (Xeh.  xii.  31),  or  Gate  of  the 
Fonn'tain  (ii.  11,  iii.  13),  a  gate  of  Jerisalesi,  near 
the  liiug's  pool  and  gardens  ;  probably  at  the  S.  E. 
part,  near  Siloam  (so  Geseuius). 

Fowl.  Several  Hebrew  and  Greek  words  are  thus 
rendered  in  the  A.  V. ;  but  all  of  them,  except  one, 
are  likewise  translated'  "  bird."  The  Heb.  plural 
barbnrim  occurs  once  only  (IK.  iv.  23  [v.  3  Heb.]), 
and  is  translated  "  fowl,"  "  fatted  fowl "  ( =  capons, 
Kiinchi ;  peexe,  Ges.,  and  the  Jerusalem  Targum),  be- 
ing included  among  the  daily  provisions  for  Solo- 
mon's table.     CmcKE.NS ;  Cock  ;  Uex. 

Fowl'er.    Cage;  Gi.n;  Hcxti.sg;  Net;  Sparrow. 

Fox,  the  A.  V^.  translation  of  the  Heb.  shu'dl  ( = 
jackitl  as  well  as  foz),  and  Gr.  alopsx.  Ps.  Ixiii. 
10  evidently  refers  to  jackals,  which  are  ever  ready  to 
prey  on  the  carcasses  of  the  slain.  In  Judg.  xv. 
4,  "jackals,"  and  not  "  foxes,"  are  evidently  meant. 


JkIuU,  CanU  ovrciM.— (FbD.) 

for  the  former  animal  is  gregarious,  the  latter  soli- 
tary in  its  habits,  and  it  is  improbable  that  Samson 
should  have  succeeded  in  catching  300  foxes,  where- 


Fox  of  tba  NU«,  Fw/ftet  HiUtliau*. 

as  he  could  readily  have  taken  in  »nares  (so  the  Heb.) 
so  many  jackals.  He  may  have  had  men  to  help 
him ;  some  of  the  animals  might  have  been  taken 


in  one  portion  of  the  Philistines'  territory,  and 
i  some  in  unotlier,  and  let  loose  in  different  parts,  and 
150  different  centres  of  conflagration  through  the 
country  of  the  Philistines  must  have  burnt  up 
nearly  all  their  "  corn."  Both  the  fox  and  the  jackal 
are  fond  of  grapes  and  vei-y  destructive  to  vineyards 
(Cant.  ii.  15);  both  have  holes  and  burrows  among 
ruins  (Neh.  iv.  3;  Lam.  v.  18;  Mat.  viii.  20;  Lk. 
ix.  58).  The  crafty  rapacity  of  Herod  might  be  rep- 
resented by  either  (Lk.  xiii.  32 ;  compare  Ez.  xiii. 
4).  The  jackal  of  Palestine  is  no  doubt  the  Cauis 
aureus,  which  may  be  heard  every  night  in  the  vil- 
lages. Ilemprich  and  Ehrenberg  speak  of  a  vulpine 
animal,  under  the  name  of  Cunis  iyyriacus,  as  being 
found  in  Lebanon.  The  Egyptian  Vwlpea  Nilotica* 
(  =fox  of  the  Nile),  and  doubtless  the  common  Euro- 
pean red  fox,   V.  vulgaris,  are  Palestine  species. 

Frank'in-eeDse  (Heb.  Ubonah,  in  Is.  and  Jer. 
translated  "incense;"  Gr.  libanos),  a  vegetable 
resin,  brittle,  glittering,  and  of  a  bitter  taste,  used 
for  sacrificial  fumigation  (Ex.  xxx.  34-36 ;  Lev.  ii.  1 
ff.,  xxiv. ;  Mat.  ii.  11,  &c.).  It  is  obtained  by  suc- 
cessive incisions  in  the  bark  of  a  tree,  the  first  of 
which  yields  the  purest  and  whitest  kind ;  while  the 
produce  of  the  after-incisions  is  spotted  with  yel- 
low, and  as  it  becomes  old  loses  its  whiteness  alto- 
getlier.  Tlic  Hebrews  imported  their  frankincense 
from  Arabia  ( A.V.  "  incense ;  "  Is.  Ix.  6 ;  Jer.  vi.  20), 
particularly  from  Sheba  ;  but  the  Arabian  frankin- 
cense, or  olibantnn,  is  now  of  a  very  inferior  kind, 
and  the  finest  frankincense  imported  into  Turkey 
comes  through  Arabia  from  the  islands  of  the  Indian 
Archipelago.  There  can  bo  Utile  doubt  that  the 
tree  which  produces  the  Indian  frankincense  is  the 
BosweUia  serrata  of  Roxburgh,  or  Boswellia  thun/era 
of  Colebrooke,  growing  on  the  mountains  of  India. 
It  is  still  extremely  uncertain  what  tree  produces  the 
Arabian  olibanum.  Lamarck  proposes  the  Ami/ris 
Gileadensis  z=  bahain  of  Gilead  (Spice)  ;  but,  as  it 
would  seem,  upon  inconclusive  evidence.  The 
Indian  frankincense,  imported  from  Bombay,  is  used 
in  the  rites  of  the  Greek  and  Roman  Catholic 
churches,  and  as  a  perfume  in  sick-rooms.  Tlie  com- 
mon frankincense  of  commerce  is  an  exudation 
from  the  Norway  spruce  fir  (Abies  extelsa). 

*  Frce'doui.     Citize.n  ;  Slave. 
*Free-»m-of'fer-liig    (Lev.   xxii.   18  ff.,   kc). 

Sacrifice. 

*  Fringe*    Dress  ;  Hem  of  Garment. 

Frcg  (Heb.  lsSphard4a' ;  Gr.  bairachos),  a  well- 
known  reptile  of  the  genus  liana,  living  mostly  in 
or  near  water  (Ex.  viii.  2  ff. ;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  45,  cv.  30; 
Rev.  xvi.  13).(PLA0lKS,TiiKTEN.)Fiogsarcabundant 
in  the  Nile.  Mr.  Houghton  maintains  that  only  one 
species  is  now  found  in  Egypt,  tlie  Eana  escutatta, 
or  edible  frog  of  Europe ;  but  others  (Gosse  in 
Fairbairn,  Duns,  &c.)  enumerate  three  or  four  spe- 
cies as  found  in  Egypt. 

Frontlets  [frunt-]  (=  what  are  worn  in  front  or 
on  the  forehead  [Ex.  xiii.  10;  Dent.  vi.  8,  xi.  18]), 
or  Phy-lac'te-rles  (fr.  Gr.,  literally  =  preservatives, 
guards,  Amii.ets  [  Mat.  xxiii.  5]),  were  strips  of  parch- 
ment, on  which  were  written  four  passages  of  Scrip- 
ture (Ex.  xiii.  2-10,  11-17;  Dent.  vi.  4-9,  13-23) 
in  an  ink  prepared  for  the  purpose.  They  were 
then  rolled  up  in  a  case  of  black  calfskin,  attached 
to  a  stiffer  piece  of  leather,  having  a  thong  one 
finger  broad,  and  one  and  a  half  cubits  long.  They 
were  placed  at  the  bend  of  the  left  arm.  Those 
worn  on  the  forehead  were  written  on  four  strips  of 
parchment,  and  put  into  four  little  cells  within  a 
square  case,  on  which  the  letter  o  (Heb.  shin  ;  Wei- 


314 


FHO 


FtJR 


Frontleta  or  PhylacUries. 


TiiNo)  was  written.  The  square  had  two  thongs,  on 
which  Hebrew  letters  were 
insci-ibed.  That  phylacte- 
ries were  used  as  amulets 
is  certain,  and  was  very  na- 
tural. Sealiger  even  sup- 
poses -  that  phylacteries 
were  designed  to  supersede 
those  amulets,  the  use  of 
which  had  been  already 
learned  by  the  Israelites  in 
Egypt.  The  expression 
"they  malie  broad  their 
phylacteries "  (Mat.  x.xiii. 
B)  refers  not  so  much  to 
the  phylactery  itself,  which 
seems  to  have  been  of  a 
prescribed  breadth,  as  to 
the  case  in  which  the 
parchment  was  kept,  which 
the  Pharisees,  among  their 
other  pretentious  customs 
(Mk.  vii.  3,  4;  Lk.  v.  33,  &c.),  made  as  conspicuous 
as  they  could.  It  is  said  that  the  Pharisees  wore 
them  always,  whereas  the  common  people  only 
used  them  at  prayers.  The  Pharisees  wore  them 
above  the  elbow,  but  the  Sadducees  on  the  palm  of 
the  hand.  The  modem  Jews  only  wear  them  at 
morning  prayers,  and  sometimes  at  noon.  In  our 
Lord's  time  they  were  worn  by  all  Jews,  except  the 
Karaites,  women,  and  slaves.  Boys,  at  the  age  of 
thirteen  years  and  a  day,  were  bound  to  wear  them. 
The  Karaites  explained  Deut.  vi.  8,  Ex.  xiii.  9,  &c., 
as  nfguraiive  command  to  remember  the  law,  as  is 
certainly  the  ease  in  similar  passages  (Prov.  iii.  3, 
vi.  21,  vii.  3;  Cant.  viii.  6,  &e.).  It  seems  clear 
that  the  scope  of  these  injunctions  favors  the  Karaite 
interpretation.  The  Rabbis  (Mishna)  have  many 
rules  about  their  use.     Amulets;  Forehead. 

*  Frost,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  hunamdl 
or  churiumdl  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  47  only,  margin  "  great 
liailstoncs ").  The  LXX.,  Vulg.,  J.  A.  Alexander, 
&c.,  translate  frost ;  Fiirst,  hailstonen,  hail ;  Mi- 
ehaelis,  favored  by  Gesenius,  anU.  (Locust  7.) — 2. 
Ileb.  Icerah  or  kerach  =  ice,  Ges.  (Gen.  xxxi.  40; 
Job  xx.\vii  10;  Jcr.  xxxvi.  30),  twice  translated 
"  ice  "  (Job  vi.  16,  xxxviii.  29),  once  "  ckystal  "  (Ez. 
i.  22).  The  kindred  Hcb.  kirah  or  kurach  (Ko- 
BAn)  is  also  translated  "  ice  "  in  Ps.  cxlvii.  17  (poet- 
ically for  hail,  Ges.). — 3.  Heb.  cipher  or  cjJidr  (Ex. 
xvi.  14;  Ps.  cxlvii.  16,  "hoar-frost,"  in  both;  Job 
xxxviii.  29,  A.  V.  "  hoary  frost ").  Gesenius  sup- 
poses the  Hebrew  name  is  given  to  hoar-frost,  be- 
cause it  covers  the  ground,  and  to  a  cup  or  goblet 
(A.  v.  "  Basin  ")  because  this  is  covered  by  a  lid. — 
Though  on  the  coast  of  Palestine  frost  and  snow  are 
very  rare,  they  are  well  known  on  Mount  Lebanon, 
&c.  (Ubn.  P/ti/s.  Oeog.).  Throughout  Western  Asia 
there  is  much  greater  difference  between  the  tem- 
perature of  the  day  and  night  than  in  Europe  gen- 
erally. In  many  parts  of  Asia  even  frosty  nights 
in  winter  may  be  succeeded  by  very  warm  clays 
(Gen.  xxxi.  40 ;  Kit.,  Pict.  Eible).  Dew  ;  Snow  ; 
Winds. 

*  Fralt  =  the  produce  of  trees,  and  of  plants  in 
general ;  applied  also  in  the  Scriptures  to  the  produce 
of  animals,  and  figuratively  to  the  product  or  re- 
sult of  labor,  &c.     First-fruits  ;  Food. 

*  Fry'ing-Pan.     Bread. 

*  Fn'eU  Agriculture  ;  Coal  ;  DusG  ;  Firk  ; 
Forest. 

FoU'er  (Heb.  cSbei ;  Gr.  gnapheus).    The  trade  of 


the  fullers,  so  far  as  mentioned  in  Scripture,  appears 
to  have  consisted  chiefly  in  cleansing  garments  and 
whitening  them.  (Dress.)  The  process  of  fulling 
or  cleansing  cloth,  as  gathered  from  the  practice  of 
other  nations,  consisted  in  treading  or  stamping  on 
the  garments  with  the  feet  or  with  bats  in  tubs  of 
water,  in  which  some  alkaline  substance,  answering 
the  purpose  of  soap,  had  been  dissolved.     The  sub- 


EpyjtiaD  Fullers. 

Stances  used  for  this  purpose  which  are  mentioned 
in  Scripture  are  natrum  (A.  V.  "  nitre  ;  "  Prov. 
XXV.  20  ;  Jer.  ii.  22)  and  "soap"  (Mai.  iii.  2).  Other 
substances  also,  as  urine  and  chalk,  are  mentioned 
(Mishna)  as  employed  in  cleansing,  which,  together 
with  alkali,  seem  to  identify  the  Jewish  with  the 
Koman  process.  The  process  of  whitening  garments 
was  performed  by  rubbing  into  them  chalk  or  earth 
of  some  kind.  Creta  Cimolia  (Cimolite)  was  prob- 
ably the  earth  most  frequently  used.  The  trade  of 
the  fullers,  as  causing  offensive  smells,  and  also  as 
requiring  space  for  drying  clothes,  appears  to  have 
been  carried  on  at  Jerusalem  outside  the  city.  Full- 
er's Field  ;  Handicraft. 

Foll'er's  Field,  the,  a  spot  near  Jerusalem  (2  K. 
xviii.  17  ;  Is.  vii.  8,  xxxvi.  2),  so  close  to  the  walls, 
that  a  person  speaking  from  there  could  be  heard 
on  them  (2  K.  xviii.  17,  26).  It  gave  name  to  a 
"  iiiGiiWAV  "  in  which  was  "  the  conduit  of  the 
upper  pool."  One  resort  of  the  fullers  of  Jerusa- 
lem would  seem  to  have  been  below  the  city  on  the 
S.  E.  side.  (En-rogel.)  But  Kabshakch  and  his 
"  great  host "  must  have  come  from  the  N. ;  and 
Mr.  Grove,  with  Rev.  G.  Williams,  places  the  Fuller's 
Field  on  the  table-land,  on  the  N.  tide  of  the  city. 
Robinson,  Porter  (in  Kitto),  &c.,  place  it  on  the  W. 
side  of  the  city,  near  the  great  road  to  Joppa. 

Fn  ncr-als.    Burial. 

Fnr'lcngi    Weights  and  Measures. 

Fnr  ECce,  the  A.V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  lantmr 
z=  juriiare,  Cfven,  Ges.  (Gen.  xv.  17  ;  Is.  xxxi.  9  ; 
Neil.  iii.  11,  xii.  38),  generally  translated  "oven." 
—2.  Heb.  cilnhCn  =  a  irne/tivg  or  calcinirig  Jur- 
vace,  especially  a  limc-liln  (Gtn.  xix.  28;  Ex.  ix.  8, 
10,  xix.  18). — 3.  Heb.  cvr  =  a  furnace  for  smelting 
metals,  Ges.  (Prov.  xvii.  8,  xxvii.  21 ;  Ez.  xxii.  18 
ff.);  metaphorically,  a  state  of  dreadful  trial  (Deut. 
iv.  £0;  1  K.  viii.  51  ;  Is.  xlviii.  10;  Jer.  xi.  4). — 4. 
Chal.  allmi  =  a  furnace,  Ges.  (Dan.  iii.  6  ff.).  The 
Persians  were  in  the  habit  of  using  the  furnace  as 
a  means  of  inflicting  capital  punishment  (Dan.  1.  c. ; 
Jer.  xxix.  22  ;  Hos.  vii.  7 ;  2  Me.  vii.  5). — 6.  Gr. 
katiiinos  =  a  furnace,  for  smelting  metals,  burning 
pottery,  baking,  &e.,  Rbn.  JV'.  T.  lex.,  L.  &  S.  (Ec- 
elus.  xxvii.  5,  xxxviii.  28,  30;  Mat.  xiii.  42,60; 
Rev.  i.  IB,  ix.  2);  in  LXX.  =  Ko.  2-4.  (Bel- 
lows ;  Bread  ;  Glass  ;  Hakdicbaft  ;  Ikon  ;  Mines; 
Potter.^ 

*  Fur  nl-tiire,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Hcb. 


I 


GAA 

eili  or  cK  =  literally  ant/  thing  completed,  prepared, 
made,  viz.  apparatus.,  implement,  equipment,  utensil, 
vegsel,  kc,  Gcs.  (Ex.  xxxi.  7  [margin  "  vessel  "],  8, 
9,  XXXV.  14,  xxxix.  33  ;  Nah.  ii.  9  [Ileb.  10],  margin 
"  vessels  "),  elsewhere  translated  "  vessel  "  (Ex. 
xxvii.  3,  19,  &c.),  "instrument"  (Gen.  xlix.  5,  &c.), 
"  weapon  "  (xxvii.  3,  &c.),  "  artillery  "  (1  Sam.  xx. 
40),  "jewel"  (Gen.  x.xiv.  53,  &c.),  "thing"  (Lev. 
xiii.  49  ft'.,  &c.),  "stuff"  (Gen.  xxxi.  37,  &e.),  "ar- 
mor" (1  Sam.  xiv.  1  ff.,  &c.),  "carriage,"  "bag," 
&e.  "  Furniture  "  above  =  the  utensils  or  vessels  of 
the  altar,  &c. ;  "stuff"  and  some  of  the  other  \vords 
are  applied  to  homehold  furniture.  The  furniture 
of  Eastern  dwellings,  especially  in  early  ages,  was 
very  simple.  The  chamber  prepared  for  Elisha  by 
the  rich  and  liberal  Shunammite  had  apparently 
only  "  a  bed,  and  a  table,  and  a  stool,  and  a  candle- 
stick "(2  K.  iv.  10,  compare  13).  Many  articles 
which  Europeans  and  Americans  would  esteem  not 
merely  useful,  but  necessary,  find  no  place  among 
ancient  or  modern  Orientals.  (Altar  ;  Basin  ;  Bas- 
ket ;  Bath  ;  Bed  ;  Bottle  ;  Bowl  ;  Bread  ;  Candle- 
stick ;  Charger  ;  Cup  ;  Disn ;  Handicrait  ;  House  ; 
Lamp;  Meals;  Mill;  Nail;  Oven;  Pitcher; 
Tabernacle  ;  Temple.) — 2.  Heb.  car(Gen.  xxxi.  34) 
^  a  camel's  litler  or  saddle,  i.  e.  the  small  tent  or 
canopy  fastened  on  a  camel's  back,  in  which  a 
female  rides  (Gesenius). 


G 

Ga'al  (Heb.  loathing,  Ges.),  son  of  Ebcd,  aided  the 
Shechemites  in  their  rebellion  against  Abimelech, 
but  was  ejected  from  Shechem  by  Zebul,  and  de- 
feated by  Abimelech  (Judg.  ix.) ;  probably  not  a 
native  of  Shechem,  nor  specially  interested  in  the 
revolution,  but  one  of  a  class  of  brigands,  willing 
at  such  a  period  of  anarchy  to  sell  their  sei-vices 
to  the  highest  bidder. 

Ga'asli(Heb.  earthquake).  On  the  X.  side  of  "the 
hill  of  Gaash  "  was  the  city  (Timnath-Serah)  which 
was  given  to  Joshua  (Josh.  xxiv.  30 ;  Judg.  ii.  9  ; 
compare  Josh.  xix.  49,  50).  Hiddai  or  Hurai  was 
"  of  the  brooks  of  Gaash "  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  30 ;  1 
Chr.  xi.  32). 

Ga'bii  (Ileb.)  =  Geba  (Josh,  xviii.  24 ;  Ezr.  ii. 
26;  Neh.  vii.  30). 

Gab'a-el  or  Ga'ba-el  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  high  one  of 
Ooil?)  1.  An  ancestor  of  Tobit  (Tob.  i.  1).— 2.  A 
poor  Jew  (Tob.  i.  17,  Vulg.)  of  "  Kages  in  Jtedia," 
to  whom  Tobit  lent  ten  talents  of  silver  (Tob.  i. 
14,  iv.  1,  20,  V.  6,  ix.,  x.  2). 

Gaba-tha  (Gr.)  =  Bigthan  (Esth.  xii.  1). 

Gab'ba-I  or  Gab'bai  (Heb.  tax-gatherer,  Ges.),  ap- 
parently the  head  of  an  important  family  of  Ben- 
jamin resident  at  Jerusalem  (Xeh.  xi.  8). 

Glb'ba-tha,  the  Gr.  form  of  the  Heb.  or  Chal. 
appellation  of  a  place,  also  called  "  Pavement," 
where  the  judgment-seat  or  bema  was  plante<l,  from 
his  place  on  which  Pilate  delivered  our  Lord  to 
death  (Jn.  xix.  13).  The  place  was  outside  the 
priBtorium  (Pr.etorium,  A.  V.  "judgment-hall"), 
for  Pilate  brought  Jesus  forth  from  thence  to  it. 
It  is  suggested  by  Lightfoot  that  Gabbatha  is  a 
mere  translation  of  "  pavement."  It  is  more  prob- 
ably from  an  ancient  root  signifying  height  or 
roundness.  In  this  case  Gabbatha  =  the  elevated 
bema  ;  and  the  "  pavement "  possibly  z=  some  mo- 
saic or  tesselatcd  work,  either  forming  the  bema  it- 
self or  the  flooring  of  the  court  immediately  round 
iU 


GAD 


315 


Gab'des  =  Gaba  (1  Esd.  v.  20). 

Ga'bri-as  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  man  of  Jthovah),  the 
brother,  according  to  the  present  text  of  the  LXX., 
of  Gabael  2  (Tob.  i.  14),  though  in  iv.  20  described 
as  his  father. 

Ga'bri-el  (Heb.  man  of  Ood).  The  word,  which 
is  not  in  itself  distinctive,  but  merely  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  angelic  office,  is  used  as  a  proper  name 
or  title  in  Dan.  viii.  16,  ix.  21,  and  in  Lk.  i.  19, 
20.  In  the  ordinary  traditions,  Jewish  and  Chris- 
tian, Gabriel  is  spoken  of  as  one  of  the  archangels. 
In  Scripture  he  is  set  forth  only  as  the  represent- 
ative of  the  angelic  nature  in  its  ministration  of 
comfort  and  sympathy  to  man.     Angel. 

Gad  (Heb.,  see  below).  1,  Jacob's  seventh  son, 
the  first-born  of  Zilpah,  Leah's  maid,  and  whole- 
brother  to  Asher  (Gen.  xxx.  11-13,  xlvi.  16,  18). 

(a)  The  passage  in  which  the  bestowal  of  the  name 
is  preserved  is  more  than  usually  obscure :  "And 
Leah  said,  'In  fortune,'  and  she  called  his  naiLC 
Gad  "  (xxx.  11).  Such  is  supposed  (by  Mr.  Grove, 
Gesenius,  &c.)  to  be  the  meanmg  of  the  old  text 
of  the  passage.  But  in  the  marginal  emendation 
of  the  Masorets  the  word  is  given,  "  Gad  comes." 

(b)  In  the  blessing  of  Jacob,  "  Gad  "  is  taken  as 
meaning  a  piratical  band  or  troop  (xlix.  19).  (c) 
The  force  thus  lent  to  the  name  has  been  by 
some  partially  transferred  to  the  narrative  of  Gen. 
XXX.,  e.  g.  the  Samaritan  Version,  the  Veneto-Grcek, 
and  A.  V. — "  a  troop  (of  children)  cometh."  Of 
the  childhood  and  lifeof  the  patriarch  Gad  noth- 
ing is  preserved.  At  the  time  of  the  descent  into 
Egypt,  seven  sons  are  ascribed  to  him,  remarkable 
from  the  fact  that  a  majority  of  their  names  have 
plural  terminations,  as  if  those  of  families  rather 
than  persons  (xlvi.  16  ;  compare  Num.  xxvi.  IS- 
IS). Gad's  position  during  the  march  to  the 
Promised  Land  was  on  the  S.  side  of  the  Taber- 
nacle with  Reuben  (Xum.  ii.  14,  &c.).  At  the  first 
census  Gad  had  45,650;  at  the  last,  40,500.  Of 
all  the  sons  of  Jacob,  Reuben  and  Gad  alone  re- 
turned to  the  land  which  their  forefathers  had  left 
five  hundred  years  before,  with  their  occupations 
unchanged.  At  the  halt  on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  we 
find  them  coming  forward  to  Moses  with  the  rep- 
resentation that  they  "  have  cattle  " — "  a  great 
multitude  of  cattle,"  and  the  land  where  they  now 
are  is  a  "  place  for  cattle  "  (xxxii.  1-5).  They 
did  not,  however,  attempt  to  evade  taking  their 
proper  share  of  the  difficulties  of  subduing  the 
land  of  Canaan,  and  after  that  task  had  been  ef- 
fected they  were  dismissed  by  Joshua  "  to  their 
tents,"  to  their  "  wives,  their  little  ones,  and  their 
cattle,"  which  they  had  left  behind  them  in  Gilcad. 
The  country  allotted  to  Gad  appears,  speaking 
roughly,  to  have  lain  chiefly  about  the  centre  of  the 
land  E.  of  Jordan.  The  S.  of  that  district — from 
the  Arnon  (  Wadii  Mojeb)  to  Heshbon,  nearly  due  E. 
of  Jerusalem — was  occupied  by  Reuben,  and  at  or 
about  Heshbon  the  possessions  of  Gad  commenced. 
They  embraced  half  Gilead  (Deut.  iii.  12),  or  half 
the  land  of  the  children  of  Ammon  (Josh.  xiii. 
25),  probably  the  mountainous  district  intersected 
by  the  torrent  Jabbok — if  Wady  Zurka  =  the 
Jabbok  — including,  as  its  most  northern  town, 
the  ancient  sanctuary  Of  Mahanaim.  On  the 
E.  the  furthest  landmark  given  is  "  Aroer  2,  that 
faces  Rabbah  "  (Josh.  xiii.  25).  West  was  the 
Jordan  (27).  Such  was  the  territory  allotted  to  the 
Gadites,  but  no  doubt  they  soon  extended  them- 
selves beyond  these  limits.  The  official  records  of 
the  reign  of  Jotbam  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  v.  11,  16) 


316 


6AD 


GAD 


show  them  to  liavc  been  at  that  time  established 
over  the  whole  of  Gilead,  aud  in  possession  of 
Bashau  as  far  as  Salcah,  aud  very  far  both  to  the 
N.  and  the  E.  of  the  border  given  them  oiiginally, 
while  the  Manassites  were  pushed  still  further  N. 
to  Mount  Hermon  (v.  23).  The  character  of  the 
tribe  is  throughout  strongly  marked — fierce  and 
warlike — "  strong  men  of  might,  men  of  w  ar  for  the 
battle,  that  could  handle  shield  and  buckler,  their 
faces  the  faces  of  lions,  and  like  roes  upon  the 
mountains  for  swiftness  "  (xii.  8).  The  history  of 
Jephtliah,  who  (so  Mr.  Grove)  appears  to  have  been 
a  Gadite,  develops  elements  of  a  dift'erent  nature 
and  a  higher  order  than  the  mere  fierceness  neces- 
sary to  repel  the  attacks  of  the  plunderers  of  the 
desert.  In  the  behavior  of  Jephtliah  throughout 
that  affecting  history,  there  are  marks  of  a  great 
nobility  of  character.  If  to  this  we  add  the  loyalty, 
the  generosity,  and  the  delicacy  of  Barzillai  (2  Sam. 
six.  32-39),  we  obtain  a  very  high  idea  of  the  tribe 
at  whose  head  were  such  men  as  these.  Nor  must 
we,  while  enumerating  the  worthies  of  Gad,  forget, 
that  probably  (so  Mr.  Grove)  Elijah  the  Tishbite, 
"  who  was  of  the  inhabitants  of  Gilead,"  was  one  of 
them.  But  while  exhibiting  these  high  personal 
qualities,  Gad  a])pcar8  to  have  been  wanting  in  the 
powers  necessary  to  enable  hira  to  take  any  active 
or  leading  part  in  the  confederacy  of  the  nation. 
The  territory  of  Gad  was  the  battle-field  on  which 
the  long  and  fieice  struggles  of  Syria  and  Israel 
were  fought  out,  and,  as  an  agricultural  and  pasto- 
ral country,  it  must  have  suffered  severely  in  conse- 
quence (2  K.  x\.  33).  Gad  was  carried  into  cap- 
tivity by  Tiglath-Pileser  (1  Chr.  v.  26),  and  in  the 
time  of  Jeremiah  the  cities  of  the  tribe  seem  to 
have    been    inhabited    by  the    Ammonites     (Jer. 


xlix.  1).  Gad  is  afterward  mentioned  in  Ez.  xlviii. 
27  if.  and  Rev.  vii.  5). — 2.  "  Gad,  the  seer,"  or  "  the 
king's  seer,"  i.  e.  Llavid's  (1  Chr.  xxix.  29  ;  2  Clir. 
xxix.  25;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  11;  1  Chr.  xxi.  9),  was  a 
"  prophet  "  who  appears  to  have  joined  David  when 
in  the  hold  (1  Sam.  xxii.  5).  He  reappears  in  con- 
nection with  the  punishment  inflicted  for  the  num- 
bering of  the  people  (S  Sam.  xxiv.  11-19;  1  Chr. 
xxi.  9-19).  He  wrote  a  book  of  the  Acts  of  David 
(xxix.  29),  and  also  assisted  in  the  arrangements 
for  the  musical  service  of  the  "house  of  God"  (2 
Chr.  ^xix.  25).— 3.  Properly  "  the  Gad."  In  the 
A.V.  of  Is.  Ixv.  1 1,  the  clause  "  that  prepare  a  table 
for  that  troop  "  has  in  the  margin,  instead  of  the 
last  word,  the  proper  name  "  Gad,"  evidently  = 
some  idol  worshiiped  by  the  Jews  in  Babylon, 
though  it  is  impossible  positively  to  identity  it. 
(Mem.)  That  Gad  was  the  deity  Fortune,  under 
whatever  outward  form  it  was  worshipijcd,  is  su])- 
ported  by  the  etymology,  and  by  the  common  assent 
of  commentatois.  Gescnius  is  probably  right  in 
his  conjecture  that  Gad  was  the  planet  Jupiter,  re- 
garded by  the  astrologers  of  the  East  as  the  star  of 
greater  good  fortune.  Movers  is  in  favor  of  the 
planet  Venus.  Vitringa  considers  it  the  sun.  Il- 
lustrations of  the  ancient  custom  of  placing  a  ban- 
queting table  in  honor  of  idols  will  be  found  in  the 
table  spread  for  the  sun  among  the  Ethiopians  (Ildt. 
iii.  17,  18),  and  in  the  feast  made  by  the  Babylonians 
for  their  god  Bel  (B.  &  D. ;  compare  also  Ildt.  i.  181, 
&c.).  A  trace  of  the  worship  of  Gad  remains  in 
the  proper  name  Baal-Gad. 

Gad'a-ra  (Gr.  fr.  Hcb.  =  Geder?  Wr.),  a  strong 
city  situated  near  the  river  Hieromax,  E.  of  the  Sea 
of  Galilee,  over  against  Scythopolis  and  Tiberias, 
and  sixteen  Koman  miles  distant  from  each  of  those 


Um  Keit  =  Uadara.— (From  Smith's  Smaller  Dictionarj-.) 


places.  Josephus  calls  it  the  capital  of  Peroa.  A 
large  district  was  attached  to  it.  Gadara  itself  is 
not  mentioned  in  the  Bible,  but  it  evidently  gives 
name  to  the  "  country  of  the  Gadarencs  "  (Mk.  v. 


1  ;  Lk.  vlii.  26,  37).  Of  the  site  of  Gadara,  thus 
so  clearly  defined,  there  cannot  be  a  doubt.  On 
a  partially  isolated  hill,  at  the  N.  AV.  extremity  of 
the  mountains  of  Gilead,  about  sixteen  miles  from 


GAD 


GAL 


317 


Tiberias,  lie  the  remarkable  ruins  of  Urn  Keis,  cm- 
bracing  two  theatres,  traces  of  the  ancient  wall,  a 
qity  gate,  a  straight  raiia  street  with  its  pavement 
nearly  perfect,  but  its  columns  on  each  side  all  pros- 
trate, &c.  The  whole  space  occupied  by  the  ruins 
is  about  two  miles  in  circumference.  The  first  his- 
torical notice  of  Gadara  is  its  capture,  along  with 
Pella  and  other  cities,  by  Antiochus  the  Great,  b.  c. 
218.  Destroyed  during  the  Jewish  civil  wars,  it 
was  rebuilt  by  Pompcy  (b.  c.  63),  and  made  the 
capital  of  a  district  by  Gabinius.  The  territory  of 
Gadara,  with  the  adjoining  one  of  Hippos,  was  sub- 
sequently added  to  the  kingdom  of  Herod  the  Great. 
Gadara  is  regarded  by  Mr.  Porter,  Lange  (on  Mat.), 
&c.,  a-s  having  been  the  scene  of  our  Lord's  miracle  in 
healing  the  demoniacs  (Mat.  vlii.  2S-34  ;  Mk.  v.  1- 
21;  Lk.  viii.  26-40).  (Ger.isa  ;  Gerge3enes.)  The 
most  interesting  remains  of  Gadara  are  its  tombs, 
which  dot  the  cliffs  for  a  considerable  distance 
round  the  city.  They  are  excavated  in  the  linie- 
Btone  rock.  (Tomb.)  The  present  iuliabitants  of 
UmKeisaW  "  dwell  in  tombs."  Gadara  was  captured 
by  Vespasian  on  the  first  outbreak  of  the  war  with 
the  Jews ;  all  its  inhabitants  massacred  ;  and  the 
town  itself,  with  its  surrounding  villages,  reduced 
to  ashes.  Afterward  it  was  the  seat  of  a  bishop  ; 
but  it  fell  to  ruins  at,  or  soon  after,  the  Mohamme- 
dan conquest. 

•  Cad-»-renes'  [-reenz]  —  natives  or  inhabitants 
of  Gadjka. 

Gaddi  (Ideb.  fortunate,  Ges.),  son  of  Susi ;  the 
Mauassite  spy  sent  by  Moses  to  explore  Canaan 
(Num.  xiii.  11). 

Gad'dl-el  (IIcb./i)r<Mne  of  God,  i.  e.  sent  from  God, 
Ges.),  a  Zebulonite,  one  of  the  twelve  spies  (Num. 
xiii.  10). 

Gu'dl  (Heb.,  a  Oadite,  Ges.),  father  of  King  Mena- 
hem(2  K.  xv.  14,  17). 

Gad'itps,  the  =  the  descendants  of  Gad  and  mem- 
bers of  his  tribe. 

Ga'hAin  (Heb.  probably  =  sunburnt,  or  smarth'/), 
son  of  Xalior,  Abraham's  brother,  by  his  concubine 
Reumah  (Gen.  xxii.  24). 

Ga'liar  (Heb.  lurking-place,  Ges.),  ancestor  of  a 
family  of  Xethinim  wlio  returned  from  the  Captivi- 
ty witli  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  47 ;  Neh.  vii.  49). 

Gallic  [ga'yus]  (L.  =  Cairn,  a  common  Roman 
first  name).     JoH.v,  Seco.vd  and  Third  Epistles  of. 

Gara.ad(l  Mc.  v.  9,  55 ;  Jd.  i.  8,  XV.  5  ;  and  "the 
country  of  Galaad,"  1  Mc.  v.  17,  20,  26,  27,  36,  45, 
xiii.  22),  the  Greek  form  of  Gilead. 

Ca'lal  (Heb.  perhaps  weight;j,  worthy,  Ges.).  1. 
A  Levite,  of  the  sons  of  Asaph  (1  Chr.  ix.  15). — %, 
A  Levite,  son  of  Jeduthun  (ix.  16 ;  Neh.  xi.  17). 

Ga-la'tla  [-she-a,  or,  less  formally,  -sha]  (Gr., 
literally  =  the  Gallia,  or  Gaul,  of  the  East). 
The  Galatians  were  in  their  origin  a  stream 
of  that  great  Celtic  torrent  which  poured  into 
Greece  in  the  third  century  b.  c.  Some  of  these 
invaders  moved  on  into  Thrace,  and  appeared 
on  the  shores  of  the  Hellespont  and  Bosporus, 
when  Nicomcdes  L,  king  of  Bithynia,  then  engaged 
in  a  civil  war,  invited  them  across  to  help  him. 
Once  established  in  Asia  Jlinor,  they  became  a  ter- 
rible scourge.  The  neighboring  kings  succeeded 
in  repulsing  them  within  the  general  geographical 
limits  to  which  the  name  of  Galatia  was  given.  At 
the  end  of  the  Roman  Republic,  Galatia  appears  as 
a  dependent  kingdom ;  at  the  beginning  of  the 
empire,  as  a  province  (a.  d.  26).  The  Roman 
province  of  Galatia  may  be  roughly  described  as 
the    central    region    of    the   peninsula    of   Asia 


Minor,  with  the  provinces  of  Asia  on  the  W., 
Capi'adocia  on  the  E.,  Pamphvlia  and  Cilicia  on 
tlie  S.,  and  Bithy.ma  and  Pontus  on  the  N.  It 
would  be  dillicult  to  define  the  exact  limits,  dn 
fact,  they  were  frequently  changing.  At  one  time 
this  province  contained  Pisidia  and  Lycaonia,  and 
therefore  Antiocii  2,  Iconium,  Lystra,  and  Dcrbe, 
which  arc  conspicuous  in  the  narrative  of  St.  Paul's 
travels.  But  the  characteristic  part  of  Galatia  lay 
N.  from  those  districts.  These  Eastern  Gauls  pre- 
served much  of  their  ancient  character,  and  some- 
thing of  their  ancient  language.  The  prevailing 
speech,  however,  of  tlie  district  was  Greek.  The 
inscriptions  found  at  Ancyra  are  Greek,  and  St. 
Paul  wrote  his  Epistle  in  Greek,  dt  is  difficult  at 
first  sight  to  determine  in  what  sense  the  word  Ga- 
latia is  used  by  the  writers  of  the  N.  T.,  or  whether 
always  in  the  same  sense,  dn  Acts  xvi.  6,  xviii.  23, 
the  journeys  of  St.  Paul  through  the  district  are 
mentioned  in  very  general  terms.  Most  probably 
Galatia  is  used  by  St.  Luke  as  an  ethnographical 
term,  and  not  for  the  Roman  province  of  that  name. 
(See  also  1  Cor.  xvi.  1  ;  Gal.  i.  2 ;  2  Tim.  iv.  10 ;  1 
Pet.  i.  1.)  Bjttger  maintains  that  the  Galatia  of 
the  Epistle  (Galatia.ns,  Epistle  to  the)  is  entirely 
limited  to  the  district  between  Derbe  and  Colosse, 
i.  e.  the  extreme  southern  frontier  of  the  Roman 
province. 

*  Ga-la'tians  [-she-anz  or  shanz]  =  natives  or 
inhabitants  of  Galatia,  originally  from  Gaul  or 
ancient  France  (L.  Gallia)  (1  Mc.  viii.  2  ;  2  Mc.  viii. 
20;  Gal.  lii.  1).  Some  suppose  that  in  1  Macca- 
bees "  Galatians  "=  the  Gauls  or  ancient  inhabitants 
of  France. 

Ga-la'tians  (see  above),  Tlie  E-pis'tle  to  the,  was 
written  by  the  Apostle  Pacl  not  long  after  his 
journey  through  Galatia  and  Phrygia  (Acts  xviii. 
23),  and  probably  in  the  early  portion  of  his  two 
and  a  half  years'  stay  at  Ephesus,  which  terminated 
with  the  Pentecost  of  a.  n.  57  or  58.  The  Epistle 
appears  to  have  been  called  forth  by  the  machina- 
tions of  Judaizing  teachers,  who,  shortly  before  the 
date  of  its  composition,  had  endeavored  to  seduce 
the  churches  of  this  province  into  a  recognition  of 
circumcision  (v.  2,  11,  12,  vi.  12  IT.),  and  had  open- 
ly sought  to  depreciate  the  apostolic  claims  of  St. 
Paul  (compare  i.  1,  11).  The  Epistle  vindicates 
his  own  apostolic  authority,  and  aims  to  bring  back 
the  Galatians  to  the  simplicity  of  the  Gospel,  that 
they  may  be  justified  and  saved  through  faith  in 
Christ.  The  scope  and  contents  of  the  Epistle  are 
thus — (1.)  apologetic  (i.,  ii.)and  polemical  (iii.,  iv.); 
and  (2.)  hortatory  and  practical  (v.,  vi.):  the  posi- 
tions and  demonstrations  of  the  former  portion  be- 
ing used  with  great  power  and  persuasiveness  in 
the  exhortations  of  the  latter.  With  regard  to  the 
genuinenem  and  aulhen licit i/ of  this  Epistle,  no  writer 
of  any  credit  or  respectability  has  expressed  any  . 
doubts.  The  testimony  of  the  early  Church  is  most 
decided  and  unanimous.  Besides  express  references 
to  the  Epistle,  we  have  one  or  two  direct  citations 
found  as  early  as  the  time  of  the  Apostolic  Fathers, 
and  several  apparent  allusions.  (Canon  ;  dsspiRA- 
TION.)  Two  historical  questions  require  a  brief  no- 
tice : — 1.  The  nurnher  of  I'ixiti  made  by  St.  Paul  to 
the  churches  of  Galatia  previous  to  his  writing  the 
Epistle.  These  seem  certainly  to  have  been  <wo. 
The  apostle  founded  the  churches  of  Galatia  in  the 
visit  recorded  Acts  xvi.  6,  during  his  second  mis- 
sionary journey,  about  A.  D.  51,  and  revisited  them 
at  the  period  and  on  the  occasion  mentioned  Acts 
xviii.  23,  when  he  went  through   the  country  of 


818 


OAL 


GAL 


Galatia  and  Phrygia.  On  this  occasion  probably 
he  found  the  leaven  of  Judaism  beginning  to  work 
in  the  churches  of  Galatia.  2.  Closely  allied  with 
the  preceding  question  is  that  of  the  date,  and  the 
place  from  which  the  Epistle  was  written.  Cony- 
beare  and  Howson,  and  more  recently  (1857)  Light- 
foot,  urge  the  probability  of  its  having  been  written 
at  about  the  same  time  as  Romans.  They  would 
therefore  assign  Corinth  as  the  place  where  the 
Epistle  was  written,  and  the  three  months  that  the 
apostle  stayed  there  (Acts  x.x.  2,  3),  apparently  the 
winter  of  A.  D.  57  or  58,  as  the  exact  period.  But 
it  seems  almost  impossible  to  assign  a  later  period 
than  the  commencement  of  the  prolonged  stay  in 
Ephesus  (a.  d.  54).  The  subscription,  "  written  from 
Rome,"  the  best  critics  pronounce  si)urious. 

tlalba-naiil  (L. ;  Ileb.  helbinuh  or  vhdbinAh),  one 
of  the  perfumes  employed  in  the  preparation  of  the 
sacred  incense  (Ex.  xxx.  34).  The  galbanum  of 
commerce  is  brought  chiefly  from  India  and  the 
Levant.  It  is  a  resinous  gum  of  a  brownish-yellow 
color,  and  strong,  disagreeable  smell,  usually  met 
with  in  masses,  but  sometimes  found  in  yellowish 
tear-like  drops.  But,  though  galbanum  itself  is 
well  known,  the  plant  which  yields  \i  has  not  been 
exactly  determined.  Sprengel  is  in  favor  of  the 
Ferula  Fendago,  Linn.,  which  grows  in  North  Africa, 
Crete,  and  Asia  Minor.  It  was  for  some  time  sup- 
posed to  be  the  product  of  the  Buliou  Galbanum, 
Linn.,  a  native  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  The 
O/joiclta  galhanifera  of  Lindley,  a  Persian  plant, 
has  been  adopted  by  the  Dublin  college  in  their 
Pharmacopoeia  as  that  which  yields  the  galbanum. 
But  the  question  remains  undecided. 

Gal'c-cd  (Heb.  heap  of  witncxs),  the  name  given  by 
Jacob  to  the  heap  which  he  and  Laban  made  on 
Mount  GiLEAD  in  witness  of  the  covenant  then  en- 
tered into  between  them  (Gen.  xxxi.  47,  48 ;  com- 
pare 23,  25).     Jegar-sahadutha. 

Gal'ga-la  (Gr.  =  Gilgal),  the  ordinary  equivalent 
in  the  LXX.  for  Gilgal  ;  in  the  A.  V.  only  in  1 
Mc.  ix.  2,  =  either  the  upper  Gilgal  near  Bethel,  or 
the  lower  one  near  Jericho. 

*  Gal-1-le'an  =  a  native  or  inhabitant  of  Galilee 
(Mk.  xiv.  70 ;  Lk.  xiii.  1,  2,  xxii.  59,  xxiii.  6 ;  Jn. 
iv.  45  ;  Acts  ii.  7). 

GalHee  (fr.  Heb.  gdlil  =  a  circle  or  cirniit). 
This  name,  in  the  Roman  age  applied  to  a  large 
province,  seems  to  have  been  originally  confined  to 
a  little  "  circuit "  of  country  round  Kedesh-Naphtali, 
in  which  were  situated  the  twenty  towns  given  by 
Solomon  to  Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  as  payment  for  his 
work  in  conveying  timber  from  Lebanon  to  Jerusa- 
lem (Josh.  XX.  7,  xxi.  32;  1  K.  ix.  11).  They  were 
then,  or  subsequently,  occupied  by  strangers,  and 
for  this  reason  Isaiah  gives  to  the  district  the  name 
"Galilee  of  the  Gentiles"  (Is.  ix.  1;  Mat.  iv.  15). 
_  Probably  the  strangers  increased  in  number,  and 
became  during  the  Captivity  the  great  body  of  the 
inhabitants ;  extending  themselves  also  over  the 
surrounding  country,  they  gave  to  their  new  territo- 
ries the  old  name,  until  at  length  Galilee  became 
one  of  the  largest  provinces  of  Palestine.  In  the 
Maccabean  period  Galilee  contained  only  a  few 
Jews  living  in  the  midst  of  a  large  heathen  popula- 
tion (1  Mc.  V.  20-23).  In  the  time  of  our  Lord,  all 
Palestine  was  divided  into  three  provinces,  Judea, 
Samaria,  and  Galilee  (Acts  ix.  31;  Lk.  xvii.  11  ; 
Jos.  B.  J.  iii.  3).  The  latter  included  the  whole 
northern  section  of  the  country,  including  the  an- 
cient territories  of  Issachar,  Zebulun,  Ashcr,  and 
Naphtali.     On  the  W.  it  was  bounded  by  the  terri- 


tory of  Ptolemais,  which  probably  included  the  whole 
plain  of  'Akka  (AccHo)  to  the  foot  of  Carmel.  The 
southern  boundary  ran  along  the  base  of  Carmel 
and  of  the  hills  of  bamaria  to  Mount  Gilboa,  and 
then  descended  the  valley  of  Jezreol  by  Scythopolis 
to  the  Jordan.  The  river  Jordan,  the  Sea  of  Gali- 
lee, and  the  upper  Jordan  to  the  fountain  at  Dan, 
formed  the  eastern  border;  and  the  northern  ran 
from  Dan  westward  across  the  mountain  ridge  till  it 
touched  the  territory  of  the  Fhenicians.  Galilee 
was  divided  into  two  sections.  Lower  and  Upper, 
Lower  Galilee  included  the  great  plain  of  Esdra^lon 
with  its  offshoots,  which  run  down  to  the  Jordan 
and  the  Lake  of  Tiberias  ;  and  the  whole  of  the  hill- 
country  adjoining  it  on  the  N.  to  the  foot  of  the 
mountain-range.  It  extended  as  far  as  the  village 
of  Ginea,  the  modern  Jenin,  on  the  extreme  south- 
ern side  of  the  plain,  and  included  the  whole  region 
from  the  plain  of  VlMa,  on  the  W.,  to  the  shorts 
of  the  lake  on  the  E.  It  was  thus  one  of  the  richest 
and  most  beautiful  sections  of  Palestine.  The  chief 
towns  of  Lower  Galilee  were  Tiberias,  Tarichaea,  at 
the  southern  end  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  and  Seppho- 
ris.  The  towns  most  celebrated  in  N.  T.  history 
are  Nazareth,  Cana,  and  Tiberias  (Lk.  i.  26 ;  Jn.  ii. 
1,  vi.  1).  Ujrper  Cialilee  embraced  the  whole  moun- 
tain-range lying  between  the  upper  Jordan  and 
Phenieia.  Its  southern  border  ran  along  the 
foot  of  the  iSa/cd  range  from  the  north-west  angle 
of  the  Sea  of  Galilee  (Gennesaret)  to  the  plain  of 
'Akka.  To  this  region  the  name  "  Galilee  of  the 
Gentiles  "  is  given  in  the  0.  and  N.  T.  (Is.  ix.  1 ; 
Mat.  iv.  15).  Capernaum,  on  the  N.  W.  shore  of  the 
lake,  was  in  Upper  Galilee.  Galilee  was  the  scene 
of  the  greater  part  of  our  Lord's  private  life  and 
public  acts.  His  early  years  were  spent  at  Naza- 
reth; and  when  He  entered  on  His  great  work  He 
made  Capernaum  His  home  (Mat.  iv.  13,  ix.  1).  It 
is  a  remarkable  fact  that  the  first  three  gospels  are 
chiefly  taken  up  with  our  Lord's  ministrations  in  this 
province,  while  the  Gospel  of  John  dwells  more 
upon  those  in  Judea.  The  nature  of  our  Lord's 
parables  and  illustrations  was  greatly  influenced  by 
the  peculiar  features  and  products  of  the  country. 
The  apostles  originally  were  all  either  Galileans  by 
birth  or  residence  (Acts  i.  11),  and  as  such  were 
despised,  as  their  Master  had  been,  by  the  proud 
Jews  (Jn.  i.  46,  vii.  52  ;  Acts  ii.  7).  It  appears  aho 
that  the  pronunciation  of  the  Jews  in  Galilee  had 
become  peculiar,  probably  from  contact  with  their 
Gentile  neighbors  (Mat.  xxvi.  73;  Mk.  xiv.  70). 
(SiiEMiTic  Langi'ages,  §  16,  a:  Greek.)  After 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  Galilee  became  the 
chief  seat  of  Jewish  schools  of  learning,  and  the 
residence  of  their  most  celebrated  Rabbins.     Edc- 

CATION. 

Gal'i-lte,  Sea  of.    Galilee  ;  Gennesaret. 

Gall,  the  A.V.  translation  of^ — 1.  Heb.  rnirlrAh,  or 
mMr6h,  etymologically  =  thai  tthich  in  bitkr ; 
translated  in  Job  xiii.  26,  "  bitter  things ;  "  in  Deut. 
xxxii.  32,  "  bitter ; "  hence  applied  to  the  bile  or 
"gall"  from  its  intense  bitterness  (Job  xvi.  13,  xx. 
25) ;  also  =  the  poison  of  serpents  (Job  xx.  14), 
which  the  ancients  erroneously  believed  was  their 
"gall." — 2.  Heb.  rosh,  generally  translated  "gall" 
by  the  A.  V.,  is  in  IIos.  x.  4  rendered  "hemlock;" 
in  Deut.  xxxii.  33,  and  Job.  xx.  16,  "poison  "or 
"venom"  (of  serpents).  From  Deut.  xxix.  18, 
and  Lam.  iii.  19,  compared  with  Hos.  x.  4,  it  ia 
evident  that  the  Hebrew  denotes  some  bitter, 
and  perhaps  poisonous  plant.  Celsius  thinks  poi- 
son "  hemlock,"   Conium  maculattim,  is   intended. 


GAL 


GAM 


319 


Gesenius  understands  "  poppies."  The  various 
species  of  this  family  (Papaveraeea)  spring  up 
qiiiclily  in  corn-fields,  and  the  juice  is  extremely 
bitter.  A  steeped  solution  of  poppy-heads  may  be 
"  the  water  of  gall "  (Jer.  viii.  14). — The  passages  in 
the  Gospels  which  relate  the  circumstance  of  the 
Roman  soldiers  offering  our  Lord,  just  before  His 
CRUCIFIXION,  "  vinegar  mingled  with  gall "  (Gr. 
choli ;  Mat.  xxvii.  34),  and  "wine  mingled  with 
m.vrrh"(Mk.  xv.  23),  require  some  consideration. 
"  Matthew,  in  his  usual  way,"  as  Hengstenberg  re- 
marks, "designates  the  drink  theologically:  always 
keeping  his  eye  on  the  prophecies  of  the  0.  T.,  he 
speaks  of  gall  and  vinegar  for  the  purpose  of  ren- 
dering the  fulfilment  of  the  Psalms  more  manifest. 
Mark  again,  according  to  his  way,  looks  rather  at 
the  outward  quality  of  the  drink."  "  Gall "  is  not  to 
be  understood  in  any  other  sense  than  as  expressing 
the  bitter  nature  of  the  draught.  Notwithstanding 
the  almost  concurrent  opinion  of  ancient  and  modern 
commentators  that  the  "  wine  mingled  with  myrrh  " 
was  offered  to  our  Lord  as  an  anodyne,  we  cannot 
readily  come  to  the  same  conclusion.  Had  the  sol- 
diers intended  a  mitigation  of  suffering,  they  would 
doubtless  have  offered  a  draught  drugged  with  some 
substance  having  narcotic  properties.  The  drink  in 
question  was  probably  a  mere  ordinary  beverage  of 
the  Romans  (so  Mr.  Houghton).  The  Gr.  chole  (in 
LXX.  =  No.  1  and  2)  is  also  translated  "  gall "  in 
Acta  viii.  23,  where  "  gall  of  bitterness"  (i.  e.  bitter 
gall)  =  malignant,  aggravated  depravity  (Uackett), 
or  a  poisonous  moral  condition  (Rev.  I.  Jennings  in 
Kitto).     Bitter  Herbs. 

Galler-y,  an  architectural  term,  describing  the 
porticos  or  verandas,  which  are  not  uncommon  in 
Eastern  houses.  It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether 
the  Hebrew  words,  so  translated,  have  any  reference 
to  such  an  object.  (1.)  In  Cant.  i.  17  the  Ileb. 
rdhil  or  retchil  (translated  in  plural  "  rafters,"  mar- 
gin "galleries  ")  =  carved  or  fretted  ceiling,  Gesenius. 
— (2.)  In  Cant.  vii.  5  (Heb.  0),  the  Heb.  rakat,  trans- 
lated "  gutters  "  (Gen.  xxx.  38,  41),  and  "  troughs  " 
(Ex.  ii.  16),  is  applied  to  the  hair,  the  regularly  ar- 
ranged, flowing  locks  being  compared  by  the  poet  to 
the  channels  of  running  water  seen  in  the  pasture- 
grounds  of  Palestine. — (3.)  In  Ez.  xli.  15,  16,  xlii. 
3,  6,  the  Heb.  aJ.tik  seems  =:  a  pillar  used  for  the 
support  of  a  floor  (so  Mr.  Bevan,  Villalpandus,  &c. ; 
but  Gesenius,  Fiirst,  Hiivernick,  &c.,  translate  ter- 
race, or  gallery). 
Ual'ley.    Ship. 

Gal'lim  (Heb.  heaps,  or  possibly  apringn),  a  place 
mentioned  in  the  Bible — (1.)  As  the  native  place  of 
the  man  to  whom  Michal,  David's  wife,  was  given — 
"  Phalti  the  son  of  Laish,  who  was  from  Gallim " 
(1  Sam.  XXV.  44).— -(2.)  In  the  catalogue  of  places 
terrified  at  the  approach  of  Sennacherib  (Is.  x.  30). 
It  was  perhaps  a  short  distance  N.  of  Jerusalem. 
The  name  of  Gallim  has  not  been  met  with  in  mod- 
ern times. 

Gal'li-o  (L.  giving  mtck,  milky,  Walton's  Poly- 
glott).  Junius  Annaius  Gallio,  the  Roman  pro- 
consul of  Achaia  when  St.  Paul  was  at  Corinth, 
A.  D.  53,  under  the  Emperor  Claudius.  He  was 
brother  to  Lucius  Annajus  Seneca,  the  philosopher, 
and  was  originally  named  Marcus  AnniEua  Novatus, 
but  got  the  above  name  from  his  adoption  into  the 
family  of  the  rhetorician  Lucius  Junius  Gallio. 
Seneca  says  he  was  universally  beloved.  The  idea 
that  Gallio  was  indifferent  to  all  religion  is  not  con- 
veyed by  the  Scriptures,  though  he  refused  to  take 
cognizance  of  the  Jews'  charges  against  the  apostle, 


and  did  not  interfere  with  the  Greeks  who  assaulted 
Sosthenes  in  his  presence  (Acts  xviii.  12-17).  He 
is  said  to  have  been  put  to  death  by  Nero,  "  as  well 
as  his  brother  Seneca,  but  not  at  the  same  time  " 
(Winer) ;  but  there  is  apparently  no  authority  for 
this.  Jerome,  in  the  Chronicle  of  Eusebius,  says  that 
he  committed  suicide,  65  a.  d. 

Gallows     Punishments. 

Gam'a-el  (Gr.)  =  Daniel  2  (1  Esd.  viii.  29). 

Ga-ma'll-el  (Gr.  and  L.  fr.  Heb.  =  reward  of  God, 
benejit  of  God,  Ges.).  1.  Son  of  Pedahzur;  prince 
or  captain  of  Manasseh  at  the  census  at  Sinai  (Num. 
i.  10,  ii.  20,  vii.  54,  59),  and  at  starting  on  the  march 
through  the  wilderness  (x.  23). — i,  A  Pharisee  and 
celebrated  doctor  of  the  law,  who  gave  prudent 
worldly  advice  in  the  Sanhedrim  respecting  the 
treatment  of  the  followers  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth 
(Acts  v.  34  ff.).  He  was  the  preceptor  of  St.  Paul 
(xxii.  3).  He  is  generally  identified  with  the  very 
celebrated  Jewish  doctor  Gamaliel.  This  Gamaliel 
was  son  of  Rabbi  Simeon,  and  grandson  of  the  cele- 
brated Ilillcl ;  he  was  president  of  the  Sanhedrim 
under  Tiberius,  Caligula,  and  Claudius,  and  is  re- 
ported to  have  died  eighteen  years  before  the  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem.  The  Jewish  accounts  make 
him  die  a  Pharisee.  Ecclesiastical  tradition  (im- 
probably) makes  him  become  a  Christian,  and  bap- 
tized by  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul. 

Gaines.  The  notices  of  juvenile  games  are 
very  few.  It  must  not,  however,  be  inferred  from 
this  that  the  Hebrew  children  were  without  the 
amusements  adapted  to  .  their  age  (Zech.  viii.  5). 
The  only  sports,  recorded  in  the  Bible,  are  keeping 
tame  birds  (Job  xli.  5),  and  imitating  the  proceed- 
ings of  marriages  or  funerals  (Mat.  xi.  16).  Manly 
games  were  not  much  followed  up  by  the  Hebrews  ; 
the  natural  earnestness  of  their  character  and  the 
influence  of  the  climate  alike  indisposed  them  to 
active  exertion.  The  chief  amusement  of  the  men 
appears  to  have  consisted  in  conversation  and  jok- 
ing (Jer.  XV.  17;  Prov.  xxvi.  19).  A  military  ex- 
ercise seems  to  be  noticed  in  2  Sam.  ii.  14.  In  Je- 
rome's day  the  usual  sport  consisted  m  lifting 
weights  as  a  trial  of  strength,  as  also  practised  in 
Egypt.  Dice  are  mentioned  by  the  Talmudists, 
probably  introduced  from  Egypt.  Public  games 
were  altogether  foreign  to  the  spirit  of  Hebrew  in- 
stitutions :  the  great  religious  festivals  supplied  the 
pleasurable  excitement  and  the  feelings  of  national 
union  which  rendered  the  games  of  Greece  so  pop- 
ular, and  at  the  same  time  inspired  the  persuasion 
that  such  gatherings  should  be  exclusively  con- 
nected with  religious  duties.  Accordingly,  the  erec- 
tion of  a  gymnasium  by  Jason  4  was  looked  upon  as 
a  heathenish  proceeding  (1  Me.  i.  14 ;  2  Mc.  iv.  12  - 
14).  The  entire  absence  of  verbal  or  historical  ref- 
erence to  this  subject  in  the  Gospels  shows  how 
little  it  entered  into  the  life  of  the  Jews.  Among 
the  Greeks,  the  rage  for  theatrical  exhibitions  was 
such,  that  every  city  of  any  size  possessed  its  theatre 
and  stadium.  At  Ephesus  an  annual  contest  was 
held  in  honor  of  Diana.  (Asiarchs.)  Probably 
St.  Paul  was  present  when  these  games  were  pro- 
ceeding. A  direct  reference  to  the  exhibitions  that 
took  place  on  such  occasions  is  made  in  1  Cor.  xv. 
32.  St.  Paul's  Epistles  abound  with  allusions  to 
the  Greek  contests,  borrowed  probably  from  the 
Isthmian  games,  at  which  ho  may  well  have  been 
present  during  his  first  visit  to  Corinth.  These 
contests  (2  Tim.  iv.  7  ;  1  Tim.  vi.  12)  were  divided 
into  two  classes,  ihc  pancratium,  consisting  of  box- 
ing and  wrestling,  and  the  pentathlon,  consisting  of 


320 


GAM 


GAR 


leaping,  running,  quoiting  (Discus),  hurling  the 
spear,  and  wrestling.  The  competitors  (1  Cor.  ix. 
25  ;  2  Tim.  ii.  5)  required  a  long  and  severe  course 
of  previous  training  (1  Tim.  iv.  8),  during  which  a 
particular  diet  was  eulorced  (1  Cor.  i.x.  25,  27).  In 
the  Olympic  contests  these  preparatory  exercises 
extended  over  a  period  of  ten  months,  during  the 
last  of  which  they  were  conducted  under  the  super- 
vision of  appointed  officers.  The  contests  took 
place  in  the  presence  of  a  vast  multitude  of  specta- 
tors (Ilcb.  xii.  1 ),  the  competitors  being  the  spectacle 
(1  Cor.  iv.  9  ;  Heb.  x.  33).  The  games  were  opened 
by  the  proclamation  of  a  herald  (1   Cor.  ix.  27), 


IsthmiRD  Crowns. 

whose  ofiice  it  was  to  give  out  the  name  and  coun- 
try of  each  candidate,  and  especially  to  announce 
the  name  of  the  victor  before  the  assembled  multi- 
tude. Certain  conditions  and  rules  were  laid  down, 
as,  that  no  bribe  be  offered  to  a  competitor,  &c.  ; 
any  infringement  of  these  rules  involved  a  loss  of 


Bciing  with  the  Ceutus.— From  Panofka,  Bihler  dct  AtUtten  ZcJ*fl4.— (Fbn.) 

the  prize  (2  Tim.  ii.  5).  The  judge  was  selected  for 
his  spotless  integrity  (2  Tim.  iv.  8) :  his  office  was 
to  decide  any  disputes  (Col.  iii.  15),  and  to  give  the 
prize  (1  Cor.  ix.  24;  Phil.  iii.  14),  consisting  of  a 
t!E0WN  (2  Tim.  ii.  5,  iv.  8)  of  leaves  of  wild  olive  at 


Foot-race,  adapted  from  a  view  of  the  Circus  Floia  at  Rome.— Montfaccon'B  VAntiquite. — (Ayre.) 


the  Olympic  games,  and  of  pine,  or  at  one  period, 
ivy,  at  the  Isthmian  f  ames.     Palm-branches  were 


also  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  victors  (Rev.  vii.  9). 
St.  Paul  alludes  to  two  only  out  of  the  hve  contests, 
boxing  and  running,  most  frequently  to  the  latter. 
In  boxing  (compare  1  Cor.  ix.  20),  the  hands  and 
arms  were  bound  with  the  cesivs,  a  band  of  leather 
studded  with  nails.  The  foot-race  (2  Tim.  iv.  7) 
was  run  in  the  utadium  (1  Cor.  ix.  24),  an  oblong 
area,  open  atone  end  and  rounded  in  a  semiiiicular 
form  at  the  other,  along  the  sides  of  which  were 
the  raised  tiers  of  seats  on  which  the  spectators 
sat.  The  judge  was  stationed  by  the  goal  (Phil.  iii. 
14),  which  was  clearly  visible  from  one  end  of  the 
stadium  to  the  other.  St.  Paul  brings  vividly  before 
our  minds  the  earnestness  of  the  competitor,  having 
cast  off  every  encumbrance,  especially  any  closely- 
fitting  robe  (Hcb.  xii.  1),  holding  on  his  course  un- 
interruptedly (Phil,  iii.  12),  his  eye  fixed  on  the  dis- 
tant goal  (Heb.  xii.  2,  xi.  26),  unmindful  of  the  space 
already  past,  and  stretching  forward  with  bent  body 
(Phil.  iii.  12),  his  perseverance  (Heb.  xii.  1),  his  joy 
at  the  completion  of  the  course  (Acts  xx.  24),  his 
exultation  as  he  not  only  receives (Phil.  iii.  12),  but 
actually  grasps  (not  "  apprehend  "  as  A.V.  in  Phil. ; 
1  Tim.  vi.  12,  19)  the  crown  which  had  been  set 
apart  (2  Tim.  iv.  8)  for  the  victor. 

Garn'ma-dim  (Ileb.  pi.,  see  below),  or  Gtrn'ma- 
dims.  This  word  occurs  only  in  Ez.  xxvii.  11,  and 
has  been  translated — (1. )-P/(/7n(V«  (Vulgate,  Kimchi, 
&c.). — (2.)  As  a  geographical  or  local  term  =  Aneoti, 
Cappadociam,  &e.  (Grotius,  Chal.,  &c.).— (3.)  In 
a  more  general  sense,  brare  warriors,  Ges. ;  desert- 
ers, Ilitzig.  After  all,  the  render- 
ing in  the  LXX.,  guards,  fur- 
nishes the  simplest  explanation. 
Gamnl  (Ileb.  weatud,  Ces.),  a 
priest ;  the  leader  of  the  twenty- 
second  course  in  the  service  of 
the  sanctuary  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  17). 
Gar.  "Sons  of  Gar"  are 
named  among  the  "  sons  of  the 
servants  of  Solomon  "  in  1  Esd. 
V.  34,  not  in  Ezr.  and  Neh. 

Gar'den  (Heb.  ffwi,  gann&h, 
gimiuh  ;  Gr.  kepos).  Gardens  in 
the  East,  as  the  Hebrew  indicates, 
are  enclosures,  on  the  outskirts 
of  towns,  planted  with  various 
trees  and  shrubs.  From  the  allusions  in  the 
Bible,  we  learn  that  they  were  surrounded  by 
hedges  of  thorn  (Is.  v.  5),  or  walls  of  stone  (Prov. 
xxiv.  31).  For  further  protection,  lodges  (Is.  i.  8; 
Lam.  ii.  G)or  watchlowers(Mk.  xii.  1)  were  built  in 
them,  in  which  sat  the  keeper  (Job 
xxvii.  18)  to  drive  away  the  wild 
beasts  and  robbers,  as  is  the  case  to 
this  day.  The  gardens  of  the  He- 
brews were  planted  with  flowers  and 
aromatic  shrubs  (Cant.  vi.  2,  iv.  16), 
also  trees  yielding  olives,  figs,  nuls 
(vi.  11),  pomegranates,  and  other 
fruits  for  domestic  use  (Ex.  xxiii.  11 ; 
Jer.  xxix.  6  ;  Am.  ix.  14).  Gardens 
of  herbs,  or  kitchen-gardens,  are  men- 
tioned in  Deut.  xi.  10,  and  1  K.  xxi. 
2.  Cucumbers  were  grown  in  them 
(Is.  i.  8;  Bar.  vi.  70),  and  probably 
also  melons,  leeks,  onions,  and  gar- 
lic (Num.  xi.  5).  (Agricultire; 
Foon.)  The  rose-garden  in  Jeru 
salem,  said  to  have  been  situated 
W.  of  the  temple  mount,  is  remarkable  as  one  of 
the  few  gardens  which,  from  the  time  of  the  prophets, 


GAB 


GAT 


321 


existed  within  the  city  walls.  But  of  all  the  gardens 
of  Palestine  none  is  possessed  of  associations  more 
sacred  and  imperisliable  than  tlie  garden  of  Geth- 
S8MANE.  In  addition  to  the  ordinary  productions 
of  the  country,  we  are  tempted  to  inter  from  Is. 
xvii.  10  tliat  in  some  gardens  care  was  bestowed 
on  rearing  exotics.  In  a  climate  like  that  of  Pal- 
estine, tlie  neighborhood  of  water  was  an  impor- 
tant consideration  in  selecting  the  site  of  a  garden. 
To  the  old  Hebrew  poets,  "  a  well-watered  gar- 
den," or  "  a  tree  planted  by  the  waters,"  was  an 
emblem  of  luxuriant  fertility  and  material  i)ros- 
perity  (Is.  Iviii.  11  ;  Jer.  xvii.  8,  xxxi.  12).  (Kde.n 
1.)  From  a  neighboring  stream  or  cistern  were 
supplied  tlie  channels  or  conduits,  by  which  the 
gardens  were  intersected,  and  the  water  was  thus 
conveyed  to  all  parts  (Ps.  i.  3  ;  Eccl.  ii.  6 ;  Ecclus. 
xxiv.  30).  On  tlie  expression  "  to  water  with  the 
foot"  in  Dcut.  xi.  10,  see  Agriculture;  Egypt. 
The  orange,  lemon,  and  mulberry  groves  which  lie 
around  and  beliind  Jaffa,  supply  perhaps  the  most 
striking  peculiarities  of  Oriental  gardens — gardens 
which  Maundrell  describes  as  "  a  confused  miscel- 
lany of  trees  jumbled  together,  without  either 
posts,  wallts,  arbors,  or  any  thing  of  art  or  design, 
so  that  they  seem  like  thickets  rather  than  gar- 
dens." The  kings  and  nobles  had  their  country 
houses  surrounded  by  gardens  (1  K.  xxi.  1 ;  2  K. 
ix.  27),  and  these  were  used  on  festal  occasions 
(Cant.  V.  1).  The  garden  of  Ahasuerus  was  in  a 
court  of  the  palace  (Esth.  i.  5),  adjoining  the  ban- 
queting-hall  (vii.  7).  In  Babylon  (Babel)  the  gar- 
dens and  orcliards  were  enclosed  by  the  city  walls. 
In  large  gardens,  the  orchard  was  probably,  as  in 
Egypt,  the  enclosure  set  apart  for  the  cultivation  of 
date  and  sycamore  trees,  and  fruit-trees  of  various 
kinds  (Cant.  iv.  13 ;  Eccl.  ii.  5).  The  ancient  He- 
brews made  use  of  gardens  as  places  of  burial  (Jn. 
xix.  41).  Manasseh  and' his  son  Amon  were  buried 
in  the  garden  of  their  palace,  the  garden  of  Uzza 
(2  K.  xxi.  18,  26).  The  retirement  of  gardens 
rendered  them  favorite  places  for  devotion  (Mat. 
xxvi.  36;  Jn.  .xviii.  1).  In  the  degenerate  times  of 
the  monarchy  they  were  selected  as  the  scenes  of 
idolatrous  woi-ship  (Is.  i.  29,  Ixv.  3,  Ixvi.  17),  and 
images  of  the  idols  were  probably  erected  in  them. 
Gardeners  are  alluded  to  in  Job  xxvii.  18  and  Jn. 
XX.  15.  But  liow  far  the  art  of  gardening  was  car- 
ried among  the  Hebrews  we  have  few  means  of  as- 
certaining. That  they  were  acciuainted  with  graft- 
ing is  evident  from  Rom.  xi.  17,  24,  as  well  as  from 
the  minute  prohibitions  of  the  Mishna;  and  propa- 
gating plants  by  layers  or  cuttings  was  not  unknown 
(Is.  xvii.  10).  The  traditional  gardens  and  pools  of 
Solomon,  supposed  to  be  alluded  to  in  Eccl.  ii.  6,  6, 
are  shown  in  the  Wady  UrUU  (i.  e.  Hortm,  L.  = 
garden),  about  one  and  a  quarter  hours  S.W.  of  Beth- 
lehem (compare  Jos.  viii.  7,  §  3).  (Pool.)  The 
'Jking's  garden,"  mentioned  in  2  K.  xxv.  4  ;  Neh. 
iii.  15 ;  Jer.  xxxix.  4,  Hi.  7,  was  near  the  pool  of 
Siloam,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tyropojon,  N.  of  Bir 
Eyih  (Ex-Rooel),  and  was  formed  by  the  meeting  of 
the  valleys  of  Jelioshaphat  and  Hinnom.  Jt;RUSALEyr. 

•  Car'deR-bonse  (Heb.  biyth-higgaii,),  a  place  by 
the  way  of  which  King  Ahaziah  2  fled  from  Jehu ; 
probably  at  E.n--gan.nim,  the  modem  Jenin  (2  K.  ix. 
27). 

Ga'reb  (Heb.  »eahhij,  Gcs.),  "  the  Ithrite,"  one  of 
the  heroes  of  David's  array  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  38 :  1  Chr. 
xi.  40). 

Ga'reb  (Heb.  scabby,  Ges.),  tbe  HiU,  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Jerusalem  (Jer.  xxxi.  89  only),  supposed 
21 


to  have  been  the  place  to  which  lepers  were  sent 
from  the  city  (Kitto). 

Car'l-ziui  =  Uerizim  (2  Mc.  v.  23  ;  vi.  2). 

*  Car'land  =  a  wreath  (Acts  xiv.  13).     Crown. 

Garlic  (Heb.  shum)  (Num.  xi.  5),  a  vegetable  al- 
lied to  the  onion  ;  the  Allium  sativum,  Linn.,  which 
abounds  in  Egypt. 

Gar'nieot.    Dress  ;  Mantle. 

Gar'niite  (fr.  Heb.  =  desceiulmii  of  Gerem  ;  bony, 
Gcs. ;  strong,  Fii.),  the,  Keilali  the  Garmite  is 
mentioned  in  the  obscure  genealogical  lists  of  Ju- 
dah  (1  Chr.  iv.  19). 

*  Garner,     Barn  ;  Treasury. 

Gar'rl-son.  Tlie  Hebrew  words  so  rendered  in 
the  A.  V.  are  derivatives  from  the  root  ndtsab,  to 
place,  erect,  which  may  be  applied  to  a  variety  of  ob- 
jects. 1.  Maislsab  and  matntsdbdh  undoubtedly  := 
a  "garrison,"  or  fortified  post  (1  Sam.  xiii.  23, 
xiv.  1,  4,  6,  11,  12,  15  ;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  14).— 2.  Nltsib 
also  =  "garrison"  (1  Chr.  xi.  16),  but  elsewhere 
(so  Mr.  Bcvan,  after  the  LXX.)  =  a  column 
erected  in  an  enemy's  country  as  a  token  of 
conquest  (1  Sam.  xiii.  3,  A.  V.  and  Ges.  "  garri- 
son ").  The  same  word  elsewhere  (so  Mr.  Bevan) 
^  officers  placed  over  a  vanquished  people  (2  Sam. 
viii.  6,  14  ;  1  Chr.  xviii.  13 ;  2  Chr.  xvii.  2) ;  Gese- 
nius  agrees  with  the  A.V.  in  most  of  these  in  trans- 
lating "garrison"). — 3.  Maistsebdh  in  Ez.  xxvi.  11 
(A.  V.  "  garrison  ")  =  a  pillar.  Mr.  Bevan, 
Fairbairn,  &c.,  give  the  Hebrew  here  its  more  usual 
meaning. — 4.  In  2  Cor.  xi.  32,  the  Greek  verb 
phroureo  (z=  to  keep  watch  or  guard,  L.  &  S.)  is 
translated  "  kept  with  a  garrison." 

Gasb'mo  (Ileb.)  =  Gesiie.\i  (Neh.  vi.  6). 

Ga'tani  (Heb.  one  puny  and  thin,  Ges.),  fourth  son 
of  Eliphaz  the  .son  of  Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  1 1 ;  1  Chr. 
i.  36),  and  one  of  the  "  dukes  "  of  Eliphaz  (Gen. 
xxxvi.  16). 

Gate  (Heb.  aha^ar,  usually  translated  "gate;" 
/jrfAa/t or  ne/Aflic/t,  " entering,"  "entrance,"  "entry," 
"  door,"  "  gate  ;  "  sapk,  "  threshold,"  "  door-post," 
"  post,"  "  door,"  "  gate,"  "  basin,"  &c.  ;  deleth, 
usually  "  door,"  also  "  gate,"  "  two-leaved  gate,"  &c. : 
Chal.  tera\  twice  only,  in  Dan.  ii.  49,  iii.  26,  "  gate," 
"mouth,"  margin  "door;"  Gr.  ^Awra, usually  trans- 
lated "  door,"  once  "  gate  "  of  the  temple ;  pnde,  uni- 
formly "gate;"  pidon,  "gate,"  once  "porch"). 
The  gates  and  gateways  of  Eastern  cities  anciently 
held  and  still  hold  an  important  part,  not  only  in 
the  defence  but  in  the  public  economy  of  the  place. 
They  thus  sometimes  represent  the  city  itself  (Gen. 
xxii.  17,  xxiv.  60;  Deut.  xii.  12;  Judg.  v.  8;  Ru. 
iv.  10;  Ps.  Ixxxvii.  2,  cxxii.  2).  Among  the  special 
purposes  for  which  they  were  used  may  be  men- 
tioned— 1.  As  places  of  public  resort,  for  business, 
conversation,  news  (Gen.  xix.  1,  xxiii.  10,  xxxiv.  20, 
24;  1  Sam.  iv.  18,  &c.).  2.  PLices  for  public  de- 
liberation, administration  of  justice,  or  of  audience 
for  kings  and  rulers,  or  ambassadors  (Dent.  xvi.  18, 
xxi.  19,  xxv.  7 ;  Jo.sh.  xx.  4,  &c.).  3.  Public  mar- 
kets (2  K.  vii.  1).  In  heathen  towns,  the  open 
spaces  near  the  gates  appear  to  have  been  some- 
times used  as  places  for  sacrifice  (Acts  xiv.  13 ;  com- 
pare 2  K.  xxiii.  8).  'Regarded,  therefore,  as  positions 
of  great  importance,  the  gates  of  cities  were  care- 
fully guarded  and  closed  at  nightfall  (Dent.  iii.  6  ; 
Josh.  ii.  6,  7 ;  Judg.  ix.  40,  44,  &c.).  They  con- 
tained chambers  over  the  gateway  (2  Sam.  xviii.  24). 
The  gateways  of  Assyrian  cities  were  arched  or 
square-headed  entrances  in  the  wall,  sometimes 
flanked  by  towers.  The  doors  themselves,  of  the 
larger  gates  mentioned  in  Scripture,   were  two- 


323 


GAt 


GAT 


leaved,  plated  with  metal,  closed  with  locks,  and 
fastened  with  metal  bars  (Deut.  iii.  5  ;  Judg.  xvi.  3 ; 
Ps.  cvii.  16  ;  Is.  xlv.  1,  2,  &c.).  Gates  not  defended 
by  iion  weie  of  course  liable  to  be  set  on  lire  by 


D 


m 


OS 

□ 


Assyrian  Gales. — (Layard.) 

an  enemy  (Judg.  ix.  52).  The  gateways  of  royal 
palaces,  and  even  of  private  houses,  were  often 
lichly  ornamented.  Sentences  from  the  Law  were 
inscribed  on  and  above  the  gates  (Deut.  vL  9,  xi. 


Egyptian  Door-pioB. — 1.  Upper  pin,  on  which  the  door  turned.    2.  Lower 
pin. — ^Williinson.) 

20).  The  gates  of  Solomon's  Temple  were  very 
massive  and  costly,  being  overlaid  with  gold  and 
earnings  (1  K.  vi.  34,  35  ;  2  K.  xviii.  16).  Those 
of  the  Holy  Place  were  of  olive-wood,  two-leaved, 


Modern  11^  \ 


-  Lane.) 


and  overlaid  with  gold  ;  those  of  the  Temple  of  fir 
(1  K.  vi.  31,  32,  34  ;  Ez.  xli.  23,  24).  The  figurative 
"  gates  "  of  pearl  and  precious  stones  (Is.  liv.  12  ; 
Eev.  xxi.  21)  may  be  regarded  as  having  their  types 
in  the  massive  stone  doors  in  some  of  the  ancient 
houses  in  Syria.    These  are  of  single  slabs  several 


inches  thiclc,  sometimes  ten  feet  high,  and  turn  on 
stone  pivots  above  and  below.  (Hinge.)  Egyptian 
doorways  were  often  richly  ornamented.  The  parts 
of  the  doorway  were  the  threshold  (Judg.  xix.  27) ; 


Mtdurn  Egyptian  Door. — ^Lane.) 

the  side-posts,  the  lintel  (Ex.  xii.  1).  Levites  were 
the  hereditary  "porters"  (i.  e.  door-keepers)  in  the 
Temple;  and  in  houses  of  the  wealthier  classes, and 
in  palaces,  persons  were  especially  appointed  to 
keep  the  door  (Jer.  xxxv.  4;  2  K.  xii.  9,  xxv.  18, 
&c.).  "Gates"  are  figuratively  ascribed  to  heavkn 
(Gen.  xxviii.  IV),  also  to  death  (Job  xxxviii.  11,  &e.), 
&c.  In  Mat.  xvi.  18,  "the  gates  of  hell"  =  the 
power  of  the  kingdom  of  Satan.  Antioch  ;  City  ; 
Commerce;  Curtain;  Fenced  City  ;  House  ;  Jeul- 
salem;  Judge;  Porch;  Porter;  Temple. 

Gatli  (Hcb.  wi7ie-prefs),  one  of  the  five  royal  cities 
of  the  Philistines  (Josh.  xiii.  3;  1  Sam.  vi.  17);  and 
the  native  ])lace  of  the  giant  Goliath  (1  Sam.  xvii. 
4,  23).  The  site  of  Gath  for  many  centuries  re- 
mained unkncwn.  After  a  careful  survey  of  the 
country  in  1857,  and  a  minute  examination  of  the 
several  passages  of  Scripture  in  which  the  name  is 
mentioned,  Mr.  Porter  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
it  stood  upon  the  conspicuous  hill  now  called  Tell 
es-St'ifeh,  where  are  the  foundations  of  an  old  castle, 
withother  traces  of  ancient  buildings,  and  a  modcin 
village.  This  hill,  irregular  in  form,  and  about  200 
feet  high,  stands  upon  the  side  of  the  plahi  of  Phi- 
listia,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  of  Judah,  ten 
miles  E.  of  Ashdod,  about  the  same  S.  by  E.  of 
Ekron,  and  six  miles  N.  of  Eleutheropolis.  Thom- 
son (ii.  SCO)  regards  Gath  as  =  Eleutheropolis,  now 
Beil  Jibrm  (=  house  of  giaiits).  He  says  the  mime 
Khnrbet  Gd  (=  ruiiis  of  Gath)  is  now  applied  to 
one  of  the  heaps  of  rubbish  a  short  distance  W.  of 
the  castle  of  Beit  Jihrin.  He  makes  Mareshah 
(Josh.  XV.  44)  a  suburb  of  Gath  ;  hence  Moreshetii- 
GATii  (Mie.  i.  14).  Gath  occupied  a  strong  position 
(2  Chr.  xi.  8)  on  the  i)ordcr  of  Judah  and  Philistia 
(1  Sam.  xxi.  10;  1  Chr.  xviii.  1);  and  from  its 
strength  and  resources,  forming  the  key  of  both 
countries,  was  the  scene  of  frequent  struggles,  and 
was  often  captiu'cd  and  recaptured  (2  Chr.  xi.  8, 
xxvi.  6  ;  2  K.  xii.  17  ;  Am.  vi.  2).  It  was  near  Sho- 
coh  and  AduUam  (2  Chr.  xi.  8),  and  appears  to  have 
stood  on  the  way  leading  from  the  former  to  Ekron; 
for  when  the  Philistines  fled  on  the  death  of  Goliath, 


GAT 


GAZ 


they  went  "  by  the  way  of  Shaaraim,  even  unto 
Gath  and  unto  EUron  "  (1  Sam.  xvii.  1,  52).  David 
fled  twice  to  AciiisH,  king  of  Gath.  Ittai  1  was 
from  Gatli.  The  ravages  of  war  to  which  Gath  was 
exposed  appear  to  have  destroyed  it  at  a  compara- 
tively early  period,  as  it  is  not  mentioned  among 
the  other  royal  cities  by  the  later  prophets  (Zeph. 
ii.  4  ;  Zech.  ix.  5,  6).     Gittites. 

Gath-lie'pher,  or  Git'tuli-hc'pker  (both  Heb.  = 
viiie-prcsx  of  the  well),  a  town  ou  the  border  of  Zeb- 
ulun,  not  far  from  Japhia  (Josh.  xix.  12,  13),  cele- 
brated as  the  native  place  of  the  prophet  Jonah 


{•IK. 


xiv.  25).     Porter  identifies  it  with  el-Me'<hha:l, 


a  village  two  miles  E.  of  Sefurkh  (Sepphoris). 
Jonah's  tomb  is  still  shown  there. 

GHtli-rimmoii  (Ileb.  press  of  the  pomegranate, 
Ges.).  I.  A  city  of  Dau  given  to  the  Lcvites  (Josh. 
xxi.  24 ;  1  Chr.  vi.  69),  situated  on  the  plain  of  Plii- 
listia,  apparently  not  far  from  Joppa  (Josh.  xix.  45) ; 
supposed  by  Robinson  (ii.  67)  to  be  at  the  modern 
Diir  Dubbtin.  (Aditllam.) — 2.  A  town  of  llanas- 
sch  W.  of  the  Jordan,  assigned  to  the  Levites  (Josh, 
xxi.  25);  =  UiLEAM. 

Ga'za  (L.  fr.  Heb.  'Azzilh  =  the  strong,  Ges. ;  see 
AzzAii),  one  of  the  five  chief  cities  of  the  Philis- 
tines. It  is  remarkable  for  its  continuous  existence 
and  importance  from  the  very  earliest  times.  It  is 
the  last  town  in  the  S.  W.  of  Palestine,  on  the  road 
between  Syria  and  the  valley  of  the  Nile.  This 
peculiarity  of  situation  has  made  Gaza  important 
in  a  military  as  well  as  commercial  sense.  Its  name 
( =  tlie  strong)  was  well  elucidated  in  its  siege  by 
Alexander  the  Great,  which  lasted  five   mouths. 


This  city  was  one  of  the  most  important  military 
positions  in  the  wars  of  the  Maccabees  (1  Mc.  xi. 
61,  62,  xiii.  43).  By  the  Romans  it  was  assigned  to 
the  kingdom  of  Ilerod,  and  afterward  to  the  prov- 
ince of  Syria.  Some  of  the  most  important  cdm- 
paigns  of  the  crusaders  took  place  in  the  neighbor- 
hood. The  Biblical  history  of  Gaza  may  be  traced 
through  the  following  stages.  In  Gen.  x.  19  it  ap- 
pcar,s,  even  before  the  call  of  Abraham,  as  a  "  bor- 
der "  city  of  the  Canaanites.  In  the  conquest  of 
Joshua,  the  territory  of  Gaza  is  mentioned  as  one 
which  he  was  not  able  to  subdue  (Josh.  x.  41,  xi. 
22,  xiii.  3).  It  was  assigned  to  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  4"), 
and  that  tribe  did  obtain  possession  of  it  (Judg.  i. 
18);  but  they  did  not  hold  it  long;  for  soon  after- 
ward we  find  it  iu  the  hands  of  the  Philistines 
(Judg.  iii.  3,  xiii.  1,  xvi.  1,  21);  indeed,  it  seems  to 
have  been  their  capital ;  and,  notwithstanding  the 
efforts  of  Samsox,  who  died  here,  Gaza  apparently 
continued,  through  the  times  of  Samuel,  Saul,  and 
David,  to  be  a  Philistine  city  (1  Sam.  vi.  17,  xiv.  52, 
xxxi.  1 ;  2  Sam.  xxi.  15).  Solomon  became  master 
of  it  (1  K.  iv.  24,  A.  V.  "  Azzah  ").  But  in  after- 
times  the  same  trouble  with  the  Philistines  recurred 
(2  K.  xviii.  8  ;  2  Chr.  xxi.  16,  xxvi.  6,  xxviii.  18  ;  Am. 
i.  6,  7 ;  Zeph.  ii.  4 ;  Zech.  ix.  5).  Gaza  is  mentioned 
in  the  N.  T.  (Acts  viii.  26)  in  the  account  of  the 
baptism  of  the  Ethiopian  eunuch  on  his  return  from 
Jerusalem  to  Egypt.  The  words  "  which  is  desert " 
have  given  rise  to  much  discussion.  The  probabil- 
ity is,  that  they  refer  to  the  road,  and  are  used  by 
the  angel  to  inform  Pun.!?,  who  was  then  in  Sama- 
ria, on  what  route  he  would  find  the  eunuch.     Be- 


uaxa  rrom  ?i.  E. — (Avre.) 


fcideg  the  ordinary  road  from  Jerusalem  by  Eamleh 
to  Gaza,  there  was  another,  more  favorable  for  car- 
riages (Acts  viii.  28),  further  to  the  S.  through  He- 
bron, and  thence  through  a  district  comparatively 
without  towns,  and  nmch  exposed  to  the  incursions 


of  people  from  the  desert.  The  modern  town,  called 
Ghnzzeh,  contains  about  16,000  inhabitants.  It  is 
situated  partly  on  an  oblong  hill  of  moderate  hcipht 
and  partly  on  the  lower  ground.  The  climate  of  the 
place  is  almost  tropical,  but  it  has  deep  wells  of 


324 


6AZ 


GED 


excellent  water.  There  are  a  few  palm-trees  in 
the  town,  and  its  fruit-orchards  are  very  produc- 
tive. But  the  chief  feature  of  the  neighborliood 
is  the  wide-spread  olive-grove  to  the  N.  and  Is.  E. 
Gaz.ithites  ;  Gazites. 

Gaz'a-ra  (Gr.  =  Gazer  or  Gezer),  a  place  fre- 
quently mentioned  in  the  wars  of  the  Maccabees, 
and  of  great  importance  in  tlie  operations  of  both 
parties  (1  Me.  ix.  52,  xiii.  53,  xiv.  7,  33,  34,  36,  xv. 
28,  xvi.  1 ;  2  Mc.  x.  32-36) ;  probably  =  Gezeu  or 
Gazer. 

ta'zath-ites,  the  =  the  inhabitants  of  Gaza 
(Jo.sh.  xiii.  3) ;  elsewhere  Gazites. 

Ca'zer  (Heb.)  =  Gezer  (2  Sam.  v.  25;  1  Chr. 
xiv.  16). 

Ga-ze'ra  (Gr.).  1.  Gazara  (1  Mc.  iv.  15  ;  vii.  45). 
—2.  Gazzam  (1  Esd.  v.  31). 

Ga'zcz  (Heb.  shearer,  Gcs.),  a  name  which  occurs 
twice  in  1  Chr.  ii.  46  ;  {l.)as  son  of  Caleb  by  Ephah 
his  concubine;  (2.)  as  son  of  Haran,  the  son  of 
the  same  woman ;  the  second  is  possibly  only  a 
repetition  of  the  first. 

Ca'zites,  the  =  the  inhabitants  of  Gaza  (Judg. 
xvi.  2).     Gazathites. 

Gaz  zam  (Heb.  devemring,  Ges.),  ancestor  of  cer- 
tain Xethinim  who  returned  from  the  Captivity 
with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  48  ;  Nch.  vii.  61). 

Ge'ba  [g  as  in  get]  (Heb.  the  hill).  1.  A  city  of 
Benjamin,  allotted  to  the  priests  (Josh.  xxi.  17;  1 
Chr.  vi.  60).  It  is  named  in  the  first  group  of 
Benjamite  towns,  apparently  those  lying  near  to 
and  along  the  N.  boundary  (Josh,  xviii.  24,  A.V."  Ga- 
ba"  ).  During  the  wars  of  tlie  earlier  part  of  the  reign 
of  Saul,  Geba  was  held  as  a  garrison  by  tlie  Phi- 
listines (1  Sam.  xiii.  3),  but  they  were  ejected  by 
Jonatlian.  (Garrison  2.)  Later,  in  the  same  cam- 
paign, in  defining  the  position  of  tlie  two  rocks, 
which  stood  in  the  ravine  below  the  garrison  of 
MicHMASU,  the  terms  fix  Geiia  on  the  S.  and  Mich- 
mash  on  the  N.  of  the  ravine  (1  Sam.  xiv.  5,  A.  V. 
"Gibeah").  Exactly  in  accordance  with  this  is 
the  position  of  the  modern  village  of  Jeha,  which 
stands  picturesquely  on  the  top  of  its  steep,  ter- 
raced hill,  on  the  very  edge  of  the  great  Wadt/ 
Suweinit,  looking  N.  to  tlie  opposite  village,  which 
also  retains  its  old  name  of  Mukhmas.  Geba  was 
fortified  by  Asa  (1  K.  xv.  22  ;  2  Chr.  xvi.  6),  and 
was  the  N.  limit  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah  (2  K. 
xxiii.  8).  It  was  occupied  by  the  Benjaniites  after 
the  Captivity  (Neh.  xi.  31).— 2.  The  Geba  named 
in  Jd.  iii.  10  must  be  the  modern  village  Jeba,  on 
the  road  between  Samaria  and  Jcnin  (En-gannim), 
about  three  miles  from  the  former. 

Ge'bal  (Heb.  mountain,  Ges.),  a  proper  name,  oc- 
curring in  Ps.  Ixxxiii.  7,  in  connection  with  Edom 
and  Moab,  Ammon  and  Amalek,  tlie  Philistines 
and  the  inhabitants  of  Tyre.  Mr.  Ffoulkes  main- 
tains that  the  Gebal  of  the  Psalm  =  the  Gebal 
of  Ez.  xxvii.  9,  a  celebrated  maritime  town  of  Phe- 
nicia,  the  "  Biblus  "  (or  Byblus)  of  profane  litera- 
ture, celebrated  as  the  birth-place  and  principal 
sanctuary  of  Adonis.  It  is  called  Jebcil  by  the 
Arabs,  and  situated  on  the  ilediterranean,  about 
twenty  miles  N.  of  Beirut.  (Giblites.)  But  Ge- 
senius,  Fiirst,  Fairbairn,  Porter  (in  Kitto),  &c., 
make  the  Gebal  of  Ps.  Ixxxiii.  7  =  Gebalene  (now 
Jehdh,  the  district  round  Petra.     Edom. 

Gc  bcr  (Heb.  a  man).  I.  The  "  son  of  Geber  " 
(margin  "  Ben-geber  ")  was  Solomon's  commissary, 
■wlio  resided  in  Ramoth-Gilead,  and  had  charge  of 
Havoth-Jair,  and  the  district  of  Argob  (1  K.  iv. 
13). — 2.  Geber   the   son   of  Uri,    also   Solomon's 


commissary,  had  a  district  S.  of  the  former — the 
"  country  of  Gilead,"  probably  the  modern  Belka 
(1  K.  iv.  19).  Perhaps  "the  land"  in  this  verse 
=  the  country  over  which  the  two  kings,  Sihon 
and  Og,  formerly  reigned,  excluding  the  parts  as- 
signed to  two  otlier  commissaries  (ver.  13,  14) ; 
or  this  Geber  may  have  been  a  superior  officer 
or  superintendent  of  tlie  three  districts,  as  "  the 
only  officer  "  in  the  A.  V.  is  literally  "  one  officer." 

Ge'bim  (Heb.,  probably  =  the  ditches,  Mr.  Grove; 
cistcrnx  or  locusts,  Ges.),  a  village  N.  of  Jerusalem 
(Is.  X.  31),  apparently  between  Anathoth  and  the 
ridge  on  which  Non  was  situated.  EWhtiwiyeh 
occupies  about  the  right  spot  (so  Mr.  Grove). 

Ged-a-li'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  has  made 
great  ov powerful,  Ges.).  1,  Son  of  Ahikani  (Jere- 
miah's protector),  and  grandson  of  Shapliaii,  the 
secretary  of  King  Josiah.  After  the  destruction 
of  the  Temple,  b.  c.  588,  Nebuchadnezzar  departed 
from  Judea,  leaving  Gedaliali  with  a  Chaldean 
guard  (Jer.  xl.  6)  at  Mizpali,  to  govern  the  vine- 
dressers and  husbandmen  (Hi.  16)  who  were  ex- 
empted from  captivity.  Jeremiah  joined  Gedaliah  ; 
and  Mizpah  became  the  resort  of  Jews  from  vari- 
ous quarters  (xl.  6,  11).  Gedaliah's  gentle  and 
popular  character,  his  hereditary  piety,  the  pros- 
perity of  his  brief  rule  (xl.  12),  the  reverence 
which  revived  and  was  fostered  under  him  for  the 
ruined  Temple  (xli.  5),  fear  of  the  Chaldean  con- 
querors whose  officer  he  was — all  proved  insufficient 
to  secure  Gedaliah  from  Baalis  and  Ishmael  6.  He 
was  murdered  by  Ishmael  two  months  after  his 
appointment. — 2.  A  Levite,  one  of  the  six  sons  of 
Jeduthun  who  played  the  harp  in  the  service  of 
Jehovah  (1  Chr.  xxv.  3,  9). — 3<  A  priest  in  Ezra's 
time  (Ezr.  x.  18). — 1.  Son  of  Pashur  (Jer.  xxxviii. 
1),  one  of  those  who  caused  Jeremiah  to  be  im- 
prisoned.^5.  Grandfather  of  Zephaniah  the  prophet 
(Zeph.  i.  1). 

Gcd'dar  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Gahar  (1  Esd.  v.  SO). 

Cede-on  (Gr.  =  GinEox).  I.  Ancestor  of  Judith 
(Jd.  viii.  1).— 2.  Gideon  (Heb.  xi.  32). 

Geder  (Heb.  wall,  Ges.).  The  king  of  Geder 
was  one  of  the  thirty-one  kings  overcome  by 
Joshua  on  the  W.  of  the  Jordan  (Josh.  xii.  13). 
Gesenius  makes  Geder  perhaps  =  Gederah.  Pos- 
sibly (so  Mr.  Grove)  it  may  =  Gedor  5  in  1  Chr.  iv. 
39. 

Ccd'c-rah  (Heb.  wall,  encloxure,  fold,  Gcs.),  a  town 
of  Judah  in  tlie  lowland  country  (.josli.  xv.  36), 
apparently  in  its  eastern  part ;  not  identified  ;  per- 
haps (so  Gesenius)  =  Betii-gadi:r. 

Ged'c-rath-lte,  the  =  the  native  or  inhabitant 
of  a  place  called  Gederaii,  apparently  in  Benja- 
min (1  Chr.  xii.  4). 

Ge'der-ite,  or  Ged'c-rite,  the  =  the  native  or 
inhabitant  of  some  place  named  Geder  or  Gede- 
RAn(l  Chr.  xxvii.  28). 

Gcd'e-roth  (Heb.  pi.  of  Gedebah  =  sheep-cotes), 
a  town  in  the  low  country  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv. 
41;  2  Chr.  xxviii.  18);  identified  by  Wilton  (in 
Fairbairn,  under  Kilhlish)  with  el-Judiideh,  W.  of 
Tell  el-IIasy,  and  S.  of  'Ajlan  (Eglon). 

Ged-e-ro-tha'lm  (Heb.  dual  of  Gederah  =  tiio 
sheep-folds),  a  town  in  the  low  country  of  Judah 
(Josh.  XV.  36),  named  next  in  order  to  Geuekah. 

Ge'dor  (Heb.  wall,  Ges.).  1.  A  town  in  the 
mountains  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  58),  a  few  miles 
N.  of  Hebron ;  probably  at  the  ruined  \\\\a«.c  Jcdur, 
half  way  between  Bethlehem  and  Hebron,  about 
two  miles  W.  of  tlie  road  (Robinson). — 2.  The 
town,  apparently  of  Benjamin,  to  which  "  Jehon 


1 


GEH 


GEN 


325 


of  Gedor"  belonged  (1  Chr.  xii.  7). — 3.  An  ancestor 
of  Saul  (I  Chr.  viii.  31,  ix.  37). — 1.  "  Penuel  the 
father  of  Gedor "  und  "  Jcrcd  the  futher  of  Ge- 
dor "  are  mentioned  in  the  genealogies  of  Judah 
(1  Chr.  iv.  4,  18). — 5.  In  1  Chr.  iv.  39,  certain  chiefs 
of  Simeon  are  said  to  have  gone,  in  the  reign  of 
Uezekiah,  "  to  the  entrance  of  Gedor,  unto  the  E. 
side  of  the  valley,"  and  expelled  thence  the  Ha- 
inites,  &c.  (Geder.)  If  what  is  told  in  verse  42 
was  a  subsequent  incident  in  the  same  expedition, 
then  we  should  look  for  Gedor  between  tlie  S.  of 
Judab  and  Mount  Seir,  i.  e.  Petra.  No  place  of 
the  name  has  yet  been  met  with  in  that  direction. 
The  LXX.  read  (icrar  for  Gedor. 

Gc-lia'zl  (Heb.  vatleij  of  vision,  Ges.),  the  servant 
or  boy  of  Elisha.  He  was  sent  as  the  prophet's 
messenger  on  two  occasions  to  the  good  Shunam- 
mite  (2  K.  iv.) ;  obtained  fraudulently  money  and 
garments  from  Naaman,  was  miraculously  smitten 
with  incurable  leprosy,  and  was  dismissed  from 
,  the  prophet's  service  (v.).  Afterward  he  is  men- 
tioned as  relating  to  King  Joram  all  tiie  great 
things  which  Elisha  had  done,  when  the  Shunam- 
mite  appeared  (viii.). 

Ge-lien'na  (L.  fr.  Heb.  r/eiz-hinndm  =  valley  of 
Hinno.n,)  in  A.  V.  the  "  valley  of  Hinnom  "  or  "  of 
the  son  (or  '  children')  of  Hinnom;"  a  deep,  nar- 
row glen  S.  of  Jerusalem,  where,  after  the  intro- 
duction of  the  worship  of  the  fire-gods  by  Ahaz, 
the  idolatrous  Jews  offered  their  children  to  Molech 
(2  Chr.  xxviii.  3,  xxxiii.  6  ;  Jer.  vii.  31,  xix.  2-(i).  It 
became  in  later  times  the  image  of  the  place  of 
everlasting  punishment.  Eternal  ;  Uell  ;  Hinnom, 
Valley  of  ;  Tophet. 

Gcli-lath  (Heb.  pi.  =  circles,  circuitx,  regiom, 
Ges.),  a  place  named  on  the  S.  boundary  line  of 
Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  17).  Mr.  Grove  supposes 
Gilgal  is  the  right  reading.  Or  Geliloth  may  be 
another  name  =  Gilgal  1. 

Oe-mil'li  (Ileb.  camel-driver  or  camel-rider,  Ges.), 
father  of  Ammiel,  the  Danite  spy  (Num.  xiii.  12). 

(ieai-.l-ri'ah  (Heb.  whom  Jehovah  has  perfected, 
Ges.).  1.  Son  of  Shaphan  the  scribe,  and  father 
of  Michaiah.  He  was  one  of  the  nobles  of  Judah, 
and  had  a  chamber  in  the  house  of  the  Lord,  from 
which  Baruch  read  Jeremiah's  alarming  prophecy 
in  the  ears  of  all  the  people,  D.  c.  600  (Jer.  xxxvi.). 
— S.  Son  of  Hilkiah,  and  bearer  of  Jeremiah's  let> 
ter  to  the  captive  Jews  (xxix.). 

Gems  [jcniz].     Stones,  Precious. 

Cen-e-afo-gy  (fr.  Gr.  =  an  account  or  record  of 
pedigree, or  lineage;  or  the  lineage  itself).  In  He- 
brew the  term  for  a  genealogy  or  pedigree  is  "  the 
book  of  the  generations ; "  and  because  the  oldest 
histories  were  usually  drawn  up  on  a  genealogical 
basis,  the  expression  often  extended  to  the  whole 
history.  Nor  is  this  genealogical  form  of  history 
peculiar  to  the  Hebrews,  or  the  Sheraitic  races. 
The  earliest  Greek  histories  were  also  genealogies. 
The  promise  of  the  land  of  Canaan  to  the  seed  of  ! 
Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob  successively,  and  the  j 
separation  of  the  Israelites  from  the  Gentile  world;  j 
the  expectation  of  Messiah  as  to  spring  from  the 
tribe  of  Judah ;  the  exclusively  hereditary  priest- 
hood of  Aaron  with  its  dignity  and  emoluments ; 
the  long  succession  of  kings  in  Daviil's  line ;  and 
the  whole  division  and  occupation  of  the  land  upon 
genealogical  principles  by  the  tribes,  families,  and 
houses  of  fathers,  gave  a  deeper  importance  to  the 
science  of  genealogy  among  the  Jews  than  perhaps 
in  any  other  nation  (Gen.  iv.,  v.,  x.,  xi.,  &c.).  With 
Jacob,  the  founder  of  the  nation,  the  system  of 


reckoning  by  genealogies  was  much  further  devel- 
oped. In  Gen.  xxxv.  22-26,  we  have  a  formal  ac- 
count of  the  sons  of  Jacob,  the  patriarchs  of  the 
nation,  repeated  in  Ex.  i.  1-5.  In  Gen.  xlvi.  we 
have  an  exact  genealogical  census  of  the  house  of 
Israel  at  the  time  of  Jacob's  going  down  to  Egypt. 
When  the  Israelites  were  in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai, 
their  number  was  taken  by  Divine  command  "  after 
their  families,  by  the  house  of  their  fathers  "  (Num. 
i.,  iii.).  (Census.)  According  to  these  genealogical 
divisions  they  pitched  their  tents,  and  marched,  and 
ottered  their  gifts  and  ott'erings,  chose  the  spies, 
and  divided  the  land  of  Canaan.  The  tribe  of  Levi 
was  probably  the  only  one  which  had  no  admixture 
of  foreign  blood.  (Cukonologv.)  In  many  of  the 
Scripture  genealogies  it  is  quite  clear  that  birth 
was  not  the  ground  of  their  incorporation  into  their 
respective  tribes  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Ilervey,  original 
author  of  this  article).  (Becher  ;  Caleb.)  However, 
birth  was,  and  continued  to  be  throughout  their 
whole  national  course,  the  foundation  of  all  the 
Jewish  organization,  and  the  reigns  of  the  more 
active  and  able  kings  and  rulers  were  marked  by 
attention  to  genealogical  operations.  When  David 
established  the  temple  services  on  the  footing  which 
continued  till  the  time  of  Christ,  he  divided  the 
priests  and  Levites  into  courses  and  companies, 
each  under  the  family  chief.  In  Rehoboam's  reign 
wo  have  Iddo's  work  concerning  genealogies  (2  Chr. 
xii.  15).  When  Hezekiah  reopened  the  Temple,  and 
restored  the  temple  services  which  had  fallen  into 
disuse,  he  reckoned  the  whole  nation  bv  geneal- 
ogies (1  Chr.  iv.  41,  ix.  1  ;  2  Chr.  xxxi.  16-19). 
In  Jotham's  reign  we  find  a  genealogical  reckoning 
of  the  Reubenites  (1  Chr.  v.  r7).  When  Zerub- 
babel  brought  back  the  captivity  from  Babylon, 
one  of  his  first  cares  seems  to  have  been  to  take  a 
census  of  those  that  returned,  and  to  settle  them 
according  to  their  genealogies  (1  Chr.  iii.  19-24,  ix. ; 
Ezr.  ii. ;  Neh.  vii.,  xi.,  xii.).  Passing  on  to  the 
time  of  Christ's  birth,  we  have  a  striking  incidental 
proof  of  the  continuance  of  the  Jewish  genealogical 
economy  in  the  fact  that  when  Augustus  ordered 
the  census  of  the  empire  to  be  taken,  the  Jews  in 
the  province  of  Syria  immediately  went  each  one  to 
his  own  city.  Another  proof  is  the  existence  of 
our  Lord's  genealogy  in  two  forms  as  given  by  Mat- 
thew and  Luke.  (Genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ.) 
The  mention  of  Zacharias,  as  "  of  the  course  of 
Abia,"  of  Elizabeth,  as  "  of  the  daughters  of  Aaron," 
and  of  Anna  the  daughter  of  Phanucl,  as  "  of  the 
tribe  of  Aser,"  arc  further  indications  of  the  same 
thing.  And  this  conclusion  is  expressly  confirmed 
by  the  testimony  of  Josephus.  From  all  this  it  is 
abundantly  manifest  that  the  Jewish  genealogical 
records  continued  to  be  ke|>t  till  near  the  destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem.  But  tlierc  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  registers  of  the  Jewish  tribes  and  families 
perished  at  the  destruction  of  Jenisalem,  arid  not 
before.  Some  partial  records  probably  survived 
that  event,  but  the  Jewish  genealogical  system  then 
came  to  an  end.  Just  notions  of  the  nature  of  the 
Jewish  genealogical  records  are  of  great  importance 
with  a  view  to  the  right  interpretation  of  Scripture. 
Let  it  only  be  remembered  that  these  records  have 
respect  to  political  and  territorial  divisions,  as  much 
as  to  strictly  genealogical  descent,  and  it  will  at 
once  be  seen  how  erroneous  a  conclusion  it  may  be, 
that  all  who  are  called  "sons"  of  such  or  such  a 
patriarch,  or  chief  father,  must  necessarily  be-  his 
very  children.  If  any  one  family  or  house  became 
extinct,  some  other  would   succeed  to  its  place, 


326 


GEN 


GEX 


called  after  its  own  chief  father.  (Becher  1.)  Hence 
a  census  of  any  tribe,  drawn  up  at  a  later  period, 
would  exhibit  different  divisions  from  one  drawn 
up  earlier  (Neh.  xii.,  compare  1  Chr.  xxiv.).  The  same 
principle  must  be  borne  in  mind  in  interpreting  any 
particular  genealogy.  Again,  when  a  pedigree  was 
abbreviated,  it  would  naturally  specify  such  genera- 
tions as  would  indicate  from  what  chief  houses  the 
person  descended.  But  tlien  as  regards  the  chron- 
ological use  of  the  Scripture  genealogies,  it  follows 
from  the  above  view  that  great  caution  is  necessary 
in  using  them  as  measures  of  time,  though  they  are 
invaluable  for  this  purpose  whenever  we  can  be 
sure  that  they  are  complete.  (Chronology  ;  Father  ; 
Generation;  Son,  &c.)  Another  feature  in  the 
Scripture  genealogies  which  it  is  worth  while  to 
notice  is  the  recurrence  of  the  same  name,  or  mod- 
ifications of  the  same  name,  such  as  Tobias,  Tobit, 
Nathan,  Mattatha,  and  even  of  names  of  the  same 
signification,  in  the  same  family.  The  Jewish  gene- 
alogies have  two  forms,  one  giving  the  generations 
in  a  descending,  the  other  in  an  ascending  scale. 
Examples  of  the  descending  form  may  be  seen  in 
Ru.  iv.  18-22;  1  Chr.  iii. ;  ilat.  i.  Of  "the  ascend- 
ing, 1  Chr.  vi.  33-43;  Ezr.  vii.  1-6;  Lk.  iii.  23  ff. 
Females  are  named  in  genealogies  when  there  is 
any  thing  remarkable  about  them,  or  whm  any 
right  or  property  is  transmitted  through  them.  See 
Gen.  xi.  29,  xxii.  23,  xxv.  1-4,  xxxv.  22-2B  ;  Ex.  vi. 
23  ;  Num.  xxvi.  33  ;   1  Chr.  ii.  4,  19,  80,  S5,  &c. 

G*n-«-aro-gy  of  Je'tns  t'liiiit.  The  N.  T.  gives 
us  the  GENEALOGY  of  but  One  person,  our  Saviour 
(Mat.  i. ;  Lk.  iii.).  In  regard  to  these  two  genea- 
logical records  respecting  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
two  main  theories  have  been  held  with  various 
modifications : — the  first,  presented  below,  that 
both  Matthew  and  Luke  give  the  genealogy  of 
Joseph  11,  the  reputed  and  legal  father  of  Jesus 
(so  Calvin,  Grotius,  Hug,  Alford,  Ellicott,  Lord  A. 
C.  Hervey,  Fairbairn,  &c.);  the  second  that  Mat- 
thew gives  Joseph's  genealogy,  and  Luke  that  of 
Mary  (Mary,  the  Virgin),  the  mother  of  Jesus  (so 
Luther,  Calmet,  Lightfoot,  Michaelis,  Kuinoel,  01s- 
hausen,  Lange,  Hales,  Kitto,  Kobinson,  &c.).  The 
following  propositions  will  explain  the  true  con- 
struction of  these  genealogies  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Her- 
vey) : — 1.  They  are  both  the  genealogies  of  Joseph, 
i.  e.  of  Jesus  Christ,  as  the  reputed  and  legal  son 
of  Joseph  and  Mary.  2.  The  genealogy  of  Mat- 
thew is,  as  Grotius  asserted,  Joseph's  genealogy  as 
legal  successor  to  the  throne  of  David.  That  of 
Luke  is  Joseph's  private  genealogy,  exhibiting  his 
real  birth,  as  David's  son,  and  thus  showing  why 
he  was  heir  to  Solomon's  crown.  The  simple  prin- 
ciple that  one  evangelist  exhibits  that  genealogy 
which  contained  the  successive  heirs  to  David's 
and  Solomon's  throne,  while  the  other  exhibits  the 
paternal  stem  of  him  who  was  the  heir,  explains  all 
the  anomalies  of  the  two  pedigrees,  their  agree- 
ments as  well  as  their  discrepancies,  and  the  cir- 
cumstance of  their  being  two  at  all.  3.  Mary,  the 
mother  of  Jesus,  was  probably  the  daughter  of 
Jacob,  and  first  cousin  to  Joseph  her  husband. — 
But  besides  these  main  difficulties,  as  they  have 
been  thought  to  be,  there  are  several  others  which 
cannot  be  passed  over  in  any  account,  however 
concise,  of  the  genealogies  of  Christ.  The  most 
startling  is  the  total  discrepancy  between  them 
both  and  that  of  Zercbbabel  in  the  0.  T.  (1  Chr. 
iii.  19-24).  In  this  last,  of  seven  sons  of  Zerub- 
babel,  not  one  bears  the  name,  or  any  thing  like  the 
name,  of  Rheaa  or  Abiud ;  and  of  the  next  genera- 


tion not  one  bears  the  name,  or  any  thing  like  the 
name,  of  Eliakim  or  Joanna,  which  are  in  the  cor- 
responding generation  in  Matthew  and  Luke.  Khesa 
(so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey)  is  not  a  name,  but  the  Chal- 
dee  title  of  the  princes  of  the  Captivity.  It  is  very 
probable  therefore  that  this  title  was  placed  against 
the  name  of  Zerubbabel  by  some  early  Christian 
Jew,  and  thence  crept  into  the  text.  If  this  be  so, 
then  Luke  gives  Joanna  as  the  son  of  Zerubbabel. 
But  Joanna  is  the  very  same  name  as  Hananiah  8, 
the  son  of  Zerubbabel  according  to  1  Chr.  iii.  19. 
In  Matthew  this  generation  is  omitte>d.  In  the  next 
gcneiation  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  identifies  Matthew's 
Ab-jud  (Abiud)  with  Luke's  Jida  2,  and  both  with 
HoDAiAH  of  1  Chr.  iii.  24,  by  supposing  the  She- 
jiaiah  2  of  1  Chr.  iii.  22  =  the  hiiuiEi  5  of  verse 
19.  The  next  difliculty  is  the  difference  in  the 
number  of  generations  between  the  two  genealogies. 
Matthew's  division  i'lto  three  fourteens  gives  only 

42,  while  Luke,  from  Abraham  to  Christ  inclusive, 
reckons  56,  or,  which  is  more  to  the  point  (since  . 
the  generations  between  Abraham  and  David  are 
the    same   in   both    genealogies),   while    Matthew 
reckons  28  from  David  to  Christ,  Luke  reckons 

43,  or  42  without  Ehesa.  But  the  genealogy  itself 
supplies  the  explanation.  In  the  second  14,  in- 
cluding the  kings,  we  know  that  three  generations 
are  emitted — Ahaziah,  Joash,  Amaziah — in  order 
to  reduce  the  generatior.s  from  17  to  14:  the  dif- 
ference between  these  17  and  the  19  of  Luke  being 
very  small.  So  it  is  obvious  that  the  generations 
have  been  abridged  in  the  same  way  in  the  thhd 
division  to  keep  to  the  number  14.  Another  diffi- 
culty is  the  apjarcnt  deficiency  in  the  number  of 
the  last  14,  which  seems  to  contain  only  13  names; 
but  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey's  explanation  of  this  is,  that 
either  in  the  process  of  translation,  or  othciwise, 
the  names  of  Jehoiakim  and  Jehoiachin  are  con- 
fused and  expressed  by  the  one  name  Jechonias. 
The  last  difliculty  of  suflicient  importance  to  be 
mentioned  here  is  a  chronological  one.  In  both 
the  genealogies  there  are  but  three  names  between 
Salmon  and  David — Boaz,  Obed,  Jesse.  But,  ac- 
cording to  the  common  chronology,  frcm  the  en- 
trance into  Car.ann  (when  Salmen  was  come  to 
man's  estate)  to  the  birth  of  David  was  405  years, 
or  from  that  to  BOO  years  and  upward.  Now,  for 
about  an  equal  period,  ficm  Solon  on  to  Jehoiachin, 
Luke's  genealogy  contains  20  names.  Lord  A.  C. 
Hervey  maintains  that  therefore  either  the  chro- 
nology or  the  genealogy  is  wrong,  and  asserts  that 
shortening  the  interval  between  the  Exodus  and 
David  by  about  200  years,  which  brings  it  to  the 
length  indicated  by  the  genealogies,  does  in  the 
most  remarkable  manner  bring  Israelitith  history 
into  harmony  with  Egyptian,  with  the  traditional 
Jewish  date  of  the  Exodus,  with  the  fragment  cf 
Edomitish  history  preserved  in  Gen.  xxxvi.  31-39, 
and  with  the  internal  evidence  of  the  Israelitish 
history  itself.  (Cfronolccy.)  The  following  pedi- 
gree will  exhibit  the  successive  generations  as  given 
by  the  two  Evangelists  : — 


Accord-    Adnm 
iiig  to  I 

Lk.  Seth 

Eno8 

Cainnn 
I 

Mali'leel 

Jared 
I 


th.    Eaoch 
MattiuEBla 

l^oah 

I 
eiom 

I 
Ai*i>tiaxad 


GKN 


GEN 


327 


u. 


Co  i  nan 

I 

Sala 


iber 


Mat,  and  U:    Jadoh 
Pfaarez 


llel 

PhaJec  (Pekg) 

Kaian  (Ecu) 

Saruch  (Serug) 

Nachor 

Tharo  (Tcrah) 
I 
Accord-  Abraham 
inj7  to  I 

J/ut  'ind  Isaac 

Jacob 


Accord-  Solomon 
iug  to  I 

Mat.     Boboam 

Abia 

I 
Asa 


Est'om  (HezroD) 
Aram  (Earn) 
Aminodab 
^aasoD 

Salmon  —  Rachab 
Booz  =-  Ruth 
Obed 
Jesse 

David— Bath-sheba 

I 


Aecord- 

ingto 

Lk. 


Josaphat 

I 


Jnrnm  (Ahaziah, 
Joashf  Amaziab) 

Ozias 

tToatnam 

Achaz 

Ezekias 

I 
Manasscs 

I 
Am  on 

Juslas 

Jechonias  (I.  e,  Je- 
hoiaktm)  and  his 
brothers  (i.  e.  Je- 
hoahaz,  Zedetiah, 
and  dhailum) 

Jcrhonias  (i.  e.  Je- 
hoiachin),  child- 
less 


Nathan 

Matiatha 

Menaa 

I 
Melea 

Eliakim 

Jonan 

Joseph 

Jnda 
Blmeon 

Lerl 

Matthat 

I 
Jorim  ' 

Ellezer 

Jose 

I 

Elmodam 

Cosam 

Addi 

MeJcbl 

Neri 
I 


(Mat  and  It.) 

His  heir  was  .    .  Salathiel 

Zorobabcl  (the  Prince  or  Rhcsa) 

Joanna  (llnnaniah.  In  1  Chr.  iil.  19, 
omitted  by  Matthew,  i.  13) 

,    Jada,or Abiart(Uodaiah,  1  Chr. iii. 24) 


MaL 


Eliakim 

Azof 

Sadoc 

Achim 

EiLd 

I 

Eleazar 


It. 


Joseph 
8emel 

Mattathias 
Maath 
Nagge 
E>U 
Nsom 
Amos 

Mattathias 


Mat 


Lk. 


(Mat  and  Lt.) 


Joseph 
Janna 
Melchi 
Levi 


Mat.      His  heir  was.    .  Mattlian  or  Matthat 

I 


U. 


Jacob 


IK'li 
(Mat  and  Lk.)         | 


.1 


Mary  =  Jacob's  heir  was       Joseph 

Jesds,  called  Christ 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  whole  number  of 
generations  from  Adam  to  Christ,  both  inclusive, 
is  74,  without  the  second  Cainan  and  Rhesa. 

•Gen'er-al  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  34).    Army. 

Grn-er-a'tion  (fr.  L.),  the  A.  V.  translation  of 
Heb.  dor  ;  Chal.  ddr ;  Gr.  genea,  genesUt  in  Mat.  i. 
1,  gennima  in  the  phrase  "generation  (i.  e.  ofT- 
spring,  progeny)  of  vipers,"  genos  in  1  Pet.  ii. 
9.  1.  Abstract : — time,  either  definite  or  in- 
definite. The  primary  meaning  of  the  Heb.  dor 
is  revolution:  hence  period  of  time.  From  the 
general  idea  of  a  period  comes  the  more  special 
notion  of  an  age  or  generation  of  men,  the  ordinary 
period  of  human  life.  In  the  long-lived  Patriarchal 
age,  a  generation  seems  to  have  been  computed  at 
100  years  (Gen.  xv.  16;  compare  13,  and  Ex.  xii. 
40) ;  the  latter  reckoning,  however,  was  the  same 
which  has  been  adopted  by  other  civilized  nations, 
viz.,  from  thirty  to  forty  years  (Job  xlii.  16).  For 
generation  —  a  definite  period  of  time,  see  Gen.  xv. 
16  ;  Deut.  x.\iii.  3,  4,  8,  &c.  As  an  indefinite  period 
of  time : — ^for  time  past,  see  Deut.  xxxii.  7 ;  Is.  Iviii. 
12;  for  time  future,  see  Ps.  xlv.  17,  Ixxii.  5,  &c. 
"  Generation  "  sometimes  =  history  (Gen.  v.  1,  vi. 
9;  Mat.  i.  1,  &c.)  ;  in  Genesis  ii.  4,  a  history  of  the 
origin  (of  the  heavens  and  earth).  2.  Concrete: — 
the  men  of  an  age,  or  time.  So  generation  =  am- 
temporaries  (Is.  liii.  8) ;  posterity,  especially  in 
legal  formula;  (Lev.  iii.  17,  &c.);  fathers,  or  an- 
cestors (Ps.  xlix.  19).  Dropping  the  idea  of  time, 
generation  =  a  race,  or  class  of  men. — In  N.  T. 
for  the  abstract  and  indefinite,  see  Lk.  i.  50,  Eph. 
iii.  21  (A.  V.  "ages"),  future:  Acts  xv.  21  (A.  V. 
"  of  old  time  "),  Eph.  'iii.  5  (A.  V.  "  ages  "),  past 
For  concrete,  see  Mat.  xi.  16.     Ciironologt  ;  Gkneal- 

OGV. 

Cc-nes'8-reth  [g  as  in  gel]  (L.  =  Gennesaret)  ap- 
pears in  the  edition  of  the  A.V.  of  1611,  in  Mark  vi. 
53,  and  Luke  v.  1,  following  the  spelling  of  the  V^ul- 
gate.  In  Mat.  xiv.  34  the  A.  V.  originally  followed 
the  Received  Greek  Text — Genesarct.   Gennesaret. 

Cen'e-sis  [jen'e-sis]  (Gr.  origin,  generation  ;  Heb. 
BSreihilh  =  "  in  the  beginning  "),  the  first  book  of 
the  Law  or  Pentateuch.  A.  The  book  of  Genesis 
has  an  interest  and  an  importance  to  which  no  other 
document  of  antiquity  can  pretend.  If  not  abso- 
lutely the  oldest  book  in  the  world,  it  is  the  oldest 
which  lays  any  claim  to  being  a  trustworthy  history. 
If  the  religious  books  of  other  nations  make  any 
pretensions  to  vie  with  it  in  antiquity,  in  all  other 
respects  they  are  immeasurably  inferior.  Genesis 
is  neither  like  the  Hindoo  Vedas,  a  collection  of 
hymns  more  or  less  sublime  ;  nor  like  the  Persian 
Zendavesta,  a  philosophic  speculation  on  the  origin 
of  all  things ;  nor  like  the  Chinese  Yih-king,  an  un- 
intelligible jumble  whose  expositors  could  twi^l  it. 


^828 


GEN 


GEJf 


from  a  cosmological  essay  into  a  standard  treatise 
on  ethical  philosopiiy.  It  is  a  iiistory — a  religious 
history.  Tiie  earlier  portion  of  the  book,  so  tar  as 
the  end  of  chapter  xi.,  may  be  properly  termed  a 
history  of  the  world ;  the  latter  is  a  history  of  the 
fathers  of  the  Jewish  race.  But  from  first  to  last  it 
is  a  religious  history.  It  is  very  important  to  bear 
in  mind  this  religious  aspect  of  the  Ji'story  if  we 
would  put  ourselves  in  a  position  rightly  to  under- 
stand it.  Of  course  the  facts  must  be  treated  like 
any  other  historical  facts,  sifted  in  the  same  way, 
and  subjected  to  the  same  laws  of  evidence.  But 
if  we  would  judge  of  the  work  as  a  whole  we  must 
not  forget  the  evident  aim  of  the  writer.  It  is  only 
in  this  way  we  can  understand,  e.  g.,  why  the  his- 
tory of  the  Fall  is  given  with  so  much  minuteness 
of  detail,  whereas  of  whole  generations  of  men  we 
have  nothing  but  a  bare  catalogue.  And  only  in 
this  way  can  we  account  for  the  fact  that  by  far  the 
greater  portion  of  the  book  is  occupied  not  with  the 
fortunes  of  nations,  but  with  the  biographies  of  the 


three  patriarchs,  Abraham;  Isaac;    Jacob  1. — B. .  the  distinct  use  of  the  Divine  names,  Jehovah  in 


Unity  and  Design.  That  a  distinct  plan  and  method 
characterize  the  work  is  now  generally  admitted. 
What,  then,  is  the  plan  of  the  writer '!  First,  we 
must  bear  in  mind  that  Genesis  is  after  all  but  a 
portion  of  a  larger  work.  The  five  books  of  the 
Pentateuch  form  a  consecutive  whole:  they  are 
not  merely  a  collection  of  ancient  fragments  loosely 
strung  together,  but  a  well-digested  and  connected 
composition.  The  great  subject  of  this  history  ia 
the  establishment  of  the  Theocracy.  Its  central 
point  is  the  giving  of  the  Law  on  Sinai,  and  the 


solemn  covenant  there  ratified,  whereby  the  Jewislu  ^ether  exclude  others.     Since  his  time  the  theory 


nation  was  constituted  "  a  kingdom  of  priests  and  a 
holy  nation  to  Jehovah."  The  book  of  Genesis 
(with  the  first  chapters  of  Exodus)  describes  the 
steps  which  led  to  the  establishment  of  the  Theoc- 
racy. Abraham  is  the  father  of  the  Jewish  nation  ; 
to  Abraham  the  Lnml  of  Canaan  is  first  given  in 
promise.  It  is  a  part  of  the  writer's  plan  to  tell  us 
what  the  Divine  preparation  of  the  world  was,  in 
order  to  show,  first,  the  significance  of  the  call  of 
Abraham,  and  next,  the  true  nature  of  the  Jewish 
theocracy.  He  begins  with  the  cheation  of  the 
world,  because  the  God  who  created  the  world  and 
the  God  who  revealed  Himself  to  the  fathers  is  the 
same  God.  The  book  of  Genesis  has  thus  a  charac- 
ter at  once  special  and  universal.  It  embraces  the 
world ;  it  speaks  of  God  as  the  God  of  the  whole 
human  race.  Its  design  is  to  show  how  God  re- 
vealed Himself  to  the  first  fathers  of  the  Jewish 
race,  that  He  might  make  to  Himself  a  nation  who 
should  be  His  witnesses  in  the  midst  of  the  earth. 
Five  principal  persons  are  the  pillars,  so  to  speak, 
on  which  the  whole  superstructure  rests,  Adam, 
Noah,  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob.  A  specific 
plan  is  preserved  throughout.  The  main  purpose  is 
never  forgotten.  God's  relation  to  Israel  holds  the 
first  place  in  the  writer's  mind.  It  is  this  which  it 
is  his  object  to  convey.  The  history  of  that  chosen 
seed,  who  were  the  heirs  of  the  promise  and  the 
guardians  of  the  Divine  oracles,  is  the  only  history 
which  interprets  man's  relation  to  God.  By  its 
light  all  others  shine,  and  may  be  read  when  the 
time  shall  come.  Meanwhile,  as  the  different 
families  drop  off  here  and  there  from  the  principal 
stock,  their  course  is  briefly  indicated.  Beyond  all 
doubt,  then,  we  may  trace  in  the  book  of  Genesis  in 
its  present  form  a  systematic  plan. — C.  Integrity. 
Granting  that  this  unity  of  design,  already  noticed, 
leads  to  the  conclusion  that  the  work  must  have 


been  by  the  same  hand,  are  there  any  reasons  for 
supposing  that  the  author  availed  himself  in  its 
composition  of  earlier  documents  ?  and  if  so,  are 
we  still  able  by  critical  investigation  to  ascertain 
where  they  have  been  introduced  into  the  body  of 
the  work?  1.  Now  it  is  almost  impossible  to  read 
the  book  of  Genesis  with  a  critical  eye  without 
being  struck  with  the  great  peculiarities  of  style 
and  language  which  certain  portions  of  it  pre- 
sent. Tiius,  e.  g.,  chapter  ii.  3-iii.  24  is  quite  dif- 
ferent both  from  chapter  i.  and  chapter  iv.  Again, 
chapter  xiv.  and  (according  to  Jahn)  chapter  xxiii. 
are  evidently  separate  documents  transplanted  in 
their  original  form  without  correction  or  modification 
into  the  existing  work  (so  Mr.  J.  J.  S.  Perowne,  origin- 
al author  of  this  article).  In  fact  there  is  nothing  like 
uniformity  of  style  till  we  come  to  the  history  of 
Joseph.  2.  We  are  led  to  the  same  conclusion  by 
the  inscriptions  which  are  prefixed  to  certain  sec- 
tions, as  ii.  4,  V.  1,  vi.  9,  x.  1,  xi.  10,  27,  and  seem 
to  indicate  so  many  older  documents.     3.  Lastly, 


some  sections,  and  Elohim  (God)  in  others,  is  char- 
acteristic of  two  different  writers.  Astruc,  a  Bel- 
gian physician,  was  the  first  who  broached  the  theory 
that  Genesis  was  based  on  a  collection  of  older  docu- 
ments. Of  these  he  professed  to  point  out  as  many 
as  twelve,  the  use  of  the  Divine  names,  however, 
having  in  the  first  instance  suggested  the  distinc- 
tion. Subsequently  Eichhom  adopted  this  theory, 
so  far  as  to  admit  that  two  documents,  one  ithe 
earlier)  Elohistic,  and  the  other  Jehovistic,  were  the 
main  sources  of  the  book,  though  he  did  not  aho- 


has  been  maintained,  but  variously  modified,  by  one 
class  of  critics  (De  Wette,  Knobel,  Tuch,  Delitzsch, 
Ewald,  Hupfcld,  Davidson,  &c.),  whilst  another 
class  (Hengstenberg,  Keil,  Baumgarten,  Haverniek, 
Ranke,  Kurtz,  Turner,  &c.),  has  strenuously  op- 
posed it.  Hupfcld  in  1853  thinks  that  he  can  dis- 
cover traces  of  three  original  records,  an  earlier 
Elohist,  a  Jehovist,  and  a  later  Elohist.  These 
three  documents  were,  according  to  him,  subse- 
quently united  and  arranged  by  a  fourth  person,  as 
editor  of  the  whole.  The  advocates  of  the  various 
theories  in  regard  to  documents  disagree  widely 
among  themselves,  some  of  them  (e.  g.  De  Wette, 
Ewald)  having  modified  their  views  essentially  at 
different  times.  (Pentateuch.) — D.  Authenticity. 
Luther  used  to  say,  "  Nihil  pulehrius  Genesi,  nihil 
utilius,"  i.  e.  "  Nothing  is  more  beautiful,  nothing 
more  useful,  than  Genesis."  But  hard  critics  have 
tried  all  they  can  to  mar  its  beauty  and  to  detiact 
from  its  utility.  No  book  has  met  with  more  de- 
termined and  unsparing  assailants.  To  enumerate 
and  to  reply  to  all  objections  woul^  be  impossible. 
We  will  only  refer  to  some  of  the  most  important. 
(1.)  The  story  of  Creation,  as  given  in  chapter  i., 
has  been  set  aside  in  two  ways  :  first,  by  placing  it 
on  the  same  level  with  other  cosmogonies  which  are 
to  be  found  in  the  sacred  writings  of  all  nations ; 
and  next,  by  asserting  that  its  statements  are  di- 
rectly contradicted  by  the  discoveries  of  modern 
science,  (a.)  Now,  when  we  compare  the  Biblical 
with  all  other  known  cosmogonies,  we  are  imme- 
diately struck  with  the  great  moral  superiority  of 
the  former.  There  is  no  confusion  here  between 
the  Divine  Creator  and  His  work.  God  is  before 
all  things,  God  creates  all  things :  this  is  the  sub- 
lime assertion  of  the  Hebrew  writer.  All  the  cos- 
mogonies of  the  heathen  world  are  either  Dualistic, 
i.  e.  they  regard  God  and  matter  as  two  eteru  ' 


GEN 


GEN 


329 


coexistent  principles ;  or  they  are  Pantheistic,  i.  e. 
they  confound  God  and  matter,  making  the  material 
universe  a  kind  of  emanation  from  the  great  Spirit 
which  informs  the  mass.  (6.)  In  regard  to  the  ob- 
jections which  have  been  urged  from  the  results  of 
modern  discovery  against  the  literal  truth  of  this 
chapter,  see  Chronology  ;  Creation  ;  Day  ;  Earth  ; 
Fikmamknt;  Man,  &c.  (2.)  To  the  description  of 
rARAnisE,  and  the  history  of  the  Fall  and  of  the 
Deluge,  very  similar  remarks  apply.  All  nations 
have  their  own  version  of  these  facts.  But  if  there 
be  any  one  original  source  of  these  traditions,  any 
root  from  which  they  diverged,  we  cannot  doubt 
where  to  look  for  it  The  earliest  record  of  these 
momentous  facts  is  that  preserved  in  the  Bible. 
(AnAM;  Eden;  Noah;  Satan;  Serpent,  &c.)  (3.) 
When  we  come  down  to  a  later  period  in  the  narra- 
tive, where  we  have  the  opportunity  of  testing  the 
accuracy  of  the  historian,  we  find  it  in  many  of  the 
most  important  particulars  abundantly  corrobo- 
rated. One  of  the  strongest  proofs  of  the  ho/ia  fide 
historical  character  of  the  earlier  portion  of  Genesis 
fa  to  be  found  in  the  valuable  ethnological  catalogue 
contained  in  chapter  x.  (4.)  As  to  the  fact  implied 
in  the  dispersion  (xi.  1  ff". ;  Babel,  Tower  ok),  that  all 
languages  had  one  origin,  philological  research  has 
not  as  yet  been  carried  far  enough  to  lead  to  any 
very  certain  result.  The  most  that  has  been  effected 
is  a  classification  of  languages  in  three  great  families. 
(TosoCES,  Confusion  of.)  (6.)  Another  fact,  which 
rests  on  the  authority  of  the  earlier  chapters  of  Gen- 
esis, the  derivation  of  the  whole  human  race  from 
a  single  pair,  has  been  abundantly  confirmed  by  re- 
cent investigations.  (Aoam  ;  Man.)  (6.)  Suspicion 
lias  been  cast  upon  the  credibility  of  the  narrative, 
because  three  stories  are  found  in  three  distinct 
portions  of  the  Book,  which  in  their  main  features 
no  doubt  present  a  striking  similarity  to  one  an- 
other (xii.  10-20,  XX.,  xxvi.  1-11).  These,  it  is 
s.aid,  are  clearly  only  three  different  versions  of  the 
same  story.  But  all  men  repeat  themselves,  and 
even  repeat  their  mistakes.  Abraha.m  might  have 
been  guilty  twice  of  the  same  sinful  cowardice  ;  and 
Isaac  might,  in  similar  circumstances,  have  copied 
his  father's  example,  calling  it  wisdom.  There  is  a 
further  difficulty  about  the  age  of  Sarah  at  the  time 
of  the  first  occurrence  (xii.  11,  14).  But  as  she 
lived  to  the  age  of  127,  she  was  then  only  in  middle 
life,  corresponding  to  a  woman  now  at  35  or  40. 
It  is  a  minute  criticism,  hardly  worth  answering, 
which  tries  to  cast  suspicion  on  the  veracity  of  the 
writer,  because  of  difficulties  such  as  these.  The 
positive  evidence  is  overwhelming  in  favor  of  his 
credibility.  The  patriarchal  tent  beneath  the  shade 
of  .«ome  spreading  tree,  the  wealth  of  flocks  and 
hcrd-s,  the  free  and  generous  hospitality  to  stran- 
gers, the  strife  for  the  well,  the  purchase  of  the  cave 
of  Machpelah  for  a  burial-place — we  feel  at  once 
that  these  are  no  inventions  of  a  later  writer  in 
more  civilized  times.  So  again,  what  can  be  more 
lifelike,  more  touchingly  beautiful,  than  the  picture 
of  Hagar  and  Ishmael,  the  meeting  of  Abraham's 
servant  with  Rebekah,  or  of  Jacob  with  Kachcl  at 
the  well  of  Ilaran  ?  There  is  a  fidelity  in  the  minu- 
test incidents  which  convinces  us  that  we  are  read- 
ing history,  not  fable.  Or  can  any  thing  more  com- 
pletely transport  us  into  patriarchal  times  than  the 
battle  of  the  kings  and  the  interview  between 
Abraham  and  Melchizebec  f  Passing  on  to  a  later 
portion  of  the  Book,  we  find  the  writer  evincing 
the  most  accurate  knowledge  of  the  state  of  society 
in  Egypt.  (Bible;  Canon;  Inspiration;  Miracles.) 


— E.  A  itthor  and  dale  of  composition.  Moses  ;  Pen- 
tateicii. 

Ceu-ne'sar  [<;  as  in  gel]  (Gr.  =  Gennesaret),  The 
Water  of  (1  Mc.  xi.  67).     Gennesaret. 

Gcn-nes'a-ret  [ff  as  in  get]  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  gar- 
dens  of  the  prince,  Stanley,  &c. ;  but  probably  from 
Chinnereth),  Land  oft  After  the  miracle  of  feed- 
ing the  five  thousand,  our  Lord  and  His  disciples 
crossed  the  Lake  of  Gennesaret  and  came  to  the 
other  side,  at  a  place  which  is  called  "  the  land  of 
Gennesaret "  (Mat.  xiv.  34  ;  Mk.  vi.  53).  It  is  gen- 
erally believed  that  this  term  was  applied  to  the 
fertile  crescent-shaped  plain  on  the  western  shore 
of  the  lake,  extending  from  Khan  Minyeli  on  the 
N.  to  the  steep  hill  behind  Mijdd  on  the  S.,  and 
called  by  the  Arabs  <■/-(;/«!(  icCT/-,  "the  little  Ohor." 
(Aradaii.)  Jlr.  Porter  gives  the  length  as  three 
miles,  and  the  greatest  breadth  as  about  one  mile  ; 
Thomson  (i.  536)  makes  it  about  four  miles  by  two. 
Additional  interest  is  given  to  the  land  of  Gennesa- 
ret, or el-Ghtweir,  by  the  probability  that  its  scenery 
suggested  the  parable  of  the  Sower.  Joscphus  says 
the  soil  was  so  rich  that  every  plant  flourished  ;  but 
it  "  is  now  preeminently  fruitful  in  thorns  "  (Thom- 
son).    Gennesaret,  Sea  of. 

Gen-nes'a-ret  (see  above).  Sea  of,  called  in  the 
0.  T.  "  the  sea  of  Chinnereth,"  or  "  Chinneroth  " 
(Num.  xxxiv.  11 ;  Josh.  xii.  3),  from  a  town  of  that 
name  on  or  near  its  shore  (Josh.  xix.  35).  At  its 
N.  W.  angle  was  a  beautiful  and  fertile  plain  called 
"  the  land  of  Gennesaret"  (see  above)  (Mat.  xiv. 
34),  from  which  the  name  of  the  lake  was  taken. 
The  lake  is  also  called  in  the  N.  T.  "  the  sea  of 
Galilee,"  from  the  province  of  Galilee  which  bor- 
dered on  its  western  side  (Mat.  iv.  18  ;  Mk.  vii.  31 ; 
Jn.  vi.  1);  and  "the  sea  of  Tiberias,"  from  the 
celebrated  city  (vi.  1).  Its  modern  name  is 
Bahr  Tubariyeh  —  Sea  of  Tilerias.  Most  of  our 
Lord's  public  life  was  spent  at  or  near  the  Sea 
of  Gennesaret.  This  region  was  then  the  most 
densely  peopled  in  all  Palestine.  Nine  cities  stood 
on  the  shores  of  the  lake,  but  seven  of  them  are 
now  uninhabited  ruins.  (Betiisaida  ;  Capernaum  ; 
Magdala  ;  Tiberias,  &c.)  The  Sea  of  Gennesaret  is 
of  an  oval  shape,  about  thirteen  geographical  miles 
long,  and  six  broad.  (See  the  cut  on  p.  330.)  The 
river  Jordan  enters  it  at  its  N.  end,  and  passes  out 
at  its  S.  end.  In  fact,  the  bed  of  the  lake  is  just  a 
lower  section  of  the  great  Jordan  valley.  Its  most 
remarkable  feature  is  its  deep  depression,  being  no 
less  than  seven  hundred  feet  below  the  level  of  the 
ocean.  The  scenery  is  bleak  and  monotonous.  The 
great  depression  makes  the  climate  of  the  shores 
almost  tropical.  This  is  very  sensibly  felt  by  the 
traveller  in  going  down  from  the  plains  of  Galilee. 
In  summer  the  heat  is  intense,  and  even  in  early 
spring  the  air  has  something  of  an  Egyptian  balmi- 
ness.  The  water  of  the  lake  is  sweet,  cool,  and 
transparent;  and  as  the  beach  is  everywhere  pebbly 
it  has  a  beautiful  sparkling  look.  It  abounds  in 
fish  now  as  in  ancient  times.  The  fishery,  like  the 
soil  of  the  surrounding  country,  is  sadly  neglected. 
One  little  crazy  boat  is  the  sole  representative  of 
the  fleets  that  covered  the  lake  in  N.  T.  times. 

Cen-ne'ns  [g  as  in  gel]  (fr.  (ir.  =  high-bom), 
father  of  Apollonics  4  (2  Mc.  xii.  2). 

Cen'tlles  [jen'tilez].  I.  Old  Testnment.  The  Ilcb. 
pi.  gdi/im,  translated  "  Gentiles  "  (Gen.  x.  5  ;  Judp. 
iv.  2,  18,  16;  I.s.  xi.  10,  xlii.  1,  6,  &c.),  "nations" 
(Gen.  X.  5,  20,  31,  32,  xiv.  1,  9,  xvii.  4  if.,  &c.), 
"heathen"  (Neh.  v.  8;  Ps.  11.  1,  8,  &c.),  =  the 
nations,  the  surrounding  nations,  foreigners  as  op- 


830 


GEN 


GEB 


Sea  of  Uennesaret. 


posed  to  Israel.  It  acquired  an  ethnographic  and 
also  an  invidious  meaning,  as  other  nations  were 
Idolatrous,  rude,  hostile,  &c.,  yet  the  Jews  were  able 
to  use  it  in  a  purely  technical,  geographical  sense, 
when  it  is  usually  translated  "nations."  The  Heb. 
sing,  goy,  usually  translated  "  nation,"  is  applied  to 
the  Jewish  nation  among  others. — II.  New  Testa- 
mmt.  1.  The  Or.  ethiios  in  sing.  =:  a  people  or 
"  nation  "  (Mat.  xxiv.  7  ;  Acts  ii.  5,  &c.),  and  even 
the  Jewish  people  (Lk.  vii.  5,  xxiii.  2,  &c.).  In  the 
pi.  it  =  "  heathen,"  "  gentiles."  2.  The  Or.  Hellin 
(=  Greek)  is  usually  translated  "Greek"  (Jn.  xii. 
20;  Acts  xiv.  1,  xvii.  4;  Rom.  i.  16,  x.  12,  &c.), 
sometimes  "  Gentile  "  as  opposed  to  "  Jew  "  (Jn. 
vii.  35;  Rom.  ii.  9,  10,  iii.  9;  1  Cor.  x.  32,  xii.  13). 
The  latter  use  of  the  word  seems  to  have  arisen 
from  the  almost  universal  adoption  of  the  Greek 
language.     Greece  ;  compare  Bakbarian. 

Ge-nn'batll  [.9  as  in  t/et]  (Heb.  theft,  Gcs.),  son 
of  the  Edomite  Hadad  4  by  the  sister  of  Tahpencs, 
queen  of  the  Pharaoh  who  governed  Egypt  in  the 
latter  part  of  David's  reign.  Genubath  was  born 
in  Pharaoh's  palace,  and  became  a  member  of  the 
royal  establishment  (IK.  xi.  20;  compare  16). 

*  Ge-og'ra-phy  [-jee-].     Earth  ;  Palestine,  &c. 

Ce'on  iff  as  in  t/et]  (Gr.)  =  GiHON,  one  of  the  four 
rivers  of  Eden  (Ecclus.  xxiv.  27). 

Ge'ra  (Heb.  a  grain,  Ges.),  one  of  the  "  sons  " 
(i.  e.  descendants)  of  Benjamin,  enumerated  in  Gen. 
xlvi.  21,  as  already  living  at  the  time  of  Jacob's  mi- 
gration into  Egypt.  He  was  son  of  Bela  (1  Chr. 
viii.  3).  Lord  A.  C.  Uervey  regards  the  text  of 
this  last  passage  as  corrupt,  and  the  different  Geras 
named  in  verses  3,  5,  7,  as  =  the  son  of  Bela.  He 
also  supposes  Gera  the  ancestor  of  Ehud  (Judg.  iii. 
15),  and  of  Shimei  (2  Sam.  xvi.  5)  to  be  the  same 
person  (compare  Ahiah  3  ;  Naaman  2). 

Ge'rah  (Heb.  o  grain,  berry,  Ges.).  Weights 
ANn  Measures. 


Ge'rcr  (Heb.  a  sojourn,  loSging-place,  Sim.),  a 
very  ancient  city  S.  of  Gaza.  It  occurs  cliiefiy  in 
Genesis  (x.  19,  xx.  1,  xxvi.  16);  also  incidentally  in 
2  Chr.  xiv.  13,  14.  In  Genesis  the  people  are 
spoken  of  as  Philistines;  (heir  king  was  Abimelecii, 
and  Phichol  "  the  chief  captain  of  his  host." 
Their  territory  must  have  trenched  on  the  "  South  " 
or  "  South  country  "  of  later  Palestine.  From  a 
comparison  of  Gen.  xxi.  32  with  xxvi.  23,  26,  Beer- 
sheba  seems  to  be  just  on  the  verge  of  this  territory, 
perhaps  its  limit  toward  the  N.  E.  For  its  southern 
boundary,  though  very  uncertain,  none  is  more 
probable  than  the  Wadys  El  'Aris7i  ("  River  of 
Egypt")  and  Et  'Ain,  about  forty  five  miles  from 
Gaza  ;  S.  of  which  the  neighboring  "  wilderness  of 
Paran  "  (xx.  15,  xxi.  22,  34)  may  be  probably  reck- 
oned to  begin.  Isaac  was  probably  born  in  Gerar. 
The  great  crops  which  he  subsequently  raised  at- 
test the  fertility  of  the  soil.  Abraham  and  Isaac 
both  denied  their  wives  in  Gerar.  A  large  mound 
or  ancient  site,  with  traces  of  an  extensive  city,  is 
said  to  exist  near  Wady  Slieri'ah,  three  hours  S.S.E. 
of  Gaza,  and  this  place,  called  Khirbel  el  Jerar, 
sometimes  Jcorf  cl  Jtrur,  Mr.  Hayman  supposes 
may  indicate  the  N.  limit  of  the  territory,  if  not 
the  site  of  the  town.  Rowlands  (in  Fairbairn,  art. 
Rehoboth)  identifies  it  positively  with  the  ancient 
city  of  Gerar,  and  considers  the  region  S.  and  S.  E. 
of  Gaza,  to  the  base  of  Mel  Rakhmeh  (a  range  of 
mountains,  extending  from  N.  E.  to  S.  W.,  at  about 
forty  miles  S.  E.  of  Gaza),  as  constituting  the  land 
of  Gerar.  Wilton  (TheNegel)  believes  that,  though 
the  metropolis  may  have  been  at  Khirbel  el  Jerar, 
"  the  valley  of  Gerar  "  =  Wady  cl-Jerur  about  sixty 
miles  S.  of  Gaza.  Robinson  and  Kitto  favor  Wady 
SherVah  or  one  of  its  branches  as  =  tlie  valley  of 
Gerar;  Mr.  Ilayman  prefers  the  Wady  el-  Ain,  aboui 
forty-five  miles  south  of  Gaza. 

Ger'a-sa  [g  as  m  g(t~\  (Gr.).    This  name  does  not 


GER 


GEB 


331 


occur  in  the  0.  T.,  or  in  the  Received  Text  of  the 
N.  T.  But  some  MSS.  and  critical  ediliona  liave, 
in  Mat.  viii.  28,  "  Gkrasexks  "  instead  of  "  Gada- 
RENES  "  or  "  Gergesexes."  Gerasa  was  a  celebrated 
city  on  the  eastern  borders  of  Perica.  It  is  situated 
amid  the  mountains  of  Gilead,  twenty  miles  K.  of 
the  Jordan,  and  twenty-live  miles  X.  of  Philadelphia, 
the  ancient  Rabbath-Ammon.  It  is  not  known  when 
or  by  whom  Gerasa  was  founded.  It  is  first  men- 
tioned by  Josephus  as  captured  by  Alexander  Jan- 
niBus  (cir.  B.  c.  85).  It  is  indebted  for  its  architec- 
tural splendor  to  the  age  and  genius  of  the  Anto- 
nines  (a.  d.  138-180).  Tlie  ruins  of  Gerasa  (modern 
Jerath)  are  by  far  the  most  beautiful  and  extensive 
E.  of  the  Jordan.  They  are  situated  on  both  sides 
of  a  shallow  valley  that  runs  from  N.  to  S.  through 
a  high  undulating  plain,  and  foils  into  the  Zurka 
(the  ancient  Jabbok)  at  the  distance  of  about  five 
miles.  The  form  of  the  city  is  an  irregular  square, 
each  side  measuring  nearly  one  mile.  Witliin  the 
city  upward  of  2:iO  columns  remain  on  their  pedes- 
tals ;  heavy  masses  of  masonry  distinguish  tlie  po- 
sitions of  the  great  theatres ;  three  gateways  are 
still  nearly  perfect. 

"  Oer-a-seaes'  [ger-a-seenz']  (fr.  Gr.)  =:  natives 
or  inhabitants  of  Gerasa.     Gergesexes. 

Gcr-ge-scnes'  [(l  as  in  g-it ;  -seenz]  (fr.  Gr.  =  in- 
habitants of  the  cHy  of  Geryesa,  on  the  E.  shore  of 
the  Sea  of  Galilee  [so  Origen]),  (Mat.  viii.  28  in 
A. v.,  and  Received  Greek  Text).  Thomson  (ii.  34) 
identifies  Gergesa  with  ruins  at  Kerza.  or  Genu,  about 
the  middle  of  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee. 
Gadara  and  Gesasa. 

(Jer  ge-sites  [jr  as  in  gd],  the  =  the  Giroashites 
(Jd.  V.  10). 

Ger'i-zim  [g  as  in  gefl  (fr.  Heb.  =  mountain  of 
Uie  Gerizites,  Gos.),  a  moimtain  designated  by 
Moses,  in  conjunction  with  Mount  Ebai.,  to  be  the 
fiiicne  of  a  great  solemnity  upon  the  entrance  of 
the  children  of  Israel  into  the  promised  land.  High 
places  had  a  peculiar  charm  attached  to  them  in 
these  days  of  external  observance.  The  law  was 
delivered  from  Sinai :  the  blessings  and  curses  af- 
fixed to  the  performance  or  neglect  of  it  were  di- 
rected to  be  pronounced  upon  Gerizim  and-  Ebal 
(Deut.  xxvii. ;  Josh.  viii.).  The  next  question  is, 
Has  Moses  defined  the  localities  of  Ebal  and  Geri- 
zim ?  Standing  on  tlie  E.  side  of  the  Jordan,  in 
the  land  of  Moab  (Deut.  i.  5),  he  asks :  "  Are  they 
not  on  the  other  side  Jordan,  by  the  way  where  the 
Bun  goeth  down  (i.  e.  at  some  distance  to  the  W.), 
in  the  land  of  the  Canaanites,  which  dwell  in  the 
champaign  over  against  Gilgal,  beside  the  plains  of 
Moreh  ?  "  There  Is  no  room  ibr  doubting  the  Scrip- 
tural position  of  Ebal  and  Gerizim  to  have  been 
— where  they  are  now  placed — in  the  territory  of 
the  tribe  of  Ephraim  ;  the  latter  of  them  overhang- 
ing the  city  of  Shechem.  Jotiiam  1,  standing  on 
the  crest  of  one  of  the  clIlTs,  uttered  his  parable  in 
the  hearing  of  the  people  below  (Judg.  ix.  7  If), 
the  ascent  being  so  difhoult  that  he  could  escape 
before  any  of  AInmelech's  followers  could  climb  the 
hill  (Porter,  in  Kitto).  Mr.  Ffoulkes  and  Dean  Stan- 
ley (247  f )  are  inclined  to  accept  the  Samaritan 
tradition  that  Gerizim  was  that  "  one  of  the  moun- 
tains "  in  "  the  land  of  Mori  ah  "  1  (^  Moreh  1  in 
their  view)  on  which  Abraham  was  directed  to  oflTer 
his  son  Isaac  (Gen.  xxii.  2  ff.).  But  Mr.  Porter(in  Kit.) 
and  Dr.  Thomson  (11.  212)  reject  this  tradition,  the 
eighty  to  one  hundred  miles  from  Becr-sheba  (com- 
pare xxl.  33,  xxll.  4)  to  Gerizim  being  altogether  too 
great  a  distance  to  be  traversed  in  that  country  in 


less  than  three  days  by  the  ass  .ind  men  on  foot,  bur- 
dened, as  they  all  were  (ver.  3  ff.).  Anotlier  tradition, 
that  Mount  Gerizim  was  the  spot  where  Melchizeoek 
met  Abraham  (xiv.  18),  is  accepted  by  Stanley  (246), 
but  rejected  by  Mr.  Flbulkes,  Porter,  Thomson,  &c., 
as  too  far  from  Abraham's  route  by  the  Jordan  Val- 
ley and  from  Sodom  (Gen.  xiv.  15  ff.).  (Salem  1.) — 
The  altar  which  Jacob  built  was  not  on  Gerizim,  as 
the  Samaritans  contend,  though  probably  about  its 
base,  at  the  head  of  the  plain  between  it  and  Ebal, 
"  in  the  parcel  of  a  field  "  which  that  patriareh  pur- 
chased from  the  children  of  Ilamor,  and  where  he 
spread  his  tent  (xxxiii.  18-20).  Here  was  likewise 
his  well  (Jn.  iv.  6),  and  the  tomb  of  his  son  Joseph 
(Josh.  xxiv.  32),  both  of  which  are  still  shown. — We 
now  enter  upon  the  second  phase  in  the  history  of 
Gerizim.  According  to  Josephus,  a  marriage  con- 
tracted between  Manasseh,  brother  of  the  high-priest 
Jaddca,  and  the  daughter  of  Sanballat,  having 
created  a  great  stir  amongst  the  Jews,  who  had 
been  strictly  forbidden  to  contract  alien  marriages 
(Ezr.  ix.  2  ;  Neh.  xiii.  23),  Sanballat,  in  order  to 
reconcile  his  son-in-law  to  this  unpopular  affinity, 
obtained  leave  from  Alexander  the  Great  to  build  a 
temple  upon  Mount  Gerizim,  and  to  inaugurate 
there  a  rival  priesthood  and  altar  to  those  of  Jerusa- 
lem. "Samaria  thenceforth,"  says  Prideaux,  "be- 
came the  common  refuge  and  asylum  of  the  refrac- 
tory Jews."  Ilyrcanus  destroyed  the  temple  on 
Gerizim,  after  it  had  stood  there  200  years.  Massive 
existing  foundations  are  regarded  by  Thomson  (il. 
213  f )  as  the  remains  of  the  temple,  the  main  build- 
ing being  241  feet  by  265.  Robinson  (ii.  278)  and 
Porter  (in  Kitto)  suppose  them  to  belong  to  a  fur- 
tress  erected  by  the  Emperor  Justinian  round  a 
Christian  church  built  there  after  the  Samaritans 
(Samaria  3)  were  driven  from  Gerizim  A.  D.  487. 
The  Samaritans  have  now  no  temple  or  altar  on  the 
mountain,  but  they  still  worship  there,  and  their 
holiest  place  Is  a  little  S.  of  the  ruins  just  men- 
tioned. Gerizim  is  still  to  the  Samaritans  what  Je- 
rusalem is  to  the  Jews,  and  Mecca  to  the  Moham- 
medans. 

Cer'l-zlte3.    Gerzites. 

Ocr-rhe'nl-ans  (fr.  Gr.,  see  below),  the  (2  Me.  xiii. 
24  only),  according  to  Grotiug  =  inhabitants  of  the 
town  Gerrhon  or  Gerrha,  between  Pelnsium,  in 
Egypt,  and  Wailg  el-Arish.  Ewald,  with  greater 
probability,  conjectures  that  the  inhabitants  of  the 
ancient  city  of  Gerar  are  meant. 

Gcr'shom  (Heb.,  see  below).  1,  The  first-bom  son 
of  Moses  and  Zipporah  (Ex.  ii.  22,  xviil.  3).  The 
name  is  explained  in  these  passages  as  =  "  a 
stranger  there"  (margin),  in  allusion  to  Moses'  being 
a  foreigner  in  Midian — "  For  he  said,  I  have  been  a 
stranger  (Cer)  In  a  foreign  land."  Its  true  mean- 
ing, taking  it  as  a  Hebrew  word.  Is  "  expulsion  "  (so 
Mr.  Grove,  after  Gesenlus);  Fiirst  interprets  banish- 
ment, exile ;  Josephus,  Kitto,  Fairbairn,  &c.,  agree 
with  Exodus.  The  circumcision  of  Gershom  is  prob- 
ably related  in  Ex.  iv.  25.  Gershom  was  ancestor 
of  Jonathan  5  and  Shebuei.  1. — %,  Gersiion,  the 
eldest  son  of  Levi  (1  Chr.  vi.  Iti,  17,  20,  43,  t!2,  71, 
XV.  7). — 3>  The  representative  of  the  priestly  family 
of  Phinehas,  among  tliosc  who  accompanied  Ezra 
from  Babylon  (Ezr.  viii.  2) ;  =:  Gerson. 

Ger'shon  (Heb.  expulsion,  Ges.),  the  eldest  of  the 
three  sons  of  Levi,  bom  before  the  descent  of 
Jacob's  family  into  Egypt  (Gen.  xlvi.  11;  Ex.  vi. 
16).  But  the  families  of  Gcrshon  were  outstripped 
In  fame  by  their  younger  brethren  of  Kohath,  from 
whom  sprang  Moses  and  the  priestly  line  of  Aaron. 


332 


GER 


GET 


At  the  census  in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai,  the  whole 
number  of  the  males  of  the  sons  of  Gershon  was 
7,500  (Num.  iii.  22),  midway  between  the  Kohathites 
and  the  Merarites.  Geishon's  sous  were  Libni  1 
and  Shimi  or  Shimei  1.  Asaph  1  "the  seer"  was 
descended  from  Gershon.  The  sons  of  Gershon 
had  charge  of  the  fabrics  of  the  Tabernacle — the 
coverings,  curtains,  liangings,  and  cords  (iii.  26,  26, 
iv.  25,  26) ;  for  the  transport  of  these  they  had  two 
covered  wagons  and  four  oxen  (vii.  3,  1).  In  the 
encampment  their  station  was  behind  the  Taber- 
nacle, on  the  W.  side  (iii.  23).  In  the  apportion- 
ment of  the  Levitical  cities  thirteen  fell  to  the  Ger- 
shonites.  These  were  in  the  northern  tribes — two 
in  Manasseli  beyond  Jordan,  four  in  Issachar,  four 
in  Aslicr,  and  thice  in  Naphtali.  Gershom  2  ;  Geb- 
BUOMTEs;  Letites. 

Ger'shon-ltcs(fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  family  descend- 
ed from  Gershon  or  Gershom,  the  son  of  Levi 
(Num.  iii.  21,  23,  24,  iv.  24,  27,  xxvi.  57 ;  Josh.  xxi. 
33 ;  1  Chr.  x.xiii.  7  ;  2  Chr.  xxix.  12).  "  The  Ger- 
shonite"  (=  descendant  of  Gershon  or  Gershom), 
as  applied  to  individuals,  occurs  in  1  Chr.  xxvi.  21 
(Laadan),  xxix.  8  (Jehiel). 

Ger'son  (Gr.)  =  Gershom  3  (1  Esd.  viii.  29). 

Ger'zltes  (fr.  Ileb.  =  dicelling  in  a  shorn  or  desert 
land,  Ges.),  the,  a  tribe  who,  with  the  Geshurites 
and  the  Amalekites  occupied  the  land  between  the 
S.  of  Palestine  and  Egypt  in  the  time  of  Saul  (1 
Sam.  xxvii.  8,  margin).  (Gezrites.)  In  the  name 
of  Mount  Gerizim  we  have  (so  Mr.  Grove  and  Stan- 
ley, after  Gesenius)  the  only  remaining  trace  of  the 
presence  of  this  old  nomadic  tribe  in  central  Pal- 
estine. 

Ge'sem  (Gr.  =  Goshen),  the  Land  of,  the  Greek 
form  of  Goshen  (Jd.  i.  9). 

Gc'sham  (fr.  Ileb.  =  fllhi/,  Ges. ;  properly  "  Ge- 


m'jr. 


shan,"  as  in  A.  V.  of  1611),  one  of  the  sens  of  Jah- 
DAi,  in  the  genealogy  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  47). 

Ge'sliem  (Heb.  —  rain,  (ies.),  and  Ga^h  mn,  an 
Arabian  (Neh.  ii.  19,  vi.  1,  2,  6);  probably  an  in- 
habitant of  Arabia  Petrsea,  or  of  the  Arabian  Dessert, 
and  chief  of  a  tribe.  Geshem,  like  Saniiallat  and 
ToBiAH,  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  "  governors 
beyond  the  river,"  to  whom  Neheraiah  came,  whose 
mission  "grieved  them  exceedingly"  (Neh.  ii.  7, 
10).  The  endeavors  of  these  confederates  and  their 
failure  are  recorded  in  chapters  ii.,  iv.,  vi. 

Ge'shnr  (Heb.  a  bridge),  a  little  principality  in  the 
N.  E.  corner  of  Bashan,  adjoining  the  province  of 
Argob  (Deut.  iii.  14),  and  the  kingdom  of  Aram 
("  Syria  "  in  the  A.  V. ;  2  Sam.  xv.  8  ;  compare  1 
Chr.  ii.  23).  It  was  within  the  allotted  territory  of 
Manasseh,  but  its  inhabitants  were  never  expelled. 
Probably  Geshur  was  (so  Porter)  a  section  of  the 
wild  and  rugged  region  now  called  el-Lfjah.  King 
David  married  the  daughter  of  Talmai  2,  king  of 
Geshur.     Geshuki. 

Gesll'n-rl  (Heb.  =  Gcshvrile,  or  inhabitant  of 
Geshur,  Ges.),  and  (.'cshu-rites.  !•  The  inhabitants 
of  Geshir  (Pent.  iii.  14;  Josh.  xii.  5,  xiii.  11,  13). 
— 2t  An  ancient  tribe  which  dwelt  in  the  desert 
between  Arabia  and  Philistia  (Josh.  xiii.  2;  1  Sam. 
xxvii.  8). 

Ge'ther  (Heb.  fear,  Hiller,  Sim.;  dreps?  Ayrc), 
tlie  third  in  order  of  the  sons  of  Aram  ((ien.  x.  23). 
No  satisfactory  trace  of  the  people  sprung  from  this 
stock  has  been  found. 

Gfth-SCm'a-llC  (<ir.  fr.  Aratn.  =  oil-press?  Rbn. 
N.  T.  ifx. ),  a  small  "  farm  "  (A.  V.  "  place  ;  "  Jlat. 
xxvi.  S6  ;  Mk.  xiv.  32),  situated  across  the  brook 
Kidron  (Jn.  xviii.  1),  probably  at  the  foot  of  Mount 
Olivet  (Lk.  xxii.  39;  Olives,  Moint  of),  to  the 
N.  W.,  and  about  one-half  or  three-fourths  of  a 


S.  E.  View  of  Old  Olive-TreM  in  Gethiomane.— From  a  Photograph  by  J.  Graliam.— (Ajn-.) 

mile  English  from  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.     There  |  to  which  the  olive,  fig,  and  pomegranate  donbtlc 
was  a  "  garden,"  or  rather  orchard,  attached  to  it,  |  invited  resort  by  their  hospitable  shade.     And  ' 


GEIT 


GIA 


333 


know  from  Lk.  xxii.  39  and  Jn.  xviii.  2  that  our 
Lord  olltimcs  resorted  thither  with  his  disciples. 
According  lo  Josephus,  the  suburbs  of  Jerusalem 
abounded  with  gardens  and  pleasure-grounds.  But 
Gethsemane  has  not  come  down  to  us  as  a  scene 
of  mirth ;  its  inexhaustible  associations  are  the 
offspring  of  a  single  event — tlie  Agony  of  the  Son 
of  God  on  the  evening  preceding  His  Passion.  A 
modem  garden,  in  which  are  eight  venerable  olive- 
trees,  and  a  grotto  to  the  N.,  detached  from  it,  and 
in  closer  connection  with  the  Church  of  the  Sep- 
ulchre of  the  Virgin — both  securely  enclosed  and 
under  lock  and  key — are  pointed  out  by  the  Latins, 
as  making  up  the  true  Gethsemane.  Against  the 
contemporary  antiquity  of  the  olive-trees,  it  has 
been  urged  that  Titus  cut  down  all  the  trees  round 
about  Jerusalem.  Probably  they  were  planted  by 
Christian  hands  to  mark  the  spot ;  unless,  like 
the  sacred  olive  of  the  Acropolis,  they  may  have 
reproduced  themselves.  The  Greeks  claim  that 
they  have  the  true  site  of  Gethsemane  a  little  N. 
of  that  held  by  the  Latins.  Thomson  (ii.  4S3— t)  be- 
lieves both  these  sites  are  too  near  the  city  and 
too  close  to  the  great  thoroughfare  to  the  E.,  and 
would  place  the  garden  in  the  secluded  vale  several 
hundred  yards  X.  E.  of  them. 

Ceo'el  (Heb.  majesti/  of  God,  Ges.),  son  of  Machi; 
the  Gadite  spy  (Kum.  .xiii.  15). 

Ge'zer  (Heb,,  probably  =  a  sleep  place,  precipice, 
Ges.),  an  ancient  city  of  Canaan,  whose  king, 
Iloram,  coming  to  the  assistance  of  Lacliish, 
was  killed  with  all  his  people  by  Joshua  (Josh.  x. 
33,  xii.  12).  The  town,  however,  is  not  said  to  have 
been  destroyed.  It  formed  one  of  the  landmarks 
on  the  S.  boundary  of  E|)hraim,  between  the  lower 
Beth-horon  and  the  Mediterranean  (xvi.  3),  the  W. 
limit  of  the  tribe  (1  Chr.  vii.  28).  It  was  allotted 
with  its  sul)urbs  to  the  Kohathite  Levites  (Josh. 
xxi.  21  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  67) ;  but  the  original  inhabitants 
were  not  dispossessed  (Judg.  i.  29) ;  and  even  down 
.  to  the  reign  of  Solomon  the  Canaanitcs  were  still 
dwelling  there,  and  paying  tribute  to  Israel  (1  K. 
ix.  It)).  Ewald  takes  Gezor  =1  Geshlr.  In  one 
place  Gob  is  given  as  =  Gezer  (1  Chr.  xx.  4  ;  com- 
pare 2  Sam.  xxi.  18).  The  exact  site  of  Gezer  has 
not  been  discovered.  Perhaps  the  strongest  claims 
for  identity  with  Gezer  are  put  forward  by  a  vil- 
lage called  Yasih;  four  or  five  miles  E.  of  Joppa, 
on  the  road  to  Randeh  and  Lydd.  Gazaua  ;  Gazer  ; 
Gazera;  Gezrites. 

Gez'rit*S  (from  Heb.  sing.  Gizri,  probably  =  in- 
habitant 0/ Gezer,  Ges.),  in  the  text  of  the  A.  V., 
corresponds  to  the  Keri  or  marginal  reading  of  the 
Ueb.  Bible,  the  lleb.  text  having  Oirzi  translated 
"Geuzites"  in  the  A.  V.  margin  (1  Sara,  xxvii.  8). 

*  Ghost  =  Hinrit,  applied  especially  to  the  Holy 
Spirit.     Spirit,  the  Holy. 

ti'«h  (Heb.  breaking  forth,  sc.  of  a  fountain, 
Ges.),  a  place  named  only  in  2  Sam.  ii.  24,  to  desig- 
nate the  position  of  the  hill  Ammah. 

Oi'ante  [g  as  j].  1.  They  are  first  spoken  of  in 
Gen.  vi.  4,  under  the  Heb.  name  nlphUim.  The 
Ueb.  word  is  derived  cither  from  pdlcih  or  jxild  (  = 
marvellous),  or,  as  is  generally  believed,  from  ndphnl, 
either  in  the  sense  It)  throw  down,  or  to  falt{  — 
fallen  anffeh ;  compare  Is.  xiv.  12;  Lk.  x.  18). 
Gcsenius  prefers  to  rush  into  or  fall  tijym.  That  the 
word  means  "  giant "  is  clear  from  Num.  xiii.  32, 
83.  But  in  Gen.  vi.  1-4,  we  are  told  that  "  there 
were  nephilim  (A.  V.  'giants')  in  the  earth,"  and 
that  afterward  the  "  sons  of  God  "  mingling  with 
the  beautiful  "  daughters  of  men  "  produced  a  race 


of  violent  and  insolent  gibboiim  (A.  V.  "mighty 
men,"  see  No.  2  below).  The  genealogy  of  the 
7Hphilim,  or  at  any  rate  of  the  earliest  vtphUim,  is 
not  recorded  in  Scripture,  and  the  name  itself  is 
so  mysterious  that  we  are  lost  in  conjecture  re- 
specting them. — 2.  The  sons  of  the  marriages 
mentioned  in  (Jen.  vi.  1-4  are  called  in  Hebrew 
ffibhorim,  a  general  name  =:  jiovierfut  (A.  V. 
"  mighty  men.")  (N'imrod.)  They  were  not  neces- 
sarily ffiantx  in  our  sense  of  the  word.  Yet,  as 
was  natural,  these  powerful  chiefs  were  almost 
universally  represented  as  men  of  extraordinary 
stature.  But  who  were  the  parents  of  these  giants  ? 
who  are  "the  sons  of  God"?  The  opinions  are 
various; — (1.)  3Ien  of  power,  or  of  high  rank  (Tai^ 
gum  of  Onkelos,  Samaritan  Version,  Symmachus, 
Seldcn,  &c.).  (2.)  Men  with  great  gifts  "in  the 
image  of  God"  (Ritter,  Schumann).  (3.)  Descend- 
ants of  Cain  arrogantly  assuming  the  title  (Paulus). 
(4.)  The  pious  descendants  of  Seth  (compare  Gen. 
iv.  20)  (Augustine,  CIn-ysostom,  Theodorct,  and  a 
host  of  modern  commentators).  (5.)  Worshippers 
of  false  gods  (II.  S.  Poole).  (6.)  iJcvils  or  demons 
(Cabbalists).  (Asmodeus.)  (7.)  Angels  (LXX.,  Jo- 
sephus, Philo,  most  of  the  older  Church  Fathers, 
&c.).  The  rare  expression  "  sons  of  God  "  =  angels 
in  Job  xxxviii.  7,  i.  6,  ii.  1,  and  that  such  is  the 
me.uiing  in  Gen.  vi.  4  also,  was  the  most  prevalent 
opinion  both  in  the  Jewish  and  early  Christian 
Church.  Probably  this  very  ancient  view  gave 
rise  to  the  spurious  Book  of  Enoch  (Enoch,  Book 
oe),  and  the  notion  supposed  to  be  quoted  from 
it  by  St.  Judo  (ver.  ti),  and  alluded  to  by  St.  Peter  (2 
Pet.  ii.  4 ;  compare  1  Cor.  xi.  10).  Milton  alludes 
to  the  interpretation  in  Paradise  Regained,  ii.  179. 
— The  next  race  of  giants  mentioned  in  Scripture 
is,  3.  "  The  Rephaim,"  a  name  which  frequently  oc- 
curs, and  in  some  remarkable  passages.  The  ear- 
liest mention  of  them  is  the  record  of  their  defeat 
by  Chedorlaomer  and  some  allied  kings  at  Ashte- 
roth-karnaim  (Gen.  xiv.  5).  Extirpated,  however, 
from  the  E.  of  Palestine,  they  long  found  a  home 
in  the  W.  (2  Sam.  xxi.  18  ff. ;  1  Chr.  xx.  4).  Prob- 
ably they  had  possessed  districts  W.  of  the  Jor- 
dan in  early  times,  since  the  "  Valley  of  Rephaim  " 
(2  Sam.  V.  18;  1  Chr.  xi.  15;  Is.  xvii.  5),  a  rich 
valley  S.  W.  of  Jerusalem,  derived  its  name  from 
them.  They  were  probably  one  of  those  aborigi- 
nal people,  to  whoso  existence  the  traditions  of 
many  nations  testify,  and  of  whose  genealogy  the 
Bible  gives  us  no  information.  Some  suppose 
them  to  be  descendants  from  Japheth.  In  A.V.  the 
words  used  for  it  are  "  Rephaim,"  "  giants,"  and 
"  the  dead."  That  it  has  the  latter  meaning  in 
many  passages  is  certain  (Ps.  Ixxxviii.  10 ;  Prov. 
ii.  18,  i.x.  18,  xxi.  16;  Is.  xxvi.  14,  19).  An  atten- 
tive consideration  seems  to  leave  little  room  for 
doubt  that  the  dead  were  called  Rephaim,  from 
some  notion  of  ShCol  (A.  V.  "hei,l")  being  the 
residence  of  the  fallen  spirits  or  buried  giants. 
Branches  of  this  great  unknown  people  were  called 
Emim,  A.NAKiM,  and  Zlzim  (Goliath  ;  Oo  ;  Kapha 
1,  &c.). — No  one  has  yet  proved  by  experience  the 
possiljility  of  giant  races  materially  exceeding  in 
size  the  average  height  of  man.  There  is  no  great 
variation  in  the  ordinary  standard.  The  most 
stunted  tribes  of  Esquimaux  are  at  least  four  feet 
high,  and  the  tallest  races  of  America  (e.  g.  the 
Guayaquilists  and  people  of  Paraguay)  do  not  exceed 
six  and  a  half  feet.  The  general  belief  (until  very 
recent  times)  in  the  existence  of  fabulously  enor- 
mous men  arose   from   fancied   giant-graves,  and 


334 


GIB 


GIB 


above  all,  from  the  discovery  of  huge  bones,  which 
were  taken  for  those  of  men,  in  days  when  com- 
parative anatomy  was  unlinown.  On  the  other 
hand,  isolated  instances  of  monstrosity  (seven, 
eight,  to  ten  feet  liigh)  are  sudiciently  attested  to 
prove  that  beings  like  Goliath  and  his  kinsmen 
may  have  existed. 

Oib  bar  [g  as  in  get]  (Heb.  mighty  man,  hero,  war- 
rior, Ges. ).  Ninety-live  "children  of  Gibbar" 
(GiBEON  in  Neh.  vii.)  returned  with  Zerubbabel 
from  Babylon  (Ezr.  ii.  20). 

Gib'be-thon  (Ileb.  a  height,  hUl,  Ges.),  a  town  al- 
lotted to  the  tribe  of  Dan  (Josh.  xix.  44),  and  after- 
ward given  to  the  Kohathite  Levites  (xxi.  2.3). 
The  Philistines  held  it  when  Nadab,  and  afterward 
Omri  besieged  it  (1  K.  xv.  27,  xvi.  15,  17).  In  the 
Onomasticon  (Gabathon)  it  is  quoted  as  a  small 
village  called  Gabe,  in  the  seventeenth  mile  from 
Cesarea.  No  name  at  all  resembling  it  has,  how- 
ever, been  discovered  in  that  direction. 

Gib'e-a  (Heb.  hill,  Ges.).  8heva,  "  the  father  of 
JIacbenah,"  and  "  father  of  Gibeah,"  is  mentioned 
with  other  names  unmistakably  tliose  of  places, 
and  not  of  persons,  among  the  descendants  of 
Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  49,  compare  42).  This  would  seem 
to  pohit  out  Gibea  as  =  Gibeah  1.  On  the  other 
hand,  Madmannah  (ver.  49)  recalls  Madmenah,  a 
town  named  in  connection  with  Gibeah  4  (Is.  x. 
81). 

Gib'(-a1l  (Heb.  hill),  like  most  words  of  this 
kind,  gave  name  to  several  towns  and  places  in 
Palestine,  doubtless  generally  on  or  near  a  hill. 
They  are — 1,  A  city  in  the  mountain-district  of 
Judah,  named  with  Maon  and  the  southern  Carmcl 
(Josh.  XV.  57;  and  compare  1  Chr.  ii.  49,  &c.), 
identified  by  Robinson,  Wilson,  and  Porter  with  the 
little  village  of  JcUah,  on  an  isolated  hill,  six  or 
seven  miles  S.  S.  W.  of  Bethlehem.  Mr.  Grove 
thinks  it  must  have  been  S.  E.  of  Bebron  at  some 
undiscovered  site. — 2.  Glb'e-ath,  enumerated  among 
the  last  group  of  tlie  towns  of  Benjamin,  next  to 
Jerusalem  (Josh,  xviii.  28),  is  generally  taken  to  be 
=  "  Gibeah  of  Benjamin  "  or  "of  Saul."  But  this 
was  five  or  six  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem.  The  name 
being  in  the  Hebrew  "construct  state" — Gibcath 
and  not  Gibeah — Mr.  Grove  asks,  may  it  not  belong 
to  the  following  name  Kirjath,  and  denote  the  hill 
adjoining  that  town  ? — 3<  Tlio  place  in  which  the 
ark  remained  from  the  time  of  its  return  by  the 
Philistines  till  its  removal  by  David  (2  S;vm.  vi.  3, 
4;  compare  1  Sam.  vii.  1,  2;  see  No.  2  above). — 1. 
Gib'e-all  of  Bcnja-mln  does  not  appear  in  the  lists 
of  the  cities  of  IJenjamin  in  Josh,  xviii.  (1  )  We 
first  encounter  it  in  the  tragical  story  of  the  Levite 
and  his  concubine  (Judg.  xix.,  xx.),  where  in  many 
particulars  of  situation  Gibeah  agrees  very  closely 
with  Tulcil  el-Ful,  a  conspicuous  eminence,  with  a 
heap  of  ruins  on  its  summit,  just  four  miles  N.  of 
Jerusalem,  to  the  right  of  the  road  (Rbn.  i.  577  if.). 
It  was  then  a  "  city,"  with  the  usual  open  street  or 
square  (Judg.  xix.  15,  17,  20),  and  containing  700 
"  chosen  men,"  probably  plingcrs(xx.  15, 16).  (2.)  We 
next  meet  with  Gibeah  of  Benjamin  during  the  Phili;-- 
tine  wars  of  Saul  and  Jonathan  (1  Sam.  xiii.,  xiv.). 
The  Philistines  were  in  possession  of  the  village  of 
Geba  1,  the  present  Jeba,  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Wady  Suweinit.  S.  of  the  Philistine  camp,  and 
about  three  miles  in  its  lear,  was  Jonathan  1,  in 
Gibeah  of  Benjamin,  with  a  tliousand  chosen  war- 
riors (xiii.  2).  (3.)  As  "Gibeah  of  Benjamin"  this 
place  is  referred  to  in  2  Sam.  xxiii.  29  (compare  1 
Chr.  xL   81),  and  as  "  Gibeah  "  it  is  mentioned  by 


Hosca  (v.  8,  ix.  9,  x.  9),  but  it  does  not  again  appear 
in  the  hisiory.  It  is,  however,  almost  without  doubt 
identical  with — 5i  Gib'e-ah  of  Sanh  This  is  not 
mentioned  as  Saul's  city  till  after  his  anointing  (1 
Sam.  X.  20),  when  he  is  said  to  have  gone  "  home  " 
to  Gibeah.  In  the  subsequent  narrative  the  town 
bears  its  full  name  (xi.  4).  The  name  of  Saul  has 
not  been  found  in  connection  with  any  place  of 
modern  Palestine,  but  it  existed  as  late  as  the  days 
of  Josephus,  and  an  allusion  of  his  has  fortunately 
given  the  clew  to  the  identification  of  the  town  with 
the  spot  which  now  bears  the  name  of  Tnkil  el-Fvl. 
Josephus,  desciibing  Titus's  march  from  Cesarea  to 
Jerusalem,  gives  his  route  as  through  Samaria  to 
Gophna,  thence  a  day's  march  to  a  valley  "culled 
by  the  Jews  the  Valley  of  Thorns,  near  a  certain 
village  called  Gabathsaoule,  distant  from  Jerusalem 
about  thirty  stadia,"  i.  e.  just  the  distance  of  TukU 
el-Ful.  Here  he  was  joined  by  a  part  of  his  anny 
from  Emmaus  (Nieopolis),  who  would  naturally  come 
up  the  road  by  Btth-horon  and  Gibcon,  the  same 
which  still  falls  into  the  northern  road  close  to 
TuUil  el-Ful.  In  both  these  respects  theretbre  the 
agreement  is  complete,  and  (iibeah  of  Benjamin  roust 
be  taken  as  =  Gibeah  of  Saul.  In  1  Sam.  xxii.  6, 
xxiii.  19,  xxvi.  1,  "Gibeah"  doubtless  =  Gil)eah  of 
Saul. — 6.  Gib'c-ali  in  the  Field,  named  only  in 
Judg.  XX.  31,  aa  the  place  to  which  one  of  th.c 
"  highways  "  led  from  Gibeah  of  Benjamin  ;  probably 
=:  Geba  1.— 7.  There  are  several  other  names  com- 
pounded of  Gibcnh,  which  are  translated  in  the 
A.  V. ;  (1.)  the  "  hill  of  the  foreskins  "  (Josh.  v.  3) 
(Gii.GAi.  1);  (2.)  the  "hill  of  Phinehas"  in  Mc.unt 
Ephraira  (xxiv.  S3) ;  (3.)  the  "  hill  of  MoiiEU " 
(Judg.  vii.  1);  (4.)  the  "hill  of  God"  (1  Simi.  x.6); 
(5.)  the  "  hill  of  Uachilah  "  (xxiii.  1 9) ;  (6. )  the  "  hill 
of  Ammah"  (2  Sam.  ii.  24);  (7.)  the  "hill  Gakeb" 
(Jcr.  xxxi.  39). 

Clb'c-ath  (Heb.)  =   Gibeah  2  (Josh,  xviii.  28). 

Gib'e-atli-!to  (fr.  Heb.),  the  —  the  native  of  Gib- 
eah (1  Chr.  xii.  3). 

Gib'c-€n  (Heb.  hill-city,  i.  e.  built  on  a  hill,  Ges.), 
one  of  the  four  cities  of  the  Hivites,  "a  great  city" 
(Josh.  x.  2),  the  inhabitauts  of  which,  by  an  artifice, 
made  a  league  with  Joshua  (ix.  3-15),  and  th\is  es- 
caped the  fate  of  Jeuicho  and  Ai  (compare  xi.  19). 
(Gibeoxites.)  Gibeon  lay  within  the  territory  of 
Benjamin  (xviii.  25),  and  was  allotted  to  the  priests 
(xxi.  17),  of  whom  it  became  afterward  a  principal 
station.  We  next  hear  of  it  at  the  encounter  be- 
tween David's  men  under  Joab  and  Ish-bosheth's  un- 
der Abner  (2Sam.  ii.  12  fl'.).  (Hei.katii-hazziri.m.) 
Here  Joab  killed  Amasa  (xx.  6-10),  and  here  he  was 
afterward  slain  (1  K.  n.  28  ff.).  In  David's  reign 
the  Tabernacle  was  "  in  the  high  place  at  Gibeon  " 
(1  Chr.  xvi.  39,  40,  xxi.  29).  Here  Solomon  sacri- 
ficed 1,000  burnt-offeiings  and  asked  wisdom  of  God 
(1  K.  ill.  4  ff.,  ix.  2 ;  2  Chr.  i.  3).  Here  Johanan 
overtook  I.«hmael  after  the  assassination  of  Gedaliah 
(Jer.  xli.  12).  "Children  of  Gibeon"  (Gibbak)  re- 
turned after  the  Captivity  (Neh.  vii.  25).  The  situa- 
tion of  Gibeon  has  fortunately  been  recovered  with 
as  great  certainty  as  any  ancient  site  in  Palestine. 
The  traveller  who  pursues  the  northern  camel-road 
from  Jerusalem,  turning  ofT  to  the  lelt  at  Tuleil  el- 
Ful  (Gibeah),  on  that  branch  of  it  which  leads  west- 
ward to  Jafta,  finds  himself,  after  crossing  one  or 
two  stony  and  barren  ridges,  in  a  district  of  a  more 
open  character.  The  hills  are  rounder  and  more 
isolated  than  those  through  which  he  has  been 
passing,  and  rise  from  broad  undulating  valleys  of 
tolerable  extent  and  fertile  soil.    This  is  the  central 


GIB 


GID 


335 


plateau  of  the  country,  the  "  land  of  Benjamin ; " 
and  these  round  hills  are  the  Gibeahs,  Gebas,  Gib- 
cons,  and  Ramahs,  whose  names  occur  so  frequently 
in  the  records  of  this  district.  Retaining  its  ancient 
name  almost  intact,  the   modem  village  of  cljib 


stands  on  the  top  of  a  low,  round,  rocky  hill,  just  at 
the  place  where  the  road  to  tlie  sea  parts  into  two 
branches,  the  one  by  the  lower  level  of  the  Wady 
Suleiman,  the  other  by  the  heights  of  the  Beth- 
horons,  to  Gimzo,  LydJa,  and  Joppa.     The  "  wilUer- 


N.  W.  View  of  fl-Jlh  and  JVMy  fiimwiV.— From  n  photograi^h  tiy  Gmhsm.— ^Ayre.) 

SUJib  (Oibeoo)  l4  GODfpIcuous  on  the  hill  in  front:  Xtti;/  Samwil  (the  traditional  Ramah  of  Samuel  or  Ramathaim-zophim)  (a  marked  by  the  ruined 

oioHquo  oo  the  hill  at  the  extreme  righL 


ness  of  Gibeon  "  (2  Sam.  ii.  24) — i.  e.  the  waste  pas- 
ture-grounds (Desert  2) — must  have  been  to  the  E., 
beyond  the  circle  or  suburb  of  cultivated  fields,  and 
toward  the  neighboring  swells,  which  bear  the 
names  of  Jedireh  and  Bir  Kvballah.  Its  distance 
from  Jerusalem  by  the  main  road  is  as  nearly  as 
possible  six  and  a  half  miles ;  but  there  is  a  more 
direct  road  reducing  it  to  five  miles. 

Glb'e-on-Ite9  (fr.  Ileb.),  the  =  the  people  of  Gin- 
Eox,  and  perhaps  also  of  the  three  cities  associated 
with  Gibeon  (Josh.  i.\.  17) — Ilivites;  and  who,  on 
the  discovery  of  the  stratagem  by  which  they  had 
obtaineil  the  protection  of  the  Israelites,  were  con- 
demned to  be  perpetual  bimdmen,  hewers  of  wood 
and  drawers  of  water  for  the  congregation,  and  for 
t'le  house  of  God  and  altar  of  Jehovah  (Josh.  ix.  23, 
27).  Saul  appears  to  have  broken  this  covenant, 
and  in  a  fit  of  enthusiasm  or  patriotism  to  have 
killed  some  and  devised  a  general  massacre  of  the 
rest  (2  Sam.  xxi.  1,  2,  5).  This  was  expiated  many 
years  after  by  giving  up  seven  men  of  Saul's  de- 
scendants to  the  Gibeonites,  who  hung  them  or  cru- 
cified them  "  before  Jehovali  " — as  a  kind  of  sacri- 
fice— in  Gibeah,  Saul's  own  town  (4,  (i, !)).  (Netiii- 
MIM.)  Individual  Gibeonites  named  are  Ismaiah  (I 
Clir.  xil.  4),  Melatiah  (Neh.  iii.  7),  the  false  prophet 
1Ia>a.\i.iii  (Jer.  xxviii.  1  ff.). 

(liblttes  (fr.  Heb.  z=  natives  or  inhabilan'n  of 
GeaAi.).  The  "  land  of  the  Giblites  "  is  mentioned 
in  coimectinn  with  Lebanon  among  the  portions  of 
the  Promised  Land  remaining  to  be  conciucred  by 
Joshua  (Josh.  xiii.  5).     Gebal. 


Gid-dftl'tl  (Heb.  /  have  made  great),  one  of  the 
sons  of  Ileman,  the  king's  seer  (1  Chr.  xxv.  4). 

Gld'del  (Ileb.  perhaps  =  too  great,  giant,  Ges.). 
I.  Children  of  Giddel  were  among  the  Nethinim  who 
returned  from  the  Captivity  witli  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
ii.  47 ;  Xeh.  vii.  49). — 2.  Children  of  Giddel  were 
also  among  the  "  servants  of  Solomon,"  who  returned 
to  Judea  in  the  same  caravan  (Ezr.  ii.  5C ;  Neh.  vii. 
58). 

Gid'e-on  (Heb.  perhaps  =  tree-feller,  i.  e.  impetu- 
ous warrior,  Ges.),  a  Manassite,  youngest  son  of 
Joash  of  the  Abiezrites,  an  undistinguished  fiimily 
who  lived  at  Ophrah  2  (Judg.  vi.  15).  lie  was  the 
filth  recorded  JcnoE  of  Israel,  and  for  many  reasons 
the  greatest  of  them  all.  When  we  first  hear  of 
him  he  was  grown  up  and  had  sons  (vi.  1 1,  viii.  20), 
and  from  the  apostrophe  of  the  angel  (vi.  12),  we 
may  conclude  that  he  had  already  distinguished 
himself  in  war  against  the  roving  bands  of  nomadic 
robbers  who  had  oppressed  Israel  for  seven  years, 
and  whose  countless  multitudes  (compared  to  locusts 
from  their  terrible  devastations,  vi.  5)  annually  de- 
stroyed all  the  produce  of  Canaan,  except  such  as 
could  be  concealed  in  mountain-fastnesses  (vi.  2). 
When  the  angel  appeared,  Gideon  was  threshing 
wheat  with  a  flail  in  the  winepress,  to  conceal  it 
from  the  predatory  tyrants.  His  call  to  be  a  deliv- 
erer, and  his  destruction  of  Baal's  altar,  and  the 
"grove"  (AsiiERAn),  are  related  in  Jndg.  vi.  After 
this  begins  the  second  act  of  Gideon's  life.  Clothed 
by  the  Spirit  of  God  (Judg.  vi.  34  ;  compare  I  Chr.  xii. 
18;  Lk.  xxiv.  49),  he  blew  a  trumpet,  and,  joined 


336 


OIP 


6JX 


by  Zebulun,  Naphtali,  and  even  the  reluctant  A  slier, 
encamped  on  the  slopes  of  Mount  Gilboa.  Strength- 
ened by  a  double  sign  from  (iod,  lie  reduced  his 
anny  of  32,000  by  the  usual  proclamation  (Deut. 
XX.  8 ;  compare  1  JIc.  iii.  56).  By  a  second  test  at 
"  the  spring  of  trembling  "  (H arod)  he  again  reduced 
the  number  of  his  followers  to  300  (Judg.  vii.  5  ff.). 
The  midnight  attacU  upon  the  llidianites,  their 
panic,  and  the  rout  and  slaughter  that  followed,  are 
told  in  Judg.  vii.  (Lamp  2  ;  Mioian.)  The  memory 
of  this  splendid  deliverance  tooli  deep  root  in  tlie 
national  traditions  (1  Sam.  xii.  H  ;  Ps.  Ixxxih.  11 ; 
Is.  ix.  4,  X.  26;  Heb.  xi.  32).  After  this  there  was 
a  peace  of  forty  years,  and  we  see  Gideon  in  peace- 
ful possession  of  his  well-earned  honors,  and  sur- 
rounded by  the  dignity  of  a  numerous  household 
(Judg.  viii.  29-31).  It  is  not  improbable  that,  like 
Saul,  he  had  owed  a  part  of  his  popularity  to  his 
princely  appearance  (viii.  18).  In  this  third  stage  of 
his  life  occur  ahke  his  most  noble  and  his  most 
questionable  acts,  viz.  the  refusal  of  the  monarchy 
on  theocratic  grounds,  and  the  irregular  consecra- 
tion of  a  jewelled  ephod  formed  out  of  the  rich 
spoils  of  Midian,  which  proved  to  the  Israelites  a 
temptation  to  idolatry,  although  it  was  doubtless 
intended  for  use  in  the  worship  of  Jehovah.  Chro- 
nology ;  JuuGES,  Book  of. 

Gid-e-o'ni  (Ueb.  a  aiding  doan,  Ges.),  a  Benja- 
mite,  father  of  Abidan  (Num.  i.  11,  iii.  22,  vii.  CO,  65, 
X.  24_). 

Gi  dom  (Heb.  a  ctiUiiiff  down,  Ges.),  a  place  named 
only  in  Judg.  xx.  45 ;  apparently  situated  between 
Gibeah  (Tuleil  el-Ful)  and  the  clitt"  Rimmon;  but 
no  trace  of  the  name  has  yet  been  met  with. 

Gier'-c,l-gle  [jer'ee-gl]  (Heb.  rahdm  or  rachdm, 
r&hdmAh  or  rdc/idmdh),  an  unclean  bird  mentioned 
in  Lev.  xi.  18  and  Deut.  xiv.  17.  There  is  no  rea- 
son to  doubt  that  it  =  the  racham  of  the  Arabs, 
viz.  the  Egyptian  vulture  {Neophron  percnopiei-us). 


Egyptian  Vulture  (Neophron  ptrcnoptertu,  Savigny).   ' 

Glfti  The  giving  and  receiving  of  presents  has 
in  all  ages  been  not  only  a  more  frequent,  but  also  a 
more  formal  and  significant  proceeding  in  the  East 
than  among  ourselves.  We  cannot  adduce  a  more 
remarkable  proof  of  the  important  part  which  pres- 
ents play  in  the  social  life  of  the  East  than  the  fact 
that  the  Hebrew  language  possesses  no  less  than 
fifteen  different  expressions  for  the  one  idea.  Many 
of  these  expressions  have  specific  meanings :  e.  g. 
minh&h  or  mincMh  z=  a."  present "  from  an  inferior 
to  a  Euperior,  as  from  subjects  to  a  king  (Judg.  iii. 


16;  1  E.  z.  25;  2  Chr.  xvii.  6)  (Meat-offerikc)  : 
maseth  —  a  present  from  a  superior  to  an  inferior, 
as  from  a  king  to  his  subjects  (Esth.  ii.  18):  nisscih 
has  very  much  the  same  sense  (2  Sam.  xix.  42,  Htb. 
43) :  fhuhad  or  shochad  is  a  gift  for  the  purpose  of 
escaping  punishment,  presented  either  to  a  judge 
(Ex.  xxiii.  8;  Deut.  x.  17,  A.  V.  "  reward;  "  Beile) 
or  to  a  conqueror  (2  K.  xvi.  8,  A.  V.  "present"): 
other  terms,  as  mattun  (Gen.  xxxiv.  12;  I'rov.  xviii. 
16,  &c.),  malldnHh  (Gen.  xxv.  6  ;  Ex.  xxviii.  38,  &c.), 
mettalh  (Prov.  xxv.  14;  Eccl.  iii.  13,  &c.), were  used 
more  generally.  In  the  N.  T.  the  Gr.  dmna  (Mat. 
vii.  11,  &c.),  durea  (Jn.  iv.  10,  kc),  dorenia  (Rom. 
V.  16  ;  Jas.  i.  17),  are  translated  "  gift "  uniformly  ; 
doroii  (Mat.  ii.  11,  v.  23,  24,  &c.)  is  usually  trans- 
lated  "  gift,"  once  (Lk.  xxi.  4)  "  offering ; "  auathema 
(=  thai  which  is  set  vp,  especially  a  votive  offering 
in  the  temple,  L.  &  S.)  is  translated  "  gift  "  (Lk.  xxi. 
5  onlv) ;  chuTisma,  uniformly  translated  "  gift " 
(Rom."i.  11,  v.  15,  16,  vi.  23;  1  Cor.  xii.  4,  9,  28, 
30,  31,  &e.),  =  a  gift  bestowed  through  the  grace  of 
God  ;  chari.%  usually  translated  "  grace  "  (Lk.  ii. 
40  ;  Rom.  i.  5,  7,  iii."  24 ;  2  Cor.  viii.  1,  6  ff.,  &c.), 
also  translated  "favor"  (Lk.  i.  30,  &c.),  "thank" 
(Lk.  vi.  32  ff.,  &c.),  is  once  translated  "gift  "  (2  Cor. 
viii.  4).  It  is  clear  that  the  term  "gift"  is  fre- 
quently used  where  we  should  substitute  "  tribute," 
or  "  fee."  The  tribute  (Taxes)  of  subject  .states  was 
paid  not  in  a  fixed  sum  of  money,  but  in  kind,  each 
nation  presenting  its  particular  product ;  and  hence 
the  expression  "  to  bring  presents  "  =  to  own  sub- 
mission (Ps.  Ixviii.  29,  Ixxvi.  11  ;  Is.  xviii.  7). 
Friends  brought  presents  to  friends  on  any  joyful 
occasion  (Esth.  ix.  19,  22),  those  who  asked  for  in- 
formation or  advice  to  those  who  gave  it  (2  K.  viii. 
8),  the  needy  to  the  wealthy  from  whom  any  assist- 
ance was  expected  (Gen.  xliii.  11 ;  2  K.  xv.  19,  xvi. 
8) ;  on  the  occasion  of  a  marriage,  the  bridegroem 
not  only  paid  the  parents  for  his  bride  (A.  V. 
"  dowry  "),  but  also  gave  the  bride  certain  presents 
(Gen.  xxxiv.  12;  compare  Gen.  xxiv.  22).  The 
nature  of  the  presents  was  as  various  as  were  the  oc- 
casions. The  mode  of  presentation  was  with  as  much 
parade  as  possible.  The  refusal  of  a  present  was 
regarded  as  a  high  indignity.  No  less  an  insult  was 
it,  not  to  bring  a  present  when  the  position  of  the 
parties  demanded  it  (1  Sam.  x.  27). 

Gi'Lon  (Ileb.  stream,  river,  Ges.).  1.  The  second 
river  of  Paradise  (Gen.  ii.  13).  (Eden  1.)— 2.  A 
place  near  Jkrusalem,  memorable  as  the  scene  of 
the  anointing  and  proclamation  of  Solon:on  as  king 
(1  K.  i.  33,  38,  45) ;  mentioned  also  in  2  Chr.  xxxii. 
SO,  xxxiii.  14.     Conduit  2 ;  Fuller's  Field. 

Gil'a-lal  (Heb.  perhaps  =  dungy,  Ges.;  Keighty, 
Fii.),  one  of  tlie  priest's  sons  at  the  consecration  of 
the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  xii.  36). 

Gll-bo'a  (Heb.  bnblli?)g  fomdain  :  see  Harod, 
Well  of),  a  mountain  range  on  the  eastern  side 
of  the  plain  of  Esdrj:lon,  rising  over  the  city  cf 
Jezreel  (compare  1  Sam.  xxviii.  4  with  xxix.  1). 
It  is  only  mentioned  in  Scripture  in  connection 
with  the  defeat  and  death  of  Saul  and  Jonathan  by 
the  Philistines  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  1  ;  2  Sam.  i.  6,  21,  xxi. 
12  ;  1  Chr.  x.  1,  8).  That  Gilboa  —  the  ridge  which 
stretches  eastward,  from  the  ruins  of  Jezreel,  no  doubt 
can  be  entertained.  The  village  on  the  top  of  the 
mount  is  now  called  Jelhon.  The  range  of  Gilboa  e.\- 
tends  in  length  some  ten  miles  from  W.  to  E.  The 
sides  are  bleak,  white,  and  barren.  The  greatest 
height  is  not  more  than  600  or  600  feet  above  the 
plain.     Their  modern  local  name  is  Jebel  Fukua. 

Gil'e-ad  (Ueb.,  see  below).     1,  A  mountamous 


GIL 


GIL 


337 


region  E.  of  the  Jordan ;  bounded  on  the  N.  by 
Basiian,  on  the  E.  by  the  Arabian  plateau,  and  on 
the  S.  by  Moab  ami  Ammon  (Gen.  xxxi.  21  ;  Deut. 
iii.  12-17).  It  is  sometimes  called  "  Mount  Gilead  " 
(Geu.  xxxi.  25),  sometimes  "  the  land  of  Gilead  " 
(N'um.  xxxil.  1);  auJ  sometimes  simply  "Gilead" 
(Ps.  Ix.  7;  Gen.  xxxvii.  25);  but  a  comparison  of 
the  several  passages  shows  that  they  all  mean  the 
same  thing.  The  name  Gilead  =  a  hard  rock>j  re- 
gion. The  statements  in  Gen.  xxxi.  48  are  not 
opposed  to  this  etymology.  The  old  name  of  the 
district  was  (lilead,  but  by  a  slight  change  in  the 
pronunciation,  the  radical  letters  being  retained,  i 
the  meaning  was  made  beautifully  applicable  to  the  j 
"  heap  of  stones  "  Jacob  and  Laban  had  built  up.  ; 
(Galeed  =  tlie  heap  of  witness.)  Those  acquainted 
with  the  molern  Arabs  and  their  literature  will  see 
how  intensely  such  a  play  upon  the  word  would  be 
appreciated  by  them.  The  extent  of  Gilead  we  can 
ascertain  with  tolerable  exactness  from  incidental 
notices  in  the  Sijriptures.  The  Jordan  was  its  west- 
ern border  (1  S.im.  xiii.  7;  2  K.  x.  33).  A  com- 
parison of  a  numl)er  of  passages  shows  that  the 
river  Ilieromax,  the  modern  Sheriat  el-Mandhilr  or 
YarmCik;  separated  it  from  Bashan  on  the  N.  On 
the  E.  tlie  mountain  range  melts  away  gradually 
into  the  high  plateau  of  Arabia.  The  boundary  of 
Gilead  is  here  not  so  clearly  defined,  but  it  may  be 
regarded  as  running  along  the  foot  of  the  range. 
The  valley  of  Ileshbon  was  probably  (so  Porter) 
the  S.  boundary  of  Gilead.  Gilead  thus  extenled 
from  the  parallel  of  the  S.  end  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee 
to  that  of  the  X.  enj  of  the  Dead  Sea — about  sixty 
miles;  and  its  average  breadth  scarcely  exceeded 
twenty.  "  Gilead  "  in  Deut.  xxxiv.  1 ;  Josh.  xxii. 
9;  and  Judg.  xx.  1,  seems  =  the  whole  territory 
of  the  Israelites  beyond  the  Jordan ;  but  this  is 
only  a  vague  way  of  speaking,  in  common  use 
ererywherc.  (Compare  "  England "  =:  England 
and  Wales.)  The  section  of  Gilead  lying  between 
the  Jabbok  and  the  Ilieromax  is  now  called  Jehd 
Ajl'iii  ;  while  that  to  the  S.  of  the  Jabbok  consti- 
tutes the  modern  province  of  B^lka.  One  of  the 
most  conspicuous  peaks  in  the  mountain  range  still 
retains  the  ancient  name,  being  called  Jebel  JiCad, 
"Mount  Gilead."  (Mizpah  1;  Kamoth  Gilevd.) 
The  mountains  of  Gilead  have  a  real  elevation  of 
from  two  thousand  to  three  thousand  feet;  but  their 
apparent  elevation  on  tlie  W.  side  is  much  greater, 
owing  to  the  depression  of  the  Jordan  valley,  which 
averages  about  one  thous,an'I  feet.  Their  oiitline  is 
Bing\ilarly  uniform,  resembling  a  massive  wall  run- 
ning along  the  horizon.  The  rich  pasture-land  of 
Gilead — "  a  place  for  cattle  "  (Num.  xxxii.  1) — pre- 
sents a  striking  contrast  to  the  pasture-land  of  W. 
Palestine.  At  the  invasion  of  the  country  by  the 
Israelites,  one  half  of  Gilead  was  in  the  hands  of 
SinoN,  king  of  the  Amorites ;  Oo,  king  of  Bashan, 
bad  the  other  section  N.  of  the  Jabbok.  Afterward 
GileaJ  w.is  allotted  to  Recben  and  Gap.  Their 
wandering  tent-life  and  almost  inaccessible  country 
Blade  them  the  protectors  of  the  refugee  and  the 
outlaw  (2  Sam.  ii.  8  ff.,  xvii.  22  if.).  (Bauzillai.) 
Elijah  the  Tishbite,  Jair  2,  and  Jephthah  were 
GiLEADiTES.  Gilead  was  a  frontier  land,  exposed  to 
the  first  attacks  of  the  Syrian  and  Assyrian  inva- 
ders, and  to  the  unceasing  raids  of  the  desert 
tribes.  The  nanc  Galaad  occurs  several  times  in 
the  history  of  the  M.accabees  (1  Mc.  v.  9  B'.).  Under 
the  Roman  dominion  the  country  became  more 
settled  and  civilized  ;  under  Mohammedan  rule  the 
country  has  again  lapsed  into  semi-barbarism. 
22 


(Balm;  Gadara;  Gehasa;  Gileadite;  Mahanaim; 
Rabuah  I ;  Spices.)— 2i  Possibly  the  name  of  a 
mountain  W,  of  the  Jordan,  near  Jezreel  (Judg.  vii. 
3).  Porter  is  inclined,  however,  to  agree  with  the 
suggestion  of  Clericus  and  others,  that  the  true 
reading  in  this  place  should  be  Gdhoa.^i,  Son  of 
Machir,  and  grandson  of  Manasseli  (Num.  xxvi.  29, 
30). — 4.  Father  of  Jephthah  (Judg.  xi.  1,  2).  It  is 
ditlicult  to  understand  (compare  ver.  7,  8)  whether 
this  Gilead  was  an  individual  or  a  personification  of 
the  community  (so  Porter). 

*  tlil'c-ad-ite  (IV.  Heb.)  =  one  of  the  Gileadites 
(Judg.  X.  3,  xi.  1,  kc). 

Cil'e-ad-iti'S  (fr.  Ileb.),  the  =  a  branch  of  the 
tribe  of  Manassch,  descended  from  Gilead  3,  or  in- 
habitants of  the  country  of  Gilead  1  (Num.  xxvi. 
29 ;  Judg.  X.  3,  xi.  1,  40,  xii.  4,  5,  7 ;  2  Sam.  xvii. 
27,  xix.  31  ;  1  K.  ii.  7 ;  2  K.  xv.  25 ;  Ezr.  ii.  61  ; 
Neh.  vii.  63).  There  appears  to  have  been  an  old 
standing  feud  between  them  and  the  Ephraimites, 
who  taunted  them  with  being  deserters.  See  Judg. 
xii.  4,  which  may  be  rendered,  "  And  the  men  of 
Gilead  smote  Ephraim,  because  they  said.  Runagates 
of  Ephraim  are  ye  (Gilead  is  between  Ephraim  and 
Manassch) ;  "  the  last  clause  being  added  parenthet- 
ically (so  Mr.  Wright). 

Gil'gAl  (Ileb.  a  circle,  or  a  rollinrf  away,  Gcs.). 
1,  The  site  of  the  first  camp  of  the  Israelites  on  the 
W.  of  the  Jordan,  the  place  at  which  they  passed 
the  first  night  after  crossing  the  river,  and  where 
the  twelve  stones  were  set  up  which  had  been  taken 
from  the  bed  of  the  sti-eam  (Josh.  iv.  19,  20,  com- 
pare 3);  where  also  they  kept  their  first  passover 
in  the  land  of  Canaan  (v.  10).  It  was  in  the  "  end 
of  the  E.  of  Jericho  "  (A.  V.  "  in  the  E.  border  of 
Jericho  "),  apparently  on  a  hillock  or  rising  ground 
(v.  3,  compare  9),  in  "  the  plains  of  Jericho,"  i.  o. 
the  hot  depressed  district  between  the  town  and 
the  Jordan  (v.  10).  (Plain  5.)  Here  the  Israelites 
born  on  the  march  through  the  wilderness  wore  cir- 
cumcised, and  the  reproach  of  Egypt  "  was  rolled 
away."  (Cikccmcisio.n.)  The  camp  csti\blished  at 
Gilgal  remained  there  during  the  early  part  of  the 
conquest  (ix.  6,  x.  6  ft"),  and  probably  Joshua  re- 
tired thither  at  the  conclusion  (xiv.  6,  compare  15). 
See  Judg.  iii:  19.  We  again  encounter  Gilgal  in 
the  time  of  Saul,  when  it  seems  to  have  become 
the  chief  sanctuary  of  the  central  portion  of  the 
nation  (1  Sam.  vii.  16,  x.  8,  xi.  14,  15,  xiii.  4  ff.,  xv. 
12,  21,  33;  compare  Judg.  ii.  1).  We  again 
have  a  glimpse  of  it,  some  sixty  years  later,  in  the 
history  of  David's  return  to  Jerusalem  (2  Sam. 
xix.).  Afterward  it  (this  Gilgal  ?)  was  appropriated 
by  the  kingdom  of  Israel  to  a  false  worship  (IIos. 
iv.  15,  ix.  15,  xii.  11 ;  Am.  iv.  4,  v.  5).  Beyond  the 
general  statements  above  quoted,  the  sacred  text 
contains  no  indications  of  the  position  of  Gilgal. 
Neither  in  the  Apocrypha  nor  in  the  N.  T.  is  it 
mentioned.  No  modern  traveller  has  succeeded  in 
eliciting  the  name,  or  in  discovering  a  probable  site. 
ByJosephus  the  encampment  is  given  as  fifty  stadia 
(rather  under  six  miles)  from  the  river,  and  ten 
from  Jericho,  which  would  place  it  at  or  near  the 
modern  village  of  Rilta  (Robinson,  Porter).  But 
this  was  certainly  a  distinct  place  from — 2.  the 
Gilgal  which  13  connected  with  the  last  scene  in  the 
life  of  Elijah,  and  with  one  of  Eliaha's  miracles  (2 
K.  ii.).  the  mention  of  Baal-shaUsha  (iv.  42)  gives 
a  clew  to  its  situation,  when  taken  with  the  notice 
of  Eusebius  ( Onom.  Bethsarisa)  that  tliat  place  was 
fifteen  miles  from  Diospolia  (Lydda)  towani  the  N. 
In  that  very  position  stand  now  the  ruins  of  Jiljulch, 


338 


om 


GLA 


i.  e.  Gilgal.— 3.  The  "  king  of  the  nations  of  Gil- 
gal,"  or  ratlier  perhaps  the  "  king  of  Goim  (Heb. 
nations,  Gentiles)  at  Gilgal,"  is  mentioned  in  tlie 
catalogue  of  the  chiefs  overthrown  by  Joshua  (Josli. 
xii.  23).  The  name  occurs  next  to  Dor  (22)  in  an 
enumeration  apparently  proceeding  S.,  and  there- 
fore the  position  of  the  Jiljulch  just  named  is  not 
wholly  inappropriate.  A  village  of  JiljUia  has  also 
been  discovered  nearer  the  centre  of  the  country, 
to  the  left  of  the  main  N.  road,  four  miles  from 
Shiloh  (Seilun),  and  six  miles  N.  from  Bethel  {Bel- 
tin).  It  may  be  the  Beth-Gilgal  of  Neh.  xii.  29 
(A.  V.  "house  of  Gilgal");  while  the  Jlljuleh  N. 
of  Lydd  may  be  that  of  Josh.  xii.  23. — I.  A  Gilgal 
is  spoken  of  in  Josh.  xv.  7,  in  describing  the  N. 
border  of  Judah  ;  probably  =  No.  1.    (Geliloth.) 

(ii'loli  (Heb.  exile,  Ges.),  a  town  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Judah,  named  with  Debir  and  Eshtemoh 
(Josh.  XV.  61) ;  it  was  the  native  place  of  Ahithophcl 
(2  8am.  xv.  12).  The  site  has  not  yet  been  met 
with. 

ti'lon-ite  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  native  of  Giloh  (2 
Sam.  XV.  12,  xxiii.  34). 

*  Gi'niel(IIeb.  gimd  —  camel,  Ges.),  the  third  let- 
ter of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  (Ps.  cxix.).     Writing. 

Gim'zi)  (lleh.  place  fertile  in  si/camores,  Ges.),  a 
town  which,  with  its  dependent  villages,  was  taken 
possession  of  by  the  Philistines  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz 
(2  Chr.  xxviii.  18).  The  name  (Jimzii)  still  remains 
attached  to  a  large  village  between  two  and  three 
miles  S.  W.  of  Lydda,  S.  of  the  road  between  Jeru- 
salem and  Jaffii. 

Gin  f  jhi]  =  a  trap  for  birds  or  beasts :  it  consisted 
of  a  net  (Is.  viii.  14),  and  a  stick  to  act  as  a  spring 
(Ain.iii.  6).     Hitnting. 

Gi'nath  \ei  as  in  qel]  (Heb.  protection,  Fii.),  father 
of  Tibiii  (1  K.  xvi.  21,  22). 

Gin'nc-tho  (fr.  Heb.  =  Gi.nnethon,  Ges.),  a  chief  of 
the  priests  who  returned  to  Judca  with  Zcrubbabel 
(Xeh.  xii.  4) ;  doubtless  the  same  as 

Gin'uc-thon  (Heb.  =  gardener,  Ges.),  a  priest  who 
sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  6). 

Girdle  (Heb.  hOgor  or  cliagor,  lu'igorah  or  ehugo- 
rali,  izor,  mezah  or  mezacli,  tnlzinh  or  meziach,  abnet; 
Gr.  zone),  an  essential  article  of  dkess  in  the  East, 
and  worn  both  by  men  and  women.  -Tlie  common 
girdle  was  made  of  leather  (2  K.  i.  8 ;  Mat.  iii.  4), 
like  that  worn  by  the  Bedouins  of  the  present  day. 
A  finer  girdle  was  made  of  linen  (Jer.  xiii.  1  ;  Ez. 
xvi.  10),  embroidered  with  silk,  and  sometimes  with 
gold  and  silver  thread  (Dan.  x.  5;  Rev.  i.  13,  xv. 
6),  and  frequently  studded  with  gold  and  precious 
stones  or  pearls.  The  manufacture  of  these  girdles 
formed  part  of  the  employment  of  women  (Prov. 
xxxi.  24).  The  girdle  was  fastened  by  a  clasp  of 
gold  or  silver,  or  tied  in  a  knot,  so  that  the  ends 
hung  down  in  front,  as  in  the  figures  on  the  ruins 
of  Persepolis.  It  was  worn  by  men  about  the  loins 
(Is.  V.  27,  xi.  5).  The  girdle  of  women  was  gener- 
ally looser  than  that  of  the  men,  and  was  worn 
about  the  hips,  except  when  they  were  actively  en- 
gaged (Prov.  xxxi.  17).  The  military  girdle  was 
worn  about  the  waist ;  the  sword  or  dagger  was  sus- 
pended from  it  (Judg.  iii.  16 ;  2  Sam.  xx.  8  ;  Ps.  xlv. 
8).  Hence  "  girding  up  the  loins  "  denotes  prepa- 
ration for  battle  or  for  active  exertion.  In  times 
of  mourning,  girdles  of  sackcloth  were  worn  as 
marks  of  humiliation  and  sorrow  (Is.  iii.  24,  xxii. 
12).  lu  cousequeucc  of  the  costly  materials  of 
which  girdles  were  made,  they  were  frequently 
given  as  presents  (1  Sam.  xviii.  4  ;  2  Sam.  xviii.  11). 
They  were  used  as  pockets,  as  among  the  Arabs 


still,  and  as  purses  (Pitrse),  one  end  of  the  girdle 
being  folded  back  for  the  purpose  (Mat.  x.  9;  Mk. 
vi.  8).  The  girdle  (Heb.  abnet)  worn  by  the  priests 
about  the  close-fitting  tunic  (Ex.  xxviii.  39,  xxxix. 
29)  is  described  by  Josephus  as  made  of  linen  so 
fine  of  texture  as  to  look  like  the  slough  of  a 
snake,  and  embroidered  with  flowers  of  scarlet, 
purple,  blue,  and  fine  linen.  (Embiioiderer.)  It 
was  about  four  fingers  broad,  and  was  wrapped  sev- 
eral times  round  the  priest's  body,  the  ends  hang- 
ing down  to  the  feet.  The  "  curious  girdle  "  (Heb. 
hislub  or  chesheb,  Ex.  xxviii.  8)  was  made  of  the 
same  materials  and  colors  as  the  cphod,  i.  e.  of 
"  gold,  blue,  and  purple,  and  scarlet,  and  fine  twined 
linen."  Josephus  describes  it  as  sewn  to  the  breast- 
plate. After  passing  once  round,  it  was  tied  in 
front  upon  the  seam,  the  ends  hanging  down. 
"  Girdle  "  is  used  figuratively  in  Ps.  cix.  19  ;  Is.  xi. 
5  ;  compare  1  Sam.  ii.  4  ;  Ps.  xxx.  11,  Ixv.  12  ;  Eph. 
vi.  14. 

Cir'ga-shites  (fr.  Heb.  sing.  =  dwelling  in  clayey 
or  loatiiy  soil,  Ges.),  the,  one  of  the  Canaanite  na- 
tions who  were  in  possession  of  Canaan  before  the 
entrance  thither  of  the  children  of  Israel ;  appar- 
ently (so  Mr.  Grove)  on  the  W.  of  Jordan  (Gen.  x. 
IG  [A.V.  "  Girgasite"],  xv.  21 ;  Dent.  vii.  1  ;  Josh, 
iii.  10,  xxiv.  11  ;  1  Chr.  i.  14  ;  Neh.  ix.  8). 

Clr'ga-site  (fr.  Heb.  =  Gikqashiies),  tlie  (Gen.  x. 
IC).     See  the  foregoing. 

CIs'pa  (Heb.  caress,  flaitery,  Ges. ;  attentive  listen- 
ing, Fii.),  one  of  the  overseers  of  the  Ncthinim,  in 
Ophel,  after  the  return  from  captivity  (Neh.  xi.  21). 

Glt'tah-lic'pher  (Ileb.)  =  Gath-hepher  (Josh.  xix. 
13). 

Git'ta-im  (fr.  dual  of  Heb.  gath,  =  two  tnne- 
pressis),  a  place  to  which  the  Becrothites  fled  (2  Sam. 
iv.  3).  Gittaim  is  again  mentioned  in  the  list  of 
places  inhabited  by  the  Benj.imitcs  after  the  Cap- 
tivity (Neh.  xi.  33).     Its  site  is  unknown. 

*  Cit'fite  (fr.  Ileb.  =  one  f.-om  Gath,  &c.).  Gii- 
tites. 

Git'titCS  (fr.  Ileb.  =  natives  or  inkabitanis  of 
Gath),  the  six  hundred  men  who  followed  David 
from  Gath,  under  Ittai  the  Gittite  (2  Sam.  xv.  18, 
19),  and  who  probably  acted  as  a  kind  of  body- 
guard. Obed-edom  "the  Gittite"  (vi.  10,  11)  may 
have  been  so  named  from  Gittaim  or  from  Gatii- 

RIMMON. 

Glt'titll  (Ileb.)  =  a  musical  instrument,  by  some 
supposed  to  have  been  used  by  the  people  of  Gath, 
and  thence  introduced  by  David  into  Palestine;  and 
by  others  to  have  been  employed  at  the  festivities 
of  the  vintage  (Heb.  galh  =  wine-press)  (Ps.  viii., 
Ixxxi.,  Ixxxiv.).  It  may  signify  some  joyous  air  or 
style  of  musical  performance  (J.  A.  Alexander,  o« 
Ps.  viii.). 

Ci'zon-ite  (fr.  Heb.  =  one  from  Gizoh  [perhaps 
z=  (/Harry,  Ges. ;  pass,  ford,  Fii.],  a  place  other- 
wise unknown,  Ges.),  the.  "  The  sons  of  Hashem 
the  Gizonite  "  are  named  among  the  warriors  of 
David's  guard  (1  Chr.  xi.  34).  Kennicott  concludes 
that  Gizonite  should  be  Gocxi,  a  proper  name,  not 
an  appellative. 

Glass.  The  Heb.  zecMchith,  which,  according  to 
the  best  authorities,  means  a  kind  of  glass  anciently 
held  in  high  esteem,  occurs  only  in  Job  xxviii.  17, 
where  in  A.V.  it  is  rendered  "  crystal."  It  seems 
that  Job  xxviii.  17  contains  the  only  allusion  to 
glass  found  in  the  0.  T.,  and  even  tliis  reference  is 
disputed.  In  spite  of  this  absence  of  specific  al- 
lusion to  glass  in  the  sacred  writings,  the  Hebrews 
must  have  been  aware  of  the  invention.      Fro"' 


1 


GLE 


GOA 


339 


paintings  representing  the  process  of  glass-blowing 
which  have  been  discovered  at  Beni-Hassan,  and  in 
tombs  at  other  places,  we  know  that  the  invention 
is  at  least  as  remote  as  the  age  of  Osirtasen  I.  (per- 
haps a  contemporary  of  Joseph),  3,500  years  ago. 


Egyptian  Gia«-blower*. — (Wilkinson.) 

Fragments  of  wine-vases  as  old  as  the  Exodus  have 
been  discovered  in  Egypt.  The  art  was  known  to 
the  ancient  Assyrians.  There  is  little  doubt  that 
the  honor  of  the  discovery  belongs  to  the  Egyp- 
tians. Glass  was  not  only  known  to  the  ancients, 
but  used  by  them  (as  Winckelmanu  thinks)  far 
more  extensively  than  in  modern  times.  The  Egyp- 
tians knew  the  art  of  cutting,  grinding,  and  engrav- 
ing it,  and  they  could  even  inlay  it  witli  gold  or 
enamel,  and  "  permeate  opaque  glass  with  designs 
of  various  colors."  Besides  this  they  could  color  it 
with  such  brilliancy  as  to  be  able  to  imitate  pre- 
cious stones  in  a  manner  which  often  defied  detec- 
tion. In  the  N.  T.  glass  is  alluded  to  as  an  emblem 
of  brightness  (Gr.  hualos,  adj.  hualinox ;  Rev.  iv. 
6,  IV.  2,  x.\i.  18,  21).  For  "glasses"  in  Is.  iii. 
23,  and  "glass"  in  1  Cor.  xiii.  12;  2  Cor.  iii.  18; 
Jas.  i.  2.'5,  see  Mirrok. 

Glpan'ing.  The  remarks  under  Corxer  on  the 
definite  character  of  the  rights  of  the  poor,  or 
rather  of  poor  relations  and  dependants,  to  a  share 
of  the  crop,  are  especially  exemplified  in  the  in- 
stance of  Ruth  gleaning  in  the  field  of  Boaz  (Ru. 
ii.  6,  8,  9).  The  gleaning  of  fruit-trees,  as  well  as 
of  cornfields,  was  reserved  for  the  poor. 

eieilc  (gleed]  (Heb.  rdAh\  the  old  name  for  the 
common  kite  of  the  Eastern  continent  (Milvm  irli- 
n-us,  or  vulgaris),  occurs  only  in  Deut.  xiv.  13,  among 
the  unclean  birds  of  prey. 

CInat  [nat]  (Gr.  konojui),  a,  small,  winged  insect, 
regarded  as  unclean,  and  mentioned  only  in  the 
proverbial  expression  used  by  our  Saviour  in  Mat. 
xxiii.  24 — "  strain  at  (an  error  for  '  strain  out ')  a 
gnat  and  swallow  a  camel." 

Goad.  The  equivalent  terms  in  the  Hebrew  arc 
(I.)  malinad  (Judg.iii.  31) and  {1.)dorbdu,  dorbonith 
(1  Sam.  xiii.  21 ;  Eccl.  xii.  U),  The  goad,  as  still 
used  in  S.  Europe  and  W.  Asia,  consists  of  a  rod 
about  eight  feet  long,  brought  to  a  sharp  point,  and 
sometimes  ca.sed  with  inm  at  the  head.  Its  long 
handle  might  be  a  formidable  weapon.  The  kicking 


of  unruly  oxen  against  the  sharp  points  of  the 
goads  (Gr.  pi.  kentra,  A.  V.  "  pricks  ")  is  alluded  to 
in  Acts  ix.  6,  xxvi.  14.     Aoriccltlrf.  ;  Prick. 

Goat>     Of  the  Hebrew  words  tiansiated  "  goat," 
"  he-goat,"  and  "  she-goat "    in   A.  V.,  the  most 
common  is  V>,  which::=either 
a  he-gnat  (Ex.  xii.  5 ;  Lev.  iv. 
■  23,    28,    &c.)   or    a   she-gout 

(Gen.  XXX.  35,  xxxi.  38,  xxxii. 
^_^  ]4[Heb.  15J,&c.).    The  Heb. 

t«  o\  plural     'atludiin,     translated 

i>   /  "rams"  (Gen.  xxxi.  10,  12), 

"goats"  (I's.  1.  13,  i:c.),  "hc- 
goats  "  (Num.  vii.  17  tt'. ;  Ps.  I. 
9,  &c.),  =  he-goals  ;  fo«/;/«")'(2 
Chr.  xxix.  21 ;  Dan.  viii.  5, 
&c.),  and  lai/ish  (Gen.  xx.x. 
35,  &c.)  =  "he-goat;"  sdHr 
(Lev.  iv.  24,  ix.  15,  xvi.  7  11'., 
&c.),  often  translated  "kid" 
(iv.  23,  ix.  3,  xvi. fl,  &c.),=  he- 
goat  (Devil  3;  Satyrs)  ;  gcdi 
and  foin.  gidii/dh  are  uniform- 
ly translated  "  kid  "  (Gen. 
xxvii.  y,  10  ;  Cant.  i.  8,  &e.); 
the  plural  yi^Him  =  "wild 
goats,"  or  mountain  goats  (1 
Sam.  xxiv.  2  ;  Job  xxxix.  1, 
and  Ps.  civ.  18) ;  akko  (Deut. 
xiv.  5),  translated  "  wild 
•  goat "  in  A.  V.  after  the  Tai-- 
gum,  Arabic,  and  Syriac,  =  the  tragelaplms  or  goal- 
deer  (so  Mr.  Drake  after  Shaw ;  but  Gesenius  and 
Fiirst  translate  roebuck  or  roe,  others  prefer  chamois, 
and  others  gazelle).  On  scape-t/oat  {lleb.  \'czdzcl),  see 
Atonement,  Day  op.  In  the  N.  T.  the  Gr.  eriphion 
(=  young  kid,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  is  translated  "  goat " 
in  Mat.  xxv.  33 ;  eriphos  (3=  kid, young goat)\s  trans- 


Lcng-eAred  SyrUo  Goat  (Capra  Mamhriea,  Linn.). 


lated  "  goat "  in  verse  32,  and  "  kid  "  in  Lk.  xv.  29 ; 
tragos  (=  lie-goat)  is  translated  "goat"  in  IIcl).  ix. 
12,  13,  19,  X.  4.  There  appear  to  be  two  or  three 
varieties  of  the  common  goat  (f/ircus  agagn's)  at 
present  bred  in  Palestine  and  Syria,  but  whether 
they  are  identical  with  those  which  were  reared  by 
the  ancient  Hebrews  it  is  not  possible  to  say.     The 


340 


GOA 


GOL 


most  marked  varieties  are  the  Pyrian  goat  (Co/ira 
Mambrica,  Linn.),  and  the  Angora gcat  {Cajn-aAn- 
gorenisu,  Linn.),  with  fine  long  hair.  Ihere  is  also 
a  variety  that  differs  but  little  ircm  Britiish  speci- 
mens. Goats  have  from  the  earliest  ages  been  con- 
sidered important  animals  in  rural  economy  both 
ibr  their  milk  and  the  excellent  flesh  of  the  young 


Coat  of  Mount  Sinai  (Ca^a  Sinaitica^  £h»nberg)L 

animals.  Goats  were  offered  as  sacrifices  (Lev.  iii. 
12,  &c. ;  Sacrifick)  ;  their  mii.k  was  used  as  food 
(Prov.  xxvii.  27);  their  flesh  was  eaten  (Gen.  xxvii. 
9;  Deut.  xiv.  4);  their  hair  was  used  for  the  cur- 
tains of  the  tabernacle  (Ex.  xxvi.  1 ;  xxxvi.  14),  and 
for  stufTnig  bolsters  (1  Sara.  xix.  13;  Bkd;  Sack- 
cloth); their  skin.s  were  for  bottles,  and  some- 
times as  clothing  (Ileb.  xi,  S"/).  (Bottle;  Dress.) 
The  ye'elim  ("wild  goats,"  A.  V.)  not  improbably 
=  some  species  of  ibar,  perhaps  the  goat  of  Mount 
Sinai  ( Capra  Sinaitica),  the  Beden  or  Jaela  of  Kgypt 
and  Arabia. 

Goat,  Sfapc.    Atonement,  Day  of. 

Co'ath(fr.  Ilcb.  =  loving,  Gcs.),  a  place  apparently 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Jerusalem,  and  named,  in 
connection  with  the  Iiill  Gakeb,  only  in  Jer.  xxxi. 
39. 

Cob  (Ilcb.  pit,  cistern,  Ges.),  a  place  mentioned 
only  in  2  Sam.  xxi.  18,  19,  as  the  scene  of  two  en- 
counters between  David's  warriors  and  the  Philis- 
tines. In  1  Chr.  XX.  4,  the  name  is  given  as  Gezer. 
On  the  other  hand  the  LXX.  and  Syriac  have  Gatii 
in  the  first  case,  a  name  which  in  Hebrew  somewhat 
resembles  Gob. 

Gob'let  (Ileb.  aggdn),  a  circular  vessel  for  wine  or 
other  liquid  (Cant.  vii.  2).     Basin  ;  Cip. 

*God,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Ileb.  el,  plural 
elim  {■=  sirrmci,  miff/ifi/,  Gcs.),  applied  to  "mighty" 
ones  (Ps.  xxix.  1,  &c.),  false  gods  (Ex.  xv.  l"l  ? 
xxxiv.  14,  &c.),  and  idols  (Is.  xliv.  10  ff.,  &c.),  as  well 
as  the  true  God  (Gen.  xiv.  18  ff.,  xvi.  13,  xvii.  1, 
&c.). — 2«  Heb.  tlonh,  plural  llolnm.  The  singular 
form  occurs  only  in  poetry  (especially  Job),  and  in 
the  later  Hebrew  (Neh.,  Dan.,  &e.),  applied  to  anv 
god  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  15;  Dan.  xi.  37  ft:  ;  Hab.  i.  11, 
&c.),  as  well  as  to  the  living  God  (Dent,  xxxii.  15 ; 
Nch.  ix.  17;  Job  iii.  4;  Ps.  1.  22;  Hab.  iii.  3,  &c.). 
The  plural  is  used  of  deities  or  gods  in  general,  and 
translated  "gods"  (Gen.  xxxi.  £0,  82,  xxxv.  2,  4  ; 
Ex.  xii.  12;  Ps.  Ixxxvi.  8,  &c.),  but  principally,  as  a 
plural  of  excellency  or  majesty,  of  the  true  God 


throughout  the  0.  T.  (Gen.  i.  1  £f.,  &c.,  &c.).  The 
use  in  the  Pentateich  sometimes  of  i'/o/mr,,  sonie- 
times  of  Jehovah,  to  designate  the  true  God,  luis 
given  rise  to  the  document  theories  respecting  tlic 
origin  of  the  books  of  Moses.  In  Ps.  viii.  c  the 
Heb.  ilohim  is  translated  "angels"  in  the  A.  V. 
Targum,  Syriac,  LXX.,  Vulgate,  &c. ;  but  here  Ge- 
Benius,  Eiirst,  Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander  in  Kitto,  &c., 
would  translate  God ;  and  Dr.  J.  A.  Alexander  (on 
Ps.)  translates  divinity,  as  vaguely  and  abstractly  re- 
ferring to  all  conditions  of  existence  higher  tliaii  our 
own. — 3.  Ileb.  Yihoiih  (=  Jehovah;  Lorii),  wlitn 
another  Hebrew  word  translated  "Lord"  piceedes 
it.  In  this  case  "  Gou  "  is  printed  in  cajiilals  in  the 
A.  v.— 4.  Gr.  theos.  This,  like  No.  1  and  2,  for 
which  the  LXX.  use  it,  is  applied  to  any  god  (j\els 
vii.  43,  xii.  22,  &c.)  or  idol  (vii.  40),"  as  well  as 
throughout  the  N.  T.  to  the  true  God  (Mat.  i.  tS, 
iii.  9,  16,  &e.);  also  to  Satan  "the  god  of  this 
world"  (2  Cor.  iv.  4).— 5.  Gr.  hirios  once  (Ads 
xix.  20).  This  is  usually  tianslated  "Lord"  (Mat. 
i.  20  fi;  ke.),  and  in  the  LXX.  =  Jehovah.  It  is 
also  applied  to  a  human  "lord  "(Mat.  x.  24,  £5, 
&c.),  or  "  master  "  (vi.  24,  &e.),  and  is  sometimes 
translated  "  sir  "  (xiii.  27,  &c.).— 6.  Gr.  daimonimi 
(=  Demon)  in  plural  once  (Acts  xvii.  18). — The 
existence  of  God  is  assumed  in  the  Scriptures 
as  abundantly  evident  (Ps.  xiv.  1,  xix.  1 ;  Kom. 
i.  20,  21,  &c.).  The  Bible,  the  volume  of  His 
revealed  truth  (Inspiration),  sets  forth  His  infuiie 
attributes  and  perfect  excellence  (Ex.  xxxiv.  6,  7), 
His  works  of  creation  and  providence,  His  govern- 
ment and  requirements,  the  provisions  of  His  grace, 
and  the  retributions  of  eternity  (Gen.  xvii.  1 ;  Ex. 
XX.  S-17;  Ps.  cxxxix.,  cxlv. ;  Mat.  xix.  18,  19,  xsv. 
31-46;  Mk.  xii.  29-31;  Jn.  iii.  16,  17;  Lcm.  ii.  6- 
11,  iii.  20-31,  vi.  23,  xii.  1,  2,  xiii.  9,  10;  2  Cor.  v. 
10;  1  Tim.  i.  17,  &c.  (Almighty;  Aionlwent; 
Death;  Earth;  Eternal;  Foot;  Hand;  Heaves; 
Hell;  Idol;  Idolatry;  Jesus  Christ;  Liie,  &c. 

Ccg  (Heb.  riiovntain,  i.  e.  Caucasus,  Pii.).  !•  A 
Rcubcnite  (1  Chr.  v.  4),  son  of  Shemaiah.— i. 
See  Maoog. 

Co'li.n  (Heb.  (xik,  Gcs.),  a  city  of  Baehan  (Dcut. 
iv.  43)  allotted  out  of  the  half-tribe  of  Manasshi  to 
the  Levitcs  (Joth.  xxi.  27),  and  one  of  the  three 
cities  of  lefuge  E.  of  the  Jordan  (xx.  8).  Its  very 
site  is  now  unknown.  The  city  of  Golan  is  seveii.1 
times  refericd  to  by  Jcet],lius;  he,  however,  mere 
frequently  speaks  of  the  province  which  tock  ii- 
iiame  frtm  it,  Gaulaiiilis.  It  seems  that  wWu 
Golan  rose  to  power  it  bccrme  the  head  of  a  larjje 
province,  the  extent  of  vhich  is  pretty  accurately 
given  by  Jcscphus.  It  lay  E.  of  Galilee,  and  N.  of 
Gadaritis.  (Gauafa.)  The  river  Hiercmax  may  be 
regarded  as  the  S.  bcrdt  r  of  Gaulanitis.  The  Jor- 
dan, from  the  Sta  of  Galilee  to  its  fountains  at  I  en 
and  Cesarca-Philippi,  foimcd  the  western  boundary. 
It  is  important  to  obscive  that  the  boundaries  of 
the  modern  province  c{  Javh'n  (whiih  is  lhej\iabic 
form  of  the  Hebrew  Golan)  correspond  so  far  with 
those  of  Gaulanitis;  we  nay,  therefore,  safely  as- 
sume that  their  northern  and  eastern  boundaries 
are  also  identical.  Jovlon  is  bounded  on  the  X.  1  y 
Jfdur  (the  ancient  Jinraa),  and  en  the  E.  by 
Hauran.  The  greater  part  of  Gaulanitis  is  a  (hit 
and  fertile  table-land,  well  watered,  and  clothed 
with  luxuriant  grass.  (Plain  4.)  1  he  western  .'ide 
of  Gaulanitis,  along  the  Sea  of  Calike,  is  stup, 
rugged,  and  bare,  upward  of  2,500  feet  in  height. 
Gaulanitis  was  once  densely  populated,  but  is  ucW' 
almost  completely  deserted. 


J 


OOL 


GOS 


341 


Gold  (Heb.  usually  sA/idh  ;  Gi'.  rhruiion,  ehnisos), 
the  most  valuable  oi'  metals,  from  its  color,  lustre, 
weiijlit,  ductility,  and  other  useful  properties. 
Hence  it  is  used  as  an  emblem  of  purity  (Job  xxiii. 
10)  and  uobilitv  (Lara.  iv.  1).  Gold  was  known  from 
the  very  earliest  times  (Gen.  ii.  11).  It  was  at  first 
chiefly  used  for  ornaments,  &c.  (Gen.  xxiv.  22). 
Coined  mo.nkt  was  not  known  to  the  ancients  till  a 
comparatively  late  period ;  and  on  the  Egyptian 
tombs  gold  is  lepresented  as  being  weighed  in  rings 
for  commercial  purposes  (compare  Gen.  xliii.  21). 
Gold  was  extremely  abundant  in  ancient  times  (1 
Chr.  xxii.  14;  2  C'hr.  i.  15,  ix.  9;  N'ah.  ii.  St;  Dan. 
iii.  1) ;  but  this  did  not  depreciate  its  value,  because 
of  the  enormous  (juantities  consumed  by  the  wealthy 
in  furniture,  &c.  (1  K.  vi.  22,  x. ;  Cant.  iii.  9,  10; 
Esth.  i.  6 ;  Jer.  x.  9).  The  chief  countries  mentioned 
as  producing  gold  are  Arabia,  Sheba,  and  Opiiir 
(1  K.  ix.  2S,  X.  1;  Job  xxviii.  16).  Other  gold- 
bearing  countries  were  Upliuz  (Jer.  x.  9 :  Dan.  x.  5) 
and  Parvaim  (2  Chr.  iii.  0).  Metallurgic  processes 
are  mentioned  in  I's.  Ixvi.  10;  Frov.  xvii.  3,  xxvii. 
21 ;  and  in  Is.  xlvi.  6,  the  trade  of  goldsmith  (com- 
pare Judg.  xvii.  4)  is  alluded  to  in  connection  with 
the  overlaying  of  idols  with  gold-leaf  Altar,  B, 
II.;  Calf;  Dress;  E.mhroidkrer;  HANUicKAra ; 
Uetals;  Mines;  OR.s'AsrE.vTS,  Personal. 

*  Golden  B»wi  (Eccl.  xii.  6).     Medici.ne. 

* Goid'smit!!  (Neh.  iii.  8,  &;c.).  Gold;  Handi- 
craft. 

GslgO-tlia  (Gr.  form  of  the  Heb.  or  rather  Chal. 
gitljalla  =  xhill),  the  name  of  the  spot  at  which  our 
Lord  was  crucified  (.Mat.  xxvii.  'Ai;  Mk.  xv.  22;  Jn. 
lix.  17).  By  these  three  evangelists  it  is  interpreted 
to  mean  the  "  place  of  a  skull."  St.  Luke's  words 
arc  really  as  follows — "  the  place  which  is  called  '  a 
skull '  " — not,  as  in  the  other  gospels,  "  of  a  skull," 
thus  employing  the  (Jreek  terjn  exactly  as  they  do 
the  Hebrew  one.  Two  explanations  of  the  name 
are  given:  (1.)  that  it  was  a  spot  where  executions 
ordinarily  took  place,  and  therefore  abounded  in 
gkull.-i.  Or  (2.)  it  may  come  from  the  look  or  form 
of  the  spot  it-<elf,  balJ,  round,  and  skull-like,  and 
therefore  a  mound  or  hillock,  in  accordance  with 
the  common  phrase — for  which  there  is  no  direct 
authority — "  Mount  Calvary."  Whichever  of  these 
is  the  correct  explanation,  Golgotha  seems  to  have 
been  a  known  spot.     Jerusalem. 

Gs-li'ath  (fr.  Hob.  =  exile,  an  exile,  Ges.),  a  famous 
giant  of  Gath,  who  "  morning  and  evening  for  forty 
days  "  defied  the  armies  of  Israel,  and  was  slain  by 
David  (1  Sam.  xvii.).  He  was  possibly  descended 
from  the  old  Repiiaim,  of  whom  a  scattered  remnant 
took  refuge  with  the  Philistines  after  their  disper- 
sion by  the  Aniiuonites  (Deut.  ii.  20,  21 ;  2  Sam.  xxi. 
22).  His  height  was  "six  cubits  and  a  span," 
which,  taking  the  cubit  at  twenty-one  inches,  would 
make  him  ten  and  a  half  feet  high.  But  the  LXX. 
and  Josephns  read  "four  cubits  and  a  span." 
(Giants.)  The  scene  of  his  combat  with  David  was 
the  Valley  of  the  Terebinth.  (Elaii,  Valley  of.) 
For  an  explanation  of  2  Sam.  xxi.  19,  scbElhanan  1. 

Go'mrr  (lleb.  com/ilelioii,  or  perhaps  heal,  Fii.). 
Ii  The  eldest  son  of  Japiietii,  and  the  father  of 
AsnKENAZ,  FiipiiATii,  and  Tooarmaii  (Gen.  x.  2,  S). 
His  name  is  gubsequently  noticed  but  once  (Ez. 
xxxviii.  (1)  as  an  ally  or  subject  of  the  Scythian  king 
Gog.  He  is  generally  recognized  as  the  progenitor 
of  the  early  Cimmerians,  of  the  later  Cimbri  and  the 
other  branches  of  the  Oltic  family,  and  of  the  mod- 
em Gael  and  Cymry,  the  latter  preserving  with  very 
■light  deviation  the  original  Dame.    (Tomodes,  Con- 


FrsiON  OF.) — 2.  The  daughter  of  Diblaim,  and  con- 
cubine of  Hosca  (IIos.  i.  3). 

Go-inor'rall  (Ileb.  'a/nord/t,  prob.  =  gwbmension), 
one  of  the  five  "cities  of  the  plain"  (Plain  5)  or 
"vale  of  SinDiM,"  that  under  their  respective  kings 
joined  battle  there  with  Chedorlaomer  (Gen.  xiv.  2- 
8)  and  his  allies,  by  whom  they  were  discomfited  till 
Abraham  came  to  the  rescue.  Pour  out  of  the  five 
were  after\vard  destroyed  by  the  Lord  with  fire  from 
heaven  (xix.  23-2'j).  Of  these  Gomorrah  seems  to 
have  been  only  second  to  Sopom  in  importance,  as 
well  as  in  the  wickedness  that  led  to  their  over- 
throw (x.  10,  xiii.  10;  Deut.  xxxii.  32,  kc).  What 
that  atrocity  was  may  be  gathered  from  Gen.  xix. 
4-8.     Arabaii  ;  Sea,  the  Salt. 

Go-uior'rlia  (Gr.  ir.  lleb.),  in  the  A.  V.  of  the 
Apoc.  and  X.  T.,  =  Gomorrah. 

Gopher  (lleb.  literally  =  jiilch,  Ges. ;  a  hard, 
slrnny  tree,  Fii.)  wood,  the  wood  of  which  Noah's 
ark  was  made  (Gen.  vi.  14  only).  The  Hebrew  word 
docs  not  occur  in  the  cognate  dialects.  Two  prin- 
cipal conjectures  have  been  proposed: — 1.  That 
"trees  of  Gopher"  =  any  trees  of  the  resinous 
kind,  such  as  pine,  fir,  &c.  (Isaac  Vossius).  2.  That 
Gopher  is  cypress  (Puller,  Bochart,  Celsius,  Gese- 
nius). 

Gor'gl-as  [gor'je-as]  (Gr.),  a  general  in  the  service 
of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (1  Mc.  iii.  38),  who  was  ap- 
.pointcd  by  his  regent  Lysias  to  a  command  in  the 
expedition  against  Judea  (b.  c.  16(5),  in  which  he 
was  defeated  by  Judas  Maccabeus  with  great  loss 
(iv.  1  ff.).  At  a  later  time  (b.  c.  1G4)  he  held  a  gar- 
rison in  Jaranin,  and  defeated  the  forces  of  Joseph 
and  Azarias,  who  attacked  him  contrary  to  the  or- 
ders of  Judas  (v.  56  If. ;  2  Mc.  xii.  32).  The  account 
of  (iorgias  in  2  Mc.  viii.  9,  x.  14,  xii.  32  if.,  is  very 
obscure. 

Gor-ly'na  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  a  city  of  Crete,  and  in 
ancient  times  its  most  important  city,  next  to 
Cnossus.  It  appears  to  have  contained  Jewi.^h  resi- 
dents (1  Mc.  XV.  23).  It  was  nearly  half  way  be- 
tween the  eastern  and  western  extremities  of  the 
island,  and  seems  to  have  been  the  capital  under 
the  Komans. 

Go'slicn  (Heb.,  perhaps  fr.  Egyptian  =  boimdari/ 
of  Unrnhn,  Pii.),  the  name  of  a  part  of  Egypt 
where  the  Israelites  dwelt  during  their  sojourn  in 
that  country;  usually  called  the  "land  of  Goshen," 
but  also  "  Goshen  "  simply.  It  apj)ears  to  have  borne 
another  name,  "the  land  of  Ramescs"  (Gen.  xlvii. 
11),  unless  this  be  the  name  of  a  district  of  Goshen. 
It  was  between  the  residence  of  Joseph's  Pharaoh 
and  the  frontier  of  Palestine,  and  apparently  the  ex- 
treme province  toward  that  frontier  (xlv.  10,  xlvi.  29). 
Gen.  xlvi.  33,  34,  shows  tliat  Goshen  Was  scarcely  re- 
garded as  a  part  of  Egypt  Proper,  and  was  not  peo- 
pled by  Egyptians — characteristics  that  would  posi- 
tively indicate  a  frontier  province.  The  next  men- 
tion of  Goshen  confirms  the  previous  inference  that 
its  position  was  between  Canaan  and  the  Delta 
(xlvii.  1,  5,  6,  11).  Goshen  was  a  pastoral  country 
where  some  of  I'haraoh's  cattle  were  kept.  The 
clearest  indications  of  the  exa<'t  position  of  Goshen 
are  those  afror(le<l  by  the  narrative  of  the  Exodus. 
(ExoDis,  THE  )  The  Israelites  set  out  from  the  town 
of  Rameses  in  Goshen,  made  two  days'  journey  to 
"  the  edge  of  the  wilderness,"  and  in  one  <lay  more 
reached  the  RehSea.  Atthestarting-pointtworoutes 
lay  before  them,  "the  way  of  the  land  of  the  Philis- 
tines .  .  .  that  [was]  near,"  and  "  the  way  of  the 
wilderness  of  the  Rod  Sea  "  (Ex.  xiii.  1 7,  IN).  From 
these  indications  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole  iufers  that  the  laud 


342 


GOS 


QOS 


of  Goshen  was  in  part  near  the  eastern  side  of  the 
ancient  Delta,  Rameses  lying  within  the  valley  now 
called  the  Wudi-t-7'ume),ldi,  about  thirty  miles  in  a 
direct  course  from  the  ancient  western  shore  of 
the  Arabian  Gulf.  The  results  of  his  examination  of 
Biblical  evidence  are  that  the  land  of  Goshen  lay 
between  the  eastern  part  of  the  ancient  Delta  and 
the  western  border  of  Palestine,  that  it  was  scarcely 
a«  part  of  Egypt  Proper,  was  inhabited  by  other  for- 
eigners besides  the  Israelites,  and  was  in  its  geo- 
graphical names  rather  Shemitic  than  Egjptian  ;  that 
it  was  a  pasture  land,  especially  suited  to  a  shepherd- 
people,  and  sufficient  for  the  Israelites,  who  there 
prospered,  and  were  separate  from  the  main  body  of 
the  Egyptians ;  and  lastly,  that  one  of  its  towns  lay 
near  the  western  extremity  of  the  Wiidi-t-Tiimey- 
lut.  These  indications  seem  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole) 
decisively  to  indicate  the  Wudi-t-T\imeylCt,  the  val- 
ley along  which  anciently  flowed  the  canal  of  the 
Red  Sea.  Mr.  Poole  regards  this  tract,  the  whole 
cultivable  part  of  which  is  probably  under  sixty 
geographical  square  miles,  as  sufficient  for  the  sus- 
tenance of  the  Israelites,  and  argues  that  the  ex- 
traordinary fertility  of  Egypt  anciently  supported  an 
immense  population  as  compared  with  its  very  small 
superficial  extent,  that  probably  the  Israelites,  like 
the  Arabs,  led  their  flocks  into  fertile  tracts  of  the 
deserts  around,  that  for  the  greater  part  of  the 
sojourn  their  ntlmbcr  must  have  been  far  lower  than 
at  the  Exodus,  and  that  before  the  Exodus  they 
were  partly  spread  about  the  oppressor's  territory. 
Robinson  (i.  52)  supports  the  usual  view  of  scholars 
at  the  present  day,  that  the  land  of  Goshen  was  the 
part  of  Egypt  nearest  to  Palestine,  and  lay  along  the 
Pelusiac  arm  of  the  Nile,  on  the  E.  of  the  Delta,  in 
the  modem  province  enh-i^lmrkhjth,  which  includes 
the  above-mentioned  valley  of  the  ancient  canal ; 
but  that  Goshen  probably  extended  further  W.  and 
more  into  the  Delta  than  has  usually  been  supposed. 
— i.  The  "  land  "  or  the  "  country  of  Goshen  "  is 
twice  named  as  a  district  in  southern  Palestine 
(Josh.  X.  41,  xi.  16),  apparently  between  the  south 
country  and  the  lowlands  of  Juhaii.— 3.  A  town 
mentioned  with  Dcbir,  Socoh,  &c.,  as  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Judah  (Josh.  XV.  51);  not  identified. 

Gos'pel$>  Gospel  ( fr.  Anglo-Saxon  rjod  and  sjull  ■= 
good  message  or  news)  is  the  A.V.  translation  in  the 
N.  T.  of  the  Gr.  euanggclion  (  =  good  news,  glad  ti- 
dings; comjiare  Evangklist),  denoting  especially  the 
message  of  divine  mercy  in  respect  to  Jescs  Christ 
and  the  salvation  of  sinnqfs  (  Acts  xx.  24,  &c.) ; 
hence,  the  scheme  of  grace  and  truth  made  known 
in  this  message,  i.  e.  Christian  doctrine  in  general, 
embracing  the  truths  and  duties,  taught  by  Jesus 
Christ  and  His  apostles  (Eom.  ii.  10,  &c.),  or  the 
making  known  of  this  message  and  whatever  is  in- 
volved m  this  (Rom.  i.  1,  9,  16,  &c.).  The  name 
Gospel,  or  the  Gospeh,  is  also  applied  in  common 
language  to  the  four  inspired  histories  of  the  life 
and  teaching  of-  Christ  (Matthew,  Mark,  Luke,  John) 
contained  in  the  N.  T.,  of  which  separate  accounts 
will  be  given  in  their  place.  They  were  all  com- 
posed during  the  latter  half  of  the  first  century: 
Matthew  and  Mark  some  years  before  the  destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem ;  Luke  probably  about  A.  n.  G4  ; 
and  John  toward  the  close  of  the  century.  Before 
the  end  of  the  second  century,  there  is  abundant 
evidence  that  the  four  Gospels,  as  one  collection, 
were  generally  used  and  accepted.  For  this  we 
have  the  testimony  of  Irena?us,  TertuUian,  Origen, 
Theophilus,  and  Tatian.  The  Muratorian  fragment 
describes  the  Gospels  of  Luke  and  John  ;  but  time 


and  carelessness  seem  to  hpve  destroyed  the  sen- 
tences relating  to  Matthew  and  Mark.  Another 
source  of  evidence  is  open  to  us  in  the  citations  from 
the  Gospels  found  in  the  eailiest  writers.  Barna- 
bas, Clemens  Romanus,  and  I'olyearp,  quote  pas- 
sages from  them,  but  not  with  verbal  exactness. 
The  testimony  of  Justin  Martyr  (born  about  a.  d. 
99,  martyred  a.  d.  165)  is  much  fuller;  many 
of  his  quotations  are  found  verbatim  in  Matthew, 
Luke,  and  John,  and  possibly  Mark  also,  whose 
words  it  is  more  difficult  to  separate.  Besides 
these,  Matthew  appears  to  be  quoted  by  the  au- 
thor of  the  Epistle  to  Diognetus,  by  Hegesi])pus, 
Iren»us,  Tatian,  Athcnagoras,  and  Tlicoiihilus. 
Eusebius  records  that  PantKuus  found  in  India 
(the  S.  of  Arabia  ?)  Christians  who  used  the  Gos- 
pel of  Matthew.  All  this  shows  that  long  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  second  century  the  Gospel  of 
Matthew  was  in  gencriil  use.  From  the  fact  that 
Mark's  Gospel  has  few  places  peculiar  to  it,  it  is 
more  difficult  to  identify  citations  not  expressly  as- 
signed to  him  ;  but  Justin  Martyr  and  Allienagoras 
appear  to  quote  his  Gospel,  and  Irenicus  dots  so 
by  name.  Luke  is  quoted  by  Justin,  Irei  ans,  Ta- 
tian, Athenagoras,  and  Theoiihilus  ;  ar.d  John  by 
all  of  these,  with  the  addition  of  Ignatius,  the  Epis- 
tle to  Diognetus,  and  Polycrates.  From  these  we 
may  conclude  that  before  the  end  of  the  second 
century  the  Gospel  collection  was  well  known  and 
in  general  use.  There  is  yet  another  line  of  evi- 
dence. The  heretical  sects,  as  well  as  the  Fathers 
of  the  Church,  knew  the  Gospels  ;  and  as  there  was 
the  greatest  hostility  between  them,  if  the  Gospels 
had  become  known  in  the  Church  offer  the  dissen- 
sion arose,  the  heretics  would  never  have  accepted 
them  as  genuine  from  such  a  quarter.  But  the 
Gnostics  and  Marcionitcs  arose  early  in  the  second 
century;  and  therefore  it  is  probable  that  the  Gos- 
pels were  then  accepted,  and  thus  they  are  traced 
back  almost  to  the  times  of  the  apostles.  As  a 
matter  of  literary  history,  nothing  can  be  better  es- 
tablished than  the  genuineness" of  the  Gofpels.  On 
comparing  these  four  books  one  with  another,  a  pe- 
culiar dilHculty  claims  attention,  which  has  had 
much  to  do  with  the  controversy  as  to  their  genu- 
ineness. In  the  fourth  Gospel  the  narrative  coin- 
cides with  that  of  the  other  three  in  a  few  passages 
only.  Putting  aside  the  account  of  the  I'assion, 
there  are  only  three  facts  which  John  relates  in 
common  with  the  other  Evangelists.  Two  of  these 
are,  the  feeding  of  the  five  thousand,  and  the  storm 
on  the  Sea  of  Galilee  (eh.  vi.).  The  third  is  the 
anointing  of  His  feet  by  JIary.  Whilst  the  others 
present  the  life  of  Jesus  in  Galilee,  John  follows 
him  into  Judea ;  nor  should  we  know,  but  for  him, 
that  our  Lord  had  jcurneyt^l  to  Jerusalem  at  the 
prescribed  feasts.  The  received  explanation  is  the 
only  satisfactory  one,  namely,  that  John,  writing 
last,  at  the  close  of  the  first  century,  had  seen  the 
other  Gospels,  and  purposely  abstained  from  writirg 
anew  what  they  had  snflicicntly  recorded.  In  the 
other  three  Gcspels  there  is  a  great  amount  of 
agreement.  If  we  suppose  the  history  that  they 
contain  to  be  divided  into  sections,  in  42  of  these 
all  the  three  narratives  coincide,  12  more  are  given 
by  Matthew  and  Mark  only,  5  by  Mark  and  Luke 
only,  and  14  by  Matthew  and  Luke.  To  these  must 
be  added  5  peculiar  to  Matthew,  2  to  Mark,  and  9 
to  Luke ;  and  the  enumeration  is  coinplctc.  But 
this  applies  only  to  general  coincidence  as  to  the 
facts  narrated :  the  amount  of  verbal  coincidence, 
i.  c.  the  passages  either  verbally  the  same,  or  coin- 


GOS 


GOS 


343 


oiding  in  the  use  of  many  of  the  same  words,  is 
much  smaller.  Without  going  niniutely  into  the 
examination  of  examples,  which  would  be  desirable 
if  space  permitted,  the  leading  facts  connected  with 
the  subject  may  be  thus  summed  up  : — The  verbal 
and  material  agreement  of  the  three  first  Evangelists 
is  such  as  does  not  occur  in  any  other  authors  who 
have  written  independently  of  one  another.  The 
verbal  agreement  is  greater  where  the  spoken  words 
of  others  are  cited  than  where  facts  are  recorded  ; 
and  greatest  in  quotations  of  the  words  of  our  Lord. 
But  iu  some  leading  events,  as  in  the  call  of  the 
four  fir.-<t  disciples,  that  of  Matthew,  and  the  Trans- 
figuration, the  agreement  even  in  e.\pression  is  re- 
markaljle :  there  are  also  narratives  where  there  is 
no  verbal  harmony  in  the  outset,  but  only  in  the 
crisi.-'  or  emphatic  part  of  the  story  (Mat.  viii.  3 
=  Mk.  i.  41  =  Lk.  V.  13,  and  Mat.  xiv.  19,  20  = 
5Ik.  vi.  41-13  =  Lk.  ix.  16,  17).  The  language  of 
all  three  is  Greek,  with  Hebrew  idioms :  the  He- 
braisms arc  most  abundant  in  Mark,  and  fewest  in 
Luke.  In  quotations  from  the  0.  T.,  the  Evangel- 
ists, or  two  of  them,  sometimes  exhibit  a  verbal 
agreement,  although  they  dift'er  from  the  Hebrew 
aiid  from  the  LXX.  (Mat.  iii.  3  =  Mk.  i.  3  =  Lk. 
iii.  4.  Mat.  iv.  10  =  Lk.  iv.  8.  Mat.  xi.  10  =  Mk. 
i.  2  =  Lk.  vii.  27,  &c.).  Except  as  to  twenty-four 
verses,  Mark  contains  no  principal  facts  not  found 
in  Matthew  and  Luke  ;  but  he  often  supplies  details 
omitted  by  them,  and  these  are  often  such  as  would 
belong  to  the  graphic  account  of  an  eye-witness. 
There  are  no  cases  in  which  Matthew  and  Luke  ex- 
actly harmonize,  where  Mark  does  not  also  coincide 
with  them.  In  several  places  the  words  of  JIark 
have  something  in  common  with  each  of  the  other 
narratives,  so  as  to  form  a  connecting  link  between 
them,  where  their  words  slightly  differ.  The  exam- 
ples of  verbal  agreement  between  Mark  and  Luke 
are  not  so  long  or  so  numerous  as  those  between 
Matthew  and  Luke,  and  Matthew  and  Mark  ;  but  as 
to  the  arrangement  of  events,  Mark  and  Luke  fre- 
quently coincide,  where  JIatthew  differs  from  them. 
These  are  the  leading  particulars ;  but  they  are 
very  far  from  giving  a  complete  notion  of  a  phe- 
nomenon well  worthy  of  that  attention  and  reverent 
study  of  the  sacred  text  by  which  alone  it  can  be 
fully  and  fairly  apprehended.  The  harmony  and 
the  variety,  the  agreement  and  the  differences,  form 
together  the  problem  with  which  Biblical  critics 
have  occupied  themselves  for  150  years.  The  at- 
tempts at  a  solutio}!  are  so  many,  that  they  can  be 
more  easily  classified  than  enumerated.  Tlie  first 
and  most  obvious  suggestion  would  be,  that  the 
narrators  made  use  of  each  other's  work.  Accord- 
ingly Grotius,  Mill,  Wetstein,  Griesbaoh,  and  many 
other.?,  have  endeavored  to  ascertain  which  Gospel 
is  to  be  regarded  as  the  first ;  which  is  copied  from 
the  first ;  and  which  is  the  last,  and  copied  from  the 
other  two.  Each  of  the  six  possible  combinations 
has  found  advocates.  But  the  theory  in  its<crude 
form  is  in  itself  most  improbable  ;  and  the  wonder 
is  that  so  much  time  and  learning  have  been  de- 
voted to  it.  It  assumes  that  an  Evangelist  has  taken 
up  the  work  of  his  predecessor,  and,  without  sub- 
stantial alteration,  has  made  a  few  changes  in  form, 
a  few  additions  and  retrenchments,  and  has  then 
allowed  the  whole  to  go  forth  under  his  name. — The 
supposition  of  a  common  original  from  which  the 
three  Gospels  were  drawn,  each  with  more  or  less 
modification,  would  naturally  occur  to  those  who 
rejected  t!ie  notion  that  the  Evangelists  had  copied 
from  each  other.     It  appeared  to  Eichhorn  that  the 


portions  common  to  all  the  three  Gospels  were  con- 
tained in  a  certain  common  document,  from  which 
they  all  drew.  He  considers  himself  entitled  to  as- 
sume that  he  can  reconstruct  the  original  docu- 
ment, and  also  that  there  must  have  been  four 
other  documents  to  account  for  the  phenomena  of 
the  text.  Thus  he  makes — 1.  The  original  docu- 
ment.   2.  An  altered  copy  which  St.  Matthew  used. 

3.  An  altered  copy  which  St.  Luke  used.  4.  A 
third  copy,  made  from  the  two  preceding,  used  by 
St.  5Iark.  5.  A  fourth  altered  copy,  used  by  St. 
Matthew  and  St.  Luke  in  common.  As  there  is  no 
external  evidence  worth  considering  that  this  origi- 
nal or  any  of  its  numerous  copies  ever  existed,  the 
value  of  this  elaborate  hypothesis  must  depend 
upon  its  furnishing  the  only  explanation,  and  that 
a  sulTicient  one,  of  the  facts  of  the  text.  Bishop 
Marsh,  however,  finds  it  necessary,  in  order  to 
complete  the  account  of  the  text,  to  raise  the  num- 
ber of  documents  to  eight,  still  without  producing 
any  external  evidence  for  the  existence  of  any  of 
them ;  and  this,  on  one  side,  deprives  Eichliorn's 
theory  of  the  merit  of  completeness,  and,  on  the 
other,  presents  a  much  broader  surface  to  the  obvi- 
ous objections.  He  assumes  the  existence  of — 1.  A 
Hebrew  original.  2.  A  Greek  translation.  3.  A 
transcript  of  No.  1,  with  alterations  and  additions. 

4.  Another,  with  another  set  of  alterations  and  ad- 
ditions. 5.  Another,  combining  both  the  preceding, 
used  by  St.  Mark,  who  also  used  No.  2.  (i.  An- 
other, with  the  alterations  and  additions  of  No.  3, 
and  with  further  additions,  used  by  St.  Matthew. 
7.  Another,  with  those  of  No.  4  and  further  addi- 
tions, used  by  St.  Luke,  who  also  used  No.  2.  8. 
A  wholly  distinct  Hebrew  document,  in  which  our 
Lord's  precepts,  parables,  and  discourses  were  re- 
corded, but  not  in  chronological  order  ;  used  both 
by  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Luke.  It  will  be  allowed 
that  this  elaborate  hypothesis,  whether  in  the  form 
given  it  by  Marsh  or  by  Eichhorn,  possesses  almost 
every  fault  that  can  be  charged  against  an  argu- 
ment of  that  kind.  For  every  new  class  of  facts  a 
new  document  must  be  assumed  to  have  existed. 
The  "  original  Gospel  "  is  supposed  to  have  been  of 
such  authority  as  to  be  circulated  everywhere :  yet 
so  defective,  as  to  require  annotation  from  any 
hand,  so  little  reverenced  that  no  hand  spared  it. 
If  all  the  Evangelists  agreed  to  draw  from  such  a 
work,  it  must  have  been  widely  if  not  universally 
accepted  in  the  Church ;  and  yet  there  is  no  record 
of  its  existence.  The  force  of  this  dilemma  has 
been  felt  by  the  supporters  of  the  theory :  if  the 
work  was  of  high  authority,  it  would  have  been  pre- 
served, or  at  least  mentioned ;  if  of  lower  authority, 
it  could  not  have  become  the  basis  of  three  canon- 
ical Gospels  :  and  various  attempts  have  been  made 
to  escape  from  it. — There  is  another  supposition  to 
accoimt  for  these  facts,  of  which  perhaps  Gieseler 
has  been  the  most  acute  expositor.  Probably  none 
of  the  Gospels  was  written  imtil  many  years  after 
the  day  of  Pentecost  on  which  the  Holy  Spirit  de- 
scended on  the  assembled  disciples.  From  that  day 
commenced  at  Jerusalem  the  work  of  preaching  the 
Gospel  and  converting  the  world.  Prayer  and 
preaching  were  the  business  of  the  apostles'  lives. 
Now,  their  preaching  must  have  been,  from  the 
nature  of  the  case,  in  great  part  historical ;  it  must 
have  been  based  upon  an  account  of  the  life  and 
acts  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  They  had  been  the  eye- 
witnesses ;  there  was  no  written  record  to  which 
the  hearers  might  be  referred  for  historical  details; 
and  therefore  the  preachers  must  furnish  not  only 


344 


GOS 


GOS 


inferences  from  the  life  of  our  Lord,  but  the  facts 
of  the  life  itself  The  preaching,  then,  must  have 
been  of  such  a  kind  as  to  be  to  tlie  hearers  what 
the  reading  of  lessons  or  chapters  from  the  Gospels 
is  to  lis.  There  is  no  improbability  in  supposing  that 
in  the  course  of  twenty  or  thirty  years'  assiduous 
teaching,  without  a  written  Gospel,  the  matter  of  the 
apostolic  preaching  should  have  taken  a  settled  form. 
Kot  only  might  the  apostles  think  it  well  that  their 
own  accounts  should  agree,  as  in  substance  so  in 
form  ;  but  the  teachers  whom  they  sent  forth,  or 
left  behind  in  tlie  churches  they  visited,  would  have 
to  be  prepared  for  their  mission  ;  and,  so  long  as 
there  was  no  written  Gospel  to  put  into  tlitir  hands, 
it  might  be  desirable  that  the  oral  instruction 
should  be  as  far  as  possible  one  and  the  same  to 
all.  The  guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit  supplied  for  a 
time  such  aid  as  made  a  written  Gospel  unneces- 
sary ;  but  the  apostles  saw  the  dangers  and  errors 
which  a  traditional  Gospel  would  be  exposed  to  in 
the  course  of  time ;  and,  whilst  they  were  still 
preaching  the  oral  Gospel  in  the  strength  of  the 
Holy  Ghost,  they  were  admonished  by  the  same  Di- 
vine Person  to  prepare  those  written  records  which 
were  hereafter  to  be  the  daily  spiritual  food  of  all 
the  Church  of  Christ.  Nor  is  there  any  thing  un- 
natural in  the  supposition  that  the  apostles  inten- 
tionally uttered  their  witness  in  the  same  order, 
and  even,  for  the  most  part,  in  the  same  form  of 
words.  The  language  of  their  first  preaching  was 
the  Syro-Chaldaic,  which  was  a  poor  and  scanty 
language ;  and  though  Greek  was  now  widely 
spread,  and  was  the  language  even  of  several  places 
in  Palestine,  though  it  prevailed  in  Antioch,  whence 
the  first  missions  to  Greeks  and  Hellenists,  or  Jews 
who  spoke  Greek,  proceeded  (Acts  xi.  20,  xiii.  1-3), 
the  Greek  tongue,  as  used  by  Jews,  partook  of  the 
poverty  of  the  speech  which  it  replaced  ;  as,  indeed, 
it  is  impossible  to  borrow  a  whole  language  without 
borrowing  the  habits  of  thought  upon  which  it  has 
built  itself.  It  is  supposed,  then,  that  the  preach- 
ing of  the  apostles,  and  the  teaching  whereby  they 
prepared  others  to  preach,  as  they  did,  would  tend 
to  assume  a  common  form,  more  or  less  fixed  ;  and 
that  the  portions  of  the  three  Gospels  which  har- 
monize most  exactly  owe  their  agreement  not  to  the 
fact  that  they  were  copied  from  each  other,  although 
it  is  impossible  to  say  that  the  later  writer  made  no 
use  of  the  earlier  one,  nor  to  the  existence  of  any 
original  document  now  lost  to  us,  but  to  the  fact 
that  the  apostolic  preaching  had  already  clothed 
itself  in  a  settled  or  usual  form  of  words,  to  which 
the  writers  inclined  to  confonn  without  feeling 
bound  to  do  so ;  and  the  diflFerences  which  occur, 
often  in  the  closest  proximity  to  the  liarlnonies, 
arise  from  the  feeling  of  independence  with  which 
each  wrote  what  he  had  seen  and  heard,  or,  in  the 
case  of  Mark  and  Luke,  what  apostolic  witnesses 
had  told  him.  The  harmonies  begin  with  the  bap- 
tism of  John  ;  that  is,  with  the  consecration  of  the 
Lord  to  His  Messianic  office ;  and  with  this  event 
probably  the  ordinary  preaching  of  the  apostles 
would  begin,  for  its  purport  was  that  Jesus  is  the 
Messiah,  and  that  as  Messiah  Ue  suffered,  died,  and 
rose  again.  They  arc  very  frequent  as  we  approach 
the  period  of  the  Passion,  because  the  sufferings  of 
the  Lord  would  be  much  in  the  mouth  of  every  one 
who  preached  the  Gospel,  and  all  would  become  fa- 
miliar with  the  words  in  which  the  apostles  de- 
scribed it.  But  as  regards  the  Resurrection,  which 
differed  from  the  Passion  in  that  it  was  a  fact  which 
the  enemies  of  Christianity  felt  bound  to  dispute 


(Mat.  xxviii.  15),  it  is  possible  that  the  divergence 
arose  from  the  intention  of  each  Evangelist  to  con- 
tribute something  toward  the  weigiit  of  evidence 
for  this  central  truth.  Accordingly,  all  the  four, 
even  Mark  (xvi.  14),  who  oftener  throws  a  new 
light  wyion  old  ground  than  opens  out  new,  men- 
tion distinct  acts  and  appearances  of  the  Lord  to 
establish  that  He  was  risen  indeed.  The  verbal 
agreement  is  greater  where  the  words  of  others  are 
recorded,  and  greatest  of  all  where  they  are  those 
of  Jesus,  because  here  the  apostolic  preaching  would 
be  especially  exact ;  and  where  the  historical  fact 
is  the  utterance  of  certain  words,  the  duty  of  the 
historian  is  narrowed  to  a  bare  record  of  them. 
That  this  opinion  would  e.Kplain  many  of  the  facts 
coiniected  with  the  text  is  certain.  Whether,  be- 
sides conforming  to  the  words  and  arrangement  of 
the  apostolic  preaching,  the  Evangelists  did  in  any 
cases  make  use  of  each  other's  work  or  not,  it 
would  require  a  more  careful  investigation  of  de- 
tails to  discuss  than  space  permits. — How  does  this 
last  theory  bear  upon  our  belief  in  the  inspiration 
of  the  Gospels  ?  Supposing  that  the  portion  of  the 
three  first  Gospels  which  is  common  to  all  has  been 
derived  from  the  preaching  of  the  apostles  in  gen- 
eral, then  it  is  drawn  directly  from  a  source  which 
we  know  from  our  Lord  Himself  to  have  been  in- 
spired (Mat.  X.  19;  Lk.  xii.  11,  12;  Mk.  xiii.  11; 
Jn.  xiv.,  XV.,  xvi.).  Now,  the  inspiration  of  an  his- 
torical writer  will  consist  in  its  truth,  and  in  its  se- 
lection of  events.  Every  thing  narrated  must  be 
substantially  and  exactly  true,  and  the  comparison 
of  the  Gospels  one  with  anotlier  offers  us  nothing 
that  does  not  answer  to  this  test.  There  are  difflr- 
ences  of  arrangement  of  events  ;  here  some  details 
of  a  narrative  or  a  discourse  are  supplied  which  aie 
wanting  there ;  and  if  the  writer  had  professed  to 
follow  a  strict  chronological  order,  or  had  pretend- 
ed that  his  record  was  not  only  true  but  conipUte, 
then  one  inversion  of  order,  or  one  omission  of  a. 
syllable,  would  convict  him  of  inaccuracy.  But  if 
it  is  plain — if  it  is  all  but  avov.'cd — that  minute 
chronological  data  are  not  part  of  the  writer's  pur- 
pose— if  it  is  also  plain  that  nothing  but  a  selection 
of  the  facts  is  intended,  or,  indeed,  possible  (Jn. 
xxi.  25) — then  the  proper  test  to  apply  is,  whether 
each  gives  us  a  picture  of  the  life  and  ministry  of 
Jesus  of  Nazareth  that  is  self-consistent  and  con- 
sistent with  the  others,  such  as  would  be  suitable 
to  the  use  of  those  who  were  to  believe  on  His 
Name — for  this  is  their  evident  intention.  About 
the  answer  there  should  be  no  doubt.  We  have 
seen  that  each  Gospel  has  its  own  features,  and 
that  the  divine  element  has  controlled  the  huni.in 
but  not  destroyed  it.  But  the  picture  which  they 
conspire  to  draw  is  one  full  of  harmony.  The  his- 
tories are  true  according  to  any  test  that  should  be 
applied  to  a  history ;  and  the  events  that  they  se- 
lect— though  we  could  not  presume  to  say  (hat 
they  \<ere  more  important  than  what  are  omitted, 
except  from  the  fact  of  the  omission — are  at  least 
such  as  to  have  given  the  whole  Christian  Church  a 
clear  conception  of  the  Redeemer's  life,  so  that 
none  has  ever  complained  of  insufficient  means  of 
knowing  Him.  A  perverted  form  of  the  theory  we 
are  considering  pretends  that  the  facts  of  the  Re- 
deemer's life  remained  in  the  state  of  an  oral  tradi- 
tion till  the  latter  part  of  the  second  century,  and 
that  the  four  Gospels  were  not  written  till  that 
time  (Strauss,  &c.).  The  latter  theory  was  invent- 
ed to  accord  with  the  assumption  that  miracles  are 
impossible,  but  upon  no  evidence  whatever ;  and 


oos 


GOS 


345 


the  argument,  when  exposed,  runs  in  this  vicious  I  accounts  are  not  contemporaneous,  it  is  not  proved 
circle: — There  are  no  miracles,  tlierefore  tlie  ao- |  that  there  are  miracles.  (Bible  ;  Canon  ;  New  Tks- 
counts  of  them  must  have  grown  up  iu  the  course  tament.)  Tliat  the  present  Ciospels  were  po:?t-apos- 
ol'  a  century  IVom  popular  exaggeration  ;  and  as  the  |  toUc  inventions,  would  be  the  greatest  tf  miracles. 


TABLE  OF  THE  HARMONY  OF  THE  FOUR  GOSPELS. 

BY  ABP.  TII0M80S,    ORIGINAL    AUTHOB   OT   TUB   PBECEDISG    ARTICLE. — WITH    COUEKCTION8    BY   TDE   AMERICAN    EDITOR. 

N.  B.— In  the  fullowing  Table,  where  all  the  references  under  a  given  section  are  printed  in  thick  type,  as  under  -'Two 
Genealogies,'"  ft  is  to  be  understood  that  some  special  difilculty  besots  the  harmony.  Where  one  or  more  references 
nuder  a  given  section  are  in  Itiiu,  and  one  or  more  in  thick  type,  it  is  to  be  understood  that  the  former  are  given  as 
1q  their  proper  pUice,  and  that  it  is  more  or  less  doubtful  whether  the  latter  are  to  be  considered  ab  parallel  nai'ratlvcs 
or  not.  • 


St.  MiTrnEW. 

St.  Mabk. 

St.  Lcke. 

St.  Jons. 

"  The  (Vord  " 

1. 18-25' ' 
i.  1-17 

ii.  1-12  ■  ■ 
ii.  18-23 

iii.  1-i-y ' 
'.11. 1:!-1T 
iv.  1-11 

iv.  laV  xlT.  8 
iv.  Vi 

It.  13-2'i" 

Tiil.  ii^ii 
Iv.  28-25 
viil.  1-4 
viil.  IS,  23-27 
viii.  28-34 
ix.  ls-26 
ix.  27-34 
ix.  1-S 

Ll-«"" 
i.  l)-ll 
t.  12, 13 

i.  14:'vL17 
114,15 

i.  16-'i6" 

I.  21-28 
i.  iiii-S4 
l.35-«D 
1.40-45 
iv.  3fr-ll 
v.  1-20 
V.  21-48 

II.  1-12"  . 
ii.  13-17 

li.  li^22 

11.  m-is ' 

iii.  1-12 

Hi.  iii-i9 

iv.  1-20  ' 
iv.  21-25 
iv.  20-i9 

iv.  80^2 

iT.ssibi' 

Ui.  di-36 

vi.  1-6 
vi.  li 
Tl.  7-18 
vi.  14-IH 
vi.  17-29 

Tl.  snl^i' 
vl.  45-62 

1.1-4"" 
1.  5-25 
1.  26-38 
1.  S9-.Jti 

I.  57-Stf 

II.  1-7 

ili.  S3-38 

11.  S-2U 
li.  21 

II.  2-i-38 

11.39"  ' 
ii.  40-62 
ill.  1-18 

III.  21,  22 
iv.  1-18 

ill.  wIm 

It.  14. 15 
It.  16-80 

V.  1-ii 

iv.  81-87 
Iv.  88-41 
It.  42-t4 
T.  12-18 
Tlii.  22-25 
viil.  26-39 
viil.  40-56 

T.  17-26" 
T.  27-32 
T.  83-39 

vl.  1-5" 
vl.  6-11 
Tl.  12-16 
vi.  17-49 
Tli.  1-10 
vll.  11-17 
vll.  l*-85 

Til.  86^ 
Till.  1-3 
viil.  4-15 
VliL  16-18 

xiU.i8,19 
xiii.  20,  21 

TilL  lA'l 

lx.  1-6  " 

ix.  7-9 

u.  lo^ii' 

L  1-14 

Preface,  U>  The<»iiiiiliis 

Anniinciatiun  of  lliu  llaptist's  l>irth 

Birth  of  .John  the  Uuptist 

TwoGetiealo;iies 

The  Circumcision 

PrcsentatioD  in  the  Temple 

The  wise  men  ft-om  the  East 

Ministry  of  John  the  B.iptidt. 

1.  15-31 

Baptism  of  .Jesus  Christ 

'i  he  Temptation 

L  82-34 
1.  85-40 

himun,  now  Cephas 

Philip  and  Nathunaei 

1.  41,  42 
1.  43-51 

The  water  made  wine 

ii.  l-U 

Passover  (1st)  and  eleansin?  the  Temple 

11.  12-22 

ii.  23-111.  21 

iii.  22-36 

The  woman  of  Samaria. . 

iv.  1-42 

J:>hn  the  Baptist  in  prison 

ili.  24 

Keturn  to  Galilee 

iv.  48-45 

The  nobleman*s  son 

iv.  40-54 

Capernaum.    Four  apostles  called 

Circuit  round  Galilee 

Heaiin;:  a  leper 

Christ  stills  the  storm 

Jairu3"s  dauirhter.    Woman  healed 

Blind  men.  and  demoniac 

Matthew  the  publican 

**  Thy  disciples  fast  not  ** 

i.\.  i>-13 
Lx.  14-17 

xii.  1-8  " 
xil.  ii-21 
X.  3-4 
V.  1-vU.  29 

viil.  5-18 

xi.  u-Vd" 

xl.  20-24 

xi.25<J0 

.... 

xlll.  1-5S 

xlii.  il^O 
xiii.  31,32 
xill.  33 
xlil.  34.  35 
xiii.  8(M8 
xiil.  44-iV2 
xU.  46-60 
.xiil.  58-58 
Ix.  85^38;  xl.l 

xiv.  1,  2 
XlT.  8-12 

XlT.  lii-21 
XtT.  22-83 

T.  1 

Pwjl  of  Bethesda.     Power  of  Christ 

v.  2-47 

Plucking  ears  of  corn  on  Sabbath 

Tlie  withered  liand     Miracles 

The  Twelve  .ViKjstlea 

The  Sermon  on  the  Mount 

Woe  to  the  cities  oi*  Galilee 

Call  to  the  meek  and  suffering 

Anointing  the  feet  of  .Jesu.i 

Parable  of  the  Sower 

Candle  untler  a  Bashel 

the  Sower. 

"       the  Wheat  and  Tares 

"       Grain  of  Mustard-8oed 

**       Leaven 

On  teaching  bv  imrablcs 

Wneat  'ind  tares  explained 

The  treasure,  the  pearl,  the  net 

His  mother  and  Flis  brethren 

Ktception  at  Nazareth 

Thini  cin-ult  round  Oalileo 

Sendins  forth  of  the  Twelve 

Ill-rod's  opinion  of  .Jesus 

Death  of  .John  the  Baptist 

vl.  4 

Feedln,;  of  the  five  thousand 

Tl.  1-19 

'WalUogun  the  Ka ■ 

Ti.  16-21 

346 


60S  GOS 

TABLE  OF  THE  HAUIJONT  OF  THE  FOUR  GOSP'ElS--c(ml(nued. 


I 


St.  Matthew. 


Miracles  in  Gennesaret 

The  bread  of  life .». . 

The  wabhen  hands 

The  Syropbeuician  woman 

Miracles  of  bealinff 

Feeding  of  the  lour  thousand 

^i'he  si^D  from  heaven 

The  leaven  of  the  Pharisees 

Blind  man  healed 

Peter's  profession  of  faith 

The  Paseion  foretold 

The  Transli^ration — 

Elijah 

The  lunatic  healed 

The  Passion  again  foretold 

Fish  caught  for  the  llibute 

The  little  child 

One  easting  out  devils 

Otfences 

The  lost  sheep 

Forgiveness  of  injuries 

Binding  and  loosing 

Forgiveness.     Parable 

*'  Salted  with  fire 

Journey  to  Jerusalem . . 

Fire  fnmi  lieaven 

Answers  to  disciples 

The  Seventy  disciples  

Discussions  at  Feast  of  Tabernacles 

Woman  taken  in  adultery 

Dispute  with  the  Phai  isees 

The  man  born  blind 

The  good  Shepherd 

The  return  of  the  Seventy 

The  good  Samaritan 

Mary  and  Martha 

Tlie'Lord's  Prayer 

Prayer  effectual 

*'Tnroueh  Beelzebub" 

The  unclean  spirit  returning 

The  sign  of  J  onah 

The  light  of  the  body 


St.  Make. 


St.  LrKE. 


St.  Jonx. 


xiv.  84-86 

XV.  l-'io " 
XV.  21-'2S 
XV.  29-81 
XV.  82-3a 
xvi.  1-4 
xvi.  6-12 

xvi.  l'sM9 
xvi.  20-28 
.tvii.  1-9 
xvil.  1(1-13 
xvil.  14-21 
.xvil.  22, 28 
xvil.  24-27 
xvlii.  1-5 

xviii.  6-9 

xviil.  10-14 
xviii.  1.5-.7 
xviii.  18-20 
xviii.  21-85 


Tiii.  19-22 


The  Pharisees 

What  to  fear 

"Master,  speak  to  my  brother" 

Covetonsness 

Watchfuirjess 

Galileans  that  perished 

Woman  healed  on  Sabbath 

The  grain  of  mustard-teed 

The  leaven '. 

Toward  JeruBalcm 

"  Are  there  tew  that  be  saved?  " 

Warning  ag.ainst  Herod 

*•  O  Jerusalem.  Jerusalem  " 

Dropsy  healed  on  Sabbath-day 

Choosmg  the  chief  rooms 

Parable  of  the  Great  Supper 

Following  Christ  with  the  Cross 

Parables  of  Lost  Sheep,  Piece  cf  Money,  Frodigal  I 
Son,  Unjust  Steward,  Uich  Man  and  Lazarus...'..  | 

Offences 

Faith  and  merit 

The  ten  lepers 

How  the  kingdom  cometh 

Parable  of  tlie  Unjust  Judge 

"       the  Pharisee  and  Publican 

Divorce  

Infants  brought  to  Jesus '. 

The  rich  man  inquiring 

Promises  to  the  disciples 

Laborers  in  the  vineyard 

Death  of  i'hrist  iOretoid 

Request  of  James  and  John 

Blind  men  at  Jericho 

Zaccheus 

Parable  of  the  Ten  Pounds 

Feast  of  Dedication 

lley<)nd  Jonlan '. 

Raising  of  Lazarus 

Meeting  of  the  Sanhedrim 

Christ  in  Ephraim 

The  anointing  by  Mary 

Christ  enters  Jerusalem 

Cleansing  of  the  Temple  (2d) 

The  barren  lig-iree 


vi.  9-13 
vii.  7-11 
xu.  22-37 
xii.  43-45 
xii.  38-42 
I  V.  15:  vi. 
1     22, 23 
xxiii. 
X.  kti-33 

vi.  26-33 


xiil.  31,  32 
xiii.  33 


xziii.  37-39 


xxU.  1-14 
X.  37,  38 


xviU.  6-15 
xvii.  20 


xlx.  1-12 
xix.  18-15 
xix.  16-26 
xix.  27-30 
XX.  1-16 
XX.  17-19 
XX.  20-23 
XX.  29-84 


XXV. 


14-30 


xxvl.  C-I3 
xxi.  1-11 
xxi.  12-18 
xsi.  17-22 


Ti.  58-56 

vli.  1-2S 
vii.  2-1-30 
vii.  8:-37 
viii.  1-10 
viii.  11-18 
■viii.  14-21 
viii.  22-26 
viii.  27-29 
viii.  8li-ix. 
ix.  2-10 
i.\.  11-13 
ix.  14-29 
ix.  3U-82 

ix.  88^7 
ix.  8y-41 
ix.  42-43 


ix.  49,  .'-0 


ill.  20-30 


iv.  20-32 


X.  1-12 
X.  18-16 
X.  17-27 
X.  26-81 

X.  82-84  " 
X.  85-45 
X.  46-52 


xlv.  8-9     • 

xi.  1-10 

xi.  LVIS 

xi.  11-14, 19-28 


i.x.  1S-2U 
ix.  21-27 
L\.  28-36 

ix.  87-42 
ix. 43-45 

ix.  46^8 
ix.  49,  60 
xvil.  2 
XV.  4-7 


ix.  61 
ix.  62-56 
ix.  57-62 
X.  1-16 


X.  17-24 
X.  25-:B7 
X.  8S-42 
xi.  1-4 
xi.  5-18 
xi.  14-23 
xi.  24-28 
xi.  29-82 

xi.  83-86 

xi.  87-64 
xii.  1-13 
xii.  18-15 
xii.  16-81 
xii.  82-59 
xiii.  1-9 
xiii.  10-17 
xiii.  IS.  19 
xiii.  20,  21 
xiii.  22 
xiii.  23-80 
xiii.  81-83 
xiii.  84,  85 
xiv.  1-6 
xiv.  7-14 
xiv.  15  24 
xiv.  25-86 

XV.,  xvi. 

xvii.  1-4 
xvii.  5-10 
xvil.  11-19 
xvii.  20-87 
xviii.  1-8 
xvii!  9-14 

xviii.  l'5-'l7 
xviii.  18-27 
xviii.  28-80 

XTia  81-34 

xviii. '8M3 
xi.x.  1-10 
xix.  11-28 


vU.  36-50 

xix.  29-44 
xix.  45-48 


vL  22-65 


vi.  66-71 


vii.  1-10 


vii.  ii-r-s 

viii.  1-11 
viii.  12-59 
ix.  1-41 
x.1-21 


X.  22-S9 
X.  40-12 
xi.  1-44 
.\i,  45-,')3 
xi.  54-.^7 
xii.  1-11 
xii.  12-19 
U.  13-22 


008  Gorr 

TABLE  OF  THE  HAEMONT  OF  TDE  FOUR  GOSPELS.— am«n«e(i. 


847 


Prav,  «nd  fortrlve 

■■  Hy  what  alllhority,"  &c 

Parable  of  the  Two  Sons 

the  Wicked  Hushandiuen 

"       the  Wedding  Gannent 

The  tribnte-money 

The  state  of  the  risen 

The  jrreat  Cotnmnndoient — 

David's  Son  and  David's  Lord 

Against  the  Pharisees 

The  widow's  mite 

Christ's  second  coming  

Parable  of  the  Ten  Virgins 

the  Talents 

The  Last  Jiidiment 

Greeks  visit  Jesus     Voice  from  heaven 

Eeflections  of  John 

Last  Passover  (4th).    Jews  conspire 

Judas  Iscariot 

Paschal  Supper 

Cont^'ntion  of  the  Apostles 

Peter's  fall  foretold 

Last  discourse.    The  deiiartnre ;  the  Comforter. 

The  vine  and  the  branches.    Abiding  in  love 

Work  of  the  Comforter  in  disciples 

The  pniyer  of  Christ 

Getbsemane 

The  betrayal 

Before  Annas  (Ciiajibos).    Peter's  denial 

Before  the  Sanhedrim.., 

Before  Pi!ate 


The  Traitor's  death. 
Before  Herod 

The  Condemnatloti . . 


Treatment  by  the  soldiers 

The  Crucifixion 

The  mother  of  Jecus 

Mtwkin^s  and  railings 

The  Penitent  Thief 

Darkness  and  other  portent<i.    The  Death 

The  bystanders    

The  side  pierced 

The  burial 

The  <:uard  of  the  sepulchre,  and    their  subsequent 

report 

The  iti-surrection 

Disciples  going  to  Emmuus 

A  p[H^ar.inces  in  Jerusalem 

At  the  Sea  of  Tiberias 

On  the  Mount  In  Galilee 

Unrecorded  Works. 

Asconslon 


St.  Matthew.         St.  Mark. 


tri.  14, 16 

xxi.  2.3-2T 
xxi.  -ZriS-i 
x\[.  •«  48 
x.vii.  1-14 
x.'sii.  15-i2 
.Nxii.  -i-lS 
xxii.  84-10 
xxii.  41-46 
xxiii.  1-3!) 

xxiv.  1-51 
XXV.  1-1-5 
XXV.  14-30 
XXV.  81-^8 


ixvi.  1-5 
xxvi.  14-16 
xxvi.  17-29 

xxvi.  30  35 


xxvi.  3f^6 

xxvi.  47-56 
1  xxvi   57,  53, 
)      6D-75 

xxvi.  59-i;3 
J   xxvii.  1,  2, 
1       11-14 

xxvii.  3-10 

ixvil.  15-26 

xxvii.  27-81 
xxvii.  Si-iS 

xxvii.  39U4 

xxvii.'  45-53 
xxvii.  54-56 


St.  Luke. 


xi.  24-26 
xL  27-33 

xll.  1-12" 

xil.  13^17 
xii.  IH-n 
xil.  28-34 
xii.  84-S7 
xii.  8S-40 
xii.  41-44 
xlli.  1-87 


xlv.  1.  3 
xlv.  10, 11 
xiv.  12-25 

xlv.  2(5-31 


xlv.  32-42 

xiv.  48-.52 

I    (  xiv.    53,    54,  ) 

f . 1        66-72        f 

xiv.  55-65 

XV.  1-5 


XV.  6-15 

XV.  16-20 
XV.  21-23 

XV.  29-^32 

XV.  8:i^3 
XV.  39-41 


xxvii.  57-61 
J  xxvii.  62-66   { 
)  xxvili.  11-15  ) 
xxviii.  1-10 


xxvili.  16-20 


XV.  43-47 


xvl.  1-11 
xvl.  12, 13 
xvl.  14-18 


rvi.  19, 20 


XX.  1-3 

XX.  i.x.  19 
xiv.  16-24 

XX.  20  26 
XX.  27^0 

XX.  41-4-4 
XX.  46-47 
xxi.  1-4 
xxi.  5-83 

xis.  11-28 


xxii.  1.  2 
xxii.  8-6 
xxii.  7-23 
xxii.  24-30 
x.'cii.  31-39 


xxii.  40-46 
xxii.  47-68 

xxii.  54-62 

xxii.  63-71 

-xxiil.  1-5 

xslii.  6^i2 
x.xiii.  13-25 

xxiil.  36, 37 

xxiii.  26-84,  3S 

xxiii.  3.V37,  39 
xxiii.  4"-43 
xxiii.  41^6 
xxiii.  47-49 

xxlil.'So^CO 


xxiv.  1-12 
xxlv.  IS-3-) 
xxiv.  86-49 


xxiv.  80-53 


St.  John. 


xii.  20-36 
xii.  8ii-50 


xiil.  1-36 

xiii.  86-38 
xlv.  1-31 
XV.  1-27 
xvi.  1-33 
xvii.  1-26 
xviii.  1 
xviii.  2-11 

xviii.  12-21 


xvliL  2S-38 


(  xvlli.  89,  40,  I 
)    xix.  1-16 
xix.  2.  3 
xix.  17-24 
xix.  25-27 


xix.  2SI-30 


xix.  81-37 
xix.  33-12 


X.X.  1-18 


XX.  19-29 
xxi.  1-23 


XX.    80,    81, 
xxi.  24,  25 


Cotb-o-Ii'as  CGr.  =  AxHALiAn).  Josias,  son  of 
Gotholias,  was  one  of  the  sons  of  Elam  wlio  re- 
turned from  Babj-lon  with  Esdras  (1  Esd.  viii.  33). 

Co-tho'ni-el  (Gr.  =  OrHsiEL),  father  of  Chabrls 
(Jd.  vi.  15). 

G«nrd,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— t,  Heb.  kiMi/dn, 
only  in  Jon.  iv.  6-10.  A  difference  of  opinion  has 
long  existed  as  to  the  plant  intended  by  this  word; 
but  Mr.  Houghton,  with  Jerome,  Celsius,  Bochart, 
RoscnmuUer,  Gesenius,  Dr.  Royle  in  Kitto,  Prof. 
Stowe,  &c.,  maintains  that  the  plant  which  afforded 
shade  to  the  prophet  Jonah  before  Nineveh  is  the 
Jiieinus  communis,  or  castor-oil  plant,  which,  for- 
merly a  native  of  Asia,  is  now  naturalized  in  Amer- 
ica, .Africa,  and  Southern  Europe.  This  plant  varies 
coii.siderably  in  size,  being  in  India  a  tree,  but  in 
Eii;;laud  seldom  more  than  three  or  four  feet  high. 
Tlie  leaves  are  lai^e  and  palmate,  with  serrated 
lobes,  and  would  form  an  excellent  shelter  for  the 
sun-stricken  prophet.  (See  cut  on  p.  848.)  The  seeds 
contain  the  oil  so  well  known  under  the  name  of 
"  castor-oil,"  which  has  for  ages  been  in  high  repute 


as  a  medicine.  The  Mohammedan,  Christian,  and 
Jewish  inhabitants  of  Mosul,  opposite  ancient  Nine- 
veh, all  agree  (so  Dr.  H.  Lobdell  in  B.  S.  xii.  397) 
that  Jonah's  "  gourd "  was  the  ker'a,  a  kind  of 
pumpkin  peculiar  to  the  East,  of  astonishingly  rapid 
growth,  and  very  abundant  on  the  banks  of  the 
Tigris.  Its  leaves  are  large,  and  its  fruit  some- 
what like  the  squash. — %,  Ileb.  xi\. pakku' oih  (2  K.  iv. 
39),  a  fruit  gathered  ignorantly  by  one  of  "  the  sons 
of  the  prophets,"  who  supposed  them  to  be  good  for 
food ;  doubtless  (so  Mr.  Houghton)  a  species  of  the 
gourd  tribe  (Oucurhilaeete),  which  contains  some 
plants  of  a  very  bitter  and  dangerous  character. 
The  leaves  and  tendrils  of  this  family  of  plants  bear 
some  resemblance  to  those  of  the  vine.  Hence  the 
expression  "  wild  vine,"  and  as  several  kinds  of 
Cueitrbitacea,  such  as  melons,  pumpkins,  &c.,  are 
favorite  articles  of  refreshing  food  amongst  the  Ori- 
entals, we  can  easily  understand  the  cause-  of  the 
mistake.  The  etymology  of  the  Hebrew  word  from 
pdka',  "  to  split  or  burst  open,"  has  been  thought  to 
favor  the  identification  of  the  plant  with  the  Jicba- 


848 


GOV 


GOV 


Hum  tlalerium  or  "  squirting  cucumber,"  so  called 
from  the  elasticity  with  which  the  fruit,  when  ripe, 
opens  and  scatters  the  seeds  when  touched.  Celsius, 
llosenmiiUer,  Winer,  and  Gescuius  iavor  this  ex- 


Coitor-oil  Plant  i_Eicinu»  communit), 

planation.  The  old  versions,  however,  understand 
the  colocynth,  the  fruit  of  which  is  about  the  size 
of  an  orange.  The  drastic  medicine  in  such  gen- 
eral use  IS  a  preparation  from  this  plant.     Since  the 


Colocynth  (Curiimi*  CWoc;/jiMi«). 

dry  gourds  of  the  colocynth,  when  crashed,  burst 
with  a  crashing  noise,  there  is  much  reason  for 
being  satisfied  with  an  explanation  which  has  au- 
thority, etymology,  and  general  suitableness  in  its 
favor.  In  1  K.  vi.  18  the  Ileb.  plural  ( /vcia'im  = 
pa/ilcu\dth,  Ges.),  used  as  an  architectural  ornament, 
IS  translated  in  the  margin  "gourds,"  but  in  the 
A.  V.  text  there  and  in  vii.  24  "  knops." 

GoT'ern-or,  in  the  A.  V.  the  representative  of — 1, 
Hcb.  allujih,  the  chief  of  a  tribe  or  family  (Zcch.  ix. 


7,  xii.  5,  6),  translated  "dike"  in  Gen.  xxxvi.  and  1 
Chr.  i. — 2.  lleb.  hokek  or  chokek  (Judg.  v.  9),  and 
i.  rnihokek  or  mtc/iokek  (v.  14),  =  a  ruler  in  his 
capacity  of  lawgiver  and  dispenser  of  justice,  also 
translated  "  lawgiver "  (Gen.  xlix.  10  ;  Num.  xxi. 
18,  &c.). — 4.  Heb.  nwihil  =  a  ruler  considered  es- 
pecially as  having  jooKer  over  the  property  and  per- 
sons of  his  subjects ;  =  Judge  (Gen.  xlv.  26 ;  Ps. 
xxii.  28  [Ueb.  2i*]  ;  Jer.  xxx.  31),  also  translated 
"  rule  "  or  "  ruler  "  (Jo.-h.  xii.  2  ;  I's.  cv.  20 ;  Gin. 
xxiv.  2).  The  "  governors  of  the  people,"  in  2  Chr. 
xxiii.  20,  appear  to  have  been  the  king's  body-guard 
(so  Mr.  Wright;  compare  2  K.  xi.  19). — 5.  lleb. 
nilfful  =  a  prominad  personage,  whatever  his  capa- 
city (2  Chr.  xxviii.  7).  It  is  also  translated  "  cap- 
tain," "  ruler,"  "  leader,"  "  prince,"  &c.,  and  ap- 
plied to  a  KING  as  the  military  and  civil  chief  of  his 
people  (2  Sam.  v.  2,  vi.  21 ;  1  Chr.  xxix.  22),  to  the 
general  of  an  army  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  21),  and  to  the 
head  of  a  tribe  (xix.  11).  It  denotes  an  ofiiccr  of 
high  rank  in  the  palace,  the  lord  high  chamberlain 
(A.  V.  "chief  governor,"  2  Chr.  xxviii.  7). — (it 
Heb.  iidni  (2  Chr.  i.  2),  translated  usually  "  prince," 
also  "captain,"  "chief,"  &c.  The  prevailing  idea 
in  this  word  is  that  of  elcva'io7t.  It  is  applied  to  the 
chief  of  the  tribe  (Gen.  xvii.  20;  Num.  ii.  3,  &c.), 
to  the  heads  of  sections  of  a  tribe  (Num.  iii.  S2,  vii. 
2),  and  to  a  powerful  sheikh  (Gen.  xxiii.  6). — 7i 
Heb.  pchiih  or  feihith  (1  K.  x.  16,  &c.),  also  trans- 
lated "  captain,"  "  deputy :  "  applied  to  the  petty 
chieftains  tributary  to  Solomon  (2  Chr.  ix.  14);  to 
the  military  commander  of  the  Syrians  (1  K.  xx.  24), 
the  Assyrians  (2  K.  xviii.  24),  the  Chaldeans  (Jer. 
li.  23),  and  the  Mcdes  (li.  28).  Under  the  Persian 
viceroys,  during  the  Babylonian  captivity,  the  land 
of  the  Hebrews  appears  to  have  been  portioned  out 
among  " governors,"  inferior  in  rank  to  the  satiaps 
(Ezr.  viii.  3(i),  like  the  other  provinces  under  the  Per- 
sian king  (Neh.  ii.  7,  9).  It  is  impossible  to  determine 
the  precise  limits  of  their  authority,  or  the  lunctiims 
which  they  liad  to  perform.  It  appears  from  Ezr. 
vi.  8  that  these  governors  were  intrusted  with  the 
collection  of  the  king's  taxes  ;  and  from  Neh.  v.  18, 
xii.  26,  that  they  were  supported  by  a  contribution 
levied  upon  the  people,  which  was  technically  ternjed 
"the  bread  of  the  governor"  (eonipare  Ezr.  iv. 
14).  They  were  probably  assisted  in  discharging 
their  official  duties  by  a  council  (Ezr.  iv.  7,  vi.  6). 
The  "governor"  beyond  the  river  had  a  judgment- 
seat  at  Jerusalem,  from  which  probably  lie  admin- 
istered justice  when  making  a  progress  through  higj 
province  (Neh.  iii.  7). — %,  Heb.  pdkid  (Jer.  xx.  1)^ 
also  translated  "  officer,"  "  overseer,"  kc. ;  ^  simplji 
a  person  ajipoinled  to  any  office.  It  is  used  of  th« 
officers  proposed  to  be  appointed  by  Joseph  (Gen^l 
xii.  34) ;  of  Zebul,  Abimelech's  lieutenant  (Judg.  ix 
28);  of  an  officer  of  the  high-priest  (2  Chr.  xxiv.| 
11);  and  of  a  priest  or  Levite  of  high  rank.  (Neh.r 
xi.  14,  22).— 9.  Heb.  shallU  (Gen.  xlii.  6),  also  tran* 
lated  "  ruler,"  &c. ;  =  a  man  of  aulhorily :  applied 
to  Joseph  as  Pharaoh's  prime  minister  (Gen.  xliLl 
6) ;  to  Arioch,  "  captain  "  of  the  guard  to  the  king 
of  Babylon  (Dan.  ii.  15);  and  to  Daniel  as  third 
in  rank  under  Bekshazzar  (v.  29). — 10.  Heb.  «a 
(1  K.  xxii.  26;  1  Chr.  xxiv.  5,  &c.),  also  translated 
"CAPTAIN,"  "iH'ince,"  "ruler,"  "chief,"  " chief  1 
captain,"  kc. ;  =  a  thief ^  in  any  capacity.  The  tcnnj 
is  used  equally  of  the  general  of  an  army  (Gen.  xxi^ 
22),  or  the  commander  of  a  division  (1  K.  xvi.  9,  xL 
24),  as  of  the  governor  of  Pharaoh's  prison  (GcnJ 
xxxix.  21),  and  the  chief  of  his  butlers  and  bakcrd 
(xl.  2),  or  herdsmen  (xlvii.  6). — II.  Chal.  «^oh,  pLj 


ooz 


GEE 


349 


siffnin  {Dan.  U.  48,  iii.2,  8,  27,  vi.  1  [Hcb.  8]),  =  a  i 
pre/eel,  governor  of  a  province,  or  of  the  magi. — 12i 
(Jr.  elhnarches  (literally  ruler  of  a  people,  etimarch),  j 
an  officer  of  rank  under  Aretas,  the  Arabian  king 
of  Damascus  (2  Cor.  xi.  32).  It  lias  been  conjec- 
tured that  tlie  cthnarch  of  Dama.scus  was  merely  \ 
the  governor  of  the  resident  Jews,  but  it  does  not  ' 
seem  probable  that  an  officer  of  sucli  limited  juris- 
diction would  be  styled  "  the  ethnarch  of  Aretas  tlie 
kin::;;  "  and  as  the  term  is  clearly  capable  of  a  wide 
range  of  meaning,  it  was  most  likely  intended  to  de- 
note one  who  held  the  city  and  district  of  Damascus 
as  the  king's  vas.^al  or  representative. — 13.  Gr. 
Iiiffeinon  (literally  leader),  the  proc-ura/or  of  Judca 
under  the  Romans  (Mat.  x-xvii.  2,  &c.) ;  also  a  leader, 
chirf,  or  ruler  (.Mat.  ii.  6,  x.  18,  &c.);  once  trans- 
lated "  prince  "  (Mat.  ii.  6),  twice  "  ruler  "  (.Mk.  xiii. 
9;  Lk.  xxi.  12).  The  kindred  Greek  participle 
kf_-/oumeno*  (=  leading,  a  leader)  is  twice  translated 
"governor"  (Mat.  ii!  6;  Acts  vii.  10).— II.  Gr. 
oi/LoiiomoK,  literally  ma^iayer  or  ruler  of  a  home 
((ial.  iv.  2),  usually  tr-inslated  "steward"  (Lk.  xii. 
42,  &c.),  once  "chamberlain"  (Rom.  xvi.  23);  =  a 
sifieard,  apparently  intrusted  (in  Gal.)  with  the  man- 
agement of  a  minor's  property. — ISt  Gr.  archib-ik- 
liiios  =r  master  of  a  fen-it,  Rbn.  A'.  T.  Lex.  (.In.  ii. 
9X  "  the  (governor  of  the  feast."  Lightfoot  supposes 
him  to  have  been  a  kind  of  chaplain,  who  pro- 
nounced the  blessings  upon  the  wine  that  was  drunk 
din-ing  the  seven  days  of  the  marriage  feast.  lie 
appears  to  have  been  on  intimate  terms  with  the 
bridegroom,  and  to  have  presided  at  the  banquet  in 
his  stead.  The  duties  of  the  master  of  a  feast  are 
given  at  full  length  in  Ecclus.  xxxii.  (xxxv.  in 
LX.'C.). 

(iozai  (Deb.  quarry?  Ges. ;  paw,  ford,  Kii.) 
seems  in  the  A.  V.  of  1  Chr.  v.  26  to  be  the  name 
of  a  river;  but  in  2  K.  xvii.  6,  and  xviii.  11,  it  is 
evidently  applied  not  to  a  river  but  a  country. 
Gozan  was  the  tract  to  which  the  Israelites  were 
carried  away  captive  by  Pul,  Tiglatli-pileser,  and 
Shalmaneser,  or  possibly  Sargon.  It  has  been 
variously  placed ;  but  probably  =  the  Gauzanitix 
of  Ptolemy,  and  the  Mijffdonia  of  other  writers.  It 
was  the  tract  watered  by  the  Habor,  the  modern 
Kliahaur,  the  great  Mesopotamian  alilueut  of  the 
Euphrates  (so  Riwlinson,  Gesenius,  &c.). 

Ora'ba  =  Hagaba  (1  Esd.  v.  2lt). 

•  Grace  (Ueb.  usually  lien  or  chen  ;  Gr.  chnrh) 
usually  in  the  Scriptures  ^  favor,  kindnesx  in  feel- 
ing or  action,  especially  as  exercised  by  God  and 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  toward  mankind,  and  as  mani- 
fested in  the  blessings  of  the  Gospel  (Gen.  vi.  8 ; 
Jn.  i.  14,  16,  17,  &c.).  It  may  also  =  whatever 
yields  pleasure  or  gratification,  as  gracefulness  or 
beauty  of  form,  manner,  speech,  character,  &c.  (I's. 
xlv.  2 ;  Prov.  iii.  22  ;  Eph.  iv.  29 ;  Col.  iv.  C,  &c.). 
Atonement;  Jcstify;  Love;  Mercy,  &c. 

"Crafting.    Garden. 

•  Craln.  Aoricl'ltijre  ;  Corn  ;  Food  ;  Wheat, 
&c. 

•  Cr»n'a-ry.    Bars  ;  Egypt. 
Crape.    Vine. 

Cra.s.s.  1 .  This  is  the  ordinary  rendering  of  the 
Ileb.  hillsir  or  r/idisir  =r  graxn,  herbage,  Ges.  (1  K. 
xviii.  5  ;  Job  xl.  15;  Ps.  civ.  14,  &c.),  also  trans- 
l.ated  "  HAY,"  LEEXS,  &c.  As  the  herbage  rapidly 
fades  under  the  paiching  heat  of  the  sun  of  Pales- 
tine, it  has  afforded  to  the  sacred  writers  an  image 
of  the  fleeting  nature  of  human  fortunes  (Job  viii. 
12,  A.  V.  "herb;"  Ps.  xxxvii.  2),  and  al.so  of  the 
brevity  of  human  life  (Is.  xl.  6,  7;  Ps.  xc.  5). — 


i.  In  the  A.  V.  of  Jer.  1.  11,  "as  the  heifer  at 
grass  "  (Ileb.  dusha)  should  be  "  as  the  heifer  tread- 
ing out  corn  "  (so  Gesenius;  see  AcRicuLTtnE).  A 
different  word  (Ueb.  dcshc  =.  the  Jirst-xhools  from  tlie 
earth,  tender  ffnus,  young  herbage,  Ges.)  is  trans- 
lated "grass"  in  Gen.  i.  11,  12  ;  Is.  xv.  6,  ke. — 3. 
In  Xuni.  xxii.  4,  where  mention  is  made  of  the  ox 
licking  up  the  "  grass  "  of  the  field,  tlie  Ileb.  is  i/erek, 
elsewhere rendered^irftn.  (Colors.) — I.  Ileb.  'eneb  zz. 
"  herb-t"  for  human  food  (Gen.  i.  30;  Ps.  civ.  14), 
but  also  fodder  for  cattle  (A.  V.  "  grass ;  "  Deut.  xi. 
15  ;  Jer.  xiv.  6,  &c.).  It  is  the  grass  (A.V.  "  herb  ") 
of  the  field  (Gen.  ii.  6  ;  Ex.  ix.  22)  and  of  the  moun- 
tain (Is.  xlii.  15;  Prov.  xxvii.  25).— ."i.  In  the  X.  T. 
"grass"  occurs  only  as  the  translation  of  the  Gr. 
chorion  (Mat.  vi.  80,  &c.),  which  is  also  translated 
"blade"  (xiii.  26;  Mk.  iv.  28),  and  "hay"  (1  Cor. 
iii.  12).     Agriccltkre;  Barn. 

Crass'hop-per.    Locist. 

Crave.     Burial  ;  Engraver;  Toxb. 

*  Craven  Image.    Idol  19,  20. 
*Cray'hottud  =  Greviiolnd. 
Creaves.    Ar.ms,  II.  4. 

*  Cre'ei-a  [-she-a  or  -sha]  (L.  Grmcia  ;  see  Gre- 
cian) =:  Greece  (Dan.  viii.  21,  &c.). 

*  Cre'cian  [-shan]  (L.  Gnecus,  fr.  Gr.  Graikos  = 
the  old.  Pott,  Fiirst),  usually  =  Greek,  denoting 
one  from  (jreece,  or  one  oi'  the  race  inhabiting 
Greece  ;  but  in  the  X.  T.  the  A.V.  translation  of  Gr. 
HcUenhtes  =  a  Hellenist,  or  Jew  speaking  the  Gr. 
language  (Acts  vi.  ],  &c.). 

(jreete  (fr.  L. ;  see  Grecia).  The  histories  of 
Greece  and  Palestine  are  as  little  connected  as 
those  of  any  two  nations  exercising  the  same 
influence  on  the  destinies  of  mankind  could  well 
be.  Homer's  epic  in  its  widest  range  does  not  in- 
clude the  Hebrews,  while  on  the  other  hand  the 
Mosaic  idea  of  the  Western  world  seems  to  have 
been  sufficiently  indeflnite.  (Earth.)  Moses  may  have 
derived  some  geographical  outlines  fiom  the  Egyp- 
tians ;  but  he  does  not  use  them  in  Gen.  x.  2-5, 
where  he  mentions  the  descendants  of  Javan  as 
peopling  the  isles  of  the  Gentiles.  From  the  time 
of  Moses  to  that  of  Joel  we  have  no  notice  of  the 
Greeks  in  the  Hebrew  writings.  When,  indeed,  the 
Hebrews  came  into  contact  with  the  lonians  of 
Asia  Minor,  and  recognized  them  as  the  long-lost 
islanders  of  the  western  migration,  it  was  natural 
that  they  sliould  mark  the  similarity  of  sound  be- 
tween the  Ueb.  Ydvan  (—  Yon),  translated  "  Javan," 
and  the  Gr.  I6ncs{=  inhabitants  of  Ionia),  and  the 
application  of  that  name  to  the  Asiatic  Greeks 
would  tend  to  satisfy  in  some  measure  a  longing  to 
realize  the  Mosaic  ethnography.  Accordingly  the 
0.  T.  word  translated  in  A.  V.  "Grecia"  (Dan.  viii. 
21,  X.  20,  xi.  2),  and  "  Greece  "  (Zech.  ix.  13),  is  in 
Heb.  Ydvun,  i.  e.  Javan,  while  the  Hcb.  blnei/  luiy- 
Yi'tvdnim  is  translated  "  Grecians  "  (Joel  iii.  0  [iv.  6 
in  Heb.],  margin  "sons  of  the  Grecians"):  "Javan," 
however,  is  sometimes  retained  (Is.  Ixvi.  19;  Ez. 
xxvii.  13).  The  Greeks  and  Hebrews  met  for  the 
first  time  in  the  slave-market.  The  medium  of 
communication  seems  to  have  been  the  Tyrian 
slave-merchants.  About  B.  c.  800  Joel  speaks  of 
the  Tyrians  as  selling  the  children  of  Judah  to-  the 
Grecians  (Joel  iii.  0);  and  in  Ez.  xxvii.  13  the 
Greeks  are  mentioneil  as  bartering  their  brazen 
vessels  for  slaves.  Proplietical  notice  of  Greece  oc- 
curs in  Dan.  viii.  21,  &c.,  where  the  history  of 
Ale.xander  and  his  successors  is  rapidly  sketched. 
Zcchariah(ix.  13)  foretells  the  triumphs  of  the  Mac- 
cabees agaiust   the   Greek   empire   of  Syria,  while 


350 


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GKE 


Isaiah  (Ixvi.  19)  looks   forward  to  the  conversion 
of  the   Greeks,    among  other   Gentiles,   through 
the  instrunientaUty  of  Jewish  missionaries.     lu  1 
Mc.  xii.  5-23  we  have  an   account  of  an  embassy 
and  letter  sent  by  the  Lacedemonians  to  the  Jews. 
The  most  remarkable  feature  in  the  transaction  is 
the  claim  which  the  Lacedemonians  prefer  to  kin- 
dred with  the  Jews,  and  which  Areus  professes  to 
establish  by  reference  to  a  book.     The  notices  of 
the  Jewish  people  which  occur  in  Greek  writers 
have  been  collected  by  Josephus  {Apion,  i.  22). 
The  chief  are  Pythagoras,  Herodotus,  Choerilus, 
Aristotle,  Theophrastus,  and  Hecatsous.     After  the 
complete  subjugation  of  the  Greeks  by  the  Romans, 
and  the  absorption  into  the  Roman  empire  of  the 
kingdoms  formed  out  of  the  dominions  of  Alex- 
ander, the  political  connection  between  the  Greeks 
and  Jews  as  two  independent  nations  no  longer  ex- 
isted.— Ancient  Greece,  called  by  its  inhabitants 
He/las,  was  a  country  of  S.  E.  Europe  which  ex- 
tended from  36°  to  40°  N.  latitude,  separated  on  the 
N.   from  Illyricum  and  Macedonia  by  a  range  of 
mountains,  and  bounded  on  all  other  sides  by  the 
sea.     That  part  of  Greece  on  the  N.  of  the  Isthmus 
of  Corinth  contained  the  districts  or  provinces  of 
Thcssaly,  Epirus,  Acarnania,  Jitolia,  Locris,  Doris, 
riiocis,  Boeotia,  Megaris,  and  Attica  :  the  southern 
part  or  the  Peloponnesus  contained  Laoonia,  lles- 
senia,  Arcadia,  Elis,  Argolis,  Achaia,  Sicyonia,  and 
Corinth.    There  were  also  numerous  islands  on  the 
E.  and  W.  coasts,  all  inhabited  by  the  Greek  race. 
Under  the  Romans  the  two  provinces  of  llACEnoNiA 
and  AciiAiA  were  often  both  included  under  the 
name   of  Greece.     Greece   occurs  once   in   N.  T. 
(Acts  XX.  2,  Gr.  Hellas),  as  opposed  to  Macedonia. 
The  Greeks  were  fond  of  tracing  back  their  origin 
to  Hellen,  the  son  of  Deucalion  and  Pyrrha,  the 
survivors  of  the  deluge  ;  and  of  the  four  great  di- 
visions of  the  race,  the  Dorians  and  Cohans  claimed 
to  be  descended  from  two  sons  of  Hellen,  and  the 
lonians  and  Achroars  from  two  of  his  grand.sons. 
The  first  inhabitants  of  Greece  were  called  Pclas- 
pians,  and  were  regarded  as  a  different  race  ;  but 
the  history  of  Greece  before  the  siege  of  Troy  by 
the  Greek's  (b.  c.  1184),  and,  indeed,  till  long  after- 
ward, is  a  matter  of  much  doubt  and  dispute.     The 
authentic  history  and  chronology  of  Greece  begins 
with  the  Olympiads  (b.  c.  776).     Greece  was  divided 
into  small  independent  states,  some  of  the  time  at  war 
among  themselves,  united  into  confederacies  more 
or  less  extensive  and  lasting,  but  without  any  central 
controlling  government;   yet  broadly  distinguished 
from  the  rest  of  the  world  (Barbarian)  by  its  lan- 
guage, blood,  common  religious  rites  and  festivals, 
social   institutions   and  laws.     The   two   states  of 
Greece  which  attained  the  greatest  historical  celeb- 
rity, were  Sparta  in  Laconia,  and  Athkxs  in  At- 
tica.    Some  of  the  Greek  colonies  in  W.  Asia,  N. 
Africa,  Italy,  and  Sicily,  attained  high  distinction. 
Darius  lIvsTASPis,  king  of  Persia,  invaded  Greece, 
and  was  defeated  at  Marathon  (b.  c.  492).     His  son 
Xerxes,  following  eleven  years  afterward  with  a  land 
army  of  1,80(1,000,  was  met  by  Leonidas,  king  of 
Sparta,  with  7,000  at  the  pass  of  ThermopyloD,  and 
successfully  resisted  for  two  days,  but  on  the  third 
the  Persians,  by  the  hel|)  of  a  traitor,  gained  the 
rear  of  the  gallant  band,  and  the  1,000  which  stood 
their  ground  with  Leonidas  were  all  slain.     The 
Per.sians  soon  took  Athens ;  but  on  the  defeat  at 
Salamis  of  his  naval  force  (more  than  4,000  vessels 
and  fi00,000  men),  Xerxes  fled  to  Asia.     His  army 
under  Mardonius  was  finally  defeated  at  Plata^a,  and 


his  fleet  at  Mycale  (b.  c.  479).  Thus  the  second 
Persian  invasion  of  Greece  ended ;  but  it  was  fol- 
lowed by  contests  among  the  Greeks  themselves,  in- 
cluding the  celebrated  Pelopounesian  war  (b.  c.  431 
-404),  which  lasted  till  Athens  was  captured  by  the 
Spartans  and  their  allies.  Philip,  king  of  Macedon, 
established  his  supremacy  in  Greece  by  the  battle 
of  Chaeronea  (b.  c.  338),  but  was  succeeded  two 
years  afterward  by  his  son  Alexander  the  Great, 
who  extended  Greek  influence  over  the  greater  part 
of  Asia  W.  of  the  Indus,  though  Greece  itself  was 
from  this  time  mostly  in  subjection,  first  to  Mace- 
don, afterward  to  Rome  (Roman  Empire),  and  still 
later  to  Turkey.  In  1821  the  Greeks  threw  off  the 
Turkish  yoke,  and  a  desolating  war  began,  which 
lasted  till  1829,  when  Greece  took  her  place  again 
as  an  independent  country. — The  language  and  lit- 
erature of  Greece  have  made  her  famous  through 
the  civilized  world.  The  almost  universal  prevalence 
of  this  language  in  our  Saviour's  time  and  its  ad- 
mirable adaptedness  to  the  expression  of  thought 
fitted  it  to  be  used  in  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel 
by  the  apostles  and  the  writing  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment. Greece  was  then,  as  it  had  long  been,  "  the 
school  of  the  human  intellect,"  and,  though  the 
Greek  religion  was  idolatrous,  and  Greek  wisdom 
despised  the  Gospel  and  its  salvation,  exerted  an  im- 
portant influence  in  preparing  the  way  for  the  prop- 
agation and  triumph  of  Christianity.  (ALEXANnnu, 
Athens;  Corinth  ;  Grecian  ;  Greek;  PniLosoriiv  ; 
Septuagint,  &c.).  See  also  the  article  Greece  in 
tlie  jW'Wi  American  Cyclop<tdia. 

*Crfek  (see  Grecian),  the  A.  V.  translation  of 
— 1.  Gr.  Hellen  =  a  native  or  inhabitant  of  Greece, 
or  one  of  the  race  inhabiting  Greece,  distinguished 
for  civilization  and  refinement,  and  hence  oppofcd 
to  Barbarian  (Rom.  i.  14);  hut  usually  in  thcN.  T. 
=  one  who  uses  the  language  and  customs  of  this 
race,  and  thus  equivalent  to  Gentile,  and  opposed 
to  Jew  (Acts  xvi.  1,  3,  kc). — 2.  Gr.  adj.  masc. 
Hdlenikos,  fern.  HdUnike,  neu.  H<lUidko»  (Lk.  xxiii. 
38,  A.  V.  "  of  Greek  ;"  Rev.  ix.  11,  A.  V.  "  Greek 
tongue"),  and — 3.  Gr.  adv.  Hellenisli  =  in  •Greek, 
i.  e.  in  the  Greek  language  (Jn.  xix.  20 ;  Acts  xxi. 
37).  The  Greek  language  was  undoubtedly  under- 
stood and  spoken  in  Palestine  in  our  Saviour's  time 
to  a  considerable  extent.  The  Greek  inscription 
placed  over  the  cross  and  the  question  addressed 
in  Greek  by  the  Apostle  Paul  to  the  chief  captain 
at  the  Temple  are  referred  to  above.  Two  of  (he 
apostles  (Andrew  ;  Philip)  had  Greek  names.  The 
names  Decapolis,  Sei/tlwpolis  (Betu-siiean),  Phila- 
delphia (Rabbah  1),  Ftnkmain  (Accho),  are  all  from 
the  Greek.  'While  theAramcan  or  modified  Hebrew 
(SiiEMiTic  Languages)  was  the  language  used  by 
the  Jews  generally  in  Judca,  and  by  our  Saviour  in 
His  exclamation  on  the  cross  (Mk.  xv.  34,  compare 
Mat.  xxvii.  4(i),  the  Jews  of  all  the  larger  cities  and 
towns  must  have  been  more  or  less  conversant  with 
Greek.  In  Galilee  the  language  of  Hebrew  origin 
had  marked  peculiarities  (Mk.  xiv  70),  and  Greek 
was  probably  much  more  prevalent  than  in  Judea. 
The  govcrivment  of  Alexander's  successors  (An- 
TiocHt-s  ii.-vii.,  &c.)  had  much  more  authority  and 
permanence  there  than  in  Judea,  and  Greek  was 
under  them  the  language  of  the  administrators  of 
the  government,     (jreece  ;  Kew  Testament,  ic. 

*'Grfok  Versions  of  llie  Old  Tes'ta-ment.  Septca- 
gint;  Versions,  Ancient  Greek. 

Grry'honnd,  the  A.  V.  translation  (Prov.  xxx.  31, 
margin  "horse,"  "  Heb.  girt  in  the  loins")  of  the 
Heb.  zarzir  moihnayip,  i.  e.  one  ffirt  about  the  luiiis. 


6RI 


GUR 


351 


Various  are  the  opinions  as  to  what  animal 
"  comely  in  goini; "  is  here  intended.  Some  think 
"  a  leopard,"  others  "  iin  eagle,"  or  "  a  man  girt 
with  armor,"  or  "  a  zebra,"  or  "  a  nar-horse  girt 
with  trappings  "  (Geseiiius,  Bochart,  Rosenmiiller, 
&c.),  or  "a  wrestler,"  when  girt  about  the  loins  for 
a  contest  (Talmud,  Maurer,  Mr.  Houghton).  Kim- 
chi,  Stuart,  Gosse  (in  Fbn.),  A.  V.,  &c.,  translate 
"  greyhound." 

Crinding.    Mill. 

Grove,  a  word  used  in  the  A.  V.,  with  two  excep- 
tions, to  translate  the  Heb.  JCsherdh,  which  is  not 
a  grove,  but  probably  an  idol  or  image  of  some 
kind.  (AsHEBAii.)  It  is  believed  also  there  was  a  con- 
nection between  this  symbol  or  image,  whatever  it 
was,  and  the  sacred  symbolic  tree,  often  repre- 
sented on  Assyrian  sculptures,  and  figured  here 
in  several  different  forms.  —  The  two  excep- 
tions noticed  above  are  Gen.  x.\i.  33,  and  1  Sam. 
xxii.  6  (margin),  where  "  grove  "  is  the  translation 
of  tlie  Heb.  en/iel,  vihich  in  the  text  of  1  Sam.  xxii. 
6,  xxxi.  13,  is  translated  "tree,"  and  by  Stanley, 
Gcseuius,  Fiirst,  &c.,  a  tamarisk;  though  Gesenius, 


Fiirst,  &c.,  suppose  the  meaning  probably  passed 
from  the  special  to  the  general,  thus  =  atii/  large 
tree,  and  collectively  trees,  a  uood,  grove.    (See  also 


Two  Torms  of  the  Aesyrlan  Sacred  Tree.    From  £iu-r«t!dj,  BiltUh 
Museum. — tFbn.) 

Plain  7.) — In  the  religions  of  the  ancient  heathen 
world,  groves  play  a  prominent  part.  In  the  old 
times  altars  only  were  erected  to  the  gods.     It  was 


Sacred  Symbolic  Tree  of  the  Assyrians.    From  Lord  Aberdeen's  Blaclt  Stone. — (Fergusson's  A*t««j«A  and  Peraepclit,  p.  298.) 


thought  wrong  to  shut  up  the  gods  within  walls, 
lid  lience,  as  PUny  expressly  tells  u.s,  trees  were 
lie  first  temples;  and  from  the  earliest  times 
jioves  are  mentioned  in  connection  with  religious 
V.  irship  (Gen.  xii.  6,  7,  xiii.  18 ;  Dcut.  xi.  30 ;  A.V. 
■  plain").  The  groves  were  generally  found  con- 
nected with  temples,  and  often  had  the  right  of 
affording  an  a.sylum.  Some  have  supposed  that 
even  the  Jewish  Temple  had  an  enclosure  planted 
with  palm  and  cedar  (Ps.  xcii.  12,  13),  and  olive 
(lii.  8),  as  the  mosque  on  its  site  now  has.  This 
is  more  than  doObtful ;  but  we  know  that  a  cele- 
brateil  oak  stood  by  the  sanctuary  at  Shechem 
(Josh.  xxiv.  26 ;  Judg.  ix.  6).  There  are  in  Scrip- 
ture many  memorable  trees:  e.  g.  AUon-bachuth 
(Gen.  XXXV.  8),  the  tamarisk  in  Gibeah  (1  Sam. 
xxii.  6  ;  see  above),  the  "  oak  "  in  Shechem  (Josh, 
xxiv.  26)  under  which  the  law  was  set  up,  the 
palm-tree  of  Deborah  (Judg.  iv.  B),  &c.  This  ob- 
iTvation  of  particular  trees  was  among  the 
liL'atlicn  extended  to  a  regular  worship  of  them. 

Gnard,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb.  and 
Chal.  lahlidh  or  tahhde/i,  originally  =:  a  eimk ;  and 
as  butchering  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  cook  in  East- 
em  countries,  it  gained  the  secondary  sense  of 
EXECiiTio.vKR,  and  is  applied  to  the  body-guard  of 
the  kings  of  Eivpt  (Gen.  xxxvii.  36)  and  Babylon 
(2  K.  xxv.  8  ff.;  Jer.  xxxix.  9  ff.,  xl.  1  IT. ;  Dan.  ii. 
H). — 2.  Heb.  ri}/s,  properly  =  a  runner,  the 
ordinary  term  employed  for  the  attendants  of  the 
Jewish  kings    whose  office    it  was   to  run  before 


the  chariot  (2  Sam.  xv.  1  ;  1  K.  i.  5  ;  A.  V.  "  to 
run  "  in  both),  and  to  form  a  military  guard  ( I 
Sam.  xxii.  17,  A.  V.  "  footmen  "  ;  2  K.  x.  25,  xi.  6; 
2  Chr.  xii.  10).  (Epistle;  Footman  2  ;  Post  II.) — 
3.  Heb.  mishmerelh  and  mixhrnar,  properly  =  the 
«<■/  of  ■watchiiifj,  but  occasionally  transferred  to  the 
persons  who  kept  watch  (Xeh.  iv.  22,  A.V.  "  watch  " 
in  iv.  9,  vii.  3,  xii.  9  ;  Job  vii.  12).  Akmy;  Captai.n. 

Gnd'gO-dall  (Heb.  thunder  I  Ges. ;  incision,  cleft, 
Fii.)  (Dcut.  X.  7).    IIor-hagidqad. 

Gaesti     Hospitality. 

Gnl'loth  (Heb.  pi.  of  ff^iMh  =  fountains,  A.V. 
"  springs  "),  a  Heb.  term  used  to  denote  the  springs 
added  by  Caleb  to  the  S.  land  in  the  neigliborhood 
of  Df.bir,  which  formed  the  dowry  of  his  daughter 
Achsah  (Josh.  xv.  19  ;  Judg.  i.  15).  The  "  springs" 
were  "  upper  "  and  "  lower  " — possibly  one  at  the 
top  and  the  other  at  the  bottom  of  a  ravine  or 
glen.  An  attempt  has  been  lately  made  by  Dr. 
Rosen  to  identify  tliese  springs  with  the  'Ain  Nun- 
Jmr  near  Hebron,  but  the  identification  can  hardly 
be  received  without  fuller  confirmation. 

Gn'nl  (Heb.  colored,  di/ed,  Ges.).  1.  A  son  of 
Naphtali  (Gen.  xlvi.  24  ;  I'Chr.  vii.  13),  the  founder 
of  the  Ainiily  of  the  Gunites^  (Num.  xxvi.  48). — S. 
A  descen:lant  of  Gad  (1  Chr.'v.  15). 

Ga'nitrs,  the  =  the  descendants  of  Guni,  son  of 
Xaphtali  (Num.  xxvi.  48). 

Gnr  (Heb.  whelp  of  a  lion,  Ges.),  the  Go'lnp  np  tO) 
an  ascent  or  rising  ground,  at  which  Alinziali  re" 
ceived  his  death-blow  while  flying  from  Jehu  aftei" 


852 


GtJR 


SAD 


the  slaughter  of  Joram  (2  K.  ix.  21) ;  probably 
some  place  more  than  usually  steep  on  the  dillicult 
road  which  leads  from  the  plain  of  Esdia-lon  to 
Jerdn.     Ahaziaii  2. 

Gnr-ba'iil(Heb.  sojourn  of  Baal,  Ges.),  a  place  or 
district  in  wliich  dwelt  Arabians,  as  recorded  in  2 
Chr.  xxvi.  7.  It  appears  from  the  context  to  have 
been  in  the  country  lying  between  Palestine  and 
the  Arabian  peninsula;  but  this,  although  probable, 
cannot  De  jiroved.  The  Arab  geographers  mention 
a  place  called  Baal,  on  the  Syrian  road,  N.  of  Me- 
dina. 

H 

Ha-a-liasli'ta-rl  (Ileb.  (he  Ahmhtarite ;  fr.  Pers., 
prob.  =  Oie  muh-driufi;  Ges. ;  the  messaiger,  courier, 
I'ii.),  a  man,  or  a  liimily,  immediately  descended 
from  Ashur,  the  "  father  of  Tekoa,"  by  his  second 
■wife  Naarah  ( 1  Chr.  iv.  0). 

Ua-bai'all  [-ba'yah]  (Ileb.  whom  Jehovah  hides  or 
proicets,  Ges.),  ancestor  of  certain  sons  of  the  priests 
who  returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel,  but, 
their  genealogy  being  imperfect,  were  not  allowed 
to  serve  (Ezr.  xi.  61 ;  Nch.  vii.  63). 

Ila-biik  kak,  or  liab'ak-knk  (Ileb.  embrace,  Ges.), 
in  Apocrypha  Adacuc  and  IIabhacuc.  I.  Of  the 
facts  of  the  prophet's  life  we  have  no  certain  infor- 
mation, and  witli  regard  to  the  period  of  his  proph- 
ecy there  is  great  division  of  opinion.  The  Rabbin- 
ical tradition  that  Ilaliakkuk  was  the  son  of  the 
Shunammite  woman  whom  Elisha  restored  to  life 
is  repeated  by  Abarbanel  in  his  commentary,  and 
has  no  other  foundation  than  a  fanciful  etymology 
of  the  prophet's  name,  based  on  the  expression  in 
"  K.  iv.  10.  In  the  title  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  as 
found  in  the  LXX.  version  in  Origen's  Tetra/ila,  the 
author  is  called  "  Ilabakkuk  the  son  of  Joshua,  of 
the  tribe  of  Levi."  Some  have  supposed  this  apoc- 
ryphal writer  =  the  prophet.  Pseudo-Epiphanius 
and  Dorotheus  say  that  he  was  of  the  tribe  of 
Simeon,  and  relate  that  when  Jerusalem  was  sacked 
by  Nebuchadnezzar,  Ilabakkuk  fled  to  Ostracine, 
and  remained  there  till  after  the  Chaldeans  had  left 
the  city,  when  he  returned  to  his  own  country,  and 
died  at  his  farm  two  years  before  the  return  from 
Babylon  (b.  c.  538).  It  was  during  his  residence  in 
Judea  that  he  is  said  to  have  carried  food  to  Daniel 
in  the  den  of  lions  at  B.abylon  (B.  &  D.,  Euseb., 
&c.).  Ilabakkuk  is  said  to  have  been  buried  at  Kei- 
lAH  (Euseb.).  Rabbinical  tradition  places  his  tomb 
at  HuKKOK. — II.  The  Rabbinical  traditions  agree  in 
placing  Ilabakkuk  with  Joel  and  Nahum  in  the 
reign  of  Manasseh.  Kiniehi,  Abarbanel,  Witsius, 
Jahn,  &c.,  adopt  this  date.  Davidson,  following 
Kcil,  decides  in  favor  of  the  early  part  of  the  reign 
of  Josiah.  Calniet,  Ewald,  De  Wette,  Rosenmuller, 
Knobel,  JIaurer,  Hitzig,  Meier,  &c.,  assign  the  com- 
mencement of  liabakkuk's  prophecy  to  the  reign 
of  Jehoiakim.  Delitzsch  concludes  that  Ilabakkuk 
delivered  his  prophecy  about  the  twelfth  or  thir- 
teenth year  of  Josiah  (n.  c.  630  or  029).  This  view 
receives  some  confirmation  from  the  position  of  his 
prophecy  in  the  0.  T.  Canon  (so  Mr.  Wright,  ori- 
ginal author  of  this  article).  The  prophet  com- 
mences by  announcing  his  office  and  important  mi.s- 
sion  (i.  1).  He  bewails  the  corruption  and  social 
disorganization  by  which  he  is  surrounded,  and 
cries  to  Jehovah  for  help  (i.  2-4).  Next  follows 
the  rei)ly  of  the  Deity,  threatening  swift  vengeance 
(i.  5-11).     The  prophet,  transferring  himself  to  the 


near  future  foreshadowed  in  the  divine  threatening^, 
sees  the  rai)acity  and  boastful  impiety  of  the  Chul- 
dean  hosts,  but,  confident  that  God  has  only  em- 
ployed them  as  the  instruments  of  correction,  as- 
sumes (ii.  1)  an  attitude  of  hopeful  expectancy,  and 
waits  to  see  the  issue.  He  receives  the  divine  com- 
mand to  write  in  an  enduring  form  the  vision  of 
God's  retributive  justice,  as  revealed  to  his  pro- 
phetic eye  (ii.  2,  3).  The  doom  of  the  Chaldeans  is 
first  foretold  in  general  terms  (ii.  4-6),  and  the  an- 
nouncement is  Ibllowed  by  a  series  of  denuncia- 
tions pronounced  upon  them  by  the  nations  who 
had  sufl'ered  from  their  oppression  (ii.  6-20).  The 
strophical  arrangement  of  these  "  woes "  (three 
verses  each)  is  a  remarkable  feature  of  the  proph- 
ecy. The  whole  concludes  with  the  magnificent 
Psalm  in  ch.  iii.,  "  liabakkuk's  Pindaric  ode " 
(Ewald),  a  composition  unrivalled  for  boldness  of 
conception,  sublimity  of  thought,  and  majesty  of 
diction.      15ible  ;  Canon  ;    Inspikation  ;  Uld  Tus- 

TA.MKNT  ;    PliOrllET. 

Ilab-a-zi-ni'all  (fr.  Ileb.  —  liyhl  or  lamp  of  JiO 
hovah  ?  Ges. ;   eoltcetion  of  Jah,  Fii.),  ancestor  of 
Jaazaniah,  and  apparently  head  of  a  family  of  tli# 
Rkciiabiti'.s  (Jer.  xxxv.  3). 

Uab'ba-CDC  (h.  L.  iovm  Habacuc)  =  IIabakkukI 
(B.  &  D.  33-30). 

Ua-ber'gr-on  [-je-].    Arms,  II.  1,  2. 

Ua'bor  (Ileb.  joinini/  together,  Ges.),  the  "rivcj 
of  Gozan "  (2  K.  xvii.  6,  xviii.  11),  beyond 
reasonable  doubt  (so  Rawlinson,  Bitter,  Gcseniuri 
&c.)  =  the  famous  affluent  of  the  Eujihrates,  nhicl 
is  called  Aborrhas  by  Strabo,  Chaboras  by  I'lin| 
and  Ptolemy,  and  now  Khalour.  It  is  about  20 
miles  long ;  its  coui-se  is  tortuous,  having  a  genen 
direction  about  S.  S.  W.,  through  rich,  (lower 
meads.  It  flows  from  several  sources  in  the  moun 
tain-chain,  which  about  37  N.  lat.  closes  in  th 
valley  of  the  Tigris  upon  the  S. — the  Mens  Masiii 
of  Strabo  and  Ptolemy,  at  present  the  Khart 
Daijh. 

Hath-a-Ii'all  [hak-]  (fr.  Ileb.  =  whose  eyes  JA 
vah  enlivens,  Ges.),  father  of  Nehemiau  1  (Neh. 
1, -x.  1). 

Ilatli'i-lah  (Hob.  darksome,  Ges.),  tllC  Kill  «f, 
hill  apiiarently  in  a  wood  in  the  wilderness  or  was' 
land  in  the  neighborhood   of  ZiPii  2  ;  in  the  faslj 
nesses,  or  passes,  of  which  David  and  his  six  Im 
dred  followers  were  lurking  when  the  Ziphitcs  ig 
formed  Saul  of  his  whereabouts  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  19| 
compare  14,  15,  18).     No  trace  of  the  name  Hach' 
lah  has  yet  been  discovered. 

Diitli'mo-ui  (II el),  wise,  Ges.),  Son  of,  and 
llai'li'nie-nltc  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  32,  xi.  11),  both  rendcij 
ings — the  Ibrmer  the  correct  one — of  the  same  Ila 
brew  words.  Hachmon  or  Ilachmoni  was  no  doub' 
the  founder  of  a  family  to  which  Jkhiel  5  and 
Jasiiobf.am  belonged :  the  actual  fatlier  of  JasliC! 
beam  was  Zabdiel  (xxvii.  2),  and  he  is  also  said  t^ 
have  belonged  to  the  Korhites  (xii.  0),  possibly  C 
Levites  descended  from  Korah. 

Ha'dad  (Ileb.  jiowafut,  miyhty,  Fii. ;  see  No.  i 
below)  was  originally  the  indigenous  appellation  i 
the  sun  among  the  Syrians,  and  was  thence  traus^ 
ferred  to  the  king,  as  the  highest  of  earthly  aulholl 
ities.  The  title  appears  to  have  been  an  ollicial  one 
like  Pliaraoh.  It  is  found  occasionally  in  the 
tered  form  IIadar.  1.  (Ileb.  =  sharp,  Ges. ;  pou 
fid,  niif/hlii,  Fii.)  Son  of  Ishmael  ((Jen.  xxv.  16; 
Chr.  i.  SO). — 2.  A  king  of  Edom  who  gained  an  iu 
portant  victorv  over  the  Midianitcs  on  Ihc  field 
Moab  (Gen.  xx.xvi.  35,  SO ;  1  Chr.  i.  40,  47).— 3. 


HAD 


HAa 


353 


king  of  Edom,  with  Pau  for  lii3  capital  (1  Chr.  i. 
80) ;  =  Hadar  2. — 1.  A  member  of  the  royal  house 
of  Edom  (1  K.  xi.  14  IT.).  In  liis  ehildhood  he  es- 
caped the  massacre  under  Joab,  in  which  his  fither 
appears  to  have  perished,  and  fled  with  a  baud  of 
followers  into  Egypt.  Pharaoh,  the  predecessor  of 
Solomon's  father-in-law,  treated  him  kindly,  and 
gave  him  his  sister-in-law  in  marriage.  After  Da- 
vid's death  Iladad  resolved  to  attempt  the  recovery 
of  his  dominion :  Pharaoh  in  vain  discouraged  him, 
and  upon  this  he  left  Egypt  and  returned  to  his 
own  country.  It  does  not  appear  from  the  Hebrew 
text  how  Hadad  became  subsequently  to  this  an 
"  adversary  unto  Solomon  "  (vcr.  14),  still  less  how 
he  gained  the  sovereignty  over  Syria  (ver.  25).  The 
LXX.  refers  ver.  25  entirely  to  him,  and  substitutes 
for  Aram  (Syria),  Edom. 

Had-ad-e'zer  (Ileb.  IIadad  is  his  help,  Ges.)  = 
HAnAiiKZEK  (2  Sam.  viii.  3-12  ;  1  K.  xi.  23). 

UA'dad-rim  Dion  (Heb.,  see  below),  according  to 
the  ordinary  interpretation  of  Zech.  xii.  11  =  a 
place  in  the  valley  of  Megiddo,  named  after  two 
Syrian  idols  (Hadad  ;  Rimmon),  where  a  national 
lamentation  was  held  for  the  death  of  King  Josiah. 
Van  de  Velde  (i.  355)  identifies  Hadadrimraon  with 
the  modern  village  Rumuni,  tluee-quarters  of  an 
hour  S.  of  Lejjun  (Megiddo) ;  but  its  position  is  un- 
suitable (so  I'orter,  in  Kitto). 

II»'dar(IIeb.=r  IIadad).  1.  Son  of  Ishmacl  (Gen. 
ixv.  15);  —  Hadad  1.  The  mountain  Hadad,  be- 
longing to  Teymd  (Tema)  on  the  borders  of  the 
Syrian  desert,  N.  of  Medina,  perhaps  =  the  ancient 
dwellings  of  the  tribe  descended  from  liim. — i.  King 
of  Edom,  successor  of  Baal-hnnan  the  son  of  Ach- 
bor  (Gen.  xxxvi.  39) ;  —  Hadad  3. 

H*d-ar-e'zer  (Heb.  =  Hadadezer),  son  of  Rehob 
-  Sam.  viii.  3),  the  king  of  Zobaii,  who,  while  on 
lii.i  way  to  "  establish  his  dominion  "  at  the  Euphra- 
tes, was  overtaken   by  David,  and  defeated  with 
srreat  loss  of  chariots,   horses,  and  men  (1  Chr. 
••iii.  3  If.).     (Arms,  II.  6.)     After  the  first  repulse 
>{  the  Ammonites  and  their  Syrian  allies  by  Joab, 
llidarczcr  sent  his  army  to  the  assistance  of  his 
iiidred  the  people  of  Maachah,  Rehob,  and  Ish-tob 
\ix.  It;  ff. ;    2  Sam.  x.  15  ft'.,  compare  8).     Under 
je  command  of  Shophach,  or  Shobach,  the  captain 
ul  the  host,  they  crossed  the  Euphrates,  joined  the 
other  Syrians,  and  encamped  at  Helam.    David  him- 
self came  from  Jerusalem  to  take  the  command  of 
the  Israelite  army.    As  on  the  former  occasion,  the 
rout  was  complete. 

llad'a-shah  (Heb.  fem.  =  ««<•),  a  city  of  Judah, 
in  the  maritime  low  country  (Josh.  xv.  37  only) ; 
probably  =  Adasa.  Hitherto  it  has  eluded  dis- 
covery in  modern  times. 

Ila-djis'sah  (Ileb.  mj/rtle,  Ges.),  a  name,  probably 
the  earlier  name,  of  Esther  (Esth.  ii.  7). 

ila-dat'tah  (Ueb.  nete,  nnuaed,  Fii.),  according 
to  the  A.  V.  one  of  the  towns  of  Judah  in  the  ex- 
treme S.  (Josh.  IV.  25) ;  but  the  Hebrew  accents 
connect  the  word  with  that  preceding  it,  as  if  it 
were  IJiizor-hatlallah,  i.  e.  New  J/aaor,  in  distinction 
from  the  Hazor  in  verse  23.  Wilton  and  Rowlands 
(in  Fairbairn,  s.  v.  "South  Country")  identify  Ha- 
zor-hadattah  with  an  ancient  ruin,  Kaiir  Adndah, 
about  twelve  miles  S.  W.  of  Masada  (tkbbeh)  and 
W.  of  the  Dead  Sea. 

•  Hades  f-deez]  (Gr.).    Hell. 

Ila'did  (Ileb.  tharp),  a  place  named  with  Lod 
(Lydda)  and  Ono  in  Ezr.  ii.  33  ;  Neh.  vii.  37,  xi.  34  ; 
probably  about  three  miles  E.  of  Li/dd  (Lydda)  at 
the  modern  village  el-Ilad'.theh.     Auioa. 
23 


Had'lal  or  Had'la-i  (Heb.  reding,  Ges.),  an 
Ephraimite,  father  of  A.masa  2  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  12). 

Ila-doram  (Ueb.  Hadar  [=  Hadad]  is  exalted, 
FQ.).  I.  Fifth  son  of  Joktan  (Gen.  x.  27 ;  1  Chr. 
i.  21).  His  descendants,  according  to  Gesenius, 
Fiirst,  &c.,  =  the  Adramila,  a  tribe  of  S.  Arabia. 
— 2>  Son  of  Tou  or  Toi,  king  of  Hamath ;  his 
fatlier's  ambassador  to  congratulate  David  on  his 
victory  over  Hadarezer,  king  of  Zobah  (1  Chr.  xviii. 
10);  =  JoRAM  4. — 3t  The  iutendant  of  taxes  under 
David,  Solomon,  and  Rehoboam  (2  Chr.  x.  18);  = 
Adomram  and  Adoram. 

Ua'dracli  [-drak]  (Aram,  periodical  return  of  the 
sun,  Fii. ;  strong-weak,  a  symbolical  name,  Fbn. ; 
perhaps  from  Hadar),  a  country  of  Syria  (Zech.  ix. 
1,  2  only).  The  position  of  tlie  district,  with  its 
borders,  is  here  generally  stated  ;  but  the  name  it- 
self seems  to  have  wholly  disappeared.  It  still  re- 
mains unknown. 

Ha'gab  (Heb.  locust,  Ges. ;  beni,  Fii.),  ancestor  of 
certain  Nethinim  who  returned  from  Babylon  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  46). 

Ilng'a-ba  (Heb.  =  Hagab,  Ges.,  Fii.),  ancestor  of 
certain  Kethinim  who  came  back  from  captivity 
with  Zerubbabel  (Xeh.  vii.  48) ;  =  Hagabah. 

Uag'a-bab  (Ueb.  =  Hagab,  Ges.,  Fu.)  —  Hagaba 
(Ezr.  ii.  45). 

Ua'gar  (Heb.  figid),  an  Egyptian  woman,  the 
handmaid,  or  slave,  of  Sarah  (Gen.  xvi.  1),  whom 
the  latter  gave  as  a  concubine  (iLiRRiAOE)  to  Abra- 
ham, after  he  had  dwelt  ten  years  in  the  land  of 
Canaan  and  had  no  children  by  Sarah  (xvi.  2,  3). 
That  she  was  a  bondwoman  is  stated  both  in  the 
0.  T.  and  in  the  N.  T.,  in  the  latter  as  part  of  her 
typical  character.  It  is  recorded  tliat  "  when  she 
saw  that  she  had  conceived,  her  mistress  was  de- 
spised in  her  eyes"  (4),  and  Sarah,  with  the  anger, 
we  may  suppose,  of  a  free  woman,  rather  than  of  a 
wife,  reproached  Abraham  for  the  results  of  her 
own  act.  Hagar  fled,  turning  her  steps  toward  her 
native  land  through  the  great  wilderness  traversed 
by  the  Egyptian  road.  By  tlie  fountain  in  the  way 
to  Shur  (Beer-laiiai-roi)  the  angel  of  the  Lord 
found  her,  charged  her  to  return  and  submit  her- 
self under  the  hands  of  her  mistress,  and  delivered 
the  remarkable  prophecy  respecting  her  unborn 
child,  recorded  in  ver.  10-12.  On  her  return,  she 
gave  birth  to  Isijmael,  and  Abraham  was  then 
eighty-six  years  old.  Mention  is  not  again  made 
of  Hagar  in  the  history  of  Abraham  until  the  feast 
at  the  weaning  of  Isaac,  when  "  Sarah  saw  the  son 
of  Hagar  the  Egyptian,  which  she  had  borne  unto 
Abraham,  mocking ; "  and  in  exact  sequence  with 
the  first  flight  of  Hagar,  we  now  read  of  her  expul- 
sion (xxi.  9  ff.).  The  verisimilitude,  oriental  exact- 
ness, and  simple  beauty  of  this  story  are  internal 
evidences  attesting  its  truth  apart  from  all  other 
evidence.  The  name  of  Hagar  occurs  elsewhere 
only  when  she  takes  a  wife  to  Ishmael  (xxi.  21); 
and  in  the  genealogy  (xxv.  12).  St.  Paul  refers  to 
her  as  the  type  of  the  old  covenant,  likening  her  to 
Mount  Sinai,  the  Mount  of  the  Law  (Gal.  iv.  22  ff.). 
In  Mohammedan  tradition  Hagar  is  represented  aa 
the  wife  of  Abraham. 

Da-gar-enes'  [-eenz],  Ka'gar-ites  (both  fr.  Heb. 
pi.  Hagrim,  Hagrlim  =  fugitives,  Ges. ;  desmidants 
of  Uaoar?),  a  people  dwelling  to  the  E.  of  Pales- 
tine, with  whom  the  tribe  of  Reuben  made  war  in 
the  time  of  Saul  (1  Chr.  v.  10,  18-20).  The  same 
people,  as  confederate  against  Israel,  arc  mentioned 
in  Ps.  Ixxxiii.  Who  these  people  were  is  a  qucstioa 
that  cannot  readily  be  decided,  though  it  is  gon- 


354 


HAG 


HAI 


erally  believed  that  they  were  named  after  Hagar. 
It  is  uncertain  whether  the  important  town  and 
district  of  Hejer  represent  the  ancient  name  and  a 
dwelling  of  tlie  Hagarenes  ;  but  it  is  reasonable  to 
suppose  that  they  do.  Uejer,  or  Hejard,  is  the  capi- 
tal town,  and  also  a  subdivision,  of  the  province  of 
Northeastern  Ababia  called  El-Bahreyn,  on  the  bor- 
ders of  the  Persian  Gulf. 

lla  gcr-itc  \g  as  in  gtC\  (fr.  Hcb.  Hagri  =  descend- 
anl  of  IIaoak),  the.  Jaziz  the  liagerite  had  the 
charge  of  David's  sheep  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  31). 

II)lg'ga-i  or  Hag'gai  (lich.  festive,  Ges.),  the  tenth 
in  order  of  the  minor  prophets,  and  first  of  those 
who  prophesied  after  the  Captivity.  With  regard 
to  his  tribe  and  parentage,  both  history  and  tradi- 
tion are  alike  silent.  Piobably  he  was  one  of  the 
exiles  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  and  Joshua. 
Ewald  infers  from  chapter  ii.  3  that  he  may  have 
been  one  of  the  few  survivors  who  had  seen  the 
first  temple  in  its  splendor.  The  rebuilding  of  the 
temple,  commenced  in  the  reign  of  Cyrus  (b.  c.  535), 
was  suspended  during  the  reigns  of  his  successors, 
Cambysea  and  Pseudo-Smerdis,  in  consequence  of 
the  determined  hostility  of  the  Samaritans.  On  the 
accession  of  Darius  Hystaspis  (b.  c.  521),  the  proph- 
ets Haggai  and  Zjx'iiariaii  urged  the  renewal  of  the 
undertaking,  and  obtained  the  permission  and  as- 
si.-itance  of  the  king  (Ezr.  v.  1,  vi.  14).  Animated 
by  the  high  courage  of  these  devoted  men,  the 
people  prosecuted  the  work  with  vigor,  and  the 
tem])le  was  completed  and  dedicated  in  the  sixth 
year  of  Darius  (b.  c.  516).  According  to  tradition, 
Haggai  was  born  in  Babylon,  was  a  young  man 
when  he  came  to  Jerusalem,  and  was  buried  with 
honor  near  the  sepulchres  of  the  priests.  It  has 
hence  been  conjectured  that  he  was  a  priest.  Hag- 
gai, Zechariah,  and  Malachi,  according  to  the  Jew- 
ish writers,  were  with  Daniel  when  he  saw  the 
vision  of  Dan.  x.  7 ;  and  were  after  the  Captivity 
members  of  the  Great  Synagogue.  (Stnagogie, 
THE  GkEjVT;  see  also  Ezra,  Book  of.)  One  tradi- 
tion places  their  death  in  the  fifty-second  year  of 
the  Medes  and  Persians ;  another  makes  Haggai 
survive  till  the  entry  of  Alexander  the  Great  into 
Jerusalem,  and  even  till  our  Saviour's  time.  The 
names  of  Haggai  and  Zechariah  arc  associated  in 
the  LXX.  in  the  titles  of  Ps.  IST,  145-148;  in  the 
Vulgate  in  those  of  Ps.  Ill,  145  ;  and  in  the  Pcshito 
Syriac  in  those  of  Ps.  125,  12<i,  145-148.  It  may 
be  that  tradition  assigned  to  these  prophets  the  ar- 
rangement of  the  above-mentioned  psalms  for  use 
in  the  temple  service.  According  to  Pseudo-Epi- 
phanius,  Haggai  was  the  first  who  chanted  the  Hal- 
lelujah in  the  second  temple.  The  style  of  his 
writing  is  generally  tame  and  prosaic,  though  at 
limes  it  rises  to  the  dignity  of  severe  invective, 
■when  the  prophet  rebukes  his  countrymen  for  their 
selfish  indolence  and  neglect  of  God's  house.  But 
the  brevity  of  the  prophecies  is  so  great,  and  the 
poverty  of  expression  which  characttrizes  them  so 
striking,  as  to  give  rise  to  a  conjecture,  not  with- 
out reason,  that  in  their  present  form  they  are  but 
the  outline  or  summary  of  the  original  discourses 
(so  Mr.  Wright,  after  Eichhorn,  Jahn,  &c.).  They 
were  delivered  in  the  second  year  of  Darius  Hystas- 
pis (a  c.  520),  at  intervals  from  the  1st  day  of  the 
6th  month  to  the  24th  day  of  the  9th  month  in  the 
same  year. 

Ilag'ge-ri  [g  as  in  get]  (Heb.  Hagri  =  descendant 
of  Hagar4  compare  Hagerite).  "Mibiiar  son  of 
Haggeri "  (margin  "  the  Haggerite  ")  was  one  of 
.David's  valiant  men,  according  to  1   Chr.  xi.  38. 


The  parallel  passage — 2  Sam.  xxiii.  36 — has  "Bani 
the  Gadite,"  which  is  probably  the  correct  reading 
(so  Kennicott). 

Hag'gi  (Heb.  =r  Haggai,  Ges.),  second  son  of 
Gad  (Gen.  xlvi.  16 ;  Num.  xxvi.  16) ;  founder  of  the 
Haggites. 

Hag-gi'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  festival  of  Jehovah,  Ges.), 
a  Jleraritc  Levite  (1  Chr.  vi.  30). 

Uag'gites,  the  =  a  Gadite  family  sprung  from 
Haggi  (Num.  xxvi.  15). 

Hag'gitll  (Heb.  festive,  Ges. ;  a  dancer,  II r.  Grove\ 
one  of  David's  wives,  the  mother  of  Adonijah  (2 
Sam.  iii.  4  ;  IK.  i.  5,  11,  ii.  13  ;  1  Chr.  iii.  2J. 

Ha'gi-a  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Hattil  (1  Esd.  v.  34). 

*  Ua-gi-cg'ra-pha  (Gr.  =  holt;  writings).  Bible, 
III.  3 ;  Psalms. 

Ha'i  (Ueb.  =  the  Ai)  =:  Ai  (Gen.  xii.  8,  xiii.  3). 

*  Ilail  (Heb.  irfj-rfd  ;  Gr.  chalaza)  was  the  soveutli 
of  the  plagues  of  Egypt.  (Plagues,  the  Ten.) 
Hail  is  more  common  than  sxow  in  the  hill-country 
of  Palestine  during  the  rainy  season  ^Rbn.  Fhi/s. 
Gcog.  2iO  f.).  Destructive  hail-stoinis  sometimes 
occurred  (Ps.  cxlviii.  8  ;  Hag.  ii.  17,  &c.).  God 
smote  the  Amorites  -with  "hailstones"  (Josh.  x. 
11).  "Hail"  is  mentioned  among  tl.e  Divine  judg- 
ments (Ps.  Ixxviii.  47,  48,  cv.  32  ;  Is.  xxviii.  2,  17  ; 
Ez.  xiii.  11,  13;  Eev.  viii.  11,  &c.).     Kain  ;   Tnu^- 

IIER,  &C. 

Hair.  The  Hebrews  were  fully  alive  to  the  im- 
portance of  the  hair  as  an  element  of  personal 
beauty,  whether  as  seen  in  the  "  curled  locks,  black 
as  a  raven,"  of  youth  (Cant.  v.  11),  or  in  the  "  crown 
of  glory  "  that  encircled  the  licad  of  old  age  (Prov. 
xvi.  31).  The  customs  of  ancient  nations  in  regard 
to  the  hair  varied  considerably ;  the  Egyptians 
allowed  the  women  to  wear  it  long,  but  kipt  the 
heads  of  men  closely  .shaved  from  early  childhood. 
The  Greeks  admired  long  hair,  wlielhor  in  men 
or  women.  The  Assyrians  also  wore  it  long.  (See 
cut  under  Crown.)  The  Hebrews  on  the  other 
hand,  while  they  encouraged  the  growth  of  hair, 
observed  the  natural  distinction  between  the  sexes 
by  allowing  the  women  to  wear  it  long  (Lk.  vii. 
38 ;  Jn.  xi.  2 ;  1  Cor.  xi.  6  fl"),  while  the  men 
restrained  theirs  by  frequent  clipping  to  a  mod- 
erate length.  This  difference  between  the  He- 
brews and  the  surrounding  nations,  especially  the 
Egyptians,  arose  no  doubt  partly  from  natural 
taste,  but  partly  also  from  legal  enactments  :  clip- 
ping the  hair  in  a  certain  manner  and  offering  the 
locks,  was  in  early  times  connected  with  religious 
worship  :  and  hence  the  Hebrews  were  forbidden  to 
"  round  the  cornei-s  of  their  heads  "  (Lev.  xix.  27), 
meaning  the  locks  along  the  forehead  and  temples, 
and  behind  the  ears.  The  prohibition  against  cut- 
ting off  the  hair  on  the  death  of  a  relative  (Deut. 
xiv.  1)  was  probably  grounded  on  a  similar  reason. 
In  addition  to  these  regulations,  the  Hebrews 
dreaded  baldness,  as  it  was  frequently  the  result  of 
leprosy  (Lev.  xiii.  40  ff.),  and  hence  formed  one  vt 
the  disqualifications  for  the  priesthood '(Lev.  xxi. 
20,  LXX.).  "Several  of  the  Canaanitish  nations 
shaved  some  part  of  the  head."  "  The  beard,  nius 
taches,  and  eyebrows  "  of  the  Hittites  "  were  all 
closely  shaven.  They  had  also  a  custom  of  shaving 
a  square  place  just  above  the  ear,  leaving  the  li.nir 
on  the  side  of  the  face  and  the  whiskers,  wiiich 
hung  down  in  a  long  plaited  lock.  The  Zuzim 
shaved  the  back  of  the  head.  The  Moabites  of 
Kabbah  shaved  the  forehead  half-way  to  the  crnmi, 
combing  all  the  rest  of  the  hair  backward."  (<'-. 
bum's  A71C.  Egypt,  125,  126.)     Compare  margin  oj 


1 


HAI 


HAL 


355 


.Tor.  IX.  26,  XXV.  23,  &c.,  "  oU  off  into  comers,  or, 

hining  ;he  rorurrs  of  their  hair  jiolled."  Long  hair 
as  ailmircJ  in  Ihj  case  of  young  men  ;  it  is  cspe- 

i  i.illv  notieeJ  in  the  description  of  Absalom's  per- 
>n  (2  Sam.  xiv.  20).  The  care  requisite  to  keep 
lie  hair  in  order  in  such  cases  must  have  been  very 
real,  and  hence  the  practice  of  wearing  long  hair 
I  us  unusual,  and  only  resorted  to  as  an  act  of  re- 
^'ions  observance.  (N'azabits.)  In  times  of  afflic- 
im  the  hair  was  altogether  cut  off  (Is.  iii.  17,  24, 

\v.  2 ;  .Icr.  vii.  29).  Tearing  tlie  hair  (Ezr.  ix.  3), 
111  letting  it  go  dishevelled,  were  similar  tokens  of 

.'lief.      Wigs  were  commonly  used  by  the  Egyp- 


acter,  as  of  Jezebel  (2  K.  ix.  80),  of  Judith  (Jd.  x. 
3J.  The  terms  used  in  the  N.  T.  (1  Tim.  ii.  9  ;  1 
Fct.  iii.  3)  are  also  of  a  general  character ;  Schleus- 
ner  understands  them  of  curling  rather  than  plait- 
ing. (Broideked.)  The  arrangement  of  Samson's 
hair  iulo  seven  locks,  or  more  properly  braids 
(Judg.  xvi.  13,  19),  involves  the  practice  of  plaiting, 
which  was  also  familiar  to  the  Kgyptians  and  Greeks. 


Egyptian  Wi^ — (Wilkinson.) 

tians,  but  not  by  the  Hebrews.  The  usual  and  fii- 
Torite  color  of  the  hair  was  black  (Cant.  v.  II),  as 
is  indicated  in  the  comparisons  to  a  "  flock  of  goats  " 
and  the  "tents  of  Kedar  "  (iv.  1,  i.  5) :  a  similar 
hue  is  probably  intended  by  the  purple  of  Cant.  vii. 
6.  A  fictitious  hue  was  occasionally  obtained  by 
sprinkling  gold-dust  on  the  hair.  It  docs  not  ap- 
pear that  dyes  were  ordinarily  used.  Herod  is  said 
to  have  dyed  his  grav  hair.  The  approach  of  age  was 
marked  by  a  spriniclhig  (Hos.  vii.  9)  of  gray  hairs, 
which  soon  overeprctd  the  whole  head  (Gen.  xlii. 
88,  xliv.  29;  1  K.  ii.  6,  9;  Prov.  xvi.  31,  xx.  29). 
(AluoN'D.)  Pure  white  hair  was  deemed  character- 
istic of  the  Divine  Majesty  (Dan.  vii.  9  ;  Rev.  i.  14). 
The  chief  beauty  of  the  hair  consisted  in  curls, 
whether  natural  or  artificial.  With  regard  to  the 
mode  of  dressing  the  hair,  we  have  no  very  precise 
information;  t'.ie  terms  used  are  of  a  general  char- 


Grecian  Manner  of  Wearing  tbe  Hair.— From  Hope's  CW^ume*.— (Fbn.) 

The  locks  were  probably  kept  in  their  place  by  a 
fillet  as  in  Kgypt.  Ornaments  were  worked  into 
the  hair,  as  practised  by  the  modern  Egyptians. 
Combs  and  hair-pins  are  mentioned  in  the  Talmud 
(Heap-dress.)  'The  Hebrews,  like  other  nations  of 
antiquity,  anointed  the  hair  profusely  with  oint- 
ments, generally  compounded  of  various  aromatic 
ingredients  (Ru.  iii.  3  ;  2  Sam.  xiv.  2;  Ps.  xxiii.  5, 
xlv.  7,  xcii.  10  ;  Ecel.  ix.  8  ;  Is.  iii.  24) ;  more  espe- 
cially on  occasion  of  festivities  or  hospitality  (Mat. 
vi.  17,  xxvi.  7;  Lk.  vii.  46).  (Anointino  ;  Oint- 
ment.) It  appears  to  have  been  the  custom  of  the 
Jews  in  our  Saviour's  time  to  swear  by  the  hair 
(Mat.  v.  30),  much  as  the  Eg}ptian  women  still 
swear  by  the  side-lock,  and  the  men  by  their  beards 
(Lane,  i.  52,  71,  notes).  Beard;  Handicrajt  ; 
PtNisnMKNTs;  Razor. 

Hak'ka-tan  (Ilcb.  tlie  little).  Johanan,  son  of 
Hakkatan,  was  the  chief  of  the  sons  of  Azgad  who 
returned  from  Babylon  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  12). 

Hak'koz  (lleb.  the  thorv),  a  priest,  the  chief  of 
the  seventh  course  in  the  service  of  the  sanctuaiT, 
as  appointed  by  David  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  10).  In  Ezi-.  ii. 
61,  and  Neh.  iii.  4,  21,  the  name  occurs  again  as 
Koz  in  the  A.  V. 

Ha-kn'pba  (Heb.  bent,  crooked,  Ges.),  ancestor 
of  certain  Xeiliinim  who  returned  from  Babylon 
with  Zenibbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  51  ;  Neh.  vii.  6S). 

Ha'iRh  (Heb.)  (2  K.  xvii.  16,  xviii.  11  ;  1  Chr.  v.  26) 
is  probably  (so  Rawlinson)  a  different  place  from  the 
Calah  of  Gen.  x.  11.  Rawlinson  supposes  it  = 
the  Chalcitis  of  Ptolemy,  a  region  adjoining  Gauza- 
nitis  (GoZAx) ;  and  that  the  name  remains  in  the 
modern  Gla,  a  large  mound  on  the  upper  KhaboHr 
(Habor). 

Ha'lak  (Heb.  the  smooth),  the  Monnt,  a  mountain 
twice  named  as  the  southern  limit  of  Joshua's  con- 
quests (Josh.  xi.  17,  xii.  7);  according  to  Wilton 
(in  Fairbairn,  aiticle  "  Karkaa  ")  the  modern  Jcbcl 
i'eleic,  a  long  and  lofty  ridge  about  75  miles  S.  W. 
from  Beer-sheba  ;  according  to  Kcil  and  Porter  (in 
Kitto)  the  line  of  chalk  elifls  which  form  the  north- 
ern limit  of  the  Aradah(=  the  ascent  of  Akrab- 
BiM,  Robinson). 

*  Half  Part  (Xeh.  iii.  9  ff.).    Part. 

Hal'hlll  (Uvh.  full  of  holhiws,  Fii.),  a  town  of  Ju- 
dah  in  the  mountain  district  (Josli.  xv.  58).  The 
name  still  remains  attached  to  a  conspicuous  hill, 
with  ruins  of  walls,  a  mosque,  &c.,  and  a  village  on 
the  eastern  slope,  one  mile  E.  of  the  road  from  Je- 
rusalem to  Hebron,  between  three  and  four  miles 
from  the  latter. 

Da'll  (Heb.  necklace,  trinket,  Ges.),  a  town  on  the 


356 


HAL 


HAM 


boundary  of  Asher,  named  between  Helkath  and 
Beten  (Josh.  xix.  25). 

Ilal-i-ear-nas'sDS  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  in  Caria,  a  city  of 
great  renown,  as  the  birthplace  of  Herodotus  and 
of  the  later  historian  Dionysius,  and  as  embellished 
by  the  Mausoleum  erected  by  Artemisia,  but  of  no 
Biblical  interest  except  as  tlie  residence  of  a  Jewish 
population  in  the  periods  between  the  0.  and  N.  T. 
histories  (1  Mc.  xv.  23).  The  modern  name  of  the 
place  is  Budrum. 

Hall,  used  of  the  court  of  the  high-priest's  house 
(Lk.  xxii.  65).  In  Matthew  x.wii.  27,  and  Mark  xv. 
16,  "hall"  =  "  Pr^torium,"  the  "judgment-hall" 
in  John  xviii.  28.  The  hall  or  court  of  a  house  or 
PALACE  would  probably  be  an  enclosed  but  uncov- 
ered space,  on  a  lower  level  than  the  apartments 
of  the  lowest  floor  which  looked  into  it. 

Bal-lc-ln  jab  (Heb.  haliluy&h  =  praise  ye  Jehovah 
[A.  V.  "  praise  ye  the  Lord  "]),  in  margin  of  Psalms 
cv.  45,  cvi.  1,  48,  cxi.  1,  cxii.  1,  cxiii.  1,  &c.,  com- 
pare Psalms  civ.  35,  cxiii.  9,  &c. ;  written  "  Alle- 
luia "  in  Tobit  xiii.  18,  and  Revelation  xix.  1-6. 
Psalms  cxiii.-cxviii.  were  called  by  the  Jews  the 
Hallel  (Heb.  praise),  and  were  sung  on  the  first  of 
the  month  and  at  the  feasts  of  Dedication,  Taber- 
nacles, Weeks,  and  the  Passover.  These  Psalms 
bear  marks  of  being  intended  for  use  in  the  temple 
service,  the  words  "  praise  ye  Jehovah  "  being  taken 
up  by  the  full  chorus  of  Levites.  In  Revelation 
xix.  1-6,  as  in  the  offering  of  incense  (viii.),  there  is 
evident  allusion  to  the  service  of  the  Temple,  as  the 
apostle  had  often  witnessed  it  in  all  its  grandeur. 
HosANNA  ;  Passover  II.  e. 

Hal-lo'liesh  (Heb.  the  enchanter,  Ges.),  one  of  the 
"  chief  of  the  people  "  who  sealed  the  covenant 
with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  24). 

Ila-lo'hesh  (Heb.  Hallohesh).  Shallum,  son  of 
Halohesh,  was  "  ruler  of  the  half  part  of  Jerusa- 
lem "  (Part)  at  the  repair  of  the  wall  by  Nehemiah 
(Neh.  iii.  12). 

Uani  (Heb.  prob.  ^  uarm  or  hot,  Ges.  ;  dark-col- 
ored, black,  Fii.).  1.  The  name  of  one  of  the  three 
sons  of  Noah,  appai'ently  the  second  in  age  (so  Mr. 
R.  S.  Poole,  the  original  author  of  this  article ;  but 
Gesenius,  Fiirst,  Knobel,  Delitzsch,  &c.,  regard  Ham 
as  the  youngest  of  Noah's  sons)  (Gen.  ix.  24).  Of  the 
history  of  Ham  nothing  is  related  except  his  irrever- 
ence to  his  father,  and  the  curse  which  that  patri- 
arch pronounced.  The  sons  of  Ham  are  stated  to 
have  been  "  Cusii  and  Mizraim  and  Phut  and  Ca- 
naan "  (Gen.  x.  6  ;  comp.  1  Chr.  i.  8).  The  name 
of  Ham  alone,  of  the  three  sons  of  Noah,  if  Mr. 
Poole's  identification  of  it  with  the  Egyptian  Kern  (= 
Egypt)  be  correct,  is  known  to  have  been  given  to  a 
country  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  61,  cv.  23,  cvi.  22).  Mr.  Poole 
concludes  that  settlements  of  Gush  extended  from 
Babylonia  along  the  shores  of  the  Indian  Ocean  to 
Ethiopia  above  Egypt,  and  that  there  was  an  eastern 
as  well  as  a  western  Cush.  The  Mizraites  (=  descend- 
ants of  Mizraim,  or  [so  Mr.  Poole]  of  Mazor  [Heb.  MA- 
tsm=liam  ? ;  see  Egypt  and  Mizraim])  occupy  a  ter- 
ritory wider  than  tliat  bearing  the  name  of  Mizraim. 
Mr.  Poole  supposes  that  Mizraim  included  all  the 
first  settlements,  and  that  in  remote  times  other 
tribes  besides  the  Philistines  migrated,  or  extended 
their  territories.  Phut  has  been  always  placed  in 
Africa,  where  we  find,  in  the  Egyptian  inscriptions, 
a  great  nomadic  people  corresponding  to  it.  Re- 
specting the  geographical  position  of  the  Canaan- 
ites  there  is  no  dispute,  altliough  all  the  names  are 
not  identified.  The  Ilamathites  alone  of  those  iden- 
,tifled  were  settled  in  early  times  wholly  beyond  the 


land  of  Canaan.  Perhaps  there  was  a  primeval  ex- 
tension of  the  Canaanite  tribes  after  their  first  es- 
tablishment in  the  land  called  after  their  ancestor, 
for  before  the  specification  of  its  limits  as  those  of 
their  settlements  it  is  stated  "  afterward  were  the 
families  of  tlie  Canaanites  spread  abroad  "  (Gen.  x. 
18,  19).  One  of  tlieir  most  important  extensions 
was  to  the  N.  E.  Philologers  are  not  agreed  as  to 
a  Hamitic  class  of  language.  Recently  Bunson  has 
applied  the  term  "  iJamitism,"  or  as  he  writes  it, 
Chamitism,  to  the  Egyptian  language,  or  riilher 
family.  Sir  II.  Rawlinson  has  applied  the  term 
Cushite  to  the  primitive  language  of  Babylonia,  and 
the  same  term  has  been  used  for  the  ancient  language 
of  the  southern  coast  of  Arabia.  The  Biblical  evi- 
dence seems,  at  first  sight,  in  favor  of  Hebrew  being 
classed  as  a  Hamitic  rather  than  a  Shemitic  form 
of  speech.  It  is  called  in  the  Bible  "  the  language 
of  Canaan  "  (Is.  xix.  18),  although  those  speaking 
it  are  elsewhere  said  to  speak  "  in  the  Jews'  lan- 
guage "  (2  K.  xviii.  26,  28  ;  Is.  xxxvi.  11,  13;  Neh. 
xiii.  24).  But  the  one  term,  as  Gesenius  reniarks, 
indicates  the  country  where  the  language  was 
spoken,  the  other  as  evidently  indicates  a  people  by 
whom  it  was  spoken.  Elsewhere  we  might  find 
evidence  of  the  use  of  a  so-called  Shemitic  language 
by  nations  either  partly  or  wholly  of  Hamite  origin. 
This  evidence  would  favor  the  theory  that  Hebrew 
was  Hamitic ;  but  on  the  other  hand  we  should  be 
unable  to  dissociate  Shemitic  Languages  frcm 
Shemitic  peoples.  The  Egyptian  languages  would 
also  offer  great  difficulties,  unless  it  were  held  to  be 
but  partly  of  Hamitic  origin,  since  it  is  mainly  of 
an  entirely  different  class  frcm  the  Shemitic.  It  is 
mainly  Nigritian,  but  it  also  contains  Shemitic  ele- 
ments. Mr.  Poole  believes  that  the  groundwork  is 
Nigritian,  and  that  the  Shemitic  part  is  a  layer 
added  to  a  complete  Nigritian  language.  An  inqui- 
ry into  the  history  of  the  Hanjite  nations  presents 
considerable  difficulties,  since  it  cannot  be  deter- 
mined in  the  cases  of  the  most  important  of  those 
commonly  held  to  bcHamite  that  they  were  purely 
of  that  stock.  It  is  certain  that  the  three  most  il- 
lustrious Hamite  nations — the  Cushitcs,  the  Pheni- 
cians,  and  the  Egyptians — were  greatly  mixed  with 
foreign  peoples.  There  are  some  common  charac- 
teristics, however,  which  appear  to  connect  the 
diflFerent  branches  of  the  Hamite  family,  and  to  dis- 
tinguish them  from  the  children  of  Japheth  and 
Shem.  Their  architecture  has  a  solid  grandeur 
that  we  look  for  in  vain  elsewhere.  The  early  his- 
tory of  each  of  the  chief  Hamite  nations  shows 
great  power  of  organizing  an  extensive  kingdom,  of 
acquiring  material  greatness,  and  cheeking  the  in- 
roads of  neighboring  nomadic  peoples.  (Araiiia  ; 
Babel  ;  Egypt.) — 2.  According  to  the  Masorctio 
text  (Gen.  xiv.  6),  Chedorlacnier  and  his  allies 
smote  the  Zuzim  in  a  place  called  Ham.  If,  as 
seems  likely,  the  Zuzim  =  the  Zamzummim,  Ham 
must  be  placed  in  what  was  afterward  tlie  Ammon- 
ite territory.  Hence  it  has  been  conjectured  by 
Tuch,  that  Ham  is  but  another  form  of  the  name 
of  the  chief  stronghold  of  the  children  of  Amnion, 
Rabbah  1,  now  Ammkn. — 3>  In  the  account  of  a 
migration  of  the  Simeonites  to  the  valley  of  Gc- 
dor,  and  their  destroying  the  pastoral  inhabitants, 
the  latter,  or  possibly  their  predecessors,  are  ."aid 
to  have  been  "  of  Ham  "  (1  Chr.  iv.  40).  Tills  may 
indicate  that  a  Ilamite  tribe  was  settled  here,  or 
more  precisely,  that  there  was  an  Egyptian  settle- 
ment. 

Ha'man  (Heb.  perhaps  fr.  Pers.  =:  magnifii 


I 


HAM 


HAM 


357 


uplendid,  or  fr.  Sansc.  =  the  planet  Meroiri/,  Ges.), 
the  chief  minister  or  vizier  of  King  Ahasiierus 
(Esth.  iii.  1,  &c.).  (Estiikr.)  After  the  faiUire  of 
his  attempt  to  cut  off  all  the  Jews  in  the  Persian 
empire,  lie  was  hanged  on  the  gallows  which  he  had 
erected  for  Mordecai.  The  Targum  and  Joseplms  in- 
terpret the  description  of  him — "theAcAOiTK" — as 
signifying  that  he  was  of  Amalckitish  descent ;  but 
he  is  called  a  Macedonian  by  the  LXX.  in  Esth. 
«.  24. 

Ha  math  (Heb.  fortress,  citadel,  Ges.)  appears  to 
have  been  the  principal  city  of  Upper  Syria  from 
the  time  of  the  Exodus  to  that  of  the  prophet  Amos. 
It  was  situated  in  the  valley  of  the  Orontes,  about 
half  way  between  its  source  near  Baalbek,  and  the 
bend  which  it  makes  at  Jhr-hadid.  It  thus  natu- 
rally commanded  the  whole  of  the  Orontes  valley, 
from  the  low  screen  of  hills  which  forms  the  water- 
shed between  the  Orontes  and  the  Lildny — the  "en- 
trance of  Hamath,"  as  it  is  called  in  Scripture  (so 
Rawlinson,  Stanley,  &c.,  see  below)  (Num.  xxxiv.  8  ; 
Josh.  xiii.  5,  &c.)-— to  the  defile  of  Daphne  below 
Antioch  ;  and  this  tract  appears  to  have  formed  the 
kingdom  of  Hamath,  during  the  time  of  its  inde- 
pendence. Robinson  (iii.  568  f.)  and  Porter  (ii. 
;•>:>»>)  regard  "  the  entrance  "  or    "  entering  in  of 


Hamath  "  as  the  great  interval  or  depression,  open- 
ing toward  the  W.  iu  lat.  34°  40',  between  the  N. 
end  of  Mount  Lebanon  and  the  Nusairiyeh  moun- 
tains. The  Hamathites  were  a  Hamitic  race,  and 
are  included  among  the  descendants  of  Canaan 
(Gen.  X.  18).  We  must  regard  them  as  closely 
akin  to  the  Hittites  on  whom  they  bordered,  and 
with  whom  they  were  generally  in  alliance.  Noth 
ing  appears  of  the  power  of  Hamath,  until  the 
time  of  David  (2  Sam.  viii.  10).  (Toi.)  Hamath 
sSems  clearl^  to  have  been  included  in  the  domin- 
ions of  Sojomon  (1  K.  iv.  21-24).  The  "store- 
cities,"  which  Solomon  "  built  in  Hamath  "  (2  Chr. 
viii.  4),  were  places  for  collecting  stores  of  provi- 
sions (xxxii.  28) ;  when  situated  on  the  great  trade- 
roads  they  were  no  doubt  intended  to  relieve  the 
wants  of  travellers  and  their  beasts  of  burden  (Ber- 
theau).  In  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  of  the  time 
of  Ahab  (b.  c.  900)  Hamath  appears  as  a  separate 
power,  in  alliance  with  the  Syrians  of  Damascus, 
the  Hittites,  and  the  Phenicians.  About  three- 
quarters  of  a  century  later,  Jeroboam  II.  "recov^ 
ered  Hamath  "  (2  K.  xiv.  28).  Soon  afterward  the 
Assyrians  took  it  (2  K.  xviii.  34,  xix.  13,  &c.),  and 
from  this  time  it  ceased  to  be  a  place  of  much  im- 
portance.    Antiochus  Epiphanes  changed  its  name 


Aqii«duct  and  Part  of  the  Town  of  ITamah  =ss  Mamath.— From  Laborde,  Voyagg  en  Orimt. —(Fbo.) 


to  Epiphaneia.  The  natives,  however,  called  it  Ha- 
math, even  in  Jerome's  time,  and  its  present  name, 
BamcA,  is  but  slightly  altered  from  the  ancient 
form.  The  population  is  30,000  (Porter  in  Kitto). 
Huge  water-wheels  raise  water  from  the  Oronte.s, 
which  is  conveyed  by  riule  aqueducts  to  the  gardens 
and  houses  in  the  upper  town. 

Ua  matli-zo'bih  (Heb.  IUmatii  of  Zobar,  or 
fortrea  of  Zobah)  (2  Chr.  viii.  3)  has  been  conjec- 
tured to  be  =  Hamatii  (so  Gesenius,  Alexander  in 
Kitto,  &c.).  But  llawlinson  supposes  Hnmalh-Zohah 
=  another  Hamath,  distinguished  from  the  "  Great 
IIuMuith"  by  the  suffix  "Zobalu" 

lla  math-lte  (fr.  Heb.  =  arte  from  Hamath,  Ges.), 
the,  one  of  the  families  descended  from  Canaan, 
named  la.st  in  the  list  (Gen.  x.  18  ;   1  Chr.  i.  16). 

ilain  math  (Heb.  uxirm  sprivf/s,  Ges. ;  hot  hat/m), 
one  of  the  fortiticd  cities  in  Naphtali  (Josh.  xix.  35). 
The  notices  of  the  Talmudists  leave  no  doubt  that  it 
was  near  Tilierias,  one  mile  distant — in  fact  that  it 
ha<i  its  name  because  it  contained  the  hot  baths  of 
Tiberias.  Joscphus  mentions  it  under  the  name  of 
Emro»ug  as  a  village  not  far  from  Tiberias.  The 
Bammdm,  at  present  three  in  number,  still  send  up 


their  hot  and  sulphureous  waters,  at  a  spot  rather 
more  than  one  mile  S.  of  the  modern  town  In  the 
list  of  Levitical  cities  in  Naphtali  (Josh.  xxi.  32)  the 
name  of  this  place  seems  to  be  given  as  Hammoth- 
noB,  and  in  1  Chr.  vi.  76  it  is  Hammon. 

Ham-mrd'a-tlia,  or  Ham-mi^-da'tha  (Heb,  fr.  Pers. 
=  llie  .Mnla'hn,  Ges. ;  rjiven  b)i  tlie  (/od  Horn,  Fu.), 
father  of  Hama.s  (Esth.  iii.  1,  10,  viii.  5,  ix.  24). 

Ham'mc-lceh  [-lek]  (Heb.  t/ie  kirir/),  rendered  in 
the  A.  V.  as  a  proper  name  (Jer.  xxxvi.  26,  xxxviii. 
6),  probably  =  the  Wn^^  Jehoiakim  in  the  first  case, 
and  in  the  latter  Zedckiah.  Jkkaiimkkl  3 ;  Mkl- 
ciiuii  8. 

Hammer.  The  Hebrew  language  has  several 
names  for  this  indispensable  tool.  !•  Pattiih,  used 
by  the  gold-beater  (Is.  xli.  7,  A.  V.  "  ciirpentcr") 
as  well  as  by  the  quarry-man  (Jer.  xxiii.  29).— J. 
Mokhibdh,  properly  a  tool  for  hoUomtia,  hence  a 
stonecutter's  mallet  (I  K.  vi.  7). — 3.  Jhlmi'ith,  used 
only  in  Judg.  v.  26.-4.  A  kind  of  hammer,  named 
riiapp/ls  (Jer.  li.  20,  A.V.  "  battle-axe,"  AxK),  or  mi- 
phUii  (Prov.  XXV.  18,  A.V.  "maul"),  was  used  as  a 
weapon  of  war. — 5.  Ceulapholh  (plural)  =  sledye- 
kaminen  or  axes,  Ges.  (Ps.  Ixxiv.  6). — "Hammer" 


358 


HAM 


BAN 


figuratively  =  any  overwhelming  power,  worldly 
(jer.  1.  23)  or  spiritual  (xxxiii.  29). 

Hain-more-ketll  (Heb.  flie  queen),  daughter  of 
Maehir  and  sister  of  Gilead  (1  Clir.  vii.  17,  18). 

Ham  Dion  (lleb.  warm,  sunnij,  Ges.).  1.  A  city 
in  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  28),  apparently  not  far  from 
Zitlon. — 2t  A  city  of  Naphtali  allotted  to  the  Levites 
(1  Chr.  vi.  7B) ;  =  Ham.math  and  Hammotii-dor. 

Ham  moth-dor  (Ileb.  warm  sprinr/s  dioellijig ?),  a 
city  of  Naphtali,  allotted  to  the  Gershonite  Levites, 
and  for  a  city  of  refuge  (Josh.  xxi.  32)f  probably  = 
Hammath. 

Ha-mo  nail  (Heb.  midlitude),  a  city,  in  or  near 
which  the  multitudes  of  Gog  were  to  be  buried  (Ez. 
xxxix.  16). 

Ha'mon-gog  (Heb.  Oog's  muUiiude),  the  Val'ley  of, 
the  name  to  be  bestowed  on  a  ravine  or  glen,  pre- 
viously known  as  "  the  ravine  of  the  passengers  on 
the  E.  of  the  sea,"  after  the  burial  there  of  "  Gog 
and  all  his  multitude"  (Ez.  xxxix.  11,  15). 

Ila'mor  (Heb.  an  ass,  Ges.,  Fii.),  in  N.  T.  Emmor, 
a  Hivite  (or  according  to  the  Alex.  LXX.  a  Horite), 
who  at  the  time  of  the  entrance  of  Jacob  on  Pales- 
tine was  prince  of  the  land  and  city  of  Shechem,  and 
father  of  Siiechem  who  defiled  Jacob's  daughter 
(Gen.  xxxiii.  19,  xxxiv.  2,  4,6,  8,  13,  18,  20,  24,  26). 

Ham'n-el  (fr.  Heb.  =  wralh  of  God,  Ges. ;  God  is 
a  sun,  Fii.),  a  man  of  Simeon ;  son  of  Mishnia,  of  the 
family  of  Shaul  (1  Chr.  iv.  26). 

Ua'mnl  (Heb.  pitied,  spared,  Ges.),  the  younger 
son  of  Pharez,  Judah's  son  by  Tamar  (Gen.  xlvi. 
12;  1  Chr.  ii.  5);  ancestor  of  the  Hamuhtes  (Num. 
x.\vi.  21). 

Ua'mnl-ltes,  the  =  the  descendants  of  Hamul  ; 
a  family  of  Judah  (Num.  xxvi.  21). 

Ua-mn'tal  (Heb.  perhaps  =  kinsman  of  the  dew), 
daughter  of  Jeremiah  of  Libnah;  one  of  the  wives 
of  King  Josiah,  and  mother  of  Jeiioahaz  and  Zede- 
KIAH  (2  K.  xxiii.  31,  xxiv.  18;  Jer.  lii.  1). 

Han'a-meel  (Heb.  =  Hananeel?  Ges. ;  God  is  a 
rock;  safeli/,  P^ii.),  son  of  Shallimi,  and  cousin  of 
jEREMiAn  1,  from  whom  the  prophet  bought  a  field 
(Jer.  xxxii.  7-9,  12;  and  compare  44). 

Ha'lian  (Heb.  meraful,  Ges.,  Fu.).  1.  One  of  the 
chiefs  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  23). — i.  The  last  of 
the  six  sons  of  Azel,  a  descendant  of  Saul  (1  Chr. 
viii.  38,  ix.  44). — 3.  "  Son  of  JIaachah,"  i.  e.  pos- 
sibly a  Syrian  of  Aram-Maacah,  one  of  David's 
"  valiant  men  "  (1  Chr.  xi.  43) 1.  Ancestor  of  cer- 
tain Nethinim  who  returned  from  Babylon  with 
Zerubbabcl  (Ezr.  ii.  46 ;  Neh.  vii.  49). — .5.  One  of 
the  Levites  who  assisted  Ezra  in  his  public  exposi- 
tion of  the  law  (Neh.  viii.  7).  The  same  is  probably 
mentioned  in  x.  10. — 6>  One  of  the  "  heads  "  of  the 
"  people,"  who  also  sealed  the  covenant  (x.  22). — 7. 
Another  of  the  chief  laymen  on  the  same  occasion 
(x.  26).— 8.  Son  of  Zaccur,  .son  of  Mattaniah,  whom 
Nehemiah  made  one  of  the  storekeepers  of  the 
provisions  collected  as  tithes  (xiii.  13). — 9.  Son 
of  Igdaliah  (Jer.  xxxv.  4).  His  sons  had  a  chamber 
in  the  Temple. 

Han'a-neel  (Heb.  God  has  graciously  given,  Ges. ; 
God  is  gracions,  Fii.),  the  Tow'er  of,  a  tower  which 
formed  part  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  1,  xii. 
39).  From  these  passages,  particularly  the  former, 
it  might  almost  be  inferred  that  the  Tower  of  Hana- 
neel =  the  Tower  of  Jleah  :  at  any  rate  they  were 
close  together,  and  stood  between  the  sheep-gate 
and  the  fish-gate.  This  tower  is  further  mentioned 
in  Jer.  xxxi.  38,  and  Zech.  xiv.  10,  both  connecting 
this  tower  with  the  "  corner-gute,"  which  lay  on  the 
other  side  of  the  sheep-gate. 


Ha-na  ni  (Heb.  gracious,  Ges.,  Fii.).  1.  A  son  of 
Heman,  and  head  of  the  18th  course  of  the  service 
(1  Chr.  XXV.  4,  25). — 2.  A  seer  who  rebuked  (ii.  c. 
941)  Asa,  king  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xvi.  7).  For  this 
he  was  imprisoned  (10).  He  (or  another  Hanani) 
was  the  father  of  Jeliu  the  seer,  who  testified  against 
Baasha  (1  K.  xvi.  1,  7),  and  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr. 
xix.  2,  XX.  34).— 3.  One  of  the  priests  who  in  the 
time  of  Ezra  had  taken  strange  wives  (Ezr.  x.  20). 
— -1.  A  brother  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  i.  2),  made  gov- 
ernor of  Jerusalem  under  Nehemiah  (vii.  2). — 5«  A 
priest  (xii.  36),  perhaps  =  No.  3. 

Uan-a-ni'ah  (Heb.  whom  Jehovah  has  gracioiisbj 
given,  Ges. ;  Jah  is  kind,  Fii.).  1.  One  of  the  four- 
teen sons  of  Heman,  and  chief  of  the  16th  course  of 
singers  (1  Chr.  xxv.  4,  5,  23).^2,  A  captain  in  the 
army  of  King  Uzziah  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  11.)— 3.  Father 
of  Zedekiah,  a  prince  in  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim  (Jer. 
xxxvi.  12).— 4.  Son  of  Azur ;  a  Benjamite  of  Gilieon, 
and  a  false  prophet  in  the  reign  of  Zedekiah,  king 
of  Judah.  In  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign,  d.  c.  5U5, 
Hananiah  withstood  Jeremiah  the  prophet,  and 
publicly  propliesied  in  the  Temple  that  within  two. 
years  Jeconiah  and  all  his  fellow-eaptives,  with  the 
vessels  of  the  Lord's  house  which  Nebuchadnezzar 
had  taken  away  to  Babylon,  should  be  brought  back 
to  Jerusalem  (Jer.  xxviii.):  an  indication  that 
treacherous  negotiations  were  already  secretly 
opened  with'  Pharaoh-hophra.  Hananiah  corrobo- 
rated his  prophecy  by  taking  from  off  the  neck  of 
Jeremiah  the  yoke  which  he  wore  by  Divine  com- 
mand (Jer.  xxvii.)  in  token  of  the  subjection  of 
Judea  and  the  neighboring  countries  to  the  Babylo- 
nian empire,  and  breaking  it.  But  Jeremiah  was 
bid  to  go  and  tell  Hananiah  that  for  the  wooden 
yokes  which  he  had  broken  he  should  make  yoki  - 
of  iron,  so  firm  was  the  dominion  of  Babylon  dr- 
tined  to  be  for  seventy  years.  The  prophet  Jeri 
miah  added  a  rebuke  and  prediction  of  Hananiali's 
death,  the  fulfilment  of  which  closes  the  history  of 
this  false  prophet.  The  history  of  Hananiah  throws 
much  light  upon  the  Jewish  politics  of  that  eventful 
time,  divided  as  parties  were  into  the  partisans  of 
Babylon  on  one  hand,  and  of  Egypt  on  the  other,  and 
also  illustrates  the  maimer  in  which  the  false  propli 
ets  hindered  the  mission,  and  obstructed  the  bonuli- 
cent  efi'ects  of  the  ministry,  of  the  true  prophets. 
— 5.  Grandfather  of  H-ijah,  the  captain  of  the  ward 
at  the  gate  of  Benjamin  who  arrested  Jeremiah  on 
the  charge  of  deserting  to  the  Chaldeans  (Jer.  xxxvii. 
13). — 6.  Head  of  a  Benjamite  house  (1  Chr.  viii.  24). 
— 1,  The  Hebrew  name  of  Shadracii.  He  was  of 
the  house  of  David,  according  to  Jewish  tradition 
(Dan.  i.  3,  6,  7,  11,  19,  ii.  17).— 8.  Son  of  Zerubba- 
bcl (1  Chr.  iii.  19),  from  whom  Christ  derived  His 
descent ;  according  to  Lord  A.  C.  llervey,=  Joanna 
in  Luke.  ((Jenealogy  of  Jesus  Christ.) — 9.  One 
of  the  sons  of  Bebai,  husband  of  a  foreign  wife  in 
Ezra's  time  (Ezr.  x.  28). — 10.  A  priest,  one  of  the 
makers  of  the  sacred  ointments  and  incense,  who 
built  a  portion  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  in  the  days 
of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  8).  He  may  be  the  Hananiah 
mentioned  in  verse  30  as  having  repaired  anotlier 
portion.  H  so,  he  was  son  of  Shelemiah  ;  |ieHiap9 
the  same  as  is  named  (xii.  41)  among  the  priests 
witli  trumpets  at  the  thanksgiving. — II.  Head  of  the 
priestly  course  of  Jeremiah  in  the  days  of  Joiakiin 
(xii.  12). — 12.  Ruler  of  the  p.ilacc  at  Jerusalem  un- 
der Nehemiah,  a  faithful.  God-fearing  man.  The 
arrangements  for  guarding  the  gates  of  Jerusalem 
were  intrusted  to  him  with  Hanani,  the  Tirshatha's 
brother  (vii.  2,  3). — 13.  A  chief  of  the  people  who 


1 


HAN 


HAN 


359 


sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (x.  23) ;  per- 
haps =:  12. 

•  lUnd  ( Ilcb.  ydd ;  Gr.  eheir)  is  used  iu  the 
Scriptures  both  literally  as  a  member  of  the  body, 
ind  liguralivcly  =  pomer,  miglU,  ayaiey,  protedion, 
iiftueiice,  &c.  Thus  a  "hand"  or  "hands"  are 
"lien  ascribed  to  tiod,  in  describing  the  exercise  of 
His  power,  or  the  bestowment  of  Uis  favor,  gifts, 
\c.  The  chief  place  of  honor  or  dignity  was  at  the 
:  ifjht  hand  of  a  liing,  and  hence  the  chief  place  of 
h  ■avenlv  honor  is  spoken  of  as  at  the  riglit  liand  of 
Kod  (I's'.  xlv.  9;  Mis.  xvi.  19,  &c.).  The  laying  on 
(>r  hands  is  a  symbolical  act  in  conveyuig  or  pro- 
nouncing a  blessing,  offering  a  sa- 
iVilice,  setting  apart  to  an  olBce  or 
u  ork,  &c.  (Gen.  xlviil  14 ;  Lev. 
xvi.  21  ;  Num.  xxvii.  23;  Mat.  ix. 
H;  Acts  xiii.  3;  1  Tim.  iv.  14, 
\c). 

*  ILind'-breadtli.    Weights  a.nd 
Measi'uhs. 

Hiind  i-(raft.  In  the  present  ar- 
ticle brief  notices  can  only  be  given 
of  such  handicraft  trades  as  are 
mentioned  in  Scripture.  1.  The 
preparation  of  iron  for  use  either  in 
war,  in  agriculture,  or  for  domestic 
purposes,  was  doubtless  one  of  the  _ 
earliest  applications  of  labor ;  and,  ^/ 
together  with  iron,  working  in 
brass,  or  rather  copper  alloyed 
with  tin,  bronze,  is  mentioned  in 
tlie  same  passage  as  practised  in 
antediluvian  times  (Gen.  iv.  22). 
We  know  that  iron  was  used  for 
ivirlike  purposes  by  the  Assyrians, 
i^id  on  the  other  hand  that  stone- 
lipped  arrows,  as  was  t!ie  case 
also  in  Me.tico,  were  used  in  the 
earlier  times  by  the  Egyptians  as 
well  as  the  Persians  and  Greeks. 
In  tlie  construction  of  the  Taber- 
nacle, copper,  but  no  iron,  appears 
to  have  been  u.sed,  though  the  use 
of  iron  was  at  the  same  period 
well  known  to  the  Jews,  both  from 
their  own  use  of  it  and  from  their 
Egyptian  education,  whilst  the  Ca- 
naanitc  inhabitants  of  Palestine 
and  Syria  were  in  full  possession 
of  its  use  both  for  warlike  and 
domestic  purposes  (Ex.  xx.  25, 
XXV.  3,  xxvii.  19  ;  Num.  xxxv.  10 ; 
Dcut.  iii.  11,  iv.  20,  viii.  9;  Josh, 
viii.  31,  xvii.  16,  18).  After  the 
establishment  of  the  Jews  in  Ca- 
naan, the  occu|)ation  of  a  smith  be- 
came recognized  as  a  distinct  em- 
ployment (1  Sam.  xiii.  19).  The 
smith's  work  and  its  results  are 
often  mentioned  in  Scripture  (2 
Sam.  xii.  31;  1  K.  vi.  7;  2  Chr. 
xxvi.  14;  Is.  xliv.  12,  liv.  10). 
The  worker  in  gold  and  silver 
must  have  found  employment  both 
among  the  Hebrews  and  the  neigh- 
boring nations  in  very  early  times, 
ag  appears  from  the  ornaments 
sent  by  Abraham  to  Rcbekah 
(Gen.  xxiv.  22,  ftS,  xxxv.  4,  xxxviii. 
IS;  Dcut.  vii.  25).  Enoravkr  ; 
OaxAMENTa,    Perso.nal  ;    Stocks, 


Precious.)  But,  whatever  skill  the  Hebrews  possess- 
ed, it  is  quite  clear  that  they  must  have  learned  much 
from  Egypt  and  its  "  iron  furnaces,"  both  in  metal- 
work  and  in  the  arts  of  setting  and  polishing  precious 
stones.  Various  processes  of  the  goldsmith's  work 
are  illustrated  by  Egyptian  monuments.  After  the 
conipiest  fre(iuent  notices  are  found  both  of  moulded 
and  wrought  metal,  including  soldering,  which  last 
had  long  been  known  in  Egypt ;  but  the  Phenicians 
appear  to  have  possessed  greater  skill  than  the  Jews 
in  these  arts,  at  least  in  Solomon's  time  (Judg.  viii. 
24,  27,  xvii.  4  ;  1  K.  vii.  13,  45,  46  ;  Is.  xli.  7 ;  Wis. 
XV.  4  ;  Ecclus.  xxxviii.  28  ;  Bar.  vi.  50,  55,  57).  (An- 


860 


HAN 


HAN 


til; 
&c.)- 


Bellows  ;  FraxACE ;  Hammer  ;  Metals  ;  Tool, 
—2.  The  work  of  the  carpenter  is  often  mentioned 


Egyptian  Blow-pipe,  and  Bmall  fireplace  with  cheeks  to  confine  and  reflect 
the  heat. — ^Wiliiinaon.) 

in  Scripture  (Gen.  vi.  14:  Ex.  xxxvii. ;  Is.  xliv.  13). 
Ill  the  palace  built  by  David  for  himself,  the  work- 
men employed  were  chiefly  Fhenicians  sent  by  Iliraiu 


Egjptian  Carpenters.— (\\  illiinBoii.) 
r,  driils  a  hole  in  the  sent  of  a  chair,  ».     1 1,  legs  of  chair.    «  it,  adzes. 
v,  man  planing  or  polishing  ihu  leg  of  a  chair. 


Tools  of  an  Egyptian  Carpenter.— {Wilkinson.) 
1   S  3.  4.  Chisels  and  drills.     5.  Part  of  drill.     6.  Nut  of  wood  beloniHnBr  to  drill.     7, 
8.  Saws.     9.  Horn  of  oil.    10.  Mallet.    11.  Baaket  of  nails.    12.  Basket  which  held 
tile  tools. 


(2  Sam.  V.  11 ;  1  Chr.  xiv.  1),  as  most  probably  were 
those,  or  at  least  the  principal  of  those  who  were 
employed  by  Solomon  in  his  works  (1  K.  v.  6).  But 
in  the  repairs  of  the  Temple,  executed  under  Joash, 
king  of  Judah,  and  hIso  in  the  rebuilding  under 
Zerubbabel,  no  mention  is  made  of  foreign  work- 
men, thougli  in  the  latter  case  the  timber  is  ex- 
pressly said  to  have  been  brought  by  sea  to  Joppa 
by  Zidonians  (2  K.   xii.  11  ;  2  Chr.  xxiv.  12;  Ezr. 
iii.  7).     That  the  Jewish  carpenters  must  have  been 
able  to  carve  with  some  skill  is  evident  from  Is.  xli. 
7,  xliv.  13.     In  N.  T.  the  occupation  of  a  carpenter 
is  mentioned  in  connection  with  Joseph  the  hus- 
band of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  ascribed  to  our  Lord 
Himself  by  way  of  reproach  (Mk.  vi.  3  ;  Mat.  xiii.  56). 
(Awl  ;  Axe;  House  ;  Saw  ;  Tool.) — 3.  The  masons 
employed  by  David  and  Solomon,  at  least  the  chief 
of  them,  were  Phenicians  (1  K.  v.  18  ;  Ez.  xxvii.  9). 
Among  their  implements  are  mentioned  the  saw, 
plumb-line,  and  measuring-reed.  Some  of  these,  also 
the  chisel  and  mallet,  are  represented   on 
Egyptian  monuments.     (See  cut  on  p.  361.)j 
The  large  stones  used  in  Solomon's  Temple 
are  said  by  Joscphus  to  have  been  fitted 
together  exactly  without  either  mortar  or! 
cramps,  but  the  foundation  stones  to  have  I 
been    fastened    with   lead.      For   ordinary' 
building,  mortar  was  used  ;  sometimes,  per- 
haps, bitumen  (Slime),  as  at  Babylon  (Gen 
xi.  3).     The  lime,  clay,  and  straw,  of  wliicll 
mortar  is  generally  composed  in  the  Eastl 
require  to  be  very  carefully  mixed  and  uiiite(r 
so  as  to  resist  wet.     The  «  all  "  daubed  witl] 
untempered  mortar"    of   Ez.   xiii.   10  wa 
perhaps  a  sort  of  cob-wall  of  mud  or  claj 
without  lime,  which  would  give  way  under 
heavy  rain.     The  use  of  whitewash  on  tombs  ' 
is  remarked  by  our  Lord  (Mat.  xxiii.  27 
Houses  infected  with  leprosy  were  require 
by  the  Law  to  be  replastered  (Lev.  xiv.  40 
45).  (Arch  ;  Aeciutectuke  ;  Brick  ;  Clav.] 
— 4.  Akin   to  the  craft  of  the  carpenter  f 
that  of  ship  and  boat-building,  which  mual 
have  been  exercised  to  some  extent  for  th^ 
fishing-vessels  on  the  lake  of  Genncsare 
(Mat.  viii.  23,  ix.  1 ;  Jn.  xxi.  3,  8).   Solom^ 
built,  at  Ezion-gcber,  ships  for  his  foreig^ 
trade,  which  were  manned   by   Phenicia 
crews,  an  experiment  which   Jchoshapha 
endeavored  in  vain  to  renew  (1  K.  ix.  2fl 
27,  xxii.  48;  2   Chr.  xx.  36,  37).     (EoyptJ 
Smp.j — 5.    The   perfumes  used  in  the  r« 
ligioiis  services,  and  in  later  times  in  thi 
funeral  rites  of  monarchs,  imply  knowledg 
and  practice  in  the  art  of  the  "  apothec* 
ries,"  who  appear  to  have  formed  a  guilJ 
or  association  (Ex.  xxx.  25,  36  ;  Neh.  iii.  8j 
2  Chr.  xvi.   14 ;  Eccl.  vii.  1,  x.  1  ;  Eeclu^ 
xxxviii.   8).       (Mepicine  ;    Ointment. )- 
The  arts  of  spinning  and   weaving  botB 
wool  and  linen  were  carried  on  in   earW 
times,  as  they  are  still  usually  among  thfl 
Bedouins,  by  women.      One  of  the  excel} 
lences  attributed  to  the  good  house-wife  i 
her  skill  and  industry  in  these  arts  (Ex.  xxx^ 
25,  26;  Lev.  xix.  19;  Deut.  xxii.  11  ;  2 
xxiii.  7;   Ez.   xvi.   16;  Prov.  xxxi.   13,  241 
The  loom,  with  its  beam  (1  Sam.  xvii.  71 
pin  (Judg.  xvi.   14),  and  shuttle  (Job  viT 
6),  was  perhaps    introduced  later,  but 
earlv  as  David's  time  (1  Sam.  xvii.  7).     (S 
cut  on  next  page.)     We  read  also  of  en 


HAN 


HAN 


361 


broidery  (Embroiderer),  in  which  gold  and  silver 
threads  were  interwoven  with  tlie  body  of  the  stud', 
eometimes  in  fi^'iirc  patterns,  or  with  precious  stones 
set  in  the  nccdleworlc  (Ex.  xxvi.  1,  xxviii.  4,  xxxix. 
G-13).— 7.  Besides  these  arts,  those  of  dyeing  and  of 


Mnaoni.— (WUkin-.on.) 
Pnrt  I,  leTeliBg,  and  Port  IL  squaring  a  atone. 

'ssiiig  cloth  (Colors  ;  Dress  ;  Fuller)  were  prae- 
>i'd  in  Palestine,  and  those  also  of  tanning  and 
dressing  leatmer  (Josh.  ii.  15-18;  2  K.  i.  8 ;  Mat. 
iii.  4 ;  Acts  ix.  43).  Shoemakers,  barbers,  and  tai- 
lors are  mentioned  in  the  Mishna :  the  barber,  or 
his  occupation,  in  the  Scriptures  (Razor  ;  Ez.  v.  1 ; 
Lev.  xiv.  8 ;  Xum.  vi.  5),  and  the  tailor,  plasterers, 


glaziers,  and  glass  vessels  (Glass),  painters,  and 
gold-workers  are  mentioned  in  the  Mishna.  Tentr 
makers  are  noticed  in  Acts  xviii.  3,  and  fre- 
quent allusion  is  made  to  the  trade  of  the  potters. 
(Bottle  ;  Pitcher  ;  Pottery.) — 8.  Bakers  are  no- 
ticed iu  Scripture  (Jer.  xxxvii.  21  ;  IIos.  vii. 
4  ;  Br.EA»  ;  Ovex)  ;  and  the  valley  Tyropoeon 
at  Jerusalem  probably  derived  its  name  from 
the  occupation  of  the  cheese-makers,  its  inhabi- 
tants. Butchers,  not  Jewish,  are  .spoken  of  (1 
Cor.  X.  25).  Ar.RicLLTt  UE ;  Alabaster;  Bas- 
ket ;  Cart  ;  Chariot  ;  Craftsme.v  ;  Mill,  &c. 
Uand'kcr-chief,  Kap'kln,  Apron.  The  two 
former  of  these  terms,  as  used  in  the  A.  V., 
=  Gr.  soudarion,  the  latter  =  Gr.  simithithion. 
Both  words  arc  of  Latin  origin  :  soudarion  — 
sitdariam  from  sndo,  to  sweat ;  simlHnlhioH  = 
semicinctium,  i.  e.  a  /lalf  fiirdle.  The  sudarimii 
is  noticed  in  the  N.  T.  as  a  wrapper  to  fold  up 
money  (Lk.  xix.  20) — as  a  cloth  bound  about 
the  head  of  a  corpse  (Jn.  xi.  44,  xx.  7),  being 
probably  brought  from  the  crown  of  the  head 
under  the  chin — and  lastly  as  an  article  of 
DRESS  that  could  be  easily  removed  (Acts  xix. 
12),  probably  a  handkerchief  worn  on  the  head 
like  the  kej/kh  of  the  Bedouins.  (IIead-dress.) 
According  to  the  scholiast  quoted  by  Schleus- 
ner,  the  distinction  between  the  two  terms  is 
that  the  sudarium  was  worn  on  the  head,  and 
the  semicinctium  used  as  a  handkerchief. 
Apron  ;  Dress. 

*  llaud'niaid.     Servant  ;  Slave. 

*  Hand' -staves  (Ez.  xxxix.  9).   Arms  L  2,/. 
Ha'nes  [-neez]  (Ileb.  fr.  Egyptian  =  name 

of  a  deity  corresponding  to  Hercules,  Fii.),  a 
place  in  Egypt  only  mentioned  in  Is.  xxx.  4  : 
"For  his  princes  were  at  Zoan,  and  his  mes- 
sengers came  to  Hanes."      llanes   has  been 
supposed  by  Vitringa,  Michaelis,  RosenmiUler, 
and  Gesenius  =  Ileracleopolis  Magna,  common- 
ly regarded  as  an  ancient  royal  city  of  Egypt,  on 
the  W.  of  the  Xile,  now  Andsieh.  Tliis  identi- 
fication depends  wholly  upon  the  similarity  of  the 
two  names.     Mr.  R.  S.  Poole,  Porter  (in  Kitto),  &c., 
are  disposed  to  think  that  the  Targum  is  right  iu 
identifying  it  with  Taiipaxhes,  a  fortified  town  on 
the  eastern  frontier. 
*  Uang'lng.    PuxisnMEXTS. 
Hang  ing ;    llang'ings.     These  terms   represent 
both  different  words  in   the  original,   and 
different  articles  in  the  Tabernacle  furni- 
ture   (1.)   The  "hanging"  (Heb.  mdsdch) 
was  a  curtain  or  "  covering "  to  close  an 
entr.ince ;  one  was  placed  before  the  door  of 
the  Tabernacle  (Ex.  xxvi.  30,  37,  xxxix.  38) ; 
another  was  placed  before  the  entrance  of 
the  court  (Ex.  xxvii.  16,  xxxviii.  18  ;  Num. 
iv.  26) ;  the  term  is  also  applied  to  the  vail 
that    concealed    the  Holy  of   Holies  (Ex. 
XXXV.   12,  xxxix.  34,  xl.  21;  Num.  iv.  6). 
(2.)  The  "hangings"  (Ileb.  k-^UVim)  v/cro 
used  for  covering  the  walls  of  the  court  of 
the  Tabernacle,  just  as  tapestry  was  in  mo- 
j,„,  dern  times  (Ex.  xxvii.  9,  xxxv.   17,  xxxviii. 

^/  O     9  ;  Num.  iii.  26,  iv.  26).    (Leaf  2.)    In  2  K. 

'wmy'j''/     /'  \    '"""'• ''i  "'"  If'^''-  4c''"",  strictly /lOMS's,  A.V. 
'M/'^\/y\       "  hanaings,"    is   probahlv  intended    to  de- 

Lis. — =iA. 


scribe  tents  used  ns  portable  sanctuaries. 

Ilan'i-el   (fr.    Ileb.   IIanxiel),   a    son    of 

UUa,  and  chieft.iin  of  Asher(l  Chr.  vii.  39). 

_    .     ,    ,    .        ,  Hannah  (llvh.  arace  or  praiier ;  Gr.  and 

Tb«  ahutUf,  Jr,  la  Dot  thrown,  but  nttt  tn  with  lh«  hand,  ao'l  (Irawa  Uie  thread  through    j     n  a  .,., .  \    „„.,    „f  *l.„    „,:„«=,    ^f  FlL-a 

l>ackwali.Dd  forward  b;>  hook  at  each  end.  L.  form  ANNA),  One    Ol    thC    WlVCS    01    JJilUa- 


An  Egyptian  Vertical  Loom.— <Wlllilnaon.) 
nd,  and  drawa 
1  at  each  end. 


362 


HAN 


HAR 


nah,  and  mother  of  Sasicel  (1  Fam.  i.,  ii.).  A 
bymn  of  thanksgiving  for  the  birlli  of  her  son  is 
in  the  highest  order  of  prophetic  poetry ;  its  lesem- 
blance  to  that  of  the  Virgin  Mary  (eonip.  1  Sam.  il. 
1-10  with  Lie.  i.  40-55;  sec  alsoPs. cxiii.j  has  been 
noticed  by  tlie  commentators. 

lian'ua-thon  (Ileb.  t/ruciousli/  rer/arded,  Ges.),  a 
city,  apparently  on  the  northern  boundary  of  Zebu- 
Urn  (Josh.  xix.  14). 

Ilau'ni-«l  (ileb.  i/racc  of  Ood,  Ges.),  son  of  Ephod, 
and  prince  of  Manasseh  (Num.  x.xxiv.  23). 

lia  liocb  [-nok]  (Ileb.  initialed  or  inidaiing,  Gea. ; 
=  Enoch  and  Henoch).  !•  The  third  in  order  of 
the  children  of  Midian  (Gen.  xxv.  4);  =  Henoch  2. 
— 2,  Eldest  son  of  Keubeu  (Gen.  xlvi.  9  ;  Ex.  vi.  14  ; 
Kum.  xxvi.  5  ;  1  Chr.  v.  3),  and  founder  of  the 
family  of  H.^nochites. 

Ila'nocli-itcs,  the  =  the  descendants  of  IIanoch  2 
(Xum.  xxvi.  5). 

Ha'nnn  (Ileb.  graciously  regarded,  favored,  Ges.). 
1.  Son  of  Nahash  (2  Sam.  x.  1,  2 ;  1  Chr.  xix.  1,  2), 
king  of  Ammon,  who  dishonored  the  ambassadors 
of  David  (2  Sam.  x.  4),  and  involved  the  Ammon- 
ites in  a  disastrous  war  (xii.  31 ;  1  Chr.  xix.  6). — 2. 
A  man  who,  with  the  people  of  Zanoah,  repaired 
the  valley-gate  in  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Xeh.  iii. 
13). — 3.  Sixth  son  of  Zalaph,  who  also  assisted  in 
the  repair  of  the  wall,  apparently  on  the  E.  side 
(iii.  30). 

IlaplVra-im  (fr.  Ileb.  =  two  pi/x,  Ges.),  a  city  of 
Issachar,  mentioned  next  to  Shunem  (Josh.  xix.  19). 
About  six  miles  N.  E.  of  Zcjjuu  (Jlegiddo),  and 
two  miles  W.  of  Solum  (the  ancient  Shuntm),  stands 
the  village  of  el-Afideh,  possibly  the  representative 
of  Haphraim. 

Ila'ra  (Ileb.  mou7ilainous  land,  Ges.)  (1  Chr.  v. 
26  only),  is  cither  a  place  utterly  unknown,  or  = 
IIaran  or  Charran(soRawlinson).  Porter  (in  Kitto) 
supposes  llara  may  be  the  mountainous  region  N.  of 
Goziin,  ancient  Mount  ifaxius,  now  Karja  Baghlar. 

Har'a-dah  (Ileb.  trembling,  terror,  Ges.),  a  desert 
station  of  the  Israelites  (Num.  xxxiii.  24,  25) ;  its 
position  is  uncertain.  Wilukeness  of  the  Wan- 
dering. 

Ha'ran  (Heb.  mountaineer,  Ges.).  1.  Third  son 
of  Terah,  and  therefore  youngest  brother  of  Abram 
(Gen.  xi.  26).  Three  children  are  ascribed  to  him 
— ^LoT  (27,  31),  and  two  daughters,  viz.  Mii.cah, 
who  married  her  uncle  Nahor  (29),  and  Iscah  (29). 
Haran  was  born  in  Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  and  he  died 
there  while  his  father  was  still  living  (28).  The 
ancient  Jewish  tradition  is  that  Haran  was  burnt 
in  the  furnace  of  Nimrod  for  his  wavering  conduct 
during  the  fiery  trial  of  Abraham. — 2>  A  Gershon- 
ite  Levite  in  the  time  of  David,  one  of  the  family 
of  Shimei  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  9). 

Haran  (Heb.  parched,  'dry,  Ges.),  son  of  the  great 
Caleb  by  his  concubine  Ephah  (1  Chr.  ii.  46). 

Haran  (Heb.  parched,  dry,  Ges.),  the  place 
whither  Abraham  migrated  with  his  family  from 
Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  and  where  the  descendants  of 
his  brother  Nahor  established  themselves  (Gen.  xi. 
31,  32,  xii.  4,  5,  xxvii.  43,  xxviii.  10,  xxix.  4,  com- 
pare xxiv.  10).  It  is  said  to  be  in  Mesopotamia 
(xxiv.  10),  or  more  definitely,  in  Padan-aram  (xxv. 
20),  the  cultivated  district  at  the  foot  of  the  hills,  a 
name  well  applying  to  the  beautiful  stretch  of  coun- 
try which  lies  below  Mount  Masius  between  the 
Khabour  and  the  Euphrates.  Here,  about  midway 
in  this  district,  is  a  town  siill  called  Ilarrun,  which 
really  seems  never  to  have  changed  its  appellation, 
and  beyond  any  reasonable  doubt  (so  Rawlinson, 


and  most  authorities)  is  the  Haran  or  Charran  of 
Scripture.  Harrdn  lies  upon  the  llclilk  (ancient 
Biliclms),  a  small  affluent  of  the  Euphrates,  wliidi 
falls  into  it  nearly  in  longitude  39°.  It  is  now  a 
small  village  inhabited  by  a  few  faniilies  of  Arabs. 
Dr.  Beke  sujiposcs  that  IIaran,  the  "  city  of  Na- 
hor," was  at  JJarrcin  el-Avamid  (i.  e.  fiandn  of  the 
columns),  a  small  village,  four  Ijours  E.  of  Damas- 
cus, and  that  Aram-nahaualm  =  the  region  between 
the  Abana  and  Pharpar. 

Ha'rar-itc  (ir.  Heb.  =  mountaineer,  Ges. ;  one 
from  some  place  called  Uarar  or  Hmor  [i.  e. 
moimlain,  Pii.J),  tllO,  tlie  designation  of  three  men 
connected  with  David's  "valiant  men."  1,  Acee, 
a  Hararite,  father  of  Shammah  3  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  11). 
— 2.  Shammah  5  the  Hararite  (xxiii.  33). — 3.  Pha- 
RAR  (xxiii.  33),  or  Sacar  ( 1  Chr.  xi.  35),  the  Harar- 
ite, was  the  father  of  Aliiam,  another  of  the  "  val- , 
iant  men." 

Har-bo'na  (Heb.  prob.  fr.  Pers.  =  ans-drivtr, 
Ges.),  the  third  of  tlie  seven  chamberlains,  or  eu- 
nuchs, who  served  King  Ahasucrus  (Esth.  i.  10). 

Har-Wnah  (Ileb.)  =  Hapboxa  (Esth.  vii.  9). 

Uaie   (Heb.   arnebeih)  occurs  only  in   Lev.  xi.  6 


Hare  ot  Mount  Sinai  (Lepvi  SinaiCieui), 


and  Deut.  xiv.  7,  among  (lie  animals  disallowed  a 
food  by  the  Mosaic  law.     There  is  ro  doubt  tl 
arnebeih  denotes  a  "  hare  ;"  and  probably  the  .'^i- 


Hare  of  Mount  Lebanon  (Lrj'Ui  Syrlactu), 

cies  Lepiis  Sinaiticvn,  occurring  in  the  valleys  of 
Arabia  Pctra-a  and  Mount  Sinai,  and  Lpiis  S;  i  im-ts, 
found  in  Lebanon,  are  those  which  were  best  I 
to  the  ancient  Hebrews.     The  hare  is  at  this 


1 


BAR 


BAR 


303 


caUed  arneb  by  the  Arabs  in  Palestine  and  Syria. 
It  is  described  as  chewing  the  cud ;  but  is  not  a 
true  ruminant,  though  both  it  and  the  Hyrax 
(CoNKv)  have  the  habit  of  moving  the  jaw  about 
like  the  ruminants. 

Har'tl  (Ueb.,  see  below).  In  the  margin  of  Ez. 
xliii.  15  the  word  rendered  "altar"  in  the  text  is 
given  "  Harel,  i.  e.  the  mountain  of  God."  Junius 
(and  so  Gesenius)  explains  it  of  the  hearth  of  the 
altar  of  burnt-oft'ering,  covered  by  the  network  on 
which  the  sacrifices  were  placed  over  the  burning 
woiid.     Alt.vu,  B>  I. 

ila'rtm.    Hocse. 

Hareph  (Heb.  plucking  off,  Ges. ;  a  powerful, 
ftroii//  one,  or  tarlji-born,  ¥\\.),  a  name  occurring  in 
the  genealogies  of  Judali,  as  a  son  of  Caleb,  and 
"fatner  of  Beth-gader"  (1  Chr.  ii.  51  only). 

Ha'rrth  (Ileb.  prob.  =r  thicket,  Ges.),  the  For'cst 
of,  in  which  David  took  refuge,  after,  at  the  instiga- 
tion of  the  prophet  Gad,  he  had  quitted  the  "  hold  " 
or  fastness  of  tlie  cave  of  AduUam — if  indeed  it  was 
Adullani  and  not  Mizpeh  of  Moab,  which  is  not 
quite  clear  (1  Sam.  xxii.  6).     Forest. 

Ilar-bai'ah  [-ha'yah],  or  nir-li.i-l'ab  (Hob.  lie  was 
dri/,  Ges. ;  Jah  is  protecting,  Fii.),  father  of  U/.ziel 
6  (Neh.  ill.  8). 

Ilar'has  (Heb.  want,  poverty,  Ges. ;  splendor,  glit- 
ter, Fii.),  an  ancestor  of  Shallura,  the  husband  of 
Uuldah  (2  K.  xxii.  14). 

Uiirlmr  (Heb.  inflammation,  Gc.". ;  nobiUtjj,  dis- 
tinction, Fii.).  The  sons  of  llarhur  were  among  the 
Ncthiniiu  who  returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerub- 
babel  (Ezr.  ii.  51 ;  Neh.  vii.  53). 

•  Ha  rid  (Ileb.)  =:  HAnin  (Ezr.  ii.  33  margin). 

Ilu'riin  (Wuh.  Jlat-nosed,  Ges.).  1.  A  priest  who 
had  charge  of  the  third  division  in  the  house  of 
God(l  Chr.  xxiv.  8).— 2. 1,017  "  children  of  Ilarim," 
probably  descendants  of  the  above,  came  up  from 
Babylon  with  Zeru1)bal)el  (Ezr.  ii.  39 ;  Neh.  vii.  42). 
The  name,  probably  as  representing  the  family,  is 
mentioned  on  two  other  occasions  (Neh.  x.  5 ;  Ezr. 
X.  21).^-3,  It  further  occurs  in  a  list  of  the  families 
of  priests  "  who  went  up  with  Zei-ubbabel  and 
Jeshua,"  and  of  those  who  were  their  descendants 
in  the  next  generation — in  the  days  of  Joiakim  the 
son  of  Jeshua  (Neh.  xii.  15).  In  the  forpier  list 
(xii.  4)  the  name  is  KEntrM. — t.  Another  family  of 
"  chililren  of  Harim,"  320  in  number,  came  from 
the  Captivity  in  the  same  caravan  (Ezr.  ii.  32  ;  Neh. 
vii.  3.j).  They  also  appear  among  those  who  had 
married  foreign  wives  (Ezr.  x.  31),  as  well  as  those 
who  sealed  the  covenant  (Neh.  x.  27). 

Ha'ripll  (Heb.  a>itumnal  rain,  Ges. ;  one  early-bom, 
Fii.).  112  "  children  of  Haripli"  returned  from  the 
Captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Neh.  vii.  24).  (Joraii.) 
The  name  occurs  again  among  the  "  heads  of  the 
people"  who  sealed  the  covenant  (x.  19). 

Harlot  (Heb.  zdn-ih,  noc/iri/dh,  kedcsMh ;  Gr. 
pome).  That  this  class  of  persons  existed  in  the 
earlier  states  of  society  is  clear  from  Gen.  xxxviii. 
16.  Rahab  (Josh.  ii.  1)  is  said  by  the  Targura  to 
have  ^een  an  innkeeper,  but  if  there  were  such 
persons,  considering  what  we  know  of  Canaanitish 
morals  (Lev.  xviii.  27),  we  may  conclude  that  they 
would,  if  women,  have  been  of  this  class.  The  law 
forbids  (xix.  29)  the  father's  compelling  his  daughter 
to  sin,  but  does  not  mention  it  as  a  voluntary  mode 
of  life  on  her  part  without  his  complicity.  The 
Ileb.  kalishah  (z=. consecrated  ;  see  Idolatry  ;  Sodom- 
ite) points  to  one  description  of  persons,  and 
ttoehriydh  (  =  foreign  tcoman  ;  A.  V.  "  strange 
woman,"   "  stranger,"   &c.)  to  another,   of  whom 


j  this  class  mostly  consisted.  The  first  term  refers 
;  to  the  impure  worship  of  Astarte  (As/itoukth  ;  Num. 
XXV.  1  ;  compare  Udt.  i.  199).  The  latter  class 
would  grow  uj)  with  the  growth  of  great  cities  and 
of  foreign  intercourse,  and  hardly  could  enter  into 
the  view  of  the  llosaic  institutes.  As  regards  the 
fashions  involved  in  the  practice,  similar  outward 
marks  seem  to  have  attended  its  earliest  forms  to 
those  which  we  trace  in  the  classical  writers,  e.  g.  a 
distinctive  dress  and  a  seat  by  the  wayside  (Gen. 
xxxviii.  14;  compare  Ez.  xvi.  10,  25;  liar.  vi.  43). 
Public  singing  in  the  streets  occurs  also  (Is.  xxiii. 
16 ;  Ecclus.  ix.  4).  Those  who  thus  published 
their  infamy  were  of  the  worst  repute,  others  had 
houses  of  resort,  and  both  classes  seem  to  have 
been  known  among  the  Jews  (I'rov.  vii.  8-12,  xxiii. 
28  ;  Ecclus.  ix.  7,  8) ;  the  two  women  in  1  K.  iii. 
16,  lived,  as  Greek  courtesans  sometimes  did,  in  a 
house  together.  In  earlier  times  the  price  of  a  kid 
is  mentioned  (Gen.  xxxviii.),  and  great  wealth  doubt- 
less sometimes  accrued  to  them  (Ez.  xvi.  33,  39, 
xxiii.  26).  But  lust,  as  distinct  from  gain,  appears 
as  the  inducement  in  I'rov.  vii.  14,  15.  The  "har- 
lots "  are  classed  with  "  |)ublicans,"  as  those  who 
lay  under  the  ban  of  society  in  the  N.  T.  (Mat.  xxi. 
32).  The  children  of  such  persons  were  held  in 
contempt,  and  could  not  exercise  privileges  nor  in- 
herit (Jn.  viii.  41  ;    Deut.  xxiii.  2;    Judg.  xi.   1,  2). 

AnCI.TERV. 

Har'uf-plier  (Heb.  snorting  of  panling?  Sim.), 
son  of  Zophah,  of  the  tribe  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii. 
36). 

•  Har'ness  in  the  A.  V.  =  armor  or  weajions  in 
general  (1  K.  xx.  11  ;  2  Chr.  ix.  24),  or  specifically 
a  breastplate  or  coat  of  mail  (1  IC.  xxii.  34  ;  2  Chr. 
xviii.  33).  (Arms,  II.  1.)  In  the  sense  of  equip- 
ments or  tackling  of  a  draught  horse  it  does  not  oc- 
cur in  the  A.  V.,  though  the  verb  is  found  once  (Jer. 
xlvi.  4).     Chariot;  Horse,  &c. 

*  Harnessed  [-nest],  the  A.  V.  translation  in  Ex. 
xiii.  18  (margin  "by  five  in  a  rank")  of  the  lltb. 
pi.  participle  Immnshim  or  chtimmhim,  elsewhere 
translated  "armed"  (Josh.  1.  14,  iv.  12),  "armed 
men"  (Judg.  vii.  11)."  Gesenius  makes  the  He- 
brew =z  fierce,  active,  eager,  brave  in  battle.  Fiirst 
has  emiipjfied,  ready  for  bailie,  armed. 

Ha  rod  (Heb.  trembling,  terror,  Ges.),  the  Well  of. 
a  spring  (Ueb.  ^ayin  =r  the  fountain  of  Jf.zreel  ?) 
by  which  Gideon  and  his  great  army  encamped  on 
the  morning  of  the  day  which  ended  in  the  rout  of 
the  Midianites  (Judg.  vii.  1),  and  where  the  trial  of 
the  people  by  their  mode  of  drinking  apparently  took 
place.  The  ^Ain  Jalud  ( Ar.  =:  fountain  of  Golialh), 
with  which  Stanley  would  identify  Harod,  is  very 
suitable  to  the  circumstances,  as  the  largest  spring 
in  the  neigliborhood,  forming  a  pool  of  considerable 
size,  at  wliich  great  numbers  might  drink. 

Ua'rod-ite  (fr.  Heb.  =  one  from  Harod  [see  be- 
low], or  =  Harorite  and,  Hararite),  tlic,  the  des- 
ignation of  two  of  David's  thirty-seven  "  valiant 
men,"  Sham-Maii  and  Elikah  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  25) ; 
doubtless  derived  from  a  place  named  Harod. 

Ha-ro'ell  (Ileb.  the  seer),  a  name  in  the  genealo- 
gical list  of  Judah  as  a  son  of  "  Shobal,  father  of 
Kirjath-jearim  "  (1  Chr.  ii.  52);  =  Reaiaii  ? 

Ha'ror-ite  (fr.  Heb.  =  Harodite  and  Hararite, 
Fii.),  the,  the  title  given  to  Shammoth,  one  of  Da- 
vid's "  valiant  men  "  (1  Chr.  xi.  27). 

Ha-ro'slieth  (Ileb.  a  irorh,  working,  in  wood, 
stone,  &c.,  Ges. ;  city  of  crafts,  jilace  of  artificial 
work,  or  [so  others] /ores<,  Fii.),  or  rather  "Ila- 
rosheth  of  the  Gentiles,"  as  it  was  called,  from  the 


364 


HAR 


HAE 


mixed  races  that  inhabited  it,  a  city  in  the  N.  of 
Canaan,  supposed  by  Mr.  Ffovilkes,  &e.,  to  have 
stood  on  the  W.  coast  of  the  lake  Slerom  [el-Huleh), 
from  which  the  Jordan  issues  forth  in  one  unbroken 
stream,  and  in  the  portion  of  tlie  tribe  of  Na|)htali. 
It  was  the  residence  of  Sisera,  captain  of  Jabin, 
king  of  Canaan  (Judg.  iv.  2),  and  the  point  to  which 
the  victorious  Israelites  under  Barak  pursued  the 
discomfited  host  and  chariots  of  the  second  poten- 
tate of  that  name  (Judg.  iv  16).  Thomson  (ii.  143) 
identifies  Haroshcth  with  an  enormous  double 
mound  covered  with  ruins,  called  in  Arabic  Ha- 
rolhieh  (=  Haroshcth  in  Ileljrew),  about  eight  miles 
N.  N.  W.  from  Megiddo,  at  the  entrance  of  the 
pass  from  the  plain  of  Acre  by  the  Kishon  into 
Esdra;lon. 

Uarpt  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  ciniiAr  and 
Gr.  kilhara,  a  stringed  instrument  of  music.  The 
ci.tinor  was  the  national  instrument  of  the  Hebrews, 
and  was  well  knoij-n  throughout  Asia.     The  Penta- 


Awyrian  Harps,— From  Nineveh  Marblea.— (Ayr©.) 

teueh  assigns  its  invention  to  the  antediluvian 
period  (Gen.  iv.  21).  Touching  its  shape,  a  great 
difference  of  opinion  prevails.  The  author  of  Hhilte 
Uaggihhorim  describes  it  as  resembling  the  modern 


Egyptian  Harp. — From  the  Tomb  at  Thebes,  called  Belzoni'a. — (Ayre.) 

harp ;  Pfeiffer  gives  it  the  form  of  a  guitar ;  and 
Jerome  declares  it  to  have  resembled  in  shape  the 
Greek  letter  delta  (A).  Josephus  records  that  the 
nnnor  had  ten  strings,  and  that  it  was  played  on 
with  the  plectrum ;  others  assign  to  it  twenty  four, 


and  in  the  Sliilte  TJaggihborim  it  is  said  to  have  had 
forty-seven.  Josephus's  statement,  however,  is  in 
open  contradiction  to  what  is  set  forth  in  1  Sam. 
xvi.  23,  xviii.  10,  that  David  played  on  the  ciMi6r 
with  his  hand.  Probably  (so  Prof.  Marks,  after 
Munk)  there  was  a  tmaller  and  a  larger  vhmoi; 


Egyptian  Harp  — From  ChampoUlon.— (Ayre.) 

and  these  may  have  been  played  in  different  wa; 
(1  Sam.  X.  5).  The  Gr.  kilhara,  sometimes  in  th! 
LXX.  =  Heb.  cinnor  (Gen.  x.xxi.  27 ;  2  Chr.  i: 
11),  occurs  in  the  N.  T.  in  1  Cor.  xiv.  7 ;  Rev 
xiv.  2,  XV.  2  ;  and  had  (like  the  lyre,  which  w 
larger)  a  sounding  base  or  bottom  from  which  rose 
two  horns  as  from  a  stag's  head,  these  horns  being 
connected  near  the  top  by  a  cross-bar,  between 
which  and  the  base  the  strings  were  stretched.  It 
stood  on  the  player's  knees,  was  held  with  the  Icl't 
hand,  and  played  with  the  right,  sometimes  with  a 
plectrum  or  key  (Rbn.  X'.  T.  Lex.). 

Har'row.  The  word  so  rendered  (Heb.  Mi-ils  or 
chdrils ;  2  Sam.  xii.  31 ;  1  Chr.  xx.  3)  is  piobably  a 
threshing-machine  or  sledge  (see  Agriculture)  ;  the 
Heb.  verb  sAdad,  translated  "to  harrow"  (Job 
xxxix.  10)  and  "break  the  clods"  (Is.  xxviii.  24; 
Hos.  X.  11),  expresses  apparently  the  breaking  of 
the  clods  (Gesenius  translates  to  harrow,  i.  e.  kvd 
a  field),  but  whether  done  by  any  such  machine  as 
we  call  a  harrow  is  very  dcubtful. 

Har'sha  (Chal.  enchanter,  mogidan,  Ges. ;  icorker, 
Fii.),  ancestor  of  certain  Nethinim  who  came  from 
Babylon  with  Zcrubbabd  (Ezr.  ii.  52  ;  Nch.  vii.  54). 

Hart  (Heb.  ayjnU).  The  hart  is  reckoned  among 
the  clean  animals  (Deut.  xii.  15,  xiv.  6,  xv.  22),  and 
seems,  from  the  passages  quoted  as  well  as  ficm  1 
K.  iv.  23,  to  have  been  commonly  killed  for  food. 
The  Heb.  masc.  noun  ayydl  denotes,  no  doubt,  some 
species  of  Ca-videe  (decr-ti-ibe),  cither  the  fai.i.ow- 
DEER  (Dama  vulgaris ;  Cerms  Daiiia,  Linn.),  or  the 
Barbary  deer  ( Cerrus  Barbarns),  the  southern  ri'iirc- 
sentative  of  the  European  stag  (C  Elaphis),  which 
occurs  in  Tunis  and  the  coast  of  Barbary.  (See 
cut  on  p.  365.)     Hind.  • 

lla'rDm  (Heb.  exalted,  Ges.),  father  of  Aharhcl,  in 
one  of  the  most  obscuie  genealogies  of  Judiili(l 
Chr.  iv.  8). 

Ila-rn'mapll  (Heb.  snub-nosed,  Ges.,  Fii.),  father 
or  ancestor  of  jEnAiAii  2  (Neh.  iii.  10). 

Ha'rnph-ltC,  or  I]ar'.Dpb-tt«(fr.  Heb.  =  descendant 
of  an  unknown  Haruph  or  liarijih  ■=  the  early- 
born,  i.  e.  strong,  Fu.),  the,  the  designation  of 
Shephatiah,  one  of  the  Korhites  who  repaired  to 
David  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  5). 


I 


UAR 


HAT 


365 


Bubary  Dmt  (Ohm  Bariant)  —  "  Hakt  "  of  A.  V. 

Ilil'niz  (fr.  Heb.  =  eager,  active,  Gea.),  a  man  if 
'  itljali ;  father  of  MeshuUemeth,  queeu  of  Manas- 
1  (2  K.  xxi.  19). 

llSr'VeSt.      AORICULTUBE. 

Ilss-a-di'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  loves, 
' '  ■■!.),  OLie  of  a  group  of  five  descendants  of  the 

ival  line  of  Jndah  (1  Chr.  iii.  20),  apparently  sons 
i  Zoruhbabel,  perhaps  born  after  the  restoration. 

Ilas-e-nn'ali  (fr.  Heb.  =  the  hrktHng,  Ges.),  a 
I'lMijamite,  of  one  of  the  chief  families  (1  Chr.  ix. 

llash-a-bi'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  reijardu). 

I.  A  Merarite  Levite,  son  of  Amaziah  in  Ethan's 
line  (1  Chr.  vi.  48,  Heb.  30). — %,  Another  Merarite 
Levite  (ix.  14). — %,  The  fourth  of  Jeduthun's  six 
sons  (xxv.  3),  who  had  cliarge  of  the  twelfth  course 
in  the  temple  choir  (19). — I.  A  Hebronite  Levite 
(xxvi.  30) ;  possibly  =  No.  5. — 5.  Son  of  Kemuel, 
who  was  prince  of  Levi  in  the  time  of  David  (xxvii. 
17). — Of  A  Levite  chief,  who  officiated  for  King 
Josiah  at  his  great  passover-feast  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  9). — 
7.  A  Merarite  Levite  who  accompanied  Ezra  from 
Babylon  (Ezr.  viii.  19). — 8.  One  of  the  chiefs  of  the 
priests  in  the  same  caravan  (24). — 9,  Rnler  of 
half  the  circuit  or  environs  (Part)  of  Keilah  ;  he 
repaired  a  portion  of  tlie  wall  of  Jerusalem  under 
Nehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  1*7). — 10.  One  of  the  Levites 
who  sealed  the  covenant  after  the  return  from  the 
Captivity  (x.  U);  probably  =  one  of  the  chiefs  of 
tlic  Levites  iti  the  times  immeiliately  subsequent  to 
the  return  from   Babylon  (xii.  24 ;  compare  26). — 

II.  A  Levite,  son  of  IJimni  (xi.  15). — 12.  Another 
Levite,  son  of  .Mattaniah  (22).— IS.  A  priest  of  the 
family  of  Hilkiah  in  the  days  of  Joiakim  son  of 
Jeshua  (xii.  21). 

Ua-sliab'nah  (Heb.  =  HAsnABiAn,  Ges.),  one  of 
the  chief  of  the  people  who  sealed  the  covenant 
with  Ncheiuiali  (.Neh.  x.  25). 

Hash-ab-nlali  (fr.  Heb.  —  riAaiiAniAn,  Ges.).  I. 
Father  of  Hattisii  2  (Neh.  iii.  10). — J.  A  Levite 
who  officiated  at  the  great  fast  under  Ezra  and  Ne- 
hemiah when  the  covenant  was  sealed  (ix.  S). 

Uash-bad  a-n«  (fr.  Ueb.  =  thought  in  judging, 


perhaps  thoughtful  judge,  Gc8.),  one  (probably  a 
priest  or  Levite)  who  stood  on  Ezra's  left  hand 
while  he  read  the  law  to  the  people  in  Jerusalem 
(Neh.  viii.  4). 

lla'shcm  ( Heb.  fat  ?  Ges.).  The  sons  of  Hashem 
the  Gizonite  are  named  among  David's  "  valiant 
men  "  in  1  Chr.  xi.  34.     Jashe.n. 

Hash-man'nim  (Heb.  pi.,  literally  =  the  fat,  i.  e. 
the  opulent,  nobles,  princes,  Ges. ;  see  below).  This 
word  occurs  only  in  the  Hebi'cw  of  Ps.  Ixviii.  31 : 
"  Hashmannim  (A.  V.  '  princes  ')  shall  come  out  of 
Egypt,  Cush  shall  make  her  hands  to  hasten  to 
God."  The  old  derivation  from  the  civil  name  of 
Hermopolis  Magna  seems  reasonable  (so  Mr.  R.  S. 
Poole).  This  city  was  on  the  Nile,  at  the  modem 
Ashmunein,  nearly  opposite  Antinoe.  The  ancient 
Egyptian  name  is  lla-shmen,  or  Ha-shmoon,  the  abode 
of  eight.  If  we  suppose  that  Uasliraannim  is  a  proper 
name  =  Uermopolites,  the  mention  might  be  ex- 
plained by  the  circumstance  that  Hermopolis  Magna 
was  the  great  city  of  the  Egyptian  Hermes,  Thoth, 
the  god  of  wisdom.  But  Kimchi,  Gcsenius,  Fiirst, 
J.  A.  Alexander  {on  Ps.),  &c.,  sustain  the  A.  V.  in 
rendering  "  princes." 

Uasli-mo'iiab  (Ileb.  fatness,  fat  soil,  Ges.),  a  sta- 
tion of  the  Israelites,  mentioned  (Num.  xxxiii.  29) 
next  before  Moseroth.  Mr.  Wilton  would  make 
Hashmonah  =  Heshmon.  Wilderness  of  the 
Wanberixg. 

Ha'slinb  (fr.  Heb.  =  Hasshob).  I.  A  son  of  Pa- 
hath-moab  who  assisted  in  the  repair  of  the  wall  of 
Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  11).— 2.  Another  who  assisted 
in  the  same  work  (iii.  23). — 3.  One  of  the  heads  of 
the  people  who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah 
(x.  23) ;  perhaps  =  No.  1  or  2. — 1.  A  Merarite  Le- 
vite (xi.  13)  —  Hasshub.   ■ 

Ua-slmbah  (Heb.  esteemed,  Ges.),  the  first  of  a 
group  of  five  men,  apparently  the  latter  half  of  the 
family  of  Zerubbabel  (1  Chr.  iii.  20).     Hasadiah. 

Ila'shnm  (Heb.  rieh,  opulent,  Ges.).  T.  Two  hun- 
dred and  twenty-three  "  children  of  llashum  "  cams 
back  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  19; 
Neh.  vii.  22).  Seven  of  them  had  married  foreign 
wives  from  whom  they  had  to  separate  (Ezr.  x.  33). 
The  chief  man  of  the  family  was  among  those  who 
sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  18). — 
2.  One  (probably  a  priest  or  Levite)  who  stood  on 
Ezra's  left  hand  while  he  read  the  law  to  the  con- 
gregation (viii.  4). 

Ha-sliu'pha  (fr.  Heb.  =  Hasijpha),  ancestor  of 
certain  Nethinim  who  returned  from  the  Captivity  ii; 
the  fii'st  caravan  (Neh.  vii.  46). 

Has'rah  (Heb )  =  Harhas  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  22). 

Has-sc-na'ah  (Heb.  the  Ihomj/,  =  Senaah,  Ges.). 
The  "  sons  of  Hassenaah  "  (=  Senaah)  rebuilt  the 
fish-gate  in  the  repair  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh. 
iii.  3). 

Has'shnb  fhash'shub]  (fr.  Heb.  =  thinking,  Ges.), 
a  Merarite  Levite  (1  Chr.  ix.  14)  =  Hashub  4. 

Ha-sn'pba  (Ileb.  stripped,  Ges.),  ancestor  of  cer- 
tain Nethinim  who  returned  from  Babylon  with  Ze.. 
rubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  43). 

Hat.     Hkad-dress. 

Ila'tath  [-tak]  (fr.  Heb.  =  veritt/,  Bohlcn),  one 
of  the  eunuchs  in  the  couit  of  Ahasuerus  (Esth.  iv. 
5,  6,  9,  10). 

Ua'thalh  (Heb.  terror,  dismay,  Ges.\  one  of  the 
sons  of  Othiiiel  the  son  of  Kenaz  (1  Chr.  iv.  13). 

Hat'i-pha  (Heb.  seized,  captive,  Ges.),  ancestor  of 
certain  Nethinim  who  returned  from  Babylon  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  B4 ;  Neh.  vii.  66). 

Ilat'i-ta  (Ueb.  a  digging,  exploring,  Ges.),  ancestor 


566 


HAT 


HAf 


of  certain  "  porters  "  (i.  c.  gate-keepers),  who  re- 
turned from  the  Captivity  with  Zerubbaljel  (Ezr. 
ii.  42  ;  Nell.  vii.  40). 

llat'til  (Heb.  wavering,  Gcs.),  ancestor  of  certain 
"  children  of  Solomon's  servants  "  who  came  back 
from  the  Captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  57 ; 
Keh.  vii.  59). 

*  Hat'si-bam-me-nn'thoth  (Heb.  midst  of  rest- 
ing-plaees,  Ges.),  a  proper  name  of  a  man  or  place 
(1  Chr.  ii.  52,  margin).     Manaiietiiites. 

Hat'tnsll  (Ileb.,  probably  :=  assembled,  Ges.).  1, 
A  descendant  of  the  kings  of  Judah,  apparently  one 
of  the  sons  of  Sliechaniah  (1  Chr.  iii.  22),  in  the 
fourth  or  fifth  generation  from  Zerubbabel ;  pos- 
sibly the  one  who  accompanied  Ezra  from  Bab- 
ylon to  Jerusalem  (Ezr.  viii.  2). — 2.  A  priest  who 
returned  with  Zerubbabel,  and  sealed  the  covenant 
with  Nehemiah  (Xch.  x.  4,  xii.  2). — Z,  Son  of  Hasli- 
abniah  ;  one  of  those  who  assisted  Nehemiah  in 
the  repair  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Xeh.  iii.  10). 

Haa'ran  (Ar. ;  Heb.  Huvrdn  or  Chavrcin  =  cave- 
district,  Fii.),  a  province  of  Palestine  (Ez.  xlvii.  16, 
18^;  probably  =  the  well-known  Greek  province 
of  Auranitis,  and  the  modern  Hamiin.  Josephus 
frequently  mentions  Auranitis  in  connection  with 
Trachonitis,  Batana?a,  and  Gauknitis,  which  with 
it  constituted  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Bashan.  The 
surface  is  perfectly  flat,  and  the  soil  among  the 
richest  in  Syria.  It  contains  upward  of  one  hun- 
dred towns  and  villages,  most  of  them  now  deserted, 
though  not  ruined. 

Havi-lall  (Heb.  circle,  elittrict,  Fii.).  1.  A  son  of 
Cush  (Gen.  x.  7);  and  2.  a  son  of  Joktan  (x.  29). 
Various  theories  have  been  advanced  respecting 
these  obscure  peoples.  Probably  (so  llr.  E.  S.  Poole) 
both  stocks  settled  in  the  same  country,  and  there 
intermarried  ;  thus  receiving  one  name,  and  form- 
ing one  race,  with  a  common  descent.  The  Cusli- 
ite  people  of  this  name  formed  the  westernmost 
colony  of  Cush  along  the  S.  of  Arabia,  and  the 
Joktanites  were  an  earlier  colonization.  It  is  com- 
monly thought  that  the  district  of  Khiiwh'm,  in 
the  Yemen,  preserves  the  trace  of  this  ancient 
people.  The  district  of  Khiiwlin  lies  between  the 
city  of  San'i  and  the  Ilijaz,  i.  e.  in  the  N.  W.  por- 
tion of  the  Yemen.  It  took  its  name,  according 
to  the  Arabs,  from  Khawlan,  a  descendant  of  Kali- 
tan  (Joktan),  or,  as  some  say,  of  Kahlan,  brother 
of  Ilimyer.  This  genealogy  says  little  more  than 
that  the  name  was  Joktanite.  Khawlan  is  a  fertile 
territory,  embracing  a  large  part  of  myrrhiferous 
Arabia,  mountainous,  with  plenty  of  water,  and 
supporting  a  large  population.  Those  who  separate 
the  Cushite  and  Joktanite  Havilah  either  place 
them  in  Niebuhr's  two  Khiiwians,  or  they  place 
No.  2  on  the  N.  of  the  peninsula,  following  the 
supposed  argument  derived  from  Gen.  xxv.  18,  and 
1  Sam.  XV.  7,  and  finding  the  name  in  that  of  the 
Chatihtaini  on  the  Persian  Gulf.  A  Joktanite 
settlement  so  far  N.  is,  however,  very  improbable. 
They  discover  No.  1  in  the  Avalita;  on  the  African 
coast,  S.  of  the  straits  of  Bab  el-Mandeb. 

HaT'l-lall  (Heb.,  see  above)  (Gen.  ii.  11).  Eden  1. 

Ha'TOth-ja'ir  (fr.  Heb.  =  villages  of  Jnir,  Ges.), 
certain  villages  on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  in  Gilead  or 
Ba.shan,  which  were  taken  by  Jaiu  the  son  of  Ma- 
nasseh,  and  called  after  his  name  (Num.  xxxii.  41 ; 
Dent.  iii.  14).  In  the  records  of  Manasseh  in  Josh, 
xiii.  30,  and  1  Chr.  ii.  23,  the  Ilavoth-jair  are 
reckoned  with  other  districts  as  making  up  sixty 
"cities"  (compare  1  K.  iv.  13).  Porter  (ii.  270) 
concludes  that  the  sixty  cities  called  Bashan-ha- 


TOTn-jAlK  pertained  to  the  land  of  Argcb,  which 
was  in  Bashan ;  and  that  the  twenty-three  cities 
called  Havoth-jair  were  distinct  from  the  former, 
and  situated  in  Gilead.  In  Judg.  x.  4,  thirty  cities 
are  called  Havoth-jair.  Ilere  the  allusion  is  to 
a  second  Jair,  by  whose  thirty  sons  they  were 
governed,  and  for  whom  the  original  number  may 
have  been  increased. 

Hawk,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb.  nlta 
(Lev.  xi.  10;  Cent.  xiv.  15;  Job  xxxix.  20).  The 
word  is  doubtless  generic,  as  appears  from  the 
expression  in  Deuteronomy  and  Leviticus  "  after 
his  kind,"  and  includes  various' species  of  the  Fal- 
eonida;  (the  falcon  or  hawk  family),  with  more  spe- 
cial allusion  perhaps  to  the  small  diurnal  birds, 
such  as  the  kestrel  (Falco  tinnunculm),  the  liobby 
(Hrpotriorchis  suhbntto),  the  gregarious  lesser  kes- 
trel {I'iii'i.mtculns  einchrijs),  eomm.on  about  tlie 
ruins  in  the  plain  districts  of  Palestine,  all  of 
which  were  probably  known  to  the  ancient  He- 
brews. With  respect  to  the  passage  in  Job,  which 
appears  to  allude  to  the  migratory  habits  of  hawks. 


it  is  curious  to  observe  that,  of  the  ten  or  twelve 
smaller  biids  of  prey  of  Palestine,  nearly  all  are 
summer  migrants.  The  kestrel  remains  all  the 
year,  but  7'.  cenchris,  JUieronisus  paliar.  Hyp.  ilto- 
vorie,  and  /♦'.  milavoptervs,  are  all  migrants  from 
the  S.  Besides  the  above-named  smaller  hawKs, 
the  two  magnificent  species  of  falcon,  F.  Sahr  and 
F.  lanarins,  arc  summer  visitors  to  Palestine. 

Hay,  the  A.  V.  translation  in  Prov.  xxvii.  25,  and 
I.S.  XV.  6,  of  the  Iltb.  liulsir  or  chulsir,  which  ociiirs 
frequently  in  the  0.  T.,  and  denotes  "  grass  "  of  any 
kind.     Ilarmer,  quoting  from  a  SIS.  paper  of  Sir  J. 
Chardin,  states   that  hay  is  not  made  anywhere  in  . 
the  East,  and  that  the  "  hay  "  of  the  A.  V.  is  then 
fore  an  error  of  translation.     It  is  quite  probaby 
that  the  modern  Orientals  do  not  make  hay  in  otJl 
sense  of  the  term  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  the  ancicnti 
did  mow  their  grass,  and  pioliably  made  use  of  th 
dry  material.     See  Ps.  xxxvii.  2.     There  is  an 
press  Hebrew  term  for  "  dry  grass  "  or  "  hay,"  vfa 
hushash  or  chashai'h,  which,  in  the  only  two  plac 
where  the  word  occurs  (Is.  v.  24,  xxxiii,  11),  is  r(" 
dered  "  chaff  "  in  the  A.  V.     Doubtless,  hov- ' 


HAZ 


HA2 


307 


the  "dry  grass"  was  not  stacked,  but  only  cut  in 
small  (|uantitie9,  and  then  consumed.  Agricul- 
li-RE  ;  lUiiN  ;  Mowing. 

Ua'za-ei  (lleb.  whom  God  behohh,  i.  e.  earca  for, 
Ges.),  a  king  of  Damascu!",  who  reigned  from  about 
B.  c.  88')  to  B.  c.  840.     He  appeai-s  to  have  been 
previously  a  person  in  a  high  position  at  the  court 
of  Bes-iiadai)  II.,  and  was  sent  by  his  master  to 
Ei.isiiA,   to  inquire -if  he  would  recover  from  the 
malady  under  which  he  was  suHcrini;.     Elisha's  an- 
swer leil  to  the  murder  of  Ben-hudad  by  his  ambi- 
tious servant,  who  forthwith  mounted  the  tlirone  (2 
K.  viii.  7-15).     lie  was  soon  eng.aged  in  liostilities 
with  Ahaziah,  king  of  Judah,  and  Jehoram,  king  of 
Israel,  for  the  possession  of  Ramoth-Giload  (viii.  28). 
The  Assyrian  inscriptions  show  that  about  tliis  time 
a  bloody  and  destructive  war  was  being  waged  be- 
tween the  As.'syrians  on  the  one  side,  and  the  Syrians, 
Hittites,  Ilamathites,  and  I'henicians  on  the  other. 
Toward  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Jehu,  Ilazacl  led 
m  against  the  Israelites  (about  D.  c.  860),  whom 
•smote  in  all  their  coasts"  (x.  32),  thus  accom- 
:-hing  the  prophecy  of  Elisha(viii.  12).     At  the 
ise  of  his  life,  having  taken  G.ith  (xii.  11;  com- 
ic Am.  vi.  2),  he  proceeded  to  attack  Jeru:<alem 
-  tJhr.  xxiv.  24),  and  was  about  to  assault  the  city, 
when  Joash  bribed   him  to  retire  (2  K.  xii.   18). 
llazael  appears  to  have  died  about  the  year  d.  c.  840 
'    :ii.  24),  having  reigned  forty-six  years. 

Ila-zai  Hh  [-za'yahj  (llel).  whom  Jehovah  hehoUh, 
-.),  a  descendant  of  Siiklaii,  son  of  Judah  (Xeh. 
.-.). 

lU'zar-ad'dar,  &c.    Hazeb. 
lU-zar-ma  Tetli  (fr.  Heb.  court  of  death,  Ges.),  the 
third  in  order  of  the  sons  of  Joktan  (Gen.  x.  26). 
The   name   is   preserved,  almost   literally,   in   the 
A  r  ibic  Hadriimiiwt  and  Hadrunuiwt,  and  the  appel- 
''  'ion  of  a  province  and  an  ancient  people  of  south- 
1  Arabia.     The  province  of  Iladraniawt  is  situate 
of  the  modern  Yemen.     Its  capital  is  Satham,  a 
y  ancient  city,  and  its  chief  ports  are  Mirbat, 
t.iri,  and  Kisheem,  from  whence  a  great  trade  was 
Tied  on,  in  ancient  times,  with  India  and  Africa. 
'  liaz'a-zan-ta'mar.    Hazezos-tamah. 
Ila'zrh     The  Hebrew  terra  liiz  occurs  only  in  Gen. 
.  K.  37.     Authorities  are  divided  between  the  hazel 
I  the  ALMONn  tree,  as  representing  the  luz.     The 
"er  IS  mOst  probably  correct. 
IliZ-e-lel-po'nl  (fr.  Ueb.  =r  the.  shade  looking  upon 
me,  Ges.),  the  sister  of  the  sons  of  Etam  in  the 
genealogies  of  Judah  ( 1  Chr.  iv.  3). 

Ila'zer  (fr.  Heb.  hutser  =  an  enclosure,  hence  a 
court,  village,  Ges.),  topographically,  seems  generally 
employed  for  the  "  villages  "  of  people  in  a  roving 
and  unsettled  life,  the  semi-permanent  collections  of 
dwellings  which  are  described  by  travellers  among 
the  modem  .\rabs  to  consist  of  rough  stone  walls 
covered  with  the  tent-cloths.  As  a  proper  name  it 
appears  in  the  A.  V. : — 1.  In  the  plural  Hazerim, 
and  Hazerotii  ;  see  below.  2.  In  the  slightly  differ- 
ent form  of  IIazor.  3.  In  composition  with  other 
words. — t,  lli'zar-ad'dar  (from  Heb.  =  viUaffe  of 
A'ldar,  Ges. ;  Addar-court,  Fii. ;  see  Adar),  a  place 
on  the  southern  boundary  of  the  land  promised  to 
Israel  (.S'uni.  xxxiv.  4;  "  Arar,"  Josh.  xv.  3);  sup- 
posed by  some  to  be  at  'Ain  el-Kudeirdl,  forty  or  fifty 
miles  VV.  of  'Ain  el-Weibeh  (Kadesh-Barnea?).— 8. 
lUzar-fDan  (fr.  Heb.  =:  village  of  foiuUains,  Ges.  ;  \ 
court  of  the  hobj  fountain,  Fii.),  the  place  at  which  ; 
the  northern  boundary  of  the  land  promised  to  the  • 
children  of  Israel  was  to  terminate  (Num.  xxxiv.  9,  I 
10;  compare  Ez.  xlvii.  17,  ilvUi.  1).     Porter  would  1 


identify  Ilazar-enan  with  ICuryetein  (.\r.  =  the  two 
villaffei),  a  village  more  than  sixty  miles  E.  N.  E.  of 
Damascus. — 3,  Ila'zar-gad'dah  (fr.  Heb.  =  court  of 
Gadda,  an  epithet  of  Venus  as  a  fortune-bringing 
goddess,  Fii.),  one  of  the  towns  in  the  southern  dis- 
trict of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  27),  named  between  Mola- 
dah  and  lleshmon ;  at  Jurrah,  four  or  five  miles 
W.  S.  W.  from  Moladah  ? — 4.  lla'zar-liat'ti.*oil 
(fr.  Heb.  =  middle  village,  (Jes.),  a  place  named  in 
Ezelvicl's  prophecy  of  the  ultimate  boundai'ies  of  the 
land  (Ez.  xlvii.  16),  on  the  boundary  of  Ilauian.  It 
is  not  yet  known. — 5.  Ha'zai'-slin'al  (fr.  Heb.  — 
village  of  jackals,  Ges. ;  court  of  jackals,  Fii.),  a  town 
in  the  southern  district  of  Judah,  named  between 
Hazar-gaddah  and  Becr-slieba  (Josh.  xv.  28,  xix. 
3 ;  1  Chr.  iv.  28) ;  reoccupied  after  the  Captivity 
(Nch.  xi.  27) ;  site  at  Sdwch,  an  ancient  site  about 
three  miles  E.  N.  E.  of  Beer-sheba. — 0,  Ila'zar- 
sn'sah(fr.  lleb.  =:  Hazar-si:sim),  one  of  the  "  cities  " 
allotted  to  Simeon  in  the  extreme  south  of  Judah 
(Josh.  xix.  5).  (Sansaxnah.) — 7.  Ha'zar-sn'sioi  (fr. 
Heb.  =  viUage  of  horses,  Ges. ;  court  of  the  horses 
of  the  sun,  in  the  sun-worship,  Fii.)  =  the  preced- 
ing name  (l  Chr.  iv.  31). 

Ila-ze'rim  (fr.  Heb.  plural ;  Hazer).  The  Avims 
are  said  to  have  lived  "  in  the  villages  (A.  V.  '  Haze- 
rim') as  for  as  Gaza"  (Dcut.  ii.  23),  before  their 
expulsion  by  the  Caphtorim. 

Ila-ze'roth  (fr.  Heb.  plural ;  Hazer)  (Xum.  xi.  35, 
xii.  16,  xxxiii.  17  ;  Dcut.  i.  1),  a  station  of  the  Israel- 
ites in  the  desert,  according  to  Biirckhardt,  Robin- 
son, Stanley,  &c.,  at  'Ain  el-Hudherah,  about  eighteen 
hours  N.  E.  from  Sinai ;  according  to  Wilton,  about 
twenty-five  miles  N.  of  Jehel  Musa  (Sinai  ?).  Wil- 
derness OF  THE  Wandering. 

llaz'e-zon-ta'mar,  and  Haz'a-zon-ta'mar  (fr.  Heb. 
=  priming  of  the  palm,  Ges. ;  palm-rows,  jialmforest, 
Fii.),  the  ancient  name  of  En-gedi  (Gen.  xiv.  7 ;  2 
Chr.  XX.  2). 

Ha'zi-el  (Heb.  vision  of  Ood,  Ges.),  a  Gershonite 
Levite  in  the  time  of  David,  of  the  family  of  Shimei 
or  Shimi  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  9). 

Ila'zo  (Heb.  vision?  Ges.),  a  son  of  Nahor,  by 
Milcah  his  wife  (Gen.  xxii.  22). 

IIazor  (Heb.  enclosure,  cas.Ve,  Ges.,  Fii. ;  IIazer). 
1.  A  fortified  city  allotted  to  Naphtali  (Josh.  xix. 
36).  Its  position  was  apparently  between  Ramah 
and  Kedesh  (xii.  19),  on  the  high  ground  overlook- 
ing the  Lake  of  Merom.  There  is  no  reason  for  sup- 
posing it  a  different  place  from  that  of  which  Jabin 
was  king  (xi.  1 ;  Judg.  iv.  2,  17 ;  1  Sam.  xii.  9).  It 
was  the  principal  city  of  N.  Palestine  (Josh.  xi.  10). 
It  was  fortified  by  Solomon  (1  K.  iv.  15),  and  its  in- 
habitants were  carried  captive  by  Tiglath-pilescr  (2 
K.  XV.  29).  We  encounter  it  once  more  in  1  Mc.  xi. 
67  (A.  V.  "Nasor").  flazor  was  probably  at  Tell 
Khuraiheh  (so  Jlr.  Grove,  after  Robinson).  (  Edrei  2.) 
Porter  (in  Kitto)  would  place  Hazor  about  four  miles 
further  S.,  on  the  S.  bank  of  the  Wady  Hendiij,  where 
are  the  ruins  of  an  ancient  town  on  a  commanding 
site.  Thomson  (ii.  439)  would  identify  Hazor  with 
Hazere,  ten  or  fifteen  miles  W.  of  the  above  and  of 
Lake  Merom,  where  are  also  extensive  ruins.  Stan- 
ley (389)  and  Keith  would  place  Hazor  at  Hmury,  on 
a  commanding  .site  above  Cesarea  Philippi,  N.  E.  of 
Lake  Merom. — £•  One  of  the  "  cities  "  of  Judah  in 
the  extreme  south,  named  next  to  Kedesh  (Josh.  xv. 
23).  (Itiinan.)— 3.  Hazor-IIadattah  (=  n«o //nzor), 
another  of  the  southern  towns  of  Judah  (x\'.  25). 
(Hadattaii.) — I,  "  Hezron  which  is  Hazor  "  (xv. 
25);  =  one  of  the  preceding?  or  originally  named 
Hazor,  afterward  Hezron  1  (Kkbioth  1.)— 5<  A  place 


368 


HE 


HEA 


in  which  the  Benjamites  resided  after  the  Captivity 
(Neh.  xi.  33);  at  Tell'Asur,  about  six  miles  N.  of 
Bethel  ?  (Robinson);  at  Khurbet  Arsur,  a  little  W. 
of  Ramali  ?  (Tobler). — 6>  A  place  in  Arabia  ( Jer. 
xlix.  28,  30,  33) ;  =  tlie  region  settled  by  descend- 
ants of  Hazar-matkth  ?  (I'orter  in  Kitto). 

*  He  (Heb.  he  =  lattice  or  window  ?  Ges.),  the  fiftli 
letter  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  (Ps.  cxix.).    Writing. 

*  Head  [hedj  (Heb.  rdsh  ;  Gr.  kqihali)  is  used  in 
tlie  Scriptures  both  literally  —  the  topmost  part  of 
the  luinian  body  or  the  foremost  part  of  any  other 
animal,  and  figuratively  =  that  which  is  highest  or 
chief.  The  head  was  covered  in  affliction  (Mourn- 
i>g),  and  anointed  in  festivity,  &c.  (Anointing). 
Sometimes  men  swore  by  their  head  (Mat.  v.  36). 

Head-dress.  The  Hebrews  do  not  a|)pcar  to  have 
regarded  a  covering  for  the  head  as  an  essential  ar- 
ticle of  dress.  The  earliest  notice  we  have  of  such 
a  thing  is  in  connection  with  the  sacerdotal  vest- 
ments (Ex.  xxviii.  40,  A.  V.  "  bonnets  ").  We  may 
infer  that  it  was  not  ordinarily  worn  in  the  Mosaic 
age.  Even  in  after-times  it  seems  to  have  been  re- 
served especially  for  purposes  of  ornament :  thus 
the  TsAniph  (Heb. ;  A.  V.  "  diadem")  is  noticed  as 
being  worn  by  nobles  (Job  xxix.  14),  ladies  (Is.  iii. 
23,  A.  V.  "hoods"),  and  kings  (Ixii.  3),  while  the 
Peer  (Heb.)  was  an  article  of  holiday  dress  (Ixi. 
3,  A.  V.  "  beauty  ;  "  Ez.  xxiv.  n,  23,  A.  V.  "  tire  "), 
and  was  worn  at  weddings  (Is.  Ixi.  10,  A.  V.  "or- 
naments ").  The  former  of  these  terms  undoubtedly 
describes  a  kind  of  turban,  and  its  form  probably 
resembled  that  of  the  high-priest's  Mitsiicphclh{E.eh. ; 
A.  V.  "mitre"),  as  described  by  Josephus  (iii.  7, 
§  3).  .The  other  term,  Peer,  primarily  means  an  or- 
uamenl,  and  is  so  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  (Is.  Ixi.  10; 
see  also  verse  3,  "  beauty  "),  and  is  specifically  ap- 
plied to  the  head-dress  from  its  ornamental  charac- 
ter. It  is  uncertain  what  the  term  properly  de- 
Bci'ibes,  but  it  may  have  applied  to  the  jewels  and 
other  ornameiits  with  which  the  turban  is  frequently 
decorated.     The  ordinary  head-dress  of  the  Bedouin 


of  the  Greek  hat  by  Jason,  as  an  article  of  dress 
adapted  to  the  pytimasium,  was  regarded  as  a  na- 
tional dishonor  (2  Me.  iv.  12).  The  Assyrian  head- 
dress is  described  in  Ez.  xxiii.  15  under  the  terms 


Modern  SjrrUm  and  ^yptian  Head-drflasea. 

consists  of  the  keffich,  a  square  handkerchief,  gen- 
erally of  red  and  yellow  cotton,  or  cotton  and  silk, 
folded  so  that  three  of  the  corners  hang  down  over 
the  back  and  shoulders,  leaving  the  face  exposed, 
and  bound  round  the  head  by  a  cord.  (Drkss,  fig. 
2.)  Not  improbably  a  similar  covering  was  used  by 
the  Hebrews  on  certain  occasions.    The  introduction 


Modem  Egyptian  Head-dreasea. — (Lane.) 


"exceeding  in  dyed  attire."  The  word  rendered 
"hats"  in  Dan.  iii.  21  properly  applies  to  a  t/o.-/,-. 
Caul  3  ;  CnowN  ;  Diadem;  Higii-pkikst;  Makriaok. 

*  Hearing.     Medicine  ;  Miracles. 

*  Heart  (Heb.  Ub,  lebdb  ;  Gr.  kardia),  sometinics 
used  in  the  Scriptures  hterally,  but  usually  figuin- 
tively.  The  Hebrews  regarded  the  heart  as  the  s<  at 
not  only  of  the  feelings  .or  affections,  c.  g.  lovr, 
hatred,  confidence,  courage,  &c.,  and  of  the  will  or  de- 
termination, but  also  of  the  mind  or  intelleotuul 
faculties  (Judg.  xvi.  17;  IK.  x.  2,  &c.).     Bowels. 

Heartb  [harth]  (Heb.  ah  orrfc/t,  mokcd,  rtiokldAh, 
ciyor).  One  way  of  baking  much  practised  in  the  Ea^t 
is  to  place  the  dough  on  an  iron  plate,  either  laid  (Hi, 
or  supported  on  legs  above  the  vessel  sunk  in  the 
ground,  which  forms  the  oven.  The  cakes  baked 
"  on  the  hearth  "  (Gen.  xviii.  6)  were  probably  bakiii 
in  the  existing  Bedouin  manner,  on  hot  stones,  cov- 
ered with  ashes.  The  "  hearth  "  of  King  Jehoiakiiu's 
winter  palace  (Jer.  xxxvi.  23)  was  possibly  a  pan  or 
brazier  of  charcoal.     Bbeaii;  Fire. 

Heath,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  V/i-oVc  (Jer. 
xlviii.  6),  and  '«»•'«?•  (xvii.  6).  The  common  luuih 
{Erica  vulgaris)  is  a  shrub  much  used  in  Great  Britain 
to  thatch  houses,  make  brooms,  beds  for  the  poor, 
&c. ;  but  Mr.  Houghton,  Dr.  Royle(in  Kitto),  Koli:"- 
son,  Henderson,  &c.,  accept  Celsius'  conclusion  tint 
the  Hebrew  words  translated  "  heath  "  =  the  '((/•'"■ 
of  Arabic  writers,  which  is  some  species  of  juniper, 
probably  the  Jmiijicrus  Sabina,  or  savin.  Gescnius 
translates  the  Heb.  rulnx. 

Uea'then  \lh  as  in  this]  (Heb.  gdv,  plural  gdi/im  ; 
Gr.  cthnos,  plural  efhne).  1.  While  as  yet  the  He- 
brew nation  had  no  political  existence,  floi/im  denoted 
generally  the  "  nations  "  of  the  world,  includhig  the 
descendants  of  Abraham  (Gen.  xviii.  18;  compare 
Gal.  iii.  16).  (Gentiles.)  The  Hebrews,  as  they  grew 
in  number  and  importance,  were  distinguished  in  ft 
most  marked  manner  from  the  nations  by  whoi 
they  were  surrounded,  and  were  pi-ovided  with 
code  of  laws  and  a  religious  ritual  which  made  th( 
distinction  still  more  peculiar.  The  nations  froi^ 
whom  thev  were  thus  separated  (A.  V.  "Gentiles, 
"  heathen  ")  are  ever  associated  with  the  worship 


ft 

I 

'P 

M 


HEA 


HEB 


369 


:  false  gods,  and  the  foul  practices  of  idolaters 
l.i'v.  xviii.,  xx.),  and  these  constituted  their  chief 
i^tinctions,  as  yui/im,  from  the  worshippers  of  the 
.o(jod,  llie  people  of  Jehovah  (Num.  xv.  41  ;  Deut 
wiii.  10).      This  distinction  was  maintained  in  its 
11  force  during  the  earlv  times  of  the  monarchy  (2 
.-,un.  vii.  23  ;   IK.  xi.  4-8,  xiv.  24;  Ps.  cvi.  33).— 
-.  But,  even  in  early  Jewish  times,  the  term  goyim 
ceivod  by  anticipation  a  significance  of  wider  range 
.n   the   national   experience  (Lev.   xxvi.  aS,  3S; 
'.lit.  XXX.  I);  and  as  the  latter  was  gradually  de- 
lopcd  during  the  pro.<perou3  times  of  the  mon- 
: >liy,  the  ffii/iin  were  the  surrounding  nations gen- 
illy,  with  whom  the  Israelites  were  brought  into 
iiUict  by  the  extension  of  their  commerce.     In  the 
lie  of  the  Maccabees,  following  the  customs  of  the 
■  /im  denoted  the  neglect  or  concealment  of  cir- 
iincision  (1  Mc.  1.  15),  disregard  of  sacrifices,  prof- 
iition  of  the  Sabbath,  eating  of  swine's  flesh  and 
at  offered  to  idols  (2  Mc.  vi.  6-9,  18,  xv.  1,  2), 
;  1  adoption  of  the  Greek  national  games  (iv.  12, 
i).     In  all  points  Judaism  and   heathenism  are 
.-trongly  contrasted.     The  " barbarous  multitude" 
lii  2  jlc.  ii.  21  are  opposed  to  those  who  played  the 
i/n  for  Judaism,  and  the  distinction  now  becomes 
■I  ecclesiastical  one  (compare  Mat.  xviii.  17).    But, 
addition  to  its  significance  as  an  ethnographical 
I  m,  ijii/nn  had  a  moral  sense  which  must  not  be 
erlooked.     In  I's.  ix.  5,  15,  17  (compare  Ez.  vii. 
'  )   the    word    stands    in   parallelism   with   "  the 
..(.ked;"  and  in  verse  17  the  people  thus  desig- 
nated are  described  as  "  forgetters  of  God,"  that 
know  not  Jehovah  (Jer.  x.  25).     Gukkk. 
lleaT'ea  [hev'n],  pi.  HeiT'ens  [hev'nz],  the  A.  V. 
uislation  of — 1.  Ileb.  pi.  shdmai/im  (fr.  an  obsolete 
sing.    =   the    high,    Ges.),     uniformly    translated 
".heaven"  (Gen.  i.  1,  8,  9,  14,  15,  17,  20,  &c.),  or 
"  heavens "  (ii.  1,  4,  &c.),  except  when  connected 
with  "  fowl  "  or  "  bird,"  as  in  the  phrase  "  fowl  of 
the  air"  (i.  26,  28,  30,  &c.).     This  Hebrew  word 
occurs  in  the  0.  T.  not  far  from  400  times.     The 
kindred  (Jhal.  shSmaifin  occurs  nearly  forty  times  in 
Ezra  (v.  11,  12,  &c.),  Jeremiah  (.x.  11),  and  Daniel 
(ii.   18,   19,    &c ),    and    is    uniformly    translated 
"  heaven  "  or  "  heavens."     "  The  heaven  and  the 
EABTii  "  (Gen.  i.  1),  or  "  the  heavens  and  the  earth  " 
(ii.  1),  =  the  universe.      (Crkation  ;  Fikmame.nt.) 
— 2.  lleb.  shahak  or  aliachak  ■=■  the  sky  or  heaven, 
BO    called    from    its    expanse,    Ges.     (Ps.    Ixviii. 
34,  marg.  [Ileb.  35],  and  Ixxxix.  6,  37  [in  Ileb.  7, 
38J),  usually  in  pi.  and  translated  "  skies  "  (2  Sam. 
xxii.  12,  &c.),  or  "clouds"  (Job  xxxv.  5,  &c.). — 3. 
Heb.  yxlgal  once  (Ps.  Ixxvii.  18  [Ueb.  19]  ;  Ges.  and 
Fii.  translate  here  whirlwind),  elsewhere   usually 
translated  "  wheel "  (Eccl.  xii.   6,  &c.) ;    literally 
that  which   rolls  or   revolves. — 4.  Heb.   ^urubdh  pi. 
once  (Ps.  IxviiL  4,  Ileb.  5).     Professor  J.  A.  Alex- 
ander i-ays  this  version  is  entirely  unauthorized  by 
usage,  and  thus  translates — cast  np  a  highway  for 
the  one  riding  through  the  deserts  ;  in  A.  V.  "  extol 
liim  that  rideth  upon  the  heavens."  (Arabah  ;  Des- 
ERT  1.)— 3.  Heb.  pi.  ariphim  once  only  (Is.  v.  80, 
marg.  "  destructions  ").  Gesenius  makes  the  Hebrew 
literally  =  the  distilling,  poetically  tite  clouds,  and 
by   metonymy   the    heavens. — 6.    Or.    oiirarios,    pi. 
ournnoi  (.Mat.  iii.  2;  Mk.  i.  10,  11  ;  Lk.  iii.  21,  22, 
kc),  almost   uniformly    translated   "  heaven "   or 
"heavens,"  but  "  air  "' in  connection  with  "fowl" 
or  "  bird  "  (Mat.  vi.  26,  xiii.  32,  &c. ;  coinp.  No.  1), 
and  "  sky  "  in  a  few  cases  (Mat.  xvi.  2,  3,  &c.). 
Thistircck  word  occurs  nearly  300  times  m  the  N.  T., 
and  in  the  LXX.  =  No.  1.    '"  Heaven"  and  "heav- 
24 


enly  "  are  the  A.  V.  translation  in  the  N.  T.  of  this 
word  and  of  its  derivatives  only  (see  below). — 
Other  Hebrew  and  Greek  words  may  be  considered  = 
heaven,  e.  g.  Heb.  rdkia',  uniformly  translated  "  kir- 
MAMENT ; "  Heb.  mdrd)n(=  height),  translated  "  from 
above  "  (2  Sam.  xxii.  17,  &c.),  "  on  high  "  (Is.  xxxiii. 
5,  kc),  &.C. ;  Gr.  hujisos  {■=  height),  sometimes  trans- 
lated "  on  high  "  (Lk.  i.  78,  xxiv.  49  ;  Eph.  iv.  8); 
Gr.  anothen  =  "from  above  "  (Jn.  iii.  31,  &c.).  St. 
Paul's  expressiaii  "  third  heaven "  (2  Cor.  xii.  2) 
has  led  to  much  conjecture  (see  below).  Grotius 
said  that  the  Jews  divided  the  heaven  into  three 
parts,  viz.  (1.)  the  air  or  atmosphere,  where  clouds 
gather  ;  (2.)  the  firmament,  in  which  the  sun,  moon, 
and  stars  are  fixed  ;  (3.)  the  upper  heaven,  the 
abode  of  God  and  His  angels,  (tjompare  Dan.  iv. 
12;  Gen.  xxii.  17;  Ps.  ii.  4,  &c.)  Robinson  (iV.  T. 
Iax.)  thus  arranges  the  N.  T.  significations  of  Gr. 
ovranos  (No.  6,  above):  (1.)  properly  and  gcneri- 
cally  heaven,  as  including  the  visible  heavens  and 
their  phenomena  (1  Cor.  viii.  5,  &c.);  (2.)  specifi- 
cally Iteaven,  of  the  firmament  itself,  the  starry 
heaven,  in  which  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars  are  fixed 
(Mk.  xiii.  25,  &c.) ;  (3.)  specifically  also  of  the 
lower  heaven,  or  region  below  the  firmament,  =  the 
air,  atmosphere,  where  clouds  and  tempests  are 
gatliered,  and  lightning  breaks  forth,  and  where  the 
birds  fly  (Mat.  xxiv.  30,  &c.) ;  (4.)  oftener  heaven, 
the  heavens,  of  the  upper  or  superior  heaven,  beyond 
the  visible  firmament,  the  abode  of  God  and  His 
glory,  of  the  glorified  Messiah,  the  angels,  the  spir- 
its of  the  just  after  death,  and  generally  of  every 
thing  which  is  said  to  be  with  God  (v.  16,  &c.). 
Probably  2  Corinthians  xii.  2  alludes  to  the  three 
heavens  above  specified  by  Grotius  and  Robinson, 
and  hence  "  the  third  heaven"  =  the  highest  heaven, 
the  abode  of  God  and  angels  and  glorified  spirits, 
the  spiritual  paradise  (compare  ver.  4 ;  Eph.  iv. 
10;  Heb.  iv.  14,  vii.  26).  By  metonymy,  "  heaven," 
as  God's  abode,  often  =r  God  himself  (Mat.  xxi.  25, 
&c.).     King  ;  Kingdom. 

•  He'bel  (Heb.)  =  Abel  (Gen.  iv.  2,  marg.). 

He'btr  (L.  fr.  Heb.  heber  or  cheber  =  societg,  com- 
pany, Ges. ;  aorccry,  magic,  Fii. ;  the  Heb.  of  No. 
3,  5,  7  is  ^eber  =  Eber).  I,  Grandson  of  the  pa- 
triarch Asher  (Gen.  xlvi.  17 ;  1  Chr.  vii.  31  ;  Num. 
xxvi.  45).— 2.  "  The  father  of  Socho ;  "  a  man  of 
the  tribe  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  18).—$.  A  Gadite  (v. 
13). — i.  A  Benjamite,  son  of  Elpaal  (viii.  17). — 5. 
A  Benjamite,  son  of  Sliasliak  (viii.  22). — 6.  "  Heber, 
the  Kexite,"  the  husband  of  Jael  (Judg.  iv.  11-17, 
V.  24).— T.  The  patriarch  Eber  1  (Lk.  iii.  36). 

He'ber-ites,  the  =  the  descendants  of  Heber  1,  a 
branch  of  the  tribe  of  Asher  (Num.  xxvi.  45). 

Hebrew,  pi.  He'brews  (fr.  Ileb.  '/6H,  pi.  'Ibrim, 
'Ibriyim  ;  Gr.  Ilcbraios,  pi.  Ilebraioi  ;  L.  Hebreeus, 
pi.  Hebron  ;  see  below).  This  word  first  occurs  as 
applied  to  Abraham  (Gen.  xiv.  13).  It  was  after- 
ward given  as  a  name  to  his  descendants.  Four 
derivations  have  been  proposed :  I.  Patronymic 
from  Abram  (Augustine  originally,  Ambrose) ;  an 
impossible  derivation. — II.  Appellative  from  Heb. 
verb  '<JA(/r  (=  to  pass  over,  Ges.),  applied  by  the 
Canaanites  to  Abraham  upon  his  crossing  the  Eu- 
phrates (Gen.  xiv.  13). — III.  Appellative  iVom  the 
noun  'eber  (=  the  region  or  country  beyond,  on  the 
other  side,  Ges.),  is  essentially  the  same  with  II., 
since  both  rest  upon  the  hypothesis  that  Abraham 
and  his  posterity  were  called  Hebrews  to  express  a 
distinction  between  the  races  E.  and  W.  of  the  Eu- 
phrates. One  of  these  opinions  (II.  or  III.)  is  main- 
tained  by  Jerome,   Origen,  Chrysostoni,  Grotius, 


370 


HEB 


HEB 


Selden,  Rosenmuller,  Geseniua,  Fiirst,  Rev.  T.  E. 
Brown,  &c.  The  LXX.  in  Gen.  xiv.  13  translates 
Habram  ho  peratix  (=  Abram  fhe  one  who  carried 
over,  L.  and  S. ;  Abrumwho  crosstd  over,  so  many). 
— IV.  Patronymic  from  the  patriarch  Eber  1  (Jo- 
sephus,  Bochart,  Buxtorf,  Leusdcn,  Bauer,  Ewald, 
Hitvernick,  Baumgarten,  Busl),  Dr.  W.  L.  Alexan- 
der in  Kitto,  &c.).  'Jbri  is  undoubtedly  the  proper 
Hebrew  form  of  a  patronymic  from  'Eber  (=  £b£r). 
But  it  is  objected  that  no  special  prominence  is  in 
the  genealogy  (Gen.  xi.  10-26)  assigned  to  Eber 
such  as  might  entitle  him  to  the  position  of  head  or 
founder  of  the  race,  thoujih  in  Gen.  x.  21  Shorn  is 
called  "  the  father  of  all  the  children  of  Eber," 
which  Mr.  Brown  explains  as  =  lather  of  the  na- 
tions to  the  E.  of  the  Euphrates.  The  longevity  of 
Eber,  however,  since,  according  to  the  Hebrew  text 
of  Gen.  xi.,  he  lived  almost  twice  as  long  as  any  of 
his  descendants,  is  a  sufficient  reason  for  applying  a 
patronymic  from  Eber  to  his  descendant  Abraham, 
whose  other  ancestors,  subsequent  to  Eber,  were 
all  dead  before  he  went  to  Canaan.  Besides,  Eber 
may  have  had  other  marks  of  distinction,  of  which 
we  are  ignorant.  According  to  the  natural  mean- 
ing of  Gen.  X.  21  and  xiv.  13,  for  which  a  reason 
appears  as  above  in  the  Hebrew  chronology,  Abram 
was  called  "  the  Hebrew"  on  account  of  his  descent 
from  Eber  (or  Heber) ;  and  when  this  appellation 
was  once  given  to  him  by  the  Canaarites  and  other 
strangers  among  whom  he  dwelt,  the  transfer  of  it 
to  his  descendants,  and  especially  to  the  Israelites, 
as  a  national  designation,  was  easy  and  natural. 
The  term  "  Israelite  "  was  used  by  the  descendants 
of  Jacob  of  themselves  among  themselves  :  "  He- 
brew "  was  the  name  by  which  they  were  known  to 
foreigners  (so  Mr.  Brown,  after  Cos.).  Ewald  main- 
tains that  "  Israelite "  was  a  sacred  or  religious 
name  appropriate  to  them  as  the  chosen  people  of 
God,  and  "  Hebrew  "  the  common  appellation.  Mr. 
Brown  and  others  .suppose  that  "  Hebrew  "  was  orig- 
inally applied  to  immigrants  frrm  beyond  the  Eu- 
phrates by  the  dwellers  on  the  \V.  of  that  river ;  it 
was  accepted  by  these  immigrants  in  their  external 
relations ;  and,  after  the  general  substitution  of  the 
word  Jai;  it  still  found  a  place  in  that  marked  and 
Bpecial  feature  of  national  contradistinction,  the 
language.  In  the  N.  T.  "  the  Hebrews  "  =  the 
Jews,  especially  of  Palestine,  who  used  the  "  He- 
brew "  or  Aramaic  language,  and  inhabited  the  cotm- 
try  of  their  fathers  (Hellenist);  "Hebrew  of  the 
Hebrews  "  =  a  Hebrew  in  the  strictest  sense,  1.  e. 
by  both  parents. 

*  He'brew  Bi'ble.  Bible  ;  Canon  ;  Inspibation  ; 
Old  Testamkxt. 

Oe  brew-ess  (fr.  Hcb.)  =  a  Hebrew  woman  (Jer. 
xxxiv.  9). 

*  He'brew  Lan'^nagd  Greek  ;  Shemitic  Lan- 
CUAC.ES ;  Writing. 

Hebrews  (see  Hebrew),  E-pls'tle  to  the.  I.  Ca- 
rumicat  milhoriltf.  Was  it  received  and  transmitted 
as  canonical  by  the  immediate  successors  of  the 
apostles  ?  The  most  impoi-tant  witness  among 
these,  Clement  (a.  n.  TO  or  95),  refers  to  this  Epis- 
tle in  the  same  way  as,  and  more  frequently  than, 
to  any  other  canonical  book.  Little  stress  can  be 
laid  upon  the  few  possible  allusions  to  it  in  Barna- 
bas, Hermas,  Polycarp,  and  Ignatius.  It  is  received 
as  canonical  by  Justin  Martyr,  and  by  the  compilers 
of  the  Peshito  version  of  the  N.  T.  Basilidcs  and 
Marcion  are  recorded  as  distinctly  rejecting  the 
Epistle.  But  at  the  close  of  that  period,  in  the 
N.  African  church,  where  first  the  Gospel  found  ut- 


terance in  the  Latin  tongue,  orthodox  Christianity 
first  doubted  the  canonical  authority  of  the  E|.istlc 
to  the  Hebrews.  To  the  old  Latin  version  ti'  the 
Scriptures,  which  was  completed  probably  al  out 
A.  D.  170,  this  Epistle  seems  to  have  been  added  as 
a  composition  of  Barnabas,  and  as  destitute  of 
canonical  authority.  During  the  next  two  cenlu- 
ries  the  extant  fathers  of  the  Roman  and^N.  African 
churches  regard  the  Epistle  as  a  book  of  no  camn- 
ical  authority  ;  but  in  the  fourth  century  its  author- 
ity began  to  revive.  At  the  end  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tury, Jerome,  the  most  learned  and  critical  of  tjic 
Latin  fathers,  review  ed  the  conflicting  opinions  as  to 
the  authority  of  this  Epistle.  He  considered  that  the 
prevailing,  though  not  universal,  view  of  the  Latin 
churches  was  of  less  weight  than  the  view  not  only 
of  ancient  writers,  but  ali-o  of  all  the  Gretk  and  all 
the  Eastern  chuichcs,  where  the  Epistle  was  re- 
ceived as  canonical  and  read  daily ;  and  he  pro- 
nounced a  decided  opinion  in  favor  of  its  authoiity. 
The  great  conttmporary  light  of  N.  Africa,  Au{;ui;- 
tinc,  held  a  similar  opinion.  The  third  Council  of 
Carthage,  A.  n.  397,  and  a  Decretal  of  Pope  Inno- 
cent, A.  D.  416,  gave  a  final  confirmation  to  their 
decision.  But  such  doubts  were  confijied  to  the 
Latin  churches  from  the  middle  of  the  second  to 
the  close  of  the  fourth  century.  All  the  rest  of 
orthodox  Christendom  from  the  beginning  was 
agreed  upon  the  canonical  authority  of  this  Eiiistle. 
Cardinal  Cajetan,  the  opponent  of  LutI.er,  was  the 
first  to  disturb  the  tradition  of  a  thousand  years, 
and  to  deny  its  authority.  Erasmus,  Calvin,  and 
Beza  questioned  only  its  authorship.  Luther,  w  hen 
he  printed  his  version  of  the  Bible,  separated  this 
book  from  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  and  placed  it  with 
the  Epistles  of  St.  James  and  St.  Judc,  next  bitore 
the  Revelation  ;  indicating  by  this  change  of  order 
his  opinion  that  the  four  relegated  books  are  of  less 
impcTtance  and  less  authority  than  the  rest  of  the 
N.  T.,  but  his  opinion  has  not  been  adopted  in  any 
confession  of  the  Lutheran  church. — II.  Who  vasthe 
author  of  the  Fjiistle?  The  superscription,  the  or- 
dinary source  of  information,  is  wanting  ;  but  there 
is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  at  first,  cverywliere,  ex- 
cept in  N.  Africa,  St.  Paul  was  regarded  as  the 
author.  The  Alexandrian  fathers  received  it  in  the 
same  sense  that  the  speech  in  Acts  xxii.  1-21  is  re- 
ceived as  St.  Paul's.  Clement  ascribed  to  St.  Luke 
the  translation  of  the  Epistle  into  Greek  from  a 
Hebrew  original  of  St.  Paul.  Origen  believed  that 
the  thoughts  were  St.  Paul's,  the  language  and  com- 
position St.  Luke's  or  Clement's  of  Rome.  Terlul- 
lian  names  Barnabas  as  the  reputed  author  accord- 
ing to  the  N.  African  tradition.  The  view  of  I' 
Alexandrian  fathers,  a  middle  point  between  lb 
Eastern  and  Western  traditions,  won  its  way  in  ib 
Church.  In  the  last  three  centuries  every  worj 
and  phrase  in  the  Epistle  has  been  scrutinize 
Rev.  C.  Forster,  Prof.  Stuart  (in  Commentary),  Pro] 
R.  D.  C.  Robbins  (in  Bibliolhcca  Sacra,  xviii.  49 
fr.).  Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander  (in  Kitto),  &c.,  advcca^ 
the  opinion  that  St.  Paul  was  the  author  of  the  la 
puage  as  well  as  of  the  thoughts  of  the  Epislll 
Dr.  S.  Davidson  (hdrodvciion  to  N.  T.),  Dr.  Trd 
gelles  (in  fforne's  Inlrodvctimi),  and  Mr.  Bullocl 
(the  original  author  of  this  article),  substantialM 
agree  with  the  Alexandrian  tradition.  Luther^ 
conjecture  that  Apollos  was  the  author  has  ho 
widely  adopted  in  Germany,  and  by  Alford  in  En 
land.  Barnabas  has  been  named  by  Wicsclcr, 
Thiersch,  &c. ;  Luke  by  Grotius ;  Silas  by  others. 
Xeandcr  attributes  it  to  some  apostolic  man  of  the 


HEB 


HEB 


571 


Pauline  school,   whose  training    and   method    of 
stating  doctrinal   truth   differed   from   St.  Paul's. 
Ewuld  h.is  recently  atlvocated  the  hypothesis  th.it 
it  was  written  by  some  Jewish  teaclitr  residing  at 
Jerusalem  to  a  cimrch  in  some  important  Italian 
town,  which  is  supposed  to  have  sent  a  deputation 
to  Palestine.     Prof.  Uobbins  (1.  c.)  thus  sums  up 
his  argument : — "  Tlie  amount  and  value   of  tlie 
external  evidence  is,  to  say  the  least,  strongly  in 
favor  of  Paul  as  the  author.     Internal   evidence, 
'High  not  perhaps  in  any  one  point,  taken  by  it- 
It,  so  clear  as  not  to  admit  of  question;  yet,  in 
iiost  every  ])artieular,  is  sudicient  to  render  the 
iiposition  by  the  Apostle  Paul  probable.    Circuni- 
-i.iuces  alluded  to  in  the  Epistle ....  do  not  certainly 
a  iv  more  clearly  suggest  any  other  author.     The 
- iUtiraents  and  doctrines  of  the  Epistle,  when  its 
i"ct  and  aim  are  taken  into  view,  seem  to  us 
ikirigly  Pauline.  .  .  .  The  general  characteristics 
form  are  the  same  in  tlie  llcbrcws  and  acknowl- 
L'ed  Pauline  Epistles,  with,  however,  many  differ- 
■ices,  such  as  we  shduld  expect  in  any  encyclical 
1  Iter  purposely  ammymous.    .  .  .    The  superiority 
'  style  so  generally  attributed  to  the  Hebrews.  .  . 
llcates  a  higher  and  more  studied  effort  of  the 
lie  mind  and  pen.    Similarity  rather  than  diversi- 
ty in  the  Hebrews  and  acknowledged  Epistles  of  Paul, 
ill  the  use  of  particular  words  and  phrases,  is  now 
iiorally  acknowledged.  ...  By  how  much  the  spirit 
I  1  doctrine  of  the  Epistle  is  Pauline,  by  so  much 
in.iy  it  be  believed  that  the  diction  is  eniirely  the 
apostle's." — III.    To  whom    wna    the    Epistle    sent? 
This  (piestion  was  agitated  as  early  as  the  time  of 
Chrysijstom,  who  replies, — to  t!ie  Jews  in  Jeru3.a- 
lem  and  Palestine.     The  argument  of  the  Epistle  is 
leh  as  could  be  used  with  most  effect  to  a  c'.mrch 
iMsisting  exclusively  of  Jews  by  birtli,  personally 
familiar  wilh  and  attached  to  tlie  Temple-service. 
Ebrar.l  limits  the  primary  circle  of  readers  even  to 
a  section  of  the  church  at  Jeru.salem.     Some  critics 
have  maintained   that  this  Epistle  was  addressed 
ilirectly  to  Jewish   believers   everywhere :    others 
have  restricted  it  to  those  who  dwelt  in  Asia  and 
Greece. — IV.    Wliere.    and    when    was    il   written? 
Eastern  traditions  of  the  fourth  century,  in  connec- 
tion with  the  opinion  that  St.  Paul  is  the  writer, 
name  Italy  and  Rome,  or  Athens,  as  the  place  from 
whence   the   Epistle   was   written.      Eilher   place 
would  agree  with,  perhaps  was  suggested  by,  the 
mention   of   Timothy  iu   the   last   chapter.      The 
Epistle  was  evidently  written  before  the  destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem  in  A.  D.  70.     The  whole  argu- 
ment, and  especially  the  passages  viii.   4  ff.,  ix.  6 
ff.,  and   xiii.   10  ff.,    imply  that    the  Temple    was 
standing,  and  that  its  usual  course  of  Divine  service 
was  carried    on   without    interruption.      The  date 
which  best  agrees  with  the  traditionary  account  of 
the  authorship  and  destination  of  the  Epistle  is  a.  d. 
(•;),  about  the  end  of  St.  Paul's  imprisonment  at 
Rome,  or  a  year  after  Albinus  succeeded  Festus  as 
Procurator. — V.  In  what  tanc/uaf/e  wax  it  written  ? 
Like  JIaltnew,  the  Epistle  has  afforded  ground  for 
much  unimportant  controversy  respecting  the  lan- 
guage  in  which    it   was  originally  written.     The 
earliest  statement  is  that  of  Clement  of  Alexandria 
to  the  effect  that  it  was  written  by  St.  Paul  in  He- 
brew, and  translated  by  St.  Luke  into  (ireek.     But 
nothing  is  said  to  lead  us  to  regard  it  as  a  tradition, 
rather  tlian  a  cnnjecture  suggested  by  the  style  of 
the  E|)istle.     Bleek  argues  in  support  of  a  Greek 
original,  on  the  grounds  of  (1.)  the  purity  and  easy 
Dow  of  the  Greek;  (2.)  the  use  of  Greek  words 


which  could  not  be  adequately  expressed  in  He- 
brew without  long  periphrase ;  (3.)  the  use  of 
paronomasia  ;  and  (4.)  the  use  of  the  LXX.  iu  quo- 
tations and  references. — VI.  Condition  of  the  He- 
brewx,  and  scoj>e  of  tJie  Epiitle.  Tlte  numerous  Chris- 
tian churches  scattered  throughout  Judea  (Acts  ix. 
31  ;  Gal.  i.  22)  were  continually  exposed  to  perse- 
cution from  the  Jews  (1  Th.  ii.  14) ;  but  in  Jerusa- 
lem there  was  one  additional  wea])on  in  the  hands 
of  the  predominant  oppressors  of  the  Christians. 
The  magnificent  national  Temple  might  be  shut 
against  the  Hebrew  Christian ;  and  even  if  this 
affliction  were  not  often  laid  upon  him,  yet  there 
was  a  secret  burden  which  he  bore  within  him,  the 
knowledge  that  the  end  of  all  the  beauty  and  awful- 
ncss  of  Zion  was  rapidly  approaching.  What  could 
take  the  place  of  the  Tenji)le,  and  that  which  was 
behind  the  veil,  and  the  Levitical  sacrifices,  and  the 
Holy  City,  when  they  should  cease  to  exist?  What 
compensation  could  Christianity  offer  him  for  the 
loss  which  was  pressing  the  Hebrew  Christian  more 
and  more  ?  The  writer  of  this  Epistle  meets  the 
Hebrew  Christians  on  their  own  ground.  His  an- 
swer is — "  Your  new  faith  gives  you  Christ,  and,  in 
Christ,  all  you  seek,  all  your  fathers  sought.  In 
Christ  the  Son  of  God  you  have  an  all-sutlicient 
Mediator,  nearer  than  angels  to  the  Father,  eminent 
above  Moses  as  a  benefactor,  more  sympathizing 
and  more  prevailing  than  the  High-priest  as  an  in- 
tercessor :  His  sabbath  awaits  you  in  heaven  ;  to 
His  covenant  the  old  was  intended  to  be  subser- 
vient ;  His  atonement  is  the  eternal  reality  of  which 
sacrifices  are  but  the  passing  shadow  ;  His  city 
heavenly,  not  made  with  hands.  Having  Him,  be- 
lieve in  Him  with  all  your  heart,  with  a  faith  in  the 
unseen  future,  strong  as  that  of  the  saints  of  old, 
patient  under  present,  and  prepared  for  coming 
woe,  full  of  energy,  and  hope,  and  holiness,  and 
love."  Such  w.as  the  teaching  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews.  Bible  ;  Cakon  ;  Inspiration  ;  Nkw  Tes- 
TAMKNT ;  Paul. 

He'bron  (Heb.  covjnnetion,  aUianee,  Ges.).  I.  The 
third  son  of  Koliath,  and  a  grandson  of  Levi ;  a 
younger  brother  of  Amram,  father  of  Moses  and 
Aaron  (Ex.  vi.  IS;  Num.  iii.  19;  1  Chr.  vi.  2,  18, 
xxiii.  12).  The  immediate  children  of  Hebron  are 
not  mentioned  by  name  (comp.  Ex.  vi.  21,  22),  but 
he  was  the  founder  of  a  family  of  Hebronites  (Num. 
iii.  27,  xxvi.  58;  1  Chr.  xxvi.  23,  30,  31),  or  "sons 
of  Hebron  "  (xv.  9,  xxiii.  19). — 2.  In  the  genealo- 
gical lists  of  Judah  (ii.  42,  43),  Marcshah  is  said  to 
have  been  the  "  father  of  Hebron."  It  is  impossible 
at  present  to  say  whether  these  names  are  intended 
to  be  those  of  the  places  themselves  or  of  persons 
who  founded  them. 

Hr'bron  (Ileb.  see  above).  I.  A  city  of  Judah 
(Josh.'  XV.  64);  situated  among  the  mountains 
(xx.  7),  twenty  Roman  miles  S.  of  Jerusalem, 
and  the  same  distance  X.  of  Beer-sheba.  Hebron  is 
one  of  the  most  ancient  cities  in  the  world  still  ex- 
isting ;  and  in  this  respect  it  is  the  rival  of  Damas- 
cus. It  was  built,  says  a  sacred  writer,  "  seven 
years  before  Zoan  in  Egypt "  (Num.  xiii.  22) ;  and 
was  a  well-known  town  when  Abraham  entered 
Canaan  3,780  years  ago  (Gen.  xiii.  18).  Its  original 
name  w.as  Kirjath-akba  (Judg.  i.  10),  "  the  city.of 
Arba ; "  so  called  from  Arba,  the  father  of  Anak, 
and  progenitor  of  the  giant  Anakim  (Josh.  xxi.  11, 
XV.  13,  14).  It  was  sometimes  called  Mamre.  The 
chief  interest  of  this  city  arises  from  its  having  been 
the  scene  of  some  of  the  most  striking  events  in  the 
Uvea  of  the  patriarchs.     Sarah  died  at  Hebron ;  and 


372 


HEB 


HEL 


Abraham  then  bought  from  Ephron  the  Hittite  the 
field  and  cave  of  Machpelaii,  to  serve  a3  a  family 
tomb  (Gen.  xxiii.  2-20).  The  cave  is  still  there ; 
and  the  massive  walls  of  the  Haram  or  mosque, 
within  which  it  lies,  form  the  most  remarkable  ob- 
ject in  the  whole  city.  Abraham  is  called  by  Mo- 
hammedans el-KhulU,  "  the  Friend,"  i.  e.  of  God, 
and  this  is  the  modern  name  of  Hebron.  Hebron 
was  taken  by  Joshua  from  the  descendants  of 
Anak,  and  given  to  Caleb  (Josh.  x.  36,  xiv.  6-15, 
XV.  13,  14).  It  was  assigned  to  the  Levites,  and 
made  a  city  of  refuge  (xxi.  11-13).  Here  David 
dwelt  during  the  seven  and  a  half  years  of  his  reign 
over  Judah  (2  Sam.  v.  5).  Hebron  was  rebuilt  after 
the  Captivity,  but  soon  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Edomites,  from  whom  it  was  rescued  by  Judas  Mac- 
cabeus (Neh.  xi.  25  ;  1  Mc.  v.  63).  A  short  time 
before  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  Hebron  was  burned 
by  an  officer  of  Vespasian.  About  the  beginning 
of  the  twelfth  century  it  was  captured  by  the  Cru- 
saders. In  1187  it  reverted  to  the  Moslems,  and 
has  ever  since  remained  in  their  hands.  Hebron 
now  contains  about  5,000  inhabitants,  of  whom  some 
fifty  families  are  Jews.  It  is  picturesquely  situated 
in  a  narrow  valley,  surrounded  by  rocky  hills. 
(EsnooL.)  The  valley  runs  from  N.  to  S. ;  and  the 
main  quarter  of  the  town,  surmounted  by  the  lofty 
walls  of  the  venerable  Haram,  lies  partly  on  the 
eastern  slope  (Gen.  xxxvii.  14;  comp.  xxiii.  19). 
The  houses  are  all  of  stone.  About  a  mile  from  the 
town,  up  the  valley,  is  one  of  the  largest  oak-trees 
in  Palestine.  (Oak.)  This,  say  some,  is  the  very 
tree  beneath  which  Abiaham  pitched  his  tent,  and 
it  still  bears  the  name  of  the  patriarch. — 2,  (fr.  Ileb. 
—  fvrry,  ford,  Fii.).  One  of  the  towns  of  Asher 
(Josh.  xix.  28),  on  the  boundary  of  the  tribe.  No 
one  in  modern  times  has  discovered  its  site.  Be- 
sides, it  is  not  certain  whether  the  name  should  not 
rather  be  Ebdon  or  Abdon  5,  since  that  form  is 
found  in  many  MSS. 

He'bron-ites  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  a  family  of  Kohath- 
ite  Levites,  the  descendants  of  Hebron  the  son  of 
Kohath  (Num.  iii.  27,  xxvi.  58;  1  Chr.  xxvi.  23). 

Hedge.  Three  of  the  Hebrew  words  thus  ren- 
dered in  the  A.  V.,  gdder,  geder,  giderdh,  as  well 
as  their  Gr.  equivalent  phragmos,  denote  simply 
Ihat  which  surroiiiuls  or  encloses,  whether  it  be  a 
stone  "  wall "  (^ict/er,  Prov.  xxiv.  31;  Ez.  xlii.  10), 
or  a  fence  of  other  materials.  Odder  and  gfderdli 
are  used  of  the  hedge  of  a  vinevard  (Num..  xxii.  24, 
A.  V.  "wall;"  P.s.  Ixxxix  40;"l  Chr.  iv.  23),  and 
the  latter  is  employed  to  describe  the  rude  walls  of 
stone,  or  fences  of  thorn,  which  served  as  a  shelter 
for  sheep  in  winter  and  summer  (Num.  xxxii.  16, 
A.  v.  "  folds  ").  The  stone  walls  which  surround  the 
sheepfolds  of  modern  Palestine  are  frequently 
crowned  with  sharp  thorns.  In  order  to  protect  the 
vineyards  from  the  ravages  of  wild  beasts  (Ps.  Ixxx. 
12),  it  was  customary  to  surround  them  with  a  wall 
of  loose  stones  or  mud  (Mat.  xxi.  33;  Mk.  xii.  1), 
which  was  a  favorite  haunt  of  serpents  (Eccl.  x.  8), 
and  a  retreat  for  locusts  from  the  cold  (Nah.  iii.  17). 
A  "  wall "  or  fence  of  this  kind  is  clearly  distin- 
guished in  Is.  v.  5  from  the  tangled  "  hedge,"  Heb. 
mesucdh  (A.  V.  "thorn  hedge,"  Mic.  vii.  4),  which 
was  planted  as  an  additional  safeguard  to  the  vine- 
yard (compare  Eeclus.  xxviii.  24),  and  was  com- 
posed of  the  thorny  shrubs  with  which  Palestine 
abounds.  The  prickly  pear,  a  species  of  cactus,  so 
frequently  employed  for  this  purpose  in  the  East  at 
present,  is  believed  to  be  of  comparatively  modern 
introduction.    Thorns;  Wall. 


Bc'S-li,  or  Heg'a-1  (Heb.  fr.  Pers.  =  eumieh,  Ben. 
fey),  one  of  the  eunuchs  (A.  V.  "  chamberlains  ")  of 
the  court  of  Ahasuerus  (Esth.  ii.  8,  15). 

Oe'ge  (Heb.)  =  IIegai  (Esth.  ii.  3). 

Heifer  [hef-].  The  Hebrew  language  has  no  ex- 
pression that  exactly  =  our  heifer ;  for  both  \gl(lk 
and  p(2™A  are  applied  to  cows  that  have  calved  (1 
Sam.  vi.  7-12,  plural  A.  V.  "kine;"  Job.  xxi.  10; 
Is.  vii.  21,  A.  V.  "cow"  in  both).  The  heifer  or 
young  cow  was  not  commonly  used  for  ploughing, 
but  only  for  treading  out  the  corn  (Hos.  x.  11 ;  but 
see  Judg.  xiv.  18),  when  it  ran  about  without  any 
headstall  (Deut.  xxv.  4) ;  hence  the  expression  an 
"unbroken  heifer"  (Hos.  iv.  16,  A.  V.  "back- 
sliding heifer "),  to  which  Israel  is  compared. 
Agriculture;  I3ull;  Herd;  Ox;  Purification. 

Heir.  The  Hebrew  institutions  relative  to  inher- 
itance were  of  a  very  simple  character.  Under  the 
Patriarchal  system  the  property  was  divided  among 
the  sons  of  the  legitimate  wives  (Gen.  xxi.  10,  xxiv. 
36,  xxv.  5),  a  larger  portion  being  assigned  to  one, 
generally  the  eldest  (Fikst-born),  on  whom  devolved 
the  duty  of  muintaining  the  females  of  the  family. 
The  sons  of  concubines  were  portioned  off  with 
presents  (xxv.  6) ;  occasionally  they  were  placed  on 
a  par  with  the  legitimate  sons  (xlix.  1  ff).  At  a 
later  period  the  exclusion  of  the  sons  of  concubines 
was  rigidly  enforced  (Judg.  xi.  1  if.).  Daughters 
had  no  share  in  the  patrimony  (Gen.  xxxi.  14),  liut 
received  a  marriage  portion.  The  Mosaic  law  icg- 
ulated  the  succession  to  real  property  thus :  it  was 
to  be  divided  among  the  sons,  the  eldest  receiving  a 
double  portion  (Deut.  xxi.  17),  the  others  eipial 
shares ;  if  there  were  no  sons,  it  went  to  the  daugh- 
ters (Num.  xxvii.  8),  on  the  condition  that  they  <lid 
not  marry  out  of  their  own  tribe  (xxxvi.  6  ff. ; 
Tob.  vi.  12,  vii.  13),  otherwise  the  patrimony  was 
forfeited.  If  there  were  no  daughters,  it  went  to  the 
brother  of  the  deceased  ;  if  no  brother,  to  the  pater- 
nal uncle;  and,  failing  these,  to  the  next  of  kin 
(Num.  xxvii.  9-11).  In  the  case  of  a  widow  left 
without  children,  the  nearest  of  kin  on  her  lius- 
band's  side  had  the  right  of  marrying  her,  and  in  the 
event  of  his  refusal  the  next  of  kin  (Ru.  iii.  12,  \'-i\; 
with  him  rested  the  obligation  of  redeeniiug  the 
property  of  the  widow  (iv.  1  ff.),  if  it  had  been  eillior 
sold  or  mortgaged.  If  none  stepped  forward  to 
marry  the  widow,  the  inheritance  remained  with  licr 
until  her  death,  and  then  reverted  to  the  next  of 
kin.  The  land  being  thus  so  strictly  tied  up,  tlie 
notion  of  lieirship,  as  we  understand  it,  was  hiinily 
known  to  the  Jews.  Testamentary  dispositions 
were  of  course  superfluous.  The  references  to  wills 
in  St.  Paul's  writings  are  borrowed  from  the  us:il'c8 
of  Greece  and  Rome  (Heb.  ix.  17),  whence  the  ci*- 
tom  was  introduced  into  Judea.  Agricultcke; 
CniLn;  Marriage;  Widow. 

Qo'lah  (Heb.  rust,  Ges.),  one  of  the  two  wives  of 
Ashur,  father  of  Tekoa  (1  Chr.  iv.  5). 

He'lam  (fr.  'ileh.—furlress,  Fii.),  a  place  E.  of  the 
Jordan,  but  W.  of  the'Euphrates,  at  which  the  Syrians 
were  collected  by  Hadarezer,  and  at  which  David 
met  and  defeated  them  (2  Sam.  x.  16,  17).  The 
most  probable  conjecture  perhaps  is  that  it  =  Alar 
matha,  a  town  named  by  Ptolemy,  and  placed  by  him 
on  the  W.  of  the  Euphrates,  near  Nicephorium  (so 
Mr.  Grove,  after  Ewald). 

Ilelball  {lieh.  faliiesi',  ferli'e  region,  Ges.),  a  to' 
of  Asher,  probably  on  the  plain  of  Phenicia,  not 
from  Sidon  (Judg.  i.  31). 

Hpl'bon  (Heb./a/,/<'W(7<',  Ges.),  a  place  onlynn 
tioned  in  Ezekiel  xxvii.  18,  as  noted  for  wine.     G 


I  (so 

i 
I 


DEL 


HEL 


373 


irihers  have  hitherto  represented  Ilelbon   =   the 

IV  of  Aleppo,  called  HaM  by  the  Arabs ;  but  Aleppo 

iJuees  no  «iue  of  any  reputation.    Porter  (ii.  S30 

I  «nJ  Robinson  (Hi.  471  f.)  identify  it  with  a  village 

.  I   district  about  ten  miles  N.  of  Damascus,  still 

iring  the  ancient  name  Helbon,  and  still  celebrated 
-  pro  iucing  the  tinest  grapes  in  the  country. 

Ilrl-thi'ah  [-ki]  (1  Esd.  viii.  1).     Hilkiau  2. 

Ilrl-thi'«s  {2  Esil.  i.  1)  =  IIiLKiAH  2. 

ilel  d,\i,  or  lli>l'ila-i  (Heb.  worldly,  (ies. ;  enduring, 

I'l-liveJ,  Fii.).      I.    The   twelfth   captain   of  tlie 

iiithly  courses  for  the  Temple-service  (I  Chr. 
wii.  I'o);  =  Heleb,  Hei.ed? — 2.  An  Israelite  who 

■ms  to  have  returned  from  the  Captivity  (Zech.  vi. 
");  =  IIelem  2?  ToBijAH  2. 

Ilc'lel)  (Met),  fat,  fatness,  Ges.),  son  of  Baanah,  the 
Wtophathitc  ;  one  of  David's  "  valiant  men  "  (2  Sam. 
sxiii.  29);  =:  Heled. 

He'lrd  (Heb.  conlinimn.ce  of  life,  ttrenglh.,  Fu.)  = 
IIei.eh  (1  Chr.  xi.  30).     Helpai  1. 

lie  lek  (Ileb.  posscation,  Eii.),  a  descendant  of 
\!  luasseh,  and  second  son  of  Gilead  (Num.  xxvi.  30); 

cestor  of  the  Helekites. 

1(2  irk-ites  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  family  descended 
Irom  IIelek  (Xum.  xxvi.  30). 

He  leal  (Heb.  stroke,  Ges. ;  hammer  of  God,  Fii.). 
1.  A  descendant  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  35);  =  Ho- 
TUAM'/ — J.  (Heb.  strength,  ¥ii.).  A  man  mentioned 
illy  in  Zech.  vi.  14;  apparently  =  Heldai  2. 

lie  If |lh  (Heb.  exchange,  (ies. ;  place  of  rushes, 
i  .1.),  the  place  from  which  the  boundary  of  Xaph- 
tali  started  (Josh.  xix.  33).  Van  de  Velde  proposes 
to  identify  it  with  Btitlif,  \V  of  Kades.     Keoksh  3. 

lielei  (fr.  Heb.  =  loin?  Ges. ;  strength,  F;i.).  1. 
Mie  of  David's  "  thirty  "  valiant  men  (2  Sam.  xxiii. 
26;  1  Chr.  xi.  27),  an  Ephraimite,  and  captain  of 
the  seventh  monthly  course  (xxvii.  10). — 2.  A  man 
of  Judah,  son  of  Azariah,  a  descendant  of  Jerah- 
meel  (ii.  39). 

Hell  (Gr.  =  Em).  1.  The  father  of  Jo.seph,  the 
husband  of  the  Viighi  Mary  (Lk.  iii.  23) ;  maintained 
by  Lord  A.  C.  Ilervey  to  have  been  the  real  brother  of 
Jacob  the  father  of  the  V^irgin  herself.  (Ge-nealooy 
OF  Jesl-s  Christ.) — 2.  The  third  of  three  names 
inserted  between  Aciiitob  and  Amarias  in  the  gen- 
ealogy of  Ezra,  in  2  Esd.  i.  2  (conip.  Ezr.  vii.  2,  3). 

Uf-li'as  (Gr.)  =  Elias  or  Elijah  (2  E.sd.  vii.  39). 

lle-li-O-dl)  ra.4  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  given  by  the  smi),  the 
treasurer  of  Seleucus  Philopator,  who  was  commis- 
sioned by  the  king,  at  the  instigation  of  Apollo.nils 
1,  to  carry  away  the  private  treasures  deposited  In 
the  Temple  at  Jerusalem.  According  to  2  Mc.  iii. 
9  ff.,  he  was  stayed  from  the  execution  of  his  design 
by  a  "  great  apparition,"  and  fell  down  speechless. 
He  was  afterward  restored  at  the  intercession  of  the 
High-priest  Onias  (2  Mc.  iii.).  The  full  details  of  the 
narrative  are  not  supported  by  any  other  evidence. 

Uelkai,  or  Ilel'ka-I  (Heb.  Miovah  his  portion, 
Ges.),  a  priest  of  tlie  family  of  Mcraioth,  in  the  days 
of  Joiakim(Neh.  xil.  13). 

HH'kkth  (Ueb./eW,  Fii.),  the  town  named  as  the 
starting-point  for  the  boundary  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix. 
26),  and  allotted  to  theGer8honiteLevites(xxi.  31); 

=  HfKOK. 

Bel'katb-baz'zi-rim  (Heb.  fdd  of  strong  men, 
A. v.,  Vulgate,  A({iiila;  field  of  sicords,  Ges. ;  bare- 
ness of  rocks,  Fii.),  a  smooth  piece  of  ground,  ap- 
parently close  to  the  pool  of  Gimeox,  where  the  com- 
bat took  place  between  the  two  parties  of  Joab's 
men  and  Abner'a  men,  which  ended  in  the  <leath  of 
the  whole  of  the  combatants,  and  brought  on  a  gen- 
eral battle  (2  Sam.  ii.  16). 


Hcl-U'ag  =  HiLKiAH  2  (1  Esd.  i.  8). 
HelU  This  is  the  word  generally  used  by  our 
translators  to  render  the  Ueb.  Hhiul.  It  would  jier- 
haps  have  been  better  to  retain  the  Hebrew  word, 
or  else  render  it  always  by  "the  grave"  or  "the 
pit."  It  is  poetically  represented  (Earth)  as  deep 
(Job  xi.  8)  and  dark  (xi.  21,  22),  in  the  centre  of 
the  earth  (Num.  xvi.  30;  Deut.  xxxii.  22),  having 
within  it  depths  on  depths  (Prov.  ix.  18),  and  fas- 
tened with  gates  (Is.  xxxviii.  10)  and  bars  (Job 
xvii.  lii).  In  this  cavernous  realm  are  the  souls  of 
dead  men,  the  Rephaim,  and  ill-spirits  (Ps.  Ixxxvi. 
13,  Ixxxix.  48;  Prov.  xxiii.  14;  Ez.  xxxi.  17,  xxxii. 
21).  It  is  cleiir  that  in  many  pa-ssages  of  the  (>.  T. 
tyhlol  can  only  mean  "  the  grave,"  and  is  so  rendered 
in  the  A.  V.  (e.  g.  Gen.  xxxvii.  35,  xlii.  38 ;  1  Sara. 
ii.  6  ;  Job  xiv.  13).  In  other  passages,  however,  it 
seems  to  involve  a  notion  of  punishment,  and  is 
therefore  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  by  the  word  "  Ilell." 
But  in  many  cases  this  translation  misleads  the 
reader.  It  is  obvious,  e.  g.,  that  Job.  xi.  8 ;  Ps. 
cxxxix.  8;  Am.  ix.  2  (where  "hell"  is  used  as  the 
antithesis  of  "  heaven  "),  merely  illustrate  the  rep- 
resentation of  Shiol  in  the  bowels  of  the  earth. 
The  LXX.  use<l  the  Gr.  Hales  as  —  Heb.  Shiol. 
The  ancient  Greeks  and  Hebrews  seem  to  have 
agreed  in  representing  Hades  or  Sheol  as  (1.)  the 
common  receptacle  of  departed  spirits,  good  and 
bad ;  (2.)  divided  into  two  compartments,  the  one 
an  Elysium  or  abode  of  bliss  for  the  good,  the  other 
a  Tartarus,  or  abode  of  sorrow  and  punishment  for 
the  wicked  ;  (3.)  situated  under  ground,  in  the  mid- 
regions  of  the  earth.  But  while  the  heathen  l;ad  no 
prospect  beyond  its  shadowy  realms,  the  believing 
Hebrew  regarded  ShiU  as  only  his  temporary  and 
intermediate  abode  (Fbn.,  Bible  Dictionary,  art. 
I  Hades).  In  the  N.  T.,  Hades,  like  Sheol,  sometimes 
I  merely  =  tlie  grave  (Rev.  xx.  13  ;  Acts  ii.  31  ;  1 
I  Cor.  XV.  55),  or  in  general  the  unseen  world.  It  is  in 
this  sense  that  the  creeds  say  of  our  Lord  "  He  went 
down  into  Hell,"  meaning  the  state  of  the  dead  in 
i  general,  without  any  restriction  of  happiness  or 
misery,  a  doctrine  certainly,  though  only  virtually, 
expressed  in  Scripture  (Eph  iv.  9;  Acts  ii.  25-31). 
Elsewhere  in  the  N.  T.  Hades  is  used  of  a  place  of 
torment  (Lk.  xvl.  23;  2  Pet.  ii.  4;  Mat.  xi.  23,  &c.). 
Consequently  it  has  been  the  prevalent,  almost  the 
universal,  notion  that  Hades  is  an  intermediate  state 
between  death  and  resurrection,  divided  into  two 
parts,  one  the  abode  of  the  blessed  and  the  other  of 
the  lost.  The  expression  most  frequently  used  in  the 
N.  T.  for  the  place  of  future  punishment  iaOehenna  or 
Gehenna  of  fire.  (Gehenna  and  Hix.vOM.)  See  also 
Damxatio.n  ;  Death;  Eternal;  Heaven;  Life; 
Paraoise. 

Uel'lrn-ist  (fr.  Gr.  Hellenijiles,  translated  "Gre- 
cian "  in  A.  v.).  In  one  of  the  earliest  notices  of 
the  first  Christian  Church  at  Jerusalem  (Acts  vi.  1), 
two  distinct  parties  are  recognized  among  its  mem- 
bers, "  Hebrews  "  and  Hellenists  (Grecians),  who  ap- 
pear to  stand  toward  one  another  in  some  degree  in 
a  relation  of  jealous  rivalry  (compare  ix.  2H).  The 
name  (so  Mr.  Westcott)  marks  a  class  distinguished 
by  peculiar  habits,  and  not  by  descent.  Thus  the 
Hellenists  as  a  body  included  not  only  the  proselytes 
of  Greek  (or  foreign)  parentage,  but  also  those  Jews 
who,  by  settling  in  ibreign  countries,  had  adopted 
the  prevalent  form  of  the  current  Greek  civilization, 
and  with  it  the  use  of  the  common  Greek  dialect.  The 
flexibility  of  the  Greek  language  gained  for  it  in 
ancient  times  a  general  currency  similar  to  that 
which  French  enjoys  in  modern  Europe ;  but  with 


su 


HEL 


HEN 


this  important  difFerence,  that  Greek  was  not  only 
the  language  of  educated  men,  but  also  the  language 
of  the  masses  in  the  great  centres  of  commerce. 
Peculiar  words  and  forms  adopted  at  Alexaxdkia 
were  undoubtedly  of  Macedonian  origin,  but  the 
later  Attic  may  be  justly  regarded  as  tlie  real  basis 
of  Oriental  Greek.  The  vocabulary  was  enriched 
by  the  addition  of  foreign  words,  and  the  syntax 
was  modified  by  new  constructions.  In  this  way  a 
variety  of  local  dialects  must  have  arisen.  One  of 
these  dialects  has  been  preserved  alter  the  ruin  of 
the  people  among  whom  it  arose,  by  being  conse- 
crated to  the  noblest  service  wliich  language  has  yet 
fulfilled.  (New  Testament;  Septuagint.)  The 
functions  which  this  Jewish-Greek  had  to  discharge 
were  of  the  widest  application,  and  the  language  it- 
self combined  the  most  opposite  features.  It  was 
essentially  a  fusion  of  Eastern  and  \\'cstern  thought. 
For,  disregarding  peculiarities  of  inflection  and  novel 
words,  the  characteristic  of  the  llellenistic  dialect  is 
the  combination  of  a  Hebrew  spirit  with  a  Greek 
body,  of  a  Hebrew  form  with  Greek  words.  The 
conception  belongs  to  one  race,  and  the  expression 
to  another.  This  view  of  the  Hellenistic  dialect  will 
at  once  remove  one  of  the  commonest  misconceptions 
relating  to  it.  For  it  will  follow  tliat  its  deviations 
from  tlie  ordinary  laws  of  classic  Greek  are  them- 
selves bound  by  some  conmion  law,  and  that  irregu- 
larities of  construction  and  altered  usages  of  words 
are  to  be  traced  to  their  first  source,  and  interpreted 
strictly  according  to  the  original  conception  out  of 
which  they  sprang.  The  adojjtion  of  a  strange  lan- 
guage was  essentially  characteristic  of  the  true  na- 
ture of  Hellenism.  The  purely  outward  elements  of 
the  national  life  were  laid  aside  with  a  facility  of 
w]iich  history  offers  few  examples,  while  the  inner 
character  of  the  people  remained  unchanged.  In 
every  respect  the  thought,  so  to  speak,  was  clothed 
in  a  new  dress.  Hellenism  was,  as  it  were,  a  fresh 
incorporation  of  Judaism  according  to  altered  laws 
of  life  and  worship.  It  aecomplislied  for  the  outer 
world  what  the  Return  accomplished  for  tlie  Pales- 
tinian Jews :  it  was  the  necessary  step  between  a 
religion  of  form  and  a  religion  of  spirit ;  it  witnessed 
against  Judaism  as  final  and  universal,  and  it  wit- 
nessed for  it,  as  the  foundation  of  a  spiritual  religion 
which  should  be  bound  by  no  local  restrictions. 
The  Hellenists  themselves  were  at  once  missionaries 
to  the  heathen,  and  prophets  to  their  own  country- 
men. Yet  this  new  development  of  Judaism  was 
obtained  without- the  sacrifice  of  national  ties.  In 
another  aspect  Hellenism  served  as  the  preparation 
for  a  Catholic  creed.  As  it  furnished  tlie  language 
of  Christianity,  it  supplied  also  that  literary  instinct 
which  counteracted  the  traditional  reserve  of  the 
Palestinian  Jews.  ALEXAsnER  the  Great  ;  Anti- 
ocHus  IV.,  EpiPHANEs;  Captivity ;  Dispersion; 
Greece. 

Qel'met.     Arms,  II.  3. 

He'lon  (Ileb.  »irong,  Ges.),  father  of  Eliab,  prince 
of  Zebulun  (Num.  i.  9,  ii.  7,  vii.  24,  2'.-,  x.  16). 

Hem  of  Garment  (Heb.  IsUsil/t ;  Gr.  h-aspedon). 
The  importance  which  the  later  Jews,  especially  the 
Pharisees  (Mat.  xxiii.  5),  attached  to  the  hem  or 
fringe  of  their  garments  was  founded  upon  the  reg- 
ulation in  Num.  xv.  38,  3!*,  which  gave  a  symbolical 
meaning  to  it.  But  the  fringe  was  only  in  the  first 
instance  the  ordinary  mode  of  finishing  the  robe, 
the  ends  of  the  threads  composing  the  woof  being 
left  in  order  to  prevent  the  cloth  from  unravelling, 
just  as  in  the  Assyrian  robes  represented  in  the 
bas-reliefs  of  Ninereb :  the  blue  ribbon  being  added 


to  strengthen  the  border.  The  outer  robe  (Dress, 
III.  4)  was  a  simple  quadrangular  piece  of  cloth, 
and  generally  so  worn  that  two  of  the  corners  luiiig 
down  in  front :  tlicse  corners  were  ornamented  with 
a  "  ribbon  of  blue,"  or  rather  dark  violet. 

Bc'nism  (fr.  Ileb.)  =  Homam,  son  of  Lotan,  the 
eldest  son  of  8eir  (Gen.  xxxvi.  22). 

Ue'man  (fr.  lieb.  —  failiifvl,  Ges.).  1,  Son  of 
Zerah  (1  Chr.  ii.  6  ;  1  K.  iv.  31).  (See  No.  2.)— 2. 
Son  of  Joel  and  grandson  of  Samuel  the  prophet,  a 
Kohathite.  He  is  called  "  the  singer,"  rather,  the 
miisidan  (1  Chr.  vi.  S3),  and  was  the  first  of  the 
three  Levitcs  towhcm  was  committed  the  vocal  and 
instrumental  music  of  the  Temple-service  in  the 
reign  of  David  (xv.  16-22),  Asaph  and  Ethan,  or 
rather  (xxv.  1,  3)  Jcduthun,  being  his  colleagues. 
A  further  account  of  Ileman  is  given  1  Chr.  xxv., 
where  he  is  called  (ver.  5)  "  the  king's  seer  in  the 
matters  of  God."  We  there  learn  that  Ileman  had 
fourteen  sons,  and  three  daughters.  AVhelher  or 
no  this  Heman  is  the  person  to  whcm  the  8Kth 
Psalm  is  ascribed  is  doubtful.  He  is  there  called 
"the  Ezrahite;"  and  the  89th  I'salm  is  ascribed  to 
"  Etlian  the  Ezrahite."  But  since  Iltnian  and 
Ethan  are  described  in  1  Clir.  ii.  6  as  "  sons  of 
Zerali,"  it  is  in  the  iiighest  degree  probable  (so  Lord 
A.  C.  Hcrvey)  that  Ezrahite  means  "of  theliimily 
of  Zerah,"  and  consequently  that  Heman  of  the 
88th  Psalm  is  different  from  Heman  the  singer,  tlio 
Kohathite.  In  1  K.  iv.  31  again  (v.  11  IJcb.),  we 
have  nienlion,  as  of  the  wisest  of  mankind,  of  Etiiaa 
the  Ezrahite,  Heman,  Chalcol,  and  Dap.da,  the  sons 
of  Mahol,  a  list  corresponding  with  the  names  of 
the  sons  of  Zeiah,  in  1  Chr.  ii.  6.  If  Ileman  the 
Kohathite,  or  his  father,  had  married  an  heiress  of 
the  house  of  Zerah,  and  was  so  reckoned  in  the 
genealogy  of  Zerah,  then  all  the  notices  of  Heman 
might  point  to  the  same  person. 

Hr'milth,  properly  Hamath  (Am.  vi.  14). 

lic'math  (Heb.  =  Hammatii),  a  person,  or  place, 
named  in  the  genealogical  lists  of  Judah,  as  the 
orighi  of  the  Kenites,  and  the  "  father  "  of  the  house 
of  lUxHAn  (1  Chr.  ii.  65). 

Ucmdan  (Heb.  pleasant,  Ges.),  eldest  son  of  l)i- 
shon,  son  of  Anah  the  Ilorite  (Gen.  xxxvi.  26) ;  =: 
Amram  2.  The  name  Ilemdan  is  by  Kncbel  com- 
pared with  those  of  Humeidy  and  Hamadij^  located; 
to  the  E.  and  S.  E.  of  ' Akaha.  Also  with  the  Jinu-\ 
Hamyde,  found  a  short  distance  S.  of  Kerch. 

nrmloek.     The  Heb.  la'andh  ("  wormwood")  am 
rosh  ("  CALL  "]  are  rendered  "  hemlock  "  once  each.] 

Hen  (Ileb.  grace,  favor,  Ges.),  accordir.g  to  thi 
A.  V.  of  Zech.  vi.  14,  a  son  of  Zephaniah,  and  ap' 
parently  the  Josiah  in  verse  10.     But,  by  the  LXX.i 
and  others,  the  words  are  taken  to  mean  "  for  lh( 
favor  of  the  son  of  Zephaniah."    Tobijau  2. 

Hen  (Gr.  ortiis  =  bird,  fowl).     The  hen  is  m 
where  noticed  in  the  Bible  except  in  Mat.  xxiii.  8' 
and  Lk.  xiii.  34, where  our  Saviour  compares  His  anxi' 
ety  to  save  Jerusalem  to  the  tender  care  of  a  hi 
"gathering  her  chickens  under  her  wings." 
also  2  Esd.  i.  30,  and  Cock. 

Ue'na  (Heb.  low  ground,  Fii.)  seems  to  have  been 
one  of  the  chief  cities  of  a  monarchical  state  which 
the  Assyrian  kings  had  reduced  shortly  before  the 
time  of  Sennacherib  (2  K.  xviii.  34,  xix.  13;  !«*■ 
xxxvii.  13).  At  no  great  distance  from  Sippar* 
(Sepharvaim)  is  an  ancient  town  called  Ana  or, 
Aniih,  which  may  be  =  Hena.  A  further  conjeo* 
ture  identifies  Ana  with  a  town  called  A»al,  men- 
tioned in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  as  situated  on  an 
island  in  the  Euphrates.     The  modern  Anut  is  OQ 


I 


HEN 


HER 


375 


the  right  bank  of  the  stream,  near  a  string  of  isl- 
.L-.ids. 

UfD'n-dad  (Heb.  favor  of  Hadnd,  Ges.),  the  head 
..f  a  lamily  of  the  Lcvites  who  took  a  prominent 
lp:irt  ill  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple  (Ez.  iii.  9 ;  Keii. 
iii.  18,  24,  X.  y). 

Gc  noeEi  (fr.  Ilcb.  =  Hanoch,  Enoch).  1.  Enoch 
■2  (1  Chr.  i.  3).— 2.  Hanoch  1  (i.  33). 

Ue'pher  (Heb.  a  pit,  welt,  Ges.).  I.  Youngest 
'.n  of  Gilcad  (Num.  .\xvi.  32),  and  head  of  the  He- 

lEUiTES. — 2<  Son  of  Ashur,  the  "father  of  Tckoa" 
:  Chr.  \v.  6). — 3.  The  Mecherathitc,  one  of  David's 
•  valiant  men"  (xi.  3G);  not  in  2  Sam.  xxiii.  34. 

Ilf  pher  (see  above),  a  place  in  ancient  Canaan, 
whicli  occurs  in  the  list  of  conquered  kings  (Josii. 
xii.  17).  It^was  on  the  W.  of  Jordan  (compare 
ver.  7  and  1  K.  iv.  10). 

Hc'pIier-ltfS,  the  —  the  family  of  Hkpher  the 
III  of  Gilead  (Num.  xxvi.  32),  a  branch  of  Manas- 

li. 

Ilrph'zi-bah  (Heb.  m;i  delight  is  in  her).  1.  A 
line  to  he  borne  by  the  restored  Jerusalem  (Is. 
■  ii.  4). — S.  Queen  of  King  Hezekiah,  and  mother 
I  Manas.-ieh  (2  K.  xxi.  1). 

Herald  (Glial,  (drizd).  The  only  notice  of  this 
rticer  in  the  O.  T.  occurs  in  Dan.  iii.  4.  The  term 
■herald"  might  be  substituted  for  "preacher"  in 
1  Tiiri.  ii.  7 ;  2  Tim.  i.  11 ;  2  Pet.  ii.  5. 

•Herbs.  AtiRictLTURE;  Bitter  Hkrbs  ;  Food  ; 
II.IRIIKN;    I'alkstixe. 

Uer'eo-les  (L.  fr.  Or.  HrrakUs  =  having  fame 
from  the  goddess  Hera  [L.  Juno],  Stephens's  ITies.), 
t  lie  name  c jmmonly  applied  by  the  Western  nations 
1  the  tutelary  deity  of  Tyre  (2  Mc.  iv.  19,  &c.), 
hose  national  title  was  Melkart  =  kitig  of  the 
'III.  The  identification  was  based  upon  a  similar- 
V  of  the  legends  and  attributes  referred  to  the  two 
ileities,  but  Herodotus  (ii.  44)  recognized  their  dis- 
tinctness, and  dwells  on  the  extreme  antiquity  of 
the  Tyrian  rite.  The  worship  of  Melkart  was  spread 
throughout  the  Tyrian  colonies,  and  was  especially 
established  at  Carthage.  There  can  be  little  doubt 
but  that  Melkart  is  the  proper  name  of  the  Baal 
mentioned  in  the  later  history  of  the  0.  T.  Samson. 

Herd,  Herd  man,  nerds'man.  The  herd  was 
greatly  regarded  both  in  the  patriarchal  and  Mo- 
saic period.  The  ox  was  the  most  precious  stock 
next  to  HORSE  and  .Mti.E.  The  herd  yielded  the 
most  esteemed  saciifice  (Num.  vii.  3;  Ps.  Ixix.  31  ; 
la.  Ixvi.  3);  also  flesh-meat  and  milk,  chiefly  con- 
verted, probably,  into  butter  and  cheese  (Deut.  xxxii. 
14;  2  Sam.  xvii.  29),  which  such  milk  yields  more 
copiously  than  that  of  small  cattle.  The  full-grown 
ox  is  hardly  ever  slaughtered  in  Syria ;  but,  both 
for  sacrificial  and  convivial  purposes,  the  young  ani- 
mal was  preferred  (Ex.  xxix.  1 ).  The  agricultural 
and  general  usefulness  of  the  ox,  in  plougliing, 
threshing,  and  as  a  beast  of  burden  (1  Chr.  xii. 
40  ;  Is.  xlvi.  1),  made  Bueh  a  slaughtering  seem 
wasteful.  The  animal  was  broken  to  ser^•iee  prob- 
ably in  his  third  year  (Is.  xv.  6 ;  Jer.  xlviii.  34). 
In  the  moist  season,  when  grass  abounded  in  the 
waste  lands,  especially  in  the  "  S."  region,  herds 
grazed  there.  Especially  was  the  eastern  table-land 
(Ez.  xxxix.  18;  Num.  xxxii.  4) "a  place  for  cattle." 
Herdsmen,  kc,  in  Egypt  were  a  low,  perhaps  the 
lowest  caste ;  but  of  the  abundance  of  cattle  in 
Egypt,  and  of  the  care  there  bestowed  on  them, 
there  is  no  doubt  (Gen.  xlvii.  6,  17;  Ex.  ix.  4,  20). 
So  the  plague  of  hail  was  sent  to  smite  especially 
the  cattle  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  48),  the  first-born  of  which 
also  were  smitten  (Ex.  xiL  29).    The  Israelites  de- 


parting stipulated  for  (x.  26)  and  took  "much 
cattle  "  with  them  (xii.  38).  Cattle  ibrnied  thus 
one  of  the  traditions  of  the  Israelitish  nation  in  its 
greatest  period,  and  became  almost  a  part  of  that 
greatness.  When  pasture  failed,  a  mixture  of  vari- 
ous grains  (Job  vi.  5)  was  used,  as  also  "  chopped 
straw  "  ((Jen.  xxiv.  25  ;  Is.  xi.  7,  Ixv.  25),  which  was 
torn  in  pieces  by  the  threshing-machine  and  used 
probably  for  feeding  in  stalls.  (Agriclltire; 
Barn;  Grass;  Hay.)  These  last  formed  an  im- 
portant adjunct  to  cattle-keeping,  being  indispen- 
sable for  shelter  at  certain  seasons  (Ex.  ix.  6, 19).  The 
occupation  of  lierd.smen  was  honorable  in  early  times 
(Gen.  xlvii.  6  ;  1  Sam.  xi.  5 ;  1  Chr.  xxvii.  2!),  xxviii. 
1).  Saul  himself  resumed  it  in  the  interval  of  his 
cares  as  king ;  also  Doeg  was  certainly  high  in  his 
confidence  (1  Sam.  xxi.  7).  Pharaoli  made  some  of 
Joseph's  brethren  "  rulers  over  his  cattle."  David's 
herd-masters  were  among  his  chief  oflicers  of  state. 
The  prophet  Amos  at  first  followed  this  occupation 
(Am.  i.  1,  vii.  14).     Abraham;  Siiepueru. 

He'res  (Heb.  the  sun,  Ges.,  Fii.)  (Is.  xix.  18). 
(Ir-ha-heres.)  For  Mount  Uerea  (Judg.  i.  35),  see 
Ir-shemesh. 

He  resh  (Heb.  artifier),  a  Levite  attached  to  the 
Tabernacle  (1  Chr.  ix.  15). 

Hermas  (Gr.  =  Hermes  [i.  e.  Mercury],  or  given 
hii  Hermes),  a  Christian  resident  at  Rome  to  whom 
St.  Paul  sends  greeting  in  Rom.  xvi.  14.  Ire- 
njeus,  Tertullian,  and  Origen,  agree  in  attributing  to 
him  the  work  called  the  Shepherd :  which  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  written  in  the  pontificate  of 
Clement  I. ;  while  others  affirm  it  to  have  been 
the  work  of  a  namesake  in  the  following  age.  It 
existed  for  a  long  time  only  in  a  Latin  version, 
but  the  first  part  in  Greek  is  at  the  end  of  the 
Codex  Sinaiticus.  (New  Testament;  Septcagint.) 
It  was  never  received  into  the  canox  ;  but  yet  was 
generally  cited  with  respect  only  second  to  that  paid 
to  the  authoritative  books  of  the  N.  T.,  and  was 
held  to  lie  in  some  sense  inspired. 

Her'mes  (Gr.  =  the  god  known  among  the  Ro- 
mans as  Meiicl'rius  or  Mercury),  a  man  mentioned 
in  Rom.  xvi.  14.  According  to  tradition,  he  was  one 
of  the  seventy  disciples,  and  afterward  Bishop  of 
Dalniatia. 

Her-meg'e-nes  [-moj'e-neez]  (Gr.  begotten  hi/  Her- 
mes, i.  e.  Mcrcuiy),  a  person  mentioned  by  St.  Paul 
in  the  latest  of  iiis  Epistles  (2  Tim.  i.  15),  when  all 
in  Asiii  had  turned  away  from  him,  and  among  their 
number  "  Phygcllus  and  Herniogenes." 

Hermon  (Heb.  prominent  summit,  peak,  of  a 
mountain,  Ges. ;  prominent,  rugged  mountain,  Fii.), 
a  mountain  on  the  N.  E.  border  of  Palestine 
(Deut.  iii.  8;  Josh.  xii.  1),  over  against  Lebanon 
(xi.  17),  adjoining  the  plateau  of  Bash.in  (1  Chr. 
V.  23).  Its  situation  being  thus  clearly  defined  in 
Scripture,  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  its  iden- 
tity. It  stands  at  the  southern  end,  and  is  the  culmi- 
nating point  of  the  Anti-Libanus  range  ;  it  towers 
high  above  the  ancient  border-city  of  Dan  and  the 
fountains  of  the  Jordan,  and  is  the  most  conspicu- 
ous and  beautiful  mountain  in  Palestine  or  Syria. 
The  Sidonians  called  it  Sirion,  and  the  Amorites 
Shenir.  It  was  also  named  Sion  :=  the  eleoated 
(Deut.  iv.  48).  So  now,  at  the  present  day,  it  is 
called  Jeliel  esh-Shcikh,  =  the  chief  mountain  ;  and 
Jehetelli-Thelj,  —  snowg mountain.  When  the  whole 
country  is  parched  with  the  summer  sun,  white  lines 
of  snow  streak  the  head  of  Hermon.  This  moun- 
tain was  the  great  landmark  of  the  Israelites.  It 
was  associated  with  their  northern  border  almost 


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as  intimately  as  the  »fa  waa  with  the  western.  Her- 
mon  has  three  summits,  situated  like  the  angles  of 
a  triangle,  and  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  each 
other.  This  may  account  for  the  expression  in  Ps. 
ilii.  7  (A.  V.  6),  "  I  will  remember  thee  from  the  land 
of  the  Jordan  and  the  Hermons  "  (A.  V.  "  Uernion- 
ites").  This  mountain  is  called  Jiaal-hemion(Ja(ig. 
iii.  3 ;  1  Chr.  v.  23),  possibly  because  Baal  was  there 
worshipped.  The  height  of  Uernion  has  never  been 
measured,  though  it  has  often  been  estimated.  It 
may  safely  be  reckoned  at  10,000  feet.  Hermon 
was  probably  the  "  high  mountain  "  (Mat.  xvii.  1 
It;  Mk.  ix.  2  ff. ;  Lk.  ix.  28  ff.),  or  "holy  mount" 
(2  Pet.  i.  18),  on  which  our  Lord  was  trans- 
hfnired  (so  Porter,  Stanley,  &c.),  though  a  tradition 
long  standing  make.-!  this  to  have  been  Tabok 
;')l)inson,  ii.  358). — The  name  "Hermon"  or 
•  Little  Hermon  "  is  given  to  the  range  of  JeAe/  ed- 
Ilnkii  near  Tabor,  but  only  one  "  Hermon  "  is  men- 
tioned in  the  Scriptures. 

Ilermon-ltes  (fr.  Heb.  pi.  of  Hermon),  the.  Prop- 
-ly^'thc  Hermons,"  with  reference  to  the  three 
amits  of  Mount  Hermon  (Ps.  xlii.  6  [Heb.  7]). 
Iltr'od  (Gr.  Heroiei  z=  heroic?).      Various  ac- 
unts  are  given  of  the  ancestry  of  the  Herods ; 
t  neglecting  the  exaggerated  statements  of  friends 
I   enemies,   it  seems  certain  that  they    were  of 
:  imean  descent.     (Eoomites.)    But  though  aliens 
race,  the  Herods  were  Jews  in  faith.     The  gen- 
ii policy  of  the  whole  Herodian  family  centred  in 
uie  endeavor  to    founil  a  great  and   independent 
kingdom,  in  which  the  power  of  Judaism  should 
Bubserve  to  the  consolidation  of  a  state.  The  family 
relations  of  the  Herods  are  singularly  complicated 
from  the  frequent  recurrence  of  the  same  names, 
1  the  several  accounts  of  Josephus  are  not  con- 
tent in  every  detail.    The  table  on  p.  376,  by  Mr. 
Westcott,  original  author  of  this  article,  seems  to  offer 
a  satisfactory  summary  of  his  statements. — I.  Her'od 
the   (ire»t  was  the  second  son  of  Antipater,  ap- 
IK)inted  procurator  of  Judea  by  Julius  Cesar,  B.  c. 
47,  and  Cypros,  an  Arabian  of  noble  descent.     At 
the  time  of  his  father's  elevation,  though  only  fifteen 
years  old,  he  received  the  government  of  Galilee, 
and  shortly  afterward  that  of   Celosyria.      When 
Antony  came  to  Syria  (b.  c.  41),  he  appointed  Herod 
and  his  elder  brother  Phasael  tetrarchs  of  Judea. 
Herod  was  forced  to  abandon  Judea  next  year,  by 
an  Invasion  of  the  Parthians,  who  supported  the 
claims  of  Antigoijus,  the  representative  of  the  As- 
monean  dynasty,  and  flsd  to  Rome  (a.  c.  40).     At 
Rome  he  was  well  received  by  Antony  and  Octavian 
(AcfifSTCs),  and  wa.s  appointed  by  the  senate  king 
of  Judea,  to  the  cxclnsion  of  the  Asmonean  line. 
In  a  few  years,  by  the  help  of  the  Romans,  he  took 
Jerusalem  (b.  c.  37),  and  completely  established  his 
authority  throughout   his  dominions.      After    the 
battle  of  Actlum  he  vl.si ted  Octavian  at  Rhodes,  and 
his  noble  bearing  won  for  him  the  favor  of  the  con- 
queror, who  confirmed  him  In  the  possession  of  the 
kingdom  (a.  c.  31),  and  in  the  next  year  increased  it 
by  the  addition  of  several  important  citles,and  after- 
ward gave  him  the  province  of  Trachoniti,  and  the 
district  of  Paneas.     The  remainder  of  the  reign  of 
Harod  was  imdisturbed  by  external   troubles,  but 
his  domestic  life  was  embittered  by  an  almost  un- 
interrupted series  of  injuries  and  cruel  acts  of  ven- 
geance.    The  terrible  acts  of  bloodsh(;d  which  Her- 
od perpetrale<l  in  his  own  family  were  accompanied 
by  others  among  his  subjects  ecpially  terrible,  from 
the  number  who  fell  victims  to  them.     According 
to  the  well-known  story,  ho    ordered  tbe  nobles 


whom  he  had  called  to  him  in  his  last  moments  to 
be  executed  immediately  after  his  decease,  that  so 
at  least  his  death  might  be  attended  by  universal 
mourning.  It  was  at  the  time  of  his  latal  illness 
that  he  must  have  caused  the  slaughter  of  the  In- 
fants at  Bethlehem  (.Mat.  ii.  16-18),  and  from  the 
comparative  insignificance  of  the  nnirder  of  a  few 
young  children  in  an  unimportant  village  when  con- 
trasted with  the  deeds  which  he  carried  out  or  de- 
signed, it  is  not  surprising  that  Josephus  has  passed 
it  over  in  silence.  (Jksus  Christ.)  In  dealing  with 
the  religious  feelings  or  preju(Uces  of  the  Jews, 
Herod  showed  as  great  contempt  for  public  opinion 
as  in  the  execution  of  his  personal  vengeance.  But 
while  he  alienated  in  this  manner  the  affections  of 
the  Jews  by  his  cruelty  and  disregard  for  the  Law, 
he  adorned  Jerusalem  with  many  splendid  monu- 
ments of  his  taste  and  magnificence.  The  Temple, 
which  he  rebuilt  with  scrupulous  care,  was  the 
greatest  of  these  works.  The  restoration  was  be- 
gun B.  c.  20,  and  the  Temple  itself  was  completed 
in  a  year  and  a  half  But  fresh  additions  were 
constantly  made  in  sncceeding  years,  so  that  it 
was  said,  "  Forty  Und  six  years  was  this  Temple  in 
building "  ( Jn.  ii.  20),  a  phrase  which  expresses 
the  whole  period  from  the  commencement  of  Her- 
od's work  to  the  completion  of  the  latest  addi- 
tion then  made. — II.  Uer'od  in'ti-pas  was  the  son 
of  Herod  the  Great  by  Malthaoe,  a  Samaritan.  His 
father  had  originally  destined  him  as  his  succes- 
sor In  the  kingdom,  but  by  the  last  change  of  his 
will  appointed  him  "  tetrarch  of  Galilee  and  Pe- 
rea  "  (Mat.  xiv.  1 ;  Lk.  ill.  19,  ix.  7 ;  Acts  xlii.  1  ; 
compare  Lk.  iii.  1).  He  first  married  a  daughter 
of  Aretas,  king  of  Arabia  Petra;a,  but  after  some 
time  he  made  overtures  of  marriage  to  Herodias, 
the  wife  of  his  half-brother  Herod  Philip  I.  (IV.  be- 
low), which  she  received  favorably.  Aretas,  in- 
dignant at  the  insult  offered  to  his  daughter,  found 
a  pretext  for  invading  the  territory  of  Herod,  and 
defeated  him  with  great  loss.  This  defeat,  accord- 
ing to  the  famous  passage  in  Jos.  xviii.  5,  §  2, 
was  attributed  by  many  to  the  murder  of  John 
the  Baptist,  which  had  been  committed  by  Anti- 
pas  shortly  before,  under  the  Influence  of  Herodias 
(Mat.  xiv.  4  ff.;  Mk.  vi.  17  ff. ;  Lk.  iii.  19).  At  a 
later  time  the  ambition  of  Herodias  proved  the 
cause  of  her  husband's  ruin.  She  urged  him  to  go 
to  Rome  to  gain  the  title  of  king  (compare  Mk.  vi. 
14) ;  but  he  was  opposed  at  the  court  of  Caligula 
by  the  emissaries  of  Agrippa,  and  condemned  to 
perpetual  banishment  at  Lugdunum  (a.  d.  39).  He- 
rodias voluntarily  shared  his  punishment,  and  he 
died  in  exile.  Pilate  took  occasion  from  our  Lord's 
residence  In  Galilee  to  send  Him  for  examination 
(Lk.  xxiii.  6  ff.)  to  Herod  Antipas,  who  came  up  to 
Jerusalem  to  celebrate  the  Passover.  The  city  of 
Tiberias,  which  Antipas  founded  and  named  in 
honor  of  the  emperor,  was  the  most  conspicuous 
monument  of  his  long  reign. — III.  Ar-rlio-la'ns 
(Archelaus).— IV.  Her'cil  Philip  I.  ("Philip," 
Mk.  vi.  17)  was  the  son  of  Herod  the  Great,  and 
Marlamne,  and  must  be  carefully  distinguished  from 
the  tetrarch  Philip  II.  (V.  below).  He  married  Hero- 
dias, the  sister  of  Agrippa  I.,  by  whom  he  had  a 
daughter  Salome.  Herodias,  however,  left  him,  and 
made  an  infamous  marriage  with  his  half-brother 
Herod  Antipas  (II.  above),  (Mat.  xiv.  3;  Mk.  vl.  17; 
Lk.  iii.  19).  He  was  excluded  from  all  share  in  his 
father's  iwssessions  in  consequence  of  his  mother's 
trcacherv,  and  lived  afterward  in  a  private  station. 
— V.  Uer'od  Phil  Ip  II.  was  the  son  of  Herod  tha 


3T8 


HER 


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Great  and  Cleopatra.  Like  his  half-brothers  Anti- 
paa  and  Arelielaus,  he  was  brought  up  at  home. 
He  received  as  his  own  government  Batauea,  Tra- 
chonitis,  Auranitis  (Gaulouitis),  and  some  parts 
about  Jamnia,  with  tlie  title  of  tetrareh  (Lk.  iii.  1). 
He  built  a  new  city  on  the  site  of  Paneas,  near  the 
sources  of  the  Jordan,  which  he  called  Cesarea 
(Gesabka  PiiiLiPPi)  (Mat.  xvi.  13  ;  Mk.  viii.  27),  and 
raised  Bethsaida  to  the  rank  of  a  city  under  the 
title  of  Julias,  and  died  there  a.  n.  34.  He  married 
Salome,  the  daughter  of  Herod  Philip  I.  and  Hero- 
dias,  bat,  as  he  left  no  children  at  his  death,  his  do- 
minions were  added  to  the  Roman  province  <^f  Syria. 
— VI.  Herod  A-grlp'pa  I.  was  the  son  of  Aristobu- 
lus  and  Berenice,  and  grandson  of  Herod  the  Great. 
He  was  brought  up  at  Rome  with  Claudius  and 
Drusus,  and,  after  a  life  of  various  vicissitudes,  was 
thro.vn  into  prison  by  Tiberius,  where  lie  remained 
till  the  accession  of  Caius  (Caligula)  a.  d.  37.  The 
new  emperor  gave  him  the  governments  former 
ly  held  by  the  tetrarchs  Piiilip  and  Lysanias, 
and  bestowed  on  him  the  ensigns  of  royalty  and 
other  marks  of  favor  (Acts  xii.  1).  On  the  banish- 
ment of  Antipas,  his  dominions  were  added  to  those 
already  held  by  Agrippa.  Afterward  Agrippa  ren- 
dered important  services  to  Claudius,  and  received 
from  him  in  return  (a.  n.  41)  the  government  of 
Judea  and  Samaria.  Unlike  his  predecessors, 
Agrippa  was  a  strict  observer  of  the  Law,  and  hj 
sought  with  success  the  favor  of  the  Jews.  Prob- 
ably with  this  view  he  put  to  death  James  the  son 
of  Zebedee,  and  further  imprisoned  Peter  (-xii.  1  ff.). 
But  his  sudden  death  interrupted  his  ambitious 
projects.  In  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign  over  the 
whole  of  Judea  (a.  p.  44)  Agrippa  attended  some 
games  at  Cesarea,  held  in  honor  of  the  emperor. 
When  he  appeared  in  the  theatre  (xii.  21)  his  flat- 
terers saluted  him  as  a  god  ;  and  suddenly  he  was 
seized  with  terrible  pains,  and,  being  carried  from 
the  theatre  to  the  palace,  died  after  five  days'  agony. 
— VII.  Herod  A-grip'pi  II.  was  the  son  of  Herod 
Agrippa  I.  and  Cypros,  a  grand-niece  of  Herod  the 
Great.  At  the  time  of  his  father's  death  (a.  d. 
44)  he  was  at  Rome.  Not  long  afterward,  however, 
the  emperor  gave  him  (about  a.  d.  50)  the  kingdom 
of  Chalcis,  which  had  belonged  to  his  uncle ;  and 
then  transferred  him  (a.  d.  52)  to  the  tetrarchies 
formerly  held  by  Philip  and  Lysanias  with  the  title 
of  king  (xxv.  13).  The  relation  in  which  he  stood 
to  his  sister  Berenice  (xxv.  13)  was  the  cause  of 
grave  suspicion.  In  the  last  Roman  war  Agrippa 
took  part  with  the  Romans,  and  after  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem  retired  with  Berenice  to  Rome,  where  he 
died  in  the  third  year  of  Trajan  (a.  n.  100).  The 
appearance  of  St.  Paul  before  Agrippa  (a.  d.  60) 
offers  several  characteristic  traits.  'The  "  pomp  " 
with  which  the  king  came  into  the  audience-cham- 
ber (xxv.  23)  was  accordant  with  his  general  bear- 
ing ;  and  the  cold  irony  with  which  he  met  the  im- 
passioned words  of  the  apostle  (xxvi.  27,  28)  suits 
the  temper  of  one  who  was  contented  to  take  part 
in  the  destruction  of  his  nation. — VIII.  Ber-c-ni'cc 
or  Ber-ni'ce. — IX.  Dru-sil'la. — X.  He-ro'di-as. 

He-ro'di-aiij(fr.  Gr.  =  /Aose/or  Herod).  In  the 
account  (Mat.  xxii.  15  ff.  ;  Mk.  xii.  13  ff.)  of  the  last 
efforts  made  by  different  sections  of  the  Jews  to 
obtain  from  our  Lord  Himself  the  materials  for  His 
accusation,  a  party  under  the  name  of  Herodiant  is 
represented  as  acting  in  concert  with  the  Pharisees 
(Mat.  xxii.  16;  Mk.  xii.  13;  compare  also  iii.  6,  viii. 
15).  There  were  probably  many  who  saw  in  the 
power  of  the  Herodian  family  the  pledge  of  the 


preservation  of  their  national  existence  in  the  face 
of  Roman  ambition.  Two  distinct  classes  might 
thus  unite  in  supporting  what  was  a  domestic  tyran- 
ny as  contrasted  with  absolute  dependence  on 
Rome :  those  who  saw  in  the  Uerods  a  protection 
against  direct  heathen  rule,  and  those  who  were  in- 
clined to  look  with  satisfaction  upon  such  a  com- 
promise between  the  ancient  faith  and  heathen  civil- 
ization, as  Herod  tlie  Great  and  his  successors  had 
endeavored  to  realize,  as  the  true  and  highest  con- 
summation of  Jewish  hopes. 

Uc-ro'dl-as  (Gr.  a  female  Herod),  daughter  of 
Aristobulus,  one  of  the  sons  of  Mariamne  and  Her- 
od the  Great,  and  consequently  sister  of  Agrij)pa 
I.  She  first  married  Herod  Philip  I. ;  then  slie 
eloped  from  him  to  marry  Herod  A.ntipas,  her  step- 
uncle,  wlio  had  been  long  married  to,  and  was  still 
living  with,  the  daughter  of  jEncas  or  Arctas,  king 
of  Arabia.  The  consequences  both  of  the  crime, 
and  of  the  reproof  from  John  the  Baptist  which  it 
incurred,  are  well  known.  Aretas  made  war  upon 
Herod  for  the  injury  done  to  his  daughter,' and 
routed  him  with  the  loss  of  his  whole  army.  The 
head  of  John  the  Baptist  was  granted  to  the  re- 
quest of  Herodias  (Mat.  xiv.  8-11 ;  Mk.  vi.  24-28). 
According  to  Josephus,  the  execution  took  place  in 
a  fortress  called  Macha;rus,  looking  down  upon  the 
Dead  Sea  from  the  S.  She  accompanied  Antipas 
j  into  exile  to  Lugdunum,  probably  (so  Mr.  Ffbulkes) 
Lugdunum  Convenarum,  a  town  of  Gaul,  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Garonne,  at  the  foot  of  the  Pyre- 
nees, now  St.  Berlrand  de  Comminyci,  on  the  frontier 
of  Spain. 

He-ro'di-on  (Gr.),  a  relative  of  St.  Paul,  to  whom 
he  sends  his  salutation  among  the  Christians  at 
Rome  (Rom.  xvi.  11). 

Heron,  the  A.V.  translation  of  the  Hcb.  anuplmh, 
the  name  of  an  unclean  bird  in  Lev.  xi.  19,  Deut. 
xiv.  18.  It  was  probably  (so  Mr.  Bevan)  a  generic 
name  for  a  well-known  class  of  birds.  The  only 
point  on  which  any  two  commentators  seem  to 
agree  is  that  it  is  not  the  heron.  On  etymological 
grounds,  Gesenius  considers  the  name  applicable  to 
some  irritable  bird,  perhaps  the  goose.  But  Mr. 
P.  H.  Gosse  (in  Fbn.)  supports  the  A.  V.,  and  says ; 
The  herons  are  wading-birds,  peculiarly  irritaMo, 
remarkable  for  their  vivacity,  frequenting  niarslies 
and  oozy  rivers,  and  spread  over  the  East.  One  of 
the  commonest  species  in  Asia  is  Ardca  rtinsalo,  the 
little  golden  egret,  or  cow-heron.   ' 

He'sed  (Heb.  kindness,  mercii,  Ges.).  The  "  son 
of  Hesed  "  ("  Ben-hcsed,"  margin)  was  commissary 
for  Solomon  in  "Aruboth,  Sochoh,  and  all  the  land 
of  Hepher"(l  K.  iv.  10). 

Hesll  bon  (Heb.  reason,  intcKgenee,  Ges. ;  strong- 
hold, Fii.),  the  capital  city  of  Sihon,  king  of  the 
Amorites  (Num.  xxi.  26).  It  stood  on  the  western 
border  of  the  high  plain  (Plain  4;  Josh.  xiii.  17), 
and  on  the  boundary-line  between  the  tribes  of 
Reuben  and  Gad.  The  ruins  of  Heshun,  twenty 
miles  E.  of  the  Jordan,  on  the  parallel  of  the  N. 
end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  mark  the  site,  as  they  bear 
the  name,  of  the  ancient  Hcshbon.  Ilcshbon  was 
rebuilt  by  the  tribe  of  Reuben  (Num.  xxxii.  37),  but 
was  assigned  to  the  Levites  from  Gad  (Josh.  xxi. 
39).  After  the  Captivity  it  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  Moabitcs,  to  whom  it  had  originally  belonged 
(Num.  xxi.  26),  and  hence  is  mentioned  in  the  de- 
nunciations against  Moab  (Is.  xv.  4 ,  Jer  xlviii.  2, 
34,  in).  It  has  been  for  many  centuries  wholly 
desolate.  The  ruins  of  Heshbon  stand  on  a  low 
hill  rising  out  of  the  great   undulating    platei 


] 


HES 


HEZ 


379 


Tlicy  are  more  than   a   mile   in   circuit,  but   not 
a  huilding  remains  entire.  There  are  many  cisterns 
amonjr  the  ruins  (compare  Cant.  vii.  4). 
Uej^bmon  {llvb. /aliiats, /at  soil,  Ges.),  a  place 
imed  between  Molailah  and  lieer-aheba  in  the  ex- 
iix'me  S.  of  Judah  (Josh.  .\v.  27) ;  =  Azmo.n  ?  (Mr. 
.rove);  supposed  by  Wilton  =  Hashmoxaii,  and 
iL'ntiKed  with  '.-iin  Uaxb,  about  fitteen  miles  S.  of 
lie  Dead  Sea;  supposed  by   Kowlands  (in  ybn., 
iiider  "  S.  country  ")  at  Haaham-Senneh,  an  ancient 
te  about  seven  miles  S.  E.  of  Beer-sheba. 
Un'ron  (L.)  =  Uezrom,  son  of  Reuben  (Num. 
\xvi.  C  in  some  copies). 

Hes  roa-ltes,  the  =:  the  descendants  of  Hezron, 
he  son  of  Reuben  (Num.  xxvi.  G  in  some  copies). 

Hrth(IIeb.  terror,  dread,  Ges),  the  forefather  of 

■10  nation  of   the  Hittites,    called   "sons"    and 

children  of  Heth"  (Gen.  xxiii.  3  IF.,  .\xv.  10,  xlix. 

-).   Once  we  hear  of  "  daughters  of  Heth  "  (xsvii. 

lij).     In  the  genealogical  tables  of  Gen.  x.  and  1 

Clir.  i.,  Heth  is  a  son  of  Canaan.   The  Hittites  were 

tliurefore  a  Karaite  race. 

Ilcth'laa  (Heb.  wrapped  up,  hiding-place,  Ges.),  a 

lace  on  the  northern  border  of  Palestine  (Ez.  xlvii. 

I'l,  xlviii.  1).     Probably  the  "  way  of  Hethlon  "  is 

tau  pass  at  the  N.  end  of  Lebanon,  and  thus  — 

'   the  entrance  of  Hamath  "  in  Num.  xxxiv.  8,  &c. 

Hi'ze-tl   (fr.  Heb.   —  Hezekiah),  a  Benjamite, 

le  of  the  sons  of  Elpaal,  a  descendant  of  Sliaa- 

liin  (1  Chr.  viii.  17). 

Ilpz-e-ki  all  (fr.  Hjb.  Hiziiyiih  =Jehovah  slreiigth- 
rm,  Ges.),  twelfth  king  of  Judah,  son  of  the  apos- 
tate AiiAZ  and  Abi  (or  Abijah),  ascended  the  throne 
i:  the  age  of  twenty-five,  b.  c.  726.  (Israel,  King- 
<\i  of;  Jcdaii,  KiNOnoM  of.)  Since,  however,  Ahaz 
•d  at  the  age  of  thirty-six,  some  prefer  to  make 
li'zekiah  only  twenty  years  old  at  his  accession,  as 
herwise  he  must  have  been  born  when  Ahaz  was 
L-vcn  years  old;  but,  if  any  change  be  desirable,  it 
-  better  (so  Mr.  Farrar)  to  suppose  that  Ahaz  was 
twenty-five  and  not  twenty  years  old  at  his  accession, 
llezeklah  was  one  of  the  three  best  kings  of  Judah 
-L  K.  xviii.  5 ;  Eeclus.  xlix.  4).  His  first  act  was  to 
irge,  and  repair,  and  reopen  with  splendid  sacri- 
nces  and  perfect  ceremonial,  the  Temple  which  had 
been  despoiled  and  neglected  during  his  fatlier's 
careless  and  idolatrous  reign.  This  consecration 
was  accompanied  by  a  revival  of  the  theocratic 
spirit,  so  strict  as  not  even  to  spare  "  the  high 
PLACES,"  which,  although  tolerated  by  nwny  well- 
intentioned  kings,  had  naturally  been  profaned  by 
the  worship  of  images  and  Asherahs  (A.  V. 
"groves;"  see  AsiiEiiAH ;  2  K.  xviii.  4).  A  still 
more  decisive  act  was  the  destruction  of  a  brazen 
serpent,  said  to  have  been  the  one  used  by  Moses 
in  the  miraculous  healing  of  the  Israelites  (Num. 
xxi.  9),  which  had  become  an  object  of  adoration. 
When  the  kingdom  of  Israel  had  fallen  (more  prob- 
ably before  this,  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign),  Hez- 
ekiali  extended  his  pious  endeavors  to  Ephraim 
and  Manasseh ;  and,  by  inviting  the  scattered  in- 
habitants to  a  peculiar  Passover,  kindled  their  in- 
dignation also  against  the  idolatrous  practices  which 
still  continued  among  them.  This  Passover  was, 
from  the  necessities  of  the  case,  celebrated  at  an 
unusual,  though  not  illegal  (Num.  ix.  10,  11)  time ; 
and  by  an  excess  of  Levitical  zeal  it  was  continued 
for  the  unprecedented  period  of  fourteen  days  (2 
Chr.  xxix.,  xxx.,  xxxi.).  At  the  head' of  a  repentant 
and  united  people,  Hezckiah  ventured  to  assume  i 
the  aggressive  against  the  Philistines:  and  in  a 
leries  of  victories  not  only  rewon  the  cities  which  ! 


his  father  had  lost  (xxviii.  18),  but  even  dispossessed 
them  of  their  own  cities,  except  Gaza  (2  K.  xviii. 
8)  and  Gath.  It  was  perhaps  to  the  purpose  of  this 
war  that  he  applied  the  money  which  would  other- 
wise have  been  used  to  pay  the  tribute  exacted  by 
Shalmatiezer,  according  to  the  agreement  of  Aliaz 
with  his  predecessor,  Tiglath-piliser.  When,  after 
the  capture  of  Samaria,  tlie  king  of  Assyria  applied 
for  this  impost,  Ilczokiah  rciuscd  it,  and  in  open 
rebellion  omitted  to  send  even  the  usual  presents 
(xviii.  7).  Instant  war  was  averted  by  the  heroic 
and  long-continued  resistance  of  the  Tyrians  under 
their  king  Elulasus.  This  must  have  been  a  critical 
and  intensely  anxious  period  for  Jerusalem ;  and 
Hezekiah  used  every  available  means  to  strengthen 
his  position,  and  render  his  capital  impregnable  (2 
K.  XX.  20;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  3-5,  30;  Is.  x.xii.  8-11, 
xxxiii.  18).  According  to  a  scheme  of  chronology 
proposed  by  Dr.  Ilincks,  llezekiah's  dangerous  ill- 
ness (2  K.  XX. ;  Is.  .xxxviii. ;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  24)  nearly 
synchronized  with  Sargon's  futile  invasion  in  the 
fourteenth  year  of  llezekiah's  reign,  eleven  years 
before  Sennacherib's  invasion.  That  it  must  have 
preceded  the  attack  of  Sennacherib  is  nearly  obvious 
from  the  promise  in  2  K.  xx.  6,  as  well  as  from 
modern  discoveries.  Hezekiah,  whose  kingdom  was 
in  a  dangerous  crisis,  who  perhaps  had  at  that  time 
no  heir  ^for  Manasseh  was  not  born  till  long  after- 
ward, 2  K.  xxi.  1),  "turned  his  face  to  the  wall  and 
wept  sore  "  at  the  threatened  approach  of  dissolu- 
tion. God  had  compassion  on  his  anguish,  and 
heard  his  prayer.  Isaiah  had  hardly  left  the  palace 
when  he  was  ordered  to  promise  the  king's  imme- 
diate recovery,  and  a  fresh  lease  of  life,  ratifying 
the  promise  by  a  sign,  and  curing  the  boil  by  a 
plaster  of  figs,  which  were  often  used  medicinally 
in  similar  cases  (Is.  xxxviii.).  What  was  the  exact 
nature  of  the  disease  we  cannot  say  :  according  to 
Mead  it  was  fever  terminating  in  abscess.  (Medi- 
cine.) Various  ambassadors  came  with  letters  and 
gifts  to  congratulate  Hezekiah  on  his  recovery  (2 
Chr.  xxxii.  23),  and  among  them  an  embassy  from 
Merodach-baladan  (or  Bcrodach,  2  K.  xx.  12),  the 
viceroy  of  Babylon,  the  Uardokemp.ados  of  Ptol- 
emy's canon.  The  ostensible  object  of  this  mis- 
sion was  to  compliment  Hezekiah  on  his  convales- 
cence (2  K.  XX.  12;  Is.  xxxix.  1),  and  "  to  inquire 
of  the  wonder  that  was  done  in  the  land  "  (2  Chr. 
xxxii.  31),  a  rumor  of  which  could  not  fail  to  in- 
terest a  people  devoted  to  astrology ;  but  its  real 
purpose  was  perhaps  to  discover  how  far  an  alliance 
between  the  two  powers  was  possible  or  desirable, 
for  Mardokempados,  no  less  than  Hezekiah,  was  in 
apprehension  of  the  Assyrians.  Community  of  in- 
terest made  Hezekiah  receive  the  overtures  of  Pab- 
ylon  with  unconcealed  gratification  ;  and,  perhaps, 
to  enhance  the  opinion  of  his  own  importance  as  . 
an  ally,  he  displayed  to  the  messengers  the  princely 
treasures  which  he  and  his  predecessors  had  accu- 
mulated. If  ostentation  were  his  motive  it  received 
a  terrible  rebuke,  and  he  was  informed  by  Isaiah 
that  from  the  then  tottering  and  subordinate  prov- 
ince of  Babylon,  and  not  from  the  mighty  Assyria, 
would  come  the  ruin  and  captivity  of  Judah  (Is. 
xxxix.  5).  Sargon  was  succeeded  (b.  c.  702)  by  his 
son  Sennacherib,  whose  two  invasions  occupy  the 
greater  part  of  the  Scripture  records  concerning 
the  reign  of  Hezekiah.  The  first  of  these  took 
place  in  the  third  year  of  Sennacherib  (b.  c.  702), 
and  occupies  only  three  ver.ses  (2  K.  xviii.  13-16), 
though  the  route  of  the  advancing  Assyrians  may 
be  traced  in  Is.  x.  6  xi.    The  rumor  of  the  Inva- 


380 


EEZ 


HIG 


Bion  redoubled  Hezekiah's  exertions,  and  he  pre- 
pared for  a  siege  by  providing  offensive  and  defen- 
sive armor,  stopping  up  the  wells,  and  divetting  tlie 
watercourses,  conducting  the  water  of  Gihon  into 
the  city  by  a  subterranean  canal  (Ecclus.  xlviii.  17). 
But  the  main  hope  of  the  political  faction  was  the 
alliance  with  Egypt,  and  they  seem  to  have  sought 
it  by  presents  and  private  entreaties  (Is.  xxx.  6). 
The  account  given  of  this  first  invasion  in  the  Au- 
vals  of  Seiinaeherib  is  that  he  attacked  Uezekiah 
because  the  Ekronites  had  sent  their  king  Padiya 
(or  Haddiya)  as  a  prisoner  to  Jerusalem  (compare 
2  K.  xviii.  S);  that  he  took  forty-six  cities  ("all  the 
fenced  cities"  in  2  K.  xviii.  13  is  apparently  a  gen- 
eral expression,  compare  xix.  8)  and  200,000  pris- 
oners ;  that  he  besieged  Jerusalem  with  mounds 
(compare  xix.  32) ;  and  although  Uezekiah  promised 
to  pay  800  talents  of  silver  (of  which  perhaps  300 
only  were  ever  paid)  and  30  of  gold  (xviii.  14),  yet, 
not  content  with  this,  he  mulcted  him  of  a  part  of 
his  dominions,  and  gave  them  to  the  kings  of  Ek- 
ron,  Ashdod,  and  (iaza.  In  almost  every  particu- 
lar this  account  agrees  with  the  notice  in  l^cripture. 
Hezekiah's  bribe  (or  fine)  brought  a  temporary  re- 
lease, for  the  Assyrians  marched  into  Egypt,  where, 
if  Herodotus  and  Josephus  are  to  be  trusted,  they 
advanced  without  resistance  to  Pclusiuni.  In  spite 
of  this  advantage,  Sennacherib  was  forced  to  raise 
the  siege  of  Pelusium,  by  the  advance  of  Tirhakah. 
PiCturning  from  his  futile  expedition,  Sennacherib 
"dealt  treacherously"  with  Hczekiah  (Is.  xxxiii.  1) 
by  attacking  the  stronghold  of  Lachish.  This  was 
the  commencement  of  that  second  invasion,  respect- 
ing which  we  have  such  lull  details  in  2  K.  xviii.  17 
ff. ;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  9  S. ;  Is.  xxxvi.  Although  the 
annals  of  Sennacherib  on  the  great  cylinder  in  the 
British  Museum  reach  to  the  end  of  his  eighth  year, 
and  this  second  invasion  belongs  to  his  fifth  year 
(b.  c.  698,  the  twentj-eighth  year  of  Hezckiah),  yet 
no  allusion  to  it  has  been  found.  So  shameful  a 
disaster  was  naturally  concealed  by  national  vanity. 
From  Lachish  he  sent  against  Jerusalem  an  army 
under  two  officers  and  his  cup-bearer  the  orator 
Eabshakeh,  with  a  blasphemous  and  insulting  sum- 
mons to  surrender.  Hezekiah's  ministers  were 
thrown  into  anguish  and  dismay,  but  the  undaunted 
Isaiah  hurled  back  threatening  for  threatening  with 
unrivalled  eloquence  and  force.  Meanwhile  Sen- 
nacherib, having  taken  Lachish,  was  besieging  Lib- 
nah,  when,  alarmed  by  a  "  rumor "  of  Tirhaknh's 
advance,  he  was  forced  to  relinquish  once  more  his 
immediate  designs,  and  content  himself  with  a  de- 
fiant letter  to  Hczekiah.  The  next  event  of  the 
campaign,  about  which  we  are  informed,  is  that  the 
Jewish  king  with  simple  piety  prayed  to  God  with 
Sennacherib's  letter  outspread  before  him,  and  re- 
ceived a  prophecy  of  immediate  deliverance.  Ac- 
cordingly "that  night  the  Angel  of  the  Lord  went 
out  and  smote  in  the  camp  of  the  Assyrians 
185,000  men."  It  is  very  probable  that  some  sec- 
ondary cause  was  employed  in  the  accomplishment 
of  this  event.  Josephus,  foUoned  by  an  immense 
majority  of  ancient  and  modern  commentators,  at- 
tributes it  to  the  pestilence.  Hczekiah  only  lived 
to  enjoy  for  about  one  year  more  his  well-earned 
peace  and  glory.  He  slept  with  his  fathers  after  a 
reign  of  twenty-nine  years,  in  the  fifty  fourth  year 
of  his  age  (b.  c.  697). — 8.  Son  of  Neariah,  descend- 
ant of  the  royal  family  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iii.  23). — 
3<  The  same  name,  though  in  the  A.  V.  Hizkiah,  is 
found  in  Zeph.  i.  1. — 4,  A'ter  of  Hoz-e-ki'ali.  Ater. 
He'zi-on  (L.  fr.  Hcb.  =  vision,  Ges.),  a  king  of 


Aram  ("  Syria  "),  father  of  Tabrimon,  and  grand- 
father of  Ben-hadad  I.  He  and  his  father  are  men- 
tioned only  in  1  K.  xv.  18.  In  the  absence  of  all 
information,  the  natural  suggestion  is  that  he  = 
Kezon,  the  contemporary  of  Solomon,  in  xi.'23  ;  the 
two  names  being  very  similar  in  Hebrew,  and  still 
more  so  in  the  versions. 

Ke'zir  (Ueb.  swine,  Ges.).  1,  A  priest  in  David's 
lime,  leader  of  the  seventeenth  monthly  course  in 
the  service  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  15). — ?,  One  ol  the  heads 
of  the  people  (laymen)  who  sealed  the  solemn 
covenant  with  Nehcmiah  (Keh.  x.  20). 

Uez'riti  or  Ufz'ia-i  (fr.  Hcb.  =  enclosed,  vailed 
in,  Ges.),  one  of  David's  "thirty"  valiant  men  (2 
Sam.  xxiii.  35) ;  =  Hezro. 

Hcz'ro  (fr.  Hcb.)  =  Eezrai  (1  Chr.  xi.  37). 

Uez'rou  (fr.  Heb.  =  Hezrai,  Ges.).  1,  A  son  of 
Reuben,  ancestor  of  the  Hezronites  1  (Gen.  xlvi. 
9;  Ex.  vi.  14). — 2.  A  son  of  Pharez,  ancestor  of 
the  Hezro.nites  2  (Gen.  xlvi.  12 ;  Ku.  iv.  18). — S, 
Hazor  4  (Josh.  XV.  25) 

lirz'ton-ites  (fr.  Heb.),  the.  1.  Descendants  of 
Hezron  the  son  of  Keubcn  (Num.  xxvi.  6). — 2.  A 
branch  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  descendants  of  Hez- 
ron, the  son  of  Pharez  (xxvi.  31). 

Hid'dal  or  Hid'da-I  (Heb.  mighty,  chief,  Fii.),  one 
of  David's  "thirty"  valiant  men  (2  Sam.  xxiii. 
30);  =  liiKAi. 

liid'df-kri  (Heb.  the  rapid  Tigris,  Ges. ;  the  rapid 
rivir,  the  river  stcift  as  an  arrow,  Fii. ;  see  below), 
one  of  the  rivers  of  Eden  1,  the  river  which  "gocth 
eastward  toAs.iyiia"  (Gen.  ii.l4),  and  Avhich  Daniel 
calls  "the  Great  river"  (Dan.  x.  4),  seems  to  have 
been  rightly  identified  by  the  LXX.  with  the  Tigris. 
iJelel  (so  Eawlinson)  clearly  =  Digla  or  L'igluth,  a 
name  borne  by  the  Tigris  in  all  ages.  The  name 
now  in  use  among  the  inhabitants  of  Mesepotamia 
is  Dijieh.  It  has  generally  been  supposed  that  Ligla 
is  a  mere  Shcmitic  corruption  of  7'igra,  and  tliat 
this  latter  is  the  true  name  of  the  stream;  but  it 
must  be  observed  that  the  two  forms  are  found  side 
by  side  in  the  Babylonian  transcript  of  the  Bchistun 
inscription,  and  that  the  ordinary  name  of  the 
strcnm  in  the  inscriptions  of  Assyria  is  Tiggar. 

Ei'cl  (Hcb.  =  JmiEL  ?  Ges. ;  God  is  animation, 
Fu.),  a  native  of  Bethel,  who  rebuilt  Jericho  in  the 
reign  of  Ahab  (1  K.  xvi.  34);  and  in  whom  was 
fulfilled  the  curse  pronounced  by  Joshua  (Josh.  vi. 
26). 

Iil-*-riip'o-lIs  (Gr.  sacred  city,  said  to  have  been 
so  called  from  the  number  of  its  temples),  a  city  of 
PliRVGiA,  celebrated  for  its  hot  calcareous  springs, 
which  have  deposited  vast  and  singular  incrusta- 
ti(ns.  It  is  mentioned  (Col.  iv.  IS  cnly)  with  Co- 
LossE  and  Laodicea,  the  three  towns  being  all  in 
the  ba-in  of  the  Meander,  and  whhin  a  few  miles  of 
one  another.  The  situation  of  Hicrapolis  is  ex- 
tremely beautiful  ;  and  its  ruins  are  considerable, 
the  theatre  and  gymnasium  1  eing  the  most  con- 
spicuous.    Its  modern  name  is  Farnlimk-Kalessi. 

Ifi-er'c-d  (Gr.)  =  Jeiiiel  (1  Esd.  ix.  21). 

Hi-er'o-moth  (Gr.).  1.  Jekemoth  (1  Esd.  ix.  27). 
—2.  Ramotii  (ix.  30). 

Hi-er-i-e'lns  (1  Esd.  ix.  27)  =  Jehiei  in  Ezr.  x. 

Hi-er'niKS  (Gr.)  Ramiah  (1  Esd.  ix.  26). 

Hi-e-ron'y-niDS  (L.  fr.  Or.  =  of  halloved  nmic, 
L.  &  S.),  a  Syrian  general  in  the  time  of  Antiocbii.^ 
"V.  Eupator  (2  Mc.  xii.  2). 

Hig-gai'on  [-ga'yon]  (Heb.,  see  below),  a  word 
which  occurs  in  the  Hebrew  in  Ps.  ix.  17  (A.  Y.  Hj, 
"Higgaion,"  margin  "meditation  "),  xix.  15  (A.  V. 
14,  "meditation"  [so  Gesenius,  Fiirst]),  xcii.  4  (.'  ' 


1 


11 IG 


HIG 


381 


V.  S,  "  a  solemn  sound,"  margin  "  Iliggaion  ") ; 
l,am.  ill.  62,  "  device,"  A.  v.,  Ges.,  Fii.).  In  Ps. 
\rii.  Gesenius  und  Fiirst  trunslate  with  llie  murmur 

IV  fftnlle  touud)  of  the  harp,  A.V.  "  upon  the  harp 
"itli  a  solemn  sound."     la  Ps.  ix.  Fiirst  makes  it 

■1  air,  perhaps  mujffled  tmtnie  as  a  pause  or  a  pecu- 

irlviiul;  Gesenius  explains  it  as  a  musical  sign 
.  ouipare  Selaii).     It  seems  that  Higgaion  has  two 

uNinings,    one  of  a  general    character   implying 

I  lughl,  refleition,  and  another  in  Ps.  ix.  17,  xcii. 
i,  of  a  technical  nature,  the  precise  meaning  of 

hich  cannot  now  be  determined. 
Uigil   Pla'tes   (Heb.  pi.  bimolh ;    see  Bamotr). 
iotii  the  earliest  times  it  was  the  custom  among 
;i  nations  to  erect  altars  and  places   of   worship 

II  lofty  and  conspicuous  spots.  To  this  general 
istoin  we  find  constant  allusion  in  the  Bible  (Is. 

w.  7;  Jer.  iii.  6;  Ez.  vi.  13,  xviii.  6;  Hos.  iv.  13), 
lid  it  is  especially  attributed  to  the  Moabites  (Is. 
■•'.  2,   xvi,    12;    Jer.   xlviii.   35).     Even  Abraham 
lilt  an  altar  to  the  Lord  on  a  mountain  near  Bethel 
I  Jon.  xii.  7,  8;  compare  xxii.  2-4,  xxxi.  54),  which 
!i)W3  that  the  practice  was  then  as   inno.;cnt  as 
•  was  natural ;  and  although  it  afterward  became 
lingled  with  idolatrous  observances   (Num.   xxiii. 
,  it  was  in  itself  far  less  likely  to  be  abused  than 
lie  consecration  of  groves  (Hos.  iv.  13).     (Grove.) 
I  is,  however,  quite  obvious  that  if  every  grove 
lid    eminence    had   been    suffered    to   become   a 
(ilace  for  legitimate  worship,  especially  in  a  coun- 
try where  they  had  already  been  defiled  with  the 
sins  of  polytheism,  the  utmost  danger  would  have 
resulted    to    the   pure    worship   of   the   one   true 
God.      It  was   therefore   forbidden  by  the  law  of 
'i)3es   (Deut.   xii.    11-14),   which   also   gave    the 
■  lictest  injunction  to  destroy  these  monuments  of 
luaanitish  idolatry  (Lev.  xxvi.  30 ;  Num.  xxxiii. 
-;  Deut.  xxxiii.  29),  without  stating  any  general 
13011  for  this  command,  beyond  the  fact  that  they 
(•/  been  connected  with  such  associations.     The 
iramund  was  a  pronpective  one,  and  was  not  to 
ime  into  force  until  such  time  as  the  tribes  were 
octtle  1  in  the  promised  land.      Both  Gideon  and 
Manoah  built  altars  on  high  places  by  Divine  com- 
mand (Judg.  vi.  25,  26,  xiii.  16-23),  and  it  is  clear 
from  the  tone  of  the  book  of  Judges  that  the  law 
on  the  subject  was  forgotten  or  practically  obsolete 
(so  Mr.  Farrar).  This  worship  at  other  places  than 
the  Tabernacle  seems  to  have  been  occasioned  by 
the  disturbed  state  of  the  country  and  the  difficulty 
of  uniting  in  journeys  to  Shiloh  for  the  great  feasts, 
and  may  have  been  permitted  as  a  recurrence  to  the 
patriarchal  system  (R.  S.  Poole  in  Kitto).      It  is 
more  surprising  to  find  this  law  apparently  ignored 
at  a  much  later  period — as  by  Samuel  at  Mizpeh  (1 
Sam.  vii.  10)  and  at  Bethlehem  (xvi.  5) ;  by  Saul  at 
Gilgal  (xiii.  9)  and  at  Ajalon  (?xiv.  35);  by  David 
(1  Chr.  xxi.  26);  by  Elijah  on  Mount  Carmel  (1  K. 
xviii.  30J  ;  and  by  other  prophets  (1  Sam.  x.  6).     In 
some  of  these  cases  the  rule  was  evidently  super- 
seded by  a  Divine  intimation ;  the  Tabernacle  and 
2^dok  tlie  priest  were  for  a  time  at  Gibeon,  where 
Solomon  sacrificed,  while  the  ark  was  at  Jerusalem 
(1  K.  iii.  4 ;  2  Chr.  i.  3  ff. ;  compare  1  Chr.  xv.,  xvi. 
87  ff ,  xxi.  29,  30) ;  and  reasons  of  which  we  are 
ignorant  may  have  justified  the  irregularity  in  other 
cases ;  but  it  is  certain  that  the  worship  in  high 
places  was  common  in  Judea,  not  only  during  (IK. 
UL  2-4),  but  even  after,  the  time  of  Solomon.     The 
convenience  of  them  was  obvious,  because,  as  local 
centres  of  religious  worship,  they  obviated  the  un- 
pleasant and  dangerous  necessity  of  visiting  Jerusa- 


lem for  the  celebration  of  the  yearly  feasts  (2  K. 
xxiii.  9).  In  fact,  tlie  high  places  seem  to  have  sup- 
plied the  need  of  synagogues  (Ps.  Ixxiv.  8).  (Sy.na- 
UOGLE.)  Many  of  the  pious  kings  of  Judah  were 
either  too  weak  or  too  ill-informed  to  repress  the 
worship  of  Jehovah  at  these  local  sanctuaries,  while 
they  of  course  endeavored  to  prevent  it  from  being 
contaminated  with  polytheism.  Asa  and  Jehoslia- 
phat  seem  to  have  removed  the  high  places  so  far  as 
they  had  been  employed  in  the  service  of  false  gods ; 
but  allowed  them  to  continue  as  convenient  meeting- 
places  where  the  people  had  been  wont  to  assemble 
for  the  worship  of  Jehovah  (IK.  xv.  14  ;  2  Chr.  xiv. 
3,  XV.  17,  xvii.  6,  xx.  33)  (Micliaelis,  Schulz,  Ber- 
theau,  Fairbairn).  At  last  Uezekiah  set  himself  in 
good  earnest  to  the  suppression  of  this  prevalent 
corruption  (2  K.  xviii.  4,  22),  both  in  Judah  and 
Israel  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  1),  altliough,  so  rapid  was  the 
growth  of  the  evil,  that  even  his  sweeping  reforma- 
tion required  to  be  finally  consummated  by  Josiah 
(2  K.  xxiii.),  and  that  too  in  Jeru.salera  and  its  imme- 
diate neighborhood  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  3).  After  the 
time  of  Josiah  we  find  no  further  mention  of  these 
Jehovistic  high  places.     Idolatry. 

Ulgll'-priestt  The  office  of  liigli-priest  among  the 
Israelites  may  be  considered — I  Legally.  II.  Theo- 
logically. III.  Historically. — I.  The  leffal  view  of 
the  high-priest's  office  comprises  all  that  the  law  of 
Moses  ordained  respecting  it.  The  first  distinct 
separation  of  Aaron  to  the  office  of  the  priesthood, 
which  previously  belonged  to  the  first-bor.v,  was 
that  recorded  Ex.  xxviii.  We  find  from  the  very 
first  the  following  characteristic  attributes  of  Aaron 
and  the  high-priests  his  successors,  as  distinguished 
from  the  other  priests: — (1.)  Aaron  alone  was 
anointed  (Lev.  viii.  12),  whence  one  of  the  distinctive 
epithets  of  the  high-priest  was  "  tlie  anointed 
priest"  (Lev.  iv.  3,  6,  16,  xxi.  10  ;  see  Num.  xxxv. 
25).     This  appears  also  from  Ex.  xxix.  29,  30.     The 


Dreu  of  JeirUb  HI(h-pi<nt.— (Ktlto.) 

ANOisTiNO  of  the  sonti  of  Aaron,  i.  e.  the  common 
priests,  seems  to  have  been  confined  to  sprinkling 
their  garments  with  the  anointing  oil  (Ex.  xxix.  21, 
xxviii.  41,  &c.).     The  anointing  of  the  high-priest 


882 


DIG 


mo 


ia  alluded  to  in  Ps.  exxxiii.  2.  The  anointing  oil 
is  described  in  Ex.  xxx.  22-25.  The  manufacture 
of  it  was  intrusted  to  certain  priests,  called  apoth- 
ecaries (Neh.  iii.  8).  (Ointment.) — (2.)  The  high- 
priest  had  a  peculiar  drkss,  which  passed  to  his  suc- 
cessor at  his  death.  This  dress  consisted  of  eight 
parts,  as  the  Rabbins  constantly  note,  the  bmast- 
plate,  the  ephod  with  its  curious  girdle,  the  rube  of 
the  ephod,  the  mitre,  the  broidered  coal  or  diaper 
tunic,  and  the  girdle,  the  materials  being  gold,  blue, 
red,  crimson,  and  fine  (white)  linen  (Ex.  xxviii.). 
(Colors.)  To  the  above  are  added,  in  verse  42,  the 
breeches  or  drawers  (Lev.  xvi.  4)  of  linen ;  and  to 
make  up  the  nmnber  8,  some  reclion  the  high-priest's 
mitre,  or  the  plate  separately  fro:n  the  bonnet ; 
while  others  reclcon  the  curious  girdle  of  the  eplioJ 
separately  from  the  ephod.  Of  these  eight  articles 
of  attire,  four — viz.  the  coat  or  tunic,  the  girdle,  the 
breeches,  and  the  bonnet  or  turban  (Heb.  migbffdk) 
instead  of  tlie  mitre  (Ueb.  milsuephHli) — belonged 
to  the  common  priests.  Taking  the  articles  of  the 
higli-priest's  dress  in  order,  we  have  (a.)  the  breast- 
plate (H  jb.  hoshen  or  chonhen),  or,  as  it  is  further 
named  (Ex.  xxviii.  4,  15,  29,  30),  the  breastplate  of 
judgment.  It  was,  like  the  inner  curtains  of  the 
Tabernacle,  the  vail,  and  the  ephod,  of  "  cunning 
work."  (Embroibkrkk.)  The  breastplate  was  origin- 
ally two  sp.ius  long,  and  one  span  broad,  but  when 
doubled  it  was  square,  the  shape  in  which  it  was 
worn.  It  was  fastened  at  the  top  by  rings  and 
chains  of  wreathen  gold  to  the  two  onyx-stones  on 
the  shoulders,  and  beneath  with  two  other  rings 
and  a  lace  of  blue  to  two  coi-responding  rings  in  the 
ephod,  to  keep  it  fixed  iii  its  place,  above  the  curious 
girdle.  But  tha  most  remarkable  and  most  impor- 
tant part  of  this  breistplate  were  the  twelve  pre- 
cious stones,  set  in  four  rows,  three  in  a  row,  thus 
corresponding  to  the  twelve  tribes,  and  divided  in 
the  sane  manner  as  their  camps  were ;  each  stone 
having  the  name  of  one  of  the  children  of  Israel  en- 
graved upon  it.  According  to  the  LXX.  and  Jose- 
phus,  and  in  accordance  with  the  language  of  Scrip- 
ture, it  was  tliese  stones  which  constituted  the  Ubim 
ANn  Thlm\[im.  The  addition  of  precious  .stones  and 
co.itly  ornaments  expresses  glory  beyond  simple 
justification  (co.npare  Is.  Ixii.  3;  Rev.  xxi.  11,  12- 
21).  But,  moreover,  the  high-priest  being  a  represent- 
ative perso:iage,  the  fortunes  of  the  whole  people 
would  most  properly  be  indicated  in  his  person.  A 
striking  instance  of  this,  in  connection  too  with 
symbolical  dress,  is  to  be  found  in  Zech.  iii.  It 
sjcms  to  be  sutficiently  obvious  that  the  breastplate 
of  righteousness  or  judgment,  resplendent  with  the 
same  precious  stones  which  symbolize  the  glory  of 
the  New  Jerusalem,  and  o  i  which  were  engraved  the 
names  of  the  twelve  tribes,  worn  by  the  high-priest, 
who  was  then  said  to  boar  the  judgment  of  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel  upon  his  heart,  was  intended  to  ex- 
press by  symbols  the  aoce;)tanco  of  Israel  grounded 
upon  the  sacrificial  functions  of  the  high-priest. — 
(A.)  The  Epiion.  This  consisted  of  two  parts,  of 
wliich  o  le  covered  the  back,  and  the  other  the  front, 
i.  e.  the  breast  and  upper  part  of  the  body.  These 
were  clasped  together  on  the  shoulder  with  two  large 
onyx-stones,  each  having  engraved  on  it  six  of  the 
names  of  the  tribes  of  Israel.  It  was  further  united 
by  a  "curious  girdle  "  of  gold,  blue,  purple,  scarlet, 
and  fine  twined  linen  round  the  waist. — (c.)  The 
Kobe  of  the  ephod  (Heb.  miHl ;  see  Dress  III.  3). 
This  was  of  inferior  material  to  the  ephod  itself, 
being  all  of  blue  (Ex.  xxviii.  31),  which  implied  its 
being  only  of  "  woven  work  "  (xxxix.  22).     It  was 


I  worn  immediately  under  the  ephod,  and  was  longer 
than  it.  The  blue  robe  had  no  sleeves,  but  only 
slits  in  the  sides  for  the  arms  to  come  through.  It 
had  a  hole  for  the  head  to  pass  through,  wilh  a  bor- 
der round  it  of  woven  work,  to  prevent  its  being 
rent.  (Ar.ms,  II.  2.)  The  skirt  of  this  robe  had  a 
remarkable  trimming  of  pomegranates  in  blue,  red, 
and  crimson,  with  a  bell  of  gold  between  each 
pomegranate  alternately.  The  bells  were  to  give  a 
Bound  when  the  high-priest  went  in  and  came  out  of 
the  Holy  Place. — (d.)  The  mitre  or  upper  turli;in 
(Head-dress),  with  its  gold  plate,  engraved  wilh 
"  HOLINESS  TO  THE  LORD,"  fastened  to  it  by  a 
ribbon  of  blue  (xxviii.  S6  S. ).  Josephus  applies  the  He- 
brew terra  miisnephelh  to  the  turbans  of  the  common 
priests  as  «  ell,  but  says  that  in  addition  to  this,  and 
sewn  on  to  the  top  of  it,  the  high-priest  had  another 
turban  of  blue;  that  besides  this  he  had  outside  the 
turban  a  triple  crown  of  gold,  i.  e.  consisting  of 
three  rims  one  above  the  other,  and  terminating  at 
top  in  a  kind  of  conical  calyx,  like  the  inverted  calyx 
of  the  herb  hyoscyamus  (henbane).  Josephus  doubt- 
less gives  a  true  account  of  the  high-priest's  turban 
as  worn  in  his  day.  He  also  describes  the  lamina 
or  gold  plate,  which  he  says  covered  the  forehead 
of  the  high-priest. — (e.)  The  broidered  coat  (Heb. 
cithoneih  toshbils ;  DREfS,  III.  1 ;  Embroidkrer) 
was  a  tunic  or  long  skirt  of  linen  with  a  tcs.-ellated 
or  diaper  pattern,  like  the  setting  of  a  stone.  The 
GIRDLE,  also  of  linen,  was  wound  round  the  body 
several  tinies  from  the  breast  downward,  and  the 
ends  hung  down  to  the  ankles.  The  breeches  or 
drawers,  of  linen,  covered  the  loins  and  thighs  ;  and 
the  bonnet  (Heb.  migbd'uh;  Crown;  IlEAD-nRtss) 
was  a  turban  of  linen  partially  covering  the  head, 
Lut  not  in  the  form  of  a  cone  like  that  of  the  high- 
priest  when  the  mitre  was  added  to  it.  These  lour 
last  were  common  to  all  priests.  (Priest.) — (3.) 
Aaron  had  peculiar  functions.  To  him  alone  it  ap- 
pertained, and  he  alone  was  permitted,  to  enter  the 
lloly  of  Holies,  which  he  did  once  a  year,  on  the 
great  day  of  atonement  (Atonement,  Day  of),  when 
he  sprinkled  the  blood  of  the  sin-oflering  on  the 
mercy-seat,  and  burnt  incense  within  the  vail  (Lev. 
xvi.).  He  is  said  by  the  Talmudists  not  to  have 
worn  his  full  pontifical  robes  on  this  occasion,  but  lo 
have  betn  clad  entirely  in  white  linen  (Lev.  xvi.  4, 
32).  It  is  singular,  however,  that  on  the  other  hand, 
Josephus  says  that  the  great  fast-day  was  the  eldef, 
if  not  the  only  day  in  the  year,  when  the  hlgh-priest 
wore  all  his  robes. — (4.)  The  high-priest  had  a  pecu- 
liar place  in  the  law  of  the  manslayer,  and  his  taking 
sanctuary  in  the  cities  of  refuge.  The  manslayer 
might  not  leave  the  city  of  refuge  during  the  lile- 
time  of  the  existing  high-priest  who  was  anointed 
with  the  holy  oil  (Num.  xxxv.  25,  28).  It  was  also 
forbidden  to  the  high-priest  to  Ibllow  a  funeral,  or 
rend  his  clothes  for  the  diad,  according  to  the  )  re- 
cedent  in  Lev.  x.  6.  The  other  respects  in  » liich 
the  high-priest  exercised  superior  functions  to  the 
other  priests  arose  rather  iiom  his  position  and  op- 
portunities, than  were  distinctly  attached  to  his 
oliiec,  and  they  conseqerntly  varied  with  the  per- 
sonal character  and  abilities  of  the  high  priest. 
Even  that  portion  of  power  which  most  naluially 
and  usually  belonged  to  him,  the  ruleof  the  Ten.ple, 
and  the  government  of  the  priests  and  Levitcs  w  ho 
ministered  there,  did  not  invariably  (all  to  the  fharc 
of  the  high-priest.  The  Rabbins  speak  very  fre- 
quently of  one  second  in  dignity  to  the  high-pri(-St, 
whom  they  call  the  Sagan,  and  who  often  aetid  in 
the  high-priest's  room.     He  is  the  same  who  in 


1 


mo 


HIG 


383 


0.  T.  is  called  "  the  second  priest "  (2  K.  xxiii.  4, 
XXV.  18).  Thus  too  it  is  explained  of  Annas  and 
Caiaphas  (Lk.  iii.  2),  that  Annas  was  Sigan.  Ananias 
is  also  thought  by  some  to  have  been  :iagati,  acting 
for  the  high-priest  (Acts  xxiii.  2).  It  does  not  ap- 
pear by  whose  authority  the  high-priests  were  ap- 
pointed to  their  olfice  before  there  were  kings  of 
Israel.  But  as  we  find  it  invariably  done  by  the 
civil  power  in  later  times,  it  is  probable  that,  in  the 
times  preceding  the  monarchy,  it  was  by  the  elders, 
or  Sanhedrim.  The  usual  age  for  entering  upon  the 
functions  of  the  priesthood,  according  to  2  Clir.  xxxi. 
17,  is  considered  to  have  been  twenty  years,  though 
a  priest  or  high-priest  was  not  actually  incapacitated 
if  he  had  attained  to  puberty.  Again,  according  to 
Lev.  xxi..  no  one  that  had  a  blemish  cou'.d  officiate 
at  the  altar. — II.  The  Iheoloffical  view  of  the  high- 
priesthood  does  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  this  i 
Dictionary.  Such  a  view  would  embrace  the  con- 
sideration of  the  olfice,  dress,  functions,  and  minis-  1 
trations  of  the  high-priest,  considered  as  typical  of 
the  priesthood  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  as  set- 
ting forth  under  shalows  the  truths  which  are  openly 
taught  under  the  Gospel.  (Atonement  ;  Messiah  ; 
Sacrifice  ;  Saviour.)  This  has  been  done  to  a  great 
extent  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  It  would  also 
embrace  all  the  moral  and  spiritual  teaching  sup- 
posed to  be  intended  by  such  symbols. — III.  /lis- 
toric'il  view  of  the  subject.  The  history  of  the 
high-priests  embraces  a  period  of  about  1,370  years, 
and  a  succession  of  about  eighty  high-priests,  begin- 
ning with  Aaron,  and  ending  with  Phaii'nias.  They 
naturally  arrange  themselves  into  three  groups — 
(a.)  those  before  David ;  (6.)  those  from  David  to 
the  Captivity;  (c.)  those  from  the  return  of  the 
Babylonish  Captivity  till  the  cessation  of  the  office 
at  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  (a.)  The  high- 
priests  of  the  first  group  who  are  distinctly  made 
known  to  us  as  such  are — 1.  Aaron ;  2.  Elcazar ;  3. 
Phinehas;  4.  Eli;  6.  Ahitub  (1  Chr.  ix.  11;  Neh. 
xl.  11;  1  Sam.  xiv.  3);  6.  Ahiah;  7.  Ahiraeleeh. 
Phinehas,  the  son  of  Eli,  and  father  of  Ahitub,  died 
before  his  father,  and  so  was  not  high-priest.  Of 
the  above,  the  three  first  succeeded  in  regular  order, 
Nadab  and  Abihu,  Aaron's  eldest  sons  having  died 
in  the  wilderness  (Lev.  x.).  But  Ei.i,  the  fourth,  was 
of  the  line  of  Ithamar.  What  was  the  exact  inter- 
val between  the  death  of  Phinehas  and  the  accession 
of  Eli,  what  led  to  the  transference  of  the  chief 
priesthood  from  the  line  of  Eleazar  to  that  of  Itha- 
mar, we  have  no  means  of  determining  from  Scrip- 
ture. Josephus  asserts  that  the  father  of  Bukki  — 
whom  he  calls  Joseph,  and  Abiezer,  i.  c.  Abishua — 
was  the  last  high-priest  of  Phinehas's  line,  before 
Zadok.  If  Abishua  died,  leaving  a  son  or  grandson 
under  age,  Eli,  as  head  of  the  line  of  Ithamar,  might 
have  become  high-priest  as  a  matter  of  course,  or 
he  might  have  been  appointed  by  the  elders.  If 
Ahiah  and  Ahimelech  arc  not  variations  of  the  name 
of  the  same  per.ion,  they  must  have  been  brothers, 
•ince  both  were  sons  of  Ahitub.  The  high-priests, 
then,  before  David's  reign  may  be  set  down  as  eiglU 
in  number,  of  whom  uven  are  said  in  Scripture  to 
have  been  high-priests,  and  one  by  Josephus  alone. 
—(6.)  Passing  to  the  second  group,  we  begin  with 
the  unexplaiued  circumstance  of  there  being  two 
priests  in  the  reign  of  David,  apparently  of  nearly 
equal  authority,  viz.  Zadok  and  Adiathar  (1  Chr. 
XV.  11 ;  2  Sam.  vii.  17).  It  is  not  unlikely  (so  Lord 
A.  C.  Hervey,  the  original  author  of  this  article), 
that  after  the  death  of  Ahimelech  and  the  secession 
of  Abiathar  to  David,  Saul  may  hare  made  Zadok 


priest,  and  that  David  may  have  avoided  the  dilTi- 
culty  of  deciding  between  the  claims  of  his  faithful 
friend  Abiathar  and  his  new  and  importiint  ally 
Zadok  by  appointing  them  to  a  joint  priesthood: 
the  first  place,  witn  the  Epiiod,  and  Urim  and 
Thunnnini,  remaining  with  Abiathar,  who  was  in 
actual  pos.session  of  them.  Tlie  first  considerable 
difficulty  that  meets  us  in  the  historical  survey  of 
the  high-piiests  of  the  second  group  is  to  ascertain 
who  was  high-priest  at  the  dedication  of  Solomon's 
Temple.  Josephus  says  that  Zadok  was,  and  the 
Seder  Olain  makes  him  the  high-priest  in  the  reign 
of  Solomon  ;  but  1  K.  iv.  2  distinctly  asserts  that 
Azariah  the  son  of  Zadok  was  priest  uuder  Solomon, 
and  1  Chr.  vi.  10  tells  us  of  Azariah,  "  he  it  is  that 
executeth  the  priest's  office  in  the  temple  that  Solo- 
mon built  in  Jerusalem,"  obviously  meaning  at  its 
first  completion.  We  can  hardly  therefore  be  wrong 
in  saying  that  Azariah  the  son  of  Ahiinaaz  was  the 
first  high-priest  of  Solomon's  Temple.  In  con- 
structing the  list  of  the  succession  of  priests  of  this 
group,  we  must  compare  the  genealogical  list  in  1 
Chr.  vi.  S-15  (A.  V.)  with  the  notices  of  high-priests 
in  the  Scriptures,  and  with  the  list  given  by  Jose- 
phus. Xow,  as  regards  the  genealogy,  it  is  seen  at 
once  that  there  is  something  defective ;  for  whereas 
from  David  to  Jcconiah  there  are  twenty  kings,  from 
Zadok  to  Jehozadak  there  are  but  thirteen  priests. 
Then  again,  while  the  pedigree  in  its  six  first  gener- 
ations from  Zadok,  inclusive,  exactly  suits  the  his- 
tory, yet  is  there  a  great  gap  in  the  middle ;  for  be- 
tween Amariah,  the  high-priest  in  Jehoshaphat's 
reign,  and  Sliallum  the  father  of  Hilkiah,  the  high- 
priest  in  Josiah's  reign — an  jnterval  of  about  240 
years — there  are  but  two  names,  Ahitub  and  Zadok, 
and  those  liable  to  the  utmost  suspicion  from  their 
reproducing  the  same  sequence  which  occurs  in  the 
earlier  part  of  the  same  genealogy — Amariah,  Ahi- 
tub, Zadok.  But  the  historical  books  supply  us 
with  four  or  five  names  for  this  interval,  viz.  Jchoiada 
in  the  reigns  of  Athaliah  and  Joash,  and  probably 
still  earlier ;  Zechariah  his  son ;  Azariah  in  the 
reign  of  Uzziah  ;  Urijah  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz  ;  and 
Azariah  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah.  If,  however,  in 
the  genealogy  of  1  Chr.  vi.,  Azariah  and  Hilkiah 
have  been  accidentally  transposed,  as  is  not  unlikely, 
then  the  Azariah  who  was  high-priest  in  llezckiah's 
reign  will  be  the  Azariah  of  1  Chr.  vi.  13,  14.  Put- 
ting the  additional  historical  names  at  four,  and  de- 
ducting the  two  suspicious  names  from  the  geneal- 
ogy, we  have  fifteen  high-priests  indicated  in  Scrip- 
ture as  contemporary  with  the  twenty  kings,  with 
room,  however,  for  one  or  two  more  in  the  history. 
In  addition  to  these,  the  Sudeas  of  Josephus,  who 
corresponds  to  Zedekiah  in  the  reign  of  Amaziah  in 
the  Seder  Olnm,  and  Odeas,  who  corresponds  to 
Iloshaiah  in  the  reign  of  JIanassch,  according  to 
the  same  Jewish  chronicle,  may  really  represent 
high-priests  whose  names  have  not  been  preserved 
in  Scripture.  This  would  bring  up  the  number  to 
seventeen,  or,  if  we  retain  Azariah  as  the  father  of 
Seraiah,  to  eighteen,  which  agrees  nearly  with  the 
twenty  kings.  Reviewing  the  high-priests  of  this 
second  group,  the  following  are  some  of  the  most 
remarkable  incidents :—(!.)  The  transfer  of  the 
seat  of  worship  from  Shiloh  in  the  tribe  of  Ephraim 
to  Jerusalem  in  the  tribe  of  Judah,  effected  by  Da- 
vid and  consolidated  by  the  building  of  the  magnifi- 
cent'Temple  of  Solomon.  (2.)  The  organization  of 
the  Temple-service  under  the  high-priest.  (3.)  The 
revolt  of  the  ten  tribes.  (4.)  The  overthrow  of  the 
usurpation  of  Athaliah  by  Jehoiada  the  high-priest. 


384: 


HIG 


HIO 


(5.)  The  boldness  and  success  with  which  the  high- 
priest  Azariah  withstood  tlie  encroachments  of  the 
king  Uzziah  upon  the  office  and  iunctions  of  the 
priesthood.  (6.)  Tlie  repair  of  the  Temple  by  Je- 
hoiada,  the  restoration  of  the  Temple  services  by 
Azariah  in  the  reign  of  Ilczekiah,  and  the  discovery 
of  the  book  of  the  law  and  the  religious  relbrma- 
tion  by  Hilkiah  in  the  reign  of  Josiah.  (7.)  In  all 
these  great  religious  movements,  however,  except- 
ing the  one  headed  by  Jchoiada,  it  is  remarkable 
how  the  civil  power  took  the  lead.  The  preponder- 
ance of  the  civil  over  the  ecclesiastical  power,  as 
an  historical  fact,  in  the  kingdom  of  Judah,  although 
kej)t  within  bounds  by  the  hereditary  succession  of 
the  high-priests,  seems  to  be  proved  from  these  cir- 
cumstances. The  priests  of  this  series  ended  with 
Seraiah,  who  was  taken  prisoner  by  Nebuzar-adan, 
and  slain  at  Riblah  by  Is'ebuchadnezzar,  together 
with  Zephaniah  the  second  priest  or  Sa//<m,  after 
the  burning  of  the  Temple  and  the  plunder  of  all 
the  sacred  vessels  (2  K.  xx.  18).  His  son  Jehoza- 
dak  or  Josedech  was  at  the  same  time  carried  away 
captive  (1  Clir.  vi.  15).  The  time  occupied  by  these 
high-priests  was  about  454  years,  which  gives  an 
average  of  sometliing  more  than  twenty-five  years 
to  each  high-priest.  It  is  remarkable  that  not  a 
single  instance  is  recorded  after  the  time  of  David 
of  an  inquiry  by  Urim  and  Thummim.  The  minis- 
try of  tl>e  prophets  seems  to  have  superseded  that 
of  the  high-priests  (see  e.  g.  2  Chr.  xv.,  xviii.,  xx. 
14,  15;  2  K.  xix.  1,  2,  xxii.  12-14  ;  Jer.  xxi.  1,  2). 
— (c.)  An  interval  of  about  fifty-two  years  elapsed 
between  the  high-priests  of  the  second  and  third 
group,  during  which  there  was  neither  Temple,  nor 
altar,  nor  ark,  nor  priest.  Jchozadak,  or  Josedech, 
as  it  is  written  in  Hag.  i.  1,  14,  &c.,  who  should 
have  succeeded  Seraiah,  lived  and  died  a  captive  at 
Babylon.  The  pontifical  office  revived  in  his  son 
Jeshua,  of  whom  such  frequent  mention  is  made  in 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  Haggai  and  Zechariah,  1  Es- 
dras  and  Ecclesiasticus ;  and  he  therefore  stands  at 
the  head  of  the  third  and  last  series,  honorably  dis- 
tinguished tor  his  zealous  cooperation  witli  Zerub- 
babel  in  rebuilding  the  Temple,  and  restoring  the 
dilapidated  commonwealth  of  Israel.  His  succes- 
sors, as  far  as  the  0.  T.  guides  us,  were  Joiakim, 
Eiiashib,  Joiada,  Johanan  (or  Jonathan),  and  Jad- 
dua.  Jaddua  was  high-priest  in  the  time  of  Alex- 
ander the  Great.  Jaddua  was  succeeded  by  Onias  I., 
his  son,  and  he  again  by  Simon  the  Just,  the  last  of 
the  men  of  the  great  sjTiagogue.  (Jeeisalem; 
Synagogue,  the  Great.)  Upon  Simon's  death,  his 
son  Onias  being  under  age,  Eleazar,  Simon's  broth- 
er, succeeded  him.  The  high-priesthood  of  Eleazar 
is  memorable  as  being  that  under  which  the  LXX. 
version  of  the  Scriptures  (Septuagint)  was  made 
at  Alexandria  for  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  according 
to  the  account  of  Josephus  taken  from  Aristeas. 
Viewed  in  its  relation  to  Judaism  and  the  high- 
priesthood,  this  translation  was  a  sign,  and  perhaps 
a  helping  cause,  of  their  decay.  It  marked  a  grow- 
ing tendency  to  Ilellenize,  utterly  inconsistent  with 
the  spirit  of  the  Mosaic  economy.  What,  however, 
for  a  time  saved  the  Jewish  institutions,  was  the 
cruel  and  impolitic  persecution  of  Antiochus  Epiph- 
anes.  The  result  was  that  after  the  high-priesthood 
had  been  brought  to  the  lowest  degi'adation  by  the 
apostasy  and  crimes  of  the  last  Onias  or  Menelaus, 
the  son  of  Eleazar,  and  after  a  vacancy  of  seven 
years  had  followed  the  brief  pontificate  of  Alcimus, 
his  no  less  infamous  successor,  a  new  and  glorious 
succession  of  high-piicsts  arose  in  the  Asmoncan 


family  (Maccabees),  who  united  the  dignity  of  civil 
rulers,  and  for  a  time  of  independent  sovereigns,  to 
that  of  the  high-priesthood.  The  Asmoncan  laniily 
were  priests  of  the  course  of  Joiaiib,  the  first  of 
the  twenty-four  courses  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  7),  whose  re- 
turn fiom  captivity  is  recorded  1  Chr.  ix.  10;  Xeh. 
xi.  10.  They  were  probably  of  the  house  of  Elea- 
zar, though  this  cannot  be  affiimed  with  certainty. 
This  Asmoncan  dynasty  lasted  from  b.  c.  153,  till 
the  family  was  damaged  by  intestine  divisions,  and 
then  destroyed  by  Herod  the  Great.  Aristobulus, 
the  last  high-priest  of  his  line,  brother  of  Mariamne, 
was  murdered  by  order  of  Herod,  his  brother-in-law, 
B.  c.  35.  There  were  no  fewer  than  twcnty-ciglit 
high-priests  from  the  reign  of  Ilcrod  to  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Temple  by  Titus,  a  period  of  107  years. 
The  N.  T.  introduces  us  to  sonic  of  these  later  and 
oft-changing  Ligh-priests,  viz.  Annas,  Caiaphas,  and 
Ananias.  Thcophilus,  the  son  of  Ananus,  was  the 
high-priest  from  whom  Saul  received  letters  to  the 
synagogue  at  Damascus  (Acts  ix.  1,  14).  Phannias, 
the  last  high-priest,  was  appointed  by  lot  by  the 
Zealots  from  the  course  ot  piicsls  called  by  Jose- 
phus Eniachim  (probably  a  corrupt  reading  for  Ja- 
chim).  The  suljjoincd  table  shows  the  succession 
of  high-priests,  as  far  as  it  can  be  ascertained,  and 
of  the  ctntemporary  civil  rulers  : 

CIVIL  BULER.  HIGH-PRIEST. 

Moses Aaron. 

Joshua Eleazar. 

Otliniel Phinehaa. 

Abtshiia Abishua. 

Eli Ell. 

Samuel Aliitub. 

Saul Ahiali. 

Uavid Zodok  and  Abiathar. 

Solon:on ; Azariah. 

Abijah Jobanan. 

Asa Azariah. 

Jebosbaphat Amoriah. 

Jehoram Jehoiada. 

Abaziah " 

Jeluash Do.  and  Zechailah. 

Amaziah ? 

Uzzlah Azariah. 

Joiham ? 

Ahaz tlrijah. 

Hezeklah Azariah. 

Manasseh Shallum. 

Amon '' 

Jof  iah llilklah. 

Ji  boinkim Azariah  ? 

Zcdcktah Seraiah. 

Evil-inerodaeh Jehozadak. 

Zcrubbabel    (Cyrus   and  Da- 
rius)  Jeshua. 

Moi-decat  ?  (Xerxes) Joiakim. 

Ezra  and  Nehemiah  (Artaxcr- 
xes) Eiiashib. 

Darius  Nothns Joada. 

Artaxerxes  Mnem()n Johanan. 

Alexander  the  Oreat, Jaddua. 

Onias  I.    (Ptolemy  Soler,  An- 
ttfionus) Orias  I. 

Ptolemy  Soter Simon  the  Jnst 

Ptolemy  Philadelphus Eleazar. 

*'  "  .... Manasseh. 

Ptolemy  Enerpetes Onias  II. 

Ptolemy  Philopator Simon  II. 

Ptolemy  Epiphanes  and  Anti- 
ochus  Onias  III. 

Antiochus  Epiphanes (.Joshua,  or)  Jason. 

"  "  Onias,  or  Menelaus. 

Demetrins Jneimus,  or  Alcimus. 

Alexander  Ealas Jonathan,    brother    of  Judas 

Maccabeus  (Atniouean). 

Simon  (Asmonean) Simon  (Asmonear,). 

.Tohn  Hyrennus  (A^m.) John  Ilyrcanus  (Asm.) 

Kins  Aristobulus  (Asm.) Aristobulus  (Asm.) 

Kin^  Alexander  Jannwus  (As- 
monean)   Alexander  Janna-us  (Asm.) 

Queen  Alexandra  (Asm.) Ilyrcanus  II.  (Asm.) 

King  Aristobulus  II.    (Asmo- 
nean)   Aristobulus  II.  (Asm.) 

I 


HIG 


HIN 


385 


Cmt  BI.T.ER.  raOH-PRIEST. 

IV)rapoy  the  Great  and  Ilyrca- 
nus,  or  rather,  towam  the 
cnrl  ul  hb  porilitlcale,  Ami- 

jCTicr    Hyrcanus  IL  (Asm.) 

Paoras  liic  Parthian Antigonus  (Asm.) 

HcriKl  the  Gnat,  kin?  of  Ju- 

(lya  Ananelus, 

»   '"  Aristobiilus    (last    of    Asmn- 

m^atis),  mimierwl  by  Herod. 

u  **  Ananelus  restored. 

u  Je^us,  son  of  Faneus. 

»• Simon,  sou  of  Boetbua,  father- 

in-law  to  Herod. 

u  «  Matthias,  son  of  Theophilus. 

..  1*  Jozorus,  sou  of  Simox 

Archclans,  king  (or  ethnarch) 

of  Judea. Eleazar.  brother  of  Jozanu. 

"  "  .Jesus,  son  of  Sfe. 

"  "  Jozarus  (_ second  time). 

Cvrcnins,  guvemor  of  Syria, 

'second  lime Ananns  or  Annas. 

Valerius  Gratos.  procurator  of 

Judea Ishmael,  son  of  Phabl. 

•^  **  Eieazar,  son  of  Ananus. 

'*  **  Simon,  sou  of  Kamlth. 

Titollias.  govcruorof  Syria... Caiaphas,  called  also  Joseph. 
•*  •*  ..  .Jonathan,  son  of  .Vnanus. 

'•  "  ...Theophilus,  brother  of  Jona- 

than. 

Herod  Asrippa Siniot.  Cantheras. 

.Matthias,  brother  of  .Jonathan, 

son  of  Ananus. 

"  Elioneus,  son  of  Cantheras. 

Herod  Agrippa  II Joseph,  son  of  Camel. 

^  '•  Ananias,  son  of  Ntbedeus. 

"  **         Jonathan. 

'*  »  [stnael,  son  of  Fabi. 

-  **  Joseph  Cbl.  son  of  Simon. 

"         Ananus,    s«)n    of  Ananus,   or 

Ananias. 

Appointed  by  the  people Jesus,  son  of  Damneus. 

••  **  ....  .Jesus,  son  ol  Gamaliel. 

Da  (Whiston  on  Jos.  B.  J.  iv. 

8,5  6) Matthias,  son  of  Theophilns. 

Cboien  by  lot Phannias,  son  of  Samuel. 


•  Illsb'way  (Lev.  xxvi.  22 ;  Judg.  v.  6 ;  2  K.  xviii. 
It;  Mat.  xxii.  9,  &c.).  Roads  of  .some  kind  appar- 
ently existed  in  Palestine  at  a  very  early  period ; 
but  probably  most  of  them  were,  as  now,  only  nar- 
row tracks,  by  which  beasts  of  burden  or  travellers 
on  foot  paiis  from  city  to  city.  The  law  in  regard 
to  cities  of  refuge  (Cirv  of  Rekcge)  required  ways 
to  be  kept  open  by  which  the  manslayer  might  flee 
thither  (Deut.  xix.  3:  see  Talmud).  The  "king's 
higliw.iy"  is  mentioned  (Xum.  xxi.  22);  language 
derived  from  road-making  is  used  (Is.  xl.  3,  4,  xlix. 
11,  Ixii.  10,  &c.);  in  some  parts  of  the  land,  at 
least,  carriages  and  chariots  were  used  (CAnniAOE; 
Cart;  Chariot;  Waoon);  but  for  its  best  roads 
Palestine  was  indebted  to  the  Rimans.  Traces  of 
the  Roman  roads  still  remain  ;  but  for  centuries  lit- 
tle or  no  attention  has  been  paid  to  road-making  in 
Palestine.  Instead  of  wheeled  vehicles,  we'  find 
horses,  camels,  and  asses  principally  used  for  trans- 
portation.   Jerusalkm. 

Hi'lM  (Ileb.  fortre^?  Fu.),  a  city  of  Judah  al- 
lotted to  the  priests  (1  Chr.  vi.  58);  =  Hoi.oN  1. 

mi-kl'ah  (fr.  Hcb.  =  porlion  of  Jehovah,  Ges.). 
I.  Father  of  Ei.iakim  1  (2  K.  xviii.  18,  2fi,  37, 
lix.  2;  Is.  xxii.  20,  xxxvi.S,  11,  22,  xxxvii.  2). — 2. 
High-priest  in  the  reign  of  Josiah  (2  K.  xxii.  4  ff. ; 
2  Chr.  xxxiv.  9  ff . ;  1  Esd.  i.  8).  According  to  the 
genealogy  in  1  Chr.  vi.  13  (A.  V.)  he  w;is  son  of 
Shalhim,  an]  from  Ezr.  vii.  1,  apparently  the  an- 
cestor of  Ezra  the  scribe.  Ilis  high-priesthood  was 
rendered  particularly  illustrious  by  tlie  great  refor- 
mation effected  under  it  by  King  Josiah,  by  the  sol- 
emn Passover  kept  at  Jerusalem  in  the  eighteenth 
year  of  that  king's  reign,  and  above  all  by  the  dis- 
covery which  he  made  of  the  book  of  the  law  of 
25 


Moses  in  the  Temple.  With  regard  to  the  latter, 
Kennicott  is  of  opinion  that  it  was  the  original  au- 
tograph copy  of  the  Pentateuch  written  by  Moses 
which  Hilkiah  found,  but  his  argument  is  far  from 
conclusive.  A  dillicult  and  interesting  question 
arises,  What  was  the  book  found  by  Ililliiah  ?  Our 
means  of  answering  this  question  seem  to  be  lim- 
ited, (1.)  to  an  examination  of  the  term?  in  which 
the  depositing  tlie  book  of  the  law  by  the  ark  was 
originally  enjoined ;  (2.)  to  an  examination  of  the 
contents  of  the  book  discovered  by  Hilkiah,  as  far 
as  they  transpire;  (3.)  to  any  indications  whicli 
may  be  gathered  from  the  contemporary  writings 
of  Jeremiah,  or  from  any  other  portions  of  Scrip- 
ture. A  consideration  of  all  these  points  raises  a 
strong  probability  that  the  book  in  question  was  the 
book  of  Deuteronomy  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Ilervey, 
De  Wette,  Gesenius,  Rosenmiiller,  &c.  Jose- 
phus,  Lo  Clerc,  Keil,  Ewald,  Lengerke,  Haver- 
nick,  &c.,  suppose  it  v^as  the  whole  Penta- 
TELCii). — 3.  A  Merarite  Levite,  son  of  Amzi  (1 
Chr.  vi.  45,  Hcb.  30). — 1.  Another  Merarite  Le- 
vite, second  son  of  Hosah  (xxvi.  11). — 5<  One  of 
those  who  stood  on  the  right  hand  of  Ezra  when  lie 
read  the  law  to  the  people  ;  probably  a  priest  (Neh. 
viii.  4).  lie  may  =  the  Hilkiah  who  came  up  in 
the  expedition  with  Jeshua  and  Zerubbabel  (xii.  7). 
— 6«  A  priest  of  Anathoth,  father  of  the  prophet 
Jeremiah  (Jer.  i.  1). — 7.  Father  of  Gemariah,  who 
was  one  of  Zedekiah's  envoys  to  Babylon  (Jer. 
xxix.  3). 

Hill.  The  structure  and  characteristics  of  the 
hills  of  Palestine  will  be  most  conveniently  no- 
ticed in  the  general  description  of  the  features  of 
the  country.  The  word  "  hill  "  has  been  employed 
in  the  A.  V.  as  the  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  ffihU'dh, 
from  a  root  which  seems  to  have  the  force  of  curva- 
ture or  humpishness.  A  word  involving  tliis  idea 
is  peculiarly  applicable  to  the  rounded  hills  of  Pal- 
estine.— 2.  Heb.  hor,  which  has  a  much  more  ex- 
tended sense  than  (/ihl'Ah,  meaning  a  wliole  district 
rather  than  an  individual  eminence,  and  to  which 
our  word  "  mountain  "  answers  with  tolerable  ac- 
curacy. This  translation  of  har  by  "  hill  "  some- 
times obscures  the  meaning  of  a  passage  where  it 
is  desirable  that  the  topography  should  be  unmis- 
takable. For  instance,  in  Ex.  xxiv.  4,  the  "hill "  is 
the  same  which  is  elsewhere,  in  the  same  chapter 
(12,  13,  18,  &c.)  and  book,  consistently  and  ac- 
curately rendered  "mount  "and  "mountain."  (Mi. 
ZAR.)  The  country  of  the  "  hills  "  in  Deut.  i.  7  ; 
Josh.  ix.  1,  X.  40,  xi.  16,  is  the  elevated  district  of 
Judah,  Benjamin,  and  Ephraim,  which  is  correctly 
called  "  the  mountain  "  in  Num.  xiii.  29,  &c.  In  2 
K.  i.  9  and  iv.  27,  the  use  of  the  word  "  hill "  ob- 
scures the  allusion  to  Carmel,  which  in  other  pas- 
sages (e.  g.  1  K.  xviii.  19  ;  2  K.  iv.  25)  has  the  term 
"  mount  "  correctly  attached  to  it. — 3.  Heb.  ma'ideh, 
better  "ascent,"  once(l  Sam.  ix.  II).  (Maaleh- 
acrabbim.) — 4.  Gr.  boutios  (Lk.  iii.  5,  xxiii.  30). — 
6.  Gr.  oros  (Mat.  v.  14;  Lk.  iv.  29),  elsewhere 
"  mountain"  (Mat.  iv.  8,  v.  1,  &c.)  or"  mount"  (xxi. 
1,  lie).  The  "  hill  "  (Lk.  ix.  37)  =  the  "mountain  " 
(ver.  28).  In  Lk.  i.  39,  65,  the  "  hill  country  "  (Gr. 
he  oreht^)  is  the  "  mountain  of  Judah  "  frequently 
referred  to  in  the  0.  T.     Jitoaii  1  (IV.). 

Hil'lel  (Heb.  praise,  Ges.),  a  native  of  Pirathon  in 
Mount  Ephraim  ;  father  of  Abdon,  judge  of  Israel 
(Judg.  xii.  13,  15). 

Ilin  (Heb.).    WEinnrs  and  Measdres. 

Hind  (Heb.  m/i/dliik,  ai/i^elrlh),  the  female  of  the 
common  stag  or  Cervus  Elaphus.    (Hart.)     It  is 


8S6 


niN 


HIT 


frequently  noticed  in  the  poetical  parts  of  Scripture 
as  emblenaatic  of  activity  (Gen.  xlix.  21  ;  2  Sam. 
xxii.  34  ;  Vs.  xviii.  33 ;  Uab.  iii.  19),  gentleness 
(Prov.  V.  19),  feminine  mode.^ty  (Cant.  ii.  7,  iii.  6), 
earnest  longing  (Ps.  xlii.  1,  "hart"),  and  maternal 
afteetion  (Jer.  xiv.  5).  Its  shyness  and  remoteness 
from  the  liaunts  of  men  are  also  alluded  to  (Job 
xxxix.  1),  and  its  timidity,  causing  it  to  cast  its 
young  at  the  sound  of  thunder  (Ps.  xxix.  9).  Aije- 
LETH  Shahab. 

Hinge  (Ileb.  path,  titir).  Both  ancient  Egyptian 
and  modern  Oriental  doors  were  and  are  hung  by 
means  of  pivots  turning  in  sockets  both  on  the  up- 
per and  lower  sides  (1  K.  vii.  50).  In  Syria,  and 
especially  the  Hauran,  there  are  many  ancient  doors 
consisting  of  stone  slabs  with  pivots  carved  out  of 
the  same  piece,  inserted  in  sockets  above  and  be- 
low, and  fixed  during  the  building  of  the  house. 
(Gate.)  The  allusion  in  Prov.  xxvi.  14  is  thus 
clearly  explained. 

IliDDom  (Ileb.  lamenlalion  ?  Ayre  ;  full  of  good- 
ness or  furor,  or  endowed  with  goods,  rich,  Iii.), 
Val'ley  of,  otherwise  called  "  the  valley  of  the  son  " 
or  "  children  of  Hinnom  ;  "  a  deep  and  narrow  ra- 
vine, with  steep,  rocky  sides  to  the  S.  and  W.  of 
Jerusalem,  about  one  mile  and  a  half  in  length, 
separating  Mount  Zion  to  the  N.  from  the  "  Hill  of 
Evil  Counsel,"  and  the  sloping  rocky  plateau  of  the 
"  plain  of  Rephaim  "  to  the  S.  (Ackldama  ;  Gi- 
HON.)  The  earliest  mention  of  the  Valley  of  Hin- 
nom in  the  sacred  writings  is  in  Josh.  xv.  8,  xviii. 
16,  where  the  boundary-line  between  Judah  and 
Benjamin  is  described  as  passing  along  the  bed  of 
the  ravine.  On  the  southern  brow,  overlooking  the 
valley  at  its  eastern  extremity,  Solomon  erected 
high  places  for  Molech  (1  K.  xi.  1),  whose  horrid 
rites  were  revived  from  time  to  time  in  the  same 
vicinity  by  the  later  idolatroiis  kings.  Ahaz  and 
Manasseh  made  their  children  "pass  through  the 
fire"  in  this  valley  (2  K.  xvi.  3;  2  Chr.  xxviii.  3, 
xxxiii.  (i),  and  the  fiendish  custom  of  infant  sacri- 
fice to  the  fire-gods  seems  to  have  been  kept  up  in 
ToPMET,  at  its  S.  E.  extremity,  for  a  considerable  pe- 
riod (Jer.  vii.  31 ;  2  K.  xxx.  10).  To  put  an  end  to 
these  abominations,  the  place  was  polluted  by  Jo- 
siah,  who  rendered  it  ceremonially  unclean  by 
spreading  over  it  human  bones,  and  other  corrup- 
tions (2  K.  xxiii.  10,  13,  14  ;  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  4,  5), 
from  which  time  it  appears  to  have  become  the 
common  cesspool  of  the  city,  into  which  its  sewage 
was  conducted,  to  be  carried  off  by  the  waters  of 
the  Kidron,  as  well  as  a  laystall,  where  all  its  solid 
filth  was  collected.  From  its  ceremonial  defile- 
ment, and  from  the  detested  and  abominable  fire 
of  Molech,  if  not  from  the  supposed  ever-burning 
funeral-piles,  the  later  Jews  applied  the  name  of 
this  valley  (Ileb.  Gey  Hinnom),  (iEiiENNA,  to  denote 
the  place  of  eternal  toi-ment.  (Hell.)  The  name 
by  which  it  is  now  known  is  Wudy  Jehennam,  or 
Wddn  er-Rubib. 

Hip-po-pot'a-mns  (L.  fr.  Or.  =  river-horse).  Be- 
hemoth. 

Hi'rah  (Heb.  nohle  birth,  Ges.),  an  AduUamite, 
the  friend  of  Judah  (Gen.  xxxviii.  1,  12 ;  and  see 
20). 

Hi'rain,  or  lln'ram  (both  Heb.  =  noble,  high- 
bom,  Ges.).  1>  The  king  of  Tyre  who  sent  work- 
men and  materials  to  Jerusalem,  first  (2  Sam.  v.  11 ; 
1  Chr.  xiv.  1)  to  build  a  palace  for  David,  whom  he 
ever  loved  (1  K.  v.  1),  and  again  (v.  10  ;  2  Chr.  ii.  14, 
16)  to  build  the  Temple  for  Solomon,  with  whom 
he  had  a  treaty  of  peace  and  commerce  (1  K.  v.  11, 


12).  The  contempt  with  which  he  received  Solo- 
mon's present  of  Cabul  (ix.  12)  docs  not  appear  to 
have  caused  any  breach  between  the  two  kings.  He 
admitted  Solonjon's  ships,  issuing  from  Joppa,  to  a 
share  in  the  profitable  trade  of  the  Mediterranean 
(x.  22) ;  and  Jewish  sailors,  under  the  guidance  of 
Tyrians,  were  taught  to  bring  the  gold  of  Ophir  (ix. 
26)  toSolonion's  two  harbors  on  theKed  Sea.  Dius, 
the  Phenician  historian,  and  Menander  of  Eiihcsus 
assign  to  Hiram  a  prosperous  reign  of  thirty-lour 
years  ;  and  relate  that  his  father  was  Abibal,  his 
son  and  successor  IJaleazar.  Others  relate  lliut 
Hiram,  besides  supplying  timber  for  the  Tciriple, 
gave  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  Solomon. — 2.  A 
man  of  mixed  race  (vii.  13,  40,  45),  the  principal 
artificer  sent  by  King  Hiram  to  Solomon.  Handi- 
craft ;  HuRAM  ;  Temple. 

Ilir-taiios  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  "  a  son  of  Tobias,"  who 
had  a  large  treasure  placed  for  security  in  the  treas- 
ury of  the  Temple  at  the  time  of  the  visit  of  Helio- 
DOKLS  (about  187  B.  c.  ;  2  Mc.  iii.  11). 

*  Uire'llng  =  one  who  serves  for  hire.  Ser- 
vant. 

*  nrrom  (1  K.  vii.  40  margin)  =  Hirah  2. 

*  Ilit'ttte  (fr.  Heb.)  —  descendant  oi  Heth.  Hit- 
tites. 

mt'tltfS  (fr.  Heb.)  HUH  or  Chitti,  pi.  Hittim  or 
Chiitim),  tlie  =  the  nation  descended  from  llKiir, 
the  second  son  of  Canaan.  Our  first  introduction 
to  the  Hittites  is  in  the  time  of  Abraham,  when  he 
bought,  from  the  "  sons  "  or  "  children  of  Ilcth," 
the  field  and  the  cave  of  Machpelah,  belonging  to 
E]  hron  the  Ilittite.  They  were  then  settled  at  the 
town  which  was  afterward,  under  its  new  name  of 
Helkon,  to  become  one  of  the  most  famous  cities 
of  Palestine,  then  hearing  the  name  of  Kirjatli- 
arla,  and  perhaps  also  of  ilamre  (Gen.  xxiii.  19, 
XXV.  9).  The  propensities  of  the  tribe  appear  at 
that  time  to  have  been  rather  commercial  th.in 
military.  As  Ewald  well  says,  Abraham  chose  his 
allies  in  waifare  from  the  Amoritcs,  but  he  goes  to 
the  Hittites  for  his  grave.  But  the  tribe  was  evi- 
dently as  yet  but  ^mall,  not  important  enough  to 
be  noticed  beside  "  the  Canaauite  and  the  I'eriz- 
zite"  who  shared  the  bulk  of  the  land  betncen 
them  (Gen,  xii.  6,  xiii.  7).  Throughout  the  bonk 
of  Exodus,  the  nan.e  of  the  Hittites  occurs  only  in 
the  usual  lormula  for  the  occupants  of  the  I'roni- 
ised  Land.  Frt  m  this  time  their  quiet  habits  van- 
ish, and  they  take  their  part  against  the  iuvadf  r,  in 
equul  alliance  with  the  other  Caniianite  tribes  (.losli. 
ix.  1,  xi.  3,  &c.).  Henceforward  the  notices  of  the 
Hittites  are  very  few  and  faint.  The  individuid 
Hittites  mentioned  in  the  Bible  are — A  hah  (Gen. 
xxxvi.  2),  AliiMELECH  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  6),  Basiiemaib 
(Gen.  xxvi.  34),  Beeri,  EL0N,ErHR0N  (xxiii.  10,  &CjJ~" 
JuniTii  (xxvi.  34),  Uriah  (2  Sam.  xi.  3  ff.,  xxiii.  ~ 
&c.),  ZoHAR  (Gen.  xxiii.  8).  The  Egyptian  anna 
tell  us  of  a  very  powerful  confederacy  of  Hittites  i 
the  valley  of  tiie  Orontes,  with  whom  Scther  I.,  (' 
Sethos,  waged  war  about  b.  c.  1340,  and  whose  ca 
ital,  Kctesh,  situate  near  Emesa,  he  conquered, 
the  Assyrian  inscriptions,  as  lately  decipherel 
there  are  frequent  references  to  a  nation  of  A'/m" 
whose  territory  also  lay  in  the  valley  of  the  Orel 
tes,  an.d  who  were  sometimes  assisted  by  the  peopi 
of  the  sea-coast,  probably  the  Phcnicians.  If  tf 
identification  of  these  people  with  the  Hittites  shou 
prove  to  be  correct,  it  aftbrds  a  clew  to  the  nuii'iii 
of  some  passages  which  are  otherwise  p" 
(Josh.  i.  4  ;  Jiulg.  i.  26  ;  1  K.  x.  29 ;  2  Ii.  vii. 
Chr.  L  17).     Hair. 


IJIV 


flOL 


387 


m'Tltt,  pi.  Hi'Tltes  (fr.  Heb.  Hiwi  or  Chivvi  = 
dwclltr  ill  ail  CKcampntent  or  nomadic  village,  Ffi., 
Gos.  doubtfully  ;  inJiabitant  of  the  interior  or  mid- 
land, EwalJ),  tbe.  The  name  is,  in  the  original, 
unlt'ornily  found  in  tlie  singular  number.  In  the 
genealogical  tables  of  Genesis,  "  the  llivite "  is 
named  as  one  of  the  descendants — the  sixth  in  or- 
der— of  Canaan,  the  son  of  Ham  (Cicn.  x.  17;  1 
Chr.  i.  1.5).  In  the  first  enumeration  of  the  nations 
who,  at  tlie  time  of  the  call  of  Abraham,  occupied 
the  Promised  Land  (Gen.  xv.  19-21),  the  ijiivites  are 
omitted  from  the  Hebrew  text.  The  name  is  also 
ab.-ient  iu  the  report  of- the  spies  (Num.  xiii.  29). 
Perhaps  this  is  owing  to  the  then  iusignilicance  of 
the  llivites.  The  name  constantly  occurs  in  the 
formula  by  which  the  country  is  designated  in  the 
earlier  books  (Ex.  iii.  8,  17,  &c.),  and  also  in  the 
later  ones  (1  K.  ix.  20 ;  2  Chr.  viii.  7).  We  first 
encounter  the  actual  people  of  the  llivites  at  Ja- 
cob's return  to  Canaan.  Shechem  wa.s  then  in  their 
possession,  Uamor  the  llivite  being  the  "  prince  of 
the  land  "  (Gen.  xxxiv.  2).  They  were  at  this  time, 
to  jndge  of  them  by  their  rulers,  a  warm  and  im- 
petuous people,  credulous  and  easily  deceived  by 
the  crafty  and  cruel  sons  of  Jacob.  The  narrative 
further  exhibits  them  as  peaceful  and  commercial, 
given  to  "  trade  "  (10,  21),  and  to  the  acquiring  of 
"possessions  "  of  cattle  and  other  "wealth"  (10, 
23,  28,  29).  We  nest  meet  with  the  llivites  during 
the  comiuest  of  Canaan  (Jo>'h.  ix.  7,  xi.  19).  (Gibe- 
os.)  Their  character  is  now  in  some  respects  ma- 
terially altered.  Tliey  are  still  evidently  averse  to 
fighting,  but  they  have  acquired — possibly  by  long 
experience  in  tralHc — an  amount  of  craft  wliich 
they  did  not  before  possess,  and  which  enables 
them  to  turn  the  tables  on  the  Israelites  in  a  highly 
gucccsiful  manner  (Josh.  ix.  3-27).  Tlie  main  body 
of  the  Hivites,  however,  were  at  this  time  living  on 
the  northern  confines  of  W^estern  Palestine — "  un- 
der Hernion,  in  the  land  of  Mizpeh  "  (Josh.  xi.  3) — 
'■  in  Mount  Lebanon,  from  Mount  Baal-Hermon  to 
the  entering  in  of  llamath"  (Judg.  iii.  3,  coinp.  2 
Sam.  xxiv.  7|.     A  vim. 

Iliz-!ki'ih  (fr.  Heb.  =  HEZEKtAn),  an  ancestor  of 
Zcpliani.ih  the  prophet  (Zeph.  i.  1). 

Iliz-ki'jab  (Heb.  =  (Iezekiaii),  according  to  the 
A.  V.  a  man  who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Xehe- 
miah  (Nch.  x.  17).  But  there  is  no  doubt  that  the 
name  should  be  taken  with  that  preceding  it,  as 
"  Ater-llizkijah  "  =  "  Ater  of  Hezekiah."     Ater  2. 

119'blb  (Ueb.  b-loveil,  Ges.).  This  name  is  found 
in  two  places  only  (Xuni.  x.  29;  Judg.  iv.  11),  and 
it  seems  doubtful  whether  it  denotes  the  father-in- 
law  of  .Moses,  or  his  son,  i.  e.  Moses'  brother-in- 
law.  (1.)  In  favor  of  the  latter  are  («.)  the  express 
8t:itcment  that  Hobab  was  "  the  son  of  Ragucl  " 
(Xuin.  X.  29);  Raguel  or  Rcucl  being  identified  with 
Jethuo,  not  only  in  E.x.  ii.  18  (comp.  iii.  1,  &c.),  but 
also  by  Josephus.  (/>.)  The  fact  that  Jethro  had 
some  time  previously  left  the  Israelite  camp  to  re- 
turn to  his  own  country  (Ex.  xviii.  27).  (2).  In 
favor  of  Ho'iab's  identity  with  Jethro  are  (</.)  the 
words  of  Judg.  iv.  1 1 ;  but  this  is  of  later  dale  than 
the  other,  and  altogether  a  more  casual  statement. 
(4.)  Josephus,  in  speaking  of  Ragucl,  remarks  that 
ho  "  had  lothor  (i.  e.  Jethro)  for  a  surname."  The 
Mohammedan  trailitions  favor  the  identity  of  Hobub 
with  Jelhro.  But  whether  Hobab  was  the  fathcr- 
in-la-*  of  Moses  or  not,  the  notice  of  him  in  Num. 
X.  29-32,  though  brief,  is  full  of  point  and  interest. 
While  Jethro  is  prescr\'ed  to  us  as  the  wise  and 
pravtised  administrator,  Uobab  appears  as  the  ex- 


perienced Bedouin  sheikh,  to  wham  Moses  looked 
for  the  material  safety  of  his  cumbrous  caravan  in 
the  new  and  dillicult  ground  before  them. 

Uo  bxh  (Heb.  hidden,  hiding-place,  Ges.),  the  place 
to  which  Abraham  pursued  the  kings  who  had  pil- 
laged Sodom  ((ien.  xiv.  16).  It  was  situated  "  to 
the  N.  of  Damascus."  Arab  tradition  makes  the 
village  oi  'Barzeh,  three  miles  N.  of  Damascus,  the 
place  where  Abraham  ofl'ered  thanks  to  God  after 
the  discomfiture  of  the  kings.  The  Jews  of  Damas- 
cus afiirm  that  the  village  of  Jobar,  about  three 
miles  N.  E.  of  Damascus  =:  Hobah. 

Uod  (Ueb.  splendor,  majesty,  Ges.),  a  son  of  Zo- 
phah,  and  chieftain  of  Ashcr  (1  Chr.  vii.  37). 

Uo-dai'ab,  or  Hod-a-i'«h  (fr.  llch.  — praise  ye  Jeho- 
vah! Ges.),  son  of  Elioenai,  of  the  royal  line  of  Ju- 
dah  (1  Chr.  iii.  24).     Genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ. 

Uod-a-Ti'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  IIodaiaii,  Ges.).  1.  A 
man  of  Manasseh,  one  of  the  heads  of  the  half-tribe 
E.  of  Jordan  (1  Chr.  v.  24). — 2>  A  man  of  Ben- 
jamin, son  of  Ilas-scnuah  (1  Chr.  ix.  7). — 3.  A  Le- 
vite,  who  seems  to  have  given  his  name  to  an  im- 
portant family  in  the  tribe  (Ezr.  ii.  40) ;  =  Houevah 
and  Ji'DAU  3  ? 

Ho  desh  (Heb.  the  new  moon,  a  month,  Ges.),  a 
woman  named  in  the  genealogies  of  Benjamin  (1 
Chr.  viii.  9)  as  the  wife  of  Shaharaim. 

lIo-de'Tah  (Heb.  =  Hoduaii,  Ges.)  =  Hodaviah 
3  (Xeh.  vii.  43). 

Ilo-drali  (fr.  Heb.  =  Hodijah),  one  of  the  two 
wives  of  Ezra,  a  man  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  19); 
doubtless  =  Jehcduah  in  verse  18. 

Ilo-di'jall  (Ileb.  sphndor  of  Jehovah,  Ges.).  1.  A 
Levite  in  the  time  of  Ezra  and  Xehemiah  (Neh.  viii. 
7  ;  probably  also  ix.  5,  x.  10). — 2.  Another  Levite 
at  the  same  time  (x.  13). — 3.  A  layman,  one  of  the 
"  heads  "  of  the  people  at  the  same  time  (x.  18). 

liog'luh  (Heb.  prirlridye,  Ges.),  the  third  of  the 
five  daughters  of  Zelophehad  (Num.  xxvi.  33,  xxvii. 
1,  xxxvi.  11  ;  Josh.  xvii.  3).     Heir. 

no'lu'io  (Heb.  jirobably  =  whom  Jehovah  impeU, 
Ges.),  king  of  Hebron  at  the  conquest  of  Canaan 
(Josh.  X.  3). 

•  Hold  =  a  fortress  or  place  held  by  a  garrison 
(Judg.  ix.  46, 49,  &c. ;  1  Sam.  xxii.  4,  5,  &c.).  Tower  ; 
War. 

•  Helo.     Cave. 

Uolm'-tree  [home-]  (Gr.  prinos;  L.  ilex),  a  species 
of  OAK,  named  only  in  Sus.  58.  (Daniel,  Apocry- 
phal .\i)mTiONS  TO.)  The  Gr.  prinos  of  Theophras- 
tus  and  Dioscorides  no  doubt  =  the  Qverciis  coecif- 
era.  The  L.  ilex  was  applied  both  to  the  holm- 
oak  (Q.  flfx)  and  to  the  Kermes-oak  (Q.  eoceifera). 

Hol-O-fer'ncs  [-ncez]  ((ir.  Ohphirnes,  probably 
fr.  I'ers.,  but  the  meaning  uncertain),  according  to 
Jd.  ii.  4,  &c.,  a  general  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  king 
of  the  Assyrians,  who  was  slain  by  Judith  during 
the  siege  of  Betliulia. 

Uolon  (Heb.  sandy,  Ges.).  1.  A  t')wn  in  the 
mountains  of  Judah,  allotted  to  the  priests  ;  named 
between  Goshen  and  fiiloh,  in  the  group  with  Debir 
(Josh.  XV.  51,  xxi.  10);  =  Hilen. — 2,  A  city  of 
Moab  (Jer.  xlviii.  21  oidy).  No  identification  of  it 
has  yet  taken  ]>lace. 

•  Ho  ly  ('hil'dren,  Tlic  Song  of  tbe  Tbrre.  Dan- 
iel, Apocryphal  Apipitions  to. 

•  Holy  (Itj.    Jehusalkm. 

•  Holy  Day.     Festivals. 

•  Ho'ly  Obost.    Spirit,  the  Holy. 

•  Holy  L;nid.     Canaan;  Palestine. 

•  Holy  of  Holies.     Tabernacle ;  Temple. 

•  Holy  Splr'it.    Spirit,  the  Holy. 


388 


He'll 


HOR 


Ilomaiii  (Heb.  deslruction,  Ges.),  an  Edomite  (1 
Chr.  i.  39),  =  Hemam. 

Ho'mer  (Heb.  homer  or  chomer  =  a  heap,  Ges.). 
Weights  and  Measures. 

Honey  [hun'ny]  usuaUy=Heb.  debash,  or  Gv.meli. 
The  Heb.  nopheih  tsuphim  is  translated  in  Ps.  xix. 
10  (Heb.  11)  "the  honey-eorab,"  margin  (and  so 
Gesenius)  "the  dropping  of  honey -combs,"  i.  e. 
honey  dropping  from  the  combs :  tsujih  debash  is 
also  translated  "  honey-comb  "  (Prov.  xvi.  24) ;  no- 
plielh  (:=  a  sprinkling,  dropping,  sc.  of  honey,  Ges.) 
is  translated  "honey-comb"  (v.  3,  xxiv.  13,  xxvii. 
7  ;  Cant.  iv.  11) ;  ya'ar  (Cant.  v.  1)  or  ya^urath  had- 
dibash  (1  Sam.  xiv.  27)  (=  the  redundance,  or  over- 
Jtowing,  or  dropping  of  honey,  Ges. ;  see  above)  is 
translated  "  honey-comb."  The  Gr.  meHssion  kirion 
=  "  honey-comb  "  in  Lk.  xxiv.  42. — The  Heb.  debash, 
in  the  first  place,  =  the  product  of  the  bee,  to  which 
we  exclusively  give  the  name  of  honey.  All  travel- 
lers agree  in  describing  Palestine  as  a  land  "  flowing 
with  milk  and  honey  "  (Ex.  iii.  8) ;  bees  being  abun- 
dant even  in  the  remote  parts  of  the  wilderness, 
where  they  deposit  their  honey  in  the  crevices  of 
the  rocks  or  in  hollow  trees.  In  some  parts  of 
Northern  Arabia  the  hills  are  so  well  stocked  with 
bees,  that  no  sooner  are  hives  placed  than  they  are 
occupied.  In  the  second  place  dibash  =  a  decoc- 
tion of  the  juice  of  the  grape,  which  is  still  called 
dibs,  and  which  forms  an  article  of  commerce  in  the 
East ;  it  was  this,  and  not  ordinary  bee-honey,  which 
Jacob  sent  to  Joseph  (Gen.  xliii.  11),  and  which  the 
Tyrians  purchased  from  Palestine  (Ez.  xxvii.  17)  (so 
Mr.  Bevan,  Gesenius,  &c.).  A  third  kind  has  been 
described  by  some  writers  as  "  vegetable  "  honey, 
by  which  is  meant  the  exudations  of  certain  trees 
and  shrubs,  such  as  the  Tamarix  mannifcra,  found 
in  the  peninsula  of  Sinai,  or  the  stunted  oaks  of 
Luristan  and  Mesopotamia.  The  honey,  which 
Jonathan  ate  in  the  wood  (1  Sam.  xiv.  26),  and  the 
"  wild  honey "  (Gr.  meli  agrion),  which  supported 
John  the  Baptist  (Mat.  iii.  4),  have  been  referred  to 
this  species.  But  it  was  probably  the  honey  of  the 
wild  bees.  A  fourth  kind  is  described  by  Josephus, 
as  being  manufactured  from  the  juice  of  the  date. 
Food. 

*  Hood.     Dpess;  Head-dress. 

Hook,  Hooks.  Various  kinds  of  hooka  are  no- 
ticed in  the  Bible,  of  which  the  following  are  the 
most  important: — 1.  Fishing-hooks  (Fish)  (Heb. 
tsinndh,  sir,  haccdh  or  chacrAh)  (Am.  iv.  2  ;  Job  xli. 
1;  Is.  xix.  8;  Hab.  i.  15  [A.  V.  "angle"  in  the 
two  last]) ;  Gr.  angkistron  (Mat.  xvil.  27). — 2.  Heb. 
hoah  or  choach,  properly  =:  a  ring  (A.  V.  "thorn") 
placed  through  the  mouth  of  a  large  fish  and  at- 
tached by  a  cord  to  a  stake  for  the  purpose  of  keep- 
ing it  alive  in  the  water  (Job  xli.  2);  the  Heb.  ag- 
mon  meaning  the  cord  is  rendered  "  hook  "  in  the 
A.  V. — 3.  Heb.  fiah  or  chaeh  and  hoah  or  choach, 
A.  V.  "  hook  "  (2  K.  xix.  28  ;  Is.  xxxvii.  29 ;  Ez. 
xxix.  4,  xxxviii.  4),  properly  :=  a  ring,  such  as  in 
our  country  is  placed  through  the  nose  of  a  bull, 
and  similarly  used  in  the  East  for  leading  about 
lions  (Ez.  xix.  4,  9,  where  the  A.  V.  has  "  with 
or  '  in  '  chains  "),  camels  and  other  animals.  A 
similar  method  was  adopted  for  leading  prisoners, 
as  in  the  case  of  Manasseh,  who  was  led  with  rings 
(2  Chr.  xxxiii.  11;  A.  V.  "in  the  thorns").  Il- 
lustrations of  this  practice  are  found  in  Assyrian 
sculptures,  which  represent  the  king  holding  a  bri- 
dle or  cords  attached  to  rings  in  the  lips  of  captives. 
(War,  cut.) — 4.  The  hooks  of  the  pillars  of  the 
Tabernacle  (Heb.  pi.  vdvim ;  Ex.  xxvi.  32,  37,  xxvii. 


10  ff.,  xxxvi.  36,  38,  xxxviii.  10  ff.).— 5.  Heb.  tname- 
rah  =  a  vinedresser's  "  pruning-hook  "  (Is.  ii.  4,  xviii. 
5 ;  Mic.  iv.  3  ;  Joel  iii.  10).— 6.  Heb.  mazlig,  mizMgdh 
=  a  "  flesh-hook  "  for  getting  up  the  joints  of  meat 
out  of  the  boiling-pot  (Ex.  xxvii.  3  ;  1  Sam.  ii.  13,  14, 
&c. ;  see  Altar). — 7.  Heb.  shiphctttayim,  probably= 
"  hooks  "  used  for  hanging  up  animals  to  flay  them 
(Ez.  xl.  43). 

Hcph  ni  (Heb.  a  fghter)  and  Phin'e-as,  the  two 
sons  of  Eli,  who  iulfiUed  their  hereditary  sacer- 
dotal duties  at  Shiloh.  Their  brutal  rapacity  ifnd  lust, 
which  seemed  to  acquire  fresh  violence  with  llieir 
father's  increasing  years  (1  Sam.  ii.  22,  12-17),  filled 
the  people  with  disgust  and  indignation,  and  pro- 
voked the  curse  pronounced  against  their  father's 
house  first  by  an  unknown  prophet  (27-SO),  and 
then  by  Samuel  (iii.  11-14).  They  were  both  cut 
off  in  one  day  in  the  flower  of  their  age,  and  the 
ark  which  they  had  accompanied  to  battle  against 
the  Philistines  was  lost  on  the  same  occasion  (iv. 
10,  11). 

Hor  (Heb.,  an  archaic  form  of  har  =  mountain, 
Ges.,  Fii.,  &c.),  MoBlit.  1.  The  mountain  on  which 
Aaron  died  (Num.  xx.  25,  27 ;  Deut.  xxxii.  .lO). 
The  few  facts  given  in  the  Bible  regarding  Mount 
Ilor  are  soon  told.  It  was  "  on  the  boundary-line  " 
(Num.  XX.  23)  or  "at  the  edge"  (xxxiii.  37)  of  the 
land  of  Edom.  It  was  the  halting-place  of  the 
people  next  after  Kadeth  (xx.  22,  xxxiii.  37),  and 
they  quitted  it  for  Zahnonah  (xxxiii.  41)  in  the 
road  to  the  Bed  Sea  (xxi.  4).  During  the  enonmp- 
ment  at  Kadesh,  Aaron,  at  Jehovah's  command, 
ascended  the  mount  with  his  brother  and  his 
son ;  the  garments  and  office  of  high-priest  were 
taken  from  Aaron  and  put  upon  Eleazar ;  and 
Aaron  died  there  in  the  top  of  the  mount.  Mount 
Hor  is  situated  on  the  E.  side  of  the  great  valley 
of  the  Aeabah,  the  highest  and  most  conspicuous 
of  the  whole  range  of  the  sai:dstone  mountains  ol 
EroM,  having  close  beneath  it  on  its  E.  side  the 
mysterious  city  of  Petra.  The  tradition  has  existed 
from  the  earliest  date.  It  is  now  the  Jebel  Ntbi  Ma- 
mn,  "  the  mountain  of  the  Prophet  Aaron."  Mr. 
Wilton  ( neKegeb,  126  ff.)  rejects  this  tradition,  and 
makes  Mount  Hor  =  Jebcl  ilodera,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Arabali ;  but  most  travellers  and  scholars 
accept  the  traditional  site.  Of  the  geological  lor- 
mation  of  the  traditional  Mount  Hor  we  have  no 
very  trustworthy  accounts.  The  general  structure 
of  the  range  of  Edom,  of  which  it  forms  the  most 
prominent  feature,  is  now  red  sandstone,  display- 
ing itself  to  an  enormous  thickness.  Mount  Hor 
itself  is  said  to  be  entirely  sandstone,  in  very  lioii- 
zontal  strata.  Its  height,  according  to  the  hitcst 
measurements,  is  4,f()0  fret  (Eng.)  above  the  51edi^ 
terranean,  i.  e.  about  1,700  feet  above  the  toil 
of  Petra,  4,000  above  the  level  of  theArabah,  an 
more  than  6,000  above  the  Dead  Sea.  The  moul 
tain  is  marked  far  and  near  by  its  double  top,whid 
rises  like  a  huge  castellated  building  frc.ra  a  low 
base,  and  is  surmounted  by  a  circular  dome  of  i 
tomb  of  Aaron,  a  distinct  white  spot  on  the  darl 
red  surface  of  the  mountain.  The  impression 
ceived  on  the  spot  is  that  Aaron's  death  took  plad 
in  the  small  basin  between  the  two  peaks,  an.d  thJ 
the  peoiile  were  stationed  either  on  the  plain  at  tn 
base  of  the  peaks,  or  at  that  part  of  the  W'ady  2\lnl,- 
Kusheybeh  from  which  the  top  is  commanded.  1  he 
chief  interest  of  Mount  Hor  will  always  consist  in 
the  widely-extended  prospect  from  its  summit — ilie 
last  view  of  Aaron — that  view  which  was  to  him 
what  Pisgah  was  to  his  brother. — 2.  A  mountain, 


noR 


noR 


389 


entirely  distinct  from  the  preceding,  named  in 
Num.  xxxiv.  7,  8  only,  as  one  of  the  marks  of  the 
northern  boundary  of  the  land  which  the  children  of 
Israel  were  about  to  conquer.  The  identiKcatiou  of 
this  mountain  has  always  been  one  of  the  puzzles  of 


it'if  Mount  Hot  tNo.  1).— <From  Laborde.) 


Sacred  Geoftraphy.  The  Jlediterranean  was  the 
western  boundary.  The  northern  boundary  started 
from  the  sea  ;  the  first  point  in  it  was  Mount  Hor, 
and  the  second  the  entrance  of  Hamath.  The  en- 
trance of  Hamath  seems  to  have  been  determined 
by  Mr.  Porter  as  the  pass  at  Kahd  el-HiMi,  close  to 
//««M,  the  ancient  Hamath — at  the  other  end  of 
the  range  of  Lebanon.  Surely  "  Jlount  Hor  "  then 
=  the  great  chain  of  Lebanon  itself,  the  natural 
northern  boundary  of  the  country  (so  Mr.  Grove). 

Ho' ram  (Hcb.  heii/hl,  Ges.),  king  of  Gkzer  at  the 
conquest  of  the  southwestern  part  of  Palestine 
(Jo:<h.  X.  33). 

Ilo'reb  (Heb.  dry,  desert,  Ges.)  (Ex.  iii.  1,  xvii.  6, 
xxxiii.  fi;  Deut.  i.  2,  6,  19,  iv.  10,  15,  v.  2,  ix.  8, 
xviii.  16,  xxix.  1 ;  1  K.  viii.  9,  xix.  8 ;  2  Chr.  v.  10  ; 
p8.  cvi.  19;  Mai.  iv.  4;  Ecclus.  xlviii.  7).     Si.nai. 

Horfm  (Ileb.  devoled,  Ges.),  one  of  the  fortified 
place.if  in  Xaphtali;  named  with  Iron  and  Migdal- 
el  (Josh.  xix.  38).  Van  de  Velde  suggests  Hirah, 
near  Ydron  (Iron  ?),  as  the  site  of  Horem. 

H»r-liii-sld'j;id  (Heb.  MouiU  Oidgad,  LXX., 
Vulg. ;  hole  of  thunder!  Ges.),  a  desert  station 
where  the  Israelites  encamped  (\um.  xxxiii.  32), 
probably  =  Oudoooah  (Deut.  x.  7).  (DEiiTF.noN- 
OMV,  B.  L  6.)  On  the  W.  side  of  the  Araliah, 
about  forty-five  miles  X.  W.  of  'Akaha/i,  Robinson 
(i.  181)  has  a  broad  sandy  \Vad;i  Ohiidhlrihidh  (Ar. 
=  diminutinm),  the  junction  of  which  with  the 
Arabah  would  not  be  unsuitable.  Mr.  Wilton  sug- 
gests that  Hor-hagidgad  may  be  a  conspicuous 
eontcal  mountain,  Jcbel  'Araif  en-N^dkah,  about 
twenty  miles  further  N.,  and  Gudgodah  a  valley 
near  it. 

Ho'ri  ( Heb.  a  dweller  in  enverrw,  troffhdi/lr,  Ges. ; 
no/ile,  free,  Fii.).  1,  A  Horitc,  son  of  Lotan,  the 
»on  of  Scir  (Gen.  xxxvi.  22;  1  Chr.  i.  39).— 4.  In 
Gen.  xxxvi.  30,  "Hori"  has  in  the  original  the 
article  prefixed  =  t/ie  Horilc ;  and  is  tlic  same 
word  with  that  which  in  verses  21,  29,  is  rendered 
hi  the  A.  V.  "  the  Horites.''— 3i  A  man  of  Simeon ; 
father  of  Sliaphat  (Num.  xiil  5). 


Ho'rite,    pi.    Ilo'ritcs,    Do'rlin,   Ho'rims   (Heb. 

Hori  or  Chart,  pi.  Horim  or  Vhorim  =  dwellers 
in  earerns,  Irofflodytes,  Ges.,  Fii.),  terms  applied  to 
the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  ilount  Scir  (Gen.  xiv. 
6),  and  probably  allied  to  the  Emims  and  Kephaims. 
They  were  smitten  by  the  kings 
of  the  East.  Their  genealogy 
is  given  in  Gen.  xxxvi.  20-30 
and  1  Chr.  i.  38-42.  They 
were  exterminated  bv  the  Edom- 
ites  (Deut.  ii.  12,  22).  Their 
excavated  dwellings  are  still 
found  in  hundreds  in  the  sand- 
stone cliffs  and  mountains  of 
Edom,  and  especially  in  Petra. 

Hor'iuah  (Hcb.  place  deso- 
lated, Ges.),  or  Ze'piiatii  (Judg. 
i.  17),  was  the  chief  town  of 
a  king  of  a  Canaanitish  tribe 
on  the  S.  of  Palestine,  which 
was  reduced  by  Joshua  (Josh, 
xii.  14),  and  became  a  city  of 
the  territory  of  Judah  (xv.  30  ; 
1  Sam.  XXX.  30),  but  apparently 
belonged  to  Simeon  (Josh.  xix. 
4  ;  1  Chr.  iv.  30).  The  seem- 
ing inconsistence  between  Num. 
xxi.  3  and  Judg.  i.  17  may  be 
relieved  by  supposing  that  the 
vow  made  at  the  former  period 
was  fulfilled  at  the  latter,  and  the  name  given  by 
anticipation.  The  Amalekites,  &c.,  pursued  the 
defeated  Israelites  to  Hormah  (Num.  xiv.  45  ;  Deut. 
i.  44). 

Horn  (Heb.  keren;  Gr.  kerm),  primarily,  the 
hard,  projecting,  pointed  organ  growing,  commonly 
in  pairs,  on  the  heads  of  certain  animals,  as  oxen, 
goats,  rams,  deer,  &c.,  and  often  used  as  a  weapon 
of  defence  or  offence.  I.  Literal  (Gen.  xxii.  13; 
Ex.  xxi.  29 ;  Deut.  xxxiii.  17 ;  Dan.  vii.  7  ff.,  viii.  3 
fS. ;  Josh.  vi.  4,  5  ;  compare  Ex.  xix.  13 ;  1  Sam.  xvi. 

1,  13  ;  1  K.  i.  39  ;  Job  xlii.  14,  kc).  Two  purposes 
are  mentioned  in  the  Scriptures  to  which  the  horn 
seems  to  have  been  applied.  Trumpets  were  prob- 
ably at  first  merely  horns  perforated  at  the  tip,  such 
as  are  still  used  in  many  places  for  calling  home 
farm-laborers,  &c.,  at  meal-time.  (Cornkt.)  The  word 
horn  also  =  a  flask,  or  vessel  made  of  horn,  con- 
taining oil  (1  Sam.  xvi.  1,  13;  1  K.  i.  39),  or  used 
as  a  kind  of  toilet-bottle,  filled  with  the  preparation 
of  antimony  with  which  women  tinged  their  eye- 
lashes. (Paint.) — II.  Metaphorical.  1.  From  simi- 
larity of  form.  To  this  use  belongs  the  applica- 
tion of  the  word  horn  to  a  trumpet  of  metal. 
."Horns  of  ivory  "  (Ez.  xxvii.  15)  =  elephants' 
teeth.  The  hcniji  of  tlie  attar  (Altar;  Ex.  xxvii. 
2)  are  not  supposed  to  have  been  made  of  horn, 
but  to  have  been  metallic  projections  fnmi  the 
four  comers.  The  peak  or  summit  of  a  hill  was 
called  a  horn  (Is.  v.  1,  margin).  In  Hab.  iii.  4 
"  horns  coming  out  of  his  hand  "  =  rays  of  light. 

2.  From  similarity  of  position  and  use.  Two  prin- 
cipal applications  of  this  metaphor  will  be  found — 
slretiffth  and  honor.  Of  strength  the  horn  of  the 
unicorn  was  the  most  frequent  rcprci*entativc  (Deut. 
xxxiii.  17,  &e.),  but  not  always  ;  compare  1  K.  xxii. 
11,  where  probably  horns  of  iron,  worn  defiantly 
and  symbolically  on  the  head,  are  intended.  Among 
the  Druses  upon  Mount  Lebanon  the  married 
women  wear  silver  horns  on  their  heads.  In  the 
sense  of  honor,  the  word  horn  stands  for  the  ab- 
stract {my  liioni,  Job  xvi.  15;  all  the  horns  [A.  V, 


390 


HOR 


HOR 


horn]  of  Israel,  Lam.  ii.  3),  and  so  for  the  supreme 
authority.  It  also  stands  for  the  concrete,  whence 
it  =  kinff,  kingdom  (Dan.  viii.  2,  &c. ;  Zech.  i.  18). 
Out  of  either  or  both  of  these  last  two  metaphors 
sprang  the  idea  of  representing  gods  with  horns. 


Heads  of  modern  Asiatics  ornamented  witb  horns. 

Hor'nct.  That  the  Hebrew  /sir'dh  =  the  hornet, 
may  be  taken  for  granted  on  the  almost  unanimous 
authority  of  the  ancient  versions.  Not  only  were 
bees  exceedin<rly  numerous  in  Palestine,  but  from 
the  name  Zoueah  (Josh.  xv.  33)  we  may  infer  that 
hornets  in  particular  infested  some  parts  of  the 
country.  In  Scripture  the  hornet  is  referred  to 
only  as  the  means  which  Jehovah  employed  for  the 
extirpation  of  the  Canaanites  (Ex.  xxiii.  28 ;  Deut. 
,  vii.  20;  Josh.  xxiv.  12;  Wis.  xii.  8).  Some  com- 
mentators (Bochart,  Rosenmiillcr,  Bush,  &c.)  re- 
gard the  word  as  used  in  its  literal  sense,  but  it 
more  probably  (so  Mr.  Bevan,  Michaelis,  Gesenius, 
&c.)  expresses  under  a  vivid  image  the  consterna- 
tion with  whicli  Jehovah  would  inspire  the  enemies 
of  the  Israelites,  as  declared  in  Deut.  ii.  25  and  Josh, 
ji.  n. 

Hcr-o-na'illi(Heb.  two  caverns),  a  town  of  iloab, 
possibly  a  sanctuary,  named  with  Zo:ir  and  Luhith 
(Is.  XV.  5  ;  Jer.  xlviii.  3,  5,  34).  Xo  clew  is  afibrded 
to  its  position,  either  by  the  notices  of  the  Bible 
or  by  mention  in  other  works.  It  seems  to  have 
been  on  an  eminence,  and  approached  by  a  road 
which  is  styled  the  "  way  "  (Is.  xv.  5),  or  the  "  de- 
scent "  (Jer.  xlviii.  5). 

Ilor'o-nitP,  or  Ilo'roil-lte  (fr.  Ileb.  =  one  from 
HoBONAiM,  Ges. ;  one  from  BKTH-noRON,  Fii.),  tlip, 
the  designation  of  Sanballat  (Neh.  ii.  10,  19,  xiii. 
28). 

Horse  (see  below).  The  most  striking  feature  in 
the  Bililical  notices  of  the  horse  (Eqmis  caballns  of 
naturalists)  is  the  exclusive  application  of  it  tq 
warlike  operations  ;  in  no  instance  is  that  useful 
animal  employed  for  ordinary  locomotion  or  agri- 
culture, if  we  except  Is.  xxviii.  28,  where  we  learn 
that  horses  (A.  V.  "horsemen  ")  were  employed  in 
threshing,  not,  however,  in  that  case  put  in  the 
gears,  but  simply  driven  about  wildly  over  the 
strewed  grain.  This  remark  will  be  found  to  be 
borne  out  by  the  historical  passages  hereafter 
quoted ;  but  it  is  equally  striking  in  the  poetical 
parts  of  Scripture.  The  animated  description  of 
the  horse  in  .lob  xxxix.  19-25  applies  solely  to  the 
war-horse.  The  terms  under  which  the  horse  is 
described  in  Hebrew  are  usually  s«s  and  pardsh. 
There  is  a  marked  distinction  between  the  «u»  and 
the  fxirish ;  the  former  were  horses  for  driving 
in  the  war-chariot,  of  a  heavy  build,  the  latter 
were  for  riding,  and  particularly  for  cavalry.     This 


distinction  is  not  observed  in  the  A.  V.,  from  the 
circumstance  that  pdrash  also  signifies  horseman  ■ 
the  correct  sense  is  essential  in  the  following  pas- 
sages— 1  K.  iv.  26,  "Ibrty  thousand  t/wrlolAwrfes 
and  twelve  thousand  caiia/r^-horscs ; "  Kz.  xxvii.  14 
"  driving-horses  and  riding-horses  ;  "  Joel  ii.  4  "  as 
riding-horses,  so  shall  they  run  ;  "  and  Is.  xxi.  V 
"a  train  of  horses  in  couples."  In  addition  to  these 
terms,  the  Ileb.  recesh  =  a  swift  horse,  used  for  llic 
royal  post  (Esth.  viii.  10,  14)  and  similar  pui  poses 
(1  K.  iv.  28  ;  A.  V.  "  dromedary  "  as  also  inEstli.), 
or  for  a  rapid  journey  (Mic.  i.  13) ;  ratnm&c  once  = 
a  mare  (Esth.  viii.  10) ;  susuh,  in  Cant.  i.  9,  is  regarded 
in  the  A.  V.  as  a  collective  term,  "  company  of 
horses  ; "  it  rather  means,  according  to  the  received 
punctuation,  m^ymajf,  but  still  better,  by  a  slight 
alteration  in  tlie  punctuation,  mans.  In  the  X.  T., 
the  Gr.  hippos  —  "  horse  "  and  the  derivatives  hiji- 
peusanil  hippikon  are  applied  to  "  horsemen."  The 
Hebrews  in  the  patriarchal  age,  as  a  pastoral  race, 
did  not  stand  in  need  of  the  services  of  the  liorse, 
and  for  a  long  period  after  their  settlement  in  Ca- 
naan they  dispensed  with  it,  partly  in  consequence 
of  the  hilly  nature  of  the  country,  which  oi;ly  ad- 
mitted of  the  use  of  chaiiots  in  certain  localities 
(Judg.  i.  19),  and  partly  in  consequence  of  the  pro- 
hibition in  Deut.  xvii.  16.  (Aemv  ;  Chaiuot  ;  Ma- 
gog.) David  first  established  a  force  of  cavahy 
and  chariots  after  the  defeat  of  Hadadezer  (2  Sam. 
viii.  4).  But  the  great  snjiply  of  horses  was  sub- 
sequently cft'ccted  Ijy  Solomon  through  his  connec- 
tion with  Egypt  (1  K.  iv.  26).  Solomon  also  estab- 
lished a  very  active  trade  in  horses,  which  were 


Head-dress  of  a  RIding-Honw.— (From  Layard's  Nintvth,  ii,  275.) 

brought  by  dealers  out  of  Egypt  and  resold  at] 
profit  to  the  Hittites,  who  lived  between  ralestifl^ 
and  the  Eujihrates  ( 1  K.  x.  28,  29).  In  the  coui 
tries  adjacent  to  Palestine,  the  use  of  the  horse  wi 
much  more  frequent.  It  was  introduced  into  Ecvl 
probably  by  the  Hyksos  (Shepherd  kings),  as  it  [ 
not  represented  on  the  monuments  before  the  eij 
teenth  dynasty.  The  Jewish  kings  sought  the 
sistance  of  the  Egyptians  against  the  Assyrians  i 

this  respect  (Is.  xxxi.   1,  xxxvi.  8;  Ez.  xvii.  18 

But  the  cavalry  of  the  Assyrians  and  other  Eastcin 
nations  was  regarded  as  most  formidable ;  the 
horses  themselves  were  highly  bred,  as  thcAssyiian 
sculptures  still  testify,  and  fully  merited  the  ]<i..isc 
bestowed  on  them  in  Kali.  i.  8.  With  regain  tu 
the  trappings  and  management  of  the  hoisi  "c 
have  little  infoimation  ;  the  bridle  (Hcb.  resin)  «:is 
placed  over  the  horse's  nose  (Is.  xxx.  28),  and  a  bit 


HOR 


HOS 


391 


(Beb.  metfuff  ;  Gr.  ehalinot)  or  curb  is  also  men-  | 
tioiie<i  (2  K.  xix.  28  ;  Ps.  xxxii.  9 ;  Prov.  xxvi.  3  ;  I 
Is.    xxxvii.  29;    in    the  A.  V.    incorrectly    given  ] 
"  bridle,"  exct-pt  in  Ps.  xxxii.  and  Jas.  iii.  3).     The  i 
harness  of  the  Assyrian  horses  was   profusc-ly  dec-  | 
orated,  the  bits  being  gilt  (1  Esd.  iii.  6),  and  the 
bridles  adorned  with  tassels ;  on  the  neck  was  a 
collar  termiiiiUing  in  a  bell,  as  described  in  Zech.  | 
liv.  20.     Saddles  were  not  used  until  a  late  period. 
The  horses  were  not  shod,  and  therefore  hoofe  as 
hard  "as  flint  "  (Is.  v.  28)  were  regarded  as  a  great 
merit.     The  chariot-horses  were  covered  with  em- 
broidered trappings  (Ez.  xxvii.   20).     Horses  and 
chariiits  were  used  also  in  idolatrous  processions, 
as  noticed  in  regard  to  the  sun  (2  K.  xxiii.  11). 

•  Onrse'-sate,  a  gate  of  Jkrus.vlem  (2  Clir.  xxiii. 
15;  Xeh.  iii!  28;  Jer.  xxxi.  40);  probably  belong- 
ing to  the  wall  which  enclosed  the  Temple  (Ges.). 

IIorsp'lefell(Heb.  '<^/ukd^)  occurs  once  only,  viz. 
Prov.  XXX.  15.  There  is  little,  if  any,  doubt  that 
WiiitUdenrtes  some  specie<  of  leech,  or  rather  is 
the  gmeric  teroi  for  any  bloodsucking  annelid, such 
as  Hiriiih  (the  medicinal  leecli),  Hannoph  (the 
horseleech),  Lxmnalh,  Trochdia,  and  Aulattoma,  if 
all  these  genera  are  found  in  the  marshes  and  pools 
of  tha  Bible-lands.  The  bloodsuckiiig  leeches,  such 
as  Hirulo  and  Htmopin,  were  without  a  doubt 
known  to  the  ancient  Hebrews,  and  as  the  leech 
has  been  for  ages  the  emblem  of  rapacity  and 
crueltv,  there  is  no  reason  to  r|uestiin  that  tliis  an- 
nelid is  denoted  by  'atilkih.  The  Arabs  to  this  day 
denominate  the  [Jmnitit  Ndotica,  'atnk.  The  ex- 
pression "  two  daughters  "  figuratively  denotes  its 
bloodthirsty  propensity. 

'  Uvrse'mea.    Aa«v;  IIohse. 

Hj'sah  (Hi!b.  takinj  refuje,  or  a  refurje,  Ges.),  a 
city  of  Asher(Josh.  xix.  29),  the  next  landmark  on 
the  boundary  to  Tyre. 

Ila'sili  (Heb.,  see  above),  a  Merarit3  Levite,  one 
of  the  first  door-keepers  to  the  ark  after  its  arrival 
in  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  10,  33). 

*  Hjsai  (Heb.  Hazai  or  C/tozni  ■=  seer,  Ges.),  in 
the  margin  of  2  Chr.  xxxiii.  li),  "  the  seers"  in  the 
text.  Gesenius,  Farst,  &c.,  make  it  the  prjper 
nane  of  a  person. 

Ht-Sin'a-l  [-z:in-]  (Gr.fr.  Heb.  =saveHou) ;  sive. 
«w  ///-jy),  t'le  cry  of  the  m.iltitu  bs  aj  tliey  thron^^o  i 
in  our  Lord's  triuinphal  pi-ocei^iou  into  Jjrusalem 
(Mat.  xxi.  9,  15;  .Mi.  xi.  9,  10;  in.  .\ii.  13).  T.io 
Psalm  from  which  it  was  taken,  the  118th,  was  oia 
with  wiiich  they  were  fauiiliar,  from  being  accus- 
tomed to  recite  the  25tli  and  26th  verses  at  the 
Feast  of  Tabernacles.  On  that  occasion  the  Hallel, 
consisting  of  Psalms  cxiii.-cxviii.,  was  chanted  by 
one  of  the  priests,  and  at  certain  intervals  the  mul- 
titudes joined  in  the  responses,  waving  their 
branches  of  willow  and  palm,  and  shouting,  as 
they  waved  them,  nAi.i.ELi;j.vu,  or  Hosanna,  or 
"  0  Lord,  I  beseech  thee,  send  now  prosperity " 
(Ps.  cxviii.  25).  On  cacli  of  the  seven  days  of 
the  feast  the  people  thronged  in  the  court  of  the 
Temple,  and  went  in  procession  about  the  altar, 
aettiug  their  boughs  bending  toward  it;  the  trum- 
pets sounding  as  they  shouted  Hosanna.  It  was 
not  uncommon  for  the  Jews  in  later  times  to  em- 
ploy the  observances  of  this  feast,  which  was  pre- 
eminently a  f'jast  of  gladness,  to  express  their 
feelings  on  other  occasions  of  rejoicing  (1  Mc. 
Xiii.  51  ;  2  Mc.  x.  6,  7). 

H«-9e'a  [zee' ah]  (Heb.  •=  Hoshf.a),  son  of  Beeri, 
■nd  first  of  the  Mmor  I'rophets,  as  they  appear  in 
the  A.  V.     (Bible;  Cxsos.)— Time.  Tliis  question 


must  be  settled,  as  far  as  it  can  be  settled,  partly 
by  reference  to  the  iWe,  partly  by  an  inquiry  into 
the  contents  of  the  book.  For  the  beymning  of 
Hosea's  ministry  the  title  gives  us  the  reign  of  Uz- 
ziuh,  king  of  Judah,  but  limits  this  vague  definition 
by  reference  to  Jeroboam  II.,  king  of  Israel ;  it 
therefore  yields  a  liate  not  later  than  b.  c.  783. 
The  pictures  of  social  and  political  life  which  Hosea 
draws  so  forcibly  are  rather  ap|)licablc  to  the  inter- 
regnum after  the  death  of  Jeroboam  (b.  c.  782- 
772),  and  to  the  reign  of  the  succeeding  kings. 
(l.sRAEL,  Kingdom  of.)  It  seems  almost  certain  that 
very  few  of  his  prophecies  were  written  until  after 
Jeroboam's  death  (u.  c.  783),  and  probably  the  life,  or 
rather  the  prophetic  career,  of  Hosea  extended  from 
B.  c.  784  to  n.  c.  725,  a  period  of  fifty-nine  years. — 
Maee.  There  seems  to  be  a  general  consent  among 
commcntatoi-s  that  the  iiriiphecies  of  Hosea  were  de- 
livered in  the  kingdom  of  Israel. — Tribe  and  Faieitl- 
age.  Tribe  quite  unknown.  The  Pseudo-Epiphanius, 
It  is  uncertain  upon  what  ground,  assigns  Hosea  to 
the  tribe  of  Issachar.  Of  his  father  Beeri  we  know 
absolutely  nothing. — Onler  in  the  Prophetic  S"ries. 
Most  ancient  and  mediieval  interpreters  make  Hosea 
the  tii-st  of  the  prophets.  But  by  moderns  he  is 
generally  assigned  the  third  place.  It  is  ]ierhaps 
more  important  to  know  that  Hosea  must  have  been 
more  or  less  contemporary  with  Isaiah,  Amos,  Jo- 
nah, Joel,  and  Xahum. — Divixiun  of  the  Book.  It  IS 
easy  to  recognize  two  great  divisions,  which,  ac- 
cordingly, have  been  genernlly  adopted  :  (1.)  chap. 
i.  to  iii.;  (2.)  iv.  to  en  J.  The  subdivision  of  these 
several  parts  is  a  work  of  greater  difficulty:  that 
of  Eichhorn  will  be  found  to  be  based  upon  a  highly 
subtle,  though  by  no  means  precarious,  criticism. 
(1.)  According  to  him,  the  first  division  should  be 
subdivided  into  three  separate  poems,  each  origi- 
nating in  a  distinct  aim,  and  each  after  its  own 
fiishion  attempting  to  express  the  idolatry  of  Israel 
by  imagery  borrowed  from  the  matrimonial  relation. 
The  first,  and  therefore  the  least  elaborate  of  these, 
is  contained  in  chap,  iii.,  the  second  in  i.  2-11,  the 
third  in  i.  2-9,  and  ii.  1-23.  These  three  are  pro- 
gressively elaborat.'  developments  of  the  same  re- 
iterated idea.  Chap.  i.  2-9  is  common  to  the  second 
and  third  poems,  but  not  repeated  with  each  sever- 
ally. (2.)  Attempts  have  been  made  by  Wells, 
Eichhorn,  &c.,  to  subdivide  the  second  part  of  the 
book.  These  divisions  are  made  either  according 
to  reigns  of  contemporary  kings,  or  accoi'ding  to 
the  subject-matter  of  tlie  poem.  The  former 
course  has  been  adoi)ted  by  Wells,  who  gets  jive, 
the  latter  by  Eichhorn,  who  gets  sixteen  poems  out 
of  this  part  of  the  book.  "These  prophecies  were 
probably  collected  by  Hosea  himself  toward  the  end 
of  his  career. — Ilosen's  nuirriage  with  Goiner  has  its 
literal  and  its  allegorical  interpreters.  For  the  lit- 
eral view  we  have  the  majority  of  the  Fathers,  and 
of  the  ancient  and  medieval  inter[)retcrs,  Horsley, 
Lowth,  Henderson,  Pusey,  Kurtz,  &c.  For  the  al- 
legorical arc  the  Chaldce  Paraphrase,  some  Rab- 
bins, Origen's  school,  Junius,  and  the  bulk  of  mod- 
em commentators.  Eichhorn  shows  that  marrjnng 
a  harlot  is  not  necessarily  implied  by  "  a  wife  of 
whoredoms,"  which  may  very  well  =  a  wife  who, 
after  marriage,  becomes  an  adulteress,  though 
chaste  before.  He  also  observes  the  unfitness  of  a 
wife  unchaste  before  marriage  to  be  a  type  of  Israel. 
— References  in  N.  T.  Mat.  ix.  13,  xii.  7  to  IIos.  vL 
6;  Lk.  xxiii.  30,  Kev.  vi.  16,  Hos.  x.  8;  Mat.  ii.  15, 
IIos.  xi.  1 :  l!om.  ix.  25,  26,  1  Pet.  ii.  10,  Ho.s.  i.  10, 
ii.  23  ;  1  Cor.  xv.  4,  Hos.  vi.  2  ;  Heb.  xiii.  15  Hos. 


392 


HOS 


HOU 


xiv.  2. — S;i/Ie.  Commentators  agree  that,  of  all  the 
prophcta,  he  is,  in  point  of  language,  the  most  ob- 
scure and  hard  to  be  understood,  llis  heart  seems 
to  have  been  so  full  and  hery,  that  it  might  well 
burst  through  all  restraints  of  diction. 

Ilo-shai'all,  or  llosll-a-i'all  (fr  Ileb.  =  whom  Je- 
hovah he/fis^  Ges.).  1.  A  man  who  led  the  princes 
of  Judali  in  the  dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jerusa- 
lem, rebuilt  by  Nchemiah  (N'eh.  xii.  32). — 2.  Father 
of  Je/.aniah,  or  Azariah,  who  was  a  man  of  note 
alter  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Nebuchad- 
nezzar (Jcr.  xlii.  1,  xliii.  2). 

Iloslia-ma  (Ileb.  whom  J<hovah  hears,  Ges.),  a 
son  of  king  Jeconiah,  or  Jehoiachin  (1  Chr.  iii.  18). 

Ilo-slic'a  (Heb.  deliveranee,  sajeli/,  Ges. ;  ^  Ho- 
SF.A>.  1.  Tlie  son  of  Nun,  i.  e.  Josula  1  (Dcut. 
x.xxii.  44).  (OsiiEA.) — i.  The  nineteenth,  last,  and 
best  king  of  Israel.  (Israkl,  Ki.ngiiom  of.)  He 
succeeded  Pekah,  whom  he  slew  in  a  suceesslul 
conspiracy,  thereby  fulBUing  Is.  vii.  IB.  Although 
Joscphus  calls  Hoshea  a  friend  of  Pekah,  we  have 
no  ground  for  calling  this  a  treaeh.erous  murder. 
It  took  place  b.  c.  737,  in  the  twentieth  year  of 
Jotham  (2  K.  xv.  30),  i.  e.  "  in  the  twentieth  year 
afler  Jotham  became  sole  king,"  for  he  only  reigned 
sixteen  years  (xv.  33).  But  there  must  have  been 
an  interregnum  of  at  least  eight  years  before 
Hoshea  caiue  to  the  throne,  b.  c.  729,  in  the  twelfth 
year  of  Ahaz  (xvii.  1).  It  is  expressly  stated  (xvii. 
2)  that  Iloshea  was  not  so  sinful  as  his  predeces- 
sors. In  the  third  year  of  his  reign  (b.  c.  726) 
Slnvlmanescr  cruelly  stormed  the  strong  caves  of 
Beth-arbel  (Hos.  viii.  14),  and  made  Israel  tributary 
(2  K.  xvii.  3)  for  three  years.  At  the  end  of  this 
period,  encouraged  perhaps  by  the  revolt  of  Ileze- 
kiah,  Hoshea  entered  into  a  secret  alliance  with 
So,  king  of  Egypt,  to  throw  off  the  A.'^syrian  yoke. 
The  alliance  did  him  no  good ;  it  was  revealed  to 
the  court  of  Nineveh  by  the  Assyrian  party  in 
Ephraim,  and  Hoshea  was  immediately  seized  as  a 
rebellious  vassal,  shut  up  in  prison,  and  apparently 
treated  with  the  utmost  indignity  (Mic.  v.  1).  Of 
the  subsequent  fortunes  of  Hoshea  we  know  noth- 
ing.— 3i  Son  of  Azaziah  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  20);  ruler 
of  Ephraim  in  the  time  of  King  David.— 1.  One  of 
the  heads  of  the  people,  who  scaled  the  covenant 
with  Nchemiah  (Neh.  x.  23). 

Hos-pi-tal'1-ty  was  regarded  by  most  nations  of 
the  ancient  world  as  one  of  the  chief  virtues,  and 
especially  by  peoples  of  the  Shemitic  stock ;  but 
that  it  was  not  characteristic  of  these  alone  is  amply 
shown  by  the  usages  of  the  Greeks  and  even  the 
Romans.  Among  the  Arabs  we  find  the  best  illus- 
trations of  the  old  Bible  narratives,  and  among  them 
see  traits  that  might  beseem  their  ancestor  Abra- 
ham. The  laws  respecting  strangers  (Lev.  xix.  33, 
34)  and  the  poor  (xxv.  14  ff. ;  Dcut.  xv.  7),  and  con- 
cerning redemption  (Lev.  xxv.  23  ff.),  &c.,  are  framed 
in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  hospitality ;  and  the 
strength  of  the  national  feeling  regarding  it  is  shown 
in  the  incidental  mentions  of  its  practice.  In  the 
Law,  compassion  to  strangers  is  constantly  enforced 
by  the  words,  "  for  ye  were  strangers  in  the  land  of 
Egypt"  (xix.  34).  And,  before  the  Law,  Abraham's 
entertainment  of  the  angels  (Gen.  xviii.  1  ft'.)  and 
Lot's  (xix.  1)  are  in  exact  agreement  with  its  pre- 
cepts, and  with  modern  usage  (compare  Ex.  ii.  20.; 
Judg.  xiii.  15,  xix.  17,  20,  21).  In  the  N.  T.  hos- 
pitality is  yet  more  markedly  enjoined  ;  and  in  the 
more  civilized  state  of  society  which  then  prevailed, 
its  exercise  became  more  a  social  virtue  than  a 
necessity  of  patriarchal  life.      The  good  Samaritan 


stands  for  all  ages  as  an  example  of  hospitality,  era- 
bodying  the  command  to  love  one's  neighbor  as  him- 
self (Lk.  X.  30  ff.).  The  neglect  of  Christ  is  symbol- 
ized by  inhospitality  to  our  neighbors  (Mat.  xxv.  43). 
The  apostles  urged  the  church  to  "  ibilow  after  hos- 
pitalhy "  (Koni.  xii.  13;  compare  1  Tim.  v.  10); 
to  remember  Abraham's  example  (Heb.  xiii.  2) ;  to 
"  use  hospitality  one  to  another  without  gvudghig  " 
(1  Pet.  iv.  9);  while  a  bishop  must  be  a  "lover  of 
hospitality"  (Tit.  i.  8;  compare  1  Tim.  iii.  2).  The 
practice  of  the  early  Christians  was  in  accord  wiih 
these  precepts.  Their  hospitality  was  a  character- 
istic of  their  belief  Such  having  been  the  usage  of 
Biblical  times,  it  is  important  to  remark  how  hos- 
pitality was  shown.  In  the  patriarchal  ages  we  may 
take  Abraham's  exam))le  as  the  most  fitting,  as  we 
have  of  it  the  fullest  account  (Gen.  xviii.).  "Hos- 
pitality," says  Mr.  Lane,  "is  a  virtue  ibr  which  the 
natives  of  the  East  in  general  are  highly  and  de- 
servedly admired  ;  and  the  people  of  Egypt  are  well 
entitled  to  commendation  on  this  account  .  .  . 
Very  few  persons  here  would  think  of  sitting  down 
to  a  meal,  if  there  was  a  stranger  in  the  house,  with- 
out inviting  him  to  partake  of  it,  unless  the  latter 
were  a  menial,  in  which  case  he  would  be  inviud  to 
eat  with  the  servants.  ...  By  a  Sunneh  law  a 
traveller  may  claim  entertainment  of  any  person 
able  to  afford  it  to  him  for  three  days.  The  account 
of  Abraham's  entertaining  the  three  angels,  related 
in  the  Bilile,  presents  a  perfect  picture  of  the  man- 
ner in  which  a  modern  Bedawee  sheikh  receives 
travellers  arriving  at  his  encampment.  He  in, me- 
diately orders  his  wife  or  women  to  make  bread, 
slaughters  a  sheep  or  some  other  animal,  and 
dresses  it  in  haste,  and  bringing  milk  or  any  other 
provisions  that  he  may  have  ready  at  hand,  with 
the  bread  and  the  meat  which  he  has  dres^^d, 
sets  them  before  his  guests.  If  these  be  per- 
sons of  high  rank,  he  stands  by  them  while  tliey 
eat,  as  Abraham  did  in  the  case  above  alluded  to. 
Most  Bedawecs  will  suffer  almost  any  injury  to 
themselves  or  their  families  rather  than  allow  their 
guests  to  be  ill-treated  while  under  their  protection. 
There  are  Arabs  who  even  regard  the  chastity  of 
their  wives  as  not  too  precious  to  be  sacrificed  for 
the  gratification  of  their  guests."  The  Oriental  re- 
spect for  the  COVENANT  of  bread  and  salt,  or  suit 
alone,  certainly  sprang  from  the  high  regard  in 
which  hospitality  was  held.  Alms;  Koon;  Inn; 
Loan;  Meals;  Poor;  Washing  the  Hands  and 
Feet. 

*  Hcs'fa-gts  (i.  e.  persons  taken  as  security  for 
the  faithful  performance  of  a  treaty,  &c.)  are  men- 
tioned (2  K.  xiv.  14  ;  2  Chr.  xxv.  24)  as  taken  by 
Joash,  king  of  Israel,  after  his  victory  over  Amaziah 
of  Judah.  Hostages  are  often  mentioned  in  the 
Apocrypha  (1  Mc.  i.  10,  viii.  7,  ix.  53,  x.  6,  V,  xi. 
C2,  xiii.  IB).     Loan;  War. 

Ho'tliam  (Heb.  a  seal,  signet-ring,  Ges.),  a  mnn  of 
Asher;  son  of  Hcber,  of  the  family  of  Beriah  {1 
Chr.  vii.  32),  =  Helem  1  ? 

Ho  tlian  (fr.  Heb.,  properly  Hotham),  a  man  of 
Arocr,  lather  of  Shanja  and  Jehiel,  among  David's 
"valiant  men  "  (1  Chr.  xi.  44). 

Uo'tllir  (Heb.  to  make  higher  or  ^ipeHor,  Fii.), 
thirteenth  son  of  Heman,  "the  king's  seer"  (1  Chr. 
xxv.  4,  28),  a  Kol.athite  Levite.  He  had  charge  of 
the  twenty-first  course  of  musicians. 

Hoar  (dial.  s?id\ih,  shtt'cithd  ;  Gr.  hvra).  The 
ancient  Hebrews  were  probably  unacrniainted  with 
the  division  of  the  natural  day  into  twcnty-four 
parts.    (Chronology  I. ;  Dial.)    The  general  di»- 


1 


HOU 


Horr 


393 


tinctions  of  "  morning,  evening,  and  noonday  "  (Ps. 
Iv.  17)  were  sufficient  tor  them  at  first,  as  tliey  were 
for  the  carlv  Greeks ;  afterward  the  Hebrews  par- 
celled out  the  period  between  sunrise  and  sunset 
into  a  scries  of  miuute  divisions  distinguished  by  tiie 
Bun's  course.  The  early  Jews  appear  to  have  di- 
vided the  day  into  four  parts  (Xeh.  ix.  3),  and  the 
itight  into  three  watches  (Judg.  vii.  19),  and  even  in 
the  X.  T.  we  find  a  trace  of  this  division  in  Mat.  xx. 
1-5.  The  Greeks  adopted  the  division  of  the  day 
into  twelve  hours  from  the  Babylonians.  At  what 
period  the  Jews  became  first  acquainted  with  this 
way  of  reckoning  time  is  unknown,  but  it  is  gen- 
erally supposed  that  they  too  learned  it  from  the 
Biiivloniaris  during  the  Captivity.  In  whatever  way 
originated,  it  was  known  to  the  Egyptians  at  a  very 
early  period.  They  had  twelve  hours  of  the  day  and 
of  the  night.  Tiicre  are  two  kinds  of  hours,  viz. 
(I.)  the  astronomical  or  equinoctial  hour,  i.  e.  the 
twenty-fo'.irth  part  of  a  civil  diy,  and  (2.)  the -nat- 
ural hour,  i.  e.  the  twelfth  part  of  the  natural  day, 
or  of  the  time  between  sunrise  and  sunset.  These 
are  the  hours  meant  in  the  X;  T.,  Josephus,  and  the 
Rabbis  (Jn.  xi.  9,  &c.),  and  it  must  be  re;nembercd 
that  thoy  perpetudly  vary  in  length,  so  as  to  be 
very  different  at  different  times  of  the  year.  What 
horologic  contrivances  the  Jews  possessed  in  the 
time  of  our  Lord  is  uncertain ;  but  we  may  safely 
Buppo:<e  that  they  had  gnomons,  dials,  and  clepsydrs, 
all  of  which  had  long  been  known  to  the  Persians 
and  other  nations  with  who  n  they  had  co  ne  in  con- 
tact. For  the  purposes  of  prayer  the  old  division 
of  the  day  into  four  portions  was  continue  1  in  the 
Temple-serviee,  as  we  see  from  Acts  ii.  15,  iii.  1,  x.  9. 
Htta^e  (Heb.  bayi'h  ;  Gr.  oikoi)  —  a  dwelling  in 
general,  whether  literally,  as  house,  text,  palace, 
COTTAGE,  CAVK,  citadcl,  TOMB ;  derivatively,  as  tab- 
ernacle, TEMPLE,  HEAVEN ;  Or  metaphorically,  as 
family.  Although,  in  Oriental  language,  every  tent 
may  be  regarded  as  a  houne,  yet  the  distinction  be- 
tween the  permanent  dwelling-house  and  the  tent 
must  have  taken  rise  from  the  moment  of  the  divis- 
ion of  mankind  into  dwellers  in  tents  and  builders 
of  cities,  i.  e.  of  permanent  habitations  (Gen.  iv.  17, 
20;  Is.  xxxviii.  12).  The  Uebrews  did  not  become 
dwellers  in  the  cities  till  the  sojourn  in  Egypt, 
and  after  the  conquest  of  Canaan  ((jen.  xlvii.  3; 
Ex.  xii.  7  ;  Heb.  xi.  9),  while  the  Canaanites  as  well 
as  the  Assyrians  were  from  an  earlier  period  build- 


ers and  inhabitants  of  cities,  and  it  was  into  the 
houses  and  cities  built  by  the  former  that  tlie  He- 
brews entered  to  take  possession  after  the  conciuest 
(Gen.  X.  11,  19,  xix.  1,  x.xiii.  10,  xxxiv.  20;  Xum. 
xi.  27;  Deut.  vi.  10,  11).  The  houses  of  the  rural 
poor  in  Egypt,  as  well  as  in  most  parts  of  Syria, 
Arabia,  and  Persia,  are  for  the  most  part  mere  huts 
of  mud,  or  sunburnt  bricks.  In  some  parts  of 
Palestine  and  Arabia  stone  is  used,  and  in  certain 
districts  caves  in  the  rock  are  used  as  dwellings 
(Am.  V.  11).  The  houses  are  usually  of  one  story 
only,  viz.  the  ground  floor,  and  sometimes  contain 
only  one  apartment.  Sometimes  a  small  court  for 
the  cattle  is  attaclied ;  and  in  some  eases  the  cattle 
are  housed  in  the  same  building,  or  the  people  live 
on  a  raised  platform,  and  the  cattle  round  them  on 


A  HMariaa  Hcom,  with  gU(M  spoil  dia  Ihiof  Ibr  •lopliic,— (I^^wd,  SiimA,  I,  IH.) 


Entrance  to  Housa  in  Cairo.— {Lane,  Mvdern  Bgijjiiaiu.) 

the  ground  (1  Sam.  xxviii.  24).  (Barn.)  The  win- 
dows an  small  apertures  higlt  up  in  the  walls,  some- 
times grated  with  wood.  (Lattice;  Window.) 
The  roofs  are  commonly,  but  not  always,  flat,  and  are 
usually  formed  of  a  plaster  of  mud  and  straw  laid 
upon  boughs  or  rafters ;  and,  upon  the  flat  roofs, 
tents,  or  "  booths  "  of  boughs  and  rushes,  are  often 
raised  to  be  used  as  sleeping-places  in  summer.  The 
difference  between  the  poor- 
est houses  and  those  of  the 
class  next  above  tliera  is 
greater  than  between  these 
and  the  houses  of  the  first 
rank.  The  prevailing  plan 
of  Eastern  houses  of  this 
class  presents,  as  was  the 
case  in  ancient  Egypt,  a 
front  of  wall,  whose  blank  and 
mean  appearance  is  usually 
relieved  only  Ijy  the  door  and 
a  few  latticed  and  projecting 
windows.  Within  this  is  a 
COURT  or  courts  with  apart- 
ments opening  into  tliem. 
In  some  houses  at  Damascus 
are  seven  such  courts.  When 
there  are  only  two,  the  in- 
nermost is  the  harem,  in 
which  the  women  and  chil- 
dren live.  Over  the  door 
is  a  projecting  window  with  a 


394 


HOU 


HOTJ 


lattice  more  or  less  elaborately  wrought,  which,  ex- 
cept in  times  of  public  celebrations,  is  usually  closed 
(■2  K.  ix.  30).  An  awning  is  sometimes  drawn  over  the 
court,  aud  the  floor  strewed  with  carpets  on  festive 


Inner  Court  of  House  in  Cairo,  with  Mak'ad. — 
(Lane,  Mudttn  Egifftiam.) 

occasions.  On  the  ground  floor  is  generally  an  apart- 
ment ibr  male  visitors,  called  mandarah,  having  a  por- 
tion of  tlie  floor  sunk  below  the  rest,  called  durkd'ah. 
The  rest  of  the  floor  is  a  raised  platform,  called  leewan, 
with  a  mattress  and  cushions  at  the  back  on  each 
of  the  three  fides.  This  seat  or  sofa  is  called  deewon 
or  divan.  The  stairs  to  the  upper  apartments  are  in 
Syria  usually  in  a  corner  of  the  court.  Around 
part,  if  not  the  whole,  of  the  court  is  a  veranda, 
often  nine  or  ten  feet  deep,  over  which,  when  there 
is  more  than  one  floor,  runs  a  second  gallery  of  like 


Court  of  HooM  at  Aotioch. 

depth  with  a  balustrade.  Bearing  in  mind  that  the 
reception-room  is  raised  above  the  level  of  the 
court,  we  may,  in  explaining  the  circumstances  of  the 
miracle  of  the  paralytic  (Mk.  ii.  3 ;  Lk.  v.  18),  sup- 
pose 1.  either  that  our  Lord  was  standing  under  the 
veranda,  and  the  people  in  front  in  the  court.  The 
bearers  of  the  sick  man  ascended  the  stairs  to  the 
roof  of  the  house,  and  taking  off  a  portion  of  the 
boarded  covering  of  the  veranda,  or  removing  the 
awning,  in  the  foiTner  case  let  down  the  bed  through 
the  veranda  roof,  or  in  the  latter,  down  hy  way  of 
the  roof,  and  deposited  it  before  the  Saviour.  2. 
Another  explanation  presents  itself  in  considering 
the  room  where  the  company  were  assembled  as  the 


"  upper  chamber,"  and  the  roof  opened  for  the  bed 
to  be  the  true  roof  of  the  house.  3.  And  one  still 
more  simple  is  found  in  regarding  the  house  as  one 
of  the  rude  dwellings  now  to  be  seen  near  the  Sea 
of  Galilee,  a  mere  room  ten  or  twelve  feet  high  and 
as  many  or  more  square,  with  no  opening  except  (he 
door.  The  roof,  used  as  a  sleeping-place,  is  reached 
by  a  ladder  from  the  outside,  and  the  bearers  of  tlie 
paralytic,  unable  to  approach  the  door,  would  thus 
have  ascended  the  roof,  aud,  having  uncovered  it, 
let  him  down  into  the  room  where  our  Lord  was. 
When  there  is  no  second  floor,  but  n.ore  than  one 
court,  the  women's  a]  artments,  Imrnm,  litirim,  or 
harain,  are  usually  in  the  second  court ;  otherwise 
they  fonn  a  separate  building  within  the  geneial  en- 
closure, or  arc  above  on  the  first  floor.  A\  hen  there 
is  an  upper  story,  the  K(Vah  (a  siccnd  room  fitted 
with  i/iewuns)  forms  the  most  important  apaitnieiit, 
and  thus  probably  answers  to  the  "  upper  chamber," 
which  was  olten  the  "guest-chamber"  (Lk.  xxii. 
12 ;  Acts  i.  13,  ix.  37,  xx.  8).  The  windows  of  the 
upper  rooHis  often  project  one  or  two  feet,  and  form 
a  kiosk  or  latticed  chaniber.  Such  n.av  have  been 
the  "chaniber  in  the  wall"  (2  K.  iv.  10,  11).  Tl:e 
"lattice"  through  which  Ahaziah  fell,  perhaps  be- 
longed to  an  upper  chaniber  of  this  Uir.d  (i.  2),  as 
also  the  "  third  loft,"  from  which  Eutychus  fell 
(Acts  XX.  9;  compare  Jer.  xxii.  13).  There  are 
usually  no  special  bedrtoms  in  Eastern  houses. 
(Bep.)  The  outer  doors  are  closed  with  a  wooden 
lOCK,  but  in  some  cases  the  apartments  are  divided 
from  each  other  by  curtains  onlj'.  There  are  no 
chimneys,  but  kiiie  is  made  when  required  with 
charcoal  in  a  chafing-dish ;  or  a  fire  of  wood  mif;ht 
be  kindled  in  the  open  court  of  the  house  (Lk.  xxii. 
56).  Some  houses  in  Cairo  have  an  apartment  called 
mak'ad,  open  in  front  to  the  court,  nilh  two  or 
more  arches,  and  a  railing ;  and  a  pillar  to  support 
the  wall  above.  It  was  in  a  chaniber  of  this  kind, 
probably  one  of  the  largest  size  to  be  found  in  a 
palace,  tliat  our  Lord  was  being  arraigned  before 
the  high-piiest,  when  the  denial  of  Ilini  bySt.  I'eter 
took  place,     lie  "  turned  and  looked  "  on  I'cter  as 

-<»M>.n.'i f.,Vfilnir'ir;.gj;!IVi,My!,lfl't|iigi;.HruV,'l3*^ 


he  stood  by  the  fire  in  the  court  (Lk.  xxii.  66,  61 ; 
Jn.  xviii.  24),  whilst  He  Himself  was  in  the  "Hall 
of  Judgment."  The  roofs  of  Eastern  houses  are 
mostly  flat,  though  there  are  sometimes  domes  over 
some  of  the  rooms.  The  flat  portions  are  plastered 
with  a  composition  of  mortar,  tar,  ashes,  and  sand. 
In  many  cases  the  terrace  roof  is  little  better  than 
earth  rolled  hard.  Sometimes  the  roof  is  of  boards, 
stone  slabs,  palm-leaf,  or  even  cornstalks  or  brush- 
wood spread  over  with  gravel,  &c.  In  no  point  do 
Oriental  domestic  habits  differ  more  from  European 


HtJK 


miR 


395 


than  in  ths  use  of  the  roof.  Its  flat  surface  is  made 
useful  for  various  household  purposes,  as  drying 
corn,  hanging  up  linen,  and  preparing  figs  and 
raisins.  Tiie  roofs  are  used  as  places  of  recrea- 
tioiyia  the  evening,  and  often  as  slccping-pLices  at 
nigiit  (2  Sim.  xi.  2,  xvi.  22  ;  Dan.  iv.  29 ;  1  Sam.  ix. 
25,  2d;  Job  ixvii.  18;  I'rov.  xxi.  9).  They  were 
also  used  as  places  for  devotion,  and  even  idolatrous 
wor.-ihip  (Jer.  ixxii.  29,  xix.  13;  2  K.  xxiii.  12; 
Zuph.  i.  5 ;  Acts  x.  9).  At  the  time  of  the  Feast  of 
Tabernacles,  booths  were  erected  by  the  Jews  on  the 
tops  of  their  houses.  Protection  of  the  roof  by 
parapets  (A.  V.  "a  battlement")  was  enjoined  by 
the  law  (Dent.  xxii.  8).  In  ancient  Assyrian  and 
also  in  Egyptian  houses,  a  sort  of  raised  story  was 
sometimes  built  above  the  rojf,  and  in  the  former 
an  open  chamber,  roofed  or  covered  with  awning, 
was  sometimes  erected  on  the  house-top.  Special 
apartments  were  devoted  in  larger  houses  to  winter 
and  summar  uses  (Jer.  xxxvi.  22 ;  Am.  iii.  15). 
The  "  ivory  house  "  of  Ah-.ib  was  probably  a  palace 
largely  ornamented  with  inlaid  ivoxv.  The  cir- 
cumstance of  Satnson's  pulling  down  the  house  by 
means  of  the  pillars  may  be  explained  by  the  fact 
of  the  company  being  assembled  on  tiers  of  bal- 
conies above  each  other,  supported  by  central  pil- 
lars on  the  biisement ;  when  those  were  pulled  down, 
the  whole  of  tlie  upper  floors  woul  1  fall  also  (Judg. 
xvi.  2(i).  Arciiitkctubk  ;  Ceiling;  Citv;  Furni- 
ture; Gate;  llANDiciAtT ;  Inn;  Lspbosi;  Par- 
tOR ;  ViLLAUE  ;  Wall. 

Onk  kvk  (Ileb.  what  is  cut  in  =  a  diU-k,  F;\. ;  or 
decree,  lav,  Ges.  ?),  a  place  on  the  boun  i.iry  of  Xaph- 
tali  (Josh.  xix.  3t)  na:nod  next  to  Aznoth-tabor ; 
probably  at  YMik,  a  village  in  the  mount  tins  of 
Naphtali,  W.  of  the  upper  end  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee, 
about  seven  miles  S.  S.  W.  of  SafWl. 

Ila'kolk  (llcb.  =  Udkkox)  =  Heleath  in  Josh, 
ixi.  ( 1  Chr.  vi.  75). 

Dal  (Ileb.  rirde,  Ges.),  second  son  of  Aram,  and 
grandson  of  S'.iem  (Gen.  x.  23).  The  geographical 
position  of  the  people  whom  he  represents  is  not 
well  decided.  The  strongest  evidence  is  in  favor  of 
the  district  about  the  roots  of  Lebanon,  where  Ard 
tlrllii'eh  now  =:  a  district  .V.  of  Lake  Merom. 

nnl'dab  (Heb.  teeiue/,  Ges.,  Fii.),  a  prophetess, 
whoic  hiHband  Shallum  was  keeper  of  the  wardrobe 
in  Kiug  JosLib's  time.  To  hor  Josiali  had  recourse 
when  Hilkiah  found  a  book  of  the  L  r.v,  to  procure 
an  authoritative  opinion  on  it  (2  K.  xxii.  14  ;  2  Chr. 
xixiv.  22).     College. 

ilim'tah  (Ileb.  place  of  tizarlt,  or  hulmark,  Ges.), 
a  city  of  Judah  in  the  mountain-district,  the  next 
to  Hebron  (Josh.  xv.  61). 

Ilaat  tnji  The  objects  for  which  hunting  is  prac- 
tised Indicate  the  various  conditions  of  society  and 
the  progress  of  civilization.  Hunting,  as  a  matter 
of  necessity,  whether  for  the  extermination  of  dan- 
gerous beasts,  or  for  procuring  8usten.ancc,  betokens 
a  rude  and  semi-civilized  state ;  as  an  amusement, 
it  betokens  an  advanced  state.  The  Hebrews,  as  a 
pastoral  and  agricultural  people,  were  not  given  to 
the  .iports  of  the  field  ;  the  density  of  the  popula- 
tion, the*  earnestness  of  their  character,  and  the 
tendency  of  their  ritual  regulations,  particularly 
those  alTectlng  food,  all  combined  to  discourage  the 
practice  of  hunting.  There  was  no  lack  of  game 
in  Palestine ;  on  their  entrance  into  the  land,  the 
wild  beasts  were  so  numerous  as  to  be  dangerous 
(Ex.  xxiii.  29).  Some  of  the  fiercer  animals  sur- 
vived to  a  late  period,  as  lions.  The  manner  of 
catching  these  auim'tls  was  either  by  digging  a  pit- 


fall, which  was  the  usual  manner  with  the  larger 
animals,  as  the  lion  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  20;  Ez.  xix.  4, 
8);  or  by  a  trap,  which  was  set  under  ground  (Job 
xviii.  10),  iu  the  run  of  the  animal  (I'rov.  xxii.  5), 
and  caught  it  by  the  leg  (Job  xviii.  9j ;  or  lastly  by 
the  use  of  the  net,  of  which  there  were  various 
khids,  as  for  the  gazelle  (Is.  li.  20,  A.  V.  "  wild 
BULL ")  and  other  animals  of  that  class.  Birds 
formed  an  article  of  food  among  the  Hebrews  (Lev. 
xvii.  13),  and  much  skill  was  exercised  in  catching 
them.  The  following  were  the  most  approved 
methods: — (1.)  The  trap,  which  consisted  of  two 
parts,  a  net,  strained  over  a  frame,  and  a  stick  to 
support  it,  but  so  placed  that  it  should  give  way  at 
the  slightest  toucli  (Am.  iii.  5,  "gin  ;"  I's.  Ixix.  22, 
"  trap  ").  (2.)  Tiie  snare  (Job  xviii.  9,  A.  V.  "  rob- 
ber "),  consisting  of  a  cord  (xviii.  10 ;  compare 
I's.  xviii.  5,  cxvi.  3,  c.\l.  5),  so  set  as  to  cutch  the 
bird  by  the  leg.  (3.)  Tlie  net.  (4.)  The  decoy, 
to  which  reference  is  made  in  Jer.  v.  2(5,  27. 
Arsis;  Cage;  Fish;  Food;  Sparrow. 

IlapkaiU  (Heb.  eoast-iiutn  ?  Ges.  ;  protected,  Fii.), 
a  sou  of  Benjamin ;  founder  of  the  family  of  the 
Huphamites  (Xuni.  xxvi.  39) ;  =  Hippim. 

IlD'piiani-ites  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  descendants  of 
Ul'pham  (Xum.  xxvi.  39). 

Iloppah  (Heb.  ctivenug,  protection,  Ges.,  Fii.),  a 
priest  in  David's  time,  having  charge  of  the  thir- 
teenth course  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  13). 

Uopplin  (Heb.  pl.  =  coverings,  Ges. ;  protection, 
Fii.),  head  of  a  Beiijamite  family.  According  to 
the  text  of  the  LXX.  in  Gen.  xlvi.  21,  a  son  of  Bela; 
but  1  Chr.  vii.  12  tells  us  that  he  was  son  of  Ir,  or 
Iri.     Ht-PHAM. 

liar  (Heb.  a  hole,  Ges. ;  immaculateneiss,  uobiliti/, 
Fii.).  1.  A  man  mentioned  with  Moses  and  Aaron 
on  the  occasion  of  the  battle  with  Amaiek  at  liephi- 
dim  (Ex.  xvii.  10),  when  with  Aaron  he  stayed  up 
the  hands  of  Moses  (12).  He  is  mentioned  again  in 
xxiv.  14,  as  being,  with  Aaron,  left  in  charge  of  the 
people  by  Moses  during  his  ascent  of  Sinai.  The 
Jewish  tradition  is  that  he  was  the  husband  of 
Miriam,  and  that  he  was  identic^il  witli — 2.  The 
grandfather  of  Bezaleel,  the  chief  artificer  of  the 
Tabernacle — "son  of  Uri,  son  of  Hui' — of  the  tribe 
of  Judah"  (Ex.  xxxi.  2,  xxxv.  30,  xxxviii.  22;  2 
Chr.  i.  5).  In  the  lists  of  the  descendants  of  Juilah 
in  1  Chronicles  the  pedigree  is  more  fully  preserved. 
Hur  there  appears  as  one  of  the  great  faiinly  of 
Pharez.  He  was  son  of  Caleb  the  son  of  Hezron,  l)y 
a  second  wife,  Ephrath  (1  Chr.  ii.  19,  20;  compare 
5,  also  iv.  1),  the  first  fruit  of  the  marriage  (ii.  50, 
iv.  4),  and  the  father,  besides  Uri  (ver.  20),  of  three 
sons,  who  founded  the  towns  of  Kirjatli-jcarim, 
Bethlehem,  and  Beth-gader  (51).  Hur's  connection 
with  Bethlehem  would  seem  to  have  been  of  a 
closer  nature  than  with  the  others  (iv.  4). — 3.  The 
fourth  of  the  five  kings  of  Midian  slain  with  Balaam 
after  the  "matter  of  Peor"  (Num.  xxxi.  8).  In  a 
later  mention  of  them  (Josh.  xiil.  21)  they  are  called 
"  princes  "  of  Midian  and  "  duke.s." — t.  Father  of 
Rcphaiah,  who  was  ruler  of  half  of  the  environs  of 
Jerusalem,  and  assisted  N^ehemiah  in  the  repair  of 
the  wall  (Xch.  iii.  9). — 5>  The  "son  of  Hur" — 
margin  "Ben-hur" — was  commi.is.iriat  olKcer  for 
Solomon  in  Mount  Ephraim  (1  K.  iv.  S). 

Hn'ral  (Chnl.  worker  in  linen  i  Ges. ;  free,  noble, 
Fii.),  one  of  David's  "  valiant  men  " — "  Hurai  of 
the  brooks  of  Gaash  "  (1  Chr.  xi.  32).     Hidhai. 

Ha'nun  (Heb.  noble,  hifih-horn,  Ges.).  1,  A  Ben- 
jamitc ;  son  of  Bela,  the  first-born  of  the  patriarch 
(1  Chr.  viii.  6).— 2.   The  king  of  Tyre  in  alliance 


396 


HUR 


HYM 


■B-ith  David  and  Solomon — elsewhere  Hiram  (1  Chr. 
xiv.  1  ;  2  Chr.  ii.  3,  11,  12,  viii.  2,  18,  ix.  10,  21).— 
3.  Hiram  the  artificer  (ii.  13,  i\»  11,  16). 

Hn'ri  (Ileb.  worker  in  linen,  Ges.),  a  Gadite ;  father 
of  Abihail(l  Chr.  v.  14). 

Hns'bandi     Man  ;  Marriage. 

Ho'sball  (Heb.  haste,  Ges.,  Fii.),  a  name  in  the 
genealogies  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  4)— "Ezer,  father 
of  Husliah  ;  "  perhaps  the  name  of  a  place. 

Hn'shai  (Heb.  hastinq,  Ges.),  an  Archite  (2  Sam. 
XV.  32  ff.,  xvi.  16  ff.).  'He  is  called  the  "friend"  of 
David  (xv.  37);  in  1  Chr.  xxvii.  33,  the  word  is  ren- 
dered "  companion."  To  him  David  confided  the 
delicate  and  dangerous  part  of  a  pretended  adher- 
ence to  the  cause  of  Absalom.  His  advice  was 
preferred  to  Ahithophel's,  and  speedily  brought 
to  pass  the  ruin  which  it  meditated.  He  was  prob- 
ably the  father  of  Baanah  3  (1  K.  iv.  16). 

Hn'sliam  (Heb.  haxte,  Ges.),  early  king  of  Edom 
(Gen.  xxxvi.  34,  35  ;   1  Chr.  i.  45,  46). 

Hu'ithatil-itf  (fr.  Heb.  =  one  from  HusnAH,  Ges., 
Fii.),  tlie,  the  designation  of  two  of  David's  "  valiant 
men."  1.  Sibbeciiai  or  Sibdecai  (2  Sam.  xxi.  18; 
1  Chr.  xi.  29,  xx.  4,  xxvii.  11).  Josephus  calls 
him  a  Hittite. — 2,  Mt;BUNNAi  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  21), 
probably  a  corruption  of  Sibbechai. 

Hn'slUm  (Heb.  pi.  —  the  hasting,  Ges.,  Fii.).  1. 
In  Gen.  xlvi.  23,  "  the  children  of  Dan "  are  said 
to  have  been  Hushim.  The  name  is  plural,  as  if 
of  a  tribe  rather  than  an  individual.  In  Num. 
xxvi.  the  name  is  changed  to  SuniAM. — 3.  A  Bcn- 
jamite  (1  Chr.  vii.  12);  and  here  again  apparently 
the  plural  nature  of  the  name  is  recognized,  and 
Hushim  is  stated  to  be  "  the  sous  of  Aher." — 3< 
One  of  the  two  wives  of  Shaharaim  (viii.  8). 

Hasks.  The  Gr.  pi.  kcralia,  rendered  in  the  A.  V. 
"husks  "  (Lk.  XV.  16),  describes  really  the  fruit  of 


Branch  and  Fwilt  of  Ihe  Carob-trea  {Ciralonia  SiUqva). — (Fbn.) 

a  particular  kind  of  tree,  viz.  the  carob  or  Cera- 
iouia  SUiqua  of  botanists.     This  tree  is  very  com- 


mon in  Syria  and  Egypt ;  it  is  evergreen,  and  grows 
to  the  height  of  twenty  or  thirty  feet ;  it  produces 
pods,  shaped  like  a  horn,  varying  in  length  from 
six  to  ten  inches,  and  about  a  finger's  bn  adth,  or 
rather  more.  These  pods,  containing  a  thick  pithy 
substance,  very  sweet  to  tlie  taste,  were  eaten  by 
cattle,  and  particularly  by  pigs,  and  by  the  poorer 
classes  of  the  population. 

Haz  (fr.  Heb.  =  Uz),  eldest  son  of  Nahor  and 
Milcah  (Gen.  xxii.  21). 

Unz'zab  (fr.  Heb.  =  it  is  fxecl,  or  determined, 
Ges. ;  fr.  Pors.  z=  beautifully  beaming,  Fii.),  accord- 
ing to  the  general  opinion  of  the  Jews,  was  the 
queen  of  Nineveh  when  Nalium  delivered  his  proph 
ecy  (Nah.  ii.  7).  The  modcrrs  follow  the  rendering 
in  the  margin  of  our  English  Bible — "  that  which 
was  established."  Still  (so  Kawlinson)  Huzzab  may 
really  be  a  proper  name  =  "  the  Zab  country,"  cr 
the  fertile  tract  E.  of  the  Tigris,  watered  by  the 
upper  and  lower  Zab  rivers  (Zab  Ala  and  Zab 
Asfal),  the  A-diab-ene  of  the  geographers.  This 
province — the  most  valuable  part  of  Assyria — might 
well  stand  for  Assyiia  itself. 

Uy-das'Fes  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  a  river  noticed  in  .Id.  i. 
6,  in  connection  with  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris. 
It  is  uncertain  what  liver  is  referred  to  ;  the  well- 
known  Ilydaspcs  of  India  (the  Jilum  of  the  I'anjd) 
is  too  remote.  We  may  perhaps  identify  it  with 
the  Choaspcs  of  Susiana. 

Hy-c'na  (L.  hyaiia,  fr.  Gr.).  Authorities  are  at 
variance  as  to  whether  the  Ileb.  iMiia'  in  Jcr.  xii. 
9  means  a  "hyena"  as  the  LXX.  has  it,  or  a 
"speckled  bird,"  as  in  the  A.  V.  The  ctymologicid 
force  of  the  word  is  equally  adapted  to  either,  the 
hyena  being  stnaked.  Tlie  only  other  h'stance  in 
which  it  occurs  is  as  a  proper  name,  Zedoim  ( 1. 
Sam.  xiii.  18,  "the  valley  of  hyenas,"  Aqnila  ;  Xch. 
xi.  34).  The  hyena  was  a  fierce,  strong  boaft,  com- 
mon in  ancient  as  in  modem  Egypt,  and  is  con- 
stantly depicted  on  u  onuments:  it  must  therefore 
have  been  well  known  to  the  Jews,  if  indeed  not 
equally  common  in  Palestine  (Ecclus.  xiii.  18). 

Ujm-e-rac'ns  (L.)  =  Hyme.veis. 

Ilym-e-De'as  (L.  Hiimenema,  fr.  Gr.  =  a  wedding- 
song,  marriage,  L.  &  S.),  a  person  named  twice  in 
St.  Paul's  Epistles  to  Timothy ;  the  first  time  classed 
with  Alexander  (1  Tim.  i.  20);  and  the  second  time 
classed  with  Pliiletus  (2  Tim.  ii.  17,  18).  In  the 
error  with  which  he  was  charged — "  saying,  that 
the  resurrection  is  past  already  " — he  stands  as  ore 
of  the  earliest  of  the  Gnostics.  As  regards  the 
sentence  passed  upon  him^t  has  been  asserted  by 
some  writers  of  eminence,  that  the  "delivering  to 
Satan  "  is  a  mere  synonym  for  ecclesiastical  i:xe'0.M- 
MCNicATioN.  Such  Can  hardly  be  the  case  (so  Mr. 
Ffoulkes).  As  the  apostles  healed  all  manner  of 
bodily  infirmities,  so  they  seem  to  have  possessed 
and   exercised   the  same  power  in  inflicting  thim 

a  power  far  too  perilous  to  be  continued  when 

the  manifold  exigencies  of  the  apostelical  age  had 
passed  awav  (Acts  v.  5,  10,  ix.  17,  40,  xni.  II). 
Even  apart  "from  actual  intcrrention  by  the  apos- 
tles, bodily  visitations  are  spoken  of  in  tl»f  ease  of 
those  who  approached  the  Lord's  Supper  unworthily 
(1  Cor.  xi.  30).  On  the  other  hand,  Satan  was  held 
to  be  the  instrument  or  executioner  of  all  these  vis- 
itations. Thus,  while  the  "delivering  to  gatan_ 
may  resemble  ecclesiastical  excommunication  m 
sorne  respects,  it  has  its  own  characteristics  like- 
wise, which  show  plainly  that  one  is  not  to  be  con- 
founded or  placed  on  the  same  level  with  the  otheft 
Deuokiacs  ;  Miracles. 


I 


HTM 


ICE 


397 


Hyma  (fr.  Gr.  =  a  song)  (Eph.  v.  19;  Col.  iii. 
16).  Among  the  later  Jews  the  word  psalm  had  a 
definite  meaning  (Psalms),  while  Aymw  was  more 
or  le^s  vague  in  its  application,  and  capable  of 
being  u-ied  as  occasion  should  arise.  To  Chris- 
tians the  Hymn  has  always  been  something  difleront 
from  t'le  Psalm ;  a  different  conception  in  thought, 
a  different  type  in  composition.  There  is  some 
d'spute  about  the  hymn  sung  by  our  Lord  and 
His  apostles  on  the  occasion  of  the  Last  Supper ; 
but  even  supposing  it  to  have  been  the  Hallel,  or 
Paschal  Hymn,  consisting  of  Ps.  cxiii.-cxviii.  (Ual- 
LEUJiia ;  P.\ssovek),  it  is  obvious  tliat  the  word  ^ 
h'/inn  is  in  this  case  appliel  not  to  an  individual 
Psahn,  but  to  a  niunber  of  psilms  chanted  suc- 
eessiv  c'ly,  and  altogether  forming  a  kind  of  devo- 
tional esereise  not  unaptly  callel  a  hymn.  In  the 
jail  at  Philippi,  Paul  and  Silas  "  sang  hymns  "  (A. 
V.  "  praises ")  unto  God,  and  so  loul  was  their 
song  that  their  fellow-prisoners  heard  them.  This 
must  have  been  what  we  mean  by  singing,  and  not 
merely  recitation.  It  was  in  fact  a  veritable  sink- 
ing of  hvmns.  And  it  is  remarkalile  that  the  noun 
h/nrn  is  only  useJ  in  reference  to  tlie  services  6i  the 
Greeks,  and  in  the  same  passages  is  clearly  «i«tin- 
guUhel  from  the  Psalm  (Sph.  v.  19;  Col.  iii.  16) — 
"psalms,  and  hymns,  and  spiritual  songs."  It  is 
worth  while  inquiring  what  profane  models  the 
Greek  hymnographers  chose  to  work  after.  la  the 
old  religion  of  Greece  the  word  hymn  haj  already 
acquiied  a  sacred  and  liturgical  meaning.  The 
special  yyrm«  of  the  Greek  hymn  were  various.  The 
Homeric  and  Orphic  hymns  were  written  in  the  epic 
style,  and  in  hexameter  verse.  Their  metre  was  not 
adapted  for  singing.  In  the.  Pindaric  hymns  we 
find  a  sufficient  variety  of  metre,  and  a  definite  re- 
lation to  music.  These  were  .sung  to  the  accom- 
paniment of  the  lyre ;  and  it  is  very  likely  that  they 
enga;;ed  the  attention  of  the  early  hymn-writers. 
The  lirst  impulse  of  Christian  devotion  was  to  run 
into  the  moulds  ordinarily  used  by  the  worshippei-s 
of  the  old  religion.  In  1  Cor.  xiv.  26,  allusion  is 
made  to  imprmhed  hymns,  which,  being  the  out- 
burst of  a  passionate  emotion,  would  probably  as- 
sume the  dithyrambic  form.  It  was  in'  the  Latin 
church  that  the  trochaic  and  iambic  metres  became 
most  deeply  rooted,  and  acquired  the  greatest  depth 
of  tone  and  grace  of  finish.  The  Intro  iuction  of 
hymns  into  the  Latin  church  is  commonly  referred 
to  Amiirose.  But  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  that 
the  West  should  have  been  so  far  behind  the  East : 
and  it  is  more  likely  (so  Mr.  Brown)  that  the  tradi- 
tion is  due  to  the  very  marked  prominence  of  Am- 
brose as  the  greatest  of  all  the  Latin  hymnogra- 
phers. -The  trochaic  and  iambic  metres,  thus  im- 
pressed into  the  service  of  the  clwirch,  have  contin- 
ued to  hold  their  groun  1,  and  are  in  fact  the  V's, 
Short  Metre,  Coumon  M3tre,  and  Long  Metre  of 
oar  miHlern  hymns  ;  many  of  which  are  translations 
or  imitations  of  Latin  originals.     Music. 

Hyssop  (lleb.  hob  ;  Gr.  huisdpot  ;  L.  h/noptu),  a 
plant  muc!i  used  in  the  Hebrew  purifications  and 
iprinklings.  Perhaps  no  plant  mentioned  in  the  Scrip- 
tures has  given  rise  to  greater  differences  ol'  opinion 
than  this.  The  difficulty  arises  from  the  fact  that 
in  the  LXX.  the  Greek  huisopoa  is  the  uniform  ren- 
dering of  the  Hebrew  ezoh,  and  that  this  rendering 
is  mdorsed  by  the  apostle  in  Hebrews  ix.  19,  21, 
when  speaking  of  the  ceremonial  observances  of  the 
Levitical  law.  Whether,  therefore,  the  LXX.  made 
use  of  the  Gree  k  hiuutopos  as  the  word  mast  nearly 
naembling  the  Hebrew  in  sound,  as  Stanley  sug- 


gests,  or  as  the  true  representative  of  the  plant  in- 
dicated by  the  latter,  is  a  point  which  probably  will 
never  be  decided.  Botanists  differ  widely  even 
with  regard  to  the  identification  of  the  hnssopos  of 
Dioscorides.  Kiihn  gives  it  as  his  opinion  that  the 
Hebrews  used  the  Orir/anum  yHyiiptiacum  in  Egypt, 
the  0.  Syriacuiii  in  Palestine,  and  that  the  hyssop  of 
Dioscorides  was  the  <).  Snu/nceum.  The  ezub,  A. 
v.  "  hyssop,"  was  used  to  sprinkle  the  doorposts 
of  the  Israelites  in  Egypt  with  the  blood  of  the 
paschal  lamb  (Ex.  xii.  22) ;  it  was  employed  in  the 
purification  of  lepers  and  leprous  houses  (Lev.  xiv. 
4,  51),  and  in  the  sacrifice  of  the  red  heifer  (Num. 
xix.  0).  In  consequence  of  its  detergent  qualities, 
or  from  its  being  associated  with  the  purificatory 
services,  the  Psalmist  makes  use  of  the  expression, 
"  purge  me  with  hyssop  "  (Ps.  li.  7).  It  is  descriljed 
in  1  K.  iv.  33  as  growing  on  or  near  walls.  In  .In. 
xix.  29,  "  put  it  upon  hyssop  "  corresponds  to  "  put 
it  on  a  reed  "  in  Mat.  xxvii.  48  and  Mk.  xv.  30. 
Bochart  decides  in  favor  of  marjoram,  or  some 
plant  like  it,  and  to  this  conclusion,  it  must  bo 
admitted,  all  ancient  tradition  points.  The  monks 
oa  JebelMMa  (.VI  t.  Sinai?)  give  the  name  of  hyssop 
to  a  fragrant  plant  called  ja'deli,  which  grows  in 
great  quantities  on  that  mountain.  Celsius,  after 
enumerating  eighteen  different  plants  (thyme,  rose- 
miiry,  French  lavender,  &c.),  which  have  been  sever- 
ally identified  with  the  liyssop  of  Scripture,  concludes 
that  we  have  no  alternative  but  to  accept  the  com- 
mon hyssop,  the  Ht/siopus  <yffidnalU,  a  perennial 
aromatic  plant,  about  two  feet  high,  growing  in 
tufts.  The  late  Dr.  J.  F.  Royle,  after  a  careful  investi- 
gation of  the  stibject,  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that 
the  "  liyssop  "  is  the  caper-plant,  or  Capparu  spiiiosa 
of  LinniEUS,  sometimes  called  in  Arabic  amf,  which 
grows  in  dry  and  rocky  places  and  on  walls  in 
Lower  Egypt,  Sinai,  and  Palestine.  Robinson  (A''. 
T.  Lex.),  Gesenius,  &c.,  make  the  "  hyssop  "  of  the 
Scriptures  =  the  common  hyssop,  and  other  simi- 
lar aromatic  plants,  as  lavender,  and  especially  or- 
ganum  or  wild  marjoram,  &c.  Palesti.ne,  Botany, 
*  Uys-tas'pes.    Darius  2. 


*  I  tn,  and  I  am  that  I  am.    JcnovAn. 

Ib'har  (fr.  Ileb.  =  whom  God  chooses,  Gcs.),  a 
son  of  David  (2  Sam.  v.  15  ;  1  Chr.  iii.  6,  xiv.  5), 
bom  in  Jerusalem. 

Ibic-itm  (fr.  Ileb.  =  he  consumes  the  people,  Ges.), 
a  city  of  Manasseh,  with  villages  or  towns  depend- 
ent on  it  (Judg.  i.  27),  in  the  territory  of  Issachar 
or  Ashcr  (Jo.sh.  xvii.  11).  The  ascent  of  Gun  was 
"  at  Iblcam "  (2  K.  ix.  27),  somewhere  near  the 
present  Jenin,  probably  to  the  N.  of  it.     Bile.\>i. 

Ib-Dfi'ah  (neo'yah]  (fr.  Heb.  Jehovah  will  huil<l, 
Ges.),  son  of  Jchoram,  a  Benjamite  (1  Clir.  ix.  8). 

Ib-nl'jah  (llcb.  =  Ib.neiaii,  Ges.),  a  Benjamite  (1 
Chr.  ix.  8). 

Ib'rl  (Heb.  =  ITebrew),  a  Merarito  Lovite  of  the 
family  of  Jaaziah  in  David's  time  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  27). 

Ib'zan  (fr.  Heb.  =  of  tin  ?  Ges. ;  rplen'liil,  beauti- 
ful, Fii.),  a  native  of  Bethlehem  (in  Zebulun  ?), 
who  judged  Israel  for  seven  years  after  Jophthah 
(Judg.  xii.  8,  10).  He  had  thirty  sons  and  thirty 
daughters,  and  took  home  thirty  wives  for  his  sons, 
and  sent  out  his  daughters  to  as  many  husbands 
abroad.     He  was  buried  at  Bethlehem.     BoAZ. 

•  Ite<    Frost  2. 


398 


ICH 


IDO 


Ich'a-bod  (Ileb.  mgloriom,  Ges.),  son  of  Phine- 
has,  and  grandson  of  Eli  (1  Sam.  iv.  21,  xiv.  3). 

I-conf-UDl  (L.  fr.  Gr.,  popularly  derived  from  a 
little  image  [Gr.  ei/coiiion']  of  Medusa  placed  here  by 
Perseus),  tlie  modern  A'onieh,  is  situated  in  the 
western  part  of  an  extensive  plain,  on  the  central 
table-laud  of  Asia  Minor,  and  not  far  to  the  N.  of 
the  chain  of  Taurus.  This  level  district  was  an- 
ciently called  Lycaonia.  Xenophon  reckons  Ico- 
nium  as  the  most  easterly  town  of  Phrygia  ;  but 
all  other  writers  speak  of  it  as  being  in  Lycaonia, 
of  wliich  it  was  practically  the  capital.  It  was  on 
the  great  line  of  communication  between  Ephesus 


and  the  western  coast  of  the  peninsula  on  one 
side,  and  Tarsus,  Antioch,  and  the  Euphrates  on 
the  other.  Iconium  was  a  well-chosen  place  for 
missionary  operations  (Acts  .\iv.  1,  3,  21,  22,  xvi.  1, 
2;  2  Tim.  iii.  11).  The  Apostle  Paul's  first  visit 
was  on  his  first  circuit,  in  company  with  Barnabas; 
and  on  this  occasion  he  approached  it  from  Anli- 
och  in  Pisidia,  which  lay  to  the  W.  (Actsxiii.  50,  51). 
(Timothy.)  From  its  position  it  could  not  fail  to 
be  an  important  centre  cf  Christian  influence  in  the 
early  ages  of  the  Church.  In  the  declining  period 
of  the  Roman  empire,  Iconium  was  made  a  colony. 
In  the  middle  ages  it  became  a  place  of  great  con- 


Kimieli  -^  ancient  Iconium. — From  Ijaborde,  Vot/age  en  Orient. — ^Fbn.j 


eequence,  as  the  capital  of  the  Seljukian  sultans. 
Konieh  is  still  a  town  of  considerable  size,  the  resi 
dence  of  a  pasha,  and  head  of  a  province. 

Id'a-Iah  (fr.  Heb.  =:  w/iat  Ood  exalts,  Sim. ;  fr  a 
Ileb.  verb  =  to  go  softly  and  secret!;/  ?  Ges.  ;  numo- 
rial-stone  of  God,  Fii.),  a  city  of  Zebulun,  named 
between  Shimron  and  Bethlehem  (Josh.  xix.  15). 

Id'basb  (fr.  Ileb.  =  honeyed?  Ges. ;  a  stout,  fat  one, 
Fii.),  one  of  the  three  sons  of  "  the  father  of  Etam," 
among  the  families  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  3). 

Id'do  (Ileb.  [except  Xos.  3  and  6]  =  timely,  Ges. ; 
one  horn  on  a  feast-day, 'Pu.).  1.  Father  of  Ahina- 
dab  (1  K.  iv.  14). — 2.  A  descendant  of  Gershom, 
son  of  Levi  (1  Chr.  vi.  21);  =  Adaiah.— 3.  (fr.  Ileb. 
=  lovinq,  Ges. ;  favonte,  Fi'l.).  Son  of  Zechariah, 
ruler  of  Jl.inas.seh,  E.  of  Jordan  in  David's  time 
(xxvii.  21). — 4i  A  seer  whose  "visions"  against 
Jeroljoam  incidentally  contained  some  of  the  acts 
of  Solomon  (2  Chr.  ix.  29).  He  appears  to  have 
written  a  chronicle  or  story  relating  to  the  life  and 
reign  of  Abijah  (xiii.  22),  and  also  a  book  "  con- 
cerning genealogies,"  in  which  the  acts  of  Reho- 
boam  were  recorded  (xii.  15).  These  books  are 
lost,  but  they  may  have  formed  part  of  the  founda- 
tion of  the  existing  books  of  Chronicles.  Ancient 
Jewish  traditions  identified  Iddo  with  the  "  man  of 
God  "  out  of  Judah  who  denounced  Jeroboam's 
altar  (1  K.  xii.  1). — .5.  Grandfather  of  the  prophet 
Zechariah  (Zech.  i.  1,  7),  although  in  other  places 
Zechariah  is  called  "  the  son  of  Iddo  "  (Ezr.  v.  1, 
vi.  14).  Iddo  returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerub- 
babcl  and  Jeshua  (Xeh.  xii.  4,  Ki). — 6,  (Ileb.  mis- 
fortune, Ges. ;  fiowerfnl,  Fii.).  The  chief  of  those 
who  assembled  at  Casiphia,  at  the  time  of  the  sec- 
ond caravan  from  Babylon.  lie  was  one  of  the 
Nethinim  (Ezr.  viii.  17  ;  compare  20). 


I'dol  (fr  Gr.),  Im'iigc  (fr.  L.).  As  no  less  than 
twenty-one  different  Hebrew  words  have  been  ren- 
dered in  the  A.  V.  cither  by  "idol"  or  "image," 
and  that  by  no  means  unifoi'mly,  it  will  be  of  some 
advantage  to  attempt  to  discriminate  between  theui, 
and  assign,  as  nearly  as  the  two  languages  will 
allow,  the  English  equivalents  for  each.  But,  be- 
fore proceeding  to  the  discussion  of  those  words 
which  in  themselves  indicate  the  objects  of  false 
woi'ship,  it  will  be  necessary  to  notice  a  class  of 
abstract  teims,  which,  with  a  deep  moral  signifi- 
cance, express  the  dcgiadation  associated  with  it, 
and  stand  out  as  a  protest  of  the  language  af:ainst 
the  enoiinities  of  idolatry.  Such  ai'c — 1.  Heb. 
uvea  (Avk.n),  rendered  elsewhere  "  nought,"  "  vani- 
ty," "  iniquity,"  "  wickedness,"  "  sorrow,"  &c.,  and 
once  only  "  idol "  (Is.  Ixvi.  3).  The  ])rimary  idea 
of  the  root  seems  to  be  emptiness,  volliinginsK,  as 
of  breath  or  vapor  ;  and,  by  a  n.itural  tiansitii  n,  in 
a  moral  sense,  wicieo'veis  in  its  active  form  of  mis- 
chief, and  then,  as  the  result,  sorrow  and  tronUe. 
Hence  dven  =  a  vain,  false,  wieked  thing,  and  ex- 
presses at  once  the  essential  nature  of  idols,  and 
the  consequences  of  their  worship. — 2.  Ileb.  iW  is 
thought  by  some  to  have  a  sense  akin  to  that  of 
falsihood.  and  would  therefore  nnich  resemble  urtn, 
as  applied  to  nn  idol  (Lev.  xix.  4,  xxvi.  1,  &c.).  Il  ia 
used  of  the  "  iinagos  "  of  Noph  or  Memjiliis  (Ez.  xsx. 
13).  In  strong  contrast  with  Jehovah  it  ajipcai'S  in 
Ps.  xcvi.  5,  xevii.  1. — 3.  Heb.  eymdh,  "  horror,"  or 
"  terror,"  and  hence  an  object  of  horror  or  terror 
(Jer.  1.  38),  in  reference  cither  to  the  hideousiiess 
of  the  idols  or  to  the  gross  character  of  tlicii-  wor- 
ship. In  this  respect  it  is  clo.sely  connected  nilh — 
4.  Heb.  mitstetseth  (=  n  fright,  horror),  applied  to 
the  idol  o<  Maachah,  probably  of  wood,  which  Asa 


IDO 


IDO 


399 


cut  down  and  bumed  (1  K.  xv.  13  ;  2  Chr.  rv.  10), 
and  which  \va3  unquestionably  the  pliallus,  the 
Bvnibol  of  the  productive  power  of  nature  and  the 
nature-goJdcdii.  (Asiierah.)  With  tliis  must  be 
noticed,  though  not  actually  rendered  "  image  "  or 
"  idol,"' — 5.  Ueb.  bm/ielh,  "  shame,"  or  "  shameful 
thing  "  (A.  V.  Jer.  xi.  13  ;  IIos.  i.\.  10),  applied  tj 
Ba.ll  OP  Bail-pcor,  a^  ciiaracteriziiig  the  obscenity 
of  liis  worship.  With  elil  U  found  in  close  connec- 
tion— 6.  He'),  gillalim,  also  a  term  of  contempt,  but 
of  uncertain  origin  (A.  V.  uniformly  "  idols,"  Ez. 
XX.X.  13,  &c.).  The  Rabbinical  authorities  favor  the 
interpretation  of  tlie  A.  V.  margin  in  Deut.  xxix. 
17,  "  dungy  gods."  The  expression  is  applied, 
principally  in  Ezekiel,  to  false  gods  and  their  sym- 
bols (Deut.  xxix.  17;  Ez.  viii.  10,  &c.).  It  stands 
side  by  side  with  other  contemptuous  terms,  e.  g.  with 
Ilcb.  nheti-lx,  "abomination"  (Ez.  viii.  10,  A.  V. 
"abomiuiible  "),  and  (xx.  8)  with — 7.  The  cognate 
Heb.  shikkdts,  "  abomi.sation,"  "  abominable  filth,' 
&c.,  es|)ccially  applied,  like  shekel^,  to  that  which 
produced  ceremonial  uncleanness  (Ez.  xxxvii.  23, 
A.  V.  "  detesUble  things ; "  Nah.  iii.  6,  A.  V. 
"  abominable  filth ;  "  Zech.  ix.  7,  X.  V.  "  abomi- 
nations," i.  e.  food  offered  in  sacrifice  to  idols). 
As  referring  to  the  idols  themselves,  it  primarily 
denotes  the  obscene  rites  with  which  their  worship 
was  associated,  and  hence,  by  metonymy,  is  ap|ilied 
both  to  the  objects  of  worship  and  also  to  their 
worshippers  ( 1  K.  xi.  5,  7,  &c.,  A.  V.  "  abomina- 
tions " ). — We  now  come  to  the  consideration  of  those 
words  which  more  directly  apply  to  the  images  or 
idols,  as  the  outward  symbols  of  the  deity  who  was 
worsliipped  through  them. — S.  Heb.  Kernel  or  semtl 
=z  a  iikeiie^%  semblance  (L.  ftiinuUicruin).  It  occurs 
in  2  Ohr.  xxxiii.  7,  15  (A.  V.  "idol");  Deut.  iv.  16 
("figure"),  and  Ez.  viii.  3,  5  ("  image  ").— 9.  Heb. 
«nd  Ciial.  brhin  (Glial,  also  txelem)  is  Ity  all  lexicog- 
raphers, ancient  and  modern,  connected  with  Heb. 
bil,  "  a  shadow."  It  is  the  "  image  "  of  God  in 
which  man  was  created  (Gen.  j.  26,  27,  v.  3,  ix.  6, 
&c.).  (A»AM.)  It  is  unquestionably  used  to  de- 
note the  visible  forms  of  external  objects,  and  is 
ap;ilied  to  figures  of  gold  and  silver  (1  Sam.  vi.  6 ; 
Num.  xxxiii.  52;  Dan.  iii.  1  ff.,  &c.),  sucli  as  the 
Roldcn  "  image  "  of  Xebuchadnezzar,  as  well  as  to 
tho.se  painted  upon  walls  (Ez.  xxiii.  It).  "Image" 
perhaps  most  nearly  represents  it  in  all  passages. 
Applie<l  to  the  human  countenance  (Dan.  iii.  19,  A. 
V.  "  form  "),  it  signifies  the  expre'^sion. — 10.  Heb. 
(fmiimi/t,  rendered  "image"  in  Job  iv.  16;  else- 
where "similitude"  (Deut.  iv.  12,  15,  16,  &c.), 
"likeness"  (23,  2.5,  v.  8,  &c.):/orm.  or  n/ia/ie  w^oiild 
be  liettcr  (so  Mr.  Wright).— 11.  Heb.  'dlxdh  (1  Sam. 
xxxi.  9,  4c.),  12.  'el»e/>  (Jer.  xxii  28),  or  13.  'olgeb 
(Is.  xlviii.  5),  "a  figure,"  all  derived  from  a  root 
'diiah  {=  to  iroi-k  or  faxMon),  are  terms  applied  to 
idols  as  expressing  that  their  origin  was  due  to  the 
labor  of  man. — 14.  Ueb.  Isir,  once  only  applied  to 
ui  idol  (Is.  xlv.  16),  =  a  form  or  mould,  and  hence 
an  "idol." — 15.  Heb.  mahtKbdh,any  thing »/■<  up,  a 
ttabir,  a  meninrial  tlone  (Gen.  xxviii.  18,  xxxi.  45, 
XXXV.  14,  15,  &c.,  A.  V.  "pillar").  (Anointtno.) 
The  woni  is  applied  to  denote  the  ol)clisk3  which 
Blood  at  the  entrance  to  the  temple  of  the  Sun  at 
Heliopolis  (Jer.  xliii.  13).  It  is  also  used  of  the 
statues  of  Baal  (2  K.  iii.  2),  whether  of  stone  (x. 
27)  or  of  wood  (x.  26),  which  stood  in  the  inner- 
most recess  of  the  temple  at  Samaria.  The  Pheni- 
cians  consecrated  and  anointed  stones  like  that  at 
Bethel,  which  were  called,  as  some  think,  from  this 
eiTCaingtancc  Bai^ia.    Many  such  are  said  to  have 


been  seen  on  the  Lebanon,  near  Ildiopolis,  dedi- 
cated to  various  gods.  The  Palladium  of  Troy,  the 
black  stone  in  the  Kaaba  at  Mecca,  said  to  have  been 
brought  from  heaven  by  the  angel  Gabriel,  and  the 
stone  at  Ephesus  "which  fell  down  from  Jupiter" 
(Acts  xix.  35),  are  examples  of  the  belief,  anciently 
so  common,  that  the  gods  sent  down  tlieir  images 
(meteoric  stones)  upon  earth.  Closely  connected 
with  these  "  statues  "  of  Caal,  wliether  in  the  form 
of  obelisks  or  otherwise,  were — 16.  lleb.  pi.  hammd- 
nim  or  chammuniin,  rendered  in  the  margin  of  most 
passages  and  by  Gcsenius,  Fiirst,  &c.,  "  sun-hnages." 
The  word  has  given  rise  to  much  discussion.  Gc- 
senius mentions  the  occurrence  of /iflm//i««  ovcham- 
mu/i  with  Saal  in  the  Pheiiician  and  Palmyrenc  in- 
scriptions on  consecrated  statues  or  columns,  and 
translates  Baal  the  so/ai;  Baal  the  sun.  The  Pal- 
myrenc inscription  at  O.^ford  has  been  thus  ren- 
dered :  "  This  column  ( Chammdnd),  and  tliis  altar, 
the  sons  of  Malchu,  &c.,  have  erected  and  dedicated 
to  tlie  Sun."  From  the  expressions  in  Ez.  vi.  4,  6, 
and.  Lev.  xxvi.  30,  it  may  be  inferred  that  these 
columns,  wliich  pcrliaps  represented  a  rising  flame 
of  fire,  and  stood  upon  tlie  altar  of  Baal  (2  Chr. 
xxxiv.  4),  were  of  wood  or  stone. — 17.  lleb.  maseUh 
occurs  ill  Lev.  xxvi.  1  (A.V.  "  image,"  margin  "pic- 
ture," "figured");  Num.  xxiii.  52  (A.  V.  "pic- 
tures"); Ez.  viii.  12  (A.V.  "imagery"):  deoice 
most  nearly  suits  all  passages  (so  Mr.  Wright ; 
compare  I's.  Ixxiii.  7  [A.V.  "could  wi.sh"];  Prov. 
xviii.  11  [A.  V.  "conceit"],  xxv.  11  [A.  V.  "pic- 
tures "]).  The  general  opinion  appears  to  be  that 
Heb.  ehen  maacUh,  A.  V.  "image  of  stone"  (Lev. 
xxvi.  1),  =1  a  stone  with  figures  graven  upon  it. 
Gcsenius  explains  it  as  a  stone  with  the  image  of  an 
idol,  Baal  or  Astarte ;  Fiirst  says,  a  stone  formed 
itUo  ail  idol. — 18.  lleb.  terdphim.  (Terapimm.) — 
The  terms  which  follow  have  regard  to  the  material 
and  workmanship  of  the  idol  rather  tli.in  to  its 
character  as  an  object  of  worship. — 19.  Hub.  pesel, 
and  20.  Ueb.  pi.  pesiliin,  usually  translated  in  the 
A.  V.  "graven  "  or  "  carved  images."  In  two  pas- 
sages the  latter  is  ambiguously  rendered  "  quar- 
ries"  (Judg.  iii.  19  [margin  "graven  images"], 
26),  following  the  Targum.  Prof.  Cassel  under- 
stands here  landmarks,  i.  e.  pillars  or  heaps  of  stone 
on  the  boundary  between  the  territory  held  by  the 
Moabites  as  conciuorors  W.  of  Jordan  and  that  of 
the  Hebrews ;  but  there  seems  no  reason  for  depart- 
ing from  the  ordinary  signification.  Tlicse  fculpt'ired 
images  were  apparently  of  wood,  iron,  or  stone, 
covered  with  gold  or  silver  (Deut.  vii.  25  ;  Is.  xxx. 
22;  Hab.  ii.  18),  the  more  costly  being  of  solid 
metal  (Is.  xl.  19).  They  could  be  burnt  (Deut.  vii. 
5  ;  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  4  ;  Is.  xlv.  20),  or  cut  down  (Deut. 
xii.  3)  and  pounded  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  7),  or  iiroken  in 
pieces  (Is.  xxi.  9).  In  making  them,  the  skill  of 
the  wise  iron-smith  (Deut.  xxvii.  15  ;  Is.  xl.  20)  or 
carpenter,  and  of  the  goldsmith,  was  employed 
(Judg.  xvii.  3,  4 ;  Is.  xli.  7),  the  former  supplying 
the  rough  mass  beaten  into  shape  on  his  anvil  (Is. 
xliv.  12),  while  the  latter  overlaid  it  with  plates  of 
gold  and  silver,  probably  from  Tnrshish  (Jer.  x.  9), 
and  decorated  it  with  silver  chains.  The  image 
thus  formed  was  adorned  with  embroidered  robes 
(Ez.  xvi.  18).  Brass  and  clay  were  among  the  ma- 
terials employed  for  the  same  purpose  (Dan.  ii.  33, 
v.  23).  The  several  stages  of  the  process  by  which 
the  metal  or  wood  became  the  "  graven  image  "  are 
so  vividly  described  in  Is.  xliv.  10-20,  that  it  is  only 
necessary  to  refer  to  that  passage,  and  we  are  at 
onoe  introduced  to  the  mysteries  of  idol  manufac- 


400 


IDO 


IDO 


ture,  which,  as  at  Ephcsus,  "  brought  no  small  gain 
unto  the  craftsmen." — 21.  lleb.  msech,  or  nesech 
(Is.  xli.  29,  xlviii.  5  ;  Jer.  x.  14),  &c.,  and  22.  mas- 
sSchuh  (Ex.  xxxii.  4,8;  Deut.  ix.  12,  &c.)  are  evi- 
dently synonymous,  =:  a  "  molten  "  image.  Mas- 
sechdh  is  fre(iucntly  used  in  distinction  from  pesel 
or  pisilim  above  (Deut.  xxvii.  15  ;  Judg.  xvii.  .S, 
&c.).  The  golden  calf  which  Aaron  made  was 
"  fashioned  with  a  graving  tool  "  (Ex.  xxxii.  4). — 
23.  Gr.  eikon  (  =  tikeiiess),  uniformly  "image"  in 
A.  v.,  is  the  "  image  "  or  head  of  the  emperor  on 
the  coinage  (Mat.  xxii.  20,  &('.),  an  idol-"  image  "  or 
statue  (Rev.  xiii.  14,  15,  ic),  &c. ;  in  LXX.  =  No. 
8,  9,  19. — 24.  Gr.  eidolon,  imiformly  translated 
"  idol  "  in  A.  V.,  denotes  either  the  "  Image  "  (Acts 
Tii.  41,  &c.)  or  by  metonymy  the  idol-god  or  deity 
himself  (Acts  xv.  20;  1  Cor.  viii.  4,  kc.)\  in  LXX. 
=:  No.  6,  20. — Among  the  earliest  objects  of  wor- 
ship, regarded  as  symbols  of  deity,  were,  as  has 
been  said  above,  the  meteoric  stones  which  the 
ancients  believed  to  have  been  the  images  of  the 
gods  sent  down  from  heaven.  From  these  they 
transferred  their  regard  to  rough  unhewn  blocks, 
to  stone  columns  or  pillars  of  wood,  in  which  the 
divinity  worshipped  was  supposed  to  dwell,  and 
which  were  consecrated,  like  the  sacred  stone  at 
Delphi,  by  being  anointed  with  oil,  and  crowned 
with  wool  on  solemn  days.  Such  customs  are  re- 
markable illustrations  of  the  solemn  consecration 
by  Jacob  of  the  stone  at  Bethel,  as  showing  the  re- 
ligious reverence  with  which  these  memorials  were 
regarded.  Of  the  forms  assumed  by  the  idolatrous 
images  we  have  not  many  traces  in  the  Bible.  Da- 
OON,  the  fish-god  of  the  Philistines,  was  a  human 
figure  terminating  in  a  fish ;  and  that  the  Syrian 
deities  were  represented  in  later  times  in  a  symbol- 
ical human  shape  we  know  for  certainty.  The  Ile- 
brews  imitated  their  neighbors  in  this  respect  as  in 
others  (Is.  xliv.  13  ;  Wis.  xiii.  13).  When  the  pro- 
cess of  adorning  the  image  was  completed,  it  was 
placed  in  a  temple  or  shrine  appointed  for  it  (Bar. 
12,  19  ;  Wis.  xiii.  15  ;  1  Cor.  viii.  10).  From  these 
temples  the  idols  were  sometimes  carried  in  proces 
sion  (Bar.  4,  26)  on  festival  days.  Their  priests 
were  maintained  from  the  idol  treasury,  and  feasted 
upon  the  meats  which  were  appointed  for  the  idols' 
use  (B.  &  D.  3,  13).  Gkntiles  ;  God;  Heathen; 
Idolatry  ;  Temple. 

I-dcla-try  (fr.  Gr.  eidolatreia ;  Ilcb.  ttfr&phim 
once  only,  1  Sam.  xv.  23 ;  Teraphim),  strictly 
speaking,  denotes  the  worship  of  deity  in  a  visible 
form,  whether  the  images  to  which  homage  is  paid 
are  symbolical  representations  of  the  true  God,  or 
of  the  false  divinities  which  have  been  made  the 
objects  of  worship  in  His  stead.  (Adoration  ; 
Pkayeb  ;  Sacrifice.) — I.  The  first  undoubted  al- 
lusion to  idolatry  or  idolatrous  customs  in  the  Bible 
is  in  the  account  of  Rachel's  stealing  her  father's  tera- 
phim (Gen.  xxxi.  19),  a  relic  of  the  worship  of  other 
gods,  whom  the  ancestors  of  the  Israelites  served 
"  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  in  old  time  "  (Josh. 
xxiv.  2).  These  Laban  consulted  as  oracles  (Gen. 
XXX.  27,  A.  V.  "  learned  by  experience  ; "  Divina- 
tion 8),  though  without  entirely  losing  sight  of  the 
God  of  Abraham  and  the  God  of  Nahor,  to  whom 
he  appealed  when  occasion  offered  (xxxi.  53),  while 
he  was  ready,  in  the  presence  of  Jacob,  to  acknowl- 
edge the  benefits  conferred  upon  him  by  Jehovah 
(xxx.  27).  Such,  indeed,  was  the  character  of  most 
of  the  idolatrous  worship  of  the  Israelites.  Like 
the  Cuthean  colonists  in  Samaria,  who  "  feared  Je- 
hovah, and  served  their  own  gods  "  (2  K.  xvii.  33), 


they  blended  in  a  strange  manner  a  theoretical  be- 
lief in  the  true  God  with  the  external  reverence 
which,  ill  diiferent  stages  of  their  history,  they  were 
led  to  pay  to  the  idols  of  the  nations  by  whom  they 
were  surrounded.  And  this  marked  i'eaturc  of  the 
Hebrew  character  is  traceable  through  the  entire 
history  of  the  people.  Luring  their  long  residence 
in  Egypt,  the  country  of  S3'mbolisu],  they  defiled 
themselves  with  the  idols  of  the  land,  and  it  was 
long  before  the  taint  was  removed  (Jcsh.  xxiv.  14; 
Ez.  XX.  7).  To  these  gods,  Moses,  as  ihe  herald  of 
Jehovah,  flung  down  the  gauntlet  of  defiance,  and 
the  plagues  of  Egypt  smote  their  symbols  (Num. 
xxxiii.  4).  Yet,  with  the  memory  of  their  deliver- 
ance fresh  in  their  minds,  their  leader  absent,  tl.e 
Israelites  clamored  for  some  visible  shape  in  which 
they  might  worship  the  God  who  had  brought  them 
up  out  of  Egypt  (Ex.  xxxii.).  Aaron  lent  himself 
to  the  popular  cry,  and  chose  as  the  symbol  of  deity 
one  with  which  they  had  long  been  familiar — the 
CALF — embodiment  of  Apis,  and  emblem  of  the  pro- 
ductive power  of  nature.  For  a  while  the  eroclicn 
of  the  Tabernacle,  and  the  establishment  of  the 
worship  which  accompanied  it,  satisfied  that  craving 
for  an  outward  sign  which  the  Israelites  cemstantly 
exhibited  ;  and  lor  the  remainder  of  their  march 
through  the  desert,  with  the  dwelling-place  of  Je- 
hovah in  their  midst,  they  did  not  again  degenerate 
into  open  apostasy.  But  it  was  only  so  long  as 
their  contact  with  the  natiemswas  of  a  hostile  char- 
acter that  this  seeming  orthodoxy  was  maintained. 
During  the  lives  of  Joshua  and  the  ciders  who  out- 
lived him,  they  kept  true  to  their  allegiance,  but 
the  generation  following,  who  knew  not  Jehovah, 
nor  the  works  He  had  done  for  Israel,  swerved  from 
the  plain  path  oftheir  I'athcis,  and  were  caught  in  the 
toils  of  the  foreigner  (Judg.  ii.).  From  this  time 
forth  their  history  beccmes  little  more  than  a  chron- 
icle of  the  inevitable  seejuence  of  oflence  and  pun- 
ishment (ii.  12,  14).  By  turns  each  coneiucring  na- 
tion strove  to  establish  the  worship  of  its  national 
god.  Thus  far  idolatry  is  a  national  sin.  The  episoe'.e 
of  Micah,  in  Judg.  xvii.,  xviii.,  sheds  a  lurid  light 
on  the  secret  practices  of  individuals,  who,  without 
formally  renouncing  Jehovah,  though  ceasing  to 
recognize  Him  as  the  theocratic  King  (xvii.  (i), 
linkeel  with  His  worship  the  symbols  of  ancient 
idolatry.  The  house  of  God,  or  sanctuary,  which 
Micah  made  in  imitation  of  that  at  Miiloh,  was 
decorated  with  an  kpiiod  and  teraphim  dedicated  io 
God,  and  with  a  graven  and  molten  image  (Innr) 
consecrated  to  some  inferior  deities.  It  is  a  signifi- 
cant fact,  showing  how  deeply  rooted  in  the  people 
was  the  tendency  to  idolatry,  that  a  I.cvite,  who 
should  have  been  mo.st  sedulous  to  maintain  Je- 
hovah's wor.ship  in  its  purity,  was  found  to  a.<sim:e 
the  office  of  priest  to  the  images  of  Micah;  and 
that  this  Levite,  priest  afteiward  to  the  idols  of 
Dan,  was  no  other  than  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Gcr- 
shoin,  the  son  of  Moses.  In  later  times  the  prac- 
tice of  secret  idolatry  was  carried  to  greater 
lengths.  Images  were  set  up  on  the  corn-floors,  in 
the  wine-vats,  and  behind  the  doors  of  jjiivate 
houses  (Is.  Ivii.  8 ;  Hos.  ix.  1,  2) ;  aiid  to  check 
this  tendency,  the  statute  in  Deut.  xxvii.  15  was 
originally  promulgated.  Under  Samuel's  adminis- 
tration a  fast  was  held,  and  purificatory  rites  per- 
formed, to  mark  the  public  renunciation  of  idolatry 
(1  Sam.  vii.  3-6).  But  in  the  reign  of  Solomon  all 
this  was  forgotten.  Each  of  his  many  foreign 
wives  brought  with  her  the  gods  of  her  own  nation; 
and  the  gods  of  Ammon,  Moab,  and  Zidon,  w 


1 


IDO 


IDO 


401 


openly  worshipped.  Rchoboam,  the  son  of  an  Am- 
monite niotlicr,  perpetuated  the  worst  features  of 
Solomon's  idolatry  (1  K.  xiv.  22-24),  and  in  his 
fcifrn  was  made  the  great  schism  in  the  national  re- 
li;;ion  :  when  Jeroboam,  fresh  from  his  recollections 
of  the  Apis  worship  of  Egypt,  erected  golden  calves 
at  Bethel  and  at  Dan,  and  by  this  crafty  state-policy 
severed  forever  the  kingdoms  of  Judah  and  Israel 
(xii.  26-33).  The  successors  of  Jeroboam  followed 
in  his  steps,  till  Ahab,  who  married  a  Zidonian 
princess,  at  her  instigation  (xxi.  23)  built  a  temple 
and  altar  to  Baal,  and  revived  all  the  abominations 
of  the  Amorites  (xxi.  26).  Compared  with  the 
worship  of  Baal,  the  worship  of  the  calves  was  a 
venial  ofllcnce,  probably  because  it  was  morally  less 
detestable  and  also  less  anti-national  (xii.  28  ;  2  K. 
X.  28-31).  Henceforth  Baal-worship  became  so 
completely  identified  with  the  northern  kingdom, 
that  it  is  described  as  w,ilking  in  the  way  or  stat- 
utes of  the  kings  of  Israel  (xvi.  3,  xvii.  8),  as  dis- 
tinguished from  the  sin  of  Jeroboam.  The  con- 
quest of  the  ten  tribes  by  Shalmaneser  was  for 
them  the  last  scene  of  the  drama  of  abominations 
which  had  been  enacted  uninterruptedly  for  upward 
of  250  years.  In  the  northern  kingdom  no  reform- 
er arose  to  vary  the  long  line  of  royal  apostates  : 
whatever  was  effected  in  the  way  of  reformation, 
was  done  by  the  hands  of  the  people  (2  Chr.  xxxi. 
1).  The  first  act  of  Ilezekiah  on  ascending  the 
throne  was  the  restoration  and  purification  of  the 
Temple,  which  had  been  dismantled  and  closed 
during  the  latter  part  of  his  father's  life  (xxviii.  24, 
xxix.  3).  The  iconoclastic  spirit  was  not  confined 
to  Judah  and  Benjamin,  but  spread  throughout 
Ephraini  and  Manassch  (xxxi.  1),  and  to  all  exter- 
nal appearance  idolatry  was  extirpated.  But  the 
reform  extended  little  below  the  surface  (Is.  xxix. 
13).  With  the  death  of  Josiah  ended  the  last  effort 
to  revive  among  the  people  a  purer  ritual,  if  not  a 
purer  faith.  The  lamp  of  David,  which  had  long 
shed  but  a  struggling  ray,  flickered  for  a  while,  and 
then  went  out  in  the  darkness  of  Babylonian  cap- 
tivity. But  foreign  exile  was  powerless  to  eradi- 
cate the  deep  inbred  tendency  to  idolatry.  One  of 
the  first  difficulties  with  which  Ezra  had  to  contend, 
and  which  brought  him  well-nigh  to  despair,  was 
the  haste  with  which  his  countrymen  took  them 
foreign  wives  of  the  people  of  the  land,  and  fol- 
lowed them  in  all  their  abominations  (Ezr.  ix.). 
The  conquests  of  Alexanber  III.  the  Gueat  in 
Asia  caused  Greek  influence  to  be  extensively  felt 
and  Greek  idolatry  to  be  first  tolerated,  and  then 
practised  by  the  Jews  (1  lie.  i.  43-50,  54).  The 
attempt  of  Antiociius  IV.  Epiphases  to  establish 
this  lorm  of  worship  was  vigorously  resisted  by 
JIattalhias  (ii.  23-20).  (Maccabees.)  The  erection 
of  synagogues  has  been  assigned  as  a  reason  for 
the  comparative  purity  of  the  Jewisli  worship  after 
the  Captivity,  while  another  cause  has  been  dis- 
coTcreii  in  the  hatred  for  images  acquired  by  the 
Jews  in  their  intercourse  with  the  Persians.  It 
has  been  a  question  much  debated  whether  the 
Israelites  were  ever  so  far  given  up  to  idolatry 
as  to  lose  all  knowledge  of  the  true  God.  It 
would  be  hard  to  assert  this  of  any  nation,  and 
still  more  difficult  to  prove.  But  there  is  still 
room  for  grave  suspicion  that  among  the  masses 
of  the  people,  though  the  idea  of  a  Supreme 
Bc'mg — of  whom  the  images  they  worshipped  were 
but  the  distorted  representatives  —  was  not  en- 
tirely lost,  it  was  so  obscured  as  to  be  but  dimly 
apprehended  (2  Chr.  xv.  3).— II.  The  old  religion 
26 


of  the  Shemitic  races  consisted,  in  the  opinion  of 
Movers,  in  the  deification  of  the  powers  and  laws 
of  nature ;  these  powers  being  considered  either 
as  distinct  and  independent,  or  as  manifestations 
of  one  supreme  and  all-ruling  being.  In  most  in- 
stances the  two  ideas  were  coexistent.  The  deity, 
following  human  analogy,  was  conceived  of  as  male 
and  female :  the  one  representing  the  active,  the 
other  the  passive  principle  of  nature  ;  the  former 
the  source  of  spiritual,  the  latter  of  physical  life. 
The  sun  and  moon  were  early  selected  as  outward 
symbols  of  this  all-pervading  power,  and  the  wor- 
ship of  the  heavenly  bodies  was  not  only  the  most 
ancient  but  the  most  prevalent  system  of  idolatry. 
Taking  its  rise  probably  in  the  plains  of  Chaldea,  it 
spread  through  Egypt,  Greece,  Scythia,  and  even 
Mexico  and  Ceylon  (compare  Deut.  iv.  19,  xvii.  3; 
Job  xxxi.  26-28).  Probably  the  Israelites  learned 
their  first  lessons  in  sun-worship  (Sun)  from  the 
Egyptians,  in  whose  religious  system  that  luminary, 
as  Osiris,  Iield  a  prominent  place.  Tlie  Phenicians 
worshipped  him  under  the  title  of  "  Lord  of 
Heaven."  (Baal  ;  Tammuz.)  As  Molech  or  MiL- 
COM,  the  sun  was  worshipped  by  the  Ammonites, 
and  as  Chemosii  by  the  Moabites.  The  Eadad 
of  the  Syrians  is  the  same  deity.  The  Assyrian 
Bel  or  Belus  is  another  form  of  Baal.  (Mero- 
DACn  ;  RiMMSN  ;  Succothbenoth.)  By  the  later 
kings  of  Judah,  sacred  horses  and  chariots  were 
dedicated  to  the  sun-god,  as  by  the  Persians  (2  K. 
xxiii.  11).  The  moon,  worshipped  by  the  Phe- 
nicians under  the  name  of  Astarte  or  Baaltis,  the 
passive  power  of  nature,  as  Baal  was  the  ac- 
tive, and  known  to  the  Hebrews  as  Ashtaroth 
or  Ashtoreth,  the  tutelary  goddess  of  the  Zidoni- 
ans,  appears  early  among  the  objects  of  Israelitish 
idolatry.  (Diana  ;  Meni.)  But,  though  we  have 
no  positive  historical  account  of  star-worship  be- 
fore the  Assyrian  period,  we  may  infer  that  it  was 
early  practised  in  a  concrete  form  among  the 
Israelites  from  the  allusions  in  Am.  v.  26,  and 
Acts  vii.  42,  43.  However  this  may  be.  Movers 
contends  that  the  later  star-worship,  introduced 
by  Ahaz  and  followed  by  Manasseh,  was  purer 
and  more  spiritual  in  its  nature  than  the  Israelito- 
Phenician  worship  of  the  heavenly  bodies  under 
symbolical  forms  as  Baal  and  Asiieraii  ;  and  that 
it  was  not  idolatry  in  the  same  sense  that  the  lat- 
ter was,  but  of  a  simply  contemplative  character. 
But  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  the  divine 
honors  paid  to  the  "  Queen  of  Heaven  "  (or,  as  others 
render,  "the  frame  "or  "  structure  of  the  heavens  ") 
were  equally  dissociated  from  image  worship.  The 
allusions  in  Job  xxxviii.  31,  32,  are  too  obscure  to 
allow  any  inference  to  be  drawn  as  to  the  mysterious 
influences  held  by  the  old  astrologers  to  be  exer- 
cised by  the  stars  over  human  destiny,  nor  is  th.ero 
sufficient  evidence  to  connect  them  with  any  thing 
more  recondite  than  the  astronomical  knowledge  of 
the  period.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  poetical 
figure  in  Deborah's  chant  of  triumph,  "  the  stars 
from  their  highways  (A.  V.  'in  their  courses') 
warred  with  Sisera"  (Judg.  v.  20).  In  the  later 
times  of  the  monarchy,  Mazzaloth,  the  planets,  or 
the  zodiacal  signs  (Mazzarotii)  received,  next  to  the 
sun  and  moon,  their  share  of  popular  adoration  (2 
K.  xxiii.  5).  (Adrammei-ecii  :  Anammelecii;  Fire; 
Jipitkr;  Mercury;  Nkiio;  Kempiian  ;  Tartak.) 
Beast-worship  was  exemplified  in  the  calves  of  Jero- 
boam (Calf),  and  the  hints  which  seem  to  point  to 
the  goat.  (Devil  3.)  There  is  no  actual  proof  that 
the  Israelites  ever  joined  in  the  service  of  DAapN, 


402 


rod 


IDO 


the  fish-god  of  the  Philistines,  though  Ahaziah  sent 
stealthily  to  Baal-zebub,  tlie  fly-god  of  Ekron  (2  K. 
i.)  (Baal  2),  and  in  later  times  the  brazen  serpent 
(Skupext,  Brazkx)  became  the  object  of  idolatrous 
homage  (xviii.  4).  (Ashima;  Nergal  ;  Xibhaz.) 
Of  pure  hero-worship  among  the  Shemitic  races  we 
find  no  trace.  The  reference  in  Wis.  xiv.  16  (wor- 
ship of  a  deceased  child)  is  to  a  later  practice  intro- 
duced by  the  Greeks.  The  singular  reverence  with 
which  trees  have  been  honored  is  not  without  ex- 
ample in  the  history  of  the  Hebrews.  The  terebinth 
(Oak)  at  Mamre,  beneath  which  Abraham  built  an 
altar  (Oen.  xii.  7,  xiii.  18),  and  the  memorial  grove 
planted  by  him  at  Beer-sheba  (xxi.  33),  were  inti- 
mately connected  with  patriarchal  worship.  Moun- 
tains and  HIGH  PLACES  were  chosen  spots  for  offering 
sacrifice  and  incense  to  idols  (1  K.  xi.  7,  xiv.  23); 
and  the  retirement  of  gardens  and  the  thick  shade 
of  woods  offered  great  attractions  to  their  worship- 
pers (2  K.  xvi.  4  ;  Is.  i.  29 ;  Hos.  iv.  13).  The  host 
of  heaven  was  worshipped  on  the  house-top  (2  K. 
xxiii.  12;  Jer.  xix.  3,  xxxii.  29;  Zeph.  i.  5).  The 
priests  of  the  false  worship  are  sometimes  designated 
Chemakim,  a  word  of  Syriac  origin  applied  to  the 
nou-Levitical  priests  who  burnt  incense  on  the  high 
places  (2  K.  xxiii.  5)  as  well  as  to  the  priests  of  the 
calves  (Hos.  x.  5).  In  addition  to  the^iriests  there 
were  other  persons  intimately  connecied  with  idola- 
trous rites,  and  the  impurities  from  which  tliey  were 
inseparable.  Both  men  and  women  consecrated 
themselves  to  the  service  of  idols :  the  former  as 
kSdeMm  (Heb.  plural  masculine,  A.  V.  "  Sodom- 
ites," Deut.  xxiii.  17,  &c. ;  Sodomite);  the  latter 
as  kidhholh  (Ileb.  plural  feminine),  who  wove 
shrines  for  Astarte  (2  K.  xxiii.  7).  The  same  class 
of  women  existed  among  the  Phenicians,  Armenians, 
Lydians,  and  Babylonians  (Bar.  vi.  43).  They  are 
distinguished  from  the  public  prostitutes  (Hos.  iv. 
14)  and  associated  with  the  performances  of  sacred 
rites.  (Harlot.)  Besides  these  accessories,  there 
were  the  onlinary  rites  of  worship  which  idolatrous 
systems  had  in  common  with  the  religion  of  the 
Hebrews.  Offering  burnt  sacrifices  to  the  idol  gods 
(2  K.  V.  17),  burning  incense  in  their  honor  (1  K.  xi. 
8),  and  bowing  down  in  worship  before  their  images 
(xix.  IS),  were  the  chief  parts  of  their  ritual;  and 
from  their  very  analogy  with  the  ceremonies  of  true 
worship  were  more  seductive  than  the  grosser  forms. 
Nothing  can  be  stronger  or  more  positive  than 
the  language  in  which  these  ceremonies  were  de- 
nounced by  Hebrew  law.  Every  detail  of  idol-wor- 
ship was  made  the  subject  of  a  separate  enactment, 
and  many  of  the  laws,  which  in  themselves  seem 
trivial  and  almost  absurd,  receive  from  this  point  of 
view  their  true  significance.  We  are  told  by  Mai- 
monides  that  the  prohibitions  against  sowing  a 
field  with  mingled  seed,  and  wearing  garments  of 
mixed  material,  were  directed  against  the  practices 
of  idolaters,  who  attributed  a  kind  of  magical  influ- 
ence to  the  mixture  (Lev.  xix.  19).  Such  too  were 
the  precepts  which  forbade  that  the  garments  of  the 
sexes  should  be  interchanged  (Deut.  xxiii.  5).  There 
are  supposed  to  be  allusions  to  the  practice  of  nec- 
romancy in  Is.  Ixv.  4,  or  at  any  rate  to  super- 
stitious rites  in  connection  with  the  dead.  (Divi- 
nation ;  Magic.)  Cutting  the  flesh  for  the  dead 
(Lev.  xix.  28 ;  IK.  xviii.  28),  and  making  a  bald- 
ness between  the  eyes  (Deut.  xiv.  1),  were  associated 
with  idolatrous  rites:  the  latter  being  a  custom 
among  the  Syrians.  (Hair;  Mourning.)  The  law 
which  regulated  clean  and  unclean  meats  (Lev. 
XX.  23-26)  may  be  considered  both  as  a  sanitary 


regulation  and  also  as  tending  to  separate  the  Isrnel- 
ites  from  the  surrounding  idolatrous  nation.s.  The 
mouse,  one  of  the  imclean  animals  of  Levilicus  (.\j. 
29),  was  sacrificed  by  the  ancient  M aoi  (Is.  Ixvi.  1 7). 
Eating  of  the  things  offered  was  a  necessary  append- 
age to  the  sacrifice  (compare  Ex.  xviii.  12,  xxxii.  6, 
xxxiv.  15;  Num.  xxv.  2,  &c.).  The  Israelites  were 
forbidden  "  to  print  any  mark  upon  them  "  (Lev. 
xix.  28),  because  it  was  a  custom  of  idolaters  to 
brand  upon  their  flesh  some  symbol  of  the  deity 
they  worshipped,  as  the  ivy-leaf  of  Bacchus  (3  Mc. 
ii.  29).  Many  other  practices  of  false  worship  are 
alluded  to,  and  made  the  subjects  of  rigorous  pro- 
hibition, but  none  are  more  frequently  or  more 
severely  denounced  than  those  which  peculiarly  dis- 
tinguished the  worship  of  Molech.  It  has  been  at- 
tempted to  deny  that  the  worship  of  this  idol  was 
polluted  by  the  foul  stain  of  human  sacrifice,  but  the 
allusions  are  too  plain  and  too  pointed  to  admit  of 
reasonable  doubt  (Deut.  xii.  31 ;  2  K.  ill.  27;  Jer. 
vii.  31 ;  Ps.  cvi.  37 ;  Ez.  xxiii.  29).  Nor  was  this 
practice  confined  to  the  rites  of  Molech  ;  it  extended 
to  those  of  Baal  (Jer.  xix.  5),  and  the  kingol  Moab 
(2  K.  iii.  27)  offered  his  son  as  a  burnt-otl'ering  to 
his  god  Chenio.«h.  Kissing  the  images  of  the  gods 
(1  K.  xix.  18;  Hos.  xiii.  2),  hanging  votive  ofl'erings 
in  their  temples  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  10),  and  carrying 
them  to  battle  (2  Sam.  v.  21),  as  the  Jews  of  Mac- 
cabeus' army  did  witli  the  things  consecrated  to  the 
idols  of  the  Jamnites  (2  Mc.  xii.  40),  are  usages 
connected  with  idolatry  which  are. casually  men- 
tioned, though  not  made  the  objects  of  express 
legislation.  But  soothsaying,  interpretation  of 
dreams,  necromancy,  witchcraft,  magic,  and  other 
forms  of  divination,  are  alike  forbidden  (Deut.  xviii. 
9;  2  K.  i.  2;  Is.  Ixv.  4;  Ez.  xxi.  21).— III.  It  re- 
mains now  briefly  to  consider  the  light  in  which 
idolatry  was  regarded  in  the  Mosaic  code,  and  the 
penalties  with  which  it  was  visited.  If  one  main 
object  of  the  Hebrew  polity  was  to  teach  the  unity 
of  God,  the  extermination  of  idolatry  was  but  a  sub- 
ordinate end.  Jehovah,  the  God  of  the  Israelites, 
was  the  civil  head  of  the  State.  He  was  the  tlico- 
cratic  king  of  the  people,  who  had  delivered  tlicm 
from  bondage,  and  to  whom  they  had  taken  a  will- 
ing oath  of  allegiance.  Idolatry,  therefore,  to  an 
Israelite  was  a  state  offence  (1  Sam.  xv.  23),  a  polit- 
ical crime  of  the  gravest  character,  high-treason 
against  the  majesty  of  his  king.  But  it  was  much 
more  than  all  this.  AVhile  the  idolatry  of  foreign 
nations  is  stigmatized  merely  as  an  abomination  in 
the  sight  of  God,  which  called  for  His  vengeance, 
the  sin  of  the  Israelites  is  regarded  as  of  more 
glaring  enormity  and  greater  moral  guilt.  In  the 
figurative  language  of  the  prophets,  the  relation  be- 
tween Jehovah  and  His  people  is  represented  as  a 
marriage  bond  (Is  liv.  5;  Jer.  iii.  14),  and  the  worship 
of  false  gods  with  all  its  accompaniments  (Lev.  xx.  56) 
becomes  then  the  greatest  of  social  wrongs  (Hos.  ii. ; 
Jer.  iii.,  &c.).  (AnrLTEUT.)  Regarded  in  a  moral  as- 
pect, false  gods  are  called  "stumbling-blocks"  (Ez. 
xiv.  3),  "lies"  (Am.  ii.  4;  Rom.  i.  25),  "horrors" 
or  frights  (Jer.  1.  38 ;  Idol  3,  4),  "  abominations  " 
(Deut.  xxix.  17,  xxxii.  16;  1  K.  xi.  5;  2  K.  xxiii. 
13),  "sin"  (Am.  viii.  14),  and  with  a  profound  sense 
of  the  degradation  consequent  upon  their  w  orship, 
they  are  characterized  by  the  prophets,  whose  mis- 
sion it  was  to  warn  the  people  against  them  (Jer. 
xliv.  4),  as  "shameful  thing,"  "shame"  (xi.  13; 
Hos.  ix.  10).  As  considered  with  reference  to  Je- 
hovah, they  are  "other  gods"  (Josh.  xxiv.  2,  16), 
"strange  gods"  (Deut.   xxxii.   16),   "new  goda " 


IDU 


IMM 


403 


(Judg.  T.  8),  "devils — not  God"  (Deut.  xxiii.  1"; 
1  Cor.  X.  20,  21).  Idolatry,  therefore,  being  from 
0:ic  point  of  view  a  political  olVeneo,  could  be  pun- 
is'.iej  without  iufriniieincnt  of  civil  rights.  No  civil 
penalties  were  attached  to  mere  opinions,  but  overt 
a;'t?!  of  idolatry  were  made  the  suljjeets  of  legislation. 
Tlie  first  and  second  eominandnients  are  directed 
a.^ain.st  idolatry  of  every  form.  Individuals  and 
communities  were  equally  amenable  to  the  rigorous 
cole.  The  individual  olfcnder  was  devoted  to  de- 
struction (Ex.  xxli.  20);  his  nearest  relatives  were 
not  only  bound  to  denounce  him  and  deliver  him  up 
to  punishment  (Deut.  xiii.  2-10),  but  their  hands  were 
to  strike  the  first  blow  when,  on  the  evidence  of  two 
witnesses  at  least,  he  was  stoned  (xvii.  2-5).  To 
attempt  to  seduce  others  to  f.dse  worship  was  a 
crime  of  equal  enormity  (xiii.  6-10).  An  idolatrous 
nation  shared  a  similar  fate. — IV.  Much  indirect 
evidence  on  this  subject  might  be  supplied  by  an 
investigation  of  proper  names.  Traces  of  the  sun- 
worship  of  the  ancient  Canaanites  remain  in  the 
nomenot  iture  of  their  country,  e.  g.  Beth-siiemesii, 
hotuie  of  the  sun,  En-siikme.sii,  spriug  of  the  sun, 
and  Ir-siiemesii,  eili/  of  the  sun.  Samso.\,  the 
Hebrew  national  hero,  took  his  name  from  the 
same  luminary,  and  was  born  in  a  mountain-village 
above  the  modem  'Ain  Shems  (En-shemesh).  The 
name  of  Baal,  the  sun-god,  is  one  of  the?  most  com- 
mon occurrence  in  compound  words,  and  is  often 
associated  with  places  consecrated  to  his  worship. 
The  Moon,  Astarte  or  Ashtaroth,  gave  her  name  to 
a  city  of  Bashan  (Josh.  xiii.  12,  31).  Nebo  enters 
into  many  compounds;  Xebuzaradan,  Samoar- 
NEBO,  &c.  Bel  is  found  in  Belskazzar,  Belte- 
BiiAZZAR,  &c.  Chemosh,  the  fire-god  of  Moab,  ap- 
pears in  Carciiemish,  and  Peor  in  Betii-peor. 
Malcom,  a  name  which  occurs  but  once,  and  then 
of  a  Moabite  by  birth,  may  have  been  connected  with 
Molech  and  Milcom.  A  glimpse  of  star-worship 
may  be  seen  in  the  name  of  the  city  Ciiesil.  It  is 
impossible  to  pursue  this  investigation  to  any  length  : 
the  hints  that  have  been  tlirown  out  may  prove 
sugsestive. 

Id  B-fl  (fr.  Or.)  =  Ariel  1  (1  Esd.  viii.  43). 

Id-n-me'a  (L.  Idumcea,  fr.  Eoom)  =  the  land  of 
EnoM  (is.  xxxiv.  5,  6 ;  Ez.  xxxv.  15,  xxxvi.  5  ;  1  Mc. 
iv.  15,  29,  61,  v.  3,  vi.  31;  2  Mc.  xii.  32;  Mk.  iii. 
8). 

Id-n-me'ins  =  EnoMrTEs,  inhabitants  of  Idumea, 
or  descendants  of  EnOM  (2  .Mc.  x.  15,  16). 

I'gal  (fr.  Heb.  =  God  wilt  avenffe,  Ges.).  1.  One 
of  the  spies,  son  of  Joseph,  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar 
(Num.  xiii||). — J.  Oneof  David's"  valiant  men,"  son 
of  .Vatlian  of  Zobah  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  36);  =  Joel  8. 

Ig-da-ll  ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jehonah  will  make  great, 
Ges.),  a  prophet  or  holy  man — "  the  man  of  God  " — 
named  once  only  (Jer.  xxxv.  4),  as  the  lather  of 
Uanan. 

I'ge-al  (fr.  Ileb.  =  Ioal),  son  of  Shemaiah ;  a 
descendant  of  the  royal  house  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iii. 
22). 

rim  (fr.  neb.=  r«m«,  Ges.).  1.  The  partial  or 
contracted  form  of  Ije-abarim  (Xum.  xxxiii.  45). — 
S.  A  town  in  the  extreme  S.  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv. 
29).     AZKM. 

*  lim  (fr.  Heb.)  (Is.  xiii.  22  margin).     Beast  fi. 

rje-ab'a-rim  (fr.  Heb.  =  Ike  heajis,  or  ruhis,  of 
Ihf  further  rciiioiis,  Mr.  Grove';  ruins  at  or  on  Aharim, 
Ges.),  one  of  the  later  halting-places  of  the  children 
of  Israel  (Xum.  xxi.  II,  xxxiii.  44),  on  the  S.  E. 
boundary  of  Moab;  not  on  the  pasture-downs  of 
the  modem  Belka,  but  in  the  waste  uncultivated 


"wilderness"  on   its   skirts  (xxi.   11);  =  Iim  1; 
not  identitied.     Abarim  ;  Desert  2. 

•  Ijlin  (fr.  Heb.)  (Is.  xxxiv.  14,  margin).  Beast  6. 

I  Jon  (fr.  Ileb.  =  tt  rain,  Ges.),  a  town  in  the  X. 
of  Palestine,  belonging  to  Xaphtali.  It  was  taken 
and  plundered  by  the  captains  of  Ben-hadad  (1  K. 
XV.  20 ;  2  Chr.  xvi.  4),  and  a  second  time  by  Tiglath- 
pileser  (2  K.  xv.  29).  At  the  base  of  the  mountains 
of  XaphtJili,  a  few  miles  X.  W.  of  the  site  of  Dan, 
is  a  fertile  and  beautiful  little  plain  called  ilerj 
'Ayun,  and  near  its  X.  end  is  a  large  mound.  Tell 
JJibbin,  on  which  are  traces  of  a  strong  and  ancient 
city,  probably  tiie  site  of  Ijon  (so  llobinson.  Porter, 
Van  de  Velde,  Thomson,  Inc.). 

Ik'kesh  (Ileb.  perverse,  Ges.),  father  of  Ira  the 
Tekoite  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  26 ;   1  Chr.  xi.  28,  xxvii.  9). 

rial  (lieb.  supreme,  Ges.),  an  Ahohite,  one  of 
David's  "valiant  men"  (1  Chr.  xi.  29).     Zalmon. 

Il-lyr'i-l-Oin  (L.  fr.  Gr. ;  according  to  Appian 
named  from  Illyriiis,  son  of  the  Cyclops  Polyphe- 
mus, and  progenitor  of  the  people),  an  extensive 
district  lying  along  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Adriatic 
from  the  boundary  of  Italy  on  the  X.  to  Epirus  on 
the  S.,  and  contiguous  to  Moesia  and  Macedonia  on 
the  E.  (Rom.  xv.  19).  Within  these  limits  was 
Dalmatia. 

Im'agr.    Idol. 

Im'la  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God  makes  full,  Ges.), 
father  or  progenitor  of  Micaiah  the  propliet  (2  Chr. 
xviii.  7,  8);  =  Imlam. 

Im'lall  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Imla  (1  K.  xxii.  8,  9). 

Im-Dlilun-el  (Heb.  God  with  ns ;  L.  form  Emman- 
uel), the  symbolical  name  given  by  the  prophet 
Isaiah  to  the  child  who  was  announced  to  Ahaz  and 
the  people  of  Judah,  as  the  sign  which  God  would 
give  of  their  deliverance  from  their  enemies  (Is.  vii. 
14).  It  is  applied  by  the  Apostle  Matthew  to  the 
Messiah,  born  of  the  Virgin  (A.  V.  "  Emmanuel," 
Mat.  i.  23).  .  In  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  Ahaz 
.the  kingdom  of  Judah  was  threatened  with  anni- 
hilation by  the  combined  armies  of  Syria  and  Israel. 
Jerusalem  was  menaced  with  a  siege.  The  king  had 
gone  to  "the  conduit  of  the  upper  pool,"  when  the 
prophet  met  him  with  the  message  of  consolation. 
Xot  only  were  the  designs  of  the  hostile  armies  to 
iiiil,  but  within-sixty-five  years  the  kingdom  of  Israel 
would  be  overthrown.  In  confirmation  of  his  words, 
the  prophet  bids  Ahaz  ask  a  sign  of  Jehovah,  which 
the  king,  with  pretended  humility,  refused  to  do. 
After  administering  a  severe  rebuke  to  Ahaz  for  his 
ob.stinacy,  Isaiah  announces  the  sign  which  Jehovah 
Himself  would  give  unasked :  "  Behold  !  the  virgin 
is  with  child  and  beareth  a  son,  and  she  shall  call 
his  name  Immannel."  The  interpreters  of  this  pas- 
sage arc  naturally  divided  into  three  classes.  The 
first  class  consists  of  those  who  refer  the  fulfilment 
of  the  prophecy  to  an  historical  event,  which  followed 
immediately  upon  its  delivery.  The  majority  of 
Christian  writers,  till  within  the  last  fifty  years,  form 
a  second  class,  and  apply  the  prophecy  exclusively 
to  the  Messiah ;  while  a  third  class,  almost  equally 
numerous,  consider  both  these  explanations  true, 
and  hohi  that  the  prophecy  had  an  immediate  and 
literal  fulfilment,  but  was  completely  accomplished 
in  the  miraculous  conception  and  birth  of  Jesus 
Christ.  Among  the  first  are  the  Jewish  wiiters 
of  all  ages,  without  exception.  Some,  as  Kashi  and 
Aben  Ezra,  refer  the  prophecy  to  a  son  of  Isaiah 
himself,  others  to  Hezekiah,  and  others,  as  Kiinchi 
and  Abarbanel,  to  a  son  of  Ahaz  by  another  wife. 
Interpreters  of  the  secpnd  class,  who  refer  the  proph- 
ecy solely  to  the  Messiah,  of  course  understand  by 


404 


IMM 


INC 


the  "  virgin  "  the  Virgin  Mary.  Against  this  hypoth- 
esis of  a  solely  Messianic  reference,  it  is  objected 
that  the  birth  of  the  Messiah  could  not  be  a  sign  of 
deliverance  to  the  people  of  Judah  in  the  time  of 
Ahaz.  Vitringa  explains  it  thus  :  as  surely  as  Mes- 
siah would  be  born  of  the  virgin,  so  surely  would 
God  deliver  the  Jews  from  the  threatened  evil.  But 
this  explanation  involves  another  difiioulty.  Before 
the  child  shall  arrive  at  years  of  discretion,  the 
prophet  announces  the  desolation  of  the  land  whose 
kings  threatened  Ahaz.  In  view  of  the  difficulties 
which  attend  these  explanations  of  the  prophecy, 
the  third  class  of  interjireters  above  alluded  to  have 
recourse  to  a  theory  which  combines  the  two  pre- 
ceding, viz.  the  hypothesis  of  the  double  sense. 
They  suppose  that  the  immediate  reference  of  the 
prophet  was  to  some  contemporary  occurrence,  but 
tliat  his  words  received  their  true  and  full  accom- 
plishment in  the  birth  of  the  Messiah.  From  the 
manner  in  which  the  quotation  occurs  in  Mat.  i.  23, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Evangelist  did  not 
use  it  by  way  of  accommodation,  but  as  having  in 
view  its  actual  accomplishment.  Whatever  may 
have  been  hi^  opinion  as  to  any  contemporary  or 
immediate  reference  it  might  contain,  this  was  com- 
pletely obscured  by  the  full  conviction  that  burst 
upon  him  when  he  realized  its  completion  in  the 
Messiah.  The  hypothesis  of  the  double  sense  satis- 
fies most  of  the  requirements  of  the  problem,  and  as 
it  is  at  the  same  time  supported  by  the  analogy  of 
the  apostle's  quotations  from  the  0.  T.  (Mat.  ii.  15, 

18,  23,  iv.  15),  we  accept  it  as  approximating  most 
nearly  to  the  true  solution  (so  Mr.  Wright,  author 
of  this  article).     Old  Tkstament,  B,  2. 

ImiDcr  (lleb.  talkative,  Ges.).  I.  The  founder 
of  an  important  family  of  priests  (1  Chr.  ix.  12; 
Ezr.  ii.  37,  x.  20;  Nch.'iii.  29,  vii.  40,  -xi.  13;  Jer. 
XX.  1).  This  family  had  charge  of,  and  gave  its 
name  to,  the  sixteenth  course  of  the  service  (1  Chr. 
xxiv.  14). — i.  Apparently  a  place  in  Babylonia, 
from  which  some  returned  to  Jerusalem  who  could 
not  prove  their  genealogy  (Ezr.  ii.  59 ;  Neh.  vii. 
61). 

*  Im-mor-tari-ty  (fr.  L.),  the  A.  V.  translation  of 
^li  Gr.  alhanasia  =  deathlessness,  exemplio?t  from 
death  (1  Cor.  xv.  53,  54;  1  Tim.  vi.  16).— 2.  Gr. 
aplUharsia  =  incorruption,  exemption  from  deeay, 
Robinson,  N.  T.  Lex.  (Rom.  ii.  7  ;  2  Tim.  i.  Ici), 
elsewhere  translated  "  incorruption "  (1  Cor.  xv. 
42,  50,  53,  .54)  and  "sincerity,"  i.  e.  moral  incor- 
ruptness  (Eph.  vi.  24  ;  Tit.  ii.  7).  Death  ;  Eter- 
nal ;  Life  ;  Resurrection. 

Im'na  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God  keeps  baek,  Ges.),  a 
prince  of  Asher ;  son  of  Helem  (1  Chr.  vii.  35  ;  com- 
pare 40). 

Ini'nah  (fr.  Heb.  ■=z  pood  fortnne,  Ges.  \  =  Jim- 
NA,  Jim.nah).  1.  The  first-born  of  Asher  (1  Chr. 
vii.  30);  =  Jimnah. — 2.  A  Levite,  father  of  Kore, 
who  assisted  in  the  reforms  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr. 
xxxi.  14). 

*  IlB-pnte'  (fr.  L.  impttto  =  to  bring  into  the  reek- 
oning,  to  reckon,  charge  or  ascribe,  Andrews'  Freund's 
L.  Zex.),  to,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb. 
hashah  or  ch&shah  (Lev.  vii.  18,  xvii.  4  ;  Ps.  xxxii. 
2),  elsewhere  translated  "to  think"  (Gen.  1.  20; 
Job  XXXV.  2,  &c.),  "to  count"  (Lev.  xxv.  27,  31, 
52,  &c.),  "to  reckon  "  (Num.  xxiii.  9,  &c.),  "  to  es- 
teem "  (Is.  liii.  3,  4  ;  Lam.  iv.  2,  &e.),  "  to  devise  " 
(2  Sam.  xiv.  14;  Esth.  viii.  3,  &c.),  "to  imagine" 
(Ps.  X.  2,  &e.),  "to  purpose"  (Lam.  ii.  8,  &c.),  &c. 
— 2.   Heb.  sum  or  sim  (1  Sam.  xxii.  15  ;  2  Sam.  xix. 

19,  Heb.  20),  usually  translated  "  to  put "  (Gen.  ii. 


8,  xxiv.  2,  9,  47,  &c.),  "  to  set "  (iv.  15,  vi.  16,  &c.),  or 
"  to  make  "  (xxi.  13,  18,  &c.).  In  Hab.  i.  11,  there 
is  no  Hebrew  equivalent. — 3.  Gr.  ellogio  (Rom.  v. 
13  only),  elsewhere  translated  "put  on  account" 
(Phn.  18  only). — 1.  Gr.  logizomai  (Rom.  iv.  6,  8, 11, 
22-24;  Gal.  iii.  6,  margin;  2  Cor.  v.  19;  Jas. 
ii.  23),  elsewhere  translated  "  to  reason  "  (Mk.  xi. 
31),  "  to  reckon  "  (Lk.  xxii.  37  ;  Rom.  iv.  4,  9,  10, 
&c.),  "  to  number  "  (Mk.  xv.  28), "  to  count "  (Rom. 
ii.  26,  iv.  3,  5,  &c.),  "  to  account"  (viii.  36  ;  1  Cor. 
iv.  1,  &c.),  "  to  think  "  (Rom.  ii.  3  ;  1  Cor.  xiii.  5,  11, 
&c.),  "to  suppose"  (2  Cor.  xi.  5;  1  Pet.  v.  12), 
"  to  conclude "  (Rom.  iii.  28),  &c. ;  in  LXX.  = 
No.  1). 

Ini'rall  (fr.  Heb.  =  refractory,  Ges.),  a  chief  of 
Asher,  of  the  family  of  Zopiiah  (1  Chr.  vii.  36). 

Im'll  (Heb.  eloquent,  Ges.).  1.  A  man  of  Judah 
of  the  family  of  Pharcz  (1  Chr.  ix.  4). — 2.  Father 
or  progenitor  of  Zaccur  4  (Xeh.  iii.  2). 

In'ecuse  (Heb.  kitoruh,  kttorcth,  lelonAh  [Frank- 
incense] ;  Gr.  thnmiama).  The  incense  employed 
in  the  service  of  the  tabernacle  was  comi)ounded 
of  the  perfumes  stacte,  onycha,  galbanum,  and  pure 
frankincense.  All  incense  not  made  of  these  in- 
gredients was  forbidden  to  be  offered  (Ex.  xxx.  9). 
According  to  Rashi  on  Ex.  xxx.  34,  the  above-men- 
tioned (icrfumes  were  mixed  in  equal  proportions, 
seventy  nianehs  being  taken  of  each.  In  addition 
to  the  four  ingredients  already  mentioned,  Rashi 
enumerates  seven  others.  Josephus  mentions  thir- 
teen. The  proportions  of  the  additional  spices  are 
given  by  Mainionides  as  follows  :  Of  myrrh,  cassia, 
spikenard,  and  saffron,  sixteen  manehs  each.  Of 
costus  twelve  manehs,  cinnamon  nine  nianehs,  sweet 
bark  three  manehs.  The  weight  of  the  whole  con- 
fection was  368  manehs.  To  these  was  added  the 
fourth  part  of  a  cab  of  salt  of  Sodom,  with  amber 
of  Jordan,  and  an  herb  called  "  the  smoke-raiser," 
known  only  to  the  cunning  in  such  matters,  to 
whom  the  secret  descended  by  tradition.  In  the 
ordinary  daily  seniee,  one  maneh  was  used,  half  in 
the  morning  and  half  in  the  evening.  Allowing 
then  one  maneh  of  incen.'e  for  each  day  of  the  solar 
year,  the  three  manehs  which  remained  were  again 
pounded,  and  used  by  the  high-priest  on  the  day  of 
atonement  (Lev.  xvi.  12).  A  store  of  it  was  con- 
stantly kept  in  the  Temple.  The  incense  posfsessed 
the  threelbld  characteristic  of  being  salted  (not 
"  tcmperid,"  as  in  A.  V.),  pure  and  holy.  Salt  was 
the  symbol  of  incorrnptncss,  and  nothing,  says 
Maimonides,  was  offered  without  it,  except  the  wine 
of  the  drink-offerings,  the  blood,  and  the  wood 
(compare  Lev.  ii.  13).  Aaron,  as  liig%1)riest,  was 
originally  appointed  to  offer  incense,  tut  in  the 
daily  service  of  the  second  Temple  the  office  de- 
volved upon  the  inferior  priests,  from  among  whom 
one  was  chosen  by  lot  (Lk.  i.  9),  each  morning  and 
evening.  The  officiating  priest  appointed  anotlier, 
whose  office  it  was  to  take  the  fire  from  the  brazen 
altar.  The  times  of  offering  incense  were  specified 
in  the  instructions  first  given  to  Moses  (Ex.  xxx.  7, 
8).  The  morning  incense  was  offered  when  the 
lamps  were  trimmed  in  the  Holy  place,  and  befoie 
the  sacrifice,  when  the  watchman  set  for  the  pur- 
pose announced  the  break  of  day.  When  the  lamps 
were  lighted  "  between  the  evenings,"  after  the 
evening  sacrifice  and  before  the  drink-offerings  were 
offered,  incense  was  again  burnt  on  the  golden  al- 
tar, which  belonged  to  the  oracle  (A.  V.  "that  was 
by  the  oracle,"  1  K.  vi.  22),  and  stood  before  the 
veil  which  separated  the  Holy  place  from  the  Holy 
of  Holies,  the  throne  of  God'(Rev.  viii.  4).     When 


INO 


INS 


405 


the  priest  entered  the  Holy  place  with  the  incense, 
all  the  people  were  removed  from  the  Temple,  and 
from  between  the  porch  and  the  altar  (compare  Lk. 
i.  10).  Profound  silence  was  observed  among  the 
congregation  who  were  praying  without  (compare 
Rev.  viil.  1),  and  at  a  signal  from  the  prefect  the 
priest  cast  the  incense  on  the  fire,  and,  bowing 
reverently  toward  the  Holy  of  Holies,  retired  slowly 
backward,  not  prolonging  his  prayer,  that  he  might 
not  alarm  the  congregation,  or  cause  them  to  fear 
that  he  had  been  struck  dead  for  offering  unwor- 
thily (Lev.  xvi.  18;  Lk.  i.  21).  On  tlie  day  of 
at.mement  (Atoneme.nt,  Day  of)  the  service  was 
different.  The  offering  of  incense  has  formed  a 
part  of  the  religious  ceremonies  of  most  ancient 
nations.  It  was  an  element  in  the  idolatrous  wor- 
ship of  the  Israelites  (Jer.  xi.  12,  17,  xlviii.  35;  2 
Chr.  xxxiv.  25).  With  regard  to  the  symbolical 
meaning  of  incense,  opinions  have  been  many  and 
widely  differing.  Fairbairn,"  with  many  others, 
looks  upon  prayer  as  the  reality  of  which  incense  is 
the  symbol  (Ps.  cxli.  2  ;  Rev.  v.  8,  viii.  3,  4).  Look- 
ing upon  incense  in  connection  with  the  other  cere- 
monial observances  of  the  Mosaic  ritual,  it  would 
rather  seem  to  be  symbolical,  not  of  prayer  itself, 
but  of  that  which  makes  prayer  acceptable,  the  in- 
tercession of  Christ  (so  Mr.  Wright).  In  Rev.  viii. 
3,  4,  the  incense  is  spoken  of  as  something  distinct 
from,  though  offered  with,  the  prayers  of  all  the 
saints  (compare  Lk.  i.  10) ;  and  in  Rev.  v.  8  it  is 
the  golden  vials,  and  not  the  odors  or  incense, 
which  are  said  to  be  the  prayers  of  saints. 

*  In-tor-rnp'tion  (fr.  L.),  =  freedom  from  cor- 
ruption or  decay.     Immortality. 

India  [ind'ya,  or  in'de-a]  (L.  fr.  the  river  Indun  ; 
Heb.  Uol/lu).  The  name  of  India  does  not  occur 
in  tlie  Bible  before  Esther,  where  it  is  noticed  as 
the  limit  of  the  territories  of  Ahasuerus  in  the  E.,  as 
Eihiopia  was  in  the  W.  (Esth.  i.  1, 
viii.  9).     The  India  of  Esther  is  ^- 

not  the  peninsula  of  Hindostan, 
but  the  country  surrounding  the 
Indus,  the  Punjdb  and  perhaps 
Scinde.  In  1  Sic.  viii.  8,  India  is 
reckoned  among  the  countries 
which  Eumencs,  king  of  Perga- 
mtis,  received  out  of  the  former 
possessions  of  Antiochus  the 
Great.  (Ionia.)  A  more  authen- 
tic notice  of  the  country  occurs 
in  1  Mc.  xi.  37.  But  though  the 
name  of  India  occurs  so  seldom, 
the  people  and  productions  of 
that  country  must  have  been 
tolerably  well  known  to  the 
Jews.  There  is  undoubted  evi- 
dence that  an  active  trade  was 
carried  on  between  India  and 
Weslcm  Asia.  (Akaiiia.)  Tlie  trade  opened  by 
Solomon  with  Ophir  through  the  Red  Sea  chiefly 
consisted  of  Indian  articles.  The  connection  thus 
cstal)lisheil  with  India  led  to  the  opinion  that  the 
Indians  were  included  under  the  ethnological  title 
of  ("ush  (Gen.  x.  6). 

•  la  (juth-er-ln?,  Fetst  of  (Ex.  xxiii.  16).    Taber- 

NACr.Ks,  Kkast  Of. 

In-hcr'll-iineF.     Heir. 

Ink,  Ink'horn.     Writino. 

Inn.  The  Heb.  rmilim  thus  rendered  literally  = 
0  IcVi'mg-plaee  for  the  nir/ht.  Inns,  in  our  sense  of 
the  term,  were,  as  they  still  are,  unknown  in  the 
East,   where    hospitality    is    religiously  practised. 


The  khans,  or  caravanserais,  are  the  representa- 
tives of  European  inns,  and  these  were  established 
but  gradually.  It  is  doubtful  whether  tliere  is  any 
allusion  to  them  in  the  O.  T.  The  halting-place  of 
a  caravan  was  selected  originally  on  account  of  its 
proximity  to  water  or  pasture,  by  which  the  travel- 
lers pitched  their  tents  and  passed  tlie  night.  Such 
was  undoubtedly  the  "  inn  "  at  which  occurred  the 
incident  in  the  life  of  Moses,  narrated  in  Ex.  iv.  24 
(compare  Gen.  xlii.  27,  xliii.  21).  On  the  more  fre- 
quented routes,  remote  from  towns  (Jer.  ix.  2,  A. 
V.  "lodging-place"),  caravanserais  were  in  course 
of  time  erected,  often  at  the  expense  of  tlie  wealthy. 
The  following  description  of  one  of  those  on  the 
road  from  Bagdad  to  Babylon  will  suffice  ibr  all : — 
"  It  is  a  large  and  substantial  square  building,  in 
the  distance  resembling  a  fortress,  being  surround-  < 
ed  with  a  lofty  wall,  and  flanked  by  round  towers 
to  defend  the  inmates  in  case  of  attack.  Passing 
through  a  strong  gateway,  the  guest  enters  a  large 
court,  the  sides  of  which  are  divided  into  numerous 
arched  compartments,  open  in  front,  for  the  accom- 
modation of  separate  parties  and  for  the  reception 
of  goods.  In  the  centre  is  a  spacious  raised  plat- 
form, used  for  sleeping  upon  at  night,  or  for  the 
devotions  of  the  faithful  during  the  day.  Between 
the  outer  wall  and  the  compartments  are  wide 
vaulted  arcades,  extending  round  the  entire  build- 
ing, where  the  beasts  of  burden  are  placed.  Upon 
the  roof  of  the  arcades  is  an  excellent  terrace,  and 
over  the  gateway  an  elevated  tower  containing  two 
rooms — one  of  which  is  open  at  the  sides,  permit- 
ting the  occupants  to  enjoy  every  breath  of  air  that 
passes  across  the  heated  plain.  The  terrace  is  tol- 
erably clean  ;  but  the  court  and  stabling  below  are 
ankle-deep  in  chopped  straw  and  filth  "  (Loftus, 
Chaldea,  p.  13).  The  "  inn  "  (Gr.  pandoclteion,  lit. 
a  place  where  all  are  received,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  of 


EMtem  Inn  or  CarsTMuermL— From  u  original  tketcK— (Ayre.) 


Luke  X.  34  probably  differed  from  the  "  inn  "  (Gr. 
kataluma  ■=  Imlyinif-jilare,  translated  "guest-cham- 
ber "  in  Mk.  xiv.  14  and  Lk.  xxii.  11)  of  Luke  ii.  7,  in 
having  a  "host"  or  "innkeeper"  (x.  35),  who  sup- 
plied some  few  of  the  necessary  provisions,  and  at- 
tended to  the  wants  of  travellers  left  to  his  charge. 
Barn  ;  Hospitality  ;  House  ;  Manger. 

•  In-spl-ra'tion  (fr.  L.,  lit.  an  iu-hreathinri). — I. 
This  word  occurs  twice  in  the  A.  V. — 1.  In  Job 
xxxii.  8,  as  the  translation  of  the  Heb.  nis/idmdh, 
usually  and  literally  traiiislatcd  "  breath  "  (Gen.  ii. 
7,  vii.'22;  Job  xxxiii.  4,  &c.),  sometimes  "spirit" 
(xxvi.  4;  Prov.  xx.  27),  or  "soul"  (Is.  Ivii.  16),  &c. 
In  the  A.  V.  Job  xxxii.  8  reads  thus :  "  But  there 


406 


INS 


INS 


13  a  spirit  in  man  ;  and  the  inspiration  of  the  Al- 
mighty givcth  them  understanding."  Gesenius  here 
and  in  xxxiii.  4  makes  the  Hebrew  =  the  Spirit  of 
God,  imparting  wisdom  and  life ;  Fiirst  makes  it  := 
the  spiritual  inspiratimi  of  God  in  man,  giving  spir- 
itual power  and  physical  life.  Wis.  xv.  11  speaks 
of  God  as  having  "  inspired  into  (Gr.  empneit»anta, 
lit.  having  breathed  in)  him  (man)  an  aetive  soul, 
and  breathed  in  a  living  spirit." — 2.  In  2  Tim.  iii. 
16  in  the  translation  of  the  Gr.  theopHeustos,  lit.  God- 
breathed  or  Gud-inspired,  in  A.  V.  "  given  by  inspi- 
ration of  God."  Ver.  16,  17  read  :  "All  Scripture 
is  given  by  inspiration  of  God,  and  is  profitable  for 
doctrine,  for  reproof,  for  correction,  for  instruction 
in  righteousness,  that  the  man  of  God  may  be  per- 
fect, thoroughly  furnished  unto  all  good  works." 
•The  "  is  "  in  both  clauses  is  supplied  by  the  trans- 
lators ;  but  many  would  supply  "  is "  only  once, 
thus  :  "  All  Scripture  given  by  inspiration  of  God, 
is  also  profitable,"  &c.  This  construction  is  allow- 
able, but  less  natural  than  that  of  the  A.  V.  Some 
of  those  who  adopt  the  latter  construction  under- 
stand it,  "  All  "  (or  every)  "  Scripture "  that  is 
"given  by  inspiration,"  Ate,  implying  that  some 
Scripture  may  not  be  given  by  inspiration,  and 
hence  that  both  profitableness  for  doctrine,  &c., 
and  inspiration  are  strictly  affirmed  here  of  only  a 
part  of  what  is  known  as  Scripture.  But  both  the 
being  "  given  by  inspiration  "  and  the  being  "  profit- 
able for  doctrine,"  kc,  properly  belong,  according 
to  the  apostle's  argument,  to  "  all  Scripture."  In 
ver.  15  he  gives  a  characteristic  of  "  the  holy  Scrip- 
tures " — not  of  some  of  them  merely,  but  of  the 
whole  collection  of  the  0.  T.  writings  thus  desig- 
nated among  the  Jews  (Bible  ;  Canon) — "  which  are 
able  to  make  thee  wise  unto  salvation  through  faith 
which  is  in  Christ  Jesus ; "  and  then  he  uses  like 
comprehensive  language  in  ver.  16,  17.  It  makes 
little  difference  in  the  general  sense  whether  the 
phrase  "given  by  inspiration"  is  considered  with 
the  A.  V.  as  a  part  of  the  predicate,  or  simply  as 
an  epithet  of  the  sulyect  "all  Scripture."  Thus 
Origen,  Bishop  Eliicott,  Dean  Alford,  &c.,  who  adopt 
the  latter  view,  regard  the  epithet  as  applying  to  the 
entire  0.  T.  Certainly  nodistinetion  between  inspired 
and  uninspired  Scripture  is  either  made  or  hinted 
at  by  the  apostle  ;  and  the  attempts  (by  Semler,  &c.) 
to  introduce  such  a  distinction  into  the  passage  are 
inconsistent  with  the  apostle's  argument,  with  the 
proper  construction  of  language,  and  with  the  known 
reverence  of  the  Jews  and  primitive  Christians  for 
the  whole  0.  T. — II.  Theories  and  Definitions  of  the 
InspircUion  of  the  Scriptures.  Setting  aside  for  the 
present  the  views  of  those  who  deny  the  divine  ori- 
gin and  authority  of  the  Scriptures,  there  are  three 
theories  more  or  less  prevalent  among  those  who 
claim  to  be  evangelical  Christians,  which  may  be 
styled — 1.  The  mechanical  theory,  or  the  theory  of 
verbal  itispiralioii,  which  holds  that  not  only  the 
thoughts,  but  also  the  very  words  of  Scripture,  are 
the  direct  product  of  the  divine  mind,  the  human 
writers  of  the  various  books  being  thus  only  the 
amanuenses  who  wrote  down  the  language  which 
the  Spirit  of  God  dictated.  So  (according  to  Knapp) 
Justin  and  other  fathers,  Schubert,  Ernesti,  &c. ; 
so  (apparently)  Gaussen. —  2.  The  common  Evangel- 
ical theory,  sometimes  called  the  dynamical  theory, 
which  holds  that  inspiration,  without  impairing  the 
free  use  of  each  writer's  own  natural  powers,  so 
moulded  his  views  in  regard  to  the  subject-matter 
to  be  communicated  to  men,  and,  when  necessary, 
in  regard  to  the  very  language  to  be  used  by  him, 


as  to  secure  the  communication  in  the  Scriptures 
of  that,  and  of  that  only,  which,  properly  inter- 
preted, is  truth — the  truth  which  in  its  substance 
and  form  is  in  perfect  accordance  with  the  divine 
mind  and  will.  So  Henderson,  Lee,  Torrey,  Fitch 
(see  below),  Fairbairn,  Ayre,  the  editor  of  this  vol- 
ume, &c.,  &c.  This  theory  holds  that  the  inspira- 
tion of  the  Scriptures  is  perfectly  consistent  with 
their  recording  falsehoods  uttered  (e.  g.  by  the  ser- 
pent to  Eve),  unsound  arguments  and  perverted 
truths  set  forth  (e.  g.  by  Job's  friends),  mistakes, 
faults,  and  unholy  contentions  even  of  apostles  and 
others  whom  God  inspired  to  communicate  truth, 
uninspired  opinions  or  judgments  (e.  g.  of  Paul  in 
1  Cor.  vii.),  &c.  In  such  cases  the  inspiration  has 
nothing  to  do  with  originally  utterir.g  the  language 
or  exhibiting  the  conduct  recorded,  but  is  concerned 
in  making  an  iulallible  record  of  the  fact  that  such 
language  was  uttered,  such  conduct  took  place  in 
the  given  circumstances,  &c.  This  theory  atlmits 
the  occurrence  in  copies  of  the  Scriptures  of  mis- 
takes in  transcribing,  translating,  and  printing, 
which  it  is  the  business  of  Biblical  criticism  to  in- 
vestigate  and  determine.  Those  who  thus  agrte  in 
maintaining  the  inspiration  of  the  Scriptures  may 
difi'cr  among  themselves  as  to  the  authorship  and 
dates  of  composition  of  particular  books,  the  scf  i>e 
of  particular  projihecies,  the  explanation  of  particu- 
lar precepts  or  doctrines,  the  meaning  of  particular 
passages,  and  even  the  general  pruiciples  of  inter- 
pretation.— 3.  The  broad  church  or  liberal  the- 
ory, which  holds  that  inspiration  secures  the  infal- 
lible correctness  of  the  Scriptures  in  regard  only  to 
moral  and  religious  truth.  This  theory  admits  the 
occurrence  in  the  Scriptures  of  positive  errors  or 
untruths  in  natural  science,  chronology,  archajolo- 
gy,  geography,  &c.  So  Dr.  Samuel  Davidson,  the 
late  Dr.  Thomas  Arnold,  some  of  the  prominent 
contributors  to  Smith's  Dictionary  of  the  Bible, 
Coleridge,  Tholuck,  Olshausen,  &c. — Various  and 
somewhat  discrepant  definitions  have  been  given 
of  inspiration  and  revelation.  Knapp  ( Christian  ne- 
ology) defines  inspiration  "  an  extraordinary  divine 
influence  by  which  the  teachers  of  religion  were  in- 
structed what  and  how  they  should  write  or  speak, 
while  discharging  the  duties  of  their  office."  Rev. 
William  Lee  ( The  Inspiraliem  of  Holy  Scripture,  Dub- 
lin, 1S57)  makes  inspiration  =z  the  assistance  af- 
forded in  the  utterance  of  God's  truth,  or  in  the 
recording  of  what  God  meant  to  have  w  ritten  in  the 
Scriptures  ;  and  revelation  —  the  direct  imparta- 
tion,  to  the  mind  of  the  prophet  or  seer,  of  truth 
which  must  otherwise  be  unknown  to  him  (see 
£.  S.  XV.  83,  34).  Professor  Torrey  (B.  S.  xv.  323 
ff.)  makes  revelation  =  "  all  God's  direct  manifesta- 
tions of  Himself,  with  their  necessary  connections 
and  dependencies,"  embracing  "  the  whole  circle  of 
truths  and  of  facts,  whether  knowable  or  not  know- 
able  by  unaided  human  reason,  w  hich  are  necessary 
to  make  what  God  communicates  clearly  intelli- 
gible to,  and  practically  operative  on,  beings  consti- 
tuted as  we  are,  and  with  all  our  passions  and  in- 
firmities ; "  and  constituting  "  one  simple  and  con- 
nected system  of  supernatural  divine  teaching,  by 
word  and  fact,  of  which  the  Scriptures  of  the  0. 
and  N.  T.  are  the  faithful  record."  lie  defines 
bisi/iration  "  as  that  guidance  from  above,  whereby 
the  sacred  penmen,  in  committing  this  divine  reve- 
lation to  writing,  were  preserved  from  all  such  error 
as  would  interfere  with  the  end  which  God,  in  giv- 
ing this  revelation  to  man,  proposed."  Mr.  West- 
cott  (Jntroductio7i  to  the  Gospels)  conceives  that  "  by 


INS 


INS 


407 


inspiration  "  man's  "  natural  powers  are  quickened, 
so  that  he  contemplates  with  a  divine  intuition  the 
truth  as  it  exists  still  among  the  ruins  of  the  moral 
aud  physical  worlds  ; "  while  "  by  revelation  we  see, 
as  it  were,  the  dark  veil  removed  from  the  face  of 
things,  so  that  the  true  springs  and  issues  of  life 
stand  disclosed  in  their  eternal  nature."  "  If  you 
inquire,"  says  Professor  E.  T.  Fitch  {B.  S.  xiL  253), 
"  in  what  sense  the  Bible  is  breathed  forth  from 
God,  the  true  answer  is,  the  whole  book  was  pre- 
pared by  His  direction,  in  subservience  to  a  scheme 
of  redemption  through  Christ,  which  had  been 
planned  in  His  eternal  wisdom ;  by  men,  to  whom 
He  gave  direct  revelations  or  imparted  necessary 
wisdom  and  knowledge  to  guide  tliem  in  their 
writings ;  and  that,  consequently,  the  whole  book 
has  indorsed  upon  it  His  name  and  authority.  While 
all  other  books  are  the  books  of  men,  this  is  the 
book  of  God.  While  others  are  liable  to  err  re- 
specting truth  and  duty,  this  is  infallible." — III. 
Proofs  of  the  fttspiration  of  all  the  S-riptures.  In 
opposition  to  those  who  admit  the  truth  of  the  Bib- 
lical narrative  as  a  whole  and  the  general  credibil- 
ity of  the  Scriptures,  but  deny  their  inspiration ;  to 
those,  also,  who  admit  the  divine  authority  of  the 
revelation  or  system  of  truth  contained  in  the  Scrip- 
tures, but  deny  that  the  Scriptures,  as  a  whole, 
constitute  this  revelation,  and  would  modify  or  ex- 
plain away  a  large  portion  of  their  contents  as 
marred  by  human  imperfection,  and  inconsistent 
with  the  real  or  absolute  truth  which  alone,  in  their 
view,  the  Holy  Spirit  did  or  could  dictate ;  we  may 
allege — 1.  Tlie  claim  of  the  Scriptures  themselves. 
A  large  part  of  tlie  0.  and  N.  T.  consists  of  what 
are  positively  declared  to  be  messages  or  instructions 
from  God ;  c.  g.  the  Ten  Commandments,  and  many 
other  parts  of  the  Pentateuch  (Mose.-^),  and  the 
eo.nmunications  of  the  prophets  generally  (Pkopii- 
et)  (E.\.  XX.  1 ;  Lev.  i.  1 ;  Num.  i.  1 ;  Is.  viii.  1,  Ixvi. 
1,  &c.).  The  Apostle  Paul  gives  to  the  wliole  0.  T. 
the  significant  title,  "  the  oracles  of  God  "  (Rom.  iii. 
2).  In  2  Tim.  iii.  15-17  (see  I.  above),  he  claims 
inspiration  for  tlie  whole  0.  T.,  then  familiarly 
known  as  "  the  Holy  Scriptures,"  "the  Scriptures" 
(Mat.  xxi.  42,  &c.),  "the  Scriptcre"  (Jn.  vii.  38, 
42,  &c.),  &c.  A  similar  claim  for  the  writings  of 
the  0.  T.  prophets  is  set  up  in  2  Pet.  i.  20,  21 : 
"  Xo  prophecy  of  the  Scripture  is  of  any  private 
interpretation  "  (1.  e.  the  prophecy  is  not  from  tlie 
prophet  himself  as  interpreting  or  unfolding  by  his 
own  unas.sisted  powers  the  will  or  purposes  of  Gol, 
as  is  furtlier  explained  in  the  next  verse).  "  For 
the  prophecy  caine  not  in  old  time  "  (margin,  "  at 
any  time,"  Gr.  pote)  "  by  the  will  of  man ;  but  holy 
men  of  God  spake  as  they  were  moved  by  the  Holy 
Ghost."  In  the  K.  T.  the  words  of  Jesus  Himself 
come  with  the  claim  of  full  divine  authority :  "  For 
He  whom  God  hath  sent,  speaketh  the  words  of 
God :  for  God  giveth  not  the  Spirit  by  measure 
unto  Hira  "  (Jn.  iii.  34).  Not  merely  as  He  uttered 
them  at  first,  but  as  afterward  repeated  by  the 
apostles,  guided  according  to  His  promise,  into  all 
truth  by  the  Spirit  of  truth  (xvi.  13),  and  having  all 
things  brought  to  their  remembrance  (xiv.  26),  do 
these  words  claim  for  themselves  the  credit  of  being 
inspired  of  God.  Paul  claimed  inspiration  (1  Cor.  ii. 
13) :  "  Which  things  also  we  speak,  not  in  the  words 
which  man's  wisdom  teacheth,  but  which  the  Holy 
Ghost  teacheth ;  comparing  spiritual  things  with 
spiritual "  (i.  e.  comparing  the  teachings  of  the  Go.s- 
pcl  with  those  of  the  0.  T. ;  but  Robinson  [N.  T. 
Lex.]  translates  comUniiiff  itpiritual  tldugi  teith  y/irit- 


ua!,  i.  e.  expressing  thoughts  taught  by  the  Spirit 
in  words  tauglit  by  the  Spirit ;  Conybeare  and  How- 
sou  translate  explaining  spiritual  thiiiffs  to  spiritual 
men).  Both  Paul  and  Peter  wrote  as  "  apostles  " 
(Rom.  i.  1,  &c. ;  1  Pet.  i.  1,  &c.),  i.  e.  as  divinely 
commissioned  to  communicate  the  word  of  God. 
Peter  ranks  the  epistles  of  Paul  with  "  the  other 
Scriptures,"  cites  tliem  as  agreeing  in  doctrine  with 
what  he  taught,  and  ascribes  them  to  "  the  wisdom 
given"  unto  Paul  (2  Pet.  iii.  16,  10).  The  Apostle 
John,  in  Revelation,  repeatedly  exhibits  his  divine 
commission,  and,  in  closing  the  words  of  his  prophe- 
cy, solemnly  threatens  with  the  wrath  of  God  any 
man  who  should  add  to  or  take  away  from  them 
(Rev.  i.  1,  19,  ii.  1,  xiv.  13,  xxii.  18,  19,  &c.).  (See 
also  Mark;  Llke;  Jude,  &c.)  Thus  scattered  up 
and  down,  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the 
Scriptures  of  truth,  are  express  claims  that  they  are 
the  inspired  word  of  God. — 2.  The  need  of  it  in  or- 
der to  make  the  Scriptures  truly  authoritative  as 
the  word  of  God.  If  the  writers  were  not  divinely 
inspired,  we  know  neither  what  nor  where  the  word 
of  God  is.  If  man  by  his  unaided  reason  must 
pick  out  the  fragments  of  absolute  or  spiritual 
truth  here  and  there,  as  he  may  be  able  to  discover 
them  in  the  mass  of  rubbish  and  valuables,  to  which 
those  would  reduce  the  Scriptures  who  regard  them 
as  but  partially  or  not  at  all  divhiely  inspired,  he  is 
little  better  off  now  than  the  heathen  who  for  4,000 
years  b.  c.  searched  for  divine  truth  by  the  light  of 
nature,  without  finding  God  or  arriving  at  a  saving 
knowledge  of  His  truth  even  then  (Rom.  i.  20  ff.). 
The  need  of  the  word  of  God  is  not  met  by  any 
such  "  inspiration  "  as  is  common  to  mankind  gen- 
erally, or  possessed  by  eminent  poets,  artists,  men 
of  genius,  &c. ;  for  this  does  not  exempt  their  pro- 
ductions from  dangerous  mistakes  and  imperfec- 
tions. The  inspiration  of  the  Scriptures  is  no  more 
impossible  than  any  other  miracle  (Miracles)  ;  and 
the  character  of  God  makes  it  certain  that  He  will 
give  this  inspiration,  or  work  any  other  miracle, 
whenever  it  is  necessary  to  promote  the  ends  of 
wisdom  and  love  for  which  His  government  exists. 
— 3.  The  impossibility  of  otherwise  satisfactorily 
accounting  for  the  marvellous  perfection  of  the 
Scriptures  as  the  word  of  God.  They  give  a  ra- 
tional view  of  God  and  of  His  relations  to  the  uni- 
verse, and  especially  to  man.  They  have  been — 
they  are — the  power  of  God  unto  salvation.  Where 
the  Scriptures  have  been  known — read — loved,  the 
Christian  religion  and  church  have  flourished, 
though  multitudes  of  enemies  have  risen  up  and 
threatened  to  overwhelm  them.  Nothing  else  has 
been  found  to  fill  the  place  for  living  power  which 
the  Scriptures  occupy  and  have  occupied  from  age 
to  age.  They  are  perfect  in  their  adaptation  to  the 
moral  and  spiritual  wants  of  mankind.  It  is  also  a 
fact  that  after  centuries  of  investigation  by  acute 
and  subtle  foes,  as  well  as  by  able  and  candid 
friends,  the  Scriptures  can  still  claim  to  be  con- 
sistent with  themselves  from  the  beginning  of  Gen- 
esis to  the  end  of  Revelation.  Countless  discrep- 
ancies have  been  discovered,  but  they  are  discrep- 
ancies in  appearance  only,  not  in  reality  ;  or  if 
real,  their  existence  may  be  readily  accounted  for : 
e.  g.  all  alleged  discrepancies  between  diflTerent 
parts  of  Scripture  in  regard  to  chronology  may  be 
satisfactorily  explained,  or  so  far  explained,  by  the 
supposition  of  mistakes  in  copying  numbers  (Abi- 
JAii  1 ;  Ahaziah  2  ;  Israel,  Kingdom  of,  &c.),  by 
reference  to  the  Hebrew  custom  of  reckoning  in- 
complete days  or  years  at  the  beginning  or  end  of  a 


408 


INS 


IRH 


period  as  if  they  were  complete  (compare  1  K.  xv. 
83,  xvi.  6,  8,  10 ;  also  Mat.  xii.  40,  xxvii.,  xxviii. ; 
and  see  1  Sam.  xxx.  12,  13 ;  2  Chr.  x.  5,  12,  &c.  ; 
the  ancient  Romans,  Hebrews,  &c.,  counted  tliat 
tlie  third  day  which  we  should  call  the  second,  so 
that  Sunday  is  the  third  day  after  Friday,  the  fourth 
after  Thursday,  &c.),  or  by  the  help  of  some  other 
known  or  properly  supposable  fact,  as  to  remove 
all  necessity  of  regarding  them  as  absolutely  irrec- 
oncilable. Thus  Keil  and  others  suppose  an  inter- 
regnum of  eleven  and  a  half  years  between  King 
Jeroboam  II.  and  his  son  Zachariah,  who  succeeded 
him  (compare  2  K.  xiv.  17,  28,  xv.  8),  and  one  of 
eight  and  a  half  years  between  Pekah  and  Hoshea 
his  successor  (compare  xv.  30,  xvii.  1).  Verbal 
contradictions  and  other  apparent  discrepancies,  as 
in  the  narratives  of  events  (Aceldama  ;  Aiiaziah  2 ; 
Gospels  ;  Jesus  Christ,  &c.),  in  the  relations  of 
persons  to  one  another  (Gen.  xii.  5,  xiii.  8 ;  see 
Brother,  &e.),  in  commands  and  precepts  (compare 
Prov.  xxvi.  4  with  6 ;  also  Gen.  ix.  6  with  xxii.  2, 
&c.),  in  the  representations  of  God  (compare  Is.  vi. 
1  with  Jn.  i.  18 ;  also  Gen.  vi.  6  with  1  Sam.  xv. 
29,  &c.),  in  the  quotations  of  the  N.  T.  from  the  0. 
T.  (Old  Testament),  in  the  application  of  prophecies 
(e.  g.  Immanuel),  &e. ;  these  are  not  real  contradic- 
tions or  discrepancies  when  properly  explained. 
Still  further,  the  Scriptures  harmonize  with  all  dis- 
covered truth.  The  Bible  has  no  geographical, 
zoological,  geological,  or  astronomical  untruths 
(Ant;  Coney;  Creation;  Earth;  Hare;  Heaven, 
&c.),  though  it  makes  abundant  use  of  popular  lan- 
guage, or  the  language  of  appearances  in  distinc- 
tion from  that  which  is  scientifically  accurate.  As 
to  the  discrepancies  in  chkonolory  and  history  al- 
leged to  exist  between  the  Scriptures,  particularly 
the  books  of  Moses,  as  we  have  them,  and  the  rec- 
ords and  monuments  of  Egypt,  Assyria,  and  other 
ancient  nations,  or  the  discoveries  of  modern  sci- 
ence, we  may  safely  say,  that,  while  many  remark- 
able confirmations  of  Biblical  history,  chronology, 
&c.,  have  been  obtained  from  these,  no  conclusions 
derived  from  any  of  them  which  are  irreconcilable 
with  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  can  be  properly  said  to 
be  so  firmly  established  as  to  be  beyond  the  possi- 
bility of  being  overthrown  by  future  discoveries  in 
the  same  direction.  The  consistency  of  the  Scrip- 
tures with  themselves  and  with  other  known  truth 
is  wonderful  when  we  remember  that  nearly  1,600 
years  intervened  between  the  beginning  and  the 
end  of  committing  them  to  writing — that  they  were 
written  in  countries  hundreds  of  miles  apart,  by 
men  of  different  attainments  and  habits,  occupying 
different  stations  in  life,  and  using  different  lan- 
guages. Moses  in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai,  David 
on  the  throne  of  Israel,  Daniel  in  the  palaces  of 
Babylon  and  Shushan,  Ezekiel  among  the  exiles  by 
the  river  Cliebar,  Amos  among  the  herdmen  of 
Tekoa,  and  Paul  in  prison  at  Rome,  all  inculcate 
the  same  great  truths.  The  ideas  of  many  of  them 
in  respect  to  subjects  incidentally  treated  of  in  the 
Scriptures  were  doubtless  very  inaccurate,  yet  they 
imiformly  contributed  their  share  to  make  the  Bi- 
ble the  book  of  truth  and  perfect  excellence.  All 
this  can  be  rationally  accounted  for  only  because 
"  all  Scripture  is  given  by  inspiration  of  God." — 4. 
The  general  consent  of  both  Jews  and  Christians 
in  all  ages  that  the  0.  T.  was  given  by  inspiration, 
and  the  general  reception  by  Christians  for  1,800 
years  of  the  canonical  books  of  the  N.  T.  as  in- 
spired. The  claims  of  all  the  books  of  the  Scrip- 
tures were  scrutinized  by  those  who  were  ready  to 


sacrifice  their  lives  for  the  truth,  and  were  exceed- 
ingly scrupulous  about  receiving  as  canonical  or 
inspired  (and  these  were,  in  their  minds,  closely 
connected)  any  book  which  did  not  briug  with  it 
the  proper  credentials.  The  known  differences  of 
opinion  in  regard  to  some  books  of  the  N.  T.  (Can- 
on), show  that  evidence  of  worthiness  to  be  ac- 
credited came  before  any  general  or  even  partial 
reception  among  Christians  of  a  book  as  divinely 
inspired.  Both  the  divine  Author  of  the  Gospel  and 
His  followers  belong  to  the  kingdom  of  truth  (Jn. 
xviii.  37) ;  and  no  rational  account  can  be  given  of 
the  origin  of  the  Scriptures  and  their  general  recep- 
tion among  Christians  as  the  word  of  God,  except 
that  they  were,  as  they  claim  to  be,  "  given  by  in- 
spiration of  God." 

In'stant  (fr.  L.),  In'£t«nt-ly,  the  A.  V.  translation 
of  five  distinct  Greek  words  =  pressing,  urgent,  vr- 
genlly,  or  /(rventhi,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  follow- 
ing passages  (Lk.  vii.  4,  xxiii.  23;  Acts  x.xvi.  7; 
Rom.  xii.  12).  In  2  Tim.  iv.  2  we  find  "  be  instant 
in  season  and  out  of  season,"  literally,  stand  readi/ — 
be  alert  for  whatever  may  happen.  In  Luke  ii.  38, 
"  that  instant  "  literally  =  in  that  hour. 

*  In-ter-ccs'slon  (fr.  L.)  =  prayer  for  another  or 
for  others  (Jer.  vii.  16,  &c.) ;  rarely,  prayer  against 
others  (Rom.  xi.  2). 

*  In-tcr-pro-ta'tion  (fr.  L.  =  a  mal-ing  known  the 
meaning,  explanation).  Inspiration  ;  Old  Testa- 
ment. 

I-o'nl-a  (Gr.,  snid  to  be  named  fr.  Ion,  an  early 
king  of  the  country).  The  substitution  of  this  word 
for  "  India  "  in  1  lie.  viii.  8  is  a  conjecture  of  Gro- 
tius  without  any  authority  of  MSS.  The  name  was 
given  in  early  times  to  that  part  of  the  western 
coast  of  Asia  Minor  which  lay  between  ^oiis  on 
the  N.  and  Doris  on  the  S.  In  Roman  times  Ionia 
ceased  to  have  any  political  significance,  being  ab- 
sorbed in  the  province  of  Asia. 

Ipll-e-dei'all  [if-fe-dee'yah]  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom 
Jcliorah  sets  free,  Gcs.),  a  Benjamite  chief,  son  of 
Shashak  (1  Chr.  viii.  26). 

Ir  (Heb.  eiti/,  Ges.)  =  Iri  1  (1  Chr.  vii.  12). 

I'ra  (lleb.  wakeful,  Ges.)  1.  "The  Jairite," 
named  in  the  catalogue  of  David's  great  officers  (2 
Sam.  XX.  26). — 2.  "  The  Itiirite,"  one  of  David's 
"valiant  men"  (xxiii.  38;  1  Chr.  xi.  40).— 3.  An- 
other of  David's  "  valiant  men,"  a  Tekoite,  son  of 
Ikkesh,  and  captain  of  the  sixth  monthly  course  (2 
Sam.  xxiii.  26  ;   1  Chr.  xi.  28,  xxvii.  9).  " 

I'rad  (Heb.  =  Arad  ?  ;  =  Jared,  Fii.),  son  of 
Enoch  ;  grandson  of  Cain,  and  father  of  Mchujael 
(Gen.  iv.  18). 

rrsBi  (Heb.  belonging  to  a  eity,  Ges.),  a  "  duke  " 
of  the  Edomites  (Gen.  xxxvi.  43  ;  1  Chr.  i.  54),  i.  e. 
the  chief  of  a  family  or  tribe.  No  identification  of 
him  or  of  his  posterity  has  been  found. 

Ir-ha-lic'rcs  (Ileb.,  see  below),  in  A.  V.  "  the  city 
of  destruction  "  (margin  "  Heres,"  or  "the  sim"),- 
the  name  or  an  appellation  of  a  city  in  Egypt,  men- 
tioned only  in  Is.  xix.  18.  There  are  various  ex- 
planations. 1.  The  city  of  the  sun,  a  translation  of 
the  Egyptian  sacred  name  of  Heliopolis.  (On.)  i. 
The  city  J/ircs,  a  transcription  in  tlie  second  word 
of  the  Egyptian  sacred  name  of  Heliopolis,  Ha-ra, 
the  aliorle  (literally  house)  of  the  sun.  3.  A  city  de- 
stroyed, literally  n  eity  of  destruction,  meaning  that 
one  of  the  five  cities  mentioned  should  be  destroyed, 
according  to  Isaiah's  idiom.  4.  A  city  preserved, 
meaning  that  one  of  the  five  cities  mentioned  should 
be  preserved.  The  first  of  these  explanations  is 
highly  improbable,  for  we  find  elsewhere  both  the 


IRI 


ISA 


409 


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gacred  and  civil  names  of  Heliopolis,  so  that  a 
tliiid  name  merely  a  variety  of  the  Hebrew  render- 
ing of  tlie  saered  name  is  very  unlikely.  Ttie  sec- 
ond explanation,  which  we  believe  lias  not  been 
hitherto  put  forth,  is  liable  to  the  same  objection  as 
the  preceding  one,  besides  that  it  necessitates  tlie 
exclusion  of  the  article.  The  fourth  explanation 
would  not  have  been  noticed,  had  it  not  been  sup- 
ported by  the  name  of  Gesenius.  Tlie  common 
reading  and  old  rendering  remain,  which  certainly 
present  no  critical  difficulties.  A  very  careful  cx- 
anunation  of  the  nineteenth  chapter  of  Isaiah,  and 
of  the  eighteenth  and  twentieth,  which  are  con- 
nected with  it,  has  inclined  us  to  prefer  it  (so  Mr. 
K.  S.  Poole,  original  author  of  this  article).  Cal- 
vin supposes  the  passage  to  mean  that  five  cities  of 
Egypt  would  profess  the  true  religion  =  "speak 
the  language  of  Canaan,"  while  one  rejecting  it 
would  be  called  "  city  of  destruction,"  not  as  its 
proper  name,  but  as  descriptive  of  its  doom. 

I'rl  (Heb.  =  Iram).  1,  A  Benjamite,  son  of  Bela 
(1  Chr.  vii.  7);  =  Ir.— 2.  Uriah  3  (1  Esd.  viii.  62). 

I-ri'jall  (Heb.  fomided  [i.  e.  coiistiluled]  of  Jehovah, 
Ges.),  son  of  Sheleraiah;  a  "captain  of  tlie  ward," 
who  met  Jeremiah  in  the  gate  of  Jerusalem  called 
the  "  gate  of  Benjamin,"  accused  him  of  being  about 
to  desert  to  tlie  Chaldeans,  and  led  him  back  to  the 
princes  (Jer.  xxxvii.  13,  14). 

Ir'-na-ha^h,  or  Ir-Da'b»:ili  (Heb.  serpenMli/),  a 
name  which,  like  many  other  names  of  places,  oc- 
curs in  the  genealogical  lists  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv. 
12,  margin  "the  city  of  Nahash").  Xo  trace  of  it 
attached  to  any  site  has  been  discovered.  Ir-nahash 
—  Betiilkhem  1  (so  Jerome).     Nahash  2. 

Iron  (fr.  Heb.  —  piet;/?  Ges.),  a  city  of  Naphtali 
(Josh.  xix.  38);  identified  by  Van  deVelde  (i.  175), 
&c.,  with  Yiiruii,  a  village  about  ten  miles  W.  of 
Lake  Merom. 

I'roil  [i'uru]  (Heb.  barzel ;  Chal.  parzHd ;  Gr. 
titleroi),  mentioned  with  brass  as  the  earliest  of 
known  metals  (Gen.  iv.  22).  As  it  is  rarely  found 
in  its  native  state,  but  generally  in  combination  with 
oxygen,  the  knowledge  of  the  art  of  forging  iron, 
which  is  attributed  to  Tubal  Cain,  argues  an  ac- 
([uaintance  with  the  difficulties  which  attend  the 
smelting  of  this  metal.  Iron  melts  at  about  3,000° 
Fahrenheit,  and  to  produce  this  heat  large  furnaces 
supplie  1  by  a  strong  blast  of  air  are  necessary.  A 
method  is  employed  by  the  natives  of  India,  ex- 
tremely simple  and  of  groat  antiquity,  which  though 
rude  is  very  effective,  and  suggests  the  possibility 
of  similar  knowledge  in  an  early  stage  of  civiliza- 
tion. Malleable  iron  was  in  common  uhc,  but  it  is 
doubtful  whether  the  ancients  were  acquainted  with 
cait-iron.  The  natural  wealth  of  the  soil  of  Canaan 
is  indicated  by  describing  it  as  "  a  land  whose  stones 
are  Iron"  (Dcut.  viii.  9).  The  bonk  of  Job  con 
tains  passages  which  indicate  that  iron  was  well 
known.  It  declares  that  "iron  is  taken  out  of 
the  earth"  (Job  xxviii.  2,  margin  "dust").  The 
"furnace  of  iron  "(Dcut.  iv.  28;  IK.  viii.  61)  is 
a  figure  which  vividly  expresses  hard  bondage,  as 
represented  by  the  severe  labor  which  attended 
the  operation  of  smelting.  Sheet-iron  was  used  for 
cooking-utensils  (Ez.  iv.  3;  compare  Lev.  vii.  9). 
That  it  was  plentiful  in  the  time  of  David  appears 
from  1  Chr.  xxil.  3.  The  market  of  Tyre  was  sup- 
plied with  bright  or  polished  iron  by  the  merchants 
of  Dan  and  Javan  (Ez.  xxvii.  19).  The  Chalybes  of 
the  I'ontus  were  celebrated  as  workers  in  iron  in 
very  ancient  times.  The  produce  of  their  labor  is 
supposed  to  be  alluded  to  in  Jer.  xv.  12,  as  being  | 


of  superior  quality.  It  was  long  supposed  that  the 
Egyptians  were  ignorant  of  the  use  of  iron,  and 
that  the  allusions  in  the  Pentateuch  were  anachron- 
isms, as  no  traces  of  it  have  been  found  in  their 
monuments;  but  in  the  sepulchres  at  Thebes 
butchers  are  represented  as  sharpening  their  knives 
on  a  round  bar  of  metal  attached  to  their  aprons, 
which  from  its  blue  color  is  presumed  to  be  steei,. 
One  Iron  mine  only  has  been  discovered  in  Egypt, 
which  was  worked  by  the  ancients.  It  is  at  Hum- 
manii,  between  the  Xile  and  the  Red  Sea;  the  iron 
found  by  Mr.  Burton  was  in  the  form  of  specular 
and  red  ore.  That  no  articles  of  iron  should  have 
been  found  Is  easily  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that 
it  is  easily  destroyed  by  moisture  and  exposure  to 
the  air.  The  Egyptians  obtained  their  iron  almost 
exclusively  from  Assyria  Proper  in  the  form  of 
bricks  or  pigs.  Specimens  of  Assyrian  iron-work 
overlaid  witli  bronze  were  discovered  by  Mr.  Layard, 
and  are  now  in  the  British  Museum.  Iron  weapons 
of  various  kinds  were  found  at  Nimroud,  but  fell 
to  pieces  on  exposure  to  the  air.  The  rendering 
given  by  the  LXX.  of  Job  xl.  18 — verse  13,  in  the 
LXX.  "  his  backbone  (is)  iron  poured,"  i.  e.  made 
liquid,  melted,  ca-st ;  A.  V.  "  his  bones  (are)  like  bars 
of  iron  " — seems  to  imply  that  some  method  nearly 
like  that  of  casting  was  known,  and  is  supported  by 
a  passage  in  Diodorus  (v.  13).  In  Ecclus.  xxxviii. 
28,  we  have  a  picture  of  the  interior  of  an  iron- 
smith's  (Is.  xliv.  12)  workshop.  Arms;  Axe; 
Chariot  ;  Fuuxace  ;  Handicrai-t  ;  Knife  ;  Metals  ; 
Mines  ;  Tool,  &c. 

Ir'pe-el  (fr.  Heb.  =  restored  by  God),  one  of  the 
cities  of  Benjamin  (Jo.sh.  xviii.  27) ;  site  unknown. 

Ir-slie'mestl  (Heb.  citj  of  the  smi),  a  city  of  the 
Danites  (Jo.sh.  xix.  41),  probably  =  Beth-shemesh, 
and,  if  not  identical,  at  least  connected  with  Mount 
HERf:s  (Judg.  i.  35). 

I'rn  (Heb.  =  Iram?),  eldest  son  of  the  great 
Caleb  son  of  Jephunneh  (1  Chr.  iv.  15). 

I'saae  [-zak]  (fr.  Heb.  =  laughter),  the  son  whom 
Sarah,  in  accordance  with  the  Divine  promise,  bore 
to  Abraham,  probably  at  Gerar,  when  Abraham 
was  one  hundred  and  Sarah  ninety  years  old  (Gen. 
xvii.  17).  In  his  infimcy  he  became  the  object  of 
Ishmael's  jealousy ;  and  in  his  youth  (when  twen- 
ty-five years  old,  according  to  Jos.  i.  13,  g  2)  the 
victim,  In  intention,  of  Abraham's  great  sacrificial 
act  of  faith.  When  forty  years  old  he  married 
Rebekah  his  cousin,  by  whom,  when  he  was  sixty, 
he  had  two  sons,  Esau  and  Jacob.  In  his  seventy- 
fifth  year  he  and  his  brother  Ishmael  buried  their 
father  Abraham  in  the  cave  of  Machpelah.  From 
his  abode  by  the  well  Lahai-roi,  in  the  South  Country 
— a  barren  tract,  comprising  a  few  pastures  and 
wells,  between  the  hills  of  Judea  and  the  Arabian 
desert,  touching  at  its  W.  end  Philistia,  and  on  the 
N.  Hebron — Isaac  was  driven  by  a  famine  to  Gerar. 
Here  Jchovali  appeared  to  him  and  bade  him  dwell 
there  and  not  go  over  into  Egypt,  and  renewed  to 
him  the  promises  made  to  Abraham.  Here  he  sub- 
jected himself,  like  Abraham  in  the  same  place  and 
under  like  circumstances  (Gen.  xx.  2),  to  a  rebuke 
from  Abimelech,  the  Philistine  king,  for  an  equivoca- 
tion. Here  he  acquired  great  wealth  by  his  flocks ; 
but  was  repeatedly  dispossessed  by  the  Philistines 
of  the  wells  which  he  sunk  at  convenient  stations. 
At  Beer-sheba  Jehovah  appeared  to  him  by  night 
and  blessed  him,  and  he  built  an  altar  there:  there, 
too,  like  Abraham,  he  received  a  visit  from  the 
Philistine  king  Abimelech,  with  whom  he  made  a 
covenant  of  peace.      After   the  deceit  by  which 


410 


ISA 


ISA 


Jacob  acquired  his  father's  blessing,  Isaac  sent  his 
son  to  seek  a  wife  in  Padan-aram  ;  and  all  that  we 
know  of  him  during  the  last  forty-three  years  of  his 
life  is  that  he  saw  that  son,  with  a  large  and  pros- 
perous family,  return  to  him  at  Hebron  (xxxv.  27) 
before  he  died  there  at  the  age  of  180  years.  He 
was  buried  by  his  two  sons  in  the  cave  of  Macb- 
pelali.  In  the  X.  T.  reference  is  made  to  the  ofler- 
ing  of  Isaac  (Heb.  xi.  17;  Jas.  ii.  21),  and  to  his 
blessing  his  sons  (Heb.  xi.  20).  As  the  child  of  the 
promise,  and  as  the  progenitor  of  the  children  of 
the  promise,  he  is  contrasted  with  Islimael  (Rom. 
ix.  7,  10;  Gal.  iv.  28;  Heb.  xi.  18).  In  our  Lord's 
remarkable  argument  with  the  Sadducees,  his  liis- 
tory  is  carried  beyond  the  point  at  which  it  is  left 
in  the  0.  T.,  and  beyond  the  grave.  Isaac,  of 
whom  it  was  said  (Gen.  xxxv.  29)  that  he  was 
gathered  to  liis  people,  is  represented  as  still  living 
to  God  (Lk.  XX.  38,  &c.) ;  and  by  the  same  Divine 
authority  he  is  proclaimed  as  an  acknowledged  heir 
of  future  glory  (Mat.  viii.  11,  &c.).  It  has  been 
asked.  What  are  the  persecutions  sustained  by  Isaac 
from  Ishmael  to  which  St.  Paul  refers  (Gal.  iv.  29)  ? 
Bashi  relates  a  Jewish  tradition  of  Isaac  suffering 
personal  violence  from  Ishmael,  a  tradition  which, 
as  Mr.  Ellicott  thinks,  was  adopted  by  St.  Paul. 
But  Origen  and  Augustine  seem  to  doubt  whether 
the  passage  in  Gen.  xxi.  9  bears  the  construction 
apparently  put  upon  it.  The  offering  up  of  Isaac 
by  Abraliam  has  been  viewed  in  various  lights.  By 
Bishop  Warburton  (Div.  Leg.  vi.  §  5)  the  whole 
transaction  w  as  regarded  as  "  merely  an  informa- 
tion by  action,  instead  of  words,  of  the  great  sacri- 
fice of  Christ  for  the  redemption  of  mankind,  given 
at  the  earnest  re(|uest  of  Abraham,  «  ho  longed  im- 
patiently to  see  Christ's  day."  Mr.  Maurice  (Patri- 
an/is  and  Laiogivers,  iv.)  draws  attention  to  the 
offering  of  Isaac  as  the  last  and  culminating  point 
in  the  divine  education  of  Abraham,  that  which 
taught  him  the  meaning  and  ground  of  self-sacrifice. 
Isaac,  the  gentle  and  dutiful  son,  the  faithful  and 
constant  husband,  became  the  fiither  of  a  house  in 
which  order  did  not  reign.  His  life,  judged  by  a 
worldly  standard,  might  seem  inactive,  ignoble,  and 
unfruitful ;  but  the  guileless  years,  prayers,  gra- 
cious acts,  and  daily  thank-offerings  of  pastoral  life 
are  not  to  be  so  esteemed,  though  they  make  no 
show  in  history.  The  typical  view  of  Isaac  is  barely 
referred  to  in  the  N.  T. ;  but  it  is  drawn  out  with 
minute  particularity  by  Ph'ilo  and  those  interpreters 
of  Scripture  who  were  influenced  by  Alexandrian 
philosophy.  Jewish  legends  represent  Isaac  as  an 
angel  made  before  the  world,  and  descending  to 
earth  in  human  form ;  as  one  of  the  three  men  in 
whom  human  sinfulness  has  no  place,  as  one  of  the 
six  over  whom  the  angel  of  death  has  no  power ; 
as  instructed  in  Divine  knowledge  by  Shem ;  as 
the  originator  of  evening  prayer. 

*I'sal  (L.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Jesse  (1  Chr.  x.  14, 
margin). 

I-sai'all  [-za'yah]  (fr.  Heb.  =  salvation  of  Jeho- 
vah: Jah  is  helj>er,  Fii.  ;  =  Jesaiah,  Jeshaiah), 
the  prophet,  son  of  Amoz.  (Bible  ;  Canon  ;  In- 
spiration ;  Old  Testament  ;  Prophet.)  Kimchi 
(a.  d.  1230)  says  in  his  commentary  on  Is.  i.  1, 
"  We  know  not  his  race,  nor  of  what  tribe  he  was." 
I.  The  first  verse  of  his  book  runs  thus :  "  The 
vision  of  Isaiah  the  son  of  Amoz,  which  he  saw 
concerning  Judah  and  Jerusalem  in  the  days  of 
Uzziah,  Jotham,  Ahaz,  and  Hezekiah,  kings  of  Ju- 
dah." A  few  remarks  on  this  verse  (so  Mr.  Huxtable, 
original  author  of  this  article)  will  open  the  way 


to  the  solution  of  several  inquiries  relative  to  the 
prophet  and  his  writings.  1.  Tliis  verse  plainly 
prefaces  at  least  the  first  part  of  the  book  (ehs.  i.- 
xxxix.),  which  leaves  oB'  in  Hezekiah's  reign  ;  and 
the  obvious  construction  would  take  it  as  aj  plying 
to  the  whole  book.  2.  We  are  authorized  to  infer, 
that  no  part  of  the  vision,  the  fruits  of  which  are 
lecorded  in  this  book,  belongs  to  the  reign  of  Ma- 
nasseh.  A  rabbinical  tradition,  indeed,  apparently 
confirmed  by  Heb.  xi.  37,  reports  that  Isaiah  was 
sawn  asunder  in  the  trunk  of  a  tree  by  order  of 
Manasseh  ;  and  a  very  old  mulberry-tree,  near  the 
pool  of  Siloam,  on  the  slopes  of  Ophel,  is  now 
pointed  out  as  tlie  spot  of  the  martyrdom.  3. 
Isaiah  must  have  been  an  old  man  at  the  close 
of  Hezekiah's  reign.  The  ordinary  chronology 
gives  758  B.  c.  for  the  date  of  Jotham's  acces- 
sion, and  698  for  that  of  Ilezekiali's  death.  This 
gives  us  a  period  of  60  years.  And  since  his  min- 
istry commenced  before  Vzziah's  death  (how  long 
we  know  not),  supposing  him  to  have  been  no  moie 
than  20  years  old  wlien  he  began  to  prophesy,  he 
would  have  been  80  or  90  at  Manasseh's  accession. 
4.  The  circle  of  hearers  upon  whom  his  ministry 
was  immediately  designed  to  operate  is  determined 
to  be  "Judah  and  Jerusalem."  5.  It  is  the  most 
natural  and  obvious  supposition  that  the  "  visions  " 
are  in  the  main  placed  in  the  collection  according 
to  their  chronological  order.  0.  If  we  compare  the 
contents  of  the  book  with  the  description  here 
given  of  it,  we  recognize  prophesyings  which  are 
certainly  to  be  assigned  to  the  reigns  of  Uzziah, 
Ahaz,  and  Hezekiah ;  but  we  cannot  so  certainly 
find  any  belonging  to  the  reign  of  Jotham.  7.  \\'e 
naturally  ask.  Who  was  the  compiler  of  the  book  ? 
The  obvious  answer  is,  that  it  was  Isaiah  himself 
aided  by  a  scribe  (compare  Jer.  xxxvi.  1-5).  Isaiah 
we  know  was  otherwise  an  author  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  22, 
xxxii.  32).  (Prophet.) — II.  In  order  to  realize  the 
relation  of  Isaiah's  prophetic  ministry  to  his  own  con- 
temporaries, we  need  to  take  account  both  of  the  for- 
eign relations  of  Judah  at  the  time,  and  internally 
of  its  social  and  religious  aspects.  Our  materials  are 
scanty,  and  are  to  be  collected  partly  out  of  2  Kings 
and  2  Chronicles,  and  partly  out  of  the  remain- 
ing writings  of  contemporary  prophets,  Joel  (prob- 
ably), Obadiah,  and  Micah,  in  Judah ;  and  Ilosea, 
Amos,  and  Jonah,  in  Israel.  Of  these  the  most  as- 
sistance is  obtained  from  Micah.  1.  Under  Vzziah 
the  political  position  of  Judah  had  greatly  re- 
covered from  the  blows  suffered  under  Amaziah ; 
the  fortifications  of  Jerusalem  itself  were  restored  ; 
castles  w  ere  built  in  the  country ;  new  arrange- 
ments in  tlic  army  and  equipments  of  defensive 
artillery  were  established ;  and  considerable  suc- 
cesses in  war  gained  against  the  Philistines,  the 
Arabians,  and  the  Ammonites.  This  prospeiity 
continued  during  the  reign  of  Jotham,  except  tliat 
toward  the  close  of  this  latter  reign,  troubles  threat- 
ened from  the  alliance  of  Israel  and  Syria.  The 
consequence  of  this  prosperity  was  an  influx  of 
wealth,  and  this  with  the  increased  means  of  mili- 
tary strength  withdrew  men's  confidence  from  Je- 
hovah, and  led  them  to  ti-ust  in  worldly  resources. 
Moreover,  great  disorders  existed  in  the  intenml 
administration,  all  of  which,  wliether  moral  or  relig- 
ious, were,  by  the  very  nature  of  the  conmionwcalth, 
as  theocratic,  alike  amenable  to  prophetic  rebuke. 
— 2.  Now,  what  is  the  tenor  of  Isaiah's  message  in 
the  time  of  Uzziah  and  Jotham  ?  This  we  read  in 
chapters  i.-v.  Chapter  i.  is  very  general  in  its  con- 
tents.    The  seer  stands  (perhaps)  in  the  Court  of 


I 


ISA 


ISA 


411 


the  Isrnclitcs  denouncing  to  nobles  and  people,  then 
a.ssenibliug  lor  divine  worship,  the  whole  estimate 
of  their  character  t'ormed  by  Jehovah,  and  His  ap- 
proaching chastisements.  This  discourse  suitably 
heads  tlic  book  ;  it  sounds  the  keynote  of  the  whole ; 
fires  of  judgment  destroying,  but  purifying  a  rem- 
nant— such  was  the  burden  all  along  of  Isaiah's 
prophesyings.  Of  the  other  public  utterances  be- 
longing to  this  period,  chapters  ii.-iv.  are  by  almost 
all  critics  considered  to  bo  one  prophesying — the 
leading  thought  of  which  is  that  the  present  pros- 
perity of  Judah  should  be  destroyed  for  her  sins, 
to  ni'ike  room  for  the  real  glori/  of  piety  and  virtue; 
while  chapter  v.  forms  a  distinct  discourse,  wliosc 
main  purport  is  that  Israel,  God's  vineyard,  shall 
be  brought  to  desolation.  At  first  he  invites  atten- 
tion by  reciting  a  parable  (of  the  vineyard)  in  calm 
and  composed  accents  (ch.  v.).  But  as  he  inter- 
pret* the  parable  his  note  changes,  and  a  sixfold 
"  woe  "  is  poured  forth  with  terrible  invective.  It 
is  levelled  against  the  covetous  amassers  of  land  ; 
against  luxurious  revellers  ;  against  bold  sinners, 
who  defied  God's  works  of  judgment;  against  those 
who  confounded  moral  distinctions ;  against  self- 
conceited  sceptics ;  and  against  profligate  pervcrters 
of  judicial  justice.  In  fuiy  of  wrath  Jehovah 
stretches  forth  His  hand.  Here  there  is  an  aw 
ful  vagueness  in  the  images  of  terror  which  the 
prophet  accumulates,  till  at  length  out  of  the  cloud 
and  mist  of  wrath  we  hear  Jehovah  hiss  for  the 
stem  and  irresistible  warriors  (the  Assyrians),  who 
from  the  end  of  the  earth  should  crowd  forward  to 
spoil — after  which  all  distinctness  of  description 
again  fades  away  in  vague  images  of  sorrow  and 
despair. — 3.  In  the  year  of  Uzziah's  death  an  ec- 
static vision  fell  upon  the  prophet.  In  this  vision 
he  saw  Jehovah,  in  the  Second  Person  of  the  God- 
head (Jn.  xii.  41:  compare  Mai.  iii.  1),  enthroned 
aloll  in  His  own  earthly  tabernacle,  attended  by 
seraphim,  whose  praise  filled  the  sanctuary  as  it 
were  with  the  smoke  of  incense.  As  John  at 
Patnios,  so  Isaiah  was  overiylielmed  with  awe ; 
he  felt  his  own  sinfulness  and  that  of  all  with 
whom  he  was  connected,  and  cried  "  woe  "  upon 
himself  as  if  brought  before  Jehovah  to  receive 
the  reward  of  his  deeds.  But,  as  at  Patmos 
the  Son  of  Man  laid  His  hand  upon  John,  say- 
ing, "  Fear  not !  "  so,  in  obedience  evidently  to  the 
will  of  Jehovah,  a  seraph  with  a  hot  stone  (Coal  3) 
taken  from  the  altar  touched  his  lipa,  the  principal 
organ  of  good  and  evil  in  man,  and,  thereby  remov- 
ing his  sinfulness,  qualified  him  to  join  the  seraphim 
in  whatever  service  he  might  be  called  to.  This 
vision  in  the  main  was  another  mode  of  representing 
what,  both  in  previous  and  in  subsequent  prophesy- 
ings, is  so  continually  denounced — the  almost  utter 
destruction  of  the  Hebrew  people,  with  yet  a  purified 
remnant.  It  is  a  touching  trait,  illustrating  the 
prophet's  own  feeling.s,  that  when  he  next  appears 
before  us,  some  years  later,  he'  has  a  son  named 
Shear-jashub  =  "  Remnant  shall  return."  The  name 
was  evidently  given  with  significance ;  and  the  fact 
discovcra  alike  the  sorrow  which  ate  his  heart,  and 
the  hope  in  which  he  found  solace. — i.  Some  years 
elapse  between  chapters  vi.  and  vii.,  and  the  politi- 
cal scenery  has  greatly  altered.  The  Assyrian  power 
of  .Nineveh  now  threatens  the  Hebrew  nation  ;  Tig- 
lath-pilesur  has  already  spoiled  Pekah  of  some  of  the 
fairest  parts  of  his  domini(ms.  After  the  Assyrian 
army  was  withdrawn,  the  .Syrian  kingdom  of  Damas- 
cus rises  into  notice ;  its  monarch,  Rezin,  combines 
with  the  now  weakened  king  of  Israel,  and  probably 


with  other  smiill  states  around,  to  consolidate  (it 
has  been  conjectured)  a  power  which  shall  confront 
Asshur.  Aliaz  keeps  aloof,  and  becomes  the  object 
of  attack  to  the  allies ;  he  has  been  already  twice 
defeated  (2  Clir.  xxviii.  5,  6) ;  and  now  the  allies  are 
threatening  him  with  a  combined  invasion  (B.  c.  741). 
The  news  that  "  Aram  is  encamped  in  Ephraim " 
(Is.  vii.  2,  A.  V.  "  Syria  is  confederate  with  "  [mar- 
gin "resteth  on"]  "Ephrahn")  fills  both  king  and 
people  with  consternation,  and  the  king  is  gone  forth 
from  the  city  to  take  measures,  as  it  would  seem,  to 
prevent  the  upper  reservoir  of  water  from  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  Under  Jehovah's  di- 
rection Isaiah  goes  forth  to  meet  the  king,  sur- 
rounded no  doubt  by  a  considerable  company  of  his 
officers  and  of  spectators.  The  prophet  is  directed 
to  take  with  him  the  child  whose  name,  Shear-jashub, 
was  so  full  of  mystical  promise,  to  add  greater  em- 
phasis to  his  message.  As  a  sign  that  Judah  was 
not  yet  to  perish,  he  announces  the  birth  of  the 
child  IM.MANLEL,  who  should  not  "know  to  refuse 
the  evil  and  choose  the  good,"  before  the  land  of 
the  two  hostile  kings  should  be  left  desolate.  But 
here  the  threat  which  mingles  with  the  promise  in 
Shear-jashub  appears,  and  again  Isaiah  predicts  the 
Assyrian  invasion. — 3.  As  the  Assyrian  empire  be- 
gan more  and  more  to  threaten  the  Hebrew  com- 
monwealth with  utter  overthrow,  the  prediction  of 
the  Messiah,  the  Restorer  of  Israel,  becomes  more 
positive  and  clear.  The  king  was  bent  upon  an  alli- 
ance with  Assyria.  This  Isaiah  steadfastly  opposes 
(compare  x.  20).  "Neither  fear  Aram  and  Israel, 
for  they  will  soon  perish  ;  nor  trust  in  Asshur,  for 
she  will  be  thy  direst  oppressor."  Such  is  Isaiah's 
strain.  And  by  divine  direction  he  employs  various 
expedients  to  make  his  testimony  the  more  impres- 
sive. He  procured  a  large  tablet  (viii.  1),  and  with 
witnesses  he  wrote  thereon,  in  large  characters  suited 
fora  public  notice,  the  words  "  MAnEii-siiALAL-HASH- 
BAZ  "  =  Hasten-houty  Speed-spoil ;  which  tablet  was 
no  doubt  to  be  hung  up  for  public  view,  in  the  en- 
j  trance  (we  may  suppose)  to  the  Temple.  And  fur- 
I  ther-  his  wife — who  appears  to  have  been  herself 
I  possessed  of  prophetic  gifts  ("the  prophetess") — 
i  just  at  this  time  gave  birth  to  a  son.  Jehovah  bids 
the  prophet  give  him  the  name  Haslen-booty  Speed- 
spoil  as  above,  adding,  that,  before  the  child  should 
be  able  to  talk,  the  wealth  of  Damascus  and  the 
booty  of  Samaria  should  be  carried  away  before  tho 
king  of  Assyria.  The  people  of  Judah  were  split 
into  political  factions.  The  court  was  for  Assyria, 
and  indeed  formed  an  alliance  with  Tiglath-|)ileser ; 
but  a  popular  party  was  for  the  Syro  Ephraimitic 
coimection  formed  to  resist  Assyria.  "  Fear  none 
but  Jehovah  only !  fear  Him,  trust  Him ;  He  will 
be  your  safety."  Such  is  the  purport  of  the  dis- 
course viii.  5-ix.  1. — 6.  A  prophecy  was  delivered 
at  this  time  against  the  kingdom  of  Israel  (ix.  8-x. 
4).  As  Isaiah's  message  was  only  to  Judah,  we 
may  infer  that  the  object  of  this  utterance  was  to 
check  the  disposition  shown  by  many  to  connect 
Judah  with  the  policy  of  the  sister  kingdom. — 7. 
The  utterances  recorded  in  x.  5-xii.  6,  one  of  the 
most  highly-wrought  passages  in  the  whole  book, 
was  probably  one  single  outpouring  of  inspiration. 
It  stands  wholly  di.tconnected  with  the  preceding  in 
the  circumstances  which  it  presupposes;  and  to 
what  period  to  assign  it,  is  not  easy  to  determine. — 8. 
The  next  eleven  chapters,  xiii.-xxiii.,  contain  chiefly 
a  collection  of  utterances,  each  of  which  is  styled  a 
"  burden."  (a.)  The  first  (xiii.  1-xiv.  27)  is  against 
Babylon ;  placed  first,  either  because  it  was  first  in 


412 


laA. 


ISA 


point  of  utterance,  or  because  Babylon  in  prophetic 
vision,  particularly  when  Isaiah  compiled  his  book, 
headed  in  importance  all  tlie  earthly  powers  op- 
posed to  God's  people,  and  therefore  was  to  be 
tirst  struck  down  by  the  shaft  of  prophecy.  The 
ode  of  triumph  (xiv.  3-23)  in  this  burden  is  among 
the  most  poetical  passages  in  all  literature.  (6.) 
The  short  and  pregnant  "  burden  "  against  Philistia 
(xiv.  29-32),  in  the  year  that  Ahaz  died,  was  occa- 
sioned by  the  revolt  of  the  Philistines  from  Judah, 
and  their  successful  inroad  recorded  2  Chr.  xxviii. 
18.  (c.)  The  "burden  of  Moab"  (xv.,  xvi.)  is  re- 
markable for  the  elegiac  strain  in  which  the  prophet 
bewails  the  disasters  of  Moab,  and  for  the  dramatic 
character  of  xvi.  1-6.  ((/.)  Chapters  xvii.,  xviii. 
This  prophecy  is  headed  "  the  burden  of  Damas- 
cus;" and  yet  after  verse  3  the  attention  is  with- 
drawn from  Damascus  and  turned  to  Israel,  and 
then  to  Ethiopia.  Israel  appears  as  closely  asso- 
ciated with  Damascus.  This  brings  us  to  the  time 
of  the  Syro-Ephraimitic  alliance ;  at  all  events 
Ephraim  has  not  jiet  ceased  to  exist.  Chapter  xvii. 
12-14,  as  well  as  xviii.  1-7,  points  again  to  the  event 
of  xxxvii.  But  why  this  here  ?  The  solution  seems 
to  be  that,  though  Assyria  would  be  the  ruin  both  of 
Aram  and  Israel,  and  though  it  would  even  threaten 
Judah  ("  us,"  verse  14),  it  should  not  then  conquer 
Judah  (compare  turn  of  xiv.  31,  32).  (c)  In  the 
"burden  of  Egypt"  (xix.)  the  prophet  seems  to  be 
pursuing  the  same  object.  Both  Israel  (2  K.  xvii. 
4)  and  Judah  (Is.  xxxi.)  were  naturally  disposed  to 
look  toward  Egj'pt  for  succor  against  Assyria. 
Probably  to  counteract  this  tendency  the  prophet  is 
here  directed  to  prophesy  the  utter  helplessness  of 
Egypt  under  God's  judgments.  But  the  result 
should  be  that  numerous  cities  of  Egypt  should  own 
Jehovah  for  their  God.  (Ib-ha-iieres.)  (/.)  In 
the  midst  of  these  "  burdens,"  chapter  xx.  presents 
Isaiah  in  a  new  aspect,  an  aspect  in  which  he  ap- 
pears in  this  instance  only.  Tlie  more  emphatically 
to  enforce  the  warning  already  conveyed  in  the 
"  burden  of  Egypt,"  Isaiah  was  commanded  to  ap- 
pear for  three  years  (from  time  to  time,  we  may  sup- 
pose) in  the  streets  and  Temple  of  Jerusalem  stripped 
of  his  sackcloth  mantle,  and  wearing  his  vest  only, 
with  his  feet  also  bare.  (Dress,  III.  1.)  ((7.)  In  "the 
burden  of  the  desert  of  the  sea,"  a  poetical  designa- 
tion of  Babylonia  (xxi.  1-10),  the  images  in  which 
the  fall  of  Babylon  is  indicated  are  sketched  with 
the  rapidity  of  yEschylus  and  certainly  not  less  than 
the  awfulness  and  grandeur  of  that  great  tragic  poet 
of  Greece,  (h.)  "  The  burden  of  Dumah  "  and  "  of 
Arabia"  (xxi.  11-17)  relate  apparently  to  some 
Assyrian  invasion,  (i.)  In  "  the  burden  of  the  valley 
ofvinon  "  (xxii.  1-14)  it  is  doubtless  Jerusalem  that 
is  thus  designated.  The  scene  presented  is  that  of 
Jerusalem  during  an  invasion  ;  in  the  hostile  army 
arc  named  Elam  and  Kir,  nations  which  no  doubt  con- 
tributed troops  both  to  the  Ninevitc  and  to  the  Baby- 
lonian armies.  The  latter  is  probably  here  contem- 
plated, (k.)  The  passage  xxii.  15-25  is  singular  in 
Isaiah  as  a  prophesying  against  an  individual. 
Shebna  was  one  of  the  king's  highest  functionaries, 
and  seems  to  have  been  leader  of  a  party  opposed 
to  Jehovah  (verse  25).  Perhaps  he  was  disgraced 
and  exiled  by  Hezckiah  after  the  event  of  xxxvii. 
If  his  fall  was  the  consequence  of  the  Assyrian  over- 
throw, we  can  better  understand  both  the  denuncia- 
tion against  the  individual  and  the  position  it  occu- 
pies in  the  record.  (I.)  The  last  "burden"  is 
against  Tyre  (xxiii.).  Her  utter  destruction  is  not 
predicted  by  Isaiah  as  it  afterward  was  by  Ezckiel. 


— 9.  The  next  four  chapters,  xxiv.-xxvii.,  form  one 
prophecy  essentially  connected  with  the  preceding 
ten  "burdens"  (xiii.-xxiii.),  of  which  it  is  in  effect 
a  general  summary.  The  elegy  of  xxiv.  is  inter- 
rupted at  verse  13  by  a  glimpse  at  the  happy  rem- 
nant, but  is  resumed  at  verse  16  till  at  verse  21  the 
dark  night  passes  away  altogether  to  usher  in  an 
inexpressibly  glorious  day.  In  xxv.,  after  com- 
memorating the  destruction  of  all  oppressors,  the 
prophet  gives  us  in  verses  6-9  a  most  glowing  de- 
scription of  Messianic  blessings,  which  connects  it- 
self with  the  Is .  T.  by  numberless  links,  indicating 
the  oneness  of  the  prophetic  Spirit  ("  the  Spirit  of 
Christ,"  1  Pet.  i.  11)  with  that  which  dwells  in  the 
later  revelation.  In  xxvi.,  verses  12-18  describe  the 
new,  happy  state  of  God's  people  as  God's  work 
wholly.  In  xxvii.  1,  "Leviathan  the  fleeing  (A.  V. 
'  piercing,'  margin  '  crossing  like  a  bar ')  serpent, 
and  Leviathan,  the  twisting  (A.  V.  '  crooked')  ser- 
pent and  the  dragon  in  the  sea,"  are  perhaps  Nine- 
veh and  Babylon — two  phases  of  the  si;mc  Asshur — 
and  Egypt  (compare  verse  13);  all,  however,  sym- 
bolizing adverse  powers  of  evil.— 10.  Chapters 
xxviii.-xxxv.  The  former  part  of  this  section  seems 
to  be  of  a  fragmentary  character,  being  probably 
the  substance  of  discourses  not  fully  communicated, 
and  spoken  at  different  times,  xxviii.  1-6  is  clearly 
predictive ;  it  therefore  preceded  Shalmaneser's  in- 
vasion, when  Samaria  ("  the  crown  of  pride  ")  was 
destroyed.  And  her  ewe  have  a  picture  given  us  of 
the  way  in  which  Jehovah's  word  was  received 
by  Isaiah's  contemporaries.  Prie-st  and  prophet 
were  drunk  with  a  spirit  of  infatuation — "  they  erred 
in  vision,  they  stumbled  in  judgment,"  and  there- 
fore only  scoffed  at  his  ministrations. — Chapter  xxix. 
Jerusalem  was  to  be  visited  with  extreme  danger 
and  terror,  and  then  sudden  deliverance  (verses  1- 
8).  But  the  threatening  and  promise  seemed  very 
enigmatical ;  prophets,  and  rulers,  and  scholars, 
could  make  nothing  of  the  riddle  (9-12).  Alas! 
the  people  themselves  will  only  hearken  to  the 
prophets  and  priests  speaking  out  of  their  own 
heart ;  even  their  so-called  piety  to  Jehovah  is  reg- 
ulated, not  by  His  true  organs,  but  by  pretended 
ones  (verse  13);  but  all  their  vaunted  policy  shall 
be  confounded ;  the  w  ild  wood  shall  become  a  fruit- 
ful field,  and  the  fruitful  field  a  wild  wood — the 
humble  pupils  of  Jehovah  and  these  self-wise  lead- 
ers shall  interchange  their  places  of  di.'^honor  and 
prosperity  (verses  13-24).  One  instance  of  the  false 
leading  of  these  prophets  and  priests  (xxx.  1)  in  op- 
position to  the  true  prophets  (verses  10, 11)  was  the 
policy  of  courting  the  help  of  Egypt  against  Assyria. 
Against  this,  Isaiah  is  commanded  to  protest,  which 
he  does  both  in  xxx.  1-17,  and  in  xxxi.  1-3,  poin^ 
ing  out  at  the  same  time  the  fruitlcssness  of  all 
measures  of  human  policy  and  the  necessity  of  trust- 
ing in  Jehovah  alone  for  deliverance.  In  xxx.  18- 
33,  and  xxxi.  4-9,  there  is  added  to  each  address 
the  prediction  of  the  Assyrian's  overthrow  and  its 
consequences,  xxx.  19-24.  As  the  time  approaches, 
the  spirit  of  prophecy  becomes  more  and  more  glow- 
ing ;  that  marvellous  deliverance  from  Asshur, 
wherein  God's  "  Name  "  (xxx.  27)  so  gloriously  came 
near,  opens  even  clearer  glimpses  into  the  time  when 
God  should  indeed  come  and  reign,  in  the  Anointed 
One,  and  when  virtue  and  righteousness  should 
everywhere  prevail  (xxxii.  1-8,  15-20);  then  the 
mighty  Jehovah  should  be  a  king  dwelling  amongst 
His  people  (xxxiii.  17,  22).  The  sinners  in  Zion 
should  be  filled  with  dismay,  dreading  lest  His  ter- 
rible judgment  should  aliglit  upon  themselves  also 


ISA 


ISH 


413 


(xxxiii.  14).     With  these  glorious  predictions  are 
bleniled  also  descriptions  of  the  grief  and  despair 
which  .^liould  precede  that  hour,  xxxii.  9-14  and 
xxxiii.  7-9,  and  the  earnest  prayer  then  to  be  offered 
by  the  pious  (xxxiii.  2).     In  cliapter  xxxiv.  the  pre- 
diction must  certainly  be  taken  with  a  particular 
reference  to  Idunica;  we  are,  however,  led,  both 
by  the  placing  of  the  prophecy  and  by  Ixiii.  2,  to 
take  it  in  a  general  as  well  as  typical  sense.     As 
xxxiv.  has  a  general  sense,  so  xxxv.  indicates  in 
general  terms  the  deliverance  of  Israel  as  if  out  of 
captivity,  rejoicing  in  their  secure  and  happy  march 
through    the    wilderness. — 11.    xxxvii.-xxxix.    At 
length  the  season  so  often,  though  no  doubt  ob- 
scurely foretold,  arrived.     The  Assyrian  was  near 
with  forces  apparently  irresistible.     In  the  universal 
consternation  which  ensued,  all  the  hope  of  the 
state  centred  upon  Isaiah  ;  the  highest  functionaries 
of  the  state — Shebna,  too — wait  upon  him  in  the 
name  of  their  sovereign.     The  short  answer  which 
Jehovah  gave  through  him  was,  that  the  Assyrian 
king  should  hear  intelligence  which  should  send  him 
back  to  his  own   land,  there  to  perish.     How  the 
deliverance  was  to  be  effected,  Isaiah  was  not  com- 
missioned to  tell ;  but  the  very  next  night  (2  K.  xix. 
35)  brought  the  appalling  fuUilment.     A  divine  in- 
terposition so  marvellous,  so  evidently  miraculous, 
was  in  its  magnificence  worthy  of  being  the  kernel 
of  Isaiah's  whole  book. — Chapters  xxxviii.,  xxxix. 
chronologically  precede  the  two  previous  ones. — 12. 
The  last  twenty-seven  chapters  form  a  prophecy, 
whose  coherence  of  structure  and  unity  of  author- 
ship are  generally  admitted  even  by  those  who  deny 
that  it  was  written  by  Isaiah.     The  point  of  time 
and  situation  from  which  the  prophet  here  speaks, 
is  for  tlie  most  part  that  of  the  Captivity  in  Babylon 
(compare  e.  g.  Ixiv.  10,  11).     But  this  is  adopted  on 
a  principle  which  appears  to  characterize  "  vision," 
viz.,  that  the  i)rophet  sees  the  future  as  if  present. 
This  second  part  falls  into  three  sections,  each,  as 
it  happens,  consisting  of  nine  chapters ;  the  two 
first  end  with  the  refrain,  "  There  is  no  peace,  saith 
Jehovah  {or  '  my  God '),  to  the  wicked ; "  and  the 
third  with  the  same  thought  amplified.     (1.)  The 
first  section  (xl.-xlviii.)  has  for  its  main  topic  the 
comforting  assurance  of  the  deliverance  from  Baby- 
lon by  Cyri's,  who  is  even  named  twice  (xli.  2,  3, 
25,  xliv.  28,  xlv.  1-4,  13,  xlvi.  11,  xlviii.  14,  15).    It 
is  characteristic  of  sacred  prophecy  in  general  that 
the  "  vision  "  of  a  great  deliverance  leads  the  seer 
to  glance  at  the  great  deliverance  to  come  through 
Jesus  Christ.     This  principle  of  association  prevails 
in  the  second  part  taken  as  a  whole ;  but  in  the 
first  section,  taken  apart,  it  appears*  as  yet  imper- 
fectly.    (2.)  The  second  section  (xlix.-lvii.^  is  dis- 
tinguished from  the  first  by  several  features.     The 
person  of  Cyrus  as  well  as  his  name,  and  the  speci- 
fication of  Babylon,  disappear  altogether.     Return 
from  exile  is  indeed  repeatedly  spoken  of  and  at 
length  (xlix.  9-26,  li.  9-lii.  12,lv.  12,  13,  Ivii.  14); 
but  in  such  general  terms  as  admit  of  being  applied 
to  the  spiritual  and  Messianic,  as  well  as  to  the 
literal  restoration.     (3.)  In  the  third  section  (Iviii.- 
Ixvi.)  as  Cyrus  nowhere  appears,  so  neither  does 
"Jehovah's  servant"  occur  so  frequently  to  view  as 
in  the  second.     The  only  delineation  of  the  latter  is 
in  Ixi.  1-3  and  in  Ixiii.  1-6,  9.     lie  no  longer  ap- 
pears as  suffering,  but  only  as  saving  and  avenging 
Zion.     The  section  is  mainly  occupied  with  various 
practical  exhortations  founded  upon  the  views  of 
the  future  already  set  forth. — III.  Numberless  at- 
tacks have  been  made  by  German  critics  (Koppe, 


Eichhom,  Justi,  De  Wette,  Gesenius,  Hitzig,  Knobel, 
Ewald,  &c.)  upon  the  integrity  of  the  whole  book, 
different  critics  pronouncing  different  portions  of 
the  first  part  spurious,  and  many  concurring  to  re- 
ject the  second  part  altogether  (the  last  twenty- 
seven  chapters).  Defenders  of  the  integrity  of  the 
book  have  not,  however,  been  wanting,  e.  g. :  Jahn, 
Hengstenberg,  Miiller,  Kleinert,  Havernick,  Stier, 
Keil,  Delitzsch  (in  Fbn.),  &c.  The  circumstance 
mainly  urged  by  those  who  gainsay  Isaiah's  author- 
ship of  this  second  part  is  the  unquestionable  fact 
that  the  author  takes  his  stand-point  at  the  close  of 
the  Babylonish  Captivity,  as  if  that  were  his  present, 
and  from  thence  looks  forward  into  his  subsequent 
future.  Other  grounds  which  are  alleged  are  con- 
fessedly secondary  and  external,  and  are  really  of  no 
great  weight.  The  most  important  of  these  is  founded 
upon  the  difference  of  style.  On  the  other  hand, 
for  the  authenticity  of  the  second  part  the  following 
\  reasons  may  be  advanced,  (a.)  Externally.  The 
unanimous  testimony  of  Jewish  and  Christian  tra- 
dition (compare  Ecclus.  xlviii.  24) ;  the  use  appar- 
ently made  of  the  second  part  in  Jer.  x.  1-16,  v. 
25,  XXV.  31,1.,  li.,  in  Ez.  xxiii.  40,  41,  and  Zeph.  ii.  15, 
iii.  10 ;  the  decree  of  Cyrus  in  Ezr.  i.  2-4,  which 
plainly  is  founded  on  Is.  ,\Uv.  28,  xlv.  1,  13 ;  and 
the  evidence  of  the  N.  T.  quotations  (Slat.  iii.  3; 
Lk.  iv.  17;  Acts  viii.  28;  Rom.  x.  16,  20).  (6.) 
Internally.  The  unity  of  design  which  connects 
these  last  twenty-seven  chapters  with  the  preceding ; 
the  oneness  of  diction  which  pervades  the  whole 
book ;  the  peculiar  elevation  and  grandeur  of  style 
which  characterize  the  second  part  as  well  as  the 
first ;  the  absence  of  any  other  name  than  Isaiah's 
claiming  the  authorship ;  the  claims  which  the 
writer  makes  to  the  /ojrknowledge  of  the  deliver- 
ance by  Cyrus,  which  claims,  on  the  opposing  view, 
must  be  fraudulent ;  lastly,  the  Messianic  predic- 
tions which  mark  its  inspiration,  and  remove  the 
chief  ground  of  objection  against  its  having  been 
written  by  Isaiah.  Ewald  thus  characterizes  Isaiah : 
"  Just  as  the  subject  requires,  he  has  readily  at  com- 
mand every  several  kind  of  style  and  every  several 
change  of  delineation ;  and  it  is  precisely  this  that, 
in  point  of  language,  establishes  his  greatness,  as 
well  as  in  general  forms  one  of  his  most  towering 
points  of  excellence.  His  only  fundamental  pecu- 
liarity is  the  lofty,  majestic  calmness  of  his  style. 
Ills  discourse  varies  into  every  complexion ;  "it  is 
tender  and  stern,  dictating  and  threatening,  mourn- 
ing and  again  exulting  in  divine  joy,  mocking  and 
earnest;  but  ever  at  the  right  time  it  returns 
to  its  original  elevation  and  repose,  and  never 
loses  the  clear  ground-color  of  its  divine  serious- 
ness." In  point  of  style  we  can  find  no  difficulty  in 
recognizing  in  the  second  part  the  presence  of  the 
same  plastic  genius  as  we  discover  in  the  first. 
And,  altogether,  the  aesthetic  criticism  of  all  the 
diiferent  parts  of  the  book  brings  us  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  the  whole  of  the  book  originated  in  one 
mind,  and  that  mind  one  of  the  most  sublime  and 
variously-gifted  instruments  which  the  Spirit  of  God 
has  ever  employed  to  pour  forth  Its  Voice  upon  the 
world. 

Is'ruh  (fr.  Heb.  =  she  looks  abroad,  Ges. ;  Jah  is 
a  looking  one,  Fii.),  daughter  of  Haran,  the  brother 
of  Abram,  and  sister  of  Milcah  and  of  Lot  (Gen. 
xi.  29).  In  the  Jewish  traditions  she  is  identified 
with  Sarai. 

Is-tar'l-ot.    JcDAS  Iscariot. 

Is'da-el  (Or.)  =  GinDEi,  2  (1  Esd.  v.  33). 

Ish'bah  (fr.  Heb.  =  praising,  Ges.),  a  man  in  the 


414 


tSB. 


ISH 


line  of  Judah,  the  "  father  of  Eshtemoa  "  (1  Chr. 
iv.  17). 

Isll'bak  (fr.  Ileb.  =  leaving,  Ges.),  a  son  of  Abra- 
ham and  Keturah  (Gen.  xxv.  2 ;  1  Chr.  i.  32),  and 
the  progenitor  of  a  tribe  of  northern  Arabia,  pos- 
sibly (so  Mr.  E.  S.  Poole)  in  the  valley  called  Sa- 
bak,  or,  it  is  said,  .Sibiik,  in  the  Dahni,  a  fertile  and 
extensive  track,  belonging  to  the  Benee-Temeem, 
in  Nejd,  or  the  highland  of  Arabia,  on  the  N.  E.  of 
it.  There  is,  however,  another  Dahn^,  nearer  to 
tlie  Euphrates,  and  some  confusion  may  exist  re- 
garding the  true  position  of  Sabiik ;  but  either 
DahnA  is  suitable  for  the  settlements  of  Ishbak. 
The  first-mentioned  Dahn^  lies  in  a  favorable  por- 
tion of  the  widely-stretching  country  known  to  have 
been  peopled  by  the  Keturahites.  Porter  (in  Kitto) 
supposes  the  name  and  first  possession  of  Ishbak 
preserved  in  the  great  castle  of  Shobek,  about 
twelve  miles  N.  of  Petra.  This  castle  was  a  chief 
stronghold  of  the  Crusaders,  who  called  it  Mons  Re- 
galis. 

Ish'bi-bc'DOb  (fr.  Heb.  =  mi/  scat  is  at  Nob,  Ges.), 
son  of  Kapha ;  one  of  the  race  of  Philistine  giants, 
who  attacked  David  in  battle,  but  was  slain  by  Abi- 
shai  (2  Sam.  sxi.  16,  17). 

Isb'-bo-slietli,  or  Isli-ba'shrth  (Heb.  wan  of 
gfiame),  the  youngest  of  Siiul's  (bur  sons,  and  his 
legitimate  successor.  His  name  appears  (1  Chr. 
viii.  33,  ix.  39)  to  have  been  originally  Esh-daal, 
(he  man  of  Baa/.  He  was  thirty-five  years  of  age 
at  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Gilboa,  but  for  five 
years  Abner  was  engaged  in  restoring  the  dominion 
of  the  house  of  Saul  over  all  Israel.  Ish-bosheth 
was  then  "  forty  years  old  when  lie  began  to  reign 
over  Israel,  and  reigned  two  years  "  (2  Sam.  ii.  10). 
During  these  two  years  he  reigned  at  Mahanaim, 
though  only  in  name.  The  wars  and  negotiations 
with  David  were  entirely  carried  on  by  Abner  (ii. 
12,  iii.  6,  12).  When  Ish-bosiicth  heard  of  Aimer's 
death,  "  his  hands  were  feeble,  and  all  the  Israelites 
were  troubled"  (iv.  1).  In  this  extremity  of  weak- 
ness he  fell  a  victim,  probably,  to  revenge  for  a 
crime  of  his  father.  Two  Beerothites  (Baa.nah  1 
and  Reciiab  2),  in  rememljrance,  it  has  been  con- 
.jectured,  of  Saul's  slaughter  of  their  kinsmen  the 
Gibeonites,  determined  to  take  advantage  of  the 
helplessness  of  the  royal  house  to  destroy  the  only 
prominent  representative  that  was  left,  excepting 
the  "child  Mephibosheth  (iv.  4).  After  assassinating 
Ish-bosheth,  they  took  his  head  to  David  as  a  wel- 
come present.  They  met  with  a  stern  reception. 
David  rebuked  them  for  the  cold-blooded  murder  of 
'an  innocent  man,  and  ordered  them  to  be  executed. 
The  head  of  Ish-bosheth  was  carefully  buried  in  the 
sepulchre  of  his  great  kinsman  Abner,  at  the  same 
place  (iv.  9-12). 

Ish'i  (fr.  Heb.  =  saving,  salutary,  Ges.).  1.  A 
descendant  of  Judah ;  son  of  Appaim  (1  Chr.  ii. 
SI);  one  of  the  great  house  of  Ilezron. — 2,  An- 
other descendant  of  Judah,  with  a  son  Zoheth  (iv. 
20).— 3.  Head  of  a  family  of  Simeon  (iv.  42).— 4. 
A  chief  of  Manasseh  E.  of  Jordan  (v.  24). 

Ishi  (Heb.  mi/  man,  mi/  husband),  in  Hos.  ii.  16, 
is  the  Israelite  term,  in  opposition  to  Baah  the 
Cana.inite  term  with  the  same  meaning,  though  the 
latter,  customarily  applied  to  heathen  gods,  conveys 
theideaof7)o««('««''>«  and /•«/<' rather  than  oi  affection. 

I-shl'all  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehomh  lends,  Ges. ; 
=  IsiiiJAH,  IssniAii,  Jesiah),  the  fifth  of  Izrahiah's 
five  sons ;  a  chief  of  Issachar  in  David's  timeH  Chr. 
vii.  3). 

I-shi'Jah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Ishiah),  a  lay  Israelite  of 


the  sons  of  Harim,  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife 
(Ezr.  X.  31). 

Ishma  (fr.  Heb.  =  waste,  desolation,  Ges.),  a  son 
"  of  the  father  of  Etam  "  in  the  genealogy  of  Ju- 
dah (1  Chr.  iv.  8). 

Isll'ma-cl  (fr.  Heb.  =whom  God  hears).  1.  The 
son  of  Abraham  by  Magar  the  Egyptian,  his  con- 
cubine; born  when  Abraham  was  eighty-six  years 
old  (Gen.  xvi.  15,  16).  Ishmael  was  the  first-liorn 
of  his  father,  born  in  Abraham's  house,  when  he 
dwelt  in  the  plain  of  Mamrc ;  and  on  the  institution 
of  the  covenant  of  circumcision,  was  circumcised, 
he  being  then  thirteen  years  old  (xvii.  25).  AVith 
the  institution  of  the  covenant,  God  renewed  hia 
promise  respecting  Ishmael.  He  does  not  again 
appear  in  the  narrative  until  the  weaning  of  Isaac. 
The  latter  was  born  when  Abraham  was  one  hun- 
dred years  old  (xxi.  5),  and  as  the  weaning,  accord- 
ing to  Eastern  usage,  probably  took  place  when  the 
child  was  between  two  and  three  years  old,  Ishmael 
himself  must  have  been  then  between  fifteen  and 
sixteen  years  old.  At  the  great  feast  made  in  cele- 
bration of  the  weaning,  "  Sarah  saw  the  son  of 
Hagar  the  Egyptian,  which  she  had  borne  unto 
Abraham,  mocking,"  and  urged  Abraham  to  cast 
out  him  and  his  mother.  The  patriarch,  comfoited 
by  God's  renewed  promise  that  of  Ishmael  He 
would  make  a  nation,  sent  them  both  away,  and 
they  departed  and  wandered  in  the  wilderness  of 
Beer-sheha.  Here  the  water  being  spent  in  the 
bottle,  Hagar  cast  her  son  under  one  of  the  desert 
shrubs,  and  went  away  a  little  distance,  "  for  she 
said,  Let  me  not  see  the  death  of  the  child,"  and 
wept.  "  And  God  heard  the  voice  of  the  lad,  and 
the  angel  of  the  Lord  called  to  Hagar  out  of 
heaven,"  renewed  the  promise  already  thrice  given, 
"  I  w  ill  make  him  a  great  nation,"  and  "  opened 
her  eyes,  and  she  saw  a  well  of  water."  Thus 
miraculously  saved  from  perishing  by  thirst,  "  God 
was  with  the  lad ;  and  he  grew,  and  dwelt  in  the 
wilderness;  and  became  an  archer."  It  is  doubtful 
whether  the  wanderers  halted  by  the  well,  or  at 
once  continued  their  way  to  the  "  wilderness  of 
Paran,"  where  we  are  told  he  dwelt,  and  where 
"his  mother  took  him  a  wife  out  of  the  land  of 
Egypt"  (9-21).  This  wife  of  Ishmael  is  not  else- 
where mentioned  ;  she  was,  we  must  infer,  an  Egyp- 
tian. No  record  is  made  of  any  other  wife  of  Isli- 
niael,  though  the  repented  mention  of  his  daughter 
as  "  sister  of  Nebajoth  "  seems  to  point  to  a  diffcr- 
cnt  mother  for  Ishmael's  other  sons.  According  to 
Rabbinical  tradition,  Ishmael  put  away  his  wife  and 
took  a  second.  The  Arabs  assert  that  he  married 
(1.)  an  Amaleliite,  by  whom  he  had  no  issue;  and 
(2.)  a  Joktanite  of  the  tribe  of  Jurhum.  He  had 
twelve  sons  and  one  daughter.  Of  the  later  life 
of  Ishmael  we  know  little.  He  was  present  with 
Isaac  at  the  burial  of  Abraham  (xxv.  9).  Esau 
contracted  an  alliance  with  him  when  he  "  took 
unto  the  wives  which  he  had  Slahalath  (or  Bashe 
MATn,  xxxvi.  3)  the  daughter  of  Ishmael  Abra- 
ham's son,  the  sister  of  Nebajoth,  to  be  his  wife  " 
(xxviii.  9).  The  death  of  Ishmael  is  recorded  in 
a  previous  chapter,  after  the  enumeration  of  hia 
sons,  as  having  taken  place  at  the  age  of  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty-seven  years  (xxv.  17,  18).  It  ro- 
I  mains  for  us  to  consider — 1,  the  place  of  Ishmael's 
dwelling;  and  2,  the  names  of  his  children,  with 
their  settlements,  and  the  nation  .sprung  from  them. 
— 1.  From  the  narrative  of  his  expulsion,  we  learn 
that  Ishmael  first  went  into  the  wilderness  of  Becr- 
sheba,  and  thence,  but  at  what  interval  of  time  is 


ISH 


415 


uncertain,  removed  to  that  of  Paran.  His  contin- 
uance in  these  or  the  neighboring  places  seems  to 
be  pioveil  by  his  haring  been  present  at  the  burial 
of  Abraham;  for  in  the  East  sepulture  follows 
death  after  a  few  hours ;  and  by  Esau's  marrying 
his  daughter  at  a  time  when  he  (Esau)  dwelt  at 
Beer-sheba.  There  are,  however,  other  passages 
which  must  be  taken  into  account.  He  was  the 
first  Abrahamic  settler  in  the  E.  country  (xxv.  6). 
The  "  East  country  "  perhaps  was  restricted  in  early 
times  to  the  wildernesses  of  Beer-sheba  and  Paran ; 
or  Ishmael  removed  to  that  E.  country,  northward, 
without  being  distant  from  his  father  and  his 
brethren ;  each  case  being  agreeable  with  Gen.  xxv. 
6. — 2.  The  sons  of  Ishmael  were,  Nebajoth  (ex- 
pressly stated  to  be  his  first-born),  Kedar,  Adbecl, 
Mibsam,  Mishma,  Dumah,  Massa,  Hadar,  Tema,  Je- 
tur,  Naphish,  Kedemah  (xxv.  13-15):  and  he  hiid 
a  daughter  named  JIahalath  (xxviii.  9),  elsewhere 
written  Basheni.ith  (xxxvi.  3).  They  peopled  the 
N.  and  W.  of  the  .\rabian  peninsula  (Akabia),  and 
eventually  formed  the  chief  element  of  the  Arab 
nation.  Their  language,  generally  acknowledged 
to  have  been  the  Arabic  commonly  so  calleil,  has 
been  adopted  with  insignificant  exceptions  through 
out  Arabia.  The  terra  Isiimaelite  occurs  on  three 
occasions  (Gen.  xxxvii.  25,  27,  28,  xxxix.  1  ;  Judg. 
Tiii.  24  ;  Ps.  Ixxxiii.  6).  From  the  context  of  the 
first  two  instances,  it  seems  to  have  been  a  general 
name  for  the  Abrahamic  peoples  of  the  East  coun- 
try, the  "  men  "  or  "  children  of  the  East ;  "  but 
the  second  admits  also  of  a  closer  meaning.  In 
the  third  instance  the  name  is  applied  in  its  strict 
sense  to  the  Ishmaelites.  (Ithra.)  The  notions 
of  the  Arabs  respecting  Ishmael  are  partly  derived 

.  from  the  Bible,  partly  from  the  Jewish  Rabbins, 
and  partly  from  native  traditions.     They  believe 

,  that  Ishmael  was  the  first-born  of  Abraham,  and 
the  majority  of  their  doctors  assert  that  this  son, 
and  not  Isaac,  was  offered  by  Abraham  in  sacrifice. 
Ishmael,  say  the  Arabs,  dwelt  with  his  mother  at 
Jlecea,  and  both  are  buried  in  the  place  called  the 
"  Uejr,"  on  the  N.  W.  (termed  by  the  Arabs  the  X.) 
side  of  the  Kaabeh,  and  enclosed  by  a  curved  wall 
cilled  the  "  Hateem."  Ishmael  was  visited  at 
Mecca  by  Abraham,  and  they  together  rebuilt 
the  temple  which  had  been  destroyed  by  a  flood. 
At  Mecca  Ishmael  married  a  daughter  of  Mudiid  or 
El-mudad  (Almobad),  chief  of  the  Joktanite  tribe 
Jnrhum,  and  had  thirteen  children.  (Ismaei.  1.) — 
i.  Son  of  Azel,  a  descendant  of  Saul  through  Mer- 
ib-baal  or  Mephibosheth  (I  Chr.  viii.  38,  ix.  44). — 
t.  A  man  of  Judah,  father  of  Zebaoiaii  (2  Chr. 
xix.  II). — I.  Another  man  of  Judah;  son  of  Jeho- 
hanan ;  one  of  the  captains  of  hundreds  who  as- 
sisted Jehoiada  in  restoring  Joash  to  the  throne 
(xxiii.  1). — H.  A  priest,  of  the  sons  of  Pashur, 
forced  by  Ezra  to  relinquish  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr. 
X.  22).— -«.  The  son  of  N'ethaniah  ;  a  perfect  marvel 
of  craft  and  villany,  whose  treachery  forms  one  of 
the  chief  episodes  of  the  history  of  the  period  im- 
mediately succeeding  the  first  fall  of  Jerusalem. 
Ilig  exploits  are  related  in  Jer.  xl.  7-xli.  15,  with  a 
short  summary  in  2  K.  xxv.  23-25.  His  full  de- 
scription is  "  Ishmael,  the  son  of  Nethaniah,  the 
son  of  Elishama,  of  the  seed  royal  "  of  Judah  (Jer. 
xli.  1  ;  2  K.  xxv.  25).  During  the  siege  of  the  city 
he  had,  like  many  others  of  his  countrymen  (Jer. 
xl.  11),  fled  across  the  Jordan,  where  he  found  a  ref- 
uge at  the  court  of  Baalis,  then  king  of  the  Ammon- 
ites. After  the  departure  of  the  Chaldeans,  Ish- 
mael made  no  secret  of  his  intention  to  kill  the 


superintendent  left  by  the  king  of  Babylon,  and 
usurp  his  position.  Of  this  Geualiaii  was  warned 
iu  express  terms  by  Johanan  and  his  companions. 
Thirty  days  after,  in  the  seventh  month  (xli.  1),  on 
the  third  day  of  the  month,  Ishmael  again  appeared 
at  Mi/.pah,  this  time  accompanied  by  ten  men.  Ged- 
aliah  entertained  them  at  a  feast  (xli.  1).  Before 
its  close  Ishmael  and  his  followers  had  murdered 
Gedaliah  and  all  his  attendants  with  such  secrecy 
that  no  alarm  was  given  outside  the  room.  The 
same  night  ho  killed  all  Gedaliah's  establishment, 
including  some  Chaldean  soldiers  who  were  there. 
For  two  days  the  massacre  remained  perfectly  un- 
known to  the  people  of  the  town.  On  the  second 
day  Ishmael  perceived  from  his  elevated  position  a 
large  party  coming  southward  along  the  main  road 
from  Shechem  and  Samaria.  He  went  out  to  meet 
them.  They  proved  to  be  eighty  devotees,  who, 
with  rent  clothes,  and  with  shaven  beards,  nmtila- 
ted  bodies,  and  with  other  marks  of  heathen  devo- 
tion, and  weeping  as  they  went,  were  bringing  in- 
cense and  ofl'erinss  to  the  ruins  of  the  Temple.  At 
his  invitation  they  turned  aside  to  the  residence  of 
the  superintendent.  As  the  unsuspecting  pilgrims 
passed  into  the  court-yard  he  closed  the  entrances 
behind  them,  and  there  he  and  his  band  butchered 
the  whole  number :  ten  only  escaped  by  the  offer 
of  heavy  ransom  for  their  lives.  The  seventy 
corpses  were  then  thrown  into  the  well  which  was 
within  the  precincts  of  the  house,  and  was  com- 
pletely filled  with  the  bodies.  This  done,  he  de- 
scended to  the  town,  surprised  and  carried  off  the 
daughters  of  King  Zedekiah,  who  had  been  sent 
there  by  Nebuchadnezzar  for  safety,  with  their  eu- 
nuchs and  their  Chaldean  guard  (xli.  10,  16),  and 
all  the  people  of  the  town,  and  made  off  with  his 
prisoners  to  the  country  of  the  Ammonites.  The 
news  of  the  massacre  had  by  this  time  got  abroad, 
and  Ishmael  was  quickly  pursued  by  Johanan  and 
his  companions.  He  was  attacked,  two  of  his  bra- 
voes  slain,  the  whole  of  the  prey  recovered  ;  and 
Ishmael  himself,  with  the  remaining  eight  of  his 
people,  escaped  to  the  Ammonites,  and  thencefor- 
ward passes  into  obscurity. 

Ish  ma-el-itc  (fr.  Heb.)  —  descendant  of  Lshmael. 

Ish-nmi'ali  [-ma' yah],  or  Ish-ma-lah,  fr.  Heb.  = 
whom  Jehovah  hears,  Ges.),  son  of  Obadiah ;  ruler 
of  Zebulun  in  David's  time  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  19). 

Ish'me-el-ite  (fr.  Heb.)  (1  Chr.  ii.  17)  and  Ish'me- 
*l-ltes  (Gen.  xxxvii.  25,  27,  28,  xxxix.  1)  =  de- 
scendant or  descendants  of  Ishmael. 

Ishme-rai  (fr.  Heb.  =r  whom  Jehnvnh  keeps,  Ges.), 
a  Benjamite,  of  the  family  of  Elpaal(l  Chr.  viii.  18). 

I'shod  (fr.  Heb.  =  man  of  (fJonj,  Ges.),  one  of  the 
tribe  of  Manasseh  E.  of  Jordan ;  son  of  Ilammole- 
keth  n  Chr.  vii.  18). 

Ish  pan  (fr.  Heb.  =  haU?  Ges. ;  nfirm,  idrong  one, 
Fii.),  a  Benjamite,  of  the  family  of  Shashak  (1  Chr. 
viii.  22). 

lsh'-tob(Heb.,  probably  =  men  o/Tob),  apparent- 
ly one  of  the  small  kingdoms  or  states  which  formed 
part  of  the  general  country  of  Aram  (Syria), 
named  with  Zobah,  Rehob,  and  Maacah  (2  Sam.  x. 
6,  8).     (ToB.) 

Ish'n-ab  (fr.  Heb.  =  even,  level,  Ges. ;  se/f-satis- 
fyixff,  Fii.),  second  son  of-  Asher  (Gen.  xlvi.  17). 

Ish'n-al  (fr.  Ilcb.  =  IsilCAH,  Ges. ;  Jnh  it  self- 
lalUfyinr/,  Fii.),  third  son  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  30); 
founder  of  a  family  bearing  his  name  (Xuni.  xxvi. 
44,  A.  V.  "Jesuites"). 

Ish'n-I  (fr.  Heb.  =  Isruai),  second  son  of  Saul  by 
his  wife  Ahinoam  (1  Sam.  xiv.  49,  comp.  BO). 


416 


ISL 


ISB 


*  Is'land  [i  ]  (Ileb.  i  ;  Gr.  nhioti,  nesos)  =  Isle. 
For  "  wild  beasts  of  the  island,"  see  Bkast  6. 

Isle  (Ileb.  i  ;  Gr.  nhos).  The  radical  sense  of  the 
Hebrew  word  seems  to  be  habitable  place,  dry  land 
as  opposed  to  water,  and  in  this  sense  it  occurs  iu 
Is.  xlii.  15,  A.  V.  "islands."  Hence  it  means  sec- 
ondarily any  maritime  district,  whether  belon};ing 
to  a  continent  or  to  an  island :  thus  it  is  used  of 
the  shore  of  the  Mediterranean  (Is.  xx.  6,  xxiii.  2, 
6),  and  of  the  coasts  of  Elishah  (Ez.  xxvii.  7),  i.  e. 
of  Greece  and  Asia  Minor.  In  this  sense  it  is  more 
particularly  restricted  to  the  shores  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, sometimes  in  the  fuller  expression  "  islands 
of  the  sea"  (Is.  xi.  U).  Occasionally  the  word  is 
specifically  used  of  an  island,  as  of  Caphtor  or 
Crete  (Jer.  xlvii.  4,  A.  V.  "  country,"  margin  "  isle  "). 
But  more  generally  it  is  applied  to  any  region  sepa- 
rated from  Palestine  by  water,  as  fully  described  in 
Jer.  XXV.  22.  The  Gr.  ne»os  (in  LXX.  =  Heb.  i) 
properly  in  N.  T.  =:  "island"  (Acts  xxvii.  26, 
xxviii.  1,  7,  9,  &e.)  or  "isle"  (xiii.  6,  xxviii.  11; 
Rev.  i.  9).  The  Gr.  nesion,  translated  "island" 
(Acts  xxvii.  16  only),  =  aiiall  island,  islet. 

Is-ma-elilall  [-l^i-J  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  up- 
holds, Ges.),  a  Levite,  an  overseer  of  offerings  dur- 
ing the  revival  under  King  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxxi. 
13). 

Is'ma-el  (Gr.  and  L.).  1.  Ishmael,  son  of  Abra- 
ham (Jd.  ii.  23).— 2.  IsnsiAEL  5  (1  Esd.  ix.  29). 

Is-mai'ali  [-ma'yah],  or  Is-ma-i'ah  (fr.  Heb.z=  Isn- 
MAiAH,  Ges.),  a  Gibeonite  chief  who  joined  David 
at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  4). 

Is'pah  (fr.  Heb.  =:  Ishpan,  Ges.,  Fii.),  a  Bonja- 
mite  chief,  of  the  family  of  Beriah  (1  Chr.  viii.  16). 

Is'ra-el  [iz-  or  is-]  (fr  Heb.  =  warrior  or  soldier  of 
God,  Ges.;  Oodis  ruler,  Fii.).  ],  The  name  given 
(Gen.  xxxii.  28)  to  Jacob  after  his  wrestling  with 
the  Angel  (llos.  xii.  4)  at  Peniel.  The  A.  V.  trans- 
lates the  Hebrew  sdrilM'm  Gen.  xxxii.  29  (A.  V.  28) 
"  as  a  prince  hast  thou  power ; "  but  Rosenmiiller 
and  Gesenius  give  it  the  meaning,  "thou  hast 
contended." — 3>  It  became  the  national  name  of 
the  twelve  triljes  collectively.  They  are  so  called 
In  Ex.  iii.  16  and  afterward. — 3.  It  is  used  in  a  nar- 
rower sense,  excluding  Judah,  in  1  Sam.  xi.  8 ; 
2  Sam.  XX.  1 ;  1  K.  xii.  16.  Thenceforth  it  was  as- 
sumed and  accepted  as  the  name  of  the  Northern 
kingdom.  (Israel,  Kingdom  of.) — i.  After  the 
Babylonian  Captivity,  the  returned  exiles  resumed 
the  name  Israel  as  the  designation  of  their  nation. 
The  name  Israel  is  also  used  to  denote  laymen,  as 
distinguished  from  Priests,  Levites,  and  other  min- 
isters (Ezr.  vi.  16,  ix.  1,  x.  25,  Xeh.  xi.  3,  &c.). 
"Israel"  figuratively  =  Ood''s  J'ailhful  people  (Vs. 
Ixxiii.  1;  Rom.  ix.  6,  xi.  26;  Gal.  vi.  16,  compare 
lii.  29,  &c.).  Abraham  ;  Davio  ;  Dispersion  ;  He- 
brew; Isaac ;  Jerusalem ;  Jew;  Joshua;  Judah, 
Kingdom  ok;  Judge;  Moses;  Samuel;  Saul; 
Solomon,  &c. 

Is'ra-el  (sec  Israel),  Kingdom  oft  1.  The  prophet 
Ahijah  of  Shiloh,  who  was  commissioned  in  the 
latter  days  of  Solomon  to  announce  the  division  of 
the  kingdom,  left  one  tribe  (Judah)  to  the  house  of 
David,  and  assigned  ten  to  Jeroboam  (1  K.  xi.  35, 
31).  These  were  probably  Joseph  (=  Ephraim  and 
Manasseh),  Issachar,  Zebuhin,  Asher,  Naphtali, 
Benjamin,  Dan,  Simeon,  Gad,  and  Reuben ;  Levi 
being  intentionally  omitted.  Eventually  the  greater 
part  of  Benjamin,  and  probably  the  whole  of  Sim- 
eon and  that  part  of  Dan  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Judah,  were  included,  as  if  by  common  consent,  in 
the  kingdom  of  Judah.     With  respect  to  the  con- 


quests of  David,  Moab  appears  to  have  been  at- 
tached to  the  kingdom  of  Israel  (2  K.  iii.  4) ;  so 
much  of  Syria  as  remained  subject  to  Solomon  (see 
1  K.  xi.  24)  would  probably  be  claimed  by  his  suc- 
cessor in  the  Northern  kingdom ;  and  Amnion, 
though  connected  with  Rehoboam  as  his  motliei's  . 
native  land  (2  Chr.  xii.  13),  and  afterward  tribu- 
tary to  Judah  (xxvii.  5),  was  at  one  time  allied  (xx. 
1),  we  know  not  how  closely  or  how  early,  with 
Moab.  The  sea-coast  between  Aceho  and  Japlio 
remained  in  the  i)ossession  of  Israel.  (Palestine.) 
—  2.  The  population  of  the  kingdom  is  not  express- 
ly stated.  (Army  ;  Census.)  Jeroboam  brought 
into  the  field  an  army  of  800,000  men  (2  Chr.  xiii. 
3).  If  in  B.  c.  957  there  were  actually  under  arms 
800,000  men  of  that  age  in  Israel,  the  whole  popu- 
lation may  perhaps  have  amounted  to  at  least  three 
and  a  half  millions. — 3.  Sheciie.m  was  the  first  capi- 
tal of  the  new  kingdom  (1  K.  xii.  25),  venerable 
for  its  traditions,  and  beautiful  in  its  situation. 
Subsequently  Tirzah  became  the  royal  residence, 
if  not  the  capital,  of  Jeroboam  (xiv.  17)  and  of  his 
successors  (xv.  33,  xvi.  8,  17,  23).  Samaria,  uniting 
in  itself  the  qualities  of  beauty  and  fertility,  and  a 
commanding  position,  was  chosen  by  Omri  (xvi.  24), 
and  remained  the  capital  of  the  kingdom,  until  it 
had  given  the  last  proof  of  its  strength  by  sustain- 
ing for  three  years  the  onset  of  the  hosts  of  Assyria. 
Jezreel  was  probalily  only  a  royal  residence  of 
some  of  the  Israelitish  kings. — 4.  The  disaffection 
of  Ephraim  and  the  Northern  tribes  having  grown 
in  secret  under  the  prosperous  but  burdensome 
reign  of  Solomon,  broke  out  at  the  critical  moment 
of  that  monarch's  death.  Then  Ephraim,  the  cen- 
tre of  the  movement,  found  in  Jeroboam  1  an  in- 
strument prepared  to  give  expression  to  the  rivalry 
of  centuries. — 6.  The  kingdom  of  Israel  developed 
no  new  power.  It  was  but  a  portion  of  David's 
kingdom,  deprived  of  many  elements  of  strength. 
Its  frontier  was  as  open  and  as  widely  extended  as 
before  ;  but  it  wanted  a  capital  for  the  seat  of  or- 
ganized power.  Its  territory  was  as  fertile  and  as 
tempting  to  the  spoiler,  but  its  people  were  less 
united  and  patriotic.  A  corrupt  religion  poisoned 
the  source  of  national  life.  These  causes  tended  to 
increase  the  misfortunes  and  to  accelerate  the  early 
end  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel.  It  lasted  254  years, 
from  B.  c.  975  to  b.  c.  721,  about  two-thirds  of  the 
duration  of  its  more  compact  neighbor,  Judah. 
(Judah,  Kingdom  of.)  But  it  may  be  doubttd 
whether  the  division  into  two  kingdoms  greatly 
shortened  the  independent  existence  of  the  Hebrew 
race,  or  interfered  with  the  purposes  which,  it  is 
thought,  may  be  traced  in  the  cstabli.-hment  of  Da- 
vid's monarchy. — 6.  The  detailed  history  of  the 
kingdom  of  Israel  will  be  found  under  the  names 
of  its  nineteen  kings.  A  summary  view  may  be 
taken  in  four  periods  : — (a.)  B.  c.  975-929.  Jero- 
boam had  not  sufficient  force  of  character  in  him- 
self to  make  a  lasting  impression  on  his  people.  A 
king,  but  not  a  founder  of  a  dynasty,  he  aimed  at 
nothing  beyond  securing  his  present  elevation. 
(Calf  ;  Idolatry.)  The  army  soon  learned  its 
power  to  dictate  to  the  isolated  monarch  and  disu 
nited  people.  Baasha,  in  the  midst  of  the  army  at 
Gibbetlion,  slew  the  son  and  successor  of  Jero- 
boam ;  Zimri,  a  captain  of  chariots,  slew  the  sim 
and  successor  of  Baasha ;  Omri,  the  captain  of  the 
host,  was  chosen  to  punish  Zimri ;  and  after  a  civil 
war  of  four  years  he  prevailed  over  Tibni,  the 
choice  of  half  the  people. — (4.)  b.  c.  929-884.  For 
forty-five  years  Israel  was  governed  by  the  house 


ISR 


ISR 


417 


of  Omri.  That  sagacious  king  pitched  on  the 
strong  hill  of  Samaria  as  the  site  of  his  capital. 
The  princes  of  his  house  cultivated  an  alliance  with 
the  kings  of  Judah,  which  was  cemented  by  the 
miirriage  of  Jehoram  and  Athaliah.  The  adoption 
of  IJaal-worship  led  to  a  reaction  in  the  nation,  to 
the  moral  triumph  of  the  prophets  in  the  person  of 
Elijah,  and  to  the  extinction  of  the  house  of  Ahab 
in  obedience  to  the  bidding  of  Elisha. — (c.)  b.  c. 
8S4-772.  Unparalleled  triumphs,  but  deeper  hu- 
miliation, awaited  the  kingdom  of  Israel  under  the 
dynasty  of  Jehu.  Hazael,  the  ablest  king  of  Da- 
mascus, reduced  Jehoahaz  to  the  condition  of  a  vas- 
sal, and  triumphed  for  a  time  over  both  the  disu- 
nited Hebrew  kingdoms.  Almost  the  lirst  sign  of 
the  restoration  of  their  strength  was  a  war  between 
them ;  and  Jehoash,  the  grandson  of  Jehu,  entered 
Jerusalem  as  the  conqueror  of  Amaziah.  Jehoash 
also  turned  the  tide  of  war  against  the  Syrians ; 
and  Jeroboam  II.,  the  most  powerful  of  all  the 
kings  of  Israel,  captured  Damascus,  and  recovered 
the  whole  ancient  frontier  from  Ilamath  to  the  Dead 
Sea.  This  short-lived  greatness  expired  with  the 
last  king  of  Jehu's  line. — (</.)  b.  c.  77"2-721.  Mili- 
tary violence,  it  would  seem,  broke  off  the  heredi- 
tary succession  after  the  obscure  and  probably  con- 
vulsed reign  of  Zachariah.  An  unsuccessful  usurp- 
er, Shallum,  is  followed  by  the  cruel    Jlenahem, 


who,  being  unable  to  make  head  against  the  first 
attack  of  Assyria  under  Pul,  became  the  agent  of 
that  monarch  for  the  oppressive  taxation  of  his  sub- 
jects. Yet  his  power  at  home  was  sufficient  to  in- 
sure for  himself  a  ten  years'  reign,  his  son  and  suc- 
cessor, Pekahiah,  being  cut  off  after  two  years  by  a 
bold  usurper,  Pekah.  Abandoning  the  northern 
and  transjordanic  regions  to  the  encroaching  power 
of  Assyria  under  Tiglath-pileser,  he  was  very  near 
subjugating  Judah.  with  the  help  of  Damascus,  now 
the  coequal  ally  of  Israel.  But  Assyria  interposing 
summarily  put  an  end  to  the  independence  of  Da- 
mascus, and  perhaps  was  the  indirect  cause  of  the 
assassination  of  the  baffled  Pekah.  The  irresolute 
Hoshea,  the  next  and  last  usurper,  became  tributary 
to  his  invader,  Shalraaneser,  betrayed  the  Assyrian 
to  the  rival  monarchy  of  Egypt,  and  was  punished 
by  the  loss  of  his  liberty,  and  by  the  cjpture,  after 
a  three  years'  siege,  of  his  strong  capital,  Samaria. 
Some  gleanings  of  the  ten  tribes  yet  remained  in 
the  land  after  so  many  years  of  religious  decline, 
moral  debasement,  national  degradation,  anarchy, 
bloodshed,  and  deportation.  Even  these  were  gath- 
ered up  by  the  conqueror  and  carried  to  Assyria, 
never  again,  as  a  distinct  people,  to  occupy  their 
portion  of  that  goodly  and  pleasant  land  which 
their  forefathers  won  under  Joshua  from  the  hea- 
then. 


7.  The  following  Table,  by  Mr.  Bullock,  original  author  of  this  article,  ehows  at  one  view  the  chronology  of  the  Kings 
of  Israel  and  Judah.  Colnmus  1,  2,  3,  7,  8,  9,  10,  are  taken  from  the  Bible.  Column  4  is  the  echeme  of  Chbo- 
NOLOGT  adopted  in  the  margin  of  the  A.  V.,  which  is  founded  on  the  calculations  of  Archbishop  Usher;  colonin 
6  the  computation  of  Clinton  (Fa^ti  Helknici) ;  column  B  the  computation  of  Winer. 


iTear  of 

Dura- 

Eixas 

Commencement  of 

Kings 

Dura- 

Year of 

Queen  Mother 
in  Judah. 

needing 
King  of 

tion 

of 

reign. 

OF 

Ibbaei.. 

reign. 

OP 

Judah. 

tion 

of 

reign. 

preceding 
King  of 
Israel. 

Judah. 

A.  v. 

Clinton. 

Winer. 

23 

975 

976 

975 

Rehohoam 

17 

Naamah. 

958 

959 

957 

Abijah 

3 

18th.... 

Michaiah  (?). 

' 

955 

956 

a'K 

Asa  

41 

20th.... 

Maachah  (?). 

d 

3 

Nadab 

<XH 

955 

954 

31 

Baa^tl)a 

%8 

954 

953 

th 

3 

Elah  

930 

930 

930 

th 

0 
13 

Zlmri  

939 
939 

930 
930 

928 
928 

Omri 

Mh 

33 

Ahab 

818 

919 

918 

914 

915 

914 

Jehosbaphat. 

25 

4th.... 

Aznbah. 

fli 

3 

Ahazlah 

Sits 

896 

897 

th 

13 

Jehoram 

89» 

895 

898 

891 

891 

889 

Jehoram 

8 

5th. 

28 

Jehu 

885 

88t 

8M 
883 

885 

884 

Ahaziah 

1 
6 

12th.... 

Athaliah 

Athaliah 

878 

877 

878 

Jehoash 

40 

7th.... 

Zibiah. 

«d 

IT 

Jehoahaz 

85« 

855 

856 

37ih 

16 

Jehoaab 

&tl 

839 

840 

a39 

837 

838 

AmBTilah 

29 

2d 

Jehoaddan. 

15th 

41 

Jeroboam  n 

8;S 

833 

825 

810 

808 

809 

1  Uzziah  or     Aza- 1 
\     riah f 

63 

37th 
(16thf)  ■ 

Jecholiah. 

11 

Interregnum. 

88th 

0 

Zachariah 

773 

771 

779 

U 
10 

Shallum 

773 
773 

770 
770 

TJl 
771 

39th 

Menahem 

.Wth 

3 

Pekahiah 

761 

759 

760 

Bad 

■m 

Pekah 

7.59 

757 

758 

758 

7B6 

758 

Jotham 

16 

2d 

Jemsha. 

742 

741 

741 

Ahaz 

16 

17th. 

0 

2d  Intcrregnnm. 

12th 

» 

Houhoa 

730 

730 

7S9 

736 

7J8 

7-26 

Hezeklah 

29 

ad..... 

Abi. 

6th 

Samaria  taken.... 

731 

•  731 

721 

698 

6!r7 

696 

Manasseh 

66 

Ilephzibah. 

643 

(V43 

(Ml 

Amon 

3 

Me!*hullemeth. 

«41 

&40 

6.39 

JoRiah  

31 

Jedidah. 

610 

609 

6U9 

Jehoahaz 

0 

Hamutal. 

610 

609 

609 

Jehoiakim.  

11 

Zebudah. 

809 

598 

698 

Jelioiachin  or  Co- 
niah 

0 

NehuBhta. 

fi»9 

598 

698 

Zedekiah 

11 

Hamutal. 

1 

S88 

687 

686 

Jerusalem        de- 
stroyed. 

27 


418 


ISR 


isa 


The  numerous  dates  given  in  the  Bible  as  the 
limits  of  the  duration  of  the  kings'  reigns  act  as 
a  continued  checli  on  each  other.  The  apparent 
discrepancies  between  them  liave  been  unduly  exag- 
gerated by  some  writers.  To  meet  such  difliculties 
various  hypotheses  liave  been  put  forward  ; — tliat 
an  interregnum  occurred ;  that  two  kings  (father 
and  son)  reigned  conjointly;  tliat  certain  reigns 
were  dated  not  from  their  real  commencement,  but 
from  some  arbitrary  period  in  that  Jewish  year  in 
wiiich  they  commenced  ;  that  the  Hebrew  copyists 
have  transcribed  the  numbers  incorrectly,  either  by 
accident  or  design ;  that  the  original  writers  have 
made  mistakes  in  their  reckoning.  All  these  are 
mere  suppositions,  and  even  the  most  probable  of 
them  must  not  be  insisted  on  as  if  it  were  an  histori- 
cal fact.  But  in  truth  most  of  the  discrepancies 
may  be  acceunted  for  by  the  simple  fact  that  the 
Hebrew  annalists  reckon  in  round  numbers,  never 
specifying  the  months  in  addition  to  the  years  of  the 
duration  of  a  king's  reign.  Consequently  some  of 
these  writers  seem  to  set  down  a  fragment  of  a  year 
as  an  entire  year,  and  others  omit  such  fragments 
altogether.  Hence,  in  computing  the  date  of  tlie 
commencement  of  each  reign,  witliout  attributing 
any  error  to  the  writer  or  transcribers,  it  is  neces- 
sary to  allow  for  a  possiljle  mistake  amounting  to 
something  less  than  two  years  in  our  interpretation 
of  the  indefinite  phraseology  of  the  Hebrew  writers. 
But  tliere  are  a  few  statements  in  the  Hebrew  text 
which  cannot  thus  be  reconciled,  (a.)  There  are  in 
the  Second  Book  of  Kings  three  statements  as  to 
the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Jehoram,  king  of  Is- 
rael, which  in  the  view  of  some  writers  involve  a 
great  error,  and  not  a  mere  numerical  one.  His 
accession  is  dated  (1.)  in  tlie  second  year  of  Jehoram, 
kingof  Judah  (2  K.  i.  17);  (2.)  in  the  fifth  year  be- 
fore Jehoram,  king  of  Judah  (viii.  16);  (3.)  in  the 
eighteenth  year  of  Jehoshaphat  (iii.  1).  But  these 
statements  may  be  reconciled  by  the  fact  that  Je- 
horam, king  of  Judah,  had  two  accessions  which  are 
recorded  in  Scripture,  and  by  the  probable  suppo- 
sition of  Archbishop  Usher  that  he  had  a  third  and 
earlier  accession  which  is  not  recorded.  These 
three  accessions  are,  (1.)  when  Jehoshaphat  Ictt  his 
kingdom  to  go  to  the  battle  of  Ramoth-gilead,  in 
his  seventeenth  year;  (2.)  when  Jelioshaphat  (viii. 
16)  either  retired  from  the  administration  of  affairs, 
or  made  his  son  joint-king,  in  his  twenty-third  year ; 
(3.)  when  Jelioshaphat  died,  in  his  twenty-fifth  year. 
So  that,  if  the  supposition  of  Usher  be  allowed,  the 
accession  of  Jehoram,  king  of  Israel,  in  Jehosha- 
phat's  eighteenth  year  synchronized  with  (1.)  the 
second  year  of  the  first  accession,  and  (2.)  the  fifth 
year  before  the  second  accession  of  Jehoram,  king 
of  Judah.  (6.)  The  date  of  the  beginning  of  Uz- 
ziah's  reign  (2  K.  xv.  1)  in  the  twenty-seventh  year 
of  Jeroboam  II.  cannot  be  reconciled  with  the  state- 
ment that  Uzziah's  father,  Amaziah,  whose  whole 
reign  was  twenty-nine  years  only,  came  to  the 
throne  in  the  second  year  of  Joash  (xiv.  1),  and  so 
reigned  fourteen  years  contemporaneously  with 
Joash  and  twenty-seven  with  Jeroboam.  Usher  and 
others  suggest  a  reconciliation  of  these  statements 
by  the  supposition  that  Jeroboam's  reign  had  two 
commencements,  the  first  not  mentioned  in  Scrip- 
ture, on  his  association  with  his  father  Joash,  b.  c. 
837.  But  Keil,  after  Capellus  and  Grotius,  sup- 
poses that,  by  an  error  of  the  Hebrew,  instead  of 
twenty-seventh  of  Jeroboam  we  ought  to  read  fif- 
teenth, (c.)  The  statements  that  Jeroboam  II. 
leigned  forty-one  years  (2  K.  xiv.  23)  after  the  fif- 


teenth year  of  Amaziah,  who  reigned  twenty-nine 
years,  and  that  Jeroboam's  son  Zachariah  came  to 
the  throne  in  the  thirty -eighth  year  of  Uz/.iah  (xv. 
8),  cannot  be  reconciled  without  supposing  that 
there  was  an  interregnum  of  eleven  years  between 
Jeroboam  and  his  son  Zachariah.  And  almost  all 
chronologists  accept  this  as  a  fact,  although  it  is 
not  mentioned  in  the  Bible.  Some  chronologists, 
who  regard  an  interregnum  as  intrinsically  improb- 
able after  the  prosperous  reign  of  Jeroboam,  prefer 
the  supposition  that  the  number  forty-one  in  xiv.  23 
ought  to  be  changed  to  fifty-one,  and  that  the  num- 
ber twenty-seven  in  xv.  1  should  be  changed  to 
fourteen,  and  that  a  few  other  corresponding  altera- 
tions should  be  made.  (Chronology.)  (rf.)  In  or- 
der to  bring  down  the  date  of  I'ekah's  murder  to 
the  date  of  Hoshea's  accession,  some  chronologists 
propose  to  read  twenty-nine  years  for  twenty,  in 
2  K.  XV.  27.  Others  prefer  to  let  the  dates  stand 
as  at  present  in  the  text,  and  suppose  that  an  inter- 
regnum, not  expressly  mentioned  in  the  Bible,  oc- 
curred between  those  two  usurpers.  The  words 
of  Isaiah  (ix.  20,  21)  seem  to  indicate  a  time  of 
anarchy  in  Israel. 

Is'ra-el-ite  =  descendant  of  Israel.  (Hebrew  ; 
Jew.)  In  2  Sam.  xvii.  25,  Ithra,  the  father  of 
Amasa,  is  called  "  an  Israelite,"  or  more  correctly 
"the  Israelite,"  while  in  1  Chr.  ii.  17  he  appears  as 
"Jether  the  Ishmaelite  "  (A.  V.  "  Ishmeelite  "). 
The  latter  is  undoubtedly  the  true  reading. 

Is  sa-cliar  [-kar]  (fr.  Heb.  =  there  is  reward,  or 
he  britiffs  reheard,  Gcs.).  1.  The  ninth  son  of  Jacob 
and  fifth  of  Leah ;  born  to  Leah  after  the  interval 
which  occurred  in  the  births  of  her  children  (Gen. 
XXX.  17;  comp.  xxix.  35).  Of  Issachar  the  indi- 
vidual we  know  nothing.  At  the  descent  into 
Egypt  four  sons  are  ascribed  to  him,  who  founded 
the  four  chief  families  of  the  tribe  (xlvi.  13  ;  Kum. 
xxvi.  23-25;  1  Chr.  vii.  1).  Issaehar's  place  dur- 
ing the  journey  to  Canaan  was  on  the  E.  of  the 
Tabernacle,  with  his  brothers  Judah  and  Zebulun 
(Num.  ii.  5),  the  group  moving  foremost  in  the 
march  (x.  15).  Issachar  was  one  of  the  six  tribes 
who  were  to  stand  on  Mount  Gerizim  during  the 
ceremony  of  blessing  and  cursing  (Deut.  xxvii.  12). 
He  was  still  in  company  with  Judah,  Zebulun  being 
opposite  on  Ebal.  The  number  of  the  fighting  men 
of  Issachar,  when  taken  in  the  census  at  Sinai,  was 
54,400 ;  in  the  next  census  by  Jordan,  64,300 ;  in 
one  taken  afterward,  probably  by  Joab,  145,600 
(Xum.  i.  28,  29,  xxvi.  23-25 ;  1  Chr.  vii.  1-5).  The 
allotment  of  Issachar  lay  above  that  of  Manasseh 
(Josh.  xix.  17-23).  In  the  words  of  Josephus,  "it 
extended  in  length  from  Carmel  to  the  Jordan,  in 
breadth  to  Mount  Tabor."  This  territory  was,  as 
it  still  is,  among  the  richest  land  in  Palestine. 
Westward  was  the  famous  plain  (Esor^elon  ;  Jez- 
reel)  which  derived  its  name  from  its  fertility.  On 
the  N.  is  Tabor,  which  even  under  the  burning  sun 
of  that  climate  is  said  to  retain  the  glades  and  dells 
of  an  English  wood.  On  the  E.,  behind  Jezreel,  is 
the  opening  n  hich  conducts  to  the  plain  of  the  Jor- 
dan— to  that  Beth-shean  which  was  proverbially 
among  the  Rabbis  the  gate  of  Paradise  for  its  fruit- 
fulness.  It  is  this  aspect  of  the  territory  of  Issa- 
char which  appears  to  be  alluded  to  in  the  Blessing 
of  Jacob  (Gen.  xlix.  15).  The  image  of  the  strong- 
boned  hc-ass  chewing  the  cud  of  stolid  ease  and 
quiet  is  very  applicable  to  a  rural  agrarian  people. 
(Ass.)  The  Blessing  of  Moses  completes  tlie  pic- 
ture. He  is  not  only  in  "  tents  " — a  nomad  or  semi- 
nomad  life — but  "  rejoicing  "  in  them  (Dent.  xxxiiL 


i 


IBS 


ITT 


419 


18,  19). — Oue  among  the  Judges  of  Israel  was  from 
Issacliar — Tola  (Judg.  x.  1) — but  Ix'vond  the  luiigth 
of  his  sway  we  have  only  the  fact  recorded  that  lie 
resided  out  o!"  tlie  limits  of  his  own  tribe,  at  Sha- 
mir in  Mount  Ephraim.  The  i(K)  head  men  of  the 
tribe  who  went  to  Hebron  to  assist  in  making  Da- 
vid king  over  the  entire  realm  "  had  understanding 
of  the  times  to  know  what  Israel  ought  to  do  .  .  . 
and  all  their  brethren  were  at  their  commandment" 
(1  Chr.  xii.  32).  The  census  of  the  tribe  in  the 
reign  of  David  is  contained  in  1  Chr.  vii.  1-5,  and 
an  expression  occurs  in  it  which  testifies  (so  Mr. 
Grove)  to  the  nomadic  tendencies  above  noticed. 
Out  of  the  whole  number  of  the  tribe,  no  less  than 
36,000  were  marauding  mercenary  troops — "  bands," 
— a  term  applied  to  no  other  tribe  in  this  enumera- 
tion, though  elsewhere  to  Gad,  and  uniformly  to 
the  irregular  bodies  of  the  nomadic  nations  around 
Israel. — Baasha,  the  son  of  Ahijah,  of  the  house 
of  Issacliar,  a  member  of  the  army  with  which  Na- 
dab  and  all  Israel  were  besieging  Gibbethon,  appar- 
ently not  of  any  standing  in  tlie  tribe  (compare  1  K. 
ivi.  2),  slew  the  king,  and  himself  mounted  the 
throne  (xv.  27,  &e.).  (Israki,,  Kingdom  of.)  lie  was 
evidently  a  fierce  and  warlike  man  (xvi.  29 ;  2  Chr. 
xvi.  1),  and  an  idolater  like  Jeroboam.  The  Issa- 
charite  dynasty  lasted  during  the  twenty-four  years 
of  his  reign  and  the  two  of  his  son  Elah. — Distant 
as  Jczreel  was  from  Jerusalem,  many  from  Issa- 
char  took  part  in  the  passover  with  which  He/.e- 
tiah  sanctified  the  opening  of  his  reign  (2  Chr. 
iKxi.  1).  A  few  years  afterward  the  king  of  Assyria 
srried  Issachar  away  with  tlie  rest  of  Israel  to 
us  distant  dominions. — i,  A  Korhite  Levite,  one 
bf  the  doorkeepers  of  the  house  of  Jehovah,  sev- 
ttth  son  of  OBEn-EDO.M  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  5). 

Is>3hi'ah  (fr.  Ileb.  =  whom  Jehovah  lends,  Ges. ; 
IsniAii,  Jesiah).     1,  A  descendant  of  Moses  by 

I  younger  son  Eliezer  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  21  ;  compare 
ixiii.    17,   xxvi.   25);  =  Jesiiaiaii  2. — '2.  A  I.evite 

'  the  house  of  Koliath  and  family  of  Uzziel  (xxiv. 
kS) ;  =  Jesiaii  2. 

I-s'sDe,  Knn'ningi  Lev.  xv.  2,  3,  xxii.  4,  with  Xum. 
|r.  2,  and  2  Sam.  iii.  29,  are  probably  to  be  intei-preteJ 
•r  gonorrhoea.  In  Lev.  xv.  3  a  distinction  is  intro- 
duced, which  merely  means  that  the  cessation  of  the 
ctualflux  does  not  constitute  ceremonial  cleanness, 
kut  that  thepatient  must  bide  the  legal  time,  seven 
Bays  (ver.  13),  and  perform  the  prescribed  purifica- 
Bons  and  sacrifice  (ver.  14).  Blood,  Issue  of; 
Iedici.ne  ;  Uncleanness. 

lvtal-en'roi(fr.  Gr.).  In  1  E^d.  viiL  40,  the  "son 
of  Istalcurus  "  is  substituted  for  "  and  Zabbud  "  of 
he  corresponding  list  in  E/.r.  viii.  14. 

Is'n-ah  (fr.  Ueb.)  =  IsiR'Aii,  second  son  of  Asher 
j(l  Chr.  vii.  30). 

Is'»-1  (fr.  Ueb.)  =  IsHiTAr,  third  son  of  Asher 
iGen.  xlvi.  17);  founder  of  a  family  called  in  the 
V  V.  JK.SLITES  (Num.  xxvi.  44). 

•  I-tal'lan  (=  of  [or  from]  Italy)  Band  (Acts  x. 
|1).    An.Mv  2. 

Il'a-I;  (L.  and  Hr.  Italia  ;  according  to  some,  from 
!a/iM, an  early  chijf  in  the  country;  according  to 
Others,  from  Gr.  ilalot,  a  bull,  on  account  of  its 

any  excellent  horned  cattle)  is  used  in  the  N.  T. 

the  usual  sense  of  the  period,  i.  e.  in  its  true 

eographieal  sense,   as  =  the   whole  natural   pcn- 

isula  between  the  Alps  and  the  Straits  of  Messina 

jAct.s  xviii.  2,  xxvii.  1 ;  Hcb.  xiii.  24).     The  word 

Irst  denoted  the  extreme  S.  of  the  peninsula,  then 

Tie  whole  of  the  peninsula  S.  of  the  Rubicon  (about 

N.  lat.),   but  from  the  close  of  the   Koman 


Republic  (AconsTns  Cesar)  was  employed  as  now. 
Paul  ;  Uo.ma.n  Empire  ;  Rome. 

*  It(h  (Hcb.  heres  or  cAe/cs),  one  of  the  diseases 
to  be  inflicted  on  the  disobedient  Israelites  (Deut. 
xxviii.  27).     Meuicink. 

rtliai,  or  1th  a-i  (Ileb.  =  Ittai,  Fii.),  a  Benja- 
mite,  son  of  Ribai  of  Gibeah,  one  of  David's  "  val- 
iant men"  (1  Chr.  xi.  31);  =  Ittai  2. 

Itlia-lliar  (Ueb.  pabn-coant,  Ges.),  youngest  sou 
of  Aauo.n  (Ex.  vi.  23).  After  the  deaths  of  Nadab 
and  Abihu  (Lev.  x.  1),  Eleazar  and  Ithamar  were 
appointed  to  succeed  to  their  places  in  the  priestly 
ollice  (Ex.  xxviii.  1,  40,  43  ;  Num.  iii.  3,  4  ;  1  Chr. 
xxiv.  2).  In  the  distribution  of  services  belonging 
to  the  Tabernacle,  and  its  transport  on  the  march 
of  the  Israelites,  the  Gershonites  and  the  Merarites 
were  placed  under  the  superintendence  of  Ithamar 
(Ex.  xxxviii.  21 ;  Num.  iv.  21-33).  The  high-priest- 
hood passed  into  the  family  of  Ithamar  in  the  per- 
son of  Eli.     Abiathar;  High-priest;  Priest. 

Ith'i-el  (Ueb.  God  with  me,  Ges.).  1.  A  Benja- 
niite,  son  of  Jesaiah  (Neh.  xi.  7). — i.  One  of  two 
persons — Ithiel  and  Ucal — to  whom  Agur  the  son 
of  Jakeh  delivered  his  discourse  (Prov.  xxx.  1). 

Ith'mab  (fr.  Heb.  =  orphanage,  Ges.),  a  Moabite, 
one  of  David's  "valiant  men  "  (1  Chr.  xi.  48). 

Ith'nan  (fr.  Ileb.  =  bestowed,  Ges.),  one  of  the 
towns  in  the  extreme  S.  of  Judah  (.losh.  xv.  23). 
Wilton  (77i«  Negeb)  would  connect  Ithnan  with  the 
Hazor  preceding  it(so  the  LXX.),  and  then  identify 
Hazor-ithnan  with  el-Hhora,  E.  of  Beer-sheba.  Row- 
lands (in  Fairbairn,  under  "S.  Country")  would 
place  the  compound  name  at  or  near  the  pass  of  el- 
Haudeh,  perhaps  at  Aboo  Tareibeh,  or  Aboo  Tareu 
feh,  aljout  twenty  miles  S.  E.  from  Beer-sheba. 

Ith'ra  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jether,  Ges.,  Fii.),  an  Isjrael- 
ITE  (2  Sam.  xvii.  25)  or  rather  Ishmaclite  (1  Chr.  ii. 
17  \k.  V.  "  Ishmcelite  "]),  the  father  of  Amasa  by 
Abigail,  David's  sister. 

Ith'ran  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jether,  Ges.,  Fii.).  1.  A  son 
of  Dishon,  a  Ilorite  (Gen.  xxxi.  20  ;  1  Chr.  i.  41): 
and  probably  a  phvlarch  of  a  tribe  of  the  Ilorim 
(Gen.  xxxvi.SO).— 2.  A  descendant  of  Asher  (1  Chr. 
vii.  37).     Jether  6. 

Ithre-am  (fr.  Heb.  =  residue  of  the  people,  Ges.), 
sixth  son  of  David,  born  to  him  in  Hebron ;  the 
child  of  Eglah,  David's  wife  (2  Sam.  iii.  6 ;  1  Chr. 
iii.  3). 

Ith'ritc,  the  (fr.  Heb.  =  descendant  of  Jether, 
Ges.  ;  native  of  Jattik,  Fii.),  the  designation  of  two 
of  David's  "  valiant  men,"  Ira  and  Gare))  (2  Sara. 
xxiii.  38  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  40).  The  "  Itlirites  "  were 
among  "  the  families  of  Kiijath-jearim  "  (ii.  53). 

It'tilh-ka'zin  (fr.  Heb.  —  time  of  tlie  judge,  Ges.), 
a  border-town  of  Zebulun,  named  next  to  Gath- 
heplier  (Jo.sh.  xix.  13);  not  identified. 

Ittai,  or  It'ta-i  (Ileb.  near?  Ges.;  being,  living, 
Fii.).  I.  "  Ittai  the  Gittite,"  i.  e.  the  native  of 
Gath,  a  Philistine  in  the  army  of  King  David.  He 
appears  only  during  the  revolution  of  Absalom. 
We  first  discern  him  on  the  morning  of  David's 
flight.  Last  in  the  procession  came  the  six  hundred 
heroes  who  had  formed  David's  band  during  his 
wanderings  in  Judah,  and  had  been  witli  him  at 
Gath  (2  Sam.  xv.  18 ;  compare  1  Sam.  xxiii.  18, 
xxvii.  2,  xxx.  9,  10).  Among  these,  apparently 
commanding  them,  was  Ittai  the  Gittite (2  Sam.  xv. 
19).  He  caught  the  eye  of  the  king,  who  at  once 
addressed  him  and  besought  him  not  to  attach  him- 
self to  a  doubtful  cause,  but  to  return  "  with  his 
brethren"  and  abide  with  the  king  (ver.  19,20). 
But  Ittai  is  firm,  and  wherever  bis  master  goes,  be 


420 


ITU 


JAA 


will  go.  I  ccordingly  he  is  allowed  by  David  to 
proceed.  When  the  army  was  numbered  and  or- 
ganized by  David  at  Mahanaim,  Ittai  again  appears, 
now  in  command  of  one-third  of  the  force  (xviii. 
2,  5,  12). — 2.  Son  of  Ribai,  from  Gibcah  of  henja- 
min  ;  one  of  David's  thirty  "  valiant  men  "  (2  Sam. 
xxiii.  29) ;  =i  Ithai. 

It-n-re'a  ( L.  Ilurcea  ;  see  below),  a  small  province 
on  the  N.  W.  border  of  Palestine,  lying  along  the 
base  of  Mount  Hermon(Lk.  iii.  1  only).  Jetur  the 
son  of  Ishmael  gave  his  name,  like  the  rest  of  his 
brethren,  to  the  little  province  he  colonized  (Gen. 
XXV.  15,  16),  afterward  occupied  by  the  children  of 
Manasseh  (1  Chr.  v.  19-23).  In  the  second  century 
B.  c,  Aristobulus,  king  of  the  Jews,  reconquered  the 
province.  Iturea,  with  the  adjoining  provinces,  fell 
into  the  hands  of  a  chief  called  Zenodorus ;  but 
about  B.  c.  20  they  were  taken  from  him  by  the 
Roman  emperor,  and  given  to  Herod  the  Great,  who 
bequeathed  them  to  his  son  Philip  (Lk.  iii.  1).  Pliny 
rightly  places  Iturea  N.  of  Bashan  and  near  Da- 
mascus ;  and  J.  de  Vitry  describes  it  as  adjoining 
Trachonitis,  and  lying  along  the  base  of  Libanus 
between  Tiberias  and  Damascus.  At  the  place  in- 
dicated is  situated  the  modern  province  of  Jedur 
(Ar.  =  Ileb.  Jetur).  It  is  bounded  on  the  E.  by 
Trachonitis,  on  the  S.  by  Gaulanitis,  on  the  W.  by 
Hermon,  and  on  the.N.  by  the  plain  of  Damascus. 
It  is  table-land  with  an  undulating  surface,  and  has 
little  conical  and  cup-shaped  hills  at  intervals.  The 
surface  of  the  ground  is  covered  with  jagged  rocks. 
The  rock  is  all  basalt,  and  the  formation  similar  to 
that  of  the  Lejah.  (Argob.)  Jtdur  contains  thirty- 
eight  towns  and  villages,  ten  of  which  are  now  en- 
tirely desolate,  and  all  the  rest  contain  only  a  few 
families  of  poor  peasants,  living  in  wretched  hovels 
amid  heaps  of  ruins. 

I'fah  (fr.  Heb.  =  overtitrning,  ruin,  Gea. ;  from 
a  Babylonian  god,  Iva,  who  represents  the  sky  or 
ether?  Sir  II.  Rawlinson),  or  A'va,  mentioned  in 
Scripture  twice  (2  K.  xviii.  34,  xix.  13  ;  compare 
Is.  xxxvii.  13)  in  connection  with  Ilena  and  Scphar- 
vaim,  and  once  (2  K.  xvii.  24)  in  connection  with 
Babylon  and  Cuthah,  must  be  sought  in  Babylonia, 
and  probably  (so  Rawlinson)  the  modem  Hit.  This 
town,  famous  for  its  bitumen  springs,  lay  on  the 
Euphrates,  between  Sippara  (Scpharvaim)  and  Atiah 
(Hena),  with  which  it  seems  to  have  been  politically 
united  shortly  before  the  time  of  Sennacherib  (xix. 
13).     It  is  probably  the  Ahava  of  p?.r.  viii.  15. 

I'vo-ry  (Heb.  .s/tra,  in  all  passages,  except  1  K.  x. 
22,  and  2  Chr.  ix.  21,  where  shenhabbim  is  so  ren- 
dered). The  word  shen,  literally  =  the  tooth  of  any 
animal,  and  hence  more  especially  denotes  the  sub- 
stance of  the  projecting  tusks  of  elephants.  (Horn.) 
It  is  remarkable  that  no  word  in  Biblical  Hebrew 
denotes  an  elephant,  unless  the  latter  portion  of 
the  compound  shenhabbim  be  supposed  to  have  this 
meaning.  Gesenius  derives  it  from  the  Sanscrit 
ibhas,  an  elephant.  The  Assyrians  appear  to  have 
carried  on  a  great  traffic  in  ivory.  Their  early  con- 
quests in  India  had  made  them  familiar  with  it,  and 
(according  to  one  rendering  of  the  passage)  their 
artists  supplied  the  luxurious  Tyrians  with  carv- 
ings in  ivory  from  the  isles  of  Chittim  (Ez.  xxvii. 
6).  (Box-tree.)  On  the  obelisk  in  the  British 
Museum  the  captives  or  tribute-bearers  are  repre- 
sented as  carrying  tusks.  Among  the  merchan- 
dise of  Babylon,  enumerated  in  Rev.  xviii.  12,  are 
included  "all  manner  vessels  of  ivory."  The 
skilled  workmen  of  Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  fash- 
ioned the  great  ivory  throne  of  Solomon,  and  over- 


laid it  with  pure  gold  (1  K.  x.  18;  2  Chr.  ix.  17). 
The  ivory  thus  en)ployed  was  supplied  by  the  car- 
avans of  Dedan  (Is.  xxi.  13;  Ez.  xxvii.  15),  or  was 
brought  with  apes  and  peacocks  by  the  navy  of 
Tharshish  (1  K.  x.  22).  The  Egyptians,  at  a  very 
early  period,  made  use  of  this  material  in  decora- 
tion. The  ivory  used  by  the  Egyptians  was  prin- 
cipally brought  from  Ethiopia  (Herodotus,  iii.  114), 
though  their  elephants  were  originally  i'rom  Asia. 
The  Ethiopians,  according  to  Diodorus  Sicuhis, 
brought  to  Sesostris  "  ebony  and  gold,  and  the 
teeth  of  elephants."  According  to  Pliny,  ivory 
was  so  plentiful  on  the  borders  of  Ethiopia,  that 
the  natives  made  door-posts  of  it,  and  even  fences 
and  stalls  for  their  cattle.  The  Egyptian  mer- 
chants traded  for  ivory  and  onyx-stones  to  Bary- 
gaza,  the  port  to  which  was  carried  down  the  com- 
merce of  Western  India  from  Ozene.  In  the  early 
ages  of  Greece,  ivory  was  frequently  employed  for 
purposes  of  ornament.  The  "  ivory  house  "  of 
Ahab  (1  K.  xxii.  39)  was  probably  a  palace,  the 
walls  of  which  were  panelled  with  ivory,  like  the 
palace  of  Meneluus  described  by  Homer  (Odi/s. 
iv.  73).  Beds  inlaid  or  veneered  with  ivory  were 
in  use  among  the  Hebrews  (Am.  vi.  4),  as  also 
among  the  Egyptians.  The  great  ivory  throne  of 
Solomon,  the  work  of  the  Tyrian  craitfmtn,  has 
been  already  mentioned  (compare  Rev.  xx.  11); 
but  it  is  difficult  to  determine  whether  the  "  tower 
of  ivory"  of  Cant.  vii.  4  is  merely  a  figure  of 
speech,  or  whether  it  had  its  original  among  the 
things  that  were.  By  the  luxurious  Phenicians, 
ivory  was  employed  to  ornament  the  toxwooil 
rowing  benches  (or  "  hatches,"  according  to  some) 
of  their  galleys  (Ez.  xxvii.  6). 

I'vy  (Gr.  kisios),  a  well-known  creeping  plant, 
the  common  Hedera  Helix,  of  which  the  ancient 
Greeks  and  Romans  describe  two  or  three  kinds, 
which  appear  to  be  only  varieties.  Ivy  was  sacred 
to  Baccuus  (2  Mc.  vi.  7). 

Iz'f-bar  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Izhar  (Num.  iii.  19  only). 

Iz'e-liar-ltes,  tUe  =  the  Izharites  (Num.  iii.  27). 

Iz'liar  (fr.  Heb.  =  oil,  Gcs.),  son  of  Kohath, 
grandson  of  Levi,  uncle  of  Aaron  and  Moses,  and 
father  of  Korah  (Ex.  vi.  18,  21;  Num.  iii.  IS),  xvi. 
1  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  2,  18) ;  head  of  the  Izharites  or  IzE- 

IIARITES. 

Iz'hsr-ltes  (fr.  Heb.  =  deicendantt  of  Izhar), 
the,  a  family  of  Kcjhathite  Lcvites,  descendants  from 
Izhar  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  22,  xxvi.  2S,-29). 

Iz-ra-hl'ah  (fr.  Ileb.  —  whom  Jehovah  brivpa 
forth,  Ges.),  a  chief  of  Ifsachar;  son  of  Uzzi  (1 
Chr.  vii.  3). 

Iz'ra-liltC  (fr.  Heb.,  probably  =  desrendanf  of  Ze- 
rah  1,  Gcs.),  the,  the  designa'tion  of  Suamhi'th  (1 
Chr.  xxvii.  8). 

Iz'rl  (fr.  Heb.  =  descendant  of  Jczer,  Ges. ;  erra- 
iion  [i.  c.  a  rreator]  is  Jah,  Fii.),  a  Levite  leader  of 
the  fourth  course  or  ward  in  the  service  of  the 
house  of  God  (1  Chr.  xxv.  11);  in  verse  3  called 
Zeri. 


Ja'a-kan  (fr.  Heb.  =  Akan,  Gcs. ;  a  saijacicus,  in. 
telligent  one,  Fii.),  Jakan,  the  forefather  of  tho 
Bene-jaakan  (Deut.  x.  6). 

Ja-a-ko'bah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jacob,  Ges.),  a  prince 
of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  36). 

Ja'a-la  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Jaai.ah,  ancestor  of  certain 
"  children  of  Solomon's  servants "  who  returned 
from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Neh.  vii.  58). 


JAA 


JAB 


421 


Ja'a-Uh  (fr.  Heb.  =-  wild  the-goat,  Ges. ;  elevation, 
Fii. )  =  Ja/ILa  (Kzr.  ii.  66). 

Jl'a-lam  (tV.  Heb.  =  hidden,  Ges. ;  mcenderof  the 
mounla'ma,  Fii.),  a  son  of  Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  6,  14, 
18 ;  compare  1  Ohr.  i.  86),  and  a  phylaicli  (A.  V. 
"  duke  ")  or  head  of  a  tribe  of  Edom. 

Ja'a-aiU  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  answers,  Ges.), 
a  chief  of  Gad(l  Chr.  v.  12). 

Ja'a-re-or'e-gim  (fr.  Heb.  =  forests  of  the  wea- 
ters,  Ges.),  according  to  the  present  text  of  2  Sam. 
ixL  19,  a  Bethlehemite,  and  the  father  of  Eluana.n 
1  who  slew  Goliath.     Jaib  4. 

Ja'a-8aa(fr.  Heb. = whom /c/iowa/tAas  made,  Ges.), 
one  of  the  "  sons "  of  Bani  who  had  married  a 
foreign  wife,  and  had  to  put  her  away  (Ezr.  x.  37). 
Ja-a'si-el  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God  has  made,  Ges.), 
ruler  of  Benjamin  under  David  ;  sou  of  Abner  (1 
Chr.  xxvii.  21). 

Ja-az-a-ni  ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jeliovah  hears, 
Ges.).  1.  One  of  the  captains  who  accompanied 
JoBANAN  3  to  pay  his  respects  to  Gedaliah  at  Miz- 
pah  (2  K.  XXV.  2^j),'and  wlio  appears  afterward  to 
have  assisted  in  recovering  Ishmael's  prey  from  his 
clutches  fcomp.  Jer.  xli.  11).  Afterward  he  probably 
irent  to  E;;ypt  with  the  rest(Jer.  xliii.  4,5).  (Jeza- 
aiAH.) — i.  Sou  of  Shaphan  (Ez.  viii.  11);  possibly  = 
rj.  Sou  of  Azur ;  one  of  the  princes  of  the  people 
;  against  whom  Ezekiel  was  directed  to  prophesy  (xi. 
1).— I,  A  Kechabite,  son  of  Jeremiah;  apparently 
chief  of  the  tribe  (Jer.  xxxv.  3). 

Ja'a-zer,  or  Ja'zer  (fr.  Heb.  =:  whom  God  lielps, 
Ges. ;  a  place  liedged  about,  Fii.),  a  town  E.  of  Jor- 
I  dan,  in  or  near  Gilead  (Num.  xxxii.  1,  3;  1  Chr. 
"ixvi.  31).     We  first  hear  of  it  in  possession  of  the 
Imorites,  and  as  taken  by  Israel  after  Ileshbon, 
^nd  on  their  way  from  thence  to  Bashan  (Num.  xxi. 
B2).     It  W!i3  rebuilt  by  the  children  of  Gad  and  al- 
Btted  from  their  territory  to  the  Merarite  Levites 
Ifxxxii.  33  ;  Josh.  xiii.  25,  xxi.  39  ;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  5 ; 
,  Chr.  vi.  81),  but  in  David's  time  appears  to  have 
en  occupied  by  Hebronites,  i.  e.  descendants  of 
tohath  (xxvi.  31).  In  the  "  burdens  "  against  Moab, 
faazer   is   mentioned   so  as   to   imply  that   vinc- 
ards  were  there  (Is.  xvi.  8,  9  ;  Jer.  xlviii.  32).     It 
ems  to  have  given  its  name  to  a  district  of  depen- 
dent towns  (Num.  xxi.  32,  A.  V.  "  villages  ; "  1  Mc. 
.  8),  the  "  land  of  Jazer  "  (Num.  xxxii.  1).  Eusebius 
nd  Jerome  laid  down  its  position  as  ten  (or  eight) 
Oman  miles  W.  of  Philadelphia  (Kabbah  1  ;  now 
immAn),  and  fifteen  from  Ileshbon,  and  as  the  source 
Df  a  river  which  fulls  into  the  Jordan.     8zir,  or 
KSeir,  is  shown  on  the  map  of  Van  de  Velde  as  nine 
ptoman  miles  W.  of  Ainnidn,  and  about  twelve  from 
[Bcshbon.     And  here,  until  further  investigation,  we 
oust  place  Jazer. 
Ja-a-zi'all  (fr.   Heb.   =  whom  Jehovah  consoles, 
iGes.),  apparently  third  son,  or  a  descendant,  of  Jle-' 
ari  the  Levite  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  26,  27). 

Ja-a'zUrl  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God  consoles,  Ges.), 
Bne  of  the  Levites  appointeil  by  David  to  perform 
"he  musical  service  before  the  ark  (1  Chr.  xv.  18). 

iZIEL. 

Ja'bal  (fr.  Heb.  =  a   stream,  river,  Ges. ;  mover, 

tau'Urer,  nomad,  FU.),  son  of  Lamech  anil  Adah 

(Gen.  iv.  20)  and  brother  of  Jubal ;  described  as 

"he  "  FATHER  "  of  such  as  dwell  in  tents  and  have 

Bttle. 

Jab  bok   (fr.   Heb.   =   a  pouriiiff  out,  empljfing, 

Bim.,  Ges.),  a  stream  which  intersects  the  mountain- 

inge  of  (tilead  (compare  Josh.  xii.  2,  and  5),  and 

!>lls  into  the  Jordan  about  midway  between  the 

L  of  Galilee  and  the  Dead  Sea.    It  was  anciently 


the  border  of  the  children  of  Ammon  (Num.  xxi. 
24;  Deut  ii.  37,  iii.  16).  When  the  Ammonites 
were  driven  out  by  Sihon  from  their  ancient  terri- 
tory, they  took  possession  of  the  eastern  plain,  and 
of  a  considerable  section  of  the  eastern  defiles  of 
Gilead,  around  the  sources  and  upper  branches  of 
the  Jabbok.  It  was  on  the  S.  bank  of  the  Jabbok 
the  interview  took  place  between  Jacob  and  Esau 
(Gen.  xxxii.  22);  and  this  river  afterward  became, 
toward  its  western  part,  the  boundary  between  the 
kingdoms  of  Sihon  and  Og  (Josh.  xii.  2,  6).  Its 
modern  name  is  Wady  Zurka  (so  Porter,  with  Rob- 
inson, Stanley,  Winer,  Gesenius,  Fiirst,  Kairbairn, 
&c.).  But  Mr.  Wilton  (In  Fairbairn,  s.  v.  Jogbehah) 
maintains  that  the  Jabbok  =  the  Hieromax,  the 
modern  X'ahr  Yarmuk,  which  falls  into  the  Jordan 
about  five  miles  S.  of  the  Lake  of  Gennesaret. 

Ja'besh  (fr.  Heb.  =:  dry,  Ges.).  1,  Father  of 
Shallum,  the  fifteenth  king  of  Israel  (2  K.  xv.  10, 
13,  14). — 2.  The  short  form  of  Jadesii-Gilead  (1 
Sam.  xi.  9,  10 ;   1  Chr.  x.  12). 

Ja'be^ll-gU'c-Kd  (fr.  Heb.,  see  Jabesh  and  Gile- 
ad), or  Jabesh  in  the  territory  of  Gilead.  In  its 
widest  sense  Gilead  included  the  half-tribe  of  Ma- 
nasseh  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  21)  as  well  as  the  tribes  of  Gad 
and  Reuben  (Num.  xxxii.  1-42)  E.  of  the  Jordan — 
and  of  the  cities  of  Gilead,  Jabesh  was  the  chief. 
It  is  first  mentioned  in  Judg.  xxi.  8-14.  For  not 
coming  up  to  Mizpeh  in  the  war  against  Benjamin, 
every  mule  was  put  to  the  sword,  and  all  virgins 
(400)  seized  to  be  given  in  marriage  to  the  600  men 
of  Benjamin  that  remained.  Being  attacked  sub- 
sefjuently  by  Nahash  the  Ammonite,  Saul  displayed 
his  prowess  in  its  defence  (1  Sam.  xi.  1-15).  When 
Saul  and  his  three  sons  were  slain,  the  men  of  Ja- 
besh came  by  night  and  took  down  their  corpses 
from  the  walls  of  Beth-shan,  and  paid  them  funeral 
honors  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  8-13).  David  blessed  them 
for  this  (2  Sam.  ii.  4  ff.).  The  site  of  the  city  Is  not 
defined  in  the  0.  T.,  but  Eusebius  places  it  beyond 
Jordan,  six  miles  from  Pella  on  the  mountain-road 
to  Gcrasa ;  where  its  name  is  probably  preserved  in 
the  Wady  Yabes,  which,  flowing  from  the  E.,  enters 
the  Jordan  below  Beth-shau  or  Scythopolis.  Ac- 
cording to  Robinson,  the  ruin  ed-Deir,  on  the  S.  aide 
of  the  Wady,  still  marks  its  site. 

Ja'bcz  (fr.  Heb.  =  he  causes  pain,  Ges.).  I,  Ap- 
parently a  place  at  which  the  families  of  the  scribes 
resided,  who  belonged  to  the  families  of  the  Kenites 
(1  Chr.  ii.  55). — i.  The  name  occurs  again  in  the 
genealogies  of  Judah  (iv.  9,  10),  in  a  passage  of  re- 
markable detail  Inserted  in  a  genealogy  again  con- 
nected with  Bethlehem  (ver.  4).  Jabez  was  "  more 
honorable  than  his  brethren,"  though  who  they 
were  is  not  ascertainable. 

Ja'.bin  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God  observes,  Ges.).  1. 
King  of  Uazor  1,  who  organized  a  confederacy  of 
the  northern  princes  against  the  Israelites  (Josh. 
xi.  1-3).  He  assembled  an  army,  which  the  Scrip- 
ture narrative  compares  to  the  sands  for  multitude 
(ver.  4).  Joshua  surprised  this  vast  host  of  allied 
forces  by  the  waters  of  Merom  (ver.  7)  and  utterly 
routed  them.  During  the  ensuing  wars,  Joshua 
again  attacked  Jabin  and  burnt  his  city  (xi.  1-14). 
—2.  A  king  of  Hazor,  who  had  900  chariots  of  Iron, 
and  for  twenty  years  oppressed  the  children  of 
Israel.  His  great  army  under  SIsera  was  defeated 
by  Barak  near  the  river  KIshon  (Judg.  iv.  3,  13,  v. 
21).  Some  have  supposed  this  Jiibin  =  No.  1,  but 
in  opposition  to  the  plain  narrative  of  the  Scrip- 
tures. The  common  chronology  makes  the  victory 
of  Joshua  over  Jabin  1  about  160  years  previous  to 


422 


JAB 


JAC 


tliat  of  Deborah  and  Barak  over  Jabin  2,  who  was 
probably  a  descendant  of  No.  1.  During  the  inter- 
val the  Canaanites  evidently  recovered  their  strength 
m  northern  Palestine,  &c.,  and  may  have  rebuilt  the 
city  of  Hazor.     Harosheth. 

jabneel  (Ir.  Ileb.  =  Ood  lets  build,Gea.).  1.  One 
of  the  points  on  the  N.  boundary  of  Judah,  not 
quite  at  the  sea,  though  near  it  (Josh.  xv.  11). 
There  is  no  sign,  however,  of  its  ever  having  been 
occupied  by  Judah.  Josephua  attributes  it  to  the 
Danites.  There  was  a  constant  struggle  going  on 
between  that  tribe  (Dan)  and  the  Philistines  for  the 
possession  of  all  the  places  in  the  lowland  plains, 
and  we  next  meet  with  Jabneel  in  the  hands  of  the 
latter  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  6).  Uzziah  dispossessed  them 
of  it,  and  demolished  its  fortifications.  Here  it  is 
in  the  shorter  form  of  Jabneh.  Under  the  name 
of  Jamnia  it  is  mentioned  in  1  Mc.  iv.  15,  v.  58,  x. 
69,  XV.  40,  and  was  again  a  strong  place.  At  this 
time  there  was  a  harbor  on  the  coast,  to  which,  and 
the  vessels  lying  there,  Judas  set  fire  (2  Mc.  xii.  9). 
At  the  time  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  Jabneh  was 
one  of  the  most  populous  places  of  Judca,  and  con- 
tained a  Jewish  school  of  great  fame.  The  modern 
village  of  Ychna,  more  accurately  Ibna,  stands  about 
two  miles  from  the  sea  on  a  slight  eminence  just  S. 
of  the  Nahr  linbin.  It  is  about  eleven  miles  S. 
of  Jaffa,  seven  from  Karnleh,  and  four  from  ''Akir 
(Ekron).  It  probably  occnpics  its  ancient  site. — 8, 
One  of  the  landmarks  on  the  boundary  of  Naphtali 
(Josh.  xix.  33  only).  Little  or  no  clew  can  be  got 
to  its  situation.  Doubtless  it  is  the  same  place 
which,  as  lamnia  and  lamnilh,  is  mentioned  by 
Josephus  among  the  villages  in  Upper  Galilee. 

Jabneh  (fr.  Heb.  =:  God  lets  build)  —  Jabneel 
(2  Chr.  xxvi.  6). 

Ja'chan  [-kan]  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  afflicted,  Ges.),  one 
of  seven  chief  men  of  Gad  (1  Chr.  v.  13). 

Ja'cliin  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God  makes  Jirm, 
Ges.),  one  of  the  two  pillars  set  up  "in  the  porch" 
(1  K.  vii.  21)  or  before  the  Temple  (2  Chr.  iii.  17)  of 
Solomon.     BoAZ  2. 

Ja'tbin  (see  above).  1>  Fourth  son  of  Simeon 
(Gen.  xlvi.  10;  Ex.  vi.  15);  founder  of  the  family 
of  the  Jaciiinites  (Num.  xxvi.  12).  (Jarib  1.) — i. 
Head  of  the  twenty-first  course  of  priests  in  the 
time  of  David.  Some  of  the  course  returned  from 
Babylon  (I  Chr.  ix.  10,  xxiv.  17;  Neh.  xi.  10). 

Ja'eliin-ites  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =:  the  family  founded 
by  Jaciiix,  son  of  Simeon  (Num.  xxvi.  12). 

Ja'etuth  [-sinth]  (fr.  Gr.  huakinthos  z=  hyacinth), 
a  precious  stone,  forming  one  of  the  foundations  of 
the  walls  of  the  new  Jerusalem  (Rev.  xxi.  20).  The 
ancient  Gr.  huakirUhos  (hyacinth  or  jacinth)  =  the 
modern  Sapphire  (King).  The  modern  jacinth  or 
hyacinth  is  a  red  variety  of  zircon,  found  in  Sfluare 
prisms,  white,  gray,  red,  reddish-brown,  yellow,  or 
pale-green.  The  expression  in  Rev.  ix.  17,  "of 
jacinth,"  applied  to  the  breast-plate,  is  descriptive 
simply  of  a  hyadnthine,  i.  e.  dark-purple  color. 
Colors,  II.  2. 

Ja'rob  (L.  fr.  Heb.  ya'SkSb  =  heel-catcher,  smp- 
planler,  lier-in-wait,  Ges.).  1,  Second  son  of  Isaac 
and  Rebekah,  born  with  Esac,  when  Isaac  was 
59  and  Abraham  159  years  old,  probably  at  the 
well  Lahai-roi.  His  history  is  related  in  the  latter 
half  of  Genesis.  He  bought  the  birth-right  (First- 
born) from  his  brother  Esau  ;  and  afterward,  at  his 
mother's  instigation,  acquired  the  blessing  intended 
for  Esau,  by  practising  a  well-known  deceit  on 
Isaac.  Hitherto  the  two  sons  shared  the  wander- 
ings of  Isaac  in  the  S.  Country ;   but  now  Jacob, 


in  his  seventy-eighth  year,  was  sent  from  the  family 
home,  to  avoid  his  brother,  and  to  seek  a  wife 
among  his  kindred  in  Padan-aram.  As  he  passed 
through  Bethel,  God  appeared  to  him.  After  the 
lapse  of  twenty-one  years  he  returned  from  Padan- 
aram  with  two  wives  (Leah  ;  Rachel),  two  concu- 
bines (BiLHAH  ;  Zilpah  ;  see  Concubine;  Mar- 
riage), eleven  sons  (Reuben  ;  Simeon;  Levi;  JrnAii; 
Dan  ;  Naphtali  ;  Ga»  ;  Asher  ;  Issachar  ;  Zeiu;- 
LUN  ;  Joseph),  and  a  daughter  (Dinah),  and  large 
property.  lie  escaped  from  the  angry  pursuit  of 
Laban  (Galked),  from  a  meeting  with  Esau,  and 
from  the  vengeance  of  the  Canaanites  provoked  by 
the  murder  of  Shechem  ;  and  in  each  of  those  three 
emergencies  he  was  aided  and  strengthened  by  the 
interposition  of  God,  and  in  sign  of  the  grace  wen 
by  a  night  of  wrestling  with  God  (Peniel),  his  name 
was  changed  at  Jabbok  into  Israel.  Deborah  and 
Rachel  died  before  he  reached  Hebron;  Benjajmn 
was  born  to  him  on  the  way ;  and  at  Hebron,  in  the 
122d  year  of  his  age,  he  and  Esau  buried  their 
father  Isaac.  Joseph,  the  favorite  son  of  Jacob, 
was  sold  into  Egypt  eleven  years  before  the  death 
of  Isaac  ;  and  Jacob  had  probably  exceeded  his 
130th  year  when  he  went  thither,  being  encouraged 
in  a  divine  vision  as  he  passed  for  the  last  time 
through  Beer-sheba.  He  was  presented  to  Pharaoh, 
and  dwelt  for  seventeen  years  at  Rameses  and 
Goshen.  After  giving  his  solemn  blessing  to 
Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  and  his  own  eons  one  by 
one,  and  charging  the  ten  to  complete  their  rec- 
onciliation with  Joseph,  he  died  in  his  147th  year. 
His  body  was  embalmed,  carried  with  great  care 
and  pomp  into  the  land  of  Canaan,  and  deposited 
with  his  j'athers,  and  his  wife  Leah,  in  the  cave  of 
Machpelah. — The  example  of  Jacob  is  quoted  by 
the  fiirt  and  the  last  of  the  minor  prophets.  Ho.sca, 
in  the  latter  days  of  the  kingdom,  seeks  (xii.  3, 
4,  12)  to  convert  the  descendants  of  Jacob  from 
their  state  of  alienation  from  God,  by  recalling  to 
their  memory  the  repeated  acts  of  God's  favor  shown 
to  their  ancestor.  And  Malachi  (i.  2)  strengthens 
the  desponding  hearts  of  the  returned  exiles  by  as, 
suring  them  that  the  love  which  (iod  bestowed  upon 
Jacob  was  not  withheld  from  them.  Besides  the 
frequent  mention  of  his  name  in  conjunction  with 
those  of  the  other  two  patriarchs,  there  are  distinct 
references  to  events  in  the  life  of  Jacob  in  four 
books  of  the  N.  T.  In  Rom.  ix.  11-13,  St.  Paul  ad- 
duces the  history  of  Jacob's  birth  to  prove  that  the 
favor  of  God  is  independent  of  the  order  of  natural 
descent.  In  Heb.  xii.  16,  and  xi.  21,  the  transfer  of 
the  birthright  and  Jacob's  dying  benediction  are 
referred  to.  His  vision  at  Bethel  and  his  posses- 
sion of  land  at  Shechem  are  cited  in  Jn.  i.  61,  and 
iv.  5,  12.  And  Stephen,  in  his  speech  (Acts  vii.  12, 
16),  mentions  the  famine  which  was  the  means  of 
restoring  Jacob  to  his  lost  son  in  Egypt,  and  the 
burial  oif  his  sons  in  Shechem.  Wo  should  also 
suppose,  had  we  only  this  concise  statement,  that 
Jacob  himself  was  buried  at  Shechem  (see  above). 
Such  are  the  events  of  Jacob's  life  recorded  in 
Scripture.  In  Jacob  may  be  traced  a  combination 
of  the  quiet  patience  of  his  father  with  the  acquisi- 
tiveness which  seems  to  have  marked  his  mother's 
imily;  and  in  Esau,  as  in  Ishniael,  the  migratory 
and  independent  character  of  Abraham  was  devel- 
oped into  the  enterprising  habits  of  a  warlike 
hunter-chief.  Jacob,  whose  history  occupies  a 
larger  space,  leaves  on  the  reader's  mind  a  less 
favorable  impression  than  either  of  the  other  patri- 
archs with  whom  he  is  joined  in  equal  honor  in  the 


I 


JAC 


JAH 


423 


N.  T.  (Mat.  viii.  11).  But  in  considering  his  char- 
acter we  must  bear  in  mind  that  we  know  nut  wliat 
liiuiLs  were  set  in  those  days  to  the  knowledge  of 
God  and  the  sanctilVing  iullueuce  of  tlie  Uoly  Spirit. 
A  timid,  thoughtful  boy  would  acquire  no  scli'-reii- 
ance  in  a  secluded  home.  There  was  little  scope 
for  the  exercise  of  intelligence,  wide  sympathy,  gen- 
erosity, frankness.  Growing  up  a  stranger  to  the 
great  joys  and  great  sorrows  of  natural  life — 
deaths,  and  wedlock,  and  births ;  inured  to  caution 
and  restraint  in  tlie  presence  of  a  more  vigorous 
brotlier;  secretly  stimulated  by  a  belief  that  God 
desijued  for  liim  some  superior  blessing,  Jacob  was 
perh.ips  in  a  fair  way  to  become  a  narrow,  selfish, 
deceitful,  disappointed  man.  But,  after  dwelling 
for  more  than  half  a  lifetime  in  solitude,  he  is  driven 
from  home  by  the  provoked  hostility  of  his  more 
powerful  brotlier.  Then  in  deep  and  bitter  sorrow 
the  outcast  begins  life  afresh  long  after  youth  has 
passed,  and  finds  himself  brought  first  of  all  unex- 
pectedly into  that  close  personal  communion  with 
God  which  elevates  the  soul,  and  then  into  t'lat  en- 
larged intercourse  with  men  which  is  capible  of 
drawing  out  all  the  better-feelings  of  human  nature. 
An  unseen  world  was  opened.  God  revived  and 
renewed  to  hiui  that  slumbering  promise  over  which 
he  had  brooded  for  threescore  years  since  lie  learned 
it  in  childhood  from  his  mother.  Angels  conversed 
with  him.  Gradually  he  felt  more  and  more  the 
watchful  care  of  an  ever-present  spiritual  Father. 
Face  to  face  he  wrestled  with  the  Representative  of 
the  Almighty.  And  so,  even  though  tlie  moral  con- 
seiuences  of  his  early  transgressions  hung  about 
him,  and  saddened  him  with  a  deep  knowledge  of 
all  the  evil  of  treachery  and  domestic  envy,  and 
partial  judginent,  and  filial  disobedience,  yet  the  in- 
creasing revelations  of  God  enlightened  the  old  age 
of  the  patriarch ;  and  at  last  the  timid  "  sup- 
planter,"  the  man  of  subtle  devices,  waiting  for  tiie 
salvation  of  Jehovah,  dies  the  "soldier  of  God" 
uttering  the  messages  of  God  to  his  remote  pos- 
terity. (Patriarch.)— 8.  Father  of  Joseph,  the 
husband  of  Mary  the  mother  of  Jesus  (Mat.  i.  15, 
16).     Ge.nealogy  OP  Jesus  Christ. 

•  Ja'f 3b's  Well  ( Jn.  iv.  6  ff.).    SHEcnEM. 

Ja-rn  bis  (fr.  Gr.)  —  Akkub  4  (1  Esd.  ix.  48). 

Jit'da  (fr.  Ileb.  =  knoiving,  wise,  Ges.),  son  of 
Onani,  and  brother  of  Shammai,  in  the  genealogy  of 
the  sons  of  Jerahmeel  by  his  wife  Atarah  (1  Chr.  ii. 
28,  32). 

Ja'daa  (fr.  Hcb.  =  Iddo,  Ges.),  one  of  the  sons 
of  Xel)o  who  had  taken  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  43). 

Jad'dn-a  (fr.  Ileb.  =  known,  Ges.).  I,  One  of 
the  cliief  laymen  who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Ne- 
hcmiah  (Xeh.  x.  21). — 3.  Son,  and  successor  in  the 
high-priesthood,  of  Jonathan  or  Johanan  ;  the  last 
Hioii-PRiEST  mentioned  in  tlie  O.  T.,  and  probably 
(so  Lord  A.  C.  Ilervey)  the  latest  name  in  the  canon 
(xii.  11,  22).  Prol)ably  also  he  was  priest  in  the 
reign  of  the  last  I'ersian  king  Darius,  and  still  high- 
priest  after  the  Persian  dynasty  was  overturown, 
i.  e.  in  the  reign  of  Alexander  the  Great. 

Ja'don  (fr.  ileb.  =  judge,  Ges.),  "  the  Meronoth- 
itc,"  who  assisted  to  repair  the  wall  of  Jerusalem 
(Xeh.  iii.  7). 

Ja'el  (fr.  Beb.  =  wild  [or  mountti'ml]  goat,  Ges.), 
the  wife  of  Ilelier  the  Kenite.  In  the  headlong  rout 
which  followed  the  defeat  of  the  Canaanites  by 
Barak,  Siser.-i,  abandoning  his  chariot  the  more 
easily  to  avoid  notice,  fled  unattended,  and  in  an 
opposite  direction  from  that  taken  by  his  army,  to 
the  tent  of  the  Kenite  chieftaincss.     lie  accepteU 


Jacl's  invitation  to  enter,  and  she  flung  a  mantle 
over  him  as  he  lay  wearily  on  the  floor.  When 
thirst  prevented  sleep,  and  he  asked  for  water,  she 
brought  liini  buttermilk  in  her  choicest  vessel,  thus 
ratifying  with  the  semblance  of  ollicious  zeal  the 
sacred  bond  of  Eastern  hospitality.  At  last,  with  a 
feeling  of  perfect  security,  the  weary  general  re- 
signed himself  to  the  deep  sleep  of  misery  and 
fatigue.  Then  it  was  that  Jael  took  in  her  left 
hand  one  of  the  great  wooden  pins  which  fastened 
down  the  cords  of  the  tent,  and  in  her  right  hand 
the  mallet  used  to  drive  it  into  the  ground,  and  with 
one  terrible  blow  dashed  it  through  Sisera's  teniplts 
deep  into  the  earth.  With  one  spasm  of  fruitless 
agony,  "  at  her  feet  he  bowed,  he  fell  dead  "  (Judg. 
v.  27).  She  then  waited  to  meet  the  pursuing 
Barak,  and  led  him  into  her  tent  that  she  might  in 
his  presence  claim  the  glory  of  the  deed  !  Many 
have  supposed  that  by  this  act  she  fulUlled  the 
saying  of  Deborah,  that  God  would  sell  Sisera  into 
the  hand  of  a  woman  (iv.  9 ;  Jos.  v.  5,  g  4) ;  and 
hence  they  have  supposed  that  Jael  was  actuated 
by  some  divine  and  hidden  influence.  But  the  Bible 
gives  no  hint  of  such  an  inspiration.  If,  therefore, 
we  eliminate  the  still  more  monstrous  supposition 
of  the  Rabbis  that  Sisera  was  slain  by  Jael  because 
he  attempted  to  ofi'er  her  violence,  the  murder  will 
appear  in  all  its  atrocity.  We  may  question  whether 
any  moral  commendation  is  directly  intended  in 
Judg.  V.  24,  "  Blessed  above  women  shall  Jael  .  .  . 
be,"  &c.  What  Deborah  stated  was  a,  fad,  viz.  that 
the  wives  of  the  nomad  Arabs  would  undoubtedly 
regard  Jael  as  a  public  benefactress,  and  praise  her 
as  a  popular  heroine.  "  It  is  in  reality  the  work 
of  God's  judgment  through  her  instrumentality  that 
is  celebrated,  not  her  mode  of  carrying  it  into  exe- 
cution "  (so  Fairbairn).  The  suggestion  of  Gese- 
nius,  Ilollmann,  Winer,  &c.,  that  the  Jael  in  Judg. 
v.  0  is  not  the  wife  of  Heber,  but  some  unknown 
Israelitish  judge,  appears  extremely  unlikely  (so 
Mr.  Farrar). 

Ja  gar  (fr.  Heb.  =  lodging-place,  Ges.),  a  town  of 
Judah,  one  of  those  furthest  to  the  S.,  on  the  fron- 
tier of  Edoni  (Josh.  xv.  21)     Kinah. 

Jah  (Heb.  Yah.),  the  abbreviated  form  of  "Jeho- 
vah," used  only  in  poetry.  It  occurs  frequently  in 
the  Hebrew,  but  with  a  single  exception  (Ps.  Ixviii. 
4)  is  rendered  "Lord"  in  the  A.  V.  The  identity 
of  Jah  and  Jehovah  is  strongly  marked  in  Is.  xii. 
2,  xxvi.  4.  The  former  of  these  should  bo  trans- 
lated "  for  my  strength  and  song  is  Jah  Jehovah  " 
(compare  Ex.  xv.  2) ;  and  the  latter,  "  trust  ye  in 
Jehovah  for  ever,  for  in  Jah  Jehovah  is  the  rock 
of  ages."  "  Praise  ye  the  Lord,"  or  Hallelujah, 
in  all  cases  =  "praise  ye  Jah."  In  Ps.  Ixxxix.  8 
[Ileb.  9]  Jah  stands  in  a  parallelism  with  "  Jehovah 
the  God  of  hosts"  in  a  passage  which  Mr.  Wright 
would  translate  "  Oh  Jehovah,  God  of  hosts,  who 
like  Thee  is  strong,  0  Jah  !  " 

Ja'hath  (fr.  Heb.  r=  union?  Ges.;  revival,  rom- 
fort,  Fii.).  1.  Son  of  Libni,  the  son  of  Gershora 
and  grandson  of  Levi  (1  Chr.  xi.  20). — 2.  Head  of 
a  later  house  in  the  family  of  Gershom ;  eldest  son 
of  Shimei,  the  son  of  Laadan  (xxiii.  10,  11). — 3<  A 
man  in  the  genealogy  of  Judah  (iv.  2);  son  of 
Keaiah  the  .son  of  Shobal. — i.  A  Kohathite  Lcvite, 
son  of  Shelomoth  (xxiv.  22). — S>  A  Merarite  Lcvite 
in  the  reign  of  Josiah  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  12). 

Ja'haz,  also  Ja'ha-za,  Ja'ha-zah,  and  Jali'zab  (all 
fr.  Heb.  lahats,  Yahltsih  [  =  place  trodden  down, 
Ges.]).  At  Jahaz  the  decisive  battle  was  fought 
between  the  children  of  Israel  and  Sibon,  king  of 


424 


JAH 


JAM 


the  Amoritps,  which  ended  in  the  overthrow  of  the 
latter,  and  in  the  occupation  by  Israel  of  the  whole 
pastoral  country  included  between  the  Arnon  and 
the  Jabbok,  the  Belka  of  the  modern  Arabs  (Num. 
xxi.  23 ;  Deut.  ii.  32 ;  Judg.  xi.  20).  It  was  in  the 
allotment  of  Reuben  (Josh.  xiii.  18),  and  was  given 
to  the  Mcrarite  Levites  (1  Chr.  vi.  78).  It  was  in 
the  hands  of  Moab  in  later  times  (Is.  xv.  4 ;  Jer. 
xlviii.  21,  34).  Probably  Jahaz  was  just  N.  of  the 
Arnon,  but  this  question  must  await  further  re- 
search. 

Ja'lia-za  (see  Jahaz)  =  Jahaz  (Josh.  xiii.  18). 

Ja'iia-zah  (see  Jauaz)  =  Jahaz  (Josh.  xxi.  36; 
Jer.  xlviii.  21). 

Ja-ha-zi'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehnvah  beholds, 
Ges.),  son  of  Tikvah,  apparently  a  priest  with  Ezra 
(Ezr.  X.  15). 

Ja-lia'zi-el  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God  beholds,  Ges.). 
1.  One  of  the  heroes  of  Benjamin  who  joined  David 
at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  4). — 2.  A  priest  whom  David 
appointed  to  blow  the  trumpet  before  the  ark  (xvi. 
C). — 3«  A  Kohathite  Levite,  third  son  of  Hebron 
(xxiii.  19,  xxiv.  23).— 4.  Son  of  Zcchariah ;  a  Le- 
vite of  the  sons  of  Asaph,  inspired  to  animate  Jc- 
hoshaphat  and  Judah  in  the  march  against  the 
Moabites,  Ammonites,  &c.  (2  Chi',  xx.  14). — .I.  The 
"  son  of  Jahaziel "  was  the  chief  of  the  sons  of 
Shccaniah  who  returned  Irom  Babylon  with  Ezra 
(Ezr.  viii.  5). 

Jah'dal,  or  Jall'da-I  (fr.  Ilcb.  =  whom  Jehovah 
directs,  Ges.),  a  man  who  appears  to  be  thrust 
abruptly  into  the  genealogy  of  Caleb,  as  the  father 
of  six  sons  (1  Chr.  ii.  47). 

Jali'di-fl  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God  makes  joyful, 
Ges.),  a  chieftain  of  Manasseh,  E.  of  Jordan  (1  Chr. 
V.  24). 

Jah'do  (fr.  Heb.  =  his  nvion,  Ges.),  a  Gadite,  son 
of  Buz  and  father  of  Jeshishai  (l  Chr.  v.  14). 

Jairic-el  (fr.  Heb.  =:  hoping  in  God,  Ges.),  the 
third  of  the  three  sons  of  Zebuhm  (Gen.  xlvi.  14; 
Num.  xxvi.  2()) ;  founder  of  the  Jahi.eelites. 

Jall'ie-cl-itrs  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  a  branch  of  the 
tribe  of  Zebulun,  descendants  of  Jahleel  (Num. 
xxvi.  26). 

Jab'mai,  or  Jah'ma-I  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jihovah 
guards,  Ges.),  a  man  of  Issaehar;  one  of  the  heads 
of  the  house  of  Tolah  (1  Chr.  vii.  2). 

Jall'zali  (see  Jahaz)  =  Jahaz  (1  Chr.  vi.  78). 

Jab'ze-el  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God  allots,  Ges.),  the 
first  of  the  four  sons  of  Naphtali  (Gen.  xlvi.  24); 
founder  of  the  family  of  the  Jabzeeliifs  (Num. 
xxvi.  48);  =  Jahziel. 

Jali'zr-cl-ites  (fr.  Ileb.),  the  =  a  branch  of  the 
Naphtalites,  descended  from  Jahzeel  (Num.  xxvi. 
48). 

Jah'zc-rah  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God  leads  back), 
a  priest  of  the  house  of  Immer(l  Chr.  ix.  12);  = 
Ahasai. 

Jah'zi-rl  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Jahzeel  (1  Chr.  vii.  18). 

Ja'lr  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God  enlightens,  Ges. ;  see 
No.  4).  1.  A  man  who  on  his  father's  side  was 
descended  from  Judah,  and  on  his  mother's  from 
Manasseh.  (BECiif:R  1.)  During  the  conquest  he 
performed  one  of  the  chief  feats  recorded.  He  took 
the  whole  of  Aegob  (Dcut.  iii.  14),  and  some  vil- 
lages in  Gilcad,  which  he  called  after  his  own  name, 
Havoth-jair  (Num.  xxxii.  41;  1  Chr.  ii.  23). — i, 
"  Jair  the  Gileadite,"  who  judged  Israel  for  two- 
and-twenty  years  (Judg.  x.  3-5).  He  had  thirty 
sons  who  rode  thirty  asses,  and  possessed  thirty 
cities  in  the  land  of  Gilcad,  which  were  called 
Hatoth-jaie.— 3.  A  Benjamite,  son  of  Kish   and 


father  of  Mordecai  (Esth.  ii.  5).— 4.  (fr.  Heb.  = 
whom  God  awakes,  Ges.),  father  of  Elhanan  1,  one 
of  the  heroes  of  David's  army  (1  Chr.  xx.  5). 

Ja'ir-itC  (fr.  Heb.  =  descendant  of  Jair,  Ges.),  tlie^ 
Ira  the  Jairite  was  a  priest  (?)  (A.V.  "  chief  ruler  ") 
to  David  (2  Sam.  xx.  26). 

Ja-i'rns  (L.  probably  =  Jair).  1.  A  ruler  of  a 
synagogue,  probably  in  some  town  near  the  western 
shore  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee.  Our  Lord  restored  his 
daughter  to  hie  (Mat.  ix.  18;  Mk.  v.  22;  Lk.  viii. 
41).— 2.  [pron.  Ja'i-rus]  Jair  3  (Esth.  xi.  2). 

Ja'kan  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jaakan),  son  of  Ezcr  the 
Horite  (1  Chr.  i.  42);  =  Jaakan  =  Akan. 

Ja'keh  (fr.  Heb.  =  pious,  Ges.).  The  A.  V.  of 
Prov.  XXX.  1,  following  the  Targum  and  Syriac,  has 
represented  this  as  the  proper  name  of  the  father  of 
Agur,  whose  sayings  are  collected  in  Prov.  xxx., 
and  such  is  the  natural  interpretation.  But  beyond 
this  we  have  no  clew  to  the  existence  of  either  Agur 
or  Jakch.  Of  course  if  Agur  be  Solomon,  it  follows 
that  Jakeh  was  a  name  of  David  of  some  mystical 
significance;  but  for  this  there  is  not  a  shadow  of 
support.  If  Jakch  be  the  name  of  a  per.son,  as 
there  is  every  reason  to  believe,  we  know  nothing 
more  about  him  ;  if  not,  there  is  no  limit  to  the 
symbolical  meanings  which  may  be  extracted  from 
tiie  clause  in  which  it  occurs.  Hitzig  makes  A  pur 
and  Lemuel  brothers,  both  sons  of  aquecn  of  Jlassa, 
the  latter  being  the  reigning  monarch  (Prov.  xx.'i. 
1).  The  Heb.  massd  ("prophecy"  or  burden)  is 
considered  as  a  proper  name  =  the  region  named 
Massa  in  Arabia.     Ucal. 

Ja'kim  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God  sets  up,  Ges.).  I. 
Head  of  the  twellth  course  of  priests  in  the  reign 
of  David  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  12). — 2.  A  Benjamite,  son  of 
Shinihi  (viii.  19). — 3,  Jehoiakim  (Mat.  1. 1 1,  margin). 

Ja'lon  (fr.  Heb.  =  jjassing  the  night,  abiding,  Ges.  i, 
a  descendant  of  Judah  ;  son  of  Ezra  (1  Chr.  iv.  17). 

Jjim'bres  [-breez]  (L.  probably  from  Egyptian). 
Jan.ves. 

Jiim'bri  (L.  probably  fr.  Heb.  Amri  =  Omri,  so 
Mr.  Westcott).  Shortly  after  the  death  of  Oudcs 
Maccabeus  (b.  c.  161),  "the  children  of  Jambri" 
are  said  to  have  made  a  predatory  attack  on  a  de- 
tachment of  the  Maccabean  forces  (1  Mc.  ix.  SC- 
41).  The  name  docs  not  occur  elsewhere.  It  has 
been  conjectured  that  the  original  text  was  "  the 
sons  of  llie  Amorites." 

James  (fr.  Gr.  Jnkobos  ;  L.  Jacobus  ;  all  fr.  Heb. 
=  Jacob).  1.  "James  the  son  of  Zcbcdee."  This 
is  the  only  Apostle  of  whose  life  and  death  we 
can  write  with  certainty.  Of  his  early  life  we  know 
nothing.  We  first  hear  of  him  (so  Mr.  Meyrick, 
original  author  of  this  article)  a.  n.  27,  when  he 
was  called  to  be  our  Lord's  disciple ;  and  he  dis- 
appears from  view  a.  p.  44,  when  he  suflered  mar- 
tyrdom at  the  hands  of  Herod  Agrippa  I. — I.  Bis 
History.  In  the  spring  or  summer  of  the  year  27, 
Zcbcdee,  a  fisherman  (Mk.  i.  20),  was  cut  on  the 
Sea  of  Galilee  with  his  two  sons,  James  and  John 
(John  the  Apostle),  and  some  boatmen.  He  was 
engaged  in  his  customary  occupation  of  fishing,  and 
near  him  was  another  boat  belonging  to  Simon  and 
Andrew,  with  whom  he  and  his  sons  were  in  part- 
nership. Finding  themselves  unsuccessful,  the  oc- 
cupants of  both  boats  came  ashore;  and  began  to 
wash  their  nets.  At  this  time  the  new  Teacher 
(Jesus  Christ)  appeared  upon  the  beach.  At  Lis 
call  they  left  all,  and  became,  once  and  forever. 
His  disciples,  hereafter  to  catch  men.  For  a  full 
year  we  lose  sight  of  James.  He  is  then,  in  the 
spiing  of  28,  called  to  the  apostlethip  with   his 


JAM 


JAM 


425 


eleven  brethren  (Mat.  s.  2;  Mk.  iii.  14  ;  Lk.  vi.  13  ; 

Acts  i.  13).  In  the  list  of  the  apostles  given  us  by 
-Mark,  ami  in  the  Acts,  his  name  occurs  uext  to  that 
«f  Simon  Peter:  in  Matthew  and  Luke  it  comes 
thinl.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  with  one  excep- 
tion (Lk.  ix.  28),  James  is  put  before  John,  and  tliat 
John  is  twice  described  as  "  the  brother  of  James  " 
(Mk.  V.  37;  Mat.  xvii.  1).  This  would  appear  to 
imply  that  at  this  time  James,  either  from  age  or 
cliaracter,  took  a  higher  position  than  his  brother. 
It  would  seem  to  have  been  at  the  time  of  the  ap- 
))ointment  of  the  twelve  apostles  that  the  name  of 
"  Hoanerges "  was  given  to  the  sons  of  Zebedee. 
The  ".Sons  of  Thunder"  had  a  burning  and  irapet- 
'lus  spirit,  which  twice  cxhilnts  itself  in  its  un- 
liiistened  form  (Lk.  i.x.  84 ;  Mk.  .x.  87).  The  first 
casion  on  which  this  natural  character  manifests 
itself  in  James  and  his  brother  is  at  the  commence- 
ment of  our  Lord's  last  journey  to  Jerusalem  in  the 
yi'ar  30.  He  was  passing  through  Samaria,  and 
"  sent  messengers  before  His  face  "  into  a  certain 
village,  "  to  make  ready  for  Him  "  (Lk.  ix.  52),  i.  e. 
probably  to  announce  Him  as  the  Messiah.  The 
Samaritans,  with  their  old  jealousy  strong  upon 
them,  refused  to  receive  Him ;  and  in  their  exas- 
peration James  and  John  entreated  their  Master  to 
follow  the  example  of  Elijah,  and  call  down  fire  to 
consume  them.  At  the  end  of  the  same  journey  a 
similar  spirit  appears  again  (Mk.  x.  35).  From  the 
time  of  the  Agony  in  the  Garden,  a.  d.  30,  to  the 
time  of  his  martyrdom,  a.  d.  44,  we  know  nothing 
of  James,  except  that  after  the  Ascension  he  per- 
severed in  prayer  with  the  other  apostles,  and  the 
women,  and  the  Lord's  brethren  (Acts  i.  13).  In 
the  year  44,  Herod  Agrippa  I.  was  ruler  of  all  the 
dominions  which  at  the  death  of  his  grandfather, 
Herod  the  Great,  had  been  divided  between  Arche- 
laus,  Antipas,  Philip,  and  Lysanias.  Policy  and  in- 
clination would  alike  lead  such  a  monarch  "  to  lay 
hands"  (xii.  l)"on  certain  of  the  church;"  and 
accordingly,  when  the  Passover  of  the  year  44  had 
brought  James  and  Peter  to  Jerusalem,  he  seized 
them  both. — II.  Chronotoffical  RecafriluIaUon.  In 
the  spring  or  summer  of  the  year  27  James  was 
called  to  be  a  disciple  of  Christ.  In  the  spring  of 
28  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  twelve  apostles.  In 
the  autumn  of  the  same  year  he  was  admitted  to 
the  miraculous  raising  of  Jairus's  daughter.  In  the 
spring  of  29  he  witnessed  the  Transfiguration. 
Very  early  in  the  year  30  he  urged  his  Lord  to  call 
down  fire  from  heaven  to  consume  the  Samaritan 
village.  About  three  months  later  in  the  s.ame  year, 
just  before  the  final  arrival  in  Jerusalem,  he  and 
his  brother  made  their  ambitious  request  through 
their  mother  Salome.  On  the  night  before  the  Cru- 
cifixion he  was  present  at  the  Agony  in  the  Garden. 
On  the  day  of  the  Ascension  he  is  mentioned  as 
persevering  with  the  rest  of  the  apostles  and  dis- 
ciples in  prayer.  Shortly  before  the  Passover,  in 
4 1,  he  was  put  to  death.  Thus  during  fourteen  out 
of  the  seventeen  years  that  elapsed  between  his  call 
and  his  death  we  do  not  even  catch  a  glimpse  of 
liim. — III.  Tradition  rmpeclinrf  him.  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  who  flourished  as  early  as  A.  D.  1 95,  re- 
lates, concerning  James's  martyrdom,  that  the 
prosecutor  was  so  moved  by  witnessing  his  bold  con- 
fession that  he  declared  himself  a  Christian  on  the 
spot :  accused  and  accuser  were  therefore  hurried 
off  together,  and  on  the  road  the  latter  begged 
James  to  grant  him  forgiveness  ;  after  a  moment's 
hesitation,  the  apostle  kissed  him,  saying,  "  Peace 
be  to  thee!"  and  they  wcra  beheaded  together. 


This  tradition  is  preserved  by  Eusebius  {H.  E.  ii.  6). 
—2.  "  James  the  son  of  Alpheus  "  (Mat.  x.  3  ;  Mk. 
iii.  18;  Lk.  vi.  15;  Acts  i.  13). — 3.  "James  the 
brother  of  the  Lord  "  (Mat.  xiii.  55 ;  Mk.  vi.  3  ;  Gal. 
i.  19).^-i.  "James  the  son  of  Mary  "(.Mat.  xxvii. 
56;  Lk.  xxiv.  10);  also  called  "the  Little"  (A.  V. 
"  the  Less,"  Mk.  xv.  40). — .'}.  "  James  the  brother 
of  Jude"  (Jude  1). — G.  "James  the  brother  (y)  of 
Jude"  (Lk.  vi.  16;  Acts  i.  13).— 7.  "James"  (Acts 
xii.. 17,  XV.  13,  xxi.  18;  1  Cor.  xv.  7;  Gal.  ii.  9,  12). 
— 8i  "James  the  Servant  of  God  and  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ"  (Jas.  i.  1).  St.  Paul  identifies  for  us 
Nos.  3  and  7  (see  Gal.  ii.  9  and  12  compared  with  i. 
19).  If  we  may  translate,  in  Lk.  vi.  16  and  Acts  i. 
13,  "JcDAS  the  brother"  rather  than  the  son  "of 
James,"  we  m.ay  conclude  that  5  =  6.  We  may 
identify  6  and  6  with  3,  because  we  know  that  James 
the  Lord's  brother  had  a  brother  named  Jude.  We 
may  identify  4  with  3,  because  we  know  James  the 
son  of  Mary  had  a  brother  named  Joses,  and  so 
also  had  James  the  Lord's  brother.  Thus  there 
remain  two  only,  James  the  son  of  Alpheus  (2), 
and  James  the  brother  of  the  Lord  (3.).  Can  we, 
or  can  we  not,  identify  them?  This  recpiires  a 
longer  consideration.  By  comparing  Mat.  xxvii.  66 
and  Mk.  xv.  40  with  Jn.  xix.  25,  we  find  that  the 
Virgin  Mary  (Mary,  the  Virgin)  had  a  sister  named 
like  herself,  Mary,  who  was  the  wife  of  Clopas  (A. 
V.  "  Cleophas  "),  and  who  had  two  sons,  James  the 
Little  and  Joses.  By  referring  to  Mat.  xiii.  55  and 
Mk.  vi.  3,  we  find  that  a  James  and  a  Joses,  with 
two  other  brethren  called  Jude  and  Simon,  and  at 
least  three  sisters,  were  living  with  the  Virgin  Mary 
at  Nazareth.  By  referring  to  Lk.  vi.  16  and  Acts 
i.  13,  we  find  that  there  were  two  brethren  named 
James  and  Jude  among  the  apostles.  It  would  cer- 
tainly be  natural  to  think  that  we  had  here  but  one 
family  of  four  brothers  and  three  or  more  sisters, 
the  children  of  Clopas  and  Mary,  nephews  and 
nieces  of  the  Virgin  Mary.  There  are  difficulties, 
however,  in  the  way  of  this  conclusion.  For,  1.  the 
four  brethren  in  Mat.  xiii.  55  are  described  as  the 
brothers  of  Jesus,  not  as  His  cousins ;  2.  they  are 
found  living  as  at  their  home  with  the  Virgin  Mary, 
which  seems  unnatural  if  she  were  their  aunt,  their 
mother  being,  as  we  know,  still  alive ;  3.  the  Jamea 
of  Lk.  vi.  15  is  described  as  the  son  not  of  Clopas, 
but  of  Alpheus;  4.  the  "brethren  of  the  Lord" 
appear  to  be  excluded  from  the  apostolic  band  by 
their  declared  unbelief  in  His  Messiahship  (Jn.  vii. 
3-5),  and  by  being  ibrmally  distinguished  from  the 
disciples  by  the  gospel-writers  (Mat.  xii.  48;  Mk.  iii. 
33;  Jn.  ii.  12;  Acts  i.  14);  5.  James  and  Jude  are 
not  designated  as  the  Lord's  brethren  in  the  list  of 
the  apostles ;  6.  Mary  is  designated  as  the  mother 
of  James  and  Joses,  whereas  she  would  have  been 
called  mother  of  James  and  Jude,  had  James  and 
Jude  been  apostles,  and  Joses  not  an  apostle  (Mat. 
xxvii.  46).  The  following  answers  maybe  given: — 
Objection  1 :  "  They  are  called  brethren."  Now  it 
is  clearly  not  necessary  to  understand  the  Greek 
plural  aMphoi  as  =  brothers  in  the  nearest  sense 
of  brotherhood.  It  need  not  mean  more  than  rela- 
tive. (Brother.)  But  perhaps  the  circumstances 
of  the  case  would  lead  us  to  translate  it "  brethren  "  ? 
On  the  contrary,  such  a  translation  appears  to  pro- 
duce very  grave  difficulties  (see  note  1  below).  For 
(1.)  it  introduces  two  sets  of  four  first-cousins,  bear- 
ing the  same  names  of  James,  Joses,  Jude,  and 
Simon  ;  and  (2.)  it  drives  us  to  take  our  choice  be- 
tween three  doubtful  and  improbable  hypotheses  as 
to  the  parentage  of  this  second  set  of  James,  Joses, 


426 


JAM 


JAM 


Jude,  and  Simon.  There  are  three  such  liypothe- 
ses  :  (a.)  The  Eastern  hj^jothcsis,  that  they  were  the 
children  of  Joseph  by  a  former  wife  (Epiphanius, 
Hilary,  Ambrose,  the  later  Greek  Clmrch,  &c.;. 
(6.)  The  Ilelvidian  hypothesis,  that  James,  Joses, 
Jude,  Simon,  and  the  three  sisters,  were  children  of 
Joseph  and  Mary  (Bonosus,  Ilelvidius,  Jovinian, 
Strauss,  Herder,  Davidson,  Alford,  &c.).  (c.)  The 
Levirate  hypothesis,  that  Joseph  and  Clopas  were 
brothers,  and  that  Joseph  raised  up  seed  to  his 
dead  brother  (an  attempt  in  the  cleventli  century  to 
reconcile  the  Greek  and  Latin  traditions). — Objec- 
tion 2:  "The  four  brothers  and  their  sisters  are 
always  found  living  and  movinj;  about  with  the  Vir- 
gin Mary."  If  they  were  the  children  of  Clopas,  the 
Virgin  Mary  was  their  aunt.  Her  own  husband 
would  appear  without  doubt  to  have  died  between 
A.  D.  8  and  a.  d.  26.  Nor  have  we  any  reason  for 
believing  Clopas  to  have  been  alive  during  our 
Lord's  ministry.  What  difficulty  is  there  in  sup- 
posing that  the  two  widowed  sisters  lived  together, 
the  more  so  as  one  of  them  liad  but  one  son,  and 
He  was  often  taken  from  her  by  His  ministerial 
duties? — Oltjecdon  S :  "James  the  apostle  is  said 
to  be  the  son  of  Alphcus,  not  of  Clopas."  But  Al- 
PitKls  and  Clopas  are  the  same  name. — Objection  4 ; 
Dean  Alford  considers  Jn.  vii.  5,  compared  with  vi. 
67-70,  to  decide  that  none  of  the  brothers  of  the  Lord 
were  of  the  number  of  the  twelve.  If  this  verse,  as 
he  states,  makes  "  the  crowning  difficulty  "  to  the  hy- 
pothesis of  tlic  Identity  of  James  the  son  of  Alphtus, 
the  apostle,  with  James  tlie  brother  of  the  Lord,  the 
difficulties  are  not  so  formidable  to  be  overcome. 
It  is  not  at  all  necessary  to  suppose  that  John  is 
here  speaking  of  all  the  brethren.  If  Joses,  Si- 
mon, and  the  three  sisters  disbelieved,  it  would  be 
quite  sufficient  ground  for  the  statement  of  the 
Evangelist.  Nor  does  it  necessarily  follow  that  the 
disbelief  of  the  brethren  was  of  such  a  nature  that 
James  and  Jude  could  have  had  no  share  in  it. 
— Objection  5 :  The  omission  of  a  title  is  so  slight  a 
ground  for  an  argument,  that  we  may  pass  this  by. 
~— Objection  6 :  There  is  no  such  improbability  as  is 
alleged  in  this  oVjjection,  if  Joses  was,  as  would 
seem  likely,  an  elder  brother  of  Jude,  and  next  in 
order  to  James.'    Had  we  not  (so  Mr.  Meyrick,  with 


'  The  preceding  argument  is  from  the  article  in  Smith's 
Dictionary  by  Mr.  Meyrick.  Dr.  Lance  ( C'omm.  an  Mat. 
xiii.  B6-57,  &c.)  has  recently  advocated  the  same  theory, 
that  James  and  the  other  *'  brethren  "  of  Jesus  were  really 
his  cousins,  niaintainin<r.  not  with  Mr.  Meyrick  and  most, 
that  the  two  Marys  (their  mothers)  were  sisters,  but  that 
Joseph  and  Alpheus  were  brothers,  and,  the  latter  dying 
early,  the  former  adopted  bis  brother's  six  or  more  ch\\- 
dren,  and  thus  made  them  U-gally  the  brothers  and  sisters 
of  Jesus.  (.\noPTioN.)  But  Rev.  P.  Schaff.  D.  D.  (in  B.  S. 
xxi.  855  ff.,  Amer.  Ed.  of  Lavge  on  Mat.,  &c.).  advocates 
the  view  that  those  "brethren"  and  "sisters"  of  Jesus 
were  youn^^er  children  of  Joseph  and  Mary,  or  else  older 
children  of  Joseph  by  a  former  marriase,  on  the  following 
prounds: — (1.)  The  "  brethren  "  of  Jesus  (Jacob  or  James, 
Joseph  or  Joses,  Simon,  Jude  or  Judas)  are  mentioned 
with  or  without  their  names  fourteen  or  fifteen  times  in 
the  N.  T.  (Mat.  xii.  4fi,  47;  Mk.  iii.  31,  Si:  Lk.  viii.  19, 
SO:  Jn.  vii.  .S.  6,  10;  Acts  i.  14;  1  Cor.  ix.  5;  Gal.  i.  19), 
twice  with  their  "  sisters  "  (Mat.  xiii.  55.  56  :  Mk.  vi.  8). 
(2.)  The  exegetical  or  grammatical  ti.  pi^mi  prestmiption 
favors  the  literal  meaning  of  "brethren"  and  "sisters," 
especially  as  no  parallel  case  of  a  wider  meaning  (except 
as  "brethren."  &c.  =  Christians)  can  be  quoted  from  the 
N.  T.  (Brotbek.)  (3.)  There  is  no  nientum  in  the  N.  T. 
of  coi'Hn^  or  kinjfmen  of  Jesus  according  to  the  flesh, 
though  terms  were  not  wanting  to  express  this  relation- 
ship (Mk.  vi.  4;  Lk.  i.  36,  6S,  ji.  44,  xiv.  12.  xxl.  16:  Jn. 
xviii.  28  ;  Acts  x.  24.  xxiil.  26 ;  Rom.  ix.  8,  xvi.  7,  11,  21 ; 
Col.  iv.  10).  (4.)  The  "brethren"  and  "sisters  "  of  Jesus 
always  (except  in  Jn.  vii.  and  1  Cor.  ix.)  appear  in  close 
connection  with  lilm  and  liis  mother  Maiy,  as  being  under 


Papias,  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  Chrysostom,  Je- 
rome, Augustine,  and  the  Western  or  Latin  Church) 
identified  James  the  son  of  Alpheus  with  the  broth- 
er of  the  Lord,  we  should  have  but  little  to  write 
of  him.  Of  his  father,  Alpheus  or  Clopas,  we  know 
nothing,  except  that  he  married  Mary,  the  sister  of 
the  Virgin  Mary,  and  had  by  her  four  sons  and 
three  or  more  daughters.  Probably  these  cousins, 
or,  as  they  were  usually  called,  brothers  and  sisters 
of  the  Lord,  were  older  than  Himself.  Of  James 
individually  we  know  notliing  till  the  spring  of  the 
year  28,  when  we  find  him,  together  with  his 
younger  brother  Jude,  called  to  the  Apostolate.  It 
is  not  likely  (though  far  from  impossible)  that 
James  and  Jude  took  part  with  their  brothers  and 
sisters,  and  the  Virgin  Mary,  in  trying  "  to  lay  hold 
on  "  Jesus  in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year  (Mk.  iii. 
21);  and  it  is  likely,  though  not  certain,  that  it  is 
of  the  other  brothers  nnd  sisters,  without  these 
two,  that  Jolin  says,  "  Neither  did  His  brethren  be- 
lieve on  Him  "  (Jn.  vii.  5),  in  the  autumn  of  a.  d. 
29.  We  hear  no  more  of  James  till  alter  the  Cru- 
cifixion and  the  Resurrection.  At  some  time  in  the 
forty  days  that  intervened  between  the  Resurrec- 
tion and  the  Ascension  the  Lord  appeared  to  him. 
Tills  is  not  related  by  the  Evangelists,  but  by  St. 
Paul  (1  Cor.  XV.  7).  We  cannot  fix  the  date  of  this 
appearance.  It  was  probably  only  a  few  days  be- 
fore the  Ascension.  Again  we  lose  sight  of  James 
for  ten  years,  and  when  he  appears  once  more  it  is 
in  a  far  higher  position  than  any  that  he  has  yet 
held.  In  the  year  37  occurred  the  conversion  of 
Saul.  Three  years  after  his  conversion  he  paid  his 
first  visit  to  Jerusalem,  but  the  Christians  recol- 
lected what  they  had  suffered  at  his  haiuls,  and 
feared  to  have  any  thing  to  do  with  him.  Barna- 
bas, at  this  time  of  far  higher  reputation  than  him- 
self, took  him  by  the  hand,  and  introduced  him  to 
Peter  and  James  (Acts  ix.  27  ;  Gal.  i.  18,  19),  and 
by  their  authority  he  was  admitted  into  the  society 
of  the  Christians,  and  allowed  to  associate  freely 
with  them  during  the  fifteen  days  of  his  stay.  Here 
we  find  James  on  a  level  with  Peter,  and  with  him 
deciding  on  the  admission  of  St.  Paul  into  fellow- 
sliip  with  the  Church  at  Jerusalem ;  and  from 
henceforth  we  always  find  him  equal,  or  in  his  own 


her  care  and  direction,  and  formingone  family  :  why  never 
with  their  own  supposed  mother.  Mary  the  wife  of  Cleoi^has 
or  Alpheus.  who  was  living  all  the  time  and  one  of  Christ's 
most  faithful  followers  (Slat,  xxvii.  5t)  fT. ;  Jn.  xix.  25)  » 
(5.)  There  is  no  intimation  in  the  N.  T..  unless  in  Gal.  i. 
19  (see  below  8).  that  Christ's  "brethren"  or  any  of  them 
were  of  the  twelve  apostles.  (6.)  The  "  brethren  "  of  Je- 
sus are  mentioned  a/^«' the  apostles  and  Wm^dMinovished 
from  them  (Acts  i.  13, 14 ;  1  Cor.  ix.  5  ;  compare  Mat.  xii. 
46-.'i0,  60).  (7.)  His  "  brethren  "  are  represented  in  Jn.  vii. 
8-10.  long  after  the  call  of  the  apostles,  as  vnhilievf-rtt. 
(8.)  There  are  no  insurmountable  objcctiims  ;  for  (a)  The 
ol)iection  from  identity  in  nmne  of  three  of  tbese  brothers 
witii  three  of  the  apostles  (.James,  Simon.  Judas)  is  more 
than  counterbalanced  by  tlie  opposite  difiiculty  of  two  sis- 
ters with  the  same  name.  (Mart,  the  Wife  or  Cleo- 
fhas.)  Josephus  mentions  twenty-one  Simons,  seventeen 
Joses.  and  sixteen  Judes.  There 'were  among  the  twelve 
apostles  two  Simons,  two  Jameses,  and  two  Judascs. 
These  were  among  the  most  common  Jewish  names. 
(*1  The  objection  from  Gal.  i.  19— "But  other  of  the  apos- 
tles saw  I  none,  save  James  the  Lord's  brother"— is  de- 
stroyed, if,  with  Winer  and  other  high  authorities,  we  sup- 
ply I  mw  before  ".Tames"  (compare  Lk.  iv.  26,  27).  Dr. 
Schaft' thinks,  with  Meyer,  that  James  is  here  distinguished 
from  the  Twelve  to  winch  Peter  belonged,  but  numbered 
with  the  "apostles"  in  a  wider  sense,  i.  e.  a  man  who 
from  hie  close  natural  relationship  to  Christ,  his  weight  of 
character,  and  his  piety,  enjoyed  an  apostolic  dignity  and 
authority  among  the  strict  Jewish  Christians,  being  the 
acknowledged  head  and  leader  of  this  branch,  and  the  first 
bishop  of  Jerusalem,  where  he  permanently  resided  and 


I 


JAM 


JAM 


427 


department  superior,  to  the  very  chiefest  apostles, 
I'eter,  John,  and  I'aul.  For  by  this  time,  accordnig 
to  ecclesiastical  tradition,  he  had  been  appointed  to 
preside  over  the  infant  Church  in  its  most  important 
centre,  in  a  position  equivalent  to  that  of  bishop. 
This  preeminence  is  evident  throughout  the  altcr- 
historv  of  the  apostles,  whether  we  read  it  in  the 
Acis,  in  the  Epistles,  or  in  Kcclesiaslical  writers 
(Acts  xii.  17,  XV.  13,  19,  xxi.  18;  Gal.  ii.  9).  Ac- 
cording to  the  tradition  of  his  martyrdom,  recorded 
by  Ilegesippu-s,  James  "  called  Just"  was  thrown 
down  from  the  Temple  (shortly  before  Vespasian 
commenced  the  siege  of  Jerusalem)  by  the  Seiibes 
and  I'liarisees  ;  he  was  then  stoned,  and  his  brains 
dashed  out  by  a  fuller's  club. 

Jamrs  (see  above),  tli«  G«i'cr-al  E-pIs'tle  of.  I. 
Its  Oenuinmats  anl  Canonicit').  In  the  third  book 
of  his  Kcclesiastical  Ilistory,  Euscbius  jjlaces  James, 
2d  anil  3d  John,  and  Jude,  among  the  disputed  boolis 
of  the  X.  T.  Elsewhere  he  refers  this  epistle  to  the 
class  of  "  spurious."  It  is  found  in  the  Syriac  ver- 
sion, and  appears  to  be  referred  to  by  Clement  of 
Rome,  Hernias,  and  Irenasus,  and  is  quoted  by  al- 
most all  the  Fathers  of  the  4th  century,  e.  g.  Athi- 
nasius,  Cyril,  Gregory  Nazianzen,  Epiphanius,  an  J 
Chrysostom.  In  397  the  Council  of  Carthage  ac- 
cepted it  as  canonical,  and  from  that  time  there  has 
been  no  further  question  of  its  genuineness  on  tlie 
score  of  external  testimony.  (Canon  ;  Inspika- 
Tio.N.)  But  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation  the 
question  of  its  authenticity  was  again  raised,  and 
now  upon  the  ground  of  internal  evidence ;  the 
chief  objection  being  a  supposed  opposition  be- 
tween St.  Paul  and  St.  James,  on  the  doctrine  of 
Justification. — II.  lis  Author.  The  author  of  the 
Epistle  must  be  either  James  the  son  of  Zebedee, 
according  to  the  subscription  of  the  Syriac  version ; 
or  James  the  son  of  Alpheus ;  or  James  the  brother 
of  the  Lord,  which  is  the  general  opinion ;  or  an 
unknown  James.  Internal  evidence  points  unmis- 
takably to  James  the  Just  as  the  writer,  and  we 
have,  in  the  preceding  article,  identified  James  the 
Just  with  the  son  of  Alpheus  (so  Mr.  Meyrick,  orig- 
inal author  of  this  article).  It  was  written  from 
Jerusalem,  which  St.  James  does  not  seem  to  have 
ever  left.  The  time  at  which  ho  wrote  it  has  been  fixed 


<lied,  while  the  "  apostles  "  proper  were  not  flxed  in  any 
particular  diiicene.  (c)  The  objection  that  Christ  on  the 
cro-*  cmM  not  have  commended  Ills  mother  to  the  care  of 
John  (.In.  xix.  2«.  27),  If  she  had  other  sons,  applle<  also 
if  Jaiii'S  .iiiil  .Jndas  wore  apostles,  cousins,  and  Ion?  in- 
m»tc*  of  Tho  family,  and  must  be  nolved  on  the  ^ound  of 
a  deincr  »pirlliial  sympalhy  on  the  part  of  John.  (See  also 
•J,  a.  fwlow.)  (</i  The  objection  from  a  belief  In  the  per- 
petual viriiinlty  of  .Mary  is  a  matter  of  religious  doctrine 
or  feeling  to  be  treated  with  proper  regard  ;  but  it  applies 
only  to  the  view  that  these  "hrethr.m  "  were  younger 
children  of  Mary,  not  to  their  being  older  children  of  Jo- 
seph by  a  former  marriage.  Further,  while  Mary's  virgin- 
ity before  Chrisfs  birth  in  an  article  of  ftith,  neither 
Chriiti'ii  liouor  nor  Mary's  requires  her  perpetual  virginity 
after  hit  birth,  unless  there  be  something  unholy  or  iui- 
pure  in  the  marriage  relation  itself  (Hcb.  xiil.  41 ;  the  apos- 
lle<  and  evangelists  seem  to  have  had  no  such  feelln"  of 
repugnance  to  a  real  marriage  tietween  Joseph  and  Mary 
(ciimiiare  Mat.  1.  25 :  bk.  11.  7.  &c.) ;  and  Christ's  sharing 
the  common  trials  of  lamily  life  in  all  its  forms,  moving 
as  a  brothi^r  among  brothers  and  sisters,  may  be  another 
oroof  of  His  true  and  fall  humanity  and  condescending 
love  (compare  Ileh.  iv.  l.'S).  (9.)  Nor  is  the  cousin- 
theory  free  from  difllculties.  It  assumes  (a)  that  Mary 
the  mother  of  James  and  Joscs  (Mat.  xxvii.  5<!;  Mk. 
XV.  40)  was  sister  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  two  sisters  liear- 
iiig  the  same  name.  (Mauy.  the  Wife  of  Clecv 
I'HAs.)  But  the  "mother's  sister"  iu  Jn.  xix.  25  may — 
Salome,  ift)  That  Cloophas  —  Ai.piieus.  This,  though 
n:it  improbable,  is  not  certain.  Besides,  Matthew  (or 
Levi)  was  also  a  son  of  Alpheus  (Mk.  ii.  14),  and  if  James's 


as  late  as  a.  d.  62,  and  as  early  as  45.  Those  who 
see  in  its  writer  a  desire  to  counteract  the  effects  of 
a  misconstruction  of  St.  Paul's  doctrine  of  Justifi- 
cation by  faith,  in  ii.  I4-2t),  and  those  who  see  a 
reference  to  tlie  immodiate  destruction  of  Jerusa- 
lem iu  v.  1,  and  an  allusion  to  the  name  Christians 
in  ii.  7,  argue  in  favor  of  the  later  date.  The  ear- 
lier date  is  advocated  chiefly  on  the  ground  that  the 
Epistle  could  not  have  been  written  by  St.  James 
after  the  Council  in  Jerusalem,  without  some  allu- 
sion to  what  was  there  decided,  and  because  the 
Gentile  Cliiistian  does  not  yet  appear  to  be  recog- 
nized.— III.  Its  Object.  The  main  object  of  the 
Epistle  is  not  to  teach  doctrine,  but  to  improve 
morality.  St.  James  is  tlie  moral  teacher  of  the 
X.  T.  There  are  two  ways  of  explaining  this  char- 
acteristic of  tlie  Epistle.  Some  commentators  and 
writers  see  in  St.  James  a  man  wlio  had  not  real- 
ized the  essential  principles  and  peculiarities  of 
Christianity,  but  was  in  a  transition  state,  half-Jew 
and  hall-Christian.  But  there  is  aiiotlier  and  much 
more  natural  way  of  accounting  for  the  fact.  St. 
James  was  writing  for  a  special  class  of  persons, 
and  knew  what  that  class  es[)ecially  needed.  Those 
for  whom  he  wrote  were  the  Jewish  Christians 
whether  in  Jerusalem  or  abroad.  The  two  objects 
of  the  Epistle  are — 1.  to  warn  against  the  sins 
(formalism,  fonaticism,  fatalism,  meanness,  false- 
hood, partisanship,  evil  speaking,  boasting,  oppres- 
sion) to  which  as  Jews  they  were  most  liable;  2.  to 
console  and  exhort  them  under  the  sutfeiings  to 
which  as  Christians  they  were  most  exposed. — IV. 
Two  points  in  the  Epistle  demand  a  somewhat  more 
lengthened  notice.  These  are  (a.)  ii.  14-26,  which 
has  been  represented  as  a  formal  opposition  to  St. 
Paul's  doctrine  of  Justification  by  Faith,  and  (6.) 
V.  14,  15,  which  is  quoted  as  the  authority  for  the 
Sacrament  of  Extreme  Unction,  (a.)  If  we  con- 
sider the  meaning  of  the  two  apostles,  we  see  at 
once  that  there  is  no  contradiction  cither  intended 
or  possible.  3t.  Paul  was  opposing  the  Judaizing 
party,  which  claimed  to  earn  acceptance  by  good 
works,  whether  the  works  of  the  Mosaic  law,  or 
works  of  piety  done  by  themselves.  In  opposition 
to  these,  St.  Paul  lays  down  the  great  truth  that 
acceptance  cannot  be  earned  by  man  at  all,  but  is 


Judas  (JtmAS,  the  Brotheu  of  Jambs)  and  Simon  5,  two 
of  the  twelve,  were  likewise  among  Christ's  brothers,  we 
should  have  four  apostles  of  whom  it  is  said  in  Jn.  vii. 
that  they  did  not  believe  (compare  Jn.  ii.  11).  Mary,  too, 
is  called  the  mother  of  James  and  Joses  (correctly  Jo- 
seph) only,  never  of  Simon  and  Jnde,  the  other  two 
"  brethren  "  of  Jesus,  and  supposed  apostles.  Lange 
avoids  some  of  these  difficulties  ny  giving  up  the  sister- 
hood of  the  two  Marys,  but  he  assumes  without  any  exe- 
getical  proof  the  brotherhoo<l  of  Clcophas  (or  Alpheus) 
and  Joseph,  the  early  death  of  Alpheus,  and  the  adoption 
of  his  children  into  the  holy  family.  (10.)  The  grammati- 
cal explanation  of  the  terms  "  brethren  "  and  "  sisters  " 
of  Jesus  is  therefore  far  more  easy  and  natural  than  the 
cousin-theory.  But  these  may  be  (a)  ymmrjer  citildren  of 
Joxeph  and  Atari/,  and  hence  uterine  brothers  of  Jesus, 
who  was  the  son  of  Mary  but  had  no  human  father.  This 
view  may  he  supported  by  Mat.  1.  25  and  Lk.  ii.  7,  and  has 
been  adiipted  by  Tertullian.  Hclvidins,  Herder,  Neander, 
Winer,  \Iever,  WIeseler,  Itothe.  Stier,  Alford,  Farrar  (in 
Smith's  Dictionary,  art.  Brother),  &<:.  (b)  Older  children 
of  Joseph  by  a  former  marriage,  and  hence,  in  law  and  be- 
fore the  world,  though  not  by  blood,  brothers  and  sisters 
of  Christ.  This  view  leaves  the  perpetual  vinrinity  of 
Mary  untouched.  It  seems,  moreover,  to  have  been  the 
oldest, and  was  held  by  Origcn,  Eiisebius(wIiocalls  James 
of  Jerusalem  a  "  son  of  Joseph,"  but  nowhere  of  Mar>'), 
Gregory  of  Nyssa,  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  Kpiphauius 
(who  even  mentions  the  supposed  order  of  births  of 
the  four  sons  and  two  daughters),  Hilary,  Ambrose, 
among  the  Ebionites,  In  the  pseudo-apoetollcal  constltu- 
tions,  &c. 


428 


JAM 


JAR 


the  frte  gift  of  God  to  the  Christian  man,  for  the 
sake  of  the  merits  of  Jesus  Christ,  appropriated  by 
eacli  individual,  and  made  )iis  own  by  the  instru- 
mentality of  faith. — St.  James,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  opposing  the  old  Jewish  tenet  that  to  be  a 
child  of  Abraham  was  all  in  all ;  that  godliness  was 
not  necessary,  so  that  the  belief  was  correct.  St. 
Paul's  "  faith  "  "  worked  by  love  ; "  but  the  "  faith  " 
wliicli  St.  James  is  attacking,  did  not  work  by  love, 
but  was  a  bare  assent  of  the  head,  not  influencing 
the  heart,  a  faith  such  as  devils  can  have,  and 
tremble.  (6.)  With  respect  to  v.  14,  15,  it  is 
enough  to  say  tliat  the  subject  of  Extreme  Unction 
is  a  sick  man  about  to  die,  and  its  object  is  not  his 
cure :  the  subject  of  the  ceremony  described  by  St. 
James  is  a  sick  man  not  about  to  die,  and  the  ob- 
ject is  his  cure  and  spiritual  benefit. 

Ja'miD  (L.  fr.  Ileb.  =  rigid  hand,  prmperity, 
Ocs.).  1.  Second  son  of  Simeon  (Gen.  xlvi.  10; 
Ex.  vi.  15;  1  Chr.  iv.  24);  founder  of  the  family 
of  the  Jaminites  (Num.  xxvi.  12). — 2.  A  man  of 
Judah  ;  second  son  of  Ram  the  Jerahmeelite  (1  Chr. 
ii.  27). — 3.  One  of  the  Levitcs  who  under  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah  read  and  expounded  the  law  to  the  people 
(Neh.  viii.  7). 

Ja'min-itrs  (fr.  Ilcb.),  tte  =  the  descendants  of 
Jamin  the  son  of  Simeon  (\um.  xxvi.  12). 

Jam'lcch  [-Ick]  (fr.  Ilcb.  =  whom  God  makes 
lcir)(i,  Ges,),  a  chief  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  34). 

Jaiu'ui-a  (L.)  =  Jab.neel  (1  Mc.  iv.  15,  v.  58,  x. 
C9,  XV.  40). 

Jani'nltcs  (fr.  L.  Jamnitce),  the  =  the  natives  or 
inhabitants  of  Jamnia,  i.  e.  of  Jabneel  (2  Mc.  xiL  8, 
9,  40). 

Jan'na  (fr.  Gr.  =  John  ? ),  son  of  Joseph,  and 
father  of  Melehi,  in  the  genealogy  of  Christ  (Lk. 
iii.  24\ 

Jaa'nes  [-ncez]  and  Jam'bres  [-breez]  (both  L., 
probably  from  Egyptian ;  see  below),  the  names  of 
two  Egyptian  magicians  who  opposed  Moses.  St. 
Paul  alone  of  the  sacred  writers  mentions  them  by 
name,  and  says  no  more  than  tliat  they  "  withstood 
Mose:',"  and  that  their  folly  in  doing  so  became 
manifest  (2  Tim.  iii.  8,  9).  It  appears  from  the 
Jewish  commentators  that  these  names  were  held  to 
be  those  of  the  magicians  who  opposed  Jloses  and 
Aaron,  spoken  of  in  Exodus.  We  have  been  un- 
able (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole)  to  discover  an  Egyptian 
name  resembling  Jambres  or  Mambres,  which  is  an- 
other form.  Jannes  appears  to  be  a  transcription 
of  the  Egyptian  name  Acin,  probably  pronounced 
Ian.  The  signification  of  Adn  U  doubtful :  the 
cognate  word  Adnt  =  a  vaUe;/  or  plain.  Whether 
Jannes  and  Jambres  were  mentioned  in  some  long- 
lost  book  relating  to  the  early  history  of  the  Israel- 
ites, or  whether  there  was  a  veritable  oral  tradition 
respecting  them  cannot  now  be  determined. 

Ja-DO'nh  (fr.  Heb.  =  rest,  gtiiet,  (ics.),  a  place  ap- 
parently in  the  N.  of  Galilee,  of  the  "  land  of  Naph- 
tali ;  "  taken  by  Tiglath-pileser  in  his  first  incursion 
into  Palestine  (2  K.  xv.  29).  Thomson  (i.  463)  finds 
its  site  at  yanoah,  about  ten  miles  E.  N.  E.  from 

Ja-no'hah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Janoah,  Ges.),  a  place  on 
the  boundary  of  Ephraim  (Josh.  xvi.  6,  1).  Euse- 
bius  gives  it  as  twelve  miles  E.  of  Neapolis  (Shechem). 
A  little  less  than  that  distance  S.  E.  from  Nablus  is 
the  village  of  YAnun,  with  extensive  and  interest- 
ing ruins,  doubtless  =  ancient  Janohah. 

Janom  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  slumhcr,  Ges.),  a  town  of 
Judah  in  the  mountain  district,  apparently  not  far' 
from  Hebron  (Josh.  xv.  53). 


*  Ja'nns  =  Janum  (Josh.  xv.  53,  marg.). 

Ja'pheth  [-feth]  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  vjidely  i.pr(adir>g, 
Ges.),  one  of  the  three  sons  of  Koah.  From  the 
order  in  which  their  names  invariably  occur  (Gen. 
v.  32,  vi.  10)  we  should  naturally  infer  that  japheth 
was  the  youngest,  but  we  learn  I'rem  ix.  24  that  Ham 
held  that  position.  It  has  been  generally  supposed 
from  x.  21  that  Japheth  was  the  eldest ;  but  the 
word  "  elder "  in  that  passage  is  better  connected 
with  "  brother."  (Siiem.)  We  infer  therefore  that 
Japheth  was  the  second  son  of  Noah  (so  Mr.  Sevan, 
with  Gesenius,  Ayre,  &c. ;  the  A.  V.,  LXX.,  Bush, 
kc,  make  Japheth  the  oldest  son ;  Mr.  Earrar  [in 
Kitto]  makes  him  the  youngest).  Japheth's  sons 
were  seven:  Gomer,  Magog,  Madai,  Javan,  TrnAL, 
Mesiif.ch,  and  Tiras.  The  descendants  of  Japheth 
occupied  the  "isles  of  the  Gentiles"  (x.  5.),  i.  e. 
the  coast-lands  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea  in  Europe 
and  Asia  Minor,  whence  they  spread  N.  over  the 
whole  continent  of  Europe  and  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  Asia.     (Tongues,  Conkision  of.) 

Ja-pbi'a  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  splendid,  Ges.).  The 
boundary  of  Zebulun  ascended  from  Daberath  to 
Japhia,  and  thence  passed  to  Gath-hephcr  (Josh, 
xix.  12).  Ytifa,  two  miles  S.  W.  of  Nazareth,  not 
unlikely  =  Jajihia.  A  tradition  makes  i'd/a  the 
birth-place  of  Zebedce  and  of  the  Apostles  James 
and  John,  his  sons. 

Ja-pbi'a  (see  above).  1.  King  of  Laehish,  de- 
feated and  slain  by  the  Israelites  under  Joshua 
(Josh.  X.  3).— 2t  A  son  of  David,  born  in  Je:usalcm 
(2  Sam.  V.  15  ;   1  Chr.  iii.  7,  xiv.  6). 

Japb'let  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God  ddrvcrs,  Ges.), 
a  descendant  of  Asher  through  Beriah  (1  Chr.  vii. 
32,  33). 

Japh'le-tl  (fr.  Heb.  Yapldcti  =  one  from  Japhht, 
Japldelile).  The  boundary  of  Japhleti  is  one  of  the 
landmarks  on  the  S.  boundary-line  of  Ephraim  (Jcsh. 
xvi.  3).  Possibly  the  name  preserves  the  memory 
of  some  ancient  tribe  who  at  a  remote  age  dwelt 
on  these  hills. 

Ja'plio  (fr.  Heb.  Ydpho)  =  Joppa,  the  modern 
Yufa  (Josh.  xix.  46). 

ja'rah  (fr.  Ilcb.  =  lionej/,  probably  corrupted  from 
Jehoadaii,  Ges.;  unviiler,  Fii. ),  a  descendant  of 
Saul ;  son  of  Micah,  and  great-grandson  of  Mephib- 
oshelh  (1  Chr.  ix.  42,  compare  40) ;   =  Jemoapah. 

Ja'reb  (from  Heb. ;  see  below)  is  either  to  be  ex- 
plained as  the  proper  name  of  a  country  or  person, 
as  a  noun  m  apposition,  or  as  a  verb  from  a  root 
rub,  to  contend,  plead.  AH  these  senses  are  repre- 
sented in  the  A.  V.  andthe  marginal  readings  (Hos. 
v.  13,  X.  6),  and  the  least  preferable  (so  Jlr.  Wright) 
has  been  inserted  in  the  text.  Kimchi  explained 
Jareb  as  the  name  of  some  city  of  Assyria,  or  as 
another  name  of  the  country  itself  The  clause  in 
which  it  occurs  is  supposed  by  many  to  refer  to 
Judah,  in  order  to  make  the  parallelism  complete ; 
and  with  this  in  view  Rashi  interprets  it  of  Aliaz, 
who  sent  to  Tiglath-pileser  (2  K.  xvi.  8)  to  aid  him 
against  the  combined  forces  of  Syria  and  Israel. 
But  Mr.  Wright  supposes  that  both  the  clauses 
refer  to  Ephraim,  and  the  allusion  would  fhni  be, 
as  explained  by  Jerome,  to  Pul,  who  was  subsidizid 
by  Menahem  (xv.  19),  and  Judah  would  be  indirectly 
included.  If  a  Hebrew  word,  it  is  most  probably  a 
noun  formed  from  the  above-mentioned  root,  and 
applied  to  the  land  of  Assyria,  or  to  its  king,  as  in- 
dicating their  determined  hostility  to  Israel,  and 
their  generally  aggressive  character.  That  it  is 
rather  to  be  applied  to  the  country  than  to  the  king 
may  be   inferred  from  its  standing  in  parallelism 


i 


JAR 


JAS 


429 


with  Asshur.  Gcsenius  makes  it  =  an  adversary, 
honce  an  atlverse  or  hostile  king,  i.  e.  the  king  of 
Assyria.  Fiirst  interprets  one  JiglUhig,  an  adver- 
Sitrt)  ;  but  makes  it  a  symbolic  proper  name  of  tlie 
warlike  Asshur  or  Assyria,  ami  says  it  may  be  an 
old  Assyrian  word. 

Ja'red  (L.  fr.  Ileb.  =  descent,  Ges.),  one  of  the 
antediluvian  patriarchs,  the  filth  from  Adam ;  son 
of  Malulalcel,  and  father  of  Enoch  (Gen.  v.  15,  16, 
lS-20;  Lk.  iii.  37);  =  Jered  1. 

Jar-t-sl  ah  (fr.  Ileb.  =  whom  Jehovah  makes  fat, 
Cies.),  a  Benjamite  chief,  sou  of  Jehoram  (1  Chr. 
viii.  :;?). 

Jar'ha  (fr.  Heb.,  probably  of  Egyptian  origin, 
meaning  unknown),  the  Egyptian  servant  of  Sheslian, 
aljout  the  time  of  Eli,  to  whom  his  master  gave  his 
daughter  and  heir  in  marriage  (1  Chr.  ii.  31).  In 
verse  31  we  read  "the  children  of  Sheshan,  Ahlai," 
and  in  verse  34,  "  Sheshan  had  no  sons,  but  daugh- 
ters." Hence  some  have  imagined  that  Jarha  on  his 
marriage  with  Sheshan's  daughter  had  the  name  of 
Alilai  given  him  by  Sheshan,  to  signify  his  adoption 
into  Israel.  But  the  view  which  the  A.  V.  adopts 
is  undoubtedly  right,  viz.  that  Ahlai  =  Sheshan's 
daughter. 

Ja  rib  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  an  adversary,  Ges.).  1.  A 
son  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  '24  only);  perhaps  =  Ja- 
cniN  (Gen.  xlvi.,  Ex.  vi.,  and  Num.  xxvi.). — i.  One 
of  the  "  chief  men  "  who  accompanied  Ezra  on  his 
journey  from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem  (Ezr.  viii.  16). 
— 3i  A  priest  of  the  house  of  Jeshua,  the  son  of 
Jozadak  ;  husband  of  a  foreign  wife,  whom  lie  was 
compelled  by  Ezra  to  put  away  (Ezr.  x.  18) ;  = 
No.  2  y — 4.  A  contraction  or  corruption  of  Joarib 
(1  Mc.  xiv.  29). 

Jar  i-moUi  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Jeremoth  (1  Esd.  ix.  28). 

Jar'mDtll  (fr.  Heb.  =  heiglU,  Ges.).  I.  A  town 
in  tlic  low  country  of  Judah,  named  with  AduUam, 
Socoh,  and  others  (Josh.  xv.  35).  Its  king,  Piram, 
was  one  of  the  five  who  conspired  to  punish  Gibeon 
for  having  made  alliance  with  Israel  (x.  3,  5),  and 
were  routed  at  Beth-horon  and  put  to  death  by 
Joshua  at  Makkedah  (23).  It  was  reinhabited  after 
the  Captivity  (Neh.  xi.  29).  A  site  named  Yarmuk, 
which  may  represent  Jarmuth,  with  a  contiguous 
eminence  called  Tell  Ermud,  was  visited  by  Robin- 
son and  Van  de  Velde.  It  is  about  one  and  a  half 
miles  from  Beit  Nettif,vih\c\\  again  is  some  eight  miles 
from  Beit  Jihrin,  or  Eleutheropolis,  on  the  left  of 
the  road  to  Jerusalem.^2.  A  city  of  Issachar,  al- 
lotted to  the  Gershonite  Levites  (Josh.  xxi.  29). 
Remeth  ;  Ramotii. 

Ja-ro'ab  (fr.  Heb.  =  moon,  Ges.),  a  chief  of  Gad 
(1  Chr.  V.  14). 

J«'sa-el(fr.  Gr.)  =  Shkal  (1  Esd.  ix.  30). 

Ja'shen  (fr.  Heb.  =  tlneping,  Ges.).  "  Sons  of 
Jashen  "  are  named  in  the  catalogue  of  David's 
warriors  in  2  Sam.  xxiii.  82 ;  "  sons  of  Hashcm  the 
Gizonite  "  in  1  Chr.  xi.  34.  Kcnnicott  would  read 
"  of  the  sons  of  Hashem,  Gouni ;  Jonathan  son  of 
Shamlia."  Bertheau  would  omit  "  sons  of,"  and 
read  simply  "  Hashem  the  Gizonite." 

Ja'sher  (fr.  Ileb.,  see  below).  Book  of,  or,  as  the 
margin  of  the  A.  V.  and  Gesenius  translate,  "  the 
book  of  the  upright,"  a  record  alluded  to  in  two 
pa-ssages  only  of  the  0.  T.  (Josh.  x.  13  and  2  Sam. 
i.  18),  and  consequently  the  subject  of  much  dis- 
pute. The  Tai-gum  interprets  it  "  the  book  of  the 
law,"  and  this  is  followed  by  Rashi.  The  same 
Rabbi,  in  his  commentary  on  Samuel,  refers  to 
Genesis  "  the  book  of  the  upright,  Abraham,  Isaac, 
and  Jacob,"  to  explain  the  allusion  to  the  book  of 


Jasher.  Rabbi  Elieeer  thought  that  the  book  of 
Jasher  =  Deuteronomy.  Rabbi  Samuel  ben  Nach- 
man  makes  it  =  Judges.  Jerome,  or  rather  the 
author  of  the  Quiesliottes  Hebraicce,  understood  by 
it  the  books  of  Samuel  themselves,  inasmuch  as 
they  contained  the  history  of  the  just  prophets, 
Samuel,  Gad,  Nathan.  Rabbi  Levi  ben  Gershora 
held  that  the  book  of  Jasher  perished  in  the  Cap- 
tivity. Sanctius  conjectured  that  it  was  a  collection 
of  pious  hymns  written  by  different  authors  and 
sung  on  various  occasions.  That  it  was  written  in 
verse  may  reasonably  be  inferred  from  the  only 
specimens  extant,  which  exhibit  unmistakable  signs 
of  metrical  rhythm.  Gesenius  conjectured  that  it 
was  an  anthology  of  ancient  songs,  which  acquired 
its  name,  "  the  book  of  the  just  or  upright,"  from 
being  written  in  praise  of  upright  men,  or  from 
some  other  cause.  Abicht,  taking  the  lament  of 
David  as  a  sample  of  the  whole,  maintained  that 
the  fragment  quoted  in  Joshua  was  part  of  a  funeral 
ode  composed  upon  the  death  of  that  hero,  and 
narrating  his  achievements.  Dr.  Donaldson,  more 
recently,  attempts  not  only  to  decide  what  the  book 
of  Jasher  was  in  itself,  but  to  reconstruct  it  from 
the  fragments  which,  according  to  his  theory,  he 
traces  tliroughout  the  several  books  of  the  O.  T. 
He  supposes  the  compiler  of  the  book  to  have  been 
probably  Nathan  the  prophet,  assisted  perhaps  by 
Gad  the  seer.  But  his  scheme  is  purely  conjectural, 
and  is  recommended  by  no  internal  probability. — 
There  are  also  extant,  under  the  title  of  "  the  Book 
of  Jasher,"  two  Rabbinical  works,  one  a  moral 
treatise,  written  in  a.  d.  1394,  by  Rabbi  Shabbatai, 
Carmuz  Levita  ;  the  other,  by  Rabbi  Thani,  treats 
of  the  laws  of  the  Jews  in  eighteen  chapters,  and 
was  printed  in  Italy  in  1544,  and  at  Cracow  in  1586. 
An  anonymous  work,  printed  at  Venice  and  Prague 
in  1625,  and  said  to  have  made  its  first  appearance 
at  Naples,  was  believed  by  some  Jews  to  be  the 
record  alluded  to  in  Joshua.  It  contains  the  his- 
torical narratives  of  the  Pentateuch,  Joshua,  and 
Judges,  with  many  fabulous  additions.  A  clumsy 
forgery  in  English,  which  first  appeared  in  1751, 
under  the  title  of  "  the  Book  of  Jasher,"  deserves 
notice  solely  for  the  unmerited  success  with  which 
it  was  palmed  off  upon  the  public. 

Ja-sho'be-ani  (fr.  Heb.  =  to  whom  the  people  turns, 
Ges.).  Possibly  one  and  the  same  follower  of  Da- 
vid, bearing  this  name,  is  described  as  a  Haciimo- 
NiTE  (1  Chr.  xi.  11),  a  Korhite  (xii.  6),  and  son  of 
Zabdiel  (xxvii.  2).  He  came  to  David  at  Ziklag. 
His  distinguishing  exploit  was  that  he  slew  300  (or 
800,  2  Sam.  xxiii.  8)  men  at  one  time.  He  is  named 
first  among  the  chief  of  the  mighty  men  of  David 
(1  Chr.  xi.  11),  and  was  set  over  the  first  of  the 
twelve  monthly  courses  of  24,000  men  who  served 
the  king  (xxvii.  2).     Eznite  ;  TAcn.\ioNiTB. 

Ja'shob,  or  Jash'nb  <fr.  Heb.  —  he  turns,  Ges.). 
1.  The  third  son  of  Issachar,  and  founder  of  the 
family  of  the  Jashubites'  (Num.  xxvi.  24  ;  1  Chr. 
vii.  1 ). — 2,  One  of  the  sons  of  Bani  in  Ezra's  time, 
who  had  to  put  away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  29). 

Jash'n-bi-le'hem  (fr.  Heb.  =  turner  back  to  Beth- 
lehem, Fii.),  a  person  or  a  place  named  among  the 
descendants  of  Shclah,  the  son  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv. 
22) ;  probably  a  place  (so  Mr.  Grove)  on  the  W. 
side  of  the  tribe,  in  or  near  the  low  country.  Plain 
6;  Sephela 

Ja'shnb-ltes,  or  Jash'nb-ites  (fr.  Heb.),  the  —  the 
family  founded  by  Jashlb,  the  son  of  Issachar 
(Num.  xxvi.  24). 

Ja'8i-el  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Ood  has  made,  Ges.), 


430 


JAS 


JEB 


"  the  Mesobaiie,"  the  last  named  on  the  list  of 
David's  heroes  in  1  Chr.  xi.  47). 

Ja'$on(L.  fr.  Gr.  =  thehealerl;  frequently  adopted 
by  Hellenizing  Greeks  as  =  Jesus,  Joshua).  1. 
"  Jason  the  son  of  Eleazar  "  was  one  of  the  commis- 
sioners sent  by  Judas  Maccabeus  to  conclude  a  trea- 
ty with  the  Romans  b.  c.  161  (1  Mc.  viii.  17). — 2. 
Jason  the  father  of  Antlpater,  who  was  an  envoy 
to  Rome  at  a  later  period  (.\ii.  16,  xiv.  22);  prob- 
ably =  No.  1. — 3.  Jason  of  Cyrk.ne,  a  Jewiish  his- 
torian who  wrote  "  in  five  books  "  a  history  of  the 
Jewish  war  of  liberation  which  supplied  the  chief 
materials  for  2  Mc.  (Maccabees,  Books  of.)  His 
name  and  the  place  of  his  residence  seem  to  mark 
Jason  as  a  Hellenistic  Jew,  but  nothing  more  is 
known  of  him  that  can  be  gathered  from  2  Mc.  ii. 
19-23. — 1.  Jason  the  high-priest,  second  son  of 
Simon  II.,  and  brother  of  Onias  III.,  succeeded  in 
obtaining  the  high-priesthood  from  Antiochcs 
Epiphanes  (about  b.  c.  175)  to  the  exclusion  of  his 
elder  brother  (2  Mc.  iv.  7-26).  He  labored  in  every 
way  to  introduce  Greek  customs  among  the  people, 
and  that  with  great  success  (iv.).  (Games)  After 
three  years  (about  b.  c.  172)  he  was  in  turn  sup- 
planted in  the  king's  favor  by  his  own  emissary 
Menelaus,  and  was  forced  to  talie  refuge  among  the 
Ammonites  (iv.  26).  On  a  report  of  the  death  of 
Antiochus  (about  b.  c.  170)  he  made  a  violent  at 
tempt  to  recover  his  power  (v.  5-7),  but  was  re- 
pulsed, and  again  fled  to  the  Ammonites.  After- 
ward he  was  compelled  to  retire  to  Egypt,  and 
thence  to  Sparta  (v.  9),  and  there  "  perished  in  a 
strange  land  "  (1.  c.  ;  comjiare  Dan.  xii.  30  ff. ;  1  Mc. 
i.  12  ff ).— 5.  Jason  the  Thessalonian,  entertained 
Paul  and  Silas,  and  was  in  consequence  attacked 
by  the  Jewish  mob  (Acts  xvii.  5,  6,  7,  9);  probably 
=  Jason  mentioned  in  Rom.  xvi.  21,  as  a  companion 
of  the  apostle,  and  one  of  his  kinsmen  or  iellow- 
tribesmen.  Lightfoot  conjectured  that  Jason  — 
Secundus  (Acts  xx.  4). 

Jasper ( Heb.  3/(wA«pA(?A  ;  Or.  iaspis),  a  precious 
stone  frequently  noticed  in  Scri|)ture.  It  was  the 
last  of  the  twelve  inserted  in  the  high-priest's  breast- 
plate (Ex.  xxviii.  20,  xxxix.  13),  and  the  first  of  the 
twelve  used  in  the  foundations  of  the  new  Jerusalem 
(Rev.  xxi.  19).  It  was  employed  in  the  superstruc- 
ture of  the  walls  of  the  new  Jenisalcm  (xxi.  18). 
It  adorned  the  king  of  Tyre  (Ez.  xxviii.  13).  It  is 
the  emblematical  image  of  the  glory  of  the  Divine 
Being  (Rev.  iv.  3).  The  characteristics  of  tlie  stone, 
as  far  as  specified  in  Scripture  (xxi.  11),  are  "  most 
precious,"  and  "  like  crystal;"  we  may  also  infer 
from  iv.  3,  that  it  was  a  stone  of  brilliant  and  trans- 
parent liglit.  Mr.  Bevan  thinks  the  diamond,  not 
"jasper,"  is  the  stone  meant.  The  ancient  Greek 
iasjm  =  our  chalcedony,  primarily  a  green  variety 
( King).  The  modern  "jasper  "  is  an  opaque  variety 
of  quartz,  of  a  red,  yellow,  'green,  or  mixed  brown- 
ish-yellow hue,  sometimes  striped  and  sometimes 
spotted. 

Ja-sn'bns(fr.  Gr.)  =  Jashcb  2  (1  Esd.  ix.  30). 

Ja'tal  -  Ater  1  (1  Esd.  v.  28). 

Jath'ni-rl  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God baitowK,Gei.\  a 
Korhite  Levite,  of  the  family  of  Meshelemiah  (1 
Chr.  xxvi.  2). 

Jat'tir(rr.  Heb.  =i  preeminent,  Ges.),  a  town  of 
Judah  in  the  moimtain  district  (Josh.  xv.  48),  one 
of  tlie  group  containing  Socho,  Eshtcmoa,  &c.  It 
was  allotted  to  the  priests,  and  was  one  of  the 
places  which  David  used  to  haunt  and  to  which  he 
sent  gifts  (x.xi.  14  ;  1  Sam.  xxx.  27;  1  Chr.  vi.  57). 
By  Robinson  it  is  identified  with  'Ailir,  six  miles 


N.  of  Molada,  and  ten  miles  S.  of  Hebron.    Ith- 

EITE. 

Ja'Tan  (fr.  Heb.  =  the  young.  Pott,  Fii.).  I.  A 
son  of  Japlietli,  and  father  of  Elishah  and  Tarshish, 
Kittim  and  Dodanim  (Gen.  x.  2,  4).  The  name  ap- 
pears in  Is.  Ixvi.  19,  where  it  is  coupled  with  Tar- 
shish, Pul,  and  Lud,  and  more  particularly  with 
Tubal  and  the  "  isles  alar  off,"  as  representatives 
of  the  Gentile  world  :  again  in  Ez.  xxvii.  13,  where 
it  is  coupled  with  Tubal  and  Meshcch,  as  carrying 
on  considerable  commerce  with  the  "Tyriar.s,  who 
imported  from  these  countries  slaves  and  brazen 
vessels  :  in  Dan.  viii.  21,  x.  20,  xi.  2,  in  reference  to 
the  Macedonian  empire;  and  lastly  in  Zech.  ix.  13, 
in  reference  to  the  Greco-Syrian  empire.  From  a 
comparison  of  these  various  passages  tliere  can  be 
no  doubt  that  Javan  was  regarded  as  the  represent- 
ative of  the  Gieck  race.  (Greece.)  The  name  was 
probably  introduced  into  Asia  by  the  I'henicians, 
to  whom  tlie  lonians  were  naturally  better  known 
than  any  other  of  the  Hellenic  races,  on  account  of 
their  commercial  activity  and  the  liigli  prosperity 
of  their  towns  on  the  W.  coast  of  Asia  Minor. — 2. 
A  town  in  the  southern  part  of  Arabia  (  ycincti), 
whither  the  I'lienicians  traded  (Ez.  xxvii.  19). 

Javelin  [jav-].    Arms. 

Ja'zar  =  Jaazer  (1  Mc.  v.  8). 

Ja'zer  (fr.  Ilcb.)  =  Jaazer  (Num.  xxxii.  1,3; 
Josh.  xxi.  39  ;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  5  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  81,  xxvi, 
31 ;  Is.  xvi.  8,  9  ;  Jer.  xlviii.  32). 

Ja'ziz  (L.  fr.  Heb.  —  whom  God  mows,  to  whom 
He  yivdi  life  mid  taotion,  Gos.),  a  Uagarite  who  had 
charge  of  David's  flocks  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  31). 

Je'a-rini  (fr.  Ilcb.  r=  forests),  (ionnt,  a  place 
named  in  specifying  the  northern  boundary  of  Jiuhih 
(Josh.  XV.  10).  The  boundary  ran  from  Mount  Stir 
to  "  the  shoulder  (A.  V.  '  side  ')  of  Mount  Jeiiilm, 
which  is  Chesalo.n,"  i.  e.  Chesalon  was  the  lai.d- 
mark  on  the  mountain.  Kesla  stands  seven  niilos 
due  W.  of  Jeru>alcm  on  a  high  point  on  tlie  N. 
slope  of  llie  lofty  ridge  between  Wadi/  Ghuruli  and 
Wady  hriiail.  This  ridge  is  probably  Mount  Jeai  ini. 

Je-ate-rai  (fr.  II  ib.  ^  Jollowmg  the  traik  of  one, 
Fii.),  a  Ger.shonite  Levite,  son  of  Zerah  (1  Chr.  vi. 
21) ;   =  Ethm. 

Jf  b-er-e-clii'ali  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  blesses, 
Ges.),  father  of  a  certain  Zechariah,  in  the  reign  of 
Ahaz,  mentioned  Is.  viii.  2.  As  this  form  occurs 
nowhere  else,  and  both  the  LXX.  and  Vulgate  have 
Bercchiah,  it  is  probal)ly  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hcrvey)  only 
an  accidental  corruption. 

Je'bns  (fr.  Ilcb.  =z  place  trodden  down,  threshing- 
floor,  Ges.),  one  of  the  names  of  Jerusalem,  the 
city  of  the  Jebusitcs,  also  called  Jebcsi.  It  occurs 
oniy  twice  (Judp.  xix.  10,  11  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  4,  6). 

Jrb'n-sl  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Jebus  (Josh.  xv.  8,  xviii. 
16,  28). 

Jeb'n-site,  Jfb'n-sltes  (both  fr.  Heb.  sing,  = 
fieople  of  Jebus,  Gcs.),  lliet  1.  According  to  the 
table  in  Gen.  x.  "the  jebusite  "  is  the  third  son  of 
Canaan.  His  place  in  the  list  is  between  Hctli  and 
the  Amorites  (x.  16;  1  Chr.  i.  14).  But  in  the  for- 
mula by  w  hich  the  Promised  Land  is  so  often  des- 
ignated, the  Jebusites  are  uniformly  placed  last 
(Gen.  XV.  21  ;  Ex.  iii.  8,  &c.).  2.  Our  first  glimpse 
of  the  actual  people  is  in  the  report  of  the  spies 
(Num.  xiii.  29).  \Vhcn  Jabin  organized  his  rising 
against  Joshua,  he  sent  among  others  "to  the  Amor- 
ite,  the  Hittite,  the  Perizzite,  and  the  Jebusite  in 
the  mountains"  (Josh.  xi.  3).  A  mountain-tribe 
they  were,  and  a  mountain-tribe  they  remained. 
"  Jebus,  which  is  Jerusalem,"  lost  its  king  in  the 


f 


jEd 


JEH 


431 


slaughter  of  Bcth-horon  (x.  1,  5,  2G ;  compare  xii.  l 
10) — was  sacked  and  burned  by  the  men  of  Judah  ' 
(^Judg.  i.  21),  and  its  citadel  finally  scaled  and  oc- 
cupied by  David  (2  Sam.  v.  6  11". ;'  1  Clir.  xi.  4  fl.). 
Aralinah  the  Jebusitc  appears  before  us  in  true 
kingly  dignity  in  his  well-known  transaction  with 
IJaviJ  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  23  ;  1  Chr.  xix.  23).  Solomon 
made  the  remnant  tributary  (1  K.  ix.  20).  They 
are  named  among  "  the  people  of  the  lands "  in 
Ezr.  ix.  1. 

Jet-a-mi'aii  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Jekamiah,  one  of  seven, 
including  Siilathiel  and  Pcdaiah,  who  were  intro- 
duced into  the  royal  line  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Ilervey)  on 
the  failure  of  it  in  the  person  of  Jehoiachin  (1  Chr. 
iii.  18).     Ge.vealooy  op  Jesus  Christ. 

Jech-O-U'all  [jek  ]  (fr.  Ileb.  =  ahle  Ihrouyh  Jehn- 
rah,  Ges.),  wife  of  Amaziah,  king  of  Judah,  and 
morher  of  Azariah  or  Uzziah  his  successor  (2  K. 
XV.  2) ;  =  Jecoliaii. 

Jje.'l-o-Bi'iS  (L.  fr.  Or. ;  see  below).  I.  The  form 
of  Jeco.viaii  or  Jeeioiaciiis  used  in  theA.V.  in  the 
books  rendered  from  the  Greek,  viz.  Estli.  xi.  4  ; 
Bar.  i.  3,  9;  Mat.  i.  11,  12. — 2.  Shechaniau  (1  Esd. 
viii.  92) 

Jef-o-H'ah  =  Jecholiah  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  3). 

Jet-O-ni  ah  (fr.  Heb.),  an  altered  form  of  Jehoia- 
chin (1  Chr.  iii.  16,  17;  Jer.  xxiv.  1,  xxvii.  20, 
xxviii.  4,  x.xix.  1  ;  Esth.  ii.  6);  —  Coniah  ;  see  also 
Jechonias  and  Joacim  2.   . 

Jet-o-illas  (fr.  Gr.)  =  CoNASiAH  (1  Esd.  i.  9). 

Je*dsi'ab  [-da'yali]  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jehovah  cares  for 
him,  Ges.).  1.  Heivd  of  the  second  course  of  priests 
in  the  time  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  7).  Some  of  them 
survived  to  return  to  Jerusalem  after  the  Babyloni.'ih 
Captivity,  as  appears  from  Ezr.  ii.  36  and  Neh.  vii.  3H. 
Tliere  were  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Uervey)  two  priestly 
families  of  the  name  (Neh.  xii.  6,  7,  19,  21).  A  cor- 
rupt reading  in  Neh.  xi.  10  makes  Jedaiah  son  of 
Joiarib  (compare  1  Chr.  ix.  10). — 2.  An  associate 
ofToBiJAH  2  in  Joshua's  time  (Zech.  vi.  10,  14). 

Je-dilab  (fr.  Heb.  =  pravte  God [Jau], Ges  ).  1. 
A  Simeonite,  forefather  of  Ziza  (1  Chr.  iv.  37). — 2. 
Son  of  Harumaph  ;  a  man  who  dii  his  part  in  the 
rebuilding  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  10). 

Jea'dB  (fr.  Gr.)=  Jedaiah  1  (1  Esd.  v.  24). 

Je-dr'o$  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Adaiah  5  (1  Esd.  ix.  30). 

Je-di'a-el  (fr.  Heb.  =  known  of  God,  Ges.).  1, 
A  chief  patriarch  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  ( 1  Chr. 
vii.  6,  U).  It  is  usually  assumed  that  Jediael  = 
.\ahbel  (Gen.  xlvi.  21  ;  Num.  xxvi.  38;  1  Chr.  viii. 
1 ).  But  this  is  not  certain.^2.  Second  son  of 
Meahcleiniah,  a  Levite  (xxvi.  1,  2). — 3.  Son  of 
Sliiuiri;  one  of  David's  heroes  (xi.  45);  =  No.  4? — I. 
<Mie  of  the  cliicfs  of  the  thousands  of  Manasseh  who 
joined  David  on  his  march  to  Ziklag  (xii.  20;  com- 
pare 1  .Sam.  xxix.,  xxx.). 

Je-di'dab  (fr.  Heb.  =  darling  ;  one  beloved,  Ges.), 
queen  of  Amon,  and  mother  of  the  good  king  Josiah 
(2  K.  xxii.  1). 

J(d-l-dl'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  darlinff  of  Jehovah  ;  be- 
loved of  Jehovah,  Ges.),  the  name  bestowe<l,  through 
Xatlian  the  prophet,  on  David's  son  Solomon  (2 
Sam.  xii.  25).  Bath-sheba's  first  child  had  died — 
"  Jehovah  struck  it "  (verse  15).  A  second  son  was 
born,  David  called  his  name  Solomon  =  Peaceful ; 
and  Jehovah  loved  the  child,  i.  e.  allowed  him  to 
live.  And  David  sent  by  the  hand  of  Nathan,  to 
obtain  through  him  some  oracle  or  token  of  the 
Diviiu'  favor  on  the  babe,  and  the  babe's  name  was 
calli'd  Jediiliah  =  Jidid-jAii.  "  Jedid  "  and  "  David  " 
are  both  derived  from  the  same  root,  or  from  two 
closely  related  (Gesenius).     To  David  himself,  the 


"  darling "  of  his  family  and  his  people,  no  more 
precious  seal  of  his  restoration  to  tlie  Divine  favor 
after  his  late  fall  could  have  been  atfurded  than  this 
announcemeut  by  the  prophet,  that  tlie  name  of  his 
child  was  to  combine  his  own  name  with  that  of 
Jehovah — Jedid-ii.\\,  "  darling  of  Jehovah." 

Je-dn'tlina (fr.  lleb.  =:  pra'm'mg,  ceUbralhig,  Ges.), 
a  Levite  associated  with  Heman  the  Kohathite,  and 
Asaph  the  GersUonite,  in  the  conduct  of  the  musi- 
cal service  of  the  Tabernacle,  in  the  time  of  David ; 
according  to  what  is  said  1  Chr.  xxiii.  6.  He  is 
probably  =  Etha.v,  and  therefore  a  Merarite  (com- 
pare 1  Chr.  XV.  17,  19,  with  xvi.  41,  42,  xxv.  1,  3, 
6;  2  Chr.  xxxv.  16).  His  office  was  generally  to 
preside  over  the  music  of  the  Temple-service,  con- 
sisting of  the  nebel  (A.  V.  "psaltery"),  tlie  harp, 
and  tlie  cymbals,  together  with  the  human  voice. 
But  his  peculiar  part,  as  well  as  that  of  his  two 
colleagues,  Heman  and  Asaph,  was  "  to  sound  with 
cymbals  of  brass,"  while  the  others  played  on  the 
"  psaltery  "  and  the  harp.  After  the  ark  was  taken 
to  Jerusalem,  Jeduthun  and  Heman  were  left  with 
Zadok  tlie  priest,  to  give  thanks  "  before  the  taber- 
nacle of  the  Lord  in  the  high  place  that  was  at 
Gibeou."  Descendants  of  Jeduthun  in  Uezekiah's 
roign  took  part  in  purifying  the  Temple,  and  in 
Nehemiah's  time  were  still  employed  about  the  sing- 
ing (1  Chr.  ix.  IG  ;  2  Chr.  xxix.  13,  14 ;  Neh.  xi.  17). 
Jeduthun's  name  stands  at  the  head  of  the  thirty- 
ninth,  sixty-second,  and  seventy-seventh  Psalms, 
indicating  probably  that  they  were  to  be  sung  by 
his  choir  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey).     Music. 

Je-e'll(fr.  Gr.)  =  Jaalah  (1  Esd.  v.  33). 

Je-e'las  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Jehiel  (1  Esd.  viii.  92). 

Je-e'zcr(fr.  Heb.  rezer,  contracted  from  Abi-ezer, 
Ges.),  a  descendant  of  Manasseh  (Num.  xxvi.  30); 
elsewhere  called  Abi  ezer,  founder  of  the  Jeezerites. 

Je-e'zer-ltes,  the  =  the  family  of  Jeezer  or  Abi- 
ezer  (Num.  xxvi.  30). 

Je'gar-sa-ha-dn'tha  (heap  of  tenlimony),  the  Ara- 
mean  name  given  by  Laban  the  Syrian  to  the  heap 
of  stones  which  he  erected  as  a  memorial  of  the 
compact  between  Jacob  and  himself,  while  Jacob 
commemorated  the  same  by  setting  up  a  pillar  (Gen. 
xxxi.  47),  as  was  his  custom  on  several  other  occa- 
sions.    Galeed. 

Je-hare-leel  (fr.  Heb.  =  who  praken  God,  Ges.). 
Four  "sons  of  Jehaleleel "  are  introduced  abruptly 
into  the  genealogies  of  Judah  (1  Clir.  iv.  16). 

Je-hal'c-lel  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jehaleleel),  a  Merarite 
Levite,  father  of  Azariah  (2  Chr.  xxix.  12). 

Jeh-del'all  [-dee'yah]  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah 
makes  joyful,  Ges.).  I.  The  rcpresenfative  of  the 
sons  of  Siuibael,  in  the  time  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxiv. 
20).— 2.  A  Meronothite  who  had  charge  of  David's 
she-asses  (xxvii.  30). 

Je-liez'e-kel  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  God  makes  tlroruf, 
Ges. ;  =  Ezekiel),  a  priest  to  whom  w.a8  given  by 
David  the  charge  of  the  twentieth  course  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  house  of  Jehovah  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  16). 

Je-hi'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jehovah  lives)  and  Obed- 
edom  were  "  doorkeepers  for  the  ark  "  at  its  estab- 
lishment in  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  xv.  24). 

Je-hl'el  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  (?<«/  lives,  Ges. ;  see  No.  12 
and  13  below).  1.  One  of  the  Levites  appointed  by 
David  to  assist  in  the  service  of  the  house  of  God 
(1  Chr.  XV.  18,  20,  xvi.  6). — %,  Son  of  Jehoshaphat, 
king  of  Judah,  put  to  death  by  his  brother  Jehoram 
(2  Chr.  xxi.  2).— 3.  One  of  the  rulers  of  the  house 
of  God  at  the  time  of  Josiah's  reforms  (xxxv.  8).^ 
4«  A  Gershonite  Levite,  head  of  the  sons  of  Laadan 
in  David's  time  (1  Chr.  xxui.  8),  who  had  charge  of 


432 


JEH 


JEH 


the  treasures  (xxix.  8). — i.  Son  of  Hachmoni,  or  of 
a  Haclmionite,  named  in  the  list  of  Uavid's  officers 
(xxvii.  32)  as  "  with  the  king's  sons,"  probably  as 
tutor. — 6>  A  Levite  of  the  sous  of  Heman,  who  took 
part  in  the  restorations  of  King  Uezekiah  (2  Chr. 
xxix.  14). — 7.  Another  Levite  at  the  same  period 
(xxxi.  13). — 8.  Father  of  Obadiah,  of  the  sons  of 
Joab  (Ezr.  viii.  9). — 9.  One  of  the  children  of 
Elam ;  father  of  Shechaniah  (x.  2). — 10.  A  mem- 
ber of  tlie  same  family,  who  had  to  part  with 
his  wife  (x.  26). — 11.  A  priest,  one  of  the  sons  of 
Harim,  who  also  had  to  put  away  his  foreign  wife 
(x.  21). — 12.  (fr.  Heb.  =:  treasured  of  God?  Ges.  ; 
God  is  stiatcldng  away,  Fii.).  A  man  described  as 
father  of  Gibeon ;  a  forefather  of  King  Saul  ( 1  Chr. 
ix.  35) ;  =  Abiel  1  ?  (Ner).— 13.  (  =  No.  12  in 
meaning).  Son  of  Hothan  the  Aroerite ;  one  of 
David's  "  valiant  men  "  (xi.  44). 

Je-hi'e-ll  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  Jeldelile ;  descendant  of 
Jehiel  1,  Ges.),  according  to  the  A.  V.,  a  Gershon- 
ite  Levite  of  the  family  of  Laadan  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  21, 
22). 

Je-hiz-ki'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Hezekiah),  son  of  Shal- 
lum ;  one  of  the  Ephraimite  princes  in  Pekah's  time, 
who  succored  and  sent  back  the  captives  from 
Judah  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  12 ;  compare  8,  13, 15). 

Je-ho'a-dab  (fr.  Heb.  ==  whom  Jehovah  adorns, 
Ges.),  one  of  the  descendants  of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii. 
36) ;  great-grandson  to  Mephibosheth ;  =  Jarah. 

Je-lio-ad'iian  (fr.  Heb.  i'em.  =  whom  Jehovah 
adortin,  Ges.),  queen  to  King  Joash,  and  mother  of 
Amaziah  of  Judah  (2  K.  xiv.  2;  2  Chr.  xxv.  1). 

Je-bo'a-baz  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  holds  or 
guetains,  Ges.).  1.  Son  and  successor  of  Jehu, 
reigned  seventeen  years  over  Israel  in  Samaria. 
(Israel,  Kingdom  of.)  His  inglorious  history  is 
given  in  2  K.  xiii.  1-9.  Throughout  his  reign 
(verse  22)  he  was  kept  in  subjection  by  Hazael, 
king  of  Damascus.  Jehoahaz  maintained  the  idola- 
try of  Jeroboam  ;  but  in  the  extremity  of  his  humilia- 
tion he  besought  Jehovah ;  and  Jehovah  gave  Israel 
a  deliverer — probably  cither  Jehoash  (verses  23,  25), 
or  Jeroboam  II.  (xiv.  24,  25). — 2.  Jehoahaz,  other- 
wise called  Shallum,  the  fourth  (1  Chr.  iii.  15),  or 
third,  if  Zedekiah's  age  be  correctly  stated  (2  Chr. 
xxxvi.  11),  son  of  Josiah,  whom  he  succeeded  as 
king  of  Judah.  He  was  chosen  by  the  people  in 
preference  to  his  elder  (compare  2  K.  xxiii.  31  and 
36)  brother,  and  he  reigned  three  months  in  Jeru- 
salem. Pharaohnecho  on  his  return  from  Car- 
chemish,  perhaps  resenting  the  election  of  Jehoahaz, 
gent  to  Jerusalem  to  depose  him,  and  to  fetch  him  to 
Eiblah.  There  he  was  cast  into  cliains,  and  from 
thence  he  was  taken  into  Egypt,  where  he  died. — 3. 
The  name  given  (2  Chr.  xxi.  17)  to  Ahaziaii,  king 
of  Judah. 

Je-ho'ash  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  bestowed, 
Ges. ;  contracted  to  Joash).  I.  Eighth  king  of 
Judah  ;  son  of  Ahaziah  (2  K.  xi.  21,  xii.  1,  2,  4,  6, 
7,  18,  xiv.  13);  =  JoAsii  1.— 2.  Twelfth,  king  of 
Israel ;  son  of  Jehoahaz  (2  K.  xiii.  10,  25,  xiv.  8, 9, 
11,  13,  15-17);  =  Joash  2. 

Je-ho-lia'nail  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jehovah's  gift ;  con- 
tracted to  Johanan).  1.  A  Korhite  Levite,  one  of  the 
doorkeepers  to  the  house  of  Jehovah,  i.  e.  the  Tab- 
ernacle, according  to  the  appointment  of  David  (1 
Chr.  xxvi.  3;  compare  xxv.  1);  the  sixth  of  the 
seven  sons  of  Meshelemiah. — 2.  One  of  the  principal 
men  of  Judah,  under  King  Jehoshaphat(2  Chr.  xvii. 
15;  compare  13  and  19);  probably  =  No.  3. — 3. 
Father  of  Ishmael,  one  of  the  "  captains  of  hun- 
dreds "  whom  Jehoiada  the  priest  took  into  his  con- 


fidence about  the  restoration  of  the  line  of  Judah 
(xxiii.  1). — 4.  One  of  the  sons  of  Bebai,  forced  by 
Ezra  to  put  away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  28). — 6, 
A  priest  (Neh.  xii.  13);  the  representative  of  the 
house  of  Aniariah  (compare  2)  during  the  high- 
priesthood  of  Joiakim  (verse  12). — 6.  A  priest  who 
took  part  in  the  dedication  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem 
(xii.  42). 

Je-hol'a-tbin  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  has  ap- 
pointed, Ges. ;  =:  Jeconiah),  son  of  Jchoiakim  and 
Nehiishta,  and  for  three  months  and  ten  days  king 
of  Judah.  (Israel,  Kingdom  ok;  Jidah,  Kingdom 
OE.)  According  to  2  K.  xxiv.  8,  Jehoiachin  was 
eighteen  years  old  at  his  accession  ;  hut  2  Chr.  xxxvi. 
9  has  eight  years.  Lord  A.  C.  Uervey,  Fairbaim, 
&c.,  prefer  the  latter  reading ;  others  prefer  the  for- 
mer. One  of  them  is  doubtless  a  copyist's  error. 
Jehoiachin  came  to  the  throne  at  a  time  when 
Egypt  was  still  prostrate  in  consequence  of  the 
victory  at  Carchemish.  Jerusalem  was  at  this  time 
defenceless,  and  unable  to  oft'er  any  resistance  to 
the  regular  army  which  Nebuchadnezzar  sent  to 
besiege  it,  and  which  he  seems  to  have  joined  in 
person  after  the  siege  was  commenced  (2  K.  xxiv. 
10,  11).  In  a  very  short  time,  apparently,  Jehoia- 
chin surrendered  at  discretion ;  and  he,  and  the 
queen-mother,  and  all  his  servants,  captains,  and 
officers  came  out  and  gave  themselves  up  to  Nebu- 
chadnezzar, who  carried  them,  with  the  harem  and 
the  eunuchs,  to  Babyloii  (Jer.  xxix.  2;  Ez.  xvii.  12, 
xix.  9).  There  he  remained  a  prisoner,  actually  in 
prison,  and  wearing  prison  garments,  for  thirty-six 
years,  viz.  till  the  death  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  when 
Evil.merodach,  succeeding  to  the  throne  of  Babylon, 
treated  him  with  much  kindness,  brought  him  out 
of  prison,  changed  his  garments,  raised  him  above 
the  other  subject  or  captive  kings,  and  made  him 
sit  at  his  own  table.  Whether  Jehoiachin  outlived 
the  two  years  of  Evil  merodach's  reign  or  not  does 
not  appear,  nor  have  we  any  particulars  of  his  life 
at  Babylon.  The  history  of  Susanna  and  the  Elders 
apparently  makes  Jehoiachin  an  important  person- 
age ;  for,  according  to  the  author,  tlie  husband  of 
Susanna  was  Joacim,  a  manof  great  wealth,  and  the 
chief  person  among  the  captives,  to  whose  house  all 
the  people  resorted  for  judgment,  a  description 
which  suits  Jehoiachin.  AfVicanus  expressly  calls 
Susanna's  husband  king,  and  says  that  the  king  of 
Babylon  had  made  him  his  royal  companion.  It 
docs  not  appear  certainly  from  Scripture,  whether 
Jehoiachin  was  married  or  had  any  cliildren.  That 
Zedekiah,  who  in  1  Chr.  iii.  16  is  called  "  his  son," 
is  the  same  as  Zedekiah  his  uncle  (called  "  his  broth  • 
er,"  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  10),  who  was  his  successor  on 
the  throne,  seems  certain.  Genealogy  of  Jesus 
Christ. 

Jc-hoi'a-da  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  knows  or 
favors,  Ges. ;  contracted  to  Joiada).  1.  Father  of 
Benaiah,  David's  well-known  warrior  (2  Sam.  viii. 
18;  IK.  i.,  ii.;  1  Chr.  xviii.  17,  &c.).  From  1  Chr. 
xxvii.  5,  we  learn  that  Benaiah's  father  was  the  chief 
priest,  and  he  is  therefore  doubtless  identical  with 
— 2.  Leader  of  the  Aaronites,  i.  e.  the  priests ;  who 
joined  David  at  Hebron  (xii.  27). — 3.  According  to 
1  Chr.  xxvii.  34,  son  of  Benaiah  1. — 1.  High-phiest 
at  the  time  of  Athaliah's  usurpation  of  the  throne 
of  Judah,  and  during  the  greater  portion  of  the  forty 
years'  reign  of  Joash  1.  He  probably  succeeded 
Amariah.  He  married  Jehosiieha,  or  Jehoshabcath, 
daughter  of  King  Jehoram,  and  sister  of  King 
Ahaziah  (2  Chr.  xxii.  11);  and  when  Atbaliah  slew 
all  the  seed  royal  of  Judah  after  Ahaziah  had  been 


JEH 


JEH 


433 


put  to  death  by  Jcliu,  be  and  his  wife  stole  Joash 
from  among  the  king's  sons,  and  hid  him  for  six 
years  in  tlie  Temple,  and  eventually  replaced  him  on 
the  tlirone  of  his  ancestors.  Having  divided  the 
priests  and  Levites  into  three  bands,  wliicli  were 
posted  at  the  principal  entrances,  and  tilled  the 
courts  with  people  favorable  to  the  cause,  he  pro- 
duced tlie  young  king  before  the  whole  assembly, 
and  crowned  and  anointed  him,  and  presented  to 
him  a  copy  of  the  Law  according  to  Deut.  xvii.  18- 
20).  The  excitement  of  the  moment  did  not  make 
him  forget  tlie  sanctity  of  God's  house.  None  but 
the  priests  and  ministering  Levites  were  permitted 
by  him  to  enter  the  Temple;  and  he  gave  strict 
orders  that  Athaliah  should  be  carried  without 
its  precincts  before  she  was  put  to  death.  The 
destruction  of  Baal  worship  and  the  restoration  of 
the  Temple  were  among  the  great  works  effected  by 
Jehoiada.  lie  died  d.  c.  843  ?  and  though  far  ad- 
Tanced  in  years,  too  soon  for  the  welfare  of  his 
country,  and  the  weak,  unstable  characti-r  of  Joash. 
The  text  of  2  Chr.  xxiv.  15,  supported  by  the  LXX. 
and  Josephus,  makes  him  130  years  old  at  his 
death ;  but  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey,  &c.,  regard  this 
number  as  erroneous. — i.  Second  priest,  or  sagan, 
to  Seraiah  the  high-priest  (Jer.  xxix.  25-29 ;  2  K. 
XIV.  18), — C>  Son  of  Paseali,  who  assisted  to  repair 
the  old  gate  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  6). 

Je-hoia-klm  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  hca  set 
vp,  (ies. ;  contracted  to  Joukim),  eighteenth  (or, 
counting  Jehoahaz,  nineteenth)  king  of  Judah  from 
David  inclusive — twenty-five  years  old  at  his  acces- 
sion, and  originally  called  Eliakim.  (Israel, 
Kingdom  of;  Jldah,  Kinodom  of.)  He  was  the 
son  of  Josiah  and  Zebudah,  daughter  of  Pedaiah 
of  Rumah.  After  deposing  Jehoahai!,  Pharaoh- 
necho  set  Eliakim,  his  elder  brother,  upon  the 
throne,  and  changed  his  name  to  Jeiioiakim.  Egypt 
played  no  part  in  Jewish  politics  during  the  seven 
or  eight  years  of  Jehoiakim's  reign.  After  the 
battle  of  Carchemish,  Nebuchadnezzar  came  into 
Palestine  as  one  of  the  Egyptian  tributary  king- 
doms, the  capture  of  which  was  the  natural  fruit 
of  his  victory  over  Necho.  He  found  Jehoiakim 
quite  defenceless.  After  a  short  siege  he  entered 
Jerusalem,  took  the  king  prisoner,  boimd  hira  in 
fetters  to  carry  him  to  Babyhm,  and  took  also  some 
of  the  precious  vessels  of  the  Temple,  aud  carried 
them  to  the  land  of  Shinar.  (Daniel  1.)  But  he 
seems  to  have  changed  his  purpose  as  regarded  Je- 
hoiakim, and  to  have  accepted  his  subraLssion,  and 
reinstated  him  on  the  throne,  perhaps  in  remem- 
brance of  the  fidelity  of  his  father  Josiah.  What 
is  certain  is,  that  Jehoiakim  became  tributary  to 
Nebuchadnezzar  after  his  invasion  of  Judah,  and 
continued  so  for  three  years,  but  at  the  end  of  that 
time  broke  his  oath  of  allegiance  and  rebelled 
against  him  (2  K.  xxiv.  1).  What  moved  or  en- 
couraged Jehoiakim  to  this  rebellion  it  is  difficult 
to  say,  for  there  is  nothing  to  bear  out  Josephus's 
issertion,  that  there  was  any  thing  in  the  attitude  of 
E^ypt  at  this  time  to  account  for  such  a  step. 
Though  Nebuchadnezzar  was  not  able  at  that  time 
to  come  in  person  to  chastise  his  rebellious  vassal, 
he  sent  against  him  numerous  bands  of  Chaldeans, 
with  .Syrians,  Moabites,  and  Ammonites,  who  were 
all  now  subject  to  Babylon  (xxiv.  7),  and  who  cruelly 
harassed  the  whole  country.  We  are  not  acquainted 
with  the  details  of  the  close  of  the  reign.  Probably 
as  the  time  approached  for  Nebuchadnezzar  himself 
to  come  against  Judea,  the  desultory  attacks  and 
inraiions  of  his  troops  became  more  concentrated. 
28 


Either  in  an  engagement  with  some  of  these  forces, 
or  else  by  the  hand  of  his  own  oppressed  subjects, 
who  thought  to  conciliate  the  Babylonians  by  the 
murder  of  their  king,  Jehoiakim  came  to  a  violent 
end  in  the  eleventh  year  of  his  reign.  His  body 
was  cast  out  ignominiously  on  the  ground ;  and 
then,  after  being  left  exposed  for  some  time,  was 
dragged  away  and  buried  "  with  the  burial  of  an 
ass,"  without  pomp  or  lamentation,  "  beyond  the 
gates  of  Jerusalem"  (Jer.  xxii.  18,  19,  xxxvi.  30). 
AH  the  accounts  we  have  of  Jehoiakim  concur  in 
ascribing  to  him  a  vicious  and  irreligious  character. 
2  K.  xxiii.  37  tells  us  that  "  he  did  that  which  was 
evil  in  the  sight  of  Jehovah,"  a  statement  which  is 
repeated  xxiv.  9,  and  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  5.  But  it  is  in 
Jeremiah  that  we  have  the  fullest  portraiture  of 
him.  If,  as  is  probable,  the  nineteenth  chapter  of 
Jeremiah  belongs  to  this  reign,  we  have  a  detail  of 
the  abominations  of  idolatry  practised  at  Jerusalem 
under  the  king's  sanction,  with  which  Ezekiel's 
vision  of  what  was  going  on  six  years  later,  within 
the  very  precincts  of  the  Temple,  exactly  agrees  ;  in- 
cense offered  up  to  "abominable  beasts;"  "women 
weeping  for  Tammuz,"  and  men  in  the  inner  court  of 
the  Temjile  "  with  their  backs  toward  the  Temple  of 
the  Lord  "  worshipping  "  the  sun  toward  the  east " 
(Ez.  viii.).  The  vindictive  pursuit  and  murder  of 
Urijah  the  son  of  Shemaiah,  and  the  indignities 
offered  to  his  corpse  by  the  king's  command,  in  re- 
venge for  his  faithful  prophesying  of  evil  against 
Jerusalem  and  Judah,  are  samples  of  his  irreligion 
and  tyranny  combined.  Jeremiah  only  narrowly 
escaped  the  same  fate  (Jer.  xxvi.  20-24).  His  daring 
impiety  in  cutting  up  and  burning  the  roll  contain- 
ing Jeremiah's  prophecy,  at  the  very  moment  when 
the  national  fast  was  being  celebrated,  is  another 
specimen  of  his  character,  and  drew  down  upon 
him  the  sentence,  "  He  shall  have  none  to  sit  upon 
the  throne  of  David  "  (Jer.  xxxvi.).  His  oppression, 
injustice,  covetousness,  luxury,  and  tyranny,  are 
most  severely  rebuked  (xxii.  13-17),  and  it  has 
been  frequently  observed,  as  indicating  his  thorough 
selfishness  and  indifference  to  the  sufferings  of  his 
people,  that  at  a  time  when  the  land  was  so  impov- 
erished by  the  heavy  tributes  laid  upon  it  by  Egypt 
and  Babylon  in  turn,  he  should  have  squandered 
large  sums  in  building  luxurious  palaces  for  himself 
(xxii.  14,  15).  "  Jehoiakim "  in  Jer.  xxvii.  1  is 
probably  a  copyist's  mistake  for  "  Zedekiah  "  (com- 
pare ver.  3).  The  reign  of  Jehoiakim  extends  from 
D.  c.  609  to  598,  or  599. 

Je-hoi'a-rib  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  defends, 
Oes. ;  contracted  to  Joiarib),  head  of  the  first  of 
the  twenty-four  courses  of  priests,  according  to  the 
arrangement  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  7).  Some  of 
his  descendants  returned  from  the  Babylonish  Cap- 
tivity (ix.  10;  Neh.  xi.  10).  Their  chief  in  the  days 
of  Joiakim  the  son  of  Jeshua  was  Mattenai  (xii.  6, 
19).  They  were  probably  of  the  house  of  Eleazar. 
To  the  course  of  Jehoiarib  belonged  the  Asmonean 
family  (1  Mc.  ii.  1),  and  Josephus,  as  he  informs  us. 
JoiARiu ;  Priest. 

Je-hon'a-dab  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  impels, 
Ges. ;  usually  contracted  to  Jonadab),  the  son  of  Re- 
chab,  founder  of  the  Reciiabites.  It  appears  from  1 
Chr.  ii.  55,  that  his  father  or  ancestor  Rcchab  be- 
longed to  a  branch  of  the  Kenites,  the  Arabian  tribe 
which  entered  Palestine  with  the  Israelites.  One 
settlement  of  them  was  established,  under  a  foui^ 
fold  division,  at  or  near  the  town  of  Jabez  in  Judah 
(ii.  05).  To  these  belonged  Rechab  and  his  son 
Jehonadab.    The  Bedouin  habits,,  which  were  kept 


i34: 


JEH 


JEH 


up  by  the  other  branches  of  the  Kenite  tribe,  were 
inculcated  by  Jehonadab  with  the  utmost  minute- 
ness on  his  descendants  (Jer.  xxxv.  6).  Bearing  in 
mind  this  general  character  of  Jehonadab  as  an 
Arab  chief,  and  the  founder  of  a  half-religious  sect, 
we  are  the  better  able  to  understand  the  single  oc- 
casion on  which  he  appears  before  us  in  the  his- 
torical narrative.  Jehu  was  advancing,  after  the 
slaughter  of  Beth-eked,  on  the  city  of  Samaria, 
when  he  suddenly  met  the  austere  Bedouin  coming 
toward  him  (2  K.  x.  15).  The  king  was  in  his  char- 
iot ;  the  Arab  was  on  foot.  The  king  blessed 
(A.  v.  "  saluted  ")  Jehonadab.  The  hand  was  of- 
fered and  grasped.  The  king  lifted  him  up  to  the 
edge  of  the  chariot,  apparently  that  he  might 
whisper  his  secret  into  his  car,  and  said,  "  Come 
with  me,  and  see  my  zeal  for  Jehovah."  Having 
intrusted  him  with  the  secret,  he  (LXX.)  or  his  at- 
tendants (Hcb.  and  A.  V.)  caused  Jehonadab  to 
proceed  with  him  to  Samaria  in  the  royal  chariot. 
No  doubt  he  acted  in  concert  with  Jehu  throughout ; 
the  only  occasion  on  which  he  is  expressly  men- 
tioned is  when  he  went  with  Jehu  through  the 
temple  of  Baal  to  turn  out  any  servants  of  Jehovah 
that  might  be  in  the  mass  of  Pagan  worshippers  (2 
K.  X.  23).     This  is  the  last  we  hear  of  him. 

Je-hona-tban  (fr.  Ileb.  =  whom  Jehovah  gave, 
Ges. ;  contracted  to  Jonathan).  1.  Son  of  Uzziah  ;  su- 
perintendent of  certain  of  King  David's  storehouses 
(1  Chr.  xxvii.  25). — 2.  One  of  the  Levites  sent  by 
Jehoshaphat  through  the  cities  of  Judah,  with  a 
book  of  the  Law,  to  teach  the  people  (2  Chr.  xvii. 

8) 3.  A  priest  (Neh.  xii.  18) ;  the  representative 

of  the  family  of  Shemaiah  (ver.  6),  when  Joiakim 
was  high-priest. 

Je-ho'ram  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  has  exalted, 
Ges. ;  contracted  to  Joram).  1.  Son  of  Ahab,  king 
of  Israel,  who  succeeded  his  brother  Ahaziah,  b.  c. 
896,  and  died  B.  c.  884.  (Israel,  Kingdom  of; 
JoRAM  1.)  The  alliance  between  the  kingdoms  of 
Israel  and  Judah,  commenced  by  his  father  and 
Jehoshaphat,  was  very  close  throughout  his  reign. 
We  first  find  him  asi^ociated  with  Jehoshaphat  and 
the  king  of  Edom,  at  that  time  a  tributary  of  Ju- 
dah in  a  war  against  the  Moabites.  Mesha,  their 
king,  on  the  death  of  Ahab,  had  revolted  from  Is- 
rael, and  refused  to  pay  the  customary  tribute  of 
100,000  lambs  and  100,000  rams.  Joram  asked 
and  obtained  Jchoshaphat's  help  to  reduce  him  to 
his  obedience,  and  accordingly  the  three  kings,  of 
Israel,  Judah,  and  Edom,  marched  through  the 
wilderness  of  Edom  to  attack  him.  The  three  ar- 
mies were  in  the  utmost  danger  of  perishing  for 
want  of  water.  The  piety  of  Jehoshaphat  sug- 
gested an  inquiry  of  some  prophet  of  Jehovah,  and 
Elisha  the  son  of  Shaphat  (2  K.  iii.  11)  was  found 
with  the  host.  From  him  Jehoram  received  a  se- 
vere rebuke,  and  was  bid  to  inquire  of  the  prophets 
of  his  father  and  mother,  the  prophets  of  Baal. 
Nevertheless,  for  Jehoshaphai's  sake,  Elisha  in- 
quired of  Jehovah,  and  received  the  promise  of  an 
abundant  supply  of  water,  and  of  a  great  victory 
over  the  Moabites :  a  promise  which  was  imme- 
diately fulfilled.  The  Moabites  were  put  to  the 
rout.  The  allies  pursued  them  with  great  slaughter 
into  their  own  land,  which  they  utterly  ravaged 
and  destroyed  with  all  its  cities.  Kir-haraseth  alone 
remained,  and  there  the  kingof  Moab  made  his  last 
stand.  An  attempt  to  break  through  the  besieging 
army  having  failed,  he  resorted  to  the  desperate 
expedient  of  offering  up  his  eldest  son,  the  heir  to 
bis  throne,  as  a  burnt-olTcring,  upon  the  wall  of  the 


city,  in  the  sight  of  the  enemy.  Upon  this  the 
Israelites  retired  and  returned  to  their  own  land  (2 
K.  iii.).  A  little  later,  when  war  broke  out  between 
Syria  and  Israel,  we  find  Elisha  befriending  Jeho- 
ram. What  happened  after  this  to  change  the  re- 
lations between  the  king  and  the  prophet  we  can 
only  conjecture.  But  probably  when  the  Syrian 
inroads  ceased,  and  he  felt  less  dependent  upon 
the  aid  of  the  prophet,  he  relapsed  into  idolatry, 
and  was  rebuked  by  Elisha,  and  threatened  with 
a  return  of  the  calamities  from  which  he  had  es- 
caped. Refusing  to  repent,  a  fresh  invasion  by 
the  Syrians,  and  a  close  siege  of  Samaria,  actually 
came  to  pass,  according  probably  to  the  word  of 
the  prophet.  Hence,  when  the  terrible  incident 
arose,  in  consequence  of  the  famine,  of  a  woman 
boiling  and  eating  her  own  child,  the  king  im- 
mediately attributed  the  evil  to  Elisha  the  son  of 
Shaphat,  and  determined  to  take  away  his  life. 
The  providential  interposition  by  which  both  Eli- 
sha's  life  was  saved  and  the  city  delivered,  is  nar- 
rated 2  K.  vii.,  and  Jehoram  appears  to  have  re- 
turned to  friendly  feeling  toward  Elisha  (viii.  4). 
Very  soon  after  the  above  events  Elisha  went  to 
Damascus,  and  predicted  the  revolt  of  Hazael,  and 
his  accession  to  the  throne  of  Syria,  in  the  room  of 
Ben-hadad.  Jehoram  seems  to  have  thought  the 
revolution  in  Syria,  which  immediately  followed 
Elisha's  prediction,  a  good  opportunity  to  pursue 
his  father's  favorite  project  of  recovering  Ranioth- 
gilead  from  the  Syrians.  He  accordingly  made  an 
alliance  with  his  nephew  Ahaziah  2,  who  had  just 
succeeded  Jehoram  2  on  the  throne  of  Judah,  and 
the  two  kings  proceeded  to  occupy  Ramoth-gilead 
by  force.  The  expedition  was  an  unfortunate  one, 
Jehoram  was  wounded  in  battle,  and  obliged  to  re- 
turn to  Jezreel  to  be  healed  of  his  wounds  (viii.  29, 
ix.  14,  15),  leaving  his  army  under  Jehu  to  hold 
Ramoth-gilead  against  Hazael.  Jehu,  however,  and 
the  army  under  his  command,  revolted  from  their 
allegiance  to  Jehoram  (ix.),  and,  hastily  marching 
to  Jezreel,  surprised  Jehoram  wounded  and  deli  nce- 
less  as  he  was.  Jehoram,  going  out  to  meet  him, 
fell  pierced  by  an  arrow  from  Jehu's  bow  on  the 
very  plat  of  ground  which  Ahab  had  wrested  from 
Naboth  the  Jezieclite ;  thus  fulfilling  to  the  letter 
the  prophecy  of  Elijah  (1  K.  xxi.  21-29).  With 
the  life  of  Jehoram  ended  the  dynasty  of  Omri.— 
2,  Eldest  son  of  Jehoshaphat,  succeeded  his  father 
on  the  throne  of  Judah  at  the  age  of  thirty-two, 
and  reigned  eight  years,  from  b.  c.  893-2  to  885-4. 
(JoRAM  2;  Israel,  Kingdom  of;  Judah,  Kingdom 
OF.)  Jehosheba  his  daughter  was  wife  to  the  high- 
priest  Jehoiada.  As  soon  as  he  was  fixed  on  the 
throne,  he  put  his  six  brothers  to  death,  with  many 
of  the  chief  nobles  of  the  land.  He  then,  probably 
at  the  instance  of  his  wife  Athaliah  the  (iaughtor 
of  Ahab,  proceeded  to  establish  the  worshij)  of 
Baal.  A  prophetic  writing  from  the  aged  prophet 
Elijah  (2  Chr.  xxi.  12)  failed  to  produce  any  good 
effect  upon  him.  This  was  in  the  first  or  second 
year  of  his  reign  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey).  The  re- 
mainder of  it  was  a  series  of  calamities.  First  the 
Edomites,  who  had  been  tributary  to  Jehosha- 
phat, revolted  from  his  dominion,  and  establitihcd 
their  permanent  independence.  Next  Libnah,  one 
of  the  strongest  fortified  cities  in  Judah  (2  K.  xix. 
8),  rebelled  against  him.  Then  followed  invasions 
of  armed  bands  of  Philistines  and  of  Arabians, 
who  stormed  the  king's  palace,  put  his  wives  and 
all  his  children,  except  his  youngest  son  Ahaziah 
2,  to  death  (2  Chr.  xxii.  1),  or  carried  them  into 


I 


JEH 


JEH 


435 


captivity,  and  plundered  all  his  treasures.  He  died 
of  a  terrible  disease  (xxi.  19,  20)  early  in  the  twelfth 
year  of  bis  brotlier-in-law  jehoram's  (N'o.  1)  reign 

.  .T  Israel. — 3.  A  priest  sent  by  Jeliosliaphat  to 

ich  the  Law  in  the  cities  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xvii.  8). 

Je-Iio-sha  be-atli  (fr.  Ueb.)  =  Jeuosueba  (2  Chr. 
xxn.  III. 

Je-bosh'a-phat  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  Jtub/n, 
L  e.  whose  cause  He  sustains,  Ges. ;  contracted  to 
JosiiAPHAT  and  Josaphat).  1.  Son  of  Asa  and 
Azubah,  succeeded  to  the  throne  b.  c.  914,  when  he 
was  thirty-five  years  old,  and  reigned  twenty-five 
years.  (Israel,  Kingdom  of;  Jddah,  Kingdom  op.) 
His  history  is  among  the  events  recorded  in  1  K. 
IV.  24-2  K.  viii.  16,  or  in  a  continuous  narrative  in 
2  Clir.  xvil.  1-xxi.  3.  lie  was  contemporary  with 
AiiAB,  Ahaziah  1,  and  Jehoram  1.  At  first  he 
strengthened  himself  against  Israel  by  fortifying 
and  garrisoning  the  cities  of  Judah  and  theEphraim- 
ite  conquests  of  Asa.  But  soon  afterward  the  two 
Hebrew  kings,  perhaps  appreciating  their  common 
danger  from  Damascus  and  the  tribes  on  their 
eastern  frontier,  formed  an  alliance.  Jehoshaphat's 
eldest  son,  Jkhoram  2,  married  Athaliaii,  the 
daughter  of  Ahab  and  Jezebel.  In  his  own  king- 
dom Jehoshaphat  ever  showed  himself  a  zealous 
follower  of  tlie  commandments  of  God :  he  tried, 
it  would  seem  not  quite  successfully,  to  put  down 
the  high  places  and  groves  in  which  the  people 
of  Judah  burnt  incense.  In  his  third  year  he 
sent  out  certain  princes,  priests,  and  Levites,  to 
go  tlirough  the  cities  of  Judah,  teacliing  the  people 
out  of  the  Book  of  the  Law.  Riches  and  honors 
increased  around  him.  He  received  tributes  from 
the  Philistines  and  Arabians ;  and  kept  up  a  large 
standing  army  in  Jerusalem.  Probably  about  the 
sixteenth  year  of  his  reign  (b.  c.  898)  he  went  to 
Samaria  to  visit  Ahab  and  to  become  liis  ally  in 
the  great  battle  of  Ramoth-gilead.  From  thence 
Jehoshaphat  returned  to  Jerusalem  in  peace ;  and 
went  himself  through  the  people  "  from  Beer-shfba 
to  Mount  Ephraim,"  reclaiming  them  to  the  Law 
of  (jod.  Turning  his  attention  to 
foreign  commerce,  he  built  at 
Ezion-geber,  with  the  help  of  Aha- 
ziah, a  navy  designed  to  go  to 
Tarshish ;  but  It  was  wrecked  at 
Ezion-geber.  Before  the  close  of 
his  reign  he  was  engaged  in  two 
additional  wars.  He  was  mira- 
culously delivered  from  a  threaten- 
ed attack  of  the  people  of  Ammon, 
Moab,  ami  Seir.  After  this,  per- 
haps, must  be  dated  the  war  which 
Jehoshaphat,  in  conjunction  with 
Jeiioram  1,  king  of  Israel,  and  the 
king  of  Edom,  carried  on  against 
the  rebellious  king  of  Moab  (2  K. 
iiL).  In  his  declining  years  the  ad- 
ministration of  affairs  was  placed 
(probably  b.  c.  891)  in  the  hands 
of  his  son  Jeiioram  2  — 2,  Son 
of  Ahilud;  recorder  or  annalist 
in  the  courts  of  David  (2  Sam.  viii. 
16,  ic),  and  Solomon  (I  K.  iv. 
8) — J.  One  of  the  priests  ap- 
pointed to  blow  trumpets  before 
the  ark  when  it  was  carried  from  the  house  of  Obed- 
edom  to  Jeru.salem  (1  C\\r.  xv.  24).— I.  Son  of  Pa- 
ruah ;  one  of  the  twelve  purveyors  of  King  Solo- 
mon (1  K.  iv.  17).— 5.  Son  of  Nimshi,  and  father 
of  King  Jehu  (2  K.  ix.  2,  14). 


Je-hosh'a-phat  (see  above),  Val'ley  of  (Heb.  'emek, 
see  Valley  1),  a  valley  mentioned  by  Joel  only, 
as  the  spot  in  which,  after  the  return  of  Judah 
and  Jerusalem  from  Captivity,  Jehovah  would 
gather  all  the  heathen  (Joel  iii.  2  [iv.  2  Heb.]),  and 
there  sit  to  judge  them  for  their  misdeeds  to  Is- 
rael (iii.  12  [v.  4  Heb.]).  The  prophet  seems  to 
have  glanced  back  to  that  triumphant  day  when 
King  Jehoshaphat,  the  greatest  king  the  nation 
had  seen  since  Solomon,  led  out  his  people  to  a 
valley  (Berachah)  in  the  wilderness  of  Tekoa,  and 
was  there  blessed  with  such  a  victory  over  the 
hordes  of  his  enemies  as  was  without  a  parallel  in 
the  national  records  (2  Chr.  xx.).  But  though 
such  a  reference  to  Jehoshaphat  is  both  natural 
and  characteristic,  it  is  not  certain  that  it  is  in- 
tended. The  name  may  only  be  an  imaginary  one 
conferred  on  a  spot  which  existed  nowhere  but 
in  the  vision  of  the  prophet.  Such  was  the  view 
of  some  of  the  ancient  translators  (Theodotion, 
Targum  of  Jonathan).  By  others,  however,  the 
prophet  has  been  supposed  to  have  had  the  end 
of  the  world  in  view.  And  not  only  this,  but  the 
scene  of  "  Jehovah's  judgment "  has  been  local- 
ized, and  the  name  has  come  down  to  us  attached 
to  the  deep  ravine  (Heb.  nahal,  or  uaehal ;  see 
Valley  3)  which  separates  Jerusalem  from  the 
Mount  of  Olives.  At  what  period  the  name  was 
first  applied  to  this  spot  is  not  known.  There  is 
no  trace  of  it  in  the  Bible  or  in  Josephus.  In 
both  the  only  name  used  for  this  gorge  is  Kidron 
(X.  T.  Cedron).  We  first  encounter  its  new  title 
in  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century  in  the  Ono- 
mastimn  of  Eusebius  and  Jerome,  and  in  the  Com- 
mentary of  Jerome  on  Joel.  Since  that  time  the 
name  has  been  recognized  and  adopted  by  travel- 
lers of  all  ages  and  all  faiths.  Both  Moslems  and 
Jews  believe  that  the  last  judgment  is  to  take 
place  there.  The  steep  sides  of  the  ravine,  wherev- 
er a  level  strip  affords  the  opportunity, are  crowded 
— in  places  almost  paved — by  the  sepulchres  of 
the  Uoslems,  or  the  simpler  slabs  of  the  Jewish 


Valley  of  Jehoahsplut.    TnulltionAl  Tombs  of  Abnalom,  Jehosh^ 

Buiyiog.gTOUD(L— From  a  photograph. — {i .... 


:>rlab,  aad  Jewish 


tombs,  alike  awaiting  the  a.s8embly  of  the  last 
Judgment.  The  name  would  seem  to  be  gener- 
ally confined  by  travellers  to  the  upper  part  of 
the  glen,  from  about  the  "  Tomb  of  the  Virgin  " 
to  the  S.  E.  corner  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem. 


436 


JEH 


JEH 


Je-hosh'e-ba  (fr.  Heb.  —  Jehovah  is  her  oath,  i.  e. 
worshipper  of  Jehovah,  Oes. ;  z=  Jeiioshabkath), 
daughter  of  Joram  (Jehoram  2),  kmgof  Jidah,  and 
wife  of  Jehoiada  the  high-priest  (2  K.  xi.  2).  Her 
name  in  the  Chronicles  is  given  jEiiosnABEAXii. 
As  she  is  called,  2  K.  xi.  2,  "  the  daughter  of  Joram, 
Bister  of  Ahaziah,"  it  has  been  conjectured  that  she 
was  the  daughter,  not  of  Athaliah,  but  of  Joram 
by  anotlier  wife.  This  may  be ;  but  it  is  also  pos- 
sible that  the  omission  of  Athaliah's  name  may  have 
been  occasioned  by  the  detestation  in  which  it  was 
held.  She  is  the  only  recorded  instance  of  the  mar- 
riage of  a  princess  of  the  royal  house  with  a  high- 
priest.  On  this  occasion  it  was  a  providential  cir- 
cumstance (2  Chr.  xxii.  11),  as  inducing  and  prob- 
ably enabling  her  to  rescue  the  infant  Joash  from 
the  massacre  of  his  brothers. 

Je-liosh'n-a  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jehovah  his  help,  Ges.)  = 
Joshua  1  (Num.  xiii.  16). 

Je-bosh'n-ab  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Jerosbua  and  Joshua  1 
(1  Chr.  vii.  27). 

Je-ho'rah  (Heb.  usually  Yehov&h,  i.  e.  with  the 
vowel-points  of  Jldondi  [=  Lord];  but  when  these 
two  come  together,  the  former  is  pointed  Yehovih,  i.  e. 
with  the  vowels  of  Elohim  —  God).  The  true  pro- 
nunciation of  this  name,  by  which  God  was  known 
to  the  Hebrews,  has  been  entirely  lost,  the  Jews 
themselves  scrupulously  avoiding  every  mention  of 
it,  and  substituting  in  its  stead  one  or  other  of  the 
words  with  whose  proper  vowel-points  it  may  hap- 
pen to  be  written.  This  custom,  which  had  its  ori- 
gin in  reverence,  and  has  almost  degenerated  into  a 
superstition,  was  founded  upon  an  erroneous  ren- 
dering of  Lev.  xxiv.  16,  from  which  it  was  inferred 
that  the  mere  utterance  of  the  name  constituted  a 
capital  offence.  According  to  Jewish  tradition,  it 
was  pronounced  but  once  a  year  by  the  high-priest 
on  the  day  of  Atonement  when  he  entered  the  Holy 
of  Holies ;  but  on  this  point  there  is  some  doubt. 
From  Maimonides  we  learn  that  it  ceased  with 
Simeon  the  Just  (third  century  b.  c).  But  even  after 
the  destruction  of  the  second  Temple  instances  are 
met  with  of  individuals  who  were  in  possession  of  the 
mysterious  secret.  Von  Bohlen  asserts  that  beyond 
all  doubt  the  word  Jehovah  is  not  Shcmitic  in  its 
origin.  He  connects  it  with  the  Sanscrit  deran,  dcvo, 
the  Greek  Dios,  and  Latin  Juiiis  or  Diovis.  That 
the  Hebrews  learned  the  word  from  the  Egyptians 
is  a  theory  which  has  found  some  advocates.  There 
can  be  but  little  doubt  that  the  process  in  reality 
was  reversed,  and  that  in  this  case  the  Hebrews 
were,  not  the  borrowers,  but  the  lenders.  We  have 
indisputable  evidence  that  it  existed  among  them, 
whatever  may  have  been  its  origin,  many  centuries 
before  it  is  found  in  other  records ;  of  the  contrary 
we  have  no  evidence  whatever.  One  argument  for 
the  Egyptian  origin  of  Jehovah  is  found  in  the  cir- 
cumstance that  Pharaoh  changed  the  name  of  Elia- 
kim  to  Jehoiakim  (2  K.  xxiii.  34),  which  it  is  asserted 
is  not  in  accordance  with  the  practice  of  conquerors 
toward  the  conquered,  unless  the  Egyptian  king  im- 
posed upon  the  king  of  Judah  the  name  of  one  of 
his  own  gods.  But  the  same  reasoning  would  prove 
that  the  origin  of  the  word  was  Babylonian,  for  the 
king  of  Babylon  changed  the  name  of  Mattaniah  to 
Zedekja/i  (xxiv.  11).  But  many,  abandoning  as  un- 
tenable the  theory  of  an  Egyptian  origin,  have 
sought  to  trace  the  name  among  the  Phenidans  and 
Canaanitish  tribes.  From  the  occurrence  of  Jeho- 
vah as  a  compound  in  the  proper  names  of  many 
who  were  not  Hebrews,  Hamakcr  contends  that  it 
must  have  been  known  among  heathen  people.   But 


such  knowledge,  if  it  existed,  was  no  more  than 
might  have  been  obtained  by  their  necessary  con- 
tact with  the  Hebrews.  The  names  of  Viiah  the 
Hittite,  of  Araunah  or  Aranju/t  the  Jcbusite,  of 
Tobio/t  the  Ammonite,  and  of  the  Canaanitish  town 
Bizjoth_;'aA,  may  be  all  explained  without  having  re- 
course to  Hamakcr's  hypothesis.  Most  of  the  au- 
thorities on  the  opposite  side  have  taken  for  the  basis 
of  their  explanations,  and  the  different  methods  of 
punctuation  which  they  propose,  the  passage  in  Ex. 
iii.  14,  to  which  we  must  naturally  look  for  a  solu- 
tion of  the  question.  When  Moses  received  his 
commission  to  be  the  deliverer  of  Israel,  the  Al- 
mighty, who  appeared  in  the  burning  bush,  commu- 
nicated to  him  the  name  which  he  should  give  as 
the  credentials  of  his  mission :  "  And  God  said  unto 
Moses,  I  am  that  I  am  (Heb.  ch>/ch  an/icr  ehyth) ;  and 
He  said.  Thus  shalt  thou  say  unto  the  children  of 
Israel,  I  am  hath  sent  me  unto  you."  That  this 
passage  is  intended  to  indicate  the  etymology  of 
Jehovah,  as  understood  by  the  Hebrews,  no  one  has 
ventured  to  doubt :  it  is  in  fact  the  key  to  the  whole 
mystery.  But,  though  it  certainly  supplies  the 
etymology,  the  interpretation  must  be  determined 
from  other  considerations.  According  to  this  view, 
then,  it  must  be  the  third  person  singular  masculine 
future  of  the  substantive  verb  huyuh,  the  older 
form  of  which  was  hdvuh.  Of  the  many  punc- 
tuations proposed,  the  most  correct  appears  to  be 
Yah/iveh  or  Yahdvdh,  and  we  accept  the  former  (so 
Mr.  Wright,  original  author  of  this  article),  as  the 
more  probable,  continuing  at  the  same  time  for  the 
sake  of  convenience  to  adopt  the  form  "  Jehovah  "  in 
what  follows,  on  account  of  its  familiarity  to  Eng- 
lish readers. — The  next  point  for  consideration  is 
of  vastly  more  importance  :  what  is  the  meaning  of 
"  Jehovah,"  and  what  does  it  express  of  the  being 
and  nature  of  God,  more  than  or  in  distinction  from 
the  other  names  applied  to  the  Deity  in  the  0.  T.  ? 
Elohim  in  many  cases  =  the  gods  of  the  heathen, 
who  included  in  the  same  title  the  Gon  of  the  He- 
brews, and  generally  =  iJie  Ddlij  when  spoken  of  a 
supernatural  being,  and  when  no  national  feelhig 
influenced  the  speaker.  But,  although  the  distinc- 
tion between  i,7ohim,  as  a  general  appellation  of 
Deity,  and  Jehovah,  the  national  God  of  the  Israel- 
ites, contains  some  superficial  truth,  the  real  nature 
of  their  difference  must  be  sought  for  far  deeper, 
and  as  a  foundation  for  the  arguments  which  will 
be  adduced  recourse  must  again  be  had  to  etymol- 
ogy.— With  regard  to  the  derivation  of  Elohim,  ety- 
mologists are  divided  in  their  opinions ;  some  con- 
necting it  with  Heb.  el  (God  1),  and  the  unused 
Heb.  root  ul,  to  be  strong.  From  whatever  root, 
however,  the  word  may  be  derived,  most  are  of 
opinion  that  the  primary  idea  contained  in  it  is  that 
of  streiigih,  power  ;  so  that  Elohim  is  the  proper  ap- 
pellation of  the  Deity,  as  manifested  in  His  creative 
and  universally  sustaining  agency,  and  in  the  gen- 
eral divine  guidance  and  government  of  the  world. 
The  question  now  arises,  What  is  the  meaning  to  be 
attached  to  the  plural  form  of  the  word  ?  Some 
have  discovered  therein  the  mystery  of  the  Trinity, 
while  others  maintain  that  it  points  to  polytheism. 
Probably  the  plural  form  Elohim,  instead  of  point- 
ing to  polytheism,  is  applied  to  God  as  comprehen(j- 
ing  in  Himself  the  fulness  of  all  power,  and  uniting 
in  a  perfect  degree  all  that  which  the  name  signifies, 
and  all  the  attributes  which  the  heathen  ascribe  to 
the  several  divinities  of  their  pantheon.  The  singu- 
lar eloah  (God  2),  with  few  exceptions  (Xeh.  ix.  17; 
2  Chr.  xxxii.  15),  occurs  only  in  poetry.     It  will  be 


I 


JEH 


JEH 


43( 


found,  upon  examination  of  tiie  passages  in  which 
£lo/iiia  occurs,  that  it  is  chiefly  in  places  wliere  God 
is  exhibited  only  in  the  plenitude  of  His  power,  and 
where  no  especial  reference  is  made  to  His  unity, 
personality,  or  holiness,  or  to  His  relation  to  Israel 
•and  the  theocracy. — But  while  Klohim  exhibits  God 
displayed  in  His  power  as  the  creator  and  governor 
of  the  physical  universe,  the  name  Jehovah  desig- 
nates His  nature  as  He  stands  in  relation  to  man,  as 
the  only  almighty,  true,   personal,  holy  Being,  a 
spirit,  and  "  the  father  of  spirits  "  (Xum.  xvi.  22 ; 
compare  Jn.  iv.  24),  who  revealed  Himself  to  His 
peo,)lc,  made  a  covenant  with  them,  and   became 
tiieir  lawgiver,  and  to  whom  all  honor  and  worship 
ore  due.     If  the  etymology  above  given  be  accepted, 
and  the  name  be  derived  from  the  future  tense  of 
the  substantive  verb,  it  would  denote,  in  accordance 
with  the  general  analogy  of  proper   names  of  a 
similar  form,  Hr  that  u,  the  Being,  whose  chief  attri- 
bute is  eternal  existence.     As  the  Israelites  were  in 
a  remarkable  manner  distinguislied  as  the  people 
of  Jehovah,  who  became  their  lawgiver  and  supreme 
ruler,  it  is  not  strange  that  He  should  be  put  in 
strong  contrast  with  Chemosh  (Judg.  xi.  24),  Ash- 
tarotli  (Judg.  x.  6),  and  the  Baalim  (Judg.  iii.  T), 
the  national  deities  of  the  surrounding  nations,  and 
thus  be  preeminently  distinguished  in  one  aspect  of 
His  character  as  the  tutelary  deity  of  the  Hebrews. 
(L.4\v  OF  ilosES.)    Such  and  no  more  was  He  to  the 
heathen  (1  K.  xx.  23);  but  all  this  and  much  more 
to  the  Israelites,  to  whom  Jehovah  was  a  distinct 
personal  subsistence — the  living  God,  who  reveals 
Himself  to  man  by  word  and  deeil,  helps,  guides, 
saves,  and  delivers,  and  is  to  the  O.  T.  what  Christ 
is  to  tlie  N.  T.    Jehovah  was  no  abstract  name,  but 
thoroughly  practical,  and  stood  in  intimate  connec- 
tion with  the  religious  life  of  the  people.     While 
Elohim  represents  God  only  in   His  most  outward 
relation  to  man,  and  distinguishes  Him  as  recognized 
in  His  omnipotence,  Jehovah  describes  Him  accord- 
ing to  His  innermost  being.     In  Jehovah  the  moral 
attributes  are  presented  as  constituting  the  essence 
of  Ilis  nature  ;  whereas  in  Elohlmihcte  is  no  refer- 
ence to  personality  or  moral  character.     That  Jeho- 
vah is  identical  with  Elohim,  and  not  a  separate 
being,  is  indicated  by  the  joint  use  of  the  names 
Je/uKoh-E'ohiin  (A.  V.  "  the  Lorb   God ; "  Penta- 
TECcn).   Mr.  Tyler  (Je/iovah,  Ihi  Redeemer  Ood,  &c.), 
Mr.  MacWhortcr  (  Yahveh    C/irinl,  or  tlie  Memorial 
Kamf.  ;  JS.  S.  xiv.  98  If.),  and  Mr.  Macdonald  (/«<ro- 
diu-lion  to  t/u  PeiUaleuch),  make  Jehovah  =  He  who 
vill  he,  and  maintain  that  the  name  was  used  with  j 
reference  to  the  future  manifestation  of  God   in  I 
Christ  (compare  Mat.  xi.  3 ;  Rev.  L  8,  &c.). — The 
anti(iuity  of  the  name  Jehovah  among  the  Hebrews 
has  formed  the  subject  of  much  discussion.      That  I 
it  was  not  known  before  the  age  of  Moses  has  been  j 
inferred  from  Ex.  vi.  3 ;  while  Von  Bohlcn  assigns  ■. 
to  it  a  much  more  recent  date.     But,  on  the  other  [ 
hand,  it  would  seem  from  the  etymology  of  the  word  ' 
that  it  originated  in  an   age  long  prior  to  that  of 
Moses,  in  whose  time  the  Heb.  root  hdvdh  (=  htii/dh)  j 
was  already  antiquated.     At  the  same  time  it  is  dis-  I 
tinctly  suted  in  Ex.  vi.  3,  that  to  the  patriarchs  God  , 
was  not  known  by  the  name  Jehovah.     If,  therefore, 
thi.H  passage  has  reference  to  tlie  first  revelation  of  I 
Jehovah  simply  as  a  name  and  title  of  God,  there  is  j 
clearly  a  discrepancy  which  requires  to  be  explained,  j 
In  renewing  Ilis  promise  of  deliverance  from  Eg.\-pt, 
"God  spake  unto  Moses  and  said  unto  liim,  I  am  ! 
Jbhovah  (A.  V.  'the  Lord');  and  I  appeared  unto  j 
Abraham,  unto  Isaac,  and  unto  Jacob  (by  the  name  , 


of)Gon  Almiohtt  (Heb.  El  Shaddai),  but  by  my 
name  JEHOVAH  was  I  not  known  to  them."  It  fol- 
lows then  that,  if  the  reference  were  merely  to  the 
name  as  a  name,  this  passage  would  prove  equally  that 
before  this  time  Elohim  was  unknown  as  an  ap|>el- 
lation  of  the  Deity,  and  God  would  appear  uniformly 
as  El  Shaddai  in  the  patriarchal  history.  Calvin 
saw  at  once  that  the  knowledge  there  spoken  of 
could  not  refer  to  the  syllables  and  letters,  but  to 
the  recognition  of  God's  glory  and  majesty.  It  was 
not  the  name,  but  the  true  depth  of  its  significance 
which  was  unknown  to  and  uncomprehended  by  the 
patriarchs.  They  had  known  God  as  the  omnipo- 
tent, El  Shaddai  ((Jen.  xvii.  1,  xxviil.  3),  the  ruler 
of  the  physical  universe,  and  of  man  as  one  of  His 
creatures ;  as  a  God  eternal,  immutable,  and  true  to 
His  promises  He  was  yet  to  be  revealed.  In  the 
character  expressed  by  tlie  name  Jehovah  He  had  not 
hitherto  been  fully  known  ;  His  true  attributes  had 
not  been  recognized  in  His  working  and  acts  for  Israel. 
Referring  to  other  passages  in  which  the  phrase  "  the 
name  of  God  "  occurs,  it  is  clear  that  something 
more  is  intended  by  it  than  a  mere  appellation,  and 
that  the  proclamation  of  the  name  of  God  is  a  reve- 
lation of  His  moral  attributes,  and  of  His  true  char- 
acter as  Jehovah  (Ex.  xxxiii.  19,  xxxiv.  6,  7)  the 
God  of  the  covenant.  Great  stress  has  been  laid, 
by  those  who  deny  the  antiquity  of  the  name  Jeho- 
vah, upon  the  fact  that  proper  names  compounded 
with  it  occur  but  seldom  before  the  age  of  Samuel 
and  David.  It  is  undoubtedly  true  that,  after  tlie 
revival  of  the  true  faith  among  the  Israelites,  proper 
names  so  compounded  did  become  more  frequent, 
Init  if  it  can  be  shown  that  prior  to  the  time  of 
Moses  any  such  names  existed,  it  will  be  sufficient  to 
prove  that  the  name  Jehovah  was  not  entirely  un- 
known. Among  those  which  have  been  quoted  for 
this  purpose  are  Jocuebed  the  motlier  of  Moses,  and 
daughter  of  Levi,  and  MouiAn,  the  mountain  on 
which  Abraham  was  commanded  to  offer  up  Isaac. 
Against  the  former  it  is  urged  that  Moses  might 
have  changed  her  name  to  Jochebed  after  the  name 
Jehovah  had  been  communicated  by  God  ;  but  this 
is  very  improljable,  as  he  was  at  this  time  eighty 
years  old,  and  his  mother  in  all  probability  dead. 
If  this  only  be  admitted  as  a  genuine  instance  of  a 
name  compounded  with  Jehovah,  it  takes  us  at  once 
back  into  the  patriarchal  age,  and  proves  that  a 
word  which  was  employed  in  forming  the  proper 
name  of  Jacob's  grand-daughter  could  not  have  been 
unknown  to  that  patriarch  himself.  The  name  Mo- 
riah  is  of  more  importance,  for  in  one  passage  in 
which  it  occurs  it  is  accompanied  by  an  etymology 
intended  to  indicate  what  was  then  understood  by 
it(2Chr.  iii.  1). 

Jc-llo'Tall-jI'reh  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jehovah  will  see,  or 
provide),  the  name  given  by  Abraham  to  the  place 
on  which  he  had  been  commanded  to  offer  Isaac,  to 
commemorate  the  interposition  of  the  angel  of  Je- 
hovah, who  appeared  to  prevent  the  sacrifice  (Gen. 
xxii.  14)  and  provided  another  victim.     Moriah  1. 

Je-ho'vah-nis'sl  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jehovah  my  banner), 
the  name  given  by  Moses  to  the  altar  which  he  built 
in  commemoration  of  the  discomfiture  of  the  Araa- 
lekites  by  Joshua  and  his  chosen  warriors  at  Rephi- 
dim  (Ex.  xvii.  J  5).  The  significance  of  the  name 
is  probably  contained  in  the  allusion  to  the  staff 
which  Moses  held  in  his  hand  as  a  banner  during 
the  engiigement. 

Jf-ho'vah-sha'loni  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jehovah  is  praee, 
or  Jtliovah,  the  God  of  pence),  the  altar  erected  by 
Gideon  in  Opiirah  in  memory  of  the  salutation  ad- 


438 


JEH 


SEE 


dressed  to  him  by  the  angel  of  Jehovah,  "  Peace  be 
unto  thee  "  (Judg.  vi.  24). 

*  Je-ho'Tali-sbam'niak  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jehovah  is 
there),  a  prophetic  name  of  Jerusalem,  the  holy 
city  (Ez.  xlviii.  35,  margin). 

*  Jc-lio'vah-tsid'ke-un  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jehovah  our 
righteousness),  a  proplictie  name  of  tlie  King  to  be 
raised  up  uuto  David,  Mkssiah  (Jer.  xxiii.  6,  mar- 
gin); also  of  tlie  holy  city  Jerusalem  (xxxiii.  16, 
margin).  Henderson  ascribes  the  name  to  the  Mes- 
siah in  both  pasj^ages. 

Je-llOZ'a-bad  (fr.  Ileb.  =  whom  Jehovah  bestows, 
Ges. ;  contracted  to  Jozabad).  1,  A  Korahite  Levite, 
second  son  of  Obed-cdom,  and  one  of  the  jiorttrs  of 
the  S.  gate  of  the  Temple,  and  of  tlie  storehouse 
there  in  the  time  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  4,  15,  com- 
pared with  Neh.  xii.  25). — i,  A  Benjamite,  captain 
of  180,000  armed  men,  in  the  days  of  King  Je- 
hoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xvii.  18). — 3«  Son  of  Shonier  or 
Shimrith,  a  Moabitish  woman,  conspired  with  the 
son  of  an  Ammonitess  against  King  Joash  and  slew 
him  in  his  bed  (2  K.  xii.  21 ;  2  Chr.  xxiv.  26). 

Jc-boz'a-dak  (fr.  Heb.  =  wliom  Jehovah  makes 
just,  Ges.;  contracted  to  Jozadak),  son  of  the  high- 
priest  Seraiah  (1  Chr.  vi.  14,  15)  in  the  reign  of 
Zedekiah.  When  his  father  was  slain  at  Riblah  by 
order  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  in  the  eleventh  of  Zede- 
kiah (2  K.  XXV.  18,  21),  Jehozadak  was  led  away 
captive  to  Babylon  (1  Chr.  vi.  15^  where  he  doubt- 
less spent  the  remainder  of  his  days.  He  himself 
never  attained  the  high-priesthood,  but  he  was  the 
father  of  Jeshca  tlie  hiqh-priest — who  with  Zerub- 
babel  headed  the  Return  from  Captivity — and  of  all 
his  successors  till  the  pontificate  of  Aleiraus  (Ezr. 
iii.  2 ;  Neh.  xii.  26,  &c.).  Nothing  more  is  known 
about  liim.     Josedecii  ;  Jozadak. 

Jc'lin  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =:  Jehovah  is  He).  1,  Founder 
of  the  fifth  dynasty  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel.  (Is- 
rael, Kingdom  of.)  His  history  was  told  in  the 
lost  "  Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  "  (2  K.  x. 
34).  His  fatlier's  name  was  Jchoshaphat  (ix.  2); 
his  grandfather's  was  Nimshi.  In  his  youtli  he  had 
been  one  of  the  guards  of  Ahab.  His  first  appear- 
ance in  history  is  when,  with  a  comrade  in  arms, 
Bidkar,  he  rode  behind  Ahab  on  the  fatal  journey 
from  Samaria  to  Jczreel,  and  hoard,  and  laid  up  in 
his  heart,  the  warning  of  Elijah  against  the  mur- 
derer of  Naboth  (ix.  25).  But  he  had  already,  as  it 
would  seem,  been  known  to  Elijah  as  a  youth  of 
promise,  and,  accordingly,  in  the  vi.sion  at  Uoreb  he 
is  mentioned  as  the  future  king  of  Israel,  whom 
Elijah  is  to  anoint  as  the  minister  of  vengeance 
on  Israel  (1  K.  xix.  16,  17).  This  injunction,  for 
reasons  unknown  to  us,  Elijah  never  fulfilled.  It 
was  reserved  long  afterward  for  his  successor  Elisha. 
Jehu  meantime,  in  the  reigns  of  Ahaziah  and  Jeho- 
rara,  had  risen  to  importance.  He  was,  under  the 
last-named  king,  captain  of  the  host  in  the  siege  of 
Ramoth-gilead.  Wliilst  in  the  midst  of  the  officers 
of  the  Ijcsieging  army,  a  youth  suddenly  entered,  of 
wild  appearance  (2  K.  ix.  11),  and  insisted  on  a 
private  interview  with  Jehu.  They  retired  into  a 
secret  chamber.  The  youth  uncovered  a  vial  of  the 
sacred  oil  which  he  had  brought  with  him,  poured 
it  over  Jehu's  head,  and,  after  announcing  to  him 
the  message  from  Elisha,  tliat  he  was  appointed  to 
be  king  of  Israel  and  destroyer  of  the  house  of 
Ahab,  rushed  out  of  the  house  and  disappeared. 
Jehu's  countenance,  as  he  reentered  the  assembly 
of  officer.",  showed  that  some  strange  tidings  had 
reached  him.  He  tried  at  first  to  evade  their  ques- 
tions, but  then  revealed  the  situatioa  in  which  he 


found  himself  placed  by  tlie  prophetic  call.     In  a 
moment  t'.ie  enthusiasm  of  the  army  took  fire.   They 
threw  their  gamients  under  his  feet,  so  as  to  form  a 
rough  carpet  of  state,  placed  him  on  the  top  of  the 
stairs,  as  on  an  extempore  throne,  blew  tlie   royal 
salute  on  their  trumpets,  and   thus  ordained  liim- 
king.     He  tlien  cut  off  all  communication  between 
Ramoth-gilead  and  Jezreel,  and  set  off,  full  speed, 
with   his   ancient  comrade,  Bidkar,  whom  he  had 
made  captain  of  the  liost  in  Iiis  place,  and  a  band 
of  horsemen.     From  the  tower  of  Jezreel  a  watch- 
man saw  the  cloud  of  dust  (A.  V.  "  company  ")  and 
announced  his  coming  (ix.  11).     The  messengers 
that  were  sent  out  to  him  he  detained,  on  tlie  same 
principle  of  secrecy  which  had  guided  all  his  move- 
ments.    It  was  not  till  he  had  almost  reached  the 
city,  and  was  identified  by  the  watchman,  that  alarm 
was  taken.     But  it  was  not  till,  in  answer  to  Jeho- 
ram's  question,  "  Is  it  peace,  Jehu  ?  "  that  Jehu's 
fierce  denunciation  of  Jezebel  at  once  revealed  the 
danger.     Jehu  seized  his  opportunity,  and  sliot  him 
through  the  heart  (ix.  24).     The  body  was  thrown 
out  on  the  fatal  field,  and  whilst  his  soldiers  pur- 
sued and  killed  tlie  king  of  Judah  (Ahaziah  2)  at 
Beth-gan   (A.  V.  "  the   garden-house  "),  probably  I 
Eii-gannim,  Jehu  himself  advanced  to  the  gates  of  j 
Jezreel  and  fulfilled  the  divine  warning  on  Jezebe 
as  already  on  Jehoram.     He  then  entered  on  a  worli 
of  extermination  hitherto  unparalleled  in  the  his 
tory  of  the  Jewish  monarchy.     All  tlie  deseendanti 
of  Ahab  that  remained  in  Jezreel,  together  witli  tha 
officers  of  the  court,  and  hierarchy  of  Astarte(  Ask 
toreth),  were  swept  away.     His  next  step  was  td 
secure  Samaria.     Every  stage  of  his  progress  wad 
marked  with  blood.     At  the  gates  of  Jezreel  ha 
found  the  licads  of  seventy  princes  of  the  Iiouse  of 
Ahab,  ranged  in  two  licaps.    Next,  at  "  the  sheasi 
ing-house "   (or  Beth-ckcd)  between  Jezreel   and 
Samaria  he  encountered  forty-two  sons  or  uephcn 
(2  Chr.  XX.  8)  of  the  late  king  of  Judah.     ThesI 
also  were  put  to  the  sword  at  the  fatal  well.     As  h4 
drove  on  he  encountered  a  strange  figure,  such 
might  liave  reminded  him  of  the  great  EUjah.    li 
was  Jeiio.nadab,  the  austere  Arabian  sectary,  tht 
son  of  Kechab.     In  him  his  keen  eye  discovered 
ready  ally.     He  took  him  into  his  chariot,  and  thejj 
concocted  their  schemes  as  they  entered  Samaria 
(2  K.  X.  15,  16).     fe'p  to  this  moment  there  waa 
nothing  which  sliowed  any  tiling  beyond  a  determ^ 
nation  to  exterminate  in  all  its  branches  the  peB 
sonal  adherents  of  Ahab.     There  was  to  be  a  ne^ 
inauguration  of  the  worsliip  of  Baal.     A  solen 
assembly,  sacred   vestments,   innumerable  victim^ 
were  ready.     The  vast  temple  at  Samaria  raised  bl 
Ahab  (1  K.  xvi.  32)  was  crowded  from  end  to  enf 
The  chief  sacrifice  was  offered,  as  if  in  the  excess  o| 
his  zeal,  by  Jehu  himself.     Jchonadab  joined  in  th 
deception.     There  was  some  appreliension  lest  wod 
shippers  of  Jehovah  might  be  found  in  the  temple 
such,  it  seems,  had  been  tlic  intermixture  of  the  t\i 
religions.     As  soon,  however,  as  it  was  aseertaine 
that  all,  and  none  but,  the  idolaters  were  there,  th 
signal  was  given  to  eighty  trusted  guards,  and 
sweeping  massacre  removed  at  one  blow  tlic  wholj 
heatlien  population  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel.  Thisi 
the  last  public  act  recorded  of  Jehu.    The  remainin 
twenty-seven  years  of  his  long  reign  are  passed  ova 
in  a  few  words,  in  which  two  points  only  are  mata 
rial: — He  did  not  destroy  the  calf-worship  of  Jcrd 
boam : — The  Trans-jordanic   tribes  suffered  much 
from  the  ravages  of  Hazael  (2  K.  x.  29-33).     He 
was  buried  in  state  in  Samaria,  and  was  succeeded 


JEH 


JEP 


439 


by  his  son  Jeboaraz  (x.  85).  His  name  is  the  first 
of  the  Israelite  Itings  which  appears  iu  the  Assyrian 
monuments,  having  been  read  Yalma  (Jeliu),  Oie 
son  of  Khumn  (Omri),  on  tlie  blacli  obelislc  from 
Kimroud  now  in  tlie  British  Museum,  among  the 
kings  l)ringing  tribute  (so  Stanjey,  with  Dr.  Ilincks, 
Rawlinson,  &c.). — 2i  Son  of  Hanani;  a  prophet  of  Ju- 
dah,  but  whose  ministrations  were  chiefly  directed 
to  Israel.  His  father  was  probably  the  seer  who 
attacked  Asa  (2  Chr.  xvi.  7).  He  must  have  begun 
his  career  as  a  prophet  when  very  young.  He  first 
denounced  Baasha  (1  K.  ivi.  1,  7),  and  then,  after 
an  interval  of  thirty  years,  reappears  to  denounce 
Jehoshaphat  for  his'  alliance  with  Ahab  (2  Chr.  xix. 
2,  3).  He  survived  Jehoshaphat  and  wrote  his  life 
(xx.  34). — 3.  A  man  of  Judah  of  the  house  of  Hez- 
ron  (1  Chr.  ii.  38). — i.  A  Simeonite  chief,  son  of 
Josibiah  (iv.  35). — 5.  "Jehu  the  Antothite "  was 
one  of  the  chief  of  the  heroes  of  Benjamin,  who 
joined  David  at  Ziklag  (xii.  3). 

Je-bnb'bih  (fr.  Heb.  =  lie  will  be  hidden,  Ayre), 
a  man  of  Asher ;  son  of  Sharaer  or  Shomer,  of  the 
house  of  Beriah  (1  Chr.  vii.  34). 

Je-lio'cal  (fr.  Heb.  =  potent,  Ges. ;  contracted  to 
Jucal),  son  of  Shelcmiah  ;  one  of  two  persons  sent 
by  King  Zedekiah  to  Jeremiah,  to  entreat  his 
prayers  and  advice  (Jer.  xxxvii.  3).     Jucal. 

Jc'Imd  (fr.  Heb.  =  Judah,  i.  e.  Judea,  Ges. ;  place 
of  renown,  Fii.),  a  city  of  Dan  (Josh.  xix.  45),  named 
between  Baalath  and  Bene-berak ;  probably  at  the 
modern  village  el -Yehudii/eh,aevea  miles  E.  oi  Jaffa 
and  five  X.  of  Lydd. 

Je-hn'dl  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jew),  son  of  Nethaniah ;  a 
man  employed  by  the  princes  of  Jehoiakim's  court 
to  fetch  Baruch  to  read  Jeremiah's  denunciation 
(Jer.  xxxvi.  14),  and  then  by  the  king  to  fetch  the 
volume  itself  and  read  it  to  him  (21,  23). 

Jr-ho-di'jah  (fr.  Ileb.,  see  below)  (1  Chr.  iv.  18). 
If  this  is  a  proper  name  at  all,  it  is  (with  the  He- 
brew article  h&)  Ha-jelmdijah,  like  Ham-melech, 
Hak-koz,  &c. ;  and  it  seems  to  be  rather  an  appel- 
lative =  the  Jewess.  As  far  as  an  opinion  can  be 
formed  of  so  obscure  and  apparently  corrupt  a 
passage  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey),  Mered  married  two 
wives — one  a  Jewess,  the  other  «n  Egyptian,  a 
daughter  of  Pharaoh.  The  Jewess  was  sister  of 
Xahain,  the  father  of  the  cities  of  Keilah  and  Esh- 
temoa.     Hodiah. 

Je'liash  (fr.  Heb.  =  to  whom  God  hastens,  Ges. ; 
a  eoUcctor,  Fii.),  son  of  Eshek,  a  remote  descendant 
of  Saal(l  Chr.  viii.  39). 

Je-l'el  (fr.  Heb.  =  treasured  of  God?  Ges.;  God 
M  snatching  away,  Fii.;  =:  Jki:kl  and  Jeiiiel  12). 
1.  A  Reubenite  chief  of  the  house  of  Joel  (1  Chr. 
T.  7). — J.  A  Merarite  Levite,  one  of  the  gate-keepers 
to  the  sacred  tent  (xv.  18).  His  duty  was  also  to 
play  the  harp  (ver.  21),  or  the  psaltery  and  harp 
(xvi.  5),  in  the  service  before  the  Ark. — 3.  A  Ger- 
shonite  Levite,  one  of  the  sons  of  Asaph,  forefather 
of  Jahaziel  in  the  time  of  King  Jehoshaphat  (2 
Chr.  XX.  14). — 1.  The  scribe  who  kept  the  account 
of  the  numbers  of  King  Uzziah's  irregular  predatory 
warriors  (xxvi.  11). — 5,  A  Gershonite  Levite,  one 
of  the  sons  of  Elizaphan  (xxix.  13).^-6i  One  of  the 
chiefs  of  the  Levites  in  the  time  of  Josiah(xxxv.  9). 
— 7i  One  of  the  sons  of  Adonikam  in  the  caravan 
of  Ezra  from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem  (Ezr.  viii.  13). 
-^8.  A  layman,  of  the  sons  of  Xebo,  who  had  taken 
a  foreifm  wife  and  had  to  relinquish  her  (x.  43). 

Jr-kab'zi!^l  (fr.  Heb.  =  which  Gml  ijalhers,  Ges.)  ! 
=  Kabzeel,  the  most  remote  city  of  Judah  on  the  | 
8.  frontier  (Neb.  xi.  25).  I 


Jek-a-me'am  (fr.  Heb.  =  who  gathers  the  people, 
Ges.),  a  Levite  in  David's  time;  fourth  of  the  sons 
of  Hebron,  the  son  of  Kohath  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  19, 
xxiv.  23). 

Jek-a-mrah  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jiliovah  gathers, 
Ges.),  son  of  Shallum,  in  the  line  of  Ahlai  (1  Chr. 
ii.  41). 

Je-kn'thl-cl  (fr.  Heb.  =  piety  toward  God!  Ges. ; 
God  is  almightiness,  Fii.),  a  man  recorded  in  the 
genealogies  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  18)  as  the  son  of 
Ezra  or  llered,  by  his  -Jewish  wife  (A.  V.  Jehcdi- 
jah),  and  in  his  turn  the  father,  or  founder,  of  the 
town  of  Zanoah. 

Je-mi'ma  (fr.  Heb.  =  dove,  Ges. ;  the  pure,  as 
rfo^-light,  Fii.),  the  eldest  of  the  three  daughters 
bom  to  Job  after  the  restoration  of  his  prosperity 
(Job  xhi.  14). 

*  Jem'i-ni  (fr.  Heb.  =  my  right  hand).  The  margin 
of  1  Sam.  ix.  1  has  (literally  from  the  Hebrew) 
"  the  son  of  a  man  of  Jemini,"  for  which  the  text 
has  (probably  correctly)  "a  Benjamite." 

Jem'na-an  (fr.  Gr.)  (Jd.  ii.  28),  no  doubt  =  Jab- 
neel  =  Jahnia. 

Jem'a-el  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  day  of  God,  Ges.),  eldest 
son  of  Simeon  (Gen.  xlvi.  10;  Ex.  vi.  15);  —  Nem- 

UEL. 

Jeph'tliae  [jef'the]  (Gr.  lephthae,  fr.  Heb.)  = 
Jephthah  (Ileb.  xi.  32). 

Jt'ph'thab  (fr.  Heb.=:whom  God  sets  free  I  Ges. ;  o 
breaker  through',  i.  o.  causing  to  bear,  Fii.),  a  judge, 
about  B.  c.  1143-1137.  His  history  is  contained  in 
Judg.  xi.  1-xii.  7.  He  was  a  Gileadite,  the  son  of 
Gilcad  and  a  concubine.  Driven  by  the  legitimate 
sons  from  his  father's  inheritance,  he  went  to 
Tob,  and  became  the  head  of  a  company  of  free- 
booters in  a  debatable  land  probably  belonging  to 
Amnion  (2  Sam.  x.  6).  His  fame  as  a  bold  and  suc- 
cessful captain  was  carried  back  to  his  native 
Gilead  ;  and  when  the  time  was  ripe  for  throwing 
off  the  yoke  of  Aramon,  Jephthah  consented  to  be- 
come their  captain,  on  the  condition  (solemnly  rati- 
fied before  the  Lord  in  Mizpeh)  that  in  the  event  of 
his  success  against  Ammon  he  should  still  remain  as 
their  acknowledged  head.  He  collected  warriors 
throughout  Gilead  and  Manasseh,  the  provinces 
which  acknowledged  his  authority ;  and  then  he 
vowed  his  vow  unto  the  Lord.  The  Ammonites 
were  routed  with  great  slaughter.  Twenty  cities, 
from  Aroer  on  the  Arnon  to  Minnith  and  to  Abel 
Ceramim,  were  tiiken  from  them.  But  as  the 
conqueror  returned  to  Mizpeh,  there  came  out  to 
meet  him  a  procession  of  damsels  with  dances  and 
timbrels,  and  among  them — the  first  person  from 
his  own  house — his  daughter  and  only  child.  "  Alas  I 
ray  daughter,  thou  hast  brought  me  very  low,"  was 
the  greeting  of  the  heart-stricken  father.  But  the 
high-minded  maiden  is  ready  for  any  personal  suf- 
fering in  the  hour  of  her  father's  triumph.  Only 
she  asks  for  a  respite  of  two  months  to  withdiawto 
her  native  monnt.tins,  and  in  tiieir  recesses  to  weep 
with  her  virgin-friends  over  the  early  disappoint- 
ment of  her  life.  When  that  time  was  ended  she 
returned  to  her  father,  and  "he  did  unto  her  his 
vow."  But  Jephthah  had  not  long  leisure,  even  if 
ho  were  disposed,  for  the  indulgence  of  domestic 
grief.  The  proud  tribe  of  Ephraim  challenged  his 
right  to  go  to  war,  as  he  had  done  without  their 
concurrence,  against  Ammon.  He  first  defeated 
them,  then  intercepted  the  fugitives  at  the  fords  of 
Jordan,  and  there  put  42,000  men  to  the  sword. 
(Shibboleth.)  He  judged  Israel  six  years  and  died. 
It  is  generally  conjectured  that  his  jurisdiction  was 


440 


JEP 


JER 


limited  to  the  Trars-jordanic  region.  That  the 
daughter  of  Jephthah  was  really  offered  up  to  God 
in  sacrifice — slain  by  the  hand  of  her  fatlicr  and 
then  burnt — is  a  horrible  conclusion,  but  one  which 
it  seems  impossible  to  avoid  (so  Mr.  Bullock,  with 
Jonathan  the  paraphrast,  Rashi,  Joscphus,  Origen, 
and  perhaps  all  the  early  Christian  Fathers,  Light- 
foot,  Kitto,  &c.).  Joseph  Kimchi  supposed  that, 
instead  of  being  sacrificed,  she  was  shut  up  in  a 
house  which  her  father  built  for  the  purpose,  and 
that  she  was  there  visited  by  the  daughters  of  Israel 
four  days  in  each  year  so  long  as  she  lived.  This 
interpretation  has  been  adopted  by  many  eminent 
men  (Drusius,  Grotius,  Estius,  De  Dicu,  Bishop  Hall, 
Wateiland,  Hales,  Hengstenbcrg,  &c.). 

Je-plinn'ne  —  Jephunneh  (Ecclus.  xlvi.  1). 

Je-pIinnDell  (fr.  Hcb.  =:  for  whom  is  prepared? 
Ges. ;  who  becomes  visible,  Fii.).  1.  Father  of  Caleb 
the  spy.  He  appears  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey)  to 
have  belonged  to  an  Edomitish  tribe  called  Kencz- 
ites,  from  Kenaz  their  founder  (Num.  xiii.  6,  &c. ; 
xxxii.  12,  &c. ;  Josh.  xiv.  14,  &c. ;  1  Chr.  iv.  15). — 
i,  A  descendant  of  Asher ;  eldest  of  the  three  sons 
of  Jcther(l  Chr.  vii.  38). 

Je'rah  (fr.  Heb.,  see  below),  fourth  in  order  of 
the  sons  of  Joktan  (Gen.  x.  26 ;  1  Chr.  i.  20),  and 
progenitor  of  a  tribe  of  southern  Arabia.  He  has 
not  been  satisfactorily  identified  with  the  name  of 
any  Arabian  place  or  tribe,  though  a  fortress  named 
Yerdkh  is  mentioned  as  belonging  to  the  district  of 
the  Nijjdd,  which  is  in  Mahreh,  at  the  extremity  of 
the  Yemen.  Bochart  translates  Jerah  =  the  moon 
into  Arabic,  and  finds  the  descendants  of  Jerah  in 
the  Alilici,  a  people  dwelling  near  the  Red  Sea,  on 
the  strength  of  a  passage  in  Herodotus  (iii.  8|,  in 
which  he  says  of  the  Arabs,  "  Bacchus  they  call  in 
their  language  Orotnl ;  and  Urania,  Alilat." 

Je-rall'me-f  I  (fr.  Heb.  =i  on  w  hom  God  has  mercy, 
Ges.).  I.  First-born  son  of  Hczron,  the  son  of 
Pharcz,  the  son  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  9,  25-27,  33, 
42).  His  descendants  are  given  at  length  in  the 
same  chapter.  (Jerahmeei-ites.) — 2.  A  Merarite 
Levite,  of  the  family  of  Kish,  the  son  of  Mahli  ( 1 
Chr.  xxiv.  29;  compare  xxiii.  21). — 3<  Son  of  Ham - 
melech  (compare  Joasm  4  ;  Maaseiaii  17  ;  Malciiiaii 
8) ;  employed  by  Jchoiakim  to  make  Jeremiah  and 
Baruch  prisoners,  after  he  had  burnt  the  roll  of 
Jeremiah's  prophecy  {Jcr.  xxxvi.  26). 

Je-rali'nie-cl-ltes(fr.  Hcb.),  th*  =  the  descendants 
of  Jerahmeel  1  ( 1  Sam.  xxvii.  10,  xxx.  29).  They 
dwelt  in  the  S.  of  Judah. 

Jer'e-thns  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Jericho  (1  Esd.  v.  22). 

Je'rrd  (fr.  Heb.  —  descent,  Ges. ;  =  Jaked).  1, 
Son  of  Mahalaleel  and  father  of  Enoch  (1  Chr.  i.  2); 
=;  Jared. — 2.  A  descendant  of  Judah  ;  the  "  father 
— i.  e.  founder — of  Gcdor"  (iv.  18). 

Jer'e-mai  (fr.  II  eb.  =  dwelling  in  heights,  Ges.), 
a  layman ;  one  of  the  sons  of  ilashum,  compelled 
by  Ezra  to  put  away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  33). 

Jer-e-miah  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  sets  up, 
Ges. ;  Jah  is  the  exalted  one,  Fii.).  1.  A  celebrated 
Hebrew  PROPHET.  (I.)  Life  and  Work.  (1.)  Under 
Josiah  B.  c.  638-608  (see  for  chronology  Israel, 
Ki.vonoM  of).  In  the  thirteenth  year  of  the  reign 
of  Josiah,  the  prophet  speaks  of  himself  as  still  "  a 
child  "  (Jer.  i.  6).  We  cannot  rely,  indeed,  on  this 
word  as  a  chronological  datum.  We  may  at  least 
infer,  however,  as  we  can  trace  his  life  in  full  activity 
for  upward  of  forty  years  from  this  period,  that  at 
the  commencement  of  that  reign  he  could  not  have 
passed  out  of  actual  childhood.  He  is  described  as 
"  the  son  of  Hilkiah  of  the  priests  that  were  in 


AXATHOTH  "  (i.  1).  Some  have  identified  this  Hil- 
kiah with  the  high-priest  who  bore  so  large  a  share 
in  Josiah's  work  of  rei'ormation,  but  of  this  there 
is  no  evidence.  The  boy  would  hear  among  the 
priests  of  his  native  town,  not  three  miles  distant 
from  Jerusalem,  of  the  idolatries  and  cruelties  of 
Manasseh  and  his  sou  Amon.  He  would  be  trained 
in  the  traditional  precepts  and  ordinances  of  tlje 
Law.  He  would  become  acquainted  with  the  names 
and  writings  of  older  piophets.  As  he  grew  up 
toward  manhood,  he  would  hear  also  of  the  work 
which  the  king  and  his  counsellors  were  carrying 
on,  and  of  the  teaching  of  the  woman  (HiLnAH),  who 
alone,  or  nearly  so,  in  the  midst  of  that  religious 
revival,  was  looked  upon  as  speaking  from  direct 
prophetic  inspiration.  In  all  likelihood  he  came 
into  actual  contact  with  them.  Possibly,  too,  to 
this  period  of  his  life  we  may  trace  the  commence- 
ment of  that  friendship  witli  the  fiimily  of  Xeriah 
which  was  afterward  so  fruitful  in  results.  (Ba- 
ruch.) As  the  issue  of  all  these  influences  we  find 
in  him  all  the  conspicuous  features  of  the  devout 
ascetic  character  :  intense  consciousness  of  his  own 
weakness,  great  susceptibility  to  varying  emotions, 
a  spirit  easily  bowed  down.  Left  to  himself,  he 
might  have  borne  his  jiart  among  the  reforming 
priests  of  Joaiali's  reign,  free  from  their  fornialisin 
and  hypocrisy.  But  "  the  word  of  Jehovah  came 
to  him  "  (i.  2) ;  and  by  that  divine  voice  the  secret 
of  his  future  life  was  revealed  to  him,  at  the  very 
time  when  the  work  of  reformation  was  going  on 
with  fresh  vigor  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  3),  when  he  himself 
was  beginning  to  have  the  thoughts  and  feelings  of 
a  man.  A  life-long  martyrdom  was  set  before  him, 
a  struggle  against  kings,  and  priests,  and  people 
(Jer.  i.  18).  For  a  time,  it  would  seem  he  held 
aloof  from  the  »  ork  w  hich  was  going  on  throughout 
the  nation.  His  name  is  nowhere  mentioned  in  the 
history  of  the  memorable  eighteenth  year  of  Josiah. 
Though  five  years  had  passed  since  he  entered  on 
the  work  of  a  prophet,  it  is  from  Iluldah,  not 
from  him,  that  the  king  and  his  princes  seek  for 
counsel.  The  discovery  of  the  Book  of  the  Law, 
however,  could  not  fail  to  exercise  an  influence  on  a 
mind  like  Jeremiah's  :  his  later  writings  show  abun- 
dant traces  of  it;  and  the  result  ajiparently  was, 
that  he  could  not  share  the  hopes  which  others  cher- 
ished. He  saw  that  the  reformation  was  but  a  sur- 
face one.  Israel  had  gone  into  captivity,  and  Ju- 
dah was  worse  than  Israel  (iii.  11).  It  was  as  hard 
for  him,  as  it  had  been  for  Isaiah,  to  find,  among 
the  princes  and  peo]ile  who  worshiiiped  in  the 
Temi)le,  one  just,  truth-seeking  man  (v.  1,  28). 
His  own  work,  as  a  priest  and  prophet,  led  him  to 
discern  the  falsehood, and  lust  of  rule  which  were 
at  work  under  the  form  of  zeal  (v.  31).  The  strange 
visions  which  had  fijllowed  upon  his  call  (i.  11-16) 
taught  him  that  Jehovah  would  "  ha.-ten  "  the  per- 
fonnance  of  His  word.  Hence,  though  we  have 
hardly  any  mention  of  special  incidents  in  the  life 
of  Jeremiah  during  the  eighteen  years  between  his 
call  and  Josiah's  death,  the  main  features  of  his 
life  come  distinctly  enough  before  us.  He  had  even 
then  his  experience  of  the  bittcniess  of  the  lot  to 
which  God  had  called  him.  The  duties  of  the 
priest,  even  if  he  continued  to  discharge  them, 
were  merged  in  those  of  the  new  and  special  office. 
Toward  the  close  of  the  reign,  however,  he  appears 
to  have  taken  some  part  in  the  great  national  ques- 
tions then  at  issue.  Josiah,  probably  (so  Professor 
Plumptre,  the  original  author  of  this  article)  follow- 
ing the  advice  of  Jeremiah,  chose  to  attach  himself 


i 


JER 


JER 


441 


to  the  new  Clialdean  kin°;dom,  and  lost  his  life  in 
the  vain  attempt  to  stop  the  progress  of  tlie  Egyp- 
tian king.  We  may  think  of  this  as  one  of  the  lirst 
great  sorrows  of  Jercmiali's  life. — (i.)  Uiuler  Je- 
hoahaz  (=  Shallum),  B.  c.  608.  The  short  reign  of 
this  prince  (chosen  by  the  people  on  hearing  of 
Josiah's  death,  and  after  three  months  deposed  by 
Pharaoh-necho)  gave  little  scope  for  direct  pro- 
phetic action.  The  fact  of  his  deposition,  however, 
shows  that  he  had  been  set  up  against  Egypt,  and 
therefore  as  representing  the  policy  of  which  Jere- 
miah had  been  the  advocate ;  and  this  may  account 
for  the  tenderness  and  pity  with  which  he  speaks 
of  him  in  his  Egyptian  exile  (xxii.  11,  12). — (3.) 
I'lider  Jehoiakim,  B.  c.  607-597.  In  the  weakness 
and  disorder  which  characterized  this  reign,  the 
work  of  Jeremiah  became  daily  more  prominent. 
The  king  had  come  to  the  throne  as  the  vassal  of 
Egypt,  and  for  a  time  the  Egyptian  party  was  dom- 
inant in  Jerusalem.  Others,  however,  held  that 
the  only  way  of  safety  lay  in  accepting  the  suprem- 
acy of  the  Chaldeans.  Jeremiah  appeared  as  the 
chief  representative  of  this  party.  lie  had  learned 
to  discern  the  signs  of  the  times ;  the  evils  of  the 
nation  were  not  to  be  cured  by  any  half-measures 
of  reform,  or  by  foreign  alliances.  The  king  of 
K.ibylon  was  God's  servant  (xxv.  9,  xxvii.  6),  doing 
\\\i  work,  and  was  for  a  time  to  prevail  over  all  re- 
sistance. Hard  as  it  w.as  for  one  who  sympathized 
BO  deeply  with  all  the  sufferings  of  his  country, 
this  was  the  conviction  to  which  he  had  to  bring 
himself.  He  had  to  expose  himself  to  the  suspicion 
of  treachery  by  declaring  it.  Men  claiming  to  be 
prophets  had  their  "  word  of  Jehovah "  to  set 
against  his  (xiv.  13,  xxiii.  7),  and  all  that  he  could 
do  was  to  commit  his  cause  to  God,  and  wait  for 
the  result.  Some  of  the  most  striking  scenes  in 
this  conflict  are  brought  before  us  with  great  vivid- 
ness (xxvi. ).  If  Jeremiah  was  not  at  once  hunted 
to  death,  like  Urijah  (xxvi.  23),  it  was  because  his 
friend  Ahikamwas  powerful  enough  to  protect  him. 
The  fourth  y^ar  of  Jehoiakim  was  yet  more  memo- 
rable. The  battle  of  Carchemish  overthrew  the  hopes 
of  the  Egyptian  party  (xlvi.  2),  and  tlie  armies  of 
Xchuchadnezzar  drove  those  who  had  no  defenced 
cities  to  take  refuge  in  Jerusalem  (xxxv.  11).  As 
one  of  the  consequences  of  this,  we  have  the  inter- 
'  csting  episode  of  the  KKCiiABtTES.  In  this  year, 
too,  came  another  solemn  message  to  the  king: 
prophecies,  which  had  been  uttered  here  and  there 
at  intervals,  were  now  to  be  gathered  together, 
written  in  a  book,  and  read  as  a  whole  in  the  hear- 
ing of  the  people.  IJaruch,  already  known  as  the 
prophet's  disciple,  acted  as  scribe ;  and  in  the  fol- 
lowing year,  when  a  solemn  fast-day  called  the 
whole  people  together  in  the  Temple  (xxxvi.  1-9), 
Jeremiah — hindered  himself,  we  know  not  how — 
sent  him  to  prochtini  them.  The  result  wa.s  as  it 
had  been  before :  the  princes  of  Judah  eonniveil  at 
the  escape  of  the  prophet  and  his  scribe  (xxxvi.  19). 
The  king  vented  his  impotent  rage  upon  the  scroll 
which  Jeremiah  had  written.  Jeremiah  and  Banich, 
in  their  retirement,  rewrote  it  with  many  added 
prophecies  ;  among  them,  probably,  the  special  pre- 
diction that  tlie  king  should  die  by  the  sword,  and 
bo  cast  out  unhurie<l  and  dishonored  (xxii.  80).  In 
chapter  xlv.,  which  belongs  to  this  period,  we  have 
a  glinii)»e  into  the  relations  between  the  master  and 
the  scholar,  and  into  the  thoughts  of  each  of  them. 
In  the  absence  of  special  dates  for  other  events  in 
the  reign  of  \)ehoiakim,  we  may  bring  together  into 
one  picture  some  of  the  most  striking  features  of 


this  period  of  Jeremiah's  life.  As  the  dangers  from 
the  Chaldeans  became  more  threatening,  the  perse- 
cution against  him  grew  hotter,  his  own  thoughts 
were  more  bitter  and  desponding  (xviii.).  The 
people  sought  his  life :  his  voice  rose  up  in  the 
prayer  that  God  would  deliver  and  avenge  him. 
That  thought  he  soon  reproduced  in  act  as  well  as 
word.  Standing  in  the  valley  of  the  son  of  Hin- 
nom,  he  broke  the  earthen  vessel  he  carried  in  his 
hands,  and  prophesied  to  the  people  that  the  whole 
city  should  be  defiled  with  the  dead,  as  that  valley 
had  been,  witliin  their  memory,  by  Josiah  (xix.  10- 
13).  The  boldness  of  the  speech  and  act  drew 
upon  him  immediate  punishment.  The  years  that 
followed  brought  no  change  fop  tlie  better.  Famine 
and  drought  were  added  to  the  miseries  of  the 
people  (xiv.  1),  but  false  prophets  still  deceived 
them  with  assurances  of  plenty  ;  and  Jeremiah  was 
looked  on  with  dislike,  as  "  a  prophet  of  evil,"  and 
"everyone  cursed"  him  (xv.  10).  He  was  set; 
however,  "  as  a  fenced  brazen  wall  "  (xv.  20),  and 
went  on  with  his  work,  reproving  king,  and  nobles, 
and  people. — (4.)  Under  Jehoiachin  (=r  Jeconiah), 
B.  c.  697.  The  danger  which  Jeremiah  had  so  long 
foretold  at  last  came  near.  First  Jehoiakim,  and 
afterward  his  successor,  were  carried  into  exile  (2 
K.  xxiv.).  Of  the  work  of  the  prophet  in  this 
short  reign  we  have  but  the  fragmentary  record  of 
xxii.  24-30.— (5.)  Under  ZaUHah,  n.  c.  597-686. 
In  this  prince  (probably  as  having  been  appointed 
by  Nebuchadnezzar),  we  do  not  find  the  same  ob- 
stinate resistance  to  the  prophet's  counsels  as  in 
Jehoiakim.  He  respects  him,  fears  him,  seeks  his 
counsel ;  but  he  is  a  mere  shadow  of  a  king,  power- 
less even  against  his  own  counsellors,  and  in  his 
reign,  accordingly,  the  sufferings  of  Jeremiah  were 
sharper  than  they  had  been  before.  His  counsel  to 
the  exiles  was  that  they  should  submit  to  their  lot, 
prepare  for  a  long  captivity,  and  wait  quietly  for 
the  ultimate  restoration.  The  king  at  first  seemed 
willing  to  be  guided  by  him,  and  sent  to  ask  for  his 
intercession  (Jer.  xxxvii.  3).  He  appears  in  the 
streets  of  the  city  with  bonds  and  yokes  upon  his 
neck  (xxvii.  2),  announcing  that  they  were  meant 
for  Judah  and  its  allies.  The  approach  of  an  Egyp- 
tian army,  however,  and  the  conse<|uent  departure 
of  the  Chaldeans,  made  the  position  of  Jeremiah  full 
of  danger ;  and  he  sought  to  effect  his  escape  from 
a  city,  in  which,  it  seemed,  he  could  no  longer  do 
good, and  to  take  refuge  in  his  own  town  of  Anathoth 
or  its  neighborhood  (xxxvii.  12).  The  discovery 
of  this  plan  led,  not  unnaturally  perhaps,  to  the 
charge  of  desertion :  it  was  thought  that  he,  too, 
was  "  falling'  away  to  the  Chaldeans,"  as  others 
were  doing  (xxxviii.  19),  and,  in  spite  of  his  denial, 
he  was  thrown  into  a  dungeon  (xxxvii.  16).  The 
interposition  of  the  king,  who  still  respected  and 
consulted  him,  led  to  some  mitigation  of  the  rigor 
of  his  cimfiTiement  (xxxvii.  21);  but,  as  this  did  not 
hinder  him  from  speaking  to  the  people,  the  princes 
of  Judah,  bent  on  an  alliance  with  Egypt,  and  cal- 
culating on  the  king's  being  unable  to  resist  them 
(xxxviii.  6),  threw  him  into  the  prison-pit,  to 
die  there,  ^rom  this  horrible  fate  he  was  again 
delivered,  by  the  friendship  of  the  Ethiopian  eu- 
nuch, Ebed-mclech,  and  the  king's  regard  for  him  ; 
and  was  restored  to  the  milder  custody  in  which  he 
had  been  kept  previously,  where  we  find  (xxxii.  16) 
he  had  the  companionship  of  Baruch.  The  return 
of  the  Chaldean  army  filled  both  king  and  people 
with  dismay  (xxxii.  1);  and  the  risk  now  was  that 
they  would  pass  from  their  presumptuous  confi- 


U2 


JEB 


JER 


dcnce  to  the  opposite  extreme  and  sink  down  in 
despair,  with  no  I'aith  in  God  and  no  hope  for  the 
future.  The  prophet  was  taught  how  to  meet  that 
danger  also.  In  his  prison,  wliile  the  Chaldeans 
were  ravaging  the  country,  he  bought,  with  all 
requisite  formalities,  the  field  at  Anathoth  which 
his  kinsman  Hanamecl  wished  to  get  rid  of  (xx.xii. 
6-9).  His  faith  in  the  promises  of  God  did  not  fail 
him.  At  last  the  blow  came.  The  city  was  taken, 
the  Temple  burnt.  The  king  and  his  princes 
shared  the  fate  of  Jehoiachin.  The  prophet  gave 
utterance  to  his  sorrow  in  the  Laiiextations. — (6.) 
After  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  B.  c.  586-?.  The 
Chaldean  party  in  Judah  had  now  the  prospect  of 
better  things.  We  find  a  special  charge  given  to 
Nebuzaradan  (xxxix.  11)  to  protect  the  person  of 
Jeremiah  ;  and,  after  being  carried  as  far  as  Ramah 
with  the  crowd  of  captives  (xl.  1),  ho  was  set  free, 
and  Gedaliah,  the  son  of  his  steadfast  friend  Ahi- 
kam,  made  governor  over  the  cities  of  Judah.  The 
feeling  of  the  Chaldeans  toward  him  was  shown  yet 
more  strongly  in  the  offer  made  him  by  Nebuzara- 
dan  (xl.  4,  5).  For  a  short  time  there  was  an  inter- 
val of  peace  (xl.  9-12),  soon  broken,  however,  by 
the  murder  of  Gedaliah  by  Ishniael  and  his  asso- 
ciates. We  are  left  to  conjecture  in  what  way  the 
prophet  escaped  from  a  mas.'sacre  apparently  in- 
tended to  include  all  the  adherents  of  Gedaliah. 
The  fulness  with  which  the  history  of  the  massacre 
is  narrated  in  chapter  xli.  makes  it,  however,  proba- 
ble that  he  was  among  the  prisoners  w  horn  Ishmael 
was  carrying  off  to  the  Ammonites,  and  who  were 
released  by  the  arrival  of  Johanan.  One  of  Jere- 
miah's friends  was  thus  cut  off,  but  Baruch  still  re- 
mained with  him  ;  and  the  people,  under  Johanan, 
who  had  taken  the  command  on  the  death  of  Geda- 
liah, turned  to  him  for  counsel.  His  warnings  and 
assurances  were  in  vain,  and  did  but  draw  on  him 
and  Baruch  the  old  charge  of  treachery  (xliii.  3). 
The  people  followed  their  own  counsel,  and — lest 
the  two  whom  they  suspected  should  betray  or 
counteract  it — took  them  also  by  force  to  Egypt. 
There,  in  the  city  of  Tahpanhes,  we  have  the  last 
clear  glimpses  of  the  prophet's  life.  His  words  are 
sharper  and  stronger  than  ever.  He  does  not 
shrink,  even  there,  from  speaking  of  the  Chaldean 
king  once  more  as  the  "  servant  of  Jehovah  "  (xliii. 
10).  He  declares  that  they  should  see  the  throne 
of  the  conqueror  set  up  in  the  very  place  which 
they  had  chosen  as  the  securest  refuge.  He  utters 
a  final  protest  (xliv.)  against  the  idolatries  of  which 
they  and  their  fathers  had  been  guilty,  and  which 
they  were  even  then  renewing.  After  this  all  is 
uncertain.  If  we  cotjld  assume  that  lii.  31  was 
written  by  Jeremiah  himself,  it  would  show  that  he 
reached  an  extreme  old  age,  but  this  is  so  doubtful 
that  we  are  left  to  other  sources.  On  the  one  hand 
there  is  the  Christian  tradition,  resting  doubtless  on 
some  earlier  belief,  that  the  Jews  at  Tahpanhes,  irri- 
tated by  his  rebukes,  at  last  stoned  him  to  death. 
An  Alexandrian  tradition  reported  that  his  bones 
had  been  brought  to  that  city  by  Alexander  the 
Great.  On  the  other  siae  there  is  the  Jewish 
statement  that  on  the  conquest  of  Egypt  by  Nebu- 
chadnezzar, he,  with  Baruch,  made  his  escape  to 
Babylon  or  Judea,  and  died  in  peace.  As  it  is,  the 
darkness  and  doubt  that  brood  over  the  last  days 
of  the  prophet's  life  are  more  significant  than  either 
of  the  issues  which  presented  themselves  to  men's 
imaginations  as  the  winding-up  of  his  career.  He 
did  not  need  a  death  by  violence  to  make  him  a 
true  martyr. — (II.)    Character   and  style.    It   will 


have  been  seen  from  this  narrative  that  there  fell 
to  the  lot  of  Jeremiah  sharper  suffering  than  any 
previous  prophet  had  experienced.  In  every  page 
of  his  prophecies  we  recognize  the  temperament 
which,  while  it  does  not  lead  the  man  who  has  it  to 
shrink  from  doing  God's  work,  however  painful, 
makes  the  pain  of  doing  it  infinitely  more  acute, 
and  gives  to  the  whole  character  the  impress  of  a 
deeper  and  more  lasting  melancholy.  lie  has  to 
appear  as  a  prophet  of  evil,  dashing  to  the  ground 
the  false  hopes  with  which  the  people  are  buoying 
themselves  up.  Other  prophets — iSamuel,  Elisha, 
Isaiah — had  been  sent  to  rouse  the  people  to  resist- 
ance. He  has  been  brought  to  the  conclusion,  bit- 
ter as  it  is,  that  the  only  safety  for  his  countrymen 
lies  in  their  accepting  that  against  which  they  are 
contending  as  the  worst  of  evils;  and  this  brings 
on  him  the  charge  of  treachery  and  deseition.  If 
it  were  not  for  his  trust  in  the  God  of  Israel,  for  his 
hope  of  a  better  future  to  be  brought  out  of  all  this 
chaos  and  darkness,  his  heart  would  fail  within 
him.  But  that  vision  is  clear  and  bright,  and  it 
gives  to  him,  almost  as  fully  as  to  Isaiah,  the  char- 
acter of  a  prophet  of  the  Gospel.  The  prophet's 
hopes  are  not  merely  vague  visions  of  a  better  fu- 
ture :  they  gather  round  the  person  of  a  Christ, 
and  are  essentially  Messianic.  In  a  deeper  sense 
than  that  of  the  patristic  divines,  the  life  of  the 
prophet  was  a  type  of  that  of  Christ.  The  charac- 
ter of  the  man  impressed  itself  with  more  or  less 
force  upon  the  language  of  the  writer.  As  might 
be  expected  in  one  who  lived  in  the  last  days  of  the 
kingdom,  and  had  therefore  the  works  of  the  ear- 
lier prophets  to  look  back  upon,  we  find  in  him  rem- 
iniscences and  reproductions  of  what  they  liad 
written,  which  indicate  the  way  in  which  his  own 
spirit  had  been  educated.  Traces  of  the  influence 
of  the  newly-discovered  Book  of  the  Law,  and  in 
particular  of  Deuteronomy,  appear  repeatedly  in 
his,  as  in  other  writings  of  the  same  period. 
Throughout,  too,  there  are  the  tokens  of  his  indi- 
vidual temperament :  a  greater  prominence  of  the 
subjective,  elegiac  element,  than  in  other  prophets, 
a  less  sustained  energy,  a  less  orderly  and  com- 
pleted rhythm. — (III.)  Arrangement.  The  absence 
of  any  chronological  order  in  the  present  structure 
of  the  collection  of  Jeremiah's  prophecies  is  ob- 
vious at  the  first  glance.  Confining  ourselves,  for 
the  present,  to  the  Hebrew  onier  (reproduced  in 
the  A.  v.),  we  have  two  great  divisions : — (1.)  Chs. 
i.-xlv.  Prophecies  delivered  at  various  times,  di- 
rected mainly  to  Judah,  or  connected  with  Jere- 
miah's personal  history.  (2.)  Chs.  xlvi.-li.  Prophe- 
cies connected  with  other  nations.  Ch.  lii.,  taken 
largely,  though  not  entirely,  from  2  K.  xxv.,  may 
be  taken  cither  as  a  supplement  to  the  prophecy,  or 
as  an  introduction  to  the  Lamentations.  Looking 
more  closely  into  each  of  these  divisions,  we  have 
the  following  sections : — §  1.  Chs.  i.-xxi.  Containing  J 
probably  the  substance  of  the  book  of  xxxvi.  32,  j 
and  including  prophecies  from  the  thirteenth  year  | 
of  Josiah  to  the  fourth  of  Jehoiakim :  i.  3,  how- 1 
ever,  indicates  a  later  revision,  and  the  whole  of  I 
ch.  i.  may  possibly  have  been  added  on  the  proph- 1 
et's  retrospect  of  his  whole  work  from  this  its  first  [ 
beginning.  Ch.  xxi.  belongs  to  a  later  period,  but  I 
has  probably  found  its  place  here  as  c(mnected,  by ! 
the  recurrence  of  the  name  Pashur,  with  ch.  xx. —  ' 
§  2.  Chs.  xxii.-xxv.  Shorter  prophecies,  delivered 
at  different  times  against  the  kings  of  Judah  and 
the  false  prophets,  xxv.  13,  14,  evidently  marks 
the  conclusion  of  a  series  of  prophecies  ;  and  that 


I 


JEB 


JER 


443 


which  follows,  XXV.  16-38,  the  germ  of  the  fuller 
predictions  ia  xlvi.-xli.\.,  has  been  placed  here  as  a 
kind  of  completion  to  the  prophecy  of  the  Seventy 
Years  and  the  subsequent  fall  of  Babylon. — g  3. 
Clis.  xxvi.-xxviii.  The  two  great  prophecies  of  the 
fall  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  history  connected  with 
them.  Ch.  xxvi.  belongs  to  the  earlier,  ebs.  xxvii. 
and  xxviii.  to  the  later  period  of  the  prophet's 
work.  Jchoiakim,  in  xxvii.  1,  is  evidently  (compare 
vcr.  a)  a  mistake  for  Zedekiah. — §  4.  Chs.  xxix.- 
xxxi.  The  message  of  comfort  for  the  exiles  in 
Babvlon. — J  5.  Chs.  xxxii.-xliv.  The  history  of  the 
last  two  years  before  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  and 
of  Jeremiah's  work  in  them  and  in  the  period  tliat 
followed.  The  position  of  ch.  xlv.,  unconnected 
with  any  thing  before  or  after  it,  may  be  accounted 
for  on  the  hypothesis  that  Baruch  desired  to  place 
on  record  so  memorable  a  passage  in  his  own  life, 
and  inserted  it  where  the  direct  narrative  of  his 
master's  life  ended.  The  same  explanation  applies 
in  part  to  ch.  xxxvi. — §  6.  Chs.  xlvi.-li.  The  proph- 
ecies against  foreign  nations,  ending  with  the  great 
prediction  against  Babylon. — §  1.  The  supplemen- 
tary narrative  of  ch.  lii. — (IV.)  Texl.  The  transla- 
tion of  the  LXX.  presents  many  remarkable  varia- 
tions in  the  order  of  the  several  parts.  The  two 
agree  as  far  as  xxv.  13.  From  that  point  all  is  dif- 
ferent, and  the  following  table  indicates  the  extent 
of  the  divergency : 


LXX. 

Hebrew. 

XIV.  U-18 

=. 

ilii.  31-39 

xxvi. 

CT. 

xlvi. 

xxvii..  xxviii. 

= 

l.,li. 

xxix.  1-7 

= 

xlvii.  1-7. 

7-22 

,=M 

ilii.  7-24. 

XIX.  1-5 

«=. 

xlii.  l-«. 

(J-11 

= 

28-33. 

ia-18 

.^ 

^■j-ir?. 

xxii. 

^^ 

ilviii. 

mil. 

„ 

xxv.  15-39. 

xxxiU.-ll. 

=^ 

ixvi.-ilv. 

lii. 

«. 

Hi. 

[the  genuineness  of  some  portions  of  this  book  has 
I  been  called  in  question  by  De  Wette,  Movers,  Hitzig, 
I  Ewald,  Knobel,  &c.,  partly  on  the  hypothesis  that 
fthe  version  of  the  LXX.  presents  a  purer   text, 
[partly  on  internal  and  more  conjectural  grounds. 
iHiivernick,  Ilengstenberg,  Kiiper,   Keil,  Umbreit, 
I  Henderson,  are  among  its  chief  defenders.   (Cano.v; 
I  Inspiration- ;  Oi.n  Testament;  Septcagint.) — Jcre- 
kniiah's  reputation    after  his    death    became  very 
I  great.     In  2  Mc.  ii.  1-9,  Jeremiah  is  represented  as 
r having  at  the  Captivity  miraculously  hid  the  Taber- 
^nacle  and  Ark  and  Altar  of  incense  in  a  cave,  and  in 
XV.  13-16   Judas   Maccabeus   relates  a  dream   in 
which  Jeremiah  appeared  to  him  as  "  a  man  with 
gray  hairs,  and  exceeding  glorious,  who  was  of  a 
wonderful  and  excellent  majesty,"  and  gave  him  a 
sword  of  gold.     Some  in  Christ's  time  expected  his 
rea|)pearance  (Jn.  i.  21),  and  even  regarded  Jesus 
as  Jeremiah  (Mat.  xvi.  14).     For  the  quotation  in 
Mat.  xxvii.  9,  see  Olh  Testament  C,  and  Zkciiariah 
1.     For  the  Epiille  of  Jeremiah,  sen  Bakicii,  THE 
Book  or. — 2.  "  Jeremiah   of  Libnah,"    father  of 
Hamutal,  wife  of  Josiah  (2  K.  xxiii.  31).— 3,  4,  5. 
Three  warriors — two  of  the  tribe  of  Gad— in  Da- 
vid's, army  (1   Chr.  xii.  4,  10,  13).— «.  One  of  the 
"  mighty  men  of  valor  "  of  the  Trans-jordanic  half- 
tribo  of  Manassch  (1  Chr.  v.  24). — 7.  A  priest  of 
high  rank,  head  of  the  second    or  third  of  the 
twenty-one  courses  which  are  apparently  enumerated 
in  Neil.  x.  2-8,  xii.  1,  12.     This  course,  or  its  chief, 
took  part  in  the  dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jerusa- 


lem (Xeh.  xii.  34). — 8.  Father  of  Jaazaniah  the  Re- 
chabite  (Jer.  xxxv.  3). 

Jer-e-mlos  (L. ;  Gr.  Hkremias  ;  both  from  Ileb.). 
1.  Jekemiaii  the  prophet  (Ecclus.  xlix.  6;  2  Mc.  xv. 
14;  Mat.  xvi.  14).— 8.  Jere.mai  (1  Esd.  ix.  34). 

Jer'e-moth  (fr.  Ileb.  =  heightn,  Ges.).  1,  A 
Benjamite  chief,  a  son  of  the  house  of  Beriah  of 
Elpaal(l  Clir.  viii.  14;  compare  12  and  18).  His 
family  dwelt  at  Jerusalem. — 2.  A  Merarite  Levite, 
son  of  Muslii  (xxiii.  23) ;  =:  Jerimoth  4. — %,  Son  of 
Henian ;  head  of  the  fifteenth  course  of  nmsicians 
in  the  Divine  service  (xxv.  22);  =r  Jerimoth  5. — I, 
One  cf  the  sons  of  Elam,  and — 5>  One  of  the  sons 
of  Zattu,  who  had  taken  strange  wives  (Ezr.  x.  26, 
27). — 6>  The  Hebrew  name  which  appears  in  the 
same  list  as  "and  Ramoth"  (ver.  29). 

Jer'e-my,  an  abbreviated  English  form  of  Jere- 
miah 1  (1  Esd.  i.  28,  32,  47,  57,  ii.  1  ;  2  Esd.  ii.  18; 
2  Mc.  ii.  1,  5,  7;  Mat.  ii.  17,  xxvii.  9). 

Jer'1-bai  (fr.  Ileb.  =  for  whom  Jehovah  pleads, 
Ges.),  one  of  the  sons  of  Elnaam,  named  among 
David's  heroes  (1  Chr.  xi.  46). 

Jer'i-eho(L.  fr.  Ileb.  =  place  of  fragrance),  a  city 
of  high  antiquity,  and  of  considerable  importance, 
situated  in  a  plain  traversed  by  the  Jordan,  and  ex- 
actly over  against  where  that  river  was  crossed  by 
the  Israelites  under  Joshua  (Josh.  iii.  16).  Gilgal, 
which  formed  their  primary  encampment,  stood  in 
its  E.  border  (iv.  19).  It  had  a  king.  Its  walls 
wore  so  considerable  that  houses  were  built  upon 
them  (ii.  15),  and  its  gates  were  shut,  as  throughout 
the  Eitst  still,  "  when  it  was  dark  "  (v.  5).  The  spoil 
found  in  it  (vi.  20-24)  betokened  its  alTluence. 
Jericho  is  first  mentioned  as  the  city  to  wliich  the 
two  spies  were  sent  by  Joshua  from  Shittim  :  they 
were  lodged  in  the  house  of  Rahab  the  harlot  upon 
the  wall,  and  departed,  having  first  promised  to 
save  her  and  all  that  were  found  in  her  house  from 
destruction  (ii.  1-21).  In  the  annihilation  of  the 
city  that  ensued,  this  promise  was  religiously  ob- 
served. Jericho  was  the  first  city  taken  by  the  Is- 
raelites on  the  W.  of  the  Jordan,  its  walls  having 
supernaturally  fallen  down  before  them  after  being 
compassed  about  seven  days ;  it  was  then  bunit 
with  fire  (vi.).  As  it  had  been  left  by  Joshua,  it 
was  bestowed  by  him  upon  the  tribe  of  Benjamin 
(xviii.  21),  and  from  this  time  a  long  interval 
elapses  before  Jericho  appears  again  upon  the 
scene.  It  is  only  incidentally  mentioned  in  the  life 
of  David  in  connection  with  his  embassy  to  the  Am- 
monite king  (2  Sam.  x.  5).  And  the  solemn  man- 
ner in  which  its  second  foundation  under  Uiel  the 
Bethclite  is  recorded  (1  K.  xvi.  34)  would  certainly 
seem  to  imply  that  up  to  that  time  its  site  had  been 
uninhabited.  It  is  true  that  mention  is  made  of  "  a 
city  of  palm-trees  "  (Judg.  i.  16,  and  iii.  13)  in  exist- 
ence apparently  at  the  time  when  spoken  of  How- 
ever, once  actually  rebuilt,  Jericiio  rose  again  slowly 
into  consequence.  In  its  immediate  vicinity  the 
sons  of  the  prophets  sought  retirement  from  the 
world  :  Elisha  "healed  the  spring  of  the  waters  ;" 
and  over  against  it,  beyond  Jordan,  Elijah  "  went 
up  by  a  whirlwind  into  heaven  "  (2  K.  ii.  1-22).  In 
its  plains  Zedekiah  fell  into  the  liunds  of  the  Chal- 
deans (xxv.  6;  Jer.  xxxix.  5).  In  the  return  under 
Zerubbabel  the  "  children  of  Jericho,"  345  in  num- 
ber, are  comprised  (Ez.  iii.  84;  Neh.  vii.  38);  and 
it  is  even  implied  that  tliey  removed  thither  again, 
for  the  "  men  of  Jericho  "  assisted  Nehcmiah  in 
rebuilding  that  part  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  that 
was  next  to  the  sheep-gate  (iii.  2).  Jericho  was 
fortified  by  Bacchides  (1  Mc.  ix.  60).   It  was  adorned 


441 


JER 


JER 


with  palaces,  castles,  and  theatres  by  Herod  the 
Great.  He  even  founded,  higher  up  the  plain,  a 
new  town  called  Phasaiilis,  and  died  at  Jericho. 
Soon  after  the  palace  was  burnt,  and  the  town  plun- 
dered, by  one  Simon ;  but  Archelaus  rebuilt  the  for- 


mer sumptuously,  and  founded  a  new  town  in  the 
plain  that  bore  his  own  name.  The  Jericho  of  the 
days  of  Josephus  was  distant  150  stadia  (about 
seventeen  English  miles)  from  Jerusalem,  and  60 
from  the  Jordan.     It  lay  in  a  plain,  ovei'hung  by  a 


barren  mountain  whose  roots  ran  northward  to- 
ward Scythopolis,  and  southward  in  the  direction 
of  Sodom  and  the  Dead  Sea.  These  formed  the 
western  boundaries  of  the  plain.  Eastward  its 
barriers  were  the  mountains  of  Moab,  which 
ran  parallel  to  the  former.  In  the  midst  of 
the  plain — the  great  plain  as  it  was  called — flowed 
the  Jordan,  and  at  the  top  and  bottom  of  it  were 
two  lakes  :  Tiberias  (or  Gcnncsarct),  proverbial  for 
its  sweetness,  and  Asphaltites  (or  the  Dead  Sea)  for 
its  bitterness.  Away  from  the  Jordan  it  was 
parched  and  unhealthy  during  summer ;  but  during 
winter,  even  when  it  snowed  at  Jerusalem,  the  in- 
habitants here  wore  linen  garments.  Hard  by  Jeri- 
cho, bursting  forth  close  to  the  site  of  the  old  city, 
which  Joshua  took  on  his  entrance  into  Canaan, 
was  a  most  exuberant  fountain,  whose  waters,  be- 
fore noted  for  their  contrary  properties,  had  re- 
ceived, proceeds  Josephus,  through  Elisha's  prayers, 
their  then  wonderfully  salutary  and  prolific  efficacy. 
Jericho  vaxa  once  more  "  a  city  of  palms  "  when  our 
Lord  visited  it ;  such  as  Herod  the  Great  and  Arche- 
laus had  left  it,  such  He  saw  it.  Here  He  restored 
sight  to  the  blind.  (Bahtimecs.)  Here  the  de- 
scendant of  Rahab  did  not  disdain  the  hospitality 
of  Zacciiecs  the  publican — whose  ollice  was  likely 
to  be  lucrative  enough  in  so  rich  a  city.  Finally, 
between  Jerusalem  and  Jericho  was  laid  the  scene 
of  His  parable  of  the  good  Samaritan  (Lk.  x.  SO  ff.). 
Posterior  to  the  Gospels  the  chronicle  of  Jericho 
may  be  briefly  told.  Vespasian  found  it  one  of  the 
toparehics  of  Judea,  but  deserted  by  its  inhabitants 
in  a  great  measure  when  he  encamped  there.  He 
left  a  garrison  on  his  departur« — not  necessarily 


the  10th  legion,  which  is  only  stated  to  have  marched 
through  Jericho — which  was  still  there  when  Titus 
advanced  upon  Jerusalem.  Is  it  asked  how  Jericho 
was  destroyed  ?  Evidently  by  Vespasian.  The  city 
pillaged  and  burnt  in  Josephus  B.  J.  iv.  9,  §  1,  was 
clearly  Jericho  with  its  adjacent  villages  (so  Mr. 
Ffoulkes).  The  site  of  ancient  (the  first)  Jericho 
is  with  reason  placed  by  Robinson  in  the  imme- 
diate neighborhood  of  the  fountain  of  Eljsiia 
(Mm  ef-Sultdn),  and  that  of  the  second  (the  city  of 
the  N.  T.  and  of  Josephus)  at  the  opening  of  the 
VVady  Kell  (Cherith),  half  an  hour  from  the  foun- 
tain. These  are  precisely  the  sites  that  one  would 
infer  from  Josephus.  liiha  or  Mriha,  the  only 
modern  representative  of  the  ancient  royal  city  of 
Jericho,  is  a  small,  poor,  filthy  hamlet,  about  one 
and  a  half  miles  from  both  the  Jericho  of  the 
prophets  and  thatofthecvangelists(I'orterin  Kitto). 
(GiLGAL  1.)  A  tradition  represents  the  Saviour  as 
having  been  baptized  in  the  Jordan  near  Jericho, 
and  hence  thousands  of  pilgrims  annually  visit  this 
place  to  bathe  in  the  Jordan.  The  Quarantania 
mountain,  one  and  a  half  miles  W.  of  the  fountain 
of  Elisha,  is  the  traditional  scene  of  our  Lord's 
temptation.  Arabah;  Jesis  Christ;  Palesti.nk, &c. 

Jf-rl'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  founded  [i.  c.  voiislUulid]  of 
Jehovah,  Ges.),  a  KohathiteLevitc,  chief  of  the  great 
house  of  Hebron  when  David  organized  the  service 
(1  Chr.  xxiii.  19,  xxiv.  23);  =  Jeruaii. 

Je'ri-fl  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  founded  of  God,  Ges.),  a 
man  of  Issachar ;  one  of  the  six  heads  of  the  house 
of  Tola  at  the  census  in  David's  timc(l  Chr.  vii.  2). 

Je-rijah  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Jeriaii  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  31). 

Jcr'i-motll  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  heights,  Ges.).     1.  A 


I 

I 


JEB 


JER 


445 


Benjamite  chief,  son  or  descendant  of  Bcla  (1  Clir. 
vii.  7);  perhaps  the  same  as — 2.  who  joined  David 
at  Ziklai;  (xii.  5). — 3.  Son  of  Becher  (vii.  8),  and 
head  of  another  Benjamite  house. — i.  Son  of  Mushi, 
the  son  of  Merari  (xxiv.  30) ;  =  Jeremoth  2. — 5.  A 
Levite  and  musician,  son  of  Heman  (xxv.  4,  22) ;  =: 
Jeremotii  3. — 6>  Son  of  Azriel ;  ruler  of  the  tribe 
of  Xaplitali  in  the  reign  of  David  (xxvii.  19). — 7. 
Son  of  King  David,  whose  daughter  Mahalath  was 
one  of  the  wives  of  Rehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  18). — 8. 
A  Levite  in  Hezekiah's  reign ;  an  overseer  of  offer- 
ings ami  dedicated  things  (xxxi.  13). 

Je'ri-otli  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  mrtaim,  Ges.),  one  of  the 
elder  Caleb's  wives  (1  Chr.  ii.  18);  but  according  to 
the  Vulgate  she  was  his  daughter  by  his  first  wife 
Azubali. 

Jrr-o-b»'ani  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  whose  people  is  many), 
1.  The  first  king  of  the  divided  kingdom  of  Israel. 
(Israel,  Kisodom  of.)  He  was  the  son  of  an  Ephra- 
imite,  of  the  name  of  Kebat ;  his  father  had  died 
whilst  he  was  young ;  his  mother  was  Zeruah 
(Sarira,  LXX.);  their  abode  Zereda  (Sarira,  LXX.). 
When  Solomon  was  constructing  the  fortifications 
of  Mii.i.0,  his  sagacious  eye  discovered  the  strength 
and  activity  of  a  young  Ephraimite  who  was  em- 
ployed on  the  works,  and  he  rai.ied  him  to  the  rank 
of  superintendent  over  the  taxes  and  labors  exact- 
ed from  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  (1  K.  xi.  28).  This 
was  Jeroboam.  He  made  the  most  of  his  position, 
lie  completed  the  fortifications,  and  was  long  after; 
ward  known  as  the  man  who  had  "  enclosed  the 
city  of  David"  (1  K.  xi.  24,  LXX.).  He  then  as- 
pired to  royal  state,  and  at  last  was  perceived  by 
Solomon  to  be  aiming  at  the  monarchy.  These 
ambitious  designs  were  probably  fostered  by  the 
sight  of  the  growing  disaffection  of  the  great  tribe 
over  which  he  presided,  as  well  as  by  the  alienation 
of  the  prophetic  order  from  the  house  of  Solomon. 
He  was  leaving  Jerusalem,  and  he  encountered,  on 
one  of  the  black-paved  roads  which  ran  out  of  the 
city,  Ahijah,  "  tlie  prophet "  of  the  ancient  sanctuary 
ofShiloli.  Ahijah  drew  him  aside  from  the  road 
into  the  field  (LXX.),  and,  when  they  found  them- 
selves alone,  the  prophet,  who  was  dressed  in  a  new 
outer  garment  (so  Dean  Stanley,  original  author  of 
this  article,  after  the  LXX.),  stripped  it  off,  and  tore 
it  into  twelve  shreds,  ten  of  which  he  gave  to  Jero- 
boam, with  the  assurancs  that,  on  condition  of  his 
obedience  to  His  laws,  God  would  establish  for  him 
a  kingdom  and  dynasty  equal  to  David's  (1  K.  xi. 
29-40).  The  attempts  of  Solomon  to  cut  short 
Jeroboam's  designs  occasioned  his  flight  into  Egypt. 
There  he  remained  during  the  rest  of  Solomon's 
reign.  ( In  Solomon's  death,  he  demanded  Shishak's 
permission  to  return.  The  Egyptian  king  seems, 
in  his  reluctance,  to  have  offered  any  gift  which 
Jeroboam  chose,  as  a  reason  for  his  remaining,  and 
the  consequence  was  the  marriage  with  Ano,  the 
elder  sister  of  the  Egyptian  queen,  Tahpenes,  and 
of  another  princess  who  had  married  thft  Edomite 
chief,  Hailad  (LXX.).  A  year  elapsed,  and  a  son, 
Abijah,  was  born.  Then  Jeroboam  again  requested 
permission  to  depart,  which  was  granted ;  and  he 
returned  with  his  wife  and  child  to  his  native  place, 
Sarira,  or  Zereda,  which  he  fortified,  and  which  in 
consequence  became  a  centre  for  his  fellow-tribes- 
men (1  K.  xi.  41,  xii.  24,  LXX.).  Still  there  was  no 
open  act  of  insurrection,  and  it  was  in  this  period 
of  suspense  (according  to  the  LXX.)  that  a  pathetic 
incident  darkened  his  domestic  history.  His  infant 
son  fell  sick.  The  anxious  father  sent  his  wife  to 
inquire  of  Ahijah  concerning  him.     She  brought 


I  such  gifts  as  were  thought  likely  to  be  acceptable, 
'  and  had  disguised  herself  to  avoid  recognition.  But 
1  the  blind  prophet  knew  who  was  coming ;  and  bade 
I  his  boy  go  out  to  meet  her,  and  invite  her  to  his 
j  house  without  delay.  There  he  warned  her  of  the 
uselessness  of  her  gifts.  There  was  a  doom  on  the 
house  of  Jeroboam,  not  to  be  averted.  This  child 
alone  would  die  before  the  calamities  of  the  house 
arrived.  The  mother  returned.  As  she  reentered 
the  town  of  Sarira  (Heb.  Tirzah,  1  K.  xiv.  17),  the 
child  died.  This  incident,  if  it  really  occurred  at 
this  time  (the  A.  V.,  Keil,  Kitto,  Fairbairn,  and 
most  commentators,  with  the  Hebrew,  place  it  long 
afterward  during  Jeroboam's  reign  over  Israel,  and 
after  his  setting  up  the  golden  calves;  see  xiv.  1- 
18),  seems  to  have  been  the  turning-point  in  Jero- 
boam's career.  It  drove  him  from  his  ancestral 
home,  and  it  gathered  the  sympathies  of  the  tribe 
of  Ephraim  round  him.  He  left  Sarira  and  came  to 
Shechem.  Then,  for  the  second  time,  and  in  a  like 
manner,  the  Divine  intimation  of  his  future  great- 
ness is  conveyed  to  him.  Tlie  prophet  Shemaiah, 
the  Enlamite(?;  LXX.),  addressed  to  him  the  same 
acted  parable,  in  the  ten  shreds  of  a  new  unwashed 
garment.  Then  took  place  the  conference  with  Re- 
hoboam, and  the  final  revolt ;  which  ended  in  the 
elevation  of  Jeroboam  to  the  throne  of  the  northern 
kingdom.  From  this  moment  one  fatal  error  crept, 
not  unnaturally,  into  his  policy,  which  undermined 
his  dynasty  and  tarnished  his  name  as  the  first  king 
of  Israel.  The  political  disruption  of  the  kingdom 
was  complete ;  but  its  religious  unity  was  as  yet  un- 
impaired. He  feared  that  the  yearly  pilgrimages  to 
Jerusalem  would  undo  all  the  work  which  he  effected, 
and  he  took  the  bold  step  of  rending  it  asunder. 
Two  sanctuaries  of  venerable  antiquity  existed  al- 
ready, one  (Bethel  1)  at  the  southern,  the  other 
(Dan  2)  at  the  northern  extremity  of  his  dominions. 
These  he  elevated  into  seats  of  the  national  worship, 
which  should  rival  the  newly-established  Temple  at 
Jerusalem.  But  he  was  not  satisfied  without  an- 
other deviation  from  the  Mosaic  idea  of  the  national 
unity.  Ilis  long  stay  In  Egypt  had  familiarized  him 
with  the  outward  forms  under  which  the  Divinity 
was  there  represented.  A  golden  figure  of  Mnevis, 
the  sacred  calf  of  Heliopolis,  was  set  up  at  each 
sanctuary,  with  the  address,  "  Behold  thy  God  which 
brought  thee  up  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt."  The 
sanctuary  at  Dan,  as  the  most  remote  from  Jeru- 
salem, was  established  first  (1  K.  xii.  30).  The 
more  important  one,  as  nearer  the  capital  and  in  the 
heart  of  the  kingdom,  was  Bethel.  The  worship 
and  the  sanctuary  continued  till  the  end  of  the 
northern  kingdom.  It  was  while  dedicating  the 
altar  at  Bethel  that  a  prophet  from  Judah(see  Inno 
4)  suddenly  appeared,  who  denounced  the  altar,  and 
foretold  its  desecration  by  Josiah,  and  violent  over- 
throw. The  king  stretching  out  his  hand  to  arrest 
the  prophet,  felt  it  withered  and  paralyzed,  and  only 
at  the  prophet's  prayer  saw  it  restored,  and  ac- 
knowledged his  divine  mission.  Jeroboam  was  at 
constant  war  with  the  house  of  Judah,  but  the  only 
act  distinctly  recorded  is  a  battle  with  Abijah,  son 
of  Rehoboam ;  in  which  he  was  defeated.  The 
calamity  was  severely  felt;,  he  never  recovered  the 
blow,  and  soon  after  died,  in  the  twenty-second  year 
of  his  reign  (2  Chr.  xiii.  20),  and  was  buried  in  his 
ancestral  sepulchre  (1  K.  xiv.  20).  The  name  of 
Jeroboam  long  remained  under  a  cloud  as  the  king 
who  had  "  caused  Israel  to  sin."  Oh  the  credibility 
of  the  LXX.  in  distinction  from  the  Hebrew  text,  see 
Alkxasdria  ;  Cano*  ;    SErxuAGiNX. — i.    Jeroboam 


446 


JER 


JER 


/  /  II.,  son  of  Joash,  and  fourth  of  the  dynasty  of  Jehu, 
'  was  the  most  prosperous  of  the  kings  of  Israel.  He 
repelled  the  Syrian  invaders,  took  their  capital  city 
Damascus  (2  K.  xiv.  28  ;  Am.  i.  3-5),  and  recovered 
tlie  whole  of  the  ancient  dominion  from  Hamath  to 
the  Dead  Sea  (2  K.  xiv.  25;  Am.  vi.  14).  Ammon 
and  lloab  were  reconquered  (i.  13,  ii.  1-3);  the 
Trans-jordanic  tribes  were  restored  to  their  territory 
(2  K.  xiii.  5;  I  Chr.  v.  17-22).  But  it  was  merely 
an  outward  restoration.  Amos  prophesied  the  de- 
struction of  Jeroboam's  house  by  the  sword,  and 
Amaziah,  the  high-priest  of  Bethel,  complained  to 
the  kinj;  (Am.  vii.  9-17). 

Je-ro'ham  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  -who  Jinds  mercy,  Ges.). 
.  1.  Father  of  Elkanah,  the  fither  of  Samuel,  of  the 
house  of  Kohath  (1  Chr.  vi.  27,  34  ;  1  Sam.  i.  1).— 
2<  A  Benjamite,  and  the  founder  of  a  family  (1  Chr. 
viii.  27) ;  probably  =  3. — 3<  Father  (or  progenitor) 
of  Ibneiah(ix.  8;  compare  3  and  9). — 1.  A  descendant 
of  Aaron,  of  the  house  of  Immer,  the  leader  of  the 
sixteenth  course  of  priests ;  son  of  Pashur  and 
father  of  Adaiah  (ix.  12).  He  appears  to  be  men- 
tioned again  in  Neh.  xi.  12  (so  Mr.  Grove,  &c.).— 5. 
"  Jeroham  of  Gedor,"  some  of  whose  sons  joined 
David  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  7). — 6.  A  Danite,  whose 
son  or  descendant  Azarecl  was  head  of  his  tribe  in 
David's  time  (xxvii.  22). — 7.  Father  of  Azariah,  one 
of  the  "  captains  of  hundreds "  in  the  time  of 
Athaliah  (2  Chr.  xxiii.  1). 

Je-rub'ba-al  or  Jcr-nb-ba'al  (fr.  Heb.  =  with 
whom  Baal  conlends,  Ges.),  the  surname  of  Gideon 
which  he  acquired  in  consequence  of  destroying 
the  altar  of  Baal,  when  his  father  defended  him 
from  the  vengeance  of  the  Abi-ezrites  (Judg.  vi. 
32). 

Jc-rnb  br-slieth  (fr.  Heb.  =  with  whom  thf  idol 
contends,  Ges.),  a  name  of  Gideon  (2  Sam.  xi.  21); 
changed  from  Jeribbaal  (compare  Esh-baal  =  Ish- 
bosheth,  Merib-baal  =  Mc|)hibosheth). 

Jcr'a-fl  (L.  fr.  Ileb.  =  foumlcd  of  God,  Ges.), 
the  Wil'llfr-ness  of,  the  place  ia  which  Jehoshaphat 
was  informed  by  Jahaziel  the  Levite  that  he  should 
encounter  the  hordes  of  Ammon,  Moab,  and  the 
Mchunims  (2  Chr.  x.x.  16);  identified  by  Mr.  H.  C. 
Groves  (in  Kitto)  with  cl-Husdsa/i,  a  large  tract  of 
table-land  on  the  road  between  En-gedi  and  Jerusa- 
lem, adjacent  to  the  wilderness  of  Tckoa. 

Je-rn'sa-lMll  (L.  fr.  Heb.  YlriahAlaim,  or  Yiur- 
sliulaiiim  =  hiheritaHce  [or  ^lOfscxsion']  o/peace.  Re- 
land,  Sim.,  Ewald ;  foiiridatinn  of  peace,  Ges.,  Fii.  ; 
Chal.  forms  Yirunhg/em,  YirHnhelem  ;  Gr.  IHeroana- 
Um,  Hicrosnlinna;  L.  Uieriisalem,  Jiicrosoli/ma,  Jcru- 
talem,  Jerosoli/ma).  The  subject  of  Jerusalem  nat- 
urally divides  itself  into  three  heads: — I.  The  place 
itself:  its  origin,  position,  and  physical  characteris- 
tics. II.  Annals  of  the  city.  III.  Topography; 
relative  localities  of  its  various  parts  ;  sites  of  the 
"  Holy  Places  "  ancient  and  modern,  &c. — I.  The 
Place  ihelf.  The  arguments — if  arguments  they 
can  be  called — for  and  agninst  the  identity  of  the 
"Salem"  of  Melchizedck  (Gen.  xiv.  18)  with  Je- 
rusalem— the  "  Salem  "  of  Ps.  Ixxvi.  2 — are  almost 
equally  balanced.  This  question  will  be  discussed 
under  Sai.em.  Jerusalem  is  called  "the  holy 
city"  (Xeh.  xi.  1,  18,  &c;),  "th  city  of  God"  (Ps. 
xlvi.  4,  xlviii.  1,  8,  &c.),  "the  eitv  of  the  great 
King"  (xlviii.  2),  "Ariel"  (Is.  xx'ix.  1,  2).  The 
name  is  used  figurativelv  or  symbolicallv  (Gal.  iv. 
25,  2fi ;  Heb.  xii.  22;  Rev.  iii.  12,  xxi.  2,  &c. ;  com- 
pare Ez.  xlv.-xlviii. ;  see  III.  §  7  below  ;  Ezekiei,). 
It  is  during  the  conquest  of  the  country  that  Jeru- 
salem first  appears  in  definite  form  on  the  scene  in 


which  it  was  destined  to  occupy  so  prominent  a 
position.  The  earliest  notice  (so  Mr.  Grove,  the 
original  author  of  part  I.  of  this  article,  and  of  part 
II.  down  to  A.  D.  70)  is  probably  that  in  Josh.  xv.  8 
and  xviii.  16,  28,  describing  the  landmarks  of  the 
boundaries  of  Judah  and  Benjamin.  Here  it  is 
styled  (literally)  thejebusiie  (A  V.  "Jebusi"),  after 
the  name  of  its  occupiers,  just  as  is  the  case  with 
other  places  in  these  lists.  Next,  we  find  the  form 
Jebus  (Judg.  xix.  10,  11) — "Jebus,  which  is  Jeru- 
salem ....  the  city  of  the  Jebusites;"  and  lastly 
we  have  Jerusalem  (Josh.  x.  1,  &c.,  xii.  10;  Judg. 
i.  7,  &c.).  Jerusalem  stands  in  latitude  31°  46'  35  " 
N.,  and  longitude  35°  18'  30"  E.  of  Greenwich.  It 
is  thirty-two  miles  distant  from  the  Mediterranean 
Sea,  and  eighteen  from  the  Jordan ;  twenty  from 
Hebron,  and  thirty-six  from  Samaria.  The  w  cstern 
ridge  of  the  city,  which  forms  its  highest  point,  ia 
about  2,600  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  The 
Mount  of  Olives  rises  slightly  above  this — 2,724 
feet.  The  situation  of  the  city,  in  reference  to  the 
rest  of  Palestine,  has  been  described  by  Dr.  Robin- 
son in  a  well-known  passage,  which  is  so  complete 
and  graphic  a  statement,  that  we  take  the  liberty  of 
giving  it  here :  "  Jerusalem,  now  called  by  the  Arabs 
d-Kuda  (the  Holji),  and  also  by  Arabian  writers  Biit 
el-Miikdis  or  BtH  el-Mukaddas  (the  Sanctuary),  lies 
near  the  summit  of  a  broad  mountain-ridge.  This 
ridge  or  mountainous  tract  extends,  without  inter- 
fuption,  from  the  plain  of  Esdrojlon  to  a  line 
drawn  between  the  S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  and  the 
S.  E.  corner  of  the  Jlediterrancan :  or  more  prop- 
erly, perhaps,  it  may  be  regarded  as  extending  as 
far  S.  as  XoJebel  ^Aruif  in  the  desert,  where  it  sinks 
down  at  once  to  the  level  of  the  great  western 
plateau.  This  tract,  which  is  everywhere  not  less 
than  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  geogra])hical  niilc8 
in  breadth,  is  in  fact  high  uneven  table-land.  It 
everywhere  forms  the  precipitous  western  wall  of 
the  great  valley  of  the  Jordan  and  the  Dead  Sea  ; 
while  toward  the  W.  it  sinks  down  by  an  offset  into 
a  range  of  lower  hills,  which  lie  between  it  and  the 
great  plain  along  the  coast  of  the  Mcditenancan. 
The  surface  of  this  upper  region  is  everywhere 
rocky,  uneven,  and  mountainous ;  and  is  moreover 
cut  up  by  deep  valleys  which  rmi  E.  or  W.  on  either 
side  toward  the  Jordan  or  the  Mediterranean.  The 
line  of  division,  or  water-shed,  between  the  waters 
of  these  valleys — a  term  which  here  applies  almost 
exclusively  to  the  waters  of  the  rainy  season — fol- 
lows for  the  most  part  the  height  of  land  along  the 
ridge  ;  yet  not  so  but  that  the  heads  of  the  valleys, 
which  run  off  in  different  directions,  often  interhip 
for  a  considerable  distance.  Thus,  e.  g.  a  valley 
which  descends  to  the  Jordan  often  has  its  head  a 
mile  or  two  westward  of  the  commencenicnt  of  other 
valleys  which  run  to  the  western  sea.  From  the  great 
plain  of  Esdra>lon  onward  tow  ard  the  S.,  the  moun- 
tainous country  rises  gradually,  forming  the  tract 
anciently  known  as  the  mountains  of  Ephraim  and 
Judah;  until  in  the  vicinity  of  Hebron  it  attains  an 
elevation  of  nearly  3,000  Paris  feet  above  the  level 
of  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  Further  N.,  on  a  line 
drawn  from  the  N.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  toward  the 
true  W.,  the  ridge  has  an  elevation  of  only  about 
2,600  Paris  feet ;  and  here,  close  upon  the  water- 
shed between  the  Dead  Sea  and  the  Mediterranean, 
lies  the  city  of  Jerusalem.  .  .  .  Six  or  seven  miles  N. 
and  N.  W.  of  the  city  is  spread  out  the  open  plain 
or  basin  round  about  el-Jih  (Gibeon),  extending 
also  toward  el-Eireh  (Beeroth) ;  the  waters  of  n  hich 
flow  off  at  its  S.  E.  part  through  the  deep  valley 


JER 


JER 


447 


here  called  by  the  Araba  Wady  Brit  ffanina  ;  but 
to  which  the  monks  and  travellers  have  usually 
given  the  name  of  the  Valley  of  the  Terebinth, 
on  the  mistaken  supposition  that  it  is  the  an- 
cient Valley  of  Elah.  This  great  valley  passes 
alon"  in  a  S.  Vf.  direction  an  hour  or  more  \V.  of 
Jerusalem ;  and  Bnally  opens  out  from  the  moun- 
tains into  the  western  plain,  at  the  distance  of  six 
or  ci;:ht  hours  S.  W.  from  the  city,  under  the  name 
of  Wall/ es-Sririir.  The  traveller,  on  his  way  from 
Ham/eh  to  Jerusalem,  descends  into  and  crosses 
this  deep-valley  at  the  village  of  Khtonieh  on  its  W. 
side,  an  hour  and  a  half  from  the  latter  city.  On 
again  reaching  the  high  ground  on  its  E.  side,  he 
enters  upon  an  open  tract  sloping  gradually  down- 
ward toward  the  S.  and  E. ;  and  sees  before  him,  at 
the  distance  of  a  mile  and  a  half,  the  walls  and 
domes  of  the  Holy  City,  and  beyond  them  the 
higher  ridge  or  summit  of  the  Mount  of  Olives. 
The  traveller  now  descends  gradually  toward  the 
city  along  a  broad  swell  of  ground,  having  at  some 
distance  on  his  left  the  shallow  northern  part  of 
the  Valley  of  Jehoshaphat ;  and  close  at  hand  on 
lii^  right  the  basin  which  forms  the  beginning  of  the 
Valley  of  Hinnom.  Further  down,  both  these  val- 
levs  become  deep,  narrow,  and  precipitous ;  that  of 
Ilinnom  bends  S.  and  again  E.  nearly  at  right 
angles,  and  unites  with  the  other ;  which  then  con- 
tinues its  course  to  the  Dead  Sea.  Upon  the  broad 
id  elevated  promontory  within  the  fork  of  these  two 


J«niM)ein,  from  Bit  Bfii,  the  Vfttt  at  Joab  or  of  Job.— From  a  Pboto^raiih 

valleya,  lies  the  Holy  City.  All  around  are  higher 
hills;on  the  E.,  the  Mount  of  Olives;  on  the  S.,  the 
Hill  of  Evil  Counsel,  so  called,  rising  directly  from  the 
Vale  of  Hinnom  ;  on  the  VV.,  the  ground  rises  gently, 
as  above  described,  to  the  borders  of  the  great 
Wady;  while  on  the  N.,  a  bend  of  the  ridge  con- 
nected with  the  Mount  of  Olives  bounds  the  pros- 
pect at  the  distance  of  more  than  a  mile.  Toward 
the  S.  W.  the  view  is  somewhat  more  open  ;  for  here 
lies  the  plain  of  Kcphaim,  commencing  just  at 
the  southern  brink  of  the  Valley  of  Hinnom,  and 
stretching  off  S.  W.  where  it  is  drained  to  the 
western  plain.  In  the  N.  W.,  too,  the  eye  reaches 
up  along  the  upper  part  of  4he  Valley  of  Jehosha- 
phat ;  and  from  many  points  can  discern  the 
mosiiue  of  iVf A V  Sam  iri',  situated  on  a  lofty  ridge 
beyond  the  great  Wady,  at  the  distance  of  two 


hours"  (Rbn,  Sib.  Keitearchei,  i.  2B8-2G0).  The 
heights  of  the  principal  points  in  and  round  the 
city,  above  the  Meilitcrranean  Sea,  as  given  by  Van 
de  Vehie,  in  the  yhmoir  accompanying  his  Map, 
1858,  are  as  follows  : — 

Feet. 

N.  W.  comer  of  the  city  ( A'owr  Jalud) 2,610 

Mount  Zion  ( Cctnaeulum) 2,537 

Mount  Moriah  {Jlarcim  eek-Shery) a,4S9 

BridLre  over  the  Kedron,  near  Gethsemane 2.281 

Pool  of  Siloam 2,114 

Bir  Eyub^  ut  the  confluence  of  Hinnom  and  Kidrou .  1,990 
Mount  of  Oliveii,  Church  uf  Ascension  on  summit 2,724 

— Roadn.  There  appear  to  have  been  but  two  main 
approaches  to  the  city.  1.  From  the  Jordan  valley 
by  Jericho  and  the  Mount  of  Olives.  This  was  the 
route  commonly  taken  from  the  N.  and  E.  of  the 
country— as  from  Galilee  by  our  Lord  (Lk.  xvii.  11, 
xviii.  35,  xix.  1,  29,  45,  &c.),  from  Damascus  by 
Pompey,  to  Mahanaim  by  David  (2  Sam.  xv.,  xvi.). 
It  was  also  the  route  from  places  in  the  central  dis- 
tricts of  the  country,  as  Samaria  (2  Clir.  xxviii.  15). 
The  latter  part  of  the  approach,  over  the  Mount  of 
Olives,  as  generally  followed  at  the  present  day,  ia 
identical  with  what  it  was,  at  least  in  one  memo- 
rable instance,  in  the  time  of  Christ.  2.  From  the 
great  maritime  plain  of  Philistia  and  Sharon.  This 
road  led  by  the  two  Beth-horons  up  to  the  high 
ground  at  Gibeon,  whence  it  turned  S.,  and  came  to 
Jerusalem  by  Ramah  and  Gibeah,  and  over  the  ridge 
N.  of  the  city.  3.  The  communication  with  the 
mountainous  districts  of  the  south  is  less 
distinct.  The  roads  out  of  Jerusalem 
were  paved  by  Solomon  with  black  stone 
— probably  the  basalt  of  the  Trans-jor- 
danic  districts  (Jos.  viii.  7,  §  4). — Gates. 
The  situation  of  the  various  gates  of  the 
city  is  very  uncertain.  It  may,  however, 
be  desirable  to  supply  here  a  complete 
list  of  those  named  in  the  Bible  and  Jo- 
sephus,  with  references: — 1.  Gate  of 
Ephraim  (2  K.  xiv.  13;  2  Chr.  xxv.  23; 
Nch.  viii.  16,  xii.  39 ;  Epfiraim,  Gate  of)  ; 
probably  the  same  as  the — 2.  Gate  of 
Benj.imin  (Jcr.  xx.  2,  xxxvii.  13;  Zech. 
xiv.  10).  (BE.VJAMIN,  Gate  ok.)  If  so, 
it  was  400  cubits  distant  from  the — 8. 
Corner  Gate  (2  Chr.  xxv.  23,  xxvi.  9; 
Jer.  xxxi.  38;  Zech.  xiv.  10).  4.  Gate 
of  Joshua,  governor  of  the  city  (2  K. 
xxiii.  8).  5.  Gate  between  the  two 
walls  (2  K.  xxv.  4;  Jcr.  xxxix.  4).  6. 
IIoKSE  Gate  (2  Chr.  xxiii.  15;  Xch.  iii. 
88;  Jer.  xxxi.  40).  7.  Ravine  Gate 
(A.  V.  "  Valley  Gate"),  i.e.  opening 
byFritb.-<Fkr.)  „„  the  ravinc  or  valley  of  Ilinnom  (2 
Chr.  xxvi.  9;  Nch.  ii.  1.3,  15,  iii.  18).  8.  Fisii  Gate 
(2  Chr.  xxxiii.  14;  Neh.  iii.  3,  xii.  39;  Zeph. 
i.  10).  9.  Ding  Gate  (Xeh.  ii.  13,  iii.  13,  14, 
xii.  31).  10.  Shefp  Gate  (iii.  1,  32,  xii.  39).  11. 
East  Gate  (iii.  20).  12.  Miphkao  (iii.  31).  18. 
Fountain  Gate  (Siloam?)  (xii.  37).  14.  Water 
Gate  (xii.  37).  15.  Old  Gate  (xii.  39).  Ifi.  Prison 
Gate  (xii.  39).  17.  Gate  Harsith  (perhaps  the  Sun  ; 
A.  V.  "  East  Gate")  (Jer.  xix.  2).  18.  First  Gate 
(Zech.  xiv.  10).  19.  Gate  Gennath  (qardnx)  (Jos. 
B.J.  V.  4,  §  2).  20.  Essenea'  Gate  (ib.).— To  these 
should  be  added  the  following  gates  of  the  Temple : 
— Gate  Sijr(2K.  xi.  6);  called  also  Gate  of  the  foun- 
dation (2  Chr.  xxiii.  5).  Gate  of  the  guard,  or  be- 
hind the  guard  (2  K.  xi.  «,  19);  called  the  High 
Gate  (2  Chr.  xxiii.  20,  xxvii.  3;  2  K.  xv.  36).  Gate 
SiiALLEcnETU  (1    Chr.   xxvL    16). — Burial-ffroundt. 


448 


JER 


JER 


The  main  cemetery  of  the  city  seems  from  an  early 
date  to  have  been  where  it  is  still — on  the  steep 
slopes  of  the  valley  of  the  Kidron.  (See  the  cuts 
under  Jkhosiiapiiat,  Valley  of,  and  Tomb.)  The 
tombs  of  the  kings  were  in  the  city  of  David,  i.  e. 
Mount  Zion.  The  royal  sepulchres  were  probably 
chambers  containing  separate  recesses  for  the  suc- 
cessive kings.  Other  spots  also  were  used  for 
burial. —  Wood  ;  Gardens.  The  king's  gardens  of 
David  and  Solomon  seem  to  have  been  in  the  bottom 
formed  by  the  confluence  of  the  Kidron  and  Hin- 
nom  (Nell.  iii.  15).  The  Mount  of  Olives,  as  its 
name  and  those  of  various  places  upon  it  seem  to 
imply,  was  a  fruitful  spot.  At  its  foot  was  situated 
the  Garden  of  Gethsemaxe.  At  the  time  of  the 
final  siege  the  space  N.  of  the  wall  of  Agrippa  was 
covered  with  gardens,  groves,  and  plantations  of 
fruit-trees,  enclosed  by  hedges  and  walls ;  and  to 
level  these  was  one  of  Titus's  first  operations.  We 
know  that  the  gate  Gennath  (i.  e.  0/  gardens)  opened 
on  this  side  of  the  city. —  Waler.  How  the  gardens 
just  mentioned  on  the  N.  of  the  city  were  watered 
it  is  difficult  to  understand,  since  at  present  no 
water  exists  in  that  direction.  At  the  time  of  the 
siege  there  was  a  reservoir  in  that  neighborhood 
called  the  Serpent's  Pool ;  but  it  has  not  been  dis- 
covered in  modern  times.  (See  part  III.  of  this 
article ;  also  Bethesda  ;  CoNnuiT ;  Dragon  Well  ; 
En-rogel  ;  GinoN  ;  KrDRO.x  ;  Pool  ;  Siloam,  &c.) — 
Streets,  Bouses,  tbc.  Of  the  nature  of  these  in  the 
ancient  city  we  have  only  the  most  scattered  notices. 
The  "East  street"  (2  Chr.  xxix.  4;;  the  "street  of 
the  city  " — i.  e.  the  city  of  David  (xxxii.  6) ;  the 
"  street  facing  the  water  gate  "  (Neh.  viii.  1,  3) — or, 
according  to  tiie  parallel  account  in   1  Esd.  ix.  38, 


street  In  Jenualem. — From  Miel  Cnbley'i  HUU  and  Fiaina  '/  PaUatint, — 
(Fbn.) 

the  "  broad  place  of  the  Temple  toward  the  E. ; " 
the  street  of  the  house  of  God  (Ezr.  x.  9);  the 
"street  of  the  gate  of  Ephraim"  (Neh.  viii.  16); 
and  the  "  open  place  of  the  first  gate  toward  the 
E."  must  have  been  not  "  streets  "  in  our  sense  of 


the  word,  so  much  as  the  open  spaces  found  in 
Eastern  towns  round  the  iusidfe  of  the  gates. 
Streets,  properly  so  called,  there  were  (Jer.  v.  1, 
xi.  13,  &c.);  but  the  name  of  only  one,  "the 
bakers'  street "  (xxxvii.  21),  is  preserved  to  us.  To 
the  houses  we  have  even  less  clew  ;  but  there  is  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  in  either  houses  or  streets 
the  ancient  Jerusalem  difi'ered  very  materially  from 
the  modern.  No  doubt  the  ancient  city  did  not  ex- 
hibit that  air  of  mouldering  dilapidation  which  is 
now  so  prominent  there.  The  whole  of  the  slopes 
S.  of  the  Haram  area  (the  ancient  Ophel),  and  the 
modern  Zion,  and  the  W.  side  of  the  valley  of  Je- 
hoshaphat,  present  the  appearance  of.  gigantic 
mounds  of  rubbish.  In  this  point  at  least  the  an- 
cient city  stood  in  favorable  contrast  with  the  mod- 
ern, but  in  many  others  the  resemblance  must  have 
been  strong. — Hvblerranean  Quarries.  Dr.  Barclay 
discovered  near  the  Damascus  gate  the  entrance  to 
vast  excavations  under  the  ridge  which  extends 
from  the  N.  W.  corner  of  the  Ttmple  area  to  the 
N.  wall  of  the  city.  One  of  these  is  more  than 
3,000  feet  in  circumfertnce,  with  a  roof  about 
thirty  feet  high,  supported  by  rude  pillars  of  the 
original  rock,  apparently  left  by  the  quarriers  for 
this  purpose.  Thomson  (ii.  49'J)  says  "the  whole 
city  might  be  stowed  away  in  them,"  and  supposes 
that  "a  great  part  of  the  very  white  stone  of  the 
Temple  must  have  been  taken  from  these  quarries." 
— Eiimroiis  of  the  City.  The  various  spots  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  city  are  described  at  length 
under  their  own  names.  (Aceldama;  En-rogel; 
Gethsemane  ;  Hinnom,  Valley  of  ;  Kidron  ;  Olives, 
Mount  of;  Siloam, &e.) — II.  'JlieAnnaUofthe  Citi/. 
In  considering  the  annals  of  Jerusalem,  nothing 
strikes  one  so  forcibly  as  the  number  and  severity 
of  the  sieges  which  it  underwent.  We  catch  our 
earliest  glimpse  of  it  in  the  brief  notice  of  Judg.  i., 
which  describes  how  the  "  children  of  Judah  smote 
it  with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  and  set  the  city  on 
fire;"  and  almost  the  latest  mention  of  it  in  the 
N.  T.  is  contained  in  the  solemn  warnings  in  which 
Christ  foretold  how  Jeiusalem  should  be  "com- 
passed with  armies "  (Lk.  xxi.  20),  and  the  abom- 
ination of  desolation  be  seen  standing  in  the  Holy 
Place  (Mat.  xxiv.  IB).  In  the  fifteen  centuries 
which  elapsed  between  those  two  points  the  city 
was  besieged  no  fewer  than  seventeen  times ;  twice 
it  was  razed  to  the  ground ;  and  on  two  other  occa- 
sions its  walls  were  levelled.  In  this  respect  it 
stands  without  a  parallel  in  any  city  ancient  or 
modern.  The  fact  is  one  of  great  significance.  The 
first  siege  appears  to  have  taken  place  almost  imme- 
diately after  the  death  of  Joshua  (about  1400  n.  c). 
Judah  and  Simeon  "  fought  against  it  and  took  it, 
and  smote  it  with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  and  set 
the  city  on  fire  "  (Judg.  i.  8).  To  this  brief  notice 
Joscphus  makes  a  material  addition.  He  tells  us 
that  the  part  which  was  taken  at  last,  and  in  which 
the  slaughter  was  made,  was  the  lower  city;  but 
that  the  upper  city  was  so  strong,  that  they  relin- 
quished the  attempt  and  moved  otf  to  Hebron.  As 
long  as  the  upper  city  remained  in  the  hands  of  the 
Jebusitcs  they  practically  had  possession  of  the 
whole,  and  a  Jebusite  city  in  fact  it  remained  for  a 
long  period  after  this.  The  Benjamites  followed 
the  men  of  Judah  to  Jerusalem,  but  with  no  better 
result  (i.  21).  And  this  lasted  during  the  whole 
period  of  the  Judges,  the  reign  of  Saul,  and  the 
reign  of  David  at  Hebron.  David  advanced  to  the 
siege  at  the  head  of  thg  men-of-war  of  all  the  tribes 
who  had  come  to  Hebron  "  to  turn  the  kingdom  of 


I 


JER 


TESi 


U9 


Thu  Map  1«  ftrom  Ajm'k  TViMnry  0/  8!bU  Knotaledgt, 


Saul  to  him."  They  arc  stated  as  280,000  men, 
choice  warriors  of  tlie  flower  of  Israel  ( 1  Chr.  xii. 
23-39).  No  doubt  they  approached  the  city  from 
tlic  S.  As  before,  the  lower  city  was  immediately 
taken,  and  as  before,  the  citadel  held  out.  The  un- 
daunted Jebusitei,  believing  in  the  impregnability 
of  their  fortress,  manned  the  battlements  "  with 
lame  and  blind."  David's  anjrcr  was  roused  by  the 
Insult,  and  he  proclaimed  to  his  host  that  the  first 
who  would  scale  the  rocky  side  of  the  fortress  and 
kill  a  Jebusitc  should  be  made  chief  captain  of  the 
hoit.  A  crowd  of  warriors  (Josephus)  rushed  for- 
ward to  the  attempt,  but  Joab's  superior  ability 
gained  him  the  day,  and  the  citadel,  the  fastness  of 
Zios,  was  taken  (about  1016  b.  c).  David  at  once 
proceeded  to  secure  himself  in  bis  new  acquisition. 
29 


He  enclosed  the  whole  of  the  city  with  a  wall,  and 
connected  it  with  the  citadel.  The  sensation  caused 
by  the  fall  of  this  impregnable  fortress  must  have 
been  enormous.  It  reached  even  to  the  distant 
Tyre,  and  before  long  an  embassy  arrived  from 
Hiram,  the  king  of  Phenicia,  with  the  character- 
istic offerings  of  artificers  and  materials  to  erect  a 
palace  for  David  in  his  new  abode.  The  palace  was 
built,  and  occupied  by  the  fresh  establishment  of 
wives  and  concubines  which  David  had  acquired. 
The  arrival  of  the  Ark  was  an  event  of  great  im- 
portance. It  was  deposited  with  the  most  impres- 
sive ceremonies,  and  Zion  hec.ime  at  once  the  great 
sanctuary  of  the  nation.  In  the  fortress  of  Zion, 
too,  was  the  sepulchre  of  David.  The  only  worK'S 
of  ornament  which  we  can  ascribe  to  him  are  the 


450 


JER 


"royal  gardens,"  which  appear  to  have  been  formed 
by  him  in  the  level  space  S.  E.  of  the  city,  formed 
by  the  confluence  of  the  valleys  of  Kidron  and  liin- 
nom.  Until  the  time  of  Solomon  wc  hear  of  no  ad- 
ditions to  the  city.  His  three  great  works  were  the 
Temple,  with  its  E.  wall  and  cloister,  his  own  Pal- 
ace, and  the  Wall  of  Jerusalem.  One  of  the  first 
acts  of  the  new  king  was  to  make  the  walls  larger. 
But  on  the  completion  of  the  Temple  he  again 
turned  his  attention  to  the  walls,  and  both  increased 
their  height  and  constructed  very  large  towers 
along  them.  Another  work  of  his  in  Jerusalem 
was  the  repair  or  fortification  of  Millo  (1  K.  ix.  15, 
24).  Ills  care  of  the  roads  leading  to  the  city  is 
the  subject  of  a  special  panegyric  from  Josephus. 
Rehouoam  (Israel,  Kingdom  of  ;  Judah,  King- 
dom of)  had  only,  been  on  the  throne  four  years 
(about  970  d.  c.)  when  Shisliak,  king  of  Egypt, 
invaded  Judah  with  an  enormous  host,  took  the 
fortified  places  and  advanced  to  the  capital.  Ke- 
hoboam  did  not  attempt  resistance  (2  Chr.  xii. 
9).  Jerusalem  was  again  threatened  in  the  reign 
of  Asa,  when  Zerah  the  Cushile  (A.  V.  "Etliiopi- 
an")  invaded  the  country  with  an  enormous  horde 
of  followers  (xiv.  9).  He  came  by  the  road  through 
the  low  country  of  Philistia,  where  his  chariots 
could  find  level  ground.  But  Asa  was  more  faith- 
ful and  more  valiant  than  Rehoboam  had  been.  He 
did  not  remain  to  be  blockaded  in  Jerusalem,  but 
went  forth  and  met  the  enemy  at  Marcshah,  and 
repulsed  him  with  great  slauglitcr.  The  reign  of 
his  son  Jehoshapiiat,  tliough  of  great  prosperity 
and  splendor,  is  not  remarkable  as  regards  tlie  city 
of  Jerusalem.  We  hear  of  a  "new  court"  to  the 
Temple,  but  have  no  clew  to  its  situation  or  its 
builder  (2  Chr.  xx.  5).  Jehoshaphat's  son  Jeho- 
RAM  2  was  a  prince  of  a  different  temper.  He  be- 
gan his  reign  by  a  massacre  of  his  brethren  and  of 
the  chief  men  of  the  kingdom.  The  Philistines  and 
Arabians  attacked  Jerusalem,  broke  into  the  palace, 
spoiled  it  of  all  its  treasures,  sacked  the  royal 
harem,  killed  or  carried  off  the  king's  wives,  and 
all  his  sons  but  one.  This  was  the  fourth  siege. 
The  next  events  in  Jerusalem  were  the  massacre  of 
the  royal  children  by  Joram's  widow  Athaliah, 
and  the  six  years'  reign  of  that  queen.  But  with 
the  increasing  years  of  Joasii  1,  the  spirit  of  the  ad- 
herents of  Jehovah  returned.  The  king  was  crowned 
and  proclaimed  in  the  Temple  by  Jehoiada.  Atha- 
liah herself  was  hurried  out  to  execution  from  the 
sacred  precincts  into  the  valley  of  the  Kidron.  But 
this  zeal  for  Jehovah  soon  expired.  The  burial  of 
the  good  priest  in  the  royal  tombs  can  hardly  have 
been  forgotten  before  a  general  relapse  into  idol- 
atry took  place,  and  his  son  Zcehariah  was  stoned 
with  his  family  in  the  very  court  of  the  Temple  for 
protesting.  The  retribution  invoked  by  the  dying 
martyr  quickly  followed.  Before  the  end  of  the 
year,  Hazael,  king  of  Syria,  after  possessing  himself 
of  Gath,  marched  against  the  much  richer  prize  of 
Jerusalem.  The  visit  was  averted  by  a  timely  of- 
fering of  treasure  from  the  Temple  and  the  royal 
palace  (2  K.  xii.  18;  2  Chr.  xxiv.  23).  The  pre- 
dicted danger  to  the  city  was,  however,  only  post- 
poned. After  the  defeat  of  Amaziah  by  JoAsn  2, 
tlie  gates  were  thrown  open,  the  treasures  of  the 
Temple  and  the  king's  private  treasures  were  pil- 
laged, and  for  the  first  time  the  walls  of  the  city 
were  injured.  A  clear  breach  was  made  in  them  of 
400  cubits  in  length  "  from  the  gate  of  Ephraim  to 
the  corner  gate,"  and  through  this  Joash  drove  in 
triumph,  with  his  captive  in  the  chariot,  into  the 


city.  This  must  have  been  on  the  N.  side,  and 
probably  at  the  present  N.  W.  corner  of  the  walls. 
Tlie  long  reign  of  Uzziah  (2  K.  xv.  1-7 ;  2  Clir. 
xxvi.)  brought  about  a  material  improvement  in  the 
fortunes  of  Jerusalem.  Tlie  walls  were  thoroughly 
repaired  and  furnished  lor  the  first  time  with  ma- 
chines, then  expressly  invented  for  shooting  stones 
and  arrows  against  besiegers.  Later  in  this  reign 
happened  the  great  earthquake  described  by  Jo- 
sephus (ix.  10,  g  4),  and  alluded  to  bv  the  prophets 
as  a  kind  of  era  (see  Sll.  ;S.  ct  P."l64,  126).  A 
serious  breach  was  made  in  the  Temple  itself,  and 
below  the  city  a  large  (ragmtnt  was  detached  from 
the  hill  at  En-rcgd,  and  rolling  down  the  slope, 
overwhelmed  the  king's  gardens  at  the  junction  of 
the  valleys  of  Hinncm  and  Kidrcn,  and  rested 
against  the  bottom  of  the  slope  of  Olivet.  Joiham 
inherited  his  father's  sapacity,  as  well  as  his  tastes 
for  architecture  and  warfare.  His  woiks  in  Jeru- 
salem were  building  the  upper  gateway  to  the 
Temple — apparently  a  gate  c<mmunicatingwiih  the 
palace  (2  Chr.  xxiii.  20) — and  porticoes  leading  to 
the  same.  He  also  built  much  on  Ophel  (2  K.  xv. 
86  ;  2  Chr.  xxvii.  3),  repaired  the  walls  wherever 
they  were  dilapidated,  and  strengthened  them  by 
very  large  and  strong  towers.  Before  the  death  of 
Jotham  the  clouds  of  the  Syrian  invasion  began  to 
gather.  They  broke  on  the  head  of  Aiiaz  his  suc- 
cessor; Rczin,  king  of  Syria,  and  Pekah,  king  of 
Israel,  joined  their  armies  and  invested  Jerufalem 
(2  K.  xvi.  5).  The  fortifications  of  the  two  pre- 
vious kings  enabled  the  city  to  held  out  durirg  a 
siege  of  great  length.  In  the  fight  which  followed 
the  men  of  Judah  lost  severely,  but  there  is  no 
mention  of  the  city  having  been  plundered.  To 
oppose  the  confederacy  which  had  so  injured  him, 
Ahaz  had  recourse  to  Assyria.  To  collect  presents 
he  went  so  far  as  to  lay  hands  on  part  of  the  per- 
manent works  of  the  Temple  (xvi.  17, 18).  Whether 
the  application  to  Assyria  relieved  Ahaz  from  one 
or  both  of  his  enemies,  is  not  clear.  Fiom  one 
passage  it  would  seem  that  Tiglath-pileser  actually 
came  to  Jerusalem  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  20).  At  any  rate 
the  intercourse  resulted  in  fresh  idolatries,  and  fresh 
insults  in  the  Temple.  The  very  first  act  of  IIkze- 
KIAH  was  to  restore  what  his  father  had  desecrnted 
(2  Chr.  xxix.  3;  and  see  86,  "suddenly  ").  High- 
places,  altars,  the  mysterious  and  obscene  symbols 
of  Baal  and  Asiierah,  the  venerable  brazen  serpenj 
of  Moses  itself,  were  torn  down,  breken  to  piece' 
and  the  fragments  cast  into  the  valley  of  the  r 
dron  (xxx.  14  ;  2  K.  xviii.  4).  It  was  probably  i 
this  time  that  the  decorations  of  the  Ten.plc  weij 
renewed.  And  now  approached  the  greateft  crii 
which  had  yet  occurred  in  the  history  of  the  citV 
the  dreaded  Assyrian  army  was  to  appear  ur.dcr  ifl 
walls.  Hezekiah  prepared  for  (he  siege.  Tlf 
springs  round  Jerusalem  were  stopped — i.  e.  the 
outflow  was  prevented,  and  the  water  diverted  ul 
derground  to  the  interior  of  the  city  (xx.  20;' 
Chr.  xxxii.  4).  This  done,  he  carefully  repaired  th 
walls  of  the  city,  furnished  them  with  addition^ 
towers,  and  built  a  second  wall  (xxxii.  5 ;  Is.  xxl| 
10).  He  strengthened  the  fortifications  of  the  citi 
del  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  5,  "Millo  ;"  Is.  xxii.  9),  and  pri 
pared  abundance  of  ammunition.  (PennacheriB 
At  the  time  of  Titus's  siege  the  name  of  "the  As-' 
Syrian  Camp  "  was  still  attached  to  a  spot  N.  of  the 
city  in  remembrance  either  of  this  or  the  subse- 
quent visit  of  Nebuchadnezzar.  The  reign  of  Ma- 
nasseh  must  have  been  an  eventful  one  in  the  an- 
nals of  Jerusalem,  though  only  meagre  indicatione 


JER 


ax 


451 


of  its  events  are  to  be  found  in  the  documents.    He 
built  a  fresh  wall  to  the  citadel,  "  from  the  W.  side 
of  (iihon  in  the  valley  to  the  (iah-gatc,"  i.  e.  appar- 
ently along  the  E.  side  of  the  central  valley,  which 
parts  the  upper  and  lower  cities  from  S.  to  N.     He 
also  continued  the  works  which  had  been  begun  by 
Jotham  at  Uphel,  and  raised  that  fortress  or  struc- 
ture to  a  great  height.     The  reign  of  Josi ah  was 
marked  by  a  more  strenuous  zeal  for  Jehovah  than 
even  thai  of  Hezekiah  had  been.     He  began  his 
reign  at  eight  years  of  age,  and  by  his  twentieth 
year  (twelfth  <rf  his   reign — 2  Chr.  xxxiv.  3)  com- 
menced   a    thorough    removal   of    the   idolatrous 
abuses  of  Manassch  and  Anion,  and  even  some  of 
Aliaz,  which  must  liave  escaped  the  purgations  of 
Uezekiah  (2  K.  xxiii.  12).     His  rash  opposition  to 
Fharaoh-necho  cost  him  his  life,  his  son  his  throne, 
and  Jerusalem  much  suffering.     Before  Jehoahaz 
had  been  reigning  three  months,  the  Egyptian  king 
found  opportunity  to  send  to  Jerusalem,  from  Rib- 
lal>,  where  lie  was  then  encamped,  a  force  sulBcient 
to  depose  and  take  him  prUoner,  to  put  his  brother 
Eliakim  (Jehoiakim)  on  the  throne,  and  to  exact  a 
heavy  fine  from  the  city  and  country,  which  was 
paid  in  advance  by  the  new  king,  and  afterward 
extorted  by  taxation  (xxiii.  33,  35).     The  fall  of  the 
city  was   now  rapidly  approaching.      During   the 
reign  of  Jehoiakim  Jerusalem  was  visited  by  Nebu- 
chadnezzar with  the  Babylonian  army  lately  vic- 
torious over  the  Egyptians  at  Carchcmish.     The 
visit  was  possibly  repeated  once,  or  even  twice.     A 
siege  there  must  have  been ;  but  of  this  we  have 
no  account.     Jehoiakim  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
jEHniACiii.s.     Hardly  had  his  short  reign  begun  be- 
fore the  terrible  army  of  Babylon  reappeared  before 
the    city,   again   commanded   by   Nebuchadnezzar 
(xxiv.  10,  11).     Jehoiachtn  surrendered  in  the  third 
month  of  his  reign.     The  treasures  of  the  palace 
and  Temple  were  pillaged,  certain  golden  articles 
of  Solomon's  original  establishment,  which  had  es- 
caped the  plunder  and  desecrations  of  the  previous 
reigns,  were  cut  up  (xxiv.   13),  and  the  more  de- 
lirable  objects  out  of  the  Temple  carried  off  (Jer. 
xxvii.  19).     The   uncle  of  Jehoiachin  was   made 
kiag  in  his  stead,  by  the  name  of  Zedf.kiah  (2  Chr. 
xxxvi.  13;   Ez.  xvii.   13,   14,  18).     He  applied   to 
Pliaraoli-hophra  for  assistance  (xvii.   15).      Upon 
this  Nebuchadnezzar  marched  in  person  to  Jeru.^a- 
lem,  and  at  once  began  a  regular  siege,  at  the  same 
time  wasting  the  country  far  and  near  (Jer.  xxxiv. 
7).    The  siege  was  conducted  by  erecting  forts  on 
lofty  mounds  round  the  city,  from  which,  on  the 
usual  Assyrian  plan,  missiles  were  discharged  into 
the  town,  and  the  walls  and  houses  in  them  battered 
by  rams  (xxxii.  24,  xxxiii.  4,  Hi.  4  ;   Ez.   xxi.   22). 
The  city  was  also  surrounded  with  troops  (Jer.  lii. 
7).     The  siege  was  once  abandoned,  owing  to  the 
approach  of  the  Egyptian   army  (xxxvii.   6,  11). 
But   the   relief  was   only  temporary,  and   in    the 
eleventh  of  Zedekiah  (b.  c.  686;  so  Mr.  Wright  and 
Winer  ;  but  see  Chro.sology  ;  Israel,  Kingdom  of), 
on  the  ninth  day  of  the  fourth  month  (lii.  6),  being 
just  a  year  and  a  half  from  the  first  investment,  the 
city  was  taken.    It  was  at  midnight.   The  whole  city 
was  wrapped  in  the  pitchy  darkness  characteristic 
of  an  Eastern  town,  and  nothing  was  known  by  the 
Jews  of  what  had  happened  till  the  generals  of  the 
army  entered  the  Temple  (Josephus)  and  took  their 
seats  In  the  middle  court  (Jer.  xxxix.  3 ;  Jos.  x.  8, 
%  2).    Then  the  alarm  was  given  to  Zedekiah,  and 
collecting  his  remaining  warriors,  he  stole  out  of 
the  city  by  a  gate  at  the  S.  side,  "  betwixt  the  two 


walls,"  somewhere  near  the  present  Bab  el-Mayhari- 
beh  (Dcng-Gate),  crossed  the  Kidron  above  the  royal 
gardens,  and  made  his  way  over  the  Mount  of  Olives 
to  the  Jordan  valley.  At  break  of  day  information 
of  the  flight  was  brought  to  the  Chaldeans  by 
some  deserters.  A  rapid  pursuit  was  made : 
Zedekiah  was  overtaken  near  Jericho,  his  people 
were  dispersed,  and  he  himself  captured  and  re- 
served for  a  miserable  fate  at  Riblah.  Meantime 
the  wretched  inhabitants  suffered  all  the  horrors  of 
assault  and  sack  ;  the  men  were  slaughtered,  old  and 
young,  prince  and  peasant ;  the  women  violated  in 
Mount  Zion  itself  (Lam.  ii.  4,  V.  11,  12).  (War.)  On 
the  seventh  day  of  the  following  month  (2  K.  xxv. 
8),  Xebuzaradan,  commander  of  the  king's  body- 
guard, who  seems  to  have  been  charged  with  Neb- 
uchadnezzar's instructions  as  to  what  should  be 
done  with  the  city,  arrived.  Two  days  were  passed, 
probably  in  collecting  the  captives  and  booty  ;  and 
on  the  tenth  (Jer.  Hi.  12)  the  Temple,  the  royal 
palace,  and  all  the  more  important  buildings  of  the 
city,  were  set  on  fire,  and  the  walls  thrown  down 
and  left  as  heaps  of  disordered  rubbish  on  the 
ground  (Neh.  iv.  2).  The  previous  deportations, 
and  the  sufferings  endured  in  the  siege,  must  to  a 
great  extent  have  drained  the  place  of  its  able-bodied 
people,  and  thus  the  captives,  on  this  occasion,  were 
but  few  and  unimportant.  The  land  was  practically 
deserted  of  all  but  the  very  poorest  class.  Five 
years  afterward — the  twenty-third  of  Nebuchadnez- 
zar's reign — the  insatiable  Nebuzaradan,  on  his  way 
to  Egypt,  again  visited  the  ruins,  and  swept  off  745 
more  of  the  wretched  peasants  (Jer.  lii.  30).  Thus 
Jerusalem  at  last  had  fallen,  and  the  Temple,  set 
up  under  such  fair  auspices,  was  a  heap  of  black- 
ened ruins.  The  spot,  however,  was  none  the  less 
sacred  because  the  edifice  was  destroyed.  It  was 
still  the  centre  of  hope  to  the  people  in  Captivity, 
and  the  time  soon  arrived  for  their  return  to  it. 
The  decree  of  CvRCS  authorizing  the  rebuilding  of 
the  "  house  of  Jehovah,  God  of  Israel,  which  is  in 
Jerusalem,''  was  issued  s.  c.  536.  In  consequence 
thereof,  a  very  large  caravan  of  Jews  arrived  in  the 
country.  (Zercbbabkl.)  A  short  time  was  occu- 
pied in  settling  in  their  former  cities,  but  on  the 
first  day  of  the  seventh  month  (Ezr.  iii.  6)  a  general 
assembly  was  called  together  at  Jerusalem  in  "  the 
open  place  of  the  first  gate  toward  the  East"  (1 
Esd.  V.  47) ;  the  allar  was  set  up,  and  the  daily 
morning  and  evening  sacrifices  commenced.  Ar- 
rangements were  made  for  stone  and  timber  for  the 
fabric,  and  in  the  second  year  after  their  return 
(n.  c.  634),  on  the  first  day  of  the  second  month 
(Ezr.  iii.  8 ;  1  Esd.  v.  57),  the  foundation  of  the 
Temple  was  laid.  But  the  work  was  destined  to 
suffer  material  interruptions.  The  chiefs  of  the 
people  by  whom  Samaria  had  been  colonized,  an- 
noyed and  hindered  them  in  every  possible  way ; 
but  ultimately  the  Temple  was  finished  and  dedi- 
cated in  the  sixth  year  of  Darius  (b.  c.  616), 
i  on  the  third  (or  twenty-third,  1  Esd.  vii.  5)  of 
!  Adar — the  last  month,  and  on  the  fourteenth  day 
{  of  the  new  year  the  first  Passover  was  celebrated. 
All  this  time  the  walls  of  the  city  remained  as  the 
j  Assyrians  had  left  them(Neh.  ii.  12,  &c.).  A  period 
I  of  fifty-eight  years  now  passed,  of  which  no  ac- 
counts are  preserved  to  us ;  but  at  the  end  of  that 
,  time,  in  B.  c.  467,  Ezra  arrived  from  Babylon 
;  with  a  caravan  of  priests,  Levitcs,  Nethinims,  and 
lay  people.  He  left  Babylon  on  the  first  day  of  the 
I  year,  and  reached  Jcrnsalem  on  the  first  of  the 
'  fifth  month  (Ezr.  vii.  9,  viii.  32).    We  now  pass  an- 


4JJt 


JER 


JER 


other  period  of  eleven  years  until  the  arrival  of 
Kkhemiaii,  about  b.  c.  445.  After  three  days  he 
collected  the  chief  people  and  proposed  the  im- 
mediate rebuilding  of  the  walls.  Unc  spirit  seized 
them,  and  notwithstanding  the  taunts  and  tliriats 
of  Sanballat,  the  ruler  ot  the  Samaritans,  and  To- 
biah  the  Ammonite,  in  consequence  of  which  one- 
half  of  the  people  had  to  remain  armed  while  the 
other  half  built,  the  work  was  completed  in  fifty- 
two  days,  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  Elul.  Nchemiah 
remained  in  the  city  for  twelve  years  (Xeh.  v.  14, 
xiii.  6),  during  which  time  he  held  the  office  and 
maintained  the  state  of  governor  of  the  province 
(v.  14)  from  his  own  private  resources  (v.  15).  The 
foreign  tendencies  oi'  the  high-priest  Eliashib  and 
his  I'amily  had  already  given  Neheniiah  some  con- 
cern (xiii.  4,  28).  Eliashib's  son  Joiada,  who  suc- 
ceeded him  in  the  high-priesthood,  had  two  sons, 
the  one  Jonathan  (xii.  11)  or  Johanan  (.tii.  22),  the 
other  Joshua  (Jos.).  The  two  quarrelled,  and  Joshua 
was  killed  by  Johanan  in  the  Temple  (n.  c.  about 
860).  Johanan  in  his  turn  had  two  sons,  Jaddua 
(Xeh.  xii.  II,  22),  and  Manassch  (Jos.  .\i.  7,  g  2). 
Manasseh  (so  Josephus  ;  but  compare  Neh.  xiii.  28) 
married  the  daughter  of  Sanballat  the  Horonite,  and 
eventually  became  the  first  priest  of  the  Samaritan 
temple  of  Geeizim.  During  the  high-priesthood  of 
Jaddua  occunod  the  famous  visit  of  Alexander 
THE  GnEAT  to  Jerusalem.  The  result  to  the  Jews 
of  the  visit  was  an  exemption  from  tribute  in  the 
Sabbatical  year :  a  privilege  which  they  long  re- 
tained. We  hear  nothing  more  of  Jerusalem  until 
it  was  taken  by  Ptolemy  Sotek,  atout  n.  c.  320, 
during  his  incursion  into  Syria.  A  stormy  period 
succeeded — that  of  the  .struggles  between  Antigonns 
and  Ptolemy  for  the  possession  of  Syria,  which  lasted 
until  the  defeat  of  the  former  at  Ipsus  (b.  c.  SOI), 
after  which  the  country  came  into  the  possession  of 
Ptolemy.  Simon  the  Just,  who  followed  his  father 
Onias  in  the  high-priesthood  (about  b.  c.  300),  is  one 
of  the  favorite  heroes  of  the  Jews.  (Synagogue, 
THE  Great.)  Under  his  care  the  sanctuary  was  ic- 
paired,  and  some  foundations  of  great  depth  added 
round  the  Temple,  possibly  to  gain  a  larger  sur- 
face on  the  top  of  the  hill  (Ecclus.  1.  1,  2).  The 
large  cistern  or  "  sea  "  of  the  principal  court  of 
the  Ten  plo,  which  hitherto  would  seem  to  have 
been  but  temporarily  or  rmighly  constructed,  was 
sheathed  in  brass  (ver.  3) ;  the  walls  of  the  city  were 
more  strongly  fortified  to  guard  against  such  attacks 
,  as  those  of  Ptolemy  (ver.  4) ;  and  the  Tcmple-seivice 
was  m.iintaincd  with  great  pomp  and  ceremonial 
(ver.  11-21).  His  death  was  marked  by  evil  omens 
of  various  Isinds  presaging  disasters.  Tlie  inter- 
course with  Greeks  was  fast  eradicating  the  national 
character,  but  it  was  at  any  rate  a  peaceful  inter- 
course during  the  reigns  of  the  Ptolemies  who  suc- 
ceeded Soter,  viz.  Philadelphus  (b.  c.  285),  and 
Euergetes  (b.  c.  247).  A  description  of  Jerusalem 
at  this  period  under  the  name  of  Aristeas  still  sur- 
vives, which  supplies  a  lively  picture  of  both  Temple 
and  city.  The  Temple  was  "  enclosed  with  three 
walls  seventy  cubits  high,  and  of  proportionate 
thickness  ....  The  spacious  courts  were  paved 
with  marble,  and  beneath  them  lay  immense  reser- 
voirs of  water,  which  by  mechanical  contrivance 
was  made  to  rush  forth,  and  thus  wash  away  the 
blood  of  the  sacrifices."  The  city  occupied  the 
summit  and  the  eastern  slopes  of  the  opposite  hill — 
the  modern  Zion.  The  main  streets  appear  to  have 
run  N.  and  S. ;  some  "  along  the  brow  .  .  .  others 
lower  down  but  parallel,  following  the  course  of 


the  valley,  with  cress  streets  connecting  them." 
They  were  "  furnished  with  raised  pavements," 
either  due  to  the  slope  of  the  ground,  or  possibly 
adopted  for  the  reason  given  by  Aristeas,  viz.  to 
enable  the  passengers  to  avoid  contact  with  persons 
or  things  ceremonially  unclean.  The  bazaais  were 
then,  as  now,  a  prominent  feature  of  the  city. 
During  the  struggle  between  Ptolemy  Philopatob 
and  Antiochis  the  Great,  Jeru-^alem  became  alter- 
nately a  prey  to  each  of  the  contending  parties.  B.  c. 
203  it  was  taken  by  Antiochus.  b.  c.  199  it  was  re- 
taken by  Scopas  the  Alexandrian  general,  who  left 
a  garrison  in  the  citadel.  In  the  following  year  An- 
tiochus again  beat  the  Egyptians,  and  then  the 
Jews,  who  had  suffered  mest  from  the  latter,  gladly 
opened  their  gates  to  his  army,  and  assisted  them 
in  reducing  the  Egyptian  garrison.  In  the  reign  of 
Seleucus  Soter  Jeiusalem  was  in  much  apparent 
prosperity.  But  the  city  soon  began  to  be  much 
disturbed  by  the  disputes  between  Hyrcanus,  the 
illegitimate  son  of  Joseph  the  collector,  and  his 
elder  and  legitimate  brothers.  B.  c.  175  Seleucus 
Soter  died,  and  the  kinpdcm  of  Syria  came  to  liis 
brother,  the  infamous  Antiochis  Epiphanes.  His 
first  act  toward  Jerusalem  was  to  sell  the  oflice  of 
niGH-rKiEST — still  filled  by  the  good  Onias  III. — to 
Oniass  brother  Joshua,  who  changed  his  name  to 
Jason  (2  Mc.  iv.  7).  s.  c.  172  Jerusalem  was  visited 
by  Antiochus.  He  entered  the  city  at  night  by 
torch-light  and  amid  the  acclamations  of  Jason  and 
his  party,  and  alter  a  short  stay  returned  (iv.  22). 
During  the  absence  of  Antiochus  in  Egypt,  Jasc  n, 
who  had  been  driven  out  by  Menelai:s,  suddenly  ap- 
peared before  Jerusalem  with  a  thousand  men, 
drove  Menelaus  into  the  citadel,  and  shiughtcicd 
the  citizens  without  mercy.  The  news  of  these 
tumults  ri aching  Antiochus  on  his  way  from  Egypt 
brought  him  again  to  Jeiusakm  (b.  c.  170).  He 
appears  to  have  entered  the  city  without  much  dilfi- 
eulty.  Anindisciimirate  massacre  of  the  adl  ercnts 
of  Ptolemy  followed,  and  then  a  general  pillage  of 
the  contents  of  the  Temple.  The  total  exteiniina- 
tion  of  the  Jews  was  resc^lved  on,  and  in  two  yinrs 
(b.  c.  K8)  an  army  was  sent  under  Apolknius  to 
carry  the  resolve  into  effect.  Another  great  slaugh- 
ter took  place  on  the  Sabbath,  the  city  was  now  in 
its  turn  pillaged  and  burnt,  and  the  walls  destroyed. 
Antiochus  next  issued  an  edict  to  compel  heatlien 
worship  in  all  his  dominions.  The  Temple  was  re», 
consecrated  to  Zeus  (A.  V.  "  Jvpiteb")  ()l\mpiu4J 
(vi.  2).  And  while  the  Jews  were  compelled  nof 
only  to  tolerate  but  to  take  an  active  part  in  tbei 
foreign  abominations,  the  oliscrvance  of  their  ow: 
rites  and  ctremonies — saeiifice,  the  Sabbath,  cii 
eumcision — was  absolutely  forbidden.  The  battlei 
of  the  Maccabees  were  fought  on  the  outskirts  ol 
the  country,  and  it  was  not  till  the  defeat  of  Lysiarf 
at  Beth-zur  that  they  thought  it  safe  to  venture  int<j' 
the  recesses  of  the  central  hills.  Then  they  in. me- 
diately turned  their  steps  to  Jerusalem.  The  pre- 
cincts of  the  Temple  were  at  once  cleansed,  the  pol- 
luted altar  put  aside,  a  new  one  constructed,  and 
the  holy  vessels  of  the  sanctuary  replaced,  and  on 
the  third  anniversary  of  the  desecration — the  twenty- 
fifth  of  the  month  Chisleu,  B.  c.  166,  the  Temple 
was  dedicated  with  a  feast  which  lasted  for  eight 
days.  After  this  the  outer  wall  of  the  Temple  wai 
very  much  strengthened  (1  Mc.  iv.  60),  and  it  wnrf 
in  fact  converted  into  a  fortress  (compare  vi.  20; 
61,  f.2),  and  occupied  by  a  garrison  (iv.  61).  The 
Acra  was  still  htld  by  the  soldiers  of  Antioclius. 
',  Two   years   later  (b.  c.  1C3)  Judas   collected   hia 


JER 


JEB 


453 


poople  to  take  it,  and  began  a  siege  with  banks  and 
engines.  In  the  mean  time  Antiochus  had  died 
(B.C.  164),  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Antiociils 
EuPATOR,  a  youth.  The  garrison  in  the  Acra,  find- 
ing tliemselves  pressed  by  Jndas,  managed  to  com- 
municate with  the  kmg,  wlio  brouglit  au  army  from 
Antioch  and  attacked  Bcth-zur,  one  of  the  key- 
positions  of  the  Maccabees.  This  obliged  Judas  to 
give  up  the  siege  of  tlie  Acra,  and  to  uiarcli  south- 
ward against  the  intruder  (vi.  32).  Antiochus's 
army  proved  too  much  for  his  little  force,  his 
brother  Eleazar  was  killed,  and  he  was  compelled 
to  fall  back  on  Jerusalem  and  shut  himself  up  in 
the  Temple.  Thither  Lysias,  Antiochus'd  general 
— and  later,  Antiochus  himself— -followed  him  (vi. 
48,  51,  57,  62),  and  commenced  an  active  siege. 
The  death  of  Judas  took  place  b.  c.  101.  After  it 
Bac^'Hides  and  Au'Liil'S  again  established  them- 
eelves  at  Jerusalem  in  the  Acra  (Jos.  .\iii.  1,  g  3),  and 
in  tlie  intervals  of  their  contests  with  Jonathan  and 
Simon,  added  mucli  to  its  fortifications.  In  the 
second  month  (May)  B.C.  160,  the  high-priest  Alciinus 
began  to  make  sotne  alterations  in  the  Temple,  ap- 
parently doing  away  with  the  enclosure  between 
one  court  and  another,  and  in  -particular  demolish- 
ing some  wall  or  building  to  which  peculiar  sanctity 
was  attached  as"  the  work  of  the  prophets"  (1  Mc.  ix. 
64).  Bacchides  returned  to  Antioch,  and  Jerusalem 
remained  without  molestation  for  seven  years.  All 
this  time  the  Acra  was  held  by  the  Macedonian  gar- 
rison (Jos.  xiii.  4,  §  9)  and  tlie  malcontent  Jews, 
who  still  held  the  hostages  taken  from  the  other 
part  of  the  C(mimunity  (1  Mc.  x.  6).  b.  c.  153  Jon- 
athan was  made  high-priest,  b.  c.  145  he  began  to 
invest  the  Acra  (xi.  20  ;  Jos.  xiii.  4,  §9),  but,  owing 
partly  to  the  strength  of  the  place,  and  partly  to 
the  constant  dissensions  abroad,  the  siege  made 
little  progress  during  fully  two  years.  In  the  mean 
time  Jonathan  was  killed  at  Ptolemais,  and  Simon 
succeeded  him  both  as  chief  and  as  high-priest  (1 
Mc.  xili.  8,  42).  The  investment  of  the  Acra  proved 
ft  iccessful,  but  three  years  still  elapsed  before  this 
enormously  strong  place  could  be  re  luced,  and  at 
last  the  garrison  capitulated  only  from  famine  (.xiii. 
49;  compare  21).  Simon  entered  it  on  the  twenty 
tliird  of  the  second  month  b.  c.  142.  The  fortress 
was  then  entirely  demolished,  and  the  eminence  on 
which  it  had  stood  lowered,  until  it  was  reduced 
below  the  height  of  the  Tcjnple  hill  beside  it.  The 
valley  X.  of  Moriah  was  probably  filled  up  at  this 
time.  A  fort  was  then  built  on  the  N.,  side  of  the 
Temple  hill,  apparently  against  the  wall,  so  a<*  di- 
rectly to  command  the  site  of  the  Acra,  and  here 
Simon  and  his  immediate  followers  resided  (xiii.  .'i2). 
One  of  the  first  steps  of  his  son  John  Ilyreanus 
was  to  secure  both  the  city  and  the  Temple.  Short- 
ly after  thi.<,  AxTiociius  Siiietes,  king  of  Syria,  at- 
tackeil  Jeru-ialem.  To  invest  the  city,  and  cut  ofli' 
all  chance  of  escape,  it  was  encircled  by  a  girdle  of 
seven  camps.  The  active  operations  of  the  siege 
were  carried  on  as  usual  at  the  N.,  where  the  level 
ground  comes  up  to  the  walls.  The  siege  was  ulti- 
mately relin(|uished.  Antiochus  wished  to  place,  a 
garrison  in  the  city,  but  this  the  late  experience  of 
the  Jews  forbalc,  .and  hostages  and  a  payment  were 
substituted.  After  Antiochus's  departiire,  Ilyrea- 
nus carefully  repaire<l  the  damage  done  to  the  walls 
(5  Mc.  xxi.  18).  During  the  rest  of  his  long  and 
successful  reign  John  Ilyreanus  residetl  at  Jerusa- 
lem, ably  administering  the  government  from  thence, 
and  regularly  fidfilling  the  duties  of  the  high-priest 
(ixiii.  3).     lie  W.-IS  succeeded  (b.  c.  107)  by  bis  son 


Aristobulus.  Like  his  predecessors  he  was  High- 
priest  ;  but  unlike  them  he  assumed  the  title  as 
well  as  the  power  of  a  king  (xxvii.  1).  His  brother 
Alexander  JannsDus  (b.  c.  105),  who  succeeded 
him,  was  mainly  engaged  in  wars  at  a  distance 
from  Jerusalem.  About  b.  c.  95  the  animosities 
of  the  PiiAKisEES  and  Saddlcees  came  to  an  alarm- 
ing explosion.  Alexander's  severities  made  him 
extrtmely  unpopular  with  both  parties,  and  led 
to  their  inviting  the  aid  of  Demetrius  Euch;crus, 
king  of  Syria,  against  him.  The  actions  between 
them  were  fought  at  a  distance  from  Jerusalem  ; 
but  the  city  did  not  escape  a  share  in  the  honors 
of  war ;  for  when,  after  some  fluctuations,  Alexander 
returned  successful,  he  crucified  publicly  800  of  his 
opponents,  and  had  their  wives  and  children  butch- 
ered before  their  eyes,  while  he  and  his  concubines 
feasted  in  sight  of  the  whole  scene  (Jos.  xiii.  14,  g 
2).  Such  an  iron  sway  as  this  was  enough  to  crush 
all  opposition,  and  Alexander  reigned  till  b.  c.  79 
without  further  disturbances.  The  "nionuinent 
of  King  Alexander  "  was  doubtless  his  tomb.  In 
spite  of  opposition,  the  Pharisees  were  now  by  far 
the  most  powerful  party  in  Jerusalem,  and  Alexan- 
der had  therefore  before  his  death  instructed  his 
queen,  Alexandra — whom  he  left  to  succeed  him 
with  two  sons — to  commit  herself  to  them.  The 
elder  of  the  two  sons,  Ilyreanus,  was  made  higli- 
priest,  and  Aristobulus  had  the  command  of  the 
army.  The  queen  lived  till  B.  c.  70.  On  her 
death,  Ilyreanus  attempted  to  take  the  crown,  but 
was  opposed  by  his  brother,  to  whom  in  three 
months  he  yielded  its  possession,  Aristobulus  be- 
coming king  B.  0.  69.  The  brothers  soon  quarrelled 
again,  when  Ilyreanus  called  to  his  assistance 
Aretas,  king  of  Damascus.  Before  this  new  enemy 
Aristobulus  fled  to  Jerusalem,  and  took  refuge  within 
the  fortifications  of  the  Teniide.  The  siege  is  in- 
terrupted and  eventually  raised  by  the  interference 
of  Scanrus,  one  of  Pompey's  lieutenants,  to  whom 
Aristobulus  paid  400  talents  for  the  relief  This 
was  B.  c.  65.  Pompey  advanced  from  Damascus  by 
way  of  Jericho.  As  he  approached  Jerusalem,  Aris- 
tobulus, who  found  the  city  too  much  divided  for 
effectual  resistance,  met  him  and  offered  a  large  sum 
of  money  and  surrender.  Pompey  sent  forwaril  Ga- 
binius  to  take  possc.ssion  of  the  place ;  but  the  bolder 
party  among  the  adherents  of  Ari^tobulus  had  mean- 
time gained  the  ascendancy,  and  he  found  the  gates 
closed.  Pompey  on  this  threw  the  king  into  chains, 
and  advanced  on  Jerusalem.  Hyrcanus  was  in  pos- 
session of  the  eit_v,  and  received  the  inva<ler  with 
open  arms.  The  Tcniple,  on  the  other  hand,  was 
held  by  the  party  of  Aristobulus,  which  included  the 
priests.  Pompey  appears  to  have  stationed  some 
part  of  his  force  on  the  high  ground  \V.  of  the  city, 
but  he  himself  commanded  in  person  at  the  N. 
The  first  efforts  of  his  soldiers  were  devoted  to  fill- 
ing up  the  ditch  and  the  valley,  and  to  constructing 
the  banks  on  which  to  place  the  military  engines, 
for  which  jiurpose  they  cut  down  all  the  timber  in 
the  environs.  Pompey  remarked  that  on  the  .seventh 
day  the  Jews  rcgidarly  desisted  from  fighting,  and 
this  afforded  the  Romans  a  great  advanttige,  for  it 
gave  them  the  opportunity  of  moving  the  engines  and 
towers  nearer  the  walls.  At  the  end  of  three  months 
the  besiegers  had  ap|iroached  so  dose  to  the  wall 
that  the  battering-rams  could  be  worked,  and  a 
breach  was  efi'ected  in  the  largest  of  the  towers, 
through  which  the  Romans  entered,  and,  after  an 
obstinate  resistance  and  loss  of  life,  remained  mas- 
ters of  the  Temple.    Hyrcanus  was  continued  in  his 


454 


J£S 


JER 


high-priesthood,  but  without  the  title  of  king ;  a 
tribute  was  laid  upon  the  city,  and  the  walls  were 
entirely  demolished.  The  Tenijile  was  taken  in 
B.  c.  C3,  in  the  tliird  month  (Sivan),  on  the  day  of  a 
great  feast ;  probably  that  for  Jeicboam,  which  was 
held  on  the  twenty-third  of  that  month.  Uuring  the 
ne.xt  few  years  nothing  occurred  to  affect  Jerusalem. 
B.  c.  56  it  was  made  the  seat  of  one  of  the  five  senates 
or  Sanhedrim.  B.  c.  54  the  rapacious  Crassus  plun- 
dered the  city  not  only  of  the  money  which  Pompcy 
had  spared,  but  of  a  considerable  treasure  accumu- 
lated from  the  contributions  of  Jews  throughout 
the  world,  in  all  a  sum  of  10,000  talents,  or  about 
2,000,000/.  sterling.  (Weights and  Measurks.)  Dur- 
ing this  time  Hyrcanus  remained  at  Jerusalem,  act- 
ing under  the  advice  of  Antipatcr  the  Idumean,  his 
chief  minister.  B.  c.  47  is  memorable  for  the 
first  appearance  of  Antipater's  son  Hei;od  in  Jeru- 
salem. Anligonus,  the  younger  and  only  surviving 
son  of  Aristobulus,  suddenly  tippeared  in  the  coun- 
try supported  by  a  Parthian  army.  So  sudden  was 
his  approach,  that  he  got  into  the  city  and  reached 
the  palace  in  the  upper  market-place — the  modern 
Zion — without  resistance.  Here,  however,  he  was 
met  by  Hyrcanus  and  Phasatlus  with  a  strong 
party  of  soldiers,  and  driven  into  the  Temple.  Pac- 
orus,  the  Parthian  general,  was  lying  outside  the 
walls,  and  at  the  earnest  lequest  of  Antigouus,  he 
and  500  horse  were  admitted,  ostensibly  to  mediate. 
Tlie  result  was,  that  Phasaclus  and  Hyrcanus  were 
outwitted,  and  Herod  ovcipowered;  the  Parthians 
got  possession  of  the  place,  and  Antigonus  was  made 
king.  Thus  did  Jerusalem  (b.  c.  40)  find  itself  in 
the  hands  of  the  Parthians.  In  three  months  Hercd 
returned  from  Rome  king  of  Judea,  and  in  the  be- 
ginning of  39  appeared  before  Jerusalem  with  a 
force  of  Romans,  commanded  by  Silo,  and  pitched 
his  camp  on  the  W.  side  of  the  city.  Other  occur- 
rences, liowever,  called  him  away  from  the  siege  at 
this  time.  n.  c.  37  Herod  appeared  again.  He  came, 
as  Pompey  had  done,  from  Jericho,  and,  like  Pom- 
pey,  he  pitched  his  camp  and  made  his  attack  on  the 
N.  side  of  the  Temple.  For  a  short  time  after  the 
commencement  of  the  operations  Herod  absented 
himself  for  his  marriage  at  Samaria  with  Mariamne. 
On  his  return  he  was  joined  by  Sosins,  the  Roman 
governor  of  Syria,  with  a  force  of  from  50,000  to 
60,0i)0  men,  and  the  siege  was  then  resumed  in 
earnest.  The  first  of  the  two  walls  was  taken  in 
forty  days,  and  the  second  in  fifteen  more.  The 
siege  is  said  to  have  occupied  in  all  five  mimths. 
Herod's  first  care  was  to  put  down  the  Asmonean 
party.  The  appointment  of  the  high-priest  was  the 
next  consideration.  Herod  therefore  bestowed  the 
office  (b.  c.  36)  on  one  Ananel,  a  former  adherent 
of  his,  and  a  Babylonian  Jew.  Ananel  was  soon 
displaced  through  the  machinations  of  Alexandra, 
mother  of  Herod's  wife  Mariamne,  who  prevailed  on 
him  to  appoint  her  son  Aristobulus,  a  youth  of  six- 
teen. But  he  was  soon  afterward  murdered  at  Jer- 
icho, and  then  Ananel  resumed  the  office.  The  in- 
trigues and  tragedies  of  the  next  thirty  years  are  too 
complicated  and  too  long  to  be  treated  of  here.  In 
34  b.  c.  the  city  was  visited  by  Cleopatra.  In  the 
spring  of  31,  the  year  of  the  battle  of  Actium(Auoi;s- 
Tus),  Judea  was  visited  by  an  earthquake,  the  effects 
of  which  appear  to  have  been  tremenelous.  The 
panic  at  Jerusalem  was  very  severe.  The  following 
year  was  distinguished  by  the  death  of  Hyrcanus, 
who,  though  more  than  eighty  years  old,  was  killed  by 
Herod,  to  remove  the  last  remnant  of  the  Asmonean 
race.     Herod  now  began  to  encourage  foreign  prac- 


tices and  usages.  Amongst  his  acts  of  this  descrip- 
tion was  the  building  of  a  theatre  at  Jerusalem.  Of 
its  situation  no  information  is  given,  nor  have  any 
traces  yet  been  discovered.  The  zealous  Jews  took 
fire  at  these  innovations,  and  Herod  only  narrowly 
escaped  assassination.  At  this  time  he  occupied  the 
old  palace  of  the  Asmoneans.  He  had  now  also 
completed  the  improvements  of  the  Antonia,  the 
fortress  built  by  John  Hyrcanus  on  the  foundations 
of  Simon  Maccabeus.  A  description  of  this  cele- 
brated fortress  will  be  given  in  treating  of  the 
Temple.  The  year  25 — the  next  after  the  attempt 
on  Herod's  life  in  the  theatre — «  as  one  of  great  mis- 
fortunes. In  this  year  or  the  next  Herod  tcok  an- 
other wife,  the  daughter  of  an  obscure  priest  of  Jeru- 
salem named  Simon.  It  was  probably  on  the  occa- 
sion of  this  marriage  that  he  built  a  new  and  exten- 
sive palace  immediately  adjoining  the  old  wall,  at 
the  N.  W.  corner  of  the  upper  city,  about  the  spot 
now  occupied  by  the  Latin  convent.  But  all  Herod's 
works  in  Jerusalem  were  eclipsed  by  the  rebuilding 
of  the  Temple  in  more  than  its  former  extent  tnd 
magnificence.  He  announced  his  intention  b.  c. 
19,  probably  when  the  people  were  collected  in 
Jerusalem  at  the  Passover.  The  completion  of 
the  sanctuary  itself  on  the  anniversary  of  Herod's 
inauguration,  B.  c.  16,  was  celebrated  by  lavish 
sacrifices  and  a  great  feast.  About  b.  c-  9 — eight 
years  from  the  commencement — the  court  and  clois- 
ters of  the  Temple  were  finished.  At  this  time 
equally  magnifice-nt  works  were  being  carried  on  in 
anotlier  part  of  tlie  city,  viz.  in  the  old  wall  at 
the  N.  \V.  corner.  In  or  about  B.  c.  7  Herod  had 
fixed  a  large  golden  eagle,  the  symbol  of  the  Roman 
empire  (Judea  was  now  a  province),  over  the  en- 
trance to  the  sanctuary.  This  had  excited  the  in- 
dignation of  the  Jews,  and  especially  of  two  of  the 
chief  rabbis,  who  instigated  their  disciples  to  tear 
it  down.  Being  taken  before  Herod,  the  rabbis  de- 
fended their  conduct  and  were  burnt  alive.  The 
high-priest  Matthias  was  deposed,  and  Joazar  took 
his  |,lace.  This  was  the  state  of  things  in  Jerusa- 
lem when  Herod  died.  The  government  of  Judea, 
and  therefore  of  Jerusalem,  had  by  the  w  ill  of  Herod 
been  bequeathed  to  Archelaus.  During  Archelaus' 
absence  at  Rome,  Jerusalem  was  in  charge  of  Sa- 
binus,  the  Roman  procurator  of  the  province,  and 
tumults  were  renewed  with  worse  results.  In  the 
year  3  B.  c.  Archelaus  returned  from  Rome  ethnarch 
of  the  southern  province.  He  immediately  dis-placed 
Joazar,  whom  his  father  had  made  high-prieft  after 
the  affair  of  the  eagle,  and  put  Joazar's  brother 
Eleazar  in  his  stead.  Judea  was  now  reduced  to  an 
ordinary  Roman  province  ;  the  procurator  of  which 
resided,  not  at  Jerusalem,  but  at  Cesarea  on  the 
coast.  The  first  appointed  was  C'opcnius,  who  ac- 
companied Quirinus  (Cyrenius)  to  the  country  im- 
mediately on  the  disgrace  of  Archelaus.  Two  hici- 
dents  at  once  most  opposite  in  their  character,  and 
in  their  significance  to  that  age  and  to  ourselves, 
occurred  during  the  procuratorship  of  Coponius : 
First,  in  a.  n.  8,  the  finding  of  Christ  in  the  Tem- 
ple ;  the  second,  the  pollution  of  the  Temple  by 
some  Samaritans,  who  secretly  brought  human  bones 
and  strewed  them  about  the  cloisters  during  the 
night  of  the  Passover.  In  or  about  A.  D.  10,  Co|io- 
nius  was  succeeded  by  Marcus  Ambivius,  and  he  by 
Annius  Rufus.  a.  n."l4  AirouSTts  died,  and  with 
TiBERii's  came  a  new  procurator — Valerius  Gratus, 
who  held  office  till  a.  p.  26,  when  he  was  replaced  by 
PoNTirs  Pilate. — a.  d.  29.  At  the  Passover  of  this 
year  our  Loi-d  Jesus  Christ  made  His  *rst  recorded 


JEB 


:tW 


455 


visit  to  the  city  since  His  boyhood  (Jn.  ii.  13). — 
A.  u.  33.  At  tlie  Passover  of  this  year  occurred  His 
cruciKxion  and  resurrection.  In  a.  d.  37,  Filate 
having  been  recalled  to  Rome,  Jerusalem  was  visited 
by  Vitellius,  the  prefect  of  Syria,  at  the  time  of  the 
Passover.  In  the  following  yearSTEPHE.v  was  stoned. 
The  Christians  were  greatly  persecuted,  and  all,  ex- 
cept the  apostles,  driven  out  of  Jerusalem  (Acts 
viii.  1,  xi.  19).  In  a.  d.  40,  Vitellius  was  superseded 
by  Publius  I'etronius,  who  arrived  in  Palestine  with 
an  order  to  place  in  the  Temple  a  statue  of  Caligula. 
This  order  was  ultimately  countermanded.  Witli 
the  accession  of  Claudius  a.  n.  41  came  an  edict  of 
toleration  to  the  Jews,  .igrippa  resided  very  much 
at  Jerusalem,  and  added  materially  to  its  prosperity 
and  convenience.  The  city  had  for  some  time  been 
cxtendin;;  itself  toward  the  X.,  and  a  large  suburb 
had  come  into  existence  on  the  high  ground  N.  of 
th  J  Tem;)le,  and  outside  of  the  "  second  wall "  which 
enclosed  the  northern  part  of  the  great  central  valley 
of  the-  city.  Hitherto  the  outer  portion  of  tliis  sub- 
urb— vvhich  was  called  Bezetha,  or  "New  Town," 
and  had  grown  up  very  rapidly — was  unprotected 
by  any  formal  wall,  and  practically  lay  open  to  at- 
tack. This  defenceless  condition  attracted  the  at- 
tention of  Agrippa,  who,  like  the  first  Herod,  was  a 
great  builder,  aud  he  commenced  enclosing  it  in  so 
substantial  and  magnificent  a  manner  as  to  excite 
thj  suspicions  of  the  prefect,  at  whose  instance  it 
was  stopped  by  Claudius.  Subsequently  the  Jews 
see  n  to  have  purchased  permission  to  complete  the 
work.  The  year  43  is  memorable  as  that  of  St. 
Paul's  first  visit  to  Jerusalem  after  his  conversion. 
The  year  44  began  with  the  murder  of  St.  James  by 
Agrippa  (Acts  xii.  1),  followed  at  the  Passover  by 
the  imprisonment  and  escape  of  St.  Peter.  Sliortly 
after  Agrippa  himsjlf  died.  Cuspius  Fadus  arrived 
from  Rome  as  procurator,  and  Longinu3  as  prefect  of 
Syria.  In  45  commenced  a  severe  famine,  which 
lasted  two  years.  At  the  end  of  this  year  St.  Paul 
arrived  in  Jerusalem  for  the  second  time.  In  A.  d. 
48,  Fadus  was  succeeded  by  Ventidius  Cumanus. 
A  frightful  tumult  happened  at  the  Passover  of  this 
year,  caused,  as  on  former  occasions,  by  the  presence  j 
of  the  Ro:nan  soldiers  in  the  Antonia  and  in  the 
courts  and  cloisters  of  the  Temple  during  the  festi- 
val. Cumanus  was  recalled,  and  Felix  appointed 
in  his  room.  A  set  of  ferocious  fanatics,  whom 
Joseplms  calls  Sicarii  (L.  plural  ^  slabbem,  assas- 
tirm),  had  lately  begun  to  make  their  appearance  in 
the  city.  In  fact,  not  only  Jerusalem,  but  the  whole 
country  far  and  wide,  was  in  the  most  frightful  con- 
fusion and  insecurity.  At  length  a  riot  at  Cesarea 
of  the  most  serious  description  caused  the  recall 
of  Feli<,  and  in  the  end  of  60,  or  the  beginning  of 
61,  PoRCiLS  Festcs  succeeded  him  as  procurator. 
Festus  was  on  able  and  upright  officer  (Jos.  S.  J.  ii. 
14,  55  1),  and  at  the  same  time  conciliatory  toward 
the  Jews  (Acts  x\v.  9).  In  the  brief  period  of  his 
administration  he  kept  down  the  robbei-s  with  a 
strong  hand,  and  gave  the  province  a  short  breathing- 
time.  His  interview  with  St  Paul  (Acts  xxv.,  xxvi.) 
took  place,  not  at  Jerusalem,  but  at  Cesarea.  In 
62  (probably)  Festus  died,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Albinus.  Ho  began  his  rule  by  endeavoring  to 
keep  down  the  Sicarii  and  other  disturbers  of  the 
peace  ;  and  indeed  he  preserved  throughout  a  show 
of  justice  and  vigor,  though  in  secret  greedy  and 
rapacious.  Bail  as  Albinus  had  been,  Gessius  Flo- 
rus,  who  succeeded  him  in  65,  was  worse.  At  the 
Pusover,  probably  in  66,  when  Cestius  Callus,  the 
prefect  of  Syria,  visited  Jerusalem,  the  whole  as- 


sembled people  besought  him  for  redress ;  but 
without  effect.  Florus'  next  attempt  was  to  obtain 
some  of  the  treasure  from  the  Temple.  He  de- 
manded seventeen  talents  in  the  name  of  the  em- 
peror. The  demand  produced  a  frantic  disturlj- 
ance.  That  niglit  Florus  took  up  his  quarters  in 
the  roy.ll  palace — that  of  Herod,  at  the  N.  W.  cor- 
ner of  the  city.  On  the  following  morning  he  de- 
manded that  the  leaders  of  the  late  riot  should  be 
given  up.  On  their  refusal  he  ordered  his  soldiers 
to  plunder  the  upper  city.  This  order  was  but  too 
faithfully  carried  out.  Foiled  in  his  attempt  to 
press  through  the  old  city  up  into  the  Antonia,  he 
relinquished  the  attempt,  anil  withdrew  to  Cesarea. 
Cestius  Gallus,  the  prefect,  now  found  it  necessary 
for  him  to  visit  the  city  in  person.  Agrippa  had 
shortly  before  returned  from  Alexandria,  and  had 
done  much  to  calm  the  people.  The  seditious  party 
in  the  Temple,  led  by  young  Eleazar,  son  of  Ana- 
nias, rejected  the  offerings  of  the  Roman  emperor, 
which  since  the  time  of  Julius  Cesar  had  been  reg- 
ularly made.  This,  as  a  direct  renunciation  of  al- 
legiance, was  the  true  beginning  of  the  war  with 
Rome.  Hostilities  at  once  began.  The  peace  party, 
headed  by  the  high-priest,  aud  fortified  by  Agrip- 
pa's  soldiers,  threw  themselves  into  the  upper  city. 
The  insurgents  held  the  Temple  and  the  lower  city. 
In  the  Antonia  was  a  small  Roman  garrison.  Fierce 
contests  lasted  for  seven  days,  each  side  endeavor 
ing  t'j  take  possession  of  the  part  held  by  the  other. 
At  last  the  insurgents  became  masters  of  both  city 
and  Temple.  But  they  were  not  to  remain  so  long. 
Cestius  Gallus  advanced  from  Scopus  on  the  city. 
He  encamped  opposite  the  palace  at  the  foot  of  the 
second  wall.  The  Jews  retired  to  the  upper  city 
and  to  the  Temple.  For  five  days  Cestius  assaulted 
the  wall  without  success ;  on  the  sixth  he  resolved 
to  make  one  more  attempt.  He  could  effect  nothing, 
and  when  night  came  he  drew  off  to  bis  camp  at 
Scopus.  Thither  the  insurgents  followed  him,  and 
in  tliree  days  gave  him  one  of  the  most  complete 
defeats  that  a  Roman  army  had  ever  undergone. 
War  with  Rome  was  now  inevitable.  The  walls 
were  repaired,  arms  and  warlike  instruments  and 
machines  of  all  kinds  fabricated,  and  other  prepa- 
rations made.  In  this  attitude  of  expectation  the 
city  remained  while  Vespasian  was  reducing  the  N. 
of  the  country,  and  till  the  fall  of  Giscala  (October 
or  November,  67).  Two  years  and  a  half  elapsed 
before  Titus  appeared  before  the  walls  of  Jerusa- 
lem. The  whole  of  that  time  was  occupied  in  con- 
tests between  tlie  moderate  party  and  the  Zealots 
or  fanatics.  At  the  beginning  of  70,  when  Titus 
made  his  appearance,  the  Zealots  themselves  were 
divided  into  two  parties — that  of  John  of  Giscala 
and  Eleszar,  who  held  the  Temple  and  its  courts, 
and  the  Antonia— 8,400  men  ;  that  of  Simon  Bar- 
Gioriis,  whose  headquarters  were  in  the  tower  Phas- 
aelus,  and  who  held  the  upper  city,  the  lower  city 
in  the  valley,  and  the  district  where  the  old  Acra 
had  fonnerly  stood,  N.  of  the  Temple — 10,000  men, 
and  5,000  Idumeans,  in  all  a  force  of  between 
23,000  and  24,000  soldiers  trained  in  the  civil  en- 
counters of  the  last  two  years  to  great  skill  and 
thorough  recklessness.  The  numbers  of  the  other 
inhabitants  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  decide.  Ti- 
tus's force  consisted  of  four  legions  and  some  auxil- 
iaries— at  the  outside  30,000  men.  These  were  dis- 
posed on  their  first  arrival  in  three  camps — the  12th 
and  15th  legions  on  the  ridge  of  Scopus,  about  one 
mile  X.  of  the  city ;  the  6th  a  little  in  the  rear, 
and  the  1 0th  ori  the  top  of  the  Mount  of  OUves,  to 


456 


JER 


JEB 


guard  the  road  to  the  Jordan  valley.  The  first 
operation  was  to  clear  the  ground  between  iseopus 
and  the  X.  wall  of  the  city.  This  occupied  four 
days.  The  next  step  was  to  get  possession  of  the 
outer  wall.  The  point  of  attack  chosen  was  in  Si- 
mon's portion  of  the  city,  at  a  low  and  comparatively 
weak  place  near  the  monument  of  Johxi  Hyrcanus. 
Round  this  spot  the  three  legions  erected  banks, 
from  which  they  opened  batteries,  pushing  up  the 
rams  and  other  engines  of  attack  to  the  foot  of  the 
wall.  Meantime  from  their  camp  on  the  Mount  of 
Olives  the  10th  legion  battered  the  Temple  and  the 
E.  side  of  the  city.  A  breach  was  made  on  the 
7th  Artemisius  (about  April  16) ;  and  here  the 
Romans  entered,  driving  the  Jews  before  them  to 
the  second  wall.  Titus  now  lay  with  the  second 
wall  of  the  city  close  to  him  on  his  right.  He  pre- 
ferred, before  advancing,  to  get  possession  of  the 
second  wall.  In  five  days  a  breach  was  again  ef- 
fected. The  district  into  which  the  Romans  had 
now  penetrated  was  the  great  valley  between  the 
two  main  hills  of  the  city.  Before  attacking  the 
Antonia,  Titus  resolved  to  give  his  troops  a  few 
days'  rest.  He  therefore  called  in  the  10th  legion 
from  the  Mount  of  Olives,  and  held  an  inspection 
of  the  whole  army  on  the  ground  N.  of  the  Temple. 
But  the  opportunity  was  thrown  away  upon  the 
Jews,  and  after  four  days  orders  were  given  to  re- 
commence the  attack.  Plithcrto  the  assault  had 
been  almost  entirely  on  the  city ;  it  was  now  to  be 
simultaneous  on  city  and  Temple.  Accordingly  two 
pairs  of  large  batteries  were  constructed,  the  one 
pair  in  front  of  the  Antonia,  the  other  at  the  old 
point  of  attack — the  monument  of  John  Hyrcanus. 
Tliey  absorbed  the  incessant  labor  of  seventeen 
days,  and  were  completed  on  the  29th  Artemisius 
(about  May  7).  But  the  Jews  undermined  the 
banks,  and  the  labor  of  the  Romans  was  totally  de- 
stroyed. At  the  other  point  Simon  had 
maintained  a  resistance  with  all  his 
fonner  intrepidity,  and  more  than  his 
former  success.  It  now  became  plain 
to  Titus  that  some  other  measure  for 
the  reduction  of  the  place  must  be 
adopted.  A  council  of  war  was  there- 
fore held,  and  it  was  resolved  to  en- 
compass the  whole  place  with  a  wall, 
and  then  recommence  the  assault.  Its 
entire  length  was  thirty-nine  furlongs, 
— very  near  five  miles  ;  and  it  con- 
tained thirteen  stations  or  guard-houses. 
The  whole  strength  of  the  army  was 
employed  on  the  work,  and  it  was  com- 
pleted in  tlie  .short  space  of  three 
days.  The  siege  was  then  vigorously 
pressed.  The  N.  attack  was  relin- 
quished, and  the  whole  force  concen- 
trated on  the  Antonia.  On  the  Sth 
Panemus  (June  11)  the  Antonia  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  Romans  (Jos.  B. ./.  vi.  1,  §  7).  An- 
other week  was  occupied  in  breaking  down  the  outer 
walls  of  the  fortress  for  the  passage  of  the  machines, 
and  a  further  delay  took  place  in  erecting  new  banks, 
on  the  fresh  level,  for  the  liombardment  and  battery 
of  the  Temple.  But  the  Romans  gradually  gained 
ground.     At  length,  on  the   10th   day  of  Ab  (July 


burnt  by  Nebuchadnezzar.  The  whole  of  the  clois- 
ters that  had  hitherto  escaped  were  now  all  burnt 
and  demolished.  Only  the  edifice  of  the  sanctuary 
itself  still  remained.  The  Temple  was  at  last 
gained  ;  but  it  seemed  as  if  half  the  work  remauied 
to  be  done.  The  upper  city  was  still  to  be  taken. 
Titus  first  tried  a  parley.  His  teims,  however,  were 
rejected,  and  no  alternative  was  left  him  but  to 
force  on  the  siege.  The  whole  of  the  low  part  of 
the  town  was  burnt.  It  took  eighteen  days  to  erect 
the  necessary  w  orks  for  the  siege :  the  four  legions 
were  once  more  stationed  at  the  W.  or  N.  W.  cor- 
ner where  Herod's  palace  abutted  en  the  wall,  and 
where  the  three  magnificent  and  impregnable  tow  ers 
of  Ilippicus,  Phasaelu.x,  and  Marianine  rose  conspic- 
uous. This  was  the  main  attack.  It  was  com- 
menced on  the  7th  of  Gorpia?us  (about  Septem- 
ber 11),  and  by  the  next  day  a  breach  was  made  in 
the  wall,  and  the  Romans  at  last  entered  the  city. 
The  city  being  taken,  such  parts  as  had  escaped 
the  former  conflagrations  were  burnt,  and  the 
whole  of  both  city  and  Temple  was  ordered  to  be 
demolished,  excepting  the  W.  vail  of  the  upper 
city,  and  Herod's  three  great  towers  at  the  N.  W. 
corner,  which  were  left  standing  as  njcmorials  of 
the  massive  nature  of  the  fortifications. — }  imii  ita 
deMruclion  hy  7 Hut: to Ihe prenent tinie{by  Mr.  Wright). 
For  more  than  fifty  ytars  after  its  destruction  by 
Titus,  Jerusalem  disapptars  fiom  liiEtory.  iJurir.g 
the  revolts  of  the  Jews  hiCyrtnai'.a,  Egypt,  Cyprus, 
and  Mesopotamia,  which  disturbed  the  latter  years 
of  Trajan,  the  recovery  of  their  city  was  never  at- 
tempted. But  hi  the  nipn  of  Hadrian  it  again 
emerged  liom  its  obscurity,  and  became  the  centre 
of  an  insurrection,  which  the  best  blood  of  Rome 
was  shed  to  subdue.  In  despair  of  kecpii^g  the 
Jews  in  subjection  by  other  means,  the  emperor 
had  formed  a  design  to  restore  Jerusalem,  and  thus 


Roman  Medal,  commemonitlnp  the  Capture  of  Jeniealem.— (Ayra.) 
jveree  ;    lle.id  ol  the  Enirtror,  with  the  inbcrlption  —  Imjurator  Titfin  Caxar  TetfoManut 
AvQuttut,  linlij'ex  Starmiut,   Trilttiuua  Piij'Ult fl\def  Patrtce,  I'ontul   \'I1I. ;    I.  e.  Lmjtior 
TtiuB  Ctiur   Vttyanan  Auguj^ut,  IJigft-t^iiti,  Trilune  t/^  Iju^  fiofU^FaOitr  of  Ah  t'tmntrj^ 
Ci/tttut /»r  the  tigl'tht'.m       "  *    "  "  ~"  '  '""  '"  "' 


baiida  ifed  beliia^  bU  back,  and  a  feuuil*.  sittiiip  ^n  the  pround  and  weeijln^, 
Judtta  cui'ta,  i.  e.  Judta  caftive  ;  Stvat 


.     ^ ,      th  llie  in- 
scription —  Judwa  rtij'ta,  l.  e.  Juata  c<ii>tive  ;  amattit  ■oiisuku,  i.  t.  in/  a  dteriti'J'tlitSfnatt, 
In  Bome  Roman  coins  of  the  Fmperora  Veflpasinn  and  Titae  the  female  representing  caf.tiva 
Judea  appears  under  the  palm-tree  weeping  and  guarded  by  a  Roman  soldier. 

prevent  it  from  ever  becoming  a  rallying-point  for 
this  turbulent  race.  In  furtherance  of  this  plan 
he  had  sent  thither  a  colony  of  veterans,  in  numbers 
sufficient  for  the  defence  of  a  position  so  strong  by. 
nature  against  the  then  known  modes  of  attack. 
The  embers  of  revolt,  long  smouldering,  burst  into 
a  flame  soon  after  Hadrian's  departure  from  the 
15),  by  the  wanton  act  of  a  soldier,  contrary  to  the  i  East  in  A.  d.  132.  Early  in  the  revolt  the  Jews  un- 
intention  of  Titus,  and  in  spite  (pf  every  exertion  I  derBar-Cocheba(=  «ono/"rt«toi-)  became  masters  of 
he  could  make  to  stop  it,  the  sanctuary  itself  was  I  Jerusalem,  and  attempted  to  rebuild  the  Temple, 
fired.     It  was  by  one   of  those  raie   coincidences     Hadrian,  alarmed  at  the  rapid  spread   of  the  insur- 


that  sometimes  occur,  the  very  same  month   and 
day  of  the  month  that  the  first  Temple  had  been 


rection,  and  the  ineffectual  efforts  of  his  troops  to 
repress  it,  summoned   from  Britain  Julius  Scverus, 


ssa. 


JER 


45T 


the  greatest  general  of  his  time,  to  take  the  com- 
niaud  of  tlie  army  of  Jiidea.  Two  years  were  spent 
iu  a  fierce  guerilla  warfare  before  Jerusalem  was 
taken,  after  a  desperate  defence  in  which  Bar-Co- 
cheba  perisheJ.  But  the  war  did  not  end  with  the 
capture  of  the  city.  The  Jews  in  great  force  had 
occupied  the  fortress  of  Bother,'  and  there  main- 
tained a  struggle  with  all  the  tenacity  of  despair 
against  the  repeated  onsets  of  the  Romans.  At 
length,  worn  out  by  famine  and  disease,  they  yield- 
ed on  the  9tii  of  the  mouth  Ab,  A.  D.  135.  Bar- 
Cocheba  has  left  tr.iccs  of  his  occupation  of  Jeru- 
salem in  coins  wliieli  were  struck  during  the  first 
two  years  of  the  war.  Hadrian's  first  policy,  after 
the  suppre5siim  of  the  revolt,  was  to  obliterate  the 
existence  of  Jerusalem  as  a  city.  The  ruins  which 
Titus  had  left  were  razed  to  tlie  ground,  and  the 
plough  passed  over  the  foundnions  of  the  Temple. 
A  colony  of  R  jman  citizens  occupied  the  now  city, 
which  rose  fro-n  the  ashes  of  Jerusalem,  and  their 
number  was  afterward  augmented  by  the  emperor's 
veteran  legionaries.  It  was  not,  however,  till  the 
following  year,  a.  d.  136,  that  Hadrian,  on  celebrat- 
ing his  Vicennalia,  bc'towed  upon  the  new  city  the 
n.ime  of  Jilia  Oapitolina,  combining  witli  his  own 
family  title  tlie  name  of  Jupiter  of  the  Capitol,  the 
guardian  deity  of  the  colony.  Jews  were  forbidden 
to  enter  on  pain  of  death.  About  the  middle  of 
the  touvth  century  the  Jews  were  allowed  to  visit 
the  neighborliDO  I,  and  afterward,  once  a  year,  to 
enter  the  city  itself,  and  weep  over  it  on  the  anni- 
versary of  its  capture.  So  completely  were  all 
traces  of  the  ancient  city  obliterated,  that  its  very 
name  was  in  process  of  time  forgotten.  It  was  not 
till  after  Constantino  built  the  Mar/i/non  on  the 
site  of  tlie  crucifixion,  that  its  ancient  appellation 
was  revived. — .\fter  the  inauguration  of  the  new 
c  )lony  of  yElia,  the  annals  of  the  city  again  relapse 
into  obscurity.  The  aged  Empress  Helena,  mother 
of  Constantine,  visited  Palestine  in  a.  n.  326,  and, 
according  to  tradition,  erect^'d  magnificent  churches 
at  Bethlehem,  and  on  the  Mount  of  Olives.  Her 
son,  fired  with  the  same  zeal,  swept  away  the  shrine 
of  Astarte  (Asmtorktii),  wliich  occupied  the  site  of 
the  resurrection,  an  1  foundeil  in  its  stead  a  chapel 
or  oratory  (see  III.  g  10,  below).  In  the  reign  of 
Julian  (a.  n.  3fi2)  the  Jew.s,  with  the  permission  and 
at  the  instigation  of  the  emperor,  made  an  abortive 
attempt  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  temple.  Mate- 
rials of  every  kind  were  provided  at  the  emperor's 
expense;  hut  the  work  was  interrupted  by  fire, 
which  all  attributed  to  supernatural  agency  (see  III. 
§  11,  below). — During  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries 
Jerusalem  becjime  the  centre  of  attraction  for  pil- 
grims from  all  regions,  and  its  bishops  oontended 
witli  those  of  Cesarea  for  the  supremacy ;  but  it 
was  not  till  after  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  (451- 
453)  that  it  was  m  ide  an  independent  patriarchate. 
In  529  the  Emperor  Justinian  founded  at  Jerusalem 
a  splendid  church  in  honor  of  the  Virgin,  which 
has  been  identified  by  nmst  writers  with  the  build- 
ing known  is  the  Mos'iue  el-Aksa,  but  of  which 
probably  no  remains  now  exi.st  (see  III.  §  12,  below). 
For  nearly  five  centuries  the  city  had  been  free  from 
the  horrors  of  war.  But  this  rest  was  roughly 
broken  by  the  invading  Persian  army  under  Chos- 
roes  II.  The  city  was  invested,  and  taken  by  as- 
sault in  June,  614.    After  a  struggle  of  fourteen 


'  The  site  of  B<t'or  in  a  (INpntcd  point,  Ccllnrliis  and 
others  plai-1n'.'  It  nt  tho  npp<T  Bktii  iionoN,  Rolilu»on  (Hi. 
270,  &c.)  susjestliis  its  Idcntllv  with  Bkthel  1,  Ac. 


years  the  imperial  arms  were  again  victorious,  and 
in  028  Ileraclius  entered  Jerusalem  on  foot.  The 
dominion  of  the  Christians  in  the  Holy  City  was 
now  rapidly  drawing  to  a  close.  After  an  obstinate 
defence  of  four  months,  in  the  depth  of  winter, 
against  the  impetuous  attacks  of  the  Arabs,  the 
patriarch  Soplironius  smrendered  to  the  Khnlif 
Omar  in  pcrscm,  A.  D.  637.  M'ith  the  fall  of  the 
Abassides  the  Holy  City  passed  into  the  hands  of 
the  Katimite  conqueror  JIucz,  who  fixed  the  scat  of 
his  empire  at  Muxr  tl-h'uhirah,  the  modern  Cairo 
(a.  d.  969).  Under  the  Fatimite  dynasty  the  suf- 
ferings of  the  Christians  in  Jtrusalcm  reached  their 
height,  when  El-Ilakem,  the  third  of  his  line,  as- 
cended the  throne  (a.  u.  996).  About  1084  it  was 
bestowed  by  Tulush,  the  brother  of  Meiek  Shah, 
upon  Ortok,  chief  of  a  Tuikman  horde  under  bis 
command.  From  this  time  till  1091  Ortok  was 
emir  of  the  city,  and  on  his  death  it  was  held  as 
a  kind  of  fief  by  his  sons  IlphAzy  and  Suk- 
m4n,  whose  fcverity  to  the  Christians  became 
the  proximate  cause  of  the  Crusades.  On  the 
7th  of  June,  1099,  the  crusading  army  nj:- 
peared  before  the  walls.  Their  camp  extended 
from  the  gate  of  St.  Stc)  hen  to  that  beneath  the 
tower  of  David.  On  the  filth  day  after  their  arri- 
val the  crusaders  nttackid  the  city,  and  at  three 
o'clock  on  Friday  the  15th  of  July  Jerusalem  was 
in  the  hands  of  the  crusaders.  Churches  were 
established,  and  for  eighty-eight  years  Jerusalem 
remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Christians.  In  1187 
it  was  retaken  by  Saladin  after  a  siege  of  several 
weeks.  In  1277  Jerusalem  was  nominally  annexed 
to  the  kingdom  of  Sicily.  In  1517  it  passed  under 
the  sway  of  the  Ottoman  Sultan  Sclim  I.,  whose 
successor  Sulirnan  built  the  present  walls  of  the 
city  in  1542.  Mohammed  Ali,  the  Pas-ha  of  Egypt, 
took  possession  of  it  in  1832.  In  1834  it  was 
seized  and  held  for  a  time  by  the  Fe/ld/iiu  {Ar.  r= 
ndtivntors,  tillers  of  the  sfiil,  Robinson),  during 
the  insurrection,  and  in  1840,  after  the  bombard- 
ment of  Acre,  was  again  restored  to  the  Sultan. — 
III.  Topography  of  the  City.  (Originally  by  Mr. 
Fergusson,  but  essentially  altered  by  the  American 
editor.)  There  are  at  present  before  the  public 
three  distinct  views  of  the  topogiai)hy  of  Jerusalem, 
so  discrepant  from  one  another  in  their  most  essen- 
tial features,  that  a  disinterested  person  might 
(airly  feel  himself  justified  in  assuming  that  there 
existed  no  real  data  for  the  determination  of  the 
points  at  issue,  and  that  the  disputed  questions 
must  forever  remain  in  the  same  unsatisfactory 
state  as  at  present. — 1.  The  first  of  these  theories 
consists  in  the  belief  that  all  the  sacred  localities 
were  correctly  ascertained  in  the  early  ages  of 
Christianity ;  and,  what  is  still  more  important, 
that  none  have  been  changed  during  the  dark  ages 
that  followed,  or  in  the  numerous  revolutions  to 
which  the  city  has  been  exposed.  The  first  person 
who  ventured  publicly  to  express  his  di.ssent  from 
this  view  was  Korte,  a  German  printer,  who  trav. 
elled  in  Palestine  about  1728,  and  on  his  return 
home  published  a  work  denying  the  authenticity  of 
the  so-called  sacred  localities.  The  nrgumeuts  in 
favor  of  the  present  localities  being  the  correct  ones 
are  well  summed  up  by  the  Rev.  George  Williams, 
in  his  work  on  the  Holy  City,  and  with  the  assist- 
ance of  Professor  Willis  all  has  been  said  that  can 
be  urged  in  favor  of  their  authenticity. — 2.  Profes- 
sor Robinson,  on  the  other  hand,  in  his  elaborate 
works  on  Palestine,  has  brought  together  all  the 
arguments  which,  from  the  time  of  Korte,  hav» 


458 


JER 


JEU 


Th  •  Map  of  JcrusK  «  u  a    edu  td  Trom  the  Mnp  1    CaaMll  t  Bible  Dictionary 


been  accumulatinj;  against  the  authenticity  of  the 
mcdiaval  sites  and  traditions.  Robinson  (iii.  20fi) 
sets  down  as  admitted  bv  himself  and  most  writers 
(1.)  that  ZiON  was  the  S.  W.  hill  of  the  city;  (2.) 
that  MoRiAH,  the  site  of  the  Jewish  Temple,  was 
the  present  Haram  area,  E.  and  X.  E.  of  Zion ;  (3.) 


that  the  ancient  tower  just  S.  of  the  Jaffa  gate  is 
the  Hippicus  of  Josephus ;  (4.)  that  the  ancient  re- 
mains connected  with  the  present  Damascus  pate 
are  those  of  an  ancient  gate  on  that  spot,  belonging 
to  the  second  wall  of  Josephus. — 8.  The  third 
theory  is  that  put  forward  by  Mr.  Fergusson  in  his 


JF.R 


JER 


459 


"  Essay  on  the  Ancient  Topography  of  Jerusalem." 
It  agrees  generally  with  the  views  urged  by  all 
those  from  Korte  to  Roljinson,  who  doubt  the  au- 
thenticity of  tlie  present  site  of  the  sepulchre ;  but 
goes  on  to  assert  that  the  Mount  ZioN  of  the  Scrip- 
tures is  the  hill  on  which  the  Temple  stood  (  = 
Mount  Moriah,  or  the  E.  hill  of  the  city),  and  that 
the  building  now  known  to  Christians  as  the  Mosque 
of  Omar,  hut  by  Moslems  called  the  Dome  of  the 
Rock,  is  the  identical  church  which  Constantiue 
erected  over  the  n.ck  which  contained  the  Tomb 
of  Christ     Joscphus  {B.  J.  v.  4)  describes  Jerusa- 


lem as  fortified  with  three  walls,  wherever  it  was 
not  encompassed  with  impassable  ravines  (there  it 
had  but  one  wall),  and  as  built  tace  to  face  on  two 
hills,  separated  by  a  ravine  between,  at  which  the 
houses,  one  upon  another,  ended.  Of  these  hills 
that  which  had  the  ui)per  city  was  much  higher 
and  straighter  in  its  length.  The  other,  called 
Akra,  on  which  stood  the  lower  city,  was  gibbous. 
Over  against  this  was  a  third  hill,  naturally  lower 
than  Akra,  and  formerly  separated  from  it  by  an- 
other broad  ravine ;  but  afterward,  when  the  As- 
nioueans  ruled,  desiring  to  join  the  city  to  the  Tem- 


-«-S.T.,. 


MuS^ocfl  in  the  llaram  (Ar.  —  //o/y)  aT«a,  Irom  the  N.  W. — From  a  photograph  by  J.  Gralinm. — (Ayre.) 
The  Dome  of  the  Rock  is  the  most  prominent  uioeque  i  el-Akaa  is  that  In  the  distance. 


pie,  they  filled  up  the  ravine  with  earth,  and  then 
lowered  the  summit  of  Akra  that  the  Temple  might 
appear  above  it.  The  so-called  ravine  of  the  cheese- 
makers  (Tyropoeon),  mentioned  above  as  separating 
the  hill  of  the  upper  city  and  the  lower  hill,  ex- 
tends down  to  SUoam.  E.\ternally  the  two  hills  of 
the  city  wore  encompassed  by  deep  ravines ;  and  it 
was  nowhere  approachable  on  account  of  the  preei- 
piees  on  each  side.  (See  also  g  3  below.)  In  at- 
tempting to  follow  his  description  there  are  two 
points  which  it  is  necessary  should  be  fi.tcd,  in  or- 
der to  understand  what  follows:  (1.)  the  position 
and  dimensions  of  the  Temple ;  (2.)  the  position 
of  the  Tower  Hippicus. — §  1.  SUe  of  the  Temple. 
Without  any  exception,  all  topographers  are  now 
agreed  that  the  Temple  stood  within  the  limits  of 
the  great  area  now  known  as  the  Haram  (which  is 
[so  Robinson]  907i  '*'''  broad  at  the  south  end,  and 
about  1,066  at  the  north  end,  and  1,528  feet  long), 
though  at  least  one  author  places  it  in  the  centre,  and 
not  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the  enclosure.  With 
this  exception  all  topographers  are  agreed  that  the 
southwestern  angle  of  tl  c  Haram  area  was  one  of 
the  angles  of  the  ancient  Jewish  Temple.  Mr. 
Vergus-^on  regards  the  evidence  as  conclusive,  that 
Josephus  was  literally  correct  when  he  said  that  the 
Temple  was  an  exact  square  of  a  stadium,  or  600 


Greek  feet,  on  each  side.  He  therefore  holds  that 
the  Temple  extended  from  the  southwestern  angle 
of   the  Hai'am  area  about  tno-thiiils  of  the  whole 


Bemaini  of  Arch  of  T/n 


distance  to  the  southeastern  angle,  and  about  two- 
fifths  of  the  distance  to  the  northwestern  angle, 
and  thus  places  the  Mosque  of  Omar  just  outsid« 


460 


JER 


JER 


of  the  ancient  Temple.  Mr.  Fergusson  claims,  as 
supporting  his  conclusion,  that  the  Hararn  area  is 
filled  up  pcifectly  solid,  with  the  exception  of  the 
great  tuimel-like  entrance  under  the  mosque  el-Aksa, 
until,  600  feet  E.  from  the  southwestern  angle,  we 
arrive  at  a  wall  running  N.,  beyond  which  the  area 
is  filled  up  with  a  series  of  light  arches,  supported 
on  square  piers,  and  incapable  of  sustaining  the 
weight  of  any  large  building.  The  Tahnud  asserts 
that  the  Temple  was  a  square  of  500  cubits  each 
side.  Robinson  (i.  290-292)  holds  "  that  the  area  of 
the  Jewish  Temple  was  identical  on  its  W.,  E.,  and 
S.  sides,  with  the  present  enclosure  of  the  Haram," 
which  he  supposes  "  has  been  enlarged  toward  the 
N."  He  says  (iii.  220),  "On  beholding  the  im- 
mense stMues  and  the  elaborate  masonry  ol  some 
of  the  lower  portions  of  the  exterior  wall  around 
the  present  Haram  enclosure,  the  traveller  receives 
at  once  the  conviction,  that  they  are  of  earlier  date 
than  the  rest  of  the  wall,  and  that  he  has  before 


•S^^ifj; 


Jewi'  WaiHrg-place.    See  Moubmno. 


him  the  massive  substructions  of  the  ancient  Jev/- 
ish  Temple.  This  is  true  especially  of  the  Jewish 
wailing-place  and  the  southwest  corner  ;  of  large 
portions  of  the  southern  wall,  as  also  the   south- 


east corner  on  its  two  sides.  Such  has  been  the 
impression  received  by  travellers  for  centuries ;  and 
such  it  will  probably  continue  to  be  so  long  as 
these  remains  endure."  (See  MoRi.vii  2,  and  §g  10 
II,  below.) — §  2.  Hi/iplcus.  Of  all  the  towers  that 
once  adorned  the  city  of  Jerusalem  orjly  one  now 
exists  in  any  thing  hke  a  state  of  pcifcction,  viz. 
that  called  the  lowtr,  or  caslle,  of  David,  in  the 
centre  of  the  citadel,  near  the  Jaffa  gate,  which 
from  its  prominence  now,  and  the  importance  which 
Josephus  ascribes  to  the  tower,  has  bet-n  generally 
assumed  to  be  the  tower  Hippicus.  The  reasons, 
however,  against  this  assumption  are  too  cogent  to 
allow  of  the  identity  being  admitted.  But  at  the 
northwestern  angle  of  the  present  city  there  are 
the  remains  of  an  ancient  building  of  bevelled  ma- 
sonry and  large  stones,  the  Kasr  Ju/uil,  which  Mr. 
Fergusson  identifies  with  the  Hippicus  of  Josiphus. 
Dr.  J.  I'.  Thompson  (in  Kitto),  and  Dr.  H.Bonar  (in 
Fairbairn),  without  acquiescing  fully  in  Mr.  Fergus- 
son's  identification,  are  disposed  to  place  Hippicus  in 
this  neighboihood. — §3.  Walls.  As  described  by  Jo- 
sephus, the  first  or  old  wall  began  on  the  N.  at  the 
tower  called  Hippicus,  and,  extending  to  the  Xyslus 
(an  open  place,  in  the  extreme  part  of  the  u|  per 
city,  where  the  people  sometimes  assembled,  and 
which  was  conntcted  with  the  Temple  by  a  bii'ge 
[Robinsonl),  joined  the  council-house,  and  ended  ;;t 
the  west  cloister  of  the  Temple.  Its  southern  di- 
rection is  dcFcribed  as  passing  the  gate  of  the  Es- 
scnes  (probably  the  modern  Jaffa  gate,  so  Mr.  Fer- 
gusson ;  Kitto  supposes  it  perhaps  =  the  "dung- 
gate  "  on  the  south  side),  and,  bending  above  the 
fountain  of  Siloam,it  reached  Ophel.and  was  joined 
to  the  eastern  cloister  of  the  Temple.  The  second 
wall  began  at  tl'c  pate  Gennath,  in  the  old  wall, 
probably  near  the  Hippicus,  and  passed  round  the 
northern  quarter  of  the  city,  and  jcined  the  fortress 
Antopia.  The  third  wall  was  built  by  King  Hciod 
Agrippa  ;  and  was  hitmdcd  to  enclose  the  suburbs 
wlileli  had  grown  out  on  the  northern  sides  of  the 
city,  which  before  this  had  been  left  exposed.  It 
began  at  the  Hippicus,  and  reached  as  far  as  the 
tower  Pscphinus,  till  it  came  opposite  the  monu- 
ment tf  Queen  Helena  of  Adiabene  ;  it  then  passed 


The  Cnitle  of  DavW  and  Jaffa  Gat«.— From  a  photogrfiph  by  Rev.  W.  R.  BridgOfc— (Fbn.) 

by  the  sepulchral  monuments  of  the  kings,  and,  I  After  describing  these  walls,  Josephus  adds  that  the 
turning  south  at  the  monument  of  the  Fuller, .;(»»«/  whole  circumference  of  the  ciiy  was  thirty-three 
the  old  wall  at  the  valley  called  the  vaUey  of  Kidron.  \  stadia,  or  nearly  four  English  miles.     He  then  adds 


3m 


JER 


iet 


Eaat  Coraer  of  the  South  Wall  and  the  Mount  of  Olives,  from  S.  W.— From  ft  photograph  by  J  Graham.— <Ayre.) 
The  Mount  of  Olirea  opptartoD  th«  right,  crowned  by  the  Church  of  the  AicenaioQ, 


that  the  number  of  towers  in  the  olil  wall  was  sixty, 
the  middle  wall  forty,  and  the  new  wall  ninety. — 


§  4.  Attfonia.  The  low- 
er or  cwitie  of  Antosia 
(also  called  Bai-is,  the 
"  castle "  of  Acts  xxi. 
24,  37,  &c.) certainly  waj 
attached  to  the  Tcniplo 
buildings,  and  on  \\ij 
northern  side  of  them  ; 
but  whether  covering 
the  whole  space,  or  on- 
ly a  portion,  has  been 
much  disputed.  After 
stating  that  the  Temple 
was  four  square,  and  a 
stadium  on  each  side, 
Josephus  goes  on  to  say 
tliut  with  Antonia  it  was 
six  stadia  in  circumfer- 
ence. The  most  obvious 
conclusion  from  this 
woul.l  be  (according  to 
Jlr.  Fergiisson)  that  the 
Antonia  occupied  prac- 
tically the  platform  on 
which  the  so-called 
Mosque  of  Omar  now 
stands.  But,  from  cer- 
tain facts  connected  with 
the  siege,  Mr.  Kcrgus- 
Bon  concludes  that  the 
Antonia  was  a  tower  or 
keep  attached  to  the 
northwe.-^tern  angle  of 
the  Temple.  Robinson 
(iii.  231  ff.)  regards  An- 
tonia as  a  fortress,  with 
the  extent  and  arrange- 
ments of  a  palace,  occu- 
pying perhaps  the  whole 
north  part  of  the  pres- 
ent Haram  area,  having 
in  its  northwestern  part 
an  inner  citadel  or  acro- 
polis of  the  same  name, 
and,  where  itjoined  upon 


the  northern  aiid  western  porticoes  of  the  Temple, 
flights  of  stairs  descending  to  both. — §  5.  Hills  and 
Vallei/s.  Topographers  are  still  at  issue  as 
to  the  true  direction  of  tlie  upper  part  of  the 
Tyropceon  (=  cheesf-makers')  valley,  and  con- 
8equentlv,  as  to  the  position  of  Acra  (Gr. 
Akra).  '  Rev.  J.  P.  Thompson,  D.  D.  (in 
Kitto)  enumerates  .^even  theories  : — (1.)  Akra 
is  the  ridge  between  the  .Jaffa  and  Damascus 
gates,  the  principal  Christian  quarter  of  the 
modern  city  (Reland,  Von  Raumcr,  Robinson, 
Stanley,  &c.).  The  Tyropocon  then  hcsan  at 
the  Jaffa  gate.  (2.)  Akra  is  X.  of  the  haram 
area,  and  contiguous  to  it,  and  E.  of  the 
valley  that  runs  S.  from  the  Damascus  gate, 
which  then  becomes  the  Tyropiron :  Zion 
thus  extended  X.  so  as  to  embrace  in  whole 
or  in  part  the  ridge  which  is  the  Akra  of  No.  1, 
and  includes  the  whole  of  the  Chrstian,  Ar- 
menian, aad  Jewish  quarters,  while  Akra  lies 
wholly  in  the  Mohammedan  quarter  of  mod- 
cm  Jerusalem  (Ritter,  Schwartz).  (3.)  Akra, 
as  in  No.  2,  =  the  hill  of  the  Moliammcdan 
quarter;  but  Zion  ia  not  extended  X.  so  as  to 
stand  face  to  face  with  it  (Williams,  Smith's 
Did.  nf  Ocog.).     (4.)  Akra  was  the  portion 


Ostl'juMftpcrJ'im>alemtoinn<trat<aoi»"iftbeninlnp  Inliln  the  top-graphical    of  the  Harain   esh-Sherif  not  OCCHpiod  by  tho 
controTeralea.-  Rev.  J.  P.  Tbompion,  D.D,  in  Kitto.)  ,/  »  •' 


463 


JER 


JER 


Temple  (Schultz,  Krafft).  (6.)  Akra  was  the  ridge  S. 
of  tlio  Temple  ai  ca  and  E.  ol'Zion,  commonly  known 
as  Ophcl  (Prot.  Justus  Olshausen).  (6.)  Akra  was 
the  lower  E.  portion  of  the  hill  commonly  known 
as  Zion,  i.  e.  Akra  =  the  Jewish  quarter,  and  Zion 
=:  the  Armenian  quarter  (Dr.  Titus  Tobler).  (7.) 
Akra  is  the  entire  ridge  of  the  Haram  (Tlirupp). 
Thrupp  and  Fcrgusson  agree  that  the  Temple-hill 
was  the  ancient  Zion,  the  city  of  David.  The  first 
and  second  of  the  above  theories  (so  Dr.  Tliomp- 
BOn)  appear  the  most  tenable. — §  6.  I'opulaiion. 
Jlr.  Fergusson  regards  the  assertions  of  Joscphus 
that  three  millions  were  collected  in  Jerusalem  at 
the  Passover ;  that  a  million  of  people  perished  in 
the  siege ;  that  100,000  escaped,  &c.,  as  greatly  ex- 
aggerated. Mr.  Fergusson  estimates  that  the  popu- 
lation of  Jerusalem,  in  its  days  of  greatest  prrs- 
perity,  may  have  amounted  to  from  30,000  to  45,000 
souls,  but  could  hardly  ever  have  reached  50,000; 
and  that  there  may  have  been  60,000  or  70,000  in 
the  city  when  Titus  came  up  against  it.  Thomson 
(ii.  689  ff.)  considers  that  we  are  not  required  to 
iind  room  for  more  than  200,000 r«y«/aj- inhabitants 
at  Jerusalem  in  her  highest  prospeiity  and  largest 
extent ;  and  that  no  impartial  person  who  hns  op- 
portunity to  examine  modern  Eastern  cities,  or  to 
observe  how  densely  the  poor  Jews  can  and  do  pack 
themselves  away  in  the  most  wretched  hovels,  will 
deem  it  extravagant  to  suppose  this  number  of  res- 
idents in  the  ancient  city,  wliicli  had  an  area  of  about 
one  square  mile.  The  great  numbers  as.-embled  in 
Jerusalem  at  the  Passover,  &c.,  were  mostly  stran- 
gers, not  citizens.  The  great  feasts  occurred  in  the 
warm,  non-rainy  months  when  throughout  southern 
Palestine  the  people  do  not  hesitate  to  sleep  in  the 
open  air,  under  trees,  vines,  and  even  in  open  gar- 
dens ;  and  thus  not  only  two,  but  six  millions  of 
people  could  find  room  to  eat  and  sleep  on  the 
mountains  "round  about  Jerusalem."  The  present 
population  of  Jerusalem  has  been  variously  esti- 
mated at  from  10,000  to  26,000.  Dr.  Picrott'i  gives 
the  number  as  20,830,  viz.  5,068  Christians  of  all 
sects,  7,550  Moslems  (Arabs  and  Turks),  7,700  Jews 
(Dr.  Bon.ir  in  Fairbairn). — §  7.  Zion.  It  cannot  be 
disputed  that  from  the  time  of  Constantino  down- 
ward to  the  present  day,  this  name  has  been  applied 
to  the  western  hill  on  which  the  city  of  Jerusalem 
now  stands,  and  in  fact  always  stood.  Notwith- 
standing this,  Mr.  Fergusson,  in  opposition  to  the  al- 
most unanimous  opinion  of  scholars  and  travellers, 
maintains  that,  up  to  the  time  of  tlie  destruction  of 
the  city  by  Titua,  the  name  was  applied  exclusively 
to  the  eastern  hill,  or  that  on  which  the  Temple 
stood.  From  2  Sam.  v.  7,  and  1  Chr.  xi.  5-8,  it  is 
clear  that  Zion  :=  the  city  of  David.  Here  the  ark 
of  God  dwelt  in  curtains ;  here  was  the  abode  of 
David  and  of  Jehovah  before  the  Temple  was  built; 
here  was  the  seat  of  the  theocracy.  "  The  term 
Zion,"  says  Rev.  S.  Wolcott,  D.  D.  {B.  S.  xxiii.  691), 
"came,  naturally,  to  be  employed,  both  by  sacred 
and  profane  writers,  as  the  representation  of  the 
whole  city,  of  which  it  formed  so  prominent  a  part. 
It  was  thus  used  by  the  later  prophets  (Jer.  xxxi. 
6  ;  Joel  iii.  17,  21,  &c.),  as  also  in  Maccabees  (1  Mc. 
iv.  37,  60,  vii.  33),  where  it  evidently  inclvdcs  the 
Temple  and  adjacent  mount."  "To  one  who  ap- 
proaches it  from  the  S.,  the  precipitous  brow  of 
Zion  inverts  the  description — "  the  sides  of  the  N." 
(Ps.  xlviii.  2) — with  a  force  and  beauty  which  would 
be  lost  by  a  transfer  to  the  other  eminence."  Dr. 
Bonar  (in  Fairbairn)  considers  "the  sides  of  the 
N."  (Ps.  xlviii.  2  ;  Is.  xiv.  13)  =  the  "city  "  proper, 


or  lower  rrarket,  on  Akra,  as  contrasted  with  Zion, 
the  upper  city.  "  It  is  a  mistaken  impression," 
says  Dr.  Wolcott  (1.  c),  "  that  greater  sanctity  is 
ascribed  to  Zion  than  to  Jerusalem,  or  that  the  two 
names  arc,  in  this  respect,  carefully  distinguished  " 
(see  Ps.  cxxxv.  21,  exxxviii. ;  Is.  Hi.  1,  2  ;  2  Chr. 
vi.  6;  Ezr.  vii.  15;  Zech.  viii.  3,  &c. ;  compaie 
Num.  xxiii.  7,  xxiv.  5,  &;c.).  "  Our  Saviour  ex- 
pressly forbade  the  protanation  ol  the  name  (Mat. 
V.  86);  and  through  the  force  of  the  same  sacred 
associations,  the  beloved  disciple  could  find  no  more 
fitting  type  of  heaven  itself,  as  he  beheld  it  in 
vision— the  New  JenisaUm  of  the  saints  in  glory" 
(Rev.  xxi.  2). — §  8.  Topography  of  Nilumiah.  The 
only  description  of  the  ancient  city  of  Jerusalem 
which  exists  in  the  Bible,  so  extensive  in  form  as 
to  enable  us  to  follow  it  os  a  topographical  descrip- 
tion, is  that  found  in  Ncheniiah,  and  although  it  is 
hardly  sufTiciently  distinct  to  enable  us  to  settle  M 
the  mcot  points,  it  contains  such  valuable  indica- 
tions that  it  is  well  worthy  of  the  most  attentive 
examination.  The  easiest  way  to  arrive  at  any  cor- 
rect conclusion  regarding  it,  is  to  take  first  the 
description  of  the  Dedication  of  the  Walls  in  chap- 
ter xii.  (31-40),  and  drawing  such  a  diagram  as  this, 
we  easily  get  at  the  main  features  of  the  old  wall 


TO«Ell\cr  MSAH 


«HEEP\CATE 

pniSQW  CATC 


Clngntm  of  FlacM  meotloned  In  Pedlcttion  of  WalU  (■ccordlng  to  Mr. 
FergUMon). 

at  least.     If  from  this  we  turn  to  chapter  iii.,  which 

gives  a  description  of  the  repairs  of  the  wall,  we 
iiavc  no  diffieulty  (so  Mr.  Fergusson  ;  but  see  above) 
in  identifying  all  the  jilaccs  mentioned  in  the  first 
sixteen  verses,  with  those  enumerated  in  chapter 
xii. — §9.  Waters  of  J<rttia/(m.  "  Jeri;salem  lies  in 
the  midst  of  a  rocky  limestone  region,  throughout 
which  fountains  andwclls  are  comparatively  rare" 
(Rbn.  i.  823).  Yet,  according  to  Dr.  Barclay  ( DV.i/ 
of  the  Great  Kwg\  there  are,  within  a  radius  of 
seven  miles,  some  thirty  or  forty  natural  springs. 
"  The  artificial  provisicn  for  supply  of  water  in  Je- 
rusalem in  ancient  times  was  perhaps  the  most 
complete  and  extensive  ever  undertaken  for  a  citj-. 
The  aqueduct  of  Solomon  (winding  along  for  twelve 
and  a  quarter  miles)  pours  the  waters  of  the  three 
immense  pools  into  the  enormous  temple-wells,  cut 
out  like  caverns  in  the  rock;  and  the  pools,  which 
surround  the  city  in  all  directions,  supply  to  a  great 
extent  the  want  of  ii  liver  or  lake.  The  ancient 
pools  were:  (1.)  The  upper  pool  (2  K.  xviii.  17). 
(2.)  The  king's  pool  (Neh.  ii.  14).  (Siloam  ?)  (8.) 
The  pool  of  Siloah  (iii.  15).  (Piioam  ?)  (4.)  The 
pool  that  was  made  (iii.  16).     (6.)  The  lower  pcol 


JBft 


JER 


463 


(l3.  xxii.  9).  (6.)  Tlie  old  pool  (xxii.  4).  (7.)  The 
pool  of  BEriiESDA  (Jd.  v.  2).  (8.)  The  pool  of  Si- 
loam  (ix.  7).  The  chief  modem  pools  are:  (1.) 
SilWilii  (SiLOAM).  (2.)  Birkel  fs-{<u/td»,  S.  of  the 
city,  along  the  side  of  which  the  Bethlehem  road 
ruiii;  perhaps  =  "the  pool  tliat  was  made"  (No. 
4  above).  (3.)  Birkel  el-Miunilla,  W.  of  the  present 
Jaffa  gate ;  perhaps  —  the  waters  of  the  upper  pool, 
from  which  Hezckiah  made  a  conduit,  and  led  the 
water  into  the  heart  of  the  city,  down  the  Tyro- 
pieon.  (4.)  Birkel  Hammam  el-Batrak,  within  the 
city  wall.s,  c;illed  traditionally  the  Pool  of  Heiekiah. 
(6.)  Birkel  es-Serain,  or  Birkel  Israel,  near  tiie  mod- 
ern St.  Stephen's  gate ;  probably  ::=  Bethesda. 
There  have  been  pools  also  in  former  ages,  not 
small  in  size,  which  have  disappeared.  These  pools 
and  wells  are  not  kept  in  very  good  repair,  and  sel- 
dom contain  much  or  good  water.  The  Um  ed-Deraj, 
the  traditional  FoUHtain  of  Ihe  Virgin  (see  Siloam), 
is  always  filled  and  flowing,  supplying  water  to  the 
inhabitants  of  .Jerusalem,  but  especially  to  those  of 
the  village  Siliodn.  It  is  to  tanks  or  pools  that 
Jerusalem  has  to  look  for  its  water-supply ;  and 
since  its  annual  rain-fall  is  twice  as  much  as  that  of 
England,  there  ought  not  to  be  any  lack"  (Dr.  II. 
Boaar  in  Fairbairn).  Of  the  above-mentioned  mod- 
ern pools,  Uobinson,  Thomson,  Wilson,  Van  de 
Velde,  kc,  identify  No.  3  with  the  ancient  "  uppar 
pool,"  or  "  watercourse"  of  Ginov,  and  No.  2  with 
the  "  lower  pool."  Robinson  (i.  346,  &c.)  supposes  j 
the  fountain  of  Gihon,  which  supplied  these  pools, 
anciently  existed  on  the  W.  side  of  Jerusalem  in 
the  basin  or  head  of  the  valley  of  Hinnom,  down 


which  its  waters  naturally  flowed  till  Hezekiah 
covered  the  fountain  and  brouglit  down  ils  waters 
by  subterranean  channels  into  the  city.  Mr.  Wil- 
liams {Holi/  City)  and  others  suppose  Gihon  =  the 
Tyropoeon  valley,  that  the  upper  pool  of  Gilion  was 
on  the  N.  side  of  Jerusalem,  not  iiir  from  the  Tombs 
of  the  Kings,  and  that  the  lower  Gihon  was  the 
pool  of  Siloam.  Mr.  Lewin,  &c.,  consider  Gihon  = 
the  valley  of  Jehoshaphat,  the  lower  Gihon  =  the 
Fountain  of  the  Virgin,  and  tlio  upper  Gilion  = 
some  spring  further  N.  (Cistern  ;  Uuagon-well  ; 
Foot,  &c.)— §  10.  Site  of  Uolji  Sepulchre.  As  the 
question  now  stands,  the  fixation  of  the  site  depends 
mainly  on  the  answers  that  may  be  given  to  two 
questions: — (1.)  Did  Constantino  and  those  who 
acted  with  him  (a.  d.  32G)  possess  sudieient  in- 
formation to  enable  them  to  ascertain  exactly  the 
precise  localities  of  the  crucifixion  and  burial  of 
Christ?  (2.)  Is  the  present  church  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  that  which  he  built,  or  does  it  stand  on 
the  same  spot?  Mr.  Fergusson  answers  the  first 
question  in  the  affirmative,  and  claims  that  the  ac- 
count given  by  Eusebius  of  the  uueoverinf/  of  the 
rock  expresses  no  doubt  or  uncertainty  about  the 
matter.  Robinson  (iii.  257)  maintains  that  "the 
whole  tenor  of  the  language  both  of  Eusebius  and 
Constantino  shows  that  the  discovery  of  the  sep- 
ulchre was  hel  I  to  be  the  result,  not  of  a  previous 
knowledge  derived  from  tradition,  but  of  a  super- 
natural intimation."  Mr.  Fergusson  maintains  that 
the  language  of  Eusebius  is  minutely  descriptive  of 
the  site  of  the  building  now  known  as  the  Mosque 
of  Omar,  but  wholly  inapplicable  to  the  site  of  the 


Til*  Cborcli  of  th«  Holy  Sapalclira.— From  a  photograph.—  rbn.) 


present  Church  of  the  Iloly  Sepulchre.  Of  the 
buildings  which  Constantine  or  his  mother,  Helena, 
erected,  .Mr.  Fergusson  miiintains  that  two  now 
remain — the  one  the  Aiia»lati>  (Gr.  =  Jifiiirrec- 
lion,  now  [so  Mr.  Fergusson]  known  as  the  "  Mosqno 
of  Omar  "  and  the  "  Dome  of  the  Rock  "  f  Ar.  es-Sukh- 
roAJ),  a  circular  building  erected  over  the  tomb  it- 
self; the  other  the  "Golden  Gateway  "(Gate),  which 
(so  Mr.  Fergusson)  was  the  propylea  described  by  Eu- 
sebius as  leading  to  the  atrium  (hall)  of  the  bisilii-a. 
The  "Golden  Gateway,"  which  projects  from  the 
wall  into  the  interior  of  the  Haram,  is  now  used  as 
a  Moslem  place  of  prayer  (Robinson).  Mr.  Fergus- 
son  argues  that  the  site  of  the  Mosque  of  Omar 
was  both  outside  of  the  ancient  Temple  (see  §  1 
above)  and  outside  of  the  ancient  walls  of  the  city. 
To  this  Rev.  S.  Wolcott,  D.  D.,  formerly  an  Amer- 


ican Protestant  missionary  in  Palestine,  replies: 
"The  site  of  the  so-called  Mosque  of  Omar  could 
not  have  been,  in  our  Saviour's  day,  outside  of  the 
walls.  The  theory  would  break  up  the  solid  mason- 
ry of  the  ancient  substructions  of  the  Tomple-arca, 
still  existing,  making  one  portion  modem,  the  other 
ancient  in  a  way  which  i;  simply  incredible  "  {B.  S. 
xxiii.  69ri). — The  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  was 
erected  by  the  Emperor  Constantine  a.  n.  32(5-335. 
"Probably  no  one  at  the  present  day,  except  Mr. 
Fergusson  and  his  followers,  supposes  there  has  been 
any  transfer  of  the  site,  since  it  was  originally  fixed 
in  the  fourth  century  "  (Robinson).  The  Church 
itself  has  been  repeatedly  destroyed  (a.  d.  614,  969, 
1010, 1808)  and  rebuilt  (Bonar  in  Fairbairn).  It  is  es- 
teemed by  the  Armenians,  Greeks,  Roman  Catholics, 
lie,  tfw  holy  place  of  Jerusalem.     Chateaubriand, 


4.?A 


JER 


JES 


»Ukwri>/t  ^1  tbH  Uulueu  Grne.— i  i-.^ai  ;i  vi,;.v  by  (.'iitherwood. — (Fbu.) 

Von  Rnmiier,  Tischtndorf,  Olin,  Williams,  Picrotti, 
lie,,  dcf'uiul  its  claims  as  marking  the  true  site  of 
our  Loid's  buiial ;  but  Robinson,  Thomson,  Van  de 
Voldc,  Wilson,  Bonav,  Tobler,  Barclay,  and  many 
others,  discredit  them  (compare  Jn.  xix.  20;  Heb. 
xiii.  12).  (Calvary;  CntxiFixiON ;  Golgotha; 
Prktorium  ;  Tomb.) — ^11.  RdmikHny  of  ihe  Temple 
by  Julian.  Even  if  we  have  not  historical  evidence 
of  th?  facts  (see  II.  above),  the  appearance  of  the 
S.  wall  of  the  Harnm  would  lead  us  to  suspect  that 
something  of  the  sort  had  been  attempted  at  this 
period.  The  great  tunnel-like  vault  under  the 
Mosque  El-Aksa,  with  its  four-domed  vestibule,  is 
almost  certainly  part  of  the  temple  of  Herod,  and 
coeval  with  his  period  ;  but  externally  to  thi,s,  cer- 
tain architectural  decorations  have  been  added,  and 
that  so  slightly  that  daylight  can  he  perceived  be- 
tween the  old  walls  and  the  subsequent  decorations, 
except  at  the  points  of  attachment.  These  adjuncts 
may  with  very  tolerable  certainty  be  ascribed  to  the 
age  of  Julian,  while,  from  the  historical  accounts, 
they  are  just  such  as  we  should  expect  to  find  them. 
^§  12.  Church  of  JuHtiniati.  Xe&rly  two  centuries 
after  the  attempt  of  Julian,  Justinian  erected  a 
magnificent  church  at  Jerusalem  in  honor  of  the 
Virgin  Mary,  "  on  the  loftiest  liill  of  the  city,  where 
there  was  not  space  enough  to  allow  of  the  pre- 
scribed dimensions,  so  that  they  were  obliged  to  lay 
the  foundation  at  the  S.  E.  side  at  the  bottom  of 
the  hill,  and  build  up  a  wall  with  arched  vaults  in 
order  to  support  that  part  of  the  building "  (Pro- 
copius  in  Kobinson).  Almost  all  topographers  (to 
Mr.  Fergusson)  have  jumped  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  Mosque  El-Aksa  is  the  identical  church  referred 
to,  but  the  architecture  of  that  building  (in  Mr. 
Fergusson's  view)  is  alone  sufficient  to  refute  any 
such  idea.  Notwithstanding  this  there  is  no  diffi- 
culty in  fixing  on  the  site  of  this  church,  inasmuch 
as  the  vaults  that  fill  up  the  southeastern  angle  of 
the  Ilaram  area  are  almost  certainly  of  the  age  of 
Justinian,  and  are  just  such  as  Procopius  describes ; 
so  that  if  it  were  situated  at  the  northern  extremity 
of  the  vaults,  all  the  arguments  that  apply  to  the 
Atcsa  equally  apply  to  this  situation.  But  this  "is 
ptirely  a  conjectural  site,"  "  where  not  the  slightest 
trace  appears  of  a  foundation  ancient  or  modern  " 
(so  Dr.  Wolcott  in  B.  S.  xxir.  124). 

Je-rn'sh»  (fr.  Heb.  =  possessed,  sc.  by  a  husband, 
Ces.),  daughter  of  Zadok,  and  queen  of  Uzziah  (2 
K.  XV.  3!5). 


Je-:n'shah  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Jerdsiia  (2  Chr. 
xxvii:  1). 

Je-sai'ab  [-sa'yah]  (fr.  Heb.  =  Isaiah,  Fii.). 
1,  Son  of  Hananiah ;  brother  of  Pelatiah,  and 
grandson  of  Zerubbabel  (1  Chr.  iii.  21).— J, 
A  Benjamite  (Neh.  xi.  7). 

Jc-sliat'ali    [-shayah],  or   Jesli-a-i'ali    (fr. 

Heb.  =  Isaiah).     I,  One  of  the  six  sons  of 

Jeduthun  (1  Chr.  xxv.  3,  15). — 2.  A  Levite 

in  David's  reign;  eldest  son  of  Rehabiah,  a 

descendant  of  Amram  through  Moses  (xxvi. 

25);  =  IssniAH  1. — 3f  Son  of  Athaliah,  and 

chief  of  the  children  of  Elam  who  returned 

with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  7).   (Josus.) — 1.  A  Mcra- 

rite  who  returned  with  Ezra  (viii.  19).  Osaias. 

Jcsh'a-nab  (fr.  Heb.  =  old,  Ges.),  one  of  the 

three  "cities"  taken  from  Jeroboam  by  Abi- 

y'J  jah  (2  Chr.  xiii.  19).      Mr.  Wilton  (in  Fair- 

--^  bairn)  identifies  it  with  the  modern  village  of 

'Ai?i  Siiiia,  about   three  miles  N.   of  Beitin 

(Bethel). 

Jesh-a-re'lah  (fr.  Ileb.  =  ri;iht  loward  God, 
Ges.),  son  of  Asaph,  iind  head  of  the  seventh  of  the 
twcnty-for.r  wards  into  which  the  musicians  of  the 
Levites  were  divided  (1  Chr.  xxv.  14).  Asaeelah. 
Je-slie'bf-sb  (fr.  lleb.  =  sfal  of  one's  father,  Ges.), 
head  of  the  fourteenth  course  of  priests  (1  Chr. 
xxiv.  13). 

Jester  (fr.  Ilcb.  =  uprightnei^,  Ges.),  a  son  of 
Caleb  the  son  of  Hezron  by  his  wife  Azubah  (1 
Chr.  ii.  18). 

Jeib'i-moil  (fr.  Ileb.  =  the  waste),  a  name  which 
occurs  in  Num.  xxi.  20  and  xxiii.  28,  in  designating 
the  position  of  Pisgah  and  Peor,  as  "  facing  the  Jesh- 
inion ; "  elsewhere  used  with  reference  to  the  hill 
of  Ilachihih  (1  Sarr.  xxiii.  19,  xxvi.  1,  3),  and  the 
wildirness  of  Maon  (xxiii.  24).  Perhaps  Jesliinion 
=  the  dreary,  barren  waste  of  hills  lying  imme- 
diately on  the  W.  of  the  Dead  Sea.     Desi  rt  4. 

Jc-sbi'ftbai  (fr.  Heb.  =  «<»/  of  an  old  man,  Ges.), 
an  ancestor  of  the  Gadites  who  dwelt  in  Gilead  (1 
Chr.  V.  14). 

J»sb-o-h«l'ah  (-ha'yah]  (fr.  Heb.  =:  whom  Jeho- 
vah boil's  down,  Ges.),  a  Simeonite  chief,  descended 
from  Shimei  (1  Chr.  iv.  36). 

Jesb'n-a  (a  later  Hebrew  contraction  for  Joshua 
or  rather  Ji  hoshca).  1.  Joshua,  the  son  of  Xun 
(Neh.  viii.  17). — 2>  A  priest  in  David's  reign,  head 
of  the  ninth  course  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  11,  A.  V.  "  Jcshu- 
ah;"  Ezr.  ii.  36;  Neh.  vii.  39;  see  Jedaiah  1.— 3. 
A  Levite  in  the  reign  of  Hezckiah  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  15). 
— 4.  Son  of  Jehozadak  ;  first  high-phiest  after  the 
Babylonish  Captivity,  and  ancestor  of  the  fourteen 
high-priests  his  successors  down  to  Joshua  or  Jason, 
and  Onias  or  Menelaus,  inclusive  (Ezr.  ii.  2,  iii.  2, 
8,  9,  iv.  3,  v.  2,  X.  IS;  Neh.  vii.  7,  xii.  1,  7, 10,  26); 
=  Joshua  4.  Jeshua,  like  his  contemporary  Zerub- 
babel, was  probably  born  in  Babylon,  whither  his 
father,  Jehozadak,  had  been  taken  captive  while 
young  (1  Chr.  vi.  15,  A.  V.).  He  came  up  from 
Babylon  in  the  first  year  of  Cyrus  with  Zerubbabel, 
and  took  a  leading  part  with  him  in  the  rebuilding 
of  the  Temple,  and  the  restoration  of  the  Jewish 
commonwealth.  Besides  the  great  importance  of 
Jeshua  as  an  historical  character,  from  the  critical 
times  in  which  he  lived,  and  the  greet  work  which 
he  accomplished,  his  name  (=  Jesus),  his  restoration 
of  the  Temple,  his  office  as  high-priest,  and  espe- 
cially the  two  prophecies  concerning  him  in  Zech. 
iii.  and  vi.  9-15,  point  him  out  as  an  eminent  type 
of  Christ. — 5.  Head  of  a  Levitical  house,  one  of 
those  which  returned  from  the  Babylonish  captivity, 


JES 


JES 


465 


and  took  an  active  part  under  Zerubbabel,  Ezra,  and 
N'eheiniah.  The  name  U  used  to  designate  either 
the  whole  family  or  the  successive  chiefs  of  it  (Ezr. 
ii.  40,  ill  9;  Xeh.  iii.  19,  viii.  7,  ix.  4,  5,  x.  9,  xii.  8, 
&c.).— <.  A  branch  of  the  family  of  Paliath-nmab, 
one  of  the  chief  families,  probably  of  Judah  (N'eh.  x. 
14,  vii.  11,  &c.;  Ezr.  x.  30). 

jHli'a-jt  (^'Cc  above),  one  of  the  towns  reinhabited 
by  the  people  of  Ju  lah  after  the  Captivity  (Xeh.  xi. 
26  only);  apparently  in  the  extreme  S.  (so  Mr. 
Grove).  Mr.  Wilton  (in  Fairbairn)  suggests  =:  the 
modern  village  Yeahu'a,  about  twelve  miles  \V.  of 
Jerusalem. 

Jesh'n-ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jeshua,  or  Joshua),  a  priest 
in  the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr  xxiv.  11) ;  =:  Jkshi'a  2. 

Jesli'a-rna  (fr.  Ileb.,  see  below),  and  once  in  A. 
V.  Je:$'n-raii  (Is.  xliv.  2),  a  symbolical  name  for 
Israel  in  Dent,  xxxii.  15,  xxxiii.  5,  26;  Is.  xliv.  2, 
for  which  various  etymologies  have  been  suggested. 
It  is  most  probably  derived  from  a  root  signifying 
to  be  blessed  (so  .Mr.  Wright).  With  the  intensive 
termination  Jeshurun  would  then  denote  Israel  as 
supremely  happy  or  prosperous,  and  to  this  sigiiifi- 
cation  the  context  in  Deut.  xxxii.  15  points.  Gese- 
nius  and  Fiirst  regard  the  termination  as  an  alTec- 
tionatc  diminutive  from  a  Ilebrew  word  signifying 
vpright,  and  Jeshurun  therefore  as  =  the  good  little 
people.  Michaelis,  (Jrotius,  Vitringa,  and  formerly 
Gesenius  considered  it  as  a  diminutive  of  Israel,  as 
\(  contracted  from  Heb.  ywreelun  ;  but  for  this  there 
l>  n'>t  the  slightest  foundation. 

Je-si'ali  (fr.  Heb.  =  Ishiah,  Ishijah,  Isshiah). 

I.  A  Korhite,  one  of  the  mighty  men  who  joined 
David's  standard  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  6). — 2. 
Second  son  of  Uzziel,  the  son  of  Kohath  (1  Chr. 
ixiii.  20) ;  =r  Isshiah  2. 

Je-Sln'l-rl  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Ood  han  set  up, 
Ges.),  a  Simeonite  chief,  of  the  family  of  Sliimei  (1 
Chr.  iv.  36). 

Jti'it  ( L.  fr.  Heb.,  perhaps  =  firm,  strong,  Ges. ; 
Jah  IS  exisling  or  living,  Fii.),  father  of  David.  He 
was  the  son  of  Obed,  who  ag.iin  was  the  fruit  of  the 
union  of  Boa/,  and  the  Moabitess  Ruth.  Nor  was 
Ruth's  the  only  f  )reign  blood  that  ran  in  his  veins ; 
for  his  great-grandmother  was  Rahab  the  Canaanite, 
of  Jericho  ( Mat.  i.  5 ).  Jesse's  genealogy  is  twice 
given  in  full  in  the  0.  T.  (Ru.  iv.  18-22;  1  Chr. 
ii.  6-12),  and  twice  in  the  N.  T.  (Mat.  i. ;  Lu.  iii.). 
lie  is  commonly  de.-iignated  as  "  Jesse  t!ie  Betlile- 
hcmite"  (1  Sara.  xvi.  1,  18).  So  he  is  called  by  his 
son  David,  then  fresh  from  home  (xvii.  58);  but  his 
full  title  is  "  the  Ephrathite  of  Bethlehem-ju  lali  " 
(xvii.  12).  He  is  an  "  old  man  "  when  we  first  meet 
with  him  (xvii.  12),  with  eiglit  sons  (xvi.  10,  xvii. 
12),  residing  at  Bethlehem  (xvi.  4,  6).  Jesse's 
wealth  seems  to  have  consisted  of  a  flock  of  sheep 
and  goat,s,  which  were  uniter  the  care  of  David  (xvi. 

II,  xvii.  84,  35).  When  David's  rupture  with  .'^aul 
ha  I  finally  driven  him  from  the  court,  and  he  was 
in  the  cave  of  .\dullam,  "  his  brethren  and  all  his 
father's  house  "  joined  him  (xxii.  1).  .\nxious  for 
their  safety,  he  took  his  father  and  mother  into  the 
country  of  Moab,  and  left  them  under  the  king's  pro- 
tection, and  there  they  disappear  from  our  view  in  the 
records  of  Scripture.  In  his  name  Isaiah  (xi.  1,  10) 
announces  the  most  splendid  of  his  promises.  (Mks- 
-.vH.)     Who  the  wife  of  Jesse  was  we  are  not  told. 

■  VHASH  2. 

J  J«'sa-c  (fr.  Gr.  form  of  Jesus,  Jesbua,  &c.),  a 

Levite  =  Jrshi-a  (1  Esd.  v.  2ti ;  compare  Ezr.  iL 
40). 
Je'n  (L.  form  of  iisz»,  Jeshua,  &c.),  Je8ui;a 
30 


the  Levite,  the  father  of  Jozabad  (I  Esd.  viii.  63; 
see  Ezr.  viii.  33) ;  also  called  Jessde  and  Jescs. 

Jes'a-i  (fr.  Heb.  =:=  Ishuai,  Isui),  son  of  Asher, 
whose  descendants  the  Jesuites  were  numbered  in 
the  plains  of  Moab  (Xuni.  xxvi.  44);  elsewhere  called 
IsLi  (lion.  xlvi.  17)  and  Ishuai  (1  Chr.  vii.  30). 

Jes'D-ite$,  tile  —  a  family  of  Asher,  descended 
from  Jesui  (Num.  xxvi.  44). 

Jcj'o-raa  =  Jeshurun. 

Je'sns  [-zus]  (the  Latinized  Gr.  form  of  Joshua 
or  Jeshua,  a  contraction  of  Jehoshua  =:  help  of 
Jehovah  or  Saviour).  I,  Joshua  the  priest,  the  son 
of  Jehozadak  (1  Esd.  v.  5,  8,  24,  48,  66,  68,  70,  vi. 
2,  ix.  19  ;  Ecclus.  .\lix.  12) ;  =  Jeshua  4. — 2.  Jeshua 
the  Levite  (1  Esd.  v.  68,  iv.  48). — %,  Joshua  the 
son  of  Nun  (2  Esd.  vii.  37 ;  Ecclus.  xlvi.  1 ;  1  Mc. 
ii.  55 ;  Acts  vii.  45  ;  lleb.  iv.  8). 

Je'sDS  (see  above)  the  Father  of  St'rath,  and 
grandfather   of  the   following  (Ecclus.   prologue). 

ECCLESIASTICUS. 

Je'sas  (see  above)  the  son  of  Si'racli  is  described  in 
EccLESiASTicus  (1.  27)  as  the  author  of  that  book, 
which  in  the  LXX.,  and  generally,  except  in  the 
Western  Church,  is  called  by  his  name  the  Wisdom 
ofJcKitH  the  son  of  Sirach,  or  simply  the  Wisdom  of 
Sirach.  The  same  passage  speaks  of  him  a3  a  native 
of  Jerusalem  ;  and  the  internal  character  of  the  book 
confirms  its  Palestinian  origin.  Among  the  later 
Jews  the  "  Son  of  Sirach  "  was  celebrated  under  the 
name  of  Ben  Sira  as  a  writer  of  proverbs. 

Jc'sns  (see  above),  called  Jaij'tns  (L.  just),  a 
Christian  who  was  with  St.  Paul  at  Rome  (Col.  iv. 
11). 

Je'sns  (L.  fr.  Heb.  through  Gr.  =  Saviour;  see 
above)  Christ  (fr.  Gr.  Christos  [L.  form  ChristHs'\  ■= 
aiioinJed  z=  Messiah*.     Priests  were  anointed  among 
the  Jews,  as  their  inauguration  to  their  office  (1 
Chr.  xvi.  22 ;  Ps.  cv.   15),  and  kings  also  (2  Mc.  i. 
24  ;  Ecclus.  xlvi.  19).     (Anoi.nting.)     In  the  N.  T. 
the  name  Christ  =  Messiah  (Jn.  i.  41,  A.  V.  "  Mes- 
sias  " ),  the  name  given  to  the  long-promised  Prophet 
and  King  whom  the  Jews  had  been  taught  by  their 
prophets  to  expect  (Acts  xix.  4  ;  Mat.  xi.  3).     The 
use  of  this  name,  as  applied  to  the  Lord,  has  always 
a  reference  to  the  promises  of  the  prophets.     "  Je- 
sus "  Is  the  proper  name  of  our  Lord,  and  "  Christ " 
is  addeil  to  identify  Him  with  the  promised  Mes- 
siah.    The  Life,  the  Person,  and  the  Work  of  our 
I  Lord  and  .Saviour  Jesus  Christ  occupy  the  whole  of 
I  the  N.  T.     Of  this  threefold  subject  the  present 
^  article  includes  the  first  part,  viz.,  the   Life  and 
j  Teaching.     (Saviour  ;  So.n  of  God.)    According  to 
,  the  received  chronology,  which  is  in  fact  that  of 
j  Dionysius  Exiguus  in  the  sixth  century,  the  Birth 
I  of  Christ  occurred  in   the  year  of  Rome  754  ;  but 
j  from  other  considerations  it  is  probable  (so  Arch- 
;  bishop   Thomson,  original  author  of  this  article) 
j  that    the   Nativity   took   place  some  time   before 
April  u.  c.  750,  and  if  it   happened   only  a   few 
months  before  Herod's  death  (Herod  1),  then  its 
I  date  would  be  four  years  earlier  than  the  Dionysian 
reckoning.     (See  the  end  of  this  article.)   The  salu- 
j  tation  addressed  by  the  Angel  to  Mary  His  mother, 
I  "  Hail  I  Thou  that  art  highly  favored,"  was  the  pre- 
lude to  a  new  act  of  divine  creation.     (Genealoot 
or  Jesus  Christ  ;  James  3  ;  Joseph  1 1  ;  Mary,  the 
VinoiN.)     Mary  received  the  announcement  of  a 
miracle,  the  full  import  of  which  she  could  not  have 
understood,^  with  the  submission  of  one  who  knew 
that  the  message  came  from  (Jod ;  and  the  Angel 
departed  from  her.     The  prophet  Micah  had  fore- 
told (Mic.  T.  2)  that  the  future  king  should  be  bom  in 


466 


J^^ 


JES 


Bethlehem  of  Judea,  the  place  where  the  house  of 
David  iiad  its  origin  ;  but  Mary  dwelt  in  Xazareth. 
Augustus,  however,  bad  ordered  a  general  census 
of  the  Roman  empire.  From  the  well-known  and 
much-canvassed  passage  (Lk.  ii.  2)  it  appears  ihat 
the  TAXING  was  not  completed  till  the  time  of  Qui- 
rinus  (Cyuenils),  some  years  later;  and  how  far 
it  was  carried  now,  cannot  be  determined :  all 
that  we  learn  is  that  it  brought  Joseph,  who  was  of 
the  house  of  David,  from  his  home  to  Bethlehem, 
where  the  Lord  was  born.  As  there  was  no  room 
in  the  inn,  a  manoeu  was  the  cradle  in  which  Christ 
the  Lord  was  laid.  But  signs  were  not  wanting  of 
the  greatness  of  the  event  that  seemed  so  unimpor- 
tant. Lowly  shepherds  were  the  witnesses  of  the 
wonders  that  accompanied  the  lowly  Saviour's  birth  ; 
an  angel  proclaimed  to  them  "  good  tidings  of  great 
joy ;  "  and  then  the  exceeding  joy  that  was  in  heaven 
among  the  angels  about  this  mystery  of  love  broke 
through  the  silence  of  night  with  the  words,  "Glory 
to  God  in  the  highest,  and  on  earth  peace,  good- 
will toward  men "  (ii.  8-20).  The  child  Jesus  is 
circumcised  in  due  time,  is  brought  to  the  Temple, 
and  the  mother  makes  the  offering  for  her  piu  ilica- 
tion.  Simeon  and  Anna,  taught  from  God  that  the 
object  of  their  earnest  longings  was  bctbre  them, 
prophesied  of  His  divine  work  :  the  one  rejoicing 
that  his  eyes  had  seen  the  salvation  of  God,  and  tlie 
other  speaking  of  Him  "  to  all  that  looked  for  re- 
demption in  Jerusalem  "  (ii.  28-38).  Thus  recog- 
nized among  His  own  people,  the  Saviour  was  not 
without  witness  among  the  heathen.  "  Wi.se  men 
from  the  East " — i.  c.  Persian  magi  of  the  Zend  re- 
ligion, in  which  the  idea  of  a  Zoziosh  or  Redeemer 
was  clearly  known — guided  miraculously  by  a  star 
or  meteor  (Star  of  the  Wise  Men)  created  for  the 
purpose,  came  and  souglit  out  the  Saviour  to  pay 
Him  h(miage.  A  little  child  made  the  great  Herod 
quake  upon  his  throne.  When  he  knew  that  the 
magi  were  come  to  hail  their  King  and  Lord,  and 
did  not  stop  at  his  palace,  but  passed  on  to  a 
humbler  roof,  and  when  he  found  that  they  would 
not  return  to  betray  this  child  to  him,  he  put  to 
death  all  the  children  in  Bethlehem  that  were  under 
two  years  old.  The  crime  was  great ;  but  the  num- 
ber of  the  victims,  in  a  little  place  like  Bethlehem, 
was  small  enough  to  escape  special  record  among 
the  wicked  acts  of  Herod  from  Josephus  and  other 
historians,  as  it  had  no  political  interest.  Joseph, 
warned  by  a  dream,  flees  to  Egypt  with  the  young 
child,  beyond  tlie  reach  of  Herod's  arm.  After 
the  death  of  Herod,  in  less  than  a  year,  Jesus  re- 
turned with  his  parents  to  their  own  land,  and  went 
to  Nazareth,  where  they  abode.  (Nazarene.)  Ex- 
cept as  to  one  event,  the  Evangelists  are  silent 
upon  the  succeeding  years  of  our  Lord's  life  down 
to  the  commencement  of  His  ministry.  When  He 
was  twelve  years  old  He  was  found  in  the  Temple, 
hearing  the  doctors  and  asking  them  questions  (ii. 
40-52).  We  are  shown  this  one  fact  that  we  may 
know  that  at  the  time  when  the  Jews  considered 
childhood  to  be  pa.ssing  into  youth,  Jesus  was  al- 
ready aware  of  His  mission,  and  consciously  prepar- 
ing lor  it,  although  years  passed  belbrc  its  actual 
commencement.  Thirty  years  had  elapsed  from  the 
birth  of  our  Lord  to  the  opening  of  His  ministry. 
In  that  time  great  changes  had  come  over  the 
chosen  people.  Herod  the  Great  had  united  under 
him  almost  all  the  original  kingdom  of  David ;  after 
the  death  of  that  prince  it  was  dismembered  for- 
ever. It  was  in  the  fifteenth  year  of  Tiberius  the 
emperor,  reckoning  from  his  joint  rule  with  Au- 


gustus (January  u.  c.  765),  and  not  frcmi  his  sole 
rule  (August  u.  c.  767),  that  John  the  Baptist  be- 
gan to  teach.  He  was  the  last  representative  of 
the  prophets  of  the  old  covenant ;  and  his  work 
was  twofold — to  enforce  repentance  and  the  ter- 
rors of  the  old  law,  and  to  revive  the  almost  Ibr- 
gotten  expectation  of  the  Messiah  (Mat.  iii.  1-10 ; 
Mk.  i.  1-8;  Lk.  iii.  1-18).  The  career  of  John 
seems  to  have  been  very  short.  Jesus  came  to  Jor- 
dan with  the  rest  to  receive  baptism  at  Jolni's 
hands:  (1.)  that  the  sacrament  by  which  all  were 
hereafter  to  be  admitted  into  His  kingdom  might 
not  want  His  e.xam|)lc  to  justify  its  use  (Mat.  iii. 
15);  (2.)  that  John  might  have  an  assurance  that 
his  course  as  the  herald  of  Christ  was  now  com- 
pleted by  His  appearance  (Jn.  i.  33);  (3.)  that 
some  public  token  might  be  given  that  He  was 
indeed  the  Anointed  of  God  (Heb.  v.  5).  Imme- 
diately after  this  inauguration  of  His  ministry, 
Jisus  was  led'up  of  the  Spirit  into  the  wilder- 
ness to  be  tempted  of  the  devil  (Mat.  iv.  1-11; 
Mk.  i.  12,  13  ;  Lk.  iv.  1-13).  The  three  temptnlions 
are  addressed  to  the  three  forms  in  whicli  the  dis- 
ease of  sin  makes  its  ai)pearance  on  the  soul — 
to  the  solace  of  sense,  and  the  love  of  praise, 
and  the  desire  of  gain  (1  Jn.  ii.  16).  But  there 
is  one  element  common  to  them  all — they  are  at- 
tempts to  call  up  a  wilful  and  wayward  spirit 
in  contrast  to  a  patient,  self-denying  one.  There 
are  internal  marks  that  Matthew  assigns  them  their 
historical  order ;  Luke  transposes  the  two  last. — 
Deserting  for  a  time  the  historical  order,  we  shall 
find  that  the  records  of  this  first  portion  of  Ilis 
ministry,  from  the  temptation  to  tlie  transfigura- 
tion, consist  mainly— (1.)  of  miracles,  which  prove 
His  divine  commission ;  (2.)  of  discourses  and  par- 
ables on  the  doctrine  of  "the  kingdom  of  heaven  ;" 
(3.)  of  incidents  showing  the  behavior  of  various 
persons  when  brought  into  contact  with  our  Lord. 
The  two  former  may  require  some  general  remarks ; 
the  last  will  unfold  themselves  with  the  narrative. 
— 1.  Tlie  Miracles.  The  expectation  that  Messiah 
would  work  miracles  existed  among  the  people, 
and  was  founded  on  the  language  of  projihecy. 
Our  Lord's  miracles  are  described  in  the  N.  T. 
by  several  names :  they  are  "  signs,"  "  wonders," 
"  works  "  (most  frequently  in  Jn.),  and  "  mighty 
works,"  according  to  the  point  of  view  from  which 
they  are  regarded.  They  are  indeed  astonishing 
works,  wrought  as  signs  of  the  might  and  presence 
of  God  ;  and  they  are  powers  or  mighty  woiks,  be- 
cause they  are  such  as  no  power  short  of  the  divine 
could  have  efl'ected.  But  if  the  object  had  been 
merely  to  work  wonders,  without  any  other  aim 
than  to  astonish  the  minds  of  the  witnesses,  tl;e 
miracles  of  our  Lord  would  not  have  been  the  best 
means  of  producing  the  effect,  since  many  of  them 
were  wrought  for  the  good  of  obscure  people,  be- 
fore witnesses  chiefly  of  the  humble  and  uneducated 
class,  and  in  the  course  of  the  ordinary  life  of  our 
Lord,  which  lay  not  among  those  who  made  it  their 
special  business  to  inquire  into  the  claims  of  a 
prophet.  The  miracles  of  our  Lord  were  to  be  not 
wonders  merely,  but  signs ;  and  not  merely  signs 
of  preternatural  power,  but  of  the  scope  and  char- 
acter of  His  ministry,  and  of  the  divine  nature  of 
His  Person.  This  will  be  evident  from  an  examina- 
tion of  those  which  are  more  particularly  described 
in  the  Gospels.  Nearly  forty  cases  of  this  kind  a|  - 
pear;  but  they  arc  only  examples  taken  out  of  a 
very  great  number  (Jn.  ii.  23;  Mat.  viii.  16,  iv.  23, 
jiiL  15,  &c.).     There  are  three  instances  of  rcstoia- 


I 


JE3 


JES 


46¥ 


tioii  to  lil'e  (Mat.  \\.  18  ;  Lk.  vii.  11,  12  ;  Jn.  xi.  1, 
ku  ).  There  are  about  six  cases  of  demoniac  pos- 
session (Mk.  i.  24,  V.  •>;  Mat.  ix.  32,  xvii.  15;  Lk. 
xi.  16;  Mat.  xv.  22).  (Demo.macs.)  There  are 
about  seventeen  recordeil  cases  of  the  cure  of  bodily 
sickne-is,  including  fever,  leprosy,  palsy,  inveterate 
weakness,  the  maimed  limb,  the  issue  of  blood  of 
twelve  years'  stanJing,  dropsy,  blindness,  deal'uc.*s, 
and  dumbness  (Jn.  iv.  47;  Mat.  viii.  2,  14,  ix.  2; 
Jn.  V.  5;  .Mat.  xii.  10,  viii.  5,  ix.  20,  27;  Mk.  viii. 
22;  Jn.  ix.  I  ;  Lk.  xiii.  10,  xvii.  11,  xviii.  35,  xxii. 
61).  These  three  groups  of  miracles  pertain  to 
one  class :  they  brought  help  to  the  suffering 
or  sorrowing,  and  proclaimed  what  love  the  Man 
tiat  did  them  bore  toward  the  children  of  men. 
T  lere  is  another  class,  showing  a  complete  con- 
trol over  the  powers  of  nature :  first,  by  acts 
of  creative  power  (.Fn.  ii.  7,  vi.  10 ;  Mat.  xv. 
32);  secondly,  by  setting  aside  natural  laws  and 
conditions  (Lk.  iv.  30,  v.  4;  Jn.  xxi."  6;  Mat.  viii. 
26,  xiv.  23,  xvii.  1,  27).  In  a  third  class  of  these 
miracles  we  find  our  Lord  overawing  the  wills  of 
men  ;  as  when  He  twice  cleared  tlie  Temple  of  the 
traders  (Jn.  ii.  13  ;  Mat.  xxi.  12) ;  and  when  His 
look  staggered  the  officers  that  came  to  take  Uini 
(.In.  xviii.  6).  And  in  a  fourth  subJivi.sion  will 
xtand  one  miracle  only,  where  His  power  was  used 
for  destruction — the  case  of  the  barren  fig-tree 
(Mat.  xxi.  18).  On  reviewing  all  the  recorded  mir- 
acles, we  see  at  once  that  they  are  signs  of  the 
nature  of  Christ's  Person  and  mission.  They  show 
how  active  and  unweirie  I  was  His  love  :  they  also 
show  the  diversity  of  its  operation.  The  miracles 
were  intendeil  to  attract  the  witnesses  of  them  to 
become  followers  of  Jesus  and  members  of  the 
kingdom  of  heaven.  They  have  then  two  purposes, 
the  proximate  and  subordinate  purpose  of  dning  a 
work  of  love  to  them  that  need  it,  and  the  higher 
purpose  of  revealing  Christ  in  His  own  Person  and 
nature  as  the  Son  of  God  and  .'Saviour  of  men. — 2. 
The  Parables,  Nearly  fifty  parables  are  preserved 
in  the  Gospels,  and  they  are  only  selected  from  a 
larger  number  (Mk.  iv.  33).  In  the  pauable  some 
story  of  ordinary  doings  is  made  to  convey  a  spirit- 
ual meaning,  beyond  what  the  narrative  itself  con- 
tains. In  reference  to  this  kind  of  teaching,  some 
have  hastily  conclude  1  from  our  Lord's  words  (Lk. 
viii.  10)  that  the  parable  was  employed  to  conceal 
knowledge  from  those  who  were  not  susceptible  of 
it,  and  that  this  was  its  chief  purpose.  But  it  was 
chosen  not  for  this  negative  object,  but  for  its  posi- 
tive advantages  In  the  instruction  of  the  disciples. 
If  there  was  any  mode  of  teaching  better  suited 
than  another  to  the  purpose  of  preserving  truths 
for  the  memory  that  were  not  accepted  by  the  heart, 
that  mode  would  be  the  best  suited  to  their  peculiar 
position.  Kastern  teachers  have  made  this  mode 
of  instruction  faTuiliar:  the  originality  of  the  para- 
bles lay  not  in  the  method  of  teaching  by  stories, 
but  in  the  profound  and  new  trutlis  which  the  sto- 
ries taught  so  aptly. — Besides  the  |)arables,  the 
mure  direct  teaching  of  our  Lord  is  conveyed  in 
many  discourses  dispersed  through  the  Gospels,  of 
which  three  may  be  here  selected  as  examples  :  the 
Sermon  on  the  Mount  (Mat.  v.-vii.),  the  discourse 
after  the  feerling  of  the  five  thousand  ( Jn.  vi.  22-65), 
ami  the  final  discourse  and  prayer  which  preceded 
■  I'assion  (xiv.-xvii.).  Notwithstanding  the  en- 
ivor  to  establish  that  the  Sirmon  on  llie  Mount  of 
Matthew  is  different  from  the  Sermon  on  the 
'till  of  St.  Luke,  the  evidence  for  their  being  one 
id  the  same  discourse  greatly  preponderates.     If 


so,  then  its  historical  position  must  be  fixed  from 
Luke ;  and  its  earlier  place  in  Matthew  must  be 
owing  to  the  Kvangelist's  wish  to  conmience  the 
account  of  the  ministry  of  Jesus  with  a  summary 
of  His  teaching.  From  Luke  we  learn  that  Jesus 
had  gone  up  into  a  mountain  to  pray,  that  on  the 
morning  following  He  maile  up  the  number  of  His 
twelve  apostles,  and  solemnly  appointed  them ;  and 
then  descending  He  stood  upon  a  level  place  (Lk. 
vi.  17),  not  neccs.sarily  at  the  bottom  of  the  moun- 
tain, but  where  the  multitude  would  stand  round 
and  hear ;  and  there  He  taught  them  in  a  solemn 
address  the  laws  and  constitution  of  His  new  king- 
dom, the  kingdom  of  Heaven.  The  differences  be- 
tween the  reports  of  the  two  Evangelists  are  many. 
In  the  former  Gospel  the  sermon  occupies  one  hun- 
dred and  seven  verses ;  in  the  latter,  thirty.  The 
longer  report  includes  the  exposition  of  the  relation 
of  the  Gospel  to  the  Law :  it  also  draws  together, 
as  we  have  seen,  some  passages  which  Luke  reports 
elsewhere  and  in  another  connection ;  and  ivhcre 
the  two  contain  the  same  matter,  that  of  Luke  is 
somewhat  more  compressed.  But  in  taking  ac- 
count of  this,  the  purpose  of  Matthew  is  to  be 
borne  in  mind  :  the  morality  of  the  Gospel  is  to  be 
fully  set  forth  at  the  beginning  of  our  Lord's  min- 
istry, and  especially  in  its  bearing  on  the  Law  as 
usually  received  by  the  Jews,  for  whose  use  es- 
pecially this  Gospel  was  designed.  And  wlien  this 
discourse  is  compared  with  the  later  examples  to 
which  we  shall  presently  refer,  the  fact  comes  out 
more  distinctly,  that  we  have  here  the  Code  of  the 
Christian  Lawgiver  rather  than  the  whole  Gospel. 
— The  next  example  of  the  teaching  of  Jesus  must 
be  taken  from  a  later  epoch  in  His  ministry.  Prob- 
ably the  great  discourse  in  Jn.  vi.  took  place  about 
the  time  of  the  Transfiguration.  The  ctt'ect  of  His 
personal  work  on  the  disciples  now  becomes  the 
prominent  sulyect.  He  had  taught  them  that  He 
was  the  Christ,  and  had  given  them  His  law,  wider 
and  deeper  far  than  that  of  Moses.  But  the  ob- 
jection to  every  law  applies  more  strongly  the 
purer  and  higher  tlie  law  is ;  and  "  how  to  perform 
that  which  I  will  "  is  a  question  that  grows  more 
difficult  to  answer  as  the  standard  of  obedience  is 
raised.  It  is  that  question  which  our  Lord  proceeds 
to  answer  here.  Tlie  Redeemer  alludes  to  His  death, 
to  the  body  which  shall  suflTer  on  the  Cross,  and  to 
the  blood  which  shall  be  poured  out.  This  great  sac- 
rifice is  not  only  to  be  looked  on,  but  to  be  believed  : 
and  not  only  believed,  but  appropriated  to  the  be- 
liever, to  become  part  of  his  very  heart  and  life.  Faith, 
here  as  elsewhere,  is  the  means  of  apprehending  it : 
but  when  it  is  once  laid  hold  of,  it  will  be  as  much 
a  part  of  the  believer  as  the  food  that  nourishes  the 
body  becomes  incorporated  with  the  body.  Many 
of  the  disciples  went  back  and  walked  no  more  with 
Jesus,  iHicause  their  conviction  that  He  was  the 
Messiah  had  no  real  foundation.  The  rest  remained 
with  Him  for  the  reason  .so  beautifully  expressed  by 
Peter:  "Lo;d,  to  whom  shall  we  go?  "Thou  hast 
the  words  of  eternal  life.  And  we  believe  and  are 
sure  that  Thou  art  that  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living 
God  "  (Jn.  vi.  68,  69).— The  third  example  of  our 

:  Lord's  discourses  is  that  which  closes  His  ministry. 

[  Thi«  great  discom-so,  recorded  only  by  St.  John,  ex- 
tends from  the  thirteenth  to  the  end  of  the  seven- 
teenth chapter.     It  hardly  admits  of  analysis.      It 

!  announces  the  Saviour's  departure  in  the  fulfilment 

i  of  His  mi.ssion ;  it  imposes  the  new  commandment 
on  the  disciples  of  a  special  love  toward  each  other 

[  which  should  be  the  outward  token  to  the  world  of 


'468 


JES 


%i^ 


their  Christian  profcssiou ;  it  consoles  them  with  the 
promise  of  the  Comforter  who  should  be  to  them  in- 
stead of  the  Saviour ;  it  tells  them  all  that  He  should 
do  for  them,  teaching  them,  reminding  them,  reprov- 
ing the  world,  and  guiding  the  disciples  into  all 
truth.  It  offers  them,  instead  of  the  bodily  presence 
of  their  beloved  Master,  free  access  to  the  throne 
of  llis  Father,  and  spiritual  blessings  sucli  as  they 
had  not  known  before.  Finally,  it  culminates  in  that 
sublime  prayer  (chapter  xvii.)  by  which  the  High- 
priest  as  it  were  consecrates  Himself  the  victim. 
These  three  discourses  are  examples  of  the  Saviour's 
teaching — of  its  progressive  cliaracter  from  the  open- 
ing of  His  ministry  to  the  close. — The  Scene  of  the 
lord's  Ministry.  As  to  the  scene  of  the  ministry 
of  Christ,  no  less  than  as  to  its  duration,  the  three 
evangelists  seem  at  first  sight  to  be  at  variance 
with  the  fourtli.  Matthew,  Mark,  and  Luke  record 
only  our  Lord's  doings  in  Galilee ;  if  we  put  aside 
a  few  days  before  the  Passion,  we  find  that  they 
never  mention  His  visiting  Jerusalem.  John,  on 
the  other  hand,  whilst  he  records  some  acts  in  Gal- 
ilee, devotes  the  chief  part  of  his  gospel  to  the 
transactions  in  Judca.  Hut  when  the  supplemental 
character  of  John's  gospel  is  borne  in  mind  there  is 
little  difliculty  in  explaining  this.  The  three  evan- 
gelists do  not  profess  to  give  a  chronology  of  the 
ministry,  but  rather  a  picture  of  it :  notes  of  time 
are  not  frequent  in  their  narrative.  And  as  they 
chiefly  confined  themselves  to  Galilee,  where  the 
Redeemer's  chief  acts  were  done,  they  might  nat- 
urally omit  to  mention  the  feasts,  which,  being 
passed  by  our  Lord  at  Jerusalem,  added  nothing  to 
the  materials  for  His  Galilean  mii.istry.  (Gospels.) 
— Duration  of  the  Ministry.  It  is  impossible  to  de- 
termine exactly  from  the  gospels  the  number  of 
years  during  which  the  Redeemer  exercised  His 
ministry  before  the  Passion ;  but  the  doubt  lies  be- 
tween two  and  three ;  for  the  opinion  adopted  from 
an  interpretation  of  Is.  Ixi.  2  by  more  than  one  of 
the  ancients,  that  it  lasted  only  one  year,  cannot  be 
borne  out.  The  data  are  to  be  drawn  from  John. 
This  evangelist  mentions  six  feasts,  at  five  of  which 
Jesus  was  present ;  the  Passover  that  followed  His 
baptism  (Jn.  ii.  13);  "a  feast  of  the  Jews  "  (v.  1 ) ;  a 
Passover  during  which  Jesus  remained  in  Galilee 
(vi.  4);  the  feast  of  Tabernaclts  to  which  the  Lord 
went  up  privately  (vii.  2) ;  the  feast  of  Dedication 
( X.  22) ;  and  lastly  the  feast  of  Passover,  at  which 
He  suffered  (xii.,  xiii.).  There  are  certainly  three 
Passovers,  and  it  is  possible  that  "a  feast"  (v.  1) 
may  be  a  fourth.  Upon  this  possibility  the  ques- 
tion turns.  But  if  this  feast  is  not  a  Passover,  then 
no  Passover  is  mentioned  by  John  between  the  first 
(ii.  13)  and  that  which  is  spoken  of  in  the  sixth 
chapter;  and  the  time  between  those  two  must  be 
assumed  to  be  a  .single  year  only.  Now,  although 
the  record  of  John  of  this  period  contains  but  few 
facts,  yet  when  all  the  evangelists  are  compared,  the 
amount  of  labor  compressed  into  this  single  year 
would  be  too  much  for  its  compass  (see  the  Har- 
mony under  Gospels).  It  is,  to  say  the  least,  easier 
to  suppose  that  the  "feast"  (v.  1)  was  a  Pass- 
over, dividing  the  time  into  two,  and  throwing  two 
of  these  circuits  into  the  second  year  of  the  minis- 
try. Upon  the  whole,  though  there  is  nothing  that 
amounts  to  proof,  it  is  probable  that  there  were  four 
Passovers,  and  consequently  that  our  Lord's  min- 
istry lasted  somewhat  more  than  three  years,  the 
"beginning  of  miracles"  (Jn.  ii.)  having  been 
wrought  before  the  first  Passover.  The  year  of  the 
first  of  these  Passovers  was  u.  c.  7S0,  and  the  bap- 


tism of  our  Lord  took  place  either  in  the  beginning 
of  that  year  or  the  end  of  the  year  preceding. — 
After  this  sketch  of  the  means,  the  scene,  and  the 
duration  of  the  Saviour's  ministry,  the  historical  or- 
der of  the  events  may  be  followed  without  iulci  i-up- 
tion.  Our  Lord  has  now  passed  through  the  oideal 
of  temptation,  and  His  ministry  is  begun.  At  Beth- 
abara,  to  which  He  returns,  disciples  begin  to  I  c 
drawn  toward  Him  ;  Andrew  and  another,  probably 
John,  the  sole  narrator  of  the  fact,  see  Jesus,  and 
hear  the  Baptist's  testimony  concerning  Him.  An- 
drew brings  Simon  Peter  to  see  Him  also;  and  he 
receives  from  the  Lord  the  name  of  Cephas.  Then 
Philip  and  Nathanael  are  brought  into  contact  with 
our  Lord.  The  two  disciples  last  named  saw  Him 
as  He  was  about  to  set  out  for  Galilee,  on  the  third 
day  of  his  sojourn  at  Bcthabara.  The  third  day 
after  this  interview  Jesus  is  at  Cana  hi  Galilee,  and 
works  His  first  miracle,  by  making  the  water  wine 
(Jn.  i.  29,  86,  43,  ii.  1).  "He  now  betakes  Himself 
to  Capernaum,  and,  alter  a  sojourn  there  of  "not 
many  days,"  sets  out  for  Jerusalem  to  the  Passover, 
which  was  to  be  the  beginning  of  His  ministry  in 
Judea  (ii.  12,  13).  The  cleansing  of  the  Temple  is 
associated  by  John  with  this  first  Passover  (ii.  12- 
22),  and  a  similar  cleansing  is  assigned  to  the  last 
Passover  by  the  other  evangelists.  These  two  can- 
not be  confounded  without  throwing  discredit  on 
the  historical  character  of  one  narrative  or  the 
other;  the  notes  of  tin;c  are  too  precise.  But  a 
host  of  interpreters  have  pointed  out  the  probability 
that  an  action  symbolical  of  the  power  and  author- 
ity of  the  Messiah  should  be  twice  performed,  at 
the  opening  of  the  ministry  and  at  its  close.  The 
expulsion  of  the  traders  was  not  likely  to  produce  a 
permanent  effect,  and  at  the  end  of  three  years 
Jesus  found  the  tumult  and  the  traffic  defiling  the 
court  of  the  Temple  as  they  had  done  when  He 
visited  it  before.  The  visit  of  Nicodemus  to  Jesus 
took  place  about  this  first  Passover.  It  implies  that 
our  Lord  had  done  more  at  Jerusalem  than  is  re- 
corded of  Him  even  by  John  ;  since  we  have  here  a 
Master  of  Israel  (iii.  10),  a  member  of  tl.c  San- 
hedrim (vii.  50)  expressing  his  belief  in  Him,  al- 
though too  timid  at  this  time  to  make  an  open  pro- 
fession. The  object  of  the  visit,  though  net  directly 
stated,  is  still  clear;  he  was  one  of  the  better  Phar- 
isees, who  were  expecting  the  kingdom  of  Messiah, 
and  having  seen  the  miracles  that  Jesus  did,  Ik- 
came  to  inquire  more  fully  about  these  signs  of  its 
approach.  It  has  been  well  said  that  this  discour>c 
contains  the  whole  gospel  in  epitcme.  After  a 
sojourn  at  Jerusalem  of  uncertain  duration,  Jesus 
went  to  the  Jordan  with  His  disciples ;  and  they 
were  baptized  in  His  name.  The  Baptist  was  now 
at  Enon,  near  Salim  ;  and  the  jealousy  of  his  disci- 
ples against  Jesus  drew  from  John  an  avowal  of  his 
position,  which  is  remarkable  for  its  humility  (iii. 
27-30).  How  long  this  sojourn  in  Judca  lasted 
is  uncertain.  But  in  order  to  reconcile  Jn.  iv.  1 
with  Mat.  iv.  12,  we  mt  st  suppose  that  it  was  much 
longer  than  the  "  twenty-six  or  twenty-seven  "  days 
to  which  Mr.  Greswell  would  limit  it.  In  the  way 
to  Galilee  Jesus  passed  by  the  shortest  route, 
through  Samaria.  In  the  time  of  our  Lord  the 
Samaritans  were  hated  by  the  Jews  even  more  than 
if  they  had  been  Gentiles.  Yet  even  in  Samaria 
were  souls  to  be  saved.  Jesus  came  in  His  journey 
to  Sychar.  Wearied  and  athirst  He  sat  on  the  side 
of  Jacob's  well.  A  woman  from  the  neighboring 
town  came  to  draw  from  the  well,  and  was  aston- 
ished that  a  Jew  should  address  her  as  a  neighbor, 


JES 


JES 


469 


with  a  request  for  water.  The  conversation  that 
ensued  might  be  taken  for  an  example  of  the  mode 
in  which  Christ  leads  to  Ilimsi'lf  the  souls  of  men. 
In  this  rcmarliable  dialogue  the  living  water  which 
Christ  would  give,  the  announcement  of  a  change  in 
the  worship  of  Jew  and  Samaritan,  the  confession 
that  He  who  speaks  is  truly  the  Messiah,  are  all 
noteworthy.  Jesus  now  returned  to  Galilee,  and 
came  to  Nazareth,  Ills  own  city.  In  the  Synagogue 
He  expounded  to  the  people  a  passage  from  Isaiah 
(Ixi.  1),  telling  tliem  that  its  fulfilment  was  now  at 
hand  in  His  person.  The  same  truth  that  had  tilled 
the  Samaritans  with  gratitude,  wrought  up  to  fury 
the  men  of  Xazareth,  who  would  have  destroyed 
Him  if  He  had  not  escaped  out  of  their  hands  (Lk. 
iv.  16-30).  He  came  now  to  Capernaum.  On  His 
way  hither,  when  He  had  reached  Cana,  He  healed 
the  son  of  one  of  the  courtiers  of  Herod  Antipas 
(Jn.  iv.  46-54),  who  "  himself  believed,  and  his 
whole  house."  This  was  the  second  Galilean  mir- 
acle. At  Capernaum  He  wrought  many  miracles  for 
them  that  needed.  Here  two  disciples  who  had 
known  Him  before,  namely,  Simon  Peter  and  An- 
drew, were  called  from  their  fishing  to  become 
'•fishers  of  men  "  (Mat.  iv.  19),  and  the  two  sons  of 
Zebedee  received  the  same  summons.  After  healing 
on  the  SaObath  a  demoniac  in  the  Synagogue,  a 
miracle  which  was  witnessed  by  many,  and  was 
m.ido  known  everywhere,  He  returned  the  same 
day  to  Simon's  house,  and  healed  the  mother-in-law 
of  Simon,  who  was  sick  of  a  fever.  At  .sunset,  the 
multitude,  now  fully  aroused  by  what  they  had  heard, 
brought  their  sick  to  Simon's  door  to  get  them 
healed.  He  did  not  refuse  His  succor,  and  healed 
thjm  all  (Mk.  i.  2'.)-34).  He  now,  after  showering 
do.vn  on  Capernaum  so  many  cures,  turned  His 
thoughts  to  the  rest  of  Galilee,  where  other  "lost 
sheep  "  were  scattered  : — "  Let  us  go  into  tho  next 
towns  that  I  may  preach  there  also,  for  therefore 
came  I  forth "  (i.  38).  The  journey  through  Gali- 
lee, on  which  he  now  entered,  must  have  been 
a  general  circuit  of  that  country. — Second  Year  of 
the  Mhiistry,  Jesus  went  up  to  Jcrtisalem  to  "  a 
feast  of  the  Jews,"  which  was  probably  the  Pass- 
over. At  the  pool  Bethe.-ida  ( = /ioiMe  of  mcrcij), 
whic!i  was  near  the  sheep-gate  (Xeh.  iii.  1)  on  the 
N.  E.  side  of  the  Te.-nple,  Jesus  saw  many  infirm 
pc.sons  waiting  their  turn  for  the  healing  virtues  of 
the  water  (Jn.  v.  1-18).  Among  them  was  a  man 
who  had  an  infirmity  thirty-eight  years :  Jesus  made 
him  whole  by  a  word,  bidding  him  take  up  his 
bed  and  walk.  The  miracle  was  done  on  the  Sab- 
bath ;  and  the  Jews  who  actvd  against  Jesus,  re- 
buked the  man  for  carrying  his  bed.  It  was  a  labor, 
and  as  such  forbidden  (Jer.  xvii.  21).  In  our  Lord's 
justification  of  Himself,  "  My  Father  worketh  hither- 
"I,  and  I  work"  (Jn.  v.  17),  there  is  an  unequivocal 
.x\m  to  the  divine  nature.  Another  di-cussion 
about  the  Sabbath  arose  from  the  disciples  plucking 
the  cars  of  corn  as  they  went  through  the  fields 
(Mat.  xii.  1-8).  The  time  of  this  is  somewhat  un- 
certain ;  some  would  place  it  a  year  later,  just  after 
tho  third  Passover :  but  its  place  is  much  more 
probably  here.  Our  Lord  quotes  cases  where  the 
law  is  supcrsciJed  or  set  aside,  because  He  is  One 
who  has  power  to  d«  the  same.  And  the  rise  of  a 
new  law  is  implied  in  those  words  which  Mark  alone 
(ii.  27)  has  recordet! :  "The  Sabbath  was  made  for 
man,  and  not  man  for  the  Sabbath."  The  law  upon 
the  Sahl)ath  was  made  in  love  to  men,  to  preserve 
for  them  a  due  measure  of  rest,  to  keep  room  for 
the  worship  of  God.     The  Son  of  Man  has  power  to 


readjust  this  law,  !f  its  work  is  done,  or  if  men  are 
fit  to  receive  a  higher.  This  may  have  taken  place 
on  the  way  to  Jerusalem  after  the  Passover.  On 
another  Sabbath,  probably  at  Capernaum,  to  which 
Jesus  had  returned,  the  Pharisees  gave  a  far  more 
striking  proof  of  the  way  in  which  their  hard  and 
narrow  and  unloving  interpretation  would  turn  the 
beneficence  of  the  Law  into  a  blighting  oppression. 
Our  Lord  euteied  into  the  Synagogue,  and  found 
there  a  man  with  a  withered  hand — some  poor  arti- 
san perhaps  whose  handiwork  was  his  means  of  life. 
Jesus  was  about  to  heal  him — which  would  give 
back  life  to  the  suft'cier — which  would  give  joy  to 
every  beholder  who  had  one  touch  of  pity  in  his 
heart.  The  Pharisees  interfere :  "  Is  it  lawful  to  heal 
on  the  Sabbath-day  ?  "  Their  doctors  would  have 
allowed  them  to  pull  a  sheep  out  of  a  pit ;  but  they 
will  not  have  a  man  rescued  from  the  depth  of 
misery.  Rarely  is  that  loving  Teacher  wroth,  but 
here  His  anger,  mixed  with  grief,  showed  itself:  He 
looked  round  about  upon  them  "  with  anger,  being 
grieved  at  the  hardness  of  their  hearts,"  and  an- 
swered their  cavils  by  healing  the  man  (Mat.  xii.  9- 
14  ;  Mk.  iii.  1-6;  Lk.  vi.  6-11).  In  placing  the  or- 
dination or  calling  of  the  twelve  apostles  just  before 
the  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  we  are  under  the  gui- 
dance of  Luke  (vi.  13,  17).  But  this  more  solemn 
separation  for  their  work  by  no  means  marks  the 
time  of  their  first  approach  to  Jesus.  That  which 
takes  place  here  is  the  appointment  of  twelve  dis- 
ciples to  be  a  distinct  body,  under  the  name  of 
apostles.  (Apostle.)  They  are  not  sent  forth  to 
preach  until  later  in  the  same  year.  The  number 
must  have  reference  to  the  number  of  the  Jewish 
tribes ;  it  is  a  number  selected  on  account  of  its 
symbolical  meaning,  for  the  work  confided  to  them 
might  have  been  wrought  by  more  or  fewer.  In  the 
four  lists  of  the  names  of  the  apostles  preserved  to 
us  (Mat.  X. ;  Mk.  iii. ;  Lk.  vi. ;  Acts  i.),  there  is  a 
certain  order  preserved,  amidst  variations.  The  two 
pairs  of  brothers,  Simon  and  Andrew,  and  the  sons 
of  Zebedce,  are  always  named  the  first ;  and  of  these 
Simon  Peter  ever  holds  the  first  place.  Philip  and 
Bartholomew,  Thomas  and  JIatthcw,  are  always  in 
the  next  rank ;  and  of  them  Philip  is  always  the 
first.  In  the  third  rank  James  the  son  of  Alpheus  ' 
is  the  first,  as  Judas  Iscaiiot  is  always  the  last, 
with  Simon  the  Zealot  and  Thaddeus  between. 
Some  of  the  apostles  were  certainly  poor,  and 
unlearned  men ;  probably  the  rest  were  of  tho 
same  kind.  Four  of  them  were  fishermen,  not 
indeed  the  poorest  of  their  class ;  and  a  fifth 
was  a  "  publican,"  one  of  the  tax-gatherers,  who 
collected  the  taxes  farmed  by  Romans  of  higher 
rank.  From  henceforth  the  education  of  the  twelve 
apostles  will  be  one  of  the  principal  features  of  tho 
Lord's  ministry.  First  He  instructs  them  ;  then 
He  takes  them  with  Him  as  companions  of  Uis 
wayfaring ;  then  He  sends  them  forth  to  teach  and 
heal  for  Him.  The  S/nnon  on  the  Mount,  although 
it  is  meant  for  all  the  disciples,  seems  to  have  a 
special  reference  to  the  chosen  Twelve  (Mat.  v.  11). 
About  this  time  it  was  that  John  the  Baptist,  long 
a  prisoner  with  little  hope  of  release,  sent  his  dis- 
ciples to  Jesus  with  tho  question,  "  Art  thou  He 
that  should  come,  or  do  we  look  for  another?" 
(Mat.  xi.  1-6;  Lk.  vii.  18-23).  In  all  the  Gospels 
there  is  no  more  touching  incident.  The  great 
privilege  of  John's  life  was  that  he  was  appointed 
to  recognize  and  bear  witness  to  the  Messiah  (Jn.  i. 
81).  After  languishing  a  year  in  a  dungeon,  after 
learning  that  even  yet  Jesus  had  made  no  steps 


470 


sm 


JES 


toward  the  establishment  of  His  kingdom  of  the 
Jews,  and  that  His  following  consisted  of  only  twelve 
poor  (ialikans,  doubts  bej^an  to  cloud  over  his 
spirit.  Was  the  kingdom  of  Messiah  as  near  as  he 
had  thought?  AVas  Jesus  not  the  Messiah,  but 
some  forerunner  of  that  Dilivcrcr,  as  lie  himself 
had  been  ?  There  is  no  unueliet ;  he  docs  not  sup- 
pose that  Jesus  has  deceived;  when  the  doubts 
arise,  it  is  to  Jesus  that  he  submits  them.  But  it 
was  not  without  great  depression  and  perplexity 
that  he  put  the  question,  "Art  thoa  lie  that  should 
come  ?  "  The  scope  of  the  answer  given  lies  in  its 
recalling  John  to  the  grounds  of  his  former  con- 
fidence. (John  hie  Baptist.)  Xow  commcncis 
the  second  circuit  of  Galilee  (Lk.  viii.  1-3),  to  which 
belong  the  parables  in  Mat.  xiii.  ;  the  visit  cf  cur 
Lord's  mother  and  brethren  (Lk.  viii.  19-21),  and 
the  account  of  Uis  reception  at  Nazareth  (Mk.  vi. 
1-G).  During  this  time  the  twelve  have  journeyed 
with  Him.  But  now  a  third  circuit  in  Galilee  is  re- 
corded, which  probably  occurred  during  the  last 
three  months  of  this  year  (Mat.  ix.  35-38);  and 
during  this  circuit,  after  reminding  them  how  great 
is  the  harvest  and  how  pressing  the  need  of  laborers. 
He  carries  the  training  of  the  disciples  one  step 
further  by  sending  them  forth  by  themseivcs  to 
teach  (x.,  xi.).  They  went  forth  two  and  two  ;  and 
our  Lord  continued  His  own  circuit  (xi.  1),  with 
what  companions  does  not  appear.  After  a  journey 
of  perhaps  two  months'  duration  the  twelve  return 
to  Jesus,  and  give  an  account  of  their  ministry. 
The  third  Passover  was  now  drawing  near;  but  the 
Lord  did  not  go  up  to  it.  He  wished  to  commune 
with  His  apostles  privately  upon  their  work,  and, 
we  may  suppose,  to  add  to  the  histrnclion  they  had 
already  received  from  Him  (Mk.  vi.  £0,  31).  He 
therefore  went  with  them  from  the  neighliorhood  of 
Capernaum  to  a  mountain  on  the  eastern  shore  of 
the  Sea  of  Tiberias,  near  Bethsaida  Julias,  not  far 
from  the  head  of  the  sea.  Great  multitudes  pur- 
sued them  ;  and  here  the  Lord,  moved  to  compassion 
by  the  hunger  and  weariness  of  the  pecple,  wrought 
for  them  one  of  His  most  remarkable  miracles. 
Out  of  live  barley  lo.ives  and  two  small  fishes.  He 
produced  food  for  5,000  men  besides  women  and 
children.  After  the  miracle  the  disciples  crossed 
the  sea,  and  Jesus  retired  alone  to  a  mountain  to 
commune  with  the  Father.  They  were  toiling  at 
the  oar,  for  the  wind  was  contrary,  when,  as  the 
night  drew  toward  morning,  they  saw  Jesus  walk- 
ing to  them  on  the  sea,  having  passed  the  whole 
night  on  the  mountain.  They  were  amazed  and 
terrified.  He  came  into  the  ship  and  the  wind 
ceased.  \\  hen  they  reached  the  shore  of  Genncsa- 
ret  the  whole  people  showed  their  faith  in  Him  as 
a  Healer  of  disease  (Mk.  vi.  53-56);  and  He  per- 
formed very  many  miracles  on  them.  Yet  on  the 
next  day  the  great  discourse  already  examined  (Jn. 
vi.)  was  uttered,  and  "  from  that  time  many  of  His 
disciples  went  back  and  walked  no  more  with  Him  " 
(vi.  66). —  Third  Year  of  the  Ministn/.  Hearing 
perhaps  that  Jesus  was  not  coming  to  the  feast. 
Scribes  and  Pharisees  from  Jerusalem  went  down 
to  see  Him  at  Capernaum  (Mat.  xv.  1).  They  found 
fault  with  His  disciples  for  breaking  the  tradition 
about  purifying,  and  eating  with  unwashen  hands. 
Our  Lord  in  His  answer  tries  to  show  them  how  far 
external  rule,  claiming  to  be  religious,  may  lead 
men  away  from  the  trae  spirit  of  the  Gospel.  Leav- 
ing the  neighborhood  of  Capernaum  our  Lord  now 
travels  to  the  N.  W.  of  Galilee,  to  the  region  of 
Tyre  and  Sidon.    The  time  is  not  strictly  deter- 


mined, but  it  was  probably  the  early  summer  of 
this  year.  It  docs  not  appear  that  He  retired  into 
this  heathen  country  for  the  purpose  of  ministering; 
more  probably  it  was  a  retreat  i'rcm  the  machina- 
tions of  the  Jews.  Here,  in  answer  to  the  admirable 
faith  and  humility  of  the  Syrophenician  woman.  He 
healed  her  daughter  who  was  tormented  with  an 
evil  spirit  (xv.  i;i-28;  Mk.  vii.  24-30).  Returning 
thence  He  passed  round  by  the  N.  of  the  Sea  of 
Galilee  to  the  region  of  Decapolis  on  its  eastern  side 
(vii.  31-37).  In  this  uistrict  He  performed  many 
miracles,  and  especially  the  restoration  of  a  deaf 
man  who  had  an  iniiiediment  in  his  speedi,  remark- 
able for  the  seeming  effort  with  which  He  »i  ought 
it.  To  these  i:uccecded  the  fecdirg  of  the  4,000 
with  the  seven  loaves  (Mat.  xv.  32).  He  now  cro^s^d 
the  lake  to  Magdala,  where  the  Phaiistcs  and  i^ad- 
ducees  asked  and  were  rciuscd  a  "sign."  Alter 
they  had  departed  Jesus  cro.'^sed  the  lake  with  Uis 
discipUs.  At  Bilhsaida  Julias,  He  restored  sight 
to  a  blind  man;  and  here,  as  in  a  foimer  case, 
the  foim  and  preparation  which  He  adopted  are  to 
be  remarked  (Mk.  viii.  22-26).  The  minii-try  in 
Galilee  is  now  drawing  to  its  close.  Through  the 
length  and  breadth  of  that  country  Jesus  has  pro- 
claimed the  kingdom  of  Christ,  and  has  shown  by 
mighty  works  that  He  is  the  Christ  that  was  to 
come.  The  lengthened  journeys  through  the  land, 
the  miracles,  far  more  than  are  recorded  in  ilctail, 
had  brought  the  Gospel  heme  to  all  the  fcc|dc. 
Capernaum  was  the  focus  of  IMsn  ii.istry.  llirough 
Chorazin  and  Bethsaida  He  1  ad  no  doubt  passed 
with  crowds  behind  Him,  drawn  t(g(ther  by  win- 
ders that  they  had  seen,  and  by  the  hope  of  others 
to  follow  the  m.  Many  thousands  had  actually  teen 
benefited  by  tlie  miracles;  but  the  gieat  mass  had 
heard  without  earnestness  the  preached  word,  and 
forgotten  it  without  regret,  W  ith  this  i ejection  an 
epoch  of  the  history  is  connected.  He  begins  to 
unfold  now  the  doctrine  of  His  passion  n  ore  fully. 
The  doctrine  of  a  suffering  Messiah,  so  |  hiinly  ex- 
hibited in  the  prophets,  had  receded  from  sij.ht  in 
the  current  religion  of  that  time.  The  anne  uncc- 
mcnt  cf  it  to  the  disciples  was  at  cnee  new  and 
shocking.  Turning  now  to  the  v,  hole  body  of  tl  ose 
who  followed  Him,  He  published  the  Christian  doc- 
trine of  self-deniah  The  apostles  had  just  shevn 
that  they  t<jok  the  natural  view  of  sufiering,  that  it 
was  an  evil  to  be  sliunncd.  They  shrank  from  con- 
flict, and  pain,  and  death,  as  it  is  natural  men  should. 
But  Jesus  leaches  that,  in  comparison  with  the 
higher  life,  the  life  of  the  soul,  the  life  cf  the  body 
is  valueless  (Mat.  xvi.  21-28;  Mk.  viii.  31-38  ;  Lk. 
ix.  22-27).  Tlie  Transfiguration,  which  took  place 
just  a  week  after  this  conversation,  is  to  he  uneler- 
stood  in  connection  with  it.  The  minds  of  the 
twelve  were  greatly  disturbed  at  what  they  had 
heard.  Xow,  if  ever,  they  needed  support  for  tl.cir 
perplexed  spirits,  and  this  their  loving  Master  failed 
not  to  give  them.  Re  takes  witli  Him  three  chosen 
disciples,  Peter,  John,  and  James,  wlio  foimed  as  it 
were  a  smaller  circle  nearer  to  Jesus  than  the  nst, 
into  a  high  mountain  apart  by  themselves.  (Her- 
MON  ;  Tabor.)  The  three  disciples  were  taken  rp 
with  Him,  who  should  afterward  be  the  three  wit- 
nesses of  His  agony  in  the  garden  of  Gethsemane: 
those  who  saw  His  glory  in  the  holy  mount  would 
be  sustained  by  the  remembrance  of  it  when  they 
beheld  His  lowest  humiliation.  The  calmness  and 
exactness  of  the  narrative  preclude  all  doubt  as  to 
its  historical  character.  He  was  fraying,  and  a 
great  change  came  over  Him.     "  Uis  face  did  shine 


JBS^ 


JES 


471 


!n  the  sun"  (Mat.);  "and  His  raiment  became 
shining,  exceedin}?  white  us  snow  ;  so  as  no  fuller 
on  eiiitli  can  white  them '' (Mk.).  Beside  Him  ap- 
peared Moses  and  Klijah ;  and  they  spake  of  Ilis 
departure,  as  though  it  was  something  recognized 
both  by  Law  and  prophet.-i.  The  three  disciples 
were  at  first  asleep  with  weariness  ;  and  when  they 
woke,  they  saw  the  glorious  scene.  As  Moses  and 
Elijah  were  departing  (Lk.),  Peter,  wishing  to  arrest 
thcTii,  uttered  tho-ie  words,  "  Lord,  it  is  good  for  us 
to  he  here,  and  let  us  make  three  tabernacles,  one 
for  Thee,  and  one  for  Moses,  and  one  for  Elijah."  Just 
a-i  he  gpoke,  a  clou<l  came  over  them,  and  the  voice 
of  the  Heavenly  Father  attested  once  more  His 
Son — "This  is  .My  beloved  Son  ;  hear  Him."  There 
his  iMjen  mjcli  discussion  on  the  purport  of  this 
great  wonder.  But  thus  much  seems  highly  prob- 
able:  (I.)  as  it  was  connected  with  the  prayer  of 
Je-us,  to  which  it  was  no  doubt  an  answer,  it  is  to 
be  re:;ardcJ  as  a  kind  of  inauguration  of  Him  in 
His  new  o.Uce  as  the  High-priest  who  should  make 
atonement  for  the  sins  of  the  people  with  Uis  own 
blool:  (2.)  as  the  witnes.-ies  of  this  scene  were  the 
nxrne  three  disciples  who  were  with  the  Master  in 
the  garden  of  Gethscmane,  it  may  be  assumed  that 
the  one  was  intended  to  prepare  them  for  the  other. 
As  they  came  down  from  tlie  mountain  He  cliarged 
them  to  keep  secret  what  they  had  seen  till  after 
the  Resurrection  ;  which  shows  that  this  miracle 
took  place  for  His  use  and  for  theirs,  rather  than 
for  the  rest  of  the  disciples  (Mat.  .wii.  1-13 ;  Mk. 
ix.  2-13  ;  Lk.  i.t.  28-36).  Meantime  amongst  the 
multitude  below  a  scene  was  taking  place  which 
formed  the  strongest  contrast  to  the  glory  and  the 
peace  which  they  had  witTiessed,  and  which  seemed 
to  justify  Peter's  remark,  "  It  is  good  for  us  to  be 
here."  A  poor  youih,  lunatic  and  possessed  by  a 
devil,  was  brought  to  the  disciples  who  were  not 
with  Jesus,  to  be  cured.  They  could  not  prevail ; 
an  1  when  Jesus  appeared  amongst  them  the  ago- 
nized and  disappointed  father  appealed  to  Him, 
with  a  kind  of  complaint  of  the  impotence  of  the 
disciples.  What  the  disciples  had  failed  to  do, 
Jesus  did  at  a  word.  He  then  explained  to  them 
that  their  want  of  faith  in  their  own  power  to  heal, 
and  in  His  promises  to  bestow  the  power  upon 
tliem,  was  the  cau.se  of  their  inability  (Mat.  xvii. 
U-21  ;  Mk.  ix.  14-29  ;  Lk.  ix.  37-43)."  Once  more 
did  Jesus  foretell  His  sufferings  on  their  way  back 
to  Ca|>ernaum  ;  but  "  they  understood  not  that  sav- 
ins, and  were  afraid  to  ask  Him"  (Mk.  ix.  30-32). 
— Fruin  l/ie  Feast  of  Tabernadei,  Third  Year. 
The  Feast  of  Tabernacles  was  now  approaching. 
His  brothers  set  out  for  the  feast  without  Him,  and 
He  abode  in  Galilee  for  a  few  days  longer  (Jn.  vii. 
2-10).  Afterward  He  set  out,  taking  the  more 
direct  but  less  frequented  route  by  Samaria,  Luke 
alone  (x.  1-16)  records,  in  connection  with  this 
journey,  the  sending  forth  of  the  seventy  disciples. 
This  event  is  to  be  regarded  in  a  different  light 
from  that  of  the  twelve.  The  seventy  had  received 
no  8[iecial  education  from  our  Lord,  and  their  com- 
mission was  of  a  temporary  kind.  The  number  has 
reference  to  the  (Jentiles,  as  twelve  had  to  the 
Jews ;  and  the  scene  of  the  work,  Samaria,  reminds 
us  that  this  is  a  movement  directed  toward  the 
stranger.  After  healing  the  ten  lepers  in  Samaria, 
He  came  about  the  midst  of  the  feast  to  Jerusalem. 
The  PImrisecs  and  rulers  sought  to  take  Him ; 
some  of  the  people,  however,  believed  in  Him,  but 
concealed  their  opinion  for  fear  of  the  rulers.  To 
thi»  division  of  opioiou  we  may  attribute  the  failure 


of  the  repeated  attempts  on  the  part  of  the  San- 
hedrim to  take  One  who  was  openly  teaching  in  (he 
Temple  (Jn.  vii.  U-53 :  see  especially  ver.  30,  32, 
44,  45,  4(i).  The  oflicers  were  partly  afraid  to  seize 
in  the  presence  of  the  people  the  favorite  Teacher ; 
and  partly  were  themselves  awed  and  attracted  by 
Him.  The  history  of  the  woman  taken  in  adultery 
(viii.  1-11)  belongs  to  this  time.  To  this  place  be- 
longs the  account,  given  by  John  alone,  of  the  heal- 
ing of  one  who  was  born  blind,  and  the  conse- 
quences of  it  (ix.  1-41,  X.  1-21).  The  well-known 
parable  of  the  good  shepherd  is  an  answer  to  the 
calumny  of  the  Pharisees,  that  He  was  an  impostor 
and  breaker  of  the  law,  "  This  man  is  not  of  God, 
because  he  keepeth  not  the  Sabbath-day  "  (ix.  IG). 
— We  now  approach  a  difficult  i)ortion  of  the  sacred 
history.  The  note  of  time  given  us  by  John  imme- 
diately afterward  is  the  Feast  of  the  Dedication, 
which  was  celebrated  on  the  25th  of  Chisleu,  an- 
swering nearly  to  December.  According  to  this 
Evangelist  our  Lord  does  not  appear  to  have  re- 
turned to  Gililec  between  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles 
and  that  of  Dedication,  but  to  have  passed  the  time, 
in  and  near  Jerusalem.  Matthew  and  Mark  do  not 
allude  to  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles.  Luke  ajtpears 
to  do  so  in  ix.  51 :  but  the  words  there  used  would 
imply  that  this  was  the  last  journey  to  Jerusalem. 
Now  in  Luke  a  large  section  (ix.  51-xviii.  14)  seems 
to  belong  to  the  time  preceiling  the  departure  from 
Galilee;  and  the  question  i.s,  how  is  this  to  be  ar- 
ranged, so  that  it  shall  harmonize  with  the  narra- 
tive of  John  ?  In  most  Harmonies  a  return  of  our 
Lord  to  Galilee  has  been  assumed,  in  order  to  find 
a  place  for  this  part  of  Luke.  In  the  table  of  the 
Harmony  of  the  Gospels,  Lk.  x.  17-xviii.  14  is  in- 
serted entire  between  Jn.  x.  21  and  22,  because 
there  are  no  points  of  contact  with  the  other  Gos- 
pels to  assist  us  in  breaking  it  up.  Some  of  the 
most  striking  parables,  preserved  only  by  Luke, 
belong  to  this  period.  The  parables  of  the  good 
Samaritan,  the  prodigal  son,  the  unjust  steward, 
the  rich  man  and  Lazarus,  and  the  Pharisee  and 
publican,  all  peculiar  to  this  Gospel,  belong  to  the 
present  section.  The  instructive  account  of  Mary 
and  Martha  and  the  miracle  of  the  ten  lepers  be- 
long to  this  portion  of  the  narrative.  Besides 
these,  scattered  sayings  that  occur  in  Matthew  are 
here  repeated  in  a  new  connection.  The  account 
of  the  bringing  of  young  children  to  Jesus  unites 
again  the  three  Evangelists  (Mat.  xix.  13-15 ;  Mk. 
X.' 13-16;  Lk.  xviii.  15-17).  The  ruler  to  whom 
our  Lord  gave  the  special  advice  to  .sell  all  his  pos- 
sessions, and  to  give  to  the  poor,  discovered  then 
for  the  first  time  that  his  devotion  to  God  and  his 
yearning  after  eternal  life  were  not  so  perfect  as 
he  had  thought ;  and  he  went  away  sorrowful,  un- 
able to  bear  this  sacrifice.  Peter  now  contrasts 
the  mode  in  which  the  disciples  had  left  all  for  Him, 
with  the  conduct  of  this  rich  ruler.  Our  Lord  tells 
them  that  those  who  have  made  any  sacrifice  shall 
have  it  richly  repaid  (Mat.  xix.  16-30;  Mk.  x.  17- 
31 ;  Lk.  xviii.  18-30).  Words  of  warning  close 
the  narrative,  and  in  Matthew  only  the  parable  of 
the  laborers  in  the  vineyard  is  added  to  caution 
the  apostles  against  thinking  too  much  of  their 
early  calling  and  arduous  labors.  Not  merit,  not 
self-sacrifice,  but  the  pure  love  of  (>od  and  His 
mere  bounty  confer  salvation  (Mat.  xx.  1-16).  On 
the  way  to  Jerusalem  through  Pcrea,  to  the  Feast 
of  Dedication,  Jesus  again  puts  before  the  minds 
of  the  twelve  what  they  are  never  now  to  forget, 
the  Bufferings  that  await  Uim.    They  "  understood 


472 


JES 


none  of  these  things,"  for  they  could  not  reconcile 
this  foreboding  of  suffering  with  the  signs  and  an- 
nouncements of  the  coming  of  His  liingdom  (Mat. 
IX.  17-19;  Mif.  X.  32-34;  Lit.  xviii.  31-34).  In 
consequence  of  this  new,  though  dark,  intimation 
of  the  coming  of  the  kingdom,  Salome,  with  lier 
two  sons,  James  and  Jolin,  came  to  bespeak  the 
two  places  of  highest  honor  in  the  kingdom.  Jesus 
tells  them  that  they  know  not  what  they  ask  ;  that 
the  places  of  honor  in  the  kingdom  shall  be  be- 
stowed, not  by  Jesus  in  answer  to  a  chance  re- 
quest, but  upon  those  for  whom  they  are  prepared 
by  the  Father.  As  sin  ever  provokes  sin,  the 
ambition  of  the  ten  was  now  aroused,  and  they  be- 
gan to  be  much  displeased  with  James  and  John. 
Jesus  once  more  recalls  the  principle  that  the 
childlike  disposition  is  that  which  He  approves 
(Mat.  XX.  20-28;  Mk.  x.  36-45).  The  healing  of 
the  two  blind  men  at  Jericho  is  chiefly  remarkable 
among  the  miracles  from  the  difliculty  which  has 
arisen  in  harmonizing  the  accounts.  Matthew 
speaks  of  two  blind  men,  and  of  the  occasion  as  the 
departure  from  Jericho ;  Mark,  of  one  whom  he 
names,  and  of  their  arrival  at  Jericho ;  and  Luke 
agrees  with  him.  This  point  has  received  much 
discussion ;  but  the  view  of  Lightfoot  finds  favor 
with  many  eminent  expositors,  that  there  were  two 
blind  men,  and  both  were  healed  under  similar  cir- 
cumstances, except  that  Bartimeus  was  on  one  side 
of  the  city,  and  was  healed  by  Jesus  as  He  entered, 
and  the  otlier  was  healed  on  the  other  side  as  they 
departed  (Mat.  xx.  29-34 ;  Mk.  x.  46-62  ;  Lk.  xviii. 
35-43).  The  calling  of  Zacchkcs  has  more  than  a 
mere  personal  interest.  He  was  a  publican,  one  of 
a  class  hated  and  despised  by  the  Jews.  But  he 
was  one  who  sought  to  serve  God.  From  such  did 
Jesus  wish  to  call  His  disciples,  whether  they  were 
publicans  or  not  (Lk.  xix.  1-10).  We  have  reached 
now  the  Feast  of  Dedication  ;  but,  as  has  been  said, 
the  exact  place  of  the  events  in  Luke  about  this 
part  of  the  ministry  has  not  been  conclusively  de- 
termined. After  being  present  at  the  feast,  Jesus  re- 
turned to  Bethabara  beyond  Jordan,  where  John  had 
formerly  baptized,  and  abode  there.  How  long  He 
remained  here  does  not  appear.  It  was  probably 
for  some  weeks.  The  sore  need  of  a  family  in 
Bethany,  who  were  what  men  call  the  intimate 
friends  of  our  Lord,  called  Him  thence.  Lazakcs 
was  sick,  and  his  sisters  sent  word  of  it  to  Jesus, 
whose  power  they  well  knew.  It  was  not  till  Laz- 
arus had  been  four  days  in  the  grave  that  the 
Saviour  appeared  on  the  scene.  But  with  the  power 
of  God  He  breaks  the  fetters  of  brass  in  which 
Lazarus  was  held  by  death,  and  at  His  word  the 
man,  on  whom  corruption  had  already  begun  to  do 
its  work,  came  forth  alive  and  whole  (Jn.  xi.  1-46). 
A  miracle  so  public,  for  Bethany  was  close  to  Je- 
rusalem, and  the  family  of  Lazarus  well  known  to 
many  people  in  the  mothcr-citj',  could  not  escape 
the  notice  of  the  Sanhedrim.  A  meeting  of  this 
Council  was  called  without  loss  of  time,  and  the 
matter  discussed.  The  members  believed  that  a 
popular  outbreak,  with  Jesus  at  its  head,  was  im- 
pending, and  that  it  would  e.\citc  the  jealousy  of 
the  Romans,  and  lead  to  the  taking  away  of  their 
"  place  and  nation."  Caiaphas  the  high-priest  gave 
it  as  his  opinion  that  it  was  expedient  for  them 
that  one  man  should  die  for  the  people,  and  that 
the  whole  nation  should  not  perish.  The  Evangelist 
adds  that  these  words  bore  a  prophetic  meaning,  of 
which  the  speaker  was  uncr-nscious.  The  connec- 
tion between  his  office  and  the  ]  rophecy  was  not  a 


necessary  one ;  but  if  a  prophecy  was  to  be  uttered 
by  unwilling  lips,  it  was  natural  that  the  high-priest, 
who  offered  ibr  the  people,  should  be  the  person  con- 
pelled  to  utter  it.  The  death  of  Jesus  was  now  re- 
solved on,  and  He  fled  to  Ephraim  for  a  few  days,  be- 
cause His  hour  was  not  yel  come  (.\i.  45-47).  We  now 
approach  the  final  stage  of  the  history,  and  every 
word  and  act  tend  toward  the  great  act  of  suffering. 
Each  day  is  marked  by  its  own  events  or  instruc- 
tions. Our  Lord  entered  into  Bethany  on  Friday 
the  8th  of  Nisan,  the  eve  of  the  Sabbath,  and  re- 
mained over  the  Sabbath. — Saturday  the  9lh  of 
A'han  {April  \st).  As  He  was  at  supper  in  the 
house  of  one  Simon,  surnamed  "  the  leper,"  a  re- 
lation of  Lazarus,  who  was  at  table  with  Him,  Mary, 
full  of  gratitude  for  the  wonderful  rai.'^ing  of  her 
brother  from  the  dead,  took  a  vessel  containing  a 
quantity  of  pure  ointment  of  spikenard,  and  anoint- 
ed the  feet  of  Jesus,  and  wiped  His  feet  with  her 
hair,  and  anointed  his  head  likewise. — I'amion 
Wrel:  Suvdat/ Ifie  10th  day  of  hmn  (ArHl  1d\ 
When  He  arrives  at  the  Jlount  of  Olives  lie  com- 
mands two  of  His  disciples  to  go  Into  the  village 
near  at  hand,  where  they  would  find  an  ass,  and  a 
colt  tied  with  her.  With  these  beasts,  impressed 
as  for  the  service  of  a  king,  He  was  to  enter  into 
Jerusalem.  The  disciples  spread  upon  the  ass  their 
ragged  cloaks  for  Him  to  sit  on.  And  the  multi- 
tudes cried  aloud  before  Him,  in  the  words  of  the 
llSth  Psalm,  "  Ilosanna,  Save  now  !  blessed  is  He 
that  Cometh  in  the  nnnie  of  the  Lord."  All  the 
city  was  moved.  Blind  and  lame  came  to  the 
Temple  when  He  ariived  there,  and  were  healed. 
But  Christ  wept  over  the  city  that  was  hailing  Him 
as  its  king,  and  prophesied  its  destruction,  just  as 
it  afterward  came  to  pass.  After  working  niiradcs 
in  the  Temple  He  returned  to  Bethany.  The  lOlh 
of  Nisan  was  the  day  lor  the  separation  of  the 
paschal  lamb  (Ex.  xii.  3).  Jesus,  the  Lamb  of  God, 
entered  Jerusalem  and  the  Temple  on  this  day,  and 
although  r.onc  but  He  knew  that  He  was  the  Paschal 
Lamb,  the  coincidence  is  not  undesigned  (Mat.  xxi. 
l-ll,  14-17;  Mk.  xl.  1-11;  Lk.  xix.  29-44;  Jn. 
xii.  12-19). — Hohday  the  Mlh  of  Nisan  (April  2d). 
The  next  day  Jesus  returned  to  Jerusalem,  again 
to  take  advantage  of  the  mood  of  the  peojile  to  in- 
struct them.  On  the  way  he  approached  one  of 
the  many  fig-trees  which  grew  in  that  quarter,  and 
found  tl  at  it  was  full  of  foliage,  but  without  fiuit. 
(FiG.)  He  said,  "No  man  cat  fruit  of  thee  here- 
after forever!"  and  the  fig-tree  withered  away 
(Mat.  xxi.  18,  19  ;  Mk.  xi.  12-14).  Proceeding  now 
to  the  Temple,  He  cleared  its  court  of  the  crowd  of 
traders  that  gathered  there  (Mat.  xxi.  12,  IS;  Mk. 
xi.  15-19;  Lk.  xix.  45-48).  In  the  evening  He  re- 
turned again  to  Bethany. —  Twtday  the  \S.th  of  Aifoii 
(April  4th).  On  this  the  third  day  of  Paffion  week, 
Jesus  went  into  Jerusalem  as  before,  and  visited 
the  Temple.  The  Sanhedrim  came  to  Him  to  call 
Him  to  account  for  the  clearing  of  the  Temple. 
"By  what  authority  doest  thou  these  things?" 
The  Lrrd  answered  their  question  by  another- 
what  was  their  opinion  of  the  baptism  of  John  ? 
They  refused  to  answer,  and  Jesus  refused  in  like 
manner  to  answer  them.  To  this  time  belong  the 
parables  of  the  two  sons  (Mat.  xxi.  23-32 ;  Mk.  xi. 
27-33 ;  Lk.  xx.  1-8),  of  the  wicked  husbandman, 
and  of  the  wedding  garment  (Mat.  xxi.  83-46,  xxii. 
1-14  ;  Mk.  xii.  1-12  ;  Lk.  xx.  9-19).  Kot  content 
with  their  plans  for  His  death,  the  different  parties, 
first  the  Pharisees  and  Herodians,  next  the  Saddu- 
cees,  unsuccessfully  try  to  entangle  Him  in  argn- 


JfiS 


JES 


473 


m3nt,  and  to  bring  Ilim  into  contempt.  Jesus  now 
retorts  the  argument  on  the  SaUilucees  (Mat.  xxii. 
15-33;  Mk.  xii.  13-27;  Lk.  ix.  20-40).  Fresh 
questions  awaitaJ  Him ;  but  His  wisdom  never 
failed  to  give  tlie  appropriate  answer.  And  then 
He  utt2;ei  to  all  the  people  that  terrible  denuncia- 
tion of  woe  to  the  Pharisees  with  which  we  are 
familiar  (Mat.  xxiii.  1-39).  After  an  indignant  de-  ' 
nuuciation  of  the  hypocrites,  He  apostrophizes 
Jerusalem  in  words  full  of  compassion,  yet  carrying 
with  them  a  senter.ce  of  death  (xxiii.).  Another; 
great  discourse  belongs  to  this  day,  which,  more 
t.ian  any  other,  presents  Jesus  .is  the  great  Prophet 
of  His  people.  On  leaving  the  Temple,  His  dis- 
ciples drew  attention  to  the  beauty  of  its  structure, 
"  its  goodly  stones  and  gifts,"  their  remarks  prob- 
ably arising  from  the  threats  of  destruction  which 
had  so  lately  been  uttered  by  Jesus.  Their  Master 
answered  that  not  one  stone  of  the  noljle  pile 
should  b3  loft  upon  another.  When  they  reached 
the  MDunt  of  Olives,  the  disciples,  or  rather  the 
liist  four  (Mk.),  speaking  for  the  re^;-:,  asked  him 
when  this  destruction  should  be  accomplished.  To 
understand  the  answer,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind 
that  Jesus  w.irned  them  that  He  was  no!  giving 
them  an  historical  account  such  as  would  enable 
them  to  anticipati  the  events.  "  Of  that  day  and 
hour  knoweth  no  man,  no,  not  the  angels  of  heaven, 
but  my  Father  only."  Exact  data  of  time  are  to 
be  purposely  withheld  from  them.  Accordingly 
two  events,  analogous  in  character  but  widely  sun- 
dere  1  by  time,  are  so  treated  in  tlio  prophecy  that 
it  is  almost  impossible  to  disentangle  them.  The  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem  and  tho  day  of  judgment — 
the  national  and  the  universal  days  of  account — are 
spoken  of  together  or  altsrnately  without  hint  of 
the  great  interval  of  time  that  separates  them  (Mat. 
xxiv. ;  .\Ik.  xiii. ;  Lk.  xxi.).  The  conclusion  which 
JesU4  drew  from  His  own  awful  warning  was,  that 
they  were  not  to  attempt  to  fix  the  data  of  His  re- 
turn. The  lesson  of  the  p.irable  of  the  Ten  Virgins 
is  the  same  (Mat.  xxiv.  44,  ixv.  13).  And  the 
parable  of  the  Talents,  lure  repeated  in  a  modifie  1 
form,  teaches  how  precious  to  soul.^  are  the  uses  of 
time  (xxv.  H-30).  In  conclu  ling  this  momentois 
discourse,  our  Lord  puts  a^ide  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  and  displays  to  our  eyes  the  picture  of 
the  final  judgment(xiv.  31-48).  \Vith  these  weighty 
words  ends  the  third  day. —  IVedneada;/  the  Klh  of 
Kuan  (April  6(A).  This  day  w.x3  passed  in  retire- 
ment with  the  apostles.  Satan  had  put  it  into  the 
mind  of  one  of  them  to  betray  Him ;  and  JcnAS 
IscARioT  made  a  covenant  to  betray  Him  to  tho 
chief  priests  for  thirtv  pieces  of  silver  (Mat.  xxvi. 
14-16;  Mk.  xiv.  10,  11;  Lk.  xxii.  l-6).—  T!iariid^)/ 
tlie  nth  of  Nitan  {April  6th).  On  "  the  fii-st  day  of 
unleavened  bread,"  the  disciples  asked  their  Master 
where  they  were  to  eat  the  Passover.  He  directed 
Peter  and  John  to  go  into  Jerusalem,  and  to  follow 
a  man  whom  they  should  see  bearing  a  pitcher  of 
water,  and  to  demand  of  him,  in  their  Master's 
name,  the  use  of  the  guestchamber  in  his  house  for 
this  purpose.  All  happened  as  Jesus  had  told 
them,  and  In  the  evening  they  assembled  to  cele- 
brate, for  the  last  time,  the  paschal  meal.  The  se- 
quence of  the  events  is  not  quite  clear,  but  the 
order  seems  to  be  as  follows.  When  they  had  ; 
taken  their  places  at  table,  and  the  supper  had  be- 
gun, Jesus  gave  them  the  first  cup  to  divide  among 
themselves  (Lk.).  It  was  customary  to  drink  at 
the  paschal  supper  four  cups  of  wine  mixed  with 
water;    and  this  answered  to  the  first   of  them. 


(Passover.)  There  now  arose  a  contention  among 
the  disciples  which  of  them  should  be  the  greatest; 
perhaps  in  connection  with  the  places  which  they 
had  taken  at  this  feast  (Lk.).  After  a  solemn  warn- 
ing against  pride  and  ambition,  Jesus  performed  an 
act  which,  as  one  of  the  last  of  His  life,  must  ever 
have  been  remembered  by  the  witnesses  as  a  great 
lesson  of  humility.  He  rose  from  the  table,  poured 
water  into  a  basin,  girded  Himself  with  a  towel, 
and  proceeded  to  wash  the  disciples'  feet  (Jn.). 
After  all  had  been  washed,  the  Saviour  explained  to 
them  the  meaning  of  what  He  had  done.  "  If  I, 
your  Lord  and  Master,  have  washed  your  foet,  ye 
also  ought  to  wash  one  another's  feet.  For  I  have 
given  you  an  example,  that  ye  should  do  as  I  have 
done  to  you"  (Mat.  xxvi.  17-20;  Mk.  xiv.  12-17; 
Lk.  xxii.  7-30 ;  Jn.  xiii.  1-20).  (Washlsg  the 
Hands  and  Fket.)  From  this  act  of  love  it  does 
not  seem  that  even  the  traitor  Judas  was  excluded. 
But  his  treason  was  thoroughly  known ;  and  now 
Jesus  denounces  it.  One  of  them  should  betray 
Ilim.  The  traitor  having  gone  straight  to  his 
wicked  object,  the  end  of  the  Saviour's  ministry 
seemed  already  at  hand.  He  gave  them  the  new 
commandment,  to  love  one  another,  as  though  it 
were  a  last  bequest  to  them  (Mat.  xxvi.  21-25  ;  Mk. 
xiv.  18-21;  Lk.  xxii.  21-23;  Jn.  xiii.  21-35). 
Toward  tho  close  of  tho  meal  Jesus  instituted  the 
sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper  (Mat.  xxvi.  26-29; 
Mk.  xiv.  22-25;  Lk.  x.\ii.  19,  20;  1  Cor.  xi.  28- 
25).  The  denial  of  Peter  is  now  foretold,  and  to 
no  one  would  such  an  announcement  be  more  in- 
credible than  to  Peter  himself  (Mat.  xxvi.  81-35; 
Mk.  xiv.  27-31;  Lk.  xxii.  31-38;  Jn.  xiii.  30-38). 
That  great  final  discourse,  which  John  alone  has 
recorded,  is  now  delivered  (sec  above).  Although 
in  the  mid  lie  of  it  there  is  a  mention  of  departure 
(Jn.  xiv.  31),  this  perhaps  only  implies  that  they 
prepared  to  go ;  and  then  the  whole  discourse  was 
delivered  in  the  house  before  they  proceeded  to 
Gethsemane  (xiv.-xvii.). — Frvhy  t}ie\hth  of  Nhan 
{April  llh),  iiicludinfj  part  nf  Ihf  eve  of  it.  "  When 
they  had  sung  a  hymn,"  which  perhaps  means, 
when  thoy  had  sung  tho  second  part  of  the  Hallcl 
(Hallelijah),  or  .song  of  praise,  which  consisted 
of  Ps.  cxv.-cxviii.,  the  former  part  (cxiii.-cxi".) 
having  been  sung  at  an  earlier  part  of  the  supper, 
they  went  out  into  the  Mount  of  Olives  Jesua 
takes  only  His  three  proved  companions,  Peter, 
James,  and  John,  and  passes  with  them  farther 
into  the  garden,  leaving  the  rest  seated,  probably 
near  the  entrance.  Xo  pen  can  attempt  to  de- 
scribe what  passed  that  night  in  that  secluded 
spot.  He  tells  them  "My soul  is  exceeding  sorrow- 
ful, even  unto  death:  tarry  ye  here  and  watch  with 
rae,"  and  then  leaving  even  the  throe  He  goes 
farther,  and  in  solitude  wrestles  with  an  inconceiv- 
able trial.  The  words  of  Mark  are  still  more  ex- 
pressive— "  He  began  to  be  sore  aniazcd,  and  to  be 
very  heavy"  (xiv.  33).  The  former  word  me.ans 
that  He  was  struck  with  a  great  dread ;  not  from 
the  fear  of  physical  suffei'ing,  however  excruciating, 
we  may  well  believe,  but  from  the  eon' act  with  the 
sins  of  the  world,  of  which,  In  some  inconceivable 
way,  lie  felt  the  bitterness  and  the  weight.  He 
did  not  merely  contemplate  them,  but  boar  and 
feel  them.  It  Is  impossible  to  explain  this  scene 
In  Gethsemane  in  any  other  way.  The  disciples 
have  sunk  to  sleep.  It  was  In  search  of  consola- 
tion that  He  came  back  to  them.  The  disciple 
who  had  been  so  ready  to  ask  "  Why  cannot  I  fol- 
low thee  now  ?  "  must  hear  another  question,  that 


4T4: 


JES 


JES 


rebukes  his  former  confidence — "  Coiildest  not 
thou  watch  one  hour  ?  "  A  second  time  lie  departs 
and  wrestles  in  prayer  with  the  I'atlier.  A  second 
time  He  returns  and  finds  them  sleeping.  The 
same  scene  is  repeated  yet  a  third  time ;  and  then 
all  is  concluded.  Hencel'orth  they  may  sleep  and 
take  their  rest ;  never  more  shall  they  be  asked  to 
watch  one  hour  with  Jesus,  for  llis  ministry  in  the 
flesh  is  at  an  end.  This  scene  is  in  complete  con- 
trast to  the  Transfiguration  (Mat.  x:svi.  3B-46  ;  Mk. 
xiv.  32-42;  Lk.  xxii.  39-16;  Jn  xviii.  1).  (AooNv; 
Sweat,  Bloody.)  Judas  now  appeared  to  complete 
his  work.  In  the  doubtful  light  of  torches,  a  kiss 
from  him  was  the  sign  to  the  officers  whom  they 
should  take.  Peter,  whose  name  is  first  given  in 
John's  Gospel,  drew  a  s«ord  and  smote  a  servant 
of  the  high-priest  and  cut  off  his  ear;  but  llis 
Lord  refu.sed  such  succor,  and  healed  the  wounded 
man.  All  the  disciples  ibrsook  Iiim  and  fled  (Mat. 
xxvi.  47-56;  Mk.  xiv.  43-52  ;  Lk.  xxii.  47-53;  Jn. 
xviii.  2-12).  Tliere  is  some  difficulty  in  arranging 
the  events  that  immediately  fellow,  so  as  to  em- 
brace all  the  lour  accounts.  On  the  capture  of 
Jesus  He  was  first  taken  to  the  house  of  Annas, 
the  father-in-law  of  Caiaphas  the  high-priest.  It 
might  apoear  ft-om  the  course  of  John's  narrative 
that  the  examination  of  our  Lord,  and  the  first  de- 
nial of  I'eter,  took  place  in  the  house  of  Annas 
(Jn.  xviii.  13,  14).  But  the  24th  verse  is  retrospec- 
tive ;  and  probably  all  that  occurred  alter  verse  14 
took  place  not  at  the  house  of  Annas,  but  at  that 
of  Caiaphas.  The  holsk  of  the  high-priest  con- 
sisted (irobably,  like  other  Eastern  lionses,  of  an 
open  central  court  with  chambers  round  it.  Into 
this  court  a  gate  admitted  them,  at  which  a  woman 
stood  to  open.  As  Peter  passed  in,  the  portress 
took  note  of  liim ;  and  afterward,  at  the  fire  which 
had  been  lighted,  asked  him,  "Art  not  thou  ahso 
one  of  tliis  man's  disciples  ?  "  (Jn.).  All  the  zeal 
and  boldness  of  Peter  seems  to  have  deserted 
him.  He  had  come  as  in  secret  ;  he  is  deter- 
mined so  to  remain,  and  he  denies  his  Master! 
Feeling  now  the  danger  of  his  situation,  he  went 
out  into  the  porch,  and  there  some  one,  or, 
looking  at  all  the  accounts,  probably  several 
persons,  asked  him  the  question  a  second  time, 
and  he  denied  more  strongly.  About  an  hour 
after,  when  he  had  returned  into  the  court, 
the  same  question  was  put  to  him  a  third  time,  with 
the  same  result.  Then  the  cock  crew ;  and  Jesus, 
who  was  within  sight,  probably  in  some  fspen  room 
communicating  with  the  court,  "  turned  and  looked 
upon  Peter.  And  Peter  remembered  the  word  of 
our  Lord,  how  He  had  said  unto  him,  Belbre  the 
cock  crow  thou  shalt  deny  me  thrice.  And  Peter 
went  out  and  wept  bitterly  "  (Mat.  xxvi.  57,  58, 
69-75 ;  Mk.  xiv.  53,  54,  66-72 ;  Lk.  xxii.  54-62  ; 
Jn.  xviii.  13-18,  24-27).  The  first  interrogatory  to 
which  otir  Lord  was  subject  (xviii.  19-24)  was  ad- 
dressed to  Him  by  Caiaphas,  probably  before  the 
Sanhedrim  had  time  to  assemble.  It  was  the  ques- 
tioning of  an  inquisitive  person  who  had  an  impor- 
tant criminal  in  his  presence,  rather  than  a  formal 
examination.  The  Lord's  refusal  to  answer  is  thus 
ex|)lained  and  justified.  When  the  more  regular 
proceedings  begin  He  is  ready  to  answer.  A  ser- 
vant of  the  high-priest,  knowing  that  he  should 
thereby  please  his  master,  smote  the  cheek  of  the 
Son  of  God  with  the  palm  of  his  hand.  But  this 
was  only  the  beginning  of  horrors.  At  the  dawn  of 
day  the  Sanhedrim,  summoned  by  the  high-priest  in 
the  course  of  the  night,  assembled,  and  brought 


j  their  band  of  false  witnesses,  whom  they  must  have 
had  ready  before.  These  gave  their  testimony,  but 
even  before  this  unjust  tribunal  it  could  not  stand ; 
it  was  so  full  of  contradictions.  At  last  two  false 
witnesses  came,  and  their  testimony  was  very  like 
the  truth  (Mk.  xiv.  58;  see  Jn.  ii.  19).  Even  these 
two  fell  into  contradictions.  The  high-priest  now 
with  a  solemn  adjuration  asks  Him  whether  He  is 
the  Christ  the  Son  of  God.  He  answers  that  He  is, 
and  foretells  His  return  in  glory  and  power  at  the 
last  day.  This  is  enough  for  their  pui  pose.  They 
pronounce  Him  guilty  of  a  cime  lor  which  death 
should  be  the  punishment  (Jn.  xviii.  19-24 ;  Lk. 
I  xxii.  63-71;  Mat.  xxvi.  69-08;  Mk.  xiv.  65-65). 
I  Although  they  had  pronounced  Jesus  to  be  guilty 
I  of  death,  the  Sanhedrim  possessed  no  power  to  carry 
1  out  such  a  sentence.  As  soon  as  it  was  day  they 
took  Bim  to  Pilate  (Pontrs  Pii.ate),  the  Koman 
procurator.  The  hall  of  judgment,  or  phetorium, 
was  probably  a  part  of  the  tower  of  Antonia  near 
the  Temple,  where  the  Roman  garrison  n as.  Pilate, 
]  hearing  that  Jesus  w  as  an  oft'eiuler  under  their  law, 
was  about  to  give  thim  leave  to  treat  Iiim  accord- 
\  ingly ;  and  this  would  have  made  it  quite  sale  to 
i  execute  Him.  But  the  council,  wishing  tothift  the 
j  responsibility  from  themselves,  said  it  was  not  law- 
1  ful  for  them  to  put  any  man  to  death ;  and  having 
i  condemned  Jesus  for  blasphemy,  they  now  strove 
to  have  Him  condemned  by  Pil;ite  for  a  political 
crime,  for  calling  Himself  the  King  of  the  Jews. 
The  Jewish  punishment  was  stoning;  whilst  cncci- 
FixiON  was  a  Roman  punishment;  and  thus  it  came 
about  that  the  Lord's  saying  as  to  the  mode  of  His 
death  was  full. lied  (Mat."xx.  19  with  Jn.  xii.  32,  88). 
From  the  first  Jesus  found  favor  in  the  eyes  of 
Pilate,  and  he  prenoimecd  that  he  found  no  fault  in 
Him.  Kot  so  easily  were  the  Jews  to  be  cheated 
of  their  piey.  They  heaped  up  accusations  against 
Him  as  a  disturber  of  the  public  peace  (Lk.  xxiii.  6). 
Pilate  was  no  nmtch  for  their  vehemence.  Finding 
that  Jesus  was  a  Galilean,  he  sent  Him  to  Herod 
,  (Hi:r.0D  Antipas)  to  be  dealt  with  ;  but  lierod,  after 
I  cruel  mockery  and  persecution,  sent  Kim  back  to 
Pilate.  Now  commenced  the  fearful  struggle  be- 
tween the  Roman  procurator,  a  weak  as  well  as 
ciucl  man,  and  the  Jews.  The  well-known  incidents 
of  the  second  interview  are  soon  recalled.  After  the 
examination  by  Herod,  and  the  return  of  Jesus, 
Pilate  proposed  to  release  Him,  as  it  was  usual  on 
the  feast-day  to  release  a  prisoner  to  the  Jews  out 
of  grace.  Pilate  knew  well  that  the  plie^t6  and 
rulers  would  object  to  this ;  but  it  was  a  covert  ap- 
peal to  the  people.  The  multitude,  peisuaded  by 
the  priests,  preferred  another  prisoner,  called  Harab- 
bas.  Pilate  took  water  and  w  ashed  his  hands  before 
them,  and  said,  "  I  am  innocent  of  the  blood  of  this 
just  per.'on  ;  see  ye  to  it."  1  he  people  imprecated 
on  their  own  heads  and  those  of  their  children  the 
blood  of  Him  whose  doom  was  thus  scaled.  Now 
came  the  scourging,  and  the  blows  and  insults  of 
the  soldiers,  who,  uttering  truth  when  they  thought 
they  were  only  reviling,  crowned  Him  and  addressed 
Hiiii  as  King  of  the  Jews.  According  to  John, 
Pilate  now  made  one  more  effort  for  His  release. 
He  thought  that  the  scourging  might  appease  their 
rage,  and  brought  the  Saviour  forth  again  to  them, 
and  said,  "  Behold  the  Man  !  "  Not  even  so  was 
their  violence  assuaged.  He  still  sought  to  release 
Jesus :  but  the  last  argument,  which  had  been  in 
the  minds  of  both  sides  all  along,  was  now  openly 
applied  to  him :  "  If  thou  let  this  man  go,  thou  art 
not  Cesar's  friend."    This  decided  the  question.    He 


3SB. 


JES 


473 


delircrod  Jesns  to  be  crucified  (Mat,  xsvii.  15-30; 
Mk.  sv.  6-19;  Lk.  xxiii.  13-25;  Jn.  xviii.  39,  40, 
xix.  1-lt)'.  John  mentions  that  this  occurred  about 
tlie  sixth  hour,  wliereiia  tlic  crucifixion,  according 
to  M.irk,  was  accomphiihed  at  tiie  third  liour ;  but 
there  is  every  reaitiin  to  tliink  that  Jolm  reckons 
from  midnight,  and  that  this  took  place  at  six  in 
the  morning,  whilst  in  Mark  the  Jewish  reckoning 
from  six  in  the  morning  is  followed,  so  that  the 
OBi'cirixios  took  place  at  nine  o'clock,  a.  m.,  the  in- 
tervening time  having  been  spent  in  preparations. 
One  Person  alone  has  l)uen  calm  anidst  the  excite- 
ments of  that  night  of  horrors.  On  Him  is  now  laid 
the  weight  of  His  cross,  or  at  least  of  the  transvei'se 
beam  of  it ;  and,  with  this  pressing  Ilim  down,  they 
proceed  out  of  the  city  to  Golgotha  or  Calvary,  a 
place  the  site  of  which  is  now  uncertain.  As  He 
began  to  droop.  His  persecutors,  unwilling  to  defile 
themselves  with  tlie  accur>ed  buiden,  lay  hold  of 
Simon  of  Cyrene  and  compel  him  to  carry  the  cross 
after  Josus.  After  offering  him  wine  and  myrrh 
(Gall),  they  crucified  Him  between  two  thieves. 
Nothing  was  wanting  to  His  humiliation  ;  a  thief  had 
been  preferred  before  Him,  and  two  thieves  share  His 
punishment.  Pilate  set  over  Him  in  three  languages 
the  inscription,  "Jesus,  the  King  of  the  Jews." 
The  chief-priests  took  exception  to  this  that  it  did 
not  denounce  Him  as  falsely  calling  Himself  by  that 
name,  but  Pilate  refused  to  alter  it.  Robinson 
(Harmon)/)  and  others  suppose  the  evangelists  give 
this  inscription  and,  in  general,  the  expressions  used 
by  our  Lord,  &c.,  according  to  the  sense,  and  not 
according  to  the  Ulkr ;  but  Mr.  Coker  Adams 
(([Uoted  in  TrfOiury  of  Bible  Knowledge)  believes 
that  John  records  the  very  words  written  by  Pilate, 
and  that  Matthew  preserves  the  inscription  as  writ- 
ten in  Hebrew,  Mark  in  Latin,  Luke  in  Greek.  Mr. 
Adams  supposes  "  Jesus  of  Nazareth  "  was  placed 
in  larger  characters  above  the  inscriptions  given  by 
Matthew,  Mark,  and  Luke,  thus  -. 

JE.SUS  OF  NAZARETH. 

This  is  Jiscs  the  Kixo  of  the  Jews. 

This  is  the  Kixo  of  the  Jews. 

The  Kixo  of  the  Jews. 

According  to  Mr.  Adams,  then,  John  gives  the  title 
at  the  top,  together  witli  that  given  by  Mark.     One 
of  the  two  thieves  underwent  a  change  of  heart 
even  on  the  cross;  he  reviled  at  first  (Mat );  and 
then,  at  the  sight  of  the  constancy  of  Je.sus,  repented 
(Luke)  (Mat.  xxvii. ;  .Mk.  xv. ;  Lk.  xxiii. ;  Jn.  xix.). 
In  the  depths  of  His  bodily  sufferings,  Jesus  calmly 
commended  to  John  (?),  who  stood  near,  t!ie  care  of 
Mary  His  motlicr.     "Behold  thy  son!  behold  thy 
mother !  "     From  the  sixth  hour  to  the  ninth  there 
was  darkness  over  the  whole  land.     At  the  ninth 
hour  (three,  p.  m.)  Jesus  uttered  with  a  loud  voice 
the  opening  words  of  the  twenty-second  Psalm,  all 
of  which  (so  Abp.  Thomson)  refericd  to  the  suffering  i 
Mk.ssiah.     "The  use  of  these  words  by  our  Saviour 
on  the  cross,  with  a  slight  variation  from  tho  He- 
brew, shows  how  eminently  true  the  whole  descrip- 
tion is  of  Him,  but  does  not  make  Ilim  the  exclusive  ; 
subject "  (so  Prof.  J.  A.  Alexander  un  Psalm  x\\i.  1).  : 
One  of  those  present  dipped  a  sponge  in  the  com-  ; 
mon  sour  wine  ^VlSE^.Aa)  of  the  soldiers  and  put  it 
on  a  reed  to  moisten  the  sufferer's  lips.     Again  lie  , 
cried  with  a  loud  voice,  "  It  is  finished "  (John),  \ 
"Father,  into  Thy  hands  I  commend  .My  spirit"  i 
(Luke);  and  gave  up  the  ghost  (Mat.  xxvii.  81-66  ;  ! 
Mk.  XV.  20-41;  Lk.  xxiii.  33-49;  Jn.  xix.  17-30). 
On  the  death  of  Jesus  the  veil  which  covered  the 


most  Holy  Place  of  the  Temple,  the  place  of  the 
more  especial  presence  of  Jehovah,  was  rent  in 
twain.  Tiiere  was  a  great  earthquake.  Many  who 
were  dead  rose  from  tlieir  graves,  although  they  re- 
turned to  the  dust  again  alter  this  great  tolsen  of 
Christ's  quickening  power  had  been  given  to  many 
(Matthew).  The  centurion  who  kept  guard,  witness- 
ing what  had  taken  place,  came  to  the  same  con- 
clusion as  Pilate  and  his  wife,  "  Certainly  tliis  was  a 
righteous  man  ;  "  he  went  lieyond  thcin,  "  Truly, 
this  man  was  the  Son  of  God  "  (Mark).  Even  the 
people  who  had  joined  in  the  mocking  and  reviling 
were  overcome  by  the  wonders  of  His  dcittli,  and 
"smote  their  breasts  and  returned  "  (Lk.  xxiii.  48). 
The  Jews,  very  zealous  for  the  Sabbath  in  tho  midst 
of  their  murderous  work,  begged  Pilate  that  ho 
would  put  an  end  to  the  punishment  by  breaking 
the  legs  of  the  ciiminals  that  they  might  be  taken 
down  and  buried  before  the  Sabbath  for  which  they 
were  preparing  (Dent.  xxi.  23  ;  Jos.  11.  J.  iv.  5,  §  2). 
Those  who  were  to  execute  tids  duty  found  that  Jesus 
was  dead  and  the  thieves  still  living.  The  death 
of  the  Lord  before  the  others  was,  no  doubt,  partly 
the  consequence  of  the  previu'us  mental  suffering 
which  lie  had  undergone,  and  partly  because  His 
will  to  die  lessened  the  natural  resistance  of  the 
frame  to  dissolution.  Joseph  of  Ariniathea,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  council,  but  a  secret  disciple  of  Jesus, 
came  to  Pilate  to  beg  the  body  of  Jesus,  that  he 
might  bury  it.  Nicodemus  .issisted  in  this  work  of 
love,  and  they  anointed  the  body  and  laid  it  in 
Jo-eph's  new  tomb  (Mat.  xxvii.  50-01 ;  Mk.  xv.  37- 
47;  Lk.  xxiii.  46-50;  Jn.  xix.  3042).— iio(«»-(% 
the  \(ith  of  Uisnti  (A/iril  Sl/i).  The  chief  priests  and 
Pharisees,  with  Pilate's  permission,  set  a  watch  over 
the  tomb,  "lest  His  disciples  come  by  night  and 
steal  Ilim  away,  and  say  unto  the  people  He  is  risen 
from  the  dead"  (Mat.  xxvii.  02-00). — Sunday  the 
nth  ofy;san  (April  9lh).  The  Sabbath  ended  at 
six  on  the  evening  of  Nisan  10th.  Early  tho 
next  morning  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  took  place. 
Although  lie  had  lain  in  the  grave  for  about  thirty- 
six  or  forty  liours,  yet  these  formed  part  of  three 
days,  and  thus,  by  a  mode  of  speaking  not  unusual 
to  the  Jews,  were  reckoned  as  three  days  (see  Ix- 
spiRATiox  III.,  3;  IsRAEi,,  KixGDO-M  OF).  The  Order 
of  the  events  that  follow  is  somewhat  difficult  to 
harmonize;  for  each  evangelist  selects  the  facts 
which  belong  to  his  purpose.  The  exact  hour  of 
the  resurrcctitm  is  not  mentioned  by  any  of  tho 
evangelists.  Of  the  great  mystery  itself,  the  re- 
sumption of  life  by  Him  wlio  was  truly  dead,  wc  sco 
but  little  (Mat.  xxviii.  2-4).  The  women,  who  had 
stood  liy  the  cross  of  Jesus,  had  prepared  spices  on 
the  evening  before,  perhaps  to  complete  the  embalm- 
ing of  our  Lord's  body,  already  jjerfonnod  in  haste 
by  Joseph  and  Nicodemus.  they  came  very  early 
on  the  first  day  of  the  week  to  the  sepulchre. 
When  they  arrive  they  find  the  stone  rolled  away, 
and  Jesus  no  longer  in  the  sepulchre.  He  had  risen 
from  the  dead.  Mary  Magdalene  at  this  point  goes 
back  in  haste;  and  at  once,  believing  that  the  body 
has  been  removed  by  men,  tells  Peter  and  John  that 
the  Lord  has  been  taken  away.  Tlie  other  women, 
however,  go  into  the  scpnlchre,  and  they  see  an 
angel  (Matthew,  Mark).  The  two  angels,  mentioned 
by  Luke,  are  probably  two  separate  appearances  to 
different  members  of  the  group ;  for  he  alone  men- 
tions an  indefinite  number  of  women.  They  now 
leave  the  sepulchre,  and  go  in  haste  to  make  known 
the  news  to  the  apostles.  As  they  were  going, 
"  Jesua  met  them,  saying,  All  hail."    The  eleven  do 


470 


JES 


JET 


not  believe  the  account  when  they  receive  it  In 
the  mean  time  Peter  and  John  came  to  the  sepul- 
clirc.  They  ran,  in  their  eagerness,  and  John  ar- 
rived first  and  loolted  in ;  Peter  afterward  came  up, 
imd  the  awe  wiiich  had  prevented  the  otlier  disciple 
from  going  in  appears  to  have  been  unlelt  by  Peter, 
who  entered  at  once,  and  found  the  grave-clothes 
lying,  but  not  Him  who  had  worn  them.  This  fact 
must  have  suggested  that  the  removal  was  not  the 
work  of  human  hands.  They  then  returned,  won- 
dering at  wliat  they  had  seen.  Mary  Magdalene, 
however,  remained  weeping  at  the  tomb,  and  she 
too  saw  the  two  angels  in  the  tomb,  though  Peter 
and  John  did  not.  They  address  her,  and  she  an- 
swers, still,  liowever,  without  any  suspicion  that  the 
Lord  is  risen.  As  slie  turns  away  she  sees  Jesus, 
but  in  the  tumult  of  her  feelings  does  not  even  rec- 
ognize Him  at  His  first  address.  But  He  calls  her 
by  name,  and  then  she  joyfully  recognizes  her  Mas- 
ter. The  thiid  appearance  of  our  Lord  was  to 
Peter  (Luke,  Paul);  the  fourth  to  the  two  disciples 
going  to  Emmaus  in  the  evening  (Mark,  Luke);  the 
fifth  in  the  same  evening  to  the  eleven  as  they  sat  at 
meat  (Mark,  Luke,  John).  All  of  these  occurred  on 
the  first  day  of  the  week,  the  very  day  of  the  resur- 
rection. E.xactly  a  week  after.  He  appeared  to  the 
apostles,  and  gave  Thomas  a  convincing  proof  of 
His  resurrection  (John);  this  was  the  sixth  appear- 
ance. The  seventh  was  in  Galilee,  where  seven  of 
the  apostles  were  assembled,  some  of  them  probably 
about  to  return  to  their  old  trade  of  fishing  (John). 
The  eighth  was  to  the  eleven  (Mat.),  and  probably  to 
five  hundred  brethren  assembled  with  them  (Paul) 
on  a  mountain  in  Galilee.  The  ninth  was  to  James 
(Paul);  and  the  last  to  the  apostles  at  Jerusalem 
just  before  the  Ascension  (Acts)  (Mat.  .txviii. ;  Mk. 
xvi. ;  Lk.  xxiv. ;  Jn.  xx.,  xxi. ;  Acts  i. ;  1  Cor.  xv. ; 
Rbn.  B.  S.  ii.  162  ff.).— Chhonologv.  Year  of  the 
Birlh  of  Ct:rht.  It  is  certain  that  our  Lord  was 
born  before  the  death  of  Ilerod  the  Great.  Herod 
died  in  the  first  part  of  Nisan  a.  r.  c.  750  (=r  n.  c.  4, 
Wieseler).  It  follows,  therefore,  that  the  Dionysian 
era  (the  vulgar  Christian  era),  which  corres)  onds 
to  k.  X.  c.  754,  is  at  least  four  years  too  late. 
JIany  have  thought  that  the  star  seen  by  the  wise 
men  gives  grounds  for  an  exact  calculation  of  the 
time  of  our  Lord's  birth ;  but  this  is  not  the  case. 
(Starop  THE  Wise  Men.)  The  censcs  (Cvkenius; 
Taxing)  taken  by  Augustus  Cesar,  which  led  to  the 
journey  of  Mary  from  Nazareth  just  before  the  birth 
of  the  Lord,  has  also  been  looked  on  as  an  impor- 
tant note  of  time  in  reference  to  the  chronology  of 
the  life  of  Jesus.  The  value  of  this  census,  as  a 
fact  in  the  chronology  of  the  life  of  Christ,  depends 
on  the  connection  which  is  sought  to  be  established 
between  it  and  the  insurrection  which  broke  out 
under  Matthias  and  Judas,  the  son  of  Sariphcus,  in 
the  last  illness  of  Ilerod  (Jos.  xvii.  6,  §  2).  If  the 
insurrection  arose  out  of  the  census,  a  point  of  con- 
nection between  the  sacred  history  and  that  of 
Josephus  is  made  out.  Such  a  connection,  how- 
ever, has  not  been  clearly  made  out.  The  age  of 
Jesus  at  His  baptism  (Lk.  iii.  23)  affords  an  element 
of  calculation.  "  And  Jesus  Himself  began  to  be 
about  thirty  years  of  age."  Born  in  the  beginning 
of  A.  u.  c.  750  (or  the  end  of  749),  Jesus  would  be 
thirty  in  the  beginning  of  a.  n.  c.  780  (a.  n.  27). 
To  the  first  Passover  after  the  baptism  attaches  a 
note  of  time  which  will  confirm  the  calculations  al- 
ready made.  "  Then  said  the  Jews,  Forty  and  six 
years  was  this  Temple  in  building,  and  wilt  thou 
rear  it  up  in  three  days  ?  "     There  can  be  no  doubt 


that  this  refers  to  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple  by 
Ilerod.     It  is  inferred  from  Josephus  (xv.  11,  gg  5 

6  6)  that  it  was  begun  in  the  month  Chisleu,  a.  i:.  c. 
734.  And  if  the  Passover  at  which  this  remark  was 
made  was  thnt  of  a.  ii.  c.  780,  then  forty-five  years 
and  some  months  have  elapsed,  which,  according  to 
the  Jewish  mode  of  reckoning,  would  be  spoken  of 
as  forty  and  six  years.  One  datum  remains :  the 
commencement  of  the  preaching  of  John  the  Baptist 
is  connected  with  the  fifteenth  year  of  the  reign  of 
Tiberius  Cesar  (Lk.  iii.  1).  The  rule  of  Tiberius 
may  be  calculated  cither  from  the  beginning  of  his 
sole  reign,  after  the  death  of  Augustus,  a.  r.  c.  767, 
or  from  his  joint  government  with  Augustus,  i.  e. 
from  the  beginning  of  a.  c.  c.  765.  In  the  latter 
case  the  fifteenth  year  would  correspond  with  a.  r.  c. 
779,  which  goes  to  confirm  the  rest  of  the  calcula- 
tions relied  on  in  this  article.  Difl'ercnees  will  be 
found  amongst  eminent  writers  in  every  part  of  the 
chronology  of  the  gospels.  The  birth  of  our  Lord 
is  placed  in  d.  c.  1  by  Pearson  and  Hug ;  b.  c.  2  by 
Scaliger ;  B.  c.  3  by  Baronius,  Calvisius,  Si.skind,  and 
Paulus  ;  B.  c.  4  by  Lamy,  Bengel,  Anger,  Wiestler, 
and  Greswcll ;  b.  c.  5  by  Usher  and  Petavius  ;  b.  c. 

7  by  Ideler  and  ?anclcmente.  The  calculations 
given  above  seem  sufficient  to  determine  us  to  the 
close  of  n.  c.  5,  or  early  part  of  b.  c.  4.  "  In  regard 
to  the  time  of  the  year  when  Jesus  was  born,  tl.ere 
is  still  less  certainty.  .  .  .  There  is,  on  this  point, 
no  valid  tradition.  According  to  the  earliest  ac- 
counts, the  sixth  of  January,  or  Epij  hany,  was  cele- 
brated by  the  Eastern  churches  in  the  third  and 
fourth  century  as  the  festival  of  ll;e  bi;th  and 
baptism  of  Jesus.  In  the  Western  churches,  after 
the  middle  of  the  fourth  century,  the  25th  of  De- 
cember (Christmas)  began  to  be  kept  as  the  fes- 
tival of  Christ's  nativity  "  (Robinson,  tlarmomi,  169). 
Wieseler  concludes  "  that  the  day  n]ust  be  left  un- 
decided, and  that  of  the  months,  the  elou  of  JDeeem- 
her,  together  with  Jamwri/  and  Fcbrvary,  should  be 
taken  into  consideration,  o/"  «/ijVA,/iOMO'er,  Dfcfw- 
bir  has  the  least,  Januari/  a  greater,  and  Febrnar;/  de- 
cidedli/  the  i/reatest  probability  in  its/avor^'  {£.  S.  iii. 
673).  The  exact  date  of  our  Lord's  death  is  like- 
wise much  disputed.  AVieseler,  Bishop  Ellicott,  Dr. 
P.  Holmes  (in  Kitto),  &c.,  place  it  on  the  7tli  of 
April,  A.  D.  SO,  or  a.  u.  c.  783  (see  also  above); 
Browne  makes  it  March  18th,  a.  d.  29;  Usher, 
April  3d,  a.  d.  33.  Roger  Bacon,  Scaliger,  Pear- 
son, Newton,  and  the  A.  V.  agree  with  Usher  as  to 
the  year.  The  date  as  given  by  critics  varies  from 
A.  D.  29  to  35.  But  let  it  never  be  forgotten  that 
there  is  a  distinction  between  these  researches, 
which  the  Holy  Spirit  has  left  obscure  and  doubtful, 
and  "the  weightier  matters"  of  (he  gospel,  the 
things  which  directly  pertain  to  man's  salvation. 

Je'thrr  (fr.  Heb.  —  exeellence, pre'(nu7ienee,  (ies., 
Eli.).  It  Jethro,  the  father-in-law  of  Moses  (Ex.  iv. 
18,  margin). — 2.  First-born  of  Gideon's  seventy  sons 
(Judg.  viii.  20). — 3.  Father  of  Amasa,  captain-gen- 
eral of  Absalom's  army  ;  =  Ithra  (2  Sam.  xvii.  25), 
the  latter  being  probably  a  corruption.  He  is  de- 
scribed in  1  Chr.  ii.  17  as  an  Ishmaelite,  which  again 
is  more  likely  to  be  correct  than  the  ''Israelite  "  of 
the  Hob.  in  2  Sam.  xvii.,  or  the  "  Jczreelite  "  of  the 
LXX.  and  Vulgate  in  the  same  passage.— 4.  Son  of 
Jada,  a  descendant  of  Hezron,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah 
(1  Chr.  ii.  32).— 5.  Son  of  Ezra,  in  the  genealogy  of 
Judah  (iv.  17). — 6.  Chief  of  a  family  of  warriors  of 
the  line  of  Asher  (vii.  38) ;  probably  =  Ithkan 
in  the  preceding  verse. 

Jc'thetll  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  jin,  uail,  Sim.,  Gcs. ;  sub- 


JET 


JtOr 


mn 


juration,  subjection,  Fii.),  one  of  the  phylaiclis  (A. 
V.  "diike.s")  hIio  lame  at'  Ksau  (Gcii.  xxxvi.  'lO; 
1  Clir.  i.  51).  This  record  of  the  Edoiiiite  phv- 
larchs  may  jjoiiit  specially  to  the  places  and  habita- 
tions, or  towns,  named  after,  or  occupied  by,  them. 
£1-  We/iWcA,  supposed  tu  be  ctymologically  connect- 
el  with  Jetheth,  is  a  place  in  .Vejd  ;  there  is  also  a 
place  called  AV-  IVflid  ;  and  El-  H'eliJiU,  which  is  the 
name  of  mountains  belonging  to  Benee  'Abd-Allah 
Ibn  Ghatfin.     Ak-vbia. 

Jrtb'Uh  (fr.  Heb.  =  hawfiiig,  high,  Ges. ;  hill- 
place,  Fii.),  a  city  of  Dan  (Josh.  -xi.x.  42). 

Je'thro  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  excellence, pref'i),inence,Gea., 
Fii.),  also  called  Jethsr,  priest  or  prince  of  .Midian, 
both  ofiices  probably  being  combined  in  one  per- 
son. MosKS  spent  the  forty  years  of  his  exile  from 
Egypt  with  him,  and  married  his  daughter  Zipporali. 
By  the  advice  of  Jctliro,  Moses  .appointed  deputies 
to  judge  the  congregation  and  share  the  biirJen  of 
government  with  himself  (Ex.  xviii.).  On  account 
of  his  local  knowledge  he  was  entreated  to  remain 
with  the  Israelites  throughout  their  journey  to  Ca- 
naan (Xum.  X.  31,  33).  It  is  said  in  Ex.  ii.  18  that 
the  priest  of  Midian  whose  daughter  Moses  married 
was  Reucl  (Raglki.);  afterward  at  ch.  iii.  1,  he  is 
called  Jethro,  as  also  in  ch.  xviii. ;  but  in  Num.  x. 
2!»  "  HoBAB  the  son  of  Raguel  the  Midianite "  is 
apparently  called  Moses'  father-in-law  (compare 
Judg.  iv.  11).  Some  commentators  take  Jethro  = 
Reucl,  and  call  Hobab  the  brother-in-law  of  Moses. 
The  present  punctuation  of  our  Hebrew  Bibles  does 
not  warrant  this  (so  Prof.  Leathes). 

Je  tar  (fr.  Heb.,  proliably  =  au  enclosure,  no- 
madic camp,  Ges.),  a  son  of  Lshmael.  (Gen.  xxv. 
15;  1  Chr.  i.  31,  v.  19).     Iturea. 

Jea'el  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  Jeiel,  Ges.,  Fii.).  I.  A 
chief  man  of  Judah,  one  of  the  sons  of  Zerah  (1 
Chr.  ix.  6,  compare  2). — 2.  One  of  the  sons  of 
Adonikam  who  returned  to  Jerusalem  with  Esdras 
(1  Esd.  viii.  39).     Jeiel. 

Je'asll  (fr.  Heb.  =  to  whom  God  hastens,  Ges.). 
1.  Son  of  Esau,  by  Aholibamah  (Gen.  xxxvi.  5,  14, 
18;  1  Chr.  i.  35). — 2.  A  Benjaniite  chief,  son  of 
Bilhan  (vii.  10,  11). — 3,  A  Gershonite  Levite,  of  the 
house  of  Shimci  (xxiii.  10,  11). — I.  Son  of  Reho- 
boain,  king  of  Judah,  by  Abihail  (2  Chr.  xi.  18,  19). 

Je'az  (fr.  Heb.  =  ciunselH.ig,  Ges.),  head  of  a 
Benjamitc  house  (1  Chr.  viii.  10);  apparently  son 
of  Shaharaiiu  and  Hodesh  his  third  wife,  and  born 
in  Moab. 

Jew  (fr.  Heb.  Yihudi  =  descendant  of  Judah,  or 
man  of  Julah ;  Gr.  form  lour/aioi  ;  L.  Jndieiui). 
This  name  w.is  properly  applied  to  a  member  of  the 
kingdom  of  Judah  after  tiie  separation  of  the  ten 
■  tribes  (IsitAEL,  KiNonoM  ok;  Jldah,  Kingdom  of). 
In  this  sense  it  occurs  twice  in  2  K.  (xvi.  6,  xxv.  25), 
and  seven  times  in  the  later  chapters  of  Jer. 
(xxxii.  12,  xxxiv.  9  with  "Hebrew,"  xxxviii.  19,  xl. 
12,  xli.  3,  xliv.  1,  Iii.  28).  The  term  first  makes  its 
appearance  just  before  the  captivity  of  the  ten 
tribes,  and  then  is  used  to  denote  the  men  of  Ju- 
dah who  held  Elath,  and  were  driven  nut  by  Hezin, 
king  of  Syria  (2  K.  xvi.  6).  The  fugitives  in  Egypt 
(Jer.  xliv.  1)  belonged  to  the  two  tribes,  and  were 
distinguished  by  the  name  of  the  more  important. 
After  the  Return  the  word  received  a  larger  applica- 
tion. Partly  from  the  predominance  of  the  mcm- 
l>crs  of  the  old  kingdom  of  Judah  among  those 
who  returned  to  Palestine,  partly  from  the  identifi- 
cation of  Judah  with  the  religious  ideas  and  hopes 
of  the  people,  all  the  members  of  the  new  state 
were  called  Jews  (Judciins),  and  the  name  was  ex- 


tended to  the  remnants  of  the  race  scattered 
throughout  the  nations  (Dan.  iii.  8,  12  ;  Ezr.  iv.  12, 
23,  ki. ;  Neh.  i.  2,  ii.  10,  v.  1,  kv. ;  Esth.  iii.  4  tt., 
i:c.).  Under  the  name  of  "  Judeans,"  the  people 
of  Israel  were  known  to  classical  writers  (Tac.  h, 
v.  2,  &c.).  The  force  of  the  title  "Jew"  is  seen 
particularly  in  the  Gospel  of  St.  John,  who  very 
rarely  uses  any  other  lemi  to  describe  the  oppo- 
nents of  our  Lord.  The  name,  indeed,  appeared 
at  the  close  of  the  apostle's  life  to  be  the  true  an- 
tithesis to  Christianity,  as  desciibing  the  limited  and 
definite  form  of  a  national  religion  ;  but  at  an  ear- 
lier stage  of  the  progress  of  the  faith,  it  was  con- 
tracted with  Greek  as  implying  an  outward  cove- 
nant with  God  (Rom.  i.  IB,  ii.  9,  10;  Col.  iii.  11, 
itc).  In  this  seiise  it  was  of  wider  application 
than  "Hebrew,"  which  was  the  correlative  of  Hel- 
lenist, and  marked  a  division  of  language  subsist- 
ing within  the  entiie  body,  and  at  the  same  time 
less  expressive  than  Israelite,  which  brought  out 
with  especial  clearness  the  privileges  and  hopes  of 
the  children  of  Jacob  (2  Cor.  xi.  22 ;  Jn.  i.  47 ; 
1  Mc.  i.  43,  53,  and  often).  The  history  of  Judaism 
is  divided  by  jost — the  most  profound  writer  who 
has  investigated  it — into  two  great  eras,  the  first 
extending  to  the  close  of  the  collections  of  the  oral 
laws,  536  B.  c. — 600  A.  D. :  the  second  reaching  to 
the  present  time.  Ale.\am>er  ;  Alexandria  ;  An- 
Tiociius;  Bible;  Canon;  Captivity;  Cvrls;  Dis- 
persion; Herod;  Idolatry;  Jerusalem;  Law  op 
Moses  ;  Maccabees  ;  Messiah  ;  Mordecai  ;  Old 
Testament  ;  Septl'acint  ;  Synagogue  ;  Versions, 
A.nciest. 

Jews'  Language,  in  tbe  ;  Ilterallv  Jewishh/  (2  K. 
xviii.  2ii,  28;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  18;  Is.  xxxvi.  11,  13; 
Xeh.  xiii.  24).  The  term  denotes  as  well  the  pure 
Hebrew  as  the  dialect  ac(|uiied  during  the  Captivity, 
which  was  characterized  by  Aramaic  forms  and 
idioms.     Siiemitic  Languages;  Writing. 

Jewel.     Stones,  Precious. 

Jewess  (fr.  Jew),  a  woman  of  Hebrew  birth, 
without  distinction  of  tribe  (Acts  xvi.  1,  xxiv.  24). 

Jew'ish  (fr.  Jew),  of  or  belonging  to  Jews  ;  an 
epithet  applied  to  their  Rabbinical  legends  (Tit.  i. 
14). 

Jcw'ry,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  Yihitd  and 
Gr.  louiaia,  elsewhere  rendered  Judah  and  Judea. 
It  occurs  several  times  in  the  Apocrypha  ( 1  Esd.  i. 
32,  &c.)  and  N.  T.  (Lk.  xxiii.  5;  Jn.  vii.  1),  once 
only  in  the  0.  T.  (Dan.  v.  13).  Jewry  comes  to  us 
through  the  Norman-French,  and  is  of  frequent 
i  occurrence  in  Old  English.     Jew. 

Jez-a-ni'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jaazaniah,  Ggs.),  son  of 
Hoshaiah,  the  Maachathite;  =  Jaazaniah  ;  perhaps 
also  =  AzARiAH  23 ;  one  of  the  captains  of  the 
forces,  who  had  escaped  from  Jerusalem  during  the 
final  attack  of  the  Chaldeans.  When  the  Bal)ylo- 
nians  had  departed,  Jezaniah  with  his  mcp  returned 
to  Gkdaliah  at  Mizpah.  In  the  events  which  fol- 
lowed the  assassination  of  that  ollieer  Jezaniah  took 
a  promhient  part  (2  K.  xxv.  23 ;  Jer.  xl.  8,  xlii.  1, 
xliii.  2).     IsnMAEL6;  Joiianan  3.     , 

JezV-bel  (fr.  Heb.  =  no<  cohabited,  chaste,  Ges. ; 
Falh'r  Y—  Baal]  of  Ihe  huivenbi  diirllina,  Fii.),  wife 
of  Ahau,  king  of  Israel,  and  mother  of  Athaliaii, 
queen  of  Judah,  and  Ahaziah  1  and  Jorani  (Jeho- 
RAM  1),  kings  of  Israd.  She  was  a  Phenician 
princess,  daughter  of  "  Ethbaal,  king  of  the  Zido- 
nians."  Her  mariiage  with  Ahab  was  a  turning- 
point  in  the  history  of  Israel.  She  was  a  woman  in 
whom,  with  the  reckless  and  licentious  habits  of  an 
Oriental  queen,  were  united  the  sternest  and  fiercest 


478 


JEZ 


JEZ 


qualities  inherent  in  the  Phenician  people.  In  her 
haiidd  her  husband  became  a  mere  puppet  (IK. 
xxi.  25).  The  first  effect  of  her  influence  was  the 
immediate  establishment  of  the  Phenician  worship 
on  a  grand  scale  in  the  court  of  Ahab.  At  her  ta- 
ble were  supported  no  less  than  450  prophets  of 
Baal,  and  400  of  Astarte  (xvi.  31,  82,  xviii.  19). 
The  prophets  of  Jehovah,  who  up  to  this  time  had 
found  their  chief  refuge  in  the  northern  kingdom, 
were  attacked  by  her  orders  and  put  to  the  sword 
(xviii.  13;  2  K.  ix.  1).  When  at  last  the  people, 
at  the  iustigalion  of  Elijah,  rose  against  her  minis- 
ters, and  slaughtered  them  at  the  foot  of  Carmtl, 
and  when  Ahab  was  terrified  into  suomission,  she 
alone  retained  her  presence  of  mind  ;  and  when  she 
received  in  the  palace  of  Jezresvl  the  tidings  that 
her  religion  was  all  but  destroyed  (IK.  xix.  1),  her 
only  answer  was  one  of  those  fearful  vows  which 
have  made  the  leaders  of  Sheniitic  nations  so  terri- 
ble whether  for  good  or  evil — expressed  in  a  mes- 
sage to  the  very  man  who,  as  it  might  have  seemed 
but  an  hour  belbre,  had  her  life  in  his  power  (xix. 
2).  Elijah  fled  lor  his  life.  The  next  instance  of 
her  power  is  still  more  characteristic  and  complete. 
When  she  found  her  husband  cast  down  by  his  dis- 
appointment at  being  thwarted  by  Nadotii,  she 
took  the  matter  into  her  own  hands  (xxi.  1).  She 
wrote  a  warrant  in  Ahab's  name,  and  sealed  it  with 
his  seal.  To  her,  and  not  to  Ahab,  was  sent  the 
announcement  that  the  royal  wishes  were  accom- 
plished (14),  and  she  bade  her  husband  go  and  take 
the  vacant  property ;  and  on  her  accordingly  fell 
the  prophet's  curse,  as  well  as  on  her  husband  (23). 
We  hear  no  more  of  her  for  a  long  period.  But  she 
survived  Ahab  for  fourteen  years,  and  still,  as 
queen-mother  (after  the  Oriental  custom),  was  a 
great  personage  in  the  court  of  her  sons,  and,  as 
such,  became  the  special  mark  for  the  vengeance 
of  Jehu.  But  in  that  supreme  hour  of  her  house 
the  spirit  of  the  aged  queen  rose  within  her,  equal 
to  the  dreadful  emergency.  She  was  in  the  palace, 
which  stood  by  the  gate  of  the  city,  overlooking 
the  approach  from  the  E.  Beneath  lay  the  open 
space  under  the  city  walls.  She  determined  to  face 
the  destroyer  of  her  family,  whom  she  saw  rapidly 
advancing  in  his  chariot.  She  painted  her  eyelids 
in  the  Eastern  fashion  with  antimony,  so  as  to  give 
a  darker  border  to  the  eyes,  and  make  them  look 
larger  and  brighter  (Pai.nt),  possibly  to  induce  Jehu, 
after  the  manner  of  Eastern  usurpers,  to  take  her, 
the  widow  of  his  predecessor,  for  his  wife,  but  more 
probably  as  the  last  act  of  regal  splendor.  She 
tired  her  head,  and,  looking  down  upon  him  from 
the  high  latticed  window  in  the  tower,  she  met  him 
by  an  allusion  to  a  former  act  of  treason  in  the  his- 
tory of  her  adopted  country.  Jehu  looked  up  from 
his  chariot.  Two  or  three  eunuchs  of  the  royal  ha- 
rem showed  their  faces  at  the  windows,  and,  at  his 
command,  dashed  the  ancient  princess  down  from 
the  chamber.  She  fell  immediately  in  front  of  the 
conqueror's  chariot.  The  blood  flew  from  her  man- 
gled corpse  over  the  palace-wall  behind,  and  over 
the  advancing  horses  in  front.  The  merciless  de- 
stroyer passed  on ;  and  the  last  remains  of  life  were 
trampled  out  by  the  horses'  hoofs.  The  body  was 
left  in  that  open  space  called  in  modern  Eastern 
language  "  the  mounds,"  where  oflal  is  thrown  from 
the  city-walls.  The  dogs  of  Eastern  cities,  which 
prowl  around  these  localities,  and  which  the  present 
writer  (Stanley)  met  on  this  very  spot  by  the  mod- 
ern village  which  occupies  the  site  of  Jezreel, 
.pounced  upon  this  unexpected  prey.     Nothing  was 


left  by  them  btit  the  hard  portions  of  the  human 
skeleton,  the  skull,  the  hands,  and  the  feet  (2  K.  ix.). 
Long  afterward  her  name  lived  as  the  byword  for 
all  that  was  execrable.  It  is  pven  to  a  church  or 
an  individual  in  Asia  Minor,  combining  in  like  man- 
ner fanaticism  and  profligacy  (Rev.  ii.  20). 

Je-ze'lns  (fr.  Gr.).  1.  Jahazikl  (1  Esd.  viii.  32). 
— 2.  Jehiel,  father  of  Obadiah  (viii.  35). 

Je'zer  (Ir.  Ileb.  =_/'or»)a<!on,  imagination,  Ges.), 
third  son  of  NaphtaU  (Gen.  xlvi.  24;  Num.  xxvi. 
49 ;  1  Chr.  vii.  13),  and  father  of  the  family  of  the 
Jezerites. 

Je'zer-ltes,  the  =  a  family  of  Naphtali,  descend- 
ants of  Jezer  (Num.  xxvi.  49). 

Je-zi'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  sprinklen,  Ges.), 
a  descendant  of  Parosh  ;  husband  of  a  foreign  wile 
(Ezr.  X.  26). 

Jrzi-el  (fr.  Heb.  =  assemblt/  of  God,  Ges.),  a 
Benjamite  who  joined  David  at  Zikjag  (1  Chr.  xii.  3). 

Jez-li'all  (fr.  Heb.  ^  whom  God  draws  out  or  j/rc- 
senvx,  Ges.),  a  Benjamite  of  the  sons  of  Elpaal 
(1  Chr.  viii.  18). 

Je-zo'ar  (fr.  Heb.  =  Zohar),  son  of  Helah,  one 
of  the  wives  of  Ashcr  (1  Chr.  iv.  1). 

Jez-ra-bi'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Izrahiah),  a  Lcvite, 
leader  of  the  choristers  at  the  dedication  of  the 
wall  of  Jerusalem  under  Nehcmiah  (Neh.  xii.  42). 

Jfz'if-fl  (fr.  Heb.  =  God  has  planted,  Ges.),  a 
descendant  of  the  father  or  founder  of  Etam,  of  the 
line  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  3).  But  as  the  verse  now 
stands,  we  must  supply  some  such  word  as  "  fami- 
lies ; "  "  these  (are  the  families  of)  the  father  of 
Etam." 

Jtz'ro-el  (see  above).  1.  The  name  "  Jezreel " 
is  used  in  2  Sam.  ii.  9  and  (?)  iv.  4,  and  llos.  i. 
5,  for  the  valley  or  plain  between  Gilboa  and  Little 
Hermon;  and  to  this  plain,  in  its  widest  extent, 
the  general  form  of  the  name  Esur^lo.n  (first  used 
in  Jd.  i.  8)  has  been  applied  in  modern  times.  In 
its  more  limited  sense,  as  applied  to  the  city,  it  first 
appears  in  Josh.  xix.  18.  But  its  historical  impor- 
tance dates  from  the  reign  of  Ahab,  who  chose  it 
for  his  chief  residence.  The  situation  of  the  modern 
village  of  Zer'in  (=  Jezreel)  shows  the  fitness  of  his 
choice.  It  is  on  one  of  the  gentle  swells  which 
rise  out  of  the  fertile  plain  of  Esdra?lon  ;  but  with 
two  peculiarities  which  mark  it  out  from  the  rest. 
One  is  its  strength.  On  the  N.  E.  the  hill  presents 
a  steep  rocky  descent  of  at  least  100  feet.  The 
other  is  its  central  locality.  It  stands  at  the  open- 
ing of  the  middle  branch  of  the  three  eastern  fbiks 
of  the  plain,  and  looks  straight  toward  the  wide 
western  level ;  thus  commanding  the  view  toward 
the  Jordan  on  the  E.  (2  K.  ix.  IT),  and  visible  from 
Carmel  on  the  W.  (1  K.  xviii.  46).  In  the  neigh- 
borhood, or  within  the  town  probably,  was  a  tem- 
ple and  grove  of  Astarte  (Afhtoketh),  with  on  es- 
tablishment of  400  priests  supported  bv  Jezebel 
(xvi.  33  ;  2  K.  x.  11).  The  palace  of  Ahab  (1  K. 
xxi.  1,  xviii.  46),  probably  containing  his  "  ivory 
house  "  (xxii.  39),  was  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
city,  forming  part  of  the  city  wall  (compare  xxi.  1 ; 
2  K.  ix.  25,  30,  33).  The  seraglio,  in  which  Jezebel 
lived,  was  on  the  city  wall,  and  had  a  high  window 
facing  eastward  (2  K.  ix.  80).  Close  by,  if  not  Ibrm- 
ing  part  of  this  seraglio,  was  a  watch-tower,  on 
which  a  sentinel  stood,  to  give  notice  of  arrivals 
from  the  disturbed  district  beyond  the  Jordan  (ix. 
17).  An  ancient  square  tower  which  stands  among 
the  hovels  of  the  modern  village  may  be  its  repre- 
sentative. The  gateway  of  the  city  on  the  E.  was 
also  the  gateway  ofthe  palace  (ix.  81).    A  little 


JSZ 


SOA 


479 


further  E.,  but  adjoining  the  royal  domain  (1  K.  ; 
xxi.  1),  was  a  smooth  tract  of  land  cleared  out  of 
the  uneven  valley,  which  belonged  to  Xaboth  (2  K. 
i.\.  25).     Whether  the  vineyard  of  Xaboth  was  here 
or  at  Samaria  is  a  doubtful  question.     Still  in  the 


game  eastern  direction  are  two  springs,  one  twelve 
minutes  from  the  town,  the  otiier  twenty  minutes. 
The  latter,  probably  both  from  its  size  and  situation, 
was  Jtnown  as  "  the  spring  of  Jezreel "  (mistrans- 
lutL'd  A.  V.  "a  fountain,"  1  Sam.  xxix.  1).     With 


Zef\n  —  nncteot  Jezreel, — ^From  Smitli'i  Smaller  IMcUonary.) 


the  fall  of  the  house  of  Ahab  the  glory  of  Jezreel 
departed. — 2.  A  town  in  Judah,  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  sovitliern  Cabmel  (Josh.  xv.  56). 
Here  David  in  his  wanderings  took  Ahinoim  the 
Jezrpclitess  for  his  first  wife  (1  Sam.  xxvii.  3,  xxx. 
5).— J.  Eldest  son  of  the  prophet  Ilosca  (Hos.  i.  4). 

Jez're-el-lte  =  an  inhabitant  of  Jezreel  (1  K. 
xxi.  1,  4,  6,  7,  15,  16  ;   2  K.  ix.  21,  25). 

J*z're-»l-l-t«ss  [i  pronounced  as  in  Jezredile]  =  a 
woman  of  Jezreel  ( 1  Sam.  xxvii.  3,  xxx.  6  ;  2  Sam. 
u.  2,  iii.  2 ;  I  Chr.  iil.  1 ). 

JIb'Mm  (fr.  Heb.  =  pkmant,  Ges.),  a  son  of  Tola, 
the  #on  of  Issachar  (1  Chr.  vii.  2). 

Jid'liph  (fr.  Heb.  =:  tearful,  Ges.),  a  son  of  Na- 
hor  (Gen.  xxii.  22). 

Jln'na  (fr.  Heb.  =  Isinah  =  Jimnah),  the  first- 
born of  Asher  (Num.  xxvi.  44);  elsewhere  called 
in  the  A.  V.  Jimnah  and  Imnah  1. 

Jim'nah  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Jim.na  =  Imnah  1  (Gen.  xlvi. 
17). 

Jin'nitet),  the  =  the  descendants  of  Jimna  (Num. 
xxvi.  44). 

Jiph'Ull  (fr.  Hob.  =  Jephthah),'  a  city  of  Judah 
in  the  maritime  lowland  (Josh.  xv.  43).  Wilton  (in 
Fbn.,  article  Libnah)  identifies  Jiphtah  with  Baii- 
kali  near  Gaza. 

Jlpll'th«h-«l  (fr.  Heb.  =  which  God  ojxnt,  Ges.), 
the  V«l'ley  of,  a  valley  (Valley  2)  which  served  as 
one  of  the  landmarks  for  the  boundary  both  of 
Zebulun  (Josh.  xix.  14)  and  Asher  (ver.  27).  Kob- 
ii'soi  suggests  that  Jiphtliah-el  =  Jotapata,  the 
city  which  so  long  withstood  Vespasian  (Jos.  B  J. 
iii.  7),  and  tiiat  they  survive  in  the  modern  Je/ilt, 
a  village  in  the  mountains  of  Galilee,  half-way  be- 
tween the  Bay  of  Acre  and  the  Lake  of  Genncsa- 
ret.  In  this  case  the  valley  is  the  great  Watli/ 
Wbilin,  which  has  its  head  in  the  hills  near  Jef&l, 
and  runs  thence  W.  to  the  maritime  plain. 

Jo'ab  (fr.  Heb.  =  vhixse  fallter  \s  Jehovah,  Ges.), 


the  most  remarkable,  though  perhap.«  not  the  eldest 
(1  Chr.  ii.  16)  of  the  three  nephews  of  David,  the 
children  of  Zeruiah,  David's  sister.  Their  father 
is  unknown,  but  seems  to  have  resided  at  Bethle- 
hem, and  to  have  died  before  his  sons,  as  we  find 
mention  of  his  sepulchre  at  th;it  place  (2  Sam.  ii. 
32).  Joab  first  appears  after  David's  accession  to 
the  throne  at  Ileljron.  He  with  his  two  brothers 
(Abisiiai  ;  Asahel)  went  out  from  Hebron  at  the 
head  of  David's  "servants,"  or  guards,  to  keep  a 
watch  on  the  movements  of  Abner.  The  two  par- 
ties sat  opposite  each  other,  on  each  side  of  the 
tank  by  Gibeo.v.  Abner's  challenge,  to  which  Joab 
assented,  led  to  a  desperate  struggle  between  twelve 
champions  from  either  side.  This  roused  the  blood 
of  the  rival  triVjes ;  a  general  encounter  ensued  ; 
Abner  and  his  company  were  defeated,  and  in  his 
flight,  being  hard  pressed  by  the  swift-footed  Asa- 
hel, he  reluctantly  killed  the  unfortunate  youth. 
His  two  brothers,  on  seeing  the  corpse,  only  hurried 
on  with  greater  fury  in  the  pursuit.  In  answer  to 
the  appeal  of  Abner,  Joab  withdrew  his  men,  but 
his  revenge  was  only  postponed.  He  had  been  on 
another  of  these  predatory  excursions  from  Hebron, 
when  he  was  informed  on  his  return  that  Abner 
had  in  his  absence  paid  a  visit  to  David,  and  been 
received  into  favor  (2  Sam.  iii.  23).  He  broke  out 
into  a  violent  remonstrance  with  the  king,  and 
then,  without  David's  knowledge,  immediately  sent 
messengers  after  Abner,  who  was  overtaken  by 
them  at  the  well  of  Sirah.  Abner  returned  at  once. 
Joab  and  Abishai  met  him  in  the  gateway  of  the 
town;  Joab  took  him  aside  (iii.  27),  as  if  with  a 
peaceful  intention,  and  then  struck  him  a  deadly 
blow  "under  tiie  fifth  rib."  There  was  now  no 
rival  left  in  the  way  of  Joab's  advancement,  and  at 
the  siege  of  Jebus  he  was  appointed  for  his  prow- 
ess commander-in-chief — "  captain  of  the  host  "— 
the  same  office  that  Abner  had  held  under  Saul,  the 


480 


JOA 


JOA 


highest  in  the  state  after  the  Ising  ( 1  Chr.  xi.  6 ;  2 
Sam.  viii.  16).  In  this  post  he  was  content,  and 
served  the  king  with  undeviating  fidelity.  In  the 
wide  range  of  wars  vvhicli  David  uudertool;,  Joab 
was  tlie  acting  general.  He  had  a  chief  armor- 
bearer  of  hi.s  (iwn,  Xaharai,  a  lieerotliite  (2  Sam. 
xxiii.  37 ;  1  Clir.  xi.  39),  and  ten  attendants  to  carry 
his  equipment  and  baggage  (2  Sam.  xviii.  15).  He 
had  the  charge  of  giving  the  signal  by  trumpet  for 
advance  or  retreat  (xviii.  16).  He  was  called  by 
the  almost  regal  title  of  "Lord"  (xi.  11),  "the 
prince  of  the  king's  army"  (1  Chr.  x.wii.  34).  His 
usual  residence  was  in  Jerusalem — but  he  had  a 
house  and  property,  with  barley-fields  adjoining,  in 
the  country  (2  Sam.  xiii.  23),  in  the  "wilderness" 
(1  K.  ii.  34),  probably  on  the  N.  E.  of  Jerusalem 
(compare  1  !r'a;n.  xiii.  18;  Josh.  viii.  15,  20),  near 
Baal-hazor  (2  Sam.  xiii.  23,  compare  with  xiv.  BO), 
where  there  were  extensive  sheep-walks. — 1.  His 
great  war  was  that  against  Amnion,  which  he  con- 
ducted in  person.  It  was  divided  into  three  cam- 
paigns, (a)  The  first  was  against  the  allied  forces 
of  Syria  and  Ammon.  (Haiiarezer.)  (i)  The  sec- 
ond was  against  Edom.  The  decisive  victor\  was 
gained  by  David  himself  in  the  "  valley  of  salt " 
(Salt,  Vali,i:v  ok),  and  celebrated  by  a  tiiumphal 
monument  (2  Sam.  viii.  13).  But  Joab  had  the 
cliarge  of  caiTying  out  the  victory,  and  remained 
for  six  months,  extirpating  the  male  populaiion, 
whom  he  then  buried  in  the  tombs  of  Petra  (1  K. 
xi.  15,  16).  (<•)  The  third  was  against  the  Annuon- 
itcs.  They  were  again  left  to  Joab  (2  Sam.  x.  7- 
19).  At  the  siege  of  Rahbah  1,  the  ark  was  sent 
with  him,  and  the  whole  army  was  encamped  in 
booths  or  huts  round  the  beleaguered  city  (xi.  1, 
11).  After  a  sortie  of  the  inhabitants,  which  caused 
some  loss  to  the  Jewish  army,  Joab  took  the  lower 
city  on  the  river,  and  then  sent  to  urge  David  to 
come  and  take  the  citadel  (xii.  26-28). — 2  The  ser- 
vices of  Joab  to  the  king  were  not  confined  to 
these  military  achievements.  In  the  entangled  re- 
lations which  grew  up  in  David's  domestic  life,  he 
bore  an  important  part,  (n)  The  first  occasion  was 
the  unhappy  correspondence  which  passed  between 
him  and  the  king  during  the  Ammonite  war  re- 
specting Ukiah  th:"  Hittite  (xi.  1-25).  (6)  The  next 
occasion  on  which  it  was  displayed  was  in  his  suc- 
cessful endeavor  to  reinstate  Absalom  in  David's 
favor,  after  the  murder  of  Amnon  (xiv.  1-20).  (c) 
Tlie  same  keen  sense  of  his  master's  interests 
ruled  the  conduct  of  Joab  no  less,  when  the  re- 
lations of  the  father  and  son  were  reversed  by 
the  successful  revolt  of  Absalom.  His  former  in- 
timacy with  the  prince  did  not  impair  Ids  fidelity 
to  the  king.  He  followed  him  beyond  the  Jor- 
dan, and  in  the  final  battle  of  Ephraim  assumed 
the  re.sponsiliility  of  taking  the  rebel  prince's  dan- 
gerous life  in  spite  of  David's  injunction  to  spare 
him,  and  when  no  one  else  had  courage  to  act 
so  decisive  a  part  (xviii.  2,  11-15).  The  king 
transferred  the  command  to  Amasa.  (d)  Nothing 
brings  out  more  strongly  the  good  and  bad  ()uali- 
ties  of  Joab  than  his  conduct  in  this  trying  crisis 
of  his  history.  With  his  own  guard  and  the 
mighty  men  under  Abishai  he  went  out  in  pur- 
suit of  the  remnants  of  the  rebellion.  In  the  heat 
of  pur.suit  he  encountered  his  rival  Amasa,  more 
leisurely  engaged  in  the  same  quest.  At  "the 
great  stone  "  in  Gibcon,  the  cousins  met.  Joab's 
sword  was  attached  to  his  girdle  ;  by  design  or  ac- 
cident it  protruded  from  trie  sheath  ;  Amasa  rushed 
into  the  treacherous  embrace,  to  which  Joab  in- 


vited him,  holding  fast  his  beard  by  his  own  right 
hand,  whilst  the  unsheathed  sword  in  his  left  hand 
plung(  d  into  Amasa's  stomach  ;  a  single  blow  from 
that  practised  arm,  as  in  the  ease  of  Abner,  sufficed 
to  do  its  work.  (<■)  At  the  moment,  all  were  ab- 
sorbed in  the  pursuit  of  the  rebels.  Once  more  a 
proof  was  given  of  the  widespread  confidence  in 
Joab's  judgment  (xx.  16-22).  (Abel  1  ;  Sheba.) 
(/)  His  last  remonstrance  with  David  was  on  the 
announcement  of  the  king's  desire  to  number  the 
people  (xxiv.  1-4  ;  1  Chr.  xxi.  C). — 3.  There  is 
something  mournful  in  the  end  of  Joab.  At  the 
close  of  his  long  life,  his  loyalty,  so  long  unshaken, 
at  last  wavered.  "  Though  he  had  not  luincd  after 
Absalom,  he  turned  after  Adonijaii  "  (1  K.  ii.  28). 
This  was  in  direct  opposition  to  the  divine  des- 
ignation of  Solomon  (1  Chr.  xxii.  9,  10,  xxviii.  5). 
The  revival  of  the  pretensions  of  Adonijah  after 
David's  death  was  sufficient  to  awaken  the  sus- 
picions of  Solomon.  Joab  fled  to  the  shelter  of 
the  altar  at  Gibcen,  and  was  there  slain  by  Benaiah. 
— i.  Son  of  Scraiah,  and  descendant  of  Kenaz(l 
Chr.  iv.  14). —  3.  The  head  of  a  family,  not  of 
priestly  or  Lcvitical  rank,  whose  descendants,  with 
those  of  Jcshua,  were  the  most  nuniercus  of  all 
who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  6,  viii.  9 ; 
Keh.  vii.  11;  1  Esd.  viii.  35).     Pahatii-moab. 

Jo'a-chitZ  [-kaz]  (Gr.  fr.  Deb.)  =  Jeuoaiiaz  (1 
Esd.  i.  34),  the  son  of  Jofiah. 

Jo'a-chim  f-kim].  1.  Jehoiakim  (Bar.  i.  8)  = 
JoACiM  1. — i,  A  "high-priest"  at  Jerusalem  in 
the  time  of  Baruch  "  the  son  of  Chclcias,"  i.  e. 
Hilkiuh  (Bar.  i.  7). 

Jo'a-tiin  [-sim]  (L.  fr.  Heb.).  1.  Jehoiakim  (1 
Esd,  i.  87,  38,  39)  =  Joachim  1. — i.  Jeuoiaciiin 
(i.  43). — 3*  JoiAKiM,  the  son  of  Jeshua  (v.  r>). — 4. 
"The  high-piicst  which  was  in  Jerusalem  "  (Jd.  iv. 
6,  14)  in  the  time  of  Judith  (xv.  8  ff.).  It  is  im- 
possible to  identify  l.im  with  any  historical  char- 
acter.— 5.  The  husband  of  Sus^anna  (Sus.  1  fl'.). 

Jo-a-da'iiBS  (fr.  Gr.,  piobably  corrupted  from 
GF.nALiAii),  a  son  of  Jeshua,  the  son  of  Jozadak  (1 
Esd.  ix.  19) ;  =  Gedaliah  3  ? 

Jo'all  (fr.  Ileb.  =  whose  brother  (i.  e.  helper)  is 
Jfhovah,  Gcs.).  I.  Son  of  Asaph,  and  chronicler, 
or  keeper  of  the  records,  to  Hezekiah(ls.  xxxvi.  3, 
1 1,  22). — i.  Son  or  grandson  of  Zimmah,  a  Uerslion- 
ite  (1  Chr.  vi.  21);  apparently  =  Ethan  (vcr.  42). 
— 3.  Third  son  of  Obed-cdom  (xxvi.  4),  a  Korliitc, 
and  one  of  the  doorkeepers  appointed  by  David. — 
4.  A  Gershonite,  son  of  Zimmah,  and  father  of 
Eden  ;  active  with  his  son  in  llezckiah's  reforma- 
tion (2  Chr.  xxix.  12). — 5.  Son  of  Joahaz,  and 
keeper  of  the  records,  or  annalist  to  Josiab  (xxxiv. 
8). 

Jo'a-haz  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jeuoaiiaz,  Ges.),  father  of 
Joah  5  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  8). 

Jo-a'nan  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.)  —  Johanan,  son  of  Elia- 
shib  (1  Esd.  ix.  1). 

Jo-anna  (L.  =  Jehoiianan),  son  of  Bhesa,  ac- 
cording to  Lk.  iii.  27,  and  one  of  the  ancestors  of 
Cluist.  But,  according  to  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  in  the 
GENEALOfiv  OF  Jesits  Christ,  sem  of  Zerubbabel, 
and  the  same  as  Ilananiah  in  1  Chr.  iii.  19. 

Jixn'na  (see  above),  one  of  the  women  «ho 
ministered  unto  Jesus,  and  brought  spices  and  oint- 
ments to  embalm  His  body  (Lk.  viii  3,  xxiv.  10); 
"  wife  of  Chusa,  steward  of  Herod,"  i.  e.  Antipas, 
tetrarch  of  Galilee. 

Jo-an'n»n  (fr.  Gr.  =  Jehoiiaxan),  snrnamed  Cad- 
dis, eldest  brother  of  Judas  Maccabeus  (1  Mc.  ii.  2). 

Jo'a-rlb  (L.  —  Jkhoiarib),  chief  of  the  first  of 


JOA 


JOB 


481 


the  twenty-four  courses  of  priests  in  the  reign  of 
David,  and  ancestor  of  the  Maccabees  (1  JIc.  ii.  1). 
Jo'asll  (fr.  Heb.,  contracted  fr.  Jehoash,  except 
No.  7,  8).  1.  Son  of  Ahaziah  2,  king  of  Judah, 
and  the  only  one  of  his  children  who  escaped  the 
murderous  hand  of  Athaliah.  After  his  father's 
sister  Jehoshabkath,  the  wife  of  Jehoiada,  had 
stolen  him  from  among  the  king's  sons,  he  was  hid 
for  six  years  in  the  chambers  of  the  Temple.  In 
the  seventh  year  of  his  age,  and  of  his  concealment, 
a  successful  revolution  placed  him  on  the  throne  of 
his  ancestors,  and  freed  the  country  from  the  tyr- 
anny and  idolatries  of  Athaliah.  For  at  least 
twenty-three  years,  while  Jehoiada  lived,  this  reign 
was  very  prosperous.  Excepting  that  the  high- 
places  were  still  resorted  to  for  incense  and  sacri- 
fice, pure  religion  was  restored,  large  contributions 
were  made  for  the  repair  of  the  Temple,  which  was 
accordingly  restored ;  and  the  country  seems  to 
have  been  free  from  foreign  invasion  and  domestic 
disturbance.  But,  after  the  death  of  Jehoiada, 
Joash  fell  into  tlie  hands  of  bad  advisers,  at  whose 
suggestion  he  revived  the  worship  of  Baal  and 
Ashtaroth.  When  he  was  rebuked  for  this  by 
Zecha:iah,  the  son  of  Jehoiada,  Joash  caused  him 
to  be  stoned  to  death  in  the  very  court  of  the 
Lord's  hou.se  (Mat.  xxiii.  S.t).  The  vengeance  im- 
precated by  the  murdered  high-priest  was  not  long 
delayed.  That  very  year,  llazael,  king  of  Syria, 
came  up  against  Jerusalem,  and  carried  off  a  vast 
booty  as  the  price  of  his  departure.  Joash  had 
scarcely  escaped  this  danger,  when  he  fell  into  an- 
other and  fatal  one.  Two  of  his  servants,  taking 
advantage  of  hia  severe  illness,  some  think  of  a 
wound  received  in  battle,  conspired  against  him, 
and  slew  him  in  his  bed  in  the  fortress  of  Millo. 
Joash's  reign  lasted  forty  years.  (Israel,  Kingdom 
OF ;  Jl'daii,  Kingdom  oif.) — 2.  Son  and  successor 
of  Jehoahaz  1,  on  the  throne  of  Israel,  and  for 
two  years  a  contemporary  sovereign  with  the  pre- 
ceding (2  K.  xiv.  1  ;  compare  with  xii.  1,  xiii.  10). 
When  he  succeeded  to  the  crown,  the  kingdom  was 
in  a  deplorable  state  from  the  devastations  of 
llazael  and  Ben-hadad,  kings  of  Syria.  On  occasion 
of  a  friendly  visit  paid  by  Joash  to  Elisiia  on  his 
death-bed,  the  prophet  promised  him  deliverance 
from  the  Syrian  yoke  in  Aphek  (1  K.  xx.  2ti-30). 
He  then  bid  him  smite  upon  the  ground,  and  the 
king  smote  thrice  and  then  stayed.  The  prophet 
rebuked  him  for  staying,  and  limited  to  three  his 
victories  over  Syria.  Accordingly  Joash  did  beat 
Ben-hadad  three  times  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  re- 
covered from  him  the  cities  which  llazael  had  taken 
from  Jehoaliaz.  The  other  great  military  event  of 
Joash's  reign  was  his  successful  war  with  Amaziah, 
king  of  Judah.  The  grounds  of  this  war  are  given 
fully  in  2  Oiir.  xxv.  Tlie  two  armies  met  at  Beth- 
shemesli,  that  of  Joasli  was  victorious,  put  the 
army  of  Amaziah  to  the  rout,  took  him  prisoner, 
brought  him  to  Jerusalem,  broke  down  the  wall  of 
Jerusalem,  and  plnmlcred  the  city.  lie  died  in  the 
fifteenth  year  of  Amaziah,  king  of  Judah,  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Jeroboam  II. — 3>  Father  of 
GiDKOX,  and  a  wealthy  man  among  the  Abiezrites 
(Judg.  vi.  11,  29-31,'  vii.  14,  viii.  13,  29,  32).— 
4.  Apparently  a  younger  son  of  Ahab,  wlio  held  a 
Bubonlinate  jurisdiction  in  the  lifetime  of  his  father, 
or-  was  appointed  viceroy  (2  Chr.  xviii.  26)  during 
hi.s  absence  in  the  attack  on  Ranioth-gilead  ( 1  K. 
xxii.  26;  2  Chr.  xviii.  25).  Or  he  may  have  been 
merely  a  prince  of  the  blood-royal  (compare  Mal- 
f  ihaii  8). — 5f  A  descendant  of  Slielah  the  son  of 
31 


Judah,  but  whether  his  son  or  the  son  of  Jokim,  is 
not  clear  (1  Chr.  iv.  22). — 6>  A  Benjamite  hero, 
son  of  Shemaah  of  Gibeah  (xii.  8).  He  joined 
David  at  Ziklag. — ^7.  (fr.  Heb.  =  to  whom  Jehovali 
hastens,  sc.  with  help,  Ges.).  One  of  the  ofiieers 
of  David's  household  (xxvii.  28). — 8>  Son  of  Bechcr, 
and  head  of  a  Benjamite  house  (vii.  8). 

Jo't-tliam  (L.)  =  JoTUAM  the  son  of  Uzziah  (Mat. 
i.9). 

Jo-a-zitb'das  (fr.  Or.)  =  Jozabad  the  Levite  (1 
Esd.  ix.  48  ;  compare  Neh.  viii.  7). 

Job  [o  as  in  note]  (L.  fr.  Heb.  i/ob  =  returner,  re- 
turner Jiomc,  z=  Jashub,  Fii.),  third  son  of  Issachar 
(Gen.  xlvi.  18),  called  in  another  genealogy  J asbub 
(1  Chr.  vii.  1). 

Job  (L.  fr.  Heb.  fi/6h  =  one  persecuted,  Ges.;  ccn. 
verled,  Fii.).  1.  A  patriarch  of  Uz,  distinguished  for 
his  afflictions,  uprightness,  and  patience  (Ez.  xiv. 
14  fl". ;  Jas.  v.  11) ;  the  chief  character  in— 8.  The 
Book  of  Job.  This  book  consists  of  five  parts  :  the 
introduction,  the  discussion  between  Job  and  hia 
three  friends  (Eliphaz;  Bildad;  Zophar),  the 
speech  of  Eliiiu,  the  manifestation  and  address  of 
Almighty  God,  and  the  concluding  chapter. — I. 
Analysis. — 1.  The  introduction  supplies  all  the 
facts  on  which  the  argument  is  based.  Job,  a 
chieftain  in  the  land  of  tJz,  of  immense  wealth  and 
high  rank,  "  the  greatest  of  all  the  men  of  the 
East,"  is  represented  as  a  man  of  perfect  integrity, 
blameless  in  all  the  relations  of  life,  declared  in- 
deed by  the  Lord  Himself  to  be  "  without  his  like 
in  all  the  earth,"  "  a  perfect,  and  an  upright  man, 
one  that  fcareth  God,  and  escheweth  evil."  One 
question  could  be  raised  by  envy ;  may  not  the 
goodness  which  secures  such  direct  and  tangible  re- 
wards be  a  refined  form  of  selfishness  ?  In  the 
world  of  spirits,  where  all  the  mysteries  of  exist- 
ence are  brought  to  light,  Satan,  the  accusing 
angel,  suggests  the  doubt,  "  doth  Job  fear  God  for 
nought  ?  "  and  asserts  boldly  that  if  those  external 
blessings  were  withdrawn.  Job  would  cast  off  his 
allegiance — "  he  will  curse  thee  to  thy  face."  The 
problem  is  thus  distinctly  propounded  which  this 
book  is  intended  to  discuss  and  solve.  Can  good- 
ness exist  irrespective  of  reward,  can  the  fear  of 
God  be  retained  by  man  when  every  inducement  to 
aelfishness  is  taken  away  ?  The  accuser  receives 
permission  to  make  the  trial.  He  destroys  Job's 
property,  then  his  children  ;  and  afterward,  to  leave 
no  po.ssible  opening  for  a  cavil,  is  allowed  to  inflict 
upon  him  the  most  terrible  disease  known  in  the 
East.  (Medicine.)  Job's  wife  breaks  down  entirely 
under  the  trial.  Job  remains  steadfast.  He  rei)els 
his  wife's  suggestion  with  the  simple  words, "  What, 
shall  we  receive  good  at  the  hand  of  the  Lord,  and 
shall  we  not  receive  evil  ?  "  "  In  all  this  Job  did 
not  sin  with  his  lips."  The  question  raised  by 
Satan  was  thus  answered. — 2.  Still  it  is  clear  that 
many  points  of  deep  interest  would  have  been  left 
in  obscurity.  Entire  as  was  the  submission  of  Job, 
he  must  have  been  inwardly  perplexed  by  events 
to  which  he  had  no  clew,  which  were  quite  unac- 
countable on  any  hypothesis  hitherto  entertained, 
and  seemed  repugnant  to  the  ideas  of  justice  en- 
graven on  man's  heart.  An  opportunity  for  the 
discussion  of  the  providential  goveniment  of  the 
world  is  afforded  in  the  most  natural  manner  by 
the  introduction  of  three  men,  representing  the 
wisdom  and  experience  of  the  age,  who  came  to 
condole  with  Job  on  hearing  of  his  misfortunes.. 
The  meeting  is  described  witli  singular  beauty.  At 
a  distance  they  greet  him  with  the  wild  demouetrft- 


482 


JOB 


JOB 


tions  of  sympathizing  grief  usual  in  the  East ;  com- 
ing near  they  are  overpowered  by  the  sight  of  his 
wretoliedness,  and  sit  seven  days  and  seven  nights 
without  uttering  a  word.  This  awful  silence  drew 
out  all  his  anguish.  In  an  agony  of  desperation 
he  curses  the  day  of  his  birth.  With  the  answer 
to  this  outburst  begins  a  series  of  discussions,  con- 
tinued probably  with  some  intervals,  during  several 
successive  days.  The  results  of  the  Jlnt  discussion 
(Job  iii.-xiv.)  may  be  thus  summed  up.  We  have 
on  the  part  of  Job's  friends  a  tlieory  of  the  divine 
government  resting  upon  an  exact  and  uniform  cor- 
relation between  sin  and  punishment  (iv.  6,  11,  and 
throughont).  Afflictions  are  always  penal,  issuing 
in  the  destruction  of  those  who  are  radically  op- 
posed to  (>od,  or  who  do  not  submit  to  His  chas- 
tisements. They  lead  of  course  to  correction  and 
amendment  of  life  when  the  sufferer  repents,  con- 
fesses his  sins,  puts  them  away,  and  turns  to  God. 
In  that  case  restoration  to  peace,  and  even  in- 
creased prosperity  may  be  expected  (v.  17-27). 
Still  the  fact  of  the  suftering  always  proves  the 
commission  of  some  special  sin,  while  the  demeanor 
of  the  sufferer  indicates  the  true  internal  relation 
between  him  and  God.  These  principles  are  ap- 
plied by  them  to  the  case  of  Job.  In  this  part  of 
the  dialogue  the  character  of  the  three  friends  is 
clearly  developed.  Eliphaz  represents  the  true  pa- 
triarchal chieftain,  grave  and  dignified,  and  erring 
only  from  an  exclusive  adherence  to  tenets  hither- 
to unquestioned,  and  influenced  in  the  first  place 
by  genuine  regard  for  Job  and  sympathy  with  his 
afflictions.  Bildad,  without  much  originality  or  in- 
dependence of  character,  reposes  partly  on  the 
wise  saws  of  antiquity,  partly  on  the  authority  of 
)  his  older  friend.  Zuphar  seems  to  be  a  young 
man ;  his  language  is  violent,  and  at  times  even 
coarse  and  offensive.  He  represents  the  prejudiced 
and  narrow-minded  bigots  of  his  age.  In  order  to 
do  justice  to  the  position  and  arguments  of  Job,  it 
must  be  borne  in  mind,  that  the  direct  object  of 
the  trial  was  to  ascertain  whether  he  would  deny 
or  forsake  God,  and  that  his  real  integrity  is  as- 
serted by  God  Himself.  He  knows  that  he  is  not 
an  offender  in  the  sense  of  his  opponents ;  and  this 
consciousness  enables  him  to  examine  fearlessly 
their  position.  He  denies  the  asseition  that  pun- 
ishment follows  surely  on  guilt,  or  proves  its  com- 
mission. In  the  government  of  Providence  he  can 
see  but  one  point  clearly,  viz.  that  all  events  and 
results  are  absolutely  in  God's  hand  (xii.  9-25),  but 
as  for  the  jirinciples  which  underlie  those  events  he 
knows  nothing.  In  fact,  he  is  sure  that  his  friends 
are  equally  uninformed.  Still  he  doubts  not  that 
God  13  just.  There  remains  then  but  one  course 
open  to  him,  and  that  he  takes.  He  turns  to  sup- 
plication, implores  God  to  give  him  a  fair  and  open 
trial  (xiii.  18-28).  Believing  that  with  death  all 
hope  connected  with  'this  world  ceases,  he  prays 
that  he  may  be  hidden  in  the  grave  (xiv.  13),  and 
there  reserved  for  the  day  when  God  will  try  his 
cause  and  manifest  Himself  in  love  (ver.  15).  In 
the  second  discussion  (xv.-xxi.)  there  is  a  more  res- 
olute elaborate  attempt  on  the  jiart  of  Job's  friends 
to  vindicate  their  theory  of  retributive  justice. 
This  recjuires  an  entire  overthrow  of  the  position 
taken  by  Job.  They  cannot  admit  his  innocence. 
Eliphaz  (xv.),  who,  as  usual,  lays  down  the  basis  of 
the  argument,  docs  not  now  hesitate  to  impute  to 
Job  the  worst  crimes  of  which  man  could  be  guilty. 
Bildad  (xviii.)  takes  up  this  suggestion  of  ungodli- 
ness, and  concludes  that  the  special  evils  which  bad 


come  upon  Job  are  peculiarly  the  penalties  due  to 
one  who  is  without  God.  Zophar  not  only  accounts 
for  Job's  present  calamities,  but  menaces  him  with 
still  greater  evils  (xx.).  In  answer  Job  recognizes 
the  hand  of  God  in  his  afflictions  (xvi.  7-lt),  and 
xix.  6-20),  but  rejects  the  charge  of  ungodliness ; 
he  has  never  forsaken  his  Maker,  and  never  ceased 
to  pray.  He  argues  that  since  in  this  life  the  right- 
eous certainly  are  not  saved  fiom  evil,  it  follows 
that  their  ways  are  watched  and  their  sufferings  re- 
corded, with  a  view  to  a  future  and  perfect  mani- 
festation of  the  divine  justice.  On  the  other  hand, 
stung  by  the  harsh  and  narrow-minded  bigotry  of 
his  opponents.  Job  draws  out  (xxi.)  with  tcirible 
force  tlie  undeniable  fact,  that  from  the  beginning 
to  the  end  of  their  lives  ungodly  men,  avowed 
atheists  (ver.  14,  15),  persons,  in  fact,  guilty  of  the 
very  crimes  imputed,  out  of  mere  conjecture,  to 
himself,  frequently  enjoy  great  and  unljvokcn  pros- 
perity. In  the  third  dialogue  (xxii.-xxxi.)  no  real 
progress  is  made  by  Job's  opponents.  Eliphaz 
(xxii.)  makes  a  last  effort,  and  laises  one  new  point. 
The  station  in  which  Job  was  foimerly  placed  pre- 
sented temptations  to  certain  crimes ;  the  punish- 
ments which  he  undergoes  are  iirecisely  such  as 
might  be  expected  had  those  crimes  been  commit- 
ted ;  hence  he  infers  they  actually  were  committed. 
Bildad  has  nothing  to  add  but  a  few  .solemn  words 
on  the  incomprehensible  majesty  of  God  and  the 
nothingness  of  man.  Zophar  is  put  to  silence. 
In  his  last  two  discourses  Job  does  not  allcr  his 
position,  nor,  properly  speaking,  adduce  any  new 
argument,  but  he  states  witli  incomparable  force 
and  eloquence  the  chief  points  which  he  regnrds 
as  established  (xxvi.).  He  then  (xxvii.)  describes, 
even  more  completely  than  his  o|  jiontnts  had 
done,  the  destruction  which,  as  a  rule,  ultimately 
falls  upon  the  hypocrite.  Then  follows  (xxviii.) 
the  grand  descrii)tion  of  Wisdom.  The  remainder 
of  this  discourse  (xxix.-xxxi.)  contains  a  singularly 
beautiful  description  of  his  ibrmcr  life,  contrasted 
with  his  actual  misery,  together  with  a  full  vin- 
dication of  his  character  from  all  the  charges 
made  or  insinuated  by  his  opponents. — 3.  Thus 
ends  the  discussion  in  which  it  is  evident  both 
parties  had  partially  failed.  Job  has  been  be- 
trayed into  very  hazardous  statements,  while  his 
friends  had  been  on  the  one  hand  disingenuous,  on 
the  other  bigoted,  harsh,  and  pitiless.  The  points 
which  had  been  omitted,  or  imperfectly  developed, 
are  now  taken  up  by  a  new  interlocutor  (xxxii.— 
xxxvii.).  Elihu,  a  young  man,  descended  from  a 
collateral  brancli  of  the  family  of  Abraham,  has 
listened  in  indignant  silence  to  the  arguments  of 
his  elders  (xxxii.  7),  and,  impelled  by  an  inward 
inspiration,  he  now  addresses  himself  to  both  jar- 
ties  in  the  discussion,  and  specially  to  Job.  Ho 
shows  that  they  had  accused  Job  upon  false  or 
insufficient  grounds,  and  failed  to  convict  him,  or 
to  vindicate  God's  justice.  Job  again  had  asfumcd 
his  entire  innocence,  and  had  airaigned  that  jus- 
tice (xxxiii.  9-11).  These  eri'ors  he  traces  to  their 
both  overlooking  one  main  object  of  all  suffering. 
God  speaks  to  man  by  chastisement.  This  state- 
ment does  not  involve  any  charge  of  special  guilt, 
such  as  the  friends  had  alleged  and  Job  had  re- 
pudiated. Again,  Elihu  argues  (xxxiv.  10-17)  that^ 
any  charge  of  injustice,  direct  or  implicit,  against 
God  involves  a  contradiction  in  terms.  God  is 
the  only  source  of  justice ;  the  very  idea  of  jus- 
tice is  derived  from  His  governance  of  the  uni- 
verse.    Job  is  silent,  and  Elihu  proceeds  (ixxvi.) 


JOB 


JOB 


483 


to  show  that  the  Almightineas  of  God  is  not,  as 
Job  seems  to  assert,  associated  with  any  contempt 
or  neglect  of  His  creatures.  The  rest  of  the  dis- 
course brings  out  forcibly  the  lessons  taught  by 
the  manifestations  of  goodness,  as  well  as  great- 
ness, in  creation.  The  last  words  are  evidently 
spoken  while  a  violent  storm  is  coming  on. — I.  It 
is  obvious  that  many  weighty  truths  have  been 
developed  in  the  course  of  the  discussion — nearly 
every  theory  of  the  objects  and  uses  of  sulferiug 
has  been  reviewed — while  a  great  advance  has 
been  made  toward  the  apprehension  of  doctrines 
hereafter  to  be  revealed,  such  as  were  known  only 
to  God.  But  the  mystery  is  not  as  yet  really 
cleared  up.  Hence  the  necessity  for  the  Theophany 
— from  the  midst  of  the  storm  Jehovah  speaks. 
In  language  of  incomparable  grandeur  He  reproves 
and  silences  the  murmurs  of  Job.  GoJ  do.^s  not 
condescend,  strictly  speaking,  to  argue  with  His 
creatures.  The  speculative  ([uestions  discussed  in 
the  colloquy  are  unnoticed,  but  the  declaration 
of  God's  absolute  power  is  illustrated  by  a  mar- 
vellously beautiful  and  comprehensive  survey  of 
the  glory  of  creation,  and  His  all-embracing 
Providence  by  reference  to  the  phenomena  of  the 
animal  kingdom.  Job  confesses  his  inability  to 
comprehend  and  therefore  to  answer  hi.s  Maker 
(xl.  3,  4).  A  second  address  complete*  the  work. 
It  proves  that  a  charge  of  injustice  against  God 
involves  the  consequence  that  the  accuser  is  more 
competent  than  He  to  rule  the  universe. — 5.  Job's 
unreserved  submission  terminates  the  trial.  In  tlie 
rebuke  then  addressed  to  Job's  opponents  the  in- 
tegrity of  his  character  is  distinctly  recognized, 
while  they  are  condemned  for  untruth,  which  is 
pardoned  on  the  intercession  of  Job.  The  restora- 
tion of  his  external  prosperity,  which  is  an  inevi- 
table result  of  God's  personal  manifestation,  sym- 
bolizes the  ultimate  compensation  of  the  righteous 
for  all  sufferings  undergone  upon  earth.  Tlie  great 
object  of  the  book  must  surely  l)e  that  which  is 
distinctly  intimated  in  the  introduction,  and  con- 
firmed in  the  conclusion,  to  show  the  etfects  of 
calamity  in  its  worst  and  most  awful  form  upon  a 
truly  religious  spirit  (so  Mr.  Cook,  original  author 
of  this  article). — II.  //i/e/rtVy  of  the  Book.  Four 
parU  of  the  book  have  been  most  generally  at- 
tacked. 1.  Objections  have  been  made  to  the  intro- 
ductory and  concluding  chapters — (a)  on  account  of 
the  style.  Of  course  there  is  an  ol)vious  and  nat- 
ural diffjrence  between  the  proie  of  the  narrative 
and  the  highly  poetical  language  of  ttie  colloquy. 
Yet  the  be.<t  critics  now  acknowledge  that  the  style 
of  these  portions  is  quite  as  antique  in  its  simple 
and  severe  grandeur,  as  that  of  the  Pentateuch  it- 
self. (6)  It  is  said  that  the  doctrinal  views  are 
not  in  harmony  with  those  of  Job.  This  is  wholly 
unfounded.  (Axoels;  >Satan.)  The  form  of  wor- 
ship belongs  essentially  to  the  early  patriarchal 
type.  (<;)  It  is  alleged  that  there  are  discrep- 
ancies between  the  facts  relateil  in  the  introduc- 
tion, and  statements  or  allusions  in  the  dialogue. 
But  these  are  only  apparent,  not  real.  Thus  chil- 
dren of  mi/  womb  (["  children  of  mine  own  body," 
A.  V.)  xix.  17,  compare  i.  18,  19)  =  ini/  breihrtm, 
not  my  children  (compare  iii.  10,  viii.  4,  xxix.  5). 
('/)  The  omission  in  the  last  chapter  of  all  refer- 
ence to  the  defeat  of  Satan  is  in  accordance  with 
the  simplicity  of  the  poem. — 2.  Strong  objections 
are  made  to  the  passjige  xxvii.  7-23.  Here  Job  de- 
scribes the  ultimate  fate  of  the  godless  hypocrite 
in  terms  which  some  critics  hold  to  be  in  direct 


contradiction  to  the  whole  tenor  of  his  arguments 
in  other  discourses.  The  fact  of  the  contradiction 
is  denied  by  able  writers,  who  have  shown  that  it 
rests  upon  a  misapprehension  of  the  patriarch's 
character  and  fundamental  principles.  The  whole 
chapter  is  thoroughly  colierent:  the  first  part  is  ad- 
mitted by  all  to  belong  to  Job  ;  nor  can  the  rest  be 
disjoined  from  it  without  injury  to  the  sense.  As 
for  the  style,  llenan,  a  most  competent  authority  in 
a  matter  of  taste,  declares  that  it  is  one  of  the 
finest  developments  in  the  poem. — 3.  The  last  two 
chapters  of  the  address  of  the  Almighty  have  been 
rejected  as  interpolations  by  many  writers,  partly 
because  of  an  alleged  inferiority  of  style,  partly  as 
not  relevant  to  the  argument.  (See  I.  4,  above.) — I. 
The  speech  of  Elihu  presents  greater  difficulties, 
and  has  been  rejected  by  several,  whose  opinion, 
however,  is  controverted  not  only  by  orthodox 
writers,  but  by  some  of  the  most  skeptical  com- 
mentators. The  former  support  their  decision 
chiefly  on  the  manifest,  and  to  a  certain  extent  the 
real,  difference  between  this  and  other  jiarts  of  the 
book  in  tone  and  thought,  in  doctrinal  views,  and 
more  positively  in  language  and  general  style. 
Much  stress  also  is  laid  upon  the  facts  that  Elihu 
is  not  mentioned  in  the  introduction  nor  at  the  end, 
and  that  his  speech  is  unanswered  by  Job,  and  un- 
noticed in  the  final  address  of  the  Almighty.  A 
candid  and  searching  examination,  however,  proves 
that  there  is  a  close  internal  connection  between 
this  and  other  parts  of  the  book  ;  there  are  refer- 
ences to  numerous  passages  in  the  discourses  of 
Job  and  his  friends ;  so  covert  as  only  to  be  dis- 
covered by  close  inquiry,  yet,  when  pointed  out, 
so  striking  and  natural  as  to  leave  no  room  for 
doubt.  Elilm  supplies  exactly  what  Job  repeat- 
edly dem,inds — a  confutation  of  his  opinions  by 
rational  and  human  arguments.  Thtro  is  no 
difficulty  in  accounting  for  the  omission  of  Eli- 
hu's  name  in  the  introduction.  No  persons  are 
named  in  the  book  until  they  appear  as  agents,  or 
as  otherwise  concerned  in  the  events.  Again,  the 
discourse  being  substantially  true  did  not  need  cor- 
rection, and  is  therefore  left  unnoticed  in  the  final 
decisioi  of  the  Almighty.  More  weight  is  to  be  at- 
tached to  the  objection  resting  upon  diversity  of 
style,  and  dialectic  peculiarities.  It  may  be  ac- 
counted for  on  the  supposition  that  the  author  ad- 
hered strictly  to  the  form  in  which  tradition  handed 
down  the  dialogue,  or  that  the  Chaldaic  forms  and 
idioms  are  such  as  peculiarly  suit  the  style  of  the 
young  and  fiery  speaker. — III.  UMoricnl  Character 
of  the  Work.  Three  distinct  theories  have  been 
maintained  at  various  times;  some  believing  the 
book  to  be  strictly  historical ;  others  a  religious 
fiction ;  others  a  composition  based  upon  facts. 
Until  a  comparatively  late  time,  the  prevalent  opin- 
ion was,  not  only  that  the  persons  and  events  which 
it  describes  are  real,  but  that  the  very  words  of  the 
speakers  were  accurately  recorded.  It  was  sup- 
posed either  that  Job  himself  employed  the  latter 
years  of  his  life  in  writing  it  (A.  Schultens),  or  that 
at  a  very  early  age  some  inspired  Hebrew  collected 
the  facts  and  sayings,  faittifuUy  preserved  by  oral 
tradition,  and  presented  them  to  his  countrymen  in 
their  own  tongue.  By  some  the  authorship  of  the 
work  was  attributed  to  Moses.  The  fact  of  Job's 
existence,  an<l  the  substantial  truth  of  the  narrative, 
were  not  likely  to  be  denied  by  Hebrews  or  Chris- 
tians, considering  the  terms  in  which  the  patriarch 
is  named  in  Kz.  xiv.  and  Jas.  v.  1 1.  It  is,  to  say  the 
least,  highly  improbable  that  a  Hebrew,  bad  ha  in- 


i84: 


JOB 


JOB 


Tented  such  a  character  as  that  of  Job,  should  have 
represented  him  as  belonging  to  a  race  which, 
though  descended  from  a  coniuion  ancestor,  was 
never  on  friendly,  and  generally  on  hostile,  terras 
with  his  own  people.  To  this  it  must  be  added  that 
there  is  a  singular  air  of  reality  in  the  whole  narra- 
tive, such  as  must  either  proceed  naturally  from  a 
faithful  adherence  to  objective  truth,  or  be  tlie  re- 
sult of  the  most  consummate  art.  i'orcible  as  these 
arguments  may  appear,  many  critics  have  adopted 
the  opinion  cither  that  the  whole  work  is  a  moral  or 
religious  apologue,  or  that,  upon  a  substratum  of  a 
few  rudimeutal  facts  preserved  by  tradition,  the 
genius  of  an  original  thinker  has  raised  this,  the 
most  remarkable  monument  of  the  Sliemitic  mind. 
AVhile  the  Kabbins  in  general  maintain  its  historical 
character,  Samuel  Bar  Nachman  declares  his  con- 
viction, "  Job  did  not  exist,  and  was  not  a  created 
man,  but  the  work  is  a  parable."  Luther  first  sug- 
gested the  theory,  which,  iu  some  form  or  other, 
is  now  most  generally  received.  He  says;  "Hook 
upon  the  book  of  Job  as  a  true  history,  yet  I  do  not 
believe  that  all  took  place  just  as  it  is  written,  but 
that  an  ingenious,  pious,  and  learned  man  brought 
it  into  its  present  form." — IV.  Frolcble  aye,  coun- 
try, and  ponkioii  of  the  Author.  The  langucye  alone 
does  not,  as  some  have  asserted,  supply  any  decisive 
test  as  to  the  date  of  the  composition.  The  fact 
that  the  language  of  this  work  apjiroaches  far  more 
nearly  to  the  Arabic  than  any  other  Hebrew  pro- 
duction was  remarked  by  Jerome,  and  is  recognized 
by  the  soundest  critics.  On  the  other  hand,  there 
are  undoubtedly  many  Aramaic  words,  and  grammat- 
ical forms,  which  son)e  critics  have  regarded  as 
strong  proof  that  the  writers  must  have  lived  during, 
or  even  after  the  Captivity.  At  present  this  hy- 
pothesis is  universally  given  up  as  untenable.  It  is 
proved  that  the  Aramaismsof  the  book  of  Job  are 
such  as  characterize  the  antiiiue  and  highly  poetic 
stylo.  It  may  be  regarded  as  a  settled  point  that 
the  book  was  written  long  before  the  exile ;  while 
there  is  absolutely  nothing  to  prove  a  later  date 
than  the  Pentateuch,  or  even  those  parts  of  the 
Pentateuch  which  appear  to  belong  to  the  patri- 
archal age.  This  impression  is  borne  out  by  the 
style.  All  critics  have  recognized  its  grand  archaic 
character.  The  extent  to  which  the  influence  of 
this  book  is  perceptible  in  the  later  literature  of  the 
Hebrews,  is  a  subject  of  great  interest  and  impor- 
tance ;  but  it  has  not  yet  been  thoroughly  investi- 
gated. Considerable  weight  must  be  attached  to 
the  fact  that  Job  is  far  more  remarkable  for  ob- 
scurity than  any  Hebrew  writing.  There  is  an  ob- 
scurity which  results  from  confusion  of  thought, 
from  carelessness  and  iiiaccuracy,  or  from  studied 
involutions  and  artificial  combination  of  metaphors 
indicating  a  late  age.  But  when  it  is  owing  to  ob- 
solete words,  intense  concentration  of  thought  and 
language,  and  incidental  allusions  to  long-forgotten 
traditions,  it  is  an  all  but  infallil)le  proof  of  prime- 
val antiquity.  Such  are  precisely  the  dilliculties  in 
this  book.  We  arrive  at  the  same  conclusion  from 
considering  the  institutions,  manners,  and  historical 
facts  described  or  alluded  to.  Ewald,  whose  judg- 
ment in  this  case  will  not  be  questioned,  asserts 
very  positively  that  in  all  the  descriptions  of  man- 
ners and  customs,  domestic,  social,  and  political, 
and  even  in  the  indirect  allusions  and  illustrations, 
the  genuine  coloring  of  the  age  of  Job,  i.  e.  of  the 
period  between  Abraham  and  Moses,  is  very  faith- 
fully observed ;  that  all  historical  examples  and  al- 
lusions are  taken  exclusively  from  patriarchal  times, 


and  that  there  is  a  complete  and  successful  a\  oid- 
ance  of  direct  reference  to  later  occurrences,  which 
in  his  opinion  may  have  been  known  to  the  writer. 
All  critics  concur  in  extolling  the  fresh,  antique 
simplicity  of  manners  described  in  this  book,  the 
genuine  air  of  the  wild,  free,  vigorous  life  of  the 
desert,  the  stamp  of  hear  antiquity,  and  the  thorough 
consistency  in  the  development  of  characters,  eijually 
remarkable  for  originality  and  force.  Moreover, 
there  is  suflicient  reason  to  believe  that  under 
favorable  circumstances  a  descendant  of  Abraham, 
who  was  himself  a  warrior,  and  accustomed  to  meet 
princes  on  terms  of  equality,  would  at  a  very  eaily 
age  acquire  the  habits,  poshion,  and  knowledge, 
which  we  admire  in  Job.  Ko  positive  historical 
fact  or  allusion  can  be  produced  from  the  book  to 
prove  that  it  could  not  have  been  written  before  the 
time  of  Moses.  The  single  objection  which  presents 
any  difBculty  is  the  mention  of  the  Chaldeans  in  the 
introductory  chapter.  It  is  certain  that  they  a.\  - 
pear  first  in  Hebrew  histoiy  about  b.  c.  770.  But 
the  name  of  Chc.'^cd,  ancestor  of  the  race,  is  found 
in  the  genealcgical  table  in  Genesis  xxii.  (vtrse  22), 
a  fact  quite  sufficient  to  prove  the  early  existence  of 
the  people  as  a  separate  tribe.  The  arguments 
which  have  induced  the  generality  of  modem  critics 
to  assign  a  later  date  to  this  book  may  be  reduced 
to  two  heads: — 1.  AVe  arc  told  that  the  doctrinal 
system  is  considerably  in  advance  of  the  Mosaic  ;  in 
fact  that  it  is  the  result  of  a  recoil  from  the  stern, 
rarrow  dogmatism  of  the  Pentateuch.  Still  even 
rationalistic  ciiticism  cannot  show  that  there  is  a 
demonstrable  difference  in  any  essential  point  be- 
tween the  principles  recognized  in  Genesis  and  those 
cf  our  author.  Again  it  is  said  that  the  representa- 
tion of  ANGKip,  and  still  more  specially  of  Satan, 
belongs  to  a  later  epoch.  It  is  also  to  be  remarked 
that  no  charge  of  idolatry  is  brought  against  Job  by 
his  opponents  when  enumerating  all  the  crimes 
which  they  can  imagine  to  account  for  his  calamities. 
The  only  allusii  n  to  the  subject  (Job  xxxi.  26)  refers 
to  the  earliest  form  of  false  religion  known  in  the 
East.  To  an  Israelite,  living  after  the  introduction 
of  heathen  rites,  such  a  charge  was  the  very  first 
which  would  have  suggested  itself,  nor  can  any 
satisfactory  reason  be  assigned  for  the  omission. — 2. 
Nearly  all  modern  critics,  even  those  who  admit  the 
inspiration  of  the  author,  agree  in  the  opinion  that 
the  composition  of  the  whole  work,  the  highly  sy.«- 
tematic  development  of  the  plot,  and  the  philosophic 
tone  of  thought  indicate  a  considerable  progress  in 
mental  cultivation  far  beyond  what  can,  with  any 
show  of  probability,  be  supposed  to  have  existed 
before  the  age  of  Solomon.  It  should,  however,  be 
remarked  that  the  persons  introduced  in  this  book 
belong  to  a  country  celebrated  for  wisdom  in  the 
earliest  times ;  insomuch  that  the  writer  who  speaks 
of  those  schools  (R6nan)considers  that  the  peculijir- 
ities  of  the  writings  of  Solomon  were  derived  from 
intercourse  with  its  inhabitants.  The  book  of  Job 
differs  from  those  writings  chiefly  in  its  greater  ear- 
nestness, vehemence  of  feeling,  vivacity  of  imagina- 
tion, anei  free  independent  inquiry  into  the  princi- 
ples of  divine  government ;  characteristics  as  it 
would  seem  of  a  primitive  race,  acquainted  only  with 
the  patriarchal  form  of  religion,  rather  than  of  a 
scholastic  age.  There  is  indeed  nothing  in  the  com- 
position incompatible  with  the  Mosaic  age,  admitting 
the  authenticity  and  integrity  of  the  Peniatkich. 
These  considerations  lead  of  course  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  the  book  must  have  been  written  before 
the  promulgation  of  the  Law,  by  one  speaking  the 


JOB 


JOB 


485 


Hebrew  languago,  and  thoroughly  oonveraant  with 
the  traditions  preserved  in  tlie  liunily  of  Abraham. 
One  hypothesis,  lately  brought  forward  by  Stickel, 
followed  by  Schlottmann,  and  sujjported  by  very  in- 
genious arguments,  deserves  a  more  special  notice. 
That  supposition  is,  that  Job  nuiy  have  been  written 
after  the  settlement  of  the  Israelites  by  a  dweller  in 
the  south  of  Judea,  in  a  district  immediately  bor- 
dering upon  the  Idumean  desert.  The  inhabitants 
of  that  district  were  to  a  considerable  extent  isolated 
from  the  rest  of  the  nation.  A  resident  there  would 
have  peculiar  opportunities  of  collecting  the  varied 
and  extensive  information  possessed  by  the  author 
of  Job.  The  local  coloring,  so  strikingly  character- 
istic of  this  book,  and  so  evidently  natural,  is  just 
what  might  be  expected  from  such  a  writer.  The 
people  appear  also  to  have  been  noted  for  freshness 
and  originality  of  mind ;  qualities  seen  in  the  woman 
of  Tekoa,  or  still  more  remarkably  in  Amos,  the 
poor  and  unlearned  herdman,  also  of  Tekoa.  Some 
weight  may  also  be  attached  to  the  observation  that 
the  dialectic  peculiarities  of  southern  Palestine,  es- 
pecially the  softening  of  the  aspirants  and  exchanges 
of  the  sibilants,  resemble  the  few  divergencies  from 
pure  Hebrew  which  are  noted  in  the  book  of  Job. 
The  controversy  about  the  authorship  cannot  ever 
be  finally  settled.  From  the  introduction  it  may 
certainly  be  inferred  that  the  writer  lived  many  years 
after  the  death  of  Job.  From  the  strongest  internal 
evidence  it  is  also  clear  that  he  must  either  have 
composed  the  work  before  the  Law  was  promul- 
gated, or  under  rao.st  peculiar  circumstances  which 
exempted  him  from  its  influence  (so  Mr.  Cook). 
Bible;  Canaan;  Inspiration;  Old  Testament. 

Jv'bab  (fr.  Heb.  =  (ksert,  Ges.).  1.  The  last  in 
order  of  the  sons  of  Joktan  (Gen.  x.  29 ;  1  Chr.  i. 
23).  His  name  has  not  been  discovered  among  the 
Arab  names  of  places  in  southern  Arabia,  where  he 
ought  to  be  found  with  the  other  sons  of  Joktan. 
— Jt  One  of  the  "  kings  "  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  33, 
31 ;  1  Chr.  1.  44,  45),  enumerated  after  the  geneal- 
ogy of  Esau,  and  Seir,  and  before  the  phylarchs 
descended  from  Esau. — %.  King  of  Madon  ;  one  of 
the  northern  chieftains  who  attempted  to  oppose 
Joshua's  conquest,  and  were  routed  by  him  at 
Merom  (Josh.  xi.  1,  only). — 1.  Head  of  aBeujamite 
house  (1  Chr.  viii.  10). 

jMh'e-bod  fjok-]  (fr.  Heb.  =  whose  ^/ory  is /e^o- 
vah,  Ges.),  the  wife  and  at  the  same  time  the  aunt 
of  Amram;  mother  of  Moses,  Aaron,  and  Miriam 
(Ex.  ii.  1,  vi.  20;  Num.  xxvi.  59). 

•  Jod  (fr.  Heb.  y6]  =  hand,  Ges.),  the  tenth  let- 
ter of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  (Ps.  cxix.).     Wbitino. 

Jo'da  (fr.  Gr.)  =  JuDAH  2,  the  Lcvite  (1  Esd.  v. 
58 ;  see  Ezr.  iii.  9). 

Jo'ed(fr.  Heb.  =  his  witnem  is'  Jehovah,  Ges.),  a 
Benjamite,  son  of  Pedaiah  (Xeh.  xi.  7). 

Joel  (fr.  Ileb.  =  Jehovah  is  his  Qod,  i.  e.  wor- 
shipper of  Jehovah,  Ges.).  1,  Eldest  son  of  Samuel 
the  prophet  (1  Sam.  viii.  2;  1  Chr.  vi.  33,  xv.  17), 
and  father  of  (leman  the  singer.  (Abiah  3 ;  Vashni.) 
—%,  In  1  Chr.  vi.  30,  A.  V.,  Joel  seems  =:  Shaul  in 
verse  24.— J.  One  of  the  twelve  minor  prophets 
(Bible;  Canon;  Inspiration;  Prophet);  son  of 
Pethucl,  or,  according  to  the  LXX.,  Bethuel.  Be- 
yond this  fact  all  is  conjecture  as  to  the  personal 
history  of  Joel.  Pseudo-Epiphanius  records  a  tradi- 
tion that  he  was  of  the  tribe  of  Reuben,  born  and 
buried  at  Beth-boron,  between  Jerusalem  and  Cesa- 
rea.  It  is  most  likely  that  he  lived  in  Judea.  Many 
different  opinions  have  been  expressed  about  the 
date  of  Joel's  prophecy.     Credner  has  placed  it  in 


the  reign  of  Joash  ;  Bertholdt  of  Uezekiah  ;  Kimchi, 
Jahn,  &c.,  of  Manasseh ;  and  Calmet  of  Josiali.  The 
majority  of  critics  and  commentators  (Abarbanel, 
Vitringa,  Hengstenberg,  Winer,  &c.)  tix  upon  the 
reign  ot  Uzziah. —  The  Isature,  Style,  and  Contents 
of  the  Prophecy.  We  find,  what  we  should  expect 
on  the  supposition  of  Joel  being  the  first  prophet  to 
Judah,  only  a  grand  outline  of  the  whole  terrible 
scene,  which  was  to  be  depicted  more  and  more  in 
detail  by  subsequent  prophets.  The  scope,  there- 
fore, is  not  any  particular  invasion,  but  the  whole 
day  of  the  Lord.  The  proximate  event  to  which 
the  prophecy  related  was  a  public  calamity,  then 
impending  upon  Judea,  of  a  twofold  character: 
want  of  water,  and  a  plague  of  locusts,  continuing 
for  several  years.  The  prophet  exhorts  the  people 
to  turn  to  God  with  penitence,  fasting,  and  prayer ; 
and  then  (he  says)  the  plague  shall  cease,  and  the 
rain  descend  in  its  season,  and  the  land  yield  her 
accustomed  fruit.  Nay,  the  time  will  be  a  most  joy- 
ful one ;  for  God,  by  the  outpouring  of  His  Spirit, 
will  impart  to  His  worshippers  increased  knowledge 
of  Himself,  and  after  the  excision  of  the  enemies  of 
His  people,  will  extend  through  them  the  blessings 
of  true  religion  to  heathen  lands.  This  is  thp  simple 
argument  of  the  book ;  only  that  it  is  beautified 
and  enriched  with  variety  of  ornament  and  pictorial 
description.  The  style  of  the  original  is  perspicuous 
(except  toward  the  end)  and  elegant,  surpassing  that 
of  all  other  prophets,  except  Isaiah  and  Habakkuk, 
in  sublimity.  The  locusts  of  chapter  ii.  were  re- 
garded by  many  interpreters  of  the  last  century 
(Lowth,  Shaw,  &c.)  as  figurative,  and  introduced  by 
way  of  comparison  to  a  hostile  army  of  men  from 
the  north  country.  This  view  is  now  generally 
abandoned.  Maurice  strongly  maintains  the  literal 
interpretation.  And  yet  the  plague  contained  a 
parable  in  it,  which  it  was  the  prophet's  mission  to 
unfold.  The  "afterward"  (ii.  28,  A.  V.)  raises  us 
to  a  higher  level  of  vision,  and  brings  into  view 
Messianic  times  and  scenes.  (Messiah.)  Here, 
says  Steudel,  we  have  a  Messianic  prophecy  alto- 
gether. If  this  prediction  has  ever  yet  been  fulfilled, 
we  must  certainly  refer  the  event  to  Acts  ii.  Lastly, 
the  accompanying  portents  and  judgments  upon  the 
enemies  of  God  find  their  various  solutions,  accord- 
ing to  the  interpreters,  in  the  repeated  deportations 
of  the  Jews  by  neighboring  merchants,  and  sale 
to  the  Slacedonians  (1  Mc.  iii.  41,  and  Ez.  xxvii. 
13),  followed  by  the  sweeping  away  of  the  neighbor- 
ing nations  (Maurice);  in  the  events  accompanying 
the  crucifixion,  in  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  in  the 
breaking  up  of  all  human  polities.  But  here  again 
the  idea  includes  all  manifestations  of  judgment, 
ending  with  the  last  (so  Mr.  Bailey). — i,  A  Simeon- 
ite  chief  (1  Chr.  iv.  35). — .5.  A  descendant  of  Reu- 
ben. Junius  and  Tremellius  make  him  the  son  of 
Hanoch,  while  others  trace  his  descent  through 
Carmi  (v.  4). — 0<  Chief  of  the  Gadites  in  Bashan 
(v.  12).— T.  Son  of  Izrahiah ;  a  chief  of  Issachar 
(vii.  8).— 8.  Brother  of  Nathan  of  Zobali  (xi.  38), 
and  one  of  David's  "  valiant  men ; "  =  lOAL.^-Ot 
Chief  of  the  Gershomites  in  David's  reign  (xv.  7, 11). 
— lOi  A  Gcrshonite  Lente  in  David's  reign  ;  son  of 
Jchicl,  a  descendant  cf  Laadan,  and  probably  = 
No.  9  (xxiii.  8,  xxvi.  22). — II.  Son  of  Pedaiah,"  and 
a  chief  of  Manasseh,  W.  of  Jordan,  in  David's  reign 
(xxvii.  20.-18.  A  Kohathite  Lcvite  in  Hczckiah's 
reign  (2  Chr.  xxix.  12). — 13.  One  of  the  sons  of 
Nebo  who  returned  with  Ezra,  and  had  married  a 
foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  43).— 14.  A  Benjamite  chief, 
son  of  Zichri  (Neh.  xl  9). 


486 


JOE 


JGH 


Jo^'lah  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  helps  ?  Ges.  ;  | 
Ood  is  snatcher,  Fii.),  a  warrior  who  joined  David  ; 
atZiklag;  son  of  Jeroham  of  Gedor  (1  Chr.  xii.  7).  | 

Jo-C  zer  (ff.  Heb.  =  whose  help  is  Jehovah,  Ges.), 
a  Korhite,  one  of  David's  captains  (1  Chr.  xii.  6). 

JOK  bc-iiah  (fr.  Heb.  =  elevated,  Ges.),  one  of  the 
cities  E.  of  Jordan  built  and  fortified  by  the  tribe 
of  Gad  when  they  tooli  possession  (Num.  xxxii.  35) ; 
mentioned  with  Nobah  in  the  account  of  Gideon's 
pursuit  of  the  Midianites  (Judg.  viii.  11).  Mr.  Wil- 
ton (in  Fbn.)  makes  two  dift'erent  places,  that  in 
Numbers  at  Jebeiha,  a  ruin  about  four  miles  N.  of 
Ammdn  (Rabbah),  that  in  Judges  at  Tell  Jdbieh, 
N.  E.  of  Fik  (Aphek) ;  but  most  suppose  both  pas- 
sages refer  to  the  same  place. 

Jog'll  (fr.  Heb.  =  exiled,  Ges.),  father  of  Bukki, 
a  Danite  chief  (Num.  xxxiv.  22). 

Jo  ha  (fr.  Ileb.  ^  whom  Jehovah  revives?  Ges. ; 
Jehovah  is  living,  Fii.).  !■  A  son  of  Beriah,  the 
Benjamite  (1  Chr.  viii.  16). — 2.  The  Tizite,  one  of 
David's  "  valiant  men  "  (xi.  45). 

Jo-ha'nan  (L.  fr.  Heb. ;  contracted  from  Jehoha- 
nan).  If  Son  of  AzARiAH  1,  and  grandson  of  Ahi- 
maaztheson  of  Zadok;  father  of  Azariah  6(1  Chr. 
vi.  9,  10,  A.  V.) ;  probably  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey) 
nion-PRiEST  in  Rchoboam's  reign. — 2,  Son  of  Eli- 
oenai,  in  the  line  of  Zcrubbabcl's  heirs  (iii.  24).— 3. 
Son  of  Kareah,  and  one  of  the  captains  of  the  scat- 
tered remnants  of  the  army  of  Judah,  who  escaped 
in  the  final  attack  upon  Jerusalem  by  the  Chal- 
deans. He  warned  GEDALun  against  the  plot  of 
IsHMAEL  6,  but  in  vain.  After  the  murder  of  Ged- 
aliah,  Johanan  was  one  of  the  foremost  in  the  pur- 
suit of  his  assassin,  and  rescued  the  captives  he 
had  carried  off  from  Mizpah.  Fearing  the  ven- 
geance of  the  Chaldeans,  the  captains,  with  Johanan 
at  their  head,  notwithstanding  tlie  warnings  of  Jer- 
emiah, retired  into  Egypt  (2  K.  xxv.  23;  Jer.  xl.- 
xliii.). — 1.  First-born  son  of  Josiah,  king  of  Judah 
(1  Chr.  iii.  16). — 5.  A  valiant  Benjamite  who  joined 
David  at  Ziklag  (xii.  4). — 6<  A  Gadite  warrior  who 
followed  David  (xii.  12). — 7.  An  Ephraimite,  father 
of  Azariah  in  the  time  of  Ahaz  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  12). 
•^8.  Son  of  Hakkatan,  and  chief  of  the  sons  of 
Azgad  who  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  12). — 9. 
Son  of  Eliashib;  (a  priest?)  to  whose  chamber 
Ezra  retired  to  mourn  over  the  foreign  marriages 
(x.  6). — 10.  Son  of  Tobiah  the  Ammonite  (Neh.  vi. 
18). — 11.  A  nir.n-PRiEST  (xii.  22) ;  =  Jonathan  10. 
—18.  Son  of  Eliashib  (xii.  23);  =  No.  0  or  11  ? 

Jo-lian'nrs  [-neez]  (L.  fr.  Heb.) :  r  Jeiiohanan  son 
of  Bebai  (1  Esd.  ix.  29;  compare  Ezr.  x.  28). 

Jolm  [jon]  (fr.  Jeiiohanan,  through  L.  Johan- 
nes). 1.  Father  of  Mattathias,  and  grandfather  of 
the  Maccabean  family  (1  Mc.  ii.  1). — 8.  Eldest  son 
of  Mattathias  sumamed  Caddis,  slain  by  "  the  chil- 
dren of  Jambri "  (ii.  2,  ix.  36-38). — 3.  Father  of 
Eupolemus,  one  of  the  envoys  whom  Judas  Macca- 
beus sent  to  Rome  (viii.  17;  2  Mc.  iv.  11) 1.  Son 

of  Simon,  the  brother  of  Judas  Maccabeus  (1  Mc. 
xiii.  63,  xvi.  l) ;  a  "valiant  man,"  who,  under  the 
title  of  John  Hyrcanus,  nobly  supported  the  glory 
of  his  house.  (High-Priest  ;  Maccabees). — 5.  An 
envoy  from  the  Jews  to  Lysias  (2  Mc.  xi.  17). — 6. 
One  of  the  high-priest's  family,  who,  with  Annas 
and  Caiaphas,  sat  in  judgment  upon  the  npostles 
Peter  and  John  (Acts  iv.  6).  Lightfoot  identifies 
him  with  Rabbi  Johanan  ben  Zaccai,  president  of 
the  great  synagogue  after  its  removal  to  Jamnia.— 
7,  A  name  of  the  Evangelist  Mark  (Acts  xii.  12, 
26,  xiii.  5,  13,  xv.  37). 

John  (see  above)  the  A-pos'tle  (see  Apostle),    It 


will  be  convenient  to  divide  his  life  into  periods 
corresponding  both  to  the  great  critical  epochs 
which  separate  one  part  of  it  from  another,  and  to 
marked  differences  in  the  trustworthiness  of  the 
sources  from  which  our  materials  are  derived.  One 
portion  of  the  apostle's  life  and  work  stands  out  be- 
fore us  as  in  the  clearness  of  broad  daylight.  Over 
those  which  precede  and  follow  it  there  brood  the 
shadows  of  darkness  and  uncertainty. — I.  Be/ore 
the  call  to  the  diseipleship.  We  have  no  data  for 
settHng  with  any  exactitude  the  time  of  the  apos- 
tle's birth.  The  general  impression  left  on  us  by 
the  Gospel-narrative  is  that  he  was  younger  than 
the  brother  (James  1)  whose  name  commonly  pre- 
cedes his  (Mat.  iv.  21,  x.  3,  xvii.  1,  &c. ;  but  com- 
pare Lk.  ix.  28,  where  the  order  is  inverted), 
younger  than  his  friend  Peter,  possibly  also  than 
his  Master.  The  Gospels  give  us  the  name  of  his 
father  Zebedee  (Mat.  iv.  21)  and  his  mother  Salome 
(xxvii.  56,  compare  Mk.  xv.  40,  xvi.  1).  They  lived, 
it  may  be  inferred  from  Jn.  i.  44,  in  or  near  the 
same  town  (Bfthsaida)  as  those  who  were  after- 
ward the  companions  ar.d  partners  of  their  children. 
There,  on  the  shores  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  the 
apostle  and  his  brother  grew  up.  The  mention  of 
the  "  hired  senants  "  (Mk.  i.  20),  of  his  mother's 
"  substance  "  (Lk.  viii.  3),  of  "  his  own  house  "  (Jn. 
xix.  27),  implies  a  position  removed  by  at  least 
some  steps  from  absolute  poverty.  We  iufer  (so 
Professor  Plumptre)  that  Zebedee  had  died  before 
his  wife  followed  her  children  in  their  work  of  min- 
istration. Her  character  meets  us  as  presenting 
the  same  marked  features  as  those  which  were  con- 
spicuous in  her  son. — IL  From  the  call  to  the  dis- 
eipleship to  the  departure  from  Jerusalem.  The  ordi- 
nary life  of  the  fisherman  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee  was 
at  last  broken  in  upon  by  the  news  that  a  prophet 
had  once  more  appeared.  The  voice  of  John  the 
Baptist  was  heard  in  the  wilderness  of  Judea,  and 
the  publicans,  peasants,  soldiers,  and  fishermen  of 
Galilee  gathered  round  him.  Among  these  were 
the  two  sons  of  Zebedee  and  their  friends.  With 
them  perhaps  was  One  whom  as  yet  they  knew  net. 
Assuming  that  the  unnamed  disciple  of  Jn.  i.  37- 
40  was  the  Evangelist  himself,  we  are  led  to  think 
of  that  meeting,  of  the  lengthened  interview  that 
followed  it,  as  the  starting-point  of  the  entire  devo- 
tion of  heart  and  soul  which  lasted  through  his 
whole  life.  Then  Jesus  loved  him  as  he  loved  all 
earnest  seekers  after  righteousness  and  truth  (com- 
pare Mk.  X.  21).  The  words  of  that  evening,  though 
unrecorded,  were  mighty  in  their  effect.  The  dis- 
ciples(John  apparently  among  them)  followed  their 
new  teacher  to  Galilee  (Jn.  i.  44),  were  with  him,  as 
such,  at  the  marriage-feast  of  Cana(ii.  2),  journeyed 
with  him  to  Capernaum,  and  thence  to  Jerusalem 
(ii.  12,  22),  came  hack  through  Samaria  (iv.  8),  and 
then,  for  some  uncertain  interval  of  time,  returned 
to  their  former  occupations.  From  this  time  they 
take  their  place  among  the  company  of  disciples — 
soon,  in  the  number  of  the  twelve  apostles.  Tbey 
come  within  the  innermost  circle  of  their  Lord's 
friends.  The  three,  Peter,  James,  and  John,  are 
with  him  when  none  else  are,  in  the  chamber  of 
death  (Mk.  v.  37),  in  the  glory  of  the  IransHgura- 
tion  (Mat.  xvii.  1),  when  lie  forewarns  them  of  the 
destruction  of  the  Holy  City  (Mk.  xiii.  3,  Andrew 
in  this  instance  with  them),  in  the  agony  of  Geth- 
semanc.  Peter  is  throughout  the  leader  of  that 
band ;  to  John  belongs  the  yet  more  memorable 
distinction  of  being  the  disciple  whom  Jesus  loved. 
They  hardly  sustain  the  popular  notion,  fostered 


JOH 


JOH 


487 


by  the  received  types  of  Christian  art,  of  a  nature 
gentle,  yielding,  feminine.  The  name  Boanerges 
(iii.  1")  implies  a  vehemenee,  zeal,  intensity,  which 
gave  to  those  who  had  it  the  might  of  Sons  of 
Thunder.  That  spirit  broke  out,  once  and  again 
(Mat.  XI.  20-24  ;  Mk.  x.  35-41  ;  Lk.  ix.  49,  54). 
Through  his  mother,  we  may  well  believe,  John 
first  came  to  know  that  Mary  Magdalene  whose  char: 
acterhe  depicts  with  such  a  life-like  touch,  and  that 
other  Mary  (Mary,  the  Virgin)  to  whom  he  was 
afterward  to  stand  in  so  close  and  special  a  relation. 
The  fulness  of  his  narrative  of  what  the  other 
Evangelists  omit  (.In.  xi.)  leads  to  the  conclusion 
that  he  was  united  aI.so  by  some  special  ties  of  in- 
timacy to  the  family  of  Bethany.  At  the  Last 
Supper,  he  is,  as  ever,  the  disciple  whom  Jesus 
loved ;  and  reclines  at  table  with  his  head  upon  his 
Master's  breast  (xiii.  23).  To  him  the  eager  Peter 
— they  had  been  sent  together  to  prepare  the  sup- 
per (Lk.  xxii.  8) — makes  signs  of  impatient  ques- 
tioning that  he  should  ask  what  was  not  likely  to 
be  answered  if  it  came  from  any  other  (Jn.  xiii.  24). 
As  they  go  out  to  the  Mount  of  Olives  the  chosen 
three  are  nearest  to  their  Master.  They  only  arc 
within  sight  or  hearing  of  the  conflict  in  Gethsem- 
ane  (Mat.  xxvi.  37).  When  the  betrayal  is  ac- 
complished, Peter  and  John,  after  the  first  moment 
of  confusion,  follow  afar  off,  while  the  others  simply 
seek  safety  in  a  hasty  flight  (Jn.  xviii.  15).  The 
personal  acquaintance  between  John  and  Caiaphas 
enabled  liim  to  gain  access  both  for  himself  and 
Peter,  but  the  latter  remains  in  the  porch,  with  the 
officers  and  servants,  while  John  himself  apparently 
is  admitted  to  the  council-chamber,  and  follows 
■Jesus  thence,  even  to  the  pretoriura  of  the  Roman 
Procurator  (xviii.  16,  19,  28).  Thence,  a3  if  the 
desire  to  see  the  end,  and  the  love  which  was 
stronger  than  death,  sustained  him  through  all  the 
terrors  and  sorrows  of  that  day,  he  followed,  ac- 
companied probably  by  his  own  mother,  Mary  the 
mother  of  Jesus,  and  Mary  Magdalene,  to  the  place 
of  crucifixion.  The  Teacher  who  had  been  to  him 
as  a  brother  leaves  to  him  a  brother's  duty.  He  is 
to  be  as  a  son  to  tlie  mother  left  desolate  (xix.  26, 
27).  The  Sabbath  that  followed  was  spent,  it 
would  appear,  in  the  same  company.  He  receives 
Peter,  in  spite  of  his  denial,  on  the  old  terras  of 
friendship.  To  them  Mary  Magdalene  first  runs 
with  the  tidings  of  the  emptied  sepulchre  (xx.  2) ; 
they  are  the  first  to  go  together  to  see  what  the 
strange  words  meant.  John  is  the  more  impetuous, 
running  on  most  eagerly  to  the  rock-tomb ;  Peter, 
the  least  restrained  by  awe,  the  first  to  enter  in  and 
look  (xx.  4-6).  For  at  least  eight  days  they  con- 
tiimed  in  Jerusalem  (xx.  26).  Then,  in  the  inter- 
val between  the  resurrection  and  the  ascension,  we 
find  them  still  together  on  the  Sea  of  Galilee  (xxi. 
1).  Here,  too,  there  is  a  characteristic  difference. 
John  is  the  first  to  recognize  in  the  morning  twi- 
light his  risen  Lord;  Peter  the  first  to  plunge  into 
the  water  and  swim  toward  the  shore  where  He 
stood  calling  to  them  (xxi.  7).  The  last  words  of  the 
Gospel  reveal  to  us  the  deep  affection  which  united 
the  two  friends.  It  is  not  enough  for  Peter  to 
know  his  own  future.  That  at  once  suggests  the 
question,  "And  what  shall  this  man  do  ?  "  (xxi.  21). 
The  history  of  the  Acts  shows  the  same  union. 
They  are  of  course  together  at  the  ascension  and  on 
the  day  of  Pentecost.  Together  they  enter  the 
Temple  as  worshippers  (Acts  iii.  1)  and  protest 
against  the  threats  of  the  Sanhedrim  (iv.  13).  They 
arc  fellow-workcrs  in  the  first  great  step  of  the 


Church's  expansion.  Tlie  apostle  whose  wrath  had 
been  roused  by  the  unbelief  of  the  Samaritans, 
overcomes  his  national  exclusivencss,  and  receives 
them  as  his  brethren  (viii.  14).  The  per,-;ecution 
pushed  on  by  Saul  of  Tarsus  did  not  drive  him  or 
any  of  the  apostles  from  tlieir  post  (viii.  1).  When 
the  persecutor  came  back  as  the  convert,  he,  it  is 
true,  did  not  see  him  (Gal.  i.  19),  but  this  does  not 
involve  the  inference  that  he  had  left  Jerusalem. 
The  sharper  though  shorter  persecution  under  llerod 
Agrippa  brought  a  great  sorrow  to  him  in  the  mar- 
tyrdom of  his  brother  (Acts  xii.  2).  His  friend 
was  driven  to  seek  safety  in  flight.  Fifteen  years 
after  St.  Paul's  fust  visit  he  was  still  at  Jerusalem 
and  helped  to  take  part  in  the  settlement  of  the 
great  controversy  between  the  Jewish  and  the 
Gentile  Christians  (xv.  6).  His  position  and  repu- 
tation there  were  those  of  one  ranking  among  the 
chief  "  pillars  "  of  the  Church  (Gal.  ii.  9).  Of  tlie 
work  of  the  apostle  during  this  period  we  have 
hardly  the  slightest  trace.  The  traditions  of  the 
Church  ascribe  to  him  a  life  of  celibacy. — III.  From 
his  departure  from  Jenualem  to  his  death.  The  tra- 
ditions of  a  later  age  come  in,  with  more  or  less 
show  of  likeliliood,  to  fill  up  the  great  gap  which 
separates  the  apostle  of  Jerusalem  from  the  bishop 
of  Ephesus.  It  was  a  natural  conjecture  to  sup- 
pose that  he  remained  in  Judea  till  the  death  of 
the  Virgin  relea.sed  him  from  his  trust.  When  this 
took  place  we  can  only  conjecture.  There  are  no 
signs  of  his  being  in  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of  St. 
Paul's  last  visit  (Acts  xxi.).  The  pastoral  epistles 
set  aiiide  the  notion  that  he  had  come  to  Ephesus 
before  the  work  of  the  apostle  of  the  Gentiles  was 
brought  to  its  conclusion.  Out  of  many  contra- 
dictory statements,  fixing  his  departure  under  Clau- 
dius, or  Nero,  or  as  late  even  as  Domitian,  we  have 
hardly  any  data  for  doing  more  than  rejecting  the 
two  extremes.  Nor  is  it  certain  that  his  work  as 
an  apostle  was  transferred  at  once  from  Jerusalem 
to  Ephesus.  Assuming  the  authorship  of  the  Epis- 
tles (John,  1st,  2d,  and  3d  Epistles  of)  and  the 
Revelation  to  be  his,  the  facts  which  the  N.  T. 
writings  assert  or  imply  are — (I.)  that,  having  come 
to  Ephesus,  some  persecution,  local  or  general, 
drove  him  to  Patmos  (Rev.  i.  9) :  (2.)  that  the  seven 
churches,  of  which  Asia  was  the  centre,  were  spe- 
cial objects  of  his  solicitude  (i.  11);  that  in  his 
work  he  bad  to  encounter  men  who  denied  the 
truth  on  which  his  faith  rested  (1  Jn.  iv.  1 ;  2  Jn. 
7),  and  others  who,  with  a  railing  and  malignant 
temper,  disputed  his  authority  (3  Jn.  9,  10).  The 
picture  which  tradition  fills  up  for  us  has  the  merit 
of  being  full  and  vivid,  but  it  blends  together,  with- 
out much  regard  to  harmony,  things  probable  and 
improbable.  He  is  shipwrecked  off  Ephesus,  and 
arrives  there  in  time  to  check  the  progress  of  the 
heresies  which  sprang  up  after  St.  Paul's  departure. 
Then,  or  at  a  later  period,  he  numbers  among  his 
disciples  Polycarp,  Ignatius,  Papias.  In  the  perse- 
cution under  Domitian  he  is  taken  to  Rome,  and 
there,  by  his  boldness,  though  not  by  death,  gains 
the  crown  of  martyrdom.  The  boiling  oil  into 
which  he  is  thrown  has  no  power  to  hurt  him.  He 
is  then  sent  to  labor  in  the  mines,  and  Patmos  is 
the  pl.ice  of  his  exile.  The  accession  of  Nerva  frees 
him  from  danger,  and  he  returns  to  Ephesus. 
There  he  settles  the  canon  of  the  Gospel-history 
by  formally  attesting  the  truth  of  the  first  three 
Gospels,  and  writing  his  own  (John,  Gospel  or)  to 
supply  what  they  left  wanting.  Heresies  continue 
to  show  themscivcs,  but  he  meets  them  with  the 


488 


JOH 


JOH 


strongest  possible  protest.  He  refuses  to  pass  un- 
der the  same  roof  (that  of  the  public  baths  of  Ephe- 
sus)  as  their  foremost  leader  (Cerinthus),  lest  the 
house  should  fall  on  them  and  crush  them.  Through 
his  agency  the  great  temple  of  Artemis  (Diana)  is 
at  last  reft  of  its  masinificence,  and  even  levelled 
with  the  ground.  He  introduces  and  ])erpetuatc8 
the  Jewish  mode  of  celebrating  the  Easter  feast. 
At  Ephesus,  he  appears  as  one  who  was  a  true 
priest  of  the  Lord,  bearing  on  his  brow  the  plate 
of  gold,  with  the  saered  name  engraved  on  it. 
Clemens  Alexandrinus  relates  that  he  sought  a  rob- 
ber chief,  formerly  his  scholar,  and  won  him  to  re- 
pentance :  Jerome,  that  in  his  old  age  he  used  to 
be  carried  into  Christian  assemblies  where  he  would 
repeat  the  exhortation,  "  Little  children,  love  one 
another."  The  very  time  of  his  death  lies  within 
the  region  of  conjecture  rather  than  of  history,  and 
the  dates  that  have  been  assigned  for  it  range  from 
A.  D.  89  to  A.  D.  120.  The  result  of  all  this  accu- 
mulation of  apocryphal  materials  is,  from  one  point 
of  view,  disappointing  enough.  We  find  it  better 
and  more  satisfying  to  turn  again,  for  all  our  con- 
ceptions of  the  apostle's  mind  and  character,  to  the 
scanty  records  of  the  N.  T.,  and  the  writings  which 
ho  himseli'  has  left.  The  truest  thought  that  we 
can  attain  to  is  still  that  he  was  "  the  disciple 
whom  Jesus  loved ; "  returning  that  love  with  a 
deep,  absorbing,  unwavering  devotion.  He  is  the 
Apostle  of  Love,  not  because  he  starts  from  the 
easy  temper  of  a  general  benevolence,  nor  again  as 
being  of  a  character  sott,  yielding,  feminine,  but 
because  he  has  grown,  ever  more  and  more,  into 
the  likeness  of  Him  whom  he  loved  so  truly. 

John  (see  above)  tlic  Bitp'tist  (fr.  Gr.  haplis/Ss  = 
one  who  baj/lizcs,  a  baptizer ;  see  Baptie.m),  a  saint 
more  signally  honored  of  God  than  any  other  in  the 
0.  or  N.  T.  He  was  of  the  priestly  race  by  both 
parents,  for  his  father  Zacharias  was  himself  a  priest 
of  the  course  of  Abia,  or  Abijah  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  10), 
offering  incense  at  the  very  time  when  a  son  was 
promised  to  him  ;  and  his  mother  ElLsabeth  was  of 
the  daughters  of  Aaron  (Lk.  i.  0).  The  divine  mis- 
sion of  John  was  the  subject  of  prophecy  many  cen- 
turies before  his  birth  (Mat.  iii.  3;  Is.  xl.  3  ;  Mai. 
iii.  1).  His  birth — a  birth  not  according  to  the  or- 
dinary laws  of  nature,  but  through  the  miraculous 
interposition  of  almighty  power — was  foretold  by 
an  angel  sent  from  God,  who  proclaimed  the  char- 
acter and  office  of  this  wonderful  child.  These 
marvellous  revelations  as  to  the  character  and 
career  of  the  son,  for  whom  he  had  so  long  prayed 
in  vain,  were  too  much  ibr  the  faith  of  the  aged 
Zacharias  ;  and  when  he  Fought  some  assurance  of 
the  certainty  of  the  promised  blessing,  God  gave  it 
to  him  in  the  privation  of  speech  until  the  event 
foretold  should  happen.  And  now  the  Lord's 
gracious  promise  tarried  not :  Elisabeth  was  after- 
ward visited  in  "  a  city  of  Juda  "  (  Juttah  ?)  in  "  the 
hill-country "  (evidently  her  home  [Lk.  i.  23,  39, 
40])  by  her  kinswoman  Mary.  (Mary  tiik  Virgin.) 
Three  months  after  this,  and  while  Mary  still  re- 
mained with  her,  Elisabeth  was  delivered  of  a  son. 
The  birth  of  John  preceded  by  six  months  that  of 
our  Lord.  (Jesds  Christ.)  On  the  eighth  day 
the  child  was,  in  conformity  with  the  law  of  Moses 
(Lev.  xii.  3),  brought  to  the  priest  for  circumcision, 
and  as  this  was  the  accustomed  time  for  naming  a 
child,  the  friends  of  the  family  proposed  to  call 
him  Zacharias  after  his  father.  The  mother,  how- 
ever^ required  that  he  should  be  called  John ;  a  deci- 
sion which  Zacharias,  still  speechless,  confirmed  by 


writing  on  a  tablet,  "his  name  is  John."  The  judg- 
ment on  his  want  of  faith  was  then  at  once  with- 
drawn. God's  wonderful  interposition  in  the  birth 
of  John  had  impressed  the  minds  of  many  with  a 
certain  solemn  awe  and  expectation  (Lk.  iii.  16).  A 
single  verse  contains  all  that  we  know  of  John's  his- 
tory for  thirty  years  ;  the  whole  period  between  his 
birth  and  the  commencement  of  his  public  ministry. 
"  The  child  grew  and  v/axcd  strong  in  sjiirit,  and 
was  in  the  deserts  till  the  day  of  his  showing  unto 
Israel"  (i.  tO).  John  was  ordained  to  be  a  Kazap,- 
ITE  from  his  birth  (i.  15).  Dwelling  by  himself  in 
the  wild  and  thinly-peopled  region  W.  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  he  prepared  himself  by  self-discipline,  and  by 
constant  communion  with  God,  for  the  wonderful 
office  to  which  he  had  been  divinely  called.  His 
very  appearance  was  of  itself  a  lesson  to  his  coun- 
trymen ;  his  dress  was  that  of  the  old  prophets — 
a  garment  woven  of  camel's  hair  (2  K.  i.  8), 
attached  to  the  body  by  a  leathern  girdle.  His 
food  was  such  as  the  desert  aflbrded — locusts  (Lev. 
xi.  22)  and  wild  hcney  (Ps.  Ixxxi.  16).  And  now 
the  long-secluded  hermit  came  forth  to  the  discharge 
of  his  office.  His  supernatural  birth — his  hard, 
ascetic  life — his  reputation  for  extraordinary  sanc- 
tity— and  the  generally  prevailing  expectation  that 
some  great  one  was  about  to  appear — these  causes, 
without  the  aid  of  miraculous  power  (Jn.  x.  41), 
were  sufficient  to  attract  to  him  a  great  multitude 
from  "every  quarter"  (Mat.  iii.  5).  Brief  and 
startling  was  his  first  exhortation  to  them :  "  Re- 
pent ye ;  for  the  kingdom  of  heaven  is  at  hand." 
Some  score  of  verses  contain  all  that  is  recorded  of 
John's  preaching,  and  the  sura  of  it  all  is  repent- 
ance; not  mere  legal  ablution  or  expiation,  but  a 
change  of  heart  and  life.  Many  of  every  class 
pressed  forward  to  confess  their  sins  and  to  be 
baptized.  The  preparatory  baptism  of  John  was  a 
visible  sign  to  the  people,  and  a  distinct  acknowl- 
edgment by  them  that  a  hearty  renunciation  of  sin 
and  a  real  amendment  of  life  were  necessary  for  ad- 
mission into  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  which  the 
Baptist  proclaimed  to  be  at  hand.  But  the  funda- 
mental distinction  between  John's  baptism  unto 
repentance,  and  that  baptism  accompanied  with  the 
gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit  which  our  Lord  afterwaid 
ordained,  is  clearly  marked  by  John  himself  (iii.  11, 
12).  As  a  preacher,  John  was  eminently  practical 
and  discriminating.  His  mission— an  extraordinary 
one  for  an  extraordinary  purpose — was  not  limited 
to  those  who  had  openly  forsaken  the  covenant  of 
God,  and  so  forfeited  its  privileges.  It  was  to  the 
whole  people  alike.  Jesus  Himself  came  from  Gali- 
lee to  Jordan  to  be  baptized  of  John.  But  here  a 
difficult  question  arises — How  is  John's  acknowledg- 
ment of  Jesus  at  the  moment  of  His  presenting 
Himself  for  baptism  compatible  with  his  subse(iuent 
assertion  that  lie  knew  Him  not,  save  by  the  descent 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  upon  Him,  which  took  place  after 
His  baptism  ?  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  their 
places  of  residence  were  at  the  two  extremities  (f 
the  country,  with  but  little  means  of  communication 
between  them.  It  is  possible  theretbre  that  the 
Saviour  and  the  Baptist  had  never  before  met.  It  was 
certainly  of  the  utmost  importance  that  there  should 
be  no  suspicion  of  concert  or  collusion  between 
them.  The  true  meaning  would  seem  to  be — And 
I,  though  standing  in  so  close  a  relation  to  Him, 
both  personally  and  ministerially,  had  no  assured 
knowledge  of  Him  as  the  Messiah.  I  did  not  know 
Him,  and  I  had  not  authority  to  proclaim  Him  as 
such,  till  I  saw  the  predicted  sign  in  the  descent  of 


joa 


JOB 


489 


the  noly  Spirit  upon  Him.  With  the  baptism  of 
Jesus,  Jolin'fl  more  especial  office  ceased.  He  still 
continued,  however,  to  present  himself  to  his  coiui- 
trynieu  in  tlie  capacity  of  min'.sa  to  Jesus.  From 
incidental  notices  in  Scripture,  we  learn  that  John 
and  his  disciples  continued  to  baptize  some  time 
after  our  Lord  entered  upon  His  ministry  (see  Jn. 
iii.  23,  iv.  1 ;  Acts  xix.  3).  We  gather  also  tliat 
John  instructed  his  disciples  in  certain  moral  and 
religious  duties,  as  fasting  (Mat.  ix.  14;  Lk.  v.  33) 
aud  prayer  (ri.  1).  But  shortly  after  ho  liad  given 
his.  testimony  to  the  Messiah,  Jolin's  public  ministry 
was  brought  to  a  close.  In  daring  disregard  of  the 
divine  laws,  Herod  Antipas  had  taken  to  himself 
Herobias,  the  wife  of  his  brother  Philip ;  and 
whon  John  reproved  him  for  this,  as  well  as  for 
other  sins  (iii.  19),  Herod  cast  him  into  prison. 
The  place  of  his  confinement  was  the  castle  of 
Machajrus — a  fortress  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the 
Dead  Sea.  Here  reports  reached  him  of  the  miracles 
which  our  Lord  was  working  in  Judea.  With  a 
view,  therefore,  to  overcome  the  scruples  of  his 
disciples  (so  Mr.  Hawkins ;  see  Jesus  Christ),  John 
scut  two  of  them  to  Jesus  Himself  to  ask  the  ques- 
tion, "  Art  Thou  He  that  should  coma  ?  "  They 
were  answered  not  by  words,  but  by  a  series  of 
miracles  wrouglit  before  their  eyes ;  and  while 
Jesus  bade  the  two  messengers  carry  back  to  John 
as  His  only  answer  the  report  of  what  they  had  seen 
and  heird.  He  took  occasion  to  guard  the  multitude 
wh )  surrounded  Him,  against  supposing  that  the 
Baptist  himself  was  shaken  in  mind,  by  a  direct 
appeal  to  their  own  knowledge  of  his  life  aud  char- 
acter. Jesus  further  proceeds  to  declare  that 
John  was,  according  to  the  true  meaning  of  the 
prophecy,  the  Elijah  of  the  new  covenant,  fore- 
told by  Malachi  (iii.  4).  The  event  indeed  proved 
that  John  was  to  Herod  what  Elijah  had  been  to 
Ahab.  Xothing  but  the  death  of  the  Baptist  would 
satisfy  the  resentment  of  Herodias.  A  couit  festi- 
val was  kept  at  Macbajrus  in  honor  of  the  king's 
birthday.  .Ifter  supper,  the  daughter  of  Herodias 
came  in  and  danced  before  the  company,  and  so 
charmed  was  the  king  by  her  grace  that  he  promised 
with  an  oath  to  give  her  whatsoever  she  should  ask. 
Salome,  prompted  l)y  her  abandoned  mother,  de- 
manded the  head  of  John  the  Baptist.  Herod  gave 
instructions  to  an  olficcr  of  his  guard,  who  went 
and  executed  John  in  the  prison,  and  his  h^aJ  was 
brought  to  feast  the  eyes  of  the  adulteress  whose 
sins  he  had  denounced.  His  death  is  supposed  to 
have  occurred  just  before  the  third  pa-isover,  in  the 
course  of  the  Lord's  ministry.  His  life  is  marked 
with  self-denial,  humility,  and  holy  courage. 

John,  Gospel  of  (see  John  the  Apostle;  Gos- 
pels). 1.  Au'/iorit;/.  No  doubt  has  been  enter- 
tained at  any  time  in  the  Church,  either  of  the  ca^ 
nonical  authority  of  this  Gospel,  or  of  its  being  writ- 
ten by  St.  John.  \o  other  book  of  the  \.  T.  is 
authenticated  by  testimony  of  so  early  a  date  as 
that  of  the  disciples  which  is  embodied  in  the  Gos- 
pel itself  (xxi.  24,  25).  Among  the  Apostolic 
Fathers,  Ignatius  appears  to  have  known  and  rec- 
ognized this  Gospel.  The  fact  that  tliis  Gospel  is 
not  quoted  by  Clement  of  Rome  (a.  d.  68  or  96) 
servos  merely  to  confirm  the  statement  that  it  is  a 
very  late  productiim  of  the  Apostolic  age.  Poly- 
carp  in  his  short  epistle,  Hermas,  and  Barnabas  ilo 
not  refer  to  it.  But  its  phraseology  may  be  clearly 
traced  in  the  Epistle  to  Diognetus,  and  in  Justin 
Martyr,  a.  d.  150.  Tatian,  a.  p.  170,  wrote  a  har- 
mony of  the  four  Gospels ;  and  he  quotes  St.  Johu'i 


Gospel  in  his  only  extant  work  ;  so  do  his  contem- 
poraries Apollinaris  of  Hierapolis,  Athenagoras, 
and  the  writer  of  the  Epistle  of  tlie  clmrches  of 
Vienne  and  Lyons.  The  Valcntinians  made  great 
use  of  it;  and  one  of  their  sect,  Ileracleon,  wrote  a 
commentary  on  it.  Aud,  to  close  the  list  of  writers 
of  the  second  century,  the  numerous  and  full  tes- 
timonies of  Irenajus  in  Gaul  aud  TertuUian  at  Car- 
thage, with  the  obscure  but  weighty  testimony  of 
the  Roman  writer  of  the  Muratorian  Fragment  on 
the  Canon,  sufficiently  show  the  authority  attributed 
in  the  Western  Church  to  this  Gospel.  The  third 
century  introduces  equally  decisive  testimony  from 
the  Fathers  of  the  Alexandrian  Church,  Clement  and 
Origcn.  Cordon,  Marcion,  the  Montanists,  and  other 
ancient  heretics,  did  not  deny  that  St.  John  was  the 
author  of  the  Gospel,  but  they  held  that  the  apostle 
was  mistaken,  or  that  his  Gospel  had  been  inter- 
polated in  those  passages  which  are  opposed  to 
their  tenets.  The  Alogi,  a  sect  in  the  beginning  of 
the  third  century,  were  singular  in  rejecting  the 
writings  of  St.  John.  Later  opponents  of  the  Gos- 
pel have  been  Evanson  (1792),  Bretschneider(I820), 
Baur,  &c.  The  rejection  of  John's  Gospel  by 
Baur  and  other  critics  of  the  Tubingen  school  has 
its  root  in  a  determined  unwillingness  to  admit  the 
historical  reality  of  the  miracles  which  this  Gos- 
pel records,  and  is  a  part  of  their  attempted  recon- 
struction of  early  Christian  history.  Starting  with 
the  assertion  of  a  radical  dift'erence  and  hostility 
between  the  Jewish  and  Gentile  types  of  Christian- 
ity— between  the  party  of  the  Church  that  adhered 
to  Peter  and  the  original  disciples,  and  the  party 
that  adhered  to  Paul  and  his  doctrine — they  ascribe 
several  books  of  the  N.  T.  (Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
Gospel  of  John,  &c.)  to  the  eiTort,  made  at  a  later 
time,  to  bridge  over  this  gulf.  Now,  their  fundamen- 
tal assertion  not  only  cannot  be  proved,  but  is  abun- 
dantly contradicted  by  both  external  and  internal 
evidence.  And  it  is  incredible  that  a  work  of  the 
power  and  loftiness  of  the  fourth  Gospel  should 
either  have  sprung  up  in  the  second  century,  or 
have  been  received  as  genuine  by  Christians  univer- 
sally in  the  latter  part  of  this  century,  if  it  were 
not  the  genuine  production  of  the  apostle  whose 
work  it  professes  to  be  (Prof.  G.  P.  Fisher,  in  B.  S. 
xxi.  225  ff.,  and  Emayn  on  tlie  Supernatural  Origin 
of  Christianity,  (Bible;  Canon;  Inspiration; 
Jescs  Christ,  &c.) — 2.  Place  and  time  at  which 
it  waa  written.  Ephesus  and  Patmos  are  the 
two  places  mentioned  by  early  writers ;  and  the 
weight  of  evidence  seems  to  preponderate  in  favor 
of  Ephesus.  The  apostle's  sojourn  at  Ephesus 
probably  began  after  St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Ephe- 
sians  was  written,  i.  e.  after  a.  d.  62.  Eusebius 
speciBes  the  fourteenth  year  of  Domitian,  i.  e.  a.  d. 
95,  as  the  year  of  his  banishment  to  Patmos.  Prob- 
ably the  date  of  the  Gospel  may  lie  about  midway 
between  these  two,  about  a.  d.  78  (so  Mr.  Bullock). 
Dr.  Alford  supposes  it  written  between  a.  d.  70  and 
85  ;  many  others  between  94  and  98  (Rev.  T.  Scott  in 
Fairbairn)  or  between  90  and  100  (Dr.  W.  L.  Alex- 
ander in  Kitto). — 3.  Occasion  and  Scope.  After  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem,  a.  d.  70,  Ephesus  prob- 
ably became  the  centre  of  the  active  life  of  Eastern 
Christendom.  This  half-Greek,  half-Oriental  city 
contained  a  large  church  of  faithful  Cliristians,  a 
multitude  of  zealous  Jews,  an  indigenous  popula- 
tion devoted  to  the  worship  of  a  strange  idol  whose 
image  was  borrowed  from  the  East,  its  name  from 
the  West.  It  was  the  place  to  which  Ccrinthus 
chose  to  bring  the  doctrines  which  he  devised  or 


490 


JOH 


JOH 


learned  at  Alexandria.  The  Gospel  was  obviously 
addressed  primarily  to  Christians,  not  to  heatliens 
(Jn.  XX.  31).  The  object  of  the  writer,  according 
to  some,  was  to  supplement  the  earlier  Gospels ; 
according  to  others,  to  confute  the  Nicolaitans  and 
Cerinthus ;  according  to  others,  to  state  the  true 
doctrine  of  the  divinity  of  Christ.  It  has  indeed 
been  pronounced  by  high  critical  authority  that  the 
Bupplementary  theory  is  entirely  untenable  ;  and  so 
it  becomes  if  put  forth  in  its  most  rigid  form.  But 
though  St.  John  may  not  have  written  with  direct 
reference  to  the  earlier  three  Evangelists,  he  did 
not  write  without  any  reference  to  them.  He  in- 
tended to  set  forth  the  faith  alone ;  and  in  so  doing 
he  has  written  passages  that  do  confute  Gnostic  and 
other  errors.  Theodore  of  llopsuestia  relates  the 
early  tradition  that  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Chris- 
tians of  Asia  who  had  brought  him  the  other  three 
Gospels,  the  apostle  wrote  the  things  which  he 
judged  the  most  important  for  instruction  and 
which  he  saw  omitted  by  the  others. — 4.  Contents 
and  Integrity.  The  following  is  an  abridgment  of 
Lampc's  synopsis  of  its  contents: — A.  7Tie  Pro- 
logue (i.  1-18).— B.  The  Histori/  (i.  19-xx.  29).  a. 
Various  events  relating  to  our  Lord's  ministry,  nar- 
rated in  connection  with  seven  jounicys  (i.  i9-xii. 
50): — 1.  First  journey,  into  Judca  and  beginning 
of  His  ministry  (i.  l9-ii.  12).  2.  Second  journey, 
at  the  Passover  in  the  first  year  of  His  ministry  (ii. 
13-iv.).  3.  Third  journey,  in  the  second  year  of 
His  ministry,  about  the  Passover  (v.).  4.  Fourth 
journey,  about  the  Passover,  in  the  third  year  of 
His  ministry,  beyond  Jordan  (vi.).  5.  Fifth  journey, 
six  months  before  His  death,  begun  at  the  Feast  of 
Tabernacles  (vii.-x.  21).  6.  Sixth  journey,  about 
the  Feast  of  Dedication  (x.  22-42).  7.  'Seventh 
journey  in  Judea  toward  Bethany  (xi.  1-54).  8. 
Eighth  journey,  before  His  last  Passover  (xi.  55- 
xii.).  b.  History  of  the  death  of  Christ  (xiii.-xx. 
29).  1.  Preparation  for  His  Passion  (xiii.-xvii.). 
2.  The  circumstances  of  His  Passion  and  Death 
(xviii.,  xix.)  3.  His  Resurrection,  and  the  proofs 
of  it(xx.  1-29). — C.  The  Conclusion  (xx.  30-xxi.): 
— 1.  Scope  of  the  foregoing  history  (xx.  80,  31). 
2.  Confirmation  of  the  authority  of  the  Evangelist 
by  additional  historical  facts,  and  by  the  testimony 
of  the  elders  of  the  Church  (xxi.  1-24).  3.  Reason 
of  the  termination  of  the  history  (xxi.  25). — Some 
portions  of  the  Gospel  have  been  regarded  by  cer- 
tain critics  as  interpolations.  Thus  ch.  v.  4  is 
rejected  by  Tholuck,  Tischendorf,  &c. ;  but  Fair- 
bairn  says,  "  The  external  evidence  appears  to  be 
very  strong  in  its  favor."  As  to  ch.  vii.  63-viii.  11, 
commentators  and  critics  have  been  much  divided. 
Against  it  are  Beza,  Calvin,  Wetstein,  Lachmann, 
Tischendorf,  Tregelles,  &c. ;  for  it.  Mill,  Michaelis, 
Kuinoel,  Bloomfield,  Stier,  Ebrard,  &c.  Luthardt, 
Liiclie,  Knapp,  Ewald,  &c.,  bold  it  to  be  a  genuine 
Apostolic  tradition,  probably  committed  to  writing 
by  some  one  who  had  heard  it  from  John  or  from 
one  of  the  other  Evangelists.  (New  Testament  I., 
§  39.)  The  genuineness  of  ch.  xxi.  has  been  ques- 
tioned on  internal  grounds;  but  Dr.  Alford  ex- 
presses his  full  conviction  that  it  was  added  6i/  the 
apostle  himself,  some  years  probably  after  the  com- 
pletion of  the  Gospel.  The  25th  verse  and  the 
latter  half  of  the  24th  of  ch.  xxi.,  which  are  re- 
garded by  Luthardt,  Dr.  John  Owen,  &c.,  as  an  ad- 
dition by  the  elders  of  the  Ephesian  Church,  where 
the  Gospel  was  first  published.  Dr.  Alford  regards 
as  written,  lilte  the  rest  of  the  chapter,  by  the 
apostle  himself,  probably  in  the  decline  of  life.    He 


says,  "  The  two  last  verses,  from  their  contents,  we 
might  expect  to  have  more  of  the  epistolary  form  ; 
a-nd  accordingly,  we  find  them  singularly  in  style 
resembling  tlie  Epistles  of  John."  (Compare  1  Jn. 
i.  1,  3  ;  also  Jn.  xix.  35,  xx.  30,  31.)  The  claim  of 
some  German  critics  that  the  hyperbole  in  xxi.  25 
disproves  its  being  from  the  Apostle  John,  who  uni- 
formly used  plain,  unexaggerated  language,  would 
disprove  likewise  the  genuineness  of  other  well- 
attested  passages  in  both  sacred  and  secular  writers 
(compare  Dan.  iv.  11,  20;  Mat.  xix.  24;  Mk.  i.  33,- 
37 ;  Jn.  iii.  26,  iv.  29,  &c.),  and  is  therefore  incon- 
clusive, especially  when  we  take  into  view  the  fact 
that  both  MSS.  and  critical  cditois  of  the  Greek 
N.  T.  uniformly  present  these  verses  as  genuine. 

John  (see  above),  the  First  E-pls'tle  Cen'er-al  of. 
— Its  Aniheiiticity.  The  external  evidence  is  of  the 
most  satisfactory  nature.  Euscbius  places  it  in  his 
list  of  "  acknowledged  "  books,  and  we  have  ample 
proof  that  it  was  received  as  the  production  of  the 
Apostle  John  (John  the  Apostle)  in  the  writings 
of  Polycarp,  Papias,  IrennDus,  Origen,  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  Tcrtullian,  Cyprian,  and  there  is  no 
voice  in  antiquity  raised  to  the  contrary.  On  the 
other  hand,  tlie  internal  evidence  for  its  being  the 
work  of  St.  John  from  its  similarity  in  style,  lan- 
guage, and  doctrine  to  the  Gospel  is  overwhehriing. 
I'he  allusion  again  of  the  writer  to  himself  is  such 
as  would  suit  St.  John  the  Apostle,  and  very  few 
but  St.  John  (1  Jn.  i.  1).  (Bible;  Canon;  Inspi- 
ration.)— With  regard  to  the  time  at  which  St.  John 
wrote  the  Epistle  there  is  considerable  diversity  of 
opinion.  It  was  probably  (so  Mr.  Meyrick,  with 
Lardner,  Lampe,  Mill,  Davidson,  &c.)  written  at  the 
close  of  the  first  century,  from  Ephesus.  Lardner 
is  clearly  right  when  he  says  that  it  was  primarily 
meant  for  the  Churches  of  Asia  under  St.  John's 
inspection,  to  whom  he  had  already  orally  delivered 
his  doctrine  (i.  3,  ii.  7).— The  main  oliject  of  the 
Epistle  does  not  appear  to  be  that  of  opposing  the 
errors  of  the  Docetae,  or  of  the  Gnostics,  or  of  the 
Nicolaitans,  or  of  the  Cerinthians,  or  of  all  of  them 
together,  or  of  the  Sabians,  or  of  Judaizcrs,  or  of 
apostates  to  Judaism :  the  leading  purpose  of  the 
apostle  appears  to  bo  rather  constructive  than  po- 
lemical. In  the  introduction  (i.  1-4)  the  apostle 
states  the  purpose  of  his  Epistle.  It  is  to  declare 
the  Word  of  life  to  those  whom  he  is  addressing,  in 
order  that  he  and  they  might  be  united  in  true  com- 
munion with  each  other,  and  with  God  the  Father, 
and  His  Son  Jesus  Christ.  The  first  part  of  the 
Epistle  may  be  considered  to  end  at  ii.  28.  The 
apostle  begins  afresh  with  the  doctrine  of  sonship 
or  communion  at  ii.  29,  and  returns  to  the  s.iinc 
theme  at  iv.  7.  His  lesson  throughout  is,  that  the 
means  of  union  with  God  are,  on  the  part  of  Christ, 
His  atoning  blood  (i.  7,  ii.  2,  iii.  5,  iv.  10,  14,  v.  6) 
and  advocacy  (ii.  1)— on  the  part  of  man,  holiness 
(i.  6),  obedience  (ii.  3),  purity  (iii.  3),  faith  (iii.  23, 
iv.  3,  v.  5),  and  above  all  love  (ii.  7,  iii.  14,  iv.  7, 

i  v.  1). — There  are  two  doubtful  passages  in  this 
Epistle,  ii.  23,  "  but  he  that  acknowledgeth  the  Son 

i  hath  the  Father  also,"  and  v.  7,  "For  there  are 
three  that  bear  record  in  heaven,  the  Father,  the 
Word,  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  these  three  are 
one."  The  former  is  omitted  in  the  Received  Greek 
Text,  and  is  printed  in  italics  in  the  A.  V.,  but  is 
inserted  as  genuine  by  Griesbach,  Lachmann,  Tisch- 
endorf, &c.  The  latter  passage  is  probably  not 
genuine.  It  is  contained  in  four  only  of  the  150 
MSS.  of  the  Epistle,  the  Codex  Guelpherbytanus  of 
the  17th  century,  the  Codex  Ravianus,  a  forgery 


JOH 


90K 


491 


Bubsequent  to  the  year  1514,  the  Codex  Britanni- 
CU3  or  Monfortii  of  the  15th  or  16th  century,  and 
the  Codex  Ottobonianus  of  the  15th  century.  It  is 
not  found  ui  any  ancient  version  except  the  Latin ; 
and  the  best  editions  of  even  the  Latin  version 
omit  it.  It  was  not  quoted  by  one  Greels  Father,  or 
writer  previous  to  the  14th  century.  New  Testa- 
ment n.  §  3. 

Jelm  (see  above),  the  Se«'ond  and  Third  E-pts'- 
tle$  of. —  T/trir  Aulhenfidti/.  Tliese  two  Epistles  are 
placed  by  Eusebius  in  the  class  pf  "  disputed " 
books,  and  he  appears  himself  to  be  doubtful 
whether  they  were  written  by  the  Evangelist,  or  by 
some  other  John.  The  evidence  of  antiquity  in 
their  favor  is  not  very  strong,  yet  it  is  consider- 
able. Clement  of  Alexandria  speaks  of  the  first 
Epistle  as  "the  larger"  (S/rom.  lib.  ii.).  Origen 
appears  to  have  had  the  same  doubts  as  Eusebius. 
Dionysius  and  Alexander  of  Alexandria  attribute 
them  to  St.  John.  So  docs  Irenseus.  In  the  5th 
century  they  are  almost  universally  received.  If 
the  external  testimony  is  not  as  decisive  as  we 
might  wish,  the  internal  evidence  is  peculiarly 
strong.  Mill  has  pointed  out  that  of  the  thirteen 
verses  which  compose  the  Second  Epistle,  eight  are 
to  be  found  in  the  First  Epistle.  The  title  and  con- 
tents of  the  Epistle  are  strong  arguments  against  a 
fabricator,  whereas  they  would  account  for  its  non- 
universal  reception  in  early  times.  (Bible  ;  Caxox  ; 
IsspiRATiON.)-— The  Second  Epistle  is  addressed  in 
Greek  " eklekla  kuria,"  A.  V.  "to  the  elect  lady." 
An  individual  woman  who  had  children,  and  a  sis- 
ter and  nieces,  is  clearly  indicated.  Whether  her 
name  is  given,  and  if  so,  what  it  is,  has  been 
doubted.  According  to  one  interpretation  she  is 
"the  Lady  Electa"  (Clement  of  Alexandria,  Wet- 
stein,  (irotius,  Middleton) ;  to  another,  "  the  elect 
ICyria"  (Carpzov,  Schleusner,  Bengel,  De  Wette, 
Rosenmiiller,  Neander,  Davidson,  &c.) ;  to  a  third, 
"the  elect  Lady"  (A.  V.,  Mill,  Wolf,  Le  Clerc, 
Lardner,  Beza,  Eichhorn,  Macknight,  kc).  The 
English  version  is  probably  right  (so  Mr.  Meyrick). — 
The  Third  Epistle  is  addressed  to  Gaius  =  Roman 
Cains.  We  have  no  reason  for  identifying  him 
with  G.aius  of  Macedonia  (Acts  xix.  29),  or  with 
Gaius  of  Derbe  (xx.  4),  or  with  Gaius  of  Cor- 
inth (Rom.  xvi.  23 ;  1  Cor.  i.  14),  or  with  Gaius, 
Bishop  of  Ephesus,  or  with  Gaius,  Bishop  of  Thcs- 
8:ilonica,  or  with  Caius,  Bishop  of  Porgamo.«.  He 
was  probably  a  convert  of  St.  John  (8  Jn.  4),  and 
a  layman  of  wealth  and  distinction  (6),  in  some  city 
near  Ephesus. — The  object  of  St.  John  in  writing  the 
Second  Epistle  was  to  warn  the  lady,  to  whom  he 
wrote,  against  abetting  the  teaching  known  as  that 
of  Basilijes  and  his  followers,  by  perhaps  an  undue 
kindness  displayed  by  her  toward  the  preachers  of 
the  false  doctrine.— The  Third  Epistle  was  written 
for  the  purpose  of  commending  to  the  kindness  and 
hospitality  of  Gaius  some  Christians  who  were 
strangers  in  the  place  where  he  lived.  Probably 
these  Christians  carried  this  letter  with  them  to 
Gaius  as  their  introduction. — We  may  conjecture 
that  the  two  Epistles  were  written  shortly  after  the 
First  Epistle  from  Ephesus.  They  both  apply  to 
in  lividual  cases  of  conduct  the  principles  which 
had  been  laid  down  in  their  fulness  in  the  First 
Epiatlc. — The  title  "Catholic"  docs  not  properly 
belong  to  the  Second  and  Third  Epistles.  It  be- 
came attached  to  them,  because  they  were  regarded 
as  appendices  to  the  First  Epistle  of  John.  Sise  the 
preceding  article;  also,  John  the  Apostle. 

Jol'a-dl  (L.  fr.  Heb.,  contr.  fr.  Jehoiada),  Hion- 


PRIEST  after  his  father  Eliasrib  (Neh.  xii.  10,  11, 
22,  xiii.  28). 

Joi'a-kim  (fr.  Hcb.,  contr.  fr.  Jehoiakim),  a  high- 
priest,  son  of  the  renowned  Jesiiua  (Neh.  xii.  10). 

Joi'a-rlb  (L.  fr.  Heb.,  contr.  fr.  Jehoiarib).  1. 
A  layman  who  returned  from  Babylon  with  Ezra 
(Ezr.  viii.  16). — %,  Founder  of  one  of  the  courses 
of  priests ;  elsewhere  called  Jehoiarib.  His  de- 
scendants after  the  Captivity  are  given  (Neh.  xi.  10, 
xii.  6,  19). — 3.  A  Shilonite — i.  c.  probably  a  de- 
scendant of  Shelah  the  son  of  Judah  (xi.  6). 

Jok'de-am  (fr.  Heb.  =  possessed  by  the  people, 
Ges.),  a  city  of  Judah,  in  the  mountains  (Josh. 
XV.  56),  apparently  south  of  Hebron. 

Jo'kim  (fr.  Heb.,  contr.  fr.  Joiakim,  Ges.),  a  son 
of  Shelah  the  son  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  22). 

Jok'me-am  (fr.  Hcb.  =  gatherexl  by  the  people,  Ges.), 
a  city  of  Ephraim,  given  to  the  Kohathite  Levites 
(1  Chr.  vi.  68).  In  Josh.  xxi.  22,  Kibzaim  occupies 
the  place  of  Jokmeam.  In  1  K.  iv.  12  (Heb.;  "Joic- 
NEAM,"  A.  V.)  it  is  named  with  places  in  the  Jordan 
valley  at  the  extreme  cast  boundary  of  the  tribe. 

Jok'ne-am  (fr.  Heb.  =  possessed  by  the  people, 
Ges.),  a  city  of  Zebulun,  allotted  to  the  Merarite 
Levites  (Josh.  xxi.  34,  omitted  in  1  Chr.  vi.  VT); 
doubtless  the  Canaanitc  town  whose  king  was  killed 
by  Joshua  (Josh.  xii.  22,  xix.  11).  It  is  the  modern 
site  Tell  Kaimon,  an  eminence  which  stands  just 
below  the  eastern  termination  of  CarmcL  Cyamon  ; 
Jokmeam. 

Jok'shan  (fr.  Heb.  =  fowler,  Ges.),  a  son  of  Abra- 
ham and  Keturah  (Gen.  xxv.  2,  3 ;  1  Chr.  i.  32), 
whose  sons  were  Sheba  and  Dedan.  While  the 
settlements  of  his  two  sons  are  presumptively 
placed  on  the  borders  of  Palestine,  those  of  Jok- 
shan  are  not  known.  Arab  writers  mention  a  dia- 
lect of  Jokshan  as  formerly  spoken  near  'Aden  and 
El-Jened,  in  Southern  Arabia ;  but  that  Midianites 
penetrated  so  far  into  the  peninsula  Mr.  E.  S.  Poole 
holds  to  be  highly  improbable. 

Jok'tm  (fr.  Heb.  =  who  is  made  small,  Ges.),  son 
of  Eber  (Gen.  x.  26  ;  1  Chr.  i.  19) ;  and  father  of 
the  Joktanite  Arabs.  Scholars  are  agreed  in  pla- 
cing the  settlements  of  Joktan  in  the  south  of  the 
peninsula  (Arabia).  The  original  limits  are  stated 
in  the  Bilde,  "their  dwelling  was  from  Mesiia,  as 
thou  goest  unto  Sephar,  amount  of  the  East"  (Gen. 
X.  80).  The  native  traditions  respecting  Joktan 
commence  with  a  difficulty.  The  ancestor  of  the 
great  southern  peoples  was  called  Kahtan,  who,  say 
the  Arabs,  =  Joktan.  To  this  some  European  critics 
have  objected  that  there  is  no  good  reason  to  ac- 
count for  the  change  of  name,  and  that  the  identifi- 
cation of  Kalit&n  with  Joktan  is  evidently  a  Jewish 
tradition  adopted  by  Mohammed  or  his  followers, 
and  consequently  at  or  after  the  promulgation  of 
El-Islam.  A  passage  in  the  Mir-dt  ez-Zemdn,  hith- 
erto unpublished,  throws  new  light  on  the  point. 
It  is  as  follows : — "  Ihn-El-Kclbee  says,  Yuktan 
(whose  name  is  also  written  Yuktan)  is  the  same  as 
Kaht.in  son  of  A'bir,"  i,  e.  Eber,  and  so  say  the 
generality  of  the  Arabs.  If  the  traditions  of  Kah- 
tan be  rejected  (and  in  this  rejection  we  cannot 
agree  [so  Mr.  E.  S.  Poole]),  they  are,  it  must  be 
remembered,  immaterial  to  the  fact  that  the  peoples 
called  by  the  Arabs  descendants  of  Kahtin,  are  cer- 
tainly Joktanites.  His  sons'  colonization  of  South- 
em  Arabia  is  proved  by  indisputable,  and  undis- 
puted, identifications,  and  the  great  kingdom  which 
there  existed  for  many  ages  before  our  era,  and  in 
its  later  days  was  renowned  in  the  world  of  classi- 
cal antiquity,  was  as  surely  Joktanite. 


492 


JOK 


JON 


Jok'tli£-el  (fr.  Ileb.  —  subdued  of  God,  Gcs.). 
1.  A  city  in  the  low  country  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv. 
38),  named  next  to  Lachish  ;  identified  by  Mr.  Wil- 
ton (in  Fairbairn)  with  a  ruined  site  Kdhd&neli, 
— 2i  The  title  given  by  Aniaziah  to  the  clitt'  (A.  V. 
"  Sklah  ") — the  stronghold  of  the  Edomites — tfter 
he  had  captured  it  from  them  (2  K.  xiv.  7).  2  Chr. 
XXV.  II-IS  supplies  fuller  details. 

Jo'na  (L.  =  JoHANAN  or  Jonah  ;  see  Bar-joxa), 
father  of  the  Apostle  Peter  (Jn.  i.  42),  who  is 
hence  addressed  as  "  Simon  Bar-jona  "  in  Mat.  xvi. 
17.    Jonas  3. 

Jon'a-dab  (L.  fr.  Heb.,  contr.   fr.   Jehonadab). 

1.  Son  of  Shiracah  and  nephew  of  David.  He  is 
described  as  "  very  subtil "  (2  Sam.  xiii.  3).  His 
age  naturally  made  him  the  friend  of  his  cousin 
Amnon,  heir  to  the  throne  (xiii.  3).  He  gave  him 
the  fatal  advice  for  ensnaring  his  sister  Tamar 
(5,  6).  Again,  when,  in  a  later  stage  of  the  same 
tragedy,  Amnon  was  murdered  by  Absalom,  and  the 
exaggerated  report  reached  David  that  all  the 
princes  were  slaughtered,  Jonadab  was  already 
iiware  of  the  real  state  of  the  case  (xiii.  32,  S3). — 

2.  Jkhonadad  (Jer.  xxxv.  C,  8,  10,  14,  10,  18,  19). 
Jo'ualt  (fr.  Heb.  =  dove,  Ges.),  in  Apocrypha  and 

N.  T.  Jonas;  a  prophet,  son  of  Amittai.  (Bible; 
Canon  ;  Inspiration  ;  Old  Testament.)  We  learn 
from  2  K.  xiv.  25,  he  was  of  Gatii-iiepher,  a  town 
of  lower  Galilee,  in  Zcbulun.  He  lived  after  the 
reign  of  Jehu,  when  the  losses  of  Israel  (2  K.  x. 
32)  began  ;  and  probably  not  till  the  latter  part  of 
the  reign  of  Jeroboam  II.  The  gineral  opinion  is 
that  Jonah  was  the  first  of  the  prophets.  The  king 
of  Nineveh  at  this  time  is  supposed  (Usher,  &c.)  to 
have  been  Pul,  who  is  placed  B.  c.  750 ;  but  an  ear- 
lier king,  Adrammelech  II.,  b.  c.  840,  is  regarded 
more  probable  by  Drake.  Our  English  Bible  gives 
B.  c.  862.  The  personal  history  of  Jonah  is  brief, 
and  well  known ;  but  is  of  such  an  exceptional  and 
extraordinary  character,  as  to  have  been  set  down 
by  many  German  critics  to  fiction,  either  in  whole 
or  in  part.  The  book,  say  they,  was  composed,  or 
compounded,  some  time  after  the  death  of  the 
prophet,  perhaps  at  the  latter  part  of  the  Jewish 
kingdom,  during  the  reign  of  Josiah,  or  even  later. 
The  supposed  improbabilities  are  accounted  for  by 
them  in  a  variety  of  ways  ;  e.  g.  as  merely  fabulous, 
or  fanciful  ornaments  to  a  true  history,  or  allegori- 
cal, or  parabolical  and  moral,  both  in  their  origin 
and  design.  We  feel  ourselves  precluded  from  any 
doubt  of  the  reality  of  the  transactions  recorded  in 
this  book,  by  the  simplicity  of  the  language  itself; 
by  the  accordance  with  other  authorities  of  the  his- 
torical and  geographical  notices  ;  above  all,  by  the 
explicit  words  and  teaching  of  our  blessed  Lord 
Him?clf  (Mat.  xii.  89,  41,  xvi.  4 ;  Lk.  xi.  29).  We 
shall  derive  additional  arguments  for  the  same  con- 
clusion from  the  history  and  meaning  of  the  proph- 
et's mission.  Having  already,  as  it  seems,  prophe- 
sied to  Israel,  he  was  sent  to  Nineveh.  The  time 
was  one  of  political  revival  in  Israel ;  but  ere  long 
the  Assyrians  were  to  be  employed  by  God  as  a 
scourge  upon  them.  The  prophet  shrank  from  a 
commission  which  he  felt  sure  would  result  (Jon. 
iv.  2)  in  the  sparing  of  a  hostile  city.  He  attempted 
therefore  to  escape  to  Tarshish.  The  providence 
of  God,  however,  watched  over  him,  first  in  a  storm, 
and  then  in  his  being  swallowed  by  a  large  pish 
(whale)  for  the  space  of  three  days  and  three 
nights.  After  his  deliverance,  Jonah  executed  his 
commission  ;  and  the  king,  "  believing  him  to  be  a 
minister  from  the  supreme  deity  of  the  nation," 


and  having  heard  of  his  miraculous  deliverance, 
ordered  a  general  fast,  and  averted  the  threatened 
judgment.  But  the  prophet,  not  from  personal  but 
national  feelings,  grudged  the  mercy  shown  to  a 
heathen  nation.  He  was  therefore  taught,  by  the 
significant  lesson  of  the  "  gourd,"  whose  growth 
and  decay  brought  the  truth  at  once  home  to  him, 
that  he  was  sent  to  testify  by  deed,  as  other  proph- 
ets would  afterward  testify  by  word,  the  capacity 
of  Gentiles  for  salvation,  and  the  design  of  God  to 
make  them .  partakers  of  it.  This  was  "  the  sign 
of  the  prophet  Jonas  "  (Lk.  xi.  29,  30).  But  the 
resurrection  of  Christ  itself  was  also  shadowed 
forth  in  the  history  of  the  prophet.  The  mission 
of  Jonah  was  highly  symbolical.  The  facts  con- 
tained a  concealed  prophecy.  The  old  tradition 
made  the  burial-place  of  Jonah  to  be  Gath-hepher : 
the  modern  tradition  places  it  at  NM.  Yunus(z= 
Prophet  Jonah),  opposite  Mosul.  See  cut,  under 
Nineveh. 

Jo'nan  (fr.  Gr.  =  John  or  Johanan,  fr.  Jehoha- 
nan),  son  of  Eliakim,  in  the  genealogy  of  Christ 
(Lk.  ili.  30). 

Jo'nas(L.  fr.  Gr.  Unas  =r  Jonah,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.). 
\,  This  name  occupies  the  same  position  in  1  Esd.  ix. 
23,  as  Eliezer  in  Ezr.  x.  23. — 2.  The  prophet  Jonah 
(2  Esd.  i.  39 ;  Tob.  xiv.  4,  8 ;  Mat.  xii.  39,  40,  41, 
xvi.  4. — 3>  JoNA  (Jn.  xxi.  14-17). 

Jon'a-tlian  (L.  fr.  Heb.,  contracted  from  Jehona- 
than).  1.  Eldest  son  of  King  Saul.  Thename(  = 
the  yif  I  of  Jehovah)  seems  to  have  been  common  at 
that  period.  He  first  appears  some  time  after  his 
father's  accession  (1  Sam.  xiii.  2).  If  his  younger 
brother  Ish-bosheth  was  forty  at  the  time  of  Said's 
death  (2  Sam.  ii.  8),  Jonathan  must  have  been  at 
least  thirty  when  first  mentioned.  Of  his  own 
family  we  know  nothing,  except  the  birth  of  one 
son,  five  years  before  his  death  (iv.  4).  He  was  re- 
garded in  his  father's  lifetime  as  heir  to  the  throne. 
Like  Saul,  he  was  a  man  of  great  strength  and 
activity  (i.  23),  of  which  the  exploit  at  Michnii.sh 
was  a  proof.  He  was  also  famous  for  the  peculiar 
martial  exercises  in  which  his  tribe  excelled — arch- 
ery and  slinging  (1  Chr.  xii.  2).  His  bow  was  to 
him  what  the  spear  was  to  his  father:  "theioio  of 
Jonathan  turned  not  back  "  (2  Sam.  i.  22).  It  was 
always  about  him  (1  Sam.  xviii.  4,  xx.  35).  It  is 
through  his  relation  with  David  that  he  is  chiefly 
known  to  us.  But  there  is  a  background,  not 
so  clearly  given,  of  his  relation  with  his  father; 
From  the  time  that  he  first  appears  he  is  Saul's 
constant  companion.  He  was  always  present  at  his 
father's  meals.  The  whole  story  implies,  without 
expressing,  the  deep  attachment  of  the  father  m:  1 
son.  Their  mutual  affection  was  indeed  interrupt.  .1 
by  the  growth  of  Saul's  insanity.  But  he  cast  his  lot 
with  his  father's  decline,  not  with  his  friend's  rise, 
and  "  in  death  they  were  not  divided "  (2  Sam.  1. 
23 ;  1  Sam.  xxiii.  16).  His  life  may  be  divided  into 
two  main  parts. — 1.  The  war  with  the  Philistines; 
commonly  called,  from  its  locality,  "the  war  of 
Michmash  "  (xiii.  21).  In  the  previous  war  with  the 
Ammonites  (xi.  4-16)  there  is  no  mention  of  him. 
He  is  already  of  great  importance  in  the  state.  Of 
the  8,000  men  of  whom  Saul's  standing  army  was 
formed  (xiii.  2,  xxiv.  2,  xxvi.  1,  2),  1,000  were  under 
the  command  of  Jonathan  at  Gibeah.  The  Phihs- 
tines  were  still  in  the  general  command  of  the  coun- 
try; an  officer  was  stationed  at  Geba,  either  the 
same  as  Jonathan's  position  or  close  to  it.  In  a 
sudden  act  of  youthful  daring,  Jonathan  (so  Dean 
Stanley,  original  author  of  this  article)  slew  this 


I 


JOX 


JOP 


493 


oSScer  (A.  V.  "  oarrison  "),  and  thus  gave  the  sig- 
nal for  a  general  revolt.  Saul  took  advantage  of  it, 
and  the  whole  population  rose.  But  it  wa:^  a  pre- 
mature attempt.  The  Philistines  poured  in  from  the 
plain,  and  the  tyranny  became  more  deeply  rooted 
than  ever.  From  this  oppression,  as  Jonathan  by 
his  former  act  had  been  the  first  to  provoke  it,  so 
now  he  was  the  firat  to  deliver  his  people.  Witliout 
commuaicating  his  project  to  any  one,  except  the 
young  man,  whom,  like  all  the  chiefs  of  that  age,  he 
retained  as  his  armor-bearer,  he  sallied  forth  from 
Gibeili  to  attack  the  garrison  of  the  Philistines 
stationed  on  the  other  side  of  the  steep  defile  of 
Michmash  (xiv.  1).  A  panic  seized  the  garrison, 
thence  spread  to  the  cimp,  and  thence  to  the  sur- 
rounding hordes  of  marauders ;  an  earthquake 
combined  with  tlie  terror  of  the  moment ;  the  con- 
fusion increased  ;  the  Israelites  who  had  t>een  taken 
slaves  by  the  Philistines  during  the  last  three  days 
(?  ;  LXX.)  rose  in  mutiny ;  the  Israelites  who  lay  hid 
in  the  numerous  caverns  and  deep  holes  in  which 
the  rocks  of  the  neighborhood  abound,  sprang  out 
of  their  subterranean  dwellings.  Saul  and  his  little 
band  had  wateiied  in  astonishment  the  wild  retreat 
from  the  heiglits  of  Gibeah ;  he  now  joined  in  the 
pursuit.  Jonathan  had  not  heard  of  the  rash  eurae 
(xiv.  2t)  which  Saul  invoked  on  any  one  who  ate 
before  the  evening.  In  the  dizziness  and  darkness 
(see  Heb.  1  Sam.  xiv.  27)  that  came  on  after  his 
desperate  exertions,  he  put  forth  the  staff  which  ap- 
parently had  (with  his  sling  and  bow)  been  his  chief 
weapon  (Arms),  and  tasted  the  honey  which  lay  on 
the  ground  as  they  passed  through  the  forest. 
Jephthah's  dreadful  sacrifice  would  have  been  re- 
peated ;  but  the  people  interposed  in  behalf  of  the 
hero  of  tliat  great  day,  and  Jonathan  was  saved 
(xiv.  24-40). — 2.  This  is  the  only  great  exploit  of 
Jonatlian's  life.  But  the  chief  interest  of  his  career 
is  derived  from  the  friendship  with  David,  which 
began  on  the  day  of  David's  return  from  the  victory 
over  the  champion  of  Gath,  and  continued  till  his 
death.  Their  last  meeting  was  in  the  forest  of  Ziph, 
during  Saul's  pursuit  of  David  (xxiii.  16-18).  From 
this  time  forth  we  hear  no  more  till  the  battle  of 
Gilboa.  In  that  battle  he  fell,  with  his  two  brothers 
and  his  father,  and  his  corpse  shared  their  fate  (xxxi. 
2,  8).  His  ashes  were  buried  first  at  Jabesli-gilead 
(ib.  13),  but  afterward  removed  with  those  of  his 
father  to  Zelah  in  B.Mijamin  (2  Sam.  xxi.  12).  The 
news  of  his  death  occasioned  tlie  celebrated  elegy 
of  David  (2  Sam.  L  \1  ff.).  (.Mepuibosiietu.) — J. 
Shimeah's  son,  brother  of  Jonadab,  and  nephew  of 
David  (2  Sam.  xxi.  21 ;  1  Chr.  xx.  7).  He  inherited 
the  union  of  civil  and  military  gifts,  so  conspicuous 
in  his  uncle.  Like  David,  he  engaged  in  a  single 
combat  and  slew  a  gigantic  Philistine  of  Gath  (2 
Sam.  xxi.  21).  Perhaps  he  is  the  same  as  Jonathan 
("  David's  uncle,"  A.  Y. ;  Stanley  would  translate 
neplir.w)  in  1  Chr.  xxvii  32. — J.  Son  of  Abiathar, 
ths  high-priesL  He  is  the  last  descendant  of  Eli, 
of  whom  we  hear  any  thing.  He  appears  as  the 
Bwift  and  trusty  messenger  (1.)  on  the  (Lay  of 
David's  flight  from  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xv.  3t),  xvii.  15-- 
21);  and  (2.)  on  the  dav  of  Solomon's  inauguration 
(1  K..i.  42,  43).— I.  Son  of  Shage  the  Hararite  (1 
Chr.  xi.  84;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  32).  He  was  one  of 
David's  heroes.— 5.  Son,  or  descendant,  of  Gershom 
the  son  of  .Moses  (A.  V.  "  llanasseh,"  see  Manasseii 
6)  (Judg.  xviii.  30).  While  wandering  through  the 
laountry  in  search  of  a  home,  the  young  Levite  of 
iBethlehem-judah  came  to  the  house  of  Micau  1,  the 
Irieh  Ephraimite,  and  was  by  him  appointed  to  be  a 


kind  of  private  chaplain.  When  the  Danites  went 
northward  to  found  a  city,  Jonatlian  went  with  tlicm, 
stole  the  ephod  and  teraphim  of  Mieah,  and  became 
priest  of  the  Danites  at  Laish  or  Dan  (Judg.  xviii.). 
(Idolatry.) — 6.  One  of  the  sons  of  Adiii  (Ezr.  viii. 
6  ;  1  Esd.  viii.  32). — 7.  A  priest  (V),  the  son  of  Asa- 
hel ;  one  of  the  four  who  assisted  Ezra  in  investi- 
gating the  marriages  with  foreign  women  (Ezr.  x.  15). 
— 8t  A  priest  of  tlie  family  of  Melicu,  in  the  days  of 
Joiakim,  son  of  Jeshua  (Xeh.  xii.  14). — 9.  Son  of 
Kareah,  and  brother  of  Johanan  (Jer.  xl.  8);  one  of 
the  captains  ef  the  army  wlio  had  escaped  from 
Jerusalem  in  the  final  assault  by  the  Chaldeans,  and 
with  his  brother  Johanan  resorted  to  Gedaliah  at 
Mizpah. — lOi  Son  of  Joiada,  and  his  successor  as 
hiou-priest;  =:  Johanan  11.  The  only  fact  con- 
nected with  his  pontificate  recorded  in  Scripture,  is 
that  the  genealogical  records  of  the  priests  and  Le- 
vites  were  kept  in  his  day  (Neh.  xii.  11,  22),  and 
that  the  chronicles  of  the  state  were  continued  to  liis 
time  (23).  Josephus  relates  that  he  murdered  his 
own  brother  Jesus  in  the  Temple,  because  Jesus 
was  endeavoring  to  get  the  high-priesthood  from  him 
through  the  influence  of  Bagoses,  the  Persian  gen- 
eral.— II.  Father  of  Zeehariah,  a  priest  who  blew 
the  trumpet  at  the  dedication  of  the  wall  (xii.  35). 
—12.  A  scribe,  in  whose  house  was  the  prison 
where  Jeremiah  was  confined  (Jer.  xxxvii.  15,  20, 
xxxviii.  26). — 13.  A  son  of  Mattathias  2,  and  leader 
of  the  Jews  after  the  death  of  his  brother  Judas 
Maccabeus  (1  Mc.  ix.  19  ff.).  (Maccabees.) — U. 
A  son  of  Absalom  (xiii.  11),  sent  by  Simon  with  a 
force  to  occupy  Joppa  (xii.  33) ;  probably  a  brother 
of  MArrATiiiAS  3  (xi.  70). — 15.  A  priest  who  is  said 
to  have  offered  up  a  solemn  prayer  at  the  sacrifice 
made  by  Neheraiah  after  the  recovery  of  the  sacred 
fire  (2  Mc.  i.  23  If.). 

Jon'a-th*.s  (L.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Jonathan  (Tob.  v.  13). 

Jo'natli-e'leni-re-cho'kini  (an  English  form  of 
lleb.  =:  a  dumb  done  of  [in]  duitant  plaevi),  a  [ihrase 
found  once  only  in  tlie  Bible  as  a  heading  to  Ps.  Ivi. 
Critics  and  commentators  are  very  far  from  being 
agreed  on  its  meaning.  Rashi  considers  tliat  David 
employed  the  plirasc  to  describe  his  own  uniiappy 
condition  when,  exiled  from  the  land  of  Israel,  he 
was  living  with  Aehish.  Aben  Ezra,  who  regards 
it  as  merely  indicating  the  modulation  or  the  rhythm 
of  the  psalm,  appears  to  come  the  nearest  to  tlie 
meaning,  of  tlie  passage  in  his  explanation,  "  after 
the  melody  of  the  air  which  begins  JoHalh-elein- 
rethokim."  In  the  commentary  to  Mendelssohn's 
version  of  the  Psalms  Jonath-elem-reckokim  is  men- 
tioned as  a  musical  instrument  which  produced  dull, 
mournful  sounds. 

Joppa  (Eng.  form  of  Gr.  Joppe,  L.  Joppe,  fr.  Heb. 
YiXphA  =r  beauti/,  now  Yd/a  or  Jaffa),  a  town  on 
the  S.  \V.  coast  of  Palestine,  the  port  of  Jerusalem 
in  the  days  of  Solomon,  as  it  has  been  ever  since. 
It  originally  belonge<l  to  the  Phenicians  (Jos.  xiii.  15, 
§  4).  Here,  writes  Strabo,  some  say  Andromeda  was 
exposed  to  the  whale.  "  Japho  "  or  Joppa  was  situ- 
ated in  the  portion  of  Dan  (Josh.  xix.  46)  on  the  coast 
toward  the  S.  Having  a  harbor  attached  to  it — though 
always,  as  still,  a  dangerous  one — it  became  the  port 
of  Jerusalem,  when  Jerusalem  became  metropolis 
of  the  kingdom  of  the  house  of  David,  and  certainly 
never  did  port  and  metropolis  more  strikingly  re- 
semble each  other  in  difficulty  of  approach  both  by 
sea  and  land.  Hence,  except  in  journeys  to  and 
from  Jerusalem,  it  was  not  much  used.  But  .Inppa 
was  the  place  fixed  upon  for  the  cedar  and  pine- 
wood,  from  Mount  Lebanon,  to  bo  landed  by  the 


494 


JOP 


JOB 


servants  of  Hiram,  king  of  Tyre.  By  way  of  Joppa, 
similarly,  like  materials  were  conveyed  from  the 
same  locality,  by  permission  of  Cyrus,  for  the  re- 
building of  the  second  Temple  under  Zerubbabel  (1 
K.  V.  9 ;  2  Chr.  ii.  16;  Ezr.  iii.  7).  Here  Jonah 
"  took  ship  to  flee  from  the  presence  of  the  Lord  " 
(Jon.  i.  3).  Here,  lastly,  on  the  house-top  of  Simon 
the  tanner,  "  by  the  seaside,"  St.  Peter  raised  Tabi- 
tlia  to  life  (Acts  ix.  30  ft'.),  and  had  his  vision  of 
tolerance  (x.).  These  are  the  great  Biblical  events 
of  which  Jo])pa  has  been  the  scene.  In  the  interval 
which  elapsed  between  the  Old  and  \ew  Dispensa- 
tions it  experienced  many  vicissitudes.  It  had  sided 
with  ApoUonius,  and  was  attacked  and  captured  by 
Jonathan  Maccabeus  (1  Me.  x.  '16).  It  witnessed 
the  meeting  between  the  latter  and  Ptolemy  (xi.  6). 
Simon  had  his  suspicions  of  its  inhabitants,  and  set 
a  garrison  there  (xii.  34),  which  he  afterward 
strengthened  considerably  (xiii.  11).  But  when 
peace  was  restored,  he  reiistablished  it  once  more  as 
a  haven  (xiv.  5).  He  likewise  rebuilt  the  fortifica- 
tions (34).  This  occupation  of  Joppa  was  one  of 
the  grounds  of  complaint  urged  by  Antiochus,  son 


of  Demetrius,  against  Simon ;  but  the  latter  alleged 
in  excuse  the  uiiscliief  which  had  been  done  by  its 
inhabitants  to  his  fellow-citizens  (xv.  30-85).  It 
would  appear  that  Judas  Maccabeus  had  burnt  their 
haven  some  time  back  for  a  gross  act  of  barbarity 
(2  Mc.  xii.  6).  Tribute  was  subsequently  exacted 
for  its  possession  from  Hyrcanus  by  Antiochus 
Sidetes.  By  Pompey  it  was  once  more  made  inde- 
pendent, and  comprehended  under  Syria ;  but  by 
Cesar  it  was  not  only  restored  to  the  Jews,  but  its 
revenues,  whether  from  land  or  from  export  duties, 
were  bestowed  upon  the  second  Hyrcanus  and  his 
heirs.  (HiGH-ruiEST;  Maccabkes.)  When  IIkrod 
THE  Great  commenced  operations,  it  was  seized  by 
him,  lest  he  should  leave  a  hostile  stronghold  hi  his 
rear,  when  he  marched  upon  Jerusalem,  and  Augus- 
tus confirmed  him  in  its  possession.  It  was  after- 
ward assigned  to  Arehelaus,  when  constituted  eth- 
narch,  and  passed  with  Syria  under  Cyrcuius,  when 
Arehelaus  had  been  deposed.  Under  Ceslius  (i.  e. 
Gessius  riorus)  it  was  destroyed  amidst  great 
slaughter  of  its  inhabitants ;  and  such  a  nest  of 
pirates  had  it  become,  when  Vespasian  arrived  in 


Tufa  or  Jafa  —  ancient  Japho  or  Joppa.— From  a  drawing  l>y  Arcbibald  Campbell,  Eaq,— (Fbn.) 


those  parts,  that  it  underwent  a  second  and  entire 
destruction,  together  with  the  adjacent  villages,  at 
his  hands.  Thus  it  appears  that  this  port  had  al- 
ready begvin  to  he  the  den  of  robbers  and  outcasts 
which  it  was  in  Strabo's  time.  When  Joppa  first  be- 
came the  seat  of  a  Christian  bishop  is  unknown.  It 
was  taken  possession  of  by  the  forces  of  Godfrey  de 
Bouillon  previously  to  the  capture  of  Jerusalem. 
Saladin,  a.  n.  1188,  destroyed  its  fortifications;  but 
Richard  of  England,  who  was  confined  here  by  sick- 
ness, rebuilt  them.  Its  last  occupation  by  Christians 
was  that  of  St.  Louis  of  France,  a.  d.  1253,  and 
when  he  came  it  was  still  a  city  and  governed  by  a 
count.  After  this  it  came  into  the  hands  of  the 
Sultans  of  Egypt,  together  with  the  rest  of  Palestine, 
by  whom  it  was  once  more  laid  in  ruins.  Finally, 
Jaffa  fell  under  the  Turks,  in  whose  possession  it 
still  is.  It  was  sacked  by  the  Arabs  in  1722  ;  by 
the  Mamelukes  in  1775  ;  and  by  Napoleon  I.  in  1799. 
The  existing  town  Yd/a  or  Jaffa  contains  in  round 
rumhers  about  4,000  inhabitants  (so  Mr.  Ffoulkes); 
Porter  (in  Kitto)  says  "  about  5,000;"  Thomson 
(ii.  274)  "  15,000  at  least."  Its  oranges  are  the 
finest  in  all  Palestine  and  Syria,  and  its  gabhens 
and  orange  and  citron  groves  deliciously  fragrant 
and  fertile. 

Jop'pe  (L.)  =  Joppa  (1  Esd.  v.  55;  1  Mc.  x.  76, 
76,  xi.  6,  xii.  33,  xiii.  11,  xiv.  6,  34,  xv.  28,  35;  2 
Mo.  iv.  21,  xii.  3,  7). 


*  Jo'ra  =  JoRAH  (Neh.  vii.  24,  margin). 

Jo'rall  (fr.  Heb.  =  sprinkling,  watering,  the  early 
rain,  Gcs.),  the  ancestor  of  a  family  of  112  who  re- 
turned from  Babylon  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  ii.  18);  in 
Neh.  vii.  24  Hariph  (margin  "  Jora  "). 

Jo'rai,  or  Jo'ra-i  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah 
teaehen,  Ges.),  a  Gadite,  dwelling  in  Gilcad  in  Bashan, 
in  the  reign  of  Jotham,  kingof  Judah  (1  Chr.  v.  13). 

Jo'ram  (L.  fr.  Heb.,  contracted  from  Jehoram). 
1.  Son  of  Ahab,  king  of  Israel  (2  K.  viii.  IG,  25,  28, 
29,  ix.  14,  17,  21-23,  29);  —  Jehoram  1.— 2.  Son 
of  Jehoshaphat,  king  of  Judah  (2  K.  viii.  21,  23, 
24  ;  1  Chr.  iii.  11 ;  2  Chr.  xxii.  5,  7;  Mat,  i.  8);  = 
Jehoram  2. — 3t  A  Levite,  ancestor  of  Shelomith  in 
the  time  of  Cavid  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  25).— 4.  Son  of  Toi, 
king  of  Hamath  (2  Sam.  viii.  10);  =  Hadoram  2. 
— 5.  JozAiiAO  4  (1  Esd.  i.  9). 

Jor'dan  (fr.  Heb.  YarJln  —  the  flowing,  the  river 
Ges.,  Fii.,  Rbn.,  &c.  ;  the  elfacnider,  Mr.  Ffoulkes, 
Ptr.,  Stl. ;  Gr.  lordanix  ;  L.  Jordanis),  now  called 
by  the  Arabs  eah-Shert'aJi  {=  the  walcrinff-place), 
sometimes  with  the  addition  oi'el-A'ebir(—  thi  great)  ; 
a  river  that  has  never  been  navigable,  flowing  into 
a  sea  that  has  never  known  a  port.  It  winds 
through  scenery  remarkable  rather  for  sameness 
and  lameness  than  for  hold  outline.  Its  course  is 
not  much  above  200  miles  from  first  to  last — from 
the  roots  of  Anti-Lebanon  to  the  head  of  the  Pead 
Sea.     Such  is  the  river  of  the  "  great  plain  "  of 


JOR 


JOR 


493 


^  JTnmAii^aiaiafh-Am.- 
iiil  (I'iUlaacljililii) 


496 


JOR 


JOR 


Palestine — if  not  "  tha  river  of  God  "  in  the  Book 
of  Psalms,  at  least  that  of  His  chosen  people 
throughout  their  history.  The  earliest  allusion  to 
Jordan  is  not  so  much  to  the  river  itself  as  to  the 
well-watered  plain  or  plains  which  it  traversed 
(Gen.  xiii.  10).  There  were  fords  over  against  Jer- 
icho, to  which  point  the  men  of  Jericho  pursued 
the  spies  (Josh.  ii.  7 ;  compare  Judg.  iii.  28). 
Higher  up,  perhaps  over  against  Succoth,  some  way 
above  where  the  little  river  Jabbok  (Zer/ra)  enters 
the  Jordan,  were  the  fords  or  passages  of  Beth- 
BARAH  (probably  the  Betiiabara  of  the  Gospel), 
where  Gideon  lay  in  wait  for  the  Midianites  (Judg. 
vii.  24),  and  where  the  men  of  Gilead  slew  the 
Ephraimites  (xii.  6).  These  fords  undoubtedly  (so 
Mr.  Ffoulkes)  witnessed  the  first  recorded  passa;ge 
of  the  Jordan  in  the  0.  T.,  viz.  by  Jacob  (Gen.  xxxii. 
10).  Jordan  was  crossed  over  against  Jericho  by 
Joshua  the  son  of  Nun,  at  the  head  of  the  descend- 
ants of  Jacob  (Josh.  iv.  12,  13).  From  their  vicin- 
ity to  Jerusalem  the  lower  fords  were  much  used  ; 
David  probably  passed  over  them  in  one  instance 
to  fight  the  Syrians  (2  Sam.  x.  17);  and  subsequent- 
ly, when  a  fugitive  himself,  in  his  way  to  Mahanaim 
(xvil.  22).  Thus  there  were  two  customary  phices, 
at  which  the  Jordan  was  fordable,  though  there 
may  have  been  more,  particularly  during  the  sum- 
mer, which  are  not  mentioned.  And  it  must  have 
been  at  one  of  these,  if  not  at  both,  that  baptism 
was  afterward  administered  by  St.  John,  and  by 
the  disciples  of  our  Lord.  Where  our  Lord  was 
baptized  is  not  stated  expressly ;  but  it  was  prob 
ably  (so  Mr.  Ffoulkes)  at  the  upper  ford.  These 
fords  (see  below)  were  rendered  so  much  the  more 
precious  in  those  days  from  two  circumstances : 
(1.)  it  does  not  appear  that  there  were  then  any 
bridges  thrown  over,  or  boats  regularly  established 
on  the  Jordan  (Ferry-boat);  (2.)  because  (Josh, 
iii.  15)  "Jordan  overflo.ved  all  his  banks  all  the 
time  of  harvest,"  i.  e.  the  channel  or  bed  of  the 
river  became  brimful,  so  that  the  level  of  the  water 
and  of  the  banks  was  then  the  same.  The  Jordan 
has  two  (in  some  places,  three)  series  of  banks,  but 
only  the  lower  are  overflowed.  The  river  keeps 
full  and  strong  all  through  March  into  April,  and 
the  proper  banks  of  the  river  are  still  full  to  over- 
flowing in  the  time  of  harvest,  which  in  the  vale  of 
the  lower  Jordan  comes  on  about  the  middle  of 
March  (Thomson,  ii.  454  f).  (Palesti.ne.)  Robin- 
son (i.  540)  seems  to  have  good  reason  for  saying 
that  the  ancient  rise  of  the  river  has  been  greatly 
exaggerated.  The  last  feature  to  be  noticed  in  the 
Scriptural  account  of  the  Jordan  is  its  frequent 
mention  as  a  boundary :  "  over  Jordan,"  "  this," 
and  "  the  other  side,"  or  "  beyond  Jordan,"  were 
expressions  familiar  to  the  Israelites.  In  one  sense, 
indeed,  i.  e.  in  so  far  as  it  was  the  eastern  boundary 
of  the  land  of  Canaan,  it  was  the  eastern  boundary 
of  the  promised  land  (Num.  xxxiv.  12).  Panium 
(Cesarea  Philippi),  says  Josephus,  appears  to  be 
the  source  of  the  Jordan ;  whereas  it  has  a  secret 
passage  hither  under  ground  from  Phiala(=  "vial," 
i.  e.  boiol),  as  it  is  called,  about  120  stadia  distant 
from  Cesarea,  on  the  road  to  Trachonitis,  and  on 
the  right-hand  side  of,  and  not  far  from,  the  road. 
That  this  is  the  true  source  of  the  Jordan  was  first 
discovered  by  Philip,  tetrarch  of  Trachonitis.  It 
is  from  this  cave  at  all  events  that  the  Jordan  com- 
mences its  ostensible  course  above  ground ;  traver- 
sing the  marshes  and  fens  of  Semechonitis  (Lake 
Merom  or  Huleli),  and  then,  after  a  course  of  120 
stadia,  passing  by  the  town  Julias  (Bethsaida),  and 


intersecting  the  Lake  of  Genesareth  (Gennesaret), 
winds  its  way  through  a  considerable  wilderness, 
till  it  finds  its  exit  in  the  Lake  Asphaltites  (Sea, 
THE  Salt)  (Jos.  B.  J.  iii.  10,  §  7).  While  Josephus 
dilates  upon  its  sources,  Pausanias,  who  had  visited 
the  Jordan,  dilates  upon  its  extraordinary  disap- 
pearance in  the  Dead  Sea.  Not  one  of  tiie  earlier 
or  later  travellers  dwells  upon  the  phenomenon 
that  from  the  village  of  HAsbcb/a  on  the  N.  W.  to 
the  village  of  Shib'a  on  the  N.  E.  of  Bdnids,  the 
entire  slope  of  Anti-Lebanon  is  alive  with  bursting 
fountains  and  gushing  streams,  every  one  of  which, 
great  or  small,  finds  its  way  sooner  or  later  into  the 
swamp  between  JM/iids  and  Lake  Huleh,  and  event- 
ually becomes  part  of  the  Jordan.  Far  be  it  from 
us  to  depreciate  those  time-honored  parent  springs 
— the  noble  fountain  of  Daphne  under  the  Tell,  or 
hill  of  Dan  ( TM  el-KMi/),  which  "  gushes  out  all 
at  once  a  beautiful  river  of  delicious  water  "  in  the 
midst  of  verdure  and  welcome  shade;  still  less, 
that  magnificent  "  burst  of  water  out  of  the  low 
slope  "  in  front  of  the  picturesque  cave  of  BAnuU, 
inscriptions  in  the  niches  of  which  still  testify  to 
the  deity  that  was  once  worshipped  there,  and  to  the 
royal  munificence  that  adorned  his  shrine.  But  what 
shall  we  say  to  "  the  bold  perpendicular  rock  "  near 
HdsbeJt/a,  "  from  beneath  which,"  we  are  told,  "  the 
river  gushes  copious,  translucent,  and  cool,  in  two 
rectangular  streams,  one  to  the  N.  E.,  and  the  other 
to  the  N.  W.  y  "  Captain  Newbold  has  detected  a 
fourtli  source,  which,  according  to  the  Arabs,  is 
never  dry,  in  the  Wadi/  d-Kid,  which  the  captain 
appears  to  have  followed  to  the  springs  called  Esh- 
S/ior,  though  we  must  add,  that  its  sources,  accord- 
ing to  our  impression  (so  Mr.  Ffoulkes),  lie  con- 
siderably more  to  the  N.  It  runs  past  the  ruined 
walls  and  forts  of  BdniAs  on  the  S.  E.  Again,  Bh- 
ket  er-Kam,  identified  by  Thomson,  Robinson,  Por- 
ter, &c.,  with  the  Lake  Phiala  of  Josephus,  lies  to 
the  S.  E.  of,  and  at  some  distance  from,  the  cave 
of  Bdiiidn.  The  direction  of  S/iib'n—to  the  N.  E.  of 
Bdnids — is  beyond  doubt  (so  Mr.  Ffoulkes)  the  true 
one.  The  actual  description  given  by  Captain 
Newbold  of  the  Lake  Merj  el-Man,  a  circular  lake 
"  3  hours  E.  10'  N.  from  Bdiiids,"  leads  to  the  sup- 
position that  it  is  the  true  Phiala.  Once  more,  ac- 
cording to  Thomson,  "  the  Hdsbeii/a,  when  it  reaches 
the  Lake  Huteh,  has  been  immensely  enlarged  by 
the  waters  from  the  great  fountains  of  Bdnida,  Tell 
el-Kddii,  el-MrUAhah,  Derakit,  or  Belut,  and  innu- 
merable other  springs."  The  junction  takes  place 
one-third  of  a  mile  N.  of  Tell  Sheikh  Yumf.  The 
Jordan  enters  Gennesaret  about  two  miles  below 
the  ruins  of  the  ancient  city  Julias,  or  the  Beth- 
.SAinA  of  Gaulanitis,  which  lay  upon  its  eastern 
bank.  At  its  mouth  it  is  about  70  feet  wide,  a  lazy, . 
turbid  stream,  flowing  between  low  alluvial  banks. 
There  are  several  bars  not  far  from  its  mouth  where 

it  can  be  forded From  the  site  of  Bethsaida 

to  Jisr  Bendi  Va'kdh  (=  hrid(/e  nf  the  dnughtira  of 
Jacob)  is  about  six  miles.  The  Jordan  here  rushes 
along,  a  foaming  torrent  (much  of  course  depending 
on  the  season  when  it  is  visited),  through  a  narrow, 
winding  ravine,  shut  in  by  high,  precipitous  banks. 
Above  the  bridge  the  current  is  less  rapid  and  the 
banks  are  lower.  The  whole  distance  from  the 
Lake  el-Huhh  to  the  Sea  of  Tiberias  is  about  11 
miles,  and  the  fall  of  the  river  is  about  770  feet 
(Van  de  Velde,  Porter  [in  Kitto]).  The  French 
expedition  of  Due  de  Luyncs,  in  1864,  enumerated 
three  principal  sources  of  the  Jordan,  viz.  Wadif 
Hasbdny,  near  Hdsbeiya,  1,847  feet  above  the  Medi- 


JOR 


JOS 


497 


tcrranean  level ;  Wady  Ddnids,  1,25V  feet,  and  Wady 
TM  el-Kadi/,  607  feet  above  the  Mediterranean. 
They  made  the  valley  of  the  Jordan  at  the  waters 
of  Meroin  (d-IIuleh)  469  feet  above  the  Mediterra- 
nean ;  the  Sea  of  Tiberias  1,089  feet  lower,  i.  e.  620 
feet  below  the  Mediterranean;  the  Dead  Sea  1,286 
feet  below  the  Mediterranean.  The  two  principal  fea- 
tures in  the  course  of  tlie  Jordan  are  its  descent 
and  its  windings.  From  its  fountain-heads  to  the 
]joint  where  it  is  lost  to  nature,  it  rushes  down  one 
continuous  inclined  plane,  only  broken  by  a  series 
of  rapids  or  precipitous  falls.  Between  the  Lake 
of  Tiberias  and  the  Dead  Sea  Lieutenant  Lynch 
passed  down  twenty-seven  rapids ;  the  depression 
of  the  Lake  of  Tiberias  below  tlie  level  of  the  Med- 
iterranean he  made  658.3  feet ;  and  that  of  the  Dead 
Sea  1,316.7  feet.    Its  sinuosity  is  not  so  remarkable 


in  the  upper  part  of  its  course.  Lieutenant  Lynch 
would  regard  the  two  phenomena  in  the  light  of 
cause  and  effect.  "  The  great  secret,"  he  says,  "  of 
the  depression  between  Lake  Tiberias  and  the  Dead 
Sea  is  solved  by  the  tortuous  course  of  the  Jordan. 
In  a  space  of  60  miles  of  latitude  and  4  or  5  miles 
of  longitude,  the  Jordan  traverses  at  least  200 
miles."  The  greatest  width  mentioned  was  180 
yards,  the  point  where  it  enters  the  Dead  Sea. 
Here  it  was  only  3  feet  deep.  The  only  living  trib- 
utaries to  the  Jordan  noticed  jiarticularly  below 
Gennesaret  were  the  Yarmvk  (Hieromax)  and  the 
Zerka  (Jabbok).  There  are  no  bridges  over  Jor- 
dan to  which  an  earlier  date  has  been  assigned  than 
that  of  the  Roman  occupation.  In  the  fords,  we 
find  a  remarkable,  yet  perfectly  independent  con- 
currence between  the  narrative  of  Lieutenant  Lvnch 


T1)«  Jordan  on  the  rosd  from  Nabulut  (ancient  Shechem)  to  tt-BaU  (oaclent  Ramoth-gileftd  1).— (Ayre.) 


and  what  has  been  asserted  previously  respecting 
the  fords  or  passages  of  the  Bible.  Yet  still  it  is 
no  slight  coincidence  that  no  more  than  three,  or 
at  most  four  regular  fords  should  have  been  set 
down  by  the  chroniclers  of  the  American  expedi- 
tion. The  two  first  occur  on  the  same  day  within 
a  few  hours  of  each  other,  and  are  called  respec-' 
lively  Wacahes  and  Si/kwa.  The  next  ford  is  the 
ford  of  Diimieh,  as  it  is  called,  opposite  to  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Wadii  Zcrka,  some  miles  above 
the  junction  of  that  river  with  the  Jordan.  The 
ford  el-Matlira'a  over  against  Jericho  was  the  last 
ford  to  put  upon  record,  and  it  is  too  well  known 
to  need  any  lengthened  notice.  Here  tradition 
has  chosen  to  combine  the  passage  of  the  Israelites 
'  under  Joshua  with  the  baptism  of  our  Lord.  Not 
a  single  city  ever  crowned  the  banks  of  the  Jor- 
dan. Still  Beth-shan  and  Jericho  to  the  W.,  Gera- 
a,  Pella,  and  (iadara  to  the  E.  of  it,  were  impor- 
tant cities,  and  caused  a  good  deal  of  traffic  be- 
tween the  two  opposite  banks.  The  physical  fea- 
tures of  the  Jordan,  or  of  the  OImt,  will  be  treated 
32 


of  more  at  large  under  the  general  head  of  Palks- 
TINE.     Arabah. 

Jor'l-bas  (fr.  L.  Joribus)  =  Jakib  2  (1  Esd.  viii. 
4  ;  compare  Ezr.  viii.  16). 

Jor'i-bns  (L.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Jarib  3  (1  Esd.  ix.  19; 
compare  Ezr.  x.  18). 

Jo'rim  (L.  =  Joram  ?  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.,  &c.),  son 
of  Matthat,  in  the  genealogy  of  Christ  (Lk.  iii. 
29). 

Jor'ko-ain  (fr.  Heb.  =  paleness  of  tlu people,  or 
perhaps  the  jjeofile  is  spread  abroad,  Ges. ;  spreading 
of  Ihe  people,  Fii.),  either  a  descendant  of  Caleb,  the 
son  of  Hezron,  or  a  place  probably  near  Hebron  in 
Judah  (1  Clir.  ii.  44). 

Jos'a-bad  (L.  fr.  Heb.,  properly  JozABAn).  1. 
"  JosabacI,  the  Gederatliite,"  one  of  the  warriors  of 
Benjamin  who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  ( 1  Chr.  xii.  4). 
—J,  JozABAD,  son  of  Jeshua  the  Levite  (1  Esd. 
viii.  63;  compare  Ezr.  viii.  83).— 8.  One  of  the 
sons  of  Bebal  (1  Esd.  ix.  29);  —  Zabbai  1. 

Jos'a-phat  (L.  fr,  Heb.)  =  Jeiiosuamiat,  king  of 
Judah  (Mat.  i.  8). 


498 


JOS 


JOS 


Jos-a-plil'as  (L.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Josiphiah  (1  Esd. 
viii.  36 ;  compare  Ezr.  viii.  10). 

Jtt'se  (fr.  Gr.  lose  =  JosES,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.),  son 
of  Eliezer,  in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ  (Lk. 
iii.  29). 

Jos  e-dec  (L.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Jehozadak  or  Jozadak 
(also  written  Josedeoh)(1  Esd.  v.  5,  48,  56,  vi.  2,  ix. 
19;  Ecclus.  xlix.  12). 

Jos'e-deeh  [-dek]  (L.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Jehozadak  the 
son  of  Serdiah  (Hag.  i.  1, 12, 14,  ii.  2,  4  ;  Zech.  vi.  11). 

Joseph  [zeph]  (L.  fr.  Heb.  Yoseph  =  whom  may 
God  increme,  Ges. ;  increaser,  viz.  Jah  is,  Fii. ;  see 
below).  1.  The  elder  of  the  two  sons  of  Jacob  by 
Rachel.  Gen.  xxx.  23,  24  seems  to  indicate  a 
double  etymology  of  his  name  (from  two  Hebrew 
verbs  dsaph  =  to  take  awai/,  and  ydsaph  =  to  add, 
or  increase).  There  is  nothing  improbable  in  this, 
because  of  the  relation  of  the  taking  away  tlie  re- 
proach to  the  expectation  of  another  son.  Such 
double  etymologies  are  probably  more  common  in 
Hebrew  names  than  is  generally  supposed  (so  Mr. 
R.  S.  Poole,  the  original  author  of  this  article).  The 
date  of  Joseph's  birth  relatively  to  that  of  the  com- 
ing of  Jacob  into  Egypt  is  fixed  by  his  becoming 
governor  of  Egypt  at  thirty  years  old  (xli.  46), 
which  agrees  with  his  being  "  seventeen  years 
old "  (xxxvii.  2)  about  the  time  that  his  breth- 
ren sold  him.  He  was  therefore  born  about 
thirty-nine  years  before  Jacob  came  into  Egypt, 
and,  according  to  the  most  probable  chronol- 
ogy, B.  c.  about  1908  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole;  see 
Chronologt).  After  Joseph's  birth  he  is  first 
mentioned  when  a  youth,  seventeen  years  old.  As 
the  child  of  Rachel,  and  "  son  of  his  old  age  " 
(xxxvii.  3),  and  doubtless  also  for  his  excellence 
of  character,  he  was  beloved  by  his  father  above 
all  his  brethren.  Prol)ably  at  this  time  Rachel  was 
already  dead  and  Benjamin  but  an  infant.  Jacob 
had  now  two  small  pieces  of  land  in  Canaan,  Abra- 
ham's burying-place  at  Hebron  in  the  S.,  and  the 
"  parc3l  of  a  field  where  he  (Jacob)  had  spread  his 
tent"  (xxxiii.  19),  at  Shechcm  in  the  N.,  the  latter 
being  probably,  from  its  price,  the  smaller  of  the 
two.  He  seems  then  to  have  stayed  at  Hebron 
with  the  aged  Isaac,  while  his  sons  kept  his  flocks. 
Joseph  brought  the  evil  report  of  his  brethren  to 
his  father,  and  they  hated  him  because  his  father 
loved  him  more  than  them,  and  had  shown  his  pref- 
erence by  making  him  a  dress,  which  appears  to 
have  been  a  long  tunic  with  sleeves,  worn  by 
youths  and  maidens  of  the  richer  class.  (Dres.s 
II.)  The  hatred  of  Josepli's  brethren  was  increased 
by  his  telling  of  a  dreim  foreshowing  that  they 
would  bow  down  to  him,  which  was  followed  by 
another  of  the  same  import.  They  had  gone  to 
Shechem  to  feed  the  flock  ;  and  Joseph  was  sent 
thither  from  the  vale  of  Hebron  by  his  father  to 
bring  him  word  of  their  welfare  and  that  of  the 
flock.  They  were  not  at  Shechem,  but  were  gone 
to  Dothan,  which  appears  to  have  been  not  very 
far  distant,  pasturing  their  flock  like  the  Arabs  of 
the  present  day,  wherever  the  wild  country  (xxxvii. 
22)  was  unowned.  On  Joseph's  approach,  his 
brethren,  except  Reuben,  resolved  to  kill  hira  ;  but 
Reuben  saved  him,  persuading  them  to  cast  him 
into  a  dry  pit,  to  the  intent  that  he  might  restore 
hira  to  his  father.  Accordingly,  when  Joseph  was 
come,  they  stripped  him  of  his  tunic  and  east  hira 
into  the  pit,  "  and  they  sat  down  to  eat  bread :  and 
they  lifted  up  their  eyes  and  looked,  and,  behold,  a 
company  of  Ishmeelites  came  from  Gileadwith  their 
camels."     Judah  suggested  to  his  brethren  to  sell 


Joseph  to  the  Ishmeelites,  appealing  at  once  to 
their  covetousness  and,  in  proposing  a  less  cruel 
course  than  that  on  which  they  were  probably  still 
resolved,  to  what  renmant  of  brotherly  feeling  they 
may  still  have  had.  Accordingly  they  took  Jo- 
seph out  of  the  pit  and  sold  him  "  for  twenty 
shekels  (A.  V.  '  pieces ')  of  silvei' "  (ver.  28). 
Reuben  was  absent,  and  on  his  return  to  the 
pit  was  greatly  distressed  at  not  finding  Joseph. 
His  brethren  pretended  to  Jacob  that  Joseph 
had  been  killed  by  some  wild  beast,  taking  to  hira 
the  tunic  stained  with  a  kid's  blood,  while  even 
Reuben  forebore  to  tell  him  the  truth,  all  speaking 
constantly  of  the  lost  brother  as  though  they  knew 
not  what  had  befallen  him,  and  even  as  dead.  "  And 
Jacob  rent  his  clothes,  and  put  sackcloth  upon  his 
loins,  and  mourned  for  his  son  many  days"  (xxxvii. 
34).  The  Midianites  sold  Joseph  in  Egypt  to  Poti- 
PHAR,  "  an  officer  of  Pharaoh,  captain  of  the  execu- 
tioners (' GUARD,' A.  v.),  an  Egyptian"  (xxxix.  1, 
compare  xxxvii.  36).  Mr.  Poole  believes  tliat,  at  the 
time  that  Joseph  was  sold  into  Egypt,  the  country 
was  not  united  under  the  rule  of  a  single  native 
line,  but  governed  by  several  dynasties,  of  which  the 
Fifteenth  Dynasty,  of  Shepherd  Kings,  was  the  pre- 
dominant line,  the  rest  being  tributary  to  it.  The 
absolute  dominions  of  this  dynasty  lay  in  Lower 
Egypt,  and  it  would  therefore  always  be  most  con- 
nected with  Palestine.  (Pharaoh  2.)  In  Egypt, 
the  second  period  of  Joseph's  life  begins.  As  a 
child  he  had  been  a  true  son,  and  withstood  the 
evil  example  of  his  brethren.  He  was  now  to  serve  a 
strange  master  in  the  hard  state  of  slavery,  and  his 
virtue  would  be  put  to  a  severer  proof  than  it  had 
yet  sustained.  Joseph  prospered  in  the  house  of  the 
Egyptian,  who,  seeing  that  God  blessed  him,  and 
pleased  with  his  good  service,  "set  him  over  his 
house,  and  all  that  he  had  he  gave  into  his  hand  " 
(xxxix.  4,  compare  5).  He  was  placed  over  all  his 
master's  property  with  perfect  trust,  and  "  the 
Lord  blessed  the  Egyptian's  house  for  Joseph's 
sake  "  (verse  5).  The  sculptures  and  paintings  of 
the  ancient  Egyptian  tombs  bring  vividly  before  us 
the  daily  life  and  duties  of  Joseph.  His  master's 
wife,  with  the  well-known  profligacy  of  the  Egyptiaa 
women,  tempted  him,  and  failing,  charged  him  with 
the  crime  she  would  have  made  him  commit.  Poti- 
phar,  incensed  against  Joseph,  cast  him  into  prison. 
The  punishment  of  adulterers  was  severe.  Tlie  jirisott 
is  described  as  "  a  place  where  the  king's  prisoners 
were  bound"  (xxxix.  20).  Here  the  hardest  time 
of  Joseph's  period  of  probation  began.  He  was  cast 
into  prison  on  a  false  accusation,  to  remain  therefor 
at  least  two  years,  and  perhaps  for  a  much  longer 
time.  In  the  prison  as  in  Potiphar's  house,  Jo- 
seph was  found  worthy  of  complete  trust,  and  the 
keeper  of  the  prison  placed  every  thing  under  his 
control.  After  a  while  Pharaoh  was  incensed 
against  two  of  his  officers,  "  the  chief  of  the  cup- 
bearers "  and  the  "  chief  of  the  bakers,"  and  cast 
them  into  the  prison  wliere  Joseph  was.  Here  the 
chief  of  the  executioners,  doubtless  a  successor  of 
Potiphar,  charged  Joseph  to  serve  these  prisoners., 
Each  dreamed  a  prophetic  dream,  which  Joseph  in- 
terpreted, disclaiming  human  skill,  and  acknowledg- 
ing that  interpretations  were  of  God.  "  After  two 
years  "  Joseph's  deliverance  came.  Pharaoh  dreamed 
two  prophetic  dreams.  "  He  stood  by  the  river  (the 
Nile).  And,  behold,  coming  up  out  of  the  river 
seven  kine  (or  '  heifers '),  heautiful  in  appearance, 
and  fat-fleshed  ;  and  they  fed  in  the  marsh-grass". 
And  behold  seven  other  kine  coming  up  after  them 


I 


JOS 


JOS 


499 


out  of  tlie  liver,  evil  in  appearance,  and  Ican- 
ileslied "  (xli.  l-y).  These,  alterwurd  described 
still  more  strongly,  ate  up  the  tirst  seven,  and  yet, 
as  is  said  in  the  second  account,  when  they  had 
eaten  them  remained  as  lean  as  before  (1-4, 17-21). 
Then  Pharaoh  had  a  second  dream  — "  Behold,  seven 
ears  of  cokn  coming  up  on  one  stalk,  fat  (or  '  full,' 
verse  22)  and  good.  And,  behold,  scveti  ears,  thin 
and  blasted  with  the  east  wind,  sprouting  forth  after 
them  '  (verses  5,  6).  These,  also  described  more 
strongly  in  the  second  account,  devoured  the  first 
seven  ears  (verses  5-7,  22-24).  In  the  moniing 
Pharaoh  sent  for  the  "  scribes  "  and  the  "  wise  men," 
and  they  wei-e  jnable  to  give  him  an  interpretation. 
Then  the  chief  of  the  cupbearers  remembered 
Joseph,  and  told  Pharaoh  how  a  young  Hebrew, 
"  servant  to  the  captain  of  the  executioners,"  had 
interpreted  his  and  his  fellow-prisoner's  drean^s. 
"  Then  Pharaoh  sent  and  called  Joseph,  and  they 
made  him  hasten  out  of  the  prison  ;  and  he  shaved 
himself,  and  changed  his  raiment,  and  came  unto 
Pharaoh "  (verse  14).  The  king  then  related  his 
dreams,  and  Joseph,  when  he  had  disclaimed  human 
wisdom,  declared  to  him  that  they  were  sent  of  God 
to  forewarn  Pharaoh.  There  was  essentially  but 
one  dream.  Both  kine  and  ears  symbolized  years. 
There  were  to  be  seven  years  of  great  plenty  in 
Egypt,  and  after  them  seven  years  of  consuming 
and  "  very  heavy  famine."  The  doubling  of  the 
dream  denoted  that  the  events  it  foreshadow  cd  were 
certain  and  imminent.  On  the  interpretation  it  may 
be  remarked,  that  it  seems  evident  that  the  kine  rep- 
resented the  animal  products,  and  the  ears  of  corn 
the  vegetable  products,  the  most  important  object 
in  each  clai's  representing  the  whole  class.  The 
perfectly  Egyptian  color  of  the  whole  narrative  is 
very  noticeable,  and  nowhere  more  so  than  in  the 
particulars  of  the  first  dream.  Having  interpreted 
the  dream,  Joseph  counselled  Pharaoh  to  choose  a 
wise  man  and  set  him  over  the  country,  in  order  that 
he  should  take  the  fifth  part  of  the  produce  of  the 
seven  years  of  plenty  against  the  years  of  lamine.  To 
this  high  post  the  king  appointed  Joseph.  Thus,  when 
he  was  thirty  years  of  age,  was  he  at  last  released 
from  his  state  of  suffering,  and  placed  in  a  position  of 
the  greatest  honor.  The  Ph.vraoh  here  mentioned 
was  probably  (.so  Mr.  Poole)  Assa,  Manetho's  Assis 
or  Asses,  whose  reign  we  suppose  to  have  about  oc- 
cupied the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  B.  c. 
Pharaoh,  seeing  the  wisdom  of  giving  Joseph,  whom 
he  perceived  to  be  under  God's  guidance,  greater 
jwwcrs  than  he  had  advised  should  be  given  to  the 
ivllicer  get  over  the  country,  made  him  not  only  gov- 
ernor of  Egypt,  but  second  only  to  the  sovereign. 
IZaphnath-paaseah.)  lie  also  "  gave  him  to  wife 
.VsE.NATU,  daughter  of  Poti-piierah,  priest  (or 
'  prince ')  of  On  "  (verse  45).  Joseph's  first  act  was 
to  go  throughout  all  the  land  of  Egypt  (verse  46). 
During  the  seven  plenteous  years  tliere  was  a  very 
abuitdant  produce,  and  he  gathered  the  fifth  part,  ns 
he  had  advised  Pharaoh,  and  laid  it  up.  Before  the 
iamine  Asennth  bare  Joseph  two  sons  (Manasseii; 
Efiiraim).  When  the  seven  goiMl  years  had  passed, 
the  famine  began  (54-67).  The  expressions  usihI  do 
not  rc(|uire  us  to  suppose  that  the  famine  extended 
beyond  the  countries  around  Egypt,  such  as  Pales- 
tine, Syria,  and  Arabia,  as  well  as  some  part  of 
Africa.  It  must  also  be  recollected  that  Egypt  was 
anciently  the  granary  of  neighboring  countries. 
Famines  are  not  very  unfrequent  in  the  history  of 
Egypt.  (Famine.)  After  the  famine  had  lasted  for  a 
time,  apparently  two  years,  Jose|)h  gathered  up  all 


the  money  that  was  found  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  and 
in  the  land  of  Canaan,  for  the  corn  which  they 
bought :  and  Joseph  brought  the  money  into  Pha- 
raoh's house  (xlvii.  13,  14).  When  all  the  money 
of  Egypt  and  Canaan  was  exhausted,  barter  became 
necessary.  Joseph  then  obtained  all  the  caltle  of 
Egypt,  and  in  the  next  year,  all  the  land,  excipt  that 
of  the  priests,  and  apparently,  as  a  consequence,  the 
Egyptians  themselves,  lie  demanded,  howtver, 
only  a  fifth  part  of  the  produce  as  Pharaoh's  right. 
It  has  been  attempted  to  trace  this  enactment  of 
Joseph  in  the  fragments  of  Egyptian  history  pre- 
served by  profane  writers,  but  the  result  has  not 
been  satisfactory.  The  evidence  of  the  narrative  in 
Genesis  seems  favorable  (so  Mr.  Poole)  to  the  theory 
that  Joseph  ruled  Egypt  urjdcr  a  shepherd-king. 
There  is  a  notice,  in  an  ancient  Egyptian  inscription, 
of  a  famine  which  has  been  supposed  to  be  that  of 
Joseph.  The  inscription  is  in  a  tomb  at  Bene- 
Hasan,  and  records  of  Amcnce,  a  governor  tf  a  dis- 
trict of  Upper  Egypt,  that  w hen  there  were  years  of 
famine,  his  district  was  supplied  with  food.  This 
was  in  the  time  of  Sesertcscn  I.,  of  the  twelfth  dy- 
na.<ty.  It  has  been  supposed  that  this  must  be 
Joseph's  famine,  but  not  only  are  tlie  ]  articu- 
lars  of  the  record  inapplicable  to  that  instance,  but 
the  calamity  it  relates  was  never  unusual  in  Egypt, 
as  its  ancitnt  inscriptions  and  modern  history  c<|uaily 
testify.  Joseph's  policy  toward  the  subjects  of 
Pharaoh  is  important  in  reference  to  the  foiniiig  an 
estimate  of  his  character.  It  uisplays  the  resolution 
and  breadth  of  view  that  mark  his  whole  career. 
He  perceived  a  great  advantage  to  be  gained,  and  he 
lost  no  part  of  it.  Early  in  the  famine,  which  pre- 
vailed equally  in  Canaan  and  Egypt,  Jacob  reproved 
his  helpless  sons  and  sent  thenj  to  Egypt,  where  he 
knew  there  was  corn  to  be  bought.  Benjan.ui  alone 
he  kept  with  him.  Joseph  was  now  governor,  an 
Egyptian  in  halits  and  speech,  for  like  all  men  of 
large  mind  he  had  suffered  no  ^cruplcs  of  piejudice 
to  make  him  a  stranger  to  the  people  he  luled. 
His  brethren  did  not  know  him,  grown  frtm  the  boy 
they  had  sold  into  a  man,  and  to  their  eyes  an 
Egyptian,  while  they  must  have  been  scarcely 
changed.  Joseph  remembered  his  dreams,  and  be- 
haved to  them  as  a  stranger,  using,  as  we  afterward 
learn,  an  interpreter,  and  spoke  hard  words  to  them, 
and  accused  them  of  being  spies.  In  dcfei.uing 
themselves  they  spoke  of  their  household.  The  w!  ole 
story  of  Joseph's  treatment  of  his  brethien,  of  his 
making  himself  known  to  them  after  he  hiid  suffi- 
ciently proved  thim  (see  Be.vjamin  1  ;  Divination 
12;  Magic,  &c.),  and  of  his  sent  ingfbrthe  whole  fam- 
ily to  come  down  hito  Egypt,  is  sopraj  hically  t(  Id  in 
Gen.  xlii.-xlv.,  aid  is  so  laniiliar  that  it  is  unnecessary 
here  to  repeat  it.  After  the  removal  of  his  family 
into  Egypt,  Jacob  and  his  house  abode  in  tlie  land 
of  Goshen,  Joseph  still  ruling  the  country.  Here 
Jacob,  when  near  his  end,  gave  Joseph  a  portion 
above  his  brethren,  doubtless  including  the  "  parcel 
of  ground  "  at  Shechem,  his  future  buryin;: -place 
(compare  Jn.  iv.  5).  Then  he  blessed  his  sons, 
Joseph  most  earnestly  of  all,  and  died  in  Egypt. 
"And  Je)seph  fell  upon  his  face,  and  wept  upon 
him,  and  kissed  him  "  (Gen.  I.  1).  When  he  liad 
caused  him  to  be  embalmed  by  "his  servants  the 
physicians"  he  carried  him  to  Canaan,  and  laid  I  ira 
in  the  cave  of  Machpclah,  the  burying-place  of  his 
fathers.  Then  his  brethren  feared  that,  their  father 
being  dead,  Joseph  would  punish  them,  and  he  strove 
to  remove  their  fears.  From  his  being  able  to  mako 
the  journey  into  Canaan  with  "  a  very  great  com- 


500 


JOS 


JOS 


pany  "  (9),  as  well  as  from  his  living  apart  from  his 
brethren  and  from  their  fear  of  him,  Josepli  seems 
to  have  been  still  governor  of  Egypt.  We  know 
no  more  than  that  he  lived  "  a  hundred  and  ten 
years"  (22,  26),  having  been  more  than  ninety  in 
Egypt ;  that  he  "  saw  Ephraim's  children  of  the 
third  generation,"  and  that  "  the  cliildren  also  of 
Machir,  the  son  of  Manasseh,  were  borne  upon 
Joseph's  knees"  (23);  and  that  dying  he  took  an 
oath  of  his  brethren  that  they  should  carry  up  his 
bones  to  the  land  of  promise :  thus  showing  in  his 
latest  action  the  faith  (Heb.  xi.  22)  which  had  guided 
his  whole  life.  Like  his  father  he  was  embalmed, 
"  and  he  was  put  in  a  coffin  in  Egypt "  (Gen.  1.  26). 
His  trust  Moses  kept,  and  laid  the  bones  of  Joseph 
in  his  inheritance  in  Shecliem,  in  the  territory  of 
Ephraim  his  offspring.  Joseph's  character  is  wholly 
composed  of  great  materials.  He  was  a  man  of 
faith  and  patiencf,  of  di>cision  and  resolution,  up- 
rightness, generosity,  tenderness,  and  modesty.  In 
the  history  of  the  chosen  race,  Joseph  occupies  a 
very  high  place  as  an  instrument  of  Providence. 
Blest  with  many  revelations,  he  is  throughout  a  God- 
taught  leader  of  his  people.  The  tribes  of  Ephraim 
and  JIanasseh  are  sometimes  spoken  of  under  the 
name  of  Joseph,  which  is  even  given  to  the  whole 
Israelite  nation.-^2t  Father  of  Igal  who  represented 
the  tribe  of  Issachar  among  the  spies  (Num.  xiii.  7). 
— 3i  A  lay  Israelite  of  the  family  of  Bani,  compelled 
by  Ezra  to  put  away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  42) ; 
=  JosEPnus. — I,  Representative  of  the  priestly 
family  of  Shebaniali,  in  the  next  generation  after  the 
Return  from  Captivity  (Neh.  xii.  14). — 5.  A  Jewish 
officer  defeated  by  Gorgias  about  164  b.  c.  (1  Mc.  v. 
8,  56,  60).— 6.  Ill  2  Mc.  viii.  22,  x.  19,  Joseph  is 
named  among  the  brethren  of  Judas  Maccabeus  ap- 
parently in  place  of  John.— 7t  An  ancestor  of  Ju- 
dith (Jd.  viii.  1). — 8.  One  of  the  ancestors  of  Christ 
(Lk.  iii.  30),  son  of  Jonan. — 9t  Another  ancestor  of 
Christ,  son  of  Judah  (iii.  26). — 10>  Another,  son  of 
Mattathias  (iii.  24). — 11.  Son  of  Heli,  and  reputed 
father  of  Jesus  Christ.  (Genealoov  ok  Jesus  Christ  ; 
James  3,  &c. ;  Jesus  Christ.)  He  was  a  just  man, 
and  of  the  house  and  lineage  of  David.  The  public 
registers  also  contained  his  name  under  the  reckon- 
ing of  the  house  of  David  (Jn.  i.  45  ;  Lk.  iii.  23 ; 
Mat.  i.  20;  Lk.  ii.  4).  He  lived  at  Nazareth  in  Gali- 
lee, and  probably  his  family  had  been  settled  there 
for  at  least  two  preceding  generations,  pos.<il)ly  from 
tlie  time  of  Matthat,  the  supposed  common  grand- 
father of  Joseph  and  Mary,  since  Mary  lived  there 
loo  (i.  26,  27).  He  espoused  Mary  (Mary,  the  Vir- 
gin), the  daughter  and  heir  of  his  uncle  Jacob  (so 
Lord  A.  C.  Hervey),  and  before  he  took  her  home  as 
his  wife  received  the  angelic  communication  recorded 
in  Mat.  i.  20.  It  must  have  been  within  a  very  short 
time  of  his  taking  her  to  his  home,  that  the  decree 
went  forth  from  Augustus  Cesar  which  obliged  him 
to  leave  Nazareth  with  his  wife  and  go  to  Bethlehem. 
(Cyrenius  ;  Taxing.)  He  was  there  with  Mary  and 
her  firstborn,  when  the  shepherds  came  to  see  the 
babe  in  the  manger,  and  he  went  with  them  to  the 
Temple  to  present  the  infiint  according  to  the  law, 
and  there  heard  the  prophetic  words  of  Simeon,  as 
he  held  Him  in  his  arms.  When  the  wise  men  from 
the  East  came  to  Bethlehem  to  worship  Christ, 
Joseph  was  there  ;  and  he  went  down  to  Egypt  with 
them  by  night,  when  warned  by  an  angel  of  the  dan- 
ger which  threatened  them  ;  and  on  the  second  mes- 
sage he  returned  with  them  to  the  land  of  Israel, 
intending  to  reside  at  Bethlehem,  the  city  of  Da- 
Tld ;    but   being  afraid  of  Archelaus  he  took  up 


bis  abode,  as  before  his  marriage,  at  Nazareth, 
where  he  carried  on  his  trade  as  a  carpenter.  When 
Jesus  was  twelve  years  old  Joseph  and  Mary  took 
Him  witli  them  to  keep  the  Passover  at  Jerusalem, 
and  when  they  returned  to  Nazareth,  he  continued 
to  act  as  a  iiither  to  the  child  Jesus,  and  was  re- 
puted to  be  so  indeed.  But  here  our  knowledge  of 
Joseph  ends.  That  he  died  before  our  Lord's  cru- 
cifixion, is  indeed  tolerably  certain  (Mk.  vi.  3  ?  ;  Jn. 
xix.  27).  But  where,  when,  or  how  he  died,  we 
know  not. 

Jo'scph  (see  above)  of  Ar-1-ma-thc'a  (Arimathea), 
a  rich  and  pious  Israelite  who  had  the  privilege  of 
performing  the  last  offices  of  duty  and  affection  to 
the  body  of  our  Lord.  He  is  distinguished  from 
other  persons  of  the  same  name  by  the  addition  of 
his  birth-place  .\rimathea.  Joseph  is  denominated 
(Mk.  XV.  43)  "  an  honorable  counsellor,"  by  which 
we  are  probably  to  understand  that  he  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Great  Council,  or  Sanhedrim.  He  is 
further  cliaracterized  as  "  a  good  man  and  a  just " 
(Lk.  xxiii.  50),  one  of  those  who,  bearing  in  their 
hearts  the  words  of  their  old  prophets,  were  waiting 
for  the  kingdom  of  God  (Mk.  xv.  43;  Lk.  ii.  25,  38, 
xxiii.  51).  We  are  expressly  told  that  he  did  not 
"consent  to  the  counsel  and  deed"  of  his  col- 
leagues in  conspiring  to  bring  about  the  death  of 
Jesus  ;  but  he  seems  to  have  lacked  the  courage  to 
protest  against  tlieir  judgment.  At  all  events  we 
know  that  he  shrank,  through  fear  of  his  country- 
men, from  professing  himself  openly  a  disciple  of 
our  Lord.  The  crucifixion  seems  to  have  wrought 
in  him  the  same  clear  conviction  that  it  wrought  in 
the  centurion  who  stood  by  the  cross ;  for  on  the 
very  evening  of  that  dreadful  day,  when  the  triumph 
of  the  chief  priests  and  rulers  seemed  complete, 
Joseph  "  went  in  boldly  unto  Pilate  and  craved  tlie 
body  of  Jesus."  Pilate  consented.  Josepli  and 
Nicodemus  then  having  enfolded  the  sacred  body  in 
the  linen  shroud  which  Joseph  had  bought,  con- 
signed it  to  a  tomb  hewn  in  a  rock,  a  tomb  where 
no  human  corpse  had  ever  yet  been  laid.  The  tomb 
was  in  a  garden  beloniring  to  Joseph,  and  close  to 
the  place  of  crucifixion.  (Jerusalem  III.,  §  10). 
There  is  a  tradition  that  he  was  one  of  the  seventy 
disciples.  Another,  whether  authentic  or  not,  de- 
serves to  be  mentioned  as  generally  current,  namely, 
that  Joseph  being  sent  to  Great  Britain  by  the 
Apostle  Philip,  about  the  year  63,  settled  with  his 
brother  disciples  at  Glastonbury,  England. 

Jo'scph  (see  above),  called  Bar'sa-bas(BARSABAs), 
and  surnamed  Justus  ;  one  of  the  two  persons 
chosen  by  the  assembled  church  (Acts  i.  23)  as 
worthy  to  fill  the  place  in  the  Apostolic  company 
from  which  Judas  had  fallen.  He  therefore  hail 
been  a  companion  of  the  disciples  all  the  time  that 
they  followed  Jesus,  from  His  baptism  to  His  ascen- 
sion. Eusebius  states  that  he  was  one  of  the  seventy 
disciples. 

Jo-se'phns  [»  as  in  see]  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  Joseph) 
Joseph  3  (1  Esd.  ix.  34). 

Jo'sfS  [-seez]  (Gr.  loses  =  Joseph,  Lightfoot).  I< 
Son  of  Eliezer,  in  the  genealogy  of  Christ  (Lk.  iii. 
29;  "Jose"  in  A.  V.).— 2.  One  of  the  Lord's  breth- 
ren (Mat.  xiii.  55  [Meyer,  TregcUes,  Alford,  &c., 
here  read  "  Joseph  "],  xxvii.  56  ;  Mk.  vi.  3,  xv.  40, 
47).  (James.)— J.  Joses,  surnamed  Barnabas  (Acts 
iv.  36). 

Jo'shah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Joshaviah  ?  Ges. ;  Jehorah 
is  a  gift,  Fii.),  a  prince  of  Simeon,  son  of  Aniaziah, 
in  the  days  of  Hezekiah  (1  Chr.  iv.  34,  38-41). 

Josh'a-pbal  (fr.  Heb.,   contracted   fr.   jEHOsnA- 


JOS 


JOS' 


501' 


PBat),  the  Mithnite,  one  of  David's  "  valiant  men  " 
(1  Ghr.  xi.  43). 

Josh-a-vlab  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jfhovah  lets  dicelt 
[=  JosiBiAilJ,  Ges. ;  Jehovah  is  correspondence,  i.  e. 
self-sal isfying,  Fii.),  son  of  EInaam  ;  one  of  David's 
"valiant  iiieu  "  (1  Chr.  xi.  4«). 

Jo»b-be-ka'sliah,  or  Jokh-brk'a-shah  (fr.  Heb.  = 
teat  ill  hanj/ifiis,  Ge:*.),  son  of  Heman ;  head  of  the 
seventeenth  course  of  musicians  (1  Chr.  xxv.  4,  24). 

*  Jo'kheb-bas'!>e-bet  (fr.  Ileb.)  (2  Sam.  zxui.  9, 
margin).     Eznite;  Jasiiobeam. 

Jo»li'a-a  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jehovah  his  help,  Ges. ;  = 
Jemosiiua,  Jehoshi'ah,  Jesiica,  Jesus).  I.  Son  of 
Kun,  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  (1  Chr.  vii.  27).  His 
original  name  appears  to  have  been  Hoshea  or 
OsHEA.  He  is  also  called  Jeiioshia,  Jehoshuah, 
Jeshua,  and  Jesis.  The  future  captain  of  invading 
hosts  grew  up  a  slave  in  tlie  brick-fields  of  Egypt. 
Born  about  the  time  when  Moses  fled  into  llliiJian, 
he  was  a  man  of  nearly  forty  years  when  he  saw  the 
ten  plagues,  and  shared  in  the  hurried  tiiumph  of 
the  E.xoDus.  He  is  mentioned  first  in  connection 
with  the  fight  against  Amalek  at  Rephidim,  wlien 
he  was  chosen  (Ex.  xvii.  9)  by  Moses  to  lead  the 
Israelites.  When  Moses  ascended  Mount  Sinai  to 
receive  for  the  first  time  (compare  Ex.  xxiv.  13,  and 
ixxiii.  11)  the  two  Tables,  Josliua,  wlio  is  called 
his  minister  or  servant,  accompanied  him  part  of 
the  way,  and  was  the  first  to  accost  him  in  his 
descent  (xxxii.  17).  Soon  afterward  he  was  one  of 
the  twelve  chiefs  sent  (Kuni.  xiii.  17)  to  explore  the 
land  of  Canaan,  and  one  of  the  two  (xiv.  6)  who  j 
gave  an  encouraging  report  of  their  journey.  (Ca-  ] 
LED  2.)  The  forty  years  of  wandering  were  almost 
passed,  and  Joshua  was  one  of  the  few  survivors, 
when  Moses,  shortly  before  his  death,  was  directed 
(xxvii.  18)  to  invest  Joshua  solemnly  and  publicly 
with  definite  authority  in  connection  with  Elcazar 
the  priest,  over  the  people.  And  after  this  was 
done,  God  Himself  gave  Joshua  a  charge  by  the 
mouth  of  the  dying  Lawgiver  (Deut.  xxxi.  14,  23). 
Under  the  direction  of  God  again  renewed  (Josh.  i. 
1),  Joshua,  now  in  his  eighty-fifth  year  (Jos.  v.  1, 
§  29 ;  CiiRoxoLOOY  II.)  a.«6umcd  the  command  of 
uie  people  at  Shittim,  sent  spies  into  Jericho, 
crossed  the  Jordan,  fortified  a  camp  at  Gilgal,  cir- 
cumcised the  people,  kept  the  passover,  and  was 
visited  by  the  Captain  of  the  Lord's  Host.  A  mir- 
acle made  the  fall  of  Jericho  more  terrible  to  the 
Canaanites.  In  the  first  attack  upon  Ai  the  Israel- 
ites were  repulsed  :  it  fell  at  the  second  assault,  and 
the  invaders  marched  to  the  relief  of  Gibeon.  In 
the  great  battle  of  Beth-horon  the  Amorites  were 
iignaily  routed,  and  the  South  country  was  open  to 
the  Israelites.  Joshua  returned  to  the  camp  at  Gil- 
gal, master  of  half  of  Palestine.  In  the  North,  iit 
the  waters  of  Meroni,  he  defeated  the  Canaanites 
under  Jabin  king  of  Ha/.or ;  and  pursued  his  suc- 
cess to  the  gates  of  Zidon  and  into  the  valley  of 
Lebanon  under  Hermon.  In  six  years  six  tribes 
with  thirty-one  "  kings  "  were  conquered  ;  amongst 
others  the  Anakim — the  old  terror  of  Israel — are 
especially  recorded  as  destroyed  everywhere  except 
in  Philistia.  Joshua,  now  stricken  in  years,  pro- 
ceeded In  conjunction  with  Eleazar  and  the  heads 
of  the  tribes  to  complete  the  division  of  the  con- 
quered land  ;  and  when  all  was  allotted,  Timnath- 
SERAH  in  Mount  Ephraim  was  assigned  by  the  people 
as  Joshua's  peculiar  inheritance.  The  Tabernacle 
of  the  congregation  wag  established  at  Shiloh,  six 
cities  of  refuge  were  appointed,  forty-eight  cities 
assigned  to  the  Levites,  and  the  warriors  of  the 


Trans-jordanic  tribes  dismissed  in  peace  to  their 
homes.  After  an  interval  of  rest,  Josliua  convoked 
an  assembly  from  all  Israel,  lie  delivered  two 
solemn  addresses  reminding  them  of  the  maivel- 
lous  fulfilment  of  God's  piomises  to  thtir  futhirs, 
and  warning  them  of  the  conditions  on  which  their 
prosperity  depended ;  and  lastly,  he  caused  them 
to  renew  their  covenant  with  God,  at  Shechtm,  a 
place  already  famous  in  connection  with  Jacob 
(Gen.  XXXV.  4),  and  Joseph  (Josh.  xxiv.  32).  He 
died  at  the  age  of  110  yeirs,  and  was  buried  in  his 
own  city,  Timnath-scrah.  He  was  a  devout  warrior, 
blameless  and  fearless,  who  had  been  taught  by 
serving  as  a  youth  how  to  command  as  a  man  ;  who 
earned  by  manly  vigor  a  quiet,  honored  old  age ;  w  ho 
combined  strength  with  gentleness,  ever  looking  up 
for  and  obeying  the  Divine  impulse  with  the  pim- 
plieity  of  a  child,  while  he  wielded  great  power  and 
directed  it  calmly,  and  without  swerving,  to  the  ac- 
complishment of  a  high,  unselfish  purpose.  Joshua 
is  often  considered  a  type  of  Christ  (Ileb.  iv.  8). 
(Joshua,  Book  of.) — S.  An  inhabitant  of  Beth- 
shemesh,  in  whose  land  was  the  stone  at  which  the 
mi'ch-kine  stopped,  when  they  drew  the  ark  of 
God  with  the  ofTerings  of  the  Philistines  from  Ekron 
to  Beth-shemesh  (1  Sam.  vi.  14,  18). — 3.  A  gov- 
ernor of  a  city  w  ho  pave  his  name  to  a  gate  of  Jeru- 
salem (2  K.  xxiii.  b). — i,  A  high-priest,  Jeshva  4 
(Hag.  i.  14,  ii.  1 ;  Zeyh.  ill.  1,  &c.). 

JO!'h'll-a  (see  above),  Ccck  of.  1.  Authority. 
The  claim  of  Joshua  to  a  place  in  the  Canon  of  the 
0.  T.  has  never  been  disjutcd.  (Bible;  Ixspira- 
tion;  Old  Testament.)  Its  authoiity  is  confirmed 
by  the  references,  in  other  books  of  Holy  Scripture, 
to  the  events  which  are  related  in  it  (Ps.  Ixxviii. 
53-fi5;  Is.  xxvlii.  21;  Hah.  hi.  11-13;  Acts  vii. 
46;  Heb.  iv.  8,  xi.  30-32;  Jas.  ii.  26).  The  mir- 
acles which  it  relates,  and  particularly  that  of  the 
prolongation  of  the  day  of  the  battle  of  Makkiduh, 
have  led  some  critics  to  entertain  a  suspicion  of  the 
credibility  of  the  book  iis  a  history.  (Day  ;  Earth  ; 
MiRACLKS.)  The  treatment  of  the  Canaanites  which 
is  sanctioned  in  this  book  has  been  denounced  for 
its  severity  by  Eichhorn  and  eailier  writers.  But 
there  is  nothing  in  it  inconsistent  with  the  divine 
attribute  of  justice,  or  with  God's  ordinary  way  of 
governing  the  world.  (Ipolatrt.)  S<ime  discrep- 
oneies  are  alleged  by  De  Wette  and  Hauff  to  exist 
within  the  book  itself,  and  have  been  described  as 
material  difrercnces  and  contradictions.  But  they 
disappear  when  the  words  of  the  text  are  accurately 
stated  and  weighed,  and  they  do  not  affect  the  gen- 
eral credibility  of  the  book.  Other  discrepancies 
have  been  alleged  by  Dr.  Davidson,  with  the  view 
not  of  disparaging  the  credibiHty  of  the  book,  but 
of  supporting  the  theory  that  it  is  a  compilation 
from  two  distinct  documents.  These  are  not  suf- 
ficient either  to  impair  the  authority  of  the  book, 
or  to  prove  that  it  was  not  substantially  the  com- 
position of  one  author. — 2.  Scope  and  Contents. 
Joshua  is  a  distinct  whole  in  itself.  The  in- 
spired writer  records,  for  the  information  of  the 
nation  to  which  he  belonged,  the  acts  of  Joshua 
so  far  as  they  possessed  e  national  interest.  Per- 
haps no  part  of  the  Holy  Scripture  is  more  in- 
jured than  the  first  half  of  this  book  by  being 
printed  in  chapters  and  verses.  The  first  twelve 
chapters  form  a  continuous  narrative,  which  seems 
never  to  halt  or  flag.  And  the  description  is  frc-- 
qucntly  so  minute  as  to  show  the  hand  not  merely 
of  a  contemporary,  but  of  an  eye-witness.  Step  by 
step  we  are  led  on  through  the  solemn  preparation, 


503 


JOS 


JOZ 


the  arduous  struggle,  the  crowning  triumph.  The 
second  part  of  the  book  (Josh,  xiii.-xxi.)  has  been 
aptly  compared  to  the  Domesday-book  of  the  Nor- 
man conquerors  of  England.  The  documents  of 
which  it  consists  were  doubtless  the  abstract  of 
such  reports  as  were  supplied  by  the  men  whom 
Joshua  sent  out  (xviii.  8)  to  describe  the  land. 
The  book  may  be  regarded  as  con.^isting  of  three 
parts:  (a)  the  conquest  of  Canaan  (i.-xii.);  (6)  the 
partition  of  Canaan  (xiii.-xxii.) ;  (c)  Joshua's  fare- 
well (xxiii.-xxiv.).  The  events  related  iu  this  book 
extend  over  a  period  of  about  twenty-five  years, 
from  B.  c.  1451  to  1426.  (CnRONOLOGY  II.) — 3.  Au- 
thor. Nothing  is  really  known  as  to  the  authorship 
of  the  book.  Joshua  himself  is  generally  named  as 
the  author  by  the  Jewish  writers  and  the  Christian 
Fathers ;  and  a  great  number  of  critics  acquiesce 
more  or  less  entirely  in  that  belief.  Others  have 
conjectured  Phinehas,  Eleazar,  Samuel,  Jeremiah. 
Von  Lengerke  thinks  it  was  written  by  some  one 
in  the  time  of  Josiah ;  Davidson  by  some  one  in  the 
time  of  Siiul,  or  somewhat  later  ;  Masius,  Le  Clerc, 
Maurer,  and  others  by  some  one  who  lived  after  the 
Babylonish  Captivity.  It  has  been  supposed  that 
the  book  as  it  now  stands  is  a  compilation  from  two 
earlier  documents,  one,  the  original,  called  Elohistic, 
the  other  supplementary,  called  Jehovistic.  (God  ; 
Pextatecch.)  The  arguments,  though  insutlicient 
to  prove  that  Joshua  was  the  author,  yet  seem  tJ 
give  a  preponderance  in  favor  of  him  when  com- 
pared with  any  other  person  who  has  been  named 
(so  .Mr.  Bullock,  original  author  of  this  article). 
The  last  verses  (xxiv.  29-33)  were  obviously  adJed 
by  some  later  hand.  The  account  of  some  other 
events  may  have  been  inserted  in  Joshua  by  a  late 
transcriber.  "  The  book  )»a//  have  been  written 
during  Joshua's  lifetime,  and  cannot  have  been 
written  long  after"  (Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander,  in  Kitto; 
see  Josh.  vi.  25,  &c.). — 4.  There  is  extant  a  Samar- 
itan Book  of  Joshua  in  the  Arabic  language,  writ- 
ten iu  the  13th  century,  first  printed  at  Loyilen  in 
1848. 

J;)-si'nll  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  heals,  Ges. ; 
in  Apocrypha  and  N.  T.  Josias).  ]■  Son  of  A.\ion 
and  Jedidah,  succeedoi  his  Aither  as  king  of  Ju  lah 
B.  c.  04 1 ,  in  the  eighth  year  of  his  age,  and  reigned 
thirty-one  years.  (Israkl,  Kin'Odom  07;  Judah, 
KixonoM  OF.)  His  history  is  contained  in  2  K. 
xxii.-xxiv.  30;  2  Chr.  xxxiv.,  xxxv. ;  and  the  first 
twelve  chapters  of  Jeremiah  throw  much  light  upon 
the  general  character  of  the  Jews  in  his  days.  He 
began  in  the  eighth  year  of  his  reign  to  seek  the 
Lord  ;  and  in  his  twelfth  year,  and  for  six  years  af- 
terward, in  a  personal  progress  throughout  all  the 
land  of  Judah  and  Israel,  he  destroyed  everywhere 
high-places,  groves,  images,  and  all  outward  signs 
and  relics  of  idolatry.  The  Temple  was  restored 
under  a  special  commission  ;  and  in  the  course  of  the 
repairs  IIilkiah  the  priest  found  that  book  of  the 
Law  of  the  Lord  wliich  quickened  so  remarkably 
the  ardent  zeal  of  the  king.  The  great  day  of  Jo- 
siali's  life  was  the  day  of  the  Passover  in  the  eigh- 
teenth year  of  his  reign.  After  this,  his  endeavors 
to  abolish  every  trace  of  idolatry  and  superstition 
were  still  carried  on.  But  the  time  drew  near 
which  had  been  indicated  by  Hltldah  (2  K.  xxii.  20). 
When  Pharaoh-necho  went  from  Egypt  to  Carche- 
mish  to  carry  on  his  war  against  Assyria  (compare 
Hit.  ii.  159),  Josiah,  possibly  in  a  spirit  of  loyalty 
to  the  Assyrian  king  to  whom  he  may  have  been 
bound,  opposed  his  march  along  the  seacoast.  Ne- 
cho  reluctantly  paused  and  gave  him  battle  in  the 


valley  of  Esdraslon.  Josiah  was  mortally  wounded, 
and  died  before  he  could  reach  Jerusalem.  He  was 
buried  with  extraordinary  honors.  Huldah's  pre- 
diction that  he  should  be  gathered  to  the  grave  in 
peace  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  28)  must  be  interpreted  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  explanation  in  Jer.  xxxiv.  6. 
His  remains  were  buried  hi  peace,  and  he  did  not 
see  the  evil  which  was  soon  to  fall  on  Jerusalem 
and  Judah.  It  was  in  Josiah's  reign  (so  Mr.  Bul- 
lock) that  a  nomadic  horde  of  .'■cythuins  overran 
Asia  (Ildt.  i.  104-106).  Ewald  conjectures  that  the 
6yth  i'salm  was  composed  by  King  Josiah  during  a 
siege  of  Jerusalem  by  these  Scythians.  Beth-shan 
is  said  to  derive  its  Greek  name,  Scythopolis,  from 
these  invaders. — i.  The  son  of  Zephaniah,  at  whose 
house  the  prophet  Zechariah  was  commanded  to  as- 
semble the  chief  men  of  the  Captivity,  to  witness 
the  solemn  and  symbolical  crowning  of  Joshua  the 
high-priest  (Zech.  vi.  9). 

Jo^l'as  (L.  =  Josiah).  !■  Josiah,  king  of  Judah 
(1  Esd.  i.  1,  7,  18,  21-23,  25,  28,  29,  32-34  ;  Ecclus. 
xlix.  1,  4;  Bar.  i.  8;  Mat.  i.  10,  11).— 2.  Jesiiaiah, 
son  of  Athaliah  (1  Esd.  viii.  33;  compare  Ezr.  viii. 

7). 

Jos-i-bi  all  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  lets  dice!/, 
Ges.),  father  of  Jehu,  a  Simeonite  chief  (1  Chr.  iv. 
35). 

Jos-l-I>lli'tlb  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  mat/  Jehovah  in- 
crease, Ges.  ?  Jah  is  increaser,  Fii. ;  compare  JosLPii), 
father  or  ancestor  of  one  who  returned  with  Ezra 
(Ezr.  viii.  10).  A  word  is  evidently  omitted  in  the 
first  part  of  the  verse.  The  LXX.  read,  "  of  the 
sons  of  Bani,  Shelomith,  the  son  of  Josiphiah." 

*  Jot  (fr.  the  Ileb.  letter  jod  or  yod,  the  smallest 
in  the  alphabet)  =  the  smallest  part  (Mat.  v.  18). 

Jot  bah  (fr.  Heb.  =  goodness,  pleasantness,  Ges.), 
the  native  place  of  Meshullemeth,  the  queen  of  Ma- 
nasseh  (2  K.  xxi.  19);  supposed  by  Mr.  Wilton  (in 
Fairbairn)  to  be  at  the  modern  village  c^-Tai^iJtA 
(Ophrah  1  ?). 

Jot'batli,  or  Jot'ba-thah  (both  fr.  Ilcb.  =:  Jot- 
BAH,  Ges.)  (Deut.  x.  7;  Num.  xxxiii.  33),  a  desert 
station  of  the  Israelites;  identified  with  Wady  el- 
'Adhbeh,  N.  W.  of  'Akabah.  Wilderness  of  the 
Wanderino. 

Jo'tham  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jehovah  is  upright,  Ges.).  1  > 
The  youngest  son  of  Gideon  (Judg.  ix.  5),  who  es- 
caped from  the  massacre  of  his  brethren  by  their 
half-brother  Abimelech.  His  parable  of  the  reign 
of  the  bramble  is  the  earliest  example  of  the  kind. 
Nothing  is  known  of  him  afterward,  except  that  he 
dwelt  at  Beer. — 2.  Son  of  King  Uzziah  (or  Azariah) 
and  Jerushah.  After  administering  the  kingdom 
of  Judah  for  some  years  during  his  father's  leprosy, 
he  succeeded  to  the  throne  b.  c.  758,  when  he  was 
twenty-five  years  old,  and  reigned  sixteen  years  in 
Jerusalem.  (Israel,  Kingdom  of  ;  Judaii,  King- 
dom OF.)  He  was  contemporary  with  Pekah  and 
witli  the  prophet  Isaiah.  His  history  is  contained 
in  2  K.  XV.  and  2  Chr.  xxvii.  He  did  right  in  the 
sight  of  the  Lord,  and  his  reign  was  prosperous, 
although  the  high-places  were  not  removed. — 3>  A 
descendant  of  Judah  ;  son  of  Jahdai  (1  Chr.  il.  47). 

Joz'fl-bad  (L.  fr.  Heb.,  contracted  from  Jehoza- 
bad;  also  written  Josabad).  I.  A  captain  of  Ma- 
nasseh,  who  joined  David  before  the  battle  of  Gil- 
boa  (1  Chr.  xii.  20).— 2.  A  hero  of  Manasseh,  like 
the  preceding  (ibid.). — 3.  A  Levite  in  Hezekiah's 
reign,  an  overseer  of  offerings  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  13). 
— i.  A  chief  Levite  in  Josiah's  reign  (xxxv.  9).— Si 
A  Levite,  son  of  Jeshua,  in  the  days  of  Ezra;  as- 
sistant in  registering  the  number  and  weight  of  the 


1 


JOZ 


3XTB 


503 


sacred  vessels,  &c.  (Ezr.  viii.  83) ;  probably  =  No. 
1. — S.  A  priest  of  the  sons  of  Pashur,  who  had 
married  a  foreign  wife  (x.  22).— 7.  A  Levite  among 
those  who  returned  with  E?.ra  and  had  married 
foreign  wives  (x.  23;  1  Esd.  ix.  23);  probably  = 
Jozabad  who  assisted  when  the  Law  was  read  by 
Ezra  (\eh.  viii.  7),  and  Jozabad  who  presided  over 
the  outer  work  of  the  Temple  (xi.  16),  and  No.  6. 

Joz'a-cliar  [-kar]  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  re- 
tnfmbera,  Ges.),  son  of  Shimeath  the  Ammonites?, 
and  one  of  the  murderers  of  Joash,  king  of  Judah 
(2  K.  xii.  21).  2  Chr.  xxiv.  26  calls  him  Zabad, 
which  may  be  a  clerical  error  for  Jozachar. 

Joz'a-<tak  (fr.  Heb.),  the  contracted  form  of  Je- 
noZADAK  (Ezr.  iii.  2,  8,  v.  2,  x.  18;  Neh.  xii.  26). 

Jn'bal  (fr.  Heb.  =  music ?  Ges.;  compare  Jrni- 
lEE),  a  son  of  Lamech  by  Adah,  and  the  inventor 
of  the  "harp  and  organ"  (Gen.  iv.  21),  probably 
general  terms  for  stringed  and  wind  instruments. 

Jn'bi-lee  (fr.  Heb.  yobel ;  see  below),  the  Year  of, 
the  fiftieth  year,  i.  e.  the  year  after  the  succession 
of  seven  Sabbatical  years,  in  which  all  the  land 
which  had  been  alienated  returned  to  the  families  of 
those  to  whom  it  had  been  originally  allotted,  and  all 
bondmen  of  Hebrew  blood  were  liberated. — I.  The 
relation  in  which  it  stood  to  the  Sabbatical  year 
and  the  general  directions  for  its  obser^'ance  are 
given  in  Lev.  xxv.  8-16  and  23-65.  Its  bearing  on 
lands  dedicated  to  Jehovah  is  stated  in  xxvii.  16-25. 
There  is  no  mention  of  the  Jubilee  in  Deuteronomy, 
and  the  only  other  reference  to  it  in  the  Pentateuch 
is  in  Num.  xxxvi.  4. — IL  The  year  was  inaugurated 
on  the  Day  of  Atonement  with  the  blowing  of  trum- 
pets throughout  the  land,  and  by  a  proclamation  of 
universal  liberty. — 1.  The  soil  was  kept  under  the 
same  condition  of  rest  as  had  existed  during  the 
preceding  Sabbatical  year.  There  was  to  be  neither 
ploughing,  sowing,  nor  reaping ;  but  the  chance 
produce  was  to  be  left  for  the  use  of  all  comers. — 
2.  Every  Israelite  returned  to  "  his  possession  and 
to  his  family;"  i.  e.  he  recovered  his  right  in  the 
land  originally  allotted  to  the  family  of  which  he 
was  a  member,  if  he,  or  his  ancestor,  had  parted 
with  it.  (a)  A  strict  rule  to  prevent  fraud  and  in- 
justice in  such  transactions  is  laid  down  : — if  a  He- 
brew, urged  by  poverty,  had  to  dispose  of  a  field, 
the  price  was  determined  according  to  the  time  of 
the  sale  in  reference  to  the  approach  of  the  next 
Jubilee.  (6)  The  possession  of  the  field  could,  at 
any  time,  be  recovered  by  tlie  original  proprietor,  if 
his  circumstances  improved,  or  by  his  next  of  kin. 
(e)  Houses  in  walled  cities  were  not  subject  to  the 
law  of  Jubilee,  (rf)  Houses  and  buildings  in  vil- 
laees,  or  in  the  country,  being  regarded  as  essen- 
tially connected  with  the  cultivation  of  the  lind, 
were  not  excepted,  but  returned  in  the  Jubilee  with 
the  land  on  which  they  stood.  («)  The  Levitieal 
cities  were  not,  in  respect  to  this  law,  reckoned  with 
walled  towns.  (/)  If  a  man  had  sanctified  a  field 
of  his  patrimony  unto  the  Lord,  it  could  be  re- 
deemed at  any  time  before  the  next  year  of  Jul>ilec, 
on  his  paying  one-fifth  in  addition  to  the  worth  of 
the  crops,  rated  at  a  stated  valuation  (Lev.  xxvii. 
19).  If  not  80  redeemed,  it  became,  at  the  Jubilee, 
devoted  for  ever.  (.7)  If  he  who  had  purchased  the  [ 
usnfnict  of  a  field  sanctified  it,  he  could  redeem  it  j 
till  the  next  Jubilee.,  i.  e.  a«  long  as  his  claim  [ 
lasted  ;  hut  it  then,  as  justice  required,  returned  to 
the  original  proprietor  (ver.  22-24). — 3.  All  Israel- 
ites who  had  become  bondmen,  cither  to  their  coun- 1 
trymcn,  or  to  resident  foreigners,  were  set  free  in 
the  Jubilee  (xxv.  40,  41),  when  it  happened  to  oc-  i 


cur  before  their  seventh  year  of  servitude,  in  which 
they  became  free  by  the  operation  of  another  law 
(Ex.  xxi.  2).  Such  was  the  law  of  the  year  of  Ju- 
bilee, as  it  is  given  in  the  Pentateuch. — III.  Jose- 
phus  (iii.  12,  §  3)  states  that  all  debts  were  remitted 
in  the  year  of  Jubilee,  while  the  Scripture  speaks 
of  the  remission  of  debts  only  in  connection  with 
the  Sabbatical  year  (Deut.  xv.  1,  2).  He  also  de-, 
scribes  the  terms  on  which  the  holder  of  a  piece  of 
land  resigned  it  in  the  Jubilee  to  the  original  pro- 
prietor. Philo  gives  an  account  of  the  Jubilee 
agreeing  with  that  in  Leviticus,  and  says  nothing 
of  the  remission  of  debts. — IV.  There  are  several 
very  difficult  questions  connected  with  the  Jubilee, 
of  which  we  now  proceed  to  give  a  brief  view  ; — 1. 
Origin  of  the  word  Jubilee.  The  etymology  of  the 
Hebrew  yihel,  from  which  comes  Jubilee,  is  much 
disputed.  The  Targum  of  Jonathan,  the  Talmud, 
Rashi,  Kimchi,  Fiirst,  &c.,  make  it  primarily  =  a 
ram,  then  by  metonymy  a  ram's  horn,  and  the 
sound  produced  by  the  horn.  According  to  the 
LXX.,  Josephus,  &.C.,  it  primarily  =  one  vho  is  at 
Hbtrly,  then  abstractly  freedom,  lilerty  (Dr.  Gins- 
burg,  &c.).  Gcscnius,  the  Vulgate,  &c.,  regard  the 
word  as  onomatojioetic,  =  a  cry  of  joy,  jotful 
shout,  then  transferred  to  the  sound  or  clam/or  of 
trumpets.  It  is  now  very  generally  asciihed  to  the 
root  ydbal  (=  lofow  impetuously),  and  its  meaning 
would  seem  to  be  a  rushinp,  penetrating  sound.  The 
word  yobel  (A.  V.  "  trumpet,"  margin  "  cobnet  ")  is 
used  in  Ex.  xix.  18. — 2.  Was  the  Jvbilee  every  i^th 
or  both  year?  If  the  plain  words  of  Lev.  xxv.  10 
are  to  be  followed,  this  question  need  not  be  asked. 
The  statement  that  the  Jubilee  was  the  fiftieth  year, 
after  the  succession  of  seven  weeks  of  years,  and 
that  it  was  distinguished  from,  not  identical  with, 
the  seventh  Sabbatical  year,  is  as  evident  as  lan- 
guage can  make  it  (so  Mr.  Clark).  The  simplest 
view,  and  the  only  one  which  accords  with  the  sa- 
cred text,  is,  that  the  year  which  followed  the  sev- 
enth  !-abbatical  year  was  the  Jubilee,  which  was  in- 
tercalated between  two  series  of  Sabbatical  years, 
so  that  the  next  year  was  the  first  of  a  new  half 
century,  and  the  seventh  year  after  that  was  the 
first  Sabbatical  year  of  the  other  series. — S.  Were 
debts  remitted  in  the  Jubilee ?  Not  a  word  is  said  of 
this  in  the  0.  T.,  or  in  I'hilo.  The  adiimative  rests 
entirely  on  the  authority  of  Josephus.  XIainionidcs 
says  expressly  that  the  remission  of  debts  was  a 
point  of  distinction  between  the  Sabbatical  year  and 
the  Jubilee. — V.  Maimonidcs,  and  the  Jewish  wri- 
ters in  general,  consider  that  the  Jubilee  was  ob- 
served till  the  destruction  of  the  first  Temjile.  Hut 
there  is  no  direct  historical  notice  of  its  observance 
on  any  one  occa.^ion,  either  in  the  0.  T.,  or  in  any 
other  records.  The  only  pa.ssages  in  the  Prophets 
which  can  be  regarded  with  mtich  confidence,  as 
referring  to  the  Jubilee  in  any  wav,  are  Is.  v.  1— 
10,  Ixi.  1,  2,  and  Ez.  vii.  12,  13,"xlvi.  16-18.— 
VI.  The  Jubilee  is  to  be  regarded  as  tlie  outer  cir- 
cle of  that  great  Sabbatical  system  which  comprises 
within  it  the  Sabbatical  year,  the  Sabbatical  month, 
and  the  Sabbath  day.  (Festivals.)  But  the  Jubi- 
lee is  more  immediately  connected  with  the  body 
politic  ;  and  it  was  only  as  a  member  of  the  state 
that  each  person  concerned  could  participate  in  its 
provisions.  It  was  not  distinguished  by  any  pre- 
scribed religious  observance  peculiar  to  itself,  like 
the  rites  of  the  Sabbath  day  and  of  the  Sabbatical 
month  ;  or  even  by  any  thing  like  the  reading  of  the 
Law  in  the  Sabbatical  }'ear.  But  in  the  Hebrew 
state,  polity  and  religion  were  never  separated,  nor 


am 


JTO 


JUD 


was  their  essential  connection  ever  dropped  out  of 
sight.  As  far  as  legislation  could  go,  its  provisions 
tended  to  restore  that  equality  in  outward  circum- 
stances which  was  instituted  in  the  first  settlement 
of  the  land  by  Joshua.  But  if  we  look  upon  it  in 
its  more  special  character,  as  a  part  of  the  divine 
law  appointed  for  the  chosen  people,  its  practical 
bearing  was  to  vindicate  the  right  of  each  Israelite 
to  his  part  in  the  covenant  which  Jeliovah  had 
made  with  his  fathers  respecting  the  land  of  prom- 
ise.     AORIOOLTBRE. 

Ja'ctl  (fr.  Heb.)  =:  Jehucal  (Jer.  xxxviii.  1). 

Jo'dA  (L.  fr.  Judas).  !•  Son  of  Joseph  in  the 
GENEALOGY  OF  Jesds  Christ  (Lk.  iii.  30). — i.  Son 
of  Joanna,  or  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey)  Hananiah  8 
(Lk.  iii.  26).  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  supposes  him 
=  Abiud  in  Mat.  i.  13.— 3.  One  of  the  Lord's  breth- 
ren, enumerated  in  lilt.  vi.  3  (see  James). — 1.  The 
patriarch  Judah  (Sus.  56 ;  Lk.  iii.  33 ;  Heb.  vii. 
14;  Rev.  v.  5,  vii.  5).  In  Mat.  ii.  6  and  1  Mc.  ii.  6, 
18,    Juda  =  the    land    of   Judah's    descendants. 

JUTTAH. 

Jn-d»'ii  [-dee-]  (L.)  =  Judea. 

Jn'd  ih  (fr.  Hjb.  Yehitdih  =  celebrated,  lauded, 
praised,  Ges.),  also  written  Jdda  or  Jodas.  1. 
Fourth  son  of  Jacob  and  fourth  of  Leah,  the  last 
before  the  temporary  cessation  in  the  births  of  her 
chililren.  His  whole-brothers  were  Reulien,  Simeon, 
and  Levi,  elder  than  himself — Issachar  and  Zebulun 
younger  (see  Uen.  xxxv.  23).  Of  Judah's  personal 
character  more  traits  arj  preserved  than  of  any 
other  of  the  patriarchs,  excspt  Joseph.  In  the 
matter  of  the  sale  of  Joseph,  he  and  Reuben  stand 
out  in  favorable  contrast  to  the  rest  of  the  brothers. 
When  a  second  visit  to  Egypt  for  corn  had  become 
inevital)le,  Julah,  as  the  mouthpiece  of  the  rest, 
heided  thj  remonstrance  against  the  detention  of 
Benjamin  by  Jacob,  and  finally  undertook  to  be  re- 
sponsible for  the  safety  of  the  lad  (xliii.  3-10). 
And  when,  through  Joseph's  artifice,  the  brotliL'rs 
were  brought  back  to  the  palace,  he  is  again  the 
leader  and  spo'.cesman  of  the  band.  He  makes  that 
wonderful  appeal  which  renders  it  impossible  f)r 
Joseph  any  longer  to  conceal  his  secret  (xliv.  14, 
16-34).  So  too  Judah  is  sent  before  Jacob  to 
smooth  the  way  for  him  in  the  land  of  Goshen  (xlvi. 
23).  This  ascendancy  over  his  brethren  is  reflected 
In  the  last  worls  addressed  to  him  by  his  father 
(xlix.  8-10).  (Shiloh.)  His  sons  were  five.  Of 
these,  three  were  by  his  Canaanite  wife,  "  the 
daughter  of  Shuah."  They  are  all  insignificant : 
two,  Ett  and  0.«jan,  died  early;  the  third,  Shelah, 
does  not  come  prominently  forward,  cither  in  his 
person  or  his  family.  The  otlier  two,  Pharez  and 
Zebah,  were  illegitimate  sons  by  the  widow  of  Er, 
the  eldest  of  the  former  family.  (Tamar  1.)  As  is 
not  unfrequently  the  case,  the  illegitimate  sons  sur- 
passed the  legitimate,  and  from  Phare/.,  the  elder, 
were  descended  the  royal  and  other  illustrious  fami- 
lies of  Judah.  Tiiese  sons  were  born  to  Judah 
wiiile  he  was  living  in  the  same  district  of  Palestine 
which,  centuries  after,  was  repossessed  by  his  de- 
scendants. The  three  sons  went  with  their  father 
into  Egypt  at  the  final  removal  tliither  (xlvi.  12; 
Ex.  i.  2).  When  we  again  meet  with  the  families 
of  Judah  they  occupy  a  position  among  the  tribes 
similar  to  that  which  their  progenitor  had  taken 
amongst  the  patriarchs.  The  numbers  of  the  tribe 
at  the  census  at  Sinai  were  74,600  (Xum.  i.  26,  27), 
considerably  in  advance  of  any  of  the  others,  the 
largest  of  which — Dan — numbered  62,700.  On  the 
borders  of  the  Promised  Land  they  were  76,500 


I  (xxvi.  22),  Dan  being  still  the  nearest.  The  chief 
of  the  tribe  at  tlie  former  census  was  Xahshox  ; 
its  representative  among  the  spies  was  Caleb,  the 
son  of  Jephimneh.  During  the  march  through  tlie 
desert  Judah's  place  was  in  the  van  of  the  host,  on 
the  east  side  of  the  Tabernacle,  with  his  kinsmen 
Issachar  and  Zebulun  (ii.  3-9,  x.  14).     During  the 

'  conquest  of  the  country  the  only  incidents  specially 

]  affecting  the  tribe  of  Judah  are — (1.)  the  misdeed 
of  Achan,  who  was  of  the  great  house  of  Zcrah 
(Josh.  vii.  1,  16-18);  and  (2.)  the  conquest  of  the 
mountain  district  of  Hebron  by  Caleb,  and  of  the 
strong  city  Debir,  in  the  same  locality,  by  his 
nephew  (or  brother)  and  son-in-law  Othniel  (xiv.  6- 
15,  XV.  13-19).  The  boundaries  and  contents  of 
the  territory  allotted  to  Judah  are  narrated  at  great 
length,  and  with  greater  minuteness  than  the  oth- 
ers, in  Josh.  XV.  20-63.  The  N.  boundary,  for  the 
most  part  coincident  with  the  S.  boundary  of  Ben- 
jamin, began  at  the  mouth  of  the  Jordan,  entered 
the  hills  apparently  at  or  about  the  present  road 
from  Jericho,  ran  W.  to  En-sliemcsh,  probably  the 
present  'Ain  Hand,  below  Bethany,  thence  over  the 
Mount  of  Olives  to  JEn-rogel,  in  the  valley  beneath  Je- 
rusalem ;  went  along  the  ravine  of  Hiunom,  under  the 
precipices  of  the  city,  climbed  the  hill  in  a  X.  W.  di- 
rection to  the  water  of  the  Xephtoah  (probably  Lifta ), 
and  thence  by  Kirjatli-jcarim  (probably  Kuriel  el- 
'Enab),  Beth-shemcsh  ('Ain  Sheyrui),  Timiiatli,  and 
EUron  to  Jabneel  on  the  sea-coast.  On  the  E.  the 
Dead  Sea,  and  on  the  W.  tlic  Mediterranean  formed 
the  boundaries.  The  southern  line  is  hard  to  de- 
termine, since  it  is  denoted  by  places  many  of  whicli 
have  not  been  identified.  It  left  the  Dead  Sea  at 
its  extreme  southern  end,  and  joined  the  Mediter- 
ranean at  the  Wad//  eV Arkh.  This  territory,  in 
average  length  about  forty-five  miles,  and  in  average 
breadth  about  fifty,  was  from  a  very  early  date  di- 
videil  into  four  main  regions. — (I.)  The  South — the 
undulating  pasture  country  which  intervened  be- 
tween the  hills,  the  proper  possession  of  tlie  tribe, 
and  the  deserts  which  encompass  the  lower  part  of, 

!  Palestine  (Josh.  xv.  21).  The  nearlv  fortv  names 
in  the  Ileb.  and  A.  V.  of  Josh.  xv. '21-32,  Wilton 
(Tlif  Neyeb)  and  Rowlands  (in  Fairbairn  under  "S. 
Country  ")  reduce  to  twenty-nine  (the  nund)er  given  . 
in  ver.  32),  by  regarding  compound  names  in  several 
cases  as  erroneously  divided  into  distinct  names 
(see  the  articles  on  the  names  in  this  Dictionarv).— , 
(II.)  The  Lowland  (\v.  33;  A.  V.  "valley,"  "vale," 
"  low  country,"  "low  plains,"  "  plain  "),  or  to  give 
it  its  own  proper  and  constant  appellation.  The 
ShSpheWi  (Sepiiela),  the  broad  belt  or  strip  lying 
Ijetween  the  central  highlands,  "  the  mountain," 
and  the  Mediterranean  Sea ;  the  lower  portion  of 
that  maritime  plain,  which  extends  through  the 
whole  of  the  sea-board  of  Palestine,  from  Sidon  in 
the  X.  to  Rhinocolura  at  the  S.  This  tract  was  the 
garden  and  the  granary  of  the  tribe.  From  the 
edge  of  the  sandy  tract,  which  fringes  the  imme- 
diate shore  right  up  to  the  very  wall  of  the  hills  of 
Judah,  stretches  the  immense  plain  of  corn-fields. 
— (III.)  The  third  region  of  the  tribe — Hie  Mountain^ 
the    "  hill-country    of   Judah " — though   not    the 

'[  richest,  was  at  once  the  largest  and  most  important 
of  the  four.  Begiiming  a  few  miles  below  Hebron, 
where  it  attains  its  highest  level,  it  stretches  E.  to 

1  the  Dead  Sea,  and  W.  to  the  Lowland,  and  forms 
an  elevated  district  or  plateau,  which,  though 
thrown  into  considerable  undulations,  yet  preserves 
a  general  level  in  both  directions.     The  surface  of 

I  this  region,  which  is  of  limestone,  is  monotonous 


I 


JXJD 


JUD 


505 


enoufi^h. — (IV.)  The  fourth  district  is  the  Wildemas 
{Midiar,  Ueb. ;  see  Desert  2),  which  here  and  here 
only  appears  to  be  synonymous  with  Arabah,  and 
to  signify  tlie  sunken  district  immediately  adjoining 
the  i)ead  Sea.  Nine  cities  of  Judab  were  allotted 
to  the  priests.  In  the  partition  of  the  territory  by 
Joshua  and  Eleazar  (Jo-^h.  xix.  61),  Judah  had  the 
first  allotment  (.xv.  1).  The  most  striking  circum- 
stance in  the  early  history  of  the  tribe  is  the  deter- 
mined manner  in  which  it  keeps  aloof  from  the  rest 
— neither  ofi'ering  its  aid  nor  asking  that  of  others. 
The  same  independent  mode  of  action  marks  the 
foundation  of  the  monarchy  after  the  death  of  Saul. 
(David.)  Their  conduct  later,  when  brought  into 
collision  with  Ephraim  on  the  matter  of  the  resto- 
ration of  David,  shows  that  the  men  of  Judah  had 
pre-^erved  their  original  character.  The  same  inde- 
pendent temper  will  be  found  to  characterize  the 
tribe  throughout  its  existence  as  a  kingdom.  (Jc- 
DAH,  Kingdom  or.) — 2.  A  Levite  ancestor  of  Kad- 
miel  (Ezr.  iii.  9);  believed  by  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  = 
HoDAViAH  3  and  IIodevah. — 3.  A  Levite  who  was 
obliged  by  Ezra  to  put  away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr. 
X.  23).  Probably  the  same  person  is  intended  in 
Neh.  xii.  8,  36. — i.  A  Benjamite,  son  of  Senuah 
(xi.  9). — 5>  One  who  took  part  in  the  dedication  of 
the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (xii.  34). 

Jn'dab  (see  above), Kingdom  ofi  When  the  dis- 
ruption of  Solomon's  kingdom  took  place  at  She- 
chem,  only  the  tribe  of  Jcdah  followed  the  house 
of  David.  But  almost  immediately  afterward,  when 
Kehoboam  conceived  the  design  of  establishing  his 
authority  over  Israel  by  force  of  arms,  the  tribe  of 
Benjamin  also  is  recorded  as  obeying  his  summons, 
and  contributing  its  warriors  to  make  up  his  army. 
Jerusalem  connected  the  frontiers  of  the  two  tribes 
by  an  uidissoluble  political  head.  Two  Benjamite 
towns.  Bethel  and  Jericho,  were  included  in  the 
northern  kingdom.  (Israel,  Kingdom  op.)  A  part, 
if  not  all  of  the  territory  of  Simeon  (1  Sam.  xxvii. 
6 ;  1  K.  xix.  3;  compare  Josh.  xix.  l)  and  of  Dan 
(2  Chr.  xi.  10;  compare  Josh.  xix.  41,42),  was  rec- 
ognized as  belonging  to  Judah ;  and  in  the  reigns 
of  Abijah  and  Asa  the  southern  kingdom  was  en- 
larged by  some  additions  taken  out  of  the  territory 
of  Ephraim  (2  Chr.  xiii.  19,  xv.  8,  xvii.  2).  A  sin- 
gular gauge  of  the  growth  of  the  kingdom  of  Ju- 
dah is  supplied  by  the  progressive  augmentation  of 
the  army  under  successive  kings.  Probably  the 
population  subject  to  each  king  was  about  four 
times  the  number  of  the  fighting  men  in  his  do- 
minions. (Abijah  1;  Census.)  Unless  Judah  had 
some  other  means  besides  pasture  and  tillage  of 
acquiring  wealth — as  by  maritime  commerce  from 
the  Red  Sea  ports,  or  (less  probably)  from  Joppa, 
or  by  keeping  up  the  old  trade  (1  K.  x.  28)  with 
Egypt — it  seems  difficult  to  account  for  that  ability 
to  iiccumulate  wealth  which  supplied  the  Temple 
treasury  with  sufficient  store  to  invite  so  frequently 
the  hand  of  the  spoiler.  Egypt,  Damascus,  Sama- 
ria, Nineveh,  and  Babylon,  had  each  in  succession 
a  share  of  the  pillage.  The  treasury  was  emptied 
by  Shishak  (1  K.  xiv.  26),  again  by  Asa  (xv.  18),  by 
Jehoush  of  Judah  (2  K.  xii.  18),  by  Jehoash  of 
Israel  (xiv.  14),  by  Ahaz  (xvi.  8),  by  Hezekiah  (xviii. 
16),  ami  by  Nebuchadnezzar  (xxiv.  13).  The  king- 
dom of  Judah  possessed  many  advantages  which 
secufed  for  it  a  longer  continuance  than  that  of 
Israel.  A  frontier  less  exposed  to  powerful  ene- 
mies, a  soil  less  fertile,  a  population  hardier  and 
more  unitetl,  a  fixed  and  venerated  centre  of  ad- 
ministration and  religion,  an  hereditary  aristocracy 


in  the  sacerdotal  caste,  an  army  always  subordinate, 
a  succession  of  kings  which  no  revolution  inter- 
rupted, many  of  whom  were  wise  and  good ;  still 
more,  the  devotion  of  the  people  to  the  One  True 
God  (Idolatry);  and  the  popular  reverence  for  and 
obedience  to  the  Divine  law — to  these  and  other 
secondary  causes  is  to  be  attributed  the  fact  that 
Judab  survived  her  more  populous  and  more  power- 
ful sister  kingdom  by  136  years,  and  lasted  from 
B.  c.  976  to  B.  c.  636.  Judah  acted  on  three  dif- 
ferent lines  of  policy :  animosity  against  Israi  1 ;  re- 
sistance to  Damascus ;  deference,  perhaps  vassalage, 
to  the  Assyrian  king,  (a.)  The  first  three  kings  of 
Judah  seem  to  have  cherished  the  hope  of  reestab- 
lishing their  authority  over  the  Ten  Tribes ;  for 
sixty  years  there  was  war  between  them  and  the 
kings  of  Israel.  The  victory  achieved  by  the  daring 
Abijah  brought  to  Judah  a  temporary  accession  of 
territory.  Asa  appears  to  have  enlarged  it  still 
further.  (A.)  Hanani's  remonstrance  (2  Chr.  xvi.  7) 
prepares  us  for  the  reversal  by  Jehoshaphat  of  the 
policy  which  Asa  pursued  toward  Israel  and  Da- 
mascus. A  close  alliance  sprang  up  with  strange 
rapidity  between  Judah  and  Israel.  (Alliances.) 
Jehoshaphat,  active  and  prosperous,  repelled  nomad 
invaders  from  the  desert,  curbed  the  aggressive  spirit 
of  his  nearer  neighbors,  and  made  his  influence  felt 
even  among  the  Philistines  and  Arabians.  Amaziah, 
flushed  with  the  recovery  of  Edom,  provoked  a  war 
with  his  more  powerful  contemporary  Jehoash,  the 
conqueror  of  the  Syrians ;  and  Jerusalem  was  en- 
tered and  plundered  by  the  Israelites.  Under  Uz- 
ziah  and  Jotham,  Judah  long  enjoyed  political  and 
religious  prosperity,  till  Ahaz  became  the  tributary 
and  vassal  of  Tiglath-pileser.  (c.)  Already  in  the 
fatal  grasp  of  Assyria,  Judah  was  yet  spared  for  a 
chequered  existence  of  almost  another  century  and 
a  half  after  the  termination  of  the  kingdom  of  Is- 
rael. The  consummation  of  the  ruin  came  upon 
them  in  the  destruction  of  the  Temple  by  the  hand 
of  Nebuzaradan,  amid  the  wailings  of  prophets, 
and  the  taunts  of  heathen  tribes  released  at  length 
from  the  yoke  of  David.  Captivity  ;  Jerusalem  ; 
Jew. 

Jn'das,  the  Latinized  Greek  form  of  Judah,  oc- 
curring in  the  LXX.  and  N.  T.  1.  Judah  3  (1  Esd. 
ix.  23). — 2.  Third  son  of  Mattathias,  "  called  Mac 
cabeus ;"  the  leader  of  the  Jewish  patriots  (1  Mc. 
ii.  4,  &c.).  (Maccabees.) — 3>  Son  of  Calphi ;  a  Jew- 
ish general  under  Jonathan  (xi.  70). — 1.  A  Jew  oc- 
cupying a  conspicuous  position  at  Jerusalem  at  the 
time  of  the  mission  to  Aristobulus  and  the  Egyp- 
tian Jews  (2  Mc.  i.  10). — 5.  A  son  of  Simon,  and 
brother  of  John  Hyrcanus  (1  Mc.  xvi.  2),  murdered 
by  Ptolemeus  the  usurper,  either  at  the  same  time 
(about  B.  c.  186)  with  his  father  (xvi.  16  ff.),  or 
shortly  afterward.  (Maccabees.)— 6.  The  patri- 
arch Judah  (Mat.  i.  2,  3). — 7.  A  man  residing  at 
Damascus,  in  "  the  street  which  is  called  Straight," 
in  whose  house  Saul  of  Tarsus  lodged  after  his 
miraculous  conversion  (Acts  ix.  11).    Paul. 

Jn'das  (see  above),  surnamed  Bar'sa-bas  (Barsa- 
BAs),  a  leading  member  of  the  Apostolic  church  at  Je- 
rusalem (Acts  XV.  22),endued  with  the  gift  of  prophecy 
(ver.  32),  chosen  with  Silas  to  accompany  Paul  and 
Barnabas  as  delegates  to  the  church  at  Antioch,  to 
make  known  the  decree  concerning  the  terms  of 
admis.sion  of  the  Gentile  converts  (ver.  27).  After 
employing  their  prophetical  gifts  for  the  confirma- 
tion of  the  Syrian  Christians  in  the  faith,  Judas 
went  back  to  Jerusalem.  Nothing  further  is  re- 
corded of  bim. 


506 


JUD 


JTTD 


Ja'das  (see  above)  of  Gal'l-lee  (Galilee),  the 
leader  of  a  popular  revolt  "  in  the  days  of  the  tax- 
ing "  (i.  e.  the  census,  under  the  prefecture  of  Qui- 
rmu3  [Cyrenius],  a.  d.  6,  a.  c.  c.  769),  referred  to 
by  Gamaliel  in  his  speech  before  the  Sanhedrim 
(Acts  V.  37).  According  to  Josephus  (xviii.  1,  §  1), 
Judas  was  a  Gaulonite  of  the  city  of  Gamala,  prob- 
ably taking  his  name  of  Galilean  from  hia  insurrec- 
tion having  had  its  rise  in  Galilee.  His  revolt  had 
a  theocratic  character,  the  watchword  of  which  was, 
"  We  have  no  Lord  or  Master  but  God."  Judas 
himself  perished,  and  his  followers  were  dispersed. 
With  his  fellow-insurgent  Sadoc,  a  Pharisee,  Judas 
ii  represented  by  Josephus  as  the  founder  of  a 
fourth  sect,  in  addition  to  the  Pharisees,  Sadducees, 
and  Essenes.  The  Gaulonites,  as  his  followers  were 
called,  may  be  regarded  as  the  doctrinal  ancestor-s 
of  the  Zealots  and  Sicarii  of  later  days.  Jerusa- 
lem. 

Jn'dis  (see  above)  Is-ear'i-ot  (see  below).  He  is 
sometimes  called  "  the  son  of  Simon  "  (Jn.  vi.  71, 
xiii.  2,  26),  but  more  commonly  (the  three  Synoptic 
Gospels  give  no  other  name)  Iscariot  (Mat.  x.  4 ; 
Mk.  iii.  19;  Lk.  vi.  16,  &c.).  In  the  three  lists  of 
the  Twelve  there  is  added  in  each  case  the  fact  that 
he  was  the  betrayer.  The  name  Iscariot  (L.  hcari- 
oies;  Gr.  hkaridth)  has  received  many  interpreta- 
tions more  or  less  conjectural.  The  most  probable 
are — (1.)  From  Kerioth  (Josh.  xv.  25),  in  the  tribe 
of  Judah.  On  this  hypothesis  his  position  among 
the  Twelve,  the  rest  of  whom  belonged  to  Galilee 
(Acts  ii.  7),  would  be  exceptional ;  and  this  has  led 
to— (2.)  From  Kartha  in  Gahlee  ("  Kartan,"  A.  V., 
Josh.  xxi.  32). — (3.)  From  L.  scortea,  a  leathern 
apron,  the  name  being  applied  to  him  as  the  bearer 
of  the  bag,  and  =  Jndaa  with  the  apron. — Of  the 
life  of  Judas,  before  the  appearance  of  his  name 
in  the  lists  of  the  apostles,  we  know  absolutely 
nothing.  What  that  appearance  implie-i,  however, 
is  that  he  had  previously  declared  himself  a  dis- 
ciple. He  was  drawn,  as  the  others  were,  by  the 
preaching  of  the  Baptist,  or  his  own  Messianic 
hopes,  or  the  "  gracious  words  "  of  the  new  Teacher, 
to  leave  his  former  life,  and  to  obey  the  call  of  the 
Prophet  of  Nazareth.  The  choice  was  not  made, 
we  must  remember,  without  a  foreseeing  of  its  is- 
sue (Jn.  vi.  64).  We  can  hardly  expect  to  solve 
the  question  why  such  a  man  was  chosen  for  such 
an  office.  The  germs  of  the  evil,  in  all  likelihood, 
unfolded  themselves  gradually.  The  rules  to  which 
the  Twelve  were  subject  in  their  first  journey  (Mat. 
X.  9,  10)  sheltered  him  from  the  temptation  that 
would  have  been  most  dangerous  to  him.  The  new 
form  of  life,  of  which  we  find  the  first  traces  in 
Lk.  viii.  3,  brought  that  temptation  with  it.  As 
soon  as  the  Twelve  were  recognized  as  a  body, 
travelling  hither  and  thither  with  their  Master,  re- 
ceiving money  and  other  offerings,  and  redistribu- 
ting wliat  they  received  to  the  poor,  it  became  ne- 
cessary that  some  one  sliould  act  as  the  steward  and 
almoner  of  the  small  society,  and  this  fell  to  Judas 
(Jn.  xii.  6,  xiii.  29),  either,  as  having  the  gifts  that 
qualified  him  for  it,  or,  as  we  may  conjecture,  from 
his  character,  because  he  sought  it,  or,  as  some 
have  imagined,  in  rotation  from  time  to  time.  The 
Galilean  or  Judean  peasant  found  himself  intrusted 
with  larger  sums  of  money  than  before,  and  with 
this  there  came  covetousness,  unfaithfulness,  em- 
bezzlement. It  was  impossible  after  this  that  he 
could  feel  at  ease  with  One  who  asserted  so  clearly 
and  sharply  the  laws  of  faithfulness,  duty,  unself- 
ishness.    The  scene  at  Bethany  (Jn.  xii.  1-9 ;  Mat. 


xxvi.  6-18;  Mk.  xiv.  8-9)  showed  how  deeply  the 
canker  had  eaten  into  his  soul.  The  warm  out- 
pouring of  love  calls  forth  no  sympathy.  He  ut- 
ters himself  and  suggests  to  others  the  complaint 
that  it  is  a  waste.  Under  the  plea  of  caring  for 
the  poor  he  covers  his  own  miserable  theft.  The 
narrative  of  Mat.  xxvi.,  Mk.  xiv.  places  this  history 
in  close  connection  with  the  fact  of  the  betrayal. 
It  leaves  the  motives  of  the  betrayer  to  conjec- 
ture. The  mere  love  of  money  may  have  been 
strong  enough  to  make  him  clutch  at  the  bribe 
offered  him.  It  may  have  been  that  he  felt  that  his 
Master  saw  through  his  hidden  guilt,  and  that  he 
hastened  on  a  crisis  to  avoid  the  shame  of  open  de- 
tection. Mingled  with  this  there  may  have  been 
some  feeling  of  vindictiveness,  a  vague,  confused 
desire  to  show  that  he  had  power  to  stop  the  career 
of  the  Teacher  who  had  reproved  him.  There  may 
have  been  the  thought  that,  after  all,  the  betrayal 
could  do  no  harm,  that  hia  Master  would  prove  His 
innocence,  or  by  some  supernatural  manifestation 
effect  his  escape.  Another  motive  has  been  sug- 
gested of  an  entirely  different  kind,  altering  alto- 
gether the  character  of  the  act.  Not  the  love  of 
money,  nor  revenge,  nor  fear,  nor  disappointment, 
but  policy,  a  subtle  plan  to  force  on  tlie  hour  of 
the  triumph  of  the  Messianic  kingdom,  the  belief 
that  for  this  service  he  would  receive  as  high  a 
place  as  Peter,  or  James,  or  John  ;  this  it  was  that 
made  him  the  traitor.  Ingenious  as  this  hypothesis 
is,  it  fails  for  that  very  reason.  Of  the  other  mo- 
tives that  have  been  assigned  we  need  not  care  to 
fix  on  any  one,  as  that  which  singly  led  him  on. 
During  the  days  that  intervened  between  the  sup- 
per at  Bethany  and  the  Paschal  or  quasi-Paschal 
gathering,  he  appeared  to  have  concealed  his 
treachery.  At  the  last  Supper  he  is  present,  look- 
ing forward  to  the  consummation  of  his  guilt  as 
drawing  nearer  every  hour.  Then  come  the  sorrow- 
ful words  which  showed  him  that  his  design  was 
known.  "  One  of  you  shall  betray  me."  He,  too, 
must  ask,  "Is  it  I?"  (Mat.  xxvi.  25).  He  alone 
hears  the  answer.  After  this  there  comes  on  him 
that  paroxysm  and  insanity  of  guilt  as  of  one 
whose  human  soul  was  possessed  by  the  Spirit  of 
Evil — "  Satan  entered  into  him  "  (Jn.  xiii.  27).  He 
knows  that  garden  in  which  his  Master  and  his 
companions  had  so  often  rested  after  the  weary 
worlc  of  the  day.  He  comes,  accompanied  by  a 
band  of  officers  and  servants  (xviii.  3),  with  the  kiss 
which  was  probably  the  usual  salutation  of  the  dis- 
ciples. The  words  of  Jesus,  calm  and  gentle  as  they 
were,  showed  that  this  was  what  embittered  the 
treachery,  and  made  the  suffering  it  inflicted  more 
acute  (Lk.  xxii.  48).  What  followed  in  the  confu- 
sion of  that  night  the  Gospels  do  not  record.  The 
fever  of  the  crime  passed  away.  There  came  back 
on  him  the  recollection  of  the  sinless  righteousness 
of  the  Master  he  had  wronged  (Mat.  xxvii.  3).  He 
repented,  and  his  guilt  and  all  that  had  tempted 
him  to  it  became  hateful.  He  Inirls  the  money, 
which  the  priests  refuse  to  take,  into  the  sanctuary 
where  they  were  assembled.  For  him  there  is  no 
longer  sacrifice  or  propitiation.  He  is  "  the  son  of 
perdition"  (Jn.  xvii.  12).  "He  departed  and  went 
and  hanged  himself"  (Mat.  xxvii.  5).  He  went 
"  unto  his  own  pkce  "  (Acts  i.  25).  We  have  in  Acts 
i.  another  account  of  the  circumstances  of  liis  death, 
which  it  is  not  easy  to  harmonize  with  that  given 
by  Matthew.  There  it  is  apparently  stated — (1.)  That 
instead  of  throwing  the  money  into  the  temple,  he 
bought  a  field  with  it.    (Aceldama.)    (2.)  That,  in- 


JUD 


JUD 


SOI 


stead  of  hanging  himself,  "  falling  headlong,  he 
burst  asunder  in  tlic  midst,  and  all  his  bowels 
gushed  out."  (3.)  That  lor  this  reason,  and  not  be- 
cause the  priests  had  bought  it  with  the  price  of 
blood,  the  field  was  called  Aceldama.  Yet  the 
"field  of  blood"  (Aceldama)  was  rightly  named,  in 
view  of  its  being  both  bought  with  the  price  of 
Christ's  blood  and  notoriously  connected  with  the 
bloody  death  of  Judas.  (Compare  the  double  re- 
ference of  the  name  Joseph.)  It  is  commonly 
supposed  that  the  rope  with  which  Judas  hanged 
himself,  broke,  and  he  fell  and  burst  his  abdomen, 
and  that  the  field  bought  by  the  priests  was  the  one 
in  which  Judas  tiius  died.  Professor  Phnnptre 
supposes  that  the  explanation  is  to  be  found  in 
some  unknown  series  of  facts,  of  which  we  have 
but  two  fragmentary  narratives. 

Jn'das  (sec  above)  "  the  broth'cr  of  James,"  A. 
V.  (literally  "  Judas  of  James,"  or  "  James's  Judas," 
"  the  brother  "  being  printed  in  italics  in  the  A.  V. 
as  supplied  by  the  translators),  one  of  the  twelve 
apostles;  a  member,  together  with  his  namesake 
"Iscariot,"  James  the  son  of  Alpheus,  and  Simon 
Zelotcs,  of  the  last  of  the  three  sections  of  the 
apostolic  bod)-.  (Apostle;  Jescs  Christ.)  The 
name  Judas  only,  without  any  distinguishing  mark, 
occurs  in  the  lists  of  Luke  vi.  16  ;  Acts  i.  13  ;  and 
in  Jn.  xiv.  22  (where  we  find  "Judas  not  Iscir- 
iot"  among  the  apostles):  but  the  apcstle  has  been 
generally  identified  with  "  Lebdkus,  whose  surname 
was  TuADDECs"  (Mat.  x.  3;  Mk.  iii.  18).  Much 
difference  of  opinion  has  existed  from  the  earliest 
times  as  to  the  right  interpretation  of  the  Gr.  loudas 
laLobou,  translated  in  the  A.  V.  "Judas  the  brother 
of  James."  The  generally  received  opinion  is  that 
the  A.  V.  is  right  in  translating  "Judas  the  brother 
of  James  "  (so  Winer,  Alford,  &c.).  But  Mr.  Ven- 
ables  prefers  to  follow  many  eminAit  critical  au- 
thorities, and  render  the  words  "  Judas  the  son  of 
James."  The  name  of  Judas  only  occurs  once  in  the 
gospel  narrative  (Jn.  xiv.  22).  Nothing  is  certainly 
known  of  the  later  history  of  the  apostle.  Tradition 
connects  him  with  the  foundation  of  the  church  at 
Edessa. 

Jn  djLS  (see  above)  the  Lord's  broth'er.  Among 
the  brethren  of  our  Lord  mentioned  by  the  people 
of  Xazareth  (Mat.  xiii.  C-5  ;  Mk.  vi.  3)  occurs  a 
"Judas,"  who  has  been  sometimes  identified  with 
the  apostle  of  the  same  name.  (James.)  It  has 
been  considered  with  more  probability  (so  Mr.  Ven- 
ables)  that  he  was  the  writer  of  the  epistle  which 
bears  the  name  of  "Jude  the  brother  of  James." 
(JunE,  Epistle  op.)  Eusebius  relates  (H.  E.  iii. 
20,  32)  of  two  grandsons  of  Jude  that  they  were 
brought  as  descendants  of  the  royal  house  of  Pnvid 
before  the  Emperor  Domitian,  but  on  account  of  the 
hardness  of  their  hands  and  their  description  of  the 
spiritual  nature  of  Christ's  kingdom,  were  dismissed 
as  not  endangering  the  empire,  and  lived  on,  honored 
as  the  Lord's  relatives,  into  Trajan's  reign. 

*  Jnde  (  =  JfDAs),  the  author  of  the  epistle  of 
Jude  (Jude  1).  Jens,  Epistle  or;  Jidas  the 
Brother  op  James  ;  James. 

Jidr,  E-pls'tle  of.  I.  It»  Avthorship.  The  writer 
of  this  epistle  styles  himself,  verse  1,  "Jude  the 
brother  of  James,"  and  has  been  usually  identified 
with  the  Apostle  Judas  Lebbeus  or  Thaddeus  (Lk. 
vi.  16).  But  there  are  strong  reasons  for  rendering 
the  words  "  Judas  the  ion  of  James "  (see  above, 
Jl!DAg,  THE  BROTHER  OP  James);  and  Inasmuch  as 
the  author  appears  (Jude  17)  to  distinguish  himself 
from  the  apostles,  Mr.  Yenables  agrees  with  eminent 


critics  in  attributing  the  epistle  to  another  author. 
The  most  probable  conclusion  (so  Mr.  Venables)  is 
that  the  author  was  Jude,  one  of  the  brethren  of 
Jesus,  and  brother  of  James,  not  the  apostle  the 
son  of  Alpheus,  but  the  bishop  of  Jerusalem.  But 
Jerome,  Tertullian,  Origen,  Calmct,  Calvin,  Ham- 
mond, Lange,  Tregelles,  &c.,  agree  in  assigning  it  to 
the  apostle.  (James;) — II.  O'lnuineiiets  and  Cano- 
nicilt/.  Although  the  epistle  of  Jude  is  cne  of  the 
so-called  Antiligomena,  and  its  canonicity  was  rjues- 
tioned  in  the  earliest  ages  of  the  Cluireli,  there 
never  was  any  doubt  of  its  genuineness  aniOiig  those 
by  whom  it  was  known.  The  question  was  mver 
whether  it  was  the  work  of  an  impostor,  but  whether 
its  author  was  of  sulTicient  weight  to  warrant  its  ad- 
mission into  the  Cakon.  This  question  was  gradu- 
ally decided  in  its  favor.  It  is  wanting  in  the 
Pcshito,  nor  is  there  any  trace  of  its  use  by  the 
Asiatic  churches  up  to  the  con.mencement  of  the 
fourth  certury;  but  it  is  quoted  as  apostolic  by 
Eptueni  Pyrus.  The  earliest  notice  of  the  ej  ietle  is 
in  the  famous  Muratorinn  Fragment  (about  a.  n. 
170'.  Clement  of  Alexandria  is  the  first  Father  of  the 
Church  by  whom  it  is  recognized.  Eusebius  also 
informs  us  (H.  E.  vi.  14)  that  it  was  aniong  the 
books  of  Canonical  Serif  ture,  c-f  which  explanations 
were  given  in  the  Hypotiifosfn  of  Clement.  Origen 
refers  to  it  expressly  as  the  work  of  the  Lord's  broth- 
er. Of  the  Latin  Fathers,  Tertullian  once  expressly 
cites  tl  is  epistle  as  the  work  of  an  apostle,  as  does 
Jerome.  The  epistle  is  also  quoted  by  Malchian, 
a  presbyter  of  Antioch,  and  by  Palladius,  and  is  con- 
tained in  the  Laodicer.e  (a.  d.  363),  Carthaginian 
(897),  and  so-called  Apostolic  Catalogues,  as  well  as 
in  those  cmnnating  from  the  cl.urchts  of  the  East 
and  West,  with  the  exception  of  the  Synopsis  of 
Chrysott<  m,  and  these  of  Cassicdoius  and  Ebed 
Jesu.  (Bible;  I.nspiration;  New  Testament.) — 
III.  Tinii  and  Place  of  Writhip.  lUre  all  is  ci  n- 
jecture.  The  author  being  not  absolutely  certain, 
there  are  no  external  piounds  for  deciding  the 
point;  and  the  internal  eviilence  is  but  small. 
Lardner  places  it  Letn  een  a.  d.  64  and  66  ;  Davidson 
before  A.  n.  70;  Credner,  a.  d.  fO;  Calmct,  Esliiis, 
\Vit^ius,  and  Xeandcr,  aOer  the  death  of  all  the 
apostles  but  John,  and  perhaps  after  the  fall  ol  Je- 
rusalem. There  are  no  data  fnm  which  to  (Vter- 
mine  the  place  of  writing. — IV.  For  vhat  r<<ad(ra 
desipntd.  The  readers  are  nowhere  expressly  de- 
fined. The  address  (verse  1)  is  af  plicalle  to  Chris- 
tians generally,  and  there  is  rothing  in  the  body  of 
the  epistle  to  limit  its  refeienco. — V.  lit  Object  and 
Contents.  The  object  of  the  ej  islle  is  plainly  enough 
announced,  verse  3  :  the  reason  for  this  exhortation 
is  given  verse  4.  The  remainder  of  the  epistle  is 
almost  entirely  occupied  by  a  minute  depiction  of 
the  adversaries  of  the  faith.  The  efistle  closes  by 
briefly  reminding  the  readers  of  the  oft-repeated  pre- 
diction of  the  apostles — among  whom  the  wiitcr 
seems  not  to  rank  himself— that  the  faith  would  be 
assailed  by  snch  enemies  as  he  has  depicted  (17-10), 
exhorting  thtm  to  rraintnin  their  own  steadfastness 
in  the  faith  (20,  21),  while  they  earnestly  soupht  to 
rescue  others  from  the  coriupt  example  of  those 
licentious  livers  (22,  23),  and  commending  them  to 
the  power  of  God  in  language  w  hich  forcibly  ncalls 
the  closing  benediction  of  Romans  (verses  24,  26 ; 
compare  Rom.  xvi.  26-27).  This  epistle  presenU 
one  pecuharlly,  which,  as  we  learn  from  Jerome, 
caused  its  authority  to  be  impugned  in  very  early 
times — ^the  supposed  citation  of  apocryphal  writings 
(verses  9,  14,  15).    The  former  of  these  passages, 


508 


JUD 


JUD 


referring  to  the  contest  of  the  archangel  Michael  and 
the  devil  "about  the  body  of  Moses,",  was  sup- 
posed by  Origen  to  be  founded  on  a  Jewish  work 
called  the  "  Assumption  of  Moses,"  but  probably 
make-"  use  of  ai  Jewish  tradition  based  on  Deut. 
xxxiv.  6.  As  regards  the  supposed  quotation  from 
the  Book  of  Enoch  (Enoch,  Book  or),  the  question 
is  not  so  clear  whether  St.  Jude  is  making  a  citation 
from  a  work  alreiidy  in  the  hands  of  his  readers,  or 
is  employing  a  traditional  prophecy  not  at  that  time 
committed  to  writing — VI.  Rein/ion  between  the 
Mjristlits  of  Jade  anil  2  Petir.  It  is  familiar  to 
all  that  the  larger  portion  of  this  epistle  (verses  3- 
1(5)  is  almost  identical  in  language  and  subject  with 
2  Pet.  ii.  1-19.  This  qu^-stion  is  examined  in  the 
article  Peter,  Second  Epistle  of. 

Jn-de'a  (L.  Jul^a,  fr.  Gr.  loudaia,  properly  a 
fem.  adj.  =r  Jewish,  sc.  land  or  country,  so  named 
fion  the  tribe  of  Judah  ;  compare  Jew),  a  territo- 
rial division  which  succeeded  to  the  overthrow  of 
the  ancioit  landmarks  of  the  tribes  of  Israel  and 
Judah  in  tlieir  respective  captivities.  The  Greek 
word  first  occurs  Dan.  v.  13(L.'>CX. ;  A.  V."  Jewry"), 
and  the  first  mention  of  the  "  province  of  Judea " 
is  in  Ez.  v.  8 ;  it  is  alluded  to  in  Noh.  xi.  3  (Heb. 
and  A.  V.  "  Judah  "),  and  was  the  result  of  the  di- 
vi-.ion  of  the  Perdan  empire  mentioned  by  Herodo- 
tus (iii.  89-97),  under  Darius  (compare  Esth.  viii. 
9;  Dan.  vi.  1).  In  the  apocrypha  the  word  "prov- 
ince" is  dropped,  and  throughout  the  books  of 
Esdras,  Tobit,  Judith,  and  Maccabees,  the  expres- 
sions are  "  the  Kin  i  of  Ju Jea,"  "  Judea  "  (A.  V. 
frequently  "Jewry"),  and  throughout  the  N.  T. 
"  The  Jews  made  preparations  for  the  work  (of  re- 
building the  walls  under  Nehemiah) — a  name  which 
thsy  received  forthwith  on  tlieir  return  from  Baby- 
lon, from  the  tribe  of  Judah,  which,  being  the  first 
to  arrive  in  those  parts,  gave  name  both  to  the  in- 
habitants and  the  territory  "  (Jos.  xi.  6,  §  7).  In  a 
wide  and  more  improper  sense,  the  term  Judea 
sometimes  =  the  whole  country  of  thj  Canaanites, 
its  ancient  inhabitants  (Jos.  i.  6,  §  2) ;  and  even  in 
the  gospels  we  seem  to  read  of  tlie  coasts  of  Judea 
"beyond  Jordan"  (Mat.  xix.  1;  Mk.  x.  1).  With 
Ptolemy,  moreover,  and  Dion  Cassius,  Judea  is 
synonymous  with  Palestine-Syria.  Judea  was,  in 
strict  language,  the  name  of  the  third  district,  W. 
of  the  Jordan,  and  S.  of  Samaria.  1(8  northern 
boundary,  according  to  Josephus,  was  a  village 
called  Anuath ;  its  southern  another  village  named 
Jardas.  Its  general  breadth  was  from  the  Jordan 
to  Joppa.  It  was  made  a  portion  of  the  Roman 
province  of  Syria  upon  the  deposition  of  Archelaus, 
the  ethnarch  of  Judea,  a.  d.  6,  and  was  governed 
by  a  procurator,  subject  to  the  governor  of  Syria. 
Cesarea  ;  Jerusalem  ;  Palestine. 

Jnilgr.  The  administration  of  justice  in  all  early 
Eastern  nations,  as  amongst  the  Ara1)s  of  the  desert 
to  this  day,  rests  with  the  patriarchal  seniors  (Age, 
Old;  Elder;  Patriarch);  the  judges  being  the 
heads  of  tribes,  or  of  chief  houses  in  a  tribe.  Thus 
in  Job  xxix.  7-9  the  patriarchal  magnate  is  rep- 
resented as  going  forth  "  to  the  gate  "  amidst  the 
respectful  silence  of  ciders,  princes,  and  nobles 
(compare  xxxii.  9).  During  the  oppression  of 
Egypt  the  nascent  people  would  necessarily  have 
few  questions  at  law  to  plead.  When  they  emerged 
from  this  oppression  into  national  existence,  the 
want  of  a  machinery  of  judicature  began  to  press. 
The  patriarch.il  seniors  did  not  instantly  assume  the 
function,  having  probably  been  depressed  by  bond- 
age till  rendered  unfit  for  it.    Perhaps  for  these 


reasons  Moses  at  first  took  the  whole  burden  of 
judicature  upon  himself,  then  at  the  suggestion  of 
Jethro  (E.x.  xviii.  14-24)  instituted  judges  over  nu- 
merically graduated  sections  of  the  people.  These 
were  chosen  for  their  moral  fitness,  but  from  Deut. 
i.  15,  16,  we  may  infer  that  they  were  taken  from 
amongst  those  to  whom  primogeniture  would  have 
assigned  it.  The  judge  was  reckoned  a  sacred 
person,  and  secured  even  from  verbal  injuries. 
Seeking  a  decision  at  law  is  called  "  inquiring  of 
God"  (E.X.  xviii.  15).  The  term  "  gods  "  is  actually 
applied  to  judges  (Ex.  xxi.  6,  Heb. ;  compare  Ps. 
Ixxxii.  1,  6).  But  besides  the  sacred  dignity  thus 
given  to  the  only  royal  function  which,  under  the 
Theocracy,  lay  in  human  hands,  it  was  made  popu- 
lar by  being  vested  in  those  who  led  public  feeling. 
The  judges  were  disciplined  in  smaller  matters,  and, 
under  Moses'  own  eye,  for  greater  ones.  When, 
however,  the  commandment,  "judges  and  officers 
shalt  thou  make  thee  in  all  thy  gates"  (Deut.  xvi. 
18),  came  to  be  fulfilled  in  Canaan,  there  were  the 
following  sources  from  which  those  officials  unght 
be  supplied : — (1.)  the  ex  officio  judges,  or  their  suct. 
cessors,  as  chosen  by  Moses ;  (2.)  any  surplus  left 
of  patriarchal  seniors  when  they  were  taken  out  (as 
has  been  shown  from  Deut.  i.  15,  16)  from  that 
class  ;  and  (3.)  the  Levites.  The  Hebrews  were  sensi- 
tive as  regards  the  administration  of  justice.  (Bribe.) 
The  fact  that  justice  reposed  on  a  popular  basis  of 
admini.-tration  largely  contributed  to  keep  up  that 
spirit  of  independence  which  is  the  ultimate  check 
on  all  perversions  of  the  tribunal.  The  popular 
aristocracy  of  heads  of  tribes,  sections  of  tribes,  or 
families,  is  found  to  fall  into  two  main  orders  of 
varying  nomenclature.  The  more  common  name 
for  the  higher  order  is  "  princes,"  and  for  the  lower 
"ciders"  (Judg.  viii.  14;  Ex.  ii.  14;  Job  xxix.  7- 
9 ;  Ezr.  x.  8)!  These  orders  were  the  popular 
element  of  judicature.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Le- 
vitical  body  was  imbued  with  a  keen  sense  of  alle- 
giance to  God  as  the  Author  of  Law,  and  to  the' 
Covenant  as  His  embodiment  of  it,  and  soon  gained 
whatever  forensic  experience  and  erudition  those 
simple  times  could  yield ;  hence  they  brought  to  the 
judicial  task  the  legal  acumen  and  sense  of  general 
principles  which  complemented  the  ruder  lay  ele- 
ment. To  return  to  the  first  or  popular  branch,  there 
is  reason  to  think,  from  the  general  concurrence  of 
phraseology  amidst  much  diversity,  that  in  every 
city  these  two  ranks  of  "  princes  "  and  "  elders  "  had 
their  analogies.  The  Levites  also  were  apportioned 
on  the  whole  equally  among  the  tribes ;  and  if  they 
preserved  their  limits,  there  were  probably  few  parts 
of  Palestine  beyond  a  day's  journey  from  a  Levitical 
city.  One  great  hold  which  the  priesthood  had,  in 
their  jurisdiction,  upon  men's  ordinary  life  was  the 
custody  in  the  sanctuary  of  the  standard  weights 
and  measures,  to  which,  in  cases  of  dispute,  refer- 
ence was  doubtless  made.  Above  all  these,  the 
HIGH-PRIEST,  in  the  ante-regal  period,  was  the  resort 
in  difficult  cases  (Deut.  xvii.  12),  as  the  chief  jurist 
of  the  nation,  who  would  in  case  of  need  be  perhaps 
oracularly  directed ;  yet  we  hear  of  none  acting  as 
judge  save  Eli.  It  is  also  a  fact  of  some  weight, 
negatively,  that  none  of  the  special  deliverers  called 
Judges  was  of  priestly  lineage,  or  even  became  as 
mucli  noted  as  Deborah,  a  woman.  This  seems  to 
show  that  any  central  action  of  the  high-priest  on 
national  unity  was  null,  and  of  this  supremacy,  had 
it  existed  in  force,  the  judicial  prerogative  was  the 
main  element.  The  "  Judges  "  were  fifteen  in  num- 
ber: 1.  Othniel;   2.  Ehcd;  8.  Sbamgar;  4.  Deb- 


JUD 


JUD 


509 


-ORAH  and  Bakak;  8.  Gideos;  6.  Abimklech;  7. 
Tola;  8.  Jair;  9.  Jephthah  ;  10.  Ibzan;  11.  Elon  ; 
12.  AuDO.v  ;  13.  Samson;  14.  Eli;  15.  Samiel. 
(Chronology  ;  Jitdges,  Book  of.)  This  function  of 
the  priesthood  being,  it  may  be  presumed,  in  abey- 
ance during  the  period  of  the  Judges,  seems  to  have 
meiged  in  the  monarchy.  (King.)  The  kingdom 
of  Saul  sufl'ered  too  severely  from  external  foes  to 
allow  civil  matters  much  prominence.  In  David's 
reign  it  was  evidently  the  rule  for  the  king  to  hear 
causes  in  person.  The  same  class  of  cases  which 
were  reserved  for  Moses  would  probably  fall  to  his 
lot ;  and  the  high-priest  was  of  course  ready  to  assist 
the  monarch.  This  is  further  presumable  from  the 
fact  that  no  officer  analogous  to  a  chief  justice  ever 
appears  under  the  kings.  Perhaps  the  arrange- 
ments, mentioned  in  1  Chr.  xxiii.  4,  xxvi.  29,  may 
have  been  made  to  meet  the  need  of  suitors.  In 
Solomon's  character,  whose  reign  of  peace  would 
surely  be  fertile  in  civil  questions,  the  "  wisdom  to 
judge"  was  the  fitting  first  quality  (1  K.  iii.  9 ;  com- 
pare Ps.  Ixxii.  1-4).  As  a  judge  Solomon  shines 
"in  all  his  glory"  (1  K.  iii. -16,  &c.).  It  is  likely 
fliat  royalty  in  Israel  was  ultimately  unfavorable  to 
the  local  independence  connected  with  the  judica- 
ture of  the  "  princes  "  and  "  elders  "  in  the  territory 
and  cities  of  each  tribe,  and  the  Levites  generally 
superseded  the  local  elders  in  the  administration  of 
justice.  But  subsequently,  when  the  Levites  with- 
drew from  the  kingdom  of  the  ten  tribes,  judicial 
elders  probably  again  filled  the  gap.  One  more 
change  is  noticeable  in  the  pre-Babylonian  period. 
The  "  princes "  constantly  appear  as  a  powerlul 
political  body,  increasing  in  influence  and  privileges, 
and  having  a  fixed  centre  of  action  at  Jerusalem ; 
till,  in  the  reign  of  Zedekiah,  they  seem  to  exercise 
some  of  the  duties  of  a  privy  council ;  and  especially 
a  collective  jurisdiction  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  21 ;  Jcr.  xxvi. 
10,  16).  Still,  although  far  changed  from  its  broad 
and  simple  basis  in  the  earlier  period,  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice  bad  little  resembling  the  set  and 
rigid  system  of  the  Sakhkheim  of  later  times.  (Syn- 
agogue.) This  last  change  arose  from  the  fact  that 
the  patriarchal  seniority,  degenerate  and  corrupted 
as  it  became  before  the  Captivity,  was  by  that  event 
broken  up,  and  a  new  basis  of  judicature  had  to  be 
sought  for.  With  regard  to  the  forms  of  procedure, 
little  more  is  known  than  may  be  gathered  from  the 
two  examples,  Ruth  iv.  2,  of  a  civil,  and  1  K.  xxi. 
8-14,  of  a  criminal  character ;  to  which,  as  a  speci- 
men of  royal  summary  jurisdiction,  may  be  added 
the  well-known  "judgment "  of  Solomon.  There  is 
no  mention  of  any  distinctive  dress  or  badge  as  per- 
taining to  the  judicial  officer.  (Chain.)  The  use 
of  the  "  white  a-'scs  "  (Judg.  v.  10)  (Ass),  by  those 
who  "  sit  in  judgment,"  was  perhaps  a  convenient 
distinctive  mark  for  them  when  journeying  where 
they  would  not  usually  be  personally  known.  In 
analogy  with  Eastern  sovereigns  Goo  is  represented 
in  the  Scripture  as  both  "Judge  and  King,"  being 
prei-mincntly  "  the  Judge  of  all  the  earth  "  (Gen. 
iviii.  26),  "the  Judge  of  all"  (Heb.  xii.  23;  compare 
Dcut.  xxxii.  36;  1  Sam.  ii.  10;  Ps.  xcvi.  18;  Rom. 
li.  16,  &c.).  In  the  Divine  arrangement  Jesus  Christ 
the  Son  of  God  is  to  be  "  the  Judge  of  quick  and 
dead  "  (Acts  x.  42).  JincxENT;  Appeal  ;  Council  ; 
Fettfjis;  Govf.rnor;  Lawyer;  Oath;  Officer; 
Orator;  Prison;  Pcnisiiments;  Trial;  Witness. 
Jui' Kt»  {Uvh.  s/wphelim),  Book  of.  I.  7'ille.  As 
i  Hie  history  of  the  Judges  (Judge)  occupies  by  far 
I  the  greater  part  of  the  narrative,  and  is  at  the 
Iwrne  time  the  history  of  the  people,  the  title  of 


the  whole  book  is  derived  from  that  portion. — II. 
Arratiffcmenl.  The  book  at  first  sight  may  be  di- 
vided iuto  two  parts — i.-xvi.  and  xvii.-xxi. — A.  i.- 
ivi.  The  subdivisions  are — (a)  i.-ii.  6,  which  may 
be  considered  as  a  first  introduction;  giving  a  sum- 
mary of  the  results  of  the  war  carried  on  against 
the  Canaanites  by  the  several  tribes  on  the  W.  of 
Jordan  after  Joshuu's  death,  and  foiming  a  con- 
tinuation of  Josh.  xii.  (b)  ii.  6-iii.  6.  This  is  a 
second  introduction,  standing  in  nearer  relation  to 
the  following  history,  (c)  iii.  7-xvi.  The  words, 
"  and  the  children  of  Israel  did  evil  in  the  sight  of 
the  Lord,"  which  had  bctn  already  used  in  ii.  1 1, 
are  imployed  to  introduce  the  history  of  the  thir- 
teen Judges  comprised  in  this  book.  An  account 
of  six  of  these  thirteen  is  given  at  greater  or  less 
length.  The  account  of  the  remaining  seven  is 
very  short,  and  merely  attached  to  the  longer  nar- 
ratives. We  may  observe  in  general  on  this  portion 
of  the  book,  that  it  is  almost  entirely  a  history  of 
the  wars  of  deliverance. — B.  xvii.-xxi.  This  part 
has  no  formal  connection  with  the  preceding,  and 
is  often  called  an  appendix.  No  mention  of  the 
Judges  occurs  in  it.  It  contains  allusions  to  "  the 
house  of  God,"  the  ark,  and  the  high-priest.  The 
period  to  which  the  narrative  relates  is  simply 
marked  by  the  expression,  "  when  there  was  no 
king  in  Israel "  (xix.  1;  compare  xviii.  1).  It  re- 
cords (o)  the  conquest  of  Lnish  by  a  porticn  of  the 
tribe  of  Dan,  and  the  establishment  there  of  the 
idolatrous  worship  of  Jehovah  already  instituted 
by  Micah  in  Mount  Ephraim.  (i)The  almost  total 
extinction  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin.  The  date  is 
marked  by  the  mention  of  Phinthas,  the  grandson 
of  Aaron  (xx.  28). — III.  iJeeiffn.  There  is  a  unity 
of  plan  in  i.-xvi.,  the  clew  to  which  is  stated  in  ii. 
16-19.  There  can  be  little  doubt  of  the  design  to 
enforce  the  view  there  expressed.  But  the  words 
of  that  passage  must  not  be  pressed  too  closely.  It 
is  a  general  review  of  the  roZ/fcrtie  history  of  Israel 
during  the  time  of  the  Judges,  the  details  of  which, 
in  their  varying  aspects,  are  given  faithfully  as  (he 
narrative  proceeds.  The  existence  of  this  design 
may  lead  us  to  suspect  that  we  have  not  a  complite 
history  of  the  times,  a  fact  which  is  clear  frtm  the 
book  itself.  We  have  only  accounts  of  parts  of 
the  nation  at  any  one  time. — IV.  Maleriah.  The 
author  must  have  found  certain  parts  of  his  book 
in  a  definite  shape :  e.  g.  the  words  of  the  prophet 
(ii.  1-6),  the  song  of  Deborah  (v.),  Jolham's  par- 
able (ix.  7-20;  see  also  xiv.  14,  18,  xv.  7,  16).  How 
far  these  and  the  rest  of  his  materials  can  e  to  him 
already  written  is  a  matter  of  doubt.  Haveiniek 
only  recognizes  the  use  of  documents  in  the  appcn 
dix.  Other  critics,  however,  trace  them  through- 
out. Bertheau  says  that  the  difference  of  the  dic- 
tion in  the  principal  narratives,  ccupled  with  the 
fact  that  they  are  united  in  one  plan,  points  to  the 
incorporation  of  parts  of  previous  histories. — V. 
Jielation  to  other  £ookt: — {\)  to  Jonhva.  Josh,  xv.— 
xxi.  must  be  compared  witli  Judg.  i.  in  order  to 
understand  fully  how  far  the  several  tribes  failed 
in  expelling  the  people  cf  Canaan.  The  bock  be- 
gins with  a  reference  to  Joshua's  death,  and  ii.  6-9 
resumes  the  narrative,  suspended  by  i.-ii.  5,  with 
the  same  words  as  arc  used  in  concluding  the  history 
of  Joshua  (Josh.  xxiv.  28-81).  In  addition  to  this 
the  following  passages  appear  to  be  ecmmcn  to  the 
two  books :  compare  Judg.  i.  10-16,  20,  21,  27,  29, 
with  Josh.  XV.  14-19,  13,  63,  xvii.  12,  xvi.  10.  A 
reference  to  the  conquest  of  Laish  (Judg.  xviii.)  oc- 
curs in  Josh.  xix.  47.-7(B)  to  tlic  liookt  of  Hamud 


510 


JUD 


JUD 


and  Kinffs.  We  fini  in  i.  28,  30,  33,  35,  a  number 
of  towii8  upon  which,  "  wiiea  Israel  was  strong," 
a  tribute  of  bond-service  was  levied :  this  is  sup- 
posed by  some  to  refer  to  the  time  of  Solomon  (l 
K.  ix.  13-22).  The  conduct  of  Saul  toward  the 
Kenite*  (1  Sam.  xv.  6),  and  that  of  David  (xxx.  29), 
is  explained  by  Judg.  i.  16.  A  reference  to  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  Philistine  wars  is  implied  in  xiii.  5. 
The  allusion  to  Abimelech  (2  Sam.  xi.  21)  is  ex- 
plained by  ch.  ix.  Cliapters  xvii.-xxi.  and  the  Book 
of  Ruth  are  more  independent,  but  they  have  a 
general  reference  to  the  subsequent  history.  The 
que4tion  now  arises  whether  this  book  forms  one 
link  in  an  historical  series,  or  whether  it  has  a  closer 
connection  either  with  those  that  precede  or  follow 
it.  Its  form  would  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  it 
was  not  an  in  iependent  book  originally  (so  Mr. 
Orgjr,  original  author  of  tliis  article).  The  history 
ceases  with  Samson,  excluding  Eli  and  Samuel ;  and 
then  two  historical  pieces  are  added,  xvii.-xxi., 
and  the  Book  of  Ruth,  independent  of  the  gen- 
eral plan  and  of  each  other. — VI.  Date.  The  oidy 
guide  to  the  date  of  this  book  which  we  find  in 
ii.  6-xvi.  is  the  expression  "  unto  this  day,"  the 
last  occurrence  of  which  (xv.  19)  implies  some  dis- 
tance from  the  time  of  Samson.  (Pentateuch,  II. 
4,  a.)  But  i.  21,  according  to  the  most  natural 
explanation,  indicates  a  date,  for  this  chapter  at 
least,  previous  to  the  taking  of  Jehus  by  David  (2 
Sam.  v.  6-9).  Again,  we  should  at  firat  sight  sup- 
pose i.  28,  30,  33,  35,  to  belong  to  the  time  of  the 
Ju Jgjs ;  but  these  passages  are  taken  by  most 
modern  critics  as  pointing  to  the  time  of  Solomon 
(compare  1  K.  ix.  21).  i.-xvi.  may  therefore  have 
been  origirially,  as  Evvald  tliinks,  the  commence- 
ment of  a  larger  work  reaching  down  to  above  a 
century  after  Solomon.  Again,  the  writer  of  the 
appendix  lived  when  Shiloh  was  no  longer  a  religious 
centre  (.xviii.  31) ;  he  was  acquainted  with  the  regal 
form  of  government  (xvii.  6,  xviii.  1).  (JIicah  1.) 
Chapter  xviii.  30  is  thought  by  Heng-'tPnberg,  Ilav- 
ernick,  &c.,  to  refer  to  the  Philistine  oppression  (1 
Sam.  iv.  ff.).  But  Mr.  Orger  supposes,  with  Le 
Clerc,  Roscnmiiller,  &e.,  that  the  Assyrian  captivity 
is  intended,  in  which  case  the  writer  must  have 
lived  after  721  B.  c,  and  the  whole  book  must 
have  taken  its  present  shape  aftar  that  date.  And 
if  we  adopt  Ewald's  view,  that  Judges  to  2  Kings 
form  one  book,  the  final  arrangetnent  of  the  whole 
must  have  been  after  the  tliirty-seventh  year  of 
Jehoiachin's  captivity,  or  B.  c.  562  (2  K.  xxv. 
27).  The  Jews,  followed  by  Jahn,  Paulus,  &c., 
ascribe  the  composition  of  the  book  to  Samuel. 
(Bible  ;  Ca.son  ;  I.nspiration  ;  Old  Testament.) 
— VII.  Chronologji.  The  time  commonly  assigned 
to  the  period  contained  in  this  book  is  293  years. 
The  dates  which  are  given  amount  to  410  years 
when  reckoned  consecutively :  and  Acts  xiii.  20 
woul  1  show  that  this  was  the  computation  com- 
monly adopted,  as  the  450  years  seem  to  result  from 
adding  40  years  for  Eli  to  the  410  of  this  book.  But 
a  dilHculty  is  created  by  Judg.  xi.  26,  and  in  a  still 
greater  degree  by  1  K.  vi.  1,  where  the  whole  period 
from  the  Exodus  to  the  building  of  the  Temple  is 
stjted  as  480  years  (440,  LXX.).  On  the  whole,  it 
seems  safer  to  give  up  the  attempt  to  ascertain  the 
chronology  exactly.  The  successive  narratives  give 
us  the  history  of  only  parts  of  the  country,  and 
tome  of  the  occurrences  may  have  been  contem- 
porary (x.  7).     CuRONOLocr. 

*  Jnd^'mcnt  =  the  act,  decision,  or  sentence  of  a 
Judge  (1  K.  ill.  28,  kc.)\  often  applied  to  the  de- 


cisions, commandments,  and  providential  dispensa- 
tions of  God,  the  supreme  Judge  (Ex.  xxi.  1 ;  Ps. 
X.  5,  xix.  9,  xxxvi.  6,  &c.),  to  the  atliictions  and 
calamities  proceeding  from  Him  (Ex.  vi.  6 ;  Is.  xxvi. 
9,  &c.).  "The  judgment  to  come  "  (Acts  xxiv.  25) 
refers  to  the  judgment  of  the  "  last  day  "  (Jn.  xi. 
24),  or  "  great  day  "  (Jude  6),  or  "  day  of  judg- 
ment" (Mat.  X.  5,  xi.  22,  24,  ic),  "in  the  which 
God  will  judge  the  world  in  righteousness  by  that 
man  (Jesus  Christ)  whom  He  halh  ordained  "  (Acts 
xvii.  31;  comp.  Jn.  v.  22).  The  proceedings  of 
this  day  are  most  fully  given  in  Mat.  xxv.  31-46; 
compare  2  Cor.  v.  10,  and  Rev.  xx.  12  ff.  Damna- 
tion ;  Death  ;  Eternal  ;  Heaven  ;  Hell  ;  Life,  &c. 

Jndg'ment-liail.  The  Gr.  pmitorion  —  L.  pra- 
ioriam  (Pretorium)  is  so  translated  five  times  in 
the  A.  V.  of  the  N.  T. ;  and  in  those  five  passages 
it  denotes  two  difi'erent  places.  1.  In  Jn.  xviii.  28, 
33,  x.xix.  9,  it  is  the  residence  which  Pilate  occupied 
when  he  visited  Jerusalem.  The  site  of  Pilate's  pre- 
torium in  Jerusalem  has  given  rise  to  much  dispute, 
some  supposing  it  to  be  the  palace  of  King  Herod, 
others  the  tower  of  "Antonia.  (Pketoricm.)  2.  In 
Acts  xxiii.  35  Uerod'a  "judgment-hall "  in  Cesurea 
was  doubtless  a  part  of  that  magnificent  range  of 
buildings,  the  erection  of  which  by  King  Herod  is 
described  in  Jos.  xv.  9,  §  6. — The  word  "  palace," 
or  "Cesar's  court,"  in  the  A.  V.  of  Phil.  i.  13,  is  a 
translation  of  the  same  word  praitorion  =  py<rtori- 
um.  It  may  here  have  denoted  the  quarter  of  that 
detachment  of  the  Pretorian  Guards  which  was  in 
immediate  attendance  upon  the  emperor,  and  had 
barracks  in  Mount  Palatine. 

Ja'dltii  (L.  fr.  Heb.  YehMUh,  fem.  of  Yi'Mdi  = 
Judah).  1.  Daughter  of  Been  the  Hittitc,  and 
wife  of  Esau  (Gen.  xxvi.  34).  (AnoLiBAMAii.)^2. 
The  heroine  of  the  apocryphal  book  of  Judith  (see 
below),  who  appears  as  an  ideal  type  of  piety 
(Jd.  viii.  6),  beauty  (xi.  21),  courage  and  chastity 
(xvi.  22  If.).  Her  supposed  descent  from  Simeon 
(ix.  2),  and  the  manner  in  which  she  refers  to  his 
cruel  deed  (xxxiv.  25  ff.),  mark  the  conception  of  the 
character,  which  evidently  belongs  to  a  period  of 
stern  and  perilous  conflict. 

Jn'dith  (see  above),  the  Book  of,  like  that  of 
Tobit,  belongs  to  the  earliest  specimens  of  histoid 
ical  fiction.  The  narrative  of  the  reign  of  "  Nebu- 
cliadnezzar  king  of  Nineveh  "  ( Jd.  i.  1 ),  of  the  cam  I 
paign  of  Holofernes,  and  the  deliverance  of  Be-1 
thulia,  through  the  stratagem  and  courage  of  the 
Jewish  heroine,  contains  too  many  and  too  serious 
difficulties,  both  historical  and  geographical,  to  aUl 
low  of  the  supposition  that  it  is  either  literally! 
true,  or  even  carefully  moulded  on  truth  (so  Mr.j 
Westeott).  2.  The  value  of  the  book  is  not,  how-l 
ever,  lessened  by  its  fictitious  character.  On  thel 
contrarv,  it  becomes  even  more  valuable  as  exhibit-l 
ing  an  ideiil  type  of  heroism,  which  was  outwardlyi 
embodied  in  the  wars  of  independence.  It  cannot] 
be  wrong  to  refer  its  origin  to  the  Maccabean  pe-| 
riod,  which  it  reflects  not  only  in  its  general  spirit,! 
but  even  in  smaller  traits.  But  while  it  secmsj 
certain  that  the  book  is  to  be  referred  to  the  second] 
century  B.  c.  (175-100 n.  c),  the  attempts  which] 
have  been  made  to  fix  its  date  within  nan'ower  lira- 
its,  cither  to  the  time  of  the  war  of  Alexander] 
Jannseus  (105-4  B.C.,  Movers)  or  of  Demetrius  ILf 
(129  B.  c,  Ewald),  rest  on  very  inaccurate  data.  It] 
might  seem  more  natural  (as  a  mere  conjecture)  to  ] 
refer  it  to  an  earlier  time  (about  170  B.  c ,  wneiil 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  made  his  first  assault  uponl 
the  Temple.     3.  In  accordance  with  the  view  wh'  ' 


JT7E 


JUT 


511 


has  been  given  of  the  character  and  date  of  the 
buuk,  it  U  probable  that  the  several  parts  may 
have  a  distiuci  symbolic  meaning.  4.  Two  con- 
flicting statements  have  been  preserved  as  to  the 
original  language  of  the  book.  Urigen  speaks  of 
it  together  with  Tobit  as  "  not  existing  in  Hebrew 
even  among  the  Apockvpha  "  in  the  Hebrew  collec- 
tion. Jerome,  on  the  other  hand,  says  that  "  among 

the  Hebrews  the  Book  of  Judith being 

written  in  ttie  Chaldee  language  is  reckoned  among 
the  histories."  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
book  was  written  in  Palestine  in  the  national  dia- 
lect (Syro-Chuldaic).  6.  The  text  exists  at  present 
in  two  distinct  recensions,  the  Greek  (followed  by 
the  Syriac)  and  the  Latin.  The  former  evidently  is 
the  truer  representative  of  the  original,  and  it 
seems  certain  that  the  Latin  was  derived,  in  the 
main,  from  the  Greek  by  a  series  of  successive  al- 
terations. The  Latin  text  contains  many  curious 
errors.  At  present  it  is  impossible  to  determine 
the  authentic  text.  6.  The  existence  of  these 
various  recensions  of  the  book  is  a  proof  of  its 
popularity  and  wide  circulation,  but  the  external 
evidence  of  its  use  is  very  scanty.  The  first  refer- 
ence to  its  contents  occurs  in  Clemens  Romanus, 
and  it  is  quoted  with  marked  respect  by  Origen, 
Hilary,  and  Lucifer.  Jerome  speaks  of  it  as 
"  reckoned  among  the  Sacred  Scriptures  by  the 
Synod  of  Nice."  It  has  been  wrongly  inserted  in 
the  catalogue  at  the  close  of  the  Apostolic  Canons. 
Canon. 

Joel  (fr.  Gr.).  1.  Uel  (1  Esd.  ix.  34).— 2.  Jokl 
13  (ix.  3.-)). 

Jn'lt-a  [as  an  English  word,  usually  pronounced 
jule'ya]  (L.  fem.  of  Jilius),  a  Christian  woman  at 
Rome,  probably  the  wife,  or  perhaps  the  sister  of 
Philologus,  in  connection  with  whom  she  is  saluted 
by  St.  Paul  (Rom.  xvi.  16). 

in'li-DS  [as  an  English  word,  usually  pronounced 
jule'yus]  (L.,  a  common  Roman  njime ;  fr.  Gr,  = 
toft-haired,  downy,  Schl.),  the  centurion  of  "  Au- 
gu.-tus's  band  "  (Army)  to  whose  charge  St.  Paul 
was  delivered  when  he  was  sent  prisoner  from  Ce- 
sarca  to  Rome  (Acts  xxvii.  1,  3). 

Ju'ni-a  [as  an  English  word,  usually  pronounced 
junc'ya]  (L.,  probably  a  man's  name,  properly 
Jutiiag,  contracted  from  Junilius[—  Utile  Jwdus],  or 
Junianus  [r=  of  or  from  Ju7tiusJ  ;  but  regarded  by 
Chrysostom,  &c.,  as  a  woman's  name),  a  Christian 
at  Rome,  mentioned  by  St.  Paul  with  ANniioxi- 
cis  3  (Rom.  xvi.  7).  Origen  conjectures  that  he 
was  possibly  one  of  tlio  seventy  disciples. 

Jn'ci-prr  (1  K.  xix.  4,  5 ;  Ps.  cxx.  4 ;  Job  xxx. 
4).  The  Ileb.  rothem,  translated  iu  A.  V.  "juni- 
per," is  beyond  doubt  a  sort  of  broom,  Geniila 
tnono»perma,  Oeriisla  liatmn  of  Forskal,  answering 
to  the  Arabic  Reihcm,  which  is  also  found  in  the 
desert  of  Sinai,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  true 
juniper  (Robinson,  ii.  124).  It  is  very  abundant  in 
the  desert  of  Sinai,  and  affords  shade  and  protec- 
tion, both  in  heat  and  storm,  to  travellers.  The 
roots  are  much  valued  by  the  Arabs  for  charcoal 
for  the  Cairo  market.  The  Rothem  is  a  legiimin- 
ou8  plant,  and  bears  a  white  flower.  It  is  found 
also  in  Spain,  Portugal,  and  Palestine.     Cedab. 

Jn'pl-ter  (L.  :=  a  father  that  helps,  or  father  Zeut  ?), 

the  supreme  or  chief  god  among  the  ancient  Ro- 

j    mans.     Jupiter  in  the  A.  V.  is  the  translation  of 

,.,t\wGr.  Zeiu.     Antiochus  Epiphancs  dedicated  the 

.    Temple  at  Jerusalem  to  the  service  of  Zeus  ("  Ju- 


piter "  A.  y.)  Olympius  (2  Me.  vi.  2),  and  at  the 
same  time  the  rival  temple  on  Gerizim  was  devoted 
to  Zeus  Xenius  (Jupiter  hospitalis,  Vulgate ;  "  Jupi- 
ter the  Defender  of  strangers,"  A.  V.).  The  Olym- 
pian Zeus  was  the  national  god  of  the  Hellenic 
race,  as  well  as  the  supreme  ruler  of  the  heathen 
world,  and  as  such  formed  the  true  opposite  to  Je- 
HOVAU.  The  application  of  the  second  epithet, 
"  the  god  of  hospitality "  (A.  V.  "  Defender  of 
strangers"),  is  more  obscure.  Jupiter  or  Zeus  is 
mentioned  in  the  N.  T.,  on  the  occasion  of  St. 
Paul's  visit  to  Lystra  (Acts  xiv.  12,  13),  where  the 
expression  "  Jupiter,  which  was  before  their  city," 
means  that  his  temple  was  outside  the  city  ;  also  in 
connection  with  Diana  of  Ephesus  (xix.  35). 

Jn'shab-be'sed  (fr.  Heb.  =  lovivg-kindneas  i>  re- 
turned), son  of  Zerubbabel  (1  Chr.  iii.  20).     Uasa- 

DIAII. 

*  Jns-ti-fi-M'tlon  (fr.  L.,  literally  =  a  making  just 
or  righteous  ;  hence  a  treating  or  treatment  of  one 
as  just),  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Gr.  dikaioma 
(Rom.  V.  16  only),  elsewhere  translated  "  righteous- 
ness" (ii.  26,  V.  18,  viii.  4;  Rev.  xix.  8),  "judg- 
ment "  (Rom.  i.  32  ;  Rev.  xv.  4),  "  ordinance  "  (Lk. 
i.  6;  Heb.  ix.  1,  10).— 2.  Gr.  dikaiosis  (Rom.  iv.  26, 
V.  18  only).     Justify. 

•  Jns'tl-fy  (fr.  L.  =  to  make  just  or  treat  as  just, 
see  above),  to,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb. 
tsddak  (Ex.  xxiii.  1 ;  Deut.  xxv.  1  ;  Job  ix.  20 ;  Ps. 
cxliii.  2,  &c.),  also  translated  "  to  be  just "  (Job  iv. 
17,  ix.  2,  xxxiii.  12),  "to  be  righteous"  ((len. 
xxxviii.  20  ;  Job  ix.  15,  &c.),  "  to  do  justice  to"  (2 
Sam.  XV.  4  ;  Ps.  Ixxxii.  3),  "  to  cleanse  "  (Dan.  viii. 
14),  "  to  turn  to  righteousness  "  (xii.  2),  "  to  clear  " 
(Gen.  xliv.  16).— 2.  Gr.  dikaiou  (Mat.  xi.  19,  xii.  87, 
&c.).  This  Greek  verb  occurs  forty  times  in  the 
N.  T.,  and  is  translated  "  to  justify,"  except  in  Rom. 
iii.  26  ("justifier,"  literally  one  juefj/ytTijr),  vi.  7  ("is 
freed,"  literally  has  been  justified),  and  Rev.  xxii.  11 
("  let  him  be  righteous,"  literally  lei  him  be  made 
righteous  or  justified ;  but  critical  editions  here 
read  let  him  do  rightcomness) ;  in  LXX.  —  No.  1. 
The  Scriptures  teach  that  God  "justificth  the  un- 
godly"  (Rom.  iv.  5)  "freely  by  His  grace  through 
the  redemption  that  is  in  Christ  Ji  sus  "  (iii.  24), 
"  FAITH  " — not  that  which  maketh  "  void  the  law, 
but  that  which  establisheth  the  law"  (31),  "which 
worketh  by  love"  (Gal.  v.  6),  "by  which  the  heart 
is  purified "  (Acts  xv.  9),  a  vital  union  with  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  sustained  (Rom.  xi.  20;  Jn.  xv. 
5),  and  "  the  good  fight"  fought  (1  Tim.  vi.  12J— 
such  faith  being  the  condition  of  this  justification 
by  God  (Rom.  iii.  28),  while  "  works  "  woU-plcasing 
to  God,  but  not  self-righteous,  are  the  outgrowth 
of  this  faith  and  the  evidence  of  this  justification 
(Jas.  ii.  17-26).     James,  General  Epistle  of,  &c. 

Jns'tDS  (L.just).  1.  A  surname  of  JosKPH  called 
Barsabas  (Acts  i.  23). — 3<  A  Christian  at  Corinth, 
with  whom  St.  Paul  lodged  (xviii.  7). — 3.  A  sur- 
name of  Jesus,  friend  of  St.  Paul  (Col.  iv.  II). 

Jot'tah  (fr.  Heb.  —  extended,  Ges.),  a  city  in  the 
mountain  region  of  Judah,  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Maon  and  Carmel  (Josh.  xv.  55),  allotted  to  the 
priests  (xxi.  16).  A  village  called  Vutla  was  vi.s- 
ited  by  Robinson,  close  to  Ma'in  and  Ktirmul,  which 
doubtless  represents  the  ancient  town.  Reland, 
Michaelis,  Robinson,  &c.,  suppose  that  Juttah  = 
"  a  city  of  Juda  "  (Lk.  i.  39),  in  which  Zacharias, 
father  of  John  the  Baptist,  resided ;  but  this  is  not 
confirmed  by  positive  evidence. 


512 


EAB 


KAD 


K 

Kab  ze-el  (fr.  Heb.  =  God's  gathering,  Ges.),  one 
of  the  "  cities  "  of  Judah,  apparently  the  farthest 
S.  (Josh.  XV.  21);  the  native  place  of  Benaiah  the 
Bou  of  Jehoiada  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  20;  1  Chr.  xi.  22). 
After  the  Captivity  it  was  reinhabited  by  the  Jews, 
and  appears  as  Jekabzeel.  Wilton  (in  Fairbairn) 
would  place  Kabzeel  at  'Ain  el-Arus,  a  fountain  in 
the  Wadi/  el-Kuseib,  at  the  base  of  the  chalk  clifi's 
(Akrabbim  ?),  near  the  S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
Rowlands  (in  Fairbairn,  under  "  South  Country  ") 
supposes  Kabzeel  —  what  was  afterward  the  cel- 
ebrated Jewish  fortress  of  Masada,  now  Sebbeh,  on 

■  the  W.  side  of  the  Dead  Sea.  See  cut  under  Sea, 
THE  Salt. 

*  Ka'des  [-deez],  the  Greek  form  of  Eadesh  (Jd. 
i.  9). 

Ka'desh  (Heb.  saered,  Ges.),  Ka'desh-b«r'ne-a 
{sacred  desert  of  wandering,  Sim.,  Ges.).  This  place, 
the  scene  of  Miriam's  death,  was  the  farthest  point 
which  the  Israelites  reached  in  their  direct  road  to 
Canaan ;  it  was  also  that  whence  the  spies  were 
sent,  and  where,  on  their  return,  the  people  broke 
out  into  murmuring,  upon  which  their  term  of  wan- 
dering began  (Num.  xiii.  3,  26,  xiv.  29-33,  xx.  1  ; 

■  Deut.  ii.  14).  Probably  "  Kadesh,"  though  applied 
to  signify  a  "  city,"  had  also  a  wider  application  to 
a  region,  in  which  Kadesh-meribah  certainly,  and 
Kadesh-barnea  probably,  indicates  a  precise  spot. 
Thus  Kadesh  appears  as  a  limit  E.  of  the  same 
tract  which  was  limited  W.  by  Shur  (Gen.  xx. 
1),  the  first  portion  of  the  wilderness  on  which  the 
people  emerged  from  the  passage  of  the  Red  Sea. 
"Between  Kadesh  and  Bered"  is  another  indica- 
tion of  the  site  of  Kadesh  as  an  eastern  limit  (xvi. 
14),  for  the  point  so  fixed  is  "  the  fountain  on  the 
way  to  Shur  "  (ver.  7),  and  the  range  of  limits  is 
narrowed  by  selecting  the  western  one  not  so  far 
to  the  W.,  while  the  eastern  one,  Kadesh,  is  un- 
changed. Again,  we  have  Kadesh  as  the  point  to 
which  the  foray  of  Chedorlaomer  "  returned."  In 
Gen.  xiv.  7  Kadesh  is  identified  mth  En-mishpat, 
the  "  fountain  of  judgment,"  and  is  connected  with 
Tamar  or  Hazazos-tamar.  Precisely  thus  stands 
Kadesh-barnea  in  Number?  and  Joshua  (compare 
Ez.  xlvii.  19,  xlviii.  28;  Num.  xxxiv.  4;  Josh.  xv. 
3).  For  there  is  an  identity  about  all  the  connec- 
tions of  the  two,  which,  if  not  conclusive,  will  com- 
pel us  to  abandon  all  possible  inquiries.  This  holds 
especially  as  regards  Paran  and  Tamar,  and  in  re- 
spect of  its  being  the  eastern  limit  of  a  region,  and 
also  of  being  the  first  point  of  importance  found  by 
Chedorlaomer  on  passing  round  the  southern  extremi- 
ty of  the  Dead  Sea.  (Sea,  THE  Salt.)  In  a  strikingly 
similar  manner  we  have  the  limits  of  a  route,  ap- 
parently a  well-known  one  at  the  time,  indicated  by 
three  points,  Horeb  (Sinai),  Mount  Seir,  Kadesh- 
barnea,  in  Deut.  i.  2,  the  distance  between  the  ex- 
tremes being  fixed  at  "  eleven  days'  journey,"  or 
about  165  miles,  allowing  fifteen  miles  to  an  average 
day's  journey.  This  is  one  element  for  determining 
the  site  of  Kadesh,  assuming  of  course  the  position 
of  Horeb  to  be  ascertained.  The  name  of  the  place 
to  which  the  spies  returned  is  "  Kadesh  "  simply,  in 
Num.  xiii.  26,  and  is  there  closely  connected  with 
the  "  wilderness  of  Paran  ; "  yet  the  "  wilderness 
of  ZiN  "  stands  in  near  conjunction,  as  the  point 
whence  the  "  search  "  of  the  spies  commenced  (ver. 
21).     Again,  in  Num.  xxxii.  8,  we  find  that  it  was 


from  Kadesh-barnea  that  the  mission  of  the  spies 
commenced,  and  in  the  rehearsed  narrative  of  the 
same  event  in  Deut.  i.  19,  and  ix.  23,  the  name 
is  also  Kadesh-bamea.  Thus  far  there  seems  no 
reasonable  doubt  of  the  identity  of  this  Kadesh  with 
that  of  Genesis.  Again,  in  Num.  xx.,  we  find  the 
people  encamped  in  Kadesh  after  reaching  the  wil- 
derness of  Zin.  Jerome  clearly  knows  of  but  one 
and  the  same  Kadesh — "  where  Moses  smote  the 
t  rock,"  where  "  Miriam's  monument,"  he  says,  "  was 
still  shown,  and  where  Cliedorlaomer  smote  the 
I  rulers  of  Amalek."  The  apparent  ambiguity  of  the 
position  (1.)  in  the  wilderness  of  Paran,  or  in  Pa- 
!  ran  ;  and  (2.)  in  that  of  Zin,  is  no  real  increase  to 
the  difficulty.  For  whether  these  tracts  were  con- 
tiguous, and  Kadesh  on  their  common  border,  or 
ran  into  each  other,  and  embraced  a  common  terri- 
tory, to  which  the  name  "  Kadesh,"  in  an  extended 
sense,  might  be  given,  is  comparatively  unimportant. 
One  site  fixed  on  for  Kadesh  is  the  '  Ain  es  S/tei/d- 
beh,  about  sixty  miles  S.  of  Beer-sheba,  on  the  S. 
side  of  the  "  mountain  of  the  Amorites,"  and  there- 
fore too  near  Horeb  to  fulfil  the  conditions  of  Deut. 
i  i.  2.  Messrs.  Rowlands  and  Williams  argue  strongly 
in  favor  of  a  site  for  Kadesh  on  the  W.  side  of  this 
whole  mountain  region,  at  'Ain  KaJes  or  Kadeis 
('Ajn  cl-Kudcirdt,  Kbn.),  about  forty-five  miles 
S.  S.  W.  from  Beer-sheba.  Prof.  Tuch,  Wilton, 
Winer,  &c.,  accept  this  identification  ;  Robinson  (ii. 
194  n.,  and  in  B.  S.  vi.  379)  and  Porter  (in  Kitto) 
dispute  both  identification  and  orthography.  Mr. 
Hayman  also  considers  this  spot  too  liir  W.  for  tlie 
fixed  point  intended  in  Deut.  i.  2  as  Kadesh-barnea. 
The  indications  of  locality  strongly  point  to  a  site 
near  where  the  mountain  of  the  Amorites  descends 
to  the  low  region  of  the  Arabah  and  Dead  Sea. 
The  nearest  approximation  which  can  be  given  to  a 
site  for  tlie  city  of  Kadesh.  may  be  probably  at- 
tained by  drawing  a  circle,  from  the  pass  Es-Sii/dh 
(Zcphath  ?),  at  the  radius  of  about  a  day's  journey ;  its 
southwestern  quadrant  will  intersect  the  "  wilder- 
ness of  Paran,"  or  M-Tih,  which  is  there  overhung 
by  the  superimposed  plateau  of  the  mountain  of  the 
Amorites ;  while  its  southeastern  one  will  cross 
!  what  has  been  designated  as  the  "  wilderness  of 
Zin."  This  seems  to  satisfy  all  the  conditions  of 
the  passages  of  Genesis,  Numbers,  and  Deuter- 
onomy, which  refer  to  it.  The  nearest  site  in  har-  i 
mony  with  this  view,  which  has  yet  been  suggested 
(Rbn.  ii.  175),  is  undoubtedly  the  'Ain  el-Weibeh, 
an  important  watering-place,  on  the  western  border 
of  the  'Arabah,  about  fifty  miles  S.  E.  from  Beer- 
sheba.  To  this,  however,  is  opposed  the  remark  of 
Stanley  (96),  that  it  does  not  afford  among  its 
"  stony  shelves  of  three  or  four  feet  higli  "  any 
proper  "  cliff,"  such  as  is  the  word  specially  de- 
scribing that  "  rock  "  (A.  V.)  from  which  the  water 
gushed.  Stanley  (95)  would  find  Kadesh  in  Pctra 
(Sela)  ;  but  this  was  in  Edom,  not  on  its  uttermost 
border  (compare  Num.  xx.  16).  Raunier  would 
place  Kadesh  at  'Am  Hasb,  a  pool  of  living  water 
in  the  'Arabah,  about  twenty  miles  S.  of  the  Dead 
Sea.  A  writer  in  the  Journal  of  Sacred  Literature, 
April,  1860,  would  place  Kadesh  at  Elusa  (el-Klm- 
lasah  ;   Chesil  ?).     Wilderness  op  the  VVasdek- 

INO. 

Kad'mt-el  (Heb.  one  before  Ood,  i.  e.  minister  of 
God,  Ge.s.),  one  of  the  Lcvites  who  with  his  family 
returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel ;  apparently 
a  representative  of  the  descendants  of  Hodaviah, 
elsewhere  called  Hodevah  or  Judah  (Ezr.  ii.  40 ; 
Neh.  vii.  43).     Kadmiel  and  bis  house  are  promi- 


KAD 


KED 


513 


ncnt  in  liistorv  on  several  occasions  (Ezr.  iii.  9 ;  Neh. 
ii.  4,  5,  X.  9,'xii.  8,  '2i). 

Kad  uion-ltes  (I'r.  Heb.  sing.  =  the  Eastern,  Gcs.), 
the,  a  people  named  in  Gen.  xv.  19  only  ;  one  of 
tlic  nations  who  at  that  time  occupied  the  land 
promised  to  the  descendants  of  Abram.  Bocliart 
derives  the  Kadmonites  from  Cadmus,  and  further 
identifies  them  with  the  Hivites.  More  probably 
(so  Mr.  Grove,  Lightfoot,  Ritter,  tec.)  Kadmonites 
=  the  "  children  of  the  East."  (Arabia.)  Thom- 
son (i.  242)  says  the  Kadmonites  arc  supposed  to 
have  resided  about  the  head-waters  of  the  Jordan 
under  Hermon,  and  the  name  is  still  prc8er^'ed 
among  the  Nusairiyeh  N.  of  Tripoli,  who  have  a 
tradition  that  their  ancestors  were  expelled  from 
Palestine  by  Joshua. 

*  Ka'ln  ("fr.  Heb.  =  Cain)  =  the  Kesitk  (Num. 
xxiv.  22,  margin). 

Kal'lai,  or  Kal'la-t  (Heb.  the  siei/t  messenger  of 
Jehova'i  '!  Ges.),  a  priest  in  the  days  of  Joiakim  the 
Bon  of  Jeshua.  He  represented  the  family  of  Sallai 
(Noh.  xii.  20). 

Ka'nall  (Heb.  jiace  of  reeds,  Ges.),  one  of  the 
places  on  the  boundary  of  Asher ;  apparently  next 
to  "  great  Zidon  "  (Josh.  xix.  28  only) ;  but  identi- 
fied by  Robinson,  Wilson,  Porter,  Van  de  Vclde, 
Inc.,  with  the  modern  village  Kana,  six  miles  E.  S.  E. 
from  Tyre,  and  nearly  twenty  miles  S.  from  Zidon. 
An  'Ain  Kana  is  marked  in  the  map  of  Van  de 
Vclde,  about  eight  miles  S.  E.  of  Saida  (Zidon). 
This  at  least  (so  Mr.  Grove)  answers  more  nearly 
the  requirements  of  the  text. 

Ka'nah  (sec  above),  th«  RlT'er,  a  stream  falling 
into  the  Mediterranean,  and  forming  the  division  be- 
tween the  territories  of  Ephraim  on  the  S.  and  Ma- 
nassch  on  the  N.  (Josh.  xvi.  8,  xvii.  9).  Robinson 
(iii.  135)  identifies  it  "without  doubt  "with  a  wady, 
which,  taking  its  rise  in  the  central  mountains  of 
Ephraim,  near  'Akrabeh,  some  seven  miles  S.  E.  of 
N&bhis,  enters  the  sea  just  above  Jaffa  as  Nahr  cl- 
'Avjeh  ;  bearing  during  part  of  its  course  the  name 
of  Wadi/  KAnah.  The  conjecture  of  Schwarz  Mr. 
Grove  regards  as  more  plausible — that  it  is  a 
wady  which  commences  W.  of  and  close  to  Nahivs, 
at  'Ain  el-Khassab,  and  falls  into  the  sea,  about 
twelve  miles  N.  of  the  former,  as  Nahr  Fatail;  and 
which  bears  also  the  name  of  Wadi/  tl-Khassab  (the 
reedy  stream).  The  Nahr  el-Akfidar,  a  small  stream 
which  falls  into  the  Mediterranean  twelve  or  four- 
teen miles  further  N.  and  about  two  miles  S.  of 
ancient  Cesarea,  is  also  suggested  as  =  Kanah 
(Kitto,  &c.). 

Ka-r«'ah  (Heb.  bald-head,  Ges.),  father  of  Johanan 
and  Jonathan,  two  of  the  captains  who  supported 
Gertaliah's  authority  and  avenged  his  murder  (Jer. 
xl.  8,  13,  15,  16,  xli.  11,  13,  14,  16,  xlii.  1,  8,  xliii.  2, 
4,  6);  also  called  Careah. 

Kar'ka-a  (fr.  Heb.  —  foundation,  bottom,  Ges.), 
one  of  the  landmarks  on  the  S.  boundary  of  Judah 
(Josh.  XV.  3).  Its  site  is  unknown.  Wilton  (in 
Falrbaim)  suggests  Wady  el-Kureiyeh,  about  seventy- 
five  miles  S.  S.  W.  of  Beer-sheba. 

Kar'kor  (Heb.  foundation,  Ges.),  the  place  in 
which  Zebah  and  Zaimunna  were  again  routed  by 
Gideon  (Judg.  viii.  10).  It  must  have  been  on  the 
E.  of  the  Jordan,  beyond  the  district  of  the  towns, 
in  the  open  wastes  inhabited  by  the  nomad  tribes. 
Mr.  Grove  and  Porter  (in  Kitto)  think  it  cannot 
have  been  so  far  to  the  S.  as  it  is  placed  by  Euse- 
bius  and  Jerome,  viz.  one  day's  journey  (about  fif- 
teen miles)  X.  of  Petra.  Wilton  (in  Fairbaini)  would 
identify  Karkor  with  elKerak  between  liusrah  («n- 
33 


cicnt  Bozrah  ?)  and  Tell  'Ashterah  (Ashtaroth),  or 
with  the  whole  of  the  rich  plain  en-Nukrah  in  the 
IJaurun. 

Kar'tah  (Heb.  dty,  Ges.),  a  town  of  Zebulun, 
allotted  to  the  Merarite  Levitcs  (Josh.  xxi.  84). 
Van  de  Vclde  (i.  289)  supposes  it  at  7Vll  Kur- 
thani  on  the  bank  of  the  Kishon,  at  the  foot  of  Car- 
mel. 

Kar'tan  (Heb.  double  city,  Ges.),  a  city  of  Naph- 
tali,  allotted  to  the  Gcrshonite  Levites  (Josh.  xxi. 
32);  =  KiRjATHAiM  in  1  Chr.  vi.  76. 

Kat'tatll  (Heb.  small,  Gcs.),  one  of  the  cities  of 
Zebulun  (Josh.  xix.  15).  Schwarz  seeks  to  identify 
it  with  Kana  el-JeW — most  probably  the  Cana  op 
Galilee  of  the  N.  T.  Gesenius  and  Rosenmuller 
would  make  Kaltah  —  Kitron. 

Kc'dar  (Heb.  dark-skinntd,  Ges.),  the  second  in 
order  of  the  sons  of  I.-:bmael  (Gen.  xxv.  18 ;  1  Chr. 
i.  29),  and  the  name  of  a  great  tribe  of  the  Arabs, 
settled  on  the  N.  W.  of  the  peninsula  and  the  con- 
fines of  Palestine.  This  tribe  seems  to  have  been, 
with  Tenia,  the  chief  representative  of  Ishmacl's 
sons  in  the  western  portion  of  the  land  they  origi- 
nally peopled.  The  "  glory  of  Kcdur  "  is  recorded 
by  Isaiah  (xxi.  13-17)  in  the  burden  upon  Arabia  ; 
and  its  importance  may  also  be  inferred  from  the 
"  i)rinces  of  Kcdar,"  mentioned  by  Ezekiel  (xxvii. 
21),  as  well  as  the  pastoral  character  of  the  tribe. 
In  Cant.  i.  5  the  "  black  tents  of  Kedar  "  are  for- 
cibly mentioned.  In  Is.  Ix.  7  we  find  "  the  flocks 
of  Kedar  "  (compare  Jer.  xlix.  28,  29).  They  ap- 
pear also  to  have  been,  like  the  wandering  tribes 
of  the  present  day,  "  archers  "  and  "  mighty  men  " 
(Is.  xxi.  17;  compare  Ps.  cxx.  5).  That  they  also 
settled  in  villages  or  towns,  we  find  from  Isaiah 
(xlii.  11).  The  tribe  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the 
most  conspicuous  of  all  the  Ishmaelite  tribes,  and 
hence  the  Rabbins  call  the  Arabians  universally  by 
this  name.  As  a  link  between  Bible  history  and 
Mohammedan  traditions,  the  tribe  of  Kedar  is  prob- 
ably found  in  the  people  called  the  Cedrei  by  Pliny, 
on  the  confines  of  Arabia  Petra?a  to  the  S. 

Kcd'e-mab  (Heb.  eastward),  the  youngest  of  the 
sons  of  IsiiMAKL  (Gen.  xxv.  15 ;  1  Chr.  i.  31). 

Ked'e-motll  (Heb.  antiquities,  Ges.),  a  city  in  the 
district  E.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  allotted  to  Reuben 
(Josh.  xiii.  18);  given  to  the  Merarite  Levites  (xxi. 
37  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  79).  It  possibly  conferred  its  name 
on  the  "  wilderness,"  or  uncultivated  pasture-land, 
"  of  Kedemoth  "  (Num.  xxi.  23  ;  Deut.  ii.  26,  &c.). 

Ke'dcsb  (Heb.  sanctvaiy,  Gcs.).  1.  A  city  in  the 
extreme  S.  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  23) ;  =  Kadksh, 
Kabesh-babnea  ? — 2.  A  city  of  Issachar,  allotted  to 
the  Gcrshonite  Levites  (1  Chr.  vi.  72);  =  Kishon 
(Josh.  xxi.  28);  supposed  by  Mr.  Grove  to  be  the 
Kedesh  mentioned  among  the  cities  whose  kings 
were  slain  by  Joshua  (Josh.  xii.  22),  in  company 
with  Mcgiddo  and  Jokncam  of  Caimel. — 3.  "Ke- 
desh," also  "  Kedesh  in  Galilee,"  and  once  (Judg. 
iv.  6)  "  Kedesh-naphtall ; "  one  of  the  fortified 
cities  of  Naphtali,  named  between  Hazor  and  Edrei 
(Josh.  xix.  37);  appointed  as  a  city  of  refuge,  and 
allotted  with  its  "  suburbs  "  to  the  Gcrshonite  Le- 
vites (xx.  7,  xxi.  32 ;  1  Chr.  vi.  76).  It  was  the 
residence  of  Barak  (Judg.  iv.  6),  and  there  he  and 
Deborah  assembled  the  tribes  of  Zebulun  and  Naph- 
tali before  the  conflict  (9,  10),  being  probably,  as  its 
name  implies,  a  holy  place  of  great  antiquity.  It 
was  taken  by  Tiglath-pilcser  in  the  reign  of  Pekah 
(2  K.  XV.  29).  Its  next  appearance  is  as  the  scene 
t  of  a  battle  between  Jonathan  Maccabeus  and  the 
I  forces  of  Demetrius  (1  Mc.  xi.  63,  73,  A.  V.  Cadi£s). 


514 


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leb 2;  B^itmms;  OnBm. 

Kcirik  (a*^  fc  Heki,  prakaklr  =  awik  Ge.^ 
mt,tmi%»^mitL).tm,ti  «AearBadMa«haae 

•r  Ike 
the  fca  aMaiiaB  af  ihea  i>  ■■ 

XT.  19k.'  Tkcir  a^j>i  m  laUca  firaa  ■>.    Bat  «e 
B>T  AbIt  afcr  tk«l  Arv  vac  a  ki^Kk  af  tke 
Iwn  HtiM  af  Xnux— froa^  tke  fact  dm  Jcthra. 
-      -     ~     -      (£aaB.lS.l«.ir.  lt,fa.)i•RV•e- 
■  Ac  bad  eT  :~  ~ 
af  ^  miaa.  is  a  JaiE**  |>- 1«. 

~      ~  Vr  «ke  akatft  af  ike 
aft 
fe^lke  latmwittia 

Tke  caaacoiaa  di^  caaBcaeed  1 

MaAeaoesaaa 


(SMLXsk.  tl,»: 
1  Oe.  EnS.  ISV    Bm  *e  aaadaaagi  af  I 
■cigkbartasd  rf  the 

tka' 
ia  to  tke  &  af 
fia^  L  1«;  I  Sea.  it.  «.  xxia.  H^  aec  sxx. ! 
>M  aac  af  tke  rWahi  cf  Oe 

iatake  i 

Ifr. 
KamitK)^  a 

(Go.  XT.  I»i 

Bcia-kapTpaA  [.fak]  (Bet.  W.  ^. 
tfe^aa^Aira.  Gea.V  tke  <aanee«  af  *e  < 
af  Jahvhan  ta  laa  *m^  At  periadaf  I 
(Jak  xfi.  MV 
Ks'dMUk,  Ac  A.  Y.  II  ■  hiiw  irf' 

(&.  xS.  tf:  ■»' 
Dr.  W.  U  A 


(Hek.  ifiiJM  =  filia.  Gts.\.     I.   A 
thetsnaa  tWi 
(Jari^  IT.  m 
A.X.CmmtA.  mtd  Htnaa")  k 

Ike  aaaK  akkfc  Mbas  k :  ^"i* 


riHBaa^aersjy 
H  -KcriMkf'O- 
aadTa8^T«aac 


1 


KID 


515 


i*'i 


•r  Ac 


— ' — '■ '■^-'tbmnmetitwat  Atmmittml^^  \{.'    '        —    — 

rMS  laeiusc.)— C  ^  citv  tt  Kaak  (Jcr.  sMi. 
Bf   Fetter   k  is   aiiaiMa^  ifcatiicd 

uuM)«tfccii«tiiiB  futa  Ak  Bamtim.     *-  ■     ^j    ^   | 

■j«e  ■  wJJ  ill  liif I  Karitfc  with  ¥mniml,  mt  At    hodk  ■■  sl  L  it  a 

t»tjtMd'Jai^mdh^  MAmt  «M«  I  li.  I ,  I.J,- j7. r  ■■  r^ii  (■    1TX  Hi  ■•.  ■  I  II 

<ie  J  aa  (B.  J2.  »V  *fr  ffiiBiiJ  be  nmia.  Acs 

'a»ta  (fe.  BA. = taB  ^i^  a  onr  tf  XaM* 
».n»»t»<fcegafcatMieU«iM»(liit  ni. 


ITa- 


•itk  Jtmatt.  aae  aT  a  aensaT 
aa4  &  W.  aT  AvaL    Kcriatk. 

ar  " 


Eteat(atltLdidt,mrtmtit       

•-^'  ^^(lS».aM>.    The  BAnwwtti        EM~=« „_ 

cd  -<Man-  B  Ac  xnr.  2,  ■*  c»i^        SMmm  (ba.  Ae 
■MS  "  B  S  die  ixxr.  Uv  m4  •  iwt  -  at  Jah.  sS. 
Ml 

S»«rfi*  <Hek.  aaaa«r,  Ga.)^  Ae  wife  vkaaa 

^■UB4X>a4iBda^t«fc'(A.T.-ieai.taakn    br  Onid  a.  U.  1^  a 
be^  ar  aAcrike  4aa&  aC  SMBk  (C«>.  xsr.  1 ;    mmd  hw  mm  Vm*  m  *^ 
lCkLi.St>.    riiiMiiiai    -•         -fji  ■ 
tiat  liiMfcM  taafc  KttmA  ^far  «■■ 

I',  xniL  11 :  Roau  it.  19;  a^  flck.  xL  UL  m4 
ve  adM  «•  the  Wfirf  (aa  lb.  E.S.Faiie>  ifaa 
g -^1 — ...m: r  "TJi  pliiiJ  lal  if 

'aa   '         -    -    - 


anafcy<Bkaa»4.*)iiaaeta. 
laf  OBwa  tOfcrm,  <aa  ii  tmi,mdnnwamai 


SnaKV  -'Ti  i      Oat 

zzT.  s,  C).    (MitwMa.)    IW  BMs  ar  Kct^ 
^  "ZoKAX, 


ta*  ceeMicaeca  ■  ainc  m^ 

takamaadnte  lias  AeKakaa  nBnris 

d^  4c(y  miae  «■  *e  C:  af  r 

«ai^  atncdf    a«r*eir. 

■.    lalOc    ta'iaaaararAe  Moeat  KitaB'(IK.>.37>a 

ke 
afi 


aa  Ike  K.«r*caln.    The 

aTl ,  1 

O-MVCI^-'Fnai 
!« (ahrifhaarAaa  *e  X  pMcaT 
fc«  iieva  feaa  ikcTaah*  af  AeJ 
afihe  Ba^  f  i  lilt     hoM  &  hr 


516 


KID 


KID 


The  tract  around  this  spot  is  very  rocky.  The  re- 
gion is  full  of  excavated  tombs ;  and  these  con- 
tinue with  more  or  less  frequency  on  both  sides  of 
the  valley,  all  the  way  down  to  Jerusalem.  The 
valley  runs  for  fifteen  minutes  directly  toward  the 
city ;  it  is  here  shallow  and  broad,  and  in  some 
parts  tilled,  though  very  stony.  It  now  turns 
nearly  E.  almost  at  a  right  angle,  and  passes  to  the 
northward  of  the  Tombs  of  the  Kings.  Here  it  is 
about  200  rods  distant  from  the  city  ;  and  the  tract 
between  is  tolerably  level  ground,  planted  with 
olive-trees.  The  Ndbulita  road  crosses  it  in  this 
part.  The  valley  is  still  shallow,  and  runs  in 
the  same  direction  for  about  ten  minutes.  It  then 
bends  again  to  the  S.,  and,  following  this  general 
course,  passes  between  the  city  and  the  Mount  of 
Olives.  Before  reaching  the  city,  and  also  opposite 
its  northern  part,  the  valley  spreads  out  into  a 
basin  of  some  breadth,  which  is  tilled,  and  con- 
tains plantations  of  olives  and  other  fruit-trees.  Its 
sides  are  still  full  of  excavated  tombs.  As  the  val- 
ley descends,  the  steep  side  upon  the  right  becomes 
more  and  more  elevated  above  it ;  until,  at  the  gate 
of  St.  Stephen,  the  height  of  this  brow  is  about  100 
feet.  Here  a  path  winds  down  from  the  gate  on  a 
course  S.  E.  by  E.,  and  crosses  the  water-bed  of 
the  valley  by  a  bridge  ;  beyond  which  are  the  church 
with  the  Tomb  of  the  Virgin,  Gethsemase,  and 
other  plantations  of  olive-trees.  The  breadth  of  the 
proper  bottom  of  the  valley  at  this  spot  is  436  feet. 
Further  N.  it  is  somewhat  broader.  Below  the 
bridge  the  valley  contracts  gradually,  and  sinks 
more  rapidly.  The  first  continuous  traces  of  a 
water-course  or  torrent-bed  commence  at  the 
bridge,  though  they  likewise  occur  at  intervals 
higher  up.  At  the  distance  of  1,000  feet  from  the 
bridge  on  a  course  S.  10°  W.  the  bottom  of  the 
valley  has  become  merely  a  deep  gully,  the  narrow 


bed  of  a  torrent,  from  which  the  hills  rise  directly 
on  each  side.  Here  another  bridge  is  thrown  across 
it  on  an  arch ;  and  just  by  on  the  left  are  the  al- 
leged tombs  of  Jehoshaphat,  Absalom,  &c.,  also  the 
Jewish  cemetery.  The  valley  now  continues  of  the 
same  character,  and  follows  the  same  course  (S.  10° 
W.)  for  550  feet  further  ;  where  it  makes  a  sharp 
turn  for  a  moment  toward  the  right.  This  portion 
is  the  narrowest  of  all,  a  mere  ravine  between  high 
mountains.  The  S.  E.  corner  of  the  area  of  the 
mosque  overhangs  this  part.  Below  the  short  turn 
above  mentioned,  a  line  of  1,025  feet  on  a  course 
S.  W.  brings  us  to  the  Fountain  of  the  Virgin,  lying 
deep  under  the  western  hill.  The  valley  has  now 
opened  a  little ;  but  its  bottom  is  still  occupied 
only  by  the  bed  of  the  torrent.  From  here  a  course 
S.  20°  W.  carried  us  along  the  village  of  Siloam 
(Kefr  Selwdn)  on  the  eastern  side,  and  at  1,170  feet 
we  were  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Tyropoeon  and 
the  pool  of  Siloam,  which  lies  255  feet  within  it. 
Further  down,  the  valley  opens  more,  and  is  tilled. 
A  line  of  685  feet  on  the  same  course  (S.  20  W.) 
brought  us  to  a  rocky  point  of  the  eastern  hill,  here 
called  the  Mount  of  Offence,  over  against  the  en- 
trance of  the  Valley  of  Hinnom.  Thence  to  the 
well  of  Job  or  Nehemiah  is  275  feet  due  south. 
(En-kogel.)  Below  the  well  of  Nehemiah  the  Val- 
ley of  Jehoshaphat  continues  to  run  S.  S.  W.  be- 
tween the  Mount  of  Offence  and  the  Hill  of  Evil 
Counsel,  so  called.  At  about  1,500  feet,  or  500 
yards  below  the  well,  the  valley  bends  off  S.  75°  E. 
for  half  a  mile  or  more,  and  then  turns  again  more 
to  the  S.,  and  pursues  its  way  to  the  Dead  Sea. 
The  width  of  the  main  valley  below  the  well,  as  far 
as  to  the  turn,  varies  from  50  to  100  yards  ;  it  is 
full  of  olive  and  fig  trees,  and  is  in  most  parts 
ploughed  and  sown  with  grain.  Further  down  it 
takes  the  name  among  the  Arabs  of  W.  er-Jidhib 


Gor^  of  the  Kidion,  near  Ui«  Mouutory  of  Saota  Sabs.— From  Carat's  Syria  lUiatrated. — (Fairbattn.) 


{Monka'  Valley),  from  the  convent  of  St.  Saba  situ- 
ated on  it ;  and  still  nearer  to  the  Dead  Sea  it  is 
also  called  W.  en-Mr  (Fire  Vallerj).  The  channel 
of  the  Valley  of  Jehoshaphat,  the  Brook  Kidron  of 
the  Scriptures,  is  nothing  more  than  the  dry  bed  of 
a  wintry  torrent,  bearing  marks  of  being  occasion- 
ally swept  over  by  a  large  volume  of  water.  No 
stream  flows  here  except  during  the  heavy  rains  of 


winter." — One  point  is  unnoticed  in  Dr.  Robinson's 
description,  sufficiently  curious  and  well-attested  to 
merit  further  careful  investigation — the  possibility 
that  the  Kidron  flows  below  the  present  surface  of 
the  ground.  Dr.  Barclay  mentions  "  a  fountain  that 
bursts  forth  during  the  winter  in  a  valley  entering 
the  Kidron  from  the  N.,  and  flows  several  hundred 
yards  before  it  sinks ; "  and  again  he  testifies  thtt 


I 


EIE 


KIN 


517 


at  a  point  in  the  valley  about  two  miles  below  the 
city  the  murmurings  of  a  stream  deep  below  the 
ground  may  be  distinctly  heard,  which  stream,  on 
excavation,  he  actually  discovered.  His  inference 
is  that  between  the  two  points  the  brook  is  flowing 
in  a  subterraneous  channel,  as  is  "  not  at  all  un- 
frequent  in  Palestine." 

*  Kl-ka'jon  (Ueb.  kikdi/in)  (Jon.  iv.  6,  margin). 

GOCRD  1. 

*  Kiln  [kil].    Brick. 

*  Kilii     Kindred. 

Kinah  (Heb.  o  tonff  of  moumittg,  lamentation, 
Ges.),  a  city  of  Judah,  on  the  extreme  S.  boundary, 
next  to  Edom  (Josh.  xv.  22).  Instead  of  "  Jagur 
and  Kinah,"  Wilton  would  read  "  Hazar-Kinab " 
(Kcnite  settlement),  and  place  it  at  el-Hudhairah,  a 
ruined  site  near  Tell  'Ardd  (Arad  =  Eder?). 
Rowlands  (in  Fbn.  under  "  S.  Country  ")  supposes 
Kinah  was  at  Kumub.     Tamar. 

Kin'drrdi  I.  Of  the  special  names  denoting  rela- 
tion by  consanguinity,  the  principal  will  be  found 
explained  under  their  proper  heads.  Father,  Broth- 
er, &c.  It  will  be  there-  seen  that  the  words 
which  denote  near  relation  in  the  direct  line  are 
tised  also  for  the  other  superior  or  inferior  degrees 
in  that  line,  as  grandfather,  gr.mdson,  &c. — II.  The 
words  which  express  collateral  consanguinity  are — 
1.  uncle;   2.  aunt;    3.  nephew  ;  4.  niece  (not  in 

A.  V.) ;  5.  cousin. — III.  The  terms  of  affinity  are 
— 1.  (a.)  father-in-law,  (6.)  mother-in-law ;  2.  (a) 
son-in-law,  (A)  daughter-in-law ;  S.  (a)  brother-in- 
law,  (6)  sister-in-law.  The  domestic  and  economi- 
cal questions  arising  out  of  kindred  may  be  classed 
under  Marriage,  Lnheriiance,  and  Blood-Retenge. 

Kine,  the  old  plural  of  Cow.  Bull;  Butter; 
Heiker;  Milk;  Ox. 

Kin;;  (Heb.  and  Chal.  meleeh ;  Or.  banilcus)  in 
the  Scriptures  denotes  not  only  the  chief  ruler  of 
a  nation  (Deut.  xvii.  14,  15,  &c.),  or  empire  (Ezr. 
iv.  3,  5,  7,  &c.),  but  also  the  chief  of  a  small  citv  or 
district  (Josh.  xii.  7-24  ;  Judg.  i.  7,  &c.).  The  title 
was  also  given  to  the  dependent  or  tributary  chief 
who  exercised  sovereigntv  over  his  own  nation,  &c. 
(1  K.  iv.  24,  XX.  1 ;  Ezr.  vii.  12  ;  Mat.  ii.  1,  &c.).  It. 
'is  applied  to  God  as  the  sovereign  of  the  universe 
(Pa.  V.  2  ;  1  Tim.  i.  17,  &c.),  and  the  special  ruler 
of  Israel  (1  Para.  xii.  12),  and  to  the  Messiah  or 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  (Ps.  ii.  6;  Zcch.  ix.  9;  Mat.  xxi. 
6,  &c.).  Moses  is  styled  "  king  in  Jcshurun  "  (Deut. 
xxxiii.  5),  but  for  several  centuries  there  was  no 
king  of  Israel,  though  Abimelech  was  three  years 
king  of  Shechem.  Jehovah  Himself  exercised 
kingly  authority,  and  subordinate  to  Him  was  the 
JiDGK.  But  in  process  of  time  the  Israelites  de- 
sired an  earthly  king,  and  Sacl  was  invested  with 
the  title,  which  continued  to  be  the  name  of  the 
supreme  ruler  of  the  Hebrews  during  a  period  of 
about  500  years  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem, 

B.  c.  58G.  (Israel,  Ki.ngdom  ok;  Judah,  Kingdom 
OF.)  The  immediate  occasion  of  a  substitution  of  a 
regal  form  of  government  for  that  of  the  Judges 
Mems  to  have  been  the  siege  of  Jabesh-gilcad  by 
Vahash,  king  of  the  Ammonites  (1  Sam.  xi.  1,  xii. 
12),  and  the  refusal  to  allow  the  inhabitants  of  that 
city  to  capitulate,  except  on  humiliating  and  cruel 
conditions  (xi.  2,  4-6).  The  conviction  seems  to 
have  forced  itself  on  the  Israelites  that  they  could 
not  resist  their  formidable  neighbor  unless  they 
placed  themselves  under  the  sway  of  a  king,  like 
surrounding  nations.     Concurrently  with  this  con- 

1  viction,  disgust  had  been  excited  by  the  corrupt  ad- 
I ministration  of  justice  under  the  sons  of  Samuel, 


and  a  radical  change  was  desired  by  them  in  this 
respect  also  (viii.  3-5).  Accordingly  the  original  idea 
of  a  Hebrew  king  was  twofold :  first,  that  he  should 
lead  the  people  to  battle  in  time  of  war ;  and  sec- 
ondly, that  he  should  execute  judgment  and  justice 
to  them  in  war  and  in  peace  (viii.  20).  In  both  re- 
spects the  desired  end  was  attained.  To  form  a 
Qorrect  idea  of  a  Hebrew  king,  we  inust  abstract  our- 
selves from  the  notions  of  modem  Europe,  and 
realize  the  position  of  Oriental  sovereigns.      The 


Auyrtto  King.— From  N.  W.  Paliicc,  Mmrwrf.— (Lnyard'i  .yin«veA,lLl&.) 

following  passage  of  Sir  John  Malcolm  respecting 
the  Shahs  of  Persia  may,  with  some  slight  modifl- 
cations,  be  regarded  as  tairly  applicable  to  the  He- 
brew monarchy  under  David  and  Solomon  : — "  The 
monarch  of  Persia  has  been  pronounced  to  be  one 
of  the  most  absolute  in  the  world.  His  word  has 
ever  been  deemed  a  law  :  and  he  has  probably  never 
had  any  further  restraint  upon  the  free  enercise  of 
his  vast  authority  than  has  arisen  from  his  regard 
for  nligion,  his  respect  for  established  usages,  his 
desire  of  reputation,  and  his  fear  of  exciting  an 
opposition  tlat  might  be  dangerous  to  his  power,  or 
to  his  life  "  (Malcolm's  Pirsia,  vol.  ii.  303).  Besides 
being  commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  supreme 
judge,  and  absolute  master,  as  it  were,  of  the  lives 
of  his  subjects,  the  king  exercised  the  power  of  im- 
posing taxes  on  them,  and  of  exacting  from  them 
personal  service  and  labor.  And  the  degree  to 
which  the  exaction  of  personal  labor  might  be  car- 
ried on  a  special  occasion  is  illustrated  by  King 
Solomon's  requirements  for  building  the  Temple. 
In  addition  to  these  earthly  powers,  the  king  of 
Israel  had  a  more  awful  claim  to  respect  and  obe- 
dience. He  was  the  vicegerent  of  Jehovah  (1  Sam. 
X.  1,  xvi.  13),  and  as  it  were  His  son,  if  just  and 
holy  (2  Sam.  vu.  14 ;  Ps.  Ixxxix.  26,  27,  ii.  6,  7). 


518 


KIN 


KW 


He  had  boon  set  apart  as  a  consecrated  rulci-.  Upon 
his  head  had  been  poufod  the  holy  aiiohiting  oil, 
composed  of  olive-oil,  myrrh,  einuainoii,  sweet  cala- 
mus, and  cassia,  which  had  hitherto  been  reserved 
exclusively  for  the  priests  of  Jehovah,  especially  the 
high-priest,  or  had  been  solely  used  to  anoint  the 
Tabernacle  of  the  Congregation,  the  Ark  of  the  Tes- 
timony, and  the  vessels  of  the  Tabernacle  (Ex.  xxx, 
23-33,  xl.  9 ;  Lev.  xxi.  10  ;  1  K.  i.  39).  (Axoint- 
i.NG.J  He  had  become,  in  fact,  emphatically  "  the 
Lord's  Anointed."  A  ruler  in  whom  so  much  au- 
thority, human  and  divine,  was  embodied,  was  nat- 
urally distinguished  by  outward  honors  and  luxu- 
ries. He  had  a  court  of  Oriental  magniflcence.. 
When  the  power  of  the  kingdom  was  at  its  height, 
he  sat  on  a  throne  of  ivory,  covered  with  pure  gold, 
at  the  feet  of  which  wer^  two  figures  of  lions.  The 
king  was  dressed  in  royal  robes  (xxii.  10;  2  Chr. 
xviii.  9) ;  his  insignia  were,  a  crown  or  diadem  of 
pure  gold,  or  perhaps  radiant  with  precious  gems 
(2  Sara.  i.  10,  xii.  30;  2  K.  xi.  12  ;  Ps.  xxi.  3),  and 
a  royal  sceptre.  Those  who  approached  him  did 
him  obeisance,  bowing  down  and  touching  the 
ground  with  their  foreheads  (1  Sam.  xxiv.  8  ;  2  Sam. 
xix.  24);  and  this  was  done  even  by  a  king's  wife, 
the  mother  of  Solomon  (1  K.  i.  16).  (ADOitATios.) 
His  olBcers  and  subjects  called  themselves  his 
servants  or  slaves,  though  they  do  not  seem  habitu- 
ally to  have  given  way  to  such  extravagant  saluta- 
tions as  in  the  Childean  and  Persian  courts  (1  Sam. 
xvii.  32,  34,  3i5,  xx.  8 ;  2  Sam.  vi.  20;  Dan.  ii.  4). 
As  in  the  East  to  this  day,  a  kiss  was  a  sign  of  re- 
spect and  homage  (1  Sam.  x.  1,  perhaps  Ps.  ii.  12). 
He  lived  in  a  splendid  p.vlace,  with  porches  and 
coluraos  (1  K.  vii.  2-7).  All  his  drinking-vessels 
were  of  gold  (x.  21).  He  had  a  large  harem,  which 
in  the  time  of  Solomon  must  have  been  the  source 
of  enormous  expense.  As  is  invariably  the  case  in 
the  great  Eastern  monarchies  at  present,  his  harem 
was  guarded  by  eunuchs;  translated  "  ofTicers "  in 
the  A.  V.  for  the  most  part  (1  Sam.  viii.  13;  2  K. 
xxiv.  12,  15;  IK.  xxii.  9;  2  K.  viii.  6,  ix.  32,  xx. 
18,  xxiii.  11 ;  Jcr.  xxxviii.  7).  (Euslcii.)  The  law 
of  succession  to  the  throne  is  somewhat  obscure, 
but  it  seems  most  probable  (so  Mr.  Twisleton)  that 
the  king  during  his  lifetime  named  liis  successor. 
This  was  tlie  case  with  David  (1  K.  i.  30,  ii.  22; 
but  compare  1  Chr.  xxii.  9,  10,  xxviii.  5) ;  and  with 
Rehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  21,  22).  At  the  same  time, 
if  no  partiality  for  a  favorite  wife  or  son  intervened, 
there  would  always  be  a  natural  bias  of  a£fecti<m  in 
favor  of  the  eldest  son.  The  following  is  a  list  of 
some  of  the  officers  of  the  king: — 1.  The  Recorder 
or  Chnmicler,  who  was  perliaps  analogous  to  the 
Historiographer  whom  Sir  John  Malcolm  mentions 
as  an  officer  of  the  Persian  court,  whose  duty  it  is 
to  write  the  annals  of  the  king's  reign.  2.  The 
Scribe  or  Secretary  (2  Sam.  viii.  17,  xx.  25 ;  2  K. 
.xii.  10,  xix.  2,  xxii.  8).  3.  The  officer  who  was 
"over  the  house"  (Is.  xxxii.  15,  xxxvi.  3).  His 
duties  would  be  those  of  chief  steward  of  the  house- 
hold, and  would  embrace  all  the  internal  economical 
arrangements  of  the  palace.  4.  The  king's  friend 
(1  K.  iv.  5),  called  likewise  the  king's  companion. 

5.  The  keeper  of  the  vestry  or  wardrobe  (2  K.  x.  22). 

6.  The  captain  of  the  body-guard  (2  Sam.  xx.  23). 

7.  Distinct  officers  over  the  king's  treasures,  his 
storehouses,  laborers,  vineyards,  olive-trees,  and 
sycamore-trees,  herds,  camels,  and  flocks  (1  Chr. 
xxvii.  25-31).  8.  The  olliocr  over  all  the  host  or  { 
armv  of  Israel,  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  armv 
(2  Sam.  XX.  23 ;  1  Chr.  xxvii.  34  ;  2  Sam.  xi.  1).     9.  [ 


The  royal  counsellors  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  32;  Is.  iii.  3, 
xix.  11,  13).  The  following  is  a  statement  of  the 
sources  of  the  royal  revenues: — 1.  The  royal  de- 
mesnes, corn-fields,   vineyards,  and   olive-gardens. 

2.  The  produce  of  the  royal  tiocks  (1  Sam.  xxi.  7; 
2  Sam.  xiii.  23;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  10;  1  Chr.  xxvii.  25). 

3.  A  nominal  tenth  of  the  produce  of  corn-land  and 
vineyards  and  of  sheep  (1  Sam.  viii.  13,  17).  4.  A 
tribute  from  merchants  who  passed  through  the 
Hebrew  territory  (1  K.  X.  14).  3.  Presents  njadc  by 
his  subjects  (1  Sam.  x.  27,  xvi.  20 ;  IK.  x.  25 ;  Ps. 
Ixxii.  10).  6.  In  the  time  of  Solomon,  the  king  had 
trading-vessels  of  his  own  at  sea  (1  K.  x.  22). 
Probably  Solomon  and  some  other  kings  may  have 
derived  some  revenue  from  commercial  ventures  (1 
K.  ix.  28).  7.  The  spoils  of  war  taken  from  con- 
quered nations  and  the  tribute  paid  by  them  (2  Sam. 
viii.  2,  7,  8,  10;  1  K.  iv.  21 ;  2  Chr.  xxvii.  5).  8. 
Lastly,  an  undefined  power  of  exacting  compulsory 
labor,  to  which  reference  has  been  alreadv  made 
(1  Sam.  viii.  12,  13,  IB).  In  Deut.  xvii.  14-20  are 
some  directions  as  to  what  a  Hebrew  king  was  to  do 
and  not  to  do ;  and  in  Rom.  xiii.  1-7  and  1  Pet.  ii. 
13-17  are  the  general  principles  of  loyal  obedience. 
Jerusalem  is  styled  "  the  city  of  the  great  King  " 
(Ps.  xlviii.  2;  Mat.  v.  35),  i.  e.  of  Jehovah.  Chris- 
tians are  to  be  figuratively  "  kings  and  priests  unto 
God"  (Rev.  i.  6;  compare  1  Pet.  ii.  9;  Mat.  xxv. 
34).     Kingdom  ;  Nineveh. 

*  Kingdom  =  the  authority,  dominion,  or  realm 
of  a  KING.  The  phrases  "  kingdom  of  God  "  (Mat. 
vi.  33,  &c.),  "  kingdom  of  Christ  "  (Eph.  v.  6  ;  Rev. 
i.  9,  &e.), "  kingdom  of  Heaven  '  '(Mat.  iii.  2,  &c.\  = 
(so  Robinson,  N.T.  Lex.)  the  divine  spiritual  kingdom, 
the  fflorious  reign  of  the  Messiah  (compare  Ps.  ii., 
ex. ;'  Dan.  ii.  44,  vii.  14,  27,  ix.  25  ff.,  &c.),  or  the  Chris- 
tian dispen»atiori,  comprising  those  who  receive 
Jusus  as  the  Messiah,  and  who,  united  by  His  spirit 
under  Him  as  their  head,  rejoice  in  the  truth,  ami 
live  a  holy  life  in  love  and  in  communion  with  Dim. 
This  spiritual  kingdom  has  both  an  internal  and  c:'.- 
ternal  form.  As  internal,  it  already  exists  and 
rules  in  the  hearts  of  all  Christians,  and  is  there- 
fore present.  As  external,  it  is  either  embodied 
in  the  visible  Church  of  Christen  earth,  and  in  so  far 
is  present  and  progressive;  or  it  is  to  be  perfected 
in  the  coming  of  the  Messiah  to  judgment  and  His 
subsequent  spiritual  reign  in  bliss  and  glory,  in 
which  view  it  is  future.  Cut  these  different  aspects 
arc  not  alwaj's  distinguished ;  the  expression  often 
embracing  both  the  internal  and  external  sense,  and 
referring  both  to  its  commencement  in  this  world 
and  its  completion  in  the  world  to  come.  The 
"  kingdom  of  heaven,"  &c.  =  (so  Langc  on  Mnl.  iii. 
2)  "the  kingdom  of  God's  Spirit,  in  which  the  will 
of  man  is  made  conformable  to  the  will  of  God — a 
kingdom  which  comes  from  heaven,  is  heaven  on 
earth,  and  ends  in  heaven."  The  Jews  were  chil- 
dren of  the  typical  kingdom,  or  of  the  theocracy 
(Mat.  viii.  12),  and  might  cherish  the  expectation  of 
becoming  children  of  the  real  kingdom — tliat  of 
heaven  (Rom.  ix.  4  f.,  xi.  16  ff.)  (Lange  on  Mat.  viii. 
12).  "The  children  of  the  kingdom"  in  Mat.  xiii. 
38  are  real  Christians,  the  true  citizens  and  heirs 
of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  (compare  Mat.  xxv.  34 ; 
Rom.  viii.  IB,  17;  1  Pet.  i.  3  ff.).     Citizen. 

*  King's  Dale,  the  (Heb.  ''emek  hammeleeh),  a  rale 
(Valley  1),  or  long  low  plain  (so  Gesenius),  the 
po.sition  of  which  is  uncertain  (Gen.  xiv,  17 ;  2  Sam. 
xviii.  18).  Porter  (in  Kitfo)  supposes  it  =  the 
plain  of  R'phaim,  S.  W.  of  Jerusalem;  others  make 
it   =   the   valley  of  Jchosliaphat  or  Kidron,  &c. 


f 


KIX 


KIN 


519 


.Ioscphus(vii.  10,  §  3)  says  it  was  two  furlongs  firom 
Jerusalem.     Absalom  ;  Shaved,  Valley  of. 

*  King's  Gar'drn,  the.    Gauden. 

*■'  king's  Pool,  tbe.    Siloam. 

Kii  gs,  First  and  See  iind  Books  of,  originally  only 
one  book  in  tlie  Hebrew  Canox,  and  lirst  edited 
in  Hebrew  as  two  by  Bombcrg,  after  the  model  of  i 
tlie  LXX.  and  the  Vulgate,  llicy  arc  called  by  the  j 
LXX.,  Origcn,  kc,  third  and  fourth  of  the  Kingdoms  \ 
(the  books  of  Samuel  being  the  first  and  second), 
but  by  the  Latins,  with  few  exceptions,  third  and 
fourth  Book  of  Kings.  The  division  into  two 
b<X)ks,  being  purely  artificial,  nnd  as  it  were  me- 
chanical, may  be  overlooked  in  speaking  ol'  them ; 
and  it  must  also  be  remembered  that  the  division 
between  the  Hooks  of  Kings  and  Samuel  is  equally 
artificial,  and  that  in  point  of  fact  the  historical 
bocks  commencing  with  Judges  and  ending  with  2 
Kings  present  the  appearance  of  one  work  (so  Lord 
A.  C.  Uervey,  alter  Ewald).  But  to  confine  our- 
selve,'  to  the  Books  of  Kings.  We  shall  consider — 
I.  Their  historical  and  chronological  range— II. 
Tlicir  peculiarities  of  diction,  and  other  features  in 
their  literary  aspect — III.  Their  authorsliip,  and  the 
sources  of  the  author's  information — IV.  Their 
relation  to  the  Books  of  Chronicles — V.  Their  place 
in  the  canon,  and  the  references  to  them  in  the  N. 
T. — I.  The  Books  of  Kings  range  from  David's  death 
and  Solomon's  accession  to  the  throne  of  Israel, 
commonly  reckoned  ns  B.  c.  1015,  but  according  to 
Lepsius  B.  c.  993,  to  the  destruction  of  the  kingdom 
of  Judah  and  the  desolation  of  Jerusalem,  and  the 
burning  of  the  Temple,  according  to  the  same 
reckoning  d.  c.  588  (b.  c.  586,  Lepsius) — a  period  of 
427  (or  407)  years :  with  a  supplemental  notice  of 
an  event  that  occurred  after  an  interval  of  twenty- 
six  years,  viz.  the  liberation  of  Jehoiachin  from  his 
prison  at  Babylon,  and  a  still  further  extension  to 
Jehoiachin's  death,  probably  not  long  after  his 
liberation.  The  history  therefore  comprehends  the 
whole  time  of  the  Israelitish  monarchy,  exclusive  of 
the  reigns  of  Saul  and  David.  (Israel,  Kingdom 
of;  Jcdah,  Kixguom  of;  Solomox.)  As  regards 
the  affairs  of  foreign  nations,  and  the  relation  of 
Israel  to  them,  the  historical  notices  in  these  books, 
though  in  the  earlier  times  scanty,  are  most  valuable, 
and  in  striking  accordance  with  the  latest  additions 
to  our  knowledge  of  contemporary  profane  history. 
The  names  of  Omri,  Jehu,  Menahem,  Hoshea,  Heze- 
kiah,  &c.,  are  believed  to  have  been  deciphered  in 
the  cuneiform  inscriptions,  which  also  contain  pretty 
full  accounts  of  the  campaigns  of  Tiglath-pileser, 
Sargon,  Sennacherib,  and  Esar-haddon  :  Shalmane- 
ecr's  name  has  not  yet  been  discovered,  though  two 
inscriptions  in  the  British  Museum  arc  thought  to 
refer  to  his  reign.  Another  most  important  aid  to 
a  right  understanding  of  the  history  in  these  books, 
and  to  the  filling  up  of  its  outline,  is  to  be  found  in 
the  prophets,  especially  in  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah. 
Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  maintains,  however,  that  the 
chronological  details  expressly  given  in  the  books 
of  Kings  are  frequently  entirely  contradictory.  The 
date  of  the  foundation  of  Solomon's  Temple  (1  K. 
vi.  1 )  he  considers  erroneous,  as  being  irreconcilable 
with  any  view  of  the  chronology  of  the  times  of  the 
Judges,  or  with  St.  Paul's  calculation  (Acts  xiii.  20). 
f>f  those  chronologers  who  regard  the  number 
"  480  "  in  1  K.  vi.  1  as  erroneous,  most  favor  a 
longer  period,  Playfair  reckoning  it  640  years,  Jack- 
Bon  579,  Hales  621,  Poole  (Chroxolooy)  638,  Seyf- 
farth  880,  and  Pczron  962.  Bunsen  shortens  it  to 
316  years.    The  LXX.   has  440.     Josephus  has 


several  different  numbers,  592,  612,  ic.  On  tbe 
other  hand,  Davidson  (2'he  Textofihe  0.  T.  Consid- 
ered, pp.  343-4,  &c.)  agrfts  with  Usher,  Thenius, 
and  Keil  in  regarding  the  number  "480"  in  1  K.vi. 
1  as  correct,  and  assuming  the  contemporaneousness 
of  some  of  the  Judges  usually  reckoned  successive. 
Davidson  says :  "  Sufficient  data  are  wanting  toward 
a  complete  settlement  of  the  chronology.  Nothing 
but  general  views  can  be  attained  "  (p.  t>51).  "No 
computation  which  we  have  looked  upon  is  on  the 
whole  more  likely  than  the  Hebrew  one  "  (p.  344). 
In  regard  to  the  450  years  assigned  to  the  Judges  in 
Acts  xiii.  20  A.  V.,  Professor  Hackett  ( Commmlary 
on  AcU,  1.  c.)  says :  "  It  is  evident  that  Paul  has 
followed  here  a  mode  of  reckoning  which  was  cur- 
rent at  that  time,  and  which,  being  a  well-known  re- 
ceived chronology,  whether  correct  or  incorrect  in 
itself  considered,  was  entirely  correct  for  his  object, 
which  was  not  to  settle  a  question  about  dates,  but 
to  recall  to  the  minds  of  those  whom  he  addressed  a 
particular  portion  of  Jewish  history."  But  Lach- 
mann,  in  his  critical  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament, 
gives,  in  Acts  1.  c.  a  different  text,  founded  on 
three  of  the  oldest  and  best  MSS.,  viz.  the  Alexan- 
drine, Vatican,  and  St.  Ephrcm  the  Syrian,  and 
agreeing  with  the  recently-discovered  Sinaitic  MS., 
and  with  the  Vulgate,  which  removes  the  appear- 
ance of  discrepancy.  His  reading,  approved  by 
Davidson  (p.  551)  is — "And  when  he  had  destroyed 
seven  nations  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  he  divided  their 
land  to  them  by  lots,  about  the  space  of  450  years; 
and  after  this,  gave  them  judges  until  Samuel  the 
prophet."  When  we  sum  up  the  years  of  all  the 
reigns  of  the  kings  of  Israel  as  given  in  the  Books 
of  Kings,  and  then  all  the  years  of  the  reigns  of  the 
kings  of  Judah  from  the  first  of  Rehoboani  to  the 
sixth  of  Hezekiah,  we  find  an  exces.^  of  nineteen  or 
twenty  years  in  Judah ;  the  reigns  of  the  latter 
amounting  to  261,years,  while  the  former  make  up 
cnly  242.  But  the  parallel  histories  of  Israel  and 
Judah  touch  in  four  or  five  points  where  the  syn- 
chronisms are  precisely  marked.  These  points  arc 
(1.)  at  the  simultaneous  accessions  of  Jeroboam  and 
Rehoboam  ;  (2.)  at  the  simultaneous  deaths  of  Je- 
horam  and  Ahaziah,  or,  which  is  the  same  thing,  the 
simultaneous  accessions  of  Jehu  and  Atl.aliah;  (3.) 
at  the  fifteenth  year  of  Amaziah,  which  w  as  the  first 
of  Jeroboam  II.  (2  K.  xiv.  17) ;  (4.)  in  the  reign  of 
Ahaz,  which  was  eont(niporary  with  some  part  of 
Pekah's,  viz.  according  to  the  text  of  2  K.  xvi.  1,  the 
first  three  years  of  Ahaz  with  the  last  three  of 
Pekah;  and  (5.)  at  the  sixth  of  Hezekiah,  which 
was  the  ninth  of  Iloshea.  Por  the  reconciliation  of 
the  apparent  chronological  discrepancies  in  the 
Books  of  Kings,  nnd  between  these  and  Chronicles, 
&c.,  see  Israel,  Kixcnoii  of;  the  articles  on  the 
various  kings ;  and  Ciirokology. — II.  The  pecu- 
liarities of  diction  in  the  Books  of  Kings  and 
other  features  in  their  literary  history,  may  be 
briefly  disposed  of.  On  the  whole,  the  peculiar- 
ities of  diction  in  these  books  do  not  indicate  a 
time  after  the  Captivity,  or  toward  the  close  of 
it,  but  on  the  contrary  point  pretty  distinctly  to 
the  age  of  Jeremiah.  The  general  character  of  the 
language  is,  most  distinctly,  that  of  the  time  be- 
fore the  Babylonish  Captivity.  But  it  is  worth  con- 
sideration whether  some  traces  of  dialectic  varie- 
ties in  Judah  and  Israel,  and  of  an  earlier  admix- 
ture of  Syriasms  in  the  language  of  Israel,  may 
not  be  discovered  in  those  portions  of  these  books 
which  refer  to  the  kingdom  of  Israel.  Lord  A.  C. 
Hervey  regards  the  text  as  being  far  from  perfect. 


520 


KIN 


KIN 


Besides  the  errors  in  numerals,  some  of  which  are 
probably  to  be  traced  to  this  source,  such  passages 
as  1  K.  XV.  6,  V.  10,  compared  with  v.  2 ;  2  K.  xv. 
80,  viii.  16,  xvii.  34,  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  considers 
manifest  corruptions  of  transcribers.  In  connec- 
tion with  these  literary  peculiarities  may  be  men- 
tioned also  some  remarljable  variations  in  the  version 
of  the  LXX.  These  consist  of  transpositions,  omis- 
sioits,  and  some  considerable  additions.  The  most 
important  transpositions  are — the  history  of  Shimci's 
death  (1  K.  ii.  36-46),  which  in  the  LXX.  (Vatican) 
comes  after  iii.  1,  and  divers  scraps  from  chapters 
iv.,  v.,  and  ix.,  accompanied  by  one  or  two  remarlts 
of  the  translators :  1  K.  iv.  20-25,  2-6,  26,  21,  1, 
are  strung  together  and  precede  iii.  2-28,  but  are 
many  of  them  repeated  again  in  their  proper  places  : 
iii.  1,  ix.  16,  17,  are  strung  together,  and  placed 
between  iv.  34  and  v.  1  :  vii.  1-12  is  placed  after 
vii.  61 :  viii.  12,  13,  is  placed  after  53 :  ix.  15-22 
is  placed  after  x.  22  :  xi.  43-xii.  3  is  much  trans- 
posed and  confused  in  LXX.  xi.  43,  44,  xii.  1-3 : 
xiv.  1-21  is  placed  in  the  midst  of  the  long  addi- 
tion to  chapter  xii.,  mentioned  below  :  xxii.  42-50 
is  placed  after  xvi.  28 :  chapters  xx.  and  xxi.  are 
transposed:  2  K.  iii.  1-3  is  placed  after  2  K.  i.  18. 
The  omissions  are  few.  1  K.  vi.  11-14  is  entirely 
omitted;  and  37,  38,  only  slightly  alluded  to  at  the 
opening  of  chapter  iii. :  I  K.  xv.  6  is  omitted ;  and 
so  are  the  dates  of  Asa's  reign  in  xvi.  8  and  15 ; 
and  there  are  a  few  verbal  omissions  of  no  conse- 
quence. The  chief  interest  lies  in  the  additions,  of 
which  the  principal  are  the  following.  The  sup- 
posed mention  of  a  fountain  as  among  Solomon's 
works  in  the  Temple  in  the  passage  after  1  K.  ii. 
35 ;  of  a  paved  causeway  on  Lebanon,  iii.  46 ;  of 
Solomon  pointing  to  the  sun  at  the  dedication  of 
the  Temple,  before  he  uttered  the  prayer  "  The 
Lord  said  he  would  dwell  in  the  thick  darkness," 
&c.,  viii.  12,  13  (after  63,  LXX.);,  the  information 
that  "Joram  his  brother"  perished  with  Tibni, 
xvi.  22 ;  an  additional  date  "  in  the  twenty-fourth 
year  of  Jeroboam,"  xv.  8 ;  numerous  verbal  addi- 
tions, as  xi.  29,  xvii.  1,  &c. ;  and  lastly,  the  long 
passage  concerning  Jeroboam  the  son  of  Nebat,  in- 
serted between  xii.  24  and  25.  The  mention  of 
Tibni's  brother  Joram  is  the  addition  which  has 
most  the  semblance  of  an  historical  fact,  or  makes 
the  existence  of  any  ofher  source  of  history  prob- 
able. See,  too,  IK.  XX.  19,  and  2  K.  XV.  25.  It  ap- 
pears evident  that  the  long  passage  about  Jeroboam 
is  only  an  apocryphal  version  made  up  of  the  exist- 
ing materials  in  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  after  the 
manner  of  1  Esd.,  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  the  apoc- 
ryphal Esther,  and  the  Targuras.  Another  fea- 
ture in  the  literary  condition  of  our  books  must 
just  be  noticed,  viz.  that  the  compiler,  in  arran- 
ging his  materials,  and  adopting  the  very  words  of 
the  documents  used  by  him,  has  not  always  been 
careful  to  avoid  the  appearance  o(  contradiction. — 
III.  The  Jewish  tradition  which  ascribes  the  author- 
ship of  these  books  to  Jeremiah  1  is  borne  out  by 
the  strongest  internal  evidence,  in  addition  to  that 
of  the  language  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey,  Grotius, 
Carpzer,  Havernick,  &c.).  The  last  chapter,  es- 
pecially as  compared  with  the  last  chapter  of  the 
Chronicles,  bears  distinct  traces  of  having  been 
written  by  one  who  did  not  go  into  captivity,  but 
remained  in  Judea,  after  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple.  This  suits  Jeremiah.  The  events  singled 
out  for  mention  in  the  concise  narrative  are  pre- 
cisely those  of  which  he  had  personal  knowledge, 
and  in  which  he  took  special  interest.    The  writer 


in  Kings  has  nothing  more  to  tell  us  concerning 
the  Jews  or  Chaldees  in  the  land  of  Judah,  which 
exactly  agrees  with  the  hypothesis  that  he  is  Jere- 
miah, who,  we  know,  was  carried  down  to  Egypt 
with  the  fugitives.  In  fact,  the  date  of  the  writing 
and  the  position  of  the  writer  seem  as  clearly 
marked  by  the  termination  of  the  narrative  at  xxv. 
26,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  The 
annexation  of  this  chapter  to  the  writings  of  Jere- 
miah so  as  to  form  Jer.  Iii.  (with  the  additional  clause 
contained  28-30)  is  an  evidence  of  a  very  ancient, 
if  not  a  contemporary  belief,  that  Jeremiah  was 
the  author  of  it.  Going  back  to  chapter  xxiv.,  we 
find  in  verse  14  an  enumeration  of  the  captives 
taken  with  Jehoiaehin  identical  with  that  in  Jer. 
xxiv.  1 ;  in  verse  13,  a  reference  to  the  vessels  of 
the  Temple  precisely  similar  to  that  in  Jer.  xxvii. 
18-20,  xxviii.  3,  6.  Brief  as  the  narrative  is,  it 
brings  out  all  the  chief  points  in  the  political  events 
of  the  time  which  we  know  were  much  in  Jere- 
miah's mind ;  and  yet,  which  is  exceedingly  re- 
markable, Jeremiah  is  never  once  named  (as  he  is 
in  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  12,  21),  although  the  manner  of 
the  writer  is  frequently  to  connect  the  suffering.?  of 
Judah  with  their  sins  and  their  neglect  of  the  Word 
of  God  (2  K.  xvii.  13  ff.,  xxiv.  2,  3,  &c.).  And  this 
leads  to  another  striking  coincidence  between  that 
portion  of  the  history  which  belongs  to  Jeremiah's 
times  and  the  writings  of  Jeremiah  himself  Do 
Wette  speaks  of  the  superficial  character  of  the 
history  of  Jeremiah's  times  as  hostile  to  the  theory 
of  Jeremiah's  authorship.  Now,  considering  the 
nature  of  these  annals,  and  their  conciseness,  this 
criticism  seems  very  unfounded  as  regards  the 
reigns  of  Josiah,  Jehoahaz,  Jehoiaehin,  and  Zcde- 
kiah.  It  must,  however,  be  acknowledged  that  as 
regards  Jehoiakim's  reign,  and  especially  the  latter 
part  of  it,  and  the  way  in  which  he  came  by  his  death, 
the  narrative  is  much  more  meagre  than  one  would 
have  expected  from  a  contemporary  writer,  living 
on  the  spot.  But  exactly  the  same  paucity  of  in- 
formation is  found  in  those  otherwise  copious  no- 
tices of  contemporary  events  with  which  Jeremiah's 
prophecies  are  interspersed.  When  it  is  borne  in 
mind  that  tlie  writer  of  2  K.  wns  a  contemporary 
writer,  and,  if  not  Jeremiah,  must  have  had  inde- 
pendent means  of  information,  this  coincidence  will 
have  great  weight.  Going  back  to  the  reipi  of  Jo- 
siah, in  chapters  xxiii.  and  xxii.,  the  connection  of 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  with  Manassch'st'nns- 
gressions,  and  the  comparison  of  it  to  the  dostruc- 
tion  of  Samaria,  verses  26,  27,  lead  us  back  to  xxi. 
10-13,  and  that  passage  leads  us  to  Jer.  vii.  15,  xv. 
4,  xix.  o,  4,  &c.  The  particular  account  of  Jns'ah's 
passovcr,  and  his  other  good  works,  the  refcronce 
in  verses  24,  25,  to  the  law  of  Moses,  and  tlio  find- 
ing of  the  book  by  Hilkiah  the  priest,  with  the 
fuller  account  of  that  discovery  in  chapter  xxii.,  ex- 
actly suit  Jeremiah,  who  began  his  prophetic  office 
in  the  thirteenth  of  Jo.<iah ;  whose  eleventh  chnpter 
refers  repeatedly  to  the  book  thus  found ;  who 
showed  his  attachment  to  Josiah  by  writing  a  lam- 
entation on  his  death  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  25),  and  whose 
writings  show  how  much  he  made  use  of  the  book 
of  the  Law.  With  Josiah's  reign  necessarily  cease 
all  stronglj^-marked  characters  of  Jeremiah's  author- 
ship. For  though  the  general  unity  and  continuity 
of  plan  lead  us  to  assign  the  whole  history  in  a 
certain  sense  to  one  author,  and  enable  us  to  carry 
to  the  account  of  the  whole  book  the  proofs  derived 
from  the  closing  chapters,  yet  it  must  be  home  in 
mind  that  the  authorship  of  those  parts  of  the  his- 


KIN 


KIN 


521 


tory  of  which  Jeremiah  was  not  an  eye-witness, 
i.  e.  of  all  before  the  reign  of  Josiah,  would  have 
consisted  merely  in  selecting,  arranging,  inserting 
the  connecting  phrases,  and,  when  necessary,  slight- 
ly modernizing  the  old  histories  which  had  been 
drawn  up  by  contemporary  prophets  through  the 
whole  period  of  time.  See  e.  g.  1  K.  xiii.  32.  For, 
as  regards  the  sources  of  information,  it  may  truly 
be  said  that  we  have  the  narrative  of  contemporary 
writers  throughout  It  has  already  been  observed 
(Chroxiclks)  that  there  was  a  regular  series  of 
state-annals  both  for  the  kingdom  of  Judah  and  for 
that  of  Israel,  which  embraced  the  whole  time  com- 
prehended in  the  Books  of  Kings,  or  at  least  to  the 
end  of  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim  (2  K.  xxiv.  5).  These 
annals  are  constantly  cited  by  name  as  "  the  Book 
of  the  Acts  of  Solomon"  (1  K.  xi.  41) ;  and,  after 
Solomon,  "  the  Book  of  the  Chronicles  of  the  Kings 
of  Judah,  or,  Israel  "  (xiv.  29,  xv.  7,  xvi.  5,  H,  20 ; 
2  K.  X.  34,  xxiv.  6,  &c.),  and  it  is  manifest  that  the 
author  of  Kings  had  them  both  before  him,  while 
he  drew  up  his  history,  in  which  the  reigns  of  the 
two  kingdoms  are  harmonized,  and  these  annals  con- 
stantly appealed  to.  But  in  addition  to  these  na- 
tional annals,  there  were  also  extant,  at  the  time  that 
the  Books  of  Kings  were  compiled,  separate  works  of 
the  several  prophets  who  had  lived  in  Judah  and  Is- 
rael. Thus  the  acts  of  Uzziah,  written  by  Isaiah,  were 
verylikely  identical  with  the  history  of  his  reign  in  the 
national  chronicles  ;  and  part  of  the  history  of  Hez- 
ekiah  we  know  is  identical  in  the  Chronicles  and  in 
the  prophet.  The  chapter  in  Jeremiah  relating  to 
the  destruction  of  the  Temple  (lii.)  is  identical  with 
the  account  in  2  K.  xxiv.,  xxv.  In  later  times  we 
have  supposed  that  a  chapter  in  the  prophecies  of 
Daniel  was  used  for  the  national  chronicles,  and 
appears  as  Ezr.  i.  These  other  works,  then,  as  far 
as  the  memory  of  them  has  been  preserved  to  us, 
were  as  follows  :  For  the  time  of  David,  the  book 
of  Samuel  the  seer,  the  book  of  Nathan  the  prophet, 
and  the  book  of  Gad  the  seer  (2  Sam.  xxi.-xxiv. 
with  1  K.  i.  being  probably  extracted  i'rom  Nathan's 
book),  which  seem  to  have  been  collected — at  least 
that  portion  of  them  relating  to  David — into  one 
work  called  "the  Acts  of  David  the  King"  (1  Chr. 
xxix.  29).  For  the  time  of  Solomon,  "  the  Book  of 
the  Acts  of  Solomon"  (1  K.  xi.  41),  consisting  prob- 
ably of  parts  of  the  "  ISook  of  Nathan  the  prophet, 
the  prophecy  of  Ahijah  the  Shilonite,  and  the  visions 
of  Iddo  the  seer  "  (2  Chr.  ix.  29).  For  the  time  of 
Behoboam,  "  the  words  of  Shemaiah  the  prophet, 
and  of  Iddo  the  seer  concerning  genealogies  "  (xii. 
16).  For  the  time  of  Abijah,  "the  story  of  the 
prophet  Iddo  "  (xiii.  SC).  For  the  time  of  Jehosha- 
phat,  "the  words  of  "hu  the  son  of  Hanani"  (xx. 
84).  For  the  time  of  Uzziah,  "  the  writings  of 
Isaiah  the  prophet "  (xxvi.  22).  For  the  time  of 
Hezckiah,  "  the  vision  of  I.«aiah  the  prophet,  the 
son  of  Amoz  "  (xxxii.  32).  For  the  time  of  Manas- 
seh,  a  book  called  "  the  sayings  of  the  seers."  For 
the  time  of  Jeroboam  II.,  a  prophecy  of  "Jonah, 
the  son  of  Amiltai,  the  prophet,  of  Gath-hcpher," 
is  cited  (2  K.  xiv.  26) ;  and  it  seems  likely  that 
there  were  books  containing  special  hi.storic8  of  the 
acts  of  Elijah  and  Elisha,  seeing  that  the  times  of 
these  prophets  are  described  with  such  copiousness. 
Of  the  latter  Gehazi  might  well  have  been  the  au- 
thor, to  judge  from  2  K.  viii.  4,  5,  as  Elisha  himself 
might  have  been  of  the  former.  Possibly,  too,  the 
prophecies  of  Azariah  the  son  of  Oded,  in  Asa's 
reign  (2  Chr.  xv.  1),  and  of  Ilanani  (xvi.  7),  and 
Uicaiab  the  son  of  Imlah  in  Ahab's  reign ;  and  Eli- 


ezcr  the  son  of  Dodavah,  in  Jchoshaphat's ;  and 
Zechariah  the  son  of  Jehoiada,  in  Jehoash's ;  and 
Oded,  in  Pekah's ;  and  Zechariah,  in  Uzziah's  reign ; 
of  the  prophetess  Huldah,  in  Josiah's,  and  others, 
may  have  been  preserved  in  writing,  some  or  all  of 
them.  With  regard  to  the  work  bo  often  cited  in 
the  Chronicles  as  "  the  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel 
and  Judah"  (1  Chr.  ix.  1 ;  2  Chr.  xvi.  11,  xxvii.  V, 
xxviii.  26,  xxxii.  82,  xxxv.  27,  xxxvi.  8),  it  has  been 
thought  by  some  that  it  was  a  separate  collection 
containing  the  joint  histories  of  the  two  kingdoms; 
by  others  that  it  is  our  Books  of  Kings  which  an- 
swer to  this  description;  but  by  Eichhorn,  that  it 
is  the  same  as  the  Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of  Ju- 
dah so  constantly  chcd  in  the  Books  of  Kings  ;  and 
this  last  opinion  seems  the  best  founded. — IV. 
As  regards  the  relation  of  the  Books  of  Kings  to 
those  of  Chronicles,  it  is  manifest,  and  is  univer- 
sally admitted,  that  the  former  is  by  far  the  older 
work.  The  language,  which  is  quite  fice  from  the 
Persicisms  of  the  Chronicles  and  their  late  orthog- 
raphy, and  is  not  at  all  more  Aramaic  than  the 
language  of  Jeremiah,  clearly  points  out  its  relative 
superiority  in  regard  to  age.  Its  subject  also,  em- 
bracing the  kingdom  of  Israel  as  well  as  Judah,  is 
another  indication  of  its  composition  before  the 
kingdom  of  Israel  was  forgotten,  and  before  the 
Jewish  enmity  to  Samaria,  which  is  apparent  in  such 
passages  as  2  Chr.  xx.  37,  xxv.,  and  in  those  chap- 
ters of  Ezra  (i.-vi.)  «hich  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  re- 
gards as  belonging  to  Chronicles,  was  brought  to 
maturity.  While  the  Books  of  Chronicles,  there- 
fore, were  wiitten  especially  for  the  Jews  after 
their  return  from  Babylon,  the  Book  of  Kings  was 
written  for  the  whole  of  Israel,  before  their  com- 
mon national  existence  was  hopelessly  quenched. 
Another  comparison  of  considerable  interest  hetn  ci  n 
the  two  histories  may  be  drawn  in  respect  to  tl  e 
main  design,  that  design  having  a  marked  reloticn 
both  to  the  individual  station  of  the  supposed 
writers,  and  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  their 
country  at  the  times  of  their  writing.  Jeremiah 
was  himself  a  prophet.  He  lived  while  the  pro- 
phetic ofTice  was  in  full  vigor,  in  his  own  person,  in 
Ezekiel,  and  Daniel,  and  many  othcr.s,  both  true  and 
false.  Accordingly,  we  find  in  the  Books  of  Kings 
great  prominence  given  to  the  prophetic  office. 
Ezra,  on  the  contrary,  was  only  a  priest.  In  his 
days  the  prophetic  ortice  had  wholly  fallen  into 
abeyance.  That  evidence  of  the  Jews  being  the 
people  of  God,  which  consisted  in  the  presence  of 
prophets  among  them,  was  no  more.  But  to  the 
men  of  his  generation,  the  distinctive  mark  of  the 
continuance  of  God's  favor  to  their  race  was  the 
rebuilding  of  the  Teniple  at  Jerusalem,  the  restora- 
tion of  the  daily  sacrifice  and  the  Levitical  worship, 
and  the  wondctful  and  providentiul  renewal  of  the 
Mosaic  institutions.  Moreover,  upon  the  principle 
that  the  sacred  writers  were  influenced  by  natural 
feelings  in  their  selection  of  their  materials,  it  serms 
most  appropriate  that  while  the  prophetical  writer 
in  Kings  deals  very  fully  with  the  kingdom  of  Israel, 
in  which  the  prophets  were  much  more  illustrious 
than  in  Judah,  the  Levitical  writer,  on  the  contrary, 
should  concentrate  all  his  thoughts  round  Jerusa- 
lem, where  alone  the  Levitical  caste  had  all  its  powers 
and  functions,  and  should  dwell  upon  all  the  in- 
stances preserved  in  existing  muniments  of  the 
deeds  and  even  the  minutest  ministrations  of  the 
priests  and  Lcvites,  as  well  as  of  their  fuithfulness 
and  sufferings  in  the  cause  of  truth.  The  writer  of 
Chronicles,  having  the  Books  of  Kings  before  him, 


522 


KBf 


KIR 


and  to  a  great  extent  making  those  books  the  basis 
of  his  own,  but  also  having  his  own  personal  views, 
predilections,  and  motives  in  writing,  writing  for  a 
different  age,  and  ibr  ptople  under  very  different 
circumstances ;  and,  moreover,  having  before  him 
the  original  authorities  from  which  the  Books  of 
Kings  were  compiled,  as  well  as  some  others,  nat- 
urally rea;Tanged  tlie  ohler  narrative  as  suited  his 
purpose,  and  his  tastes ;  gave  in  full  passages  which 
the  other  had  aljridged,  inserted  what  liad  been 
wholly  omitted,  omitted  some  tilings  which  tlie 
other  had  inserted,  including  every  thing  relating  to 
the  kingdom  of  Israel,  and  showed  the  color  of  his 
own  mind,  not  only  in  the  nature  of  the  passages 
which  he  selected  from  the  ancient  documents,  but 
in  the  reflections  which  he  frequently  adds  upon  the 
events  which  he  relates,  and  possibly  also  in  the 
turn  given  to  some  of  the  speeches  which  he  re- 
cords. But  to  say,  as  has  been  said  or  insinuated, 
that  a  different  view  of  supernatural  agency  and 
Divine  interposition,  or  of  the  Mosaic  institutions 
and  the  Lovitical  worship,  is  given  in  tlie  two  books, 
or  that  a  less  historical  character  belongs  to  one 
than  to  the  other,  is  to  say  what  has  not  the  least 
foundation  in  fact.  Supernatural  agency,  as  in  the 
cloud  which  filled  the  Temple  of  Solomon  (1  K.  viii. 
10,  II);  the  appear.ince  of  the  Lord  to  Solomon 
(iii.  5,  11,  ix.  2  ff.);  the  witlioring  of  Jeroboam's 
h.and  (xiii.  3-6);  the  fire  from  heaven  which  con- 
sumed Elijah's  sacrifice  (xviii.  33),  and  numei'ous 
other  incidents  in  the  lives  of  Elijah  and  Elisha; 
the  smiting  of  Sennacherib's  army  (2  K.  xix.  35); 
the  going  back  of  the  shadow  on  the  dial  of  Ahaz 
(xx.  II),  and  in  the  very  frequent  prophecies  uttered 
and  fulfilled,  is  really  more  often  adduced  in  these 
books  than  in  the  Chronicles.  The  selection,  tliere- 
fore,  of  one  or  two  instances  of  miraculous  agency 
which  happen  to  be  mentioned  in  Chronicles,  and 
not  in  Kings,  as  indications  of  the  superstitious, 
credulous  disposition  of  the  Jews  after  the  Captivity, 
can  have  no  effect  but  to  mislead.  The  same  may 
be  said  of  a  selection  of  passages  in  Chronicles  in 
which  the  mention  of  Jewish  idolatry  is  omitted. 
It  conveys  a  false  inference,  because  the  truth  is 
that  the  Chronicler  does  expose  the  idolatry  of  Ju- 
dah  as  severely  as  the  author  of  Kings,  and  traces 
the  destruction  of  Judah  to  such  idolatry  quite  as 
clearly  and  forcibly  (2  Chr.  xxxvi.  14  ff.).  The 
author  of  Kings  again  is  quite  as  explicit  in  his 
references  to  tlie  law  of  Moses,  and  has  many  alhi- 
aions  to  the  Levitical  ritual,  though  he  does  not 
dwell  so  copiously  upon  the  details.  See  e.  g.  1 
K.  ii.  3,  iii.  14,  viii.  2,  4,  9,  53,  56,  ix.  9,  20,  x.  12, 
xi.  2,  xii.  31,  32;  2  K.  xi.  5-7,  12,  .\ii.  6,  11,  13, 
18,  xiv.  6,  xvi.  13,  15,  xvii.  7-12,  13-15,  34-39, 
xviii.  4,  6,  xxii.  4,  5,  8  ff.,  xxiii.  21,  &c.,  besides 
the  constant  references  to  the  Temple,  and  to  the 
illegality  of  high-place  worsliip.  So  that  remarks 
on  the  Levitical  tone  of  Chronicles,  when  made 
for  the  purpose  of  supporting  the  notion  that  the 
law  of  Moses  was  a  late  invention,  and  that  the 
Levitical  worship  was  of  post-Babylonian  growth, 
are  made  in  the  teeth  of  the  testimony  of  the  Books 
of  Kings,  as  well  as  those  of  Joshua,  Judges,  and 
Samuel.  The  opinion  that  these  books  were  com- 
piled "  toward  the  end  of  the  Babylonian  exile  " 
(De  Wette,  Parker's  translation)  is  doubtless  also 
adopted  to  weaken  as  much  as  possible  the  force  of 
this  testimony  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey). — V.  The  last 
point  for  our  consideration  is  the  place  of  these  books 
in  the  Canon,  and  the  references  to  them  in  the  N. 
T.    Their  canouical  authority  having  never  been  dis- 


puted, it  is  needless  to  bring  forward  the  testi- 
monies to  their  authenticity  which  may  be  found 
in  Josephus,  Eusebius,  Jerome,  Augustine,  &c. 
They  are  reckoned  among  tlie  Prophets,  in  the 
threefold  division  of  the  Holy  Scriptures ;  a  posi- 
tion in  accordance  with  tlie  supposition  that  they 
were  compiled  by  Jeremiah,  and  contain  the  narra- 
tives of  the  different  prophets  in  succession.  They 
are  frequently  cited  by  our  Lord  and  by  the  apostles. 
Thus  the  allusions  to  Solomon's  glory  (Mat.  vi.  29); 
to  the  queen  of  Sheba's  visit  to  Solomon  to  hear 
his  wisdom  (xii.  42) ;  to  the  Temple  (Acts  vii.  47, 
48) ;  to  the  srreat  drought  in  the  daj-s  of  Elijah,  and 
the  widow  of  Sarepta  (Lk.  iv.  25,  26) ;  to  the  cleans 
ing  of  Xaaman  the  Syrian  (ver.  27) ;  to  the  charge 
of  Elisha  to  Gehazi  (2  K.  iv.  29,  compared  with 
Lk.  X.  4) ;  to  the  dress  of  Elijah  (Mk.  i.  6,  compared 
with  2  K.  i.  8) ;  to  the  complaint  of  Elijah,  and 
God's  answer  to  him  (Rom.  xi.  3,  4) ;  and  to  the 
raising  of  the  Shunammite's  son  li'om  tlie  dead 
(Heb.  xi.  35) ;  to  the  giving  and  withholding  the 
rain  in  answer  to  Elijah's  prayer  (Jas.  v.  17,  18; 
Rev.  xi.  6) ;  to  Jezebel  (ii.  20) ;  are  all  derived  from 
the  Books  of  Kings,  and,  with  the  statement  of 
Elijah's  presence  at  the  Transfiguration,  are  a 
striking  testimony  to  their  value  for  the  purpose 
of  religious  teaching,  and  to  their  authenticity  as  a 
portion  of  the  Word  of  God.     Bible  ;  IxsnuATiON. 

»  Kins'man,  Kins'wom-an.    Kindred. 

Kir  (Heb.  a  wall,  walled  place  or  fortress,  Gcs.) 
is  mentioned  by  Amos  (ix.  7)  as  the  land  from  which 
the  Syrians  (Arameans)  were  once  '"  brought  up  ;  " 
i.  e.  apparently,  as  the  country  where  they  had 
dwelt  before  migrating  to  the  region  N.  of  Palestine. 
It  was  also  the  land  to  which  the  captive  Syrians 
of  Damascus  were  removed  by  Tiglath-pileser  on 
Ms  conquest  of  that  city  (2  K.  xvi.  9;  compare  Am. 
i.  5).  Isaiah  joins  it  with  Elam  in  a  jiassage  where 
Jerusalem  is  threatened  with  an  attack  from  a  for- 
eign army  (xxii.  6).  The  common  opinion  among 
recent  commenttitors  has  been  that  a  tract  on  the 
river  Kar  or  Cyrus  is  intended  (Georgia  in  Asiatic 
Ru=sia  [ Rosen m idler,  Michaelis,  Gesenins]).  Kcil 
prefers,  with  Vitringa,  a  city  in  Jledia,  the  Knrme 
of  Ptolemy,  the  present  Kerend,  Rawlinson  asks, 
May  not  Kir  be  a  variant  for  Kish  cr  Ku^h  (Ciish), 
and  represent  the  eastern  Ethiopia,  the  Cissia  of 
Herodotus  ?     See  also  Km  op  Moab. 

Kir-liara-scth  (Heb.)  (2  K.  iii.  25), 

Kif-liaresh  (fr.  Heb.)  (Is.  xvi.  11), 

Klr-lur^e-scth  (Heb.)  (Is.  xvi.  7), 

Kir-lie'res  (Heb.  brick  fortrcm,  Ges.)  (Jer.  xlviii. 
31,  36).  This  name  and  the  three  preceding,  all 
slight  variations  of  it,  are  all  applied  to  one  place, 
probably  Km  of  Moab. 

Kir-1-a-tlia'im  (Heb.  double  citi/),  one  of  the  towns 
of  Moab  which  were  the  "glory  of  the  country;" 
named  in  the  denunciations  of  Jeremiah  (xlviii.  1,] 
23)  and  Ezokiel  (xxv.  9) ;  =  Kirjatiuim  1. 

Klr-l-»-t!il-a'rl-iis  (fr.   Gr.)   ~   KiRjAin-jEABii 
and  KiRJATil-ARlM  (1  Esd.  v.  19). 

Klr'i-otll  (fr.  Heb.  =  Kf.rioth),  a  place  in  Moab^j 
the  palaces  of  which  were  threatened  with  destruc- 
tion by  fire  (Am.  ii.  2);  unless  indeed  the  word 
means  simply  l/ie  cities.     Kerioth  2. 

Kir'jath  (fr.  Heb.  =  citi/),  the  last  of  the  cities: 
enumerated  as  belonging  to  Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii. 
28).  It  is  named  with  Gibeath,  but  without  any 
copulative — "  Gibeath,  Kirjath."  Whether  there 
is  any  connection  between  these  two  names  or  not, 
probably  Kirjath  =  Kir.iaih-jf.arim. 

Klr-ja-tha'im  (fr.  Heb.  =  Kiriathaim).     I.   A 


Km-HE- 

RES. 


^ra 


KIR 


523 


citT  E.  nf  the  JoHan,  one  of  the  places  taken  pos- 
session of,  and  rebnilt,  anil  newly  named  by  the 
ileiibeiiites  (Xiini.  xxxii.  a7,  see  38  ;  Josh.  xiii.  lit) ; 
possibly  the  same  place  as  that  which  gave  its 
name  to  the  ancient  Siiavi:iikiriathaim.  It  ex- 
isted in  the  time  of  Jercniiiih  (xlviii.  1,  23)  and 
Ezekiel  (xxv.  9 — in  these  three  passages  the  A.  V. 
gives  the  name  Kiriatiiaim).  Eusebius  describes 
it  as  a  village  entirely  of  Christians,  ten  miles  W. 
of  Medeba,  "  close  to  the  Baris."  Burckhardt  (p. 
3B7,  July  13)  when  at  A/adtba  (Medeba)  was  told 
by  his  guide  of  a  place,  e^-Tev/n,  about  half  an  hour 
(one  and  a  half  miles  English,  or  barely  two  miles 
Roman)  therefrom,  which  he  suggests  was  =;  ICir- 
jathaim.  J'orter  pronounces  confidently  for  Knrei- 
i/ai,  under  the  souihtrn  side  of  Jibcl  'AtlArug,  and 
about  eleven  miles  S.  W.  of  the  ruins  of  Medeba, 
as  =  Kirjathaim.  Wilton  (in  Fairbaim)  follows 
Mr.  C.  (tiaham  in  identifying  Kirjathaim  with 
Kiriatain,  one  of  a  series  of  ancient  cities  N.  of 
^Ammdii  (Kabbah)  and  S.  \\.  of  Btisrak  (Bozrah  ?). 
IfKERiOTH   2;    KiRjATn-mzoTn). — i,    A    town    in 

Ifaphtali,  given  to  the  Gershonite  Levitcs(l  Ghr.  vi. 
V6) ;   =  Kartan  in  Josh.  xix. 
KIr'jatli-ar'ba  (fr.  Ileb.  =:  Hli/  of  Arba,  Ges.),  an 

ttrly  name  of  Hebron  (Jo.'h.  xiv.  15;  Judg.  i.  10). 

"he  identity  of  Kirjath-arba  with  Hebron  is  con- 

tantlv  asserted  (Gen.  xxiii.  2,  x.xxv.  2V ;  Josh.  xiv. 
^6,  XV.  13,  54,  XX.  7,  -xxi.  11). 
Kir'jath-R'rim  (fr.  Heb.),  an  abbreviated  form  of 

Cirjath-jearim  (Ezr.  ii.  26  only). 


Klrjath-ba'al  (fr.  Heb.  =  eiti/of  Baal,  Ges.),  an 
alteruiitive  name  of  Kirj.v.h-jearim  (Josh.  xv.  CO, 
xviii.  14)  =  Haai.ah,  and  Baale-of-Judaii. 

Kir'ji^th-hn'zotli  (fr.  Ilcb.  =  citi/  i,f  utrfels,  Ges.), 
a  place  to  which  Baluk  uccompauied  Balaam  imme- 
diately after  his  arrival  in  Moab  (Num.  xxii.  39 
only).  It  appears  to  have  lain  between  the  Ar.vo.v 
( Wadt/  Mojch)  and  Bamotii-baal  (compare  ver.  S6 
and  41),  probably  N.  of  the  former.  Knolicl  (and 
so  Porter,  in  Handbook  for  St/rin  and  PaksHve) 
Mentifics  it  with  Kureii,at,  on  the  S.  W.  slope  of 
Ji'hd  'Atldrun.     Kirjathaim  1. 

Kir'jath-jc'a-rim  (fr.  lleb.  =  dti/  of  fomi*),  a 
city  which  played  a  not  unimpoitant  part  in  the 
history  of  the  Hebrews.  We  first  encounter  it  as 
one  of  the  four  cities  of  the  Gibeonites  (Josh,  ix. 
17);  next  as  one  of  the  landmarks  of  the  northern 
boundary  of  Judah  (xv.  fl)  and  as  the  point  at 
which  the  western  and  southern  bound;nics  (if  Ben- 
jiiniin  coincided  (xviii.  14,  15);  and  in  the  Inst  two 
passages  we  find  that  it  bore  another,  perhaps 
earlier,  name — that  of  the  great  Canaanite  deity 
Baal,  viz.  Baalah  and  Kirjatii-baal.  It  is  reck- 
oned among  the  towns  of  Judali  (xv.  60;  Judg.  xviii. 
12).  (KiRJATn.)  It  is  included  in  the  genealogies 
of  Judah  ( 1  Chr.  ii.  50, 62)  as  founded  by,  or  descended 
from,  PnonAL,  the  son  of  Caleb,  son  of  Ihir.  'Behir.d 
Kirjath-jearim  "  the  band  of  Danitcs  pitched  (heir 
camp  before  their  expedition  to  Mount  Ephraini  and 
Laish,  leaving  their  name  attached  to  the  spot  long 
afterward  (Judg.  xviii.  12).  (Mahaneh-dan.)  Hithcr- 


ITvrjfd  «I-*Eaah  m,  Klijntb-jenrlm.— Frcm  Forbin,  Voytgt  tn  Orint. — (Fbn.) 


,  beyond  the  early  sanctity  implied  in  its  bearing 
he  name  of  Baal,  there  is  nothing  remarkable  in 
Eirjath-jearim.    It  was  no  doubt  this  reputation  for 
anctity  which   made  the  people  of  Beth-shemesh 
ppcal  to  its  inhabitants  to  relieve  them  of  the  Ark 
Jehovah,  which  was  bringing  such  calamities  on 
heir  untutored  inexperience  (1  Sam.  vi.  20,  21).  In 
bis  high  place  the  ark  remained  for  twenty  years 
vii.  2).     At  the  close  of  that  time  Kirjath-jearim 
lost  its  sacred  treasure,  on  its  removal  by  David  to 
Ihc  house  of  Obed-cdom  the  Gittite  (1  Chr.  xiii.  5, 
6;  2  Chr.  i.  4;  2  Sam.  vi.  2,  &c.).     It  is  very  re- 
markable and  suggestive  that  in  the  account  of  this 
transaction  the  ancient  and  heathen  name  Baal  is 
retained.     Its  people  returned  from  captivity  (Neh. 
T»i.  29).     (KiRjATii-ARiM.)    A  pr.iphet  Ckijah  4,  a 
native  of  the  place,  was  murdered  by  Jchoiakim 


(Jer.  xxvi.  20,  kc).  Eusebius  and  Jerome  describe 
it  as  a  village  at  the  ninth  mile  between  Jerusalem 
and  Diospolis  (Lydda).  Robinson  (ii.  11)  discovered 
that  these  requirements  arc  exactly  fulfilled  in  the 
modem  village  of  Kuri/ct  el-Enab — now  usually 
known  as  Abil  Goxh,  from  the  robber-chief  whose 
headquarters  it  was — at  the  eastern  end  of  the 
Wady  'All/,  on  the  road  from  Jaffa  to  Jerusalem. 

Kir'Jatli-san  nah  (fr.  Heb.  =  ptdrn-riOj,  Ges.),  an- 
other, and  probably  an  earlier,  apiipllation  forLlEDin 
(Josh.  XV.  49  only).     Kirjatii-sepiier. 

Kir'Jatll-se'pbrr  (fr.  Heb.  =  book-town,  Ges. ;  dti/ 
of  doctrine,  Boch.,  Keil),  the  early  name  of  Bediu, 
ah'o  called  Kirjatb-sannah  (Josh.  xv.  16,  16  ;  Judg. 
i.  11,  12). 

Ktr  (Heb. /or/rew,  Ges.)  of  Mo'ab,  one  of  the  two 
chief  strongholds  of  Moad,  the  other  being  Ar.  of 


624 


Eld 


KIT 


HoAB.  The  name  occurs  only  in  Is.  xv.  1,  though 
the  place  probably  =  Kir-heres,  Kir-harasetii,  &c. 
The  clew  to  its  identification  is  given  us  by  the  Tar- 
gum  on  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah,  which  for  the  above 
names  has  Cracca,  Crac,  almost  identical  with  the 
name  Kerak,  by  which  the  site  of  an  important  city 
in  a  high  and  very  strong  positiou  at  the  S.  E.  of 
the  Dead  Sea  is  known  at  tliis  day.  When  Jorara, 
king  of  Israel,  invaded  Jloab,  Kir  was  the  only 
city  left  standing  in  the  country;  and  here  took 
place  the  cruel  sacrifice  recorded  in  2  Kings  iii. 
27.  In  A.  D.  1131,  a  castle  was  built  there  which 
became  an  important  station  for  the  Crusaders. 
Tlie  Crusaders,  in  error,  believed  it  to  be  Petra 
(Sela),  and  this  error  is  perpetrated  in  the  Greek 
Church  to  the  present  day.  Kirak  lies  about  six 
miles  S.  of  the  modern  7Jaii«(AR),  and  some  ten  miles 
from  the  Dead  Sea,  upon  the  plateau  of  highlands 
which  forms  this  part  of  the  country,  not  far  from 
the  western  edge  of  the  plateau.  Its  situation  is 
truly  remarkable.  It  is  btiilt  upon  the  top  of  a 
steep  hill,  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  a  deep  and 
narrow  valley,  which  again  is  completely  enclosed 
by  mountains  rising  higher  than  the  town,  and  over- 
looking it  on  all  sides.  The  elevation  of  the  town 
can  hardly  be  less  than  3,000  feet  above  the  sea. 
Its  population  is  about  3,000,  onc-tliird  being  Greek 
Christijns.  Their  strong  position,  numbers,  and 
valor,  make  them  the  rulers  of  a  large,  and  almost 
indepenJeut  district  (Porter,  in  Kitto). 

Kisll  (ITeb.  a  how?  Ges. ;  see  Arms,  I.  3).  I. 
Father  of  King  Saul  2 ;  a  Benjamite  of  the  family  of 
Matri  (1  Sam.  x.  21);  descended  from  Beeher  (1  Chr. 
vii.  8,  compared  with  1  Sam.  ix.  1);  in  N.  T.  Cis. — 3i 
Son  of  Jehiel,  and  uncle  to  the  preceding  (1  Chr.  viii. 
30,  is.  36). — %,  A  Benjamite,  great-grandfiither  of 
Mordecai  (Esth.  ii.  5). — !■  A  Merarite  Levitc,  of  the 
house  of  Mahli ;  =  Kisiii  and  Kusiiaiaii.  Hig  sons 
married  the  daughters  of  his  brother  Eleazar  (1 
Chr.  xxiii.  21,  22,  xxiv.  28,  29),  apparently  about 
the  time  of  King  Saul,  or  early  in  David's  reign, 
since  Jeduthun  the  singer  was  son  of  Kish  (vi.  44, 
A.  v.,  compared  with  2  Chr.  xxix.  12).  In  the  last 
cited  place,  "  Kish  the  son  of  Abdi,"  in  the  reign 
of  Hezekiah,  must  denote  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Ilcrvey) 
the  Levitical  house  or  division,  under  its  chief, 
rather  than  an  individual. 

Klsh'i  (Heb.  =  Kcshaiah,  Ges.),  a  Merarite,  and 
father  or  ancestor  of  Ethan  the  minstrel  (1  Chr.  vi. 
44);  =  Kish  4. 

Klsli'i-on  (Heb.  hardness,  Ges.),  one  of  the  towns 
on  the  boundary  of  Issachar  (Josh.  xix.  20),  allotted 
to  the  Gershonite  Levites  (xxi.  28;  A.  V.  Kishon); 
=  Kedesh  2.  No  trace  of  the  situation  of  Kishion 
exists. 

Ki'slion  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Kisnios  (Josh.  xxi.  28). 

Kl'slion  (Heb.  curved,  mndinr/,  Ges.),  the  BiTcr, 
a  torrent  or  winter  stream  of  central  Palestine,  the 
scone  of  two  of  the  grandest  achievements  of  Is- 
raelite history — the  defeat  of  Sisera  (Barak;  Ha- 
RosHETii;  MEGinoo),  and  the  destruction  of  the 
prophets  of  Baal  bv  Elijah  (Carmel)  (Judg.  iv.  7, 
13,  v.  21 ;  1  K.  xvili.  40;  Ps.  Ixxxlii.  9,  A.  V.  "  Ki- 
son  ").  The  Nahr  Mukutla,  the  modern  represent- 
ative of  the  Kisljon,  is  the  drain  by  which  the 
waters  of  the  plain  of  EsdR/Elom,  and  of  the  moun- 
tains which  enclose  that  plain,  viz.  Carmel  and  the 
Samaria  range  on  the  S.,  the  mountains  of  Galilee 
on  the  N.,  and  Gilboa,  "Little  Hermon  "  (so  called), 
and  Tabor  on  the  E.,  find  their  way  to  the  Mediter- 
ranein.  Its  course  is  in  a  direction  nearly  due 
N.  W.    It  has  two  principal  feeders :  the  first  from 


Debiirieh  (Daberath),  on  Mount  Tabor,  the  N.  E. 
angle  of  the  plain  ;  the  second  from  Jtlbon  (Gilboa) 
and  Jenin  (En-gannim)  on  the  S.  E.  It  is  also  fed 
by  the  copious  spring  of  Ltjjiin.  During  the  winter 
and  spring,  and  after  sudden  storms  of  rain,  the 
upper  part  of  the  Kishon  flows  with  a  very  strong 
torrent.  At  the  same  seasons  the  ground  about 
Lcjjun  (Megiddo)  where  the  principal  encounter 
with  Sisera  probably  took  place,  becomes  a  mo- 
rass, impassable  for  even  single  travellers.  But  like 
most  of  the  so-called  "  rivers  "  of  Palestine,  the 
perennial  stream  forms  but  a  small  part  of  the 
Kishon.  During  the  greater  part  of  the  year  its 
upper  portion  is  dry,  and  the  stream  confined  to  a 
few  miles  next  the  sea.  The  sources  of  this  peren- 
nial portion  proceed  from  the  roots  of  Carmel — the 
"  vast  fountains  called  Sa'adiyeh,  about  three  miles 
E.  of  Chaifa  or  Haifa,^'  and  those,  apparently  still 
more  copious,  described  by  Shaw,  as  bursting  forth 
from  beneath  the  eastern  brow  of  Carmel,  and  dis- 
charging of  themselves  "  a  river  half  as  big  as  the 
Isis."  It  enters  the  sea  at  the  lower  part  of  the 
Bay  of  ''Akka  (Acciio),  about  two  miles  E.  of  Chaifa 
"  in  a  deep  tortuous  bed  between  banks  of  loamy 
soil  some  fifteen  feet  high,  and  fifteen  to  twenty 
jards  apart.  The  bottom  is  soft  mud,  which  makes 
the  ford  difficult  at  all  seasons  "  (Porter,  Handbook, 
383-4). 

Ki'son  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Kishon  (Ps.  Ixxxiii.  9 
only). 

Kiss  (Heb.  verb  ndshak  and  noun  neshikdh  ;  Gf. 
verbs  philed  and  kataphileo,  and  noun  phitema). 
Kissing  the  lips  by  way  of  affectionate  salutation 
was  customary  among  near  relatives  of  both  sexes, 
both  in  Patriarchal  and  in  later  times  (Gen.  xxix. 
11  ;  Cant.  viii.  1).  Between  individuals  of  the  same 
sex,  and  in  a  limited  degree  between  those  of  dif- 
ferent sexes,  the  kiss  on  the  cheek  as  a  mark  of 
respect  or  an  act  of  salutation  has  at  all  times 
been  customary  in  the  East.  In  the  Christian 
Church  the  kiss  of  charity  was  practised  not  only 
as  a  friendly  salutation,  but  as  an  act  symbolical  of 
love  and  Christian  brotherhood  (Rom.  xvi.  16;  1 
Cor.  xvi.  20 ;  2  Cor.  xiii.  12 ;  1  Tli.  v.  26;  1  Pet.  t. 
14).  It  was  embodied  in  the  earlier  Christian  of- 
fices, and  has  been  continued  in  some  of  those  now 
in  use.  Among  the  Arabs  the  women  and  children 
kiss  the  beards  of  their  husbands  and  fathers.  The 
superior  returns  the  salute  by  a  kiss  on  the  fore- 
head. In  Egypt  an  inferior  kisses  the  hand  of  a 
superior,  generally  on  the  back,  but  sometimes,  aa 
a  special  favor,  on  the  palm  al^o.  To  testify  abject 
submission,  and  in  asking  favors,  the  feet  arc  often 
kissed  instead  of  the  hand.  (Adoration.)  The 
written  decrees  of  a  sovereign  are  kissed  in  token 
of  respect ;  even  the  ground  is  sometimes  kissed 
by  Orientals  in  the  fulness  of  their  submission  (Gen. 
xii.  40  ;  1  S.am.  xxiv.  8  ;  Ps.  Ixxii.  9,  &c.).  Kissing 
is  spoken  of  in  Scripture  as  a  mark  of  respect  or 
adoration  to  idols  (1  K.  xix.  18;  Hos.  xiii.  2). 

Kite.  The  Hebrew  aifi/tiJi  thus  rendered  occurs 
in  three  passages  (Lev.  xi.  14;  Dcut.  xiv.  13; 
Job  xxviii.  1) :  in  the  two  former  it  is  translated 
"  kite  "  in  the  A.  V.,  in  the  latter  "  vulture."  It  is 
enumerated  among  the  twenty  names  of  birds  men- 
tioned in  Dent.  xiv.  (birds  of  prey  belonging  for  the 
most  part  to  the  order  of  Haptorrs)  which  were  con- 
sidered unclean  by  the  Mosaic  Law,  and  forbidden 
to  be  used  as  food  by  the  Israelites.  The  allusion 
in  Job  alQne  affords  a  clew  to  its  identification. 
The  deep  mines  in  the  recesses  of  the  mountains 
from  which  the  labor  of  man  extracts  the  treasures 


KIT 


KNO 


525 


of  the  earth  are  there  described  (so  Mr.  Wright)  as 
"  a  track  which  the  bird  of  prey  hatli  not  known, 
nor  hath  the  eye  of  the  ai/ifalt  looked  upon  it." 
Among  all  birds  of  prey,  which  are  proverbially 
clear-sighted,  the  aijydh  is  thus  distinguished  as 
possessed  of  peculiar  keenness  of  vision,  and  by 
this  attribute  alone  is  it  marked.  Translators  have 
been  singularly  at  variance  with  regard  to  this 
bird.    Robertson  {Clavk  PeiiUUeuchi)  derives  ayyah 


Kll«  (Jri/nu  ietiniu  or  w/^ort*), 

from  an  obsolete  root,  which  he  connects  with  an 
Arabic  word,  the  primary  meaning  of  which,  ac- 
cording to  Schultcns,  is  to  turn.  If  this  derivation 
be  the  true  one,  "kite"  may  be  the  correct  ren- 
dering. The  habit  which  birds  of  this  genus  have 
of  "  sailing  in  circles,  with  the  rudder-like  tail  by 
its  inclination  governing  the  curve,"  as  Yarrell 
Bays,  accords  with  the  Arabic  derivation.  In  or- 
nithological language  "  kite  "  =  "  glede  "  (Milvus 
vulgarit);  but  the  A.  V.  translators  considered  the 
terms  distinct.  Bochart  identifies  the  atfi/dh  with 
the  merlin  {Falco  ^'aalon,  Linn.),  the  smallest  of  the 
British  hawks.  But  the  grounds  for  identifying  it 
with  any  individual  species  are  too  slight  to  enable 
US  to  regard  with  confidence  any  conclusions  based 
upon  them  ;  and  from  the  expression  which  fol- 
lows in  Leviticus  and  Deuteronomy,  "after  its 
'Itind,"  it  is  evident  that  the  term  is  generic. 

Kith  llsh  (fr.  Heb.,  probably  =  a  man's  wall, 
Gcs. ;  $ef>aration,  Fii.),  a  city  of  Judah,  in  the  low- 
-land  (Josh.  xv.  40) ;  identified  by  Wilton  (in  Fair- 
baim)  with  el-Jilas,  a  ruined  site  a  few  miles  S.  from 
'JjUn  (Eglon). 

KU'ran   (Heb.  knotty,  Ges.),  one  of  the  towns 

.from  which  Ztbulun  did  not  expel  the  Canaanites 

(Judg.  L  30) ;  =  Kattath  ?     In  the  Talmud  it  is 

identified   with  "  Zippori,"  i.  e.  Scpphoris,  now  Sef- 

I  ifirith  (so  Mr.  Grove,  after  Schwartz). 

Klt'tin  (fr.  Heb.)  =  CuiTTiM  (Gen.  x.  4 ;  1  Chr. 
i.  7). 

KMad'Ing-troaghs.    Bbead. 

Knife,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  four  Hebrew 
words,  viz.  hereb  or  chereb  (Josh.  v.  2,  3),  usually 
translated  "sword"  (Arms,  I.  1);  maaceleth  =:  a 
knife,  as  an  instrument  for  eating,  Ges.  (Gen.  xxii. 
,6,  10;  Judg.  xix.  29;  Prov.  xxx.  14);  plural  moAfi- 
Idphim  or  tnachuldpMm  =  stavghter-knivee,  Ges. 
(Ezr.  i.  9  only);  mtviii  (Prov.  xxiii.  2  only).  1. 
i;Tbe  knives  of  the  Egyptians,  and  of  other  nations 
in  early  times,  were  probably  only  of  hard  stone, 
and  the  use  of  the  fiint  or  stone  knife  was  some- 
I   times  retained  for  sacred  purposes  after  the  intro- 


duction of  iron  and  steel.  Herodotus  (ii.  86)  mei)- 
tiona  knives  both  of  iron  and  of  stone  in  different 
stages  of  the  same  process  of  embalming.  The 
same  may  perhaps  be  said  to  some  extent  of  the 
Hebrews.  2.  In  their  meals  the  Jews,  like  other 
Orientals,  made  little  use  of  knives,  but  they  were 
required  for  slaughtering  animals  cither  for  food  or 
sacrifice,  as  well  as  cutting  up  the  carcass  (Lev.  vii. 
33,  34,  viii.  15,20,  25,  is.  13;  Num.  xviii.  18;  1 
Sam.  ix.  24,  &c.).  3.  Smaller  knives  were  in  use 
for  paring  fruit  (Josephus)  and  for  sharpening  pens 
(Jer.  xxxvi.  23).     4.  The  razor  was  often  used  for 


1,  S,  Fgy^tttin  Flint  Knives  in  Museum  at  Perlln. 
a  Egyplua  Kuiie  represented  in  Hieroglyphics. 

Nazaritic  purposes,  for  which  a  special  chamber 
was  reserved  in  the  Temple  (Num.  vi.  5,  9,  19 ;  Ez. 
v.  1,  &c.).  5.  The  priming-hooks  of  Is.  xviii.  6 
were  probably  curved  knives.  6.  The  lancets  of 
the  priests  of  Baal  were  doubtless  pointed  knives 
(1  K.  .xviii.  28).     AxK. 


Asb^rian  Knives.— (From  originals  in  Brilisb  Museum.) 

Koop,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  two  Hebrew  terms, 
of  which  Mr.  Grove  thinks  that  all  we  can  say  with 
certainty  is  that  they  refer  to  some  architectural 
or  ornamental  object,  and  have  nothing  in  common. 
1.  Heb.  caphtor  ( :=  crown,  chaplet,  circlet,  Ges. ;  on 
ornamental  crown,  Fii.)  occurs  in  the  description  of 
the  candlestick  of  the  sacred  tent  in  Ex.  xxv.  31- 
36,  and  xxxvii.  17-22.  Here  the  knop  and  the 
flower  seem  intended  to  imitate  the  produce  of  an 
almond-tree.  In  another  part  of  the  work  they 
appear  to  form  a  boss,  from  which  the  branches  are 
to  spring  out  from  the  main  stem.  (Li.ntei.  2.)  2. 
Heb.  pi.  pikd'im  (=  wild  cucumbers,  Gcs.,  Fu.), 
found  only  in  1  K.  vi.  18  and  vii.  24,  no  doubt  sig- 


52:] 


EOi. 


KOZ 


nifiJs  soma  globular  thing  resembling  a  small  gourd, 
or  an  egg,  though  as  to  tlic  character  of  the  orna- 
ment we  are  quite  in  the  dark.  The  tbllovving  wood- 
cut of  a  portion  of  a  richly  ornamented  door-step 
or  slab  from  ICouyunjik  (Xixkveh)  probably  rep- 
resents something  approximating  to  the  "  knop  and 
the  flower  "  of  Solomon's  Temple. 


of  a  Slab  from  Koayonjilf. — (F«rgu38on'8  Arclti:tcture.) 


Ro'a  (Heb.),  in  Ez.  xxiii.  23  only,  perhaps  =  a 
place  otherwise  unknown,  wliich  we  nmst  suppose 
to  have  been  a  city  or  district  of  Babylonia.  Or  it 
may  be  a  common  noun  =  prince  or  nobleman,  as 
the  Vulgate  takes  it,  with  Gesenius,  and  some  of 
the  Jewish  interpreters. 

Ka  bath  (lleb.  asu-mbli/),  second  of  Levi's  three 
sons,  from  whom  the  three  principal  divisions  of 
the  Levites  derive  J  their  origin  and  their  name 
(Gen.  xlvi.  11;  Ez.  vi.  16,  18;  Num.  iii.  17ir. ;  2 
Chr.  xxxiv.  12,  &e.).  Kohath  was  the  father  of 
Amrani,  and  he  of  MosES  and  Aaron.  From  him, 
therefore,  were  descended  all  the  priests  (I'kiest)  ; 
and  hence  those  of  the  Kohathites  who  were  not 
priests  were  of  the  highest  rank  of  the  Levites, 
though  not  the  sons  of  Levi's  first-born.  In  the 
journeyings  of  the  Tabernacle  the  sons  of  Kohath 
had  charge  of  tlie  most  holy  portion  of  the  vessels 
(Xum.  iv.).  These  were  all  previously  covered  by 
the  priests,  the  sons  of  Aaron.  It  appears  from 
Ex.  vi.  18-22,  compared  with  1  Chr.  xxiii.  12,  xxvi. 
23-32,  and  Num.  iii.  27,  that  there  were  four  fam- 
ilies of  sons  of  Kohath— Amramites,  Iziiarites,  IIe- 
BRONiTES,  and  Uzzielites.  The  verses  already  cited 
from  1  Chr.  xxvi.;  Num.  iii.  19,  27;  1  Chr.  xxiii. 
12,  disclose  the  wealth  and  prominence  of  the  Ko- 
hathites, and  the  important  offices  filled  by  them 
as  keepers  of  the  dedicated  treasures,  as  judges, 
officers,  and  rulers,  both  secular  and  sacred.  In  2 
Chr.  XX.  19,  tliey  appear  as  singers,  with  the  Kor- 
hites.  KoRAii,  Samuel,  IIeman,  &c.,  were  Kohath- 
ites. The  number  of  the  sons  of  Kohath  between 
the  ages  of  thirty  and  fifty,  at  the  first  census  in  the 
wildernes.s,  was  2,750,  and  the  whole  number  of 
males  from  a  month  old  was  8,600  (Num.  iii.  28,  iv. 
36).  Their  place  in  marching  and  encampment 
was  S.  of  the  Tabernacle  (iii.  29),  which  was  also 
tlie  situation  of  the  Reubenites.  The  inheritance 
of  those  sons  of  Kohath  who  were  not  priests  lay 
in  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh,  in  Ephraira  (1  Chr. 
vi.  61-70),  and  in  Dan  (Josh.  xxi.  5,  20-26).  Of 
the  personal  history  of  Kohath  we  know  nothing, 
except  that  he  eame  down  to  Egypt  with  Levi  and 
Jacob  (Gen.  xlvi.  11),  that  his  sister  was  Jochebed 
(Ex.  vi.  20),  and  that  he  lived  to.  the  age  of  133 
years  (vi.  18). 

*  Ko'hatb-ltcs  =  descendants  of  Kohatii  (Num. 
iii.  27,  30,  iv.  18,  34,  37),  kc. 

Ko-lal'ali  [-la'yali],  or  Kol-a-i'ah  (Ileb.  voice  of 
Jehovah,  Ges.).  1,  A  Benjamite  whose  descendants 
settled  in  Jerusalem  after  the  Captivity  (Neh.  xi. 
7). — 2.  Father  of  Ahab  tlie  false  prophet,  who  was 
burnt  by  the  king  of  Babylon  (Jer.  xxix.  21). 

*  Koph   (Ileb.  koph,  occipul,  back  of  the  head, 


Ges.),  the  nineteenth  letter  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet 
Fs.  cxi.x.).     Writi.so. 

&o'rall  (Ileb.  buldiicsa).  1.  Tliird  son  of  Esau 
by  AhoUbamah  (Gen.  xxxvi.  5,  14,  18  ;  1  Chr.  i. 
35).  He  was  born  in  Canaan  before  Esau  migrated 
to  Mount  Seir  (Gen.  xxxvi.  5-9),  and  was  one  of  the 
"  dukes  "  of  Edom.— 2.  Another  Edoiuitish  duke, 
spiung  from  Eliphaz,  Esau's  son  by  Adah  (xxxvi. 
16). — 3.  One  of  the  "  sons  of  Hebron"  in  1  Chr. 
ii.  43. — 4.  Son  of  Izhar,  the  son  of  Koliatli,  the 
son  of  Levi.  He  was  leader  of  the  famous  rebellion 
against  his  cousins  Moses  and  Aaron  in  the  wilder- 
ness, for  which  he  was  destroyed  with  his  followers 
by  an  earthquake  and  flames  of  lire  (Num.  xvi., 
x.'cvi.  9-11).  The  particular  grievance  which  rankled 
in  the  miud  of  Korah  and  his  company  was  their 
exclusion  from  the  office  of  the  priesthood,  and 
their  being  confined — those  among  them  who  were 
Levites — to  the  inferior  service  of  the  Tabernacle. 
The  appointment  of  Elizaphan  to  be  chief  of  the 
Kohathites  (Num.  iii.  30)  may  have  further  inflamed 
his  jealousy,  Korah's  position  as  leader  in  this 
rebellion  was  evidently  the  result  of  his  personal 
character,  which  was  that  of  a  bold,  haughty,  and 
ambitious  man.  From  some  cause  which  does  not 
clearly  appear,  the  children  of  Korah  were  not  in- 
volved in  the  destruction  of  their  father  (xxvi.  11). 
(KoRAiiiTE.)  Perhaps  the  fissure  of  the  ground 
which  swallowed  up  the  tents  of  Dathan  and  Abi- 
ram  did  not  extend  beyond  those  of  tlic  Keubenites. 
From  verse  27  it  seems  dear  that  Korah  himself 
was  not  with  Dathan  and  Abiram  at  the  moment. 
He  himself  was  doubtless  with  the  250  men  who 
bare  censers  nearer  the  Tabernacle  (ver.  19),  and 
perished  with  them  by  the  "fire  from  Jehovah" 
which  accompanied  the  earthquake.  In  Jude  11 
Korah  (A.  V.  "  Core  ")  is  coupled  with  Gain  and 
Balaam. 

Ko'rali-itc  (1  Chr.  ix.  19,  31),  Kcr'hitc,  or  Ko'- 
ratb-ite  (all  fr.  Ileb.  =  dencendanl  of  Korah),  de- 
notes one  of  the  Kohathites  who  were  descended 
from  Korah  4,  and  are  frequently  styled  by  the  sy- 
nonymous phrase  Sons  of  Korah.  The  offices  filled 
by  the  sons  of  Korah,  as  far  as  we  are  informed,  are 
the  following :  They  were  an  important  branch  of 
the  singers  in  the  Kohathite  division,  Heman  him- 
self being  a  Korahite  (1  Chr.  vi.  33),  and  the  Ko- 
rahites  being  among  those  who,  in  Jehoshaphat'a 
reign,  "  stood  up  to  praise  the  Lord  God  of  Israel 
with  a  loud  voice  on  high"  (2  Chr.  xx.  19).  Hence 
we  find  eleven  Psalms  (or  twelve,  if  Ps.  xliii.  is  in- 
cluded under  the  same  title  as  Ps.  xlii.)  dedicated  or 
assigned  to  the  sons  of  Korah,  viz.  Ps.  xlii.,  xliv.- 
xlix.,  Ixxxiv.,  Ixxxv.,  Ixxxvii.,  Ixxxviii.  Others, 
again,  of  the  sons  of  Korah  were  "  porters,"  i.  e. 
doorkeepers,  in  the  Temple,  an  office  of  consider- 
able dignity.     Kouatii  ;  Levites. 

Ko'ratb-itcs  (  =  descen/latits  of  Korah  4),  the 
(Num.  xxvi.  58).     Korahite. 

Ko're  (Heb.  par/Wf/^e,  Ges.l.  1.  A  Korahite,  an- 
cestor of  Shallnm  and  Sleshelemiah,  chief  porters 
in  the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr.  ix.  19,  xxvi.  1). — i. 
Son  of  Imnah ;  a  Levite  porter  and  overseer  of  of- 
ferings in  Hezekiah's  reign  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  14). — 3< 
In  the  A.  V.  of  1  Chr.  xxvi.  19,  "the  sons  of 
Kore"  (=  Greek  for  Korah  4  in  LXX.)  should 
properly  be  "  the  sons  of  the  Korhite." 

Kor'hites  (=  descendants  of  Korah  4),  the  (Ex.  vi. 
24  ;  1  Chr.  xii.  6,  xxvi.  1 ;  2  Chr.  xx.  19).  Korah- 
ite. 

Koz(fr.  Heb.  =  thorn,  Ges.)  =  Accoz  =  Coz  = 
Hakkoz  (Ezr.  ii.  61 ;  Nch.  iii.  4,  21). 


n 


KU3 


LAC 


527 


Ka-shal'ab  [-sha'yah]  (fr.  Hcb.  =  low  of  Jehovah, 
i.  e.  ruiubow,  Ges.),  Kisii  or  Kisui,  father  of  Ethaii 
the  Mcrarite  (1  Cbr.  xv.  17). 


La'a-dali  (Ilcb.  order,  Ges.),  son  of  Shelab,  and 
grandson  of  Judah  (1  Cbr.  iv.  21). 

La'a-dau  (Hcb.  put  in  order,  Ges.).  I.  An  Ephraiin- 
ite,  ancestor  of  Joshua  the  son  of  Kun  (1  Cbr.  vii. 
26). — i.  Son  of  Gersbom;  ;:;  Libni  (xxiii.  7-9, 
xxvi.  21). 

La'ban  (Ileb.  while,  Ges.),  son  of  Betiicel,  brother 
of  RcuEKAf^  and  father  of  Leaii  and  Kaciikl.  The 
older  branch  of  Terah's  family  remained  at  Haran 
when  Abraham  removed  to  the  land  of  Canaan,  and 
there  we  first  meet  with  Labau,  as  taking  the  lead- 
ing part  in  the  betrothal  of  his  sister  Rebekab  to 
her  cousin  Isaac  (Gen.  xxiv.  10,  29-00,  xxvii.  43, 
x\ix.  4).  Laban  next  appears  in  ttie  sacred  narra- 
tive as  the  host  of  his  nephew  Jacou  at  Ilaran 
(xxix.  13,  14).  The  subsequent  transactions  by 
which  he  secured  the  valuable  services  of  his  nephew 
for  fourteen  years  in  return  for  his  two  daughters, 
and  for  six  years  as  the  price  of  his  cattle,  together 
with  the  dijigraceful  artifice  by  which  he  palmed  off 
his  elder  and  less  attractive  daughter  on  the  un- 
suspecting Jacob,  are  familiar  to  all  (xxix.,  xxx.). 
Laban  was  absent  shearing  his  sheep,  when  Jacob, 
having  gathered  together  all  his  possessions,  started 
with  his  w  ives  and  children  for  his  native  land ;  and 
it  was  not  till  the  third  day  that  he  heard  of  their 
stealthy  departure.  In  hot  haste  he  sets  off  in  pur- 
s\iit.  Jacob  and  bis  family  had  crossed  the  Euphra- 
tes, and  were  already  some  days'  march  in  advance 
of  their  pursuers;  but  so  large  a  caravan,  encum- 
bered with  women  and  children,  and  cattle,  would 
travel  but  slowly  (compare  xxxiii.  13),  and  Laban 
and  his  kinsmen  came  up  with  the  retreating 
party  on  the  E.  side  of  the  Jordan,  among  the 
mountains  of  Gilead.      After  some  s-harp  n.utual 


recrimination,  and  an  unsuccessful  search  for  the 
teraphini,  which  Kachel,  with  the  cunning  which 
characlerized  the  whole  family,  knew  well  bow  to 
hide,  a  covenant  of  peace  was  entered  into  between 
the  two  parties,  and  a  cairn  raised  about  a  pillar- 
stone  set  up  by  Jacob,  both  as  a.  memorial  of  the 
covenant,  and  a  boundary  which  the  contracting 
parties  pledged  tlieniselves  nut  to  pass  with  bcstilc 
intentions.  After  this,  "Laban  rose  up  and  kissed 
his  sons  and  his  daughteis,  and  blessed  them,  and 
departed,  and  returned  to  bis  place ; "  and  he 
thenceforward  disappears  from  the  Biblical  narra- 
tive. The  leading  principle  of  Laban's  conduct  was 
evidently  self-interest,  and  he  was  little  scrupulous 
as  to  the  means  wlieieby  his  ends  were  secured. 

La'ban  (see  above),  one  of  the  landmarks  named 
in  Deut.  i.  1  ;  perhaps  —  Libnah  2.  The  Syriao 
Peshito  understands  the  name  as  Lebanon. 

Lab'a-na  (Gr.)  =  Lebana  (1  Esd.  v.  29). 

•  Labor.  Agriciltcre  ;  Bread  ;  Cooking  ; 
IIandicrait;  Servant;  Suepiierd;  Slave;  Wages; 
WoME.s,  lie. 

*  Late,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  pillthU  = 
a  thread,  line,  cord,  Ges.,  Fii.  (Ex.  xxviii.  28,  37, 
xxxix.  21,  31),  also  translated  "thread"  (Judg. xvi. 
9),  "line"  (Ez.  xl.  8),  "bracelet"  (Gen.  xxxviii.  18, 
25),  &c. 

Lac-e-dc-mo'DUans  [las-]  (fr.  Gr.  Laledaimouioi  ; 
L.  Lacidtenioiue)  =  the  inhabitants  of  SpaI!Ta  or 
Lacedemon,  with  whom  the  Jews  claimed  kindred 
(1  Mc.  xii.  2,  6,  6,  20,  21,  xiv.  20,  23,  xv.  23 ;  2  Mc. 
V.  9). 

La'cllleh  [-kish]  (Hcb.  either  the  fmitten,  captured, 
or  the  linaaous,  i.  c.  impregnable,  Ges.;  hill,  height, 
Fii.),  a  city  of  the  Anioi  itcs,  the  king  of  which  joined 
with  four  others,  at  the  invitation  of  Adonizedek, 
king  of  Jerusalem,  to  chastise  the  Gilconitcs  for 
their  league  with  Israel  (Josh.  x.  3,  5,  xii.  11).  They 
were  touted  by  Joshua  at  IJeth-hoion,  and  the  king 
of  Lachish  fell  a  victim  with  the  others  under  the 
trees  at  Makkcdab  (x.  26).  The  destruction  of  the 
town  seems  to  have  shortly  followed  the  death  of  the 
king:  it  was  attacked  in  its  turn,  immediately  after 


Tli«  City  of  Lacbi«b  (t)  tepelllng  the  tttsck  of  Sennacherib.— (From  Lnyard'a  Huiiuifienti  o/  Ntneteh,  3d  Seriei,  plate  91.) 


the  fall  of  Libnah,  and,  notwithstanding  an  effort  to 
relieve  it  by  Horam,  king  of  Gezer,  was  taken,  and 
every  soul  put  to  the  sword  (ver.  31-38).  In  the 
special  statement  that  the  attack  lasted  two  days, 
in  contradistinction  to  the  other  cities  which  were 
taken  iu  one  (see  ver.  35),  we  gain  our  first  glimpse 
of  that  strength  of  position  for  which  Lachish  was 


afterward  remarkable.  It  should  not  be  overlooked 
that,  though  included  in  the  lowland  district  (Josh. 
XV.  39),  Lachish  was  a  town  of  the  Amorites  (x.  6), 
who  appear  to  have  been  essentially  mountaineers. 
Its  proximity  to  Libnah  is  implied  many  centuries 
later  (2  K.  xix.  8).  Lachish  was  one  of  the  cities 
fortified  and  garrisoned  by  Rehoboam  after  the  re- 


528 


LAC 


LAI 


volt  of  the  northern  kingdom  (2  Chr.  xi.  9).  It  was 
chosen  as  a  refuge  by  Amaziah  from  the  conspira- 
tors who  threatened  him  in  Jerusalem,  and  to  whom 
he  at  last  feil  a  victim  at  Lachish  (2  K.  xiv.  19  ;  2 
Chr.  XXV.  27).    Later  still,  in  the  reign  of  Uczekiah, 


it  was  one  of  the  cities  taken  by  Sennacherib  when 
on  his  way  from  Phenicia  to  Egypt  (Rawlinson, 
HerodotuH).  This  siege  is  considered  by  Layard  and 
Hincks  to  be  depicted  on  the  slabs  found  by  the 
former  in  one  of  the  chambers  of  the  palace  at  Kou- 


Plan  of  LachUh  (!)  after  iU  capture.— (From  Layard'a  MimumetUa  of  A'intvthy  3d  Series,  plate  S4.) 


yunjik.  Another  slab  seems  to  show  the  ground- 
plan  of  the  same  city  after  its  occupation  by  the 
conquerors — the  Assyrian  tents  pitched  within  the 
walls,  and  the  foreign  worship  going  on.  But  though 
the  Assyrian  records  thus  appear  to  assert  the  cap- 
ture of  Lachish,  no  statement  is  to  be  found  cither 
in  the  Bible  or  Josephus  that  it  was  taken  (2  K. 
xviii.  17,  xix.  8;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  1,  9  ;  Jcr.  xxxiv.  7). 
After  the  Captivity,  Lachish,  with  its  surrounding 
"  fields,"  was  reoccupicd  by  the  Jews  (Xeh.  xi.  30). 
By  Eusebius  and  Jerome,  Lachish  is  mentioned  as 
"  seven  miles  from  Eleutheropolis,  toward  Daroma," 
i.  e.  toward  the  S.  No  trace  of  the  name  has  been 
found  in  any  position  corresponding  to  this  (so  Mr. 
Grove).  A  site  called  Urn  Ldi-is,  situated  on  a  low, 
round  swell  or  knoll,  and  displaying  a  few  columns 
and  other  remains  of  ancient  buildings,  is  found  be- 
tween Gaza  and  Beit  .fibrin,  eleven  miles  (fourteen 
Roman  miles)  about  W.  S.  W.  from  the  latter,  but 
its  remains  are  nut  tliose  of  a  fortified  city  able  to 
brave  an  Assyrian  army  (Robinson,  ii.  47).  Porter 
(in  Kitto),  Professor  Douglas  (in  Fairbairn),  Van  de 
Velde,  &c.,  regard  Um  Ldkia  as  the  site  of  Lachish. 

La-€n'nBs(fr.  Gr.),  one  of  the  sons  of  Addi,  who 
returned  with  Ezra,  and  had  married  a  foreign  wife 
(1  Esd.  ix.  31);   =  CiiELAr.  ? 

La'dan(l  Esd.  v.  37).     Delaiah  2. 

Lad'der  (Gr.  klimax  =  a  laddrr  or  staircase) 
of  Ty'rus  (L.  =:  Tvre),  the,  one  of  the  extrem- 
ities (the  northern)  of  the  district  over  which 
Simon  Maccabeus  was  made  captain  by  Antioclnis 
VI.  Theos  (1  Mc.  xi.  59).  The  Ladder" of  Tyre,  or 
of  the  Tyrians,  was  the  local  name  for  a  high  moun- 
tain, the  highest  in  that  neighborhood,  one  hundred 
stadia  \.  of  Ptolemais,  the  modem  Mita  or  Acre. 
(AccHO.)  The  position  of  the  Rds  en-NakhArah 
asrees  very  nearly  with  this,  as  it  lies  ten  miles  from 
'Akka,  and  is  characterized  by  travellers  from  Parchi 


downward  as  very  high  and  steep.  A  road  wa 
anciently  carried  by  a  series  of  zigzags  and  stain 
cases  over  the  summit  to  connect  the  plain  of  Ptolj 
emais  with  Tyre  (Porter,  in  Kitto). 

La'cl  (Heb.  of  Gixl,  se.  created,  Ges.),  father  ot 
Eliasaph,  prince  of  the  Gershonites  (Num.  iii.  24)j 

La'had(Heb.  oppression,  Ges.),  son  of  Jahath,  de 
scendeJ  from  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  2). 

La-har-roi(Ileb.  of  life  ofvixion,  Ges. ;  see  Beeb 
LAHAi-uoi),  the  Well,  in  the  A.  V.  of  Gen.  xxiv.  G2 
and  XXV.  11,  the  name  of  the  famous  well  of  IlAGAn'i 
relief,  in  the  oasis  of  verdure  round  which  Isaa 
afterward  resided. 

Lab'maill(ncb.  jilaee nf  fighl,Tn.),  a  town  in  th<i 
lowland  district  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  40);  identifie' 
by  Wilton  (in  Fairbairn)  with  et-Hdmdtn,  a  site  aboui 
six  miles  S.  E.  of  'Ajlin  (Eglon). 

Lall'mi  (Heb.    =   Btth-lchemile,  Fii.),  brother 
Goliath  the  Gittite ;  slain  by  Elhanas  the  son  ofl 
Jair,  or  Jaor  (1  Chr.  xx.  5). 

La'isli  (Ileb.  lion,  Ges.).    1.  The  city  taken  by  th 
Danites,  and  under  its  new  name  of  Dan  2  famou 
as  the  northern  limit  of  the  nation,  and  as  the  d^ 
pository  first  of  the  graven  image  of  Micah  (Jud| 
xviii.  7,  14,  27,  29),  and  subsequently  of  one  of  th 
calves  of  Jeroboam. — 2<  In  the  A.  V.  Laish  (Oeli 
Lai/iJshdh)  is  again  mentioned  in  the  graphic  accoun 
of  Sennacherib's  march  on  Jerusalem  (Is.  x.  30)1 
but  (so  Mr.  Grove,  Gesenius,  Fiirst,  Robinson,  kc.J 
it  seems  more    consonant  with  the  tenor  of  tha 
whole  passage  to  take  it  as  the  name  of  a  small  vil- 
lage Laish  or  Laishah,  lying  near  Gallim  and  Ann- 
thoth.  Wilton  (in  Fairb.airn)  identifies  this  Laish  with 
eP Isdwit/eh,  a  village  about  half-way  between '^rni/a 
(Anathoth)  and  Jerusalem.    In  1  Mc.  ix.  5  a  village 
named   Alasa  (A.  V.  "  Eleasa  ")  is  mentioned  as 
the  scene  of  the  battle  in  which  Judas  was  killed. 
In  the  Vulgate  it  is  Laisa.     The  two  names  may 


LAI 


LAM 


529 


possibly  indicate  one  and  the  same  place,  and  that 
the  Laisliah  of  Isaiah  (so  Mr.  Grove).     Adasa. 

La'isll  (see  alxive),  father  of  Phaltiel,  to  whom 
Saul  hail  given  Michal,  David's  wife  (1  Sam.  xxv. 
44  ;  2  Sam.  iii.  15). 

I^kes.  Ge.n.nesaret  ;  Mebom  ;  Palestine  ;  Sea, 
THE  Salt. 

La  knm  (Heb.  Lakkum,  properly  =  way-Ktnpper, 
i.  e.  a  fortiHed  place,  Ges.),  one  of  the  places  ou  the 
boundary  of  Naphtali  (Josh.  xix.  S3). 

L-jnib  =  a  young  sheep  ;  the  A.  V.  translation  of 
— 1.  Chal.  immar  =  lleb.  cfbes.  See  below.  No.  3 
(Ez.  vi.  9,  17,  viL  17).— 2.  Heb.  tdlth  (1  Sam.  vii. 
9 ;  I.s.  Ixv.  25),  a  young  sucking  lamb ;  originally 
the  young  of  any  animal. — 3.  Heb.  eebes,  ciseb,  and 
the  feminincs  cibsuh,  or  cabsah,  and  cisbuh,  respec- 
tively denote  a  male  and  female  lamb  from  the  first 
to  the  third  year.  The  former  perhaps  more  nearly 
coincide  with  the  English  provincial  term  hoj/  or 
hoyt/cl  =  a  young  ram  before  he  is  shorn.  Young 
rams  of  this  age  formed  an  important  part  of  almost 
every  sacrifice. — i.  Ueb.  car,  a  fat  ram,  or  more 
probably  wether,  as  the  word  is  generally  employed 
in  opposition  to  aiiil  =  a  "  ram  ".  (Deut.  xxxii.  14  ; 
2  K.  iii.  4  ;  Is.  xxxiv.  6).  The  Tjrians  obtained 
their  supply  from  Arabia  and  Kedar  (Ez.  xxvii.  21), 
and  the  pastures  of  Bashan  were  famous  as  grazing- 
prounds  (xxxix.  IS). — 5.  Ueb.  Ison,  rendered  "  lamb  " 
(margin  "kid") in  Ex.  xii.  21,  is  properly  a  collect- 
ive term  denoting  a  "  flock  "  of  small  cattle,  sheep, 
and  goats,  in  distinction  from  herds  of  the  larger 
animals  (Eccl.  ii.  7;  Ez.  xlv.  15).  In  opposition  to 
this  collective  term  tlie — 6.  Heb.  seh  denotes  the  in- 
dividuals of  a  flock,  whether  sheep  or  goats  (Gen. 
xxii.  7,  8;  Ex.  xii.  3,  xxii.  1,  kc). — 7.  Gr.  amnos, 
used  in  N.  T.  only  figuratively  of  Christ  as  a  lamb 
for  sacrifices  four  times  (Jn.  i.  29,  36  ;  Acts  viii.  32 ; 
1  Pet.  i.  19) ;  in  LXX.  —  No.  3,  4,  &c.— 8.  Gr.  arm  ? 
pi.  arne»  (Lk.  x.  3  only) ;  in  LXX.  =  No.  3. — 9.  Gr. 
ariiion  (a  diminutive  of  No.  8),  used  in  N.  T.  only 
figuratively  of  Christians  (Jn.  xxi.  15)  and  of  Christ 
(Rev.  V.  6,  8,  12,  13,  and  twenty-five  other  times  in 
Rev.);  in  LXX.  =  No.  3. — On  the  Paschal  Lamb, 
see  Passover. 

La'Brch  [-mek]  (L.  fr.  Heb.  Lemech  —  powerful, 
Ges.  ?  ;  overthrower  of  enemies,  wild  man,  Fii.),  the 
name  of  two  persons  in  antediluvian  history.  1. 
The  fifth  lineal  descendant  from  Cain  (Gen.  iv.  18- 
24 1.  He  is  the  only  one  except  Enoch,  of  the  pos- 
terity of  Cain,  whose  history  is  related  with  some 
detail.  He  is  the  first  polygamist  on  record.  His 
two  wives,  Adah  and  Zijlah,  and  his  daughter 
Xaamah,  are,  with  Eve,  the  only  antediluvian 
women  whose  names  are  mentioned  by  Moses.  His 
three  sons — Jaiial,  Jibal,  and  Tibal-cain — are 
celebrated  In  Scripture  as  authors  of  useful  inven- 
tions. Josephus  relates  that  the  number  of  his 
sons  was  seventy-seven,  and  Jerome  records  the 
same  tradition,  adding  that  they  were  all  cut  off 
by  the  Deluge,  and  that  this  was  the  sevent)-- 
sevcn-fold  vengeance  which  Lamech  imprecated. 
The  remarkable  poem  which  Lamech  uttered  has 
not  yet  been  explained  quite  satisfactorily.  It  is 
the  only  extant  specimen  of  antediluvian  poetry ; 
it  came  down,  perhaps  as  a  popular  song,  to  the 
generation  for  whom  Moses  wrote,  and  he  inserts 
it  in  its  proper  place  in  his  history.  It  may  be 
rendered  (so  Mr.  Bullock):— 

A'lfih  and  Zlllah  •  hoar  my  voice, 

Vc;  wives  of  I/iinech  :  give  ear  nnto  my  speech; 
J  "T  a  man  had  I  ulaiii  for  smilinir  me, 

.\iid  a  youth  for  wounding  me: 

34 


I  Surely  Bevenfold  sliall  Cain  be  avenged. 

But  Lamech  seveuly-and-scven. 

Jerome  relates,  as  a  tradition  of  his  predecessors 
and  of  the  Jews,  that  Cain  was  accidentally  slain 
by  Lamech  in  the  seventh  generation  from  Adam. 
Luther  considers  the  occasion  of  the  poem  to  be 
the  deliberate  murder  of  Cain  by  Lamech.  Herder 
regards  it  as  Laraech's  song  of  exultation  on  the 
invention  of  the  sword  by  his  son  Tubal-cain, 
in  tlie  possession  of  which  he  foresaw  a  great 
advantage  to  himself  and  his  family  over  any 
enemies.  This  interpretation  appears,  on  the 
whole,  to  be  the  best. — 2,  Father  of  Noah  (Gen.  v. 
29). 

*  l.a'nicd(Heb.  lamed  =.  ox-goad,  Ges.),  the  twelfth 
letter  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  (Ps.  cxix.).  Wri- 
ting. 

Lam-fn-ta'tlons  of  Jrr-r-mi'ah,  the.  The  Hebrew 
title  of  this  Book  (Ei/chah  —  A.  V.  "How")  is 
taken,  like  those  of  the  five  Books  of  Moses,  from 
(he  Hebrew  word  with  which  it  opens,  and  which 
appears  to  have  been  almost  a  received  formula 
for  the  commencement  of  a  song  of  wailing  (com- 
pare 2  Sam.  i.  19-27).  The  poems  included  in  this 
collection  appear  in  the  Hebrew  Canon  with  no 
name  attached  to  them,  and  there  is  no  direct  ex- 
ternal evidence  that  they  were  written  by  the 
prophet  Jeremiah  earlier  than  the  date  given  in 
the  prefatory  verse  which  appears  in  the  LXX. 
Tliis  represents,  however,  the  established  belief  of 
the  Jews  alter  the  completion  of  the  canon.  The 
poems  belong  unmistakably  to  the  last  days  of  the 
kingdom,  or  the  ccnmenccment  of  the  exile.  They 
arc  written  by  one  who  speaks,  with  the  vividness 
and  intensity  of  an  eye-witness,  of  the  misery  w  hich 
he  bewails.  It  might  almost  be  enongh  to  ask  (so 
Prof  Pluniptre,  the  original  author  of  this  article), 
who  else  then  living  could  have  written  with  that 
union  of  strong  passionate  feeling  and  entire  sub- 
mission to  Jehovah  which  characterizes  both  the 
Lamentations  and  the  Prophecy  of  Jeremiah  ?  The 
evidences  of  identity  are,  however,  strtngcr  and 
more  minute  from  characteristic  words,  expressions, 
&c.  Assuming  this  as  sufficiently  established,  there 
come  the  questions — I.  When,  and  on  what  occa- 
sion did  Jeremiah  write  it?  II.  In  what  iclatiim 
did  it  stand  to  his  other  writings?  III.  What 
light  does  it  throw  on  his  personal  history,  or  on 
that  of  the  time  in  which  he  lived?  I.  The  ear- 
liest statement  on  this  point  is  that  of  Josephus 
(x.  6,  ^  1).  He  finds  amimg  the  books  extant  in 
his  own  time  the  lamentations  on  the  (!eath  of 
Josiah,  which  are  mentioned  in  2  Chr.  xxxv.  25. 
As  there  are  no  traces  of  any  other  poem  of  this 
kind  in  the  hiter  Jewish  literature,  it  has  been  in- 
ferred, naturally  enough,  that  he  speaks  of  this 
(Jerome,  Ushci-,  Dathe,  Michaclis,  Calovius,  De 
Wctte).  It  does  not  appear,  however,  to  rest  on 
any  better  grounds  than  a  hasty  conjecture.  And 
against  it  we  have  to  get  (1.)  the  tradition  on  the 
other  side  embodied  in  the  preface  of  the  LXX., 
(2.)  the  contents  of  the  book  itself  We  look  in 
vain  for  a  single  word  distinctive  of  a  funeral 
dirge  over  a  devout  and  zealous  reformer  like  Jo- 
siah, while  we  find,  step  by  step,  the  closest  pos- 
sible likeness  between  the  pictures  of  misery  in 
the  Lamentations  and  the  events  of  the  closing 
years  of  the  reign  of  Zcdckiah  (compare  Lnm.  ii. 
11,  12,  20,  iv.  4,  9,  with  2  K.  xxv.  3,  kc).  Unless 
we  adopt  the  strained  hypothesis  that  the  whole 
poem  is  prophetic  in  the  sense  of  being  predictive, 
the  writer  seeing  the  future  as  if  it  were  actually 


530 


LAM 


LAil 


present,  or  the  still  wilder  conjecture  of  Rashi,  that 
this  was  the  roll  which  Jehoiacliiii  destroyed,  and 
which  was  rewritten  by  Baruch  or  Jeremiah,  we 
are  compelled  to  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
coincidence  is  not  accidental,  and  to  adopt  the  later, 
not  the  earlier,  of  the  dates.  At  what  period  after 
the  capture  of  the  city  the  prophet  gave  this  utter- 
ance to  his  sorrow  we  can  only  conjecture,  and  the 
materials  for  doing  so  with  any  probiibility  are  but 
scanty.  He  may  have  written  it  immediately  after 
the  attack  was  over,  or  when  he  was  with  Gedahah 
at  Mizpeh,  or  when  he  was  with  his  countrymen 
at  Tahpanhes.  II.  It  is  well,  however,  to  be  re- 
minded by  these  conjectures  that  we  have  before 
us,  not  a  bo:)k  iu  five  chapters,  but  five  separate 
poems,  each  complete  in  itself,  each  having  a  dis- 
tinct subject,  yet  brought  at  the  same  time  under  a 
plan  which  includes  them  all.  It  is  clear,  before 
entering  on  any  other  characteristics,  that  we  find, 
in  full  predominance,  that  strong  personal  emotion 
which  mingled  itself,  in  greater  or  less  measure, 
with  the  whole  prophetic  work  of  Jeremiah.  Other 
differences  between  the  two  books  that  bear  the 
prophet's  name  grew  out  of  this.  Here  there  is 
more  attention  to  form,  more  elaboration.  The 
rhythm  is  more  uniform  than  in  the  prophecies. 
A  complicated  alphabetic  structure  pervades  nearly 
the  whole  book.  (1.)  Chapters  i.,  ii.,  and  iv.  con- 
tain twenty-two  verses  each,  arranged  in  alphabetic 
order,  each  verse  falling  into  three  nearly-balanced 
clauses;  ii.  19  forms  an  exception  as  having  a  fourth 
clause.  (2.)  Chapter  iii.  contains  three  short  verses 
under  each  letter  of  the  alphabet,  the  initial  letter 
being  three  times  repeated.  (3.)  Chapter  v.  con- 
tains the  same  number  of  verses  as  chapters  i.,  ii., 
iv.,  but  without  tlie  alphabetic  order.  (Poetry, 
Hebrew  ;  Writing.)  III.  The  power  of  entering 
into  the  spirit  .and  meaning  of  these  poems  depends 
on  two  distinct  conditions.  We  must  seek  to  see, 
as  with  our  own  eyof,  the  desolation,  misery,  con- 
fusion, which  came  before  those  of  the  prophet. 
We  must  endeavor  also  to  feel  as  he  felt  when  he 
looked  on  them.  And  the  last  is  the  more  difficult 
of  the  two.  Jeremiah  was  not  merely  a  patriot- 
poet,  weeping  over  the  ruin  of  his  country.  He  was 
a  prophet  who  had  seen  all  this  coming,  and  had 
foretold  it  as  inevitable.  He  had  urged  submission 
to  the  Chaldeans  as  the  only  mode  of  diminishing 
the  terrors  of  tiiat  "  day  of  the  Lord."  And  now 
the  Chaldeans  were  come,  irritated  by  the  perfidy 
and  rebellion  of  the  king  and  princes  of  Judah  ; 
and  the  actual  horrors  that  he  saw,  surpassed, 
though  he  h.ad  prclicted  them,  all  that  he  had  been 
able  to  imagine.  All  feeling  of  exultation  in  which, 
as  a  mere  prophet  of  evil,  he  might  have  indulged 
at  the  fulfilment  of  his  foreboding.*,  was  swallowed 
up  in  deep,  overwhelming  sorrow.  Yet  sorrow,  not 
less  than  other  emotions,  works  on  men  according 
to  their  characters,  and  a  man  with  Jeremiah's 
gift  of  utterance  could  not  sit  down  in  the  mere 
silence  and  stupor  of  a  hopeless  grief.  He  was 
compelled  to  give  expression  to  that  which  was  de- 
vouring his  heart  and  the  heart  of  his  people.  The 
act  itself  was  a  relief  to  him.  It  led  him  on  (as  will 
be  seen  hereafter)  to  a  calmer  and  serener  state.  It 
revived  the  faith  and  hope  which  had  been  neai'ly 
crushed  out. — An  examination  of  the  five  poems 
will  enable  us  to  judge  how  far  each  stands  by  it- 
self, how  fiir  they  are  connected  as  parts  forming  a 
whole,  (i.)  The  opening  verse  strikes  the  key-note 
of  the  whole  poem.  That  which  haunts  the  proph- 
et's mind  is  the  solitude  in  which  he  finds  himself. 


'  She  that  was  "  princess  amoug  the  nations  "  sits, 
"solitary,"  "as  a  widow."  After  the  manner  so 
characteristic  of  Hebrew  poetry,  the  personality  of 
the  writer  now  recedes  and  now  advances,  and 
blends  by  hardly  perceptible  transitions  with  that 
of  the  city  which  he  personifies,  and  with  w  hich  he, 
as  it  were,  identifies  himself.  Mingling  with  this 
outburst  of  sorrow  there  are  two  thoughts  charac- 
teristic both  of  the  man  and  the  time.  The  calam- 
ities which  the  nation  suffers  are  the  consequences 
of  its  sins.  There  must  be  the  confession  of  those 
sins.  There  is  also,  at  any  rate,  this  gleam  of  con- 
solation, that  Judah  is  not  alone  in  her  sufferings. 
Those  who  have  exulted  in  her  destruction  shall 
drink  of  the  same  cup.  (ii.)  As  the  solitude  of  the 
city  was  the  subject  of  the  first  lamentation,  so  the 
destruction  that  had  laid  it  waste  is  that  which  is 
most  conspicuous  in  the  second.  Added  to  all  this, 
there  was  the  remembrance  of  that  which  had  been 
all  along  the  great  trial  of  Jeremiah's  lite,  against 
which  he  had  to  wage  continual  war.  The  jnopli- 
cts  of  Jerusalem  had  seen  vain  and  foolish  things, 
I  false  burdens,  and  causes  of  banishment  (14).  A 
j  righteous  judgmtnt  had  fallen  on  them.  The 
'  prophets  found  no  vision  of  Jehovah  (9).  The  king 
I  and  tlie  princes  who  had  listened  to  them  were  cap- 
tive among  the  Gentiles,  (iii.)  Tlie  difference  al- 
ready noticed  in  the  structure  of  this  poem  indicates 
a  corresponding  difference  in  its  substance.  In  the 
two  preceding  poems,  Jeremiah  had  spoken  of  the 
misery  and  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  In  the  third 
he  speaks  chiefly,  though  not  exclusively,  of  his 
own.  But  here,  as  in  the  prophecies,  wc  find  a  Gos- 
pel for  the  weary  and  heavy-laden,  a  trust,  not  to  be 
shaken,  in  the  mercy  and  righteousness  of  Jehovah, 
(iv.)  It  might  seem,  at  first,  as  if  the  fourth  poem 
did  but  reproduce  the  pictures  and  the  thouglits  of 
the  first  and  second.  There  come  before  us,  once 
again,  the  famine,  the  misery,  the  desolation,  that 
had  fallen  on  the  holy  city,  making  all  faces  gather 
blackness.  One  new  element  in  the  picture  is 
found  in  the  contrast  between  the  past  glory  of  the 
consecrated  families  of  the  kingly  and  priestly 
stocks  ("  Nazarites  "  in  A.  V.)  and  their  later  misery 
and  shame.  Some  changes  there  are,  however,  notd 
without  interest  in  their  relation  to  the  poet's  ownA 
\  life  and  to  the  history  of  his  time.  All  the  facts  gaini 
a  new  significance  by  lieing  seen  in  the  light  of  thel 
personal  experience  of  the  third  poem,  (v.)  One! 
great  difference  in  the  fifth  and  last  section  of  the 
poem  has  been  already  pointed  out.  It  obviouslf| 
indicates  either  a  deliberate  abandonment  of  tha 
alphabetic  structure,  or  the  unfinished  character  of 
the  concluding  elegy.  There  are  signs  also  of  i 
later  date  than  that  of  the  preceding  poems 
Though  the  horrors  of  the  famine  are  ineffaceable," 
yet  that  wliich  he  has  before  him  is  rather  the  con- 
tinued protracted  suffering  of  the  rule  of  the  Chal- 
deans. There  are  perhaps  few  portions  of  the  0. 
T.  which  appear  to  have  done  the  work  they  were 
meant  to  do  more  effectually  than  this.  It  haaT 
supplied  thousands  with  the  fullest  utterance  foB 
their  sorrows  in  the  critical  periods  of  national  oH 
individual  suffering.  We  may  well  believe  that  in 
soothed  the  weary  years  of  the  Babylonian  cxilej 
On  the  nintli  day  of  the  month  of  Ah  (July),  tlia 
Lamentations  of  Jeremiah  were  read,  year  l>y  yearjl 
with  fasting  and  weeping,  to  commemorate  thai 
misery  out  nf  which  the  people  had  been  delivered. 
It  has  come  to  be  connected  with  the  thoughts  of  a 
later  devastation,  and  its  words  enter,  sometimes  at 
least,  into  the  prayers  of  the  pilgrim  Jews  who 


LAM 


LAO 


531 


meet  at  the  "  place  of  wailing  "  to  mourn  over  the 
departed  glory  of  Jkuisalem.  It  enters  largely  into 
the  order  of  the  Latin  Church  for  the  services  of 
Passion-week. — A  few  facts  connected  with  the  ex- 
ternal history  of  the  Book  remain  to  be  stated. 
The  position  which  it  lias  occupied  in  the  Canon  of 
the  O.  T.  has  varied  from  time  to  time.  In  the  re- 
ceived Helirew  arrangement  it  is  placed  among  the 
Hagiographa,  between  Ruth  and  Ecclesiastes.  In 
the  Bomberg  Bible  of  15'il,  it  stands  among  the 
five  Megilloth  after  the  Books  of  Moses.  The  LXX. 
group  the  writings  connected  with  the  name  of 
Jeremiah  together,  but  the  Book  of  Baruih  comes 
between  the  prophecy  and  the  Lamentation.  On 
the  hypothesis  of  some  writers  that  Jer.  Hi.  was 
originally  the  introduction  to  the  poem,  it  would 
follow  that  the  arrangement  of  the  Vulgate  and  the 
A.  V.  corresponds  more  closely  than  any  other  to 
that  which  »ve  must  look  on  as  the  original  one. 
Bible  ;  Inspiration  ;  Otn  Testament. 

Liinp.  1.  (llch.mr,uetjr,nir.)  That  part  of  the 
golden  CANDLESTICK  belonging  to  the  Tabernacle 
wliiih  bore  the  light ;  also  of  each  of  the  ten 
candlesticks  placed  by  Solomon  in  the  Temple  be- 
fore the  Holy  of  Holies  (Ex.  xxv.  37  ;  1  K.  vii.  49; 
2  Chr.  iv.  20,  xiii.  U;  Zech.  iv.  2).  The  lamps 
were  lighted  every  evening,  and  cleansed  every 
morning  (Ex.  xxx.  7,  8). — 2.  (Heb.  lappid.)  A  torch 
MI-  llambeau.  such  as  was  carried  by  the  soldiers  of 
(iideon  (Judg.  vii.  16,  20 ;  compare  xv.  4  [A.  V. 
••  tirehrands  "J  ;  Gen.  xv.  17;  Is.  Ixii.  1;  Ex.  xx. 
18,  "lightnings;"  Zech.  xii.  6,  "torch,"  &c.).— 3. 
(Cr.  liiiipiis  =  a  lipht ;  in  LXX.  =  No.  2;  in  N.  T. 
'in  plural)  in  Acts  xx.  8  "lights;"  in  Jn.  xviii.  3 
torches;"  in  Mat.  xxv.  1  If.,  Rev.  iv.  6  "lamps;" 
ill  viii.  10  [in  singular]  "  lamp."  See  Candle.)  The 
use  of  lamps  fed  with 
OIL  in  marriage  pro- 
cessions is  alluded  to  in 
the  parable  of  the  ton 
virgins  (Mat.  xxv.  1). 
Probably  (soKitto)  ani- 
mal fat  was  also  used 
in  lamps  by  the  He- 
brews, as  it  is  often 
now  in  some  parts  of 
western  Asia.  Cotton 
wicks  are  now  used  throughout  Asia;  but  proba- 
bly the  Hebrews  like  the  Egj-ptians  employed  the 
outer  and  coarser  fibre  of  flax,  or  linen  yarn.  A 
modem  Egyptian  lamp 
,  consists    of    a    small 

I  glass    vessel    with     a 

-tt  tube    at    the    bottom 

containing    a    cotton- 
wick  twisted  round  a 
piece  of  straw.      This 
^^  lamp    appears  in   the 

i      1^^  ^SiH       '^^^'   I""''    separately, 

.'       I^A  kSX'        and  with  the  usual  re- 

ceptacle of  wood, which 
protects  the  flamo  from 
the  wind.      For  night- 
travelling,  the  modem 
Egyptians  use  a  lan- 
tern    called     fimom, 
'imposed  of  waxed  cloth  strained  over  a  sort  of 
vlindcr  of  wire-rinTs,  and  a  top  and  bottom  of  per- 
"rated  copper.      This    would,  in    form    at    least, 
answer  to   (iideon's   lamps  within   pitchers.     (See 
above;  also  Midian.)     On  occasions  of  marriagr, 
lh«  street  or  quarter  where  the  bridegroom  lives  is 


Ihiminated  with  lamps  suspended  from  cord  drawn 
across.     Lantern. 


Ancient  ABsyrfnn  Lampi  In  BHtlth  Museum.— (Fbn.) 


I    1.  Bronxe  from  N.  \V.  pnluce,  Nimroud.    2.  Broiiee  from  KDityunjik,    3,  i, 
I       Terra  Cottu  Irom  H  arka,    fi.  Term  Cotta  from  Kouyvnjik. 

I 

*  Lance    Arms,  I.  2,  b. 

Lun'tet  (1  K.  xviii.  28  only).     Arms,  I.  2,  c 

*  Land.    AoRict-LTiRE ;  Earth. 

*  Landmark.    Field, 

LangoDgc  [lang'gwej].  Siiemitic  Languages; 
ToNGtK  ;  Tongues,  Coxfision  of. 

Lan'trrn  occurs  only  in  Jn.  xviii.  3  as  the  trans- 
lation ol'  Gr.  p/iaiios  =  light,  lantern,  torch  (Rbn. 
A'.  T.  Lex.).  (Lamp.) — For  the  Jewish  Feast  of 
Lamps  or  Lanterns,  see  Dedication,  Feast  of. 


;  Egyptian   Lamp  (of  frlaas  ^. 

An  erect  wick  io   the  haad From 

wUk'neoB.— <F1«. ) 


kr^ 


" -lem   FiTTptlan  Ijim^  (iandtil  , 
From  Lane. — ^Fbo.) 


Modern  Egypliui  Laotems.— From  Lane— (Fin.) 
1.  Used  on  feBtlve  occasion!.     2.  The /anooe,  or  common  lantern.     Lamp. 

La-od-i-(e'a  [-see'ah]  (fr.  Gr.,  see  below),  a  town 
cf  some  consequence  in  the  Roman  province  of 
Asia;  situated  in  the  valley  of  the  river  Meander, 
on  a  small  river  called  the  Lycus,  with  Colosse  and 
Iliicr.APOLi.s  a  few  miles  distant  to  the  W.  Built, 
or  rather  rebuilt,  by  one  of  the  Seleucid  monarch?, 
and  named  in  honor  of  his  wife,  Laodicca  became 
under  the  Roman  government  a  place  of  some  im- 
portance. Its  trade  was  considerable :  it  lay  on  the 
line  of  a  great  road ;  and  it  was  the  seat  of  a  court 
of  justice.  From  Rev.  iii.  17,  we  gather  it  was  a 
place  of  great  wealth.  The  damage  cAsed  by  an 
earthquake  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius  was  promptly 
repaired  by  the  energy  of  the  inhabitants.  Soon 
alter  this  occurrence  Christianity  was  introduced 
into  Laodicca,  not,  however,  as  it  would  seem, 
through  the  direct  agency  of  St.  Paul.  We  have 
good  reason  for  believing  that  when,  in  writing 
from  Rome  to  the  ('hristians  of  Colosse,  he  sent  a 
greeting  to  those  of  Laodicca,  he  had  not  personally 
visited  either  place.  But  the  preaching  of  the  Gos- 
pel at  Ephcsus  (Acts  xviii.  lO-xix.  41)  must  ine- 
vitably have  resulted  in  the  formation  of  churches 


532 


LAO 


LAS 


in  the  neighboring  cities,  especially  where  Jews 
were  settleJ:  and  there  were  Jews  in  Laodicea. 
The  Church  of  the  Laodiceans  is  pointedly  rebuked 
and  threatened  with  divine  judgments  for  its  luke- 
wannness  (Rev.  ii.   14  ff.).     In   subsequent  times 


Laodicea  became  a  Christian  city  of  eminence,  the 
see  of  a  bishop,  and  a  meeting-place  of  councils. 
The  Mohammedan  invaders  destroyed  it ;  and  it  is 
now  a  scene  of  utter  desolation :  but  the  extensive 
ruins  at  the  village  oi  Juski  Ilisaar  justify  all  that 


lAodiMa.— From 


we  real  of  Laodicea  in  Greek  and  Roman  writers. 
One  Bibllcil  subject  of  interest  is  connected  with 
Laodicea.  From  Col.  iv.  16  it  appears  that  St. 
Paul  wrote  a  letter  to  this  place  when  he  wrote  tlie 
letter  to  Colosse.  The  question  arises  whether  we 
can  give  any  account  of  this  Laodicean  epistle. 
Wieseler's  theory  is  tliat  the  Epistle  to  I'liilemon  is 
meant.  Another  view,  maintained  by  Paley,  Cony- 
beare  &  Ilowson,  &c.,  is  that  the  Epistle  to  the 
Ephesuns  is  intended.  Usher's  view  is  that  this 
last  e;)istle  was  a  circular  letter  sent  to  Laodicea 
among  other  places.  The  apocryphal  Hpintle  to  the 
Laodueant  is  a  late  and  clumsy  forgery.  Tlie  sub- 
scription at  the  end  of  1  Timothy  "  written  from 
Laodicea"  is  of  no  authority. 

La-od-l-ee'ans  =  the  inhabit.ints  of  Laodicea 
(Col.  iv.  16;  Rev.  iii.  14). 

Lap'i-dotll  (L.  fr.  Ileb.  =  torches),  the  husband  of 
Deborah  the  prophetess  (Jndg.  iv.  4  only). 

Lap'lTiDg  (Heb.  ditciphath)  Occurs  only  in  Lev.  xi. 
19,  and  Deut.  xiv.  18,  amongst  those  birds  which 
were  forbidden  by  the  law  of  Moses  to  bo  eaten  by 
the  Israelites.  Commentators  generally  agree  with 
the  LXX.  and  Vulgate  that  the  Hoopoe  is  the  bird 
intended.  « According  to  Bochart,  these  four  dif- 
ferent interpretations  have  been  assigned  to  duci- 
phalh:  —  \.  The  Sadducees  supposed  the  bird  in- 
tended to  be  the  eommon  he;i,  which  they  therefore 
refused  to  eat.  2.  Another  interpretation  under- 
stands the  cock  of  the  woods  (Tetrao  Urogalbis).  3. 
Other  interpreters  think  the  allagen  (?)  is  meant. 
4.  The  last  interpretation  is  the  Hoopoe.  Many, 
and  curious  in  some  instances,  are  the  derivations 
proposed  for  the  Hebrew  word,  but  the  most  prob- 
able on"  is  tlie  mountain-cock.  It  must,  however, 
J)8  remarked  t'lat  the  observations  of  the  habits  of 


the  hoopoe  recorded  by  modern  zoologists  do  not 
appear  to  warrant  the  assertion  that  it  is  so  pre- 
eminently a  niountain-hird  as  lias  been  impli 'd 
above.  Marshy  ground,  ploughed  land,  wooded 
districts,  such  as  are  near  to  water,  are  more  es])e- 
cially  its  favorite  haunts.  The  hoopoe  was  accounted 


The  Hoopoe  ( D/>w;5a  Epop»).~(J}>n.) 


an  unclean  bird  by  the  Mosaic  law,  nor  is  it  now 
eaten  except  occasionally  in  those  countries  whci. 
it  is  abundantly  found — Egypt,  France,  Spain,  ki 
&c.  It  seems  to  have  been  always  regarded,  hot 
by  Arabians  and  Greeks,  with  superstitious  revr 
enco.  It  is  nearly  as  large  as  a  jiigeon.  Its  ere 
is  very  elegant,  the  long  feathers  forming  it  arc  em 
of  them  tipjied  with  black. 

La-3Ca  (fr.   Gr.   Lamia;   also   written   La-tR  '. 


LAS 


LAV 


533 


[-sce'ab])  (Acts  xxvii.  8).  A  few  rears  a?;o  it  would 
luve  been  ituposjiible  to  gi%e  any  information  re- 
garding tills  Cretan  city,  except  indeed  that  it  prob- 
ably —  the  "  Lisia "  mentioned  in  the  I'lUiingir 
Table  as  sixteen  miles  E.  of  Gortvna.  But  in 
January,  1856,  a  yachting  party  made  inquiries  at 
yAiR  Havens,  and  weie  told  that  the  name  Lasea 
was  still  given  to  some  ruins  a  few  miles  E.  A  short 
search  sulBeed  to  discover  these  ruins,  and  inde- 
pendent testimony  confinncd  the  name. 

La'slia  (fr.  Ileb.  =  chink;  Jinsure,  Ges.),  a  place 
noticed  in  Gen.  x.  19  only,  as  marking  the  limit  of 
the  country  of  the  Caiiaanites.  It  lay  apparently 
somenherc  in  the  S.  E.  of  Palestine,  though  Wilton 
(in  Fbn.),  kc.  idculify  it  with  Laisii  1  =  Dan  2. 
Jerome  and  other  writers  identify  it  with  Callirhoc, 
a  spot  famous  for  hot  springs,  near  the  eastern 
shore  of  the  Dead  Sea  in  the  deep,  narrow  chasm 
of  Wady  Zerka  Jla'in.  The  baths  here  were  once 
celebrated  for  their  medicinal  properties,  and  were 
visited  by  Herod  during  his  last  illness. 

La-sliar'on  [-ahair'on,  compare  Sharon]  (fr.  Hob. 
=  on  t/tepluin  or  ai  Sharon  ^),  one  of  the  Canaanito 
towns  whose  kings  were  killed  by  Joshua  (Josh.  xii. 
18).  The  Vulgate,  Gesenius,  &e.,  m.ike  Lasharon 
=  Sharon.  Wilton  (in  Fbn.)  would  identify  it  with 
Sdruiieh,  a  place  S.  W.  from  Tiberias. 

Las'tliC-nes  [-neez]  (Gr.  ilrenglh  of  a  atone,  Wal- 
ton's Polyglott),  an  oflicer  who  stood  high  in  the 
favor  of  Demetrius  H.  Xicator,  described  as  "cous- 
in" (I  Mc.  xi.  31)  and  "father"  (ver.  32)  of  the 
king.  Both  words  may  be  taken  as  titles  of  high 
nobility.  It  appears  from  Josephus  (xiii.  4,  §  3)  that 
he  was  a  Cretan,  to  whom  Demetrius  was  indebted 
for  a  large  body  of  mercenaries  (comp.  1  )Ic.  x.  67). 

Lattll'et,  the  thong  or  fastening  by  which  the 
sandal  was  attached  to  the  foot.  In  the  proverbial 
expression  in  Gen.  xiv.  23,  it  =  something  trivial 
OP  worthless.  Another  semi-proverbial  expression 
in  Lk.  iii.  16  points  to  the  fact  that  the  oflice  of 
bearing  and  unHisteiiing  the  shoes  of  great  person- 
ages fell  to  the  meanest  slaves. 

Latin  (fr.  L.),  the  language  spoken  by  the  Ro- 
mans, is  mentioned  only  in  Jn.  xix.  20,  and  Lk.  xxiii. 
88.  (UoMAN  Empire;  Rome;  Tonoijes,  Confusion 
OP.). — Laiin  Versioiu  of  the  Bible ;  see  Versions, 
Ancient  Latin. 

Lat'tiep,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  three  Hebrew 
words.  1.  E.-<hndb{=  a  latticed  window,  through 
which  the  cool  breezes  enter  the  iiocsk,  Ges.),  which 
occurs  but  twice,  Judg.  v.  28,  and  Prov.  vii.  6,  and 
in  the  latter  passage  is  translated  "  casement "  in 
the  A.  V.  In  both  instances  it  stands  in  parallelism 
with  "  WINDOW." — 2.  Uiiroccim  or  characeim  (Cant. 
IL  0),  apparently  =:  Xo.  1,  though  a  word  of  later 
date. — 3.  SibiXchdh  simply  —  a  network  placed  be- 
fore a  window  or  balcony.  Perhaps  the  network 
through  which  Ahaziah  fell  and  received  his  mortal 
injury  was  on  the  parapet  of  his  palace  (2  K.  i.  2). 

•IJinsh  |lahf],  to,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1. 
Heb.  /.iV/,  twice  (Job  ix.  23;  Ps.  Ixxx.  6,  Ilpb.  7); 
naually  translated  "laugh  to  scorn"  (2  K.  xi\-.  21  ; 
Neh.  ii.  lit,  kc),  or  "mock"  (Job  xi.  8;  Prov.  i. 
iM>  XXX.  17,  &c.),  once  to  "have  in  derision  "  (Ps. 
(Jl,  4).— 2.  Heb.  Isahak  or  tuackak  (Gen.  xvii.  17, 
,«viii.  12,  13,  15,  xxi.  6),  elsewhere  translated  "to 
■mock"  (xix.  14,  xxi.  9,  xxxix.  14,  17),  "to  play" 
(Ex.  xxxli.  6),  "made  them  sport"  (Judg.  xvi.  25), 
"  ."porting  "  (Gen.  xxvi.  8).  A  kindred  word  is  trans- 
l.ited  "laugh"  (xxi.  6),  and  "laughed  to  scorn" 
V.7..  xxiii.  32).— 3.  Heb.  mihak  or  sMwk,  the  com- 
)uou  word  for  "  laugh  "  (Ps.  ii.  4  ;  Eccl.  iii.  4,  &c.), 


also  translated  "to  play"  (2  Sam.  ii.  14,  vi.  5,  21 ; 
Zech.  viii.  6,  &o.),  "make  sport"  (Judg.  xvi.  26, 
27),  "rejoice"  (Prov.  viii.  30,  31,xxxi.  25),  "mock", 
(Lam.  i.  7,  &c.),  "scorn"  (Job  xx.xix.  7,  18),  " de- 
ride "(Hab.  i.  10),  kc.  The  noun  tihok  or  ttchok 
is  translated  "  laughter  "  (Ps.  cxxvi.  2 ;  Eccl.  vii.  3, 

6,  &e.),  "sport"  (Prov.  x.  23),  "derision  "  (Jcr.  xx. 

7,  kc). — 4.  (ir.  ffelao  (Lk.  vi.  21,  25  only) ;  in  LXX. 
=:  No.  2.  The  noun  gelos  occurs  in  N.  T.  in  Jas. 
iv.  9  only,  and  is  translated  "  laughter."  The  com- 
pound verb  kalagelao  (=;  ti>  laugh  at  in  scoin,  to  d(- 
ride,  Rbn.,  A.  7'.  /.(i.)  is  translated  "  laugh  to  scorn" 
(Mat.  ix.  24;  Mk.  v.  40;  Lk.  viii.  63). 

*  Ljiagirtrr.    Laigii. 

Layer  (fr.  L. ;  Heb.  cii;dr).  1.  In  the  Taber- 
nacle, a  vessel  of  brass  coiitiiining  water  for  the 
priests  to  wash  their  hands  and  feet  before  offering 
sacrifice.  It  stood  in  the  court  between  the  altar 
and  the  door  of  the  Tabernacle,  and,  according  to 
Jewish  tradition,  a  liltlc  to. the  S.  (Ex.  xxx.  19,  21  ; 
Roland,  Ant.  Nib.  pt.  i.  ch.  iv.  9).  It  rested  on  a 
basis,  i.  e.  a  foot,  though  by  some  explained  to  be  a 
cover  of  copper  or  brass,  wliich,  as  well  as  the  lavcr 
itself,  was  made  from  the  mirrors  of  the  women 
who  aasenibli'd  at  the  door  of  the  Tabernacle-court 
(Ex.  xxxviii.  8).  The  form  of  the  lavcr  is  not  speci- 
fied, but  may  be  assumed  to  have  been  circular. 
Like  the  other  vessels  belonging  to  the  Tabernacle, 
it  was,  together  with  its  "  foot,"  consecrated  with 
oil  (Lev.  viii.  10,  11).     As  no  mention  is  made  of 


Conjecturnl  Dinp-am  of  the  Luver.— (After  Thoniua.) 

any  vessel  for  washing  tlie  flesh  of  the  sacrificial 
victims,  it  is  possible  that  the  laver  may  have  been 
used  for  this  purpose  also  (Reland,  Ant.  Ilcb.  i.  iv. 
9).  2.  In  Solomon's  Temple,  besides  the  groat  mol- 
ten sea  (Sea,  Molten),  there  were  ten  lavers  of  brass, 
raised  on  bases  (1  K.  vii.  27,  89),  five  on  the  N.  and 
S.  sides  respectively  of  the  coin-t  of  the  priests. 
Each  laver  contained  forty  of  the  measures  called 


534 


LAW 


LAW 


"  bath."  They  were  used  for  washing  the  animals 
to  be  offered  in  bunit-olferings  (2  Chr.  iv.  6).  The 
dimensions  of  the  bases  with  the  lavers,  as  given 
in  the  Hebrew  text,  are  4  cubits  in  length  and 
breadth,  and  3  in  height.  The  LXX.  gives  4x4x6 
in  height.  Josephus  makes  them  5  in  length,  4  in 
width,  and  6  in  height  (1  K.  vii.  28  jThenius;  Josephus 
viii.  3,  §  3).  There  were  to  each  four  wheels  of  1| 
cubits  in  diimeter,  with  spolces,  &c.,  all  cast  in  one 
piece.  The  principal  parts  requiring  explanation 
may  be  thus  enumerated  : — (o)  "  Borders,"  probably 
panels.  Geseuius  supposes  these  to  have  been  or- 
naments like  square  shields  with  engraved  work. 
(h)  "  Ledges,"  joints  in  corners  of  bases  or  fillets 
covering  joints,  (c)  "Additions,"  probably  fes- 
toons ;  Lightfoot  translates  borders  descending 
oblique!//,  (d)  "  Plates,"  probably  axles,  cast  in  the 
same  piecS  as  the  wheels.  («)  "  Undersetters," 
either  the  naves  of  the  wheels,  or  a  sort  of  handles 
for  moving  the  whole  machine  (so  Mr.  Phillott) ; 
Lightfoot  translates  columns  supporting  the  lavfr; 
Gesenius  s/io'tWers  of  an  axle.  (/■)"  Naves."  (g) 
"  Spokes."  (h)  "  Felloes."  (t)  "  Chapiter,"  perhaps 
the  rim  of  the  circular  opening  ("month,"  ver.  31) 
in  the  convex  top  (so  -Mr.  I'hillott) ;  Geseuius  trans- 
lates capiM',  chapi'er  of  a  column,  (k)  A  "  round 
compass,"  perhaps  the  convex  roof  of  the  base. 
To  these  parts  Josephus  (viii.  3,  §  6)  adds  chains, 
probably  =:  the  festojns  above  mentioned. 

Law  (Ueb.  tdrih  ;  Gr.  nomos).  The  word  is  prop- 
erly used,  in  Scripture  as  elsewhere,  to  express  a 
definite  commandment  laid  down  Ijy  any  recognized 
authority.  The  commandment  may  be  general,  or 
(as  in  Lev.  vi.  9,  14,  &c.,  "  the  law  of  the  burnt- 
ofTering,"  &c.),  particular  in  its  bearing;  tlie author 
ity  either  human  or  divine.  Bat  when  the  word  is 
used  with  the  artiele,  and  with)ut  any  words  of 
limitation,  it  refers  to  the  expressed  will  of  Go  I, 
and,  in  nine  cases  out  of  ten,  to  the  Mosaic  Law 
(L,i\v  OF  .MnsEs),  or  to  the  Pemtateuch,  of  which  it 
forms  the  chief  portion.  The  Hebrew  word  tdrdh 
(so  Mr.  Barry)  lays  more  stress  on  its  moral  autlior- 
ity,  as  teaching  the  truth,  and  guiding  in  the  right 
way ;  the  Greek  noinos,  on  its  constraining  power, 
as  imposed  and  enforced  by  a  recognized  authority. 
The  sense  of  the  word,  however,  extends  its  scope, 
and  assumes  a  more  abstract  character  in  the  writ- 
ings of  St.  Paul,  yoinoi,  when  use  1  by  him  with 
the  article ("  the  Law")  still  refers  in  general  to  the 
Law  of  Moses ;  but  when  used  without  the  article, 
BO  as  to  embrace  any  manifestation  of  "  law,"  it  in- 
cludes all  powers  which  act  on  the  will  of  man  by 
compulsion,  or  by  the  pressure  of  extern.al  motives, 
whether  their  commands  be  or  or  be  not  expressed 
in  definite  forms.  The  occasional  use  of  the  word 
"law"  (as  in  Rom.  iii.  27,  "law  of  faith;"  &c.),  to 
denote  an  in'ernal  principle  of  action,  does  not 
really  militate  against  the  general  rule.  It  should 
also  be  noticed  that  the  title  "  the  Law "  is  occa- 
sionally used  loosely  to  refer  to  the  whole  of  the  0. 
T.  (as  in  Jn.  x.  34,  referring  to  Ps.  Ixxxii.  6 ;  in  Jn. 
XV.  25,  referring  to  Ps.  xxxv.  19;  and  in  1  Cor.  xiv. 
21,  referring  to  Ls.  xxviii.  11,  12). 

Law  (see  above)  of  Ho'ses  (see  Moses).  It  will  be 
the  object  of  this  article  (originally  by  Mr.  Barry) 
to  give  a  brief  analysis  of  the  substance  of  the  Law, 
to  point  out  its  main  principles,  and  to  explain  the 
position  which  it  occupies  in  the  progress  of  Divine 
Revelation.  In  order  to  do  this  the  more  clearly,  it 
seems  best  to  speak  of  the  Law,  I.,  in  relation  to 
the  past;  IL,  in  its  own  intrinsic  character;  and, 
III.,  in  its  relation  to  the  future.   I.  (a.)  In  reference 


to  the  past,  it  is  all-important,  for  the  proper  under- 
standing of  the  Law,  to  remember  its  entire  depend- 
ence on  the  Abrahamic  Covenant,  and  its  adaptation 
thereto  (see  Gal.  iii.  17-24).  That  covenant  had  a 
twofold  character.  It  contained  the  "  spiritual 
promise  "  of  the  Messiah,  which  was  given  to  tlie 
Jews  as  representatives  of  the  whole  human  race. 
But  it  contained  also  the  temporal  promises  sul)- 
sidiary  to  the  former.  These  promises  were  special, 
given  distinctively  to  the  Jews  as  a  nation.  It  fol- 
lows that  there  would  be  in  the  Law  a  corresponding 
duality  of  nature.  There  would  be  in  it  muL'li 
peculiar  to  the  Jews,  local,  special,  and  transitory ; 
but  the  fundamental  principles  must  be  universal. 
(b.)  The  nature  of  this  relation  of  the  Law  tu  the 
promise  is  clearly  pointed  out.  Tlie  belief  in  God 
as  the  Redeemer  of  man,  and  the  hope  of  His  mani- 
festation as  such  in  the  person  of  the  Messiah,  in- 
volved the  belief  that  the  Spiritual  Power  must  be 
superior  to  all  carnal  obstructions,  and  that  there 
was  in  man  a  spiritual  element  which  could  rule  his 
lite  by  communion  with  a  Spirit  from  above.  But 
it  involved  also  the  idea  of  an  antagonistic  Power 
of  Evil,  from  which  man  was  to  be  redeemed,  ex- 
isting in  each  individual,  and  existing  also  in  the 
world  at  large.  The  promise  was  the  witness 
of  the  one  truth  ;  the  Law  was  the  declaration 
of  the  other,  (e.)  Xor  is  it  less  essential  to  remark 
the  period  of  the  histori/  at  which  it  was  given.  It 
marked  and  determined  the  transition  of  Israel  from 
the  condition  of  a  tribe  to  that  of  a  nation,  and 
its  definite  assumption  of  a  distinct  position  and 
olfiee  in  the  history  of  the  world,  (rf.)  Vet,  though 
new  in  its  general  conception,  it  was  |>robably 
not  wholli/  new  in  its  materials.  There  must  neces- 
sarily have  been,  before  the  Law,  commandments 
and  revel  itions  of  a  fragmentary  character,  under 
which  Israel  had  hitherto  grown  up.  (Adclterv  ; 
Clkan  and  Uxclkax  ;  Marriage;  MuRnER;  Sab- 
BATii;  Sacrifice,  &c.)  It  is  the  peculiar  mark  of 
legislative  genius  to  mould  by  fundamental  prin- 
ciples, and  animate  by  a  higher  inspiration,  mate- 
rials previously  existing  in  a  cruder  state.  So  far, 
therefore,  as  they  were  consistent  with  the  objects 
of  the  Jewish  law,  the  customs  of  Palestine  and  the 
laws  of  Egypt  would  doubtless  be  traceable  in  the 
Mosaic  system,  (e.)  In  close  connection  with,  and 
almost  in  consequence  of  this  reference  loantiquityj 
we  find  an  accommodation  of  the  Law  to  the  tonipe 
and  circumstances  of  the  Israelites,  to  which  ouj 
Lord  refers  in  the  case  of  divorce  (Mat.  xix.  7,  8)  i 
necessarily  interfering  with  its  absolute  perfection 
In  many  cases  it  rather  should  be  said  to  guide  ani 
modify  existing  usages  than  actually  to  sanctioi 
them ;  and  the  ignorance  of  their  existence  mtj 
lead  to  a  conception  of  its  ordinances  not  only  er- 
roneous, but  actually  the  reverse  of  the  truth. 
(Blood,  Avenger  of;  Elder;  Jddbe;  P.itriarch; 
Punishments.)  Nor  is  it  less  noticeable  that  the  de- 
gree of  prominence  given  to  each  part  of  the  Mosaic 
system  has  a  similar  reference  to  the  period  at 
which  the  nation  had  arrived.  The  ceremonial  por- 
tion is  marked  out  distinctly  and  with  elaboration  ; 
the  moral  and  criminal  law  is  clearly  and  sternly 
decisive;  even  the  civil  law,  so  far  as  it  relates  to 
individuals,  is  systematic ;  because  all  these  were 
called  for  by  the  past  growth  of  the  nation,  and 
needed  in  order  to  settle  and  develop  its  resources. 
But  the  political  and  constitutional  law  is  compara- 
tively imperfect;  a  few  leading  principles  arc  loid 
down,  to  be  developed  hereafter ;  but  the  law  is 
directed  rather  to  sanction  the  various  powers  of 


Lxvr 


LAW 


535 


tlie  state,  than  to  define  and  balance  their  opera- 
tions. (/'.)  In  close  connection  with  this  snbjcct 
we  observe  also  the  gradual  proresa  by  u-hich  tlie  Law 
wan  rtviuUd  to  the  Israelites.  In  Kx.  xx.-xxiii.,  in 
direct  coiiucciioii  with  the  revelation  from  Mount 
Sinai,  that  which  niay  be  called  the  rough  outline  of 
the  Mosaic  Law  is  given  by  (jod,  solcnmly  recorded 
by  .Moses,  and  accepted  by  the  people.  In  Ex. 
xxv.-xxxi.  there  is  a  similar  outline  of  the  Mosaic 
cereirioiiial.  On  the  basis  of  these  it  may  be  con- 
ceived that  the  labric  of  the  Mosaic  system  grad- 
ually grew  up  under  tue  requirements  of  the  time. 
The  iirst  revelation  of  the  Law  in  any  thing  like  a 
perfict  form  is  found  in  Deuteronomy.  Yet  even 
then  the  revelaiion  was  not  final ;  it  was  the  duty 
of  the  prophets  to  amend  and  explain  in  special 
points  (Ez.  xviii.),  and  to  bring  out  more  clearly  its 
great  principles.  (I'kopiiet.) — II.  In  giving  an  anal- 
ysis of  the  substance  oi'  the  Law,  it  will  probably 
be  better  to  treat  it,  as  any  other  system  of  laws  is 
usually  treated,  by  diviihng  it  into — (l.)Laws  Civil; 
(II.)  Laws  Criminal;  (HI.)  Laws  Judicial  and  Con- 
stitutional; (IV.)  Laws  Ecclesiosticil  and  Cere- 
monial 

a.)  LAWS  CIVIL. 
(A)  Clf  Persons. 

(a)  Fatheh  and  Son.  Thepmer  of  a  Father  to  be  held 
fuerwl:  <ur<inL.',  or  fmltln,' (fix.  xxi.  15.  1":  Lev,  xx.  ill, 
or  siut)lK>ru  and  wilful  cisottcdlenc-e.  to  be  cnnsidered  capi- 
tal erinifs.  Bat  uncontrolled  power  of  life  and  (ieath  was 
apparently  refused  to  the  lail.er.  and  vesnd  only  in  tlie 
coiijrnitration  (Ueut.  xxl.  18-21).  (Child;  Piniphments.) 
Jiiglil  0/  the  piHi'T-EORN  to  a  conir.e  portion  of  Il.o  inlieri- 
tauce  not  to  be  set  asi.le  by  partiality  (xxi.  15-17).  In- 
heritance by  dawjUters  to  he  allowed  in  default  of 
son;*,  provided  (Nam.  xxvii.  6-8.  con.nare  xxxvi.)  that 
helrcs'iR'S  married  in  their  ow!i  tribe.  Lavfftitei's  vnmar- 
rieot  to  be  entirely  dependent  on  their  father  (xxx.  8-5). 

(4)  Umbarul  ahft  U>'/c.  T/terouerqfa  //t/.  6a«rf  to  be 
BO  preat  tliat  a  wife  could  never  be  fvi  jhHk  (L.  qfher  own 
rtglit.  i.  e.  lepally  indcpondentl,  or  cn!cr  indopc  ndently  into 
any  cn'aL'ement.  c\  en  Infon:  God  (Nr.m.  xxx.  fi-15).  \  wid- 
ow iTdivnrced  wife  became  irdependeiit,  and  did  not  apain 
fllll  under  her  fitl  crV  power  (verce  9).  Ijirwce  (for  nn- 
cleannes?!  allowed,  but  to  he  formnl and  Irrevocable  (Dint. 
xxiv.  i-U.  Mnrriani'  v-illiin  certain  Uenrees  fmhidden 
tl«v.  xvlii..  Ac.>.  A  f^are  Wife,  whetlicr  bonpnt  or  cap- 
nve.  not  to  he  actual  prnpertv,  nor  to  be  sold :  If  ill-treat- 
ed, to  be  Z/iw  fni-in  (L.  lyii  that  ren/  fact)  free  (Kx.  xxl.  7- 
»;  Dent.  xxi.'lft-141.  SInnrler  acatrst  a  wife's  vlr_'inily, 
to  Ik! punished  hv  fine,  and  bv  deprivnl  of  power  of  dl- 
Torcc:  on  tie  other  hnnd.  ante-rnnnnbial  uncleonness  In 
her  to  be  punloherl  hv  death  (xxii,  13-51).  TheraiHnq 
vp  of  r/e'l  (Levlnite  Inwl  a  formal  rieht  to  lie  claimed 
m  the  widow,  nnder  pain  of  Inl&mv.  with  a  view  to  pre- 
•ervation  of  famiiie«  (xxv.  ."i  11).    Mareiage  :  Women. 

(e)  .Va-t^r  artrl  f^i.jivr..  Potcer  of  ^faster  ro  far  limited, 
that  death  nnder  actual  ehnflifiement  was  pnu'Ii-hable  (Ex. 
xxl.  SOI :  and  maiininu'  wa-<  to  pive  llhertv  i[vn  fartn  (26. 
ST).  The,  Uthreti'  dare  tn  lie,  freeit  at  the  babbaticai. 
TBAP,*  and  provided  with  necepsarie«  (his  wife  and  chil- 
dren to  JO  with  onlv  if  they  came  to  his  master  with  bim), 
milesK  by  hif>  own  formal  act  he  consented  to  lie  a  perpf  t- 
nal  slave  (xxi.  1-fi:  Dent.  xv.  19-18).  In  any  ease.  It 
wonld  seem,  to  lie  freed  at  the  svwi.y.r.  (Lev.  xxv.  10).  with 
hl8  children.  If  sold  to  a  resident  alien,  to  he  always  re- 
deemable, at  a  price  propurtional  to  the  distance  of  the 
jnbllee  (47-51).  Fordnn  tlnres  to  be  held  and  Inherited 
M  propcrtv  forever  (45.  40) ;  and  fugitive  slaves  from 
ftirelpn  nations  not  to  he  iriven  nn  (Dent,  xxlii.  15). 

(rf)  Straitfiers.  (Stkavobr.)  Thev  seem  never  to  have 
been  stii  Jurin  (I.  e.  legally  independent),  or  a'de  to  pro- 
tect themselves,  and  accot^lnjrly  protection  and  kindness 
toward  them  are  cnjohied  as  a  sacred  duty  (Ex.  xxU.  21 ; 
lev.  xlx.  83,  at). 

(8)  Law  cf  Things. 
„  (a)  Laws  C(f  Lani  (and  Pirvertv).  (1.)  All  land  to  *«  the 
property  nf  God  alovf.  and  Its  holders  to  be  deemed  His 
tenants  (Lev.  xxv.  231.  (Ac.mcfi.TrnE.)— (2.)  All  told 
Zand  therefore  to  return  to  its  oHfjinat  owners  at  the  .n:- 
BILEZ.  and  the  price  of  sale  to  be  calculated  accordingly ; 

'  The  dlfllcnltT  of  enforclDj  this  taw  Is  seen  In  Jer. 
xxitv.  8-16. 


and  redemption  on  equitable  terms  to  be  allowed  at  all 
times  (25-!!*).  .1  Hwi,e  sold  to  be  redcenuilile  witiiiu  a 
year;  and.  if  n<it  redeemed,  to  pass  away  altopeti,tr  (2H, 
iiU).  But  the  Uvufci  oj  the  Lei  ties,  or  those  In  unwalled 
\illa;;es,  to  be  redeemable  at  all  times.  In  the  same  way  as 
land';  and  the  Levitical  suburbs  to  be  Inalienable  (31-34). — 
t:j.)  Land  or  houf^e.-^  ^n/tcli^tied.  or  titles,  op  unclean  ilrst- 
iini,'!'  to  be  capable  of  beinj,'  redeemed,  at  sixth-fifths  of  the 
vaiiie  (calculated  by  the  jiriest  accortiirg  to  the  distance 
from  the  jnbilee-ycari ;  if  devoted  by  the  owner  and  nn- 
redeenied,  to  be  hallowed  at  the  jubilee  lorevcr.  and  piven 
to  the  priests;  II  only  by  a  possessor,  to  return  to  tic 
owner  at  the  jubilee  (xxvli.  14-34).— (4.)  Iniiekitakce 
descended  to — 

I 

(1.)  Sons.       I 

(2.)  Dauffhters.'    \ 
(:j.)  Biothtrs. 

(4.)  Uncles  on  the  Father's  tide. 

(5.)  Afia*/  AVrt^mf/i.ptncrally. 

(6)  LausofDebt.  (1.)  All  Debts  (to  an  Israelite)  to  be 
released  at  tlie  7ih  (sabbatical)  year  ;  a  blcssinir  pi-oinised 
to  obedience,  and  a  enrte  on  a  refusal  to  lend  ( Dent .  xv.- 1- 
11).— (2.)  livry  (from  Israelites)  not  to  be  taken  (Ex.  xxli. 
25-27;  Deut.xxiii.  19,  20).— (S.)  /*ri5»nottobelnsiilent- 
!)■  or  luuionsly  exacti  d  (xxlv.  0,  10-13,  17,  18).  Deposit  ; 
Loan:  Sabbatical  Year. 

(c)  Tajration.  (1.)  Censve-money,  a  poll-tax  (of  a  lialf- 
shcKel).  to  be  raid  for  the  setviee  of  tJ,e  TabeinacU  (Kx. 
xxx.  12-16).    All  spoil  In  war  to  be  halved  ;  of  the  com- 

I  batant's  half,  oi  e-five-hundredlh.  of  the  people's,  one- 
flftictb.  tn  be  paid  for  a  •■hcave-oferinp     to  .Jehovah. 

I  Censvs  ;  Taxinc— (2.)  Tithes,  (a)  Tithe*  qf  alt  produce 
to  be  given  for  maiiilcnnnee  of  the  Levities  (Xnni.  xvlit. 
£0-24).    Of  this  one-tenth  to  lie  paid  as  a  heave-ctferlnp  for 

;  themnliitenanceol  the  pi lests  (24-321.    (^)  &c&n(/ Tithe  to 

!  be  bestowed  In  reliLicus  fenstinpand  charity,  either  at  the 
Holy  Place,  or  every  third  year  at  home  (S)  (Dent.  xlv.  22- 

•  28).     (v)  Fint-Friitts  of  corn,  wine,  and  oil  (at  least  one- 

I  sixtieth,  pcnerally  one-fortieth,  for  the  priests)  to  be  of- 
fered at  Jerusalem,  with  a  solemn  declaration  of  depind- 

]  en(e  on  Gnd  the  king  of  Israel  (xxvl.  1-15;  Nnm.  xviii.  12, 

I  18).  Firstlings  of  clean  beasts  ;  the  redemption-money 
(five  shekels)  of  man.  and  (one-half  sliel el.  or  one  si  ekel) 

I  of  nnclean  beasts,  to  be  given  to  the  priests  after  sacrifice 
(16-18).— (3.)  Poor  Laics.  (Poor.)  (a)  Gleanings  (in  field  or 
vineyard)  to  be  a  legal  light  of  the  poor  (Lev.  xlx.  fl.  10; 
Dent.  xxlv.  19-22).  {»)  Alight  Trespass  (eating  on  the  snot) 
to  he  allowed  as  legal  (xxlli.  24,  25).  (y)  Htcond  Tithe 
(fee  2  /S)  to  be  given  in  charity.  (6)  Wages  to  be  jmid  day 
ini  day  (Dent.  xxiv.  15).— (1.)  Muintenance  of  Piiesls 
(Sum.  xvill.  8-S2)  (Priesti.  (o)  Tenth  of  Leriles'  Tithe 
(sec  2  o).  (/3)  The  hearf  and  vareefferi'ngs  (breast  and 
right  shoulder  of  all  peace-offerinps).  (y)  The  meat  and 
'in-cfferinris,  to  he  eaten  soleinrly.  and  only  In  the  Holy 
Place.  (5)  First-Frinfs  and  redeniplion-money  (sec  2  y). 
(<)  J^ict  of  all  demoted  things,  unless  specially  given  for  a 
sacred  service.    A  man's  service,  or  that  of  his  household. 

,  to  be  redeemed  at  fifty  shekels  for  man,  thirty  for  woman, 
twenty  for  boy,  and  ten  for  girl. 

(II.)  LAWS  CRIMINAL. 
'       (a)  Offences  against  God  (of  the  nature  of  treason). 
!       1st  Command.     Acknowledgment  of    false  gods   (Ex. 
'■   xxll.  20).  as  e.  g.  Molcch  (Lev.  xx.  1-5),  and  generally  all 
inoLATET  (Dcut.  :  III.,  xvll.  2-5). 

2d  Comn.and.     Witchcraft  and  false  pro}}heey  (Ex.  ^xM. 
18;  Pent,  xviii. 9-22;  Lev.  xix.  .31).    Divination;  Magic. 
I       Sd  Command.    Blasphe-MY  (Lev.  xxiv.  15,  10).  . 

4th  Command.    SabLath-breaking  (Num.  xv.  32-30).  Sab- 
bath. 
1      Pi/nishment  in  all  cases,  death  by  stoning.    Idolatrous 
cities  to  be  utterly  destroyed.  Anathema  ;  Punishments. 

(b)  Offences  against  Man. 
6th  Command.  Disobedience  to  or  cursing  or  smitin;;  of 
parents  (Ex.  xxi.  15.  17;  Lev.  xx.  fl;  Dent.  xxi.  18-21).  to 
lie  punished  by  death  by  stonln.','.  publicly  adjudged  and 
Inflicted :  so  also  of  disobedience  to  the  priests  (a?  jni'pes) 
or  Supreme  .ludpe.  Compare  1  K.  xxi.  10-14  (Nabolh); 
2Chr.  xxiv.  21  (Zcchnriali).  Father  ;  Patriarch. 
fith  Command.    (1.)  Murder,  to  be  punished  by  death 

I  without  sanctuary  or  reprieve,  or  satisfaction  (Ex.  xxi.  12, 
14:  Dent.  xix.  11-131.    Death  of  a  slave,  actually  under  the 

1  rod.  to  be  punished  (Ex.  xxi.  20.  21).— (9.)  Death  ly 
neglinenee,  to  be  punished  by  death  (28-30).- (3.)  Acci- 
dental  Ilermlcide :  the  nvcnper  of  blood  to  be  escaped  by 
flipbt  to  the  cities  of  refture  (City  or  REruGF)tiII  the 
death  of  the  hiph-pricst  (Ntim.  xxxv.  9-28;  Dcut.  Iv.  41- 


'  Heiresses  to  many  In  their  own  tribe  (Num.  xxvll. 
6-8,  xxxvl.). 


536 


LAW 


LAW 


48,  xix.  4-10).— (4.)  Uncertain  Murder,  to  be  expiated  by 
formal  diaavowal  and  eaeritice  by  the  ciders  of  the  ucarcet 
city  (xxi.  1-9).— (5.)  AmiuU  to  be  puuislied  by  the  law 
of  retaliation  or  damages  (Ex.  xxi.  18,  19,  23-25 ;  Lev.  xxiv. 
19,  201. 

7th  Command.  (1.)  Adultery  to  be  punished  by  death 
of  both  olfonders;  the  rape  of  a  married  or  betrothed 
woman,  bv  death  of  the  oliender  (Dent.  xxii.  13-27).— (2.) 
Jtamt  or  Sedmtum  of  an  unbetrothed  vii-trin,  to  be  compen- 
sate 1  by  niarriaDfe,  with  dowry  (HIty  sheliela),  and  without 
power  of  DivoiicE ;  or,  if  she  be  refnaed.  by  payment  of  full 
dowrv  (Ex.  xxil.  16,  17;  Dent.  xxii.  28.  2<l).— (3.)  Unlaw- 
ftii  Uarri'ifies  (incestuous,  &c-.),  to  be  punished,  some  by 
death,  some  by  childlesinesa  (Lev.  xx.).    Marriage. 

Sth  Comraaiid.  1.  Thert  to  bo  punished  by  fourfold  or 
double  restitution ;  a  nocturnal  robber  miijlit  be  slain  as  an 
outlaw  (Ex.  xxii.  l-l).— (2.)  T/'es/jaw  and  injury  of  things 
lent  to  ho  compensated  (5-15).— (3.)  Perversion,  of  Juettce 
(bv  bribes,  threats.  &c.),  and  especially  oppression  of 
strangers,  strictly  forbidden  (xxiii.  9,  &c.).— (1.)  Rulna/j- 
jm^  "to  be  punished  by  death  (Deut.  xxiv.  7).  J  l'doe  ;  Pun- 
ishments ;  Robbery. 

9lh  Command.  Falie  Witness;  to  bo  punished  by  the 
law  of  retaliation  (Ex.  xxiii.  1-3:  Dent.  xix.  lG-21). 
Slander  of  a  wife's  chastity,  by  flue  and  loss  of  power  of 
divorce  (Doiit.  xxii.  18, 19).    Oath  ;  Witness. 

A  fuller  consideration  of  the  tables  of  the  Ten  Com- 
mandments is  given  elsewhere. 

(III.)  LAWS  JUDICIAL  AND  CONSTITUTIONjVL. 

(a)  Jurisdiction. 

(a)  Local  Judges  (Judge)  (gcnerallj'  Levltes,  as  more 
fkilled  in  the  Law)  appoiutod,  for  ordinary  matters,  prob- 
ably by  the  people  with  approbation  of  tlie  supreme  au- 
thoritv  (as  of  Moses  in  the  wilderness)  (Ex.  xviii.  23; 
Deiit.'i.  1.5-18),  throuijh  all  the  land  (xvi.  18).  (J)  Appeal  to 
the  Priests  (at  the  holy  place),  or  to  the  ,jud(fe ;  their  sen- 
tence final,  and  to  be  accepted  nnder  pain  of  death.  See 
Dent.  xvii.  8-13  (compare  appeal  to  Moses.  Ex.  xviii.  20). 
(c)  T'VO  witneixes  (at  loastl  required  In  capital  matters 
(Num.  XXXV.  30;  Dent.  xvii.  6,  7).  (d\  Puni^hnunt  (ex- 
cept by  special  command),  to  be  personal,  and  not  to  ex- 
tend to  the  family  (xxiv.  Ifi).  Stripes  allowel  andlimilcj 
(XXV.  1-3),  so  as  to  avoid  outrage  on  the  human  frame. 

PONISUMfiNTS. 

All  this  would  be  to  a  ?reat  extent  set  aside— Ist.  By 
the  summary  iurisdiclion  of  the  king  (see  1  Sam.  xxii.  11- 
19  [Saull ;  2  Sam.  xii.  1-5,  xiv.  4-11 ;  1  K.  ill.  16-28),  which 
extended  even  to  the  deposition  of  the  hi::rh-pdest  (1  Sam. 
xxii.  17,  IS ;  1  K  11.  26,  27).  The  practical  difficulty  of  its 
bcingcarried  out  is  seen  in  2  Sam.  xv.  2-6,  and  would  lead  of 
course  to  a  certain  dele„'ation  of  his  power.  2d.  By  the 
appointment  of  the  Seventy  Eldefs  (Num.  xi.  21-3))  with  a 
sok'inn  religious  sanction.  In  later  times  there  was  a  local 
Sanhe.lrim  of  twenty-three  in  each  city,  and  two  such  in 
Jerusalem,  as  well  as  the  Great  Sanhedrim,  consisting  of 
seventy  members,  besides  the  president,  who  was  to  be 
the  hlLrh-priest  if  duly  qualified,  and  controlling  even  the 
kill :  and  high-priest'.  The  members  were  priests,  scribes 
(Levito^),  and  elders  (of  other  tribes).  A  court  of  exactly 
this  nature  is  noticed,  as  appointed  to  supreme  power  by 
JeUoshapliat.    (See  2  Chr.  xix.  8-11.) 

(B)  Soyal  Power. 

Thf  Kin(fs  power timi'ed  by  the  law,  as  written  and  for- 
mally accepted  by  the  riiNo  ;"  and  directly  forbidden  to  bo 
de-p'otic'  (Dcut.  xvii.  14-20 ;  compare  1  Sam.  x.  25).  Yet  he 
had  jiower  of  taxation  (to  one-tenth),  and  of  compulsory 
service  (viii.  10-18).  thedeclaraticmof  warfxi.),  &c.  Thcrb 
are  distinct  traces  of  a  "mutual  contract*'  (2  Sam.  v.  3;  a 
"league,"  2  K.  xi.  17);  the  remonstrance  with  Rehoboam 
being  clearly  not  extraordinary  (1  K.  xii.  1-ti). 

The  Prinrei  of  the  Conoreoation.  The  heads  of  the 
tribes  (see  Josh.  xi.  15)  seem  to  have  had  anthoritv  under 
Joshua  to  act  for  the  people  (compare  1  Chr.  xxvii.'  16-22) ; 
and  in  the  later  times  "  the  princes  of  Judah  "  seem  to 
have  had  power  to  control  both  the  king  and  the  priests 
(Jer.  xxvi.  10-21,  xxxviii.  4,  5,  &c.).    Elder. 

(c)  Iloyal  Pevemte. 

(1.)  Tenth  or  produce.— (•2.')  Domain  land  II  Chr.  xxvii. 
26-29).  N.ite' confiscation  of  criminal's  land  (1  K.  xxi.  15). 
— (3.)  Bond  seri'icc  (v.  17.  18).  chleflv  on  foreigners  (ix.  20- 
22;  2  Chr.  ii.  16.  17).— (4.)  F/fjck.'!  and  herdu  fl  Chr.  xxvil. 
29-31).— (5.)  Tributes  (gifts)  from  foreign  kings.— (6.)  Com- 
merce; especially  in  Solomon's  time  (1  K.  x.  22,  29,  &c, 

'  Military  conquest  disconraged  by  the  prohibition  of 
the  use  of  horses.  (Sec  Josh.  xi.  6.)  For  an  example  of 
obedience  to  this  law  see  2  Sam.  viii.  4.  and  of  disobe- 
dience to  it  see  1  K,  x.  20-29.    Abmt  ;  Horse. 


(IV.)  ECCLESIASTICAL  AND  CEREMONIAL  LAW. 
(A)    Law  of  Sackificb  (considered  as  the  sign  and  the 
appointed  means  of  the  union  with  God,  on  which  the 
holiness  of  the  people  depended). 

(1.)  Ordinary  Sacrijices. 

(a)  TVic M/iofe Burnt-Offering  (Lev.  i.)of  the  herd  or 

the  flock ;  to  be  offered  continually  (Ex.  xxix.  38- 

42) ;  and  tlie  fire  on  the  altar  never  to  be  extinguished 

(Lev.  vi.  8-13). 

O)  Tlie,  Meat-Offering  (ii.,  vi.  14-23)  of  flour,  oil,  and 

iVankiuccnse,  unleavened,  and  seasoned  witli  salt. 
(y)  The  Peace-Offerinq  (iii.,  vii.  11-21)  of  the  herd  or 
the  flock ;  either  a  thank-offering,  or  a  vow,  or  free- 
will oifering. 
(6)  Tlie  Sin-offering,  or  Tretpam- Offering  (iv.,  v.,  vi.). 
(a)  For  sins  committed  in  ignorance  (iv.). 
(6)  For  vows  unwilriugly  made  and  broken,  or  un- 

cleanness  unwitlingly  contracted  (v.), 
(c)  For  sins  wittingly  committed  (vi.  1-7), 

(2.)  Extraordinary  Sacrifices. 

(a)  At  the  Con'ecration  rf  Priests  (viil.,ix.). 
((3)  At  the  Piirijkatiun  of  Women  (xii.). 
(y)  At  the  Cteaimnj  of  %emrs  (xiii.,  xiv.). 
(6)  On  the  Oreat  Day  of  Atonement  (xvi.). 
(f)  On  the  Great  Festivals  (xxiii.). 

(b)  Law  of  BoUncss  (arising  from   the  union  with  God 
ILrough  sacrifice). 

(1.)  Holiness  of  Per/vns. 

(a)  Holiness  of  the  iihole  people  as  "  children  of  God  " 
(Ex.  xix.  5.  6;  Lev.  xi.-xv.,  xvii,,  xviii. ;  Dcut.  xiv. 
1-21),  sliown  in 
(a)  The  dedication  of  the  first-born  (Ex.  xiii.  2, 
12,  13,  xxii.  20.  30,  Ac.) ;  and  the  ofleriug  of  all 
firstlings  and  first-fniits  (Dcut.  xxvi.,  Ac). 
(6)  Distinction  of  clean  and  unclean  food  (Lev. 
xi.;  Dcut.  xiv.). 

(c)  Provision  for  prniFicATioN  (Lev.  xii.,  xiii.. 
xiv.,  XV. ;  Deut.  xxiii.  1-14). 

(d)  Laws  agahist  riisflguremcnt  (Lev.  xix.  27; 
Dcut.  xiv.l ;  compare  Dcut.  xxv.  3,  against  ex- 
cessive scouK-'ing). 

(p)  Laws  au'ainst  unnatural  marriages  and  lusta 

(Lev.  xviii..  xx.). 
(/3)  Holiness  of  the  Pnetts  (Priest)  (and  Levites). 
(n)  Their  consecration  (Lev.  viii.,  ix. ;  Ex.  xxix.), 
(4)  Their  special   qtialiflcations  and  restrictions 

(Lev.  xxi.,  xxii.  1-9).  ' 

(c)  Tlicir  rights  (Deut.  xviii.  1-0;  Num.  xviii.)  and  j 

authority  (Deut.  xvii.  8-13). 

(2.)  Holiness  of  Places  and  Things. 

(a)    The  Tabernacle,  with  tl-e  ark,  the   veil,  the  ] 
altars,  the  lavcr.  the  priestly  robes,  &c.  (Ex.  xxv.- 
x.xviii..  XXX. ).    Temple. 

0)  TleHo'y  Ptocc  chosen  for  the  permanent  erection  1 
of  the  Tabernacle  (Deut.  xii..  xiv.  i2-29),  where  only] 
all  sacrifices  were  to  be  offered,  and  all  tithes,  first- 
fruits,  vows,  &c.,  to  be  given  or  eaten. 

(3.)  Holiness  of  Times. 

(a)  The  Sabbath  (Ex.  xx.  9-11.  xxiii.  12,  <Sfcc). 

(|S)  Tlie  Sabbatical  Year  (xxiii.  10,  11 ;  Lev.  i.tv,\ 

1-7.  &c.). 

(•y)  The  Year  of  3vKn.T.T.  (xxv.  8-lG,  Ac). 
(6)  The  Passover  (Ex.  xii.  .3-27 ;  Lev.  xxiii.  4-14). 
(e)   The  Fea-'t  of  Weeks  (Pentecost)  (xxiii.  15,  &c.). 
(Q  The  Fea-H  of  Tabernacles  (xxiii.  33-4C).     Tabeb- 

NACLES,  Feast  of. 
(i))  The  Feast  of  Trumpets  (xxiii.  23-25).    Trumpets, 

Feast  of. 
(9)  The  Day  of  Atonement  (xxiii.  20-32,  &c.).   Atosb- 

mext,  Day  op. 

Such  is  the  substance  of  the  Mosaic  Law.     Thei 
leadin'T  principle  of  the  whole  is  its  Theocratic  clutrA 
acler,  i.  e.  its  reference  of  all  actions  and  thoiiglita^ 
of  inen  directbj  and  immediate})!  to  the  will  of  (rod.1 
It  follows  from  this,  tliat  it  is  to  be  regar(!ed  notj 
merely  as  a  law,  i.  c.  a  rule  of  conduct,  based  on 
known  truth  and  acknowledged  authority,  but  also^ 
as  a  Rcvdalion  of  God's  nature  and  His  dispensa- 
tions.    But  this  theocratic  character  of  the  Law  de- 
pends necessarily  on  the  belief  hi  Gon,  as  not  only 
the  Creator  and  sustainer  of  the  world,  but  as,  by 
special  covenant,  tJie  head  of  the  Jeicish  nation.    I  Je- 
hovah.)   This  immediate  reference  to  God  as  tlicir 


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«37 


king  is  elearly  scon  ii9  the  groundwovU  of  their 
whole  polity.  From  this  theocratic  nature  of  the 
Law  I'olloiv  important  ileiluctioiis  with  regard  to  (a) 
the  view  which  it  takes  of  political  society ;  (A)  the 
extent  of  the  scope  of  the  Law  ;  (c)  the  penalties  by 
wliich  it  is  enforced  ;  and  (</)  the  character  which  it 
seeks  to  impress  on  the  people,  (a.)  The  Mosaic 
Law  seeks  tlie  hasls  of  its  polity,  first,  in  the  abso- 
lute sovereignty  of  God,  next  in  the  relationship  of 
each  individual  to  God,  and  througli  God  to  his 
countrymen.  It  is  clear  that  such  a.  doctrine,  while 
it  contradicts  none  of  the  connnon  theories  (of  the 
delegation  of  individual  rights  to  political  nuthori- 
tii'8,  mutual  needs  of  men, "social  compact,"  kc), 
yet  lies  beneath  them  ail.  (6.)  The  Law,  as  proceed- 
ing directly  from  God,  and  referring  directly  to  Him, 
is  necessarily  ahmlule  in  i'.s  siipremaci/  and  unlimited 
in  i/H  scope.  It  is  supreme  over  the  governors,  as 
being  oidy  the  delegates  of  the  Lord,  and  therefore 
it  is  incompatible  with  any  despotic  au  tliority  in  them. 
Oil  the  other  hand,  it  is  supreme  over  the  governed, 
recognizing  no  inherent  rights  in  the  individual,  as 
prevailing  against,  or  limiting  the  law.  It  regulated 
the  whole  life  of  an  Israelite.  His  actions  were  re- 
warded and  punished  with  great  minuteness  and 
strictness ;  and  that  according  to  the  standard,  not  of 
their  consequences,  but  of  their  intrinsic  morality. 
His  religious  worship  was  defined  and  enforced  in  an 
elaborate  and  unceasing  ceremonial,  (c.)  77k'  /ten- 
allien  and  rewardu  by  which  the  Law  is  enforced  are 
such  as  depend  on  tlio  direct  theocracy.  With  re- 
gard to  individual  actions,  as  some  penalties  are 
generally  inflicted  by  the  subordinate,  and  some 
only  by  the  supreme  authority,  so  among  the  Israel- 
ites some  penalties  came  from  the  hand  of  man, 
sou)e  directly  from  the  providence  of  God.  The 
bearing  of  this  principle  on  the  inquiry  as  to  the 
revelation  of  a  future  life,  in  the  PenJateuch,  is  easily 
seen.  The  sphere  of  moral  and  religions  action  and 
thought  to  which  the  Law  extends  is  beyond  the 
cognizance  of  human  laws,  and  the  scope  of  their 
ordinary  penalties,  and  is  therefore  left  by  them  to 
the  retribution  of  God's  inscrutable  justice,  which, 
being  but  imperfectly  seen  here,  is  contemplated 
especially  as  exercised  in  a  future  state.  Ilcnce 
arises  the  expectation  of  a  direct  revelation  of  this 
future  state  in  the  Mosaic  Law.  Such  a  revelation 
is  certainly  not  given.  The  truth  seems  to  be  that, 
in  a  law  which  appeals  directly  to  God  Himself  for 
its  authority  and  its  sanction,  there  cannot  be  that 
broad  line  of  demarcation  between  this  life  and  the 
next,  which  is  drawn  for  those  whose  power  is  lim- 
ited by  the  grave.  (</.)  But  perhaps  the  most  im- 
portant consequence  of  the  theocratic  nature  of  the 
Law  was  the  peculiar  character  uf  goodness  which  it 
sought  to  impress  on  the  peojAe.  The  Jlosaic  Law, 
beginning  with  piety,  as  its  first  object,  enforces 
most  emphatically  the  purity  essential  to  those 
who,  by  their  imion  with  God,  have  recovered  the 
hope  of  intrinsic  goodness,  while  it  views  righteous- 
ness and  love  rather  as  deductions  from  these  than 
as  independent  objects  (Deut.  vi.  4-13;  Lev.  xix. 
18,  &c.).  The  appeal  is  not  to  any  dignity  of  hu- 
man nature,  but  to  the  obligations  of  communion 
witli  a  Holy  God.  Tlie  subordination,  therefore,  of 
this  idea  also  to  the  religious  idea  is  enforced ;  and 
•o  long  as  the  due  supremacy  of  the  latter  wag  pre- 
•erved,  all  other  duties  would  find  their  places  in 
proper  harmony.  But  the  usurpation  of  that  su- 
premacy in  practice  by  the  idea  of  personal  and 
national  sanctity  was  that  which  gave  its  peculiar 
color  to  the  Jewish  character.     It  is  evident  that 


this  characteristic  of  the  Israelites  would  tend  to 
preserve  the  sfclmion  wliich,  under  God's  providence, 
was  intended  for  them,  and  "would  in  its  turn  be 
fostered  by  it. — III.  In  considering  the  relation  of 
the  Law  to  the  future,  it  is  important  to  be  guided 
by  the  general  principle  laid  down  in  Heb.  vii.  19, 
"  The  Law  made  nothing  perfect."  This  principle 
will  be  applied  in  dift'crcnt  degrees  to  its  bearing 
(a)  on  the  after-history  of  the  Jewish  eon.nionwcallh 
before  the  coming  of  Christ ;  (b)  on  the  coming  of 
our  Lord  Himself;  and  (t)  on  the  dispensation  of 
the  Gospel,  (a.)  To  that  after-history  the  Law  w::s, 
to  a  great  extent,  the  key.  It  was  indeed  often 
neglected,  and  even  forgotten ;  yet  still  it  foriind 
the  standard  from  which  the  people  knowingly  de- 
parted, and  to  which  they  constantly  returned  ;  and 
to  it  therefore  all  which  was  peculiar  in  their  na- 
tional and  individual  character  was  due.  Its  direct 
influence  was  probably  greatest  in  the  periods  be- 
fore the  establishment  of  the  kingdom,  and  after 
the  Babylonish  Captivity.  The  last  act  of  Joshua 
was  to  bind  the  Israelites  to  it  as  the  charter  of 
their  occupation  of  the  conquered  land  (Josh.  xxiv. 
24-27);  and,  in  the  semi-anarchical  period  of  the 
Judges,  the  Law  and  the  Tabernacle  were  the  only 
centres  of  any  thing  like  national  unity.  The  estab- 
lishment of  the  kingdom  (King)  was  due  to  an  im- 
patience of  this  position,  and  a  desire  for  a  visible 
and  personal  centre  of  authority,  much  the  same  in 
nature  as  that  which  plunged  them  so  often  in  idol- 
atry. In  the  kingdom  of  Israel  (Israel,  Kingdom 
of),  after  the  separation,  the  deliberate  rejection  of 
the  leading  principles  of  the  Law  by  Jeroboam  and 
his  successors  was  the  beginning  of  a  gradual  de- 
clension into  idolatry  and  heathenism.  But  in  tlie 
kingdom  of  Judah  (Judah,  Kingdom  of)  tl;e  very 
division  of  the  monarchy  and  consequent  diminution 
of  its  splendor,  and  the  need  of  a  principle  to  assert 
against  the  superior  material  power  of  Israel, 
brought  out  the  Law  once  more  in  increased  honor 
and  influence.  (Prophet.)  far  more  was  this  the 
case  after  the  Captivity.  (Ezra.)  The  loss  of  the 
independent  monarchy,  and  the  cessation  of  proph- 
ecy, both  combined  to  throw  the  Jews  back  upon 
the  Law  alone,  as  their  only  distinctive  pledge  of 
nationality,  and  sure  guide  to  truth.  This  love  for 
the  Law,  rather  than  any  abstract  patriotism,  was 
the  strength  of  the  Maccabcan  straggle  against  tlie 
Syrians  (Antiociiis  Epiphanes;  Maccabees,  &e.), 
and  the  success  of  that  struggle,  enthroning  a  Lc- 
vitical  power,  deepened  tlie  lecling  from  which  it 
sprang.  The  Law  thus  became  tlic  moulding  in- 
fluence of  the  Jewish  character.  The  Pharisees, 
truly  representing  the  chief  strength  of  the  people, 
systematized  this  feeling.  Against  thi-.<  idolatry  of 
the  Law  there  were  two  reactions.  The  first  was 
that  of  the  SAnni:cEES ;  one  which  had  its  basis  in 
thp  idea  of  a  higher  love  and  service  of  God,  inde- 
pendent of  the  Law  and  its  sanctions.  The  other, 
that  of  the  Essenes,  was  an  attempt  to  burst  the 
bonds  of  the  format  law,  and  assert  its  ideas  in  all 
fulness,  freedom,  and  purity.  (A.)  The  relation  of 
the  Law  to  the  advent  of  Christ  is  also  laid  down 
clearly  by  St.  Paul.  The  Law  was  the  servant  (A. 
V.  "schoolmaster"),  whose  task  it  was  to  guide  the 
child  to  the  true  teacher  (Gal.  iii.  24);  and  Christ 
was  "  the  end"  or  object  "of  the  Law"  (Uon>;  x. 
4).  As  being  subsidiary  to  the  promise,  it  had  ac- 
complished its  purpose  when  the  promise  wa'S*  ful- 
filled. In  its  national  aspect  it  had  existed  to' guard 
the  faith  in  the  theocracy.  The  chief  hindcranco 
to  that  faitb  had  been  the  difficulty  of  realizing  the 


538 


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in%'i3ibl3  presence  of  God,  and  of  conceiving  a  com- 
munion with  tiie  infinite  Godheai  which  should  not 
crush  or  abso.'b  the  finite  creature  (compare  Deut. 
V.  21-23;  Num.  xvii.  12,  13;  Job  ix.  32-35,  xiii. 
21,22;  Is.  xlv.  15,  Ixiv.  1,  &c.).  This  dilliculty 
was  now  to  pass  away  for  ever,  in  the  Incarnation 
of  the  GoJlieaJ  in  One  truly  and  visibly  man. 
(Jesus  CnaisT  ;  Messiah  ;  Saviour  ;  Son  of  God.) 
In  its  individual,  or  what  is  usually  called  its 
"  moral "  aspect,  the  Law  bore  equally  the  stamp 
of  transitoriuess  and  insufficiency.  It  had  declared 
the  authority  of  truth  and  goodness  over  man's 
will,  and  taken  for  granted  in  man  the  existence  of 
a  spirit  which  could  recognize  that  authority:  but 
it  had  done  no  more.  Its  presence  had  therefore 
detected  the  cxisteaco  and  th3  sinfulness  of  sin,  as 
alien  alike  to  God's  will  and  man's  true  nature ;  but 
it  had  also  brought  out  with  more  vehement  and 
desperate  antagonism  the  power  of  sin  dwelling  in 
man  as  fallen  (Rom.  vii.  7-25).  The  relation  of  the 
Law  to  Clirist  in  its  sacrificial  and  ceremonial  aspect, 
will  be  more  fully  considered  elsewhere.  (Sacri- 
fice.) (c.)  It  remains  to  consider  how  far  it  has 
any  obligation  or  existence  under  the  dispensation 
of  the  Gospel  As  a  means  of  justification  or 
salvation,  it  ought  never  to  have  be^n  regarded, 
even  before  Christ :  it  needs  no  proof  to  show  that 
still  less  can  this  be  so  since  lie  has  come.  But  yet 
the  question  remains  whether  it  is  bmdiiig  on  Chris- 
tians, even  when  they  do  not  depend  on  it  for  sal- 
vation. It  seems  clear  enough,  that  its  formal 
coercive  authority  as  a  whole  endeJ  with  tlie  close 
of  the  Jevish  dispensation.  It  referred  througliout 
to  the  Jewish  covenant,  and  in  many  points  to  the 
constitution,  the  customs,  and  even  the  local  cir- 
cumstances of  the  people.  That  covenant  was 
preparatory  to  the  Christian,  in  which  it  is  now  ab- 
sorbed ;  those  customs  and  observances  have  passed 
away.  It  fillows,  by  the  very  nature  of  the  case, 
that  the  formal  obligation  to  the  Law  must  have 
ceased  with  the  basis  on  which  it  is  grounded.  But 
what  then  becomes  of  the  declaration  of  our  Lord, 
that  Ho  came  "  not  to  destroy  the  Law,  but  to  per- 
fect it,"  and  that  "  not  one  jot  or  one  tittle  of  it 
shall  pass  away  ? "  what  of  the  fact,  consequent 
upon  it,  that  the  Law  has  been  reverenced  in  all 
Christim  Churches,  and  had  an  important  influence 
on  much  Christian  legislation  ?  The  explanation 
of  the  apparent  contradiction  lies  in  the  difference 
between  positive  and  moral  obligation.  The  positive 
obligation  of  tlie  Law,  as  such,  has  passed  away ; 
but  every  revelation  of  God's  Will,  and  of  the 
rigliteousness  and  love  which  are  its  elements,  im- 
poses a  moi'al  obligation,  by  the  very  fact  of  its  be- 
ing known,  even  on  those  to  whom  it  is  not  prima- 
rily addressed.  To  apply  this  principle  practically 
there  is  need  of  much  study  and  discretion,  in  oi-der 
to  distinguish  what  is  local  and  temporary  from 
what  is  universal,  and  what  is  mere  external  form 
from  what  is  the  essence  of  an  ordinance. 

Liw'yjr,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Gr.  nomikos  ; 
sec  below.  The  title  "lawyer"  is  generally  sup- 
posed =  "SCRIBE,"  both  on  account  of  its  etymo- 
logical meaning,  and  also  because  the  man,  who  is 
also  called  a  "lawyer"  in  Mat.  xxii.  35  and  Lk.  x. 
25,  is  called  "  one  of  the  scribes "  in  Mk.  xii.  28. 
If  the  common  reading  in  Lk.  xi.  44-46  be  correct, 
it  will  be  decisive  against  this  ;  for  this  distinguishes 
"  scribes  "  in  verse  44  from  "  lawyers  "  in  verses  45, 
46.  But  Tischendorf,  Tregellesi  Alford,  &o.,  with 
some  of  the  best  MSS.,  omit "  scribes  and  Pharisees, 
hypocrites  "  fro.n  verse  44.     By  the  use  of  the  Gr. 


nomikos  (Tit.  iii.  9  [A.  V.  "about  the  law"])  as  a 
simple  adjective,  it  seems  more  probable  that  the 
title  "  scribe  "  was  a  legal  and  ollicial  designation, 
but  that  the  name  nomikos,  translated  "  lawyer," 
was  properly  a  mere  epithet  =  one  learned  in  the 
law,  and  only  used  as  a  title  in  common  pari  mce 
(compare  the  use  of  it  in  Tit.  iii.  13,  "Zenas  the 
lawyer").     Advocate;  Trial. 

Laying  on  of  hands.    Hand. 

Laz'a-rns  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  Eleazar).  1.  Lazarus 
of  Bethany,  the  brother  of  Martha  and  Mary 
(Mary,  sister  of  Lazarus)  (Jn.  xi.  1).  .\11  that 
we  know  of  him  is  derived  from  the  Gospel  of  John, 
and  that  records  little  more  than  the  facts  of  his 
death  and  resurrection.  We  are  able,  however, 
without  doing  violence  to  the  principles  of  a  true 
historical  criticism  (so  Professor  Plumptre,  the 
original  author  of  this  article),  to  arrive  at  some 
coaelusious  helping  us,  with  at  least  some  measure 
of  probability,  to  fill  up  these  scanty  outlines.  (1.) 
The  language  of  Jn.  xi.  1  implies  that  the  sisters 
were  the  better  known.  Lazarus  is  "  of  Bethany, 
of  the  village  of  Mary  and  her  sister  Martha." 
From  this,  and  from  the  order  of  the  three  names 
in  Jn.  xi.  5,  we  may  reasonably  infer  that  Lazarus 
was  the  youngest  of  the  family.  (2.)  The  house  in 
which  the  f'ea.st  is  held  appears,  from  Jn.  xii.  2,  to 
be  that  of  the  sisters.  Martha  "  serves,"  as  in  Lk. 
X.  38.  Mary  takes  upon  herself  that  which  was  the 
special  duty  of  a  hostess  toward  an  honored  guest 
(compare  Lk.  vii.  46).  The  impression  left  on  our 
minds  by  this  account,  if  it  stood  al  me,  would  bo 
that  thoy  were  the  givers  of  the  feast.  In  Mat. 
xxvi.  6,  and  Mk.  xiv.  3,  the  same  fact  appears  as  oc- 
curring in  "  the  house  of  Simon  the  lopcr:  "  but  a 
leper,  as  such,  would  have  been  compelled  to  lead  a 
separate  life,  and  certainly  could  not  have  given  a 
feast  and  received  a  multitude  of  guests.  Among 
the  conjectural  explanations  of  this  difference,  the 
hypothesis  that  this  Simon  was  the  father  of  the 
two  sisters  and  of  Lazarus,  that  he  had  been  smitten 
with  leprosy,  and  that  actual  death,  or  the  civil 
death  that  followed  on  his  disease,  had  left  his  chil- 
dren free  to  act  lor  themselves,  is  at  least  as  prob- 
able as  any  other,  and  has  some  support  in  early 
ecclesiastical  traditions.  (3.)  All  the  circumstances 
of  Jn.  xi.  and  xii.  point  to  wealth  and  social  posi- 
tion above  the  average.  (4.)  A  comparison  of  Mat. 
xxvi.  6  and  Mk.  xiv.  3  with  Lk.  vii.  36,  44,  suggests 
another  conjecture  that  harmonizes  with  and  in  part 
explains  the  foregoing.  If  Simon  the  leper  were 
also  the  Pharisee,  it  would  explain  the  fact  just 
noticed  of  the  friendship  between  the  sisters  of  L.az- 
arus  and  the  members  of  that  party  in  .Terusalem. 
It  would  follow  on  this  assumption  that  the  Phar-  { 
isee,  whom  we  thus  far  identify  with  the  father  of 
Lazarus,  was  probably  one  of  the  members  of  that 
sect,  sent  down  from  Jerusalem  to  watch  the  new 
teacher.  (5.)  Some  coincidences  suggest  the  idcn-  i 
tification  of  Lazarus  with  the  young  ruler  th.at  had 
great  possessions  (Mat.  xix. ;  Mk.  x.  ;  Lk.  xviii.). 
The  age  (Mat.  xix.  20,  22)  agrees  with  what  has 
been  before  inferred  (see  above,  1 ),  as  does  the  fact 
of  wealth  above  the  average  with  what  we  know  of 
the  condition  of  the  family  at  Bethany  (see  2).  If 
the  father  were  an  influential  Pharisee,  if  there  were 
ties  of  some  kind  uniting  the  family  with  that  body, 
it  would  be  natural  enough  that  the  son,  even  iu 
comparative  youth,  should  occupy  the  position  of 
a  "  ruler."  But  further,  it  is  of  this  rich  young 
man  that  Mark  uses  the  emphatic  word  ("Jesus, 
beholding  him,  loi'ed  him ")  which  is  used  of  no 


i 


LAZ 


LAZ 


539 


others  in  tho  Gospel-history,  save  of  the  beloved 
upostlo  and  of  Lazarus  and  his  sisters  (Jn.  xi.  5). 
Combining  these  inferences,  then,  we  get,  with  sonic 
measure  uf  likelihood,  an  insight  into  one  aspect  of 
the  life  of  the  Divine  Teacher  and  Friend,  full  of 
the  most  living  interest.  The  village  of  Bctliany 
and  its  neigliborhood  were  a  frequent  retreat  from 
the  controversies  and  tumults  of  Jerusalem  (xviii. 
8 ;  Lk.  xxi.  37,  xxii.  39).  At  some  time  or  other 
one  household,  wealthy,  honorable,  belonging  to 
the  better  or  Xicodemus  section  of  the  Pharisees 
(see  above,  1,  2,  3;,  learns  to  know  and  reverence 
Him.  Disease  or  death  removes  the  father  from 
the  scene,  and  the  two  sisters  are  left  with  their 
younger  brother  to  do  as  they  think  right.  In  them 
and  in  the  brother  over  whom  they  watch,  He  iinds 
that  which  is  worthy  of  His  love.  But  two  at  least 
(Martha  and  Lazarus)  need  an  education  in  the  spir- 
itual life.  A  I'uw  weeks  pass  away,  and  then  comes 
the  sickness  of  Jn.  xi.  One  of  the  sharp  malignant 
fevers  of  Palestine  cuts  off  the  lite  that  was  so  pre- 
cious. The  sisters  know  how  truly  the  Divine  Priend 
has  loved  him  on  whom  tluir  love  and  their  hopes 
centred.  They  send  to  Him  iu  the  belief  that  the 
tidings  of  the  sickness  will  at  once  draw  Him  to 
them  (xi.  3).  Slowly,  and  in  words  which  (though 
afterward  imdcrstood  otherwise)  must  at  the  time 
have  seemed  to  tiie  disciples  those  of  one  upon  whom 
th?  truth  came  not  at  once  but  by  degrees,  He  pre- 
pares them  for  the  worst.  "  This  sickness  is  not  unto 
death'' — "Our  friend  Lazarus  sleepeth" — "Laza- 
rus is  dead."  The  work  which  He  was  doing  as  a 
teacher  or  a  healer  (x.  41,  42)  in  Bethabara,  or  the 
other  Bethany,  (X.  40  and  i.  28),  was  not  interrupted, 
and  continues  for  two  days  after  the  message 
reaches  Him.  Then  comes  the  journey,  occupying 
two  days  more.  When  He  and  His  disciples  come, 
three  days  have  passed  since  the  biirial.  The  friends 
from  Jerusalem,  chiefly  of  the  Pharisee  and  ruler 
class,  arc  there  with  their  consolations.  The  sisters 
receive  the  Prophet,  each  according  to  her  charac- 
ter. His  sympathy  with  their  sorrow  leads  Him 
also  to  weep.  Then  comes  the  work  of  might  as 
the  answer  of  the  prayer  which  the  Son  offers  to 
the  Pather  (xi.  41,  42).  The  stone  is  rolled  away 
from  the  mouth  of  the  rock-chamber  in  which  the 
body  had  been  placed.  "  He  that  was  dead  came 
forth,  b-)und  hand  and  foot  with  grave-clothes ;  and 
his  face  was  bound  about  with  a  napkin."  (Buuial; 
Jesis  Christ  ;  Miraci.es  ;  ToMn.)  It  is  well  not 
to  bveiik  in  upon  the  silence  which  hangs  over  the 
interval  of  that  "  four  days'  sleep."  But  Lazarus 
must  have  learned  "  what  it  is  to  die."  One  scene 
more  meets  us,  and  then  the  life  of  the  family 
which  has  come  before  us  with  such  d.iylight  clear- 
ness lapses  again  into  obscurity.  The  fame  of  the 
wonder  spreads  rapidly  among  the  ruling  class, 
some  of  whom  have  witnessed  it.  It  becomes  one 
of  the  proximate  occasions  of  the  plots  of  the  San- 
hedrim against  our  Lord's  life  (ver.  47-63).  It 
brings  Lazarus  no  less  than  Jesus  within  the  range 
of  their  enmity  (xii.  10).  They  persuade  themselves 
apparently  that  they  see  in  him  one  who  has  been 
a  sharer  in  a  great  imposture,  or  who  has  been  re- 
stored to  life  through  some  demoniac  agency.  But 
others  gather  round  to  wonder  and  congratulate. 
In  the  house  which,  though  it  still  liore  the  father's 
name  (see  2  above),  was  the  dwelling  of  the  sisters 
trtid  the  brother,  there  is  a  supper,  and  Lazarus  is 
there,  and  Martha  serves,  no  longer  jealously,  and 
Mary  pours  out  her  love  in  the  costly  offering  of 
the  spikcnird    ointnicut,  and   finds   herself  once 


I  again    misjudged  and  hastily   condemned.      After 
j  this  all  direct  knowledge  of   Lazarus  ceases.      It 
,  would  be  as  plausible  an  explanation  of  the  strange 
I  fact  recorded  by  Mark  alone  (xiv.  61)  as  any  other, 
if  we  were  to  suppose  that  Lazarus,  whose  home 
was  near,  who  must  have  known  the  jilaec  to  which 
I  the  Lord   "  ofttiiiies  resorted,"    was  drawn  to  the 
I  garden  of  Gethscmane  by  the  approach  of  the  clTi- 
•  cers  "  with  their  torches  and  lanterns  and  weapons  " 
(Jn.  xviii.  3),  and  hi  the  haste  of  the  night-alarm 
rushed  eagerly,  "  with  the  linen  cloth  cast  about  his 
naked  body,"  to  see  whether  he  was  in  time  to  rcn- 
I  der  any  help. — Apocryphal  traditions  even  are  sin- 
I  gnlarly  scanty  and  jejune,  as  if  the  silence  which 
j  "  sealed  the  lips  of  the  Evangelists  "  had  restrained 
others  also.     They  have  nothing  more  to  teil  of 
Lazarus  than  the  meagre  tale  that  follows: — He 
lived  for  thirty  years  after  his  resurrection,  and  died 
1  at  the  age  of  sixty.     When  he  came  forth  from  the 
tomb,  it  was  with  the  bloom  and  fragrance  as  of  a 
bridegroom.      He  and  his  sisters,  with  Mary  the 
wife  t  f  Clcophas,  and  other  disciples,  were  sent  out 
1  to  sea  by  the  Jews  in  a  leaky  boat,  but  miraculously 
!  escaped  destruction,  and  were  brought  safely    to 
!  Marseilles.      There  he   preached    the  Gospel,  and 
!  founded  a  church,  and  became  its  bishop.     After 
many  years,  he  suffered  martyrdom,  and  was  buried, 
some   said   there ;    others,    at   Citium   in   Cyprus. 
Finally  his  bones  and  those  of  Mary  Magdalene 
were  l^rought  from  Cyprus  to  Constantinople  by  tho 
j  Emperor  Leo  the  Philosopher,  and  a  church  erected 
I  to  his  honor.     Some  apocryphal  books  were  extant 
!  bearing  his  name. — The  Canons  of  St.  Victor  at 
i  Paris  occupied  a  priory  .dedicated  to  St.  Lazarus. 
j  This  was  assigned  in  1C38  to  the  fraternity  of  the 
'  Congregation  founded  by  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  and 
j  the  mission  priests  sent  forth  by  it  consequently 
j  became  conspicuous  as  the  Lazarists. — The  question 
why  the  first  tliree  Gospels  omit  all  mention  of  so 
wonderful  a  fact  as  the  resurrection  of  Lazarus,  Ifas 
from  a  comparatively  early  period  forced  itself  upon 
interpreters  and  apologists.    The  explanations  given 
of  the  perplexing  phenomenon  are  briefly  these : — 
(1.)  That  fear  of  drawing  down  persecution  on  one 
already  singled  out  for  it,  kept  the  three  Evangel- 
1  ists,  writing  during  the  lifetime  of  Lazauis,  from 
j  all  mention  of  him;  and  that,  this  reason  for  silence 
:  being  removed  by  his  death,  St.  John  coiild  write 
freely.     (2.)  That  the  writers  of  the  first  three  Gos- 
!  pels  confine  themselves,  as  by  a  deliberate  plan,  to 
:  the  miracles  wrought  in  Galilee  (that  of  the  blind 
man  at  Jericho  being  the  only  exception),  and  that 
'  they  therefore  abstained  from  all  mention  of  any 
fact,  however  interesting,  that  lay  outside  that  limit. 
'  (3.)  That  the  narrative,  in  its  beauty  and  simplicity, 
its  human  sympathies  and  marvellous  transparency, 
carries  with  it  the  evidence  of  its  own  truthfulness. 
(4.)  Another  explanation,  suggested  by  the  attempt 
to  represent  to  one's  self  what  must  have  been  the 
sequel  of  such  a  fact  as  that  now  in  question  upon 
:  the  life  of  him  who  had  been  affected  by  it,  may 
'  perhaps  be  added.     The  history  of  monastic  orders, 
of  sudden  conversions  after  great  ciitical  deliver- 
ances from  disease  or   danger,  offers    an    analogy 
I  which  may  help  to  guide  us.      In   such   cases   it 
has  happened,  in  a    thousand   instances,  that  tho 
m.-in  has  felt  as  if  the  thread  of  his  life  was  broken, 
the  past  buried  for  ever,  old  things  vanished  away. 
Ho    retires   from   the    world,    changes    his  name, 
speaks  to  no  one,  or  speaks  only  in  hints,  of  all 
that  belongs  to  his  former  life,  shrinks,  above  all, 
I  from  making  his  conversion,  his  resurrection  from 


540 


LEA 


LEA 


the  death  of  sin,  the  subject  of  common  talk.  As-  ; 
sume  only  that  the  lawd  of  the  spUitual  life  worked  , 
ia  S5me  such  way  on  Lizai'us,  and  it  will  seem 
hardly  wonderful  that  such  a  man  should  shrink 
fro;n  publisity,  and  should  wish  to  take  liis  place 
as  the  last  and  lowest  in  the  company  of  believ- 
ers. The  facts  of  the  case  arc,  at  any  rate,  singu- 
larly in  harmony  with  this  last  explauatian.  Mat- 
thew and  Mark  omit  equally  all  mention  of  the 
three  names.  John,  writing  long  afterward,  when 
all  three  had  "  fallen  asleep,"  feels  that  the  re- 
straint is  no  longer  necessary,  and  puts  on  record, 
as  the  Spirit  brings  all  tilings  to  his  remembrance, 
the  whole  of  the  wonderful  history.  The  circum- 
stanooa  of  his  life,  toi,  all  indicate  that  he  more  ■ 
than  any  ot'.ier  Ei'angclist  was  likely  to  have  lived 
in  that  inmoH  circle  of  disciples,  where  these 
things  would  be  most  lovingly  and  reverently  re- 
membered.—2.  Thi  name  Lazarus  occurs  also  in 
the  well-known  parable  of  Lk.  xvi.  19-31.  In  this 
parable  alo  le  we  meet  with  a  proper  name.  Were 
the  thoughts  of  men  called  to  the  etymology  of 
the  name  (:=  Er-EAZATt),  as  signifying  that  he  who 
bore  it  had  in  his  poverty  no  help  but  God,  or  as  j 
meaning  in  the  shortened  form  (Lazarus),  one  who 
had  become  altogether  lielplessl  Or  was  Lazarus 
some  actual  beggar,  like  him  who  lay  at  the  beau- 
tiful gate  of  the  Temple,  familiar,  therefore,  both 
to  the  disciples  a.id  the  Pharisees  ?  Neither  of 
these  suggestions  can  be  accepted  as  quite  satis- 
factory (so  Professor  Plumptre).  If  we  assume  the 
identity  suggested  in  No.  1  (6.\  or  if,  leaving  that 
as  unproved,  we  remember  only  that  the  historic 
Lazarus  belonged  by  birth  to  the  class  of  the 
wealthy  and  influential  Pharisees,  as  in  No.  1  (3.), 
could  any  thing  be  more  signiSicant  than  the  in- 
troduction of  this  name  into  such  a  parable?  Not 
E!e.azar  the  Pharisee,  rich,  honored,  blameless 
among  men,  but  Eleazar  the  beggar,  full  of  leprous 
sores,  lying  at  the  rich  man's  gate,  was  the  true 
heir  of  blessedness,  for  whom  was  reserved  the 
glory  of  being  in  Abraham's  bosom.  Very  strik- 
ing, too,  it  must  be  a  Ided,  is  the  coincidence  be- 
tween the  teaching  of  the  parable  and  of  the  his- 
tory in  another  point.  The  Lazarus  of  the  one 
remains  in  Abraham's  bosom  because  "  if  men  hear 
not  Moses  and  the  prophets,  neither  will  they  be 
persuaded,  though  one  rose  from  the  dead."  The 
Lazarus  of  the  other  returned  from  it,  and  yet 
bears  no  witness  to  the  unbelieving  Jews  of  the 
wonders  or  the  terrors  of  Iladei.  In  this  instance 
also  the  name  of  Lazarus  has  been  perpetuated  in 
an  institution  of  the  Christian  Church.  The  leper 
of  the  Middle  Ages  appears  as  a  Lazzaro.  Among 
the  orders,  half  miUtary  and  half  monastic,  of  the 
twelfth  century,  was  one  which  bore  t'le  title  of  the 
Knights  of  St.  Lazarus  (a.  n.  1119),  whoso  special 
work  it  wa^  to  minister  to  the  lepers,  first  of  Syria, 
and  afterward  of  Europe.  The  use  of  lazareWi  and 
lizar-home  for  the  leper-hospitals  then  founded  in  nil 
parts  of  Western  Christendom,  no  less  than  that  of 
lazzar:>ne  for  the  mendicants  of  Italian  towns,  are 
indications  of  the  effect  of  the  parable  upon  the 
mind  of  Europe  in  the  Middle  Ages,  and  theuce 
upon  its  later  speech. 

Lead  [led]  (Ileb.  ''opliereth ;  Gr.  molibdos),  a 
common  metal,  found  generally  in  veins  of  rocks, 
though  seldom  in  a  metallic  state,  and  most  com- 
mo  ily  in  combination  with  sulphur.  It  was  early 
known  to  the  ancients,  .and  the  allusions  to  it  in 
Sjr'pture  indicate  that  the  Ile'irows  were  well  ac 
quaiatel  with  its  uses.     The  rocks  in  the  ucighbor- 


hood  of  Sinai  yielded  it  in  large  quantities,  and  it 
was  found  in  Egypt.  That  it  was  common  in  Pales- 
tine is  shown  by  licclus.  xlvii.  18 — "  thou  didst  mul- 
tiply silver  as  lead  "  (compare  1  K.  x.  27).  It  was 
among  the  spoils  of  the  Midianites  which  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel  brought  with  them  to  the  plains  of 
Moab  after  their  return  from  the  slaughter  of  the 
tribe  (Num.  xxxi.  22).  The  ships  of  Tarshish  sup- 
plied the  market  of  Tyre  with  lead,  as  with  other 
metals  (Ez.  xxvii.  12).  Its  heaviness,  to  which  al- 
lusion is  made  in  Ex.  xv.  10,  and  Ecelus.  xxii.  14, 
caused  it  to  be  used  for  weights,  which  were  either 
in  the  form  of  a  round  flat  cake  (Zech.  v.  7),  or  a 
rou;;h,  unfashioued  lump  or  "  stone "  (ver.  8) ; 
stones  having  in  ancient  times  served  the  purpose 
of  weights  (compare  Prov.  xvi.  11).  In  modern 
metallurgy  lead  is  used  with  tin  in  the  composition 
of  solder  for  fastening  metals  together.  That  the 
ancient  Hebrews  were  acquainted  with  the  use  of 
solder  is  evident  from  Is.  xli.  7.  No  hint  is  given  as 
to  the  composition  of  the  solder,  but  probably 
lead  was  one  of  the  materials  employed,  its 
usage  for  such  a  purpose  being  of  great  antiquity. 
The  ancient  Egyptians  used  it  for  fastening  stones 
together  in  the  rough  parts  of  a  building,  and  it  was 
found  by  Mr.  Layard  among  the  ruins  of  Nimroud. 
(Nineveh.)  In  Job  xix.  24  the  allusion  is  supposed 
to  be  to  the  practice  of  carving  inscriptions 
upon  stone,  and  pouring  molten  lead  into  the 
cavities  of  the  letters,  to  render  them  legible,  and 
at  the  same  time  preserve  them  from  the  action  of 
the  air.  Oxyd  of  lead  is  largely  employed  in  modern 
rorTF:itv  for  the  form.ation  of  glazes,  and  its  pres- 
ence has  been  discovered  in  the  eartlicnware  found 
in  Egypt  and  Nineveh.  Cut  the  phrase  in  Ecelus. 
xx.xviii.  30,  A.  V.  "  lo  lead  it  over,"  is  in  the  Greek 
simply  lo  complete  the  smearing,  the  material  em- 
ployed for  the  glazing  not  being  indicated.  In 
modern  metallurgy  lead  is  employed  for  purifying 
silver  from  other  mineral  products.  The  alloy  is 
mixed  with  lead,  exposed  to  fusion  upon  an  earthen 
vessel,  and  submitted  fo  a  blast  of  air.  By  this 
means  the  dross  is  consumed.  This  process  is  called 
the  cupelling  operatioii,  with  which  the  description 
in  Ez.  xxii.  18-22,  in  tlio  opinion  of  Mr.  Napier,  ac- 
cm-ately  coincides.  IlAxniciiAFv  ;  Metai.s  ;  Mines. 
Leaf,  Loves.  The  word  occurs  in  the  A.  V. 
either  in  the  singular  or  plural,  in  three  different 
senses — 1.  Leaf  or  leaves  of  a  tree(IIcb.  AUh,  tereplt, 
fiphi ;  Gr.  phullmi).  The  olive-leaf  is  mentioned  in 
Gen.  viii.  11.  Fig-leaves  funned  the  first  covering 
of  our  parents  in  Eden.  The  barren  fig-tree  (Mat. 
xxi.  19;  Mk.  xi.  13)  on  the  road  between  Bethany 
and  Jerusalem  "  had  on  it  nothing  but  Uavex."'  The 
oakdeaf  is  mentioned  in  Is.  i.  30,  and  vi.  13.  The 
righteous  are  often  compared  to  preen  leaves  (Jer. 
xvii.  8).  The  ungodlv  on  the  other  hand  are  as 
"an  oak  whose  leaf'fadeth"  (I.s.  i.  30).  In  Ez. 
xlvii.  12, and  Rev.  xxii.  1,  2,  there  is  probably  an  allu- 
sion to  some  tree  whose  leaves  were  used  by  the 
Jews  as  a  medicine  or  ointment ;  indeed,  it  is  very 
likely  that  many  plants  and  leaves  were  thus  made 
use  of  by  them,  as  by  the  old  English  herbalists. — 
2.  Leaves  of  doors.  The  Ileb.  <,«e(i'i'i,  which  occurs 
very  many  times  in  the  Bible  and  which  in  1  K.  vl. 
34  is  translated  "  leaves  "  in  the  A.  V.,  =  beamt, 
ribs,  sides,  kc.  (in  1.  c.  =  side^  or  l/aves  of  a  double 
door,  Ges.).  In  the  last  clause  of  this  verse,  the 
Heb.  helffim,  elsewhere  translated  "  iianoikos," 
hero  "  leaves,"  is  regarded  by  Gesenius,  AViner,  &&, 
as  an  error  for  tsilaim,  but  bv  Keil  as  an  Aramaic 
form  of  the  latter.     In  Ez.  xli.  24  the  I;cb.  dtk'.h 


« 


LEA 


LEB 


"^1 


(literally  tlonr)  is  the  representative  of  bolli  doors 
anil  leavtf  ;  in  I  K.  vi.  32  it  is  translated  in  the  plural 
"  doors,"  margin  "leaves  of  doors."  (Gate.) — 3. 
LeaviK  of  a  book  or  roll.  The  Heb.  deUlh  occurs 
in  this  sense  in  Jer.  xxxvi.  23  only,  and  is  trans- 
lated by  (Jescnius  columns. 

•  Lraimr.    Ai.liance.s. 

Leah  (Heb.  wearied,  Gcs.),  daughter  of  Laban 
(Gen.  xxix.  16).  The  duluess  or  weakness  of  her 
eyes  was  so  notable,  that  it  is  mentioned  as  a  con- 
trast to  the  beautilul  form  and  appearance  of  her 
younfrcr  sister  Hachel.  Her  father  took  advantage 
of  tlie  opportunity  which  the  local  marriage-rile  af 
forded  to  pass  her  oft"  in  her  sister's  stead  on  the 
unconscious  bridegroom,  and  excused  himself  to 
Jacob  by  alleging  that  tlie  custom  of  the  country 
forbade  the  younger  sister  to  be  given  first  in  mar- 
riage. Jacob's  preference  of  IJachol  grew  into 
hatied  of  Leah,  after  he  had  married  both  sisters. 
Leah,  however,  bore  to  him,  in  quick  succession, 
Reuben,  Simeon,  Levi,  Judah,  then  Issaehar,  Zebu- 
lun,  and  Dinah,  before  Racliel  had  a  child.  She 
died  some  time  after  Jacob  reached  tlie  S.  country 
in  which  his  father  Isaac  lived.  She  was  buried  in 
the  family  grave  in  Machpelah  (xlis.  31). 

Lfas'ing  [lecz-J  =  falsehood.  This  word  is  re- 
tained in  the  A.  V.  of  I's.  iv.  2,  v.  6,  from  the 
older  English  versions ;  but  the  Ueb.  cuzdb  of  which 
it  is  the  rendering  is  elsewhere  almost  unifornilv 
F'  trau-slated  "  lies  "  (Ps.  xl.  4,  Iviii.  3,  kc). 

Leath'or  (Ileb.  'or;  Gr.  aiij.da-mnfinos,  translated 
I'  "  leathern  ").  The  notices  of  leather  in  the  Bible 
are  singularly  few ;  indeed  the  word  occurs  but 
Jitwice  in  the  A.  V.,  and  in  each  instance  in  refer- 
ence to  a  GiRHLE  (2  K.  i.  8  ;  Mat.  iii.  4).  There  arc, 
-however,  other  instances  in  which  the  word  "  lea- 
ther" might  with  propriety  be  substituted  for 
"skin"  (Lev.  xi.  32,  xiii.  48;  Xum.  xxxi.  20). 
BoTTi.K ;    DrKss;    Hanpicraft:  Horsf;  Sandal. 

Ler.Tri  (Heb.  nfor,  himcts  or  chihnits  ;  Gr.zume). 
Various  substances  were  known  to  have  fernient- 
ing  qualities ;  but  the  ordinary  leaven  consisted 
'of  a  lump  of  old  dough  in  a  high  state  of  fcr- 
I  mentation,  which  was  inserted  into  tlie  mass  of 
dough  prepared  for  baking.  (Brkad.)  The  use 
of  leaven  was  strictly  forbidden  in  all  offerings 
made  to  the  Lord  by  fire,  and  particularly  in  the 
frast  of  the  Passover.  In  reference  to  these  pro- 
hibition.", Amos(iv.  5)  ironically  bids  the  Jews  of  his 
day  to  "  offer  a  sacrifice  of  thanksgiving  with  Irarai." 
In  other  instances,  where  the  offering  was  to  1  e 
consumed  by  the  priests,  and  not  on  the  altar, 
leaven  might  be  nsed.  Various  ideas  were  asso- 
ciated with  the  prohibition  of  leaven  in  the  in- 
stances above  quoted.  But  the  most  prominent 
idc.i,  which  applies  equally  to  all  the  cases  of 
prohibition,  is  cnnncctcd  with  the  cnrriijitiov  which 
leaven  itself  h;id  undergone,  and  which  it  com- 
municated to  bread  in  the  process  of  fermentation. 
To  this  property  of  leaven  our  Saviour  points  when 
He  speaks  of  the  "  leaven  (i.  e.  the  corrupt  doc- 
trine) of  the  Pharisees  and  of  the  Saddncees " 
(Mat.  xvi.  6) ;  and  St.  Paul,  when  he  speaks  of  the 
"old  leaven"  (1  Cor.  v.  7).  Another  quality  of 
leaven  is  noticed,  viz.  its  serrelh/  j/evrtrnting  and 
diffiuivf  power  (v.  6  ;  Gal.  v.  9 ;  Mat.  xiii.  33). 

•  i.r«Tra,  pi.  of  Leaf. 

1.4'b'a-na  (Heb.  the  vhite,  poetically  =  the 
moon,  Ges. ;  —  Leba.saii),  one  of  the  Nelhinim 
who«e  descendants  returned  from  Babylon  with 
Zcnibhabel  (Xeli.  vii.  48);  =  LEBANAn  and  Labana. 

Lrb'a-Dah  (Ilcb.)  =  Lebaka  (Ezr.  ii.  46). 


Leb'a-non  (Heb., see  below;  Gr.  libanns ;  h.hvi- 
AM's),  a  mountain  range  in  the  N.  of  Palestine. 
The  name  Ltbanon  (=  white)  was  applied  either  on 
account  of  the  snow,  which,  during  a  great  part  of 
the  year,  covers  its  whole  summit,  or  on  account  of 
the  white  color  of  its  limestone  cliffs  and  ptaks. 
It  is  the  while  mountain — the  Movt  Blanc  of  Pales- 
tine. Lebanon  is  represented  in  Scripture  as  lying 
j  upon  the  northern  1  order  of  the  lard  of  Isiae' 
,  (Deut.  i.  7,  xi.  24 ;  Josh.  i.  4).  Two  distinct 
ranges  bear  this  name.  Tliey  both  begin  in  latitude 
33  20',  and  run  in  parallel  lines  iiom  S.  W.  to 
,  N.  E.  for  about  ninety  geographical  miles,  enclosing 
between  them  a  long  fertile  valley  from  five  to  eight 
!  miles  wide,  anciently  called  "Celosyria,"  "the  val- 
ley of  Lebanen  "  (Josh.  xi.  17),  the  modern  el- 
Buka'a.  The  western  range  is  thc"Libanus"  of 
the  old  geographers,  and  the  Lebanon  of  Scripture. 
The  eastern  range  was  called  "Aniilibanus"  by 
geographers,  and  "  Lebanon  toward  the  snn-risiiig  " 
by  the  sacied  writers  (Josh.  xiii.  5).  A  deep  valley 
called  ir.  cl-'J'i-im  se|  arates  the  southern  section  of 
Aniilibanus  from  both  Lebanon  and  the  hills  of 
Galilee.  Lebanon — the  western  range — commences 
on  the  S.  at  the  deep  ravine  of  the  Zitthitf,  the  an- 
cient river  Leontes,  w  hicli  drains  the  valley  of  Celo- 
syria, and  falls  into  the  Mediterranean  five  miles  N. 
of  Tyre.  ItiunsN.  E  in  a  straight  line  parallel  to 
the  coast,  to  the  opening  fn  m  the  Jlediten  ancan 
into  the  plain  of  Eniesa,  called  in  Sciipturc  the 
"  Entrance  of  Ilamath  "  (Num.  xxxiv.  8).  Here 
Kali  r  el-Kebir — the  ancient  river  Eleuthei  u^ — sw  eeps 
round  its  noithern  end,  as  the  Leontes  does  round 
its  southern.  The  average  elevation  of  the  range 
is  from  6,000  to  8,000  feet ;  but  two  peaks  rise  con- 
siderably higher,  (■'iinnin  8,500  feet ;  Dakar  il- 
Kvdih  (the  highest  peak,  about  twenty-five  miles 
from  the  N.  end,  and  near  the  celebrated  cedars) 
10,051  feet  (so  Porter  in  Kitto).  (Snow.)  The 
central  lidge  or  back-bone  of  Lcl  anon  has  smooth, 
barren  sides,  and  gray  reunded  sr.nniits.  It  is  en- 
tirely destitute  of  verdure,  and  is  covered  with 
small  fiagniciits  of  liniestine,  frem  which  white 
crowns  and  jagged  points  cf  naked  rock  shoot  up 
at  intervals.  Here  and  there  a  few  stunted  pire- 
[  trees  or  dwarf  oaks  are  met  with.  The  line  of  eul- 
;  tivation  runs  along  at  the  height  of  nbrut  6,000 
I  feet ;  and  below  this  the  features  of  the  western 
I  slopes  are  entirely  different.  The  descent  is 
I  gradna!  ;  but  is  everywhere  broken  by  precipices 
and  towering  rocks  which  time  and  the  elements 
have  chiselled  into  strange,  fantastic  shapes.  Ra- 
vines of  singular  wildness  and  grandeur  furrow  the 
whole  mountain-side,  looking  in  many  places  like 
huge  rents.  Here  and  there,  too,  fold  promonto- 
ries shoot  out,  and  dip  perpendiculaily  into  the 
!  bosom  of  the  Mediterranean.  The  rugged  lime- 
stone banks  are  scantily  clothed  with  the  evcrprccn 
[  oak,  and  the  sandstone  vilh  pines;  while  every 
available  spot  is  carefully  cultivated.  The  cultiva- 
tion Is  wonderful,  and  shows  what  all  Syria  might 
be  if  under  a  good  government.  Fig-trees  cling  to 
the  naked  rock;  vines  are  trained  along  nariow 
ledges  ;  long  ranges  of  mulberries,  on  terraces  like 
steps  of  stairs,  cover  the  more  gentle  declivities ; 
and  den.so  groves  of  olives  fill  up  the  bottoms  of  the 
glens.  Hundreds  of  villages  are  seen — here  built 
amid  labyrinths  of  rocks  ;  there  clinging  like  swal- 
lows' nests  to  the  sides  of  cliffs ;  w  hile  convents,  no 
less  numerous,  are  peichcd  on  the  tip  ef  every 
peak.  The  vine  is  still  largely  cultivated  in  every 
part  of  the  mountain.     Lebanon  also  abounds  in 


542 


LEB 


LEB 


olivca,  figs,  and  mulberries;  while  some  remnants 
exist  ol'  the  forests  of  pine,  oak,  and  cedar,  which 
formerly  covered  it  (1  K.  v.  6 ;  I's.  xxix.  5  ;  Is.  xiv. 
8;  Ezr.  iii.  7).  (Forest.)  Considerable  numbers 
of  wild  beasts  still  inhabit  its  retired   gleus  and 


higher  peaks  ;  the  writer  (Porter)  has  seen  jackals, 
hyenas,  wolves,  bears,  and  panthers  (2  K.  xiv.  9  ; 
Cant.  iv.  8;  Hab.  ii.  17).  Some  noble  streams  of 
classic  celebrity  (Leontes,  Lycus,  Adonis,  &c.)  have 
their  sources  high  up  in  Lebanon,  and  rush  down 


Tha  Orond  Ranfre  of  Lebanon. 


in  sheets  of  foam  through  sublime  glena,  to  stain 
with  their  ruddy  waters  the  transparent  bosom  of 
the  Mediterranean.  Along  the  base  of  Lebanon 
runs  the  irregular  plain  of  Phenicia ;  nowhere 
more  than  two  miles  wide,  and  often  interrupted 
by  bold  rocky  spurs,  that  dip  into  the  sea.  The 
main  ridge  of  Lebanon  is  composed  of  Jura  lime- 
Btone,  and  abounds  in  fossils.  Long  belts  of  more 
recent  sandstone  run  along  the  western  slopes, 
which  is  in  places  largely  impregnated  with  iron. 
Lebanon  was  originally  inhabited  by  the  Uivites 
and  Giblites  (Judg.  iii.  3 ;  Josh.  xiii.  5,  6).  The 
whole  mountain-range  was  assigned  to  the  Israel- 
ites, but  was  never  conquered  by  them  (xiii.  2-6 ; 
Judg.  iii.  1-3).  During  the  Jewish  monarchy  it  ap- 
pears to  have  been  subject  to  the  Phenicians  (1  K. 
V.  2-6 ;  Ezr.  iii.  7).  From  the  Greek  conquest  un- 
til modern  times  Lebanon  had  no  separ.\te  history. 
The  northern  half  of  the  mountain-range  is  peopled 
almost  exclusively  by  Maronite  ChrLslians,  about 
200,000  in  number  (so  Porter  in  ICitto) ;  in  the  south- 
ern half  the  Druzos  (about  80,000,  so  Porter)  pre- 
dominate. American  Protestant  missionaries  have 
been  laboring  usefully  more  than  forty  years  among 
this  population. — .\\riLiBANCs.  The  main  chain 
of  Antilibanus  commences  in  the  plateau  of  Ba- 
shan,  near  the  parallel  of  Cciarca  Philippi,  runs 
X.  to  Hermon,  and  then  N  E.  in  a  straight  line  till 
it  sinks  down  into  the  great  plain  of  Emesa,  not  far 
from  the  site  of  Riblah.  Hermon  is  the  loftiest 
paak  ;  the  next  highest  is  a  few  miles  N.  of  the  site 
of  Abila  (Abilen'e),  beside  the  village  of  Bluldn, 
and  has  an  elevation  of  abont  7,000  feet.  The  rest 
of  the  ridge  averages  about  5,000  feet ;  it  is  in  gen- 
eral bleak  and  barren,  with  shelving  gray  declivitiea, 


gray  cliffs,  and  gray  rounded  summits.  Here  and 
there  we  meet  with  tliiu  forests  of  dwarf  oak  and 
juniper.  The  western  slopes  descend  abruptly  into 
the  BuhTa  ;  but  the  features  of  the  eastern  are  en- 
tirely different.  Three  side-ridges  here  radiate  from 
Hermon,  like  the  ribs  of  an  open  fan,  and  form  the 
supporting  walls  of  three  great  terraces.  (Abana  ; 
PiiARPAR.)  Antilibanus  is  more  thinly  peopled 
than  its  sister  range  ;  and  it  is  more  abundantly 
stocked  with  wild  beasts.  Antilibanus  is  only 
once  distinctly  mentioned  in  Scripture,  where  it  is 
accurately  described  as  "  Lebanon  toward  the  sun- 
rising  "  (Josh.  xiii.  S).  "  The  tower  of  Lebanon 
which  looketh  toward  Damascus  "  (Cant.  vii.  4)  is 
doubtless  Hermon,  which  forms  the  most  striking 
feature  in  the  whole  panorama  round  that  city. 

Lrb'a-oth  (Heb.  lummsca),  one  of  the  last  group 
of  the  cities  of  "  t'.ie  South  "  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv. 
32),  probably  :=  BETn-i.FnAOTH  and  Beth-direi  ; 
identified  by  Wilton  (in  Fairbairn)  witli  d-Biywlh, 
a  ruined  site  on  a  low  hill  about  four  miles  X.  E.  of 
TVff  Mrcif/ (Arad);  but  Rowlands  (in  Fairbnirn  un- 
der "  8.  Country  ")  supposes  it  probably  Birein,  a 
site  with  four  wells  and  ruins  a  few  miles  S.  or  S. 
by  E.  of  el-Aujik.     Azem. 

Lcli-bains  (L.)  =  LEiinEirs. 

*  Leb-be'as  (L.  Lebbieim,  from  Ileb.  lihhai  =  nf 
heart,  i.  e.  hearti/  or  lourageoHn,  Herz,  Lango,  &c. ; 
iiltle  heart,  darlinij,  Jerome,  Winer  ;  compare  Tiiad- 
DELs),  a  name  of  the  Apostle  Judas,  tme  brother 
OF  James  (Mat.  x.  3).  The  MSS.  here  give  (lifftrent 
readings:  the  A.  V.  and  Received  Greek  Text  are,; 
supported  by  the  Alexandrian  and  some  other  MSS. ; 
but  some  MSS.  and  critical  editors  read  "Lebbeus" 
only,  some  "  Thaddeus  "  only. 


LEB 


LEM 


543 


Le-bo'nali  (Ileb.  frankincense,  Ges.),  n  place 
named  hi  Judg.  xxi.  19  only ;  now  the  village  of 
el-Lubbdit,  W.  of,  and  close  to,  the  Ndblun  road, 
about  eight  ndles  X.  of  Bnlin  (Bethel),  and  two 
from  SiUun  (Shiloh).  Its  appearance  is  ancient, 
and  in  the  rocks  above  it  are  excavated  sepulchres 
(Kobinson). 

Lf'cati  (Heb.  a  going,  jonruei/,  Ges.),  a  name  men- 
tioned in  the  genealogies  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  21 
only)  as  a  descendant  of  Shelah,  or  a  town  colo- 
nized by  Eb  2. 

•  Lvds'es.     Lavkr. 

Leerli.     IIokse-lekch. 

Lrvks<  The  Hebrew  h^ir  or  cMtsir,  which  in 
Num.  xi.  5  is  translated  leeks,  occurs  twenty  times 
in  the  Ilebrew  text.     The  Hebrew  term  (properly 


ConuDcn  I.««k  \AUi 


=  grata)  (Grass  1)  is  derived  from  a  root  signifying 
"  to  be  green,"  and  may  therefore  stand  in  this  pas- 
sage for  any  green  food,  lettuce,  endive,  &c.,  as  Lu- 
dolf  and  Malllet  have   conjectured  (compare   our 


term  "greens");  yet  as  it  Is  mentioned  together 
with  onions  and  garlic  in  the  text,  and  ns  the 
most  ancient  versions  unanimously  understand  leekt 
by  the  Hebrew  word,  we  may  b6  satisfied  with  our 


]  own  translation,  which  is  justified   by  the  green 
color  of   the  leek,  and  the  grass-like  form  of  its 
!  leaves.     Another  interpretation,  first  proposed  by 
I  Hengstenberg,  and  received  by  Kitto  {Pictorial  Bi- 
]  ble.  Num.  xi.  5),  adopts  a  more  literal  translation 
,  of  the  original  word,  for,  says  Kitto,  "  among  the 
!  wonders  in  the  natural  history  of  Egypt,  it  is  men- 
I  tioned  by  travellers  that  the  common  people  there 
eat  with  special  relish  a  kind  of  grass  similar  to 
clover.''''     Mayer  says  of  this  plant  (the  fenugreek, 
Trigonella  Foenurn-G reeium),  that  it  is   similar  to 
clover,  but  its  leaves  more  pointed,  and  that  great 
quantities  of  it  are  cattn  by  the  people.     The  leek 
is  too  well  known  to  need  description.     Its  botani- 
cal name  is  Allium  Pomim. 

Lcfs>  The  Ilebrew  shemer  bears  the  radical 
sense  of  jncsei ratioH,  and  was  applied  to  "  lees  " 
from  the  custom  of  allowing  the  wine  to  stand  on 
the  Ices  in  order  that  its  color  and  body  might  bo 
better  preserved.  Hence  the  expression  "  wine  on 
the  Ices"  =  a  generous,  full-bodied  liquor  (Is.  xxv. 
6).  The  wine  undisturbed  became  thick  and 
syrupy ;  hence  the  proverb  "  to  settle  upon  one's 
lees,"  to  express  the  sloth,  indifTerence,  and  gross 
stui  idity  of  the  ungodly  (Jer.  xlviii.  11;  Zeph.  i. 
12).  Before  the  wine  was  consumed,  it  was  neces- 
sary to  strain  off  the  lees;  such  wine  was  then 
termed  "well  refined"  (Is.  xxv.  6).  To  drink  the 
lees,  or  "  dregs,"  was  an  expression  for  the  endur- 
ance (f  extreme  punishment  (Ps.  Ixxv.  8). 
•  Left-handed.    Ent- d  2. 

Legion  (fr.  L.  legio),  the  chief  subdivision  of  the 
Roman  armv,  containing  about  6,000  inl'autry,  with 
a  c(jntingent  of  cavalry.  The  teira  in  the  Bible  = 
any  large  number,  with  the  accessory  Ideas  of  order 
and  subordination  (Mat.  xxvi.  53 ;  Mk.  v.  9,  15  ; 
Lk.  viii.  30). 

Le'ha-bim  (Heb.  fames;  Jtame-cnlnred,  Fii. ;  = 
LcniM,  Ges.,  R.  S.  Poole),  occurring  only  in  Gen.  x. 
13,  the  name  of  a  Mizraite  people  or  tribe.  Mr.  R. 
S.  Poole  has  no  doubt  that  they  =  the  Bdv  or 
Libu  of  the  Egyptian  inseiiptions,  and  that  from 
them  Libya  and  the  Libyans  derived  their  name. 

LCBIM. 

Le'hl  (Heb.  jaw-bone,  Ges.,  Fii.,  &c.),  a  place  m 
Judah,  probably  on  the  confines  of  the  Philistines' 
country,  between  it  and  the  cliff  Etam ;  the  fcene 
of  Samson's  well-known  exploit  with  the  jawbone 
(Judg.  XV.  9,  14,  19).  It  contained  an  eminence — 
Ramath-lehi,  and  a  spring — Ex-hakkore.  Beei- 
LAHAi-Roi  has  been  supposed  =  Lehi.  But  tl.<o 
situations  do  not  fuit.  The  same  consideration 
would  also  appear  fatal  to  the  identification  pro- 
posed by  Van  de  Velde  at  Tell  tl-Lekhiyth,  in  the 
extreme  S.  of  Palestine.  As  far  as  the  name  goes,  a 
more  probable  suggestion  would  be  Beit-Likii/eh,  a 
village  on  the  northern  slopes  of  the  great  Wadi/ 
Suleiman,  about  two  miles  I  clow  the  upper  Beth- 
horon.     But  see  Etam  2  ;  Etam,  hie  Rock. 

'Le'mceh  [-mek]  (Ileb.)  =  Lamech  2  (Gen.  v. 
25,  margin). 

Lem'n-el  (Ileb.  to  Ond,  i.  e.  dedicated  or  devoted, 
W.  A.  Wright ;  of  God,  sc.  created,  Ges.),  the  name 
of  an  unknown  king  to  wliom  his  mollier  addressed 
the  prudential  maxims  in  Prov  xxxi.  1-9.  The 
Rabbinical  eommciUators  identify  Lemuel  with  f-ol- 
omon.  Grotius,  adopting  a  fanciful  etymology  from 
the  Arabic,  makes  Lemuel  =  Ilezekiah.  Ilitzig 
and  others  regard  him  as  king  or  chief  of  an  Arab 
tribe  dwelling  on  the  borders  of  Paleftine,  and 
elder  brother  of  Agur,  whose  name  stands  at  the 
head  of  Prov.  xxx.     Jakeii. 


544 


LEN 


LEP 


*  Lender.    Loas. 

Lentils,  or  Len  tiles  (Heb.  'adckhim).  There  can- 
not be  the  least  doubt  (so  Mr.  Houghton)  that  the 
A.  V.  is  correct  in  its  translation  of  tlie  Hebrew 
word  which  occurs  in  the  four  following  passages : — 
Gen.  XXV.  34;  2  Sam.  xvii.  28,  xxiii.  11  ;  Ez.  iv.  9. 
The  lentile  is  a  small  leguminous  or  bean-like  plant, 
JErvum  Lens.  There  are  three  or  four  kinds,  all  of 
which  are  still  much  esteemed  in  those  countries 


LeDlile  lErvum  Xsiu). 

where  they  are  grown,  viz.  the  south  of  Europe,  Asia, 
and  North  Africa :  the  red  lentile  is  still  a  favorite 
article  of  food  in  the  East.  The  modern  Arabic 
name  of  this  plant  =  the  Hebrew  ;  it  is  known  in 
Egypt,  Arabia,  Syria,  &c.,  by  the  name  ^Adas. 
Robinson  (i.  167)  found  lentlles  "very  palatable, 
and  could  well  conceive  that  to  a  weary  hunter, 
faint  with  hunger,  they  might  be  quite  a  dainty." 
Kitto  {Pict.  Bible)  says  he  has  often  partaken  of  red 
pottage,  prepared  by  seething  the  leiitiles  in  water, 
and  then  adding  a  little  supt,  to  give  them  a  flavor. 
(Edom.)  Lentile  bread  is  still  eaten  by  the  poor 
of  Egypt.     Food. 

*  Len  tlsk.    Mastich. 

Lcop'ard  [lep-]  is  invariably  given  by  the  A.  V. 
as   the  translation  of  the  Heb.  ndmer,  and  Chal. 


Leopard  (Z«>p<irrfii#  varitu). — (Fbn.) 

nSmar,  which  occur  in   the   seven   following   pas- 
sages— Is.  xi.  6 ;  Jcr.  v.   6,  xiii.  23 ;  Dan.  vii.  6 ; 


Hos.  xiii.  7 ;  Cant.  iv.  8 ;  Hab.  i.  8.  Leopard  oc- 
curs also  as  the  translation  of  the  Gr.  /^m-dalh  in 
Ecclus.  xxviii.  23,  and  in  Kev.  xiii.  2.  The  leop- 
ard (Leopardm  varius;  Felia  Lcopardiis,  Linn.)  be- 
longs to  the  cat  family.  Its  swiftness  is  well  known ; 
BO  great  is  the  flexibility  of  its  body,  that  it  can 
take  surprising  leaps,  climb  trees,  or  crawl  snake- 
like  upon  the  ground.  Jeremiah  and  Uosea  allude 
to  its  insidious  habits  :  it  will  take  up  its  position 
in  some  spot  near  a  village,  and  watch  for  a  favor- 
able opportunity  fo.  plunder.  From  the  passage  of 
Canticles,  referred  to  above,  we  learn  that  the  hilly 
ranges  of  Lebanon  were  in  ancient  times  frequented 
by  these  animals,  and  it  is  now  not  uneonunonly 
seen  in  and  about  Lebanon,  and  the  southern  mari- 
time mountains  of  Syria.  Under  the  name  numer 
{spoiled),  not  improbably  another  animal,  viz.  the 
cheetah,  or  hunting  leopa.T(i  {Guepardajubala),  may  i 
be  included  ;  which  is  tamed  by  the  Mohammedans] 
of  Syria,  who  employ  it  in  hunting  the  gazelle. 

Leper  (Heb.   participles  tsdrua',  mtUord',  fem, 
mitnora'ath  ;  Gr.  lepros),  Lep'ro^y  (Ueb.  ttdra'ath;] 
Gr.   lepra).     The  piedominant   and   characteristic j 
form   of  leprosy  in   Sciiplure  is  a  white  variety,! 
covering  either  the  entire  body  or  a  large  tract  of  I 
its  surface;  which  has  obtained  the  name  of  Lepral 
Mosaica.     Such  were  the  cases  of  Moses,  Miriam,  | 
Naaman,  and  Gehazi  (Ex.  iv.  6;  Num.  xii.  10;  2  K. 
V.  1,  27;  compare  Lev.  xiii.  13).      But,  remarkably! 
enough,  in  the  Mosaic  ritual-diagnosis  of  the  disease! 
(Lev.  xiii.,  xiv.),  this  kind,  when  over.«preading  the! 
whole  surface,  appears  to  be  regarded  as  "clean"! 
(xiii.  12,  13,  16,  17).     The  Egyptian  bondage,  with! 
its  studied  degradations  and  privations,  and  espc-| 
cially  the  work  of  the  kiln  under  an  Egyptian  fun,  I 
must  have  had  a  frightful  tendency  to  generate  this! 
class  of  disorders ;  hence  Manetho  asserts  that  the! 
Egyptians  drove  out  the  Israelites  as  infected  with] 
leprosy — a  strange  reflex,  perhaps,  of  the  Mosaic  1 
narrative  of  the  "  plagues  "  of  Egypt,  yet  probably  J 
also  containing  a  germ  of  truth.      The  sudden  and] 
total  change  of  food,  air,  dwelling,  and  mode  of  life,! 
caused   by  the   Exodus,  to   this  nation  of  newly-l 
emancipated  slaves  may  possibly  have  had  a  further! 
tendency  to  produce  skin-disorder.s,  and  severe 
pressive  measures  may  have  been  ref|uircd  in  thd 
desert-moving  camp  to  secure  the  public  health,  orl 
to  allay  the  panic  of  infection.     Hence  it  is  possible! 
that  many,  perhaps  most  of  this  repertory  of  symp 
toms,  may  have  disappeared  with  the  period  of  the 
Exodus,  and  the  snow-white  form,  which  had  pre-1 
existed,  may  alone  have  ordinarily  continued  in 
later  age.      But  amongst  these  Levitical  symptoms 
the  scaling,  or  peeling  off  of  the  surface,  is  nowhcn 
mentioned.      The  principal  morbid  features  are  si 
rising  or  swelling,  a  scab  or  balbness,  and  a  bright 
or    white   spot   (xiii.    2).     But   especially   a   white 
swelling  in  the  skin,  with  a  change  of  the  hair  of  the 
part  from  the  natural  black  to  white  or  yellow  (.3, 
10,  4,  20,  25,  30),  or  an  appearance  of  a  taint  going 
"  deeper  than  the  skin,"  or  again,  "  raw  flesh  "  ap- 
pearing in  the  swelling  (10,  14,  lH),  were  critical 
signs  of  pollution.      The  mere  swelling,  or  scab,  or 
bright  spot,  was  remanded  for  a  week  as  doubtful 
(4,  21,  26,  31),  and  for  a  second  such  period,  if  it 
had  not  yet  pronounced  (5).      If  it  then  spread  (7, 
22,  27,  35),  it  was  decided  as  polluting.     But  if  after 
the  second  period  of  quarantine  the  trace  died  away 
and  showed  no  symptom  of  spreading,  it  was  a  mere 
scab,  and  the  patient  was  adjudged  clean  (6,  2S, 
34).      This  tendency  to  spread  seems  especially  to 
have  been  relied  on.     A  spot  most  innocent  in  all 


M 


LEP 


LEU 


545 


otlicr  respects,  if  it  "spread  much  abroad,"  was  I 
unclean ;  wliereas,  as  before  remarked,  the  man  so  I 
wholly  overspread  with  the  evil  that  it  could  find  no 
further  range,  was  on  the  contrary  "  clean  "  ( 1 2, 1 8). 
These  two  opposite  criteria  seem  to  show,  that 
whilst  the  disease  manifested  activity,  the  Mosaic 
law  imputed  pollution  to  and  imposed  segregation 
on  the  sufferer,  but  thtt  the  point  at  which  it  might 
be  viewed  as  having  run  its  coui-se  was  the  signal 
for  his  readmissiou  to  communion.  It  is  clear  (so 
Ur.  Hayman,  the  original  author  of  this  article)  that 
the  leprosy  of  Lev.  xiii.,  xiv.,  means  any  severe  dis- 
ease spreading  on  the  surface  of  the  body  in  the  way 
described,  and  so  shocking  of  aspect,  or  so  gener- 
ally suspected  of  infection,  that  public  feehng  called 
for  separation.  It  is  now  ur.donbted  that  the 
"  leprosy  "  of  modern  Syria,  and  which  has  a  wide 
range  in  .Spain,  Greece,  and  Norway,  is  the  E.e- 
phantiaxu  Gracorum.  It  is  said  to  have  been 
brought  home  by  the  crusaders  into  the  various 
countries  of  Western  and  Northern  Europe.  It  cer- 
tainly was  not  the  distinctive  white  leprosy,  nor  do 
any  of  the  described  symptoms  in  Lev.  xiii.  point  to 
elephantiasis.  "  White  as  snow  "  (2  K.  v.  2T)  would 
be  as  inapplicable  to  elephantiasis  as  to  sniall-jiox. 
Further,  the  most  striking  and  fearful  results  of  this 
modern  so-called  "  leprosy "  are  wanting  in  the 
Mosaic  description — the  transformation  of  the  fea- 
tures to  a  leonine  expression,  and  the  corrosion  of 
the  joint*,  so  that  the  fingers  drop  piecemeal. 
(Meiiicin'e.)  Whether  we  regard  Lev.  xiii.  as  speak- 
ing of  a  group  of  diseases  having  mutually  a  mere 
superficial  resemblance,  or  a  real  affinity,  it  need 
not  perplex  us  that  they  do  not  correspond  with  the 
three  species  of  leprosy  of  Hippocrates  (the  Gr.  al- 
phos,  lru.]ce[^=  vhite'\,  and  melas [  —  black']),  which  are 
said  by  liatcman  to  prevail  still  respectively  as  Lepra 
alpftoiflfix,  L^tra  i*u/r/arh,  and  Lepra  nigricans.  The 
first  has  more  minute  and  whiter  scales,  and  the 
circular  patches  in  which  they  form  are  smaller  than 
those  of  the  rulgarit,  which  appears  in  scaly  discs  of 
different  sizes,  having  nearly  always  a  circular  form, 
first  presenting  small  distinct  rod  shining  elevations 
of  the  cuticle,  then  white  scales  which  accumulate 
sometimes  into  a  thick  crust ;  or,  as  Dr.  Mason 
Good  describes  its  appearance,  as  having  a  spread- 
ing scale  upon  an  elevated  base ;  the  elevations  de- 
pressed in  the  middle,  but  without  a  change  of 
color ;  the  black  hair  on  the  patches,  which  is  the 
prevailing  color  of  the  hair  in  Palestine,  participat- 
ing in  the  whiteness,  and  the  patches  themselves 
perpetually  widening  in  their  outline.  A  phosphate 
of  lime  probably  gives  their  bright  glossy  color  to 
the  scaly  patches.  The  third,  ni'jricnus,  or  rather 
tubfuMO,  is  rarer,  in  form  and  distribution  resem- 
bling the  second,  but  differing  in  the  dark  livid  color 
of  the  patches.  The  scaly  incrustations  of  the  first 
species  infest  the  flat  of  the  fore-arm,  knee,  and 
elbow-joints,  but  on  the  face  seldom  extend  beyond 
the  forehead  and  temples  (compare  2  Chr.  xxvi.  19, 
"  the  leprosy  rose  up  in  his  forehead  ").  The  cure 
of  this  is  not  difficult;  the  second  scarcely  ever 
heals  (Cclsus).  The  third  is  always  accompanied 
by  a  cachectic  condition  of  body.  Further,  ele- 
phantiasis itself  has  also  passed  current  under 
the  name  of  the  "black  leprosy."  It  is  possible 
that  the  "  freckled  spot "  of  the  A.  V.  in  Lev.  xiii.  39 
way  correspond  with  the  harmless  Lepra  alp/ioide», 
•ince  it  is  noted  as  "  clean."  There  is  a  remarkable 
incurrence  between  the  description  by  jt>chylus 
(Chorph.  271-274)  of  the  disease  which  was  to  pro- 
duce "  lichens  coursing  over  the  flesh,  eroding  with 
35 


fierce  voracity  the  former  natural  structure,  and 
white  hairs  shooting  up  over  the  part  diseased,"  and 
some  of  the  Mosaic  symptoms ;  the  spreading  energy 
of  the  evil  is  dwelt  upon  both  by  Moses  and  by 
.d'schylus,  as  vindicating  its  character  as  a  scourge 
of  God.  But  the  symptoms  of  "white  hairs  "  is  a 
curious  and  exact  confirmation  of  the  genuineness 
of  the  detail  in  the  Mosaic  account,  especially  as  the 
poet's  language  would  rather  imply  that  the  disease 
spoken  of  was  vot  then  domesticated  in  Greece,  but 
the  strange  horror  of  some  other  land.  Theie  re- 
mains a  curious  question,  before  we  quit  Leviticus, 
as  regards  the  leprosy  of  garments  and  houses. 
Some  have  thought  garments  worn  by  leprous 
patients  intended.  This  classing  of  garments  and 
house-walls  with  the  human  epidermis,  as  leprous, 
has  moved  the  mirth  of  some,  and  the  wonder  of 
others.  Yet  modern  science  has  established  what 
goes  far  to  vindicate  the  Mosaic  classification  as 
more  philosophical  than  such  cavils.  It  is  now- 
known  that  there  are  some  skin-diseases  which  ori- 
ginate in  an  acarus  (=  mite,  tick,  &c.),  and  others 
which  proceed  from  a  fungus.  In  these  we  may 
probably  find  the  solution  of  the  paradox.  The 
analogy  between  the  insect  which  frets  the  human 
skin  and  that  which  frets  the  garment  that  covers 
it,  between  the  fungous  growth  that  lines  the  crev- 
ices of  the  epidermis  and  that  which  creeps  in  the 
interstices  of  masonry,  is  close  enough  for  the  pur- 
poses of  a  ceremonial  law,  to  which  it  is  essential 
that  there  should  lie  an  arbitrary  element  inter- 
mingled with  provisions  manifestly  reasonable. 
Michaelis  has  suggested  a  nitrous  efllorescence  on 
the  surface  of  the  stone,  produced  by  saltpetre,  or 
rather  an  acid  containing  it,  and  issuing  in  red 
spots,  and  cites  the  e.\an.ple  of  a  liouse  in  Lubeck  ; 
he  mentions  also  exfoliation  of  the  stone  from  other 
causes  ;  but  probably  these  api)earanccs  would  not 
be  developed  without  a  greater  degree  of  damp  than 
is  common  in  Palestine  and  Arabia.  It  is  iianifest 
also  that  a  disease  in  the  human  subject  caused  by 
an  acarus  or  by  a  fungus  would  be 'certainly  con- 
tagious, since  (he  proj)agative  cause  could  lie  trans- 
ferred from  person  to  person.  1  he  lepers  of  the 
N.  T.  do  not  seem  to  offer  occasion  for  special  re- 
mark, save  that  by  the  N.  T.  period  the  disease,  as 
known  in  Palcsthie,  probably  did  not  ditter  nate- 
rially  from  the  record  of  it  by  Hippocrates.  "  Lep- 
rosy," says  Mr.  Jennings  (in  Fbn.),  "  was  polhilivp, 
fprtading  (in  respect  to  the  person  affict<d),  trant- 
tiiistive,  and  incurable  by  any  known  remedy.  It 
was  therefore  Ihe  niaiifling  simbol  of  fin,  the  most 
malignant  evil  in  God's  universe."  Purification  ; 
Uncleaxxkss. 

Le'^hem  (Heb.  =  a  gem,  translated  "lioire"  in 
A.  V. ;  forlresK,  Fii.)  =  Laisii,  afterward  Dak,  oc- 
curring only  in  Josh.  xix.  47  (twice). 

Le'theeh  [-thck]  (Ileb.  a  measure  for  grain,  so 
called  from  pouring,  Gcs.)  (IIos.  iii.  2,  margin). 
Weiohts  and  Measures. 

•  Letter,  Let'ters^     Epistle  ;  Writino. 

let'tns  (fr.  Gr.)  =  IIattisii  (1  Esd.  viii.  29). 

Le-tn'shim  (Heb.  thehammertd,  the  sharpened,  Oea.), 
second  son  of  Deoan,  son  of  Jokshan  (Gen.  xxv.  8 
[and  1  Chr.  i.  32,  Vulgate]).  Frcsnel  identifies  the 
name  with  Tasm,  one  of  the  ancient  and  extinct 
tribes  of  Arawa.     Leummim. 

Le-nrn'mim  (Heb.  peoples,  nations),  third  son,  or 
descendant,  of  Deuan  son  of  Jokshan  (Gen.  xxv.  3 
[1  Chr.  i.  32,  Vulgate]),  being  in  the  plural  form  like 
his  brethren,  Asshurim  and  Letushim.  The  name  evi- 
dently refers  to  a  tribe  or  people  sprung  from  Dedan. 


546 


LEV 


LEV 


Leummim  has  been  identified  with  Uie  AUoumai- 
totai  of  Ptolemy,  and  by  Fresnel  with  an  Arab  tribe 
called  Umeiyim.  The  latter  was  one  of  the  very 
ancient  tribes  of  Abasia  of  which  no  genealogy  is 
given  by  the  Arabs,  and  who  appear  to  have  been 
ante-Abrahamic,  and  possibly  aboriginal  inhabitants 
of  the  country. 

Lc'?l  (Ucb.  a  joining,  Ges.).  1.  Third  son  of 
Jacob  by  his  wife  Leah.  This,  like  most  other 
names  in  the  patriarchal  history,  was  connected 
with  the  thoughts  and  feelings  that  gathered  round 
the  child's  birth.  As  derived  from  Heb.  livdh,  to 
adhere,  it  gave  utterance  to  the  hope  of  the  mother 
that  the  affections  of  her  husband,  which  had  hither- 
to rested  on  the  favored  Rachel,  would  at  last  be 
drawn  to  her.  "  This  time  will  my  husband  be 
joined  unto  me,  because  I  have  borne  him  three 
sons  "  (Gen.  xxix.  34).  The  new-born  child  was  to 
be  a  fresh  Unk  binding  the  parents  to  each  other 
more  closely  than  before.  One  fact  alone  is  re- 
corded in  which  he  appears  prominent.  The  sons 
of  Jacob  have  come  from  Padan-aram  to  Canaan 
with  their  father,  and  are  with  him  "  at  Shalem,  a 
city  of  Shechem."  Their  sister  Dinah  goes  out  "  to 
see  the  daughters  of  the  land"  (xxxiv.  1),  i.  e.  as 
the  words  probably  indicate,  and  as  Josephus  (i.  21) 
distinctly  states,  to  be  present  at  one  of  their  great 
annual  gatherings  for  some  festival  of  Nature-wor- 
ship, analogous  to  that  which  we  meet  with  after- 
ward among  the  Midianites  (Num.  xxv.  2).  (Idol- 
ATBV.)  The  license  of  the  time  or  the  absence  of 
her  natural  guardians  exposes  her,  though  yet  in 
earliest  youth,  to  lust  and  outrage.  A  stain  is  left, 
not  only  on  her,  but  on  the  honor  of  her  kindred, 
which,  according  to  the  rough  justice  of  the  time, 
notlung  but  blood  could  wash  out.  The  duty  of  ex- 
torting that  revenge  fell,  as  in  the  case  of  Amnon 
and  Taraar  (2  Sam.  xiii.  22),  on  the  brothers  rather 
th5.n  the  father.  Simeon  and  Levi  take  the  task 
upon  themselves.  The  history  that  follows  is  that 
of  a  cowardly  and  repulsive  crime  (Gen. 
ixxiy.  25-31).  For  the  offence  of  one 
man,  they  destroy  and  plunder  a  whole 
city.  They  cover  their  murderous 
schemes  with  fair  words  and  profes- 
sions of  friendship.  They  make  the 
very  token  of  their  religion  the  instru- 
ment of  their  perfidy  and  revenge. 
Their  father,  timid  and  anxious  as  ever, 
utters  a  feeble  lamentation.  Of  other 
facts  in  the  life  of  Levi,  there  are 
none  in  which  he  takes,  as  in  this,  a 
prominent  and  distinct  part.  He 
shares  in  the  hatred  which  his  brothers 
bear  to  Joseph,  and  joins  in  the  plots 
against  him  (xxxvii.  4).  Simeon  appears 
to  have  been  foremost  in  this  attack  on 
the  favored  son  of  Rachel ;  and  it  is  at 
least  probable  that  in  this,  as  in  their 
former  guilt,  Simeon  and  Levi  were 
brethren.  Afterward  Levi,  with  his 
three  sons,  Gershon,  KoHATH,MERARi,went  down  into 
Egypt(xlvi.  11).  When  his  father's  death  draws  near, 
and  the  sons  are  gathered  round  him,  he  hears  the  old 
crime  brought  up  again  to  receive  its  sentence  from 
the  lips  that  are  no  longer  feeble  and  hesitating. 
Simeon  and  L^vi,  no  less  than  the  incestuous  first- 
born, had  forfeited  the  privileges  of  their  birthright. 
They  were  to  be  divided  in  Jacob  and  scattered  in 
Israel  (xlix.  5  ff.).  Levi  died  in  Egypt  at  the  age 
of  137  (E.X.  vi.  16).  From  him  were  descended 
MosiiB  and  Aabon  with  the  priests  (High-pbiest  ; 


Priest)  and  Levites. — 2.  Son  of  Melchi ;  one  of  the 
near  ancestors  of  our  Lord ;  great-grandfather  of 
Joseph  (Lk.  iii.  24). — 3i  A  more  remote  ancestor 
of  Christ ;  son  of  Simeon  (iii.  29). — 1>  Matthew 
(Mk.  ii.  14  ;  Lk.  v.  27,  29). 

Le-Ti'a-tlian  (Heb.  livydthin)  occurs  five  tiincs  in 
the  text  of  the  A.  V.,  and  once  in  the  Margin  of 
Job  iii.  8,  where  the  text  has  "  mourning."  In  the 
Hebrew  Bible  livyuOuin  (=  "leviathan,"  except  in 
Job  iii.  8)  is  found  only  in  Job  iii.  8,  xl.  25  (xli.  I, 
A.  v.);  Ps.  Ixxiv.  14,  civ.  26;  Is.  xxvii.  1.  In  the 
margin  of  Job  iii.  8,  and  text  of  Job  xli.  1,  and  Pa. 
Ixxiv.  14,  the  crocodile  is  most  clearly  the  animal 
denoted  by  the  Hebrew  word  (so  Mr.  Houghton,  the 
original  author  of  this  article).  The  crocodile, 
CrocodUus  vulgaris,  is  clothed  on  the  entire  upper 
part  of  the  body  with  distinct  series  of  bony  scales 
imbedded  in  the  skin,  and  constituting  a  coat-of- 
mail  capable  of  resisting  the  most  powerful  enemy. 
The  skull  is  remarkably  solid,  with  bony  crests. 
There  is  a  single  row  of  conical,  pointed  teetli  in 
each  jaw,  locking  into  each  other.  The  crocodile 
is  said  to  attain  a  length  of  twenty-five  feet.  A 
huge,  fierce,  cunning,  carnivorous  reptile,  it  is 
greatly  dreaded  in  the  hot  regions  of  which  it  is  a 
native.  It  was  worshipped  by  the  ancient  Egyp- 
tians. Job  iii.  8  is  beset  with  difficulties.  There 
can,  however,  be  little  doubt  that  the  margin  is  the 
correct  rendering.  There  appears  to  be  some  refer- 
ence to  those  who  practised  enchantments.  The 
detailed  description  of  leviathan  given  in  Job  xli. 
indisputably  belongs  to  the  crocodile.  The  Egyp- 
tian crocodile  also  is  certainly  the  UviaOmn  in  Ps. 
Ixxiv.  14.  The  leviathan  of  Ps.  civ.  20  Mr.  Hough- 
ton regards  as  some  animal  of  the  wuale  family. 
The  "  great  and  wide  sea  "  must  be  the  Mediter-  J 
rancan,  and  the  whale  is  found  there.  The  Orcal 
Oladiator  (Gray),  or  common  grampus,  and  thel 
Phyaalus  Aniiquorum  (Gray),  or  the  Rorqual  of  thei 
Mediterranean   (Cuvicr),    are    two  species   of  thej 


Crocodile  of  the  Nile  (Crocorfi7«»  vulgarU), — (Fba.) 


whale  family  not  uncommon  in  the  MediterraneaoJI 
and  anciently  the  species  may  have  been  more 
numerous.  The  crocodile  is  a  fresh-water  animal ; 
but,  as  allied  reptiles  frequent  salt  water,  the  croco- 
dile may  anciently  have  been  found  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean. There  is  some  uncertainty  about  the  levia- 
than of  Is.  xxvii.  1.  As  the  terra  leviathan  is  evi- 
dently used  in  no  limited  sense,  not  improliably 
"  leviathan  the  piercing  serpent,"  or  "  leviathan  the 
crooked  serpent,"  may  denote  some  species  of  the 
great  rock-snakes  {£oa  family)  which  a,te  common 


LEV 


LEV 


547 


in  S.  and  W.  Africa,  perhaps  the  Horltilia  Sebce, 
which  Schneider,  under  the  synonym  Jioa  liiero- 
gli/phiea,  appears  to  identify  with  the  huge  sei-pent 
represented  on  the  Egyptian  monuments.  Mr.  R.  S. 
Poole  (in  Kitto)  regards  leviathan  as  always  =  the 
crocodile ;  Mr.  Gosse  (in  Fairbairn)  regards  it  as 
specifically  =  the  crocodile,  though  perhaps  in  a 
later  a^e  used  indefinitely  for  any  huge  reptile. 
Perhaps  moiitter  may  be  as  good  a  translation  of 
the  Heb.  liriidthAn  as  any  that  can  be  found. 

•  L«¥  i-ratC  (fr.  L.  levir  =  hiutbaticTa  brother) 
Law.     Marriage. 

Le'Tis  (L.),  in  1  Esd.  ix.  14,  is  simply  a  corruption 
of  "  the  Levite  "  in  Ezr.  x.  15. 

L*'Tlte  (fr.  Heb.  =  dencendanl  of  Levi  1)  ;  plural 
Lf  TJtfS.  The  analogy  of  the  names  of  the  other 
tril)es  of  Israel  would  lead  us  to  include  under  "  Le- 
vites "  and  "  sons  of  Levi "  the  whole  tribe  that 
traced  its  descent  from  Levi.  The  existence  of 
another  division,  however,  within  the  tribe  itself,  in 
the  higher  office  of  the  priesthood  (Priest)  as  lim- 
ited to  "  the  sons  of  Aaron,"  gave  to  the  common 
form,  in  this  instance,  a  peculiar  meaning.  Most 
frequently  the  Levites  are  distinguished,  as  such, 
from  the  priests  (1  K.  viii.  4;  Ezr.  ii.  70;  Jn.  i.  19, 
&c.\  and  this  is  the  meaning  which  has  perpetuated 
itself.  Sometimes  the  word  extends  to  the  whole 
tribe,  the  priests  included  (Num.  xxxv.  2  ;  Josh.  xxi. 
3,  41 ;  Ex.  vi.  'J5  ;  Lev.  xxv.  32,  &c.).  Sometimes 
again  it  is  added  as  an  epithet  of  the  smaller  por- 
tion of  the  tribe,  and  we  read  of  "  the  priests  the 
Levites"  (Josh.  iii.  3;  Ez.  xliv.  15).  The  history 
of  the  tribe  and  of  the  functions  attached 
to  its  several  order.*,  is  obviously  essential  to 
any  right  apprehension  of  the  history  of  Lsrael 
as  a  people.  It  will  fall  naturally  into  four  great 
periods.  I.  The  time  of  the  Exodus.  II.  The  pe- 
riod of  the  Judges.  III.  That  of  the  Monarchy. 
IV.  That  from  the  Captivity  to  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem. — I.  The  absence  of  all  reference  to  the 
consecrated  character  of  the  Levites  in  Genesis  is 
noticealde  enough.  The  prophecy  of  Jacob  (Gen. 
xlix.  5-7)  was  indeed  fulfilled  with  singular  pre- 
cision ;  the  massacre  of  the  Shechemites  may  have 
contributed  to  influence  the  history  of  Levi's  de- 
scendant.^, by  fostering  in  them  the  same  fierce  wild 
zeal  against  all  that  threatened  to  violate  the  purity 
of  their  race ;  but  generally  what  strikes  us  is  the 
absence  of  all  recognition  of  the  later  character. 
In  the  genealogy  of  Gen.  xlvi.  11,  in  like  manner, 
the  list  docs  not  go  lower  down  than  the  three  sons 
of  Levi,  and  they  are  given  in  the  order  of  their 
birth,  not  in  that  which  would  have  corresponded  to 
the  official  superiority  of  the  Kohathites.  There 
are  no  signs,  again,  that  the  tribe  of  Levi  had  any 
special  preeminence  over  the  others  during  the 
Egyptian  bondaee.  Within  the  tribe  itself  there 
are  some  sliglit  tokens  that  the  Kohathites  are  gain- 
ing the  first  place  (Ex.  iv.  14,  vi.  23).  But  as  yet 
there  arc  no  traces  of  a  caste-character,  no  signs 
of  any  intention  to  establish  an  hereditary  priest- 
hood. l"p  to  this  time  the  Israelites  ha<l  wor- 
shipped the  God  of  their  fathers  after  their  fathers' 
manner.  (First-born.)  It  was  apparently  with 
this  as  their  ancestral  worship  that  they  came  up 
oat  of  E-rypt.  The  "  young  men  "  of  the  sons  of 
Israel  offer  s.icri!ices  (xxiv.  5).  They,  we  may  in- 
fer, are  the  priests  who  remain  with  the  people  while 
Moses  ascends  the  heights  of  Sinai  (xix.  22-24). 
They  represented  the  truth  that  the  whole  people 
were  "  a  kingdom  of  priests  "  (xix.  6).  Neither 
Ibcy  nor  the  "  officers  and  judges  "  appointed   to 


assist  Moses  in  administering  justice  (xviii.  25)  are 
connected  in  any  special  manner  with  the  tribe  of 
Levi.  The  first  step  toward  a  change  was  made  in 
the  institution  of  an  hereditary  priesthood  in  the 
family  of  Aaron,  during' the  first  withdrawal  of 
Moses  to  the  solitude  of  Sinai  (xxviii.  1).  The  next 
extension  of  the  idea  of  the  priesthood  grew  out 
of  the  terrible  consecration  of  themselves,  Es. 
xxxii.  (Calk.)  The  tribe  stood  forth,  separate  and 
apart,  recognizing  even  in  this  stern  work  the  spir- 
itual as  higher  than  the  natural,  and  tlierefore 
counted  worthy  to  be  the  representative  of  the 
ideal  life  of  the  people,  "  an  Israel  within  an  Israel." 
From  this  time  accordingly  they  occupied  a  distinct 
position.  The  tribe  of  Levi  was  to  take  the  place 
of  that  earlier  priesthood  of  the  first-bom  as  rep- 
resentatives of  the  holiness  of  the  people.  The 
minds  of  the  people  were  to  be  drawn  to  the  fact 
of  the  substitution  by  the  close  numerical  corre- 
spondence of  the  consecrated  tribe  (22,000) '  with 
that  of  those  whom  they  replaced  (22,273 ;  Num. 
iii.).  As  the  Tabernacle  was  the  sign  of  the  pres- 
ence among  the  people  of  their  unseen  King,  so  the 
Levites  were,  among  the  other  tribes  of  Israel,  as 
the  royal  gnard  that  waited  exclusively  on  Hira. 
When  the  people  were  at  rest,  they  encamped  as 
guardians  round  the  sacred  tent  (Num.  i.  51,  xviii. 
22).  The  Levites  might  come  nearer  than  the  other 
tribes;  but  they  might  not  sacrifice,  nor  burn  in- 
cense, nor  see  the  "holy  things"  of  the  sanctuary 
till  they  were  covered  (iv.  15).  When  on  the  march, 
no  hands  but  theirs  might  strike  the  tent  at  the 
commencement  of  the  day's  journey,  or  carry  the 
parts  of  its  structure  during  it,  or  pitch  the  tent 
once  again  when  they  halted  (i.  51).  It  was  obvi- 
ously essential  for  such  a  work  that  there  should  be 
a  fixed  assignment  of  duties ;  and  now  accordingly 
we  meet  with  the  first  outlines  of  the  organization 
which  afterward  became  permanent.  The  division 
of  the  tribe  into  the  three  sections  that  traced  their 
descent  from  the  sons  of  Levi,  formed  the  ground- 
work of  it.  (GEBi-noN  ;  KoHATii ;  Merari.)  The 
work  which  they  all  had  to  do  required  a  man's  full 
strength,  and,  therefore,  though  twenty  was  the 
starting-point  for  military  service  (Num.  i.),  they 
were  not  to  enter  on  their  active  service  till  they 
were  thirty  (iv.  23,  30,  35)."  At  fifty  they  were  to 
be  free  from  all  duties  but  those  of  superintendence 
(viii  25,  26).  The  result  of  this  limitation  gave  to 
the  Kohathites  2,750  on  active  service  outot  8,600; 
to  the  sons  of  Gershon  2,630  out  of  7,500  ;  to  those 
of  Merari  3,200  out  of  6,200  (iv.).  Of  these  the 
Kohathites,  as  nearest  of  kin  to  the  priests,  held 

'The  separate  numbers  in  Num.  HI.  (Gershon.  7,.500; 
Kohoth.  8,6(X) ;  Merari.  6.500)  give  a  total  of  28,800.  Tlie 
received  solution  of  the  cliscrenanoy  (so  Prof.  Plumptre, 
original  author  of  the  article  annve)  is  that  800  were  ttie 
ilrst-lmrn  of  the  levitui",  vl;o,  as  suih.  were  already  con- 
perratcd.  and  therefore  could  not  tal;c  the  place  of  ottiers. 
The  number  of  the  flrst-hom  appears  dispropon  iorately 
fmall ;  bnt  they  must  lie  at  once  (1.)  the  (irBt-lKim  of  the 
father.  (2.)  the  flrst-hom  of  the  mother.  (3.)  males.  Hou- 
Wfrant's  sagccstlon.  that  by  a  ccpyisfs  error  ^..^OO  Ko- 
bnthitea  In  verse  28  have  become  8,600,  is  adopted  by 
Phllippson,  Keil.  Ac. 

'  The  mention  of  twenty-flve  In  Num.  vlli.  24,  ns  the 
a?c  of  entrance,  may  lie  understood  either  of  a  yirobation- 
arv  period  diirinc  which  tbcvwere  trained  for  their  duties 
(Talmud.  Rafshl.  Mnimonidcs.  *c.X  or  of  the  lislitcr  work 
nf  ke(^pin"  the  gates  of  the  Tabernacle  (Rashtiim,  Abcn 
Ezra,  and  most  modern  cxposilorp).  Bahr,  Ac,  follow 
another  anrlcrt  Jewish  Interpretation  that  Num.  iv.  treats 
of  the  necessary  ajje  of  the  Levites  f(»r  the  requirements 
in  the  nMtrnwii.  and  cli.  vlli.  stves  their  age  /or  the 
jimrnUed  land,  when  in  their  division  amone;  the  trilies 
a  larger  number  would  be  wanted  (Dr.  Oinsburg.  In  Kitto). 


548 


UtT 


LEV 


from  the  first  the  highest  O-lices.  They  were  to 
bear  all  the  vessels  of  the  sanctuary,  tlio  ark  itself 
included  (iii.  31,  iv.  15  ;  Ueut.  xxxi.  25),  after  the 
priests  had  covered  them  with  dark-blue  cloth 
which  was  to  hide  them  from  all  profane  gaze ;  and 
thus  they  became  also  the  guardians  of  all  the 
sacred  treasures  which  the  people  had  so  freely  of- 
fere.l.  The  Gershonites  had  to  carry  the  tent-hang- 
ings and  curtains  (Num.  iv.  22-26).  The  heavier 
burden  of  the  boards,  bars,  and  pillars  of  the  Taber- 
nacle fell  on  the  sons  of  Merari.  Before  the  march 
began,  the  whole  tribe  was  once  again  solemnly  set 
apart  (viii.  5  if.).  The  new  institution  was,  however, 
to  receive  a  severe  shock  from  those  who  were  most 
interested  in  it.  The  section  of  the  Levites  whose 
position  brought  them  into  contact  with  the  tribe  of 
Reuben  conspired  with  it  to  reassert  the  old  patri- 
archal system  of  a  household  priesthood  (.\vi.). 
(KoR.vH  4.)  When  their  self-willed  ambition  had  been 
punished,  it  was  time  also  to  provide  more  definitely 
for  them,  and  this  involved  a  permanent  organization 
for  the  future  as  well  as  for  the  present.  Jehovah 
was  to  be  their  inheritance  (xviii.  20;  Deut.  x.  9, 
xviii.  2).  They  were  to  have  no  territorial  pos- 
sessions. In  place  of  them  they  were  to  receive 
from  tlie  others  the  tithen  of  the  produce  of  the 
land,  from  wliich  they,  in  their  turn,  offered  a  tithe 
to  the  priests,  as  a  recognition  of  their  higher  con- 
secration (Xum.  xviii.  21,  24,  26  ;  Neh.  x.  37).  When 
the  wanderings  of  the  people  should  be  over,  and 
the  Tabernacle  have  a  settled  place,  great  part  of 
the  labor  that  had  fallen  on  them  would  come  to  an 
end,  and  they,  too,  would  need  a  fixed  abode.  Dis- 
tinctness and  diffusion  were  both  to  be  secured  by 
the  assignment  to  the  whole  tribe  of  forty-eight 
cities,  with  an  outlying  "  suljurb  "  (Xum.  xxxv.  2)  of 
meadow-laud  for  the  pasturage  of  their  flocks  and 
herds.  (Sni)DRBS.)  The  reverence  of  the  people 
for  them  was  to  be  heightened  by  the  selection  of 
six  of  these  as  cities  of  refuge.  Through  the  whole 
land  the  Levites  were  to  take  the  place  of  the  old 
household  priests,  sharing  in  all  festivals  and  re- 
joicings (Deut.  xii.  19,  xiv.  26,  27,  xxvi.  11).  Every 
third  year  they  were  to  have  an  additional  share  in 
the  produce  of  the  land  (xiv.  28,  x.xvi.  12).  To 
"  the  priests  the  Levites  "  was  to  belong  the  office 
of  preserving,  transcribing,  and  interpreting  the  law 
(xvii.  9-12,  xxxi.  26).  They  were  solemnly  to  read 
it  every  seventh  year  at  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles 
(xxxi.  9-13).  They  were  to  pronounce  the  curses 
from  Mount  Ebal  (xxvii.  14).  Such,  if  one  may  so 
speak,  was  the  ideal  of  the  religious  organization 
which  was  present  to  the  mind  of  the  lawgiver. 
The  great  principle  was,  that  the  warrioi^caste  who 
had  guarded  the  tent  of  the  Captain  of  the  hosts  of 
Israel,  should  be  throughout  the  land  as  witnesses 
that  the  people  still  owed  allegiance  to  Him.  As 
yet,  no  traces  appear  of  their  character  as  a  learned 
caste,  and  of  the  work  which  afterward  belonged  to 
them  as  hymn-writers  and  musicians.  (Music.) — II. 
The  successor  of  Moses,  though  belonging  to  an- 
other tribe,  did  faithfully  all  that  could  be  done  to 
convert  this  idea  into  a  reality.  The  submission  of 
the  GiDEO.MTES,  after  they  had  obtained  a  promise 
that  their  lives  should  be  spared,  enabled  him  to  re- 
lieve the  tribe-divisions  of  Gershon  and  Merari  of 
the  most  burdensome  of  their  duties.  The  con- 
quered Hivites  became  "  hewers  of  wood  and  draw- 
ers of  water  "  for  the  house  of  Jehovah  and  for  the 
congregation  (Josh.  ix.  27).  (Nethinim  ;  Solomon's 
Servants,  CmLniiEN  of.)  As  soon  as  the  con- 
querors had  advanced  far  enough  to  proceed  to  a 


a.  Gershonites. 


partition  of  the  country,  the  forty-eight  cities  were 

assigned  to  them  (xxi.)  thus  : 

1.  Kohathites ; 

i    Prioata  (  Judah  and  Simcon 9 

^  "^ests )  Benjamin 4  1 

i  Eplii'aim 4  I 

B.  Not  Prleate  ...■{  Dan 4 

(  Halt  Mauass^h  ( VV.) 31 

(  Half  Muuasbeli  (E.) 2  j 

J  Issachar 4  ] 

1  Asher 4J 

I,  NapUtall 3  I 

I  Zcbulun 4  I 

3.  Merarites -!  Keuben 4J 

(Qad 4| 

43) 

The  scanty  memorials  in  Judges  fail  to  show  how 
far,  for  any  length  of  time,  the  reality  answered  to 
the  idea.  The  tendency  of  the  people  to  fall  into 
the  idolatry  of  the  neighboring  nations  showed 
either  that  the  Levites  failed  to  bear  their  witness 
to  the  truth  or  had  no  power  to  enforce  it.  The  old 
household  priesthood  revives,  and  there  is  the  risk 
of  the  national  worship  breaking  up  into  individ- 
ualism (Judg.  xvii.).  (Micaii  1  ;  Jonathan  5.)  The 
shameless  license  of  the  sons  of  En  may  be  looked 
upon  as  the  result  of  a  long  period  of  decay,  affect- 
ing the  whole  order.  The  work  of  Samuel  was  the 
starting-point  of  a  better  time.  Himself  a  Levite, 
and,  tliough  not  a  priest,  belonging  to  tliat  section 
of  the  Levites  which  was  nearest  to  the  priesthood 
(1  Chr.  vi.  28),  adopted  as  it  were,  by  a  special  ded- 
ication, into  the  priestly  line  and  trained  for  its  of- 
fices (1  Sam.  ii.  18),  he  appears  as  infusing  a  fresh 
life,  the  author  of  a  new  organization.  There  is  no 
reason  to  think,  indeed,  that  the  companies  orj 
schools  of  the  sons  of  the  prophets  which  appear^ 
in  his  time  (x.  5),  and  are  traditionally  said  to  havi 
been  founded  by  him,  consisted  exclusively  of  Li 
vites  ;  but  there  are  many  signs  that  the  members^ 
of  that  tribe  formed  a  large  element  in  tlie  new  order, 
and  received  new  strength  from  it.  (Prophkt. 
III.  Tlie  capture  of  the  Ark  by  the  Philistines  dii 
not  entirely  interrupt  the  worship  of  the  Israelit( 
and  the  ministrations  of  the  Levites- went  on,  firsi 
at  Shiloh  (1  Sam.  xiv.  3),  then  for  a  time  at  Kol 
(xxii.  11),  afterward  at  Gibeon  (1  K.  iii.  2;  1  Chri 
xvi.  39).  The  history  of  the  return  of  the  Ark  ti 
Beth-shemesh  after  its  capture  by  the  Philistines; 
and  its  subsequent  removal  to  KiRjATn-jEARiu, 
points  apparently  to  some  strange  complicationi 
rising  out  of  the  anomalies  of  this  period,  and  af 
fccting,  in  some  measure,  the  position  of  the  tril 
of  Levi.  (Abinadab  1  ;  High  Places.)  The  rul 
of  Samuel  and  his  sons,  and  the  [jrophetical  charac-" 
ter  now  connected  with  the  tribe,  tended  to  give 
them  the  position  of  a  ruling  caste.  In  the  strong 
desire  of  the  people  for  a  king,  we  may  perhaps 
trace  a  protest  against  the  assumption  by  the  Le- 
vites of  a  higher  position  than  that  originally  as- 
signed. The  reign  of  Saul,  in  its  later  period,  was 
at  any  rate  the  assertion  of  a  self-willed  power 
against  the  priestly  order.  (Ahimelech  1  ;  Gibeon- 
ites.)  The  reign  of  David,  however,  wrought  the^ 
change  from  persecution  to  honor  (1  Chr.  xii.  26 
When  his  kingdom  was  established,  there  came 
fuller  organization  of  the  whole  tribe.  Their  posi 
tion  in  relation  to  the  priesthood  was  once  again 
definitely  recognized.  When  the  Ark  was  carried 
up  to  its  new  resting-place  in  Jerusalem,  their  claim 
to  be  the  hearers  of  it  was  publicly  acknowledged 
(xv.  2).  (Obed-edom.)  In  the  procession  which 
attended  the  ultimate  conveyance  of  the  Ark  to  its 
new  resting-place   the  Levites  were   conspicuous, 


11 


LEV 


LEV 


549 


wearing  their  linen  ephods,  and  appearing  in  their 
new  character  as  niiustrels  (xv.  27,  28).  In  the 
worship  ot  the  Tabernacle  under  David,  as  after- 
ward in  that  of  the  Temple,  we  may  trace  a  de- 
vtlo|)nient  of  the  simpler  arrangements  of  the  wil- 
ci.  1  iiess  and  of  Shiloh.  The  Levites  were  the  gate- 
keepers, vergers,  sacristans,  choristers  of  the  cen- 
tral sanctuary  of  the  nation.  They  were,  in  the 
language  of  1  t'hr.  xxiii.  24-32,  "  to  wait  on  the 
sons  of  Aaron  for  the  service  of  the  house  of  Je- 
hovah, in  the  courts,  and  the  chambers,  and  the 
purifying  of  all  hcily  things."  This  included  the 
duty  of  providing  "  for  the  shew-bread,  and  the  fine 
flour  for  meat-offering,  and  for  the  unleavened 
bread."  They  were,  besides  this,  "  to  stand  every 
morning  to  thank  and  praise  Jehovah,  and  likewise 
at  even."  They  were  lastly  "  to  offer  " — L  e.  to  as- 
sist the  priests  in  offering — "  all  burnt-sacrifices  to 
Jehovah  in  the  sabbaths  and  on  the  set  feasts." 
They  lived  for  the  greater  part  of  the  year  in  their 
own  cities,  and  came  up  at  fixed  periods  to  take 
their  turn  of  work  (xxv.,  xxvi.).  How  long  it  lasted 
we  have  no  sullicient  data  for  determining.  The 
education  which  the  Levites  received  for  their  pe- 
culiar duties,  no  less  than  their  connection,  more  or 
less  intimate,  with  the  schools  of  the  prophets 
(Prophet),  would  tend  to  make  them,  so  fi:r  as 
there  was  any  ei>ucation  at  all,  the  teachers  of  the 
others,  the  transcribers  and  interpreters  of  the  Law, 
the  chroniclers  of  the  times  in  which  they  lived. 
(ScBiBr.)  We  have  some  striking  instances  of  their 
appearance  in  this  new  character.  (Judge;  Siie- 
UAIAII 8.)  The  two  books  of  Chronicles  bear  unnis- 
takablo  marks  of  having  been  written  by  men  whose 
uitcre.'tswcre  all  gathered  round  the  services  of  the 
Temple,  and  who  were  familiar  with  its  records. 
The  Ibrmer  subdivisions  of  the  tribe  were  recog- 
nized in  the  assignment  of  the  new  duties,  and  the 
Kohathites  retained  their  old  preeminence  (1  Chr. 
ix.  19, 32,  XV.  5-10,  xxvi.  80).  (Asaph  ;  Hemas  ;  Jeih-- 
TiiCN.)  Now  they  were  to  enter  on  their  work  at 
the  age  of  twenty  (xxiii.  24-27).  As  in  the  old 
days  of  the  Kxodns,  so  in  the  organization  under 
David,  the  Levites  were  not  included  in  the  general 
census  of  the  people  (xxi.  6),  and  formed  according- 
ly no  portion  of  its  military  strength.  A  separate 
censui,  made  apparently  before  the  change  of  age 
just  mentioned  (xxiii.  3),  gives — 24,000  over  tlie 
work  of  the  Temple,  6,000  officers  and  judges,  4,000 
porters,  i.  e.  gatekeepers,  and,  as  such,  bearing 
arms(ix.  19 ;  2  Chr.  xxxi.  2),  4,000  praising  Jehovah 
with  instruments.  The  latter  number,  however, 
tnust  have  included  the  full  choruses  of  the  Tem- 
ple. Tl.c  more  skilled  musicians  among  the  sons 
of  Hcman,  Asaph,  and  Jeduthun  are  numbered  at 
288,  in  24  sections  of  12  each.  (Misir.)  The  re- 
volt of  the  ten  tribes,  and  the  policy  pursued  by 
Jep.oboam  1(Calf;  Iuolatry),  led  to  a  great  change 
in  the  position  of  the  Levites.  They  were  the  wit- 
nesses of  an  appointed  order  and  of  a  central  wor- 
ship. He  wished  to  make  the  priests  the  creatures 
•nd  instruments  of  the  king,  and  to  establish  a  pro- 
rincial  and  divided  worship.  The  natural  result 
was,  that  they  left  the  cities  assigned  to  them  in  the 
territory  of  Israel,  and  gathered  round  the  metrop- 
olis of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xi.  13,  14).  In  the  kingdom 
of  Judah  they  were,  from  this  time  forward,  a 
powerful  body,  politically  as  well  as  ecclesiastically. 
We  find  them  prominent  in  the  war  of  Abijah 
Rgainst  Jeroboam  (xiii.  10-12).  They  are  sent  out 
by  Jehoshaphat  to  instruct  and  judge  the  people 
(xji.  8-10).     The  apostasy  that  followed  on   the 


I  marriage  of  Jehoram  and  Athaliah  exposed  them 
I  for  a  time  to  the  dominance  of  a  hostile  system ; 
but  the  services  of  the  Temple  appear  to  have  gone 
on,  and  the  Levites  were  again  conspicuous  in  the 
counter-revolution  effected  by  Jehoiada  (xxiii.),  and 
in  restoring  the  Temple  to  its  former  stattlincss 
under  Joash  (xxiv.  5).     The  closing  of  the  Temple 
under  Ahaz  involved  the  cessation  at  once  of  tlicir 
work  and  of  their  privileges  (xxviii.  24).     Under 
Hezekiah  they  again  became  prominent,  as  conse- 
crating themselves  to  the  special  work  of  cleansing 
and  repairing  the  Temple  (xxix.   12-15,  S4);  and 
the  hymns  of  David  and  of  Asaph  wire  again  le- 
newed.      Tlicir  old   privileges  were  restored,  they 
were  put  forward  as  teachers  (xxx.  22),  and  the 
I  payment  of  tithes,  which  had  probably  been  dis- 
i  continued  under  Ahaz,  was  renewed  (xxxi.  4).     The 
genealogies  of  the  tribe  were  revised  (ver.  17),  and 
the  old  classification  kept  its  ground.     The  reign 
of  JIanassch  was  for  them,  during  the  greater  part 
of  it,  a  period  of  depression.     That  of  Josiah  wit- 
nessed a  fresh  revival  and  reorganization  (xxxiv.  8- 
I  18).     In  the  great  passover  of  his  eighteenth  year 
i  they  took  their  place  as  teachers   of  the   people, 
I  us  well  as  leaders  of  their  worship  (xxxv.  3,  15). 
I  Then  came  the  Egyptian  and  Chaldean  invasions, 
and  the  rule  of  cowardly  and  apostate  kings.     The 
sacred   tribe   itself  showed    itself  unfaithful   (Ez. 
xliv.  10-14,  xlviii.  11).     They  had,  as   the  penalty 
of  their  sin,  to  witness  the  destruction  of  the  Tem- 
ple,   and   to   taste   the   bitterness    of  exile. — IV. 
After  the  Captivity.      The   position   taken  by  the 
Levites  in  the  first  movements  nf  the  return  from 
Babylon  indicates  that  they  had  cherished  the  tra- 
ditions and  maintained  the  practices  of  their  tribe. 
They,  we  may  believe,  were  tliose  who  were  spe- 
cially called  on  to  sing  to  their  conquerors  one  of 
the  soiigs  of  Zion.     It  is  noticeable,  however,  that 
in  the  first  body  of  returning  exiles  they  are  pres- 
ent in  a  dkproportionately  small  number  (Ezr.  ii. 
36-42).     Those  who  do  cf  me  take  their  old  parts 
at  the  foundation  and    dedication   of  the    second 
Temple  (iii.    10,  vi.   18).     In  the  next  movement, 
under  Ezra,  their  reluctance  (whatever  may  have 
been  its  origin)  was  even  more  strongly  marked. 
None    of  tl  em    presented    themselves  at  the  f.rst 
[  great  gathering  (viii.  15).      The  special. efforts  of 
Ezra  did   not   succeed   in  bringing  together  more 
than  38,  and  their  place  had  to   be  filled  by  220 
of  the  Nethinim  (ver.  20).      Those  who   returned 
with  him  resumed  their  lunelions  at  the  fcas-t  of 
Tabernacles  as  teachers  and  interpreters  (Neh.  viii. 
7),  and  those  who  were  most  active  in  that  work 
were    foremost   also    in     chanting   the   hymn-like 
prayer  which  appears  in  Nch.  ix.  as  the  last  great 
effort  of  Jewish  psalmody.     They  are  recognized 
in  the   great   national  covenant,  and  the  oiTerings 
and    tithes  which  were   their   due  are  once  more 
solemnly  secured  to  them  (x.  37-39).     They  take 
I  their  old  places  in  the  Temple  and  in  the  villages 
i  near  Jerusalem  (xii.  29),  and  are  present  in  full 
i  array  at  the  great  feast  of  the  Dedication  of  the 
Wall.     The  two  prophets  who  were  active  at  the 
j  time  of  the  Return,  Ilaggai  and  Zeehariah,  if  they 
did  not  belong  to  the  tribe,  helped  it  forward  in 
1  the  work  of  restoration.     The  strongest  measures 
j  are  adopted  by  Nehemiah,  as    before  by  Ezra,  to 
'  guard  the  purity  of  their  blood  from  the  contami- 
;  nation  of  mixed  marriages  (Ezr.  x.  23);  and  they 
'  are  made  the  special  guardians  of  the  holiness  of 
t  the  Sabbath  (Neh.  xiii.  22).     The  last  prophet  of 
I  the  0.  T.  sees,  as  part  of  his  vision  of  the  latter  days, 


550 


LEV 


LEV 


the  time  when  the  Lord  "  shall  purify  the  sons  of  j 
Levi  "  (Mai.  iii.  3).  Th2  guidance  of  the  0.  T.  fails 
us  at  this  point,  and  the  history  of  t!ie  Levites  in  ! 
relation  to  the  national  life  becomes  consequently 
a  matter  of  inference  and  conjecture.  The  sysa- 
GoatJE  worehip,  then  originated,  or  receiving  a  new  ' 
development,  was  organized  irrespectively  of  them,  i 
and  thus  throughout  Palestine  there  were  means  of 
instruction  in  the  Law  with  which  they  were  not 
connected.  During  the  period  "that  followed  the 
Captivity  they  contributed  to  the  formation  of  the 
so-called  Great  Synagogue.  (Syxagooce,  the  Great.) 
Tliey,  with  the  priests,  theoretically  constituted  and 
practically  formed  the  majority  of  the  permanent 
Saxhedrlvi,  and  as  such  liad  a  large  share  in  the 
administration  of  justice  even  in  capital  cases.  They 
take  no  prominent  part  in  the  Maooabean  struggles, 
though  they  must  have  been  present  at  the  great 
purification  of  the  Temple.  They  appear  but  seldom 
in  the  history  of  the  N.  T.  AVhere  we  meet  with 
their  names  it  is  as  tlie  type  of  a  formal  heartless 
worship,  without  sympathy  and  without  love  (Lk.  x. 
32).  In  Jn.  i.  19  they  appear  as  delegates  of  the 
Jews,  i.  e.  of  the  Sanhedrim,  to  inquire  into  the 
credentials  of  the  Baptist,  and  giving  utterance  to 
their  own  Messianic  expectations.  Tlie  mention  of 
a  Levite  of  Cyprus  in  Acts  iv.  38  shows  that  the 
changes  of  the  previous  century  had  carried  that 
tribe  also  into  "  the  dispersed  among  the  Gentiles." 
Later  on  in  the  history  of  the  first  century,  when 
the  Temple  had  received  its  final  completion  under 
the  younger  Agrippa,  we  find  one  section  of  the 
tribe  engaged  in  a  new  movement.  With  that 
strange  unconsciousness  of  a  coming  doom  which  so 
often  mirks  the  last  stage  of  a  decaying  system,  tlie 
singers  of  the  Temple  thought  it  a  fitting  time  to 
apply  for  the  right  of  wearing  the  same  linen  gar- 
ment as  the  priests,  and  persuaded  the  king  that 
the  concession  of  this  privilege  would  be  the  glory 
of  his  reign  (Jo3.  xx.  8,  §  6).  Tiie  other  Levites  at 
the  same  time  asked  for  and  obtained  the  privilege 
of  joining  in  the  Temple  choruses,  from  which 
hitherto  they  had  been  excluded.  The  destruction 
of  the  Temple  so  soon  after  they  had  attained  the 
object  of  their  desires  came  as  with  a  grim  irony  to 
sweep  away  their  occupation,  and  so  to  deprive  them 
of  every  vestige  of  that  which  had  distinguished 
them  from  other  Israelites.  They  were  merged  in 
the  crowd  of  captives  that  were  scattered  over  the 
Roman  world,  and  disappear  from  the  stage  of  his- 
tory. Looking  at  the  long  history  of  which  the  out- 
line has  been  here  traced,  we  find  in  it  the  light  and 
darkness,  the  good  and  evil,  which  mingle  in  the 
character  of  mo.H  corporate  or  caste  societies.  On 
the  one  hand,  the  Levites,  as  a  tribe,  tended  to  fall 
into  a  formal  worship,  a  narrow  and  exclusive  ex- 
altation of  themselves  and  of  their  country.  On  the 
other  hand,  they  were  chosen,  together  with  the 
priesthood,  to  bear  witness  of  great  truths  which 
might  otherwise  have  perished  from  remembrance, 
and  they  bore  it  well  through  a  long  succession  of 
centuries.  It  is  not  often,  in  the  history  of  the 
world,  that  a  religious  caste  or  order  has  passed 
away  with  more  claims  to  the  respect  and  gratitude 
of  mankind  than  the  tribe  of  Levi  (so  Prof.  Plump- 
tre). 

Le-rtt'l-tns  (L.  adj.  =  pertaining  to  Levi,  or  to  the 
Levites,  Zevitical ;  fr.  the  title  in  the  Vulg.  LV>er 
ZeviticiMi,  i.  e.  the  Levitical  hook.  The  Feb.  title  is 
vat/yilcrd  [A.  V.  "  and  called  "],  the  first  word  in  the 
book  giving  it  its  name).  (Pentateuch.) — Contents. 
The  book  consists  of  the  following  principal  sec- 


tions:— I.  Tlie  laws  touching  sacrifices  (chapters 
i.-vii.).     11.  An  historical  section  containing,  first, 
the  consecration  of  Aaron  and  his  sons  (cliapter 
viii.);  next,  his  first  offering  for  himself  and  his  peo- 
ple (ix.) ;  and  lastly,  the  destruction  of  N adab  and 
Abihu,  the  sons  of  Aaron,  for  their  presumptuous 
oflfence  (x.).   III.  The  laws  concerning  purity  and  im- 
purity, and  the  appropriate  sacrifices  and  ordinances 
for  putting  away  impurity  (xi.-xvi.).      IV.    Laws 
chiefly  intended  to  mark  the  separation  between 
Israel  and  the  heathen  nations  (xvii.-xx.).     V.  Laws 
concerning  the  priests  (xxi.,  xxii.) ;  and  certain  holy- 
days  and  festivals  (xxiii.,  xxv.),  together  with  an 
episode  (xxiv.).     The  section  extends  from  chapter 
xxi.  1  to  xxvi.  2.     VI.  Promises  and  threats  (xxvi. 
8-46).     VII.  An  appendix  containing  the  laws  con- 
cerning vows  (xxvii.). — I.  ExoDcs  concludes  with 
the  account  of  the  completion  of  the  Tabernacle. 
From  the  Tabernacle,  thus  rendered  glorious  by  the 
Divine  Presence,  issues  the  legislation  contained  in 
Leviticus.     As  Jehovah  draws  near  to  the  people  in 
the  Tabernacle,  so  the  people  draw  near  to  Jehovah 
in  the  offering.     AVithout  offerings  none  may  ap- 
proach Him.     The  regulations  respecting  the  sacri- 
fices fall  into  three  groups,  and  each  of  these  groups 
again  consists  of  a  decalogue  of  instructions.     Ecr- 
theau  has  observed  that  this  principle  runs  through 
all  the  laws  of  Moses.     His  arrangement,  though 
not  fully  approved,  is  here  given  in  the  main,  as 
suggestive   at   least  of  the  main  structure  of  the 
book.      1.  The  first  group  of  regulations  (chapters 
i.-iii.)  deals  with  three  kinds  of  offerings  :  the  bumt- 
ofiering,  the  meat-ofTcring,  and  the  thank-offering. 
i.  The  buknt-offerixo  (chapter  i.)  in  three  sections. 
It  might  be  either  (1.)  a  male  without  blemish  from 
the  herds,  verses  3-9  ;  or,  (2.)  a  male  without  blem- 
ish from  the  Jlocks,  or  lesser  cattle,  verses  10-13; 
or  (3.)  it  might  be  fowls,  an  offering  of  turtle-doves 
or  young  pigeons,  verses  14-17.     ii.  The  next  group  , 
(chapter  ii.)  presents  many  more  difiicultics.     Thel 
meat-offering,  or  bloodless   offering,  in  four  sec-  ] 
tions:  (1.)  in  its  uncooked  form,  consisting  of  fine  ' 
flour  with  oil  and  frankincense,  verses  1-3;  (2.)  in^ 
its  cooked  form,  of  which  three  different  kinds  are  ' 
specified — baked  in  the  oven,  fried,  or  boiled,  verses  ; 
4-10;  (3.)  the  prohibition  of  leaven,  and  the  direc- 
tion to  use  salt  in  all  the  meat-offerings,  11-18  ;  (4.).! 
the  oblation  of  first-friits,  14-16.     This  seems  onj 
tlic  whole  the  best  arrangement  of  the  group  (so T 
Mr.  J.  J.  S.  Perowne).    The  Masoretic  arrangement  isl 
in  five  sections :  verses  1-3  ;  4;  6,  6;  7-13;  14-16. 
iii.    The   "peace-offering"   (A.   V.),   or   "thank- 
offering"  (Ewald)  (chapter  iii.),  in  three  sections.] 
Strictly  speaking  this  falls  under  two  heads :  first,! 
when  it  is  of  the  herd;  and  secondly,  when  it  is  of] 
the  flock.     But  this  last  has  again  its  subdivision;! 
for  the  offering  when  of  the  flock  may  be  cither  al 
lamb  or  a  goat.     Accordingly  the  three  sections  aroj 
versos  1-5;  7-11;  12-16;  and  verse  17  a  general | 
conclusion.     This  concludes  the  first  Decalogue  of 
the  book.     2.  Chapters  iv.,  v.   The  laws  concerning 
the  sin-offering  and  the  trespass-  (or  guilt-)  offering. 
The  sin-offering  (chapter  iv.)  is  treated  of  under;, 
four  specified  cases,  after  a  short  introduction  to, 
the  whole  in  verses  1,  2  ;  (1.)  the  sin-offering  for  the|^ 
priest,  3-12  ;  (2.)  for  the  whole  congregation,  13-21 ;,  _ 
(S.)  for  a  ruler,  22-26 ;  (4.)  for  one  of  the  common 
people,  27-35.     After  these  four  cases,  in  which  the' 
offering  is  to  be  made  for  four  different  classes,  there 
follow  provisions  respecting  three  several  kinds  of 
transgression  for  wliich  atonement  must  be  made 
(v.  1-4).     We  may  follow  Bertheau,  BaumgartcnJ' 


LEV 


LEV. 


351 


and  Knobel,  id  regarding  them  as  special  instances 
ill  which  a  nnollering  was  to  be  brought.  The 
Decalogue  is  then  completed  by  the  three  regula- 
tions respecting  the  guilt-oiJering  (or  trespass-offer- 
ing;, verses  14-16,  17-19,  20-2ti.  As  in  the  former 
Decalogue,  the  nature  of  the  offerings,  so  in  this  the 
person  and  the  nature  of  the  offence  are  the  chief 
Icatures  in  the  several  statutes.  3.  Chapters  vi.,  vii. 
Naturally  upon  the  law  of  sacrifices  follows  the  law 
of  the  priests'  duties  when  they  offer  the  sacrifices. 
In  this  group  the  different  kinds  of  offerings  are 
named  in  nearly  the  same  order  as  in  the  two  pre- 
ceding Decalogues,  except  that  the  offering  at  the 
consecration  of  a  priest  Ibllows,  instead  of  the  thank- 
offering,  immediately  after  the  meat-offering,  which 
it  resembles ;  and  the  thank-offering  now  appears 
after  the  trespass-offering.  There  are  therelbre,  in 
all,  six  kinds  of  offerings ;  and  in  each  the  priest  has 
bis  distinct  duties.  Bertheau  has  arranged  the 
enactments  respecting  these  duties  in  five  Deca- 
logues: vi.  9-13  and  14-18;  19-30;  vii.  1-10;  11- 
21 ;  23-33.  Chapter  vii.  closes  with  a  brief  his- 
torical notice  of  the  fact  that  these  several  com- 
mands were  given  to  Moses  on  Mount  Sinai  (verses 
85-38). — n.  Chapters  viii.-x.  This  section  is  en- 
tirely historical.  In  chapter  viii.  we  have  the  ac- 
count of  the  consecration  of  Aaron  and  his  sons  by 
Moses  before  the  whole  congregation.  In  chapter 
i.t.  Aaron  offers,  eight  days  after  his  consecration, 
his  first  offering  for  himself  and  the  people.  Chap- 
ter X.  tells  how  Xadab  and  Abihu  perished  because 
of  their  presumption. — III.  Chapters  xi.-xvi.  The 
first  seven  Decalogues  had  reference  to  the  putting 
away  of  guilt.  The  next  seven  concern  themselves 
with  the  putting  away  of  impurity.  That  chapters 
xi.-xv.  hang  together  so  as  to  form  one  series  of  laws 
there  can  be  no  doubt.  The  only  question  is  about 
chapter  xvi.,  which  by  its  opening  is  connected  im- 
mediately with  the  occurrence  related  in  chapter  x. 
Historically  it  would  seem  therefore  that  chapter 
xvi.  ought  to  have  followed  chapter  x.  And  as  this 
order  is  neglected,  it  would  lead  us  to  suspect  that 
some  other  principle  of  arrangement  than  that  of 
historical  sequence  has  been  adopted.  This  we  find 
in  the  solemn  significance  of  the  Day  of  Atone- 
ment (xvi.).  1.  The  first  Decalogue  in  this  group 
refers  to  clean  and  unclean  flesh.  (Unclean 
MlATS.)  Five  classes  of  animals  are  pronounced  un- 
clean. The  first  four  enactments  declare  what  ani- 
mals may  and  may  not  be  eaten,  whether  (1.)  beasts 
of  the  earth  (2-8),  or  (2.)  fishes  (9-12),  or  (3.)  birds 
(13-20),  or  (4.)  creeping  things  with  wings  (21-23). 
The  next  four  are  inttnded  to  guard  against  pollu- 
tion bv  contact  with  the  carcass  of  any  of  these 
animals:  (6.)  ver.  24-26;  (6.)  vcr.  27,  28;  (7.) 
ver.  29-38;  (8.)  ver.  39,  40.  The  ninth  and 
tenth  specify  the  last  class  of  animals  which  arc 
unclean  for  food;  (9.)  41,  42,  and  forbid  any  other 
kind  of  pollution  by  means  of  them,  (10.)  43-46. 
Ver.  46  and  47  are  merely  a  concluding  sum- 
mary. 2.  Chapter  xii.  Women's  purification  in 
childl>c<l.  The  whole  of  this  chapter,  according  to 
Bertheau,  constitutes  the  first  law  of  this  Decalogue. 
The  remaining  nine  are  to  be  found  in  the  next 
chapter,  which  treats  of  the  signs  of  leprosy  in  man 
and  in  garments.  8.  Chapter  xiv.  1-32.  "  The  law 
of  the  leper  in  the  day  of  his  cleansing,"  i.  e.  the 
law  which  the  pried  is  to  observe  in  purifying  the 
lep^r.  The  priest  is  mentioned  in  ten  verses,  each 
of  which  begins  one  of  the  ten  sections  of  this  law 
(8,4,5,11,  12,  14,  16,  16,  19,  20).  4.  Chapter 
xiv.  83-67.  The  leprosy  in  a  bouse,  concluding  with 


a  short  summary,  verses  64-57,  which  closes  the 
statute  concerning  leprosy.  6  and  6.  The  law 
of  uncleanness  by  issue,  &c.,  in  two  decalogues ; 
chapters  xv.  1-15 ;  16-31.  Ver.  32  and  S3  form 
merely  the  same  general  conclusion  as  in  xiv.  64- 
67.  7.  Chapter  xvi.  treats  of  the  Great  Day  of  Atone- 
ment. (AiONKMENT,  Day  of.)  The  Law  itself  is 
contained  in  ver.  1-28.  Ver.  21-84  consist  of 
an  exhortation  to  its  careful  observance.  In  the 
act  of  atonement  three  persons  are  concerned.  The 
high-priest — in  this  instance  Aaron;  the  man  who 
leads  away  the  goat  for  Azazel  into  the  wilderness; 
and  he  who  burns  the  skin,  flesh,  and  dung  of  the 
bullock  and  goat  of  the  sin-oftering  wilhout  the 
camp.  The  last  two  have  special  purifications  as- 
signed them.  The  ninth  and  tenth  enactments  pre- 
scribe what  these  purifications  are.  The  duties  of 
Aaron  consequently  ought,  if  the  division  into  dec- 
ades la  correct,  to  be  comprised  in  eight  enactments. 
According  to  this  the  Decalogue  will  stand  thus : — 
(1.)  ver.  2;  (2.)  vcr.  3-6;  (3.)  ver.  6,  7;  (4.) 
ver.  8;  (6.)  ver.  9,  10;  (6.)  ver.  11-19;  (7.)  ver. 
20-22;  (8.)  ver.  23-25;  (9.)  ver.  26;  (10.)  ver. 
27,  28.  We  have  now  reached  the  great  cen- 
tral point  of  the  book.  Two  great  tiuths  have 
been  established :  first,  that  God  can  only  be  ap- 
proached by  means  of  appointed  sacrifices ;  next, 
that  man  in  nature  and  life  is  full  of  pollution,  which 
must  be  cleansed.  And  now  a  third  is  taught,  viz. 
that  not  by  several  cleansings  for  several  sins  and 
pollutions  can  guilt  be  put  away.  The  several  acts 
of  sin  are  but  so  many  manifestations  of  the  sinful 
nature.  For  this,  therefore,  also  must  aioniment 
be  made. — IV.  Chapters  xvii.-xx.  And  now  Israel 
is  reminded  that  It  is  the  holy  nation.  Ihe  great 
atonement  offered,  it  is  to  enter  upon  a  new  life.  It 
is  a  separate  nation,  sanctified  and  set  apart  for  the 
service  of  God.  Here  consequently  we  f  nd  those 
laws  and  ordinances  which  especially  distinguish 
the  nation  of  Israel  (rom  all  other  nations.  Here 
again  we  may  trace,  as  befoie,  a  group  of  seven  dec- 
alogues. But  the  several  decalogues  arc  not  so 
clearly  marked;  nor  are  the  characteristic  phrases 
and  the  introductions  and  conclusions  so  common. 
In  chapter  xviii.  there  are  twenty  enactments,  and 
in  chapter  xix.  thirty.  In  chapter  xvii.,  on  the 
other  hand,  there  are  only  six,  and  in  ehupter  xx. 
there  are  fourteen.  Bertheau,  In  order  to  preserve 
the  usual  arrangement  of  the  laws  in  decalogues, 
would  transpose  chapter  xviii.,  and  place  it  after 
chapter  xix.  There  is,  however  (so  Mr.  Peronnc),  a 
point  of  connection  between  chapters  xvii.  and  xviii. 
which  must  not  be  overlooked,  and  which  seems  to 
indicate  that  their  position  in  cur  present  text  is 
the  right  ore.  All  the  six  enactments  in  chapter 
xvii.  (ver.  8-6,  ver.  6,  7,  ver.  8,  9,  ver.  10-12,  vcr. 
13,  14,  ver.  15)  bear  upon  the  nature  and  meaning 
of  the  sacrifice  to  Jehovah  as  compared  with  the 
sacrifices  offered  to  false  gods.  It  would  seem,  too, 
that  it  was  necessary  to  guard  against  any  license 
to  idolatrous  practices,  which  might  possibly  be 
drawn  from  the  sending  of  the  goat  for  Azaiel  into 
the  wilderness,  especially,  perhaps,  against  the 
Egyptian  custom  of  appeasing  the  Evil  Spirit  of  the 
wilderness,  and  averting  his  malice.  (Atonement, 
Day  op.)  To  this  there  may  be  an  allusion  in  ver. 
7.  Perhaps,  however.  It  is  Fetter  and  more  sinrple 
to  regard  the  enactments  in  these  two  chapters  as 
directed  against  two  prevalent  heathen  practice.^, 
the  eating  of  blood  and  fornication.  In  th.  xviii., 
.ifterthc  Introduction,  ver.  1-6,  there  follow  twenty 
enactments  concerning  unlawful  marriages  acd  un- 


552 


LEV 


LIB 


natural  lusts.  The  first  ten  are  contained  one  in 
each  verse,  ver.  6-16.  The  next  ten  range  them- 
selves in  like  manner  with  the  verses,  except  that 
ver.  17  and  23  contain  each  two.  Ch.  xix.  Three 
Decalogues,  introduced  by  the  words,  "  Ye  shall  be 
holy,  for  I  Jehovah  your  God  am  holy,"  and  ending 
with,  "  Ye  shall  observe  all  my  statutes,  and  all  my 
judgments,  and  do  them.  I  am  Jehovah."  The 
laws  here  are  of  a  very  mixed  character,  and  many 
of  them  merely  a  repetition  of  previous  laws. — V. 
We  come  now  to  the  last  group  of  seven  decalogues 
— ch.  xxi.-xxvi.  2.  The  subjects  comprised  in  these 
enactments  are — first,  the  personal  purity  of  the 
priests.  They  may  not  defile  themselves  for  the 
dead ;  their  wives  and  daughters  must  be  pure,  and 
they  themselves  must  be  free  from  all  personal 
bleraisli  (ch.  xxi.).  Xext,  the  eating  of  the  holy 
things  is  permitted  only  to  priests  who  are  free  from 
all  uncleanness ;  they  and  their  household  only  may 
eat  them  (xxii.  1-16).  Thirdly,  the  offerings  of  Is- 
rael are  to  be  pure  and  without  blemish  (xxii.  17- 
33).  The  fourth  series  provides  for  the  due  cele- 
bration of  the  great  festivals  when  priests  and 
people  were  to  be  gathered  together  before  Jehovah 
in  holy  convocation  (xxiii.  1-38).  Bertheau  omits 
ch.  xxiii.  39-44  and  ch.  xxiv. '  Mr.  Perowne  con- 
siders the  former  a  later  addition,  containing  further 
instructions  respecting  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles. 
Ch.  xxiv.  has  first  a  command  concerning  the  oil 
for  the  lamps  of  the  Tabernacle,  which  is  a  repeti- 
tion of  Ex.  xxvii.  20,  21 ;  then,  directions  about  the 
shew-bread ;  lastly,  certain  enactments  arising  out 
of  the  BLASPHEMY  of  Shelomith's  son,  with  a  brief 
notice  of  the  infliction  of  the  punishment  in  his 
case.  Bertheau's  fiftli  Decalogue  is  in  eh.  xxv.  7- 
22,  respecting  the  sabdatical  year  and  the  Jubi- 
lee ;  the  sixth  in  xxv.  23-33,  respecting  the  tenure 
and  sale  of  lands  and  houses,  the  redemption  of 
them  at  the  Jubilee,  and  usury ;  the  seventh  in  xxv. 
89-xxvi.  2,  respecting  servants,  idols,  the  Sabbath, 
and  the  sanctuary. — VI.  Tlie  seven  decalogues  are 
now  fitly  closed  by  promises  of  the  richest  blessings 
to  those  that  hearken  unto  and  do  these  command- 
ments, and  threats  of  utter  destruction  to  those 
that  break  the  covenant  of  their  God  (xxvi.  3-45). 
— VII.  The  legislation  is  evidently  completed  in 
ch.  xxvi.  46 : — "  These  are  the  statutes  and  judg- 
ments and  laws  which  Jehovah  made  between  Him 
and  the  children  of  Israel  in  Mount  Sinai  by  the 
hand  of  Moses."  Ch.  xxvii.  is  a  later  appendix  (so 
Mr.  Perowne,  with  some  German  critics,  &c. ;  see 
below). — Integrity.  This  is  very  generally  admitted. 
Those  critics  even  who  are  in  favor  of  different 
documents  in  the  Pentateuch  assign  nearly  the 
whole  of  this  book  to  one  writer,  the  Elohist,  or 
author  of  the  original  document.  According  to  Kno- 
bel,  the  only  portions  which  are  not  to  be  referred 
to  the  Elohist,  are — Moses'  rebuke  of  Aaron  because 
the  goat  of  the  sin-offering  had  been  bunit  (x.  16- 
20) ;  the  group  of  laws  in  ch.  xvii.-xx. ;  certain  ad- 
ditional enactments  respecting  the  Sabbath  and  the 
I'cast  of  Weeks  and  of  Tabernacles  (xxiii.,  part  of 
ver.  2,  ver.  3,  18,  19,  22,  39-44) ;  the  punishments 
ordained  for  blasphemy,  murder,  &c.  (xxiv.  10-23) ; 
the  directions  respecting  the  Sabbatical  year  (ixv. 


>  •' Wb  are  not  to  look  for  such  lojlcal  arrangement  as 
may  I)e  found  in  a  modem  code.  Tlie  law  to  Israel  was 
(tiven  in  a  popular  manner,  and  recorded  in  a  book  meant 
tot  all  to  Btnov :  and  its  reOTlations  partly  arose,  in  the 
course  of  Providence,  out  of  emergencies  which  the  Divine 
purpose  had  arranged  lor  hringing  out  some  particulars 
of  the  Divine  commands  "  (Professor  Douglas,  la  Fbn.). 


18-22),  and  the  promises  and  warnings  contained 
in  ch.  xxvi. — We  must  not  quit  this  book  without 
a  word  on  what  may  be  called  its  spiritual  meaning. 
That  so  elaborate  a  ritual  looked  beyond  itself  we 
cannot  doubt.  It  was  a  prophecy  of  things  to 
come ;  a  shadow  whereof  the  substance  was  Christ 
and  His  kingdom.  We  may  not  always  be  able  to 
say  what  the  exact  relation  is  between  the  type  and 
the  antitype.  But  we  cannot  read  the  Epistle  to 
the  Hebrews  and  not  acknowledge  that  the  Levitical' 
priests  "  served  the  pattern  and  type  of  heavenly 
things  " — that  the  sacrifices  of  the  Law  pointed  to 
and  found  their  interpretation  of  the  Lamb  of  God 
— that  the  ordinances  of  outward  purification  signi- 
fied the  true  inner  cleansing  of  the  heart  and  con- 
science from  dead  works  to  serve  the  living  God. 
One  idea,  moreover,  penetrates  the  whole  of  this  ' 
vast  and  burdensome  ceremonial,  and  gives  it  a  real- 
glory  even  apart  from  any  prophetic  significance. 
Holiness  is  its  end.  Holiness  is  its  character. 
Bible  ;  Canon  ;  Inspiration  ;  Law  of  Moses. 

Lib'a-nns  (L. ;  Gr.  Libmim,  fr.  Heb.)  =  Lebanon 
(1  Esd.  iv.  48,  V.  55  ;  2  Esd.  xv.  20  ;  Jd.  i.  7  ;  Ecclus. 
xxiv.  13,  1.  12).     Antilibancs. 

Lib'er-tines  [-tinz]  (see  below).  This  word  occurs 
once  only  in  the  X.  T.  (Acts  vi.  9).     The  question 
is,  who  were  these  "  Libertines,"  and  in  what  rela- 
tion did  they  stand  to  the  others  who  are  mentioned  i 
with  them  ?    Of  the  name  itself  there  have  been  : 
several  explanations.     (1.)  The  other  names  (in  ver. 
9)  being  local,  this  also  has  been  referred  to  a  sup- 
posed  town  of  Libertum,  in  the  pro-consular  prov- 
ince of  Africa,  as  if  =  (hone  from  Liberlum.—(2.)  I 
Conjectural  readings  have  been  proposed,  but  every] 
rule  of  textual  criticism  is  against  the  reception  of  1 
a  reading  unsupported  by  a  single  MS.  or  version.  ^ 
— (3.)  Taking  the  word  in  its  received  meaning  i 
fr.  L.  =  freedmen,  Lightfoot  finds  in  it  a  descrip-1 
tion  of  natives  of  Palestine,  who,  having  fallen  into  J 
slavery,  had  been  manumitted  by  Jewisli  masters. — I 
(4.)  Grotius  and  Vitringa  exjjlain  the  word  as  de-l 
scribing  Italian  freedmen  who  had  become  converts! 
to  Judaism. — (5.)    The  earliest  explanation  of  thej 
word  (Chrysostom)  has  been  adopted  by  the  mostj 
recent  authorities  (Winer,  Meyer,  Kitto,  Fairbairn,! 
&c.),  that  the  Liherlini  are  Jews  who,  having  bcenl 
taken  prisoners  by  Pompey  and  other  Roman  gcneralsl 
in  the  Syrian  wars,  had  been  reduced  to  slavery,  and! 
had  afterward  been  emancipated,  and  returned,  per- 
manently or  for  a  time,  to  the  country  of  their 
fathers.    Under  Tiberius  (a.  n.  19),  4,U0(rwere  ban- 
ished from  Rome  to  Sardinia. 

Llb'nih  (Hcb.  whileness,  (hameat,  Oes.).  I.  A 
city  in  the  S.  W.  part  of  the  Holy  Land.  It  was 
t.-iken  bv  Joshua  immediiilely  after  the  rout  of . 
Beth-horon  (Josh.  x.  29-32,  39,  xii.  15).  Litmah 
belonged  to  the  district  of  the  maritime  lowland  of^ 
Judah  (Sephela),  among  the  cities  of  which  district 
it  is  enumerated  (xv.  42).  Libnah  was  appropriated 
with  its  "  suburbs  "  to  the  priests  (xxi.  13  ;  1  Chr.- 
vi.  87).  In  the  reign  of  Jelioram  the  son  of  Jchosh-J 
aphat  it  "  revolted  "  from  Judah  at  the  sani<;  time 
with  Edom  (2  K.  viii.  22;  2  Chr.  xxi.  10).  OnJ 
completing  or  relinquishing  the  siege  of  Lachish, 
Sennacherib  laid  siege  to  Libnah  (2  K.  xix.  8;  Is. 
xxxvii.  8).  It  was  the  native  place  of  Hamutal,  the 
queen  of  Josiah,  and  mother  of  Jehoahaz  (2  K.  xxiii. 
31)  and  Zedekiah  (xxiv.  18;  Jer.  Hi.  1).  Libnah  is 
described  by  Eusebius  and  Jerome  merely  as  a  vil- 
lage of  the  district  of  Eleuthcropolis.  Its  site  has 
hitherto  escaped  not  only  discovery,  but,  until 
lately,  even  conjecture.    Stanley  would  locate  it  at 


ict       I 
ed 

PI 


1 


LIB 


LIG 


553 


Tdl  et-SdJUh,  a  white-faced  hill,  five  miles  N.  W.  of 
Beiljibnn.  (Gath.)  Van  ile  Velde  places  it  with 
confidence  at  Aruk  el-Mentliii/eh,  a  hill  with  a  small 
village  and  some  ruins,  four  miles  W.  of  Beiijibrin, 
Wilton  (in  Fbn.)  identifies  it  with  Lebhen,  a  village 
almost  five  miles  S.  of  Gaza. — 2<  A  station  at  which 
the  Israelites  encamped,  on  their  journey  between 
the  wilderness  of  Sinai  and  Kadesh  (Mum.  xxxiii. 
20,  21);  =  Laban  in  Dent.  i.  1  ?  Wilton  (in  Fbn.) 
identifies  it  with  Hajr  el-Abyad  (=i  the  xchite  sloiie), 
a  place  about  sixty  miles  S.  W.  of  Beer-sheba. 
Kintsn  ;  Wilderness  of  the  Wandehisg. 

Lib'nl  (Heb.  white,  Ges.).  1.  Eldest  son  of  Ger- 
shom,  the  sou  of  Levi  (F.x.  vi.  17;  Num.  iii.  18;  1 
Chr.  vi.  17,  20),  and  ancestor  of  the  family  of  the 
LiBXiTES.— 2.  Son  of  Muhli,  or  Mahali,  son  of 
Merari  (vi.  29).  Some  suppose  that  he  —  No.  1, 
and  that  something  has  been  omitted  (compare  vcr. 
29  with  20,  42). 

LibDitrs,  the  =  the  descendants  of  Libni,  son 
of  Gershom  (Num.  iii.  21,  xxvi.  58).  Gershonites  ; 
Levites. 

Ub  y-«  [-e-ah]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  Libtte  ;  compare  Lerabim, 
LfBiM)  occurs  in  Acts  ii.  10,  in  the  periphrasis  "  the 
parts  of  Libya  about  Cyrexe,"  which  obviously 
means  the  Cyreuaica.  The  name  Libya  is  applied 
by  the  Greek  and  Roman  writers  to  the  African  con- 
tinent, generally  excepting  Egypt.  For  "  Libya '" 
(Ez.  XXX.  5,  xxxviii.   6)  the  margin   has  "Phut.' 

LuBIM. 

•  Llb'y-iing  [-e-anz]  =  people  of  Libya  (Jcr.  xlvi. 
9,  margin  "  Put ;  "  Dan.  xi.  43).     LcniM  ;  Phct. 

Lke  (Heb.  tiniiim,  cinnom),  pi.  of  loufi',  a  well- 
known  parasiiic  insect.  This  word  occurs  in  the 
A.  V.  only  in  Ex.  viii.  16-18,  and  in  Ps.  cv.  31  ; 
both  of  which  passages  have  reference  to  the  third 
great  plague  of  Egypt.  Tlie  Hebrew  word — which, 
with  some  slight  variation,  occurs  only  in  Ex.  viii. 
16-18,  and  hi  Ps.  cv.  31 — has  given  occasion  to 
whole  pages  of  discussion.  Some  commentators 
(Michaelis,  Oedmann,  Ko.»enmiillcr,  Harenberg,  Gcd 
des,  Harris),  with  Philo,  and  Origcn,  and  indeed 
modem  writers  generally,  suppose  that  gnats  are 
the  animals  intended  by  the  original  word  ;  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  Jewish  Rabbis,  Josephus, 
Bochart,  Bryant,  kc,  favor  the  A.  V.  translation. 
The  old  versions  are  claimed  by  Bochart  as  support- 
ing the  opinion  that  lice  arc  here  intended.  On  the 
whole,  this  much  appears  certain  (so  Mr.  Houghton), 
that  those  commentators  who  assert  that  cimiim 
means  gunJs  or  monqititoes,  have  arrived  at  this  con- 
clusion without  sufiicicnt  authority;  they  have 
based  their  arguments  solely  on  the  evidence  of  the 
LXX.,  though  it  is  by  no  means  proved  that  the 
Greek  word  («i'n</M,  pi.  :kniphfs,  probably  origin- 
ally =  any  small  irritating  creature)  used  by  these 
translators  has  any  reference  to  pnatn.  It  appears, 
therefore,  that  there  is  not  sufficient  authority  for 
rejecting  the  A.  V.  translation  lice.     Plagues  of 

EOYPT. 

Llen-ten'antS.  The  Heb.  Shanhdarpan  or  fichanJi. 
darpan  was  the  odicial  title  of  the  satraps  or  vice- 
roys who  governed  the  provinces  of  the  Persian  em- 
pire ;  it  is  rendered  "lieutenant"  in  Esth.  iii.  12, 
viii.  0,  ix.  3 ;  Ezr.  viii.  36,  and  the  kindred  Chaldaic 
word  is  translated  "  prince  "  in  Dan.  iii.  2,  3,  27,  vi. 
Iff. 

•Uff,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb.  ha;/  or 
ehat/  (Gen.  i.  20,  ii.  7,  9,  iii.  14,  17,  &c.),  also  trans- 
lated "living"  (i.  21,24,iii.  20,  &c.),  "living  thing" 
(i.  28,  vi.  19),  &c.— Heb.  nephath  (i.  30,ix.4,  5,&c.), 
usually  translated  "soul"  (xii.  6,  13;  Ps.  xi.  1,  11, 


&.C.),  sometimes  "  mind  "  (xxiii.  8,  kc),  "  person  " 
(xiv.  21,  &c.),  "heart"  (Ex.  xxiii.  9,  kc),  &c.— 8. 
Gr.  bioi  {=z  the  present  life,  Robinson,  A^  T.  Lex.) 
(Lk.  viii.  14;  1  Tim.  ii.  2;  2  Tim.  ii.  4  ;  1  Pet.  iv. 
3;  1  Jn.  ii.  16),  also  translated  "living"  (Mk.  xii. 
44  ;  Lk.  XV.  12,  30,  xxi.  4),  "  good"  (1  Jn.  iii.  17). 
— 4.  Gr.  zoe  (Mat.  vii.  14,  and  about  180  other  pas- 
sages in  N.  T.).  The  kindred  Gr.  verb  zao,  trans- 
lated "  to  live,"  &c.,  occurs  as  often. — .5.  Gr.  pneu- 
ma  (Rev.  xiii.  19),  usually  translated  "  spirit  "  or 
"ghost."— 6.  Gr.  pnuehe' {iiat.  ii.  20,  vi.  25,  x.  39, 
kc),  often  translated  "socl  "  (x.  28,  xi.  29,  kc). — 
"  Life  "  and  "  to  live  "  are  used  in  the  Scriptures  to 
denote  the  physical  existence  of  men,  animals,  kc 
(Gen.  XXV.  1 ;  Acts  xvii.  25,  28,  &c.);  the  possession 
or  enjoyment  of  that  which  makes  existence  val- 
uable, viz.  happiness,  or  well-being  (Ps.  xvi.  11  ; 
Acts  ii.  28,  &c.),  which  in  the  case  of  intelligent 
moral  beings  is  closely  connected  with  the  favor  of 
God  and  conformity  to  His  character  (Rom.  vi.  4, 
viii.  6;  Eph.  iv.  18);  the  existence  which  is  pre- 
eminently woithy  of  the  name  "life,"  viz.  the  im- 
mortality of  blessedness  and  glory,  which  is  en- 
joyed by  holy  beings  in  heaven,  and  which  is  to  be 
the  portion  of  believers  in  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
(Mat.  xi.x.  16,  17;  Rom.  ii.  7,  v.  17,  vi.  23,  &c.). 
Dam.vatio.n  ;  Death  ;  Eternal,  kc 

*  Lifcht  [lite]  (Heb.  <5)-;  Gr.  plws,  kc.)  denotes 
not  only  the  element  or  medium  by  which  we  see 
(Gen.  i.  3-6,  &c.),  and  the  sun  or  other  source  of 
illumination  (i.  14  fF,,  kc);  but  also  that  wlich  il- 
luminates or  enlightens  in  an  intellectual,  moral, 
or  spiritual  sense  (Mat.  vi.  23;  Jn.  i.  4,  v.  35,  &c.). 
Light  is  opposed  to  darkness,  and  in  the  Feriptures 
is  closely  conreeted  with  life.  "  God  is  light  "  in 
the  highest  sense  (1  Jn.  i.  6);  heaven  is  the  world 
of  "light"  (Col.  i.  12);  purity,  holiness,  goodness, 
characterize  "the  children  of  light"  (Lk.  xvi.  8 ; 
Eph.  v.  8) ;  Jesus  Christ  is  the  "  light  of  the  world  " 
(Jn.  ix.  5),  &c. 

*  Light'ning  =  the  visible  electric  flash  of  which 
mcxDEii  is  the  noise. 

Lign-al'ces  [lig-nal'oze,  or  line-al'oze].    Aloes. 

Li'garo,  or  Lig'arc  (Heb.  lishcm),  a  precious 
stone  mentioned  in  Ex.  xxviii.  10,  xxxix.  12,  as  the 
first  in  tlie  third  row  of  the  high-priest's  breast- 
plate. It  is  impo.=?ible  to  say,  with  any  certain- 
ty, what  stone  is  denoted  by  the  Hebrew  term. 
The  LXX.  version  generally,  the  Vulgate  and  Jo- 
sephus,  understand  the  tyucurivm  or  ligiirium  ;  but 
it  is  a  m.Ttter  of  considerable  difficulty  to  identify 
the  hgnriwn  of  I  he  ancients  with  any  known  pre- 
cious stone.  Dr.  Woodward  and  some  old  commen- 
tators have  supposed  that  it  was  pon:e  kind  of  4c- 
lemiiite  ,  others,  amber;  others  again,  opul ;  Dr. 
Watson,  the  tmirrnaline ;  Beckmaiin,  Braun,  Epi- 
phanius,  J.  de  Laet,  Hill,  Rosenniiiller,  the  hyadiith 
stone  of  modern  mineralogists.  So  King  {Katural 
Hislori/  of  Preciovf  Siones)  m&kei  the  Gr.  Inngkou- 
rion,  L.  lyiieurium  =z  the  modern  jacikih.  But 
Theophrastus,  speaking  of  the  properties  of  the 
Ijiueurium,  says  that  it  attracts  not  only  light  par- 
ticles of  wood,  but  fragments  of  iron  and  brass. 
Now,  there  is  no  peculiar  attractive  power  in  the 
hyacinth.  More  probable,  though  still  inconclusive 
(so  Mr.  Houghton),  appears  the  opinion  of  those  who 
identify  the  lyncurinm  with  the  tourmaline,  or  more 
definitely  with  the  red  variety  known  as  nibellile, 
which  is  a  hard  stone  and  used  as  a  gem,  and  some- 
times sold  for  red  sapphire.  Tourmaline  becomes, 
as  is  well  known,  electrically  polar  when  heated. 
It  is  a  mineral  found  in  many  parts  of  the  world 


554 


LIE 


LIX 


usually  ia  prUnaatic  crystals.     The  word  ligure  is 
unknown  in  modern  mineralogy. 

•  Likeness.     Adam  ;  Idol. 

Lik'Iil  (Heb.  Imniyi,  Ges.),  a  Manassite,  son  of 
Sheraidi,  tlie  son  of  Manasseli  (1  Chr.  vii.  19).  | 

Lily  (Ueb.  shiiahAii,  shoshannah ;  Gr.  krinon).  i 
The  Hebrew  word  is  rendered  "  rose  "  in  the  Chal- 
dee  Targuin,  and  by  Maimouides  and  other  rab-  [ 
binical  writecs,  with  the  exception  of  Kimohi  and 
Ben  Melech,  who  in  1  K.  vii.  19  translated  it  by 
"  violet."  But  kriiion,  or  "  lily,"  is  the  uniform 
rendering  of  the  LXX.,  and  probably  the  true  one, 
as  it  is  supported  by  the  analogy  of  the  Arabic 
and  Persian  susan,  whiuli  has  the  same  meaning  to 
this  day,  and  by  the  existence  of  the  same  word  in 
Syriac  and  Coptic.  But  although  there  is  little 
doubt  that  the  word  denotes  some  plant  of  the 
lily  family,  it  is  by  no  means  certain  what  individual 
species  it  especially  designates.  Dioscorides  bears 
witness  to  the  beauty  of  the  lilies  of  Syria  and 
Pisidia,  from  which  the  best  perfu  ne  was  made.  If 
the  Heb.  sh-XshuH  or  shoshanrtiih  of  the  0.  T.  =  the 
Gr.  krinon  of  the  Sermon  on  tlie  Mount,  which  there 
seems  no  reason  to  doubt,  the  plant  designated  by 
th33e  terms  must  have  been  a  conspicuous  object 
on  the  shores  of  the  Lake  of  Gennesaret  (Mat.  vi. 
28  ;  Lk.  xii.  27);  it  must  have  flourished  in  the  deep 
broad  valleys  of  Palestine  (Cant.  ii.  1),  among  the 
thorny  shrubs  (ii.  2)  and  pastures  of  the  desert  (16, 
iv.  6,  vi.  3),  and  must  have  been  remarkable  for  its 
rapid  and  luxuriant  growth  (Hos.  xiv,  5;  Ecclus. 
xxxix.  14).  That  its  flowers  were  brilliant  in  color 
would  seem  to  be  indicated  in  Mat.  vi.  28,  where  it 
is  compared  with  the  gorgeous  robes  of  Solomon ; 
and  that  this  color  was  scarlet  or  purple  is  implied 
in  Cant.  v.  13.  There  appears  to  be  no  species  of 
lily  which  so  completelv  answers  all  these  require- 
ments as  the  Ziliuin  Chahedonicum,  or  Scarlet  Mar- 
tagon,  which  grows  in  profusion  in  the  Levant  (so 
Mr.  Wright).  But  direct  evidence  on  the  point  is 
still  to  be  desired  from  the  observation  of  travel- 
lers.    Other  plants  have  been  identified  with  the 


BoarUi  MartAssn,  or  Lily  of  Clialotdon  t,LiIiujn  C^a^etdmitum'^,, 

shAnhdn.  Gesenius  derives  the  word  from  a  root 
signifying  to  be  white,  and  it  has  hence  been  inferred 
that  the  shushdn  is  the  white  lily.  Dr.  Royle  (in  Kitto) 
identified  the  "  lily  "  of  the  Canticles  w-ith  the  lot^ts 
of  Egypt,  in  spite  of  tho  many  allusions  to  "  feeding 


among  the  lilios."  The  purple  flowers  of  tlie  /t/ioi, 
or  wild  artichoke,  wljich  abounds  in  the  plain  N.  of 
Tabor  and  in  the  valley  of  Esdreelon,  have  been 
thought  by  some  to  be  the  "  lilies  of  the  field  "  al- 
luded to  in  Mat.  vi.  28  (Wilson).  Bonar  mentions 
a  plant,  with  lilac  Uowers  like  the  hyacinth,  and 
called  by  the  Arabs  usweih,  which  he  considered  to 
be  of  the  species  denominated  lily  in  Scripture. 
Stanley  suggests  that  the  name  "lily"  -'may  in- 
clude the  numerous  flowers  of  tho  tulip  or  aniaryllis 
kind,  which  appear  in  the  early  summer,  or  the  au- 
tumn of  Palestine."  The  Phenician  architects  of  Solo- 
mon's Temple  decorated  the  capitals  of  the  columns 
with  "  lily-work,"  i.  e.  with  leaves  and  flowers  of  the 
lily  (IK.  vii.),  corresponding  to  the  lotus-headed 
capitals  of  Egyptian  architecture.  The  rim  of  the 
"  brazen  sei "  was  possibly  wrought  in  the  form 
of  the  recurved  margin  of  a  lily-flower  (IK.  vii. 
26). 

Lime  (Heb.  aid).  This  substance  is  noticed  only 
in  Deut.  xxvii.  2,  4  (A.  V.  "plastkr"),  in  Is.  xxxiii. 
12,  and  in  Am.  ii.  1.  Limestone  is  tlio  common 
rock  of  Palestine.  "The  burnings  of  lime"  (Is. 
1.  0.)  figuratively  express  complete  destrudimi.  Fur- 
nace ;  Handicuafi  ;  Mobtar. 

*  Line.    Cord. 

*  Line-age.    Gexealoov. 

Linen.  1.  Ileb.  shcsh,  usually  translated  " fine 
linen;"  once  (Prov.  xxxi.  22)  "silk;"  in  Esth.  i.  6 
"  marble,"  and  "  blue,"  margin  "  marble ; "  in  Cant. 
V.  16  "  marble."  As  Egypt  was  the  great  centre  of 
the  linen  manufacture  of  antiquity,  it  is  in  connec- 
tion with  that  country  that  we  find  the  first  allusion 
to  it  in  the  Bible.  Joseph,  when  promoted  to  be 
ruler  of  Egypt,  was  arrayed  "  in  vestures  of  fine 
linen"  (sheih,  margin  "silk,"  Gen.  xli.  42),  and 
among  the  offerings  for  the  Tabernacle  of  things 
which  the  Israelites  had  brought  out  of  Egypt  were 
"  blue,  and  purple,  and  scarlet,  and/ne  linen"  (Ex. 
XXV.  4,  XXXV.  6).  Of  this  were  made  the  ten  em- 
broidered hangings  of  the  Tabernacle,  the  veil  bo- 
fore  the  Holy  of  Holies  and  the  curtains  for  the  en- 
trance  (xxvi.  1,  31,  36),  the  ephod  of  the  high-priest 
with  its  curious  girdle  and  the  breastplate,  the 
high-priest's  tunic  and  mitre  (xxviii.  6,  8,  15,  39), 
the  tunics,  turbans,  and  dr.awers  of  the  infericr 
priests  (xxxix.  27,  28). — 2.  Heb.  bad,  uniformly 
translated  "  linen."  In  Ex.  xxviii.  42,  and  Lev.  vi. 
10,  the  drawers  of  the  ))riests  and  their  flowing 
robes  are  said  to  be  of  linen  (Heb.  bad) ;  and  tho 
tunic  of  the  high-priest,  his  girdle  and  mitro,  which 
he  wore  on  the  Day  of  Atonement,  were  of  the  same 
material  (Lev,  xvi.  4).  From  a  comparison  of  Ex. 
xxviii.  42  with  xxxi.x.  28  it  seems  clear  that  bad  = 
sJicf/i ;  or,  if  there  be  any  difference  between  them, 
the  latter  probably  =  the  spun  threads,  the  former 
r=  the  linen  woven  from  them.  The  wisc-heartcd 
among  the  women  of  the  congregation  spun  tho 
flax  used  by  Bezaleel  and  Aholiab  for  tho  hangings 
of  the  Taberaacle  (Ex.  xxxv.  25) ;  and  the  making 
of  linen  (ahcs/i)  was  one  of  the  occupations  of  wom- 
en, of  whose  dress  it  formed  a  conspicuous  part 
(Prov.  xxxi.  22,  A.  V.  "silk;"  Ex,  xvi.  10,  13; 
compare  Rev.  xviii.  16).  In  Ez.  xxvii.  1  shesh  ia 
enumerated  among  the  products  of  Egypt,  which 
tho  Tyrians  imported  and  used  for  the  sails  of  their 
ships ;  and  the  vessel  constructed  for  Ptolemy 
Philopator  is  said  by  AthenKus  to  have  had  a  sail 
of  byssut  (see  below).  In  no  case  is  bad  used  for 
other  than  a  dress  worn  in  religious  ceremonies  (1  ■ 
Sam.  ii.  18,  xxii.  18  ;  2  Sam.  vi.  14 ;  Dan.  x.  6,  &c.),  ' 
though  the  other  terms  rendered  "  linen  "  are  ap-  - 


LIX 


U&'* 


5^S" 


plied  to  the  ordinary  dress  of  women  and  persons 
ill  high  rank. — 3.  Hcb.  but»,  always  translated  "  tine 
linen,"  except  in  2  Ohr.  v.  12  (A.  \'.  "  white  linen  "), 
i?  apparently  a  late  word,  and  probably  =  the  Gr. 
bwaoi  (h.  bi»!>ua),  by  which  it  is  represented  by  the 
LXX.  It  was  used  tor  the  dresses  of  the  Levite  choir 
in  the  Temple  (2  Chr.  v.  12),  for  the  loose  upper 
garment  woin  by  kings  over  the  close-fitting  tunic 
(1  Chr.  XV.  27),  and  for  the  veil  of  the  Ttmplc, 
embroidered  by  the  skill  of  the  Tyrian  artiticers 
(2  Chr.  iii.  14).  Mordccai  was  arrayed  in  robes  of 
fine  linen  (buti)  and  purple  (Esth.  viii.  16)  when 
honored  by  the  Persian  king,  and  the  dress  of  the 
rich  man  in  the  parable  was  purple  and  Jltie  limn 
(Gr.  bustot,  Lk.  xvi.  19).  "  Fine  linen  "  (Gr.  Itissoe), 
purple  and  silk,  are  enumerated  in  Kcv.  xviii.  12 
as  among  the  merchandise  of  the  mystical  Babylon. 
— i.  Hcb.  etun  tccurs  but  once  (Prov.  vii.  16,  A.  V. 
"fine  linen"),  and  there  in  connection  with  Egypt. 
It  was  probably  a  kind  of  thread,  made  of  fine 
Egyptian  flax,  and  used  for  ornamenting  the  cover- 
ings of  beds  with  tapestry-work. — 6.  Schultens  sug- 
gests that  the  Gr.  tindon  is  derived  from  the  Ileb. 
sddiu,  which  is  used  of  the  thirty  linen  garments 
which  Samson  promised  to  his  companions  (Judp. 
xiv.  12,  13).  It  was  made  by  women  (Prov.  xxxi. 
24),  and  used  for  girdles  and  under-garments  (Is. 
iii.  23;  compare  Ilk.  xiv.  51,  52,  A.  V.  "hnen 
cloth  ").  Linen  was  used  for  the  winding-sheets 
of  the  dead  by  the  Hebrews  as  well  as  by  the 
Greeks  (Gr.  tindin,  Mat.  xxvii.  69;  Mk.  xv.  46; 
Lk.  xxiii.  53:  Gr.  olhoniwi,  Lk.  xxiv.  12;  Jn.  xix. 
40,  XX.  5-7).  Towels  were  made  of  it  (Jn.  xlii.  4, 
6),  and  napkins  (xi.  44),  like  the  coarse  linen  of  the 
Egyptians.  The  dress  of  the  poor  (Ecclus.  xl.  4) 
was  jirobably  unbleached  flax,  such  as  was  used 
for  barbers'  towels. — 6.  The  general  term  which  in- 
cluded all  those  already  mentioned  was  the  Heb. 
pifhtth  (  =  Gr.  linon),  which  was  employed — like 
our  "  cotton " — to  denote  not  only  the  "  fi.ax  " 
(Judg.  XV.  14)  or  raw  material  from  which  the  linen 
was  made,  but  also  the  plant  itself  (Josh.  ii.  6),  and 
the  manufacture  from  it.  It  is  generally  opposed 
to  wool,  as  a  vegetable  product  to  an  animal  (A.  V. 
"linen,"  Lev.  xiii.  47,  48,  52,  69;  Dent.  xxii.  11: 
A.  T.  "flax,"  Prov.  xxxi.  18;  Hos.  ii.  5,  9),  and 
was  used  for  nets  (Is.  xi.'j.  9),  girdles  (Jer.  xiii.  1), 
and  measuring-lines  (Ez.  xl.  3),  as  Avell  as  for  the 
dress  of  the  priests  (xliv.  17,  18).  From  a  com- 
parison of  the  last-quoted  passages  with  Ex.  xxviii. 
42,  and  Lev.  vi.  10  (3),  xvi.  4,  23,  it  is  evident  that 
the  Ileb.  bad  and  pinlUeh  denote  the  same  material, 
the  latter  being  the  more  general  tci-m.  It  is 
equally  apparent,  from  a  comparison  of  Rev.  xv.  G 
with  xix.  8,  14,  that  the  Gr.  lition  (in  A.  V.  "  linen  ") 
«nd  busxii.on  (from  buttot,  in  A.  V.  "fine  linen") 
arc  essentially  the  same. — 7.  One  word  remains  to 
be  noticed,  which  our  A.  V.  has  translated  "linen 
yam"  (1  K.  x.  28;  2  Chr.  i.  16),  brought  out  of 
£gypt  by  Solomon's  merchants.  The  Hcb.  mikveh, 
m  mi/ae,  is  explained  by  some  as  the  name  of  a 
place.  In  translating  the  word  "Une»  yam"  the 
A.  V.  followed  Junius  and  Tremellius.  Frf  m  time 
immemorial  Egypt  was  celebrated  for  its  linen  (Ez. 
xxvii.  7).  It  WDB  the  dress  of  the  Egyptian  priests 
(Hdt.  ii.  87,  81).  Panopolis,  or  Chcmmis  (the  mod- 
em Akkmim)  wa«  anciently  inhabited  by  linen- 
weavers  (Strabo,  xvii.  41,  p.  818).  According  to  He- 
Todotug  (ii.  86)  the  mummy-cloths  were  of  byiunu. 
Combining  the  testimony  rf  Herodotus  as  to  the 
mummy-cloths  with  the  rcsnlts  of  microscopic  ex- 
auioMton,  it  seemg  clear  that  bytma  was  linen,  and 


not  cotton.  "Fine  linen  is  "  (i.  e.  symbolizes)  "the 
righteousness  of  the  saints  "  (Rev.  xix.  8). 

Un'tel  =  the  beam  which  forms  the  upper  part 
of  the  framework  of  a  door.  In  the  A.  V.  "  lintel" 
is  the  rendering  of  three  Hebrew  woids.  1.  Ayil 
(1  K.  vi.  31);  translated  "post"  throughout  4z. 
x!.,  xli.  The  true  meaning  of  this  word  is  extremely 
doubtful.— 2.  Caj:ktor{Am.  ix.  1  ;  Zeph.  ii.  14).  The 
marginal  rendering,  "chapiter,  or  knot,"  of  both 
these  passages  is  undoubtedly  the  more  correct. — 
3.  Mashkojih  (Ex.  xii.  22,  23) ;  also  rendered  "  up- 
per door-post  "  in  Ex.  xii.  7.  That  this  is  the  true 
rendering  is  admitted  by  all  modem  philologists. 

Li'nus  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =:  fax't),  a  Christian  at  Rome, 
known  to  St.  Paul  and  to  Timothy  (2  Tim.  iv.  21). 
That  the  first  bishop  of  Rome  alter  the  apoftles 
was  named  Linus  is  aftatcnuut  in  which  all  ancient 
writers  agree  (so  Mr.  Eullock).  The  early  and  un- 
equivocal assertion  of  Irerseus,  corroborated  by 
Eusebius  and  Theodoret,  is  suffuicnt  to  prove  the 
identity  of  the  bishop  with  St.  Paul's  friend.  The 
date  of  his  appointment,  the  duration  of  his  epis- 
copate, and  the  limits  to  which  his  episcopal  au- 
thority extended,  are  points  which  have  been  dis- 
cussed at  great  length.  Eusebius  and  Theodoret, 
followed  by  Baronius  and  Tillemont,  state  that  he 
became  bishop  of  Rome  after  the  death  of  St.  Peter. 
On  the  other  liand,  the  words  of  Iiei  auf — "  [Peter 
and  Paul]  when  they  founded  and  built  up  the 
Church  [of  Rome]  conimitted  the  office  of  its  epis- 
copate to  Linus" — certainly  admit,  or  rather  imjl)-, 
the  meaning,  that  he  held  that  office  before  the 
death  of  St.  Pettr.  The  duration  of  his  episcopate 
is  given  by  Eusebius  as  a.  d.  68-80 ;  by  Tillemont 
as  66-78  ;  by  Baronius  as  67-78  ;  by  Pearson  as  65- 
07  ;  and  by  Baraterius  as  66-67.  the  statement  of 
Rufinus,  that  Linus  and  Clctus  were  bi.>-hcps  in 
Rome  whilst  S't.  Peter  was  alive,  hos  been  eiucted 
in  support  of  a  theory  that  Linus  was  bishop  in 
home  only  of  the  Christians  of  Gentile  origin, 
while  at  the  same  time  another  bishop  exercised 
the  same  authority  over  the  Jewish  Christians  there.' 
Xinus  is  reckoned  by  Pseudo-Hippolytus,  and  in  the 
Greek  Menaa,  among  the  seventy  disciples. 

Li'on.  Rabbinical  writers  difcovtr  in  the  0.  T. 
seven  Hebrew  names  of  the  lien,  which  they  assign 
to  the  animal  at  seven  periods  of  its  life.  1.  Gir, 
or  G6r,  a  cub,  A.  V.  "whelp"  (Gen.  xlix.  9;  Deut. 
xxxiii.  22;  Jer.  Ii.  88;  Nah.  ii.  12,  &c.).  2.  Ciphir, 
"a  young  lion"  (Judg.  xiv.  6;  Job  iv.  10;  Ez. 
xix.  2,  &c.).  3.  Art,  or  Aryih,  a  full-grown  lion 
(Gen.  xlix.  9;  Judg.  xiv.  6,  8,  &c.).  4.  Shahal  cr 
sharhal,  a  lion  more  advanced  in  age  and  strength, 
A.  V.  "fierce  lion"  (Job  iv.  10,  x.  16,  xxviii. 
8);  elsewhere  "lien"  (Ps.  xci.  13;  Prov.  xxvi. 
13;  Hos.  V.  14,  xiii.  7).  6.  E'hahats  or  shachaU, 
a  lion  in  full  vigor  (Job  xxviii.  8).  C.  Ldli, 
or  LihiyS,  an  old  lion  (Gen.  xlix.  9;  Jeb  iv. 
11,  &c.).  7.  Layiah,  a  lion  decrepit  with  age 
(Job  iv.  11  ;  Is.  XXX.  6,  &c.). — Bochart  differs 
from  this  arrangement  in  every  point  but  the  sec- 
ond. In  the  first  place,  gitr  is  applied  to  the 
young  of  other  animals  besides  the  lion  ;  e.  g.  tho 
sea  monsters  in  Lam.  iv.  3  (A.  V.  "young  ones"). 
Secondly,  ciphir  differs  from  gur  in  being  old 
enough  to  roar  and  go  forth  after  prey  (compare 
Ez.  xix.  2  fr.).  It  is  translated  "  lion  "  in  Ps.  xxxv. 
17;  Prov.  xix.  12,  xx.  2,  x.\viii.  1 ;  Jer.  xxv.  38,  Ii. 
38 ;  elsewhere  "  young  lion."  Ari  or  aryth  is  a 
generic  term,  applied  to  all  lions  without  regard  to 
age.  The"voung  lion  "  (Heb.  cfpMr  tirdy6th)ot 
Judg.  xiv.  6  is  in  verse  8  called  the  "  Hon  "  (anjih). 


556 


LIO 


LIT 


Bocliart  is  palpably  wrong  in  rendering  tJiahal  or 
ahachal  by  a  black  hm  (so  Mr.  Wright),  Gesenius 
makes  it  a  poetic  epithet,  from  his  roaring.  Shahalx 
or  shachnlK  literally  =  elation,  pride.  Hence  the 
tons  of  pride  (A.  V.  "  lion's  whelps,"  Job  xxviii.  8  ; 
"children  of  priJe,"  xli.  84)  =  the  larger  and  no- 
bler beasts  of  prey,  so  called  from  their  proud  gait 
(Gesenius).  Ldbi  or  libii/a  is  properly  a  lioness  (so 
iSochart,  Gesenius),  though  translated  in  A.  V.  "  old 
liou "  (Gen.  xlix.  9;  Nah.  ii.  11),  "great  lion" 
(Num.  xxiii.  24,  xxiv.  9  ;  Joel  i  6),  "stout lion  "(Job 
iv.  11),  "young"  lion  (Is.  xxx,  6),  "  lion  "  (Deut. 
iii.  20 ;  Job  xxxviii.  3  J ;  Is.  v.  29 ;  Hos.  xiii.  8),  and 
"  lioness  "  only  in  Kz.  xix.  2.  Layish  is  another 
poetic  name.  So  far  from  being  applied  to  a  lion 
wealv  with  age,  it  denotes  one  in  full  vigor  (A.  V. 
"old  lion,"  Job  iv.  11;  Is.  xx.x.  6:  "  lion,"  Prov. 
XXX.  30).  In  the  X.  T.  the  Greek  lean  is  uniformly 
translated  "  lion  "  (2  Tim.  iv.  17,  &c.). — At  present 
lions  do  not  exist  in  Palestine,  though  they  are  said 
to  be  found  in  the  desert  on  the  road  to  Egypt 
(Schwaiz,  Desc.  of  Pal. ;  see  Is.  xxx.  6).  They 
abound  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  between 
Bussorah  and  Bagdad,  and  in  the  marshes  and  jun- 
gles near  the  rivers  of  Babylonia.  This  species, 
according  to  Layard,  is  without  the  dark  and  shaggy 
mane  of  the  African  lion,  though  he  adds  in  a 
note  that  he  had  seen  lions  on  the  river  Karoon 
with  a  long  black  mane.  A  full-grown  Asiatic  lion 
weighs  above  450  pounds ;  an  African  lion  often 
above  600  (Col.  C.  II.  Smith,  in  Kitto).  But  though 
lions  have  now  disappeared  from  Palestine,  they 
must  in  ancient  times  have  been  numerous.  The 
names  Ledaoth  (Josh.  xv.  32),  Beth-lkbaoth  (xix. 
6),  Arikii  (2  IC.  XV.  25),  and  Laisu  (Judg.  xviii.  1 ; 
1  Sam.  XXV.  44),  were  probably  derived  from  the 
presence  of  or  connection  with  lions,  and  point  to 
the  fact  that  they  were  at  one  time  common.  They 
had  their  lairs  in  the  forests  which  have  vanished 
with  them  (Jer.  v.  6,  xii.  8;  Am.  iii.  4),  in  the  tan- 
gled brushwood  (Jer.  iv.  7,  xxv.  38 ;  Job.  xxxviii. 
40),  and  in  the  caves  of  the  mountains  (Cant.  iv.  8  ; 
Ez.  xix.  9;  Xah.  ii.  12).  The  cane-brake  on  the 
banks  of  the  Jordan,  the  "  pride  "  of  the  river,  was 
their  favorite  haunt  (Jer.  xlix.  19,  1.  44;  Zech.  xi. 
3).  The  lion  of  Palestine  was  proliably  the  Asiatic 
variety,  described  by  Aristotle  and  Pliny  as  distin- 
guished by  its  short  curly  mane,  and  by  being 
shorter  and  rounder  in  shape.  It  was  loss  daring 
than  the  longer-maned  species,  but  when  driven  by 
hunger  it  not  only  ventured  to  attack  the  flocks  in 
the  desert  in  presence  of  the  shepherd  (Is.  xxxi.  4 ; 
1  Sam.  xvii.  34),  but  laid  waste  towns  and  villages 
(2  K.  xvii.  25,  26 ;  Prov.  xxii.  13,  xxvi.  13),  and  de- 
voured men  (1  K.  xiii.  24,  xx.  38;  2  K.  xvii.  26; 
Ez.  xix.  3,  6).  The  shepherds  sometimes  ventured 
to  encounter  the  lion  smgle-handed  (1  Sam.  xvii. 
34),  and  tlie  vivid  figure  employed  by  Araos  (iii.  12), 
the  herdsman  of  Tekoa,  was  but  the  transcript  of  a 
scene  which  he  must  have  often  witnessed.  At 
other  times  they  pursued  the  animal  in  large  bands, 
raising  loud  shouts  to  intimidate  him  (Is.  xxxi.  4), 
and  drive  him  into  the  net  or  pit  they  had  prepared 
to  catch  him  (Ez.  xix.  4,  8).  Benaiah,  one  of  Da- 
vid's heroes,  had  distinguished  himself  by  slaying  a 
lion  in  his  den  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  20).  The  kings  of 
Persia  had  a  menagerie  of  lions  (Chaldee  gob  [  =  a 
pit,  den,  in  which  lions  were  kept,  Gesenius]  Dan. 
vi.  7,  &c.).  When  captured  alive  they  were  put  in 
a  cage  (Ez.  xix.  9),  but  it  does  not  appear  that  they 
were  tamed.  The  strength  (Judg.  xiv.  18 ;  Prov. 
XXX.  80 ;  2  Sam.  1.  23),  courage  (2  Sam.  xvii.  10 ; 


Prov.  xxviii.  1;  Is.  xx.xi.  9;  Nah.  ii.  11),  and  fe- 
rocity (Gen.  xlix.  9  ;  Num.  xxiv.  4)  of  the  lion  were 
proverbial.  The  "  lion-faced "  warriors  of  Gad 
were  among  David's  most  valiant  troops  (1  Chr.  xii. 
8) ;  and  the  hero  Judas  Maccabeus  is  described  as 
"  like  a  liou,  and  like  a  lion's  whelp  roaring  for  his 
prey"  (1  Mc.  iii.  4).  The  lion  was  the  symbol  of 
strength  and  sovereignty.  Among  the  Hebrews, 
and  throughout  the  0.  T.,  the  lion  was  the  achieve- 
ment of  the  princely  tribe  of  Judah,  while  in  the 
closing  book  of  the  canon  it  received  a  deeper  sig- 
nificance as  the  emblem  of  Ilim  who  "  prevailed  to 
open  the  book  and  loose  the  seven  seals  thereof" 
(Kev.  v.  6).  On  the  otlier  hand  its  fierceness  and 
cruelty  rendered  it  au  appropriate  metaphor  for  a 


Barbary  Lion. — (From  ■pedrncn  in  tbc  Zoological  Gardens,  London.) 

fierce  and  malignant  enemy  (Ps.  vii.  2,  xxii.  21,  Ivii, 
4  ;  2  Tim.  iv.  17),  and  hence  for  the  arch-fiend  him- 
self (1  Pet.  V.  8).  The  figure  of  the  lion  was  em- 
ployed as  an  ornament  both  in  architecture  and 
sculpture  (1  K.  vii.  29,  36,  x.  19,  20). 


Persian  Lion. — (From  specimen  In  tile  Zoolo^cal  Gardens,  Londoo.) 

*  Lip  (Heb.  sdphdh;  Gr.  cheilos)  is  often  used 
in  the  Scriptures  both  literally  and  figiiratively 
(Gen.  xi.  1,  margin  ;  Lev.  v.  4,  &c.).  Most  of  the 
various  phrases  denoting  speech  or  manner  of  speak- 
ing, as  "lying  lips"  (Prov.  x.  18),  &o.,  are  easily, 
understood.     Calf  ;  Mocrning. 

*  Lit't«rs,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Hebrew  plural 
tsdbbim  (Is.  Ixvi.  20  only  ;  margin  "  coaches "). 
The  Hebrew  denotes  (so  Fairbairn,  Gesenius,  &c.) 
a  sort  of  portative  couch,  palanquin,  or  sedan-chair. 
The  same  Hebrew  word  occurs  in  Num.  vii.  3,  A.  V. 
"  covered  wagons,"  literally  litter-wagons,  i.  e.  wag- 
ons covered  and  commodious,  like  litters.  (Wagox.) 
Litters  borne  by  men  were  anciently  in  use  among 


uv 


LOG 


Do  4 


the  Egyptians.  Somewhat  simirar  vehicles,  borne 
between  mules,  between  or  on  camels,  &c.,  are  fre- 
quently used  in  the  East. 


I 


UlUr  or  PaUoquin,  as  r»pr«s«nted   in   Hii  Ancient  Eg^'ptian  paJntlDg.— 
(Frotn  Cbati>pollioD.)~i  Ayre.) 

•  Liver  (Hcb.  cdbed),  an  important  internal  organ 
of  the  body  (Prov.  vii.  23,  &c.).  Caul  1  ;  Divina- 
tion 14. 

I-lzard  (Heb.  teiJflA).     The  Hebrew  word,  which 
witli  its  English  rendering  occurs  only  in  Lev.  xi.  30, 
appears   to    be  correctly  translated   in    the  A.  V. 
Lizards  of  various   kinds  abound   in   Egypt,  Pales- 
tine, and  Arabia.     (Chameleon  ;  Mole  1  ;  Tortoise.) 
All  the  old  versions  agree  in  identifying  the  Istilun 
with  some  saurian.     The   LXX.,  the  Vulgate,  the  i 
Targuni  of  Jonathan,  with  the  Arabic  versions,  un-  | 
derstand  a  lizard.     The  Syriac  has  a  word  which  is  ' 
generally  translated  xalamander,  but  probably  this  ^ 
name  was  applied  also  to  the  lizard.     The  Greek  ; 
word,  with  its  slight  variations,  which  the  LXX.  use,  j 
appears  to  point  to  some  lizard  belonging  to  the  | 
Gei-Aolidce.     liochart  has  successfully  argued  that  | 
the  lizard  denoted  by  the  Hebrew  word  is  that  kind 
which   the  Arabs  call  vachara,  the    translation  of 
which  tennis  thus  given  by  liolius :  "An  animal 
like  a  lizard,  of  a  red  color,  and  adhering  to  the 
ground,  breathes  poison  into  whatever  food  or  drink 
it  has  touched."     This  description  will  be  found  to 
agree  with  the  character  of  the   Fan-Foot  Lizard  , 
(Ptyodactylu.^  Gecko),  common  in  Egypt  and  in  parts 
of  AraMa,  and  perhaps  also  found  in  Palestine.     It 
is  reddish  brown,  spotted  with  white.     The  Geckos 
live   on  insects  and    worms,  which   they   swallow 
"hole.     They  derive  their  name  from  the  peculiar 


Tbe  Faa-Poot  {nyedset^hu  Qtek). 

sound  which  some  of  the  species  utter,  described  as 
similar  to  the  double  click  often  used  in  riding,  and 
made  by  some  movement  of  the  tongue  against  the 
roof  of  the  mouth.  They  arc  oviparous,  producuig 
a  round  egg  with  a  bard  calcareous  shell. 

*  Loaf.     Hkead. 

Lo-ammi  (Heb.  =  not  wy  people),  the  figurative 


name  given  by  the  prophet  Hosea  to  his  second  son 
by  Gomcr,  the  daughter  of  Diblaim  (Hos.  i.  9),  to 
denote  the  rejection  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel  by 
Jehovah.     Its  significance  is  explained  in  vcr.  9,  10. 

Loan.  The  law  of  Moses  did  not  contemplate 
any  raising  of  loans  for  the  puipose  of  obtaining 
capital,  a  condition  perhaps  alluded  to  in  the  para- 
bles of  the  "  pearl  "  and  "  hidden  treasure  "  (Mat. 
xiri.  44,  45).  (Commerce;  Deposit.)  Such  persons 
as  bankers  and  sureties,  in  the  commercial  sense 
(Prov.  xxii.  26;  Nch.  v.  3),  were  unknown  to  the 
earlier  ages  of  the  Hebrew  commonwealth.  The 
Law  strictly  forbade  any  interest  to  be  taken  for  a 
loan  to  any  poor  person,  and  at  first,  as  it  seems, 
even  in  the  case  of  a  foreigner ;  but  this  prohibition 
was  afterward  limited  to  the  Hebrews  only,  from 
whom,  of  whatever  rank,  not  only  was  no  usi:ry  on 
any  pretence  to  be  e.xactcd,  but  relief  to  the  poor 
by  way  of  loan  was  enjoined,  and  excuses  for  evad- 
ing this  duty  were  forbidden  (Ex.  xxii.  25 ;  Lev. 
XXV.  35,  37";  Deut.  xv.  3,  7-10,  xxiii.  19,  20). 
(Alms.)  As  commerce  increased,  the  practice  of 
usury,  and  so  also  of  siretvsiiip,  grew  up  ;  but^  the 
exaction  of  it  from  a  Hebrew  appears  to  have  been 
regarded  to  a  late  period  as  discreditable  (Prov.  vi. 
1,  4,  xi.  15,  xvii.  18,  xx.  16,  xxii.  26;  Ps.  xv.  6, 
xxvii.  13;  Jer.  xv.  10;  Ez.  xviii.  13,  xxii.  12).  Sys- 
tematic breach  of  the  law  in  this  respect  was  cor- 
rected by  Xeheiniah  after  the  return  from  Captivity 
(Neh.  v.  1,  13).  The  money-changers,  who  had 
seats  and  tables  in  the  Temple,  were  traders  whose 
profits  arose  chiefly  from  the  exchange  of  money 
with  those  who  came  to  pay  their  annual  half-shekel. 
In  making  loans  no  prohibition  is  pronounced  in  the 
Law  against  taking  a  pledge  of  the  borrower,  but 
certain  limitations  are  prescribed  in  favor  of  the 
poor.  1.  The  outer  garment,  if  taken  in  pledge, 
was  to  be  returned  before  sunset.  (Bed.)  2.  The 
prohibition  was  absolute  in  the  case  of  («)  the  wid- 
ow's garment,  and  (A)  a  millstone  of  either  kind 
(Deut.  xxiv.  6,  17).  3.  A  creditor  was  forbidden  to 
enter  a  house  to  reclaim  a  pledge,  but  was  to  stand 
outside  till  the  borrower  should  come  forth  to  return 
it  (10,  11).  4.  The  original  Koman  law  of  debt 
permitted  the  debtor  to  be  enslaved  by  his  creditor 
until  the  debt  was  discharged ;  and  he  might  even 
be  put  to  death  by  him.  The  Jewish  law,  as  it  did 
not  forbid  temporary  bondage  in  the  case  of  debt- 
ors, so  it  forbade  a  Hebrew  debtor  to  be  detained 
as  a  bondman  longer  than  the  seventh  year,  or  at 
farthest  the  year  of  Ji:bilee  (Ex.  xxi.  2 ;  Lev.  xxv. 
39,  42 ;  Deut.  xv.  9).  The  "  bill,"  in  Lk.  xvi.  6,  7,  = 
the  bond  or  note  executed  by  a  debtor  or  tenant  as 
evidence  of  obligation  (Robinson,  iV.  T.  Lexicon, 
Van  Oosterzee  [in  Lange],  &c.). 

Loaves  (plural  of  loaf).     Bread. 

Lock  (Heb.  manul).  Where  European  locks  have 


Egyptian   Wooden   Lock  and  Kay.— (From  lana'a  Mvdtm  Sffrtptiatu.) — 

(Fairbairn.) 
1.  Front  view  of  Icwk,  the  holt  drawn  back.    2,  3.  Back  vlawe  of  tba  aopft. 
rata  parta.    4.  Tbe  key.  - 


558: 


LOG 


LOC 


not  been  introduced,  the  locka  of  Eastern  bouses 
are  usually  of  wood,  aud  consist  of  a  partly  hollow 
bolt  from  fourteen  inches  to  two  feet  long  for  ex 
ternal  doors  or  gates,  or  from  seven  to  nine  inches 
for  interior  doors.  The  bolt  passes,  through  a  groove 
in  a  piece  attached  to  the  door,  into  a  socket  in  the 
door-post.  In  the  groove-piece  are  from  four  to 
nine  small  iron  or  wooden  slidiug-pins  or  wires, 
which  drop  into  corresponding  holes  in  the  bolt,  and 
fix  it  in  its  place.     Clay  ;  Gatk  ;  Kkv  ;  Seal. 

Lo'cnst  (fr.  L.),  a  well-known  insect,  which  com- 
mits terrible  ravages  on  vegetation  in  the  countries 
which  it  visits.  In  the  Bible  there  are  frequent  al- 
lusions to  locusts ;  and  there  are  nine  or  ten  He- 
brew words  supposed  to  denote  different  varieties 
or  species  of  this  destructive  family.  They  belong 
to  the  order  OrllMplera.  This  order  is  divided  into 
two  large  groups  or  divisions,  viz.  Carmrla  and  Sal- 
iaioria.    i'rom  Lev.  xi.  21,  22,  we  learn  the  Ucbrew 


tSJi/>  da  mlgrutttriu. 

names  of  four  different  kinds  of  Saltatorial  Orthop- 
tera.  "  These  may  ye  eat  of  every  flying  creeping 
tiling  that  goeth  upon  all  four,  which  have  legs 
above  their  feet  to  leap  withal  upon  the  earth ;  even 
those  of  them  ye  may  eat,  the  arbeh  (A.  V.  '  lo- 
cust') after  his  kind,  and  the  sdPdm  (A.  V.  'bald 
locust ')  after  his  kind,  and  the  haryol  or  chargol 
(wrongly  translated  by  the  A.  V.  '  beetle,'  an  in- 
sect which  would  be  included  amongst  the  flying 
creeping  things  forbidden  as  food  in  ver.  23  and  42) 
after  his  kind,  and  the  hagdb  or  eltAguh  (A.  V. 
'  grasshopper  ')  after  his  kind."  Besides  the  names 
mentioned  in  this  passage,  there  occur  five  other 
Hebrew  names  in  the  Bible,  all  of  which  Bochart 
(iii.  251,  &c.)  considers  to  represent  so  many  dis- 
tinct species  of  locusts,  viz.  gob,  gazdin^  hdnil  or 
chAfi',  i/elek,  and  taelAtsiU.  Akru  is  the  only  Greek 
word  in  the  N.  T.  =:  "  locust."  In  the  LXX.  this 
=  Nos.  1,  2,  and  8  below. — 1.  Arbeh  ("locust," 
"  grasshopper  ")  is  the  most  common  name  for  lo- 
cust, the  word  occurring  twenty-four  times  in  the 


Aerldinim  Uneota, 


Hebrew  Bible.  The  A.  V.  in  the  four  following 
passages  has  "grasshopper,"  Judg.  ri.  5,  vii.  12; 
Job  xxxix.  20 ;  Jer.  xlvi.  23 :  in  all  the  other  places 


I  it  has  "  locust."  The  word  arbeh,  from  a  root  sig- 
nifying to  be  numerous,  is  probably  sometimes  used 
in  a  wide  sense  to  express  any  of  the  larger  devas- 

I  tatiug  species.  It  is  the  locust  of  the  Egyptian 
plague.  (Plaglks,  the  Te.\.)  In  almost  every 
passage  where  arbeh  occurs,  reference  is  made 
to  its  terribly  destructive  powers.  It  is  one 
of  the  flying  creeping  creatures  that  were  al- 
lowed as  food  by  the  law  of  Moses  (Lev.  xi.  21). 
In  this  passage  it  is  clearly  the  representative  of 
some  species  of  winged  Saltatorial  OrOioptera,  prob- 
ably either  the  Acridium  peregrinum,  or  the  (Kdl- 
poda  migratoria,  for  these  two  species  are  the  most 
destructive  of  the  family.     Of  the  former  species 


Aeridiuin  pereffrinun^, 

M.  Olivier  (  Voyage  dans  PSmpire  Othoman,  ii.  424) 
thus  writes :  "  With  the  burning  S.  winds  (of  Syria) 
there  come  from  the  interior  of  Arabia  and  from 
the  most  southern  parts  of  Persia  clouds  of  locusts 
(Acridium  peregrinum),  whose  ravages  to  these 
countries  are  as  grievous  and  nearly  as  sudden  as 
those  of  the  heaviest  hail  in  Europe.  We  witnessed 
them  twice.  It  is  dilficult  to  express  the  effect  pro- 
duced on  us  by  the  sight  of  the  whole  atmosphere  filled 
on  all  sides  and  to  a  great  height  by  an  inimmerable 
quantity  of  these  insects,  whose  flight  was  slow  and 
uniform,  and  whose  noise  resembled  that  of  rain: 
the  sky  was  darkened,  and  the  light  of  the  sun  con- 
siderably weakened.  In  a  moment  the  terraces  of 
the  houses,  the  streets,  and  all  the  fields  were  cov- 
ered by  these  insects,  and  in  two  days  they  had 
nearly  devoured  all  the  leaves  of  the  plants.  Hap- 
pily they  lived  but  a  short  time,  aixd  seemed  to  have 
migrated  only  to  reproduce  themselves  and  die ;  in 
fact,  nearly  all  those  we  saw  the  next  day  had 
paired,  and  the  day  f  dlowing  the  fields  were  cov- 
ered with  their  dead  bodies."  This  species  is  found 
in  Arabia,  Egypt,  Mesopotamia,  and  Persia. — 2. 
H<h)db  or  chdgdb.  In  2  Chr.  vii.  13  the  A.  V.  reads 
"  locust,"  in  the  other  passages  (Lev.  xi.  22  ;  Num. 
xiii.  33 ;  Eccl.  xii.  5 ;  Is.  xl.  22)  "  grasshopper." 
Mr.  Houghton,  with  Oedmann,  supposes  it  =  some 
small  devastating  locust ;  but  is  unable  to  deter- 
mine the  species.  In  the  Talmud  it  is  a  collective 
name  for  many  of  the  locust  tribe,  eight  hundred 
kinds  being  supposed  to  exist ! — 3.  Hargol  or  chai- 
gol.  The  A.  V.  translates  this  word  "  beetle  ;  "  it 
occurs  only  in  Lev.  xi.  22,  but  it  is  clear  from  the 
context  that  it  denotes  some  species  of  winged  SnU 
lalorial  orthopterovs  insect  which  the  Israelites  were 
allowed  to  use  as  food.  Rev.  J.  F.  Denham  (in 
Kitto)  endeavors  to  show  that  the  Greek  ophiomachii 
of  the  LXX.  denotes  some  species  of  Truxalig,  a 
winged,  leaping,  insectivorous  (?)  locust,  perhaps 
2'ruxalis  nasiilus.  The  Jews,  however,  interpret 
the  Hebrew  to  mean  a  species  of  grasxhopper,  which 
Lewysohn  identifies  with  Locusta  viridlanma. — 4., 
SdTdm  (A.  V.  "bald  locust")  occurs  only  in  Lev. 
xi.  22,  as  one  of  the  four  edible  kinds  of  leaping 
insects.  All  that  can  be  known  of  it  is  that  it  is. 
some  kind  of  Saltatorial  orlhoptermis  insect,  winged, 
and  good  for  food.  Tychsen,  however,  arguing  from 
what  is  said  in  the  Talmud,  viz.  that  "  this  insect 
has  a  smooth  head,  and  that  the  fjrnale  is  without- 
the  sword-shaped  tail,"  conjectures  that  the  specie*. 


I 


LOC 


LOO 


559 


here  intended  is  Grylha  Erermr  (Asso),  a  synonym 
that  it  is  difficult  to  identify  witii  any  recorded  spe- 
cies.— 5.  O&zAm.  (Palmkr-worm.)— -6.  6r'o6  (A.  V. 
in  Nail,  iii.  17,  "great  giasslioppers ; "  "grassliop- 


Tnnalit  namtttu. 

pcrs,"  margin  "  green  worms,"  in  Am.  vii.  1).  Tliis 
word  is  found  only  in  Is.  x.xxiii.  4  (Heb.  pi.  gebim, 
A.Y.  "  locusts  "),  and  in  the  two  places  cited  above. 
There  is  nothing  in  any  of  these  passages  that  will 
help  to  point  out  the  species  denoted.  That  some 
kind  of  locust  is  intended  seems  probable  from  the 
passage  in  Nahum.  Some  writers,  led  by  this  pas- 
sage, have  believed  that  the  Heb.  word  =  the  larva 
or  grub  state  of  some  of  the  large  locusts.  Pos- 
sibly il  may  represent  the  larva  or  n)/mp/ut  state  of 
the  insect,  for  the  last  stages  of  the  larva  differ  but 
slightly  from  the  nympha,  both  which  states  may 
therefore  be  comprehended  under  one  name ;  the 
"great  grasshoppers"  of  the  A.  V.  in  Nah.  iii.  17 
may  easily  have  been  the  nympha  (which  in  all  the 
Ametabola  [=  insects  which  do  not  undergo  a  meta- 
morphosis] continue  to  feed  as  in  their  larva  condi- 
tion) encanipinsr  at  night  under  the  hedges,  and,  ob- 
taining their  wings  as  the  sun  arose,  are  then  repre- 
sented as  flying  away. — 7.  HimamAl  or  clu'marndl 
(A.  V.  "  FROST  ").  Some  (Lee,  J.  K.  Denham,  &c.) 
have  supposed  that  this  word,  which  occurs  only  in 
Ps.  l.^cxviii.  47,  denotes  some  kind  of  locust ;  but 
the  concurrent  testimony  of  the  old  versions,  which 
interpret  the  word  to  signify  hail  or  front,  ought  to 
forbid  the  conjecture. — 8.  Yehk  occurs  in  Ps.  cv. 
34;  Jer.  li.  14,  27;  Nah.  iii.  15,  16;  Joel  i.  4-ii. 
23  ;  it  is  rendered  by  the  A.  V.  "  cankerworm  "  in 
Joel  and  Nahum,  and  "  caterpillar  "  in  Psalms  and 
Jeremiah.  From  the  epithet  of  "rough"  (Heb. 
tdrndr),  applied  to  the  word  in  Jeremiah,  some  have 
supposed  the  i/elfk  to  be  the  larva  of  some  of  the 
'  destructive  Lepidoptera  ( —  the  butterfly,  moth,  &c.) : 
the  epithet  s&mdr,  however  (Jer.  li.  27),  more  prop- 
erly =  having  tpivai  =  Vulgate  aculea'tu  ;  brisUinff, 
G«s.  Michaelis  believes  the  yelek  to  be  the  cock- 
chafer. Oedmann  identifies  the  word  with  the  Oryl- 
lu»  crutatuii,  Linn.,  a  species,  however,  found  only 
in  South  America.  Tychsen,  arguing  from  the 
epithet  "  rough,"  believes  that  the  yeUk  =  the  Gryl- 
liu  hiematopti*,  Linn.  (CaUiptamu*  htematopus,  And. 
Serv.),  a  species  found  in  S.  Africa.  The  term  spitted 
may  refer  not  to  any  particular  species,  hut  to  the 
very  spinous  nature  of  the  tibiae  (L.  =  shin-bones) 
in  nil  the  locust  tribe,  hni  yelek  (t=  the  cropping, 
lifAing  off  insect)  may  be  a  synonym  of  some  of  the 
names  already  mentioned,  or  the  word  may  denote 
the  larvae  or  pupai  of  the  locust,  which,  from  Joel 
L  4,  seems  not  improbable. — 9.  H&*U  or  climil. 
(Catiirpm.i.ar.) — 10.  ItliAUtdl,  "locust."  The  deri- 
vation of  this  word  seems  to  indicate  some  kind 
of  locust.  It  occurs  only  in  this  sense  in  Deut. 
Hviii.  42,  "  All  thy  trees  and  fniit  of  thy  land  shall 
the  locust  consume."  In  the  other  passages  where 
the  Hebrew  word  occurs  it  represents  some  kind  of 
tinkling  musical  instrument,  and  is  generally  trans- 
lated "cymbals"  by  the  A.  V.     The  word  is  evi- 


dently onomatopoetic,  and  is  here  perhaps  a  syno- 
nym for  some  of  the  other  names  for  locust.  All 
that  can  be  positively  known  respecting  the  Ixfldistil 
is,  that  it  is  some  kind  of  insect  injurious  to  trees 
and  crops. — The  most  destructive  of  the  locust 
tribe  that  occur  in  the  Bible  lands  arc  the  CEdipoda 
migratoria  and  the  Acridinm peregrin  urn,  and  as  both 
these  species  occur  in  Syria,  Arabia,  &c.,  it  is  most 
probable  that  one  or  the  other  is  denoted  in  those 
passages  which  speak  of  the  dreadful  devastations 
committed  by  these  insects.  Locusts  occur  in  great 
numbers,  and  sometimes  obscure  the  sun  (E.\.  x. 
15;  Jer.  xlvi.  23;  Judg.  vi.  5,  vii.  12;  Joel  ii.  10; 
Nah.  iii.  16).  Their  voracity  is  alluded  to  in  Ex.  i. 
12,  15;  Joel  i.  4,  7,  12,  and  ii.  S;  Ueut.  xxviii.  38; 
Ps.  Ixxviii.  46,  cv.  34;  Is.  xxxiii.  4.  They  are  com- 
pared to  horses  (Joel  ii.  4 ;  Kev.  ix.  7).  they  make 
a  fearful  noise  in  their  flight  (Joel  ii.  5  ;  Rev.  ix.  9). 
They  have  no  king  (Prov.  xxx.  27).  Their  irresist- 
ible progress  is  referred  to  in  Joel  ii.  8,  9.     They 

I  enter  dwellings,  and  devour  eveu  the  woodwork  of 

I  houses  (Ex.  x.  6 ;  Joel  ii.  9,  10).  They  do  not  fly 
in  the  night  (Nah.  iii.  17).     The  sea  destroys  the 

I  greater  number  (Ex.  x.  19;  Joel  ii.  20).  Their  dead 
bodies  taint  the  air  (ii.  20).  They  are  used  as 
food  (Lev.  xi.  21,  22;  Mat.  iii.  4  ;  Mk.  i.  6).  There 
are  different  ways  of  preparing  locusts  for  food  : 
sometimes  they  are  ground  and  pounded,  and  then 
mixed  with  flour  and  water  and  made  into  cakes,  or 

i  they  are  salted  and  then  eaten  ;  sometimes  smoked ; 
boiled  or  roasted ;  stewed,  or  fried  in  butter. 

[  Lod  (Ileb.,  perhaps  atri/e,  parrel,  Ges. ;  breach, 
fos^ire,  a  culling  in  Ihe  earth,  aivincni.  Fit.),  a  town 
of  Benjamin,  founded  by  Shamed  or  Shamer(l  Chr. 

j  viii.  12  ;  Ezr.  ii.  33 ;  Neh.  vii.  37,  xi.  35) ;  now  called 

I  Lruld  ;  but  most  familiar  to  us  as  Lydda. 

Lo-de'b«r  or  Li>'-de-bar  (Helj.  no  pasture,  Ges., 
Fii.),  a  place  named  with  Mahanaim,  Hogclim,  and 
other  Transjordanic  towns  (2  Sam.  xvii.  27),  and, 
therefore,  no  doubt  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Jor- 
dan. It  was  the  native  place  of  Machir,  the  son  of 
Ammiel  (ix.  4,  6).  Its  site  is  unknown. 
*  Lod^  (Is.  i.  8).  Cottage  2  ;  Cucumbers. 
Lodge,  to.     This  word  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  0.  T.— 

I  with  one  exception  only,  to  be  noticed  below — is 
used  to  translate  the  Hebrew  verb  lim  or  lin,  which 
has,  at  least  in  the  narrative  portions  of  the  Bible, 
almost  invariably  the  force  of  passing  tlie  night. 
The  same  Hebrew  word  is  otherwise  translated  in 
the  A.  V.  by  "  lie  all  night "  (2  Sam.  xii.  16  ;  Cant. 
i.  13;  Job  xxix.  19);  "tarry  all  night,"  &c.  (Gen. 
xix.  2;  Judg.  xix.  10;  Jer.  xiv.  8);  "remain,"  i.  e. 
until  the  morning  (Ex.  xxiii.  18).  The  one  excep- 
tion above-named  occurs  in  Josh.  ii.  1,  Heb.  shdchab, 
elsewhere  rendered  "  to  lie,"  or  "  sleep."  In  the 
N.  T.  it  is  the  translation  of  the  Gr.  aulizvniai  ■= 
to  pass  the  night,  Robinson,  N.  T.  Lex.  (Slat.  xxi. 
17),  also  translated  "  to  abide  "  (Lk.  xxi.  37) ;  Gr. 
kala/uS,  literally  =:  to  loose,  dissolve,  unbind  (Lk. 
ix.  12),  once  translated  "  to  be  guest "  (xix.  7),  &c.  ; 
Gr.  kataskenod,  literally  =  to  pitch  tent,  spoken  of  the 

i  birds  (Mat.  xiii.  32;  Mk.  iv.  32;  Lk.  xiii.  19),  also 
translated  "  to  rest "  sc.  in  the  grave  (Acts  ii.  26) ; 
Gr.  xenizo  =  to  receive  as  a  guest,  to  entertain,  and  in 

,  passive,  to  be  entertained,  to  Mge,  Robinson,  N.  T. 

;  Lex.  (Acts  x.  e,  18,  23,  32,  xxi.  16,  xxviii.  7),  also 

1  translated  "  to  entertain  "  (Heb.  xiii.  2),  &c  ;  Gr. 

zenodoehed,  A.  V.  "to  lodge  strangers"  (1  Tim.  v. 
10  only).    Hospitality  ;  Inn. 
lyoft.     Hoi;8E. 

I      Log.    Weights  ANn  Measures. 
•Ug'M(Gr.).    Word. 


t560 


LOI 


LOTl 


*  Loins  (ITeb.  haldtsayim  or  chJil&Uayim,  moih- 
nayiin,  kc. ;  Gr.  osphv(s)  =  the  lower  region  of  the 
back,  or  the  parts  where  the  "oirdlk"  was  worn; 
regarded  as  the  seat  of  strength,  procreative  power, 
&c.  (Gen.  XXXV.  11,  xxxvii.  34  ;  Ex.  xxviii.  42  ;  Mat. 
iii.  4,  &c.). 

Lo'ls  (Gr.  bel'.er,  Walton's  Polyglott),  grandmother 
of  Timothy,  and  doubtless  the  mother  of  his  mother 
Eunice  (2  Tim.  i.  5).  It  seems  likely  that  Lois  had 
resided  long  at  Lystra ;  and  almost  certain  that 
from  her,  as  well  as  ffom  Eunice,  Timothy  obtained 
his  intimate  knowledge  of  the  Jewish  Scriptures  (2 
Tim.  iii.  15). 

Look'ing-gla<i$'es.    Mirror. 

*Lo»ni.     Handicraft;  Weaving. 

Lord,  as  applied  to  the  Deity,  is  the  almost  uni- 
form rendering  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  0.  T.  of  the 
Heb.  Yehovilh  =  Jkhovah,  which  would  be  more 
properly  represented  as  a  proper  name.  The  rev- 
erence which  the  Jews  entertained  for  the  sacred 
name  of  God  forbade  tliem  to  pronounce  it,  and  in 
reading  they  sul)stituted  for  it  either  Adondi,  i.  e. 
"  Lord,"  or  Elohim,  i.  e.  "  Gon,"  according  to  the 
vowel-points  by  which  it  was  accompanied.  The  title 
Adondi  is  also  rendered  "  Lord  "  in  the  A.V.,  though 
this,  as  applied  to  God,  is  of  infre(iuent  occurrence 
in  the  historical  books.  But  in  the  poetical  and 
prophetical  books  it  is  more  freiiuent,  excepting 
Job,  where  it  occurs  only  in  xxviii.  28,  and  Proverbs, 
Ecelesiastes,  and  Canticles,  where  it  is  not  once 
found.  The  difference  between  Jehovah  and  Adondi 
(or  Ad6>i)\i  generally  marked  in  the  A.  V.  by  print- 
ing the  word  in  small  capitals  (Lord)  when  it  repre- 
sents the  forincT  (Gen.  xv.  4,  &c.),  anl  witli  an 
initial  capital  only  when  it  is  the  translation  of  the 
litter  (Ps.  xcvii.  5;  Is.  i.  24,  x.  16);  except  in  Ex. 
xxiii.  17,  xxxiv.  2:i,  where  "  the  Lord  God  "  slnuld 
be  more  consistently  "  the  Lord  Jehovah." — The 
Heb.  Aion,  usually  translated  "  lord  "  or  "  master," 
and  applied  to  men  (Gen.  xviii.  12,  xxiii.  6,  11,  15, 
xxiv.  9  ff.,  &c.),  sometimes  =  "  Lord,"  i.  e.  the 
Deity  (Ex.  xxiii.  17  ;  Neh.  iii.  5  ;  Ps.  xcvii.  5,  &c.). — 
The  lleb.  and  Phenician  ba'al  (Baal;  Haali)  is 
translated  "  lord  "  in  Num.  xxi.  28  and  IIos.  ii.  Ifi, 
margin. — Other  Hebrew  words  translated  "  lord  " 
are  ySbir  (Gen.  xxvii.  29,  37),  seven  (applied  only  to 
the  "lords"  of  the  Philistines),  «<ir  (Capi'Ain), 
shalish.  (Army.) — The  Glial,  mdre  =  "  Lord  "  (Dan. 
ii.  47,  V.  23)  and  "lord"  (iv.  19,  24).— The  Chal. 
rab  (adj.  =:  f/rral)  is  once  translated  "  lord  "  (ii. 
10). — "  Lord  "  or  "  lord  "  is  the  common  translation 
of  Gr.  k-urion,  whieli  occurs  miiiv  hundred  times  in 
the  N.  T.  I  Mat.  xxii.  43,  44  twice,  45,  xxiv.  45  ff., 
&e.),  and  is  sometimes  translated  "  master  "  (vi.  24, 
XV.  27,  &c.),  or  "  sir  "  (xiii.  27,  xxi.  30,  &c.).  Kurioa 
("  Lord  ")  both  in  the  X.  T.  and  LXX.  often  denotes 
the  Deity,  and  =  Jehovah,  Adondi,  &c.  It  is  the  com- 
mon title  ("  Lord")  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ, 
and  in  this  application  often  stands  alone  (1  Cor.  ii. 
8,  iv.  5,  ix.  1  ff. ;  Heb.  ii.  3 ;  Jas.  v.  7  ff.,  &c.).— The 
Gr.  des/m  en  is  five  times  translated  "  Lord  "  (Lk.  ii. 
29  ;  Acts  iv.  24  ;  2  Pet.  ii.  1 ;  Jude  4  ;  Rev.  vi.  10), 
and  five  times  "master"  (1  Tim.  vi.  1,  2;  2  Tim.  ii. 
21 ;  Tit.  ii.  9;   1  Pet.  ii    18).     See  also  Rabdi. 

Lord's  D;iy,  thti  It  has  been  questioned,  though 
not  seriously  until  of  late  years,  what  is  the  mean- 
ing of  the  (Jreek  phrase  he  Kiirinke  [{emera,  which 
occurs  in  one  passage  only  of  the  Holy  Scripture 
(Rev.  i.  10),  and  is,  in  our  English  version,  trans- 
lated "  the  Lord's  Day."  The  general  consent  both 
oT  Christian  antiquity  and  of  modern  divines  h.as  , 
referred  it    to    the  weekly  festival    of  our  Lord's  I 


Resurrection,  and  identified  it  with  "  the  first  day 
of  the  week,"  or  "  Sunday,"  of  every  age  of  the 
Church.  The  views  antagonistic  to  this  general 
consent  are — 1.  That  "the  Lord's  Day"  here  =. 
the  Sabbath,  because  that  institution  is  called  in 
Is.  Iviii.  13,  by  the  Almighty  Himself,  "My  holy 
day."  To  this  it  is  replied — If  St.  John  had  in- 
tended to  specify  the  Sabbath,  he  would  surely 
have  used  that  word  which  was  by  no  means  ob- 
solete, or  even  obsolescent,  at  the  time  of  his  com- 
posing Revelation.  2.  That  "  the  Lord's  Day  "  = 
"  the  day  of  judgment,"  to  which  a  large  portion 
of  Revelation  may  be  conceived  to  refer.  But  this 
would  involve  a  strange  mixture  of  the  metaphor- 
ical and  the  literal.  3.  That  "  the  Lord's  Day  "  = 
that  on  which  the  Lord's  Resurrection  was  an- 
naally  celebrated,  or  Easter-day.  But  it  was  long 
doubted  on  what  day  in  the  annual  cycle  it  should 
be  celebrated,  and  no  patristical  authority  can  be 
quoted  for  this  interpretation. — Supposing,  then, 
that  the  Lord's  Day  is  here  meant.  Scripture  says 
very  little  concerning  it.  But  that  little  seems  to 
indicate  that  the  divinely  inspired  apostles,  by 
their  practice  and  by  their  precepts,  marked  the 
first  day  of  the  week  as  a  day  lor  meeting  together 
to  break  bread,  for  communicating  and  receiving 
instruction,  for  laying  up  offerings  in  store  for  char- 
itable purposes,  for  occupation  in  holy  thought  and 
prayer.  "The  first  day  of  the  week  so  devoted  seems 
also  to  have  been  the  day  of  the  Lord's  Resurreo-Aj 
tion.  The  Lord  rose  on  the  first  day  of  the  week 
and  appeared,  on  the  very  day  of  His  rising,  to  Ui^ 
followers  on  five  distinct  occasions — to  Jlary  Mag 
dalene,  to  the  other  women,  to  the  two  disciples  old 
the  road  to  Emmaus,  to  St.  Peter  separately,  to  te; 
apostles  collected  together.  After  eight  days,  i. 
according  to  the  ordinary  reckoning,  on  the  firs|( 
day  of  the  next  week.  He  appeared  to  the  eleven 
(Jesus  Christ.)  On  the  day  of  Pentecost,  whicH 
in  that  year  fell  on  the  first  day  of  the  week  (so  ht 
Ilessey,  the  original  author  of  this  article,  and 
others),  "  they  were  all  with  one  accord  in  ont 
place,"  had  spiritual  gifts  conferred  on  them,  and  la 
their  turn  liegan  to  communicate  those  gifts,  as  aa 
companimcnts  of  instruction,  to  others.  Many  yean 
after  the  occurrence  at  Pentecost,  when  Christianity 
had  begun  to  a-sume  something  like  a  settled  for 
St.  Paul  and  his  companions  arrived  at  Troas  (Ac6 
XX.  7),  and  "abode  seven  days,  and  upon  the  fir 
day  of  the  week  when  the  disciples  came  togcthe 
to  break  bread,  Paul  preached  unto  them."  In  : 
Cor.  xvi.  1,  2,  that  same  St.  Paul  writes  thugij 
"  Now  concerning  the  collection  for  the  saints,  as  ! 
have  given  order  to  the  churches  in  (iaiatia,  even  so 
do  ye.  Upon  the  first  day  of  the  week,  let  every 
one  of  you  lay  by  him  in  store,  as  God  hath  pros- 
pered him,  that  there  be  no  gatherings  when  I 
come."  In  Heb.  x.  25,  the  injunction  "  not  forsak- 
ing the  assembling  of  ourselves  together,  as  the 
manner  of  some  is,  but  exhorting  one  another," 
seems  to  imply  that  a  regular  day  for  such  assem- 
bling existed,  and  was  well  known.  And  la.stly,  in 
the  passage  given  above,  St.  John  describes  himself 
as  being  in  the  Spirit  "  on  the  Lord's  Day."  Taken 
separately,  perhaps,  and  even  all  together,  these 
passages  seem  scarcely  adequate  to  prove  that  the 
dedication  of  the  first  day  of  the  week  to  the  pur- 
poses above-mentioned  was  a  matter  of  apostolic  in- 
stitution, or  even  of  apostolic  practice.  But  it  is  a^HJ 
any  rate  an  extraordinary  coincidence,  that  almos^H 
immediately  after  we  emerge  from  Scripture,  we  finif*^ 
the  same  day  mentioned  in  a  similar  manner,  and 


I 


LOR 


LOR 


561 


! 


directly  associated  with  the  Lord's  Resurrection ; 
and  it  is  an  extraordinary  fact  tliat  we  never  find  its 
dedication  questioned  or  argued  ai)oiit.  The  results 
of  our  examination  of  tlie  principal  writers  of  the 
two  centuries  after  the  deatli  of  St.  John  (Clement 
of  Rome,  Ignatius,  the  epistle  ascribed  to  Barna- 
bas, Pliny's  well-known  letter  to  Trajan,  Justin 
Martyr,  Bardesanes,  Dionysius  bishop  of  Corinth, 
IreniEus,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Tertullian,  Origeu, 
Minucius  i'elix,  Cyprian,  Commodian,  Victorinus, 
and  Peter  bishop  of  Alexandria)  are  as  follows : 
The  Lord's  Day  (a  name  which  has  now  come  out 
more  prominently,  and  is  connected  more  explicitly 
with  our  Lord's  Resurrection  than  before)  existed 
during  these  two  centuries  as  a  part  and  parcel  of 
apostolical,  and  so  of  Scriptural  Christianity.  It 
was  never  defended,  for  it  was  never  impugned,  or 
at  least  only  impugned  as  other  things  received 
from  the  apostles  were.  It  was  never  confounded 
with  the  Sabbath,  but  carefully  distinguished  from 
it.  It  was  not  an  institution  of  severe  Sabbatical 
character,  but  a  day  of  joy  and  cheerfulness,  rather 
encouraging  than  forbidding  relaxation.  Religiously 
regarded,  it  was  a  day  of  solemn  meeting  for  the 
Holy  Kucharist,  for  united  prayer,  for  instruction, 
for  alms-giving ;  and  though,  being  an  institution 
under  the  law  of  liberty,  work  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  formally  interdicted,  or  rest  formally  en- 
joined, Tertullian  seems  to  indicate  that  the  char- 
acter of  the  day  was  opposed  to  worldly  business. 
Finally,  whatever  analogy  may  be  supposed  to  exist 
between  the  Lord's  Day  and  the  Sabbath,  in  no 
passage  that  has  come  down  to  us  is  the  Fourth 
Commandment  appealed  to  as  the  ground  of  the 
obligation  to  observe  the  Lord's  Day.  (Law  of 
MosEs;  Te.n  Commandments.) — There  are  three 
principal  views  in  respect  to  the  Lord's  Day ;  the 
first  denying  entirely  the  religious  character  and 
obligation  of  the  day ;  the  second  considering  the 
observance  of  it  as  a  day  of  rest  to  be  an  ecclesiastical 
institution,  not  a  divine  ordinance  ;  the  third  main- 
taining that  the  Sabbath  was  instituted  at  the  crea- 
tion, reenacted  in  the  Fourth  Commandment,  and 
perpetuated  in  the  Lord's  Day. — But  on  whatever 
grounds  "  the  Lord's  Day "  may  be  supposed  to 
rest,  it  is  a  great  .and  indisputable  fact  that  a.  d.  321, 
four  years  before  the  Council  of  Nice,  it  was  recog- 
nized by  Constantino  in  his  celebrated  edict,  as 
"  the  venerable  Day  of  the  Sun."  The  terms  of  the 
document  are  these : — "  The  Emperor  Constantine 
to  Augustus  Helpidius.  Let  all  judges  and  city 
people,  and  the  business  of  all  arts,  rest  on  the  ven- 
erable Day  of  the  Sun.  Yet  let  those  situated  in 
the  country  freely  and  without  restraint  attend  to 
the  cultivation  of  the  fields,  since  it  frequently  hap- 
pens that  not  more  fitly  on  any  day  may  com  be 
deposited  in  the  furrows  or  vines  in  the  trenches, 
lest  through  the  moment's  opportunity  the  benefit 
granted  by  heavenly  foresight  be  lost.  Given  on 
the  nones  (i.  e.  7th  dayi  of  March,  Crispus  II. 
(i.  e.  second  time)  and  Constantine  II.  (i.  e.  second 
time)  being  consuls."  Some  have  endeavored  to 
explain  away  this  document  by  alleging— (1.)  that 
"the  Day  of  the  Sun"  or  Sunday  is  not  the  Chris- 
tian name  of  the  Lord's  Day,  and  that  Constantine 
did  not  therefore  intend  to  acknowledge  it  as  a 
Christiitn  institution;  (2.)  that,  before  hia  conver- 
sion, Constantine  had  professed  himself  to  be  espe- 
cially under  the  guardianship  of  the  sun,  and  that, 
at  the  very  best,  he  intended  to  make  a  reliprious 
compromise  between  sun-worshippers,  properly  so 
called,  and  the  worshippers  of  the  "  Sun  of  Right- 
36 


eousness,"  i.  e.  Christians ;  (3.)  that  Constantine's 
edict  was  purely  a  kaleiidarial  one,  and  intended  to 
reduce  the  number  of  public  holidays.  (4.)  That 
Constantine  then  instituted  If'unday  for  the  first 
time  as  a  religious  day  for  Christians.  The  fourth 
of  these  statements  is  absolutely  refuted,  both  by 
quotations  from  writers  of  the  second  and  third 
centuries,  and  by  the  terms  of  the  edict  itself.  The 
three  other  statements  concern  themselves  rather 
with  what  Constantine  mnant  than  with  what  he  did. 
But  with  such  considerations  we  have  little  or 
nothing  to  do.  It  is  a  fact,  that  in  a.  d.  321,  in  a 
public  edict,  which  was  to  apply  to  Christians  as 
well  as  to  Pagans,  he  put  especial  honor  upon  a  day 
already  honored  by  the  former — judiciously  calling 
it  by  a  name  which  Christians  had  long  employed 
without  scruple,  and  to  which,  as  it  was  in  ordinary 
use,  the  Pagans  could  scarcely  object.  What  he  did 
for  it  was  to  insist  that  worldly  business,  whether 
by  the  functionaries  of  the  law  or  by  private  citi- 
zens, should  be  intermitted  during  its  continuance. 
V\rere  any  other  testimony  wanting  to  the  existence 
of  Sunday  as  a  day  of  Christian  worship  at  this 
period,  it  might  be  supplied  by  the  Council  of  Nice, 
A.  D.  325.  The  Fathers  there  and  then  assembled 
assume  it  as  an  existing  fact,  and  only  notice  it  in. 
cidentally  in  order  to  regulate  the  posture  of  Chris- 
tian worshippers  upon  it. 

*  Lord's  Prjyer,  a  name  commonly  given  (not  in 
the  Scriptures)  to  the  prayer  which  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  taught  His  disciples  (Mat.  vi.  9-13;  Lk.  xi. 
2-4).     Prayer. 

Lord's  Sap'per  (Gr.  huriakon  diipnon).  The 
words  which  thus  describe  the  great  central  act  of 
the  worship  of  the  Christian  Church  occur  in  but 
one  single  passage  of  theN.  T.  (1  Cor.  xi.  20).  Of 
the  fact  which  lies  under  the  name  we  have  several 
notices,  and  from  these,  incidental  and  fragmentary 
as  they  are,  it  is  possible  to  form  a  tolerably  distinct 
picture.  To  examine  these  notices  in  their  relation 
to  the  life  of  the  Christian  society  in  the  first  stages 
of  its  growth,  and  so  to  learn  what  "  the  Supper  of 
the  Lord  "  actually  was,  will  be  the  object  of  this 
article  (abridged  from  Prof.  Plumptre's  original  ar- 
ticle).— I.  The  starting-point  of  this  inquiry  is  found 
in  the  histofy  of  that  night  when  Jesis  Christ  and 
His  disciples  met  together  to  eat  the  Passover 
(Mat.  xxvi.  19;  Mk.  xiv.  16;  Lk.  xxii.  13).  The 
manner  in  which  the  Paschal  feast  was  kept  by  the 
Jews  of  that  period  differed  in  many  details  from 
that  originally  prescribed  by  Ex.  xii.  The  ceremo- 
nies of  the  feast  took  place  in  the  following  order 
(so  Prof.  Plumptre,  after  Lightfoot  and  Meyer) ;  (1.) 
The  members  of  the  company  that  were  joined  for 
this  purpose  met  in  the  evening  and  reclined  on 
couches  (compare  Mat.  xxvi.  20;  Lk.  xxii.  14;  Jn. 
xiii.  23-25).  The  head  of  the  household,  or  cele- 
brant, began  by  a  form  of  blessing  "  for  the  day  and 
for  the  wine,"  pronounced  over  a  cup,  of  which  he 
and  the  others  then  drank.  (2.)  All  present  then 
washed  their  hands ;  this  also  having  a  special 
benediction.  (8.)  The  table  was  then  set  out  with 
the  Paschal  lamb,  unleavened  bread,  bitter  herbs, 
and  the  dish  known  as  Hftrdselh  or  ClUtroseth,  a 
sauce  made  of  dates,  figs,  raisins,  and  vinegar,  and 
designed  to  commemorate  the  mortar  of  their 
bondage  in  Egypt.  (4.)  The  celebrant  first,  and 
then  the  others,  dipped  a  portion  of  the  bitter  herbs 
into  the  sauce  and  ate  them.  (6.)  The  dishes  were 
then  removed,  and  a  cup  of  wine  again  brought. 
Then  followed  an  interval  allowed  theoretically  for 
the  questions  that  might  be  asked  by  children  or 


562 


LOR 


LOB 


proselytes,  who  were  astonished  at  such  a  strange 
beginning  of  a  feast,  and  the  cup  was  passed  round 
and  drunk  at  the  close  of  it.  (6.)  The  dishes  being 
brought  on  again,  the  celebrant  repeated  the  com- 
memorative words  which  opened  what  was  strict- 
ly the  Paschal  supper,  and  pronounced  a  solemn 
thanksgiving,  followed  by  Psalms  cxiii.  and  cxiv. 
(7.)  Then  o.irae  a  second  washing  of  the  hands,  with 
a  short  form  of  blessing  as  before,  and  the  celebrant 
broke  one  of  the  t-TO  luaves  or  cakes  of  unleavened 
bread,  and  gave  thanks  over  it.  All  then  took  por- 
tion.s  of  the  bread  and  dipped  them,  together  with 
the  bitter  herbs,  into  the  sauce,  and  so  ate  them. 
(8.)  After  this  they  ate  the  flesh  of  the  Paschal 
lamb,  with  bread,  &c.,  as  they  liked ;  and  after  an- 
other blessing,  a  third  cup,  known  especially  as  the 
"  cup  of  blessing,"  wis  handed  round.  (9.)  This 
was  succeeded  by  a  fourth  cup,  and  the  recital  of 
Psalms  cxv.-cxviii.,  followed  by  a  prayer,  and  this 
was  accordingly  known  as  the  cup  of  the  Hatlel 
(lleb.  —  praiie  thou;  see  Hallelujah),  or  of  the 
So.ig.  (10.)  There  might  be,  in  conclusion,  a  fifth 
cup,  provided  that  the  "great  Hallel"  (possibly 
Psalms  cxx.-cxxxviii.)  was  sung  over  it. — Compar- 
ing the  ritual  thus  gathered  from  Rabbinic  writers 
with  the  N.  T.,  and  assuming  first,  that  it  represents 
substantially  the  cora.non  practice  of  our  Lord's 
time ;  and  secondly,  that  the  meal  of  which  He  and 
His  disciples  partook  was  either  the  passover  itself, 
or  an  anticipation  of  it,  conducted  according  to  the 
same  rules,  we  are  able  to  indicate,  though  not  with 
absolute  certainty,  the  points  of  departure  which 
the  old  practice  presented  for  the  institution  of  the 
new.  To  (1.)  or  (3.),  or  even  to  (8.),  we  may  refjr 
the  first  words  and  the  first  distribution  of  the  cup 
(Lk.  xxii.  17,  18);  to  (2.)  or  (7.)  the  dipping  of  the 
sop  of  Jn.  xiii.  26;  to  (7.),  or  to  an  interval  during 
or  after  (8.),  the  distribution  of  the  bread  (Mat.  xxvi. 
26;  Mk.  xiv.  22;  Lk.  xxii.  19;  1  Cor.  xi.  23,  24); 
to  (9.)  or  (10.)  ("after  supper,"  Lk.  xxii.  20)  the 
thanksgiving,  and  distribution  of  the  cup,  and  the 
hymn  with  which  the  whole  was  ended. — The  narra- 
tives of  the  Gospels  show  how  strongly  the  disciples 
were  impressed  with  the  words  which  hal  given  a 
new  meaning  to  the  old  familiar  acts.  They  leave 
unnoticed  all  the  ceremonies  of  the  Passover,  except 
those  which  had  thus  been  transferred  to  the  Chris- 
tian Church  and  perpetuated  in  it.  Old  things  were 
passing  away,  and  all  things  becoming  new.  They 
had  looked  on  the  bread  and  the  wine  as  memorials 
of  the  deliverance  from  Egypt.  They  were  now 
told  to  partake  of  them  "  in  remembrance  "  of  their 
Master  and  Lord.  The  festival  had  been  annual. 
No  rule  was  given  as  to  the  time  and  frequency  of 
the  new  fe.ast  that  thus  supervened  on  the  old,  but 
the  comuand,  "  Do  this  as  oft  as  ye  drink  it"(l 
Cor.  xi.  25),  suggested  the  more  continual  recurrence 
of  that  which  was  to  be  their  memorial  of  One  whom 
they  would  wish  never  to  forget.  The  words, 
"  This  is  my  body,"  gave  to  the  unleavened  bread  a 
new  character  (compare,  on  the  form  of  the  expres- 
sion. Gen.  xli.  26;  Dan.  vii.  17,  23,  24;  Mat.  xiii. 
33,  39;  G.al.  iv.  2.5;  Rev.  i.  20,  &c.).  They  had 
been  prepared  for  language  that  would  otherwise 
have  been  so  startling,  by  the  teaching  of  Jn.  vi.  32- 
58,  and  they  were  thus  taught  to  see  in  the  bread 
that  was  broken  the  witness  of  the  closest  possible 
union  and  incorporation  with  their  Lord.  The  cup, 
which  was  "  the  new  testament  in  His  blood,"  would 
rc'uind  them,  l;i  like  m.innor,  of  the  wonderful 
piopbecy  in  which  that  new  covenant  had  been  fore- 
told (Jer.  xxxi.  31-34).     It  is  possible  there  may 


have  been  yet  another  thought  connected  with  these 
symbolic  acts.  The  funeral  customs  of  the  Jews 
involved,  at  or  after  tlie  burial,  the  administration 
to  the  mourners  of  bread  (compare  Jer,  xvi.  7, 
margin;  Ez.  xxiv.  17;  Hos.  ix.  4;  Tob.  iv.  17),  and 
of  wine,  known,  when  thus  given,  as  "  the  cup  of 
consolation."  May  not  the  bread  and  the  wine  of 
the  Last  Supper  have  had  something  of  that  cliar- 
acter,  preparing  the  minds  of  Christ's  disciples  for 
His  departure  by  treating  it  as  already  accomplish- 
ed ?  May  we  not  conjecture,  without  leaving  the 
region  of  history  for  that  of  controversy,  tliat  the 
thoughts,  desires,  emotions,  of  that  liour  of  divine 
sorrow  and  communion  would  be  such  as  to  lead  the 
disciples  to  crave  earnestly  to  renew  tlieni '!  Would 
it  not  be  natural  that  they  should  seek  that  rencw.il 
in  the  way  which  their  Master  had  pointed  out  to 
them?  From  this  time,  accordingly,  the  words 
"  to  break  bread "  appear  to  have  had  for  the 
disciples  a  new  significance.  It  may  not  have  as- 
sumed indeed,  as  yet,  the  character  of  a  distinct 
liturgical  act ;  but  when  they  met  to  break  bread, 
it  was  with  new  thoughts  and  hopes,  and  with  the 
memories  of  that  evening  fresh  on  them. — IL  In  the 
account  (Acts)  of  the  life  of  the  first  disciples  at 
Jerusalem,  a  prominent  place  is  given  to  this  act, 
and  to  the  phrase  which  indicated  it.  Writing,  «c 
must  remember,  with  the  definite  associations  that 
had  gathered  round  the  words  during  the  thirty  years 
that  followed  the  events  he  records,  he  describes  the 
baptized  members  of  the  Church  as  continuing  stead- 
fast in  or  to  the  teaching  of  the  apostles,  in  fel- 
lowship with  them  and  with  each  other,  and  in  break- 
ing of  bread  and  in  prayers  (Acts  ii.  42).  Taken  in 
connection  with  the  account  in  the  preceding  verses 
of  the  love  which  made  them  live  as  having  all 
things  common,  we  can  scarcely  doubt  that  this  im- 
plies that  the  chief  actual  meal  of  each  day  was  one 
in  which  they  met  as  brothers,  and  which  was  cither 
preceded  or  followed  by  tlie  more  solemn  commem- 
orative acts  of  the  breaking  of  the  bread  and  the 
drinking  of  t!ie  cup.  It  will  be  convenient  to  an- 
ticipate the  language  and  the  thoughts  of  a  some- 
what later  date,  and  to  say  that,  apparently,  they 
thus  united  every  day  the  feast  of  Love  (Feasts  op 
Charity)  with  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist.  In 
a  society  consisting  of  many  thousand  members  tliere 
would  naturally  (so  Prof.  Plumptre)  be  many  places 
of  meeting.  The  congregation  assembling  in  each 
place  would  come  to  be  known  as  "  the  Church  "  m 
this  or  that  man's  house  (Rom.  xvi.  ft,  23;  1  Gor. 
xvi.  19 ;  Col.  iv.  15  ;  Phn.  2).  When  theymet,  the 
place  of  honor  would  naturally  be  taken  by  one 
the  apostles,  or  some  elder  representing  him. 
would  belong  to  him  to  pronounce  the  blessing  i 
thanksgiving,  with  which  the  meals  of  devout  Jeii^ 
always  began  and  ended.  The  materials  for  tl) 
meal  would  be  provided  out  of  the  common  fund 
of  the  Church,  or  the  liberality  of  individual  me 
bers.  The  bread  (unless  the  converted  Jews  we 
to  think  of  themselves  as  keeping  a  perpetual  pa 
over)  would  be  such  as  they  habitually  used.  ThI 
wine  (probably  the  common  red  wine  of  Palestine, 
Prov.  xxiii.  31)  would,  according  to  their  usual  prac- 
tice, be  mixed  with  water.  But  if  this  was  to  be 
more  than  a  common  meal  after  the  pattern  of  the 
Essenes,  it  would  be  necessary  to  introduce  words 
that  would  show  that  w^iat  was  done  was  in  remem- 
brance of  their  Master.  At  some  time,  before  or 
after  the  meal  of  which  they  partook  as  such,  the 
brea  1  and  the  wine  would  be  given  with  some  spe- 
cial form  ef  words  or  acts,  to  indicate  its  character. 


LOR 


LOT 


563 


New  conrerts  would  need  some  explanation  of  the 
meaning  and  origin  of  the  observance.  What 
would  be  so  fitting  and  so  much  in  harmony  with 
the  precedents  of  the  Paschal  feast  as  the  narrative 
of  what  had  passed  on  tlie  night  of  its  institution 
(1  Cor.  xi.  23-27)?  With  this  there  would  natu- 
rally be  associated  (as  in  Acts  ii.  42)  prayers  for 
themselves  and  others.  Their  gladness  would  show 
itself  in  the  psalms  and  hyniiis  with  which  they 
praised  God  (Heb.  ii.  46,  47;  Jas.  v.  13).  The  anal- 
ogy of  the  Passover,  the  general  feeling  of  the 
Jews,  and  the  practice  of  the  Esscncs  may  possibly 
have  suggested  ablutions,  partial  or  entire,  as  a 
preparation  for  the  feast  (Ueb.  x.  22  ;  Jn.  xiii.  1- 
15).  At  some  point  in  the  feast  those  who  were 
present,  men  and  women  sitting  apait,  would  rise 
to  salute  each  other  with  the  "  holy  kiss  "  (1  Cor. 
xvi.  20;  2  Cor.  xiii.  12).  The  next  traces  that  meet 
us  are  in  1  Cor.,  and  the  fact  that  we  find  them  is 
in  itself  significant.  The  commemorative  feast 
has  not  been  confined  to  the  personal  disciples  of 
Christ,  or  the  Jewish  converts  whom  they  gathered 
round  them  at  Jerusalem.  The  title  of  the  "  cup 
of  blessing"  (1  Cor.  x.  16)  has  been  imported  into 
the  Greek  Church.  The  synonym  of  "  the  cup  of 
the  Lord  "  (ver.  21)  distinguishes  it  from  the  other 
cups  that  belonged  to  the  "  Feast  of  Charity."  The 
word  "  fellowship  "  is  passing  by  degrees  into  the 
special  signification  of  "  Communion."  The  apostle 
refers  to  his  own  office  as  breaking  the  bread  and 
blessing  the  cup  (ver.  16).  The  table  on  which  the 
bread  was  placed  was  the  Lord's  Table.  But  the 
practice  of  the  Feast  of  Charity  as  well  as  the  ob- 
servance of  the  commemorative  feast  had  been 
transferred  to  Corinth,  and  this  called  for  a  special 
notice.  Evils  had  sprang  up  which  had  to  be 
checked  at  once.  The  meeting  of  friends  for  a  so- 
cial meal,  to  which  all  contributed,  was  a  sufficiently 
familiar  practice  in  the  common  life  of  Greeks  of 
this  period ;  and  the  cluij-feasts  were  associated 
with  plans  of  miitual  relief  or  charity  to  the  poor. 
The  Feast  of  Charity  of  the  new  society  would  seem 
to  them  to  be  such  a  feast,  and  hence  came  a  dis- 
onler  that  altogether  frustrated  the  object  of  the 
Church  in  instituting  it.  What  was  to  be  the  reme- 
dy for  this  terrible  and  growing  evil  St.  Paul  does 
not  state  explicitly.  He  reserves  formal  regulations 
for  a  later  personal  visit.  In  the  mean  time  he 
gives  a  rule  which  would  make  the  union  of  the 
Feast  of  Charity  and  the  Lord's  Supper  possible 
without  the  risk  of  profanation.  They  were  not  to 
come  even  to  the  former  with  the  keen  edge  of 
appetite.  They  were  to  wait  till  all  were  met,  in- 
stead of  scrambling  tumultuously  to  help  them- 
selves (xi.  33,  34).  In  one  point,  however,  the  cus- 
tom of  the  Church  of  Corinth  differed  apparently 
from  that  of  Jerusalem.  The  meeting  for  the  Lord's 
Supper  was  no  longer  daily  (ver.  20,  33).  The  di- 
rections given  in  1  Cor.  xvi.  2  suggest  the  constitu- 
tion of  a  celebration  on  the  first  day  of  the  week. 
The  meeting  at  Troas  is  on  the  same  day  (Acts  xx. 
7).  The  tendency  of  this  language,  and,  therefore, 
probably  of  the  order  subsequently  established,  was 
to  separate  what  had  hitherto  been  united.  We 
mil,  as  it  were,  at  the  dividing  point  of  the  history 
the  two  institutions,  and  henceforth  each  takes 
it^  own  course.  One,  as  belonging  to  a  transient 
phase  of  the  Christian  life,  and  varying  in  its  effects 
with  changes  in  national  character  or  forms  of  civil- 
ization, passes  through  many  stages,  and  finally 
dies  out.  The  other  also  has  ita  changes.  The 
morning  celebration  takes  the  place  of  the  evening. 


In  Acts  XX.  11  we  have  an  example  of  the  way  in 
which  the  transition  may  have  been  effected.  The 
disciples  at  Troas  meet  together  to  break  bread. 
The  hour  is  not  definitely  stated,  but  the  fact  that 
St.  Paul's  discourse  was  protracted  till  past  mid- 
night and  the  mention  of  the  many  lamps  indicate 
a  later  time  than  that  commonly  fixed  for  the  Gr. 
(leij»ion  (=  "supper;"  see  Mkals).  Then  came 
the  teaching  and  the  prayers,  and  then,  toward  early 
dawn,  the  breaking  of  bread,  which  constituted  tlie 
Lord's  Supper,  and  for  which  they  were  gathered 
together.  If  this  midnight  meeting  may  be  taken 
cs  indicating  a  common  piactice,  originating  in  rev- 
erence for  an  ordinance  which  Christ  had  enjoined, 
we  can  easily  understand  how  the  next  step  would 
be  to  transfer  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist  per- 
manently to  the  morning  hour,  to  which  it  had 
gradually  been  approximating.  The  recurrence  of 
the  same  liturgical  words  in  Acts  xxvii.  35  makes  it 
probable,  though  not  certain,  that  the  food  of  which 
St.  Paul  thus  partook  was  intended  to  have,  for  him- 
self and  his  Christian  companions,  the  character  at 
once  of  the  Feast  of  Charity  and  the  Eucharist. 
AT0NKm:»;T ;  Saviour. 

Lo-rn-liamali  (Ileb.  =  iheuncompassionatcd\ih6 
nane  of  the  daughter  of  Hosea  the  prophet,  given 
to  denote  the  utterly  ruined  and  hopeless  condition 
of  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  on  whom  Jehovah  would 
no  more  have  mercy  (Hos.  i.  6).     Rt;nAMAH. 

Lot  (Heb.  a  nrering,  veil,  Gcs.),  son  of  Haran, 
and,  therefore,  nephew  of  AnnAiiAM  (Gen.  xi.  27, 
31).  His  sisters  were  Milcah  the  wife  of  Nahor, 
and  IsCAH,  by  some  identified  with  Sarah.  Haran 
died  before  the  emigration  of  Terah  and  his  family 
from  Ur  of  the  Chaldces  (ver.  28),  and  Lot  was 
therefore  born  there.  He  removed  with  the  rest 
of  his  kindred  to  Haran,  and  again  subsequently 
with  Abraham  and  Sarai  to  Canaan  (xii.  4,  5).  With 
them  he  took  refuge  in  Egypt  from  a  famine,  and 
with  them  returned,  first  to  the  "South"  (.\iii.  1), 
and  then  to  their  original  settlement  between  Bethel 
and  Ai  (ver.  3,  4).  But  the  pastures  of  the  hills 
of  Bethel,  which  had  with  ease  contained  the  two 
strangers  on  their  first  .irrival,  were  not  able  any 
longer  to  bear  them,  so  much  had  their  possessions 
of  sheep,  goats,  and  cattle  increased  since  that 
time.  There  was  no  di.sagreement  between  Abra- 
ham and  Lot — their  relations  continued  good  to  the 
last — but  between  the  servants  who  tended  their 
countless  herds  disputes  arose,  and  a  parting  was 
necessary.  From  some  one  of  the  round,  swelling 
hills  which  surround  Bethel — from  none  more 
likely  than  that  which  stands  immediately  on  its  E. 
— the  two  Hebrews  looked  over  the  comparatively 
empty  lend,  in  the  direction  of  Sodom,  Gomoirah, 
and  Zoar  (xiii.  10).  And  Lot  lifted  up  his  eyes 
toward  the  left,  and  beheld  all  the  precinct  of  the 
Jordan  that  it  was  well  watered  everywhere ;  like  a 
garden  of  Jehovah ;  like  that  unutterably  green  and 
fertile  land  of  Egypt  he  had  only  lately  quitted.  It 
was  exactly  the  prospect  to  tempt  a  man  who  had 
no  fixed  purpose  of  his  own,  who  had  not  like 
Abraham  obeyed  a  stem  intvard  call  of  duty.  So 
Lot  left  his  uncle  on  the  barren  hills  of  Bethel,  and 
he  "  chose  all  the  precinct  of  the  Jordan,  and  jour- 
neyed east,"  down  the  ravines  which  give  access  to 
the  Jordan  valley :  and  then,  w  hen  he  reached  it, 
turned  again  southward  and  advanced  as  far  as 
SonoM  (ver.  11,12). — The  next  occurrence  in  the 
life  of  Lot  is  his  capture  by  the  four  kings  of  the 
East,  and  his  rescue  by  Abram  (xiv.).  (Abraham; 
Chedorlaomek.) — The  last  scene  preserved  to  us  in 


564 


LOT 


fiDB 


the  history  of  Lot  is  well  known.  He  is  still  living 
in  Sodom  (xix.).  Some  years  have  passed.  But  in 
the  midst  of  the  licentious  eorruption  of  Sodom  he 
still  preserves  some  of  the  delightful  characteristics 
of  his  wandering  life,  his  fervent  and  cliivalrous 
hospitality  (ver.  2,  8),  the  unleavened  bread  of  the 
tent  of  the  wilderness  (ver.  3),  the  water  for  the 
feet  of  the  wayfarers  (ver.  2)  affording  his  guests  a 
reception  identical  with  that  which  they  had  ex- 
perienced that  very  morning  in  Abraham's  tent  ou 
the  heights  of  Hebron  (compare  .wiii.  3,  6).  His 
deliverance  from  the  guilty  and  condemned  city 
points  the  allusion  of  St.  Peter  (2  Pet.  ii.  6-9). 
Where  Zoar  was  situated,  in  which  he  found  a 
temporary  refuge  during  the  destruction  of  the 
other  cities  of  the  plain,  we  do  not  know  with  ab- 
solute certainty.  The  end  of  Lot's  wife  (Edith  in 
the  Jewish  traditions)  is  commonly  treated  as  one 
of  the  difiSculties  of  the  Bible.  But  it  surely  need 
not  be  so.  "  His  wife  looked  back  from  behind 
him,  and  she  became  a  pillar  of  salt."  The  value 
and  the  significance  of  the  story  to  us  are  contained 
in  the  allusion  of  Clirist  (Lk.  xvii.  32).  Later  ages 
have  not  been  satisfied  so  to  leave  the  matter,  but 
have  insisted  on  identifying  the  "  pillar  "  with  some 
one  of  the  fleeting  forms  which  the  perishable  rock 
of  the  S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  is  constantly  assum- 
ing in  its  process  of  decomposition  and  liquefaction. 
The  story  of  the  orighi  of  the  nations  of  Moad  and 
Ammon  from  the  incestuous  intercourse  between  Lot 
and  his  two  daughters,  with  which  his  history 
abruptly  concludes,  has  been  often  treated  as  if  it 
were  a  Hebrew  legend  which  owed  its  origin  to  the 
bitter  hatred  existing  from  the  earliest  to  the  latest 
times  between  the  "  Children  of  Lot "  and  the  Chil- 
dren of  Israel.  But  even  the  most  destructive  crit- 
ics allow  that  the  narrative  is  a  continuation  with- 
out a  break  of  that  which  precedes  it,  while  they 
fail  to  point  out  any  marks  of  later  date  in  the  lan- 
guage of  this  portion  ;  and  it  cannot  be  questioned 
that  the  writer  records  it  as  an  historical  fact. 
Even  if  the  legendary  theory  were  admissible,  there 
is  no  doubt  of  the  fact  that  Ammon  and  Moab 
sprang  from  Lot  (Deut.  ii.  9,  19;  Ps.  Ixxxiii.  8). 
The  Arabic  local  name  of  the  Dead  Sea  is  Jiahr  L-Ai 
:=  Sea  of  Lot. 

Lot>  The  custom  of  deciding  doubtful  questions 
by  lot  is  one  of  great  extent  and  high  antiquity, 
recommending  itself  as  a  sort  of  appeal  to  the  Al- 
mighty, secure  from  all  influence  of  passion  or 
bias,  and  is  a  sort  of  divination  said  to  be  em- 
ployed even  by  the  gods  themselves  (Homer,  II. 
xxii.  209  :  Cicero,  de  I)iv.  i.  34,  ii.  41).  Among  the 
Jews  also  the  use  of  lots,  with  a  religious  inten- 
tion, direct  or  indirect,  prevailed  extensively.  The 
religious  estimate  of  them  may  be  gathered  from 
Prov.  xvi.  33.  The  following  are  historical  or  ritual 
instances — 1.  Clioice  of  men  for  an  invading  force 
(Judg.  i.  1,  XX.  10).  2.  Partition  (a)  of  the  soil  of 
Palestine  among  the  tribes  (Num.  xxvi.  65 ;  Josh, 
xviii.  10;  Acts  xiii.  19):  (6)  of  Jerusalem,  i.  e. 
probably  its  spoil  or  captives  among  captors  (Ob. 
11) ;  of  the  land  itself  in  a  similar  way  (1  Me.  iii. 
36):  (c)  Peopling  of  Jerusalem  by  inhabitants 
drawn  by  lot  (Xeh.  xi.  1,  2):  {d)  Apportionment 
of  possessions,  or  spoil,  or  of  prisoners,  to  foreign- 
ers or  captors  (Joel  iii.  3 ;  Nali.  iii.  10 ;  Mat.  xxvii. 
35).  3.  (a)  Settlement  of  doubtful  questions  (Prov, 
xvi.  33,  xviii.  18).  (6)  A  mode  of  divination 
among  heathens  by  means  of  arrows,  two  inscribed, 
and  one  without  mark  (Hos.  iv.  12;  Ez.  xxi.  21). 
(PcRiM.)    (c)  Detection  of  a  criminal  (Josh.  vii.  14, 


18).  (d)  Appointment  of  persons  to  offices  or 
duties  (1  Sam.  x.  20,  21;  1  Chr.  xxiii.  28,  xxiv.  3, 
5,  19,  20-31,  XXV.  8,  xxvi.  13;  Acts  i.  24-26).  (f) 
Selection  of  the  scape-goat  on  the  Day  of  Atone- 
ment (Lev.  xvi.  8,  10).  4.  The  use  of  words  heard 
or  passages  chosen  at  random  from  Scripture. 

Lo  tan  (Heb.  covei-ing,  Gcs.),  eldest  son  of  Seir 
the  Horite  (Gen.  xxxvi.'  20,  22,  29  ;  1  Chr.  i.  38,  39). 

Loth-a-sn'bns  (ir.  Gr.),  a  corruption  of  Hashlm  in 
Neh.  viii.  4  (lEsd.  ix.  44). 

Lots,  Fi'iist  of.    PuKiM. 

*  Lcvc  [luv]  (Heb.  ahubilh  ;  Gr.  agape)  denotes  not 
only  natural  affection  (Gen.  xxix.  20;  2  Sam.  i.  26, 
j  &c.),  but  also  the  pure  spiritual  affection  wliich 
belongs  to  God  and  holy  beings  (Rom.  xiii.  10;  1 
Jn.  iv.  7,  8,  &c.).  Love  may  involve  complacence 
or  delight  in  the  character  of  its  object,  e.  g.  God's 
love  toward  the  holy,  or  their  love  toward  Him 
and  other  holy  beings  (Jn.  v.  42,  xvii.  26,  &c.) ;  or 
it  may  involve  only  benevolence  or  compassion 
without  any  approbation  of  its  object's  character, 
e.  g.  God's  love  toward  sinners  (Rom.  v.  8 ;  com- 
pare Jn.  iii.  10,  &c.).  Love,  in  the  heavenly  or 
Christian  sense,  is  a  fruit  of  the  Spirit  (Kom.  v. 
5;  Gal.  v.  22);  it  is  opposed  to  all  unrighteousness 
and  is  satisfied  only  with  likeness  to  Jesus  Christ 
and  God  (Rom.  xiii.  10;  1  Jn.iv.  17;  comp.  Mat.  xxii. 
36^0,  kc).  "  We  love  Ilim  because  He  first  loved 
us"  (1  Jn.  iv.  19).     Charity;  Faith;  Mekcy,  &c. 

Lcve'-Foasts.     Feasts  of  Charity. 

*L9W  Cann'try  (2  Chr.  xxvi.   10,  xxviii.  18),  or 
Low  Plains  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  28;  2  Chr.  ix.  27),  the  A. 
;  V.  translation  of  Heb.  shephcliih  =  Sepiiela.     Ju- 
DAH  1  (XL);  Plain  6;  Valley  5. 

Lo'zou  (Gr. ),  ancestor  of  certain  "  sons  of  Solo- 
mon's servants"  who  returned  with  Zorobabel  (1 
Esd.  v.  33) ;  —  Darkon. 

Ln'biiu,  Ln'binis  (Hob.  Liibim,  Lubbim  —  Liby- 
ans, strictly  iiihabHants  of  a  dri/  and  Ihinlji  land, 
Ges.),  an  African  nation  mentioned  as  coutributinj.', 
together  with  Cushites  (A.  V.  "Ethiopians")  and 
Sukkiim,  to  Shishak's  army  (2  Chr.  xii.  3);  and  ap- 
parently as  forming  with  Cushites  the  bulk  of 
Zorah's  army  (xvi.  8) ;  .spoken  of  by  Nahum  (iii.  9), 
with  Put  or  Phut,  as  helping  No-Amon  (Thebes), 
of  which  Cush  and  Egypt  were  the  strength ;  and 
by  Daniel  (xi.  43)  as  paying  court  with  the  Cushites 
to  a  conqueror  of  Egypt  or  the  Egyptians.  For 
more  precise  information  we  look  to  the  Egyptian 
monuments,  upon  which  we  find  representations  of 
a  people  called  Pibu  or  Lcbu,  who  (so  Mr.  R.  S. 
Poole)  =  the  Lubini.  These  Rehu  were  a  warlike 
people,  with  whom  Menptah  and  Rameses  JIT.,  who 
both  ruled  in  the  thirteenth  century  b.  c,  w  r/.d 
successful  wars.  The  latter  king  routed  them  "itii 
much  slaughter.  Tlie  sculptures  of  the  great  iiiii- 
ple  he  raised  at  Thebes,  now  called  that  ol  Mc- 
decnet  Uahoo,  give  us  representations  of  the  lUhn, 
showing  that  they  were  fair,  and  of  what  is  ealUd  a 
Shcniitic  type,  like  the  Berbers  and  Kabyles.  They 
are  distinguished  as  northern,  i.  e.  as  parallel  to,  or 
north  of,  Lower  Egypt.  The  Lubim  probably  ^ 
the  Mizraite  Lehabim.  The  historical  indieatioi 
of  the  Egyptian  monuments  thus  lead  us  to  pli 
the  seat  of  the  Lubim,  or  primitive  Libyans,  on 
African  coast,  westward  of  Egypt,  perhaps  extern 
ing  far  beyond  the  Cyrenaica.  (Cyrene;  Libya 
They  seem  to  have  been  first  reduced  by  the  Egyp- 
tians about  1250  b.  c,  and  afterward  driven  iiilmJ 
by  the  Phenician  and  Greek  colonists.  Now  tin  v 
still  remain  on  the  northern  confines  of  the  (ucjit 
Desert,  and  even  within  it,  and  in  the  mountainB. 


'_ 

i 


LUC 


LUK 


565 


Ln'ras  (L.  =  Lcke),  a  friend  and  companion  of 
St.  Paul  during  his  imprisonment  at  Konie  (Plin. 
24);  =:  LuKK,  the  beloved  pbTstcian  (Col.  iv.  14; 
2  Tim.  iv.  11). 

Lfld-fer  [-se-]  (L.,  literally  Ught-brwgin^ ;  Heb. 
Iii'uli-I).    The  name  is,  in  Is.  xiv.  1'.!,  coupled  with  the 

iithet   "son  of  the  morning,"  and  clearly  =  a 

'//(/  Ktar,  and  probably  what  we  call  the  morning 
■  :ir.  In  this  passage  it  is  a  symbolical  representa- 
tion of  the  king  of  Babylon,  in  his  splendor  and  in 
Ills  fall.  Its  application  (from  St.  Jerome  down- 
ward) to  Satan  in  his  fall  from  heaven,  arises  prob- 
ably from  the  fact  that  the  Babylonian  empire  is  in 
-' ripture  represented  as  the  type  of  tyrannical  and 

If-idolizing  power,  and  especially  connected  with 
ilie  empire  of  the  Evil  One  in  the  Apocalypse. 

Lnci-ns  [Iii'.shc-U8  in  L.,  as  Eng.  usually  pro- 
nounced lu'shus]  (L.,  born  in  the  day-time,  Freund  ; 
a  common  Roman  prienomcn  or  first  name).  1. 
A  Roman  consul,  said  to  have  written  the  letter  to 
I'tolemy  (Eucrgetes),  which  assured  Simon  I.  of  the 
|iiotcction  of  Rome  (about  b.  c.  139-8;  1  Mc.  xv. 
10,  15-24).  The  whole  form  of  the  letter— the 
mention  of  one  consul  only,  the  description  of  the 
consul  by  the  prsenomen,  the  omission  of  the  senate 
and  of  the  date — shows  that  it  cannot  be  an  accurate 
copy  of  the  original  document ;  b>it  there  is  nothing 
in  the  substance  of  the  letter  which  is  open  to  just 
suspicion.  The  imperfect  transcription  of  the  name 
ha.s  led  to  the  identification  of  Lucius  with  three 
distinct  persons — (1.)  (Lucius?)  Furius  Philus,  who 
was  not  consul  till  B.  c.  136,  and  is  therefore  at 
once  excluded.  (2.)  Lucius  C^ecilins  Metellus  Cal- 
vns,  who  was  consul  in  b.  c.  142.  (3.)  The  third 
identification  with  Lucius  Calpurnius  Piso,  who  was 
consul  B.  c.  139,  is  most  probably  correct. — 2.  A 
hinsman  or  fellow-tribesman  of  St.  I'aul  (Rom.  xvi. 
21 ),  by  whom  he  is  said  by  tradition  to  have  been 
ordained  bishop  of  the  church  of  Cenchrea ;  thought 
by  some  =  Xo.  3. — 3>  "  Lucius  of  Cyrene  "  is  first 
mentioned  in  the  N.  T.  in  company  with  Barnabas, 
Simeon,  called  Xiger,  Manaen,  and  Saul,  who  are 
described  as  prophets  and  teachers  of  the  church  at 
Antioeli  ( Acts  .xiii.  1 ).  Whether  Lucius  was  one  of 
the  seventy  disciples,  as  stated  by  Pseudo-IIippoly- 
tus,  is  quite  a  matter  of  conjecture,  but  it  is  highly 
probable  that  he  formed  one  of  the  congregation  to 
whom  St.  Peter  preached  on  the  day  of  Pentecost 
(U.  10);  and  there  can  hardly  be  a  doubt  that  ho 
was  one  of  "  the  men  of  Cyrene,"  who,  being  "  scat- 
tered abroad  upon  the  persecution  that  rose  about 
Stephen,"  went  to  Antioch  preaching  the  Lord 
Jesns  (xi.  19,  20).  He  is  commonly  supposed  := 
Ko.  2.  There  is  certainly  no  sufficient  reason  for 
Wgarding  him  ns  =  Like.  Piflerent  traditions 
B«kc  Lucius  bishop  of  Cenchrea,  of  Cyrene,  and 
<rfLao(licea  in  Syria. 

•  La'fTf  [-ker]  (Fr.  fr.  L.)  =  pain,  especially  that 
which  \s  obtained  unworthilv(l  Sam.  viii.  3;  1  Tim. 
at  8,  8;  Tit.  i.  7,  11;  1  Pet.  v.  2). 

'Lad  (Heb.  progeny,  Sim.  ;  ftill  of  vindingt,  tor- 

ttlHu,  from  the  course  of  the  river  Meander  on  the 

kttrder  of  Lydia,  Schl.),  fourth  name  in  the  list  of 

Ae  sons  of  Shem  (Gen.  x.  22  ;  1  Chr.  i.  17),  that  of 

#person  or  trilie,  or  both,  descended  from  him.     It 

Mm  been  supposed  that  Lud  was  the  ancestor  of  the 

Ij'dians  (Jos.  i.  6,  §  4),  and  thus  represented  by  the 

'    Lydu.s  of  their  mythical  period.     (Ltpia.)     But  the 

I  Kg%-pti:in  monuments  show  ug  in   the   thirteenth, 

•ith,  and  fifteenth  centuries  b.  c.  a  powerful 

idled  Ruten  or  Lndm,  probably  (so  Mr.  R. 

rooie)  seated  near  Mesopotamia,  and  apparently 


N.  of  Palestine,  whom  some,  however,  make  the 
Assyrians.  Perhaps  the  Lydians  first  established 
themselves  near  Palestine,  and  afterward  spread 
into  Asia  Minor;  the  occupiers  of  the  old  seat  of 
the  race  being  destroyed  or  removed  by  the  Assyr- 
ians.    Lldim. 

La  dim  (Heb.  pl.  of  Lcd),  a  Mizraite  people  or 
tribe  (Gen.  x.  13  ;  1  Chr.  i.  11).  From  their  position 
at  the  head  of  the  list  of  the  Mizraites,  they  were 
probably  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole)  settled  to  the  W.  of 
Egypt,  perhaps  further  than  any  other  Mizraite 
tribe.  Lcd  and  the  Ludim  are  mentioned  in  Is. 
Ixvi.  19  ;  Jcr.  xlvi.  9  (A.  V.  "Lydians");  Ez.  xxvii. 
10,  XXX.  5  (A.  V.  "Lydia").  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  but  one  nation  is  intended  in  these  pas- 
sages, and  thus  far  the  preponderance  of  evidence 
seems  in  favor  of  the  Mizraite  Ludim.  From  the 
Egyptian  monimients  we  learn  that  several  foreign 
nations  contributed  allies  or  mercenaries  to  the 
Egyptian  armies.  Among  them  we  identify  the 
Kebu  with  the  Litbim,  and  the  Sharyaiana  with  the 
CuERETiiiM,  who  also  served  in  David's  army.  The 
rest  of  these  foreign  troops  seem  to  have  been  of 
African  nations,  but  this  is  not  certain.  From  the 
Greek  writers  we  learn  that  Ionian,  Carian,  and 
other  Greek  mercenaries,  formed  an  important  ele- 
ment in  the  Egyptian  army  in  all  times  when  the 
country  was  independent,  from  the  reign  of  Psam- 
metichus  until  the  final  conquest  by  Ocluis.  These 
mercenaries  were  even  settled  in  Egyft  by  Psam- 
metiehus.  There  does  not  seem  to  be  any  mention 
of  them  in  the  Bible,  unless  they  =:  Lud  and  the 
Ludim  in  th"  passages  above-mentioned.  It  must 
be  recollected  that  it  is  reasonaVilc  to  connect  the 
Shemite  Lud  with  the  Lydians,  and  that  at  the  time 
of  the  prophets  by  whom  Lud  and  the  Ludim  are 
mentioned,  the  Lydian  kingdom  generally  or  always 
included  the  more  western  part  of  Asia  Minor,  so 
that  the  terms  Lud  and  Ludim  might  well  ajiply  to 
the  Ionian  and  Carian  mercenaries  drawn  from  this 
territory.  We  must  therefore  hesitate  before  abso- 
lutely concluding  that  this  important  portion  of  the 
Egyptian  mercenaries  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Bible, 
upon  the pmndyaHe  evidence  that  the  only  name 
which  could  stand  for  it  would  seem  to  be  that  of  an 
African  nation. 

Ln'bitli  (Heb.  made  of  boards,  probably  having 
boarded  houses,  Ges.),  the  As-tfOf  of,  a  place  in 
Moab ;  apparently  the  ascent  to  a  sanctuary  or  holy 
spot  on  an  eminence.  It  occurs  only  in  Is.  xv.  5, 
and  the  parallel  passage  of  Jeremiah  (xlviii.  5).  In 
the  days  of  Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  was  still  known 
and  stood  between  Areopolis  (Ah)  and  Zoar.  M.  de 
Saulcy  places  it  at  Kharbet-Nwuihin  ;  but  this  is  N. 
of  Areopolis,  and  cannot  be  said  to  lie  between  it 
and  Zoar. 

Lnlie  (fr.  Gr.  Loukan  ;  L.  Lueas,  an  abbreviated 
form  of  Lucanus  [i.  c.  Lncanian,  of  or  from  Lucania, 
a  district  in  South  Italy],  or  of  Lvriihix  [i.  e.  born  at 
daylight,  the  common  name  of  a  Roman  clan] ;  not 
to  be  confounded  with  Lrcirs).  The  name  Luke 
occurs  three  times  in  the  N.  T.  (Col.  iv.  14 ;  2  Tim. 
iv.  11;  Phn.  24,  A.  V.  "Lucas"),  and  probably  in 
all  three  the  third  evangelist  is  the  person  spoken 
of.  (Luke.  Gospel  or.)  Combining  the  traditional 
element  with  the  scriptural,  the  uncertain  with  the 
certain,  we  are  able  (so  Archbishop  Thomson)  to 
trace  the  following  dim  outline  of  the  evangelist's 
life.  He  was  born  at  Antioch  in  Syria  (Eusebius, 
Ilixt.  iii.  4) ;  in  what  condition  of  life  is  uncertain. 
That  he  was  taugiit  the  science  of  medicine  ("the 
beloved  physician")  does  not  prove  that  he  was  of 


566 


LUK 


LUE 


higher  birth  thaa  the  rest  of  the  disciples.  The 
tradition  tliat  Lulce  was  also  a  painter,  and  of  no 
mean  skill,  rests  on  the  authority  of  Nicephorus  (ii. 
43),  and  of  other  late  writers.  lie  was  not  born  a 
Jew,  for  he  is  not  reckoned  among  them  "  of  the 
circumcision"  by  St.  Paul  (compare  Col.  iv.  11  with 
ver.  14).  The  date  of  his  conversion  is  uncertain. 
The  statement  of  Epiphanius  and  others,  that  he 
was  one  of  the  seventy  disciples,  has  nothing  very 
improbable  in  it  (but  compare  Lk.  i.  2) ;  whilst  that 
which  Theophylact  adopts  (on  Lk.  xxiv.),  that  he  was 
one  of  the  two  who  journeyed  to  Emmaus  with  the 
risen  Redeemer,  has  found  modern  defenders.  The 
first  ray  of  historical  light  falls  on  the  evangelist 
when  he  joins  St.  Paul  at  Troas,  and  shares  his 
journey  into  Macedonia.  The  sudden  transition  to 
the  first  person  plural  in  Acts  xvi.  9  is  most  nat- 
urally explained,  after  all  the  objections  that  have 
been  urged,  by  supposing  that  Luke,  the  writer  of 
the  Acts,  formed  one  of  St.  Paul's  company  from 
this  point.  As  far  as  Philippi  the  evangelist  jour- 
neyed with  the  apostle.  The  resumption  of  the 
third  person  on  Paul's  departure  from  that  place 
(xvii.  1)  would  show  that  Luke  was  now  left  behind. 
During  the  rest  of  St.  Paul's  second  missionary 
journey  we  hear  of  Luke  no  more.  But  on  the 
third  journey  the  same  indication  reminds  us  that 
Luke  is  again  of  the  company  (xx.  5),  having  joined 
it  apparently  at  Philippi,  where  he  had  been  left. 
With  the  apostle  he  passed  through  Jliletus,  Tyre, 
and  Cesarea  to  Jerusalem  (xx.  5,  xxi.  18).  Between 
the  two  visits  of  Paul  to  Philippi  seven  years  had 
elapsed  (a.  d.  51  to  a.  d.  58),  which  the  evangelist 
may  have  spent  in  Philippi  and  its  neighborhood 
preaching  the  Gospel.  There  remains  one  passage, 
which,  if  it  refers  to  St.  Luke,  must  belong  to  this 
period.  "  We  have  sent  with  him "  (i.  e.  Titus) 
"  the  brother  whose  praise  is  in  the  gospel  through- 
out all  the  churches"  (2  Cor.  viii.  18).  The  sub- 
scription of  the  epistle  sets  forth  that  it  was  "writ- 
ten from  Philippi,  a  city  of  Macedonia,  by  Titus  and 
Lucas"  and  it  is  an  old  opinion  that  Luke  was  the 
companion  of  Titus,  although  he  is  not  named  in  the 
body  of  the  epistle.  If  this  be  so,  we  are  to  suppose 
that  during  the  "  three  months  "  of  Paul's  sojourn 
at  Philippi  (Acts  xx.  3)  Luke  was  sent  from  that 
place  to  Corinth  on  this  errand.  He  again  appears 
in  the  company  of  Paul  in  the  memorable  jour- 
ney to  Rome  (xxvii.  1).  He  remained  at  his  side 
during  his  fir.st  imprisonment  (Col.  iv.  14 ;  Phn. 
24) ;  and  if  it  is  to  be  supposed  that  the  Second 
Epistle  to  Timothy  was  written  during  the  second  im- 
prisonment, then  the  testimony  of  2  Tim.  iv.  11 
shows  that  he  continued  faithful  to  the  apostle  to 
the  end  of  his  afflictions.  After  the  death  of  St. 
Paul,  the  acts  of  his  faithful  companion  are  hope- 
lessly obscure  to  us.  In  a  passage  of  Epiphanius 
(cont.  H(er.  li.  11)  we  find  that  receiving  the  com- 
mission to  preach  the  Gospel,  Luke  preaches  first 
in  Dalmatia  and  Gallia,  in  Italy  and  Macedonia. 
Probably  he  died  in  advanced  life  ;  but  whether  he 
suffered  martyrdom  or  died  a  natural  death,  whether 
in  Bithynia  or  Achaia,  or  some  other  country,  it  is 
impossible  to  determine  amidst  contradictory  voices. 
That  he  died  a  martyr,  between  a.  d.  75  and  a.  p. 
101),  would  seem  to  have  the  balance  of  suffrages  in 
its  favor. 

Lnke  (see  above),  Gos'pel  of.  (Gospels.)  I.  The 
third  Gospel  is  ascribed,  by  the  general  consent  of 
ancient  Christendom,  to  "  the  beloved  pliysician," 
Luke,  the  friend  and  companion  of  the  Apostle  Paul. 
It  has  been  shown  already  that  the  Gospels  were 


in  use  as  one  collection,  and  were  spoken  of  un- 
doubtingly  as  the  work  of  those  whose  names  they 
bear,  toward  the  end  of  the  second  century.  (Cano.n.) 
But  as  regards  the  genuineness  of  St.  Luke  any  dis- 
cussion is  entangled  with  a  somewhat  difiicult  ques- 
tion, viz.  what  is  the  relation  of  the  Gospel  we  pos- 
sess to  that  which  was  used  by  Marcion  y  The  case 
!  may  be  briefly  stated.  The  religion  of  Jesus  Christ 
announced  salvation  to  Jew  and  Gentile,  through 
Him  who  was  born  a  Jew,  of  the  seed  of  David. 
The  two  sides  of  this  fact  produced  very  early  two 
opposite  tendencies  in  the  Church.  One  party 
thought  of  Christ  as  the  Messiah  of  the  Jews ;  the 
other  as  the  Redeemer  of  the  human  race.  Marcion 
of  Sinope,  who  flourished  in  the  first  half  of  the  sec- 
ond century,  expressed  strongly  the  tendency  op- 
posed to  Judaism.  He  views  the  U.  T.,  not  as  a 
preparation  for  the  coming  of  the  Lord,  but  as 
something  hostile  in  spirit  to  the  Gospel.  This 
divorcement  of  the  N.  T.  from  the  Old  w  as  at  the 
root  of  Marcion's  doctrine.  In  his  system  the  God 
of  the  0.  T.  was  a  lower  being,  a  Demiurge,  engaged 
in  a  constant  conflict  with  matter,  over  which  he  did 
not  gain  a  complete  victory.  (Philosophy.)  But 
the  lioly  and  eternal  God,  perfect  in  goodness  and 
love,  comes  not  in  contact  with  matter,  and  creates 
only  what  is  like  to  and  cognate  with  Himself. 
JIarcion  admitted  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  and  a 
Gospel  which  he  regarded  as  Pauline,  and  rejected 
the  rest  of  the  N.  T.,  not  from  any  idea  that  the 
books  were  not  genuine,  but  becimse  they  were,  as  he 
alleged,  the  genuine  works  of  men  who  were  not  faith- 
ful teachers  of  the  Gospel  they  had  received.  But  what 
was  the  Gospel  which  Marcion  used  ?  The  ancient  tes- 
timony (Irenacus  ;  TertuUian)  is  very  strong  on  this 
point ;  it  was  the  Gospel  of  St.  Luke,  altered  to  suit 
his  peculiar  tenets.  He  did  not,  however,  ascribe 
to  Luke  by  name  the  Gospel  thus  corrupted,  calling 
it  simply  the  Gospel  of  Christ.  The  opinion  that 
he  formed  for  himself  a  Gospel,  on  the  principle  of 
rejecting  all  that  savored  of  Judaism  in  an  existing 
narrative,  and  tliat  he  selected  Luke  as  needing  the 
least  alteration,  seems  to  have  been  held  uiiiver.sally 
in  the  Church,  until  Semler  started  a  doubt,  the 
prolific  seed  of  a  large  controversy ;  from  the  whole 
result  of  which,  however,  the  cause  of  truth  has 
little  to  regret.  His  opinion  was  that  the  Gospel 
of  St.  Luke  and  that  used  by  Marcion  were  drawn 
from  one  and  the  same  original  source,  neither 
being  altered  from  the  other.  From  this  coutro- 
versy  wegain  the  following  result: — Mareiou  was 
in  the  height  of  his  activity  about  A.  D.  138,  snon 
after  which  Justin  Martyr  wrote  his  Apology ;  and 
he  had  probably  given  forth  his  Gospel  some  years 
before,  i.  e.  about  a.  d.  130.  At  the  time  when  he 
composed  it,  he  found  the  Gospel  of  St.  Luke  so  I 
diffused  and  accepted  that  he  based  his  own  Gosp 
upon  it, altering  and  omitting.  (New  Testame.nt,^ 
§4.)  Therefore  we  may  assume  that,  about  A. 
120,  the  Gospel  of  St.  Luke  which  we  possess  wd 
in  use,  and  was  familiarly  known.  The  theory  th 
it  was  composed  about  the  middle  or  end  of  tU 
second  century  is  thus  overthrown ;  and  there 
no  positive  evidence  of  any  kind  to  set  against  th 
harmonious  assertion  of  all  the  ancient  Church  that 
this  Gospel  is  the  genuine  production  of  St.  Luke. 
— II.  Date  of  Jjukc.  We  have  seen  that  this  Gos- 
pel was  in  use  before  the  year  120.  From  internal 
evidence  the  date  can  be  more  nearly  fixed.  From 
Acts  i.  1  it  is  clear  that  it  was  written  before  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles.  The  book  of  the  Acts  was 
probably  completed  about  the  end  of  the  second 


LUK 


LUN 


567 


Tear  of  St.  Paul's  imprisonment,  i.  e.  about  A.  D.  68. 
ilow  much  earlier  the  Gospel,  describeJ  as  "  the 
former  treatise"  (Aets  i.  1),  may  have  been  written 
is  uiieertain.  Probably  it  was  written  at  Cesarea 
during  St.  Paul's  imprisonment  there,  a.  d.  58-60 
(Tliierech). — III.  Plw^e  where  l/ie  Gvapd  was  written. 
If  the  tune  has  been  rightly  indioated,  the  place 
would  bo  Cesarea.  Other  suppositions  are — that  it 
was  composed  in  Achaia  and  the  region  of  Bceotia 
(Jerome),  in  Alexandria  (Syriac  version),  in  Rome 
(Ewald,  ie.),  in  Achaia  and  Macedonia (Hilgenfeld), 
and  Asia  Minor  (Kostlin).  It  is  impossible  to  verify 
those  traditions  and  conjectures. — IV.  Origin  of  Ihe 
■itpet.  The  preliace,  contained  in  the  lirst  four 
'ises  of  the  Gospel,  describes  the  object  of  its 
writer.  Here  are  several  facts  to  be  observed. 
There  were  many  narratives  of  the  life  of  our  Lord 
current  at  the  early  time  when  Luke  wrote  his 
Gospel.  The  ground  of  fimoss  for  the  task  St.  Luke 
places  in  his  having  carefully  followed  out  the  whole 
course  of  events  from  the  beginning,  lie  docs  not 
claim  the  character  of  an  eye-witness  from  the  lirst ; 
but  possibly  he  may  have  been  a  witness  of  some 
part  of  our  Lord's  doings.  Tlie  ancient  opinion, 
that  Luke  wrote  his  Gospel  under  the  influence  of 
Paul,  rests  on  the  authority  of  Irenajus,  TertuUian, 
Origen,  and  Ensebius.  The  two  first  assert  that 
we  have  in  Luke  the  Gospel  preached  by  Paul ; 
Origen  calls  it  "  the  Gospel  quoted  by  Paul ; "  allud- 
ing to  liom.  ii.  16;  and  Eusebius  refers  Paul's 
words,  "according  to  my  Gospel"  (2  Tim.  ii.  8),  to 
Luke,  in  wliich  Jerome  concurs.  The  language  of 
tlie  preface  is  against  the  notion  of  any  exclusive 
influence  of  St.  Paul.  The  four  verses  could  not 
have  been  put  at  the  head  of  a  history  composed 
under  the  exclusive  guidance  of  Paul,  or.  of  any  one 
apostle,  and  as  little  could  they  have  introduced  a 
Gospel  simply  communlcjted  by  another.  The  truth 
seems  to  be  that  St.  Luke,  seeking  inibrmation  from 
every  quarter,  sought  it  from  tlie  preaching  of  his 
beloved  master,  St.  Paul ;  and  the  apostle  in  his 
turn  employed  the  knowledge  acquired  from  other 
sources  by  hi.s  disciple.  Upon  the  (luestion  whether 
Luke  made  use  of  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and 
Mark,  no  opinion  given  here  could  be  conclusive. 
Probably  Matthew  and  Luke  wrote  independently, 
and  about  the  same  time.  Some  regard  Mark  as 
the  oldest  N.  T.  writing ;  others,  as  the  last,  and 
framed  upon  the  other  two.  "  A  calm  review  of 
the  evidence  will,  however,  lead  most  unbiased 
readers  to  the  conclusion  that  all  three  wrote  In 
perfect  independence  of  one  another ;  each,  under 
the  guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  giving  a  distinct 
view  of  the  great  complex  whole,  the  reflex  of  the 
writer's  own  individual  impressions"  (E.  Venables, 
in  KItto).  (See  Harmony  under  Gospkls;  Inspira- 
tion.)— V.  Purjmise  for  whieh  llie  GoKpel  vas  wrillen. 
The  evangelLst  professes  to  write  that  Tiikopiiilcs 
"might  know  the  certainty  of  those  things  wherein 
he  had  been  instructed  "  (Lk.  i.  4).  Thcophihis  evi-' 
dently  was  a  Gentile  reader.  We  must  admit,  but 
with  great  caution,  on  account  of  the  abuses  to 
which  the  notion  has  led,  that  there  are  traces  in 
the  Go.ipel  of  a  leaning  toward  Gentile  mther  than 
Jewish  converts.  As  each  Gospel  has  within  certain 
limits  its  own  character  and  mode  of  treatment,  we 
shall  recognize  with  Olshausen  that  "  St.  Luke  has 
the  peculiar  power  of  exhibiting  with  great  clear- 
ness of  conception  and  truth,  not  so  much  the  dis- 
courses  of  Jesus  as  His  conversations,  wiih  all  the 
incidents  that  gave  rise  to  them,  with  the  remarks 
of  those  who  were  present,  and  with  the  final  re- 


sults." Mr.  Venables  (in  Kitto)  makes  "  universal- 
ity "  the  chief  characteristic  which  distinguishes 
Luke  from  Matthew  and  Mark.  "  The  message  he  • 
delivers  is  not  for  the  Gentiles  as  such,  as  distin- 
guished from  the  Jews,  but  for  men."  So  Dr.  Van 
Oosterzee  ( Comm.  in  Lange's  Scries)  styles  it  "the 
Gospel  of  Universal  Humanity." — VI.  Language 
and  Style  of  the  Gospel.  It  lias  never  been  doubttd 
that  the  evangelist  wrote  his  Gospel  in  Greek. 
Whilst  Hebraisms  are  frequent,  classical  idioms  and 
Greek  compound  words  abound.  The  number  of 
words  used  by  Luke  only  is  unusually  great,  and 
many  of  tliem  are  compound  words  (or  wliich  there 
is  classical  authority.  On  comi  aiing  the  Gospel 
with  the  Acts  it  is  found  that  the  style  of  the  latter 
is  more  pure  and  free  fit  m  Hebrew  idioms ;  and 
the  style  of  the  later  portion  of  the  Acts  is  more 
pure  than  that  of  the  former.  Where  Luke  used 
the  materials  he  derived  from  otliers,  oral  or  wiitten, 
or  both,  his  style  reflects  the  Hebrew  idioms  6f 
them  ;  but  when  he  comes  to  scenes  of  which  he 
was  an  eye-witness  and  describes  entirely  in  his  own 
words,  these  disappear. — VII.  Qiiotallons  from  (he 
Old  Testametit.  In  the  citation.t  from  the  0.  T.,  of 
the  principal  of  which  the  following  Is  a  list,  there 
are  plain  n;ark3  of  the  use  of  the  Septuagint  ver- 
sion : — 


Lk.  1.  17. 

Mai.  It.  4.  5. 

••    ii.  23. 

Ex.  xili.  2. 

"    ii.  ai. 

Lev.  xii.  8. 

"    iii.  4-6. 

Is,  xl.  3-5. 

"    iv.  4. 

Deut.  viii.  3. 

"    iv.  8. 

Bent.  vi.  13. 

"    iv.  10, 11. 

Ps.  xci.  11, 12. 

"    iv.  12. 

Deut.  vi.  14. 

"    iv.  18. 

Is.  l.xi.  1,  2. 

"    vii.  27. 

Mai.  iii.  1. 

"    viii.  10. 

Is.  vi.  9. 

"    X.  27. 

Deut.  vi.  5 :  Lev.  xix.  18 

"    xviii.  20. 

Ex.  XX.  12. 

"    xix.4B. 

Is.  Ivi.  7;  Jer.  viii.  11. 

"    XX.  17. 

Ps.  cxviii.  22,  23. 

"    XX.  28. 

Deut.  xxv.  5. 

"    XX.  42,  43. 

Pb.  ex.  1. 

"    xxii.  37. 

Is.  liii.  12. 

"    xxiii.  46. 

Ps.  xxxi.  5. 

— VIII.  Inlegrity  of  the  Gospel — the  first  two  Chap- 
ters. The  Gospel  of  Luke  Is  quoted  by  Justin  Mar- 
tyr and  by  the  author  of  the  Clementine  Homilies. 
The  silence  of  the  Apostolic  Fathers  only  indicates 
that  it  was  admitted  into  the  Ca.non  somewhat  late, 
which  was  probably  the  case.  The  result  of  the 
Marcion  controversy  is,  as  we  have  seen,  tliat  our 
Gospel  was  in  use  before  A.  D.  120.  A  special  ques- 
tion, however,  has  been  raised  about  the  first  two 
chapters,  which  Marcion  omits.  But  there  is  no 
real  ground  for  distinguishing  between  the  first  two 
chapters  and  the  rest. — IX.  Conlenls.  This  Gospel 
contains — 1.  A  p»eface  (i.  1-4).  2.  An  account  of 
the  time  preceding  the  ministry  of  Jesus  (i.  5-li. 
62).  3.  Several  accounts  of  discourses  and  acts  of 
our  Lord,  common  to  Luke,  Matthew,  and  Mark,  re- 
lated for  the  most  part  in  their  order,  and  belonging 
to  Capernaum  and  the  neighboiliocd  (III.  1-ix.  CO). 
4.  A  collection  of  similar  accounts,  referring  to  a 
certain  journey  to  Jerusalem,  most  of  them  peculiar 
to  Luke  (ix.  fil-xviii.  14).  5.  An  account  of  the 
sufferings,  death,  and  resurrection  of  Jesus,  com- 
mon to  Luke  with  the  other  Evangelists,  except  as 
to  some  of  the  accounts  of  what  took  place  after 
the  resurrection  (xviii.  15  to  the  end). 

Ln'na-tit  (fr.  L.,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Gr.  pi. 
seleniazomenoi,  both  literally  —  inoon-nlrHrk ;  see 
below).  This  word  is  used  twice  in  the  N.  T.  (Mat. 
iv.  24,  xvii.  15),  and  evidently  refers  to  some  dis- 


568 


MP 


LYD 


ease,  affecting  both  the  body  and  the  mind,  which 
might  or  might  not  be  a  sign  of  possession.  (Demo- 
niacs.) By  the  description  of  Ills.  ix.  17-26,  it  is 
concluded  tliat  this  disease  was  epilepsy.  Tlie  ori- 
gin of  tliis  and  equivalent  words  is  to  be  found  in 
the  belief  that  diseases  of  a  paroxysmal  character 
were  affected  by  the  light  or  changes  of  the  moon. 
The  use  of  sucli  words  docs  not  in  the  evangelist  or 
in  us  involve  any  acceptance  of  the  original  beliet 
Madness. 

*  Last  (Ileb.  faSwdA,  &c. ;  Gr.  epiihmnia,  hcdone, 
orexk, pal/ios)  =  desire,  usually  some  inordinate  de- 
sire (Ps.  Ixxviii.  18,  30;  Kom.  i.  27,  vii.  7;  1  Jn.  ii. 
16,  17,  &c.). 

Lnz  (Heb.  almond,  Ges. ;  "  hazel,"  A.  V.).  1. 
It  seems  impossible  to  discover  with  precision 
whether  Luz  and  Bethel  1  represent  one  and  the 
same  town — the  former  the  C'anaanite,  the  latter 
the  Hebrew  name — or  whether  tliey  were  distinct 
places,  though  in  close  proximity.  The  latter  is 
the  natural  inference  from  two  of  the  passages  in 
which  Luz  is  spoken  of  (Gen.  xxviii.  19  ;  Josh.  xvi. 
2,  xviii.  13).  Other  passages,  however,  seem  to 
spealc  of  the  two  as  identical  (Gen.  xxxv.  6;  Judg. 
i.  23).  Mr.  Grove's  conclusion  is  that  the  two  places 
were,  during  the  times  preceding  the  conquest,  dis- 
tinct, Luz  being  the  city  and  Bethel  the  pillar  and 
altar  of  Jacob :  that  after  the  destruction  of  Luz 
by  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  the  town  of  Bethel  arose. 
— 2.  When  the  original  Luz  was  destroyed,  through 
the  treachery  of  one  of  its  inhabitants,  the  man 
who  had  introduced  the  Israelites  into  the  town 
went  into  the  "  land  of  the  Uittites  "  and  built  a 
city,  which  he  named  after  the  former  one.  This 
city  was  standing  at  the  date  of  tlie  record  (Judg. 
i.  26) ;  but  its  situation  is  unknown. 

Lyf-a-o  nia  (L.  fr.  Gr. ;  named  [so  some]  from  an 
ancient  king  Lj/cavn,  or  [so  others]  from  its  numer- 
ous wolves  [Gr.  lukos  —  wolf]),  one  of  those  districts 
of  Asia  Minor,  which,  as  mentioned  in  the  N.  T., 
are  to  be  understood  ratlier  in  an  ethnological  than 
a  strictly  political  sense.  From  what  is  said  in  Acts 
xiv.  11  of  "the  speech  of  Lycaonia,"  it  is  evident 


that  the  inhabitants  of  the  district,  in  St.  Paul's 
day,  spoke  something  very  different  from  ordinary 
Greek.  Whether  this  language  was  some  Syrian 
dialect,  or  a  corrupt  form  of  Greek,  has  been  much 
debated.  The  fact  that  the  Lycaonians  were  famil- 
iar with  the  Greek  mythology  is  consistent  with 
cither  supposition.  Lycaonia  is  for  the  most  part 
a  dreary  plain,  bare  of  trees,  destitute  of  fresh 
water,  and  with  several  salt  lakes.  It  is,  however, 
very  favorable  to  sheep-farming.  In  the  first  notices 
of  this  district,  which  occur  in  connection  with 
Roman  history,  we  fii.d  it  under  the  rule  of  robber- 
chieftains.  After  the  |)rovincial  system  had  em- 
braced the  whole  of  Asia  Jlinor,  the  boundaries  of 
the  provinces  were  variable ;  and  Lycaonia  was, 
politically,  sometimes  in  CAPrADOciA,  sometimes  in 
Galatia.     Derbe;  Iconicm;  Lystra. 

Ly'ci-a  [lish'e-a]  (L.  fr.  Gr. ;  named  [so  Herodotus] 
from  Lycws,  an  Athenian),  that  southwestern  region 
of  the  peninsula  of  Asia  Minor  which  is  immediately 
opposite  the  island  of  Rhodes.  It  is  a  reniarkaljle 
district,  both  physically  and  historically.  The  last 
eminences  of  the  range  of  Taurus  come  down  here 
in  majestic  masses  to  tlie  sea,  forming  the  heights 
of  Cragus  and  Anticragus,  with  the  river  Xanthus 
winding  between  them,  and  ending  in  the  long 
series  of  promontories  called  by  modern  sailors  the 
"  seven  capes,"  among  which  are  deep  inlets  favor- 
able to  seafaring  and  piracy.  The  Lycians  were 
incorporated  in  the  Persian  empire,  and  their  ships 
were  conspicuous  in  the  great  war  against  the 
Greeks  (Herodotus,  vii.  91,  92).  After  the  death 
of  Alexander  the  Great,  Lycia  was  included  in  the 
(Jreek  Seleucid  kingdom,  and  was  a  part  of  the  ter- 
ritory which  the  Romans  forced  Antiochus  to  cede. 
It  was  not  till  the  reign  of  Claudius  that  Lycia  be- 
came part  of  the  Roman  provincial  system.  At 
first  it  was  combined  with  Pami'Iivlia.  At  a  later 
period  of  the  Roman  empire  it  was  a  separate  prov- 
ince, with  Myra  for  its  capital.  Patara  ;  Piiase- 
us. 

Lyd'da  (L. ;  Gr.  Ludda  ;  both  fr.  Heb.  =  Loo),  a 
town  called  in  the  0.  T.  Lod.     Here  Peter  healed 


iMdd  (^  andent  Lydda  or  Lod  —Ruins  of  th«  Church  of  St.  George.— (From  Van  de  Velde.)— (Fbn.) 


the  paralytic  Eneas,  the  consequence  of  which  was 
the  conversion  of  a  very  large  number  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  town  and  of  the  neighboring  plain 
of  Sharon.  Here  Peter  was  residing  when  the 
disciples  of  Joppa  fetched  him  to  that  city  in  their 
distress  at  Tabitha's  death  (Acts  ix.  32,  33,  38). 
Quite  in  accordance  with  these  and  the  other  scat- 


tered indications  of  Scripture,  the  modem  town, 
or  Ludd^  stands  in  the  Merj  (meadow)  Ihn  '  Chneir, 
part  of  the  great  maritime  plain  anciently  named 
Sharon.  It  is  nine  miles  from  Joppa,  and  is  the 
first  town  on  the  northern  road  between  that  place 
and  Jerusalem.  The  watercourse  outside  the  town 
is  said  still  to  bear  the  name  of  Abi-Batrm{VBiet), 


1 


LTD 


LYS 


5G9 


in  memory  of  the  apostle.  It  was  in  the  time  of 
Joscphiis  tt  place  of  coiK'iderable  size,  wliieh  gave 
name  to  one  of  the  three  or  four  "  goveiiimenis  " 
or  toparcliies  which  Demetrius  Soter  (b.  c.  about  1 52) 
released  from  tribute,  and  transferred  from  .Samaria 
to  the  estate  of  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem  (1  51c.  xi. 
84  ;  conii)are  x.  30,  38,  xi.  "28,  67).  A  century  later 
(b.  c.  about  45)  Lydda,  with  Gophna,  Emmau>,  and 
Tlianma,  became  the  prey  of  the  insatiable  C'assius, 
by  whom  the  whole  of  the  inhabitants  were  sold 
into  slavery  to  raise  the  exorbitant  taxes  imposed. 
From  tliis  they  were  soon  released  by  Antony ;  but 
their  city  (a.  d.  66)  was  burnt  by  Cestius  (Jallus  on 
his  way  from  Cesarea  to  Jerusalem.  In  less  than 
two  years,  early  in  a.  d.  68,  it  was  in  a  condition  to 
be  again  taken  by  Vespasian,  then  on  his  way  to 
his  campaign  in  the  south  of  Judea.  It  was  probably 
rebuilt  in  Hadriim's  reign,  and  then  received  the 
name  of  Diospolis.  When  Eusebius  wrote  (a.  d. 
320-330),  Diospolis  was  a  well-known  and  much- 
Irequented  town.  In  Jerome's  time,  a.  d.  404,  it 
was  an  episcopal  see.  St.  George,  the  patron  saint 
of  England,  was  a-  native  of  Lydda.  After  his 
martyrdom  his  remains  were  buried  tliere,  and  over 
them  a  cliurch  was  afterward  built  and  dedicated  to 
his  honor.  Tlie  erection  of  it  is  commonly  ascribed 
to  Justinian,  but  it  is  uncertain  by  whom  it  was 
liuilt.  When  the  country  was  taken  possession  of 
by  the  Saracens,  in  the  early  part  of  the  eighth  cen- 
tury, the  eliurcli  was  destroyed  ;  and  in  this  ruined 
condition  it  was  found  by  the  Crusaders  in  a.  p. 
1099,  who  rcinstituted  the  see,  and  added  to  its  en- 
dowment the  neighboring  city  and  lands  of  Hamlrh. 
Again  destroyed  by  Saladin  after  the  battle  of  Hai- 
lin  in  1191,  the  church  was  again  rebuilt  by  Richard 
Creur-de-Lion.  The  town  is,  for  a  Mohammedan 
place,  busy  and  prosperous.  Lytida  was,  for  some 
time  previous  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  the 
seat  of  a  very  famous  Jewish  Bchool,  scarcely  second 
to  that  of  Jabneh. 

Lyd'i-a  (L.  fr.  Gr.  Ludia  ;  named  [so  Herodo- 
tus] from  their  king  Lydun  [Ludoi  in  Gr.l ;  see  Li  n, 
LrniM),  a  maritime  province  in  the  W.  of  Asia 
Jlinor,  bounded  by  Mysia  on  the  N.,  Plirygia  on  the 
E.,  and  Caria  on  the  S.  The  name  occurs  only  in.l 
Mc.  viii.  8  (the  rendering  of  the  A.  V.  in  Ez.  xxx.  5 
being  for  Lcdim);  it  is  there  enumerated  among  the 
districts  which  the  Romans  took  away  from  Anti- 
ochus  the  Great  after  the  battle  of  Magnesia  in  b.  c. 
190,  and  transferred  to  Eumenes  II.,  king  of  Per- 
gamus.  Lydia  had  attained  its  greatest  prosperity 
under  its  celebrated  King  Croosus,  who  subdued  all 
Asia  Minor  W.  of  the  river  Halys,  except  Lycia  and 
Cilicia,  but  was  himself  conquered  by  Cyrus,  about 
B.  c.  546,  when  the  country  became  a  Persian  prov- 
ince. No  nation  in  Asia  (so  Herodotus)  was  more 
warlike  than  the  ancient  Lydians.  They  are  said  to 
have  been  the  first  people  who  coined  monkv.  Phil- 
ADELpniA,  Sardis,  and  Tiivatiua  were  in  Lydia.  For 
the  connection  between  Lydia  and  the  Lud  and 
Ludim  of  the  O.  T.,  see  Lcdiu.  Lydia  is  included 
in  the  "Asia"  of  the  N.  T. 

Lyd'i-a  ( L.  fr.  (!r.  =  native  oflA/dia  f so  Grotius]  ?), 
the  first  European  convert  of  St.  Paii,,  and  after- 
ward his  hostess  during  his  first  stay  at  Piiii.ippi 
(Acts   xvi.    14,   15,   also  40).     She  was  a  Jewish 

f)ro»elyte  at  the  time  of  the  apostle's  coming;  and 
t  was  at  the  Jewish  Sal)hnth-worsljip  by  the  side  of 
a  stream  (ver.  13)  that  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel 
reached  her  heart.  Her  native  place  was  Thvatiba, 
famous  for  its  dyeing-works;  and  Lydia  was  con- 
nected with  this  trade,  either  as  a  seller  of  dye,  or 


of  dyed  goods.  We  infer  that  she  was  a  person  of 
considerable  wealth,  partly  from  her  giving  a  home 
to  St.  Paul,  partly  from  the  mention  of  the  conver- 
sion of  her  "  household,"  under  which  term,  whether 
children  were  included  or  not,  slaves  are  no  doubt 
comprehended.  Of  Lydia's  character  we  are  led  to 
torm  a  high  estimate  from  her  candid  reception  of 
the  Gospel,  her  urgent  hospitality,  and  her  con- 
tinued friendship  to  Paul  and  Silas  when  they  were 
persecuted. 

"*  Lyd'i*aDS  (=  inhabitants  of  Ltdia),  the  A.  V. 
translation  of  Hcb.  l.mlhn  in  Jer.  xlvi.  9;  probably 
here  an  African  peeple.     LrniM. 

Ly-sanl-SS  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  endivg  sadness,  one  vho 
termmaks  sorrow,  L.  &  S.),  mentioned  by  Luke  (iii. 
1)  as  being  tetrarch  of  Abilene  (i.  e.  the  district 
round  Abila)  in  the  fifteenth  year  of  Tiberius,  at  the 
time  when  Herod  Antipas  was  tetrarch  of  Galilee, 
and  Herod  Philip  tetrarch  of  Iturea  and  Trachonitis. 
Josephus  speaks  of  a  prince  named  Lysanias  who 
ruled  over  a  territory  in  the  neighborhood  of  Leb- 
anon in  the  time  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  sixty 
years  before  the  time  referred  to  by  Luke,  and  also 
iKentions  Abilene  as  associated  with  the  name  of  a 
tetrarch  Lysanias,  while  recounting  events  of  the 
reigns  of  Caligula  and  Claudius,  i.  c.  about  twenty 
years  after  the  time  mentioned  in  Luke.  In  the 
first  case  Abila  is  not  specified  at  all,  and  Lysanias 
is  not  called  tetrarch.  But  probably  the  Lysanias 
I  mentioned  by  Josephus  in  the  second  instance  is 

actually  the  prince  referred  to  by  Luke. 
I  Ljfs'l-as  [lish'e-as]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  Icosing,  relaxing, 
I  dusolvinrf,  Selil.,  Papc).  1.  A  nobleman  of  the 
j  blood-royal  (1  Mc.  iii.  32;  2  Mc.  xi.  1),  who  was  in- 
l  trusted  by  Antiociius  Epipiianes  (about  B.C.  166) 
with  the  government  of  Southern  Syria,  and  the 
guardianship  of  his  son  Axtiochis  Ei'Pator  (1  Mc. 
iii.  32;  2  Mc.  x.  11).  In  the  execution  of  his  office 
Lysias  armed  a  very  considerable  force  against 
Judas  Maccabeus.  Two  detachments  of  this  army 
under  Nicanor  (2  Mc.  viii.)  and  Gorgias  were  de- 
feated by  the  Jews  near  Emmaus  (1  Mc.  iv.);  and 
in  the  following  year  Lysias  himself  met  with  a 
much  more  serious  reverse  at  Bethsura  (n.  c.  165), 
which  was  followed  by  the  purification  of  the  Temple. 
Shortly  afterward  Antiochus  Epiphancs  died  (b.  c. 
164),  and  Lysias  assumed  the  government  as  guar- 
dian of  his  son,  who  was  yet  a  child  (1  Mc.  vi.  17). 
The  war  against  the  Jews  was  renewed  ;  and  after  a 
severe  struggle,  Lysias,  who  took  the  young  king 
with  liim,  captured  Bethsura.  and  was  besieging  Je- 
rusalem when  he  received  tidings  of  the  approach 
of  Philip,  to  whom  Antiochus  had  transferred  the 
guardiansliip  of  the  prince  (vi.  18;  2  Mc.  xiii.).  He 
defeated  Philip  (».  c.  163),  and  was  supported  at 
Rome  ;  but  in  the  next  year,  together  w  ith  his  ward, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  Demetrics  Soter,  wlio  put 
them  l)oth  to  death  (1  Mc.  vii.  2-4;  2  Mc.  xiv.  2). 
1  Me.  iv.  26-35  places  the  defeat  of  Lysias  in  the 
reign  of  Antiochus  Epipiianes  before  the  purification 
of  the  Temple;  2  Mc.  x.  10,  xi.  1,  &c.,  in  the  reign 
of  Antiochus  Eupator  after  the  purification.  The 
mistake  of  dale  in  2  Mc.  is  one  which  might  easily 
ari.«e. — i,  (1na'di-a.s  Lys'i-ss  (see  Claidiis),  a 
"  ehiefcAPTAiN"  or  military  triliune,  who  commanded 
the  Roman  troops  in  the  citadel  in  Jerusalem  under 
Felix  the  "governor."  He  rescued  Pai  l  from  the 
Jews,  and  afterward  sent  him  with  a  strong  guard 
to  Cesarea.  From  his  name  and  his  obtaining  Ro- 
man citizenship  (citizen)  by  purchase,  it  has  been 
inferred  that  he  was  a  Greek  (Acts  xxi.  81-40,  xxii,, 
xxiii.,  xxiv.  7,  22). 


570 


LIB 


MAA 


Ly-sim'a-cbns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  ending  strife,  L.  &  S.). 
1.  Son  of  Ptolemeus  of  Jerusalem ;  Greek  translator 
of  the  book  of  Esther  (Esth.  xi.  1). — 2.  A  brother 
of  the  high-priest  Meneluus,  who  was  left  by  him  as 
his  deputy  during  his  absence  at  the  court  of  Anti- 
oclius.  llis  tyranny  and  sacrilege  excited  au  insur- 
rection, during  which  he  fell  a  victim  to  the  fury  of 
the  people,  about  B.  c.  170  (t  Mc.  iv.  29-42). 

Lys'tra  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  a  city  which  has  two  points  of 
extreme  interest  in  connection  respectively  witli  St. 
Paul's  first  and  second  missionary  journeys — (1.)  as 
the  place  where  divine  honors  were  oll'ered  to  him, 
after  liis  miraculously  healing  a  lame  man,  and 
where  lie  was  presently  stoned  (Acts  xiv.);  (2.)  as 
probably  the  liome  of  liis  chosen  companion  and 
fellow-missionary  Timotiieus  (xvi.  1).  The  first 
settlement  of  Jews  in  Lystra,  and  tlie  ancestors  of 
Timotheus  among  tlieni,  may  probably  be  traced 
to  tlie  establisliment  of  Babylonian  Jews  in  Phrygia 
by  Antiochus  the  Great  three  centuries  before. 
Still  it  is  evident  that  tliere  was  no  influential  Jewish 
population  at  Lystra :  no  mention  is  made  of  any 
synagogue;  and  the  whole  aspect  of  the  scene  de- 
scribed in  Acts  xiv.  is  thoroughly  heathen.  A  church 
was  founded  at  Lystra,  and  the  names  of  ils  bishops 
appear  in  early  councils.  Lystra  was  undoubtedly 
in  the  eastern  |)art  of  the  great  plain  of  Lycaonia  ; 
and  there  are  very  strong  reasons  (so  Dr.  Howson, 
after  Mr.  Hamilton)  for  identifying  its  site  with  the 
ruins  called  Bin-hir-Kilisseh,  about  forty-five  miles 
S.  E.  of  Konieh  (Iconium),  at  the  base  of  a  conical 
mountain  of  volcanic  structure,  named  tlie  Kara- 
dagh.  Here  are  tlie  remains  of  a  great  number  of 
churches.  Pliny  places  tliis  town  in  Galatia,  and 
Ptolemy  in  Isauria ;  but  these  statements  are  quite 
consistent  with  its  being  placed  in  Lycaonia  by  St. 
Luke,  as  it  is  by  Hierocles. 


M 

nia'a-cab  (fr.  Heb.  =  Maachah).  I.  Mother  of  Ab- 
salom ;  =  Maachah  5  (2  Sam.  iii.  3). — 2.  "  Maacah," 
and  (in  1  Chr.)  "Maachah;"  a  small  kingdom  in 
close  proximity  to  Palestine,  which  appears  to  have 
lain  outside  Argob  (Deut.  iii.  14)  and  Bashan  (Josh, 
xii.  5).  Mr.  Grove  places  Maacah  to  the  east  of  the 
Lejak  (Argob),  in  the  stony  desert  of  el-Krd  or  e/- 
Harra,  which  is  to  this  day  thickly  studded  with 
villages.  Porter  (in  Kitto)  makes  Maacah  embrace 
the  S.  and  E.  declivities  of  Ilerinon  and  a  portion 
of  the  rocky  declivity  of  Itorea,  and  extend  from 
the  fountains  of  the  Jordan  N.  E.  to  the  plain  of 
Damascus,  and  E.  to  the  defiles  of  Argob,  where 
the  Geshurites  appear  to  have  had  their  home.  It 
is  sometimes  assumed  to  have  been  situated  about 
Abel-beth-maacaii,  but  this  is  hardly  probable.  The 
Ammonite  war  was  the  only  occasion  on  which  the 
Maacathites  came  into  contact  with  Israel,  when 
their  king  assisted  the  children  of  Amnion  against 
Joab  with  a  force  which  he  led  himself  (2  Sam.  x.  6, 
8 ;  1  Chr.  xix.  7 :  in  the  first  of  these  passages 
"  King  Maacali "  should  be  "  king  of  Maacah  "). 
Maachathi. 

9Ia'a-ehah  [-kah]  (Heb.  oppression,  Ges.).  1. 
Daughter  or  son  of  Nahor  by  his  concubine  Reumah 
((ien.  xxii.  24). — 2.  Father  of  Achish,  who  was  king 
of  Gath  at  the  beginning  of  Solomon's  reign  (1  K. 
ii.  39).  (Maoch.)— 3.  Daughter,  or  more  probably 
grand-daughter,  of  Abishalom  =  Absalom,  named 
after  his  mother ;  the  third  and  favorite  wife  of  Re- 


hoboam,  and  mother  of  Abijah  (1  K.  xv.  2,  10,  13; 
2  Chr.  xi.  20-22).  According  to  Josephus  her 
mother  was  Ta.mar  3,  Absalom's  daughter.  But  the 
mother  of  Abijah  is  elsewhere  called  "  Michaiah,  the 
daughter  of  Uriel  of  (jibeah  "  (2  Chr.  xiii.  2).  Some 
regard  "  Maachah  "  and  "  Michaiah  "  as  variations 
of  the  same  name,  but  Mr.  Wright  thinks  it  is  more 
probable  that  "  Michaiah  "  is  the  error  of  a  tran- 
scriber, and  that  "  Maachah  "  is  the  true  reading  in 
all  cases.  During  a  part  of  the  reign  of  her  grand- 
son AsA  she  occupied  at  the  court  of  Judah  the 
high  position  of  "  King's  Mother  "  (compare  1  K. 
ii.  19),  which  has  been  compared  with  that  of  the 
Sultana  Valide  in  Turkey.  (tJuEEN.)  It  may  be 
that  at  Abijah's  death,  after  a  short  reign  of  three 
years,  Asa  was  left  a  minor,  and  Maachah  acted  as 
regent,  like  Athaliah  under  similar  circumstances. 
If  this  conjecture  be  correct,  it  would  serve  to  ex- 
plain the  influence  by  which  she  promoted  the  prac- 
tice of  idolatrous  worship.  (Iuol  4.) — 1.  Concu- 
bine of  Caleb  the  son  of  Hezron  (1  Chr.  ii.  48).— Si 
Daughter  of  Talmai,  king  of  Geshur,  and  mother  of 
Absalom  (iii.  2):  also  called  Maacah  in  A.  V. 
of  2  Sam.  iii.  3. — 6>  Wife  of  Machir  the  Manassite 
(1  Chr.  vii.  15,  10). — 7i  Wife  of  Jehiul,  father  or 
founder  of  Gibeon  (viii.  29,  ix.  35). — 8.  Father  of 
Ilanan,  one  of  David's  heroes  (xi.  43). — 9.  A  Simeon- 
ite,  father  of  Shephatiah,  prince  of  his  tribe  in  David's 
reign  (xxvii.  16). — 10>  Asmall  kingdom,  =  Maacah 
2  (xix.  7). 

Mi>aeh'a-tlii  (Heb.  sing.,  used  collectively),  and 
Ma-ach'a-thiti'S  (fr.  the  same),  tlie  =  the  inhabitants 
of  the  small  kingdom  of  Maachah  (Maacah  2)  (Deut. 
iii.  14;  Josh.  xii.  5,  xiii.  11,  13).  Individual  Ma- 
achathites  were  not  unknown  among  the  wan'iors 
of  Israel  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  34;  Jer.  xl.  8;  2  K.  xxv.  23). 

*  Ila-acll'a-tbitc  (see  above)  =  one  of  the  Maacha- 
thites  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  34,  &c.),  or  a  descendant  of 
Maachah  (4?)  (I  Chr.  iv.  9). 

Ma'a-dai  (lieb.  —  Maadiah,  Ges.),  one  of  the  sons 
of  Bani  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife(Ezr.  x.  34). 

Ma-a-di'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  ornament  of  Jehovah, 
Ges.),  one  of  the  priests,  or  families  of  priests,  who 
returned  with  Zenibbabel  and  Jeshua  (Xeh.  xii.  5) ; 
elsewhere  (ver.  17)  called  Moadiah. 

Ma'ai,  or  Ma-a'i  (Hob.  compassionate  ?  Ges.),  one 
of  the  priests'  sons  who  assisted  at  the  dedication 
of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  under  Nehemiah  (Neh.  xiL 
36). 

Ma'a-leh-a-crab'bim  (Heb.,  see  below),  the  name 
(Josh.  XV.  3)  elsewhere  translated  in  the  A.  V.  "  the 
ascent  of,"  or  "  the  going  up  to,  Akrabbim." 

Ma'a-ni  =  Basi  4  (1  Esd.  ix.  34). 

Dla'a-rath  ( lleb.  a  naked  or  treeless  place,  Ges.,  Fii.), 
one  of  the  towns  of  Judah,  in  the  mountains  (Josh. 
xv.  58).  Halhul,  Beth-zur,  and  Gedor,  which  occur 
in  company  with  it,  have  been  identified  at  a  few 
miles  to  the  N.  of  Hebron,  but  Maarath  has  hitherto 
eluded  observation. 

Dla-a-sei'ab  [-see'yah]  (Heb.  work  of  Jeliovah, 
Ges.).  The  name  of  four  persons  who  had  married 
foreign  wives  in  the  time  of  Ezra.  I.  A  descendant 
of  Jeshua  the  priest  (Ezr.  x.  18). — 2.  A  priest,  of 
the  sons  of  llarim  (21). — 3.  A  priest,  of  the  sons  of 
Pashur  (22). — 4>  A  layman,  a  descendant  of  Pa- 
hath-moab  (30). — 5.  Father  of  the  priest  ('!)  Azariah, 
who  assisted  Nehemiah  in  rebuilding  the  wall  of 
Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  23). — 6,  Oneof  those  wlio  stood 
on  the  right  hand  of  Ezra  when  he  read  the  law  to 
the  people  (viii.  4);  probably  a  priest. — T.  A  Le- 
vite(?)  who  assisted  on  the  same  occasion  (viii.  7). 
— 8i  A  chief  of  the  people  who  or  whose  descend- 


■ 


I 


HAA 


MAC 


671 


ant3  signed  the  covenant  with  Xchemiah  (x.  25).— 9. 
Son  of  Baruch  and  descendant  of  Phaicz,  tlie  sou 
of  Judah  (xi.  5).  (Asaiaii  3.) — 10.  A  Benjamite, 
ancestor  of  Sallu  (xi.  7). — 11.  Two  priests  of  this 
name  are  mentioned  (xii.  41,  42)  as  taking  part  in 
tlie  musical  service  which  accompanied  tlie  dedica- 
tion of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  under  Ezra  and  Nelie- 
miah.  One  of  them  probably  —  No.  6. — IS.  Father 
of  Zephaniah,  who  was  a  priest  in  Zedekiah's  reign 
(Jcr.  xxi.  1,  xxix.  25,  xxxvii.  3). — 13.  Father  of 
Zedekiah  the  false  prophet  (xxix.  21). — 14.  One  of 
the  porters  and  Levites  of  tlie  second  rank,  appointed 
bv  Uavid  to  sound  "  with  psalteries  on  Alamoth" 
(i  Chr.  XV.  18,20). — li.  Son  of  Adaiah,  and  one  of 
the  captains  of  hundre<ls  under  Jehoiada  and  Joash, 
king  of  Judah  (2  Clir.  xxiii.  1). — 16.  An  oIKcer  of 
high  rank  in  the  reign  of  Uzziah  (xxvi.  11);  prob- 
ably a  Levite  (compare  1  Chr.  xxiii.  4),  and  engaged 
in  a  semi-military  capacity. — 17.  The  "  king's  son  " 
(compare  Jerahmeel  3;  Joasii  4;  Malchiah  8), 
killed  by  Zichri  in  the  invasion  of  Judah  by  Pekah 
during  the  reign  of  Ahaz  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  7). — 18. 
Governor  of  Jerusalem  in  Josiah's  reign  (xxxiv.  8). 
— 19.  Son  of  Shalhnn  ;  a  Levite  of  high  rank  in  the 
reign  of  Jehoiakim  (Jer.  xxxv.  4 ;  compare  1  Clir. 
ix.  19). — iO.  A  priest;  ancestor  of  Baruch  and 
Seraiali,  the  sons  of  Xeriah  (Jer.  xxxii.  12,  li.  59). 

!la-a'si-ai  (fr.  Heb.  =  Maaseiah,  Ges.),  a  priest 
who  after  the  return  from  Babylon  dwelt  in  Jerusa- 
lem (1  Chr.  ix.  12).     Amashai. 

Sla-a-rsi'is  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Maaseiah  20  (Bar.  i.  1). 

Ma'atll  (Gr.  =  Mahath,  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey),  son 
of  Mattathias  in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Chiist  (Lk. 
iii.  26). 

JU'az  (fr.  Heb.  =  anger,  Ges.),  son  of  Ram,  the 
fir.st-born  of  Jerahmeel  (1  Chr.  ii.  27). 

Ma-a-zi'ab  (fr.  Heb.  =  consolation  of  Jehovah, 
Ges.).  I.  A  priest  in  David's  reign,  head  of  the 
twenty-fourth  course  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  18). — 2,  One  of 
the  priests  who  signed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah 


(Neh.  X.  8);  probably  a  descendant  or  representa- 
tive of  the  family  of  No.  1. 

]|ab'da-i,  or  ilab'dai  (Gr.)  =  Benaiaii  8  e.  (1 
Esd.  ix.  34). 

*  3lab-nad'r-bai  (Ezr.  x.  40,  marg.).  Machnadebai. 

3Iat'a-luD  (fr.  Gr.)  (1  Esd.  v.  21)  =  Michmasu  in 
tlie  lis^ts  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 

.>iaf'ca-bees  (fr.  Heb.,  see  below),  the.  This  title, 
which  was  originally  (in  the  singular  "  Maccabeus  ") 
the  surname  of  Judas,  one  of  the  sons  of  Mattathias, 
was  atlerward  extended  to  the  heroic  family  of 
which  he  was  one  of  the  noblest  representatives,  and 
in  a  still  wider  sense  to  the  Palestinian  martyrs  in 
the  pei-secution  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and  even 
to  the  Alexandrine  Jews  who  suffered  ior  their  faith 
at  an  earlier  time.  The  original  term  ifaccabi  (Gr. 
form  Alakkabaios  ;  L.  Alaccabcuis)  has  been  various- 
ly derived.  Some  have  maintained  that  it  was 
formed  from  the  combination  of  the  initial  letters 
(i :;  3  ?;  =  mcby)  of  the  Hebrew  sentence,  "  Who 
among  the  gods  is  like  unto  thee,  Jcliovah  ?  "  (Ex. 
XV.  11.),  which  is  supposed  to  have  been  inscribed 
upon  the  banner  of  the  patriots.  Another  deriva- 
tion has  been  proposed,  which,  although  direct  evi- 
dence is  wanting,  seems  satisfactory  (so  Mr.  West- 
cott,  the  original  author  of  this  article).  According 
to  this  the  word  is  formed  from  Heb.  makkabuh  = 
a  hammer,  giving  a  sense  not  altogether  unlike  that 
in  which  Cliarles  Martel  derived  a  surname  from  his 
favorite  weapon.  (Axe;  Hammer  2.)  Although 
the  name  Maccabees  has  gained  the  widest  cur- 
rency, that  of  Asmoneans,  or  JIasmoneans,  is  the 
proper  name  of  the  family.  The  origin  of  this 
name  also  has  been  disputed,  but  the  obvious 
derivation  from  lleb. I:/ash)iidn  or  Chashmon  (Gr.  jisa- 
monaios,  L.  Asamomeus  zz:  Asamoneus,  or  Asino- 
neus),  grea' -grandfather  of  Mattathias,  seems  cer- 
tainly correct.  The  connection  of  the  various  mem- 
bers of  the  Maccabean  family  will  be  seen  from 
the  accompanying  table : 


THE   ASMONEAN  FAMILY. 
[In  this  table,  the  sign  •-  signifies  married;  t  signifies  died.) 
Hashmon  or  Chashmon  ('  of  the  sons  of  Joarib,'  compare  1  Chr.  xxlv.  7). 

Jobanan  (Gr.  loannh  —  L.  Johannes  —  John  [1  Me.  il.  1]). 

Simeon  (Gr  Siimeon  —  Simon.    Compare  2  Pet.  i.  1). 

Mattathias  (Matthias,  Joe.  S.  J.  i.  1,  S  3). 
1 166  B.  c. 


Jobanan  ("  Joannan "  or "  John ")  Simon                   Judas  Eleazar 

(Gaddisor  ■CaddlB"),  (Thassi),  (Maccabeus),  (Avaran), 

(-  Joeeph  "  in  2  Mc.  viii.  S),  1 135  b.  c.               1 161  b.  c.  1 163  B.  c. 
1 161  B.  0. 


.1, 


Jonathan 
(Apphiis), 
+  143  B.  c. 


Jiidaa  Johannes  (John)  Hyreanas  I.  Mattathias  Daughter  —  Ptolemeus 

tl.'BB.c.  +106  B.C.  1 135  B.C.  (1  Mc.  xvi.  11,  12). 

I ^ 

I  i         ~~  i  i        ^1 

Salome  (Alexandra)  =  Aristobnlus  I.  Antigonns.  Alexander  Jannaeus  —  Alexandra.  Son.         Son. 

1 105  B.  c.  +  106  B.  0.  t  78  B.  0.  I 


Hyrcanus  n. 
+  80  B.  c. 


Arietobnlas  n. 
+  49  B.  c. 


Alexandra       —       Alexander. 
1 28  B.  0.  I  +  49  B.  0. 


Antlgonns, 
+  87  B.  c. 


Mariamne  —  Herod  the  Oreat. 

+  29  B.  c. 


Arlstobnlns. 
t  35  B.C. 


572 


m^<6 


MAC 


The  original  authorities  for  the  history  of  the 
Maccabees  are  extremely  scanty  ;  but  for  the  course 
of  the  war  itself  1  Mc.  is  a  most  trustworthy,  if  an 
incomplete  witness.  2  Mc.  adds  some  important 
details  to  the  history  of  the  earlier  part  of  the  strug- 
gle, and  of  the  events  which  immediately  preceded 
it ;  but  all  the  statements  which  it  contains  require 
close  e.xamination,  and  must  be  received  with  cau- 
tion. (Maccabees,  Books  of.)  Josephus  follows 
1  Mc,  for  the  period  which  it  embraces,  very 
closely ;  but  slight  additions  of  names  and  minute 
particulars  indicate  that  he  was  in  possession  of 
other  materials,  probably  oral  traditions,  which  have 
not  been  elsewhere  preserved.  On  the  other  hand 
there  are  cases  in  wliieh,  from  haste  or  carelessness, 
he  has  misinterpreted  his  authority.  From  other 
sources  little  can  be  gleaned. — I.  The  essential 
causes  of  the  Maccabean  War  have  been  already 
pointed  out.  (Antiochus  IV.)  The  annals  of  the 
Maccabean  family,  "  by  whose  hand  deliverance 
was  given  unto  Israel "  ( 1  Mc.  v.  62),  present  the 
record  of  its  progress.  The  standard  of  indepen- 
dence was  first  raised  by  JIattatiiias,  a  priest  of 
the  course  of  Joarib  (or  Jehoiarib),  which  was  the 
first  of  the  twenty-four  courses  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  7),  and 
consequently  of  the  noblest  blood.  The  persecu- 
tions of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  had  already  roused 
his  indignation,  when  emissaries  of  the  king,  headed 
by  Apelles  (Jos.  xii.  6,  §  2),  came  to  Modin,  where 
he  dwelt,  and  required  the  people  to  offer  idolatrous 
sacrifices.  Mattathias  rejected  the  overtures  made 
to  him  first,  and  when  a  Jew  came  to  the  altar  to 
renounce  his  faith,  slew  him,  and  afterward  Apelles. 
After  this  he  fled  with  his  sons  to  the  mountains 
(b.  c.  168),  whither  he  was  followed  by  numerous 
bands  of  fugitives.  (Assideans.)  He  seems,  how- 
ever, to  have  been  already  advanced  in  years  when 
the  rising  was  made,  and  he  did  not  long  survive 
the  fatigues  of  active  service.  He  died  b.  c.  166, 
and  "  was  buried  in  the  sepulclire  of  his  fathers  at 
Modin"  (1  Mc.  ii.). — 2.  Mattathias  himself  named 
JuoAS — apparently  his  third  son^as  his  successor 
in  directing  the  war  of  independence  (ii.  66).  The 
energy  and  skill  of  "Maccabeus"  (=  the  Maccabee), 
as  Judas  is  often  called  in  2  Mc.,  fully  justified  his 
father's  preference.  It  appears  tliat  he  had  already 
taken  a  prominent  part  in  the  first  secession  to  the 
mountains  (2  Me.  v.  27).  His  first  enterprises  were 
night  attacks  and  sudden  surprises  (viii.  6,  7) ;  and 
when  liis  men  were  encouraged  by  these  means,  he 
ventured  on  more  important  operations,  and  de- 
feated ApoUonius  (1  Mc.  iii.  10-12)  and  Scron  (1.3- 
24)  at  Beth-horon.  Shortly  afterward  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  whose  resources  had  been  impoverished 
by  the  war  (27-31),  left  the  government  of  the  Pal- 
estinian provinces  to  Lysias.  Lysias  organized  an 
expedition  against  Judas  ;  but  his  army,  a  part  of 
which  had  been  separated  from  the  main  body  to 
effect  a  surprise,  was  defeated  by  Judas  at  Emmaus 
with  great  loss,  B.  c.  166  (iii.  46-53);  and  in  the 
next  year  Lysias  himself  was  routed  at  Bethsura. 
After  this  success  Judas  was  able  to  occupy  Jeru- 
salem, except  the  "  tower  "  (vi.  18,  19),  and  lie  puri- 
fied tlie  Temple  (iv.  36,  41-63)  on  the  2.")th  of  Chis- 
leu,  exactly  three  years  after  its  profanation  (i.  59). 
(Dedication,  Feast  of  the.)  The  next  year  was 
spent  in  wars  with  frontier  nations  (v.) ;  but  in 
spite  of  continued  triumphs  the  position  of  Judas 
was  still  precarious.  In  B.  c.  163  Lysias  laid  siege 
to  Jerusalem.  The  accession  of  Demetrius  I.  So- 
TER  brought  with  it  fresh  troubles  to  the  patriot 
Jews.      A  large  party  of  their  countrymen,  with 


AiciMUS  at  their  head,  gained  the  car  of  the  king, 
and  he  sent  Nicanor  against  Judas.  Nieanor  was 
defeated,  first  at  Capharsalama,  and  again  in  a  deci- 
sive battle  at  Adasa,  near  to  the  glorious  field  of 
Beth-horon  (b.  c.  161)  on  the  13th  Adar  (vii.  49; 
2  Me.  XV.  36),  where  he  was  slain.  This  victory 
was  the  greatest  of  Judas's  successes,  and  practi- 
cally decided  the  question  of  Jewish  independence, 
but  it  was  followed  by  an  unexpected  reverse.  A 
new  invasion  under  Bacciiioes  took  place.  Judas 
was  able  only  to  gather  a  small  force  to  meet  the 
sudden  danger.  Of  this  a  large  part  deserted  him 
on  the  eve  of  the  battle ;  but  the  courage  of  Judas 
was  unshaken,  and  he  fell  at  Eleasa,  fighting  at  des- 
perate odds  against  the  invaders.  Ilis  body  was 
recovered  by  his  brothers,  and  buried  at  Modin  "  in 
the  sepulchre  of  his  fathers"  (b.  c.  161). — 3.  After 
tlie  death  of  Judas  the  patriotic  party  seems  to 
have  been  for  a  short  time  wholly  disorganized,  and 
it  was  only  by  the  pressure  of  unparalleled  suffer- 
ings that  they  were  driven  to  renew  the  conflict. 
For  this  purpose  they  offered  the  command  to  Jon- 
ATiiA.N,  surnamed  Ap))hus  (the  warii),  the  youngest 
son  of  Mattathias.  He  retired  to  the  lowlands  of 
the  Jordan  (1  Mc.  ix.  42),  where  he  gained  some 
advantage  over  Bacchides  (b.  c.  161),  who  made  an 
attempt  to  hem  in  and  destroy  his  whole  force. 
After  two  years  Baechides  again  took  the  field 
against  Jonathan  (b.  c.  158).  This  time  he  seems 
to  have  been  but  feebly  su[)ported,  and  after  an  un- 
successful campaign  he  .Tccepted  terms  which  Jona- 
than proposed ;  and  after  his  departure  Jonathan 
"judged  the  people  at  Miehmash "  (ix.  73),  and 
gradually  extended  his  power.  The  claim  of  Alex- 
a.nder  Balas  to  the  Syrian  crown  gave  a  new  im- 
portance to  Jonathan  and  his  adherents.  The  suc- 
cess of  Alexander  led  to  the  elevation  of  Jonathan, 
who  assumed  the  high-priestly  office  (High-priest); 
and  not  long  after  he  placed  the  king' under  fresh 
obligations  by  the  defeat  of  ApoUonius,  a  general 
of  the  younger  Demetrius  (x.).  After  the  death  of 
Alexander,  Jonathan  attached  himself  to  Antiociics 
VI.  He  at  last  .fell  a  victim  to  the  treachery  of 
Tryphon,  b.  c.  144  (xi.  8-xii.  4). — 4.  As  soon  as 
Simon,  the  last  remaining  brother  of  the  Maccabean 
family,  heard  of  the  detention  of  Jonathan  in  I'tole- 
niais  by  Tryphon,  he  placed  himself  at  the  head 
of  the  patriot  party.  His  skill  in  war  had  been 
proved  in  the  lifetime  of  Judas  (v.  17-23),  and  he 
had  taken  an  active  share  in  the  campaigns  of  Jona- 
than (xi.  59).  Tryphon,  after  carrying  Jonathan 
about  as  a  prisoner  for  simie  little  time,  put  )iim 
to  death  ;  and  then,  having  murdered  Antiochus, 
seized  the  throne.  On  this  Simon  made  overtures 
to  Demetrius  II.  (b.  c.  143),  which  were  favorably 
received,  and  the  independence  of  the  Jews  was  at 
length  formally  recognized.  The  long  struggle  was 
now  triumphantly  ended,  and  it  remained  only  to 
reap  the  fruits  of  victory.  This  Simon  hastened  to 
do.  The  prudence  and  wisdom  for  which  he  was 
already  di.stinguished  at  the  time  of  his  father's 
death  (ii.  65),  gained  for  the  Jews  the  active  sup|)ort 
of  Home  (xv.  16-21),  in  addition  to  the  confirma- 
tion of  earlier  treaties.  After  settling  the  external 
relations  of  the  new  state  upon  a  sure  basis,  Simon 
regulated  its  internal  administration  With  two  of 
his  sons  he  was  murdered  at  Dok  ("Docus")  by 
Ptolemeu.?,  b.  c.  135  (xvi.  11-16).— 5.  The  trea.son 
of  Ptolemeus  failed  in  its  object.  Johannes  (L. 
=  John)  Hyrcanus,  one  of  the  sons  of  Simon,  es- 
caped from  the  plot  by  which  his  life  was  threat- 
ened, and  at  once  assumed  the  government  (b.  c. 


VAC 


MAC 


573 


136).  At  first  he  was  hard  pressed  by  ANTtocncs 
SinKTES,  and  only  able  to  preserve  Jerusalem  ou 
coiuiition  ol°  dismantling  the  I'urtifications  and  sub- 
mitting to  a  tribute,  b.  c.  133.  lie  reduced  Idumea, 
coulirnied  the  alliance  with  Rome,  and  at  length 
succeeded  in  destroying  Samaria,  the  hated  rival  of 
Jerusalem,  B.  c.  lOU.  The  external  splendor  of  his 
government  was  marred  by  the  growth  of  internal 
divisions  ;  but  John  escaped  the  fate  of  all  the  older 
members  of  his  family,  and  died  in  peace,  b.  c.  106- 
5.  His  eldest  son  Aristobulus  I.,  who  succeeded, 
was  the  first  who  assumed  the  kingly  title,  though 
Simon  had  enjoyed  the  fulness  of  the  kingly 
power.  (For  the  subsequent  history,  see  Jerusa- 
lem.)— 6.  Two  of  the  first  generation  of  the  Macca- 
bean  family  still  remain  to  be  mentioned.  These, 
though  they  did  not  attain  to  the  leadership  of  their 
countrymen  like  their  brothers,  shared  their  fate — 
Klkazar  by  a  noble  act  of  self-devotion,  John,  ap- 
parently the  eldest  brother,  by  treachery. — 7.  The 
great  outlines  of  the  Maccabean  contest,  which  are 
somewhat  hidden  in  the  annals  thus  briefly  epito- 
mized, admit  of  being  traced  with  fair  distinctness. 
The  disputed  succession  to  the  Syrian  throne  (B.  c. 
153)  was  the  political  turning-point  of  the  struggle, 
which  may  thus  be  divided  into  two  great  periods. 
During  the  first  period  (b.  c.  168-153)  the  patriots 
maintained  their  cause  with  varying  success  against 
the  whole  strength  of  Syria ;  during  the  second 
(b.  c.  153-139)  they  were  courted  by  rival  factions, 
and  their  independence  was  acknowledged  from 
time  tf)  time,  though  pledges  given  in  times  of  dan- 
ger were  often  broken  when  the  danger  was  over. 
The  paramount  importance  of  Jerusalem  is  con- 
spicuous throughout  the  whole  war.  The  occupa- 
tion of  Jerusalem  closed  the  first  act  of  the  war 
(b.  c.  165).  On  the  death  of  Judas  the  patriots 
were  reduced  to  as  great  distress  as  at  their  first 
rising.  So  far  it  seemed  that  little  had  been  gained 
when  the  contest  between  Alexander  Balas  and  De- 
metrius I.  opened  a  new  period  (b.  c.  153).  The 
former  unfruitful  conflicts  at  length  produced  their  ; 
full  harvest.  When  the  Jewish  leaders  had  once  ' 
obtained  legitimate  power  they  proved  able  to  main- 
tain it,  though  their  general  success  was  checkered 
by  some  reverses.  The  solid  power  of  the  national 
party  was  seen  by  the  slight  effect  which  was  pro- 
duced by  the  treacherous  murder  of  Jonathan. 
Simon  was  able  at  once  to  occupy  his  place,  and 
carry  out  his  plans. — 8.  The  war,  thus  brought  to  a 
noble  issue,  if  less  famous,  is  not  less  glorious  than 
any  of  those  in  which  a  few  brave  men  have  suc- 
cessfully maintained  the  cause  of  freedom  or  reli- 
gion against  overpowering  might.  For  it  is  not 
only  in  their  victory  over  external  difficulties  that 
the  heroism  of  the  Maccabees  is  conspicuous :  their 
real  success  was  as  much  imperilled  by  internal  di- 
visions as  by  foreign  force. — 9.  The  view  of  the 
Uaccahean  war  which  regards  it  only  as  a  civil  and 
not  as  a  religious  conflict,  is  essentially  one-sided. 
If  there  were  no  other  evidence  than  the  book  of 
Da.nikl,  that  alone  would  show  how  deeply  the  no- 
blest hopes  of  the  theocracy  were  centred  in  the 
success  of  the  struggle.  When  the  feelings  of  the 
nation  were  thus  again  turned  with  fresh  power  to 
their  ancient  faith,  we  might  e.xpect  that  there 
would  be  a  new  creative  epoch  in  the  national  lit- 
erature ;  or,  if  the  form  of  Hebrew  composition  was 
already  fixed  by  sacred  types,  a  prophet  or  psalm- 
ist would  express  the  thoughts  of  the  new  age  after 
the  models  of  old  time.  Yet  in  part  at  least  the 
leaders  of  Maccabean  times  felt  that  they  were 


separated  by  a  real  chasm  from  the  times  of  the 
kingdom  or  of  the  exile.  If  they  looked  for  a 
prophet  in  the  future,  they  acknowledged  that  the 
I  spirit  of  prophecy  was  not  among  them.  The  vol- 
ume of  the  prophetic  writings  w^as  completed,  and, 
as  far  as  appears,  no  one  ventured  to  imitate  its 
contents.  But  the  Uagiogiapha  (Bible,  III.  8), 
though  they  were  already  long  fixed  as  a  definite 
collection,  were  not  equally  far  removed  from  imita- 
tion. The  apocalyptic  visions  of  Daniel  served  as 
a  pattern  for  the  visions  incorporated  in  the  book 
of  Enoch  (Enoch,  Book  of),  and  it  has  been  com- 
monly supposed  by  German  theologians,  that  the 
I'salter  (Psalms)  contains  cohipositions  of  the  Mac- 
cabean date.  This  supposition  is  at  variance  with 
the  best  evidence  on  the  history  df  the  Canon. — 
10.  The  collection  of  the  so-called  jPsahns  of  Solo- 
mon  furnishes  a  strong  confirmation  of  the  belief 
that  all  the  canonical  Psalms  are  earlier  than  the 
Maccabean  era.  This  collection,  which  bears  the 
clearest  traces  of  unity  of  authorship,  is,  almost 
beyond  question,  a  true  Maccabean  work.  There 
is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  book  was  origi- 
nally composed  in  Hebrew  ;  and  it  presents  exactly 
those  characteristics  which  are  wanting  in  the  other 
(conjectural)  Maccabean  Psalms.  — 11.  Elsewhere 
there  is  Uttle  which  marks  the  distinguishing  reli- 
gious character  of  the  era.  The  notice  of  the  Mac- 
cabean heroes  in  the  book  of  Daniel  is  much  more 
general  and  brief  than  the  corresponding  notice  of 
their  great  adversary ;  but  it  is  not  on  that  account 
less  important  as  illustrating  the  relation  of  the  fi»- 
mous  chapter  (Dan.  xi.  29-S5)  to  the  simple  history 
of  the  period  which  it  embraces. — 12.  The  history  of 
the  Maccabees  does  not  contain  much  which  illus- 
trates in  detail  the  religious  or  social  progress  of 
the  Jews.  It  is  obvious  that  the  period  must  not 
only  have  intensified  old  beliefs,  but  also  have  called 
out  elements  which  were  latent  in  them.  One  doc- 
trine at  least,  that  of  a  resurrection,  and  even  of  a 
material  resurrection  (2  Mc.  xiv.  46),  was  brought 
out  into  the  most  distinct  apprehension  by  sufter- 
ing.  And  as  it  was  believed  that  an  interval  elapsed 
between  death  and  judgment,  the  dead  were  supposed 
to  be  in  some  measure  still  capable  of  profiting  by 
the  intercession  of  the  living.  Thus  much  is  cer- 
tainly expressed  in  the  famous  passage,  2  Mc.  xii. 
43-46,  though  the  secondary  notion  of  a  purgato- 
rial state  is  in  no  way  implied  in  it.  On  the  other 
hand  it  is  not  very  clear  how  far  the  future  judg- 
ment was  supposed  to  extend.  The  firm  fiiith  in 
the  righteous  providence  of  God,  shown  in  the  chas- 
tening of  His  people,  as  contrasted  w  ith  His  neglect 
of  other  nations,  is  another  proof  of  the  widening 
view  of  the  spiritual  world,  which  is  characteristic 
of  the  epoch  (2  Mc.  iv.  16,  17,  v.  17-20,  vi.  12-16, 
&c.).  (Apocrypha.) — 13.  The  various  glimpses  of 
national  life  during  the  period,  show  on  the  whole 
a  steady  adherence  to  the  Mosaic  law.  Probably 
the  law  was  never  more  rigorously  fulfilled.  The 
importance  of  the  Antiochian  persecution  in  fixing 
the  Canon  of  the  0.  T.  has  been  already  noticed. 
(Canon  II.)  The  interruption  of  the  succession  to 
the  high-priesthood  (High-priest)  was  the  most 
important  innovation,  and  one  which  i)repared 
the  way  for  the  dissolution  of  the  state.  After 
various  arbitrary  changes  the  office  was  left  va- 
cant for  seven  years  upon  the  death  of  Alcimus. 
The  last  descendant  of  Jozadak  (Osias  6),  in  whose 
family  it  had  been  for  nearly  four  centuries,  fled  to 
Egvpt,  and  established  a  schismatic  worship  ;  and 
at  last,  when  the  support  of  the  Jewg  became  im- 


574 


UAC 


MAC 


portmt,  the  Maccabean  leader,  Jonathan,  of  the 
family  of  Joarib,  was  elected  to  the  dignity  by  the 
nomination  of  tlie  Syrian  king  (1  Me.  x.  20),  whose 
will  wm  confirmed,  as  it  appears,  by  the  voice  of 
the  people  (compare  xiv.  85). — 14.  Little  can  be 
said  of  the  condition  of  literature  and  the  arts 
which  has  not  been  already  anticipated.  In  com- 
mon intercourse  the  Jews  used  the  Aramaic  dialect 
which  was  established  after  tlie  return  :  this  was 
"  their  own  language  "  (2  Mc.  vii.  8,  21,  27,  xii.  37 ; 
SiiEMiTio  Languages)  ;  but  it  is  evident  from  the 
narrative  quoted  that  they  understood  Greek,  which 
must  have  spread  widely  through  the  influence  of 
Syrian  olTicers.  There  is  not,  however,  the  slightest 
evidence  that  Greek  was  employed  in  Palestinian 
literature  till  a  much  later  date.  The  description 
of  the  monument  erected  by  Simon  at  Modin,  in 
memory  of  his  fomily  (1  Mc.  xiii.  27-30),  is  the 
only  record  of  the  architecture  of  the  time. — 15. 
The  only  recognized  relics  of  the  time  are  the  coins 
which  bear  the  name  of  "  Simon,"  or  "  Simon  Prince 
(iVifej)  of  Israel"  in  Samaritan  letters.  The  privi- 
lege of  a  national  coinage  was  granted  to  Simon, 
B.  c.  140,  by  Antiochus  VII.  Sidetes  (1  Mc.  xv.  6). 

MO.NEY. 

Jllae'ea-bees  (see  above,  and  III.  below),  Baaks  ofi 
Four  books  which  bear  the  common  title  of  "  Mac- 
cabees "  are  found  in  some  MSS.  of  the  LX.K. 
Two  of  these  were  included  in  the  early  current 
Latin  versions  of  the  Bible,  and  thence  jiassed  into 
the  Vulgate.  As  forming  part  of  the  Vulgate  they 
were  recoived  as  canonical  by  the  council  of  Trent, 
and  retained  among  the  Apocrypha  by  the  reformed 
churclies.  The  two  other  books  obtained  no  such 
wide  circulation,  and  have  only  a  secondary  connec- 
tion with  the  Mace  ibean  history.  But  all  the  books, 
though  tliey  differ  most  widely  in  character  and 
date  and  worth,  possess  points  of  interest  which 
make  them  a  fruitful  field  for  study.  If  the  historic 
order  were  observed,  the  so-called  third  book  would 
come  first,  the  fourtli  would  be  an  appendix  to  the 
second,  which  would  retain  its  place,  and  the  first 
would  come  last ;  but  it  will  be  more  convenient  to 
examine  the  books  in  the  order  in  which  they  are 
found  in  the  MSS.,  which  was  probably  decided  by 
some  vague  tradition  of  their  relative  antiquity. — 
I.  The  Finl  Book  of  Maccabees. — 1.  1  Mc.  con- 
tains a  history  of  the  patriotic  struggle,  from  the 
first  resistance  of  Mattathias  to  tlie  settled  sover- 
eignty and  death  of  Simon,  a  period  of  thirty-three 
years  (b.  c.  168-135).  The  opening  cliapter  gives 
a  short  summary  ot  the  conquests  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  and  describes  at  greater  length  tlie  oppres- 
sion of  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  The  great  subject  of 
the  boak  begins  with  the  enumeration  of  the  Mac- 
cabean family  (ii.  1-5),  which  is  followed  by  an  ac- 
count of  the  part  whieli  the  aged  Mattathias  took 
in  rousing  and  guiding  the  spirit  of  his  countrymen 
(ii.  fi-70).  The  remainder  of  the  narrative  is  occu- 
pied with  the  exploits  of  his  five  sons.  Each  of  the 
three  divisions,  into  wliich  the  main  portion  of  the 
book  thus  naturally  falls,  is  stamped  with  an  in- 
dividual character  derived  from  its  special  hero — 
(1.)  Judas,  (2.)  Jonathan,  (3.)  Simon.  (Maccabees.) 
The  history,  in  this  aspect,  presents  a  kind  of  epic 
unity.  2.  While  the  grandeur  and  unity  of  the 
subject  invest  the  book  with  almost  an  epic  beauty, 
it  never  loses  the  character  of  history  (so  Mr.  West- 
cott,  original  author  of  this  article).  The  earlier 
part  of  the  narrative,  including  the  exploits  of  Ju- 
das, is  cast  in  a  more  poetic  mould  than  any  other 
part,  except  the  brief  eulogy  of  Simon  (xiv.  4-16) ; 


but  when  the  style  is  most  poetical  (i.  37-40,  ii.  7- 
13,  49-68,  iii.  3-9,  18-22,  iv.  8-11,  30-33,  38,  vi. 
10-13,  vii.  37,  38,  41,  42) — and  this  poetical  form 
is  chiefly  observable  in  the  speeches — it  seems  to  be 
true  in  spirit.  The  great  marks  of  trustwortliiness 
are  everywhere  conspicuous.  Victory  and  failure 
and  despondency  are,  on  the  whole,  chronicled  with 
the  same  candor.  There  is  no  attempt  to  bring  into 
open  display  the  working  of  providence.  So  far  as 
tlie  circumstances  admit,  the  general  accuracy  of 
the  book  is  established  by  the  evidence  of  other 
authorities  ;  but  for  a  considerable  period  it  is  the 
single  source  of  our  information.  3.  In  some  points, 
Iiowever,  the  writer  appears  to  have  been  imper- 
fectly informed,  especially  in  the  history  of  foreign 
nations  ;  and  in  some,  again,  he  has  been  supposed 
to  have  magnified  the  dilficulties  and  successes  of 
his  countrym'en.  Of  the  former  class  of  objections, 
two,  which  turn  upon  the  description  given  of  the 
foundation  of  the  Greek  kingdoms  of  the  East  (1 
Mc.  i.  5-9),  and  of  the  power  of  Rome  (viii.  1-16), 
deserve  notice  from  tlieir  intrinsic  interest.  After 
giving  a  rapid  summary  of  the  exploits  of  Alexander, 
the  writer  states  tliat  tlie  king,  conscious  of  ap- 
proaching death,  "  divided  his  kingdom  among  his 
servants  who  had  been  brought  up  with  him  from 
his  youtli  "  (i.  6).  In  this  instance  the  autlior  has 
probably  accepted  witliout  inquiry  the  opinion  of 
his  countrymen  ;  in  the  other  it  is  distinctly  .said 
that  the  account  of  the  greatness  of  Rome  was 
brought  to  Judas  by  common  report  (viii.  1,  2). 
The  errors  in  detail  arc  only  such  as  might  be  ex- 
pected in  oral  accounts.  The  very  imperfection  of 
the  writer's  knowle  Ige  is  instructive.  4.  JIucli  has 
been  written  as  to  the  sources  from  which  the  nar- 
rative was  derived,  but  there  does  not  seem  to  be 
evidence  sufficient  to  indicate  them  with  any  cer- 
tainty. In  one  passage  (i.x.  22)  tlie  author  implies 
that  written  accounts  of  some  of  the  actioii.s  of 
Judas  were  in  existence.  It  appears,  again,  to  be 
a  reasonable  conclusion,  from  the  mention  of  the 
official  records  of  the  life  of  Ilyrcanus  (xvi.  24), 
that  similar  records  existed  at  least  for  the  high- 
priesthood  of  Simon.  Many  documents  are  inserted 
in  the  text  of  the  histo.?y,  but  even  when  they  are 
described  as  "copies "it  is  questionable  whether 
the  writer  designed  to  give  more  than  the  substance 
of  the  originals.  But  whatever  were  the  sources 
of  different  parts  of  the  book,  and  in  wh.itever  way 
writtan,  oral  and  personal  information  were  com- 
bined in  its  structure,  the  writer  made  the  materials 
•which  he  used  truly  his  own ;  and  the  minute  ex- 
actness of  the  geographical  details  carries  the  con- 
viction that  the  whole  finally  rests  upon  the  evidence 
of  eye-witnesses.  5.  The  language  of  the  book 
does  not  present  any  striking  peculiarities.  Both 
in  diction  and  structure  it  is  generally  simple  and 
unaffected,  with  a  marked  and  yet  not  harsh  He- 
braistic character.  The  number  of  peculiar  words 
is  not  very  considerable,  especially  when  com]iared 
with  those  in  2  Mc.  6.  The  testimony  of  antiq- 
uity leaves  no  doubt  but  that  the  book  was  first 
written  in  Hebrew.  Origen,  in  his  famous  catalogue 
of  the  books  of  Scripture,  after  enumerating  the 
contents  of  the  0.  T.  according  to  the  Hebrew  canon, 
adds:  "But  without  (i.  e.  excluded  from  the  num- 
ber of)  these  is  the  Maccabean  history,  which  is  en- 
titled Sarbeth  Sabanaiel."  Mr.  Westcott  regards 
this  as  the  correct  reading,  but  cannot  interpret  it 
as  Hebrew.  But  Michaelis,  Ginsburg  (in  Kitto),  find 
most  modern  commentators,  read  Sarbeth  Sarbarw  el, 
and  make  it  Hebrew  =  History  of  the  prineei  of  the 


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ton*  of  God,  I.  e.  of  Israel.  The  statement  of  Je- 
rome is  quite  explicit :— "  The  first  book  of  Macca- 
bees," he  says,  "  I  found  in  Hebrew  ;  the  second  is 
Greek,  as  can  be  shown  in  fact  from  its  style  alone." 
A  (picstion,  however,  mi^ht  be  raised  v.hether  the 
book  was  written  in  Billical  Hebrew,  or  in  the  later 
Aramaic  (Clialdee) ;  but  it  seems  almost  certain 
that  the  writer  took  the  canonical  histories  as  his 
model.  Yet  it  is  by  no  means  unlikely  that  the  He- 
brew was  corrupted  by  later  idioms,  as  in  the  most 
recent  books  of  the  0.  T.  7.  The  whole  sti-ucture 
^f  1  Mc.  points  to  Palestine  as  the  place  of  its 
composition.  This  fact  itself  is  a  strong  proof  for 
a  Hel)rew  original,  for  there  is  no  trace  of  a  Greek 
Palestinian  literature  during  the  Hasmonean  dynas- 
ty, though  the  wide  use  of  the  LXX.,  toward  the 
close  of  the  period,  prepared  the  way  for  the  apos- 
tolic writings.  But  though  the  country  of  the 
writer  can  be  thus  fixed  with  certainty,  there  is 
considerable  doubt  as  to  his  date.  From  xvi.  23, 
24,  it  has  been  concluded  that  he  must  have  written 
after  the  death  of  Hyrcanus,  B.  c.  106.  It  cannot 
certainly  have  been  composed  long  after  his  death. 
We  may  place  the  date  of  the  original  book  between 
B.  c.  120  and  100.  The  date  and  person  of  the  Greek 
tran.slator  are  wholly  undetermined.  S.  In  a  religious 
aspect  the  book  is  more  remarkable  negatively  than 
positively.  The  historical  instinct  of  the  writer 
confines  him  to  the  bare  recital  of  facts,  and  were 
it  not  for  the  words  of  others  which  he  records,  it 
might  seem  that  the  true  theocratic  aspect  of  na- 
tional life  had  been  lost.  Not  only  does  he  relate 
no  miracles,  such  as  occur  in  2  Mc,  but  he  does 
not  even  refer  the  triumphant  successes  of  the 
Jews  to  divine  interposition.  It  Is  a  characferistic 
of  the  same  kind  that  he  passes  over  without  any 
clear  notice  the  Messianic  hopes,  which,  as  appears 
from  the  Psalms  of  Solomon  and  the  Book  of  Enoch, 
were  raised  to  the  highest  pitch  by  the  successftil 
struggle  for  independence.  But  it  is  throughout  in- 
spired by  the  faith  to  which  it  gives  us  definite  ex- 
pression. 9.  The  book  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
mucli  u.sed  in  early  times.  Euscbius  assumes  an 
acquaintance  with  the  two  books ;  and  scanty  no- 
tices of  the  first  book,  but  more  of  the  second,  oc- 
cur in  other,  especially  later  writers.  10.  The  books 
of  Maccabees  were  not  included  by  Jerome  in  his 
translation  of  the  Bible.  (Canon.)  The  version 
of  the  two  books  incorporated  in  the  Vulgate  was 
consequently  derived  from  the  old  Latin,  current 
before  Jerome's  time.  This  version  was  obviously 
made  from  the  Greek,  and  in  the  main  follows  if 
closely.  The  Syriac  version  given  in  the  Polyglotts 
is,  like  the  Latin,  a  close  rendering  of  the  Greek. 
— II.  J%c  Stconi  Book  of  Maccabees. — 1.  The  his- 
tory of  2  Mc.  begins  some  years  earlier  than  that 
of  1  Mc,  and  closes  with  the  victory  of  Judas  Mac- 
cabeus over  Nicanor.  It  thus  embraces  a  period 
of  twenty  years,  from  b.  c.  180  (?)  to  b.  c.  161. 
For  the  few  events  noticed  during  the  earlier  years 
it  is  the  chief  authority ;  during  the  remainder  of 
the  time  the  narrative  goes  over  the  same  ground 
as  1  Mc,  but  with  very  considerable  differences. 
The  first  two  chapters  are  taken  up  by  two  letters 
supposed  to  be  addressed  by  the  Palestinian  to  the 
Alexandrine  Jews,  and  by  a  sketch  of  the  author's 
plan,  which  proceeds  without  any  perceptible  break 
fVom  the  close  of  the  second  letter.  The  main  nar- 
rative occupies  the  remamder  of  the  book.  This 
presents  several  natural  divisions,  which  appear  to 
coincide  with  the  "  five  books  "  of  Jason  on  which 
it  was  based.    The  first  (ch.  iii.)  contains  the  his- 


tory of  Heliodorus  (about  b.  c.  180).  The  second 
(iv.-vii.)  gives  varied  details  of  the  beginning  and 
course  of  the  great  persecution  (b.  c.  175-167). 
The  third  (viii.-x.  9)  follows  the  fortunes  of  Judas 
to  the  triumphant  restoration  of  the  Temple  service 
(b.  c.  166,  165).  The  fourth  (x.  10-xlii.)  includes 
the  reign  of  Antiochus  Eupator  (b.  c.  164-162). 
The  filth  (xiv.,  xv.)  records  the  treachery  of  Alci- 
mus,  the  mission  of  Nicanor,  and  the  crowning  suc- 
cess of  Judas  (b.  0.  162,  161).  2.  The  relation  of 
the  letters  with  which  the  book  opens  to  the  sub- 
stance of  the  book  is  extremely  obscure.  The  first 
(i.  1-9)  is  a  solemn  invitation  to  the  Egyptian  Jews 
to  celebrate  "  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  in  the  month 
Caslcu  "  (i.  e.  the  Feast  of  the  Dedication,  I.  9).  The 
second  (i.  10-ii.  18),  which  bears  a  formal  saluta- 
tion from  "  the  council  and  Judas  "  to  "  Aristo- 
bulus  .  .  .  and  the  Jews  in  Egypt,"  Is  a  strange, 
rambling  collection  of  legendary  stories  of  the 
death  of  "Antiochus,"  of  the  preservation  of  the 
sacred  fire  and  its  recovery  by  Nehemiah,  of  the 
hiding  of  the  vessels  of  the  sanctuary  by  Jere- 
miah, ending — if  indeed  the  letter  can  be  said  to 
have  any  end — with  the  same  exhortation  to  ob- 
serve the  Feast  of  Dedication  (ii.  10-18).  For  it 
Is  impossible  to  point  out  any  break  in  the  con- 
struction or  style  after  ver.  19,  so  that  the  writer 
passes  insensibly  from  the  epistolary  form  in  ver. 
16  to  that  of  the  epitomizer  in  ver.  29.  For  this 
reason  some  critics,  both  in  ancient  and  modem 
times,  have  considered  that  the  whole  book  is  in- 
tended to  be  Included  in  the  letter.  It  seems 
more  natural  to  suppose  that  the  author  found 
the  letters  already  hi  existence  when  he  under- 
took to  abridge  the  work  of  Jason,  and  attached 
his  own  introduction  to  the  second  letter  for  the 
convenience  of  transition,  without  considering  that 
this  would  necessarily  make  the  whole  appear  to 
be  a  letter.  The  letters  themselves  can  lay  no 
claims  to  authenticity.  Some  have  supposed  that 
the  original  language  of  one,  or  of  both  the  letters 
was  Hebrew,  but  this  cannot  be  made  out  by  any 
conclusive  arguments.  8.  The  writer  himself  dis- 
tinctly Indicates  the  source  of  his  narrative — "  the 
five  books  of  Jason  of  Cyrene"  (ii.  23),  of  which 
he  designed  to  furnish  a  short  and  agreeable  epi- 
tome for  the  benefit  of  those  who  would  be  de- 
terred from  studying  the  larger  work.  His  own 
labor,  which  he  describes  in  strong  terms  (ii.  26, 
27  ;  compare  xv.  38,  39),  was  entirely  confined 
to  condensation  and  selection ;  all  investigation 
of  detail  he  declares  to  be  the  peculiar  duty  of 
the  original  historian.  Of  Jason  himself  nothing 
more  is  known  than  may  be  gleaned  from  this  men- 
tion of  him.  There  are  certainly  many  details  in 
the  hook  which  show  a  close  and  accurate  knowl- 
edge (iv.  21,  29  ff.,  vill.  1  ff.,  ix.  29,  x.  12,  13,  xiv. 
I  1),  and  the  errors  in  the  order  of  events  may  be  due 
I  wholly,  or  in  part,  to  the  epitomizer.  i.  The  district 
j  of  Cyrene  was  most  closely  united  with  that  of 
Aiexandhia.  In  both  the  predominance  of  Greek 
literature  and  the  Greek  language  was  absolute. 
The  work  of  Jason  must  ttiercfore  have  been  com- 
posed in  Greek  ;  and  the  style  of  the  epitome,  as 
Jerome  remarked,  proves  beyond  doubt  that  the 
!  Greek  text  Is  the  original.  It  Is  scarcely  less  certain 
that  2  Mc.  was  compiled  at  Alexandria.  6.  The  style 
of  the  book  is  extremely  uneven.  At  times  It  is 
elaborately  ornate  (Iii.  lB-89,  v.  20,  vi.  12-16,  23- 
28,  vii.  &:c);  and  again,  it  is  so  rude  and  broken, 
as  to  seem  more  like  notes  for  an  epitome  than  a 
finished  composition  (xiii.  19-26j;  but  it  nowhere 


576 


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attaing  to  the  simple  energy  and  pathos  of  the  first 
book.  The  vocabulary  corresponds  to  the  style. 
It  abounds  in  new  or  unusual  words.  Hebraisms 
are  very  rare.  Idiomatic  Greek  phrases  are  much 
more  common ;  and  the  writer  evidently  had  a  con- 
siderable command  over  the  Greek  language.  6. 
In  the  absence  of  all  evidence  as  to  the  person  of 
Jason,  there  are  no  data  which  fix  the  time  of  the 
composition  of  his  original  work,  or  of  the  epitome 
given  in  2  Mc.  within  very  narrow  limits.  The  su- 
perior limit  of  the  ago  of  the  epitome,  though  not 
of  Jason's  work,  is  determined  by  the  year  ( 1 24  b.  c.) 
mentioned  in  one  of  the  introductory  letters  (i.  10) ; 
but  Mr.  Westcott  is  inclined  to  place  the  original 
work  of  Jason  not  later  than  100  B.  c,  and  the  epi- 
tome fifty  years  later.  7.  To  estimate  the  historical 
worth  of  the  book  it  is  necessary  to  consider  sepa- 
rately the  two  divisions  into  which  it  falls.  The 
narrative  in  iii.-vii.  is  in  part  anterior  (iii.-iv.  6) 
and  in  part  (iv.  7-vii.)  supplementary  to  the  brief 
summary  in  1  Mc.  i.  10-64 :  that  in  viii.-xv.  is,  as  a 
whole,  parallel  with  1  Mc.  iii.-vii.  In  the  first  sec- 
tion the  book  itself  is,  in  the  main,  the  sole  source 
of  information :  in  the  second,  its  contents  can  be 
tested  by  the  trustworthy  records  of  the  first  book. 
The  chief  differences  between  the  first  and  second 
books  lie  in  the  account  of  the  campaigns  of  Lysias 
and  Timotheus.  Differences  of  detail  will  always 
arise  where  the  means  of  information  are  partial 
and  separate ;  but  the  ditferences  alleged  to  exist 
as  to  these  events  are  more  serious.  The  relation 
between  the  two  books  may  be  not  inaptly  rep- 
resented by  that  existing  between  the  books  of 
Kings  and  Chronicles.  In  each  case  the  later  book 
was  composed  with  a  special  design,  which  regulated 
the  character  of  the  materials  employed  for  its  con- 
struction. But  as  the  design  in  2  Mc.  is  openly 
avowed  by  the  compiler,  so  it  seems  to  have  been 
carried  out  with  considerable  license.  The  ground- 
work of  facts  is  true,  but  the  dress  in  which  the 
facts  are  presented  is  due,  in  part  at  least,  to  the 
narrator.  Not  improbably  the  error  with  regard  to 
the  first  campaign  of  Lysias  arose  from  the  mode 
in  which  it  was  introduced  by  Jason  as  a  prelude 
to  the  more  important  measures  of  Lysias  in  the 
reign  of  Antiochus  Eupator.  In  other  places  (as 
very  obviously  in  xiii.  19  ff.)  the  compiler  may  have 
disregarded  the  historical  dependence  of  events 
while  selecting  those  best  suited  for  the  support  of 
his  theme.  If  these  remarks  are  true,  it  follows 
that  2  Mc.  viii.-xv.  is  to  be  regarded  not  as  a  con- 
nected and  complete  history,  but  as  a  series  of 
special  incidents  from  the  life  of  Judas,  illustrating 
the  providential  interference  of  God  in  behalf  of 
His  people,  true  in  substance,  but  embellished  in 
form ;  and  this  view  of  the  book  is  supported  by 
the  character  of  the  earlier  chapters,  in  which  the 
narrative  is  unchecked  by  independent  evidence. 
8.  Besides  the  differences  between  the  two  books 
of  Maccabees  as  to  the  sequence  and  details  of 
common  events,  there  is  considerable  difficulty  as 
to  the  chronological  data  which  they  give.  Both 
follow  the  Seleucian  era  ("  the  era  of  contracts ;  " 
"of  the  Greek  kingdom;"  1  Mc.  i.  10),  but  in 
some  cases  in  which  the  two  books  give  the  date  of 
the  same  event,  the  first  book  gives  a  date  one  year 
later  than  the  second  (1  Mc.  vi.  10  ||  2  Mc.  xi.  21, 
33;  1  Mc.  vi.  20  1  2  Mc.  xiii.  1);  yet  on  the  other 
hand  they  agree  in  1  Mc.  vii.  1  ||  2  JIo.  xiv.  4.  This 
discrepancy  seems  to  be  due  not  to  a  mere  error, 
but  to  a  difference  of  reckoning ;  for  all  attempts 
to  explain    away  the   discrepancy  are   untenable. 


The  true  era  of  the  SeleucidK  began  in  October 
(Dins)  B.  c.  312;  but  there  is  evidence  that  con- 
siderable variations  existed  in  Syria  in  the  reckon- 
ing by  it.  A  very  probable  mode  of  explaining  (at 
least  in  part)  the  origin  of  the  difference  has  been 
supported  by  most  of  the  best  chronologers.  Though 
the  Jews  may  have  reckoned  two  beginnings  to  the 
year  from  the  time  of  the  Exodus,  yet  it  appears 
that  the  Biblical  dates  are  always  reckoned  by  the 
so-called  ecclesiastical  year,  which  began  with  A'isan 
(April),  and  not  by  the  civil  year,  which  was  after- 
ward in  common  use,  which  began  with  Tisri  (Oc- 
tober). Now,  since  the  writer  of  1  Mc.  was  a  Pal- 
estinian Jew,  and  followed  the  ecclesiastical  year 
in  his  reckoning  of  months  (1  Mc.  iv.  82),  it  is  prob- 
able that  he  commenced  the  Seleucian  year  not  in 
autumn  (?V«n),  but  in  spring  (A'isan).  If  the  year 
began  in  Mean  (reckoning  from  spring  312  B.  c), 
the  events  which  fell  in  the  last  half  of  the  true 
Seleucian  year  would  be  dated  one  year  forward, 
while  the  true  and  the  Jewish  dates  would  agree  in 
the  first  half  of  the  year.  On  other  grounds,  in- 
deed, it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  difference  in  the 
reckoning  of  the  two  books  is  still  greater  than  is 
thus  accounted  for.  The  Chaldeans  dated  their  Se- 
leucian era  one  year  later  than  the  true  time  from 
311  B.  c,  and  probably  from  October  (Dius;  com- 
pare 2  Mc.  xi.  21,  33).  If,  as  is  quite  possible,  the 
writer  of  2  Mc. — or  rather  Jason  of  Cyrene,  whom 
he  epitomized — used  the  Chaldean  dates,  there  may 
be  a  maximum  difference  between  the  two  books  of 
one  and  a  half  years,  which  is  sufficient  to  explain 
the  difficulties  of  the  chronology  of  the  events  con- 
nected with  the  death  of  Antiochus  Epiph.anes.  9. 
The  most  interesting  feature  in  2  Mc.  is  its  marked 
religious  character,  by  which  it  is  clearly  distin- 
guished from  the  first  book.  "  The  manifestations 
made  from  heaven  on  behalf  of  those  who  were 
zealous  to  behave  manfully  in  defence  of  Judaism  " 
(2  Mc.  ii.  21).  The  events  related  historically  in 
the  former  book  are  in  this  regarded  theocratically, 
if  the  word  may  be  used  (xv.  22-24;  compare  1  Mc. 
vii.  41,  42,  &c.).  The  doctrine  of  Providence  ia 
carried  out  in  a  most  minute  parallelism  of  great 
crimes  and  their  punishment  (iv.  38,  v.  9,  10,  &c.). 
On  a  larger  scale  the  same  idea  is  presented  in  the 
contrasted  relations  of  Israel  and  the  heathen  to  the 
Divine  Power  (i.  26,  xiv.  15  ;  vi.  12-17).  10.  The 
history  of  the  book,  as  has  been  already  noticed 
(§  6),  is  extremely  obscure.  It  is  first  mentioned 
by  Clement  of  Alexandria ;  and  Origen,  in  a  Greek 
fragment  of  his  commentaries  on  Exodus,  quotes 
vi.  12-16,  with  very  considerable  variations  of  text, 
from  "  the  Maccabcan  history."  At  a  later  time 
the  history  of  tlie  martyred  brothers  was  a  favorite 
subject  with  Christian  writers;  and  in  the  time  of 
Jerome  and  Augustine  the  book  was  in  common 
and  public  use  in  tlie  Western  Church,  where  it 
maintained  its  position  till  it  was  at  last  definitely 
declared  to  be  canonical  at  the  Council  of  Trent. 
(Canon.)  11.  The  Latin  version  adopted  in  the  Vul- 
gate, as  in  the  case  of  the  first  book,  is  that  current 
before  Jerome's  time,  which  Jerome  left  wholly  un- 
touched in  the  apocryphal  books,  with  the  exception 
of  Judith  and  Tobit.  It  is  much  less  close  to  the 
Greek  than  in  the  former  book.  The  Syriac  version 
is  of  still  less  value.  The  Arabic  so-called  version 
of  2  Mc.  is  really  an  independent  work  (see  V.  be- 
low).— III.  The  Tldrd  Bool- of  the  Maccahcfx  cont.ains 
the  history  of  events  which  preceded  the  great 
Maccabcan  struggle.  The  name  "  JIaccabees  "  here 
=  martyrs,  in  reference  to  the  Alexandrian  Jews 


1 


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who  suffered  for  their  faith's  sake  cither  immediately 
before  or  after  the  Maccabean  period  (Ginsburg,  in 
Kitto).  After  the  decisive  battle  of  Rnphia  (b.  c. 
217),  envoys  from  Jerusalem,  following  the  example 
of  other  cities,  hastened  to  Ptolemy  Philopator  to 
congratulate  him  on  his  success.  After  receiving 
them  the  Ising  resolved  to  visit  the  holy  city.  He 
offered  sacrifice  in  the  Temple,  and  was  so  much 
struck  by  its  majesty  that  he  urgently  sought  per- 
mission to  enter  the  sanctuary.  Whcu  this  was  re- 
fused he  resolved  lo  gratify  his  curiosity  by  force, 
regardless  of  the  consternation  with  which  his  de- 
sign was  received  (ch.  i.).  On  this,  Simon  the  high- 
priest,  after  the  people  had  been  with  difficulty  re- 
strained from  violence,  kneeling  in  front  of  the 
Temple  implored  divine  help.  At  the  conclusion  of 
the  prayer  the  king  fell  paralyzed  into  the  arms  of 
his  attendants,  and  on  his  recovery  returned  at  once 
to  Egypt  without  prosecuting  his  intention.  But 
angry  at  his  failure  he  commanded  that  the  Alex- 
andrian Jews  should  be  deprived  of  their  citizen- 
ship (Alexandria)  and  branded  with  an  ivy  leaf, 
unless  initiated  into  the  orgies  of  Bacciiis  (ii.). 
This  order  being  evaded  or  despised,  he  commanded 
all  the  Jews  in  the  country  to  be  arrested  and  sent 
to  .\lexandria  (iii.).  The  gathered  multitudes  were 
confined  in  the  Hippodrome  outside  the  city.  The 
scribes  toiled  forty  days  in  vain  to  take  down  their 
names  for  execution  (iv.).  The  king  ordered  that 
five  hundred  elephants  should  be  drugged,  to  tram- 
ple the  prisoners  to  death  on  the  morrow.  The 
Jews  prayed.  The  king  was  overpowered  by  sleep, 
and  then  by  forgetfulness ;  but  the  execution  thus 
twice  deferred  was  again  ordered  to  take  place  at 
daybreak  (v.).  Then  Eleazar,  an  aged  priest,  prayed 
for  his  people,  and,  as  he  ended,  the  royal  train 
came  to  the  Hippodrome.  On  this  a  heavenly  vision 
was  seen  by  all  but  the  Jews.  The  elephants  tram- 
pled down  their  attendants ;  the  king's  wrath  was 
turned  to  pity ;  the  Jews  were  set  free,  and  a  great 
feast  was  prepared  for  them ;  and  they  resolved  to 
observe  a  festival,  in  memory  of  their  deliverance, 
during  their  sojourn  in  strange  lands  (vi.).  A  royal 
letter  to  the  governors  of  the  provinces  set  forth 
the  circumstances  of  their  escape,  and  assured  them 
of  the  king's  protection.  Permission  was  given 
them  to  take  vengeance  on  their  renegade  country- 
men, and  the  people  returned  to  their  homes  in 
triumph,  "  crowned  with  flowcra,  and  singing  praises 
to  the  God  of  their  lathers  "  (vii.).  2.  The  form 
of  the  narrative  sufficiently  shows  that  the  object 
of  the  book  has  modified  the  facts  which  it  records. 
The  writer,  in  his  zeal  to  bring  out  the  action  of 
Providence,  has  colored  his  history,  so  that  It  has 
lost  all  semblance  of  truth.  In  this  respect  the 
book  offers  an  instructive  contrast  to  the  Book  of 
Esther.  3.  But  while  it  in  impossible  to  accept  the 
details  of  the  book  as  historical,  some  basis  of 
truth  must  be  supposed  to  lie  beneath  them.  The 
yearly  festival  (vi.  .'i6,  vii.  19)  can  hardly  have  been 
•  mere  fancy  of  the  writer ;  and  the  pillar  and  syn- 
agogue at  Ptolemais  (vii.  20)  must  have  been  con- 
nected in  some  way  with  a  signal  deliverance.  Be- 
sides this,  Josephns  {A/i.  ii.  B)  relates  a  very  similar 
occurrence  which  took  place  in  the  reign  of  Ptolemy 
VII.  (Phy.«con).  4.  Assuming  rightly  that  the  book 
is  »n  adaptation  of  history,  Ewald  and  Grimm  have 
endeavored  to  fix  exactly  the  circumstances  by  which 
it  was  callc<l  forth.  It  is  argued  that  the  writer  de- 
signed to  portray  Caligtila  under  the  name  of  the 
sensual  tyrant  who  had  in  earlier  times  held  Egypt 
and  5>yria,  while  he  sought  to  nerve  his  countrymen 
37 


for  their  struggle  with  heathen  power,  by  reminding 
them  of  earlier  deliverances.  It  is  unnecessary  to 
urge  the  various  details  in  which  the  parallel  be- 
tween the  acts  of  Caligula  and  the  narrative  fail. 
5.  The  language  of  the  book  betrays  most  clearly 
its  Alexandrine  origin.  Both  in  vocabulary  and 
construction  it  is  rich,  affected,  and  exaggerated. 
The  form  of  the  sentences  is  strained,  and  every 
description  is  loaded  with  rhetorical  ornament.  As 
a  natural  consequence  the  meaning  is  often  ob- 
scure, and  the  writer  is  led  into  exaggerations  which 
are  historically  incorrect.  6.  From  the  abruptness 
of  the  commeucement  it  has  been  thought  that  the 
book  is  a  mere  fragment  of  a  larger  work.  It  is 
possible  that  the  narrative  may  have  formed  the 
sequel  to  an  earlier  history,  or  that  the  introductory 
chapter  has  been  lost.  7.  The  evidence  of  language 
is  not  decisive  as  to  the  date.  It  might,  indeed, 
seem  to  belong  to  the  early  period  of  the  empire 
(b.  c.  40-70).  I5ut  such  a  date  is  purely  conjectural. 
8.  The  uncertainty  of  the  date  of  the  composition 
of  the'book  corresponds  with  the  uncertainty  of  its 
history.  In  the  Apostolical  Canons  "three  books 
of  the  Maccabees  "  are  mentioned,  of  which  this  is 
probably  the  third,  as  it  occupies  the  third  place  in 
the  oldest  Greek  MSS.,  which  contain  also  the  so- 
called  fourth  book.  It  is  found  in  a  Syriac  trans- 
lation, and  is  quoted  with  marked  respect  by  Theo- 
dorct  of  Antioch  (died  about  a.  d.  457).  No  ancient 
Latin  version  of  it  occurs ;  and  it  is  not  contained 
in  the  Vulgate. — IV.  The  Fourth  Book  of  Macca- 
bees contains  a  rhetorical  narrative  of  the  martyr- 
dom of  Eleazar  and  of  the  "  Maccabean  family," 
following  in  the  main  the  same  outline  as  2  Jlc. 
The  second  title  of  the  book.  Oh  tite  Supreme  Sov- 
ereignty  ofUcason,  explains  the  moral  use  made  of  the 
history.  2.  The  book  was  ascribed  in  early  times 
to  Jospphus;  and  it  is  found  under  his  name  in 
many  MSS.  of  the  great  Jewish  historian.  In 
the  Alexandrine  and  Sinaitic  MS.S.  it  is  called 
simply  "  the  fourth  of  Maccabees."  The  internal 
evidence  against  the  authorship  by  Josephus  is 
so  great  as  to  outweigh  the  testimony  of  Euscbius, 
from  whom  probably  the  later  statements  were  de- 
rived. 3.  The  book  was  written  before  the  destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem,  and  probably  after  2  Mc.  It 
might  be  referred,  not  unnaturally,  to  the  troubled 
times  which  immediately  preceded  the  w;ir  with 
Vespasian  (about  a.  d.  07).  4.  As  a  historical  docu- 
ment the  narrative  is  of  no  value.  Its  interest 
centres  in  the  fact  that  it  is  a  unique  examjile  of 
the  didactic  use  which  the  Jews  made  of  their  his- 
tory. The  style  is  very  ornate  and  labored  ;  but  it 
is  correct  and  vigorous,  and  truly  Greek.  The  rich- 
ness and  boldness  of  the  vocabulary  is  surprising. 
5.  The  philosophical  tone  of  the  book  is  essentially 
stoical ;  but  the  stoicism  is  that  of  a  stern  legalist. 
The  dictates  of  reason  are  supported  by  the  re- 
membrance of  noble  traditions,  and  by  the  hope  of 
a  glorious  future.  The  Jew  stands  alone,  isolated 
by  character  and  by  blessing.  6.  The  original  Greek 
is  the  only  ancient  text  in  which  the  book  has  been 
published,  but  a  Syriac  version  is  preserved  in  sev- 
eral MSS.— V.  The  Fifth  Book  of  Maccabees  (see 
III.  above)  is  printed  in  Arabic  m  the  Paris  and 
London  Polyglotts ;  and  contains  a  history  of  the 
Jews  from  the  attempt  of  Ueliodorcs  to  the  birth 
of  our  Lord.  The  writer  made  use  of  1  and  2 
Me.,  and  of  Josephus,  and  has  no  claim  to  be  con- 
sidered an  independent  authority.  It  has  been  sup- 
posed that  tlie  book  was  originally  written  in  He- 
brew, or  at  least  that  the  Greek  was  strongly  modi- 


578 


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fljd  by  Hebrew  influence.  Dr.  Cotton  publiihed 
The  Five  Bouks  of  Maccabees  in  English  (Oxford, 
Eng.,  1832). 

*  Mac-ta-be'llS  (L.  Maccahce-us,  fr.  Heb.).     Macca- 


Mae-e-do'ni-a  [mas-]  (L.  fr.  Gr. ;  derived  [so  Ile- 
siodj  from  Maccao,  a  son  of  Jupiter  and  founder  of 
the  nation ;  or  [so  others]  from  Kittlm  or  Chittim  ; 
more  probably  fr.  Gr.  adj.  makednos  =  la'.l,  denoting 
the  country  of  tall  men),  the  first  part  of  Europe 
which  received  tlie  Gospel  directly  from  St.  Paul,  and 
an  important  scene  of  his  subsequent  missionary 
labors  and  the  labors  of  his  companions.  In  a  rougli 
and  popular  description  it  is  enough  to  say  tliat  Mace- 
donia is  the  region  bounded  inland  by  the  range  of 
Haimus  or  the  Balkan  northward  and  the  chain 
of  Pindus  westward,  beyond  which  the  streams  flow 
respectively  to  the  Danube  and  the  Adriatic;  that 
it  is  separated  from  Tiiessaly  on  the  S.  by  the  Cam- 
bunian  hills,  running  easterly  from  Pindus  to  Olym- 
pus and  the  yEgean ;  and  that  it  is  divided  on  the 
E.  from  Thrace  by  a  less  definite  mountain-boundary 
running  southward  from  Ha;mu3.  Of  the  space 
thus  enclosed,  two  of  the  most  remarkable  physical 
features  are  two  great  plains,  one  watered  by  the 
Axius,  which  comes  to  the  sea  at  the  Thermaicgidf, 
not  far  from  TiiessaloxiCa;  the  other  by  the  Stry- 
mon,  which,  after  passing  near  Piiilippi,  flows  out 
below  Amphipolis.  Between  the  mouths  of  these 
two  rivers  a  remarkable  peninsula  pi'ojects,  dividing 
itself  into  three  points,  on  the  furtliest  of  which 
Mount  Athos  rises  nearly  into  the  region  of  perpet- 
ual snow.  Across  the  neck  of  this  peninsula  St. 
Paul  travelled  more  than  onct'  with  hlsco:ni)anions. 
This  general  sketch  would  sulliciently  descrilie  the 
Macedonia  which  was  ruled  over  by  Philip  1  and 
Alexandeii  TiiK  Great,  and  which  the  Romans  con- 
quered from  Perseus.  At  first  the  conquered  coun- 
try was  divided  by  yEmilius  Paulus  into  four  dis- 
tricts. Tliis  division  was  only  temporary.  The 
whole  of  Macedonia,  along  with  Thessaly  and  a  large 
tract  along  the  Adriatic,  was  made  one  provinceand 
centralized  under  the  jurisdiction  of  a  proconsul, 
who  reside  1  at  Thessalonica.  We  liave  now  reached 
the  definition  which  corresponds  with  the  us.age  of 
the  terra  in  the  X.  T.  (Acts  xvi.  9,  10,  12,  &c.). 
Three  Ro  nan  [irovinces,  all  familiar  to  us  in  the 
writings  of  St.  Paul,  divided  the  whole  space  be- 
tween the  basin  of  the  Danube  and  Cape  Matapan. 
The  border-town  of  Illyricum  was  Lissns  on  the 
Adriatic.  Tlie  boundary-line  of  Achaia  ner.ly  co- 
incide!, except  in  the  western  portion,  with  that  of 
the  kingdom  of  modern  Greece,  and  ran  in  an  irreg- 
ular line  from  the  Acroceraunian  promontory  to 
the  bay  of  Therraipyla;  and  the  N.  of  Eubea.  By 
subtracting  thesa  two  provinces,  we  define  Mace- 
donia. The  history  of  Macedonia  in  the  period  be- 
tween the  Persiin  wars  and  the  consolidation  of  the 
Roman  provinces  in  the  Levant  is  touched  in  a  very 
interestin.;  manner  by  passages  in  the  Apocrypha 
(1  Mc.  i.  1,  vi.  2,  viii.  5).  (Ciiittim.)  In  Estli.  xvi. 
10,  Hamai  is  described  as  a  Macedoxiax,  and  in  xvi. 
14  is  8U  I  to  have  contrived  his  ph)t  for  the  purpose 
of  transferring  the  kingdom  of  tlie  Persians  to  the 
Macedonians.  This  sufficiently  betrays  the  late  date 
and  spurio\is  character  of  these  apocryphal  chap- 
ters ;  but  it  is  curious  thus  to  have  our  attention 
turned  to  the  early  struggle  of  Persia  and  Greece. 
The  account  of  St.  Paul's  first  journey  through 
Macedonia  (Acts  xvi.  10-xvii.  15)  is  marked  by 
copious  detail  and  well-defined  incidents.  At  the 
close  of  this  journey  he  returned  from  Corinth  to 


Syria  by  sea.  On  the  next  occasion  of  visiting 
Europe,  though  he  both  went  and  returned  through 
Macedonia  (xx.  1-6),  the  narrative  is  a  very  slight 
sketch,  and  the  route  is  left  uncertain,  except  as 
regards  Philippi.  The  character  of  the  Macedonian 
Christians  is  set  before  us  in  Scripture  in  a  very 
favorable  light.  The  candor  of  the  Bereans  (Berea 
1)  is  highly  commended  (xvii.  11);  the  Thcssalo- 
nians  were  evidently  objects  of  St.  Paul's  peculiar 
affection  (1  Th.  ii.  8,  17-20,  iii.  10);  and  the  Phi- 
lippians,  besides  their  general  freedom  from  blame, 
are  noted  as  remarkable  for  their  liberality  and  self- 
denial  (Phil.  iv.  10,  14-19;  see  2  Cor.  ix.  2,  xi.  9). 
Apollonia  ;  Neapolis. 

Mae-e-do'iii-an  :=  one  from  Macedonia  (Esth. 
xvi.  10,_  14 ;  Acts  xxvii.  2).  In  2  Mc.  viii.  20 
"  Macedonians  "  =  soldiers  of  the  Seleucid  succes- 
sors of  Alexander  in  Syria.  In  5  Mc.  it  is  applied 
to  the  Seleucid  princes  at  Antioch,  and  to  the 
Ptolemies  at  Alexandria. 

Maeliba-nai  [mak-]  (L.  fr.  Ileb.  =  what  like  my 
sons?  Ges. ;  fat,  thick  one,  Fij.),  one  of  the  lion-faced 
warriors  of  Gad  who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (1  Clir. 
xii.  13). 

Mji'Il-be'nali  (fr.  Heb.  =  a  cloak,  manllc,  Ges. ; 
kno',  lump,  of  localitic>s,  Kii.).  Shcva,  the  father  of 
Maclibenah,  is  named  in  the  genealogical  list  of  Judah 
as  the  ofl'spring  of  Maachah,  the  concubine  «f  Caleb 
son  of  llezron  ( 1  Chr.  ii.  49).  Pei'haps  Machljcnah  was 
a  town  founded  or  colonized  by  the  family  of  Maachah. 
To  the  position  of  the  town  we  possess  no  clew. 

Ma'elli  (Heb.  diminiJivn,  wasting  away  of  the 
mother's  strength,  Sim.),  father  of  Geuol  the  Gadite 
spy  (Xum.  xiii.  15). 

Ma'cliir  [-kirl  (Heb.  mid,  Ges.).  1.  Eldest  son 
(Josh.  xvii.  1)  of  the  patriarch  Manasseh  by  an 
Aramite  or  Syrian  concubine  (1  Chr.  vii.  14,  and 
the  LXX.  of  Gen.  xlvi.  20).  His  children  are  com- 
memorated as  having  been  caressed  by  Joseph 
before  his  death  (Gen.  1.  23).  Ilia  wife  was  Maa- 
ciiAn  6,  a  Benjamite,  the  "si-ster  of  Huppim  and 
Shuppim"(l  Chr.  vii.  15).  His  son  Gilead  is  re- 
peatedly mentioned,  and  a  daughter  Abi.ah  married 
llezron,  a  chief  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  21,  24).  .Atthe 
time  of  the  conquest  the  family  of  Machir  had  be- 
come very  powerful,  and  a  large  part  of  the  country 
on  the  E.  of  Jordan  was  subdued  by  them  (Num. 
xxxii.  39  ;  Dent.  iii.  15).  So  great  was  their  power 
that  the  name  of  Machir  occasionally  supersedes 
that  of  Manas.seh  (Josh.  xiii.  31 ;  Jndg.  v.  14). — i. 
Son  of  Ammiel ;  a  powerful  chief  of  one  of  the 
Transjordanic  tribes,  but  whether  of  Manasseh — 
the  tribe  of  his  namesake — or  of  Gad,  must  remain 
uncertain  till  we  know  where  Lodebar,  to  which 
place  he  belonged,  was  situated.  He  rendered  es- 
sential service  to  the  cause  of  Sanl  (MEPniiiosiiETii) 
and  of  David  successively — in  each  ease  when  they 
were  in  difficulty  (2  Sam.'  ix.  4,  5,  xvii.  27-29). 

Ma'thir-ltes,  the  =  the  descendants  of  Machir  the 
father  of  Gilead  (Num.  xxvi.  29). 

Mach'niAS  (Gr.)  =  Michmasii  (1  Mc.  ix.  73). 

Jladl-tiad  e-bal  (Heb.  what  like  the  lihei-al?  Ges. ; 
gift  of  the  noble  one,  Fit.),  one  of  the  sons  of  Bani 
who  put  away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  40,  margin 
"  Mabnadebai "  in  some  copies). 

Maeh-pe'Iilh  (Heb.  portion,  part,  lot,  Ges. ;  a  i/w</- 
ing,  spiral  form,  Fii. ;  double  sc.  cave  or  field.  Tar- 
gums,  LXX.,  Vulg.,  &c.),  the  spot  containing  the 
wooded  field,  in  the  end  of  which  was  the  cave 
which  Adraham  purchased  from  the  sons  of  Helh, 
and  which  became  the  burial-place  of  Sarah,  Abra- 
ham himself,  Isaac,  Rebekah,  Leah,  and  Jacob.    Its 


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579 


position  is — with  one  exception — uniformly  specified 
as  "  lacing  [A.  V. '  before  'J  Mamre  "  ((ieu.  xxiii.  17, 
19,  XXV.  a,  xlix.  30,  1.  la)  There  are  few,  if  any, 
of  the  ancient  sites  of  Palestine  of  whose  genuine- 
ness  ue   can   feci  more  assured  than  Machieluh. 


The  traditional  spot  at  Hebbon  has  every  thing  iu  its 
favor  as  far  as  position  goes ;  while  the  wall  which 
encloses  the  Haram,  or  sacred  precinct  in  which  the 
sepulcliies  themselves  are  reported,  and  probably 
with   truth,  still   to  lie,  is  a  monument  certainly 


Moiqtie  at  Hebron  (MMbpelsli)  nil  part  of  the  town. 


eqnal,  and  probably  superior  in  age  to  any  thing  re- 
maining in  Palestine  (so  Mr.  Grove).  It  is  a  qimil- 
rangnlar  building  of  about  200  feet  in  Icncth  by  115 
feet  in  width,  its  dark-gray  walls  rl-^ing  fifty  or  sixty 
in  height,  "  ithout  window  or  opening  of  any  descrip- 
tion, except  two  small  entrances  at  the  S.  E.  and 
S.  W.  corners.  It  is  surrounded  by  a  colonnade  of 
forty-eii.'ht  souare  pilasters.  It  stands  nearly  on  the 
crest  of  the  hill  which  forms  the  eastern  side  of  the 
valley  on  the  slopes  and  bottom  of  which  the  town 
is  strewn.  The  ancient  JewLsh  tradition  ascribes  its 
erection  to  David.  The  .«pot  is  one  of  the  most 
sacred  of  Moslem  .sanctuaries,  and  since  the  occupa- 
tion of  Palestine  by  them  has  been  entirely  closed  to 
Chiistiiins,  anil  partially  so  to  Jews.  But  in  1862 
the  Prince  of  Wales  and  his  party  were  allowed  to 
visit  tlie  interior,  and  Stanley  {I.fcturexon  llie  .Jficiiih 
Chunk,  App.  ii.  to  Part  i.)  has  given  a  description 
of  it,  the  main  points  in  which  are  here  presented. 
51  After  reaching  "  the  S.  E.  corner  of  the  massive  wall 
of  enclosure,"  beyond  which  travellers  had  not  been 
allowed  to  go,  and  then  mounting  "the  steep  flight 
of  the  exterior  staircase,  which  by  its  long  ascent 
showed  that  the  platform  of  the  mosque  was  on  the 
uppernmst  slope  of  the  hill,  and  therefore  above  the 
level  where,  if  anywhere,  the  sacred  cave  would  be 
found,  a  sharp  turn  at  once  brought  us  within  the 
precincts  and  revealed  to  us  for  the  first  time  the 
wall  from  the  inside.  We  passed  at  once  through 
an  open  court  into  the  mosque."  This  he  regards 
.  as  "originally  a  Byzantine  church,  converted  at  a 
.,  much  later  period  into  a  mosque.  The  tombs  of  the 
£:ipatriarclis  do  not  profess  to  be  the  actual  places 


of  sepulture,  but  are  merely  monuments  or  ceno- 
taphs in  honor  of  the  dead  who  lie  beneatli.  Each 
is  enclosed  within  a  separate  chapel  or  shrine,  closed 
with  gates  or  railings  similar  to  those  which  sur- 
round or  endo-e  the  special  chapels  or  royal  tombs 
in  Westminster  Abbey.  The  two  first  of  these 
shrines  or  chapels  are  contained  in  the  inner  portico 
or  iiarlhex,  before  the  entrance  into  the  actual  build- 
ing of  the  mosque.  In  the  recess  on  the  right  is  the 
shrine  of  Abraham,  in  the  recess  on  the  left  that  of 
Sarah,  each  guarded  by  silver  gates.  The  shrine  of 
Sarah  we  were  requested  not  to  enter  as  being  that 
of  a  woman.  A  pall  lay  over  it.  The  shiine  of 
Abraham,  after  a  momentary  hesitation,  was  thrown 
open.  The  chamber  is  eased  in  marlile.  The  so- 
called  tomb  consists  of  a  collin-like  structure,  about 
six  feet  high,  built  up  of  plastered  stone  or  marble, 
and  hung  with  three  carpets — green  embroidered 
with  gold.  Within  the  area  of  the  mosque  were 
shown  the  tombs  of  Isaac  and  Rebekah.  They  are 
placed  under  separate  chapels,  in  the  walls  of  which 
are  windows, and  of  which  the  gates  are  grated,  net 
with  silver,  but  iron  bars.  The  shrines  of  Jacob 
and  Leah  were  shown  in  recesses,  corresponding  to 
those  of  Abraham  and  Siirah,  but  in  a  separate 
cloister,  opposite  the  entrance  of  the  mosque.  In  the 
interior  of  the  mosque,  at  the  corner  of  the  shrine 
of  Abraham,  was  a  small  circular  hole,  about  eight 
inches  across,  of  which  one  foot  above  the  pavement 
was  built  of  strong  ma.sonry,  but  of  which  the  lower 
part,  as  far  as  we  could  see  and  feel,  was  of  the 
living  rock.  This  cavity  appeared  to  open  into  a 
dark  space  beneath,  and  tijat  space  (which  thegunr^ 


580 


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dians  of  the  mosque  believed  to  extend  under  the 
whole  platform)  cuii  hurdly  be  any  thinfr  else  than 
the  ancient  cave  of  Machpelah.  This  was  the  only 
aperture  which  the  guardians  recognized."  The 
party  were  led  to  believe  that  "  the  original  entrance 
to  the  cave  must  be  on  the  S.  face  of  the  hill,  be- 
tween tlic  mosque  and  the  gallery  containing  the 
shrine  of  Joseph,  and  entirely  obstructed  by  the 
ancient  Jewish  wall."  M.  I'ierotti,  who  as  engineer 
to  the  Pasha  of  Jerusalem  had  an  opportunity  of 
examining  the  building  before  the  visit  described 
above,  says  :  "  The  true  entrance  to  the  patriarchs' 
tomb  is  to  be  seen  close  to  the  western  wall  of  the 
enclosure,  and  near  the  N.  W.  corner :  it  is  guarded 
by  a  very  thick  iron  railing,  and  I  was  not  allowed 
to  go  near  it.  I  observed  that  the  Mussulmans 
themselves  did  not  go  very  near  it.  In  the  court 
opposite  the  entrance  g.ite  of  the  mosque  there  is 
an  opening,  through  which  I  was  allowed  to  go 
down  for  three  steps,  and  I  was  able  to  ascertain  by 
siglit  and  touch  that  the  rocli  exists  there,  and  to 
conclude  it  to  be  about  five  feet  thick.  From  the 
short  observations  I  could  make  during  my  brief 
descent,  as  also  from  the  consideration  of  the  eastern 
wall  of  the  mosque,  and  the  little  information  I  ex- 
tracted from  the  cWiei santoii"  {—  saint,  or  Moham- 
medan priest),  "  who  jealously  guards  the  sanctuary, 
I  consider  that  a  part  of  the  grotto  exists  under 
the  mosque,  and  that  the  other  part  is  under  the 
court,  but  at  a  lower  level  than  that  lying  under  the 
mosque"  (London  Times  of  April  30,  1862,  quoted 
in  Fairbairn).  • 

Micron  (fr.  Gr.  =  a  long  head,  L.  &  S.),  surname 
of  Ptolemeus,  or  Ptolemee,  the  son  of  Dorymcnes 
(1  Mc.  iii.  38),  and  governor  of  Cyprus  under 
Ptolemy  Philometer  (2  Mc.  x.  12). 

*M&A,     Madness. 

Ma'dal,  or  Mad'a-i  (Hcb.,  perhaps  mid,  middle,  im- 
plying that  Media  is  in  the  middle  of  Asia,  or  rather 
of  the  world,  Ges.),  which  occurs  in  Gen.  x.  2,  among 
the  sons  of  Japheth,  has  been  commonly  regarded 
as  a  personal  appellation ;  and  most  comment;itors 
call  Madai  tlie  tliirj  sou  of  Japheth,  and  the  pro- 
genitor of  the  Medes.  Kut  Rawlinson  considers 
"  Madai "  in  Gen.  x.  as  representing,  not  a  person, 
but  a  family  or  race  descended  from  Japheth,  viz. 
the  Medes. 

Sla-di'a-bnn  (fr.  Gr.).  The  sons  of  Madiabun,  ac- 
cording to  1  Esd.  V.  58  (not  in  Ezr.  iii.  9),  were 
among  the  Levites  who  superintended  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Temple  under  Zorobabel. 

Ma'dl-an  (Gr.)  —  Midian  (Jd.  ii.  26  ;  Acts  vii.  29). 

*  Mad  maDf     Madness. 

Nad-man'nah  (Heb.  dunghill,  Ges.),  one  of  the 
towns  in  theS.  district  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  31),  ap- 
parently =  Betii-marcaboth.  To  Eusebius  and 
Jerome  it  appears  to  have  been  well  known.  It  was 
called  in  their  time  Menois,  and  was  not  far  fiom 
Gaza.  About  fifteen  miles  S.  S.  W.  from  Gaza  is 
now  el-Mini)A\i,  which  is  suggested  by  Kiepcrt,  and 
adopted  by  Wilton  and  by  Porter  (in  Kitto),  as  the 
modern  representative  of  Menois,  and  therefore  of 
Madmannah.  In  1  Chr.  ii.  49  Shaaph,  son  of  Caleb's 
concubine  Maachah,  is  called  "  the  father,"  i.  e. 
founder  of  Madmannah. 

Mad'niea  (Heb.  dunghill,  Ges.),  a  place  in  Moab, 
threatened  with  destruction  in  Jer.  xlviii.  2,  but  not 
elsewhere  named,  and  of  which  nothing  is  yet  known. 
Madmenah  2. 

Mad-me'nah  (Heb.  dunghill,  Ges.).  1.  One  of  the 
Benjiimite  villages  N.  of  Jerusalem,  the  inhabitants 
of  which  were  frightened  away  by  the  approach  of 


Sennacherib  along  the  northern  road  (Is.  x.  31).— S, 
In  Is.  XXV.  10,  margin,  "  M:idmcnali  "  may  rz  No.  1, 
or  more  appropriately  Madmen,  the  Moabite  town. 
The  A.  V.  text  is  "  dunghill." 

Dlad'ncsSi  The  Hebrew  words  rendered  in  the 
A.  V.  "  mad,"  "  madman,"  "  madness,"  &o.,  vary 
considerably.  In  Deut.  xxviii.  28,  34 ;  1  Sam.  xxi. 
14,  15,  &c.,  they  are  derivatives  of  the  root  shdga' 
(=  to  be  stirred  or  exiited) :  in  1  Sam.  xxi.  13;  Jer. 
XXV.  16,  1.  88,  Ii.  7;  Eccl.  i.  17,  &c.,  from  the  root 
hdlal  (■=  to  flash  out  as  light  or  sound);  in  Prov. 
xxvi.  18  from  tlie  root  Idhah  (=  to  have  burning 
thirst).  In  the  N.  T.  the  Greek  words  generally 
used  axe  mainomaioT  mania  (in.  yi.  20;  Acts  xii.  15, 
xxvi.  24,  25;  1  Cor.  .\iv.  23);  but  in  2  Pet.  ii.  16 
the  Greek  is  paraphronia,  and  in  Lk.  vi.  1 1  anoia. 
Tiiese  passages  show  (so  Mr.  Barry)  that  in  Scrip- 
ture "  madness  "  is  recognized  as  a  derangement, 
proceeding  either  from  weakness  and  misdirection 
of  intellect,  or  from  ungovernable  violence  of  pas- 
sion ;  and  in  both  cases  it  is  spoken  of,  sometimes 
as  arising  from  the  will  and  action  of  man  himself, 
sometimes  as  inflicted  judicially  by  the  hand  of 
God.  In  one  passage  alone  (Jn.  x.  20)  is  madness 
expressly  connected  with  demoniacal  possession 
(Demoniacs)  by  the  Jews  in  their  cavil  against  our 
Lord  ;  in  none  is  it  referred  to  any  physical  causes. 
Among  Oriental,  as  among  most  semi-civilized  na- 
tions, madmen  were  looked  upon  with  a  kind  of 
reverence,  as  possessed  of  a  quasi-sacred  character. 
(Lunatics.) 

Ma  don  (Heb.  contention,  strife,  Ges  ),  one  of  the 
principal  cities  of  Canaan  before  the  conquest, 
probably  in  the  north.  Its  king  joined  Jaliin  and  his 
confederates  in  their  attempt  against  Joshua  at  the 
waters  of  Merom,  and  like  the  rest  was  killed  (Josh. 
xi.  1,  xii.  19).  Schwarz,  on  very  slight  grounds, 
proposes  to  discover  Madon  at  Kcjfr  Menda,  a  village 
with  extensive  ancient  remains,  at  the  western  end 
of  the  Plain  of  Buttauf,  four  or  five  miles  N.  of 
Sepphoris. 

Ma-elns  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Miamin  1  (1  Esd.  ix.  26). 

Milgbish  (Heb.  a  gathering,  Ges.;  fortres-t,  Fii.), 
a  proper  name  in  Ezr.  ii.  30,  of  a  man  or  of  a  place ; 
it  is  probably  the  latter,  as  all  the  names  from  Ezr. 
ii.  20  to  34,  except  Elam  and  Ilarim,  are  names  of 
places.  From  the  position  of  Magbish  in  the  list, 
it  would  seem  to  be  in  the  tribe  of  Benjamin.  (Mag- 
piAsn). 

Mag'dn-ln  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  lower  =  Mkjdol),  a 
name  foimd  in  the  received  Greek  text  and  the  A. 
V.  of  Mat.  XV.  39  only,  where  Tischeiidorf,  Laeh- 
mann,  and  Alford,  with  the  Vatican,  Sinaitic,  and 
Beza's  MSS.,  the  Syriac  version,  kc,  have  "  Maga- 
dan." Lange  prefers  "  Magdalan,"  the  reading  of 
the  Ephrem  MS.,  Coptic  version,  &c.,  but  a  good 
many  MSS.  support  the  A.  V.  Into  the  limits  of 
Magadan  Christ  came  by  boat,  over  the  Lake  of 
Gennesarpt,  after  feeding  the  four  thousand  on  the 
mountain  of  the  eastern  side  (Mat.  xv.  39);  and 
from  thence,  after  a  short  encounter  with  the  Phari- 
sees and  Sadducees,  He  returned  in  the  same  boat 
to  the  opposite  shore.  In  the  parallel  narrative  of 
Mk.  viii.  10  we  find  the  "parts  of  Dalmanitiia." 
The  Magdala  which  conferred  her  name  on  Mary 
Magdalene  was  probably  (.so  Prof.  Hackett,  with 
Robinson,  Wilson,  Porter  [in  Kitto],  &c.)  the  place 
of  that  name  mentioned  in  the  Jerusalem  Talmud 
as  near  Tiberias,  and  this  again  is  probably  the 
modem  el-Mejdel,  a  miserable  little  Moslem  village, 
where  ruins  of  a  watch-tower  appear  to  remain, 
lying  on  the  water's  edge  at  the  S.  E.  corner  of  tlie 


MAG 


MAG 


581 


plain  of  Gcnnesaret,  and  about  three  miles  above 
Tubariyeh  (Tiberiaa). 

•  Mag-da-le'ne  [often  pronounced  in  three  sylla- 
bles, Mag'da-lene ;  compare  the  English  Magdalen, 
derived  from  it]  (Gr.)  —  one  from  Maodala  (Mk. 
xvi.  9).     Marv  Magdalene. 

Mag'dl-el  (Hcl>.  praise  of  Ood,  Ges.),  a  "dcke" 
of  Edoni,  descended  from  Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  43 ; 
1  Clir.  i.  54).  The  name  docs  not  yet  appear  to 
have  been  met  with,  as  borne  by  either  tribe  or 
place. 

JIa'ged  =  Makeb  (1  Me.  v.  36). 

Ma  gi  [-ji]  (L.  pi.  of  magus;  Gr.  niagos,  pi.  magoi ; 
Heb.  mag  ;  see  below),  A.  V.  "  wise  men  "  (Mat.  ii.). 
It  does  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  this  article  (ori- 
ginally by  Prof.  I'lumptre)  to  enter  fully  into  the 
history  of  the  Ma<;i  us  an  order,  and  of  the  relation 
in  which  they  stood  to  the  religion  of  Zoroaster. 
What  has  to  be  faid  will  be  best  arranged  under 
the  four  following  hiad.t: — I.  The  position  occupied 
by  the  iilagi  in  the  history  of  the  O.  T. — 11.  The 
transition-stages  in  the  history  of  the  word  and  of 
the  order  between  the  close  of  the  0.  T.  and  the 
time  of  the  N.  T.,  so  far  as  they  affect  the  latter. — 
in.  The  Magi  as  they  appear  iii  the  K.  T.— IV.  The 
later  traditions  which  have  gathered  round  the  Magi 
of  Mat.  ii. — I.  In  the  Hebrew  text  of  the  0.  T.  the 
word  occurs  but  twice,  and  then  only  incidentally. 
In  Jcr.  xxxix.  3  and  13  wc  meet  among  the  Chal- 
dean officers  sent  by  Nebuchadnezzar  to  Jerusalem 
one  with  the  name  or  title  of  Rub-niag.  This  word 
is  interpreted  as  equivalent  to  chief  of  the  Magi. 
Historically  the  Magi  are  conspicuous  chiefly  as  a 
Persian  rehgious  caste.  Herodotus  connects  them 
with  another  people  by  reckoning  them  among  the 
six  tribes  of  the  Medes  (i.  101).  They  appear  in 
his  history  of  Astyagcs  as  interpreters  of  dreams 
(L  120),  the  name  having  apparently  lost  its  ethno- 
logical, and  acquired  a  caste  significance.  But  in 
Jeremiah  they  appear  at  a  still  earlier  period  among 
the  retinue  of  the  Chaldean  king.  The  very  word 
Rab-mag  (if  the  received  etymology  of  Magi  be  cor- 
rect) presents  a  hybrid  formation.  The  first  syllable 
is  unquestionably  Shemitic,  the  last  i.^  all  but  un- 
questionably Aryan.  The  problem  thus  presented 
admits  of  two  solutions: — (1.)  If  we  believe  the 
CnALPEASS  to  have  been  a  Hamitic  people,  closely 
connected  with  the  Babylonians,  wc  must  then  sup- 
pose that  the  colossal  schemes  of  greatness  which 
Bhowed  themselves  in  Xeljuchadnezzar's  conquests 
led  him  to  gather  round  him  the  wise  men  and  reli- 
gious teachers  of  the  nations  which  he  subdued, 
and  that  thus  the  sacred  tribe  of  the  Medes  rose 
under  his  rule  to  favor  and  power.  (2.)  If,  on  the 
other  hand,  with  R^nan,  we  look  on  the  Chaldeans 
as  themselves  belonging  to  the  Aryan  family,  there 
Is  even  less  difficulty  in  explaining  the  presence 
among  the  one  people  of  the  religious  teachers  of 
the  other.  The  Magi  took  their  places  among  "  the 
astrologers  and  star-gazers  and  monthly  prognosti- 
cators."  (Maoic.)  It  is  with  such  men  that  we 
have  to  think  of  Oaniel  and  his  fellow-exiles  as  as- 
sociated. They  arc  described  as  "  ten  times  wiser 
than  all  the  magicians  and  astrologers  "  (Dan.  i.  20). 
The  office  which  Daniel  accepted  (v.  11)  was  prob- 
ably identical  with  that  of  the  Rab-mag  who  first 
came  before  us.  The  name  of  the  Magi  does  not 
meet  us  in  the  Biblical  account  of  the  Medo-Persian 
kings.  If,  however,  we  identify  the  Ariaxerxes 
who  stops  the  building  of  the  Temple  (Ezr.  iv.  17- 
S2)  with  the  Pscudo-Smcrdis  of  Herodotus  and  the 
Gomates  of  the  Bchiatun  inscription,  we  may  see 


here  also  another  point  of  contact.  The  Magian 
attempt  to  reassert  Median  supremacy,  and  with  it 
probably  a  corrupted  Chaldaized  form  of  Magianiem, 
in  place  of  the  purer  faith  in  Ormuzd  (the  good 
demon)  of  which  Cyrus  had  been  the  propagator, 
would  naturally  be  accompanied  by  antagonism  to 
the  people  whom  the  Persians  had  protected  and 
supported.  The  immediate  renewal  of  the  suspeiided 
work  on  the  triumph  of  Darius  (iv.  24,  v.  I,  2,  vi.  7, 
8)  falls  in,  it  need  hardly  be  added,  with  this  hypo- 
thesis. Under  Xerxes,  the  .Magi  occupy  a  position 
which  indicates  that  they  had  recovered  from  their 
temporary  depression.  No  great  change  is  traceable 
in  their  position  during  the  decline  of  the  Persian 
monarchy.  (Persians.)  As  an  order  Ihcy  perpet- 
uated themselves  under  the  Parthian  kings.  The 
name  rose  to  fresh  honor  under  the  Passanidte. — 11. 
In  the  mean  time  the  word  was  acquiring  a  new  and 
wider  signification.  It  presci.tid  iiself  lo  the  Greeks 
as  connected  with  a  loreign  system  of  divination, 
and  the  religion  of  a  foe  whom  they  had  conquered, 
and  it  soon  became  a  by-word  for  the  worst  form 
of  imposture.  The  rapid  growth  of  this  feeling  is 
traceable  perhaps  in  the  meanings  attached  lo  the 
word  by  the  two  great  tragedians.  In  jl{.^chylu9 
(J'crs<r,  291)  it  retains  its  old  significance  as  dtnot- 
ing  simply  a  tribe.  In  i-'ophodes  (fttf.  Ti/r.  887) 
it  appears  among  the  epithets  of  reproach  which 
the  king  heaps  upon  Teiresias.  At  one  time  the 
good,  and  at  another  the  bad  side  of  the  word  is 
uppermost.  Both  meanings  appear  in  the  later 
lexicographers.  The  word  thus  passed  into  the 
hands  of  the  LXX.,  and  from  thorn  into  those  of 
the  writers  of  the  N.  T.,  oscillating  between  the 
two  meanings,  capable  of  oeing  used  in  either.  The 
relations  which  had  existed  between  the  Jews  and 
Persians  would  pcrhaj  s  tend  to  give  a  prondncnce 
to  the  more  favorable  associations  in  their  use  of 
it.  In  Dan.  i.  20,  ii.  2, 10,  27,  v.  11,  it  is  used,  as 
has  been  noticed,  for  the  priestly  diviners  with 
whom  the  prophet  was  associated.  There  were, 
however,  other  influences  at  work  tending  to  drag 
it  down.  The  swarms  of  impostors  that  were  to  be 
met  with  in  every  part  of  the  Roman  empire,  known 
as  Chaldai  (=  Chaldeans,  i.  e.  soothsayers),  Malho 
matiei{=  tnathemaiicians,  i.  e.  astrologers),  and  the 
like,  bore  this  name  also. — 111.  We  need  not  won- 
der, accordingly,  to  find  that  this  is  the  predom- 
inant meaning  of  the  word  in  the  N.  T.  The  noun 
and  the  verb  derived  from  it  (mageia,  A.  V.  "  sor- 
eery;  "  magevi,  A.  V.  "  to  use  sorcery  ")  are  used 
in  describing  the  impostor,  who  is  therefcre  known 
distinctively  as  Simon  Magus  (Acts  viii.  9, 1 1).  An- 
other of  the  same  class  (Bar-jesus)  is  describetl  (xiii. 
8)  as  having,  in  his  cognomen  Elymas,  a  title  =  Ma- 
gus. In  one  memorable  instance,  however,  the 
word  retains  (probably,  at  least)  its  better  mean- 
ing. In  the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew,  written  (ac- 
cording to  the  general  belief  of  early  Christian 
writers)  for  the  Hebrew  Christians  of  Palestine, 
we  find  it  (Mat.  ii.  1,  7,  16,  A.  V.  "wise  men"), 
not  as  embodying  the  contempt  which  the  frauds 
of  impostors  had  brought  upon  it  through  the 
whole  Roman  empire,  but  in  the  sense  which  it 
had  had,  of  old,  as  associated  with  a  religion  which 
they  respected,  and  an  order  of  which  one  of  their 
own  prophets  had  been  the  head.  The  vagueness 
of  the  description  leaves  their  country  undefined, 
and  implies  that  probably  the  evangelist  himself 
had  no  certain  information.  We  cannot  wonder 
that  there  should  have  been  very  varying  inter- 
pretations given  of  words  that  allowed  so  wide  a 


5S2 


STAG 


MAG 


field  for  conjecture.  Some  of  these  are,  for  raii- 
ous  rsasons,  worth  noticing.  (1.)  The  feeling  of 
some  early  writers  that  the  coming  of  the  "  wise 
men "  was  the  fulfilment  of  the  prophecy  which 
spoke  of  ♦he  gifts  of  the  men  of  Sheba  and  Seba 
(i*s.  Ixxii.  10,  15;  compare  Is.  Ix.  6)  led  them  to 
fix  on  Arabia  as  the  country  of  the  Magi  (Justin 
Martyr,  TertuUian,  Baronius,  Grotius,  Lightfoot, 
&c.).  (2.)  Others  have  conjectured  Mesopotamia 
as  the  great  seat  of  Chaldean  astrology  (Oiigen), 
or  Egypt  as  the  country  in  which  magic  was  most 
prevalent  (Moyer).  (3  )  The  historical  associations 
of  the  word  led  others  agiin,  with  greater  prob- 
ability, to  fix  on  Persia  (Ohrysostam,  Theophylact, 
Calvin,  Olshausen),  while  Hy.b  sujg'Sts  Parthia. 
It  is  perhaps  a  legitimate  inference  fro^n  Mat.  ii. 
t'lat  in  these  Magi  we  may  recognize,  as  the  Church 
has  dine  from  a  very  early  periol,  the  first  Gen- 
tile worshippers  of  the  Christ.  The  narrative  sup- 
plies us  with  an  outline  which  we  may  legitiniatily 
endeavor  to  fill  up,  as  far  a<  onrknowlelge  enables 
us,  with  inference  and  ilhistr  ition.  Some  time  after  the 
birth  of  Jesus  (Jesds  Ciinisr)  there  appeared  among 
the  strangers  who  visited  Jerusalem  these  men  from 
the  far  East.  Thpy  were  not  idolaters.  Their  form 
of  worship  was  looked  upon  by  the  Jews  with 
greater  tolerance  and  sympathy  than  that  of  any 
other  Gentiles  (compare  Wis.  xiii.  6,  7).  What- 
ever may  have  been  their  country,  their  name  indi- 
cates that  they  would  be  watchers  of  the  stars, 
seeking  to  read  in  them  the  destinies  of  nations. 
They  say  that  they  have  seen  a  star  in  which  they 
recognize  such  a  prognostic.  They  are  sure  that 
one  is  born  King  of  the  Jew.^,  and  they  com3  to 
p.ay  their  homage.  It  may  have  been  simply  that 
ths  quarter  of  the  heavens  in  which  the  star  ap- 
peared indicated  the  direction  of  Judea.  It  may 
have  been  th.at  sone  form  of  the  prophecy  of  Ba- 
laam, that  a  "star  should  rise  out  of  Jacob"  (Xnin. 
xxiv.  17)  had  reached  them,  either  through  the 
Jews  of  the  Dispersion,  or  through  tra  .itions 
running  parallel  with  the  0.  T.,  and  that  this 
led  then  to  recognize  its  fulfilment.  It  may  have 
bean,  lastly,  that  the  traditional  predictions  ascribe! 
to  their  own  prophet  Zoroaster,  led  them  to  expect 
a  succession  of  three  deliver>.>r3,  two  working  as 
prophets  to  reform  the  world  and  raise  up  a  king- 
dom ;  the  third  (Zosiosh),  the  greatest  of  the  three, 
coming  to  be  the  head  of  the  kingdom,  to  conquer 
Ahriman  (the  evil  demon)  and  to  raise  the  dead. 
It  is  not  unlikely  that  they  appeared  as  the  repre- 
sentatives of  many  others  wh  >  shared  the  same  feel- 
ing. They  cane,  at  any  rate,  to  pay  their  homage 
to  the  king  whose  birth  was  thus  indicated  (com- 
pare Gen.  xliii.1 1 ;  Ps.  Ixxii.  15  ;  1  K.  x.  2,  10 ;  2  Chr. 
ix.  21 ;  Cant.  iii.  6,  iv.  14).  The  arrival  of  such  a 
corap  my,  boun  1  on  so  strange  an  errand,  in  the  last 
year?  of  the  tyrannous  and  distrustful  Herop,  could 
hardly  fail  to  attract  notice  and  excite  a  people, 
among  whom  Messianic  expectations  had  already 
be^un  to  show  themselves  (Lk.  ii.  25,  38)  The 
Sanhedrim  was  convened,  and  the  question  where 
the  Messiah  was  to  be  born  was  formally  placed  be- 
f  )re  them.  The  answer  given,  based  upon  the  tra- 
ditional interpretation  of  Mic.  v.  2,  that  Bethlehem 
was  to  be  the  birthplace  of  the  Christ,  determi'icd 
the  king's  plans.  He  had  found  out  the  locality. 
It  remained  to  determine  the  time :  with  what  was 
probably  a  real  belief  in  astrology,  he  inquired  of 
them  diligently,  when  they  had  first  seen  the  star. 
If  he  assumed  that  that  was  contemporaneous  with 
the  birth,  he  could  not  be  far  wrong.    The  Magi  ac- 


cordingly are  sent  on  to  Bethlehem,  as  if  they  were 
but  the  forerunners  of  the  king's  own  homage.  As 
they  journeyed,  they  again  saw  the  star,  which,  for 
a  time,  it  would  seem,  they  had  lost  sight  of,  and 
it  guided  them  on  their  way.  (Star  of  the  Wi.sk 
Men.)  The  pressure  of  the  crowds,  which  a  fort- 
night, or  four  months,  or  well-nigh  two  years  be- 
fore, had  driven  Mary  and  Joseph  to  the  rude  stable 
of  the  caravanserai  of  Hethlehem,  had  apparently 
abated,  and  the  Magi  entering  "  the  house  "  (Mat. 
ii.  11)  fell  down  and  paid  their  homage  and  offered 
their  gifts.  Once  more  they  receive  guidance 
through  the  channel  which  their  work  and  their 
studies  had  made  familiar  to  them.  From  first 
to  last,  in  Media,  in  Babylon,  in  Persia,  the 
Magi  had  been  famous  as  the  interpreters  of 
dreams.  Tliat  which  they  received  now  need  not 
have  involved  a  disclosure  of  the  plans  of  Herod  to 
them.  It  was  enough  that  it  directed  them  to 
"return  to  their  own  country  another  way."  With 
this  their  history,  so  far  as  the  N.  T.  carries  ug, 
comes  to  an  end.  It  need  hardly  be  said  that  this 
part  of  the  Gospel  narrative  has  had  to  bear  the 
brunt  of  the  attacks  of  a  hostile  criticism.  The 
omission  of  all  mention  of  the  Magi  in  a  Gospel 
which  enters  so  fully  into  all  the  circumstances  of 
the  infiincy  of  Christ  as  that  of  Luke,  and  the 
dilhculty  of  harmonizing  this  incident  with  those 
which  he  narrates,  have  been  urged  as  at  least 
throwing  suspicion  on  what  Matthew  alone  has  re- 
corded. So  far  as  we  cannot  explain  it,  our  ig- 
norance of  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  circumstances  of 
the  composition  of  the  Gospels  is  a  sufficient  an- 
swer. It  is,  however,  at  least  possible  that  St. 
LoKE,  knowing  that  the  facts  related  by  St.  Mat- 
thew were  already  current  among  the  churches, 
sought  rather  to  add  what  was  not  yet  recorded. 
Something  too  may  have  been  due  to  the  leading 
thoughts  of  the  two  Gospels.  (Luke,  Gospel  of; 
Matthew,  Gospel  op.) — IV.  In  this  instance,  as  in 
others,  what  is  told  by  the  Gospel-writers  in  plain 
simple  words,  has  become  the  nucleus  for  a  whole 
cycle  of  legends.  A  Christian  mythology  has  over- 
shadowed that  which  itself  had  nothing  in  com- 
mon wdth  it.  (1.)  The  JIagi  are  no  longer  thought 
of  as  simply  "  wise  men,"  members  of  a  sacred  or- 
der. The  prophecies  of  Ps.  Isxii. ;  Is.  xlix.  7,  23, 
Ix.  16,  must  be  fulfilled  in  them,  and  they  become 
princes,  or  kings.  (2.)  The  number  of  the  Wise 
Men,  which  Matthew  leaves  altogether  undefined, 
was  arbitrarily  fixed.  They  were  three.  (3.)  Sym- 
bolic meanings  were  found  for  each  of  the  three 
gifts.  The  gold  they  offered  as  to  a  king.  With 
the  myrrh  they  prefigured  tlie  bitterness  of  the  Pas- 
sion, the  embnlmment  for  the  burial.  With  the 
frankincense  they  adored  the  divinity  of  the  Son  of 
God.  (4.)  Later  on,  the  names  are  added,  and  Gas- 
par,  Melchior,  and  Balthazar,  lake  their  place  amon^ 
the  objects  of  Christian  reverence,  and  are  honored 
as  the  patron  saints  of  travellers.  In  the  Eastern 
Church,  where,  it  would  seem,  there  was  less  desire 
to  find  symbolic  meanings  than  to  magnify  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  history,  the  traditions  assume  a 
different  character.  The  Magi  arrive  at  Jertisalem 
with  a  retinue  of  1,000  men,  having  left  behind 
them,  on  the  further  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  an 
army  of  7,000.  They  have  been  led  to  undertake 
their  journey  by  a  prophecy  of  Zoroaster,  &c. 
Among  other  relics  supplied  to  meet  the  demands 
of  the  market  which  the  devotion  of  Helena  had 
created,  the  bodies  of  the  Magi  are  discovered  some- 
where in  the  East,  are  brought  to  Constantinople, 


MAG 


MAG 


583 


and  placed  in  the  great  church  which,  as  the  Mosque 
of  St.  Sophia,  still  bears  in  its  name  the  witness  of 
its  original  dedication  to  the  Divine  Wisdom.  The 
favor  with  which  the  people  of  Milan  received  the 
emperor's  prefect  Eustorgius  called  for  some  special 
mark  of  favor,  and  on  his  consecration  as  bishop  of 
that  city,  he  obtained  for  it  the  privilege  of  being 
the  resting-place  of  the  precious  relics.  When 
Milan  fell  into  the  hands  of  Frederick  Barbarossa 
(a.  d.  11B2),  the  influence  of  the  Archbishop  of  Co- 
logne prevailed  on  the  emperor  to  transfer  them  to 
that  city.  In  that  proud  cathedral  which  is  the 
glory  of  Teutonic  art  the  shrine  of  the  Three  Kings 
has  for  six  centuries  been  shown  as  the  greatest  of 
its  many  treasures. 

M«g'tc  [maj-],  Ma-gi'dans  [ma-jish'anz]  (both  fr. 
L. ;  see  Magi).  The  magical  arts  spoken  of  in  the 
Biljlc  are  those  practised  by  the  Egyptians,  the 
Canaanites,  and  tlicir  neighbors,  the  Uehrens,  the 
Chaldeans,  and  probably  the  (ireeks.  With  the 
lowest  race  magic  is  the  chief  part  of  religion.  The 
Nigritians,  or  blacks  of  this  race,  show  this  in  their 
extreme  use  of  amulets  and  their  worship  of  objects 
which  have  no  other  value  in  their  eyes  but  as  hav- 
ing a  supposed  magical  character  through  the  influ- 
ence of  supernatural  agents.  With  the  Turanians, 
or  corresponding  whites  of  the  same  great  family — 
we  use  the  word  white  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole,  the 
original  author  of  this  article)  for  a  group  ef  nations 
mainly  yellow,  in  contradistincticn  to  black — in- 
cantations and  witchcraft  occupy  the  Fame  place, 
shamanism  characterizing  their  triles  in  bf Ih  hemi- 
spheies.  The  ancient  Egyptians  show  theii  partly- 
Kijrritian  origin  not  alone  in  their  physical  charac- 
teiistics  and  language  but  in  their  religion.  With 
the  Shemitcs  mapic  takes  a  lower  place.  Kowheie 
is  it  even  p.irt  of  religion  ;  yet  it  is  locked  upon  as 
a  powerful  engine,  and  generally  unlawful  or  law- 
ful according  to  the  aid  invoked.  Amcng  many  of 
the  Shomite  peoples  there  linger  the  remnant.s  of  a 
primitive  fctij-hism.  Sacred  trees  and  stones  are 
reverenced  from  an  old  superstition,  of  which  they 
do  not  always  know  the  ir.eaninjr,  derived  frrm  the 
nations  whose  place  they  have  taken.  Thus  fetishism 
remains,  although  in  a  kind  of  fossil  state.  The 
importance  of  astrology  with  the  Shenitcs  has 
tended  to  raise  the  character  of  their  magic,  which 
deals  rather  with  the  discovery  of  supposed  existing 
influences  than  with  the  production  of  new  influ- 
ences. The  only  direct  association  of  magic  with 
religion  is  where  the  priests,  as  the  educated  class, 
have  taken  the  functions  of  magicians ;  but  this  is 
far  different  from  the  case  of  tiie  Nigritians,  where 
the  magicians  arc  the  only  priests.  The  Iraninns 
•(ToNoiTS,  CoNFCSiON  of)  as.sign  to  magic  a  still  less 
important  position.  It  can  scarcely  be  traced  in 
the  relics  of  old-nature-worship,  which  they  with 
greater  skill  than  the  Egyptians  interwove  with  their 
more  intellectual  beliefs.  Magic  always  maintained 
«ome  hold  on  men's  minds ;  but  the  stronger  intel- 
lects despised  it.  The  Hebrews  had  no  magic  of 
their  own.  It  was  so  strictly  forbidden  by  the  Law 
that  it  could  never  afterward  have  had  any  recog- 
nized existence,  save  in  times  of  general  heresy 
or  apostasy,  and  the  same  was  doubtless  the  case  in 
the  patriarchal  ages.  The  magical  practices  which 
obtained  among  the  Hebrews  were  therefore  bor- 
rowed from  the  nations  around.  The  hold  they 
gained  was  such  as  we  should  have  expected  with  a 
Bhcmite  race,  making  allowance  for  the  (discredit 
thrown  upon  them  by  the  prohibitions  of  the  Law. 
From  the  first  entrance  into  the  Land  of  Promise 


until  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  we  have  constant 
glimpses  of  magic  practised  in  secret,  or  resorted 
to,  not  alone  by  the  common  but  alf  o  by  the  great. 
Tlie  Talmud  abounds  in  notices  of  contemporary 
magic  among  the  Jews,  showing  that  it  survived 
idolatry  notwithstanding  their  original  connection, 
and  w.as  supposed  to  produce  real  effects.  The 
Koran  in  like  manner  treats  charms  and  incanta- 
tions as  capable  of  producing  evil  conscf|Ucncc8 
when  used  against  a  ninn.  It  is  a  distinctive  char- 
acteristic of  the  Bible  that  frcm  first  to  last  it  war- 
rants no  such  trust  or  dread. — In  examining  the 
mentions  of  magic  in  the  Bible,  we  must  kcip  in 
view  the  cuiious  inquiry  whether  there  be  any  re- 
ality in  the  art.  We  would  at  the  outset  piotest 
against  the  idea,  once  very  prevalent,  that  the  con- 
viction that  the  seen  and  unseen  worlds  were  often 
more  manifestly  in  contact  in  the  Biblical  ages  than 
now  neccfsitates  a  belief  in  the  reality  of  the  magic 
spoken  of  in  the  Scriptures.  The  iheit  and  carry- 
ing aw  ay  of  Laban's  teraphim  by  Rachel  seems  to 
indicate  the  practice  of  nuipic  in  I'adanaram  at 
this  early  time.  It  appears  that  Laban  attached 
great  value  to  these  objects,  frcm  what  he  said  as 
to  the  theft  and  his  detei mined  search  for  them 
(Gen.  xxxi.  19,  SO,  32-86).  The  mest  impoitant 
point  is  that  Lalan  calls  them  his  "gods"  (SO, 
S2),  although  he  was  not  without  belief  in  the  true 
God  (24,  49-63) ;  for  this  makes  it  almost  certain 
that  we  have  here  not  an  indication  of  the  worship 
of  strange  gods,  but  the  first  notice  cf  a  supersti- 
tion that  afterward  obtained  among  those  IsiKelitea 
who  added  corrupt  practices  to  tie  true  rclif ien. 
There  is  no  description  of  these  images;  but  from 
the  account  of  Michal's  stratagem  to  deceive  P:iul'9 
messengers,  it  is  evident,  if  only  one  image  be  there 
meant,  as  is  very  probable,  that  they  were  at  least 
sometimes  of  the  size  of  a  man,  and  perhaps  in  the 
head  and  shoulders,  if  not  lower,  of  human  shape, 
or  of  a  similar  form  (1  ?am.  xix.  18-16).  The  wor- 
ship or  use  of  teraphim  after  the  occiif  ation  of  the 
Promised  Land  cannot  be  doubted  to  have  been  one 
of  the  corrrpt  practices  of  these  Hebrews  who 
leaned  to  ielolatry,  but  did  not  abandon  their  lelief 
in  the  (;od  of  Israel.  The  acceunt  of  Micah's  im- 
ages in  Judg.  xvii.,  xviii.,  compared  with  Ilos.  iii.  4, 
ft,  shows  our  conclusion  to  be  correct.  We  pass  to 
the  magical  use  of  teraphim.  By  the  Israelites  they 
were  consulted  for  oracular  answers.  This  was  ap- 
parently done  by  the  Danites  who  asked  Micah's 
Levife  to  inquire  as  to  the  success  of  their  spying 
expedition  (Judg.  xviii.  6,  6).  In  later  times  this 
is  distinctly  stated  of  the  Israelites:  "For  the 
teraphim  have  spoken  vanity,  and  the  diviners  have 
seen  a  lie,  and  have  told  false  dieams"  (Zech.  x.  2). 
It  cannot  be  supposed  that,  as  this  first  positive 
mention  of  the  use  of  teraphim  for  divination  by 
the  Israelites  is  after  the  return  frem  Babylon,  and 
as  that  use  obtained  with  the  Babylonians  in  tho 
time  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  therefore  the  Israelites 
borrowed  it  from  their  conquerors;  for  these  objects 
are  mentioned  in  earlier  places  in  such  a  manner 
that  their  connectiem  with  divination  must  be  in- 
tended, if  we  bear  in  mind  that  this  connection  is 
nndoubted  in  a  subsequent  period  (compare  1  Snm. 
XV.  22,  23;  2  K.  xxiii.  24).  The  only  account  of 
the  act  of  divining  by  tcrafhim  is  in  a  remark, 
able  passage  relating  to  Nebuchadnezzar's  advance 
against  Jerusalem  :  "Also  thou  soil  of  man,  appoint 
thee  two  ways,  that  the  sword  of  the  king  of  Baby- 
lon may  come:  both  twain  (two  swords)  shall  come 
forth  out  of  one  land :  and  choose  thou  a  place, 


584 


MAG 


MAG 


choose  (it)  at  the  head  of  the  way  to  tlic  city.  Ap- 
point a  way,  that  the  sword  may  come  to  Rabbath  of 
the  Ammonites,  and  to  Judah  in  Jerusalem  the  de- 
fenced.  For  the  king  of  Babylon  stood  at  the  part- 
ing of  the  way,  at  tlic  head  of  the  two  ways,  to  use 
divination;  he  shuffled  arrows,  he  consulted  with 
teraphim,  he  looked  in  the  liver.  (Divination  10, 
13,  14.)  At  his  right  hand  was  the  divination  for 
Jerusalem"  (Ez.  xxi.  19-22).  Before  speaking  of 
the  notices  of  the  Egyptian  magicians  in  (ienesis 
and  Exodus,  there  is  one  passage  that  may  be  ex- 
amined out  of  the  regular  order.  Joseph,  when  his 
brethre:i  left  after  their  second  visit  to  buy  corn, 
ordcreJ  his  steward  to  hide  his  silver  cup  in  Ben- 
jamin's sack,  and  afterward  sent  him  after  them, 
ordering  him  to  claim  it,  thus:  "(Is)  not  this  (it) 
in  which  my  lord  drinketh,  and  whereby  indeed  he 
divineth  ?  "  (Gen.  xliv.  5).  Two  uses  of  cups  or  the 
like  for  magical  purposes  have  obtained  in  the  East 
from  ancient  times.  In  one  use  either  the  cup  it- 
self bears  engraved  inscriptions,  supposed  to  have 
a  magical  influence,  or  it  is  plain  and  such  inscrip- 
tions are  written  on  its  inner  surface  in  ink.  In 
both  casos  water  poiired  into  the  cup  is  drunk  by 
those  wishing  to  derive  benefit,  as,  e.  g.  the  cure  of 
diseases,  from  the  inscriptions,  which,  if  written, 
are  dissolved.  This  use,  in  lioth  its  forms,  obtains 
among  the  Arabs  in  the  present  day.  In  the  other 
use  the  cup  or  bowl  was  of  very  secondary  impor- 
tance. It  was  merely  the  receptacle  for  water,  in 
which,  after  the  performance  of  magical  rites,  a 
boy  looked  to  see  what  the  magician  desired.  This 
is  the  practice  of  the  raolern  Egyptian  magicians, 
where  t!ie  difference  that  ink  is  employed  and  is 
poure  1  into  the  pahn  of  the  boy's  hand  is  mirely 
accidental.  As  this  latter  use  only  is  of  the  nature 
of  divination,  it  is  probabl?  that  to  it  Joseph  ra- 
ferreil.  (Divination  12.)  The  miigicians  of  Egypt 
are  spoken  of  as  a  class  in  the  histories  of  Joseph 
and  Mo3E3.  When  Pharaoh's  officers  were  troubled 
by  their  dreams,  being  in  prison  they  wore  at  a  loss 
for  an  interpreter.  Before  Joseph  explained  the 
dreams  he  disclaimed  the  power  of  interpreting  save 
by  the  divine  aid,  siying  "(Do)  not  interpretations 
(belong)  to  God  1  tell  ma  (thaml,  I  pray  you  "  (Gen. 
xl.  8).  In  like  manner  when  Pharaoh  had  his  two 
dreams  we  find  th.at  he  had  recourse  to  those  who 
professed  to  interpret  dreams.  Joseph,  being  sent  i 
for  on  the  report  of  the  chief  of  th?  cupbearers,  ' 
was  told  by  Pharaoh  that  he  had  heard  that  he 
could  interpret  a  dream.  From  the  expectations  of 
the  Egyptians  and  Joseph's  disavow.alA,  we  sec  that  i 
the  interpretation  of  dreams  was  a  branch  of  the 
knowledge  to  which  the  ancient  Egyptian  magicians  i 
pretndeJ.  We  again  hear  of  tlie  magicians  of 
Egypt  in  the  narrative  of  the  events  before  the  Ex- 
odus. They  were  summoned  by  Ph.tvaoh  to  oppose 
Moses.  The  account  of  what  they  effected  requires 
to  be  carefully  examined,  from  its  bearing  on  the 
question  whether  magic  be  an  imposture.  We  | 
read ;  "  And  the  Lord  spake  unto  Moses  and  unto  I 
Aaron,  saying,  When  Pharaoh  shall  speak  unto  j 
you,  saying.  Show  a  miracle  for  yon:  then  thou  i 
Bhalt  say  unto  Aaron,  Take  thy  rod,  and  cast  (it)  \ 
before  Pharaoh,  (and)  it  shall  become  a  serpent."  It 
is  then  related  that  Aaron  did  thus,  and  afterward :  I 
"  Then  Pharaoh  also  called  the  wise  men  and  the  en-  I 
chanters  (A.  V.  "  sorcerers  ") :  now  they,  the  scribes 
(A.  V.  "magicians")  of  Egypt,  did  so  by  their 
secret  arts  (A.  V.  ''  enchantments  ")  :  for  they  oast 
down  every  man  his  rod,  and  they  became  serpents, 
but  Aaron's  rod  swallowed  up  their  rods  "  (Ex,  vii.  ! 


8-12).  The  rods  were  probably  long  staves  like 
tliose  represented  on  tlie  Egyptian  mouunicnts,  not 
much  less  than  the  height  of  a  man.  If  the  Ileb. 
word  tannin  used  mean  here  a  "serpent,"  the  Egyp- 
tian magicians  may  have  feigned  a  change :  if  it  sig- 
nify a  crocodile  they  could  scarcely  have  done  so. 
(Dragon  2.)  The  names  by  which  the  magicians 
are  designated  are  to  be  noted.  (Divination  2,  3.) 
That  which  we  render  "  scribes  "  seems  here  to  have 
a  general  signification  =  wise  men  and  enchanters. 
The  last  term  is  more  definite  =  users  of  incanta- 
tions. On  the  occasion  of  the  first  plague,  the  turn- 
ing the  rivers  and  waters  of  Egypt  into  blood,  the 
opposition  of  the  magicians  again  occurs.  "  And  the 
scribes  of  Egypt  did  so  by  their  secret  arts  "  (vii. 
22).  When  the  second  plague,  that  of  frogs,  was 
sent,  the  magicians  again  made  the  same  opposition 
(viii.  7).  Tlie  plague  of  lice  came,  and  wlien  Aaron 
had  worked  the  wonder  the  magicians  opposed  him  : 
"And  the  scribes  did  so  by  their  secret  arts  to 
bring  forth  the  lice,  but  they  could  not :  .«o  there 
were  lice  upon  man  and  upon  beast.  And  the 
scribes  said  unto  Pharaoh,  This  (is)  tlie  finger  of 
God  :  but  Pharaoh's  heart  was  hardened,  and  he 
hearkened  not  unto  them,  as  the  Lord  had  said  " 
(viii.  18,  19,  Hcb.  14,  15).  After  thi^  we  hear  no 
more  of  the  magicians.  (Jannes  and  Jamdres; 
Plagues,  tiik  Tex  )  All  we  can  gather  from  the 
narrative  is  that  the  appearances  produced  by  them 
were  sufficient  to  deceive  Pharaoh  on  three  occa- 
sions. We  turn  1o  the  Egyptian  illustrations  of  this 
part  of  the  subject.  Magic,  as  we  have  before  re- 
marked, was  inherent  in  the  ancient  Egyptian  reli- 
gion. The  Ritual  is  a  system  of  incantations  and 
directions  for  making  amulets,  with  the  object  of 
securing  the  future  happiness  of  the  disembodied 
soul.  However  obscure  the  belief  of  the  Egyptians 
as  to  the  actual  character  of  the  state  of  tlie  soul 
after  death  may  be  to  us,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
the  knowledge  and  use  cf  the  magical  amulets  and 
incantations  treated  of  in  the  Ritual  was  held  to  be 
necessary  for  future  happiness,  although  it  was  not 
believed  that  they  alone  could  insure  it,  since  to 
have  done  good  works,  or,  more  strictly,  not  to 
have  committed  certain  sins,  was  an  essential  con- 
dition of  the  acquittal  of  the  soul  in  the  great  trial 
in  Hades.  Besides  the  Ritual  the  ancient  Egyptians 
had  books  of  a  purely  magical  character.  The  main 
source  of  their  belief  in  the  efficacy  of  magic  appears 
to  have  been  the  idea  that  the  souls  of  the  dead, 
whether  justified  or  condemned,  had  the  power  of 
revisiting  the  earth  and  taking  various  forms.  Bear- 
ing in  mind  the  Xigiitian  nature  of  Egyptian  magic, 
we  may  look  for  the  source  of  these  ideas  in  primi- 
tive Africa.  Like  all  nations  who  have  practised- 
m.agic  generally,  the  Egyptians  separated  it  into  a 
lawful  kind  and  an  unlawful.  A  belief  in  unlucky 
and  lucky  days,  in  actions  to  be  avoided  or  done  on 
certain  days,  and  in  the  fortune  .attending  birth  on 
certain  days,  was  extremely  strong.  Astrology  was 
also  held  in  high  honor,  the  belief  in  omens  prob- 
ably did  not  take  an  important  place  in  Egyptian 
magic,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  absence  of  direct 
mention  of  them.  The  superstition  as  to  "the  evil 
eye"  appears  to  have  been  known,  but  there  i' 
nothing  else  that  we  can  class  with  phenomena  of 
the  nature  of  animal  magnetism.  'Two  classes  of 
learned  men  had  the  charge  of  the  magical  books ; 
one  of  these,  the  name  of  which  has  not  been 
read  phonetically,  would  seem  =  the  scribes,  as  Mr. 
Poole  translates  the  word,  spoken  of  in  the  history 
of  Joseph ;  whereas  the  other  has  the  general  sense 


MAG 


MAG 


585 


of  "  wise  raen,"  like  the  other  class  there  mentioned. 
The  Law  contains  very  distinct  prohibitions  of  all 
magical  arts.  Besides  several  passages  condemning 
them,  one  specification  is  so  full  that  it  seems  evi- 
dent that  its  object  is  to  include  every  kind  of  magi- 
cal art.  The  Israelites  are  commanded  in  this  pas- 
f  ago  not  to  learn  the  abominations  of  the  peoples  of 
the  rron)ised  Land.  Then  follows  this  prohibition : 
"Tiierc  ."hall  not  be  found  with  thee  one  who 
offerclh  his  son  or  his  daughter  by  fire,  a  practlser 
of  divinations  (Heb.  k6»hn  kimmim),  a  worker  of 
bidden  arts  (mi'6nen\  an  augurer  {mitiahfsh  or 
mlnaehesh),  an  enchanter  (mecasfutheph),  or  a  fabri- 
cator of  charms  (hober  huber  or  ch&her  chdber), 
or  an  inquirer  by  a  familiar  spirit  (thoel  6b\  or 
a  wizard  {yidde'oni)  (for  the  preceding  terms,  see 
DlviNATioit,  6,  7,  8,  3,  9,  6,  4),  or  a  consulter  of  the 
dead  {t/onih  el-hammelhim,  A.  V.  "necromancer;" 
see  below).  It  is  added  that  these  are  abominations, 
and  that  on  account  of  their  practice  the  nations  of 
Canaan  were  to  be  driven  out  (Deut.  xviii.  9-14, 
especially  10,  11).  It  is  remarkable  that  the  offering 
of  children  should  be  mentioned  in  connection  with 
magical  arts.  The  last  Hebrew  term,  doresh  cl-ham- 
milhim,  is  very  explicit,  meaning  a  consulter  of  the 
dead :  "  necromancer  "  is  an  exact  translation,  if  the 
original  signification  of  the  latter  is  retained,  instead 
of  the  more  general  one  it  now  usually  bears.  The 
history  of  Balaam  shows  the  belief  of  some  ancient 
nations  in  the  powers  of  soothsayers.  When  the 
Israelites  had  begun  to  conquer  the  Land  of  Prom- 
ise, Balak,  the  king  of  Hoab,  and  the  elders  of  Mid- 
ian,  resorting  to  Pharaoh's  expedient,  sent  by 
messengers  with  "  the  rewards  of  divination  in  their 
hands  "  (Xum.  xxii.  7)  for  Balaam  the  diviner  (Josh, 
xiii.  22,  A.  V.  "  soothsayer ; "  see  Divination-  6), 
whose  fame  was  known  to  them  though  he  dwelt  in 
Aram.  Balak's  message  shows  what  he  believed 
Balaam's  powers  to  be  (Num.  xxii.  5,  6).  We  are 
told,  however,  that  Balaam,  warned  of  God,  first  said 
that  he  could  not  speak  of  himself,  and  then  by  in- 
gpirition  blessed  those  whom  he  had  been  sent  for 
to  curse.  He  appears  to  have  received  inspiration 
in  a  vision  or  a  trance.  From  xxiv.  1  it  would  seem 
that  it  was  his  wont  to  use  enchantments  (Divina- 
tion 8),  and  that  when  on  other  occasions  he  went 
away  after  the  sacrifices  had  been  offered,  he  hoped 
that  he  could  prevail  to  obtain  the  wish  of  those 
who  had  sent  for  him,  but  was  constantly  defeated. 
The  building  new  altars  of  the  mystic  number  of 
seven,  and  the  offering  of  seven  oxen  and  seven 
rams,  seem  to  show  that  Balaam  had  some  such 
idea.  The  account  of  Saul's  consulting  the  witch  of 
Endor  (1  Sam.  xxviii,  3-20)  is  the  foremost  place  in 
Scripture  of  those  which  refer  to  magic.  The  su- 
pernatural terror  of  which  it  is  full  cannot,  how- 
ever, be  proved  to  be  due  to  this  art,  for  it  has  al- 
ways been  held  by  sober  critics  that  the  appearing 
of  Samcf.l  was  permitted  for  the  purpose  of  declar- 
ing the  doom  of  Sacl,  and  not  that  it  was  caused  by 
the  incantations  of  a  sorceress.  We  can  see  no 
reason  whatever  for  supposing  that  the  narrative  is 
an  interpolation.  There  is  a  simplicity  in  the  man- 
ners described  that  is  foreign  to  a  later  time.  The 
circumstances  are  agreeable  with  the  rest  of  the 
history,  and  especially  with  all  we  know  of  Saul's 
character.  Here,  as  ever,  he  is  seen  resolved  to  gain 
his  ends  without  caring  what  wrong  he  does;  he 
wishes  to  consult  a  prophet,  and  asks  a  witch  to 
call  up  his  shade.  Most  of  all  the  vigor  of  the  nar- 
rative, showing  us  the  scene  in  a  few  words,  proves 
its  antiquity  and  genuineness.    From  the  beginning 


to  the  end  of  this  strange  history  we  have  no  war- 
rant for  attributing  supernatural  power  to  magi- 
cians. Viewed  reasonably,  it  refers  to  the  question 
of  apparitions  of  the  dead  as  to  which  other  places 
in  the  Bible  leave  no  doubt.  The  connection  with 
magic  seems  purely  accidental.  The  witch  is  no 
more  than  a  bystander  after  the  first;  she  sees 
Samuel,  and  that  is  all.  The  apparition  may  have 
been  a  terrible  fulfilment  of  Saul's  desire,  but  this 
does  not  prove  that  the  measures  he  used  were  of 
any  power.  In  the  later  days  of  the  two  kingdoms 
magical  practices  of  many  kinds  prevailed  among 
the  Hebrews,  as  we  especially  learn  from  the  con- 
demnation of  them  by  the  prophets.  Every  form 
of  idolatry  which  the  people  had  adopted  in  succes- 
sion doubtless  brought  with  it  its  magic,  which 
seems  always  to  have  remained  with  a  strange  tenac- 
ity that  probably  made  it  outlive  the  false  worship 
with  which  it  was  connected.  In  the  historical 
books  of  Scripture  there  is  little  notice  of  magic, 
excepting  that  wherever  the  false  prophets  are  men- 
tioned we  have  no  doubt  an  indication  of  the  prev- 
alence of  magical  practices.  But  in  the  prophets 
we  find  several  notices  of  the  magic  of  the  Hebrews 
in  their  times,  and  some  of  the  magic  of  foreign 
nations.  Isaiah  says  that  the  people  had  become 
"workers  of  hidden  arts"  (A.  V.  "soothsayers;" 
see  Divination  7)  "  like  the  Philistines,"  and  ap- 
parently alludes  in  the  same  place  to  the  practice 
of  magic  by  the  children  of  the  East  (ii.  6).  In  an- 
other place  the  prophet  reproves  the  people  for 
seeking  "  unto  them  that  have  familiar  spirits,  and 
unto  the  wizards  that  chirp,  and  that  mutter"  (viii. 
j  19).  (Divination  6,  4.)  The  practices  of  one 
class  of  magicians  are  still  more  distinctly  described 
(xxix.  3,  4).  Isaiah  alludes  to  the  magic  of  the 
Egyptians  when  he  says  that  in  their  calamity  "  they 
1  shall  seek  to  the  idols,  and  to  the  charmers"  (Heb. 
pi.  itiim  =  mutterere,  lekhptren,  i.  e.  necromancers, 
1  ventriloquists,  imitating  artificially  the  supposed 
voice  of  the  shades  or  spirits  of  the  dead,  Ges. ; 
I  literally  veilings,  concealings,  hence  necromancers, 
Fii.),  "and  lo  them  that  have  familiar  spirits,  and  to 
the  wizards"  (xix.  3).  In  xlvii.  12,  13,  the  magic 
of  Babylon  is  characterized  by  the  prominence  given 
to  astrology  (A.  V.  "the  astrologers"  | margin 
"  viewers  of  the  heavens  "],  "  the  star-ga7cis,  the 
monthly  prognosticators  "  [margin  "  that  give  knowl- 
edge concerning  the  months  "]),  no  magicians  being 
mentioned  excepting  practiscrs  of  this  art ;  unlike 
the  case  of  the  Egyptians,  with  whom  astrology 
I  seems  always  to  have  held  a  lower  place  than  with 
I  the  Chaldean  nation.  (Asteonomt  ;  Chalpeans.) 
j  In  both  instances  the  folly  of  those  who  seek  the 
1  aid  of  magic  is  shown.  Micah,  declaring  the  judg- 
I  ments  coming  for  the  crimes  of  his  time,  speaks  of 
the  prevalence  of  divination  among  prophets,  who 
most  probably  were  such  pretended  prophets  as  the 
j  opponents  of  Jeremiah,  not  avowed  prophets  of 
1  idols,  as  Ahnb's  seem  to  have  been  (iii.  6,  7,  11). 
1  These  prophets  seem  to  have  practised  unlawful 
art?,  and  yet  to  have  expected  revelations.  Jere- 
miah was  constantly  opposed  by  false  prophets,  who 
pretended  to  speak  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  saying 
that  they  had  dreamt,  when  they  told  false  visions, 
and  who  practised  various  magical  arts  (xiv.  14, 
xxiii.  26-40,  xxvii.  9,  10 — where  the  several  desig- 
nations applied  to  those  who  counselled  the  people 
not  to  serve  the  king  of  Babylon  may  be  used  in 
contempt  of  the  false  prophets— xxix.  8,  9).  Ezekiel 
affords  some  remarkable  details  of  the  magic  of  his 
time,  in  the  clear  and  forcible  descriptions  of  his 


583 


MAG 


MAG 


visions.  From  him  we  learn  that  fetishism  was 
among  the  idolatries  which  the  Hebrews,  in  the 
latest  ddys  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah,  had  adopted 
from  their  neighbors,  lilce  the  Romans  in  the  age  of 
general  corruption  that  caused  the  decline  of  their 
empire  (viii.  7-12).  This  idolatry  was  probably 
borrowed  from  Egypt,  for  the  description  perfectly 
answers  to  that  of  tlie  dark  sanctuaries  of  Egyptian 
temples,  with  the  sacred  animals  portrayed  upon 
their  walls,  and  docs  not  accord  with  the  character 
of  tlie  Assyrian  sculptures,  where  creeping  things  are 
not  represented  as  objects  of  worship.  With  this 
low  form  of  idolatry  an  equally  low  kind  of  magic 
obtained,  practised  by  prophetesses  who  for  small 
rewards  made  amulets  by  which  the  people  were 
deceived  (xiii.  17-23).  The  passage  must  be  al- 
lowi-d  to  be  very  difficult,  but  it  can  scrircely  be 
double  1  (so  Mr.  Poole)  that  amulets  are  referred  to 
by  the  "  pillows  "  and  "  kerchiefs  "  made  and  sold 
by  these  women,  and  perliaps  also  worn  by  thorn. 
(Pillow  2.)  If  so,  we  have  a  practice  analogous 
to  that  of  the  modern  Egyptians,  who  hang  amulets 
of  the  kiiiJ  called  heyib  upon  the  right  side,  and  of 
tie  Nubian,  who  hang  them  on  the  upper  part  of 
the  arm.  Tlie  notice  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  divination 
by  arrows,  where  it  is  said  "he  shuiHed  arrows" 
(xxi.  21),  must  refer  to  a  practice  the  same  as  or 
similar  to  the  kind  of  divination  by  arrows  called 
El  Meysar,  in  use  among  the  pagan  Arabs,  and  for- 
bidden in  the  Koran.  (Divination  10.)  The  ref- 
erences to  magic  in  Daniel  relate  wholly  to  that  of 
Babylon,  and  not  so  much  to  the  art  as  to  those  who 
used  it.  Daniel,  when  taken  captive,  was  instructed 
in  the  learning  of  the  Chaldeans  and  placed  among 
the  "wise  men  of  Babylon"  (ii  18),  i.  e.  the  Maqi, 
for  the  term  is  uscfd  as  including  "  magicians,"  "  sor- 
cerers," enchanters  (A.  V.  "soothsayers"),  "astrol- 
ogers" (Heb.  and  Ciial.  ashshdph  —  one  who  prac- 
tises hidden  arts,  an  enchanter,  magician,  Gcs.),  and 
"  GiiALnEANS,"  the  last  being  apparently  the  most 
impartant  class  (ii.  2,  4,  S,  10,  12,  14, "l8,  24,  27; 
compare  i.  20).  (Divination  1,  2,  3.)  As  in  other 
cases  the  true  prophet  was  put  to  the  test  with  the 
magicians,  and  he  succeeded  where  they  utterly 
failed.  After  the  Captivity  it  is  probable  that  the 
Jews  gr.idually  abandoned  the  practice  of  magic. 
Zejhariah  speaks  indeed  of  the  deceit  of  teraphim 
and  diviners  (x.  2),  and  foretells  a  time  when  the 
very  names  of  idnls  should  be  forgotten  and  false 
prophets  have  virtually  ceased  (xiii.  1-4),  yet  in 
neither  case  does  it  seem  certain  that  he  is  alluding 
to  the  >u.ige3  of  his  own  day.  In  the  Apocrypha 
wo  find  indications  that  in  the  later  centuries  prc- 
ee  ling  t'le  Christian  era  magic  was  no  longer  prac- 
tised by  the  educated  Jews.  In  Wisdom  tlie  writer, 
speaking  of  the  Egyptian  magicians,  treats  their  art 
as  an  imposture  (Wis.  xvil.  7).  The  book  of  Tobit 
(Tobit,  Book  of)  is  an  exceptional  case.  If  we  hold 
that  it  wa?  written  in  Persia  or  a  neighboring  coun- 
try, and,  with  Ewald,  date  its  composition  not  long 
after  the  fall  of  the  Persian  empire,  it  is  obvious 
that  it  relates  to  a  different  state  of  society  from 
that  of  the  Jews  of  Egypt  and  Palestine.  If,  how- 
ever, it  was  written  in  Palestine  about  the  time  of 
the  Maccabees,  as  others  suppose,  we  must  still  rcc- 
olbct  that  it  refers  rather  to  the  superstitions  of 
the  common  people  than  to  those  of  the  learned. 
In  tlie  N.  T.  wc  read  very  little  of  magic.  (Maoi.) 
Our  Lord  is  not  said  to  have  been  opposed  by  ma- 
gicians, and  the  apostles  and  other  early  teachers 
of  the  Gospel  seem  to  have  rarely  encountered 
them.      Philip  the  deaon,  when  he   preached  at 


Samaria,  found  there  Simon  a  famous  magician, 
commonly  known  as  Simon  Magus,  who  had  had 
great  power  over  the  people ;  but  he  is  not  said  to 
have  been  able  to  work  wonders,  nor,  had  it  been 
so,  is  it  likely  that  he  would  have  soon  been  ad- 
mitted into  the  Church  (Acts  viii.  9-24).  W^hen  St. 
Barnabas  and  St.  Paul  Avere  at  Paphos,  as  they 
preached  to  the  proconsul  Sergius  Paulus,  Elymas, 
a  Jewish  sorcerer  and  false  prophet,  withstood  them, 
and  was  struck  blind  for  a  time  at  the  word  of  St. 
Paul  (xiii.  6-12).  At  Ephesus,  certain  Jewish  ex- 
orcists signally  failing,  both  Jews  and  Greeks  were 
afraid,  and  abandoned  their  practice  of  magical  arts 
(xix.  18,  19).  (Epiiesus,  §  3  ;  Exorcist.)  We  have 
besides  the  remarkable  case  of  the  "  damsel  having 
a  spirit  of  divination  which  brought  her  masters 
much  gain  by  foretelling,"  from  whom  St.  Paul  cast 
out  the  spirit  of  divination  (xvi.  16-18).  This  is  a 
matter  belonging  to  another  subject  than  that  of 
magic.  (Divination  5 ;  Python.)  Our  examina- 
tion of  the  various  notices  of  magic  in  the  Bible 
gives  us  this  general  result : — They  do  not,  as  far  as 
we  can  understand,  once  state  positively  that  any 
but  illusive  results  were  produced  by  magical  rites. 
They  therefore  afford  no  evidence  that  man  can  gain 
supernatural  powers  to  use  at  his  will.  This  con- 
sequence goes  some  way  toward  showing  that  we 
may  conclude  that  there  is  no  such  tiling  as  real 
magic ;  for  although  it  is  dangerous  to  reason  on 
negative  evidence,  yet  in  a  case  of  this  kind  it  is 
especially  strong. — Magic  has  been  divided  into  two 
classes,  (1.)  natural  or  scientific  magic,  which  attrib- 
utes its  wonders  to  a  deep  practical  acquaintance 
with  the  powers  of  nature;  (2.)  supernatural  or 
spiritual,  which  ascribes  them  to  celestial  or  infernal 
agency.  The  first  requires  a  knowledge  of  the 
mode  in  which  the  powers  of  nature  act,  and  then 
an  ability  to  apply  tlicse  powers  to  the  production 
of  extraordinary  results.  The  second  demands  no. 
ititimate  knowledge  of  nature,  nor  ordinarily  any 
special  moral  or  intellectual  preparation,  but  relies 
for  the  production  of  its  wonders  entirely  on  the 
powers  of  spiritual  beings,  and  claims  for  its  works 
the  character  of  MiRACLf;s  (Rev.  II.  Christmas,  in 
Fairbairn).  Jlr.  Poole  in  his  article  treats  especially 
of  the  second  class.     Satan: 

Mii-giddo  (fr.   Gr.)  =  Meoiddo  (1   Esd.  i.  20 
only). 

•  iMng'ls-tratCi    Elder;  Judge,  &c. 

•  illag-nlf  Ir-ill  =  magnificent  (1  Chr.  xxii.  5). 
Ma'gog  (Heb.,   see   below),   a  name   applied   in 

Scripture  both  to  a  person  and  to  a  land  or  people. 
In  Gen.  x.  2  Magog  appears  as  the  second  son  of 
Japhcth  in  conneelion  with  Gomer  (the  Cimmerians) 
and  Madai  (the  Medcs) :  in  Ez.  xxxviii.  2,  xxxix.  1, 
6,  it  appears  as  a  country  or  people  of  which  (lOg 
was  the  prince,  in  conjunction  with  Mesliech  (the 
Moschici),  Tulml  (the  Tibarcni),  and  Rosii  (the 
Roxolani,  A.  V.  "  chief").  In  the  latter  of  these 
senses  tliere  is  evidently  implied  an  etymological 
connection  between  Gog  and  Ma-gog,  the  Ma  being 
regarded  by  Ezekiel  as  a  prefix  significant  of  a 
country.  In  this  case  Gog  contains  the  original 
clement  of  the  name,  which  may  possibly  have  its 
origin  in  some  Persian  root.'     The  notices  of  Ma- 

'  Knolwl  makes  Magog  from  Sansc.  mah  or  maha  — 

Eat.  and  Pors.  koti  —  mmntain,  i.  e.  tlic  Caucasian  ranpi 
Von  Bohlen):  Hitzig  from  Coptic  ma  =.  plare,  or 
-  .-.ifc.  maha  —  lawi,  and  Pers.  koka  —  the  moon,  as 
thouch  the  term  tiad  rcferenre  to  moon-worshippers. 
More  probnhlv  Mau'O!;  is  tlie  orltrinal  word,  from  which 
Go::  was  formed  hv  dronpini  the  M  (or  Ma)  as  indicative 
of  place  (W.  L.  Alexander,  in  Kltto). 


1IA6 


MAH 


58Y 


gog  would  lead  us  to  fix  a  northern  locality :  not 
oniy  did  all  the  tribes  inciuioned  in  connection  with 
it  belong  to  that  quarter,  but  it  is  expressly  stated 
by  Ezeliiel  that  he  was  to  conic  up  from  "  the  sides 
oi'  the  north  "  (xxxis.  2),  from  a  country  adjacent  to 
that  of  Togamiah  or  Armenia  (xxxviii.  6),  and  not 
far  from  "  tlie  isles  "  or  maritime  regions  of  Europe 
(xxxix.  6).  The  people  of  Magog  further  appear 
as  having  a  force  of  cavalry  (xxxviii.  15),  and  as 
armed  with  the  bow  (xxxix.  S).  From  the  above 
data,  combined  with  tlie  consideration  of  the  time 
at  which  Ezcltiel  lived,  tlie  conclusion  has  been 
drawn  that  Magog  represents  the  important  race  of 
the  Scythians.      In    identifying    Magog   with    the 


Scytlifan  Horwmsn  and  Airhrr.— From  remfilnt  dltcovered  at  Kertch. — 
(EawlicsoD'i  HtTviatvi,  IIL,  34.) 

Scythians,  however,  we  do  not  (so  Mr.  Bevan)  use 
the  latter  term  in  a  strictly  ethnographical  sense, 
but  as  a  general  expression  for  the  tribes  living  X. 
of  the  Caucasus.  We  regard  Magog  as  essentially 
a  yfofiraphical  term,  just  as  it  was  applied  by  the 
Syrians  of  the  midillc  ages  to  Asiatic  Tartary,  and 
by  the  Arabians  to  the  district  between  the  Caspian 
and  Euxine  seas.  The  inhabitants  of  this  district 
in  the  time  of  E/.ekiel  were  undoubtedly  the  people 
generally  known  by  the  classical  name  of  Scythians. 
Forced  from  their  original  quarters  N.  of  the  Cau- 
casus by  the  Massagctcc,  they  descended  into  Asia 
Minor,  took  Sardis  (B.  c.  629),  spread  into  Media 
(b.  c.  624),  wlicre  they  defeated  Cyaxares;  thence 
directed  their  course  to  Egypt,  and  were  bribed 
off  by  Psammetichus ;  on  their  return  attacked 
the  temple  of  Atargatis  at  Ascalon ;  were  finally 
ejected  B.  c.  696,  after  having  made  their  name  a 
terror  to  the  whole  Eastern  world  (Hdt.  i.  103  ff.). 
(Scythopoi.is.)  With  tlie  memory  of  these  events 
yet  fresh,  E/.ekiel  selects  the  Scythians  as  the  sym- 
bol of  earthly  violence,  arrayed  against  the  people 
of  God,  but  meeting  with  a  signal  and  utter  over- 
throw, ne  depicts  their  avarice  and  violence  (Ez. 
xxxviii.  7-13),  and  the  fearful  vengeance  executed 
upon  them  (14-23) — a  massacre  so  tremendous  that 
seven  months  would  hardly  suffice  for  the  burial  of 
the  corpses  in  the  valley  Hamon-gog  (xxxix.  11-16). 


The  imagery  of  Ezekiel  has  been  transferred  in  the 
Apocalypse  to  describe  the  final  struggle  between 
Christ  and  Astichrisi  (Rev.  xx.  8).  As  far  as  the 
Biblical  notices  are  concerned,  it  is  sufficient  to 
state  tliat  the  Scythians  of  Ezekiel's  age — the 
Scythians  of  Herodotus — were  probably  a  Japhetic 
race.     Tongues,  Confusion  of. 

Ma'gor-mis'sa-bib  (Ileb.  =  terror  on  every  sidt), 
the  name  given  by  Jeremiah  to  Pasliur  the  priest, 
when  he  smote  him  and  put  him  in  the  stocks  for 
propliesying  against  tlie  idolatry  of  Jerusalem  (Jer. 
XX.  3). 

Mag'pi-.*;!!!  (Heb.  mnth-lilter ?  Ges. ;  collector  of 
cliislerx  of  stars,  Fii.),  a  chief  of  the  people,  or  fam- 
ily representative  of  the  people  who  signed  the 
covenant  with  Neliemiah  (Neh.  x.  20);  supposed  by 
Calmet  and  Junius  =  Magbish. 

DIa  ha-liib  (Ileb.  dueaae  =  Mahlaii,  Ges.),  one  of 
the  three  children  of  Uammolcketh,  the  sister  of 
Gilcad  (I  Chr.  vii.  18) ;  probably  a  woman. 

Sla-lia-la'le-el,  or  Ma-liAi'a-lerl  (Heb.  praise  of 
Odd,  Ges.).  1.  The  fourth  in  descent  from  Adam 
through  Sclh;  son  of  Cainan  (Gen.  v.  12,  13,  15- 
17;  1  Chr.  i.  2). — 3.  A  descendant  of  Perez,  or 
Pharcz,  the  son  of  Judali  (Neh.  xi.  4). 

Sla'ha-latll  (ileb.  a  stringed  instrument,  a  lyre  or 
guitar,  Ges.  [see  next  article]  ;  the  lovely?  Fii.).  1. 
Daughter  of  Ishmael,  and  one  of  the  wives  of  Esau 
(Gen.  xxviii.  9). — 2.  One  of  tlie  eighteen  wives  of 
King  Rehoboam,  apparently  his  first  (2  Chr.  xi.  18 
only).  She  was  her  husband's  cousin,  the  daughter 
of  King  David's  son  Jerimolh. 

Na'lia-lath  (Heb.,  see  below).  The  title  of  Ps. 
liii.,  in  which  this  rare  word  occurs,  was  rendered 
in  the  Geneva  version,  "To  him  that  excelleth  on 
Mahalath,"  explained  in  the  margin  to  be  "  an  in- 
strument or  kind  of  note."  This  expresses  in  short 
the  opinions  of  most  commentators.  Connecting 
the  word  with  inuhol  or  machol  (Ex.  xv.  20;  Ps.  cl. 
4),  rendered  "  dance  "  in  the  A.  V.,  but  supposed 
by  many  from  its  connection  with  instruments  of 
music  to  be  one  itself,  Jerome  renders  the  phrase 
"  on  Mahalath,"  by  per  cliornm  (L.  =  by  chorus,  i.  e. 
dance).  The  title  of  Ps.  liii.  in  the  Chaldee  and 
Syriac  versions  contains  no  trace  of  the  word,  »hich 
is  also  omitted  in  the  almost  identical  Ps.  xiv. 
From  this  fact  alone  it  might  be  infeired  that  it 
was  not  intended  to  point  enigmatically  to  the  con- 
tents of  the  psalm.  Aben  Ezra  understands  by  it 
the  name  of  a  melody  to  which  the  psalm  was  sung, 
and  Ra.shi  explains  it  as  "  the  name  of  a  musical  in- 
strumcnt,"  adding,  however,  immediately,  with  a 
play  upon  the  word,  "another  discourse  on  the  sick- 
vest  (Heb.  mahnl&h  or  machiilAli)  of  Israel  when  the 
Temple  was  laid  waste."  But  the  most  probable  of 
all  conjectures  (so  Mr.  Wright),  and  one  which 
Gesenius  approves,  is  that  of  Ludolf,  who  quotes 
the  Elhiopic  ntnlitct  or  macMct,  by  which  the  kiihara 
of  the  LXX.  (A.  V.  "harp")  is  rendered  in  Gen. 
iv.  21.  Fiiift  explains  Mahalath  as  the  name  of  a 
musical  corps  dwelling  at  Abel-meAo/aA,  just  as  by 
Gittith  he  understands  the  band  of  Levite  minstrels 
at  ifath-nmmon.  Henpstenberg,  J.  A.  Alexander, 
Lengerke,  &c.,  translate  "on  Mahalath"  by  on  tick- 
vrtK,  referring  to  the  spiritual  malady  of  the  song 
of  men.  Delitzsch  considers  Malialath  as  indicating 
to  the  choir  the  manner  in  which  the  psalm  wag  to 
be  sung. 

Ma'lia-lath  Le-an'noth  (Heb.,  see  below).  The 
Geneva  version  of  Ps.  Ixxxviii.,  in  the  title  of  which 
these  words  occur,  has  "  upon  Slalath  Leannoth," 
and  in  the  margin,  "1.  e.  to  humble.    It  was  the  be- 


588 


MAH 


MAH 


ginning  of  a  song,  by  the  tune  whereof  this  psalm 
was  sung."  It  is  a  remarkable  proof  of  the  obscu- 
rity which  envelops  the  former  of  the  two  words 
(Mahalath)  that  the  same  commentator  explains  it 
differently  in  each  of  the  passages  in  which  it  oc- 
curs. In  De  Wette's  translation  it  is  a  flute  in  Ps. 
liii.,  a  ffiiilar  in  Ps.  l.'cxxviii. ;  and  while  Uashi  in  the 
former  passage  explaius  it  as  a  musical  instrument, 
he  describes  the  latter  as  referring  to  one  sick  of 
love  and  alBiction  who  was  alliicted  with  the  punish- 
ments of  the  Captivity.  Augustine  and  Theodoret 
both  understand  leannolh  of  responsive  singing. 
There  is  nothing,  however,  in  the  construction  of 
the  psalm  to  show  that  it  wa.s  adapted  for  respon- 
sive singing ;  and  if  leannolh  be  simply  "  to  sing," 
it  would  seem  almost  unnecessary.  It  has  reference, 
more  probably  to  the  character  of  the  psalm,  and 
might  be  rendered  to  humble,  or  afflict,  in  which 
sense  the  root  occurs  in  verse  7.  In  support  of  this 
may  be  compared,  "  to  bring  to  remembrance,"  in 
the  titles  of  Ps.  xx.wiii.  and  Ixx. ;  and  "  to  thank," 
1  Chr.  xvi.  7.  Hengstenberg,  J.  A.  Alexander,  Len- 
gerke,  &c.,  regard  Ps.  Ixxxviii.  as  a  prayer  of  one 
recovered  from  severe  bodily  sickness,  and  render 
the  Hebrew  phrasa  concerninr/  afflictive  sickness, 

Mt'hl-ll  (fr.  lleb.)  =  Mahli 'l  (Ex.  vi.  19  only). 

Dla-hl-na'im  (fr.  Heb.  —  two  camps  or  hods),  a 
town  on  the  E.  of  the  Jordan,  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  early  and  middle  history  of  Israel. 
It  received  its  name  at  the  most  important  crisis  of 
the  life  of  Jacob.  lie  had  parted  from  Laban  in 
peace  after  their  hazardous  encounter  on  Mount 
Gilead  (Gen.  xxxi.),  an  1  the  next  step  in  the  jour- 
ney to  Canaan  brings  him  to  Mahanaim :  "  Jacob 
went  on  his  way ;  (and  he  lifted  up  his  eyes  and 
saw  the  camp  of  God  encamped  ') ;  and  the  angels 
(or  messengers)  of  God  met  him.  And  when  he 
saw  them  he  said,  This  is  God's  host  (Heb.  mahi- 
neh),  and  he  culled  the  name  of  that  place  Maha- 
naim." How  or  when  the  town  of  Mahanaim  arose 
on  the  spot  thus  sigaalizcd  we  are  not  told.  We 
next  meet  with  it  in  fhe  records  of  the  conquest. 
The  line  separating  Gad  from  Manasseh  appears  to 
have  run  ti rough  or  close  to  it,  since  it  is  named 
in  the  specification  of  the  frontier  of  each  tribe 
(Josh.  xiii.  26,  29).  It  was  also  on  the  southern 
boundary  of  the  district  of  Bashan  (ver.  30).  But 
it  was  certainly  within  the  territory  of  Gad  (xxi.  38, 
39),  and  therefore  on  the  S.  side  of  the  torrent 
Jabbok,  as  indeed  we  should  infer  from  the  history 
of  Genesis,  in  which  it  lies  between  Gilead — prob- 
ably the  modern /c6^/  JU'ad—sind  the  torrent.  The 
town  with  its  "suburbs"  was  allotted  to  the  Mera- 
rite  Levites  (Josh.  xxi.  39 ;  1  Chr.  vi.  80).  From 
some  cause — the  sanctity  of  its  original  foundation, 
or  the  strength  of  its  position — Mahanaim  bad  be- 
come in  the  time  of  the  monarchy  a  place  of  mark 
(2  Sim.  ii.  9,  12,  iv.  6).  The  same  causes  which  led 
Abner  to  fix  Ishboshcth's  residence  at  Mahanaim 
probably  induced  David  to  take  refuge  there  when 
driven  out  of  the  western  part  of  his  kingdom  by 
Absalom  (xvii.  24  ;  IK.  ii.  8).  It  was  then  a  walled 
town,  capacious  enough  to  contain  the  "  hundreds  " 
andthe  "  thousands"  of  David's  followers  (2  Sam. 
xviii.  1,  4;  compare  "  ten  thousand,"  ver.  3) ;  with 
gates  anl  the  usual  provision  for  the  watchman  of 
a  fortified  town.  Mahanaim  was  the  seat  of  one  of 
Solomon's  commissariat  officers  (1  K.  iv.  14i;  and 
it  is  alluded  to  in  the  Song  which  bears  his  name 
(Cant.  vi.  13,  margin).     On  the  monument  of  She- 

« This  is  added  in  tbc  LXX. 


shonk  (Shishak)  at  Kamak,  in  the  twenty-second 
cartouche — one  of  those  believed  to  contain  the 
names  of  Israelite  cities  conquered  by  that  king — 
a  name  appears  which  is  read  as  M'-ha-n-m",  i.  e. 
Mahanaim.  If  this  interpretation  may  be  relied 
on,  it  shows  that  the  invasion  of  Shishak  was  more 
extensive  than  we  should  gather  from  the  records 
of  the  Bible  (2  Chr.  xii.),  which  are  occupied  mainly 
with  occurrences  at  the  metropolis.  As  to  the  iden- 
tification of  Mahanaim  with  any  modern  site  or  re- 
mains little  can  be  said.  To  Euscbius  and  Jerome 
it  appears  to  liave  been  unknown.  A  place  called 
Mahneh  does  certainly  exist  among  the  villages  of 
the  E.  of  Jordan,  marked  on  Kiepert's  map  (1856) 
as  about  twenty-tive  miles  exactly  E.  of  Beth-shan. 
Its  identity  with  Mahanaim  has  been  upheld  by  Porter 
(Handbook,  322),  Wilson  (ii.  362,  641),  &c.  Tristram, 
in  March,  1864  (Land  of  Israel,  483),  visited  Birkct 
Mahneh  ( pool  of  Mahneh),  a  natural  pond,  near  which 
are  some  ruins  of  modern  Arab  dwellings,  and  traces 
of  ancient  buildings,  occupying  several  acres,  and 
regards  "  these  grass-grown  mounds  "  as  the  site  of 
ancient  Mahanaim  (see  map  of  Joroan,  &c.).  But 
the  distance  of  Mahneh  from  the  Jordan  and  from 
both  the  Wady  Zarka  and  the  Yarmuk — each  of 
which  has  claims  to  represent  the  Jabbok — seems 
to  forbid  this  conclusion  (so  Mr.  Grove).  Porter 
(in  Kitto)  asks.  May  not  Mahanaim  =  Gerasa  ? 

IHa'ha-neh-dan  (Heb.  =  the  "  Camp  of  Dan  :  "),  a 
name  which  commemorated  the  last  encampment 
of  the  band  of  600  Danite  warriors  before  setting 
out  on  their  expedition  to  Laish.  The  position  of 
the  spot  is  specified  as  "  behind  Kirjath-jcarim " 
(Judg.  xviii.  12),  and  "  between  Zorah  and  Eshtaol " 
(xiii.  25).  Mr.  Williams  (Holy  Citi/,  i.  12  n.)  was 
shown  a  site  on  the  N.  side  of  the  Wady  Ismail,  and 
about  ten  miles  nearly  W.  from  Jerusalem,  which 
bore  the  name  of  Beit  Mahanem,  and  wliich  he  sug- 
gests may  be  identical  with  Mahaneh-dan.  Tlie 
position  is  certainly  very  suitjble ;  but  the  name 
does  not  occur  in  the  lists  or  maps  of  other  travel- 
lers. 

)lj'ba-rai,  or  Ma-Iiar'a-I  (Heb.  impetuous,  Ges.), 
an  inhabitant  of  Nctophah  in  Judati,  and  one  of 
David's  captains,  descended  from  Zerah  (2  Sara, 
xxiii.  28;  1  Chr.  xi.  30,  xxvii.  13). 

Ma'h:ltli  (Heb.  taking,  grasping,  Ges.).  ]•  Son  of 
Amasai,  a  Koliathite  of  the  house  of  Korah  (1  Chr. 
vi.  35).  (Ahimoth.) — 2.  Also  a  Kohathite,  son  of 
Amasai,  in  the  reign  of  Ilezckiah  (2  Chr.  xxix.  12); 
apparently  the  same  who  is  mentioned  2  Chr.  xxxi. 
13. 

Ma'ha-Tite  (fr.  Heb.  pi.  =  Mahavites),  tlie,  the 
designation  of  Eliel,  one  of  King  David's  "  valiant 
men"  (1  Chr.  xi.  46  only). 

Ila-ha'zi-Oth  (Heb.  visions,  Ges.),  one  of  the  four- 
teen sons  of  Heman  the  Kohathite ;  chief  of  the 
twentv-third  course  of  musicians  (1  Chr.  xxv.  4, 
30). 

Jla'her-sha'lal-hasir-baz  (Heb.  hasting  to  the  spoil ^ 
h'  speeds  to  the  prey,  Ges.),  son  of  Isaiah  ;  so  named' 
by  divine  direction,  to  indicate  that  Damascus  and 
Samaria  were  soon  to  be  plundered  by  the  king  of 
Assyria  (Is.  viii.  1-4). 

Ilah'lab  (Heb.  disease,  Ges.),  the  eldest  of  the  five 
daughters  of  Zelophkhad  (Xura.  xxvii.  1-11). 

Mah'll  (Heb.  sickly,  Ges.).  1.  Son  of  Merari,  the 
son  of  Levi,  and  ancestor  of  the  fumily  of  the  Mah- 
LiTES  (Num.  iii.  20  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  19,  29,  xxiii.  21,  xxiv. 
26,  28 ;  Ezr.  viii.  IS) ;  =  Mahali.— 2.  Son  of  Mushi, 
and  grandson  of  Merari  (1  Chr.  vi.  47,  xxiii.  23,  xxiv. 
80). 


MAH 


MAL 


589 


HairnUs,  tiM,  =  the  descendants  of  Mabli  the 
Bou  of  Sleraii  (Num.  iii.  33,  ixvi.  68). 

Hali'lon  (Heb.  sicklii,  Ges.),  the  firet  husband  of 
RiTii.  lie  and  his  brother  Chilion  were  sons  of 
Klimelecb  and  Naomi,  and  "  Ephrathitcs  of  Bcth- 
leheni-judah "  (Ru.  i.  2,  5,  iv.  9,  10;  compare  1 
Sam.  xvii.  12). 

Jla'hol  (Ueb.  a  dance,  dmeing,  sc.  in  a  circle, 
Ges.),  father  of  Ethan  the  Ezrahite,  and  Heman, 
t'liALCoL,  and  Dakpa,  the  four  men  most  famous  for 
wisdom  next  to  Solomon  himself  (1  K.  iv.  81).  In 
1  Clir.  ii.  6  similar  names  belong  to  sons  of  Zerah. 

M«i-»'ne-«s(fr.  Gr.)  =  Masseiaii  7  (1  Esd.  ix.  48). 

*  Mald'-ser-viint.    Servant  ;  Slave. 

*  aiaii,  (oat  of.    Arms,  II.  1. 

Ma'kaz  (fr.  Ueb.  =  «/</,  Ges.),  a  place,  apparently 
a  town  named  (IK.  iv.  9  onlj)  in  the  epecification 
of  the  jurisdiction  of  Solomon's  commissariat  offi- 
cer, Bcn-Dekar;  probably  in  Ban  ;  not  discovered. 

Ha'ktd  (Gr.),  or  Ma'iccd,  one  of  the  "strong  and 
great"  cities  of  Gilead  into  which  the  Jews  were 
driven  by  the  Ammonites  under  Timotheus  (1  Mc. 
V.  26,  36) ;  site  unknown. 

Mak-he'loth  (Ueb.  pi.  cunemblio,  choirt,  Ges.),  a 
place  only  mentioned  in  Num.  xxxiii.  26  as  that  of 
a  desert  encanii)ment  of  the  Israelites.  Wilder- 
ness OF  THE  Wandering. 

Mak-ke'dab  (lleb.  place  of  aktpherds,  Ges.),  a 
place  memorable  in  the  annals  of  the  conquest  of 
Canaan  as  the  scene  of  the  execution  by  Joshua  of 
the  five  confederate  kings :  an  act  by  w  hich  the 
victory  of  Ecth-horon  was  consummated,  and  the 
subjection  of  the  entire  southern  portion  of  the 
country  secured  (Josh.  x.  10-30).  This  unquestion- 
ably occurred  in  the  afternoon  of  that  tremendous 
day,  which  "  was  like  no  day  before  or  alter  it." 
After  the  execution  of  the  chiefs  Joshua  turns  to 
the  town  itself  To  force  the  walls,  to  put  the  king 
and  all  the  inhabitants  to  the  sword  (vcr.  28),  is  to 
that  indomitable  energy,  still  fresh  after  the  gigantic 
labors  and  excitements  of  the  last  twenty-four  hours, 
the  work  of  an  hour  or  two.  And  now  the  evening 
has  arrived,  the  sun  is  at  last  sinking — the  first  sun 
that  has  set  since  the  departure  from  Gilgnl — and  the 
tragedy  is  terminated  by  cutting  down  the  five 
bodies  from  the  trees,  and  restoring  thini  to  the 
cave,  which  is  then  so  blocked  up  with  stones  as 
henceforth  never  again  to  become  refuge  for  friend 
or  foe  of  Israel.  The  taking  of  Makkedah  was  the 
first  in  that  scries  of  sieges  and  destiuctiors  by 
which  the  Great  Captain  possessed  himself  of  the 
main  points  of  defence  throughout  this  portion  of 
the  country.  Eusebius  and  Jerome  place  it  eight 
miles  E.  of  Eleutheropolis,  Beitjitrin — a  position  ir- 
reconcilable with  every  requirement  of  the  narra- 
tive (so  Mr.  Grove).  Porter  suggests  a  ruin  on  the 
northern  slope  of  the  Wad//  iK-Sumt,  about  eight 
miles  N.  E.  of  Scil  Jibrhi,  bearing  the  somewhat 
similar  name  of  el-K/ediah.  Van  de  Velde  would 
place  it  at  Sumeil,  a  village  standing  on  a  low  hill 
•ix  or  seven  miles  N.  W.  of  Beit  Jibrin. 

Hak'tcsb  (Heb.,  see  below),  a  place  evidently  in 
I  Jeitsalesi,  the  inhabitants  of  which  are  denounced 
Jby  Zophaniah  (i.  11).  Ewald  conjectures  that  it 
ras  the  "  Phenician  quarter"  of  the  city.  The 
ncaning  of  "  Maktesh  "  is  probably  a  dttp  hollow, 
Rterally  a  mortar.  This  the  Targum  identifies  with 
lie  torrent  Kidron.     But   may  it  not  have  been 

he  deep  valley  Tyropcnon  which  separated  the  Tem- 
ple from  the  upper  city,  and  which  at  the  time  of 
Titus's  siege  was,  as  it  still  is,  crowded  with  the 
["bazaars  "  of  the  merchants  1 


Kal'a-tlll  [-ki]  (Ileb.  messenger  of  Jehovah,  Ges.), 
the  last,  and  therefore  called  "  the  seal "  of  the 
prophets,  as  his  prophecies  constitute  the  closing 
book  of  the  Canon.  Of  his  personal  history  nothing 
is  known.  A  tradition  preserved  in  Pseudo-Epi- 
phanius  relates  that  llalachi  was  of  the  tribe  of  Zeb- 
ulun,  and  born  afttr  the  Captivity  at  Soplia  in  the 
territory  of  that  tribe.  According  to  the  same 
apocryphal  story  he  ditd  young,  and  was  buiiid 
with  his  fathers  in  bis  own  country.  Jerome,  in  the 
preiisice  to  his  Ccmmtnlary  un  Malachi,  mentions  a 
belief  current  among  the  Jews,  that  jialachi  was 
identical  with  Ezra  the  piicst.  With  equal  piob- 
ability  Malaclii  has  been  .identified  with  Mordtcai, 
Nehemiah,  and  Zeiubbabcl.  The  LXX.  render  "by 
Malachi"  (Mai.  i.  1)  "by  the  hand  of  his  angel;" 
and  this  translation  appears  to  have  given  rise  to 
the  idea  that  Malachi,  as  well  as  Iloggai  and  John 
the  Baptist,  was  an  angel  in  human  shape  (compare 
Mai.  iii.  1;  2  Esd.  i.  40).  The  time  at  which  his 
prophecies  were  delivered  is  not  difficult  to  ascer- 
tain. Cyril  makes  him  contemporary  with  Haggai 
and  Zechariah,  or  a  little  later.  Syncellus  i  laces 
these  three  prophets  under  Joshua  the  son  of  Jos- 
cdec.  Tliat  Malachi  was  contemporary  with  Nehe- 
miah is  rendered  probable  by  a  comparison  of  Mai. 
ii.  8  with  Neh.  xiii.  15;  Mai.  ii.  10-10  with  Neh.  xiii. 
23,  kc;  and  Mai.  iii.  7-12  with  Neh.  xiii.  10,  &c. 
That  he  prophesied  after  the  limes  of  Hapgai  and 
Zechariah  is  inferred  from  his  omitting  to  mention 
the  restoration  of  the  Temple,  and  irem  no  allusion 
being  made  to  him  by  Ezra.  The  Captivity  was  al- 
ready a  thing  of  the  long  past,  and  is  not  referred  to. 
The  existence  of  the  Tenpleservice  is  presupposed 
in  Mai.  i.  10,  iii.  1,  10.  The  Jewish  nation  had  still 
a  political  chief  (i.  8),  distinguished  by  the  same 
title  as  that  borne  by  Nehemiah  (Neh.  xii.  26),  to 
which  Gesenius  assigns  a  Persian  oiigin.  (Govern- 
or 7.)  IlenccVitringa,  Kinnicott,  Hales,  Davidson, 
and  most  Biblical  critics,  ccnelude  that  Malachi  de- 
livered his  prophecies  alter  the  second  return  of 
Nehemiah  from  Persia  (Neh.  xiii.  6),  and  subse- 
quently to  the  thii-ty-second  year  of  Artaxcrxcs 
Longimanus,  i.  e.  about  n.  c.  420.  From  the  strik- 
ing parallelism  between  the  stale  of  things  indicated 
in  Malachi's  piophccics  and  that  actually  existing 
on  Nehemiah's  return  frcm  the  court  of  Artaxcrxcs, 
it  is  on  all  accounts  highly  probable(80  Mr.  Wright) 
that  the  efforts  of  the  secular  governor  were  on  this 
occasion  seconded  by  the  preaching  of  "  Jehovah's 
messenger,"  and  that  Malachi  occupied  the  same 
position  with  regard  to  the  reformation  under  Nehe- 
miah, which  Isaiah  held  in  the  time  of  Hezekiah, 
and  Jeremiah  in  that  of  Josiah.  The  last  chapter 
of  canonical  Jewi^h  history  is  the  key  to  the  last 
chapter  of  its  prophecy.  Malachi  (so  Ayrc)  was 
commissioned  to  reprove  both  priests  and  people, 
and  to  invite  them  to  "refoimation  by  promises  of 
blessing  and  warnings  of  awful  judgment."  The 
book  of  Malachi  is  contained  in  four  chapters  in  our 
version,  as  in  the  LXX.,  Vulgate,  and  Peshito-Syriac. 
In  the  Hebrew  the  third  and  fourth  form  but  one 
chapter.  The  whole  prophecy  naturally  divides  it- 
self into  three  sections,  in  the  first  of  which  Jehovah 
is  represented  as  the  loving  father  and  ruler  of  His 
people  (i.  2-ii.  9) ;  in  the  second,  as  the  supreme 
God  and  father  of  all  (ii.  10-16);  and  in  the  third, 
astheir  righteous  and  final  judge  (i.i.  17-end).  These 
may  be  again  subdivided  into  smaller  sections,  each 
of  which  follows  a  certain  order;  first,  a  short  sen-, 
tence;  then  the  skeptical  questions  which  n  ight  be 
raised  by  the  people ;  end,  finally,  their  full  and 


590 


MAL 


ILAL 


triumphant  refutation.  The  prjphet's  language  is 
smooth  and  easy,  the  style  of  the  reasoner  rather 
than  of  the  poet.  The  prophecy  of  Malachi  is  al- 
luded to  in  the  N.  T.,  and  its  canonical  authority 
thereby  established  (compare  Mk.  i.  2,  ix.  11,  12; 
Lk.  i.  17;  Rom.  ix.  13).  Biblk;  Canoxj  Inspira- 
tion ;  John  the  Baptist  ;  Prophet. 

Mill'a-tliy  =  the  prophet  Malachi  (2  Esd.  i.  40). 

Mardl.tlll  (Heb.,  see  No.  2  below).  !.  A  Ben- 
jamite  chief,  son  of  Sliaharaim  by  his  wife  Hodesh 
(1  Chr.  viii.  9). — 2.  The  idol  Molkch,  as  some  sup- 
pose (Zeph.  i.  5).  The  word  literally  =;"  their  king," 
as  the  margin  of  our  version  gives  it,  and  is  referred 
by  Gesenius  to  an  idol  generally,  as  invested  with 
regal  honors  by  its  worshippers. 

Mal-chi'ali  (fr.  Heb.  =  JehovaKs  kiiiff,  Ges.).  1, 
A  descendant  of  Gershoni,  tlie  son  of  Levi,  and  an- 
cestor of  Asaph  the  minstrel  (1  Chr.  vi.  40). — 2.  One 
of  the  sons  of  Parosh,  who  had  married  a  foreign 
wife  (Ezr.  x.  25). — 3.  One  of  tlie  sons  of  Harim  in 
Ezra's  time,  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife(x.  31); 
probably  =  Malchuah  4. — 1.  Son  of  Rechab,  and 
ruler  of  the  circuit  (A.  V.  "  part")  of  Bcth-hacce- 
re:n.  He  took  part  in  rebuilding  the  wall  of  Jeru 
salem  (Xeh.  iii.  14). — 5.  "The  goldsmith's  son," 
who  assisted  Nehemiah  in  rebuilding  the  wall  of 
Jerusalem  (iii.  31). — &■  One,  probably  a  priest,  who 
stood  at  the  left  hand  of  Ezra  when  he  read  the 
Law  to  the  people  in  the  street  before  the  water- 
gate  (viii.  4). — T.  A  priest,  father  of.  Pashur;  = 
Malchuah  1  (xi.  12;  Jer.  xxxviii.  1). — 8.  Son  of 
Hammelcoh  (or  "  the  king's  son,"  as  it  is  translated 
in  1  K.  xxii.  26  ;  2  Chr.  xxviii.  7),  into  whose  dun- 
geo:i  or  cistern  Jeremiah  was  cast  (Jer.  xxxviii.  6).  It 
would  seem  (so  Mr.  Wright)  that  the  title  "  king's 
son  "  was  official,  like  that  of  "  king's  mother,"  and 
applied  to  one  of  the  royal  family,  who  exercised 
functions  somewhat  similar  to  those  of  Potiphar  in 
the  court  of  Pharaoh.  Jerahmeel  3 ;  Joasii  4 ; 
Maaseiaii  17. 

Mai  elll-el  ( Heb.  GoTs  king,  i.  e.  appointed  by  Him, 
Ges.),  son  of  Beriah,  the  son  of  Asher,  and  ancestor 
of  the  family  of  the  Malchielitss  (Gen.  xlvi.  17; 
Num.  xxvi.  45).  In  1  Chr.  vii.  31  he  is  called  the 
father,  i.  e.  founder,  of  Birzavith. 

Ililehl-el-ltes,  the  =  the  descendants  of  Mal- 
CHiEL,  the  grandson  of  Asher  (Num.  xxvi.  45). 

Dlal-ehljali  (fr.  Heb.  =  Malchiah).  1.  A  priest, 
the  fatlit?r  of  Pashur  (1  Chr.  i.x.  12);  =  Malchiah 
7,  and  Melchiah. — 2<  A  priest,  chief  of  the  fifth 
of  the  twenty-four  courses  appointed  by  David 
(xxiv.  9). — 3.  A  layman  of  the  sons  of  Parosh,  who 
put  away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  25). — 1.  Son,  i.e. 
dt'scendant,  of  Harim,  and  a  participant  in  repairing 
the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  11);  probably  = 
Malchiah  3. — 5.  A  prie.it  who  sealed  the  covenant 
with  Nehemiah  ;  probably  =  the  family  or  repre- 
sentative of  the  course  of  Malchuah  2  (x.  3). — 6> 
A  priest  who  assisted  in  the  solemn  dedication  of 
the  wall  of  Jerusalem  under  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
(xii.  42). 

Slal-clirram  (Heb.  =  king  of  altitude,  Ges.),  son 
of  Jeconiah,  or  Jehoiachin  (1  Chr.  iii.  18). 

Slil'thi-shn'a,  or  )Ial-c!iisb'n-t  (Heb.  king  of  help, 
Ges.),  also  Melchi-shua  in  A.  V.,  son  of  King  Saul 
(1  Sam.  xiv.  49,  xxxi.  2  ;  1  Chr.  viii.  33,  ix.  39). 
His  position  in  the  family  (second  or  third  son)  can- 
not be  exactly  determined.  Nothing  is  known  of  him 
beyond  the  fact  that  he  tell,  with  his  two  brothers, 
and  before  his  father,  in  the  early  part  of  the  battle 
of  Gilboa. 

lUrcbiis  (L.  fr.  Gr.  —  Malluch),  the  servant  of 


the  high-priest,  whose  right  ear  Peter  cut  off  at  the 
time  of  the  Saviour's  apprehension  in  the  garden, 
named  only  in  Jn.  xviii.  10.  See  Mat.  xxvi.  51  ; 
Mk.  xiv.  47 ;  Lk.  xxii.  49-51 ;  Jn.  xviii.  10.  Only 
Luke  the  physician  mentions  the  act  of  healing. 

Ma-le'le-cl,  or  Mal'e-leel  (Gr.)  :=  Mahalaleel,  the 
son  of  Cainan  (Lk.  iii.  37;  Gen.  v.  12,  margin). 

9IariOi  (Gr.,  a  lock  of  wool).  The  people  of  Tar- 
sus and  Mallos  revolted  from  Antioclms  Epiplianca 
because  he  had  bestowed  them  on  one  of  his  concu- 
bines (2  Mc.  iv.  30).  Mallos  was  an  important  city 
of  Cilicia,  lying  at  tlie  mouth  of  the  Pyramus 
(Seihun),  on  the  shore  of  the  Mediterranean,  N.  E. 
of  Cyprus,  and  about  twenty  miles  from  Tahsis. 

Mal-lo'tlii  (Heb.  ?nv  fulhiem^  Ges.),  a  Kohathite, 
one  of  the  fourteen  sons  of  Heman  tlie  singer,  and 
chief  of  the  nineteenth  course  (1  Chr.  xxv.  4,  2C). 

Mal'lowSi     By  the  Heb.  mallHah  or  ma'Mac/i,  A. 


Jflir's  Mallow  {Corekerittt  olitoriua). 


Orach  {AtripUa  iaNmM$\ 


MAL 


MAN 


591 


V.  "  mallows,"  we  are  no  doubt  to  understand  f  ome 
species  of  Orache,  and  in  all  probability  the  Alri/ilex 
halimns  of  botanists,  a  shrubby  saline  plant,  the 
youug  tops  of  which  arc  sometimes  used  as  food, 
like  spinach.  It  occurs  only  in  Job.  xxx.  4.  Some 
wHtcrs,  as  K.  Levi  and  Luther,  with  the  Swedish 
and  the  old  Danish  versions,  understood  nettles  to  be 
denoted.  Others  have  conjectured  that  some  species 
of  Mallow  (Malva)  is  intended.  Sprengel  identities 
with  the  lleb.  word,  the  Jew^s  Mallow  (Corehorua 
oliloriue),  which  is  still  eaten  in  Arabia  and  Palestine, 
the  leaves  and  pods  being  used  as  a  pot-herb.  But 
the  JtripUx  haliinus  has  undoubtedly  the  best  claim 
to  represent  the  Ueb.  malluah  or  matluach  (so  Mr. 
Houghton,  with  Bochart,  Drusius,  Celsius,  lliller, 
Ro.*cnmiiIlcr,  &c.). 

Slal  Inrh  [Juk]  (Ueb.  reiffninp,  or  eourmellor,  Ges.). 
I.  A  Lcvite  of  the  family  of  Merari,  and  ancestor 
of  Ethan  the  singer  (1  C'hr.  vi.  44). — i.  One  of  the 
sons  of  Bani  (Ezr.  x.  29),  and  3.  one  of  the  de- 
fcendants  of  liarim  (32)  wlio  had  married  loreign 
wives. — 4.  A  priest  or  family  of  priests  (N'eh.  x.  4) 
and  5i  A  chief  of  the  people  who  signed  the  cove- 
nant with  Iseheniiah  (27);  =  Ko.  2  or  Sy — 6,  A 
priest  or  family  of  priests  who  returned  with  Zerub- 
babcl  (xii.  2);  =  Melicu  ;  probably  =  No.  4. 

Ha-mai'as  ( 1  Esd.  viii.  44),  perhaps  a  repetition 
of  SnEMAiAii  in  Ezr.  viii.  16.     Masman. 

Mammon  (Mat.  vi.  24  ;  Lk.  xvi.  9),  a  word  which 
often  occurs  in  the  Chaldce  Targunis  of  Oiikclos, 
and  later  writers,  and  in  the  Syriac  Version,  and 
which  signitic-8  riches.  It  is  used  in  Mat.  as  a  per. 
Bonification  of  riches. 

iMam-iiUta-nai'mas  (fr.  Gr.),  in  1  Esd.  ix.  34,  a 
conuplioii  of  "  Mattaniah,  Mattenai,"  in  Ezr.  x.  37. 

Jlaa're  (lleb.  faUen'mg,  fal,  Ges.),  an  ancient 
Amorite,  who,  with  his  brothers  Eshcol  and  Aner, 
was  in  alliance  with  Abram  (Gen.  xiv.  13,  24),  and 
under  the  shade  of  whose  oak-grove  (A.V.  "  plain," 
I' plains;"  see  Oak  3;  Plain  7)  the  patriarch  dwelt 
in  the  interval  between  his  residence  at  Bethel  and 
at  Bcer-sheba  (xiii.  18,  xviii.  I).  The  personality 
of  this  ancient  chieftain,  unmistakably  though 
slightly  brought  out  in  the  narrative  just  cited,  is 
lost  in  the  subsequent  chapters.  Mamre  is  there  a 
mere  local  appellation  (xxiii.  17,  19,  xxv.  9,  xlix. 
80,  I.  13);  probably  on  the  slope  where  is  now  the 
governor's  residence,  opposite  the  hill  of  the  mosque 
at  Hebkon.  (Macmpelaii.)  It  does  not  appear  be- 
yond (Jenesis. 

Ma-mBcliH  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Mallich  2  (1  Esd.  ix.  30). 

Man,' the  A.  V.  translation  of-^1.  Hcb.  <tdA)», 
used  as  (A)  The  name  of  the  man  created  in  the 
image  of  God  (Gen.  ii.  7,  8,  15  [margin  "  Adam  "], 
16,  18,  19  [A.  V.  'Adam"],  &c.).  It  appears  to 
be  derived  from  Mam  =:  he  or  it  was  red  or  ruddi/, 
like  Edoin.  The  epithet  rendered  red  has  a  very  wide 
signification  in  the  Phemitic  languages.  (Colors.) 
When  the  Arabs  apply  the  term  red  to  man,  they 
always  mean  by  it  fair.  (B)  The  name  of  Aoam 
and  his  wife  (v.  1,  2  :  compare  i.  27,  in  which  ease 
there  is  nothing  to  show  that  more  than  one  pair 
is  iiitendedl.  (C)  A  collective  noun,  indeclinable, 
having  neither  construct  state,  plural,  nor  feminine 
form,  used  to  designate  any  or  all  of  the  descend- 
ants of  Adam  (vi.  1  fl'.,  &.C.);  sometimes  translated 
"  person  "  (Num.  xxxi.  28,  30,  36,  &c.),  also  "  mean 
man"  (Is.  ii.  9,  v.  16,  xxxi.  8),  &c.— 2.  lleb.  ish, 
apparently  softened  from  an  unused  sing,  eriesh,  pi. 

•  Thl»  article,  except  aJwrat  onclialf  of  the  first  forty- 
three  llaee,  !■  by  the  American  editor. 


Ovdthim,  rarely  ishim  ;  fem.  ishxhdh,  pi.  nAshim, 
once  iahsholh,  "man,"  "men,"  "woman,"  "women" 
(Gen.  ii.  23,  iii.  1  If.,  iv.  1,  23,  ic).  The  masculine  is 
often  translated  "  husband  "  (iii.  G,  16,  xvi.  3,  &c.), 
and  the  feminine  "  wife  "  (ii.  24,  25,  iii.  8,  17,  20, 
21,  kc).  The  kindred  Ueb.  inish  is  also  found 
(Jobv.  17,  vii.  1,  17;  Ps.  Iv.  13,  14  Ueb.,  ic. ; 
Exos),  and  the  Chal.  in&sh  (Ezr.  iv.  11 ;  Dan.  ii.  10, 
38,  43,  &c.).— 3.  Ueb.  ba'al  (Gen.  xx.  3 ;  Josh.  xxiv. 
11,  "men"  of  Jericho;  Judg.  ix.  2  ff,  "men"  of 
Shechem  ;  xx.  6,  "men"  of  Gibcah  ;  1  Sam.  xxiii. 
11,  12,  "men"  of  Kcilah,  &c.),  literally  "lord" 
(Xuni.  xxi.  28),  "  master  "  (Judg.  xix.  22,  23,  &c.), 
"  owner  "  (Ex.  xxi.  28 ff.,  &c.),  also  translated  "hus- 
band "  (Deut.  xxii.  22,  xxiv.  4,  ic.),  "Baal,"  &c.— 

4.  Hcb.  gder,  "  a  man,"  from  gabar,  to  he  strong, 
generally  with  reference  to  his  strength,  correspond- 
ing to  L.  vir  and  Gr.  aiier  (below)  (Ex.  x.  11,  xii. 
87;  Prov.  xxiv.  5,  xxviii.  3,  21,  &c.),  twice  tians- 
lated  "mighty"  (Is.  xxii.  17;  Jer.  xii.  16).  The 
kindred  Hcb.  and  Chal.  gebar'xs  also  used  (Ps.  xviii. 
2tj ;  Ezr.  iv.  21;  Dan.  ii.  25,  ie.),  likewise  gibbor 
(2  Sam.  xxii.  26;  2  Chr.  xiii.  .3),  usually  "mighty 
man  "  (1  Sam.  ii.  4,  ix.  1,  Sec. ;  see  Giants  2),  &c. — 

5.  Hcb.  pi.  niithini,  "men,"  always  masculine  (Deut. 
ii.  34,  iii.  6,  &c.),  sometimes  translated  "  few  "  (Ger. 
xxxiv.  30;  Deut.  iv.  27),  "small"  (Jcr.  xliv.  28), 
"  persons  "  (Ps.  xxvi.  4),  &c.  The  kindred  Hcb. 
mtlhcm  is  once   found  instead  (Judg.  xx.  48). — 6. 

j  Gr.  anir  —  a  mini,  in  distinction  ficin  a  wouian  or 
I  young  person  (Mat.  vii.  24,  26,  xii.  41,  xiv.  21,  35, 
;  &c.),  also  translated  "  hrstard  "  (i.  16,  19  ;  Eph.  v. 
j  22  (T.,  kc),  in  pi.  "  sirs  "  (Acts  vii.  26,  &c.),  once 
"fellows"  (xvi.  5);  in  LXX.  =  No.  2.-7.  Gr. 
I  aiitiirojos  =  a  man,  i.  e.  one  of  the  human  race 
j  (Mat.  iv.  4,  19,  v.  13,  16,  19,  kc).  It  occurs  more 
than  five  hundred  times  in  the  N.  T.  and  almost  al- 
[  ways  is  translated  "man"  or  in  pi.  "men."  The 
j  adj.  arithrujiivos  is  translated  "  of  man,"  "  man's," 
!  kc.  (1  Cor.  ii.  4,  13;  1  Pet.  ii.  13,  &c.);  anlhropares- 
loK  is  translated  literally  in  pi.  "  mcn-pleasers " 
(Eph.  vi.  6;  Col.  iii.  22).  The  "old  man"  refers 
to  the  carnal  or  unsanctified  nature;  the  "new 
man,"  the  "  inner  man,"  kc,  to  the  holy  or  sancti- 
fied disposition  of  the  children  of  God  or  true 
Christians  (Rom.  vi.  6;  Eph.  iii.  16,  iv.  22,  24,  &c.). 
The  word  "man"  is  often  inserted  in  the  A.V. 
where  the  original  is  not  thus  limited,  and  "  one  " 
might  properly  take  its  place,  e.  g.  Deut.  xxviii.  29 ; 
Jn.  X.  9,  18,' 28,  29;  Rev.  v.  3,  4,  &c.  (For  the 
creation  and  fall  of  man,  the  "  man  of  sin,"  and 
various  other  connected  subjects,  see  Adau  ;  Anti- 
christ ;  Chronology  ;  Creation  ;  Day  ;  Satan  ; 
Serpents;  Son  of  Man.)— Under  the  present  article 
may  properly  come  a  brief  consideration  of  the  ar- 
guments respecting  the  unity  of  the  human  rate,  and 
the  descent  of  the  whole  from  one  primitive  pair,  I. 
Mankind  constitute  one  and  the  only  species  of  a 
genus  (Homo)  essentially  distinct  from  and  superior 
to  all  other  animals.  A  species,  as  commonly  under- 
stood, includes  "all  those  individuals  that  are  de- 
rived from  their  like,  and  that  reproduce  their 
like ; "  or  more  definitely,  in  the  case  of  organized 
beings,  it  is  "  the  collective  total  of  individuals  which 
are  capable  of  producing,  one  with  another,  an  un- 
interruptedly fertile  progeny"  (B.  S.  xix.  631). 
There  are  some  instances  in  which  like  does  not 
produce  like  directly,  but  in  alternate  generations: 
e.  g.  a  polyp  produces  a  jelly-fish,  and  the  latter,  in 
its  turn,  a  polyp  (Ne'c  Knglander,  viii.  549).  Com- 
pare with  this  the  well-known  fact  that  among  man- 
kind ancestral  characteristics,  which  are  not  notice- 


592 


MAN 


MAN 


able  ia  some  generations,  often  reappear  in  succeed- 
ing ones  ;  also  tlie  fact  that  among  insects  the  same 
individual  may  have  an  entirely  different  structure 
at  different  periods  of  its  existence  (e.  g.  first  a 
caterpillar  or  grub,  then  a  chrysalis,  then  a  perfect 
winged  insect,  &c.).  In  such  cases  the  similarity 
of  form,  &c.,  disappears,  but  the  bond  of  lineage 
remains.  Prof.  Dana  has  scientifically  defined  the 
essential  idea  of  a  species  thus  :  "  A  species  corre- 
sponds to  a  specific  amount  or  condition  of  concentred 
force,  defined  in  the  act  or  law  of  creation  "  (B.  S. 
xiv.  860).  That  mankind  thus  constitute  a  single 
species  appears  from — 1.  Their  physical  structure 
and  oiganizalion.  All  the  varieties  of  mankind  are 
alike  in  the  number  and  equal  length  of  the  teeth 
and  in  the  peculiarity  of  shedding  them,  in  the  208 
additional  bones  of  the  body,  in  erect  stature,  in 
the  articulation  of  the  head  with  the  spinal  column, 
in  the  possession  of  two  hands,  in  the  absence  of 
the  intermaxillary  bone,  in  a  smooth  skin  of  the 
body  and  a  head  covered  with  hair,  in  the  number 
and  arrangement  of  the  muscles,  the  digestive  and 
all  the  other  organs  ;  they  are  all  omnivorous,  have 
a  slower  growth  than  any  other  animal,  are  subject 
to  similar  diseases,  similar  parasitic  insects  and  in- 
testinal worms,  &c.  (B.  IS.  ix.  427  ;  The  Doctrine  of 
the  Unitti  of  tlie  Human  Race,  by  John  Bachman, 
D.D.,  Charleston,  S.  C,  1860).  The  wonderful  struc- 
ture of  the  hand,  the  power  and  adaptation  of  the 
face  to  express  varied  emotion,  and  the  evident 
superiority  of  the  human  brain,  all  assist  to  mark  the 
distinction  in  outward  form  between  man  and  the 
brutes.  But  deserving  of  special  mention  is  an- 
other characteristic  in  what  Prof  Dana  (in  New 
Englander,  xxii.  285  ff.,  495  ff.)  names  cephalization, 
i.  e.  domination  of  the  head  (Gr.  kephali)  in  the 
structure.  "  As  the  head  is  the  seat  of  power  in 
an  animal,"  he  says,  "  the  part  which  gives  honor 
to  the  whole,  it  is  natural  that  among  species  rank 
should  be  marked  by  means  of  variations  in  the 
structure  of  the  head  ;  and  not  only  by  variations 
in  structure,  but  also  in  the  extent  to  which  the 
rest  of  the  body  directly  contributes,  by  its  mem- 
bers, to  the  uses  or  purposes  of  the  head."  In  ex- 
amining the  animal  kingdom  with  reference  to  a 
transfer  of  members  from  the  locomotive  to  the 
cephalic  series,  or  the  reverse.  Prof.  Dana  finds 
that  the  two  lowest  divisions  or  sub-kingdoms 
(radiates  and  mollusks),  the  third  or  lowest  class 
(worms)  in  the  next  higher  sub-kingdom  (articu- 
lates), and  the  three  lower  classes  (birds,  reptiles, 
and  fishes)  in  the  highest  sub-kingdom  (verte- 
brates), lack  the  requisite  structure  for  the  com- 
parison. In  the  first  class  (mammals)  of  the  high- 
est sub-kingdom  (vertebrates),  there  are  but  two 
pairs  of  limbs,  and  in  this  class  man  is  alone  in 
having  the  fore-limbs  withdrawn  from  the  loco- 
motive series,  and  transferred  to  the  service  of  the 
head.  The  uses  of  the  fore-limbs  in  man  are(l.) 
the  inferior,  depending  on  the  demands  of  the  ap- 
petite satisfied  through  the  mouth  (uses  which  are 
united  to  the  locomotive  in  the  monkeys  and  some 
other  quadrupeds);  (2.)  the  superior,  depending  on 
the  demands  of  the  mind  and  soul.  A  very  large 
anterior  portion  of  the  body  is  thus  turned  over 
to  the  service  of  the  head,  so  that  the  posterior 
or  gastric  portion  of  the  animal  reaches  in  man 
its  minimum.  In  consequence  of  this  peculiarity, 
the  human  form  is  erect,  the  body  is  placed  di- 
rectly beneath  the  brain,  or  the  subordinating 
power,  with  no  part  posterior  to  it,and  on  two  feet, 
the  smallest  possible  number   in    an   animal.     In 


the  first  class  (insccteans)  of  the  second  sub-king- 
dom (articulates),  the  first  or  highest  order  (insects) 
have  three  pairs  of  feet  and  three  of  mouth-organs, 
the  next  lower  (spiders)  have  four  pairs  of  feel  and 
two  of  mouth-organs,  the  third  or  lowest  (myria- 
pods  or  centipedes)  have  a  degradational  character 
mardfested  in  an  unlimited  number  of  segments  of 
the  body  and  pairs  of  feet.  In  the  second  class 
(crustaceans)  of  the  second  sub-kingdom  are  also 
three  orders,  the  first  (decapods)  having  five  pairs 
of  feet  and  six  pairs  of  mouth-organs,  the  second 
(tetradecapods)  having  seven  pairs  of  feet  and  ibur 
pairs  of  mouth-organs,  the  lowest  (entomostracans) 
having  defective  feet,  and  some  having  three  pairs 
of  mouth-organs,  others  only  two,  others  only  one 
pair,  others  none.  The  numbers  of  pairs  of  feet, 
then,  in  the  regular  types  of  the  animal  kingdom, 
beginning  with  man,  and  ending  with  tetradecapods, 
are  one,  two,  three,  four,  five,  seven.  Thus  man  is 
widely  separated  zoologically  from  all  other  aui. 
nials,  and  placed  at  the  very  head  of  the  animal 
kingdom. — 2.  Their  mental  and  moral  characteristics. 
Mankind  differ  from  the  whole  brute  creation  iq 
having  souls,  endowed  witli  faculties  for  the  acquire- 
ment of  knowledge  and  wisdom,  and  with  suscep- 
tibilities and  voluntary  powers  fitting  them  for  moral 
action.  They  are  not  compelled  to  stop  short  at 
adult  age,  and  rest  satisfied  with  the  attainments  of 
their  ancestors  or  predecessors,  but  a  boundless 
field  for  investigation,  discovery,  and  invention,  is 
opened  before  them,  to  discipline  their  powers  and 
lead  them  onward  and  upward ;  they  may  be  stim- 
ulated to  exertion  by  higher  motives  than  can  be 
brought  to  bear  upon  the  brutes ;  they  have  natural 
aspirations  after  excellence  and  immortality,  and 
emotions  of  religious  regard  for  a  power  that  is 
higher  than  earthly ;  yet  they  are  all  naturally  sin- 
ful, and  both  need  the  salvation  of  the  Gospel,  and 
may  profit  by  it.  The  effects  of  the  preaching  of 
the  Gospel  and  the  earnest  inculcation  of  religious 
truth  are  substantially  alike  in  every  clime  and 
among  every  people  :  the  proud  Roman,  the  refined 
Greek,  the  barbarous  Druid,  the  degraded  Hotten- 
tot, the  Hindoo,  and  the  Polynesian,  all  of  all  races 
and  regions,  may  be  and  are  elevated  by  it,  and 
fitted  to  glorify  God  and  benefit  their  fellow-men  on 
earth,  and  to  inherit  everlasting  life  through  sanc- 
tification  of  the  Spirit  and  belief  of  the  truth. — 3. 
The  gift  of  speech  and  power  of  singing.  Not  only 
are  these  characteristic  of  mankind  as  a  whole,  but 
all  are  naturally  capacitated  to  learn  the  same  lan- 
guage and  sing  in  harmony  the  same  songs.  The 
present  differences  in  language,  &c.,  may  be  ration- 
ally accounted  for  otherwise  than  by  supposing 
them  to  be  original  distinctions  which  have  existed 
ever  since  the  creation.  (Toncdes,  CosfTJsiON  of.) 
— 4.  Their  fertile  intermixture.  Dr.  Bachman  has 
subjected  to  a  critical  examination  the  alleged  facts 
in  respect  to  the  fertility  of  hybrids,  and  in  his 
work  above  cited  gives  the  results  of  long  and  pa- 
tient and  extensive  observation  and  research  on 
his  own  part,  and  of  protracted  and  familiar  cor- 
respondence with  practical  men  and  with  eminent 
fellow-laborers  in  the  same  departments  of  science 
in  both  the  Eastern  and  Western  continents.  He 
found  that  "  out  of  the  whole  number  of  unnatural 
productions  of  this  kind,  there  are  but  two  autheu- 
tic  instances  in  which  the  result  was  not  absolute 
sterihty;  and  even  these  proved  altogether  unable 
to  perpetuate  themselves.  Even  admitting  the  pro- 
ductioti  of  a  progeny  by  animals  of  mixed  descent 
in  one  or  two  instances,  it  dies  out  alter  one  or  two 


MAN' 


ilAN 


3m. 


geuerationg."  "  Many  of  the  supposed  new  races  " 
were  "  shown  coneUii'ivcly  to  be  mere  varieties  of 
some  existing  species,  as  the  Japan  peaeoclt  and 
the  ring  pheasant ; "  but "  no  race  exists  upon  Ute  earth 
which  can  be  slwttn  to  have  oric/itialed  Jrom  the  union 
nf  aniwah  of  different  specict."  Prof.  Wagner,  of 
Germany,  has  shown,  by  the  dissection  of  animals  of 
mixed  blood,  and  Dr.  Baclmian's  researches  confirm 
the  statement,  that  "  Nature  has  interposed,  in  the 
auntomical  structure  of  such  hybrids,  an  absolute 
barrier  to  their  reproduction  "  (jWw  Knglander,  viii. 
6>'>0-562).  Tlie  same  law  in  respect  to  hybridity 
prevails  in  both  the  vegetable  and  animal  kingdoms. 
Everywhere  the  purity  of  species  has  been  guarded 
with  great  precision.  The  supposed  cases  of  per- 
petuated fertile  hybridity  are  exceedingly  few  in 
plants,  still  fewer  among  animals.  "Moreover,  if 
hybridity  be  begun.  Nature  commences  at  once  to 
purify  herself  as  of  an  ulcer  on  the  system.  The 
short  run  of  hybridity  between  the  horse  and  the 
ass,  species  very  closely  related,  reaching  its  end  in 
one  tingle  ffeiieration,  instead  of  favoring  the  idea 
that  perpetuated  fertile  hybridity  is  possible,  is  a 
speaking  protest  against  a  principle  that  would  ruin 
the  gjrstem  if  allowed  free  scope.  .  .  .  Were  such  a 
ease  [of  perpetuated  fertile  hybridity]  demonstrated 
by  well-established  facts,  it  would  necessarily  be  ad- 
mitted  But  until  proved  by  arguments  bet- 
ter than  those  drawn  from  domesticated  animals 
(see  below  II.  1),  we  may  plead  the  general  prin- 
ciple against  the  poHsibililicii  on  the  other  side.  .  .  . 
We  have  a  right  to  ask  for  well-defined  facts,  taken 
from  the  study  of  successive  generations  of  the 
inter-breeding  of  species  known  to  be  distinct. 
Least  of  all  should  we  expect  that  a  law,  which  is 
so  rigid  among  plants  and  the  lower  animals,  should 
have  its  main  exceptions  in  the  highest  class  of  the 
animal  kingdom,  and  its  most  extravagant  violations 
in  the  genus  Homo;  for,  if  there  are  more  than  one 
species  of  man,  they  have  become,  in  the  main,  in- 
definite by  intermixture There  are   other 

ways  of  accounting  for  the  limited  productiveness 
of  the  mulatto,  without  appealing  to  a  distinction  of 
ipectes.  There  are  causes,  independent  of  mixture, 
which  are  making  the  Indian  to  melt  away  before 
the  white  man,  the  Sandwich  Islander  and  all  savage 
people  to  sink  into  the  ground  before  the  power 
and  energy  of  higher  intelligence.  They  disappear 
like  plants  beneath  those  of  stronger  root  and 
powth,  being  depressed  morally,  intellectually,  and 
physically,  contaminated  by  new  vices,  tainted  vari- 
ously by  foreign  disease,  and  dwindled  in  all  their 
hopes  and  aims  and  means  of  progress,  through  an 
overshadowing  race.  We  have  therefore  reason  to 
believe,  from  man's  fertile  intermixture,  that  he  is 
one  in  species  ;  and  that  all  organic  species  are  di- 
vine appointments  which  cannot  be  obliterated,  un- 
less by  annihilating  the  individuals  representing  the 
species"  (Prof.  Dana,  in  B.  S.  xiv.  863  ff.).— 8. 
Their  adaptation  to  all  regioni  and  cHmattt.  White 
men  have  lived  and  labored  for  years  in  every  quar- 
ter of  the  globe  and  every  extreme  of  temperature 
—not  only  in  the  temperate  regions  of  Europe, 
Asia,  and  America,  but  in  the  torrid  regions  of 
Africa  ond  on  the  frozen  shores  of  Greenland.  Afri- 
can negroes  have  dwelt  for  generations  in  the  United 
States,  Canada,  Great  Britain,  &c.  Men  from  the 
most  diverse  regions,  and  of  the  most  diverse  pre- 
Tious  habits,  have  met  at  the  same  table  and  lived 
together  in  the  same  way.  The  Jkwb,  scattered 
among  every  nation  under  heaven,  are  a  standing 
proof  that  men  of  one  nation  may  go  E.,  W.,  N.,  or 
88 


S.,  to  all  parts  of  the  globe,  and  adapt  themselves 
to  the  position  and  circumstances  of  every  other 
nation. — II.  Mankind  are  also  of  one  parentage. 
This  conclusion  may  be  established  by  evidence — 1. 
From  tcienee.  M.  La  Peyrire,  in  1656,  and  in  our 
own  times  Prof  Agassiz  and  others,  have  maintained 
that,  while  there  is  but  one  species  of  men,  different 
races  were  created  independently  of  one  another. 
Prof.  Agassiz  seeks  to  remove  from  the  philosophic 
definition  of  species  (see  above)  the  idea  of  a  com- 
munity of  origin,  and  supposes  that  "  multiple  prtf- 
loplaDts "  (i.  c.  several  or  many  originals)  were  cre- 
ated of  one  and  the  same  species.  He  divides  the 
terrestrial  globe  into  eight  zoological  kingdoms, 
or  piincipal  centies  of  creation  (viz.  the  Arctic, 
Mongolian,  European,  American,  Negro,  Hottentot, 
Malay,  Australian),  which  he  subdivides  into  prov- 
inces, &c.  He  applies  this  doctrine  of  centres  of 
creation  to  man  as  well  as  to  animals  in  general, 
and  plants.  His  theory  has  been  scientifically  ex^ 
amined  and  refuted  by  two  eminent  French  profes- 
sors, A.  de  Quatrcfages  and  D.  A.  Godron.  While 
certain  types  of  animals,  &c.,  and  certain  peculiar- 
ities in  genera,  and  especially  in  species,  character- 
ize centres  of  creation  that  are  really  distinct.  Prof. 
Agassiz  conceives  of  them  as  something  much  too 
absolute.  New  Holland,  e.  g.,  forms  a  centre  per- 
fectly distinct  and  isolated  in  its  mammals,  but  not 
in  its  insects.  It  has  none  of  the  monkey-tribe ; 
nor  has  America  any  genus  or  species  of  that  tribe 
which  is  found,  at  the  same  time,  on  the  Eastern 
continent.  Yet  North  America  possesses  a  large 
number  of  genera  and  even  several  P|  ccies  of  mam- 
mals which  are  common  to  both  Europe  and  Asia ; 
while  South  America  is  almost  completely  separated 
in  this  respect  from  the  Eastern  continent.  But 
while  the  red  man  of  the  United  States  is  regarded 
by  Prof  Agassiz  as  the  representative  man  of 
America,  there  are  found  in  South  America  men  so 
much  like  the  Asiatics  that  they  themselves  call  the 
Chinese  their  uncles,  also  on  the  same  soil  m.en 
whiter  than  those  of  Southern  Europe  generally, 
and  likewise  natives  resembling  the  Canarians  ;  so 
that  while  North  America  seems  isolated  in  respect 
to  its  men  from  both  Asia  (but  see  below)  and  Eu- 
rope, South  America  is  closely  connected  with  Asia, 
and  approaches  also  Europe  and  Africa.  Wild  ani- 
mals have  indeed  geographical  limits,  clearly  defined 
for  each  species,  which  limits  they  do  net  pass  over, 
at  least  of  their  own  accord  ;  though  several  species 
perform  periodical  migrations.  But,  by  the  agency 
of  man,  domestic  animals,  e.  g.  the  ox,  goat,  sheep, 
horse,  ass,  hog,  dog,  cat,  her,  and  also  the  rat, 
mouse,  house-fly,  &c.,have  been  disseminated  in  all 
inhabited  lands.  If  man  has  been  able  to  modify 
the  laws  of  zoological  geography  in  that  which  re- 
spects the  animals  subject  to  his  dominion,  why 
may  he  not  have  done  this  in  that  which  concerns 
himself?  Both  Quatrcfages  ai:d  Godron  conclude 
from  an  extensive  induction  of  particulars  not  only 
that  "  all  men  form  but  one  species,"  but  that  "  this 
species  originated  in  one  single  country,  and  prob- 
ably that  country  was  proportionally  limited  "  {£.  S. 
xix.  607  ff.).— In  regard  to  the  races  and  varieties 
of  mankind,  the  number  of  which  is  given  diffiient- 
ly  by  different  naturalists,  "  we  fail  to  recognize  any 
typical  sharpness  of  definition  or  any  general  or 
well-established  principle  in  the  divis-ion  of  the 
groups  "  (Humboldt,  Cosmos,  translated  by  Ottd,  i. 
856).  Cnvier  recognized  three  races ;  Blumenbaeh 
five  (Caucasian,  Mongolian,  American,  Ethiopian, 
Malayan);  Prichard  seven  ;    Dr.  Pickering  (T/u 


odi 


MAN 


MAN 


Races  of  Men  and  their  Oeograpkieal  Distrihaiion, 
published  by  the  United  States  Government)  enu- 
merates eleven,  viz.  two  white  (the  Caucasian  or 
Arabian,  and  Abyssinian),  three  brown  (tlie  Mon- 
golian, llottentot,  Malay),  four  blaekish-hi-own  (the 
Papuan,  Negrillo,  Teliiigan  or  dark  East  Indian,  and 
Ethiopian),  two  black  (t!ie  Australian,  and  the  Ne- 
gro). Dr.  Prichard  includes  the  American  variety 
with  the  Mongolian,  and  in  part  with  the  Malay ; 
and  points  out  the  various  paths  by  which  mankind 
might  have  spread  from  an  Asiatic  or  African  centre 
over  the  whole  globe.  The  best  naturalists  affirm 
that  the  differences  between  the  various  races  are 
not  greater  than  those  in  domestic  quadrupeds,  and 
consist  in  thosa  very  characteristics  which  in  these 
tend  to  form  permanent  varieties ;  viz.  "  stature ; 
general  conformation  of  the  body  ;  conformation  of 
the  skull ;  quantity,  texture,  and  color  of  the  hairy 
covering ;  psychical  character,  as  shown  in  the  in- 
creise  of  intelligence,  in  the  acquirement  of  new 
methods  of  action,  and  in  the  disappearance  of 
some  of  the  natural  instinctive  propensities"  (Dr. 
Carpenter,  on  Varieties  of  Mankind,  in  Ci/clopcedia 
of  Aymlomii  and  Phi/siolt!/!/).  Dr.  Bachman  has 
traced  all  tlie  varieties  of  the  horse,  ox,  hog,  sheep, 
dog,  domestic  fowl,  turkey,  goose,  duck,  pigeon, 
Guinea  pig,  Barbary  dove,  Canary  bird,  gold  fish, 
&o.,  in  the  case  of  each  animal  back  to  an  original 
stock,  and  ra  lintains  after  a  thorough  examination 
that  it  is  impossible  to  find  any  legitimate  grounds 
for  distinguishing  one  of  the  numerous  and  curious 
forms  as  a  distinct  species.  Those  species  of  ani- 
mals and  plants  are  widely  disseminated,  and  those 
only,  which  are  capable  of  wide  diffusion  by  ordinary 
phyoical  agencies  from  an  original  centre  of  creation 
(Ifew  Eaglatider,  v'iW.  553,  560  ff.). — Says  Humboldt 
(Cosmon,  i.  358) :  "  While  we  maintain  the  unity  of 
the  human  species,  we  at  the  same  time  repel  the 
depressing  as-umption  of  superior  and  inferior  races 
of  men.  There  are  nations  more  susceptible  of 
cultivation,  more  highly  civilized,  more  ennobled  by 
mental  cultivation  than  others,  but  none  in  them- 
selves nobler  than  others."  Individuals  from  among 
the  races  considered  most  degraded  have  proved 
the  capacity  of  their  own  race  for  intellectual  and 
spiritual  power  as  conclusively  as  Newton,  or  White- 
field,  or  any  other  Englishman  has  proved  the  same 
in  re:;ard  to  his  countrymen.  Rev.  Lemuel  Haynes, 
an  illegitimate  mulatto,  who  died  in  1833,  at  the 
age  of  eighty,  was  for  years,  in  spite  of  all  the  dis- 
advantages of  color,  birth,  and  lack  of  the  ordinary 
means  of  improvement,  an  able,  respected,  and  use- 
ful minister  of  the  Go3;)cl,  and  a  theological  instruc- 
tor in  New  England  and  New  York  State.  Toussaint 
L'Ouvertura,  a  full-blooded  negro,  and  originally  a 
slave,  manifested  extraordinary  ability  as  the  mili- 
tary and  civil  chief  of  St.  Domingo,  1'796-1802.  It 
is  also  a  well-known  fact  that  when  persons  migrate 
from  civilized  and  Christian  communities,  leaving 
the  privileges  and  throwing  off  the  restraints  of  their 
early  years,  their  descendants,  if  not  the  emigrants 
themselves,  often  arrive  at  a  very  low  point  of  deg- 
radation, intellectually,  socially,  and  morally.  No 
race  is  of  itself  permanently,  and  independently  of 
moral  and  spiritual  influences,  refined,  or  intelligent, 
or  virtuous,  or  excellent  in  any  respect. — Some 
scientific  men  (Sir  Charles  Lyell,  &c.)  have  argued 
in  favor  of  the  existence  of  men  before  the  creation 
of  Adam,  and  consequently  of  a  different  origin, 
from  tlie  fact  that  human  remains,  implements,  &c., 
have  been  foimd  in  peat-beds  and  other  strata  of 
supposed  great  antiquity ;  but  the  essential  pointB 


to  be  proved  in  all  such  cases  are  often  silently  as- 
sumed, and  never  fully  established,  viz.  that  the  re- 
mains, implements,  &c.,  have  been  in  the  position 
where  they  were  found  ever  since  the  original  depo- 
sition of  the  surrounding  stratum,  that  the  rate  of 
geological  change  has  been  uniform  from  the  be- 
ginning, &c.  Many  eminent  geologists  maintain 
that  the  present  slow  rate  of  deposits  of  mud,  in- 
crease of  strata,  and  other  geological  changes,  can- 
not be  applied  to  the  earlier  periods  of  geological 
history  (B.  K  xxi.  211  ft'.).  We  know  that  some- 
times as  great  changes  have  taken  place  in  one  year 
in  some  particular  localiLies  as  there  or  elsewhere 
in  many  previous  or  following  years.  It  was  sup- 
posed that  some  pottery  found  in  the  Nile  deposits 
had  been  buried  there  thirteen  thousand  years  ;  but 
subsequent  investigations  showed  it  to  be  of  modern 
date  (Ayre).  The  juxtaposition  of  human  and  ani- 
mal remains  does  not  prove  that  the  living  men  and 
the  living  animals  were  necessarily  contemporaneous, 
until  at  length  it  is  shown  that  the  animal  bones 
have  been  undisturbed  since  the  death  of  the  ani- 
mals. Again,  "it  is  very  common  to  find  certain 
species  of  one  geological  age  surviving  the  cxlinc- 
tion  of  their  fellows  and  witnessing  the  introduc- 
tion of  new  races  "  (£.  S.  xxiv.  457).  Noah's  being 
contemporary  with  Seth,  Methuselah,  Arphaxad, 
and  Terah,  does  not  prove  the  two  last  contempo- 
raries of  Seth,  or  antediluvians.  Science  favors, 
rather  than  opposes,  the  common  parentage  of  man- 
kind.— 2.  From  tradition.  While  the  authentic  rec- 
ords of  the  most  ancient  nations  go  back  only  a  few 
thousand  years,  many  nations  have  had  and  have 
their  traditions  in  respect  to  the  origin  of  the  race. 
"As  far  as  I  know,"  says  Max  Miiller  (Science  of 
Language),  "  there  has  been  no  nation  upon  the 
earth,  which,  if  it  possessed  any  traditions  on  the 
origin  of  mankind,  did  not  derive  the  human  race 
from  one  pair,  if  not  from  one  person."  (Ararat; 
Noah;  Tongues,  Confusion  of.) — 3.  From  the  Bible. 
Adam  is  abundantly  declared  to  be  the  head  of  the 
race  (Gen.  i.,  ii. ;  Rom.  v.  12  ff. ;  1  Cor.  xv.  22,  45, 
&c.).  "Eve  .  .  .  was  the  mother  of  all  living"  (Gen. 
iii.  20).  Some  have  supposed  a  necessity  for  Pre- 
adamites  in  ordor  to  provide  wives  for  Adam's  sons 
(who  evidently  married  their  sisters ;  compare  Gen, 
v.  4) ;  some  (La  PerJyre,  &c.)  have  supposed  that 
Genesis  narrates  the  origin  of  the  Hebrew  race  only, 
and  that  the  Gentiles  existed  previously,  &c.  But 
the  plain  meaning  of  the  passages  is  more  easily 
harmonized  with  known  facts  (see  above)  than  are 
these  and  other  artificial  interpretations.  The  evi- 
dence from  all  sources  plainly  supports  the  conclu- 
sion that  "  God  .  .  .  hath  made  of  one  blood  all 
nations  of  men,  for  to  dwell  on  all  the  face  of  the 
earth  "  (Acts  xvii.  26). 

Man'a-en  (Gr.  fr.  Ileb.  r=  Menahfm),  one  of  the 
teachers  and  prophets  in  the  Church  at  Antioch  at 
the  time  of  the  appointment  of  Saul  and  Barnabas 
as  missionaries  to  the  heathen  (Acts  xiii.  1  only). 
The  name  =  consoler  ;  and  both  that  and  his  re- 
lation to  flerod  indicate  that  he  was  a  Jew.  The 
Herod  with  whom  he  was  "  brought  up  "  (Gr.  s«n- 
trophos)  must  have  been  Herod  Antipas.  Since  An- 
tipas  was  older  than  Archelaus,  who  succeeded  Her- 
od the  Great  soon  after  the  birth  of  Christ,  Manaen 
must  have  been  somewhat  advanced  in  years  in 
A.  D.  44,  when  he  appears  before  us  in  Acts  1.  c. 
One  of  the  two  principal  views  in  regard  to  tlic  Gr. 
smitrophos  in  this  passage  is  that  it  =  comrade, 
associate,  or,  more  strictly,  one  brought  up,  educated 
with  another  (Calvin,  Grotius,  Schott,  Baumgarten, 


MAN 


MAN 


595 


&c.).  This  is  the  more  frequent  sense  of  the  word. 
The  other  view  is  that  it  —  fhster-hroihtr,  brought 
up  <il  the  mme  hrea»t,  and  so  Manaen's  niotlicr,  or 
the  woman  who  reared  him,  would  have  been  also 
Herod's  nurse  (A.V.  margin,  Kuinocl,  Olshausen,  De 
Wette,  Alforrf,  &e.).  Walch  thinks  (according  to 
Prof.  Hackett)  that  JIanaen  was  educated  in  Her- 
od's family  alorg  with  Antipas  and  some  of  his 
other  children,  and  at  the  same  time  stood  in  the 
stricter  relation  of  foster-brother  to  Antipas.  He 
lays  particular  stress  on  the  statement  of  Joseptnis 
(.Nvii.  1,  §  3)  that  the  brothers  Antipas  and  Arehe- 
laus  were  educated  in  a  private  way  at  Rome.  It  is 
sinj;ular  that  Josephus  (xv.  10,  §  5)  mentions  a  certain 
Manaem,  who  was  in  high  repute  among  the  Es- 
senes  for  wisdom  and  sanctity,  and  who  foretold 
to  Herod  the  Great,  in  early  life,  that  he  was  des- 
tined to  attain  royal  honors.  Lightfoot  surmises 
that  the  .Alanaem  of  Josephus  may  be  "  some  very 
near  relation  "  of  the  one  mentioned  in  the  Acts. 

Man'a-liath  (Heb.  rest,  ties.),  a  place  named  in  1 
C'lir.  viii.  6  only,  in  connection  with  the  genealo- 
gies of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin.  Of  the  situation 
of  Wanahath  we  know  little  or  nothing.  It  is 
templing  to  believe  it  =  the  Menuchjiji  mentioned, 
according  to  many  interpreters,  in  Judg.  xx.  43. 
Manaliath  is  usually  idmtitied  with  a  place  of 
similar  name  in  Judah  (Manahatfiitks),  but  this 
identification  is  difficult  to  receive  (so  Mr.  Grove). 

Man'n-liath  (see  above),  n  eon  of  Shebal,  and 
descendant  of  ^eir  the  liorite  (Gen.  xxxvi.  23;  1 
Chr.  i.  40). 

Mr.n'a-lieth-ltrs,  tho.  "  Half  the  Manahethites  " 
are  named  in  the  genealogies  of  Judah  as  descended 
from  Shobal,  the  father  of  Kirjath-jearim  (1  Chr. 
ii.  52),  and  half  from  Salma,  the  founder  of  Beth- 
lehem (ver.  64).  Fiirst,  &e.,  make  the  Hebrew 
phrase  translated  "  half  the  Manahethites  "  in  ver.  62 
the  proper  name  of  a  eity,  ns  in  A.V.  margin  "Hatsi- 
UAMMEKrcnoTii "  (=  midft  of  the  rrslinfrplaces),  and 
the  corresponding  phrase  in  ver.  64,  Hiitni-ham- 
mdnachli,  a  patronymic  =  an  inhabitant  of  this  city. 
Mr.  Grove  supposes  this  place  to  be  in  Judah,  not 
the  MANAnATH  of  1  Chr.  viii.  6,  but  probaMy  = 
Manocho,  one  of  the  eleven  cities  which  in  the 
LXX.  text  are  inserted  between  ver.  59  and  60  of 
Josh.  XV. 

Nan-as^r'as  (Gr.)  =  Manassxh  3,  of  the  sons  of 
Pahathmoab  (I  Esd.  ix.  31 ;  compare  Ezr.  x.  30). 

Na>niis'srb  (Heb.  who  mnket  forgH,  Ges.).  I.  Eld- 
cat  son  of  Joseph  by  his  wife  Asenath  the  Egyptian 
(Gen.  xli.  61,  xlvi.  20).  The  birth  of  the  child  was 
•he  first  thing  which  had  occurred  since  Joseph's 
banishment  from  Canaan  to  alleviate  his  sorrows 
and  fill  the  void  left  by  the  father  and  the  brother 
he  so  longed  to  behold,  and  it  was  natural  that 
he  should  commemorate  his  acquisition  in  the  name 
Marasseh,  Forgelihig — "  For  God  hath-mnde-me- 
forgct  (Heb.  urnhnhani)  all  my  toil  and  all  my 
father's  house."  Both  he  and  EniisAiM  were  bom 
before  the  commencement  of  the  famine.  Whether 
the  elder  of  the  two  sons  was  i)iferior  in  form  or 
promise  to  the  younger,  or  whether  there  was  any 
external  reason  to  justify  the  preference  of  Jacob, 
we  are  not  told.  It  is  only  certain  that,  when  the 
youths  were  brought  before  their  aged  grandfather 
to  receive  his  ble."sing  and  his  name,  and  be  adopt- 
ed as  foreigners  into  his  family,  Manasseh  was  de- 
graded, in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  Joseph,  into  the 
second  place.  It  is  the  first  indication  of  the  in- 
ferior rank  in  the  nation  which  the  tribe  descended 
from  him  afterward  held,  in   relation   to    that  of 


his  more  fortunate  brother.  But  though,  like  his 
grand-uncle  Esau,  Manasseh  had  lost  his  birthright 
in  favor  of  his  younger  brother,  he  received,  as  Esau 
had,  a  blessing  only  infeiior  to  the  birthright  itself. 
At  the  time  of  this  interview  Manasseh  setnis  to 
have  been  about  twenty-two  years  of  age.  Whether 
he  married  in  Egypt  we  are  net  told.  It  is  recorded 
that  the  children  of  Maciiib  (his  son  by  a  concu- 
bine) were  embraced  by  Joseph  before  his  death, 
but  of  the  personal  history  of  the  patiiarch  Manas- 
seh himself  no  trait  whatever  is  given  in  the  Bible, 
either  in  the  Pentatei.'ch  or  in  1  Chronicles.  The 
position  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh  during  the  march 
to  Canaan  was  with  Ephrnim  and  Benjamin  on  the 
W.  side  of  the  sacred  Tent.  The  chief  of  the  tribe 
at  the  time  of  the  census  at  Sinai  was  Gamaliel,  son 
of  Pedahzur,  and  its  numbers  were  then  32,200 
(Num.  i.  10,  35,  ii.  20,  21,  vii.  54-59).  forty  years 
later  Manasseh  had  increased  to  62,'700  (xxvi.  34). 
Of  the  three  tribes  who  had  elected  to  remain  on 
that  side  of  the  Jordan,  Reuben  and  Gad  had 
chosen  their  lot  because  the  country  was  suitable 
to  their  pastoral  possessions  and  tendencies.  But  M  a- 
CHiE,  Jaie,  and  Nobah,  the  sons  of  Manasseh,  were 
no  shepherds.  They  were  pure  warriors  (xsxii.  39; 
Deut.  iii.  18-16).  The  district  which  these  ancient 
warriors  conquered  was  among  the  most  diflicult,  if 
not  the  most  diflicult,  in  the  whole  country.  It 
embraced  tlie  hills  of  Gilead  with  their  inac- 
cessible heights  and  impasi^able  ravines,  and  the  al- 
most impregnable  tract  of  Ahcob,  the  modern  Lfjah. 
(AsHTAKOiii;  Edbei  ;  Golan.)  The  few  person- 
ages of  eminence  whom  we  can  with  certainty 
identify  as  Manassites,  such  as  Gidkok  and  Jeph- 
THAH — for  Elijah  and  others  may,  with  equal 
probability,  have  belonged  to  the  neighboring  tribe 
of  GAn — were  among  the  most  remarkable  charac- 
ters that  Israel  produced.  But  with  the  one  excep- 
tion of  Gideon  ^e  warlike  tendencies  of  Manasseh 
seem  to  have  been  confined  to  the  E.  of  the  Jordan. 
There  they  throve  exceedingly,  pushing  their  way 
northward  over  the  rich  plains  of  Javlun  and  Jfdur 
to  the  fcot  of  Mount  Heimon  ( 1  Chr.  v.  28).  At  the 
time  of  the  coronation  of  David  at  Hebron,  while  the 
western  Manasseh  sent  18,000,  and  Ephraim  itself 
20,800,  the  eastern  Manasseh,  with  Gad  and  Reuben, 
mustered  120,000.  But,  though  thus  outwardly  pros- 
perous, a  similar  fate  awaited  them  in  the  end  to  that 
which  befell  Gad  and  Reuben  ;  they  gradually  assim- 
ilated themselves  to  the  old  inhabitants  of  the  coun- 
try (ver.  26).  They  relinquished,  too,  the  settled 
mode  of  life  and  the  defined  limits  which  befitted 
the  members  of  a  federal  nation,  and  gradually  be- 
came Bedouins  of  the  wilderness  (ver.  19,  22).  On 
them  first  descended. the  inevitable  consequer.ee  of 
such  misdoing.  They,  first  of  all  Israel,  were  car- 
ried away  by  Pul  and  T'iglBth-pileser,  ard  settled  in 
the  Assyrian  territories  (ver.  26).  The  connection, 
however,  between  E.  and  W.  had  leen  kipt  up  to  a 
certain  degree.  In  Betiisheak,  the  most  easterly 
city  of  the  Cis-jordanic  Manasseh,  the  two  portions 
all  but  joined.  David  had  judges  er  officers  there 
for  all  matters  sae'red  and  secular  (xxvi.  32);  and 
Solomon's  comniissariut  officer,  BcnCeler,  ruled 
over  the  towns  of  Jair  and  the  whole  district  of 
Argob  (1  K.  iv.  13).  The  genealogies  of  the  tribe 
are  prfserved  in  Num.  xxvi.  28-34;  Jo.'h.  xvii.  1, 
&c. ;  and  I  Chr.  vii.  14-19.  But  it  seems  impossible 
to  unravel  these  so  as  to  ascertain  e.  g.  which  of 
the  families  remained  E.  of  Jordan,  and  which  ad- 
vanced to  the  W.  Nor  is  it  less  diflicult  to  fix  the 
exact  position  of  the  territory  allotted  to  tae  west- 


I 


596 


MAN 


MAN 


ern  half.  In  Josh.  xvii.  14-18  we  find  the  two 
tribes  of  Joseph  complainhig  that  only  one  portion 
had  been  allotted  to  them,  viz.  Mount  Ephraim(ver. 
15).  In  reply  Joshua  advises  them  to  go  up  into 
the  forest  (vcr.  15,  A.  V.  "wood"),  into  the  moun- 
tain which  is  a  forest  (ver.  18).  This  mountain 
clothed  with  forest  can  surely  be  nothing  but  Car- 
MKL.  The  majority  of  the  towns  of  ilanasseh  were 
actually  on  the  slopes  either  of  Cannel  itself  or  of 
the  contiguous  ranges.  (Dor;  En-i>or;  Ibleam  ; 
Meoiodo;  Taanach.)  From  the  absence  of  any  at- 
tempt to  define  a  limit  to  the  possessions  of  the 
tribe  on  the  N.,  it  loolcs  as  if  no  boundary-line  had 
existed  on  that  side.  On  the  S.  side  the  boundary 
between  Manasseh  and  Ephraim  may  be  generally 
traced  with  tolerable  certainty.  It  began  on  the 
E.  in  the  territory  of  Issachar  (xvii.  10)  at  a  place 
called  AsHER  (ver.  1)  now  Yasir  or  Tei/iisir,  twelve 
miles  N.  E.  of  Ndblus.  Thence  it  ran  to  Mich- 
METiiAH,  described  as  facing  Shechem  ;  then  went  to 
the  right,  i.  e.  apparently  northward,  to  the  spring  of 
Tappuah  2;  there  it  fell  in  with  the  watercourses 
of  the  torrent  Kanah,  along  wliich  it  ran  to  the 
Mediterranean.  From  the  indications  of  the  his- 
tory it  would  appear  that  Manasseh  took  very  little 
part  in  public  affairs.  They  either  left  all  that  to 
Ephraim,  or  were  so  far  removed  from  the  centre  of 
the  nation  as  to  have  little  interest  in  what  was 
taking  place.  That  they  attended  David's  corona- 
tion at  Hebron  has  already  been  mentioned.  When 
his  rule  was  established  over  all  Israel,  each  half 
had  its  distinct  ruler — the  western,  Joel  son  of 
Pedaiah,  the  eastern,  Iddo  son  of  Zechariah  (1 
Chr.  xxvii.  20,  21).  From  this  time  the  eastern 
Manasseh  fades  entirely  from  our  view,  and  the 
western  is  hardly  kept  before  us  by  an  occasional 
mention.  Almost  all  the  scattered  notices  have 
reference  to  the  part  taken  by  members  of  this  tribe 
in  the  reforms  of  the  good  kings  of  Judali  (2  Chr. 
XV.  9,  XXX.  1,  10,  11,  18,  xxxi.  1,  xxxiv.  6,  9).  After 
the  Captivity  some  of  Manasseh  appear  to  have 
settled  in  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  ix.  3). — 2,  Son  of  Hez- 
EKiAH,  and  thirteenth  king  of  Judah.  (Israel, 
Kingdom  op;  Judah,  Kingdom  of.)  (In  N.  T.  and 
Apocrypha  Manasses.)  The  reign  of  this  monarch 
is  longer  than  that  of  any  other  of  the  house  of 
David.  There  is  none  of  which  we  know  so  little, 
partly,  perhaps,  from  the  character  and  policy  of 
the  man,  but  doubtless  partly  from  the  abhorrence 
with  which  the  following  generation  looked  back 
upon  it  as  the  period  of  lowest  degradation  for  their 
country.  The  birth  of  Manasseh  is  fixed  twelve 
years  before  Hezekiah's  death  (2  K.  xxi.  1).  We 
must,  therefore,  infer  that  there  had  been  no  heir 
to  the  throne  up  to  that  comparatively  late  period 
in  his  reign,  or  that  any  that  had  been  born  had 
died,  or  that,  as  sometimes  happened  in  the  succes- 
sion of  Jewish  and  other  Eastern  kings,  the  elder 
son  was  passed  over  for  the  younger.  Professor 
Plumptre  supposes  the  first  of  these  inferences  the 
most  prol)able.  Hezekiah,  it  would  seem,  recover- 
ing from  his  sickness,  anxious  to  avoid  the  danger 
that  had  threatened  him  of  leaving  his  kingdom  i 
without  an  heir,  married  at  or  about  this  time  I 
Hephzibah  (2  K.  xxi.  1),  the  daughter  of  one 
of  the  citizens  or  princes  of  Jerusalem  (Jos.  X.  j 
3,  §  1).  The  child  born  from  this  union  is  called  ; 
Manasseh,  because  (so  Prof.  Plumptre  thinks)  this 
name  embodied  what  had  been  for  years  the  cher- 
ished object  of  Hezekiah's  policy  and  hope.  To 
take  advantage  of  the  overthrow  of  the  rival  king- 
dom by  Shalmaneser,  and  the  anarchy  in  which  its  I 


provinces  had  been  left,  to  gather  round  him  the 
remnant  of  the  population,  to  bring  them  back  to 
the  worship  and  iaith  of  their  fathers,  this  had 
been  the  second  step  in  his  great  national  reforma- 
tion (2  Chr.  XXX.  6).  It  was  at  least  partially  suc- 
cessful. "  Divers  of  Asher,  Matiassih,  and  Zebulun, 
humbled  themselves  and  came  to  Jerusalem."  They 
were  there  at  the  great  passover.  The  work  of 
destroying  idols  went  on  in  Ephraim  and  Manasseh 
as  well  as  in  Judah  (xxxi.  1).  The  last  twelve  years 
of  Hezekiah's  reign  were  not,  however,  it  will  be 
remembered,  those  which  were  likely  to  influence 
for  good  the  character  of  his  successor.  His  policy 
had  succeeded.  He  had  thrown  oft' the  yoke  of  the 
king  of  Assyria,  and  had  made  himself  the  head  of 
an  independent  kingdom.  But  he  goes  a  step  fur- 
ther. The  ambition  of  being  a  grciit  potentate  con- 
tinued, and  it  was  to  the  results  of  this  ambition 
that  the  boy  Manasseh  succeeded  at  the  age  of 
twelve.  His  accession  appears  to  have  been  the 
signal  for  an  entire  change,  if  not  in  the  foreign 
policy,  at  any  rate  in  the  religious  administration  of 
the  kingdom.  The  change  which  the  king's  meas- 
ures brought  about  was,  after  all,  superlicial.  The 
IDOLATRY  publicly  discountenanced,  was  practised 
privately  (Is.  i.  29,  ii.  20,  l.w.  3).  It  was,  moreover, 
the  traditional  policy  of  "  the  princes  of  Judah  " 
(compare  2  Chr.  xxiv.  17),  to  favor  foreign  al- 
liances and  the  toleration  of  foreign  worship,  as  it 
was  that  of  the  true  priests  and  prophets  to  protest 
against  it.  It  would  seem,  accordingly,  as  if  they 
urged  upon  the  young  king  that  scheme  of  a  close 
alliance  with  Babylon  which  Isaiah  had  condemned, 
and  as  the  natural  consequence  of  this,  the  adop- 
tion, as  far  as  possible,  of  its  worshij),  and  that  of 
other  nations  whom  it  was  desirable  to  conciliate. 
The  result  was  a  debasement  which  had  not  been 
equalled  even  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz,  uniting  in  one 
centre  the  abominations  which  elsewhere  existed 
separately.  Not  content  with  sanctioning  their 
presence  in  the  Holy  City,  as  Solomon  and  Reho- 
boam  had  done,  he  defiled  with  it  the  Sanctuary  it- 
self (xxxiii.  4).  The  worship  thus  introduced  was 
predominantly  Babylonian  in  its  character  ((>;  2  K. 
xxiii.  12;  Is.  Ixv.  3,  11;  Jer.  viii.  2,  xix.  13,  xxxii. 
29 ;  Zeph.  i.  5).  With  thi:*,  however,  there  was  as- 
sociated the  old  MoLEcn  worship  of  the  Ammonites. 
The  fires  were  rekindled  in  the  valley  of  Hinnom. 
The  Baal  and  Ashtaroth  ritual,  which  had  been 
imported  under  Solomon  from  the  Plienicians,  was 
revived  with  fresh  splendor.  (Asiierah;  Grove.) 
All  this  was  accompanied  by  the  extremest  moral 
degradation.  Every  faith  was  tolerated  but  the  old 
faith  of  Israel.  This  was  abandoned  and  proscribed 
(2  Chr.  xxxiii.  16,  xxxv.  3).  It  is  easy  to  imagine 
the  bitter  grief  and  burning  indignation  of  those 
who  continued  faithful.  They  spoke  out  in  words 
of  corresponding  strength.  Evil  was  coming  on 
Jerusalem  which  should  make  the  ears  of  men  to 
tingle  (2  K.  xxi.  12).  The  line  of  Samaria  and  the 
plummet  of  the  house  of  Ahab  should  be  the  doom 
of  the  Holy  City.  Like  a  vessel  that  had  once  been 
full  of  precious  ointment,  but  had  afterward  become 
foul,  Jerusalem  should  be  emptied  and  wiped  out, 
and  exposed  to  the  winds  of  heaven  till  it  was 
cleansed.  Foremost,  we  may  well  believe,  among 
those  who  thus  bore  their  witness  was  the  old 
prophet  (Isaiah),  now  bent  with  the  weight  of  foHr- 
score  years,  who  had  in  his  earlier  days  protested 
with  equal  courage  against  the  crimes  of  the  king's 
grandfather.  On  him  too,  according  to  the  old 
Jewish  tradition,  came  the  first  shock  of  the  perse- 


MAN 


MAN 


597 


cution.  But  the  persecution  did  not  stop  there.  It 
attacked  the  whole  order  of  the  true  prophets,  and 
tliose  who  i'ollowed  them  (Jos.  x.  8,  §  1 ;  2  K.  xxi. 
16).  The  heart  and  the  intellect  of  the  nation  were 
cnishcd  out,  and  there  seem  to  have  been  no  chron- 
iclers left  to  record  this  portion  of  its  history.  Retri- 
bution came  soon  in  the  natural  sequence  of  events. 
There  are  indications  that  the  neighboring  nations 
— Philistines,  Moabites,  Ammonites — wlw  had  been 
tributary  under  Hczekiah,  revolted  at  some  period 
in  Manassch's  reign,  and  asserted  their  independence 
(Zeph.  ii.  4-19:  Jer.  xlvii.,  xlviii.,  xlix.).  The  Baby- 
lonian alliance  bore  the  fruits  which  had  been  pre- 
dicted. The  rebellion  of  Merodach-baladan  was 
crushed,  and  then  the  wrath  of  the  Assyrian  king 
(Esak-iiadoon)  fell  on  those  who  had  supported  him. 
judca  was  again  overrun  by  the  Assyrian  armies, 
and  this  time  the  invasion  was  more  successful  than 
that  of  Sennacherib.  The  city  apparently  was  taken. 
The  king  himself  was  made  prisoner  and  carried 
off  to  Babylon.  There  his  eyes  were  opened,  and 
he  repented,  and  his  prayer  was  heard,  and  the  Lord 
delivered  him  (2  Chr.  xxxiii.  12,  18).  Two  ques- 
tions meet  us  at  this  point.  (I.)  Have  we  satisfac- 
tory grounds  for  believing  that  this  statement  is  his- 
torically true?  (II.)  If  we  accept  it,  to  what  period 
in  Manassch's  reign  is  it  to  be  assigned  ?  It  has 
been  urged  in  regard  to  (I.)  that  the  silence  of  the 
writer  of  the  books  of  Kings  is  conclusive  against 
the  trustworthiness  of  the  narrative  of  2  Chronicles 
(Winer,  Rosennniller,  Hitzig).  But  (1.)  the  silence 
of  a  writer  who  sums  up  the  history  of  a  reign  of 
fifty-five  years  in  nineteen  verses  as  to  one  alleged 
event  in  it  is  surely  a  weak  ground  for  refusing  to 
accept  that  event  on  the  authority  of  another  his- 
torian. (2.)  The  omission  is  in  part  explained  by 
the  character  of  the  narrative  of  2  K.  xxi.  The 
writer  deliberately  turns  away  from  the  history  of 
the  days  of  shame,  and  not  less  from  the  personal 
biography  of  the  king.  (3.)  The  character  of  the 
Vriter  of  2  Chronicles,  obviously  a  Levite,  and  look- 
ing at  the  facts  of  the  history  from  the  Levite  point 
of  view,  would  lead  him  to  attach  greater  impor- 
tance to  a  partial  reinstatement  of  the  old  ritual  and 
to  the  cessation  of  persecution.  (4.)  There  is  one 
peculiarity  in  the  history  which  is,  in  some  measure, 
of  the  nature  of  an  undesigned  coincidence,  and  so 
confirms  it.  The  captains  of  the  host  of  Assyria 
take  Manasseh  to  Babylon.  The  narrative  fits  in, 
with  the  utmost  accuracy,  to  the  facts  of  Oriental 
history.  The  first  attempt  of  Babylon  to  as.'iert  its 
independence  of  Xinevch  failed.  It  was  cru.«hed  by 
Esar-haddon,  and  for  a  time  the  Assyrian  king  held 
bis  court  at  Babylon,  so  as  to  effect  more  completely 
the  reduction  of  the  rebellious  province.  There  is 
{6.)  the  fact  of  agreement  with  the  intervention  of 
tbe  Assyrian  king  in  2  K.  xvii.  24,  just  at  the  same 
time.  The  circumstance  just  noticed  enables  us  to 
return  an  approximate  answer  to  the  other  question. 
(II.)  The  duration  of  Esar-haddon's  Babylonian  reign 
b  calculated  as  from  B.C.  680-667  (so  Prof.  Plumptre ; 
but  see  E.sar-haoiion);  Manassch's  captivity  must 

jlherefore  have  fallen  within  those  limits.    A  Jewish 

■  tradition  fixes  the  twenty-secon<l  year  of  his  reign  as 
'he  exact  date ;  and  this,  according  as  we  adopt  the 
arlicr  or  the  later  date  of  his  accession,  would  give 
.  c.  676  or  673.  The  period  that  followed  ia  dwelt 
llpon  by  the  writer  of  2  Chronicles  as  one  of  a  great 
angc  for  the  better.  The  compassion  or  death  of 
ar-haddon  Icil  to  his  release,  and  he  returned  af- 

Iter  Borne  uncertain  interval  of  time  to  Jerusalem. 

IThe  old  faith  of  Israel  was  no  longer  persecuted. 


Foreign  idolatries  were  no  longer  thrust,  in  all  their 
foulness,  into  the  Sanctuary  itself.  The  altar  of  the 
Lord  was  again  restored,  and  pcace-ofl'erings  and 
thank-offerings  sacrificed  to  Jehovah  (2  Chr.  xxxiii. 
15,  16).  But  beyond  this  the  reformation  did  not 
go  (17).  The  other  facts  known  of  Manassch's  reign 
connect  themselves  with  the  state  of  the  world 
round  him.  The  Assyrian  monarchy  was  tottering 
to  its  fall,  and  the  king  of  Judah  seems  to  have 
thought  that  it  was  still  possible  for  him  to  rule  as 
the  head  of  a  strong  and  independent  kingdom. 
He  fortified  Jerusalem  (xxvii.  3),  and  put  captains 
of  war  in  all  the  fenced  cities  of  Judah.  There  was, 
it  Uiust  be  remembered,  a  special  reason.  Eovrr 
was  become  strong  and  aggressive  under  Psammet- 
ichus.  About  this  time  we  find  the  thought  of  an 
Egyptian  alliance  again  beginning  to  gain  favor. 
The  very  name  of  Manassch's  son,  Amon  =  the 
great  sun-god  of  Egypt,  is  probably  an  indication 
of  the  gladness  with  which  the  alliance  of  I'sanmiet- 
ichus  was  welcomed.  As  one  of  its  consequences, 
it  involved  probably  the  supply  of  troops  from  Ju- 
dah to  serve  in  the  armies  of  the  Egyptian  king.  In 
return  for  this,  Manasseh,  we  may  believe,  received 
the  help  of  the  chariots  and  horses  for  which  Egypt 
was  always  famous  (Is.  xxxi.  1).  (Chariot;  Hokse.) 
If  this  was  the  close  of  Manassch's  reign,  we  can 
understand  how  it  was  that  on  his  death  he  was  bur- 
ied as  Ahaz  had  been,  not  with  the  burial  of  a  king 
in  the  sepulchres  of  the  house  of  David,  but  in  the 
garden  of  Uzza  (2  K.  xxi.  26),  and  that,  long  after- 
ward, in  spite  of  liis  repentance,  the  Jews  held  his 
name  in  abhorrence.  The  habits  of  a  sensuous  and 
debased  worship  had  eaten  into  the  life  of  the 
people ;  and  though  they  might  be  repressed  for  a 
time  by  force,  as  in  the  reformation  of  Josiah,  they 
burst  out  again,  when  the  pressure  was  removed, 
with  fresh  violence,  and  rendered  even  the  zeal  of 
the  best  of  the  Jewish  kings  fruitful  chiefly  in  hy- 
pocrisy and  unreality.  The  intellectual  life  of  the 
people  suffered  in  the  same  degree.  The  persecu- 
tion cut  off  all  who,  trained  in  the  schools  of  the 
prophets,  were  the  thinkers  and  teachers  of  the 
people.  But  little  is  added  by  later  tradition  to  the 
0.  T.  narrative  of  Manassch's  reign.  (Manasses,  the 
Pbayee  of.)  There  are  reasons,  however,  for  be- 
lieving that  there  existed  at  some  time  or  other,  a 
fuller  history,  more  or  less  legendary,  of  Manasseh 
and  his  conversion. — 3<  One  of  the  descendants  of 
Pahath-moab,  who  in  Ezra's  days  put  away  his  for- 
eign wife  (Ezr.  x.  80).— 4,  One  of  the  family  of 
Hashum,  who  put  away  his  foreign  wife  at  Ezra's 
command  (33). — 5.  In  the  Hebrew  and  A.  V.  text 
of  Judg.  xviii.  30,  the  name  of  the  priest  of  the 
graven  image  of  the  Danites  is  given  as  "  Jonathan, 
the  son  of  Gershom,  the  son  of  Manasseh ; "  the 
last  word  being  written  in  Hebrew  nir-?:i  ^i"!  * 
Masoretic  note  calling  attention  to  the  "  w«?i  sus- 
pended." The  Hebrew  here  is  read,  with  the  nun 
(-  =:  n),  Afcna*h»heh  =:  Matiasneh,  or,  without  the 
)<«»,  Musheh  zzi  Moses.  Rashi's  note  upon  the  pas- 
sage is — "On  account  of  the  honor  of  Moses  he 
wrote  A'un  to  change  the  name ;  and  it  is  written 
su8pcnde<l  to  signify  that  it  was  not  Manasseh  but 
Moses."  The  LXX.,  Peshito-Syriac,  and  Chaldee 
all  read  "  Manasseh,"  but  the  Vulgate  retains  the 
original  and  undoubtedly  (so  Mr.  Wright)  the  true 
reading,  Moyten  (  =  Motes).  Kennicott  attributes 
the  presence  of  the  Nun  to  the  corruption  of  MSS. 
by  Jewish  transcribers.  With  regard  to  the  chrono- 
logical difficulty  of  Accounting  for  the  presence  of 
a  grandson  of  Moses  at  an  apparently  late  period, 


598 


MAN 


MAN 


there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  last  five 
chapters  of  Judges  refer  to  earlier  events  than 
those  after  which  they  are  placed.  In  xx.  28  Phine- 
has  the  son  of  "Eleazar,  and  therefore  the  grandson 
of  Aaron,  is  said  to  have  stood  before  tlie  ark,  and 
there  is  therefore  no  difficulty  in  supposing  that  a 
grandson  of  Moses  might  be  alive  at  the  same  time, 
which  was  not  long  after  the  death  of  Joshua. 

Ma-nas'ses  [-seez|  (Gr.  fr.  Hcb.  =  Masasseii).  1. 
Manasseii  4  (1  Esd.  ix.  33). — 2.  Manasseh  2,  king 
of  Judah  (Mat.  i.  10).  (Manasses,  Prayer  of.) — 3, 
Manasseh  1,  the  son  of  Joseph  (Rev.  vii.  6). — t.  A 
wealthy  inhabitant  of  Bethulia,  and  husband  of  Ju- 
dith 2,  according  to. the  legend  (Jd.  viii.  2,  7,  x.  3, 
xvi.  22-24).     Judith,  the  Book  of. 

M;i-aas'se3  (see  above),  the  Prayer  of.  1.  The 
repentance  and  restoration  of  Manasseh  2  (2  Chr. 
xxxiii.  12  ff.)  furnished  the  subject  of  many  legen- 
dary stories.  "  His  prayer  unto  liis  God  "  was  still 
preserved  "  in  the  book  of  the  kings  of  Israel  "  when 
the  Chronicles  were  compiled  (xxxiii.  18),  and,  after 
this  record  was  lost,  the  subject  was  likely  to  at- 
tract the  notice  of  later  writers.  "  The  Prayer  of 
Manasseh,"  which  is  found  in  some  MS.--,  of  tlic 
LXX.,  is  the  work  of  one  who  has  endeavored  to 
express,  not  without  true  feeling,  the  thoughts  of 
the  repentant  king.  2.  The  Greek  text  is  undoubt- 
edly original,  and  not  a  mere  translation  from  the 
Hebrew  (so  Mr.  Westcott).  The  writer  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  LXX.  But  beyond  this  there 
is  nothing  to  determine  the  date  or  place  at  which 
he  lived.  The  allusion  to  the  patriarchs  (1,  8)  ap- 
pears to  fix  the  authorship  on  a  Jew  ;  but  the  clear 
teaching  on  repentance  points  to  a  time  certainly 
not  long  before  the  Christian  era.  3.  The  earliest 
reference  to  the  Prayer  is  contained  in  a  fragment 
of  Julius  Africanus  (about  221  a.  p.),  but  it  may  be 
doubted  whether  the  words  in  their  original  form 
clearly  referred  to  the  present  composition.  It  is, 
however,  given  at  length  in  the  Apostolical  Con- 
stitutions. The  Prayer  is  found  in  the  Alexan- 
drine MS.  4.  The  Prayer  was  never  distinctly 
recognized  as  a  canonical  writing,  though  it  was  in- 
cluded in  many  MSS.  of  the  LXX.  and  of  the  Latin 
version,  and  has  been  deservedly  retained  among 
the  Apocrypha  in  A.  V.  and  by  Luther.  The  Latin 
translation  which  occurs  in  Vulgate  MSS.  is  not  by 
Jerome. 

Ma-na.ss'ltes,  the  =  the  descendants  of  Manas- 
seh 1,  and  members  of  his  tribe  (Deut.  iv.  43  ;  Judg. 
xii.  4 ;  2  K.  x.  33). 

iUn' At  )\i.M  (Hch.  \>l.  diiddim).  The  duddiin  are 
mentioned  in  Geu.  xxx.  14-16,  and  in  Cant.  vii. 
13.  From  the  former  passage  we  learn  that  they 
were  found  in  the  fields  of  Mesopotamia,  where 
Jacob  and  his  wives  were  at  one  time  living,  and 
that  the  fruit  was  gathered  "in  the  days  of  wheat- 
harvest,"  i.  e.  in  May.  From  Cant.  vii.  13  we  learn 
that  the  plant  in  question  was  strong-scented,  and 
that  it  grew  in  Palestine.  Various  conjectures  have 
been  made,  but  probably  the  mandrake  (Atropa 
Mandragora)  is  tlie  plant  denoted  by  the  Hebrew 
word.  The  LXX.,  Vulgate,  Syriac,  and  Arabic  ver- 
sions, the  Targums,  the  most  learned  of  the  Rabbis, 
and  many  later  commentators,  favor  the  A.  V.  trans- 
lation. Tlie  mandrake  is  far  from  odoriferous,  the 
whole  plant  being,  in  European  estimation  At  all 
events,  very  fetid.  But  Oedmann,  after  quoting  autho- 
rities to  show  that  the  mandrakes  were  prized  by  the 
Arabs  for  their  odor,  makes  the  followin;;  just  re- 
mark:— "  It  is  known  that  Ori(?htals  set  an  especial 
value  on  strongly-smelling  things  that  to  more  deli- 


cate European  senses  are  unpleasing  ....  The 
intoxicating  qualities  of  the  mandrake,  far  from 
lessening  its  value,  would  rather  add  to  it,  for  every 
one  knows  with  what  relish  the  Orientals  use  all 
kinds  of  preparations  to  produce  intoxication."     It 


The  Mnndrnke  {Atropa  Mandrag<fr<£), 

is  a  matter  of  common  belief  in  the  Flast  that  this 
plant  has  the  power  to  aid  in  the  procreation  of 
olFspring.  That  the  fruit  was  fit  to  be  gathered  at 
the  time  of  the  wheat-harvest  is  clear  from  the  tes- 
timony of  several  travellers.  Schultze  found  man- 
drake-apples on  the  15th  of  May.  Ilassehiuist  saw 
them  at  Nazareth  early  in  May.  Thomson  found 
mandrakes  ripe  on  the  lower  ranges  of  Lebanon  and 
Hermiin  toward  the  end  of  April. 

Ma'neh.     Weights  and  Measlt.es. 

Man'ger  [main'jer]  occurs  only  in  connection 
with  the  birth  of  Christ,  in  Lk.  ii.'  7,  12,  16.  The 
original  Gr.  term  is  p/ia/ne,  which  is  found  but  once 
besides  in  the  N.  T.,  viz.  Lk.  xiii.  15,  where  it  is 
rendered  by  "  stall."  The  word  in  classical  Greek 
undoubtedly  =  a  manger,  crib,  or  feeding-trough ; 
but,  according  to  Schleusner,  in  the  N.  T.  it  =  the 
open  court-yard  attached  to  the  inn  or  khan,  and 
enclosed  by  a  rough  fence  of  stones,  wattle,  or  other 
slight  material,  into  which  the  cattle  would  be  shut 
at  night,  and  where  the  poorer  travellers  might  un- 
pack their  animals  and  take  up  their  lodging,  when 
they  were  either  by  want  of  room  or  want  of  means 
excluded  from  the  house.  This  conclusion  is  sup- 
ported by  the  Vulgate  and  Peshito-Syriac,  and  by 
the  customs  of  Palestine.  (Barn.)  The  above  in- 
terpretation is  of  course  at  variance  with  the  tradi- 
tional belief  that  the  Nativity  took  place  in  a  cave. 
Stanley  (151  f.,  434  ff.)  has,  however,  shown  how 
destitute  of  foundation  this  tradition  is. 

Ma'ni  (Gr.)  =  Bani  4  (1  Esil.  ix.  30). 

Jlanli-DSy  Titos  (both  L.,  Manilas  [i.  c.  born  early 


MAN 


MAK 


599 


in  Ihe  morninff  (so  Pott)]  denoting  the  Roman  clan  to 
which  he  beloii>:eii ;  see  Titus).  In  tlic  atcoiint  of  the 
cunclusioii  of  the  campaign  of  Lysiaa  (b.  c.  lUS) 
against  the  Jews  given  in  2  Mc.  xi.,  four  letters  arc 
introUuceii,  of  which  the  last  purpoita  to  be  from 
"  (juiiitiis  Meiiimius,  and  Titus  Manlius,  ambassadors 
of  the  Komans"  (ver.  34-38),  conlirming  the  con- 
cessions made  by  Lysias.  There  can  be  but  little 
doubt  that  the  leitt^r  is  a  fabrication.  (Apockvpha.) 
No  such  names  occur  among  the  many  legates  to 
Syria  noticed  by  I'olyhius ;  and  there  is  no  room  for 
the  mission  of  another  emba'sy  between  two  re- 
corded shortly  before  and  after  the  death  of  Anti- 
ochus  Epiphanes.  If,  as  seems  likely,  the  tnie  read- 
ing is  Titus  Manius  (not  Manlius),  the  writer  was 
probably  thinking  of  the  former  embassy  when  Cains 
Sulpicius  and  Manius  Sergius  were  sent  to  Syria. 

MM'Bk  (Heb.  Mun).  The  most  important  pas- 
sages on  this  topic  are — Ex.  xvi.  14-36 ;  Num.  xi. 
7-9;  Pent.  viii.  3,  16;  Josh.  v.  12;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  24, 
25 ;  Wis.  xvi.  20,  21.  From  these  passages  we 
learn  that  the  manna  came  every  morning  except  the 
Sabbath,  iu  the  form  of  a  small  round  seed  resem- 


m 


VrMMb  TunarixV  (Tttmaria  G^itaX 

Wing  the  hoar  frost ;  that  it  must  be  gathered  early, 
licfore  the  sun  became  so  hot  as  to  melt  it ;  that  it 
must  be  gathered  every  day  except  the  Sabbath ; 
that  the  attempt  to  lay  aside  for  a  succeeding  day, 
except  on  the  day  immediately  preceding  the  Sab- 
both,  failed  by  the  substance  becoming  wormy  and 
ofl'ensivc ;  that  it  was  prepared  for  food  by  grinding  i 
and  bilking;  that  Its  taste  was  like  fresh  oil,  and 
like  wafers  made  with  honey,  equally  agreeable  to 


all  palates ;  that  the  whole  nation  subsisted  upon  it 
for  forty  years;  that  it  suddenly  ceased  when  they 
first  got  the  new  corn  of  the  laud  of  Canaan ;  and 
that  it  was  always  regarded  as  a  miraculous  gift 
directly  from  Cod,  and  not  as  a  product  of  nature. 
The  natural  products  of  the  Arabian  dei^crts  and 
other  Oriental  regions,  which  bear  the  name  of 
manna,  have  not  the  qualities  or  uses  ascribed  to 
the  manna  of  Scripture.  They  are  all  condiments  or 
medicines  rather  than  food,  produced  only  three  or 
four  months  in  the  year,  in  small  quantities,  capable 
of  being  kept  a  long  time,  but  just  as  liable  to  de- 
teriorate on  the  Sabbath  as  on  any  other  day,  not 
supplied  in  double  quantity  on  the  day  before  the 
Sabbath,  nor  ceasing  at  once  and  for  ever.  The 
manna  of  Scripture  we  regard  therefore  (so  Prof. 
Stowe)  as  wholly  miraculous,  and  not  in  any  respect 
a  product  of  nature.  The  etymology  and  meaning 
of  the  word  are  best  given  by  the  LXX.,  Vulgate, 
and  Josephus.  According  to  all  these  authorities, 
with  which  the  Syriac  also  agrees,  the  Heb.  word 
man,  by  which  this  substance  is  always  designated 
iu  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  is  the  neuter  interrogative 
pronoun  (w  hat  ?) ;  and  the  name  is  derived  from  the 
inquiry  (Heb.  man  hu  =  what  is  this?),  which  the 
Hebrews  made  when  they  first  saw  it  upon  the 
ground.  The  Arabian  physician  Avicenna  thus  de- 
scribes the  manna  which  in  his  time  was  used  as  a 
medicine  : — "  Manna  is  a  dew  which  falls  on  stones 
or  bushes,  becomes  thick  like  honey,  and  can  be 


Atiaft  Mauromm, 


hardened  so  as  to  be  like  grains  of  corn."  The  sub- 
stance now  called  manna  in  the  Arabian  desert 
through  which  the  Israelites  passed,  is  collected  in 
June  from  the  larfa  or  tamarisk  shrub  ( Tamarix 
Oallifa).  According  to  Burckhardl  it  drops  from 
the  thorns  on  the  sticks  and  leaves  with  which  the 


600 


HAN 


MAO 


ground  is  covered,  and  must  be  gathered  early  in 
the  day,  or  it  will  be  melted  by  the  sun.  The  Arabs 
cleanse  and  boil  it,  strain  it  through  a  cloth,  and  put 
it  ill  leathern  bottles ;  and  in  this  way  it  can  be  kept 
uninjured  for  several  years.  They  use  it  like  honey 
or  butter  with  their  uuleavened  bread,  but  never 
make  it  into  cakes  or  eat  it  by  itself.  Rauwolf  and 
some  more  recent  travellers  have  observed  that  the 
dried  grains  of  the  Oriental  manua  were  like  the 
coriander-seed.  Niebuhr  observed  that  at  Mardin 
in  Mesopotamia,  the  mannajies  like  meal  on  the 
leaves  of  a  tree  called  in  the  East  ballot  and  a/"  or 
ax,  which  he  regards  as  a  species  of  oak.  The  har- 
vest is  in  July  and  August,  and  much  more  plenti- 
ful in  wet  than  in  dry  seasons.  In  the  valley  of  the 
Jordan  Burckhardt  found  manna  like  gum  on  the 
leaves  and  branches  of  the  tree  gharroh,  which  is 
as  large  as  the  olive-tree,  having  a  leaf  like  the 
poplar,  though  somewhat  broader.  Two  other 
shrubs  which  have  been  supposed  to  yield  the 
manna  of  Scripture,  are  the  Alhagi  Maurorum,  or 
Persian  manna,  and  the  Alhagi  Dexertorum — thorny 
plants  common  in  Syria,  and  sometimes  called 
earners  thorn.  Tlie  manna  of  European  commerce 
comes  mostly  from  Calabria  and  Sicily.  It  is 
gathered  during  the  months  of  June  and  July 
from  some  species  of  ash  ( Ornus  Europcea  and  Or- 
nus  rotundifolia),  from  which  it  drops  in  conse- 
quence of  a  puncture  by  an  insect  resembling  tlie 
locust,  but  distinguished  from  it  by  having  a  sting 
under  its  body.  The  substance  is  fluid  at  night,  and 
resembles  the  dew,  but  in  the  morning  it  begins  to 
harden. — In  allusion  to  the  manna  or  "  bread  from 
heaven,"  our  Saviour  declares  Himself  "  the  true 
bread  from  heaven"  (Jn.  vi.  31  S.).  The  "  hidden 
manna"  (Rev.  ii.  17)  symbolizes  the  enjoyments  of 
the  kingdom  of  heaven;  in  allusion  to  the  manna 
laid  up  in  the  ark,  of  which  the  antitype  is  in  the 
true  temple  in  heaven  (Ex.  xvi.  33  ff. ;  Rev.  xi.  19; 
compare  Heb.  ix.  4,  11)  (Rbn.  K  T.  Lex.). 

Ma-no'ab  (Ileb.  a  resting,  rest,  Ges.),  the  father  of 
Samson  ;  a  Danite,  native  of  Zorah  (Judg.  xiil.  2). 
The  narrative  of  the  Bible  (xiii.  1-23),  of  the  cir- 
cumstances which  preceded  the  birth  of  Samson, 
supplies  us  with  very  few  and  fajnt  traits  of  Mano- 
ah's  character  or  habits.  He  seems  to  have  had 
some  occupation  which  separated  him  during  part 
of  the  day  from  his  wife,  tliough  that  was  not  field- 
work,  because  it  was  in  the  field  that  his  wife  was 
found  by  the  angel  during  his  absence.  He  was 
hospitable,  as  his  forefather  Abraham  had  been  be- 
fore him ;  he  was  a  worshipper  of  Jehovah,  and 
reverent  to  a  great  degree  of  fear.  These  faint 
lineaments  are  brought  into  somewhat  greater  dis- 
tinctness by  Josephus  (v.  8,  g§  2,  3),  on  what  author- 
ity we  have  no  means  of  judging,  though  his  account 
is  doubtless  founded  on  some  ancient  Jewish  tradi- 
tion or  record.  We  hear  of  Manoah  once  again  in  con- 
nection with  the  marriage  of  Samson  to  the  Philis- 
tine of  Timnath.  His  father  and  mother  remon- 
strated with  him  thereon,  but  to  no  purpose  (Judg. 
xiv.  2,  3).  They  then  accompanied  him  to  Timnath, 
both  on  the  preliminary  visit  (5,  6),  and  to  the  mar- 
riage itself  (9,  10).  Manoah  appears  not  to  have 
survived  his  son  (xvi.  31). 

Jlan'slay-eri  The  cases  of  manslaughter  men- 
tioned appear  to  be  a  sufficient  sample  of  the  inten- 
tion of  the  lawgiver,  a.  Death  by  a  blow  in  a  sud- 
den quarrel  (Num.  xxxv.  22).  b.  Death  by  a  stone 
or  missile  thrown  at  random  (22,  23).  c.  By  the 
blade  of  an  axe  flying  from  its  handle  (Deut.  xix.  6). 
d.  Whether  the  case  of  a  person  killed  by  falling 


from  a  roof  unprovided  with  a  parapet  involved  the 
guilt  of  manslaughter  on  the  owner,  is  not  clear ; 
but  the  law  seems  intended  to  prevent  the  imputa- 
tion of  malice  in  any  such  case,  by  preventing  as  far 
as  possible  the  occurrence  of  the  fact  itself  (xxii.  8). 
In  all  these  and  the  like  cases  the  manslayer  was 
allowed  to  retire  to  a  city  of  refugk.  (Blood, 
Avenger  of.)  Besides  these  the  following  may  be 
mentioned  as  cases  of  homicide:  a.  An  animal, 
not  known  to  be  vicious,  causing  death  to  a  human 
being,  was  to  be  put  to  death,  and  regarded  as 
unclean.  But  if  it  was  known  to  be  vicious,  the 
owner  also  was  liable  to  tine,  and  even  death  (Ex. 
xxL  "28,  31).  b.  A  thief  overtaken  at  night  in 
the  act  might  lawfully  be  put  to  death,  but  if  the 
sun  had  risen  the  act  of  killing  him  was  to  be  re- 
garded as  MURDER  (Ex.  xxii.  2,  3).     Plnishments. 

JHau'tle,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  sSmi- 
chah  (Judg.  iv.  18  only;  margin  "  rug,"  or  "blank- 
et ").  It  denotes  the  thing  with  which  Jael  cov-  . 
ered  Sisera.  It  may  be  inferred  that  it  was  some 
part  of  the  regular  furniture  of  the  tent.  The  clew 
to  a  more  exact  signification  is  given  by  the  Arabic 
version  of  the  Polyglott,  which  renders  it  by  alca- 
tifah,  a  word  explained  by  Dozy  to  mean  certain 
articles  of  a  thick  fabric,  in  shape  like  a  plaid  or 
shawl,  which  are  commonly  used  for  beds  by  the 
Arabs. — 2.  l\ch.  mSHl  (1  Sam.  xv.  27,  xxviii.  14; 
Ezr.  ix.  3,  6  ;  Job  i.  20,  ii.  12  ;  Ps.  cix.  29),  in  other 
passages  of  the  A.  V.  rendered  "  coat,"  "  cloak," 
and  "robe."  (Dress,  III.)  This  inconsistency  is 
undesirable;  but  in  one  case  only — that  of  Samuel 
— is  it  of  importance.  It  is  interesting  to  know 
that  the  garment  which  his  mother  made  and 
brought  to  the  infant  prophet  at  her  annual  visit  to 
the  Holy  Tent  at  Shiloh  was  a  miniature  of  the  of- 
ficial priestly  tunic  or  robe ;  the  same  that  the  great 
prophet  wore  in  mature  years  (1  Sam.  xv.  27),  and 
by  which  he  was  on  one  occasion  actually  identified 
by  Saul  (xxviii.  14). — 3.  Heb.  ma'atdf/lidh  (Is.  iii.  22 
only),  apparently  some  article  of  a  lady's  dress ; 
probably  an  exterior  tunic,  longer  and  ampler  than 
the  internal  one,  and  provided  with  sleeves  (so  Mr. 
Grove,  after  Schroeder ;  see  Dress,  III.).— 4.  Heb. 
addereth  (1  K.  xi.x.  13,  19;  2  K.  ii.  8,  13,  14);  else- 
where translated  "garment"  (Gen.  xxv.  25;  Josh, 
vii.  21,  24;  Zech.  xiii.  14),  once  "  robe  "  (Jon.  iii. 
6).  By  it,  and  it  only,  is  denoted  the  cape  or  wrap- 
per which,  with  the  exception  of  a  strip  of  skin  or 
leather  round  his  loins,  formed,  as  we  have  every 
reason  to  believe,  the  sole  garment  of  the  prophet 
Elijah  (so  Mr.  Grove).  It  was  probably  of  sheep- 
skin, such  as  is  worn  by  the  modern  dervishes. 
Gesenius  translates  the  Hebrew  word,  a  wide  cloak, 
mantle,  L.  pallium  ;  Fiirst,  mantle,  properly  thew«fe, 
large  overcoat  in  which  persons  wrapped  themselves. 
Babylonish  (Jarment;  Dress;  Girdle. 

*  Man'n-serlpts.  Old  Testament;  New  Testa- 
ment. 

Ma'oeh  (Heb.  hrea*t-band?  Ges. ;  a  poor  one,  Fii.), 
the  father  of  Aguish,  king  of  Gath,  with  whom  Da- 
vid took  refuge  (1  Sanu  xxvii.  2). 

Sla'on  (Heb.  habitation,  dweUing,  Ges.,  Fii.),  a  city 
in  the  mountains  of  Judah  ;  a  member  of  the  same 
group  with  Carmel  and  Ziph  (Josh.  xv.  55).  In  the 
"wilderness"  (Desert  2).  of  Maon  David  and  his 
men  were  lurking  when  the  treachery  of  the  Ziphites 
brought  Saul  upon  them  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  24,  25). 
Over  its  pastures  ranged  the  sheep  and  goats  of 
Nahal  (xxv.  2).  Robinson  identifies  Maon  with 
MaHn,  a  lofty  conical  hill,  about  seven  miles  S.  of 
Hebron.     In  the  genealogical  records  of  Judah  iu 


MAO 


MAR 


601 


OKI 

'.  Bwee 
^^Kr  ai 


1  Chr.  ii.  46,  Maon  appears  as  a  descendant  of  He- 
bron, and  in  its  turn  tlie  "lather"  or  colonizer  of 
Beth-zur.  In  the  original  the  name  of  llaon  is 
identical  with  that  of  tlie  Mebcmm,  and  before  the 
con(iuest  it  may  possibly  have  been  one  of  their 
towns. 

Haon-ltes  (fr.  Heb.  =  Maos),  the,  a  people  men- 
tioned in  one  of  the  addresses  of  Jehovah  to  the 
repentant  Israelites  (Judg.  x.  12).  The  name  — 
Uehunim  ;  but,  as  no  invasion  of  Israel  by  this 
people  is  related  before  the  date  of  the  passage  in 
question,  various  explanations  and  conjectures  have 
been  offered.  The  reading  of  the  LXX.  is  "  Mid- 
ian." 

_  Ma'n  (Heb.  =  Marah,  Gcs.),  the  name  which 
Kaomi  adopted  in  the  exclamation  forced  from  her 
by  the  recofrmtion  of  her  fellow-citizens  at  Hethle- 
hem  (Ru.  i.  :;0),  "Call  me  not  Naomi  (jJemant),  but 
call  me  Mara  (bitter),  for  Shaddai  (A.  V.  '  the  Al- 
mighty') hath  dealt  very  bitterly  with  me." 

Ha'nih  (Ileb.  bitler,  bitterness,  i.  e.  calamity,  Ges.), 
a  place  in  the  wilderness  of  Shur  or  Etham,  three 
days'  journey  distant  (Ex.  xv.. 22-24;  Num.  xxxiii. 
8)  from  the  place  at  which  the  Israelites  crossed  the 
Bed  Sea,  and  where  was  a  spring  of  bitter  water, 
sweetened  subsequently  by  the  casting  in  of  a  tree 
,frhich  "  the  Lord  showed  "  to  Moses.     Burckhardt 

iggested  that  Moses  made  use  of  the  Vierries  of  the 
t  Gkurkud.     Kobinson  could  not  find  that  this 

any  tree  was  now  known  to  the  Arabs  to  possess 

ich  properties ;  nor  would  those  berries  have  been 
found  80  early  in  the  season  (two  or  three  weeks 
after  the  Passover).  The  transaction  was  surely 
miraculous,  and  the  effect  would  be  permanent. 
Ilawiirah,  distant  sixteen  and  a  half  hours  from 
Aijoun  Mmua,  has  been  by  Robinson,  as  also  by 
Burckhardt,  i^chubert,  and  WeUsted,  identified  with 
it,  appaiently  because  it  is  the  bitterest  water  in  the 
neighborhood.  Winer  says  that  a  still  bitterer  well 
lies  E.  of  Marah,  the  claims  of  which  Tischcndorf, 
it  appears,  has  supported.  Lepsius  prefers  Wady 
Ghurundel.  Stanley  thinks  that  the  claims  may  be 
left  between  this  and  Hawdrah. 

Mara-lab  (Heb.  trembling,  perhaps  earllujuake, 
fies. ),  one  of  the  landmarks  on  the  boundary  of 
Zeliulun  (Josh.  xix.  11). 

Mar-aa-atli'a  (1  Cor.  xvi.  22),  a  Greeized  form  of 
the  Aramaic  words  mdran  athd  =  our  Lord  eorneth. 
It  appears  to  be  "  a  weighty  watchword,"  to  impress 
on  the  disciples  the  truth  that  the  Lord  was  at  hand, 
and  that  they  should  be  ready  for  His  coming  (Al- 
ford). 

Marble*  Like  the  (Jr.  marmarot,  the  Heb.  a/ihh, 
the  generic  term  for  marble,  probably  =  almost  any 
shining  stone.  The  so-called  marble  of  Solomon's  ar- 
chitectural works,  which  Josephus  calls  w/iile  Htone, 
may  thus  have  been  limestone^ — (a)  from  near  Jeru- 
salem ;  (ft)  from  Lebanon  (Jura  limestone),  identi- 
cal with  the  material  of  the  Sun  Temple  at  Baalbec ; 
or  (c)  white  marble  from  Arabia  or  elsewhere.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  Herod,  both  in  the  Temple 
and  elsewhere,  employed  Parian  or  other  marble. 
The  nmrble  pillars  and  tesserre  of  various  colors  of 
the  palace  at  Susa  came  doubtless  from  Persia 
itself  (Eflth.  i.  6).  Alabaster;  Ariiiitecture; 
Coi.oris,  I.  1  ;  Palkstine,  Oeologi/.     Pobphyre. 

Mar-eliesh'Tan  f-kcsh-].     Month. 

Mar  CM  (L.  a  Uirge  hammer,  Isidore  of  Seville; 
among  the  Romans  a  common  first  name,  afterward 
also  a  surname)  =  the  Evangelist  Mark  (Col.  iv. 
10;  I'hn.  24;   1  Pet.  v.  IS). 

MaMo-«lie'B»  (L.  Mardocham,  fr.  Heb.  =  Mob- 


DECAi).  1.  MoRDECAi  1,  the  uncle  of  Esther  (Esth. 
X.  1,  xi.  2,  12,  xii.  1-6,  xvi.  13;  2  Mc.  xv.  36).— S. 
MoRiiECAi  2  (1  Esd.  V.  8). 

Ma-rc'sliah  (Heb.  at  the  head,  Ges. ;  posnesxionj 
Fii.).  I.  A  city  of  Judah  in  the  low  country  ;  named 
in  the  same  group  with  Keilah  and  Xezib  (Josh. 
XV.  44).  If  we  may  so  interpret  the  notices  of  1 
Chr.  ii.  42,  Hebron  itself  was  colonized  from  Mare- 
shah.  It  was  one  of  the  cities  fortified  and  garri- 
soned by  Relioboam  after  the  rupture  with  the 
northern  kingdom  (2  Chr.  xi.  8).  The  natural  in- 
ference is,  that  it  commanded  some  pass  or  po.sition 
of  approach.  "  In  the  valley  of  Zephathaii  at  Ma- 
reshah  "  Zerah  5  was  met  and  repulsed  by  Asa  (xiv. 
9,  10).  Mareshah  is  mentioned  once  or  tw  ice  in  the 
history  of  the  Maccabean  struggles.  Judas  prob- 
ably passed  through  it  on  his  way  from  Hebron  to 
avenge  the  defeat  of  Joseph  and  Azarias  (1  Mc.  v. 
66).  A  few  days  later  it  afforded  a  refuge  to  Gor- 
gias  when  severely  wounded  in  the  attack  of  Dosi- 
thcus  (2  Mc.  xii.  85).  It  was  burnt  by  Judas  in  his 
Iduuiean  war,  in  passing  from  Hebron  to  Azotus. 
About  the  year  110  b.  c.  it  was  taken  from  the  Idu- 
means  by  John  Hyrcanus.  It  was  in  ruins  in  the 
fourth  century,  when  Eusebius  and  Jerome  describe 
it  as  in  the  second  mile  from  Eleutheropolis.  A 
little  over  a  Roman  mile  S.  S.  W.  of  Beit  Jibrin 
(Eleutheropolis)  is  a  site  called  Marayh,  which  is 
very  possibly  the  representative  of  the  ancient  Ma- 
rashah.  It  was  the  native  place  of  the  prophet 
Eliezek  6,  and  is  one  of  the  towns  which  Micah  at- 
tempts to  rouse  to  a  sense  of  danger  (2  Chr.  xx. 
37;  Mic.  i.  15).  (Gath;  Moresheth-oath.) — 2, 
Father  of  Hebron,  and  apparently  =  Mesha  2  (1 
Chr.  ii.  42). — 3.  In  1  Chr.  iv.  21  we  find  Mareshah 
again  named  as  deriving  his  origin  from  Shelaii,  the 
third  son  of  Judah. 

Mar'i-moth  (L.)  =  Meraioth  the  priest  (2  Esd.  i. 
2  ;  compare  Ezr.  vii.  3). 

Mar'i-sa  (Gr.)  =  Mareshah  (2  Mc.  xii.  35). 

Mark  (Gr.  Markov,  fr.  L.  Marcus).  Mark  the 
evangelist  probably  =:  "  John  whose  surname  was 
Mark  "  (Acts  xii.  12,  26).  Grotius  indeed  maintains 
the  contrary.  But  John  was  the  Jewish  name,  and 
Mark  =  Marcus,  a  name  of  frequent  use  amongst 
the  Romans,  was  adopted  afterward,  and  grailually 
superseded  the  other.  John  Mark  was  the  son  of 
a  certain  Mary,  who  dwelt  at  Jerusalem,  and  was 
probably  born  in  that  city  (xii.  12).  He  was  the 
cousin  (so  Archbishop  Thomson,  Robinson,  &c. ; 
A.  V.  "  sister's  son  ")  of  Barnabas  (Col.  iv.  10).  To 
Mary's  house,  as  to  a  familiar  haunt,  Peter  came  af- 
ter his  deliverance  from  prison  (Acts  xii.  12),  and 
there  found  "  many  gathered  together  praying ;  " 
and  probably  John  ilaik  was  converted  by  Peter 
from  meeting  him  in  his  mother's  house,  for  he 
speaks  of  "Marcus  my  son  "  (1  Pet.  v.  13).  The 
theory  that  he  was  one  of  the  seventy  disciples  is 
without  any  warrant.  Another  theory,  that  the 
"young  man  having  a  linen  cloth  cast  about  his 
naked  body,"  mentioned  by  Mark  alone  (xiv.  51, 
62),  was  the  evangelist  himself,  has  been  adopted  by 
Townson,  Olshausen,  Lange,  &c.  The  detail  of 
facts  is  remarkably  minute,  tlie  name  only  is  want- 
ing. Probably  (so  Archbishop  Thomson)  Mark  sup- 
pressed his  own  name,  whilst  telling  a  story  which 
he  had  the  best  means  of  knowing.  (Lazari'S 
1.)  Anxious  to  work  for  Christ,  he  went  with 
Paul  and  Barnabas  as  their  "  minister"  on  their 
first  journey ;  but  at  Perga,  turned  back  (Acts 
xii.  25,  xiii.  18).  On  the  second  journey  Paul 
would  not  accept  him  again  as  a  companion,  but 


6C2 


MAR 


MAR 


Barnabaa  liis  kinsman  avbs  more  indulgent;  and 
thus  he  became  the  cause  of  the  memorablo  "  sharp 
contention  "  between  them  (xv.  36-40).  W^hatever 
was  the  cause  of  Mark's  vacillation,  it  did  not  sepa- 
rate him  forever  from  Paul,  for  we  find  him  by  the 
side  of  that  apostle  iu  his  first  imprisonment  at 
Rome  (Col.  iv.  10;  Phn.  24).  In  the  former  place 
a  po.ssible  journey  of  Mark  to  Asia  is  spoken  of. 
Somewhat  later  he  is  with  Peter  at  iiABVLOs  (1  Pet. 
V.  13).  On  his  return  to  Asia  he  seems  to  have 
bejn  with  Timotliy  at  Ephesus  when  Paul  wrote  to 
him  during  his  second  imprisonment  (2  Tim.  iv.  11). 
When  wc  desert  Scripture  wo  find  the  facts  doubtful 
and  even  inconsistent.  The  relation  of  Mark  to 
Peter  is  of  great  importance  for  our  view  of  his 
"  Gospel.  Ancient  writers  with  one  consent  make  the 
evangelist  the  interpreter  of  the  Apostle  Peter. 
Some  (Eichhorn,  Bertholdt,  &c.)  explain  this  word 
to  mean  that  the  office  of  Mark  was  to  translate  in- 
to the  Greek  tongue  the  Aramaic  discourses  of  the 
apostle;  whilst  others  (Valesius,  Alford,  Lange, 
&c.)  adopt  the  more  probable  view  that  Mark  wrote 
a  Gospel  which  conformed  more  exactly  than  the 
others  to  Peter's  preaching,  and  thus  "  interpreted  " 
it  to  the  Chiircli  at  large.  (Mark,  Gospel  of.)  The 
report  that  Mark  was  the  companion  of  Peter  at 
Rome,  is  no  doubt  of  great  antiquity.  Sent  on  a 
mission  to  Egypt  by  Peter,  Mark  there  founded  the 
Chinch  of  Alexandria,  and  preached  in  various 
places,  then  returned  to  Alexandria,  of  which  Church 
he  was  bishop,  and  suffered  a  martyr's  death.  But 
none  of  tiiese  later  details  rest  on  sound  authority 
(so  Archbishop  Thomson). 

Miirk  (see  above),  Gos'prI  of.  The  characteristics 
of  this  Gospel,  the  shortest  of  the  four  inspired  rec- 
ords, will  appear  from  the  discussion  of  the  various- 
questions  that  have  been  raised  about  it. — I.  Sources 
of  this  Cfosf/el.  The  tradition  that  it  gives  the 
teaching  of  Peter  rather  than  of  the  rest  of  the 
apostles,  has  been  alluded  to.  (Mark.)  John  the 
Presbyter  is  spoken  of  by  Papias  as  tlie  interpreter 
of  Peter.  Irenseus  calls  Mark  "  interpreter  and 
follower  of  Peter,"  and  cites  the  opening  and  the 
concluding  words  of  the  Gospel  as  we  now  possess 
them  (iii.,  x.  fi).  Eusebius  says,  on  the  authority 
of  Clement  of  Alexandria,  that  tlie  hearers  of  Peter 
at  Rome  desired  Mark,  the  follower  of  Peter,  to 
leave  with  them  a  record  of  his  teaching;  upon 
which  Mark  wrote  his  Gospel,  which  the  apostle  af- 
terward sanctioned  with  his  authority,  and  directed 
that  it  should  be  read  in  the  churches.  Tertullian 
speaks  of  the  Gospel  of  Mark  as  being  connected 
with  Peter,  and  so  having  apostolic  authority.  If 
the  evidence  of  the  apostle's  connection  with  this 
Gospel  rested  wholly  on  these  passages,  it  would  not 
be  sufficient,  since  the  witnesses,  though  many  in 
number,  are  not  all  independent  of  esch  other.  But 
there  are  peculiarities  in  the  Gospel  which  are  best 
explained  by  the  supposition  that  Peter  in  some 
way  superintended  its  composition.  Whilst  there 
is  harilly  any  part  of  its  narrative  that  is  not  com- 
mon to  it  and  some  other  Gospel,  in  the  manner 
of  the  narrative  there  is  often  a  markeil  charac- 
ter, which  puts  aside  at  once  the  supposition  that 
we  have  here  a  mere  epitome  of  .Matthew  and  Luke. 
The  picture  of  the  same  events  is  far  more  vivid ; 
touches  are  introduced  such  as  could  only  be  noted 
by  a  vigilant  eye-witnesa,  and  such  as  make  us  al- 
most eye-witnesses  of  the  Redeemer's  doings.  The 
most  remarkable  case  of  this  is  the  account  of  the 
Gadarcne  demoniac  (Mk.  v.  3-6).  To  this  must  be 
added  that  whilst  Mark  goes  over  the  same  ground 


for  the  most  part  as  the  other  evangelists,  and 
es|iccially  Matthew,  there  are  many  facts  thrown  in 
wliicli  prove  that  we  are  listening  to  an  indepen- 
dent witness.  Thus  the  humble  origin  of  Peter  is 
made  known  through  him  (i.  10-20),  and  his  con- 
nection with  Capernaum  (i.  29) ;  he  tells  us  that 
Levi  was  "  tlic  son  of  Alpheus  "  (ii.  14),  that  Peter 
was  the  name  given  by  our  Lord  to  Simon  (iii.  16), 
and  Boanerges  a  surname  added  by  Ilim  to  the 
names  of  two  others  (iii.  17);  he  assumes  the  ex- 
istence of  another  body  of  disciples  wider  tiian  the 
Twelve  (iii.  32,  iv.  10,  36,  viii.  34,  xiv.  51,  52) :  we 
owe  to  him  the  name  of  Jairus  (v.  22),  the  word 
"carpenter"  applied  to  our  Lord  (vi.  3),  the  na- 
tion of  the  "  Syrophenician"  woman  (vii.  26);  he 
substitutes  Dalmanutha  for  the  "  Magdala "  of 
Matthew  (viii.  10);  he  names  Bartimeus  (x.  46); 
he  alone  mentions  that  our  Lord  would  not  suf- 
fer any  man  to  carry  any  vessel  through  the  Temple 
(xi.  16);  and  that  Simon  of  Cyrene  was  the  fa- 
ther of  Alexander  and  Rufus  (xv.  21).  All  these 
are  tokens  of  an  independent  writer,  different 
from  Matthew  and  Luke,  and  in  the  absence  of 
other  traditions  it  is  natural  to  look  to  I'eter.  One 
might  hope  that  much  Hglit  would  be  thrown  on 
this  question  from  tlie  way  in  which  Peter  is  men- 
tioned in  the  Gospel ;  but  the  evidence  is  not  so 
clear  as  might  have  been  expected.  On  the  whole, 
the  internal  evidence  inclines  us  (so  Archbishop 
Thomson)  to  accept  the  account  that  this  Gospel 
has  some  connection  with  Peter.  (Inspiration.) — 
II.  Rdation  of  Mark  to  Matthew  and  Luke.  Up  to 
this  day  three  views  are  maintained  with  equal  ar- 
dor: [a)  that  Mark's  Gospel  is  the  original  Gospel 
out  of  which  the  other  two  have  been  developed 
(Thiersch,  Herder,  Storr,  Ewald,  &c.),  (b)  that  it 
was  a  compilation  from  the  other  two,  and  therefore 
was  written  last  (Griesbaeh,  De  Wette,  kc.) ;  and  (c) 
that  it  was  copied  from  Matthew,  and  forms  a  link 
of  transition  between  the  other  two  (Ililgenfeld).  It 
is  obvious  that  they  refute  one  another :  the  same 
internal  evidence  suffices  to  prove  that  Mark  is  the 
first,  and  the  last,  and  the  intermediate.  Let  us  re- 
turn to  the  facts.  The  Gospel  of  Mark  contains 
scarcely  any  events  not  recited  by  the  others. 
There  are  verbal  coincidences  with  each  of  the 
others,  and  sometimes  peculiar  words  from  both 
meet  together  in  the  parallel  place  in  Mark.  On 
the  other  hand,  there  are  unmistakable  marks  of 
independence.  The  hypothesis  which  best  meets 
these  facts  is,  that  whilst  tlie  matter  common  to  all 
three  evangelists,  or  to  two  of  them,  is  derived 
from  the  oral  teaching  of  the  apostles,  which  they 
had  purposely  reduced  to  a  common  form,  our  evan- 
gelist writes  as  an  independent  witness  to  the 
truth,  and  not  as  a  compiler ;  and  that  the  tradition 
that  the  Gospel  was  written  under  the  sanction  of 
Peter,  and  its  matter  in  some  degree  derived  from 
him,  is  made  probable  by  the  evident  traces  of  an 
eye-witness  in  many  of  the  narratives.  (Gospei-s.) 
— III.  nds  Oospd  written  primarili/  for  Gentiles. 
The  evangelist  scarcely  refers  to  the  0.  T.  in  his 
own  person.  The  word  Law  does  not  once  occur. 
The  genealogy  of  our  Lord  is  likewise  omitted. 
Other  matters  interesting  chiefly  to  the  Jews  are 
likewise  omitted  ;  e.  g.  the  references  to  the  O.  T. 
and  Law  in  Mat.  xii.  5-7,  the  reflections  on  the  re- 
quest of  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees  for  a  sign,  Mat. 
xii.  3S-45  ;  the  parable  of  the  king's  son,  JIat.  xxii. 
1-14 ;  and  the  awful  denunciiition  of  the  Scribes 
and  Pharisees  in  Mat.  xxiii.  Explanations  are 
given  in   some   places,  which  Jews  could  not  re- 


MAR 


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603 


quire:  thus,  Jordan  is  a  "liver"  (Mk.  i.  5;  Mat. 
iii.  6);  the  rharisecs,  &c.,  "used  to  fast"(Mk.  ii. 
18  ;  Mat.  ix.  14),  and  other  customs  of  theirs  are 
described  (Mk.  vii.  1-4;  Mat.  xv.  1,  2);  "the  time 
of  figs  was  not  yet,"  i.  e.  at  the  season  of  the  Pass- 
over (Mk.  xi.  13;  Mat.  xxi.  19);  tlie  Sadducees' 
worst  teuct  is  mentioned  (Mk.  xii.  18);  the  Mount 
of  Olives  is  "over  against  tlie  temple  "  (Mk.  xiii.  3  ; 
Mat.  xxiv.  3);  at  the  Passover  men  eat  "unleav- 
ened bread  "  (Mk.  xiv.  1,  12  ;  Mat.  xxvi.  2,  17),  and 
explanations  are  given  which  Jews  would  not  need 
(Mk.  XV.  6,  16,  42;  Mat.  xxvii.  15,  27,  57).  Matter 
that  might  oflend  is  omitted,  as  Mat.  x.  5,  6,  vi.  7, 
8.  Passages  abound  in  wliich  the  antagonism  be- 
tween the  Pharisaic  legal  spirit  and  the  Gospel 
comes  out  strongly  (Mk.  i.  22,  ii.  19,  22,  x.  5,  viii. 
15),  which  hold  out  hopes  to  the  heathen  of  ad- 
mission to  the  kingdom  of  heaven  even  without  the 
Jews  (xii.  9),  and  which  put  ritual  forms  below  the 
worship  of  the  heart  (ii.  18,  iii.  1-6,  vii.  5-23,  xii. 
33).  Mark  alone  preserves  these  words  of  Jesus, 
"  The  Sabbath  was  made  for  man,  and  not  man  for 
t'.ie  Sabbath"  (ii.  27).  From  the  general  testimony 
of  these  and  other  places,  whatever  may  be  objected 
to  an  inference  from  one  or  other  amonpst  them, 
there  is  little  doubt  but  that  the  Gospel  was  meant 
for  use  in  the  first  instance  amongst  Gentiles. — IV. 
Time  ulun  Ihe  Gospel  was  mrilleti.  Nothing  can  be 
certainly  determined  on  this  point.  The  traditions 
are  contradictory.  Irenajus  says  that  it  was  written 
after  the  death  of  the  Apostle  Peter ;  but  in  other 
passages  (Eusebius  //.  E.)  it  is  supposed  to  be  writ- 
ten during  Peter's  lifetime.  In  the  Bible  there  is 
nothing  to  decide  the  question.  It  is  not  likely  that 
it  dates  before  the  reference  to  Mark  in  Col.  iv.  10, 
where  he  is  only  introduced  as  a  relative  of  Barna- 
bas, as  if  this  «ere  his  greatest  distinction;  and 
this  epistle  was  written  about  a.  n.  62.  On  the 
other  hand  it  was  written  before  Ihe  destruction  of 
Jerusalem  (Mk.  xiii.  13,  24-30,  33,  ic).  Prcbally, 
therefore,  it  was  written  between  a.  p.  03  and  70. — 
V.  Place  where  the  GosjkI  was  wrillen.  The  place 
is  as  uncertain  as  the  time.  Clement,  Eusebius,  Je- 
rome, and  Epiphanius,  pronounce  for  Rome,  and 
many  modems  take  the  same  view.  Chrysostom 
thinks  Alexandria ;  but  this  is  not  continued  by 
other  testimony. — VI.  iMnipiae/e.  The  Gospel  was 
written  in  Greek  ;  of  this  tliere  can  be  no  doubt  if 
ancient  testimony  is  to  weigh.  Baronius  indeed, 
on  the  authority  of  an  old  Syriac  translation,  as- 
serts that  Latin  was  the  original  language. — VII. 
Oertvinenem  of  Ihe  Gospel.  All  ancient  testimony 
makes  Mark  the  author  of  a  certain  Gospel,  and 
that  this  is  the  Gospel  which  has  come  down  to  us, 
there  is  not  the  least  historical  ground  for  doubt- 
ing. Owing  to  the  very  few  sections  peculiar  to 
Mark,  evidence  from  patristic  quotation  is  some- 
what dilTieult  to  produce.  Justin  Martyr,  however, 
quotes  eh.  ix.  44,  46,  48,  xii.  30,  and  iii.  17,  and 
Irenseug  cites  both  the  opening  and  closing  words 
(iii.  x.  6).  An  important  testimony  in  any  case,  but 
doubly  so  from  the  doubt  that  has  been  cast  on  the 
closing  verses  (xvi.  9-19).  These  verses  are  found 
in  the  Alexandrine,  Ephrem,  Beza,  and  many  other 
MSS.,  the  principal  versions,  &c. ;  but  not  in  the 
Vatican  and  Pinaitic  .MPS.,  kc.  They  are  rejected 
by  Griesbach,  Rosenmiiller,  Sehulz,  Fritzsche,  Wiese- 
ler,  Ewald,  Meyer,  Tischendorf,  Alford,  kc.  Their 
genuineness  is  affirmed  by  Simon,  Bengel,  Matthtci, 
Eichhoni,  Hug,  Kuinoel,  Olshausen,  Ebrard,  De 
Wettc,  Bleek,  Lachmann,  Lange,  &e.  (Schaff  in 
Lange's  Comm.,  Venables  in  Kitto,  Ayre).     (New 


Testame.nt  I.  §  39.)  With  the  exception  of  these 
few  verses  the  genuineiiess  of  the  Gospel  is  placed 
above  the  reach  of  reasonable  doubt.  (Cano.n.) — 
VIII.  Stffle  and  Dic/iori.  The  purpose  of  the  evan- 
gelist seems  to  be  to  (jlace  before  us  a  vivid  picture 
of  the  earthly  acts  of  Jesus.  The  style  is  peculiarly 
suitable  to  this.  He  uses  the  present  tense  instead 
of  the  Greek  narrative  aorist,  almost  in  every  chap- 
ter. Precise  and  minute  details  as  to  persons, 
places,  and  numbers,  abound  in  the  narrative.  All 
these  tend  to  give  force  and  vividness  to  the  pic- 
ture of  the  human  life  of  our  Lord.  On  the  other 
side,  the  facts  are  not  very  exactly  arranged.  Its 
conciseness  sometimes  makes  this  Gospel  more  ob- 
scure than  the  others  (i.  13,  ix.  5,  6,  iv.  10-34). 
Many  peculiarities  of  diction  may  be  noticed ; 
amongst  them  the  following  : — 1.  Hebrew  (Aramaic) 
words  are  used,  but  e.Nplained  for  Gentile  readers 
(iii.  17,  22,  V.  41,  vii.  11,  34,  ix.  43,  x.  46,  xiv.  86, 
XV.  22,  34).  2.  Latin  words  are  very  frequent. 
(Army  II. ;  Executioner  2  ;  Money  ;  Penny  ;  Pr.ETO- 
niCM,  &c.)  3.  The  substantive  is  often  repeated 
instead  of  the  pronoun  ;  as  (to  cite  from  ch.  ii.  only) 
ii.  16,  18,  20,  22,  27,  28.  4.  The  same  idea  is  olten 
repeated  under  another  expression,  as  i.  42,  ii.  25, 
viii.  15,  xiv.  68,  kc.  5.  And  sometimes  the  repe- 
tition is  effected  by  means  of  the  opposite,  as  in 
i.  22,  44,  and  many  other  places.  6.  b'on;etimes 
emphasis  is  given  by  simple  reiteration,  as  in  ii.  15, 
19.  7.  There  are  many  words  peculiar  to  Mark.  The 
diction  of  Mark  presents  the  difliculty  that  whilst 
it  abounds  in  Latin  words,  and  in  expressions  that 
recall  Lritin  equivalents,  it  is  still  much  more  akin 
to  the  Hebraistic  diction  of  Matthew  than  to  the 
pure  stylo  of  Luke. — IX.  Quotations  from  the  0.  'J'. 
The  following  list  of  references  to  the  0.  T.  is 
nearly  or  quite  complete  : — 


rki 

2 

Mai.  iii.  1. 

3 

Is.  xl.  3. 

' 

44 

Lev.  xiv.  2. 

il 

S5 

1  Sam.  xxi.  6. 

iv 

12 

Is.  vi.  10. 

vii 

6 

le.  xxix.  13. 

• 

10 

Ex.  XX.  12,  xxl.  17. 

ix 

44 

Is.  Ixvi.  24. 

X. 

4 

Deut.  xxiv.  1. 

" 

7 

Gen.  il.  ^. 

' 

10 

E*.  XX.  12-17. 

xi 

n 

Is.  Ivi.  7 :  Jer.  vii.  11. 

xii 

10 

Pb.  cxvili.  22. 

19 

Deut.  XXV.  6. 

'* 

26 

Ex.  iii.  6. 

»' 

29 

Deut.  vi.  4. 

'* 

81 

Lev.  xix.  18. 

'* 

36 

Ps.  ex.  1. 

xiii. 

14 

Dan.  ix.  27. 

24 

Is.  xiii.  10. 

xiv. 

27 

Zccl..  xiii.  7. 

'* 

62 

Dan.  vii.  13. 

XV. 

28(?)Is.  liii.  12. 

" 

34 

Ps.  xxii.  1. 

— X.  CmUents  of  the  Gospel.  Though  this  Gospel 
has  little  historical  matter  which  is  not  shared  with 
some  other.  It  would  be  a  great  error  to  suppo;c 
that  the  voice  of  Mark  could  have  been  silenced 
without  injury  to  the  divine  harmony.  It  is  the 
history  of  the  war  of  Jesus  against  sin  and  evil  in 
the  world  during  the  time  that  He  dwelt  as  a  Man 
among  men.  Its  motto  might  well  be,  as  Lange 
observes,  those  words  of  Peter  :  "  How  God 
anointed  Jesus  of  Nazareth  with  the  Holy  Ghost 
and  with  power ;  who  went  about  doing  good,  and 
healing  all  that  were  oppressed  of  the  devil ;  for 
God  was  with  Him  "  (Acts  x.  38).  The  principal 
divisions  in  the  Gospel  are — 1.  John  the  Baptist 
and  Jesus  (i.  1-13).     2.  Acts  of  Jesus  in  Galilee 


604 


MAR 


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(i.  14-ix.  60).  3.  Teaching  in  Perea,  where  the 
spirit  of  the  new  kingdom  of  the  Gospel  is  brought 
out  (x.  1-34).  4.  Teaoliing,  trials,  and  sufl'erings  in 
Jerusalem.  Jesus  revealing  Himself  as  Founder 
of  the  new  kingdom  (x.  35-xv.  47).  5.  Resurrec- 
tion (xvi.). 

*  Mar  ket,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  ma- 
'drdb  =  barter,  traffic,  also  place  of  barter,  market, 
mart,  also  gain  from  traffic,  Ges.  (Ez.  xxvii.  13,  17, 
19,  2.5);  also  translated  "merchandise"  (ver.  9,  13 
margin,  27,  33,  34).  (Commerce;  Fairs.) — 2.  Gr. 
agora  =  a  place  of  public  resort  in  towns  and 
cities ;  any  open  place  where  the  people  came  to- 
gether for  business,  or  to  sit  and  converse  ;  in  N.  T. 
a  place,  inarket-jjlace,  forum,  Robinson  N.  T.  Lex. 
(Gate)  (Mat.  xi.  16,  xx.  3,  xxiii.  7,  &c.).  See 
Athens,  &c. 

Slarmtttli  =  Meremotu  the  priest  (1  Esd.  viii. 
62  ;  compare  Ez.  viii.  33). 

Slaroth  (Heb.  bittemenses),  one  of  the  towns  of 
the  western  lowland  of  Judah  whose  names  are 
alluded  to  or  played  upon  by  Mieah  (i.  12). 

IHar'rlagti  The  topics  which  this  subject  presents 
to  our  consideration  in  connection  with  Biblical 
literature  may  be  most  conveniently  arranged  under 
the  following  Kve  heads  : — I.  Its  origin  and  history. 
II.  The  conditions  under  which  it  could  be  legally 
effected.  III.  The  modes  by  which  it  was  effected. 
IV.  The  social  and  domestic  relations  of  married 
life.  V.  The  typical  and  allegorical  references  to 
marriage. — I.  The  institution  of  marriage  is  founded 
on  the  requirements  of  man's  nature,  and  dates 
from  the  time  of  his  original  creation.  The  Creator, 
seeing  it  "  not  good  for  man  to  be  alone,"  deter- 
mined to  form  an  "  help  meet  for  him  "  (Gen.  ii. 
18),  and  accordingly  completed  the  work  by  the 
addition  of  the  female  to  the  male  (i.  27).  No 
sooner  was  the  formation  of  woman  effected,  than 
AnAM  recognized  in  that  act  the  will  of  the  Creator 
as  to  man's  social  condition.  "  Therefore  shall  a 
man  leave  his  father  and  his  mother,  and  shall 
cleave  unto  his  wife:  and  they  shall  be  one  flesh" 
(ii.  24).  From  these  words,  coupled  with  the  cir- 
cumstances attendant  on  the  formation  of  the  first 
woman,  we  may  evolve  the  following  principles : — 
(1.)  The  unity  of  man  and  wife,  as  implied  in  her 
being  formed  out  of  man,  and  as  expressed  in  the 
words  "one  flesh;"  (2.)  the  indissolubleness  of 
the  marriage  bond,  except  on  the  strongest  grounds 
(compare  Mat.  xix.  9);  (3.)  monogamy,  as  the  origi- 
nal law  of  marriage  ;  (4.)  the  social  e(iuaUty  of 
man  and  wife;  (5.)  the  subordination  of  the  wife  to 
the  husband  (1  Cor.  xi.  8,  9;  1  Tim.  ii.  13);  and 
(6.)  the  respective  duties  of  man  and  wife.  The 
introduction  of  sin  into  the  world  modified  to  a  cer- 
tain extent  the  mutual  relations  of  man  and  wife. 
As  the  blame  of  seduction  to  sin  lay  on  the  latter, 
the  condition  of  subordination  was  turned  into  sub- 
jection, and  it  was  said  to  her  of  her  husband,  "  he 
shall  rule  over  thee  "  (Gen.  iii.  16).  The  evil  effects 
of  the  fall  were  soon  apparent  in  polygamy  (iv.  19), 
and  the  promiscuous  intermarriage  of  the  "  sons  of 
God "  (Sethites)  with  the  "  daughters  of  men " 
(Cainites)  in  the  days  preceding  the  flood  (vi.  2). 
In  the  post-diluvial  age  the  usages  of  marriage  were 
marked  with  the  simplicity  tiiat  characterizes  a 
patriarchal  state  of  society.  The  rule  of  monogamy 
was  reestablished  by  the  example  of  Noah  and  his 
sons  (vii.  13).  The  early  patriarchs  selected  their 
wives  from  their  own  family  (xi.  29,  xxix.  4,  xxviii. 
2),  and  the  necessity  for  doing  this  on  religious 
grounds  superseded  the  prohibitions  that  afterward 


held  good  against  such  marriages  on  the  score  of 
kindred  (xx.  12;  Ex.  vi.  20;  compare  Lev.  xviii. 
9,  12).  Polygamy  prevailed  (Gen.  xvi.  4,  xxv.  1,  6, 
xxviii.  9,  xxix.  23,  28  ;  1  Chr.  vii.  14),  but  to  a 
great  extent  divested  of  the  degradation  which  in 
modern  times  attaches  to  that  practice.  In  judging 
of  it  we  must  take  into  regard  the  following  consid- 
erations : — (1.)  that  the  principle  of  monogamy  was 
retained,  even  in  the  practice  of  polygamy,  by  the 
distinction  made  between  the  chief  or  original  wite 
and  the  secondary  wives  (Concubine)  ;  (2.)  that  the 
motive  which  led  to  polygamy  was  that  absorbing 
deiire  of  progeny  which  is  prevalent  throughout 
Eastern  countries,  and  was  especially  powerful 
among  the  Hebrews  ;  and  (3.)  that  the  power  of  a 
parent  over  his  child,  and  of  a  master  over  his 
slave,  was  paramount  even  in  matters  of  marriage, 
and  led  in  many  cases  to  phases  of  polygamy  that 
are  otherwise  quite  unintelligible,  as,  e.  g.,  to  the 
cases  where  it  was  adopted  by  the  husband  at  tlie 
reqvest  of  his  wife,  under  the  idea  that  children 
born  to  a  slave  were  in  the  eye  of  the  law  the  chil- 
dren of  the  mistress  (Gen.  xvi.  3,  xxx.  4,  9) ;  or, 
again,  to  cases  where  it  was  adopted  at  the  instance 
of  the  father  (xxix.  23,  28;  Ex.  xxi.  9,  10).  Di- 
vorce  also  prevailed  in  the  patriarchal  age,  though 
but  one  instance  of  it  is  recorded  (Gen.  xxi.  14). 
Of  this,  again,  we  must  not  judge  by  our  own 
standard.  The  Mosaic  Law  (Law  of  Moses)  aimed 
at  mitigating  rather  than  removing  evils  which  were 
insepai-able  from  the  state  of  society  in  tliat  day. 
Its  enactments  were  directed  (1.)  to  the  discourage- 
ment of  polygamy ;  (2.)  to  obviate  the  injustice 
frequently  consequent  upon  the  exercise  of  the 
rights  of  a  father  or  a  master ;  (3.)  to  bring  divorce 
under  some  restriction  ;  and  (4.)  to  enforce  purity 
of  life  during  the  maintenance  of  the  matrimonial 
bond.  The  practical  results  of  these  regulations 
may  have  been  very  salutary,  but  on  this  point  we 
have  but  small  opportunities  of  judging.  The 
usages  themselves,  to  which  we  have  referred,  re- 
mained in  full  force  to  a  late  period.  In  the  post- 
Babylonian  period  monogamy  appears  to  have  be- 
come more  prevalent  than  at  any  previous  time : 
indeed  we  have  no  instance  of  polygamy  during  this 
period  on  record  in  the  Bible,  all  the  marriages  no- 
ticed being  with  .single  wives  (Toil.  i.  9,  li.  11  ;  Sus. 
29,  63  ;  Mat.  xviii.  25  ;  Lk.  i.  5  ;  Acts  v.  1).  Dur- 
ing the  same  period  the  theory  of  monogamy  is 
set  forth  in  Ecclus.  xxvi.  1-27.  The  practice  of 
polygamy  nevertheless  still  existed ;  Ilerod  the 
Great  had  no  less  than  nine  wives  at  one  time.  The 
abuse  of  divorce  continued  unabated.  Our  Lord 
and  His  apostles  reijstablished  the  integrity  and 
sanctity  of  the  marriage-bond  liy  the  following 
measures: — (1.)  by  the  confirmation  of  the  original 
charter  of  marriage  as  the  basis  on  which  all  regu- 
lations were  to  be  framed  (Mat.  xix.  4,  5) ;  (2.)  by 
the  restriction  of  divorce  to  the  case  of  fornication 
(Adultery),  and  prohibition  of  remarriage  in  all 
persons  divorced  on  improper  grounds  (v.  32,  xix. 
9;  Rom.  vii.  3;  1  Cor.  vii.  10,  11);  (3.)  by  the  en- 
forcement of  moral  purity  generally  (Heb.  xiii.  4, 
&c.),  and  especially  by  the  formal  condemnation  of 
fornication,  which  appears  to  have  been  classed 
among  acts  morally  indifferent  by  a  certain  party  in 
the  Church  (Acts  xv.  20).  Shortly  before  the 
Christian  era  an  important  change  took  place  in  the 
views  entertained  on  the  ([uestion  of  marriage  as 
affecting  the  spiritual  and  intellectual  parts  of  man's 
nature.  Throughout  the  0.  T.  period  marriage  was 
regarded  as  the  indispensable  duty  of  every  man, 


MAR 


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605 


nor  was  it  surmised  that  there  existed  in  it  any 
drawback  to  the  attainment  of  the  highest  degree 
of  holiness.  In  the  interval  between  the  Old  and 
N.  T.  periods,  a  spirit  of  asceticism  had  been 
evolved.  The  Essenks  were  the  first  to  propound 
doubts  as  to  the  propriety  of  marriage :  some  of 
them  avoided  it  altogether,  others  availed  themselves 
of  it  under  restrictions.  Similar  views  were  adopted 
by  the  Therapeutse  (Alfxandria),  and  afterward 
by  the  Gnostics  (Philosophy);  thence  they  passed 
into  the  Christian  Church,  forming  one  olthe  distinct- 
ive tenets  of  the  Kucratitef,  and  finally  developing  in- 
to the  sjstem  of  monachism. — II.  The  conditions  of 
legal  marriage  arc  decided  by  the  prohibitions  which 
the  law  of  any  country  imposes  upon  its  citizens. 
In  the  Hebrew  commonwealth  these  prohibitions 
were  of  two  liinds,  according  as  they  regulated  mar- 
riage (i.)  between  an  Israelite  and  a  non-Israelite, 
apd  (ii.)  between  an  Israelite  and  one  of  his  own 
community,  i.  The  prohibitions  relating  to  foreign- 
ers were  based  on  that  instinctive  feeling  of  exclu- 
sivenoss,  which  form.-?  one  of  the  bonds  of  every 
social  body,  and  which  prevails  with  peculiar  strength 
in  a  rude  state  of  society.  The  only  distinct  pro- 
hibition in  the  Mosaic  Law  refers  to  the  Canaanites, 
with  whom  the  Israelites  were  not  to  marry  on  the 
ground  that  it  would  lead  them  into  idolatry  (Ex. 
xxxiv.  IG;  Deut.  vii.  3,  4).  But  beyond  this,  the 
legal  disabilities  to  which  the  Ammonites  and 
Moabites  were  subjected  (xxiii.  3),  acted  as  a  virtual 
bar  to  intermarriage  with  them,  totally  preventing 
the  marriage  of  Israelitish  women  with  Moabites, 
but  permitting  that  of  Israelites  with  Moabite 
women,  such  as  that  of  Mahlon  with  Ruth.  The 
prohibition  against  marriages  with  the  Edoniites  or 
Egyptians  was  less  stringent,  as  a  male  of  those  na- 
tions received  the  right  of  marriage  on  his  admission 
to  the  lull  citizenship  in  the  third  generation  of 
proselytism  (xxiii.  7,  8).  There  were  thus  three 
grades  of  prohibition — total  in  regard  to  the  Canaan- 
ites  on  either  side;  total  on  the  side  of  the  males 
in  regard  of  the  Ammonites  and  Moabites ;  and 
temporary  on  the  side  of  the  males  in  regard  of  the 
Edoniites  and  Egyptians,  marriage  with  females  in 
the  two  latter  instances  being  regarded  as  legal. 
Marriages  between  Israelite  women  and  proselyted 
foreigners  were  at  all  times  of  rare  occurrence  (Lev. 
xxiv.  10;  1  K.  vii.  14;  1  Clir.  ii.  17,  36).  In  the 
reverse  case,  viz.  the  marriage  of  Israelites  with 
foreign  women,  probably  the  wives  became  proselytes 
after  their  marriage,  as  instanced  in  the  case  of  Ruth 
(Ru.  i.  16);  but  this  was  by  no  means  invariably 
the  case  (1  K.  xi.  4,  xvi.  31  •  Ezr.  ix.  2,  x.  2  ;  Neh. 
xiii.  23-26).  Proselytism  does  not  therefore  appear 
to  have  been  an  essential  prerequisite  in  the  case 
of  a  wife,  though  it  was  so  in  the  case  of  a  husband. 
In  the  N.  T.  no  special  directions  are  given  on  this 
head,  but  the  general  precepts  of  separation  be- 
tween believers  and  unbelievers  (2  Cor.  vi.  14,  17) 
would  apply  with  special  force  to  the  case  of  mar- 
riage. The  progeny  of  illegal  marriages  between 
Israelites  and  non-Israelites  was  described  under  a 
peculiar  term,  mamzer  (A.  V.  "BASTAnn;"  Djjut. 
xxiii.  2). — ii.  The  regulations  relative  to  marriage 
between  Israelites  and  Israelites  may  be  divided  into 
two  classes:  1.  general,  and  2.  special.  1.  The 
general  regulations  are  based  on  considerations  of 
relationship.  The  most  important  passage  relating 
to  these  is  Lev.  xvii.  6-18,  wherein  we  have  fir.st  a 
general  prohibition  against  marriage  between  a  man 
and  the  "flesh  of  his  flesh"  (A.V.  "near  of  kin," 
margin   "  remainder  of  his  flesh  "),  and  secondly, 


[  special  prohibitions  against  marriage  with  a  moth- 
\  er,  stepmother,  sister,  or  half-sister,  whether  "  born 
!  at  home  or  abroad,"  grand-daughter,  aunt,  whether 
by  consanguinity  on  either  side,  or  by  marriage 
on  the  father's  side,  daughter-in-law,  brother's  wife, 
step-daughter,  wife's  mother,  step-grand-daughter, 
or  wife's  sister  during  the  life-time  of  the  wife. 
An  exception  is  subsequently  made  (Deut.  xxv.  6) 
in  favor  of  marriage  with  a  brother's  wife  in 
the  event  of  his  having  died  childless  (see  be- 
low). Bift'erent  degrees  of  guiltiness  attached 
to  the  infringement  of  these  prohibitions.  The 
ground  on  which  these  prohibitions  were  enacted 
are  reducible  to  the  following  three  heads: — (1.) 
moral  propriety;  (2.). the  practices  of  heathen  na- 
tions; and  (3.)  social  convenience.  Thefirst  of  these 
grounds  comes  prominently  forward  in  llic  expres- 
sions by  which  the  various  offences  are  character- 
ized, as  well  as  in  the  general  prohil  ition  agains-t 
approaching  "  the  flesh  of  his  flesh."  The  second 
motive  to  laying  down  these  prohibitions  was  that 
the  Hebrews  might  be  preserved  as  a  peculiar  peo- 
ple, with  institutions  distinct  from  those  of  the 
Egyptians  and  Canaanites  (Lev.  xviii.  S),  as  well  as 
of  other  heathen  nations  with  whom  they  might 
come  in  contact.  Marriages  with  half-sisters  by  the 
same  father  were  allowed  at  Athens,  with  half-sis- 
ters by  the  same  mother  at  Sparta,  with  full  sisters 
in  Egypt  and  Persia.  The  third  ground  of  the  pro- 
hibitions, social  convenience,  comes  forward  solely 
in  the  case  of  marriage  with  two  sisters  simultane- 
ously, the  effect  of  which  would  be  to  "  vex  "  or 
irritate  the  first  wife,  and  produce  domestic  jars. 
A  remarkable  exception  to  these  prohibitions  ex- 
isted in  favor  of  marriage  with  a  deceased  brother's 
wife,  in  the  event  of  his  having  died  childless.  The 
law  which  regulates  this  has  been  named  the  "Levi- 
rate,"  from  the  Latin  kvir  —  bro/her-in-law.  The 
first  instance  of  this  custom  occurs  in  the  patri- 
archal period,  where  Onan  is  called  upon  to  marry 
his  brother  Er's  widow  (Gen.  xxxviii.  8).  It  was 
confirmed  by  the  Mosaic  law  (Deut.  xxv.  6-9). 
(BoAZ ;  Heir.)  The  Levirate  marriage  was  not 
peculiar  to  the  Jews;  it  has  been  found  to  exist  in 
many  Eastern  countries,  particularly  in  Arabia,  and 
among  the  tribes  of  the  Caucasus.  The  Levirate  law 
offered  numerous  opportunities  for  the  exercise  of 
that  spirit  of  casuistry,  for  which  the  Jewish  teachers 
are  so  conspicuous.  One  such  case  is  brought  forward 
by  the  Sadducees  for  the  sake  of  entangling  our 
Lord,  and  turns  upon  the  complications  which  would 
arise  in  the  world  to  come  (the  existence  of  which 
the  Sadducees  sought  to  invalidate)  fiom  the  circum- 
stances of  the  same  woman  having  been  married  to 
several  brothers  (Mat.  xxii.  23-80).  The  Rabbinical 
solution  of  this  difficulty  was  that  the  wife  would 
revert  to  the  first  husband :  our  Lord  on  the  other 
hand  subverts  the  hypothesis  on  which  the  difliculty 
was  based,  viz.  that  the  material  conditions  of  the 
present  life  were  to  be  carried  on  in  the  world  to 
come;  and  thus  He  asserts  the  true  character  of 
marriage  as  a  temporary  and  merely  human  institu- 
tion. Numerous  difficulties  are  suggested,  and 
minute  regulations  laid  down  by  the  Talmudical 
writers,  the  chief  authority  on  the  subject  being  the 
book  of  the  Mishna,  entitled  Yfhainolh.  Trom  the 
prohibitions  expressed  in  the  Bible,  others  have  been 
deduced  by  a  process  of  inferential  reasoning.  Thus 
the  Talmudists  added  to  the  Lcvitical  relationships 
several  remoter  ones,  which  they  termed  trcordaty, 
such  as  grandmother  and  great-grandmother,  great- 
grandchild, &c. :  the  onlj  points  in  which  they  at  all 


606 


MAR 


MAR 


touched  the  Levitical  degrees  were,  that  they  added 
(a)  the  wife  of  the  father's  ulerine  brother  under  the 
i  lea  that  in  tlic  text  the  brother  described  was  only 
by  the  same  father,  and  (b)  the  mother's  brother's 
wife,  for  which  they  had  no  authority.  Considerable 
diiTerences  of  opinion  have  arisen  as  to  the  extent  to 
which  thi-i  process  of  reasoning  should  be  carried ; 
and  conflicting  laws  liave  been  made  in  different  coun- 
tries, professedly  based  on  the  same  original  author- 
ity. But  first,  the  legislator  apparently  intended  to 
give  an  exhaustive  list  of  prohibitions ;  for  he  not 
only  gives  examples  of  decrees  of  relationship,  but 
specifies  the  prohibitions  in  cases  strictly  porallel, 
e.  g.  son's  daughter  and  daughter's  daughter  (Lev. 
xviii.  10,  compare  also  17).  "Secondly,  he  evidently 
did  not  regard  the  degree  as  the  test  of  the  prohibi- 
tion ;  for  he  establishes  a  different  lule  in  regard  to 
a  brother's  widow  and  a  deceased  wife's  sister, 
tliough  the  degree  of  relationship  is  parallel.  Third- 
ly, there  must  have  been  some  tangible  and  even 
strong  grounds  for  the  distinctions  noted  in  the  de- 
grees of  equal  distance ;  and  it  then  becomes  im- 
portant to  ascertain  whether  these  grounds  are  of 
/lerpelual  force,  or  arise  out  of  a  peculiar  state  of 
society  or  legislation.  The  cases  to  which  tliese 
remarks  would  especially  apply  are,  marriage  with  a 
deceased  wife's  sister,  a  niece,  wliether  by  blood  or 
maniige,  and  a  maternal  uncle's  widow.  As  to  the 
first  and  third  of  these,  we  may  observe  that  the 
Hebrews  regarded  the  relationship  between  the  wife 
and  her  husband's  family  as  closer  tiian  that  between 
the  husband  and  his  wife's  family.  lUustraiions  of 
this  difference  are  (a.)  that  a  husband's  brother  was 
subject  to  the  Levirate  law ;  (6.)  that  the  nearest 
relative  on  the  husband's  side  was  his  widow's  ffoH 
or  avenger  of  blood;  and  (c.)  that  an  heiress  must 
marry  a  relative  on  her  father's  side.  When,  how- 
ever, we  transplant  the  Levitical  regulations  from 
the  Hebrew  to  any  other  commonwealth,  we  are 
fully  warranted  in  taking  into  account  the  temporary 
and  local  conditions  of  relationship  in  each,  and 
in  extending  the  prohibition,  in  conformity  to  the 
general  spirit  of  the  Law,  to  cases  where  alterations 
in  the  social  or  legal  condition  have  taken  place. 
Thus  the  prohibition  may  bo  extended  to  marriage 
with  a  brother's  widow  in  all  cases,  as  the  Levirate 
law  is  abolished  ;  also  fiom  the  paternal  to  the  ma- 
ternal uncle's  widow,  as  the  peculiar  differences  be- 
tween relationships  on  the  father's  and  mother's  side 
are  abolished.  Marriage  with  a  deceased  wife's  sis- 
ter is  not  only  not  prohildted,  but  actually  permitted 
by  the  letter  of  the  Mosaic  Law  ;  but  it  remains  to 
be  argued  («.)  whether  the  permission  was  granted 
under  peculiar  circumstances  ;  (6.)  whether  those  or 
strictly  parallel  circumstances  exist  at  the  present 
day;  and  (c.)  whether,  if  they  do  not  exist,  the  gen- 
eral tenor  of  the  Mosaic  prohibitions  would  or  would 
not  justify  extending  the  prohibition  to  such  a  rela- 
tionship on  the  authority  of  the  Levitical  Law.  We 
are  here  viewing  the  question  simply  in  its  relation 
to  the  Levitical  Law,  and  omit  all  notice  of  other 
arguments  pro  and  con.'  As  to  marriage  with  the 
niece,  which  was  also  permitted  by  the  Mosaic  Law, 
the  Jews  appear  to  have  availed  themselves  of  the 
privilege  without  scruple  (Jos  xii,  4,  §  6,  xvii.  1,  §  3, 
xviii.  6,  §  1 ;  see  Otiisiei.)  ;  but  this  marriage  is 
now  generally  regarded  as  incestuous. — 2.  Among 

'  The  late  Dr.  Edwani  Rohlnson  (in  B.  S.  Series  I.  for 
1843,  pp.  2^3  ft.)  ably  I'xliibtts  the  Biblical  iirguments  on 
this  eubject,  and  coneludeK  tliat  marriage  with  a  deceased 
wife'8  pister  was  valid  among  the  Hebrews,  and  is  equally 
defensible  among  Christians.     Such  a  marriage  is  legal  in 


the  special  prohibitions  we  have  to  notice  the  fol- 
lowing: (1.)  The  high-priest  was  forbidden  to  marry 
any  except  a  virgin  selected  from  his  own  people, 
i.  e.  an  Israelite  (Lev.  xxi.  13,  14).  (2.)  The  priests 
were  less  restricted  in  their  choice ;  they  were  only 
prohibited  from  marrying  prostitutes  and  divorced 
women  (xxi.  7).  (3.)  Heiresses  were  prohibited 
from  marrying  out  of  their  own  tribe  (Num.  xxxvi. 
5-9 ;  compare  Tob.  vii.  10).  (4.)  Persons  defective 
in  physical  powers  were  not  to  intermarry  with 
I  Israelites  by  virtue  of  the  regulations  in  Deut.  xxiii. 
I  1.  (5.)  In  the  Christian  Church,  bishops  and  dea- 
cons were  prohibited  from  having  more  than  one 
I  wife  (1  Tim.  iii.  2,  12),  a  proldbition  of  an  am- 
,  biguous  nature,  inasmuch  as  it  may  refer  («.)  to 
j  polygamy  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  tlie  term,  as  cx- 
j  plained  by  Thcodoret,  anil  most  of  the  Fathers  (and 
J  so  Doddridge,  Barnes,  &c.) ;  (6.)  to  marriage  after 
the  decease  of  the  first  wife  (so  Beza,  Conybeare  & 
How.son);  or(c.)  to  marriage  after  divoi'ce  during 
the  lifetime  of  the  first  wife.  The  probable  sense  is 
second  marriage  of  any  kind  whatever,  including  all 
the  three  cases  alluded  to,  but  with  a  s|)ecial  refer- 
ence to  the  two  last,  which  were  allowable  in  the 
case  of  the  laity,  wliile  the  first  was  equally  forbid- 
den to  all  (so  Mr.  Bevan  ;  but  Macknight,  Scott,  ic, 
suppose  the  apostle  here  referred  to  polygamy  and 
the  sec(md  marriage  of  one  improperly  divorced; 
see  Divorce).  (6.)  A  similar  prohibition  applied  to 
those  who  were  candidates  for  admission  into  the 
ecclesiastical  order  of  widows  ( I  Tim.  v.  9  ;  Widow)  ; 
in  this  case  the  words  "  wife  of  one  man  "  can  be  ap- 
plied but  to  two  cases,  (a.)  to  remarriage  after  the  de- 
cease of  the  husband  (so  Whitby,  Barnes,  ic),  or  (A.) 
after  divorce  (so  Conybeare  k  llowson;  see  above). 
That  divorce  was  obtained  sometimes  at  the  instance 
of  the  wife,  is  implieii  in  Mk.  .x.  12,  .and  1  Cor.  vii.  11, 
and  is  alluded  to  by  several  classical  writers.  But 
St.  I'anl  probably  refers  to  the  general  question  of 
remarriage  (so  Mr.  Bevan).  C?.)  Witli  regard  to 
the  general  question  of  the  remarriage  of  divorced 
persons,  there  is  some  difficulty  in  ascertaining  the 
sense  of  Scripture.  According  to  the  Mosaic  Law,  a' 
wife  divorcjd  at  the  instance  of  tlie  husband  might 
miirry  whom  she  liked  ;  but  if  her  second  husband 
died  or  divorced  her,  she  could  not  revert  to  her 
first  husband,  on  the  ground  that,  as  fiir  as  he  was 
concerned,  she  was  "  defiled  "  (Dent.  xxiv.  2-4) ;  wo 
may  infer  from  the  statement  of  the  ground  that 
there  was  no  objection  to  the  remarriage  of  the  orig- 
inal parties,  if  the  divorced  wife  had  remained  un- 
married in  the  interval.  In  the  N.  T.  there  arc  no 
direct  precepts  on  the  subject  of  the  remarriage  of 
divorced  persons.  All  the  remarks  bearing  upon 
the  point  had  a  primary  reference  to  an  entirely 
different  subject,  viz.  the  abuse  of  pivorce.  With 
regard  to  age,  no  restriction  is  pronounced  in  the 
Bible.  Early  marriage  is  spoken  of  with  approval 
in  several  passages  (Prov.  ii.  17,  v.  18;  Is.  Ixii.  6), 
and  in  reducing  this  general  statement  to  the  more 
definite  one  of  years,  we  must  take  into  account  the 
very  early  age  at  which  persons  arrive  at  puberty 
in  Oriental  countries.  In  modern  Egypt  marriage 
takes  place  in  general  before  the  bride  has  attained 
the  age  of  sixteen,  frequently  when  she  is  twelve  or 
thirteen,  and  occasionally  when  she  is  only  ten.  The 
Talmudists  forbade  marriage  in  the  case  of  a  man 


New  York,  Connecticut,  Maecachusntts,  Ac,  hut  has 
been  prohibited  In  somo  of  the  other  Stntcs;  yet  If  would 
be  regarded  as  valid  in  every  State.  If  made  In  a  State  or 
country  where  no  Buch  prohibition  exists.— See  E«nt'* 
Comm.  onAmei-ican  Law,  third  edition,  II.,  85,  n. 


MAR 


MAR 


COT 


under  thirteen  years  and  a  day,  and  in  the  case  of 
a  woman  under  twelve  years  and  a  day.  The  usual 
age  appears  to  have  been  higher,  about  eighteen 
years.  Certain  days  were  fixed  for  the  ceremony  of 
betrothal  and  marriage — the  fourth  day  for  virgins, 
and  the  fiftii  for  widows.  The  more  modern  Jews 
similarly  appoint  different  days  for  virgins  and 
widows,  Wednesday  and  Friday  for  the  former, 
Thursday  for  the  latter  (Picart,  i.  240).— III.  The 
customs  of  the  Hel)rews  and  of  Oriental  nations 
generally,  in  regard  to  the  preliminaries  of  marriage, 
as  well  as  the  ceremonies  attending  the  rite  itself, 
differ  in  many  respects  from  those  with  wliich  we 
are  familiar.  In  the  first  place,  the  choice  of  the 
bride  devolved  not  on  the  bridegroom  himself,  but 
on  liis  relations  or  on  a  friend  deputed  by  the  bride- 
groom for  this  purpose  (Gen.  xxi.  21,  xxiv.,  xxviii.  1, 
xxxviii.  6).  It  does  not  follow  that  the  bridegroom's 
wishes  were  not  consulted  in  this  arrangement.  As 
a  general  rule  the  proposal  originated  with  the  fam- 
ily of  the  bridegroom.  The  imaginary  case  of 
;  women  soliciting  husbands  (Is.  iv.  1)  was  designed 
to  convey  to  the  mind  a  picture  of  the  ravages  of 
war.  The  consent  of  the  maiden  was  sometimes 
askad  (Gen.  xxiv.  58) ;  but  this  appears  to  have 
been  subordinate  to  the  previous  consent  of  the 
father  and  the  adult  brothers  (xxiv.  51,  xxxiv.  11). 
Occasionally  the  whole  business  of  selecting  the 
wife  was  lelt  in  the  hands  of  a  friend.  The  selec- 
tion of  the  bride  was  followed  by  the  espousal, 
which  was  not  altogether  like  our  "  engagement," 
but  was  a  formal  proceeding,  undertaken  by  a  friend 
or  legal  representative  on  the  part  of  the  bridegroom, 
and  by  the  parents  on  the  part  of  the  bride :  it  was 
confirmed  by  oaths,  and  accompanied  with  presents 
to  the  bride  and  her  relatives.  These  presents 
were  described  by  different  terms,  that  to  (he  bride 
by  Ileb.  mohar  (A.  V.  "dowry"),  and  that  to  the 
relations  by  Heb.  matldn.  Thus  Shechcm  offers 
"never  so  much  dowry  and  gift"  (Gen.  xxxiv.  12), 
the  former  for  the  bride,  the  latter  for  the  relations. 
Mr.  Bevan,  with  Saalscliiitz,  denies,  and  Dr.  Gins- 
burg  (in  Kitto),  Gesenius,  I'iirst,  &c.,  affirm  tliat  the 
mohar  was  a  price  paid  down  to  the  father  for  the 
sale  of  his  daughter.  Such  a  custom  un'Joubtedly 
prevails  in  certain  parts  of  the  East  at  the  present 
day,  but  (so  Mr.  Bevan)  it  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  the  case  with  free  women  in  patriarchal  times 
(xxxi.  15 ;  Ex.  xxi.  7).  It  would  undoubtedly  be 
expected  that  the  mdhar  should  be  proportioned 
to  the  position  of  the  bride,  and  that  a  poor  man 
could  not  on  that  account  afford  to  marry  a  rich 
wife  (1  Sam.  xviii.  23).  Occasionally  the  bride 
received  a  dowry  from  her  father  ( Judg.  i.  15; 
1  K.  ix.  16).  A  "settlement,"  in  the  modem 
sense  of  the  term,  i.  e.  a  written  document  se- 
curing property  to  the  wife,  did  not  come  into  use 
until  the  post-Babylonian  period ;  the  only  in- 
stance we  have  of  one  is  in  Tob.  vii.  14,  where  it  is 
described  as  an  "  histrument."  The  Talmudists 
styled  it  a  cithubdh  (literally  a  writing),  and  have 
laid  down  minute  directions  as  to  the  disposal  of 

►  the  sum  secured,  in  a  treatise  of  the  Mishna  ex- 
pressly on  that  subject.  The  act  of  betrothal  was 
celebrated  by  a  feast,  and  among  the  more  modern 
Jews  it  is  the  custom  in  some  paits  for  the  bride- 
groom to  place  a  ring  on  the  bride's  finger.  Some 
writers  have  endeavored  to  prove  that  the  rings 
noticed  in  the  0.  T.  (Ex.  xxxv.  22  j  Is.  iii.  21)  were 
nuptial  rings,  but  there  is  not  the  slightest  evidence 
of  this.  The  ring  was  nevertheless  regarded  among 
the  Hebrews  as  a  token  of  fidelity  (Gen.  xli.  42), 


and  of  adoption  into  a  family  (Lk.  xv.  22).  Between 
the  betrothal  and  the  marriage  an  inteival  elapsed, 
varying  from  a  few  days  in  the  patriarchal  age  (Gen. 
xxiv.  55),  to  a  full  year  for  virgins  and  a  niontli  for 
widows  in  later  times.  During  this  period  the  bride 
elect  lived  with  her  friends,  and  all  communication 
between  herself  and  her  future  husband  was  carried 
on  through  the  medium  of  a  iriend  deputed  for  the 
purpose,  termed  the  "  friend  of  the  bridegroom  " 
(Jn.  iii.  29).  She  was  now  virtually  regarded  as 
the  wife  of  her  future  husband.  Hence  faithless- 
ness on  her  part  was  punishable  with  death  (Deut. 
xxii.  23,  24),  the  husband  having,  however,  the 
option  of  "putting  her  away"  (Mat.  i.  19;  Deut. 
xiv.  1  ff.). — In  the  wedding  itself  the  most  observ- 
able point  is,  that  there  were  no  definite  religious 
ceremonies  connected  with  it.  It  is  probable,  indeed, 
that  some  formal  ratification  of  the  espousal  with  an 
oath  took  place,  as  implied  in  some  allusions  to 
marriage  (Ez.  xvi.  8 ;  Mai.  ii.  14),  particularly  in  the 
expression,  "  the  covenant  of  her  Gi;d  "  (Prov.  ii. 
11),  as  applied  to  the  marriage-bond,  and  that  a 
blessmg  was  pronounced  (Gen.  xxiv.  60;  Ru.  iv.  11, 
12),  sometimes  by  the  parents  (Tcb.  vii.  13).  But 
the  essence  of  the  marriage  ceremony  consisted  in 
the  removal  of  the  bride  from  her  father's  house  to 
that  of  the  bridegroom  or  his  father.  The  bride- 
groom prepared  himself  for  the  occasion  by  putting 
on  a  festive  dress,  and  especially  by  placing  on  his 
head  the  handsome  turban  desciibed  by  the  term 
peer  (Is.  Ixi.  10,  A.  V.  "  ornaments  "  ;  Hkad-drkss), 
and  a  nuptial  crown  or  garland  (Cant.  iii.  11) :  he 
was  redolent  of  myrrh  and  frankincense  and  "  all 
powders  of  the  merchant "  (iii.  6).  The  bride  pre- 
pared herself  for  the  ceremony  by  taking  a  biith, 
generally  on  the  day  preceding  the  wedding.  The 
notices  of  it  in  the  Bible  are  few  (Ru.  iii.  3 ;  Ez. 
xxiii.  40;  Eph.  v.  26,  27).  The  distinctive  ftoture 
of  the  bride's  attire  was  the  tsd'iph,  or  "  veil  " — a 
lifht  robe  of  ample  dimensions,  which  covered  not 
only  the  face  but  the  whole  person  (Gen.  xxiv.  65  ; 
compare  xxxviii.  14,  15).  (Drkss.)  This  was  re- 
garded as  the  symbol  of  her  submission  to  her  hus- 
band (1  Cor.  xi.  10).  She  also  wore  a  peculiar 
girdle,  named  in  Heb.  kisfishurini,  the  "  attire " 
(A.  v.),  which  no  bride  could  forget  (Jrr.  ii.  32) ; 
and  her  head  was  crowned  with  a  chaplct,  which 
was  again  so  distinctive  of  the  bride,  that  the  Heb. 
term  eatluh,  "bride,"  originated  from  it.  (Crown; 
DixnEM.)  If  the  bride  were  a  virgin,  she  wore  her 
hair  flowing.  Her  robes  were  white  (Rev.  xix.  8), 
and  sometimes  embroidered  with  gold  thread  (Ps. 
xlv.  13,  14),  and  covered  with  peifumes  (xlv.  8) ; 
she  was  further  decked  cut  with  jewels  (Is.  xlix.  18, 
hi.  10;  Rev.  xxi.  2).  When  the  fixed  hour  arrived, 
which  was  generally  late  in  the  evening,  the  bride- 
groom set  lorth  from  his  house,  attended  by  his 
groomsmen  (A.  V.  "companions,"  Judg.  xiv.  11; 
"children  of  the  bride-chamber,"  Mat.  ix.  16),  pre- 
ceded by  a  I)and  of  musicians  or  singers  (Gen.  xxxi. 
27 ;  Jer.  vii.  34,  xvi.  9 ;  1  Mc.  ix.  39),  and  accom- 
panied by  persons  bearing  flambeaux  (2  Esd.  x.  2  ; 
Mat.  XXV.  7  ;  ccmpare  Jer.  xxv.  10;  Rev.  xviii  23, 
"the  light  of  a  candle").  (Lamp;  Lantern.)  Hav 
ing  reached  the  house  of  the  bride,  who  with  her 
maidens  anxiously  expected  his  arrival  (Mat.  xxv. 
6),  he  conducted  the  whole  party  back  to  his  own 
or  his  father's  house,  with  every  demonstration  of 
gladness  (Ps.  xlv.  IB).  On  their  way  back  they 
were  joined  by  a  party  of  maiden.",  friends  of  the 
bride  and  bridegroom,  who  were  in  waiting  to  catch 
the  procession  as  it  passed  (Mat.  xxv.  6).     The  in- 


608 


MAR 


MAR 


habitants  of  the  place  pressed  out  into  the  streets 
to  watch  the  procession  (Cant.  iii.  11).  At  the 
house  a  feast  was  prepared,  to  wliich  all  the  friends 
and  neighbors  were  invited  (Gen.  xxix.  '.i2 ;  Mat. 
xxii.  1-10;  Lk.  xiv.  8;  Jn.  ii.  2),  and  the  festivities 
wore  protracted  for  seven,  or  even  fourteen  days 
(Judg.  xiv.  12;  Tob.  viii.  19).  (Banquet;  Meals.) 
The  guests  were  provided  by  the  host  with  tit- 
ting  robes  (Mat.  x.xii.  11),  and  the  feast  was  enliv- 
ened with  riddles  (Jud?.  xiv.  12)  and  other  amuse- 
ments. The  bridegroom  now  entered  into  direct 
communiL'ation  with  the  briJe,  and  the  .joy  of  the 
friend  was  "  fulfilled "  at  hearing  the  voice  of  the 
bridegroom  (Jn.  iii.  29)  conversing  with  her,  which 
he  regarded  as  a  satisfactory  testimony  of  the  suc- 
cess of  his  share  in  the  worlc.  In  the  case  of  a 
virgin,  parched  corn  was  distributed  among  the 
guests.  The  last  act  in  the  ceremonial  was  the  con- 
ducting of  tlie  bride  to  the  bridal-uhambcr  (Heb. 
heder  or  cheder)  (Judg.  xv.  1 ;  Joel  ii.  16),  where  a 
canopy  (Heb.  huppdh  or  c/iu/i/jM)  was  prepared  (Ps. 
xi.x.  5  ;  Joel  ii.  16).  The  bride  was  still  completely 
veiled,  so  that  the  deception  practised  on  Jacob 
(Gen.  xxix.  23)  was  very  possible.  A  newly  married 
man  was  exempt  from  military  service,  or  from  any 
puljlic  business  which  might  draw  him  away  from 
his  home,  for  the  space  of  a  year  (Deut.  xxiv.  5):  a 
similar  privilege  was  granted  to  him  who  was  be- 
trothed (xx.  7).  Among  the  modern  Jews  the  mar- 
riage ceremony  is  performed  by  a  Rabbi,  who  covers 
the  bridal  pair,  as  they  stand  under  the  canopy, 
witli  the  talilh  or  fringed  wrapper  whieli  the  bride- 
groom has  on,  joins  their  hands,  pronounces  over  a 
cup  of  wine  the  benediction  of  airiance,  and  after 
the  pair  have  tasted  of  tlie  cup  and  the  bridegroom 
has  put  on  the  bride's  finger  a  plain  gold  ring,  reads 
aloud  the  marriage  settlement,  and  then  pronounces 
over  another  cup  of  wine  seven  benedictions.  The 
bridegroom  and  bride  taste  again  of  this  cup  of 
blessing,  and  when  the  glass  is  emptied  it  is  put  on 
the  ground  and  the  bridegroom  breaks  it  with  his 
foot,  to  remind  them  that  Jerusalem  is  destroyed 
and  trodden  down  of  the  Gentiles.  With  this  the 
ceremony  is  concluded,  amid  the  sliouts  Afau  i/ou  bn 
happ;^ !  (Ginsburg,  in  Kitto). — IV.  In  considering 
the  social  and  domestic  conditions  of  married  life 
among  the  Hebrews,  we  must  in  the  first  place  take 
Into  account  the  position  assigned  to  women  gener- 
ally in  their  social  scale.  There  is  abundant  evi- 
dence that  women,  whether  married  or  unmarried, 
went  about  with  their  faces  unveiled  (Gen.  xii.  14, 
xxiv.  18,  65,  xxix.  11 ;  1  Sam.  i.  13).  Women  not 
unfrequently  held  important  offices.  They  took 
their  part  in  matters  of  public  interest  (Ex.  xv.  20 ; 
1  Sam.  xviii.  6,  7) :  in  short,  they  enjoyed  as  much 
freedom  in  ordinary  life  as  the  women  of  our  own 
country.  If  such  was  her  general  position,  it  is 
certain  that  the  wife  must  have  exercised  an  impor- 
tant influence  in  her  own  home.  She  appears  to 
have  taken  her  part  in  family  affairs,  and  even  to 
have  enjoyed  a  considerable  amount  of  indepen- 
dence (2  K.  iv.  8 ;  Judg.  iv.  18 ;  1  Sam.  xxv.  14,  &c.). 
(Child;  Daughter;  Vow;  Women.)  The  rela- 
tions of  husband  and  wife  appear  to  have  been 
characterized  by  affection  and  tenderness.  At  the 
same  time  we  cannot  but  think  that  the  exceptions 
tT  this  state  of  aflairs  were  more  numerous  than  is 
consistent  with  our  ideas  of  matrimonial  happiness. 
One  of  the  evils  inseparable  from  polygamy  is  the 
discomfort  arising  from  the  jealousies  and  quarrels 
of  the  several  wives  (Gen.  xxi.  11;  1  Sam.  i.  6). 
The  purchase  of  wives,  and  the  small  amount  of 


liberty  allowed  to  daughters  in  the  choice  of  bus. 
bands,  must  inevitably  have  led  to  unhappy  unions. 
In  the  N.  T.  the  mutual  relations  of  husliand  and 
wife  area  subject  of  frequent  exhortation  (Eph.  v. 
22,  33;  Col.  iii.  18,  19;  Tit.  ii.  4,  5 ;  1  Pet.  iii.  1-7). 
The  duties  of  the  wife  in  the  Hebrew  household  were 
multifarious:  in  addition  to  the  general  superinten- 
dence of  the  domestic  arrangements,  such  as  cook- 
ing, from  which  even  women  of  rank  were  not  ex- 
empted (Gen.  xviii.  6 ;  2  Sam.  xiii.  8),  and  the  dis- 
tribution of  food  at  meal-times  (Prov.  xxxi.  15; 
Meals),  the  manufacture  of  the  clothing  and  the  va- 
rious textures  required  in  an  Eiistern  establishment 
devolved  upon  her  (xxxi.  13,  21,  22 ;  Dress), 
and  if  she  were  a  model  of  activity  and  skill,  she 
produced  a  surplus  of  fine  linen  shirts  and  girdles, 
which  she  sold,  and  so,  like  a  well-freighted  mer- 
chant-ship, brought  in  wealth  to  her  husband 
from  afar  (xxxi.  14,  24).  The  Mishna  thus  de- 
scribes a  wife's  duties  toward  her  husband  :  "  She 
must  grind  corn,  and  bake,  and  wash,  and  cook,  and 
suckle  his  child,  make  his  bed,  and  work  in  wool. 
If  she  brought  her  husband  one  bondwoman,  she 
need  not  grind,  bake,  or  wash  ;  if  two,  she  need  not 
cook,  nor  suckle  his  child ;  if  three,  she  need  not 
make  his  bed,  nor  work  in  wool ;  if  four,  she  may 
sit  in  her  chair  of  state."  Whatever  money  she 
earned  by  her  labor  belonged  to  her  husband.  Tiie 
legal  rights  of  the  wife  are  noticed  in  Ex.  xxi.  10, 
under  the  three  heads  of  food,  raiment,  and  duty 
of  marriage  or  conjugal  right.  (Concubine;  Widow.) 
— V.  The  allegorical  and  typical  allusions  to  marriage 
have  exclusive  reference  to  one  subject,  viz.  to  ex- 
hibit the  spiritual  relationship  between  God  and  his 
people.  The  earliest  form  in  which  the  image  is 
implied,  is  in  the  expressions  "  to  go  a  whoring," 
and  "  whoredom,"  as  descriptive  of  the  rapture  of 
that  relationship  by  acts  of  idolatry.  These  ex- 
pressions have  by  some  writers  been  taken  in  their 
primary  and  literal  sense,  as  pointing  to  the  licen- 
tious practices  of  idolaters.  But  this  destroys  the 
whole  point  of  the  comparison,  and  is  opposed  to 
the  plain  language  of  Scripture.  Israel  is  described 
as  the  false  wife  (Is.  i.  21 ;  Jer.  iii.  1,  6,  8) ;  Jehovah 
is  the  injured  husband  (Ps.  Ixxiii.  27;  Jer.  ii.  20; 
Hos.  iv.  12,  ix.  1) ;  the  other  party  in  the  adultery 
is  specified,  sometimes  generally,  as  idols  or  false 
gods  (Deut.  xxxi.  16;  Judg.  ii.  17;  1  Chr.  v.  25; 
Ez.  XX.  30,  xxiii.  30),  sometimes  particularly  (Lev. 
xvii.  7,  XX.  6,  6 ;  Judg.  viii.  27,  33 ;  Num.  xv.  89). 
The  image  is  drawn  out  more  at  length  in  Ez.  xxiii. 
and  Hos.  i.,  iii.  The  direct  comparison  with  mar- 
riage is  confined  in  the  0.  T.  to  the  prophetic  writ- 
ings, unless  we  regard  the  Canticles  as  an  allegor- 
ical work.  Tlie  actual  relation  between  Jehovah 
and  His  people  is  generally  the  point  of  comparison 
(Is.  liv.  5,  Ixii.  4:  Jer.  iii.  14;  Hos.  ii.  19;  Mai.  ii. 
11).  In  the  N.  T.  the  image  of  the  bridegroom 
is  tr.ansferrcd  from  Jehovah  to  Christ  (Mat.  ix.  16 ; 
Jn.  iii.  29),  and  that  of  the  bride  to  the  Church  (2 
Cor.  xi.  2 ;  Rev.  xix.  7,  xxi.  2,  9,  xxii.  17),  and  the 
comparison  thus  established  is  converted  by  St. 
Paul  into  an  illustration  of  the  position  and  mutual 
duties  of  man  and  wife  (Eph.  v.  23-32).  The  breach 
of  the  union  is,  as  before,  described  as  fornication 
or  whoredom  in  reference  to  the  mystical  Babtlon 
(Rev.  xvii.  1,  2,  B).     Adultery;  Harlot. 

Mars'  Hill.    Arkopaous. 

Mar'sc-na  (Hob.  fr.  Pers.  =  worthi/  man,  Benfey, 
Ges.),  one  of  the  seven  princes  of  Persi.i,  "wise 
men  which  knew  the  times,"  saw  the  king's  face 
and  sat  first  in  the  kingdom  (Esth.  i.  14). 


MAS 


MAR 


609 


JIar  tha  (Gr.  fr.  Aram.  fcm.  of  mdrl,  lord,  =  lady 

tBO  Prof.  IMuniptrc]),  a  woman  of  Beiiiany,  sister  of 
.AZAias  and  Mary.  The  facts  recorded  in  Lk.  x. 
and  on.  xi.  indicate  that  Martlia  possessed  a  cliar- 
acter  devout  after  tlie  customary  Jewish  type  of 
devotion,  sliaring  in  Messianic  hopes,  and  iicccpting 
Jcsiis  as  tlie  Christ ;  sharing  also  in  the  popular 
belief  in  a  resurrection  (Jn.  xi.  i'4),  but  not  rising, 
as  her  sister  (Mary,  sister  of  Lazarus)  did,  to  the 
belief  that  Christ  was  making  the  eternal  life  to 
belong,  not  to  the  future  only,  but  to  the  present. 
When  she  first  comes  before  us  in  Lk.  x.  38,  as  re- 
ceiving htr  Lord  into  her  house,  she  loses  the  calm- 
ness of  her  spirit,  is  "  cumbered  with  much  serv- 
ing," is  "careful  and  troubled  about  many  things." 
She  needs  the  reproof  "  one  thing  is  needful ; "  but 
her  love,  though  imperfect  in  its  form,  is  yet  rec- 
ognized as  true,  and  she  too,  no  less  than  Lazarus 
and  Mary,  lias  the  distinction  of  being  one  wliom 
Jesus  loved  (Jn.  xi.  3).  Her  position  here,  it  may 
be  noticed,  is  obviously  that  of  the  elder  sister, 
the  head  and  manager  of  the  household.  It  has 
b?en  conjectured  that  she  was  the  wife  or  widow  of 
"Simon  the  leper"  of  Mat.  xxvi.  0  and  Mk.  xiv.  3. 
(Simon  7.)  The  same  character  shows  itself  in  Jn. 
xi.  The  same  spirit  of  complaint  tliat  the  had 
shown  before  finds  utterance  mgain  (ver.  21),  but 
there  is  now,  what  there  was  not  before,  a  fuller 
faith  at  once  in  His  wisdom  and  His  power  (ver. 
22).  And  there  is  in  that  sorrow  an  education  for 
her  as  well  as  for  others.  She  rises  from  the  for- 
mula of  the  Pharisee's  creed  to  the  confession 
which  no  "  flesh  and  blood,"  no  human  traditions, 
could  have  revealed  to  her  (ver.  24-27).  Her  name 
appears  once  again  in  (he  X.  T.  She  is  present  at 
the  supper  at  Bethany  as  "serving  "  (Jn.  xii.  2). 
The  old  character  shows  itself  still,  but  it  has  been 
freed  from  evil.  She  is  no  longer  "  cumbered,"  no 
longer  impatient.  Activity  has  been  calmed  by 
trust.  When  other  voices  are  raised  against  her 
Bister's  overflowing  love,  hers  is  not  heard  among 
them. 

*  .Mnr'tjT,  the  L.  and  Eng.  form  of  the  Gr.  martvr  or 
mnrliis,  generally  and  literally  translated  "  witness  " 
(Mat.  xviii.  16,' xxvi.  65;  Acts  xxii.  1.1,  &c.),  but 
three  times  "martyr"  in  the  A.  V.  (xxii.  20;  Rev. 
ii.  13,  xvii.  6).  the  "witnesses"  to  the  Gospel 
might  have  to  suffer  death  for  their  testimony,  and 
hence  arises  the  ecclesiastical  use  of  the  Greek  word, 
coiTesponding  to  our  present  sense  of  the  English 
word  "  martyr." 

Ma'ry  (Or.  Jfaria,  fr.  Hcb.  —  Miriam)  the  Wife 
of  fle'o-pliis.  So  in  A.  V.  of  Jn.  xix.  26,  but  ac- 
curately "  the  Mary  of  Ci.opas  "  or  "  Clopas's  Mary." 
In  this  pas-sagc  we  read  that  "  there  stood  by  the 
cro.is  of  Jesus  His  mother,  and  His  mother's  sister, 
Mary  of  Clopas  (A.  V. '  Mary  th«  vi/e  of  Cleophas '), 
and  Mary  Magdalene."  The  same  group  of  women 
is  described  in  Mat.  xxvii.  56  as  consisting  of  "  Mary 
Magdalene,  and  Mary  the  mother  of  James  and 
Joses,  and  the  mother  of  ZcbeiJee's  children  ; "  and 
in  Mk.  XV.  40  as  ".Mary  Magdalene,  and  Mnry  the 
mother  of  James  the  Little  (A.  V.  "the  less")  and 
of  Joses  and  Salome."  From  a  comparison  of 
these  passages,  it  appears  that  Mary  of  Clopas, 
ind  Mary  of  James  the  Little  and  of  Joses,  are  the 
iimc  person,  and  the  sister  of  Mary  the  Virgin. 
There  is  an  apparent  difficulty  in  the  fact  of  two 
sisters  seeming  to  bear  the  name  of  Mary.  To  es- 
cape this  difliculty,  it  has  been  suggested  (1.)  that 
the  two  clauses  "  his  mother's  sister  "  and  "  Mary 
of  Clopas  "  are  not  in  apposition,  but  four  persons 
39 


I  were  present,  viz.  the  mother  of  Jesus,  her  sister 
(Wiescler  makes  this  sister  =  Salome),  Mary  of 
Clopas,  Mary  Magdalene ;  (2.)  that  "  sister  "  here  = 
cou.sin.  But  the  fact  of  two  sisters  having  the  same 
name,  though  unusual,  is  not  singular.  Genealogical 
tables  give  a  pair  of  Antonias,  and  a  pair  of  Octa- 
vias,  daughters  of  the  same  father,  in  one  case  of 
diflerent  mothers,  in  the  other  of  the  same  mother, 
also  two  Clcopatras.  (O.mas  3,  4;  llKRon  Philip  1, 
2.)  Miriam,  the  sister  of  Moses,  may  have  been 
the  holy  woman  alter  whom  Jewish  mothers  called 
their  daughters,  just  as  Spanish  mothers  not  unfrc- 
qucntly  give  the  name  of  JIary  to  their  children, 
male  and  female  alike,  in  honor  of  Mary  the  A'irgin. 
This  is  on  the  hypothesis  that  the  two  names  are 
identical,  hut  on  a  close  examination  of  the  Greek  text 
we  find  it  is  po.'^sible  that  this  was  not  the  case. 
Mary  the  Virgin  is  in  Gr.  Mariam  (so  Mr.  Meyrick), 
her  sister  is  Maria.  Mary  of  Clopas  was  proba- 
bly elder  sister  of  the  Lord's  mother,  and  may 
have  married  Clopas  or  ALniEcs  while  her  sister 
was  still  a  plil.  She  had  (so  Mr.  Meyrick)  four 
sens,  and  at  least  three  daughters.  The  nnmcs  of 
the  daughters  are  unknown ;  those  of  the  sons  are 
James,  Joses,  Judc,  Simon,  two  of  whom  be- 
came enrolled  among  the  twelve  apostles  (but 
see  Ja.mes  ;  Jide),  and  a  third  (Simon  4)  may 
1  ave  succeeded  his  brother  in  the  charge  of 
the  Church  at  Jerusalem.  Of  Joses  and  the 
daughters  we  know  nothing.  Mary  herself  is 
Lroupht  before  us  for  the  first  time  on  the  day  of 
the  Crucifixion — in  the  parallel  passages  already 
quoted  from  Matthew,  Mark,  and  John.  In  the 
evening  of  the  same  day  we  find  her  sitting  deso- 
lately at  the  tomb  with  Mary  Magdalene  (Mat.  xxvii. 
61  ;  Mk.  XV.  47),  and  at  the  dawn  of  Easter  morning 
she  was  again  there  with  sweet  spices,  which  f  he  had 
prepared  on  the  Friday  night  (Mat.  xxviii.  1 ;  Mk. 
xvi.  1 ;  Lk.  xxiii.  E6)  (so  Mr.  If  eyrick ;  see  Mart 
MAonALENE),  and  was  one  of  those  who  h.nd  "a 
vision  of  angels,  which  said  that  He  was  nlive " 
(Lk.  xxiv.  23).  These  arc  all  the  glimpses  that  we 
have  of  her.  Clopas  or  Alphcus  is  not  mentioned 
at  all,  except  as  designating  Mary  and  James.  Prob- 
ably he  was  dead  before  the  ministry  of  our  Lord 
commenced.  Jn.=ci'h,  the  husband  of  Mary  the 
Virgin,  was  probably  liljcwise  dead ;  and  the  (wo 
widowed  sisters,  as  was  natural  both  for  comfort 
and  for  protection,  were  in  the  custom  of  living 
together  in  one  house. 

JFa'iy  (sec  above)  Mag-da-Ic'ne  [as  an  English 
word  often  pronounced  niag'da-lencl  (sec  Magda- 
lene and  below).  Four  diflerent  explanations  have 
been  given  of  this  name.  (1.)  The  most  natural, 
that  she  came  from  the  town  cf  Magpala.  The 
statement,  that  the  women  with  whom  she  journeyed 
followed  Jesus  in  Galilee  (Mk.  xv.  41),  agrees  with 
this  notion.  (2.)  Ancther  explanation  has  been 
found  in  the  fact  that  the  Talmudic  writers  in  their 
calumnies  against  the  Nazarenes  make  mention  of  a 
Miriam  Megaddela,  and  explain  it  as  =  the  luiver 
or  p!aiUr  of  hair.  (3.)  Either  seriously,  or  with 
the  patristic  fondness  im  paronornania,  Jerome  sees 
in  her  name,  and  in  that  of  her  town,  the  old  Mig- 
dol  (=  a  Kalch-tower),  the  steadfastness  of  her  faith. 
(4.)  Origen  sees  in  her  name  (fr.  Heb.  g&dal  =  to  be 
preat)  a  prophecy  of  her  spiritual  greatness  as  hav- 
ing ministered  to  the  Lord,  and  been  the  first  wit- 
ness of  His  resurrection. — I.  She  comes  before  us 
first  in  Lk.  vili.  2,  among  the  women  who  "  minis- 
tered unto  Him  of  their  substance."  All  appear  (o 
have  occupied  a  position  of  comparative  wealth. 


610 


MAR 


MAB 


With  all  the  chief  motive  was  that  of  gratitude  for 
their  deliverance  from  "evil  spirits  and  iiittrmities." 
Of  Mary  it  is  said  specially  that  "  seven  devils 
went  out  of  her,"  and  the  number  indicates,  as  in 
Mat.  xii.  45,  and  the  "  Legion "  of  the  Gadarene 
demoniic  (Mk.  v.  9),  a  possession,  of  more  than  or- 
dinary inaHgnity.  VVe  must  think  of  her  accord- 
ingly, as  having  had,  in  their  most  aggravated  forms, 
some  of  the  phenomena  of  mental  and  spiritual 
disease  which  we  meet  with  in  other  demoniacs,  the 
wretchedness  of  despair,  the  divided  consciousness, 
the  preternatural  frenzy,  the  long-continued  fits  of 
silence.  From  that  state  of  misery  she  had  been 
set  free  by  the  presence  of  the  Healer,  and,  in  the 
absence,  as  we  may  infer,  of  other  ties  and  duties, 
she  found  her  safety  and  her  blessedness  in  follow- 
ing Him.  It  will  explain  much  that  follows  if  we 
remember  that  this  life  of  ministration  must  have 
brouglit  Mary  Magdalene  into  the  closest  compan- 
ionship with  Salome  the  mother  of  James  and 
John  (Mk.  XV.  40),  and  even  also  with  Mary  the 
mother  of  the  Lord  (Jn.  xix.  25).  The  women  who 
thus  devoted  themselves  are  not  prominent  in  the 
history:  we  have  no  record  of  their  mode  of  life,  or 
abode,  or  hopes  or  fears  during  the  few  momentous 
days  that  preceded  the  crucitixion.  Tiiey  "  stood 
afar  off,  beholdi:ig  the<e  things"  (Lis.  xxiii  49)  dar- 
ing the  closing  hours  of  the  Agony  on  the  Cross.  Mary 
Magdalene,  Mary  the  mother  of  the  Lord,  and  the  be- 
loved disciple  were  at  one  time  not  afar  off,  but 
close  to  the  cross,  within  hearing.  The  sane  closa 
association  which  drew  them  together  there  is  seen 
afterw,ird.  She  remains  by  the  cross  till  all  is  over, 
waits  till  the  body  is  taken  down,  and  wrapped  in 
the  linen-cloth  and  placed  in  the  garden-sepulchre 
of  Joseph  of  Arimathoa  (Mat.  xxvii.  61 ;  Mk.  xv. 
47;  Lk.  xxiii.  55).  The  Sabbath  that  followjd 
brought  an  enforced  rest,  but  no  sooner  is  the  sun- 
set over  than  she,  with  Salome  and  Mary  the  mother 
of  James,  "  brought  sweet  spices  that  they  might 
come  and  anoint"  the  body  (.Mk.  xvi.  1)  (so  Prof 
Plumptre ;  see  Mary  of  Cleophas).  The  next  morn- 
ing accordingly,  in  the  earliest  dawn  (Mat.  xxviii.  1 ; 
Mk.  xvi.  2)  they  come  with  Mary  the  mother  of 
James,  to  the  sepulchre.  Mary  Magdalene  had  been 
to  the  tomb  and  liad  found  it  empty,  had  Seen  the 
"vision  of  angels"  (Mat.  xxviii.  5;  Mk.  xvi.  5). 
She  went  with  her  cry  of  sorrow  to  Peter  and  John, 
"  they  have  taken  away  the  Lord  out  of  tlio  sep- 
ulchre, and  we  know  not  where  they  have  laid  Him  " 
(Jn.  XX.  1,  2).  But  she  returns  there.  She  follows 
Peter  and  John,  and  remains  when  they  go  back. 
The  one  thouglit  that  fills  her  mind  is  still  that  the 
body  is  not  tliere  (13).  This  intense  brooding  over 
one  fixed  thought  was,  we  may  venture  to  sav,  to 
one  w.^-.o  had  suffjred  as  she  had  suffered,  full  of 
special  danger,  and  called  for  a  special  discipline. 
The  utter  stupor  of  grief  is  shown  in  her  want  of 
power  to  recognize  at  first  either  the  voice  or  the 
form  of  the  Lord  to  whom  she  had  ministered  (14, 
15).  At  last  her  own  name  uttered  by  that  voice  as 
she  had  heard  it  uttered,  it  may  bo,  in  the  hour  of 
her  deepest  misery,  recalls  her  to  consciouaness ; 
and  then  follows  the  cry  of  recognition,  with  the 
strongest  word  of  reverence  which  a  woman  of  Israel 
could  use,  "  Ribboui,"  and  the  rush  forward  to  cling 
to  His  feet.  That,  however,  is  not  the  discipline 
she  needs.  Her  love  had  been  too  dependent  on 
the  visible  presence  of  her  Master.  She  had  the 
same  lesson  to  learn  as  the  ot.hcr  disciples.  Though 
t'ley  hid  "  known  Clirist  after  the  flesh,"  they  were 
"  henceforth  to  know  Jlim  so  no  more."    She  was 


to  hear  that  truth  in  its  highest  and  sharpest  form. 
"  Touch  Me  not,  for  I  am  not  yet  ascended  to  My 
Father."  For  a  time,  till  the  earthly  aftection  had 
been  raised  to  a  heavenly  one,  she  was  to  hold  back. 
When  He  had  finished  His  work  and  ascended  to 
the  Father,  there  should  be  no  barrier  to  the  fullest 
communion  that  the  most  devoted  love  could  crave. 
— II.  What  follows  will  show  how  great  a  contrast 
there  is  between  the  spirit  in  which  the  evangelist 
wrote  and  that  which  shows  itself  in  the  later  tradi- 
tions. Out  of  these  few  facts  there  rise  a  multitude 
of  wild  conjectures ;  and  with  these  there  has  been 
constructed  a  whole  romance  of  hagiology.  The 
questions  which  meet  us  connect  themselves  with 
the  narratives  in  the  four  Gospels  of  women  who 
came  with  precious  ointment  to  anoint  the  feet  or 
the  head  of  Jesus.  Although  the  opinion  seems  to 
have  been  at  one  time  maintained,  few  would  now 
hold  that  Mat.  xxvi.  and  Mk.  xiv.  are  reports  of  two 
distinct  events.  The  supposition  that  there  were 
three  anointings  found  favor  with  Origen  and  Light- 
foot,  but  is  improbable.  We  are  left  to  the  conclu- 
sion adopted  by  the  great  majority  of  interpreters, 
that  the  Gospels  record  two  anointings,  one  in  some 
city  unnamed  (Capernaum  or  Nainy)  during  our 
Lord's  Galilean  ministry  (Lk.  vii.),  the  othtT  at 
Bethany,  before  the  last  entry  into  Jerusalem  (Mat. 
xxvi. ;  Mk.  xiv. ;  Jn.  xii.).  We  come,  then,  to  the 
question  whether  in  these  two  narratives  we  meet 
with  one  woman  or  with  two.  The  one  passage  ad- 
duced for  the  former  conclusion  is  Jn.  xi.  2.  There 
is  but  slender  evidence  for  the  assumption  that  the 
two  anointings  were  the  acts  of  one  and  the  same 
woman,  and  that  woman  the  sister  of  Lazavns. 
There  is,  if  possible,  still  less  for  the  identification 
of  Mary  Magdalene  with  the  chief  actor  in  either 
history.  (1.)  When  her  name  appears  in  Lk.  viii. 
3  there  is  not  one  word  to  connect  it  with  the  his- 
tory that  immediately  precedes.  (2  )  The  belief 
that  Mary  of  Bethany  (Mary,  sister  of  Lazarus) 
and  Mary  Magdalene  are  identical  is  yet  more  start- 
ling. Xot  one  single  circumstance,  except  that  of 
love  and  reverence  for  their  Master,  is  common. 
The  epithet  JIagdalene,  whatever  may  be  its  mean- 
ing, seems  chosen  for  the  express  purpose  of  distin- 
guishing her  from  all  other  Maries.  No  one  evan- 
gelist gives  the  slightest  hint  of  identity.  Xor  is 
this  lack  of  evidence  in  the  N.  T.  itself  compensated 
by  any  such  weight  of  autliority  as  would  indicate 
a  really  trustworthy  tradition.  Two  of  the  earliest 
writers  who  allude  to  the  histories  of  the  anointing 
—Clement  of  Alexandria  and  Tertullian — say  noth- 
ing to  imply  that  they  accepted  it.  The  language 
of  Irena;us  is  against  it.  Origon  discusses  t'.ie 
question  fully,  and  rejects  it.  He  is  followed  by 
the  whole  succession  of  the  expositors  of  the  East- 
ern Church.  In  the  Western  Church,  however,  the 
other  belief  began  to  spread.  The  services  of  the 
feast  of  St.  Mary  Magdalene  were  constructed  on 
the  assumption  of  its  truth.  Well-nigh  all  eccle- 
siastical writers,  after  Gregory  the  Great,  take  it  for 
granted.  The  translators  under  James  I.  adopted 
the  received  tradition.  Since  that  period  there 
has  been  a  gradually  increasing  ngrecmcnt  against 
it.  Calvin,  Grofius,  Hammond,  Casaubon,  liengol, 
Lampe,  Grcswetl,  Alford,  Wordsworth,  Stier,  Meyer, 
EUicott,  Olshausen,  &c.,  agree  in  rcjcciing  it.  The 
mediinval  tradition  has  found  defenders  in  Baronius, 
the  writers  of  the  Acta  Sanctorum,  Maldonatus, 
Bishop  Andrcwes,  Lightfoot,  Isaac  Willi.ims,  and 
Dr.  Puscy.  The  substance  of  the  legend  is,  that  at 
some  time  before  the  commencement  of  our  Lord's 


UAR 


MAR 


611 


ininiatry,  Mary  of  Bethany  fell  from  her  purity  and 
enuk  into  tlie  depths  of  sliuini-.  Iler  life  was  that  of 
one  possessed  by  the  "  seven  devils  "  of  uncleanness. 
From  the  city  to  which  she  then  went,  or  from  her 
harlot-like  adornments,  she  was  known  by  the  new 
name  of  Magdalene.  Then  she  hears  of  the  Deliv- 
erer, and  repents,  and  loves,  and  is  forgiven.  Then 
she  is  received  at  once  into  the  fellowship  of  the 
holy  women  and  ministers  to  the  Lord,  ami  is  re- 
ceived back  again  by  her  sister  and  dwells  with  her, 
and  shows  that  she  has  chosen  the  good  pari.  The 
death  of  Lazarus  and  his  return  to  life  are  new 
motives  to  her  gratitude  and  love ;  and  she  shows 
tliem,  as  she  had  shown  them  before,  anointing  no 
longer  the  feet  only,  but  the  head  also  of  her  Lord, 
yhe  watches  by  the  cross,  and  witnesses  the  resur- 
rection. Then  (the  legend  goes  on),  after  some 
ywirs  of  waiting,  she  goes  with  Lazarus,  &c.,  to 
Slarseilles.  They  land  there;  and  she,  leaving  Mar- 
tha to  more  active  work,  retires  to  a  cave  in  the 
neigliborhood  of  Aries,  and  there  leads  a  life  of 
penitence  for  thirty  years.  When  she  dies  a  church 
is  built  in  her  honor,  and  miracles  are  wrought  at 
her  tomb.  Such  was  the  full-grown  form  of  the 
Western  story.  In  the  East  there  was  a  different 
tradition.  Nicephorus  states  that  she  went  to  Rome 
to  accuse  Pilate  for  his  unrighteous  judgment ; 
Modestus,  that  she  came  to  Ephesus  with  the  Vir- 
gin and  St.  John,  and  died  and  was  buried  there.  The 
Emperor  Leo  the  Philosopher  (about  890)  brought 
her  body  from  that  city  to  Constautinople. 

JIa'ry  (see  above),  Mother  of  Mark  (see  Mark). 
Tlie  woman  known  by  this  description  must  have 
been  among  the  earliest  disciples.  We  learn  from 
Col.  iv,  10  that  she  was  sister  (or  aunt ;  see  Mark) 
to  Barnabas,  and  it  would  appear  from  Acts  iv. 
S(,  -xii.  12,  that,  while  Barnabas  gave  up  liis  lands 
and  brought  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  into  the  com- 
mon treasury  of  the  Chnrch,  she  gave  up  her  hovise 
to  be  used  as  ore  of  its  chief  places  of  meeting. 
The  fact  that  Peter  goes  to  that  house  on  his  re 
lease  from  prison,  indicates  that  there  was  some 
special  intimacy  between  them,  and  this  is  con- 
firmed by  the  language  which  he  uses  toward  Mark 
as  being  his  "son  "  (1  Pet.  v.  13).  She,  too,  if  an 
own  sister  or  a  father's  sister  to  Barnabas,  must 
have  been  like  him  of  the  tribe  of  Levi,  and  may 
have  l)ecn  connected,  as  he  was,  with  Cyprus  (Acts 
iv.  36). 

Ma'fV  (see  above),  Sls'ter  of  Liz'a-rtts  (see  Laza- 

Krs).     The  facts  strictly  personal  to  her  are  but 

few.     She  and  her  .sister  Martha  appear  in  Lk.  x. 

1  40,  as  receiving  Christ  in  their  house.     Mary  sat 

blistening  eagerly  for  every  « ord  that  fell  from  the 

•Divine  Teacher.     She  had  chosen  the  good  part,  the 

■life  that  has  found  its  unity,  the  "  one  thing  need- 

j^ftil,"  in  rising  from  the  earthly  to  the  heavenly,  no 

/longer  districted  by  the  "many  things"  of  earth. 

The  same  character  shows  itself  in  Jn.  xi.     Iler 

;gricf  is  deeper  but  less  active.     Her  first  thought 

»*hen  she  sees  the  Teacher  in  whose  power  and  love 

•he  hail  trusted,  is  one  of  complaint.    But  the  great 

t-joy  and  love  which  her  brother's  return  to  life  calls 

■lip  in  her,  pour  themselves  out  in  larger  measure 

|than  had  been  seen  before.     The  treasured  alabas- 

er-box  of  ointment  is  brought  forth  at  the  final 

tfeast  of  Bethany  (xii.  8).     Of  her  after-history  we 

Iknow  nothing.     The  ecclesiastical  traditions  about 

flier  are  based  on  the  unfounded  hypothesis  of  her 

|<Identity  with  Mary  Maopalene. 

Mary  (Gr.  Maria  [Mat.  i.  16,  18,  )i.  11,  &c.1  tnd 
\fariam  [Mat.  i.  20,  xUi.  68,  &c.],  both  fr,  Heb.  = 


Miriam)  the  Vlr'gln.  There  is  no  person  perhaps 
in  sacred  or  profane  literature,  around  whom  so 
many  legends  have  been  grouped  as  this  Mary ;  and 
there  are  few  whose  authentic  history  is  more  con- 
cise. We  shall  divide  her  life  into  three  periods. 
I.  The  period  of  her  childhood,  up  to  the  time  of 
the  birth  of  our  Lord.  II.  The  period  of  her  middle 
age  contemporary  with  the  Bible  record.  III.  The 
period  subsequent  to  the  Ascension. — I.  T/ie  child- 
hood of  Maty,  wlioUi)  legendary.  Joachim  and  Anna 
were  both  of  the  race  of  David.  The  abode  of  the 
former  was  Nazareth ;  the  latter  passed  her  early 
years  at  Bethlehem.  They  lived  piously  in  the  sight 
of  God,  and  faultlessly  before  man,  dividing  their 
substance  into  three  portions,  one  of  which  they 
devoted  to  the  service  of  the  Temple,  another  to 
the  poor,  and  the  third  to  their  own  wants.  And  so 
twenty  years  of  their  lives  passed  silently  away. 
But  they  were  childless.  At  the  end  of  this  period 
Joachim  went  to  Jerusalem  with  some  others  of  his 
tribe,  to  make  his  usual  ofi'eiing  at  the  Feast  of  the 
Dedication.  And  the  high-priest  scorned  Joachim, 
and  drove  him  roughly  away,  askhig  how  he  dared 
to  present  himself  in  company  with  those  who  had 
children,  while  he  had  none.  And  Joachim  was 
shamed  before  his  friends  and  neighbors,  and  he 
retired  into  the  wilderness  and  fixed  his  tent  there, 
and  fasted  forty  days  and  forty  nights.  And  at  the 
end  of  this  period  an  angel  appeared  to  bin),  and 
told  him  that  his  wife  should  conceive,  and  should 
bring  forth  a  daughter,  and  he  should  call  her  name 
Mary.  Anna  meantime  was  nuch  distressed  at  her 
husband's  absence,  and  being  reproached  by  her 
maid  Judith  with  her  barrenness,  she  was  overcome 
with  grief  of  spirit.  And  two  angels  appeared  to 
her,  and  promised  her  that  she  should  have  a  child 
who  should  be  spoken  of  in  all  the  world.  And 
Joachim  returned  joyfully  to  his  home,  and  when 
the  time  was  accomplished  Anna  brought  forth  a 
daughter,  and  they  called  her  name  Mary.  Now 
the  child  Mary  increased  in  strength  day  by  day, 
and  at  nine  months  of  age  she  walked  nine  steps. 
And  when  she  was  three  years  old  her  parents 
brought  her  to  the  Temple,  to  dedicate  her  to  the 
Lord.  Then  Mary  remained  at  the  Temple  until  she 
was  twelve  or  fourteen  years  old,  ministered  to  by 
the  angels,  and  advancing  in  perfection  as  in  years. 
At  this  time  the  high-priest  commanded  all  the 
virgins  that  were  in  the  Temple  to  return  to  their 
homes  and  to  be  married.  The  legend  now  tells 
of  the  unwilling  betrothal  of  Joseph  11  to  Mary,  the 
Annunciation,  the  marriage,  and  ihe  birth  of  Jesus 
in  a  form  distorted  from  the  simple  narrative  of  the 
Gospel  (Mat.  i. ;  Lk.  i.,  ii.). — II.  Thereal  hhtonj  of 
Mary.  We  are  ignorant  of  the  name  and  occupa- 
tion of  Mary's  parents  (so  Mr.  Meyrick).  If  the 
genealogy  given  by  Luke  is  that  of  Mary  (Greswell, 
&c.),  her  father  was  Ileli.  If  Jacob  and  Heli  were 
the  two  sons  of  Matthan  or  Matlhat,  and  if  Joseph, 
the  son  of  the  younger  brother,  married  his  cousin, 
the  daughter  of  the  elder  brother  (Lord  A.  C.  Her- 
vey),  her  father  was  Jacob.  (Genkalooy  Tif  Jesis 
Christ.)  She  was,  like  Joseph,  of  the  tribe  of  Ju- 
dah,  and  of  the  lineage  of  David  (Ps.  cxxxii.  11; 
Lk.  i.  S2 ;  Rom.  i.  8).  She  had  a  sister,  named 
probably  like  herself,  Mary  (Jn.  xix.  25 ;  Mary  of 
Cleophas),  and  she  was  connected  by  marriage  (Lk. 
i.  36)  with  Elisabeth,  who  was  of  the  tribe  of  Levi 
and  of  the  lineage  of  Aaron.  This  is  all  that  we 
know  of  her  antecedents.  In  the  summer  of  B.  c. 
6  (jRSva  Christ),  Mary  was  living  at  Nazareth, 
probably  at  her  parents' — possibly  at  her  elder  sis- 


G12 


MAR 


MAE 


tei''3 — house,  not  having  yet  been  taken  by  Joseph 
to  his  home.  She  was  at  this  time  botrotlied  to 
Joieph,  and  was  therefore  regardt-d  by  the  Jewish 
law  and  custom  as  liis  wife,  though  he  liad  not 
yet  a  husband's  rights  over  her.  (.\1akkiage.)  At 
tliis  tim3  tlie  angel  Gabriel  came  to  her  wiih  a 
massage  from  Gjd,  and  announeud  to  her  that  she 
was  to  l»2  the  mother  of  tlie  long-expected  Mes- 
siah. Tha  scene  as  well  as  the  salutation  is  very 
similar  to  that  recounted  in  Dan.  x.  18, 19.  Gabriel 
proceeils  (o  instru^'t  .Mary  that  by  the  operation  of 
the  II  jly  Ghost  the  everlasting  Son  of  the  Father 
should  be  born  of  her.  He  further  informs  her 
that  her  relative  Elisabeth  was  witliin  three  months 
of  being  delivered  of  a  child.  The  angel  left  Mary, 
and  she  set  off  to  visit  Elisabetli  either  at  Hebron 
or  Jnttah  (Lk.  i.  39),  where  the  latter  Mvei  with  her 
husband  Zacharias.  Immediately  on  her  entrance 
into  the  house  she  w.as  saluted  by  Elisalieth  as  the 
mother  of  her  Lord,  and  hid  evidence  of  the  truth 
of  the  angel's  saying  with  regard  to  her  cousin. 
She  enn!)olied  her  feeling*  of  e.Kultation  and  thank- 
fulness in  t!ic  hymn  (Lk.  i.  46-53)  known  under 
the  name  of  the  Magnijlcal  (from  the  first  word 
of  it  in  the  Vulgate  [L.  =  "doth  magnify"]). 
The  hymn  is  founded  on  Hannah's  song  of  thank- 
fulness (1  Aim.  ii.  1-10).  Mary  returned  to  Naza- 
reth shortly  before  the  birth  of  John  the  Baptist, 
and  continued  living  at  her  own  home.  In  the 
course  of  a  few  mouths  Joseph  became  aware  that 
sh3  was  with  child,  and  determined  on  giving  her  a 
bill  of  divorconent,  instead  of  j-ielding  her  up  to 
the  law  to  sufTijr  the  penalty  whieu  ha  supposed 
that  she  hal  incurred.  (.\nuLTF,av.)  Being,  how- 
ever, warned  and  satisfiad  by  an  angel  who  ap- 
peared ti  hi  n  in  a  dream,  he  took  her  to  his  own 
liousi.  It  was  soon  after  this,  as  it  would  seem, 
thit  Au;;ustus's  decree  was  promulgated,  and  Jo- 
seph and  -Mary  travelled  to  Bethlehem  to  have 
their  names  enroUel  in  the  registers  (b.  c.  4)  by 
way  of  preparation  for  the  t-vxino,  whicli,  however, 
was  not  completed  till  ton  years  afterward  (a.  n.  6), 
in  the  governorship  of  Qiirinus  (Cvrenius).  They 
reached  Bethlehem,  and  there  Mary  brought  forth 
the  Saviour  of  the  world,  and  humbly  laid  him  in  a 
MAXOER.  The  visit  of  the  shepherds,  the  circum- 
cision, the  adoration  of  the  wise  men,  and  the  pre- 
sontatio  i  in  the  Temple,  are  rather  scenes  in  the 
life  of  Christ  than  in  thit  of  his  moth?r.  (Jesi's 
Christ.)  Tlie  presentation  in  the  Temple  might 
not  take  place  till  forty  days  after  the  birth  of  the 
child  (Lev.  xii.).  The  poverty  of  Ma.-y  an  1  Joseph, 
it  may  be  noted,  is  .shown  by  their  making  the  olfer- 
ing  of  the  poor.  The  song  of  Simeon  and  the 
thanksgiving  of  Anna,  like  the  wonder  of  the 
slieph^rds  and  the  adoration  of  t'le  magi,  only  in- 
cidentally refer  to  Mary.  One  passage  alone  in 
Simeon's  address  is  specially  directed  to  her,  "  Yea 
a  sword  shall  pierce  through  thy  own  soul  also." 
Tliose  words  arc  commonly  referred  to  the  pangs 
of  grief  which  she  experienced  on  witnessing  the 
sufferings  of  her  Son  on  the  cross.  In  the  flight 
into  Egypt,  Mary  and  the  babe  had  the  support  and 
protection  of  Joseph,  as  well  as  in  their  return  from 
thence,  in  the  following  year,  on  the  death  of  Herod 
the  Great  (b.  c.  3).  It  may  be  that  the  holy  family 
(it  this  time  took  up  their  residence  ii  the  lionse  of 
Mary's  sister,  the  wife  of  Clopas  (Mart  of  Cleo- 
piiAsV  Henceforward,  until  the  beginning  of  our 
Lord's  ministry — i.  c.  from  b.  c.  3  to  A.  n.  20— t-we  | 
may  picture  Mary  to  ourselves  as  living  in  Nazareth, 
in   a   humble  sphere  of  life.     Two  circumstances 


I  alone,  so  far  as  we  know,  broke  in  on  the  otherwise 
1  even  flow  of  her  life.  One  of  these  was  the  tenipo- 
I  rary  lu.<s  of  her  Son  when  he  remained  behind  in' 
'  Jerusalem,  a.  d.  8.  Tlie  other  was  the  death  of  Jo- 
I  seph.  The  exact  date  of  this  last  event  we  cannot 
determine,  but  it  was  probably  (so  Mr.  Meyrick,  the 
original  author  of  this  article)  not  long  after  the' 
j  other.  From  the  time  at  which  our  Lord's  minis-' 
try  commenced,  Mary  is  withdrawn  almost  wholly 
from  sight.  Four  times  only  is  the  veil  removed' 
which  is  thrown  over  her.  These  four  occasions 
j  are, — 1.  The  marriage  at  Cana  of  Galilee  (Jn.  ii.). 
2.  The  attempt  which  she  and  his  brethren  made 
"  to  speak  with  him  "  (Mat.  xii.  4B ;  Mk.  iii.  21,  31 ; 
Lk.  viii.  19).  3.  The  Cruciiixion.  4.  The  days 
succeeding  the  Ascension  (Acts  i.  14).  If  to  these 
:  we  add  two  references  to  her,  the  tiist  by  her  Naza- 
rene  fellow-citizens  (.Mat.  xiii.  S4,  85 ;  Mk.  vi.  1-3), 
the  second  by  a  woman  in  the  multitude  (Lk.  xi.  L'7), 
we  have  speeiiied  every  event  known  to  us  in  her 
life.  It  is  noticeable  that,  on  every  occasion  of  our 
]  Lord's  addressing  her,  or  speaking  of  her,  there  is 
'  a  sound  of  reproof  in  his  words,  with  the  exception 
of  the  last  words  spoken  to  her  from  the  cross. — 1. 
The  marriage  at  Cana  in  Galilee  took  place  in  the 
\  three  months  between  the  baptism  of  Christ  and 
the  passover  of  the  year  27.  When  Jesus  was 
'  found  by  his  mother  and  Joseph  in  the  Temple  in 
the  year  8,  we  find  him  repudiating  the  name  of 
'  "father"  as  applied  to  Joseph  (Lk.  ii.  48,  49). 
Now,  in  like  manner,  at  Ilis  first  miracle  which  in- 
augur.ites  Ilis  ministry.  He  solemnly  withdraws 
j  Himself  from  the  authority  of  His  earthly  mother. 
— 2.  Capernaum  (Jn.  ii.  12)  and  Nazareth  (Jl.at.  iv. 
13,  xiii.  54;  Mk.  vi.  1)  appear  to  have  liecn  tlio 
residence  of  Mary  for  a  considerable  period.  The 
next  time  that  she  is  brouglit  before  us  we  find  her 
at  Capernaum.  It  is  the  autumn  of  the  year  28, 
more  than  a  year  and  a  half  after  the  miracle 
wrought  at  the  marriage-feast  in  Cana.  Mary  was 
still  living  with  her  sister,  and  her  nephews  and 
nieces  (Brother;  James),  James,  Joses,  Simon, 
Jude,  and  their  three  sisters  (Mat.  xiii.  55);  and 
she  and  they  heard  of  the  toils  which  He  was  un- 
dergoing, and  they  understood  that  He  was  deny 
ing  Himself  every  relaxation  from  His  bbors.  Their 
human  affection  conquered  their  faith.  They  there- 
fore sent  a  message,  begging  Ilim  to  allow  them  to 
speak  to  Ilim.  Again  He  reproves.  Again  lie  re- 
fuses to  admit  any  authority  on  the  part  of  His  rela- 
tives, or  any  privilege  on  account  of  their  relation- 
ship.— .'!.  The  next  scene  in  JIary's  life  brings  us  to 
the  foot  of  the  cross.  She  was  standing  there  with 
her  sister  Mary  and  Mary  Magdalene,  and  Salome, 
and  other  women,  having  no  doubt  followed  her 
Son  as  she  was  able  throughout  the  terrible  morn; 
ing  of  Good  Friday.  It  was  about  three  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon,  and  He  was  about  to  give  up  His 
spirit  Standing  near  the  company  of  the  women 
was  St.  John;  and,  with  almost  Ilis  last  words, 
Christ  commended  Ilis  mother  to  the  care  of  the 
disciple  whom  Jesus  loved.  "  Woman,  behold  thy 
son."  And  from  that  hour  St.  Jolin  took  her  to 
his  own  abode  (Jn.  xix.  25-27). — 4.  A  veil  is  drawn 
over  her  sorrow  and  over  her  joy  which  succeeded 
that  sorrow.  Mediaeval  imagination  has  supposed, 
but  Scripture  does  not  state,  that  her  Son  appeared 
to  Mary  after  Ills  resurrection  from  the  dead.  She 
was  doubtless  living  at  Jerusalem  with  John,  cher- 
ished with  the  tenderness  specially  needed,  and  un- 
doubtedly found  preeminently  in  St.  John.  We 
have  no  record  of  her  presence  at  the  Ascension, 


MAR 


HAR 


C13 


or  at  the  descent  of  tlie  Holy  Sjiirit  on  tlie  day  of 
rcntctost.  We  read  tliat  she  reniuiued  steiiclfajt 
in  prayer  in  the  up(er  room  ut  JclU^alenl  with  Mary 
Maj;dalene  and  Salome,  and  tin se  known  as  the 
LuruV  biotheis  and  the  uposlkf.  This  is  the  last 
view  that  we  have  of  her.  iloly  Scripture  leaves 
her  engaged  in  prayer.  From  this  point  forward 
we  know  nothing  of  her.  I'rolial  ly  the  rest  of  her 
life  »as  spent  in  Jerusalem  with  St.  John  (see  Kpi- 
pliaiiius,  har.  78).  Aecoming  to  one  tradition  the 
beloved  disciple  would  not  leave  I'alcstine  unlil  she 
had  expired  in  his  arms.  (.Itlier  tiaditicns  make  her 
journey  with  St.  John  to  Ephesus,  and  there  die  in 
extreme  old  age.  In  the  fifth  century  some  believed 
that  she  was  buried  at  Kphesus;  others,  at  Gelh- 
semane. — 5.  The  vhuiarhr  ol  Mary  is  not  drawn  by 
any  of  the  evangelists,  tut  some  of  its  lineaments 
are  incidentally  manifested  in  the  fingmcntary  rec- 
ord given  of  her.  It  is  clear  fioni  Luke,  though 
without  any  such  intimation  nc  might  rest  assured 
of  the  fact,  that  her  youth  had  been  spent  in  the 
study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  that  she  had  set 
beibre  her  the  example  of  the  holy  wonitn  of  lie 
0.  T.  as  her  model.  This  would  ajipear  Ircni  the 
llaijii'ijical  (LV.  I.  i6  a.).  Her  fniih  and  humility 
exhibit  themselves  in  hir  immediate  ."surrender  of 
herself  to  the  tivinc  will,  tl.ough  ignorant  hew  that 
will  should  be  accomplished  (i.  c8) ;  her  energy  and 
earnestness  in  her  ji  urnty  from  Nazareth  to  Ilebron 
(30);  licr  happy  tlianklulness,  in  her  song  of  jcy 
(48);  her  silent  mcshig  thoughtfulncss,  in  her  ptn- 
dering  over  the  shepherds' vii-it  (ii.  19),  and  in  litr 
keeping  her  Son's  wori:s  in  her  heart  (51),  though 
she  c<  uld  cot  fully  understand  their  import.  Her 
humility  is  seen  ui  her  drawing  back,  yet  without 
anger,  after  icceiying  reproof  at  <  nna(Jn.  ii.  5),  and 
in  the  remarkable  manner  in  which  sl.e  shuns  pit- 
ting herself  forward  through  the  whole  of  her  Son's 
ministry,  or  after  Ilia  removal  from  earth.  Once 
only  does  she  attempt  to  interfere  with  His  freedom 
of  action  (Jlat.  xii.  40;  Mk.  iii.  31;  Lk.  viii.  19); 
and  even  here  she  seen.s  to  have  been  rt  used  by  a 
woman's  and  a  n:other's  feelings  of  aft'eetion  and 
fear  for  Him  w  hom  she  loved.  In  a  w  ord,  so  far  as 
llary  is  portrayed  to  us  in  Scripture,  she  is,  as  we 
should  have  expected,  the  mo.'t  tinder,  the  n:ost 
faithlul,  humble,  patient,  f.nd  loving  of  women,  but 
a  woman  still. — III.  Ihr  uflirJIfr,  uhollijliyendarti. 
The  legends  of  Mary's  cfdldhcod  may  be  traced 
back  as  far  as  the  tliird  or  even  the  second  century. 
Those  of  her  death  are  jitobably  later.  The  chief 
legend  was  for  a  length  of  time  considered  to  be  a 
veritable  history,  written  by  Melito  Bishop  of  Sardis 
in  the  second  century.  We  give  the  substance  of 
the  legend :  \\  hen  the  apostles  separated  in  order 
to  evangelize  the  world,  Mary  ec  ntinued  to  live  with 
St.  John's  I  arents  in  their  h<  use  rear  the  Mount  of 
Olives,  and  every  day  she  went  out  to  pray  at  the 
tomb  of  Christ,  and  at  Golgotha.  Afterward  she 
went  and  dwelt  with  three  holy  virgins  at  Urthle- 
hcm.  And  in  the  twenty-see<  nd  year  after  the  as- 
cension of  the  Lord,  Mary  felt  her  heart  burn  with 
an  inexpressible  longing  to  be  with  her  Son  ;  and 
behold  an  angel  appeared  to  her,  announced  that 
her  soul  should  be  taken  up  fn  m  her  body  on  the 
third  day,  pl.ieed  a  palm-branch  fiom  paradise  in 
her  hands,  and  desired  that  it  should  be  carried  be- 
fore her  bier.  And  Mary  besought  that  the  apos- 
tles might  be  gathered  round  her  before  she  died, 
and  the  angel  replied  that  they  should  come.  AH 
the  apostles,  living  and  dead,  were  accordingly 
Hnatched  away  in  a  bright  cloud,  and  found  them- 


selves at  Bethlehem.  Augcls  and  powers  without 
number  desetndid  from  heaven  and  stood  round 
about  the  house.  T  he  people  of  Bethlehem  bi  ought 
their  sick  to  the  bouse,  and  they  were  all  healed. 
The  news  of  these  things  was  carried  to  JeiusaUm, 
and  the  king  sent  to  Bethlehem  to  seize  Mary,  but 
the  Holy  Spirit  had  taken  her  and  the  di6ci[)ks  in  a 
cloud  to  Jeiusalcni.  Thtn,  on  the  sixth  day  of  the 
week,  the  Holy  Spiiit  con.n.anded  the  apostles  to 
take  up  Mary,  and  to  carry  her  from  Jerusakm  to 
(iethstmane.  The  angel  Oabricl  announced  tliaton 
the  first  day  of  the  week  Mary's  soul  the  uld  be  re- 
moved fiom  this  woild.  On  the  noinirg  of  that 
day  there  came  Eve  and  Anne  and  Elisabeth,  aad 
kissed  Mary  and  told  her  who  thty  were:  eiime 
Aoum,  Selh,  Slum,  Noah,  Abraham,  Isaac,  Jaiob, 
David,  and  the  rest  of  the  old  fathers :  can:e  Eroih 
and  Elias  and  Moses  :  came  twelve  chaiiols  of  argels 
innumerable:  and  then  appeared  the  Loid  Christ  in 
His  humanity.  Maiy  prayed.  After  her  prayer 
was  finished  her  face  shone  with  marvellous  bright- 
ness, and  she  stretched  cut  her  hands  ard  bl^^sed 
them  all ;  and  her  Sen  put  foith  Lis  hai  ds  ard  re- 
ceived ler  pure  soul,  and  bote  it  into  His  lather's 
tieasurc -house.  The  apostles  cariitd  her  body  to 
the  valhy  of  Jehoshapbat,  to  a  place  whiih  the 
Lord  had  told  them  of,  and  John  went  before  and 
canied  tie  pahnbraneh.  They  plaetd  her  in  a  new 
tomb.  Suddenly  thcie  a]  peaied  the  Loid  Chiist, 
surrounded  by  a  multitudeof  angels,  and  ecnimand- 
ed  Michael  the  archaiigil  tobiingdown  Moiy's  soul. 
Cabriil  rolled  away  the  stone,  and  (he  Lord  said, 
"  liise  up,  my  beloved,  thy  body  shall  not  suffer 
cciiu|ti(n  in  the  tomb."  Immediately  I'aiy  aiose 
aid  bowid  herself  at  His  feet  and  v.oifliirpid  ;  and 
the  Lord  kissed  her  and  gave  her  to  the  angels  to 
cairy  1  er  to  paracise.  But  Ibtmas  was  n<  t  pres- 
ent with  the  test.  He  ariivtd  just  after  all  these 
things  were  aec(  nipli.'hcd,  and  c'tn  aiickd  to  stc  the 
scpulihie  in  which  lluy  had  laid  his  Lady ;  "lor 
ye  know,"  said  he,  "  tl  at  I  am  Thrmas,  and  r.nless 
I  see  I  will  not  belli ve."  Ihen  Bttir  arose  in  haste 
and  wrath,  ard  the  other  disciples  with  him,  and 
they  opened  the  sipulehre  and  went  in;  lut  they 
feurd  nothing  therein  save  that  in  which  her  body 
had  been  wrapped.  Then  Thcmas  eonfessid  that 
he  loo,  boil  e  in  the  dcud  fiom  India,  had  seen 
her  holy  body  carried  by  the  angels  with  gnat 
triumi  h  into  1  eavin  ;  ard  that  on  bis  er\irg  to  her 
for  her  blessing,  she  had  bestowed  on  him  her 
precious  giidle,  which  whin  the  apostles  saw  thty 
were  ghul.  Then  the  ape.'tles  were  eairiid  back 
each  to  his  own  |  lace. — IV.  Jtvuh  liadilionit  rc- 
»jjf<liTig  hir.  The  book  called  I'oldoOi  J(>,u(f\\  Ileb. 
grtxradons  [or  foriiihi  AiVor.i/]  of  Jtetis),  proMd  by 
Amnion  to  be  a  eon  pisition  of  the  thirtiirth  cen- 
tury, n  akes  Maiythe  wife  of  Jofaran  at  rithUhiir, 
deceivid  in  the  dark  by  Jiseph  Bandiia,  who  pre- 
tended to  be  htr  husband,  and  alttiwaid  giving 
birth  at  Babylon  to  a  son  Jihoshua,  who disec. vend 
the  art  of  working  n  iiaelis  by  Heiilii  g  ll  c  knowl- 
edge of  the  sailed  name  from  the  Tin  i  le,  but  1  ting 
defeated  by  the  superior  art  of  ore  Ji  da,  was  eiuei- 
ficd  and  his  body  hidden  ui  dcr  a  vatir-coiirse  (Mr. 
Kawtrey,  in  Kitto).  In  the  Cesi  el  if  Niecdm.us, 
otherwise  called  the  Acts  of  I'llale,  we  find  the 
Jews  represented  as  charging  our  L^rd  with  illegiti- 
mate birth.  The  date  of  this  Gospel  is  about  the 
end  of  the  third  century.  Stories  to  the  sane  t  fleet 
may  be  found  in  the  Talmud — not  in  the  Jlishna, 
which  dates  from  the  second  century,  1  lit  in  the 
Gemara,  which  is  if  the  fifth  or  sixth. — V.  Aiohem- 


614 


MAR 


MAR 


medan  tradilions.  Mohammed  and  his  followers  ap- 
pear to  have  gathered  up  the  floating  Oriental  tradi- 
tions wliicl\  originated  in  tlie  legends  of  Mary's  early 
years,  given  above,  and  to  have  drawn  from  them  and 
from  tlie  Bible  indifferently.  He  is  reported  to  have 
said  that  many  men  have  arrived  at  perfection,  but 
only  four  women ;  and  that  these  are,  Asia  the  wife 
of  Pharaoh,  Mary  tlie  daughter  of  Amrara  (Moham- 
med appears  to  have  confounded  Miriam  the  sister 
of  Moses  with  Mary  the  motlier  of  our  Lord),  his  first 
wife  Kliadijah,  and  his  daughter  Fatima.  The  Im- 
maculate Conception  was  a  Mohammedan  doctrine 
six  centuries  before  any  Christian  theologians  or 
sclioolmen  maintained  it. — VI.  Emblems.  There 
was  a  time  in  the  history  of  the  Church  when  all  the 
expressions  used  in  Canticles  were  applied  at  once 
to  Mary.  Consequently  all  the  Eastern  metaphors 
of  King  Solomon  have  been  hardened  into  symbols, 
and  represented  in  pictures  or  sculpture,  and  at- 
tached to  her  in  popular  litanies.  The  same  method 
of  interpretation  was  applied  to  certain  parts  of 
Revelation. — VII.  Worship  of  the  Blessed  Virfiin. 
What  was  its  origin  ?  Certainly  not  the  Bible. 
There  is  not  a  word  there  from  which  it  could  be 
inferred ;  nor  in  the  Creeds ;  nor  in  the  Fathers  of 
the  first  five  centuries.  Whence,  then,  did  it  arise  ? 
Mr.  Meyrick  finds  the  germ  of  it  in  the  apocryphal 
legends  of  her  birth  and  of  her  death  given  above. 
Some  of  the  legends  of  her  Urth  are  as  early  as  the 
second  or  third  century,  the  production  of  the 
Gnostics,  and  unanimously  rejected  by  the  Church 
of  the  first  five  centuries  as  fabulous  and  heretical. 
Down  to  the  time  of  the  Nestorian  controversy  the 
worship  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  was  apparently 
wholly  external  to  the  Church,  and  regarded  as 
heretical.  But  the  Nestorian  controversies  pro- 
duced a  great  change  of  sentiment.  Ncstorius 
had  maintained,  or  at  least  it  was  the  tendency 
of  Nestorianism  to  maintain,  not  only  that  our 
Lord  had  two  natures,  the  divine  and  the  human 
(which  was  right),  but  also  that  He  was  two  per- 
sons, in  such  sort  that  the  cliild  bom  of  Mary  was 
not  divine,  but  merely  an  ordinary  human  being, 
until  the  divinity  subsequently  united  its4f  to  Him. 
This  was  condemned  by  the  Council  of  Ephesus  in 
A.  n.  431  ;  and  the  Greek  title  Theolokos  (=  God- 
hearing),  loosely  translated  Mother  of  Gud,  was  sanc- 
tioned. The  object  of  the  co\mcil  and  of  the  Anti-Xes- 
torians  was  not  to  add  honor  to  the  mother,  but  to 
maintain  the  true  doctrine  with  respect  to  the  Son. 
Nevertheless  the  result  was  to  magnify  the  mother, 
and,  after  a  time,  at  tlie  expense  of  the  Son. 
The  legends  too  were  no  longer  treated  so  roughly 
as  before.  The  Gnostics  were  not  now  objects  of 
dread.  Nestorians,  and  afterward  Iconoclasts,  were 
objects  of  hatred.  The  old  fables  were  winked  at, 
and  thus  they  became  the  mythology  of  Christianity, 
universally  credited  among  the  southern  nations  of 
Europe.  From  this  time  the  worship  of  Mary  grew 
apace.  We  learn  the  present  state  of  the  religious 
regard  in  which  she  is  held  throughout  Southern 
Europe  from  St.  Alfonso  de'  Liguori,  whose  every 
word  is  vouched  for  by  the  whole  weight  of  his 
Church's  (Roman  Catholic)  authority.  Mary  is  Queen 
of  Mercy  and  Mother  of  all  mankind  ;  our  Life ; 
our  Protectress  in  death  ;  the  Hope  of  all ;  our  only 
Refuge,  Help,  and  Asylum ;  the  Propitiatory  of  the 
whole  world ;  our  Patroness ;  Queen  of  Heaven  and 
Hell ;  the  Mediatrix  of  grace ;  the  Helper  of  the 
Redemption  ;  the  Coiiperator  in  our  Justification  ; 
a  tender  Advocate;  Omnipotent;  the  Way  of  Sal- 
vation ;  the  Mediatrix  of  angels ;  the  Mediator ;  the 


[  Intercessor ;  the  Redeemer ;  the  Saviour,  &c.  (/Gloriet 
of  Marji,  London,  1862).  Thus  in  the  worship  of 
the  Blessed  Virgin  there  are  two  distinctly-marked 
periods.     The  first  is  that  nhich  commences  with 

1  the  apostolic  thnes,  and  brings  us  down  to  the  close 
of  the  fifth  century  in  which  the  Council  of  Ephesus 
was  held,  during  which  time  the  worsliip  of  Mary 

I  was  confined  to  Gnostic  and  Collyridian  lieretics. 
The  second  period  commences  witli  the  sixth  cen- 
tury, when  it  began  to  spread  within  the  Chorch  ; 
and,  in  spite  of  the  shock  given  it  by  the  Reforma- 
tion, has  continued  to  spread  (see  IX.  below). — 
VIII.  Her  Assumption  or  Asrejit  to  Htaven,     Not 

i  only  religious  sentiments,  but  facts  grew  up  in  ex- 
actly the  same  way.   At  the  end  of  the  filth  century 

:  there  existed  a  book,  De  Transitu  Viryiiiis  Marias 
(L.  =:  Of  the  Transit  [or  Passage^  if  the  Virgin 
Mary),  which  was  condemneil  by  Pope  Gelasius  as 
apocry])hal.  This  book  is  without  doubt  the  oldest 
form  ol  the  legend.  Down  to  the  end  of  the  fifth 
century  the  story  of  the  Assumption  was  distinctly 
looked  upon  by  the  Church  as  belonging  to  the 
heretics  and  not  to  her.  But  then  came  the  change 
of  sentiment  already  referred  to,  consequent  on  the 
Ntstorian  controversy.  About  the  same  time,  prob- 
ably, or  rather  later,  an  insertion  (now  recognized 
on  all  hands  to  be  a  forgery)  was  made  in  Eusebius's 
Chronicle,  that  "in  the  year  a.  n.  48  Mary  the  Vir- 
gin was  taken  up  into  heaven,  as  some  wrote  that 
they  had  had  it  revealed  to  them."  The  first  writers 
within  the  Church,  in  whose  extant  writings  we  find 
the  Assumption  asserted,  are  Gregory  {if  Tours  in 
the  sixth  century,  who  has  merely  copied  Mclito's 
book,  De  Transitu  ;  Andrew  of  Crete,  who  prob- 
ably lived  in  the  seventh  century;  and  John  of 
Damascus,  who  lived  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighth 
century.  The  last  of  these  authors  refers  to  the 
Eutliymiac  history  as  stating  that  Marcian  and  Pul- 
cheria  being  in  search  of  the  body  of  St.  Mary,  sent 
to  Juvenal  of  Jerusalem  to  inquire  for  it.  Juvenal 
tells  them  the  legend  (see  above.  III.).  The  fict 
of  the  Assumption  is  stereotyped  in  the  Breviary 
Services  for  August  15.  Here  again  we  see  a  legend 
originated  by  heretics,  and  remaining  external  to 
the  Church  till  the  close  of  the  fifth  century,  creep- 
ing into  the  Church  during  the  sixth  and  seventh 
centuries,  and  finally  ratified  by  the  authority  both 
of  Rome  and  Constantinople. — IX.  Her  Immiicniate 
Concejition.  Similarly  with  regard  to  the  siidess- 
ness  of  Mary,  which  has  issued  in  the  dogiria  of  the 
fmmaculate  Conception.  Down  to  the  close  of  the 
fifth  century  the  sentiment  with  respect  to  her  was 
that  Mary  was  born   in  original  sin,  was  liable  to 

i  actual   sin,  and  fell  into  sins  of  infirmity.     At  this 

1  time  the  change  of  mind  before  referred  to,  as 
originated    by    the    Nestorian    controversies,   was 

1  spreading  within  the  Church  ;  and  it  became  more 

1  and  more  the  general  belief  that  Mary  was  preserved 
from  actual  sin  by  the  grace  of  God.  This  opinion 
had  become  almost  universal  in  the  twelfth  century. 
And  now  a  further  step  was  taken.  It  was  main- 
tained by  St.  Bernard  that  Mary  was  conceived  in 
original  sin,  but  that,  before  her  Inrth,  she  was 
cleansed  from  it,  like  John  the  Baptist  and  Jere- 
miah. This  was  the  sentiment  of  the  thirteenth 
century  Early  in  the  fourteenth  century  died  J. 
Duns  Scotus,  the  first  theologian  or  schoolman  who 
threw  out  as  a  possibility  the  idea  of  an  Immaculate 
Conception,  which  would  exempt  Mary  from  original 
as  well  as  actual  sin.  From  this  time  forward 
there  was  a  struggle  between  the  maculate  and 
immaculate  conceptiouists,  which  led  at  length  to 


MAK 


MAT 


C15 


the  Pope's  decree  of  December  8,  1834,  that  Mary 
was  not  conceived  or  boiu  in  original  sin,  but  has 
been  wholly  exempt  from  all  eiu,  original  and  ac- 
tual, ill  her  conception  and  birth,  throughout  her 
Ute,  and  in  ber  death.     James. 

Ma'ry  (Gr.  Mariam  in  the  Received  Text,  Maria 
in  Lachniunn ;  sec  above),  a  Roman  Christian  greeted 
by  St.  Paul  in  Rom.  xvi.  6  as  having  tailed  hard  for 
him.     Xotliing  more  is  known  of  her. 

Mas'a-lotli  (L.  fr.  Ileb. ;  gee  below),  a  place  in  Ar- 
BKLA,  which  Bacchidcs  and  Alcinius  besieged  and 
took  with  great  slaughter  on  their  way  Irom  the 
north  to  Gilgal  (1  Me.  ix.  2).  The  name  llasalotli 
18  omitted  by  Joscphus,  nor  has  any  trace  of  it  been 
since  discovered ;  but  the  word  may,  as  Robinson 
suggests,  be  from  Hebrew  =  stepx  or  terrain.  In 
that  case  it  was  probably  a  name  given  to  the  re- 
markable caverns  still  existing  on  the  northern  side 
of  the  Wtitti/  cl-Hamiim,  N.  W.  of  Tiberias,  and  now 
called  KitVal  Jbit  JUa'dn. 

31as'ehil  [-kil]  (Ileb.,  see  below),  the  title  of  thir- 
teen Psalms :  xxxii.,  xlii.,  xliv.,  xlv.,  lii.-lv.,  Ixxiv., 
Jxxviii.,  Ixxxviii.,  Ixxxix.,  cxlii.  In  the  Psalm  in 
which  it  first  occurs  as  a  title,  the  root  of  the  word 
is  found  in  another  form  (Ps.  xxxii.  8),  "  I  will  in- 
struct thee,"  from  which  circuni-stance,  it  has  been 
inferred,  the  title  was  applied  to  tlie  whole  Psalm 
as  I'.idactio  (so  A.  V.  margin,  Ilcngstenberg,  Tho- 
luck,  J.  A.  Alexander,  kc).  But  since  "Maschil  " 
is  iiflixed  to  many  Psalms  which  would  scarcely  be 
classed  as  didactic,  Gesenius  (or  rather  Roediger) 
explains  it  as  =  any  sacred  song,  relating  to  divine 
things,  whose  end  it  was  to  promote  wisdom  and 
piety.  Ewald  regards  Ps.  xlvil.  1  (A.  V.  "  sing  ye 
praises  vith  uwlerntrmding  ;  "  Ileb.  maschil)  as  the 
key  to  the  meaning  of  Maschil,  which  in,^his  opinion 
is  a  nnisieal  term,  denoting  a  melody  requiring  great 
skill  in  its  execution.  The  objection  to  the  explana- 
tion of  Roediger  is,  that  it  is  wanting  in  precision, 
and  would  allow  the  term  "  Maschil  "  to  be  applied 
to  every  Psahn.  The  suggestion  of  Ewald  has  most 
to  commend  it  (so  Mr.  Wright). 

Mash  (Hcb.  n  drawing  out  or  drawn  oiU  =  Mk- 
EHF.cii,  Sim.),  a  son  of  Aram  (Gen.  x.  23) ;  —  "  Me- 
611ECH  "  in  1  Chr.  i.  17.  As  to  the  geograpiiical 
position  of  Mash,  Josephua  connects  the  name  with 
MoKtif  in  lower  Babylonia,  on  the  shores  of  the 
Persian  Gulf.  The  more  probable  opinion  is  that 
adopted  by  Bcchart,  &c.,  that  the  name  Mash  is  rep- 
resented by  Ihe  Mons  Mas'us  of  classical  writers,  a 
range  which  forms  the  northern  boundary  of  Meso- 
potamia, between  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates.  Kalisch 
connects  the  names  of  Mash  and  Mysia :  this  is,  to 
Bay  the  least,  extremely  doubtful. 

.na'slial  (Hcb.)  —  Misheal  or  MisuAt  (I  Ch,ri  vi. 
74).        ^  / 

Na-Hl'as  (Gr.),  one  of  Solomon's  ser\-ant9,  whos* 
descendants  arc  said  to  have  returned  with  Zorobabel 
(1  E.-'d.  V.  34);  not  in  Ezra  and  Nohemiah. 

NaK'maD  (Gr.)  =  Siiemaiaii  (1  Esd.  viii.  43  ;  com- 
pare Ezr.  viii.  16). 

*  lia'MD.  Architectcse  ;  Handicraft  ;  Mortar, 
ic. 

.Ma-so  ra,  Mi-so  rab,     Oi.n  Testament. 

.Maspha  (Gr.  =  Mizpeh).  1,  A  place  opposite 
to  JeruKalem,  at  which  Judas  Maccabeus  and  his 
followers  assembled  themselves  to  bewail  the  deso- 
lation of  the  city  and  the  sanctuary  (1  Me.  iii.  46); 
no  doubt  =  Mizpeh  of  Benjamin. — 2.  One  of  the 
cities  tiiken  from  the  Ammonites  l)y  Judas  Macca- 
beus in  his  campaign  on  the  E.  of  Jordan  (v.  36); 
probably  =  Mizpeh  of  Gilead. 


M^'re-kah  (Heb.  vineyard  of  nolle  tines,  Gcs. ; 
place  uf  vines,  Fii.),  an  ancient  place,  the  native 
spot  of  Samlah,  king  of  the  Edomites  (Geti.  xxxvi. 
86 ^  1  Chr.  i.  47);  site  unknown. 

Massa  (Heb.  a  lifting  np,  utterance,  hurderi,  Gcs.), 
a  son  of  Ishmacl  (Gen.  xx^  14;  1  Chr.  i.  SO).  His 
descendants  were  not  ifiipiobably  the  JIasani,  who 
are  placed  by  Ptolemy  in  the  east  of  Arabia,  near 
the  borders  of  Babylonia. 

Mas'sah  (Heb.  temptation),  a  name  given  to  the 
spot,  also  called  Meeibjii,  where  the  Israelites 
tempted  Jehovah  (Ex.  xvii.7;  Ps.  xcv.  8,  9;  Heb. 
iii.  8). 

Mas-£i'as  (Gr.)  =  Maaseiah  3  (1  Esd.  jf.  22). 

*■  Mast.    Ship.  ^^ 

*  Master.     Lokd  ;  Rabbi  ;  Beevan-^Siave.' 

Mas'tk'h-  [-tik]  (iV.  Gr.)  tree  occifl  only  in  tlie 
Apocrypha  (Sus.  54),  where  the  mai^n  of  the  A.^, 
has  "  leutislc.'  There  is  no  doubt  tl\t  the  Greek 
word  is  correctly  rendered,  as  is  eviAit  from  the 
description  of  it  by  Theophrastus,  Pli^^Dioscoridcs, 
and  other  writers.  The  fragrant  rSn  known  in 
the  arts  as  "  mastich,"  and  obtaiiMj'by  incisions 
made  in  the  trunk  in  August,  iilh?Jxiduce  of  this 


) 


^9^l#^ 


Mastich  iPittteia  Lentitcua), 

tree,  whose  scientiGcname  is  Pisweia  Leniiscvs.  It 
is  used  with  us  to  strengthen  the  teeth  and  gums, 
and  was  so  applied  by  the  ancients,  liy  whom  it  was 
nnWh  prized  on  this  aecount,  and  for  its  manj;  sup- 
posed medical  virtues.  It  is  extensively  .used  in  the 
preparation  pf  spirits,  as  a  sweiUrent,  as  an  aii- 
tispasinodic  in  medicine,  and  as  an  ingredient  in 
varmslies.  Both  Pliny  and  Dioscoiides  state  that 
thef)est  mastich  comes  from  Chios  (Scio).  Tourne- 
'fert  says  these  trees  arc  very  widespread  and  cir- 
cular, ten  or  twelve  feet  tall.  They  are  common  on 
the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean. 

Math-a-ni'as  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Mattasiah,  a  descendant 
of  Pahath-moab  (1  Esd.  ix.  31;  compare  Ezr.  x. 
30).       , 

Ma-ttan'sa-la  (fr.  Gr.  fi  rm  of  Heb.)  =  Methuse- 
lah, the  son  of  Enoch  (Lk.  iii.  37)., 

Ma'tred  (Heb.  p-opeUivg,  Ges.),  a'daughtcr  of  Mc- 
zahab,  and  mother  of  Mehetabel,  who  was  wife  of 
Hadar  (or  Hadad)  of  Pan,  king  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvl. 
89  ;  1  Chr.  i.  fiO). 

Ma'tri  (L'eb.  rain  of  Jihovak,  Gcs.),  a  family  of 


616 


MAT 


MAT 


/ 


i 


Benjamin,  to  which  King  Saul  belonged  (1  Sam.  x. 
21). 

Mat'tan  (Heb.  o  gi/l,  Ges.).  1.  The  priest  of  Baal 
slain  before  his  altars  in  the  idol  temple  at  Jerusa- 
lem (2  K.  xi.  18;  2  Chr.  xxiii.  17).  He  probably 
accompanied  Athaliah  from. Samaria. — 2.  Father  of 
Shephatiah  (Jer.  xxxviii.  1). 

}Iat'tl-n.lh  (Heb.  a  gift,  present,  Ges.),  a  station 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  wanderings  of  the  Israelites 
(Num.  xxi.  18,  19);  prob.ably  S.  E.  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
but  not  yet  discovered.     Wilderness  ok  the  VVan- 

DERINO. 

Mnt-ta-ni'all  (fr.  Heb.  =  gift  of  Jehovah,  Ges.). 
1.  Tlie  oitoiiial  name  of  Zedekiaii,  king  of  Judali, 
changed  Wlk  Nebucha  Inezzar  placed  him  on  the 
throne  instemof  his  nephew  Jt>hoi.achin  (2  K.  xxiv. 
17)L — 2.  A  I^^te  singer  of  tlie  .eons  of  Asaph  (1 
Chr.  ix.  15).  nke  is  described  as  tlie  son  of  Micah, 
Jliclia  (Xeh.4xi.  17,  22),  or  Michaiah  (xii.  35),  and 
after  the  retin  from  Babylon  lived  in  the  villages 
of  the  NetoJ|ithitc3  (1  Chr.  ix.  16)  or  Netophathi 
(Xeh.  xii.  28J^which  the  singers  had  built  in  the 
neighborhoooPit  Je^'us.ilem  (29).  As  leader  of  the 
Tcmple-ehoiJLfter  its  restoration  (xi.  17,  xii.  8)  in 
the  time  of  JBlicmiah,  he  took  part  in  tlie  musical 
service  at  ^^  dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem 
(xii.  25,  85V'  We  find  him  among  tlic  Levites  of 
the  secoiuJr.ink,  "  keepers  of  tlie  thresholds,"  an 
oHTice  whifc  fell  to  the  singers  (compare  1  Chr.  xv. 
18,  21),/Tlr.  Wright  and  Dr.  Alexander  (i:i  Kitto) 
suppose  Mattaniah  in  Neh.  xii.  35  should  be  con- 
nected with  ver.  36,  in  which  are  enumerated  his 
"brethren"  alluded  to  in  ver.  8.  Dr.  .Mexander 
supposes  a  name  omitted  after  "  Shernaiali,  the  son 
of,"  and  before  "  Mattaniah  "  in  ver.  35.-3.  A  de- 
scendant of  Asaph,  and  ancestor  of  Jehaziel  the  Le- 
vite  in  Jehoshaphat's  reign  (2  Chr.  xx.  1-1). — 1.  One 
of  the  sons  of  Elam  (Ezr.  x.  26).  He  and  the  three 
following  ha  1  married  foreign  wives,  l)Ut  put  them 
away  in  Ezra's  time. — .>.  One  of  the  sons  of  Zattu 
(27)^  (See  4.) — 6.  A  descendant  of  Pahath-moab 
(30).  (.See  4.)— 7.  One  of  the  sons  of  Hani  (37). 
(See '4  above.)  —  8.  A  Levite,  father  of  Zaccur, 
and  ancestor  of  Hanan  who  had  charge  of  the  of- 
ferings for  the  Levites  in  Nehemiah's  time  (Xeh. 
xiii.  13). — 9.  One  of  the  fourteen  sons  of  Heman; 
chief  of  the  ninth  division  of  musicians  or  singers 
in  the  Temple-service  as  appointed  by  David  (1  Chr. 
XXV.  4,  16). — 10.  A  descendant  of  Asaph,  the  Levite 
minstrel.  He  assisted  in  the  purification  of  the 
Temple  in  the  reign  of  Ilezikiah  (2  Chr.  xxix.  13). 

Mat'tl-tllil  (Gr  fr.  Heb.  =  Mattitiiiah,  Ges.),  son 
of  Xatlian,  and  grandson  of  David  in  the  genealogy 
of  our  Lord  (Lk.  iii.  31).       '  ^"--^^ 

Mat't:i-th.lh  (Heb.=  Mattithiah,  Ges.),  a  de^tfend- 
ant  of  llashum,  who  put  away  his  foreign  wife  in 
Ezra's  time  (Ezr.  x.  33). 

Mat-ta-tbl  as  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  Mattitiiiah,  Ges,).  I. 
Mattithiah  4,  who  stood  at  Ezra's  right  hand  *hen 
he  read  the  Law  to  the  people  (1  Esd.  ix.  43 ;  cwfi- 
pare  Neh.  viii.  4). — 2.  Father  of  the  Maccabees  (1 
Mc.  ii.  1,  14,  16,  17,  19,  24,  27,  39,  45,  49,  xiv.  29). 
— 3.  Son  of  Absalom,  and  captain  under  Jonathan 
Maccabeus;  probalily brother  of  Jonathan  14  (xi. 
70,  compare  xiii.  11). — 4.  Son  of  Simon  Maccabeus; 
treac'.ierously  murdered,  with  his  father  and  brother, 
by  Ptolemeus,  the  son  of  Abuhus  (xvi.  14). — .*».  One 
of  the  three  envoys  sent  by  Nicanor  to  treat  with 
Judas  Maccabeus  (2  Mc.  xiv.  19),— 6.  Son  of  Amos, 
in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ  (Lk.  iii.  25). — T. 
Son  of  Semei,  in  the  same  catalogue  (ver.  2fi). 

Mat'tc-nal,  or  Slat-te-na'i   (Heb.  =  Mattaniah, 


Ges.).  1.  One  of  the  family  of  ITashum,  who  to 
Ezra's  time  liad  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  38).— ^' 
?.  A  descendant  of  Bani,  who  put  away  liis  loreigt^ 
wife  at  Ezra's  command  (ver.  37). — 3.  A  priest  in' 
the  days  of  Joiakim,  the  son  of  Jeshua  (Xeh.  xii. 
19). 

Mat  than  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  Mattax,  Rbn.,  N.  T. 
Lex.),  son  of  Eleazar,  and  grandfather  of  Joseph 
"  the  husband  of  Mary  "  (Mat.  i.  15);  according  to 
Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  =  Matthat  in  Lk.  iii.  24.  Gen- 
ealogy OK  Jesus  Christ. 

Mat-tha-ni'as  (Gr.)  =:  Mattaniah,  one  of  the  de- 
scendants of  Elam  (1  Esd.  ix.  27;  compare  Ezr.  x. 
26). 

Mat'tint  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  Mattithiah,  Fii.).  1. 
Son  of  Levi  and  gr.andfather  of  Joseph  (Lk.  iii.  24) ; 
=  Mattiian ?  (GKNEALOoy  OF  Jesis  Christ.) — 2. 
Also  tlie  son  of  a  Levi,  and  a  progenitor  of  Joseph 
(ver.  20). 

Mat-tiic'bs  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Maaseiah  1  (1  Esd.  ix.  19). 

Mclt'thciT  Imatli'thu]  (fr.  L.  Maliluens  ;  Gr.  AtaU 
thaivs ;  both  fr.  Heb.  rr  Mattathias,  Ges.),  the 
Apostle  and  Evangelist,  =  Levi  (Lk.  v.  27-29)  the 
son  of  a  certain  Alphels  (Mk.  ii.  14).  liis  call  to  be 
an  .ipostle  is  related  by  all  three  evangelists  in  the 
same  words,  except  that  Mat.  ix.  9  gives  the  former, 
and  Mk.  ii.  14  and  Lk.  v.  27  the  latter  name.  The 
publicans,  properly  so  called  (L.  publieam),  were 
persons  who  farmed  the  Roman  taxes,  and  were 
usuiiUy,  in  later  times,  Roman  knights,  and  persons 
of  wealth  and  credit.  They  employed  under  them 
inferior  ofiicers,  natives  of  the  province  where  the 
taxes  were  collected,  called  properly /«r/t/orc«  ( L.  = 
receivers  of  eiis/oms),  to  which  class  Matthew  no 
doubt  belonged.  (Pcdlicax.)  Eusebius  memtions 
that  after  our  Lord's  ascension  Matthew  preached 
in  Judea  (some  add  for  fifteen  years),  and  then  went 
to  foreign  nations.  To  the  lot  of  Matthew  it  fell 
to  visit  Ethiopi.1,  says  Socrates  Schnlasticus.  But 
Ambrose  says  that  God  opened  to  him  the  country 
of  the  Persians ;  Isidore  the  Macedonians ;  and 
others  the  Parthians,  the  Modes,  the  Persians  of 
the  Euphrates.  Nothing  whatever  is  really  known. 
Ilcracloon,  the  disciple  of  Valentinus,  describes  him 
as  dying  a  natural  death,  which  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria, Oiigen,  and  TertuUian  seem  to  accept:  tlio 
tradition  that  he  died  a  martyr,  be  it  true  or  false, 
came  in  afterward. 

Mat'tliow  (see  above),  Gos'pcl  Of  (see  Gospels). 
The  Gospel  which  bears  the  name  of  St.  Matthew 
was  written  by  the  apostle,  according  to  the  testi- 
mony of  all  antiquity. — I.  Language  in  vhich  ii  was 
written.  We  are  told  on  the  authority  of  Pajiias, 
Irena^us,  Pantaenus,  Origen,  Eusebijs,  Epiphanius, 
\Jerome,  and  many  other  Fathers,  that  the  Gospel 
Vas  first  written  in  Hebrew,  i.  c.  Aramaic,  the  vernac- 
hlar  language  of  Palestine.  (Shemitic  LANcrAOES.) 
(a.)  Papias  of  Ilierapolis  (in  the  first  half  of  the 
seconil  century)  says,  "  Matthew  wrote  the  divine 
oracles  in  the  Hebrew  dialect ;  and  each  interpreted 
them  as  he  was  able."  (A.)  Irenreus  says  that 
"  whilst  Peter  and  Paul  were  preacliing  at  Rome 
and  founding  the  Church,  Matthew  put  forth  his 
written  Gospel  among  the  Hebrews  in  their  own 
dialect."  («.)  According  to  Eusebius,  Panla?nus  "is 
reported  to  have  gone  to  the  Indians"  (i.  e.  to  the 
S.  of  Arabia  ?),  "  where  it  is  said  that  he  found  the 
Gospel  of  Matthew  already  among  some  who  had 
the  knowle<lge  of  Christ  there,  to  whom  Bartholo- 
mew, one  of  the  apostles,  had  preached,  and  left 
them  the  Gospel  of  Matthew  written  in  Hebrew, 
which  was  preserved  till  the  time  referred  to."  This 


MAT 


MAT 


617 


Btory  reappears  in  two  different  forms: — Jerome 
and  Rutinus  say  tliat  Panta'nus  brovght  back  witli 
him  this  Hebrew  Gospel ;  and  Xiceplionis  asserts 
tliat  Bartlioloinew  dictated  the  Gospel  of  Matthew 
to  tlie  inhabitants  of  that  country.  (</.)  Origcn 
says,  "As  I  have  learned  by  tradition  concerning  the 
four  Gospels,  which  alone  are  received  without  dis- 
pute by  the  Church  of  God  under  heaven  :  the  first 
was  written  by  St.  Matthew,  once  a  tax-gatherer, 
afterward  an  apostle  of  Jesus  Christ  who  published 
it  for  the  benefit  of  the  Jewish  converts,  composed 
in  the  Hebrew  language."  (<■.)  Euscbius  (//.  E.  iii. 
24)  gives  as  his  own  opinion  the  following:  "Mat- 
thew having  first  preached  to  the  Hebrews,  deliv- 
ered to  them,  when  he  was  preparing  to  depart  to 
ether  countries,  his  Gospel,  composed  in  their  na- 
tive language."  Other  passages  to  the  same  cflfect 
occur  in  Cyril,  Epiphanius,  Jerome,  who  mentions 
tlie  Hebrew  original  in  seven  places  at  least  of  his 
works,  and  from  Gregory  of  Na/.ianzus,  Chrysostom, 
Augustine,  and  other  later  writers.  From  all  tlusc 
there  is  no  doubt  that  the  oM  opinion  was  that  Mat- 
thew wrote  in  tlie  Hebrew  language.  So  far  all  tlie 
testimony  is  for  a  Hebrew  original. — But  there  are 
arguments  of  no  mean  wci:Jitinihvorof  theGicek.  1. 
The  numerous  r|uotations  from  the  0.  T.  in  this  (Jospcl 
are  of  two  kinds :  those  introiluceil  into  the  narrative 
to  point  out  tlie  fulfilment  of  prophecies,  &c. ;  and 
those  where  in  the  course  of  the  narrative  the  per- 
sons introduced,  and  especially  our  Lord  Himself, 
make  use  of  0.  T.  quotations.  l!et«een  these  two 
classes  a  difference  of  treatment  Is  ob.iervable.  In 
the  latter  class,  where  the  citations  occur  in  dis- 
courses, the  LXX.  Is  followed.  The  quotations  in 
the  narrative,  however,  Uo  not  follow  the  LXX.,  but 
appear  to  be  a  translation  from  the  Hebrew  text. 
A  mere  translator  could  not  have  done  this.  But 
an  inilcpendent  writer,  using  the  Greek  tongue,  and 
wishing  to  conform  his  narrative  to  the  oral  teach- 
ings of  the  apostles,  ndght  have  useil  for  the  (|Uota- 
tlons  the  well-known  Greek  0.  T.  used  by  his  cnl- 
leagues.  2.  But  thi.s  difiiculty  is  to  be  got  over  by 
assuming  a  high  authority  for  this  translation,  as 
tliough  made  by  an  inspired  writer;  and  it  has  been 
sug^^estcd  that  this  writer  was  Matthew  himself 
(Bengel,  Olshausen,  Lee,  &c.),  or  at  least  that  he 
directed  it  (Gucrickc),  or  that  it  was  sonic  other 
apostle  (Gerhard),  or  James,  the  brother  of  the 
Lord,  or  John,  or  the  general  body  of  the  apostles, 
or  that  two  disciples  of  St.  Matthew  wr<tc,  from 
him.  tlie  one  in  Aramaic,  and  the  other  in  (ircck  I 
3.  The  original  Hebrew,  of  which  so  many  speak, 
no  one  of  the  witnesses  ever  saw  (Jerome  is  no  ex- 
ception) ;  and  so  little  store  has  the  Church  set  upon 
it  that  it  Ims  utterly  perished.  4.  It  is  certain  that 
a  po;.pel,  not  the  same  as  our  canonical  Matthew, 
eometimes  usurjied  the  apostle's  name  ;  and  some 
of  the  witnesses  we  li.-ive  quoted  appear  to  have  re- 
ferred to  this  in  one  or  other  of  its  various  forms 
or  names.  Ttie  N'azarencs  and  Ebionitcs  possessed 
each  a  modification  of  the  same  Gospel,  which  no 
doubt  each  altered  more  and  more  as  their  tenets 
diverged,  and  which  bore  various  names — the  Gos- 
pel f^f  the  twelve  apostles,  the  Gospel  according  to 
the  Helirews,  the  Gospel  of  Peter,  or  the  Gospel 
accor  ling  to  Matthew.  Enough  is  known  to  decide 
that  the  Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews  was  not 
identical  with  our  Matthew  ;  but  it  had  many  points 
of  re«einl>lnncc  to  the  synoptical  gospels,  and  es- 
peci;illy  to  Matthew.  WJiat  was  its  origin  it  is  im- 
possible to  say :  it  may  have  been  a  description  of 
the  oral  teachings  of  the  apostles,  corrupted  by 


degrees ;  it  may  have  come  in  its  early  and  pure 
form  from  the  hand  of  Matthew,  or  it  may  have 
been  a  version  of  the  Greek  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew, 
as  the  evangelist  who  wrote  espicially  for  Hebrews. 
Is  it  impossible  that,  when  the  Hebrew  Matthew  is 
spoken  of,  this  questionable  document,  the  Gospel 
of  the  Hebrews,  was  really  referred  to  ?  Observe 
that  all  accounts  of  it  are  at  second  hand  (nith  a 
notable  exception);  no  one  quotes  it.  All  that  is 
certain  is,  that  Nazarcnes,  or  Ebionitcs,  or  both, 
boasted  that  they  possessed  the  original  Gospel  of 
Matthew.  Jerome  is  the  exccptii  n ;  and  him  we 
can  convict  of  the  very  mistake  of  conlbundiiig 
the  two,  and  almost  on  his  own  confession.  Eras- 
mus, Calvin,  LeClerc,  Liglitfiot,  Wctslcin,  Lardner, 
Hales,  Hug,  Dc  Wette,  Stuart,  Fiilzsche,  Credner, 
Thiersch,  Alford,  and  many  others,  have  pronounced 
for  a  Greek  original.  Simon,  Mill,  Miehaelis,  Marsh, 
Eichliorn,  Storr,  Olshausen,  Davidson,  Trcgelles, 
Wcstcott,  &c.,  advocate  a  Hebrew  original. — II. 
Stj/I.e  and  Diction.  1.  Matthew  uses  the  expres.'ior, 
"that  it  might  be  fulfilled  which  was  spoken  of  the 
Lord  by  the  phopiikt  "  (i.  22,  ii.  15).  In  ii.  5,  and 
in  later  passages  of  Matthew  it  is  abbreviated  (ii. 
17,  iii.  3,  iv.  14,  viii.  17,  xii.  17,  xiii.  14,  35,  xxi.  4, 
xxvi.  56,  xxvii.  9).  2.  The  reference  to  the  Mes- 
siah under  the  name  "Son  of  David,"  occurs  in 
Matthew  eight  times;  and  three  times  each  in  Mark 
and  Luke.  3.  Jerusalem  is  called  "the  holy  city," 
"the  holy  place"  (iv.  5,  xxiv.  15,  xxvii.  55).  4. 
The  Greek  phrase  tunlekia  ton  aionos,  A.  V.  "  the 
end  of  the  world,"  is  used  five  times ;  in  the  rest 
of  the  N.  T.  only  once,  in  Ileb.  ix.  26.  5.  The 
phrase  "kingdom  of  heaven,"  about  t'.irty-three 
times;  other  writers  use  "  kingdom  of  God,"  which 
is  found  also  in  Matthew.  6.  ''Heavenly  Father," 
used  about  six  times;  and  "Father  in  heaven" 
about  sixteen,  and  without  explanation,  pcint  to 
the  Jewish  mode  of  speaking  in  this  (iospel.  For 
other  more  minute  verbal  pcculiariiios,  see  Cred- 
ner, Iiilrrdinlioii  (in  German). — III.  OUalinna  frnm 
the  Old  Testament.  The  following  list  is  nearly  com- 
plete : 


Mat. 

Mat. 

i.  2.3. 

Is.  vll.  14. 

xvii 

J. 

Ex.  xxxiv.  29. 

Ii.    6. 

Mk.  V.2. 

11. 

Wal.  Iii.  1.  iv.  5. 

IB. 

Hos.  xi.  1. 

xviii 

15. 

Lev.  xix.  17  (f). 

18. 

Jcr,  xxxi.  15. 

xix 

4. 

Gen.  i.  a7. 

111.  3. 

Is.  xl.  8. 

5. 

Gen.  ii.  24. 

Iv.  4. 

Deul.  viil.  3. 

7. 

IHut.xxiv.  1. 

8. 

Ps.  xci.  11. 

18. 

Ex.  XX.  12;  Lev 

7. 

Dent.  vi.  16. 

xix.  18. 

10. 

Deal.  vl.  1.3. 

xxi. 

6. 

Zcch.  ix.  9. 

15. 

Is.  viii.  28.  Ix.  1. 

fl. 

I's.  oxviil.  SB. 

V.    6. 

Vt.  xxxvll.  11. 

1.3. 

Is.  lvl.7;Jer.vil 

21. 

Ex.  XX.  1.3. 

11. 

27. 

Ex.  XX.  14. 

16. 

Ps.  viii.  2. 

81. 

Dent.  xxlv.  1. 

42. 

Ps.  cxvlil.  52. 

S3. 

U'v,  xix.  12 ;  Dent. 

44. 

Is.  vlit.  14. 

xxiil.  2.3. 

xxil. 

24. 

Deuf.  XXV.  5. 

88. 

Ex.  xxi.  24. 

82. 

Ex.  iii.  8. 

48. 

Lev.  xix.  18. 

87. 

Dent.  vl.  5. 

vill.  4. 

Lev.  xiv.  2. 

89. 

Lev.  xix.  IS. 

17. 

Is.  mi.  4. 

44. 

Ps.  ex.  1. 

Ix.  1,1. 

Hns.  vi.  «. 

xxlil. 

85. 

Gcn.lv.  8;  2Clir. 

X.S5. 

Mir.  vll.  «. 

xxlv.  21. 

xl.    5. 

It.  XXXV.  B.  xxlx. 

18. 

88. 

Ps.  Ixix,  25  (?). 
Jcr.  xll.  7,  xxll. 

10. 

Mill.  IIL  1. 

6  0). 

14. 

Mai.  Iv.  8. 

89. 

Ps.  cxvlli.  26. 

xll.    3. 

1  Pam.  xxi.  6. 

xxlv 

15. 

Dun.  Ix.  27. 

S. 

Nam.  xxvlil.  9  (>). 

29. 

Is.  xlil.  ](). 

7. 

Hop.  v1.  6. 

S7. 

Gen.  vl.  11. 

1«. 

Is.  xlil.  1. 

xivl 

81. 

Zedi.  xlli.  7. 

40. 

.Ton.  i.  17. 

52. 

Oen.  ix.  0  (f). 

42. 

1  K.  X.  1. 

64. 

Dan.  vll.  18. 

xUL  14. 

Is.  vl.  ». 

xxvll 

9. 

/cch.  xl.  18. 

«S. 

Pp.  IxxvHI.  2, 

85. 

Pe.  xxil.  18. 

XV.  4. 

Ex.  XX.  12.  xxi.  17. 

48. 

P».  xxll.  8. 

8. 

Is.  xxlx.  13. 

40. 

Ps.  xxll.  \. 

C18 


MAT 


MAT 


— IV.  Genuineness  of  the  Gospel.  Some  critics, 
admitting  the  apostolic  antiquity  of  a  part  of  tlie 
Gospel,  apply  to  Matthew,  as  they  do  to  Luke,  the 
gratuitous  supposition  of  a  later  editor  or  com- 
piler, who,  by  augmenting  and  altering  the  earlier 
doijument,  |)roduced  our  present  Gospel.  We  are 
asked  to  believe  that  in  the  second  century  for 
two  or  more  of  the  Gospels,  new  works,  dill'ering 
from  thera  both  in  matter  and  compass,  were  sub- 
stituted for  the  old,  and  that  about  the  end  of 
the  second  century  our  present  Gospels  were  adopt- 
ed by  authority  to  the  exclusion  of  all  others,  and 
that  henceforth  the  copies  of  tlie  older  works  en- 
tirely disappeared.  Passages  from  Matthew  are 
quoted  by  Justin  Martyr,  by  the  author  of  the  let- 
ter to  Diognetus,  by  llegesippus,  Irenicus,  Tatian, 
Athenagoras,  Theophilus,  Clement,  Tertuliian,  and 
Origcn.  It  is  not  merely  from  the  matter  but  the 
manner  of  the  quotitions,  from  the  calm  appeal 
as  to  a  settled  authority,  from  the  absence  of  all 
hints  of  doubt,  that  we  regard  it  as  proved  that 
tha  book  we  possess  had  not  been  the  subject 
of  any  sudden  change.  The  citations  of  Justin 
Martyr,  very  important  for  this  suljject,  have  been 
thought  to  indicate  a  source  different  from  the 
Gospels  which  we  now  possess ;  and  by  the  Greek 
apoiiinemoiieumata  {memoirs),  he  has  been  supposed 
to  indicate  that  lost  work.  Sp-ice  is  not  given 
here  to  show  that  the  remains  referred  to  are  the 
Gospels  which  we  possess,  and  not  any  one  book ; 
and  that  though  Justin  quotes  the  Gospels  very 
loosely,  so  that  his  words  often  bear  but  a  slight 
resemblance  to  the  original,  the  same  is  true  of 
his  quotations  from  the  LXX.  The  genuineness 
of  the  two  lir.st  chapters  of  the  Gospel  of  Matthew 
has  been  que^tioiieJ,  but  is  established  on  satis- 
factory grounds.  1.  All  the  old  MSS.  and  versions 
contain  them ;  and  they  are  quoted  by  the  Fathers 
of  the  second  and  tliird  centuries.  Celsus  also 
knew  ch.  ii.  2.  Their  contents  would  naturally 
form  part  of  a  Gospel  intended  primarily  for  the 
Jews.  3.  The  commencement  of  ch.  iii.  is  de- 
pendent on  ii.  23;  and  in  iv.  13  there  is  a  refer- 
ence to  ii.  23.  4.  In  constructions  and  ex- 
pressions they  are  similar  to  the  rest  of  the  Gos- 
pel. Prof.  Xorton  disputes  the  genuineness  of 
these  chapters  upon  the  ground  of  the  dilficulty 
of  harmonizing  them  witli  Luke's  narrative,  and 
upon  the  ground  that  a  large  number  of  the  Jew- 
ish Christians  did  not  possess  thera  in  their  ver- 
sion of  the  Gospel.  But  the  difKeulties  in  the  har- 
mony are  all  reconcilable  (Gospkls),  and  the  treat- 
ment of  Luke  (Luke,  Gospkl  of,  I.)  by  Marcion  sug- 
gests how  the  Jewish  Christians  dropped  out  of  their 
version  an  account  wliich  they  would  not  accept. 
On  the  whole,  we  have  for  the  genuineness  and 
apostolic  origin  of  our  Greek  Gospel  of  Matthew 
the  best  testimony  that  can  be  given  (so  Arch- 
bishop Thomson,  original  author  of  this  article). 
(Canon  ;  Inspiration.  )—V.  Time  when  the  Gnsfiel  was 
written.  Nothing  can  be  said  on  this  point  with  cer- 
tainty. Some  of  the  ancients  t'link  that  it  was  written 
in  the  eiglith  year  after  the  .\scension(Theophylact 
and  Euthymius) ;  others  in  the  fifteenth  (Xicephorns); 
whilst  IreniEus  says,  that  it  was  written  "  when  Peter 
and  Paul  were  preaching  in  R(mic,"  and  Eusebiusat 
the  time  when  Matthew  was  about  to  leave  Palestine. 
The  most  probable  supposition  is  that  it  was  written 
between  a.  n.  50  and  60 ;  the  exact  year  cannot  even 
be  guessed  at. — VI.  Plnre  where  it  was  written.  Prob- 
ably in  Palestine. — VII.  Purpose  of  the  Gospel. 
The  Gospel  itself  tells  us  by  plain  internal  evidence 


that  it  was  written  for  Jewish  converts,  to  show 
thera  in  Jesus  of  Nazareth  the  Messiah  of  the  O.  T. 
whom  they  expected.  Jewish  converts  over  all  the 
world  seem  to  have  been  intended,  and  not  merely 
Jews  in  Palestine.  It  is  pervaded  by  one  principle, 
the  fullilmcnt  of  the  Law  and  of  the  Messianic 
prophecies  in  the  person  of  Jesus. — VIII.  Contents 
of  the  Gospel.  There  are  traces  in  this  Gospel  of 
an  occasional  superseding  of  the  chronological  order. 
Its  principal  divisions  are — 1.  Introduction  to  the 
mini.-itry  of  Jesus  (i.-iv.).  2.  The  laying  down  of  the 
new  Law  for  the  Church  in  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount 
(v.-vii.).  3.  Events  in  historical  order,  showing 
Him  as  the  worker  of  Miracles  (viii.,  ix.)  4.  Ap- 
pointment of  apostles  to  preach  the  kingdom  (.x.), 
3.  Doubts  and  opposition  excited  by  His  activity — 
in  John's  disciples,  in  sundry  cities,  in  the  Pharisees 
(xi.,  xii.).  6.  Parables  on  the  nature  of  the  king- 
dom (xiii.).  7.  Similar  to  5.  Effects  of  His  minis- 
try on  His  countrjnncn,  on  Herod,  the  peoi)le  of 
Gennesaret,  Scribes  and  Pharisees,  and  on  multi- 
tudes v/hom  He  feeds  (xiii.  53-xvi.  12).  8.  Reve- 
lation to  His  discii)les  of  His  sufferings.  His  in- 
structions to  them  thereupon  (xvi.  13-xviii.  35).  9. 
Events  of  a  journey  to  jeru.salem  (xix.,  xx.).  10. 
Entrance  into  Jerusalem,  and  resistance  to  Ilira 
there,  and  denunciation  of  the  Pharisees  (xxi.-xxiii.). 
1 1.  Last  discourses ;  Jesus  as  Lord  and  Judge  of 
Jerusalera,  and  also  of  the  world  (xxiv.,  xxv.).  12. 
Passion  and  Resurrection  (xxvi.-xxviii.). 

Mtlt-tlli'as  [mat-]  (Gr.  and  L.  fr.  Heb.  =  Matti- 
TiiiAH,  Ges.).  1,  Mattatuaii  (1  Esd.  ix.  33). — 2< 
Tlie  apostle  elected  to  fill  the  phice  of  the  traitor 
Judas  (Acts  i.  26).  All  beyond  this  that  we  know 
of  him  for  certainty  is  that  he  had  been  a  constant 
attendant  upon  the  Lord  Jesus  during  the  whole 
course  of  His  ministry ;  for  such  was  declared  by 
St.  Peter  to  be  the  necessary  qualification  of  one 
who  was  to  be  a  witness  of  tlie  Resurrection.  After 
St.  Peter's  address,  the  whole  assembled  body  of 
the  brethren  proceeded  to  nominate  two,  viz.  Joseph 
surnaraed  Barnabas,  and  Matthias,  who  answered 
the  reijuireraents  of  the  apostle :  the  subsequent 
selection  between  the  two  was  referred  in  prayer  to 
Him  who  knew  the  hearts  of  men ;  then  Matthias 
was  selected  by  lot.  It  is  said  that  he  preached 
the  Gospel  and  suffered  martyrdom  in  Ethiopia. 
Cave  Ijelievcs  it  was  rather  in  Cappadocia. 

Mat-ti-thl'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  gift  of  Jelmvah,  Ges., 
Fii. ;  =  Matthias,  Mattathias,  Matthew,  Matthat, 
Mattathah,  &c.).  1.  A  Levite,  the  fit  st-horn  of  Shal- 
lum  the  Korhite.who  presided  over  the  offerings  made 
in  the  pans  ( 1  Chr.  ix.  31 ;  compare  Lev.  vi.  20,  &c.). — 
2,  One  of  the  Levites  of  the  second  rank  under  Asaph, 
appointed  by  David  to  minister  before  the  ark  in 
the  musical  service  (1  Chr.  xvi.  5)  (see  4  below). — 3> 
One  of  the  family  of  Nebo,  who  had  married  a 
foreign  wife  in  Ezra's  time  (Ezr.  x.  43). — 4>  Proba- 
bly a  priest,  who  stood  at  the  right  hand  of  Ezra, 
when  he  read  the  Law  to  the  people  (viii.  4).— 5.  A 
Levite,  probably  =  No.  2  (1  Chr.  xv.  18,  21);  one 
of  Jeduthun's  six  sons ;  leader  of  the  fourteenth 
divisicm  of  the  Temple-choir  (xxv.  3,  21).  < 

Mat'toi'k,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  herA 
or  ehereb  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  6,  margin  "  mauls "), 
usually  translated  "sword."  (Arms,  I.  1.)  Gese- 
nius  and  Fiirst  translate  the  Hebrew  n-tJiili  or  text- 
ual reading  in  this  verse  "  he  searched  their  houses," 
instead  of  "  with  their  mattocks." — 2.  Heb.  ma- 
hiireshcth  or  niarlinreshd'i  (1  Sam.  xiii.  20,  21).  A 
closely-related  Hebrew  word  (inahi'ireshetli  or  maehii- 
res/uth)  is  translated  "  share  "  in  verse  20 ;  and  the 


MAt 


HEA 


619 


Hebrew  word  translated  "mattock"  in  verse  21 
may  bo  the  plural  of  either,  (iosenius  supposes 
one  of  them  perhaps  ^  pivugh-ehare,  and  the  uther 
=  cfnitter.  Fiirst  makes  this  in  verse  20  =;  niikle  ; 
the  kindred  woi-d  (=  "share"  in  A.  V.  verse  20) 
he  makes  =  upade,  matlock,  cou/ter,  and  regards  the 
latter  as  occurring  also  in  verse  21,  where  the  A.  V. 
has  "  mattocks." — 3.  Heb.  ma'der  =:  a  weeding- 
hook,  hoe,  Ces.  (Is.  vii.  25).  The  tool  used  in 
Arabia  for  loosening  the  ground,  described  by  Nie- 
buhr,  answers  generally  to  our  mattock  or  grub- 
bin-i-axe,  i.  e.  a  single-headed  pick-a.Ne.  The  an- 
cient Egyptian  hoe  was  of  wood,  and  answered  lor 
hue,  spade,  and  pick.     ACEiCLLTtKE. 


rni>*'«i  Hcct.— (rrom  WUkiDMn.) 

Manl  (i.  e.  a  hammer ;  a  variation  of  mall,  from 
L.  rna/ltus),  a  word  employed  by  our  tran.slator.<  to 
render  the  Hebrew  tnephUn.  The  Hebrew  and  Eng- 
lish alike  occur  in  Prov.  xxv.  18  only.  But  a  de- 
rivative from  the  same  root,  and  differing  but 
slightly  in  form,  viz.  mappels,  is  found  in  Jer.  li.  20, 
and  is  there  translated  "battle-axe."  Probably  some 
heavy  warlike  instrument,  a  mace  or  club,  is  al- 
ludeil  to.     Abms,  I.  2,  e,  h  ;  A.XE  ;  Mattock  1. 

Ha-nz'zim  (Heb.  pi.  —  fortrei»»m,  Ges.,  Fii.).  The 
marginal  note  to  the  A.  V.  of  Dan.  xi.  38,  "  the 
ffoil  of  /«r<-f.y,"  gives,  a.<i  the  equivalent  of  the  last 
word, "  Mauzzin),  or  God's  protectors,  or  munitions." 
The  G<>ncva  version  renders  the  Hebrew  as  a  proper 
mime  both  in  Dan.  xi.  38  and  39,  where  the  word 
occurs  again  (margin  of  A.  V.  "munitions").  The 
Greek  version  of  ThcoHotion  and  the  Vulgate  treat 
it  as  a  proper  name.  There  can  be  little  doubt  (so 
Mr.  Wright)  that  "  Mauzzim  "  is  to  be  taken  in 
its  literal  sense  of  /oWivoro,  just  as  in  Dan.  xi.  10, 
39  ;  the  god  of  fortremex  being  then  the  deity  who 
presided  over  strongholds.  But  beyond  this  it  is 
scarcely  possible  to  connect  an  appellation  so  gen- 
eral with  any  special  object  of  idolatrous  worship. 
^  Calvin  suggested  that  it  denoted  iw/ncy,  the  strong- 
est f)f  all  powers.  By  others  it  has  been  supposed 
to  be  Mars.  The  opinion  of  Gesenius  is  more 
probable,  that  Ihf  god  of  forlre*»m  =r  Jupiter  Capi- 
tolinus,  for  whom  Antiochus  built  a  temple  at  An- 
tioch.  Layard  (Nin.  ii.  456),  after  describing  Hera, 
the  Assyrian  Venus,  as  "  standing  erect  on  a  lion, 
and  crowned  with  a  tower  or  mural  coronet,  which, 
we  learn  from  Lucian,  was  peculiar  to  the  Semitic 
figure  of  the  goddess,"  adds  in  a  note,  "  May  she 


be  connected  with  the  '  El  Maozem,'  the  deity  pre- 
siding over  bulwarks  and  fortresses,  the  '  god  of 
forces '  of  Dan.  xi.  38  ?  " 
Maz-i-tl'as  (Gr.)  =  Mattithiah  3  (1  Esd.  ix.  35). 

*  Muz'za-loth  (Heb.).     See  Mazzaroih. 
Maz'zr.-icth  (Heb.,  see  below).     The  marpin  of 

the  A.  V.  of  Job  xxxviii.  32  gives  "  the  twelve 
signs  "  as  the  equivalent  of  "Mazzaroth,"  and  this 
is  probably  its  true  meaning  (so  Mr.  Wright).  The 
Peshito-t^yriac  renders  it  by  "the  wain  "  or  "  Great 
Bear."  jiirst  understands  by  Mazzaroth  the  ]  laiiet 
Jupiter,  the  same  as  the  "  star  "  of  Am.  v.  26.  On 
referring  to  2  K.  xxiii.  6,  we  find  the  word  mazzu- 
16th  (A.  V.  "the  planets  '),  differing  cnly  from 
Mazzaroth  in  having  the  liiiuid  I  for  r,  and  rendered 
in  the  margin  "the  twelve  signs,"  as  in  the  Vul- 
gate. In  later  Jewish  writings  mazzutolh  are  the 
signs  of  the  Zodiac.  In  consequence  of  this,  Eashi, 
and  the  Hebrew  comincntntors  generally,  identify 
mazzaroth  and  mazzaloth,  though  their  interpreta- 
tions vary. 

Motd'ow  [med'do],  tie  A.  V.  translation  of— 1. 
Heb.  ilhu  oriehu  (Gen.  xli.  2,  18).  It  appears  to  he 
an  Egyptian  teim.  Its  use  in  Job  viii.  11  (A.  \. 
"  flag  ")  seems  to  show  that  it  is  not  a  "  meadow," 
but  some  kind  of  reed  or  watcr-plai.t.  (Flag  1.) 
But  as  during  high  inundations  of  the  Nile — .'uch 
inundatinns  as  are  the  cause  of  fruitful  yeais — the 
whole  of  the  land  on  either  side  is  a  njaish,  and  as 
the  cultivation  extends  up  to  the  very  edge  of  the 
river,  may  it  not  denote  the  herbage  of  the  growing 
crops  ♦  2.  Heb.  ma\ir<h  ( Judg.  xx.  S3  only,  "  the 
meadows  of  Gibeah").  Ge.-enius,  the  Targum,  and 
Kimehi  translate  a  naked  place,  i.  e.  a  field  or  |)lain 
without  trees  and  dwellings;  Fiirst  Iranslates^oyyg/. 
The  most  plausible  interp:ctation  (so  Mr.  Giove)  is 
that  of  the  Peshilo-Syriac,  which  by  a  slight  dill'er- 
ence  in  the  vowel-points  makes  the  word  mi  'urah 
=:  f/te  cave. 

Jleall  (Heb.  a  hundred),  the  Tcw>r  of,  one  of 
the  t(jwers  of  the  wall  of  Jeiusalem  when  rcluilt 
by  Nehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  1,  xii.  39).  It  stood  between 
the  tower  of  Hananeel  and  the  sheep-gate,  and  piob- 
ably  somewhere  at  the  N.  E.  part  of  the  city. 

*  M«al  (Gen.  xviii.  6,  kc).  Bread  ;  Corn  ;  Food; 
Mi  1. 1.. 

iUeals  Our  information  on  this  subject  is  but 
scanty:  the  early  Hebrews  do  not  seem  to  have 
given  special  names  to  their  several  meals,  for  the 
Hebrew  terms  deal  and  iirvhuh  or  fuuchoh,  trans- 
lated "dine"  and  "dinner"  in  the  A.  V.  (Gen. 
xliii.  16;  Prov.  xv.  IT),  are  in  reality  general  ex- 
pressions, which  might  more  correctly  be  rendered 
"eat"  and  "portion  of  food."  In  the  X.  T.  we 
have  the  Greek  tcims  or/x/i/n  and  detpnon,  vh'ich  the 
A.  V.  renders  respectively  "dinner"  and  "supper" 
(Lk.  xiv.  12  ;  Jn.  xxi.  20,  &c.),  but  which  are  more 
properly  "breakfast"  and  "dinner."  The  Greek 
deiptimi  is  also  translated  "  feast  "  (Mat.  xxiii.  6  ; 
Mk.  xii.  39  ;  Lk.  xx.  46).  There  is  some  uncer- 
tainty as  to  the  hours  at  which  the  meals  were 
taken  :  the  Egyptians  undoubtedly  took  their  prii;- 
cij  al  meal  at  noon  (Gen.  xliii.  16):  laborers  took  a 
light  meal  at  that  time  (Ru.  ii.  14;  compare  verse 
17);  and  occasionally  that  early  hour  was  devoted 
to  excess  and  revelling  (1  K.  xx.  16).  It  has  been 
inferred  from  those  passages  (stjmewhat  too  hastily, 
Mr.  Bevan  thinks)  that  the  principal  meal  generally 
took  place  at  noon  :  the  Egyptians  still  make  a 
substantial  meal  at  that  time  ;  but  there  are  indi- 
cations that  the  Jews  rather  followed  the  custom 
that  prevails  among  the  Bedouins,  and  made  their 


C20 


MEA 


MEA 


principal  meal  after  sunset,  and  a  lighter  meal  at 
about  nine  or  ten  o'cloclc  in  the  morning  (Gon.  xix. 
1-3;  Ex.  xvi.  12,  xviii.  12,  14;  Ru.  iii.  7;  Jn.  xxi. 
4,  12).  (Passovek.)  Robinson,  jV.  T.Lcx.,makcs 
aris'oii  =  breakfa.it,  lu.ich,  talven  about  llie  middle 
of  the  day ;  the  principal  meal  being  tlie  deipnon  =. 
dinner,  taken  late  in  tha  afternoon  or  early  in  the 
evening,  after  the  heat  and  business  of  the  day 
were  over.  The  posture  at  meals  varied  at  various 
periods :  there  is  sulTicient  evidence  that  the  old 
Hebrews  were  in  tlie  h.abit  of  fitting  (Gen.  xxvii. 
19;  Judg.  xix.  6;  1  Sum.  xvi.  11,  xx.  5,  18,  24;  1 
K.  xiii.  20),  but  it  docs  not  lienee  follow  that  they 


sat  on  chairs  (the  chair  was  not  unknown  to  the 
Hebrews) ;  they  may  have  squatted  on  the  ground, 
as  was  the  occasional,  thiuigb  not  pel  haps  tlie  gen- 
eral custom  of  tlie  ancient  Egyptians.  Tlio  table 
was  in  this  case  but  slightly  elevated  above  the 
ground,  as  is  still  tlie  ease  in  Egypt.  As  luxury  in- 
creased, the  practice  of  sitting  was  exchanged  for 
tliat  of  reclining:  the  first  intimation  of  this  occurs 
in  Amos  (iii.  12,  vi.  4).  The  custom  may  have 
been  borrowed  from  the  Babylonians  and  Syrians, 
among  whom  it  prevailed  at  an  early  ptriod  (Esth. 
i.  0,  vii.  8).  In  the  time  of  our  Saviour,  reclining 
was   the   universal   custom,  as   is  implied   in  th« 


IlMCliuing  at  Talle.— From  M<ntfaucon*8  Antiquitit*.— (Fairbalrn  ) 


Greek  terms  anakeirnai,  ka/akeimai,  anaklinomai, 
&c.,  used  for  "  sHtimj  at  meat,"  as  the  A.  V.  incor- 
rectly has  it.  The  couch  itself  is  only  once  men- 
tioned (Mk.  vii.  4  ;  A.  V.  "  tables  ; "  Greek  plural  of 
kUne  usually  translated  "bed"),  but  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  the  Roman  trirlinium  (see  below) 
had  been  introduced,  and  that  the  arrangements  of 
the  table  resembled  those  described  by  classical 
writers.  Generally  speaking,  only  three  persons  re- 
clined on  each  couch,  but  occasionally  four  or  even 
five.  The  couches  were  provided  'Mth  cushions  on 
wliich  the  left  elbow  rested  in  support  of  the  upper 
part  of  the  body,  while  tlie  right  arm  remained 
free ;  a  room  provided  with  these  was  described  (in 
Greek)  as  ealromcnon,  literally  spread  (Mk.  xiv.  15, 
A.  V.  "  furnished  ").  As  several  guests  reclined  on 
the  same  couch,  eaeli  overlapped  his  neighbor,  as  it 
were,  and  rested  his  head  on  or  near  tlie  breast  of 
the  one  who  lay  behind  him  :  he  was  then  said  to 


Middle  conch. 

o 

-3 

*s 

^ 

ig 

Highest. 
Middle. 

7  6    5    4.$ 

8  2 

Lowest. 
Iliddle. 

3 

Lowest. 

9 

1 

Highest. 

ArraDKeineiit  of  Coudiei  sod  Plae«9  (Saatt  or  ^ 
elinium. 


Rooms  "  A.  V.)  to  the  7W- 


"lean  on  the  bosom  "  of  his  neighbor  (Jn.  xiii.  23, 
xxi.  20;  Abraham's  Bosom).  The  ordinary  arrange- 
ment of  the  couches  was  in  three  sides  of  a  square. 


the  fourth  being  left  open  for  the  servants  to  bring 
up  the  dishes.  Some  doubt  attends  the  question 
whether  the  females  took  thtir  meals  along  with 
the  males.  The  cases  of  Ruth  amid  the  reapers 
(Ru.  ii.  14),  of  Elkanah  with  his  wives  (1  Sam.  i. 
4),  of  Job's  sons  and  daughters  (Job  i.  4),  and  the 
general  intermixture  of  tlie  sexes  in  daily  life,  make 
it  more  than  probable  that  they  did  so  join  ;  at  the 
same  time,  as  the  duty  of  attending  upon  the  guests 
devolved  upon  thtm  (Lk.  x.  40),  they  probably  took 
a  somewhat  irregular  and  briefer  repast.  (See  also 
Deut.  xvi.  11,  i4;  Esth.  i.  9;  Woman.)  Before 
commencing  the  meal,  the  guests  washed  tlieir 
hands.     This  custom  was  founded  on  natural  de- 


Waahlog  baibre  or  aftar  a  OMal — (From  Lane's  JiotUm  £g],j4iaut.) 

cornm ;  not  only  was  the  hand  the  guhstitntc  for 
oiir  knife  and  fork,  hut  the  hands  of  all  the  guests 
were  dipped  into  one  and  the  same  dish.  Another 
preliminary  step  was  the  grace  or  blessing,  of  which 
we  have  but  one  instance  in  the  0.  T.  (1  Sam.  ix. 


MEA 


MEA 


621 


18),  and  more  than  one  pronounced  by  our  Lord 
Himself  in  the  X.  T.  (Mat.  xv.  ii6 ;  Lk.'ix.  lo;  Jn. 
vi.  1 1 ).  I'lie  nio<le  ol'  taking  tlic  food  dift'cred  in 
110  material  point  from  tku  modem  usages  uf  the 


A  party  at  dlasar  tn  aappar.— <Troiii  Laaa'l  Madtm  Eff^iaiu.) 

East ;  geiiorally  there  was  a  single  dish  into  which 
each  guest  dipped  liis  hand  (Mat.  xxvi.  23);  occa- 
sionally separate  portions  were  served  out  tj  each 
(Gen.xliii.34;  Rn.ii.14;  1  P:ini.  i.4).  A  piece  of  bread 
was  held  between  the  thumb  and  two  fingers  of 
the  right  hand,  and  wns  dipped  either  into  a  bowl 
of  melted  grease  (in  which  ea<c  it  was  termed  in 
flr.  pKdmion  =  "a  sip,"  .Jn.  xiii.  26),  or  into  the 
dish  of  meat,  whence  a  piece  was  conveyed  to  tlie 
mouth  between  the  layers  of  bread.  To  pick  out 
and  hanl  over  to  a  friend  a  delicate  morsel  is 
esteemed  a  compliment,  and  to  refuse  such  an  offer- 
ing is  regarded  as  contrary  to  good  manners.  Judas 
dipping  his  hand  in  the  same  dish  with  our  Lord 
was  showing  especial  friendliness  and  intimacy.  .Vt 
the  conclusion  of  the  meal,  grace  was  ag.iin  said  in 
conformity  with  Deut.  viii.  10,  and  the  hands  were 
again  wnshed.  Thus  far  we  have  described  the  or- 
dinary meal :  on  state  occasions  more  ceremony 
was  used,  and  the  meal  was  enlivened  in  various 
ways.  Such  occasions  were  numerous,  in  connec- 
tion partly  with  public  (Festival.s,  &c.\  partly  with 
private  events.  (Banquets.)  On  these  occasions  a 
sumptuons  repast  was  prepared ;  the  guests  were 
previously  invited  (Esth.  v.  8;  Mat.  xxii.  3),  and  on 
the  day  of  the  feast  a  secon'd  invitation  was  issued 
to  th'ise  that  were  bijden  (Esth.  vi.  14  ;  Prov.  ix. 
3  ;  Mat.  xxii.  3).  The  visitors  were  received  with  a 
kiis  (Tob.  vii.  6 ;  Lk.  vii.  45) ;  water  w.as  produced 
for  them  to  wash  their  feet  with  (vii.  44);  the  head, 
the  bear!,  the  feet, and  sometimes  the  clothes,  were 
perfumed  with  ointment  (Vs.  xxiii.  5 ;  Am.  vi.  6 ; 
Lk.  vii.  38;  Jn.  xii.  3);  on  special  occasions  robes 
were  provided  (.Mat.  xii.  11);  and  the  head  was 
decorated  with  wreaths  (Is.  xxviii.  1 ;  Wis.  iL  7,  8 ; 
Jos.  xix.  9,  §  1).  The  regulation  of  the  feast  was 
under  the  superintendence  of  n  special  ofTiccr,  named 
in  Or.  nrchitrikliiios{3a.  ii.  8,  9,  A.V.  "  niler  of  the 
feast,"  "governor  of  the  feast"),  whose  business  it 
was  to  taste  the  food  and  the  liquors  before  they 
were  placed  on  the  table,  and  to  settle  al>out  the 
toasts  and  amusements ;  he  wag  generally  one  of  the 


guests  (Ecclus.  xxxii.  1,  2),  and  might  therefore  take 
part  in  the  conversation.  The  placer  of  the  guests 
were  setlli-d  according  to  their  respective  rank  (Gen. 
xliu.  33  ;  -1  Sam.  ix.  22  ;  Lk.  xiv.  8  ;  Mk.  xii.  89  ;  Jn. 
-xiii.  23);  poiliona  of  food  were  placed  before  each 
(1  Sam.  i.  4  ;  2  Sam.-vi,  19 ;  1  Chr.  xvi.  8),  the  most 
honored  guests  receiving  either  larger  (Gcu.  xliii. 
34;  compare  Hdt.  vi.  57)  or  more  choice  (1  ?am.  ix. 
24;  compare  Homer,  Ii.  vii.  Sal)  portions  than  the 
rest.  The  meal  was  enlivened  with  music,  singing, 
and  dancing  (2  Sam.  xix.  35;  Ts.  Ixix.  12;  Is.  v. 
12;  Am.  vi,  5  ;  Eoclus.  xxxii.  8-6;  Mat.  xiv.  6  ;  Lk. 
XV.  25),  or  with  riddles  (Judg.  xiv.  12);  and  amid 
these  entertainments  the  festival  was  prolonged  for 
several  days  (Esth.  i.  3,  4).  Bread  ;  Cooking  ; 
Disii;  DniXK,  Strong;  Food;  Fuksitlre;  Milk; 
Water  ;  Wine. 
Me-a'Dl  ffr.  Or.)  =  MEiitTxiM  (1  Esd.  v.  31). 
lUc-a'rnb  (Ileb.,  see  below),  a  place  named  in  Josh, 
xiii.  4  only.  Its  de? eri]  tion  is  "  Mcarah,  which  is 
to  (i.  e.  belongs  to ;  the  A.  V.  '  beside '  is  erroneous) 
the  Zidonians."  The  word  mtVtruh  in  Hebrew  = 
a  care,  and  it  is  commonly  assumed  that  the  refer- 
ence is  to  some  remarkable  cavern  in  the  neighboi- 
hocd  of  Zidon  orSidon.  Rchu.d  suggests  that  Mca- 
rahmaybe  =:  Moioth,  a  village  named  by  Joscphus 
(iii.  3,  g  1),  as  forming  the  limit  of  Galilee  on  the  W. 
Robinson  (ii.  474)  suggests  that  Mearah  may  be  at 
'Adlun,  a  ruined  site  about  half-way  between  Tyre 
and  Sidon,  in  the  cliffs  near  which  are  numerous 
sepulchral  grottoes. 

Mer's'Bies  [mizh-].  Weights  A.sn  Meascriw. 
Meaf.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  word  "  meat" 
is  used  in  any  one  instance  in  the  A.  V.,  of  cither 
the  0.  or  X.  T.,  in  the  sense  which  it  now  almost 
exclusively  bears  of  OMmal  food.  The  latter  is  de- 
noted uniformly  by  "flesh."  1.  The  only  possible 
exceptions  to  tliis  assertion  in  the  <>.  T.  arc : — (a.) 
Gen.  xxvii.  4,  ic.,  "  savory  meat  (perhaps  =: 
dainlHt};"  (t.)  xiv.  23,  "corn  and  bread  and  meat 
(=  foo-x's,  'victual,'  2  Chr.  xi.  28)."  2.  The  only 
real  and  inconvenient  ambiguity  caused  by  the 
change  which  has  taken  place  in  the  meaning  of  the 
word  is  in  the  case  of  tlie  "meat-offkrixg,"  which 
consisted  solely  of  flour,  or  com,  and  oil.  3.  Sev- 
eral Hebrew  words  arc  translated  in  the  A.  V.  bv 
"meat ;"  but  none  of  them  present  any  special  in- 
terest except  fe.'em  ov  hchem(—  "hread")  (Num. 
xxviil.  24  :  1  Sam.  xx.  24,  27,  34 ;  Job  vi.  7,  xx,  14,  - 
&c.),  and  Icrrph  (Ps.  cxi.  5,  margin  "prey;"  Prov. 
xxxi.  16;  Mai.  iii.  10),  usually  translated  "prev" 
(Gen.  xlix.  9;  Num.  xxiii.  24,'  &c.),  once  "spi.il" 
(Job  xxix.  17).  4.  In  the  N.  T.  several  Greek  words 
are  thus  rendered,  the  most  common  being  broma 
(Jn.  iv.  34;  Rom.  xiv.  15,  20;  1  Cor.  viii.  8,  IS, 
&c.),  6rAw>  (Jn.  iv.  32  ;  Rom.  xiv.  17,  &c.),  ar.(l 
trophe  (.Mat.  iii.  4;  Acts  xxvii.  33  ff. ;  Heb.  v.  12, 
14,  &c.),  each  of  which  =  whatever  can  be  eaten  tr 
can  nourish  the  frame. 

illoat'-«rTcr-lD);.  The  Heb.  minhdK  or  minthdh 
originally  =  a  oirr  of  anv  kind  ;  and  appears  to  be 
used  generally  =  a  gift  from  an  inferior  to  a  supe- 
rior, whether  God  or  man.  Afterward  this  general 
sense  became  attached  to  "  Cohban  ;  "  and  minhuh 
or  minchdh  was  restricted  to  an  unbloody  offering. 
The  law  or  ceremonial  of  the  meat-offding  is  to- 
scribed  in  Lev.  ii.  and  vi.  14-23.  It  was  composed 
of  fine  flour,  seasoned  with  shU,  and  mixed  with  oil 
and  frankincense,  but  without  leaven  ;  and  generally 
accompanied  by  a  drink-offering  of  nine.  A  por- 
tion of  it,  including  all  the  frankincense,  was  to  bo 
burnt  on  the  altar  as  a  "  memorial ;  "  the  rest  be- 


622 


MEB 


MED 


longed  to  the  priest ;  but  the  meat-offeringa  offered 
by  the  priests  themselvog  were  to  be  wholly  burnt. 
Its  meaning  appears  to  be  exactly  expressed  in  the 
words  of  David  (1  Ghr.  xxix.  10-14),  "  Of  Thine 
own  have  we  given  Thee."  It  recognized  the  sov- 
ereignty of  tlic  Lord  and  His'  bounty  in  giving  all 
earthly  blessings,  by  dedicating  to  Him  the  best  of 
His  gifts.  Tliis  meaning  involves  neither  of  tlie 
main  ideas  of  sacrifice — the  atonement  for  sin  and 
self-dedication  to  God.  It  takes  them  for  granted, 
and  is  based  on  them.  Accordingly,  the  meat-offer- 
ing, properly  so  called,  seems  always  to.  have  been 
a  subsidiary  offering,  needing  to  bo  introduced 
by  the  six-offerino,  which  represented  the  one 
idea,  and  forming  an  appendage  to  the  bcrxtoffer- 
INO  which  represented  the  other.  The  unbloody 
offoiings  offered  alone  did  not  properly  belong  to 
the  regular  meat-offering.  They  were  usually  sub- 
stitutes for  other  offerings  (compare  Lev.  v.  11 ; 
Num.  v.  15).     Sacrifice. 

Mt-bna'nal  (Ileb.  o  set  up,  eroded,  strong  one, 
Fii.),  in  2  S.im.  xxiii.  27  only,  the  name  of  one  of 
David's  "valiant  men,"  clsowhore  called  Sibbeciiai 
(xxi.  18 ;  1  Chr.  xx.  4)  or  Sibdecai  (xi.  29,  xxvii. 
11).  The  rea  ling  "  Sibbeohai "  is  evidently  the  true 
one  (so  Mr.  Wright). 

Mc-e!ie'r8tli-it«  (fr.  Heb.),  th*,  =  the  native  or 
inhabitant  of  a  place  called  Meclicrah,  otherwise 
unlinown  (so  Gosenius,  Fiirst)  (1  Chr.  xi.  30).  In 
2  Sain,  xxiii.  34,  the  name  appears,  with  other  varia- 
tions, as  "  the  jlaachatliite."  Konnicott  concludes 
that  the  latter  is  the  more  correct. 

Mel'.t-ba,  Greek  form  of  Medeba  (1  Me.  ix.  30). 

Me'dld  (fr.  Ileb.  =:  love,  Ges.,  Fii.).     Eluad. 

Slc'd/in  (Ileb.  strife,  conlenlion),  a  son  of  Abra- 
ham and  IvETfRAH  (Gen.  xxv.  2  ;  1  Chr.  i.  32),  whose 
name  and  descendants  Iiave  not  been  traced  beyond 
this  record.  It  has  been  supposed,  from  the  simi- 
larity of  the  name,  that  the  tribe  descended  from 
Sledan  wa^  the  same  as,  or  a  portion  ol',  Midian. 
There  i-<,  however,  no  ground  for  tliis  theory  beyond 
its  plausibility.  The  mention  of  "  Ishmaelite  "  as  a 
convertible  term  with  "  Midianite,"  in  Gen.  xxxvii. 
28,  36,  is  remarkable ;  but  the  Midianite  of  the  A. 
V.  in  verse  36  is  Me  lanite  in  the  Hebrew. 

DIcd'c-bl  (Ileb.  waters  of  quiet),  a  town  on  the  E. 
of  Jordan,  first  alluded  to  in  Xum.  xxi.  30.  Here 
it  seems  to  denote  the  limit  of  tlie  territory  of  Ilesh- 
bon.  It  next  occurs  in  the  enumeration  of  the 
country  divided  amongst  the  Transjordanic  tribes 
(Josh.  xiii.  9),  as  giving  its  name  to  a  district  called 
"  the  plain  of  Medeba."  (Plain  4.)  This  district 
fell  within  the  allotment  of  Reuben  (ver.  16).  At 
the  time  of  the  Conquest  Medeba  belonged  to  the 
Amorites,  apparently  one  of  the  towns  taken  from 
Jloah  by  them.  When  we  next  encounter  it,  four 
centuries  later,  it  is  again  in  the  hands  of  the  Moab- 
ites,  or  of  the  Ammonites  (1  Chr.  xix.  7).  In  the 
time  of  Ahaz  Medeba  was  a  sanctuary  of  Moab  (Is. 
XV.  2).  In  the  Maccabean  times  it  had  returned 
into  the  hands  of  the  Amorites,  who  most  probably 
—  the  Jambri  in  1  Mc.  ix.  36.  About  110  b.  c.  it 
was  taken  after  a  long  siege  by  John  Hyrcanus.  In 
Christian  times  it  was  a  noted  bishopric.  Medeba 
(now  Afddeba)  is  in  the  pastoral  district  of  the  Belka, 
four  miles  S.  E.  of  HeMon,  and  like  it  lying  on  a 
rounded  but  rocky  hill.  A  large  tank,  columns,  and 
extensive  foundations  are  still  to  be  seen. 

*  Medp  [meed]  (see  below)  =  one  of  the  Medes, 
or  one  from  Media  (Dan.  xi.  1). 

Medes  [meedz]  (Heb.  AfAdai ;  Gr.  M6doi ;  L. 
Mcdi),  one  of  the  most  powerful  nations  of  Western 


Asia  in  the  times  anterior  to  the  establishment  of 
the  kingdom  of  Cyrus,  and  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant tribes  composing  that  kingdom.  The  title  by 
which  they  appear  to  have  known  themselves  was 
Mada. — 1.  Primitive  History.  It  maybe  gathered 
from  the  mention  of  the  Medes  (Madai)  by  Moses, 
among  the  races  descended  from  Japheth,  that  they 
were  a  nation  of  very  high  antiquity.  Berosus  says 
that  the  MeJes  conquered  Babylon  at  a  very  remote 
period  (about  B.  c.  2468),  and  that  eight  Median 
monarchs  reigned  there  consecutively  224  years. 
There  are  independent  grounds  for  thinking  tliat  an 
Aryan  element  existed  in  tlie  population  of  the  Mes- 
opotamian  valley,  side  by  side  with  the  Cushite 
and  Shemitic  elements,  at  a  very  early  date.  It  is 
therefore  not  at  all  impossible  (so  Rawlinson,  the 
original  author  of  tliis  arlicle)  that  the  Medes  may 
have  been  the  predomini<nt  race  tliere  for  a  time,  as 
Berosus  states,  and  may  afterward  have  been  ovei^ 
powered  and  driven  to  the  mountains.  The  term 
Aryans,  applied  to  the  llcdes  in  the  time  of  He- 
rodotus, connects  them  with  the  early  Vedic  set- 
tlers in  Western  Hindostan.  2.  Connection  with 
Assyria.  The  dtcpest  obscurity  hangs,  however, 
over  the  whole  history  of  the  Medes  from  the  time 
of  their  bearing  sway  in  Babylonia  (n.  c.  2458- 
2234)  to  their  first  appearance  in  tlie  cuneiform  in- 
scriptions among  the  enemies  of  Assyria,  about 
B.  c.  880.  Tlicy  then  inliabit  a  portion  of  the  region 
which  bore  their  name  down  to  the  Mohammedan  con- 
quest of  Persia  ;  but  whether  they  were  recent  im- 
migrants into  it,  or  had  held  it  from  a  remote  antiq- 
uity, is  uncertain.  However,  it  is  certain  that  at 
first,  and  for  a  long  series  of  years,  they  were  very 
inferior  in  power  to  the  great  empire  established 
upon  their  flank.  They  were  under  no  general  or 
centralized  government,  but  consisted  of  various 
petty  tribes,  each  ruled  by  its  chief,  whose  dominion 
was  over  a  single  small  town  and  perhaps  a  few  vil- 
lages. The  Assyrian  monarchs  ravaged  their  lands 
at  pleasure,  and  took  tribute  from  their  chiefs; 
while  the  Medes  could  in  no  way  retaliate  upon 
their  antagonists.  Media,  however,  was  strong 
enough,  and  stubborn  enough,  to  maintain  her  na- 
tionality throughout  the  whole  period  of  the  As- 
syrian sway,  and  was  never  absorbed  into  the  em- 
pire.— 3.  Median  History  of  Herodotus.  Herodotus 
represents  the  decadence  of  Assyria  as  greatly  ac- 
celerated by  a  formal  revolt  of  the  Medes,  following 
upon  a  period  of  contented  subjection,  and  places 
this  revolt  more  than  218  years  before  the  battle 
of  Marathon,  or  a  little  before  a.  c.  708.  Ctesias 
placed  tlie  commencement  of  Median  independence 
as  far  back  as  b.  c.  875.  No  one  now  defends  this 
latter  statement,  which  alike  contradicts  the  He- 
brew records  and  the  native  documents.  Accord- 
ing to  Herodotus,  tlie  Medes,  when  they  first  shook 
off  the  yoke,  established  no  government.  Quarrels 
were  settled  by  arbitration,  and  a  certain  Deioces, 
having  obtained  a  reputation  in  this  way,  contrived 
after  a  while  to  get  himself  elected  sovereign.  He 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Pliraortcs,  an  nnibitious 
prince,  who  directly  after  his  accession  began  a 
career  of  conquest,  reduced  nation  after  nation,  and 
finally  perished  in  an  expedition  against  Assyria, 
after  he  had  reigned  twenty-two  years.  Cyaxares, 
the  son  of  Phraortes,  then  mounted  the  throne. 
After  a  desperate  stniggle  during  twenty-eight  years 
with  the  Scylhiann,  Cyaxares  succeeded  in  recover- 
ing his  fonner  empire,  whereupon  he  resiin  ed  the 
projects  which  their  invasion  had  made  him  tem- 
porarily abandon.     He  conquered  the  Assyrians, 


MEO 


MED 


C23 


and  engaged  in  a  war  with  Alyattes,  king  of  Lydia, 
tlie  father  of  Crccsus,  with  «hom  he  long  maintained 
a  stubborn  contest.  This  war  was  terminated  at 
length  by  the  formation  of  an  alliance  between  the 
two  powers.  Cyaxarcs,  soon  after  this,  died,  having 
reigned  in  all  forty  years.  He  was  succeeded  by  his 
son  AsTYAGES. — 4.  Its  imptrfeciiimt.  The  Median 
History  of  Herodotus  has  been  accepted  as  authentic 
by  most  modern  writers.  Tliat  the  story  of  De'iocos 
is  a  romance  has  been  acknowledged.  That  the 
I  chronological  dates  arc  improbable,  and  even  con- 
I  ;  ^radictory,  has  been  a  frequent  subject  of  com- 
plaiut.  Recently  it  has  been  shown  (Rawlinson, 
}ItrodotH»)  that  the  whole  scheme  of  dates  is  arti- 
ficial, and  that  the  very  names  of  the  kings,  e.\cept 
in  a  single  instance,  are  unhistorical.  The  cuncitorm 
records  of  Sargon,  Sennacherib,  and  Esar-haddou 
clearly  show  that  the  Median  kingdom  did  not 
commence  so  early  as  Herodotus  imagined.  These 
three  princes,  whose  reigns  cover  the  space  ex- 
tending from  B.  c.  720  to  b.  c.  660,  all  carried 
their  arms  deep  into  Media,  and  found  it,  not 
under  the  dominion  of  a  single  powerful  monarch, 
but  under  the  rule  of  a  vast  number  of  petty 
chieftains.  It  cannot  have  been  till  near  the  middle 
of  the  seventh  century  b.  c.  that  the  Median  king- 
dom was  consolidated,  and  became  formidable  to  its 
neighbors.  How  this  change  was  accomplished  is 
uncertain :  most  probably  about  this  time  a  fresh 
Aryan  immigration  took  place  from  the  countries  E. 
of  the  Caspian,  and  the  leader  of  the  immigrants 
established  his  authority  over  the  scattered  tribes 
of  his  race,  settled  previously  in  the  district  between 
the  Caspian  and  Mount  Zagros.  There  is  good 
reason  to  believe  that  this  leader  was  the  great 
Cyaxares.  The  Deioccs  and  Phraortes  of  Herodo- 
tus are  thus  removed  from  the  list  of  historical  per- 
sonages altogether. — 5.  Development  of  M«lian 
j'over,  and  formation  of  the  Empire.  It  is  evident 
tliat  the  development  of  Median  power  kept  pace 
with  the  decline  of  Assyria,  of  which  it  was  in  part 
an  effect,  in  part  a  cause.  Cyaxares  must  have 
been  contemporary  with  the  later  years  of  that  As- 
syrian monarch  who  passed  the  greater  portion  of 
liis  time  in  hunting-expeditions  in  Susiana.  In 
iirder  to  consolidate  a  powerful  kingdom  in  the  dis- 
trict E.  of  Assyria,  it  was  necessary  to  bring  into 
subjection  a  number  of  Scythic  tribes.  The  struggle 
with  these  tribes  may  be  the  real  event  represented 
in  Herodotus  by  the  Scythic  war  of  Cyaxares,  or 
possibly  his  narrative  may  contain  a  still  larger 
amount  of  truth.  His  capture  of  Nineveh  and  con- 
quest of  Assyria  are  facts  which  no  skepticism  can 
doubt ;  and  the  date  of  the  capture  may  he  fixed 
with  tolerable  certainty  to  the  ye.ir  n.  c.  626.  It 
was  undoubtedly  after  this  that  Cyaxares  endeavored 
to  conquer  Lydia.  It  is  surprising  that  he  failed, 
more  especially  as  he  seems  to  have  l)een  accom- 
panied by  the  forces  of  the  Babylonians,  who  were 
perhaps  commanded  by  Nebuchadnezzar  on  the  oc- 
casion.— 6.  Extent  of  the  Empire.  The  limits  of  the 
Median  empire  cannot  be  definitely  fixed.  From  N. 
to  S.  its  extent  was  in  no  place  great,  since  it  was 
certainly  confined  between  the  Persian  Gulf  and  the 
Euphrates  on  the  one  side,  the  Black  and  Caspian 
Sens  on  the  other.  From  E.  to  W.  it  had,  however, 
a  wide  expansion,  since  it  reached  from  the  Halys 
at  lea.1t  as  far  as  the  Caspian  Gates,  and  possibly 
further.  It  comprised  Persia,  Media  Magna  (Mepia), 
North  Media,  Matiene  or  Media  Mattiana,  Assyria, 
Armenia,  Cappadoeia,  the  tract  between  Armenia 
and  the  Caucasus,  the  low  tract  along  the  S.  W.  and 


'  S.  of  the  Caspian,  and  possibly  some   portion   of 
Hyrcania,  Parthia,  and  Sagartia.      It  was  separated 
from  Babylonia  either  by  the  Tigris,  or  more  prob- 
^  ably  by  a  line  running  about  half-way  between  that 
river  and  the  Euphrates.     Its  greatest  length  may 
be  reckoned  at  1,500  miles  from  N.  W.  to  S.  E.,  and 
its  average  breadth  at  400  or  450  miles.      Its  area 
would  thus  be  about  600,000  square  miles,  or  some- 
what greater  than  that  of  modern  Persia. — 7.  Is 
cliaracier.     With  regard  to  the  nature  of  the  gov- 
ernment established  by  the  Medes  over  the  con- 
quered nations,  we  possess  but  little  trustworthy 
I  evidence.    Herodotus  in  one  place  compares,  some- 
j  what  vaguely,  the  Median  with  the  Persian  system 
i  (i.  134) ;   but  it  is  perhaps  most  probable  that  the 
Assyrian  organization  was  continued  by  the  Medes, 
the  subject-nations  retaining  their  native  monarchs, 
and  merely  acknowledging  subjection  by  the  pay- 
ment of  an  annual  tribute.     This  seems  certainly  to 
have  been  the  case  in  Persia.     The  satrapial  organ- 
.  ization  was  apparently  a  Persian  invention,  begun 
j  by  Cyrus,  continued  by  Cambyses,  his  son,  but  first 
f  adopted  as  the  regular  governmental   system  by 
Darius  Ilystafpis. — 8.  Its  deration.  Of  all  the  ancient 
Oriental  monarchies  the  Median  was  the  shortest  in 
duration.     It  commenced,  as  ne  have  seen,  after  the 
middle  of  the  seventh  century  b.  c,  and  it  termi- 
nated B.  c.  5f)8. — 9.  lis  final  overthrow.     The  con- 
I  quest  of  the  Medes  by  a  sister-Iranic  race,  the  Per- 
I  sians,  under  their  native  monarch  Cyrcs,  is  another 
of  those  indisputable  facts  of  remote  history,  which 
make  the  inquirer  feel  that  he  sometimes  attains  to 
solid  ground  in  these  didicult  investigations.     After 
many  partial  engagements,  a  great  battle  was  fought 
between  the  two  armies,  and  the  result  was  the 
'  complete  defeat  of  the  Medes,  and  the  cai.lnre  of 
I  their   king,  Astyages,  by  Cyius. — 10.  Pomtion  of 
Media  under  Persia.     The  treatment  of  the  Medes 
by  the  victorious  Persians  was  not  that  of  nn  oidi- 
nary  conquered  nation.     According  to  some  w  riters 
(as  Herodotus  and  Xenophon)  there  was  a  close  rc- 
,  lationship  between  Cyrus  and  the  last  Median  mon- 
arch, who  was  therefore  naturally  treated  with  more 
than  conimon  tenderness.     The  two  nations   were 
closely  akin  ;  they  had  the  same  Aryan  or  Iranic  oii- 
gin,  the  same  early  traditions,  the  same  language, 
nearly  the  same  religion,  and  ultimately  the  same 
;  manners  and  customs,  dress,  and  general  mode  of 
life.      Medes  were  advanced   to   stations   of  high 
honor  and  importance  under  Cyrus  and  his  succes- 
sors.    The  Median  capital  (Ecuatana)  was  at  first 
the  chief  royal  residence.     On  the  first  convenient 
opportunity  Media  rebelled,  elevating  to  tlie  throne 
a  certain  Phraortes  (/»-aiea>-/»«/i).    Darius  Ilj-staspis, 
in  whose  reign  this  rebellion  took  place,  had  great 
difficulty  in  suppressing  it. — II.  In/ernal  divitiimg. 
According  to  Herodotus  the  Median  nation  was  di- 
vided into  six  tribes,  called  Busir,  the  Paretaceni, 
the  Strnchates,  the  Arizanti,  the  Budii,  and   the 
Magi.     It  is  doubtful,  however,  in  what  sense  these 
■  are  to  be  considered  as  efhnic  divisions.    W'c  may 
perhaps  assume,  from  the  order  of  Herodotus's  list, 
that  the  Busa;,  Paretaceni,  Struchates,  ond  Arizanti 
were  true  Medes,  of  genuine  Aryan  descent,  while  the 
Budii  and  Magi  were  foreigners  admitted  into  the 
nation. — 12.  Religion.    The  original  religion  of  the 
Medes  must  have  been  that  simple  creed  which  is 
placed  before  us  in  the  earlier  portions  oftheZend- 
avcsta.    (Persians.)   Its  peculiar  characteristic  was 
Dualism,  the  belief  in  the  existence  of  two  opposite 
principles  of  good  and  evil,  nearly  if  not  quite  on  a 
j  par  with  one  another.    Ormazd,  the  good  dcir.oi', 


I 


G24 


MED 


MED 


and  Ahriman,  the  evil  demon,  were  both  self-caused 
and  self-existent,  both  indestniciible,  both  potent  to 
work  their  will.  Besides  OrmazJ,  the  Aryans  wor- 
shipped the  sun  and  moon,  under  the  names  of  Mithra 
and  llonia ;  and  they  believed  in  the  existence  of 
numerous  spirits  or  genii,  some  good,  some  bad,  the 
subjects  and  ministers  respectively  of  the  two  pow- 
ers of  Good  and  Evil.  Their  migration  brought 
them  into  contact  with  the  fire-worshippers  of  Ar- 
menia and  Mount  Zagros,  among  whom  Magianism 
had  been  established  from  a  remote  antiquity.  (Magi.) 
The  result  was  either  a  combination  of  tlie  two  reli- 
gions, or  in  some  cases  an  actual  conversion  of  the 
conquerors  to  the  faith  and  worsliip  of  the  con- 
quered. So  far  as  can  be  gathered  from  the  scanty 
materials  in  our  possession,  the  latter  was  the  case 
with  the  Modes. — 13.  Manners,  cuntoms,  and  }iali<mal 
characler.  Tlia  customs  of  the  Medcs  are  said  to 
have  nearly  resembled  tliose  of  their  neighbors,  the 
Armenians  and  the  Pemians  ;  but  they  were  re- 
garded as  t!ie  inventors,  their  neighbors  as  the 
copyists.  They  were  brave  and  warlilic,  excellent 
riders,  and  remarliably  skilful  with  the  bow.  The 
flowing  robe,  so  well  known  from  the  Persepolitan 
sculptures,  was  their  native  dress,  and  was  certainly 
among  the  points  for  which  the  Persians  were  be- 
holden to  tliem.  As  troops  tliey  were  considered 
little  interior  to  the  native  Persiins,  next  to  whom 
they  were  usually  ranged  in  the  battle-field. — 14. 
H(fcreiicex  to  the  jledes  in  Scrifdure.  The  references 
to  the  Mcdes  in  the  canonical  Scriptures  are  not 
very  numerous,  but  striking.  We  first  hear  of  cer- 
tain "  cities  of  the  Medcs,"  in  which  the  captive  Is- 
raelites were  placed  by  "  the  king  of  Assyria  "  on 
the  destruction  of  Samaria,  B.  c.  721  (2  K.  xvii.  6, 
xviii.  1 1 ).  This  implies  the  suly'ection  of  )Iedia  to 
Assyria  at  the  time  of  ShalmauL^scr,  or  of  Sargon, 
his  successor,  and  accords  very  closely  with  the  ac- 
count given  l)y  the  latter  of  certain  military  colonies 
which  he  planted  in  the  Median  country.  Soon 
afterward  Isaiah  prophecies  the  part  which  the 
Medcs  s!i ill  take  in  tiie  destruction  of  Babylon  (Is. 
xiii.  17,  xxi.  2);  which  is  ag.iin  still  more  distinctly 
declared  by  Jjremiah  (li.  21  and  23),  whTsnfTiciently 
indicates  tiie  independence  of  Mi-dia  in  his  day  (xxv. 
2j).  Daniel  relates  the  fiict  of  the  MedoPersic 
conquest  (v.  28,  31),  giving  an  account  of  the  reign 
of  Diuifs  THE  Medz,  who  appears  to  have  been 
made  viceroy  by  Cyrus  (vi.  1-28).  In  Ezra(vi.  2-6) 
we  have  a  mention  of  Achmetha  (Ecb.\tana),  "the 
paldce  in  the  province  of  the  Medes,"  where  the 
decree  of  Cyrus  was  found — a  notice  wliich  accords 
with  the  known  facts  that  the  Median  capital  was 
the  seat  of  government  under  Cyrus,  but  a  royal  res- 
idence only  and  not  the  seat  of  government  under 
Darius  Hystaspis.  Finally,  in  Esther,  the  hi,i;h  rank 
of  Media  under  the  Persian  kings,  yet  at  the  same 
time  its  subordinate  position,  are  marked  by  the 
fre  pient  combination  of  the  two  names  in  phrases 
of  honor,  the  precedency  being  in  every  case  as- 
signed to  the  Persians.  In  the  Apocrypha  the 
Medes  occupy  a  more  prominent  place.  The  chief 
scene  of  one  whole  book  (Tobit)  is  Media ;  and  in 
another  (Jcdith)  a  very  striking  portion  of  the  nar- 
rative belongs  to  the  same  country.  The  mention 
of  Rhages  (Rages)  in  both  narratives  as  a  Median 
town  and  region  of  importance  is  geographically 
correct ;  and  it  is  historically  true  that  Phraortes 
(AnpnAXAD2)  suffered  his  overthrow  in  theRhagian 
district. 

!)Ie'dl-a  (Gr.,  see  Medes),  a  country  which  lay  N. 
W.  of  Pebsia  Proper,  S.  and  S.  W.  of  the  Caspian, 


E.  of  Armenia  and  Syria,  W.  and  N.  W.  of  the  great 
salt  desert  of  Iran.  Its  greatest  length  vas  liom 
X.  to  S.,  and  in  this  direction  it  extended  from  the 
thirty-second  to  the  fortieth  parallel,  a  distance  of 
550  miles.  In  width  it  reached  from  about  longi- 
tude 45'  to  63°;  but  its  average  breadth  was  not 
more  than  from  250  to  300  miles.  Its  area  may  be 
reckoned  at  about  150,000  square  miles,  or  three- 
fourths  of  that  of  modern  France.  It  comprised  the 
modern  provinces  of  Irak  Ajimi,  Persian  Kvrdistaii, 
part  of  Liiristan,  Azcrbijan,  perhaps  Talish  and 
Ghiliui,  but  not  Mazanderan  or  Asterabad.  The 
division  of  Media  commonly  recognized  by  the 
Greeks  and  Romans  was  that  into  Media  >lagna, 
and  Media  Atropatene.  1.  Media  Atroiatene  (so 
named  from  the  satrap  Atropates,  who  became  in- 
dependent monarch  of  tlie  province  on  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Persian  empire  by  Alexander,  b.  c.  330) 
corresponded  nearly  to  the  modern  Azerbijau,  being 
the  tract  situated  between  the  Caspian  and  the 
mountains  which  run  north  from  Zagros,  and  con- 
sisting mainly  of  the  rich  and  fertile  basin  of  Lake 
Urimiije.h  or  Oroomi«/(,  with  the  valleys  of  the  Aras 
and  the  Sefid  liul.  The  ancient  Atropatene  may 
Imve  included  also  the  countries  of  (Uiiian  and 
Talish,  together  with  the  plain  of  Moglian  at  the 
mouth  of  the  comliincd  Kur  and  Aras  rivers.  2. 
Media  Magna  (=  Great  Media)  lay  S.  and  E.  of 
Atropatene.  It  contained  great  part  of  Kurdin/an 
and  I.uristan,  witli  all  Ardclan  and  hrik  Ajcmi. 
The  character  of  this  tract  is  very  varied.  It  is  in- 
dicative of  the  division,  that  there  were  twoEcbat- 
anas — one,  the  northern,  at  Tal-hl-i-Svldman ;  the 
other,  the  southern,  at  Ihnxndan^  on  the  flanks  of 
Mount  Orontes  (Elwand) — respectively  the  c.-pitals 
of  the  two  districts.  (Ecbataxa.)  Next  to  the  two 
Ecbatanas,  the  chief  town  in  Media  was  undoubtedly 
Rh.ages — the  Haya  of  the  inscriptions.  (Raofs.) 
The  only  other  plnco  of  much  note  was  Bapistana, 
the  modern  Z?r/i('*/«,i  (Persians,  n.  1),  which  guarded 
the  chief  pass  connecting  Media  with  the  McsopO*! 
tamian  plain.     Mkdks.  ' 

91e'di-an  =  one  from  Media.  Darius,  "  the  son 
of  Ahasuerus,  of  the  seed  of  the  Medes"  (Dan.  ix. 
1)  or  "the  Mede"  (xi.  1)  is  thus  described  in  Dan. 
v.  31. 

"Me'dl-a-tor  (L.),  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Gr. 
mesitcs  =  a  go-between,  mtdiator,  one  who  inter- 
venes between  two  parties,  Rbn.,  JV.  T.  Lex.  It  is 
applied  to  Moses  as  an  interpreter  or  mere  medium 
of  communication  between  Jehovah'and  Iho  Israel- 
ites (Gal.  iii.  19,  20;  compare  Dent.  v.  5).  But 
Jesus  Christ  is  a  mediator  in  a  higher  sense,  i.  c.  an 
intercessor  or  rero)ici/er.  He  is  the  "  one  mediator 
between  God  and  men  "  (1  Tim.  ii.  5),  "  the  mediator 
of  the  new  covenant"  (Hcb.  xii.  24,  viii.  6),  or  "of 
the  N.  T."  (ix.  15),  because  lie  "gave  Himself  a 
ransom  for  all"  (I  Tim.  ii.  6),  so  tliat  now  "being 
justified  by  faith,  we  have  peace  with  God  through 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  by  whom  also  we  have  access 
by  faith  into  this  grace  wherein  we  stand,  and  re- 
joice in  hope  of  the  glory  of  God"  (Bom.  v.  ],  2). 
Atonement  ;  Jcstikication  ;  Saviocr  ;  Son  of  God  ; 
Son  of  Man. 

Med'l-tlnc  [mcd'e-sin]  (fr.  L.).  1.  Next  to  care  for 
food,  clothing,  and  slielter,  the  curing  of  hurts  takes 
precedence  even  among  savage  nations.  At  a  later 
period  comes  the  treatment  of  sickness,  and  recog- 
nition of  states  of  disease ;  and  these  mark  a  nas- 
cent civilization.  From  the  most  ancient  testimonies, 
sacred  and  secular,  Egypt  was  foremost  among  the 
uationa  in  this  most  human  of  studies  purely  physi-  - 


I 


MED 


MED 


625 


cal  (so  Mr.  Hayrnan,  the  original  anther  of  this  ar- 
ticle). Egypt  was  the  enrlit-st  home  of  medical  and 
other  skill  lor  the  region  of  the  Mediterranean  basin, 
anil  every  Egyptian  mummy  of  the  more  expent-ive 
and  elaborate  sort,  involved  a  process  of  anatomy. 
(EiiUALMiNG.)  Still  we  have  no  trace  of  any  philo- 
sophical or  rational  system  of  Egyptian  origin  ;  and 
medicine  in  Egypt  was  a  mere  art  or  profession. 
Of  science  tlie  Asclepiada;  of  Greece  (i.  e.  the  re- 
puted descendants  iif  Jt^culapiwi,  the  god  of  the  heal- 
ing art)  were  the  true  originators.  Hippocrates,  who 
wrote  a  book  on  "Ancient  Medicine,"  and  who 
seems  to  have  had  many  opportunities  of  access  to 
foreign  sources,  gives  no  prominence  to  Egypt. 
Compared  with  the  wild  countries  around  them,  at 
any  rate,  the  Egyptians  must  have  seemed  incalcu- 
lably advanced.  Representations  of  early  Egyptian 
surgery  apparently  occur  on  some  of  the  monu- 
ments iif  Ueni-Uassan.  Flint  knives  used  for  em- 
balming have  been  recovered  —  the  "  Ethiopic 
stone  "  of  Herodotus  (ii.  i<S ;  compare  Ex.  iv.  25) 
was  probably  either  black  flint  or  agate  (kmpk)  ;  and 
those  who  have  assisted  at  the  opening  of  a  mummy 
have  noticed  that  the  teeth  exhibited  a  dentistry 
not  inferior  in  execution  to  the  work  of  the  best 
modern  experts.  This  con6ims  the  statement  of 
Herodotus  that  every  part  of  the  body  was  studied 
by  a  distinct  practitioner.  Pliny  asserts  tkat  the 
Egyptians  claimed  the  invention  of  the  healing 
art,  and  thinks  them  fubjoct  to  many  diseases. 
Their  "many  meuicines  "  are  mentioned  (Jcr.  xlvi. 
11).  Athothmes  II.,  king  of  the  country,  is  said  to 
have  written  on  the  subject  of  anatomy.  The  va- 
rious recipes  known  to  have  been  beneficial  were 
recorded,  with  their  peculiar  cases,  in  the  memoirs 
of  physic,  inscribed  among  the  laws,  and  dt  posited 
in  the  principal  temples  of  the  place  (Wilkinson, 
Hi.  3(16,  397).  The  reputation  of  its  practitioners 
in  historical  times  was  such  that  both  Cyrus  and 
Darius  sent  to  Egypt  for  physicians  or  surgeons. 
Of  midwifery  we  have  a  distinct  notice  (Ex.  i.  16), 
and  of  women  as  its  practitioners,  which  fact  may 
also  be  verified  from  the  sculptures.  The  physicians 
bad  salaries  from  the  public  treasury,  and  treated 
always  according  to  established  precedents,  or  de- 
viated from  these  at  their  peril,  in  case  of  a  fatal 
termination ;  if,  however,  the  patient  died  under 
Rccreditcd  treatment,  no  blame  was  attached.  The 
Egyptians  who  lived  in  the  corr.-prowing  region  are 
said  by  Herodotus  (ii.  77)  to  have  been  specially  at- 
tentive to  health.  The  practice  of  circimcision  is 
tracealile  on  monuments  certainly  anterior  to  the 
age  of  Joseph.  Its  beneficial  effects  in  the  teniper- 
atnrc  of  Egypt  and  Syria  have  often  been  noticed, 
especially  as  a  preservative  of  cleanliness,  &c.  The 
scrupulous  attention  paid  to  the  dead  was  favorable 
to  tiie  health  of  the  living.  It  appears  that  the 
Ptolemies  themselves  practised  dissection,  and  that, 
at  a  period,  when  Jewish  intercourse  with  Egypt 
was  complete  and  reciproe.il,  there  existed  in  Alex- 
andria a  great  zeal  for  anatomical  stud}-.  In  com- 
paring the  growth  of  medicine  in  the  rest  of  the 
ancient  world,  the  high  rank  of  its  practitioners — 
princes  and  heroes — settles  at  once  the  question  as 
to  the  esteem  in  which  it  was  held  in  the  Homeric 
and  pie-Homeric  p<ri(:d.  To  descend  to  the  his- 
torical, the  story  of  Democcdes,  a.  Greek  physician, 
who,  having  been  taken  captive,  nc(|uirerl  great 
richtsand  reputation  at  the  court  of  Darius,  illus- 
trates the  practice  of  Greek  surgery  before  the 
period  of  Hippocrates.  The  Dogmatic  school  was 
founded  after  the  time  of  Hippocrates  by  his  dis- 
40 


ciples,  who  departed  from  his  eminently  practical 
and  inductive  method,  and  recognized  hidden  causes 
of  health  or  sickness  arising  from  certain  supposed 
principles  or  elements  of  bodies.  The  tmpirical 
school,  which  arose  in  the  third  centuiy  b.  c.  under 
the  guidance  of  Aeron  of  Agrigentum,  Serapion  of 
Alexandria,  and  Philinus  of  Cos,  waited  tor  the 
symptoms  of  every  case,  disregarding  the  rules  of 
practice  based  on  d<{:niatic  princif  les.  This  school 
was  opposed  by  the  Methodic,  which  had  arisen 
under  the  leading  of  Themison  of  Laodicea,  about 
the  i)eiiod  of  Pompey  the  Great.  Asclepiades,  a 
native  of  Bithynia,  who  came  to  Rome  shoitly  be- 
fore Cicero's  time, paved  thewayibr  the  "method" 
in  question,  finding  a  theoretic  basis  in  the  corpus- 
cular or  at(  mic  theory  of  physics  w  hich  he  boirow  ed 
from  Heraclidcs  of  Pontus.  He  wns  a  transitional 
link  between  the  Dogn  atic  ai;d  En-.pirie  schools, 
and  this  later  or  Methodic,  which  sought  to  rescue 
medicine  from  the  bewildering  mass  of  particulars 
in  which  empiricism  had  plunped  it.  All  these 
schools  may  have  contributed  to  foim  the  medical 
opinions  current  at  the  period  of  the  N.  T.,  and  the 
two  eailier  an  ong  them  may  have  influenced  Rab- 
binical teaching  on  that  subject  at  a  much  earlier 
jieriod. — II.  Having  tlius  desciiLed  the  external  in- 
fluences which,  if  any,  had  pretably  the  most  to  do 
in  forming  the  medical  practice  of  the  Hebrews, 
we  may  trace  next  its  intcinal  growth.  The  cab- 
alistic legends  mix  up  the  names  of  Shem  and 
Heber  in  their  fables  about  healing,  and  ascribe  to 
those  patriarchs  a  knowledge  <f  simples  and  rare 
roots,  with,  of  course,  n  agic  spells  and  occult 
I  cwcis.  So  to  Abraham  is  ascribed  a  lalisnian,  the 
tiuch  of  which  healed  all  disease.  (Ashlkts.)  The 
only  notices  which  Scripture  afibrds  in  cenneclien 
with  the  subject  are  the  cases  of  difficult  midwifevy 
in  the  successive  households  of  Isanc,  Jacob,  and 
Judah  (Gen.  xxv.  26,  xxxv.  17,  xxxviii.  27),  and  so, 
later,  in  that  of  Phinehas  (1  Sam.  iv.  19).  (Mid- 
wife.) The  traditional  value  ascribed  to  the  man- 
drake relates  to  the  same  branch  of  natuial  medi- 
cine ;  but  throughout  this  period  occurs  no  trace 
nf  any  attempt  to  study,  digest,  and  systematize 
the  subject.  As  Israel  grew  and  multiplied  in 
Egypt,  they  derived  doubtless  a  large  mental  culli- 
vnlion  from  their  position  until  ciuel  policy  turned 
it  into  bondage.  But,  if  we  adn  it  Egyptian  learn- 
ing as  an  ingredient,  we  should  also  notice  how  far 
the  standaid  of  the  whole  Jewish  lepislative  fab- 
ric is  exalted  above  that,  in  its  exemption  from  the 
blemishes  of  sorcery  and  jugplirg  pretences.  We 
have  no  occult  practices  rcseived  in  the  hands  of 
the  sacred  caste.  (Priest.)  Nor  was  the  pracliee 
of  physic  a  privilege  of  the  Jewish  piiesthocd. 
Any  one  might  practise  it,  and  this  publicity  must 
have  kept  it  pure.  Xay,  there  was  no  scriptural 
bar  to  its  practice  by  resident  aliens.  We  read  of 
"  physiciars,"  "healing,"  kc,  in  Ex.  xxi.  19;  2  K. 
viii.  29;  2  Chr.  xvi.  12  ;  Jcr.  viii.  22.  At  the  same 
time  the  greater  leisure  of  the  Lkvites  and  their 
other  advantages  would  make  them  the  students  of 
the  nation,  as  a  rule,  in  all  science,  and  their  con- 
stant residence  in  cities  would  give  them  the  oppor- 
tunity, if  carried  out  in  fact,  of  a  far  wider  field  of 
obBerv.''iion.  The  reign  of  peace  of  Solomon's  days 
must  have  opened,  especially  with  renewed  Egyp- 
tian intercom  se,  new  facilities  for  the  study.  He 
himself  seems  to  have  included  in  his  favorite  nat- 
ural history  seme  knowledge  of  the  medicinal  usee 
of  the  creatures.  His  works  show  him  convcrssnt 
vith  the  notion  of  remedial  treatment  (Frcr.  iU.  8, 


626 


MED 


MED 


vi.  16,  xii.  18,  xvii.  22,  xx.  80,  xxix.  1 ;  Eccl.  iii.  8); 
and  one  passage  (Eccl.  xii. ;  see  below)  indicates 
considerable  knowledge  of  anatomy.  His  repute  in 
magic  is  the  universal  theme  of  Eastern  story.  The 
dealings  of  various  prophets  with  quasi-medical 
agency  cannot  be  regarded  as  other  than  the  mere 
accidental  form  which  their  miraculous  gifts  took 
(1  K.  xiii.  6,  xiv.  12,  xvii.  17 ;  2  K.  i.  4,  xx.  7;  Is. 
xxxviii.  21).  Jewish  tradition  has  invested  Elisha, 
it  would  seem,  with  a  function  more  largely  medi- 
cinal than  that  of  the  otlier  servants  of  God ;  but 
the  Scriptural  evidence  on  the  point  is  scanty,  save 
that  he  appears  to  have  known  the  proper  means 
to  heal  the  waters  and  temper  the  noxious  pottage 
(2  K.  ii.  21,  iv.  39-41).  Tlie  sickness  of  BES-HAnAD 
2  is  certainly  so  described  as  to  imply  treachery  on 
the  part  of  Hazael  (2  K.  viii.  16).  Yet  the  obser- 
vation of  Bruce,  upon  a  cold-water  cure  practised 
among  the  people  near  the  Red  Sea,  has  suggested 
a  view  somewhat  different.  The  bed-clothes  are 
soaked  with  cold  water,  and  kept  thoroughly  wet, 
and  the  patient  drinks  cold  water  freely.  But  the 
crisis,  it  seems,  occurs  on  the  third  day,  and  not 
till  the  fifth  is  it  there  usual  to  apply  this  treatment. 
If  the  chamberlain,  through  carelessness,  ignorance, 
or  treachery,  precipitated  the  application,  a  fatal 
issue  may  have  suddenly  resulted.  The  statement 
that  King  Asa  (2  Chr.  xvi.  12)  "sought  not  to  Jeho- 
v.ih  but  to  the  physicians,"  may  seem  to  coun- 
tenance the  notion  that  a  rivalry  of  actual  worship, 
based  on  some  medical  fancies,  had  been  set  up. 
(Serpent,  Brazen.)  The  captivity  at  Babylon 
brought  the  Jews  in  contact  with  a  new  sphere  of 
thought.  We  know  too  little  of  the  precise  state 
of  medicine  in  Babylon,  Susa,  and  the  "  cities  of 
the  Med33,"  to  determine  the  direction  in  wliich  the 
impulse  so  derived  would  hive  led  the  exiles.  The 
book  of  EccLKSiASTicus  shows  the  increased  regard 
given  to  the  distinct  study  of  medicine,  by  the  re- 
peated mention  of  physicians,  &c.  The  wisdom  of 
prevention  is  recognized  in  Ecclus.  xviii.  10,  perhaps 
also  in  x.  10.  Rank  and  honor  are  said  to  be  the 
portion  of  the  physician,  and  his  odice  to  be  from 
the  Lord  (xxxviii.  1,  3,  12).  The  repeated  allusions 
to  sickness  in  vii.  35,  xxx.  17,  xxxi.  22,  xxxvii.  30, 
xxxviii.  9,  coupled  with  the  former  recognition  of 
merit,  have  caused  some  to  suppose  that  this  author 
was  himself  a  physician.  In  Wis.  xvi.  12,  a  tlaster 
is  spoken  of;  anointing,  as  a  means  of  healing,  in 
Tob.  vi.  8.  In  the  period  of  the  N.  T.,  St.  Ll-ke, 
"  the  beloved  physician,"  who  practised  at  Antioch 
(so  Mr.  H.aym.an;  Ewald  supposes  he  resided  at 
Troas),  whilst  the  body  was  his  care,  could  hardly 
have  failed  to  be  conversant  with  all  the  leading 
opinions  current  down  to  his  own  time.  The  medi- 
ciie  and  surgery  of  St.  Luke  were  probably  not  in- 
ferior to  those  commonly  in  demand  among  educated 
Asiatic  Greeks,  and  must  have  been,  as  regards 
their  basis,  Greek  and  not  Jewish.  Without  abso- 
lute certainty  as  to  date,  we  seem  to  have  a  stand- 
ard Gentile  medical  writer  of  that  period  in  Are- 
txus,  commonly  called  "the  Cappadocian,"  who 
wrote  certainly  after  Nero's  reign  began,  and  prob- 
ably flourished  shortly  before  and  after  the  decade 
(a.  d.  60-70)  in  which  St.  Paul  reached  Rome  and 
Jerusalem  fell.  If  he  were  of  St.  Luke's  age,  it  is 
striking  that  he  should  also  be  perhaps  the  only 
ancient  medical  authority  in  favor  of  demoniacal 
possession  as  a  possible  account  of  epilepsy.  (De- 
moniacs.) Assuming  the  date  above  indicated,  he 
may  be  taken  as  expounding  the  medical  practice 
of  t'jo  Asiatic  Greeks  in  the  latter  half  of  the  first 


century.  There  is,  however,  much  of  strongly- 
marked  individuality  in  his  work,  more  especially 
in  the  minute  verbal  portraiture  of  disease.  As  the 
general  science  of  medicine  and  surgery  of  this  pe- 
riod may  be  represented  by  Aretajus,  so  we  have 
nearly  a  representation  of  its  Materia  Medica  by 
Dioscorides,  whose  researches  display  an  industry 
and  skill  which  has  remained  the  marvel  of  all  sub- 
sequent commentators.  He,  too,  was  of  the  same 
general  region — a  Cilician  Greek — and  his  first  les- 
sons were  probably  learned  at  Tarsus.  lie  has 
usually  been  assigned  to  the  end  of  the  first  or  be- 
ginning of  the  second  century. — Before  proceeding 
to  the  examination  of  diseases  in  detail,  it  may  be 
well  to  observe  that  the  question  of  identity,  be- 
tween any  ancient  malady  known  by  description 
and  any  modern  one  known  by  experience,  is  often 
doubtful.  Some  diseases,  just  as  some  plants  and 
some  animals,  will  exist  almost  anywhere ;  others 
can  only  be  produced  within  narrow  limits  depend 
ing  on  the  conditions  of  climate,  habit,  &c.  Erup- 
tive diseases  of  the  acute  kind  are  more  prevalent 
in  the  East  than  in  colder  climes.  They  also  run 
their  course  more  rapidly.  Disease  of  various  kinds 
is  commonly  regarded  as  a  divine  infliction,  or  de- 
nounced as  a  penalty  for  transgression ;  "  the  evil 
diseases  of  Egypt "  (Plagues,  the  Ten  ?)  are  es- 
pecially so  characterized  (Gen.  xx.  18;  Ex.  xv.  26; 
Lev.  xxvi.  16;  Deut.  vii.  lo,  xxviii.  60;  1  Cor.  xi. 
30);  so  the  emerods  of  the  I'hiUstincs(l  Sam.  v.  6); 
the  severe  dysentery  (2  Chr.  xxi.  15, 19)  of  Jchoram, 
which  was  also  epidemic ;  so  the  sudden  deaths  of 
Er,  Onan  (Gen.  xxxviii.  7,  10),  the  Egyptian  fir.»t- 
born  (Ex.  .xi.  4,  6),  Nabal,  Biith  sheba's  son,  and 
Jeroboam's  (1  Sam.  xxv.  38;  2  Sam.  xii.  15;  1  K. 
xiv.  1,  5),  are  ascribed  to  the  action  of  Jehovah  im- 
mediately, or  tlirough  a  prophet.  Pestilence  (Hab. 
iii.  5)  attends  His  path  (compare  2  Sam.  xxiv.  16), 
and  is  innoxious  to  those  whom  He  shelters  (Ps. 
xci.  3-10).  It  is  by  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  Amos 
associated  (as  historically  in  2  Sam.  xxiv.  13)  with 
"the  sword"  and  "famine"  (Jer.  xiv.  12,  xv.  2, 
xxi.  7,  9,  &c. ;  Ez.  v.  12,  17,  vi.  11,  12,  &c. ;  Am.  iv. 
6,  10).  The  sicknesses  of  the  widow's  son  of 
Zarephath,  of  Ahaziah,  Bcn-hadad,  the  leprosy  of 
Uzziah,  the  boil  of  Hozekiah,  are  also  noticed  as 
diseases  sent  bv  Jehovah,  or  in  which  He  interposed 
(1  K.  xvii.  17,  20;  2  K.  i.  3,  xx.  1).  In  2  Sam.  iii. 
29,  disease  is  invoked  as  a  curse,  and  in  Solomon's 
prayer  (1  K.  viii.  37 ;  compare  2  Chr.  xx.  9),  antici-  , 
pated  as  a  chastisement.  Satanic  agency  appears 
also  as  procuring  disease  (Job  ii.  7;  Lk.  xiii.  11, 
16).  Diseases  arc  also  mentioned  as  ordinary  ca- 
lamities (Gen.  xlviii.  1 ;  1  Sam.  xxx.  13;  2  K  iv.  20, 
viii.  7,  29,  xiii.  14;  2  Chr.  xxii.  6).  Among  special 
diseases  named  in  the  0.  T.  are,  ophthalmia  (Gen. 
xxix.  17),  which  is  perhaps  more  common  in  Syria 
and  Egypt  than  anywhere  else  in  the  world ;  es- 
pecially in  the  fig  season,  the  juice  of  the  newly-  • 
ripe  fruit  having  the  power  of  giving  it.  It  may,, 
occasion  partial  or  total  blindness  (2  K.  vi.  18). 
The  eye-salve  (Rev.  iii.  18)  was  a  remedy  common  J 
to  Orientals,  Greeks,  and  Romans.  Other  diseases 
are — barrenness  of  women,  which  mandrakes  were  IJ 
supposed  to  have  the  power  of  correcting  (Gen.  xx. 
18;  compare  xii.  17,  xxx.  1,  2,  14-16) — "consump- 
tion," and  several,  the  names  of  which  are  derived 
from  various  words,  signifying  to  burn  or  lo  be  hot 
(Lev.  xxvi.  16;  Deut.  xxviii.  22;  Fever;  Fli'X, 
Br.oonv).  The  "  burning  boil,"  or  "  of  a  boil " 
(Lev.  xiii.  23),  is  again  merely  marked  by  the  notion 
of  an  effect  resembling  that  of  fire,  like  our  "  car- 


MED 


MED 


627 


bunde; "  it  may  possibly  find  an  equivalent  in  tiie 
Damascus  boil  of  the  present  time.  The  "  botch 
(s/ii/iin  or  shicfiin) of  Egjpt  "  (Deut.  xxviii.  27)  may 
'o  the  Elejjhantiaeis  Grccconiin  (see  below);  the 
higue,  as  known  by  its  attendant  bvbo,  has  been 
-  iggcsted  by  Scheuchzer;  but  Mr.  Hayman  thinlis 
it  was  more  probably  the  foul  ulcer  mentioned  by 
Arista!us.  The  same  word  is  used  to  express  the 
"  boil "  of  Uczekiah.  This  was  certainly  a  single 
locally-confined  eruption,  probably  a  carbuncle; 
Dr.  Mead  supposes  it  to  have  been  a  fever  terminat- 
ing in  an  abscess.  The  diseases  rendered  "scab" 
and  "  scuiTv  "  in  Lev.  .\xi.  20,  xxii.  22,  and  Beut. 
xxviii.  27,  may  be  almost  any  skin-disease.  (Itch.) 
Some  of  these  may  be  said  to  approach  the  type  of 
i.KPKOSY.  The  "  issue  "  of  xv.  19  may  be  profuse  mcn- 
.-truatiou,  or  uterine  hemorrhage  trom  other  causes. 
( liLOOD, IsscE  of;  Issce,  RfSNiNG.)  In  Deut.  xxviii. 
So,  is  mentioned  a  disease  attacking  the  "knees 
and  legs,"  consisting  in  a  "  sore  botch  which  cannot 
be  healed,"  but  extended,  in  the  sequel  of  the  verfc, 
from  the  "  sole  of  the  foot  to  the  top  of  the  head."  The 
latter  part  of  the  quotation  would  certainly  accord 
with  Etephantiasi»  Grcecoitim.  On  the  other  hand, 
a  disease  which  affects  the  knees  and  legs,  or  more 
commonly  one  of  them  only — is  by  a  mere  accident 
of  language  known  as  £/e/jhanliasia  Arabvm,  Bucne- 
mia  7rojiica,  or  "  Barbadoes  Leg,"  from  being  well 
known  in  that  island.  The  Elephantiasis  Gracorum 
\i  what  now  passes  under  the  name  of  "  leprosy " 
— the  lepers,  e.  g.,  of  the  huts  near  the  Zion  gate  of 
modern  Jerusalem  arc  elephantiasiacs.  It  has  been 
asserted  that  there  are  two  kinds,  one  painful,  the 
other  painless  ;  but  as  regards  Syria  and  the  East 
this  is  contradicted.  There  the  parts  affected  are 
quite  benumbed  and  lose  sensation.  It  is  classed  as 
a  tubercular  disease,  not  confined  to  the  skin,  but 
pervading  tlie  tisfcues  and  destroying  the  lones.  It 
is  not  confined  to  any  age  or  either  sex.  It  first 
appears  in  general,  but  not  always,  about  the  face, 
as  an  indurated  nodule  (hence  it  is  improperly  called 
tubercular),  whicli  gradually  enlarges,  inflames,  and 
ulcerates.  If  a  joint  be  attacked,  the  ulceration 
will  go  on  till  its  destruction  is  complete,  the  joints 
of  finger,  toe,  &c.,  dropping  off  one  by  one.  If  the 
face  be  the  chief  seat  of  (he  disease,  it  assumes  a 
leonine  aspect,  loathsome  and  hideous ;  the  skin  be- 
comes thick,  rugose,  and  livid  ;  the  eyes  are  fierce 
and  staring,  and  the  hair  generally  falls  off  from  all 
the  parts  affected.  When  the  throat  is  attacked, 
the  voice  shares  the  affection,  and  sinks  to  a  hoarse, 
husky  whisper.  These  two  symptoms  are  eminently 
characteristic.  It  is  hereditary,  and  may  be  inocu- 
lated, but  docs  not  propacate  itself  by  the  closest 
contact.  It  has  been  asserted  that  this,  which  is 
perhaps  the  most  dreadful  disease  of  the  East,  was 
Job's  malady.  Origen  mentions,  that  one  of  the 
(ireek  versions  gives  it  as  the  affliction  which  befell 
him.  Wunderbar  supposes  it  to  have  been  the 
Tyrian  leprosy,  resting  chiefly  on  the  itching  im- 
plied, as  he  supposes,  by  Job  ii.  7,  8.  Schmidt  thinks 
the  "  sore  boil "  may  indicate  some  graver  disease, 
or  concurrence  of  diseases.  But  there  is  no  need 
to  go  beyond  the  statement  of  Scripture.  The  dis- 
ease of  king  Antiochus  (2  Mc.  ix.  6-10,  &c.)  is  that 
of  a  boil  breeding  worms.  There  Is  gome  doubt 
whether  this  disease  be  not  allied  to  phthirinsis,  in 
which  lice  are  bred,  and  cause  ulcers.  In  Deut. 
xxviii.  65,  possibly  a  palpitation  of  the  heart  is  in- 
tended (compare  Gen.  xlv.  26).  In  Mk.  xi.  17  (com- 
pare Lk.  ix.  88)  we  have  an  apparent  case  of  epi- 
lepsy :  this  might  essily  be  a  form  of  demoniacal 


manifestation.  (Demoniacs.)  Besides  the  common 
injuries  of  wounding,  bruising,  striking  out  the  eye, 
tooth,  &c.,  we  have  in  E.\.  xxi.  22,  the  case  of  mis- 
carriage produced  by  a  blow,  push,  &c.,  damaging 
the  foetus.  The  plague  of  "boils  and  blains"  is 
not  said  to  have  been  fatal  to  man,  as  the  murrain 
preceding  was  to  cattle ;  this  alone  would  seem  to 
contradict  the  notion  of  Shaptor,  that  the  disorder 
in  question  was  small-pox.  The  expression  of  Ex, 
ix.  10,  a  "  boil "  flourishing,  or  ebullient  with  blains, 
may  perhaps  be  a  disease  analogous  to  phlegmonous 
erysipelas,  or  even  common  erysipelas.  Tl;e  "  with- 
ered hand"  of  Jeroboam  (1  K.  xiii.  4-6),  and  of  the 
man  in  Mat.  xii.  10-13  (compare  Lk.  vi.  10),  is  such 
an  effect  as  is  known  to  follow  from  the  obliteration 
of  the  main  artery  of  any  member,  or  from  [  aral- 
ysis  of  the  principal  nerve,  either  through  disease 
or  through  injury.  The  case  of  the  widow's  son 
restored  by  Elisha  (2  K.  iv.  19),  was  probably  one 
of  sun-stroke.  The  disease  of  Asa  "in  his  feet" 
which  attacked  him  in  liis  old  age  (1  K.  xv.  23 ;  2 
Chr.  xvi.  12)  and  became  exceeding  great,  may  have 
been  either  adcrna  =  swelling,  or  pudat/ra  =  gout. 
In  1  Me.  vi.  8,  occurs  a  mention  of  "  sickness  of 
grief;"  in  Ecclus.  xxxvii.  30,  of  sickness  caused  by 
excess,  which  require  only  a  passing  mention.  The 
disease  of  Nebuchadnezzar  has  been  viewed  by  Jahn 
as  a  mental  and  purely  subjective  malady.  It  is 
not  easy  to  see  how  this  satitsfics  the  plain  emphatic 
statement  of  Dan.  iv.  33,  which  seems  to  include, 
it  is  true,  mental  derangement,  but  to  assert  a  de- 
graded bodily  state  to  sonic  extent,  and  a  corre- 
sponding change  of  halits.  We  may  regard  it  as 
Mead,  following  Burton's  Anatomy  of  Melancholy, 
does,  as  a  species  of  the  melancholy  known  aa 
Lycanthropia.  Persons  so  affected  wander  like 
wolves  in  sepulchres  by  night,  and  imitate  the  howl- 
ing of  a  wolf  or  a  dog.  Here  should  be  noticed  the 
mental  malady  of  Saul.  His  melancholy  seems  to 
have  had  its  origin  in  his  sin.  Music,  which  fooihed 
him  for  a  while,  has  entered  largely  into  the  milder 
nioderji  treatment  of  lunacy.  (Li'Natics.)  The 
PALSY  meets  us  in  the  N.  T.  only,  and  in  features 
too  familiar  to  need  special  remark.  Gangrene,  or 
mortification  in  its  various  forms,  is  a  totally  dif- 
ferent disorder  frtm  the  "canker"  of  the  A.  V. 
(Gr.  gavggraina  =  carieer,  Conybeare  &  Ilowson) 
in  2  Tim.  ii.  17.  Both  gangrene  and  cancer  were 
common  in  all  the  countries  familiar  to  the  Scrip- 
tural writers,  and  neither  differs  from  the  modern 
disease  of  the  sane  name.  In  Is.  xxvi.  18  an''  I's.  vii. 
14,  there  seems  an  allusion  to  false  conception. 
The  whole  passage  in  Isaiah  figuratively  =  disap- 
pointment after  great  effort.  Poison,  as  a  means  of 
destroying  life,  hardly  occurs  in  the  Bible,  save  as 
applied  to  arrows  (Job  vi.  4).  In  the  annals  of  the 
Ilerods  poisons  occur  as  the  resource  of  stealthy 
murder.  The  bite  or  sting  of  venomous  beasts  can 
hardly  be  treated  as  a  disease ;  but  in  connection 
with  the  "fiery  (i.  e.  venomous)  serpents"  of  Num. 
xxi.  6,  and  the  deliverance  from  death  of  those  bit- 
ten, it  deserves  a  r.olice.  The  brazen  figure  was 
symbolical  only.  It  was  customary  to  consecrate 
the  image  of  the  affliction,  either  in  its  cause  or  in  its 
effect,  as  in  the  golden  tmerods  and  golden  mice 
of  1  Sam.  vi.  4,  8,  and  in  the  ex-votos  common  in 
Egypt  even  before  the  Exodus ;  and  these  may  be 
compared  with  this  setting  up  of  the  brazen  serpent. 
(Serpknt,  Bra'/.ks.)  The  scorpion  and  centipede 
abound  in  the  Levant  (Rev.  ix.  6, 10),  with  a  large  va 
riety  of  serpents.  (Aoder  ;  Asp  ;  Palestine,  Zor- 
logy;  Serpent.)    To  these,  according  to  Liehttu- 


G23 


MED 


MED 


stein,  should  be  added  a  Tenomnus  solpuga,  or  large 
spider,  similar  to  the  Calabrian  Tarantula.  The 
disease  of  old  age  has  acquired  a  place  in  Biblical 
nosology  chi>jfly  owing  to  the  elegant  allegory  into 
which  "  The  Preacher  "  throws  the  successive  tokens 
of  the  ravage  of  time  on  man  (Eocl.  xii.).  The 
course  of  decline  is  marked  in  metaphor  by  the 
darltening  of  th?  great  lights  of  nature,  and  the 
ensuing  period  of  life  is  compared  to  the  broken 
weather  of  the  wet  season,  setting  in  when  summer 
i^  gone,  when  after  every  shower  fresh  clouds  are 
in  the  sky,  as  contrasted  with  tlie  showers  of  other 
seasons,  which  pass  away  into  clearness.  The 
"  keepers  of  the  ho.ise  "  perhaps  =  the  ribs  which 
support  tha  frame,  or  the  arms  and  shoulders  whic'i 
enwrap  and  protect  it.  The  "strongmen"  =  its 
supporters,  th2  lower  limbs  "  bowing  themselves  " 
under  the  weight  tliey  once  so  lightly  bjre.  The 
"  grinding  "  har  lly  needs  to  be  explained  of  the 
t3eth  now  b3Come  "few."  The  "lookers  from  the 
windows"  =  the  pupils  of  tho  eyes,  now  "  d.ark- 
ened."  The  "  doors  shut "  reprcsi-nt  the  dulness  of 
those  other  senses  which  are  the  portals  of  knowl- 
edge. The  "  rising  up  at  the  voice  of  a  bird  "  por- 
trays the  light,  soon-fleeting,  easily-broken  slumber 
of  the  aged  man ;  or  possibly,  and  more  literally, 
actual  waking  In  the  early  morning,  when  first  the 
cock  crows,  may  be  intended.  The  "daughters  of 
music  broug'iit  low,"  suggest  the 

"  lii^  manly  voice 

Now  tnmed  again  to  childisli  treble : " 

and  also,  as  illustrated  by  Barzillai  (2  Sam.  xi.x.  35), 
the  failure  in  the  discernment  and  the  utterance  of 
musical  notes.  The  feirs  of  ol  1  age  are  next  no- 
ticed :  "  They  shall  be  afraid  of  that  wluch  in  high  ;  " 
an  obscure  expression,  perhaps,  for  what  are  popu- 
larly called  "  nervous  "  terrors,  exaggerating  and 
magnifying  every  object  of  alarm.  "  Fear  in  the 
way  "  is  at  first  loss  obvious;  but  we  observe  that 
nothing  unnerves  and  agitates  an  old  person  more 
than  the  prospect  of  a  long  journey.  Thus  re- 
garded, it  becoines  a  fine  and  subtile  touch  in  the 
description  of  decrepitude.  All  readiness  to  haste 
is  arrested,  and  a  numb  despondency  succeeds. 
The  "flourishing"  of"  the  almonl-tree "  is  still 
more  obscure ;  but  we  observe  this  tree  in  Pales- 
tine blossoming  when  others  show  no  sign  of  vege- 
tation, and  when  it  is  dead  winter  all  around — no  111 
type,  perhaps,  of  the  old  man  who  has  survived  his 
own  contemporaries  and  many  of  his  juniors.  (Al- 
mond.) Youthful  lusts  die  out,  and  their  organs, 
of  which  "  the  grasshopper  "  Is  perliaps  a  fizure, 
are  relaxed.  The  "silver  cord  "  may  be  that  of 
nervous  sensation,  or  motion,  or  even  the  spinal 
marrow  itself.  Perhaps  some  incapacity  of  reten- 
tion m  \y  be  signifie  J  by  the  "  golden  bowl  broken  ; " 
the  "  pitcher  broken  at  the  well "  suggests  some 
vital  supply  stopping  at  the  usual  source — derange- 
ment, perhaps,  of  the  digestion  or  of  the  respira- 
tion ;  the  "  wheel  shivered  at  the  cistern,"  conveys, 
through  the  Image  of  the  water-lifting  process  famil- 
iar in  irrigation,  the  notion  of  the  blood,  pumped 
as  it  were,  through  the  vessels,  and  fertilizing  the 
wliole  system ;  for  "  the  blood  is  the  life."  (Well.) 
Thi-i  cireful  register  of  the  tokens  of  decline  might 
lead  us  to  expect  great  care  for  the  preservation  of 
health  and  strength  ;  and  this,  indeed,  is  found  to 
mirk  the  Mosaic  system,  in  tlie  regulations  con- 
cerning diet,  the  "  divers  washings,"  and  the  pol- 
lution imputed  to  a  corpse — nay,  even  in  circum- 
cision itself.  These  served  not  only  the  ceremonial 
purpose  of  imparting  seli'-coiisciousness  to  the  He- 


!  brew,  and  keeping  him  distinct  from  alien  admix- 
ture, but  had  a  sanitary  aspect  of  rare  wisdom, 
when  we  regard  the  country,  the  climate,  and  the  age. 
(Clean  ;  Unclean.)  The  rite  of  circumcision,  be- 
sides its  special  surgical  operation,  deserves  some 
notice  in  connection  with  the  general  question  of 
I  the  health,  longevity,  and  fecundity  of  the  nice  with 
whose  history  it  Is  identified.  Besides  being  a  mark 
•  of  the  covenant  and  a  symbol  of  purity,  it  was  per- 
haps also  a  protest  against  the  phallus-worship, 
which  has  a  remote  antiquity  in  the  corrup- 
tion of  mankind,  and  of  which  we  have  some  trace 
in  the  Egyptian  myth  of  Osiris.  Its  beneficial  ef- 
fects in  such  a  climate  as  that  of  Egypt  and  Syria 
have  been  the  subject  of  comment  to  various  wri- 
ters on  hygiene.  The  operation  itself  consisted 
originally  of  a  mere  incision ;  to  which  a  further 
stripping-off  the  skin  from  the  part  and  a  custom 
of  sucking  the  blood  from  the  wound  were  in  a  later 
period  added,  owing  to  the  attempts  of  Jews  of  the 
Maccabean  period,  and  later  (1  Mc.  i.  15;  compare 
1  Cor.  vii.  8),  to  cultivate  heathen  practices.  Xo 
surgical  operation  beyoml  this  finds  a  place  in  Holy 
Scripture,  unless,  iiuleed,  that  adverted  to  under 
E'JNLXH.  The  Talmudists  speak  of  two  operations 
to  assist  birth.  Wundcrbar  enumerates  from  the 
Mishna  and  Talmud  fifty-six  surgical  instruments 
or  pieces  of  apparatus  ;  of  these,  however,  the  fol- 
lowing only  are  at  all  alluded  to  in  Scripture  ;  A 
cutting  instrument,  supposed  a  "sharp  stone"  (Ex. 
iv.  25).  The  "  knifs  "  of  Josh,  v  2  was  probably 
a  more  refined  instrument  for  the  same  purpose. 
An  "awl"  (Ex.  xxI.  6),  used  to  bore  through  the 
ear  of  the  bondman  who  refused  release.  Is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  a  surgical  instrument.  A  scat  of 
delivery (Heb.o6((avi'»i/  Ex.  i.  16),  A. V.  "thestools." 
(Midwife.)  The  "roller  to  bind  "  of  Ez.  xxx.  21 
was  for  a  broken  limb,  as  still  used.  A  scraper, 
for  which  the  "  potslicrd  "  of  Job  was  a  substitute 
(Job  II.  8).  Ex.  xxx.  23-25  is  a  prescription  in 
fonn.  (Ointment.)  Traces  occur  of  some  chemical 
''•  knowledge,  e.  g.  the  calcination  (?)  of  the  gold  by  .Mo- 
.^es  (Calf)  ;  the  effect  of  "  vinegar  upon  nitre"  (Ex. 
xxxii.  20 ;  Prov.  xxv.  20 ;  compare  Jer.  ii.  22) ;  the 
mention  of  "the  apotliccary"  (Ex.  xxx.  35  ;  Eccl.x.  1) 
(Ointment),  and  of  the  merchant  in  "  powders  "  (Cant. 
ill.  6),  shows  that  a  distinct  and  important  branch  of 
trade  was  set  up  in  these  wares,  In  which,  as  at  a 
modern  druggist's,  articles  of  luxury,  iic,  are  com- 
bined with  the  remedies  of  sickness.  Among  the 
most  favorite  of  external  remedies  hfts  always  been 
j  the  BATH.  Besides  the  significance  of  moral  purity 
which  it  carried,  the  use  of  the  bath  checked  the 
I  tendency  to  become  unclean  by  violent  perspirations 
from  within  and  effluvia  from  without;  it  kept  the 
\  porous  system  in  play,  and  stopped  the  outset  of 
i  much  disease.  In  order  to  make  the  sanction  of 
I  health  more  solemn,  most  Oriental  nations  have  en- 
j  forced  purificatory  rites  by  religious  mandates — and 
!  so  the  Jews.  There  were  special  occasions  on  which 
the  bath  was  ceremonially  enjoined.  The  Phari- 
sees and  Essenes  aimed  at  scrupulous  strictness  of 
all  such  rules  (Mat.  xv.  2 ;  Mk.  vii.  5 ;  Lk.  xi.  38). 
River-bathing  was  common,  but  houses  soon  began  I 
to  include  a  balh-room  (Lev.  xv.  13;  2  K.  v.  10;  2 
Sam.  xi.  2;  Sus.  15).  Vapor-baths,  as  among  thej 
Romans,  were  latterly  included  in  these,  as  well  a».j 
hot  and  cold-bath  apparatus,  and  the  use  of  '"R"] 
FtJMES  and  oils  after  quitting  it  was  everywhere  dif-  j 
I  fused.  Aloes;  Anise;  Anointino;  Balm;  Cassia;  ' 
Cinnamon  ;  Fig  ;  Frankincense  ;  Godrd  ;  Mcstard  ; 
Oil;  Reed  4 ;  Salt;  Spices;  Wine. 


MEE 


MEH 


629 


Me^'dl  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Mehida  (1  Esd.  v.  32). 

•  Mffk,  the  A.  V.  timislation  oi: — 1.  Heb.  'dndv 
or  'diidi/i)  =  op/jresKed,  ojflktej,  wrclc/tal,  but  every- 
where with  the  aocessury  idea  of  huiuility,  lueelt- 
ne3s,  i.  e.  lAe  /mn,l/le,  Utemetk;  wlio  prefer  to  suB'er 
wrong  rather  than  do  wrong,  and  who  therefore  en- 
joy (jod's  favor,  Ges.  (Num.  xii.  3;  I's.  xxii.  26 
[Heb.  27^,  x.\v.  9,  xxxvii.  11,  &c.),  also  translated 
"poor"  (Job  x.\iv.  4;  I's.  ix.  18  [lleb.  191,  &c.), 
•'  humble  "  (ix.  12  [Heb.  13],  x.  12, 17,  &c.),  "  lowly  " 
( I'rov.  iii.  34,  xvi.  19).  The  kindred  'uwi'uA  and 
'  iidvd/i  are  translated  "  meekness  "  (Ps.  xviii.  35, 
iiargin,  xlv.  4;  Zeph.  ii.  3),  "  gentlcnes.' "  (2  Sam. 
xxii.  20;  Ps.  xviii.  35),  "  humility  "  (Prov.  xv.  83, 
xviii.  12,  xxii.  4). — 2.  Gr.  pram  (Mat.  xi.  29)  and 
pram  (v.  5,  xxi.  5;  1  Pet.  iii.  4);  both  =  mule, 
jiiilJ,  r/enllf  ;  the  latter  form  and  the  kindred  nouns 
praoUs  and  prakU»,  whicli  are  uniformly  trans- 
lated "meekness"  in  N.  T.  (1  Cor.  iv.  21  ;  Jas.  i. 
21,  &c.),  are  in  LXX.  ==  the  Hebrew  words  uudcr 
Xo.  1  (Robinson,  N.  T.  Lex.). 

Me-gid  do  (Heb.  jiuce  of  lroop»i  Ges. ;  pUue  of 
Orjl  [Gai>  3],  Fii.)  was  i[i  a  very  maikcd  position 
oil  ihe  southern  rim  of  the  ])lain  of  Esdr^lon,  on 
the  frontier-line,  speuitiiig  generally,  of  the  terri- 
tories of  IssAC'iLtR  and  Manasskh,  and  commanding 
one  of  those  passes  from  theX.  into  the  hill-eouiitry 
which  were  of  such  ciitical  importance  on  various 
occasions  in  the  history  of  Judca  (Jd.  iv.  7).  The 
first  mention  occurs  in  Josh.  xii.  21,  where  Megiddo 
appears  as  the  city  of  one  of  the  thirty-one  "  kings," 
or  petty  chieftains,  whom  Joshua  defeated  on  the 
W.  of  the  Jordan.  The  song  of  Deborah  brings 
the  place  vividly  belbre  us,  as  the  scene  of  the  great 
conflict  between  Sisera  and  Baiak.  The  chariots  of 
Sisera  were  gathered  "  unto  the  river  of  Kishon  " 
(Judg.  iv.  13) ;  Barak  went  down  with  his  men 
"from  Mount  Tabok"  into  the  plain  (iv.  14);  "then 
fought  the  kings  of  Canaan  in  Taanach  by  the 
waters  of  Megiddo  "(v.  19).  Still  we  do  not  read 
of  Megiddo  being  firmly  in  the  occupation  of  the 
Israelites,  and  perhaps  it  was  not  really  so  till  the 
time  of  Solomon,  who  placed  one  of  his  commis- 
saries over  Taanach,  Megiddo,  &c.,  and  "built" 
(i.  e.  fortified)  Megiddo  (1  K.  iv.  12,  ix.  15).  Here 
Ahaziah  2  died  (2  K.  ix.  27).  But  the  chief  his- 
torical interest  of  Megiddo  is  concentrated  in  Jo- 
eiah's  death.  When  Pharaoh-necho  came  from 
Esypt  against  the  king  of  Assyria,  Josiah  joined 
the  latter,  aud  was  slain  at  Megiddo  (xxiii.  29),  and 
his  body  was  carried  from  thence  to  Jerusalem  (vcr. 
30).  The  story  is  told  in  more  detail  in  2  Chr. 
XXXV.  22-24.  There  the  fatal  action  is  said  to  have 
taken  place  "  in  the  valley  (or  plain)  of  Megiddo." 
(Vallky  4.)  This  calamity  made  a  deep  and  per- 
manent impression  on  the  Jcw.s.  Thus,  in  Zcch. 
xii.  11,  "  the  mourning  of  HAnA:>-RiMM0N  in  the  val- 
ley of  Mcgiddon  "  becomes  a  poetical  expression  for 
the  deepest  and  most  despairing  grief;  as  in  Rev. 
xvi.  lt>,  ARMAOKimo.v,  in  continuance  of  the  same 
imagery,  is  prc-^ented  as  the  scene  of  terrible  and 
final  conflict.  The  site  thus  associated  with  critical 
passascs  of  Jewish  history  from  Joshua  to  Josiah 
has  lieen  identified,  beyond  any  reasonable  doubt, 
with  the  modern  e/-i>ji;''"iWl'ich  is  undoubtedly  the 
J^po  of  Eusebius  and  Jerome  (Robinson,  ii.  328-^330, 
iii.  IlG-119)^  El-Lijjmi  is  on  the  caravan-route 
from  Egypt  to  Damascus.  The  remains  of  the  an- 
cient city  are  not  extensive.  Van  de  Vclde  de- 
Bcribcs  the  view  of  the  plain  as  seen  from  the  high- 
est point  between  it  and  the  sea,  and  the  huge  telU 
which  mark  the  positions  of  the  "key-fortresses" 


of  the  hills  and  the  plain,  Taanuk  and  el-I.ejjun, 
the  latter  being  the  most  considerable,  and  having 
another  called  TM-MelzelKin  half  an  hour  to  the 
N.  W.  About  a  month  later  in  the  same  year  (April, 
1852)  Robinson  was  there.  Both  writers  mention 
a  copious  stream  flowing  down  this  gorge  (March 
and  April)  and  turning  sonic  mills  before  joining 
the  Kishon.  Here  are  probably  the  "  waters  oi' 
Megiddo"  of  Judg.  v.  19,  though  it  should  be  add- 
ed that  by  Stanley  they  are  supposed  rather  to  be 
"  the  pools  in  the  bod  of  the  Kishon  "  itself  The 
same  author  regards  the  "  plain  (or  valley)  of  Me- 
giddo "  as  denoting  not  the  whole  of  the  Esdraelcn 
level,  but  that  broadest  part  of  it  which  is  imme- 
diately opposite  Megiddo. 

Me-g^d'dcn  (Heb.)  =  Megiddo  (Zech.  xii.  11  only). 

Me-htta-bccl  (fr.  Heb.  =  Mkhetabfl),  anccttor 
of  Shcmaiah  the  prophet  who  was  hired  against  Xe- 
hemiah  by  Tobiah  and  Sanballat  (Xch.  vi.  10). 

Ile-lirt'a-bd  (fr.  Heb.  =  vliorn  God  dues  good  to, 
Ges.),  daughter  of  Matred,  and  wife  of  Hadad,  or 
Hadar,  king  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  39). 

Sle-lli  da  (Heb.  juuctknl  Ges. ;  a  fornoiif,  dislin- 
ffttished,  noble  one,  Fii.),  ancestor  of  a  family  of 
Xethinim,  who  returned  from  Babylon  with  Zcrub- 
babel  (Ezr.  ii.  52 ;  Xeh.  vii.  54). 

JHe'hir  (Heb.  price,  Ges.;  dixleriti/,  ahility,  Ya.), 
son  of  Chelub,  the  brother  of  Shuah  (1  Chr.  iv. 
11). 

)[e-Ilo'lltll-it«  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  one  belonging  to  a 
place  called  Meholah(l  Sam.  xviii.  19  only) ;  wlicthcr 
that  was  Abel-Meholah  or  another,  is  uncertain. 

Me-hBJa-el  (fr.  Heb.  =  sixiHen  of  God?  Ges.; 
God  is  combat,  i.  e.  the  combating,  Fii.),  son  of  Irad, 
and  fourth  in  descent  frcm  Cain  (Gen.  iv.  18). 

Sie-hn'mau  (Heb.  /<hV/(/'k/,  then  cUhUih,  Ges. ;  old 
Pirsian,it/o7(^(n(/  to  ihe  e/rea!  Horn  [a  Pcisian  god], 
Fii.),  one  of  the  seven  eunuchs  (A.  V.  "chamber- 
lains") of  Ahasueius  (Esth.  i.  10). 

JHe-hH'niin  (fr.  Heb. ;  see  below)  =  Meuumus 
and  Meinim  (Ezr.  ii.  50). 

Mc-hn'lillBS(fr.  Heb.  pi.  Mi'unim  ;  sec  below),  the, 
a  people  against  whom  King  Uzziah  waged  a  suc- 
cessful war  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  7).  Although  so  diflerent 
in  its  English  dress,  the  name  is  in  the  original  the 
plural  of  Maon.  Slaon,  or  the  Maonites  (=  Slchu- 
nim  or  Mehunims),  probably  inliabiicd  the  country 
at  the  back  of  the  great  range  of  Seir,  the  modern 
e»h-$herah,  w  hich  forms  the  eastern  side  of  the  Wady 
el- A  rabnit  (Arabah),  where  is  still  a  town  of  the  same 
name.  Another  notice  of  the  Mehunims  in  the  reign 
of  Hezekiah  (about  B.  c.  726-697)  is  found  in  I  Chr. 
iv.  41).  Here  they  are  spoken  of  as  a  pastoial  peo- 
ple, either  themselves  Hamites,  or  in  alliance  with 
Hamites,  quiet  and  peaceable,  dwelling  in  tents. 
Here,  however,  the  A.  V.  treats  the  word  as  an  or- 
dinary nrun,  and  renders  it  "  habitations."  A  third 
notice  of  the  Mehunim,  corroborative  of  those  already 
mentioned,  is  found  in  2  Chr.  xx.  There  is  every 
reason  to  believe  (so  Mr.  Grove)  that  in  ver.  1  "the 
Ammonites"  should  be  read  as  "the  Muoi.ites," 
who  in  that  case  arc  the  "  men  of  Mount  Peir  "  men- 
tioned in  ver.  10,  22.  In  all  these  passages,  includ- 
ing the  last,  the  LXX.  render  the  name  by  hm 
Miinaioi — the  Minicans — a  nation  of  Ahabia  re- 
nowned for  their  tralKc  in  spices,  who  are  named  by 
Strabo,  Ptolemy,  and  other  ancient  geographers,  and 
whose  seat  is  now  ascertained  to  have  been  the  S.  W. 
portion  of  the  great  .\rabian  peninsula,  the  western 
half  of  Ihe  modern  Hadramaut.  The  latest  apjHiar- 
ance  of  the  name  in  the  Bible  is  in  tiic  lists  of  those 
who  returned  from  the  Captivity  with  Zerubbabel 


I 


630 


MEJ 


MEL 


(Ezr.  ii.  50,  A.  V.  "Mehdmm;"  Neh.  vii.  52,  A. 
V.  "Meuxim"). 

Me-jar'kttll(fr.  Heb.  =:  waters  of  yellowness,  Ges.), 
a  town  of  Dan  (Josh.  xix.  46  only) ;  named  next  to 
Gath-rimmoa,  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  Joppa  or 
Japho. 

Mc-ko'nab  (Heb.  «  base,  basis,  place,  Ges.),  one  of 
the  towns  reinliabited  after  the  Captivity  by  the 
men  of  Judah  (Neh.  xi.  28  only) ;  probably  situated 
far  to  the  south. 

Slel-a-ti'ab  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehotiah  delivers, 
Ges.),  a  Gibeonite,  who  assisted  in  rebuilding  the 
wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  Hi.  7). 

Mel'chl  [-ki]  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  my  kiny,  Rbn.,  N.  T. 
I.rx.).  1.  Son  of  Janna,  and  ancestor  of  Joseph  in 
the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ  (Lk.  iii.  24). — 2>  Son 
of  Addi  in  the  same  genealogy  (iii.  21). 

Mel-tlii'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Malchiaii,  or  Malchijah), 
a  priest,  father  of  Pashur  (Jer.  xxi.  1);  =  Mal- 
chiaii 7  and  Malchijah  1. 

Mcl>ebi'as  (Gr.  =  Malchiah  and  Malchijah).  1. 
Malchiah  2  (1  Esd.  ix.  26). — i,  Malchiaii  3  and 
Malchijah  4(ix.  32). — 3«  Malchiaii  6  (ix.  44). 

Mel'tlli-el  (fr.  Gr.  =  Malchiel  ?).  Charniis,  the 
son  of  Melchiel,  was  one  of  the  three  governors  of 
Bethulia  (Jd.  vi.  15). 

Mel-this'c-det  [-ki/!-]  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Melchizedek 
(Heb.  v.,  vi.,  vii.). 

SIerehi-.slm'a,  or  Mpl-chtsh'n-a  (fr.  Heb.),  son  of 
Saul  (1  Sam.  xiv.  49,  xxxi.  2);  correctly  Malchisiiua. 

Mel-ellU'e-dek  [-kiz-]  (fr.  Heb.  =  kinr>  of  right- 
eousness, Heb.  vii.  2,  Ges.,  &c.),  king  of  Salem  and 
priest  of  the  Most  High  God,  who  met  Abram  in  the 
valley  of  Siiaveh,  which  is  the  King's  Dale,  brought 
out  bread  and  wine,  blessed  Abram,  and  received 
tithes  from  him  (Gen.  xiv.  18-20).  The  other 
places  in  which  Melchizedek  is  mentioned  are  Ps. 
ex.  4,  where  Messiah  is  described  as  a  priest  for 
ever,  "  after  tlie  order  of  .Melchizedek  "  and  Heb.  v., 
vi.,  vii.,  where  these  two  passages  of  the  0.  T.  are 
quoted,  and  the  typical  relation  of  Melchizedek  to 
our  Lord  is  stated  at  great  lengtli.  There  is  some- 
thing surprising  and  mysterious  in  the  first  appear- 
ance of  Melchizedek,  and  in  the  subsequent  reference 
to  him.  Bearing  a  title  whicli  Jews  in  after- iges 
would  recognize  as  designating  their  own  sovereign, 
bearing  gifts  which  recall  to  Christians  the  Lord's 
Supper,  this  Canaanite  crosses  for  a  moment  the 
patli  of  Abram,  and  is  unhesitatingly  recognized  as 
a  person  of  higher  spiritual  rank  than  the  friend  of 
God.  Disappearing  as  suddenly  as  he  came  in,  he 
is  lo.4t  to  the  sacred  writings  for  a  thousand  years. 
The  faith  of  early  ages  ventured  to  invest  his  person 
with  superstitious  awe.  Jewish  tradition  pronounces 
Melcliizedek  to  be  a  survivor  of  the  Deluge,  the 
patriarch  Shem  (and  so  Luther,  Melanchthon,  Light- 
foot,  &c.).  It  should  be  noted  that  this  supposition 
does  not  appear  in  the  Targuni  of  Onkelos — a  pre- 
sumption that  it  was  not  received  by  the  Jews  till 
after  the  (!hristian  era — nor  has  it  found  favor  with 
the  Fathers.  Equally  old,  perhaps,  but  less  widely 
ditfused,  is  the  suppcsition  not  unknown  to  Augus- 
tine, and  ascribed  by  Jerome  to  Origen  and  Didy- 
mus,  that  Melchizedek  was  an  angel.  The  Fathers 
of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  record  with  repro- 
bation the  tenet  of  the  Melchizedekians  that  he  was 
a  Power,  Virtue,  or  Influence  of  God,  and  the  not 
less  daring  conjecture  of  Hieracas  and  his  followers 
that  Melchizedek  was  the  Holy  Ghost.  Epiphanius 
mentions  some  members  of  the  Church  as  holding 
that  Melchizedek  was  the  Son  of  God  appearing  in 
human  form.     Similar  to  tliis  was  a  Jewish  opinion 


that  he  was  the  Messiah.  The  way  in  which  he  is 
mentioned  in  Genesis  would  rather  lead  to  the  im- 
mediate inference  that  Melchizedek  was  of  one  blood 
with  the  children  of  Ham,  among  whom  he  lived, 
chief  (like  the  king  of  Sodom)  of  a  settled  Canaan- 
itish  tribe  (so  Mr.  Bullock,  with  Joseplius,  most  of 
the  early  Fathers,  Carpzov,  Fairbairn,  Ritto,  and 
most  modern  commentators).  And  as  Balaam  was 
a  prophet,  so  Melchizedek  was  a  priest  among  the 
corrupted  heathen,  not  self-appointed,  but  consti- 
tuted by  a  special  gift  from  God,  and  recognized  as 
such  by  Him.  "  Alter  the  order  of  Melchizedek," 
in  Ps.  ex.  4,  is  explained  by  Gesenius  and  Rosen- 
niidler  to  mean  after  the  manner  of  Melchizedek,  im- 
plying likeness  in  oflicial  dignity,  i.  e.  a  king  and 
priest.  Tlie  relation  between  Melchizedek  and 
Christ  as  type  and  antitype  is  made  in  the  Epistle  to 
the  Hebrews  to  consist  in  the  following  particulars. 
Each  was  a  priest,  (1.)  not  of  the  Lcvitical  tribe ; 
(2.)  superior  to  Abraham  ;  (3.)  whose  beginning  and 
end  are  unknown  ;  (4.)  who  is  not  only  a  priest,  but 
also  a  king  of  righteousness  and  peace.  Auberlen 
(see  B.  S.  xvi.  552)  says,  "  Melchizedek  is  eternal 
priest  "(Heb.  vii.  3,  17;  Ps.  ex.  4)  "in  no  other 
sense  than  are  all  glorified  spirits.  He  is  priest  by 
virtue  of  his  relation  to  God,  his  life  in  God,  and  his 
service  of  God.  But  this  relation,  life,  ami  service 
are  eternal.  Ills  priesthood  is  inseparable  from,  and 
rests  entirely  in,  his  spiritual  service.  He  belongs 
to  those  kings  and  priests  who  are  before  the  throne 
of  God  and  serve  Him  day  and  night  in  His  temple  " 
(Rev.  vii.  15). — Another  fruitful  source  of  discussion 
has  been  found  in  the  site  of  Salem  and  Siiaveh, 
which  are  assumed  to  be  near  each  other  in  Abram''s 
road  from  Hobah  to  the  plain  of  Mamrc.  For  the 
various  theories,  see  Salem  1  and  Shaveh. 

*  M<>r«oui  (fr.  Heb.  Malcdm)  —  Milcom,  Ges. 
(marg.  of  Jer.  xlix.  1,  3). 

Me'lf-a  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  flKng,  full?),  son  of 
Menan,  and  ancestor  of  Joseph  in  the  genealogy  of 
Jesus  Christ  (Lk.  iii.  31). 

Me'lteh  (Heb.  kinei),  second  son  of  Micah,  the  son 
of  Merib-baal  or  Mephibosheth  (1  Chr.  viii.  35,  ix. 
41). 

illei'i-(n  (Heb.)  =  Mallcch  6  (Neh.  xii.  14,  comp,. 
ver.  2). 

Mcl'l-ta  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  affording  hone;/,  Cruden; 
fr.  Phenician  =  refuge,  Wr.),  the  modern  MuUa^ 
This  island  has  an  illustrious  place  in  Scripture,  i 
the  scene  of  that  shipwreck  of  St.  Paul  described  i 
such  minute  detail  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  (1.) 
We  take  St.  Paul's  ship  in  the  condition  in  which 
we  find  her  about  a  day  after  leaving  Fair  Havens, 
i.  e.  when  she  w.os  under  the  lee  of  Claitda  (Acts 
xxvii.  16),  laid-to  on  the  starboard  tack,  and 
strengthened  with  "  undergirders,"  the  boat  being 
just  taken  on  board,  and  the  gale  blowing  hard 
from  the  E.  N.  E.  (Ecroclydon.)  (2.)  Assuming 
(what  every  practised  sailor  would  allow)  that  th« 
ship's  direction  of  drift  would  be  about  W.  by  N., 
and  her  rate  of  drift  about  a  mile  and  half  an  hour, 
we  come  at  once  to  the  conclusion,  by  measuring 
the  distance  on  the  chart,  that  she  would  be  brought 
to  the  coast  of  Malta  on  the  thirteenth  day  (see  ver. 
27).  (3.)  A  ship  drifting  in  this  direction  to  the 
place  traditionally  known  as  St.  Paul's  Bay  would 
come  to  that  spot  on  the  coast  without  touching  any 
other  part  of  the  island  previously.  The  coast,  in 
fact,  trends  from  this  bay  to  the  S.E.  This  mayb« 
seen  on  consulting  any  map  or  chart  of  Malta.  (4.] 
On  Koura  Point,  which  is  the  southeasterly  cx4 
tremity  of  the  bay,  there  must  infallibly  have  beeni 


MEL 


MEL 


631 


breakers,  with  the  wind  blowing  from  the  N.  E. 
Now  the  alarm  was  certainly  caused  hy  breakers, 
lor  it  toolv  place  in  the  uight  (ver.  27),  and  it  does 
not  appear  tliat  the  passengers  were  at  first  aware 
of  tlic  danger  wliicli  became  sensible  to  the  quick 


ear  of  the  "  sailors."  (5.)  Yet  the  vessel  did  not 
strike :  and  this  corresponds  with  the  position  of 
the  point,  which  would  be  some  little  distance  on 
the  port  side,  or  to  the  left,  of  the  vessel.  (C.)  Oif 
this  point  of  the  coast  the  soundmga  are  twenty 


chart  of  part  ot  tb«  coaat  of  Malta, 

fathoms  (ver.  28),  and  a  little  further,  in  the  direction  I  rocks  ahead.  (8.)  With  bad  holding-ground  there 
of  the  gujjjioeed  drift,  tliey  are  fifteen  fathoms  (ib.).  would  have  been  great  risk  of  the  ship  dragging  her 
(T.)  Though  the  danger  w  as  imminent,  we  shall  find  ]  anchors.  The  bottom  of  St.  Paul's  Bay  is  remark- 
from  examining  the  chart  thdt  there  would  still  be  i  ably  tenacious.  (9.)  The  other  geological  eharac- 
time   to  anchor  (ver.  29)  before  striking  on  the  |  teristics  of  the  place  are  in  harmony  with  the  narra 


St.  Paul'l  Riiy,  MalU.~From  a  w«n  by  LI.  li.  Auaruwa. -. Kbii.J 
TliU  vlav  ia  takaa  fr»m  apMntat  tfaaback  of  tUe  bay,  ikixx  tbacaatla.    Tba  Ulaad  alioiru  aa  ihutting  iu  the  bay  laSalnK&tttn. 


live,  which  describes  the  creek  as  having  in  one 
place  a  .«andy  or  muddy  beach  (so  Dr.  Ilowson  ; 
Or.  ni<iialo»,  A.  V.  simply  "shore,"  ver.  39),  and 
which  states  that  the  bow  of  the  ship  was  held  fast 
in  the  shore,  while  the  stern  w.-vs  exposed  to  the 
action  of  the  waves  (ver.  41).  (10.)  Another  point 
of  local  detail  is  of  considerable  interest — viz.  that 
as  the  ship  took  the  ground,  the  place  was  observed 
to  he  dilhnlaxsas  (Gr.  =:  btlmetn  two  seas,  A.  V, 
"  where  two  sea.*!  met"),  i.  c.  a  connection  was  no- 
ticed between  two  apparently  separate  pieces  of 
water.  We  shall  see,  on  looking  at  the  chart,  that 
this  tvould  be  the  case.  (II.)  Malta  is  in  the  track 
of  ships  between  Alexandria  and  I'uteoli:  and  this 
corresponds  with  the  fact  that  the  "  Castor  and 
I'oUux,"  an  Alexandrian  vessel  which  ultimately 


conveyed  St.  Paul  to  Italy,  had  wintered  in  the 
island  (Acts  xxviii.  11).  (12.)  Viually,  the  course 
pursued  in  this  conclusion  of  the  voyage,  first  to 
Syracuse,  and  then  to  Ilhegium,  coutiibutcs  a  last 
link  to  the  chain  of  arguments  by  which  we  prove 
that  Melita  is  Malta.  Some  have  argued,  mostly 
from  the  name  "Apkia,"  that  the  Melita  where  St. 
Paul  was  shipwrecked  was  the  small  island  of  that 
name,  now  Aleleda,  on  the  Illyrian  coast  of  the 
Adriatic  ;  but  the  commonly  received  conclusion  in 
favor  of  Malta  is  regarded  by  Dr.  Ilowson  as  com- 
pletely established  in  1848  by  Mr.  Smith,  of  Jordan- 
hill,  in  his  Voyage  and  Shipwreck  of  St.  Paul.  As 
regards  the  condition  of  the  island  of  Melita,  when 
St.  Paul  was  there,  it  was  a  dependency  of  the 
Roman   province   of  Sicily.     Its  chief  officer  (un- 


632 


MEL 


MEM 


der  the  governor  of  Sicily)  appears  from  inscrip- 
tions to  have  had  the  title  of  prolos  Melitaion,  or 
Pronus  Mtlitetixium  (Gr.  and  L.  =^  first  ofQie  ileli- 
taus  or  Maltese),  and  this  is  the  very  phrase  which 
St.  Luke  uses  (Acts  xxviii.  7,  A.  V.  "chief  man  of 
the  island").  Melita,  from  its  position  in  the  Medi- 
terranean, and  the  excellence  of  its  harbors,  has 
always  been  important  both  in  commerce  and  war. 
It  was  a  settlement  of  the  Phenicians,  at  an  early 
pario  I,  and  their  language,  in  a  corrupted  form,  con- 
tinued to  be  spoken  there  in  St.  Paul's  day.  The 
Greek  colonists  in  Sicily  are  said  to  have  taken  it 
from  tlie  Phenicians  ;  hut  b.  c.  402  it  became  sub- 
ject to  the  Carthaginians,  and  was  ceded  by  them 
to  the  Romans  u.  c.  242.  It  was  famous  for  its 
honey  and  fruits,  cotton  fabrics,  building-stone, 
and  a  breed  of  dogs.  A  few  years  before  St.  Paul's 
visit,  corsairs  from  Cilisia  made  .Melita  a  frequent 
resort;  and  through  the  subsequent  periods  of  its 
history.  Vandal  and  Arabian,  it  was  often  associated 
with  piracy.  The  Christianity,  however,  introduced 
by  St.  Paul  was  never  extinct.  This  island  had  a 
brilliant  period  (a.  d.  ISSO-ItSS)  under  the  knigiits 
of  St.  John,  a  military  and  religious  fraternity  to 
whom,  after  their  expulsion  from  Rhoces  by  the 
Turks,  the  island  of  Malta  was  gi anted  by  the  Em- 
peror Charles  V.  It  was  taken  by  the  French  under 
Bonaparte,  July,  1798,  and  by  the  English  in  Sept., 
ISOO.  It  is  still  a  dependency  of  the  British  crown. 

Melons  (Heb.  ttbaUVdni,  or  itbattichiin)  are  men- 
tioned only  in  \uin.  xi.  5.  By  the  Hebrew  word  we 
are  probably  to  understand  both  the  Musk-melon 
( Ciicumis  Melo)  and  the  Water-melon  ( Ciunrbita  Ci- 
trullus),  for  the  Arabic  noun  singular,  balekh,  which 
is  identic;d  with  the  Hebrew  word,  is  used  generi- 
cally.  The  water-melon  is  by  some  considered  to 
be  indigenous  to  India,  from  which  country  it  may 
have  been  introduced  Into  Egypt  in  very  early 
times.     The  musk-melon  ( Oucwnis  Melo)  is  culti- 


Mukk-melon  [  Cuettmit  MeloX 


vated  in  the  same  places  and  ripens  at  the  same 
time  with  the  water-melon.  The  water-melon  is 
now  extensively  cultivated  all  over  India  and  the 
tropical  parts  of  Africa  and  America,  and  indeed  in 
hot  countries  generally,  as  well  as  in  the  United 
States.  Both  are  too  well  known  to  need  descrip- 
tion. "  Nothing  could  be  more  regretted  in  the 
burning  desert,"   says   Thomson   (ii.  261),  "than 


these  delicious   (water-)  melons,  whose  exuberant 
juice  is  so  refreshing  to  the  thirsty  pilgrim." 


V/aler-melon  {Cucvrbila  Cilmnut), 

Mel'zar  (Heb.  meltsar,  probably  fr.  Pers.  r=  mas- 
ter of  wine,  chief  butler,  Buhlen,  Ges.).  The  A.  V. 
is  wrong  in  regarding  Mclzar  as  a  proper  name  ;  it 
is  rather  an  official  title,  as  is  implied  in  the  addi- 
tion of  the  article  in  each  case  where  the  name  oc- 
curs (Dan.  i.  11,  16);  the  marginal  reading,  "the 
steward,"  is  therefore  more  correct. 

■•  Mem  (Heb.  mei/m,  jirobably  =  water,  Ges.),  the 
thirteenth  letter  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  (Ps.  cxix.)." 
Wkitino. 

Mdn'ml-ns,  Qnin'tns  (both  L. ;  Mcmmius  [=  Me- 
NESTHELS,  Virgil]  being  the  name  designating  a  cer- 
tain Roman  clan,  Quintus  [z3_^[/i,'i]  a  common  fir.st 
name  among  the   Romans)  (2  Mc.  xi.  34).      Man- 

LICS,  TiTCS. 

Memphis  (Gr.  fr.  Egyptian  compounded  of  men 
[=  foundation,  station^  and  iiofre  (=  good^  ;  va- 
riously interpreted  haveii  [or  abwie]  of  the  good,  tomb 
of  the  good  man  [Osiris],  gate  of  the  blessed,  &c.  [so 
Dr.  J.  P.  Thompson,  the  original  author  of  this  arti- 
cle]), a  city  of  ancient  Egypt,  situated  on  the  west- 
ern bank  of  the  Nile,  in  latitude  30  6'  N.  It  is 
mentioned  by  Isaiah  (xix.  13),  Jeremiah  (ii.  16,  xlvi. 
14,  19),  and  Ezekiel  (xxx.  13,  16),  under  the  name 
of  Xopii;  and  by  Hosea  (ix.  6)  under  the  name  of 
MoPH  in  Hebrew,  and  Memphis  in  our  Englisl^  ver- 
sion. Though  some  regard  Thebes  as  the  more  an- 
cient city,  the  monuments  of  Memphis  arc  of  higher 
antiquity  than  those  of  Thebes.  Herodotus  dates 
its  foundation  from  Menes,  the  first  really  historical 
king  of  EovPT.  The  era  of  Menes  is  not  satisfac- 
torily determined.  But,  indeterminate  and  conjec- 
tural as  the  early  chronology  of  Egypt  yet  is,  all 
agree  that  the  known  history  of  the  cnniire  begins 
with  Menes,  who  founded  Memphis.  The  city  be- 
longs to  the  earliest  periods  of  authentic  history. 
The  building  of  Memphis  is  associated  by  tradition 
with  a  stupendous  work  of  art  which  has  peraia- 
nently  changed  the  course  of  the  Nile  and  the  face 
of  the  Delta.  Before  the  time  of  Jlencs,  the  river, 
emerging  from  the  upper  valley  into  the  neck  of  the 
Delta,  bent  its  course  westward  toward  the  hills  of 
the  Libyan  desert,  or  at  least  discharged  a  large 
portion  of  its  waters  through  an  arm  in  that  direc-  i 
tion.  Here  the  generous  flood  whose  yearly  inun- 
dation gives  life  and  fertility  to  Egypt,  was  largely  : 
absorbed  in  the  sands  of  the  dcseit,  or  wasted  in 


MEM 


MEM 


633 


stai^ant  morasses.  It  is  even  conjectnred  that  up 
to  the  time  of  Meues  the  wliole  Delta  was  an  uiiiii 
habitable  mareh.  Herodotus  informs  us,  upon  tlie 
authority  of  the  Egyptian  priests  of  his  time,  tl.at 
Mencs,  "  by  banking  up  the  river  at  the  bend  whicli 


it  forms  about  a  hundred  furlongs  south  of  Mem- 
phis, laid  the  ancient  channel  dry,  while  he  dug  a 
new  course  tor  the  stream  hall'  way  between  the  two 
Imcs  of  hills."  From  his  description  it  appears 
that,  like  New  Orleans,  Memphis  was  created  upon 


a  mar?h  reclaimed  by  the  dike  of  Mcnes  and 
drained  by  his  artificial  lake.  The  dike  of  Menes 
began  twelve  miles  south  of  Memphis,  and  deflected 
the  main  channel  of  the  river  about  two  miles  to 
tlie  eastward.  Upon  the  rise  of  the  Nile,  a  canal 
Btill  conducted  a  pcriion  of  its  waters  weslwaid 
through  the  old  channel,  thus  irrigating  the  plain 
beyond  the  city  in  that  directi<n,  «hile  an  inunda- 
tion was  guarded  against  on  that  side  by  a  large 
artificial  lake  or  reservoir  at  Abousir.  The  skill  in 
engineering  which  these  works  required,  and  which 
their  remains  still  indicate,  argues  a  high  degree  of 
material  civilization,  at  least  in  the  mechanic  aits, 
in  the  earliest  known  period  of  Egyptian  history. 
The  climate  of  Memphis  may  be  infcrrtd  from  that 
of  the  modem  Cairo — about  ten  miles  to  the  J>. — 
which  is  the  most  eciuable  that  Egypt  affoids.  The 
city  is  said  to  have  had  a  circumference  of  about 
nineteen  miles,  and  the  houses  or  inhabited  quar- 
ters, as  was  usual  in  the  great  cities  of  antiipiity, 
were  interspersed  with  numerous  gardens  and  pul)- 
lie  areas.  HertHlotiis  states,  on  the  authority  of  the 
piiests.  that  Menes  "built  the  temple  of  Hephtps- 
tuB,  whicli  stands  «itliin  the  city,  a  va.^t  edifice, 
well  worthy  of  mention."  The  divinity  whom  He- 
rodotus identifies  with  Ilephseslus  was  J'(ali,  "  the 
creative  power,  the  maker  of  all  material  things." 
The  temple  of  Apis — the  sacred  bull  (Cai.f) — was 
one  of  the  most  noted  stnictiires  of  Memphis.  It 
stood  opposite  the  southern  portico  of  the  temple 
of  I'tali ;  and  I'sammetiehiis,  who  built  that  gate- 
way, also  erected  in  front  of  the  sanctuary  of  Apis 
a  iiiiignificcnt  colonnade,  supported  by  colossal 
statues  or  Osiriile  pillars,  such  as  may  still  he  seen 
at  the  temple  of  Medeenet  Habou  at  Thebes. 
Through  this  colonnade  the  Apis  was  led  with  great 
pomp  upon  stale  occasions.  The  place  appropriated 
to  the  burial  of  the  sacred  bulls  was  a  gallery  some 


,   of  Men  [.hit. 

2,000  feet  in  length  by  20  in  height  and  width, 
hewn  in  the  rock  without  the  city.  This  gallery 
was  divided  into  numerous  recesses  on  each  side ; 
and  the  cinbdlmed  bodies  of  the  sacred  bulls,  each 
in  its  own  sarcophagus  of  granite,  were  deposited 
in  these  "  scpulcliral  stalls."  At  Memphis  was  the 
reputed  burial-place  of  Itis  ;  it  had  also  a  temple 
to  that  "myriad-named"  divinity.  Memphis  had 
also  its  Serapeium  (temple  of  i^eiajis),  which  prob- 
alily  stood  in  the  western  quarter  of  the  city.  The 
sacred  cubit,  and  other  symbols  used  in  measuring 
the  rise  of  the  Nile,  were  deposited  in  the  temple 
of  Serapis.  The  Necropolis,  adjacent  to  Men. phis, 
was  on  a  scale  of  grandeur  corresponding  with  the 
city  itstlf.  The  "  city  of  the  pyramids  "  is  a  title 
of  Men  phis  in  the  hieroglyphics  upon  the  monu- 
ments. The  great  field  or  [lain  of  the  Pyramids 
lies  wholly  upon  the  western  bank  of  the  Nile,  and 
extends  (rem  Alno-Hoidi,  a  little  to  the  N.  W.  ef 
Cairo,  to  iUjidocnt,  about  forty  miles  to  the  ?., 
and  thence  in  a  southwesterly  direction  about 
twenty-five  miles  farther,  to  the  pynimids  of  Jlouara 
and  of  Biahmu  in  the  J-ai/ovra.  But  the  iiincipal 
seat  of  the  pyramids,  the  Memphite  Necropolis,  was 
in  a  range  ol  about  fifteen  miles  fiom  ^nklora  to 
O'iie/i,  and  in  the  groups  here  remaining  nearly 
thirty  are  probably  tombs  of  the  imperial  sover- 
eigns of  Memphis.  The  great  pyrim  id  of  Oizih  is 
733  feet  square  at  the  base,  466  lect  in  perpendicu. 
lar  height,  having  lost  about  twenty-five  feet  of  its 
original  height.  It  is  of  eoliil  stone,  except  a  low 
core  of  rock,  and  a  very  small  fpnce  allowed  for 
chambers  and  pa-ssages  leading  to  them  (R.  S.  Poole, 
in  Kitto).  The  Sphinx  (Chi!K1bi.m' measures  nore 
than  60  feet  from  the  ground  to  the  crown  of  the 
head,  more  than  100  feet  around  the  fori  head,  and 
nearly  150  fee't  in  length,  all  cut  fr(.m  the  solid 
rock  (Dr.  J.  P.  Thompson,  igupl,  341).    Memphis 


634 


MEM 


MEN 


long  held  its  place  as  a  capital ;  and  for  centuries 
a  Jleinphite  dynasty  ruled  over  all  Egypt.  Lepsius, 
Bunsen,  and  Bi-ugsch,  agree  in  regarding  the  3d,  4th, 
6th,  7th,  and  8th  dynasties  of  the  Old  Empire  as 
Memphite,  reaching  througli  a  period  of  about  1,000 
years.  During  a  portion  of  tliis  period,  however, 
the  chain  was  broken,  or  there  were  contemporane- 
ous dynasties  in  other  parts  of  Egypt.  The  over- 
throw of  Memphis  was  distinctly  predicted  by  the 
Hebrew  prophets  (Is.  xix.  13;  Jei-.  .xlvi.  I'J),  Tiie 
latest  of  these  predictions  was  uttered  nearly  (500 
years  B.  c,  and  lialf  a  century  before  the  invasion 
of  Egypt  by  Canibyses  (about  b.  c.  525).  Herodotus 
informs  uj  that  Carabyses,  enraged  at  tlio  opposition 
he  encountered  at  Memphis,  committed  many  out- 
rages upon  the  city.  The  city  never  recovered  from 
the  blow  infliuted  by  Cambyses.  The  rise  of  Alkx- 
ANDaiA  hastened  its  decline.  The  Caliph  conquer- 
ors founded  Fostat  (Old  Cairo)  upon  the  opposite 
bank  of  the  Xile,  a  few  miles  X.  of  Mompliis,  and 
brought  materials  from  the  old  city  lo  build  tlicir 
new  capital  (a.  d.  6.J8).  At  length  so  complete  was 
the  ruin  of  Memphis,  that  for  a  long  time  its  very 
site  was  lost.  Poeocke  could  find  no  trace  of  it. 
Recent  explorations,  especially  those  of  Messrs.  Ma- 
rijtte  and  Linant,  have  brought  to  light  many  of  its 
antiquities,  wliich  have  been  dispersed  to  the  mu- 
seums of  Europe  and  America.  The  dikes  and 
canals  of  Menes  still  form  the  basis  of  the  system 
of  irrigation  for  Lower  Eiypt ;  the  insignificant 
village  of  Meet  Rahecneh  occupies  nearly  the  centre 
of  the  ancient  capital. 

Me-mnean  (Heb.  fr.  Pers.  =  flourishing  in  dig- 
nity or  authority,  Sim),  one  of  the  seven  princes  of 
Persia  in  the  reign  of  Ahasuerus,  who  "  saw  the 
king's  face,"  and  sat  first  in  the  kingdom  (Esth.  i. 
14,  16,  21).  They  were  "wise  men  who  knew  tlie 
times  "  (skilled  in  the  planets,  according  to  Aben 
Ezra),  and  appear  to  have  formed  a  council  of  state ; 
Josephus  says  tliat  one  of  their  olTices  was  tli-at  of 
interpreting  the  law.s. 

Mei'il-llSm  (Heb.  consoler,  Ges.),  son  of  Gadi,  who 
^lew  the  usurper  Shallum  and  seized  the  vacant 
throne  of  I.-srael,  B.  c.  772.  (Israel,  Kingdom  of.) 
His  reign,  whicli  lasted  ten  years,  is  briefly  recorded 
in  2  K.  XV.  14-22.  It  has  been  inferred  from  the 
expression  in  verse  14,  "from  Tirzah,"  that  Mena- 
hem  was  a  general  under  Zeehariah  stationed  at 
Tirzah,  and  tliat  he  hi-ouglit  up  his  troops  to  Sama- 
ria and  avenged  the  murder  of  his  master  by  Shal- 
lum.  lie  maintained  the  calf-worship  of  Jeroboam. 
The  contemporary  prophets,  Hosea  and  Amos,  have 
left  a  melanclioly  jiicture  of  the  migodlincss,  de- 
moralization, and  feel)lencss  of  Israel.  In  the  brief 
history  of  VIenahcm,  his  ferocious  treatment  of  Tipn- 
SAii  occupies  a  conspicuous  place  (verse  16).  The 
time  of  the  occurrence  and  the  site  of  the  town 
have  been  doubted.  The  act,  whether  perpetrated 
at  the  beginning  of  Meuahem's  reign  or  somewhat 
later,  was  doubtless  intended  to  strike  terror  into 
the  he  irts  of  reluctant  subjects.  But  the  most  re- 
markable event  In  Meiialicm's  reign  is  the  first  ap- 
pearance of  a  hostile  force  of  Assyrians  on  the  N.  E. 
frontier  of  Israel.  King  Pul,  however,  withdrew, 
having  been  converted  from  an  enemy  into  an  ally 
by  a  timely  gift  of  1,000  talents  of  silver.  Rawlin- 
son  .says  tliat  in  an  inscription  the  name  of  Mena- 
liem  is  given,  probably  by  mistake  of  the  stone-cut- 
ter, as  a  tributary  of  Tiglath-pileser. 

Me'Dim  (fr.  Gr.),  the  son  of  Mattatha,  one  of  the 
ancestors  of  Joseph  in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus 
Christ  (Lk.  iii.  31). 


I      "BIc'De.  Me'nr,  Te'kel,  I'-pbar'sIn  (Chal.  m?ne, 

I  mSne,  tikel,  upliarsin  =  numbered,  tii^mbered,  weighed, 
and  dividbiys,  Ges.),  the  mysterious  inscription  writ- 
ten upon  the  wall  of  Belshazzar's  palace,  in  which 
Daniel  read  the  doom  of  the  king  and  his  dynasty 
(Dan.  V.  25  tf.).  The  interpretation  is  given  in  ver. 
26-28.  In  ver.  28  "  Peres  "  (a  Chaldean  singular 
participle,  pires  =  divided  or  broken)  is  substituted 
(  for  "  Uphai-sin "  (composed  of  the  conjunction  u 
and  tlie  plural  participle  parxin,  which  becomes 
pharsiu  when  the  conjunction  is  prefixed).  There 
is  in  this  verse  a  close  resemblauce  in  sound  be- 
tween the  participle ;»«)•<■«  ("  Peres"  =  divided)  and 
the  noun  Purus  (=  Fersia  or  "the  Persians"). 

Men-e-la'us  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  atnding  [or  wUlislandhig^ 
people,  L.  &  S.),  a  usurping  higii-peiest  who  ob- 
tained the  ofiice  from  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (about 
B.  c.  172)   by   a  large  bribe   (2  Mc.  iv.  23-25),  ana 
drove  out  Jason,  who  had  obtained  it  not  long  be- 
fore  by    similar   means,     lie   met   with    a   violent 
:  death  at  the  hands  of  Antioclms  Eupator  (about  b.  c. 
!  103),  which  seemed  in  a  peculiar  manner  a  providen- 
tial punishment  of  his  sacrilege  (xiii.  3,  4).    Accord- 
I  ing  to  Josephus  he  was  a  younger  brother  of  Jason 
I  4  and  Osias  3,  and,  like  Jason,  changed  his  proper 
i  name  Onias  (Onias  4)  for  a  Greek  name.      In  2  Mc. 
I  on  the  other  hand,  he  is  called  a  brother  of  Simon 
!  the  Bcnjamite  (2  Mc.  iv.  23.)     Simon  3. 

Me-nfs'thf-ns  [pron.  in  Gr.  me-nes'thuse]  (Gr.  one 
who  abides,  L.  &  S.),  father  of  Apollonius  3  (2  Me. 
iv.  21). 

Me'nl  (Heb.  mini  =  fate,  fortune,  destiny,  Ges., 
Fii.).  The  last  clause  of  Is.  Ixv.  1 1  is  rendered  in  the 
A.V.  "  and  that  furnish  the  drink-oifering  unto  that 
number,"  the  marginal  reading  for  the  last  word 
being  "  Meni."  That  the  word  so  rendered  is  the 
proper  name  of  an  object  of  idolatrous  worship  cul- 
tivated by  the  Jews  in  Babylon,  is  a  supjiosition 
which  is  in  accordance  with  the  context,  an<i  has 
every  probability  to  recommend  it.  But  tlie  iden- 
tification of  Meni  with  any  known  heathen  god  is 
uncertain.  The  versions  and  commentators  are  at 
variance.  In  the  LXX.  the  word  is  rendered  "  for- 
tune "  or  "  luck."  (Gad  3.)  The  majority  of  com- 
mentators conclude  that  Meni  is  the  moon  god  or 
goddess,  the  Deus  Lumis  or  Dea  Luna  of  the  Ro- 
mans ;  masculine  as  regards  the  earth  which  she 
illumines,  feminine  with  respect  to  the  sun  from 
whom  she  receives  her  light.  Among  those  who 
have  interpreteil  the  word  literally  "  number,"  may 
be  reckoned  Rashi  and  Abrabanel,  who  understand 
by  it  the  "  number  "  of  the  priests  who  formed  the 
company  of  revellers  at  the  feast.  Kimchi,  in  his 
note  on  Is.  Ixv.  11,  says  of  Meni,  "It  is  a  star,  and 
some  interpret  it  of  the  stars  which  are  numbered, 
and  they  are  the  seven  stars  of  motion,"  i.  c.  the 
planets.  But  Gcsenius,  with  more  probability  (so 
Mr.  Wright),  connects  Meni  with  nianah,  one  of  the 
three  idols  worshipped  by  the  Arabs  before  the  time 
of  Jlohammed  to  which  reference  is  made  in  the 
Koran  (Sura  53),  "  What  think  ye  of  Allat,  and  Al 
Uzzah,  and  Manah,  that  other  third  goddess '! "  Ma- 
nnh  was  the  object  of  worship  of  "  the  tribes  of 
Hndheyl  and  Khmifnh,  who  dwelt  between  Mecca  ' 
and  Medina,  and,  as  some  say,  of  the  tribes  of  Ows, 
El-Khazraj,  and  Thakcek  also.  This  idol  wns  a 
large  stone,  demolished  by  one  Saad,  in  the  eighth 
year  of  the  F'llght,  a  year  so  fatal  to  the  idols  of  ' 
Arabia."  Meni  is  )irobably  the  personification  of 
fate  or  destiny,  under  whatever  form  it  was  wor- 
8hlppi>d.  Whether  this  form,  as  Gesenins  maintains, 
was  tlie  planet  Venus,  known  to  Arabic  astrologers 


MEN 


MEP 


635 


as  "the  lesser  good  fortuue"  (the  planet  Jupiter 
being  the  "  greater  "),  it  is  impossible  to  say  with 
ccrtaiutv. 

*  Jleu'-Sttal-cn  =  those  who  steal  or  kidnap  their 
ffllow-nieu,  especially  to  make  slaves  of  them  (1 
Tim.  i.  10).  Such  eriminuls  were  punished  capitally, 
according  to  the  Mosaic  law  (Kx.  xxi.  Iti;  Deut. 
xxiv.  7).     Fi.NisHjiENTs;  Slave. 

*  Mf-uo'rlia  [-kali]  (fr.  Ucb.  =  place  of  rest, 
Gcs.)  (Jcr.  li.  59,  margin).     (>i:raiah  11. 

*  Me-ua'clinh  (lieb.  i/uietli/,  without  noise  or  tu- 
mult, Ges.),  a  word  (Judg.  xx.  43,  margin)  better 
tianslated  "with  ease."     Ma.naiiath. 

*  itie-HOtllltes  (1  C'hr.  ii.  52,  margin).  Haisi- 
HAMJIK.MCIIOTH  ;  Ma.naiiethitks. 

Mr-oii  e-nim  (Ueb.  pi.,  and  see  bcluw),  tbe  Plain 
of  (Ueb.  ilori,  see  Oak  3  ;  Plain  7),  an  oak,  or  tere- 
binth, or  other  great  tree,  whicli  formed  a  well- 
kiiowu  object  in  central  Palestine  in  the  days  of 
the  Judges.  It  is  mentioned — at  least  under  this 
name — only  in  Judg.  ix.  37.  In  what  direction  it 
stood  with  regard  to  i^hechem  we  are  not  told. 
Meoncnini,  if  interpreted  us  a  Hebrew  word  ^  m- 
chaiitrrs  or  "  observers  of  times,"  as  it  is  elsewhere 
rendered  (Deut.  xviii.  10,  14;  in  Jlic.  v.  12  it  is 
"soothsayers").  (Divination  7.)  This  connection 
of  the  name  with  magical  arts  has  led  to  the  sug 
pcslion  that  the  tree  in  question  is  identical  witli 
that  beneath  which  Jacob  hid  the  foreign  idols  and 
amulets  of  his  household,  before  going  into  the  ))ris- 
ence  of  (jod  at  Bethel  (Gen.  xxxv.  4).  Hut  the  infer- 
ence seems  hardly  a  sound  one,  iotmi'miitiim  =  not 
etic/iauitne/tts  but  aahaiiUrs^  nor  is  there  anv  ground 
for  connecting  it  in  any  way  with  amulets  or  im- 
ages; and  there  is  the  positive  reason  against  the 
identilication  that,  while  tltis  tree  seems  to  have 
been  at  a  distance  from  the  town  of  Phechem,  that 
of  Jacob  was  in  it,  or  in  very  close  proximity  to  it 
/so  Mr.  Grove).  Mr.  Farrar  (in  Kitto)  suggests  that 
Gaal's  expression  in  Judg.  ix.  37  may  only  mean  that 
one  company  was  on  the  road  vhich  led  hi/  the  oak  <  f 
Meonenim,  that  "  in  Shechem  "  may  •=  in  the  district 
rnntiil  (he  city  as  well  as  in  the  citi/  itself,  and  that 
the  name  Meonenim  may  have  originated  in  some 
use  made  of  the  tree  by  the  [)riests  and  sorcerers  of 
the  neighboring  shrine  of  Baal-berith  (compare  ver. 
46).  Five  trees  are  mentioned  in  connection  with 
Shechem  : — 1.  The  oak  (net  "  plain  "  as  in  .-i.V.)  of 
MoREii,  where  Abram  made  his  first  halt  and  built 
his  first  altar  in  the  Promised  Land  (Gen.  xii.  6). 
2.  That  of  Jacob,  already  spoken  of.  3.  "  The  oak 
which  was  in  the  holy  place  of  Jehovah  "  (A.  V. 
"an  oak  that  was  by  the  sanctuary  of  the  Lord  ") 
(Josh.  xxiv.  26).  4.  The  "oak  (A.  V.  margin,  not 
'  plain,'  as  in  A.  V.  text)  of  the  pillar  in  Hliccheni," 
beneath  which  .\bimelcch  was  made  king  (Jndg.  ix. 
6).  6.  The  oak  of  Meonenim  (Mr.  Grove  makes 
the  first  four  of  these  probably  one  and  the  same 
tree),  but  the  oak  of  Meonenim  (see  above)  a  dis- 
tinct one;  .Mr.  Farrar  (in  Kitto)  believes  the  whole 
five  were  the  same.  It  is  perhaps  possible  that 
Meonenim  may  have  originally  been  Maonim,  i.  e. 
Maonites  or  Mkhl'Nim. 

Ne^nVtlml  (Heb.  my  dvNllivg;  Ges.),  a  son  of 
Otmnikl  (1  f'hr.  iv.  14). 

Nfph'a-ath  (Heb.  t/Jendor,  or  perhaps  h/t^  place, 
hill,  <!es. ;  height,  eniinmee,  Fii.),  a  city  of  the  Reu- 
boniies,  one  of  the  towns  dependent  on  Heshbon 
(Josh.  xiii.  18),  lying  in  the  "plain  "  (compare  17, 
and  Jcr.  xlviii.  21),  which  probably  answered  to  the 
modern  i(*/ii-rt  (Plain  4) ;  allotted  to  the  Merarite 
Lcvites  (Josh.  ixi.  37 ;  1   C'hr.  vi.  79).     In  Jere- 


miah's time  it  was  occupied  by  the  Moabites  (Jer. 
xlviii.  21).  Mcphaath  is  named  in  the  above  pas- 
sages with  Llilon,  Jahuzah,  Kirjathaim,  and  other 
towns,  which  have  been  identified  w  ilh  tulerible  cer- 
tauity  on  the  \.  of  the  Arnon  (Wadi/  Jlojib) ;  tut 
no  cne  appears  yet  to  have  discovered  any  name  at 
(ill  resembling  it.  In  the  time  of  Eusebius  it  was 
used  as  a  military  post. 

Mo-|iliib'o-»'heth  (Ueb.  exlirmir.alion  of  idch,  Sim., 
Ges. ;  utterance  of  Baal,  ov  fame  of  Maul,  Fii.),  the 
name  of  two  of  Saul's  famil)'.  I.  Saul's  son  by  Riz- 
pah  the  daughter  of  Aiah,  his  concubine  (2  Sam.  xxi. 
8).  He  and  his  bioihcr  AiniOni  were  among  the 
seven  victims  surrendered  by  Eavid  lo  the  Gibcon- 
itcs,  and  by  them  crucified  in  sacrifice  to  Jehovah, 
to  avert  a  famine  frcni  which  the  country  was  sui- 
fering. — i,  Jonathan's  son  and  Saul's  grandson 
(Mekibbaal);  nephew  of  the  prcctdirg.  (1.)  His 
Ufe  teems  to  have  been,  frtni  beginning  to  end,  one 
of  trial  and  discomfort.  His  mother's  name  is  un- 
known. ^Vheii  his  father  and  grandfather  wcie 
slain  on  Mount  Cilloa  he  was  but  five  years  old. 
He  was  then  living  inder  the  charge  of  his  nurse, 
probably  at  Giheiih,  the  regular  residtnce  of  Soul. 
The  tidings  that  the  army  was  dcftroyed,  the  king 
and  his  sons  tlain,  ard  that  (he  I'liilistii  cs  were 
sweiping  all  before  them,  reached  the  royal  house- 
hold. The  nurse  fled,  carrying  the  child  on  her 
shoulder.  But  in  her  i)anic  and  hurry  she  stun  bled 
and  Mephibosheth  was  precijiilated  to  the  ground 
with  such  force  as  to  deprive  him  for  lilc  ol  the  use 
of  both  feet  (2  Sam.  iv.  4).  (2.)  After  this  acci- 
dent, Mephibosheth  was  carried  with  the  rest  of 
hi«  family  beyond  the  Jordan  to  the  mountains  of 
Gilead,  where  he  found  a  refuge  in  the  house  of 
Machir,  the  son  of  Anjmiel,  a  powirlul  G;ul)te  or 
Manassite  chief  at  Lo-debar,  not  liir  from  J!;ihr,naim, 
which  during  the  reign  of  his  unclelth-be  .'heth  was 
the  headquarters  of  his  family.  By  Machir  he  was 
brought  up,  there  he  nuiiried,  and  there  lie  was  liv- 
ing at  a  later  period,  when  David,  having  c(  n.pletcd 
the  subjugation  of  the  adversaries  of  Ismel  on 
every  side',  had  Icisnie  to  turn  1  is  attention  to 
claims  of  other  and  hardly  less  pressing  desciip- 
tiens.  So  com]iIetely  had  the  family  of  the  late 
king  vanished  from  the  western  side  of  J<!idan, 
that  the  only  ])erson  to  be  met  with  in  any  vay  re- 
lated to  thtni  was  Ziba.  From  this  man  iJavid 
learned  of  the  existence  of  Mephibosheth.  h'oynl 
mes.^engcrs  were  sent  to  the  house  of  Machir  at 
Lo-dcbar,  anei  by  Ihcni  the  prince  and  his  infant 
son  MicilA  were  brought  to  Jerusalem.  Tlie  inter- 
view with  Cavid  was  n  arked  by  extreme  kindness 
on  the  part  of  the  king,  and  on  that  of  Sleiihib- 
osheth  by  the  fear  and  humility  characlerifllc  of 
him.  He  leaves  the  royal  presence  with  all  the 
property  of  his  grandfather  restored  to  lini,  and 
with  the  whole  family  and  establishment  of  Ziba  as 
bis  servants,  to  cnltivato  the  land  and  harvest  the 
produce.  He  himself  is  to  be  a  daily  guest  at 
David's  table.  From  this  time  forward  he  resided 
at  Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  ix.).  (3.)  An  interval  ol' about 
seventeen  years  now  passes,  and  the  crisis  of  I'avid's 
life  arrives.  Of  Mcphiboshcth's  behavior  on  this  oc- 
casion we  possess  two  accounts — his  own  (xix.  24- 
30),  and  that  of  Ziba  (xvi.  1-4).  They  are  naturally 
at  variance  with  each  other.  In  consequence  of  Ziba's 
story,  that  Mephibosheth  was  waitinij  in  Jeiusalem 
to  receive  from  the  iiatiim  his  graneJi'athcr's  throne, 
Ziba's  loyalty  and  thoughtful  courtesy  are  rewarded 
by  the  possessions  of  his  master,  thus  once  more 
reinstating  him  in  the  ptsition  from  which  he  had 


636 


MER 


MER 


been  so  ruduly  thrust  on  Mephibosheth's  arrival  in 
Judah.  Mephibosheth's  story — which,  however,  he 
had  not  the  opportunity  of  telling,  until  several 
days  later,  when  he  met  David  returning  to  his 
kingdom  at  the  western  bank  of  Jordan — was  very 
different  from  Ziba's.  He  had  been  desirous  to  fly 
with  his  benefactor,  and  had  ordered  Ziba  to  make 
ready  his  ass  ;  but  Ziba  had  deceived  him,  had  left 
him,  and  in  his  helpless  condition  he  had  to  remain 
where  lie  was.  But  he  had  gone  into  the  deepest 
mourning  possible  for  liis  lost  friend.  Tliat  David 
did  not  disbelieve  his  story  is  shown  by  his  revok- 
ing the  ju  Igment  he  had  previously  given.  That 
he  did  not  entirely  reverse  his  decision,  but  allowed 
Ziba  to  retain  possession  of  half  the  lands  of  Me- 
phiboslietii,  is  probably  due  partly  to  weariness  at 
the  whole  transaction,  but  mainly  to  the  conciliatory 
frame  of  mind  in  wliic'i  he  was  at  that  moment. 
"Shall  there  any  man  be  put  to  death  this  day?" 
i.s  the  key-note  of  thj  whole  procee.ling.  (4.)  The 
opposite  view  of  Mepliiboshsth's  conduct  has  been 
maintained  with  much  cogency  and  ingenuity  by  the 
late  Prof.  Hlunt  in  his  Undexif/ned  Coincidences.  But 
when  the  circumstances  on  both  sides  are  weighed, 
there  seems  to  be  no  escape  from  the  conclusion 
come  to  al)Ove  (so  Mr.  Grove,  the  original  author 
of  this  article).  Mep!iil)03heth  could  have  had  noth- 
ing to  hope  for  from  the  revolution ;  his  story  is 
throughout  valid  and  consistent ;  and  the  history 
states  that  he  commenced  his  mourning  on  the  very 
day  of  David's  departure  (xix.  24).  Ziba,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  every  thing  to  gain  and  nothing  to 
lose  by  any  turn  affairs  might  take.  With  regard 
to  the  absence  of  the  name  of  Mephrbosheth  from 
the  dying  words  of  David,  which  is  the  main  occa- 
sion of  Mr.  Blum's  strictures,  it  is  natural — at  any  , 
rate  it  is  allowable — to  suppose  that,  in  the  inter-  ' 
val  of  eight  years  between  David's  return  to  Je- 
rusalem and  his  death,  Mephibosheth's  painful  life 
had  come  to  an  end.  We  may  without  difheulty 
believe  that  he  did  not  long  survive  the  anxieties 
and  annoyances  which  Ziba's  treachery  had  brought 
upon  him. 

Me'rab(IIeb.  im-reaae,  Gea.),  the  eldest  daughter, 
possibly  t)ie  eldest  child,  of  King  Saul  (1  Sara, 
xiv.  49).  She  first  appears  after  the  victory  over 
Guliath  and  the  Philistines,  when  David  had  be- 
come an  inmate  in  Saul's  house  (xviii.  2),  and  im- 
mediately after  the  commencement  of  his  friend- 
ship with  Jonathan.  In  accordance  with  the  prom 
ise  which  he  made  before  the  engagi'ment  with 
Goliath  (xvii.  25),  Saul  betrothed  Merab  to  David 
(xviii.  17).  David's  hesitation  looks  as  if  he  did 
not  much  value  the  honor — at  any  rate  before  the 
marriage  Merab's  younger  sister  Miciial  had  dis- 
played her  attachment  for  David,  and  Merab  was 
then  married  to  Adriel  the  Meholathite,  to  whom 
she  bore  fi^e  sons  (2  Sam.  xxi.  8).  The  A.  V.  of 
this  last  passage  is  an  accommodation.  The  He- 
brew text  has  "  the  five  sons  of  Michal,  daughter 
of  Saul,  which  she  bare  to  Adriel."  The  most 
probable  solution  of  the  dilfisulty  is  that  "  Michal  " 
is  the  mistake  of  a  transcriber  for  "  Merab."  But 
the  error  is  very  ancient. 

me-rji'ah,  or  Msr-l-i'ali  (Heb.  rebcK/m  against 
Jehovah,  Ges.),  a  priest  in  the  days  of  high-priest 
Jiiiakim,  and  representative  of  the  priestly  family 
of  Seraiah  (Xeh.  xii.  12). 

Me-r,iroth  [-ra'yoth]  (Heb.  rebellions,  Ges.).  1. 
A  descendant  of  Eleazar  the  son  of  Aaron,  and  head 
of  a  priestly  house.  It  was  thought  by  Lightfoot 
that  he  was  the  immediate  predecessor  of  Eli  in  the 


olBce  of  iiiGH-PRiEST.  Zadok  and  Ezra  were  among 
his  illustrious  descendants.  It  is  apparently  an- 
other Meraioth  who  conies  in  between  Zadok  and 
AniTUB  in  the  genealogy  of  Azaiiah  (1  Clir.  ix.  11 ; 
Neh.  xi.  11),  unless  the  names  .\hitub  and  .Meraioth 
are  transposed,  which  Mr.  Wright  supposes  not  im- 
probable.— 2.  The  head  of  a  priestly  house  wliicli, 
in  the  time  of  liigh-priest  Joiukim,  was  represented 
by  llelkai  (Xeh.  xii.  15);  —  Meukmoth  3. 

Me  ran  (Ir.  (Jr.,  see   below).     The  merchants  of 

i  Meran  and  Theiiian  are  mentioned   with    the    Ha- 
garencs  (Bar.   iii.   23  only)  as    "searchers  out  of 

!  understanding."     The  name  is  probably  a  corrup- 
tion of  "  MeIIAN"  or  "  MlDlAN." 

Jle-ra'ri,  or  Mer'a-ri  (Heb.  unhappi/,  sorrowful,  or 
my  [i.  e.  his  mother's]  sorrow).  I.  Third  son  of 
Levi,  and  head  of  the  third  great  division  of  the 
Levites,  viz.  the  Merarites,  whose  designation  in 
Hebrew  is  the  same  as  that  of  their  progenitor, 
oidy  with  the  article  preiixed.  Of  Merari's  per- 
sonal history,  beyond  the  fact  of  his  birth  belbre 
the  descent  of  Jacob  into  Egypt,  and  of  his  l.chig 
one  of  the  seventy  who  acconi|miiied  Jacob  thither, 
we  know  nothing  whatever  (Gen.  xlvi.  8,  11).  At 
the  time  of  the  Exodus,  and  the  numbering  in 
the  wilderness,  tlie  Merarites  consisted  of  two  lam- 
ilies,  the  Mahlites  and  the  Mushitcs,  Mahli  and 
.Muslii  being  eitlier  the  two  sons,  or  the  son  and 
grandson  of  Merari  (1  Chr.  vi.  19,  47).  Tlicir  chief 
at  that  time  was  Zuriel,  and  the  whole  number  of 
the  family,  from  a  month  old  and  upward,  was 
(>,200 ;  those  from  thirty  years  old  to  fifty  were 
3,200.  Their  charge  was  the  boards,  bars,  pillars, 
sockets,  pins,  and  cords  of  the  Tabernacle  and  the 
court,  and  all  the  tools  connected  with  setting 
them  up.  In  the  encampment  their  place  was  to 
the  N.  of  the  Tabernacle;  and  both  they  and  the 
Gershonites  were  "  under  the  hand  "  of  Ilhamar  the 
son  of  Aaron.  Owing  to  the  heavy  nature  of  the 
materials  which  they  had  to  carry,  lour  wagons  and 
eight  oxen  were  assigned  to  them ;  and  in  the 
march  both  they  and  the  Gershonites  followed  im- 
mediately after  the  standard  of  Judah,  and  before 
that  of  Reuben,  that  they  might  set  up  the  Taber- 
nacle against  the  arrival  of  the  Kohathites  (Num. 
iii.  20,  33-37,  iv.  29-33,  42-45,  vii.  8,  x.  17,  21).  In 
the  divisiiui  of  the  land  liy  Joshua,  the  Mer;i  rites 
had  twelve  cities  assigned  to  them,  out  of  Reuben, 
Gad,  and  Zebulun,  of  which  one  w;is  Ilamoth-gilend, 
a  city  of  refuge,  and  in  later  times  a  freiiuent  sub- 
ject of  war  between  Israel  and  Svria  (Josh.  xxi.  7, 
34-40;  1  Chr.  vi.  63,  77-81).  In  David's  time 
Asaiah  was  their  chief,  and  assisted  with  220  of  his 
family  in  bringing  up  the  Ark  (xv.  6).  Afterward 
we  find  the  Merarites  still  sharing  with  the  two 
other  Levitioal  families  the  various  functions  of 
their  caste  (xsiii.  6,  21-23,  xxvi.  10,  19).  In  Hez- 
ekiah's  time  tlie  Merarites  were  still  flourishing,  and 
Kish  the  son  of  Abdi,  and  Azariah  the  son  of  Je- 
halelel,  took  their  part  with  their  brethren  of  the 
two  other  Levitical  families  in  promoting  the  ref- 
onnation,  and  purifying  the  house  of  the  Lord  (2 
Chr.  xxix.  12,  15).  .\fter  the  return  from  Captiv- 
ity Shemaiah  represents  the  s<ins  of  Merari,  in  I 
Chr.  IX.  14  and  Neh.  xi.  15.  There  were  also  at  that 
time  sons  of  jEi)i;TntN  under  Obadiah  or  .\bda, 
the  son  of  Shemaiah  (1  Chr.  ix.  16;  Neh.  xi.  17). 
A  little  later  again,  when  Ezra  was  in  great  want 
of  Levites  to  accompany  him  on  his  journey  from 
Babylon  to  Jerusalem,  "a  man  of  good  under- 
standing of  the  sons  of  Mahli  "  was  found,  whose 
name,  if  the  text  here  and  at  ver.  24  is  correct,  is 


MER 


MER 


637 


not  given.  "  Jeshaiah  also  of  the  sons  of  Merari," 
with  twi'iity  of  his  sons  and  brethren,  came  with 
him  at  tlic  same  time  (Ezr.  viii.  IS,  19).  But  it 
seems  pretty  certain  that  Sherebiah,  in  ver.  18,  is 
the  n.ime  of  the  Malilitc,  and  both  lie  and  Haslia- 
biah  as  well  as  .Jeshaiuh,  in  ver.  19,  were  Levites 
of  the  family  of  Merari,  and  not,  as  the  actual  text 
of  ver,  24  indicates,  priests  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervcy). 
—2.  Father  of  Judith  (.Id.  viii.  1,  xvi.  7). 

*  .>le-ra'rltps,  or  MFr'a-rites  =  descendants  of 
Mkrari  1  (N'um.  xxvi,  57). 

Nrr-a-thaim  (fr.  Heb.  dual,  see  below),  the  Laod 
of  (Jer.  1.  21).  Gesenius,  ice,  translate  Merathaim 
as  a  common  noun  =:  (hulile  reMlioii  or  contumaci/, 
alludinj?  to  tlie  country  of  tlie  Chaldeans,  and  to  the 
double  captivity  which  tirst  the  Assyrians  and  then 
the  Babylonians  ha  1  inlliett'd  on  the  nation  of  Israel. 
Fiirst  translates  Merathaim  =  great  damhiulioii, 
violent  rule ;  the  A.  V.  margin  has  "  the  rebels." 

* Mer'chsn-dlse, .Mer'thmt.  Arabia;  Commerck; 
Fairs;  Market;  Money;  Phenicia;  Ship,  &c. 

3lf  r-f  B  rl-ns  (L.  =  Mercury;  (!r.  Htrmh),  prop- 
erly Ilermes,  the  Greek  deity,  whom  the  Romans 
identilied  with  their  Mercury,  the  god  of  commerce 
and  l)argains.  Hermes  was  the  son  of  Zeus  (Jupi- 
ter) .»nd  Maia  the  daughter  of  Atlas,  and  is  con- 
stantly represented  as  the  companion  of  his  father 
in  his  wanderings  upon  earth.  On  one  of  those  oc- 
casions tliey  were  travelling  in  I'hrygia,  and  were 
refused  hospitality  by  all  save  Baucis  and  Philemon, 
two  aged  peasants,  of  whom  Ovid  (Metam.  viii.  620- 
724)  relates  that  Jupiter  w.is  .so  pleased  with  their 
hospitality  that  he  changed  their  cottage  into  a 
magnificent  temple,  of  which  Baucis  and  her  husband 
were  made  priests,  and  that  after  their  death  at  the 
same  hour,  they  became  trees  before  the  temple. 
This  appears  to  have  formed  part  of  tlie  folk-lnrc  of 
A.sia  Minor,  and  strikingly  illustrates  the  readiness 
with  which  the  simple  people  of  I.ystra  recognized 
in  Bamaba<  and  Paul  the  gods  who,  according  to 
their  wont,  had  coine  down  in  the  likeness  of  men 
(Acts  xiv.  11).  They  called  Paul  "Mercuiius,  be- 
cause he  was  the  chief  speaker  ;  "  identifying  in  him 
as  they  supposed,  by  this  characteristic,  the  herald 
of  the  gods  and  of  Zeus,  the  eloquent  orator,  mven- 
tor  of  letters,  music,  and  the  arts.  He  was  usually 
represented  as  a  slender,  beardless  youth. 

*  Jltr'fjr  (Hcb.  Itoed  or  ehcat'l,  rah/imim  or  ra- 
rliUniirn  ;  (Jr.  eleoa,  oiklirmm)  in  the  .Scriptures  is  a 
development  of  benevolence,  involving  not  only  a 
feeling  of  kindness  or  compassion  toward  the  needy, 
helpless,  alTlicted,  or  sinful,  but  also  an  active  desire 
and  endeavor  to  remove  the  evils  in  tlieir  case.  It 
is  especially  an  attribute  of  God  and  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  exercised  toward  mankind  (Kx.  xx.  0, 
xxxiv.  B,  7  ;  1  Tim.  i.  2,  kc.  i,  and  is  reipii-ed  of  Chris- 
tians likewise  (Lk.  vi.  36 ;  Col.  iii.  12,  kcX  Atonk- 
ment;  Faitii  ;  Grack;  Jcstiky  ;  Love,  &c. 

Jler'cy-seit  (Ilcb.  cappireth  !  Gr.  hilnntcrion  ;  see 
below).  This  appears  to  have  been  merely  the  lid 
of  the  Ark  or  the  Covenant,  not  another  surface 
affixed  thereto.  It  was  that  whereon  the  blood  of 
the  yearly  atonement  was  uprinklcd  by  the  high- 
priest  ;  and  in  this  relation  it  is  doubtful  whether 
the  sensf  of  the  word  in  the  Hebrew  is  based  on  the 
material  fact  of  its  "covering"  the  Ark,  or  derived 
from  this  notion  of  its  reference  to  the  "  covering  " 
(i.  e.  atonement)  of  sin.  The  Greek  is  properly 
a  neuter  adjective  =  propiiialory,  rxpialori/,  Rbn. 
iV;  7.  Lex.  Atonehe!»t;  Ato-veuent,  Day  or ;  Cbee- 
t;niM. 

Me'rMi  (Heb.  reUVion,  Gea.),  a  son  of  Ezra,  and 


descendant  of  .ludah ;  husband  of  Bithiaii  the 
daughter  of  Pharaoh  5  (1  Chr.  iv.  17,  18).  lifler- 
ent  traditions  identify  him  with  Caleb  and  JJobib. 

Mer>-inotli  (Ileb,  hetghh,  Ges.).  1.  Son  of 
Uriah,  or  Lrijah  the  priest,  of  the  family  of  Koz  or 
Hakkoz,  the  head  of  the  seventh  course  (jf  jiitslg 
as  estaldished  by  David.  InEzr.  viii.  o3,  Mercmoth 
is  appointed  to  weigh  and  register  the  gold  and  sil- 
ver vessels  belonging  to  the  Temple.  In  rebuilding 
the  wall  of  Jerusalem  under  Nchemiah  we  find 
Meremoth  taking  an  active  part,  weiking  between 
Meshullam  and  the  sons  of  Ilassenaah  who  restored 
the  tish-gate  (Xeh.  iii.  4),  and  hinisclf  restoring  the 
portion  of  the  Temple  wall  on  whieli  al  utied  the 
bouse  of  the  high-priest  Eliashib( 21). — 2.  A  layman 
of  the  sons  tf  Bani,  who  had  nianied  a  fbieign  wife 
(Ezr.  X.  St)). — 3<  A  prie.-t,  or  more  probnl  ly  a  fam- 
ily of  priests,  who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Nelie- 
miah  (Xeh.  x.  5).  In  xii.  3  the  nnnie  oceuis,  with 
many  others  of  trie  same  list,  among  those  wlio  went 
up  with  Zcrulibahel  a  century  before.     Meraioth  2. 

Jlo'res  [-reez]  (Ileb.  fr.  Pers.  ~  uorlhi:,  Benfey, 
Gcs.,  Fii.),  one  of  the  seven  counsellors  of  Ahasue- 
rus,  king  of  Persia,  "  wise  men  which  knew  the 
times"  (Esth.  i.  14). 

Jter'i-b«li  (Heb.  strife,  Gcs.).  I.  In  Ex.  xvii.  7 
we  read  "he  called  the  name  of  the  place  JIassaii 
and  Meribah,"  where  the  people  nnirn  ured,  and  llie 
rock  was  smitten.  For  the  8iluati<in,  sec  Iti  rniniM. 
— 2.  The  name  is  also  given  to  Kadesh  (Num.  xx. 
13,  24,  xxvii,  14  ;  Dcut.  xxii.  51,  "  Meribnh-kadesh  "), 
because  there  also  the  people,  when  in  want  of 
water,  strove  with  God.  There  Moses  and  Aaijon 
incuned  the  divine  displeasure,  because  they  "re- 
belled" and  "sanctified  not  God  m  the  midst"  of 
the  people. 

Mfr-ib-ba'«l  (Heb.  coniendir  again»l  Snal,  Gcs.), 
son  of  Jonathan  the  son  of  .'^aul  (1  Chr.  viii.  84,  ix. 
40);  deubtlees  =  Mephioosheth.  For  the  form, 
compare  Esh-baal. 

llc-ro'dath  l-<;nk]  (Hcb.  dtath,  flaiiqhlrr,  Ges. ; 
lokl,  valiant,  vorliic,  Fii. ;  fr.  I'eis.  =  little  iiin7>,a8 
a  term  of  endearment,  Ilitzig;  nmn-rotimmir,  IJoh- 
len)  is  mentioned  once  oidy  in  Scripture  (Jer.  1.  2). 
It  has  been  commonly  concluded  from  this  passage 
that  Bel  and  Merodaeh  were  separate  gods;  but 
from  the  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  inseripti(  ns  it 
appears  that  Ibis  was  not  exactly  the  ease,  llero- 
<'.acli  really  (so  Rawlhison)  =  the  famous  Babyloni- 
an Bel  or  Bclns,  the  woid  being  properly  at  first  a 
mere  epithet  of  the  god,  which  by  degrees  siipcr- 
sedid  his  proper  appellation.  Still  a  certain  distinc- 
tion appears  to  have  been  maintained  between  the 
names.  The  golden  image  in  the  great  temple  at 
Babylon  seems  to  have  Ik  en  worshipped  distinctly 
as  Bel  rather  than  Merodaeh,  while  other  idols  of 
the  god  may  have  lepresented  him  as  Merodaeh 
rather  than  Bel.  Astronomically  Merodaeh  —  the 
planet  Jupiter. 

Mf-ro'dech-biira-dan  (sec  MF.nonArn  and  Bala- 
dan).  king  of  Babylon  in  the  days  of  Hczekiiih  (2  K. 
XX.  12 ;  Is.  xxxix.  1).  In  the  former  place  he  is  called 
Berodach-baladan.  The  orthogra],hy  "  Merodaeh  " 
is,  however,  to  be  preftrrcd.  The  name  of  Mero- 
dach-baladan  has  been  clearly  rccognizid  in  the 
Assyrian  inscriptions.  The  Canon  of  Pluleiuy  gives 
Merodachbaladan  {Mardacempal)  a  reign  of  twelve 
years — from  b.  c.  721  to  e.  c.  709 — and  makes  him 
then  succeeded  by  a  certain  Arceanus.  Polyhistor 
assigns  him  a  six  months'  reign,  immediately  before 
Klibns,  or  Belibus,  who  (according  to  the  Canon) 
ascended  the  throne  B.  c.  702.     It  lias  icnimrnly 


638 


MER 


MEE 


been  seen  that  these  must  be  two  different  reigns, 
and  that  Merodaeh-baladan  must  therefore  have 
been  deposed  in  b.  c.  70;i,  and  hive  recovered  his 
throne  in  b.  c.  702,  wlien  he  had  a  second  period  of 
dominion  lasting  half  a  year.  The  inscriptions  con- 
tain express  mention  of  both  reigns.  Sargon  states 
th.it  in  the  twelfth  year  of  his  own  reign  he  drove 
Morodacli-baladan  out  of  Babylon,  after  he  had 
ruled  over  it  for  twelve  years ;  and  Sennacherib 
tells  us  that  in  his  first  year  he  defeated  and  ex- 
pelled the  same  monarch,  setting  up  in  his  place  "a 
man  named  Belib."  Putting  all  our  notices  togeth- 
er, it  becomes  apparent  that  Merodaeh-baladan 
was  the  head  of  the  popular  party,  which  resisted 
the  Assyri-an  moniirchs,  and  strove  to  maintain  the 
independence  of  the  country.  It  is  uncertain 
whether  he  was  self-raised  or  was  the  son  of  a  for- 
mer king.  In  2  K.  he  is  styled  "  the  son  of  Bala- 
dan;"  but  the  inscriptions  call  liim  "the  son  of 
YcKfin  ,•"  whence  it  is  to  be  presumed  that  Baladan 
was  a  more  r  'mote  ancestor.  There  is  some  douljt 
as  to  the  time  at  wliich  .Merodaeh-baladan  sent  his 
ambassadors  to  Hezekiah,  for  the  purpose  of  in- 
quiring as  to  the  astronomicil  marvel  of  which 
Judea  had  been  the  scene  (2  Clir.  xxxii.  31).  We 
prefer  (so  Rawlinson)  to  assign  the  embassy  to  Mero- 
dach-b.iladan's  earlier  reign,  and  bring  it  within  the 
period,  B.  c.  721-709,  wliich  the  Canon  assigns  to 
him.  Now  the  fourteenth  year  of  Hezekiah,  in 
which  the  embassy  should  fall  (2  K.  xx.  6;  Is. 
xxxviii.  6),  appears  to  have  been  b.  c.  713.  Tliis 
was  the  year  of  Meradach-l)aladan's  fii'st  reign. 
The  real  oiiject  of  thj  mission  was  most  likely  to 
effect  a  league  between  Babylon,  Judea,  and  Egypt 
(Is.  XX.  5,  6),  in  order  to  check  the  growing  power 
of  the  Assyrians.  Tlie  league,  however,  though  de- 
signed, does  not  seem  to  have  taken  efTcct.  Sarqo.n 
sent  expeditions  both  into  Syria  and  Babylonia — 
seized  the  stronghold  of  Ashdod  in  the  one,  and 
completely  defeated  Merodach-biladan  in  the  other. 
That  monarch  sought  safety  in  flight,  and  lived  for 
eight  years  in  exile.  At  last  he  found  an  opportu- 
nity to  return.  In  b.  c.  703  or  702,  Babylonia  was 
plunged  in  anarchy — the  Assyrian  yoke  was  thrown 
off,  and  various  native  leaders  struggled  for  the 
mastery.  Under  these  circumstances  the  exiled 
mona:-oh  seems  to  have  returned,  and  recovered  his 
throne.  Merodaeh-baladan  had  obtained  a  body  of 
troops  from  his  ally,  the  king  of  Susiana ;  but  Sex- 
nacherib  defeated  the  combined  army  in  a  pitclu'd 
battle.  Merodaeh-baladan  fled  to  the  "  islands  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Euphrates."  lie  lost  his  recovered 
crown  after  wearing  it  for  about  six  months,  and 
spent  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  exile  and  ob- 
scurity. 

Me'roni(Hcb.  Aeii/Zt/,  hir/h  p!ace,  Gc^.),  tlic  Wa'ters 
of,  a  place  memorable  in  the  history  of  the  conquest 
of  Palestine.  Here,  after  Joshua  had  gained  posses- 
sion of  the  southern  portions  of  the  country,  a  con- 
federacy of  the  northern  chiefs  assembled  under  the 
leadership  of  Jabi.n  1 ,  king  of  Hazor  (Josh.  xi.  B),  and 
here  they  were  encountered  by  Joshua,  and  complete- 
ly routed  (ver.  7).  The  name  of  Merom  occurs  no- 
where in  the  Bible  but  in  tliis  passage,  nor  is  it 
found  in  Josephus.  In  the  Onomanlicon  of  Euse- 
bius  the  name  is  given  as  "  Merran,"  and  it  is  stated 
to  be  "a  villige  twelve  miles  distant  from  Sebaste 
(Samaria),  and  near  Dothaim."  It  is  a  remarkable 
fact  that  though  by  cnnnnon  consent  "  the  waters 
of  Merom  "  are  identified  with  the  lake  through 
which  the  Jordan  runs  between  BAnitU  and  the  Sea 
of  Galilee — the  Semechonitis  of  Josephus,  and  Bahr 


\  el-Huleh  of  the  modern  Arabs — yet  that  identity 
cannot  be  proved  by  any  ancient  record.  The 
nearest  approach  to  proof  is  an  inference  from  the 
statement  of  Josephus  (v.  5,  §  1),  that  the  second 
Jabin  (Judg.  iv.,  v.)  belonged  to  the  city  Asor 
(Hazor),  which  lay  above  the  Lake  of  Semechonitis 
(compare  Josh.  vi.  5,  7,  10 ;  Judg.  iv.  2).  Tlic  re- 
gion to  which  the  name  of  Hi'ileh'  is  attached — the 
Ard  el-Huleh  ( =  land  or  province  of  HuUh,  Porter  in 
Kitto) — is  a  depressed  plain  or  basin,  commencing 
on  the  N.  of  the  foot  of  the  slopes  which  lead  up  to 
the  Merj  'Ai/un  and  Tell  el-Kady,  and  extending 
southward  to  the  bottom  of  the  lake  which  bears  tlie 
same  name — Bahr  el-Huleh.  On  the  E.  and  W.  it  is 
enclosed  between  two  parallel  ranges  of  hills  ;  on 
the  W.  the  highlands  of  Upper  Galilee— the  Jebcl 
S'ifat ;  and  on  the  E.  a  broad  ridge  or  table  land 
of  basalt,  thrown  off  by  the  southern  base  of  Iler- 
mon,  ami  extending  downward  beyond  the  Hutch 
till  lost  in  the  high  gromid  E.  of  the  Lake  of  Tiberias. 
The  latter  rises  abruptly  from  the  low  ground,  but 
the  hills  on  the  western  side  break  down  more  grad- 
ually, and  leave  a  tract  of  undulating  table-land  of 
varying  breadth  between  them  and  the  plain.  This 
basin  is  in  all  about  fifteen  miles  long  and  four  to  five 
wide,  and  thus  occupies  an  area  about  equal  to  that 
of  the  Lake  of  Tiberias.  It  is  the  receptacle  for  the 
drainage  of  the  highl.inds  on  each  side,  but  more 
especially  for  the  waters  of  the  Merj  'A)/u>i,  an 
elevated  plateau  which  lies  above  it  amongst  the 
roots  of  the  great  northern  mountains  of  Palestine. 
In  fact,  the  whole  district  is  an  enormo\is  swamp, 
probaldy  at  one  time  all  covered  w  ith  water,  and  even 
now  in  tlie  rainy  season  mostly  submerged.  In  fin'm 
the  lake  is  not  far  from  a  triangle,  the  base  being  at 
the  N.  and  the  apex  at  the  S.,  where  the  Jordan 
flows  out.  It  measures  aliout  three  miles  in  each 
direction.  Its  level  is  placed  by  Van  de  Velde  at 
120  feet  above  the  Mediterranean.  The  French  ex- 
pedition in  1S64  made  it  469  feet  above  the  Medi- 
terranean. (JoROAN.)  The  lake  is  fed  by  the  Jordan, 
Mm  el-Melldhah  (a  large  fountain  near  the  upper 
end  of  its  western  side),  and  numerous  other  springs 
and  streams.  The  water  of  the  lake  is  clear  and 
sweet;  it  is  covered  in  part  by  abroad-leaved  plant, 
and  abounds  in  water-fowl.  Owing  to  its  triangular 
form,  a  considerable  space  is  left  between  the  lake 
and  the  mountains  at  its  lower  end.  This  appears 
to  be  more  the  case  on  the  W.  than  on  the  E.,  and 
the  rolling  plain  thus  formed  is  very  fertile,  and 
cultivated  to  the  water's  edge.  Supposing  the  lake 
to  be  identical  with  the  "  waters  of  Merom,"  the 
plain  just  spoken  of  on  its  southwestern  margin  is  the 
only  spot  which  could  have  been  the  site  of  Joshua's 
victory,  though,  as  the  Canaanites  chose  their  own 
ground,  it  is  difficult  to  imagine  that  they  would 
have  encamped  in  a  position  from  which  there  was 
literally  no  escape.  But  this  only  strengthens  the 
difficulty  already  expressed  as  to  the  identification. 
Still  the  district  of  the  Iluleh  will  always  possess 
an  interest  for  the  Biblical  student,  from  its  con- 
nection with  the  Jordan,  and  from  the  cities  of  an- 
cient fame  on  its  border — Kepesh,  IIazor,  Dan  or 
Laish,  Cesarea  Piiri.ippi,  &c. 

Me-ro'ii<itIi-ltc  (fr.  Heb.),  Hi*  =  the  native  of  n 
place  called  probably  Meronoth,  of  which,  however, 
no  furtlier  traces  have  yet  been  discovered.  Two 
Meronothites  are  named  in  the  Bible : — JEHOEiAn, 
who  had  the  charge  of  the  royal  asses   of  King 

*  Bl-H^tUh  is  prohablv  a  very  ancient  name,  derived 
fVom  or  connected  wltli  Hcl,  son  of  Aram  (Gen.  x.  2S). 


HER 


MES 


G39 


David  (1  Chr.  ixvii.  80);  and  2.  Jadon,  one  of 
those  wlio  assisted  in  the  reimir  of  the  wall  of  Jeru- 
salem after  the  Captivity  (Xeh.  iii.  7). 

iUe'roz  (Hcb.  probably  —  refuge,  Ges.),  a  place 
mentioned  only  in  the  Song  of  Deborah  and  Barak 
in  Judg.  V.  '23,  and  there  denounced  because  its  in- 
habitants had  refused  to  take  any  part  in  the  strug- 
gle with  Siscra.  Meroz  must  have  been  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  Kishon,  but  its  real  position  is 
not  known :  possibly  it  was  destroyed  in  obedience 
to  the  curse.  A  place  named  Merrus  (but  Eusebius 
Jlerrhan)  is  named  by  Jerome  (Onom.  "Merrom") 
as  twelve  miles  X.  of  Scbaste,  near  Dothain,  but  this 
is  too  far  S.  to  have  been  near  the  scene  of  the  con- 
flict. Far  more  feasible  (so  Mr.  Grove)  is  the  con- 
jecture of  Schwarz,  that  Meroz  is  to  be  found  at 
Meraaas — more  correctly  el-Murusfus — a  ruined  site 
about  four  miles  K.  W.  of  Eeisun  (Beth-shcan). 
Wilson  (ii.  89)  identifies  Meroz  with  Kffr  Mvsr,  a 
village  two  or  three  miles  S.  of  Moimt  Tabor,  and 
Van  do  Vclde  and  Von  Raumer  favor  this  (Kitto, 
Fairbairnl 

3re'rntb(fr.  Gr.),  a  corruption  of  Immer  1  (1  Esd. 
V.  24). 

Mc'seth  [-sek]  (fr.  Hcb.)  =  Meshech  1  (Ps.  cxx. 
5).    ■ 

Mf'slia  (Ileb.  retreat?  Ges.),  the  name  of  one  of 
the  geographical  limits  of  the  J(;kt.initc8  when  tliey 
first  settled  in  Arabia  (Gen.  .x.  80).  Mesha  and 
Sepiiar  (so  Jlr.  E.  S.  PooIc)  must  have  fallen  within 
the  southwestern  quarter  of  the  peninsula;  includ- 
inc  the  modern  Yemen  on  the  AV.,  and  the  districts 
of 'Omfin,  Mahrch,  Rhihr,  &c.,  as  far  as  ITadramawt, 
on  the  E.  If  Mcsha  was  the  western  limit  of  the 
Jfhtnnites,  it  must  be  sought  for  in  northwestern 
Yemen.  The  seaport  called  Mnusa  or  Movza,  men- 
tioned by  Ptolemy,  Pliny,  Arrinn,  &c.,  presents  the 
most  probable  site  (so  Mr.  Poole,  with  Boehart, 
Xicbuhr,  and  Ritter).  It  was  a  town  of  note  in 
cla.esical  times,  but  has  since  fallen  into  decay,  if 
the  modem  Moosa  (situate  in  about  13  40'  X.  lat., 
i?,"  20'  E.  long.)  be  the  same  place.  Michaelis, 
RoRcnmi'.lIer,  Gcscnius,  and  Kalisch  would  identify 
Mesha  with  ifesene,  once  an  island,  now  a  portion 
of  the  delta  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tigris ;  Knobel 
and  Fiirst  with  the  plnce  nnd  valley  called  I'e'fha  or 
Baha  in  the  X.  of  Yemen;  Mr.  Forster,  wi!h  the 
Zarnef  range  or  Xcjd  mountains  running  P.W.  frrm 
near  the  Persian  Gulf.  Porter  (in  Kitto)  favors  the 
last. 

Sfc'sll.t  (ITeb.  tIeVvcraiiee,  Ges. ;  sec  Xo.  3  below). 
1.  Tlie  k.ng  of  Mo-D  in  the  reigns  of  Ahah  and  his 
pons  Ahaziah  nnd  Jehoram,  kings  of  Israel  (2  K. 
iii.  4\  and  tributary  to  t'le  first.  When  Ah.ab  had 
fallen  in  battle  at  Ramoth-gilcad,  Jlcsha  seized  the 
opportunity  afibrded  by  the  confusion  consequent 
upon  tlii.s  disa.ctcr,  and  the  feeble  reign  of  Ahaziah, 
to  Bha!;c  off  the  yoke  of  Israel  nnd  free  himself 
from  the  burdensome  tribiitc  of  100,000  wethers 
(A.  V.  "Iambs;"  see  I.amd  4)  and  100,000  rams 
with  their  wool.  The  country  E.  of  the  Jordan  was 
rich  in  pasture  for  cattle  (Xum.  xxxii.  1),  tlic  chief 
wealth  of  the  Moabites  consisted  in  their  large 
flocks  of  sheep,  and  the  king  of  this  pastoral  people 
is  described  as  "  a  sheep-mnsler,"  or  owner  of 
herds.  (SiiEpnERn.)  When  Jeiioram  1  succeeded 
to  the  throne  of  Israel,  one  of  his  first  acts  was  to 
secure  the  assist.ance  of  Jehoshaphat  in  reducing 
the  Moabites  to  their  former  condition  of  tributaries. 
The  Jlo.abites  were  defeated,  and  the  king  took  ref- 
uge in  his  last  stronghold  and  defended  him.«elf 
with  the  energy  of  despair.    With  700  fighting  men 


he  made  a  vigorous  attempt  to  cut  his  way  through 
the  beleaguering  army,  and  when  beaten  back  he 
withdrew  to  the  w  all  of  his  city,  and  there,  in  sight 
of  the  allied  host,  offered  his  first-born  son,  his  suc- 
cessor in  the  kingdom,  as  a  burnt-offering  to  Che- 
mosh,  the  ruthless  fire-god  of  Moab.  His  bloody  sac- 
rifice had  so  far  the  desired  effect  that  the  besiegers 
retired  from  him  to  tlieir  own  land.  There  appears 
to  be  no  reason  for  supposing  that  the  son  of  the 
king  of  Edom  was  the  victim  on  this  occasion.  It 
is  more  natural,  and  renders  the  narrative  more 
vivid  and  consistent,  to  suppose  that  the  king  of 
Moab,  finding  his  last  resource  fail  him,  endeavore'd 
to  avert  the  wrath  and  obtain  the  aid  of  his  god  by 
the  most  costly  sacrifice  in  his  power. — i.  Eldest 
son  of  Caleb  the  son  of  Hczron  by  his  wifeAzubah, 
as  Kimchi  conjectures;  "father"  (i.  e.  prince  or 
founder)  of  Ziph  (1  Chr.  ii.  42).  (Mareshaii  2.) — 
3i  (Heb.  rdreat,  Ges.).  A  Benjamite,  son  of  Sha- 
liaraim,  by  his  wife  Ilodesh,  who  bare  him  in  the 
land  of  M'oab  (1  Chr.  viii.  9). 

9!e  sliatll  [-sliak]  (fr.  Pers.  =  eruett  of  the  Shah, 
Ges.  ;  properly  ram,  then  the  name  of  the  stw-god 
of  tlie  Chaldeans,  Fii.),  the  name  given  to  Misiiael  3, 
one  of  Daniel's  three  companions,  of  the  blood- 
royal  of  Judah,  chosen  from  among  the  captives  to 
be  tanpht  "  the  learning  and  the  tongue  of  the 
Chaldeans  "  (Dan.  i.  4),  so  that  they  might  be  qual- 
ified to  "  stand  before  "  King  Xebuchadnezzar  (ver. 
5)  as  his  personal  attendants  and  advisers  (ver.  20). 
Upon  Daniel's  promotion,  his  three  companions,  by 
his  influence,  were  set  "  over  the  affairs  of  the  prov- 
ince of  Babylon  "(ii. 49).  But  notwithstanding  their 
Chaldean  education,  these  three  young  Iiebrews 
were  strrngly  attached  to  the  rellgii  n  of  their 
fathers;  and  their  refiisil  to  join  in  the  wursliip  of 
the  image  en  the  plain  of  Dura  gave  a  liar.dle  of 
accusation  to  the  Chaldeans.  The  rage  of  the  king, 
the  swift  sentence  of  condemnation  jaFscd  upon 
the  three  offenders,  their  miraculous  preservation 
from  the  fieiy  furnace  heated  seven  times  hotter 
than  usual,  the  king's  acknowledgment  of  the  God 
of  Phadrach,  Meshach,  and  Abcd-nego,  with  their 
restoration  to  office,  are  written  in  Dan.  iii.,  and 
there  the  history  leaves  them. 

Nc'tlietb  [-shek]  (Ileb.  a  drawing  out,  seleetinn, 
Pirn. ;  n  droving,  j-oiietnion,  Ges.).  1.  A  son  of 
Japheth  (Gen.  x.  2  ;  1  Chr.  i.  5),  and  the  progenitor 
of  a  race  frequently  noticed  in  Scripture  in  connec- 
tion with  Tubal,  Magog,  and  other  northern  nations. 
(ToNOCEs,  Co.vrisioN  OF.)  They  appear  as  allies  of 
Gog(Ez.  xxxviii.  2,  3,  xxxix.  1),  and  as  supplying  the 
Tyrians  with  copper  and  slaves  (xxvii.  13);  in  Ps. 
cxx.  6  (A.  V.  "  Mesrch  "),  they  are  noticed  as  one  of 
the  remotest,  and  at  the  same  time  rudest  nations  of 
the  world.  Poth  the  name  (the  LXX.  and  Vulgate 
have  Mosreli)  nnd  the  associations  favcr  the  identifi- 
cation of  Mesheih  with  the  Mosrhi,  a  people  regarded 
on  very  sufificient  grounds  (so  Rawlinson,  /«»«?/  xi.  in 
Afip.  to  lIiJl.  i.)  as  the  ancestors  of  the  Muscovites, 
who  built  Moscow,  and  still  give  name  to  Russia 
through  the  East.  The  position  of  the  Moschi  in  the 
age  of  Ezokiel  was  probably  the  same  as  is  des^cribed 
by  Herodotus  (iii.  94),  viz.  on  the  borders  of  Colchis 
and  Armenia,  where  a  mountain-chain  coimecting 
Anti-Taurus  with  Caucasus,  was  named  after  them 
the  MoKchiri  Miinten,  and  where  was  also  a  district 
named  by  Strabo  Monrlnee.  The  Jloschi  were  once 
one  of  the  most  powerful  nations  of  Western  Asia, 
and  not  improbably  occupied  the  whole  of  the  dis- 
trict afterward  named  Cappadocia.  The  Assyri.in 
monarchs  had  frequent   wars  with  them.     In  the 


GiO 


MES 


MES 


Assyrian  inscriptions  the  name  appears  under  the 
form  of  Muskai. — 2,  Mash  (1  Chr.  i.  17). 

illf-sliei-C-nii'ab  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  repays 
or  treats  as  a  friend,  Ges.),  a  Korliitc,  son  of  Kore, 
of  the  sons  of  Asaph,  nho,  with  his  seven  sons  and 
h'S  bretliren,  was  a  porter  or  gate-keeper  of  the 
house  of  Jehovah  in   David's   reign  (1  Chr.  ix.  21, 

XXVi.   1,  2,  9);    =:  SlIKLE.\IIAH  6. 

Mc-siiez'a-bfe!  (fr.  Heb.  =  delivered  of  Ood,  Ges.). 
1.  Ancestor  of  Mksiilllam  IS  (Xeh.  iii.  4). — 2.  One 
of  the  "  heads  of  the  peoijle,"  probably  a  family, 
who  sealed  tie  covenant  with  Xehemiah  (x.  21).— 
3i  Father  of  I'etliahiah,  and  descendant  of  Zerah 
tlie  son  of  Judah  (xi.  24). 

Me-sltlil2-raitli  (Heb.  =  Meshillemoth,  Ges.,  Fii.), 
son  of  Inimcr,  a  priest,  and  ancestor  of  Amasliai  or 
Maasiai  (X3h.  xi.  l.S),  and  of  Pashur  and  Adaiah  (1 
Chr.  ix.  12) ;  =  MESiiiLLEMorn  2. 

Mc-Sllirie-in»th  (Ileb.  those  who  reptile,  Ges. ;  re- 
(juita',  Fii.).  1,  An  Eplirainiite,  ancestor  of  Uer- 
euhiah,  a  chief  under  Pekah  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  12). — 
2i  Meshillemith  (Neh.  xi.  13). 

*  Mc-sliobib  (Heb.  returned,  (Jos.),  one  of  the  Sim- 
eonite  princes  in  Uezekiah's  rei^n  who  smote  the 
Uaniites  of  Gedor  5  (1  Chr.  iv.  34). 

Mc-sJinriiim  (Heb.  /WsHf/,  sc.  of  God).  1.  Ances- 
tor of  Shaphan  the  scribe  (2  K,  xxii.  3). — 2,  Son  of 
Zerubbabel  (1  Clir.  iii.  19).— 3.  A  Gadite  cldef  in 
Bashan  in  the  reign  of  Jothani  king  of  Judah  (v. 
-3). — 1.  A  Uenjaraite  chief,  of  tlie  sons  of  Elpaal 
(viii.  17). — .li  A  Benjamite,  son  of  Hodaviali  or 
Joed,  and  father  of  S.allu  (ix.  7;  Xoh.  xi.  7).— 0.  A 
Benjamite  cliief,  who  lived  at  Jerusalem  after  the 
Ciptivity;  son  of  Shephatliiah  (1  Chr.  ix.  8). — T> 
The  same  a-i  Siialll'M  6,  higli-prlest  and  father  of 
Hilklah  (ix.  11;  Xeh.  xi.  U). — 8.  A  priest,  son  of 
JlEsniLt.EMiTH  (1  Clir.  ix.  12). — 9.  A  Kohathlte  Le- 
vlte  in  Josiah's  reign,  an  overseer  of  the  workmen  in 
restoring  the  Temple  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  12). — Vi,  One 
of  the  "  lieads  "  (A.  V.  "  chief  men  ")  sent  by  Ezra 
to  Iddo,  to  gather  together  the  Levites  to  join  the 
caravan  about  to  return  to  Jerusalem  (Ezr.  viii.  IC); 
perhaps  the  same  as — II.  A  chief  man  in  Ezra's 
time,  probably  a  Levite,  who  assisted  Jonathan  and 
Jahaziah  in  examining  the  maniages  which  some 
of  the  people  had  contracted  with  foreign  wives  (x. 
15). — 1 !.  One  of  the  descendants  of  Bani,  who  had 
married  a  foreign  wife  and  put  her  away  (x.  29). — 
I3i  Son  of  Bereehiah  .and  jirobably  a  priest,  assisted 
in  rebniljing  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  as  well  as  the 
Temple  wall,  adjoining  which  he  had  liis  "  chamber," 
and  hi-i  daughter  was  married  to  Johanan,  tlie  son 
of  Tobiah  the  Ammonite  (Xeh.  iii.  4,  30,  vi.  18); 
compare  Xo.  15,  16. — li.  Son  of  Besodeiah :  he  as- 
sisted Jehoiadi,  the  son  of  Paseah,  in  restoring  tlie 
old  gate  of  Jerusalem  (iii.  6). — \'u  One,  probably  a 
priest  or  Levite,  who  stood  at  the  left  hand  of  Ezra 
when  he  read  the  Law  to  the  people  (viii.  4) ;  perh.aps 
the  same  as — 16i  A  priest  who  sealed  the  covenant 
with  Xehemiah  (x.  7);  compare  Xo.  13. — 17.  One 
of  the  hL'ads  of  the  people  who  sealed  the  covenant 
with  Xehemiah  (ver.  20). — 18.  A  priest,  chief  of  the 
house  of  Ezra,  in  the  days  of  high-priest  Joiakim 
(xii.  13). — 19.  A  priest  in  the  days  of  high-priest 
Joiakim,  and  head  of  the  family  of  Ginnethon  (ver. 
16). — 20.  -V  porter,  or  family  of  porters  (ver.  25); 
compare  Siiai.i.um  8,  9.— 21.  One  of  the  princes  of 
Judah,  or  priests  (compare  Xo.  13,  15,  16,  above), 
who  took  part  at  the  dedication  of  the  wall  of  Je- 
rusalem (xii.  33). 

3Ic-sbnrie-meth  (Heb.  frien^J,  sc.  of  God,  Ges.), 
d.inghter  of  Haruz  of  Jotbah;   wife  of  Manassch, 


king  of  Judah,  and  mother  of  his  successor  Anion 
(2  K.  xxi.  19). 

9Ie-S0'ba-ite  (Heb.  Mitsdbdydh  =z  gatliering-plaee 
of  Jehovah,  Fii.),  tlie,  a  title  of  Jasiei.  (1  Chr.  xi. 
47  only).  Tlie  word  retains  strong  traces  of  Zobah, 
one  of  the  petty  Aramite  kingdoms  (so  Mr.  Grove). 
Gcsenius  and  Fiirst  make  it  the  name  of  a  place 
otherwise  unknown. 

JlfS-O-ptt-ti'inla  (Gr.  the  country  between  rivers) 
is  the  ordinary  Greek  and  Englisli  rendering  of 
Aram-naharaim  or  Syria  of  the  two  rirers,  where- 
of we  have  frequent  mention  in  the  earlier  books 
of  Scripture  (Gen.  xxiv.  10;  Dent,  xxiii.  4;  Judg. 
iii.  8,  10).  (Aram.)  If  we  look  to  the  sigiiilication 
of  the  name,  we  must  regard  Mesopotamia  as  the 
entire  country  between  the  two  riveis — the  Tigris 
and  the  Ecpiirates.  Tliis  is  a  tract  nearly  700 
miles  long,  and  from  20  to  250  miles  broad,  extend- 
ing in  a  southeasterlv  direction  from  'J'elek  (lat.  38° 
23,  long.  39  IS')  to  ^ATHrnaA  (lat,  31,  long.  47  30'). 
The  Arabian  geographers  term  it  the  Istajid,  a  name 
almost  literally  correct,  since  a  lew  miles  only  inter- 
vene between  the  source  of  the  Tigris  and  the 
Euphrates  ;it  Tilek.  It  is  for  tlie  most  part  a  vast 
plain,  but  is  crossed  about  its  centre  by  the  range 
of  the  Siiijar  hills,  running  nearly  E.  and  W.  from 
about  .Mosul  to  a  little  below  liukkeh  ;  and  in  its 
northern  portion  it  is  even  mountainous,  the  upper 
Tigris  valley  being  separated  from  the  Mesopotamian 
plain  by  an  important  range,  the  Mons  Masixts  of 
Strabo,  which  runs  from  Birelijik  to  Jezireh.  This 
district  is  always  charming ;  but  the  remainder  of 
the  region  varies  greatly  according  to  circmnstanccs. 
(Assyria;  Babel;  Ciialdea.)  The  region  which 
bears  the  name  of  Mesopotamia  by  way  of  eminence, 
both  in  Scripture  and  in  the  classical  writers  (so 
Rawlinson,  and  most  scholars),  is  the  northwestern 
portion  of  the  traet  already  described,  or  the  coun- 
try between  the  great  bend  of  the  Euphrates  (lat. 
35  to  37  30)  and  the  upper  Tigris.  It  consists 
of  the  mountain  country  extending  from  Birehjik  to 
Jciireh  upon  the  X. ;  and  upon  flie  !».  of  the  great 
unduUting  Mesopotamian  plain,  as  far  as  the  Sinjar 
hills,  and  the  river  Khabovr.  The  northern  range, 
called  by  the  Arabs  Karujnh  Dagh  toward  the  W., 
and  JebrI  l\i,r  toward  the  E.,  does  not  attain  to  any 
great  elevation.  The  streams  from  the  X.  side 
of  this  range  are  short,  and  fall  mostly  into  the 
Tigris.  Those  from  the  S.  (low  down  at  very  mod- 
erate intervals  along  the  whole  course  of  the  range 
and  gradually  collect  into  two  considerable  rivers — 
the  BAik  (ancient  Bilichus),  and  the  A7i«ioMc(HABOR 
or  Chaboras) — which  empty  themselves  into  the 
Euphrates.  S.  of  the  mountains  is  the  great  plain 
already  described,  which  between  the  Khohonr  and 
the  Tigris  is  interrupted  only  by  the  Sinjar  range, 
but  W.  of  the  Khabuur  is  broken  by  several  spurs 
from  the  Karajah  Dagh,  having  a  general  direction 
from  X.  to  S.  Besides  Orfa  and  liarran  (Haran; 
Un),  the  chief  cities  of  modern  Mesopotamia  are 
Mardin  and  Nisibiii,  S.  of  the  Jebel  Tiir,  and  I)iar- 
bckr,  X^.  of  that  range,  upon  the  Tigris.  Of  these 
places  two,  Nisibin  and  Diarbekr,  were  important 
from  a  remote  antiquity,  Nisibin  being  then  Xisibis, 
and  Diarbfkr,  Amida.  We  first  hear  of  Mesopo- 
tamia in  Scripture  as  the  country  where  Xahor  and 
his  family  settled  after  quitting  Ur  of  the  Chaldees 
(Gen.  xxiv.  10).  Here  lived  Bethuel  and  Laban; 
and  hither  Abraham  sent  his  servant,  to  fetch  Isaac 
a  wife  "  of  his  own  kindred  "  (ver.  38).  Hither, 
too,  a  century  later,  came  Jacob  on  the  same  ei^ 
j  rand ;  and  hence  he  returned  with  his  two  wives 


MES 


MKS 


C41 


after  an  absence  of  twenty-one  years.  After  this 
we  liave  no  mention  of  Mesopotamia  till  the  close 
of  the  wanderings  in  the  wilderness  (Dcut.  xxiii. 
4).  (Balaam.)  About  half  a  century  later,  we  find, 
for  the  first  and  last  time,  Jlesopotaniia  the  seat 
of  a  powerful  monarchy  (Jud<:.  iii.).  (Chitshax- 
kis'hathaim.)  Finally,  the  children  of  Amnion,  hav- 
ing provoked  a  war  with  David,  "  sent  a  thousand 
talents  of  silver  to  hire  them  chariots  and  horse- 
men out  of  Mesopotamia,  and  out  of  Syria-maachah, 
niid  out  of  Zobah  "  (1  Chr.  xix.  6).  Mesopotamia 
inentinned  in  the  N.  T.  in  Acts  ii.  9,  vii.  2.  Ac- 
nding  to  the  Assyrian  inscriptions,  Mesopotamia 
was  iiihabiteil  in  the  early  times  of  the  empire 
(b.  c.  1200-1100)  by  a  vast  number  of  petty  tribes, 
I  each  under  itg  own  prince,  and  all  quite  indopen- 
!  dent  of  one  another.  The  Assyrian  monarchs  con- 
tended with  these  chiefs  at  gieat  advantage,  and 
by  the  time  of  Jehu  (n.  c.  880)  had  fully  estab- 
lished their  dominion  over  them.  The  tribes  were 
all  called  "  tribes  of  the  Nairi,"  a  term  which 
I  some  compare  with  the  Kaharaim  of  the  Jews,  and 
I  translate  "  tribes  of  the  ilream-lnnds."  But  this 
identiiicatiou  is  very  uncertain.  It  appears,  how- 
tver,  (1.)  that  Mesopotamia  was  independent  of 
Assyria  till  after  David's  time;  (2.)  that  the  Mes- 
opotamians  were  wurlike,  and  used  chariots  in 
battle;  and  (3.)  that  not  long  after  David's  time 
they  lost  their  independence,  their  country  being  ab- 
sorbed by  Assyria.  On  the  destruction  of  the  As- 
syrian empire,  Mesopotamia  seems  to  have  been 
divided  between  the  SIcdes  and  the  Babylonians. 
The  conquests  of  Cyrus  brought  it  wholly  under 
the  Persian  yoke;  and  thus  it  continued  to 
the  time  of  Alexaxokr  the  Great,  At  Alexan- 
der's death  it  fell  to  Scleucus,  and  formed  a  part 
of  the  great  Syrian  kingdom  till  wrested  from  An- 
tiochus  v.  by  the  I'arthians,  about  n.  c.  ICO.  Tra- 
jan conquered  it  a.  d.  US,  and  formed  it  into  a 
Roman  province ;  but  Adrian  relinquished  it  a.  d. 
117.  It  was  aftenvard  more  than  once  reconquered 
,  by  Rome,  but  reverted  to  the  Persians,  a  d.  363. 
Since  about  a.  d.  640  it  has  been,  with  various 
changes,  mostly  under  Mohammedan  sway.  (Ara- 
bia.) It  is  now  a  part  of  the  Turkish  empire. — 
Dr.  Bekc,  whose  view  is  favored  by  Dr.  W.  L.  Alex- 
•I'lder  (in  Kitto),  Ayre,  &c.,  maintains  that  the 
Aram-nahaniim "  or  "Mesopotamia"  and  the 
I'adan-aram  "  of  the  Scriptures  were  in  the  region 
of  Damascus,  between  tlie  rivers  Abana  and  Phai^ 
par.     Haran. 

*  Mes'sm-grr.    Angel  ;  Apostle  ;  Epistle  ;  Foot- 
max  2;  Me.isiaii;  Prophet,  &c. 

Jles-jii'ab  (fr.  II  eb.  nuhhiah  or  mdshiaeh  = 
anohilal  =  Christ).  This  word  is  applicable  in  its 
first  sense  to  any  one  anointed  with  the  holy  oil. 
(Anoi.ntixo.)  It  is  applied  to  the  high-prie.st  in 
Lev.  iv.  8,  5,  16.  The  kings  of  Israel  were  called 
anoinkd,  from  the  mode  of  their  consecration  (1 
Sam.  iL  10,  35,  xiL  3,  5,  &c.).  This  word  also  re- 
fers to  the  expected  Prince  of  the  chosen  people 
who  was  to  complete  God's  purposes  for  them,  and 
to  redeem  them,  and  of  whose  coming  the  prophets 
of  the  old  covenant  in  all  time  spoke.  It  is  twice 
used  in  the  N.  T.  of  Jesus  (Jn.  i.  41,  iv.  25,  A.  V. 
"  Mus.sia8  ");  but  the  equivalent  "the  ("hri.st" 
(from  the  Greek)  is  constantly  applied,  first  with  the 
article  as  a  title  =  the  Auointeil  One,  later  without 
the  article,  as  a  proper  name,  Jesuh  Christ.  Three 
points  belong  to  this  subject :  1.  The  expectition 
"  of  a  Messiah  among  the  Jews ;  2.  The  expectation 
of  a  sutfering  Messiah  (Saviocb)  ;  3.  The  nature 
41 


and  power  of  the  expected  Messiah  (Sox  of  God). 
The  present  article  will  contain  a  rapid  survey  of 
;  the  first  point  only.      The  earliest  gleam  of  the 
(Jospel  is  found  in  the  account  of  the  fall  (Gen.  iii. 
I  15).     (AoAM.)      Many  interpreters   understand  by 
,  the  seed  of  the  woman,  the  Messiah  only ;  but  it  is 
i  easier  to  think  with  Calvin  that  mankind,  after  they 
j  are  gathered  into  one  army  by  Jesus  the  Christ,  the 
!  Head  of  the  Church,  are  to  achieve  a  victory  over 
evil.     The  blessings   in  store  for   the   children  of 
Shem  are  remarkably  indicated  in  the  words  of  Xoah, 
"  Blessed  be  the  Lord  God  of  Shem,"  or  literally 
"Blessed  be  Jehovah  the  God  of  Shem"  (ix.  2G). 
Next  foUoAvs  the  promise  to  Abraham,  wherein  the 
blessings   to   Shem  are  turned  into  the  narrower 
channel  of  one  family  (xii.  2,  3).     The  promise  is 
Still  indefinite ;  but  it  tends  to  the  undoing  of  the 
curse   of  Adam,  by  a   blessing  to   all   the  earth 
through  the  seed  of  Abraham,  as  death  had  come 
I  on  the  whole  earth  through  Adam.     A  great  step  is 
'  made  in  Gen.  xlix.  10,  "  The  sceptre  shall  not  depart 
'  from  Judah,  nor  a  lawgiver  from  between  his  feet, 
until  Shiloh  come  ;  and  unto  him  shall  the  gather- 
ing of  the  people  be."     This  is  the  first  case  in 
which  the  promises  distinctly  centre  in  one  person. 
The  next  passage  usually  quoted  is  the  prophecy  of 
Balaam  (Num.  xxiv.  17-19).     The^taciioints  indeed 
to  the  glory,  as  the   sceptre   denotes    the   power 
of  a  king.     But  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  proph- 
ecy is  not  fulfilled  in  David  (2  Sam.  viii.  2, 14) ;  and 
though  David  is  himself  a  type  of  Christ,  the  direct 
Messianic  application  of  this  place  is  by  no  means 
certain.     The  prophecy  of  Moses  (Dcut.  xviii.  18) 
claims  attention.     Does  this  refer  to  the  Messiah  V 
The  reference  to  Moses  in  Jn.  v.  45-47,  "  He  wrote 
of  me,"  seems  to  point  to  this  passage.     On  the 
other  hand,  many  critics  would  fain   find  here  the 
divine  institution  of  the  whole  prophetic   order. 
Hengstenberg  thinks  it  does  promise  that  an  order 
of  prophets  should  be  sent,  but  that  the  singular 
("a  prophet")  is  used  in  direct  reference  to  the 
greatest  of  the  prophets,  Christ   Himself,  without 
whom  the  words  would   not   have   been   fulfilled. 
The  passages  in  the  Pentateuch  which   relate  to 
"  the  Angel  of  the  Lord "  have  been  thought  by 
many  to  bear  reference  to  the  Messiah. — The  second 
period   of  Messianic  prophecy  would   include  the 
time  of  David.     Passages  in  the  Psalms  are  numer- 
ous which  are  applied  to  the  Messiah  in   the  N.  T. ; 
c.  g.  Ps.  ii.,  xvi.,  xxii.,  xl.,  ex.     Other  Psalms  quoted 
in  the  N.  T.  appear  to  refer  to  the  actual  history  of 
another  king,  but  may  have  an  ulterior  reference  to 
the  Messiah  ;  c.  g.  P.s.  xlv.,  Ixviii.,  Ixix.,  Ixxii.     The 
advance  in  clearness  in  this  period  is  great.     The 
name  of  Anointed,  i.  e.   King,  comes  in,  and  the 
Messiah  is  to  come  of  the  lineage  of  David.     He  is 
described  in  His  exaltation,  with  His  great  kingdom 
j  that  shall  be  spiritual  rather  than  temporal  (Ps.  ii., 
I  xxi.,  xl.,  ex.).     He  is  seen  in  suffering  and  humilia- 
j  tion   (xxii.,   xvi.,   xl.). — After   the   time   of  David 
I  the  predictions  of  the  Messiah  ceased  for  a  time ; 
[  until  those  prophets  arose  whose  works  we  possess 
I  in  the  canon  of  Scripture.     This  third  period  lasts 
from  the  reign  of  Uzziah  to  the  Babylonish  Captiv- 
ity.    The  Messiah  is  a  king  and  ruler  of  David's 
j  house,  who  shall  come  to  reform  and  restore  the 
]  Jewish  nation  and  purify  the  church,  as  in  Is.  xi., 
xl.-lxvi.     The  blessings  of  the  restoration,  however, 
!  will  not  be  confined  to  Jews  ;  the  heathen  are  made 
]  to  share  them  fully  (Is.  ii.,  Ixvi.).     Mic.  v.  2  (comp. 
I  Mat.  ii.  6)  left  no  doubt  in  the  mind  of  the  Sanhe- 
I  drim  as  to  the  birthplace  of  the  Messiah.     The  line- 


!• 


642 


UBS 


MET 


age  of  David  is  again  alluded  to  in  Zech.  xii.  10-14. 
The  time  of  the  second  Temple  is  fixed  by  Hag.  ii. 
9  for  Messiali's  coming ;  the  "  seventy  weeks  "  of 
Dan.  ix.  "24  tf.  still  more  definitely  pointed  out  the 
period  (see  Wkek)  ;  and  the  coming  of  the  Forerun- 
ner and  of  the  Anointed  are  clearly  revealed  iu  Mai. 
iii.  1,  iv.  5,  6. — Tlio  fourth  period  (after  the  close  of 
tlie  canon  of  the  0.  T.)  is  known  to  us  in  a  great 
maasure  from  allusions  in  the  N.  T.  to  the  expecta- 
tijn  of  the  Jews.  Tiie  Pharisees  and  those  of  the 
Jc.vs  who  expected  Messiah  at  all,  looked  for  a  tem- 
poral prince  only.  The  apostles  themselves  were 
infected  with  this  opinion,  till  after  the  Resurrection 
('■lat.  xx.  20,  21 ;  L!<.  xxiv.  21  ;  Acts  i.  0).  Gleams 
of  a  purer  faith  appear,  Lk.  ii.  30,  xxiii.  42;  Jn.  iv. 
25.  On  the  other  hand  there  was  a  skeptical  school 
which  had  discarded  the  expectation  altogetlier. 
The  expectation  of  a  golden  age  that  should  return 
upon  the  earth,  was  common  in  heathen  nations. 
This  hope  the  Jews  also  shared ;  but  with  them  it 
was  associated  with  the  coming  of  a  particular  per- 
son, the  Messiah.  It  has  been  asserted  that  in  Him 
the  Jews  looked  for  an  earthly  king,  and  tliat  the 
existence  of  the  hope  of  the  Messiah  may  thus  be 
accounted  for  on  natural  grounds  and  without  a 
divine  revelation.  Bm  the  prophecies  refute  this : 
they  hold  out  not  a  Prophet  only,  but  a  King  and  a 
Priest,  whose  business  it  should  be  to  set  the  people 
free  from  sin,  and  to  teach  them  the  ways  of  God, 
as  in  Ps.  xxii.,  xl.,  ex. ;  Is.  ii.,  xi.,  liii.  In  these  and 
other  places  too  the  power  of  the  coming  One  reaches 
beyond  the  Jews  and  embraces  all  the  Gentiles, 
which  is  contrary  to  the  exclusive  notions  of  Judais.m. 
A  fair  consideration  of  all  the  passages  will  convince 
that  the  growth  of  the  Messianic  idea  in  the  proph- 
ecies is  owing  to  revelation  from  God  (2  Pet.  i.  19- 
21).     Inspiration;  Prophet. 

Jles-sl'as  (Gr.)  =  Messiah  (Jn.  i.  41 ;  iv.  25). 

Met'alSi  The  Hebrews,  in  common  with  other 
ancient  nations,  were  acquainted  with  nearly  all  the 
miitils  known  to  modern  metallurgy,  whether  as  the 
products  of  their  own  soil  or  the  results  of  inter- 
course witli  foreigners.  One  of  the  earliest  geograph- 
ical definitions  is  that  which  describes  the  coun- 
try of  Havilah  as  the  land  which  abounded  in  gold, 
and  the  gold  of  which  was  good  (Gen.  ii.  11,  12). 
The  first  artist  in  metals  was  a  Cainite,  Tubal  Cain, 
the  son  of  Lamech,  the  forger  or  sharpener  of  every 
instrument  of  copper  (A.  V.  "bra.ss")  and  iR0N(iv. 
22).  "  Abram  was  very  rich  in  cattle,  in  silver,  and 
in  gold"  (xiii.  2);  silver  being  the  medium  of  com- 
merce (Money),  while  gold  existed  in  the  shape  of 
ornaments,  during  the  patriarchal  ages.  Tin  is  first 
mentioned  among  the  spoils  of  the  Midianites  taken 
when  Balaam  was  slain  (Num.  xxxi.  22),  and  lead 
is  used  to  heighten  the  imagery  of  Moses'  triumphal 
song  (Ex.  XV.  10).  Whether  the  ancient  Hebrews 
were  actpiainted  with  steel,  properly  so  called,  is 
uncertain  ;  the  words  so  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  (2 
Sam.  xxii.  35;  Job  xx.  24;  Ps.  xviii.  34;  Jer.  xv. 
12)  are  in  all  other  passages  translated  6)-«s«,  and 
would  be  more  correctly  copper.  The  "  northern 
iron  "  of  Jer.  xv.  12  is  believed  by  commentators  to 
be  iron  haidened  and  tempered  by  some  peculiar 
process,  so  as  more  nearly  to  correspond  with  what 
we  call  steel ;  and  the  "  flaming  torches  "  of  Nah.  ii. 
8  are  probably  the  flashing  steel  scythes  of  the  war- 
chariots  which  should  come  against  Nineveh.  Be- 
sides the  simple  metals,  it  is  supposed  that  the  He- 
brews used  the  mixture  of  copper  and  tin  known  as 
bronze,  and  probably  in  all  cases  in  which  copper  or 
"  brass  "  is  mentioned  as  in  any  way  manufactured, 


bronze  is  to  be  understood  as  the  metal  indicated. 
(Amber.)     With  the  exception  of  iron,  gold  is  the 
most  widely  ditfused  of  all  metals.     Almost  every 
country  in  the  world  has  in  its  turn  yielded  a  certain 
supply,  and  as  it  is  found  most  frequently  iu  alluvial 
soil,  among  the  debris  of  rocks  washed  down  by  tlie 
torrents,  it  was  known  at  a  very  early  period,  and 
was  procured  with   little  difliculty.     We  have  no 
indications  of  gold  streams  or  mines  in  Palestine. 
The  Hebrews  obtained  their  principal  supply  from 
Southern  Arabia,  and  the  commerce  of  the  Persian 
Gulf     It  was  probably  brouglit  in  form  of  ingots 
(Josh.  vii.  21 ;  A.  V.  "wedge,"  lit.  tongue),  and  was 
rapidly  converted  into  articles  of  ornament  and  use. 
(Ornaments,    Personal,    &c.)      The    great   abun- 
dance  of  gold   in   early  times  is  indicated    by  its 
entering  into  tlie  composition  of  every  article  of  or- 
nament and  almost  all  of  domestic  use.     Among  the 
spoils  of  the  Midianites  taken  by  the  Israelites  in 
their  bloodless  victory  when  Balaam  was  slain,  were 
ear-rings  and  jewels  to  the  amount  of  16,750  shekels 
of  gold  (Num.  xxxi.  48-54),  equal  in  value  to  aboflt 
fll50,000  of  our  present  money.      1,T00  shekels  of 
gold    (worth    more   than   |15,000)   in  nose-jewels  ' 
(A.  v.  "  ear-rings")  alone  were  taken  by  Gideon's 
army  from  the  slaughtered  Midianites  (Judg.  viii. 
26).     These  numbers,  tliough  large,  are  not  incredi- 
bly great,  when  we  consider  tliat  the  country  of  the 
Midianites  was  at   that  time  rich  in  gold  streams, 
since  exliausted,  and  that  like  the  Malays  of  the 
present  day,  and  the  Peruvians  of  the  time  of  Pi- 
zarro,  they  carried  most  of  their  wealth  about  them. 
I  But  the  amount  of  treasure  accumulated  by  David 
from  spoils  taken  in  war,  is  so  enormous,  that  we 
are  tempted  to  conclude  the  numbers  exaggerated. 
(Abijah  1.)    From  the  gold  shields  of  Iladadezer's 
army,  &c.,  he  had  collected  (1  Chr.  xxii.  14)  100,000 
talents  of  gold  and   1,000,000  of  silver;  to  these 
mu.-:-t  be  added  his  own  contribution  of  3,000  talents 
of  gold  and  7,000  of  .silver  (xxix.  2-4),  and  the  ad- 
ditional offerings   of  the   people,  the  total  value  of  j 
which  is  reckoned  at  nearly  j!4, 500,000,000.     The] 
numbers  given  by  Josephus  (vii.  14,  i?  2)  are  onlyl 
one-tenth  of  tho^e   in  1  Chronicles,  but  the  sum  ( 
is   still   enormous.      Though   gold  was  thus   com- 
mon,  silver   appears  to  have   been   the   ordinary  | 
medium  of  commerce.     The  first  commercial  trans-  ] 
action   of  which  we  possess   the   details  was  the  I 
purchase   of  Ephron's   field  by  Abraham    for   400  ] 
shekels  of  siltter  {Gen.  xxiii.  16);  and  generally  in  ] 
the  0.  T.  "money"  in  the  A.  V.  is  literally  sjVwcj 
(xvii.  12,  XX.  16,  xxvii.  28,  &c.).     The  first  payment  J 
in  gold  is  mentioned  in  1  Chr.  xxi.  25,  where  David  J 
buys  the  threshing-floor  of  Araunah  for  BOO  shekels! 
oi gold  by  weight.     With  this  exception  there  is  no! 
case  in  the  0.  T.  in  which  gold  is  alluded  to  as  a| 
medium  of  commerce ;   the  Hebrew   coinage  mayj 
have  been  partly  gold,  but  we  have  no  proof  of  it.1 
Silver  was  brought  into   Palestine  in  the  form  off 
plates  from  Tarshish,  with  gold  and  ivory  (1  K.  x.f 
22;  2  Chr.  ix.  21;  Jer.  x.  9).     The   accumulationj 
of  wealth  in  the  reign  of  Solomon  was  so  great  that! 
silver  was  but  little  esteemed;  "  the  king  made  sil- 
ver to  be  in  Jerusalem  as  stones  "  (1  K.  x.  21,  27). 
With  the  treasures  brought  out  of  Egypt,  not  only  M^ 
the  ornaments  but  the  ordinary  metal-work  of  tho^^W] 
tabernacle  were  made.  (Tabernacle  ;  Temple.)  From 
a  comparison  of  the  different  amounts  of  gold  and 
silver  collected  by  David,  it  appears  that  the  propor- , 
tion  of  the  former  to  the  latter  was  one  to  nine  nearly.f 
"  Brass,"   or  more  properly  copper,  was  a  native 
product  of  Palestine,  "  a   laud  whose  stones  an 


MET 


MIC 


G43 


iron,  and  out  of  whose  hills  thou  mnvest  (lis  copper ''  ' 
(A.  V.  "brass;"  Dcut.  viii.  9;  Job  xxviii.  2).  It 
was  so  plentiful  in  the  days  of  Solomon  that  the 
c|uantity  employed  in  the  Temple  could  not  be  csti- 
iiiuted,  it  was  so  great  (1  K.  vii.  47).  There  is 
stiong  reason  to  believe  that  brass,  a  mixture  of 
topper  and  zinc,  was  unknown  to  the  ancients.  To 
zinc  no  allusion  is  found.  But  tin  was  well  known, 
and  from  the  difficulty  which  attends  the  toughen- 
in;;  pure  copper  so  as  to  render  it  fit  for  hammering, 
it  is  probable  that  the  mode  of  deoxidizing  copper  by 
I  lie  admixture  of  small  quantities  of  tin  had  been 
rally  discovered.  Ar.ms  (2  Sam.  xxL  16;  Job  xx. 
•il ;  Ps.  xvUi.  34)  and  armor  (1  Sam.  xvii.  5,  6,  38) 
^'  ere  made  of  this  metal,  which  was  capable  of  being 
i  wrought  as  to  admit  of  a  keen  and  hard  edge. 
.  !;e  Egyptians  employed  it  in  cutting  the  hardest 
granite.  (Haxiikrakt;  Tool.)  Iron,  like  copper, 
was  found  in  the  hills  of  Palestine.  The  "  iron 
mountain  "  in  the  Transjordanic  region  is  described 
by  Josephus  {li.  J.  iv.  8,  §  2),  and  was  remarkable 
for  producing  a  particular  kind  of  palm.  Iron- 
mines  are  still  worked  by  the  inhabitants  of  Kefr 
JIaneh  in  the  S.  of  the  valley  Zuhar&ni,  between 
Hu*bei_t/a  and  Sidon.  Tin  and  lead  were  both  known 
at  a  very  early  period,  though  there  is  no  distinct 
trace  ot  them  in  Palestine.  The  former  was  among 
the  spoils  of  the  ilidianites  (Num.  xxxi.  22),  who 
might  have  obtained  it  in  their  intercourse  with  the 
Fhenician  merchants  (comp.  Gen.  xxxvii.  25,  86), 
who  themselves  procured  it  from  Tarshish  (Ez.  xxvii. 
12)  and  the  tin  countries  of  the  West.  Antimonv 
(2  K.  ix.  SO;  Jer.  iv.  30,  A.  V.  "painting"),  in  the 
form  of  powder,  was  used  by  the  Hebrew  women 
for  coloring  their  eyelids  and  eyebrows.  (Paist.) 
Further  information  will  be  found  in  the  articles 
upon  the  several  metals,  and  under  Minks;  Refiner. 

MMf'rns.  According  to  i  Esd.  v.  17,  "  the  sons 
ef  Meterus  "  (not  in  Ezr.  and  Neh.)  returned  with 
Zorobabel. 

.Mr'thes-zmmah  (ilcK.  see  below), a  place  which 
David  took  from  the  Philistines,  apparently  in  his 
last  war  with  them  (2  Sam.  viii.  1).  In  the  parallel 
passage  (1  f'hr.  xviii.  1),  "Gath  and  her  daughter- 
towns  "  (A.  V.  "  tow  ns ")  is  substituted  for  Me- 
thcg-ammah.  The  legion  of  inttrpretations  may 
be  redrced  to  two: — 1.  That  adopted  by  Gesenius 
and  Fiirst,  in  which  Ammah  is  taken  =  rnolhrr-cili/, 
mrlropoltJi  (comp.  2  Sam.  xx.  19),  and  Jlctbeg-am- 
mah  =r  Ihe  hriille  of  the  rnothfr  cilji — viz.  of  Galh,  the 
chief  town  of  the  Philistines.  2.  That  of  Ewald, 
who,  taking  Ammah  as  =  forearm,  treats  the  words 
Metheg-ammah  (=  bridle  of  the  arm)  as  a  metaphor 
to  express  the  perfect  manner  in  which  David  had 
smitten  and  humbled  his  foes. 

.Mf-thn'sa-«l  (fr.  Ileb.  =  mnn  nf  Gnd,  Oe?.),  son 
of  Mchn  jael,  fourth  in  descent  from  Cain,  and  father 
of  I.AMKCH  1  (Gen.  iv.  18). 

.Ve-tbn'i'f-lall  (fr.  Ileb.  =  man  ofofxpring,  Mr. 
Ba;Ty;  man  of  the  dart,  Ges.),  son  of  Enoch;  sixth 
in  descent  from  Seth,  and  father  of  Lamkcii  2 
(Gen.  v.  25-27 ;  1  fhr.  i.  3).  Methuselah's  life  is 
969  years,  a  period  exceeding  that  of  any  other 
PATRIARCH,  and,  according  to  the  Hebrew  Chronol- 
or.v,  bringing  his  death  down  to  the  very  year  of  the 
flowl. 

Mr-n'iiliii  (Heb.)  =  Mkhc.n'im  and  MEiin.MKs(Neh. 
Tii.  !52). 

Mf-n  Ml  (Ileb.)  (Ez.  xxvii.  19,  margin).     Uzai.. 

Mrz'a-hab  (fr.  Heb.  voter  [i.  c.  txiittre^  of  t/old, 
Ges. ;  »vrf  (I.  c.  thoof\  of  Ihe  sun,  Fii. ;  what  is  [fold  I 
Rasbi),  father  of  Matred  and  grandfather  of  Mchet- 


abel,  who  was  wife  of  Hadar  or  Iladad,  king  of 
Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  39;  1  Chr.  i.  50). 

Mi'a-mill  (fr.  Ileb.  =  from  the  riyht  hand,  or  = 
Bexjasiin,  Ges. ;  also  written  Mijamix).  1.  A  lay- 
man of  the  sons  of  Parosh,  who  had  married  a  for- 
eign wife  and  put  her  away  at  the  bidding  of  Ezra 
(Ezr.  x.  25). — 8.  A  priest  or  family  of  priests  who 
went  up  from  Babylon  with  Zeiubbabel  (Nch.  xii. 
5);  probably  =  Mijamix  2  and  Mimamin  2. 

Mib'har  (Heb.  choice,  Ges.;  youth,  a  yovih,  FC). 
"  Mibhar  the  son  of  Ilaggeri  "  is  the  name  of  one 
of  David's  heroes  in  1  Clir.  xi.  38.  The  verse  in 
which  it  occurs  appears  to  be  corrupt,  for  in  2  Sam. 
.xxiii.  36  we  find,  instead  of  "Mibhar  the  son  of 
Haggcri,"  "of  Zobah,  Bani  the  Gadite."  It  is  easy 
to  see,  if  the  latter  be  the  true  reading,  how  the 
Ileb.  .Bdni  haoffudi  (  =  "Bani  the  Gadite")  could 
be  corrupted  into  leu-hargiri  (="  son  of  Hnggeri  "). 
But  that  "Milhar"  is  a  corruption  of  milstsobih  = 
"  of  Zoliah,"  is  not  so  clear,  though  not  absolutely 
impossible.  It  would  seem  from  the  LXX.  of  2 
Sarr.,  that  both  readings  originally  coexisted. 

Mlb'sam  (Heb.  sweet  odor,  Ges.).  1.  A  son  of 
Ishmael  (Gen.  xxv.  13;  1  Chr.  i.  29),  not  elsewhere 
mentioned.  The  signification  of  his  name  has  led 
some  to  propose  an  identification  of  the  tribe  sprung 
from  him  with  some  one  of  the  Abrahamic  tribes 
settled  in  Arabia  aromatifera  (i.  e.  epice-bearing 
Arabia). — 2.  A  son  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  25),  per- 
haps named  after  the  Ishmaclife  Kibsan.     IIiskma. 

il!ib'z»r  (fr.  Ileb.  =  for.'retm,  Ges.),  one  of  tlie 
phylarchs  or  "dukes"  of  Edom  (I  Chr.  i.  53)  or 
Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  43)  after  the  death  of  lladad  cr 
Hadar. 

M'tahilleh.wholike Jfhorah?  =  JIicaiaii,  Gcs.). 
I.  An  Israelite  whose  familiar  stcry  is  preserved  in 
Judg.  xvii.,  xviii.,  furnishing  us  with  a  picture  of 
the  interior  of  a  private  Israelite  family  of  the  rural 
districts,  which  in  many  refpects  stands  quite  alone 
in  the  sacred  records,  and  has  probably  no  parallel 
in  any  litt^ralure  of  eciual  age.  But  apart  from  this 
the  narrative  has  several  points  of  special  interest 
to  students  of  Biblical  history  in  the  infoimation 
which  it  affords  as  to  the  condition  of  the  nation. 
\Vc  see  ( 1.)  how  completely  some  of  the  most  solemn 
and  characteristic  enactments  of  the  Law  had  be- 
come a  dead  letter.  Micah  was  evidently  a  devout 
believer  in  Jehovah.  His  one  anxiety  is  to  enjoy 
the  favor  of  Jehovah  (xvii.  13);  the  formula  of 
Iblcssing  used  by  his  mother  and  his  priest  invokes 
the  same  awful  name  (2,  xviii.  6) ;  and  yet  so  com- 
pletely ignorant  is  he  of  the  Law  of  Jehovah,  thiit 
the  mode  which  he  adopts  of  honoring  Him  is  to 
make  a  molten  and  graven  image,  teraphim  or  im- 
ages of  domestic  gods,  and  to  set  up  an  unauthor- 
ized priesthood,  first  in  his  own  family  (xvii.  5),  and 
then  in  the  person  of  a  Lcvite  not  of  the  priestly 
line  (12).  (2.)  The  story  also  throws  a  light  on  the 
condition  of  the  Levitcs.  Here  we  have  a  Lcvite 
belonging  to  Bethlchem-judah,  a  town  not  allotted 
to  his  tribe;  wandeiing  lorth  to  take  up  his  alcde 
wherever  he  could  find  a  residence ;  undertaking 
the  charge  of  Micah's  Idol-chapel ;  and  lastly,  car- 
rying off  the  property  of  his  master  and  licnefoetcr, 
and  becoming  the  first  priest  to  another  system  of 
false  worship.  But  the  transaction  becimes  still 
more  remarkable  when  we  consider  (8.)  that  this 
was  no  obscure  or  ordinary  Lcvite.  He  belonged 
to  the  chief  family  in  the  tribe,  nay,  we  may  say  to 
the  chief  family  of  the  nation,  for  though  not  him- 
self a  priest,  he  was  closely  allied  to  the  priestly 
bouse,  and  was  the  grandson  of  no  less  a  person 


644 


mo 


MIC 


than  the  great  Moses  himself.  (Jonathan  5 ;  Ma- 
NASSEH  5.)  (4.)  The  narrative  gives  us  a  most  vivid 
idea  of  tlie  terrible  anareliy  in  whieh  the  country 
was  placed,  when  "  there  was  no  king  in  Israel,  and 
every  man  did  what  was  right  in  his  own  eyes,"  and 
shows  liow  urgently  necessary  a  central  authority 
had  become.  A  body  of  &W  men  completely  armed, 
besides  the  train  of  their  families  and  cattle,  trav- 
erses the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land,  not  on 
any  mission  for  the  ruler  or  the  nation,  as  on  later 
occasions  (2  Sam.  ii.  12,  &e.,  xx.  7,  14),  but  simply 
for  their  private  ends.  Entirely  disregarding  the 
rights  of  private  property,  they  burst  in  wherever 
tliey  pL-ase  along  tlieir  route,  and  plundering  the 
valuables  and  carrying  off  persons,  reply  to  all 
r.'monstrances  by  taunts  and  threats.  As  to  tlie 
.  date  of  these  events,  the  narrative  gives  us  no  direct 
information  beyond  the  fact  that  it  was  before  the 
beginning  of  the  monarchy;  but  we  may  at  least 
infer  that  it  was  also  before  the  time  of  Samson, 
because  in  this  narrative  (xviii.  12)  we  meet  with 
the  origin  of  the  name  Mahaneh-dan,  a  place  which 
already  bore  that  name  in  Samson's  childhood  (xiii. 
25).  The  date  of  the  record  itself  may  perhaps  bo 
more  nearly  arrived  at.  That,  on  the  one  hand,  it 
was  after  the  beginning  of  the  monarchy  is  evident 
from  the  references  to  the  ante-monarchical  times 
(xviii.  1,  xix.  1,  xxi.  25).  The  reference  to  the 
establishment  of  the  house  of  God  in  Shiloh  (xviii. 
31)  seems  also  to  point  to  the  early  part  of  Saul's 
reign  (so  Mr.  Grove).  (Jcdges,  Book  of.) — 2.  A 
descendant  of  Joel  the  Reubenite  (1  Chr.  v.  3). — 3> 
Son  of  Mephibosheth,  and  grandson  of  Jonathan 
(viii.  34,  35,  ix.  40,  41);  =  Miciia  1. — 1.  A  Levite 
de.<cended  from  Asaph  (ix.  15);  =  Micha  3  and 
MiciiAiAii  2. — 5.  A  Kohathite  Levite,  eldest  son  of 
Uzziel  (xxiii.  20);  =:  Michah. — 6<  Father  of  Abdon 
in  Jo-iiah's  reign  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  20);  =  Michaiaii 
1. — 7.  The  sixth  in  order  of  the  minor  prophets, 
according  to  the  arrangement  in  our  present  canon  ; 
in  the  L.KX.  he  is  placed  third,  after  Ilosea  and 
Amos.  (Bible.)  To  distinguish  him  from  Micaiau 
the  son  of  Inilah,  the  contemporary  of  Elijah,  he 
is  called  the  Morasthite,  i.  e.  a  native  of  Jlorcsheth, 
or  some  place  of  similar  name,  which  Jerome  and 
Ensebius  call  Morasthi  and  identify  with  a  small 
village  near  Eleutheropolis  to  the  E.,  where  formerly 
the  prophet's  tomb  was  shown,  though  in  the  days 
of  Jerome  it  had  been  succeeded  by  a  church.  (Mon- 
ksheth-gath.)  As  little  is  known  of  the  circum» 
stances  of  Micih's  life  as  of  many  of  the  other 
prophets.  Pseudo-E])iphanius  makes  him,  contrary 
to  all  probability,  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim.  For 
rebuking  Jehoram  for  his  impieties,  Micah,  accord- 
ing to  the  same  authority,  was  thrown  from  a  preci- 
pice, and  buried  at  Morathi  in  his  own  country, 
hard  by  the  cemetery  of  Enakim,  where  his  sep- 
ulchre was  still  to  be  seen.  The  period  during 
which  Micah  exercised  the  pro])hetical  office  is 
stated,  in  the  superscription  to  his  prophecies,  to 
have  extended  over  the  reigns  of  Jotham,  Ahaz, 
and  Hezekiah,  kings  of  Judah,  being  thus  not  longer 
than  fifty-nine  years  (b.  c.  756-697),  from  the  acces- 
sion of  Jotham  to  the  death  of  Hezekiah,  nor 
shorter  than  sixteen  years  (b.  c.  742-726),  from 
the  death  of  Jotham  to  the  accession  of  Heze- 
kiah. (Israel,  Kingdom  of.)  In  either  case  he 
would  be  contemporary  with  Hosea  and  Amos 
during  part  of  their  ministry  in  Israel,  and  with 
Isaiah  in  Judah.  One  of  his  prophecies  (Mic.  iii. 
12)  is  distinctly  assigned  to  the  reign  of  Hezekiah 
(Jer.  xxvi.  18),  and  was  probably  delivered  before 


the  great  passover  which  inaugurated  the  reforma- 
tion in  Judah.     The  dates  of  the  others  are  conjec- 
tural.    The  time  assigned  to  the  prophecies  by  the 
only  direct  evidence   which  we   pos.sess,  agrees  so 
well  with   their  contents  that  it  may  fairly  be  ac- 
cepted  as   correct.      Certain    portions   of   Micah's 
prophecy  may  have  been  uttered  in   the  reigns  of 
Jotham  and  Ahaz  (so  Mr.  Wright,  original  author 
of   this   article),  and   for   the   probability   of   this 
there  is  strong  internal   evidence,  while  they  may 
have  been  collected  as  a  whole  in  the  reign  of  Heze- 
kiah  and  committed  to   writing.      The  book  thus 
written  may  have  been  read  in  the  presence  of  iho 
king  and  the  whole  people,  on   some  great  fast  or 
festival  day.     In  the  first  years  of  llezekiah's  reign 
the  idolatry  which  prevailed  in  the   time  of  Ahaz 
was  not  eradicated,  and  in  assigning  the  date  of 
Micah's  prophecy  to  this  period  there  is  no  anach- 
ronism   in    the    allusions   to   idolatrous   practices. 
Wells  assigns  the   delivery  of  ch.  i.  to  the  contcni- 
porary  reigns   of  Jotham,  king  of  Judah,  and  of 
I'ekah,  king  of  Israel ;  ii.  1-iv.  8  to  those  of  Ahaz, 
I'ek.ah,  and  Hosea  ;  iii.  12  to  the  last  year  of  Ahaz, 
and  the  remainder  of  the  book  to  the  reign  of  liezo- 
Kiah.     But,  at  whatever  time  the  sev(  ral  prophecies 
were  first  delivered,  they  apjiear  in  their  i)resent 
form  as  an  organic  whole,  marked  by  a  certain  regu- 
larity of  development.    Three  sections,  omitting  the 
superscription,  are  introduced  by  tlie  same  phrase, 
"  hear  ye,"  and  represent  three  natural  divisions  of 
the   prophecy— i.,   ii. ;    iii.-v. ;  vi.,  vii. — each   com- 
mencing with  rebukes  and  thrcatenings  and  closing 
with  a  promise.      The  first  section  opens  with  a 
magnificent  description  of  the  coining  of  Jeliovab 
to  judgment  for  the  sins  and  idol.atiies  of  Israel  and 
Judah  (i.  2-4),  and  the  sentence  pronounced  upon 
Samaria  (5-9)  by  the  Judge  Himself     The  prophet 
sees  the  danger  which  threatens  his  country,  and 
traces  in  imagination  the  devastating  march  of  the 
Assyrian    conquerors   (i.    8-10).      The   impending] 
punishment   suggests   its   cause,   and    the  prophet! 
denounces  a  woe  upon  the  people  generally  for  thej 
corruption    and  violence  which  were   rife  'among 
them,  and  upon  the  false  prophets  who  led  thctal 
astray  by  pandering  to  their  appetites  and  luxuryj 
(ii.  1-11).    The  sentence  of  captivity  is  passed  upoal 
them  (10),  but  is  followed  instantly  by  a  promise  off 
restoration  and  triumphant  return  (ii.  12,  13).     Thoi 
second  section  is  addressed  especially  to  thds  princcsl 
and  heads  of  the  people;  their  avarice  and  rapacity  j 
are  rebuked  in  strong  terms;  and  the  judgmental 
of  God  are  denounced  upon  the  rulers,  false  proph- 
ets, and  priests  (iii.  1-11).     "Therefore  shall  Zionl 
for  your  sake  be  ploughed  as  a  field,  and  Jerusalem  I 
shall  become  heaps,  and  the  mountain  of  the  house  "I 
(=  Temple)  "as  the  high  places  of  the  forest"  (=1 
the  uncultivated  woodland  heights)  (iii.  12).     Butl 
the  threatening  is  again  succeeded  by  a  promise  ofl 
restoration,  and  in  the  glories  of  the  Messianic  king-| 
dom  the  prophet  loses  sight  of  the  desolation  which 
is  to  befall  his  country.     The  predictions  in  thia 
section  form  the  climax  of  the  book,  and  Ewald  ar^J 
ranges  them  in  four   strophes,  consisting  of  fron 
seven  to  eight  verses  each  (iv.  1-8,  iv.  9-v.  2,  v.  8- 
9,  V.  10-15),  except  the  last,  which  is  shorter.     In 
the  last  section  (vi.,  vii.),  Jehovah,  by  a  bold  poeticaH 
figure,  is  represented  as  holding  a  controversy  with! 
His  people,  pleading  with  them  in  justification  off 
His  conduct  toward  them  and  the  reasonablenessj 
of  His  requirements.     The  dialogue  form  in  which 
ch.  vi.  is  cast  renders  the  picture  very   dramatifl 
and  striking.      The  whole   concludes  with   a   tri-1 


MIC 


MIC 


645 


iimphal  song  of  joy  at  the  great  deliverance,  like 
that  from  Egypt,  whieU  Jehovah  will  achieve,  and  a 
'  full  ackiiowlfdgnient  of  His  mercy  and  faithfulness 
I  to  His  promises  (10-2i>).  Tlie  last  verse  is  repro- 
'  duccd  in  the  song  of  Zacharias  (Lk.  i.  72,  73).  The 
predictions  uttered  by  Mieah  relate  to  the  invasions 
of  Shalmancser  (Mic.  i.  6-8;  2  K.  xvii.  4-ti)  and 
Sennacherib  (Mic.  L  9-10;  2  K.  xviii.  13),  the  de- 
.stiuction  of  Jeru-salem  (Mic.  iii.  12,  vii.  13),  the 
<:iptivity  iu  Biil>ylon  (iv.  10),  the  return  (iv.  1-8, 
vii.  II),  tlie  establishment  of  a  theocratic  kingdom 
j  iu  Jerusalem  (iv.  8),  and  the  liulcr  who  should 
f^pring  from  liethlehem  (v.  2).  The  destruction  of 
Assyria  and  Babylon  is  supposed  to  be  referred  to 
iu  V.  5,  6,  vii.  8,  10.  It  is  remarkable  that  the 
prophecies  commence  wit(>  the  last  words  recorded 
of  the  ])ro|>het's  namesake,  Micaiah  the  son  of  Im- 
lah,  "Hciirken,  0  people,  every  one  of  you  "  (I  K. 
xxii.  28).  The  style  of  Micali  has  been  compared 
with  that  of  Ilosea  and  Isaiah.  His  diction  is  vig- 
orous and  forcible,  sometimes  obscure  from  the  ab- 
)  ruptness  of  its  transitions,  but  varied  and  lich  in 
figures  derived  from  the  pastoral  (Mic.  i.  8,  ii.  12,  v. 
4,  5,  7,  8,  vii.  14)  and  rural  life  of  the  lowland  coun- 
try (i.  6,  iii.  12,  iv.  3,  12,  13,  vi.  15),  whose  vines 
'  and  ofives  and  fig-trees  were  celebrated  (1  Chr. 
xxvii.  27,  28),  and  supply  tlie  prophet  with  so  many 
-triking  allusions  (Mic.  i.  6,  iv.  3,  4,  vi.  15,  vii.  1, 
4)  as  to  suggest  that,  like  Amos,  he  may  have  been 
eitljer  a  herdsman  or  a  vinedresser,  who  had  heard 
the  howling  of  the  jackals  (i.  8,  A.  V.  "  dragons  ") 
as  he  watched  his  flocks  or  his  vines  by  night,  and 
had  seen  the  lions  slaughtering  the  sheep  (v.  8). 
The  language  of  Micah  is  ([uoted  in  Mat.  ii.  5,  6, 
and  his  jirophccies  are  alluded  to  in  Mat.  x.  35,  36 ; 
Jlk.  xiii.  12;  Lk.  xii.  53;  Jn.  vii.  42.    Inspikation; 

I'lIOIMICT. 

)Il-tai'ah  [-ka'yah]  (Ileb.  =  SIioriAiAH  and  Mi- 
I  CAil),  son  of  Imlah,  a  prophet  of  S^amaria,  who,  in 
the  last  year  of  the  reign  of  Ahab,  king  of  Israel, 
predicted  his  defeat  and  death,  B.  c.  8'.' 7.  The  cir- 
cumstances were  as  follows: — Three  years  after  the 
great  battle  with  Ben-hadad  (1  K.  xx.  29,  30),  Ahab 
proposed  to  Jkiio-shapiiat  that  they  should  jointly 
<_'o  up  to  battle  against  Ramoth-gilead.  Jehosha- 
phat  a.sscnted  in  cordial  words  to  the  proposal ;  but 
suggested  that  they  .should  first  "  inquire  at  the 
w^ord  of  Jehovah."  Accordingly,  Ahab  assembled 
400  prophets,  while,  in  an  open  space  at  the  gate 
of  the  city  of  Samaria,  he  and  Jehoshaphat  sat  in 
royal  robes  to  meet  and  consult  them.  The  proph- 
ets unanimously  gave  a  favorable  response ;  and 
among  them,  Zedekiah  the  son  of  Chenaarah  made 
honis  of  iron  as  a  symbol,  and  announced,  from 
Jehovah,  that  with  those  horns  Ahab  would  push 
the  Assyrians  till  he  consumed  them.  Jeho.«haphat 
was  dissatisfied  with  the  answer,  and  asked  if  there 
was  no  other  prophet  of  Jehovah  at  8amaria? 
Ahab  replied  that  there  w.is  yet  one — Micaiah  the 
son  of  Imlah;  but,  lie  added,  "I  hate  him,  for  he 
does  not  prophesy  good  concerning  me,  but  evil." 
Micaiah  was,  nevertheless,  sent  for ;  and  after  an 
attempt  had  iu  vain  been  made  to  tamper  with 
him,  he  first  expres.sed  an  ironical  concurrence  with 
the  400  prophets,  and  then  openly  foretold  the 
defeat  of  Ahab's  army  and  the  death  of  Ahab 
himself.  And  in  opposition  to  the  other  prophets, 
he  said,  that  he  had  seen  Jehovah  sitting  on  His 
throne,  and  all  the  host  of  Heaven  standing  by  Him, 
on  His  right  hand  and  on  His  left:  that  Jehovah 
said.  Who  shall  persuade  Ahab  to  go  up  and  fall  at 
Kamoth-gilcad  ?  that  a  spirit  came  forth  and  said 


that  he  would  do  so;  and  on  being  asked,  Where- 
with ?  he  answered,  that  he  would  go  forth  and  be 
a  lying  spirit  in  the  mouth  of  all  the  proiihcts.  Ir- 
ritated by  the  account  of  the  vision,  Zedekiah  struck 
Micaiah  on  the  cheek,  and  Ahab  ordered  Micaiah 
to  be  taken  to  prison,  and  fed  on  bread  and  vater 
till  his  return  to  Samaria.  Josephus  relates  several 
details  not  contained  in  the  Bible,  some  of  which 
are  probable,  while  others  are  very  unlikely ;  but 
for  none  of  which  does  he  give  any  authority.  Thus, 
he  says  that  Micaiah  was  already  in  prison,  when 
sent  for  to  prophesy  before  Alinb  and  Jelioshaidiat, 
and  that  it  was  Micaiah  who  had  predicted  death  by 
a  lion  to  the  son  of  a  prophet,  under  the  circum- 
stances mentioned  in  1  K.  xx.  S5,  36,  and  who  had  re- 
buked Ahab  after  his  brilliant  victory  over  the 
Syrians  for  not  putting  Ben-hadad  to  death.  The 
history  of  Micaiah  is  an  exemplification  in  practice, 
of  contradictory  predictions  being  made  by  difleri  nt 
prophets,  the  false  and  the  triie(I!eut.  xviii.  21,  22;. 
ItiviNATioN;  Idoi.atbv  ;  Magic;  I'ropiikt. 

Sll'tha  [-ka]  (Ilcb.  =  MicAii  and  Michaiah, Ges., 
Fii.).  1.  Son  of  Mephibosheth  (2  S.^m.  ix.  12);  = 
Micah  3. — 2.  A  Levite,  or  family  of  levites,  who 
signed  the  covenant  with  Nch(miah  (Nch.  x.  ll).-^ 
3.  Father  of  Maltaniah,  a  Gershonite  Levite  and 
descendant  of  Asaph  (xi.  17,  22);  =  Micah  4  and 
MiciiAiAH  2. — 4i  A  Sinieonite,  father  of  tlzias,  one 
of  the  three  governors  of  Bethulia  in  the  time  of 
Judith  (Jd.  vi.  15). 

Mi'cba-el  (usually  pronounced  nii'kel]  (Hcb.  icho 
lil'e  God?  Ges.,  Fii.).  \,  An  J*. sherite,  father  of 
Scthur  the  spy  (Num.  xiii.  13). — J.  Son  of  Al.ihail ; 
one  of  the  Caditcs  who  settled  in  Bashan  (1  Chr.  v. 
13). — 3.  Another  Gadite,  ancestor  of  Abiliail  (vtr. 
14). — 4i  A  Gershonite  Levite,  ancestor  of  Asaph 
(vi.  40). — 5,  One  of  the  sons  of  Izrahiah,  "  chief 
men  "  of  Issachar  (vii.  3).  (OnAiiiAH  2.) — 6.  A 
Benjamite  chief,  of  the  sons  of  Beriah  (viii.  16). — 
T.  One  of  the  captains  of  the  "  thousands  "  of  Sla- 
nasseh  who  joined  David  at  Ziklog  (xii.  20). — 8, 
The  father,  or  ancestor,  of  Omri,  chief  of  Issachar 
in  David's  reign  (xxvii.  18). — 9.  One  of  the  sons  of 
Jehoshaphat  murdered  by  their  elder  biothcr  Jc- 
horam  (2  Chr.  xxi.  2,  4). — ICt  Father  or  ancestor  of 
Zcbadiah  who  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  8;  1 
Esd.  viii.  34).— II.  "One,"  or  "the  first  of  the 
chief  princes"  or  archangels  (Dan.  x.  IS;  compare 
Judo  9;  Angels;  Akciiangei.I,  described  in  Dan. 
X.  21  as  the  "prince"  of  Israel,  and  in  xii.  1  as 
"  the  great  prince  which  standcth  "  in  time  of  con- 
flict "for  the  children  of  thy  people."  All  these 
passages  in  the  O.  T.  belong  to  that  late  period  of 
its  Revelation,  when,  to  the  general  declaration  of 
the  angelic  oflBee,  was  added  the  division  of  that 
office  into  parts,  and  the  assignment  of  them  to  in- 
dividual angels.  As  Gabriel  represents  the  min- 
istration of  the  angels  toward  men,  so  Michael  is 
the  type  and  leader  of  their  strife,  in  God's  name 
and  Ills  strength,  against  the  power  of  Satan.  In 
the  O.  T.,  therefore,  he  is  the  guardian  of  the  Jew- 
ish people  in  their  antagonism  to  godless  power  and 
heathenism.  In  the  N.  T.  (Rev.  xii.  7)  he  fights  in 
heaven  against  the  dragon — "  that  old  setiient  called 
the  Devil  and  Satan,  «hiih  decciveth  llie  ir/.o/n 
unrld  ;  "  and  so  takes  part  in  that  struggle,  which  is 
the  work  of  the  Church  on  earth.  In  Jude  9  (com- 
pare 2  I'et.  ii.  11)  we  are  told  that  "Michael  the 
archangel,  when  contending  with  (he  devil  he  dis- 
puted about  the  body  of  MosKS,  durst  not  bring 
against  him  a  railing  accusation,  but  said.  The  Lord 
rebuke  thee."    The  allusion  (so  Mr.  Barry)  seems 


646 


MIC 


MIC 


to  be  to  a  Jewish  legend  attached  to  Deut.  xxxiv.  6. 
The  Targura  of  Joaatliiin  attributes  the  burial  of 
Moses  to  the  hands  of  tlie  angels  of  God,  and  par- 
ticularly of  the  arcliangel  Michael.  Later  traditions 
set  fortli  how  Satan  disputed  the  burial,  claiming 
for  himself  tlie  dead  body,  because  of  tlie  Egyp- 
tian's blood  (Ex.  ii.  12)  on  Moses'  hands.  The 
spirit  of  Michael's  answer  (fr.  Zecli.  iii.  1)  is  the  ref- 
ereuce  to  (xod's  mercy  alone  for  justification,  and 
th  J  leaving  of  all  vengeance  and  rebulie  to  Him ; 
aud  in  tliis  spirit  it  is  quoted  by  the  apostle.  Some 
have  explained  "  the  body  of  Moses  "  to  be  the  Jew- 
ish,  as  "  the  body  of  Christ "  is  the  Christian  Church  ; 
but  the  analogy  is  unwarrantable.  Tlie  Kabbiuical 
traditions  about  Michael  are  very  numerous.  Many 
(Luther,  Hengstenberg,  Dr.  \V.  L.  Alexander  [in  Kit- 
to],  Prof  Douglas  [in  i'airbairn"],  &e.)  maintain  tliat 
Michael  =  the  Messiah  or  Lord  Jesus  Christ  (com- 
pare Dan.  X.  21,  xii.  1  with  ix.  25  ;  Rev.  xii.  1  with 
1  Jn.  iii.  8).  "Michael  designates  Ilim,"  says  Prof. 
Doujlas,  "  as  does  also  the  title  '  Angel '  or  '  Arcli- 
angei,'  "  not  simply  in  His  Divine  essence,  but  in 
an  olRcial  character  of  subordination,  as  tlie  Mes- 
senger of  Jehovah  and  the  Captain  of  the  Lord's 
host.  Professor  Douglas  compares  the  answer  of 
Michael  in  Jude  !)  with  those  of  Christ  in  Mat.  iv. 
4,  7,  10,  and  remarks  that  the  opposition  of  Michael 
and  the  devil  here  "  is  without  a  parallel  in  Scrip- 
ture, if  Michael  be  a  created  angel ;  whereas  it  is 
a  very  common  opposition  indeed,  if  Michiel  bo 
Christ." 

mi'cb^b  (Ileb.  =  Micah),  eldest  son  of  Uzziel  (1 
Clir.  xxiv.  24,  25);  =  MiC.VH  5. 

Mi'ehal-all  [-ka'yah]  (Ileb.  who  like  Jehovah  ?  Ges.). 
li  Fatlier  of  Achbor,  a  man  of  high  rank  in  the 
reign  of  Josiuh(2  K.  xxii.  12);  =  Micah  6. — 2.  Son 
of  Zaecur,  a  descendant  of  Asaph  (Neh.  xii.  35);  = 
MiCAii  4  and  Miciia  3. — 3.  One  of  the  priests  at 
the  dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (xii.  41). — 
4i  Rehoboam's  wife  and  Abijah's  mothei',  daughter 
of  Uriel  of  Gibeah  (2  Chr.  xiii.  2).  (Maaciiah  3.) 
— .).  One  of  the  princes  whom  Jehosliaphat  sent  to 
teach  the  Law  in  the  citi.'S  of  Judah  (xvii.  7). — &■ 
Son  of  Gemariah,  and  grandson  of  Sh.aphan  the 
scribe.  After  Baruch  had  read,  in  public,  proph- 
ecies of  Jeremiah  announcing  imminent  calamities, 
Michaiah  went  and  declared  them  to  all  the  princes 
assembled  in  King  Jehoiakiin's  house ;  and  the 
princes  forthwith  sent  for  Uaruch  to  read  the 
prophecies  to  them  (Jer.  xxivi.  11-14). 

Mi'clial  (Heb.  =  Michael,  Ges.),  the  younger  of 
King  Saul's  two  daugliters  (1  Sam.  xiv.  49).  The 
king  had  proposed  to  oestow  on  David  his  eldest 
daughter  Merab  ;  but  apparently  altering  his  mind, 
married  her  to  Adriel  the  Meholathito  (xviii.  19). 
Michal  fell  violently  in  love  with  tlie  young  liero. 
Saul  embraced  the  opportunity  which  this  afforded 
him  of  exposing  his  rival  to  the  risk  of  death. 
The  price  fixed  on  Michal's  hand  was  no  less  than 
the  slaughter  of  a  hundred  Philistines.  For  these 
the  usual  "  dowry,"  by  which,  according  to  the 
custom  of  the  East  (Makriage),  the  father  is  paid 
for  his  daughter,  was  relinquished.  David,  by  a 
brilliant  feat,  doubled  the  tale  of  victims,  and  Mi- 
chal became  his  wife.  It  was  not  long  before  the 
stri^ngth  of  her  alTeotion  was  put  to  the  proof. 
They  seem  to  have  been  living  at  Gibeah.  After 
one  of  Saul's  attacks  of  frenzy,  Michal  learned  that 
the  house  was  being  watched  by  the  myrmidons  of 
San!,  and  that  it  was  intended  on  the  next  morning 
tf)  attack  her  husband  as  he  left  his  door  (xix.  H). 
Like  a  true  soldier's  wii'e,  she.  met  stratagem  by 


stratagem.     She  first  provided  for  David's  Safety  by 
lowering  him  out  of  the  window  ;  to  gain  time  for 
liiin  to   reach  the   residence  of  Samuel,    she  next 
dressed  up  the  bed  as  if  still  occu|)ied  by  him :  the 
teraphim,  or  household   god,  was  laid   in   bed,  its 
head  enveloped,  like  that  of  a  sleeper,  in  the  usual 
net  of  goat's  hair  for  protection  from  gnats  (so  Mr. 
Grove ;  A.  V.  "  and  put  a  pillow  of  goat's  hair  for 
his  bolster  "),  the  rest  of  the  figure  covered  with 
the  wide  begcd  or  plaid    (A.  V.  "  cloth  ; "  see  DuESS, 
III.  4).     She  feigned  that  David  was  sick  ;  and  pre- 
vented the  king's   messengers  from  executing  the 
command  to  take  David  till  the  peremptory  order 
was  given,  "  Bring  him  up  to  me  in  the  bed,  that  I 
may  slay  him."     Saul's  messengers  forced  their  way 
into  the  inmost  apartment,  and  there  discovered  the 
deception  which   had  been  played  off   iqion  them 
with  such  success.     Saul's  rage  may  be  imagined  : 
his  fury  was  such  that  Michal  was  obliged  to  fabri- 
cate a  story  of  David's  having  attempted  to  kill 
her.     This  was  the  last  time  she  saw  her  husband 
for  many  years ;    and   when  the  rupture  betwecu 
Saul   and  David  had  become  open  and   incurable, 
Michal  was  married  to  Phaiti or  Phaltiel of  Gallim(l 
Sam.  XXV.  44;  2  Sam.  iii.  15).  After  the  death  of  hei- 
father  and  brothers  at  Gilboa,  Michal  and  lier  new 
husband  appear  to  have  betaken  themselves  with 
the  rest  of  the  family  of  Saul  to  the  eastern  side 
of  the  Jordan.     After  Abner  made  his  overtures  to 
David,  the  latter  sent  messengers  to  Ish-bosheth  to 
demand  his  lost  wife  (iii.  12  &'.).     On  the  road  lead- 
ing up  from  the  Jordan  valley  to  the  Mount   of 
Olives  we  first  encounter  her  with   her  husband- 
Miclial  under  the  joint  escort  of  David's  messen- 
gers and  Abner's  twenty  men,  on  the  way  to  David 
at  Hebron,  the  submissive  Phaltiel  behind,  bewailing 
the  wife  thus  torn  from  him.     It  was  at  Iciist  four- 
teen years  since  David  and  she  had  parted  at  Gib- 
eah,  since  she  had  watched   him  disappear  down 
the  cord  into  the  darkness,  and  had  perilled  her  ^ 
own  life  for  his   against    the  rage  of   her    insane  j 
father.     That  David's  love  for  his  absent  wife  had 
undergone  no  change  in  the  interval  seems  certain  '. 
from  the  eagerness  with  which  he  reclaims  her  as  j 
soon    as    the    opportunity  is  afforded  him.      The 
meeting  took  place  at  Hebron.     How  Michal  com-  \ 
ported  herself  in  the  altered  circumstances  of  Da- 
vid's  household  we  are  not  told ;    but  it  is  plaiu  I 
from  the  subsequent  occurrences  that  something 
had  happened  to  alter  the  relations  of  heraelf  and 
David.     The  alienation  was  probably  mutual,  and  \ 
one  outburst,  probably  of  a  petulant  and  jealous  | 
temper  inharited    from  her  father,   produced    the  | 
rupture  between  them  which  closes  our  knowledge  | 
of   Michal.      It  was  the  day  of   David's  greatest  I 
triumph,  when  he  brought  the  Ark  of  Jehovah  from 
its  temporary  resting-place  to  its  home  in  the  newly-  1 
acquired  city.      Michal,  from   the  window  of   her  j 
apartments  in  the  royal  harem,  watched  the  pro- 
Ci'Bsion    approach;   the  motions  of  her    husband  J 
shocked   her    as    undignified  and   indecent,    "  shel 
despised  him  in  her  heart."     After  the  exertions! 
of  the    long  day  were  over,  the  king  was  received  | 
by  his  wife  with  a  bitter  taunt  whicli  sliowed  how  | 
incapable  she  was  of  appreciating  either  her  hus-j 
baud's  temper  or  the  service  in  which  he  had  been  I 
engaged.      David's  retort  was  a  tremendous  one.l 
conveyed  in  words  which  once  spoken  could  neverl 
be  recalled.     It  gathered  up  .all  the  differences  be-] 
tween  them  which  made  sympathy  no  longer  pos- 
sible, and  we  do  not  need  the  assurance  of  the  I 
sacred  writer,  that  "  Michal  had  no  child  unto  the  j 


MIC 


MID 


647 


day  of  her  death,"  to  feel  quite  certain  that  all 
intercourse  between  her  and  David  must  have 
ceased  from  that  date  (vi.  20  ff. ;  1  Chr.  xv.  29). 
Her  name  appears  but  once  again  (2  Sam.  xxi.  8). 
Mkrab. 

Ml-fhf'»s  (L.  Mi'lufas,  fr.  Ilcb.)  =  the  prophet 
Mk'aii  7  the  Morasthite  (2  Esd.  i.  :J9). 

IMirh'mas  (Heb.)  =  Miciimash  (Ezr.  ii.  27;  Neh. 
vii.  :il). 

Mirh  mash  (Heb.  something  hidJen,  Gcs. ;  place  of 
Cheiiioah,  Fii.),  a  town  which  is  known  to  us  almost 
solely  by  its  connection  with  the  Pliilistine  war  of 
Saul  and  Jonathan  (1  Sam.  xiii.,  xiv.).  It  has  been 
identified  with  great  probability  in  a  village  which 
still  bears  the  name  of  MvkhnuK,  and  stands  at  about 
seven  miles  X.  of  Jerusalem,  on  tlie  northern  edge 
of  the  Wady  Suweinil — in  some  maps  Wadi/  Fuwar 
— which  forms  the  main  pass  of  communication  be- 
tween the  central  higlilands  on  which  the  village 
stands,  and  the  Jordan  valley  at  Jericho.  The  place 
was  thus  situated  in  the  very  middle  of  the  tribe 
of  Benjamin.  But  though  in  the  heart  of  Benja- 
min, it  is  not  named  in  the  list  of  the  towns  of 
that  tribe  (compare  Josh,  xviii.),  but  first  appears 
as  one  of  the  cliief  points  of  Saul's  position  at  the 
outbreak  of  the  war.  Michmash  was  soon  occupied 
by  the  Philistines,  and  was  their  furthest  eastern 
|)Ost.  But  it  was  destined  to  witness  their  sudden 
overthrow.  (Jonatha.n  1.)  Unless  Makaz  be  Mich- 
mash— an  identification  for  which  we  have  oidy  the 
authority  of  the  LXX. — we  hear  nothing  of  the 
place  from  this  time  till  the  invasion  of  Judah  by 
Sennaclierib  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (Is.  x.  28). 
After  the  Captivity,  122  men  of  Michinash  ("  Mich- 
mas,"  A.  V.)  returned  (Ezr.  ii.  27;  Xeh.  vii.  31). 
At  a  later  date  it  became  the  residence  of  Jonathan 
Maccabeus,  and  the  seat  of  his  government  (1  Mc. 
is.  73).  In  the  time  of  Eusebius  and  Jerome 
(Onorn.  " Machmas  ")  it  was  "a  very  large  village 
retaining  its  ancient  name,  and  lying  near  Ramah 
in  the  district  of  MWa  (Jerusalem),  at  nine  miles 
distance  therefrom."  Immediately  below  the  vil- 
lage the  valley  spreads  out  to  a  considerable  widtli 
— perhaps  half  a  mile ;  and  its  bed  is  broken  up 
into  an  intricate  mass  of  hummocks  and  mounds, 
some  two  of  which,  before  the  torrents  of  3,000 
winters  had  reduced  and  rounded  their  forms, 
were  probably  the  two  "  sharp  rocks  " — the  Bozkz 
and  Sk.vkh  of  Jonathan's  adventure.  Riglit  oppo- 
site is  Jelia  (Gelia)  on  a  curiously  terraced  hill.  In 
the  middle  ages  el-Bireh  was  believed  to  be  Jlich- 
iiiash.     Hkeroth. 

Dlich  me-thah  (fr.  Heb.  =  hiding-place  I  (jes, 
Fii.),  a  place  on  the  boundary  of  the  territories  of 
Ephraim  and  Manasseh  on  the  western  side  of 
Jordan.  (1.)  It  lay  "facing  (A.  V.  'before') 
Shcchem ; "  it  also  was  the  next  place  on  the 
boundary  W.  of  A.sher  2  (Josh.  xvii.  7),  if,  in- 
deed, the  two  are  not  the  same  place.  The  place 
must  be  E.  of,  and  not  far  distant  from,  Shechom 
(so  Mr.  Grove).  But  then  (2.)  Michmcthah  fol- 
lows Beth-horon  the  upper,  »s  if  on  its  western 
r  seaward  side,  in  the  description  of  "  the  border," 
'pparcnily  Ephraim's  southern  boundary  (Josh, 
xvi.  fi).  "With  our  present  data  it  is  impossible  to 
determine  whether  the  nacred  writer  refers  to  one 
town  or  two.  If  to  one  only,  it  must  hove  been 
near  Shechem,  and  the  meaning  of  Josh.  xvi.  6  will 
be  '  The  border  went  out  to  (or  along)  the  W. 
side  '  (A.  V.  '  toward  the  sea ')  '  to  Michmethah  on 
the  X.' "  (Porter,  in  Kitto).     'The  site  is  unknown. 

nith'rt  (Heb.  prict  of  Jehovah,  Gcs.),  ancestor  of 


Elah,  a  Benjamite  chief  after  the  Captivity  (1  Chr. 
ix.  8). 

Slitll'tiliii  (Heb.,  see  below).  This  word  occurs  in 
the  titles  of  six  Psalms(xvi.,lvi.-lx.)all  of  which  are 
ascribed  to  David.  The  marginal  reading  of  our  A.  V. 
is  "  a  goldm  Psalm,"  while  in  the  Geneva  version  it  is 
desciibcd  as  "  a  certain  tune."  From  the  positi(ui 
which  it  occupies  in  the  title,  we  may  infer  that 
Michtam  is  applied  to  these  Psalms  to  denote  their 
musical  character,  but  beyond  this  every  thing  is 
obscure.  The  etymology  is  uncertain.  1.  Kimchi 
and  Aben  Ezra  trace  it  to  the  Hebrew  root  cutham, 
as  it  appears  in  celhem,  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "  gold  " 
(Job  xxviii.  16),  "pure  gold"  (19),  "fine  gold" 
(xxxi.  24);  because  the  Psalm  was  to  David  precious 
as  fine  gold.  Theyhave  been  followed  in  the  mar- 
gin of  our  versi(m. — 2.  In  Syriac  cnl/um  =  lo  stain, 
hence  lo  dejile,  the  primary  meaning  of  the  root  be- 
ing probably  to  spot,  mark  mlh  spiils,  whence  the 
substantive  is  in  common  use  in  Rabbinical  Hebrew 
=  spot  or  mark.  From  this  etymology  the  mean- 
ings have  been  given  to  Michtam  of  a  tioled  song,  or' 
a  song  graven  or  carved  upon  stone,  a  monumental 
inscription. — 3.  According  to  Hezel,  Michtam  (Ar. 
katama  =  to  corictal,  repress)  was  a  title  given  to 
certain  Psalms,  because  they  were  written  while 
David  was  in  concealment.  Frcni  tlie  same  root 
Hengstenberg  attributes  to  them  a  hidden,  mystical 
import.  Apparently  referring  the  word  to  the  .same 
origin,  Ewald  suggests  that  it  may  designate  a  song 
accompanied  by  bass  instruments. — 4.  But  the  ex- 
planation most  approved  by  Rosenmi.ller  and  Gese- 
nius  finds  in  Michtam  the  equivalent  of  Heb.  mich- 
t(il>,  A.  V.  "writing"  (Is.  xxxviii.  9).  Hupfcld  ad- 
heres to  the  rendering  jocel,  treasvre  (see  Xo.  1 
above),  which  Luther  also  gives,  and  which  is 
adopted  by  Ilitzig  and  Mendetesohn. 

JHid'din  (Heb.  measures;  Gcs. ;  stretch,  cxtcniion, 
Fii.),  a  city  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  61),  one  of  the  six 
specified  as  in  the  "wilderness"  (IlKSEnx  2),  on 
the  western  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea  ;  site  unknown. 

mid'i-an  (Heb.  strife,  contmlion,  Gcs.),  a  son  of 
Abraham  and  Ketiraii  (Gen.  xxv.  2;  1  Chr.  i.  32  ; 
progenitor  of  the  Midianitcs,  or  Arabians  dwelling 
principally  in  the  desert  N.  of  the  peninsula  of  Ara- 
bia. Southward  they  extended  alcng  the  eastern 
shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Eylth,  or  of  'Akahah  (Wnws 
vt'lanitiais);  and  northward  (hey  stretched  along 
the  eastern  frontier  of  Palestine.  Midian  is  first 
mentioned,  as  a  people,  when  Iladad,  kingof  Edom, 
"smote  Midian  in  the  field  of  Moab"  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
35).  It  is  also  mentioned,  when  Moses  fled,  having 
killed  the  Egyptian,  to  the  "land  of  Jlidian"  (Ex. 
ii.  15),  and  marrieil  a  daughter  of  a  priest  of  Midian 
(21).  (Jeturo.)  The  "land  of  Midian,"  or  the  por- 
tion of  it  specially  referred  to,  was  probably  the 
peninsula  of  Sinai  (so  Mr.  E.  S.  Poole;  but  com- 
pare Ex.  xviii.  1-6,  27).  The  name  of  Midian,  how- 
ever (and  hence  the  "  land  of  Midian"),  was  per- 
haps often  applied,  as  that  of  the  most  [jowerlul  of 
the  northern  Arab  tribes,  to  the  northern  Arabs 
generally,  i.  c.  those  of  Abrahamic  descent  (com- 
pare Gen.  xxxvii.  28,  30;  Mepan  ;  Judg.  viii.  24). 
The  Midianites  were  mostly  dwellers  in  tents,  not 
towns;  and  Sinai  has  not  sufficient  pasture  to  f up- 
port  more  than  a  small,  or  a  moving  people.  But 
perhaps  (or  we  may  say  prohabli/)  the  peninsula  of 
Sinai  has  considerably  changed  in  its  physical  char- 
acter since  the  time  of  Moses.  Wiiatever  may  have 
been  the  position  of  .Midian  in  the Siiiaitic  peninsula, 
if  we  may  believe  the  Arabian  historians  and  geog- 
raphers, backed  as  their  testimony  is  by  the  Greek 


648 


MID 


MID 


geographers,  the  city  of  Midian  was  situate  on  the 
opposite,  or  Arabian,  shore  of  the  Arabian  Gulf,  and 
theuce  northward,  and  spreading  E.  and  W.  we  have 
the  true  country  of  the  wandering  Midiauites.  The 
next  occurrence  of  the  name  of  this  people  in  the 
sacred  history  marks  their  northern  settlement  on 
the  border  of  the  Promised  Land,  "  on  this  side 
Jordan  (by)  Jericho"  in  the  plains  of  Moab  (Num. 
xxii.  1-4),  when  Balak  said,  of  Israel,  to  the  elders 
of  Midian,  "  Now  shall  this  company  lick  up  all 
(that  are)  round  about  us,  as  the  ox  licketh  up  the 
grass  of  the  field."  The  spoil  taken  in  the  war 
that  soon  followed,  and  more  especially  the  mention 
of  the  dwellings  of  Midian,  point  to  a  considerable 
pastoral  seitleinent  of  Midian  in  the  Transjordanic 
country.  In  this  case  the  Midiauites  were  evidently 
tribulaiy  to  the  Amorites,  being  "  dukes  of  Sihon, 
dwelling  in  the  country  :  "  this  inferior  position  ex- 
])lains  their  omission  from  Balaam's  prophecy  (xxiv. 
1 7  IT.).  It  was  here,  "  on  this  side  Jordan,"  that  the 
chief  doings  of  the  Midianites  with  the  Israelites 
took  place.  The  Midiauites  joined  with  the  Moabites 
in  inviting  Balaam  to  curse  the  Israelites  (xxii.  4, 
7),  and  afterward  seduced  the  Israelites  in  Shittim 
into  idolatry  and  debauchery  (xxv.).  The  influence 
of  the  Miiiianites  on  the  Israelites  wa3  clearly  most 
evil.  Much  of  its  dangerous  character  may  prob- 
ably be  ascribed  to  the  common  descent  from  Abra- 
ham. While  the  Canaanitish  tribes  were  abhorred, 
Midian  might  claim  consanguinity,  and  more  readily 
seduce  Israel  from  their  allegiance.  The  events  at 
Shittim  occasioned  the  injunction  to  vex  the  Midian- 
ites and  smite  them  (xxv.  18).  12,001)  men,  1,000 
from  each  tribe,  went  up  to  this  war,  a  war  in  which 
all  the  males  of  the  enemy  were  slain  (xxxi.).  After  a 
lapse  of  some  years,  the  Midianites  appear  again  as 
the  enemies  of  the  Israelites.  They  had  recovered 
from  the  devastation  of  the  former  war,  probably 
by  the  arrival  of  fresh  colonists  from  the  desert 
tracts  over  which  their  tribes  wandered  ;  and  they 
now  were  sufficiently  powerful  to  become  the  op- 
pressors of  the  children  of  Israel  (Judg.  vi.).  Allied 
with  the  Amalekites,  and  the  "children  of  the 
East,"  they  drove  them  to  make  dens  in  the  moun- 
tains and  caves  and  strongholds,  and  wasted  their 
crops  even  to  Gaza,  on  the  Mediterranean  coast,  in 
the  land  of  Simeon.  Tlie  judgeship  of  Gideon  was 
the  immediate  consequence  of  these  calamities ;  and 
with  the  battle  he  fought  in  the  valley  of  Jezreel, 
and  his  pursuit  of  the  flying  enemy  over  Jordan  to 
Karkor,  the  power  of  Midiau  seems  to  have  been 
broken  (vii.,  viii.).  Midian  had  oppressed  Israel 
for  seven  years.  As  a  numberless  eastern  horde 
they  entered  the  land  with  their  cattle  and  their 
camels.  The  imagination  shows  us  the  green  plains 
of  Palestine  sprinkled  with  the  black  goats'-hair 
tents  of  this  great  Arab  tribo,  their  flocks  and  herds 
and  camels  let  loose  in  the  standing  corn,  and  for- 
aging parties  of  horsemen  driving  before  them  the 
possessions  of  the  Israelites.  The  descent  of  Gideon 
and  his  servant  into  the  camp,  and  the  conversation 
of  the  Midianite  watch,  form  a  vivid  picture  of 
Arab  life.  It  does  more  :  it  proves  that  as  Gideon, 
or  Phurah  his  servant,  or  both,  understood  the 
language  of  Midian,  the  Shemitic  languages  differed 
much  less  in  the  fourteenth  or  thirteenth  century 
B.  c.  than  they  did  in  after  times.  The  stratagem 
of  Gideon  receives  an  illustration  from  modern 
Oriental  life.  Until  lately  the  police  in  Cairo  were 
accustomed  to  go  their  rounds  with  a  lighted  torch 
thrust  into  a  pitcher,  and  the  pitcher  was  suddenly 
withdrawn  when  light  was  required — a  custom  af- 


fording an  exact  parallel  to  the  ancient  expedient 
adopted  by  Gideon.  The  consequent  panic  of  the 
great  multitude  in  the  valley,  if  it  has  no  parallels 
in  modern  European  history,  is  consistent  with 
Oriental  chaiacter.  At  the  sight  of  the  300  torches, 
suddenly  blazing  round  about  the  camp  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  middle  watch,  with  the  confused 
din  of  the  trumpets,  and  the  cry,  "The  sword  of 
the  Lord,  and  of  Gideon"  (vii.  20),  "all  the  host 
ran,  and  cried,  and  fled"  (21).  (Lamp.)  The  rout 
was  complete.  The  flight  of  so  great  a  host,  encum- 
bered with  slow-moving  camels,  baggage,  and  cattle, 
was  calamitous.  All  the  men  of  Israel,  out  of 
Naphtali,  and  Ashcr,  and  Manasseh,  joined  in  the 
pursuit ;  and  Gideon  roused  the  men  of  Mount 
Ephraim  to  "take  before"  the  Midianites  "the 
waters  unto  Beth-barah  and  Jordan  "  (23,  24).  Thus 
cut  off,  two  princes,  Orkd  and  Zeeh,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Ephraim.  But  thougii  many  joined  in  a 
desultory  pursuit  of  the  rabble  of  the  Midianites, 
only  the  300  men  who  had  blown  the  trumi)cts  in 
the  valley  of  Jezreel  crossed  the  Jordan  with  Gideon, 
"faint  yet  pursuing"  (viii.  4).  AVith  this  force  it 
remained  for  the  liberator  to  attack  the  enemy  on 
his  own  ground.  15,000  men,  under  the  "kuigs" 
of  Jlidian,  Zcba  and  Zahnunna,  were  at  Karkor, 
the  sole  remains  of  135,000  (10).  The  assurance 
of  God's  help  encouraged  the  weary  300,  and  they 
ascended  from  the  plain  (or  ghor)  to  the  higher 
country  by  a  ravine  or  torrent-bed  in  the  hills,  "  and 
smote  the  host,  for  the  host  was  secure"  (11) — 
secure  in  that  wild  country,  on  their  own  ground, 
and  away  from  the  frequent  haunts  of  man.  A 
sharp  pursuit  seems  to  have  followed  this  fresh  vic- 
tory, ending  in  the  capture  of  the  kings  and  the 
final  discomfiture  of  the  Midianites.  Zeba  and  Zal- 
HiTNNA  were  slain,  and  with  them  the  name  itself  of 
Midian  almost  disappears  from  sacred  history.- — Hav- 
ing traced  the  history  bf  Midian,  it  remains  to  show  • 
what  is  known  of  their  condition  and  customs. 
The  whole  account  of  their  doings  with  Israel  plain- 
ly marks  them  as  characteristically  Arab.  They  are 
described  as  true  Arabs — now  Bedawees,  or  "  jicople 
of  the  desert ;  "  anon  pastoral,  or  settled  Arabs — 
the  "  flock  "  of  Jcthro  ;  the  cattle  and  flocks  of 
Midian,  in  the  later  days  of  Moses ;  their  camels 
without  number,  as  the  sand  of  the  sea-side  for 
multitude  when  they  oppressed  Israel  in  the  days 
of  the  Judges — all  agree  with  such  a  description. 
Like  Arabs,  who  are  predominantly  a  nomadic 
people,  they  seem  to  have  partially  settled  in  the 
land  of  Moab  (Num.  xxxi.  9,  10).  The  only  glimpse 
of  their  habits  is  found  in  the  vigorous  picture  of 
the  camp  in  the  valley  of  Jezreel  (Judg.  vii.  13). 
The  spoil  taken  in  both  the  war  of  Moses  and  that 
of  Gideon  is  remarkable.  On  the  former  occasion, 
the  675,000  sheep,  72,000  beeves,  and  01,000  as.ses, 
show  the  pastoral  character  of  the  Midianites.  But 
the  gold,  silver,  brass,  iron,  tin,  and  lead  (Num. 
xxxi.  22),  the  "jewels  of  gold,  chains,  and  brace- 
lets, rings,  ear-rings,  and  tablets"  (50)  taken  by 
Moses,  is  cspcciallv  noteworthv ;  and  also  the  booty 
taken  by  Gideon  ( Judg.  viii.  21,  24-26).  (Metals.) 
We  have  here  a  wealthy  Arab  nation,  living  by 
plunder,  delighting  in  finery ;  and,  where  forays 
were  impossible,  carrying  on  the  trafliic  southward 
into  Arabia,  and  across  to  Chaldea  ;  or  into  the  rich 
plains  of  Egypt.  Midian  is  named  authentically  only 
in  the  Bible.  It  has  no  history  elsewhere.  The  o!ty 
of  "Jfedi/en  (say  the  Arabs)  is  the  city  of  the  people 
of  Shu' ei/b  (Jethro?),  and  is  opposite  Tabnok,  on 
the  shore  of  Jiahr  el-Kuhum  (the  Red  Sea) :  between 


MID 


MIL 


64d 


these  is  six  days'  journey.  It  (Medyen)  is  larger 
than  Tabook;  and  in  it  is  tlie  well  from  whith  Moses 
watered  the  flock  of  iiltu'eifb  "  {Marusul,  s.  v.).  El- 
Makreezee  tells  us  that  iu  the  land  of  Midian  were 
many  cities,  of  which  the  people  had  disappeared, 
and  the  cities  themselves  had  fallen  to  ruin  ;  that 
when  he  wrote  (in  the  year  825  of  the  Hti/ira  or 
Flight)  forty  cities  remained,  the  names  of  some  be- 
ing known,  and  of  others,  lost. 

* Hid'i-an-ite  (fr.  Ileb.)  =  one  from  Midun  (Gen. 
xxxviL  28,  30;  Xum.  x.  29,  &c.). 

*  )lid  i-aa-i-thh  (adj.  fr.  Heb.)  =  of,  or  belonging 
to,  MiiMA.v  (Num.  XXV.  6  ff.). 

*  Hid  riff  =  the  diaphragm  (Ex.  xxix.  13,  mar- 
gin ;  A.  V.  text  "caul").     Caul  I. 

Mid'vrKr.  Parturition  in  the  East  is  usually  easy. 
The  ollicc  of  a  midwife  is  thus,  in  many  Eastern 
countries,  in  little  use,  but  is  performed,  when  ne- 
cessary, by  relatives.  In  the  description  of  the  trans- 
action mentioned  in  Ex.  i.,  one  expression,  "  upon 
the  stools,"  receives  remarkable  illustration  iiom 
modern  usage.  The  Egyptian  practice,  as  described 
by  Mr.  Lane,  exactly  answers  to  that  indicated  in 
Exodus.  "  Two  or  three  days  before  the  expected 
time  of  delivery,  the  Layeh  (midwife)  conveys  to 
the  house  the  hirtee  etinUideh,  a  chair  of  peculiar 
form,  upon  which  the  patient  is  to  be  seated  during 
tlic  birth."     Child  ;  Medicine. 

Uie'dal-«t  (Heb.  toijeer  of  El  or  God,  Ges.,  Fu.), 
one  of  the  fortiUed  towns  of  Xaphtali  (Josh.  xix.  S8 
(Illy).  If  it  be  possible  that //uraA  is  Ilorcm  and 
YaruH  Iron,  the  possibility  is  strengthened  (so  Mr. 
(Jrove)  by  finding  a  Mujeidd  at  no  great  distance 
from  them,  viz.  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Wadi/  Ker- 
kerah,  eight  miles  due  E.  of  the  lias  e)i-\ukvruh 
(Ladder  of  Tyre),  six  miles  W.  of  JIvrult  and  eight 
of  Yarun.  Uobinson  (ii.  397)  and  WiLson  (ii.  13C, 
641)  m.ike  Migdal-el  probably  =:  Macdala,  the 
modern  el-Jfijd<^,  near  Tiberias.  Porter  (in  Kitto) 
fevors  its  being  at  Mtjdd  Selim,  a  village  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  mountains  of  Napli'ali. 
Schwarz,  reading  Migdal-el  and  Ilorem  as  one 
word,  proposes  to  identify  it  with  Mrjdd  el-Kenim, 
a  [>lace  about  twelve  miles  E.  of  'AkLa. 

Mig'dsl-giid  (Heb.  tower  of  Gad,  Ges.,  Fii. ;  see 
below),  a  city  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  37)  in  the  mari- 
time lowland.  (Sepiiela.)  By  Eusebius  and  Jerome 
it  appears  to  be  mentioned  as  "Magdala."  A  vil- 
lage callcil  fl-Jf&fdil,  identified  with  Migdalgad  by 
Van  dc  Veldc,  lies  in  the  maritime  plain,  two  miles 
inland  from  Asealon,  nine  from  Urn  Z«Av>  (Lachish  y), 
and  eleven  from  'Ajldn  (Eglon).  Xligdal-gad  was 
probably  dedicated  to  or  associated  with  the  worship 
of  the  ancient  deity  Gad. 

Mlg'del  (Ileb.  loirer,  Ges.,  Fii.,  H.  S.  Poole),  proper 
name  of  one  or  two  places  on  the  eastern  frontier 
of  Egypt.  1.  A  Migdol  is  mentioned  in  the  account 
of  the  Exodus  (Ex.  xiv.  2 ;  Num.  xxxiii.  7,  8 ;  Ex- 
ODirs,  THE).  We  suppose  that  the  position  of  the 
encampment  was  before  or  at  Pi-iiahirotii,  behind 
which  was  Migdol,  and  on  the  other  hand  Baal- 
ZKPiioN  and  the  sea,  these  places  being  near  to- 
gether. The  place  of  the  encampment  and  of  the 
passage  of  the  sea  we  believe  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole)  to 
nave  been  not  far  from  the  Perscpolitan  monument, 
irhich  is  made  in  Linant's  map  the  site  of  the  Sera- 
eum.  2.  A  .Migdol  is  spoken  of  by  Jeremiah  and 
Bzekiel.  The  latter  mentions  it  as  a  boundary- 
own,  evidently  on  the  eastern  border,  conespond- 
ni;  to  Seveneh,  or  Syexe,  on  the.  S.  (margin  of 
tz.  xxix.  10,  XXX.  6).  In  Jeremiah  the  Jews  in 
Egypt  arc  spoken  of  as  dwelling  at  Migdol,  Tah- 


panhes,  and  Noph,  and  in  the  country  of  Pathros 
(Jer.  xliv.  1);  and  in  foretelling,  apparently,  an  in- 
vasion of  Egypt  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  Migdol,  Koph, 
and  Tahpaidies  are  again  mentioned  togetlier  (xlvi. 
14).  It  seems  plain,  from  its  being  spoken  of  with 
Jlemphis,  and  from  Jews  dwelling  there,  that  this 
Migdol  was  an  important  town,  and  not  a  mere  fort, 
or  even  military  settlement.  After  this  time  tlicie 
is  no  notice  of  any  place  of  this  name  in  Egypt, 
excepting  of  Magdolus,  by  Hecatasus  of  Miktus,  and 
in  the  Jtiiierarj/  of  Anioninnis,  in  which  i'ngdolu  is 
placed  twelve  lioman  miles  S.  of  Pelusiuii],  in  the 
route  from  the  Serapeum  to  that  town.  This  latter 
place  most  probably  represents  the  Migdol  men- 
tioned by  Jeremiah  and  Ezckiel.  Its  pcsiiion  on 
the  route  to  Palestine  would  make  it  both  strate- 
gically important  and  populous,  neither  of  which 
would  be  the  case  with  a  town  in  the  position  of 
the  Migdol  of  (he  Pi'nta(euch.  Gesfniiis,  however, 
holds  that  there  is  but  one  Migdol  nuntioned  in  the 
Bible  (L<x.  s.  v.).  Lcpsius  distinguishes  (wo  Mig- 
duls,  and  considers  Magdolo  :=  the  Migdol  of  Jere- 
miah and  Ezckiel. 

Jllgrtiii  (ik'b.  prrcipice,  Ges.),  a  town,  or  a  spot 
— f'<r  tlicre  is  nothing  to  indicate  which — in  the 
neighborhood  of  Paul's  city,  Gibeali,  on  the  very 
edge  of  the  district  belonging  to  it  (1  Sam.  xiv.  2); 
distinguished  by  a  pfniegranate-tue,  under  which 
on  the  eve  of  a  memorable  event  we  discover  l?au! 
and  Ahiah  surrounded  by  the  poor  rtnmants  of 
(heir  foice.  Migron  is  piesentcd  (o  our  view  only 
once  again,  viz.  in  (he  list  of  the  places  disturbi  d 
by  Pennacherib's  approach  to  Jerusalem  (Is.  x.  28). 
But  here  its  position  seems  a  little  further  N.  than 
that  indicated  in  the  former  passage.  It  here  oc- 
curs be(ween  Aioth — i.  c.  Ai — and  Micdmash,  in 
other  words  (so  Mr.  Grove)  was  on  (he  N.  of  (he 
Wady  iuirdnit,  while  Gibcah  was  more  (han  (wo 
miles  to  the  S.  thereof.  In  Helnew,  Migron  may 
mean  a  j/rerijAi-e,  and  it  is  not  impossible,  therefore, 
that  two  places  of  (he  same  name  are  intended. 
Porter  (in  Kitto)  thinks  (here  was  only  one  Migron, 
viz.  on  or  close  to  the  S.  brow  of  the  Wady  Suuei- 
nit.     The  piccise  site  is  unknown. 

HHJH-nilii  (fr.  Heb.  =  Miamin).  T.  Chief  of  (he 
si.\th  course  of  jji-icsts  established  by  David  (1  Chr. 
xxiv.  9). — 2.  A  priest,  or  ftniily  of  priests,  who 
signed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  ;  probably  de- 
scended from  (he  preceding  (Neh.  x.  7).  Miamin  2  ; 
MiNIAMIN  2. 

Ilik  Icth  (Heb.  tiavet?  Ges.;  Iwig,^,  hranchfx,  or 
idcks  as  loh,  lii.).  I.  Pon  of  Jchiel,  the  father  of 
Gibeon,  by  his  wife  Maachah  (1  Chr.  viii.  32,  ix.  S7, 
38). — 2,  The  Uader  of  the  second  division  of  Pa- 
vid's  army  (xxvii.  4). 

IHik-nei'all  [-nee'yah]  (fr.  Heb.  =  j/ontmon  of 
Jelimah,  Ges.),  one  of  the  Levites  of  the  secoi  d 
rank,  gatekeepers  of  the  ark,  appointed  by  David 
to  plav  in  (he  Temple  bund  "wi(h  harps  upon 
ShcmiiiKh  "  (1  Chr.  xv.  IS,  21). 

Mll'a-I»l,  or  Ml|.«-lll'i  (Htb.  thquetit,  Ges. ;  Joh  is 
elevation  or  promise,  Fii.),  probably  a  priest  who  as- 
sisted at  the  dedication  of  (he  walls  of  Jerusalem 
(Neh.  xii.  Sfi). 

BIM'cah  (Heb.  queen,  or  Chal.  rovnsel,  Ges.).  1. 
Daughter  of  Haran  and  wife  of  her  uncle  Naiior, 
Abraham's  brother,  (o  whom  she  bare  eight  chil- 
dren (Gen.  xi.  29,  xxii.  20,  23,  xxiv.  In,  24,  47).—?. 
Fourth  daughter  of  Zelopheiiad  (Num.  x.wi.  33, 
xxvii.  1,  xxxvi.  11  ;  Josh.  xvii.  3). 

tlU'toni  (Heb.  link  Molech,  as  a  term  of  endear- 
ment, Ges.),  the  "  abomination  "  of  the  children  of 


650 


MIL 


MIL 


Ammon ;  =  Molkcii  (1  K.  xi.  1,  &c.),  IIelcom  (raai'- 
gin  of  Jcr.  xlix.  1,  o),  and  Malciiam  (Zeph.  i.  6, 
margin  "  their  Icing  "). 

*  Mildew,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Hebrew  yerdr 
kon  =  paleness,  yellowness,  a  turning  yellow  from 
disease,  Ges.  (Deut.  xxviii.  22  ;  1  K.  viii.  37,  &e.); 
once  translated  "  paleness  "  sc.  from  fright  ( Jer. 
XXX.  6).  It  is  uniformly,  except  in  Jsreniiah  1.  c., 
connected  with  "blasting"  (IJeb.  shiddaphi'm  z= 
blnsliny,  bliglit,  e.  g.  of  grain  by  the  east  wind,  Ges.). 

Milf,  a  Roman  measure  of  length  equal  to  1,618 
English  yards,  the  English  mile  being  1,760  yards. 
It  is  only  once  noticed  in  the  IJible  (Mat.  v.  41),  the 
usual  method  of  reckoning  both  in  the  N.  T.  and  in 
Josephus  being  by  the  stadium  (A.  V.  "furlong"). 
The  Uoman  system  of  measurement  was  fully  intro- 
duced into  Palestine,  though  probably  at  a  later  date. 
The  mile  of  the  Jows  is  said  to  have  been  of  two 


kinds,  long  or  short,  dependent  on  the  length  of  the 
pace,  which  varied  in  diil'ereut  parts,  the  long  pace 
being  double  tlie  short  one. 

Jli-Ie'tas  (L.  fr.  Gr.)  (Acts  xx.  16,  17),  less  cor- 
rectly Mi-le'tum  (2  Tim.  iv.  20),  a  celebrated  city 
near  the  mouth  of  the  river  Aleander.  It  was  the 
birth-place  of  Thales,  Anaximander,  &c. ;  and  was 
anciently  the  piinci])al  sea-port  for  its  region.  St. 
Paul,  on  the  return  voyage  from  his  third  mission- 
ary journey,  sent  for  the  presbyters  of  Ephesus  to 
meet  him  at  Miletus  (Acts  xx.  17),  twenty  or  thirty 
miles  distant  by  land,  and  here  he  gave  them  a 
solemn  and  affectionate  charge  (18  ff.).  In  the  con- 
text we  have  the  geographical  relations  of  Miletus 
brought  out  distinctly.  It  lay  on  the  coast  to  the 
S.  of  Epliesus.  It  was  a  day's  sail  from  Trogylliura 
(ver.  15).  Moreover,  to  those  who  are  sailing  from 
the  N.,  it  is  in  the  direct  line  for  Cos.     The  site  of 


General  View  of  the  Theatre  and  Ruins  of  MiletuB.— From  Laborde,  Voyage  en  Orient. — (Fnirbuim.) 


Miletus  has  now  receded  ten  miles  from  the  coast, 
and  even  in  the  apostle's  time  it  must  have  lost  its 
strictly  maritime  position.  The  passage  in  2  Tim., 
where  Miletus  is  mentioned,  presents  a  very  serious 
dilHculty  to  the  theory  that  theie  was  only  one  Ro- 
man imprisonment.  Miletus  was  far  moi'e  famous 
500  years  before  St.  Paul's  day,  than  It  ever  became 
afterward.  In  early  times  it  was  the  most  flourish- 
ing city  of  the  Ionian  Greeks.  (Ionia.)  In  the 
natural  order  of  events,  it  was  absorbed  in  the  Per- 
sian empire.  After  a  brief  period  of  spirited  inde- 
pendence, it  received  a  blow  from  which  it  never  re- 
covered, in  the  siege  conducted  by  Alexander  the 
Gi-eat,  when  on  his  Eastern  campaign.  But  still  it 
held,  even  through  the  Roman  period,  the  rank  of  a 
second-rate  trading-town,  and  Strabo  mentions  its 
fonr  harbors.  At  this  time  it  was  politically  in  the 
province  of  Asia,  though  Caria  was  the  old  ethno- 
logical name  of  the  district  in  which  it  was  situated. 
The  ruins  of  the  ancient  Miletus  are  generally  sup- 
posed to  be  at  Palahlm.  Here  are  reiuains  of  an 
enormous  theatre,  an  aqueduct,  the  site  of  several 
teiiiples,  including  one  to  Apollo,  a  Christian  church, 
and  the  walls. 

Slllki  As  an  article  of  diet,  milk  holds  a  more 
important  position  in  Eastern  countries  than  with 
us.  It  is  not  a  mere  adjunct  in  cookery,  or  re- 
stricted to  the  use  of  the  young,  although  it  is  nat- 
urally the  characteristic  food  of  childhood,  both 
from  its  simple  and  nutritive  qualities  (1  Pet.  ii.  2), 
and  particularly  as  contrasted  with  meat  (1  Cor.  iii. 
2;  Ileb.  v.  12):  but  beyond  this  it  is  regarded  as 
substantial  food  adapted  alike  to  all  ages  and  classes. 
It  appears  as  the  very  emblem  of  abundance  and 


wealth,  in  company  with  honey  (Ex.  iii.  8 ;  Deut 
vi.  3,  xi.  9)  or  wine  (Is.  Iv.  1),  or  by  itself  (Job  xxi- 
24);  hence  also  to  "suck  the  milk  "  of  an  enemy's 
land  implied  its  complete  subjection  (Is.  Ix.  16; 
Ez.  xxv.  4).  Not  only  the  milk  of  cows,  but  of 
sheep  (Deut.  xxxii.  14),  of  camels  (Gen.  xxxii.  15), 
and  of  goats  (Prov.  xxvii.  27)  was  used  ;  the  latter 
appears  to  have  been  most  highly  prized.  Milk  was 
used  sometimes  in  its  natural  state,  and  sometimes 
in  a  sour  coagulated  state :  the  former  was  named 
h(Xl<ih  or  chdlAb,  and  the  latter  hcmah  or  chem&h.  In 
the  A.  V.  the  latter  is  rendered  "  uirTTER,"  but  Mr. 
Bevan,  Gesenius,  &c.,  think  that  in  every  case  (i  '- 
cept  pei'hiij)S  Prov.  xxx.'  3.3)  the  term  refers  to  a 
pi-eparation  of  milk  well  known  in  Eastern  coun- 
tries under  the  name  of  Icben.  The  method  now 
pursued  in  its  preparation  is  to  boil  the  milk  over  a 
slow  fire,  adding  to  it  a  small  piece  of  old  lebm  or 
some  other  acid  in  order  to  make  it  cnagulate.  The 
refreshing  draught  which  Jael  offered  "in  a  lordly 
dish "  to  Sisera  (Judg.  v.  25)  was  lebeii.  Lcben  is 
still  extensively  used  in  the  East :  at  certain  seasons 
of  the  year  the  poor  almost  live  upon  it,  while  the 
upper  classes  eat  it  with  salad  or  meat.  It  is  slill 
offered  in  hospitality  to  the  passing  stranger  (Gen. 
xviii.  8).  Thomson  (i.  135)  regards  the  Mosaic 
precept,  "  Thou  shalt  not  seethe  a  kid  in  his  moth- 
er's milk"  (Ex.  xxiii.  19,  xxxiv.  26;  Deut.  xiv.  21), 
as  referring  to  a  favorite  Arab  dish,  prepared  by 
stewing  a  fat  and  tender  young  kid,  c.irefuUy  dressed, 
in  milk,  generally  sour,  mixed  with  onions  and  hot 
spices.  This  is  a  gi'0.ss,  unwholesome  dish,  asso- 
ciated with  immoderate  feasting,  regarded  by  the 
Jews  as  forbidden  specifically  in  the  above  precept, 


MIL 


MIL 


651 


and  was  perhaps  connected  with  idolatrous  sacri- 
tites. 

Mill.  The  mills  (Heb.  dual  rehai/im  or  rechayim 
=  the  two  milhionai,  ties.;  Gr.  muloii,  "  mill"  [Mat. 
xxiv.  4IJ;  niii/os,  "millstone")  of  the  ancient  He- 
brews probably  diftercd  but  little  from  those  at 
present  in  use  in  the  East.  These  consist  of  two 
circular  stones,  about  eighteen  inches  or  two  feet 
ill  diameter,  the  lower  of  which  is  ti.\ed,  and  has  its 
upper  surface  slightly  convex,  fitting  into  a  corre- 
sponding concavity  in  the  upjier  stone.  The  latter, 
called  by  the  Ucbrews  recheb,  literally  "  chariot," 
and  by  the  Arabs  rtkkab,  "  rider,"  has  a  hole  in  it 
through  which  the  grain  passes,  immediately  above 

a  pivot  or  shaft 
which  rises  from 
the  centre  of  the 
lower  stone,  and 
about  which  the 
upper  stone  is 
turned  by  means 
ofan  upright  han- 
dle fixed  near 
the  edge.  It  is 
worked  by  wo- 
men, sometimes 
singly  and   some- 

times  two  togcth- 

W«m«a  ETinding  groin  with  tfa«  himd-niUl  of  p».   it-hn  ftrp  iwiinl 
modern  Syria.-<Ay.-«.)  ei ,  »  no  aic  usual- 

ly seated  on  the 
bare  ground  (Is.  xlvii.  1,2)  "  facing  each  other; 
both  have  hold  of  the  handle  by  which  the  upper 
is  turned  round  on  the  '  nether '  millstone.  The 
one  whose  right  hand  is  disengaged  throws  in  the 
grain  as  occasion  reipiires  through  the  hole  in  the 
upper  stone.  It  is  not  correct  to  say  that  one 
pushes  it  half  round,  and  then  the  other  seizes  the 
handle.  Both  retain  their  hold,  and  pull  to  or  push 
from,  as  men  do  with  the  whip  or  crosscut  saw. 
The  proverb  of  our  Saviour  (Mat.  x.xiv.  41)  is  true 
to  life,  for  women  only  grind.  I  cannot  recall  an 
instance  in  which  men  were  at  the  mill  "  (Thom- 
son, il.  295).  The  labor  is  very  hard,  and  the  task 
of  grinding  in  consequence  performed  only  by  the 
lowest  senants  (Ex.  xi.  5),  and  captives  (Judg.  xvi. 
21  ;  Job  xxxi.  10;  Is.  xlvil.  1,  2  ;  Lam.  v.  13).  So 
essential  were  millstones  for  daily  domestic  use, 
that  they  were  forbidden  to  be  taken  in  pledge 
(Deut.  xxiv.  6  ;  Jos.  iv.  8,  §  26),  in  order  that  a 
man's  family  might  not  be  deprived  of  the  means 
of  preparing  their  food.  The  sound  of  the  mill  is 
the  indication  of  peaceful  household  life,  and  the 
absence  of  it  is  a  sign  of  desolation  and  abandon- 
ment (Eccl.  xii.  4  ;  Jcr.  xxv.  10 ;  Rev.  xviii.  22). 
The  hand-mills  of  the  ancient  Egyptians  appear  to 
have  been  of  the  same  character  as  those  of  their 
des<en(lants,  and  like  them  were  worked  by  women 
(Wilkinson,  ^«c.^</;//rf.,  ii.  p.  Il8,&c.).  "Theyhad 
also  a  large  mill  on  a  very  similar  principle ;  but 
the  stones  were  of  far  greater  power  and  dimen- 
sions; and  this  could  only  have  been  turned  by 
cattle  or  asses,  like  those  of  the  ancient  Romans, 
and  of  the  modern  Cairenes."  It  was  the  millstone 
of  a  mill  of  this  kind,  driven  by  an  ass,  which  is  al- 
luded to  in  Mat.  xviii.  6  (fir.  yiiuloa  onikon).  With 
the  movable  upper  millstone  of  the  hand-mill  the 
woman  of  Thei>cz  "  all  to  brake  "  (i.  e.  completely 
or  altogether  broke)  Abimclech's  skull  (Judg.  ix. 
B3).    Oil. 

Miriff.  (Ileb.  (id/tan  or  dochan)  (Ezr.  iv.  9  only). 
Probably  the  grains  of  Paiiieum'  miliacefim  and 
Italicum,  and  of  the  IMcm  Sorghum,  Linn,  (the 


Sorghum  milgare  of  modern  writers),  may  all  be 
comprehended  by  the  Hebrew  word.  Dr.  Royle 
maintains  that  the  true  dukhim  of  Arab  authors  is 
the  Panicuiii  miliaccum,  common  millet  or  warrte,  an 


Indian  Millet  (,S(rTghvm  w'ljart), 

annual  grass,  native  of  India,  which  is  universally 
cultivated  in  the  East.  Its  seeds  arc  often  used  as 
an  ingredient  in  making  bread.  The  Sorghum  vul- 
gare,  or  Indian  millet,  also  a  native  of  India,  leag 


Common  Millet  (i^iniewn  miliaeeum  ). 

cultivated  as  forage  and  as  food  for  man  and  ani- 
mals, includes  at  least  four  varieties,  viz.  the  broom- 


652 


MIL 


MIN 


corn,  imphee,  durra,  and  Chinese  sugar-cane.  (See 
AVw  American  Ci/clo/xedia,  articles  "Millet"  and 
"  Sorgluim  ").  Probiibly  both  the  Sorghum  vulffare 
and  the  Fanicum  miliaceum  were  used  by  the  an- 
cient Hebrews  and  Egyptians. 

MM'll)  (Heb.,  see  below),  a  place  in  ancient  Je- 
RDSALEM.  Both  name  and  thing  seem  to  have  been 
already  in  existence  when  the  city  was  taken  from 
the  Jebusites  by  David  (2  Sam.  v.  9;  1  Chr.  xi.  8). 
Its  repair  or  restoration  was  one  of  the  great  worivs 
for  wliich  Solomon  raised  his  "levy"  (1  K.  ix.  15, 
24,  xi.  27) ;  and  it  formed  a  prominent  part  of  the 
fortilications  by  which  Ilezekiah  prepared  for  tlie 
approach  of  the  Assyrians  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  5).  The 
last  passage  seems  to  show  that  Millo  was  part  of 
the  "  city  of  David,"  i.  e.  of  Zion  (compare  2  K. 
xii.  20).  If  "  Millo  "  be  taken  as  a  Hebrew  word, 
it  would  be  derived  from  a  root  =:  to  Jill  or  to  be 
full.  Tliis  notion  has  been  applied  by  the  inter- 
preters after  their  custom  in  the  most  various  and 
opposite  ways : — a  mound,  rampart,  so  called  as 
jfilled  in  with  stones  and  earth ;  hence  fortress, 
eaulle  ;  especially  a  part  of  the  citadel  of  Jerusalem, 
probably  the  rampart,  intreitclini^d,  Ges. ;  a  banlion, 
Kii. ;  an  open  space  used  for  assemblies,  and  there- 
fore often  filled  with  people;  a  ditch  or  valley; 
even  a  trench  filled  with  water.  But  none  of  these 
guesses  enable  us  to  ascertain  what  Millo  really 
was,  and  it  would  probably  be  nearer  the  truth — it 
is  certainly  safer  (so  Mr.  Grove) — to  look  on  the 
name  as  an  ancient  term,  Jebusite,  or  possibly  even 
still  older,  adopted  by  the  Israelites  when  they  took 
the  town,  and  incorporated  into  their  own  nomen- 
clature. The  LXX.  render  in  every  case  (ex- 
cepting only  2  Chr.  xxxii.  5)  tie  akra,  a  word  which 
they  employ  nowhere  else  in  the  0.  T.  Now  the 
Gr.  he  akra  —  tlie  citadel,  and  is  the  word  used 
throughout  the  Books  of  Maccabees  for  the  fortress 
on  Mount  Zion  (so  Mr.  Grove,  but  see  Jercsalem, 
pp.  452-3,  45S>,  461-2).     Mii.LO,  THE  House  of. 

Mll'lo  (Heb.,  see  above),  the  Hoasc  of.  1.  Ap- 
pirently  a  family  or  clan,  mentioned  in  Judg.  ix.  6, 
20  only,  in  connection  with  the  men  or  lords  of 
Shechem. — 2,  The  "  house  of  Millo  that  goeth  down 
to  SiLLA  "  was  the  spot  at  which  King  Joash  was 
murdered  by  his  servants  (2  K.  xii.  20).  There  is 
nothing  to  lead  us  to  suppose  that  the  murder  was 
not  committed  in  .Jerusalem,  and  in  that  case  the 
spot  must  be  connected  with  the  ancient  Millo. 

*  Ml'na  (L.)  (Lk.  xi.x.  13  m.argin).     Money. 

*  Nineins,  the  A.V.  translation  of  Heb.  infinitive 
taphoph  =  to  take  short  and  quick  xleps,  to  trip,  with 
reference  to  the  affected  gait  of  coquettish  females, 
Ges.  (Is.  iii.  16  only). 

Jllincs,  Mi'ning,  "  Surely  there  is  a  source  for 
the  SILVER,  and  a  place  for  the  gold  which  they  re- 
fine. Ikon  is  taken  out  of  the  soil,  and  stone  man 
melts  for  coppEa.  He  hath  put  an  end  to  darkness, 
and  to  all  perfeeticm  (i.  e.  most  thoroughly),  he 
searcheth  the  stone  of  thick  darkness  and  of  the 
shadow  of  death.  He  hath  sunk  a  shaft  far  from 
the  wanderer ;  they  that  are  forgotten  of  the  foot 
are  suspended,  away  from  man  they  waver  to  and 
fro.  (As  for)  the  earth,  from  hercometh  forth  bread, 
yet  her  nethermost  parts  are  upturned  as  (by)  fire. 
The  i)lace  of  sapphire  (are)  her  stones,  and  dust  of 
gold  is  his.  A  track  which  the  bird  of  prey  hath 
not  known,  nor  the  eye  of  the  felcon  glared  upon  ; 
which  the  sons  of  pride  (i.  c.  wild  beasts)  have  not 
trodden,  nor  the  roaring  lion  gone  over ;  in  the 
flint  man  hath  thrust  his  hand,  he  hath  overturned 
mountains  from  the  root ;    in  the  rocks  he  hath 


cleft  channels,  and  every  rare  thing  hath  his  eye 
seen ;  the  streams  hath  he  bound  that  they  weep 
not,  and  that  whicli  is  hid  he  bringeth  forth  to 
light"  (so  Mr.  Wright  translates  Job  xxviii.  1-11). 
Such  is  the  highly  poetical  description  given  by  the 
author  of  the  Book  of  Job  of  the  operations  of 
mining  as  known  in  his  day,  the  only  record  of 
the  kind  from  tlie  ancient  Hebrews.  It  may  be 
fairly  inferred  from  the  description  that  a  dis- 
tinction is  made  between  gold  obtained  in  the 
manner  indicated,  and  that  found  in  the  natural 
state  in  the  alluvial  soil,  among  the  debris  washed 
down  by  the  torrents.  This  appears  to  be  implied 
in  the  expression  "  the  gold  they  refine,"  which  pre- 
supposes a  process  by  which  the  pure  gold  is  ex- 
tracted from  the  ore,  and  separated  from  the  silver 
or  cojiper  with  which  it  may  have  been  mixed. 
What  is  said  of  gold  may  be  equally  applied  to  sil- 
ver, for  the  two  metals  are  associated  in  almost 
every  allusion  to  the  process  of  refining.  In  tlie  pas- 
sage quoted,  so  far  as  can  be  made  out,  the  natural 
order  of  mining  operations  is  observed  in  the  de- 
scription. The  poet  might  have  had  before  him  the 
copper-mines  of  the  Siuaitic  peninsula.  In  the  Wady 
MaghArah  (=  the  valley  of  the  Cave),  about  forty 
miles  N.  W.  of  Mount  Sinai,  are  still  traces  of  the 
Egyptian  colony  of  ndners  who  settled  there  for  the 
purpose  of  extracting  copper  from  the  freestone 
rocks,  and  left  their  hieroglyphic  inscriptions  upon 
the  face  of  the  cliff.  The  ancient  furnaces  are  still 
to  be  seen,  and  on  the  coast  of  the  Red  Sea  are  found 
the  piers  and  wharves  whence  the  miners  shipped 
their  metal  in  the  harbor  of  Abu  Ztlimeh.  The  cop- 
per-mines of  Pha;no  in  Idumea,  according  to  Jerome, 
were  between  Zoar  and  Pctra :  in  the  persecution 
of  Diocletian  the  Christians  were  condenmed  to 
work  them.  (Pu.non.)  The  gold-mines  of  Egypt  in 
the  Bishiree  desert  have  been  discovered  within  a 
few  years  by  M.  Linant  and  Mr.  Bonomi.  Riiins 
of  the  miners'  huts  still  remain  as  at  Surabit  el-  j 
Khddim,  in  the  Siuaitic  peninsula.  According  to  I 
the  account  given  by  Diodorus  Sicnlus,  the  mines  ■ 
were  worked  by  giings  of  convicts  and  captives  in 
fetters,  who  were  kept  day  and  night  to  their  task 
by  (he  soldiers  set  to  guard  them.  The  work  was 
superintended  by  an  engineer,  who  selected  the 
stone  and  pointed  it  out  to  the  miners.  The  harder 
rock  was  split  by  the  application  of  fire,  but  the 
softer  was  broken  up  with  picks  and  chisels.  The 
miners  were  quite  naked,  their  bodies  being  painted 
according  to  the  color  of  the  rock  they  were  work- 
ing, and  in  order  to  see  in  the  dark  passages  of  the 
mine  they  carried  lamps  upon  their  heads.  The 
stone  as  it  fell  was  carried  off  by  boys,  it  was  then 
pounded  in  stone  mortars  with  iron  pestles  by  those 
who  were  over  thirty  years  of  age  till  it  was  reduced 
to  the  size  of  a  lentil.  The  women  and  old  men 
afterward  ground  it  in  mills  to  a  fine  powder.  The 
final  process  of  separating  the  gold  from  the  pound- 
ed stone  was  intrusted  to  the  engineers  who  super- 
intended the  work.  They  spread  this  powder  ujion 
a  broad  slightly-inclined  table,  and  rubbed  it  gently 
with  the  hand,  pouring  water  upon  it  from  time  to 
time  so  as  to  carry  away  all  the  earthy  matter,  leav- 
ing the  heavier  particles  on  the  board.  This  was 
repeated  several  times ;  at  first  Avith  the  hand  and 
afterward  with  fine  sponges  gently  pressed  upon  the 
earthy  substance,  till  nothing  but  the  gold  was  left. 
It  was  then  collected  by  other  workmen,  and  placed 
in  earthen  crucibles  with  a  mixture  of  lead  and  salt 
in  certain  proportions,  together  with  a  little  tin  and 
some  barlev  bran.     The  crucibles  were  covered  and 


MIN 


MIK 


653 


carefully  closed  with  clay,  and  in  this  condition 
baked  in  a  furnace  for  five  days  and  nights  without 
intermission.  Of  the  three  methods  employed  for 
refining  gold  and  silver,  (1.)  by  exposing  the  fused 
metal  to  a  current  of  air;  (2.)  by  keeping  the  alloy 
in  a  state  of  fusion  and  throwing  nitre  upon  it ;  anil 
(3.)  by  mixing  the  alloy  with  lead,  exposing  the 
whole  to  fusion  upon  a  vessel  of  bone-ashes  or 
earth,  and  blowing  upon  it  with  bellows  or  other 
blast ;  the  third  appears  most  nearly  to  coincide 
with  the  description  of  Diodorus.  To  this,  known 
as  the  cupelling  process  (Lead),  there  seems  to  be  a 
reference  in  I's.  xii.  6 ;  Jer.  vi.  28-30;  Kz.  xxii.  18- 
22,  and  from  it  Mr.  Napier  deduces  a  striking  illus- 
tration of  Mai.  iii.  2,  3,  "  he  shall  sit  as  a  refiner  and 
purifier  of  silver,"  &c.  When  the  alloy  is  melted 
upon  a  cupel,  and  the  air  blown  upon  it,  the  sur- 
face has  a  deep  orange  red  color,  with  a  kind  of 
flickering  wave  passing  over  the  surface.  As  the 
process  proceeds,  the  heat  is  increased,  and  the  re- 
finer watches  the  operation,  either  standing  or  sit- 
ting, with  the  greatest  earnestness,  until  all  the 
orange  color  &nd  shading  disappears,  and  the  refiner 
may  see  himself  as  in  a  looking-glass. — Silver-mines 
are  mentioned  by  Diodorus  with  those  of  gold,  iron, 
and  copper,  in  the  island  of  Meroe.  But  the  chief 
supply  of  silver  in  the  ancient  world  appears  to  have 
been  brought  from  Spain.  The  mines  of  that  coun- 
try were  ce'.ebratcd  { 1  Mc.  viii.  3).  Mount  Orospeda, 
from  which  the  Guadalquivir,  the  ancient  Baltes, 
takes  its  rise,  was  formerly  called  "  the  silver  moun- 
tain," from  the  silver  mines  in  it.  But  the  largest 
silver-mines  in  Spain  were  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Carthago  Nova  (modern  Carthagena).  The  process 
of  separating  the  silver  from  the  lead  is  abridged  by 
Strabo  from  Polybius.  The  lumps  of  ore  were  first 
pounded,  and  then  sifted  through  sieves  into  water. 
The  sediment  was  again  pounded,  and  again  filtered, 
and  after  this  process  had  been  repeated  five  times 
the  water  was  drawn  off,  the  remainder  of  the  ore 
roelted,  the  lead  poured  away  and  the  silver  left 
pure.  If  Tartessus  be  the  Taeshish  of  Scripture, 
the  metal  workers  of  Spain  in  those  days  must  have 
possessed  the  art  of  hammering  silver  into  sheets, 
for  we  find  in  Jer.  x.  9,  "  silver  spread  into  plates 
is  brought  from  Tarsliish,  and  gold  from  Uphaz." 
We  have  no  means  of  knowing  whether  the  gold  of 
Ophir  was  obtained  from  mines  or  from  the  wash- 
ing of  gold-streams.  Probably  the  greater  part  of 
the  gold  which  came  into  the  hands  of  the  Pheni- 
cidna  and  Hebrews  was  obtained  from  streams  ;  its 
great  abundance  seems  to  indicate  this.  As  gold  is 
sddom  if  ever  found  entirely  free  from  silver,  the 
quantity  of  the  latter  varying  from  two  per  cent,  to 
thirty  per  cent.,  it  has  been  supposed  that  the  an- 
cient metallurgistx  were  acquainted  with  some  means 
of  parting  them,  an  operation  performed  in  modem 
times  by  boiling  the  metal  in  nitric  or  sulphuric 
acid.  To  some  process  of  this  kind  reference  is 
supposed  to  be  made  in  Prov.  xvii.  3,  "  The  Jinint;- 
jMt  is  for  silver,  and  the  furnace  for  gold ; "  and 
again  in  xxvii.  21.  A  strong  proof  of  the  acquaint- 
ance possessed  by  the  ancient  Hebrews  with  the 
manipulation  of  metals  is  found  by  some  in  the  de- 
struction of  the  golden  calf  in  the  desert  by  Moses, 
which  they  have  unscientifically  supposed  was  ef- 
fected by  calcination,  &c.  "  Arid  he  took  the  calf 
which  they  had  made,  and  burnt  it  in  the  fire,  and 
ground  it  to  powder,  and  strawcd  it  upon  the  water, 
and  made  the  children  of  Israel  drink"  (Ex.  xxxii. 
20).  The  whole  difficulty  (so  Mr.  Wright)  appears 
to  have  arisen  from  a  desire  to  find  too  much  in  the 


text.  The  main  object  of  the  destruction  of  the 
calf  was  to  prove  its  worthlessness  and  to  throw 
contempt  upon  idolatry,  and  all  this  might  have 
been  done  without  any  refined  chemical  process  like 
that  referred  to.  How  far  the  ancient  Hebrews 
were  acquainted  with  the  processes  at  present  in 
use  for  extracting  copper  fi>om  the  ore  it  is  impossi- 
ble to  assert,  as  there  are  no  references  in  Scripture 
to  anything  of  the  kind  except  in  the  passage  of 
Job  already  quoted.  Copper-smelting,  however,  is 
in  some  cases  attended  with  comparatively  small 
dilTieulties,  which  the  ancients  had  evidently  the 
skill  to  overcome.  Some  means  of  toughening  the 
metal  so  as  to  render  it  fit  for  manufacture  must 
have  been  known  to  the  Hebrews  as  to  other  an- 
cient nations.  The  Egyptians  evidently  possessed 
the  art  of  working  bronze  in  great  perfection  at  a 
very  early  time,  and  much  of  the  knowledge  of 
metals  which  the  Israelites  had  must  have  been 
acquired  during  their  residence  among  them.  Of 
TIN  there  appears  to  have  been  no  trace  in  Palestine. 
That  the  Phenicians  obtained  their  supplies  from 
the  mines  of  Spain  and  Cornwall  there  can  be  no 
doubt.  The  lead-mines  of  Gebel «'  L'ossass,  near  the 
coast  of  the  Red  Sea,  about  latitude  25*^  N.,  may 
have  supplied  the  Hebrews  with  that  metal,  of  which 
there  were  no  mines  in  their  own  country  or  it 
may  have  been  obtained  from  the  rocks  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Sinai.  The  hills  of  Palestine  are 
rich  in  iron,  and  the  mines  are  still  worked  there, 
though  in  a  very  simple  rude  manner,  like  that  of 
the  ancient  Samothracians ;  of  the  method  employed 
by  the  Egyptians  and  Hebrews  we  have  no  certain 
information.  It  may  have  been  similar  to  that  in 
use  throughout  India  from  very  early  times,  which 
is  thus  described  by  Dr.  Ure :~"  '^le  furnace  or 
bloomery  in  which  the  ore  is  smelteiPis  from  four 
to  five  feet  high  ;  it  is  somew  hat  pear-shaped,  being 
about  five  feet  wide  at  the  bottom  and  one  foot  at 

the  top.     It  is  built  entirely  of  clay There  is 

an  opening  in  front  about  a  foot  or  more  in  height, 
which  is  built  up  with  clay  at  the  commencement  and 
broken  down  at  the  end  of  each  smelting  operation. 

The  bellows  are  usually  made  of  goat's  skin 

The  bamboo  nozzles  of  the  bellows  are  inserted  into 

tubes  of  clay,  which  pass  into  the  furnace 

The  furnace  is  filled  with  charcoal,  and  a  lighted 
coal  being  introduced  before  the  nozzles,  the  mass 
in  the  interior  is  soon  kindled.  As  soon  as  this  is 
accomplished,  a  small  portion  of  the  ore,  previously 
moistened  with  water  to  prevent  it  from  running 
through  the  charcoal,  but  without  any  flux  what- 
ever, is  laid  on  the  top  of  the  coals  and  covered  with 
charcoal  to  fill  up  the  furnace.  In  this  manner  ore 
and  fuel  are  supplied,  and  the  bellows  are  urged  lor 
three  or  four  hours.  When  the  process  is  stopped 
and  the  temporary  wall  in  front  broken  down,  the 
bloom  is  removed  with  a  pair  of  tongs  from  the 
bottom  of  the  furnace."  It  has  seemed  necessary 
to  give  this  account  of  a  very  ancient  method  of 
iron-smelting,  because,  from  the  difficulties  which 
attend  it,  and  the  intense  heat  required  to  separate 
the  metal  from  the  ore,  it  has  been  asserted  that  the 
allusions  to  iron  and  iron  manufacture  in  the  O.  T. 
are  anachronisms.  But  if  it  were  possible  among 
the  ancient  Indians  in  a  very  primitive  state  of  civil- 
ization, it  might  have  been  known  to  the  Hebrews, 
who  may  have  acquired  their  knowledge  by  working 
as  slaves  in  the  iron  furnaces  of  Egy|)t  (compare 
Dcut.  iv.  20).     Flrnace;  Handickaft;  Mktals. 

Mln'glrd  Pfo'ple.     This  phrase  (Heb.  hd'ereh),  in 
Jer,  XXV.  20,  and  Ez.  xxx.  6,  like  that  of  "  the  mixed 


h 


654 


MIN 


MIN 


MCLTITCDE,"  which  the  Hebrew  closely  resembles, 
=  the  miscellaneous  foreign  population  of  Egypt 
and  its  frontier-tribes,  including  every  one,  says 
Jerome,  who  was  not  a  native  Egyptian,  but  was 
resident  there.  It  is  dilficult  to  identify  with  the 
mingled  people  any  particular  race  of  which  we 
liave  knowledge.  "Thckings  of  the  mingled  peo- 
ple that  dwell  in  the  deserts  "  are  the  same  appar- 
ently as  the  tributary  kings  (A.  V.  "  kings  of 
Arabia")  who  brought  presents  to  Solomon (1  K.  x. 
1 5) ;  the  Hebrew  in  the  two  cases  is  identical.  The 
"  mingled  people  "  in  the  midst  of  Babylon  (Jer.  1. 
3V)  were  probably  the  foreign  soldiers  or  mercenary 
troops,  who  lived  among  the  native  population,  as 
the  Targum  takes  it. 

Min'1-a-min  (Ileb.  =  Miamin,  Mijamin,  Ges.).  1. 
A  Levite  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xx.ii.  15). 
— 2.  A  priest,  probably  =  Miamin  2  and  Mijamiv 
2  (Neh.  xii.  17). — 3<  One  of  the  priasts  at  the  dedi- 
cation of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (xii.  41). 

Nin'ai  (lleb.  divisim,  allotment?  Ges.),  a  portion 
of  Ait.MF.MiA  mentioned  in  connection  with  Ararat 
and  Ashchenaz  (Jer.  li.  27). 

Min'is-tfr  =:  an  attendant  or  servant,  one  who 
acts  in  subordination  or  obedience  to  another.  This 
term  is  used  in  the  A.  V.  to  describe  various  ofli- 
cials  of  a  religious  and  civil  character.  In  the 
0.  T.  it  answers  to  the  Heb.  mesMrelh,  which  is 
applied,  (1.)  to  an  attendant  upon  a  person  of  high 
raiik  (Ex.  xxiv.  13 ;  Josh.  i.  1 ;  2  K.  iv.  43,  A.  V. 
"servitors;"  Ex.  xxxiii.  11,  A.  V.  "servant,"  &c.); 
(2.)  to  the  attaches  of  a  royal  court  (1  K.  x.  5;  2 
Chr.  xxii.  8  ;  camp.  Ps.  civ.  4),  distinguished  from 
the  "  servants  "  or  officials  of  higher  rank  ;  (3.)  to 
the  priests  and  Levites  (Is.  Ixi.  6;  Ez.  xliv.  11; 
Joel  i.  9,  13|  Ezi'.  viii.  17;  Neh.  x.  36).  In  the 
N.  T.  we  hav"three  Greek  t'3rms,  each  witli  its  dis- 
tinctive meaning — leitourgos,  Impereth,  and  diakonos. 
The  first  answers  most  nearly  to  the  lleb.  mlshdreth 
and  is  usually  employed  in  the  LXX.  as  its  equiva- 
lent. It  betokens  a  subordinate  public  administra- 
tor (Rom.  xiiL  6,  xv.  16  ;  Heb.  viii.  2).  In  all  these 
instances  llie  original  and  special  meaning  of  the 
word,  as  used  by  the  Athenians  of  one  who  performs 
certain  gratuitous  public  services,  is  preserved.  In 
lleb.  i.  7  it  is  used  of  the  angels.  In  Ecclus.  x.  2 
it  is  translated  "oificar."  The  second  Greek  term 
differs  from  the  two  others  in  containing  the  idea 
of  actual  and  personal  attendance  on  a  superior. 
Thus  it  is  used  of  the  attendant  in  the  SY.SAGoauE, 
the  hazidn  or  chanzdn  of  the  Talmudists  (Lk.  iv.  20), 
whose  duty  it  was  to  open  and  close  t!ie  building, 
to  produce  and  replace  the  books  employed  in  the 
service,  and  gan3rally  to  wait  on  the  officiating  priest 
or  teacher.  The  idea  of  personal  attendance  comes 
prominently  forward  in  Lk.  i.  2  and  Acts  xxvi.  10.  It 
is  frequently  translated  "  officer"  (Mat.  v.  25,  &c.) 
and  "  servant"  (xxvi.  58,  &c.).  In  all  these  cases 
the  etymological  sense  of  the  word  (literally  a  sub- 
rower,  one  who  rows  under  the  command  of  the 
steersman)  comes  out.  Tlie  third  Greek  term, 
often  =:  "servant"  in  general  (Mat.  xxii.  13;  Jn. 
ii.  5,  9,  xii.  26,  &c.),  is  employed  in  a  general  sense 
for  any  Christian  teacher  (Preacher),  as  Paul  and 
ApoUos  (1  Cor.  iii.  5,  &c.),  Tvchicus  (Eph.  vi.  21 ; 
Col.  iv.  7),  Epaphras  (i.  7),  Timothy  (1  Th.  iii.  2), 
and  Christ  Himself  (Rom.  xv.  8;  Gal.  ii.  17);  and 
in  a  special  sense,  for  which  see  Deacos.   Servant. 

Mln'nlth  (Heb.  =  Minm  V),  a  place  on  the  east 
of  the  Jordan,  to  which  Jeplithah's  slaughter  of 
the  Ammonites  extended  (Judg.  xi.  33).  Minnith 
was  in  the  neighborhood  of  Abel-Cebamih.     A  site 


bearing  the  name  Menjah,  is  marked  in  Van  de 
Velde's  map,  at  seven  Roman  miles  E.  of  Heshbon, 
on  a  road  to  AmmAn  (Kabbah),  though  not  on  the 
frequented  track.  The  "  wheat  of  Minnith  "  is 
mentioned  in  Ez.  xxvii.  17,  as  supplied  by  Judah 
and  Israel  to  Tyre  ;  but  there  is  notliing  to  indicate 
that  the  same  place  is  intended,  and  indeed  the 
word  is  thouglit  by  some  not  to  be  a  proper  name. 

Min'streK  The  Heb.  word  in  2  K.  iii.  15  (menag- 
geii)  properly  signifies  a  player,  upon  a  stringed  in- 
strument like  tile  harp,  on  which  David  played  be- 
fore Saul  (1  Sam.  xvi.  16,  xviii.  10,  xix.  9),  and 
which  the  harlots  of  the  great  cities  used  to  carry 
with  them  as  they  walked  to  attract  notice  (Is.  xxiii, 
16).  The  passage  in  which  it  occurs  has  given  rise 
to  much  conjecture;  Elisha,  upon  being  consulted 
by  Jchoram  as  to  the  issue  of  the  war  with  Moab, 
at  first  indignantly  refuses  to  answer,  and  is  only 
induced  to  do  so  by  the  presence  of  Jehoshaphat. 
He  calls  for  a  harper,  apparently  a  camp-follower ; 
"  and  it  came  to  pass  as  the  harper  harped  that  the 
hand  of  Jehovah  was  on  him."  Other  instances  of 
the  same  Divine  influence  or  impulse  connected  with 
music,  are  seen  in  the  case  of  Saul  and  the  young 
prophets  in  1  Sam.  x.  5,  C,  10,  11.  In  the  present 
passage  the  reason  of  Elisha's  appeal  is  variously 
explained.  According  to  Keil,  "  Elisha  calls  for  a 
minstrel,  in  order  to  gather  in  his  thoughts  by  the 
soft  tones  of  music  from  the  impression  of  the  outer 
world  and  by  repressing  the  life  of  self  and  of  the 
world  to  be  transferred  into  the  state  of  internal 
vision,  by  which  his  spirit  would  be  prepared  to  re- 
ceive the  Divine  revelation."  This,  in  effect,  is  the 
view  taken  by  Josephus,  JIaimonides,  &c.  The 
"  minstrels  "  iii  Mat.  ix.  23  (Gr.  pi.  of  aulMcs,  trans- 
lated "  pipers  "  in  Rev.  xviii.  22),  were  the  flute- 
players  who  were  employed  as  professional  mourn- 
ers to  whom  frequent  allusion  is  made  (Eccl.  xii.  5 ; 
2  Chr.  xxxv.  25  ;  Jer.  ix.  17-20).    Mourning  ;  Music. 

Mint  (Gr.  hcdunsmon)  occurs  only  in  Mat.  xxiii. 
23,  and  Lk.  xi.  42,  as  one  of  those  herbs,  the  titiie 
of  which  the  Jews  were  most  scrupulously  exact  in 
paying.  The  A.  V.  is  undoubtedly  correct  in  the 
translation  of  the  Greek  word,  and  all  the  old  ver- 
sions are  agreed  in  understanding  some  species  of 
mint  {Mentha)  by  it.     Mint  was  used  by  the  Greeks 


Hone-mint  (Sfentka  ti/lvfstria). 

and  Romans  both  a.s  a  carminative  in  medicine  and 
a  condiment  in  cookery.     The  woodcut  represents 


MIP 


MIR 


655 


I 


the  horse-mint  (Mentha  fylvestriii)  which  is  common 
in  Syria,  and,  according  to  Russell,  found  in  the 
gardens  at  Aleppo ;  Alentlui  sativa  is  generally  sup- 
posed to  be  only  a  variety  of  Mentha  arverms,  an- 
other widely-diffused  species  (popularly  called  jield- 
tniiit  or  mrn-mint) ;  perhaps  all  these  were  known 
to  the  ancients.  There  are  numerous  species  of 
this  genus,  having  similar  properties,  usually  grow- 
ing in  moist  situations,  and  yielding  a.  powerful 
odor,  especially  when  bruised.  Spearmint  ( Mentha 
riridii)  and  peppermint  (iletdha  piperita)  are  well 
known  in  the  United  States. 

Miph  kad  (Heb.  review,  appointment,  appointed 
plaee,  ties.),  the  Gate,  one  of  the  gates  of  Jehisalem 
at  the  lime  of  the  rebuilding  of  the  wall  after  the 
Captivity  (Xeh.  iii.  31).  It  was  probably  not  in 
the  wall  of  Jerusalem  proper,  but  iu  that  enclosing 
the  Temple,  and  somewhere  near  to  the  junction  of 
the  two  on  the  northern  side. 

3Iir'a-elrs>  The  word  "miracle"  (fr.  L.  miVacu- 
/nm  ^  ant/  thing  wondcrfid  or  stranpe)  is  a  common 
translation  in  our  A.  V.  of  the  (jr.  simdon  (Lk. 
xxiii.  8;  Jn.  ii.  11,  &e.),  often  translated  literally 
"sign"'  (Mat.  xii.  38,  39,  xvi.  1  ff.,  &c.),  once  "to- 
ken" (2  Th.  iii.  17),  thrice  "wonder"  (Kev.  xii.  1, 
3,  xiii.  13);  al.so  of  the  Gr.  dunarnia  (Mk.  ix.  39  ; 
Acts  ii.  22,  viii.  13,  xix.  11  ;  1  Cor.  xii.  10,  28,  29 
["workers  of  miracles"]  ;  (ial.  iii.  5  ;  Htb.  ii.  4), 
often?r  literally  "  power  "  (Mat.  vi.  13,  xxii.  29,  kc), 
also  "  mighty  work  "  (xi.  20  ff.,  &c.).  It  is  also  the 
A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb.  oih  twice  (Num.  xiv. 
22 ;  Deut.  xi.  3),  usually  translated  "  sign  "  (Gen.  i. 
14;  Ex.  iv.  8,  9,  &c.);  Heb.  moplielh  twice  (vii.  9  ; 
Deut.  xxix.  3,  Heb.  2),  usually  translated  "wonder" 
(Ex.  iv.  21,  vii.  3,  &c.);  Heb.  pi.  nipMaoth  once 
(Judg.  vi.  13),  elsewhere  "  wonders  "  (Ex.  iii.  20, 
&c.),  "marvels"  (xxxiv.  10),  "wondrous  works," 
"  wondrous  things,"  "  marvellous  works,"  "  marvel- 
lous things,"  &c.  The  Gr.  teras,  occurring  only  in 
the  pi.  and  uniformly  translated  "  wonders  "  (Mat. 
xxiv.  24,  &c.),  deserves  mention  here  as  expressing 
one  of  the  prominent  ideas  of  a"  miracle."  Our  trans- 
lators did  not  borrow  "  miracle  "  from  the  Vulgate, 
but  apparently  from  their  English  predecessors,  Tyn- 
dale,  Coverdale,  &c. ;  and  it  had,  probably  before 
their  time,  acquired  a  fi!;ed  technical  import  in 
theological  language,  which  is  not  directly  sug- 
gested by  its  etymology.  It  will  perhaps  be  found 
(so  Bishop  Fitzgerald,  the  original  author  of  this 
article)  that  the  habitual  use  of  the  term  "  miracle  " 
lias  tended  to  fix  attention  too  much  on  the  phys- 
ical straniienest  of  the  facts  thus  described,  and  to 
divert  attention  from  what   may  be    called  their 

It'gualit'/.  In  reality,  the  practical  importance  of 
the  strangejiess  of  miraculous  facts  consists  in  this, 
that  it  is  one  of  the  circumstances  which,  taken  to- 
gether, make  it  reasonable  to  understand  the  phe- 
nomenon as  a  mark,  seal,  or  attestation  of  the  Di- 
vine sanction  to  sometiiing  else.  And  if  we  suppose 
the  Divine  intention  established  that  a  given  phe- 
nomenon is  to  be  taken  as  a  mark  or  sign  of  Di- 
vine attestation,  theories  concerning  the  mode  in 
which  that  phenomenon  was  produced  become  of 
comparatively  little  practical  value,  and  are  only 
serviceable  as  helping  our  conceptions.  In  many 
cases  the  phenomenon  which  constitutes  a  Divine 
aign  may  be  one  not,  in  itself,  at  all  varying  from 
the  known  course  of  nature.  This  is  the  common 
case  of  prophecy :  in  which  the  fulfilment  of  the 
prophecy,  which  constitutes  the  sign  of  the  proph- 
et's commission,  may  be  the  result  of  ordinary 
caiues,  and  yet,  from  being  incapable  of  having 


been  anticipated  by  human  sagacity,  it  may  be  an 
adequate  mark  or  sign  of  the  Divine  sanction.  In 
such  cases,  the  miraculous  or  wonderful  ilemtnt  is 
to  be  sought  not  in  the  fulfilment,  but  in  the  pre- 
diction. (PROPnET.)  It  would  appear,  indeed,  that 
in  almost  all  cases  of  signs  or  evidential  miracles 
something  prophetic  is  involved.  In  the  common 
case,  e.  g.  of  healing  sickness  by  a  word  or  touch, 
the  word  or  gesture  may  be  regarded  as  a  prcdietivn 
of  the  cure ;  and  then,  if  the  whole  circumstances 
be  such  as  to  exclude  just  suspicion  of  (1.)  a  natu- 
ral anticipation  of  the  event,  and  (2.)  a  casual  co- 
incidence, it  will  be  indifferent  to  the  signnlity  of 
the  cure  whether  we  regard  it  as  effected  by  the 
operation  of  ordinary  causes,  or  by  an  immediate 
interposition  of  the  DeilV  reversing  the  course  of 
nature.  Hypotheses  by  which  such  cures  are  at- 
tempted to  be  accounted  for  by  ordinary  causes  are 
indeed  generally  wild,  improbable,  and  arbitrary, 
and  are,  on  that  ground,  justly  open  to  objection  ; 
but,  if  the  miraculous  cliaracter  of  the  predictive 
antecedent  be  admitted,  they  do  not  tend  to  de- 
prive the  phenomenon  of  its  nignality :  and  there 
are  minds  who,  from  particular  associations,  find  it 
easier  to  conceive  a  miraculous  agency  operating  in 
the  region  of  mind,  than  one  operating  in  the  re- 
gion of  matter.  A  "  miracle,"  in  the  Scriptural 
sense,  has  been  defined  as  "  some  wonderful  event, 
such  as  requires  Divine  power  to  perform,  and 
which  may  therefore  be  regarded  as  a  sign  or  indi- 
cation of  Divine  presence  or  agency  (Prof.  J.  Haven 
in  B.  S.  xix.  333).  The  peculiar  improbability  of 
Miracles  is  resolved  by  Hume,  in  his  famous  Essay, 
into  the  circumstance  that  they  are  "  contrary  to 
experience."  This  expression  is,  as  has  often  been 
pointed  out,  strictly  speaking,  incorrect.  In  strict- 
ness, that  only  can  be  said  to  be  contrary  to  ex- 
perience, which  is  contradicted  by  the  immediate 
perceptions  of  persons  present  at  the  time  when 
the  fact  is  alleged  to  have  occurred.  But  the  terms 
"  contrary  to  experience  "  are  used  for  "  contrary 
to  the  analogy  of  our  experience  ;  "  and  it  must  be 
admitted  that,  in  this  latter,  less  strict  sense,  mir- 
acles are  contrary  to  general  experience,  no  far  as 
their  mere  physical  Hrcumstances,  vuible  to  its,  are  con- 
cerned. This  should  not  only  be  admitted,  but 
strongly  insisted  npon,  by  the  maintainers  of  mir- 
acles, because  it  is  an  essential  element  of  their 
signal  character.  And  this  leads  us  to  notice  one 
grand  difference  between  Divine  Miracles  and  other 
alleged  facts  that  seem  to  vary  from  the  ordinary 
course  of  nature.  It  is  m.inifest  that  there  is  an 
essential  difference  between  alleging  a  case  in  which, 
all  the  real  antecedents  or  causes  being  similar  to 
those  which  we  have  daily  opportunities  of  observ- 
ing, a  consequence  is  said  to  have  ensued  quite  dif- 
ferent from  that  which  general  experience  finds  to 
be  uniformly  conjoined  with  them,  and  alleging  a 
ease  in  which  there  is  supposed  and  indicated  by  all 
the  circumstances,  the  intervention  of  an  invisible 
antecedent,  or  cause,  which  we  know  to  exist,  and 
to  be  adequate  to  the  production  of  such  result; 
for  the  special  operation  of  which,  in  this  ease,  we 
can  assign  probable  reasons,  and  also  for  its  not 
generally  operating  in  a  similar  manner.  This  latter 
is  the  ease  of  the  Scripture-miracles.  They  are 
wrought  under  a  solemn  appeal  to  God,  in  proof 
of  a  revelation  worthy  of  Him,  the  scheme  of  which 
may  be  shown  to  bear  a  striking  analogy  to  the 
constitution  and  order  of  nature ;  and  it  is  mani- 
fest that,  in  order  to  make  them  fit  signx  for  attest- 
ing a  revelation,  they  ought  to  be  phenomena  ca- 


656 


ms. 


MIR 


pable  of  being  shown  by  a  full  induction  to  vary 
from  what  is  knoArn  to  us  as  the  ordinary  course  of 
nature.  Even  if  we  do  not  regard  the  existence  of 
Goi),  in  the  proper  sense  of  that  terra,  as  proved  by 
the  course  of  nature,  still  if  we  admit  His  existence 
to  be  in  any  degree  probable,  or  even  possible,  the 
occurrence  of  miracles  will  not  be  incredible.  For 
it  is  surely  going  too  far  to  say  that,  because  the 
ordinary  course  of  nature  leaves  us  in  doubt 
whether  the  author  of  it  be  able  or  unable  to  alter 
it,  or  of  such  a  character  as  to  be  disposed  to  alter 
it  for  some  great  purpose,  it  is  therefore  incredible 
that  He  should  ever  have  actually  altered  it. — Some 
popular  forms  of  expression  tend  greatly  to  in- 
crease, in  many  minds,  the  natural  prejudice  against 
miracles.  One  of  these  isj  the  usual  description  of 
a  miracle,  as,  "  a  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature.'" 
This  metaphorical  expression  suggests  directly  the 
iJcaof  natural  agents  breaking,  of  their  own  ac- 
cord, some  rule  which  has  the  authority  and  sanc- 
tity of  a  law  to  them.  Such  a  figure  can  only  be 
applicable  to  the  case  of  a  supposed  causeless  and 
arbitrary  variation  from  the  uniform  order  of  se- 
quence in  natural  things,  and  is  wholly  inapplicable 
to  a  change  in  that  order  caused  by  God  Himself. 
The  word  "  law,"  when  applied  to  material  things, 
ought  only  to  be  understood  as  denoting  a  number 
of  observed  and  anticipated  sequences  of  phenom- 
ena, taking  place  with  such  a  resemblance  or  anal- 
ogy to  each  other  as  if  a  rule  had  been  laid  down, 
which  those  phenomena  were  constantly  observing. 
But  the  rule,  in  this  case,  is  nothing  different  from 
the  actual  order  itself;  and  there  is  no  cause  of 
these  sequences  but  the  will  of  God  choosing  to 
produce  those  phenomena,  and  choosing  to  produce 
them  in  a  certain  order.  Again,  the  term  "  nature  " 
suggests  to  many  persons  the  idea  of  a  great  system 
of  things  endowed  with  powers  and  forces  of  its 
own — a  sort  of  machine,  set  a-going  originally  by 
a  first  cause,  but  continuing  its  motions  of  itself. 
Hence  we  are  apt  to  imagine  that  a  change  in  the 
motion  or  operation  of  any  part  of  it  by  God,  would 
produce  the  same  disturbance  of  the  other  parts, 
as  such  a  change  would  be  likely  to  produce  in 
them,  if  made  by  us,  or  any  other  natural  agent. 
But  if  the  motions  and  operations  of  material  things 
be  produced  really  by  the  Divine  will,  then  His 
choosing  to  change,  for  a  special  purpose,  the  ordi- 
nary motion  of  one  part,  (iocs  not  necessarily,  or 
probably,  infer  His  choosing  to  change  the  ordinary 
motions  of  other  parts  in  a  way  not  at  all  requisite 
for  tlie  accomplishment  of  that  special  purpose. 
It  is  as  easy  for  Him  to  continue  the  ordinary  course 
of  the  I'est,  with  the  change  of  one  part,  as  of  all 
the  phenomena  without  any  change  at  all.  Thus, 
though  the  stoppage  of  the  motion  of  the  earth  in 
the  ordinary  course  of  nature  would  be  attended 
with  terrible  convulsions,  the  stoppage  of  the  earth 
miracuhmsly,  for  a  special  purpose  to  be  served  by 
that  ohIi/,  would  not  of  itself  be  followed  by  any 
such  consequences.  From  the  same  conception  of 
nature,  as  a  machine,  we  are  apt  to  think  of  inter- 
ferences with  tlie  ordinary  course  of  nature  as  im- 
plying some  imperfection  in  it.  But  this  is  a  false 
analogy;  for,  the  reason  why  machines  are  made  is, 
to  save  us  trouble ;  and,  therefore,  they  are  more 
perfect  in  proportion  as  they  answer  this  purpose. 
But  no  one  can  seriously  imagine  that  the  universe 
is  a  machine  for  the  purpose  of  saving  trouble  to 
the  Almighty.  Again,  when  miracles  are  described 
as  "  interferences  with  the  laws  of  nature,"  this  de- 
scription makes  them  appear  improbable  to  many 


minds,  from  their  not  sufiiciently  considering  that 
the  laws  of  nature  interfere  with  one  another ;  and 
that  we  cannot  get  rid  of  "interferences"  upon  any 
hypothesis  consistent  with  experience.  Further- 
more, whatever  ends  may  be  contemplated  by  the 
Deity  for  tlie  laws  of  nature  in  reference  to  the  rest 
of  the  universe,  we  know  that,  in  respect  of  us, 
they  answer  discernible  moral  ends — that  they  place 
us  practically  under  government,  conducted  in  the 
way  of  rewards  and  punishment — a  government  of 
which  the  tendency  is  to  encourage  virtue  and  re- 
press vice — and  to  form  in  us  a  certain  character 
by  discipline ;  which  character  our  moral  nature 
compels  us  to  consider  as  the  highest  and  worthiest 
object  which  we  can  pursue.  Since,  therefore,  the 
laws  of  nature  have,  in  reference  to  us,  moral  pur- 
poses to  answer,  wliich,  as  far  as  we  can  judge, 
they  have  not  to  serve  in  other  respects,  it  seems 
not  incredible  that  these  peculiar  purposes  should 
occasionally  require  modifications  of  those  laws  iu 
relation  to  us,  which  are  not  necessary  in  relation 
to  other  parts  of  the  universe. — After  all  deductions 
and  abatements  have  been  made,  however,  it  must 
be  allowed  that  a  certain  antecedent  improbability 
must  always  attach  to  miracles,  considered  as  events 
varying  from  the  ordinary  experience  of  mankind  as 
known  to  us ;  because  likelihood,  verisimilitude  or 
resemblance  to  what  we  know  to  have  occurred,  is, 
by  the  constitution  of  our  minds,  the  very  ground 
of  probability  ;  and,  though  we  can  perceive  reasons, 
from  the  moral  character  of  God,  for  thinking  it 
likely  that  He  may  have  wrought  miracles,  yet  we 
know  too  little  of  His  ultimate  designs,  and  of  the 
best  mode  of  accomplishing  them,  to  argue  con- 
fidently from  His  character  to  His  acts,  except 
where  the  connection  between  the  character  and  the 
acts  is  demonstrably  indissoluble,  as  in  the  case  of 
acts  rendered  necessary  by  the  attributes  of  veraci- 
ty and  justice.  Miracles  are,  indeed,  in  the  notion 
of  them,  no  breach  of  the  high  generalization  that 
"  similar  antecedents  have  similar  consequents  ; " 
nor,  necessarily,  of  the  maxim  that  "  God  works  by 
general  laws ;  "  because  we  can  see  some  laws  of 
miracles  (as  c.  g.  that  they  are  infrequent,  and  that 
they  are  used  as  attesting  signs  of,  or  in  conjunction 
with,  revelations)  and  may  suppose  more ;  but  they 
do  vary,  when  taken  apart  from  their  proper  evi- 
dence, from  this  rule,  that  "what  a  general  ex- 
perience would  lead  us  to  regard  as  similar  ante- 
cedents are  similar  antecedents  ; "  because  the  only 
assignable  specific  difference  observable  by  us  in  the 
antecedents  in  the  case  of  miracles,  and  in  the  case 
of  the  experiments  from  the  analogy  of  which  they 
vary  in  their  physical  phenomena,  consists  in  the 
moral  antecedents ;  and  these,  in  cases  of  physical 
phenomena,  we  generally  throw  out  of  the  account ; 
nor  have  we  grounds  a  priori  for  concluding  with 
roiifdaice  that  these  are  not  to  be  thrown  out  of 
the  account  here  also,  although  we  can  see  that  the 
moral  antecedents  here  (such  as  the  fitness  for  trt- 
testing  a  revelation  like  the  Christian)  are,  in  many 
important  respects,  ditferent  from  those  which  the 
analogy  of  experience  teaches  us  to  disregard  in 
estimating  the  probability  of  physical  events. — But, 
in  order  to  form  a  fair  judgment,  wo  must  take  in 
all  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  and,  amongst  the 
rest,  the  testimony  on  which  the  miracle  is  reported 
to  us.  Our  belief,  indeed,  in  human  testimony 
seems  to  rest  upon  the  same  sort  of  instinct  on 
which  our  belief  in  the  testimony  (as  it  may  be 
called)  of  nature  is  built,  and  is  to  be  checked, 
modified,  and  confirmed  by  a  process  of  experience 


MIR 


MIR 


657 


similar  to  that  which  is  applied  in  the  other  case. 
Aa  we  ham,  by  extended  observation  of  nature  and 
the  comparison  of  analogies,  to  distinguish  the  real 
laws  of  physical  sequences  from  the  casual  conjunc- 
tions of  phenomena,  so  arc  we  taught  in  the  same 
manner  to  distinguish  the  circumstances  under 
which  human  ttstimonv  is  certain  or  incredible, 
probable  or  suspicious.  The  circumstances  of  our 
(ondition  force  us  daily  to  make  continual  observa- 
tions upon  the  phenomena  of  human  testimony; 
iiud  it  Ls  a  matter  upon  which  we  can  make  such 
experiments  with  peculiar  advantage,  because  every 
man  carries  within  his  own  breast  the  whole  sum 
of  the  ultimate  motives  which  can  influence  human 
testimony.  Hence  arises  the  ajititude  of  human 
testimony  for  overcoming,  and  more  than  overcom- 
ing, almost  any  antecedent  improbability  in  the 
thing  reported.  So  manifest,  indeed,  is  tliis  in- 
herent power  of  testimony  to  overcome  antecedent 
improbabilities,  that  Hume  is  obliged  to  allow 
that  testimony  may  be  so  circumstanced  as  to 
require  us  to  believe,  in  some  cases,  the  occurrence 
of  things  quite  at  variance  with  general  experience ; 
but  he  pretends  to  show  that  testimony  to  such 
facts  w/ie)i  wnneclcd  icith  religion  can  never  be  so 
circumstanced. — Over  and  above  the  direct  testi- 
mony of  human  witnesses  to  the  Bible-miracles,  we 
have  also  what  may  be  called  the  indirect  testimony 
of  events  confirming  the  former,  and  raising  a  dis- 
tinct presumplion  that  some  such  miracles  must 
have  been  wrought.  Thus,  e.  g.,  we  know,  by  a 
copious  uiduction,  that,  in  no  nation  of  the  ancient 
world,  and  in  no  nation  of  the  modern  world  unac- 
quainted with  the  Jewish  or  Christian  revelation, 
has  the  knowledge  of  the  one  true  God  as  the  Cre- 
ator and  Governor  of  the  world,  and  the  public 
worship  of  Ilim,  Ijccn  kept  up  by  the  mere  light 
of  nature,  or  formed  the  groundwork  of  such  re- 
ligions as  men  have  devised  for  themselves.  Yet 
we  do  find  that,  in  the  Jewish  people,  though  no 
way  distinguished  above  others  by  mental  power  or 
high  civilization,  and  with  as  strong  natural  ten- 
dencies to  idolatry  as  others,  this  knowledge  and 
worship  was  kept  up  from  a  very  early  period  of 
their  history,  and,  according  to  their  uniform  his- 
torical traditioti,  kept  up  by  revelation  attested  by 
undeniable  miracles.  Again,  the  existence  of  the 
Christian  religion,  as  the  belief  of  the  most  con- 
siderable and  inti'Iligent  part  cf  the  world,  is  an  un- 
disputed fact ;  and  it  is  also  certain  that  this  reli- 
gion originated  (as  far  as  human  means  are  con- 
cerned) with  a  handful  ol  Jewish  peasants,  who 
went  about  preaching,  on  the  very  spot  where 
Jesus  was  crucified,  that  He  had  risen  from  the 
dead,  and  had  been  seen  by,  and  had  conversed 
t  with  them,  and  afterward  ascended  into  heaven. 
Tills  miracle,  attested  by  them  as  eyewitnesses,  was 
the  very  ground  and  fnundation  of  the  religion 
which  they  preached,  and  it  was  plainly  one  so  cir- 
cumstanced that,  if  it  had  been  false,  it  could  easily 
have  been  proved  to  be  false.  Yet,  though  the 
preachers  of  it  were  everywiiere  persecuted,  they 
had  gathered,  before  they  died,  large  churches  in 
the  country  where  the  facts  were  best  known,  and 
through  Asia  Minor,  Greece,  Egypt,  and  ludy  ;  and 
these  churches,  notwithstundiiig  the  severest  perse- 
cutions, went  on  increasing  till,  in  about  300  years 
after,  thin  religion — i.  e.  a  religion  which  taught  the 
worship  of  a  Jewish  peasant  (Jksus  Christ)  who 
had  been  ignoniiniously  executed  as  a  malefactor — 
became  the  established  religion  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire ;  and  has  ever  since  continued  to  be  the  prc- 
42 


vailing  religion  of  the  civilized  world. — It  is  mani- 
fest that,  if  the  miraculous  facts  of  Christianity  did 
not  really  occur,  the  stories  about  them  must  have 
originated  cither  in  fraud  or  in  fancy.  The  coarse 
explanation  of  them  by  the  hypothesis  of  unlimittd 
fraud,  has  been  generally  abandoned  in  modem 
times :  but,  in  Germany  especially,  many  persons  of 
great  acuteness  have  long  labored  to  account  for 
them  by  referring  them  to  fancy.  Of  these  there 
have  been  two  principal  schools — the  Nahiralislic, 
and  the  Mythic.  1.  The  Naturalists  suppose  the 
miracles  to  have  been  natural  events,  more  or  less 
unusual,  that  were  mistaken  for  miracles,  through 
ignorance  or  enthusiastic  excitement.  But  the  re- 
sult of  their  labors  in  detail  has  been  to  turn  the 
N.  T.,  as  interpreted  by  them,  into  a  narrative  far 
less  credible  than  any  narrative  of  miracles  could 
be.  "  Some  infidels,"  says  Archbishop  AVhately, 
"  have  labored  to  prove  concerning  some  one  of  our 
Lord's  miracles  that  it  might  have  been  the  result 
of  an  accidental  conjuncture  of  natural  circum- 
stances ;  and  they  endeavor  to  prove  the  same  con- 
cerning another,  and  so  on ;  and  thence  infer  that 
all  of  them,  occurring  as  a  series,  might  have  been 
so.  They  might  argue,  in  like  manner,  that,  be- 
cause it  is  not  very  improbable  one  may  throw  sixes 
in  any  one  out  of  100  throws,  therefore  it  is  no  more 
improbable  that  one  may  throw  sixes  100  times  nm- 
ning."  The  truth  is,  that  every  thing  that  is  im- 
probable in  the  mere //A(yJ«<"a/s<rrtn<7«(ejis  of  miracles 
applies  to  such  a  series  of  odd  events  as  these  ex- 
planations assume:  while  the  hypothesis  of  their 
uon-miraciilous  character  deprives  us  of  the  means 
of  accounting  for  thtm  by  the  extraordinary  inter- 
position of  the  Deity.  2.  The  Mythic  theory  sup- 
poses the  N.  T.  Scripture-narratives  to  have  been 
legends,  not  stating  the  grounds  of  men's  belief 
in  Christianity,  but  springing  out  of  that  belief, 
and  embodying  the  idea  of  what  Jesus,  if  He  were 
the  Messiah,  must  have  been  conceived  to  have  done 
in  order  to  fulfil  that  character,  and  was  therefore 
supposed  to  have  done.  But  this  leaves  the  origin 
of  the  belief,  that  a  man,  who  did  mot  fulfil  the  idea 
of  the  Messiah  in  any  one  remarkable  particular, 
wa»  the  Jlessiah,  wholly  unaccounted  for.  Besides, 
all  the  arguments  for  the  genuineness  and  authen- 
ticity of  the  writings  of  the  N.  T.  bring  them  up  to 
a  date  when  the  memory  of  Christ's  real  history 
was  so  recent,  as  to  make  the  substitution  of  a  set 
of  mere  legends  in  its  place  utterly  incredible ;  and 
the  gravity,  simplicity,  historical  decorum,  and  con- 
sistency with  what  we  know  of  the  circumstances 
of  the  times  in  which  thd  events  are  said  to  have 
occurred,  cbservnble  in  the  narratives  of  the  N.  T., 
make  it  impossible  reasonably  to  accept  them  as 
mere  myth*.  In  the  early  ages,  the  fact  that  extraor- 
dinary miracles  were  wrought  by  Jesus  and  His 
apostles,  does  not  seem  to  have  been  generally  de- 
nied by  the  opponents  of  Christianity.  They  sccin 
always  to  have  preferred  adopting  the  expedient  of 
ascribing  them  to  art  magic  and  the  power  of  evil 
spirits.  We  are  not  to  suppose,  however,  that  this 
solution  would  have  been  preferred,  if  the  facts 
could  have  been  plausibly  denied.  We  know  that 
in  two  instances,  in  the  Gospel  narrative,  the  cure 
of  the  man  born  blind  and  the  Resurrection,  the 
Jewish  priests  were  unable  to  pretend  such  a  solu- 
tion, and  were  driven  to  maintain  unsuccessfully  a 
charge  of  fraud ;  and  the  circumstances  of  the 
Christian  miracles  were,  in  almost  all  respects,  so 
utterly  unlike  those  of  any  pretended  instances  of 
magical  wonders,  that  the  apologists  have  little  dif- 


658 


MIR 


MIR 


ficulty  in  refuting  this  plea.  This  they  do  generally 
from  the  following  considerations :  (1.)  The  great- 
ness, nunaber,  completeness,  and  publicity  of  the 
miracles.  (2.)  The  natural  beneficial  tendency  of 
the  doctrine  they  attested.  (3.)  The  connection  of 
them  with  a  whole  scheme  of  revelation  extending 
from  the  first  origin  of  the  human  race  to  the  time 
of  Christ.  This  evasion  of  the  force  of  the  Chris- 
tian miracles,  by  referring  them  to  the  power  of 
evil  spirits,  has  seldom  been  seriously  recurred  to 
in  modern  times ;  but  the  English  infidels  of  the  last 
century  employed  it  as  a  kind  of  argumentum  ad 
hominem  (L.  =  argument  to  a  man,  i.  e.  one  derived 
from  his  own  principles),  to  tease  and  embarrass 
their  opponents — contending  that,  as  the  Bible 
speaks  of  "  lying  wonders  "  of  Antichrist,  and  re- 
lates a  long  contest  of  apparent  miracles  between 
Moses  and  the  Egyptian  magicians,  Christians  could 
not,  on  their  own  principles,  have  any  certainty  that 
mir.aeles  were  not  wrouglit  by  evil  spirits.  But  (1.) 
The  light  of  nature  gives  us  no  reason  to  believe 
that  there  are  any  evil  spirits  having  power  to  in- 
terfere with  the  course  of  nature.  (2.)  It  shows  us 
that,  if  there  be,  they  are  continually  controlled 
from  exercising  s\ich  power.  (3.)  The  supposed 
records  in  the  Bible  of  such  an  exercise  show  us 
the  power  there  spoken  of,  as  exerted  completely 
under  the  control  of  God,  and  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  make  it  evident  where  the  advantage  lay.  (4.) 
The  number,  greatness,  beneficence,  and  variety  of 
the  Bible-miraeles — their  connection  with  prophecy 
and  a  scheme  of  things  extending  from  the  crea- 
tion down — the  character  of  Christ  and  His  apostles 
— and  the  manifest  tendency  of  the  Christian  reli- 
gion to  serve  the  cause  of  truth  and  virtue — make 
it  incredible  that  the  miracles  attesting  it  should 
have  been  wrought  by  evil  beings. — Particular  the- 
ories as  to  the  manner  in  which  miracles  have  been 
wrought  are  matters  rather  curious  than  practically 
useful.  In  all  such  cases  we  must  bear  in  mind  the 
great  maxim  th^  mibtleti)  of  nature  far  mirpasses  tlie 
siihllity  of  the  human  min'I.  Another  question  more 
curious  than  practical,  is  that  respecting  the  precise 
period  when  miracles  ceased  in  the  Christian  Church. 
It  is  plain,  that  whenever  they  ceased  in  point  of 
fact,  they  ceased  relativehj  to  us  whenever  a  sulTicient 
attestation  of  them  to  our  faith  fails  to  be  supplied. 
A  real  miracle  may  indeed  be  imperfectly  reported 
to  us,  and  we  may,  therefore,  possibly  reject  accounts 
of  real  miracles ;  but  this  is  an  inconvenience  at- 
tending probable  evidence  from  its  very  nature. — In 
the  case  of  the  Scripture-miracles,  we  must  be  care- 
ful to  distinguish  the  particular  occasions  upon 
which  they  were  wrought,  from  their  general  pur- 
pose and  design  ;  yet  not  so  as  to  overlook  the  con- 
nection between  these  two  things.  There  are  but 
few  miracles  recorded  in  Scripture  of  which  the 
whole  character  was  merely  evidential — few,  i.  e., 
that  were  merely  displays  of  a  supernatural  power 
made  for  the  sole  purpose  of  attesting  a  Divine 
Revelation.  Of  this  character  were  the  change  of 
Moses'  rod  into  a  serpent  at  the  burning  bush  (Ex. 
jv.),  the  burning  bush  itself  (iii.),  the  going  back- 
ward of  the  shadow  upon  the  sun-dial  of  Ahaz  (2 
K.  XX.  9-1 1 ;  Is.  xxxviii.  8),  and  some  others.  In 
general,  however,  the  miracles  recorded  in  Scripture 
have,  beside  the  ultimate  purpose  of  affording  evi- 
dence of  a  Divine  interposition,  some  immediate  tem- 
porary purposes  which  they  were  apparently  wrought 
to  serve — such  as  the  curing  of  diseases,  the  feed- 
ing of  the  hungry,  the  relief  of  innocent,  or  the 
punishment  of  guilty  persons.     These  immediate 


temporary  ends  are  not  without  value  in  reference 
to  the  ultimate  and  general  design  of  miracles,  as 
providing  evidence  of  the  truth  of  revelation.  And, 
in  some  cases  it  would  appear  that  miraculous  works 
of  a  particular  kind  (e.  g.  the  cure  of  bodily  dis- 
eases, the  giit  of  tongues,  tlie  casting  out  of  demons) 
were  selected  as  emblematic  or  typical  of  some 
characteristic  of  the  revelation  which  they  were  in- 
tended to  attest.  In  this  point  of  view.  Christian 
miracles  may  be  fitly  regarded  as  specimens  of  a 
Divine  Power,  alleged  to  be  present.  In  this  sense, 
they  seem  to  be  called  the  manifestation  or  exhibi- 
tion of  the  Spirit  (1  Cor.  xii.  7?).  In  the  case  of 
the  0.  T.  miracles,  again,  in  order  fully  to  understand 
their  evidential  character,  we  must  consider  the 
general  nature  and  design  of  the  dispensation  with 
which  they  were  connected.  The  general  design  of 
that  dispensation  appears  to  have  been  to  keep  up 
in  one  particular  race  a  knowledge  of  the  one  true 
God,  and  of  the  i)roinise  of  a  JIessiah  in  whom  "  all 
the  families  of  the  earth "  should  be  "  blessed." 
And  in  order  to  this  end,  it  appears  to  have  been 
necessary  that,  for  some  time,  (iod  should  have 
assumed  the  character  of  the  local  tutelary  Deity 
and  Prince  of  that  particular  people.  (Jehovah.) 
And  from  this  peculiar  relation  in  which  He  stood 
to  the  Jewish  people  (aptly  called  by  Jose])hus  a 
Theocracy)  resulted  the  necessity  of  frequent  mir- 
acles, to  manifest  and  make  sensibly  perceptible  Ilis 
actual  presence  among  and  government  over  thoni. 
The  miracles,  therefore,  of  the  0.  T.  are  to  be  re- 
garded as  evidential  of  the  theocratic  government; 
and  this  again  is  to  be  conceived  of  as  subordinate 
to  the  further  purpose  of  preparing  the  way  for 
Christianity,  by  keeping  up  in  the  world  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  true  God  and  of  His  promise  of  a  Re- 
deemer. With  respect  to  the  character  of  the  0.  T. 
miracles,  we  must  also  remember  that  the  whole 
structure  of  the  Jewish  economy  had  reference  to 
the  peculiar  exigency  of  the  circumstances  of  a 
people  imperfectly  civilized,  and  is  so  distinctly  de- 
scribed in  the  N.  T.,  as  dealing  with  men  according 
to  the  "  hardness  of  their  hearts,"  and  being  a  sys- 
tem of  "  weak  and  beggarly  elements,"  and  a  r\idi- 
mentary  instruction  for  "  children "  who  were  in 
the  condition  of  "servants." — It  has  been  often 
made  a  topic  of  complaint  against  Hume  that,  in 
dealing  with  testimony  as  a  medium  for  proving 
miracles,  he  has  resolved  its  force  entirely  into  our 
experience  of  its  veracity,  and  omitted  to  notice  that, 
antecedently  to  all  experience,  we  are  predisposed 
to  give  it  credit  by  a  kind  of  natural  instinct.  Tlie 
argument,  indeed,  in  Hume's  celebrated  Essay  on 
Miracles,  was  very  far  from  being  a  new  one.  The 
restatement  of  it,  however,  by  a  person  of  Hume's 
abilities,  was  of  service  in  putting  men  upon  a  more 
accurate  examination  of  the  true  nature  and  meas- 
ure of  probability.  Even  in  the  pages  of  Bishop 
Butler  we  may  perhaps  detect  a  misconception  of 
this  subject.  "  There  is,"  he  observes,  "  a  very 
strong  presumption  against  common  speculative 
truths,  and  against  the  most  ordinary  fads,  before 
the  proof  of  them,  which  yet  is  overcome  by  almost 
any  proof.  There  is  a  presumption  of  millions  to 
one  against  the  story  of  Cesar  or  of  any  other  man. 
For,  suppose  a  number  of  common  facts  so  and  so 
circumstanced,  of  which  one  hfid  no  kind  of  proof, 
should  happen  to  come  into  one's  thoughts  ;  every 
one  would,  without  any  possible  doubt,  conclude 
them  to  be  false.  And  the  like  may  be  said  of  a 
single  common  fact.  And  from  hence  it  appears 
that  the  question  of  importance,  as  to  the  matter 


UIR 


MIR 


659 


before  us,  is  ccnceming  the  degree  of  the  peculiar 
presumption  ngaiiist  luiracles ;  not  whether  thtre 
be  any  peculiar  prc^uinptioii  at  all  agnint-t  them. 
For  i/  there  be  a  prfsttiupiion  vf  tnilliims  to  one 
agaiyixt  the  tnoni  common  J'udx^  what  c«u  a  ^;nlaH  [jre- 
sumption,  additional  to  this,  ajuouot  to,  though  it 
be  peculiar?  It  cannot  be  estimated,  and  is  as 
nothing  "  (Analogy,  part  ii.,  eh.  ii.).  It  is  plain  that, 
in  this  passage,  Butler  lavs  no  stress  upon  the  jjeiti- 
liarilies  of  the  story  of  Cesar,  which  he  casually 
mentions.  For  he  expressly  adds,  "  or  of  any  other 
man ; "  and  repeatedly  explains  that  what  he  says 
applies  equally  to  any  ordinary  facts,  or  to  a  single 
fact.  And  the  way  in  which  he  proposes  to  esti- 
mate the  presumption  against  ordinary  fact.s  is,  by 
considering  the  likelihood  of  their  being  anticipated 
beforehand  by  a  person  guessing  at  random.  But, 
surely,  this  is  not  a  measure  of  the  likelihood  of  the 
facts  considered  in  themselves,  but  of  the  Ilkehhood 
of  the  eoinridenee  of  the  fads  with  a  rash  and  arbi- 
trary anticipation.  The  case  of  a  person  guessing 
beforehand,  and  the  case  of  a  witness  reporting 
what  hiis  occurred,  are  essentially  different.  The 
tnith  is,  that  the  ehan<;is  to  which  Butler  seems  to 
refer  as  a  presumption  against  ordinary  events,  are 
not  in  ordinary  cases  overcome  by  testimony  at  all. 
The  testimony  has  nothing  to  do  with  them  ;  be- 
cause they  are  chances  against  the  event  considered 
as  the  subject  of  a  random  vaticination,  not  as  the 
subject  of  a  report  made  by  an  actual  observer. 
But  it  should  be  noticed  that  what  we  commonly 
call  the  chances  against  an  ordinai-y  event  are  not 
ttpceijic,  but  jmrtiiviar.  They  are  chances  against 
this  event,  not  against  this  kind  of  event.  The 
chances,  in  the  case  of  casting  a  die,  are  the  chances 
against  the  coming  o{  a  particular  face  ;  not  against 
the  coming  up  of  mtiie  face.  "  Ilume  ignores  the 
fact  of  a  siipematural  moral  government  over  the 

world  of  nature  and  of  men Nature  is  only  a 

part  of  a  more  comprehensive  system.  Nature  is  an 
instrument,  not  an  end.  Tlie  moral  administration 
of  God  is  superior  and  all-comprehensive.  The 
fixed  order  of  Nature  i.s  appointed  to  promote  the 
ends  of  wisdom  and  goodness.  The  same  motive 
which  dictate<l  the  establishment  of  this  order  may 
prescribe  a  deviation  for  it ;  or  rather  may  have 
originally  determined  that  the  natural  order  should 
at  certain  points  give  way  to  su|)eniatural  manife.s- 

tation Introduce  the  fact  of  a  per.sonal  God, 

a  moral  government,  and  a  wise  and  bcncvfilent  end 
to  be  subserved  through  miraculous  interposition, 
and  Hume's  reasoning  is  emptie<l  of  all  its  force  " 
(I'rof  G.  P.  Fisher,  in  Netu  Knglander,  xxiv.  14—17). 
— The  Eccleniaslical  Miracles  arc  not  delivered  to  us 
by  inspired  historians ;  nor  do  they  seem  to  form 
any  part  of  the  same  series  of  events  as  the  mira- 
cles of  the  N.  T.  The  miracles  of  the  N.  T.  (setting 
aside  those  wrought  by  Christ  Himself)  appear  to 
have  been  worked  by  a  power  conferred  upon  par- 
ticular persons  according  to  a  regular  law,  in  virtue 
■I  which  that  power  was  ordinarily  transmitted  from 
ne  person  to  another,  and  the  only  persons  privi- 
leged thus  to  transmit  that  power  were  tlie  afostlis. 
The  only  exceptions  to  this  rule  were,  (1.)  the  apos- 
tles themselves,  and  (2.)  the  family  of  Cornelius,  w  ho 
were  the  first-fruits  of  the  Gentiles.  In  all  other 
eases,  miraculous  gifts  were  conferred  only  by  the 
laying  on  of  the  ojh>s/M  hands.  By  this  arrange- 
ment, it  is  evident  that  a  provision  was  medc  for 
r.p  total  ceasing  of  that  mii-aculous  dispensation 
within  a  limited  period  :  because,  on  the  death  of  the 
last  of  the  apoetle?,  the  ordinary  channels  would  be 


all  stopped  through  which  such  gifts  were  transmit- 
ted in  the  Church.  One  passage  has,  indeed,  been  ap- 
pealed to  as  seeming  to  indicate  the  permanent  res- 
idence of  miraculous  powers  in  the  Christian  Church 
through  all  ages  (Mk.  xvi.  17,  18).  But— (1.)  That 
passage  itselt  is  of  doubtful  authority,  since  it  was 
omitted  in  most  of  the  Greek  MSS.  which  Euscbius 
was  able  to  examine  in  the  fourth  century ;  and  it 
is  still  wanting  in  some  of  the  most  important  that 
remain  to  us.  (Maek,  Gospkl  of.)  (2.)  It  docs 
not  necessarily  imijly  more  than  a  promise  that 
such  miraculous  powers  should  exhibit  themselves 
among  the  inmicdiate  converts  of  the  apostles. 
And  (3.)  this  latter  interpretation  is  supported  by 
what  follows — "And  they  went  forth,  and  preached 
everywhere,  the  Lord  working  with  them,  and  con- 
Jirming  tlie  icord  trith  the  acminjianying  signs.''  It 
is,  indeed,  confessed  by  the  latest  and  ablest  defend- 
ers of  the  ecclesiastical  miracles  that  the  great  mass 
of  them  were  essentially  a  new  dispensation ;  but  It 
is  contended,  that  by  those  who  believe  in  the 
Scripture-miracles,  no  strong  antecedent  improba- 
bility against  such  a  dispensation  can  he  reason- 
ably entertained  ;  because,  for  them,  the  Fciipture- 
miraclcs  have  already  "  home  the  brunt "  of  the 
infidel  objection,  and  "  broken  the  ice."  But  this 
is  wholly  to  mistake  the  matter.  If  the  only  objec- 
tion antecedently  to  proof  against  the  ecclesiastical 
miracles  were  a  presumption  of  their  inijiossibiliti/  or 
incredibility — simply  as  miracles^  this  allegation 
might  be  pertinciit ;  because  he  that  admits  that  a 
miracle  has  taken  place,  cannot  consistently  hold 
that  a  miracle  as  such  is  impossible  or  incredible. 
But  the  antecedent  presumption  against  the  eccle- 
siastical miracles  rises  upon  four  distinct  grounds, 
no  one  of  w  hich  can  he  properly  called  a  ground  of 
tV(/ry>7  objection.  (1.)  It  arises  from  the  very  nature 
of  probability,  and  the  constitution  of  the  human 
mind,  which  compels  us  to  take  the  analogy  of 
general  expeiience  as  a  measure  of  likelihood.  And 
this  presumption  is  neither  religious  nor  irreligious, 
but  antecedent  to,  and  involved  in,  all  probable  rea- 
soning. (2.)  This  general  antecedent  presumption 
against  miracles,  as  varying  from  the  analogy  of 
general  experience,  cannot  be  denied  without  shak- 
ing the  basis  of  all  probable  evidence,  whether  for 
or  against  religion.  Nor  docs  the  admission  of  the 
existence  of  the  Deity,  or  the  admission  of  the 
actual  occurrence  of  the  Christian  miracles,  teiui  to 
remove  this  antecedent  improbability  against  mira- 
cles circum.stanced  as  the  ecclesiastical  miracles 
generally  are.  The  true  presumption  against  mira- 
cles is  not  against  their  possibility,  but  their  jirab- 
abiWy.  Christianity  has  indeed  revealed  to  us  the 
permanent  operation  of  a  supernatural  order  of 
things,  actually  going  on  around  us.  But  there  is 
nothing  in  the  iiotlon  of  JCfcA  a  supernatural  system 
as  the  Christian  dispensation  !.»,  to  lead  us  to  ex- 
pect continual  interferences  with  the  common  course 
of  nature.  (3.)  It  is  acknowledged  by  the  ablest 
defenders  of  the  ecclesiastical  miracles  that,  for  the 
most  part,  they  belong  to  those  classes  of  niirncles 
which  are  described  as  ambignmis  and  tintalive,  i.  e. 
they  are  cases  in  which  the  effect,  if  it  occurred  at 
all,  may  have  been  the  result  of  natural  causes,  and 
where,  upon  the  application  of  the  same  means,  the 
desired  effect  was  only  sometimes  produced.  (4.) 
Though  it  is  not  true  that  the  Scripture-miracles 
have  so  "  borne  the  lirunt "  of  the  or  priori  objection 
to  miracles  (i.  e.  the  objection  from  the  analogy  of 
general  experience)  as  to  remove  all  peculiar  pre- 
sumption against  them  as  improbable  events,  there 


660 


MIR 


MIK 


is  a  sense  in  which  they  have  prepared  the  way  for 
those  of  the  ecclesiastical  legends.  But  it  is  one 
which  aggravates,  instead  of  extenuating,  their  im- 
probability. The  narratives  of  the  Scripture-mir- 
acles miy  very  probably  have  tended  to  raise  an  ex- 
pectation of  miracles  in  the  minds  of  weak  and 
credulous  persons,  and  to  encourage  designing  men 
to  attempt  an  imitation  of  them.  And  those  in- 
stances of  Scripture-miracles  which  are  most  easily 
iinitable  by  fraud,  or  most  apt  to  strike  a  wild  and 
mythical  fancy,  seem  to  be  the  types  which,  with  ex- 
travagant exaggeration  and  distortion,  are  princi- 
pally copied  in  the  ecclesiastical  miracles.  In  this 
sense  it  may  be  said  that  the  Scripture  narratives 
"  broke  the  ice,"  and  prepared  tlie  way  for  a  whole 
Bticcession  of  legends.  On  the  whole,  we  m;iy  con- 
clude that  the  mass  of  the  ecclesiastical  miracles  do 
not  form  any  part  of  the  same  series  as  those  re- 
lated in  Scripture,  which  latter  are,  therefore,  un- 
aifected  by  a;iy  decision  we  may  come  to  with  re- 
spect to  the  former ;  and  that  they  are  pressed  by 
the  weight  of  tliree  distinct  presumptions  against 
thera — being  improbible  (1.)  as  varying  from  the 
analogy  of  nature;  (2.)  as  v.arying  from  the  analogy 
of  the  Scripture-miracles  ;  (3.)  as  resembling  those 
legendary  stories  wliich  are  the  known  product  of 
the  credulity  or  imposture  of  mankind. — Leslie,  in 
his  Short  and  Eisy  ilelhoi  wi'h  the  Deists,  laid  down 
four  rules  which  attest  the  miracles  of  Moses  and 
of  Christ,  viz.  (1.)  That  the  matter  of  fact  be  such  as 
men's  outward  senses  can  judge  of;  (2.)  That  it  be 
done  publicly  in  the  face  of  t!ie  world;  (3.)  That 
memorials  and  observances  be  kept  up  in  commemo- 
r.ition  of  it ;  (4.)  That  such  memorials  and  observ- 
ances commence  from  the  fact.  Thus  the  Passover, 
Lord's  Day,  &c.,  prove  the  reality  of  the  miracles 
connected  with  their  origin.  Tliere  may  be  facts  in 
favor  of  which  tliese  four  criteria  cannot  he  found  ; 
but  that  which  has  the  four  is  thereby  substantia- 
ted. See  also  Creation  ;  Demoniacs  ;  Inspiration; 
Maoic  ;  Tongues,  Confl-sion  of,  &e. 

Jlir'i-am  (Hcb.  their  rebel/ion,  Stl. ;  reheltion,  Ges. ; 
thick,  fat,  stronfj  o>u;¥'n.).  1.  Miriam,  the  sister  of 
Moses,  was  the  eldest  of  that  sacred  family ;  and  she 
first  appears  probably  as  a  young  girl,  watching  her 
infant  brother's  cradle  in  the  Nile,  and  suggesting 
her  mother  as  a  nurse  (Ex.  ii.  4,  7).  The  indepen- 
dent and  high  position  given  by  her  superiority  of 
age  she  never  lost.  "  The  sister  of  Aaron  "  is  her 
Biblical  distinction  (xv.  20).  In  Num.  xii.  1  she  is 
placed  before  Aaron  ;  and  in  Mic.  vi.  4  reckoned  as 
amongst  the  Three  Deliverers.  She  is  the  first  per- 
sonage in  that  household  to  whom  the  prophetic 
gifts  are  directly  ascribed — "Miriam  the  Prophet- 
ess "  is  her  acknowledged  title  (Ex.  xv.  20).  The 
prophetic  power  showed  itself  in  her  under  the  same 
form  as  in  the  days  of  Samuel  and  David — poetry, 
accompanied  with  music  and  processions.  The  only 
instance  of  this  prophetic  gift  is  when,  after  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Red  Sea,  she  takes  a  cymbal  in  her 
hand,  and  goes  forth,  like  the  Hebrew  maidens  in 
liter  times  after  a  victory  (Judg.  v.  1,  xi.  34;  1 
Sara,  xviii.  G;  Ps.  Ixviii.  11,  25),  followed  by  the 
whole  female  population  of  Israel,  also  beating  their 
cymbals  and  striking  their  guitars  (A.  V.  "  dances  "). 
It  does  not  appear  how  far  they  joined  in  the  whole 
song  (Ex.  XV.  1-19);  but  the  opening  words  are  re- 
peated by  Miriam  herself  at  the  close.  (Prophet.) 
She  took  the  lead,  with  Aaron,  in  the  complaint 
ajjainst  Moses  for  his  marriage  with  a  Cushite. 
(Z;PP)RAH.)  "Hath  Jehovah  spoken  by  Moses? 
Ilatli  lie  not  also  spoken  by  us?"  (Num.  xii.  1,  2). 


A  stem  rebuke  was  administered  in  front  of  the 
sacred  Tent  to  both  Aaron  and  Miriam.  But  the 
punishment  fell  on  Miriam,  as  the  chief  oft'ender. 
The  hateful  Egyptian  leprosy,  of  which  for  a  mo- 
ment tlie  sign  had  been  seen  on  the  hand  of  her 
younger  brother,  broke  out  over  the  whole  person 
of  the  proud  prophetess.  How  grand  was  her  posi- 
tion, and  bow  heavy  the  blow,  is  implied  in  the  cry 
of  anguish  which  goes  up  from  b<jth  her  brothers. 
And  it  is  not  less  evident  in  the  silent  grief  of  the 
nation  (10-15).  This  stroke,  and  its  removal,  which 
took  place  at  Hazeroth,  form  the  last  public  event 
of  Miriam's  life.  Slie  died  toward  the  close  of  the 
wanderings  at  Kadesh,  and  was  buried  there  (xx.  1). 
Her  tomb  was  shown  near  Petra  in  the  days  of 
Jerome.  According  to  Josephus,  she  was  married 
to  tlie  famous  IIur,  and  through  him,  was  grand- 
mother of  the  architect  Bezaleel.  (Maky  the 
Virgin.) — i,  A  man  or  woman  mentioned  in  the 
genealogies  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  and  house  of  Caleb 
(1  Chr.  iv.  IT). 

Mir'mil  (lleb.  deceit,  fraud,  Ges.;  height,  Fu.),  a 
Benjamite  chief,  son  of  Shaharaim  by  his  wife  IIo- 
desh;  born  in  the  land  of  Moab  (1  Chr.  viii.  lOV 

Mirror.      The  two  Hebrew  words,  mardh  (Ex. 
xxsviii.  8),  and  rii  (Job  xxxvii.   18),  are  rendered 
"looking-glass  "  in  the  A.  Y.,  but  from  the  context 
evidently  denote  a  mirror  of  polished  metal.     In  the 
N.  T.  the  Or.  esoptron  is  translated  "glass,"  i.  e.  mir- 
ror, in  1  Cor.  xiii.  12  ;  Jas.  i.  23  ;  and  the  plural  par-  , 
ticiple  kntoptrizomenci  is  translated  "  beholding  as  in] 
a  glass"  (=  mirror)  in  2  Cor.  iii.  18.     The  Hebrew 
women  on  coming  out  of  Egypt  probably  brought! 
with  them  mirrors  like  those  used  by  the  Egyptians,  \ 
and  made  of  a  mixed  metal,  chiefly  copper,  wrought  1 
with  such  admirable  skill,  says  Sir  G.  Wilkinson 
(Ai>e.  Eg.  iii.  384),  that  they  were  "  susceptible  of  a  I 
lustre,  which  h<is  even  been  partially  revived  at  the 


Ancient  Mirrors,  or  "  Lookinc-glnflflM,"   of   bronze. — From    the    Eriti 
Aluseuoi. — (Falrbairn.)    1^,  Egj-ptian  Mirrora.    5,  Aasyrian  Mirror. 

present  day,  in  some  of  those  discovered  at  Thebeft 
though  buried  in  the  earth  for  many  centuries.    Tha 
mirror  itself  was  nearly  round,  inserted  into  a  handlS 
of  wood,  stone,  or  metal,  whose  form  varied  accordJ 
ing  to  the  taste  of  the  owner.      Some  presented  th/ 
figure  of  a  female,  a  flower,  a  column,  or  a  rod  orna 
men  ted  with  the  head  of  Athor,  a  bird,  or  a  fancy  de 
vice  ;  and  sometimes  the  face  of  a  Typhonian  nionsteij 
was  introduced  to  support  the  mirror,  serving  as  i 
contrast  to  the  features  whose  beauty  was  displayed! 


MIS 


MIX 


661 


within  it."  The  metal  of  which  the  mirrors  were 
composed,  being  liable  to  rust  and  tarnish,  required 
to  be  constantly  kept  bright  (Wis.  vii.  '26 ;  Ecclus. 
xii.  11).  This  was  done  by  means  of  pounded 
puinice-atone,  rubbed  on  with  a  sponge,  which  was 
fienerally  suspended  from  the  mirror.  Tlie  obscure 
image  produced  by  a  tarnished  or  imperfect  mirror, 
appears  to  be  alluded  to  in  1  Cor.  xiii.  12.  The 
obscure  Heb.  pL  giljfoiiim  (Is.  iii.  23),  rendered 
'■  glasses  "  (L  e.  mirrors)  in  the  A.  V.  after  the  Vul- 
gate, Targura,  Gesenius^  and  the  best  authorities,  is 
explained  by  Schroeder  to  signify  iratinpaniU  dreasm 
of  fine  Unen. 

)U$'a-el,  or  Ili'sa-«I  (Gr.  =  Misuael).  1.  Mish- 
AEL  2  (1  Esd.  ix.  44;  compare  Xeh.  viii.  4). — 8, 
JIisiiAiiL  3  =  Hesbacr  (Song  of  the  Three  Iloly 
ChUdren  66). 

Mis'gjib  (Heb.  heigh!,  Ges.),  a  place  in  Moab 
named  in  company  with  Nedo  and  Kiriatiiaim  in 
the  denunciation  of  Jeremiah  (xlviii.  1).  It  appears 
to  be  mentioned  also  in  Is.  xxv.  12,  though  there 
rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "  high  fort."  It  pos.-ibly  = 
*'  Mizpeh  of  Moab,"  named  only  in  1  Sam.  xxii.  3. 
MizPAii  2. 

Slisb'a-cl,  or  Mi'sba-cl  (Heb.  who  is  what  God  is? 
Ges.).  I.  A  son  of  Uzziel,  the  uncle  of  Aaron  and 
Moses  (Ex.  vL  22).  When  Nadab  and  Abihu  were 
struck  dead  for  offering  strange  fire,  Mishael  and 
his  brother  Elzaphan,  at  the  command  of  Moses, 
removed  their  bodies  from  the  sanctuary,  and  buried 
them  without  the  camp,  their  loose-fitting  tunics 
seriing  for  winding-sheets  (Lev.  x.  4,  5). — i.  One, 
probably  a  priest  or  Levite,  who  stood  at  Ezra's 
left  hand  when  he  read  the  Law  to  the  people  (Nch. 
viiL  4>. — 3.  One  of  Daniel's  three  companions 
(Dan.  i.  6,  7,  11,  19, ii.  17);  —  Mesiiach. 

*.Mi'»hal  (Heb.)  =:  Misheal  (Josh.  xxi.  80). 

Mi'sham  (Ueb.  mrift-going,  Ges.),  a  Benjamitc,  son 
of  Elpaal,  and  descendant  of  Shaharaim  (1  Chr. 
viii.  12). 

.Mi'shc-al,  or  Jiijh'e-al  (Heb.  entrealu,  Ges.),  a  city 
of  Ashcr  (Josh.  xix.  26),  allotted  to  the  Gershonite 
Levites  (xxi.  30,  A.  V.  "MUhal;"  1  Chr.  vL  74, 
A.  V.  "Mashal"). 

Misb'ma  (Heb.  n  hearing,  Ges.).  1.  Son  of  Ish- 
miiil  and  brother  of  Mibsam  1  (Gen.  xxv.  14;  1 
Clir.  i.  30).  The  Masamani  of  Ptolemy  may  repre- 
sent the  tribe  of  Mishma. — 2.  Son  of  Simeon  (1  Chr. 
iv.  25),  brother  of  Mibsam  2.  These  brothers  were 
perhaps  named  after  the  older  brothers,  Mishma  1 
and  Mibsam  1. 

IHish-maR'nali  (Heb.  fatness,  Ges.),  the  fourth  of 
the  twelve  lion-faced  Gaditcs  who  joined  David  at 
Zikliigd  Chr.  xii.  10).  • 

NUh'ra-ltes  (fr.  Heb.  =  people  from  Mithra 
\'''/>/>eri)  p/aoe?]),  a  town  or  place  otherwise  im- 
kiiown,  Ges.),  thf,  the  fourth  of  the  four  "  families 
of  KIrjafh-jearim,"  i.  c.  colonies  proceeding  there- 
from and  founding  towns  (1  Chr.  ii.  53). 

•  .Mh'par  (Heb.).     MiitPAR  and  Mispereto. 

MIs'pf-rftll  (Heb.  number,  Ges.),  one  of  those  who 
relurned  with  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua  from  Babylon 
(Xeh.  vii.  7);  called  Mizpar  (or  Mispar)  in  Ezr.  ii. 
2,  and  AgPHARAStrs  in  I  VM.  v.  8. 

MIs'rr-photh-ma'ia  (Heb.,  see  below),  a  plaee  in 
nnrth'TU  I'ah'stine,  in  close  connection  with  Zidon- 
rabbiili,  1.  e.  Sidon  (Josh.  xi.  8).  The  name  occurs 
again  in  the  enumeration  of  the  districts  remaining 
to  be  conriucrcd  (xiii.  6).  Taken  as  Hebrew,  the 
literal  meaning  of  the  name  is  humintfs  of  teaUrs, 
and  accordingly  it  is  taken  by  the  old  interpreters 
to  nean  warm  wcUers,  whether  natural,  i.  c.  hot 


baths  or  springs — or  artificial,  i.  e.  salt,  glass,  or 
smelting  works ;  more  probably  =  burnings  by  Ihe 
nstlers,  either  lime-kilns  or  sinelting-furnaces  situ- 
ated near  water  (Gesenius).  Probably  here,  as  in 
many  other  cases  (so  Mr.  Grove),  a  meaning  has 
been  forced  on  a  name  originally  belonging  to  an- 
other language,  and  therefore  unintelligible  to  the 
later  occupiers  of  the  country.  Thomson  makes 
Misrephoth-maim  ;=  a  collection  of  springs  called 
Mm  Masheirifeh,  on  the  sea-shore,  close  under  the 
Rus  m-A'aA/iura  ;  but  this  has  the  disadvantage  of 
being  very  far  from  Sidon.  May  it  not  rather  be 
Zarephath  ? 

•Mist,  Ihe  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  II eb.  id  = 
vajior,  miiU,  rising  from  the  earth  and  forming 
clouds,  Ges.  (Gen.  ii.  6),  translated  "vapor"  once 
(Job  xxxvi.  27) ;  not  found  elsewhere. — 2.  Gr. 
aehlus  =  a  misl  before  the  eyes,  Rbn.  A\  T.  Lex. 
(Acts  xiii.  11  only). — 3.  Gr.  znjthos  =  darkness, 
blackness,  thick  gloom,  Rbn.  iV".  T.  Lex.  (2  Pet.  ii. 
17),  twice  translated  "  darknms"  (4  ;  Jude  6),  and 
once  "  blackness  "  (Jude  13).  Cloid  ;  Dew  ;  Eaik, 
&c. 

Mite  (Gr.  le])(on),  a.  coin  current  in  Palestine  in 
the  time  of  our  Lord  (Mk.  xii.  41-44  ;  Lk.  xxi.  1-4). 
It  seems  in  Palestine  to  have  been  the  smallest  piece 
of  money,  being  the  half  of  the  "farthing"  1,  and 
therefore  =  three-sixteenths  of  a  cent.  Peihaps  the 
"  farthing  "  was  the  more  common  coin.     Monkv. 

Mitircall  (lleh.  sweetness,  Ges.),  an  unknown  desert 
encampment  of  the  Israelites  (Num.  xxxiii.  28,  29). 
Wilderness  of  the  Wanperino. 

Ilith'nlte  (fr.  Heb.  =  one  from  a  plaee  or  tribe 
named  Methen,  otherwise  unknown),  tlie,  the  desig- 
nation of  JosHAPHAT,  one  of  David's  "valiant  men" 
(1  Chr.  xi.  43). 

Ititll're-dath  (Heb.  fr.  Pcrs.  =  given  by  MUhra, 
the  sun-god,  Ges.,  Fii.,  &c. ;  given  to  Milhra,  ?ir 
Henry  Rawlinson).  1.  The  treasurer  of  Cyrus,  kit  g 
of  Persia,  to  whom  the  king  gave  the  vessels  of  the 
Temple,  to  be  by  him  transferred  to  the  hands  of 
?he.shbazzar  (Ez.  i.  8). —  2,  A  Persian  cHiccr  at  Sa- 
maria, in  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes,  or  Smerdis  the 
Magian  ;  one  of  those  lengiied  together  to  hinder  the 
rebuilding  of  the  Temple  (Ezr.  iv.  7). 

MItli-rl-da'tes  [-teez]  (Gr.  and  L.  fr.  Perg.  =  Mith- 
reoath).  I,  Mithkedath  1  (1  Esd. ii.  11). — 2.  Mitii- 
REDATH  2  (ii.  16). 

nt'trr.    Crown. 

Klt-y-te'n*  (L.  fr.  Gr. ;  named  [so  some]  from  its 
founder's  daughter,  or  [so  others]  from  its  restorer, 
Schl.),  the  chief  town  of  Lesbos,  and  situated  on 
the  cast  coast  of  the  island.  At  Mitylene  St.  Paul 
stopped  for  the  night  between  Assos  and  Chios 
(Acts  XX.  14,  15).  It  may  be  gathered  from  the  cir- 
ctimstances  of  this  voyage  that  Ihe  wind  was  blow- 
ing from  the  N.  W. ;  and  it  is  worth  while  to  notice 
that  in  the  hurbor  or  roadstead  of  Mitylene  the  ship 
would  be  sheltered  from  that  wind.  The  town  it- 
self was  celebrated  in  Roman-times  for  the  beauty 
of  its  buildings.  The  poetess  Sappho  and  pret 
AlcaL'Us,  the  physician  Theophrastus,  the  sage  Pit- 
tacus,  &c.,  were  natives  of  Mitylene.  In  St.  Piiul'g 
day  it  had  the  privileges  of  a  free  city.  It  is  one 
of  the  few  cities  of  the  Jigean  which  have  contin- 
ued without  inteiTOission  to  flourish  till  the  present 
day.  It  has  given  its  name  to  the  whole  island, 
and  is  itself  now  called  sometimes  Castro,  some- 
times AfilyleiK 

nixrd  Mnl'tl-tade.  With  the  Israelites  who  jour- 
neyed from  Ramcses  to  Puecoth,  tlie  first  stage  of 
the  Exodus  from  Egypt,  there  went  up  (Ex.  xii.  38) 


662 


MIZ 


MIZ 


"a  mixed  multitude"  (Heb.  'crei  rab,  margin  "a 
great  mixture  "),  who  have  not  hitherto  been  iden- 
tified. Aben  Ezra  says  it  signitics  tl>e  Egyptians 
who  were  mixed  with  tliem.  Rashi  on  Num.  xi.  4 
(where  the  Heb.  asaphnuph  is  thus  translated)  iden- 
tifies the  "  mixed  multitude  "  of  Numbers  and  Ex- 
odus. During  their  residence  in  Egypt  marriages 
were  naturally  contracted  between  the  Israelites  and 
the  natives  (Lev.  xxiv.  11).  This  hybrid  race  is 
evidently  alluded  to  by  Rashi  and  Aben  Ezra,  and 
is  most  probably  that  to  which  reference  is  made  in 
Exodus.  That  the  "  mixed  multitude  "  is  a  general 
term  including  all  those  who  were  not  of  pure  Is- 
raelite blood  is  evident ;  more  than  this  cannot  be 
positively  asserted.  In  Exodus  and  Numbers  it 
probably  denoted  the  miscellaneous  hangers-on  of 
the  Hebrew  camp,  whetlier  they  were  the  issue  of 
spurious  marriages  with  Egyptians,  or  were  them- 
selves Egyptians  or  belonging  to  other  nations. 
The  Heb.  'ereb  is  translated  by  itself  "  mixed  mul- 
titude" in  Neh.  xiii.  3  (compare  23-30),  after  the 
return  from  Babylon.  Gesenius  defines  it  "  a  mixed 
muttitmle,  mingled  mass,  of  strangers  and  foreigners 
who  follow  a  migrating  people  or  an  anny."  Min- 
gled People. 

Sli'zar  (fr.  Heb.  =  smallruss,  hence  smaU,  little, 
Ges.),  the  Hill  (Heb.  har\  a  mountain  apparently  in 
the  northern  part  of  Transjordanic  Palestine,  from 
which  the  author  of  Ps.  xlii.  utters  his  pathetic  ap- 
peal (ver.  6).  Tlie  name  appears  nowhere  else. 
Gesenius,  &c.,  suppose  it  a  summit  probably  in  the 
ridge  of  Anti-Lel^anon  or  Hermon.     Hill  2. 

Miz'pail,  and  Jliz'peil  (both  fr.  Heb.  =  watch- 
tower,  luftij  place,  Ges.),  the  name  borne  by  several 
places  in  ancient  Palestine.— 1 .  The  "  Mizpah  "  first 
mentioned,  is  the  heap  of  stones  piled  up  by  Jacob 
and  Laban  (Gen.  xxxi.  48)  on  Mount  Gilead  (25),  to 
serve  both  as  a  witness  to  the  covenant  then  entered 
into,  and  also  as  a  landmark  of  the  boundary  be- 
tween them  (52).  This  heap  received  a  name  from 
each  of  the  two  chief  actors  in  tlie  transaction — 
Galeed  and  Jegar-saii.vdutiia.  Its  third  name,  Miz- 
pah, it  seems  from  tlie  narrative  to  have  derived 
from  neither  p.arty,  but  to  have  possessed  already. 
The  name  remained  attached  to  tlie  nncieut  meet- 
ing-place of  Jacob  and  Laban,  and  the  spot  where 
their  conference  had  been  held  bi-oauie  a  sanctuary 
of  Jehovah,  and  a  place  for  solemn  comlavo  and 
deliberation  in  times  of  dirticulty  long  after.  Ou 
this  natural  "  watch-tower,"  when  the  last  touch  had 
been  put  to  their  misery  by  the  threatened  attack 
of  the  Ammonites,  did  the  children  of  Israel  as- 
semble for  the  choice  of  a  leader  (Ju  Ig.  x.  17,  eo  u- 
pare  16);  and  when  the  outlawed  Jepiitiiaii  had 
been  prevailed  on  to  leave  his  exile  and  take  the 
head  of  his  people,  his  first  act  was  to  go  to  "  the 
Mizpah,"  and  on  that  consecrated  ground  utter  all 
his  words  "  before  Jehovah."  At  Mizpah  he  seems 
to  have  henceforward  resided  ;  there  the  fatal  meet- 
ing took  place  with  his  daughter  on  his  return  from 
the  war  (xi.  34),  and  we  can  hardly  doubt  that  on 
the  altar  of  that  sanctuary  the  father's  terrible  vow 
was  consummated.  Most  probably  the  "  Mizpeh  of 
Gilead  "  mentioneil  here  only  =  the  Mizpah  of  the 
other  parts  of  the  narrative ;  and  both  probably  = 
the  Ramatii-mizpeh  and  Ramoth-gii.ead,  so  famous 
in  the  later  history  (so  Mr.  Grove  and  most  author- 
ities). Mr.  Grove  is  disposed  to  regard  this  Mizpah  as 
the  place  at  which  the  great  assembly  of  the  people 
was  held  to  decide  on  the  measures  to  be  taken  against 
Glbeah  after  the  outrage  on  the  Levite  and  his  concu- 
bine (Judg.  XX.  1,  3,  xxi.  1,  5,  8).    Robinson  (i.  460), 


Porter  (in  Kitto),  Prof.  Douglas  (in  Fairbairn),  &c., 
regard  this  "  Mizpeh  "  as  =  No.  6  below.  Prof. 
Douglas  also  considers  the  "  Mizpah  "  of  Judg.  x. 
17,  .\i.  11,  34  as  =:  No.  6,  and  dift'crent  from  "Miz- 
peh of  Gilead  "  in  xi.  29.  Porter  supposes  the  Miz- 
pah of  Genesis  a  different  place  from  any  mentioned 
in  Judges,  and  perhaps  on  some  hill-top  N.  of  Gera- 
sa.  (Mahanaim.)  Mizpah  still  retained  its  name  in 
the  days  of  the  llaccabees,  by  whom  it  was  besieged 
and  taken  with  the  other  cities  of  Gilead  (1  Mc.  v. 
35,  A.  V.  "  Maspha  "). — 2.  A  second  Mizpeh,  on  the 
E.  of  Jordan,  was  the  "  Mizpeh  of  Moab,"  where 
the  king  of  that  nation  was  livmg  when  David  com- 
mitted his  parents  to  his  care  (1  Sam.  xxii.  3).  The 
name  does  not  occur  again,  nor  is  there  any  clew  to 
the  situation  of  the  place.  It  may  have  been  Km 
OF  Moab,  the  modern  Kcrak,  or  even  the  great; 
Mount  Pisgah. — 3.  A  third  was  "  the  land  of  Miz- 
peh," or  more  accurately  "  of  Mizpah,"  the  residence 
of  the  Hivites  who  joined  the  northern  confederacy 
against  Israel,  headed  by  Jabin,  king  of  Hazor  (Josh, 
xi.  3).  No  other  mention  is  found  of  this  district 
in  the  Bible,  unless  it  be  identical  with — I.  "The 
Valley  of  Mizpeh,"  to  which  the  discomfited  hosts 
of  the  same  confederacy  were  chased  by  Joshua  (xi. 
8).  It  lay  eastward  from  Misrephoth-maiji  ;  but  the 
situation  of  the  latter  place  is  by  no  means  certain. 
If  we  may  rely  on  the  peculiar  terra  (Heb.  bik'iih) 
here  rendered  "  valley,"  then  we  may  accept  the 
"  land  of  Mizpah  "  or  "  the  valley  of  Mizpeh  "  as  = 
Ccelesyria  (Celosyria),  the  Bukd'a  alike  of  the  mod- 
ern Arabs  and  of  the  ancient  Hebrews.  But  this 
is  only  a  probable  inference. — 5.  "  Mizpeh,"  a  city 
of  Ju Jah  (Josh.  xv.  38) ;  in  the  "  valu:y  "  (No. 
6),  or  maritime  lowland.  Van  de  Velde  suggests 
its  identity  with  the  present  Tc/l  e^-Sufiijeli,  the 
Blanchegarde  of  the  Crusaders,  and  this  conjecture 
is  favored  by  Mr.  Grove,  Knobel,  Keil,  &c.  Porter 
(In  Kitto)  regards  this  site  as  too  far  N.  (Gatii.) 
— 6i  "  Mizpeh,"  in  Joshua  and  Samuel ;  elsewhere 
"Mizpah,"  a  "city"  of  Benjamin,  named  between 
Becroth  and  Chephlrah,  and  in  apparent  proximity 
to  RaniaU  and  Gibeon  (Josli.  xviii.  26).  Its  connec- 
tion with  the  two  last-named  towns  is  also  implied 
in  the  later  history  (1  K.  xv.  22 ;  2  Chr.  xvi.  6  ; 
Neh.  ill.  1).  It  was  one  of  the  places  fortified  by 
Asa  against  the  Incursions  of  the  kings  of  Israel  (1 
K.  XV.  22  ;  2  Chr.  xvi.  6  ;  Jer.  xli.  9) ;  and  after  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  it  became  the  residence 
of  the  superintendent  ajipointed  by  the  king  of  Baby- 
lon (Jer.  xl.  7,  &c. ;  Gkd.'.liah  1),  and  the  scene  of 
his  murder  and  of  the  romantic  incidents  connected 
with  the  name  of  Isiimaij.  the  son  of  Netlianiah. 
But  Mizpah  was  more  than  this.  In  the  earlier  periods 
of  the  history  of  Israel,  at  the  first  foundation  of  the 
monarchy,  it  was  the  great  sanctuary  of  Jehovah, 
the  special  resort  of  the  people  In  times  of  diflieulty 
and  solemn  deliberation.  It  was  one  of  the  three 
holy  cities  which  Samuel  visited  in  turn  as  judge  of 
the  people  (vil.  6,  16),  the  other  two  being  Bethel 
and  Gllgal.  Probably  this  is  the  Mizpah  of  Neh. 
ill.  7,  15,  19.  (See  also  No.  1  above.)  With  the 
conquest  of  Jerusalem  and  the  est.iblishmenl  there 
of  the  Ark,  the  sanctity  of  Mizpah,  or  at  least  its 
reputation,  seems  to  have  declined.  We  hear  of  no 
religious  act  In  connection  with  it  till  that  afiectlng 
assembly  called  together  thither,  as  to  the  ancient 
sanctuary  of  their  Ibrefathers,  by  Judas  Maccabeus, 
"  when  the  Israelites  assembled  themselves  together  j 
and  came  to  Maspha  over  against  Jerusalem  ;  for  ] 
in  Maspha  was  there  aforetime  a  place  of  prayer 
for  Israel"  (1  Mc.  ill.  46).     The  expression  "over 


MIZ 


MOA 


663 


against,"  no  less  than  the  circumstances  of  the 
story,  seems  to  require  that  from  Mizpah  tlie  City 
or  the  Temple  was  visible.  These  conditions  are 
satislied  by  the  position  of  Scopus,  the  broad  ridge 
which  forms  the  continuation  of  tiie  Mount  of  Olives 
to  the  N.  and  E.,  from  which  the  traveller  gains, 
like  Titus,  his  first  view,  and  takes  his  last  farewell, 
of  tlie  domes,  walls,  and  towers  of  the  Holy  City 
(so  Mr.  Grove,  with  Stanley  and  Bonar).  Robinson 
(L  460)  regards  Neby  Samwil  (  =:  I'rophet  ISamuel), 
five  miles  X.  W.  of  Jerusalem,  as  the  probable  site 
of  Mizpah  of  IScnJaniin ;  and  this  identification  is 
accepted  by  Wilson  (ii.  36  ff.),  Porter  (Handbook, 
and  in  Kitto),  and  generally  (so  Prof.  Douglas,  in 
Fairbaim).  Kcbii  Saniwil  is  the  most  conspicuous 
object  in  the  whole  region,  rising  500  or  600  feet 
above  the  plain  of  Gibcon,  is  well  cultivated  in  ter- 
races, and  has  on  its  top  a  large  dilapidated  mosque, 
formerly  a  church,  and  a  little  village  (see  cut  under 
Gibeon).  The  "  Mizpah  "  of  Hos.  v.  1  may  be  Jlizpah 
of  Benjamin,  but  Porter  (in  Kitto)  prefers  "  Mizpeh 
of  Gilcad." 

Mlz'par  (fr.  Ilcb.  =:  number,  Ges.),  properly  Mis- 
par,  as  in  the  A.  V.  of  1611  and  the  Geneva,  ver- 
sion ;  =  MisPKUKTii  (Ezr.  ii.  2). 

M^'prh.     Mizpah. 

}Ilz'ra-llli,  an  English  form  of  the  Ileb.  mitirayim, 
the  usual  name  of  Egypt  in  the  0.  T.,  the  dual  of 
Heb.  Mutnor,  which  is  less  frequently  employed. 
If  the  etymology  be  sought  in  Hebrew  it  might  sig- 
nify a  mo^md,  bulwark,  or  citadel,  or  duitrens  ;  but 
no  one  of  these  meanings  is  apposite.  Mr.  R.  S. 
Poole  prefers,  with  Gesenius,  to  look  to  the  Arabic. 
In  the  Kumoos,  one  of  the  meanings  given  to  Misr, 
the  corresponding  Arabic  word,  is  red  earth  or  imid, 
and  this  Mr.  Poole  believes  is  the  true  one,  from  its 
corre.>ipondence  to  the  Egyptian  name  of  the  coun- 
try, Knit,  which  signifies  black,  and  was  given  to  it 
for  the  blackness  of  its  alluvial  soil.  Gesenius  ac- 
cepts anotlier  meaning  of  the  Arabic  word,  viz.  limit, 
border. — Mizraim  first  occurs  in  the  account  of  the 
Hamites  in  Gen.  x.,  where  we  read,  "  And  the  sons  of 
Ham;  Cush,  and  Mizraim,  and  Phut,  and  Canaan" 
(vcr.  6 ;  compare  1  Chr.  i.  8).  If  the  names  be  in  or- 
der of  seniority,  we  can  form  no  theory  as  to  their 
settlements  from  their  places ;  but  if  the  arrange- 
ment be  geographical,  the  placing  may  afford  a  clew 
to  the  positions  of  the  Hamitc  lands.  Ctr.sii  would 
stand  first  as  the  most  widely-spread  of  these  peoples, 
extending  from  Babylon  to  the  upper  Nile ;  the  terri- 
tory of  Mizraim  would  be  the  next  to  the  N.,  em- 
bracing Egypt  and  its  colonies  on  the  N.W.  and  N.E. ; 
Phct  as  dependent  on  Egypt  might  follow  Mizraim  ; 
and  Canaan  as  the  northernmost  would  end  the 
list.  Egypt,  the  "land  of  Ham,"  may  have  been 
the  primitive  seat  of  these  four  stocks.  In  the 
enumeration  of  the  Mizraites,  though  we  h.ive  tribes 
extending  far  beyond  Egypt,  we  may  suppose  that 
they  all  had  their  first  seat  in  Mizraim,  and  spread 
thence,  as  is  distinctly  said  of  the  Philistines.  Here 
ilie  order  seems  to  be  geographical,  though  the 
ume  is  not  so  clear  of  the  Canaanites.  The  list  is 
thus  given  in  Gen.  x. : — "  And  Mizraim  begat  Lddih, 
and  Anamisi,  and  Leiiabim,  and  XAPiiTriiiu,  and 
Patiirisim,  and  Casli'him  (out  of  whom  came 
Pnit,isTiM),and  ('ApnT0RiM"(13,  14;  comparelChr. 
i.  11,  12).  Mizraim,  therefore,  like  Cush,  and  per- 
haps Ham,  geographically  represents  a  centre 
whence  colonies  went  forth  in  the  remotest  period 
of  post-diluvian  history.  Mr.  Poole  regards  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  Mizraites  as  showing  that  their  colo- 
niea  were  but  a  part  of  the  great  migration  that  gave 


the  Cushites  the  command  of  the  Indian  Ocean, 
and  which  explains  the  affinity  the  Egyptian  monu- 
ments show  us  between  the  pre-HcUcnie  Cretans 
and  Carians  (the  latter  no  doubt  the  Leleges  of  the 
Greek  writers)  and  the  Philistines,  hi  the  use  of 
the  singular  and  dual  Hebrew  names  for  Egypt 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  dual  indicates  the 
two  regions  into  which  the  country  has  nlways  been 
divided  by  nature  as  well  as  by  its  inhabitants.  It 
has  been  supposed  that  the  singular,  as  distinct 
from  the  dual,  signifies  Lower  Egypt ;  but  this  con- 
jecture cannot  be  maintained  (so  Mr.  Poole). 

Mlz'zaU  (Heb. /mr, Ges.),  a  "duke"  of  Edom  ; 
son  of  Reuel  and  grandson  of  Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  13, 
17;  1  Chr.  i.  37). 

llna'son  [na-]  (Gr.  remembering,  Schl.),  an  "old 
disciple,"  mentioned  as  one  of  the  hosts  of  the 
Apostle  Paul  (Acts  xxi.  16).  Probably  his  residence 
at  this  time  was  not  Cesarea,  but  Jerusalem.  He 
was  a  Cyprian  (Cypris)  by  birth,  and  may  have 
been  a  friend  of  Barnabas  (Acts  iv.  36),  and  pos- 
sibly brought  to  the  knowledge  of  Christianity  by 
him. 

JHo'ab  (Heb.  =  from  my  father,  LXX.,  Jos.,  De 
Wette,  &c. ;  going  in  of  the  father,  Hiller,  Sim. ;  seed 
of  the  father,  Ros.,  Ges.,  &c. ;  a  iciahtdfor,  longed- 
for  otte,  Fii.),  son  of  Lot's  eldest  daughter,  and 
elder  brother  of  Ben-Ammi,  the  progenitor  of  the 
Ammonites  (Gen.  xix.  37) ;  also  the  nation  descended 
from  him.  Zoar  was  the  cradle  of  the  race  of 
Lot.  From  this  centre  the  brother-tribes  spread 
themselves.  Ammon,  whose  disposition  seems 
throughout  to  have  been  more  roving  and  unsettled, 
went  to  the  N.  E.  Moab,  whose  habits  were  more 
settled  and  peaceful,  remained  nearer  their  original 
seat.  The  rich  highlands  which  crown  the  eastern 
side  of  the  chasm  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  extend 
northward  as  far  as  the  foot  of  the  niountahis  of 
Gilead,  appear  at  that  early  date  to  have  lorne  a 
name  wliich  in  its  Hebrew  form  is  presented  to  us 
as  Shaveh-kiriathaim,  and  to  have  been  inhabited 
by  a  branch  of  the  Rephaim.  This  ancient  people, 
the  Emim,  gradually  became  extinct  before  the 
Moabites,  who  thus  obtained  possession  of  the  whole 
of  the  rich  elevated  tract  referred  to.  With  the 
highlands  they  occupied  also  the  lowlands  at  their 
feet.  Of  the  valuable  district  of  the  highlands  they 
were  not  allowed  to  retain  entire  possession.  The 
warlike  Amorites  ero.ssed  the  Jorhan  and  overran 
the  richer  portion  of  the  territory  on  the  N.,  driving 
Moab  back  to  his  original  position  behind  the  nat- 
ural bulwark  of  the  Arno.n.  The  plain  of  the 
Jordan  valley  appears  to  have  remained  in  the 
power  of  Moab.  When  Israel  reached  the  boundary 
of  the  country,  this  contest  had  only  very  recently 
occurred.  Sihon,  the  Aroorite  king,  under  whose 
command  Heshbon  had  been  taken,  was  still  reign- 
ing there:  the  ballads  commemorating  the  event 
were  still  fresh  in  the  popular  mouth  (Num.  xxi. 
27-80).  Of  these  events  we  obtain  the  above  out- 
line only  from  the  fragments  of  ancient  documents 
(xxi.  26-80;  Deut.  ii.  10,  II).  The  position  into 
which  the  Moabites  were  driven  by  the  inctirsion  of 
the  Amorites  was  a  very  circumscribed  one,  in  ex- 
tent not  half  that  which  they  had  lost.  But  on  the 
other  hand  it  was  much  more  secure,  and  was  well 
suited  for  the  occupation  of  a  people  whose  dispo- 
sition was  not  so  warlike  as  that  of  their  neighbors. 
The  territory  occupied  by  Moab  at  the  period  of  its 
greatest  extent,  before  the  invasion  of  the  AnioritcB, 
divided  itself  naturally  into  three  distinct  and  in- 
dependent portions.  Each  of  these  portions  appears 


661 


MOA 


MOA 


to  have  had  its  name  by  which  it  is  almost  invari- 
ably designated.  (1.)  The  enclosed  coiner  or  can- 
ton S.  of  the  Arnon  was  the  "  field  of  Jloab  "  (Hub. 
sddeh,  A.  V.  "country  ;  "  Ru.  i.  1,  2,  6,  &c.).  (2.) 
The  more  open  rolling  country  X.  of  the  Anion, 
opposite  Jericho,  and  up  to  the  hills  of  Gileud,  was 
the  "  land  of  Moab  "  (Heb.  erels  [see  Earth]  ;  Deut. 
i.  5,  xxxii.  49,  &c.).  (3.)  The  sunk  district  in  the 
tropical  depths  of  the  Jordan  valley,  taking  its 
name  from  that  of  the  great  valley  itself — the 
Arabaii — was  the  'Arbolh-Milb  =  tlie  dry  regions, 
in  the  A.  V.  "  plains  of  Moab "  (Xuin.  xxii.  1, 
&c.).  Outside  of  the  hills,  whicli  enclosed  the  "  field 
of  Moab "  or  Moab  proper,  on  the  S.  E.,  lay  the 
vast  pasturi!-grounds  of  the  waste,  uncultivated 
j  country  (A.  V.  "  wilderness ;  "  see  Desert  2)  which 
/  is  described  as  "  facing  Moab "  on  the  E.  (A.  V. 
;  "  before  Moab,  toward  the  sun-rising,"  Num.  xxi. 
/  11).  Through  this  latter  district  Israel  appears  to 
have  approached  the  Promised  Land.  Some  com- 
munication had  evidently  taken  place,  though  of 
what  nature  it  is  impossible  clearly  to  ascertain 
(Deut.  ii.  28,  29,  xxiii.  4;  Judg.  xi.  17).  But  what- 
ever the  communication  may  have  been,  the  result 
was  that  Israel  did  not  traverse  Moab,  but  turning 
to  the  right  passed  outside  the  mountains,  through 
the  "  wilderness,"  by  the  eastern  side  of  the  terri- 
tory above  described  (Deut.  ii.  8;  Judg.  xi.  18),  and 
finally  took  up  their  position  in  the  country  N.  of 
tlie  Arnon,  from  which  Moab  had  so  lately  been 
ejected.  Here  the  head<iuarters  of  the  nation  re- 
mained for  a  considerable  time  while  the  conquest 
of  Bashan  was  being  elfected.  It  was  during  this 
period  that  the  visit  of  Balaam  took  place.  The 
whole  of  the  country  E.  of  the  Jordan,  except  the 
little  corner  occupied  by  Moab,  was  in  posses.iion 
of  the  invaders,  and  although  at  the  period  in 
question  the  main  body  had  descended  from  the 
upper  level  to  the  plains  of  Shittim,  the  ''Arbulh- 
Mijih,  in  the  Jordan  valley,  yet  a  great  number 
must  have  remained  on  the  upper  level,  and  the 
towns  up  to  the  very  edg3  of  the  ravine  of  the  Ar- 
non were  still  occupied  by  their  settlements  (Xu;n. 
xxi.  24;  Judg.  xi.  26).  It  was  a  situation  full  of 
alarm  for  a  nation  which  had  already  suffered  so 
severely.  The  account  of  the  whole  of  these  trans- 
actions in  Numbers  perhaps  hardly  conveys  an 
adequate  idea  of  the  extremity  in  which  Balak 
found  himself  in  his  unexpected  encounter  with 
the  new  nation  and  their  mighty  Divinity.  The 
connection  of  Moab  with  Mioian,  and  the  compara- 
tively inoffensive  character  of  the  former,  are  shown 
in  the  narrative  of  the  events  wliich  followed  the 
departure  of  Balaam.  The  latest  date  at  wliich 
the  two  names  appear  in  conjunction,  is  found  in 
the  notice  of  the  defeat  of  Midian  "  in  the  field  of 
Moab  "  by  the  Edomite  King  Hadad  the  son  of 
Bedad,  which  occurred  five  generations  before  the 
establishment  of  the  monarchy  of  Israel  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
85;  1  Chr.  i.  46).  After  the  conquest  of  Canaan 
the  relations  of  Moab  with  Israel  were  of  a  mixed 
character.  With  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  whose 
possessions  at  their  eastern  end  were  separated  from 
those  of  Moab  only  by  the  Jordan,  they  had  at 
least  one  severe  struggle,  in  union  with  their  kindred 
the  Ammonites,  and  also  for  this  time  only,  the  wild 
Amalekites  from  the  S.  (Judg.  iii.  12-30).  (Eolon; 
Ehod  2.)  The  feud  continued  with  true  Oriental 
pertinacity  to  the  time  of  Saol.  Of  his  slaughter 
of  the  Ammonites  we  have  full  details  in  1  Sam.  xi., 
and  among  his  other  conquests  Moab  is  especially 
mentioned  (xiv.  47).     But   while   such  were  their 


'  relations  to  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  the  story  of- 
RuTH,  on  the  other  hand,  testifies  to  the  existence 
of  a  friendly  intercourse  between  Moab  and  Beth- 
lehem, one  of  the  towns  of  Judah.  By  his  descent 
from  Ruth,  David  may  be  said  to  have  had  Moabite 
blood  in  his  veins.  Tlie  relationship  was  suihcient, 
!  especially  wlien  combined  with  tlie  blood-feud  bo- 
'  tween  Jloab  and  Benjamin,  already  alluded  to,  to 
warrant  his  visiting  tlie  laud  of  his  ancestress,  and 
committing  his  parents  to  the  protection  of  the 
king  of  Moab,  when  hard  pressed  by  Saul  (xxii. 
3,  4).  But  here  all  friendly  relation  stops  for- 
ever. The  next  time  the  name  is  mentioned  is  in 
the  account  of  David's  war,  at  least  twenty  years 
after  the  last-mentioned  event.  Two-thirds  of  the 
people  were  put  to  death  ;  the  remainder  became 
bondmen,  and  were  subjected  to  an  annual  tribute. 
The  spoils  went  to  swell  the  treasures  which  David 
was  amassing  for  the  future  Temple  (2  Sam.  viii.  2, 
11,  12;  1  Chr.  xviii.  2,  11).  So  signal  a  vengeance 
can  only  have  been  occasioned  by  some  act  of  per- 
fidy or  insult,  like  that  wliich  brouglit  down  a  simi- 
lar treatment  on  the  Ammonites  (2  Sam.  x).  It 
lias  been  conjectured  that  the  king  of  Jloab  be- 
trayed the  trust  which  David  reposed  in  him,  and 
either  himself  killed  Jesse  and  his  wife,  or  sur- 
rendered them  to  Saul.  But  this,  though  not  im- 
probable, is  nothing  more  than  conjecture.  It  must 
have  been  a  considerable  time  before  Moab  recov- 
ered from  so  severe  a  blow.  At  tlie  disruption  of 
the  kingdom,  Moab  seems  to  have  fallen  to  the 
northern  realm.  At  the  death  of  Ahab,  cidily 
years  later,  we  find  Moab  paying  him  the  enormous 
tribute,  apparently  annual,  of  liX>,000  rams,  and 
the  same  number  of  wethers  (La.'.iii  4)  with  their 
fleeces.  It  is  not  surprising  that  the  Jloabites 
should  have  seized  the  moment  of  Ahab's  death  to 
throw  off  so  burdensome  a  yoke ;  but  it  is  surpris- 
ing that,  notwithstanding  such  a  drain  on  their  re- 
sources, they  were  ready  to  incur  the  risk  and  ex- 
pense of  a  war  with  a  state  in  every  respect  fjr 
their  superior.  Their  first  step,  after  asserting  their 
independence,  was  to  attack  the  kingdom  of  Judah 
(2  Chr.  XX.).  The  army  was  a  huge  heterogeneous 
horde  of  ill-assorted  elements,  and  the  expedition 
contained  within  itself  the  elements  of  its  own  de- 
struction. Dissensions  arose,  and  the  army  of  Je- 
hoshaphat  had  only  to  watch  the  extermination  of 
one-half  the  huge  host  by  the  other  half,  and  to 
seize  the  prodigious  booty  left  on  the  field.  As  a 
natural  consequence  of  the  late  events,  Israel,  Ju- 
dah, and  Edom  united  in  an  attack  on  Moab.  The 
three  confederate  armies  approached  not  as  usual 
by  the  N.,  but  round  the  southern  end  of  tlie  Dead 
Sea,  through  the  pa^rched  valleys  of  Upper  Edom. 
As  the  host  came  near,  the  king  of  Moab,  doubtless 
the  same  Mesha  1  who  threw  off  the  yoke  of  Ahab, 
assembled  the  whole  of  his  people  on  the  boundary 
of  his  territory.  Here  they  remained  all  niirht  on 
the  watch.  Witli  the  approach  of  morning  the  sun 
rose  suddenly  above  the  horizon  of  the  rolling 
plain,  and  shone  with  a  blood-red  glare  on  a  multi- 
tude of  pools  in  the  bed  of  the  wady  at  their  feet. 
To  them  the  conclusion  was  inevitable.  Tlie  army 
had,  like  their  own  on  the  late  occasion,  fallen  out 
in  the  night ;  these  red  pools  were  the  blond  of  the 
slain ;  those  who  were  not  killed  had  fled,  and  noth- 
ing stood  between  them  and  the  pillage  of  the 
camp.  The  cry  "  Moab  to  the  spoil !  "  was  raised. 
Down  the  slopes  they  rushed  in  headlong  disorder. 
Then  occurred  one  of  those  scenes  of  carnage  which 
can  happen  but  once  or  twice  in  the  existence  of  a 


MOjl 


MOA 


665 


nation.  Tho  Moabitcs  fled  back  in  confusion,  fol- 
lowed and  cut  down  at  every  step  by  their  enemies. 
Far  inward  did  the  pursuit  reach,  among  the  cities, 
and  farms,  and  orchards,  of  that  rich  distiict:  nor 
wheu  the  slaughter  was  over  was  the  horrid  work 
of  destruction  done.  The  towns  were  dcmolislied, 
and  the  stones  strewed  over  the  tilled  fields.  Tlie 
lountaius  of  water  were  choked,  and  all  good  timber 
felliHl.  At  last  the  struggle  collected  itself  at  KiR- 
iiARASKTii.  Here  Mcsha  took  refuge  with  his  family 
and  with  the  remnants  of  his  army.  The  heights 
around  were  covered  with  slingers,  who  discharged 
their  volleys  of  stones  on  the  town.  At  lengtli, 
Mesha,  collecting  round  him  700  of  his  best  war- 
riors, made  a  desperate  sally,  with  the  intention  of 
cutting  his  way  through  to  his  special  foe,  the  king 
of  Edom.  But  he  was  driven  back.  And  tlien  an 
awful  spectacle  amazed  and  horrified  the  besiegers. 
The  king  and  his  eldest  son,  the  heir  to  the  throne, 
mounted  the  wall,  and,  in  the  sight  of  the  thou- 
sands who  covered  the  sides  of  that  vast  nmphi- 
th -atre,  the  father  killed  and  burnt  his  child  as  a 
propitiatory  sacrifice  to  the  cruel  gods  of  his  country. 
Sliortly  afterward  we  hear  of  "  bands  " — i.  e.  pil- 
laging, marauding  parties — of  the  Moabitcs  making 
their  incursions  into  Israel   in   the  spring,  as  if  to 

iioil   the   early  corn   before  it  was  fit  to  cut  (2  K. 

.iii.  20).  A  king  of  Edom  seems  to  have  been  killed 
:i:id  burnt  by  Moub  (Am.  ii.  1).  In  the  "  Burden 
of  Moab"  (Is.  XV.,  xvi.),  we  possess  a  document 
full  of  interesting  detiiils  as  to  the  condition  of  the 
nation  at  the  death  of  Ahaz,  king  of  Judah  (b.  c. 
720).  Moab  has  regained  more  than  his  former 
prosperity,  and  has  besides  extended  himself  over 
t.:e  district  which  he  originally  occupied,  and  which 
was  less  vacant  at  the  removal  of  Reuben  to  As- 
syria (1  Chr.  V.  25,  26).  This  passage  of  Isaiah 
cannot  be  considered  apart  from  Jer.  xlviii.  The 
latter  was  pronounced  more  than  a  century  later, 
about  B.  c.  600,  ten  or  twelve  years  before  the  in- 
vasion of  Xcbuchiidnezzar,  by  which  Jerusalem  was 
destroyed.  The  difficulty  of  so  many  of  the  towns 
of  Reuben  being  mentioned,  as  already  in  the  pos- 
session of  Moab,  may  perhaps  be  explained  by  re- 
membering that  the  idolatry  of  the  neighboring  na- 
tions— and  therefore  of  Moab — had  been  adopted  by 
the  Transjordanic  tribes  for  some  time  previously 
to  the  tinal  deportation  by  Tiglath-pileser  (1  Chr.  v. 
25),  and  that  many  of  the  sanctuaries  were  prob- 
atily  even  at  the  date  of  the  original  delivery  of  the 
denunciation  in  the  hands  of  the  priests  of  Chemosh 
and  MiLCOM.  On  the  other  hand,  the  calamities 
which  Jeremiah  describes  may  have  been  inflicted 
in  any  one  of  the  numerous  visitations  from  the  As- 
syrian army,  under  which  these  unhappy  countries 
suffered  at  the  peiiod  of  his  prophecy  in  rapid  suc- 
cession. The  allusions  in  these  prophetic  denunci- 
ations to  the  condition  of  Moab  bear  the  evident 
stamp  of  portraiture  by  artists  who  knew  their  sub- 
ject thoroughly.  The  nation  appears  in  them  as 
high-spirited,  wealthy,  populous,  and  even  to  a  cer- 
tain extent  civilized,  enjoj-ing  a  wide  reputation  and 
popularity.  And  we  may  safely  conclude  that  they 
are  not  merely  temporary  circumstances,  but  were 
the  enduring  chara<;teristic8  of  the  people.  In  this 
case  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  among  the  pastoral 
people  of  Syria,  Moab  stood  next  to  Israel  in  all 
matters  of  material  wealth  and  civilization.  Half 
the  allusions  of  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah  in  the  passages 
referred  to  must  forever  remain  obscure.  Many 
expressions,  also,  such  as  the  "  weeping  of  Jazer," 
the  "  heifer  of  three  years  old,"  the  "  shadow  of 


Heshbon,"  the  "lions,"  must  be  unintelligible.  But 
nothing  can  obscure  or  render  obsolete  tlie  tcne  of 
tenderness  and  affection  which  makes  itself  felt  in 
a  hundred  expressions  throughout  these  precious 
documents.  Isaiah  refers  to  the  subject  in  another 
passage  of  extraordinary  force,  and  of  fiercer  chai- 
aeter  than  before  (xxv.  10-12).  Here  the  extern  i- 
nation,  the  utter  annihilation,  of  Moab,  is  contem- 
plated by  the  prophet  with  triumph,  as  one  of  the 
first  results  of  the  reestablishnient  of  Jehovah  on 
Mount  Zion.  Between  the  time  of  Isaiah's  denun- 
ciation and  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  we  have 
hardly  a  reference  to  Moab.  Zephaniiih,  writing  in 
the  reign  of  Josiah,  reproaches  them  (ii.  8-10)  for 
their  taunts  against  the  people  of  Jehovah,  but  i;o 
acts  of  hostility  arc  recorded  either  on  the  one  side 
or  the  other.  From  one  passage  in  Jeremiah  (xxv. 
9-21)  delivered  in  the  fourth  year  of  Jehoiakim,  just 
before  the  first  appearance  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  it  is 
apparent  that  it  was  the  belief  of  the  prophet  that 
the  nations  surrounding  Israel — and  Moab  among 
the  rest — were  on  the  eve  of  devastation  by  the 
Clialde.ins  and  of  a  captivity  for  seventy  years  (see 
ver.  11),  from  which,  however,  they  should  eventual- 
ly be  restored  to  their  own  country  (12,  xlviii.  47). 
From  another  record  of  the  events  of  the  san  e 
period  or  of  one  only  just  subsequent  (2  K.  xxiv.  2), 
it  would  appear,  however,  that  Moab  made  terms 
with  the  Chaldeans,  and  for  the  time  acted  in  con- 
cert with  them  in  haras.sing  and  plundering  the 
kingdom  of  Jehoiakim.  Fo\ir  or  five  years  later,  in 
the  first  year  of  Zedekiah  (Jer.  xxvii.  1),  these  hos- 
tilities must  have  ceased,  for  there  was  then  a  regu- 
lar intcrc</urse  between  Moab  and  the  court  at  Je- 
rusalem (3),  possibly,  as  Bunsen  suggests,  negotiat- 
ing a  c'  mbincd  resistance  to  the  common  enenn-. 
The  brunt  of  the  storm  must  have  fallen  on  Judah 
!ind  Jerusalem.  In  Ezekiel's  time,  the  cities  of 
Moab  were  slill  flourishing,  "  the  glory  of  the  conn- 
try,"  destined  to  become  at  a  future  day  a  prey  to 
the  "men  of  the  East" — the  Bedouins  of  the  great 
desert  of  the  Euphrates  (Ez.  xxv.  8-11).  Aflerthe 
return  from  the  Captivity,  a  Moabite,  Panballnt  of 
Horonaim,  took  the  chief  part  in  annoying  and  en- 
deavoring to  hinder  the  operations  of  the  rebuilders 
of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  ii.  19,  iv.  1,  vi.  1,  kc).  During 
tlie  interval  since  the  return  of  the  first  caravan 
from  Babylon,  the  illegal  practice  of  marriages  be- 
tween the  Jews  and  the  other  people  around,  M(  ab 
amongst  the  rest,  had  become  fretiuent.  Even 
among  the  families  of  Israel  who  returned  from  the 
Captivity  was  one  bearing  the  name  of  Pahaiii- 
MOAB  (Ezr.  ii.  6,  viii.  4;  Neh.  iii.  11,  &c.),  a  name 
which  must  certainly  denote  a  Moabite  eonnecti<in. 
In  Judith  (iv.  3),  the  scene  of  which  is  laid  shortly 
after  the  rctum  from  Captivity,  M<  abites  and  Am- 
monites are  represented  as  dnclling  in  their  ancient 
seats,  and  as  ol>eying  the  call  of  the  Assyrian  gen- 
eral. In  the  time  of  Eu.scbiis,  i.  e.  about  a.  d.  380, 
the  name  appears  to  have  been  attached  to  the 
district,  as  well  as  to  the  town  of  Rabbath  (.'.r), 
both  being  called  Moab.  ll  also  lingered  for  so?'  e 
time  in  the  nanieof  the  ancient  Kir  of  Moab,  which, 
as  Charakmoba,  is  mentioned  by  Ptolemy,  and  as  late 
as  the  Council  of  Jerusalem,  a.  p.  .^36,  formed  the 
see  of  a  bi.shop  under  the  same  title.  Since  that  lime 
the  modern  name  Kernk  has  superseded  the  older 
one,  and  no  trace  of  Moab  has  been  found  either  in 
records  or  in  the  country  itself.  Like  the  other  coun- 
tries E.  of  Jordan,  Moab  has  been  very  little  visited 
by  Europeans,  and  beyond  its  general  characteristics 
hardly  iiny  thing  is  known  of  it.    Sectzen  (1806-7), 


66d 


MOA 


MOL 


Burckhardt  (1812),  Irby  and  Mangles  (1818),  and 
DeSaulcy  (1851),  have  passed  through  Moab  Proper, 
from  Wady  Mijeh  to  Kerak.  In  one  ihhig  all  agree, 
the  extraordinary  number  of  ruins  scattered  over  the 
country.  The  whole  country  is  undulating,  and, 
after  the  general  level  of  the  plateau  is  reached, 
without  any  serious  inequalities  or  conspicuous 
vegetation.  The  language  of  the  Moabites  was  per- 
haps a  dialect  of  Hebrew.  In  the  few  communica- 
tions recorded  as  taking  place  between  them  and 
Israelites  no  interpreter  is  mentioned  (Ru. ;  1  Sam. 
xxii.  3,  4,  &c.).  For  the  religion  of  the  Moabites,  see 
Ohemosh,  Molech,  Peor.  Of  their  habits  and  cus- 
toms we  have  hardly  a  trace.     Hair. 

*  nia'ab-ite  =  descendant  of  Moab,  or  one  from 
Moab  (Diait.  ii.  9,  U,  29,  xxiii.  3,  &c.). 

*  Mb  ab-i-tess  (i  as  in  Moabile)  —  a  female  de- 
scendant of  Moab,  or  woman  of  Moab(Ru.  i.  22  ;  2 
Chr.  xxiv.  26,  &c.). 

*  Mo'ab-i-tisli,  adj.  =  of  or  belonging  to  Moab 
(Ru.  ii.  (i). 

Mo-a-di'ah  (fr.  Ileb.  =  festival  of  Jehovah,  Ges.), 
a  priest,  or  family  of  priests,  who  returned  with 
Zerubbabel ;  =  Maadiah.  The  chief  of  the  house 
in  the  time  of  high-priest  Joiakim  was  Piltai  (Neh. 
xii.  17). 

M(>«ll'ainr[mok-]  (fr.  Gr.  form  of  Heb.  =  boiling, 
Joaniinr/,  Siin.,  Grove?),  the  Brook,  a  torrent,  i.  e.  a 
wady,  mentioned  only  in  Jd.  vii.  18.  The  torrent 
Moelimur  may  be  either  the  Wadu  Makfuriyek,  on 
the  northern  slopes  of  wliich  'Akrabeh  stands,  or 
the  Wady  Akmar,  which  is  the  eastern  continuation 
of  the  former  toward  the  Wady  Fumil.  and  the 
Jordan. 

Mo'din  (L.  fr.  Heb.),  a  place  not  mentioned  in 
either  Old  or  N.  T.,  though  rendered  immortal  by 
its  connection  witli  the  history  of  tlie  Jews  in  the 
Interval  between  the  two.  It  was  the  native  city 
of  the  .Vlaecabean  family  ( 1  Mo.  xiii.  25  ;  Maccabefs), 
and  as  a  necessary  consequence  contained  their  an- 
cestral sepulchre  (ii.  70,  ix.  19).  It  was  here  that 
Mattathias  struck  the  first  blow  of  resistance.  Mat- 
tathias  himscU',  and  subsequently  his  sons  Judas 
and  Jonatlian,  were  buried  in  t!ie  family  tomb,  and 
over  them  Simon  erected  a  structure  wiich  is  mi- 
nutely described  in  1  Mc.  xiii.  25-30,  and,  with  less 
detail,  by  Josephus.  At  Modin  the  Maecabean 
armies  encamped  on  the  eves  of  two  of  their  most 
memorable  victories — that  of  Judas  over  Antiochus 
Eupator  (2  Mc.  xiii.  14),  and  that  of  Simon  over 
Cendebeus  (1  Mc.  xvi.  4),  the  last  battle  of  the  vet- 
eran chief  before  his  assassination.  The  only  indi- 
cation of  the  position  of  the  place  to  be  gathered 
from  the  above  notices  is  contained  in  the  last,  from 
which  we  may  infer  that  it  was  near  "  the  plain," 
i.  e.  the  great  maritime  lowland  of  Philistia  (ver.  6). 
By  Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  is  specified  as  near 
Diospolis,  i.  e.  Lydda  ;  while  the  notice  in  the  Mish- 
na,  and  the  comments  of  Bartenora  and  Maimoni- 
des,  state  that  it  was  fifteen  (Roman)  miles  from  Je- 
rusalem. At  the  same  time  the  description  of  the 
monument  seems  to  imply  that  the  spot  was  so  lofty 
as  to  be  visible  from  the  sea,  and  so  near  that  even 
the  details  of  the  sculpture  were  discernible  there- 
from. All  these  conditions,  excepting  the  last,  are 
tolerably  fulfilled  in  cither  of  the  two  sites  called 
Lalroti  and  KiibAb.  The  former,  favored  by  Robin- 
son, Porter,  Thomson,  &c.,  is  fifteen  Roman  miles 
W.  N.  W.  of  Jerusalem,  aljout  eight  English  miles 
from  Lyrld,  fifteen  from  the  Mediterranean,  witli  ex- 
tensive ancient  remains  on  the  top  of  tlie  hill.  The 
latter  is  two  miles  further  from  Jerusalem  on  the 


most  westerly  spur  of  the  hills  of  Benjamin.  T'le 
medifeval  and  modern  tradition  places  Modin  ut 
Soba,  an  eminence  S.  of  Kuriet  el-Eiiab  (Kirjath- 
jearim) ;  but  this  being  not  more  than  seven  miles 
from  Jerusalem,  while  it  is  as  much  as  twenty-five 
from  Lydda  and  thirty  from  the  sea,  and  also  iar 
removed  from  the  plain  of  Philistia,  is  at  variance 
with  every  one  of  the  conditions  implied  in  the  rec- 
ords. The  monuments  are  said  by  Eusebius  to  have 
been  still  shown  when  he  wrote,  about  a.  d.  320. 
Any  restoration  of  the  structure  from  so  imperfect 
an  account  as  that  given  in  1  Mc.  and  by  Josephus 
can  never  be  any  thing  more  than  conjecture. 

Mo'ctll  (Gr.).  In  1  Esd.  viii.  63,  "NoAniAH  the 
son  of  Binnui "  (Ezr.  viii.  33),  a  Levite,  is  called 
"  Moeth  the  son  of  Saboan." 

Jlol'il-diih  (Heb.  birth,  lineage,  Ges.),  a  city  in  the 
south  of  Judah,  given  to  Simeon  (Josh.  xv.  26,  xix. 
2).  In  the  latter  tribe  it  remained  at  any  rate  till 
the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr.  iv.  28),  but  afterward  it 
seems  to  have  come  back  into  the  hands  of  Judah, 
by  whom  it  was  reinhabited  after  the  Captivity 
iJCeh.  xi.  26).  In  the  Onomasticori  a  place  named 
Malatha  is  spoken  of  as  in  the  interior  of  Daroma ; 
and  further  it  is  mentioned  as  four  miles  from  Arad 
and  twenty  from  Hebron.  Ptolemy  also  speaks  of 
a  Maliattha  as  near  Elusa.  The  requirements  of 
these  notices  are  all  very  fairly  answered  by  the 
position  of  the  modern  el-MUh,  a  site  of  ruins,  with 
two  large  wells,  about  four  English  miles  from  Till. 
'Arad,  seventeen  or  eighteen  from  Hebron,  and  nine 
or  ten  due  E.  of  Bcer-sheba. 

Male,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  tinsliemelh, 
occurring  in  the  list  of  unclean  birds  in  Lev.  xi. 
18;  Dent.  xiv.  16  (A.  V.  "swan"),  and  in  Lev.  xi. 
30  (A.  v.,  LX-K.,  Vulg.,  &c.,  "  mole  ").  Bochart  has 
argued  with  much  force  in  behalf  of  the  "  chame- 
leon "  being  the  tinsheineth.  The  only  clew  to  an 
identification  is  to  be  found  in  the  etymology,  and 
in  the  context.  Bochart  conjectures  that  the  Ilcb. 
root  ndsham,  to  breathe,  from  which  linshemelh  is 
derived,  has  reference  to  a  vulgar  opinion  amongst 
the  ancients  that  the  chameleon  lived  on  air. 
Probably  the  animals  mentioned  in  Lev.  xi.  30  are 
different  kinds  of  lizards  ;  perhaps  therefore,  since 
the  etymology  of  the  word  is  favorable  to  that  view, 
the  chameleon  may  be  the  animal  intended  by 
finshemelh  in  Lev.  xi.  30.  The  chameleon's  lung  is 
very  large,  and  when  filled  with  air  it  renders  the 
body  semi-transparent ;  from  the  creature's  power 
of  abstinence,  no  doubt  arose  the  fable  that  it  lived 
on  air.  Numerous  theories  have  been  proposed  to 
account  for  the  changes  of  color  in  its  skin.  It 
lives  on  trees,  its  five  toes  being  in  two  groups  for 
grasping;  its  tail  is  also  fitted  for  grasping;  it  seizes 
its  insect  prey  by  darting  out  its  long  tongue,  to  the 
viscous  tip  of  which  the  insect  adheres ;  its  eyes  act 
independently  of  one  another.  The  chameleons  con- 
stitute a  peculiar  genus  of  saurians  or  lizard-like 
reptiles,  which  inhabit  Asia  and  Africa,  and  the 
South  of  Europe;  the  Chameleo  vulgaris  is  the 
species  mentioned  in  the  Bible.  Mr.  Gosse  (in 
Fairbairn)  supposes  the  tinshemeth  may  be  the  blind 
mole-rat  (Aspalax  tuphlus),  which  inhabits  Eastern 
Europe  and  Western  Asia.  Hasselquist  describes 
the  burrows  of  these  animals  as  abundant  on  ttie 
plains  of  Sharon.  The  name  "  mole  "  is  popularly 
applied  to  many  small  insectivorous  burrowing 
quadrupeds  belonging  to  the  family  'laljMie.  Moles 
have  no  external  ears,  very  small  eyes,  and  soft 
compact  fur.  The  common  European  mole  is 
Talpa  Eurojxea ;  the  most  common  American  spe- 


HOC 


MOL 


667 


C'ps  are  of  the  genus  Senlopx. — 2.  Heb.  hephur  (or 
c/i-'phor)  perCth  (=  the  digging  of  rati,  i.  e.  rats'  holes, 


better  read  as  one  plural  word  =  rati,  Ges.),  trans- 
lated "moles"  by  the  A.  V.  and  Vulgate  in  Is.  ii. 
iiO.     Perhaps  no  reference  is  made  by  the  Hebrew 


■,«a^^._— c*;:^. 


Blind  Mo)«-rBt  iJtpalax  t^fuUitf).— IFtrn.) 

words  to  any  particular  animal,  but  to  the  holes  and 
burrows  of  rats,  mice,  &c.,  which  we  know  frequent 
ruins  and  deserted  places. 

Jlo'lrrh  (Heb.  dominion,  rule,  Fii. ;  see  below). 
The  fire-god  Molech  was  the  tutelary  deity  of  the 
children  of  Ammon,  and  essentially  identical  with 
the  Moabitish  Chkmosh.  Tire-gods  appear  to  have 
been  common  to  all  the  Canaanitc,  Syrian,  and  Arab 
tribes,  who  worshipped  the  destructive  clement  un- 
der an  outward  symbol,  with  the  most  inhuman 
rites.  Among  these  were  human  sacrifices,  purifi- 
cations and  ordeals  by  fire,  devoting  of  the  first- 
born, m\itilation,  and  vows  of  perpetual  celibacy  and 
virginity.  To  this  class  of  divinities  belonged  the 
old  Canaanitish  Molech.  The  root  of  the  word 
Molech  is  the  same  as  that  of  meUch,  or  "  king," 
and  hence  he  is  identified  with  Mai-ciiam  ("  their 
king")  in  2  Sam.  xii.  SO  and  Zcph.  i.  6,  the  title  by 
which  he  was  known  to  the  Israelites,  as  invested 
with  regal  honors  in  his  character  of  a  tutelary  . 
<leily,  the  lord  and  master  of  his  people.  Our 
translators  have  recognized  this  identity  in  their 
rendering  of  Am.  v.  26  (where  "your  Moloch"  is  ; 
literally  "your  king,"  as  in  the  margin),  following 
the  tireek  in  the  speech  of  Stephen,  in  Acts  vii.  34. 
The  first  direct  historical  allusion  to  Moleeh-worship  i 
is  in  the  description  of  Solomon's  idolatry  in  his  old 
age  (1  K.  xi.  7).     In  ver.  6  the  same  deity  is  called  , 


MiLCOM.  Most  of  the  Jewish  interpreters  say  that 
in  the  worship  of  Molech  the  children  were  ntt 
burnt,  but  made  to  pass  between  two  burning  pyres, 
as  a  purificatory  rite.  But  the  allusions  to  the 
actual  slaughter  are  too  plain  to  be  mistaken  ;  and 
Aben  Ezra,  in  his  note  on  Lev.  xviii.  21,  i^ays  that 
"  to  cause  to  pass  through  "  =  '"  to  burn."  Compare 
Deut.  xii.  31 ;  2  K.  x.xiii.  10,  13;  2  Clir.  xxviii.  3; 
Ps.  cvi.  37,  38 ;  Jer.  vii.  31,  xix.  5,  xxxii.  35 ;  Ez. 
xvi.  20,  21,  xxiii.  37.  The  worship  of  Molech  is 
evidently  alluded  to,  though  not  expressly  men- 
tioned, in  conniction  with  star-worship  and  the  wor- 
ship of  Baal  in  2  K.  xvii.  16, 17,  xxi.  5,  6,  which  seems 
to  show  that  Molech,  the  flame-god,  and  Baal,  the 
sun-god,  whatever  their  distinctive  attributes,  and 
whether  or  not  the  latter  is  a  general  appellation 
including  the  former,  were  worshipped  with  the 
same  rites.  The  sacrifice  of  children  is  said  by 
Movers  to  have  been  not  so  much  an  expiatory  as 
a  purificatory  rite,  by  which  the  victims  were  purged 
from  the  dross  of  the  body  and  attained  union  with 
the  deity.  But  the  sacrifice  of  Mesha,  king  of 
Moab,  when,  in  despair  at  failing  to  cut  his  way 
through  the  overwhelming  forces  ol  Judah,  Israel, 
and  Edom,  Jie  oft'ered  up  his  eldest  son  a  bumt- 
otfering,  probably  to  Chemosh,  his  national  divinity, 
has  more  of  the  character  of  an  expiatory  rite  to 
appease  an  angry  deity  than  of  a  ceremonial  purifi- 
cation. According  to  Jewish  tradition,  from  what 
source  we  know  not,  the  image  of  Molech  was  of 
brass,  hollow  within,  and  was  situated  without  Jeru- 
salem. Kimchi  (on  2  K.  xxiii.  10)  describes  it  as 
"  set  within  seven  chapels,  and  whoso  offered  fine 
flour  they  open  to  him  one  of  them  ;  (whoso  offered) 
turtle-doves  or  young  pigeons  they  open  to  him  two ; 
a  lamb,  they  open  to  him  three  ;  a  ram,  they  open  to 
him  four  ;  a  calf,  they  open  to  him  five ;  an  ox,  they 
open  to  him  six ;  and  so  whoever  offered  his  son 
they  open  to  him  seven.  And  his  face  was  (that)  of 
a  calf,  and  his  hands  stretched  forth  like  a  man  who 
opens  his  hands  to  receive  (something)  of  his  neigh- 
bor. Andthey  kindled  it  with  fire,  and  the  priests  took 
the  babe  and  put  it  into  the  hands  of  Molech,  and 
the  babe  gave  up  the  ghost.  And  why  was  it  called 
Tophet  and  Uinnom?  Because  they  used  to  make 
a  noise  with  drums  (Heb.  ioph)  that  the  father 
might  not  hear  the  cry  of  his  child  and  have  pity 
upon  him,  and  return  to  him.  Hinnom,becanse  the 
babe  wailed  (rncnahern),  and  the  noise  of  his  wail- 
ing went  up.  Another  opinion  (is  that  it  was  called) 
Hinnom  because  the  priests  used  to  say,  '  May  it 
profit  thee !  may  it  be  sweet  to  thee  !  may  it  be  of 
sweet  savor  to  thee  ! '  "  All  this  detad  is  probably 
as  fictitious  as  the  etymologies  are  unsound,  but  we 
have  nothing  to  supply  its  place.  By  these  chapels 
Lightfoot  explains  the  allusion  in  Am.  v.  20  and  Acts 
vii.  43,  "  to  the  tabernacle  of  Moloch."  It  was 
more  probably  a  shrine  or  ark  in  which  the  figure 
of  the  god  was  carried  in  processions  (compare  Is. 
xlvi.  1  ;  Bar,  vi.  4),  or  which  contained,  as  Movers 
conjectures,  the  bones  of  children  who  had  been 
sacrificed  and  were  used  for  magical  purposes. 
Many  instances  of  human  sacrifices  are  found  in  an- 
cient writers,  which  may  be  compared  with  the  de- 
scriptions in  the  0.  T.  of  the  manner  in  which  Mo- 
lech was  worshipped.  The  Carthaginians,  accord- 
ing to  A  ugnstine,  offered  children  to  Saturn.  Among 
the  Khodians  a  man  was  offered  to  Kronos  (Saturn) 
on  the  6th  July.  According  to  Manetho,  Amosis 
abolished  the  same  practice  in  Egypt  at  lleliopolis 
sacred  to  Juno.  Sanclioniatho  relates  that  the  Phe- 
nicians,  on  the  occasion  of  any  great  calamity,  sacri- 


668 


MOL 


MO.V 


ficed  to  Saturn  one  of  their  relatives.  Diodonis 
Siculus  records  that  the  Carthaginians,  wlien  be- 
sieged by  Agathocles,  tyrant  of  Sicily,  ottered  in 
public  sacrifice  to  Saturn  200  of  their  noblest  cliil- 
dren,  while  others  voltnitanly  devoted  themselves 
to  the  number  of  300.  His  description  of  the  statue 
of  the  god  dilTers  but  slightly  from  that  of  Molech, 
which  has  been  quoted.  Molech,  "the  king,"  was 
the  lord  and  master  of  the  Ammonites ;  their  coun- 
try was  his  possession  (Jer.  xli.\.  1),  as  Moab  was 
the  heritage  of  Chemosh ;  the  princes  of  the  land 
were  the  princes  of  Malcham  (xUx.  3 ;  Am.  i.  15). 
His  priests  were  men  of  ranli  (Jer.  xlix.  3),  talking 
precedence  of  the  princes.  So  the  priest  of  Her- 
cules at  Tyre  was  second  to  tlie  liins;,  and  like  Mo- 
lech, the  god  himself  is  Mdkart,  "  the  king  of  the 
city."  Tlie  priests  of  Molech,  like  those  of  other 
idols,  were  called  Chemarim  (2  K.  xxxiii.  5 ;  Hos.  xi. 
5  ;  Zeph.  i.  4). 

Mo'li  (fr.  Gn)  =  Mahli,  the  son  of  Merari  (1  Esd. 
viii.  47;  compare  Ezr.  viii.  18). 

Nu'lid  (Heb.  begHltrr,  Ges.),  son  of  Abishur  by  his 
wife  Abihail,  and  descendant  of  Jerahmeel  (1  Ohr. 
iL  29). 

Mit'beli  [-lok]  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  Moj,ech).  The 
Hebrew  corresponding  to  "  your  Moloch  "  in  tlie 
A.  V.  of  Am.  V.  26  is  maloehem,  "  your  king,"  as  in 
the  margin.  From  tlie  Greek  of  Acts  vii.  43,  and 
the  LXX.  of  Amos,  our  translators  adopted  this 
form  ol  .MoLEcii. 

*  Molten  Image,  i.  e.  melted  image.     Idol  21,  22. 

Mamilii  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Maauai,  of  the  sons  of  Bjni 
(1  Esd.  ix.  34  ;  compare  Ezr.  x.  34). 

Money  [mun'ne].  This  article  (originally  by  Mr. 
R.  S.  Poole)  treats  of  two  principal  matters,  the  iin- 
coiiii.'d  money  and  the  coined  money  mentioned  in 
tlie  Bible,  1.  Uncoined  Monei/.  I.  Uncoi/ieJ  Mone/in 
genera/.  It  is  well  known  that  ancient  nations  that 
were  without  a  coinage  weighed  the  prec-ious  nietal-i, 
a  practice  represented  on  the  Egyptian  monuments, 
on  which  gold  and  silver  are  shown  to  have  been 
kept  in  the  form  of  rings.  The  gold  rings  found  in 
the  Celtic  countries  have  been  held  to  have  had  the 
same  use.  We  have  no  certain  record  of  the  use 
of  ring-money  or  other  uncoined  money  in  antiquity 
excepting  among  the  Egyptians.  It  can  scarcely  be 
doubted  tliat  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians  adopted, 
if  they  did  not  originate,  this  custom;  and  prob- 
ably therefore  it  existed  in  Palestine. — 2.  77*6  An- 
iKjiiity  of  Coined  Money.  Respecting  the  origin  of 
coinage  there  are  two  accounts  seemingly  at  vari- 
ance :  some  saying  that  Phidon,  king  of  Argos,  first 
struck  money,  and  according  to  Epliorus,  in  vEgina ; 
but  Herodotus  ascribing  its  invention  to  the  Lydians. 
The  former  statement  probably  refers  to  the  origiu 
of  the  coinage  of  European  Greece,  the  latter  to 
that  of  Asiatic  Greece.  On  the  whole  it  seems  rea- 
sonable to  carry  up  Greek  coinage  to  the  eighth 
century  b.  c.  Purely  Asiatic  coinage  cannot  be 
taken  up  to  so  early  a  date.  The  more  archaic 
Persian  coins  seem  to  be  of  the  time  of  Darius  Hys- 
taspis,  or  possibly  Cyrus,  and  certainly  not  much 
older ;  and  tlieie  is  no  .\siatic  money,  not  of  Greek 
cities,  that  can  he  reasonably  assigned  to  an  earlier 
period.  Coined  money  may  therefore  have  been 
known  in  Palestine  as  early  as  the  fall  of  Samaria,  but 
only  througli  commerce  with  the  Greeks,  and  we  can- 
not suppose  it  was  then  current  there. — 3.  Notices  of 
Uncoined  Money  in  the"  O.  T.  There  is  no  distinct 
mention  of  coined  money  in  the  books  of  the  0.  T. 
written  liefore  the  return  from  Babylon.  In  the  his- 
tory of  Abraham  we  read  that  Abimelech  gave  the 


patriarch  "a  thousand  (pieces)  of  silver,"  apparently 
to  pureliase  veils  for  Sarah  and  her  attendants ;  but 
the  passage  is  extremely  dillicult  (Gen.  xx.  16). 
The  narrative  of  the  purchase  of  the  burial-place 
from  Ephron  says,  "  Abraham  weighed  .  .  .  400 
shekels  of  silver,  current  (money)  with  tlie  mer- 
chant" (xxiii.  3,  9,  16).  Here  a  currency  is  clearly 
indicated  liite  that  wliich  the  monuments  of  Egypt 
show  to  have  been  there  used  in  a  very  remote  age. 
A  similar  purchase  is  recorded  of  Jacob,  who  bought 
a  parcel  of  a  field  at  Shalem  for  100  kesitd/us  (A.  V. 
"pieces,"  margin  "lambs,"  xxxiii.  18,  19).  But 
what  is  the  kvKildk  ?  The  old  interpreters  supposed 
it  to  mean  a  lamb,  and  it  has  been  imagined  to  have 
been  a  coin  bearing  the  figure  of  a  lamb.  There  is  no 
known  etymological  ground  for  this  meaning.  Gesc- 
nius,  Fiirst,  &c.,  make  it  literally  something  weighed 
out.  Throughout  tlie  history  of  Joseph  we  find  evi- 
dence of  the  constant  use  of  money  in  preference  to 
barterfxliii.  21,xlvii.  13-16).  Atthe  tinieof  the  Ex- 
odus, money  seems  to  have  been  still  weighed,  the 
ransom  being  "  half  a  shekel  after  the  shekel  of  the 
sanctuary  (of)  twenty  gerahs  the  shekel"  (Ex.  xxx. 
13).  Here  the  shekel  is  evidently  a  weight,  and  of 
a  special  system  of  which  the  standard  examples 
were  probably  kept  by  tlie  priests.  Throughout  the 
Law  money  is  spoken  of  as  in  ordinary  use ;  but 
only  silver  money,  gold  being  mentioned  as  valuable, 
but  not  clearly  as  used  in  the  same  manner.  (Met- 
als.) We  may  thus  sum  up  our  results  respecting 
the  money  mentioned  in  the  books  of  Soriptuio 
written  before  the  returii  from  Babylon.  From  the 
time  of  Abraham  silver  money  appears  to  have  been 
in  general  use  in  Egypt  and  Canaan.  This  money 
was  weighed  when  its  value  had  to  be  determined, 
and  we  may  therefore  conclude  that  it  was  not  of  a 
settled  system  of  weights.  Since  the  money  of 
Egypt  and  that  of  Canaan  are  spoken  of  tiigethcr, 
we  may  reasonably  suppose  they  were  of  the  same 
kind.  Probably  the  form  in  both  cases  was  similar 
or  the  same,  since  the  ring-money  of  Egypt  resem- 
bles the  ordinary  ring-money  of  the  Celts,  among 
whom  it  was  probably  first  introduced  by  the  Phe- 
nician  traders.  We  find  no  evidence  in  the  Bible 
of  the  use  of  coine<l  money  by  the  Jews  before  the 
time  of  Ezra. — II.  Coined  Money.  1.  The  Pnncipid 
Monetary  Systems  of  Antie/uiti/.  Some  notice  of  the 
principal  monetary  systems  of  anti(|uity,  as  deter- 
mined by  the  joint  evidence  of  the  coins  and  of  an- 
cient writers,  is  necessary  to  render  the  next  section 
comprehensible.  The  eariiest  Greek  coins,  by  which 
we  here  intend  those  struck  in  the  age  before  the 
Persian  War,  are  of  three  talents  or  standards ;  the 
Attic,  the  yEginetan,  and  the  Macedonian  or  earlier 
Phenician.  The  oldest  coins  of  Athens,  of  Jigina, 
and  of  Macedon  and  Thrace,  we  should  select  as 
typical  respectively  of  these  standards ;  obtaining 
as  the  weight  of  the  Attic  drachm  about  67  5  grains 
troy  (depreciating  to  about  65'5  under  Alexander, 
and  about  55  under  the  early  Cesars) ;  of  the  A^ici- 
nctan,  aijout  96 ;  and  of  the  Macedonian,  about  58, 
or  116,  if  its  drachm  be  what  is  now  generally  held 
to  be  the  didrachm.  (Weights  ano  Measures.) 
The  electrum  coinage  (Amber)  of  Asia  Minor  prob- 
ably aftbrds  examples  of  the  use  by  the  Greeks  of 
a  fourth  talent,  which  may  be  called  the  later  Phe- 
nician, if  we  hold  the  staters  to  have  been  tetra- 
drachnis,  for  their  full  weight  is  about  248  grains ; 
but  it  is  possible  that  the  pure  gold  which  they 
contain,  ab<nit  186  grains,  should  alone  be  taken  in- 
to account,  in  which  case  they  would  be  didi-achnis 
on  the  Jiginetan  standard.     The  Euboic  talent  of 


HON 


HON 


669 


the  writers  we  recognize  nowhere  in  the  coinage. 
We  must  now  briefly  trace  tlie  history  of  these  tal- 
ents, (a.)  The  Attic  talent  was  from  a  very  early 
period  the  standard  of  Athens.  If  Solon  really  re- 
duced the  weight,  we  have  no  money  of  the  city  of 
the  older  currency.  Corinth  followed  the  same  sys- 
tem ;  and  its  use  was  ditliis^ed  by  the  great  influence 
of  these  two  leading  cities.  In  Sicily  and  Italy,  af- 
ter a  limited  use  of  the  ^^iginetan  talent  in  the 
former,  the  Attic  weight  became  universal.  Alter 
Alexander's  time  the  other  talents  were  partly  re- 
stored, but  the  Attic  always  remained  the  chief. 
('>.)  The  ^ginetan  talent  was  mainly  used  in 
(treeee  Proper  and  the  islands,  and  seems  to  have 
been  annihilated  by  Alexander,  or  by  the  general 
is.sue  of  a  coin  equally  assignable  to  it  or  the  Attic 
standard  .as  one-half  or  two-thirds  of  a  drachm,  (o.) 
The  Macedonian  talent,  besides  being  used  iu  Mace- 
don  and  in  some  Thracian  cities  before  Alexander, 
was  the  standard  of  the  great  Phenician  cities  un- 
der Persian  rule,  and  was  afterward  restored  in  most 
of  them.  It  was  adopted  in  Fgypt  by  the  first  Ptol- 
emy, &c.  (rf.)  The  later  Phenician  talent  was  al- 
ways used  for  the  official  coinage  of  the  Persian 
kings  and  commanders,  and  after  the  earliest  period 
was  very  general  in  the  Persian  empire.  After  Alex- 
aniler  it  was  scarcely  used  except  in  coast-towns  of 
A.sia  Minor,  at  Carthage,  and  in  Aradus  (Arvad). 
Respectiug  the  Roman  coinage  it  is  only  necessary 
here  to  state  that  the  origin  of  the  weights  of  its 
gold  and  silver  money  is  undoubtedly  Greek,  and 
that  the  denarius  (Penny),  the  chief  silver  coin,  un- 
der the  early  emperors  =  the  Attic  drachm,  then 
greatly  depreciated.  It  is  a  common  opinion  among 
scholars  ti>at  modem  prices  of  articles  arc  about 
ten  times  as  high  as  those  of  ancient  Greece  (li.  K 
XV.  184). — 2.  Coined  Monetj  mentioned  in  the  Bible. 
The  earliest  distinct  mention  of  coins  in  the  Bible 
is  held  to  refer  to  the  Persian  money.  In  Ezr.  ii. 
69,  viii.  27  and  Neh.  vii.  70-72  current  gold  coins 
are  spoken  of,  probably  =  Persian  darics.  (Dram.) 
The  Apocrypha  contains  the  earliest  distinct  allu- 
sion to  the  coining  of  Jewish  money,  where  it  is 
narrated,  in  1  Mc.  xv.  6,  that  Antiochus  VII.  granted 
to  Simon  the  Maccabee  permission  to  coin  money 
with  his  own  stamp,  as  well  as  other  privileges. 
This  wa.s  in  the  fourth  year  of  Simon's  pontificate, 
B.  c.  140.  The  earliest  Jewish  coins  were  until  lately 
considered  to  have  been  struck  by  Simon  on  receiv- 
ing the  permission  of  Antiochus  VII.  The  follow- 
ing cuts  are  specimens : 


I>llle.      OSt.  ; 


King  tt  fenin  to  Ibe  right,  kneoHnr,  bMrine  bow  and 
R'V.;  Irrr^uijtr  IncuM  iquiire.— vl^ritiftb  MuMum.) 


Obr.:  1-. 
Vim,  ibovf  wl 

flowen.    AR. 


bkb  ({  (Heb.  »/»/.«  —  \«ir  It    Kcr..  TrC'T)   Cix"l~^ 
kiltJ-tl-ik  —  Jtr^tatim  tht  ioif).       BrAocb  bMrlDf  tbrM 


The  average  weight  of  the  silver  coins  is  about  220 
grains  troy  for  the  shekel,  and  110  for  the  half- 
shekel.  The  shekel  corresponds  almost  exactly  to 
the  tctradrachm  or  didrachm  of  the  earlier  Phe- 
nician talent  in  use  in  the  cities  of  Phcuicia  under 


ObT..  p);"'"^''  ^rn  {t^eh.  liekel  i'urafl  —  tHetet of  Tmel).  Same  tjjr, 
above  wbicb  la  JX  0.  *■  Heb.  a^enol*  ^i»n«? —  yfur  3).  Rot.  :  "xlTi? 
C^33TT^  (Htb.  }  irithata^m  1cldi>ahutt  ^-  Jtrutaltm  the  itjty).  AK.  (.— 
iV/rer) 

Persian  rule,  and  after  Alexander's  time  at  Tyre 
Sidon,  and  Berytus,  as  well  as  in  Egypt.  It  is  rep- 
resented in  the  LXX.  by  didrachm,  a  rendering 
which  has  occasioned  great  difficulty  to  numisma- 


Obv..  y*;*^  ?i"N  VZX  (tttb.  tilmatX  arha*  ribla'^  year  i:  ^lartttX 
Two  eheavea  I  Rev. :  T**^  f^N"^  (Heb.  IrgnUath  Taiyitt  —  o/  tit  re- 
dtmi'lion  of  Ziony.    A  (ruit.    M.  {^  iron  or  eoppery, 

tists.  The  natural  explanation  seems  to  ns  to  fe 
that  the  Alexandrian  Jews  adopted  for  the  "  shekel  " 
the  term  didrachm  as  the  common  name  of  the  coin 
corresponding  in  weight  to  it,  and  that  it  thus  be- 


ObT. ;  ("n  tbe  right)  aa  above,  oirlttinf;  rihia'  —  quarlfr.   A  shea/  between 
two  fruiu!  Rev.;  (oil  the  left;  aanbove.    Vaae.    M.i^  hrau  or  ,opp>r)- 

came  in  Hebraistic  Greek  the  equivalent  of  "  shekel." 
There  is  no  ground  for  supposing  a  difference  in  u.se 
in  the  LXX.  and  N.  T.  The  fabric  of  the  silver 
coins  above  described  is  so  different  from  that  of 
any  other  ancient  money,  that  it  is  extremely  hard 
to  base  any  argument  on  it  alone,  and  the  cases  of 
other  special  classes,  as  the  ancient  money  of  Cy- 
pni.o,  show  the  danger  of  such  reasoning.  Some 
consider  it  as  proving  that  these  coins  cannot  be 
later  than  the  time  of  Nehemiah,  others  will  rot 
admit  it  to  be  later  than  Alexander's  time,  while 
some  still  hold  that  it  is  not  too  archaic  for  the  Mac- 
cnbean  period.  The  inscriptions  of  these  coins,  and 
all  the  other  Hebrew  inscriptions  of  Jewish  coins, 
are  in  a  character  of  which  there  are  few  other  ex- 
amples. As  Gesenius  has  observed,  it  bears  a  strong 
rescmtilanec  to  the  Samaritan  and  Phenician,  and 
we  may  add  to  the  Aramean  of  coins  which  must 


«70 


MON 


MOX 


be  carefully  distinguished  from  the  Aramean  of  the 
papyri  found  in  Egypt.  The  meaning  of  the  Inscrip- 
tions does  not  offer  matter  for  controversy.  Their 
nature  would  indicate  a  period  of  Jewish  freedom 
from  Greeli  influence  as  well  as  independence,  and 
the  use  of  an  era  dating  from  its  commencement. 
The  old  explanation  of  the  meaning  of  the  types  of 
the  shekels  and  half-shekels,  that  they  represent 
the  pot  of  manna  and  Aaron's  rod  that  budded, 
see^ns  to  us  remarkably  consistent  with  the  inscrip- 
tions and  with  what  we  should  expect.  Cavedoui 
has  suggested,  however,  that  the  one  type  is  simply 
a  vase  of  the  Temple,  and  the  other  a  lily,  arguing 
against  the  old  e.tplanation  of  the  former  that  the 
pot  of  manna  had  a  cover,  which  this  vase  has  not. 
The  copper  coins  form  an  important  guide  in  judging 
of  tie  age  of  the  sili'er.  Tiiat  they  re.illy  belong  to 
the  same  time  is  not  to  be  doubted.  Every  thing 
but  the  style  proves  this.  We  may  lay  down  the 
following  particulars  as  a  basis  for  the  attribution 
of  this  class: — (1.)  The  shekels,  half-shekels,  and 
corresponding  copper  coins  may  be  on  the  evidence 
of  fabric  and  inscriptions  of  any  ago  from  Alex- 
ander's time  until  the  earlier  period  of  the  Macca- 
bees. (2.)  They  must  belong  to  a  time  of  indepen- 
dence, ami  one  at  which  Greek  influence  was  ex- 
cluiej.  (3.)  They  date  from  an  era  of  Jewish 
inilependence.  M.  de  Saulcy,  struck  by  the  ancient 
appearance  of  the  silver  coins,  and  disregarding  the 
ditference  in  style  of  the  copper,  has  conjectured 
that  the  wholj  class  was  struck  at  some  early  period 
of  prosperity.  He  fixes  upon  the  pontificate  of 
Jaddua,  and  supposes  them  to  have  been  first  issued 
when  Alexander  granted  great  pnvileges  to  tlie 
•Jews ;  but  the  style,  and  the  suppres.sion  by  Alex- 
anler  of  all  the  varying  weights  of  money  in  his 
empire  except  the  Attic,  are  serious  dilBculties  in 
the  way  of  this  supposition.  The  basis  we  have 
laid  down  is  in  entire  accordance  with  the  old 
theory,  that  this  class  of  coins  was  issued  by  Simon 
the  Maccabee.  M.  de  Saulcy,  however,  has  attrib- 
uted small  copper  coins,  all  of  one  and  the  same 
class,  to  Judas  the  Maccabee,  Jonathan,  and  John 
Hyrcanus,  and  would  infer  that  the  very  dissimilar 
coins  hitherto  attributed  to  Simon,  must  be  of  an- 
other period.  If  these  attributions  be  correct,  his 
deduction  is  perfectly  sound ;  but  the  circumstiince 
that  Simon  alone  is  unrepresented  in  the  series, 
whereas  we  have  most  reason  to  look  for  coins  of 
him,  is  extremely  suspicious.  We  shall,  however, 
show  in  discussing  this  class,  that  we  have  discov- 
ered evidence  which  seems  to  us  sulfieient  to  induce 
us  to  abandon  M.  de  Saulcy's  classification  of  cop- 
per coins  to  Judas  and  Jonathan,  and  to  commence 
the  series  with  those  of  John  Hyrcanus.  For  the 
present,  therefore,  we  adhere  to  the  old  attribution 
of  the  shekels,  half  shekels,  and  similar  copper 
coins,  to  Simon  the  Maccabee. — We  now  give  a  list 
of  all  the  principal  copper  coins  of  a  later  date 
than  those  of  the  class  described  above  and  anterior 
to  Herod,  according  to  M.  de  Saulcy's  arrangement : 
— Copper  Coins.  (1.)  Jvdas  Maccabetix.  (2.)  Jmi- 
alhan.  (3.)  Simon  (wanting).  (4.)  John  Hyrcamu:. 
(5.)  Judas- Arialobidus  and  Aiitigonits.  (6.)  Alex- 
ander JawKrtis.  Alexandra.  Hyrcanus  (no  coins). 
Arixtolmhii  (no  coins).  Hurcanus  (no  coins).  Oli- 
garehi)  (no  coins).  Arislobu'us  and  Alexander  (no 
coins).  Hi/rcanns  again  restored  (no  coins).  An- 
ligo  lus.  This  arrangement  is  certainly  the  most 
satisfactory  that  has  been  yet  proposed,  but  it  pre- 
sents serious  difRculties.  The  most  obvious  of 
these  is  the  absence  of  coins  of  Simon,  for  whose 


money  we  have  more  reason  to  look  than  for  that 
of  any  other  Jewish  ruler.  A  second  difiiculty  is  that 
the  series  of  small  copper  coins,  having  the  same, 
or  essentially  the  same,  reverse-type,  commences 
with  Judas,  and  should  rather  commence  with  Si- 
mon. A  third  difficulty  is  that  Judas  bears  the 
title  of  priest,  and  probably  of  high-priest.  A 
fourth  and  more  formidable  objection  is  that  these 
small  copper  coins  have  for  the  main  part  of  their 
reverse-type  a  Greek  symbol,  the  united  horns  of 
plenty,  and  they  therefore  distinctly  belong  to  a 
period  of  Greek  influence.  Is  it  possible  that  Judas 
the  Maccabee,  the  restorer  of  the  Jewish  worship, 
and  the  sworn  enemy  of  all  heathen  customs,  could 
have  struck  money  with  a  type  derived  from  the 
heathen  ?  It  seems  to  us  that  this  is  an  impossi- 
bility, and  that  the  use  of  such  a  type  points  to  the 
time  when  prosperity  had  corrupted  the  ruling  fam- 
ily, and  Greek  usages  once  more  were  powerful  in 
their  influence.  This  period  may  be  considered  to 
commence  in  the  rule  of  John  Hyrcanus.  On  these 
and  other  grounds  we  maintain  Bayer's  opinion 
tliat  the  Jewish  coinage  begins  with  Simon,  we  trans- 
fer the  coins  of  Jonathan  the  high-priest  to  Alex- 
ander Jannfcus,  and  propose  the  following  arrange- 
ment of  the  known  money  of  the  princes  of  the 
period  we  have  been  just  considering : — John  Hijr- 
caiius,  B.  c.  135-106.  Copper  coins,  with  Hebrew 
inscription,  "John  the  high-priest;  "  on  some  ".4," 
marking  alliance  with  Antiochus  VII.,  Sidetes. — 
Aris/obuhis  and  Antigonm,  B.  c.  106-105  (probable 
attribution).  Copper  coins  with  Hebrew  inscription, 
"  Jndah  the  high  (?)  priest ;  "  copper  coins  with 
Greek  inscription,  "  Judah  the  king,"  and  "A."  for 
Antigonus  (?).  M.  de  Saulcy  supposes  that  Aristo- 
bulus  bore  the  Hebrew  name  Judah,  and  there  is 
certainly  some  probability  in  the  conjecture,  though 
the  classification  of  these  coins  cannot  be  regarded 
as  more  than  tentative. — Alexander  .JanncenSy  B.  c. 
105-78.  First  coinage  :  copper  coins  with  bilingual 
inscriptions — Greek,  "Alexander  the  king;"  He- 
brew, "  Jonathan  the  king."  Second  coinage :  cop- 
per coins  with  Hebrew  inscription,  "  Jonathan  the 
high-priest ;  "  and  copper  coins  with  Greek  inscrip- 
tion, "  Alexander  the  king."  (The  assigning  of 
these  latter  two  to  the  same  ruler  is  confirmed  by 
the  occurrence  of  Hebrew  coins  of  "  Judah  the 
high-priest,"  aud  Greek  ones  of  "  Judas  the  king," 
which  there  is  good  reason  to  attribute  to  one  .md 
the  same  person.)  Alexandra,  B.  c.  78-69.  The 
coin  assigned  to  Alexandra  by  M.  de  Saulcy  may  be 
of  this  sovereign,  but  those  of  Alexander  are  so 
frequently  blundered  that  we  are  not  certain  that 
it  was  not  struck  by  him. — Hiircnnas,  B.  c.  69-66 
(no  coins). — Arislobulus,  B.  c.  66-63  (no  coins). — 
Ni/rcanus  restored,  B.  c.  63-57  (no  coins). — OHgarehy, 
B.  c.  57-47  (no  coins). — AHstobnlm  and  Alexander, 
B.  c.  49  (no  coins). — Hyrcanus  again,  B.  c.  47-40  (no 
coins). — Antigonus  b.  c.  40-37.  Copper  coins  with 
bilingual  inscriptions  (Greek  and  Hebrew). — It  is 
not  necessary  to  describe  in  detail  the  money  of  the 
time  commencing  with  the  reign  of  Herod  and  clo- 
sing under  Hadrian.  The  money  of  Herod  is  abun- 
dant, but  of  inferior  interest  to  the  earlier  coinage, 
from  its  generally  having  a  thoroughly  Greek  char- 
acter. It  is  of  copper  only,  and  seems  to  be  of 
three  denominations,  the  smallest  being  apparently 
a  piece  of  brass,  the  next  larger  its  double,  and  tiie 
largest  its  triple,  as  M.  de  Saulcy  has  ingeniously 
suggested.  The  smallest  is  the  commonest,  and 
appears  to  be  the  "  farthing "  of  the  N.  T.  Tlie 
coin  engraved  below  is  of  the  pmnlle.st  denomina- 


HON 


MON 


671 


tion  of  these.  The  money  of  Herod  Archelaus,  and 
the  similar  coinage  of  the  Greek  Imperial  class, 
of  Roman  rulers  with  Greek  inscriptions,  present 
liO  remarkable  peculiarities,  nor  do  the  coins  attri- 


Obv.  iHPwA  BACI  *'•  *•  f'f-  Jltri'dvtt  BatiU't  —  of  King  Utrcd) 
Anchor.  R«T. ;  Two  cornua  copia"  <L.  —  harnt  of  ptnUy),  within  which  a 
caduoeuj  (L.  —  kerald't  [Murcury's]  wand)  degraded  trom  potuegranate. 
M. 

tutcd  by  M.  de  Saulcy  to  Agrippa  I.,  but  possibly 
of  Agrippa  II.  Of  the  last  a  specimen  is  here  {^ven. 
— There  are  several  passages  in  the  Gospels  which 
throw  light  upon  the  coinage  of  the  time.    When  the 


Clb».:BA2IAF,uC    kTVM\K  ^~«f  King  Agri!fi\    glata  Umbrella. 
R«r.  -  TlirM  can  of  bearded  wheat  on  one  atullt.     LS  (—  fear  6.)  j£. 

twelve  were  sent  forth,  our  Lord  thus  commanded 
them,  "  Provide  neither  gold,  nor  silver,  nor  brass  in 
your  purses  "  (literally  "  girdles,"  Mat.  x.  9).  The  par- 
allel passages  are  Mk.  vi.  8  and  Lk.  i.x.  3.  Of  these,  in 
Mark  copper  alone  is  mentioned  for  money,  the  Pal- 
estinian currency  being  mainly  of  this  metal,  although 
silver  was  coined  by  some  cities  of  I'henieia  and 
Syria,  and  gold  and  silver  Roman  money  was  also 
in  use ;  Luke,  however,  uses  the  term  "  money," 
which  may  be  accounted  for  by  his  less  Hebraistic 
style. — The  coins  mentioned  by  the  evangelists,  and 
first  those  of  silver,  are  the  following : — The  slater 
is  spoken  of  in  the  account  of  the  miracle  of  tlie 
tribute-money.  The  receivers  of  didrachma  de- 
manded the  tribute,  but  St.  Peter  found  in  the  fish 
a  slater,  which  he  paid  for  our  Lord  and  himself 
(Mat,  ivii.  24-27,  margin;  see  Taxks).     This  stater 


Obr.:  cbxTT  riTTrb  '^'**'-  '«*'''*'''*  {'*'  tathurUi']  Ytriihulaim  ^  of 
Ikt  dttiotTanet  of  JmuaitmS.  Bunch  of  fruit* !  Bev. :  y^yzT^  (Heb. 
fiiiiniV.^  ^  jfimeon).    Tetraatyla  temple,  above  which  atar.    AR. 

kuraB  therefore  a  tetradraclim,  and  it  is  very  note- 
{morthy  that  at  this  period  almost  the  only  Greek 
imperial  silver  coin  in  the  East  was  a  tetradrachm, 
tthc  didrachm  being  probably  unknown,  or  very 
(little  coined.  The  illdrar/im  is  mentioned  as  a 
I  money  of  account  in  the  passage  above  cited,  as 
>  thc-cfiiiivaleiit  of  the  Hebrew  siikkel.  The  dAtariiu, 
•.or  Roman  pex>v, as  well  as  the  Greek  uiuciisi,  then 


I  of  about  the  same  weight,  are  spoken  of  as  current 
coins  (x.Nii.  15-21  ;  Lk.  xx.  19-25).  Of  copper 
coins  the  karthiso  and  its  half,  the  mitk,  are  spoken 
j  of,  and  these  probably  formed  the  chief  native  cur- 
rency. The  proper  Jewish  series  closes  with  the 
money  of  the  famous  Bar-cochab  or  Bar-cochba, 
who  headed  the  revolt  in  the  time  of  Hadrian.  (Je- 
rusalem.) His  most  important  coins  are  shekels, 
of  which  we  here  engrave  one.  (For  other  coirs 
and  medals,  see  Ai.kxandfr  III. ;  Antiociiis  111., 
IV.;  Augustus;  Castor  and  Pollux;  Cvrias ; 
Diana;  Jerusalkm  ;  Tiberius.) 

Mon'*y-than-gers  [mun'ne-chain-jerz]  (Gr.  pi.  of 
kolhibixies  \  Mat.  x.\i.  12;  Mk.  xi.  15;  Jn.  ii.  15, 
A.  V.  "  changers  :  "  Gr.  pi.  of  krrmalistes,  Jn.  ii.  14, 
A.  V.  "  changers  of  money  ").  According  to  Ex. 
XXX.  13-15,  every  Israelite  who  hud  reached  or 
passed  the  age  of  twenty  must  pay  into  the  sacred 
treasury,  whenever  the  nation  was  r.unihered,  a 
half-shekel  (—  thirty  cents  in  the  time  of  Christ) 
as  an  offering  to  Jehovah.  The  money-changers 
whom  Christ,  for  their  impiety,  avarice,  and  fraudu- 
lent dealing,  expelled  from  the  Temple,  were  the 
dealers  who  supplied  half-shekels,  for  such  a  pre- 
mium as  they  mipht  be  able  to  exact,  to  the  Jews 
from  all  parts  of  the  woild,  who  asscnibUd  at  Je- 
rusalem during  the  great  festivals,  and  were  re- 
quired to  pay  their  tribute  or  ransom  money  in  the 
Helu-ew  coin.  "Exchangers"  (Gr.  trafiezitai),  in 
Slat.  XXV.  27,  is  a  general  term  for  bankira  or  bro- 
ken.    Bank;  Loan;  Money;  Table 6;  Usury. 

Slontb  (Heb.  hudtsh  or  clwilesh,  i/erah  or  yerach  ; 
Gv.  tneti).  The  terms  for  "month"  and  "moon" 
have  the  ssme  close  connection  in  the  Hebrew  lan- 
guage, as  in  our  own  and  in  the  Indo-Europcnn  lan- 
guages generally.  The  most  important  point  in 
connection  with  the  month  of  the  Hebrews  is  its 
length,  and  the  mode  by  which  it  was  calculated. 
The  difficulties  attending  this  inquiry  are  consider- 
able in  consequence  of  the  scantiness  of  the  data. 
Though  it  may  fairly  be  presumed  from  the  terms 
used  that  the  month  originally  corresponded  to  a 
lunation,  no  reliance  can  be  placed  on  the  mcie 
verbal  argument  to  prove  the  exact  length  of  the 
month  in  historical  times.  The  word  appears  even 
in  the  earliest  times  to  have  passed  into  its  second- 
ary sense,  as  describing  a  period  approaching  to  a 
lunation  ;  for,  in  Gen.  vii.  11,  viii.  4,  where  we  first 
meet  with  it,  equal  periods  of  30  days  are  desci  ibcd, 
the  interval  between  the  17th  days  of  the  second 
and  the  seventh  months  being  equal  to  160  days 
(Gen.  vii.  11,  viii.  3,  4).  We  have  therefore  in  this 
instance  an  approximation  to  the  solar  month. 
(CiiKONOLOOY  1 ;  Year.)  From  the  time  of  the  in- 
stitution of  the  Mosaic  law  downward,  the  month 
appears  to  have  been  a  lunar  one.  The  cycle  of 
religious  feasts  commencing  with  the  Passover,  de- 
pended not  simply  on  the  month,  but  on  the  moon  ; 
the  14th  of  Abib  was  coincident  with  the  full 
moon ;  and  the  new  moons  themselves  were  the  oc- 
casions of  regular  festivals  (Num.  x.  10,  xxviii.  11- 
14).  The  commencement  of  the  month  was  gen- 
erally decided  by  observation  of  the  new  moon, 
which  may  be  detected  about  40  hours  after  the 
period  of  its  conjunction  with  the  sun.  According 
to  the  Rabbinical  rule,  however,  there  must  at  all 
times  have  been  a  little  uncertainty  beforehand  as 
to  the  exact  day  on  which  the  month  would  begin  ; 
for  it  depended' not  only  on  the  appearance,  but  on 
the  announcement ;  if  the  important  word  Mehid- 
dash  (Heb.  =  eonseinited)  were  not  pronounced  un- 
til after  dark,  the  following  day  was  the  first  of  the 


672 


MON 


MOO 


month  ;  if  before  dark,  then  that  day.  (Xew  Moon.) 
But  we  can  hardly  suppose  that  such  a  strict  rule 
of  observation  prevailed  in  early  times,  nor  was  it 
in  any  way  necessary ;  the  recurrence  of  the  new 
moon  can  be  predicted  with  considerable  accuracy. 
The  length  of  the  month  by  observation  would  be 
alternately  29  and  30  days,  nor  was  it  allowed  by 
the  Talmudists  that  a  month  should  fall  short  of 
the  former  or  exceed  the  latter  number,  whatever 
might  be  the  state  of  the  weather. — The  usual 
number  of  months  in  a  year  was  twelve,  as  Implied 
in  1  K.  iv.  7  and  1  Chr.  xxvii.  1-15  ;  but  inasmuch  as 
the  Hebrew  months  coincided,  as  we  shall  presently 
show,  with  the  seasons,  it  follows,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  that  ah  additional  mouth  must  have  been 
inserted  about  every  third  year,  which  would  bring 
the  number  up  to  thirteen.  No  notice,  however,  is 
taken  of  this  month  in  the  Bible.  In  the  modern 
Jewish  calendar  the  intercalary  month  is  introduced 
seven  times  in  every  19  years,  according  to  the  Me- 
tonic  cycle,  which  was  adopted  by  the  Jews  about 
A  D.  360.  The  nsual  method  of  designating  the 
mrjnths  was  by  their  numeral  order,  e.  g.  "  the 
second  month  "  (Gen.  vii.  11),  "  the  fourth  mcntli  " 
(2  K.  XXV.  3) ;  and  this  was  generally  retained  even 
when  the  names  were  given,  e.  g.  "  in  the  month 
Zif,  which  is  the  second  month"  (1  K.  vi.  1),  "in 
the  third  month,  i.  c.  the  month  Sivan  "  (Esth.  viii. 
9).  An  exception  occurs,  however,  in  regard  to 
Abib  in  the  early  portion  of  the  Bible  (Ex.  xiii.  4, 
xxiii.  15;  Deut.  xvi.  1),  which  is  always  mentioned 
by  name  alone.  The  practice  of  the  writers  of 
the  post-Babylonian  period  in  this  respect  varied  : 
Ezra,  Esther,  and  Zechariah  specify  both  the  names 
and  the  numerical  order;  Nehemiah  only  the 
former ;  Daniel  and  Ilaggai  only  the  latter. — The 
names  of  the  months  belong  to  two  distinct  periods  ; 
in  the  first  place  we  have  those  peculiar  to  the 
period  of  Jewish  independence,  of  which  four  only, 
even  including  Abib,  which  we  hardly  regard  as  a 
proper  name,  are  mentioned,  viz.  :  Abib  (Ileb.  = 
an  ear  of  grain,  a  grccii  ear,  Ges.),  in  which  the 
Passover  fell  (Ex.  xiii.  4,  xxiii.  15,  xxxiv.  18;  Deut. 
xvi.  1),  and  which  was  established  as  the  first  month 
in  commemoration  of  the  Exodus  (E.-v.  xii.  2) ;  Zif 
(lleb.  ziv  =r  iWi/A/ncs.f,  6ea(rfy,  especially  of  flowers, 
i.  e.  flower-month,  Ges.),  the  second  month  (1  K.  vi. 
1,  37);  Bui  (Ileb.  lit.  rain,  i.  e.  rainy  month,  Ges.), 
the  eighth  (1  K.  vi.  38);  and  Ethanim  (Ileb.  peren- 
nial, sc.  brooks,  i.  e.  the  month  of  flowing  brooks, 
Ges.),  the  seventh  (1  K.  viii.  2).  In  the  second 
place  we  have  the  names  which  prevailed  subse- 
quently to  the  Babylonish  Captivity ;  of  these  the 
following  seven  appear  in  the  Bible  : — Xisan  (Ileb. 
month  of  flowers  ;  more  probably  [so  Benfey]  from 
Pers.  =  new  dai/,  Ges.),  the  first,  in  which  the  Pass- 
over was  held  (N'eh.  ii.  1  ;  Esth.  iii.  7);  Sivan  (Ileb. 
probably  from  Persian  name  of  a  deity,  Benfey,  Ges., 
Pit. ;  from  Assyrian  name  of  the  nioon,  Rln.),  the 
third  (Esth.  viii.  9 ;  Bar.  i.  8) ;  Elul  (Ileb.  probably 
fr.  a  root  denoting  to  glean,  sc.  the  vine  ;  the  name 
of  a  Syrian  and  Phenician  deity,  Fii.),  the  sixth  (Neh. 
vi.  15  ;  1  Mc.  xiv.  27) ;  Chisleu  (Heb.  probably  from 
an  Aram,  name  of  Orion  or  Marn,  Fii.),  the  ninth 
(Neh.  i.  1 ;  Zech.  vii.  1 ;  1  Mc.  i.  54) ;  Tebeth  (Heb. 
probably  from  Sansc.  =  winter,  the  cold  time  of  the 
year,  Fii.),  the  tenth  (Esth.  ii.  16);  Sebat  (Heb. 
probably  from  the  name  of  some  heathen  deity, 
Fii.),  the  eleventh  (Zech.  i.  7;  1  Mc.  xvi.  14);  and 
Adar  (Heb.  fr.  Pers.  ==  fl,re?  Ges. ;  from  the  name 
of  an  old  Syrian  and  Persian  fire-god,  Fii.),  the 
twelfth  (Esth.  iii.  7,  viii.  12  ;  2  Mc.  xv.  36).     The 


names  of  the  remaining  five  occur  in  the  Talmud 
and  other  works ;  they  were  lyar  (probably  from 
Syriac),  the  second  (Targum,  2  Chr.  xxx.  2) ;  Tam- 
muz  (from  the  Syrian  god  Tammuz),  the  fourth  ;  Ab, 
the  fifth,  and  Tisri  (both  names  probably  from 
Syriac),  the  seventh ;  and  Marcheshvan  (lleb.  rain- 
month,  Kimchi),  the  ciglith.  The  name  of  the  in- 
tercalary month  was  Veadar,  i.  e.  the  additional 
Adar.  Subsequently  to  the  establishment  of  the 
Syro-Macedonian  empire,  the  use  of  the  Macedonian 
calendar  was  gradually  adopted  for  the  purpose  of 
literature  or  intercommunication  with  other  coun- 
tries. The  only  instance  in  which  the  Macedonian 
names  appear  in  the  Bible  is  in  2  Mc.  xi.  30,  33,  38, 
where  we  have  notice  of  Xanthicus  in  combination 
with  another  named  Dioscorinthius  (ver.  21),  which 
does  not  appear  in  the  Macedonian  calendar.  It  is 
most  probable  that  the  author  of  2  Mc.  or  a  copyist 
was  familiar  with  the  Cretan  calendar,  which  con- 
tained a  month  named  Dioscurus,  holding  the  same 
place  in  the  calendar  as  the  JIacedonian  Dystrus, 
i.  e.  immediately  before  Xanthicus,  and  t'.iat  he  sub- 
stituted one  for  the  other.  The  identification  of 
the  Jewish  months  with  our  own  cannot  be  eftected 
with  precision  on  account  of  the  variations  that 
must  inevitably  exist  between  the  lunar  and  the 
solar  month.  At  present  Nisan  answers  to  March, 
but  in  early  times  it  coincided  with  April.  Zif  or 
lyar  would  correspond  with  May,  Sivan  with  June, 
Tammuz  with  July,  Ab  with  August,  Elul  with 
September,  Ethanim  or  Tisri  with  October,  Bui  or 
Marcheshvan  with  November,  Chisleu  with  Decem- 
ber, Tebeth  with  January,  Sebat  with  February,  and 
Adar  with  March  (<o  Mr.  Bevan). 

*3Ioath'Iy  Prog-nos'tl-ca-tars  (Is.  xlvii.  13)  = 
those  who  predict  at  the  new  moons.     Magic. 

*  MsD'a-mcQts,  the  A.  V.  translation  (Is.  Ixv.  4 
only)  of  Ileb.  pi.  participle  nitsurim,  =  kepi  fiora 
view,  hidden,  secret  places,  Ges. ;  walch-hounex,  watch- 
towers,  which  stand  alone  in  the  fields,  and  in  which 
idolatry  was  practised,  Fii. 

Mooa  (Heb.  masc.  yAriah  or  ydreach,  so  called 
from  its  paleness ;  and  fem.  Ubdnuh,  literally  the 
white  ;  Gr.  fem.  sclene).  The  moon  held  an  impor- 
tant place  in  the  kingdom  of  nature,  as  known  to 
the  Hebrews.  In  the  history  of  the  creation  (Gen. 
i.  14-10),  it  appears  shnultaneously  with  the  si:.\'. 
Conjointly  with  the  sun,  it  was  appointed  "  for  signs 
and  for  seasons,  and  for  days  and  years  ; "  though 
in  this  respect  it  exercised  a  more  important  influ- 
ence, if  by  the  "  seasons  "  we  understand  the  great 
religious  festivals  of  the  Jews,  as  is  particularly 
stated  in  Ps.  civ.  19,  and  more  at  length  in  Ecchis. 
xliii.  6,  7.  Besides  this,  it  had  its  special  olEcc  in 
the  distribution  of  light ;  it  was  appointed  "  to  rule 
over  the  night,"  as  the  sun  over  the  day,  and  tlius 
the  appearance  of  the  two  founts  of  light  served 
"  to  divide  the  day  from  the  night."  To  enter  fully 
into  this  idea,  we  must  remember  both  the  greater 
brilliancy  of  the  moon  in  Eastern  countries,  and  the 
larger  amount  of  work,  especially  travelling,  that  is 
carried  on  by  its  aid.  The  appeals  to  sun  and  moon 
conjointly  are  hence  frequent  (Josh.  x.  12;  Ps. 
Ixxii.  5,  7,  17;  Eccl.  xii.  2;  Is.  xxiv.  23,  &c.); 
sometimes,  indeed,  the  moon  receives  more  atten- 
tion than  the  sun  (e.  g.  Ps.  viii.  3,  Ixxxix.  37). 
The  inferiority  of  its  light  is  occasionally  noticed,  as 
in  Gen.  i.  16;  in  Cant.  vi.  10,  and  in  Is.  xxx.  26. 
The  coldness  of  the  night-dews  is  prejudicial  to  the 
health,  and  particularly  to  the  eyes  of  those  who  are 
expofed  to  it,  and  the  idea  expressed  in  Ps.  cxxi.  6 
("  the  moon  shall  not  smite  thee  by  night ")  may 


MOO 


MOR 


673 


have  reference  to  the  general  or  the  particular  evil 
elt'ect.  (Blinoness;  Lunatic.)  The  worship  of 
the  moon  was  extensively  practised  by  the  nations 
of  the  East,  and  under  a  variety  of  aspects.  In 
Egypt  it  was  honored  under  the  form  of  Isis,  and 
was  one  of  the  only  two  deities  wiiich  commanded 
the  reverence  of  all  the  Egyptians.  In  Syria  it  was 
represented  by  that  one  of  the  Ashtaroth,  surnamed 
"  Kaniaim."  (Ashtorktii,  &c.)  There  are  indica- 
tions of  a  very  early  introduction  into  the  countries 
adjacent  to  Palestine  of  a  species  of  worship  distinct 
from  any  that  we  have  hitlierlo  noticed,  viz.  of  the 
direct  homage  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  sun,  moon, 
and  stars,  which  is  the  characteristic  of  Sabianisni. 
(Idolatbv.)  The  first  notice  of  this  is  in  Job  (xxxi. 
26,  27),  and  it  is  observable  that  the  warning  of 
Moses  (Deut.  iv.  19)  is  directed  against  this  nature- 
worship,  rather  than  against  the  form  of  moon-wor- 
ship, which  the  Israelites  must  have  witnessed  in 
Egypt.  At  a  later  period,  however,  the  worship  of 
the  moon  in  its  grosser  form  of  idol-worship  was  in- 
troduced from  Syria.  In  the  figurative  language 
of  Scripture  the  moon  is  frequently  noticed  as  pre- 
saging events  of  the  greatest  importance  through 
the  temporary  or  permanent  withdrawal  of  its  light 
(Is.  xiii.  10;  Joel  ii.  31;  Mat.  xxiv.  20;  Mk.  xiii. 
24).     Dark.\e.ss;  Eclipse;  Heaven;  New^  Moon. 

Moon,  Newt     New  Moon. 

Mo-O-si'as  (Gr.),  apparently  =  Maaseiah  4  (1  Esd. 
ix.  31  ;  compare  Ezr.  x.  30). 

•-Mo'rad  (Heb.  denemt,  declivity,  Ges.),  a  name 
found  only  in  Josh.  vii.  6,  margin,  in  the  account  of 
the  defeat  of  the  Israelites  by  the  men  of  Ai ;  prob- 
ably better  translated  in  the  text  "gohig  down." 

Mor'HS-tliite  (fr.  Heb.),  lite  =  tlie  native  of  a 
place  named  Mokksheth.  It  occurs  twice  (Jer.  xxvi. 
18;  Mic.  i.  1),  each  time  as  the  description  of  the 
prophet  Micaii 

Mor'df-tai  (Heb.  fr.  Pers.  =  lillU  man,  or  v.or- 
ahip/jtfr  of  Merodach,  i.  e.  Mars,  Ges.).  1.  The  deliv- 
erer, under  Divine  Providence,  of  the  Jews  from  the 
destruction  plotted  against  them  by  Haman,  the 
chief  minister  of  Ahasuekis  3  (Xer.xes);  the  insti- 
tutor  of  the  feast  of  Pirim  (Esth.  ii.  5-x.  3).  Ue 
was  a  Benjamite,  and  one  of  the  Captivity,  residing 
in  Shushan.  From  the  time  of  Esther  being  queen 
he  was  one  of  those  "  who  sat  in  the  king's  gate." 
In  this  situation  he  saved  the  king's  life  by  discov- 
ering the  conspiracy  of  two  of  the  eunuchs  to  kill 
him.  AVhcn  the  decree  for  the  massacre  of  all  the 
Jews  in  the  empire  was  known,  Esther,  at  his  ear- 
nest advice  and  exhortation,  undertook  the  perilous 
task  of  interceding  with  the  king  on  their  behalf. 
Whether,  as  some  think,  his  refusal  to  bow  before 
Haman  arose  from  religious  scruples,  as  if  such 
-ilutation  as  was  practL'-ed  in  Persia,  were  akin  to 
liilatry,  or  whether,  as  seems  far  more  prob.iblo,  he 
1  (fused  from  a  stern  unwillingness  as  a  Jew  to  bow 
lii.'fore  an  Amalekite,  in  either  case  the  affront  put 
by  him  upon  Haman  was  the  immediate  cause  of  the 
fatal  decree.  The  concurrence  of  Esther's  favorable 
neeption  by  the  king  with  the  providential  reading 
■  >  hirn  from  the  Medo-Persian  chronicles  of  Morde- 
.li's  fidelity  in  disclosing  the  conspiracy  ;  Ilaman's 
' oming  then  to  ask  leave  to  hang  Mordecai,  and 
being  made  the  instrument  of  doing  honor  to  his 
riiost  hated  adversary,  which  he  rightly  interpreted 
as  the  presage  of  his  own  downfall ;  and  finally,  the 
liHuging  of  Hainan  and  his  sons  on  the  very  gallows 

hich  he  had  reared  for  Mordecai,  while  Mordecai 
(cupied  Haman's  post  as  vizier  of  the  Persian  mon- 
archy, are  well-known  incidents.  (Estheb,  Book 
43 


or.) — Mordecai's  date  in  tacred  history  is  pointed  out 
with  great  particularity  not  only  by  the  years  of  the 
king's  reign,  but  by  his  own  genealogy  in  Esth.  ii. 
5,  0.  Some  have  understood  this  passage  as  stating 
that  Mordecai  himself  was  taken  captive  with  Jeco- 
niah  ;  but  both  the  chronology  and  the  grammatical 
construction  forbid  such  an  interpretation.  Three 
things  are  here  predicated  of  Mordecai :  (1.)  that  he 
lived  in  Shushan  ;  (2.)  that  his  name  was  Mordecai, 
son  of  Jair,  son  of  Shimei,  son  of  Kish  the  Ben- 
jamite, who  was  taken  captive  with  Jehoiachin ; 
(3.)  that  he  brought  up  Esther.  'Mordecai,  then,  was 
great-grandson  of  a  contemporary  of  Jehoiachin. 
Now,  four  generations  cover  120  years — and  120 
years  from  b.  c.  599  bring  us  to  B.  c.  479,  i.  e.  to 
the  sixth  year  of  the  reign  of  Xerxes.  And  now  it 
would  seem  both  possible  and  probable  that  tlie 
Mordecai  mentioned  in  Ezr.  ii.  2  and  Nth.  viii.  7,  as 
one  of  the  leaders  of  the  captives  who  returned  from 
time  to  time  from  Babylon  to  Judea,  was  the  same 
as  the  Mordecai  of  the  book  of  Esther  (so  Lord  A.  C. 
Hervey). — As  regards  his  place  in  profane  history, 
the  domestic  annals  of  the  reign  of  Xerxes  are  so 
scanty,  that  it  would  not  surprise  us  to  find  no  men- 
tion of  Mordecai.  But  there  is  a  person  named  by 
Ctesias,  who  probably  saw  the  very  chronicles  of 
the  kings  of  Media  and  Persia  referred  to  in  Esth. 
X.  2,  whose  name  and  character  present  some  points 
of  resemblance  with  Mordecai,  viz.  Matacas  or  Nat- 
acas,  whom  he  describes  as  Xerxes'  chief  favorite, 
and  the  most  powerful  of  them  all.  He  relates  of 
him,  that  when  Xerxes  after  his  return  from  Greece 
had  commissioned  Megabyzus  to  go  and  plunder  the 
temple  of  Apollo  at  Delphi,  upon  his  refusal,  he 
sent  Matacas  the  eunuch,  to  insult  the  god,  and  to 
plunder  his  property,  which  Matacas  did,  and  re- 
turned to  Xerxes.  The  known  hatred  of  Xerxes  to 
idol-worship  makes  his  selection  of  a  Jew  for  his 
prime  minister  very  probable,  and  there  are  strong 
points  of  resemblance  in  what  is  thus  related  of  Mat- 
acas, and  what  we  know  from  Scripture  of  Morde- 
cai. Again,  that  Mordecai  was,  what  Matacas  is  re- 
lated to  have  been,  a  eunuch,  seems  not  improbable 
from  his  having  neither  wife  nor  child,  from  his 
bringing  up  his  cousin  Esther  in  his  own  house, 
from  his  situation  in  the  kuig's gate,  from  his  access 
to  the  court  of  the  women,  and  from  his  being  raised 
to  the  highest  post  of  power  by  the  king,  wliich  we 
know  from  Persian  history  was  so  often  the  case 
with  the  king's  eunuchs. — The  most  plausible  ety- 
mology usually  given  for  the  name  Mordecai  is  that 
favored  by  (lescnius,  who  connects  it  with  Merodach, 
the  Babylonian  idol,  called  Mardok  in  the  cuneiform 
inscriptions.  But  it  is  improbable  (so  Lord  A.  C. 
Hervey)  that  the  name  of  a  Babylonian  idol  should 
have  been  given  to  him  under  the  Persian  dynasty, 
or  that  Mordecai  should  have  been  taken  into  the 
king's  servid  before  the  commencement  of  the  Per- 
sian dynasty.  If,  then,  we  suppose  the  original  form 
of  the  name  was  Matacai,  it  would  easily  in  the  Chal- 
dee  orthography  become  Mordecai. — As  regards  his 
place  in  Rabbinical  estimation,  Mordecai,  as  is  nat- 
ural, stands  very  high.  The  interpolations  in  the 
Greek  book  of  Esther  are  one  indication  of  hiB 
popularity  with  his  countrymen.  The  Targum  (of 
late  date)  shows  that  this  increased  rather  than  di- 
minished with  the  lapse  of  centuries.  It  is  said  of 
Mordecai  that  he  knew  the  seventii langvageii,  i.  e.  the 
languages  of  all  the  nations  mentioned  in  Gen.  x., 
which  the  Jews  count  as  seventy  nations,  and  that 
his  age  exceeded  400  years.  He  is  continually  des- 
ignated by  the  appellation  "  the  Just."    Benjamin 


674 


MOR 


HOR 


of  Tudela  places  the  tomb  of  Mordecai  and  Esther 
at  Hamadan  or  Ecbatana,  where  is  now  shown  in 
the  Jewish  quarter  a  building  professedly  erected 
about  1,10)  years  ago  as  their  tomb.     Otliers,  how- 


RoputedTomb  of  Eather  and  Mordecai  at  Hamailan  (the  soutbem  Ecbata- 
na).— Ftom  Flandin,  Voyage  «n  ftrie.— (Fbn.) 

ever,  place  the  tomb  of  Mordecai  in  Susa. — 2,  One 
of  the  leaders  of  the  captive  Jews  who  returned  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  2 ;  Neh.  vii.  7) ;  supposed  Ijy 
Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  =  No.  I ;  but  according  to  Prof. 
Douglas  (in  Fairbaim),  Kitto,  &c.,  a  different  person 
from  Xo.  1. 

Mo'reh  (Heb.  (eacher,  Ges.,  Fii.).  1.  The  "  plain  " 
or  "  plains "  (or,  as  it  should  rather  be  rendered, 
the  OAK  or  oaks)  "  of  Moreh."  The  Oak  of  Moreli 
was  the  first  recorded  haltiug-placo  of  Abram  after 
his  entrance  into  Canaan  (Gen.  xii.  6).  (Abraham.) 
It  was  at  the  "  place  of  Shechem  "  (.\ii.  6),  close  to 
the  mountains  of  Ebal  and  Gerizim  (Deut.  xi.  30). 
(Mkonenim.)  Mr.  Grove  supposes  that  this  place  may 
have  been  also  the  scene  of  the  offering  of  Isaac,  on 
a  mountain  in  "  the  land  of  Moriah."  Whether  tlie 
oaks  of  Moreh  had  any  connection  with — i,  "  The 
Hill  of  Moreh,"  at  the  foot  of  which  the  Midianites 
and  Araalekites  were  encamped  before  Gideon's  at- 
tack upon  thom  (Judg.  vii.  1),  seems,  to  say  the 
least,  most  uncertain.  Copious  as  are  the  details 
furnished  of  that  great  event  of  Jewish  history,  those 
which  enable  us  to  judge  of  its  precise  situation  are 
very  scanty  But  a  comparison  of  Judg.  vi.  33  with 
vii.  1  makes  it  evident  that  it  lay  in  <he  valley  of 
Jezreel  (Esdr«lon),  rather  on  the  N.  side  of  the 
valley,  and  N.  also  of  the  eminence  on  which  Gid- 
eon's little  band  of  heroes  was  clustered.  Tliese 
conditions  are  most  accurately  fulfilled  if  we  assume 
Jehd  ed-Duhtj,  the  "  Little  Hermon  "  of  the  modern 
travellers,  to  be  Moreh,  the  'Ain  Jalud  to  be  the 
spring  of  Haroo,  and  Gideon's  position  to  have  been 
on  the  N.  E.  slope  of  Jebel  Fukua  (Mount  Gilboa), 
between  the  village  of  NuriK  and  the  last-men- 
tioned spring. 

Mor'esh-cth-gatll  (Heb.  possession  of  Oath,  Ges., 
Fii.),  a  place  named  by  the  prophet  Micah  only 
(Mie.  i.  14)  in  company  with  Lachish,  Achzib,  Mare- 
shah,  and  other  towns  of  the  lowland  district  of 


Judah.  Micah  was  himself  the  native  of  a  place 
called  Moresheth.  (Morasthite.)  Eusebius  and 
Jerome  describe  Morasthi  as  a  moderate-sized  vil- 
lage near  Eleutheropolis,  to  the  E.  Gatu  ;  Mare- 
smau  1. 

Mo-ri'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  shown  by  Jehovah,  or  the 
chosen  of  Jehovah  ;  see  below).  1.  "  The  Land  of 
Moriah."  On  "  one  of  the  mountains  "  in  this  dis- 
trict took  place  the  sacrifice  of  Isaac  (Gen.  xxii.  2). 
What  the  name  of  the  mountain  was  we  are  not 
told ;  but  it  was  a  conspicuous  one,  visible  from 
"afar  off"  (ver. 4).  Nor  does  the  narrative  atlbrd 
any  data  for  ascertaining  its  po-sition.  After  the 
deliverance  of  Isaac,  Abraham,  with  a  play  on  the 
name  of  Moriah  impossible  to  convey  in  English, 
called  the  spot  Jehovah-jireh,  "  Jehovah  sees " 
(i.  e.  provides),  and  thus  originated  a  provei-b  refer 
ring  to  the  providential  and  opportune  interference 
of  God.  "  In  the  mount  of  Jehovah,  He  will  be 
seen."  Mr.  Grove,  with  Stanley,  Michaelis,  &c.,  is 
disposed  to  take  the  "  land  of  Moriah  "  as  the  same 
district  with  that  in  which  the  "  Oak  (A.  V.  '  plain  ') 
of  Moreh"  was  situated,  and  not  as  that  which  con- 
tains Jerusalem,  as  the  modern  tradition,  which 
would  identify  the  Moriah  of  Gen.  xxii.  and  that  of 
2  Chr.  iii.  1  (see  below),  affirms.  (Gerizim.) — i, 
"  Mount  Moriah."  The  name  ascribed,  in  2  (Jhr.  iii. 
1  only,  to  the  eminence  on  which  Solomon  built  the 
Temple ;  "  where  He  appe.ired  to  David  his  father, 
in  a  place  which  David  prepared  in  the  threshing- 
floor  of  Araunaii  the  Jebusite."  From  the  mention 
of  Araunah,  the  inference  is  natural  that  the  "  ap- 
pearance" alluded  to  occurred  at  the  time  of  the 
purchase  of  the  threshing-floor  by  David,  and  his 
erection  thereon  of  the  altar  (2  Sam.  xxiv. ;  1  Chr. 
xxi.).  But  nothing  is  said  in  the  narratives  of  that 
event  of  any  "  appearance  "  of  Jehovah.  (Compare, 
however.  Gen.  xviii.,  xix.,  and  Angei,.)  A  tradition 
which  first  appears  in  a  definite  shape  in  Joscpluis, 
and  is  now  almost  universally  accepted,  asserts 
that  the  "  Mount  Moriah  "  of  the  Chronicles  is  iden- 
tical with  the  "  mountain  "  in  "  the  land  of  Moriah  " 
of  Genesis,  and  that  the  spot  on  which  Jehovah  ap- 
peared to  David,  and  on  which  the  Temple  was 
built,  was  the  very  spot  of  the  sacrifice  of  Isaac. 
Mr.  Grove,  with  others  (see  No.  1  above),  disputc.-i 
this  identity,  and  claims  that  Jerusalem  has  no  part 
in  the  history  of  Israel  till  the  establishment  of  the 
monarchy,  and  that  to  make  No.  1  =  No.  2  is  in- 
compatible with  the  circumstances  of  the  narrative 
of  Gen.  xxii.,  because — (1.)  The  Temple  mount  can- 
not be  spoken  of  as  a  conspicuous  eminence.  It  i- 
not  visiide  till  the  traveller  is  close  upon  it  at  tli'' 
southern  edge  of  the  valley  of  Hinnoni,  from  whence 
he  looks  down  upon  it  as  on  a  lower  eminence.  (2.) 
If  Salem  was  Jerusalem,  then  the  trial  of  Abraham's 
faith,  instead  of  taking  place  in  the  lonely  and  deso- 
late spot  implied  by  the  narrative,  where  not  oven 
fire  was  to  be  obtained,  and  where  no  help  but  that 
of  the  Almighty  was  nigh,  actually  took  place  un- 
der the  very  walls  of  the  city  of  Mclchizedek. — But 
apparently  Abraham  did  not  see  the  place  till  he 
was  near  enough  to  walk  to  it  with  his  son,  bearing 
on  his  back  the  load  of  wood  (Gen.  xxii.  4-fi);  and 
sometimes  the  outside  of  fenced  cities — where  a 
deep  ravine  rims  between  the  wall  and  the  suburb — 
is  one  of  the  loneliest  spots  in  the  world  (so  II.  K. 
R.,  in  Kitto).  Hengstenberg  accounts  for  tlic 
rarity  of  the  name  Moriah  from  the  fiict  that  Je- 
rusalem remained  a  heathen  city  till  David's  time, 
i  while  Bethel,  Feniel,  Mahanaim,  &c.,  being  actually 
I  in  possession  of  the  Israelites  from  Joshua's  lime, 


UOR 


MOS 


675 


had  their  patriarchal  names  familiarized  and  per- 
petuated. The  common  view  that  the  Moriah  of 
<;cn.  xxii.  is  the  Moriah  of  2  Chr.  iii.  is  accepted  by 
Geaciiius,  Fiirst,  Winer,  Ewald,  Kuobcl,  Prof.  Doug- 
las (in  Fairbairn),  Av're,  &c.,  &c. 

*  Morning.    Kay. 

*  lioru  ing  Star.    Heaven  ;  Lucifer  ;  Star. 
)lor  tar.    1.  A  wide -mouthed  utensil  for  pounding 

grain,  kc.  The  simplest  and  probably  most  ancient 
method  of  preparing  corn  for  food  was  by  pound- 
ing it  between  two  stones.  Convenience  suggested 
tliat  the  lower  of  the  two  stones  should  be  hollowed, 
that  the  corn  miglit  not  escape,  and  that  the  upper 
^llOuld  be  shaped  so  as  to  be  convenient  for  holding. 
(.Mill.)  The  pestle  and  mortar  must  have  existed 
iiom  a  very  early  period.  The  Israelites  in  tlie 
desert  appear  to  have  possessed  mortars  and  hand- 
mills  among  their  necessary  domestic  utensils. 
When  the  manna  fell  they  gathered  it,  and  either 
J  round  it  in  the  mill  or  pounded  it  in  the  mortar 
I  llcb.  midickAh)  till  it  was  fit  for  use  (Num.  xi.  8). 
So  in  the  present  day  stone  mortars  are  used  by  the 
Arabs  to  pound  wheat  for  their  national  dish  Hbhi/. 
Another  Hebrew  word,  mat/tlesh  (Prov.  xxvii.  22), 
probably  denotes  a  mortar  of  a  larger  kind  in  which 
corn  was  pounded.  "Though  thou  bray  the  fool 
in  the  mortar  among  the  braised  corn  (A.  V. 
"  wheat")  with  the  pestle,  yet  will  not  his  folly  de- 
part from  him."  (irain  may  be  separated  from  its 
husk  and  all  its  good  properties  preserved  by  such 
an  operation,  but  the  fool's  folly  is  so  essential  a 
part  of  himself  that  no  analogous  process  can  re- 
move it  from  him.  Such  seems  the  natural  inter- 
pretation of  this  remarkable  proverb.  The  lan- 
guage is  intentionally  exaggerated,  and  there  is  no 
necessity  for  supfwsing  an  allusion  to  a  mode  of 
punishment  by  which  criminals  were  put  to  death, 
by  being  pounded  in  a  mortar.  A  custom  of  this 
kind  existed  among  the  Turks,  but  there  is  no  dis- 
tinct trace  of  it  among  the  Hebrews.  Such,  how- 
ever, is  supposed  to  be  the  reference  in  the  proverb 
by  Mr.  Roberts  (Oriental  lllustratiorui  of  the  Scrip- 
t«r(f),  who  illustrates  it  from  the  fact  that  in  India 
persons  have  been  punished  capitally  by  being 
pounded  to  death  in  the  large  mortars  used  for  sep- 
arating the  rice  from  the  husk. — 2.  A  cement  for 
bricks,  stones,  &c.  For  this  we  find  two  Hebrew 
words — (1.)  Homer  or  ehottfr  (Gen.  xi.  3;  Ex.  i. 
14;  Is.  xli.  25;  Nah.  iii.  14).  (Ci.ay  2.)— (2.) 
'Jp/iiir  (Lev.  xiv.  42,  45),  literally  and  usually 
translated  "  ncsT."  The  Ueb.  tdpJiel  (—  lime,  hence 
mortar,  /'loiter,  or  rather  whiteicanh,  as  spread  upon 
walls,  Ues.)  is  in  the  A.  V  "untcmpered  (mortar) " 
in  Ez.  xiii.  10,  11,  14,  15,  xxii.  28.— The  various 
compacting  substances  used  in  Oriental  buildings 
appear  to  be — 1.  bitumen,  as  in  the  Babylonian 
structures  (Slime)  ;  2.  common  mud  or  moistened 
CLAY  ;  3.  a  very  firm  cement  compounded  of  sand, 
ashes,  and  lime,  in  the  proportions  respectively  of 
1,  2,  3,  well  pounded,  sometimes  mixed  and  some- 
times coated  with  oil,  so  as  to  form  a  surface  almost 
impenetrable  to  wet  or  the  weather.  In  Assyrian, 
and  abo  Egyptian  brick  buildings  stubble  or  straw, 
89  hair  or  wool  among  ourselves,  was  added  to  in- 
crease the  tenacity.  .\r(hitecti;re ;  Handicraft; 
Doi'se;  Lime;  Plaster. 

*  Mw'ttr  in  some  copies  of  the  A.  V.  =  Mor- 
tar 2. 

Mo-M'ra  (Deut.  x.  6),  apparently  =  Blo-se'roth 
(Xiim.  xxxiii.  30),  its  plural  form  (Ileli.  =:  bondt, 
baiid»,  Ges.),  the  name  of  a  place  near  Mount  Ilor. 
Hcngstenberg  thinks  it  lay  in  the  Arabah,  where 


that  mountain  overhangs  it.  Burckhardt  improb- 
ably suggests  that  possibly  Wady  Musa,  near  I'etra 
and  Mount  Hor,  may  contain  a  corruption  of  Mo- 
sera.  Deuteronomy  B.  (I.  5);  Wilderness  of  the 
Wandering. 

Moses  [-zez]  (a  Or.  and  L.  form  of  Heb.  Mosheh 
—  drawn  ;  see  below),  the  legislator  of  the  Hebrew 
people,  and  in  a  certain  sense  the  founder  of  the 
Jewish  religion.  The  materials  for  his  life  are— (I.) 
The  details  preserved  in  the  Pentateuch.  (II.) 
The  allusions  in  the  Prophets  and  Psalms.  (III.) 
The  Jewish  traditions  preserved  in  the  N.  T.  (Acts 
vii.  20-38 ;  2  Tim.  iii.  8,  9 ;  Heb.  xi.  23-28 ;  Jude 
9) ;  and  in  Joscphus,  Philo,  and  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria. (IV.)  The  heathen  traditions  of  Manetho, 
Lysimachus,  and  Cha?rcmon,  preserved  in  Josephus, 
of  Artapanus  and  others  in  Eusebius,  and  of  Heca- 
ta'us.  (V.)  The  Mussulman  traditions  in  the  Koran, 
and  the  Arabian  legends.  (VI.)  Apocryphal  Books 
of  Moses: — (1.)  Prayers  of  Moses.  (2.)  Apocalypse 
of  Moses.  (3.)  Ascension  of  Mosi^.  (VII.)  In  mod- 
ern times  his  career  and  legislation  have  been 
treated  by  Warburton,  Michaelis,  Ewald,  and  Bun- 
sen. — His  life,  in  the  later  period  of  tlie  Jewish  his- 
tory, was  divided  into  three  equal  portions  of  forty 
years  each  (Acts  vii.  23,  30,  36).  I.  His  birth  and 
education.  The  immediate  pedigree  of  Moses  is  as 
follow  8 : — 

Levi 


Gerehun 


hall 


Eohalh 


Merarl 


Amram  —  Jcchebed 

I 

Hor  •'Miriam    Aaron  —  Elishcba    MOSES  —  Zipporah. 


I 


NaJi 


Nadab     Ablhn 


Eleazar 

I 
Pliinehas 


Ithamar    Gershom 


Eliezcr 


Jonathan 

The  fact  that  he  was  of  the  tribe  of  Levi  no  douht 
contributed  to  the  selection  of  that  tribe  as  the 
sacred  caste.  The  Levitical  parentage  and  the 
Egyptian  origin  both  appear  in  the  family  names. 
O'ashom,  Eleazar,  are  both  repeated  in  the  younger 
generations.  Monex  and  Pfiinthan  are  Egyptian  (so 
Dean  Stanley,  original  author  of  this  article).  Mcses 
was  born,  according  to  Manetho,  at  Heliopolis,  at 
the  time  of  the  deepest  depression  of  his  nation  in 
the  Egyptian  servitude.  (Chronology.)  His  birth 
(according  to  Josephus)  had  been  foretold  to  Pha- 
raoh by  the  Egyptian  magicians,  and  to  his  fallier 
Amram  by  a  dream.  The  story  of  his  birth  is  thor- 
oughly Egyptian  in  its  scene.  The  beauty  of  the 
new-bojn  babe — in  the  later  versions  of  the  story 
amplified  into  a  beauty  and  size  almost  divine — in- 
duced the  mother  to  make  extraordinary  eflbrts  for 
its  presen-ation  from  the  general  destruction  of  the 
male  children  of  Israel.  (Pharaoh  3.)  For  three 
months  the  child  was  concealed  in  the  house.  Then 
his  mother  placed  him  in  a  small  boat  or  basket  of 
papyrus  (Reed  2),  closed  against  the  water  by  bitu- 
men. (Pitch.)  Tliis  was  placed  among  the  aquatic 
vegetation  by  the  side  of  one  of  the  canals  of  the 
Nile.  The  mother  ( JocHEBEn)  departed  as  if  unable 
to  bear  the  sight.  The  sister  (Miriam)  lingered  to 
watch  his  fate.  The  Egyptian  princess  (wh<  ni  Jewish 

j  traditions  named  ThertmiJliis;  Artapanus,  Merrhi»; 

!  and  Arabic  traditions,  Asial)  came  down,  after  the 
Homeric  simplicity  of  the  age,  to  bathe  in  the 
sacred  river,  or  (Jos.  ii.  9,  g  5)  to  play  by  its  side. 

;  Her  attendant  slaves  followed  her.     She  saw  the 


676 


MOS 


HOS 


basket  in  the  flags,  or  (Jos.  ib.)  bome  down  the 
stream,  and  despatched  divers  after  it.     The  divers, 
or  one  of  the  female  slaves,  brought  it.     It  was 
opened,  and  the  cry  of  the  child  moved  the  princess 
to  compassion.     She  determined  to  rear  it  as  her 
own.     The  child  (Jos.  ib.)  refused  the  milk  of  Egyp- 
tian nurses.     The  sister  was  then  at  hand  to  recom- 
mend a  Hebrew  nurse.     The  child  was  brought  up 
as  the  princess's  son,  and  the  memory  of  the  inci- 
dent was  long  cherished  in  the  name  given  to  the 
foundling  of  the  water's  side — whether  according  to 
its  Hebrew  or  Egyptian  form.     Its  Hebrew  fonn  is 
Moskeh,  from  mdshdh,  to  draw  out — "  because  I  have 
drawn  him  out  of  the  water."     But  this  is  probably 
the  Hebrew  form  given  to  a  foreign  word.     In  Cop- 
tie,  mo  =  water,  and  iishe  =  saved.     This  is  the 
explanation  given   by  Josephus.     The  child   was 
adopted  by  the  princess.     Tradition  describes  its 
beaiity  as  so  great  that  passers-by  stood  fixed  to 
look  at  it,  and  laborers  left  their  work  to  steal  a 
glance  (Jos.  ii.  9,  §  6).     From  this  time  for  many 
years  Moses  must  be  considered  as  an  Egyptian.    In 
the  Pentateuch  this  period  is  a  blank,  but  in  the 
N.  T.  he  is  represented  as  "  educated  in  all  the  wis- 
dom of  the  Egyptians  "  (Egypt),  and  as  "  mighty  in 
words  and  deeds  "  (Acts  vii.  22).     The  following  is 
a  brief  summary  of  the  Jewish  and  Egyptian  tradi- 
tions which  fill  up  the  silence  of  the  sacred  writer. 
He  was  educated  at  Heliopolis  (compare  Str.  xvii. 
1),  and  grew  up  there  as  a  priest,  under  his  Egyp- 
tian name  of  Osarsiph  or  Tisithen.     He  was  taught 
the  whole  range  of  Greek,  Chaldee,  and  Assyrian 
literature.  From  the  Egyptians  especially  he  learned 
mathematics,  to  train  his  mind  for  the  unprejudiced 
reception  of  truth  (Philo,  V.  3f.  i.  5).     "He  in- 
vented boats  and  engines  for  building — instruments 
of  war  and  hydraulics — hieroglyphics — division  of 
lands"  (Artapanus,  in  Euseb.  Prcep.  Evang.  ix.  27). 
(  Writi.<;g.)  He  taught  Orpheus,  and  was  hence  called 
by  the  Greeks  Musaius  {ib. ),  and  by  the  Egyptians  Her- 
mes (ib.).    He  taught  grammar  to  the  Jews,  whence  it 
spread  to  Phenicia  and  Greece  (Eupolemus,  in  Clem. 
Alex.  Strom.).  He  was  sent  on  an  expedition  against 
the  Ethiopians.     He  got  rid  of  the  serpents  of  the 
country  to  be  traversed  by  turning  baskets  full  of 
ibises  upon  them  (Jos.  ii.  10,  §  2),  and  founded  the 
city  of  Hermopolis  to  commemorate  his  victory  (Ar- 
tapanus, in  Euseb.  1.  c).     He  advanced  to  Saba, 
the  capital  of  Ethiopia,  and  gave  it  the  name  of 
Meroe,  from  his  adopted  mother  Merrhls,  whom  he 
buried  there  (ib.).     Tharbis,  the  daughter  of  the 
king  of  Ethiopia,  fell  in  love  with  him,  and  he  re- 
turned in  triumph  to  Egypt  with  her  as  his  wife 
(Jos.  ib.). — II.  The  nurture  of  his  mother  is  prob- 
ably spoken  of  as  the  liuk  which  bound  him  to  his 
o^vn  people,  and  the  time  had  at  last  arriv?ed  when 
he  was  resolved  to  reclaim  his  nationality.     Here 
again  the  N.  T.  preserves  the  tradition  in  a  distincter 
form  than  the  account  in  the  Pentateuch  (Hcb.  xi. 
24-26).     According  to  Philo  he  led  an  ascetic  life, 
in  order  to  pursue  his  high  philosophic  speculations. 
According   to   the   Egyptian   tradition,  although  a 
priest  of  Heliopolis,  he  always  performed  his  prayers 
according  to  the  custom  of  his  fathers,  outside  the 
walls  of  tlie  city,  in  the  open  air,  turning  toward 
the  sun-rising  (Jos.  Ap.  ii.  2).   The  king  was  excited 
to  anger  by  the  priests  of  Egypt,  who  foresaw  their 
destroyer  (ib.),  or  by  his  own  envy  (Artapanus,  I.e.). 
Various  plots  of  assassination  were  contrived  against 
him,  which  failed.   The  last  was  after  he  had  already 
escaped  across  the  Nile  from  Memphis,  warned  by 
his  brother  Aaron,  and  when  pursued  by  the  assas- 


sin he  killed  him  (ib.).  The  same  general  acconnt 
of  conspiracies  against  his  life  appears  in  Josephus 
(ii.  10).  All  that  remains  of  these  traditions  in  the 
sacred  narrative  is  the  simple  and  natural  incident, 
that  seeing  an  Israelite  suttering  the  bastinado  from 
an  Egyptian  (so  Stanley,  A.  V.  "  an  Egyptian  smiting 
an  Hebrew,  one  of  his  brethren  "  [i.  e.  smiting  him 
fatally,  killing  him  ;  the  Hebrew  is  a  participle  of 
the  verb  translated  "  slew  "  in  the  next  verse] ;  see 
Blood,  Avenger  of  ;  also  compare  "  prince  "  in  ver. 
14  with  ver.  10),  and  thinking  tliat  they  were  alone, 
he  slew  the  Egyptian,  and  buried  the  corpse  in  the 
sand.  The  fire  of  patriotism  which  thus  turned  him 
into  a  deliverer  from  the  oppressors,  turns  him  in 
tiie  same  story  into  the  peace-maker  of  the  op- 
pressed. It  is  characteristic  of  the  faithfulness  of 
the  Jewish  records  that  his  flight  is  there  occasioned 
rather  by  the  malignity  of  his  countrymen  than  by 
the  enmity  of  the  Egyptians  (compare  Acts  vii.  25- 
35).  He  fled  into  Midian.  Beyond  the  fact  that  it 
was  in  or  near  the  peninsula  of  Sinai,  its  precise 
situation  is  unknown.  There  was  a  famous  well 
("  the  well,"  Ex.  ii.  15)  surrounded  by  tanks  for  the 
watering  of  the  flocks  of  the  Bedouin  herdsmen. 
By  this  well  the  fugitive  seated  himself,  and  watched 
the  gathering  of  the  sheep.  There  were  the  Arabian 
shepherds,  and  there  were  also  seven  maidens, 
whom  the  shepherds  rudely  drove  away  from  the 
water.  The  chivalrous  spirit  which  had  already 
broken  forth  in  behalf  of  his  oppressed  country- 
men, broke  forth  again  in  behalf  of  the  distressed 
maidens.  They  returned  unusually  soon  to  their 
father  (Jethro),  and  told  him  of  their  adventure. 
Moses,  who  up  to  this  time  had  been  "  an  Egyp- 
tian "  (Ex.  ii.  19),  now  became  for  forty  years  (Acts 
vii.  30)  an  Arabian.  He  married  Zipporah,  daugh- 
ter of  his  host,  to  whom  he  also  became  the  servant 
and  shepherd  (Ex.  ii.  21,  iii.  I).  In  the  seclusion 
and  simplicity  of  his  shepherd-life  he  received  his 
call  as  a  prophet.  The  traditional  scene  of  this 
great  event  is  in  the  valley  of  Shoai/b,  or  Hobab, 
on  the  X.  side  of  Jebel  AfHsa.  Its  exact  spot  is 
marked  by  the  convent  of  St.  Catharine,  of  which 
the  altar  is  said  to  stand  on  the  site  of  the  Burning 
Bush.  The  original  indications  are  too  slight  to 
enable  us  to  fix  the  spot  with  any  certainty.  It  was 
at  "  the  back  "  of  the  "  wilderness  "  at  Horeb  (Ex. 
iii.  1) :  to  which  the  Hebrew  adds,  whilst  the  LXX. 
omits,  "  the  mountain  of  God."  Upon  the  moim- 
tain  was  a  well-known  acacia  (sniTTAn-rnEE),  the 
thorn-tree  of  the  desert,  spreading  out  its  tangled 
branches,  thick  set  with  white  thorns,  over  the 
rocky  ground.  This  tree  (but  see  Busn  1)  became 
the  symbol  of  the  Divine  Presence  :  a  flame  of  fire 
in  the  midst  of  it,  in  which  the  dry  branches  woidd 
naturally  have  crackled  and  burnt  in  a  moment,  but 
which  played  round  it  without  consuming  it.  The 
rocky  ground  at  once  became  "  holy,"  and  the 
shepherd's  sandal  was  to  be  taken  ofl^  no  less  than 
on  the  tlireshold  of  a  palace  or  a  temple  (compare 
Acts  vii.  29-33).  The  call  or  revelation  was  two- 
fold— 1.  The  declaration  of  the  Sacred  Name  ex- 
presses the  eternal  self-existence  of  the  One  God. 
(Jehovah.)  2.  The  mission  was  given  to  Moses  to 
deliver  his  people.  The  two  signs  are  characteristic 
— the  one  of  his  past  Egyptian  life — the  other  of 
his  active  she[)herd-life.  In  the  rush  of  leprosy 
into  his  hand  is  the  link  between  him  and  the  peo- 
ple whom  the  Egyptians  called  a  nation  of  lepers. 
In  the  transformation  of  his  shepherd's  staff'  is  tlie 
glorification  of  the  simple  pastoral  life,  of  which 
that  staflf  was  the  symbol,  into  the  great  career 


HOS 


MOS 


677 


,       which  lay  before  it.     He  returns  to  Egypt  from  his  I 
I       exile.    His  Arabian  wife  and  her  two  infant  sons  are 
witli  liini.     She  is  seated  with  tlieni  on  tlic  ass.    He 
apparuntly  wallcs  by  their  side  with  his  shepherd's  1 
staSf.     On  the  journey  baels  to  Egypt  a  mysterious  1 
'       incident  occurred  in  tlie  family  (Ex.  iv.  24-26).   The  { 
i       most  prol>abIe  explanation  seems  to  be,  that  at  the 
1       caravanserai  eitlier  Moses  or  (Sershom  was  strucli 
witli  what  seemed  to  be  a  mortal  illness.     In  some 
way  this  ilhiess  was  connected  by  Zipporah  with  the 
fact  that  her  son  had  not  been  circumcised.     She 
instantly  performed  the  rite,  and  threw  the  sharp 
instrument,  stained  with   the  fresh   blood,   at  the 
feet  of  her  husband,  exclaiming  in  the  agony  of  a 
mother's  anxiety  for    the  life    of  her  child — "  A 
bloody  husband  thou  art,  to  cause  the  death  of  my 
son."   Then,  when  the  recovery  from  the  illness  took 
place,  she  exclaims  again,  "  A  bloody  husband  still 
thou  art,  but  not  so  as  to  cause  the  child's  death, 
but  only  to  bring  about  his  circumcision."     Prob- 
ably in  consequence  of  this  event,  whatever  it  was, 
the  wife  and  her  children  were  sent  back  to  Jethro, 
and  remained  with  him  till  Moses  joined  them  at 
Rephidino  (xviii.  2-6).      After  this  parting  he  ad- 
vanced into  the  desert,  and  at  the  same  spot  where 
he  had  had  his  vision  encountered  Aaron  (iv.  27). 
From  that  meeting  and  cooperation  we  have  the 
first  distinct  indication  of  his  personal  appearance 
and  character.     But  beyond  the  slight  glance  at  his 
infantine  Ijcauty,  no  hint  of  this  grand  personality 
is  given  in  the  Bible.     What  is  described  is  rather 
the  reverse.     The  only  point  there  brought  out  is  a 
singular  and  unlooked-for  infirmity.     "  I  am  slow 
of  speech  and  of  a  slow  tongue."     In  the  solution 
of  this  difficulty  which  Moses  offers — "  Send,  I  pray 
Thee,  by  the  hand  of  him  whom  Thou  wilt  send" 
(L  e.  nuike  any  one  Thy  apostle  rather  than  me) — 
we  read  both   the  disinterestedness,   which  is  the 
most  distinct  trait  of  his  personal  character,  and 
the  future  relation  of  the  two  brothers.     Aaron 
spoke  and  acted  for  Moses,  and  was  the  permanent 
inheritor  of  the  sacred  staff  of  power.     But  Moses 
was  the  inspiring  soul  behind. — III.  The  history  of 
Moses  henceforth  is  the  history  of  Israel  for  forty 
years.     (Egtpt;  E.xodis,  thk;  iNsriRAiio.N  ;  Job; 
KoRin  4;  Law  of  Moses  ;  Miracles;  Passover; 
Pharaoh  4;  Pi,AOura,  the  Ten;  Serpent,  the  Bra- 
zes ;  Sinai:  Wilderness  of  the  Wanoerino.)     It 
.  is  important  to  trace  his  relation  to  his  immediate 
circle  of  followers.     In  the  Exodus,  he  takes  the 
decisive  lead  on  the  night  of  the  flight.    Up  to  that 
point  he  and  Aaron  appear  almost  on  an  e(|uality. 
But  after  that,  Mo.se8  is  usually  mentioned  alone. 
Aaron  still  held  the  second  place.     Another,  nearly 
ec(ual  to  Aaron,  is  IIcR,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah.     His 
servant  was  Hoshea  (afterward  Joshua).     Miriam 
always  held  the  independent  position  to  which  licr 
age  entitled  her.     Her  part  was  to  supply  the  voice 
and  song  to  her  brother's  prophetic  power.     But 
Moses  is  incontestubly  the  chief  personage  of  the 
history,  in  a  sense  in  which  no  one  else  is  described 
before  or  since.     In   the  traditions  of  the  desert, 
whether  late  or  early,  his  name  prc<lominatc8  over 
that  of  every  one  else.     Of  the  "  Books  of  Moses" 
(Genekis;  ExoDis;  Lkvituts;  Nitmkers;  Dekter- 
OKOMv)  he  is  the  chief  subject.  The  very  name  "  Mo- 
saic "  has  been  in  later  times  applied  to  the  whole 
religion.    It  has  sometimes  been  alt<'mpted  to  reduce 
this  great  charactci  into  a  mere  passive  instrument  of 
the  Divine  Will,  as  though  he  had  himself  borne  no 
H      conscious  part  in   the  actions  in  which  he  figures, 
■j      or  the  messages  which  he  delivers.    This,  however, 


is  as  incompatible  with  the  general  tenor  of  the 
Scriptural  account,  as  it  is  with  the  common  lan- 
guage in  which  he  has  been  described  by  the  Church 
in  all  ages.  He  must  be  considered,  like  all  the 
saints  and  heroes  of  the  Bible,  as  a  man  of  marvel- 
lous gifts,  raised  up  by  Divine  Providence  for  a  spe- 
cial purpose ;  but  led  into  a  closer  communion  with 
the  invisible  world  than  wiis  vouchsafed  to  any  other 
in  the  0.  T.  There  are  two  main  characters  in 
which  he  appears,  as  a  Leader,  and  as  a  Prophet. 
1.  As  a  Leader,  his  life  divides  itself  into  the  three 
epochs — of  the  march  to  Sinai ;  the  march  from 
Sinai  to  Kadesh ;  and  the  conquest  of  the  Trans- 
jordanic  kingdoms.  Of  his  natural  gifts  in  this 
capacity  we  have  but  few  means  of  judging.  The 
two  main  difficulties  which  he  encountered  were  the 
reluctance  of  the  people  to  submit  to  his  guidance, 
and  the  impracticable  nature  of  the  country  which 
they  had  to  traverse.  The  incidents  with  which  his 
name  was  specially  connected  both  in  the  sacred 
narrative,  and  in  the  Jewish,  Arabian,  and  heathen 
traditions,  were  those  of  supplying  water  when  most 
wanted.  In  the  Pentateuch  these  supplies  of  water 
take  place  at  Marah,  at  Horeb,  at  Kadesh,  and  in 
the  land  of  Moab.  The  route  through  the  wilder- 
ness is  described  as  having  been  made  under  his 
guidance.  The  particular  spot  of  the  encampment 
is  fixed  by  the  cloudy  pillar.  But  the  direction  of 
the  people  first  to  the  Red  Sea,  and  then  to  Mount 
Sinai,  is  communicated  through  Moses,  or  given  by 
him.  On  approaching  Palestine,  the  office  of  the 
leader  becomes  blended  with  that  of  the  general  or 
the  conqueror.  By  Moses  the  spies  were  sent  to 
explore  the  country.  Against  his  advice  took  place 
the  first  disastrous  battle  at  Ilormah.  To  his  guid- 
ance is  ascribed  the  circuitous  route  by  'which  the 
nation  approached  Palestine  from  the  E.,  and  to  his 
generalship  the  two  successful  campaigns  in  which 
SiiioN  and  Oo  were  defeated.  The  narrative  is  told 
so  shortly,  that  we  are  in  danger  of  forgetting  that 
at  this  last  stage  of  his  life  Moses  must  have  been 
as  much  a  conqueror  and  victorious  soldier  as 
Joshua.  2.  His  character  as  a  Prophet  is,  from 
the  nature  of  the  case,  more  distinctly  brought  out. 
He  is  the  first  as  he  is  the  gieatest  example  of  a 
prophet  in  the  0.  T.  In  a  certain  sense,  he  appears 
as  the  centre  of  a  prophetic  circle,  now  for  the  first 
time  named.  Ilis  brother  and  si:iter  were  both  en- 
dowed with  prophetic  gifts.  The  seventy  elders, 
and  Eldad  and  Medad  also, all  "  prophesied"  (Kum. 
xi.  25-27).  But  Moses  rose  high  above  all  these. 
With  him  the  Divine  revelations  were  made,  "  mouth 
to  mouth,  even  apparently,  and  not  in  dark  speeches, 
and  the  similitude  of  Jehovah  shall  he  behold  " 
(xii.  8).  Of  the  especial  modes  of  this  more  direct 
communication  four  great  examples  are  given,  cor- 
responding to  four  critical  epochs  in  his  historical 
career.  (1.)  The  appearance  of  the  Divine  presence 
in  the  flaming  "  bush  "  has  been  already  noticed. 
No  form  is  described.  "  The  Angel,"  or  "  Messen- 
ger is  spoken  of  as  being  "  in  the  flame  "  (Ex.  iii. 
2-6).  (2.)  In  the  giving  of  the  Law  from  Mount 
Sinai,  the  outward  form  of  the  revelation  was  a 
thick  DARKNESS  as  of  a  thunder-cloud,  out  of  which 
proceeded  a  voice  (xix.  19,  xx.  21).  The  revelation 
on  this  occasion  was  especially  of  the  Name  of  Je- 
I  HovAH.  On  two  occasions  he  is  described  as  having 
penetrated  within  the  darkness,  and  remained  there, 
succcs.sively,  for  two  periods  of  forty  days,  of 
which  the  second  was  spent  in  absolute  seclusion 
and  fasting  (xxiv.  18,  xxxiv.  28).  Each  of  these 
:  periods  was  concluded  by  the  production  of  the 


678 


MOS 


MOS 


two  slabs  or  tables  of  granite,  containing  the  suc- 
cessive editions  of  the  Ten  Commandments  ;  the  first 
the  writing  of  God,  the  second  of  Moses.  (3.) 
Nearly  at  the  close  of  those  communications  in  the 
mountains  of  Sinai  an  especial  revelation  was  made 
to  him  personally.  In  the  despondency  produced 
by  the  apostasy  of  the  molten  calf,  he  besought 
Jehotah  to  show  him  "His  glory."  But  the  Divine 
answer  which  granted  his  request  in  part,  announced 
that  an  actual  vision  of  God  was  impossible. 
"  Thou  canst  not  see  my  face ;  for  there  shall  no 
man  see  ray  face  and  live."  He  was  commanded  to 
hew  two  blocks  of  stone,  like  those  which  he  had 
destroyed.  He  was  to  come  absolutely  alone.  He 
took  his  place  on  a  well  known  or  prominent  rock 
("the  rock,"  xxxiii.  21).  The  cloud  passed  by 
(xxxiv.  6,  xxxiii.  22).  A  voice  proclaimed  the  two 
immutable  attributes  of  God,  Justice  and  Love — in 
words  which  became  part  of  the  religious  creed  of 
Israel  and  of  the  world  (xxxiv.  6,  7).  (4.)  The 
fourth  mode  of  Divine  manifestation  was  that  which 
is  described  as  commencing  at  this  juncture,  and 
which  continued  with  more  or  less  continuity 
through  the  rest  of  his  career.  Immediately  after 
the  catastrophe  of  the  worship  of  the  calf,  and  ap- 
parently in  consequence  of  it,  Moses  removed  tlie 
chief  tent  outside  the  camp,  and  invested  it  with  a 
sacred  character  under  the  name  of  "  the  Tent  or 
Tabernacle  of  the  Congregation  "  (xxxiii.  7).  This 
tent  became  henceforth  the  chief  scene  of  his  com- 
munications with  God.  During  these  communi- 
cations a  peculiarity  is  mentioned  apparently  not 
seen  before.  On  his  final  descent  from  Mount  Sinai, 
after  his  second  long  seclusion,  a  splendor  shone  on 
his  face,  as  if  from  the  glory  of  the  Divine  Pres- 
ence.— There  is  another  form  of  the  prophetic  gift 
in  which  Moses  more  nearly  resembles  the  later 
prophets,  viz.  the  poetical  form  of  composition 
which  characterizes  the  Jewish  prophecy  generally. 
These  poetical  utterances,  whether  connccteil  with 
Moses  by  ascription  or  by  actual  authorship  (Penta- 
teuch), enter  so  largely  into  the  full  Biblical  con 
ceptiou  of  his  character,  that  they  must  be  here 
mentioned,  (a.)  "  The  song  which  Moses  and  the 
children  of  Israel  sang  "  (after  the  passage  of  the 
Red  Sea,  Ex.  xv.  1-19).  To  this  probably  allusion 
is  made  in  Rev.  xv.  2,  3 — "  the  song  of  Moses  the 
servant  of  God."  (Ii.)  A  fragment  of  a  war-song 
against  Amaiek  (Ex.  xvii.  16).  (c.)  A  fragment  of 
a  lyrical  burst  of  indignation  (xxxii.  18).  (rf.)  The 
fragments  of  war-songs  in  Num.  xxi.  14,  15,  27-30, 
preserved  in  the  "  book  of  the  wars  of  Jehovah  " 
(Num.  xxi.  14) ;  and  the  address  to  the  well  (xxi.  IB- 
IS). (<■.)  The  song  of  Moses  (Deut.  xxxii.  1-43) 
setting  forth  the  greatness  and  the  failings  of  Is- 
rael. (/.)  The  blessing  of  Moses  on  the  tribes 
(xxxiii.  1-29).  (jr.)  The  90th  Psalm,  "A  prayer  of 
Moses,  the  man  of  God."  (Psalms,  Book  of.)  How 
far  the  gradual  development  of  these  revelations  or 
prophetic  utterances  had  any  connection  with  his 
own  character  and  history,  the  materials  are  not 
such  as  to  justify  any  decisive  judgment.  His 
Egyptian  education  must,  on  the  one  hand,  have 
supplied  him  with  much  of  the  ritual  of  the  Israel- 
ite worship.  The  coincidences  between  the  arrange 
raents  of  the  priesthood,  the  dress,  the  sacrifices, 
the  ark,  in  t'le  two  countries,  are  decisive.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  proclamation  of  the  Unity  of  God 
implies  distinct  antagonism,  almost  a  conscious  re- 
coil, against  the  Egyptian  system.  And  the  absence 
of  the  doctrine  of  a  future  state  proves  at  least  a 
remarkable  independence  of  the  Egyptian  theology, 


I  in  which  that  great  doctrine  held  so  prominent  a 
place.  The  prophetic  office  of  Moses  can  only  be 
fully  considered  in  connection  with  his  whole  char- 

I  acter  and  appearance  (Hos.  xii.  13).  He  was  in  a 
sense  peculiar  to  himself  the  founder  and  repre- 
sentative of  his  people.  And,  in  accordance  with 
this  complete  identification  of  himself  with  his 
nation,  is  the  only  strong  personal  trait  which  we  are 
able  to  gather  from  his  history  (Num.  xii.  3).  The 
word  "  MEEK  "  is  hardly  an  adequate  reading  of  the 
Hebrew  term,  which  should  be  rather  much  endur- 
iiiff.  It  represents  what  we  should  now  designate 
disinteres/eii.  All  that  is  told  of  him  indicates  a 
withdrawal  of  himself,  a  preference  of  the  cause  of 
his  nation  to  his  own  interests,  which  makes  him 
the  most  complete  example  of  Jewish  patriotism 
(Ex.  ii.  11,  14,  iv.  13,  v.  4,  xxxii.  10,  32;  Num.  xi. 
29).  His  sons  (Eliezer  2;  Gershom  1)  were  not 
raised  to  honor.  The  leadership  of  the  people 
))a3sed,  after  his  death,  to  another  tribe.  In  the 
books  which  bear  his  name,  Abraham,  and  not  him- 
self, appears  as  the  real  father  of  the  nation.  la 
exact  conformity  with  his  life  is  the  account  of  his 
end.  Deuteronomy  describes,  and  is,  the  long,  last 
farewell  of  the  prophet  to  his  people.  It  takes 
place  on  the  first  day  of  the  eleventh  month  of  the 
fortieth  year  of  the  wanderings,  in  the  plains  of 
Moab  (Deut.  i.  3,  6).  (Abel-suittim.)  He  is  de- 
scribed as  120  years  of  age,  but  with  his  sight  and 
his  freshness  of  strength  unabated  (xxxiv.  7).  The 
address  from  ch.  i.  to  ch.  xxx.  contains  the  recapit- 
ulation of  the  Law.  Joshua  is  then  appointed  his 
successor.  The  Law  is  written  out,  and  ordered  to 
be  deposited  in  the  Ark  (xxxi.).  The  song  and  the 
blessing  of  the  tribes  conclude  the  farewell  (xxxii., 
xxxiii.).  And  then  comes  the  mysterious  close.  As 
if  to  carry  out  to  the  last  the  idea  that  the  prophet 
was  to  live  not  for  himself,  but  for  his  people,  he  is 
told  that  he  is  to  see  the  good  land  beyond  the 
Jordan,  but  not  to  possess  it  himself.  The  sin  for 
which  this  penalty  was  impose<l  on  the  prophet  was 
because  he  and  Aaron  rebelled  against  Jehovah,  and 
"  believed  Him  not  to  sanctify  Him,"  in  the  munnur- 
ings  at  Kadesh  (Num.  xx.  12,  xxvii.  14  ;  Deut.  xxxii. 
21),  or  (Ps.  cvi.  33)  because  he  spoke  unadvisedly 
with  his  lips.  It  seems  to  have  been  a  feeling  of 
distrust  (Num.  xx.  10).  He  ascends  a  mountain  in 
the  range  which  i  ises  above  the  Jordan  valley.  The 
mountain-tract  was  known  by  the  general  name  of 
"  the  pisgah."  Its  summits  apparently  were  dedi- 
cated to  different  divinities  (Num.  xxiii.  14).  On 
one  of  these,  consecrated  to  Nebo,  Moses  took  his 
stand,  and  surveyed  the  four  great  masses  of  I'ales- 
tine  \V.  of  the  Jordan — so  far  as  it  could  be  dis- 
cerned from  that  height.  The  view  has  passed  into 
a  proverb  for  all  nations.  "  So  Moses  the  servant 
of  Jehovah  died  there  in  the  land  of  Moab,  accord- 
ing to  the  word  of  Jehovah,  and  He  buried  him  in  a 
'  ravine '  in  the  land  of  Moab,  '  before '  Beth-peor — 
but  no  man  knoweth  of  his  sepulchre  unto  this 
day  ....  And  the  children  of  Israel  wept  for 
Moses  in  the  plains  of  Moab  thirty  days  "  (Deut. 
xxxiv.  5-8).  This  is  all  that  is  said  in  the  sacred 
record.  Jewish,  Arabian,  and  Christian  traditions 
have  labored  to  fill  up  the  detail.  His  grave,  though 
studiously  concealed  in  the  sacred  narrative,  is 
shown  by  the  Mussulmans  on  the  west  (and  there- 
fore the  wrong)  side  of  the  Jordan,  between  the 
Dead  Sea  and  St.  Saba.  In  the  0.  T.  the  name  of 
Moses  does  not  occur  so  frequently,  after  the  close 
of  the  Pentateuch,  as  might  be  expected.  (Manas- 
SEH  5.)    In  the  Psalms  and  the  Prophets,  however, 


Koa 


Motr 


679 


he  is  frequently  named  as  the  chief  of  the  proph- 
ets. In  the  K.  T.  he  is  refurred  to  partly  as 
the  representative  of  the  Law  (e.  g.  Mat.  .xix.  7,  8 ; 
Mlt.  X.  3,  &C.),  and  in  the  vision  of  the  Tran.«ligura- 
tion,  where  he  appears  side  by  side  with  Elijah.  As 
the  author  of  the  Ljiw  he  is  contrasted  with  Christ, 
the  Author  of  the  Gospel :  "The  law  was  given  by 
Jloses  "  (Jn.  i.  17).  The  ambiguity  and  transitory 
nature  of  his  glory  is  set  against  the  permanence 
and  clearncs.^  of  Cltristianity  (2  Cor.  iii.  13-18),  anil 
his  mediatorial  character  against  the  unbroken  com- 
munication of  God  in  Christ  (Gal.  iii.  19).  His 
"  service "  of  God  is  contrasted  with  Christ's  son- 
ship  (Ileb.  iii.  6,  6).  But  he  is  also  spoken  of  as  a 
likeness  of  Christ ;  and,  as  this  is  a  point  of  view 
which  has  been  almost  lost  in  the  Church,  compared 
with  the  more  familiar  comparisons  of  Christ  to 
Adam,  David,  Joshua,  and  yet  has  as  firm  a  basis 
in  fact  as  any  of  them,  it  may  be  well  to  draw  it 
out  in  detail.  (1st.)  Moses  is,  as  it  would  seem,  the 
only  character  of  the  0.  T.  to  whom  Christ  expressly 
likens  Himself — "  Moses  wrote  of  me  "  (Jn.  v.  46), 
i.  e.  in  Deut.  xviii.  15,  18,  19.  This  suggests  three 
main  points  of  likeness: — (a.)  Christ  was,  like 
Moses,  the  great  Prophet  of  the  people — the  last, 
as  Moses  was  the  first  (compare  1  Cor.  x.  2).  (A.) 
Christ,  like  Moses,  is  a  Lawgiver :  "  Him  shall  ye 
hoar."  (c.)  Christ,  like  Moses,  was  a  Prophet,  out 
of  the  midst  of  the  nation — "  from  their  brethren." 
As  Moses  was  the  entire  representative  of  his 
people,  feeling  for  them  more  tlian  for  himself,  ab- 
sorbed in  their  interests,  hopes,  and  fears,  so,  with 
reverence  be  it  said,  was  Christ.  (2d.)  In  Heb.  iii. 
1-19,  xil  24-29,  and  Acts  vii.  37,  Christ  is  described, 
though  more  obscurely,  as  the  Moses  of  the  new 
dispensation — as  the  Apostle,  or  Messenger,  or 
Mediator,  of  God  to  the  people — as  the  Controller 
and  Leader  of  the  flock  or  household  of  God.  (3d.) 
The  details  of  their  lives  are  sometimes,  though 
not  often,  compared  (Acts  vii.  24-28,  35).  In  Jude 
9  is  an  allusion  to  an  altercation  between  Michael 
and  Satan  over  the  body  of  Moses.  It  probably 
refers  to  a  lost  apocryphal  book,  mentioned  by 
Origen,  called  the  "  Ascension,  or  Assumption  of 
Moses,"  and  to  the  concealment  of  the  body  to  pre- 
vent idolatry. 

*  Noses,  Books  oft    Pentatf.cch. 

Mo-sorUm  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Meshl'LLam  11  (1  Ead.  ix. 
14;  compare  Ezr.  x.  15). 

Me-sol'la-mon  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Meshullam  10  (1  Esd. 
viii.  44  ;  compare  Ezr.  viii.  16). 

*  Mote,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Gr.  karj>ho»  (lit- 
erally utimelliing  dry,  i.  e.  any  small  dry  particle,  as 
of  chaff,  wood,  &c.,  a  ttci<j,  mole,  put  as  the  emblem 
of  lesser  faults,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  (Mat.  vii.  3-5 ; 
Lk.  vi.  41,  42). 

Motb  (Heb.  'd»A  ;  Gr.  jws).  By  the  Hebrew  and 
Greek  words  we  are  certainly  to  understand  some 
species  of  clothes-moth  ( Tinea).  Reference  to  the 
destructive  habits  of  the  clothes-moth  is  made  in 
Job  xiii.  28;  Ps.  xxxix.  11  ;  Is.  1.  9,  li.  8;  Hos.  v. 
12;  Mat.  vi.  19,  20;  Lk.  xii.  33;  Jas.  v.  2;  and  in 
Ecclus.  xix.  3,  xlii.  13;  indeed  in  nearly  every  in- 
Btance  where  mention  of  this  insect  is  made,  it  is 
in  reference  to  its  destroying  garments.  In  Job  iv.  1 9 
theA.  V.  has  "(which)  are  crushed  before  the  moth," 
I.  e.  (so  Mr.  Barnes)  the  most  feeble  of  all  objects 
may  crush  man  ;  but  Gcsenius  translates  Iheii  are 
erutJieil  at  hi/  the  moth,  \.  e.  as  if  moth-eaten.  In 
Job  xxvii.  18,  "Uc  buildeth  his  hou.se  as  a  moth," 
allusion  is  made  either  to  the  well-known  case  of 
the  Tinta  fdliondla,  or  Borne  allied  species,  or  else 


to  the  leaf-building  latTa;  of  some  other  member  of 
the  order  Lepidoplera.     Dress  ;  Worm  1. 


Clothes-moth  {Tttiea  ftl/i'tiella). 
a.  I.nrTa  in  a  case  conittruct«d  out  of  the  substance  on  which  it  ii  fceiling. 
6.  Case  rut  a:  the  ends. 

c.  Case  cut  open  by  the  larva  for  eularging  it. 

d,  e.  The  perfect  insect. 

Dloth'er  (Heb.  em  ;  Gr.  meter).  The  superiority 
of  the  Hebrew  over  all  contemporaneous  systems 
of  legislation  and  of  morals  is  strongly  shown  in 
the  higher  estimation  of  the  mother  in  the  Jewish 
family,  as  contrasted  with  modern  Oriental,  as  well 
as  ancient  Oriental  and  classical  usage.  The  "  khig's 
mother,"  as  appears  in  the  case  of  Bath-sheba,  was 
treated  with  especial  honor  (1  K.  ii.  19  ;  Ex.  xx.  12 ; 
Lev.  xix.  3 ;  Deut.  v.  16,  xxi.  18,  21 ;  Prov.  x.  1,  xv. 
20,  .xvii.  25,  xxix.  15,  xxxi.  1,  30).  Child;  Cook- 
ing ;  DAroiiTER ;  Dress  ;  Edication  ;  Father  ; 
KiXDRED  ;  Marriage  ;  Queen  ;  Women. 

•  Monld'y  \o>i  as  o  in  note],  the  A.  V.  translation, 
after  the  LXX.,  Kimchi,  &c.  (Josh.  ix.  6,  12  only) 
of  Heb.  mikhflim  (=  crumbs  of  bread,  Ges.,  Fii.), 
once  translated  "  cracknels." 

Blount,  Moun'tatn,  properly,  an  eminence  higher 
than  a  hill.  In  the  0.  T.  our  translators  have  em- 
ployed this  word  to  represent — (1.)  the  Heb.  har, 
with  its  derivative  or  kindred  hdrdr  or  herer  ;  and 
(2.)  the  Chal.  tur  (Dan.  ii.  35,  45  only).  In  the  N. 
T.  it  is  confined  almost  exclusively  to  representing 
the  Gr.  ortix.  The  Heb.  har,  like  the  Eng.  "moun- 
tain," is  employed  both  for  single  eminences  more 
or  less  isolated,  e.  g.  Sinai,  Gerizim,  Ebal,  Zion, 
and  Olivet,  and  for  ranges,  e.  g.  Lebanon.  It  is 
also  applied  to  a  mountainous  country  or  district, 
as  the  "  mountain  (or 'mountains')  of  Judah  "(Josh. 
xi.  21,  XX.  7),  "Mount  Ephraim"  (2  Clir.  xv.  8). 
The  various  eminences  or  mountain-districts  to  which 
the  word  hnr  is  applied  in  the  O.  T.  are: — Abarim  ; 
Amana  ;  of  the  Amalekites  ;  Moitntais  of  the  Amo- 
rites;  Ararat  ;  Baalah;  Baal-hermon  ;  Bashan  ; 
Bethel  ;  Bether  ;  Carmel  ;  CoRRrpTiON  ;  Ebal  ; 
Ephraim  ;  Ephron  ;  Esau  ;  Gaash  ;  Gerizim;  Gilboa  ; 
GiLEAn;  Halak  ;  Hkres;  Hermon;  Hor(2.);  Ho- 
REB ;  of  Israel;  Jearim  ;  Judjh;  Lebanon;  Oli- 
vet, or  of  Olives  ;  Mizar;  Moriah  ;  Naphtali  ; 
Nebo  ;  Paran  ;  Perazim  ;  Samaria  ;  Seir  ;  Sephar  ; 
Sinai  ;  Sign,  Sirion,  or  Shenir  (all  names  for  Hei^ 
mon);  Shapher;  Tabor;  Zalmon;  Zemaraim  ;  Zion. 
The  "  Mount  of  the  Valley "  was  a  district  on  the 
E.  of  Jordan,  within  the  territory  allotted  to  Reu- 
ben (Josh.  xiii.  19),  containing  a  number  of  towns. 
The  frequent  occurrence  throughout  the  Scriptures 
of  personification  of  the  natural  features  of  the 
country  is  very  remarkable.  The  following  are,  it 
is  believed,  all  the  words  used  with  this  object  in 
relation  to  mountains  or  hills: — 1.  Ilen<l  (Ueh.rdxh), 
Gen.  viii.  6  ;  Ex.  xix.  20 ;  l)eut.  xxxiv.  1  j  1  K,  xviii. 


680 


MOU 


MOU 


42  (A.  V.  "  top  ").  2.  Ears  (Heb.  aznolh),  Aznoth- 
Tabor,  Josh.  xix.  34  :  possibly  in  allusion  to  some 
projection  on  the  top  of  the  mountain.  3.  Shoulder 
(Heb.  cd-'AepA),  Deut.  xxxiii.  12;  Josh.  xv.  8,  and 
xviii.  16  ("  side ").  4.  Side  (Heb.  tsad\  used  in 
reference  to  a  mountain  in  1  Sara,  xxiii.  26  ;  2  Sam. 
xiii.  34.  8.  Loins  or  Jlanks  (Heb.  cisloth),  Chisloth- 
Tabor,  Josh.  xix.  12 ;  also  in  the  name  of  a  village, 
probably  situated  on  this  part  of  the  mountain, 
Chesulloth,  i.  e.  the  loins  (Josh.  xix.  18).  6.  Rib 
(Heb.  tocM'),  used  once,  in  speaking  of  the  Mount 
of  Olives,  2  Sam.  xvi.  13,  and  there  translated 
"  side."  7.  Back  (Heb.  sAi-ehem),  possibly  the  root 
of  the  name  of  the  town  Shechem,  from  its  situa- 
tion, as  it  were,  on  the  back  of  Gerizira.  8.  Thiyh 
(Heb.  yarchdh),  applied  to  Mount  Ephraim,  Judg. 
xix.  1,  18 ;  and  to  Lebanon,  2  K.  xix.  23  ;  Is.  xxxvii. 
24  ;  used  also  for  the  "  sides  "  of  a  cave,  1  Sam. 
xxiv.  3.  9.  The  Hebrew  word  translated  "  covert " 
in  1  Sara.  xxv.  20  is  sellier,  from  sdthar,  lo  hide,  and 
probably  refers  to  the  shrubbery  or  thicket  through 
which  Abigail's  path  lay.  In  this  passage  "  hill " 
should  be  "  mountain."  The  Chal.  tur  is  the  name 
Btill  given  to  the  Mount  of  Olives,  the  Jebel  et-Tur. 
— Sermon  on  tin  Mount;  see  Jesus  Christ. — See 
also  High  Places. 

DIonilt  =  a  mound  or  bulwark  anciently  used  in 
military  operations  ;  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb. 
mutstsdb  (Is.  xxix.  !5),  and  sole/dh  (Jer.  vi.  6,  &c.). 
The  latter  is  sometimes  translated  "  bank  "  (2  Sam. 
XX.  15,  &c.).     War. 

Monn'taia  of  the  Ain'o-rltcs,  specifically  mentioned 
Deut.  i.  19,  20  (compare  44).  It  seems  to  be  the 
range  about  eighty  or  ninety  miles  nearly  S.  from 
Hebron,  which  rises  abruptly  from  the  plateau  ofc^- 
Tih,  running  from  a  little  S.  of  W.  to  the  N.  of  K., 
and  of  which  the  extremities  are  the  Jebel  'Araif 
en-Nclkah  westward,  and  the  Jebel  el-MukrAh  east- 
ward, and  from  which  line  the  country  continues 
mountainous  all  the  way  to  Hebron.  Wilderness 
OF  THE  Wandering. 

Noornlngt  The  number  of  words  (about  eleven 
Hebrew  and  as  many  Greek)  employed  in  Scripture 
to  express  the  various  actions  characteristic  of 
mourning,  shows  in  a  great  degree  the  nature  of  the 
Jewish  customs  in  this  respect.  They  appear  to 
have  consisted  chiefly  in  the  following  particulars : 
— 1.  Beating  the  breast  or  other  parts  of  the  body. 
2.  Weeping  and  screaming  in  an  excessive  degree. 
8.  Wearing  sad-colored  garments.  4.  Songs  of 
lamentation.  5.  Funeral  feasts.  6.  Employment 
of  persons,  especially  women,  to  lament. — I.  One 
marked  feature  of  Oriental  mourning  is  what  may 
be  called  its  studied  publicity,  and  the  careful  ob- 
servance of  the  prescribed  ceremonies  (Gen.  xxiii. 
2 ;  Job  i.  20,  ii.  8 ;  Is.  xv.  3,  &c.).— II.  Among  the 
particular  forms  observed  may  be  mentioned — a. 
Rending  the  clothes  (Gen.  xxxvii.  29,  34,  xliv.  13, 
&c.).  (Dress.)  b.  Dressing  in  sackcloth  (Gen.  xxxvii. 
34;  2  Sam.  iii.  31,  xxi.  10,  &c.).  e.  Ashes,  dust,  or 
earth  sprinkled  on  the  person  (2  Sam.  xiii.  19,  xv.  32, 
&c.).  d.  Black  or  sad-colored  garments  (2  Sam.  xiv. 
2 ;  Jer.  viii.  21,  &c.).  e.  Removal  of  ornaments  or 
neglect  of  person  (Deut.  xxi.  12,  13;  2  Sam.  xix. 
24,  &c.).  (Anointing;  Nail.)  /.  Shaving  the 
head,  plucking  out  the  hair  of  the  head  or  beard 
(Lev.  X.  6;  2  Sam.  xix.  24,  &c.).  g.  Laying  bare 
some  part  of  the  body  (Is.  xx.  2,  xlvii.  2,  &c.).  h. 
Fasting  or  abstinence  in  meat  and  drink  (2  Sam.  i. 
12,  iii.  35,  xii.  16,  22,  &c.).  (Fasts.)  ;.  In  the  same 
direction  may  be  mentioned  diminution  in  offerings 
to  God,  and  prohibition  to  partake  in  sacrificial  food 


(Lev.  vii.  20 ;  Deut.  xxvi.  14,  &c.).  k.  Covering  the 
"  upper  lip,"  i.  e.  the  lower  part  of  the  face,  and 
sometimes  the  head,  in  token  of  silence  (Lev.  xiii. 
45 ;  2  Sam.  xv.  30,  xix.  4,  &c.).  /.  Cutting  the  flesh 
(Jer.  xvi.  6,  7,  xli.  6).  (Cuttings  in  the  Flesh.) 
Beating  the  body  (Ez.  xxi.  12;  Jer.  xxxi.  19).  m. 
\  Employment  of  persons  hired  for  the  purpose  of 
j  mourning(Ecel.  xii.  5  ;  Jer.  ix.  17  ;  Am.  v.  16  ;  Mat. 
ix.  23).  (Minstrel.)  n.  Akin  to  this  usage  the 
custom  for  friends  or  passers-by"  to  join  in  the  lam- 
entations of  bereaved  or  alUicted  persons  (Gen.  I. 
3;  Judg.  xi.  40;  Job  ii.  11,  xxx.  25,  &c.).  o.  The 
sitting  or  lying  posture  in  silence  indicative  of  giief 
(Gen.  xxiii.  3 ;  Judg.  xx.  26,  &c.).  p.  Mourning 
feast  and  cup  of  consolation  (Jer.  xvi.  7,  8).  The 
period  of  mourning  varied.  In  the  case  of  Jacob  it 
was  seventy  days  (Gen.  1.  3);  of  Aaron  (Num.  xx. 
29),  and  Moses  (Deut.  xxxiv.  8),  thirty.  A  further 
period  of  seven  days  in  Jacob's  case  (Gen.  1.  10). 
Seven  days  for  Saul,  which  may  have  been  an 
abridged  period  in  time  of  national  danger  ( 1  Sam. 
xxxi.  13). — III.  Similar  practices  are  noticed  in  the 
Apocryphal  books. — IV.  In  Jewish  writings  not 
Scriptural,  these  notices  are  in  the  main  confirmed, 
and  in  some  cases  enlarged. — V.  In  the  last  place 
we  may  mention — a.  the  idolatrous  "mourning  for 
Tammuz"  (Ez.  viii.  14),  as  indicating  identity  of 
practice  in  certain  cases  among  Jews  and  heathens ; 
and  the  custom  in  later  days  of  offerings  of  food  at 
graves  (Ecclus.  xxx.  18).  h.  The  prohibition,  both 
to  the  high-priest  and  to  Nazarites,  against  going 
into  mourning  even  for  a  father  or  mother  (Lev.  xxi. 
10,  11 ;  Num.  vi.  7).  The  inferior  priests  were  lim- 
ited to  the  cases  of  their  near  relatives  (Lev.  xxi.  1, 
2,  4).  c.  The  food  eaten  during  the  time  of  mourn- 
ing was  regarded  as  impure  (Deut.  xxvi.  14;  Jer. 
xvi.  5,  7;  Ez.  xxiv.  17;  Hos.  ix.  4).— VI.  When  we 
turn  to  heathen  writers  we  find  simihir  usages  pre- 
vailing among  various  nations  of  antiquity  (Egyp 
tians,  Greeks,  Romans,  &c.). — VII.  With  the  prac- 
tices above  mentioned.  Oriental  and  other  customs, 
ancient  and  modern,  in  great  measure  agree.  D'Ar- 
vieux  says,  Arab  men  are  silent  in  grief,  but  the 
women  scream,  tear  their  hair,  hands,  and  face,  and 
tlirow  earth  or  sand  on  their  heads.  The  older 
women  wear  a  blue  veil  and  an  old  abba  by  way  of 
mourning-garments.  They  also  sing  the  praises  of 
the  deceased.  Niebuhr  says  both  Mohammedans  and 
Christians  in  Egypt  hire  wailing-women,  and  wail  at 
stated  times.  Burckhardt  says  the  women  of  At- 
bara  in  Nubia  shave  their  heads  on  the  death  of 
their  nearest  relatives — a  custom  prevalent  also 
among  several  of  the  peasant-tribes  of  Upper  Egypt. 
He  also  mentions  wailing-women,  and  a  man  in  dis- 
tress besmearing  his  face  with  dirt  and  dust  in 
token  of  grief  In  the  Arabian  Nights  are  frequent 
allusions  to  similar  practices.  They  also  mention 
ten  days  and  forty  days  as  periods  of  mourning. 
Lane,  speaking  of  the  modern  Egyptians,  says, 
"After  death  the  women  of  the  family  raise  cries 
of  lamentation  called  wclmeleh  or  wilwdl,  uttering 
the  most  piercing  shrieks,  and  calling  upon  the 
name  of  the  deceased,  '  0,  my  master !  0,  my  re- 
source !  0,  my  misfortune  !  0,  my  glory  ! '  (see  Jer. 
xxii.  18).  The  females  of  the  neighborhood  come 
to  join  with  them  in  this  conclamation  :  generally, 
also,  the  family  send  for  two  or  more  nedddbehs,  or 
pul)lic  wailing-women.  Each  brings  a  tambourine, 
and  beating  them  they  exclaim,  '  Alas  for  him ! ' 
The  female  relatives,  domestics,  and  friends,  with 
their  hair  dishevelled,  and  sometimes  with  rent 
clothes,  beating  their  faces,  cry  in  like  manner, 


Mon 


MUL 


681 


•  Alas  for  bim ! '  These  make  no  alteration  in  dress, 
but  women,  in  some  cases,  dye  their  sliirts,  head- 
veils,  and  handkerchiefs  of  a  dark-blue  color.  They 
visit  the  tombs  at  stated  periods  "  (AW.  Ey.  iii.  152, 
171,  195).  One  of  tlie  most  remarkable  instances 
of  traditional  customary  lamentation  is  found  iu  the 
weekly  wailing  of  the  Jews  at  Jeuisalem  at  a  spot 
as  near  to  the  Temple  as  could  be  obtained.  (Buri- 
al; Tomb.)  Spiritual  mourning,  or  that  sorrow  in 
view  of  sin  which  is  connected  with  true  repentance, 
appears  to  be  especially  meant  in  Mat.  v.  4 ;  Jas. 
iv.  9,  and  some  other  passages  (compare  2  Cor.  vii. 
10). 

Slonse  (Heb.  Vc/iAui-)  occurs  in  Lev.  xi.  29 ;  1 
Sam.  vi.  4,  5;  Is.  Ixvi.  17.  The  Hebrew  word  is 
probably  generic,  and  not  mtcuded  to  denote  any 
particular  species  of  mouse.  The  original  word  de- 
notes a  tield-ravager,  and  may  therefore  comprehend 
any  destructive  rodent.  Probably,  however,  in  1 
Sam.  vi.  5,  "  the  mice  that  mar  the  land  "  may  in- 
clude and  more  particularly  refer  to  the  short-tailed 
tield-mice  (Arvicola  agreiiis,  Flcm.),  which  Kitto 
says  cause  great  destruction  to  the  corn-lands  of 
Syria.  About  fifty  years  ago,  some  of  the  English 
royal  forests  were  threatened  with  total  destruction 
by  thi^  animal.  In  one.  Dean  Forest,  nearly  30,000 
short-tailed  field-mice  were  caught  in  traps  and  pits 
in  1813,  and  probably  a  far  greater  number  de- 
stroyed by  weasels,  owls,  and  other  predatory  crea- 
tures. In  New  Forest,  also,  many  thousands  were 
taken  and  destroyed  that  year  in  the  same  way. 

*  Month  (Heb.  usually /wA  /  Gt.  stoma)  is  used 
in  the  Scriptures  both  literally  of  men  and  beasts 
(Gen.  viii.  11,  xxv.  28,  margin;  Ex.  iv.  11  ff. ;  Ps. 
xxii.  21  ;  Mat.  xv.  11,  &c.),  and  figuratively  of  God 
(2  Chr.  XXXV.  22;  Mat  iv.  4,  &c.),  of  inanimate 
things  (Gen.  iv.  11,  xxix.  2  ff.,  xlii.  27,  &c.),  &c.  It 
is  put  by  metonymy  for  a  speaker  (Ex.  iv.  16,  &c.), 
»mech  or  words  (Ps.  xlix.  13,  margin,  &c.),  command 
(Gen.  xlv.  21,  margin ;  Num.  iii.  16,  margin,  &e.), 
&c.  To  "  speak  with  one  mouth  to  mouth  "  (Num. 
xii.  8)  —  to  speak  in  person,  without  mediator  or 
interpreter.  "With  one  mouth"  (1  K.  xxii.  13, 
&c.)  —  with  one  voice  or  accord.  To  "  put  worse 
in  one's  mouth"  (Ex.  iv.  16,  &c.)  =  to  suggest 
what  one  shall  say.  The  law  is  "  in  one's  mouth  " 
(Ex.  xiii.  9),  i.  e.  is  often  spoken  of.  To  "lay  one's 
hand  upon  his  mouth  "  (Judg.  xviii.  19,  &c.)  denotes 
silence.  See  further  in  Ges.  Btb.  Lex.,  Ebn.  Jf.  T. 
Ley. 

Mow'Ing  [mo-].  As  the  great  heat  of  the  climate 
in  Palestine  and  other  similarly  situated  countries 
soon  dries  up  the  herbage  itself,  hay-making  in  our 
sense  of  the  term  is  not  in  use.  The  "  king's  mow- 
ings" (Am.  vii.  1),  i.  e.  mown  grass  (Ps.  Ixxii.  6), 
may  perhaps  refer  to  some  royal  right  of  early  pas- 
turage for  the  use  of  cavalry  (compare  1  K.  xviii.  6). 
Ageicilti:be ;  Grass;  Hay  ;  Taxes. 

Mo'za  (fr.  Heb.  =  a  goivr/  forth,  fovniain,  Ges. ; 
"riffin,  descent,  Fii.).  1,  Son  of  Caleb  the  son  of 
Hezron  (1  Chr.  ii.  46).— 8.  Son  of  Zimri,  and  de- 
scendant of  Saul  (viii.  86,  37,  ix.  42,  43). 

II»'z«h  (fr.  Heb.  =  Uoxa  ?  Ges.;  place  of  reeds, 
Fii. ;  see  below),  a  city  of  Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  20 
only),  named  between  Chephirah  and  Rekem ;  site 
unknown.  Interpreting  the  name  according  to  its 
Hebrew  derivation,  it  may  =  the  spring-head — the 
place  at  which  the  water  of  a  spring  gushes  out 
(Stanley).  A  place  of  this  name  is  mentioned  in 
the  Mishna  as  follows  : — "  There  was  a  place  below 
Jerusalem  named  Motsa;  thither  they  descended 
aud  gathered  willow-branches,"  i.  e.  fur  the  "  Feast  j 


of  Tabernacles "  so  called.  To  this  the  Gemara 
adds,  "the  place  was  a  Colonia,  i.  e.  exempt  from 
the  liing's  tribute."  Schwarz  would  identify  Mo- 
zah  with  the  present  Kulonkh,  a  village  about  four 
uiiles  W.  of  Jerusalem  on  the  Jaffa  road,  at  the 
entrance  of  the  great  Wady  Biil  Haiiinah. 

•  Siafflrrs,  tlie  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  pi. 
ri'dlolh  =  vtih,  as  a  female  ornament,  so  called 
from  their  tremulous  or  fluttering  motion,  Ges.,  Fii. 
(Is.  iii.  19). 

IlDl'ber-ry-trfes  (Heb.  bfehdim,  pi.  of  bdchd)  oc- 
curs only  in  2  Sam.  v.  23,  24,  and  1  Chr.  xiv.  14.  Mr. 
Houghton,  the  original  author  of  the  present  ar- 
ticle, considers  it  impossible  to  determine  the 
kind  of  tree  denoted  by  the  Hebrew  word.  The 
Jewish  Rabbis,  with  several  modern  versions,  make 
the  Heb.  bdchd  =  the  mulberry-tree  ;  others  retain 
the  Hebrew  word.  Celsius  (Hierob.  i.  335)  believes 
the  Heb.  bdchd  =  a  tree  of  similar  name  mentioned 
in  a  MS.  work  of  the  Arabic  botanical  writer  Abu'l 
Fadli,  viz.  some  species  of  Ami/ris  or  Bakamodin- 
dron.  Dr.  Royle  refers  the  Heb.  bdchd  to  the  Ar. 
^hajratal-bah,  the  gnat-tree,  which  he  identifies  with 
sonjc  species  of  poplar.  Rosenmiiller  iollows  the 
LXX.  of  1  Chr.  xiv.  14,  and  believes  pear-trees  are 
signified.  As  to  tlie  claim  of  the  mulberry-tree  to 
represent  the  bichdirn  of  Scripture,  it  is  dillicult  to 
see  any  foundation  for  such  an  interpretation.  The 
tree  of  which  Abu'l  Fadli  speaks,  and  which  Spren- 
gel  identifies  with  Amyris  O'ilea-dtmis,  Lin.  (Spice), 
cannot  denote  the  hdchd  of  the  Hebrew  Bible;  for 
plants  of  this  family  are  tropical  shrubs,  and  never 
could  have  grown  in  the  valley  of  Kephaim.  The 
explanation  given  by  Royle,  that  seme  poplar  is 
signifitd,  is  u-tcnable;  for  the  Heb.  bdchd  and  the 
Ar.  bakanre  clearly  distinct  both  in  form  and  signi- 
fication. Though  there  is  no  evidence  to  show  that 
the  mulberry-tree  occurs  in  the  Hebrew  Bible,  yet 
the  fruit  of  this  tree  is  mentioned  in  1  Me.  vi.  34 
(Gr.  moron),  the  "  blood  "(juice)  of  grapes  and  mul- 
berries having  been  shown  to  the  elephants  of  An- 
tiochus  Eupator,  in  order  to  irritate  them  and  make 
them  more  formidable  opponents  to  tlie  army  of  the 
Jews.  It  is  well  known  that  many  animals  are  en- 
raged when  they  see  blood  or  any  thing  of  its  color. 
Sycamine-tree. 

Mole,  the  mixed  offspring  of  the  horse  and  ass; 
the  A.V.  translation  of  the  following  Hebrew  words  : 
— 1.  leered,  I'irddh,  tlie  common  and  feni.  Hebrew 
nouns  to  express  the  "  mule ;  "  the  first  of  w  hich 
occurs  in  numerous  passages  of  the  Bible,  the  lat- 
ter only  in  1  K.  i.  83,  38,  44.  It  is  an  interesting 
fact  that  we  do  not  read  of  mules  till  the  time  of 
David,  just  at  the  time  when  the  Israelites  were  he- 
coming  well  acquainted  with  horses.  After  this 
time  horses  and  mules  are  in  Scripture  often  men- 
tioned together.  In  Ezr.  ii.  66  and  Neh.  vii.  68,  we 
read  of  245  mules;  in  2  Sam.  xiii.  29,  all  the  king's 
sons  had  mules.  Absalom  rode  on  a  mule  in  the 
battle  of  the  wood  of  Ephraim,  when  the  animal 
went  away  from  under  him  and  so  caused  his  death. 
Mules  were  among  the  presents  brought  to  Solomon 
year  by  year  (1  K.  x.  25).  The  Levitical  law  for- 
bade the  coupling  together  of  animals  of  different 
species  (Lev.  xix.  19),  hence  the  mules  were  prob- 
ably imported.  The  Tyrians,  after  Solomon's  time, 
were  supplied  with  horses  and  mules  from  Armenia 
(Togarmali)  (Ez.  xxvii.  14).  Micliaelis  conjectures 
that  the  Israelites  first  became  aeijuainted  with 
mules  in  the  war  which  David  carried  on  with  the 
king  of  Nisibis  (Zobah)  (2  Sam.  viii.  3,  4).  In  Solo- 
mon's time  it  is  possible  that  mules  from  Egypt  oc- 


MUP 


MUS 


casionally  accompanied  the  horses  which  we  know 
the  king  of  Israel  obtained  from  that  country ;  for 
though  the  mule  is  not  of  frequent  occurrence  in 
the  monuments  of  Egypt,  yet  it  is  not  easy  to  be- 
lieve tliat  the  Egyptians  were  not  well  acquainted 
with  this  animal.  It  would  appear  that  only  kings 
and  great  men  rode  on  mules.  We  do  not  read  of 
mules  at  all  iu  the  N.  T.,  perhaps,  therefore,  they 
had  ceased  to  be  imported. — 2.  7SecAesA(Du0MEnAKY 
2). — 3.  Yemtin  is  found  only  in  Gen.  xxxvi.  24, 
where  the  A.  V.  has  "  mules  "  as  the  rendering  of 
the  word.  The  passage  is  one  coneerniug  which 
various  explanations  have  been  attempted.  What- 
ever may  be  the  proper  translation  of  the  passage, 
it  is  quite  certain  that  the  A.  V.  is  incorrect  in  its 
rendering: — "  This  was  that  Anah  that  found  the 
mules  in  the  wilderness  as  he  fed  the  asses  of  Zibeon 
his  father."  The  most  probable  explanation  is  that 
which  interprets  yemini  =  warm  springa,  as  the 
Vulgate  has  it.  The  celebrated  hot  springs  of  Cal- 
lirhoii  (Lasha  ?)  are  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  in    Wall/   Zerka  Ma'in.      Camel  4;    Dro.me- 

DARV  3. 

Mnp'pim  (Heb.  darknexses,  i.  e.  sorrow,  miserji, 
Fii.),  a  Benjamite,  and  one  of  the  fourteen  descend- 
ants of  Rachel  who  belonged  to  the  original  colony 
of  the  sons  of  Jacob  in  Egypt  (Gen.  xlvi.  21).  Com- 
mentatfars  generally  consider  Muppim  =  Shupham 
in  Num.  xxvi.  39,  and  Shephupha.n  in  1  Chr.  viii.  5. 
Many  also  with  Lord  A.  C.  Flervey  consider  Muppim 
=  SnuppiM  in  1  Chr.  vii.  12,  15 ;  but  Dr.  P.  Holmes 
(in  Kitto)  regards  Muppim  as  the  grandson  of  B.'n- 
jamin  and  son  of  Bela,  and  concludes  thatShuppim 
was  a  nephew  of  .Muppim. 

Slar'der.  The  principle  on  which  the  act  of 
taking  the  life  of  a  human  being  was  regarded  by 
the  Almighty  as  a  capital  otfence  is  stated  on  its 
highest  ground  as  an  outrage  on  the  likeness  of 
God  in  man,  to  be  punished  even  when  caused  by 
an  animal  (Gen.  ix.  5,  6 ;  see  also  Jn.  viii.  44 ;  1  Jn. 
iii.  12,  15).  Its  secondary  or  social  ground  appears 
to  be  implied  in  the  direction  to  replenish  the  earth 
which  immediately  follows  (Gen.  ix.  7).  The  post- 
diluvian command  was  limited  by  the  Law  of  Mo- 
ses, which,  while  it  protected  the  accidental  homi- 
cide, defined  with  additional  strictness  the  crime  of 
murder.  It  prohibited  compensation  or  reprieve  of 
the  murderer,  or  his  protection  if  he  took  refuge  in 
the  refuge  city,  or  even  at  the  altar  of  Jehovah  (Ex. 
xxi.  12,  14;  Lev.  xxiv.  17,  21  ;  1  K.  ii.  6,  6,  31 ; 
Blood;  City  op  Refuge.)  Bloodshed  even  in  war- 
fare was  held  to  involve  pollution  (Num.  xxxv.  33, 
34;  Deut.  xxi.  1,  9;  1  Chr.  xxviii.  3).  It  is  not 
certain  whether  a  master  who  killed  his  slave  was 
punished  with  death  (Ex.  xxi.  20).  No  punishment 
is  mentioned  for  suicide  attempted,  nor  does  any 
special  restriction  appear  to  have  attached  to  the 
property  of  the  suicide  (2  Sam.  xvii.  23).  Striking 
a  pregnant  woman  so  as  to  cause  her  death  was 
punishable  with  death  (Ex.  xxi.  23).  If  an  animal 
known  to  be  vicious  caused  the  death  of  any  one, 
not  only  was  the  animal  destroyed,  but  the  owner 
also,  if  he  had  taken  no  steps  to  restrain  it,  was 
held  guilty  of  murder  (ver.  29,  31).  The  duty  of 
executing  punishment  on  the  murderer  is  in  the 
Law  expressly  laid  on  the  "  revenger  of  blood ;  " 
but  the  question  of  guilt  was  to  be  previously  de- 
cided by  the  Levitical  tribunal.  (Blood,  Avenger 
of;  Manslayer;  Punishments.)  In  regal  times 
the  duty  of  execution  of  justice  on  a  murderer 
seems  to  have  been  assumed  to  some  extent  by  the 
sovereign,  as  well  as  the  privilege  of  pardon  (2  Sam. 


xiii.  39,  xiv.  7,  11  ;  1  K.  ii.  34).  It  was  lawful  to 
kill  a  burglar  taken  at  night  in  the  act,  but  unlaw- 
ful to  do  so  after  sunrise  (Ex.  xxii.  2,  3). 

*  Murrain  =  a  plague  or  pestilence  among  cattle ; 
the  A.  V.  translation  of  Hcfi.  deber  in  Ex.  ix.  3  and 
margin  of  I's.  Ixxviii.  50 ;  elsewhere  translated 
"  pestilence  "  or  "  plague."  Plague,  note ' ;  Plagues, 
THF.  Ten. 

Mn'siii  (Heb.  probably  =  fell  out  bi/ Jehovah,  Ges. ; 
the  one  withdrawn  from  men,  Kii.),  son  of  Mkrari, 
the  son  of  Levi  (Ex.  vi.  19;  Num.  iii.  20;  1  Chr. 
vi.  19,  47,  xxiii.  21,  23,  xxiv.  26,  30). 

*  Mu'shites  =  descendants  of  Mushi;  a  family 
of  Merarite  Levitcs  (Num.  iii.  33,  xxvi.  58). 

Ma'sic*  The  inventor  of  musical  instruments, 
like  the  first  poet  and  the  first  forger  of  metals,  was 
a  Cainite.  According  to  Gen.  iv..  Jural  the  son  of 
Lamech  was  "  the  father  of  all  such  as  handle  the 
harp  and  organ,"  i.  e.  of  all  players  upon  stringed 
and  wind  instruments.  The  first  mention  of  music 
in  the  times  after  the  Deluge  is  in  the  narrative  of 
Laban's  interview  witli  Jacob  ("  with  songs,  with 
tabret,  and  with  harp ;"  Gen.  xxxi.  27).  (Hymn; 
Timbrel.)  So  that,  in  whatever  way  it  was  pre- 
served, the  practice  of  music  existed  in  the  upland 
country  of  Syria,  and  of  the  three  possilile  kinds 
of  nuisical  instruments,  two  were  known  and  em- 
ployed to  accompany  the  song.  The  three  kinds 
are  alluded  to  in  Job  xxi.  12.  On  the  banks  of  the 
Red  Sea  sang  Moses  and  the  children  of  Israel  their 
triumphal  song  of  deliverance  from  the  hosts  of 
Egypt;  and  Miriam,  in  celebration  of  the  same 
event,  exercised  one  of  her  fimctions  as  a  prophetess 
by  leading  a  procession  of  the  women  of  the  camp, 
chanting  in  chorus  the  burden  to  the  song  of  Moses, 
"  Sing  ye  to  Jehovah,  for  He  hath  triumphed  glori- 
ously; the  horse  and  his  rider  hath  He  thrown  into 
the  sea"  (Ex.  xv.  21).  (Dance  2.)  The  triumphal 
hymn  of  Moses  had  unquestionably  a  religions  char- 
acter about  it,  but  the  emjiloyment  of  a  rude  kind 
of  music  in  religious  service,  though  idolatrous,  is 
more  distinctly  marked  in  the  festivities  at  the 
erection  of  the  golden  calf  (xxxii.  17,  18).  The 
silver  trumpets  made  by  the  metal  workers  of  the 
Tabernacle,  and  used  to  direct  the  movements  of 
the  camp,  point  to  music  of  a  very  simple  kind 
(Num.  X.  1-10 ;  Cornet).  The  song  of  Deborah 
and  Barak  (Judg.  v.)  is  cast  in  a  distinctly  metrical 
form,  and  was  probably  intended  to  be  sung  with  a 
musical  accompaniment  as  one  of  the  people's  songs 
(compare  xi.  34).  The  simpler  impromptu  with 
which  the  women  from  the  cities  of  Israel  greeted 
David  after  the  slaughter  of  the  Philistine,  was  ap- 
parently struck  off  on  the  spur  of  the  moment, 
under  the  influence  of  the  wild  joy  with  which  they 
welcomed  their  national  champion,  "  the  darling  of 
the  songs  of  Israel"  (1  Sam.  xviii.  6,  7).  Up  to 
this  time  we  meet  with  nothing  like  a  systematic 
cultivation  of  music  among  the  Hebrews,  but  the 
establishment  of  the  schools  of  the  prophets  ap- 
pears to  have  supplied  this  want.  Whatever  the 
students  of  these  schools  may  have  been  taught, 
music  was  an  essential  part  of  their  practice. 
(Prophet.)  Professional  musicians  soon  became 
attached  to  the  court.  David  seems  to  have  gath- 
ered round  him  "  singing  men  and  singing  women  " 
(2  Sam.  xix.  35).  Solomon  did  the  same  (Eccl.  ii. 
8),  adding  to  the  luxury  of  his  court  by  his  patron- 
age of  art,  and  obtaining  a  reputation  himself  as  no 
mean  composer  (1  K.iv.  32). — But  the  Temple  was 
the  great  school  of  music,  and  it  was  consecrated  to  its 
highest  service  in  the  worship  of  Jehovah.    Before, 


HITS 


MUS 


683 


however,  the  elaborate  arrangements  had  been  made 
by  David  for  the  temple  choir,  there  must  have 
been  a  considerable  body  of  musicians  tnrou{;liout 
the  country  (2  Sam.  vi.  5),  and  in  the  procession 
which  accompanied  the  Ark  from  the  house  of  Obed- 
edom,  the  Lktites,  with  Chcnauiah  at  their  head, 
wlio  had  acquired  sliill  from  previous  training, 
played  on  i)Salteries,  harps,  and  cymbals,  to  the 
words  of  the  psalm  of  thanksgiving  which  David 
had  composed  for  the  occasion  (1  Chr.  xv.,  xvi.). 
It  may  be  that  the  Levites  all  along  had  practised 
music,  and  that  some  musical  service  was  part  of  the 
worship  of  the  Tabernacle.  The  position  which 
they  occupied  among  the  other  tribes  naturally  fa- 
vored the  cultivation  of  an  art  which  is  essentially 
characteristic  of  a  leisurely  and  peaceful  life.  The 
three  great  divisions  of  the  tribe  had  each  a  repre- 
sentative family  in  the  choir.  (Asaph  ;  Ueman  ; 
Jepithln.)  Asaph  himself  appears  to  have  played 
on  the  cymbals  (xvi.  5 ;  Cymbal),  and  this  was  the 
case  with  the  other  leaders  (xv.  19),  perhaps  to 
mark  the  time  more  distinctly,  while  the  rest  of  the 
band  played  on  psalteries  and  harps.  The  singers 
were  distinct  from  both,  as  is  evident  in  Ps.  Ixviii. 
25,  "  the  singers  went  before,  the  players  on  instru- 
ments followed  after,  in  the  midst  of  the  d.amscls 
^  playing  with  timbrels ; "  unless  the  "  singers"  here  = 
the  cvmbal-playeis,  like  Heman,  Asaph,  and  Ethan, 
who,  in  1  Chr.  xv.  19,  are  called  "  singers,"  and  per- 
haps, while  giving  the  time  with  their  c}Tnbals;  led  the 
choir  with  their  voices.  The  "  players  on  instru- 
ments" (Ileb.  noginim)  were  the  performers  upon 
stringed  instruments,  like  the  psaltery  and  harp. 
The  "  players  on  instruments "  (Heb.  holilim  or 
cltol(Hm)  in  Ps.  Ixxxvii.  7,  were  different  from  these 
last,  and  were  properly  pipers  or  performers  on  per- 
forated wind-instruments  (I  K.  i.  40).  "The  dam- 
sels playing  with  timbrels  "  (compare  1  Chr.  xiii.  S) 
seem  to  indicate  that  women  took  part  in  the  Temple 
choir  (xxv.  5,  6;  Ezr.  ii.  65).  The  tnimpets,  men- 
tioned among  the  instruments  played  before  the 
Ark  (1  Chr.  xiii.  8),  appear  to  have  been  reserved 
for  the  priests  alone  (xv.  24,  xvi.  6).  As  they  were 
also  used  in  royal  proclamations  (2  K.  xi.  14),  they 
were  probably  intended  to  set  forth  by  way  of  sym- 
bol the  royalty  of  Jehovah,  the  theocratic  King  of 
His  people,  as  well  as  to  sound  the  alarm  against 
His  enemies  (2  Chr.  xiii.  12).  The  altar  was  the 
table  of  Jehovah  (Mai.  i.  7),  and  the  sacrifices  were 
Tlis  feasts  (Ex.  ixiii.  18),  so  the  solemn  music  of 
the  Levites  corresponded  to  the  melody  by  which 
the  ban(|uet8  of  earthlv  monarchs  were  accompanied 
(2  Chr.  v.  12,  13,  vii.  6,  xxix.  27,  28).  The  Temple 
was  His  palace,  and  as  the  Levite  sentries  watched 
the  gates  by  night  they  chanted  the  songs  of  Zion ; 
one  of  these  is  probably  Ps.  cxxxiv.  The  relative 
numbers  of  the  instruments  in  the  temple  band,  ac- 
cording to  the  traditions  of  Jewish  writers,  were: — 
of  psalteries,  from  two  to  six ;  of  flutes,  two  to 
twelve ;  of  tnimpets,  from  two  upward  without 
lindt ;  of  harps  or  citherns,  from  nine  upward  ;  of 
cymbals,  only  one  pair  (Forkel). — In  the  private 
as  well  as  in  the  religious  life  of  the  Hebrews 
music  held  a  prominent  place.  The  kings  had 
their  court  musicians  (Eccl.  ii.  8),  who  bewailed 
their  death  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  25),  and  in  the  luxurious 
times  of  the  later  monarchy  the  effeminate  gallants 
of  Israel,  recking  with  perfumes  an<l  stretched  upon 
their  couches  of  ivory,  were  wont  at  their  ban(picts 
to  accompany  tlie  song  with  the  tinkling  of  the 
P8AI.TERY  or  guitar  (Am.  vi.  4-fl),  and  amused  them- 
selves with  devising  musical  instrumentg  while  tlieir 


nation  was  perishing  (compare  Is.  v.  II,  12).  But 
while  music  was  thus  made  to  minister  to  de- 
bauchery and  excess,  it  was  the  legitimate  expres- 
sion of  mirth  and  gladness,  and  the  indication  of 
peace  and  prosperity.  It  was  only  when  a  curse 
was  upon  the  land  that  the  prophet  could  say, 
"  The  mirth  of  tabrets  ccaseth,  the  noise  of  them 
that  rejoice  endeth,  the  joy  of  the  harp  ceaseth, 
they  shall  not  drink  wine  with  a  song  "  (Is.  xxiv. 
8,  9,  compare  Ps.  exxxvii.).  The  bridal  processions 
as  they  passed  through  the  streets  were  accom- 
panied with  music  and  song(Jer.  vii.  34),  and  these 
ceased  only  when  the  land  was  desolate  (Ez.  xxvi. 
13).  (Mahriaoe.)  The  music  of  the  banquets  was 
accompanied  with  songs  and  dancing  (Lk.  xv.  25; 
Ecclus.  xxxii.,  xlix.  1).  The  triumphal  processions 
which  celebrated  a  victory  were  enlivened  by  min- 
strels and  singers  (Ex.  xv.  1,  20 ;  Judg.  v.  1,  xi. 
34  ;  1  Sam.  xviii.  6,  xxi.  11  ;  2  Chr.  xx.  28  ;  Jd.  xv. 
12,  13),  and  on  extraordinary  occasions  thfy  even 
accompanied  armies  to  battle  (2  K.  iii.  15  ;  2  Chr. 
xiii.  12,  14).  (Minstrel.)  Besides  songs  of  tri- 
umph there  were  also  religious  songs  (Is.  xxx.  29; 
Am.  V.  23  ;  Jas.  v.  13),  "songs  of  the  Temple"  (Am. 
viii.  3),  and  songs  in  idolatrous  worship  (Ex.  xxxii. 
18).  Love-songs  are  alluded  to  in  Ps.  xlv.  title, 
and  Is.  V.  1.  There  were  also  the  doleful  songs 
of  the  funeral  procession,  and  the  wailing  chant 
of  the  mourners  who  went  iibout  the  streets,  the 
professional  "  cunning  "  of  those  who  were  skilful 
in  lamentation  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  25  ;  Eccl.  xii.  5  ;  Jer. 
ix.  17-20;  Am.  v.  16).  The  grape-gatherers  sang 
as  they  gathered  in  the  vintage,  and  the  wiue- 
presscs  were  trodden  with  the  shout  of  a  song  (Is. 
xvi.  10 ;  Jer.  xlviii.  33) ;  the  women  sang  as  they 
toiled  at  the  mill,  and  on  every  occasion  the  land 
of  the  Hebrews  during  their  national  prosperity  was 
a  land  of  music  and  melody.  There  is  one  class 
of  musicians  to  which  allusion  is  casually  made 
(Ecclus.  ix.  4),  and  who  were  probably  foreigners, 
the  harlots  who  frequented  the  streets  of  great 
cities  and  attracted  notice  by  singing  and  playing 
the  guitar  (Is.  xxiii.  15,  16;  Harlot). — There  are 
two  aspects  in  which  music  appears,  and  about 
which  little  satisfactory  can  be  said  :  the  mysteri- 
ous influence  which  it  had  in  driving  out  the  evil 
spirit  from  Saul,  and  its  intimate  connection  with 
prophecy  and  prophetical  inspiiation.  From  the 
instances  in  which  it  occurs,  it  is  evident  that  the 
same  Heb.  root  (riuii!)  is  used  to  denote  the  inspira- 
tion under  which  the  prophets  spoke  and  the  min- 
strels sang.  All  that  can  be  safely  concluded  (so 
Mr.  Wright)  is  that  in  their  external  manifestations 
the  effect  of  music  in  exciting  the  emotions  of  the 
sensitive  Hebrews,  the  frenzy  of  Saul's  madness  (1 
Sam.  xviii.  10),  and  the  religious  enthusiasm  of  the 
prophets,  whether  of  Baal  or  Jehovah,  were  so 
nearly  alike  as  to  be  described  by  the  same  word. 
The  case  of  Saul  is  more  difficult  still.  We  cannot 
be  admitted  to  the  secret  of  his  dark  malady.  Two 
turning-points  in  his  history  are  the  two  interviews 
with  Samuel : — the  first,  when  Samuel  foretold  his 
meeting  with  the  company  of  prophets,  with  their 
minstrelsy,  the  external  means  by  which  the  spirit 
of  Jehovah  should  come  upon  him,  and  he  should 
be  changed  into  another  man  (x.  6), — and  the  other 
(the  last,  if  we  except  that  dread  encounter  which 
the  despairing  monarch  challenged  before  the  fatal 
day  of  Gilboa),  upon  the  occasion  of  Saul's  dis- 
obedience in  sparing  the  Amalekitcs,  for  which  ho 
was  rejected  from  being  king  (xv.  2fi).  Immediately 
after  this  we  are  told  the  Spirit  of  Jehovah  de- 


684 


UVS 


MUS 


parted  from  Saul,  and  an  "  evil  spirit  from  Jehovah 
troubled  him  "  (xvi.  14) ;  and  his  attendants,  who 
had  perhaps  witnessed  the  strange  transformation 
wrought  upon  him  by  thp  music  of  the  propliets, 
suggested  that  the  same  means  should  be  employed 
for  his  restoration  (xvi.  16,  23).  But  on  two  oc- 
casions, when  anger  and  jealousy  supervened,  the 
remedy  which  had  soothed  tlie  frenzy  of  insanity 
had  lost  its  charm  (xviii.  10,  11,  xix.  9,  10).  AijE- 
leth-shaiiar;  alamoth;  Al-taschith  ;  Degrees, 
Songs  of;  Gittith  ;  Higgaion;  Josath-elem-recho- 
KIM  ;  Mahalath;  Mahalath  Leaxnoth  ;  Maschil; 
MiciiTAM  ;  Musical  Instrd.ments  ;  Musician,  the 
Chief;  Muth-labben  ;  Neginah  ;  Neoinoth  ;  Ne- 
HILOTH  ;  Selah  ;  Suemimth;  Suiqgaion  ;  Shushan- 

EDLTH. 

Mn'si-eAl  In'strn-ments  are  of  three  kinds :  stringed- 
instruments  (harp  ;  PSAI-TERY  Or  VIOL  ;  SACKBUT  ?) ; 
wind-instruments  (cornet  ;  dolcimek  ? ;  flute  ; 
HORN ;  ORGAN ;  PIPE ;  trumpet)  ;  instruments  of  per- 
cussion (bells;  cymbal;  dance  2?;  tabret  or 
timbrel).  In  addition  to  the  instruments  of  music 
wliich  have  been  represented  in  our  version  by  some 
modern  word,  and  are  treated  under  their  respective 
titles  (see  above ;  also  Gittith  ;  Mahalath),  there 
are  other  terms  wliich  are  vaguely  or  generally  ren- 
dered. These  are — 1.  Chal.  dahCtvAn  or  dach'ivdn, 
translated  "instruments  of  music"  in  Dan.  vi.  18, 
marg.  "  or  table,  perhaps  literally  concubines."  The 
last-mentioned  rendering  is  that  approved  by  Gese- 
nius,  and  seems  most  probable  (so  Mr.  Wright). — 
2.  Heb.  miiinim,  rendered  with  great  probability 
"  stringed-instruments  "  in  Ps.  cl.  4.  It  appears  to 
be  a  general  term,  but  beyond  this  nothing  is  known 
of  it.  In  Ps.  xlv.  8  the  Heb.  minni  is  translated 
"  whereby;"  but  Gesenius  and  most  of  the  moderns 
follow  Sebastian  SchmiJ  in  translating  "out  of  the 
ivory-palaces  tlie  stringed-instruments  make  thee 
glad." —  3.  Heb.  '<i«or,  "  an  instrument  of  ten 
strings"  (Ps.  xcii.  3).  The  full  Hebrew  phrase  is 
nebel  'dsor  =  a  (en-stringed  psaltery,  as  in  Ps.  xxxiii. 
2,  cxliv.  9 ;  and  the  true  rendering  of  the  first-men- 
tioned passage  would  be  "  upon  an  instrument  of 
ten  strings,  even  upon  the  psaltery."  — 4.  Heb. 
shidddh  vSshiddoth  in  Eccl.  ii.  8  only,  "  I  gat  me 
men-singers  and  women-singers,  and  the  delights  of 
the  sons  of  men,  musical  instruments,  and  that  of  all 
sorts."  The  words  thus  rendered  have  received  a 
great  variety  of  meanings — drinking-vessels  (Aquila, 
Vulg.);  cup-bearers  (LXX.,  Peshito,  Jerome,  Ar.); 
baths  (Chal.);  musical  instruments  (David  Kimchi, 
Luther,  A.  V.,  and  many  commentators ;  vtife  and 
wives,  i.  e.  a  queen  with  other  wives  and  concubines 
(Ges.),  or  wives  in  abundance  (Fii.).  But  the  most 
probable  interpretation  (so  Mr.  Wright)  is  that  sug- 
gested by  a  usage  of  the  Talmud,  where  shidM  = 
a  palanquin  or  litter  for  women. — 5.  Heb.  shAlishim, 
translated  "  instruments  of  music  "  in  the  A.  V.  of 
1  Sam.  xviii.  6,  marg.  "  three-stringed  instruments." 
Roedigcr  translates  triangles,  which  are  said  to  have 
been  invented  in  Syria.  We  have  no  means  of  deci- 
ding which  is  the  more  correct.  The  LXX.  and  Syriac 
give  cymbals  ;  tlie  Vulgate  sistra  ■=  Egyptian  metal- 
lic rattles.     Music. 

*  Ma-si'elaii  [-zish'an],  the  Cblef,  the  A.  V.  trans- 
lation of  Heb.  menatstseah  or  menatstseach  (=  leader, 
precentor,  chief  musician,  Ges.,  after  Kimchi,  Rashi, 
Abcn  Ezra,  &c.),  a  term  found  in  the  titles  of  fifty- 
three  psalms  (iv.,  v.,  vi.,  &c.),  and  in  Hab.  iii.  19' 
(A.  V.  "  chief  singer").  "  To  the  chief  mu.iician  " 
denotes  that  the  psalm  is  to  be  performed  under  his 
direction.     Music. 


Sfvs'tard  (Gr.  sinapi)  occurs  in  Mat.  xiii.  3l,  xvii. 
20;  Mk.  iv.  31;  Lk.  xiii.  19,  xvii.  6.  The  subject 
of  the  mustard-tree  of  Scripture  has  of  late  years 
been  a  matter  of  considerable  controversy,  the  com- 
mon mustard-plant  being  supposed  unable  to  fulfil 
the  demands  of  the  Biblical  allusion.  In  a  paper 
by  the  late  Dr.  Royle,  read  before  the  Royal  Asiatic 
Society,  and  published  in  number  xv.  of  their  jour- 
nal (1844),  entitled,  "On  the  Identification  of  the 
Mustard-tree  of  Scripture,"  the  author  concludes 
that  the  Salcadora  Persica,  a  large  slirub  or  tree  of 
moderate  size,  with  small  pungent  seeds,  is  what  is 
meant  in  the  Scriptures.  He  supposes  the  Salva- 
dora  Persica  to  be  the  same  as  the  tree  called 
Khardal {the  Arabic  for  mustard),  seeds  of  which  are 
employed  throughout  Syria  as  a  substitute  for  mus- 
tard, of  which  they  have  the  taste  and  properties. 
This  tree,  according  to  the  statement  of  Mr.  Ameuny, 
a  Syrian,  quoted  by  Dr.  Royle,  is  found  all  along 
the  banks  of  the  Jordan,  near  the  Lake  of  Tiberias, 
and  near  Damascus,  and  is  said  to  be  generally  rec- 


Mu8tard-trec!{5a/varfor«  Peraiea). 

ognized  in  Syria  as  the  mustard-tree  of  Scripture. 
But  Dr.  J.  D.  Hooker  says  this  is  a  very  rare  plant  in 
Syria ;  and  Mr.  Houghton  is  disposed,  with  Hiller, 
Celsius,  Rosenmiiller,  Lambert,  Erasmus,  Grotius, 
&c.,  to  believe  that  some  common  mustard-plant  ( Sin- 
a/«*)  is  the  mustard-tree  of  the  parable.  The  objection 
commonly  made  against  any  Sinapis  being  the  plant 
of  the  parable  is,  that  the  seed  grew  into  "  a  tree," 
or,  as  St.  Luke  has  it,  "  a  great  tree,"  in  the  branches 
of  which  the  fowls  of  the  air  are  said  to  come  and 
lodge.  Now,  in  answer  to  the  above  objection,  it  is 
urged  with  great  truth,  that  the  expression  is  figura- 
tive and  Oriental,  and  that  in  a  proverbial  simile  no 
literal  accuracy  is  to  be  expected.  It  is  an  error, 
for  which  the  language  of  Scripture  is  not  account- 
able, to  assert,  as  Dr.  Royle  and  some  others  have 
done,  that  the  passage  implies  that  birds  "  built  their 
nests  "  in  the  tree ;  the  Greek  word  has  no  such 
meaning,  the  word  merely  =  to  settle  or  rest  upon. 
any  thing  for  a  longer  or  shorter  time ;  nor  is  there 
any  occasion  to  suppose  that  the  expression  "  fowls 


MUT 


MYR 


685 


of  the  air  "  denotes  any  other  than  the  smaller  hi- 
seiaorial  kinds,  linnets,  finches,  &c.  "Hiller's  ex- 
planation Is  probably  correct ;  that  the  birds  came 
and  settled  on  the  mustard-plant  for  the  sake  of  the 
seed,  of  which  they  are  very  fond.    Again,  what- 


Black  Mustard  (SiROpii  nigra). 

exer  the  "  mustard  "may  be,  it  is  expressly  said  to  be 
an  herb,  or  more  properly  "  a  garden  herb."  Irby  and 
Mangles  mention  the  large  size  which  the  mustard- 
plant  attains  in  Palestine.  In  their  journey  from 
Beimn  to  Ajlun,  in  the  Jordan  valley,  they  crossed 
a  small  plain  very  thickly  covered  with  herbage, 
particularly  the  mustard-plant,  which  reached  as 
high  as  their  horses'  heads.  Thomson  (ii.  100)  also 
says  he  has  seen  the  Wild  Mustard  on  the  rich  plain 
of  Akkdr,  \.  of  TripoKa,  as  tall  as  the  horse  and 
the  rider.  If,  then,  the  wild  plant  on  the  rich  plain 
of  Akkdr  grows  as  high  as  a  man  on  horseback,  it 
might  attain  to  the  same  or  a  greater  height  when 
in  a  cultivate<l  garden.  The  expression  "which  is 
indeed  the  least  of  all  seeds  "  is  probably  hyperbol- 
ical, to  denote  a  very  small  seed  indeed,  as  there 
are  many  seeds  which  are  smaller  than  mustard. 
"The  Lurd  in  His  popular  teaching,"  says  Trench 
(XolcK  un  I'arahten,  108),  "adhered  to  the  popular 
language ; "  and  the  mustard-seed  was  used  pro- 
verbially to  denote  any  thing  very  minute.  The 
parable  of  the  mustard-plant  may  be  thus  para- 
phrased : — "  The  Gospel  dispensation  is  like  a  grain 
of  mustard-seed  which  a  man  sowed  in  his  garden, 
which  indeed  is  one  of  the  least  of  all  seeds ;  but 
which,  when  it  springs  up,  becomes  a  tall-branched 
plant,  on  the  branches  of  which  the  birds  come  and 
settle  seeking  their  food." 

Nnth-lab'ben  (lleb.,  sec  below).  "To  the  chief 
musician  upon  Muth-labben,"  is  the  title  of  Pb.  ix., 
which  has  given  rise  to  infinite  conjecture.  Two 
difficulties  in  connection  with  it  have  to  be  resolved ; 
first,  to  determine  the  true  reading  of  the  Hebrew, 
and  then  to  ascertain  its  meaning.  Neither  of  these 
points  has  been  satisfactorily  explained.  If  the 
reiiiling  of  Vulgate  and  LXX.  be  correct  with  regard 
to  the  consonants,  the  Hebrew  words  answering  to 


"  upon  Muth  "  might  be  read  'al  VMmSth  =  "  upon 
Alamotii,"  as  in  the  title  of  Ps.  xlvi.,  and  the  "  lab- 
ben  "  is  possibly  a  fragment  of  libney  Korah  =r  "  for 
the  sons  of  Korah,"  which  appears  in  the  same 
title.  But  if  the  Masoretic  reading  be  the  true  one, 
it  is  hard  to  attach  any  meaning  to  it.  The  Targum 
renders  the  title  of  the  psalm — "  on  the  death  of 
the  man  who  came  forth  from  between  the  camps," 
alluding  to  Goliath,  the  Philistine  champion  (1  Sam. 
xvii.  4).  Others  render  it  "on  the  death  of  the 
son,"  and  apply  it  to  Absalom.  Raslii's  words  are 
— "  but  I  say  that  this  song  is  of  the  future  to  come, 
when  the  childhood  and  youth  of  Israel  shall  be 
made  white,  and  their  righteousness  be  revealed  and 
their  salvation  draw  nigli,  when  Esau  and  hie  seed 
shall  be  blotted  out."  Donesh  supposes  that  lalbfn 
was  the  name  of  a  man  who  warred  with  David  in 
those  days,  and  to  whom  reference  is  made  as  "  the 
wicked  "  in  ver.  B.  Arama  (quoted  by  Dr.  Gfll  in 
his  Expo&itinn)  identifies  him  with  Saul.  As  a  last 
resource  Kimchi  suggests  that  the  title  was  intended 
to  convey  instructions  to  the  Levite  minstrel  Ben 
(1  Chr.  XV.  18).  Delitzsch  conjectures  that  Muth- 
labben  denotes  the  tone  or  melody  with  the  words 
of  the  song  associated  with  it ;  Hupfeld  that  it  was 
the  commencement  of  an  old  song,  either  signifying 
"die  for  the  son,"  or  "death  to  the  son."  Others 
suppose  it  was  a  musical  instrument.  Prof.  J.  A. 
Alexander  (on  Ps.  ix.)  supposes  it  the  title,  or  the 
first  words,  or  a  prominent  expression,  of  some 
other  poem,  in  the  style,  or  to  the  air  of  which,  this 
psaltn  was  composed. 

•  Mnz'zir  [-zl].    Agriculture  ;  Ox. 

Blyn'das  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  a  commercial  town  on  the 
coast  of  Caria,  between  Miletus  and  Halkaknas- 
sus.  We  find  in  1  Mc.  xv.  23  that  it  was  the  resi- 
dence of  a  Jewish  population.  The  name  still  lin- 
gers in  the  modern  Mentesche,  though  the  remains 
of  the  city  arc  probably  at  GurniMu. 

Mj'ra  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  flowing,  pouring,  Pchl.),  an 
important  maritime  town  in  Lycia,  and  interesting 
to  us  as  the  place  where  St.  Paul,  on  his  voyage  to 
Rome  (Acts  xxvii.  5),  was  removed  from  the  Adra- 
myttian  ship  which  had  brought  him  from  Cesarea, 
and  entered  the  Alexandrian  ship  in  which  he  was 
wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Malta.  The  harbor  of  Myra 
was  strictly  Andriace,  between  two  and  three  miles 
distant,  but  the  river  was  navigable  to  the  city. 
Myra  (called  Denibra  by  the  Greeks)  is  remarkable 
still  for  its  remains  of  various  periods  of  history. 
The  tombs,  enriched  with  ornament,  and  many  of 
them  having  inscriptions  in  the  ancient  Lycian  char- 
acter, show  that  it  must  have  been  wealthy  in  early 
times.  Its  enormous  theatre  attests  its  consider- 
able population  in  what  may  be  called  its  Greek 
age.  In  the  deep  gorge  w  Inch  leads  into  the  moun- 
tains is  a  large  Byzantine  church,  a  relic  of  the 
Christianity  which  may  have  begun  with  St.  Paul's 
visit. 

Jlyrrh  [mur],  the  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of 
— 1  Heb.  ni6r,  mentioned  in  Ex.  xxx.  23,  as  one  of 
the  ingredients  of  the  "oil  of  holy  ointment ;  "  in 
Eflth.  ii.  12,  as  one  of  the  substances  used  in  the 
purification  of  women  ;  in  Ps.  xlv.  8,  and  in  I'rov.  vii. 
17,  and  several  passages  in  Canticles,  as  a  perfume. 
The  Gr.  mmrna  (A.  V.  "  myrrh  ")  occurs  in  Mat.  ii. 
1 1  amongst  the  gifts  brought  by  the  wise  men  to 
the  infant  Jesus,  and  in  Mk.  xv.  23,  it  is  said  that 
"  wine  mingled  with  myrrh  "  was  offered  to,  but  re- 
fused by,  our  Lord  on  the  cross.  Myrrh  was  also 
used  for  embalming  (Jn.  xix.  39).  Various  conjec- 
tures have  been  made  as  to  the  real  nature  of  the 


686 


MTB 


MYR 


substance  denoted  by  the  Heb.  mSr,  and  much 
doubt  has  existed  as  to  the  countries  in  which  it  is 


Mytrb-trM  (BaUamadetuiron  Myrrka), 

profluced.     According  to  Herodotus,  Dioscorides, 
Tiieophrastus,  Ciodorus  Siculus,  Strabo,  Pliny,  &c., 


Cretan  Rock-rose  (CiVuj  Crtticat\ 


the  tree  which  produces  myrrh  grows  in  Arabia. 
Forskal  mentions  two  myrrh-producing  trees,  Amyrix 


Kataf  and  Amyris  Kafal,  as  occurring  near  Haes  in 
Arabia  Felix.  The  myrrh-tree  which  Ehrenbcrg 
and  Hemprich  found  in  the  borders  of  Arabia  Felix 
and  that  which  Mr.  Johnson  saw  in  Abyssinia  are 
believed  to  be  identical ;  the  tree  is  the  Bahamndeti- 
dron  Myrrha,  "  a  low  thorny  ragged-looking  tree, 
with  bright  trifoliate  leaves : "  it  is  probably  the 
Murr  of  Abu  '1  Fadli,  of  which  he  says,  "  marr  is 
the  Arabic  name  of  a  thorny  tree  like  an  acacia, 
from  which  flows  a  white  Uquid,  which  thickens  and 
becomes  a  gum."  The  Bahamodendron  Myrrhn, 
which  produces  the  myrrh  of  commerce,  has  a  wood 
and  bark  which  emit  a  strong  odor  ;  the  gum  which 
exudes  from  the  bark  is  at  first  oily,  but  becomes 
hard  by  exposure  to  the  air  :  it  belongs  to  the  nat- 
ural order  Terebinthacece  (comp.  Spice  1).  For 
the  "wine  mingled  with  myrrh,"  see  Crucifixion; 
Gall. — 2.  Heb.  lot,  erroneously  translated  "  myrrh  " 
in  the  A.  V.  in  Gen.  xxxvii.  25,  xllii.  11,  the  only 
passages  where  the  word  is  found,  is  generally  con- 
sidered to  denote  the  odorous  resin  which  exudes 
from  the  branches  of  the  Cinlua  Crelicus,  known  by 
the  name  of  ladanum  or  labdanum.  It  is  clear  that 
lot  cannot  signify  "  myrrh,"  which  is  not  produced 
in  Palestine,  yet  the  Scriptural  passages  in  Genesis 
speak  of  this  substance  as  being  exported  from 
Gilead  into  Egypt.  There  are  several  species  of 
Cistus,  all  of  which  are  believed  to  yield  the  gum 
ladanum  ;  but  the  species  mentioned  by  Dioscorides 
is  probably  identical  with  the  one  found  in  Pales- 
tine, viz.  the  Cini-ux  Cretieim.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
tliat  the  Heb.  lot,  the  Arabic  ladan,  the  Gr.  ledanon, 
the  Latin  and  Eng.  ladanum,  are  identical.  The 
Cistus  belongs  to  the  natural  order  Cislacece,  the 
Rock-rose  family. 

Jlyr'tle,  Myr'tle-trce  (Heb.  hadas).  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  A.  V.  is  correct  in  its  translation  of 
the  Hebrew  word,  for  all  the  old  versions  are  agreed 
upon  the  point,  and  the  identical  noun  occurs  in 
Arabic  as  the  name  of  the  "myrtle."     Mention  of 


Common  Myrtle  {ifj/rtut  eonimvnit). 


the  myrtle  is  made  in  Neh.  viii.  15;  Is.  xli.  19,  Iv. 
13  ;  Zech.  i.  8,  10, 11.  The  modern  Jews  still  adorn 
with  myrtle  the  booths  and  sheds  at  the  Feast  of 
Tabernacles.  Formerly,  as  we  learn  from  Nehemiah 
(viii.  16),  myrtles  grew  on  the  hills  about  Jerusa- 


HTS 


NAA 


687 


lem.  "  On  Olivet,"  says  Stanley,  "  nothing  is  now 
to  be  seen  but  the  olive  and  the  fig-tree:  "  on  some 
of  the  hills,  however,  near  Jerusalem,  Hasselquist 
observed  the  myrtle.  Dr.  Hooker  says  it  is  not  un- 
common hi  Samaria  and  Galilee.  There  are  several 
species  of  the  genus  ilyrUu,  but  the  Myrtiis  com- 
niunu  is  the  only  one  denoted  by  the  Heb.  Iiadua. 
"  With  its  pure  starry  blossoms  shining  through  its 
dark  foliage,  with  its  leaves  so  delightfully  scented, 
and  with  tiexible  sprays  which  so  readily  twist  into 
garlands,  there  is  no  wonder  that  every  nation 
familiar  with  it  has  loved  this  exquisite  evergreen  " 
(Dr.  J.  Hamilton,  in  Fairbairn).  Among  the  an- 
cient Greeks  and  Romans  it  was  sacred  to  Venus. 
Its  berries  are  sometimes  used  as  a  substitute  for 
spices,  and  from  them  a  wine  has  been  made.  It  is 
a  common  shrub  or  tree  in  Southern  Europe,  North- 
ern Africa,  and  Syria  (Dr.  Royle,  in  Kitto). 

Jly'si-a  [niish'e-a]  (L.  fr.  Or.;  named  [so  Strabo] 
from  a  Lydian  word  musos  [lieech-lrce],  i.  e.  the  beech- 
tree  country).  The  exact  limits  of  tliis  northwest- 
ern district  of  Asia  Minor  are  not  easily  fixed.  It 
is  mentioned  only  once  in  the  N.  T.  (Acts  xvi.  7,  8), 
and  that  cursorily  and  hi  reference  to  a  passing 
journey  of  St.  Paul  in  his  second  missionary  cir- 
cuit. The  best  description  that  can  be  given  of 
Mysia  at  this  time  is  tliat  it  was  the  region  about 
the  frontier  of  the  provinces  of  Asia  and  Bithynia. 
The  term  is  evidently  used  in  an  ethnological,  not 
a  political  sense.  Assos  and  Adbamyttium  were 
both  in  Mysia.  Immediately  opposite  was  the  isl- 
and of  Lesbos.  (MiTYLE.N'E.)  Troas  had  a  small 
district  of  its  own  which  was  politically  separate. 

*  Mys'te-ry,  the  uniform  A.  V.  representation  in 
the  N.  T.  of  the  Gr.  muslerion,  which  in  classic 
Greek  =  a  mi/sterif  or  revealed  secret,  used  mostly  in 
tlie  plural  to  denote  certain  religious  celebrations, 
which  only  the  initiated  might  attend  ;  probably 
thotes  or  scenic  rej/reseiitalioiis  of  mythical  legends 
(L.  k  S.).  In  the  N.  T.  the  word  (so  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.) 
is  used  of  facts,  doctrines,  principles,  not  fully  re- 
vealed. Thus  the  "mysteries  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven"  (Mat.  xiii.  11,  &c.)  were  made  known  to 
the  disciples  more  fully  than  to  the  multitude.  The 
"mystery  of  iniquity"  (2  Th.  ii.  7)  =  the  hidden 
wickedness,  as  yet  unknown  to  Christians.  The 
term  is  used  of  the  Gospel  or  Christian  dispensation, 
or  particular  parts  of  it,  as  having  been  long  hidden 
and  first  revealed  in  later  times  (Rom.  xi.  25,  xvi. 
25  ;  1  Cor.  ii.  7,  xv.  51,  &c.).  But  neither  Judaism 
nor  Christianity  has  any  mysteries,  corresponding 
to  those  of  the  ancient  heathen,  to  be  made  known 
only  to  a  particular  class  of  initiated  persons.  An- 
tichrist ;  Babylon  ;  Kingdom. 


Ht'ut  (Heb.  pleasantnexs,  Ges.),  a  son  of  Caleb 
the  son  of  Jephunneh  (1  Chr.  iv.  16). 

Kl'a-mah  (Heb.  pleasant,  Ges.).  1.  One  of  the 
four  women  whose  names  are  preserved  in  the  rec- 
ords of  the  world  before  the  Flood  ;  all  except  Eve 
being  (^ainites.  She  was  daughter  of  Lamkc  ii  1  by 
his  wife  Zillah,  and  sister,  as  is  expressly  mentioned, 
to  Tubal-cain  (Gen.  iv.  22  only). — S.  Mother  of  King 
Rehoboam  (1  K.  xiv.  21,31;  2  Chr.  xii.  13).  On 
each  occaaion  she  is  distinguished  by  the  title  "  the 
Ammonite"  (A.  V.  "an  Ammonitess").  She  was 
therefore  one  of  the  foreign  women  whom  Solomon 
took_  into  his  establishment  (1  K.  xi.  1).  In  the 
LXX  (1  K.  xii.  24,  answering  to  xiv.  81  of  the  He- 


brew text)  she  is  stated  to  have  been  the  "  daughter 
of  Ana  (i.  e.  llanun)  the  son  of  Nahash." 

Na'a-niilll  (see  above),  a  town  of  Judah  in  the 
lowland  district  ("valley  "  6),  named  with  Makkk- 
DAH,  Laciiish,  &c.  (Josh.  XV.  41) ;  site  unknown. 
Naamathite. 

Na'a-man  (Heb.  pleasantness,  Ges.).  I.  "Naaman 
the  Syrian,"  an  Aramitc  warrior,  a  remarkable  in- 
cident in  whose  life  is  preserved  to  us  through  his 
connection  with  the  prophet  Elisha  (2  K.  v.).  Of 
Xaaman  the  Syrian  there  is  no  mention  in  the  Bible 
except  in  this  connection.  But  a  Jewish  tradition, 
at  least  as  old  as  the  time  of  Josephus  (viii.  15, 
§  5),  and  which  may  very  well  be  a  genuine  one, 
identifies  him  with  the  archer  whose  arrow,  wheihcr 
at  random  or  not,  struck  Ahab  with  his  mortal 
wound,  and  thus  "  gave  deliverance  to  Syria."  The 
expression  is  remarkable — "  because  that  by  him 
Jehovah  had  given  deliverance  to  Syria."  The 
most  natural  explanation  perhaps  is  that  Naaman, 
in  delivering  his  country,  had  killed  one  who  was 
the  enemy  of  Jehovah  not  less  than  he  was  of  Syria. 
Whatever  the  particular  exploit  referred  to  was,  it 
had  given  Naaman  a  great  position  at  the  court  of 
Ben-liadad.  He  was  commander-in-chief  of  the 
ai-niy,  and  was  nearest  to  the  person  of  the  king, 
whom  he  accompanied  officially,  and  supported, 
when  he  went  to  worship  in  the  temple  of  Rimnion 
(ver.  18).  He  was  afflicted  with  a  leprosy  of  the 
white  kind  (ver.  27),  which  had  hitherto  defied  cure. 
The  circumstances  of  his  visit  to  Elisha  have  been 
drawn  out  under  Elisha.  His  request  to  be  allowed 
to  take  away  two  mules'  burden  of  earth  is  not 
easy  to  understand.  The  natural  explanation  is 
that,  with  a  feeling  akin  to  that  which  prompted 
the  I'isan  invaders  to  take  away  the  earth  of  Acel- 
dama for  the  Campo  Santo  at  Pisa,  the  grateful  con- 
vert to  Jehovah  wished  to  take  away  some  of  the 
earth  of  His  country,  to  form  an  altar  for  the  burnt- 
offering  and  sacrifice  which  he  intended  thenceforth 
to  dedicate  to  Jehovah  only.  But  in  the  narrative 
there  is  no  mention  of  an  altar.  Dow  long  Naa- 
man lived  to  continue  a  worshipper  of  Jehovah 
while  assisting  officially  at  the  worship  of  Rimmon, 
we  are  not  told.  His  case  is  quoted  by  our  Lord 
(Lk.  iv.  27)  as  an  instance  of  mercy  to  one  not  of 
Israel. — 2.  One  of  the  family  of  Benjamin  who  came 
down  to  Egypt  with  Jacob  (Gen.  xlvi.  21).  Accord- 
ing to  the  LXX.  version  of  that  passage  he  was  the 
son  of  Bela,  which  is  the  parentage  assigned  to  him 
in  Num.  xxvi.  40,  where,  in  the  enumeration  of  the 
sons  of  Benjamin,  he  is  said  to  be  the  son  of  Bela, 
and  head  of  the  family  of  the  Naamites.  He  is  also 
reckoned  among  the  sons  of  Bela  in  1  Chr.  viii.  8, 
4.  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  supposes  the  name  rcjieated 
in  ver.  7  by  a  copyist's  error.  Compare  Ahiah  3  ; 
Ari>;  Gf.ra. 

Na'a-math-ite  (fr.  Heb.,  derived  from  a  place 
called  Naamah,  probably  on  the  Arabian  borders 
of  Syria),  the  gentilic  name  of  one  of  Job's  friends, 
"Zopliar  the  Naamathite"  (Job  ii.  11,  xi.  1,  xx.  1, 
xlii.  9). 

Na'a-mlt<>S  (fr.  Heb.),  the  —  the  family  descended 
from  Naaman  2,  the  grandson  of  Benjamin  (Num. 
xxvi.  40  only). 

Na'a-rall  (Heb.  a  girl,  maiden,  handmaid,  Ges.), 
second  wife  of  Ashur,  a  descendant  of  Judah  (1 
Chr.  iv.  5,  (i). 

Na'a-ral  (Heb.  =  Neariah?),  one  of  David's 
"  valiant  men ; "  son  of  Ezbai  (1  Chr.  xi.  37).     Pa- 

ARAI. 

Ka'a-ran  (Heb.  boyish,  juvenile,  Ges.),  a  city  of 


688 


KAA 


NAD 


Ephraim,  mentioned  in  a  very  ancient  record  (1  Chr. 
vii.  28)  as  the  eastern  limit  of  the  tribe  ;  probably  = 
Naaratii. 

Ka'a-rath  (fr.  Heb.  =;  Naarah),  a  place  named 
(Josh.  xvi.  7  only)  as  one  of  the  landmarks  on  the 
(southern)  boundary  of  Ephraim ;  apparently  be- 
tween Ataroth  and  Jkricho.  If  Ataroth  be  the 
present  'Atdra,  then  Naarah  was  probably  some- 
where lower  down  the  wady.  Eusebius  and  Jerome 
speak  of  it  as  if  well  known  to  them — "  Naorath, 
a  small  village  of  the  Jews  five  miles  from  Jericho." 
Sohwarz  fixes  it  at  "Neama,"  also  "  five  miles  from 
Jericho,"  meaning  perhaps  IFarfy  Nawd'imeh,  the 
name  of  the  lower  part  of  Wadi)  jfuti/dh  or  ePAsax. 

Na-ash'on,  or  Na'a-shoa  (fr.  Heb.)  —  Nahsho.n 
(Ex.  vi.  23). 

Na-as'son  (Gr.)  =  Nahshon  (Mat.  i.  4 ;  Lk.  iii. 
32). 

Na'a-tlms  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  one  of  the  family  of  Addi 
(1  Esd.  ix.  31);  not  in  Ezr.  x.  30. 

Na'bal  (Heb. /uo/,  Stl. ;  foolish,  wicked,  Ges.),  one 
of  the  characters  introduced  to  us  in  David's  wan- 
derings, apparently  to  give  one  detailed  glimpse  of 
his  whole  state  of  life  at  that  time  (1  Sam.  xxv.). 
He  was  a  sheepmaster  on  the  confines  of  Judea  and 
the  desert,  in  that  part  of  the  country  which  bore 
from  its  great  conqueror  the  name  of  Caleb  (xxx. 
It,  xxv.  3).  He  was  himself,  according  to  Josephus, 
a  Ziphite,  and  his  residence  Emmaus,  a  place  of  that 
name  not  otherwise  known,  on  the  southern  Cau- 
MEL  in  the  pasture-lands  of  Maon.  His  wealth, 
as  might  be  expected  from  his  abode,  consisted 
chiefly  of  3,000  sheep  and  1,000  goats,  which,  as  in 
Palestine  at  the  time  of  the  Christian  era  (Mat.  xxv.) 
and  at  the  present  day,  fed  together.  It  was  the 
custom  of  the  shepherds  to  drive  them  into  the  wild 
pastures  on  the  slopes  of  Carmel ;  and  it  was  whilst 
they  were  on  one  of  these  excursions  for  grazing,  that 
they  met  a  band  of  outlaws,  who  showed  them  un- 
expected kindness,  protecting  them  by  day  and 
night,  and  never  themselves  committing  any  depre- 
dations (xxv.  7,  15,  16).  Once  a  year  there  was  a 
grand  banquet,  on  Carmel,  "  like  the  feast  of  a 
king"  (xxv.  2,  4,  36).  It  was  on  one  of  these  oc- 
c:isions  that  Nabal  came  across  the  path  of  the  man 
to  whom  he  owes  his  place  in  history.  Ten  youths 
from  the  chief  of  the  freebooters  approached  him 
with  a  triple  salutation — enumerated  the  services  of 
their  master,  and  ended  by  claiming,  with  a  mixture 
of  courtesy  and  defiance,  characteristic  of  the  East, 
"  whatsoever  cometh  into  thy  hand  for  thy  servants 
and  for  thy  son  David."  The  great  sheepmaster 
was  not  disposed  to  recognize  this  unexpected  pa- 
rental relation.  He  was  notorious  for  his  obstinacy 
(A.  V.  "  churlish  ")  and  for  his  general  low  conduct 
("  evil  in  his  doings  " — "  a  man  of  Belial ; "  xxv.  3, 
17).  On  hearing  the  demand  of  the  ten  petitioners, 
he  sprang  up  (LXX.),  and  broke  out  into  fury, "  Who 
is  David  ?  and  who  is  the  son  of  Jesse  ?  " — "  What 
runaway  slaves  are  these  to  interfere  with  my  own 
domestic  arrangements?  "  (xxv.  10,  11).  The  mo- 
ment that  the  messengers  were  gone,  the  shepherds 
that  stood  by  perceived  the  danger  that  their  mas- 
ter and  themselves  would  incur.  To  Nabal  himself 
they  durst  not  speak  (xxv.  17).  To  his  wife  (Abi- 
gail), as  to  the  good  angel  of  the  household,  one 
of  the  shepherds  told  the  state  of  affairs.  She,  with 
the  offerings  usual  on  such  occasions  (xxv.  18,  com- 
pare xxx.  11  ;  2  Sam.  xvi.  1  ;  1  Chr.  xii.  40),  loaded 
the  asses  of  Nabal's  large  establishment — herself 
mounted  one  of  them,  and,  with  her  attendants  run- 
ning before  her,  rode  down  the  hill  toward  David's 


encampment.  David  had  already  made  the  fatal 
vow  of  extermination  (1  Sam.  xxv.  22).  At  this 
moment,  as  it  would  seem,  Abigail  appeared,  threw 
herself  on  her  face  before  him,  and  poured  forth  her 
petition  in  language  which  botli  in  form  and  expres- 
sion almost  assumes  the  tone  of  poetry.  She  returns 
with  the  news  of  David's  recantation  of  his  vow. 
Nabal  is  then  in  at  the  height  of  his  orgies  ("  very 
drunken  "),  and  his  wife  dared  not  communicate  to 
him  either  his  danger  or  his  escape  (xxv.  36).  At 
break  of  day  she  told  him  both.  The  stupid  revel- 
ler was  suddenly  roused  to  a  sense  of  that  which 
impended  over  him.  "  His  heart  died  within  him, 
and  he  became  as  a  stone."  It  was  as  if  a  stroke 
of  apoplexy  or  paralysis  had  fallen  upon  him.  Ten 
days  he  lingered,  "  and  the  Lord  smote  Nabal,  and 
he  died"  (xxv.  37,  38).     Arms,  I.  4. 

Nab-a-ri'as  (Gr.),  apparently  a  corruption  of 
Zechariah  (1  E.'Jd.  x.  44;  compare  Nch.  viii.  4). 

IVa'bitth-itrs,  the  —  the  descendants  of  Nebaioth 
(1  Mc.  v.  25,  ix.  35). 

Na'both  (Hch.  fruit,  produce,  Ges.;  prominence, 
distiiiolioii,  Fii.),  victim  of  Aiiab  and  Jezebel.  lie 
was  a  Jezreelite,  and  the  owner  of  a  small  portion 
of  ground  (2  K.  ix.  25,  26)  that  lay  on  the  eastern 
slope  of  the  hill  of  Jezreel.  He  had  also  a  vine- 
yard, of  which  the  situation  is  not  quite  certain. 
According  to  the  Hebrew  text  (IK  xxi.  1)  it  was  in 
Jezreel,  but  the  LXX.  render  the  whole  clause  dif- 
ferently. The  royal  palace  of  Ahab  was  close  upon 
the  city  wall  at  Jezreel.  According  to  both  texts  it 
immediately  adjoined  the  vineyard  (1  K.  xxi.  1,  2, 
Heb. ;  1  K.  xxi.  2,  LXX. ;  2  K.  ix.  30,  36),  and  it 
thus  became  an  object  of  desire  to  the  Jcing  who  of- 
fered an  equivalent  in  money,  or  another  vineyard, 
in  exchange  for  this.  Naboth,  in  the  independent 
spirit  of  a  Jewish  landholder,  refused.  "  Jehovah 
forbid  it  to  me  that  I  should  give  the  inheritance  of 
my  fathers  unto  thee."  Ahab  was  cowed  by  this 
reply  ;  but  the  proud  spirit  of  Jezebel  was  roused. 
She  took  the  matter  into  her  own  hands.  A  solemn 
fast  was  proclaimed  as  on  the  announcement  of 
some  great  calamity.  Naboth  was  "  set  on  high  " 
in  the  public  place  of  Samaria  :  two  men  of  worth- 
less character  accused  him  of  having  "  cursed  God 
and  the  king."  He  and  his  children  (2  "K.  ix.  26) 
were  dragged  out  of  tlic  city  and  dispatched  the 
same  night.  The  place  of  execution  tliire  was  by 
the  large  tank  or  reservoir,  which  still  remains  on 
the  slope  of  the  hill  of  Samaria,  immediately  out- 
side the  walls.  The  usual  punishment  for  blasphemy 
was  enforced.  Naboth  and  his  sons  were  stoned ; 
and  the  blood  from  their  woimds  ran  down  into  the 
waters  of  the  tank  below.     Elijah  ;  Jehu. 

Nab-n-fho-don'o-sor  (Gr.)  =  Nebuchadnezzar, 
king  of  Babylon  (1  Esd.  i.  40,  41,  45,  48  ;  Tob.  xiv. 
15  ;  Jd.  i.  1,  5,  7,  11,  12,  ii.  1,  4,  19,  iii.  2,  8,  iv.  1, 
vi.  2,  4,  xi.  7,  23,  xii.  13,  xiii.  18). 

Na'cbon's  [-konz]  (Heb.  nAehdn  —  prepared,  Ges.) 
Thresh'ing-Fldor,  the  place  at  which  the  Ark  had 
arrived  in  its  progress  from  Kirjath-jearim  to  Jeru- 
salem, when  Uzzah  lost  his  life  in  his  too  hasty  zeal 
for  its  safety  (2  Sam.  vi.  6) ;  —  Chidon. 

Na'chor  (Gr.,  L.,  and  an  Eng.  form  of  Heb.  =: 
Nahor).  1,  Brother  of  Abraham  (Josh.  xxiv.  2); 
=  Nahor  2. — 2.  Grandfather  of  Abraham  (Lk.  iii. 
34) ;  =  Nahor  1. 

Ka'dab  (Heb.  spontaneous,  liheral,  Ges.).  1 .  Eldest 
son  of  Aaron  and  Elisheba  (Ex.  vi.  23 ;  Num.  iii. 
2).  He,  his  father  and  brother,  and  seventy  el- 
ders of  Israel  were  led  out  from  the  midst  of  the 
assembled  people  (Ex.  xxiv.  1),  and  were  command- 


NAD 


XAH 


C89 


ed  to  stay  and  worship  God  "  afar  off,"  below  the 
lofty  summit  of  Sinai,  where  Moses  alone  was  to 
come  near  to  the  Lord.  Subsequently  (Lev.  x.  1) 
Nadab  and  his  brother  were  struck  dead  before  the 
sanctuary  by  fire  from  the  Lord.  Their  offence  was 
kindling  the  incense  in  their  censers  with  "  strange  " 
FIRK,  i.  e.  not  taken  from  that  which  burned  per- 
petually (vi.  13)  on  the  altar. — 2.  King  Jeroboam's 
son  (Jeroboam  1),  who  succeeded  to  the  throne  of 
Israel  b.  c.  984,  and  reigned  two  years  (1  K.  xv.  25- 
81).  (Israel,  KiNcnoM  of.)  At  the  siege  of  Gib- 
bethon  a  conspiracy  broke  out  in  the  midst  of  the 
army,  and  the  king  was  slain  at  Gibbethon  by 
Baasha,  a  man  of  Issachar. — 3>  Son  of  Shammai 
(1  Clir.  ii.  28),  of  the  tribe  of  Judah — 1.  Son  of 
Gibcon  (viii.  30,  ix.  36),  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin. 

Na-dab'a-tlia  (fr.  Gr.),  a  place  from  which  the 
bride  was  being  conducted  by  the  children  of  Jam- 
Bni,  when  Jonathan  and  Simon  attacked  them  (1 
Mc.  ix.  37) ;  probably  on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  and  pos- 
sibly connected  with  Nebo  or  Nabathca.    Nebaioth. 

Ji«gge(L.  fr.  Heb.  Xooaii),  one  of  the  ancestors 
of  Christ  (Lk.  iii.  26).  Nagge  must  have  lived 
about  the  time  of  Onias  I.  and  the  commencement 
of  the  Macedonian  dynasty. 

Ka'ba-lal  (Heb.  pasture,  Gcs.),  a  city  of  Zebulun, 
given  with  its  "  suburbs  "  to  the  Merarite  Levites 
(Josh.  xxi.  35)  =:  Kahallal  and  Nahalol.  The 
Jerusalem  Talmud  asserts  that  Nahalal  was  in 
post-biblical  times  called  Mahlul ;  and  this  Schwarz 
identifies  with  the  modem  Malul,  a  village  in  the 
plain  of  Esdra^lon  under  the  mountains  which  en- 
close the  plain  on  the  N.,  four  miles  W.  of  Nazareth, 
and  two  of  Japhia. 

Sia-ba  li-ci  (Heb.  torrent  [or  valley'\  of  God  ;  sec 
Brook  4,  &c.),  one  of  the  halting-places  of  Israel 
ill  the  latter  part  of  their  progress  to  Canaan  (Xum. 
xxi.  19).  It  lay  "  beyond,"  i.  e.  N.  of  the  Amon 
(ver.  13),  and  between  Mattanah  and  Bamoth,  the 
next  after  Bamoth  being  Pisgah.  Its  name  seems 
to  imply  that  it  was  a  stream  or  wady,  and  it  is  not 
impossibly  preserved  in  that  of  the  \Vady  Enehetjle, 
which  runs  into  the  Mojih  (ancient  Amon),  a  short 
distance  E.  of  the  place  at  which  the  road  between 
Rahha  (Ab)  and  Aroer  crosses  the  ravine  of  the 
Mijeb. 

9(a-lial'lal  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Nabalal  (Jo-sh.  xix.  15). 

Na'ba-lol  (Ilcb.)  =  Nabalal  (Judg.  i.  30). 

Na  lian  (Heb.  eonsolation,  Ges.),  brother  of  Ho- 
diah,  or  Jchmiijah,  wife  of  Ezra  (1  Chr.  iv.  19). 

Na-ha-ma'nl  (Ileb.  rennpamonate,  Ges.),  a  chief 
man  among  those  who  returned  from  Babylon  with 
Zienibbabel  and  Jeshua  (Xeh.  vii.  1). 

Ka'ba-ral, or  !Va-h«r'a-i  (Heb.  morer,  Ges.),  Joab's 
amior-bearer,  called  in  the  A.  V.  of  2  Sam.  xxiii.  87, 
Nahari.     He  was  a  native  of  Beeroth  (1  Chr.  xi.  39). 

Na'ba-ri  (Heb  )  =  Nabarai  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  87).  In 
the  A.  V.  of  1611  the  name  is  printed  "  Naharai 
the  Berothite." 

Ha'hash  (Heb.  serpent).  I,  "  Xahash  the  Ammon- 
ite," king  of  the  Ammonites  (Ammos)  at  the  foun- 
dation of  the  monarchy  in  Israel,  who  dictated  to 
the  inhabitants  of  Jabeshgilead  that  cruel  alter- 
native of  the  loss  of  their  right  eyes  or  slavery, 
which  roused  the  swift  wrath  of  Sacl,  and  caused 
the  destruction  of  the  Ammonite  force  (1  Sam.  xi. 
1,  2-1 1 ).  "  Xahash  "  may  have  been  the  title  of  the 
king  of  the  Ammonites  rather  than  the  name  of  an 
individual.  Xahash,  the  father  of  Hancn  1,  had 
rendered  David  some  special  and  valuable  service, 
which  David  was  anxious  to  requite  (2  Sam.  x.  2). 
The  Jewish  traditions  affirm  that  it  consisted  in  his 
44 


having  afforded  protection  to  one  of  David's  broth- 
ers, who  escaped  alone  when  his  family  were  mas- 
sacred by  the  treacherous  king  of  Moab,  to  whose 
care  they  had  been  intrusted  by  David  (1  S-'am.  xxii. 
3,  4),  and  who  found  an  asylum  with  Xahash. 
"  Shobi  the  son  of  Xahash  of  Kabbah  of  the  chil- 
dren of  Ammon "  (2  Sam.  xvH.  27)  was  among 
those  who  brought  supplies  to  David  at  Mahanaim. 
— i.  A  person  mentioned  once  only  (xvii.  25)  in 
stating  that  Amasa,  the  commander-in-chief  of 
Absalom's  army,  was  the  son  of  a  certain  Ithia,  by 
Abigail,  "daughter  of  Xahash,  and  sister  to  Zer- 
uiab."  From  1  Chr.  ii.  16  it  appears  that  Zeruiah 
and  Abigail  were  sisters  of  David  and  the  other 
children  of  Jesse.  The  question  then  arises.  How 
could  Abigail  have  been  at  the  same  time  daughter 
of  Xahash  and  sister  to  the  children  of  Jesse  1  To 
this  three  answers  maybe  given  : — 1.  The  universal 
tradition  of  the  Rabbis  that  Nahash  and  Jesse  were 
identical.  2.  The  explanation  of  Stanley  that  Xa- 
hash was  the  king  of  the  Ammonites,  and  that  the 
same  woman  had  first  been  his  wife  or  concubine — 
in  which  capacity  she  had  given  birth  to  Abigail 
and  Zeruiah — and  afterward  wife  to  Jesse,  and  the 
mother  of  his  children.  Or  (so  Fairbairn)  Xahash 
may  have  been  the  first  husband  of  Jesse's  w  if'e, 
but  probably  not  the  same  as  Xahash  the  Ammon- 
ite. 3.  Xahash  may  possibly  have  been  the  name 
not  of  Jesse,  nor  of  a  former  husband  of  his  wife, 
but  of  his  wife  herself. 

•  Na'basb,  tbc  Clt'y  of,  =  Ir-xahash  (1  Chr.  iv.  12, 
margin). 

Ka'hntb  (Deb.  a  Irttinc/  (Jo\i:n,  rest,  Gcs.).  1,  A 
"ncKK  "  or  phylarch  of  Edom,  eldest  son  of  Reuel 
the  son  of  Esau  ((len.  xxxvi.  13,  17;  1  Chr.  i.  37). 
— 2<  A  Kohathite  Levite,  son  of  Zophai  (vi.  20) ;  = 
ToAH  and  Toiiu  ? — 3.  A  Levite  in  Hezckiah's  reign  ; 
an  overseer  of  tithes,  &c.  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  13). 

Nali'bi  (Heb.  hidden,  Ges.),  son  of  Vcphsi ;  a 
Xaphtalite,  and  one  of  the  twelve  spies  (Xum.  xiii. 
14). 

Ka'lior  (Heb.  snortinp,  snoring,  Ges.),  the  name 
of  two  persons  in  the  family  of  Abraham,  both  also 
written  Nacbor.  I<  His  grandfather;  the  son  of 
Serug  and  father  of  Terah  (Gen.  xi.  22-25).— 2. 
Grandson  of  Xo.  1 ,  son  of  Terah  and  brother  of 
Abraham  ai\d  Haran  (xi.  26,  27).  The  order  of 
the  ages  of  Terah's  family  is  not  improbably  in- 
verted in  the  narrative ;  in  which  case  Xahor  was 
older  than  Abraham.  He  married  Milcah,  the 
daughter  of  his  brother  Haran ;  and  when  Abraham 
and  Lot  migrated  to  Canaan,  Xahor  remained  be- 
hind in  the  land  of  his  birlh  (Xabor,  the  City  ok  ; 
Ur),  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Euphrates,  and  gath- 
ered his  family  around  him  at  the  sepulchre  of  his 
father  (compare  2  Sam.  xix.  37).  (Ioolatry.)  Like 
Jacob,  and  Ishmael,  Xahor  was  the  father  of  twelve 
sons,  and  further,  as  in  Jacob's  case,  eight  of  them 
were  the  children  of  his  wile,  and  four  of  a  concu- 
bine (Gen.  xxii.  21-24).  Special  care  is  taken  in 
speaking  of  the  legitimate  branch  to  specify  its  de- 
scent from  Milcah — "  the  son  of  Milcah,  which  she 
bare  unto  Xahor."  It  was  to  this  pure  and  unsul- 
lied race  that  Abraham  and  Rcbckah  in  turn  had 
recourse  for  wives  for  their  sons.  But  with  Jacob's 
flight  from  Haran  the  intercourse  ceased. 

Na'bor,  tb«  flt'y  of  (Gen.  xxv.  10)  =  Haras  (com- 
pare xxvii.  43).     Xahor  2. 

Nab'sboB  (Heb.  enchanter;  Ges.),  also  written  N'^aas- 
soN  and  Naasbon  ;  son  of  Ammixadab,  and  prince  of 
the  children  of  Judah  (as  he  is  styled  in  the  geneal- 
ogy of  Judah,  1  Chr.  ii.  10)  at  the  first  numbering 


690 


NAH 


NAH 


in  the  wilderness  (Ex.  vL  23 ;  Num.  i.  7,  &c.).  His 
sister,  Elisheba,  was  wife  to  Aaron,  and  his  son, 
Salmon,  was  husband  to  Rabab  after  the  taking  of 
Jericho.  In  the  encampment,  in  the  offerings  of 
the  princes,  and  in  the  order  of  march,  the  first 
place  is  assigned  to  Xahshon  the  son  of  Amminadab 
as  captain  of  the  ■host  of  Judah.  He  died  in  the 
wilderness  according  to  Num.  xxvi.  64,  65,  but  no 
further  particulars  of  his  life  are  given. 

Ita'trnm  (Heb.  consolation,  Ges.).  "  The  book  of 
the  vision  of  Nahum  the  Elkoshite  "  stands  seventh 
in  order  among  the  minor  prophets  in  the  present 
arrangement  of  the  Canon.  Of  the  author  himself 
we  have  only  the  knowledge  afforded  us  by  the  title 
of  his  book,  which  gives  no  indication  whatever  of 
his  date,  and  leaves  his  origin  obscure.  The  site 
of  Elkosh,  his  native  place,  is  disputed,  some  placing 
it  in  Galilee,  others  in  Assyria.  Those  who  main- 
tain the  latter  view  assume  that  the  prophet's  par- 
ents were  carried  inio  Captivity  by  Tiglath-pileser, 
and  that  the  prophet  was  born  at  the  village  of  At- 
tush  or  Elkmk,  E.  of  the  Tigris,  and  N.  of  Mosul. 
Ewald  is  of  opinion  that  the  prophecy  was  written 
tliere  at  a  time  when  Nineveh  was  threatened  from 
without.  The  arguments  in  favor  of  an  Assyrian 
locality  for  the  prophet  are  supported  by  the  occur- 
rence of  what  are  presumed  to  be  Assyrian  words. 
But  there  is  nothing  in  the  prophecy  of  Nahum  to 
indicate  that  it  was  written  in  the  immediate  neigh- 
borhood of  Nineveh,  and  in  full  view  of  the  scenes 
depicted,  nor  is  the  language  that  of  an  exile  in  an 
enemy's  country.  No  allusion  is  made  to  the  Cap- 
tivity; while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  imagery  is 
such  as  would  be  natural  to  an  inhabitant  of  Pales- 
tine (i.  4),  to  whom  tlie  rich  pastures  of  Bashan, 
tiie  vineyards  of  Ciirmel,  and  the  blossom  of  Leba- 
non, were  emblems  of  all  that  was  luxuriant  and 
fertile.  The  language  in  i.  15,  ii.  2,  is  appropriate 
to  one  who  wrote  for  his  countrymen  in  their  native 
land  (so  Mr.  Wright,  with  Prof.  B.  B.  Edwards,  Dr. 
W.  L.  Alexander,  Henderson,  Davidson,  &c.,  &c.). 
Mr.  Wright  tliinks  the  sole  origin  of  the  theory  that 
Nahum  flourished  in  Assyria  is  the  name  of  the 
village  containing  his  supposed  tomb,  and  apparent- 
ly selected  by  mediaeval  tradition  as  a  shrine  for 
pilgrims  from  its  similarity  to  Elkosh.  According 
to  Pseudo-Epiphanius,  Nahum  was  of  the  tribe  of 
Simeon. — Tlie  date  of  Nahum's  prophecy  can  be 
determined  with  as  little  precision  as  his  birthplace. 
In  the  Seder  Olam  Rabba  he  is  made  contemporary 
with  Joel  and  Habakkuk,  in  the  reign  of  Mauasseh. 
Syncellus  places  him  with  Hosea,  Amos,  and  Jonah, 
in  the  reign  of  Joash,  king  of  Israel,  more  than  a 
century  earlier ;  while,  according  to  Eutychius,  he 
was  contemporary  with  Haggai,  Zechariah,  and 
Malachi,  and  prophesied  in  the  fifth  year  after  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem.  Josephus  mentions  him 
as  living  in  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Jotham. 
Carpzov  concluded  tliat  Nahum  prophesied  in  the 
beginning  of  the  reign  of  Ahaz,  about  B.  c.  '?42. 
Bertholdt  thinks  it  probable  that  the  prophet  es- 
caped into  Judah  when  the  ten  tribes  were  carried 
captive,  and  wrote  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah.  Keil 
places  him  in  the  latter  half  of  Hezekiah's  reign, 
after  the  invasion  of  Sennacherib.  Vitringa  was  of 
the  like  opinion,  and  the  same  view  is  taken  by  De 
Wette  and  Knobel.  Junius  and  Tremellius  place 
his  prophesying  in  the  last  years  of  Josiah.  The 
arguments  by  which  Strauss  endeavors  to  prove 
that  the  prophecy  belongs  to  the  time  at  which  Ma- 
nasseh  was  in  captivity  at  Babylon,  i.  e.  between 
680  and  667  B.  c,  are  not  convincing.     That  the 


prophecy  was  written  before  the  final  downfall  of 
Nineveh,  and  its  capture  by  the  Medes  and  Chal- 
deans (about  B.  c.  625),  will  be  admitted.  The  allu- 
sions to  the  Assyrian  power  imply  that  it  was  still 
unbroken  (i.  12,  ii.  IS,  14,  iii.  15-17).  That  Pales- 
tine was  suffering  from  the  effects  of  Assyrian  in- 
vasion at  the  time  of  Nahum's  writing  seems  prob- 
able from  the  allusions  in  i.  11-13,  ii.  2,  and  the 
vivid  description  of  the  Assyrian  armament  in  ii.  3, 
4.  At  such  a  tune  the  prophecy  would  be  appro- 
priate, and  if  i.  14  refers  to  the  death  of  Sennache- 
rib in  the  bouse  of  Nisroch,  it  must  have  been 
written  before  that  event.  These  circumstances 
seem  to  determine  the  fourteenth  year  of  Hezekiah 
(b.  c.  712)  as  the  period  before  which  the  prophecy 
of  Nahum  could  not  have  been  written.  The  con- 
dition of  Assyria  in  the  reign  of  Sennacherib  would 
correspond  with  the  state  of  things  implied  in  the 
prophecy,  and  it  is  on  all  accounts  most  probable 
that  Nahum  flourished  in  the  latter  half  of  the  reign 
of  Hezekiah,  and  wrote  his  prophecy  soon  after  the 
date  above-mentioned,  either  in  Jerusalem  or  its 
neighborhood  (so  Mr.  Wright,  with  the  majority  of 
critics). — The  subject  of  the  prophecy  is,  in 
accordance  with  the  superscription,  "  the  burden 
of  Nineveh."  The  three  chapters  into  which  it  is 
divided  form  a  consecutive  whole.  Ch.  i.  is  intro- 
ductory. It  commences  with  a  declaration  of  the 
character  of  Jehovah,  "  a  God  jealous  and  aven- 
ging," as  exhibited  in  His  dealings  with  His  enemies, 
and  the  swift  and  terrible  vengeance  with  which  He 
pursues  them  (i.  2-6),  while  to  those  that  trust  in 
Him  He  is  "good,  a  stronghold  in  the  day  of 
trouble "  (i.  7),  in  contrast  with  the  overwhelming 
flood  which  shall  sweep  away  His  foes  (i.  8).  The 
language  of  the  prophet  now  becomes  more  spe- 
cial, and  points  to  the  destruction  which  awaited 
the  hosts  of  Assyria  who  had  just  gone  up  out 
of  Judah  (i.  9-11).  In  the  verses  that  follow, 
the  intention  of  Jehovah  is  still  more  fully  de- 
clared, and  addressed  first  to  Judah  (i.  12,  13) 
and  then  to  the  monarch  of  Assyria  (i.  14).  And 
now  the  vision  grows  more  distinct.  The  mes- 
senger of  glad  tidings,  the  news  of  Nineveh's  down- 
fall, trod  the  mountains  about  Jerusalem  (i.  15), 
and  proclaimed  to  Judah  the  accomplishment  of 
her  vows.  But  round  the  doomed  city  gathered 
the  destroying  armies ;  "  the  breaker  in  pieces  "  had 
gone  up,  and  Jehovah  mustered  His  hosts  to  the 
battle  to  avenge  His  people  (ii.  1,  2).  The  prophet's 
mind  in  vision  sees  the  burnished  bronze  shields  of 
the  scarlet-clad  warriors  of  the  besieging  army,  the 
flashing  steel  scythes  of  the  war-chariots  as  they  are 
drawn  up  in  battle  array,  and  the  quivering  cypret^s- 
shafts  of  their  spears  (ii.  3).  The  Assyrians  hasten 
to  the  defence  :  their  chariots  rush  madly  through 
the  streets,  and  run  to  and  fro  like  the  lightning  in 
the  broad  ways,  which  glare  with  their  bright  armor 
like  torches.  But  a  panic  has  seized  their  mighty 
ones ;  their  ranks  are  broken  as  they  march,  and 
they  hurry  to  the  wall  only  to  see  the  covered  bat- 
tering-rams of  the  besiegers  ready  for  the  attack 
(ii.  4,  5).  The  crisis  hastens  on  with  terrible  rapid- 
ity. The  river  gates  are  broken  in,  and  the  royal 
palace  is  in  the  hands  of  the  victors  (ii.  6).  And 
then  comes  the  end ;  the  city  is  taken  and  carried 
captive,  and  her  maidens  "  moan  as  with  the  voice 
of  doves,"  beating  their  breasts  with  sorrow  (ii.  7). 
The  flight  becomes  general,  and  the  leaders  in  vain 
endeavor  to  stem  the  torrent  of  fugitives  (ii.  S). 
The  wealth  of  the  city  and  its  accumulated  treas- 
ures become  the  spoil  of  the  captors,  and  the  con- 


NAI 


NAN 


691 


quered  suffer  all  the  horrors  that  follow  the  assault 
and  storm  (ii.  9,  10).  Over  the  charred  and  black- 
ened ruins  the  prf>i)het,  as  the  mouth-piece  of  Jeho- 
v.ih,  exclaims  in  triumph,  "  Where  is  the  lair  of  the 
lions,  the  feeding-^lace  of  the  young  lions,  where 
walked  the  lion,  lioness,  lion's  wh«!p,  and  none 
made  (them)  afraid  ?  "  (ii.  11,  12).  But  for  all  this 
the  downfall  of  Nineveh  was  certain,  for  "  behold  ! 
I  am  against  thee,  saith  Jehovah  of  Hosts"  (ii.  12). 
The  vision  ends,  and  the  prophet,  recalled  from  the 
scenes  of  the  future  to  the  realities  of  the  present, 
collects  himself  as  it  were  for  one  final  outburst  of 
withering  denunciation  against  the  Ass3rian  city, 
not  now  threatened  by  her  Median  and  Chaldean 
conquerors,  but  in  the  full  tide  of  prosperity,  the 
oppressor  and  corrupter  of  nations.  Mingled  with 
this  'Koe  there  is  no  touch  of  sadness  or  compassion 
for  her  fate:  she  will  fall  unpitied  and  unlaniented, 
and  with  terrible  calnme-ss  the  prophet  pronounces 
her  final  doom :  "  all  that  hear  the  bruit  of  thee 
shall  clap  the  hands  over  thee :  for  upon  whom  has 
not  thy  wickedness  passed  continually  ?"  (iii.  19). 
As  a  poet,  Xahum  occupies  a  high  place  in  the  first 
rank  of  Hebrew  literature.  In  proof  of  this  it  is 
only  necessary  to  refer  to  the  opening  verses  of  liLs 
prophecy  (i.  2-6),  and  to  the  magnificent  description 
of  the  siege  and  destruction  of  Nineveh  in  chapter 
il  His  style  is  clear  and  uninvolved,  though  preg- 
nant and  forcible ;  bis  diction  sonorous  and  rhyth- 
mical, the  words  reijchoing  to  the  sense  (comp.  ii.  4, 
ill  3).  For  illustrations  of  Nahum's  prophecy,  see 
Nineveh  ;  War,     Canon  ;  Inspiration  ;  Pnopiii.T. 

i\a'l-dD8  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Benaiah  8  4.  (1  Esd.  ix.  31). 

Nail.  L  (of  finger)  (Cbal.  tiphar ;  Hcb.  bij/po- 
ren). — 1.  A  nail  or  claw  of  man  or  animal  (Deut. 
xxi.  12;  Dan.  iv.  33,  vii.  19).  2.  A  point  or  style, 
e.  g.  for  writing  (Jcr.  xvii.  1,  niarg.).  Tsipjiiren 
occurs  in  Deut.  xxi.  12,  in  connection  with  the  verb 
'iMh  =z  to  make  (A.  V.  "pare,"  but  in  margin 
"  dress,"  "  suffer  to  grow  ").  Much  controversy  has 
arisen  on  the  meaning  of  this  passage ;  one  set  of 
interpreters,  including  Josephus  and  Philo,  regard- 
ing the  action  as  indicative  of  mourning,  while 
others  refer  it  to  the  laying  aside  of  mourning. 
Some,  who  would  thus  belong  to  the  latter  class, 
refer  it  to  the  practice  of  staining  the  nails  with 
henneh.  The  word  ^tisiih  ^  make,  is  used  both  of 
dressing,  i.  e.  making  clean  the  feet,  and  also  of 
Iriminhiff,  L  e.  combing  and  making  neat  the  beard, 
in  the  caseof  Mephibosheth  (2  Sam.  xix.  24).  The 
captive's  head  was  probably  shaved  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  month,  and  during  that  period 
her  nails  were  to  be  allowed  to  grow  in  token  of 
natural  sorrow  and  consequent  personal  neglect. — 
II.— 1.  Heb.  }/'-,f!ied.  A  "  nail  "  (Is.  xxii.  23,  25),  a 
"stake"  (xx'xiii.  20),  also  a  tent-peg  (Judg.  iv.  21, 
&c.).  (Jael  ;  Tent.)  Tent-pegs  are  usually  of 
wood  and  of  large  size,  but  sometimes,  as  was  the 
case  with  those  used  to  fasten  the  curtains  of  the 
Tabernacle,  of  metal  (A.  V.  "pin;"  Ex.  xxvii.  19, 
xxxviii.  20,  &c.).  2.  (Hcb.  masmer ;  Gr.  lulos  ; 
protcM  "to  nail").  A  nail,  primarily  a  point. 
VVe  are  told  that  David  prepared  iron  for  the  nails 
to  be  used  in  the  Temple  ;  and  as  the  Holy  of  Holies 
was  plated  with  gold,  the  nails  also  for  factcning  the 
plates  were  probably  of  gold  (1  Chr.  xxii.  3  ;  2  Chr. 
iii.  9).  The  nails  of  the  cross  are  alluded  to  in  Jn. 
XX.  25  and  Col.  ii.  14. 

Na'lB  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  ffram-plot,  pngtnre-pround, 
Sim.,  \Vr. ;  the  lo»eli/,  Van  Oosterzee  [in  Langc]  on 
Ur.  vii.  1 1),  a  village  of  Galilee,  the  gate  of  which  is 
made  illustrious  by  the  raising  of  the  widow's  son 


(Lk.  vii.  11  ff.).  The  site  of  the  village  is  certainly 
known ;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  ap- 
proach by  which  our  Saviour  was  coming  when  He 
met  the  funeral.  The  modern  Nein  is  situated  on 
the  northwestern  edge  of  the  "  Little  Hermon,"  or 
Jebel  ed-Duliy,  where  the  ground  falls  into  the  plain 
of  Esdnelou.  Again,  the  entrance  to  the  place 
must  probably  always  have  been  up  the  steep  ascent 
from  the  plain ;  and  here,  on  the  west  side  of  the 
village,  the  rock  is  full  of  sepulchral  caves. 

Nai'oth  [na'j'oth]  (Heb.,  see  below),  or  more 
fully,  "Naioth  in  Ramah;"  a  place  in  which  Samuel 
and  David  took  refuge  together,  after  the  latter  had 
made  his  escape  from  the  jealous  fury  of  Saul  (1 
Sam.  xix.  18,  19,  22,  23,  xx.  1).  It  is  evident  from 
ver.  18,  that  Naioth  was  not  actually  in  Bamah, 
Samuel's  habitual  residence.  The  Hebrew  word  = 
hnbHatiunx,  and  from  an  early  date  has  been  inter- 
preted to  mean  the  huts  or  dwellings  of  a  school  or 
college  of  prophets  over  which  Samuel  presided,  as 
^lisha  did  over  those  at  Gilgal  and  Jericho.  This 
interpretation  was  unknown  to  Josephus,  but  is  now 
generally  accepted  by  lexicographers  and  commen- 
tators. Mr.  Rowlands  (in  J'airbairn)  supposes 
Naioth  was  at  the  village  Seit  Hmdiiah,  about  f(jur 
niiles  N.  N.  W.  of  Jerusalem.     But  see  IUuaii  2. 

*»a'kcd.     Dress,  III.  1. 

*  ^«lne  (Hcb.  shem  ;  Gr.  onomn),  in  the  Scriptures 
not  only  =  that  by  which  a  person  is  designated, 
but  frequently  =  all  that  is  known  to  belong  to  the 
person  liaving  this  designation,  and  the  person  him- 
self. Thus  "  the  name  of  God  "  or  "  of  Jehovah," 
&c.,  indicates  His  authority  (Deut.  xviii.  20;  Mat. 
xxi.  9,  &c.),  His  dignity  and  glory  (Is.  xlviii.  9,  &c.). 
His  protection  and  favor  (Prov.  xviii.  10,  &c.),  His 
character  (Ex.  xxxiv.  6,  14,  ccmp.  6,  1,  kc).  His 
divine  attributes  in  general  (Aiat.  vi.  9,  &c.),  &c.  The 
Lord  is  said  to  set  or  put  His  name  where  the  rev- 
..'lation  or  manifestation  of  His  perfections  is  made 
(Deut.  xii.  5,  xiv.  24,  &e.).  To  believe  in  or  on  the 
name  of  Christ  is  to  receive  and  treat  him  in  accord- 
ance with  the  revelation  which  the  Scriptures  make 
of  Him  (Jn.  i.  12,  ii.  23),  &c. — Proper  names  among 
the  ancient  nations,  Hebrews,  Greeks,  &c.,  were  all 
significant,  often  expressive  of  religious  feeling 
(comp.  JoiiANAN,  Jonathan,  Daniel,  TnEOPiiiLi-.x, 
&c.).  Usually  among  the  Hebrews  a  person  had 
only  one  name  (e.  g.  David,  Isaac,  &c.),  but  some- 
times two  or  more  (e.  g.  Jacob  and  Israel,  &c.). 
The  Egyptians,  Syrians,  Persians,  Greeks,  usually 
had  only  one  name.  The  Romans  likewise  had 
originally  but  one  name  for  each  person,  but  in  the 
refinement  of  N.  T.  times  they  had  three  names 
each.  (1.)  the  prcenvmen,  i.  e.  the  first  or  personal 
name,  by  which  the  individual  was  distinguished 
from  ethers  of  the  same  family;  (2.)  the  nomi-n  or 
name  which  designated  the  gens  or  clan ;  (3.)  the 
cognomen,  or  surname,  or  family  name.  Thus 
Marcus  was  the  first  or  personal  name,  Tullius  the 
gentile  name,  or  name  of  his  clan,  and  Cicero  the 
surname,  or  family  name  of  the  great  Roman  orator, 
Marcus  Tullius  Cicero.  Ou»  English  ancestors  had 
at  first  only  one  name  each ;  afterward  came  the 
surname  as  an  addition  to  the  Christian  or  personal 
name. 

Na-Bf'a  (L.  fr.  Gr.  Konain).  The  last  act  of 
Antiocius  Epipiianes  was  his  attempt  to  plunder 
the  temple  of  Nanea  at  Elymais,  which  had  been 
enriched  by  the  gifts  and  trophies  of  Alexander  the 
Great  (1  Mc.  vi.  1-4  ;  2  Mc.  i.  13-1«).  The  Persian 
goddess  Nanea  is  apparently  the  Moon-goddess,  of 
whom  the  Greek  Artemis  (Diana)  was  the  nearest 


692 


NAO 


NAP 


representative  in  Polybius  (quoted  by  Josephus  xii. 
9,  §  1).  Elphinstone  in  1811  found  coins  of  the  Sas- 
sanians  with  tlie  inscription  NANAIA,  and  on  the 
reverse  a  figure  with  nimljus  and  lotus-flower.  In 
c  msequence  of  a  confusion  between  the  Greelc  and 
Eastern  mythologies,  Nanea  has  been  identified  witli 
Artemis  and  Aphrodite  (Roman  Venus),  the  prob- 
ability being  that  she  corresponds  with  the  Tauric 
or  Ephesian  Artemis,  who  was  invested  with  the 
attributes  of  Aphrodite,  and  represented  the  pro- 
ductive power  of  nature. 

Na'o-ml,  or  Na-oml  (fr.  Heb.  =  my  pleasantness, 
Ges.),  the  wife  of  Elimelech,  and  mother-in-law 
of  Rdth  (Ru.  i.  2  ff.,  ii.  1  flf.,  iii.  I,  iv.  3  ff.). 
Having  buried  her  husband  and  her  sons  Mahlon 
and  Chilion  in  the  land  of  Moab,  she  returned  to 
Bethlehem  with  Ruth,  leaving  Orpah  in  Moab.  The 
significance  of  the  name  contributes  to  the  point  of 
the  paronomasia  in  i.  20,  21,  though  the  passage  con- 
tains also  a  play  on  the  mere  sound  of  the  name : — 
"  Call  me  not  Naomi  (pleasant),  call  me  Mara  (bitter) 
....  why  call  ye  me  Naomi  when  Jehovah  hath 
testified  against  me  ?  " 

JVa'pbisIl  (Heb.  recreated,  refreshed,  Ges.),  the  last 
but  one  of  the  sons  of  Isbmaei,  (Gen.  xxv.  13;  1 
Chr.  i.  31).  The  tribe  descended  from  Nodab  was 
subdued  by  the  Reubenites,  Gadites,  and  half-tribe 
of  Manasseh,  when  "  they  made  war  with  the  Hagar- 
ites,  with  Jetur  (Itcrea),  and  Nephish  and  No- 
dab"  (1  Chr.  V.  19).  The  tribe  is  not  again  found 
in  the  sacred  records,  nor  is  it  mentioned  by  later 
writers.  It  has  not  been  identified  with  any  Arabian 
tribe. 

Kapb'i-sl  (Gr.)  =  Nephcsim  (1  Esd.  v.  31). 

Naph'ta-ll  (Heb.  my  wrestling,  A.  V.  marg.,  Ges. ; 
lorestling  of  Jah,  Fii. ;  see  below),  in  N.  T.  Neph- 
TiiALiM,  fiifth  son  of  Jacob ;  the  second  child  borne 
to  him  by  Bilhah,  Rachel's  handmaid.  His  birth 
and  the  bestowal  of  his  name  are  recorded  in  Gen. 
XXX.  8  : — "  and  Rachel  said  '  wrestlings  of  God  (A. 
V.  '  with  great  wrestlings ')  have  I  wrestled  with  my 
sister  and  I  have  prevailed.'  And  she  called  his 
name  Naphtali."  By  his  birth  Naphtali  was  thus 
allied  to  Dan  (xxxv.  25).  At  the  migration  to  Egypt 
four  sons  are  attributed  to  Naphtali  (xlvi.  24;  Ex. 
i.  4;  1  Chr.  vii.  13).  When  the  census  was  taken 
at  Mount  Sinai  the  tribe  numbered  no  less  than 
53,400  fighting  men  (Num.  i.  43,  ii.  30),  having  five 
tribes  above  it  in  numbers,  and  six  below.  But  when 
the  borders  of  the  Promised  Land  were  reached,  its 
numbers  were  reduced  to  45,400,  with  four  only  be- 
low it  in  the  scale  (xxvi.  48-50,  comp.  37).  During 
the  march  through  the  wilderness  Naphtali  occupied 
a  position  on  the  north  of  the  Sacred  Tent  with  Dan 
and  Asher  (ii.  25-31).  In  the  apportionment  of  the 
land,  the  lot  of  Naphtali  was  drawn  the  last  but  one. 
Its  territory  was  enclosed  on  three  sides  by  those 
of  other  tribes.  On  the  W.  lay  Asher ;  on  the  S. 
Zebulun ;  and  on  the  E.  the  Transjordanic  Manas- 
seh. The  N.  terminated  with  the  ravines  of  the 
Litdny  or  Leontes,  and  opened  into  the  splendid 
valley  which  separates  the  two  ranges  of  Lebanon. 
(Celostria).  According  to  Josephus  (v.  1,  §  22) 
its  E.  side  reached  as  far  as  Damascus,  but  of  this, 
though  not  impossible  in  the  early  times  before  the 
Syrian  monarchy,  there  is  no  indication  in  the  Bible. 
The  S.  boundary  was  probably  very  much  the  same 
as  that  which  at  a  later  time  separated  Upper  from 
Lower  Galilee,  and  which  ran  from  or  about  the 
town  of  ^Akk-a  to  the  upper  part  of  the  Sea  of 
Gennesaret.  Thus  Naphtali  was  cut  off  from  the 
great  plain  of  Esdrselon  by  the  mass  of  the  moun- 


tains of  Nazareth  ;  while  on  the  E.  it  had  a  coramu- 
nication  with  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  the  rich  district  of 
the  Ard  el-Huteh  and  the  Merj  'Ai/un,  and  all  the 
splendidly  watered  country  about  Bdni&s  and  Hds- 
beiya,  the  springs  of  the  Jordan  (comp.  Deut.  xxxiii, 
23).  But  the  capabilities  of  these  plains  and  of  the 
access  to  the  lake  were  not  destined  to  be  developed 
while  they  were  in  the  keeping  of  the  tribe  of  Naph- 
tali. It  was  the  mountainous  country  (Josh.  xs.  7) 
which  formed  the  chief  part  of  their  inheritance, 
that  impressed  or  brought  out  the  qualities  for 
which  Naphtali  was  remarkable  at  the  one  remark- 
able period  of  its  history.  This  district,  the  modern 
BelAd-Beshdrah,OT^^\».\>i  of  good  tidings,"  comprises 
some  of  the  most  beautiful  scenery  and  some  of  the 
most  fertile  soil  in  Palestine,  forests  surpassing  those 
of  the  renowned  Carmel  itself;  as  rich  in  noble  and 
ever-varying  prospects  as  any  country  in  the  world. 
Its  three  Levitical  cities  were  Kedesh  (or  "  Kedesh 
in  Galilee "),  Hammoth-dor,  and  Kartan.  Naph- 
tali had  its  share  in  those  incursions  and  molesta- 
tions by  the  surrounding  heathen,  which  were  the 
common  lot  of  all  the  tribes  (Judah  perhaps  alone 
excepted)  during  the  first  centuries  after  the  con- 
quest. One  of  these,  apparently  the  severest  strug- 
gle of  all,  fell  with  special  violence  on  the  north  of 
the  country,  and  the  leader  by  whom  the  invasion 
was  repelled — Barak  of  Kedesh-uaphtali — was  the 
one  great  hero  whom  Naphtali  is  recorded  to  have 
produced.  Gilead  and  Reuben  lingered  beyond  the 
Jordan  amongst  their  flocks  ;  Dan  and  Asher  pre- 
ferred the  luxurious  calm  of  their  hot  lowlands  to 
the  free  air  and  fierce  strife  of  the  mountains  ;  Issa- 
char  with  characteristic  sluggishness  seems  to  have 
moved  slowly  if  he  moved  at  all ;  but  Zebulun  and 
Naphtali  on  the  summits  of  their  native  highlands 
j  devoted  themselves  to  death,  even  to  an  extravagant 
I  pitch  of  heroism  and  self-devotion  (Judg.  v.  18). 
The  mention  of  Naphtali  by  Jacob  in  Gen.  xlix.  21 
— "  Naphtali  is  a  niND  let  loose  ;  he  giveth  goodly 
words  " — probably  has  reference  to  this  event.  After 
this  burst  of  heroism,  the  Naphtalites  appear  to 
have  resigned  themselves  to  the  intercourse  with 
the  heathen,  which  was  the  bane  of  the  northern 
tribes  in  general,  and  of  which  there  are  already  in- 
dications in  Judg.  i.  33.  At  length  in  the  reign  of 
Pekah,  king  of  Israel  (about  b.  c.  730),  Tiglath- 
pileser  overran  the  whole  of  the  north  of  Israel, 
swept  off  the  population,  and  bore  them  away  to 
Assyria.  But  though  the  history  of  the  tribe  of 
Naphtali  ends  here,  yet  under  the  title  of  Galilee 
the  district  which  they  had  formerly  occupied  was 
destined  to  become  in  every  way  far  more  important 
than  it  had  ever  before  been.     Caperxau.\i. 

Kaph'ta-li  (see  above),  Monnt,  =  the  mountainous 
district  which  formed  the  main  part  of  the  inherit- 
ance of  Naphtali  (Josh.  xx.  7),  answering  to 
"  Mount  Ephraim "  in  the  centre  and  "  Mount 
Judah  "  in  the  south  of  Palestine. 

Naph'thar(fr.  Gr.  nepkthar  =  na]>hlha?  according 
ing  to  2  Mc.  i.  36  =  a  cleaning  [a  copyist's  error  ?]), 
the  name  said  to  have  been  given  by  Nehemiah  to 
the  substance  which  after  the  return  from  Babylon 
was  discovered  in  the  dry  pit  in  which  at  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Temple  the  sacred  Fire  of  the  altar  liad 
been  hidden  (2  Mc.  i.  36,  comp.  19).  It  was  either  the 
same  as  or  closely  allied  to  the  naphtha  of  modern 
commerce  (Petroleum).  The  place  from  which  this 
combustible  "water"  was  taken  was  enclosed  by 
the  "  king  of  Persia "  (Artaxerxes  Longinianus), 
and  converted  into  a  sanctuary  (ver.  34).  In  mod- 
ern times  it  has  been  identified  with  the  large  well 


If  At 


NAT 


G93 


called  by  the  Arabs  Bir  Eifub  {well  of  Joab  or  of 
Job,  situated  beneath  Jerusalem,  at  the  confluence 
of  the  valleys  of  Kidron  and  Hiunom  with  the  Wady 
eti-Nar  {OT  valley  of  the  fire).  At  present  it  would 
be  aB  equally  unsuitable  spot  either  to  store  fire  or 
to  seek  for  naphtha. 

Naph'ta-btm  (Heb.  fr.  Egjptian ;  see  below),  a 
Mizraite  nation  or  tribe,  mentioned  only  in  the  ac- 
count of  the  descendants  of  Noah  (Gen.  x.  13;  1 
Chr.  i.  11).  If  we  may  judge  from  their  position  in 
the  list  of  the  Mizraites,  the  Naphtuhim  were  prob- 
ably settled  at  first,  or  at  the  time  when  Gen.  v. 
was  written,  either  in  Egypt  or  immediately  to  the 
W.  of  it.  In  Coptic  the  city  of  Marea  and  the 
neighboring  terrilory  is  called  m'phaial  or  niphaiad. 
In  hieroglyphics  mention  is  made  of  a  nation  or 
confederacy  of  tribes  conquered  by  the  Egyptians 
called  the  Nine  Bows  (the  Nine  Peoples,  Brugsch), 
a  name  which  Champollion  read  Naphit,  or,  as  Mr. 
R.  S.  Poole  would  write  it,  Na-Petu,  the  lovn.  Ge- 
scnius  supposes  Naphtuhim  =  border  people,  prob- 
ably dwelling  on  the  Red  Sea.  FUrst  makes  them 
tlie  inhabitants  of  middle  Egypt,  with  its  metropolis 
Memphis,  and  derives  the  name  from  the  god  Ptah 
or  PlUaeh  (=  the  productive,  generating  woild- 
power)  there  worshipped. 

•  Aap'ktn.    Handkebchikf. 

Kur-fls'sBS  [-sis-]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  3:  the  jiarawjM  plant 
or  flower),  a  dweller  at  Rome  (Rom.  xvi.  11),  some 
members  of  whose  household  were  known  as  Chris- 
tians to  St.  Paul.  Some  persons  have  assumed  the 
identity  of  this  Narcissus  with  the  secretary  of  the 
Emperor  Claudius,  a  wealthy  freedman  who  died  in 
prison,  a.  n.  54-5,  about  three  years  before  this 
epistle  was  written  (so  Mr.  Bullock).  Another  Nar- 
cissus, an  associate  of  Nero,  was  put  to  an  ignomin- 
ious death  a.  d.  68.  His  name,  however,  was  at 
that  time  too  common  in  Rome  to  give  any  prob- 
ability to  the  guess  that  he  was  the  Narcissus  men- 
tioned by  St.  Paul.  An  improbable  tradition  makes 
Narcissus  one  of  the  seventy  diEcipIes  and  bishop 
of  Athens. 

Nardi    Spikenard. 

Kis'bas  (Gr.),  Tobit's  nephew  who  came  with 
Achiiich;irus  to  the  wedding  of  Tobias  (Tob.  xi.  18). 

N«  sltli  (Gr.)  =  Neziah  (1  Esd.  v.  32). 

Na  sor  (Gr.  =  Hazor,  with  N  prefixed  by  a  copy- 
ist's error  from  the  preceding  Greek  word),  fhf  Plain 
of,  the  scene  of  an  action  between  Jonath.m  the 
Maccabee  and  the  forces  of  Demetrius  (1  Mc.  xi. 
67,  compnre  63);  =  Hazor. 

Ka'tbin  (Heb.  given,  sc.  of  God,  Ges.).  1.  An 
eminent  Hebrew  prophet  in  the  reigns  of  David  and 
Solomon.  If  the  expression  "  first  and  last,"  in  2 
Chr.  ix.  29,  is  to  be  taken  literally,  he  must  have 
lived  late  into  the  life  of  Solomon,  and  have  been 
considerably  younger  than  David.  He  first  appears 
in  the  consultation  with  David  about  the  building 
of  the  Temple  (2  Sam.  vii.  2,  8, 17).  He  next  comes 
forward  as  the  reprover  of  David  for  the  sin  with 
Bath'Sheba  ;  and  his  famous  apologue  (Parable)  on 
the  rich  man  and  the  ewe  lamb,  which  is  the  only 
direct  example  of  his  prophetic  power,  shows  it  to 
have  been  of  a  very  high  order  (xii.  1-12).  On  the 
birth  of  Solomon  he  was  either  specially  charged 
with  giving  him  his  name,  jKDiniAn,  or  else  with 
his  education  (xii.  25).  At  any  rate,  in  the  last 
years  of  David,  it  is  Nathan  who,  by  taking  the  side 
of  Solomon,  turned  the  scale  in  his  favor.  (Adoni- 
JAH.)  He  advised  Bath-sheba  ;  he  himself  ventured 
to  enter  the  royal  presence  with  a  remonstrance 
against  the  king's  apathy ;  and  at  David's  request 


he  assisted  in  the  inauguration  of  Solomon  (1  K,  i.  . 
8  ff.).  This  is  the  last  time  that  we  hear  directly  of 
his  intervention  in  the  history.  His  son  Zabud  was 
the  "  king's  friend."  He  left  two  works  behind  him 
— a  Life  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxix.  29),  and  a  Life  of 
Solomon  (2  Chr.  ix.  29).  The  last  of  these  may  have 
been  incomplete,  as  we  cannot  be  sure  that  he  out- 
lived Solomon.  But  the  biography  of  David  by 
Nathan  is,  of  all  the  losses  which  antiquity,  sacred 
or  profane,  has  sustained,  the  most  deplorable.  His 
grave  is  shown  at  Halhul  near  Hebron. — 2.  A  son 
of  David ;  one  of  the  four  borne  to  him  by  Bath- 
sheba  (1  Chr.  iii.  5  ;  compare  xiv.  4,  and  2  Sam.  v. 
14).  Nathan  appears  to  have  taken  no  part  in  the 
events  of  his  father's  or  his  brother's  reigns.  He  is 
interesting  to  us  from  his  appearing  as  one  of  the 
forefathers  of  Joseph  in  the  Genealogy  of  Jesls 
Christ  (Lk.  iii.  31). — Z.  Son,  or  brother,  of  one  of 
David's  "  valiant  men  "  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  36 ;  1  Chr.  xi. 
38).— 4.  One  of  the  head  men  who  returned  from 
Babylon  with  Ezra  on  his  second  expedition  (Ezr. 
viii.  16 ;  1  Esd.  viii.  44) ;  not  impossibly  =  the  "  son 
of  Bani,"  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x. 
39). 

Na-than'a-el  (Gr.  and  L.=  given  of  God  —  Nethan- 
EEL,  Gts.).  1.  A  disciple  of  Jesus  Christ  concern- 
ing whom,  under  that  name  at  least,  we  learn  from 
Scripture  little  more  than  his  birthplace,  Cana  of 
Galilee  (Jn.  xxi.  2),  and  his  simple  truthful  charac- 
ter (i.  47).  The  name  does  not  occur  in  the  first 
three  Gospels.  St.  John  (i.  46-51),  however,  tells 
us  of  his  first  interview  with  Jesus,  in  company  with 
Philip,  on  the  only  occasion  on  which  he  appears 
prominently  in  the  history.  Nathanael  seems  to 
have  heard  the  announcement  of  the  Messiah's  ap- 
pearance with  some  distrust  at  first,  as  doubting 
whether  any  good  could  come  out  of  Nazareth,  yet 
readily  accepted  Philip's  invitation  to  go  and  satis- 
fy himself  by  his  own  observation.  On  his  approach 
to  Jesus  he  is  saluted  by  Him  as  "  an  Israelite  in- 
deed, in  whom  is  no  guile  " — a  true  child  of  Abra- 
ham, and  not  simply  according  to  the  flesh.  Learn- 
ing now  how  Jesus  knew  hiin — "  before  that  Philip 
called  thee,  when  thou  wast  under  the  fig-tree  I  saw 
thee  " — Nathanael  at  once  confessed,  "  Rabbi,  thou 
art  the  Son  of  God ;  thou  art  the  King  of  Israel." 
The  name  of  Nathanael  occurs  but  once  again  in  the 
Gospel  narrative,  and  then  simply  as  one  of  the 
small  company  of  disciples  to  whom  Jesus  showed 
Himself  at  the  Sea  of  Tiberias  after  His  resurrec- 
tion. It  is  very  commonly  believed  that  Nathanael 
and  Bartholomew  are  the  same  person.  The  evi- 
dence for  that  belief  is  as  follows : — St.  John,  who 
twice  mentions  Nathanael,  never  introduces  the 
name  of  Bartholomew  at  all.  Mat.  x.  3 ;  Mk.  iii. 
18;  and  Lk.  vi.  14,  all  speak  of  Bartholomew,  but 
never  of  Nathanael.  It  may  be,  however,  that  Na- 
thanael was  the  proper  name,  and  Bartholomew  (son 
of  Tholmai)  the  surname  of  the  same  disciple,  just 
as  Simon  was  called  Bar-jona,  and  Joses,  Barnabas. 
It  was  Philip  who  first  brought  Nathanael  to  Jesus, 
just  as  Andrew  had  brought  his  brother  Simon ;  and 
Bartholomew  is  named  by  each  of  the  first  three 
evangelists  immediately  after  Philip,  while  by  St. 
Luke  he  is  coupled  with  Philip  precisely  in  the  same 
way  as  Simon  with  his  brother  Andrew,  and  James 
with  his  brother  John. — 2.  Nethaneel  7  (I  Esd.  i. 
9).— 8.  Nethaneel  8  (ix.  22).— 4.  Son  of  Samael; 
ancestor  of  Judith  (Jd.  viii.  1),  and  therefore  a 
Simeonite  (ix.  2V 

Natb-a-nl'as  ((Jr.  =  Nethaniah)  =  Nathan  of 
the  sons  of  Bani  (1  Esd.  ix.  34 ;  compare  Ezr.  x.  39). 


694 


KAT 


NAZ 


Jfa'than-me'Ieeli  [-lek]  (Heb.  placed,  i.  e.  appointed, 
htf  the  /citiff,  Ges.),  a  eunuch  (A.  V.  "chamberlain") 
in  the  court  of  Josiah  (2  K.  xxiii.  11). 

•Na'Hon  [-shun],  Na'tions  [-shunz].  Gentiles; 
Heathen  ;  Tongues,  Confusion  ok. 

Na'am  (fr.  Gr.  form  =  Nahcm),  son  of  Esli  and 
father  of  Amos,  in  the  genealogy  of  Christ  (Lk.  iii. 
25),  about  contemporary  with  the  high-priest  Jasou 
and  King  Antiochus  Epiphanes. 

Nave  =  the  central  part  of  a  wheel.  The  Heb. 
ffiv  conveys  the  notion  of  convexity  or  protuberance. 
It  is  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "  boss  "  of  a  shield  (Job 
XV.  26),  the  "  eyebrow  "  (Lev.  xiv.  9),  "  an  eminent 
place"  (Ez.  xvi.  31), once  only  in  plural  "naves"  (1 
K.  vii.  33);  but  in  Ez.  i.  18  twice  "rings,"  margin 
"  strakes."     Chariot  ;  Later. 

Na've  (L.  fr.  Gr.  Naue,  which  in  the  LXX.  = 
Nun),  Joshua's  father.  Nun  (Ecclus.  xlvi.  1). 

*  XaT-1-ga'tlon.    Ship. 

*  Sfa'vy.     Commerce  ;  Ship. 

Saz-a-rene'  [-reen]  (fr.  Gr.)  =  an  inhabitant  of 
Nazareth.  This  appellative  is  found  in  tlie  N.  T. 
applied  to  Jesus  in  many  passages  (Mk.  i.  24 ;  Lk. 


I  iv.  34,  &c.).  Its  application  to  Jesus,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  providential  arrangements  by  which 
His  parents  were  led  to  take  up  their  abode  in  Naz- 
areth, was  the  filling  out  of  the  predictions  in  which 
the  promised  Messiah  is  described  as  a  A'efe«-(Heb. ; 
A.  V.  "branch"),  i.  e.  a  »lwot,  sprout,  of  Jesse,  a 
humble  and  despised  descendant  of  the  decayed 
royal  family  (so  Prof.  G.  E.  Day,  with  Rbn.  N.  T. 
Lex.,  Hengstenberg,  De  Wette,  Meyer,  &c. ;  see  tlie 
etymology  of  Nazareth).  Whenever  men  spoke 
of  Jesus  as  the  Nazarene,  they  either  consciously  or 
unconsciously  pronounced  one  of  the  names  of  the 
predicted  Messiah,  a  name  indicative  both  of  His 
royal  descent  and  His  humble  condition.  Once  (Acts 
xxiv.  5)  the  term  "  Nazarenes  "  is  applied  to  the  fol- 
lowers of  Jesus  by  way  of  contempt.  The  name 
still  exists  in  Arabic  as  the  ordinary  designation  of 
Christians. 

JVaz'a-reth  (Gr.  through  Aram.  fr.  Heb.  nMser  — 
shoot,  sp-ouf,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.,  &c. ;  compare  Naza- 
rene), a  "  city  "  of  Galilee,  not  mentioned  in  the 
().  T.  or  in  Josephus,  but  found  first  in  Mat.  ii.  23. 
It  derives  its  celebiity  almost  entirely  from  its  con- 


NoKireth,  from  N.  N.  W. — ^From  a  photograph  by  J.  Gimham. — (.\yre.)    The  distant  ranja  of  hilU  la  to  the  S.  of  the  plain  of  Eidrjfilon, 


nection  with  the  history  of  Christ,  and  in  that  re- 
spect has  a  hold  on  the  imagination  and  feelings  of 
men  which  it  shares  only  with  Jerusalem  and  Beth- 
lehem. It  is  situated  among  the  hills  which  consti- 
tute the  south  ridge  of  Lebanon,  just  before  they 
sink  down  into  the  Plain  of  Esdrajlon.  The  name 
of  the  present  village,  with  which  Nazareth  is  iden- 
tified, is  en-Ndzirah  ;  it  is  on  the  lower  declivities 
of  a  hill  or  mountain  (Lk.  iv.  29);  it  is  within  the 
limits  of  the  province  of  Galilee  (Mk.  i.  9) ;  it  is 
near  Cana  (Jn.  ii.  1,  2,  11);  a  precipice  exists  in  the 
neighborhood  (Lk.  iv.  29);  and  a  series  of  testi- 
monies reaching  back  to  Eusebius  represent  the 
place  as  having  occupied  the  same  position.  The 
modern  Nazareth  belongs  to  the  better  class  of 
Eistern  villages.  Its  population  is  3,000  or  4,000; 
a  few  are  Mohammedans,  the  rest  Latin  and  Greek 


Christians.  Most  of  the  houses  are  well  built  of 
stone,  and  appear  neat  and  comfortable.  The  streets 
or  lanes  are  narrow  and  crooked,  and  after  rain  are 
80  full  of  mud  and  mire  as  to  be  almost  impassable. 
The  tomb  of  Neby  Ismail,  on  a  hill  behind  the  town, 
commands  an  extensive  and  magnificent  prospect, 
including  Lebanon  and  Hermon,  Carmel  and  Tabor, 
the  plain  of  Esdrtelon,  the  Mediterranean  and  '.IH-a, 
the  mountains  and  villages  of  Samaria  and  Galilee, 
&c.  At  Nazareth  Joseph  and  Mary  lived  (Lk.  ii. 
39) ;  here  the  angel  announced  to  the  Virgin  the 
Messiah's  birth  (i.  26  ff.) ;  to  Nazareth  the  holy  fam- 
ily returned  after  the  flight  into  Egypt  (Mat.  ii.  23); 
here  Jesus  lived  from  infancy  to  manhood  (Lk.  iv. 
16);  here  He  taught  in  the  synagogue,  and  was 
twice  rejected  by  His  townsmen,  who  attempted  on 
the  last  occasion  to  cast  Him  down  from  "  the  brow 


Kja 


NAZ 


695 


of  the  hill  on  which  the  city  was  built "  (Mat.  xiii. 
54  ff. ;  Lk.  iv.  16  tt).  The  title  on  the  cross  desig- 
nated Him  as  "  Jesus  of  Nazareth  "  (Jescs  Christ  ; 
Jn.  xix.  19,  &.C. ;  compare  Acts  xxiu  8).  The  origin 
of  the  disrepute  In  which  Nazareth  stood  (Jn.  i.  47) 
is  not  certainlv  Icnown,  All  the  inhabitants  of  Gal- 
ilee were  looked  upon  with  contempt  by  the  people 
of  Judea  because  they  spoke  a  ruder  dialect,  were 
less  cultivated,  and  were  more  exposed  by  their  posi- 
tion to  contact  with  the  heathen.  But  Nazareth 
labored  under  a  special  opprobrium,  for  it  was  a 
Galilean  and  not  a  southern  Jew  who  asked  the  re- 
proachful question  whether  "  any  good  thing  "  could 
come  from  that  source.  It  has  t)een  suggested  that 
the  inhabitants  of  Nazareth  may  have  had  a  bad 
name  among  their  neighbors  for  irreligion  or  Eome 
laxity  of  morals.  At  the  "  Fountain  of  the  Vir- 
gin," situated  at  the  northeastern  extremity  of  the 
town,  according  to  one  tradition,  the  mother  of  Je- 
sus received  the  angel's  salutation  (Lk.  i.  28).  A 
prevalent,  but  improbable,  opinion  of  the  country 
lias  transferred  the  scene  of  the  attempted  precipi- 
tation of  Jesus  (Lk.  iv.  29)  to  a  hill  about  two  miles 
S.  E.  of  the  town.  Above  the  bulk  of  the  town  are 
several  rocky  ledges  over  which  a  person  could  not 
be  thrown  without  almost  certain  destruction.  But 
Prof.  Uackett,  with  Robinson,  Stanley,  &c.,  supposes 
one  very  remarkable  precipice,  almost  perpendicular 
and  forty  or  fifty  feet  high,  near  the  Maronite  church, 
to  be  the  identical  one  over  which  His  infuriated 
townsmen  attempted  to  hurl  Jesus.  The  principal 
building  at  Nazareth  is  the  Latin  Convent  of  the 
Annunciation. 

Naz'a-rlte  (fr.  Heb.  n&ir  [=  one  mtiwcrated,  de- 
ro/iil,  Gcs.,  Fii. ;  lAe  croietui  mie^  Ginsburg,  in  Kit- 
to]  and  nizir  ilohiin  [  ^  one  cunsecraUd  to  God, 
Ges.])  =  one  of  either  sex  who  was  bound  by  a  vow 
of  a  peculiar  kind  to  be  set  apart  from  others  for 
the  service  of  God.  The  obligation  was  either  for 
life  or  for  a  defined  time.  I.  There  is  no  notice  in 
the  Pentateuch  of  Nazarites  for  life  ;  but  the  regu- 
lations for  the  vow  of  a  Nazarite  of  days  are  given 
Num.  vi.  1-21.  The  Nazarite,  during  the  term  of 
his  consecration,  was  bound  to  abstain  from  wine, 
grapes,  with  every  production  of  the  vine,  and  from 
every  kind  of  intoxicating  drink.  He  was  forbidden 
to  cut  the  hair  of  his  head,  or  to  approach  any  dead 
body,  even  that  of  his  nearest  relation.  When  the 
perioii  of  his  vow  was  fulfilled,  he  was  brought  to 
the  door  of  the  Tabernacle  and  was  required  to 
otter  a  he-lamb  for  a  burnt-oflcring,  a  ewe  lamb  for  a 
sin-offering,  and  a  ram  for  a  peace-offering,  with  the 
u.sual  accom|>auimciits  of  peace-offerings  (Lev.  vii. 
12,  13)  and  of  the  offering  ma<le  at  the  consecration 
of  priests  (Ex.  xxix.  2),  "a  ba.iket  of  unleavened 
bread,  cakes  of  fine  flour  mingled  with  oil,  and  wafers 
of  unleavened  breail  anointed  with  oil "  (Num.  vi. 
15).  He  brought  also  a  meat-offering  and  a  drink- 
offering,  which  appear  to  have  been  presented  by 
themselves  as  a  distinct  act  of  service  (ver.  17).  He 
was  to  cut  off  the  hair  of  "  the  head  of  his  separa- 
tion "  (i.  e.  the  hair  which  had  grown  during  the 
period  of  his  consecration)  at  the  door  of  the  Tab- 
ernacle, and  to  put  it  into  the  fire  under  the  sacri- 
fice on  the  altar.  The  priest  then  placed  upon  his 
hands  the  sodden  left  shoulder  of  the  ram,  with  one 
of  the  unleavened  cakes  and  one  of  the  wafers,  and 
then  took  them  again  and  waved  them  for  a  wave- 
offering.  These,  as  well  as  the  breast  and  the  heave, 
or  right  shoulder  (to  which  he  was  entitled  in  the 
case  of  ordinary  peace-offerings,  Lev.  vii.  32-84), 
were  the  perquisite  of  the  priest.     The  Nazarite  also 


]  gave  him  a  present  proportioned  to  His  circum- 
stances (ver.  21).  If  a  Nazarite  incurred  defikrneut 
by  accidentally  touching  a  dead  body,  he  had  to  un- 
dergo certain  rites  of  purification,  and  to  recom- 
mence the  full  period  of  his  consecration.  On  the 
seventh  day  of  his  uncleanness  he  was  "  to  cut  otf 
his  hair,  and  on  the  next  day  to  bring  two  turtle- 
doves or  two  young  pigeons  to  the  priest  for  a  sin- 
offering  and  burnt-offering.  He  then  hallowed  liis 
head,  offered  a  lamb  of  the  first  year  as  a  trespass- 
offering,  and  renewed  his  vow  as  at  first.  There  is 
nothing  whatever  said  in  the  0.  T.  of  the  duration 
of  the  period  of  the  vow  of  the  Nazarite  of  days. 
According  to  the  Mishna  the  usual  time  was  thirty 
days,  but  double  vows  for  sixty  days,  and  treble  vows 
for  a  hundred  days  were  sometimes  made.  Some 
other  particulars  given  in  the  Mishna  are  curious  as 
showing  how  the  institution  was  regarded  in  later 
times. — II.  Of  the  Nazarites  for  life  three  are  men- 
tioned in  the  Scriptures  :  Samson,  Samcel,  and  John 
THE  Baptist.  The  only  one  of  these  actually  called 
a  Nazarite  is  Sanison.  We  are  but  imperfectly  in- 
formed of  the  difference  between  the  observances 
of  the  Nazarite  for  life  and  those  of  the  Nazarite 
for  days.  The  later  Rabbis  slightly  notice  this 
point.  We  do  not  know  whether  the  vow  for  life 
was  ever  voluntarily  taken  by  the  individual.  In 
all  the  cases  mentioned  In  the  sacred  history,  it 
was  made  by  the  parents  before  the  birth  of  the 
Nazarite  himself.  The  Mishna  makes  a  distinction 
between  the  ordinary  Nazarite  for  life  and  the 
Samson-Nazarite. — III.  The  consecration  of  the  Naz- 
arite bore  a  striking  resemblance  to  that  of  the 
high-priest  (Lev.  xxi.  10-12).  In  one  particular, 
this  is  brought  out  more  plainly  in  the  Hebrew  text 
than  it  is  in  our  version,  in  the  LXX.,or  in  the  Vul- 
gate. One  word  {nezcr),  derived  from  the  same  root 
as  Nazarite,  is  used  for  the  long  hair  of  the  Naza- 
rite (Num.  vi.  19),  where  the  A.  V.  has  "  hair  of  his 
separation,"  and  for  the  anointed  head  of  the  high- 
priest  (Lev.  xxi.  12),  where  it  is  rendered  "erown." 
Perhaps  the  half  sacerdotal  character  of  Samuel 
might  have  been  connected  with  his  prerogative  as 
a  Nazarite. — IV.  Of  the  two  vows  recorded  of  St. 
Papl,  that  in  Acts  xviii.  18  certainly  cannot  be  re- 
garded as  a  regular  Nazarite  vow  (so  Mr.  Clark,  with 
Conybeare  &  Ilowson,  and  Prof  Jlurphy  [in  Fair- 
bairn]  ;  but  Dr.  Ginsburg  [in  Kitto]  regards  it  as  a 
regular  Nazarite  vow).  All  that  we  are  told  of  it  is 
that,  on  his  way  from  Corinth  to  Jerusalem,  he 
"  shaved  his  head  in  Cenchrea,  for  he  had  a  vow." 
Probably  it  was  a  sort  of  vow,  modified  from  the 
proper  Nazarite  vow,  which  had  come  into  use  at 
this  time  amongst  the  religious  Jews  who  had  been 
visited  by  sickness,  or  any  other  calamity.  The 
other  reference  to  a  vow  taken  by  St.  Paul  is  in 
Acts  xxi.  24,  where  we  find  the  brethren  at  Jeru- 
salem exhorting  him  to  take  part  with  four  Chris- 
tians who  had  a  vow  on  them,  to  sanctify  (not 
"  purify,"  as  in  A.  V.)  himself  with  them,  and  to  be 
at  charges  with  them,  that  tliey  might  shave  their 
heads.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  this  was  a  strict- 
ly legal  Nazarite  vow. — V.  That  the  institution  of 
Nazaritism  existed  and  had  become  a  matter  of 
course  among  the  Hebrews  before  the  time  of  Mo- 
ses, is  beyond  a  doubt.  The  legislator  appears  to 
have  done  no  more  than  ordain  such  regulations 
for  the  vow  of  the  Nazarite  of  days  as  brought  it 
under  the  cognizance  of  the  priest,  and  into  har- 
mony with  the  general  system  of  religious  observ- 
ance. Probably  the  consecration  of  the  Nazarite 
for  life  was  ot  at  least  equal  antiquity.     But  it  is 


696 


NAZ 


NEA 


doubted  ift  regard  to  Nazaritism  in  general,  whether 
it  was  of  native  or  foreign  origin.  Ewald  supposes 
that  Nazarites  for  life  were  numerous  in  very  early 
times,  and  that  tliey  multiplied  in  periods  of  great 
political  and  religious  excitement.  The  only  ones, 
however,  expressly  named  in  the  0.  T.  are  Samson 
and  Samuel.  When  Amos  wrote,  the  Nazarites,  as 
well  as  the  prophets,  suffered  from  the  persecution 
and  contempt  of  the  ungodly  (Am.  ii.  11,  12).  In  the 
time  of  Judas  Maccabeus  we  find  the  devout  Jews, 
when  they  were  bringing  their  gifts  to  the  priests, 
stirring,  up  the  Nazarites  of  days  who  had  com- 
pleted the  time  of  their  consecration  to  make  the 
accustomed  offerings  (1  Mc.  iii.  49).  From  this  in- 
cident we  may  infer  that  the  number  of  Nazarites 
must  have  been  very  considerable  during  the  two 
and  a  half  centuries  before  the  destruction  of  Je- 
rusalem.— VI.  The  word  nazir  occurs  in  three  pas- 
sages of  the  0.  T.,  in  which  it  appears  to  mean  one 
separated  from  others  as  a  prince.  Two  of  them 
refer  to  Joseph  ;  one  in  Jacob's  benediction  of  his 
sons  (A.  v.  "  separate,"  Gen.  xlix.  26),  the  other 
in  Moses'  benediction  of  the  tribes  (A.  V.  "  separ- 
ated," Deut.  xxxiii.  16).  The  third  passage  is  in 
the  prophet's  mourning  over  the  departed  pros- 
perity and  beauty  of  Zion  (A.  V.  [with  the  LXX., 
Vulgate,  Henderson,  &c.]  "  Nazarites,"  Lam.  iv.  7, 
8).  In  the  A.  V.  the  words  are,  "  Her  Nazarites  were 
purer  than  snow,"  &c.  But  Gesenius,  De  Wette, 
i'iirst,  &c.,  think  that  it  refers  to  the  young  princes  of 
Israel. — VII.  The  vow  of  the  Nazarite  of  days  must 
have  been  a  self-imposed  discipline,  undertaken 
with  a  specific  purpose.  The  Jewish  writers  mostly 
regarded  it  as  a  kind  of  penance.  The  Nazarite  of 
days  might  have  fulfilled  his  vow  without  attracting 
much  notice ;  but  the  Nazarite  for  life,  on  the  other 
hand,  must  have  been,  with  his  flowing  hair  and  per- 
sistent refusal  of  strong  drink,  a  marked  man. 
Whether  in  any  other  particular  his  daily  life  was 
peculiar  is  uncertain.  But  without  our  resting  on 
any  thing  that  may  be  called  in  question,  he  must 
have  been  a  public  witness  for  the  idea  of  legal 
strictness  and  of  whatever  else  Nazaritism  was  in- 
tended to  express.  The  meaning  of  the  Nazarite 
vow  has  been  regarded  in  different  lights.  Some 
consider  it  as  a  symbolical  expression  of  the  Divine 
nature  working  in  man,  and  deny  that  it  involved 
any  thing  of  a  strictly  ascetic  character ;  others  see 
in  it  the  principle  of  stoicism,  and  imagine  that  it 
was  intended  to  cultivate,  and  bear  witness  for,  the 
sovereignty  of  the  will  over  the  lower  tendencies  of 
himian  nature  ;  while  some  regard  it  wholly  in  the 
light  of  a  sacrifice  of  the  person  to  God.  Several 
of  the  Jewish  writers  have  taken  the  first  view 
more  or  less  completely.  But  the  philosophical 
Jewish  doctors,  for  the  most  part,  seem  to  have 
preferred  the  second.  Philo  has  taken  the  deeper 
view  of  the  subject.  Ewald,  following  in  the  same 
line  of  thought,  has  treated  the  vow  of  the  Nazarite 
as  an  act  of  selfsacrifice.  That  it  was  essentially 
a  sacrifice  of  the  person  to  the  Lord  is  obviously  in 
accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  Law  (Num.  vi.  2 ; 
so  Mr.  Clark ;  see  below).  As  the  Nazarite  was  a 
witness  for  the  straitness  of  the  Law,  as  distinguish- 
ed from  the  freedom  of  the  Gospel,  his  sacrifice  of 
himself  was  a  submission  to  the  letter  of  a  rule.  Its 
outward  manifestations  were  restraints  and  eccen- 
tricities. The  man  was  separated  from  his  brethren 
that  he  might  be  peculiarly  devoted  to  the  Lord. 
This  was  consistent  with  the  purpose  of  Divuie  wis- 
dom for  the  time  for  which  It  was  ordained.  Prof. 
Murphy  (in  Fairbairn)  says  :  "  The  idea  of  sacrifice 


i  proper  docs  not  seem  to  be  imaged  forth  by  any 
I  part  of  tlie  Nazarite  vow.  This  rather  symbolizes 
I  separation  from  sin  and  consecration  to  God  as  the 
two  sides  of  the  same  act."  Dr.  Ginsburg  (in  Kit- 
to)  considers  Nazaritism  "  a  consecration  to  the 
Lord  in  the  highest  sense,  and  after  the  loftiest 
model  of  priestly  piety." 

Ne'ab  (Ueb.  mution,  perhaps  earih(fitake,  Ges. ; 
gettlemenl,  Fii.),  a  place  on  the  boundary  of  Zebulun 
(Josh.  xix.  13  only).  Porter  (in  Kitto)  suggests  that 
^Ain,  the  name  of  a  little  village  three  miles  N.  W. 
of  Nazareth,  may  be  a  corruption  of  Neah  and  oc- 
cupy its  position. 

Ne-ap'o-Iis  (Gr.  ne-todty).  1.  The  place  in  North- 
ern Greece  where  Paul  and  his  associates  first  land- 
ed in  Europe  (Acts  xvi.  11);  where,  no  doubt,  he 
landed  also  on  his  second  visit  to  Macedonia  (xx.  1), 
and  whence  certainly  he  embarked  on  his  last 
journey  through  that  province  to  Troas  and  Jeru- 
salem (xx.  6).  Philippi  being  an  inland  town,  Ne- 
apolis  was  evidently  the  port.  It  has  been  made  a 
question  whether  this  harbor  occupied  the  site  of 
the  present  Kavatta,  a  Turkish  commercial  town  on 
the  coast  of  Moumelia,  or  should  be  sought  at  some 
other  place.  Cousinery  and  Tafel  maintain,  against 
the  common  opinion,  that  Luke's  Neapolis  was  not 
at  Kdvalla,  which  has  a  population  of  5,000  or  6,000, 
but  at  a  deserted  harbor  ten  or  twelve  miles  further 
W.,  known  as  Eski  (or  0\i)Kavalla.  Prof.  Hackett, 
the  original  author  of  this  article,  urges  the  follow- 
ing reasons  to  prove  that  Kavalla  should  be  re- 
garded as  the  ancient  Neapolis.  (1.)  The  Roman 
and  Greek  ruins  at  Kavalla  prove  that  a  port  ex- 
isted there  in  ancient  times.  Neapolis,  wherever  it 
was,  formed  the  point  of  contact  between  Northern 
Greece  and  Asia  Minor,  at  a  period  of  great  com- 
mercial activity,  and  would  be  expected  to  have  left 
vestiges  of  its  former  importance.  The  antiquities 
(ancient  aqueducts,  columns,  &c.)  found  still  at 
Kavalla  fulfil  entirely  that  presumption.  On  the 
contrary,  no  ruins  which  are  unmistakably  ancient 
have  been  found  at  Eski  Kavalla  (also  called  Pale- 
opoli).  No  remains  of  walls,  no  inscriptions,  and 
no  indications  of  any  thoroughfare  leading  thence 
to  Philippi,  are  reported  to  exist  there.  (2.)  The 
advantages  of  the  position  render  Kavalla  the  prob- 
able site  of  Neapolis.  It  is  the  first  convenient 
harbor  S.  of  the  Hellespont,  on  coming  from  the  E. 
It  lies  open  somewhat  to  the  S.  and  S.  W.,  but  is 
otherwise  well  sheltered.  (3.)  The  facility  of  inter- 
course between  this  port  and  Philippi  shows  that 
Kavalla  ~  Neapolis.  The  distance  is  ten  miles, 
and  hence  not  greater  than  Corinth  was  from  Cen- 
chrea,  and  Ostia  from  Rome.  The  distance  between 
Philippi  and  Eski  Kavalla  must  be  nearly  twice  as 
great.  (4.)  The  notices  of  the  ancient  writers  lead 
us  to  adopt  the  same  view.  Thus  Dio  Cassius  says 
that  Neapolis  was  opposite  Thasos,  and  that  is  the 
situation  of  Kavalla.  (5.)  The  ancient  Itineraries 
support  entirely  the  identification  in  question.  Both 
the  Itinerary  of  Antoninus  and  the  Itinerary  of  Je- 
rusalem show  that  the  Egnatian  Way  passed  through 
Philippi.  They  mention  Philippi  and  Neapolis  as 
next  to  each  other  in  the  order  of  succession  ;  and 
since  the  line  of  travel  which  these  Itineraries 
sketch  led  from  the  W.  to  Byzantium,  or  Constanti- 
nople, it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  road, 
after  leaving  Philippi,  would  pursue  the  most  con- 
venient and  direct  course  to  theE.  which  the  nature 
of  the  country  allows.  If  the  road,  therefore,  was 
constructed  on  this  obvious  principle,  it  would  fol- 
low the  track  of  the  present  Turkish  road,  aud  the 


NEA 


NEB 


697 


next  station,  consequently,  would  be  Keapolis,  or 
Jiavalla,  on  the  coast,  at  the  termination  of  the 
only  natural  defile  across  the  intervening  moun- 
1  tains.  Neapolis,  therefore,  like  the  present  Kavaila, 
was  on  a  high  rocky  promontory  which  juts  out 
into  the  -Egean.  The  harbor,  a  mile  and  a  half 
nide  at  the  entrance,  and  half  a  mile  broad,  lies  on 

I  the  western  side. — 2i  The  Greek  name  of  Shechem, 
now  Nabulua  (not  in  the  Scriptures). 
X*-a-rr«h  (fr.  Heb.  =  servant  of  Jeliovak,  Gcs.). 
1.  Oue  (if  the  six  sons  of  Shemaiah  in  the  line  of 
the  royal  family  of  Judah  after  the  Captivity  (1  Chr. 
iii.  22,  23). — i,  A  son  of  Ishi,  and  a  captain  of  the 
600  Sin«-onites  who,  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah,  drove 
out  the  Amalckites  from  Mount  Seir  (iv.  42). 

Ne'bai,  or  >fba-i(fr.  Heb.  =  fruit-bearer  ?  Ges. ; 
cither  l/te  marrowy,  having  the  vigor  of  life,  or  pro- 
jieting,  FiL),  one  of  the  "chief  of  tlie  people" 
who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x. 
19). 

iVF-bai'oth  r-ba'yoth],  Ne-ba'Jotb  (both  fr.  Heb. 
yil>di/6<.h  —  height*,  Ges.),  the  "  first-born  of  Ish- 
niael"  (Gen.  xxv.  13;  1  Chr.  i.  29),  and  father  of  a 
pastoral  tribe  named  after  him,  the  "  rams  of  Ne- 
baiotl)  "  being  mentioned  by  Isaiah  (Ix.  7)  with  the 
flocks  of  Kedar.  From  the  days  of  Jerome  this 
people  had  been  identified  with  the  Xabatheane, 
until  M.  Quatrem^re  first  investigated  the  origin  of 
the  latter,  their  language,  religion,  and  history. 
From  the  works  of  Arab  authors,  M.  Quatrem5re 
proved  the  existence  of  a  nation  called  Kabat,  or 
Nabett,  pi.  Anbdt,  reputed  to  be  of  ancient  origin, 
of  whom  scattered  remnants  existed  in  Arab  times, 
after  the  Hegira.  The  Nabat,  in  the  days  of  their 
early  prfisperity,  inhabited  the  country  chiefly  be- 
tween the  Euphrates  and  the  Tigris,  Beyn  en-Nah- 
rcyn  and  El-Ir4k  (the  Mesopotamia  and  Clialdea  of 
the  cla,s.sics).  That  this  was  their  chief  seat,  and 
that  they  were  Arameans,  or  more  accurately  Syro- 
Chaldeans,  seems,  in  the  present  state  of  the  in- 
quiry, to  be  a  safe  conclu.sion.  The  Arabs  loosely 
apply  the  name  Nabat  to  the  Syrians,  or  especially 
tlie  Eastern  Syrians,  to  the  Syro-Chaldeans,  &c. 
(Juatremere  introduced  to  the  notice  of  the  learned 
world  the  most  important  relic  of  that  people's  lit- 
erature, a  treatise  on  Nabat  agriculture.  A  study 
of  an  imperfect  copy  of  that  work  induced  him  to 
date  it  about  the  tune  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  or  about 
B.  c.  600.  M.  Chwolson,  professor  of  Oriental  lan- 
guages at  St.  Petersburg,  has  since  made  that  book 
a  subject  of  special  study ;  and  in  his  Keinaine  of 
Aneitnt  Bubgloiiian  Literature  in  Arabic  Transla- 
tionf,  18.59,  he  has  published  the  results  of  his  in- 
quiry. Those  results,  while  they  establish  all  M. 
Quatremere  had  advanced  respecting  the  existence 
of  the  Niibat,  go  far  beyond  him  both  in  the  anti- 
quity and  the  importance  M.  Chwolson  claims  for 
that" people.  But  Ewald,  in  1857  and  1859,  stated 
some  grave  causes  for  doubting  this  antiquity.  M. 
Kenan  followed  on  the  same  side  (1860),  and  more 
recently  Alfred  von  Gutschmid  has  attacked  the 
whole  theory.  The  remains  of  the  literature  of  the 
Kabat  consist  of  four  works,  one  of  them  a  frag- 
ment :  the  "  Book  of  Nabal  Agriculture  "  (already 
mentioned) ;  the  "  Book  of  Poisons  ; "  the  "  Book 
of  Tenkeloosha  the  Babylonian  ; "  and  the  "  Book  of 
the  Secrets  of  the  Sun  and  Moon."  They  purport  to 
have  been  translated  in  the  year  904,  by  Aboo-Bckr 
Ahmad  Ibn-'Alec  the  Chaldean  of  Kissen,  better 
known  a.H  Ibn-  Wahahi-njeh.  The  "  Book  of  .A'aAa/ Agri- 
culture "  was,  according  to  the  Arab  translator,  com- 
menced by  Baghrceth,  continued  by  Y&nbush&dh, 


and  completed  by  Kuthamee.  Chwolson,  disregarding 
the  dates  assigned  to  these  authors  by  the  translator, 
thinks  that  the  earliest  lived  some  2,500  years  B.  c, 
the  second  some  300  or  400  yeais  later,  and  Kuth4- 
mee,  to  whom  he  ascribes  the  chief  authorship  (Ibn- 
Wahsheeyeh  says  he  was  little  more  than  editor), 
at  the  earliest  under  the  sixth  king  of  a  C'anaanite 
dynasty  mentioned  in  the  book,  which  dynasty 
Chwolson — with  Bunsen — makes  the  same  as  the 
fifth  (or  Arabian)  dynasty  of  Berosus,  or  of  the 
thirteenth  century  B.  c.  But  in  examining  the  work 
we  encounter  formidable  intrinsic  difficulties.  It 
contains  mentions  of  personages  bearing  names  close- 
ly resembling  those  of  Adam,  Seth,  Enoch,  Noah, 
Shem,  Nimrod,  and  Abraham ;  and  M.  Chwolson 
himself  is  forced  to  confess  that  the  particulars  re- 
lated of  them  are  in  some  respects  similar  to  those 
recorded  of  the  Biblical  patriarchs.  If  this  difli- 
culty  proves  insurmountable,  it  shows  that  the 
author  borrowed  from  the  Bible,  or  from  late  Jews, 
and  destroys  the  claim  of  an  extreme  antiquity. 
Other  apparent  evidences  of  the  same  kind  are  the 
occurrence  of  the  names  of  Greek  divinities,  the 
mention  of  the  Greeks  as  neighbors  to  the  Canaan- 
ites,  the  mention  of  Bertaniya  (=  Britannia,  or 
Britain),  and  other  anachronisms,  &c.  It  is  even 
a  question  whether  the  work  should  not  be  dated 
several  centuries  after  the  commencement  of  our 
era.  Thus,  if  M.  Chwolson's  results  are  accepted, 
the  Book  of  Nabat  Agriculture  exhibits  to  us  an 
ancient  civilization  before  that  of  the  Greeks,  and 
at  least  as  old  as  that  of  the  Egyptians,  of  a  great 
and  powerful  nation  of  remote  antiquity.  But  until 
the  original  text  of  Kuthftmee's  treatise  is  published, 
we  must  withhold  our  acceptance  of  facts  so  start- 
ling, and  regard  the  antiquity  ascribed  to  it  even  by 
Quatrem^re  as  extremely  doubtful  (so  Mr.  E.  S. 
Poole,  original  author  of  this  article).  There  is  little 
doubt  that  the  "  Book  of  Nabat  Agriculture,"  &c., 
were  forgeries  of  the  pretended  translator  (see  an 
article  by  Prof  Hadley  in  the  Nevj  Englantler,  xxi. 
505  ft'.). — It  remains  for  us  to  state  the  grounds  for 
connecting  the  Nabat  with  the  Nabathcans.  As  the 
Arabs  speak  of  the  Nabat  as  Syrians,  so  conversely 
the  Greeks  and  Romans  knew  the  Nabatheans  as 
Arabs.  The  Nnbatheans  bordered  the  well-known 
Egyptian  and  Syrian  provinces.  The  nation  was 
famous  for  its  wealth  and  commerce.  Even  when, 
by  the  decline  of  its  trade,  diverted  through  Egypt, 
its  prosperity  waned,  Petra  is  still  mentioned  as  a 
centre  of  the  trade  both  of  the  Sabeans  of  South- 
ern Arabia  and  the  Gerrheans  on  the  Persian  Gulf. 
Josephus  speaks  of  Nabatca  as  embracing  the  coun- 
try from  the  Euphrates  to  the  Red  Sea — i.  e.  Arabia 
Petra;a  and  all  the  desert  E.  of  it.  The  Nabat  of 
the  Arabs,  however,  are  described  as  famed  for  agri- 
eultuie  and  science ;  in  these  respects  contrasting 
with  the  Nabatheans  of  Petra  who  were  dwellers  in 
tents.  Mr.  Poole  agrees  with  M.  Quatremere  that 
the  civilization  of  the  Nabatheans  of  Petra  is  not 
easily  explained,  except  by  supposing  them  to  be  a 
different  people  from  those  Arabs.  A  remarkable 
confirmation  of  this  supposition  is  found  in  the 
character  of  the  buildings  of  Petra,  which  are  un- 
like any  thing  constructed  by  a  purely  Shemitic  race. 
(EroM ;  Sela.)  Further,  the  subjects  of  the  liter- 
ature of  the  Nabat,  which  are  scientific  and  indus- 
trial, are  not  such  as  are  found  in  the  writings  of 
pure  Shemites  or  Aryans.  From  most  of  these  and 
other  considerations  we  think  there  is  no  reasonable 
doubt  that  the  Nabathcans  of  Arabia  Petrica  were 
the  same  people  as  the  Nabat  of  Chaldca,  though  at 


698 


SKB 


NEB 


what  ancient  epoch  the  western  cettlement  was 
formed  remains  unknown.  The  Nabatheans  were 
allies  of  the  Jews  after  the  Captivity ;  and  Judas 
the  Maccabee,  with  Jonathan,  while  at  war  with  the 
Edomites,  came  on  them  three  days  S.  of  Jordan  (1  j 
Jlc.  V.  3,  24,  &c.),  and  afterward  "Jonathan  had  ' 
sent  his  brother  John,  a  captain  of  the  people,  to  i 
pray  his  friends  the  Nabathites  that  they  might 
leave  with  them  their  carriage,  which  was  much  " 
(ix.  35,  36).  Diodorus  Siculus  and  Strabo  give  much 
information  regarding  them.  Lastly,  did  the  Naba- 
theans, or  Nabat,  derive  their  name,  and  were  they 
iu  part  descended,  from  Nebaioth,  son  of  Ishmael '! 
Josephus  says  that  Nabatea  was  inhabited  by  the 
twelve  sons  of  Ishmael.  The  Arabs  call  Nebaioth  iViJ- 
blt,  and  do  not  connect  him  with  the  Nabat,  to  whom 
they  give  a  different  descent.  But  we  hesitate  to 
deny  a  relationship  between  peoples,  whose  names 
are  strikingly  similar,  dwelling  in  the  same  tract. 
It  is  possible  that  Nebaioth  went  to  the  far  east,  to 
the  country  of  his  grandfather  Abraham,  intermar- 
ried with  the  Chaldeans,  and  gave  birth  to  a  mixed 
race,  the  Nabat.  It  is,  however,  safest  to  leave  un- 
settled the  identification  of  Nebaioth  and  Nabat  un- 
til another  link  be  added  to  the  chain  that  at  present 
seems  to  connect  them  (so  Mr.  Poole). 

Ke-bal'lat  (Heb.  secretly  foolish  ?  Ges. ;  hard,  firm 
soil,  Fii.),  a  town  of  Benjamin,  which  the  Benjamites 
reoccupied  after  the  Captivity  (Neh.  xi.  34);  named 
with  Zeboim,  Lod,  and  Oso.  Lod  is  Lydda,  the 
modern  Lndti,  and  Ono  possibly  Ke/r  \4uHa,  four 
miles  N.  of  it.  E.  of  these,  and  forming  nearly  an 
equilateral  triangle  with  them,  is  Beit  Nebdla,  which 
may  be  (so  Mr.  Grove,  with  Robinson,  Wilson,  Por- 
teh  [in  Kitto])  the  representative  of  the  ancient  vil- 
lage. Another  place  of  very  nearly  the  same  name, 
Mir  NebOia,  lies  also  in  Benjamin,  to  the  E.  oi  el-Jib 
(Gibeon),  and  within  half  a  mile  of  it. 

Ne'bat  (Heb.  look,  Ges.),  father  of  Jeroboam  I., 
whose  name  is  only  preserved  in  connection  with 
that  of  his  distinguished  son  (1  K.  xi.  26,  xii.  2,  15, 
&c.).  He  is  described  as  an  Ephrathite,  or  Ephra- 
imite,  of  Zercda.  A  Jewish  tradition  identifies  him 
with  the  Benjamite  Shimei  of  Gera. 

Ne'bo  (Heb.,  perhaps  so  named  from  the  wor.ship 
of  Mercurii  [see  Nebo,  second  article  below],  or  bet- 
ter =  height,  Ges.),  Mount,  the  mountain  from  which 
JIosES  took  his  first  and  last  view  of  the  Promised 
Land  (Deut.  xxxii.  49,  xxxiv.  1).  It  is  minutely  de- 
scribed as  in  the  land  of  Moab,  facing  Jericho,  the 
head  or  summit  of  a  mountain  called  the  Pisgah, 
which  again  seems  to  have  formed  a  portion  of  the 
general  range  of  the  "  mountains  of  Abarim."  Its 
position  is  further  denoted  by  the  menticm  of  the 
valley  (or  perhaps  more  correctly,  the  ravine)  in 
which  Moses  was  buried,  and  which  was  apparently 
one  of  the  clefts  of  the  mount  itself  (xxxii.  50)-- 
"  the  ravine  in  the  land  of  Moab  facing  Beth-peor" 
(xxxiv.  6).  Seetzen  suggested  the  Jebel  'Attdriis 
(between  the  Wady  Zerka  MaHn  and  the  Amon, 
three  miles  below  the  former,  and  ten  or  twelve 
S.  of  Heshbon)  as  the  Xebo  of  Moses.  The  Jebel 
'  Osha,  or  Aiisha\  or  Jebel  el-Jil'dd,  near  es-Sall, 
about  fifteen  miles  further  N.  than  Jericho,  is  the 
highest  point  in  all  the  eastern  mountains.  But 
these  eminences  are  not,  like  the  Nebo  of  the  Scrip- 
ture, "facing  Jericho."  Tristram  (635  tf.)  would 
identify  Nebo  with  a  mountain  "  brow,"  probably 
4,500  feet  high,  al)out  three  miles  S.  W.  from  Hesh- 
bon, from  the  summit  of  which  he  enjoyed  a  mag- 
nificent view  of  the  country  both  E.  of  the  Jordan 
to  Hermon  and  the  Haur&n,  and  W.  of  it  from  the 


S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  with  Hebron  and  central 
Jadea  and  the  plain  of  Esdra}lon  to  the  Mediterra- 
nean beyond  Carmel.     See  No.  1  below. 

Nebo  (see  above).  !•  A  town  on  the  eastern  side 
of  Jordan,  in  the  pastoral  country  (Num.  xxxii.  3), 
one  of  those  rebuilt  by  the  tribe  of  Reuben  (ver. 
38).  In  these  lists  it  is  associated  with  Kirjathaim 
and  Baal-meon  or  Beon ;  and  in  another  record  (1 
Chr.  v.  8)  with  Aroer.  In  Is.  xv.  2  and  Jer.  xlviii. 
1,  22,  Nebo  is  mentioned  in  the  same  connection  as 
before,  but  in  the  hands  of  Moab.  The  notices  of 
Eusebius  and  Jerome  are  confused,  but  at  least  de- 
note that  Jlount  Nebo  (see  the  article  above)  and 
the  town  were  distinct,  and  distant  from  each  other. 
The  town  they  identify  with  Nobah  or  Kenath, 
and  place  it  eight  miles  S.  of  Heshbon,  where  the 
ruins  of  el-Habis  appear  to  stand  at  present. — i,  Tlie 
children  of  Nebo  returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerub- 
babel  (Ezr.  ii.  29;  Neh.  vii.  33).  "Seven  of  them 
had  foreign  wives,  whom  they  were  compelled  to 
discard  (Ezr.  x.  43).  The  name  occurs  between 
Bethel  and  Ai,  and  Lydda,  which  implies  that  it  was 
in  Benjamin  to  the  N.  W.  of  Jerusalem.  This  is 
possibly  the  modern  Beit  Nubah,  about  twelve  miles 
N.  W.  by  W.  of  Jerusalem,  eight  from  Lydda. 

Nebo  (Heb.  =  interpreter  of  the  gods,  Ges. ;  the 
invisible,  Fii. ;  see  below),  which  occurs  in  Is.  xlvi.  1 
and  Jer.  xlviii.  1  as  the  name  of  a  Chaldean  god, 
was  the  god  of  learning  and  letters  among  the  Baby- 


I'ilejiilJii 

lis  ' 


Nebo.— AwjTian  Statae  in  British  Maseum.— tFbn.) 

lonians  and  Assyrians.  The  original  native  name 
was,  in  Ilamitic  Babylonian,  Nabin,  in  Sliemitio 
Babylonian  and  Assyrian,  N'abu  (so  RawUnson). 
His  general  character  corresponds  to  that  of  the 
Egyptian  Thoth,  the  Greek  Hermes,  and  the  Latin 
Mercury.  Astronomically  he  is  identified  with  the 
planet  nearest  the  sun,  called  Nebo  also  by  the  Men- 
dseans,  and  Tir  by  the  ancient  Persians.    Nebo  was 


XEB 


NEB 


699 


of  Babylonian  rather  than  of  Assyrian  origin.  In 
the  early  Assyriau  Pantheon  he  occupies  a  very  in- 
ibrior  position.  The  king  supposed  to  be  Pul  first 
brings  him  prominently  lorwiird  in  Assyria.  A 
statue  of  Nebo,  set  up  by  this  monarch  at  Calah 
{Xtrnruiiy,  is  now  in  the  British  Museum.  In  Baby- 
lonia Nebo  held  a  prominent  place  from  an  early 
time.  Borsippa  was  especially  under  his  protection, 
and  the  great  temple  there  (the  modem  Birs-Nim- 
rud ;  see  Babel,  Tower  of)  was  dedicated  to  him 
from  a  very  remote  age.  lie  was  the  tutelar  god  of 
the  most  important  Babylonian  kings,  in  whose 
names  the  word  2\'abu,  or  \ebo,  appears  as  an  ele- 
ment. 

Bifb-n-rhiid-nez'zar,  or  Keb-n-thad-rrz'zar  (both 
Ileb.  fr.  Chal. ;  see  below),  the  greatest  and  most 
powerful  of  the  Babylonian  kings.  (Babel.)  His 
name,  according  to  the  native  orthography,  is  read 
as  Xabu-kuduri-utstir  =:  Nebo  u  the  protector  agaiml 
miifortune  (so  Rawlinson).  Nebuchadnezzar  was 
the  son  and  successor  of  Nabopolassar,  the  founder 
of  the  Babylonian  empire.  He  appears  to  have 
been  of  marriageable  age  at  the  time  of  his  father's 
rebellion  against  Assyria,  b.  c.  625 ;  for,  according 
to  Abydenus,  the  alliance  between  Nabopolassar 
and  the  Median  king  was  cemented  by  the  betrothal 
of  Amuhia,  daughter  of  the  latter,  to  Nebuchad- 
nezzar. It  is  suspected,  rather  than  proved,  that 
he  was  the  leader  of  a  Babylonian  contingent  which 
accompanied  Cyaxares  (Meues)  in  his  Lydian  war, 
by  whose  interposition,  on  the  occasion  of  an  eclipse, 
that  war  was  brought  to  a  close,  b.  c.  610.  At  any 
rate,  a  few  years  later,  he  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  a  Babylonian  army,  and  sent  by  his  father,  who 
was  now  old  and  infirm,  to  chastise  the  insolence  of 
PuARAOH-NECHO,  king  of  Egypt.  Nebuchadnezzar 
(a.  c.  605)  led  an  army  against  him,  defeated  him  at 
Carchemish  in  a  great  battle  (Jer.  xlvi.  2-12),  re- 
covered Celosyria,  Phenicia,  and  Palestine,  took 
Jerusalem  (Dan.  i.  1,  2 ;  Caitivitt),  pressed  for- 
ward to  Egypt,  and  was  engaged  in  that  cotmtry  or 
upon  its  borders  when  intelligence  arrived  that 
Nabopolassar,  after  reigning  twenty-one  years,  had 
died.  There  is  no  reason  (so  Kawlinson)  to  think 
that  Nebuchadnezzar,  though  he  appeared  to  be 
"  king  of  Babylon  "  to  the  Jews,  had  really  been 
associated  with  his  father  as  king.  In  some  alarm 
about  the  succession  he  hurried  back  to  the  capital, 
accompanied  only  by  his  light  troops  ;  and  crossing 
the  desert,  probably  by  way  of  Tadmor  or  Palmyra, 
reached  Babylon  before  any  disturbance  had  arisen, 
and  entered  peaceably  on  his  kingdom  (b.  c.  604). 
The  bulk  of  the  army  with  the  captives — Pheni- 
cians,  Syrians,  Egyptians,  and  Jews  (Daniel  4; 
SnADRAcn,  &c.) — returned  by  the  ordinary  route, 
which  skirted  instead  of  crossing  the  desert.  With- 
in three  years  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  first  expedition 
into  Syria  and  Palestine,  disaffection  again  showed 
itself  in  those  countries.  Jkmoiakim,  who,  although 
thrcatencil  at  first  with  captivity  (2  Chr.  xxxvi.  6), 
had  been  finally  maintained  on  the  throne  as  a  Bab- 
ylonian vassal,  after  three  years  of  service  "  turned 
and  rebelled,"  probably  trusting  to  be  supported  by 
Egypt  (2  K.  xxiv.  1).  Not  long  afterward  Phenicia 
seems  to  have  broken  into  revolt ;  and  the  Chaldean 
monarch,  who  had  previously  endeavored  to  subdue 
the  disaffected  by  his  generals  (ver.  2),  once  more 
took  the  field  in  person,  and  marched  first  of  all 
against  Tyre.  Having  invested  that  city  in  the 
seventh  year  of  his  reign  (Jos.  Ap.  \.  21),  and  left  a 
portion  of  his  army  there  to  continue  the  siege,  he 
proceeded  against  Jerusalem,  which  submitted  with- 


out a  struggle.  According  to  Josepbus  (x.  6,  §  3  ; 
compare  Jer.  xxii.  18,  19,  and  xxxvi.  30)  Nebuchad- 
nezzar punished  Jehoiakim  with  death,  but  placed 
his  son  Jehoiaciiin  upon  the  throne.  Jehoiachin 
reigned  only  three  months ;  for,  on  his  showing 
symptoms  of  disaffection,  Nebuchadnezzar  came  up 
against  Jerusalem  for  the  third  time,  deiioscd  the 
young  prince  (whom  he  carried  to  Babylon,  with  a 
large  portion  of  the  population  of  the  city,  and  the 
chief  of  the  Temple  treasures),  and  made  his  uncle, 
Zedekiaii,  king  in  his  room.  Tyre  still  held  out ; 
and  it  was  not  till  the  thirteenth  year  from  its  first 
investment  that  the  city  of  merchants  fell  (u.  c. 
585).  Ere  this  happened,  Jerusalem  had  been  to- 
tally destroyed.  This  consummation  was  owing  to 
the  folly  of  Zedekiah,  who,  despite  the  warnings 
of  Jeremiah,  made  a  treaty  with  Apries  (Hophra), 
king  of  Egypt  (Ez.  xvii.  16),  and  on  the  strength  of 
this  alliance  renounced  his  allegiance  to  the  king 
of  Babylon.  Nebuchadnezzar  commenced  the  final 
siege  of  Jerusalem  in  the  ninth  year  of  Zedekiah — 
his  own  seventeenth  year  (n.  c.  588) — and  took  it 
two  years  later  (b.  f.  5S6).  One  effort  to  carry  out 
the  treaty  seems  to  have  been  made  by  Apries.  An 
Egyptian  army  crossed  the  frontier,  and  began  its 
march  toward  Jerusalem ;  upon  which  Nebuchad- 
nezzar raised  the  siege,  and  set  off  to  meet  the  new 
foe.  According  to  Josephus  (x.  7,  §  3)  a  battle  was 
fought,  in  which  Apries  was  completely  defeated : 
but  the  Scriptural  account  seems  rather  to  imply 
that  the  Egyptians  retired  on  the  advance  of  Nebu- 
chadnezzar, and  recrossed  the  frontier  without  risk- 
ing an  engagement  (Jer.  xxxvii.  6-8).  After  an 
eighteen  months'  siege,  Jerusalem  fell.  Zedekiah 
escaped  from  the  city,  but  was  captured  near  Jeri- 
cho (xxxix.  5)  and  brought  to  Nebuchadnezzar  at 
KiBLAii,  where  his  eyes  were  put  out  by  the  king's 
order,  while  his  sons  and  his  chief  nobles  were  slain. 
Nebuchadnezzar  then  returned  to  Babylon  with  Zed- 
ekiah, whom  he  imprisoned  for  the  remainder  of  his 
life;  leaving  Nebuzar-adan,  the  captain  of  his 
guard,  to  complete  the  destruction  of  the  city  and 
the  pacification  of  Judea.  Gedaliah,  a  Jew,  was 
appointed  governor,  but  he  was  soon  murdered,  and 
the  rest  of  the  Jews  either  fled  to  Egypt,  or  were 
carried  by  Nebuzar-adan  to  Babylon.  The  military 
successes  of  Nebuchadnezzar  cannot  be  traced  mi- 
nutely beyond  this  point.  It  may  be  gathered,  from 
the  prophetical  Scriptures  and  from  Josephus,  that 
the  conquest  of  Jerusalem  was  rapidly  followed  by 
the  fall  of  Tyre  and  the  complete  submission  of 
Phenicia  (Ez.  xxvi.-xxviii. ;  Jos.  Ap.  i.  21);  after 
which  the  Bal^'lonians  carried  their  arms  into 
Egypt,  and  inflicted  severe  injuries  on  that  fertile 
country  (Jer.  xlvi.  13-26;  Ez.  xxix.  2-20;  Jos.  x. 
9,  §  7).  But  we  have  no  account,  on  which  we  can 
depend,  of  these  campaigns.  We  are  told  by  Bero- 
sus  (in  Jos.  X.  11,  §  1)  that  the  first  care  of  Nebu- 
chadnezzar, on  obtaining  quiet  possession  of  his 
kingdom,  after  the  first  Syrian  expedition,  was  to 
rebuild  the  temple  of  Bel  (Bel-Mtrodach)  at  Baby- 
lon out  of  the  spoils  of  the  Syrian  war.  He  next 
proceeded  to  strengthen  and  beautify  the  city,  which 
he  renovated  throughout,  and  surrounded  with  sev- 
eral lines  of  fortification,  himself  adding  one  en- 
tirely new  quarter.  Having  finished  the  walls  and 
adorned  the  gates  magnificently,  he  coivstructcd  a 
new  palace.  In  the  grounds  of  this  palace  he  f'oiined 
the  celebrated  "  hanging  garden."  This  complete 
renovation  of  Babylon  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  which 
Berosus  asserts,  is  confirmed  to  us  in  every  possible 
way  (Dan.  iv.  80).     (Babel.)     But  Nebuchadnezzar 


700 


NEB 


did  not  confine  his  efforts  to  the  ornamentation  and 
improvement  of  liig  capital.  Througliout  tlie  em- 
pire, at  Borsippa,  Sippara,  Cutha,  Chilmad,  Duraba, 
Teredon,  &c.,  &c.,  he  built  or  rebuilt  cities,  repaired 
temples,  constructed  quays,  reservoirs,  canals,  and 
aqueducts,  on  a  scale  of  grandeur  and  magnificence 
surpassing  every  thing  of  the  kind  recorded  in  his- 
tory, unless  it  be  the  constructions  of  one  or  two  of 
the  greatest  Egyptian  monarchs.  (Chaldea.)  Tlie 
wealth,  greatness,  and  general  prosperity  of  Nebu- 
chadnezzar are  strikingly  placed  before  us  in  Dan. 
ii.  37,  iii.  1  if.,  iv.  10-12,  &c.  Toward  the  close  of 
his  reign  the  glory  of  Nebuchadnezzar  suffered  a 
temporary  eclipse.  For  his  pride  and  vanity,  that 
strange  madness  was  sent  upon  him  called  lycan- 
thropy  (from  Gr.,  wolf-man),  wherein  the  sufferer 
imagines  himself  a  beast,  and  quitting  the  haunts  of 
men,  insists  on  leading  the  life  of  a  beast  (Dan.  iv. 
33).  (Medicine.)  Nebuchadnezzar  himself  in  his 
Standard  Inscription  appears  to  allude  to  it,  although 
in  a  studied  ambiguity  of  phrase  which  renders  the 
passage  very  difficult  of  translation.  After  describ- 
ing the  construction  of  the  most  important  of  his 
great  works,  he  appears  to  say — "  For  four  years 
(y)  .  .  .  the  seat  of  my  kingdom  .  .  .  did  not  re- 
joice my  heart.  In  all  my  dominions  I  did  not  build 
a  high  place  of  power,  the  precious  treasures  of  my 
kingdom  I  did  not  lay  up.  In  Babylon,  buildings 
for  myself  and  for  the  honor  of  my  kingdom  I  did 
not  lay  out.  In  the  worship  of  Merodach,  my  lord, 
the  joy  of  my  heart,  in  Babylon  the  city  of  his  sover- 
eignty, and  the  seat  of  my  empire,  I  did  not  sing  his 
praises,  I  did  not  furnish  his  altars  with  victims,  nor 
did  I  clear  out  the  canals"  (RIn.  Ml.  ii.  586).  It 
has  often  been  remarked  that  Herodotus  ascribes  to 
a  queen,  Nitocris,  several  of  the  important  works, 
which  other  writers  (Berosus,  Abydenus)  assign  to 
Nebuchadnezzar.  The  conjecture  naturally  arises 
that  Nitocris  was  Nebuchadnezzar's  queen,  and  that, 
as  she  carried  on  his  constructions  during  his  in- 
capacity, they  were  by  some  considered  to  be  hers. 
After  an  interval  of  four,  or  perhaps  seven  years 
(Dan.  iv.  16),  Nebuchadnezzar's  malady  left  him. 
As  we  are  told  in  Scripture  that  "  hia  reason  re- 
turned, and  for  the  glory  of  his  kingdom  his  honor 
and  brightness  returned ; "  and  he  "  was  established 
in  his  kingdom,  and  excellent  majesty  was  added  to 
him "  (iv.  36),  so  we  find  in  the  Standard  Inscrip- 
tion that  he  resumed  his  great  works  after  a  period 
of  suspension,  and  added  fresh  "  wonders  "  in  his 
old  age  to  the  marvellous  constructions  of  his  man- 
hood. He  died  b.  c.  561,  at  an  advanced  age  (eighty- 
three  or  eighty-four),  having  reigfned  forty-three 
years.  A  son,  Evil-Merodach,  succeeded  him.  Nebu- 
chadnezzar had  grave  faults  (pride,  cruelty,  &c.)  as 
well  as  genius  and  grandeur.  We  observe  in  the  cunei- 
form inscriptions  as  peculiar  to  Nebuchadnezzar  a 
disposition  to  rest  his  fame  on  his  great  works  rather 
than  on  his  military  achievements,  and  a  strong  re- 
ligious spirit,  manifesting  itself  especially  in  a  de- 
votion, which  is  almost  exclusive,  to  one  particular 
god.  Merodach  was  to  him  "  the  supreme  chief  of 
the  gods,"  "  the  most  ancient,"  "  the  king  of  the 
heavens  and  the  earth."  It  was  his  image  or  sym- 
bol, undoubtedly,  which  was  "  set  up  "  to  be  wor- 
shipped in  the  "  plain  of  Dura  "  (Dan.  iii.  1),  and  hia 
house  in  which  the  sacred  vessels  of  the  Temple  were 
treasured  (i.  2).  Nebuchadnezzar  seems  at  some 
times  to  have  identified  this,  his  supreme  god,  with 
the  God  of  the  Jews  (iv.) ;  at  others,  to  have  re- 
garded the  Jewish  God  as  one  of  the  local  and  in- 
inferior  deities  (iii.)  over  whom  Merodach  ruled. 


NED 

*  Jfeb-a-elisd-rez'zar   =   Nebuchadnezzar  (Jer.       I 
xxi.  2,  7,  &c.).  ' 

Neb-a-slias'ban  (Heb.  adherent  o/Nebo  or  Mer- 
curi/,  Ges.,  Fii.),  one  of  the  officers  of  Nebuchadnez- 
zar at  the  time  of  the  capture  of  Jerusalem.  He 
was  Rab-saris,  i.  e.  chief  of  the  eunuchs  (Jer.  xxxix. 
13).  He  and  Nebuzar-adan  (chief  of  the  body- 
guard), and  Nerqal-siiarezer  (Rab-mao,  i.  e.  chief 
of  the  magicians),  the  most  important  officers  then 
present,  were  probably  the  highest  dignitaries  of 
the  Babylonian  court.  Nebushasban's  office  and 
title  were  the  same  as  those  of  Ashpenaz  (Dan.  i. 
3),  whom  he  probably  succeeded. 

Jfeb-n-zar-a-dan  (Heb.  chief  whom  Nebo  for  Mer- 
cury] favors,  Ges. ;  chief  eutler-off  bt)  Nebo,  Fii.),  the 
chief  of  the  slaughterers  (A.  V.  "captain  of  the 
guard ;"  see  Guard  1),  a  high  officer  in  the  court 
of  Nebuchadnezzar,  apparently  the  next  to  the  per- 
son of  the  monarch.  He  appears  not  to  have  fieen 
present  during  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  ;  probably  he 
was  occupied  at  the  more  important  operations  at 
Tyre,  but  as  soon  as  the  city  was  actually  in  the 
hands  of  the  Babylonians  he  arrived,  and  from  that 
moment  every  thing  was  completely  directed  by 
him  (2  K.  xxv.  8  fF.).  One  act  only  is  referred  di- 
rectly to  Nebuchadnezzar,  the  appointment  of  the 
governor  or  superintendent  of  the  conquered  dis- 
trict. AH  this  Nebuzar-adan  seems  to  have  carried 
out  with  wisdom  and  moderation.  His  conduct  to 
Jeremiah,  to  whom  his  attention  had  been  directed 
by  his  master  (Jer.  xxxix.  11),  is  marked  by  even 
higher  qualities  than  these,  and  the  prophet  has 
preserved  (xl.  2-5)  Nebuzar-adan's  speech  on  liber- 
ating him  from  his  chains  at  Ramah,  which  contains 
expressions  truly  remarkable  in  a  heathen.  He 
seems  to  have  left  Judea  for  this  time  when  he  took 
down  the  chief  people  of  Jerusalem  to  his  master  at 
Riblah  (2  K.  xxv.  18-20).  In  four  years  he  again 
appeared.  Nebuchadnezzar  in  his  twenty-third  year 
made  a  descent  on  the  regions  E.  of  the  Jordan,  in- 
cluding the  Ammonites  and  Moabites,  who  escaped 
when  Jerusalem  was  destroyed.  Thence  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Egypt,  and,  either  on  the  way  thither  or 
on  the  return,  Nebuzar-adan  again  passed  through 
the  country  and  carried  off  745  more  captives  (Jer. 
Hi.  30). 

Ne'eho  [-ko]  (Heb.  fr.  Egyptian)  =  PnARAOn- 
NECiio  (2  Chr.  XXXV.  20,  22,  xxxvi.  4).     Pharaoh  9. 

*  Neek  (Heb.  usually  ' dreph or Isavvdr  ;  Gr.  trache- 
los)  is  used  both  literally  (Gen.  xxvii.  16 ;  Lev.  v.  8; 
Lk.  XV.  20,  &c.)  and  figuratively  in  the  Scriptures. 
To  put  the  feet  on  the  neck  of  the  conquered  de- 
noted complete  victory  and  triumph  (Josli.  x.  24). 
(Foot;  War.)  To  have  the  hand  in  or  on  an  ene- 
my's neck  (Gen.  xlix.  8),  or  to  take  one  by  the  neck 
(Job  xvi.  12),  was  to  seize  and  secure  him.  Burdens, 
yokes,  &c.,  are  borne  on  the  neck  (Gen.  xxvii.  40 ; 
Deut.  xxviii.  48,  &c.) ;  hence  to  stiffen  the  neck  (2 
Chr.  xxxvi.  13),  or  to  be  stiff-necked  =  to  be  stub- 
born, obstinate,  or  rebellious.     Necklace  ;  Yoke. 

*  Netk'laeei  Chain  ;  Ornaments,  Personal  ; 
Tablets. 

Me-co'dan  (fr.  Gr.  form)  =  Nekoda  (1  Esd.  v.  ST ; 
comp.  Ezr.  ii.  60). 

*  Nee'ro-man-tcr  (Deut.  xviii.  11).  Divinatios; 
Maoic. 

Ned-a-bl'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  impels, 
Ges.),  apparently  a  son  of  Jeconiah,  or  Jehoiachin, 
king  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iii.  18).  Lord  A.  C.  Ilervey, 
however,  contends  that  this  list  contains  the  order 
of  succession  and  not  of  lineal  descent,  and  that 
Nedabiah  and  his  brothers  were  sons  of  Neri. 


NEE 


NEH 


701 


•  \ff'dlP-work  [-dl-wurk].    Embroiderer. 
Kf-t-nii'as  (Or.  form)  =:  Neiiemiah,  the  son  of 

Hiuhaliali  (Ectlus.  xlix.  13;  2  Mc.  i.  18,  20,  21,  23, 
31,  36,  ii.  13). 

•  >e'gtfc,  a  Hebrew  word  translated  "  the  South," 
"  the  South  Country."     Jidah. 

Bieg'i-nab  (Heb.,  the  text  now  has  vrginath  ;  see 
below)  occurs  in  the  title  of  Ps.  Ixi.,  "to  tlie  chief 
musician  upon  Neginath."  The  LXX.  and  Vulgate 
evidently  read  "  Keginoth"  in  the  plural,  which  is 
perhaps  the  true  reading.  Whether  the  word  be 
singular  or  plural,  it  is  the  general  term  by  which 
all  stringed-instruments  are  described.  The  Heb. 
singular  has  the  derived  sense  of  a  mng  sung  to  the 
aceomjKinimeiU  of  a  stringed-inKlrnmtnt,  and  gen- 
erally of  a  taunting  character  (A.  V.  "  song  ; "  Job 
.XXX.  9;  Ps.  Ixix.  12;  Lam.  iii.  14).  Poetry,  He- 
brew. 

»g'l-licth  (Heb.  nvginiih,  pi.  of  niginah ;  see 
above  and  below).  This  word  is  found  in  the  titles 
of  Ps.  iv.,  vi.,  liv.,  Iv.,  Ixvii.,  Ixxvi.,  and  the  margin 
of  Hab.  iii.  19  (A.  V.  text  "  stringed-instruments"), 
and  there  seems  but  little  doubt  that  it  is  the  gen- 
eral term  denoting  all  stringed-instruments  whatso- 
ever, whether  phiyed  with  the  hand,  like  the  harp 
and  guitar,  or  with  a  plectrum.  "  The  chief  musi- 
cian on  Neginolh  "  was  therefore  the  conductor  of 
that  portion  of  the  Temple-choir  who  played  upon 
the  stringed-instruments,  and  who  are  mentioned  in 
Ps.  Ixviii.  2.5.     Music  ;  MisiCAi,  In.struments. 

Ac  lie-lam-ite  (fr.  Heb. ;  probably  =  descendant 
ofXeheUim  [i.  e.  a  strong  one,  i'ii-],  Ges.,  Fii.),  the,  the 
designation  of  Shemaiah,  a  false  prophet,  who  went 
with  the  Captivity  to  Babylon  (Jpr.  xxix.  24,  31,  32). 

Jie-be-mrah  (fr.  Heb.  ■=  whom  Jehmmh  com f oris, 
Ges.).  1.  Son  of  Hachaliah,  and  apparently  of  the 
tribe  of  Judah,  since  his  fathers  were  buried  at  Je- 
rusalem, and  Hanani  his  kinsman  seems  to  have 
been  of  that  tribe  (Neh.  i.  2,  ii.  3,  vii.  2).  All  that  we 
know  certainly  concerning  this  eminent  man  is  con- 
tained in  the  book  which  bears  his  name.  (Nehe- 
uiAH,  Book  ok.)  His  autobiography  first  finds  him 
at  Shushan,  the  winter  residence  of  the  kings  of 
Persia,  in  high  oflBce  as  the  cupbearer  of  King 
Artaxerxes  Longimanus  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey, 
original  author  of  this  article ;  see  Artaxerxes 
2).  In  the  twentieth  year  of  the  king's  reign,  i.  e. 
B.  c.  445,  certain  Jews,  one  of  whom  was  a  near 
kinsman  of  Nehemiah's,  arrived  from  Judea,  and 
pave  Nehcmiah  a  deplorable  account  of  the  state  of 
Jerusalem,  and  of  the  residents  in  Judea.  He  im- 
mediately conceived  the  idea  of  going  to  Jeru- 
salem to  endeavor  to  better  their  state.  After  three 
or  four  months  (from  Chi«Ieu  to  Nisan),  in  which  he 
earnestly  sought  God's  blessing  by  frequent  prayer 
and  fasting,  an  opportunity  presented  itself  of  ob- 
taining the  king's  consent  to  his  mission.  Having 
received  his  appointment  as  governor  of  Judea,  a 
troop  of  cavalry,  and  letters  from  the  king  to  the 
different  satraps  through  whose  provinces  he  was  to 
pass,  as  well  as  to  Asaph,  the  keeper  of  the  king's 
forests,  to  supply  him  with  timber,  he  stiirted  upon 
his  journey,  being  under  promise  to  return  to  Per- 
sia within  a  given  time.  Nehemiah's  great  work 
was  the  rebuilding,  for  the  first  time  since  their 
destruction  by  Ncbuzar-adan,  the  walls  of  Jerusalem, 
and  restoring  that  city  to  its  former  state  and  dig- 
nity, as  a  fortified  town.  It  is  impossible  to  over- 
estimate the  importance  to  the  future  political  and 
ecclesiastical  prosperity  of  the  Jewish  nation  of  this 
great  achievcicent  of  their  patriotic  governor.  How 
low  the  community  of  the  Palestine  Jews  bad  fallen. 


is  apparent  from  the  fact  that  from  the  sixth  of 
Darius  to  the  seventh  of  Artaxerxes,  there  is  no 
history  of  them  whatever ;  and  that  they  were  in  a 
state  of  abject  "  affliction  and  reproach  "  in  the 
twentieth  of  Artaxerxes.  The  one  step  which  could 
resuscitate  the  nation,  preserve  the  Mosaic  institu- 
tions, and  lay  the  foundation  of  future  independence, 
was  the  restoration  of  the  city  walls.  To  this  great 
object  therefore  Nehemiah  directed  his  whole  ener- 
gies without  an  hour's  unnecessary  delay.  In  a 
wonderfully  short  time  the  walls  seemed  to  emerge 
from  the  heaps  of  burnt  rubbish,  and  to  encircle  the 
city  as  of  old.  The  gateways  also  were  rebuilt,  and 
ready  for  the  doors  to  be  hung  upon  them.  But  it 
soon  became  apparent  how  wisely  Nehcmiah  had 
acted  in  hastening  on  the  work.  On  his  very  first 
arrival,  as  governor,  Sanballat  and  Tobiah  had  given 
unequivocal  proof  of  their  mortification  at  his  ap- 
pointment. But  when  the  restoration  was  seen  to 
be  rapidly  progressing,  their  indignation  knew  no 
bounds.  'They  not  only  poured  out  a  torrent  of  abuse 
and  contempt  on  all  engaged  in  the  work,  but  ac- 
tually made  a  great  conspiracy  to  fall  upon  the 
builders  with  an  armed  force  arid  put  a  stop  to  the 
undertaking.  The  project  was  defeated  by  the 
vigilance  and  prudence  of  Nehemiah,  who  main- 
tained an  armed  attitude  from  that  day  forward. 
Various  stratagems  were  then  employed  to  get  Ne- 
hemiah away  from  Jerusalem,  and  if  possible  to  take 
his  life.  But  that  which  most  nearly  succeeded  was 
the  attempt  to  bring  him  into  suspicion  with  the 
king  of  Persia,  as  if  he  intended  to  set  himself  up  as 
an  independent  king,  as  soon  as  the  walls  were  com- 
pleted, and  also  to  frighten  the  Jews  by  the  accusa- 
tion of  rebellion,  &e.  The  artful  letter  of  Sanballat 
so  far  wrought  upon  Artaxerxes,  that  he  issued  a 
decree  stopping  the  work  till  further  orders.  Prob- 
ably at  the  same  time  he  recalled  Nehemiah,  or  per- 
haps Nehemiah's  leave  of  absence  had  previously 
expired ;  in  either  case  had  the  Tirshaiiia  been  less 
upright  and  less  wise,  and  had  he  fallen  into  the 
trap  laid  for  him,  his  life  might  have  been  in  great 
danger.  The  sequel,  however,  shows  that  his  per- 
fect integrity  was  apparent  to  the  king.  For  after  * 
a  delay,  perhaps  of  several  years,  he  was  permitted 
to  return  to  Jerusalem,  and  to  crown  his  work  by 
repairing  the  Temple,  and  dedicating  the  walls. 
Owing  to  his  wise  haste  and  steadfast  perseverance, 
the  designs  of  his  enemies  were  frustrated.  The 
walls  were  actually  finished  and  ready  to  receive  the 
gates,  before  the  king's  decree  for  suspending  the 
work  arrived.  Nehemiah  does  not  indeed  mention 
this  adverse  decree,  which  may  have  arrived  during 
his  absence,  or  "give  us  any  clew  to  the  time  of  his 
return  ;  nor  should  we  have  suspected  his  absence 
St  all  from  Jerusalem,  but  for  the  incidental  allusion 
in  ch.  ii.  6,  xiii.  6,  coupled  with  the  long  interval 
between  the  earlier  and  later  chapters  of  the  book. 
But  the  inten-al  between  the  close  of  ch.  vi.  and  the 
beginning  of  ch.  vii.  is  the  only  place  where  we  can 
suppose  a  considerable  gap  in  time,  cither  from  the 
appearance  of  the  text,  or  the  nature  of  the  events 
narrated.  It  seems  to  suit  both  well  to  suppose 
that  Nehcmiah  returned  to  Persia,  and  the  work 
stopped  immediately  after  the  events  narrated  in 
vi.  16-19,  and  that  chapter  vii.  goes  on  to  relate 
the  measures  adopted  by  him  upon  his  return  with 
fresh  powers.  These  were,  the  setting  up  the  doors 
in  the  gates  of  the  city,  giving  a  special  charge  as  to 
opening  and  shutting  them,  and  above  all  providing 
for  duly  peopling  the  city  and  rebuilding  its  many 
decayed  houses.    Then  followed  a  census,  a  large 


"702 


iKEH 


NEH 


collection  of  funds  for  the  repair  of  the  Temple,  the 
public  reading  of  tlie  Law  by  Ezra,  a  celebration  of 
the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  such  as  had  not  been 
Been  since  Joshua's  time,  and  a  no  lefs  solemn 
keeping  of  the  Day  of  Atonement  with  a  solemn  en- 
tering into  covenant  with  God.  It  may  have  been 
after  another  considerable  interval  of  time,  and  not 
improbably  after  another  absence  of  the  Tirshatha 
from  his  government,  that  the  next  event  of  interest 
in  Nehemiah's  life  occurred,  viz.  the  dedication  of 
the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  including,  if  we  may  believe 
2  Mc.  i.,  supported  by  several  indications  in  Nehe- 
miah,  that  of  the  Temple  after  its  repair  by  means 
of  the  funds  collected  from  the  whole  population. 
This  great  and  good  governor  firmly  repressed  tlie 
exactions  of  the  nobles,  and  the  usury  of  the  ricli, 
and  rescued  the  poor  Jews  from  spoliation  and 
slavery.  He  refused  to  receive  his  lawful  allowance 
as  governor  from  the  people,  in  consideration  of 
their  poverty,  during  the  whole  twelve  years  that 
he  was  in  office,  but  kept  at  his  own  charge  a  table 
for  150  Jews,  at  which  any  who  returned  from 
captivity  were  welcome.  He  made  most  careful 
provision  for  the  maintenance  of  the  ministering 
priests  and  Levites,  and  for  the  due  and  constant 
celebration  of  Divine  worship.  He  insisted  upon 
the  sanctity  of  the  precincts  of  the  Temple  being 
preserved  inviolable,  and  pereraptoiily  ejected  the 
powerful  Tobiah  from  one  of  the  chambers  which 
Eliashib  had  assigned  to  him.  He  then  replaced 
the  stores  and  vessels  which  had  been  removed  to 
make  room  for  him,  and  appointed  proper  Lcvitieal 
olHcers  to  superintend  and  distribute  them.  With 
no  less  firmness  and  impartiality  he  expelled  from 
all  sacred  functions  those  of  the  high-priest's  family 
who  had  contracted  heathen  marriages,  and  rebuked 
and  punished  those  of  the  common  people  who  had 
likewise  intermarried  with  foreigners ;  and  lastly,  he 
provided  for  keeping  holy  the  Sabbath  day,  which 
was  shamefully  profaned  by  many,  both  Jews  and 
foreign  merchants,  and  by  his  resolute  conduct  suc- 
ceeded in  repressing  the  lawless  traffic  on  the  day 
of  rest.  Beyond  the  thirty-second  year  of  Artaxer- 
xes,  to  which  Nehemiah's  own  narrative  leads  us, 
we  have  no  account  of  him  whatever.  Probably  he 
returned  to  Persia  and  died  there.  For  pure  and 
disinterested  patriotism  he  stands  unrivalled.  All 
he  did  was  noble,  generous,  high-mindeJ,  coura- 
geous, and  to  the  highest  degree  upright.  "To  stern 
integrity  he  united  great  humility  and  kindness,  and 
a  princely  hospitality.  As  a  statesman  he  combined 
forethought,  prudence,  and  sagacity  in  counsel  with 
vigor,  promptitude,  and  decision  in  action.  But  in 
nothing  was  he  more  remarkable  than  for  his  piety, 
and  the  singleness  of  eye  with  which  he  walked  before 
God. — 2.  One  of  the  leaders  of  the  first  expedition 
from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem  under  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
ii.  2 ;  Neh.  vii.  7).— 3.  Son  of  Azbuk,  and  ruler  of 
the  half  "part"  of  Beth-zur,  who  helped  to  repair 
the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (iil  16). 

Ne-lie-ml'ali  (see  above),  Book  of,  the  latest  of  all 
the  historical  books  of  Scripture.  This  book,  like 
the  preceding  one  of  Ezra,  is  clearly  and  certainly 
not  all  by  the  same  hand.  By  far  the  principal 
portion,  indeed,  is  the  work  of  Nehemiah  1 ;  but 
other  portions  are  cither  extracts  from  various 
chronicles  and  registers,  or  supplementary  narra- 
tives and  reflections,  some  apparently  by  Ezra,  others, 
perhaps,  the  work  of  the  same  person  who  inserted 
the  latest  genealogical  extracts  from  the  public 
chronicles  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey,  tlie  original  author 
of  this  article;  see  below). — 1.  The  main  history 


contained  in  Xehemiah  covers  about  twelve  years, 
viz.  from  the  twentieth  to  the  thirty-second  year  of 
Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  i.  e.  from  n.  c.  445  to  433. 
The  whole  narrative  gives  us  a  graphic  and  interest- 
ing account  of  the  state  of  Jerusalem  and  the  return- 
ed captives  in  the  writer's  times,  and,  incidentally,  of 
the  nature  of  the  Persian  government  and  the  con- 
dition of  its  remote  provinces.  The  documents  ap- 
pended to  it  also  give  some  further  information  as 
to  the  times  of  Zerubbabel  on  the  one  hand,  and  as 
to  the  continuation  of  the  genealogical  registers  and 
the  succession  of  the  high-priesthood  to  the  close 
of  the  Persian  empire  on  the  other.  The  view  given 
of  the  rise  of  two  factions  among  the  Jews — the  one 
the  strict  religious  party ;  the  other,  the  gentiliz- 
ing  party,  sets  before  us  the  germ  of  much  that  we 
meet  with  in  a  more  developed  state  in  later  Jew- 
ish history.  Again,  in  this  history,  as  well  as  in 
Ezra,  we  see  the  bitter  enmity  between  the  Jews 
and  Samaritans  ac^iuiring  strength  and  definitive 
form  on  both  religious  and  political  grounds.  The 
book  also  throws  much  light  upon  the  domestic  in- 
stitutions of  the  Jews.  Some  of  its  details  give  us 
incidentally  information  of  great  historical  impor- 
tance, (a.)  The  account  of  the  building  and  dedi- 
cation of  the  wall,  iii.,  xii.,  contains  the  most  valu- 
able materials  for  settling  the  topography  of  Jerl'-  • 
SALEM  to  be  found  in  Scripture.  (6.)  The  list  of  re- 
turned captives  who  came  under  different  leaders 
from  the  time  of  Zerubbabel  to  that  of  Nehemiah 
(amounting  in  all  to  only  42,360  adult  males  and 
7,337  servants),  which  is  given  in  chapter  vii.,  con- 
veys a  faithful  picture  of  the  political  weakness  of 
the  Jen  ish  nation  as  compared  with  the  times  when 
Judah  alone  numbered  470,000  fighting  men  (1  Chr. 
xxi.  5).  It  is  an  important  aid,  too,  in  understand- 
ing the  subsequent  history  and  appreciating  the 
patriotism  and  valor  by  which  they  attained  their 
independence  under  the  Maccabees,  (c.)  The  lists 
of  leaders,  priests,  Levites,  and  of  those  who  signed 
the  covenant,  reveal  incidentally  much  of  the 
national  spirit  as  well  as  of  the  social  habits  of 
the  captives,  derived  from  older  times.  Thus  the 
fact  that  tvielve  leaders  are  named  in  Nehemiah  vii. 
7,  indicates  the  feeling  of  the  captives  that  they 
represented  the  ticelve  tribes,  a  feeling  further  evi- 
denced in  the  expression,  "  the  men  of  the  people 
of  Israel."  The  enumeration  of  twenty-one  and 
twenty-two,  or,  if  Zidkijah  stands  for  the  head  of 
the  house  of  Zadok,  twenty-three  chief  priests  in  x. 
1-8,  xii.  1-7,  of  whom  nine  bear  the  names  of  those 
who  were  heads  of  courses  in  David's  time  (1  Chr. 
xxiv.),  shows  how,  even  in  their  wasted  and  reduced 
numbers,  they  struggled  to  preserve  these  ancient 
institutions,  and  also  supplies  the  reason  of  the 
mention  of  these  particular  twenty-two  or  twenty- 
three  names.  But  it  does  more  than  this.  Taken  ia 
conjunction  with  the  list  of  those  who  sealed  (Neh. 
X.  1-27),  it  proves  the  existence  of  a  social  custom  of 
calling  chiefs  by  the  name  of  the  clan  or  house  of 
which  they  were  chiefs,  (d.)  Other  miscellaneous 
information  contained  in  this  book,  embraces  the 
hereditary  crafts  practised  by  certain  priestly  fam- 
ilies, e.  g.  the  apothecaries,  or  makers  of  the  sacred 
ointments  and  iucense  (iii.  8),  and  the  goldsmiths, 
whose  business  it  probably  was  to  repair  the  sacred 
vessels  (iii.  8) ;  the  situation  of  the  garden  of  the 
kings  of  Judah  by  which  Zedekiah  escaped  (2  K. 
XXV.  4),  as  seen  Neh.  iii.  15  ;  statistics,  &c.  The  only 
real  historical  difficulty  in  the  narrative  is  to 
determine  the  time  of  the  dedication  of  the  wall, 
whether  in  the  thirty-second  year  of  Artaxerxes  or 


KEH 


NEH 


703 


l.ofore.  The  expression  in  Neh.  xiiL  1,  "On  that 
day,"  seema  to  fix  the  reading  of  the  Law  to  the 
same  day  as  the  dedication  (xii.  43).  But  if  so,  the 
dedication  must  liave  been  after  Nehemiah's  return 
from  Babylon  (mentioned  xiii.  7).  Then,  if  tlie 
wall  only  took  tifty-two  days  to  complete  (vi.  15), 
and  was  begun  as  soon  as  Xehemiah  entered  upon 
his  government,  how  came  the  dedication  to  be  de- 
ferred till  twelve  years  afterward  y  The  answer  to 
this  probably  is  that,  in  the  first  place,  the  fifty-two 
days  are  to  be  reckoned  from  the  resumption  of  the 
work  after  iv.  15,  and  a  time  exceeding  two  years 
may  have  elapsed  from  the  commencement  of  the 
building.  But  even  then  it  would  not  be  ready  for 
dedication.  There  were  the  gates  to  be  hung,  per- 
haps much  rubbish  to  be  removed,  and  the  ruined 
houses  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  walls  to  be 
repaired.  Still  even  these  causes  would  not  be 
adequate  to  account  for  a  delay  of  twelve  years. 
But  Nehemiah's  leave  of  absence  from  the  Persian 
court,  mentioned  ii.  6,  may  have  drawn  to  a  close 
shortly  after  the  completion  of  the  wall,  and  before 
the  olher  above-named  works  were  complete.  And 
this  is  rendered  yet  more  probable  by  the  circum- 
stance that,  in  the  thirty-second  year  of  Artaxerxes 
we  know  he  was  with  the  king  (xiii.  6).  Other  cir- 
cumstances, too,  may  have  concurred  to  make  it 
imperative  for  him  to  return  to  Persia  without  de- 
lay. The  last  words  of  ch.  vi.  point  to  some  new 
effort  of  Tobiah  to  interrupt  his  work,  apparently 
by  the  threat  of  his  being  considered  as  a  rebel  by 
the  king.  If  he  could  make  it  appear  that  Arta- 
xerxes was  suspicious  of  his  fidelity,  then  Nehemiah 
might  feel  it  matter  of  necessity  to  go  to  the  Per- 
sian court  to  clear  himself  of  the  charge.  And  this 
view  both  receives  a  remarkable  confirmation  from, 
and  throws  quite  a  new  light  upon,  Ezr.  iv.  7-23. 
Now,  if  we  compare  Xeh.  vi.  6,  7,  with  the  letter  of 
the  heathen  nations  mentioned  in  Ezr.  iv.,  and  also 
recollect  that  the  only  time  when,  as  far  as  we 
know,  the  walU  of  Jerusalem  w^ere  attempted  to  be 
rebuilt,  was  when  Nehemiah  was  governor,  it  is 
difficult  to  resist  the  conclusion  that  Ezr.  iv.  7-23 
relates  to  the  time  of  Nehemiah's  government,  and 
explains  the  otherwise  unaccountable  circumstance 
that  twelve  years  elapsed  before  the  dedication  of 
the  walls  was  completed.  Nehemiah  may  have 
started  on  his  journey  on  receiving  the  letters  from 
Persia  (if  such  they  were)  sent  him  by  Tobiah, 
leaving  his  lieutenants  to  carry  on  the  works,  and 
after  nis  departure  Rehum  and  Shimshai  and  their 
companions  may  have  come  up  to  Jerusalem  with 
the  king's  decree  and  obliged  them  to  desist.  It 
seems,  however,  that  at  Nehemiah's  arrival  in  Pei^ 
sia,  he  was  able  to  satisfy  the  king  of  his  perfect 
integrity,  and  he  was  permitted  to  return  to  his 
government  in  Judea.  His  leave  of  absence  may 
again  have  been  of  limited  duration,  and  the  busi- 
ness of  the  census,  ofrepeopling  Jerusalem,  setting 
up  the  city  gates,  rebuilding  the  ruined  houses,  and 
repairing  the  Temple,  may  have  occupied  his  whole 
time  till  his  second  return  to  the  king.  During  this 
second  absence  another  evil  arose — the  gentilizing 
party  recovered  strength,  and  the  intrigues  with 
Tobiah  (Xeh.  vi.  17),  begun  before  bis  first  depar- 
ture, were  more  actively  carried  on,  and  led  so  far 
that  Elia.shib  the  high-priest  actually  assigned  one 
of  the  .store-chambers  in  the  Temple  to  Tobiah's 
use.  This  we  are  not  told  of  till  xiii.  4-7,  when 
Nehemiah  relates  the  steps  he  took  on  his  return. 
But  this  very  cireumstAnec  suggests  that  Nehemiah 
does  not  relate  the  events  which  happened  in  his 


absence,  and  would  account  for  his  silence  in  regard 
to  Rehum  and  Shimshai.  We  may  thus,  then,  ac-* 
count  for  ten  or  eleven  years  having  elapsed  before 
the  dedication  of  the  walls  took  place.  In  fact,  it 
did  not  take  place  till  the  last  year  of  his  govern- 
ment ;  and  this  leads  to  the  right  interpretation  of 
ch.  xiii.  6,  and  brings  it  into  harmony  with  v.  14, 
which  obviously  imports  that  Nehemiah's  govern- 
ment of  Judea  lasted  only  twelve  years,  viz.  from 
the  twentieth  to  the  thirty-second  of  Artaxerxes. 
The  dedication  of  the  walls  and  the  other  reforms 
named  in. eh.  xiii.  were  the  closing  acts  of  his  ad- 
ministration. Josephus  detaches  Neh.  viii.  from  its 
context,  and  appends  the  narratives  contained  in  it 
to  the  times  of  Ezra.  He  makes  Ezra  die  before 
Nehemiah  came  to  Jerusalem  as  governor,  and  con- 
sequently ignores  any  part  taken  by  him  in  con- 
junction with  Nehemiah.  He  makes  no  mention 
of  Sanballat  in  the  events  of  Nehemiah's  govern- 
ment, but  places  him  in  the  time  of  Jaddua  and 
Alexander  the  Great.  All  attempts  to  reconcile  Jo- 
sephus with  Nehemiah  must  be  lost  labor.  His 
authority  must  yield  to  that  of  X'ehemiah.  In  ap- 
pending the  history  in  Neh.  viii.  to  the  times  of 
Ezra,  we  know  that  he  was  guided  by  the  Apoc- 
ryphal 1  Esd.,  as  he  had  been  in  the  whole  story  of 
Zerubbabel  and  Darius.  Probably  in  all  the  points 
in  which  he  differs  from  Nehemiah,  he  followed 
Apocryphal  Jewish  writings.  2.  As  regards  the 
authorship  of  the  book,  it  is  admitted  by  all  critics 
that  it  is,  as  to  its  main  parts,  the  genuine  Work  of 
Nehemiah.  But  It  is  no  less  certain  (so  Lord  A.  C 
Hervey)that  interpolations  and  additions  have  been 
made  in  it  since  his  time;  and  there  is  considerable 
diversity  of  opinion  as  to  what  are  the  portions  so 
added  (see  below).  From  i.  1  to  vii.  6,  no  doubt  or 
difBculty  occurs.  Again,  from  xii.  31  to  the  end  of 
the  book  (except  xii.  44-47),  the  narrative  is  con- 
tinuous, and  the  use  of  the  first  person  singular 
constant  (xii.  30,  38,  40,  xiii.  6,  7,  &c.).  It  is  there- 
fore only  in  the  intermediate  chapters  (vii.  6  to 
xii.  36,  and  xii.  44-47),  that  we  have  to  inquire 
into  the  question  of  authorship,  and  this  we  will  do 
by  sections : — (a.)  The  first  section  begins  at  Neh. 
vii.  6,  and  ends  in  the  first  half  of  viii.  1,  at  the 
words  "  one  man."  This  section  is  identical  with 
Ezr.  ii.  1 — iii.  1  (Ezra,  Book  of),  word  for  word,  and 
letter  for  letter,  except  in  two  points,  viz.  the  num- 
bers repeatedly  vary ;  and  there  is  a  difference  in 
the  account  of  the  offerings  made  by  the  governor, 
the  nobles,  and  the  people.  The  heading,  the  eon- 
tents,  the  narrative  about  the  sons  of  Barzillai,  the 
fact  of  the  offerings,  the  dwelling  in  their  cities, 
the  coming  of  the  seventh  month,  the  gathering  of 
all  the  people  to  Jerusalem  as  one  man,  are  in  words 
and  in  sense  the  very  self-same  passage.  The  idea 
that  the  very  same  words,  extending  to  seventy 
verses,  describe  different  events,  is  simply  absurd  and 
irrational.  The  numbers,  therefore,  must  originally 
have  been  the  same  in  both  books.  But  when  we 
examine  the  varying  numbers,  we  see  the  following 
particular  proofs  that  the  variations  are  corruptions 
of  the  original  text.  Though  the  items  vary,  the 
sum  total,  42,360,  is  the  same  (Ezr.  ii.  64  ;  Neh.  vii. 
66).  In  like  manner  the  totals  of  the  servants,  the 
singing  men  and  women,  the  horses,  mules,  and 
asses,  are  all  the  same,  except  that  Ezra  has  200, 
instead  of  245,  singing  men  and  women.  The  num- 
bers of  the  priests  and  the  Levites  are  the  same  in 
both,  except  that  the  singers,  the  sons  of  Asaph, 
are  128  in  Ezra,  against  148  In  Nehemiah,  and  the 
porters  139  against  138.    Then  in  each  particuhir 


704 


NEH 


NEH 


case,  when  the  numbers  differ,  we  see  plainly  that 
*  the  difference  might  arise  from  a  copyist's  error. 
To  turn  next  to  the  offerings.  Ezra  (ii.  68,  69) 
merely  gives  the  sum  total,  as  follows:  61,000 
drams  of  gold,  5,000  pounds  of  silver,  and  100 
priests'  garments.  Nehemiah  gives  no  sum  total, 
but  gives  the  following  items  (vii.  72) :  The  Tir- 
shatha  gave  1,200  drams  of  gold,  50  basins,  530 
priests'  garments.  The  chief  of  the  fathers  gave 
20,000  drams  of  gold,  and  2,200  pounds  of  silver. 
The  rest  of  the  people  gave  20,000  drams  of  gold, 
2,000  pounds  of  silver,  and  67  priests'  .garments. 
Here,  then,  we  learn  that  these  offerings  were  made 
in  three  shares,  by  three  distinct  parties  :  the  gov- 
ernor, the  chief  fathers,  the  people.  The  sum  total 
of  drams  of  gold  we  learn  from  Ezra  was  61,000. 
The  shares,  we  learn  from  Nehemiah,  were  20,000 
in  two  out  of  the  three  donors,  but  1,000  in  the 
case  of  the  third  and  chief  donor !  Is  it  not  quite 
evident  that  in  the  case  of  Nehemiah  the  20  has 
slipped  out  of  the  text  (as  in  1  Esd.  v.  45,  60,000 
has),  and  that  his  real  contribution  was  21,000?  his 
generosity  prompting  him  to  give  in  excess  of  his 
third.  Next,  the  sura  total  of  the  pounds  of  silver 
was,  according  to  Ezra,  5,000.  The  shares  were, 
according  to  Nehemiah,  2,200  pounds  from  the 
chiefs,  and  2,000  from  the  people.  But  the  LXX. 
give  2,300  for  the  chiefs,  and  2,200  for  the  people, 
making  4,500  in  all,  and  so  leaving  a  deficiency  of 
500  pounds  as  compared  with  Ezra's  total  of  5,000, 
and  as'cribing  no  silver  offering  to  the  Tirshatha. 
The  sum  total  of  the  priests'  garments,  as  given  in 
both  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  text  of  Ezra,  and  in  1 
Esd.,  is  100.  The  items  as  given  in  Neh.  vii.  70  are 
530  +  67  =  597.  But  the  LXX.  give  30  +  67  = 
97,  and  that  this  is  nearly  correct  is  apparent  from 
the  numbers  themselves.  For  the  total  being  100, 
33  is  the  nearest  whole  number  to  ^5'^,  and  67  is 
the  nearest  whole  number  to  |  of  100.  So  that  we 
cannot  doubt  that  the  Tirshatha  gave  33  priests' 
garments,  and  the  rest  of  the  people  gave  67,  prob- 
ably in  two  gifts  of  34  and  33,  making  in  all  100. 
But  how  came  the  500  to  be  added  on  to  the  Tir- 
shatha's  tale  of  garments  ?  Clearly  it  is  a  frag- 
ment of  the  missing  500  pounds  of  silver,  which, 
with  the  50  bowls,  made  up  the  Tirshatha's  donation 
of  silver.  So  that  Neh.  vii.  70  ought  to  be  read 
thus,  "  The  Tirshatha  gave  to  the  treasure  21,000 
drams  of  gold,  50  basins,  500  pounds  of  silver,  and 
33  priests'  garments."  "The  offerings,  then,  as  well 
as  the  numbers  in  the  lists,  were  once  identical  in 
both  books,  and  we  learn  from  Ezr.  ii.  68  what  was 
the  purpose  of  this  liberal  contribution,  viz.  "  to  set 
up  the  House  of  God  in  his  place."  From  this 
phrase  occurring  in  Ezr.  ii.  just  before  the  account 
of  the  building  of  the  Temple  by  Zerubbabel,  it 
has  usually  been  understood  as  referring  to  the  re- 
building ;  but  the  phrase  properly  implies  restora- 
tion and  preservation  (compare  2  Chr.  xxiv.  13).  It 
follows,  from  what  has  been  said,  that  the  section 
under  consideration  is  in  its  right  place  in  Nehe- 
miah, and  was  inserted  subsequently  in  Ezra  out  of 
its  chronological  order.  But  one  or  two  additional 
proofs  of  this  must  be  mentioned.  The  most  con- 
vincing and  palpable  of  these  is  perhaps  the  men- 
tion of  the  Tirshatha  in  Ezr.  ii.  C3  and  Neh.  vii.  65. 
Another  proof  is  the  mention  of  Ezra  as  taking 
part  in  that  assembly  of  the  people  of  Jerusalem 
described  in  Ezr.  iii.  1  and  Neh.  viii.  1;  for  Ezra  did 
not  come  to  Jerusalem  till  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes 
(Ezr.  vii.).  Another  is  the  mention  of  Nehemiah 
as  one  of  the  leaders  under  whom  the    captives 


enumerated  in  the  census  came  up  (Ezr.  ii.  2  ;  Neh. 
vii.  7) :  in  both  which  passages  the  juxtaposition  of 
Nehemiah  with  Seraiah,  when  compared  with  Neh. 
X.  1,2,  greatly  strengthens  the  conclusion  that  Ne- 
hemiafi  the  Tirshatha  is  meant.  Then,  again,  that 
Nehemiah  should  summon  all  the  families  of  Israel 
to  Jerusalem  to  take  their  census,  and  that,  having 
done  so  at  great  cost  of  time  and  trouljlc,  he,  or 
whoever  was  employed  by  him,  should  merely  tran- 
scribe an  old  census  taken  nearly  100  years  before, 
instead  of  recording  the  result  of  his  own  labors,  is 
so  improbable  that  nothing  but  the  plainest  neces- 
sity could  make  one  believe  it.  Nehemiah's  own 
new  register  begins  with  vii.  7.  He  doubtless  made 
use  of  the  old  register  as  an  authority  by  which  to 
decide  the  genealogies  of  the  present  generation. 
Hence  he  refused  to  admit  the  sons  of  Barziliai  to 
the  priestly  office,  but  made  a  note  of  their  claim, 
that  it  might  be  decided  whenever  a  competent  au- 
thority should  arise.  From  all  which  it  is  abun- 
dantly clear  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey)  that  this  section 
belongs  properly  to  Nehemiah. — Prof  Douglas  (in 
Fairbairn)  prefers  to  think  "  that  Ezra,  drawing 
from  original  documents,  has  given  that  list  as  it 
appeared  at  first ;  and  that  Nehemiah,  who  took  it 
as  the  basis  of  a  new  census,  has  given  it  in  the 
form  to  which  it  was  brought  by  subsequent  cor- 
rections." Thus  Ezra  gives  652  persons  whose  gen- 
ealogy could  not  be  traced,  but  Nehemiah  642,  prob- 
ably because  10  had  determined  their  place  in  the 
registers  by  prolonged  investigations.  So  the  dis- 
crepancies in  the  accounts  of  gifts  to  the  Temple- 
service  Prof  Douglas  would  explain  on  the  same 
principle  of  an  original  list  with  subsequent  altera^ 
tions. — It  docs  not  follow  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervcy) 
that  this  section  was  written  in  its  present  form  by 
Nehemiah.  Probably  ch.  vii.,  from  ver.  7,  contains 
the  svbslnnce  of  what  was  found  in  this  part  of  Nehe- 
miah's narrative,  but  abridged,  and  in  the  form  of 
an  abstract,  which  may  account  for  the  dillicuUy  of 
separating  Nehemiah's  register  from  Zerubbabel's, 
and  also  for  the  very  abrupt  mention  of  the  gifts 
of  the  Tirshatha  and  the  people  at  the  end  of  the 
chapter.  (6.)  The  next  section  commences  Neh. 
viii.,  latter  part  of  ver.  1,  and  ends  Neh.  xi.  3.  Lord 
A.  C.  Hervey  favors  the  opinion  advocated  by  Iliiver- 
nick  and  Kleinert,  that  this  section  is  the  work  of 
Ezra  (see  below).  It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that 
Ezra  himself  inserted  this  or  any  other  part  of  the 
present  book  of  Nehemiah  in  the  midst  of  the  Tir- 
shatha's history.  But  if  there  were  extant  an  ac- 
count of  these  transactions  by  Ezra,  it  may  have 
been  thus  incorporated  with  Nehemiah's  history  by 
the  last  editor  of  Scripture,  (c.)  The  third  section, 
ch.  xi.  3-36,  contains  a  list  of  the  families  of  Judah, 
Benjamin,  and  Levi  (priests  and  Levites),  who  took 
up  their  abode  at  Jerusalem,  in  accordance  with  the 
resolution  of  the  volunteers,  and  the  decision  of  the 
lot,  mentioned  in  xi.  1,  2.  This  list  forms  a  kind  of 
supplement  to  that  in  vii.  8-60,  as  appears  by  the 
allusion  in  xi.  3  to  that  previous  document.  This 
list  is  an  extract  from  the  official  roll  preserved  in 
the  national  archives,  only  somewhat  abbreviated 
(compare  1  Chr.  ix.).  The  nature  of  the  informa- 
tion in  this  section,  and  the  parallel  passage  in  1 
Chr.,  would  rather  indicate  a  Levitieal  hand.  It 
might  or  might  not  have  been  the  same  which  in- 
serted the  preceding  section.  If  written  later,  it  is 
perhaps  the  work  of  the  same  person  who  inserted 
xii.  1-30,  44-47.  (d.)  From  xii.  1  to  26  is  clearly 
(.see  below)  an  ab.straet  from  the  official  lists  made 
and  inserted  here  long  after  Nehemiah's  time,  and 


NEH 


NEB 


705 


after  the  destruction  of  the  Persian  dynasty  by 
Alexander  the  Great,  as  is  plainly  indicated  by  the 
cxptessiou  " Darius  the  Persian,"  as  well  as  by  the 
mention  of  Jaddua.  The  allusion  to  Jesliua,  and 
to  Nehcmiah  and  Ezra,  in  ver.  2rt,  is  also  such  as 
would  be  made  long  posterior  to  tlieir  lifetime,  (e.) 
xii.  44-47  is  an  explanatory  interpolation,  made  in 
later  times,  probably  by  the  last  reviser  of  the  book 
(but  see  below).  That  it  is  so  is  evident  not  only 
from  the  sudden  change  from  the  tirst  person  to  the 
third,  and  the  dropping  of  the  pereonal  narrative 
(though  the  matter  is  one  in  which  N'ehemiah  neces- 
sarily took  the  lead),  but  from  the  fact  that  it  de- 
scribes the  identical  transaction  described  in  xiii. 
10-13  by  Xcheniiah  himself.  Though,  however,  it 
is  not  dilBcult  thus  to  point  out  those  passages  of 
the  book  which  were  not  part  of  Xehemiah"s  own 
work,  it  is  not  easy,  by  cutting  them  out,  to  restore 
that  work  to  its  integrity.  For  Neh.  xii.  31  does 
not  fit  on  well  to  any  part  of  eh.  vii.,  or,  in  other 
words,  the  latter  portion  of  Neheiniah's  work  does 
not  join  on  to  the  former.  Probably  we  have  only 
the  first  and  last  parts  of  Nehemiah's  work,  and  for 
some  reason  the  intermediate  portion  has  been  dis- 
placed to  make  room  for  the  narrative  and  docu- 
ments from  Xeh.  vii.  7  to  xii.  27.  And  we  are  greatly 
confirmed  in  this  supposition  by  observing  tliat  at 
the  close  of  ch.  vii.  we  have  an  account  of  the  offer- 
ings made  by  the  governor,  the  chiefs,  and  the  peo- 
ple ;  but  we  are  not  even  told  for  what  purpose 
these  offerings  were  made.  Obviously,  therefore, 
the  original  work  must  have  contained  an  account 
of  some  transactions  connected  with  repairing  or 
beautifying  the  Temple,  which  led  to  these  contribu- 
tions being  made.  2  Me.  ii.  13  lends  considerable 
support  to  the  theory  that  the  middle  portion  of  Ne- 
hemiah's  work  was  cut  out,  and  that  there  was  sub- 
stituted for  it  partly  an  abridged  abstract,  and  partly 
Kzra's  narrative  and  other  appended  documents. 
We  may  then  affirm  with  tolerable  certainty  (so  Lord 
A.  C.  Uervey)  that  the  first  six  chapters  of  Nehcmiah 
and  part  of  the  seventh,  and  the  last  chapter  and  half, 
were  alone  written  by  him,  the  intermediate  portion 
being  inserted  by  those  who  had  authority  to  do  so. 
In  order  to  complete  the  history  of  the  transactions 
of  those  times  (see  below). — As  regards  the  time 
when  the  Book  of  Nehcmiah  was  put  into  its  present 
form,  we  have  only  the  following  data  to  guide  us. 
The  latest  high-priest  mentioned,  Jaddua,  was  doubt- 
less still  alive  when  his  name  was  added.  The 
descriptive  addition  to  the  name  of  Darius  (Neh.  xii. 
22)  "the  Persian,"  indicates  that  the  Persian  rule 
had  ceased,  and  the  Greek  rule  had  begun.  (Darics 
8.)  Jaddua's  name,  therefore,  and  the  clause  at 
the  end  of  ver.  22,  were  inserted  each  in  the  reign 
of  Alexander  the  Great.  But  it  appears  that  the 
registers  of  the  Levites,  entered  into  the  Chronicles, 
did  not  come  down  lower  than  the  time  of  Johanan 
(ver.  23).  The  close  of  the  Persian  dominion,  and  the 
begiiming  of  the  Greek,  is  the  time  indicated  when 
the  latest  additions  were  made  (so  Lord  A.  0.  Her- 
vey). — Prof.  Douglas  (in  Fairbairn)  endeavors  "to 
show  that  Nchemlah  is  one  consecutive  memoir,  writ- 
ten by  the  person  whose  name  it  bear=,  according  to 
the  common  opinion  of  both  the  Jewish  an<l  the 
Christian  Church  from  age  to  age,  in  opposition  to 
some  popular  notions  of  recent  critics.  ...  Of  course 
different  subjects  are  not  described  in  the  self-same 
words  or  style ;  and  this  diversity  illustrates  the 
working  of  Nehemiah's  mind  as  th.it  of  a  man  deeply 
interested  in  the  affairs  in  which  he  took  an  active 
part.  It  is  only  a  perverted  ingenuity  which  would 
45 


make  these  differences  an  evidence  that  chs.  viii.-, 
X.  have  come  from  a  different  author  (see  Keil's  In- 
troduction to  the  0.  T.).  The  preeminent  position 
assigned  to  Ezra  (in  this  part  of  the  book)  neces- 
sarily threw  even  Nehcmiah  somewhat  into  the 
background,  and  led  him  to  speak  of  himself  in  the 
third  person  instead  of  in  the  first,  as  in  the  rest  of 
his  book.  .  .  .  The  only  passages  throwing  real  dif- 
ficulties in  the  way  of  the  common  belief  that  Ne- 
hcmiah wrote  the  book  as  we  have  it  occur  in  ch. 
xii.  (10,  11,  22,  23).  .  .  '  Jadoua'  is  said  by  Joscphus 
to  have  been  tlie  high-priest  at  the  time  of  Alex- 
ander THE  Great  ;  and  '  Darius  the  Persian '  (Da- 
rius 3)  might  naturally  be  identified  with  Darius 
Codomannus,  the  last  Persian  king,  whom  Alexan- 
der conquered  ;  but  such  a  date  is  altogether  beyond 
the  time  to  which  we  can  suppose  Nehemiah's  life 
extended.  .  .  .  Vitringa  [and]  several  [other]  sober- 
minded  believing  critics  .  .  .  think  these  four  verses 
are  to  be  regarded  as  notes  or  explanatory  remarks 
added  by  the  men  who  closed  the  canon  of  0.  T. 
Scripture  (Synagogue,  the  Great),  as  the  parting 
assurance  of  these  witnesses  that  the  Word  of  God 
and  the  worship  and  ordinances  of  His  house  were 
preserved  intact  until  the  time  at  which  they  lived. 
But  we  are  not  compelled  to  fall  back  upon  such  an 
hypothesis,  nor  .  .  .  even  to  suppose  that  Joseplius 
is  mistaken  in  making  Jaddua  the  contemporary  of 
Alexander.  .  .  .  We  have  only  to  reject  the  unsup- 
ported supposition  that  Darius  is  the  third  king  of 
that  name,  and  to  identify  him  with  the  second, 
Darius  Nothus.  .  .  .  There  is  nothing  in  the  four 
verses  quoted  above  which  need  bring  their  compo- 
sition, and  that  of  the  book  of  which  they  form  a 
part,  down  to  the  period  of  Alexander  or  his  suc- 
cessors. .  .  .  For  it  is  assumed  on  the  other  side 
that  these  verses  speak  of  Jaddua  as  in  possession 
of  the  high-priesthood.  Were  this  assumption  cor- 
rect, there  is  nothing  absurd  in  our  assuming,  in 
turn,  that  Nehcmiah  was  undcr.thirty  when  he  was 
sent  to  Jerusalem  in  the  twentieth  year  of  Artaxer- 
xes,  B.  c.  445,  and  that  God  was  pleased  to  lengthen 
out  his  life  till  b.  c.  851  (the  date  given  by  Ewald 
for  Jaddua's  becoming  high-priest).  .  .  .  But  it  is  a 
mere  assumption  that  Jaddua  is  here  spoken  of  as 
actual  high-priest ;  nay,  we  are  persuaded  that  it  is 
a  mistake.  .  .  .  There  is  not  even  the  semblance  of 
a  difficulty  about  Xehemiah  writing  these  verses,  if 
they  present  merely  a  genealogy.  For  we  read  (ch. 
xiii.  28)  that  Nchendah  chased  away  a  younger  sou 
of  Joiada,  because  he  had  profaned  the  priesthood 
by  a  heathenish  marriage.  .  .  .  Jaddua  was  probably 
already  bom,  as  being  the  eldest  son  of  the  eldest 
brother  among  Joiada's  children."  Prof.  Douglas 
suggests  the  danger  that  this  apostate  priest,  gen- 
erally understood  to  be  the  founder  of  the  Samaritan 
worship  at  Gerizim,  might  succeed  to  the  high- 
priesthood  at  Jeruiialem  and  overturn  the  whole 
theocratic  constitution  which  Ezra  and  Nehcmiah 
had  devoted  themselves  to  establishing  ;  and  regards 
this  danger  as  a  peculiar  reason  for  Nehemiah's 
tracing  the  high-priestly  line  as  far  as  the  children 
were  born,  and  thus  recording  how  Providence  had 
furnished  visible  security  for  the  continuance  of  the 
high-priesthood  in  the  line  of  pure  descent  by  grant- 
ing Eliashib  descendants  to  the  third  generation. 
"And  this  gives  point  and  value  to  the  statements 
of  xii.  22,  23,  that  the  Levites,  the  heads  of  the 
fathers,  and  the  priests  in  their  eour.aes,  were  all 
recorded  in  the  national  chronicles,  not  in  fiiur  sue- 
eemve  ffeneralions,  as  those  imagine  who  suppose 
that  Eliashib,  Joiada,  Johanan,   and  Jaddua,  are 


7oe 


XEH 


NEP 


mentioned  as  successively  actual  high-priests,  but 
al  thai  one  time  when  God's  special  Providence  gave 
to  the  Cliurch  the  strong  assurance  of  stability,  ow- 
ing to  the  fact  of  four  generations  of  the  high- 
priestly  family  being  alive  at  the  same  moment. 
This  point  of  time  would,  then,  exactly  correspond 
with  that  other,  '  to  the  reign  of  Darius  the  Persian,' 
which  might  equally  be  translated  at  or  mulcr  this 
reign.  .  .  ,  Ewald's  table  .  .  .  exhibits  Darius  No- 
thus  ascending  the  throne  b.  c.  424,  and  Eliasliib 
surviving  his  accession  for  five  years,  and  then  suc- 
ceeded by  Joiada,  B.  c.  419.  If  we  understand  that 
Neheraiah  wrote  of  these  five  years,  these  four 
verses,  which  have  proved  a  stumbling-block  to 
many  critics,  appear  most  natural,  exact,  and  im- 
portant in  their  meaning."  Prof.  Douglas  regards 
chs.  X.  and  xii.  as  giving  lists  of  the  chief-priests, 
or  heads  of  the  twenty-four  courses,  at  three  sev- 
eral times,  under  the  three  successive  high-priests, 
Jeshua  (xii.  1-7),  Joiakim  (12-21),  and  Eliashib  (x. 
1-8).  (Ilioii-PRIEST.) — 3.  In  respect  to  language 
and  style,  this  book  is  very  similar  to  1  and  2 
Chronicles  and  Ezra.  Nehemiah  has,  it  is  true, 
quite  his  own  manner,  and  certain  phrases  and 
modes  of  expression  peculiar  to  himself.  He  has 
also  some  few  words  and  forms  not  found  elsewhere 
in  Scripture ;  but  the  general  Hebrew  style  is  ex- 
actly that  of  the  books  purporting  to  be  of  the  same 
age.  Some  words  occur  in  1  and  2  Chronicles,  Ezra, 
and  Nehemiah,  but  nowhere  else.  The  text  of  Ne- 
hemiah is  generally  pure  and  free  from  corruption, 
excei)t  in  the  proper  names,  in  which  there  is  con- 
siderable fluctuation  in  the  orthography,  both  as 
compared  with  other  parts  of  the  same  book  and 
with  the  same  names  in  other  parts  of  Scripture  ; 
and  also  in  numerals.  Many  various  readings  are 
also  indicated  by  the  LXX.  version. — 4.  Nehemiah 
has  always  had  an  undisputed  place  in  the  Canon 
(Bible;  Inspiration),  being  included  by  the  He- 
brews under  the  general  head  of  the  Book  of  Ezra, 
and,  as  Jerome  tells  us,  by  the  Greeks  and  Latins 
under  the  name  of  the  second  Book  of  Ezra.  (Es- 
DRAS,  FIRST  BoOK  OF.)  There  is  no  quotation  from  it 
in  the  N.  T.,  and  it  has  been  comparatively  neglected 
by  both  the  Greek  and  Latin  fatliers. 

Ne-he-mi'as  (L.  form  of  Nehemiah).  1.  Nehe- 
miah 2  (1  Esd.  v.  8). — 2.  Nehemiah  1  (v.  40). 

Ne'hi-lotll  (Heb.  nehiloth  or  niJchV.dh;  see  below). 
The  title  of  Ps.  v.  in  the  A.  V.  is  "  to  the  chief  inu- 
Bician  upon  Nehiloth."  It  is  most  likely,  as  Gese- 
nius  and  others  explain,  that  it  is  derived  from  the 
root  hdlal  or  chdlal  =:  to  bore,  perforate,  whence 
hdlil  or  chiilU  —  a  flute  or  pipe  (1  Sam.  x.  5  ;  1  K. 
1.  40),  so  that  Nehiloth  is  the  general  term  for  per- 
forated wind-instruments  of  all  kinds,  as  Neginoth 
denotes  all  manner  of  stringed-instruments.  The 
title  of  Ps.  V.  is  therefore  addressed  to  the  con- 
ductor of  that  portion  of  the  Temple-choir  who 
played  upon  flutes  and  the  like,  and  are  directly 
alluded  to  in  Ps.  Ixxxvii.  1,  where  hd/elim  or  cholelim, 
"  the  players  upon  instruments  "  who  are  associated 
with  the  singers,  are  properly  "pipers"  or  "flute- 
players."     Music ;  Musical  Instruments. 

Ne'hnm  (Heb.  comfort,  Fii. ;  probably  an  error 
for  Rehum,  Ges.),  one  of  those  who  returned  from 
Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Neh.  vii.  7)  ;  =  Re- 
hum  1. 

Nc-hDSh'ta  (Hob.  hrass,  Ges.),  daughter  of  Elna- 
than  of  Jerusalem ;  wife  of  Jehoiakini,  and  mother 
of  Jchoiachin,  kings  of  Judah  (2  K.  xxiv.  8). 

IV'e-llllsh'tail  (Heb.  the  brazen,  Ges.;  bram-ima^e, 
Fii.).    One  of  the  first  acts  of  Hezekiab,  upon  com- 


ing to  the  throne  of  Judah,  was  to  destroy  all  traces 
of  the  idolatrous  rites  which  had  gained  such  a  fast 
hold  upon  the  people  during  the  reign  of  his  fvther 
Ahaz.  Among  other  objects  of  superstitious  rever- 
ence and  worship  was  the  brazen  serpent,  made  by 
Moses  in  the  wilderness  (Num.  xxi.  9),  which  was 
preserved  throughout  the  wanderings  of  the  Israel- 
ites, probably  as  a  memorial  of  their  deliverance, 
and  according  to  a  late  tradition  was  placed  in  the 
Temple.  The  name  by  which  the  brazen  serpent 
was  known  at  this  time,  and  by  which  it  had  been 
worshipped,  was  Nehushtan  (2  K.  xviii.  4).  It  is 
evident  that  our  translators  by  their  rendering,  "  and 
he  called  it  Nehushtan,"  understood,  with  the  LXX., 
Vulgate,  and  many  commentators,  that  Hozekiah, 
when  he  destroyed  the  brazen  serpent,  gave  it  the 
name  Nehushtan  =^  a  brazen  tiling,  in  token  of  his 
utter  contempt,  and  to  impress  upon  the  people  the 
idea  of  its  worthlessness.  But  it  is  better  (so  Mr. 
Wright)  to  understand  the  Hebrew  as  referring  to 
the  name  by  which  the  serpent  was  generally  known, 
the  subject  of  the  verb  being  indefinite — "  and  one 
called  it  '  Nehushtan  '  "  =  "  and  they  (i.  e.  people) 
called  it  'Nehushtan.'"  This  is  the  view  taken  in 
the  Targura  of  Jonathan,  and  the  Peshito-Syriac, 
also  by  Buxtorf,  Luther,  and  most  modern  commen- 
tators.    Serpent,  Brazen. 

Ne-i'cl,  or  Nc'l-cl  (Heb.  =  Jeiel?  Ges.,  Fii.; 
dioelling-place  of  God,  Fii.),  a  place  on  the  boundary 
of  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  27  only).  It  occurs  between 
JiPHTHAH-EL  and  Cahul.  If  the  former  be  identi- 
fied with  Jefat,  and  the  latter  with  Kabul,  eight  or 
nine  miles  E.  S.  E.  of  ^Akka,  then  Neiel  may  pos- 
sibly be  represented  by  MVar,  a  village  conspicu- 
ously placed  on  a  lofty  mountain-brow,  just  hall-way 
between  the  two. 

Nc'kcb  (Heb.  a  cavern,  Ges.),  a  town  on  the  boun- 
dary of  Naphtali  (Josh.  xix.  33).  It  occurs  between 
Adami  and  Jabneel  2.  A  great  number  of  com- 
mentators have  taken  this  name  as  being  connected 
with  the  preceding  (i.  e.  =  Adami-Nekeb).  In  the 
Talmud  the  post-biblical  name  of  Nekcb  is  Tdnda- 
thah.  Of  this  more  modern  name  Scliwarz  suggests 
that  a  trace  is  to  be  found  in  "Hazedhi,"  three  Eng- 
lish miles  N.  from  al  Chatti. 

Ne-ko'da  (Heb.  distinguished,  Ges. ;  shepherd,  Fi;.). 

1.  The  "children  of  Nekoda "  returned  among  the 
Nethinim  after  the  Captivity  (Ezr.  ii.  48  ;  Neh.  vii. 
50). — 2.  The  "  children  of  Nekoda  "  were  among 
those  who  went  up  after  the  Captivity  from  Tel- 
melah,  Tel-harsa,  &c.,  hut  were  unable  to  prove 
their  descent  from  Israel  (Ezr.  ii.  60 ;  Neh.  vii.  62). 

Nem'n-el  (Heb.  =  Jemuel  ?  Ges.).  I.  A  Reuben- 
ite,  son  of  Eliab,  and  eldest  brother  of  Dathan  and 
Abiram  (Num.  xxvi.  9). — i.  Eldest  son  of  Simeon 
(xxvi.  12  ;  1  Chr.  iv.  24),  from  whom  descended  the 
family  of  the  Nemuelites  ;  =  Jemuel. 

Nem'n-el-ites  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  descendants 
of  Nemuel  the  first-born  of  Simeon  (Num.  xxvi. 

12)- 

Ne'pheg  (Heb.  sprout,  Ges.).  I.  A  Kohathite, 
son  of  Izhar  and  brother  of  Korah  (Ex.  vi.  21). — 

2.  One  of  David's  sons  born  in  Jerusalem  (2  Sam. 
v.  15 ;  1  Chr.  ill.  7,  xiv.  6). 

*  Nepli'ew  (Heb.  neched  —  progeny,  Ges. ;  once 
blneii  bdnim  =  sons'  sons ;  Gr.  pi.  ekgonn  =  (/<- 
fccndants),  in  the  A.  V.  as  in  Old  English  writers 
^  grandson,  in  plural  grandsons  or  grandchildren 
(Judg.  xii.  14,  margin  "  son's  sons  ;  "  Job  xviii.  l!' ; 
Is.  xiv.  22  ;  1  Tim.  v.  4).  In  Gen.  xxi.  23  the  Ueb. 
neched  is  translated  "  son's  son." 

^e'pIll  (L.)  =  Naphtiiab  (2  Me.  i.  36). 


NEP 


NER 


707 


Nt'phls  (fr.  Gr.).  In  the  corrupt  list  of  1  Esd.  v. 
21,  "  the  sons  of  Nephis  "  apparently  =  "  the  chil- 
dren of  Xobo  "  in  Ezr.  ii.  29,  or  else  the  name  is  a 
corruption  of  Maobish. 

Kf  pbisk  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Naphish  (1  Chr.  v.  19 
only). 

Iie•pllish'^-sim  (Heb.  =:  Xepiiusim,  Ges.,  Fii.). 
The  children  of  Xephishesim  were  among  the  Nethi- 
nim  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Neh.  vii.  52). 
Napiiisi  ;  Xepiiusim. 

\oph'tlia-II  (L.)  =  Xapiitali  (Tob.  i.  1,  2,  4,  5). 

.\rph'tlia-liin  (L.)  =  Xaphtali  (Tob.  vii.  3;  Mat. 
iv.  ]  a,  15;  Kev.  vii.  6). 

Neph-to'ali  (Ilcb.  opening,  Gcs.),  the  Wa'tcr  of. 
The  spring  or  source  of  the  water  or  waters  of 
Nephtoah  was  one  of  the  landmarks  in  the  boun- 
dary-line between  Judah  and  Benjamin  (Josh.  xv. 
9,  xviii.  15).  It  lay  X.  W.  of  Jerusalem,  in  wliieh 
direction  it  seems  to  have  been  satisfactorily  iden- 
tified in  ^Ain  Lifia,  a  spring  situated  a  little  distance 
above  the  village  of  the  same  name,  and  about  two 
and  a  half  miles  from  Jerusalem  (so  Mr.  Grove,  with 
Stewart,  Barclay,  and  Tobler).  Is'ephtoah  was  for- 
merly identified  with  various  springs — the  spring  of 
St.  Philip  (M)n  Haniyeh)  in  the  Wady  el  Werd,  four 
miles  S.  W.  of  Jerusalem ;  the  'Ain  Ydlo  in  the 
same  valley,  but  one  mile  nearer  Jerusalem ;  the 
'-Ji»  Karim,  or  Fountain  of  the  Virgin  of  mediaeval 
times,  about  four  miles  W.  from  Jerusalem ;  and 
even  the  so-called  Well  of  Job  at  the  western  end 
of  the  Wadi/  ^Aly,  and  near  Yah  (ancient  Ajalon). 
Robinson  (I'hyx.  Geoff.  45,  240)  and  Mr.  Rowlands 
(in  Fairbairn)  favor  'Ain  Karim  ;  Porter  (in  Kitto) 
favors  Mm  Ydlo  as  answering  to  Xephtoah. 

Ke-phn'sim  (Heb.  expansions,  Ges.,  Fii.)  =  Ne- 
pniSHRsiM  (Ezr.  ii.  50). 

Nfr  (Heb.  a  light,  lamp,  Ges.),  a  Bcnjamite,  son 
of  Jehiel'  (1  Chr.  ix.  36);  according  to  1  Chr.  viii. 
3-3  and  ix.  39,  father  of  Kish,  and  grandfather 
of  King  Saul.  In  1  Sam.  ix.  1,  Kish  is  said  to 
be  "  the  son  (i.  e.  grandson)  of  Abiel ; "  hence 
most  suppose  Abiel  —  Jehiel.  Ab.veb  is  uniformly 
Btyled  "  the  son  of  Xcr ;  "  1  Sam.  xiv.  60  has  "  Ab- 
ner,  the  son  of  X'er,  Saul's  uncle;"  and  ver.  51 
says  "  Xer  the  father  of  Abner  (was)  the  son  of 
Abiel."  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  maintains  that  Abner 
was  Saul's  uncle,  and  brother  of  Kish.  Others 
maintain  that  X'er,  Abner's  father,  was  Saul's  uncle, 
and  consequently  that  Abner  was  Saul's  cousin. 
This  supposes  two  named  Xer  (father  and  grand- 
father of  Abner),  unless  there  is  some  copyist's  mis- 
take.    Compare  Kish,  1,  2. 

Se're-B8  [L.  and  Gr.  pronounced  ne'ruse]  (Gr. 
and  L.,  the  name  of  an  ancient  sea-god),  a  Christian 
at  Rome,  saluted  by  St.  Paul  (Rom.  xvi.  16).  Origen 
conjectures  that  he  belonged  to  the  household  of 
Pliilologus  and  Julia.  A  legendary  account  of  him 
is  given  in  Aila  Sanrtonim,  from  which  may  be 
gathered  the  tradition  that  he  was  beheaded  at  Ter- 
raoina,  probably  in  the  reign  of  Xerva. 

Nrr'xal  (lleb.,  see  below),  one  of  the  chief  As- 
syrian and  Babylonian  deities,  seems  to  have  corre- 
•ponded  closely  to  the  classical  Mars.  He  was  of 
Babylonian  origin,  and  his  name  (soRawlinson)  sig- 
nifies, in  the  early  Cushitc  dialect  of  that  country, 
tlu  great  man,  or  the.  great  hero.  His  monumental 
titles  are — "  the  storm-ruler,"  "  the  king  of  battle," 
"  the  champion  of  the  gods,"  "  the  male  principle  " 
(or  "  the  strong  Iwgetter"),  "the  tutelar  god  of 
Babylonia,"  and  "  the  god  of  the  chase."  It  is  con- 
jecture<l  that  he  may  represent  the  deified  Ximrod. 
The  only  express  mention  of  Nergal  contained  in 


the  Scriptures  is  in  2  K.  xvii.  SO.  He  appears  to 
have  been  worshipped  under  the  symbol  of  the 
"  Man-Lion."     Xineveh. 

Sler'gal-sha-re'zfr  (Heb. ;  see  below,  also  Xergal 
and  Sharezek)  occurs  only  in  Jer.  xxxix.  3  and  18. 
There  appear  to  have  been  two  persons  of  the  name 
among  the  "  princes  of  the  king  of  Babylon,"  who 
accompanied  Xebuchadnezzar  on  his  last  expedition 
against  Jerusalem.  One  of  these  is  not  marked 
by  any  additional  title ;  but  the  other  has  the  hon- 
orable distinction  of  Rab-mag,  and  it  is  to  him 
alone  that  any  particular  interest  attaches.  In 
sacred  Scripture  he  appears  among  the  persons 
who,  by  command  of  X'ebuchadnezzar,  released 
Jeremiah  from  prison ;  profane  history  gives  us 
reason  to  believe  that  he  was  a  personage  of  great 
importance,  who  not  long  afterward  mounted  the 
Babylonian  throne  (so  Rawlinson).  This  identifica- 
tion depends  in  part  upon  the  exact  resemblance 
of  name,  which  is  found  on  Babylonian  bricks  in 
the  form  of  Nergal-shor-nznr ;  but  mainly  it  rests 
upon  the  title  of  Ruhu-cmga,  or  Rab-mag,  which 
this  king  bears  in  his  inscriptions.  Assuming  on 
these  grounds  the  identity  of  the  Scriptural  "  Xcr- 
gal-sharczcr,  Rab-mag,"  with  the  monumental  "  jVf r- 
galshar-uzur,  Rubu-tmga,^''  we  may  learn  something 
of  his  history  from  profane  authors.  There  cannot 
be  a  doubt  that  he  was  a  monarch  called  Xeriglissar 
or  Xeriglissoor  by  Berosus  (Joseplnis,  Ap.  i.  20\ 
who  murdered  Evil-merodach,  Xebuchadnezzar's 
son,  and  succeeded  him  upon  the  tlirone.  This 
prince  was  married  to  a  daughter  of  Xebuchadnez- 
zar, and  was  thus  the  brother-in-law  of  his  predeces- 
sor, whom  he  put  to  death.  His  reign  lasted  between 
three  and  four  years.  He  appears  to  have  died  a  nat- 
ural death,  and  certainly  left  his  crown  to  a  young 
son,  Laborosoarchod,  who  was  murdered  after  a  reign 
of  nine  months.  There  is  abundant  reason  to  be- 
lieve from  his  name  and  Ids  oflice  tliat  he  was  a 
native  Babylonian — a  grandee  of  high  rank  under 
Xebuchadnezzar,  who  regarded  him  as  a  fitting 
match  for  one  of  his  daughters.  His  reign  pn- 
ceded  that  of  the  Median  Darius  by  seventeen  years. 
It  lasted  from  B.  c.  559  to  n.  c.  556.  A  palace, 
built  by  Xerigli.ssar  at  Babylon,  is  the  only  build- 
ing of  any  extent  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Euphrates 
(see  plan  in  article  Badel). 

Ne'rl  (Gr.  fr.  Ueb.  =:  Xeriaii),  eon  of  Mclchi,  and 
father  of  Sai.atiiiel,  in  the  Genealogy  op  Jesus 
Christ  (Lk.  iii.  27). 

Ne-ri'ab  (fr.  lleb.  =  lamp  of  Jehovah,  Ges.),  son 
of  Maaseiah,  and  father  of  Baruch  (Jer.  xxxii.  12, 
xxxvi.  4,  xliii.  3),  and  Scraiah  (Ii.  59). 

Kf-rl'as  (Gr.  fr.  lleb.  =  Xeriah  (Bar.  i.  1). 

•Nero  (L.,  a  Roman  family  name  of  Sabine 
origin  =  brave),  a  Roman  emperor,  originally  named 
Lucius  Domitius  Ahenobardus,  bom  at  Antium,  a.  d. 
37,  adopted  a.  d.  50  by  his  grand-uncle  Claudius 
who  had  married  his  mother,  and  then  named  Xero 
Claudius  Cccsar  Drusus  Germanicus.  lie  became 
emperor  a.  v.  64  on  the  murder  of  Claudius,  and 
though  he  reigned  well  for  the  first  five  years,  was 
a  monster  of  profligacy  and  cruelty.  He  was  gen- 
erally supposed  to  have  set  Rome  on  fire  a.  d.  64, 
but  he  charged  the  crime  upon  the  Christians,  some 
of  whom  he  caused  to  be  torn  in  pieces  by  dogs, 
and  others  to  be  burned  at  night  to  light  the  im- 
perial gardens.  The  Apostles  Paul  and  Peter  suf- 
fered martyrdom  in  his  reign.  An  insurrection  broke 
out ;  he  was  declared  an  enemy  of  the  state,  and 
committed  suicide,  to  avoid  being  put  to  death,  a.  d. 
C8.    He  is  frequently  mentioned  in  the  N.  T.  as 


708 


NE8 


NET 


"  Cksae"  (Acts  XXV.  8  ff.,  xxvi.  32,  xxviii.  19 ;  Phil, 
iv.  22),  Bometimea  as  "  Augustus  "  (Acts  xxv.  21, 
25),  but  not  as  "  Nero  "  except  in  the  spurious  sub- 
scription to  2  Tim.  See  cut  under  Epuesus  ;  Ro- 
man Empire  ;  Rome. 

*  Kcst  (Heb.  ken  ;  Gr.  kataskenosis;  II eb.  kdnan  — 
io  "  make  one's  nest ")  in  the  Scriptures  denotes  tlie 
structure  itself  (Job  xxxix.  27;  Mat.  viii.  20,  &c.), 
also  with  the  eggs  or  young  birds  in  it  (Deut.  xxii. 
6,  &c.),  sometimes  a  diceUiiig,  especially  on  a  high 
roclc  like  an  eagle's  nest  (Num.  xxiv.  21,  &c.),  or  as 
being  pleasant  and  comfortable  (Job  xxix.  18).  The 
Hebrew  word  in  Gen.  vi.  14  denotes  (so  Gesenius) 
cells,  or  chambers,  in  the  Ark  (A.  V.  "  rooms,"  mar- 
gin "  nests  ").     Birr. 

Net.  The  vaiious  terms  applied  by  the  Hebrews 
to  nets  {machmor,  michmdr,  michmorcth,  sSbdclmh, 


sgbaeh,  hSrem  or  chevem,  matsdd,  metsoduh,  miisMdh, 
resheth)  had  reference  either  to  the  construction  of 


Egyptian  Landiag.net — (Wilkinson.) 

the  article,  or  to  its  use  and  objects.    What  distinc- 
tion tliere  may  have  been  between  the  various  nets 


Egyptian  Clap-neta. — From  Thabat.— (RawlinsoD'i  Strodotui,  ii.  110.) 


described  by  the  Hebrew  terms  we  are  unable  to 
decide.  In  tlie  N.  T.  we  have  three  Greek  terms: 
mgen^,  whence  our  word  sein^,  a  large  hauling  or 


draw-net  (Mat.  xiii.  47) ;  amphihUstron,  a  casting- 
net  (iv.  18;  Mk.  i.  16);  and  diktuov,  also  a  easting- 
net  (Mat.  iv.  20  f. ;  Mk.  i.  18  f. ;  Lk.  v.  2  ff. ;  Ju. 


Egyptian  Net-traps  for  birda.— From  Benl  Haaaan.— (Rawlinson'i  Utrodotm,  il.  110.) 


NET 


NET 


709 


xxi.  6  ff.).  The  net  was  used  for  nsniso  and  htnt- 
ixo.  The  Egyptians  constructed  their  nets  of  flax- 
string  :  the  netting-needle  was  made  of  wood,  and 
in  shape  closely  resembled  our  own  (Wilkinson,  ii. 
93).  The  nets  varied  iu  form  according  to  their 
use ;  the  accompanying  sketch  represents  the  land- 
ing-net. As  the  nets  of  Egypt  were  well  known  to 
the  early  Jews  (Is.  xix.  8),  it  Ls  not  improbable  that 
the  material  and  form  were  the  same  in  each  coun- 
try. The  nets  used  for  birds  in  Egypt  were  of  two 
kinds,  clap-nets  and  traps.  The  net-trap  consisted  of 
net-work  strained  over  a  frame  of  wood,  which  was 
eo  constructed  that  the  sides  would  collapse  by  pull- 
ing a  string  and  catch  any  birds  that  might  liave 
alighted  on  it  while  open.  The  clap-net  was  made 
on  the  same  principle,  consisting  of  a  double  frame 
with  the  net-work  strained  over  it,  which  might  be 
caused  to  collapse  by  pulling  a  string. — Net  is  often 
used  metaphorically.  It  was  an  appropriate  image 
of  the  subtle  devices  of  God's  enemies  (Ps.  ix.  15, 
XXV.  15,  xxxi.  4,  &c.),  and  of  the  unavertable  ven- 
geance of  God  (Lam.  i.  13;  Ez.  xii.  13;  IIos.  vii. 
12,  &c.),  &c.  The  Heb.  slhach,  fem.  nlbdcMh,  in 
architecture  (A.  V.  "  net,"  "  net-work,"  "  checker," 
"  wreathen-work,  &c.)  :=  (so  Gesenius)  lattice,  lal- 
lire-icork,  ha/uslrade,  especially  on  or  round  the 
capitals  of  columns  (1  K.  vii.  17,  ff. ;  2  K.  xxv.  17, 
kc). 

Se-than'e-«l  (Heb.  r/iven  of  GofI,  Ges. ;  =  Nathan- 
akl).  1,  Son  of  Zuar,  and  prince  of  Issachar  at 
the  Exodus  (Num.  i.  8,  ii.  5,  vii.  18,  23,  x.  15).— 2. 
Fourth  son  of  Jesse,  and  brother  of  David  (1  Chr. 
ii.  14).— 3i  A  priest  in  David's  reign,  who  blew  the 
trumpet  before  the  Ark  (xv.  24). — 1.  A  Lcvite,  father 
of  Shemaiah  the  scribe  (xxiv.  6). — 5.  Fifth  son  of 
Obed-edom  (xxvi.  4).— 6i  One  of  ti.e princes  of  Ju- 
dah,  sent  by  Jehoshaphat  to  teach  in  the  cities  of 
Judah  (2  Chr.  xvii.  7). — T.  A  chief  Levite  who  took 
part  in  Josiah's  solemn  Passover  (xxxv.  9). — 8.  A 
priest  of  the  family  of  Pashur  in  Ezra's  time  who 
had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  22). — 9.  The 
representative  of  a  priestly  family  of  Jedaiah  in 
the  time  of  high-priest  Joiakim  (Xeh.  xii.  21). — 10. 
A  Lcvite,  of  the  sons  of  Asaph,  who  took  part  in 
the  dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (ver.  36). 

lietll-a-ni'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  fiiren  of  Jehovah,  Ges.). 
1.  Son  of  Elishama,  and  father  of  the  Ishmael  who 
murdered  Oedaliah  (2  K.  xxv.  23,  25 ;  Jer.  xl.  8,  14, 
15,  xii.  1  ff.).  He  was  of  the  royal  family  of  Judah. 
—8.  Son  of  Asaph  the  minstrel,  and  chief  of  the 
fifth  course  of  the  Temple-choir  (1  Chr.  xxv.  2,  12). 
— 3.  One  of  the  Levites  sent  by  Jehoshaphat  to 
teach  the  Law  in  the  cities  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xvii. 
8). — 1,  Father  of  Jehudi  (Jer.  xxxvi.  14). 

Neth'Unim,  Netbl-nims  (Ilcb.  pi.  nlthinim  =  the 
given,  Ges.).  As  applied  specifically  to  a  distinct 
body  of  men  connected  with  the  services  of  the 
Temple,  this  name  first  meets  us  in  the  later  books 
of  the  ().  T. ;  in  1  Chronicles,  Ezra,  and  Xehemiah. 
The  Hebrew  word,  and  the  ideas  embodied  in  it  may, 
however,  be  traced  to  a  much  earlier  period.  As 
derived  from  the  verb  ndthan  (=  lo  ffive,  set  apart, 
dediaile)  it  was  applied  to  those  who  were  specially 
appointed  to  the  liturgical  offices  of  the  Tabernacle, 
Thus  the  Levites  were  ffiven  to  Aaron  and  his  sons. 
i.  e.  to  the  priests  as  an  order  for  this  service  (Num. 
iii.  9,  viii.  19).  At  first  they  were  the  only  attend- 
ants, and  their  work  must  have  been  laborious 
enough.  The  first  conqt;estg,  however,  brought 
them  their  share  of  the  captive  Midianitcs,  and  820 
were  t/iven  to  them  as  having  charge  of  the  Taber- 
nacle (xxxi.  47),  while  82  only  were  assigned  spe- 


cially to  the  piiests  (ver.  40).  This  disposition  to 
devolve  the  more  laborious  offices  of  their  ritual 
upon  servants  of  another  race  showed  itself  again 
in  the  treatment  of  the  Gibeonites.  They,  too, 
were  given  (A.  V.  "made")  to  be  "hewers  of  wood 
and  drawers  of  water"  for  the  house  of  God  (Josh, 
ix.  27).  No  addition  to  the  number  thus  employed 
appears  to  have  been  made  during  the  period  of  the 
Judges,  and  they  continued  to  be  known  by  their 
old  name  as  the  Gibeonites.  Either  the  massacre 
at  Nob  had  involved  the  Gibeonites  as  well  as  the 
priests  (1  Sam.  xxii.  19),  or  else  they  had  fallen  vic- 
tims to  some  other  outburst  of  Saul's  fury,  and, 
though  there  were  sunivors  (2  Sam.  xxi.  2),  the 
number  was  likely  to  be  quite  inadequate  for  the 
greater  stateliness  of  the  new  worship  at  Jerusalem. 
It  is  to  this  period  accordingly  that  the  origin  of 
the  class  bearing  this  name  may  be  traced.  The 
Netliinim  were  those  "  whom  David  and  the  princes 
appointed  (Heb.  gmie)  for  the  service  of  the  Le- 
vites "  (Ezr.  viii.  20).  Analogy  would  lead  us  to 
conclude  that,  in  this  as  in  the  former  instances, 
these  were  either  prisoners  taken  in  war,  or  else 
some  of  the  remnant  of  the  Canaanites.  From  this 
time  the  Nethinim  probably  lived  within  the  pre- 
cincts of  the  Temple,  doing  its  rougher  work,  and 
so  enabling  the  Levites  to  take  a  higher  position  as 
the  religious  representatives  and  instructors  of  the 
people.  The  example  set  by  David  was  followed 
by  his  successor.  (Solomon's  Servants.)  Assum- 
ing, as  is  probable,  that  the  later  Rabbinic  teaching 
represents  the  traditions  of  an  earlier  peiiod,  the 
Nethinim  appear  never  to  have  lost  the  stigma  of 
their  Canaanite  origin.  They  were  all  along  a  ser- 
vile and  subject  caste.  The  only  period  at  which 
they  rise  into  any  thing  like  prominence  is  that  of 
the  return  from  the  Captivity.  In  that  return  the 
priests  were  conspicuous  and  numerous,  but  the 
Levites,  for  some  reason  unknown  to  us,  hung  back. 
The  services  of  the  Nethinim  were  consequently  of 
more  importance  (Ezr.  viii.  17),  but  in  their  case 
also,  the  small  number  of  those  that  joined  (392 
under  Zerubbabel,  220  under  Ezra,  including  "  Solo- 
mon's servants  ")  indicates  that  many  preferred  re- 
maining in  the  land  of  their  exile  to  returning  to 
their  old  service.  Those  that  did  come  were  con- 
sequently thought  worthy  of  special  mention.  The 
names  of  their  families  were  registered  (Ezr.  ii.  43- 
68).  They  were  admitted,  in  conformity  to  Dcut. 
xxix.  11,  to  join  in  the  great  covenant  (Neh.  x.  28). 
They,  like  the  priests  and  Levites,  were  exemptt'd 
from  taxation  by  the  Persian  satraps  (Ezr.  vii.  24). 
Ihey  were  under  a  chief  of  their  own  body  (Ii.  43 ; 
Neh.  vii.  46).  They  took  an  active  part  in  rebuild- 
ing the  city  (iii.  26),  and  the  tower  of  Ophel,  near 
the  Temple,  was  assigned  to  some  of  them  as  a 
residence  (xi.  21),  while  others  dwelt  with  the  Le- 
vites in  their  cities  (ii.  70).  They  took  their  place 
in  the  chronicles  of  the  times  after  the  Israelites, 
priests,  and  Levites  (1  Chr.  ix.  2).  The  Mishna 
gives  the  order  of  social  precedence  thus  :  priests, 
Levites,  Israelites,  "  bastards,"  the  Nethinim,  pros- 
elytes, manumitted  slaves  (Ginsburg,  in  Kitto). 
Neither  in  the  Apocrypha,  nor  in  the  N.  T.,  nor  'yet 
in  Josephns,  do  we  find  any  additional  information 
about  the  Nethinim. 

Nt-to'pliah  (Heb.  dkti/l.ilion,  Ges.),  a  town  named 
only  in  the  catalogue  of  those  who  returned  with 
Zerubbabel  from  the  Captivity  (Ezr.  ii.  22  ;  Neh.  vii. 
26;  1  Esd.  v.  18).  But,  though  not  directly  men- 
tioned till  so  late  a  period,  Netophah  was  really  a 
much  older  place.    Two  of  David's  "  valiant  men  " 


710 


NET 


NEW 


and  captain?,  Maharai,  and  Hei.eb  or  IlELnAi  (1 
Chr.  xxvii.  13,  15),  were  Netopliathites,  and  it  was 
the  native  place  of  at  least  one  of  tlic  captains  who 
remained  under  arms  near  Jerusalem  alter  its  de- 
struction by  Nebuchadnezzar  (compare  2  K.  xxv. 
23  with  Jer.  xl.  8).  The  "  villages  of  the  Xetoplia- 
thites  "  were  the  residence  of  the  Levites  who  were 
Bingers  (1  Chr.  ix.  16  ;  Neh.  xii.  28).  That  Netophali 
belonged  to  Judah  appears  from  the  fact  that  the 
two  heroes  above  mentioned  belonged,  the  one  to 
t'.ie  Zarliites,  and  the  other  to  Othniel,  the  son-in- 
law  of  Caleb.  To  judge  from  Neh.  vii.  26  it  was 
near  or  closely  connected  with  Bethlehem.  It  is 
not  mentioned  by  Eusebius  and  Jerome,  and  al- 
though in  the  Mishna  reference  is  made  to  the  "  oil 
of  Netophah,"  and  to  the  "  valley  of  Beth-Neto- 
phah,"  nothing  is  said  as  to  the  situation  of  the 
place.  The  latter  may  well  be  the  present  village 
of  £eit  Xeltif,  which  stands  on  a  high  ridge  near  the 
Wady  es  Sumt,  about  fifteen  miles  S.  W.  from  Je- 
rusalem, but  can  hardly  be  the  Netophnh  of  the 
Bible,  since  it  is  not  near  Bethlehem.  The  only 
name  in  the  neighborhood  of  Bethlehem  sugges- 
tive of  Netophah  is  that  which  appears  in  Van  de 
Velde's  map  as  Antubeh,  and  in  Tobler  as  Oin  Tuha, 
attached  to  a  village  about  two  miles  N.  E.  of  Beth- 
lehem, and  a  wady  which  falls  therefrom  into  the 
Wadi/  en-Nar,  or  Kidron  (so  Jlr.  Grove). 

Ne-toph'a-thi  (Ilcb.),  the  same  word  (Neh.  xii.  28) 
which  in  other  passages  is  rendered  "  the  Netopha- 
thite,"  or  "  the  Netophathites." 

Me-to'pha-tliite,  or  Ne-topli'a-tbite  (fr.  Heb.  nSid- 
phdthi  —  one  from  Netophah),  the  (2  Sam.  xxiii. 
28,  29;  2  K.  xxv.  23;  1  Chr.  xi.  30,  x.xvii.  13,  15; 
Jer.  xl.  8).  The  Eng.  pi.,  "  the  Netophathites  "  (the 
Heb.  word  being  the  same  as  above)  occurs  in  1 
Chr.  ii.  51,  ix.  16. 

Net'tle,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Ileb.  hirul 
or  ehdrul  (J oh  xxx.  7;  Prov.  xxiv.  31).  There  is 
very  great  uncertainty  as  to  the  meaning  of  the 
llebrew  word,  and  numerous  arc  the  plants  which 
commentators  have  sought  to  identify  with  it :  bram- 
bles, sea-orache,  butcher's  broom,  thistles,  have  all 
been  proposed.  The  generality  of  critics  and  some 
modern  versions  are  in  favor  of  the  netlle.  Nettles 
( Urlica)  are  of  rapid  growth  in  neglected  spots, 
and  some  of  the  species  are  well  known  for  their 
power  of  stinging,  their  minute  tubular  hairs  or 
prickles  transmitting  a  poisonous  fluid  wl.en  pressed. 
Celsius  believes  the  plant  meant  is  the  Christ- 
thorn  {Za;/p!i'js  Paliurus] — the  Paliurus  acicleatus 
of  modern  botanists — but  his  identification  appears 
to  be  forbidden  by  the  passage  in  Proverbs  (1.  c). 
(Thorns  and  Thistles.)  Dr.  Royle  has  argued  in 
favor  of  some  species  of  wild  mustard,  and  Mr. 
Houghton  is  inclined  to  adopt  Dr.  Royle's  opinion. 
2.  Heb.  kiinmosh  or  kimosh  (Is.  xxxiv.  13  ;  Hos.  ix. 
6)  =  the  nettle  (Vulgate,  Arius  Montanus,  Luther, 
A.  v.,  &c.).  Another  form  of  the  same  word,  klm- 
meshdidm  ("  thorns,"  A.  V.),  occurs  in  Prov.  xxiv. 
31.  Modern  commentators  are  generally  agreed 
upon  the  signification  of  this  term,  which  may  well 
denote  some  species  of  nettle  ( Urlica). 

New  Moon.  The  first  day  of  the  lunar  month 
was  observed  as  a  holy  day.  In  addition  to  the 
daily  sacrifice  there  were  offered  two  young  bul- 
locks, a  ram,  and  seven  lambs  of  the  first  year  as  a 
burnt-oft'ering,  with  the  proper  meat-offerings  and 
drink-offerings,  and  a  kid  as  a  sin-offering  (Num. 
xxviii.  11-15).  As  on  the  Sabbath,  trade  and  handi- 
craftwork  were  stopped  (Am.  viii.  6),  the  Temple 
was  opened  for  public  worship  (Ez.  xlvi.  3  ;  Is.  Ixvi. 


23).  The  trumpets  were  blown  at  the  offering  of 
the  special  sacrifices  for  the  day,  as  on  the  solemn 
festivals  (Num.  x.  10;  Ps.  Ixxxi.  3).  It  was  an  oc- 
casion for  state-banquets  (1  Sara.  xx.  5-24).  lu 
later,  if  not  in  earlier  times,  fasting  was  intermitted 
at  the  new  moons  (Jd.  viii.  6).  The  new  moons  are 
generally  mentioned  so  as  to  show  that  they  were 
regarded  as  a  peculiar  class  of  holy  days,  distin- 
guished from  the  solemn  feasts  and  the  Sabbaths 
(Ez.  xlv.  17;  1  Chr.  xxiii.  31;  2  Chr.  ii.  4,  viii.  13, 
xxxi.  3  ;  Ezr.  iii.  5  ;  Neh.  x.  33).  The  seventh  new 
moon  of  the  religious  year,  being  that  of  Tisri, 
commenced  the  civil  year,  and  had  a  significance 
and  rites  of  its  own.  (Trcmpets,  Feast  of.)  By 
what  method  the  commencement  of  the  month  was 
ascertained  in  the  time  of  Moses  is  uncertain.  The 
Mishna  describes  the  manner  in  which  it  was  de- 
termined seven  times  in  the  year  by  observing  the 
first  appearance  of  the  moon,  which,  according  to 
Maimonides,  derived  its  origin  by  tradition  from 
Moses,  and  continued  in  use  as  long  as  the  Sanhe- 
drim existed.  On  the  thirtieth  day  of  the  month 
watchmen  were  placed  on  commanding  heights 
round  Jerusalem  to  watch  the  sky.  As  soon  as 
each  of  them  detected  the  moon  he  hastened  to  a 
house  in  the  city,  which  was  kept  for  the  pur- 
pose, and  was  there  examined  by  the  president 
of  the  Sanhedrim.  When  the  evidence  of  the  ap- 
pearance was  deemed  satisfactory,  the  president 
rose  up  and  formally  announced  it,  uttering  the 
words,  "  It  is  consecrated."  The  information  was 
immediately  sent  throughout  the  land  from  the 
Mount  of  Olives,  by  beacon-fires  on  the  tops  of 
the  hi'.ls.  The  religious  observance  of  the  day  of 
the  new  moon  may  plainly  be  regarded  as  the 
consecration  of  a  natural  division  of  time.  Month; 
Moon. 

Sew  Tcs'ta-Bient  (see  Testament).  The  origin, 
history,  and  charaoteristies  of  the  constituent  books 
and  of  the  great  versions  of  the  N.  T.,  the  mutual 
relations  of  the  Gospels,  and  the  formation  of  the 
Canon,  are  discussed  in  other  articles.  (Bible;j 
Versions  ;  and  articles  on  the  various  books.)  Th^ 
present  article  (originally  by  Mr.  Westcott)  is  ot| 
the  text  of  the  N.  T.  The  subject  naturally  divided 
itself  into  the  following  heads,  which  will  be  ex-J 
amined  in  succession  : — 

I.  T?ie  mdmyofih^  Written  Text. 
111-11.  The  earliest  history  of  the  Text.     Aiitograph 

Corruptions.    The  text  of  Clement  and  Oriijen. 
Mia-15.  Theories  of  recensions  of  the  Text. 
M  18-2.5.  External  characteristics  of  MSS. 
11 26-29.  Eimmeratiou  of  MSS.     §28.   Uncial.     $! 

Cursive. 
II 30-40.  Classification  ot  varions  readings. 

n.  T/u  History  of  the  Printed  Text. 

|1.  The  jrreat  periods. 

§§2-5.    §2.  TlieComplatensianPol^Klott.     §8.   Th«i 

editions  of  Erasmus.    §4,  The  editions  of  Stcphengfl^ 

§5.  Beza  and  Elzevir  (Enirlish  versirn). 
|§«-10.     I «.  Walton  ;  Curceltais  ;    Mill.    57.    Benf 

ley.    §8.    G.   v.  JInestritht ;  Wetstein.    §9.  Grie 

bach;  Mattha-i.    |]0.  Seholz. 
1111-13.    §11.    Lachmann.     §12.   Tischendorf.    |1& 

Tregelles  ;  Alford. 

III.  Principles  of  Textual  Criticism. 
IS  1-fl.  External  evidence. 
§§  10-13.  Internal  evidence. 

rv.  T/w  Language  of  the  Neto  Testament. 

I.   Tlie  History  of  the  Written  Text.     1.  The  earl* 
history  of  the  apostolic  writings  offers  no  points  0^ 
distinguishing  literary  interest.     Externally,  as  fa(^ 
as  it  can  be  traced,  it  is  the  same  as  that  of  other  con-l 


NEW 


NEW 


Til 


temporary  books.  St.  Paul,  like  Cicero  or  Pliny, 
often  employed  the  services  of  an  an)anuensis,  to 
whom  he  dictated  his  letters,  aflfixiiij;  the  salutation 
"with  his  own  hand"  (1  Cor.  xvi.  21 ;  2  Th.  iii.  17  ; 
Col.  iv.  18).  In  one  case  the  scribe  has  added  a 
clause  in  his  own  name  (Rom.  xvi.  22).  Once,  in 
writing  to  the  Galalians,  the  apostle  appears  to 
apologize  for  the  rudeness  of  the  autograph  which 
he  addressed  to  them,  as  if  from  defective  sight 
(Gal.  vi.  11).  If  wc  pass  onward  one  step,  it  does 
not  appear  that  any  special  care  was  taken  in  the 
first  age  to  preserve  the  books  of  the  X.  T.  from  the 
various  injuries  of  time,  or  to  insure  perfect  accuracy 
of  transcription.  They  were  given  as  a  heritage  to 
man,  and  it  wa-s  some  time  before  men  felt  the  full 
Talue  of  the  gift.  The  original  copies  seem  to  have 
soon  perished.  It  is  certainly  remarkable  that  in 
the  controversies  at  tlie  close  of  the  second  cen- 
tury, wliich  often  turned  upon  disputed  readings  of 
Scripture,  no  appeal  was  made  to  the  apostolic 
originals. — 2.  In  the  natural  course  of  things  the 
apostolic  autographs  would  be  likely  to  perish  soon. 
The  material  commonly  used  for  letters,  the  papy- 
rus-paper to  which  St.  Jolm  incidentally  alludes  (2 
.III.  12  ;  comp.  3  Jn.  13j,  was  singularly  fragile,  and 
ven  the  stouter  kinus,  likely  to  be  used  for  the  liis- 
'  ical  books,  were  not  fitted  to  bear  constant  use. 
(•  papyrus  fragments  which  have  come  down  to 
iiie  present  time  have  been  preserved  under  peculiar 
circumstances,  as  at  the  Ilerculaneum  or  in  Egyptian 
tombs.  (Ukku  2.)  Parchment  (2 Tim.  iv.  13),  which 
was  more  durable,  was  proportionately  rarer  and 
more  costly.  (Writing.)  And  yet  more  than  this.  In 
the  first  age,  the  written  word  of  the  apostles  occupied 
no  authoritative  position  above  their  spoken  word, 
and  t)ie  vivid  memory  of  their  personal  teaching. 
And  wlien  the  true  value  of  the  apostolic  writings  was 
afterward  revealed  by  the  progress  of  the  Church, 
these  collections  of  "the  divine  oracles"  would  bo 
chiefly  sought  for  among  Christians.  On  all  ac- 
counts it  seems  reasonable  to  conclude  that  the 
autographs  perished  during  that  solemn  pau.se  which 
followed  the  apostolic  age,  in  which  the  idea  of  a 
Christian  Ca.no.n,  parallel  and  supplementary  to  the 
Jewish  Canon,  was  first  distinctly  realized. — 3.  In 
the  time  of  the  Diocletian  persecution  (a.  d.  303) 
copies  of  the  Christian  Scriptures  were  sulficicntly 
numerous  to  furnish  a  sjiecial  object  for  pcrsecutoi"S, 
and  a  charactc-istic  name  (Latin  iradilores,  from 
which  comes  our  word  iraUorx)  to  renegades  who 
saved  themselves  by  surrendering  the  sacred  books. 
Partly,  perhaps,  owing  to  the  destruction  thus 
caused,  but  still  more  from  the  natural  effects  of 
time,  no  MS.  of  the  N.  T.  of  the  first  three  cen- 
turies remains.  Some  of  the  oldest  extant  were 
certaiidy  copied  from  others  which  dated  from 
within  lliis  period,  but  as  yet  no  one  can  be  placed 
further  back  than  the  time  of  Constantine.  But 
though  no  fragment  of  the  N.  T.  of  the  first  cen- 
tury still  remains,  the  Italian  and  Egyptian  |)apyri, 
which  arc  of  that  date,  give  a  clear  notion  of  the 
caligraphy  of  the  period.  In  these  the  text  is  writ- 
ten in  columns,  rudely  diviiled,  in  somewhat  awk- 
ward capital  letters  (unrials),  without  any  punctua- 
':'m  or  division  of  words.  The  Gr.  iota,  which  was 
trrward  suhtcribed  (i.  c.  written  tmder  another 
wel,  (J,  S,  or  <5,  of  an  improper  diphthong),  is  com- 
mly,  but  not  always,  adicribcd  (i.  c.  written  after 
lis  vowel);  and  there  is  no  trace  of  accents  or 
1 'loathings. — 4.  In  addition  to  the  later  MSS.,  the 
'  :irliest  versions  and  patristic  quotations  give  very 
important  testimony  to  the  character  and  history 


of  the  ante-Nicene  text.  Express  statements  of 
rcailings  which  are  found  in  some  of  the  most  ancient 
Cliristian  writers  are,  indeed,  the  first  direct  evi- 
dence which  wc  have,  and  are  consequently  of  the 
highest  importance.  But  till  the  last  quarter  of  the 
second  century  this  source  of  information  fails  us. 
Not  otily  are  the  remains  of  Christian  literature  up 
to  that  time  extremely  scanty,  but  the  practice  of 
verbal  quotation  from  the  N.  T.  was  not  yet  preva- 
lent. The  evangelic  citations  in  the  apostolic  Fathers 
and  in  Justin  Martyr  show  that  the  oral  tradition 
was  still  as  widely  current  as  the  written  Gospels, 
and  there  is  not  in  those  writers  one  express  verbal 
citation  from  the  other  apostolic  books.  This  latter 
phenomenon  is  in  a  great  measure  to  be  explained 
by  the  nature  of  their  writings.  As  goon  as  definite 
controversies  arose  among  Christians,  the  text  of 
the  N.  T.  assumed  its  true  importance.  The  earliest 
monuments  of  these  remain  in  the  works  of  Irenasus, 
Hippolylus  (Pseudo-Origen),  and  TertuUian,  who 
quote  many  of  the  arguments  of  the  leading  adver- 
saries of  the  Church.  Charges  of  corrupting  the 
sacred  text  are  urged  on  both  sides  with  great  acri- 
mony. Wilful  interpolations  or  changes  are  ex- 
tremely rare,  if  they  exist  at  all,  except  in  the  case 
of  Marcion.  (LfKE,  Gospel  of.)  His  mode  of 
dealing  with  the  writings  of  the  N.  T.,  in  which  he 
was  followed  by  his  school,  was,  as  TertuUian  says, 
to  use  the  knife  rather  than  subtlety  of  interpreta- 
tion. But  after  making  some  fundamental  changes 
he  seems  to  have  adhered  scrupulously  to  the  text 
which  he  found.  In  the  isolated  readings  which  he 
is  said  to  have  altered,  it  happens  not  unfrcquently 
that  he  has  retained  the  right  reading,  and  that  his 
opponents  are  in  error. — 5.  Several  very  important 
conclusions  follow  from  this  earliest  appearance  of 
textual  criticism,  {a.)  It  is  evident  that  various 
readings  existed  in  the  books  of  the  N.  T.  at  a  time 
prior  to  all  extant  authorities.  History  affords  no 
trace  of  the  pure  apostolic  originals.  (J.)  From  the 
preservation  of  the  first  variations  noticed,  which 
are  often  extremely  minute,  in  one  or  more  of  the 
pi'imary  documents  still  left,  we  may  be  certain  that 
no  important  changes  have  been  made  in  the  sacred 
text  which  we  cannot  now  detect,  (c.)  From  the 
minuteness  of  some  of  the  variations  which  are 
urged  in  controversy,  it  is  obvious  that  the  words 
of  the  N.  T.  were  watched  with  the  most  jealous 
care,  and  that  the  least  differences  of  phrase  were 
guarded  with  scrupulous  and  faithful  piety. — 6. 
Passing  from  these  isolated  quotations  we  find  the 
first  great  witnesses  to  the  apostolic  text  in  the 
early  Syriac  and  Latin  versions  (Versions,  Ancient), 
and  in  the  rich  quotations  of  Clement  of  Alexandria 
(f  about  A.  D.  220)  and  Origen  (a.  d.  184-254). 
From  the  extant  works  of  Origen  alone  no  incon- 
siderable portion  of  the  whole  N.  T.  might  be 
transcribed. — 7.  The  evangelic  text  of  Clement  of 
Alexandria  is  far  from  pure.  Two  chief  causes  con- 
tributed especially  to  corrupt  the  text  of  the  Gos- 
pels :  the  attempts  to  harmonize  parallel  narratives, 
and  the  influence  of  tradition.  The  former  assumed 
a  special  importance  from  the  Dialcssaion  of  Tatian 
(about  A.  n.  170),  and  the  latter,  which  was  very 
great  in  the  time  of  Justin  Martyr  (see  8  2  above), 
still  lingered. — 8.  But  Origen  stands  as  far  first  of 
all  the  ante-Nieene  Fathers  in  critical  authority  as 
he  does  in  commanding  genius,  and  his  writings  are 
an  almost  inexhaustible  storehouse  for  the  history 
of  the  text. — 9.  In  thirteen  cases  Origen  has  ex- 
pressly noticed  varieties  of  reading  in  the  Gospels 
(Mat.  vUi.  28,  xvi.  20,  xviii.  1,  xxi.  5,  xxi.  9,  16,  xxvii. 


T12 


NEW 


NEW 


17;  Mk.  iii.  18;  Lk.  i.  46,  ix.  48,  xiv.  19,  xxiii.  45; 
Jn.  i.  3,  4,  28).  In  three  of  these  passages  the 
variations  which  he  notices  are  no  longer  found  in 
our  Greek  copies  (Mat.  xxi.  9  or  16  ;  Mk.  iii.  18  [ii. 
14]  ;  Lk.  i.  46) ;  in  seven  our  copies  are  still  di- 
vided ;  in  two  (Mat.  viii.  28 ;  Jn.  i.  28)  the  reading 
which  was  only  found  in  a  few  MSS.  is  now  widely 
spread:  in  the  remaining  place  (Mat.  xxvii.  17),  a 
few  copies  of  no  great  age  retain  the  interpolation 
which  was  found  in  his  time  "in  very  ancient 
copies." — 10.  The  evangelic  quotations  of  Orlgen 
are  not  wholly  free  from  the  admixture  of  traditional 
glosses  which  have  been  noticed  in  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria, and  often  present  a  confusion  of  parallel  pas- 
sages ;  but  there  is  little  difficulty  in  separating  his 
genuine  text  from  these  natural  corruptions. — 11. 
In  the  Epistles  Origeu  once  notices  a  striking  varia- 
tion in  Heb.  ii.  9,  chork  tlieou  (Gr.  :zz  without  God) 
for  ehariti  theou  (A.  V.  "  througli  the  grace  of  God  "), 
which  is  still  attested ;  but,  apart  from  the  specific 
reference  to  variations,  it  is  evident  that  he  himself 
used  MSS.  at  dififerent  times  which  varied  in  many 
details.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  Origen's 
time  the  variations  in  the  N.  T.  MSS  were  begin- 
ning to  lead  to  the  formation  of  specific  groups  of 
copies. — 12.  The  most  ancient  MSS.  and  versions 
now  extant  exhibit  the  characteristic  differences 
which  have  been  found  to  exist  in  different  parts  of 
the  works  of  Origen.  These  cannot  have  had  their 
source  later  than  the  beginning  of  the  third  century, 
and  probably  were  much  earlier.  Bengel  was  the 
first  (1734)  who  pointed  out  the  affinity  of  certain 
groups  of  MSS.,  which,  as  he  remarks,  must  have 
arisen  before  the  first  versions  were  made.  Origi- 
nally he  distinguished  three  families,  of  which  the 
Codex  Alexandrinas  (i.  c.  the  Alexandrine  MS. 
known  as  A),  the  Greek-Latin  MSS.,  and  the  mass 
of  the  more  recent  MSS.  were  respectively  the 
types  (see  §28  below).  At  a  later  time  (1737)  he 
adopted  the  simpler  division  of  "  two  nations,"  the 
Asiatic  and  the  Africiin.  In  the  latter  he  included 
Codex  Alexandrimis  (the  Alexandrine  MS.),  the 
Greek-Latin  MSS.,  the  Ethiopic,  Coptic  (Memphitic), 
and  Latin  versions:  the  mass  of  the  remaining 
authorities  formed  the  Asiatic  class.  The  honor  of 
carefully  determining  the  relations  of  critical  au- 
thorities for  the  N.  T.  text  belongs  to  Griesbach. 
According  to  him  two  different  recensions  of  the  Gos- 
pels existed  at  the  beginning  of  the  third  century : 
the  Alexandrine,  represented  bv  the  MSS.  known  as 
B,  C,  L,  1,  13,  83,  69,  108,  the  Coptic,  Ethiopic, 
Armenian,  and  later  Syrian  versions,  and  the  quota- 
tions of  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Origen,  Euscbius, 
Cyril  of  Alexandria,  Isidore  of  Pelusium  ;  and  the 
Western,  represented  by  D,  and  in  part  by  1,  13,  69, 
the  ancient  Latin  version  and  Fathers,  and  some- 
times by  the  Syriac  and  Arabic  versions.  Codex 
Alexandrimis  was  to  be  regarded  as  giving  a  more 
recent  (Constantinopolitan)  text  in  the  Gospels. — 
13.  The  chief  object  of  Griesbach  in  propounding 
his  theory  of  recensions  was  to  destroy  the  weight 
of  mere  numbers.  Others  carried  on  the  investiga- 
tion from  the  point  where  he  left  it.  Hug  endeav- 
ored, with  much  ingenuity,  but  on  slender  external 
proof,  to  place  the  theory  on  an  historical  basis. 
According  to  him,  the  text  of  the  N.  T.  fell  into  a 
state  of  considerable  corruption  during  the  second 
century.  To  this  form  he  applied  the  term  koiiiS 
ekdosis  (Gr.  =  commrm  edition).  In  the  course  of 
the  third  century  this  text,  he  supposed,  underwent 
a  threefold  revision,  by  Hesychius  in  Egypt,  by  Lu- 
cian  at  Antioch,  and  by  Origen  in  Palestine.    So  that 


our  existing  documents  represent  four  classes:  (1.) 
The  unrevised,  \),  1,  13,  69,  in  the  Gospels;  D,  E., 
in  the  Acts ;  D,,  F^,  Gj,  in  the  Pauline  Epistles : 
the  old  Latin  and  Thebaic,  and  in  part  the  Peshito 
Syriac  ;  and  the  quotations  of  Clement  of  Alexandria 
and  Origen.  (2.)  The  Egyptian  recension  of  Hesy- 
chius ;  H,  C,  L,  in  Gospels;  A,  B,  C,  17,  in  the 
Pauline  Epistles ;  A,  B,  C,  Acts  and  Catholic  Epis- 
tles ;  A,  C,  in  the  Apocalypse :  the  Memphitic  ver- 
sion ;  and  the  quotations  of  Cyril  of  Alex.andria 
and  Athanasius.  (3.)  The  Asiatic  (Antioch-Con- 
stantinople)  recension  of  Lucian  ;  E,  F,  G,  H,  S,  V, 
and  the  recent  MSS.  generally ;  the  Gothic  and 
Slavonic  versions  and  the  quotations  of  Theophylact. 
(4.)  The  supposed  Palestinian  recension  of  Origen 
(of  the  Gospels) ;  A,  K,  M  ;  the  Philoxenian  Syriac; 
the  quotations  of  Theodoret  and  Chrysostom.  Hug 
showed  that  the  line  of  demarcation  between  the 
Alexandrine  and  Western  families  of  Griesbach  was 
practically  an  imaginary  one. — 14.  Little  remains  to 
be  said  of  later  theories.  Eichhorn  accepted  Hug's 
classification.  Scholz,  returning  to  a  simpler  ar- 
rangement, divided  the  authorities  into  two  classes, 
Alexandrine  and  Constantinopolitan.  Lachmann, 
who  accepted  only  ancient  authorities,  simply  di- 
vided them  into  Eastern  (Alexandrine)  and  Western. 
Tischendorf,  with  some  reserve,  proposes  two  great 
classes,  each  consisting  of  two  pairs,  the  Alexan- 
drine and  Latin,  the  Asiatic  and  Byzantine.  Tre- 
gelles,  discarding  all  theories  of  recension  as  his-'j 
toric  facts,  insists  on  the  general  accordance  of  an- 
cient authorities  as  giving  an  ancient  text  in  contrast 
with  the  recent  text  of  the  more  modern  copies. 
At  the  same  time  he  points  out  what  we  may  sup- 
pose to  be  the  "  genealogy  of  the  text."  This  he 
exhibits  in  the  following  form  : 


D 


5,  B  Z 

c  L  s  1  ; 

P  Q  T  R 

X  (A)  69 


A 

K  M  n 

E  F  G  S  U,  &c. 

15.  The  fundamental  error  of  the  recension  theories 
is  the  assumption  either  of  an  actual  recension  or  of 
a  pure  text  of  one  type,  which  was  variously  modi- 
fied in  later  times,  while  the  fact  seems  to  be  ex- 
actly the  converse.     Groups  of  copies  spring  not  ] 
from  the  imperfect  reproduction  of  the  character  of  i 
one  typical  exemplar,  but  from  the  multiplicatioai 
of  characteristic  variations.     They  are  the  results  i 
of  a  tendency,  and  not  of  a  fact.     They  advance  tow-  j 
ard  and  do  not  lead /cum  that  form  of  text  which] 
we  regard  as  their  standard.     A  pure  Alexandrine] 
or  Western  text  is  simply  a  fiction.      The  tendency  j 
at  Alexandria  or  Carthage  was  in  a  certain  direction,  ; 
and  necessarily  Influenced  the  character  of  the  cur- 
rent text  with  accumulative  force  as  far  as  it  was  1 
unchecke  1  by  other  influences.     This  is  a  general 
law,  and  the  history  of  the  apostolic  books  is  no 
exception  to  It.     All  experience  shows  that  certain 
types  of  variation  propagate  and  perpetuate  them- 
selves, and  existing  documents  prove  that  it  was  so 
with  the  copies  of  the  N.  T.      Many  of  the  linlis  in 
the  genealogical  table  of  our  MSS.  may  be  wanting, 
but  the  specific  relations  between  the  groups,  and 
their    comparative    antiquity  of  origin,  are    clear. 
This  antiquity  is  determined,  not  by  the  demonstra- 
tion of  the  immediate  dependence  of  particular 
copies  upon  one  another,  but  by  reference  to  a  com- 
mon standard.     The  varieties  in  our  documents  arej 
the  result  of  slow  and  natural  growth,  and  not  of  f 
violent  change. — 16.  From  the  consideration  of  thel 


1.  Brit   MiM.— Pkp.  gg. 


PI.  I. 


Tor7xoiTpo7K«;6ja/<Ark«cxp>rc 


I  2.  Brit.  Mus.-Ood.  Arex.-{St.  John  U  IS.) 


Ki  A  |5  X"  r-t  M  N  O  AO  rO  C  KA I O AO  roCH  * 

J^       -n  I'oc-roMeisxAiec  MMOAoroc  • 

O VTO G  M  M  e  MX |» V  H  n ^OCTO  M  eN 

T-rx  ^5i T'x  A I  V.Y  ro  ve  re M  eTo  I  <x  I ^M» 
P6  icKY'T'overe  MeTroov5>^ee  m 
Ore  ror-«eh>ier-*AV*TCJO  2;  <JL>MMK4 

/<A  1 -rocbcoc  e  mtVi  c  KOT"  x<4>  Ai 

Me«   KATHCKOTlAAYTOOyX^'T'e 
A^AfiCM- 


8.  Brit.  Mu9.— Add.  17,  211. -(8t.  Luke  xx.  »,  10.) 

cbyTeYCGN 


vXi 


"Sfii 


1^  e  cup 


SPCCIMCNS    OF    ORCr.K    Mtt.    FROM    THI    M   TO    THI  Vlth    CCNTURY. 


\ 


NEW 


NEW 


713 


earliest  history  of  the  N.  T.  text  we  now  pasa  to 
the  era  of  MSS.  The  quotations  of  Dionysius  Alex- 
andrinus  (f  a.  d.  264),  Petrus  Alcxaiidrinus  (f  about 
A.  D.  812),  Methodius  (f  a.  B.  311),  and  Eusebius 
(f  A.  D.  340),  confirm  the  prevalence  of  the  ancient 
tj-pe  of  text ;  but  the  public  establishment  of  Chris- 
tianity in  the  Roman  empire  necessarily  led  to  im- 
portant changes.  Not  only  were  more  copies  of 
the  N.  T.  required  for  public  use  (compare  §  3),  but 
the  nominal  or  real  adherence  of  the  higher  ranks 
to  the  Christian  faith  must  have  largely  increased 
the  demand  for  costly  MSS.  As  a  natural  conse- 
quence the  rude  Hellenistic  forms  gave  way  before 
the  current  Greek,  and  at  the  same  time  it  is  rea- 
sonable to  believe  that  smoother  and  fuller  con- 
structions were  substituted  for  the  rouglier  turns 
of  the  apostolic  language.  In  this  way  the  foun- 
dation of  the  Byzantine  text  was  laid.  Meanwhile 
the  multiplication  of  copies  in  Afiiea  and  Syria 
was  checked  by  Mohammedan  conquests.  The 
Greek  language  ceased  to  be  cuiTent  in  the  West. 
The  progress  of  the  Alexandrine  and  Occidental 
families  of  MSS.  was  thus  checked ;  and  the  mass 
of  recent  copies  necessarily  represent  the  accumu- 
liited  results  of  one  tendency. — 17.  The  appearance 
of  the  oldest  MSS.  has  been  already  described  (^  3). 
The  MSS.  of  the  fourth  century,  of  which  Cudex 
Vadeaniis  (i.  e.  the  Vatican  MS.  known  as  B)  may 
be  taken  as  a  type,  present  a  close  resemblance  'to 
these.  The  writing  is  in  elegant  continuous  (capi- 
tals) uncials,  in  three  columns,  without  inilia'.  letters 
or  iota  subscript,  or  ascripl.  A  small  interval  serves 
as  a  simple  punctuation  ;  and  there  are  no  accents 
or  breathings  by  the  hand  of  the  first  writer,  though 
these  have  been  added  subsequently.  Uncial  wri- 
ting continued  in  general  use  till  the  middle  of  the 
tenth  century.  From  the  eleventh  century  down- 
ward cursive  writing  prevailed,  but  this  passed 
through  several  forms  sufficiently  distinct  to  fix  the 
date  of  a  MS.  with  tolerable  certainty.  The  earliest 
cursive  Biblical  MS.  is  dated  964  a.  d."  The  MSS.  of 
the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  abound  in  the 
contractions  which  afterward  passed  into  the  early 
printed  books.  The  oldest  MSS.  are  written  on  the 
thinnest  and  finest  vellum ;  in  later  copies  the 
parchment  is  thick  and  coarse.  Papyrus  was  very 
rarely  used  after  the  ninth  century.  In  the  tenth 
century  cotton  paper  was  generally  employed  in 
Europe  ;  and  one  example  at  least  occurs  of  its  use 
in  the  ninth  century.  In  the  twelfth  century  the 
common  linen  or  rag  paper  came  into  use.  One 
other  kind  of  material  requires  notice,  redressed 
parchment.  Even  at  a  very  early  period  the  original 
text  of  a  parchment  MS.  was  often  erased,  that  the 
material  might  be  used  afresh.  In  lapse  of  time 
the  original  writing  frequently  reappears  in  faint 
lines  below  the  later  text,  and  In  this  way  many 
precious  fragments  of  Biblical  MSS.,  once  obliterated 
for  the  transcription  of  other  works  (and  hence 
called  jMlimjisests  fr.  Gr.  =  scratched,  or  scraped 
af/a».),  have  been  recovered.  Tlic  earliest  Biblical 
palimpsest  is  not  older  than  the  fifth  century  (Plate 
i.  fig.  3). — 18.  In  uncial  MSS.  the  contractions  are 
usually  limited  to  a  few  very  common  forms 
(ec,  IC,  IIHP,  AAA,  &c.,  i.  e.  theos[God\,  Icsous 
IJestu],  pater  [father],  liaueid  [David],  &c.).  A 
lew  more  occur  in  later  uncial  copies,  in  which 
there  arc  also  some  examples  of  the  ascript  iota. 
Accents  are  not  found  in  MSS.  older  than  the  eighth 
century.  Breathings  (the  rough  '  [=  English  A], 
and  the  smooth  '),  and  the  apostrophe  '  marking 
the  omission  of  a  short  vowel  at  the  end  of  a  word 


occur  somewhat  earlier.  The  oldest  punctuation, 
after  the  simple  interval,  is  a  stop  like  the  modern 
Greek  colon  (•)■  The  present  Greek  note  of  interro- 
gation (;)  came  into  use  in  the  ninth  century. — 19. 
A  very  ingenious  attempt  was  made  to  supply  an 
effectual  system  of  punctuation  for  public  reading, 
by  Euthalius,  who  published  an  arrangement  of  St. 
Paul's  Epistles  in  clauses  or  lines  (Gr.  stichoi),  in 
458,  and  another  of  the  Acts  and  Catholic  Epistles, 
in  490.  The  same  arrangement  was  applied  to  the 
Gospels  by  some  unknown  hand,  and  probably  at 
an  earlier  date. — 20.  The  earliest  extant  division  of 
the  N.  T.  into  sections  occurs  in  Codex  B  (the  Vati- 
can MS. ;  see  below  §  28).  This  division  is  else- 
where found  only  in  the  palimpsest  fragment  of  St. 
Luke,  S.  In  the  Acts  and  the  Epistles  there  is  a 
double  division  in  B,  one  of  which  is  by  a  later 
hand.  The  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  are  treated  as  one 
unbroken  book  divided  into  ninety-three  sections, 
in  which  Hebrews  originully  stood  between  Galatians 
and  Ephesians. — 21.  Two  other  divisions  of  the  Gos- 
pels must  be  noticed.  The  first  of  these  was  a  di- 
vision into  "chapters"  (Gr.  kephalaia,  tit/ai,  L. 
breves),  which  correspond  with  distinct  sections  of 
the  narrative,  and  are,  on  an  average,  a  little  more 
than  twice  as  long  as  the  sections  in  B  (see  §  28). 
I  This  division  is  found  in  A,  C,  R,  Z,  and  must  there- 
i  fore  have  come  into  general  use  some  time  before 
j  the  fifth  century.  The  other  division  was  con- 
I  structed  with  a  view  to  a  harmony  of  the  Gospels. 
I  It  owes  its  origin  to  Ammonius  of  Alexandria,  a 
<  scholar  of  the  third  century,  who  eonstractcd  a 
Harmony  of  the  Evangelists,  taking  Matthew  as 
the  basis  round  which  he  grouped  the  parallel  pas- 
sages from  the  other  Gospels.  Eusebius  of  Ce?area 
completed  his  labor  with  great  ingenuity,  and  con- 
structed a  notation  and  a  scries  of  tables,  which  in- 
dicate at  a  glance  the  parallels  which  exist  to  any 
passage  in  one  or  more  of  the  other  Gospels,  and 
the  passages  which  are  peculiar  to  each. — 22.  Tlie 
division  of  the  Acts  and  Epistles  into  chapters  came 
into  use  at  a  later  time.  It  is  commonly  refcrrfd 
to  Eiithalius,  who,  however,  says  that  he  borrowed 
the  divisions  of  the  Pauline  Epistles  from  an  earlier 
Father ;  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  di- 
vision of  the  Acts  and  Catholic  Epistles  which  he 
published  was  originally  the  work  of  Pnmphilus 
the  Martyr.  The  Apocalypse  was  divided  into  sec- 
tions by  Andreas  of  Ccsarea,  about  a.  n.  500. — 23. 
The  titles  of  the  sacred  books  are  from  their  nature 
additions  to  the  original  text.  The  distinct  names 
of  the  Gospels  imply  a  collection,  and  the  titles  of 
the  Epistles  are  notes  by  the  possessors,  and  not 
addresses  by  the  writers.  In  their  earliest  form 
they  are  quite  simple.  According  to  Matlheir,  &c. ; 
?b  the  Romans,  kc. ;  First  of  I'eter,  &c. ;  Atts  of 
Apostles  ;  Apocalypse.  These  headings  were  grad- 
ually amplified  till  they  assumed  such  forms  as  'ITiC 
holy  Gospel  accordinij  to  John ;  The  first  Catholic 
Epistle  of  the  holy  and  all-praiseworthy  Peter,  &c.  In 
the  same  way  the  original  subscriptions,  which  were 
merely  repetitions  of  the  titles,  gave  way  to  vague 
traditions  as  to  the  dates,  &e.,  of  the  books.  Those 
appended  to  the  Epistles,  which  have  been  trans- 
lated in  the  A.  V.,  are  attributed  to  Euthalius,  and 
their  singular  inaccuracy  is  a  valuable  proof  of  the 
utter  absence  of  historical  criticism  at  the  lime 
when  they  could  find  currency. — 24.  Very  few  MSS. 
contain  the  whole  N.  T.,  twenty-seven  in  all  out  of 
the  vast  mass  of  extant  documents.  Besides  the 
MSS.  of  the  N.  T.,  or  of  parts  of  it,  there  are  also 
Lectionarics,  which  contain  extracts  from  the  Cos- 


I 


lU 


NEW 


NEW 


pels,  or  from  the  Gospels  and  Acts,  or  rarely  from 
the  Gospels  and  Epistles,  arranged  for  the  Church- 
services. — 25.  When  a  MS.  was  completed  it  was 
commonly  submitted,  at  least  in  early  times,  to  a 
careful  revision.  Two  Greek  terms  occur  in  de- 
scribing this  process,  ho  anlihnlldn  (=:  the  one  who 
throws  aqahtst  or  comparea)  and  dlorthotSs  [^=  one  who 
makcH  stridf/ht,  a.  corrector).  It  has  been  suggested 
that  the  work  of  the  former  answered  to  that  of  the 
"  corrector  of  the  press,"  while  that  of  the  latter 
was  more  critical.  Possibly,  however,  the  words 
only  describe  two  parts  of  the  same  work.  Besides 
this  official  correction  at  the  time  of  transcription, 
1IS3.  were  often  corrected  by  ditferent  hands  in 
later  times. — 26.  The  number  of  uncial  MSS.  re- 
maining, though  great  when  compared  with  the  an- 
cient MSS.  e-xtant  of  otlier  writings,  is  inconsider- 
able. Tischendorf  reckons  forty  in  the  Gospels,  to 
which  must  be  added  three  others,  with  six  ad- 
ditional fragments,  in  all  forty-nine.  Of  these  si.\ 
are  entire,  four  nearly  entire,  ten  contain  very 
considerable  portions,  twenty-nine  contain  only 
fragments,  some  very  small,  others  more  or 
less  considerable.  In  the  Acts  there  are  ten, 
three  being  entire,  one  nearly  entire,  four  large 
fragments,  two  small  fragments.  In  the  Catholic 
Epistles  si.\,  five  entire.  In  the  I'auline  Epistles 
fifteen,  one  entire,  two  nearly  entire.  In  the  Apoc- 
alypse four,  three  entire,  one  nearly  entire. — 27. 
According  to  date  these  MSS.  (see  §  28)  are  classed 
as  follows : — Fourth  century :  tj,  B.  Fifth  century : 
A,  C,  and  some  fragments  including  Q,  T.  Si.xth 
century:  D,  P,  R,  Z,  Ej,  Dj,  Hj,  and  four  smaller 
fragments.  Seventh  century :  Some  fragments  In- 
cluding 9.  Eighth  century :  E,  L,  A,  H,  B^  and 
some  fragments.  Ninth  century :  F,  K,  M,  X,  T, 
A,  Uj,  Gj  =  La,  Fa,  Gi,  Kj,  Mn,  and  fragments. 
Tenth  century:  G,  H,  S,  U  (Es).— 28.  A  complete 
description  of  these  MSS.  is  given  in  the  great  crit- 
ic.il  editions  of  the  N.  T. :  here  those  only  can  be 
briefly  noticed  which  are  of  primary  importance. — 
A(i.)Primary  Uncials  of  the  Gospels.  55  [=  Ai.kpii] 
{Codex  SinaitlcuaWte Sinai  }ilS.]  =  Codex  Frideirieij- 
Avguslanm  [the  Frederic-Atufrnt'is  MS.]  of  LXX.), 
at  St.  Petersburg,  obtained  by  Tischendorf  from  the 
convent  of  St.  Catherine,  Mount  Sinai,  in  1859,  and 
since  published  in  fac-.simile  at  the  expense  of  the 
emperor  of  Russia.  The  N.  T.  is  entire,  and  the 
Epistle  of  Barnabas  and  parts  of  the  Shepherd  of 
Hermas  are  added.  It  is  probably  the  oldest  of  the 
MSS.  of  the  N.  T.,  and  of  the  fourth  century.— A 
(Codex  Akxandrinus  [the  Alexandrine  MS.],  British 
Museum),  a  MS.  of  the  entire  Greek  Bible  (Sepfua- 
gint),  with  the  Epistles  of  Clement  added.  It  w.as 
given  by  Cyril  Lncar,  patriarch  of  Constantinople, 
to  King  Charles  I.  of  England,  in  1628.  It  contains 
the  whole  N.  T.,  with  some  chasms.  It  was  prob- 
ably written  in  the  first  half  of  the  fifth  century 
(Phite  i.  fig.  2). — B  (Codex  VeUicanns  [the  Vatican 
MS.],  1209),  a  MS.  of  the  entire  Greek  Bible,  which 
seems  to  have  been  in  the  Vatican  Library  almost 
from  its  commencement  (about  a.  d.  1450).  It 
contains  the  N.  T.  entire  to  Ileb.  ix.  14 :  the  rest 
of  the  Hebrews,  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  and  Revela- 
tion were  added  in  the  fifteenth  century.  The  MS. 
is  assigned  to  the  fourth  century. — G  (Codex  Efihra- 
emi  rexcriptns  =  the  rewritten  51S.  of  Ephreni],  No.  9 
in  the  Imperial  Library,  Paris),  a  palimpsest  MS. 
which  contains  fragments  of  the  LXX.  and  of  every 
part  of  the  N.  T.  In  the  twelfth  century  the  original 
writing  was  effaced  and  some  Greek  writings  of 
Ephracm  Syrus  (=  St.  Ephrem  the  Syrian)  were 


written  over  it.  The  MS.  was  brought  to  Florence 
from  the  East  at  the  beginning  of  tlie  sixteenth 
century,  and  came  thence  to  Paris  witli  Catherine 
de'  Medici.  The  only  entire  books  which  have  per- 
ished are  2  Thessalonians  and  2  John,  but  lacuna; 
of  greater  or  less  extent  occur  constantly.  It  is  of 
about  the  same  date  as  Codex  Alexandriinis. — D 
(Codex  Bezis  [=  Bezel's  MS.],  University  Library, 
Cambridge,  England),  a  Greek-Latin  JIS.  of  the 
Gospels  and  Acts  with  a  small  fragment  of  3  John, 
.  presented  to  the  University  of  Cambridge  by  Beza  in 
1581.  The  text  is  very  remarkable,  and,  especially 
in  the  Acts,  abounds  in  singular  interpolations. 
The  MS.  is  referred  to  tlie  sixth  century. — L  (Parli, 
Codex  Imperiatii  [=  Iinpei-ial  MS.]  62),  one  of  the 
most  important  of  the  late  uncial  MSS.  It  contains 
the  four  Gospels,  except  Mat.  iv.  22-v.  14,  xxviii. 
17-20;  Mk.  x.  16-20,  xv.  2-20;  Jn.  x.xi.  15-25. 
The  text  agrees  in  a  remarkable  manner  with  B  and 
Origen.  It  is  of  the  eighth  century. — R  (British 
Miueiim  Additions  17,211),  a  very  valuable  palim|)- 
sest,  brought  to  England  in  1847  from  the  convent  of 
St.  Mary  Deipara  in  the  Nitrian  desert.  The  original 
text  is  covered  by  Syrian  writing  of  the  ninth  or 
tenth  century.  About  585  verses  of  Luke  were  de- 
ciphered by  Tregelles  in  1854,  and  Tischendorf  in 
1855.  It  is  assigned  to  the  sixth  century  (Plate  i. 
fig.  3). — X  (Codex  3fonaeensis  [r^  Mmnch  MS.])  in 
tlifc  University  Library  at  Munich ;  formerly  at  In- 
golstadt,  and  afterward  at  Landshut.  It  contains 
fragments  of  tlie  four  Gospels.  Of  the  tenth  cen- 
tury.— 7a  (Codex  Dublinensis  reseriptvs  [=  Dublin 
rescript  MS.],  in  the  Library  of  Trinity  College, 
Dublin),  a  palimpsest  containing  large  portions  of 
Matthew.  It  is  assigned  to  the  sixth  century. — A 
[:=  delta}  (Codex  Sangallcnsis[-=  St.  Call  MS.]),  a 
MS.  of  the  Gospels,  with  an  interlinear  Latin  trans- 
lation, in  the  Library  of  St.  Gall  (see  G3  below). — 
S[=:  xi}  (Codex  Zaa/tithius  [=  Zante  MS.]),  a  pal- 
impsest in  possession  of  the  Bible  Society,  London, 
containing  important  fragments  of  Luke.  It  is 
probably  of  tlie  eighth  century,  and  is  accompanied 
by  a  Catena, — The  following  ore  important  frag- 
ments ; — I  (Tischendorf),  various  fragments  of  the 
Gospels  (Acts,  Pauline  Epistles). — N  ( Codex  Cotton. 
[=  Cotton  MS.]),  (formerly  J,  N),  twelve  leaves  of 
purple  vellum,  the  writing  being  in  silver.  Four 
leaves  are  in  the  British  Museum  ;  six  in  the  Vatican  ; 
two  in  the  Imperial  Library  at  Vienna.  Tischendorf 
has  recently  found  thirty-three  other  leaves,  con- 
taining about  one-third  of  Mk.  (Davidson,  in  Kitto). 
Sixth  century. — N'  (British  Museum  Additions,  17, 
136),  a  palimpsest.  Century  fourth,  fifth. — P,  Q 
( Codd.  Ouelpherbtitani  [=  MSS.  in  the  Ducal  Library 
at  Wolfcnbiittel]),  two  palimpsests,  respectively  of 
the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries. — T  (Codex  Borgianm 
\=  Borgian  MS.],  Library  of  the  Propaganda  at 
Rome),  of  the  fifth  century. — Y  (Codex  Barberini 
[=  Barberiuian  MS.],  225,  Rome).  Eighth  century. 
—  6  [=:  thetal  (Codex  Tise''endor/,  i.,  Leipsic).  Sev- 
enth century. — (ii.)  The  Secondary  Uncials  are  in 
the  Gospels  : — E  (Basileemis  [=  MS.  in  the  Public 
Library  at  Basle],  K.  iv.  35).  Eighth  century. — F 
(Rhaio-trajeclinus  [=  in  the  Library  at  Utrecht],  for- 
merly .BorecK  [i.e.  Boreol's  MS.]).  Ninth  century. — 
G  (British  Museum,  Harleian,  5684).  Century  ninth, 
tenth. — n  (Hamburffemtis  jSeidelii  [=  Seidel's  MS., 
in  the  Public  Library  at  Hamburg]).  Ninth  century. 
— K  (Codex  C)/pritis[=  Cyprian  MS.],  in  the  Impe- 
rial Library,  Paris,  No.  63).  Ninth  century. — M  ( Co- 
dex Campianus  [=  MS.  of  Abbe  des  Campsi,  in  the 
Imperial  Library,  Paris,  No.  48).  Tenth  century. — S 


l.Brtt.  Miu-Harl.  ism.-m  John    i.  1,2  i 

i^TAffAIi/MjgfnAav 

KAi-fffin^iyorot* 

O^TnHNiNAfxif 

?.  Brit  Mus—Aild.  ».00«.-(AcU  xlil.  18-20.) 

**'  ~  tc4j  «'rCt't^oLKocrioL<r^nir4rfH*r|KoN 

3  Brit.  MttL— Hart.  S6M.— <8t.  Jobn  i  1-8.) 


p].n. 


4iBrit.  Mm.— BumoT  SS.— <8t  Jobn  1.  l-t.) 


ON 


cr  •  0\/TDCrHp€  , 


SPECIMENS    or    ORCEK    MSS.    FROM    THE    Xth    TO    THE    XlVth    CENTURr. 


NEW 


NEW 


715 


(yalicativii  [=  in  the  Vatican  Library,  No.  384]). 
Tenth  century. — U  (Codex  Naniar.it»,  now  in  St. 
Marli's  Library,  Venice).  Tenth  century. — V  (Mm- 
queimis,  in  the  Library  of  the  Holy  Synod  at  Mos- 
cow). Ninth  century . — F  \=r:  gamma]  (Bodlciamis 
[=  in  the  Bodleian  Library]).  Ninth  century. — A 
[=  lambda]  (Codex  Tisekendorf,  iii.,  Bodleian).  Cen- 
tury eighth,  ninth. — S  [z=  supna]  (St.  Petersburg). 
Century  eighth,  ninth  (?). — B  (i.).  Primary  Uncials 
of  the  Acts  and  Catholic  Epistles,  jj.  A,  B,  C,  D,  (see 
above  A  i. ).  E.j  ( Codex  Laudianus  [  =  MS.  of  Land], 
35),  a  (ireek-Latin  MS.  of  the  Acts,  probably  brought 
to  Enjiland  by  Theodore  of  Tarsus,  668,  and  used 
by  Bede.  It  was  given  to  the  University  of  Oxford 
by  Archbishop  Laud,  in  1636.  Century  sixth, 
seventh. — (ii.)  The  Secondary  Uncials  are — Gj  = 
La  (Codex  Auffeliitis  [Paxsionei],  named  from  Car- 
dinal Passionei,  its  former  owner ;  a  MS.  in  the 
Library  of  the  Augustine  monks,  Rome);  it  contains 
most  of  the  Acts  and  the  Catholic  and  Pauline  Epis- 
i  ties.  Ninth  century. — Hj  (Codex  Mntinensis,  in  the 
Ducal  Library  of  Modena),  of  the  Acts.  Ninth  cen- 
tury.— Kj  (Motqvensis  [:=  o/"  Moscirw]),  of  the  Cath- 
olic Epistles.  Ninth  century. — O  (i.).  Primary  Un- 
cials of  the  Pauline  Epistles :  jn.  A,  B,  C  (see  A  i.). 
\)t(Codex  Claromotilanvs  [i.  e.  from  Clermont,  near 
Bcauvaisl,  Paris,  Imperial  Library,  No.  107),  a 
(ireek-Latin  MS.  of  the  Pauline  Epistles,  once  (like 
D)  in  the  posscs.-'ion  of  Beza.  It  passed  to  the 
Royal  Library  at  Parl.s  in  1707,  where  it  has  since 
remained.  The  MS.  is  entire  except  Rom.  i.  1-7. 
The  passages  Rom.  i.  27-30  (in  Latin,  i.  24-27) 
were  added  at  the  close  of  the  sixth  century,  and  1 
Cor.  xiv.  13-32  by  another  ancient  hand.  The  MS. 
is  of  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century. — Fj  (Codtx 
Augiennis  [=  Avr/ian  MS.],  in  the  Library  of  Trin- 
ity College,  Cambridge,  B,  17,  1),  a  Greek-Latin 
MS.  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  bought  by  Eentlcy  from 
the  Monastery  of  Keichenau  (in  L.  Augia  Major), 
Switzerland,  in  1718,  and  left  to  Trinity  College  by  his 
nephew  in  1786.  It  is  assigned  to  the  ninth  century. — 
G,  ( Codex  Bcemeriamu  [named  from  Dr.  Bocrner, 
formerly  its  owner]  ;  now  in  the  Royal  Library, 
Dresden),  a  Greek-Latin  MS.  of  the  Pauline  Epis- 
tles, originally  a  part  of  the  same  voluTre  with  A 
(delta  above) ;  derived  from  the  same  Greek  original 
as  Fj  but  widely  different  in  the  Latin  version. — 
The  following  fragments  are  of  great  value  -.^Ui 
(Codex  Co'^tmianuH  [named  from  Dc  Canibout- 
Colslin,  bishop  of  Metz,  in  the  seventeenth  century, 
once  its  owner]  ;  now  in  the  Imperial  Library,  Paris, 
No.  202),  part  of  a  stichometrical  MS.  of  the  sixth 
tcntury,  consisting  of  twelve  leaves  from  the  Paul- 
ine Ejiistles :  two  more  are  at  St.  Petersburg. — 
M,  (Hamburg;  London),  containing  Heb.  i.  1-iv. 
3;  xii.  20-end,  and  1  Cor.  xv.  62-2  Cor.  i.  15; 
2  Cor.  X.  13-xii.  5,  written  in  bright  red  ink 
in  the  tenth  century. — (ii.)  The  Secondary  Uncials 
are : — Kj,  Lj  [see  above  B (ii.)]. — Ej  ( Codex  Sanger- 
matieriith,  named  from  the  Abbey  of  St.  Germain 
de»  Prez,  Paris,  where  it  was  long  preserved  [Tre- 
gelles,  in  Home's  Introductimi]  ;  now  at  St.  Peters- 
burg), a  Greek-Latin  MS.  of  the  Pauline  Epistles, 
of  which  the  Greek  text  was  badly  copied  from 
Dj  after  it  had  been  thrice  corrected,  and  is  of  no 
value.  The  Latin  text  is  of  some  slight  value,  but 
has  not  been  well  examined. — D  (i.).  The  Primary 
Uncials  of  the  Apocalypse,  s,  A,  C  [see  above  A 
(i.)1.  (ii.).  The  Secoiidary  Uncial  i.* — B,  (Codex 
Vnlleanut  [Basilianus],  2,066);  formerly  belonging 
to  the  Basilian  monastery,  Rome ;  now  in  the  Vati- 
can Library ;  containing  iiomilies  of  Basil  and  Greg- 


ory of  Nyssa,  with  Revelation  entire  (Tregelles,  in 
Home's  IrUrodueiion). — 29.  The  number  of  the 
cursive  MSS.  (mhiusculas)  in  existence  cannot  be 
accurately  calculated.  Tischendorf  catalogues  about 
500  of  the  Gospels,  200  of  the  Acts  and  Catholic 
Epistles,  260  of  the  Pauline  Epistles,  and  a  little 
less  than  100  of  the  Apocalypse  (exclusive  of  kc- 
tionarics) ;  but  this  enimieration  is  only  a  rough  ap- 
proximation. Mr.  Scrivener  adds  more  than  160 
to  Tischendorf 's  number.  Some  of  the  curt-ive  MSS. 
are  well  known  and  of  great  value ;  but  only  a  few 
out  of  this  whole  number  have  been  thoroughly 
collated  ;  many  are  known  only  by  old  references ; 
still  more  have  been  "  inspected  "  most  cursorily. — 
30.  Having  surveyed  in  outline  the  history  of  tl.e 
transmission  of  the  written  text,  and  the  chief  char- 
acteristics of  the  MSS.  in  which  it  is  preserved,  we 
are  in  a  position  to  consider  the  extent  and  nature 
of  the  variations  in  different  copies.  It  is  impos- 
sible to  estimate  the  number  of  these  exactly,  but 
they  cannot  be  less  than  120,000  in  all,  though  of 
these  a  very  large  proportion  consist  of  differences 
of  spelling  and  isolated  aberrations  of  scribes,  and 
of  the  remainder  comparatively  few  alterations  aie 
suflicicntly  well  supported  to  create  reasonable 
doubt  as  to  the  final  judgment.  Probably  there 
are  not  more  than  1,600  to  2,000  places  in  which 
the  true  reading  is  a  matter  of  uncertainty,  even  if 
we  include  in  tliis  questions  of  order,  inflection,  and 
orthography:  the  doubtful  readings  by  which  the 
sense  is  in  any  way  affected  are  much  fewer,  and 
those  of  dogmatic  importance  can  be  easily  num- 
bered.— 31.  Various  readings  are  due  to  different 
causes :  some  arose  from  accidental,  others  from  in- 
tentional alterations  of  the  original  text,  (i.)  Ac- 
cidental variations  or  errata,  are  by  far  the  n:oft 
numerous  class,  and  admit  of  being  referred  to  sev- 
eral obvious  sources,  (a.)  Some  are  errors  oi noui.d. 
The  most  frequent  foim  of  this  error  is  called  Ila- 
eimn,  a  confusion  of  different  varieties  of  the  I- 
pcund,  by  which  (oi,  u)  e,  i,  ei,  e,  &c.,  are  constantly 
intercliaiigcd.  Other  vowel-changes,  as  of  o  and  6, 
oil  and  6,  &c.,  occur,  but  less  frequently.  Very  few 
MSS.  are  wholly  irce  from  mistakes  of  this  kind, 
but  some  abound  in  them. — 32.  (6.)  Other  variations 
are  due  to  errois  of  sight.  These  arise  commonly 
from  the  confusion  of  similar  letters,  or  from  the 
repetition  or  emission  of  the  same  letters,  or  frcm 
the  recurrence  of  a  similar  ending  in  consecutive 
clauses  which  often  causes  one  to  be  passed  over 
when  the  eye  mechanically  returns  to  the  copy.  To 
these  may  be  added  the  false  division  of  words  in 
transciibing  the  text  frcm  the  continuous  uncial 
writing. — 33.  (c.)  Other  variations  may  be  described 
as  errors  of  imprtusion  or  mitr.ory.  The  copyist 
after  reading  a  sentence  from  the  text  before  him 
often  failed  to  rtproduce  it  exactly.  He  transposed 
the  words,  or  substituted  a  synonym  for  some  very 
common  term,  or  gave  a  direct  personal  turn  to 
what  was  objective  before.  Variations  of  order  are 
the  most  frequent,  and  very  commonly  the  most 
puzzling  questions  of  textual  criticism.  Examples 
occur  in  every  page,  almost  in  every  verse  of  the 
N.  T. — 34.  (ii.)  Of  intentional  changes  some  affect 
the  expression,  others  the  substance  of  the  passage. 
(a.)  The  intentional  changes  in  language  are  partly 
changes  of  Hellenistic  forms  for  those  in  conjmon 
use,  and  partly  modifications  of  harsh  construc- 
tions. Imperfect  constructions  are  completed  in 
different  ways.  Apparent  solecisms  are  corrected. 
Variations  in  the  orthography  of  proper  names 
ought  probably  to  be  placed  under  this  head.— 35. 


716 


NEW 


NEW 


(i.)  The  changes  introduced  into  the  substance  of 
the  text  are  generally  additions,  borrowed  citlier 
from  parallel  passages  or  from  marginal  glosses. 
The  first  kind  of  addition  is  particularly  frequent 
in  the  Gospels.  Glosses  are  of  more  partial  occur- 
rence. Of  all  Greek  MSS.  Codex  Bezce  (D)  is  the 
most  remarkable  for  the  variety  and  singularity  of 
the  glosses  which  it  contains  (see  §  28  above ;  Acts 
OP  THE  Apostles). — 36.  (f.)  Many  of  the  glosses  in- 
troduced into  the  text  spring  from  the  ecclesiastical 
use  of  the  N.  T.,  just  as  in  the  Gospels  of  the  Epis- 
copal Prayer-Book  introductory  clauses  have  been 
inserted  here  and  there.  These  additions  are  com- 
monly notes  of  person  or  place.  Sometimes  an  em- 
phatic clause  is  added.  But  the  most  remarkable 
liturgical  insertion  is  the  doxology  in  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  Mat.  vi.  13;  and  it  is  probable  that  the  in- 
terpolated verse,  Acts  viii.  37,  is  due  to  a  similar 
cause. — 37.  (rf.)  Sometimes,  though  rarely,  various 
readings  noted  on  the  margin  are  incorporated  in 
the  text. — 38.  (e.)  The  number  of  readings  which 
seem  to  have  been  altered  for  distinctly  dogmatic 
reasons  is  extremely  small.  In  spite  of  the  great 
revolutions  in  thought,  iealing,  and  practice  through 
which  the  Christian  Church  passed  in  fifteen  cen- 
turies, the  copyists  of  the  N.  T.  faithfully  preserved, 
according  to  their  ability,  the  sacred  trust  committed 
to  them.  There  is  not  any  trace  of  intentional  revi- 
sion designed  to  give  support  to  current  opinions 
(Mat.  xvii.  21;  Mk.  ix.  29;  1  Cor.  vii.  5,  need 
scarcely  be  noticed).  The  utmost  that  can  be  urged 
is  that  internal  considerations  may  have  decided  the 
choice  of  readings.  But  the  general  effect  of  these 
variations  is  scarcely  appreciable,  nor  are  the  cor- 
rections of  assumed  historical  and  geographical  er- 
rors much  more  numerous. — 39.  The  great  mass  of 
various  readings  are  simply  variations  in  form. 
Tliere  are,  however,  one  or  two  greater  variations 
of  a  different  character.  The  most  important  of 
these  are  Jn.  vii.  53-viii.  12;  Mk.  xvi.  9-end;  Rom. 
xvi.  25-27.  The  first  stands  quite  l>y  itself;  and 
there  seems  to  be  little  doubt  that  it  contains  an 
authentic  narrative,  but  not  by  the  hand  of  St.  John. 
(John,  Gospel  of.)  The  two  otliers,  taken  in  con- 
nection with  the  last  chapter  of  John,  suggest  the 
possibility  that  the  apostolic  writings  may  have  un- 
dergone in  some  cases  authoritative  revision.  (Mark, 
Gospel  of;  Uomans,  Epistle  to  the.) — 40.  MSS., 
it  must  be  remembered,  are  but  one  of  the  three 
sources  of  textual  criticism.  The  versions  and 
patristic  quotations,  though  themselves  liable  to 
corruption,  are  scarcely  less  important  ia  doubtful 
cases. 

II.  The  History  of  the  Printed  'lext.—l.  The  his- 
tory of  the  printed  text  of  the  N.  T.  may  be  divided 
into  three  periods.  The  first  of  these  extends  from 
the  labors  of  tlie  Complutensian  editors  to  those  of 
Mill :  the  second  from  Mill  to  Scholz :  the  third  from 
Lachmann  to  the  present  time.  The  criticism  of  the 
first  period  was  necessarily  tentative  and  partial : 
the  materials  available  for  the  construction  of  the 
text  were  few,  and  imperfectly  known  ;  the  relative 
value  of  various  witnesses  was  as  yet  undetermined ; 
and  however  highly  we  may  rate  the  scholarship  of 
Erasmus  or  Beza,  this  could  not  supersede  the 
teaching  of  long  experience  in  the  sacred  writings 
any  more  than  in  the  writings  of  classical  authors. 
The  second  period  marks  a  great  progress :  the  evi- 
dence of  MSS.,  of  versions,  of  Fathers,  was  collected 
with  the  greatest  diligence  and  success  :  authorities 
were  compared  and  classified  ;  principles  of  observa- 
tion and  judgment  were  laid  down.   But  the  influence 


of  the  former  period  still  lingered.  The  old  "re- 
ceived "  text  was  supposed  to  have  some  prescrip- 
tive right  on  the  ground  of  its  prior  publication,  and 
not  on  the  ground  of  its  merits.  The  third  period 
was  introduced  by  the  declaration  of  a  new  and 
sounder  law.  It  was  laid  down  that  no  right  of 
possession  could  be  pleaded  against  evidence.  The 
"  received  "  text,  as  such,  was  allowed  no  weight 
whatever.  Its  authority,  on  this  view,  must  depend 
solely  on  critical  worth.  From  first  to  last,  iu  mi- 
nute details  of  order  and  orthography,  as  well  as 
in  graver  questions  of  substantial  alteration,  the 
text  must  be  formed  by  a  free  and  unfettered  jud;;- 
ment — on  a  critical  and  not  on  a  conventional  baMS. 
Each  period  will  now  be  noticed  more  in  detail. — 
(i.)  From  the  Complutenidan  Pohiglot  to  Mill. — 2. 
The  Comphiimsian  Polyqlot.  The  Latin  Yllgate 
and  the  Hebrew  text  of  the  Old  Testament  had 
been  published  some  time  before  any  part  of  the 
original  Greek  of  the  N.  T.  The  Hymns  of  Zacha- 
rias  and  the  Virgin  (Lk.  i.  42-66,  68-80)  were  ap- 
pended to  a  Venetian  edition  of  a  Psalter  in  1486. 
This  was  the  first  part  of  the  N.  T.  which  was  printed 
in  Greek.  In  1504,  chs.  i.-vi.  of  John  were  added 
to  an  edition  of  the  poems  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus, 
published  by  Aldus.  But  the  glory  of  printing  the 
first  Greek  Testament  is  due  to  the  princely  Car- 
dinal Ximenes.  This  great  prelate  as  early  as  1 502 
engaged  the  services  of  a  number  of  scholars  to 
superintend  an  edition  of  the  whole  Bible  in  the 
original  Hebrew  and  Greek,  with  the  addition  of 
the  Ohaldee  Targum  of  Onkelos,  the  LXX.  version, 
and  the  Vulgate.  The  work  was  executed  at  Alcala 
(in  L.  Comp/»(ft<w), where  he  had  founded  a  univeisity. 
The  volume  containing  the  N.  T.  was  printed  first, 
and  was  completed  on  Jiinuary  10,  1514.  The 
whole  work  was  not  finished  till  July  10,  1517, 
about  four  months  before  the  death  of  the  Cardinal. 
Various  obstacles  still  delayed  the  publication,  and 
it  was  not  generally  circulated  till  1522.  The  im- 
pression was  limited  to  600  copies.  The  most  cele- 
brated men  who  were  engaged  on  the  N.  T.,  which 
forms  the  fifth  volume  of  the  entire  work,  were 
Lebrixa  (Xebrissensis)  and  Stunica.  Considerable 
discussion  has  been  raised  as  to  the  MSS.  which 
they  used.  The  editors  describe  these  generally  as 
"copies  of  the  greatest  accuracy  and  antiquity," 
sent  from  the  Papal  Library  at  Rome ;  and  in  the 
dedication  to  Leo  acknowledgment  is  made  of  liis 
generosity  in  sending  MSS.  of  both  "  the  Old  and 
N.  T."  The  whole  question,  however,  is  now  rather 
of  bibliographical  than  of  critical  interest.  There 
can  be  no  doul)t  that  the  copies,  from  whatever 
source  they  came,  were  of  late  date,  and  of  the 
common  type.  The  chief  editions  which  follow  the 
Complutensian  in  the  main,  are  those  of  (Plantin) 
Antwerp,  1564-1612;  Geneva,  1609-1632;  Mainz, 
1763. — 3.  The  editions  of  Erasmvu.  The  history  of 
the  edition  of  Erasrmis,  which  was  the  first  jiullixhed 
edition  of  the  N.  T.,  is  happily  free  from  all  obscu- 
rity. Erasmus  had  paid  considerable  attention  to 
the  study  of  the  N.  T.  when  he  received  an  api)lica- 
tion  from  Froben,  a  printer  of  Basle  with  whom  he 
was  acquainted,  to  prepare  a  Greek  text  for  the 
press.  Froben  was  anxious  to  anticipate  the  \mh- 
lication  of  the  Complutensian  edition,  and  the  haste 
with  which  the  work  of  Erasmus  was  conjpktod 
shows  that  little  consideration  was  paid  to  the  ex- 
igencies of  textual  criticism.  The  request  was  made 
April  17,  1616,  while  Erasmus  was  in  England.  The 
details  of  the  printing  were  not  settled  in  September 
in  the  same  year,  and  the  whole  work  was  finishi 


1 


KEW 


NEW 


717 


in  February,  1516.  The  work,  as  Erasmua  after- 
ward confessed,  was  done  in  reckless  haste,  and  that 
too  in  the  midst  of  other  heavy  literary  labors.  The 
JI.'nS.  wliich  formed  the  basis  of  his  edition  are  still, 
with  one  exception,  preserved  at  Basle ;  and  two 
which  he  used  for  the  press  contain  the  corrections 
of  Erasmus  and  the  printer's  marks.  The  one  is  a 
MS.  of  the  Gospels  of  the  sixteenth  century  of  the 
ordinary  late  type  (marked  2  Gosp.):  the  other 
a  MS.  of  the  Acts  and  the  Epistles  (2  Acts,  Epp.), 
somewhat  older  but  of  the  same  general  character. 
Erasmus  also  made  some  use  of  two  other  Uasle 
MSS.  (1  Gosp.;  4  Acts,  Epp.);  the  former  of  these 
is  of  great  value,  but  the  important  variations  from 
the  common  text  which  it  offers,  made  him  suspect 
that  it  had  been  altered  from  the  Latin.  For  the 
Apocalypse  he  had  only  an  imperfect  MS.  which  be- 
longed to  Keuchlin.  The  last  si.x  verses  were  want- 
ing, and  these  he  translated  from  the  Latin,  a  pro- 
cess which  he  adopted  in  other  places  where  it  was 
less  excusable.  The  received  text  contains  two 
memorable  instances  of  this  bold  interpolation  (Acts 
viii.  37,  ix.  5,  6).  But  he  did  not  insert  the  testi- 
mony of  the  heavenly  witnesses  (1  Jn.  v.  7),  an  act 
of  critical  faithfulness  which  exposed  him  t.o  the 
attacks  of  enemies.  After  his  first  edition  was  pub- 
lished Erasmus  continued  his  labors  on  the  N.  T. ; 
and  in  March,  1519,  a  second  edition  appeared  which 
was  altered  in  about  400  places,  of  which  Mill  reck- 
ons that  330  were  improvements.  But  his  chief 
labor  seems  to  have  been  spent  upon  the  Latin  ver- 
sion, and  in  exposing  the  "  solecisms  "  of  the  common 
A'ulgate,  the  value  of  which  he  completely  misun- 
derstood. These  two  editions  consisted  of  3,S00 
copies,  and  a  third  edition  was  required  in  1622, 
when  the  Complutensian  Polyglot  also  came  into 
circulation.  In  this  edition  1  Jn.  v.  1  was  inserted 
for  the  first  time  on  the  authority  of  the  "  Codex 
Britannicus  "  (i.  e.  Codex  MontPortianus,  a  cursive 
MS.  written  by  different  hands  in  the  fifteenth  and 
sixteenth  centuries  [so  Tregelles],  once  owned  by 
Dr.  Montfort,  and  now  in  the  library  of  Trinity  Col- 
lege, Dublin),  in  a  form  which  obviously  betrays  its 
origin  as  a  clumsy  translation  from  the  Vulgate. 
The  text  was  altered  in  about  118  places.  Of  these 
corrections  thirty-six  were  borrowed  from  an  edition 
published  at  Venice  in  the  office  of  Akhis,  1518, 
which  was  taken  in  the  main  from  the  first  edition 
of  Erasmus,  even  so  as  to  preserve  errors  of  the 
press,  but  yet  differed  from  it  in  about  200  places, 
partly  from  error  and  partly  from  MS.  authority. 
This  edition  is  further  remarkable  as  giving  a  few 
(nineteen)  various  readings.  Three  other  early  edi- 
tions give  a  text  formed  from  the  second  edition 
of  Erasmus  and  the  Aldine,  those  of  Uagenau,  1521, 
of  Cephalacus  at  Strasburg,  1524,  of  BebeUus  at 
Basle,  1531.  Erasmus  at  length  obtained  a  copy  of 
the  Complutensian  text,  and  in  his  fouith  edition  in 
1527,  gave  some  various  readings  from  it  in  addition 
to  those  which  he  had  already  noted,  and  used  it  to 
correct  his  own  text  in  the  Apocalypse  in  ninety 
places,  while  elsewhere  he  introduced  only  sixteen 
changes.  His  fifth  and  last  edition  (1535)  differs 
only  in  four  places  from  the  fourth,  and  the  fourth 
edition  afterward  became  the  basis  of  the  received 
text. — t.  The  fdiliomi  of  SUphewi.  The  scene  of 
our  history  now  changes  from  Basle  to  Paris.  In 
1543,  Simon  dc  Colines  (in  L.  CoHnaitx)  published 
a  Greek  text  of  the  N.  T.,  corrected  in  about  150 
places  on  fresh  MS.  authority.  Not  long  after  it 
appe.ired,  R.  Estienne  (i.  e.  Bobcrl  Ste/Jiem ;  L. 
lkej)haniu)  published  his  first  edition  (1546),  which 


was  based  on  a  collation  of  MSS.  in  the  Royal  Li- 
brary with  the  Complutensian  text.  lie  gives  no 
detailed  description  of  the  MSS.  used,  and  their 
character  can  only  be  discovered  by  the  quotation 
of  their  readings,  which  is  given  in  the  tliird  edi- 
tion A  second  edition  very  closely  resembling  the 
first  both  in  form  and  text,  having  the  same  pref- 
ace and  the  same  number  of  pages  and  lines,  was 
published  in  1549;  but  the  great  edition  of  Stephens 
is  that  known  as  the  Retfia  (  =  lioi/al),  published 
in  1550.  Of  the  authorities  which  he  quoted  most 
have  been  since  identified.  They  were  the  Complu- 
tensian text,  ten  MSS.  of  the  Gospels,  eight  of  the 
Acts,  seven  of  the  Catholic  Epistles,  eight  of  the  Paul- 
ine Epistles,  two  of  the  Apocalypse,  in  all  fifteen  dis- 
tinct MSS.  Oneofthesewasthe  Codex  Btza  {D).  Two 
have  not  yet  been  recognized.  The  collations  were 
made  by  his  son  Henry  Stephens.  Less  than  thirty 
changes  were  made  on  MS.  authority ;  and  except  in 
the  Apocalypse,  which  follows  the  Complutensian 
text  most  closely,  "  it  hardly  ever  deserts  the  last  edi- 
tion of  Erasmus  "  (Tregelles).  Numerous  instances 
occur  in  which  Stephens  deserts  his  former  text  and 
all  his  MSS.  to  restore  an  Eraemian  reading.  Stephens 
published  a  fourth  eoition  in  1557  (Geneva),  which 
is  only  remarkable  as  giving  for  the  first  time  the 
present  division  into  verses. — 5.  The  editionx  of 
Bcza  and  Elzevir.  Nothing  can  illustrate  more 
clearly  the  deficiency  among  scholars  of  the  first 
elements  of  the  textual  criticism  of  the  N.  T.  than 
the  annotations  of  Beza  (1556).  This  great  divine 
obtained  from  II.  Stephens  a  copy  of  the  N.  T.  in 
which  he  had  noted  down  various  readings  from 
about  twenty-five  MSS.  and  from  the  early  editions, 
but  he  used  the  collection  rather  for  exegetical  than 
for  critical  purposes.  The  Greek  text  of  Beza 
(dedicated  to  Queen  Elizabeth)  was  printed  by  II. 
Stephens  in  1565,  and  again  in  1576;  but  his  chief 
edition  wns  the  third,  printed  in  1582,  which  con- 
tained readings  from  the  Coding  Btzce  and  Claro- 
montanvs  (D  and  Dj  ;  sec  above,  I.  §28).  Other 
editions  by  Beza  appeared  in  1588-9,  1598,  and  his 
(third)  text  found  a  wide  currency.  Among  other 
editions  wholly  or  in  part  based  upon  it,  (hose  of 
the  Elzivirti  alone  require  to  be  noticed.  The  first 
of  these  editions,  famous  for  the  beauty  of  ihtir  ex- 
ecution, was  published  at  Leydcn  in  1624.  It  is  not 
known  who  acted. as  editor,  but  the  text  is  mainly 
that  of  the  third  edition  of  Stephens.  Including 
every  minute  variation  in  orthography,  it  differs 
from  this  in  278  places.  In  these  cases  it  generally 
agrees  with  Beza,  more  rarely  it  differs  from  both, 
cither  by  typographical  errors,  or  perhaps  by  manu- 
script authority.  In  the  second  edition  (Leyden, 
1633)  it  was  announced  that  the  text  ivas  that  which 
was  universally  received.  From  this  time  the 
Elzevirian  text  was  generally  reprinted  on  the  Con- 
tinent, and  that  of  the  third  edition  of  Stephens  in 
England,  till  quite  recent  times,  as  the  Received  Text 
(Latin  Textus  Receptur). — ii.  Erom  Mill  to  Schulz. 
— 6.  The  second  period  of  the  history  of  the  printed 
text  may  be  treated  with  less  detail.  The  first  im- 
portant collection  of  various  readings  was  given  by 
Walton  in  the  sixth  volume  of  his  Polyglot  (Lon- 
don, 1657).  The  Syriac,  Arabic,  Ethiopic,  and  Per- 
sian versions  of  the  N.  T.,  together  with  the  read- 
ings of  Codex  Alexaiidrinus,  were  printed  in  the  filth 
volume  together  with  the  text  of  Stephens.  To 
these  were  added  in  the  sixth  the  readings  collected 
by  Stephens,  others  from  an  edition  by  Wechel  at 
Frankfort  (1597),  the  readings  of  the  Codioei  Bfza 
and  Claromoniauui,  and  of  fourteen  other  MSS. 


718 


NEvV 


KEW 


which  had  been  collated  under  the  care  of  Arch- 
bishop Usher.  A  few  more  MS.  readings  were 
given  by  CurceVcem  (de  Courcelles)  in  an  edition 
published  at  Amsterdam,  1658,  &c.,  bnt  the  great 
nimes  of  this  period  continue  to  be  those  of  Eng- 
lislimcii.  The  readings  of  the  Coptic  and  Gotliic 
versions  were  first  given  in  the  edition  of  (Bisliop 
FjII)  Oxford,  1675  ;  reprinted  by  Gregory,  1703  ;  but 
Fell's  greatest  service  to  tlie  criticism  of  the  X.  T. 
was  the  liberal  encouragement  which  he  gave  to 
Dr.  Joh'i  Mill.  The  work  of  Mill  (Oxford,  1707 ; 
Rotterdam,  reprinted  by  Kiister,  1710;  other  copies 
have  on  the  title-page  1723,  1746,  &e.)  marks  an 
epoch  in  tlie  history  of  the  N'.  T.  text.  Much  in 
it  will  not  bear  the  test  of  historical  inquiry,  much 
i<  imperfect  in  the  materials,  much  is  crude  and 
cipricious  in  criticism,  bnt  when  every  drawback 
has  been  made,  the  edition  remains  a  splendid 
monument  of  the  labors  of  a  life.  The  work  occu- 
pied Mill  about  thirty  years,  and  was  finished  only 
a  fortnight  before  his  death.  One  great  merit  of 
Mill  was  that  he  recognized  the  importance  of  each 
element  of  critical  evidence,  the  testimony  of  MSS., 
versions  and  citations,  as  well  as  internal  evidence. 
In  particular  he  asserted  the  claims  of  the  Latin 
version,  and  maintained,  against  much  opposition, 
even  from  his  patron.  Bishop  Fell,  the  great  value 
of  patristic  quotations.  He  had  also  a  clear  view 
of  the  necessity  of  forming  a  general  estimate  of  the 
character  of  each  authority,  and  described  in  detail 
those  of  which  he  made  use.  But  he  did  not  intro- 
d'lce  any  changes  irito  the  printed  text.  He  re- 
p^ated  tlie  Stephanie  text  of  1550  without  any  in- 
t:^ntional  change. — 7.  Among  those  who  had  known 
and  valued  Mill  was  Richard  Ikiitle;/,  the  greatest 
of  English  scholars.  In  his  earliest  work,  in  1691, 
Bentley  had  expressed  generous  admiration  of  the 
labors  of  Mill,  and  afterward,  in  1713,  in  his  Re- 
marks, triumphantly  refuted  the  charges  of  impiety 
with  which  they  were  assailed.  But  Mill  had  only 
"  accumulated  various  readings  as  a  promptuary  to 
the  judicious  and  critical  reader;"  Bentley  would 
"  make  use  of  that  promptuary  ....  and  not  leave 
tha  reader  in  doubt  and  suspense"  (Aiisioer  to  Re- 
marks, iii.  503).  With  this  view  he  announced,  in 
1716,  his  intention  of  publishing  an  edition  of  the 
Greek  Testament  on  the  authority  of  the  oldest 
Greek  and  Latin  MSS.,  "  exactly  as  it  was  in  the 
best  examples  at  the  time  of  the  Coimcil  of  Nice,  so 
that  there  shall  not  be  twenty  words  nor  even  par- 
ticles' difference "  (iii.  477  to  Archbishop  Wake). 
Bentley  continued  his  labors  till  1729.  After  that 
time  they  seem  to  have  ceased.  The  troubles  in 
which  he  was  involved  render  it  unnecessary  to  seek 
for  any  other  explanation  of  tlie  suspension  of  his 
work. — 8.  The  conception  of  Bentlev  was  in  advance 
both  of  the  spirit  of  his  age  and  of  the  materials  at 
his  command.  Textual  criticism  was  forced  to  un- 
dergo a  long  discipline  before  it  was  prepared  to 
follow  out  his  principles.  During  this  time  Ger- 
man sc'.iolars  held  the  first  place.  I'oremost  among 
these  was  Benr/el  (1687-1752),  who  was  led  to  study 
the  variations  of  the  N.  T.  from  a  devout  sense  of 
the  infinite  value  of  every  divine  word.  His  merit 
in  discerning  the  existence  of  families  of  documents 
has  been  already  noticed  (L  §  12);  but  the  evidence 
before  him  was  not  sufficient  to  show  the  paramount 
authority  of  the  most  anciopt  witnesses.  The  labors 
of  H'i-<.s/e;ft(1693-1754)  formed  an  import.mt  epoch 
in  the  history  of  the  N.  T.  His  Greek  Testament 
appeared  in  1751-2  at  Amsterdam.  The  great  ser- 
vice which  Wetsteia  rendered  to  sacred  criticism 


was  by  the  collection  of  materials.  He  made  nearly 
as  great  an  advance  on  Mill  as  Mill  had  made  on 
those  who  preceded  him.  But  in  the  use  of  his 
materials  he  showed  little  critical  tact. — 9.  It  was 
the  work  of  Grieshach  (1745-1812)  to  place  the 
comparative  value  of  existing  documents  in  a  clearer 
light.  His  first  editions  {Si/nopsis,  1774;  N.  T.  cd. 
1,  1777-5),  w^re  based  for  the  most  part  on  the 
critical  collections  of  Wetstein.  Not  long  afterward 
Matth(ei  publislied  an  edition  based  on  the  accurate 
collation  of  Moscow  M^S.  These  new  materials 
were  further  increased  by  the  collections  of  Alter 
(1786-7),  Birch,  Adler,  'and  Moldenhawer  (1788- 
1801),  as  well  as  by  the  labors  of  Grieshach  him- 
self. And  when  Griesbach  published  his  second 
edition  (1796-1806,  2d  ed.  of  vol.  i.  by  D.  Schnlz, 
1827)  he  made  a  noble  use  of  the  materials  thus 
placed  in  his  hands.  His  chief  error  was  that  he 
altered  the  received  text  instead  of  constructing  the 
text  afresh  ;  but  in  acuteness,  vigor,  and  candor  he 
stands  below  no  editor  of  the  N.  T.,  and  his  judg- 
ment will  always  retain  a  peculiar  value. — 10.  The 
edition  of  Seholz  contributed  more  in  appearance 
than  reality  to  the  furtherance  of  criticism  (1830- 
1836).  This  laborious  scholar  collected  a  greater 
mass  of  various  readings  than  had  been  brought 
together  before,  but  his  work  is  very  inaccurate, 
and  his  own  collations  singularly  superficial. — iii. 
From  Laclimann  to  the  preseid  time. — 11.  In  the 
year  after  the  publication  of  the  first  volume  of 
Scholz's  N.  T.  a  small  edition  appeared  in  a  series 
of  classical  texts,  prepared  by  Lachmann  (f  H51). 
In  this  the  admitted  principles  of  scholarship  were 
for  the  first  time  applied  throughout  to  the  con- 
struction of  the  text  of  the  N.  T.  The  prescrip- 
tive right  of  the  textirn  reeeptus  was  wholly  set  aside, 
and  the  text  in  every  part  was  regulated  by  ancient 
authority.  He  published  a  small  edition  at  Berlin, 
1831.  the  first  volume  of  his  larger  edition,  with 
both  Latin  and  Greek  texts,  appeared  in  1842 ;  the 
second,  printed  i:i  1845,  was  published  in  1850.  The 
Greek  authorities  for  this,  limited  to  the  primary 
uncial  MSS.  (I.  §  28),  and  the  quotations  of  Ireiiaeus 
and  Origen,  were  arranged  by  the  yoanger  Buttmaun. 
Lachmann  himself  prepared  the  Latin  evidence,  and 
revised  both  texts.  Lachmann  delighted  to  quote 
Bentley  as  his  great  precursor  (§  7) ;  but  tliere  was 
an  important  difference  in  their  immediate  aims. 
Bentley  believed  that  it  would  be  possible  to  obtain 
the  true  text  directly  by  a  comparison  of  the  oldest 
Greek  authorities  with  the  oldest  MSS.  of  the  Vul- 
gate. Afterward  very  important  remains  of  the 
earlier  Latin  versions  were  discovered,  and  the 
whole  question  was  complicated  by  the  collection 
of  fresh  documents.  Lachmann  therefore  wished 
in  the  first  instance  only  to  give  the  current  text 
of  the  fourth  century,  which  might  then  become 
the  basis  of  further  criticism.  This  at  least  was  a 
great  step  toward  the  truth,  though  it  must  not  be 
accepted  as  a  final  one.  But  Lachmann's  edition, 
great  as  its  merits  are  as  a  first  appeal  to  ancient 
evidence,  is  not  without  serious  faults.  The  mate- 
rials on  which  it  was  based  were  imperfect.  The 
range  of  patristic  citations  was  limited  arbitrarily. 
The  exclusion  of  the  Oriental  versions,  however 
necessary  at  the  time,  left  a  wide  margin  for  later 
change.  The  neglect  of  primary  cursives  often 
necessitated  absolute  confidence  on  slender  MS. 
authority. — 12.  The  chief  defects  of  Lachmann's 
edition  arise  from  deficiency  of  authorities.  Another 
German  scholar,  Tiscliendorf,  has  devoted  twenty 
years  to  enlarging  our  accurate  knowledge  of  an- 


I 


NEW 


NEW 


719 


cicnt  MSS.  The  first  edition  of  Tischcndcrf  ( 1 84 1 ) 
lias  now  no  special  claims  for  notice.  In  his  second 
(I.eipsic)  edition  (1849)  he  fully  accepted  the  great 
principle  of  Lachniann,  that  the  text  "  must  be 
Miught  solely  from  ancient  authorities,  and  not  from 
tlie  so-called  received  edition,"  and  gave  many  of 
the  results  of  his  own  laborious  and  valuable  colla- 
tions. During  the  next  few  years  Tischendorf 
prosecuted  his  labors  on  MSS.  with  unwearied  dili- 
gence, and  in  1855-9  he  pubhshed  his  third  (seventh) 
critical  edition.  In  this  he  has  given  the  authorities 
for  and  against  each  reading  in  considerable  detail, 
and  included  the  chief  results  of  his  later  discoveries. 
The  whole  critical  apparatus  is  extremely  valuable, 
and  absolutely  indispensable  to  the  student.  The 
text,  except  in  details  of  orthography,  exhibits  gen- 
erally a  retrograde  movement  from  the  most  ancient 
testimony.  The  Prolegomena  are  copious  and  full 
of  interest. — 13.  Meanwhile  the  sound  study  of 
sacred  criticism  had  revived  in  England.  In  1844 
Trigellm  published  an  edition  of  the  Apocalypse  in 
(Ireek  and  English,  and  announced  an  edition  of  the 
N.  T.  The  first  part,  containing  Matthew  and  Mark, 
appeared  in  1867  ;  the  second,  completing  the  Gos- 
jiels,  in  1861.  This  edition  of  Tregelles  differs  from 
that  of  Lachniann  by  the  greater  width  of  its  criti- 
cal foundation  ;  and  from  that  of  Tischendorf  by  a 
more  constant  adherence  to  ancient  evidence.  The 
editions  of  Knapp  (1797,  &e.),  Vater  (1824),  Titt- 
maiin  (1820,  kc),  and  Hahn  (1840,  &e.),  have  no 
peculiar  critical  value.  Meyer  (1829,  &c.)  paid 
greater  attention  to  the  revision  of  the  text  which 
accompanies  his  great  commentary  ;  but  his  critical 
notes  are  often  arbitrary  and  unsatisfactory.  In  the 
Greek  Testament  of  Alford,  as  hi  that  of  Meyer,  the 
text  is  subsidiary  to  the  commentary ;  but  it  is  im- 
possible not  to  notice  the  important  advance  made 
by  the  editor  in  true  principles  of  criticism  during 
the  course  of  its  publication.  Other  annotated  edi- 
tions of  the  Greek  Testament,  valuable  for  special 
merits,  may  be  passed  over  as  having  little  bearing 
on  the  history  of  the  text. — 14.  Besides  the  critical 
editions  of  the  text  of  the  N.  T.  various  collections 
of  readings  have  been  published  separately,  w  liicli 
cannot  be  wholly  omitted.  In  addition  to  those 
already  mentioned  (§  9)  the  most  important  are  by 
Rinck,  Xk(;«A»-«/(o  CiHioa,  1830;  Reiche,  Coduum 
MSS.  N.  T.  Or.  aliquot  innir/tiiorum  hi  Bib/.  Reg., 
J'aris  .  .  .  coUatio  ( =  Collation  of  to^ne  of  the  more 
important  Greek  N.  T.  3fSS.  in  the  Sci/al  Library 
of  J'aris),  1847  ;  Scrivener,  A  Collation  of  about 
ttteiUrj  Greek  MSS.  of  the  Hoi)/  Gutpeh  .  .  .  1853; 
A  Trarincript  of  Vie  Cod.  Avg.  (Fj;  see  I.  §28), 
villi  a  full  Collation  of  Fifty  MSS.,  1859;  and  E. 
dc  Muralt,  of  Russian  MSS.'(N.  T.  1848). 

111.  Principles  of  Textual  Critieiarn.  The  work 
of  the  critic  can  never  be  shaped  by  definite  rules. 
The  formal  enunciation  of  principles  is  but  the  first 
step  in  the  process  of  revision.  If  there  is  need  any- 
where for  the  most  free  and  devout  exercise  of  every 
faculty,  it  must  be  in  tracing  out  the  very  words  of 
(he  apostles  and  of  the  Lord  Himself  Canons  of 
eriticism  are  more  frequently  corollaries  than  laws 
of  procedure,  not  without  use  in  marking  the  course 
to  be  followed,  but  intended  only  to  guide  and  not 
to  dispente  with  the  exercise  of  tact  and  scholarship. 
What  appears  to  be  the  only  sound  system  of  criti- 
cism will  be  sect!  from  the  rules  which  follow. — I. 
7'lir  tut  mufl  throughout  be  dtterinineil  by  cvidenre, 
mthiiui  allou-ing  any  preieriptive  right  to  printed  edi- 
tions. The  received  text  may  or  may  not  be  correct 
iu  any  particular  case,  but  this  must  be  determined 


solely  by  an  appeal  to  the  original  authorities.  Nor 
is  it  right  even  to  assume  the  received  text  as  our 
basis.  The  question  before  us  is  not  Mhal  in  to  be 
changed?  but.  What  is  to  be  read? — 2.  Every  thmevi 
of  ei  idcnee  ni  ust  he  takfn  into  account  before  a  dmsion 
is  made.  Some  uncertainty  must  necessarily  re- 
main ;  for,  when  it  is  said  that  the  text  must  rest 
upon  evidence,  it  is  implied  that  it  must  rest  on  an 
examination  of  the  whole  evidence.  But  it  can 
never  be  said  that  the  mines  of  criticism  are  ex- 
hausted. To  exclude  remote  chances  of  error  it  is 
necessary  to  take  account  of  every  testimony.  No 
arbitrary  line  can  be  drawn  excluding  MSS.,  ver- 
sions or  quotations  below  a  certain  date.  The  true 
text  must  (as  a  rule)  explain  all  variations,  and  the 
most  recent  forms  may  illustrate  the  original  one. 
— 3.  7 he  nlatire  weight  of  the  seviral  ilasses  of  eri- 
dince  is  modified  by  their  geniric  characlir.  MSS., 
versions,  and  citations,  the  three  great  classes  of 
external  authorities  for  the  text,  are  obviously  open 
to  characteristic  errors.  The  first  are  peculiarly 
liable  to  errors  from  transcription  (comp.  I.  §  31  If.). 
The  last  two  are  liable  to  this  cause  of  corruption 
and  also  to  others.  The  genius  of  the  language 
into  which  the  translation  is  made  may  require  the 
introduction  of  connecting  particles  or  words  of 
reference,  as  can  be  seen  iiom  the  italicized  words 
in  the  A.  V.  Glos.ses  or  marginal  additions  are 
more  likely  to  pass  into  the  text  in  the  process  of 
translation  than  in  that  of  transcription.  Quota- 
tions, on  the  other  hand,  are  often  partial  or  from 
memory,  and  long  use  may  give  a  traditional  fixity 
to  a  slight  confusion  or  adaptation  of  passages  of 
Scripture.  These  grounds  of  inaccuracy  are,  how- 
ever, easily  determined,  and  there  is  generally  little 
difficulty  in  deciding  whether  the  rendering  of  a 
version  or  the  testimony  of  a  Father  can  be  fairly 
quoted.  It  is  a  far  more  serious  obstacle  to  the 
critical  use  of  these  authorities  that  the  texts  of  the 
versions  and  Fathers  generally  are  in  a  very  imper- 
fect state.  As  a  general  lule  the  evidence  of  both 
may  be  trusted  where  they  differ  from  the  late  text 
of  the  N.  T.,  but  where  they  agree  with  this  against 
other  early  authorities,  there  is  reason  to  entertain 
a  suspicion  of  corruption.  The  evidence  of  ver- 
sions may  show  at  once  that  a  MS.  reading  is  a 
transcriptural  error ;  and  the  absence  of  their  sup- 
port throws  doubt  upon  readings  otherwise  of  the 
highest  probability.  The  testimony  of  an  early 
Father  is  again  sufficient  to  give  preponderating 
weight  to  slight  MS.  authority  :  and  since  versions 
and  Fathers  go  back  to  a  time  anterior  to  any  ex- 
isting MSS.,  they  furnish  a  standard  by  which  we 
may  measure  the  conformity  of  any  MS.  with  the 
most  ancient  text. — 4.  Tfte  mere  jrrepoiuh ranee  of 
numbers  is  in  itself  of  no  iciight.  If  the  multifilica- 
lion  of  copies  of  the  N.  T.  had  been  uniform,  it  is 
evident  that  the  number  of  later  copies  ])ieserved 
from  the  accidents  of  time  would  have  far  exceeded 
that  of  the  earlier,  yet  no  one  would  have  preferred 
the  fuller  testimony  of  the  thirteenth  to  the  scantier 
documents  of  the  fourth  century.  Some  changes 
are  necessarily  introduced  in  the  most  careful  copy- 
ing, and  these  arc  rapidly  multiplied.  A  recent 
MS.  may  have  been  copied  (but  rarely)  from  one  of 
great  antiquity.  But  the  body  of  later  copies  was 
made  under  one  influence — from  Byzantium  or  Con- 
stantinople (see  I.  g  Id). — 5.  The  tnore  anciint  read- 
ing is  generally  priferable.  This  principle  seems  to 
be  almost  a  truism. — 6.  Tlie  wore  ancient  reading  it 
generally  the  riading  of  the  more  ancimt  MSS,  This 
proposition  is  fully  established  by  a  comparison  of 


120 


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NEW 


explicit  eaily  testimony  with  the  text  of  the  oldest 
copies.  It  would  be  strange,  indeed,  if  it  were 
otherwise. — 7.  T/ie  ancient  text  is  often  j/reserved  sub- 
xtanlidUy  in  recent  copies.  While  the  most  ancient 
copies,  as  a  whole,  give  the  most  ancient  text,  yet 
it  is  by  no  means  confined  exclusively  to  them. 
Tlie  text  of  D  (see  I.  §  28)  in  the  Gospels,  however 
much  it  has  been  interpolated,  preserves  in  several 
cases  almost  alone  the  true  reading.  Other  M.-^S. 
exist  of  almost  every  date,  which  contain  in  the 
main  the  oldest  text.  The  importance  of  the  best 
cursives  (see  I.  §  29)  has  been  strangely  neglected. 
— 8.  Tlie  agreement  of  ancient  MSS.,  or  of  M8S. 
containing  an  ancient  text  loith  all  the  earliest  versions 
and  citations,  marks  a  certain  reading.  Tlie  final  ar- 
gument in  favor  of  the  text  of  the  most  ancient 
copies  lies  in  the  combined  support  which  they  re- 
ceive in  characteri.stic  passages  from  the  most  an- 
cient versions  and  patristic  citations.  The  reading 
of  the  oldest  MSS.  is,  as  a  general  rule,  upheld  by 
the  true  reading  of  Versions  and  the  certain  testi; 
mony  of  the  Fathers,  where  this  can  be  ascertained. 
The  later  reading  is  with  equal  constancy  repeated 
in  the  corrupted  text  of  the  Versions,  and  often  in 
inferior  MSS.  of  Fathers. — 9.  llie  disagreement  of 
tlie  most  ancient  authorities  often  marks  the  existence 
of  a  corrujAion  anteiior  to  them.  But  it  happens 
by  no  means  rarely  that  the  most  ancient  author- 
ities are  divided.  In  this  case  it  is  necessary  to 
recognize  an  alternative  reading,  or  one  to  which  a 
slight  change  in  the  balance  of  evidence  would  give 
the  preponderance. — 10.  The  argumentfrom  internal 
evidence  is  ahoagi  precarious.  If  a  reading  is  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  general  style  of  the  writer,  it 
may  be  said  on  the  one  side  that  this  fact  is  in  its 
favor,  and  on  the  other  that  an  acute  copyist  prob- 
ably changed  the  exceptional  expression  for  the 
more  usual  one.  If  a  reading  is  more  emphatic,  it 
n.ay  be  urged  that  the  sense  is  improved  by  its 
adoption ;  if  less  emphatic,  that  scribes  were  habit- 
ually inclined  to  prefer  stronger  terms. — 11.  The 
more  diffii-uli  reading  is  preferable  to  the  simpler.  Ex- 
cept in  cases  of  obvious  corruption  this  canon  prob- 
ably holds  good  without  exception,  in  q\iestions  of 
language,  construction,  and  sense. — 12.  The  shorter 
reading  is  generally  preferable  to  the  longer.  This 
canon  is  very  often  coincident  with  the  former  one; 
but  it  admits  also  of  a  wider  application.  Except 
in  very  rare  cases  copyists  never  omitted  intention- 
ally, while  they  constantly  introduced  into  the  text 
marginal  glosses,  and  even  various  readings  (see  I. 
§  35). — 13.  That  reading  it  prefe^-able  which  explains 
the  origin  of  the  others.  Tliis  rule  is  chiefly  of  use 
in  cases  of  great  complication,  as  in  Mk.  ii.  22,  A.V. 
"  the  wine  is  spilled,  and  the  bottles  will  be  marred  " 
(compare  Mat.  ix.  17);  but  one  important  MS.  (L) 
reads  "  the  wine  is  spilled  and  the  bottles ;  "  an- 
other (D)  "  the  wine  and  bottles  will  perish"  (= 
"  be  marred  ") ;  another  (B) "  the  wine  perishes  and 
the  bottles."  Uere  the  text  of  B  may  have  been 
changed  into  the  common  text,  but  cannot  have 
arisen  out  of  it. 

IV.  Tlie  Language  of  the  New  Testament. — 1.  The 
Eastern  conquests  of  Alk.xander  the  Great  opened 
a  new  field  for  the  development  of  the  Greek  lan- 
guage. It  may  be  reasonably  doubted  whether  a 
specific  Macedonian  dialect  is  not  a  mere  fiction  of 
grammarians  ;  but  increased  freedom,  both  in  form 
and  construction,  was  a  necessary  consequence  of 
the  wide  diffusion  of  Greek.  Even  in  Aristotle 
there  is  a  great  declension  from  tlie  elassieul  stand- 
ard of  purity,  though  the  Attic  formed  the  basis 


of  his  language ;  and  the  rise  of  the  common  or 
Grecian  dialect  is  dated  from  his  time. — 2.  At  no 
place  could  the  corruption  have  been  greater  or 
more  rapid  than  at  Alexandria,  where  a  motley 
population,  engaged  in  active  commerce,  adopted 
Greek  as  their  common  medium  of  eommuiiioation. 
And  it  is  in  Alexandria  that  we  must  look  for  the 
origin  of  the  language  of  the  N.  T.     Two  distinct 
elements  were  combined  in  this  marvellous  dialect 
which  was  destined  to  preserve  for  ever  the  fullest 
tidings  of  the  Gospel.     On  the  one  side  there  was 
Hebrew  conception,  on  the  other  Greek  expression. 
The  thoughts  of  the  East  were  wedded  to  the  words 
of  the  West.  This  was  accomplished  by  the  gradual 
translation  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  into  the  ver- 
nacular Greek.     (Hellenist  ;  Septcaoint.) — 3.  The 
Greek  of  the  LXX.,  like  the  English  of  the  A.  V., 
or  the  German  of  Luther,  naturally  determined  the 
Greek  dialect  of  the  mass  of  the  Jews.     It  is  more 
correct  to  call  the  N.  T.  dialect  Hellenistic  than 
Alexandrine,  though  the  form  by  which  it  is  char- 
acterized may  have  been  peculiarly  Alexandrine  at 
first. — 4.  The  position  of  Palestine  was  peculiar. 
The  Aramaic  (Syro-Chaldaic),  which  was  the  na- 
tional dialect  after  the  Return,  existed  side  by  side 
with  the  Greek.     (Money.)    I5oth  languages  seem 
to  have  been  generally  understood,  though,  if  we 
may  judge  from  other  instances  of  bilingual  coun- 
tries, the  Aramaic  would  be  the  chosen  language  for 
the  common  intercourse  of  Jews  (2  Mc.  vii.  8,  21, 
27).     It  was  in  this  language,  we  may  believe,  that 
our  Lord  was  accustomed  to  teach  the  people ;  and 
it  appears  that  He  used  the  same  in  the  more  pri- 
vate acts  of  His  life  (Mk.  iii.  17,  v.  41,  vii.  34  ;  Mat. 
xxvii.   46;    Jn.   i.   43,  compare   xx.    16).      But  the 
habitual  use  of  the  LXX.  is  a  sufficient  proof  of  the 
familiarity  of  the  Palestinian  Jews  with  the  Greek 
dialect ;  and  the  judicial  proceedings  before  Pilate 
must  have  been  conducted  in  Greek. — 5.  The  Roman  j 
occupation  of  Syria  was  not  altogether  without  in- 
fluence upon  the  language.     A  considerable  num-  ] 
ber  of  Latin  words,  chiefly  referring  to  acts  of  gov- 
ernment, occur  in  tlie  Greek  N.  T.,  and  are  probably  i 
only  a  sample  of  larger  innovations  (e.  g.  Census,  ' 
"  centurion,"  "  denarius,"  "  legion,"  "  Libertines," 
"  Pretoriinn,"  &c.).     Other  words  in  common  use  i 
wereof  Sliemitic("  corban,"  "Rabbi,"  &e.),  Persian] 
(magi,  "  paradise,"  &c.),  or  Egyptian  origin  (e.  g.  Gr.  [ 
ba'ion,  A.  V.   "branches"   in  Jn.  xii.  13). — 6.  The] 
language  moulded  under  these  various  influences  J 
presents  many  peculiarities,  both  philological  and] 
exegetical,  which  have  not  yet  been  placed  in  ai 
clear  light.      For  a  long  time  it  has  been   most! 
strangely  assumed  that  the  linguistic  forms   pre-l 
served  in  the  oldest  Mr-S.  are  Alexandrine,  and  not! 
in  the  widest  sense  Hellenistic,  and  on  the  other! 
hand  that  the  Aramaic  modifications  of  the  N.  T. ' 
phraseology  remove  it  from  the  sphere  of  strict! 
grammatical  analysis.     These  errors  are  necessarily  I 
fatal  to  all  real  advance  in  the  accurate  study  of  the] 
words  or  sense  of  the  apostolic  writings.    But  much  I 
has  been  done  lately  by  Tischendorf,  Winer,  and  the  | 
later  commentators  (Fritzsche,  Liicke,  Bleek,  Meyer,  I 
Alford),  to  open  the  way  to  a  sounder  understand- 1 
ing  both  of  the  form  and  of  the  substance  of  the 
N.  T.     In  detail  comparatively  little  remains  to  be 
done,  but  a  philosophical  view  of  the  N.  T.  lan- 
guage as  a  whole  is  yet  to  be  desired. — 7.  The  for- 
mal differences  of  the  Greek  of  the  N.  T.  from  clas- 
sical Greek  are    partly  differences  of  vocabulary 
and  partly  dilTerences  of  construction.     Old  words 
are  changed  in  orthography  or  in  inflection,  new 


NEW 


NIC 


721 


words  and  rare  or  novel  constructions  are  intro- 
duced. But  the  language  of  the  N.  T.,  both  as  to 
its  lenicopraphy  and  as  to  its  grammar,  is  based  on 
the  language  of  the  LXX. — 8.  The  peculiarities  of 
the  X.  T.  language  hitherto  mentioned  have  only  a 
rare  and  remote  connection  with  interpretation. 
They  illustrate  more  or  less  the  general  history  of 
the  decay  of  a  language.  Other  peculiarities  have 
a  more  important  bearing  on  the  sense.  These  are 
in  part  Hebraisms  (Aramaisms)  in  (1.)  expression 
or  {'!.)  construction,  and  in  part  (3.)  modifications 
of  langtiage  resulting  from  the  substance  of  the 
Christian  revelation.  (1.)  The  general  character- 
istic of  Hebraic  expression  is  vividness,  as  sim- 
plicity is  of  Hebraic  syntax.  Hence  there  is  found 
constantly  in  the  N.  T.  a  personality  of  language 
(if  the  phrase  may  be  used)  which  is  foreign  to 
classical  Greek.  At  one  time  this  occurs  in  the 
substitution  of  a  pregnant  metaphor  for  a  simple 
word  ;  at  another  time  in  the  use  of  prepositions  in 
place  of  eases ;  at  another  in  the  u?e  of  a  vivid 
phrase  for  a  preposition ;  and  sometimes  the  one 
personal  act  us  used  to  describe  the  whole  spirit  and 
temper.  (2.)  The  chief  peculiarities  of  the  syntax 
of  the  >f.  T.  lie  in  the  reproduction  of  Hebrew 
forms.  Two  great  features,  by  which  it  is  distin- 
lished  from  classical  syntax,  may  be  specially  sin- 
_!td  out.  It  is  markedly  deficient  in  the  use  of 
particles  and  of  oblique  and  participial  construc- 
tions. Sentences  are  more  frequently  coordinated 
than  subordinated.  One  clause  follows  another 
rather  in  the  way  of  constructive  parallelism  than 
by  distinct  logical  sequence.  Only  the  simplest 
words  of  connection  are  used  in  place  of  the  subtle 
varieties  of  expression  by  which  Attic  writers  ex- 
hibit the  interdependence  of  numerous  ideas.  Calm 
empha-sis,  solemn  repetition,  grave  simplicity,  the 
gradual  accumulation  of  truths,  give  to  the  lan- 
guage of  Holy  Scripture  a  depth  and  permanence 
of  effect  found  nowhere  else.  Constructions  which 
are  most  distinctly  Hebraic  are  not  those  which  give 
the  deepest  Hebrew  coloring  to  the  N.  T.  diction, 
but  rather  that  pervading  monotony  of  form  which, 
though  correct  in  individual  clauses,  is  wholly  foreign 
to  the  vigor  and  elasticity  of  classical  Greek.  The 
character  of  the  style  lies  in  its  total  eflict  and 
not  in  separable  elements.  (3.)  The  purely  Chris- 
tian element  in  the  N.  T.  requires  the  most  care- 
ful handling.  Words  and  phrases  already  partially 
current  were  transfigured  by  embodying  new  truths, 
and  for  ever  consecrated  to  their  service.  To  trace 
the  history  of  these  is  a  delicate  question  of  lexi- 
cography which  has  not  yet  been  thoroughly  exam- 
ined. There  is  a  danger  of  confounding  the  apos- 
tolic usage  on  the  one  side  with  earlier  Jewish 
us^age,  and  on  the  other  with  later  ccclesiasitienl  ter- 
minology.— 9.  The  language  of  the  N.  T.  calls  for 
the  exercise  of  the  most  rigorous  criticism.  The 
complexity  of  the  elements  which  it  involves  makes 
the  iiKjuiry  wider  and  deeper,  but  does  not  set  it 
a.«ide.  The  overwhelming  importance,  the  manifold 
expression,  the  gradual  development  of  the  mes- 
sage which  it  conveys,  call  for  more  intense  devo- 
tion in  the  use  of  every  faculty  trained  in  other 
schools,  but  do  not  suppress  inquiry.  The  Gospel 
is  for  the  whole  nature  of  man,  and  is  sufficient  to 
eatL^fy  the  reason  as  well  as  the  spirit.  The  literal 
sense  of  the  apostolic  writings  must  be  gained  in 
the  same  way  as  the  literal  sense  of  any  other  wri- 
tings, by  the  fullest  use  of  every  appliance  of  schol- 
arship, and  the  most  complete  confidence  in  the 
neccsaary  and  absolute  connection  of  words  and 
4d 


thoughts.  No  variation  of  phrase,  no  peculiarity 
of  idiom,  no  change  of  tense,  no  change  of  order, 
can  be  neglected.  The  truth  lies  in  the  whole  ex- 
pression, and  no  one  can  presume  to  set  aside  any 
part  as  trivial  or  indifferent. — 10.  The  importance 
of  investigating  most  patiently  and  most  faitljfully 
the  literal  meaning  of  the  sacred  text  must  be  felt 
with  tenfold  force,  when  it  is  remembered  that  the 
literal  sense  is  the  outward  embodiment  of  a  spirit- 
ual sense,  which  lies  beneath  and  quickens  every 
part  of  Holy  Scripture.     Old  Testament. 

New  Year.    Trimpets,  Feast  of. 

Ne-zl'ah  (fr.  Hcb.  =  illustrious,  Ges.l,  ancestor 
of  certain  Nethinim  who  returned  with  Zerubbabcl 
(Ezr.  ii.  54  ;  Neh.  vii.  66). 

Ne'zib  (fr.  Heb.  =  Garrison  2),  a  city  in  the  low- 
land ("valley"  5)  district  of  Judah  (Jo.sh.  xv.  43 
only),  in  the  same  group  with  Keilaii  and  Mare- 
shah.  Eusebius  and  Jerome  place  it  on  the  road 
between  Eleutheropolis  and  Hebron,  seven,  or  nine 
(Eusebius),  miles  from  the  former,  and  there  it  is 
identified  with  the  ruins  of  Jieii  NiusiJi,  or  Chirbch 
JVWf'A,  two  hours  and  a  quarter  from  Beit  Jibiin,  on 
a  rising  ground  at  the  southern  end  of  the  Wady  es- 
Sur,  The  place  is  in  the  low  hilly  ground  between 
the  mountains  and  the  plain. 

Mb'baz  (Hcb.,  see  below),  a  deity  of  the  Avitcs, 
introduced  by  tliem  into  Samaria  in  the  time  of 
Shalmanescr  (2  K.  xvii.  31).  There  is  no  certain 
information  as  to  the  character  of  the  deity,  or  the 
form  of  the  idol  so  named.  The  Rabbins  derived 
the  name  from  a  Hebrew  root  ndbach,  to  bark,  and 
hence  assigned  to  it  the  figure  of  a  dog,  or  a  dog- 
headed  man.  There  is  no  obvious  improbability  in 
this  :  the  Egyptians  worshipped  the  dog.  Some  in- 
dications of  the  worship  of  the  dog  have  been  found 
in  Syria,  a  colossal  figure  of  a  dog  having  formerly 
existed  between  Berytus  (Jkirui)  and  Tripolis.  On 
one  of  the  slabs  found  at  Khorsabad  and  represented 
by  Bdtta,  we  have  the  front  of  a  temple  depicted 
with  an  animal  near  the  entrance,  evidently  a  bitch 
suckling  a  puppy,  the  head  of  the  animal  having, 
however,  disappeared.  The  worship  of  idols  rep- 
resenting the  human  body  with  the  head  of  an 
animal  (compare  Nisroch)  was  common  among  the 
Assyrians.  According  to  another  equally  unsatis- 
factory theory,  Nibhaz  =  the  god  of  the  nether 
world  of  the  Sabian  worship  (Gesenius). 

Klb'sli^n  (Heb.  light  soil,  Ges. ;  a  furnace,  Fii.), 
one  of  the  six  cities  in  the  "  wilderness  "  of  Judali 
(Josh.  XV.  62),  i.  c.  on  the  western  shore  of  the  Dead 
Sea  ;  site  unknown.     Desert  2 ;  En-gepi. 

N!-ea'DOr  (L.  fr.  Gr.  :=  conqueror  or  victorious, 
Cruden).  1.  Son  of  Patroclus  (2  Mc.  viii.  9) ;  a 
general  engaged  in  the  Jewish  wars  under  Antiochug 
Epiphanes  and  Demetrius  I.  He  took  part  in  the 
first  expedition  of  Lysias,  b.  c.  166  (1  Mc.  iii.  38), 
and  was  defeated  with  his  fellow-commander  at  Em- 
maus  (iv. ;  compare  2  Mc.  viii.  9  If.).  After  the 
death  of  Antiochus  Eupator  and  Lysias,  he  stood 
high  in  the  favor  of  Demetrius  (1  Mc.  vii.  26),  who 
appointed  him  governor  of  Judea  (2  Mc.  xiv.  12),  a 
command  which  he  readily  undertook  as  one  "  who 
bare  deadly  hate  unto  Israel  ".(1  Mc.  vii.  2C).  At 
first  he  seems  to  have  endeavored  to  win  the  con- 
fidence of  Judas  (MAfCABEKs),  but  when  his  treach- 
erous designs  were  discovered  he  had  recourse  to 
violence.  A  battle  took  place  at  Ca|)harsalama, 
which  was  indecisive  in  its  results ;  but  shortly  after 
Judas  mot  him  at  Adasa  (b.  c.  161),  and  Nicnnor 
fell  "  first  in  the  battle."  A  general  rout  followed  ; 
and  the  thirteenth  of  Adar,  on  which  the  engagement 


T22 


NIC 


NIC 


took  place,  "  the  day  before  Mardochens'  day,"  vras 
ordained  to  be  kept  for  ever  as  a  festival  (vii.  49 ; 
2  lie.  XV.  36).  There  are  some  discrepancies  be- 
tween the  narratives  iu  1  and  2  Maccabees  as  to 
Nicanor.  Internal  evidence  is  decidedly  in  favor 
of  1  Maccabees. — 2.  One  of  the  first  seven  deacons 
(Acts  vi.  5).  According  to  the  Pseudo-Ilippolytus 
be  was  one  of  the  seventy  disciples,  and  "  died  at 
the  time  of  Stephen's  martyrdom."     Deacon. 

*  Nirli'o-las  (in  some  copies)  =  Nicolas. 

Jiie-O-dc'inils  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  cmiquet-or  of  the  pe(r[ile, 
Rbn.  A''.  T.  La.. ;  fr.  Heb.  =  innocent  of  blooii,  i.  e. 
free  from  iniquity,  upright,  Wetstein),  a  Pharisee,  a 
ruler  of  the  Jews,  and  teacher  of  Israel  (Jn.  iii.  1, 
10),  whose  secret  visit  to  our  Lord  was  the  occasion 
of  the  discourse  recorded  only  by  St.  John  (1-21). 
The  high  station  of  Nieodemus  as  a  member  of  the 
Jewish  Sanhedrim,  and  the  avowed  scorn  under 
which  the  rulers  concealed  their  inward  conviction 
(2;  that  Jesus  was  a  teacher  sent  from  God,  are 
sufficient  to  account  for  the  secrecy  of  the  inter- 
view. A  constitutional  timidity  is  discernible  in  the 
character  of  the  inquiring  Pharisee.  Thus  the  few 
words  which  he  interposed  against  the  rash  injustice 
ot  his  colleagues  are  Ciiutiously  rested  on  a  general 
principle  (vii.  50),  and  betray  no  indication  of  his 
faith  in  ihe  Galilean  whom  his  sect  despised.  And 
even  when  the  power  of  Christ's  love,  manifested 
on  the  cross,  had  made  the  most  timid  disciples 
bold,  Nicodemus  does  not  come  forward  with  his 
splendid  gifts  of  atfection  until  the  example  had 
been  set  by  one  of  his  own  rank,  and  wealth,  and 
station  in  society  (six.  39).  In  these  three  notices 
of  Xicodemus  a  noble  candor  and  a  simple  love  of 
truth  shine  out  in  the  midst  of  hesitation  and  fear 
of  man.  We  can  therefore  easily  believe  the  tradi- 
tion that  after  the  resurrection  he  became  a  pro- 
fessed disciple  of  Christ,  and  received  baptism  at 
the  hands  of  Peter  and  John.  All  the  rest  that  is 
recorded  of  him  is  highly  uncertain.  It  is  said  that 
the  Jews,  in  revenge  for  his  convei-sion,  deprived 
him  of  his  office,  buat  him  cruelly,  and  drove  him 
fi'om  Jerusalem ;  that  Gamaliel,  his  kinsman,  hos- 
pitably sheltered  him  till  his  death  in  a  country- 
liouse,  and  gave  him  honorable  burial  near  the  body 
of  Stephen,  where  Gamaliel  himself  was  afterward 
interred.  The  three  bodies  are  said  to  have  been 
discovered,  August  3,  415,  which  day  was  set  apart 
bv  the  Roman  Catholics  in  honor  of  the  event.  If 
the  Nicodom\is  of  St.  John's  Gospel  be  identical 
with  the  Nicodemus  Ben  Gorion  of  the  Talmud,  he 
must  have  lived  till  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  which  is 
not  impossible,  since  the  term  "  old,"  in  Jn.  iii.  4, 
may  not  be  intended  to  apply  to  Nicodemus  himself. 
"  The  Gospel  of  Nicodemus,"  also  called  "  the  Acts 
of  Pilate,"  is  undoubtedly  spurious,  and  of  very 
little  value. 

Nie-a-la'i-tancs,  or  Nle-o-la't-tans  (fr.  Gr.,  literally 
=  followers  of  Nicolas,  Rbn.  .V.  T.  Lex. ;  see  be- 
low). On  the  question  how  far  the  sect  mentioned 
by  this  name  in  Rev.  ii.  6,  15,  was  connected  with 
the  Nicolas  of  Acts  vi.  5,  and  the  traditions  that 
have  gathered  round  his  name,  see  Nicolas.  It  will 
here  be  considered,  how  far  we  can  get  at  any  distinct 
notion  of  what  the  sect  itself  was,  and  in  what  re- 
lation it  stood  to  the  life  of  the  Apostolic  age.  It 
has  been  suggested  as  one  step  toward  this  result 
tliat  the  name  before  us  was  symbolic  rather  than 
historical.  The  Greek  Nikolaos  is,  it  has  been  said, 
an  approximate  equivalent  to  the  Hebrew  Balaam, 
ihe  lord,  or,  according  to  another  derivation,  the 
devourer  of  the  people  (compare  Rev.  ii.  14,  15,  with 


Jnde  10  ff.  and  2  Pet.  ii.  10  ff.).  If  we  accept  this 
explanation  we  have  to  deal  with  one  sect  instead 
of  two.  The  sect  itself  comes  before  us  as  pre- 
senting the  ultimate  phase  of  a  great  controversy 
which  threatened  at  one  time  to  destroy  the  unity 
of  the  Church,  and  afterward  to  taint  its  ptirity. 
Tl»e  controversy  itself  was  inevitable  as  soon  as  the 
Gentiles  were  admitted  in  any  large  numbers  into 
the  Church  of  Christ.  Were  the  new  converts  to 
be  brought  into  subjection  to  the  whole  Mosaic  law  ? 
The  apostles  and  elders  at  Jerusalem  met  the  ques- 
tion calmly  and  wisely.  (Paul.)  The  burden  of  the 
Law  was  not  to  be  imposed  on  the  Gentile  disciples. 
They  were  to  abstain,  among  other  things,  from 
"meats  offered  to  idols  "  and  from  " fornication  " 
(Acts  XV.  20,  29),  and  this  decree  w^as  welcomed  as 
the  great  charter  of  the  Church's  freedom.  Strange 
as  the  close  union  of  the  moral  and  the  positive 
commands  may  seem  to  us,  it  did  not  seem  so  to 
the  synod  at  Jerusalem.  The  two  sins  were  very 
closely  allied,  often  even  in  the  closest  proximity  of 
time  and  place.  Tlie  messages  to  the  Churches  of 
Asia  and  the  later  Apostolic  Epistles  (2  Peter  and 
Jude)  indicate  that  the  two  evils  appeared  at  that 
period  also  in  close  alliance.  The  teachers  of  the 
Church  branded  them  w  ith  a  name  which  cxpres.sed 
their  true  character.  The  men  who  did  and  taught 
such  things  were  followers  of  Balaam  (2  Pet.  ii. 
1 5 ;  Jude  11).  They,  like  the  false  prophet  of 
Pethor,  united  brave  words  with  evil  deeds.  In  a 
time  of  persecution,  when  the  eating  or  not  eating 
of  things  sacrificed  to  idols  was  more  than  ever  a 
crucial  test  of  faithfulness,  they  persuaded  men 
more  than  ever  that  it  was  a  thing  indifferent 
(Rev.  ii.  13,  14).  This  was  bad  enough,  but  there 
was  a  yet  worse  evil.  Mingling  themselves  in  the 
orgies  of  idolatrous  feasts,  they  brought  the  im- 
purities of  those  feasts  into  the  meetings  of  thi 
Christian  Church.  (Feasts  of  Charity.)  And  all' 
this  was  done,  it  must  be  remembered,  not  simply 
as  an  indulgence  of  appetite,  but  as  part  of  a  sys- 
tem supported  by  a  "doctrine,"  accompanied  by 
the  boast  of  a  prophetic  illumination  (2  Pet.  ii.  I). 
These  were  the  characteristics  of  the  followers  of 
Balaam,  and,  worthless  as  most  of  the  traditions 
about  Nicolas  may  be,  they  point  to  the  same  dis- 
tinctive evils  (so  Prof.  Plumptre).  It  confirms  th 
view  which  has  been  taken  of  their  character  to  fini 
that  stress  is  laid  in  the  first  instance  on  thi 
"  deeds  "  of  the  Nicolaitans.  To  hate  those  deedi 
is  a  sign  of  life  in  a  Church  that  otherwise  is  wei 
and  faithless  (Rev.  ii.  6).  To  tolerate  them  is  well 
nigh  to  forfeit  the  glory  of  having  been  faithful  ui 
der  persecution  (14,  15). 

Sle'o-las  (fr.  Gr.  ^r  conqueror  of  the  ■people,  Rbi 
N.  T.  Lex.),  a  native  of  Antioch,  and  a  proselyte 
the  Jewish  faith.  When  the  Church  was  still  coi 
fined  to  Jerusalem  he  became  a  convert ;  and  bi 
ing  a  man  of  honest  report,  full  of  the  Holy  GhosI 
and  of  wisdom,  he  was  chosen  (Acts  vi.  5)  by  the 
whole  multitude  of  the  disciples  to  be  one  of  the  first 
seven  deacons.  (Deacon.)  A  sect  of  Nicolait,\ns 
is  mentioned  in  Rev.  ii.  6,  15;  and  it  has  been  ques- 
tioned whether  this  Nicolas  was  connected  with 
them,  and  if  so,  how  closely.  The  Nicolaitans 
themselves,  at  least  as  early  as  the  time  of  Irena!us, 
claimed  him  as  their  founder.  Epiphanius,  an  inac- 
curate writer,  relates  some  details  of  the  life  of 
Nicolas  the  deacon,  and  describes  him  as  gradually 
sinking  into  the  grossest  impurity,  and  becoming 
the  originator  of  the  Nicolaitans  and  other  immoral 
sects.     The  same  account  is  believed,  at  least  to 


1 

1 


NIC 


NIL 


723 


some  extent,  by  Jerome  and  other  writers  in  the 
fourth  century;  but  it  is  irreconcilable  with  the 
traditionary  account  of  the  character  of  Nicolas 
giveu  liy  Clement  of  Alexandria,  an  earlier  and  more 
discriminating  writer  than  Kpiphanius  (so  Mr.  Bul- 
lock), lie  states  that  Nicolas  led  a  chaste  life  and 
brought  up  his  children  in  purity  ;  that  on  a  certain 
occasion,  having  been  sharply  reproved  by  the 
apostles  as  a  jealous  husband,  he  repelled  the 
charge  by  offering  to  allow  his  wife  to  become  the 
wife  of  any  other  person  ;  and  tliat  he  was  in  the 
habit  of  repeating  a  saying  which  is  ascribed  to  the 
Apostle  Matthias  also — that  it  is  our  duty  to  fight 
agains-t  the  flesh  and  to  abuse  it.  llis  words  were 
perversely  interpreted  by  tlie  Nicolaitans  as  author- 
ity for  their  immoral  practices.  Thcodoret,  in  his 
account  of  the  sect,  repeats  the  foregoing  statement 
of  Clement ;  and  charges  the  Nicolaitans  with  false 
dealing  in  borrowing  the  name  of  the  deacon.  Tillc- 
mont  (and  so  Grotius)  concludes  that  if  not  the  ac- 
tual founder,  he  was  so  unfortunate  as  to  give  occa- 
sion to  the  formation  of  the  sect  Neandcr  held 
that  some  other  Nicolas  was  the  founder.  Prof. 
^hnW  (Hixtory  nf  the  Apostolic  Chiirrh,  §  169)  re- 
gards the  Nicolaitans  as  having  sprung  from  the 
Nicolas  of  Acts  vi.  S,  "  who  apostatized  from  the 
truth  and  became  the  founder  of  an  Antinomian 
Gnostic  sect."  Dr.  Alford  also  (oh  Jicw  ii.  6)  be- 
lieves the  associate  of  the  apostles  made  shipwreck 
of  faith  and  a  good  conscience. 

Nl-fOp'o-lis  (Gr.  cit>i  of  victory).  1.  In  Tit.  iii.  12, 
the  pluce  where,  at  the  time  of  writing  the  Epistle,  St. 
Paul  was  intending  to  pass  tlie  coming  winter,  and 
where  he  Wished  Titus,  then  in  Crete,  to  meet  him. 
Nothing  is  found  in  the  Epistle  itself  to  determine 
which  Nicopolis  (in  Asia,  Africa,  or  Europe)  is  here 
intended.  One  Nicopolis  was  in  Thrace,  near  the 
borders  of  Macedonia.  The  subscription  (which, 
however.  Is  of  no  authority)  fixes  on  this  place, 
calling  it  the  Macedonian  Nicopolis,  and  such  is  the 
view  of  Chrysostom  and  Thcodoret.  Another  Ni- 
copolis was  in  Cilicia — and  Schrader  pronounces  for 
this ;  but  this  opinion  is  connected  with  a  peculiar 
theory  regarding  the  apostle's  journeys.  Dr.  How- 
son  believes  that  Jerome's  view  is  correct,  and  that 
the  Pauline  Nicopolis  was  the  celebrated  city  of 
Epirus,  built  by  Augcstus  in  memory  of  the  battle 
of  Actium,  and  on  the  ground  which  his  ai-my  oc- 
cupied before  the  engagement.  In  the  apostle's 
time  it  was  the  chief  city  of  Western  Greeck.  Pos- 
gibly  St.  Paul  was  arrested  here,  and  taken  thence 
to  Rome  for  his  final  trial  (so  Dr.  Howson).  Nicop- 
olis was  on  a  peninsula  to  the  W.  of  the  bay  of 
Actium,  in  a  low  and  unhealthy  situation.  Its  re- 
mains are  extensive,  three  miles  N.  of  the  modem 
town  of  iVeeoa.— 8.  A  post-biblical  name  of  Em- 
ma is  2. 

M  gtr  (L.  black),  is  the  additional  or  distinctive 
name  given  to  Simeon  6  (Acts  xiii.  1).  He  is  not 
known  except  in  that  passage. 

Mght  [nite].  The  period  of  darkness,  from 
sunset  to  sunrise,  including  the  morning  and  eve- 
ning twilight,  was  called  by  the  Hebrews  lat/it,  or 
laytlijh  (A.  V.  almost  uniformly  translated  "  night," 
Bometimes  "  night  season  "  [Job  xxx.  17,  ic]  ;  Gr. 
nux).  It  is  opposed  to  "  day,"  the  period  of  light 
(Gen.  i.  5,  14,  kc).  Following  the  Oriental  sunset 
is  the  brief  evening  twilight  (Heb.naiV/y/i,  Job  xxiv. 
IB,  rendered"  night"  in  Is.  v.  11,  xxi.  4,  lix.  10),  when 
the  stars  appeared  (Job  iii.  9).  This  is  also  called 
"evening"  (lUb.  \:reh,  Prov.  vii.  9;  translated 
"night "in  Gen.  xlix.  27,  Job  vii.  4),  but  the  Hebrew 


term  which  especially  denotes  the  evening  twilight  is 
'alM&h  (Gen.  xv.  17,  A.  V.  "  dark  ;  "  Ez.  xii.  6,  7, 12). 
This  period  of  the  day  must  also  be  that  which  is  de- 
scribed as  "  night "  when  Boaz  winnowed  his  barley 
in  the  evening  breeze  (Ru.  iii.  2).  The  time  of  mid- 
night (iii.  7 ;  Ex.  xi.  4)  or  greatest  darkness  is  called 
in  Prov.  vii.  9  "  the  pupil  of  night "  (A.  V.  "  black 
night ").  The  period  between  midnight  and  the 
morning  twilight  was  generally  selected  for  attack- 
ing an  enemy  by  surprise  (Judg.  vii.  19).  The  morn- 
ing twilight  is  denoted  by  the  same  term  (neshiph) 
as  the  evening  twilight,  and  is  unmistakably  intend- 
ed in  1  Sam.  xxx.  17;  Job  vii.  4,  A.  V.  "dawning 
of  the  day ; "  Ps.  cxix.  147,  A.  V.  "  dawning  of  the 
morning;"  possibly  also  in  Is.  v.  11,  A.  V.  "night." 
"  Night "  figuratively  (so  Gesenius,  Robinson,  &c.) 
=  calamity,  adversity,  misery  (Job  xxxv.  10;  Is. 
xxi.  11  ;  Mic.  iii.  6,  &c.) ;  moral  and  spiritual  dark- 
ness, or  ignorance  and  sin  (Rom.  xiii.  12;  1  Th.  v. 
5);  death  (Jn.  ix.  4,  &c.).  CniiONOLOGY  I. ;  Dark- 
ness ;  Watches  of  Night. 

Nigbt'-bawk  (Hcb.  ta/imcis  or  tachmSs).  Bochart, 
whom  Gesenius  and  Rosenmiiller  follow,  has  en- 
deavored to  prove  that  the  Hebrew  word,  which  oc- 
curs only  (Lev.  xi.  16;  Deut.  xiv.  15)  in  the  list  of 
unclean  birds,  denotes  the  male  ostrich.  The  ety- 
mology of  the  word  points  to  some  bird  of  prey, 
though  there  is  great  uncertainty  as  to  the  particu- 
lar species  indicated.  The  LXX.,  Vulgate,  and  per- 
haps Onkelos,  understand  some  kind  of  owl ;  most 
of  the  Jewish  doctors  translate  indefinitely  a  rapa- 
cicuD  lird.  Michaelis  believes  some  kind  of  swallow 
(Hirundo)  is  intended.  The  rendering  of  the  A.  V. 
is  countenanced  by  Col.  C.  H.  Smith  (in  Kitto),  and 
Mr.  Gosse  (in  Fairbairn).  The  night-hawk  or  night- 
jar of  l^uro\>e (Caprinnilfjua  Europ(eus),  or  a  closely 
allied  species,  is  a  native  of  Syria,  and  belongs  to  a 
genus  closely  connected  with  superstitions  in  all 
countries.  It  is  migratory,  appears  only  in  the  twi- 
light, preys  on  the  wing  upon  insects,  has  bright 
eyes,  and  a  wide  mouth,  and  makes  a  peculiar  jar- 
ring sound.  As  the  LXX.  and  Vulgate  are  agreed 
that  the  Hebrew  denotes  some  kind  of  owl,  we  be- 
lieve it  is  safer  to  follow  these  versions  than  modern 
commentators  (so  Mr.  Houghton).  The  Gr.  fflaux, 
by  which  the  LXX.  translates  the  Hebrew,  is  used 
by  Aristotle  for  some  common  species  of  owl,  prob- 
ably for  the  Strix  fiammea  (white  owl)  or  the  S^J-- 
niurn  stridula  (tawny  owl).  Probably  the  Hebrew 
word  may  denote  the  Striz  fianmea  or  the  Athine 
mericiorialis,  which  is  extremely  common  in  Pales- 
tine and  Egypt.     Ow  L  4. 

*  Nlght'-mon'bter.    Owl  6. 

Nil*.  1.  Name»  of  the  Nile.  The  Hebrew  names 
of  the  Nile,  excepting  one  that  is  of  ancient  Egyp- 
tian origin,  all  distinguish  it  from  other  rivers.  The 
word  Nile  nowhere  occurs  in  the  A.  V.  The  Hebrew 
names  are — (o.)  SMh&r  or  shicliir  =  the  black. 
(SniHOR  OF  Egypt  ;  SinoR.)  The  idea  of  blackness 
conveyed  by  this  word  has,  as  we  should  expect  in 
Hebrew,  a  wide  sense  (Colors);  but  apparently  in- 
dicates a  very  dark  color.  (A.)  Yior  is  the  same  as 
the  ancient  Egyptian  atvr,  aiir,  and  the  Coptic  eiero 
or  iaro.  Yior,  in  the  singular,  is  used  of  the  Nile 
alone  (G(!n.  xli. ;  Ex.  i.  22,  ii.  8,  6  ;  Am.  viii.  8,  ix. 
B,  A.  V.  "  flood  "  in  both,  &c.),  except  in  Dan.  xii. 
6-7,  where  another  river,  perhaps  the  Tigris  (com- 
pare X.  4),  is  intended  by  it.  In  the  plural  this 
name  is  applied  to  the  branches  and  canals  of  the 
Nile  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  44  ;  Ez.  xxix.  8  ff.,  xxx.  12);  but 
it  is  also  used  of  streams  or  channels,  in  a  general 
BCDse,  when  no  particular  ones  are  indicated  ^see  Is. 


724 


NIL 


NIL 


xxxiii.  21  ;  Job  xxviii.  10).  (River  3.)  (c.)  NShar 
Milsrai/im,  A.  V.  "  the  river  op  Egypt  "  (Gen.  xv. 
18).  (River  1.)  (rf.)  Nahal  or  nachal  Mitarayim, 
A.  V.  "  tlie  BivEK  OP  Egypt,"  is  generally  under- 
stood to  mean  "  the  torrent  "  or  "  brook  of  Egypt," 
and  to  designate  a  desert  stream  at  Rhinocorura, 
now  El-ArUh,  on  the  eastern  border.  This  name 
was  supposed  by  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole  to  signify  the  Nile, 
for  it  occurs  in  cases  parallel  to  those  where  SiiiiiOR 
is  employed  (Num.  xxxiv.  5  ;  Josh.  xv.  4,  47  ;  1  K. 
viii.  65;  2  K.  xxiv.  7;  Is.  xxvii.  12).  (Brook  4; 
River  2.)  (e.)  Nahttrey  Cish  =  the  rivem  of  Cuth, 
A.  V.  "  rivers  of  Ethiopia,"  mentioned  only  in  the 
extremely  difficult  prophecy  contained  in  Ls.  xviii. 
From  the  use  of  the  plural  we  must  suppose  them 
to  be  the  confluents  or  tributaries  of  the  Nile.  (Sec 
also  Sea  4.) — The  Nile  is  called  by  the  Arabs  Bahr 
en-Neel  =  the  river  Nile,  the  word  bahr  being  ap- 
plied to  seas  and  the  greatest  rivers.  The  Egyptians 
call  it  Bahr,  or  the  river  alone ;  and  call  the  inunda- 
tion en-N'eel,  or  the  Nile. — With  the  ancient  Egyp- 
tians the  river  was  sacred,  and  had,  besides  its  or- 
dinary name  already  given,  a  sacred  name,  under 
which  it  was  worshipped,  Hapee,  or  Hapee-mu,  the 
abijm,  or  the  abyss  of  waters,  or  the  hidden.  Cor- 
responding to  the  two  regions  of  Egypt,  the  Upper 
Country  and  the  Lower,  the  Nile  was  called  Hapee-res 
(the  Southern  Nih),  and  Hapee-meheel  (flie  Northern 
Nile),  the  former  name  applying  to  the  river  in  Nubia 
as  well  as  in  Upper  Egypt.  The  god  Nilus  (L.  r= 
Nile)  was  one  of  the  lesser  divinities.  He  is  repre- 
sented as  a  stout  man  having  woman's  breasts. 
(Idolatry.) — 2.  Description  of  the  Nile.  The  dis- 
covery of  the  sources  of  the  Nile  has  been  for  ages 
one  of  the  great  problems  of  geography.  Ptolemy 
(second  century  a.  c.  )  says  that  its  sources  are  in 
two  lakes,  one  situated  in  6°  south  latitude  and  57° 
east  longitude,  the  other  in  7°  south  latitude  and  65" 
east  longitude,  these  lakes  being  fed  by  streams  from 
the  snow-clad  "  Mountains  of  the  Moon,"  a  range  re- 
ported to  extend  from  E.  to  W.  in  12  J°  south  latitude. 
These  statements,  long  regarded  as  true,  but  after- 
ward rejected,  have  been  confirmed  in  the  main  by  re- 
cent discoveries.  The  English  expeditions  of  Captains 
Burton  and  Speke  in  1856-8,  of  Captains  Speke  and 
Grant  in  1860-63,  and  of  Mr.  (afterward  Sir  Samuel 
W.)  Baker  and  his  wife  in  1861-5,  have  established 
the  conclusion  that  the  White  Nile,  called  in  Ar. 
Bahr  el-Abyad  (=  the  white  sea  or  white  river),  the 
western  of  the  two  branches  of  the  Nile  that  unite  at 
Khartoom,  proceeds  from  two  great  lakes  lying  un- 
der the  equator  and  directly  S.  of  Egypt.  Of  these, 
the  eastern  lake,  called  by  the  natives  Ukerewe  and 
by  its  discoverers  the  Victoria  N'yanza  (=  lake), 
was  discovered  August  3,  1858,  by  Captain  J.  H. 
Speke,  who  suggested  that  the  Nile  issues  from  its 
northern  extremity,  which  he  could  not  then  visit. 
In  July,  1862,  Captain  Speke  found  that  the  Victoria 
N'yanza,  which  is  perhaps  250  miles  E.  to  W.,  and 
200  miles  from  N.  to  S.,  and  lies  mostly  S.  of  the 
e:iuator,  pours  itself  into  the  Nile  over  the  Ripon 
Falls,  which  are  about  twelve  feet  high,  400  to  600 
fuet  broad,  and  3,300  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea. 
The  Kitangiile,  which  he  regards  as  an  important 
Jffluent  of  the  Nile,  was  discovered  in  January, 
18^-3,  falls  into  the  Victoria  Lake  on  the  W.  side, 
has  aH  average  breadth  of  about  eighty  yards,  and  a 
current  of  three  or  four  miles  an  hour.  The  Nile 
thus  rolls  over  34°  of  latitude,  or  more  than  2,300 
miles,  measjred  in  a  direct  line,  and  the  windings 
of  the  river  'ncrease  this  length  several  hundred 
miles,  making  *e  Nile  longer  than  the  Amazon, 


the  Mississippi,  or  the  Missouri,  and  surpassed  only 
by  the  entire  course  of  the  Missouri-Mississippi  from 
the  Rocky  Mountains  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  The  sec- 
ond or  western  of  the  two  lakes,  the  Luta  N'zigc,  or 
M'wootan  N'zige,  of  the  natives,  the  Albert  N'yanza 
or  Albert  Lake,  of  Baker,  was  discovered  by  him, 
March  14,  1864,  and  is  supposed  to  extend  from 
nearly  3"  north  latitude  to  between  1°  and  2'  south 
latitude,  where  its  upper  part  turns  to  the  W.,  its 
further  extent  being  unknown.  It  may  be  there- 
fore 300  or  400  miles  long,  and  50  to  100  miles 
wide.  Its  elevation  above  the  sea  level  is  reckoned 
by  Baker  at  2,720  feet.  The  Victoria  Nile  or  Somer- 
set River  of  Speke,  which  issues  from  the  northern 
end  of  the  Victoria  Lake  at  Ripon  Falls,  passes  over 
Karuma  Falls  (five  feet  high),  Murchison  Falls  (120 
feet  high),  and  rapids  of  miles  in  length,  and  after  a 
course  N.  W.  and  W.  of  more  than  200  miles,  enters 
the  Albert  Lake  near  its  northern  end.  On  the  W. 
side  of  Albert  Lake  are  the  Blue  Mountains,  which 
rise  about  7,000  feet  above  the  lake  level.  The  lake 
indeed  is  from  600  to  2,000  feet  or  more'  above  the 
general  level  of  the  surrounding  country.  "  The  ac- 
tual basin  of  the  Nile,"  says  Baker,  "  is  included  be- 
tween about  22°  and  39°  east  longitude,  and  from  3° 
south  to  18°  north  latitude.  Thediainageof  that  vast 
area  is  monopolized  by  the  Egyptian  river.  The 
Victoria  and  Albert  Lakes,  the  two  great  equatorial 
reservoirs,  are  the  recipients  of  all  affluents  S.  of  the 
equator  ;  the  Albert  Lake  being  the  grand  reservoir 
in  which  are  concentrated  the  entire  waters  from 
the  south,  in  addition  to  tributaries  from  the  Blue 

Mountains,  from  the  N.  of  the  equator The 

Victoria  gathers  all  the  waters  on  the  E.  side,  and 
sheds  them  into  the  northern  extremity  of  the  Al- 
bert."    The  White  Nile  issues  from  the  northern 
end  of  the  Albert  Lake,  and  is  navigable  for  some 
distance,  but  rushes  down  several  cataracts  before 
it  reaches   Gondokoro  (4"  65'  north   latitude),    to 
which   place — a  station   of   the   ivory   and    .'■lave 
traders,  occupied  only  about  two   months  during 
the  year — steamers  have  ascended  from  the  Medi- 
terranean.    Khartoom,  the  chief  depot  of  the  Soo- 
d4n  slave-trade,  is  a  town  of  30,000  inhabitants,  in 
north  latitude  16°  29',  a  "miserable,  filthy,  and  un- 
healthy spot."     The  tribes  that  dwell  on  the  White 
Nile  and  about  its  sources  are  for  the  most  part 
negroes,  only  partially  clothed  or  entirely  naked, 
brutal,  degraded,  and  heathenish,  some  of  them  can- 
nibals, almost  constantly  engaged  in  wars,  utterly 
untrustworthy,  suspicious  of  strangers,  and  dispo.«cd 
to  throw  all  possible  obstacles  in  the  way  of  intelli- 
gent, philanthropic,  or  Christian  enterprise.     Much 
has  been  indeed  accomplished  by  travellers  in  spite^ 
of  all  these  obstacles  and  the  innumerable  dangejj 
to   which   they  were  exposed ;  but  much   still 
mains  to  be  done  before  these  dark  regions  will  ha| 
been  fully  explored,  and  "  Ethiopia  shall  stretch  ( 
her  hands  unto  God  "  (see  B.  S.  xxi.  425  if. ;  JVoij 
American    Revieie,    No.    214,   for   January,    186j 
Baker's  Albert  N'yanza,  &c.).     Though  the  Whf 
Nile  is  the  longer  of  the  two  chief  confluents  of  tn?" 
Nile,  and  brings  down  a  larger  quantity  of  water  than 
the  other,  yet  it  is  the  shorter  (the  Bahr  el-Azrak,  or 
Blue  River)  which  brings  down  the  decayed  veg^ 
table  matter  and  alluvial  soil  that  make  the  Nil' 
the  great  fertilizer  of  Egypt  and  Nubia.     The  li^hr 
el-Azrak  rises  in  the  mountains  of  Abyssinia.     Tlic 
two  streams  form  a  junction  at  Khartoom,  now  tin 
seatof  government  of  Soodan,  or  the  Black  Country 
under  Egyptian  rule.     Further  to  the  nortli  anoth*.; 
great  river,  the  Atbara,  rising,  like   the  Bahr   C 


NIL 


NIL 


T25 


Azrak,  in  Abyssinia,  falls  into  the  main  stream, 
which,  for  the  remainder  of  its  course,  docs  not  re- 
ceive one  tributary  more.  Throughout  the  rest  of 
the  valley,  the  Nile  docs  not  greatly  vary,  excepting 
that  in  Lower  Nubia,  through  the  fall  of  its  level 
by  the  giving  way  of  a  barrier  in  ancient  times,  it 
does  not  inundate  the  valley  on  either  hand.  From 
time  to  time  its  course  is  impeded  by  cataracts  or 
rapids,  sometimes  extending  many  miles,  until,  at 
the  First  Cataract,  the  boundary  of  Kgypt,  it  sur- 
mounts the  last  obstacle.  After  a  course  of  about 
530  miles,  at  a  short  distance  below  Cairo  and  the 
Pyramids,  the  river  parts  into  two  great  branches, 
which  water  the  Delta,  nearly  forming  its  bound- 
aries to  the  E.  and  W.,  and  flowing  into  the  shallow 
Mediterranean. — The  references  to  the  Nile  in  the 
Scriptures  are  mainly  to  its  characteristics  ip  Egypt. 
There  above  the  Delta,  its  average  breadth  may  be 
put  at  from  one-half  to  three-fourths  of  a  mile,  except 
where  large  islands  increase  the  distance.  In  the 
Delta  its  branches  are  usually  narrower.  The  water 
is  extremely  sweet,  especially  at  the  season  when  it 
is  turbid.  It  is  said  by  the  people  that  those  who 
have  drunk  of  it  and  left  the  country,  must  return  to 
drink  of  it  again.  The  great  annual  phenomenon 
of  the  Nile  is  the  inundation,  the  failure  of  which 
produces  a  famine,  for  Egypt  is  virtually  without 
rain  (see  Deut.  xi.  10-12;  Zech.  xiv.  17,  18).  At 
Khartoom  the  increase  of  the  river  is  observed  early 
in  April,  but  in  Egypt  the  first  signs  of  rising  occur 
about  the  summer  solstice,  and  generally  the  regu- 
lar increase  does  not  begin  until  some  days  alter, 
the  inundation  commencing  about  two  months  after 
the  solstice.  The  river  then  pours,  through  canals 
and  cuttings  in  the  bank,  which  are  a  little  higher 
than  the  rest  of  the  soil,  over  the  valley,  which  it 
covers  with  sheets  of  water  (Jer.  xlvi.  7,  8,  xlvii. 
1,  2 ;  Am.  viii.  7,  8,  ix.  5).  It  attains  to  its  greatest 
height  about,  or  not  long  after,  the  autumnal  equi- 
nox, and  then  falling  more  slonly  than  it  had  risen, 
sinks  to  its  lowest  point  at  the  end  of  nine  months, 
there  remaining  stationary  for  a  few  days  before  it 
again  begins  to  rise.  The  inundations  are  very 
various,  and  when  they  are  but  a  few  feet  deficient 
or  excessive  cause  great  damage  and  distress.  The 
rise  of  a  good  inundation  is  about  forty  feet  at  the 
First  Cataract,  twenty-four  to  twenty-seven  at  Cairo, 
and  about  four  feet  at  the  Rosetta  and  Damietta 
mouths.  (Famine.)  The  Nile  in  Egypt  is  always 
charged  with  alluvium,  especially  during  the  inunda- 
tion ;  bnt  the  annual  deposit,  excepting  under  ex- 
traordinary circumstances,  is  very  small  in  c<lfcipar- 
ison  with  what  would  be  conjectured  by  any  one  un- 
acquainted with  subjects  of  this  nature.  Inquirers 
have  come  to  difl'erent  results  as  to  the  rate,  but  the 
discrepancy  does  not  generally  exceed  an  inch  in  a 
century.  The  ordinary  average  increase  of  the  soil 
in  Egypt  is  about  four  and  a  half  inches  in  a  century. 
(M*.\.)  The  cultivable  soil  of  Egypt  is  wholly  the 
deposit  of  the  Nile,  but  it  is  obviously  impossible  to 
calculate,  from  its  present  depth,  when  the  river 
first  began  to  flow  in  the  rocky  bed  now  so  deeply 
covered  with  the  rich  alluvium.  In  Upper  Egypt 
the  Nile  is  a  very  broad  stream,  flowing  rapidly  be- 
tween high,  steep  mud-banks,  scarped  by  the  con- 
stant rush  of  the  water,  which  from  time  to  time 
washc'S  portions  away,  and  stratified  by  the  regular 
deposit.  On  either  side  rise  the  bare  yellow  moun- 
tains, usually  a  few  hundred  feet  high,  rarely  a 
thousand,  looking  from  the  river  like  cliffs,  and  often 
honeycombed  with  the  entrances  of  tombs.  Fre- 
quently the  mountain  on  either  side  approaches  the 


river  in  a  rounded  promontory.  Rarely  both  moun- 
tains confine  the  river  in  a  narrow  bed,  rising  steeply 
on  either  side  from  a  deep  rock-cut  channel  through 
which  the  water  pours  with  a  rapid  current  (Job 
xxviii.  10,  1 1  ?).  In  Lower  Egypt  the  chief  difter- 
ences  are  that  the  view  is  spread  out  in  one  rich 
plain,  only  boanded  on  the  E.  and  W.  by  the  desert, 
of  which  the  edge  is  low  and  sandy,  unlike  the 
mountains  above,  though  essentially  the  same,'  and 
that  the  two  branches  of  the  river  are  narrower 
than  the  undivided  stream.  On  either  bank,  during 
Low  Nile,  extend  fields  of  wheat  and  barley,  and 
near  the  river-side  stretch  long  groves  of  palm- 
trees.  The  villages  rise  from  the  level  plain,  stand- 
ing upon  mounds,  often  ancient  sites,  and  surrounded 
by  palm-groves,  and  yet  higher  dark-brown  mounds 
mark  where  of  old  stood  towns,  with  which  often 
"  their  memorial  is  perished  "  (I's.  ix.  6).  The  vil- 
lages are  connected  by  dikes,  along  which  pass  the 
chief  roads.  The  banks  of  the  river  are  enlivened 
by  the  women  who  come  down  to  draw  water,  and, 
like  Pharaoh's  daughter,  to  bathe,  and  the  herds  of 
kine  and  bufialoes  which  are  driven  down  to  drink 
and  wash,  or  to  graze  on  the  grass  of  the  swamps, 
like  the  good  kine  that  Pharaoh  saw  in  his  dream 
as  "  he  stood  by  the  river,"  which  were  "  coming 
up  out  of  the  river,"  and  "  fed  in  the  marsh-grass  " 
(A.  V.  "jiKADOw,"  Gen.  xli.  1,  2).  The  river  itself 
abounds  in  fish,  which  anciently  formed  a  chief 
means  of  sustenance  to  the  inhabitants  of  tlie  coun- 
try. The  Israelites  in  the  desert  looked  back  with 
regret  to  the  fi.«h  of  Egypt :  "  We  remember  the 
fish,  which  we  did  eat  in  Egypt  freely"  (Num.  xi. 
5).  In  the  Thebais  crocodiles  are  found,  and  during 
Low  Nile  they  may  be  seen  basking  in  the  sun 
upon  the  sand-banks.  The  crocodile  is  constantly 
spoken  of  in  the  ISible  as  the  emblem  of  Pharaoh, 
especially  in  Ezekiel.  (Dragon  2 ;  Leviathan.) 
The  great  difference  between  the  Nile  of  Egypt  in 
the  present  day  and  in  ancient  times  is  caused  by 
the  failure  of  some  of  its  branches  (Is.  xix.  5;  Ez. 
XXX.  12),  and  the  ceasing  of  some  of  its  chief  vege- 
table products ;  and  the  chief  change  in  the  aspect 
of  the  cultivable  land,  as  dependent  on  the  Nile,  is 
the  result  of  the  ruin  of  the  fish-pools  and  their  con- 
duits, and  the  consequent  decline  of  the  fisheries 
(Is.  xix.  8,  10;  Fish).  The  river  was  famous  for 
its  seven  branches,  and  under  the  Roman  dominion 
eleven  were  counted,  of  which,  however,  there  were 
but  seven  princiiial  ones.  Herodotus  notices  that 
there  were  seven,  of  which  he  says  that  two,  the 
present  Damietta  and  Rosetta  branches,  were  origi- 
nally artificial,  and  he  therefore  speaks  of  ''  the  five 
mouths"  (Hdt.  ii.  10).  Now,  as  for  a  long  period 
past,  there  are  no  navigable  and  unobstructed 
branches  but  these  two  that  Ilerodotus  distinguishes 
as  originally  works  of  man.  The  monuments  and 
the  narratives  of  ancient  writers  show  us  in  the  Nile 
of  Egypt  in  old  times  a  stream  bordered  by  flags  and 
reeds,  the  covert  of  abundant  wild-fowl,  and  bearing 
on  its  waters  the  fragrant  flowers  of  the  various- 
colored  lotus.  Now  in  Egypt  scarcely  any  reeds  or 
water-plants — the  famous  "papyrus  (Reed  2)  being 
nearly  if  not  quite  extinct,  and  the  lotus  almost  un- 
known— are  to  be  seen,  excepting  in  the  marshes 
near  the  Mediterranean  (Is.  xix.  7).  Of  old  the 
great  river  must  have  shown  a  more  fair  and  busy 
scene  than  now.  Boats  of  many  kinds  were  ever 
passing  along  it,  by  the  painted  walls  of  temples, 
and  the  gardens  that  extended  around  the  light 
summer  pavilions,  from  the  pleasure-galley,  with 
one  great  square  sail,  white,  or  with  variegated  pat- 


726 


NIM 


NIM 


tern,  and  many  oars,  to  the  little  papyrus  skiff 
(Egypt),  dancing  on  the  water,  and  carrying  the 
seelsers  of  pleasure  where  they  could  shoot  with 
arrows,  or  Isnock  down  with  the  throw-stick,  the 
wild-fowl  that  abounded  among  the  reeds,  or  engage 
in  the  dangerous  chase  of  the  hippopotamus  (Be- 
hemoth) or  the  crocodile.  The  Nile  is  constantly 
before  us  in  the  history  of  Israel  in  Egypt.  Into  it 
the  male  children  were  cast ;  in  it,  or  rather  in  some 
canal  or  pool,  was  the  ark  of  Moses  put,  and  found 
by  Pharaoh's  daugliter  when  she  went  down  to 
bathe.  When  tlie  plagues  were  sent,  the  sacred 
river — a  main  support  of  the  people — and  its  waters 
everywhere,  were  turned  into  blood.  Memphis  ;  O.n'  ; 
Plaqdes,  the  Ten;  Thebes. 

Nim'rah  (Heb.  limpid  mid  sweet  water,  Ges.),  a 
place  mentioned  (Num.  xxxii.  3  only)  among  those 
in  the  "  land  of  Jazer  and  the  land  of  Gilead."  If 
it  =  Beth-nimrah  (ver.  86),  it  belonged  to  the  tribe 
of  Gad.  By  Eusebius,  however,  it  is  cited  as  a 
"  city  of  Reuben  in  Gilead."  A  wady  and  a  town, 
both  called  Nimreh,  have  been  met  with  in  Beth- 
eniiieh,  E.  of  the  Lejah,  and  five  miles  N.  W.  of 
Kunawdt.  On  the  other  hand  the  name  of  Niinrin  is 
said  to  be  attached  to  a  watercourse  and  site  of  ruins 
in  the  Jordan  valley,  two  miles  E.  of  the  river,  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Wady  Sha'ib,  N.  N.  E.  from  Jericho. 
Robinson  (i.  551 ;  Phi/s.  Geo^.  87),  Porter  (in  Kitto), 
&c.,  make  these  ruins  =  the  site  of  Nimrah  or  Betli- 
uimrah,  and  the  copious  springs  near  them  =:  "  the 
waters  of  Nimrim." 

Nlmriin  (Ueb.  limpid  and  nweel  waters,  Ges.),  the 
Wa  t*rs  of,  a  stream  or  brook  within  the  country 
of  Moab,  which  is  mentioned  in  Isaiah  xv.  6,  and 
Jeremiah  xlviii.  34).  We  should  perhaps  look  for 
the  site  of  Nimrim  in  Moab  Proper,  i.  e.  on  tlie 
southeastern  shoulder  of  the  Dead  Sea  (so  Mr. 
Grove).  A  name  resembling  Nimrim  still  exists  in 
the  Wad)/  en-Neineirah  and  Burj  en-Nemeirah,  which 
are  situated  on  the  beach,  about  half-way  between 
tlie  southern  extremity  and  the  promontory  of  d- 
Lisdn.      Eusebius  places  it  N.  of  Soora,  i.  e.  Zoar. 

NlMUAH. 

Nim'rod  (Heb.  a  rebel  ?  Ges. ;  the  hero  or  valiant 
one,  Fii.),  a  son  of  Cu'sn  and  grandson  of  Ham.  The 
events  of  his  life  are  recorded  in  a  passage  (Gen.  x. 
8  ff.)  whicli,  from  the  conciseness  of  its  language,  is 
involved  in  considerable  uncertainty,  a.  We  may 
notice  the  Heb.  terms  gibbor  (ver.  8 ;  Giants  2),  and 
gibbor  taai/id  liphnei/  Yihovdh  (ver.  9),  translated  in 
the  A.  V.  "  mighty  "  and  "  mighty  hunter  before  the 
Lord."  The  idea  of  any  moral  qualities  being  con- 
veyed by  these  expressions  may  be  at  once  rejected. 
They  may  be  regarded  as  betokening  personal  prow- 
ess with  the  accessory  notion  of  gigantic  stature. 
It  is  somewliat  doubtful  whether  the  prowess  of 
Nimrod  rested  on  his  achievements  as  a  hunter  or 
as  a  conqueror.  The  literal  rendering  of  the  He- 
brew words  would  undoubtedly  apply  to  the  former, 
but  they  may  be  regarded  as  a  translation  of  a  pro- 
verbial expression  originally  current  in  the  land  of 
Nimrod,  where  the  terras  significant  of  "  hunter  " 
and  "  hunting  "  appear  to  have  been  applied  to  the 
forays  of  the  sovereigns  against  the  surrounding  na- 
tions. But  the  context  certainly  favors  the  special 
application  of  the  term  to  the  case  of  conquest. — b. 
The  next  point  to  be  noticed  is  the  expression  in 
ver.  10,  "  The  beginning  of  his  kingdom,"  taken  in 
connection  with  the  commencement  of  ver.  11,  which 
admits  of  the  double  sense :  "  Out  of  that  land  went 
forth  -isshur,"  as  in  the  text  of  the  A.  V.,  and  "  out 
of  that  land  he  went  forth  to  Assyria,"  as  in  the 


margin.  These  two  passages  mutually  react  on 
each  other ;  for  if  the  words  "  beginning  of  his 
kingdom  "  mean,  as  we  believe  to  be  the  case,  "  his 
Jirst  kingdom,"  or,  as  Gesenius  renders  it,  "  the  ter- 
ritory of  wliich  it  was  at  first  composed,"  then  the 
expression  implies  a  subsequent  extension  of  his 
kingdom,  in  other  words,  that  "  he  went  forth  to 
Assyria  "  (so  Mr.  Bevan,  with  the  Targums  of  Onke- 
los  and  Jonatlian,  Bochart,  Keil,  Delitzsch,  Knobel, 
Kalisch,  Murphy,  Eadie  [in  Fairbairn],  &c.).  If, 
however,  the  sense  of  ver.  11  be,  "out  of  that  land 
went  forth  Asshur  "  (so  A.  V.,  with  the  LXX.,  Vul- 
gate, Syriae,  Luther,  Calvin,  Grotius,  Michaelis,  J. 
P.  Smith  [in  Kitto],  &c.),  then  no  other  sense  can 
be  given  to  ver.  10  than  that  "  the  capital  of  his 
kingdom  was  Babylon,"  though  the  expression  must 
be  equally  applied  to  the  towns  subsequently  men- 
tioned. This  rendering  appears  untenable  in  all 
respects  (so  Mr.  Bevan),  and  tlie  expression  may 
therefore  be  cited  in  support  of  the  marginal  render, 
ing  of  ver.  11.  With  regard  to  the  latter  passage, 
eitlier  sense  is  permissible  in  point  of  grammatical 
construction.  Authorities,  both  ancient  and  mod- 
ern, are  divided  on  the  subject,  but  the  most  weiglity 
names  of  modern  times  support  the  marginal  ren- 
dering, as  it  seems  best  to  accord  with  historical 
truth. — The  chief  events  in  the  life  of  Nimrod,  then, 
are  (1.)  that  he  was  a  Cushite;  (2.)  that  he  estab- 
lislied  an  empire  in  Shinar  (the  classical  Babylonia), 
the  chief  towns  being  Babel,  Erech,  Accap,  and 
Calneh:  and  (3.)  that  he  extended  this  empire 
nortliward  along  the  course  of  the  Tigris  over  As- 
syria, where  he  founded  a  second  group  of  capitals, 
Nineveh,  Reiiouoth,  Calaii,  and  Resen.  These 
events  correspond  to  and  may  be  held  to  represent 
the  salient  historical  facts  connected  with  the  earliest 
stages  of  the  great  Babylonian  empire.  (1.)  There 
is  abundant  evidence  that  the  race  that  first  held 
sway  in  the  Lower  Babylonian  plain  was  of  Cushite 
or  Hamitic  extraction.  The  name  Cush  itself  was 
preserved  in  Babylonia  and  the  adjacent  countries 
under  tlie  forms  of  Cossa;i,  Cissia,  Cuthah,  and 
Susiana  or  Chuzistan.  The  earliest  written  language 
of  Babylonia,  as  known  to  us  from  existing  inscrip- 
tions, bears  a  strong  resemblance  to  that  of  Egypt 
and  Ethiopia.  Even  the  name  Nimrod  appears  in  tlie 
list  of  the  Egyptian  kings  of  the  twenty-second  dy- 
nasty, but  there  are  reasons  for  thinking  that  dynasty 
to  have  been  of  Assyrian  extraction. — (2.)  The  ear- 
liest seat  of  empire  was  in  the  south  part  of  the  Baby- 
lonian plain.  The  large  mounds,  which  for  many 
centunes  have  covered  the  ruins  of  ancient  cities, 
have  already  yielded  some  evidences  of  the  dates 
and  names  of  their  founders,  and  we.can  assign  the 
highest  antiquity  to  the  towns  represented  by  the 
mounds  of  Niffer  (perhaps  the  early  Babel,  though 
also  identified  with  Calneh),  Warka  (the  Biblical 
Erech),  Mtufhfir  (Ur),  and  Senkerek  (EUasar),  while 
the  name  of  Accad  is  preserved  in  the  title  Kinzi- 
Akkad,  by  which  the  founder  and  embellislier  of 
those  towns  was  distinguished.  The  date  of  tlicir 
foundation  may  be  placed  at  about  b.  c.  2200. — (3.) 
The  Babylonian  empire  extended  its  sway  north- 
ward along  the  course  of  the  Tigris  at  a  period  long 
anterior  to  the  rise  of  the  Assyrian  empire  in  the 
thirteenth  century  B.  c.  The  existence  of  Nineveh  ^^ 
itself  can  be  traced  up  by  the  aid  of  Egyptian  mon-^B 
uments  to  about  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  cen-^f 
tury  B.  c.  Our  present  information  does  not  per- 
mit us  to  identify  Nimrod  with  any  personage 
known  to  us  either  from  inscriptions  or  from  classi-^^ 
cal  writers.     Josephus  makes  him  the  violent  and 


ndH 

1 


mn 


KI» 


V27 


insolent  builder  of  the  Tower  of  Babel.  The  Ori- 
entals identity  bim  witli  the  coDsteilation  Okio.n. 
AraD  tradition  niakcs  him  au  idolater  and  persecu- 
tor of  Abraham.  To  him  the  modern  Arabs  ascribe 
all  the  great  works  of  ancient  times,  e.  g.  the  £>rs 
jMmruJ  (hiaEL,  Toiveb  of),  Tel  Aimrid  neaii  Bag- 
dad, the  dam  of  tii/ir  Aimrnd  across  tlie  Tigris 
below  Mosul,  and  the  mound  of  Kimrud  in  the 
same  neighborhood.     Xineveh. 

Kin'shi  (Heb.  draun  oui,  sawd,  Ges, ;  Jah  it  He- 
vealer,  Fu.),  grandfather  of  Jehu,  who  is  general!}' 
called  "  the  son  of  Nimshi  "  ( 1  K.  lix,  16 ;  2  K.  ix. 
2,  14,  20 ;  2  Chr.  xxiL  7). 

•  Siln't-¥e,  a  Latin  form  of  Ninkveh  (Mat  xiL  41 ; 
Lk.  xL  32). 

Wn'e-yell  (Heh.  «iy  [or  abode]  of  Nimn,  SchL ; 
eee  below),  in  N.  T.  Ninete,  the  capital  of  the 
ancient  kingdom  and  empire  of  Assyria;  a  city  of 
great  power,  size,  and  renown,  usually  hicluded 
among  the  most  ancient  cities  of  which  there  is 
any  historical  record  (so  Mr.  Layard,  the  origmal 
author  of  this  article).  The  name  appears  to  be 
compounded  from  tliat  of  an  Assyrian  deity.  Kin, 
corresponding,  it  is  conjectured,  with  the  Greek 
Hercules,  and  occurring  in  the  names  of  several 
A.'SjTian  kings,  as  in  Nimi&,  tlie  mythic  founder, 
laccording  to  Greek  tradition,  of  tJie  city.  In  the 
Assyrian  inscriptions  Nineveh  is  also  supposed  to 
;  called  tJi£  city  of  Bel.  Nineveh  is  first  mentioned 
the  O.  T.  in  connection  with  the  primitive  dis- 
bersement  and  migrations  of  the  human  race. 
Blsshur,  or,  according  to  the  marginal  reading  which 
generally  preferred,  Nisirod,  is  there  described 
|Gen.  X.  11)  as  extending  his  kingdom  from  the 
and  of  Shinar,  or  Babylonia,  in  the  south,  to  As- 
syria in  the  north,  and  founding  four  cities,  of  which 
Me  most  famous  was  Nineveh.  Hence  Assyria  was 
nibsequently  known  to  the  Jews  as  "  the  land  of 
Simrod  "  (compare  Mic.  v.  6),  and  was  believed  to 
ave  been  fir-st  peopled  by  a  colony  from  Babylon, 
lie  kingdom  of  Assyria  and  of  the  Assyrians  is  re- 
ferred to  in  the  O.  T.  as  connected  with  the  Jews  at 
.  very  early  period  (Num.  xxiv.  22,  24 ;  I's.  Ixxxiii. 
,  kc):  but  after  tlie  notice  of  the  foundation  of 
Sincveh  in  Genesis  no  further  mention  is  made  of 
*he  city  until  the  time  of  the  book  of  Jonah,  or  the 
eighth  century  B.  c,  supposing  we  accept  the  earliest 
date  for  that  narrative,  which,  however,  according 
some  critics,  must  be  brought  down  to  the  filth 
entury  b.  c.  In  this  book  neither  Assyria  nor  the 
Issyrians  are  mentioned,  the  king  to  whom  the 
prophet  was  sent  being  termed  the  "  king  of  Nine- 
Teh,"  and  his  subjects  "  the  people  of  Nineveh." 
Issvria  is  first  called  a  kingdom  in  the  time  of  Men- 
■hcm,  about  b.  c.  770.  Nahdm  (?  b.  c.  645)  directs 
'5s  prophecies  against  Nineveh  ;  only  once  against 
he  king  of  Assyria  (ch.  iiU  18).  In  2  K.  xix.  36 
nd  Is.  xixvii.  37  the  city  is  first  distinctly  mcn- 
oned  as  the  residence  of  the  monarch.  Sennache- 
_  Sb  was  glain  there  when  worshipping  in  the  temple 
of  Kisroch  his  god.  In  2  Clir.  xxxii.  21,  where  the 
game  event  is  described,  the  name  of  the  place 
whore  it  occurred  is  omitted,  Zephaniah,  about 
D.  C-.  630,  couples  the  capital  and  the  kingdom  to- 
gether (ch.  iL  13) ;  and  this  is  the  last  mention  of 
Nineveh  as  an  er'mting  city.  Ez.  xxxi.  mentions  the 
nation  as  mined.  Jer.  xxv.,  entimerating  "  all  the 
kingdoms  of  the  world,"  omits  the  nation  and  city. 
It  has  therefore  been  generally  assumed  that  the  de- 
etruction  of  Nineveh  and  the  extinction  of  the  em- 
pire took  place  between  the  time  of  Zephaniah  and 
that  of  Ezckiel  and  Jeremiah.    The  exact  period  of 


these  events  has  consequently  been  fixed,  with  a 
certain  amount  of  concurrent  evidence  derived  from 
classical  history,  at  b.  c.  fi06.  It  may  have  occurred 
twenty  years  earlier.  (Medes.)  The  city  was  then 
laid  waste,  its  monuments  destroyed,  and  its  in- 
habitants soattcred  or  carried  away  into  captivity. 
It  never  rose  again  from  its  ruins.  This  totsvl  dis- 
appearance of  Nineveh  is  fully  confirmed  by  pro- 
fane history.  Herodotus  (i.  193)  speaks  of  the  Tigris 
as  "  the  river  upon  which  the  town  of  Nineveh  for- 
merly stood."  Xcnophon,  with  the  10,000  Greeks, 
encamped  during  his  retreat  on,  or  very  near,  its 
site  (b.  c.  401 X  but  does  not  mention  its  name.  The 
historians  of  Alexander,  except  Arrian,  do  not  even 
allude  to  the  city,  over  the  ruins  of  which  the  con- 
queror must  have  actually  marched.  His  great  vic- 
tory over  Daiius  (b.  c.  331 )  was  won  almost  in  sight 
of  them.  It  is  evident  that  the  later  Greek  and 
Roman  writers,  c.  g.  Strabo,  Ptolemy,  and  Pliny, 
could  only  liave  derived  any  independent  know  ledge 
they  possessed  of  Nineveh  from  traditions  of  no 
authority.  They  concur,  however,  in  placing  it  on 
the  eastern  bank  of  the  Tigris.  During  the  Roman 
period,  a  small  castle,  or  fortified  town,  appears  to 
have  stood  on  some  part  of  the  site  of  the  ancient 
city.  It  appears  to  have  borne  the  ancient  tradition- 
al name  of  Ninevc,  as  well  as  its  cornipted  fonn  of 
Ninos  and  Ninus.  Tlie  Roman  settlement  appears 
to  have  been  in  its  turn  abandoned,  for  there  is  no 
mention  of  it  when  Heraclius  gained  the  great  vic- 
tory over  the  Persians  in  the  battle  of  Nineveh, 
fought  on  the  very  site  of  the  ancient  city,  a.  v. 
627.  After  the  Arab  conquest,  a  fort  on  the  east 
bank  of  the  Tigris  bore  tlie  name  of  "  Niiiawi." 
Benjamin  of  Tudela,  in  the  twelfth  century,  men- 
tions the  site  of  Nineveh  as  occupied  by  numerotis 
inhabited  villages  and  small  townships.  The  name 
remained  attached  to  the  ruins  during  the  Middle 
Ages.  Tribes  of  Turcomans  and  sedentary  Arabs, 
and  Chaldean  and  Syrian  CTiristlans,  dwell  in  small 
mud-built  villages,  and  cultivate  the  soil  in  the 
country  round  the  ruins ;  and  occasionally  a  tribe 
of  wandering  Kurds,  or  of  Bedouins  from  the  desei't, 
will  pitch  their  tents  amongst  them.  After  the 
Arab  conquest  of  the  west  of  Asia,  Mosul,  at  one 
time  the  flourishing  capital  of  an  independent  king- 
dom, rose  on  the  opposite  or  western  bank  of  the 
Tigris.  Traditions  of  the  unrivalled  size  and  mag- 
nificence of  Nineveh  were  equally  familiar  to  the 
Greek  and  Roman  writers,  and  to  the  Arab  geog- 
raphers, Diodoms  Siculus  asserts  that  the  city 
formed  a  quadrangle  of  150  stadia  by  90,  or  alto- 
gether of  480  stadia  (  =  60  miles),  and  was  sur- 
rounded by  walls  100  feet  high,  broad  enough  for 
three  ch:iriots  to  drive  abreast  upon  them,  an<l  de- 
fended by  1,500  towers,  each  200  feet  in  height. 
According  to  Straljo  it  wad  larger  than  Babylon, 
which  was  385  stadia  in  circuit.  In  the  0.  T.  we 
only  find  vague  allusions  to  the  splendor  and  wealth 
of  the  city  (Jon.  iii.  2,  3,  iv.  11).  It  is  obvious  that 
the  accounts  of  Diodorus  are  for  the  most  part  ab- 
surd exaggerations  founded  upon  fabulous  tradi- 
tions, for  which  existing  remains  affoi-d  no  warrant. 
The  political  history  of  Nineveh  is  that  of  Assyria. 
It  has  been  observed  that  the  territory  included 
within  the  boundaries  of  the  kingdom  of  Assyria 
proper  was  comparatively  limited  in  extent,  and 
that  almost  within  the  immediate  iieighljorhood  of 
the  capital  petty  kings  appear  to  bave  ruled  over 
semi-independent  states,  owning  allegiance  and  pay- 
ing tribute  to  the  great  Lord  of  the  Empire,  "  the 
King  of  Kings,"    according  to  his  Oriental  title, 


728 


NIK 


NIN 


who  dwelt  at  Nineveh.  The  fall  of  the  capital  was 
the  signal  for  universal  disruption. — 7%e  Ruing. 
Previous  to  recent  excavations  and  researches,  the 
ruins  whicli  occupied  the  presumed  site  of  Nineveh 
seemed  to   consist    of   mere    shapeless  heaps  or 


mounds  of  earth  and  rubbish.  Unlike  the  vast 
masses  of  bricli  masonry  which  mark  the  site  of 
Babylon,  they  sliowed  externally  no  signs  of  arti- 
ficial construction,  except  perhaps  here  and  there 
the  traces  of  a  rude  wall  of  sun-dried  bricks.    Some 


This  Map  If  taken  from  Falrbalm'i  Imperial  BidU'Dietiojuiry, 


of  these  mounds  were  of  enormous  dimensions — 
looking  in  the  distance  rather  like  natural  eleva- 
tions than  the  work  of  men's  hands.  Upon  and 
around  them,  however,  were  scattered  innumerable 
fragments  of  pottery.  Some  had  been  chosen  by 
the  scattered  population  of  the  land  as  sites  for  vil- 
lages, or  for  small  mud-built  forts.  The  summits 
of  others  were  sown  with  corn  or  barley.  During 
t  le  spring  months  they  were  covered  witli  grass 
and  flowers,  bred  by  the  winter  rains.  The  Arabs 
call  these  mounds  Tel,  the  Turcomans  and  Turks 
Teppeh,  both  words  being  equally  applied  to  natural 
hills  and  elevations.  They  difler  greatly  in  form, 
size,  and  height.  Some  are  mere  conical  heaps, 
varying  from  50  to  150  feet  high;  others  have  a 
broad   flat   summit,  and  very  precipitous  cliff-like 


sides,  furrowed  by  deep  ravines  worn  by  the  winter 
rains.   Such  mounds  are  especially  numerous  in  the 
region  to  the  E.  of  the  Tigris,  in  which  Ninevehl 
stood,  and  some  of  them  must  mark  the  ruins  of  r 
the  Assyrian  capital.     The  only  difficulty  is  to  de^ 
termine  which  ruins  are  to  be  comprised  within  thai 
actual  limits  of  the  ancient  city.     The  northern  ei-l 
tremity  of  the  principal   collection   of  mounds   onl 
the  eastern  bank  of  the  Tigris  may  be  fixed  at  thM 
Shereef  Khan,  and  tlie  southern  at  Nimroud,  about! 
six  and  a  half  miles  from  the  junction  of  that  river 
with  the  great  Zab,  the  ancient  Lycus.     Eastward 
they  extend  to  Khorsabad,  about  ten  miles  N,  by 
E.  of  Shereef  Khan,  and  to  Karamlcss,  about  fifteen 
miles  N.  E.  of  Nimroud.     Within  the  area  of  this 
irregular  quadrangle  are  to  be  found,  in  every  dirco- 


NIN 


NIN 


Y29 


tion,  traces  of  ancient  edifices  and  of  former  popu- 
lation. It  comprises  various  separate  and  distinct 
groups  of  ruins,  four  of  which,  if  not  more,  are  the 


remains  of  fortified  enclosures  or  strongholds,  de- 
fended bj-  walls  and  ditches,  towers  and  ramparts. 
The  principal  are — (1.)  the  group  imniediatcly  op- 


JftMt  FiintM,  Kouyu^jik,  and  Rnfoi  oppoitt*  Jftwii/.— (From  Lnyard'i  yinevek,  1. 193.) 


posite  Mosul,  including  the  great  mounds  of  Kou- 
yunjik  (also  called  by  the  Arabs,  Armoushceyah) 
and  Nebbi  Yunus ;  (2.)  that  near  the  junction  of 


P1«D  of  £M|nin/ii  and  SOU  Tunut. 


the  Tigris  and  Zab,  comprising  the  mounds  of  Nim- 
roud  and  Athur;  (3.)  Khorsabad,  about  ten  miles 
E.  of  the  former  river;  (4.)  Shcrcef  Khan,  about 
five  and  a  half  miles  N.  of  Kouyunjik ; 
and  (5.)  8elamiyah,  three  miles  N.  of 
Nimroud  (see  map). — (1.)  The  ruins  oppo- 
site Mosul  consist  of  an  enclosure  formed 
by  a  continuous  line  of  mounds,  resembling 
a  vast  embankment  of  earth,  but  maiking 
the  remains  of  a  wall,  the  western  face  of 
which  is  interrupted  by  the  two  great 
mounds  of  Kouyunjik  and  Nebbi  Yunus. 
E.  of  this  enclosure  are  the  remains  of  an 
extensive  line  of  defences,  consisting  of 
moats  and  ramparts.  The  inner  wall  forms 
an  irregidar  quadrangle  with  very  unequal 
sides — the  northern  being  2,333  yards,  the 
western,  or  the  river  face,  4,638,  the  east- 
ern (where  the  wall  is  almost  the  segment 
of  a  circle)  5,300  yards,  and  the  southern 
but  little  more  than  1,000;  altogether 
13,200  yards,  or  H  English  miles.  The 
present  height  of  this  earthen  wall  is  be- 
tween 40  and  60  feet.  Here  and  there  a 
mound  more  lofty  than  the  rest  covers  the 
remains  of  a  tower  or  a  gateway.  The  walls 
appear  to  have  been  originally  faced,  at 
least  to  a  certain  height,  with  stone- 
masonry,  some  remains  of  which  have  been 
discovered.  The  mound  of  Kouyunjik  is 
of  irregular  form,  being  nearly  square  at  the 
S.  W.  corner,  and  ending  almost  in  a  point 
at  the  N.  E.     It  is  about  1,300  yards  in 


\m 


730 


NIN 


NIN 


length,  by  600  in  it8  greatest  width ;  its  greatest  height 
is  96  feet,  and  its  sides  are  precipitous,  with  occasional 
deep  ravines  or  watercourses.  Tlie  summit  is  nearly 
flat,  but  falls  from  the  W.  to  the  E.  A  small  village, 
now  abandoned,  formerly  stood  upon  it.  The  Khosr, 
a  narrow,  but  deep  and  sluggisli  stream,  sweeps 
round  the  S.  side  of  the  mound  on  its  way  to  the 
Tigris.  Anciently  dividing  itself  into  two  branches, 
it  completely  surrounded  Kouyunjik.  Nebbi  Yunus 
is  considerably  smaller  than  Kouyunjili,  being  about 
530  yards,  by  430,  and  occupying  an  area  of  about 
40  acres.  In  height  it  is  about  the  same.  Cpon  it 
is  a  Turcoman  village  containing  the  apocryphal 
tomb  of  Jonah,  and  a  burial-ground  held  in  great 
sanctity  by  Mohammedans.  Remains  of  entrances 
or  gateways  have  been  discovered  in  the  N.  and  E. 
walls.  The  Tigris,  now  about  one  mile  distant, 
formerly  ran  beneath  the  western  wall  (a),  and  at 
tlie  foot  of  the  two  great  mounds.  The  northern 
(h)  and  southern  (d)  faces  were  strengthened  by 
deep  and  broad  moats.     Tlie  eastern  (c)  being  most 


The  Great  Mound  ui  \yre.) 

accessible  to  an  enemy,  was  most  strongly  fortified. 
The  Khosr,  before  entering  the  enclosure,  which  it 
divides  into  two  nearly  equal  parts,  ran  for  some 
distance  almost  parallel  to  it  (/).  The  remainder 
of  the  wall  was  protected  by  two  wide  moats  (h), 
fed  by  the  stream.  In  addition  there  were  a  ram- 
part or  ramparts  of  earth,  and  a  moat  between  the 
inner  walls  and  the  Khosr.  S.  of  this  stream  a 
third  ditch,  about  200  feet  broad,  excavated  in  the 
rock,  extended  almost  the  whole  length  of  the 
eastern  face,  joining  the  moat  on  the  S.     An  enor-. 


moug  outer  rampart  of  earth,  still  in  some  parts 
above  80  feet  high  (i),  completed  the  defences  on 
this  side.  A  few  mounds  outside  the  ramparts 
probably  mark  the  sites  of  detached  towers  or  for- 
tified posts.  It  is  remarkable  that  within  the  en- 
closure, with  the  exception  of  Kouyunjik  and  Neljbi 
Yunus,  no  mounds  or  irregularities  in  the  surface 
of  the  soil  denote  ruins  of  any  size. — (2.)  Nimroud 
consists  of  a  similar  enclosure  of  consecutive  mounds 
— the  remains  of  ancient  walls.  The  system  of  de- 
fences is,  however,  very  inferior  in  importance  and 
completeness  to  that  of  Kouyunjik.  Tlie  indica- 
tions of  towers  occur  at  regular  intervals ;  108  may 
still  be  traced  on  the  X.  and  E.  sides.  The  area 
forms  an  irregular  square  about  2,331  yards  by 
2,095,  containing  about  1,000  acres.  The  N.  and 
E.  sides  were  defended  by  moats,  the  W.  and  S.  walls 
by  the  river,  which  once  flowed  immediately  beneath 
them.  On  the  S.  W.  face  is  a  great  mound,  700 
yards  by  400,  and  covering  about  60  acres,  with  a 
cone  or  pyramid  of  earth,  about  140  feet  high,  ris- 
ing in  the  N.  W.  corner  of  it.  At 
the  S.  E.  angle  of  the  enclosure  is  a 
group  of  lofty  mounds,  called  by  the 
Arabs,  after  Nimrod's  lieutenant, 
Athiir  (compare  Gen.  x.  11). — (3.) 
The  enclosure-walls  of  Khorsabad 
form  a  square  of  about  2,000  yards. 
They  show  the  remains  of  towers  and 
gateways.  There  are  apparently  no 
traces  of  moats  or  ditches.  The  mound 
which  gives  its  name  to  this  group  of 
ruins  rises  on  the  N.  W.  ftice.  It  may 
be  divided  into  two  parts  or  stnges, 
the  upper  about  650  ieet  square,  and 
30  feet  high,  and  the  lower  adjoining 
it,  about  1,350  by  300.  Its  summit 
was  formerly  occupied  by  an  Arab  vil- 
lage. In  one  corner  is  a  pyramid  or  cone,  like 
that  at  Nimroud,  but  much  smaller.  Within  the 
interior  are  a  few  mounds,  but  no  traces  of  con- 
siderable buildings. — (4.)  Shereef  Khan,  so  called 
from  a  small  village  in  the  neighborhood,  consists 
of  a  group  of  mounds  of  no  great  size  when 
compared  with  other  Assyrian  ruins,  and  withoi 
traces  of  an  outer  wall. — (5.)  Selamiyah  is 
enclosure  of  irregular  form,  situated  upon  a  hig! 
bank  overlooking  the  Tigris,  about  5,000  yar<" 
in  circuit,  and  containing  an  area  of  about  41] 


NIK 


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731 


acres,  apparently  once  surrounded  by  a  ditch  or 
moat  It  contains  no  mound  or  ruin,  and  even  tiie 
rampart  lias  in  many  places  nearly  disappeared. 
Tiie  name  is  derived  from  an  Arab  town  once  of 
some  importance,  but  now  reduced  to  a  miserable 
Turcoman  village. — The  greater  part  of  the  dls- 
verics  which  of  late  have  thrown  so  much  light 
upon  the  history  and  condition  of  the  ancient  in- 
habitants of  Nineveh  were  made  in  the  ruins  of 
Nimroud,  Kouyunjik,  and  Khorsabad.  The  first 
traveller  who  carefully  examined  the  supposed  site 
of  the  city  was  Mr.  Rich,  formerly  political  agent 
for  the  East  India  Company  at  Bagdad;  but  his 
investigations  were  almost  entirely  confined  to 
Kouyunjik  and  the  surrounding  mounds,  of  which 
he  made  a  survey  in  1820.  From  them  he  obtained 
a  few  relics,  such  as  inscribed  pottery  and  bricks, 
cylinders  and  gems,  lie  subsequently  visited  the 
mound  of  Nimroud,  of  which,  however,  he  was  un- 
able to  make  more  than  a  hasty  examination.  Sev- 
eral travellers  described  the  ruins  after  Mr.  Rich, 
but  no  attempt  was  made  to  explore  them  system- 
atically until  M.  Botta  was  appointed  French  consul 
at  Mosul  in  1843.  The  French  government,  having 
given  the  necessary  funds,  the  ruins  of  Khorsabad 
were  fully  explored.  They  consisted  of  the  lower 
part  of  a  number  of  halls,  rooms,  and  passages,  for 
the  most  part  wainscoted  with  slabs  of  coarse  gray 
alabaster,  sculptured  with  figures  in  relief,  the  prin- 
cipal entrances  being  formed  by  colossal  human- 
headed  winged  bulls.  No  remains  of  exterior  ar- 
chitecture of  any  great  importance  were  discovered. 
The  calcined  limestone  and  the  great  accumulation 
of  charred  wood  and  charcoal  showed  that  the  build- 
ing had  been  destroyed  by  fire.  Its  upper  part  had 
entirely  disappeared,  and  its  general  plan  could  only 
be  restored  by  the  remains  of  the  lower  story.  The 
collection  of  Assyrian  sculptures  in  the  Louvre, 
Paris,  came  from  these  ruins.  M.  Botta's  discov- 
eries at  Khorsabad  were  followed  by  those  of  Mr. 
Layard  at  Nimroud  and  Kouyunjik,  made  between 
1845  and  1850.  The  mound  of  Nimroud  was  found 
to  contain  the  ruins  of  several  distinct  edifices, 
erected  at  different  periods.  The  most  ancient 
stood  at  the  N.  W.  corner  of  the  platform,  the  most 
recent  at  the  S.  E.  In  general  plan  and  in  con- 
struction they  resembled  the  ruins  at  Khorsabad — 
consisting  of  a  number  of  halls,  chambers,  and 
galleries,  panelled  with  sculptured  and  inscribed 
alabaster  slabs,  and  opening  one  into  the  other  by 
doorways  generally  formed  by  pairs  of  colossal 
human-headed  winged  bulls  or  lions.  The  exterior 
architecture  could  not  be  traced.  The  lofty  cone 
or  pyramid  of  earth  adjoining  this  edifice  covered 
the  ruins  of  a  building  the  basement  or  which  was 
a  square  of  1(;5  feet,  and  consisted,  to  the  height 
of  20  feet,  of  a  solid  mass  of  sun-dried  bricks, 
faced  on  the  four  sides  by  blocks  of  stone  carefully 
squared,  bevelled,  and  adjusted.  Upon  this  solid 
substructure  there  probably  rose,  as  in  the  Babylo- 
nian temples,  a  succession  of  platforms  or  stages, 
diminishing  in  size,  the  highest  having  a  shrine  or 
altar  upon  it.  (Babel,  Tower  of.)  A  vaulted 
chamber  or  gallery,  100  feet  long,  6  broad,  and  12 
hich,  crossed  the  centre  of  the  mound  on  a  level 
with  the  summit  of  the  stone-masonry.  It  had  evi- 
dently been  broken  into  and  rifled  of  its  contents 
at  some  remote  period,  and  may  have  been  a  royal 
sepulchre — the  tomb  of  Ninus,  or  Hardanapalus, 
which  stood  at  the  entrance  of  Nineveh.  It  ap- 
pears to  have  been  raised  by  the  son  of  the  king 
who  built  the  N.  W.  palace,  and  whose  name  in  the 


cuneiform  inscriptions  is  supposed  =  Sardanapalus. 
Shalmanubar  or  Shalmaneser,  the  builder  of  this 
tomb  or  tower,  also  erected  in  the  centre  of  the 
great  mound  a  second  palace,  which  appears  to 
have  been  destroyed  to  furnish  materials  for  later 
buildings.  The  black  obelisk,  now  in  the  British 
Museum,  was  found  among  its  ruins.     On  the  W. 


face  of  the  mound,  and  adjoining  the  centre  palace, 
are  the  remains  of  a  third  edifice,  built  by  the  grand- 
son of  Shalmanubar,  whose  name  is  read  Iva-Lush, 


Y32 


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and  who  ia  believed  to  be  the  Pul  of  the  Hebrew 
Scriptures.  Esar-haddon  raised  (about  b.  c.  680) 
at  tlie  S.  W.  corner  of  the  platform  another  royal 
abode  of  considerable  extent,  but  constructed  prin- 
cipally with  materials  brought  from  his  predeces- 
sor's palaces.  In  the  opposite  or  S.  E.  corner  are 
the  ruins  of  a  still  later  palace  built  by  his  grand- 
son Ashur-emit-ili,  very  inferior  in  size  and  in  splen- 
dor to  other  Assyrian  edifices.  At  the  S.  W.  corner 
of  the  mound  of  Kouyunjik  stood  a  palace  built 
by  Sennacherib  (about  b.  c.  700),  exceeding  in  size 
and  in  magniticence  of  decoration  all  others  hither- 
to explored.  It  occupied  nearly  100  acres.  Though 
but  partially  examined,  about  60  courts,  halls  (some 
nearly  150  feet  square),  rooms,  and  passages  (one 
200  feet  long),  have  been  discovered,  all  panelled 
with  sculptured  slabs  of  alabaster.  The  entrances 
to  the  edifice  and  to  the  principal  chambers  were 
flanked  by  groups  of  winged  human-headed  lions 
and  bulls  of  colossal  proportions — some  nearly  20 
feet  in  height ;  27  portals  thus  formed  were  exca- 
vated by  Mr.  Layard.  A  second  palace  was  erected 
on  the  same  platform  by  the  son  of  Esar-haddon, 
Sardanapalus  III.  In  it  were  discovered  sculptures 
of  great  interest  and  beauty,  but  no  propyla;a  or 
detached  buildings.  At  Shereef  Khan  are  the 
ruins  of  a  temple,  but  no  sculptured  slabs  have 
been  dug  up  there.  It  was  founded  by  Sennacherib, 
and  added  to  by  his  grandson.  At  Selaniiyah  no 
remains  of  buildings  nor  any  fragments  of  sculpture 
or  inscriptions  have  been  discovered. — The  Assyrian 
edifices  were  so  nearly  alike  in  general  plan,  con- 
struction, and  decoration,  that  one  description  will 
suflicje  for  all.  They  were  built  upon  artificial 
mounds  or  platforms,  varying  in  height,  but  gener- 
ally from  30  to  50  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sur- 
rounding country,  and  solidly  constructed  of  regular 
layers  of  sun-dried  bricks,  as  at  Nimroud,  or  con- 
sisting merely  of  earth  and  rubbish  heaped  up,  as 
at  Kouyunjik.  This  platform  was  proliably  faced 
with  stone-masonry,  remains  of  which  were  dis- 
covered at  Nimroud,  and  broad  flights  of  steps  or 
inclined  ways  led  up  to  its  summit.  Although  only 
the  general  plan  of  the  ground-floor  can  now  be 
traced,  it  is  evident  that  the  palaces  had  several 
stories  built  of  wood  and  sun-dried  bricks,  which, 
when  the  building  was  deserted  and  allowed  to  fall 
to  decay,  gradually  buried  the  lower  chambers  with 
their  ruins,  and  protected  the  sculptured  slabs  from 
the  effects  of  the  weather.  The  depth  of  soil  and 
rubbish  above  the  alabaster  slabs  varied  from  a  few 
inches  to  about  20  feet.  To  this  accumulation  of  rub- 
bish above  them,  the  bas-reliefs  owe  their  extraor- 
dinary preservation.  The  portions  of  the  edifices 
still  remaining  consist  of  halls,  chambers,  and  gal- 
leries, opening  for  the  most  part  into  large  uncov- 
ered courts.  The  partition-walls  vary  from  6  to  16 
feet  in  thickness,  and  are  solidly  built  of  sun-dried 
bricks,  against  which  is  placed  the  panelling  or 
skirting  of  alabaster  slabs.  No  windows  have  hith- 
erto been  discovered,  and  probably  in  most  of  the 
smaller  chambers  light  was  only  admitted  through 
the  doors.  The  wall,  above  the  wainscoting  of  ala 
baster,  was  plastered,  and  painted  with  figures  and 
ornaments.  The  pavement  was  formed  either  of 
inscribed  slabs  of  alabaster,  or  large  flat  kiln-bumt 
bricks.  It  rested  upon  layers  of  bitumen  and  fine 
sand.  Of  nearly  similar  construction  arc  the  mod- 
ern houses  of  Mosul.  The  upper  part  and  the  ex- 
ternal architecture  of  the  Assyrian  palaces,  both  of 
which  have  entirely  disappeared,  can  only  be  re- 
Btpred  conjecturally,  from  a  comparison  of  monu- 


ments represented  in  the  bas-reliefs,  and  of  edifices 
built  by  nations,  such  as  the  Persians,  who  took 
their  arts  from  the  Assyrians.  By  such  means  Mr. 
Fergusson  ( The  Palaces  of  Nineveh  and  Fersejxilis 
restored)  has,  with  much  ingenuity,  attempted  to  re- 
construct a  palace  of  Nineveh. — The  sculptures, 
except  the  human-headed  lions  and  bulls,  were,  for 
the  most  part,  in  low  relief  The  colossal  figures 
usually  represent  the  king,  his  attendants,  and  the 
gods ;  the  smaller  sculptures,  which  either  cover 
the  whole  face  of  the  slab,  or  are  divided  into  two 
compartments  by  bands  of  inscriptions,  represent 
battles,  sieges,  the  chase,  single  combats  with  wild 
beasts,  religious  ceremonies,  &c.,  &c.  All  refer  to 
public  or  national  events  ;  the  hunting-scenes  evi- 
dently recording  the  prowess  and  personal  valor  of 
the  king  as  the  head  of  the  people — "  the  mighty 
hunter  before  the  Lord."  The  sculptures  appear 
to  have  been  painted — remains  of  color  having  been 
found  on  most  of  them.  Thus  decorated,  without 
and  within,  the  Assyrian  palaces  must  have  dis- 
played a  barbaric  magnificence,  not,  however,  de- 
void of  a  certain  grandeur  and  beauty,  which  no 
ancient  or  modern  edifice  has  probably  exceeded. 
Tlicse  great  edifices,  the  depositories  of  the  national 
records,  appear  to  have  been  at  the  same  time  the 
abode  of  tlie  king  and  the  temple  of  the  gods.  No 
building  has  yet  been  discovered  which  possesses 
any  distin;^ishing  features  to  mark  it  specially  as 
a  temple.  They  are  all  precisely  similar  in  general 
plan  and  construction.  Most  probably  a  part  of 
the  palace  was  set  apart  for  religious  worship  and 
ceremonies. — Site  of  the  City.  Much  diversity  of 
opinion  exists  as  to  the  identification  of  the  ruins 
which  may  be  properly  included  within  the  site  of 
ancient  Nineveh.  According  to  Sir  II.  Rawlinson, 
and  those  who  concur  in  his  interpretation  of  the 
cuneiform  characters,  each  group  of  mounds  we 
have  described  represents  a  separate  and  distinct 
city.  The  name  applied  in  the  inscriptions  to  Nim- 
roud is  supposed  to  read  "  Kalkhu,"  and  the  ruins 
are  consequently  identified  with  those  of  the  Calah 
of  Gen.  X.  11;  Khor.sabad  is  Sargina,  as  founded 
by  Sargon,  the  name  having  been  retained  in  that 
of  Sarghun,  or  Saraoun,  by  which  the  ruins  were 
known  to  the  Arab  geographers ;  Shereef  Khan  is 
Tarbisi.  Selamiyah  has  not  yet  been  identified,  no 
inscription  having  been  found  in  the  ruins.  The 
name  of  Nineveh  is  limited  to  the  mounds  opposite 
Mosul,  including  Kouyunjik  and  Nebbi  Yunus.  Sir 
H.  Rawlinson  was  at  one  time  inclined  to  exclude 
even  the  former  mound  from  the  precincts  of  the 
city.  Furthermore,  the  ancient  and  primitive  capi- 
tal of  Assyria  is  supposed  to  have  been  not  Nine- 
veh, but  a  city  named  Asshur,  whose  ruins  have 
been  discovered  at  Kalah  Sherghat,  a  mound  on 
the  W.  bank  of  the  Tigris,  about  60  miles  S.  of 
Mosul.  It  need  scarcely  be  observed  that  this 
theory  rests  entirely  upon  the  presumed  accuracy 
of  the  interpretation  of  the  cuneiform  inscriptions, 
and  that  it  is  totally  et  variance  with  the  accounts 
and  traditions  preserved  by  sacred  and  classical 
history  of  the  antiquity,  size,  and  importimce  of 
Nineveh.  The  area  of  the  enclosure  of  Kouyun- 
jik, about  1,800  acres,  was  far  too  small  for  the 
site  of  the  city.  If  Kouyunjik  represents  Nineveh, 
and  Nimroud  Calah,  where  are  we  to  place  Resen, 
"a  great  city"  between  the  two  (Gen.  x.  12)? 
Scarcely  at  Selamiyah.  On  the  other  hand,  it  has 
been  conjectured  that  these  groups  of  mounds  are 
not  ruins  of  separate  cities,  but  of  fortified  royal 
residences,  each  combining  palaces,  temples,  propy-i 


KIN 


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733 


tea,  gardens,  and  parks,  and  having  its  peculiar 
name ;  and  that  they  all  formed  part  of  one  great 
city  built  and  added  to  at  different  period?,  and  con- 
sisting of  distinct  quarters  scattered  over  a  very 
large  area,  and  frequently  very  distant  one  from  the 
other.  Nineveh  might  thus  be  compared  with  Da- 
mascus, Ispahan,  or  perhaps  more  appropriately 
with  Delhi.  Only  thus  can  the  ancient  descriptions 
of  Nineveh,  if  any  value  whatever  is  to  be  attached 
to  them,  be  reconciled  with  existing  remains.  As 
at  Babylon,  no  great  consecutive  wall  of  enclosure, 
comprising  all  the  ruins,  such  as  that  described  by 
Diodorus,  has  been  discovered  at  Nineveh,  and  no 
such  wall  ever  existed.  The  river  Gomel,  the  mod- 
ern Ghazir-Su,  may  have  formed  the  eastern  boun- 
dary or  defence  of  the  city.  As  to  the  claims  of 
the  mound  of  Kalah  Sherghat  to  represent  the  site 
of  the  primitive  capital  of  Assyria  called  Assluir, 
they  must  rest  entirely  on  the  interpretation  of  the 
inscriptions.  The  city  was  founded,  or  added  to, 
they  are  supposed  to  declare,  by  one  Shanias-Iva, 
the  son  and  viceroy,  or  satrap,  of  Ismi-Dagon,  king 
of  Babylon,  who  reigned,  it  is  conjectured,  about  b.  c. 
1840.  Assyria  and  its  capital  remained  subject  to 
Babylonia  until  B.  c.  1273,  when  an  independent 
Assyrian  dynasty  was  founded,  of  which  lourtcen 
kings,  or  more,  reigned  at  Kalah  Sherghat.  About 
B.  c.  930  the  seat  of  government,  it  is  asserted,  was 
transferred  by  Sardanapalus  (tlie  second  of  the 
name,  and  the  Sardanapalus  of  the  Greeks)  to  the 
city  of  Kalkhu  or  Calah  (Nimroud),  which  had  been 
founded  by  an  earlier  monarch  named  Shalnianubar. 
There  it  continued  about  250  years,  when  Sennache- 
rib made  Nineveh  the  capital  of  the  empire.  These 
assumptions  seem  to  rest  upon  very  slender  grounds, 
and  Dr.  Ilincks  altogether  rejects  the  theory  of  the 
Babylonian  character  of  these  early  kings,  believ- 
ing them  to  be  Assyrian.  It  is  believed  that  on  an 
in.scribcd  terra-cotta  cylinder  found  at  K&lah  Sher- 
ghat, the  foundation  of  a  temple  is  attributed  to 
this  Shamas-Iva.  A  royal  name,  similar  to  that  of 
his  father,  Ismi  Dagon,  is  read  on  a  brick  from  some 
ruins  in  S.  Babylonia,  and  the  two  kings  are  pre- 
sumed to  be  identical,  though  there  is  no  other  evi- 
dence of  the  fact  (Rawlinson's  JJerodolwi,  i.  466,  n. 
6);  indeed,  the  only  son  of  this  Babylonian  king 
mentioned  in  the  inspriptions  is  read  Ibil-anu-duina, 
a  name  entirely  dift'erent  from  that  of  the  pres\imed 
viceroy  of  Asshur.  Upon  this  presumed  identifica- 
tion, an  entirely  new  system  of  Assyrian  history 
and  chronology  has  been  constructed,  of  which  a 
sketch  is  given  under  Assyria  (see  also  Rawlinson's 
Herodotiig,  i.  489).  But  this  system  is  at  variance 
with  sacred,  classical,  and  monumental  history,  and 
can  scarcely  be  accepted  as  proven,  until  the  As- 
syrian ruins  have  been  more  completely  examined, 
and  the  decipherment  of  the  cuneiform  inscriptions 
has  made  far  greater  progress.  Tradition  contin- 
uously points  to  Nineveh  as  the  ancient  capital  of 
Assyria.  There  is  no  allusion  to  any  other  city 
which  enjoyed  this  rank. — Proph-cies  relating  to 
Xineveh,  and  IHwitra'ion»  of  t/te  Old  Tttlanunt. 
These  are  exclusively  contained  in  Nahum  and 
Zephaniah ;  for,  although  Isaiah  foretells  the  down- 
fall of  the  Assyrian  empire  (eh.  x.  and  xiv.),  he 
makes  no  mention  of  its  capital.  Nahum  threatens 
the  entire  destruction  of  the  city,  so  that  it  shall 
not  rise  again  from  its  ruins :  "  \Vith  an  overrun- 
ning flood  he  will  make  an  utter  end  of  the  place 
thereof  "  He  will  make  an  utter  end  ;  affliction 
shall  not  rise  up  the  second  time  "  (i.  8,  9).  "  Thy 
people  is  scattered  upon  the  mountains,  and  no  one 


I  gathereth  them.  There  is  no  healing  of  thy  bruise" 
1  (iii.  18,  19).  The  manner  in  which  the  city  should 
be  taken  seems  to  be  indicated.  "'Ihe  deiince  shall 
I  be  prepared "  (ii.  5)  is  rendered  in  the  marginal 
■  reading  "  the  covering  or  coverer  shall  be  prepared," 
j  and  by  Mr.  Vance  Smith,  "  the  covering  machine," 
the  covered  battering-ram  or  tower  supposed  to  be 
represented  in  the  bas-reliefs  as  being  used  in  sieges. 
(Engine;  Ram,  Battkring;  War.)  Some  commen- 
tators believe  that  "  the  overrunning  Hood  "  refers 
to  the  agency  of  water  in  the  destruction  of  the 
walls  by  an  extraordinary  overflow  of  the  Tigris, 
and  the  consequent  exposure  of  the  city  to  assault 
through  a  breach  ;  others,  that  it  applies  to  a  large 
and  devastating  army.  An  allusion  to  the  overflow 
of  the  river  may  be  contained  in  ii.  6,  "  The  gales 
of  the  rivers  shall  be  opened,  and  the  palace  shall 
he  dissolved,'"  a  propheey  supposed  to  have  been 
fulfilled  when  the  McdoBabylonian  aimy  captured 
the  city.  Most  of  the  edifices  discovered  had  been 
destroyed  by  fire,  but  no  part  of  the  walls  of  either 
Nimroud  or  Kouyuiijik  appears  to  have  been  washed 
away  by  the  river.  The  likening  of  Nineveh  to  "  a 
pool  of  water  "  (ii.  8)  has  been  conjectured  to  refer 
to  the  moats  and  dams  by  n  hich  a  portion  of  the 
country  around  Nineveh  could  be  flooded.  The  city 
was  to  be  partly  destroyed  by  fire,  "  The  fire  shall 
devour  thy  bars,"  "then  shall  the  fire  devour  thee" 
(iii.  13,  15).  The  gateway  in  the  northern  wall  of 
the  Kouyunjik  enclosure  had  been  destroyed  by  fire 
as  well  as  the  palaces.  The  population  was  to  be 
surprised  when  unprepared,  "  while  they  are  drunk 
as  drunkards  they  shall  be  devoured  as  stubble 
fully  dry  "  (i.  10).  Diodorus  states  that  the  last 
I  and  fatal  assault  was  made  when  they  were  ovir- 
I  come  with  wine.  The  captivity  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  their  removal  to  distant  provinces,  are  predicted 
(iii.  18).  The  palace-temples  were  to  be  plundered 
of  their  idols,  "  out  of  the  house  of  thy  gods  will  I 
cut  off  the  graven  image  and  the  molten  in  ape"  (i. 
14),  and  the  city  sacked  of  its  wealth:  "Take  ye 
the  spoil  of  silver,  take  the  spoil  of  gold"  (ii.  9). 
For  ages  the  Assyrian  edifices  have  been  despoiled 
of  their  sacred  images ;  and  enormous  amounts  of 
gold  and  silver  were,  according  to  tradition,  taken 
to  Ecbatana  by  the  conquering  Medes.  Only  one  or 
two  fragments  of  the  precious  metals  were  found  in 
the  ruins.  Nineveh,  after  its  fall,  was  to  be  "  empty, 
and  void,  and  waste"  (ii.  10);  "it  shall  ccme  to 
pass,  that  all  they  that  look  upon  thee  shall  flee 
from  thee,  and  say,  "Nineveh  is  laid  waste"  (iii. 
7).  These  epithets  describe  the  present  state  of 
of  the  site  of  the  city.  But  the  fullest  and  the  most 
vivid  and  poetical  picture  of  its  ruined  and  deserted 
condition  is  that  given  by  Zephaniah,  who  prob- 
ably lived  to  see  its  fall  (ii.  13-15).  The  canals 
which  once  fertilized  the  soil  are  now  dry.  Except 
when  the  earth  is  green  after  the  periodical  rains, 
the  site  of  the  city,  as  well  as  the  surrounding  coun- 
try, is  an  arid  yellow  waste.  Flocks  of  sheep  and 
herds  of  camels  seek  scanty  pasture  amongst  the 
mounds.  From  the  swamp  in  the  ruins  of  Khorsa- 
bad,  and  from  the  reedy  banks  of  the  little  streams 
that  flow  by  Kouyunjik  and  Nimroud  may  be  he'nrd 
the  croak  of  the  cormorant  and  the  bittern.  The 
cedar-wood  which  adorned  the  ceilings  of  the  pal- 
aces has  been  uncovered  by  modern  exjilorers,  and 
in  the  deserted  halls  the  hyena,  wolf,  fox,  and  jackal 
now  lie  down.  Many  allusions  in  the  0.  T.  to  Ihe 
DRESS,  ARMS,  modcs  of  Warfare  (War,  &c.),  and  cus- 
toms of  the  people  of  Nineveh,  as  well  as  of  the 
Jews,  are  explained  by  the  Nineveh  monumenta. 


734 


His 


NIN 


Thus  (Nah.  ii.  8),  "  the  shield  of  his  mighty  men  is  I  illustrated  in  almost  every  particular.     The  mounds 


made  red,  the  valiant  men  are  in  scarlet."  The 
shields  and  the  dresses  of  the  warriors  are  generally 
painted  red  in  the  sculptures.  The  magniticent  de- 
scription of  the  assault  upon  the  city  (iii.  1-3)  is 


built  up  against  the  walls  of  a  besieged  town  (Is. 
xxxvii.  33 ;  2  K.  xix.  32 ;  Jer.  xxxii.  24,  &c.),  the 
battering-ram  (Ez.  iv.  2),  the  various  kinds  of  armor, 
helmets,  shields,  spears,  and  swords,  used  in  battle 


King  feasting. ^From  Kouyunjije. 


during  a  siege  ;  the  chariots  and  horses  (Nah.  iii.  3) 
are  all  seen  in  bas-reliefs.  (Chariot  ;  Ensign  ;  Horse  ; 
Lachish,  &c.)  The  interior  decoration  of  the  Assy- 
rian palaces  is  described  by  Ezekiel,  himself  a  captive 
in  Assyria  and  an  eye-witness  of  their  magnificence 
(xxiii.  14,  15);  a  description  strikingly  illustrated 
by  the  sculptured  likenesses  of  the  Assyrian  kings 
and  warriors.  (King;  Palack;  Throne,  &c.)  The 
mystic  figures  seen  by  the  prophet  in  his  vision 
(ch.  i.),  uniting  the  man,  the  lion,  the  ox,  and  the 


RepreiQDtatioDB  of  a  winged  ilt-ily,  eupposcd  to  be  tlie  god  Aaahar,  tha  del- 
ved patriarch  of  Aasvtti*.— (From  La.\  ard.) 

eagle  (Cherdb),  may  have  been  suggested  by  the 
eagle-headed  idols,  and  man-headed  bulls  and  lions, 
and  the  sacred  emblem  of  the  "  wheel  within  wheel," 
by  the  winged  circle  or  globe  frequently  represented 
in  the  bas-reliefs. — Art^.  The  origin  of  Assyrian 
art  is  a  subject  at  present  involved  in  mystery",  and 
one  which  offers  a  wide  field  for  speculation  and  re- 
search. Those  who  derive  the  civilization  and  po- 
litical system  of  the  Assyrians  from  Babylonia  would 
trace  their  arts  to  the  same  source.  One  of  the 
principal  features  of  their  architecture,  the  artificial 
platform  serving  as  a  substructure  for  their  national 
edifices,  may  have  been  taken  from  a  people  inhab- 


iting plains  perfectly  flat,  such  as  those  of  Sliinar, 
rather  than  an  undulating  country  in  which  natural 
elevations*  are  not  uncommon,  such  as  Assyria 
Proper.     But  it  still  remains  to  be  proved  that 


Winged  Globe.— (Fivm  Layard.) 

there  are  artificial  mounds  in  Babylonia  of  an  earlier  I 
date  than  mounds  on  or  near  the  site  of  Xincveh. 
Whether  other  leading  features  and  the  details  of  ; 
Assyrian  architecture  came  from  the  same  source, 
is  much  more  open  to  doubt.      In  none  of  the  arts  J 
of  the  Assyrians  have  any  tra(;es  hitherto  been  found  I 
of  progressive  change.      In  the  architecture  of  the  J 
most  ancient  known  edifice  all  the  characteristics  [ 
of  the  style  are  already  fully  developed  ;  no  new  1 
features  of  any  importance  seem  to  have  been  intro-l 
duced  at  a  later  period.     In  sculpture,  as  probably] 
in  painting  also,  if  we  possessed  the  means  of  com- 
parison, the  same  thing  is  observable  as  in  the  re- 
mains of  ancient  Egypt.    The  earliest  works  hitherto  1 
discovered  show  the  result  of  a  lengthened  period  j 
of  gradual  development,  which,  judging  from  the! 
slow  progress  made  by  untutoretl  man  in  the  arts,  | 
must  have  extended  over  a  vast  number  of  years. 
They  exhibit  the  arts  of  tlie  Assyrians  at  the  highest  ' 
stage  of  excellence  they  probably  ever  attained. 
The  only  change  we  can  trace,  as  in  Egypt,  is  one 
of  decline  or  "  decadence."     The  latest  monuments, 
such  as  those  from  the  palaces  of  Esar-haddon  and 
his  son,  show  perhaps  a  closer  imitation  of  nature, 
and  a  more  careful  and  minute  execution  of  details 
than  those  from  the  earlier  edifices ;  but  they  are 
wanting  in  the  simplicity  yet  grandeur  of  conception, 
in  the  imagination,  and  in  the  variety  of  treatment 
displayed  in  the  most  ancient  sculptures.     This  will 
at  once  be  perceived  by  a  comparison  of  the  orna- 
mental details  of  the  two  periods.     The  lions  of  tlie 


NIN 


NIX 


1-35 


earlier  period  are  a  grand,  ideal,  and,  to  a  certain 
extent,  conventional  representation  of  the  beast.  In 
the  later  bas-reliefs  the  lions  are  more  closely  imi- 
tated from  nature  without  any  conventional  eleva- 
tion ;  but  what  is  gained  in  truth  is  lost  in  dignity. 
The  same  may  be  observed  in  the  treatment  of  the 
human  form,  though  in  its  representation  the  As- 
syrians, like  the  Egyptians,  would  seem  to  have 
been,  at  all  times,  more  or  less  shackled  by  religious 
prejudices  or  laws.  No  new  forms  or  combinations 
appear  to  have  been  introduced  into  Assyrian  art 
during  the  four  or  five  centuries,  if  not  longer 
period,  in  which  we  are  acquainted  with  it.  The  art 
of  the  Xineveh  monuments  must  in  the  present  state 
of  our  knowledge  be-  accepted  as  an  original  and 
national  art,  peculiar,  if  not  to  the  Assyrians  alone, 
to  the  races  who  at  various  periods  posse.«sed  the 
country  watered  by  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates.  As 
it  was  undoubtedly  brought  to  its  highest  perfection 
by  the  Assyrians,  and  is  especially  characteristic  of 
them,  it  may  well  and- conveniently  bear  their  name. 
From  whence  it  was  originally  derived  there  is 
nothing  as  yet  to  show.  If  from  Babylon,  as  some 
have  conjectured,  there  are  no  remains  to  prove  the 
fact.  Analogies  may  perhaps  be  found  between  it 
and  that  of  Egypt,  but  they  are  not  sufficient  to  con- 
vince us  that  the  one  was  the  offspring  of  the  other. 
The  two  may  have  been  offshoots  from  some  com- 
mon trunk  which  perished  ages  before  either  Nine- 
veh or  Thebes  was  founded  ;  or  the  Phenicians,  as 
it  has  been  suggested,  may  have  introduced  into  the 
two  countries,  betw^n  which  they  were  placed,  and 
between  which  they  may  have  formed  a  commercial 
link,  the  arts  peculiar  to  each  of  them.  Whatever 
the  origin,  the  development  of  the  arts  of  the  two 
countries  appears  to  have  been  affected  and  directed 
by  very  opposite  conditions  of  national  character, 
climate,  geographical  and  geological  position,  poli- 
tics, and  religion.  At  a  late  period  of  Assyrian  his- 
tory, at  the  time  of  the  building  of  the  Khorsabad  pal- 
ace (about  the  eighth  century  b.  c),  a  more  intimate 
intercourse  with  Egypt,  through  war  or  dynastic  alli- 
ances, than  had  previously  existed,  appears  to  have 
led  to  the  introduction  of  objects  of  Egyptian  manu- 
facture into  Assyria,  and  may  have  influenced  to  a 
limited  extent  its  arts.  A  precisely  similar  influence 
proceeding  from  Assyria  has  been  remarked  at  the 
same  period  in  Egypt,  probably  arising  from  the 
conquest  and  temporary  occupation  of  the  latter 
country  by  the  Assyrians.  The  Ionic  element  in 
Greek  art  was  probably  derived  from  Assyria,  as  the 
Doric  came  from  Egypt.  Tlie  arts  of  the  Assyrians, 
C8i)ecially  their  architectire,  spread  to  surround- 
ing nations,  as  is  usually  the  case  when  one  race  is 
brought  into  contact  with  another  in  a  lower  state 
of  civilization.  They  appear  to  have  crossed  the 
Euphrates,  and  to  have  had  more  or  less  influence 
on  the  countries  between  it  and  the  Mediterranean. 
Monuments  of  an  Assyrian  character  have  been  dis- 
covered in  various  parts  of  Syria,  and  further  re- 
searches would  probably  disclose  many  more.  The 
arts  of  the  Phenicians,  judging  from  the  few  speci- 
mens preserved,  show  the  same  influence.  The  As- 
syrian inscriptions  seem  to  indicate  a  direct  depen- 
dence of  Judca  upon  Assyria  from  a  very  early  period. 
The  Temple  and  "  houses  "  of  Solomon  (eomp.  1  K. 
vi.,  vii. ;  2  Chr.  iii.,  iv. ;  Palace)  appear  to  have 
beeii  very  similar  to  the  palaces  of  Nineveh,  if 
not  in  the  exterior  architecture,  certainly  in  the  in- 
terior decorations.  The  Jewish  edifices  were,  how- 
ever,  very  much  inferior  in  size  to  the  Assyrian.  Of 
objects  of  art  (if  we  may  use  the  term)  contained  in 


the  Temple  we  have  the  description  of  the  pillars, 
of  the  brazen  sea,  and  of  various  bronze  or  copper 
vessels.  The  Assyrian  character  of  these  objects  is 
very  remarkable.  (Altar;  Ccp;  Knop;  Laver, 
&c.)  The  influence  of  Assyria  to  the  eastward  was 
even  more  considerable,  extending  far  into  Asia. 
The  Persians  copied  their  architectire  (with  such 
modifications  as  the  climate  and  the  building-ma- 
terials at  hand  suggested),  their  sculpture,  prob- 
ably their  painting  and  their  mode  of  writing,  fiom 
the  Assyrians.  The  ruined  palaces  of  Persepolis 
show  the  same  general  plan  of  construction  as  those 
of  Nineveh — the  entrances  formed  by  human-headed 
animals,  the  skirting  of  sculptured  stone,  and  the 
inscribed  slabs.  (Gate,  &c.)  The  various  religious 
emblems  and  the  ornamentation  liavc  the  same  As- 
syrian character.  Amongst  the  Assyrians  the  arts 
were  principally  employed,  as  amongst  all  nations 
in  their  earlier  stages  of  civilization,  for  religions 
and  national  purposes.  The  colossal  figures  at  the 
doorways  of  the  palaces  were  mythic  combinatifms 
to  denote  the  attributes  of  a  deity.  The  "  Mat:- 
Bull "  and  the  "  Man-Lion  "  are  conjectured  to  be  the 
gods  "Nin"  and  "Nergal,"  presiding  over  war  and 
the  chase ;  the  eagle-headed  and  fish-headed  figures 
so  constantly  repeated  in  the  sculptures,  and  as  or- 
naments of  vessels  of  metal,  or  in  embroideries — 
NisROfH  and  Dagon.  The  bas-reliefs  almost  in- 
variably record  some  deed  of  the  king,  as  head  of 
the  nation,  in  war,  and  in  combat  with  wild  beasts, 
or  his  piety  in  erecting  vast  palace-temples  to  the 
gods.  Hitherto  no  sculptures  specially  illustrating 
the  private  life  of  the  Assyrians  have  been  discov- 
ered, except  one  or  two  incidents,  such  as  men 
baking  bread  or  tending  horses,  introduced  as  mere 
accessories  into  the  historical  bas-reliefs.  This  may 
be  partly  owing  to  the  fact  that  no  traces  whatever 
have  yet  been  found  of  their  burial-places,  or  even  of 
their  mode  of  dealing  « ith  the  dead.  (Anklet  ;  Arm- 
let ;  .\xE ;  Bracelet  ;  Burial  ;  Cakt  ;  Chaldea  ; 
Euphrates;  Harp;  IIocse;  Knike;  Seal,  &c.)  Al- 
though the  site  of  Nineveh  afforded  no  special  advan- 
tages forcoMMERCE,  and  although  she  owed  her  great- 
ness rather  to  her  political  position  as  the  capital  of 
the  empire,  yet,  situated  upon  a  navigable  river  ccni- 
munieating  with  the  Euphrates  and  the  Persian  Gulf, 
she  must  soon  have  formed  one  of  the  great  trading- 
stations  between  that  important  inland  sea  and 
Syria,  and  the  Mediterranean,  and  must  have  be- 
come a  depot  for  the  merchandise  supplied  to  a 
great  part  of  Asia  Minor,  Armenia,  and  Persia. 
Her  merchants  are  described  in  Ezekiel  xxvii.  24  as 
trading  in  blue  clothes  and  broidered  work  (such  as 
is  probably  represented  in  the  sculptures),  and  in 
Nahum  iii.  16  as  "multiplied  above  the  stars  of 
heaven." —  WHHtig  and  Language.  The  ruins  of 
Nineveh  have  furnished  a  vast  collection  of  inscrip- 
tions partly  carved  on  marble  or  stone  slabs,  and 
partly  impressed  upon  bricks,  and  upon  clay  cylin- 
ders, or  six-sided  and  eight-sided  prisms,  barrels, 
and  tablets,  which,  used  for  the  purpose  when  still 
moist,  were  afterward  baked  in  a  furnace  or  kiln 
(comp.  Ez.  iv.  1).  The  character  employed  was  the 
arrow-headed  or  cuneiform — so  called  from  each 
letter  being  formed  by  marks  or  elements  resem- 
bling an  arrow-head  or  a  wedge.  This  mode  of  writ- 
ing, believed  by  some  to  be  of  Turanian  or  Scythic 
origin,  prevailed  throughout  the  provinces  com- 
prised in  the  Assyrian,  Babylonian,  and  the  eastern 
portion  of  the  ancient  Persian  empire,  from  the 
earliest  times  to  which  any  known  record  belongs, 
or  at  least  twenty  centuries  B.  c,  down  to  tlie  period 


736 


KIN 


NIN 


of  the  conquests  of  Alexander ;  after  which  epoch, 
although  occasionally  employed,  it  seems  to  have 
gradually  fallen  into  disuse.  It  never  extended 
into  Syria,  Arabia,  or  Asia  Minor,  although  it  was 
adopted  by  Armenia.    A  cursive  writing  resembling 

T  ->f«<  ^  r^  ^n  « I «  ^^  -7 

r-  ^ET  ^ET  s^yy  -^y  <a  ^y 
^y  w  <y-yy<y  >iy  ^Vi  --y<  -yy^ 

Specimen  of  the  Arrow-he&ded  or  Cuneiform  Writing. 

the  ancient  Syrian  and  Phenician,  appears  to  have 
also  been  occasionally  employed  in  Assyria.  The 
Assyrian  cuneiform  character  was  of  the  same  class 
as  the  Babylonian,  only  differing  from  it  in  the  less 
complicated  nature  of  its  forms.  The  Assyrian  and 
Babylonian  alphabet  (if  the  term  may  be  applied  to 
above  200  signs)  is  of  the  most  complicated,  imper- 
fect, and  arbitrary  nature — some  characters  being 
phonetic,  others  syllabic,  others  ideographic — the 
same  character  being  frequently  used  indifferently. 
This  constitutes  one  of  the  principal  difliaulties  in 
the  decipherment.  The  mvestigation  fir.st  com- 
menced by  Grotefend  has  since  been  carried  on 
with  much  success  by  Sir  H.  Rawlinson,  Dr.  Hincks, 
Mr.  Norris,  and  Mr.  Fox  Talbot,  in  England,  and 
M.  Oppert  in  France.  (Writing.)  The  people 
of  Nineveh  spoke  a  Shemitic.  dialect,  connected 
with  the  Hebrew  and  with  the  so-called  Chaldee 
of  Daniel  and  Ezra.  (She.\iitic  Languages.)  This 
agrees  with  the  testimony  of  the  0.  T.  But  it  is 
asserted  that  there  existed  in  Assyria  as  well  as  in 
Babylonia  a  more  ancient  tongue  belonging  to  a 
Turanian  or  Scythic  race,  which  is  supposed  to  have 
iuliabited  the  plains  watered  by  the  Tigris  and 
Euphrates  long  before  the  rise  of  the  Assyrian  em- 
pire, and  from  which  the  Assyrians  derived  their 
civilization  and  the  greater  part  of  their  mythology. 
The  Assyrian  inscriptions  usually  contain  the  chron- 
icles of  the  king  who  built  or  restored  the  edifice 
in  which  they  are  found,  records  of  his  wars  and 
expeditions  into  distant  countries,  of  the  amount 
of  tribute  and  spoil  taken  from  conquered  tribes, 
of  the  building  of  temples  and  palaces,  and  invo- 
cations to  the  gods  of  Assyria.  These  inscribed 
bricks  are  of  the  greatest  value  in  restoring  the 


royal  dynasties.     The  most  important  inscription 
hitherto  discovered  in  connection  with  Biblical  his- 
tory is  that  upon  a  pair  of  colossal  human-headed 
bulls  from  Kouyunjik,  now  in  the  British  Museum, 
containing  the  records  of  Sennacherib,  and  descri- 
bing, among  other  events,  his   wars 
with  Hezekiah.     It  is  accompanied  by 
a  series  of  bas-reliefs  believed  to  rep- 
resent the  siege  and  capture   of  La- 
CHisH.     A  long  list  might  be  given  of 
Biblical  names  occurring  in  the  Assy- 
rian inscriptions.    Those  of  three  Jew- 
ish  kings  have  been  read,  Jkiiu  son 
of  Khumri  (Omri),  on  the  black  obe- 
lisk, Menaiikm  on  a  slab  from  the  S. 
W.  palace,  Nimroud,  now  in  the  Brit- 
ish  Museum,   and    IIezekiau  in   tho 


Jewlfti  Captives  from  Lachish. — From  a  bas-rejief  at  KouyunjiJt, 


Sennacherib  on  bis  Throne  before  Lacbiah. 

Kouyunjik  records.     The  most  important  inscribe 
terra-cotta  cylinders  are — those  from  Kalahl 
Sherghat,  with  the  annals  of  a  king,  whosa! 
name  is  believed  to  read  Tiglatli-pileser,  not! 
the  same  mentioned  in  2  Kings,  but  an  earlierl 
monarch,  supposed  to  have    reigned   about 
B.  c.  1110;  those  from  Khorsabad  containing^ 
the  annals  of  Sargon  ;  those  from  Kouyunjik,       ' 
especially   one   known  as  Bellino's  cylinder, 
with  the  chronicles  of  Sennacherib ;  that  from 
Nebbi  Yunus  with  the  records  of  Esar-haddon, 
and  the   fragments  of  three  cylinders  with^— 
those  of  his  son.     The  most  important  re  ■■ 
suits  maybe  expected  when  inscriptions  so~'B 
numerous  and  so  varied  in  character  are  de- 
ciphered.    A  list  of  nineteen  or  twenty  kings 
can  already  be  compiled,  and  the  annals  of 
the  greater  nimiber  of   them  will  proliably  be 
restored  to  the   lost  history  of  one  of  the 
most  powerful  empires  of  the  ancient  world, 
and  of  one  which  appears  to  have  exercised 


NCf 


NOA 


737 


perhaps  greater  influence  than  any  other  upon  the 
subsequent  condition  and  development  of  civilized 
man.  The  only  race  now  found  near  the  ruins  of 
Nineveh  or  in  Assyria  which  may  have  any  claim 
to  be  considered  descendants  from  the  ancient  in- 
habitants of  the  country  are  the  so-called  Chaldean 
or  Xestorian  tribes,  inhabiting  the  mountains  of 
Kurdistan,  the  plains  round  the  lake  of  Ooroomiyah 
in  Persia,  and  a  few  villages  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Mosul  They  still  speak  a  Sheuiitic  dialect,  al- 
most identical  with  the  Chaldec  of  Daniel  and  Ezra. 
A  resemblance,  which  may  be  but  fanciful,  has  been 
traced  between  them  and  the  representations  of  the 
Assyrians  in  the  bas-reliefs.  Their  physical  char- 
acteristics at  any  rate  seem  to  mark  them  as  of  the 
same  race.  A  curse  appears  to  hang  over  a  land 
naturally  rich  and  fertile,  and  capable  of  sustaining 
a  vast  number  of  human  beings.  Those  who  now 
inhabit  it  are  yearly  diminishing,  and  there  seems 
no  prospect  that  for  generations  to  come  this  once- 
favored  country  will  remain  other  than  a  wilderness. 

Sln'e-Tites  =  inhabitants  of  Nineveh  (Lk.  xi.  30). 

Ni'san.    Month. 

M'soD  =  NiSAN  (Esth.  xi.  2). 

Ms'roth  [-rok]  (Heb.,  see  below),  the  proper  name 
of  an  idol  of  Nineveh,  in  whose  temple  Sennacherib 


EH-v-bvaiiea  figure,  >uppofl«d  to  b«  NUroch.— Front  thfl  N.  W.  I'«l«c«, 
(Uyud'l  Kinnlh,  i.  tl.; 

WW  worshipping  when  assassinated  by  his  sons, 
Adrammelech  and  Sharezer  (2  K.  xii.  87  ;  Is.  xxxviL 
88).  Kashi,  in  his  note  on  Is.  xxxvii.  88,  explains 
Nisroch  as  "  a  beam,  or  plank,  of  Noah'a  arkf^ 
47 


from  the  analysis  given  of  the  word  by  Rabbinical 
expositors.  What  the  true  etymology  may  be  is 
extremely  doubtful.  If  the  origin  of  the  word  be 
Shemitic,  it  may  be  derived,  as  Gesenius  suggests, 
from  the  Heb.  rusher,  which  is  in  Ar.  visr  —  an 
eagle,  with  the  termination  odi  or  dch,  so  that  Nis- 
roch  =  the  grtat  eagle.  But  this  explanation  is  far 
from  satisfactory.  It  is  adopted,  however,  by  Fiirst, 
and  by  Mr.  Layard,  who  identifies  with  Nisroch  the 
eagle-headed  human  figure,  which  is  one  of  the  most 
prominent  on  the  earliest  Assyrian  monuments,  and 
is  always  represented  as  contending  with  and  con- 
quering the  lion  or  the  bull. 

Nl'tre  [-tcr]  (Heb.  nether)  occurs  in  Prov.  xxv. 
20,  "  and  as  vinegar  upon  nether  ;  "  and  in  Jcr.  ii. 
22,  "  though  thou  wash  thee  with  nether.  The  sub- 
stance denoted  is  not  that  which  we  now  under- 
stand by  the  term  nitre,  i.  e.  nitrate  of  potassa  =; 
saltpetre — but  the  nitron  or  litroti  of  the  Greeks, 
the  nilrum  of  the  Latins,  and  the  natron  or  native 
carbonate  of  soda  of  modern  chemistry.  The  latter 
part  of  the  passage  in  Proverbs  is  well  explained 
by  Shaw,  who  sa;s  (Trav.  ii.  387),  "  the  unsuitable- 
ness  of  the  singing  of  songs  to  a  heavy  heart  is 
very  finely  compared  to  the  contrariety  there  is  be- 
tween vinegar  and  natron."  Natron  was  and  is  still 
used  by  the  Egyptians  for  washing  linen : 
the  value  of  soda  in  this  respect  is  well 
known.  The  Egyptians  use  it  (1.)  instead 
of  yeast  for  bread,  (2.)  instead  of  soap,  (3.) 
Hs  a  cure  for  the  toothache,  being  mixed 
with  vinegar.  Natron  is  found  abundantly 
in  the  well-known  soda  lakes  of  Egypt  de- 
scribed by  Pliny,  and  referred  to  by  Strabo, 
which  are  situated  in  the  barren  valley  of 
Jiahr  bela-ma  (the  Waterless  Sea),  about  fifty 
miles  W.  of  Cairo. 
No.      No-AMON. 

JVo-a-di'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  with  whom  Jehovah 
convene.*,  Ges.).  1.  A  Levite,  son  of  Binnui, 
who  with  Meremoth,  Eleazar,  and  Jozabad, 
weighed  the  vessels  of  gold  and  silver  be- 
longing to  the  Temple  which  were  brouglit 
back  from  Babylon  (Ezr.  viil.  33).— 2.  The 
prophetess  Noadiah  joined  Sanballat  and 
Tobiah  in  their  attempt  to  intimidate  Nehe- 
miah  (Neh.  vi.  14). 

No'ah  (Heb.  noah  or  iioach  =  rent),  in  N. 
T.  NoE,  the  tenth  in  descent  from  Adam,  in 
the  line  of  Seth ;  son  of  Lamech  2,  and  grand- 
son of  Methuselah.  Of  his  father  Lamech 
all  that  we  know  is  comprised  in  the  words 
that  he  uttered  on  the  birth  of  his  son 
(Gen.  V.  29),  words  the  more  significant 
when  we  contrast  them  with  the  saying  of 
the  other  Lamech  1,  which  have  also  been 
preserved  (iv.  23,  24).  In  the  reason  which 
Lamech  gives  for  calling  his  son  Noah,  there 
is  a  play  upon  the  name  which  it  is  im- 
possible to  preserve  in  English.  lie  called 
his  name  Noah  (rest),  saying,"  this  same  shall 
comfort  us"  (Heb.  ylnalUitnenxt  or  yinachS- 
mhiu).  It  is  plain  that  the  name  "  rest  " 
and  the  verb  "comfort"  arc  of  different 
J  roots  ;  Lamech  merely  plays  upon  the  name 
'  after  a  fashion  common  in  all  ages  and  coun- 
Aimroiwf.-  trics  (so  Mr.  J.  J.  S.  Perowne).  Of  Noah  him- 
self, from  this  time,  we  hear  nothing  more 
till  he  is  600  years  old,  when  he  begat  three  sons, 
Sheu,  Ham,  and  Japheth.  Very  remarkable,  how- 
ever, is  the  glimpse  which  we  get  of  the  state  of 
society  in  the  aute-diluvian  world  (vi.  1-4).    The 


738 


KOA 


NOA 


narrative  stands  thus :  "  And  it  came  to  pass  when 
men  (the  Adam)  began  to  multiply  on  the  face 
of  the  ground  and  daughters  were  born  unto 
them ;  then  the  sons  of  God  (the  Elohim)  saw 
the  daughters  of  men  (the  Adam)  that  they  were 
fair,  and  they  took  to  them  wives  of  all  that  they 
chose.  And  Jehovah  said,  My  Spirit  shall  not  for 
ever  rule  (or  be  humbled)  in  men  (A.  V.  '  strive 
with  man '),  seeing  that  they  are  (or,  in  their  error 
they  are)  but  flesh,  and  their  days  shall  be  a  hundred 
and  twenty  years.  'Thenephilim  (A.V. '  giants  ')  were 
on  the  earth  in  those  days ;  and  also  afterward  when 
the  sons  of  God  (the  Elohim)  came  in  unto  the 
daughters  of  men  (the  Adam),  and  children  were 
born  to  them,  these  were  the  heroes  which  were  of 
old,  men  of  renown."  Here  a  number  of  perplex- 
ing questions  present  themselves :  (n.)  Who  were 
the  sons  of  God  ?  (i.)  Who  the  daughters  of  men  ? 
(f.)  Who  the  nlphilim?  (Giants.)  (rf.)  What  is  the 
meaning  of  "  My  Spirit  shall  not  always  rule,  or 
dwell,  or  be  humbled  in  men ; "  and  (c.)  of  the  words 
which  follow,  "  But  their  days  shall  be  a  hundred 
and  twenty  years  ?  "  Questions  a.  and  c.  are  answered 
directly  under  Giants,  b.  "  The  daughters  of 
men  "  are  variously  regarded  as  women  of  inferior 
rank,  female  descendants  of  Cain,  or  of  Adam,  im- 
pious or  wicked  women,  females  of  the  human  race, 
&c.,  according  to  the  view  taken  of  "  the  sons  of 
God,"  with  whom  they  are  contrasted,  d.  In  con- 
sequence of  the  grievous  and  hopeless  wickedness 
of  the  world  at  this  time,  God  resolves  to  destroy 
it.  "  My  Spirit,"  He  says,  "  shall  not  always  '  dwell ' 
(LXX.,  Vulgate,  &c.)  or  '  bear  sway  '  (Fiirst,  &c.)  In 
man — inasmuch  as  he  is  but  flesh."  The  meaning 
of  which  seems  to  be  that  whilst  God  has  put  His 
Spirit  in  man,  i.  e.  not  only  the  breath  of  life,  but 
a  spiritual  part  capable  of  recognizing,  loving,  and 
worshipping  Him,  man  had  so  much  sunk  down 
into  the  lowest  and  most  debasing  of  fleshly  pleas- 
ures, as  to  have  almost  extinguished  the  higher 
light  within  him.  Gesenius  translates :  My  Spirit 
s/mU  not  be  made  lorn  in  man  for  ever,  i.  e.  the 
higher  and  divine  nature  shall  not  for  ever  be 
humiliated  in  the  lower,  shall  not  ever  descend 
from  heaven  and  dwell  in  flesh  upon  the  earth 
(compare  ver.  1,  2).  B\ish  (on  Genesis,  vi.  '3)  trans- 
lates :  Mij  Spirit  shall  not  alwai/s  judge,  i.  e.  con- 
tend in  judgment  (compare  Eccl.  vi.  10) ;  in  other 
words,  "  My  Spirit  shall  not  perpetually  keep  up 
the  process  of  judgment,  rebuke,  conviction,  and 
condemnation."  The  A.  V.  translates  this  similarly, 
"  My  Spirit  shall  not  always  strive  with  man." 
Then  follows :  "  But  his  days  shall  be  a  hundred 
and  twenty  years,"  which  has  been  interpreted  by 
some  to  mean,  that  still  a  time  of  grace  shall  be 
given  for  repentance,  viz.  120  years  before  the  Flood 
shall  come ;  and  by  others,  that  the  duration  of 
human  life  should  in  future  be  limited  to  this  term 
of  years,  instead  of  extending  over  centuries  as 
before.  This  last  seems  the  most  natural  inter- 
pretation of  the  Hebrew  words.  Nordheimer  (Hthn-w 
Grammar,  i.  171)  makes  the  whole  passage  mean  : 
Ml/  Spirit  will  not  jitdffe  man  always  when  he  errs 
(literally  in  their  erring,  A.  V.  "  for  that  he  also  ") ; 
he  is  but  Jiesh  and  his  days  are  few  (hence  he  is  to 
be  compassionated  ;  compare  Ps.  Ixxviii.  38,  39). — 
Of  Noah's  life  during  this  age  of  almost  universal 
apostasy  we  are  told  but  little.  It  is  merely  said 
that  he  was  a  righteous  man  and  perfect  in  his 
generations  (i.  e.  among  his  contemporaries),  and 
that  he,  like  Enoch,  walked  with  God.  2  Pet.  ii.  5 
styles  him  "  a  preacher  of  righteousness."    Besides 


this  we  are  merely  told  that  he  had  three  sons,  each 
of  whom  had  married  a  wife  ;  that  he  built  the  Ark 
in  accordance  with  Divine  direction;  and  that  he 
was  600  years  old  when  the  Flood  came.  Both  about 
the  Ark  and  the  Flood  so  many  questions  have  been 
raised,  that  we  must  consider  each  of  these  sepa- 
rately.— The  Ark.  The  precise  meaning  of  the  He- 
brew word  (tebdh)  is  uncertain.  The  word  only  oc- 
curs here  and  in  Exodus  ii.  3.  In  all  probability  it 
Is  to  the  old  Egyptian  that  we  are  to  look  for  its 
original  form.  Bunsen,  in  his  vocabulary,  gives  tha, 
a  clicsl,  tpt,  a  boat,  and  in  the  Coptic  Version  of  Ex. 
ii.  3,  5,  ihcbi  is  the  rendering  of  tebdh.  This  chest  or 
boat  was  to  be  of  gopher  (i.  e.  cypress)  wood,  a  kind 
of  timber  which  for  its  lightness  and  durability  was 
employed  by  the  Phenicians  for  building  their  ves- 
ses  (so  Mr.  J.  J.  S.  Perowne).  The  planks  of  the  ark, 
after  being  put  together,  were  to  be  protected  by  a 
coating  of  pitch,  or  rather  bitumen  (slime),  which 
was  to  be  laid  on  both  inside  and  outside,  as  the 
most  effectual  means  of  making  it  water-tight,  and 
perhaps  also  as  a  protection  against  the  attacks  of 
marine  animals.  The  ark  was  to  consist  of  a  num- 
ber of  "nests"  or  small  compartments  (A.  V. 
"chambers"),  doubtless  for  the  convenient  distri- 
bution of  the  different  animals  and  their  food. 
These  were  to  be  arranged  in  three  tiers,  one  above 
another ;  "  with  lower,  second,  and  third  (stories) 
shalt  thou  make  it."  Means  were  also  to  be  pro- 
vided for  letting  light  Into  the  ark.  In  the  A.  V. 
we  read,  "  A  window  shalt  thou  make  to  the  ark, 
and  in  a  cubit  shalt  thou  finish  it  above."  The 
original  is  obscure,  and  has  been  differently  inters 
preted.  The  "window,"  or  "light-hole"  (Heb, 
tsohar,  literally  light,  a  light,  Ges.)  was  to  be  at  thfl 
top  of  the  ark  apparently.  If  the  words  "  unto  a 
cubit  shalt  thou  finish  it  above  "  refer  to  the  window 
and  not  to  the  ark  itself,  they  seem  to  imply  that 
this  aperture,  or  skylight,  extended  to  the  breadth 
of  a  cubit  the  whole  length  of  the  roof.  But  if  so, 
It  could  not  have  been  merely  an  open  slit,  for  that 
would  have  admitted  the  rain.  Are  we  then  to  sup 
pose  that  some  transparent,  or  at  least  translucent, 
substance  was  employed  ?  It  would  almost  seen 
so.  A  different  Heb.  word  (hallon  or  chnlldn)  ia 
used  in  ch.  viii.  6,  where  it  is  said  that  Noah  opened 
the  window  of  the  ark.  Supposing  then  the  tsohar 
to  be  a  skylight,  or  series  of  skylights  running 
the  whole  length  of  the  ark,  the  hallon  or  challan 
might  be  a  single  compartment  of  the  larger  window; 

which  could  be  opened  at  will.     But  besides  thi 

window  there  was  to  be  a  door.  This  was  to  bfl 
placed  in  the  side  of  the  ark.  Of  the  shape  of  the 
ark  nothing  Is  said  ;  but  its  dimensions  are  given. 
It  was  to  be  300  cubits  in  length,  50  in  breadth, 
and  30  in  height.  Taking  twenty-one  inches  for 
the  cubit,  the  ark  would  be  525  feet  long,  87^ 
feet  broad,  and  62|  feet  high.  This  is  very  consider- 
ably larger  than  the  largest  British  man-of-war.  The 
steamship  Great  Eastern,  however,  is  both  longer 
and  deeper  than  the  ark,  being  680  feet  long  (<)91 
on  deck),  83  broad,  and  58  deep.  It  should  be  re- 
membered that  this  huge  structure  was  only  in- 
tended to  float  on  the  water,  and  was  not  in  the_ 
proper  sense  of  the  word  a  ship.  It  had  neithet-" 
mast,  sail,  nor  rudder ;  it  was  in  fact  nothing  but  an 
enormous  floating  house,  or  oblong  box  ratherJ 
Two  objects  only  were  aimed  at  in  its  construction^ 
the  one  was  that  it  should  have  ample  stowage,  and 
the  other  that  it  should  be  able  to  keep  steady  upon 
the  water.  After  having  given  Noah  the  necessarr 
instructions  for  the  building  of  the  ark,  God  tell 


he 

nd^ 
on 

eldEj 


KOA. 


NOA 


7S9 


iim  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  designed.  The 
earth  is  to  be  destroyed  by  water.  "  And  I,  behold 
I  do  bring  the  flood — waters  upon  the  earth — to 
destroy  all  flesh  wherein  is  the  breath  of  life  .... 
but  I  will  establish  my  covenant  with  thee,"  &c. 
(Gen.  vi.  17,  18).  The  inmates  of  the  ark  are  tlien 
specified.  ■  They  are  to  be  Noah  and  bis  wife,  and 
his  three  sons  with  their  wives.  Noah  is  also  to 
take  a  pair  of  each  kind  of  animal  into  the  ark  with 
him  that  he  may  preserve  them  alive ;  birds,  donios- 
tie  animals,  and  creeping  things  are  particularly 
mentioned.  He  is  to  provide  for  the  wants  of  each 
of  these  stores  "  of  every  kind  of  food  that  is  eaten." 
It  is  added,  "  Thus  did  Noah ;  according  to  all  that 
God  (Elohim)  commanded  him,  so  did  he."  A  re- 
markable addition  to  these  directions  occurs  in  the 
following  chapter.  The  pairs  of  animals  are  now 
limited  to  one  of  unclean  animals,  whilst  of  denn 
animals  and  birds  (ver.  2),  Noah  is  to  take  to  him 
"  by  sevens."  It  seems  unnecessary  to  resort  to 
the  documentary  hypothesis  (see  Oe.nesis,  Pext*- 
lECCu)  to  explain  this  addition,  when  the  simple  sup- 
position of  an  additional  or  supplementary  direction 
from  God  is  both  natural  and  sufficient  to  renicve 
the  difficulty.  Are  we,  then,  to  understand  that 
Noah  literally  conveyed  a  pair  of  all  the  animals  of 
the  world  into  the  ark  ?  This  question  virtually 
contains  in  it  another,  viz.  whether  the  deluge  was 
universal,  or  only  partial  ?  If  it  was  only  partial, 
then  of  course  it  was  necessary  to  find  room  but  for 
a  comparatively  small  number  of  animals ;  and  the 
dimen.sions  of  the  ark  are  ample  enough  for  the  re- 
quired purpose.  The  argument  on  this  point  has 
been  well  stated  by  Hugh  Jliller  in  his  Testimony  of 
llu  Roeks.  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  (250  years  ago) 
proposed  to  allow  in  the  ark  "  for  89  distinct 
species  of  beasts,  or  lest  any  should  be  omitted,  for 
100  several  kinds ; "  and  he  calculated  that  "  all 
these  280  beasts  might  be  kept  in  one  story,  or  room 
of  the  ark,  in  their  several  cabins ;  their  meat  in  a 
second ;  the  birds  and  their  provision  in  a  third, 
with  space  to  spare  for  Noah  and  his  family,  and 
all  their  necessaries."  But  our  knowledge  of  the 
animal  kingdom  gives  a  far  larger  number  of  dis- 
tinct species.  Johnston's  Physical  Atlas  (second 
edition,  1856)  enumerated  1,658  different  species  of 
mammals.  To  these  we  must  add  the  6,266  birds 
of  Lesson,  and  the  657  or  (subtracting  the  sea-snakes, 
and  perhaps  the  turtles)  the  642  reptiles  of  Charles 
Bonaparte.  Take  the  clean  animals  alone,  of  which 
seven  were  to  be  in  the  ark,  Mr.  Waterhouse  in 
1856  estimated  the  oxen  at  twenty  species,  the  sheep 
at  twenty-seven,  the  goats  at  twenty,  the  deer  at 
fifty-one.  Add  to  these  the  forty-eight  species  of 
antelopes  only,  multiply  the  whole  by  seven,  and  we 
have  1,162  individuals,  a  number  more  than  four 
times  greater  than  Kaleigh's  estimate.  But  it  is  not 
only  the  inadequate  size  of  the  ark  to  contain 
the  progenitors  of  our  existing  species  of  animals, 
which  is  conclusive  against  a  universal  deluge 
(bo  Mr.  Perowne).  Another  fact  points  with  still 
greater  force,  if  possible,  in  the  same  direction,  and 
that  is,  the  manner  in  which  we  now  find  these  ani- 
mals distributed  over  the  earth's  surface.  We  now 
know  that  every  great  continent  has  its  own  pecu- 
liar fauna  ;  that  the  original  centres  of  distribution 
must  have  been  not  one,  but  many ;  that  the  areas 
or  circles  around  these  centres  must  have  been  oc- 
cupied by  their  pristine  animals  in  ages  long  anterior 
to  that  of  Ihe  Noachian  Deluge.  (But  see  Man.) 
It  is  (luite  plain,  then,  that  if  all  the  animals  of  the 
world  were  literally  gathered  together  in  the  ark 


and  so  saved  from  the  waters  of  a  universal  deluge, 
this  could  only  have  been  effected  (even  supposing 
there  was  space  for  them  in  the  ark)  by  a  most 
stupendous  miracle.  But  the  narrative  does  not 
compel  us  to  adopt  so  tremendous  an  hypothesis. 
We  shall  see  more  clearly  when  we  come  to  consider 
the  language  used  with  regard  to  the  Flood  it;-elf, 
that  even  that  language,  strong  as  it  undoubtedly 
is,  does  not  oblige  us  to  suppose  that  the  Deluge 
was  universal  (so  Mr.  Perowne,  with  many  others ; 
but  see  below). —  The  Flood.  The  ark  was  finished, 
and  all  its  living  freight  was  gathered  into  it  as  in  a 
place  of  safety.  Jehovah  shut  him  in,  says  the 
chronicler,  speaking  of  Noah.  And  then  ensued  a 
solemn  pause  of  seven  days  before  the  threatened 
destruction  was  let  loose.  At  last  the  Flood  came ; 
the  waters  were  upon  the  earth.  The  narrative  is 
vivid  and  forcible,  though  entirely  wanting  in  that 
sort  of  description  (of  the  death-struggle,  the  cry  of 
despair,  the  agony  of  husband  and  wife,  parent  and 
child,  the  sadness  of  Noah,  &c.)  which  in  a  modern 
historian  or  poet  would  have  occupied  the  largest 
space.  But  one  impression  is  left  upon  the  mind 
with  peculiar  vividness,  from  the  very  simplicity  of 
the  narrative,  and  it  is  that  of  utter  desolation. 
From  vii.  17  to  the  end  of  the  chapter  a  very  simple 
but  very  powerful  and  impressive  description  is  given 
of  the  appalling  catastrophe.  AVe  are  reminded 
six  times  in  chs.  vi.-viii.  who  the  tenants  of  the  ark 
were ;  the  total  and  absolute  blotting  out  of  every 
thing  else  is  not  less  emphatically  dwelt  on.  The 
waters  of  the  Flood  increased  for  190  days  (40 -t- 150, 
comparing  vii.  12  and  24).  And  then  "God  re- 
membered Noah,"  and  made  a  wind  to  pass  over  the 
earth,  so  that  the  waters  were  assuaged.  The  ark 
rested  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  the  seventh  month 
on  the  mountains  of  Ararat.  After  this  the  waters 
gradually  decreased  till  the  first  day  of  the  tenth 
month,  when  the  tops  of  the  mountains  were  seen. 
Then  Noah  sent  forth,  first,  the  raven,  which  flew 
hither  and  thither,  resting  probably  on  the  moun- 
tain-tops, but  not  returning  to  the  ark;  and  next, 
after  an  interval  of  seven  days  (comp.  ver.  10),  the 
dove,  "  to  see  if  the  waters  were  abated  from  the 
ground  "  (i.  e.  the  lower  plain  country).  "  But  the 
dove  found  no  rest  for  the  sole  of  her  foot,  and  she 
returned  unto  him  into  the  ark."  After  waiting  for 
another  seven  days  he  again  sent  forth  the  dove, 
which  returned  this  time  with  a  fresh  olive-leaf  in 
her  mouth,  a  sign  that  the  waters  were  still  lower. 
And  once  more,  after  another  interval  of  seven  days, 
he  sent  forth  the  dove,  and  she  "  returned  not  again 
unto  him  any  more,"  having  found  a  home  for  her- 
self upon  the  earth.  On  reading  this  narrative  it  is 
difficult,  it  must  be  confessed,  to  reconcile  the  lan- 
guage employed  with  the  hypothesis  of  a  partial 
deluge.  The  difficulty  does  not  lie  in  the  largeness 
of  most  of  the  terms  used,  but  rather  in  the  pre- 
cision of  one  single  expression.  It  is  natural  to 
suppose  that  the  writer,  when  he  speaks  "  of  all 
flesh,"  "  all  in  whose  nostrils  was  the  breath  of  life," 
refers  only  to  his  own  locality.  This  sort  of  lan- 
guage is  common  enough  in  the  Bible  when  only  a 
small  part  of  the  globe  is  intended  (compare  Gen. 
xli.  57;  Dent.  ii.  25;  1  Chr.  xiv.  17;  Lk.  ii.  1; 
Rom.  i.  8 ;  Col.  i.  23,  &c.).  The  real  difficulty  lies 
in  the  connecting  of  this  statement  with  the  district 
in  which  Noah  is  supposed  to  have  lived,  and  the 
assertion  that  the  waters  prevailed  fifteen  cubits  up- 
ward. If  the  Ararat  on  which  the  ark  rested  be  the 
present  mountain  of  the  same  name,  the  highest 
peak  of  which  is  more  than  17,000  feet  above  the 


740 


NOA 


NOA 


aea,  it  would  have  been  impossible  for  this  to 
have  been  covered,  the  water  reaching  fifteen 
cubits,  i.  e.  twenty-six  feet  above  it,  unless  the 
whole  earth  were  submerged.  The  plain  meaning 
of  the  narrative  is,  that  as  far  as  the  eye  could 
sweep,  not  a  solitary  mountain  reared  its  head  above 
the  waste  of  waters.  But  there  is  no  necessity 
for  assuming  that  the  ark  stranded  on  the  high 
peaks  of  the  mountain  now  called  Ararat,  or  even 
that  that  mountain  was  visible.  A  lower  mountain- 
range,  e.  g.  the  Zagros  range,  may  more  naturally  be 
intended.  We  may  also  assume  the  inundation  to  have 
been  partial,  and  may  suppose  it  to  have  extended 
over  the  whole  valley  of  the  Euphrates,  and  eastward 
as  far  as  the  range  of  mountains  running  down  to  the 
Persian  Gulf,  or  further.  As  the  inundation  is  said 
to  have  been  caused  by  the  breaking  up  of  the 
fountains  of  the  great  deep,  as  well  as  by  the  rain, 
some  great  and  sudden  subsidence  of  the  land  may 
have  taken  place,  accompanied  by  an  inrush  of  the 
waters  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  similar  to  what  occurred 
in  the  Runn  of  Cutch,  on  the  eastern  arm  of  the 
Indus,  in  1819,  when  the  sea  flowed  in,  and  in  a 
few  hours  converted  a  tract  of  land,  2,000  square 
miles  in  area,  into  an  inland  sea  or  lagoon.  In  con- 
sequence of  earthquakes  in  1822  and  1835,  an  area 
of  100,000  square  miles,  on  the  coast  of  Chili,  has 
been  raised  two  feet  above  high-water  mark  in  one 
j)art,  and  depressed  as  much  in  another  (Fbn.  art. 
Deluge).  It  has  sometimes  been  asserted  that  the 
facts  of  geology  are  conclusive  against  the  possibil- 
ity of  a  universal  deluge.  Formerly,  indeed,  the 
existence  of  shells  and  corals  at  the  top  of  high 
mountains  was  taken  to  be  no  less  conclusive  evi- 
dence the  other  way.  They  were  constantly  ap- 
pealed to  as  a  proof  of  the  literal  truth  of  the  Scrip- 
ture narrative.  Even  within  the  last  fifty  years 
geologists  like  Cuvier  and  Buckland  have  thought 
that  the  superficial  deposits  might  be  referred  to  the 
period  of  the  Noachian  Flood.  Subsequent  investi- 
gation, however,  showed  that  if  the  received  chro- 
nology were  even  approximately  correct,  this  was  out 
of  the  question,  as  these  deposits  must  have  taken 
place  thousand  of  years  before  the  time  of  Noah, 
and  indeed  before  the  creation  of  man.  So  far 
then,  it  is  clear,  there  is  no  evidence  now  on  the 
earth's  surface  in  favor  of  a  universal  deluge.  But 
is  there  any  positive  geological  evidence  against  it  ? 
Hugh  Miller  and  other  geologists  have  maintained 
that  there  is.  They  appeal  to  the  fact  that  in  various 
parts  of  the  world,  such  as  Auvergne  in  France,  and 
along  the  flanks  of  Etna,  there  are  cones  of  loose 
BcoriiB  and  ashes  belonging  to  long  extinct  volcanoes, 
which  must  be  at  least  triple  the  antiquity  of  the 
Noachian  Deluge,  and  which  yet  exhibit  no  traces 
of  abrasion  by  the  action  of  water.  These  loose 
cones,  they  argue,  must  have  been  swept  away  had 
the  water  of  the  Deluge  ever  reached  them.  But 
this  argument  is  by  no  means  conclusive.  The 
whole  earth  might  have  been  submerged  one  year, 
or  even  much  longer,  without  any  trace  of  such 
submersion  being  now  discernible.  There  is,  how- 
ever, other  evidence  conclusive  against  the  hypothe- 
sis of  a  universal  deluge,  miracle  apart.  The  first 
effect  of  the  covering  of  the  whole  globe  with  water 
would  be  a  complete  change  in  its  climate,  the  gen- 
eral tendency  being  to  lower  and  equalize  the  tem- 
perature of  all  parts  of  its  surface.  At  equal  pace 
with  this  process  would  ensue  the  destruction  of  the 
great  majority  of  marine  animals.  And  this  would 
take  place,  partly  from  the  entire  change  in  cllnmta! 
conditions,  too  sudden  and  general  to  be  escaped  by 


migration,  and,  in  still  greater  measure,  from  the 
sudden  change  in  the  depth  of  the  water.  Great 
multitudes  of  marine  animals  can  only  live  between 
tide-marks,  or  at  depths  less  than  fifty  fathoms;  and 
as  by  the  hypothesis  the  land  had  to  be  depressed 
many  thousands  of  feet  in  a  few  months,  and  to 
be  raised  again  with  equal  celerity,  it  follows  that 
the  animals  could  not  possibly  have  accommodated 
themselves  to  such  vast  and  rapid  changes.  All  the 
littoral  animals,  therefore,  would  have  been  killed. 
The  race  of  acorn-shells  and  periwinkles  would  have 
been  exterminated,  and  all  the  coral-reefs  of  the 
Pacific  would  at  once  have  been  converted  into 
dead  coral,  never  to  grow  again.  But  acom-shcUs, 
periwinkles,  and  coral  still  survive,  and  there  is 
good  evidence  that  they  have  continued  to  exist  and 
flourish  for  many  thousands  of  years.  On  the  other 
hand,  Noah  was  not  directed  to  take  marine  animals 
of  any  kind  into  the  ark,  nor  indeed  is  it  easy  to  see 
how  they  could  have  been  preserved.  Secondly,  had 
the  whole  globe  been  submerged,  the  sea-water 
covering  the  land  would  at  once  have  destroyed 
every  fresh-water  fish,  moUusk,  and  worm  ;  and  as 
none  of  these  were  taken  into  the  ark,  the  several 
species  would  have  become  extinct.  Nothing  of  the 
kind  has  occurred.  Thirdly,  such  experiments  as 
have  been  made  with  regard  to  the  action  of  sea- 
water  upon  terrestrial  plants  leave  very  little  doubt 
that  submergence  in  sea-water  for  ten  or  eleven 
months  would  have  effectually  destroyed  not  only 
the  great  majority  of  the  plants,  but  their  seeds  as 
well.  And  yet  it  is  not  said  that  Noah  took  any 
stock  of  plants  with  him  into  the  ark,  or  that  the 
animals  which  issued  from  it  had  the  slighte.st 
difficulty  in  obtaining  pasture.  There  are,  then,  it 
must  be  confessed,  very  strong  grounds  for  believing 
that  no  universal  deluge  ever  occurred.  Suppose 
the  Flood,  on  the  other  hand,  to  have  been  local : 
suppose,  e.  g.,  the  valley  of  the  Euphrates  to  have 
been  submerged  ;  then  the  necessity  for  preserving 
all  the  species  of  animals  disappears.  For  (1.)  there 
was  nothing  to  prevent  the  birds  and  many  of  the 
large  mammals  from  getting  away;  and  (2.)  the 
number  of  species  peculiar  to  that  geographical 
area,  and  which  would  be  absolutely  destroyed  by 
its  being  flooded,  supposing  they  could  not  escape, 
is  insignificant.  All  these  considerations  point  with 
overwhelming  force  in  the  same  direction,  and  com- 
pel us  to  believe,  unless  we  suppose  that  a  stupen- 
dous miracle  was  wrought,  that  the  Flood  of  Noah 
(like  other  deluges  of  wliich  we  read)  extended  only 
over  a  limited  area  of  the  globe.  (The  preceding  argu- 
ment is  abridged  from  Mr.  Perowne.)  Many  autliors, 
ancient  and  modern,  have  held  that  Noah's  Flood 
was  universal,  and  involved  vast  geological  changes 
(Heidegger,  Pelletier,  Ray,  Whiston,  Halley,  Sharon 
Turner,  &c.).  Some  ancients  and  many  moderns 
have  held,  as  above,  that  it  was  universal  in  respi 
to  the  human  race,  but  partial  in  respect  to  tl  _ 
globe  (M.  Poole,  Stillingfleet,  Bishop  Patrick,  Isaac' 
Vossius,  J.  Pye  Smith  [in  Kitto],  Fairbairn,  Ayre, 
&c.). — The  word  specially  used  to  designate  the 
Flood  of  Noah  (hammabhul)  occurs  in  only  one  other 
passage  of  Scripture  (Ps.  xxix.  10).  In  Is.  liv.  9, 
the  Flood  is  spoken  of  as  "  the  waters  of  Noah." 
In  the  N.  T.  our  Lord  gives  the  sanction  of  His  own 
authority  to  the  historical  truth  of  the  narrative 
(Mat.  xxiv.  37 ;  compare  Lk.  xvii.  26).  1  Pet.  iii. 
20  speaks  of  the  "  long-suffering  of  God,"  which 
"  waited  in  the  days  of  Noah."  In  2  Pet.  ii.  5  it  is 
cited  as  an  instance  of  the  righteous  judgment  of 
God  who  spared  not  the  old  world,  &c. — The  tradi 


NOA 


NOA 


741 


tions  of  maDT  nations  have  prcsorred  the  memory 
of  a  great  and  destructive  flood  from  which  but  a 
Email  part  of  mankind  escaped.  It  is  not  aiways 
very  clear  whether  they  point  back  to  a  common 
centre,  or  whether  tliey  were  of  national  growth. 
The  traditions  which  come  nearest  to  the  Biblical 
account  are  those  of  the  nations  of  Western  Asia. 
Foremost  among  these  is  the  Chaldean.  It  is  pre- 
served in  a  fragment  of  Berosus,  and  tells  how 
Xi.«nthrus  built  a  vessel  in  which  he,  his  wife,  and 
family,  and  personal  friends,  were  saved  from  a 
great  deluge,  with  different  animals,  birds,  and  quad- 
rupeds. The  details  in  regard  to  sending  out  birds, 
&c.,  resemble  the  Biblical  account.  Other  notices 
of  a  flood  may  be  found  (a.)  in  the  Phenician  my- 
thology, where  the  victory  of  Pontus  (the  sea)  over 
Demarous(lhc  earth)  is  mentioned  ;  (6.)  in  the  Sybil- 
line  Oracles  which  mentioned  the  Deluge,  after 
whicli  Kronos,  Titan,  and  Japetus  ruled  the  world, 
each  taking  his  portion,  and  remaining  at  peace  till 
Xoah's  death,  when  Kronos  and  Titan  engaged  in 
war  with  one  another,  the  account  being  partly  bor- 
rowed no  doubt  from  the  Biblical  narrative,  and 
partly  perha])S  from  some  Babylonian  story.  To 
these  must  be  added  (c.)  the  Phrygian  story  of  King 
Annakos  or  Nannakos  (Enoch)  in  Iconium,  who 
reached  an  age  of  more  than  300  years,  foretold  the 
Flood,  and  wept  and  prayed  for  his  people,  seeing 
the  destruction  that  was  coming  upon  them.  In 
the  time  of  Septimus  Scverus  (about  A.  d.  200),  a 
medal  was  stnick  at  Apamea,  in  Phrygia,  commem- 
orating the  Flood,  and  representing  a  man  and 
woman  in  an  ark  on  the  water,  and  the  same  pair 
also  just  come  out  on  the  land,  with  one  bird  sit- 
ting on  the  ark  and  another  flying  with  a  branch  to 
it,  and  the  Greek  letters  A'oor  Noeon  the  ark.  In 
this  cycle  of  tradition  must  be  reckoned  also  (1.)  the 
Syrian,  related  by  Lucian,  and  connected  with  a 
huge  chasm  in  the  earth  at  the  temple  of  Atar- 
GATis,  near  nierapolis,  into  which  the  waters  of  the 
Flood  arc  supposed  to  have  drained  ;  and  (2.)  the 
Armenian,  quoted  by  Josephus.  (Ararat.)  A  second 
cycle  of  traditions  is  that  of  Eastern  Asia.  To  this 
belong  the  Persian,  Indian,  and  Chinese.  The  Per- 
6i.in  represents  the  world  as  corrupted  by  Ahriman, 
and  the  universal  flood  coming  to  wash  away  all 
impurity,  and  destroy  Ahriman's  creatures.  The 
Chinese  represents  Fah-he  with  his  wife,  three  sons, 
and  three  daughters,  as  having  escaped  the  Flood, 
and  becoming  the  author  of  Chinese  civilization. 
The  Indian  tradition  appears  in  various  forms.  Of 
these,  the  one  which  most  remarkably  agrees  with 
the  Biblical  account  is  that  contained  in  the  Ma- 
habhiirata — that  Brahma  announced  to  the  pious 
Manu  the  approach  of  the  Deluge,  commanded  him 
to  build  a  ship  and  to  put  into  it  all  kinds  of  seeds 
together  with  the  seven  Rishis,  or  holy  beings ;  that 
Brahma  himself,  after  the  Deluge  came,  appeared 
as  a  horned  fish,  and  drew  the  vessel  after  him  many 
years  till  it  was  landed  on  the  loftiest  summit  of 
Mount  Ilimarat  (i.  e.  the  Himalaya),  and  then  Manu, 
by  the  favor  of  Brahma,  created  the  new  race  of  man- 
kind. The  account  of  the  Hood  in  the  Koran  is 
diawn,  apparently,  partly  from  Biblical  and  partly 
from  Persian  sources.  In  the  main,  no  doubt,  it 
follows  the  narrative  in  Genesis,  but  dwells  at  length 
on  the  testimortj'  of  Noah  to  the  unbelieving.  An- 
other peculiarity  of  this  version  is,  that  Noah  calls 
in  vain  to  one  of  his  sons  to  enter  into  the  ark  ;  he 
refives,  in  the  hope  of  escaping  to  a  mountain,  and 
is  drowned  before  his  father's  eyes.  A  third  cycle 
of  traditions  is  to  be  found  among  the  American 


nations.  These,  as  might  be  expected,  show  oc- 
casionally some  marks  of  resemblance  to  the  Asiatic 
legends.  "  Of  the  diflcrent  nations  that  inhabit 
Mexico,"  says  A.  von  Humboldt,  "  the  following  had 
paintings  resembling  the  deluge  of  Coxcox,  viz. 
the  Aztecs,  the  Mixtecs,  the  Zapotecs,  the  Tlascal- 
tees,  and  the  Mechoacans.  The  Noah,  Xisuthrus, 
or  Manu,  of  these  nations  is  termed  Coxcox,  Teo- 
Cipactli,  or  Tezpi.  He  saved  himself  with  his  wife 
Poehiquetzatl  in  a  bark,  or,  according  to  other  tra- 
ditions, on  a  raft."  A  peculiarity  of  many  of  these 
American  Indian  traditions  is,  that  the  Flood,  ac- 
cording to  them,  usually  took  place  in  the  time  of 
the  First  Man,  who,  together  with  his  family,  es- 
cape. The  Fiji  islanders  have  a  legend  that  the 
islands  were  submerged  by  a  great  rain,  but  eight 
persons  were  saved  in  two  large  double  canoes  by 
Rokora,  the  god  of  carpenters,  and  Rokola,  his 
head  workman.  One  more  cycle  of  traditions  we 
shall  notice — that,  viz.,  of  the  Hellenic  races.  Hel- 
las (Greece)  has  two  versions  of  a  flood,  one  as- 
sociated with  Ogyges,  and  the  other,  in  a  far  more 
elaborate  form,  with  Deucalion,  the  one  righteous 
man  who  escaped  with  his  wives  and  children,  and 
the  animals  he  had  put  into  the  chest.  Both,  how- 
ever, are  of  late  origin  ;  they  were  unknown  to  Ho- 
mer and  Hesiod.  Herodotus,  though  he  mentions 
Deucalion  as  one  of  the  first  kings  of  the  Hellenes, 
says  not  a  word  about  the  Flood.  Pindar  is  the  first 
writer  who  mentions  it.  It  must  be  confessed,  that 
the  later  the  narrative,  the  more  definite  the  form 
it  assumes,  and  the  more  nearly  it  resembles  the 
Mosaic  account.  It  seems  tolerably  certain  that 
the  Egyptians  had  no  records  of  the  Deluge,  at  least 
if  we  are  to  credit  Manetho.  Nor  has  any  such 
record  been  detected  on  the  monuments,  or  pre- 
served in  the  mythology  of  Egypt.— ^/i(er//ici''/oorf. 
Noah's  first  act  after  he  left  the  ark  was  to  build 
an  altar,  and  to  offer  sacrifices,  which  were  accepted 
(Gen.  viii.  20  ff.).  This  is  the  first  altar  of  which 
we  read  in  Scripture,  and  the  first  burnt-sacrifice. 
Jehovah  accepts  the  sacrifice  of  Noah  as  the  ac- 
knowledgment on  the  part  of  man  that  he  desires 
reconciliation  and  communion  with  God.  Then  fol- 
lows the  blessing  of  God  (Elohim)  upon  Noah  and 
his  sons  (ix.).  All  living  creatures  are  now  given  to 
man  for  fooii  ;  but  express  provision  is  made  that 
the  BLOOD  (in  which  is  the  life)  shall  not  be  eaten. 
Next,  God  makes  provision  for  the  security  of 
human  life.  The  blood  of  man,  in  which  is  his  life, 
is  yet  more  precious  than  the  blood  of  beasts.  (Mur- 
der.) Hence  is  laid  the  first  foundation  of  the  civil 
power.  Thus,  with  the  beginning  of  a  new  world, 
God  gives  on  the  one  hand  a  promise  which  secures 
the  stability  of  the  natural  order  of  the  universe, 
and,  on  the  other  hand,  consecrates  human  life  with 
a  special  sanctity  as  resting  upon  these  two  pillars 
— the  brotherhood  of  men,  and  man's  likeness  to 
God.  Of  the  seven  precepts  of  Noah,  as  they  are 
called,  the  observance  of  which  was  required  of  all 
Jewish  proselytes,  three  only  are  here  expressly 
mentioned,  the  abstinence  from  blood,  the  prohibi- 
tion of  murder,  and  the  recognition  of  the  civil 
authority.  The  remaining  four — the  prohibition  of 
idolatry,  of  blasphemy,  of  incest,  and  of  theft — 
rested  apparently  on  the  general  sense  of  mankind. 
It  is  in  the  terms  of  the  blessing  and  the  covenant 
made  with  Noah  after  the  Flood  that  we  find  the 
strongest  evidence  that  in  the  sense  of  the  writer  it 
was  universal,  i.  e.  that  it  extended  to  all  the  then 
hiown  world.  The  literal  truth  of  the  narrative 
obliges  us  to  believe  that  the  whole  human  race,  ex- 


7i2 


NOA 


NOG 


cept  eight  persons,  perished  by  the  waters  of  the 
Flood.  Noah  is  clearly  the  head  of  a  new  human 
family,  the  repre3ent;itive  of  the  whole  race.  It  is 
as  such  that  God  makes  His  covenant  with  him.  The 
bow  in  the  cloud,  seen  by  every  nation  under  heaven, 
is  an  unfailing  witness  to  the  truth  of  God.  (Rain- 
bow.)— Noah  now  for  the  rest  of  his  life  betook  him- 
self to  asricultural  pursuits.  He  planted  a  vineyard. 
Whether  in  ignorance  of  its  properties  or  otherwise, 
he  drank  of  the  juice  of  the  grape  till  he  became 
intoxicated,  and  shamefuly  e.xposed  himself  in  his 
own  tent.  One  son.  Ham,  mocked  openly  at  his 
father's  disgrace.  The  others,  with  dutiful  care  and 
reverence,  endeavored  to  hide  it.  When  he  recov- 
ered from  his  intoxication,  he  declared  that  a  curse 
should  rest  upon  the  sons  of  Ham.  (Canaan.)  With 
this  was  joined  a  blessing  on  the  other  two.  It  is 
uncertain  whether  in  the  words  "And  let  him  dwell 
in  the  tents  of  Shem,"  the  "  him  "  =  "  God,"  or 
"  Japheth,"  At  first  it  seems  more  natural  to  sup- 
pose that  Noah  prays  that  God  would  dwell  there. 
But  the  blessing  of  Shem  has  been  spoken  already. 
It  is  better  therefore  to  refer  the  "dwell"  to  Japheth. 
What,  then,  is  meant  by  his  dwelling  in  the  tents  of 
phem  ?  Not,  of  cour.se,  that  he  should  so  occupy 
them  as  to  thrust  out  the  original  possessors ;  nor 
even  that  they  should  melt  into  one  people ;  but,  as 
it  would  seem,  that  Japheth  may  enjoy  the  religious 
pnvilfges  of  Shem.  After  this  prophetic  blessing 
we  have  only  the  sum  of  Noah's  years,  viz.  350 -t- 600 
=  950.     (Chronology.) 

Noah  (Heb.  no'd/i,  motion,  Ges. ;  the  flattering, 
Fii.),  one  of  the  daughters  of  Zelophehad  (Num. 
xxvi.  33,  xxvii.  1,  xxxvi.  11 ;  Josh.  xvii.  3).      Heir. 

IVo-amnn  (Heb.  fr.  Egyptian  =  the  portion  of 
Amon,  Jablonskv ;  the  plave  of  Amon,  Ges. ;  but  see 
below)  (Nah.  iii".  8),  No  (Heb.)  (Jer.  xlvi.  25;  Ez. 
XXX.  14-16),  a  city  of  Egypt,  =  Thebes,  or  Dios- 
polis  Magna.  The  second  part  of  No-amon  is  the 
nume  of  j4mf«  (Amon),  the  chief  divinity  of  Thebes. 
Mr.  R.  S.  Poole  thinks  it  most  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  No  is  a  Shemitic  name,  and  that  Amon  is  added 
in  Nahum(l.  c.)  to  distinguish  Thebes  from  some 
other  place  of  the  same  name,  or  on  account  of  the 
connection  of  Amen  with  that  city.  Jerome  sup- 
poses No  to  be  either  Alexandria  or  Egypt  itself. 
ChampoUion  takes  it  to  be  Diospolis  in  Lower 
Egypt ;  but  Gcsenius  well  observes  that  it  would 
not  then  be  compared  in  Nahum  to  Nineveh.  This 
and  the  evidence  of  the  Assyrian  record  leave  no 
doubt  that  it  is  Thebes.  The  description  of  No- 
amon,  as  "  situate  among  the  rivers,  the  waters 
round  about  it"  (Nah.  1.  c),  applies  well  to  Thebes. 

Nob  (Heb.  a  height,  hill?  Ges. ;  a  hill,  a  high  place, 
Fii.),  a  sacerdotiil  city  in  Benjamin,  situated  on  some 
eminence  near  Jerusalem  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  11 ;  Neh.  xi. 
32).  That  it  was  on  one  of  the  roads  from  the  N. 
to  the  capital,  and  within  sight  of  it,  is  certain  from 
the  illustrative  passage  in  which  Isaiah  (x.  28-32) 
describes  the  approach  of  the  Assyrian  army.  Here 
the  poet  sees  the  enemy  pouring  down  from  the  N., 
and  it  is  clearly  implied  that  Nob  was  the  last  sta- 
tion in  their  line  of  march,  whence  the  invaders 
could  see  Jerusalem,  and  whence  they  could  be  seen, 
as  they  "shook  the  hand"  in  proud  derision  of 
their  enemies.  Nob  was  one  of  the  places  where 
the  Tabernacle,  or  Ark  of  Jehovah,  was  kept  for  a 
time  during  the  days  of  its  wanderings  before  a 
home  was  provided  for  it  in  Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  vi. 
1,  &c.).  A  company  of  the  Benjamites  settled  here 
after  the  return  from  the  exile  (Neh.  xi.  32).  But  the 
event  for  which  Nob  waa  most  noted  in  the  Scripture 


annals,  was  a  frightful  massacre  of  the  priests  in 
Saul's  reign  (1  Sam.  xxii.  17-19;  Abiathak  ;  Ahim- 
ELECH  1 ;  David  ;  DoEo).  All  trace  of  the  name  dis- 
appeared long  ago.  In  Jerome's  time  nothing  re- 
mained to  indicate  where  it  liad  been.  Geographers 
are  not  agreed  as  to  its  site.  Von  Raumer  and  Kie- 
pert  place  Nob  at  £1- hdwiyeh,  not  far  from  ^Aiuita 
(Anathoth),  and  one  mile  N.  W.  of  Jerusalem. 
But  this  beautifully  situated  village  is  in  a  valley, 
and  Jerusalem  is  not  to  be  seen  from  it.  Porter  (in 
Kitto)  believes  its  site  is  on  a  low-peaked  tell,  where 
are  cisterns  hewn  in  the  rock,  large  building-stones, 
&c.,  situated  less  than  one  mile  S.  of  Tuleil  el-Fnl 
(Gibeah),  and  on  the  E.  of  the  N.  road,  opposite 
ShAfat.  The  top  of  this  hill  aflbrds  an  extensive 
view,  and  Mount  Zion  is  distinctly  seen.  The  Nob 
spoken  of  above  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  an- 
other (not  in  the  Scriptures)  which  Jerome  mentions 
in  the  plain  of  Sharon,  not  far  from  Lydda. 

No'bah  (Heb.  a  barking,  Ges. ;  a  cry,  a  loud  call, 
better  promiiienci/,  i.  e.  a  promiiient  one,  Fii.),  an 
Israelite  warrior  (Num.  xxxii.  42),  probably,  like 
Jair,  a  Manassito,  who  during  tlie  conquest  of  the 
territory  E.  of  Jordan  possessed  himself  of  Kenaih 
and  tlie  villages  or  hamlets  dependent  upon  it  (Heb. 
"  daughters  "),  and  gave  them  his  own  name. 

No'bah  (see  above),  the  name  conferred  by  the 
conqueror  of  Kenath  and  its  villages  on  his  new 
acquisition  (Num.  xxxii.  42),  but  used  afterward 
only  in  describing  Gideon's  pursuit  of  Zebah  and 
Zalmunna  (Judg.  viii.  11). 

*  No'blr-man  [-bl],  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1. 
Gr.  basilikos,  literally  kingly,  royal ;  hence  a  royal 
attendant,  courtier,  nobleman,  Rbn.  A'l  T.  Lex.  (Jn. 
iv.  46,  49),  elsewhere  translated  "  king's  "  (Acts  xii. 
20),  "royal"  (ver.  21;  Jas.  ii.  8).  Probably  this 
"  nobleman "  was  attached  to  the  court  of  Herod 
Antipas. — 2.  Gr.  anthropos  lugenes  =  a  man  ivctl- 
born,  noble,  of  high  rank,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.  (Lk.  xix. 
12).  The  adj.  eitgenes  is  also  translated  "noble" 
in  Acts  xvii.  11  and  1  Cor.  i.  26. 

Nod  (Hch.  flight,  wandering,  Ges.).     Cain. 

No'dab  (Heb.  nobility,  Ges.),  the  name  of  an  Arab 
tribe  mentioned  only  in  1  Chr.  v.  19,  in  the  account 
of  the  war  of  the  Reubenites,  the  Gadites,  and  the 
half  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh,  against  the  IIagau- 
ITES.  (Jetcr;  Naphish.)  It  has  been  supposed 
that  Nodab  was  one  of  the  sons  of  Isiimael.  But 
it  is  probable  that  he  was  a  grandson  or  othtr  de- 
scendant of  the  patriarch,  and  that  the  name,  in 
the  time  of  the  record,  was  that  of  a  tribe  sprung 
from  such  descendant. 

No'f  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.)  =  the  patriarch  Noah  (Tob. 
iv.  12;  Mat.  xxiv.  37,  38;  Lk.  iii.  36,  xvii.  26,  27). 

No'c-ba  (Gr.)  —  Nekooa  1  (1  Esd.  v.  31 ;  compare 
Ezr.  ii.  48). 

No'eah  (Heb.  a  shining,  brightness,  Ges.),  one  of 
David's  thirteen  sons  born  in  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  iii. 
7,  xiv.  6). 

No'hall  (Heb.  rest,  Ges.),  fourth  son  of  Benjamin 
(1  Chr.  viii.  2). 

Non  (Heb.)  =  Ncn,  Joshua's  father  (1  Chr.  vii.  27). 

Noph  (Heb.,  see  below)  (Is.  xix.  13;  Jer.  ii.  16; 
Ez.  XXX.  13,  16),  MOPH  (Hos.  ix.  6),  a  city  of  Egypt, 
Memphis.  These  forms  are  contracted  from  the  an- 
cient Egyptian  common  name,  men-nnfr,  or  mat- 
nefru  =  the  good  abode,  or  perhaps  the  abode  of  t' 
good  one.  The  Hebrew  forms  are  regarded  as  reJ 
resenting  colloquial  forms  of  the  name,  curren 
with  the  Shemites,  if  not  with  the  Egyptians  ala 
Piobably  the  epithet  good  refers  to  Osiris,  who 
sacred  animal  Apia  (Calf)  waa  here  worshipp 


NOH 


NUM 


ns 


As  the  great  upper  Egyptian  city  (Ko)  is  character- 
izi'd  in  Xahum  as  "situate  among  the  rivers"  (iii. 
H),  so  in  Hosea  the  lower  Egyptian  one  is  distin- 
guished by  its  Necropolis,  which  stretches  for  twen- 
ty miles  along  the  edge  of  the  Libyan  desert — 
"Noph  shall  bury  them." 

Ko'phab  (Heb.  bla»t,  perhaps  mndi/  place,  Ges. ; 
hill,  Fii.)>  a  place  mentioned  only  in  Num.  xxi.  30, 
in  the  remarkable  song  apparently  composed  by  the 
Amorites  after  their  conquest  of  Heslibon  from  the 
Uoabites,  and  therefore  of  an  earlier  date  than  the 
Israelite  invasion.  It  is  named  with  Dibon  and 
f  edeba,  and  was  possibly  in  the  neighborhood  of 
leshbon.  Ewald  decides  that  Nophah  =  the  No- 
:  of  Jiidg.  viii.  11. 

*  Xorth  (Heb.  tudphon  ;    Gr.  borrhan)  is  used  in 
he  Scriptures  to  denote  that  quarter  of  the  heavens 

■  earth,  or  that  direction  which  is  at  the  left  hand 
person  who  faces  the  East  (Gen.  xiii.  14, 
XTiii.  14  ;  Ex.  xxvi.  20,  35  ;  Lk.  xiii.  29,  &c.).  "  The 
od  of  the  north,"  "  the  north  country,"  &c.  = 
SYRIA  (Jer.  iii.  18,  &c.).  Babylonia  (Babel)  (vi. 
^2,  &c.),  &c.,  the  approacli  or  usual  course  of  sol- 
jiers  and  travellers  from  these  countries  to  Pales- 
ne  being  from  the  N.  "  The  king  of  the  north  " 
I  Dan.  xi.  6  ff.  =  the  king  of  Syria.  Antiociics 
li. ;  Earth;  Heaven,  &c. 

*  Nose  [s  as  z],  the  organ  of  smell.  The  Heb. 
aph  =  the  human  "nose"  (Prov.  xxx.  33,  &c.), 
tiic  "nose"  or  snout  of  an  animal  (Job  xl.  24,  &c.), 
the  corresponding  part  of  an  idol  (Ps.  cxv.  6),  &c. 
It  is  anthropopnthically  applied  to  God,  like  ear, 
EYE,  kc.  The  Hebrew  word  is  often  translated 
"anger"  (Gen.  xxvii.  46,  &c.)  or  "  wrath"  (xxxix. 
19,  i:c.),  which  shows  itself  in  hard  breathing.  The 
Hebrew  dual  appayim  (literally  the  two  hrenlh'mg- 
holes,  Ges.)  is  u.4ually  translated  "  nostrils  "  (Gen. 
ii.  1,  &c.).     Hook;  Nose-jewel. 

Sose'-j«w-el  (Heb.  nezem),  a  ring  of  metal,  some- 
times of  gold  or  silver,  passed  usually  through  the 
right  nostril,  and  worn  by  way  of  ornament  by  wo- 
men in  the  East  (Gen.  xxiv.  22;  Ex.  xxxv.  22, 
"ear-rino;"  Is.  iii.  21;  Ez.  xvi.  12,  "jewel  on 
the  forehead  ").  Its  diameter  is  usually  an  inch  or 
an  inch  and  a  half,  but  sometimes  as  much  as 
three  inches  and  a  half.     Upon  it  are  strung  beads, 


Modem  Arab  woman  with  noM-rlng, — (Ayre.) 

coral,  or  jewels.     In  Egypt  it  is  now  almost  con- 
fined to  the  lower  classes.    Ornaments,  Personal. 

•  Kos'tril.    Nose. 

•  Kov'lte  [-is],  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Gr.  neo- 
phutot  (literally  neiply  planted,  hence  a  ueio  convert 
or  neojJii/le,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  in  1  Tim.  iii.  6  only. 
This  pa.xsagc  determined  that  a  "novice"  should 
Hot  be  a  BISHOP. 

Naaber.    Like  most  Oriental  nations,  it  is  prob- 


able that  the  Hebrews  In  their  written  calculations 
made  use  of  the  letters  of  the  alphabet.  (Writing.) 
That  they  did  so  in  post-Babylonian  times  we  have 
conclusive  evidence  in  the  Slaccabean  coins  (Mon- 
ey); and  probably  this  was  the  case  also  in  earlier 
times.  But  though  in  all  existing  Hebrew  MBS.  of 
the  O.  T.  the  numerical  expressions  are  written  at 
length,  yet  the  variations  in  the  several  versions 
between  themselves  and  from  the  Hebrew  text, 
added  to  the  evident  inconsistencies  in  numerical 
statement  between  certain  passages  of  that  text  it- 
self, seem  to  prove  that  some  shorter  mode  of 
writing  was  originally  in  vogue,  liable  to  be  misun- 
derstood, and  in  fact  misunderstood  by  copyists 
and  translators.  (Abijah  1  ;  Army;  Census  ;  Chro- 
nology ;  Jehoiachin,  &c.)  These  variations  appear 
to  have  proceeded  from  the  alphabetic  metliod  of 
writing  numbers.  But  some  at  least  of  the  numbers 
mentioned  in  Scripture  are  doubtless  representative 
rather  than  determinative.  Certain  numbers,  as  7, 
10,  40,  100,  were  regarded  as  giving  the  idea  of  com- 
pleteness. The  notion  of  representative  numbers 
in  certain  cases  is  extremely  common  among  Eastern 
nations,  who  have  a  prejudice  against  counting  their 
possessions  accurately ;  it  enters  largely  into  many 
ancient  systems  of  chronology,  and  is  found  in  the 
philosophical  and  metaphysical  speculations  not 
only  of  the  Pythagorean  and  other  ancient  schools 
of  philosophy,  both  Greek  and  Roman,  but  also  in 
those  of  the  later  Jewish  writers,  of  the  Gnostics, 
and  also  of  such  Christian  writers  as  St.  Augustine 
himself.  We  proceed  to  give  some  instances  of 
numbers  used  (a),  representatively,  and  thus  prob- 
ably by  design  indefinitely  or  (6),  definitely,  but,  as 
we  may  say  preferentially,  i.  e.  because  some  mean- 
ing (which  we  do  not  in  all  cases  understand)  was 
attached  to  them.  1.  Seven,  as  denoting  either 
plurality  or  completeness,  is  so  frequent  as  to  make 
a  selection  only  of  instances  necessary,  e.  g.  se><en- 
fold  (Gen.  iv.  24) ;  seven  times,  i.  e.  completely  (Lev. 
xxvi.  24 ;  Ps.  xii.  6) ;  seven  (i.  e.  many)  aai/s  (Deut. 
xxviii.  25).  (Deacon;  Festival  ;  Sabbath;  Seven  ; 
Week.)  2.  Ten  as  a  preferential  number  is  ex- 
emplified in  the  Ten  Commandments  and  the  law  of 
Tithe.  3.  Seventy,  as  compounded  of  7  x  10,  appears 
frequently,  e.  g.  seventy-fold  (Gen.  iv.  24  ;  Mat.  xviii. 
22).  Its  definite  use  appears  in  the  offerings  of 
seventy  shekels  (Num.  vii.  13,  19  ff.);  the  seventy 
elders  (xi.  16) ;  seventy  years  of  captivity  (Jer.  xxv. 
11).  (Seventy.)  4.  Five  appears  in  the  table  of 
punishments,  of  legal  requirements  (Ex.  xxii.  1  ; 
Lev.  V.  16,  xxii.  14,  xxvii.  15;  Num.  v.  7,  xviii.  16), 
and  in  the  five  empires  of  Daniel  (Dan.  ii.).  5. 
Four  is  used  in  reference  to  the  four  winds  (Dan.  vii. 
2) ;  and  the  so-called  four  corners  of  the  earth  ;  the 
four  creatures,  each  with  four  wings  and  four  faces, 
of  Ezekiel  (i.  6  ff.) ;  four  rivers  of  Paradise  (Gen. 
ii.  10);  four  beasts  (Dan.  vii.,  and  Rev.  iv.  6);  the 
four  equal-sided  Temple-chamber  (Ez.  xl.  47).  6. 
Three  was  regarded,  both  by  the  Jews  and  other 
nations,  as  a  specially  complete  and  mystic  number. 
7.  Twelve  (3  x  4)  appears  in  twelve  tribes,  twelve 
stones  in  the  high-priest's  breast-plate,  twelve  apos- 
tles, twelve  foundation-stones,  and  twelve  gates 
(Rev.  xxi.  19-21).  8.  J^bWi/ appears  in  many  enu- 
merations; forty  days  of  Moses  (Ex.  xxiv.  18); 
forty  years  in  the  wilderness  (Num.  xiv.  34) ;  forty 
days  and  nighU  of  Elijah  (1  K.  xix.  8).  9.  One 
hundred.  100  cubits'  length  of  the  Tabernacle- 
court  (Ex.  xxvii.  18);  100  men,  i.  e.  a  large  number 
(Lev.  X.  xvi.  8);  Gideon's  800  men  (Judg.  vii.  6); 
leader  of  100  men  (1  Chr.  xii.  14) ;   100  stripes 


Ui 


NUM 


NUM 


(Prov.  xvii.  10),  &c.  10.  Lastly,  the  mystic  number 
666  (Rev.  xiii.  18),  supposed  by  some  to  denote  the 
Gr.  Lateinos  (=:  L.  Latinns,  i.  e.  Latin,  so.  beast  or 
kingdom),  by  others  the  Hcb.  Neron  Khar  (=r  Nero 
Cesar  or  emperor),  &c.     Riddle. 

Nam'brr-ing.    Census. 

Numbers  (Heb.  vdtnSdahber,  from  the  first  word 
[=  "and  spake,"  A.  V.]  ;  or  bgmidbdr  [=  "in  the 
wilderness,"  A.  V.]  in  i.  1),  the  fourth  book  of  the 
Law  or  Pentateuch.  It  takes  its  name  in  the 
LXX.  and  Vulgate  (whence  our  "  Numbers  ")  from 
the  double  numbering  or  census  of  tlie  people.  A. 
Contents.  The  book  may  be  said  to  contain  gen- 
erally the  history  of  the  IsraeUtes  from  the  time  of 
their  leaving  Sinai,  in  the  second  year  after  the  Ex- 
odus, till  their  arrival  at  the  borders  of  the  Prom- 
ised Land  in  the  fortietli  year  of  their  journeyings. 
It  consists  of  the  following  principal  divisions  : — I. 
The  preparations  for  the  departure  from  Sinai  (i. 
1-x.  10).  II.  The  journey  from  Sinai  to  the  bor- 
ders of  Canaan  (x.  11-xiv.  45).  III.  A  brief  notice 
of  laws  given,  and  events  which  transpired,  during 
the  thirty-seven  years'  wandering  in  the  wilderness 
(xv.  1-xix.  22).  IV.  The  history  of  the  last  year, 
from  the  second  arrival  of  the  Israelites  in  Kadesh 
till  they  reach  "  the  plains  of  Moab  by  Jordan  near 
Jericho"  (xx.  1-xxxvi.  13). — I.  (a.)  The  object  of 
the  encampment  at  Sinai  has  been  accomplished. 
It  is  now  time  to  depart  In  order  that  the  object 
may  be  achieved  for  which  Israel  has  been  sancti- 
fied. That  object  is  the  occupation  of  the  Promised 
Land.  Therefore  Israel  must  be  organized  as  Jeho- 
vah's army  :  and  to  this  end  a  mustering  of  all  who 
are  capable  of  bearing  arms  is  necessary.  Hence 
the  book  opens  with  the  numbering  of  the  people, 
chs.  i.-iv.  These  contain,  first,  the  census  of  all 
the  tribes  or  clans  (ch.  i.);  secondly,  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  camp,  and  the  order  of  march  (ch.  ii.) ; 
thirdly,  the  special  and  separate  census  of  the  Le- 
vites  (chs.  iii.,  iv.).  (4.)  Chs.  v.,  vi.  Certain  laws  ap- 
parently supplementary  to  the  legislation  in  Levit- 
icus, (c.)  Chs.  vii.  1-x.  ro.  Events  occurring  at 
this  time,  and  regulations  connected  with  them. — 
II.  March  from  Sinai  to  the  borders  of  Canaan,  in- 
cluding— («.)  The  order  of  march  described  (x.  14- 
28) ;  the  appeal  of  Moses  to  his  father-in-law,  Ho- 
bab,  to  accompany  them  in  their  journeys ;  and  the 
chant  which  accompanied  the  moving  and  the  rest- 
ing of  the  ark  (35,  36).  (6.)  An  account  of  several 
of  the  stations  and  of  the  events  which  happened 
at  them  (x.  11-xii.  15);  the  sending  of  the  spies 
from  the  wilderness  of  Paran  (et-l'i/i),  their  report, 
the  refusal  of  the  people  to  enter  Canaan,  their  re- 
jection in  consequence,  and  their  rash  attack  upon 
the  Amalekites,  which  resulted  in  a  defeat  (xii.  16- 
xiv.  45). — III.  What  follows  must  be  referred  ap- 
parently to  the  thirty-seven  years  of  wanderings ; 
but  we  have  no  notices  of  time  or  place  (xv.  1-xix.). 
(Aaron;  Korah,  &c.)— IV.  (a.)  The  narrative  re- 
turns abruptly  to  the  second  encampment  of  the 
IsraeUtes  in  Kadesh.  Here  Miriam  dies,  and  the 
people  murmur  for  water,  and  Moses  and  Aaron  are 
not  allowed  to  enter  the  Promised  Land  (xx.  1-13). 
They  intended  perhaps,  as  before,  to  enter  Canaan 
from  the  south.  They  therefore  desired  a  passage 
through  the  country  of  Edom.  The  Edomites  re- 
fused the  request,  and  turned  out  in  arms  to  defend 
their  border.  The  Israelites  abandoned  the  attempt 
as  hopeless  and  turned  southward,  keeping  along 
the  western  borders  of  Idumea  till  they  reached 
Ezion-gcber  (xx.  14-21).  On  their  way  southward 
they  stop  at  Mount  Hor,  or  rather  at  Moserah,  on 


the  edge  of  the  Edomite  territory ;  and  from  this 
spot  apparently  Aaron,  accompanied  by  Moses  and 
Eleazar,  quitted  the  camp  to  ascend  the  mountain. 
After  Aaron's  death,  the  march  is  continued  south- 
ward. The  passage  (xxi.  1-3)  which  speaks  of  the 
Canaanite  king  of  Arad  as  coming  out  against  the 
Israelites  is  clearly  out  of  place,  standing  as  it  does 
after  the  mention  of  Aaron's  death  on  Mount  Hor 
(so  Mr.  J.  J.  S.  Perowne,  the  original  author  of  this 
article).  Arad  is  in  the  south  of  Palestine.  The 
attack  therefore  must  have  been  made  whilst  the 
people  were  yet  in  the  neighborhood  of  Kade?h.  (h.) 
There  is  again  a  gap  in  the  narrative.  We  are  told 
nothing  of  the  march  along  the  eastern  edge  of 
Edom,  but  suddenly  find  ourselves  transported  to 
the  borders  of  Moab.  Here  the  Israelites  succes- 
sively encounter  and  defeat  the  kings  of  the  Amorites 
and  of  Bashan  (xxi.  10-35).  Their  successes  alarm 
the  king  of  Moab,  who,  distrusting  his  superiority 
in  the  field,  sends  for  a  magician  to  curse  his 
enemies ;  hence  the  episode  of  Balaam  (xxii.  1- 
xxiv.  25).  Other  artifices  are  employed  by  the 
Moabites  to  weaken  the  Israelites,  especially  through 
the  influence  of  the  Moabitish  women  (xxv.).  A 
second  numbering  of  the  Israelites  takes  place  in 
the  plains  of  Moab  (xxvi. ;  Census)  ;  various  laws 
are  given  in  regard  to  the  inheritance  of  daughters 
(xxvii.  1-11),  the  daily  sacrifice,  sabbaths,  festivals, 
and  vows  (xxviii.-xxx.);  Joshua  is  appointed  Moses' 
successor  (xxvii.  12-23);  the  Midianites  are  con- 
quered (xxxi.),  and  the  country  E.  of  the  Jordan 
divided  (xxxii.).  The  book  concludes  with  a  recapit- 
ulation of  the  various  encampments  of  the  Israel- 
ites in  the  desert  (xxxiii.  1^9) ;  the  command  to 
destroy  the  Canaanites  (xxxiii.  50-56) ;  the  boun- 
daries of  the  Promised  Land,  and  the  men  appointed 
to  divide  it  (xxxiv.);  the  appointment  of  the  cities 
of  the  Levites  and  the  cities  of  refuge  (xxxv.) ;  and 
further  directions  respecting  heiresses  (xxxvi.). — B. 
Jntcgrity.  This,  like  the  other  books  of  the  Penta- 
teuch, is  supposed  by  many  critics  to  consist  of  a 
compilation  from  two  or  three,  or  more,  earlier  doc- 
uments. According  to  De  Wette,  the  following  por- 
tions are  the  work  of  the  Elohist : — Ch.  i.  1-x.  28 ; 
xiii.  2-1 6  (originally,  though  not  in  its  present  form) ; 
XV. ;  xvi.  1,  2-11,  16-23,  24  (?);  xvii.-xix. ;  xx.  1-13, 
22-29 ;  xxv. -xxxi.  (except  perhaps  xxvi.  8-11);  xxxii. 
5,  28-42  (ver.  1-4  uncertain);  xxxiii.-xxxvi.  The 
rest  of  the  book  is,  according  to  him,  by  the  Jeho- 
vist  or  later  editor.  Vaihinger  finds  traces  of  three 
distinct  documents,  which  he  ascribes  severally  1 
the  pre-EIohist,  the  Elohist,  and  the  Jehovist. 
the  first  he  assigns  ch.  x.  29-36;  xi.  1-12,  16  (ii 
its  original  form) ;  xx.  14-21 ;  xxi.  1-9,  13-85| 
xxxii.  33^2  ;  xxxiii.  55,  56.  To  the  Elohist  belon 
ch.  i.  1-x.  28;  xi.  1-xii.  16;  xiii.  1-xx.  13;  xx.  23 
29  ;  xxi.  10-12  ;  xxii.  1  ;  xxv.  1-xxxi.  54  ;  xxxii. 
32;  xxxiii.  1-xxxvi.  19.  To  the  Jehovist,  xi.  1- 
16  ;  xxii.  2-xxiv.  25  ;  xxxi.  8,  &c.  But  the  ground 
on  which  this  distinction  of  documents  rests  are  i 
every  respect  most  unsatisfactory.  The  use  of  ( 
divine  names,  which  was  the  starting-point  of  thj 
criticism,  ceases  to  be  a  criterion  ;  and  certain  won 
and  phrases,  a  particular  manner  or  coloring,  tU 
narrative  of  miracles  or  prophecies,  are  suppow 
to  decide  whether  a  passage  belongs  to  the  earlief 
or  the  later  document.  In  ch.  xii.  we  have  a  re- 
markable instance  of  the  jealousy  with  which  the 
authority  of  Moses  was  regarded  even  in  his  own 
family.  Considering  the  almost  absolute  nature  of 
that  authority,  this  is  perhaps  hardly  to  be  wondered 
at.     The  pretext  for  the  outburst  of  this  feeling  op 


NUM 


NUT 


745 


the  part  of  Miriam  and  Aaron  was  that  Moses  had 
married  an  "  Ethiopian  woman  "  (a  woman  of  Cush). 
Tliis  was  probably,  as  Ewald  suggests,  a  second  wife 
married  afler  the  death  of  Zipporaii.  But  there  is 
no  reason  for  supposing,  as  he  does,  that  we  have 
here  a  confusion  of  two  accounts.  It  is  not  perhaps 
to  be  wondered  at  that  the  episode  of  Balaam  (xxii. 
2-xxiy.  25)  should  have  been  regarded  as  a  later 
addition.  The  language  is  peculiar,  as  well  as  the 
general  cast  of  the  narrative.  The  prophecies  are 
vivid  and  the  diction  of  them  highly  finished  :  very 
different  from  the  rugged,  vigorous  fragments  of 
ancient  poetry  in  ch.  xxi.  On  these  grounds,  as 
well  as  on  the  score  of  the  distinctly  Messianic  char- 
acter of  Balaam's  prophecies,  Ewald  gives  this  epi- 
sode to  his  Fifth  Narrator,  or  the  latest  editor  of  the 
Pentateuch.  This  writer  he  supposes  to  have  lived 
in  the  former  half  of  the  eighth  century  D.  c,  and 
hence  he  accounts  for  the  reference  to  Assyria  and 
the  Cypriotes  (the  Kittim).  The  prophecies  of  Ba- 
laam therefore,  on  this  hypothesis,  were  delivered 
after  the  occurrence  of  the  event  said  to  have  been 
predicted,  and  put  into  his  mouth  by  a  clever,  but 
not  very  scrupulous,  writer  of  the  time  of  Isaiah. 
But  this  sort  of  criticism  scarcely  merits  a  serious 
rcl'utation,  and  rests  entirely  on  the  assumption 
that  in  prophecy  there  is  no  such  thing  as  predic- 
tion. Even  granting  that  tliis  episode  is  not  by  the 
same  writer  as  the  rest  of  Numbers,  there  seems  no 
valid  reason  to  doubt  its  antiquity,  or  its  rightful 
claim  to  the  place  which  it  at  present  occupies. 
There  is  nothing  more  rcmarkaldo  in  the  early  his- 
tory of  Israel  than  Balaam's  appearance.  Sum- 
moned from  his  home  l)y  the  Euphrates,  he  stands 
by  his  red  altar-fires,  weaving  his  dark  and  subtle 
sorceries,  or  goes  to  seek  for  enchantment,  hoping, 
as  he  looked  down  upon  the  tents  of  Israel  among 
the  acacia-groves  of  the  valley,  to  wither  them  with 
liis  word,  yet  constrained  to  bless,  and  to  foretell 
their  future  greatness. — Numbers  is  rich  in  frag- 
ments of  ancient  poetry,  some  of  them  of  great 
beauty,  and  all  throwing  an  interesting  light  on  the 
character  of  the  times  in  which  they  were  composed, 
e.  g.  the  blessing  of  the  high-priest  (vi.  21-26),  and 
the  chants  which  were  the  signal  for  the  Ark  to 
move  when  the  people  journeyed,  and  for  it  to  rest 
when  they  were  about  to  encamp.  In  ch.  xxi.  14, 
15,  we  have  a  passage  cited  from  a  book  called  the 
"  Book  of  the  Wars  of  Jehovah."  This  was  prob- 
ably a  collection  of  ballads  and  songs  composed  on 
different  occasions  by  the  watch-fires  of  the  camp, 
and  for  the  most  part,  though  not  perhaps  exclu- 
sively, in  commemoration  of  the  victories  of  the 
Israelites  over  their  enemies.  The  fragment  quoted 
from  this  collection  is  difficult,  because  the  allusions 
in  it  are  obscnre.  The  Israelites  had  reached  the 
Amon,  "  which,"  says  the  historian,  "  forms  the 
border  of  Moab,  and  separates  between  the  Moabitcs 
and  Amoritcs."  "  Wherefore  it  is  said,"  he  contin- 
ues, "  in  the  Book  of  the  Wars  of  Jehovah, 

'  Vaheb  In  Snphah  aral  the  torrent-bods ; 
Amon  and  the  !»lope  of  the  torrent-beds 
Which  Inmelh  to  where  Ar  lleth. 
And  which  leaneth  upon  the  border  of  Moab.' " 

The  A.  V.  begins  the  above  thus :  "  What  he  did 
In  the  Rkd  Ska,  and  in  the  brooks  of  Arnon,"  &c. 
The  next  (ver.  17,  18)  is  a  song  sung  on  the  digging 
of  a  well  at  a  spot  where  they  encamped,  and  which 
was  hence  called  Be4r  =  Ttie  Well.  It  runs  as  fol- 
lows : — 


L 


'•  Srrln-;  np,  O  well  1  (itoR  ye  to  It : 
Well,  which  the  princes  dog. 


Which  the  nobles  of  the  people  bored 

With  the  sceptre-of-ofllce,  with  their  staves." 

This  song,  first  sung  at  the  digging  of  the  well,  was 
afterward  no  doubt  commonly  used  by  those  who 
came  to  draw  water.  The  maidens  of  Israel  chanted 
it  one  to  another,  verse  by  verse,  as  they  toiled  at 
the  bucket,  and  thus  beguiled  their  labor.  Imme- 
diately following  this  "  Song  of  the  Well,"  comes  a 
song  of  victory  (ver.  27-30)  composed  after  a  defeat 
of  the  Moabitcs  and  the  occupation  of  their  terri- 
tory. It  is  in  a  taunting,  mocking  strain ;  and  is 
commonly  considered  to  have  been  written  by  some 
IsD-aelilish  bard  on  the  occupation  of  the  Amorite 
territory.  Yet  the  manner  in  which  it  is  introduced 
would  rather  lead  to  the  belief  that  we  have  here 
the  translation  of  an  old  Amorite  ballad,  commemo- 
rating the  conquest  of  Silion  from  Moab.  If  the 
song  is  of  Hebrew  origin,  then  the  former  part  of 
it  is  a  biting  taunt. — ('.  The  alleged  discrepancies 
between  many  statements  in  this  and  the  other 
books  of  the  Pentateuch,  will  be  foimd  discussed 
under  Deuteronomy  ;  E.xODps ;  Levites  ;  Penta- 
teuch, &c.  See  also  Bible  ;  Canon  ;  Inspiration  ; 
Old  Testament. 

Nn-me'ni-as  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  of  [or  froni]  the  new 
moon),  son  of  Antiochus,  was  sent  by  Jonathan  on 
an  embassy  to  Rome  and  Sparta,  to  renew  the 
friendly  connections  between  these  nations  and  the 
Jews,  about  b.  c.  144  (1  Mc.  xii.  16,  17).  He  was 
again  dispatched  to  Rome  by  Simon,  about  B.  c.  141 
(xiv.  24). 

Sinn  (Heb.  a  fah,  Ges. ;  posterity,  Fii.).  1.  The 
father  of  the  Jewish  captain  Jo.shua  (Ex.  xxxiii.  11, 
&c.).  His  genealogical  descent  from  Ephraim  is 
recorded  in  1  Chr.  vii.^2.  The  fourteenth  letter  of 
the  Hebrew  alphabet  (Pa.  cxix.).     Writing. 

Knrse.  It  is  clear,  both  from  Scripture  and  from 
Greek  and  Roman  writers,  that  in  ancient  times  the 
position  of  the  nurse,  wherever  one  was  maintained, 
was  one  of  much  honor  and  importance.  (Child  ; 
Deborah  1  ;  Medicine;  see  Gen.  xxiv.  59,  xxxv.  8; 
2  Sam.  iv.  4  ;  2  K.  xi.  2  ;  3  Me.  i.  20.)  The  same 
term  is  applied  to  a  foster-father  or  mother  (e.  g. 
Num.  xi.  12 ;  Ru.  iv.  16 ;  Is.  xlix.  23).  In  great 
families  male-servants,  probably  eunuchs  in  later 
times,  were  intrusted  with  the  charge  of  the  boys 
(2  K.  X.  1,  5). 

Nnts.  The  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  He- 
brew words  botnim  and  Igoz.  1.  Among  the  good 
things  of  the  land  which  the  sons  of  Israel  were  to 
take  as  a  present  to  Joseph  in  Egypt,  mention  is 
made  of  botnim  (Gen.  xliii.  1 1).  There  can  scarcely 
be  a  doubt  (so  Mr.  Houghton)  that  the  botnim  =z 
the  fruit  of  the  pistachio-tree  (l^ixtana  vera),  though 
most  modem  versions  are  content  with  the  general 
term  nuts.  Syria  and  Palestine  have  been  long  fa- 
mous for  pistachio-trees.  The  district  around  Alep- 
po is  especially  celebrated  for  the  excellence  of  the 
pistachio-nuts  ;  the  town  of  Batna  in  the  same  dis- 
trict is  believed  to  derive  its  name  from  this  circum- 
stance :  Betonim,  a  town  of  Gad  (Josh.  xiii.  26),  has 
probably  a  similar  etymology.  There  is  scarcely 
any  allusion  to  the  occurrence  of  the  Pistacia  vera 
in  Palestine  amongst  the  writings  of  modern  travel- 
lers. Dr.  Hooker  saw  only  two  or  three  pistachio- 
trees  in  Palestine.  These  were  outside  the  north 
gate  of  Jerusalem.  But  he  says  the  tree  is  culti- 
vated at  Beirfit  and  elsewhere  in  Syria.  It  grows 
from  fifteen  to  thirty  feet  high  ;  the  male  and  female 
flowers  are  on  separate  trees ;  the  fruit,  which  is  a 
green-colored  oily  kernel,  is  enclosed  in  a  brittle 
shell.    Pistachio-nuts  are   much  esteemed  aa  an 


748 


NDT 


OAK 


article  of  diet  both  by  Orientals  and  Europeans. — 2. 
Egoz  occurs  only  in  Cant.  vi.  11.  The  Hebrew  word 
probably  liere  refers  to  the  walnut-tree.     According 


PiBtachio-tree  '^i'intaela  »ffa\ 


to  Josephus  the  walnut-tree  wa3  formerly  common, 
and  ^rew  most  luxuriantly  around  the  Lake  of  Gen- 
nesaret.     The  European  walnut,  Juglana  rec/ia,  is 


Walnut-tree  {Jitglans  refjia), — (Fbn.) 


allied  to  the  black  walnut  and  butternut  of  the 
United  States.  The  hickory-nut,  popularly  called 
walnut  in  the  United  States,  is  the  produce  of  dif- 
ferent trees  belonging  to  the  genus  Cari/a. 


Nym'plias  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  spovse  or  bridegroom,  Schl. ; 
rather,  given  by  a  nymph,  Wr.),  a  wealthy  and  zeal- 
ous Christidn  in  Laodicea  (Col.  iv.  16).  Uis  house 
was  used  as  a  place  of  assembly  for  the  Clnistians. 


o 

Uaki    The  six  following  words,  which  appear  to 
be  merely  various  forms  of  the  same  root  primarily 
denoting  might  or  strength,  occur  in  the  0.  T.  as  the 
name  of  some  species  of  oak :  viz.  eyl,  eldh,  Hon, 
ililn,  alldh,  allon. — 1.  Heb.  eyl,  only  in  the  singular 
in  Gen.  xiv.  6.     It  is  uncertain  whether  it  should  be 
joined  with  Paran  to  form  a  proper  name  (A.  V. 
"El-pardn"),   or   taken  separately,  as  the  "tere- 
binth," or  the  "  oak,"  or  the  "  grove,"  of  Paran. 
Plural  forms  of  eyl  are  eylirn,  eyloth,  and  (so  some) 
eyiath.    Elim,  the  second  station  of  the  Israelites 
after  crossing  the  Red  Sea,  proliably  derived  its 
name  from  the  seventy  palm-trees  there ;  the  name 
eyt,  which  more  particularly  =   an  "  oak,"   being 
here  put  for  any  grove  or  plantation.     Similarly  the 
other  plural  form,  eyloth  (and  eyiath?  see  Elath), 
may  refer,  as  Stanley  conjectures,  to  the  palm-grove 
at  'Akabah.     The  plural  eylim  occurs  in  Is.  i.  29, 
whore  probably  "  oaks  "  are  intended  :  in  Is.  Ixi.  S, 
and  Ez.  xxxi.  14  (Ileb.  elim  in  Ezekiel),  any  strong 
flourishing  "  trees  "  may  be  denoted. — 2.  Heb.  elAh 
("oak  "  in  Gen.  xxxv.  4  ;  Judg.  vi.  11,  19  ;  2  Sam. 
xviii.  9  ff. ;    IK.  xiii.   14;  1  Chr.  x.  12;  Ls.  i.  30; 
Ez.  vi.  13;  "Elah"  in  1  Sam.  xvii.  2,  &c. :  "teil- 
tree"  in  Is.  vi.  13  :  "  elms  "  in  Hos.  iv.  13).     There 
is  much  dilficulty  in  determining  the  exact  mean- 
ings of  the  several  varieties  of  the  term  mentioned 
above.     Celsius  has  endeavored  to  show  that  eyl, 
eylim,  eylon,  clAh,  and  alldh,  all  st.and  for  the  tere- 
binth-tree (Pistncia  Terebitithus  ;  Turpentine-trek), 
while  allon  denotes  an  oak.     Rosenmiiller  gives  the 
terebinth  to  eyl  and  eldh,  and  the  oak  to  alldh,  allon, 
and  eyton.     That  various  species  of  oak  may  well 
have  deserved  the  appellation  of  mighty  trees  is  | 
clear  from  the  fact,  that  noble  oaks  are  to  this  day 
occasionally  seen  in  Palestine  and  Lebanon.     The 
terebinth   in  point  of  size  and  abundance  cannot 
compete  with  some  of  the  oaks  of  Palestine.     Dr. 
Thomson  (Thn.   i.   3Y5)  remarks   on   this    point:  , 
"  There  are  more  mighty  oaks  here  in  this  immc-  I 
diate  vicinity  (Mejdel  es-Shcms  near  Mount  Ilermon) 
than  there  are  terebinths  in  all  Syria  and  Palestine  1 
together."    Two  oaks  ( Quercus  pseado-coccifcra  and  j 
Q>iprc>ts  yEgilops)  are  well  worthy  of  the  name  of  [ 
mighty  trees  ;  though  it  is  equally  true  that  over  a 
greater  part  of  the  country  the  oaks  of  Palestine  J 
are  at  present  merely  bushes.     "Abraham's  oak," 
near  Hebron,  is  said  to  be  a  Quernts  pseudo-coceifen 
(Hamilton,  in  Fairbairn) :  its  trunk  measures  twen-  j 
ty-two  and  a  half  feet  around  the  lower  part,  and  | 
its  branches  cover  a  space  eightv-nine  feet  in  diam-  J 
eter  (Rbn.  ii.  81).— 3.   The  Heb.  eldn  (A.  V.,  after 
the  Targum,  "  Plain  "  7)  occurs  frequently  in  the  ] 
0.  T.,  and  probably  z=  (so  Mr.  Houghton,  with  Oe- 
senius,  &c.)  some  kind  of  oak. — 4.  Chal.  ildn,  found 
only  in  Dan.  iv.  as  the  "  tree  "  which  Nebuchadnez- 
zar saw  in  his  dream. — 5.  Ileb.  alldh  occurs  only  in 
Josh.  xxiv.  26,  and  is  correctly  rendered  "  oak  "  by 
the  A.  v. — 6.  Heb.  allon,  uniformly  rendered  "  oak  " 
by  the  A.  V.,  and  always  so  understood  by  com- 
mentators (Gen.  xxxv.  8;  Is.  ii.  13,  vi.  13,  &c.).     It 
should  be  stated  that  allon  (A.  V.  "  oaks  ")  occurs 
in  Hos.  iv.  18,  as  distinguished  from  the  other  fonn 


OAK 


OAT 


747 


liMk  (A.  V.  "  elms  ") ;  consequently  it  is  necessary 
r  to  suppose  that  two  different  trees  are  signified  by 
f  the  terms.  Mr.  Houghton  believes  that  the  differ- 
rencc  is  specific,  and  not  generic — that  two  species 
I  of  oaks  are  denoted  by  the  Hebrew  terms:  altoti 


may  stand  for  an  evergreen  oak,  as  the  Quercus 
/)seudo-cocc>fira,  and  elii/i  for  one  of  the  deciduous 
kinds.  The  "oaks  of  Bashan "  (Is.  ii.  13;  Ez. 
xxvii.  6  ;  Zech.  xi.  2)  belong  probably  to  the  species 
known  as  Querma  jEgilops,  the  Valonia  oak,  which 


A1>rAhain't  Oak,  near  Hebron.— From  a  photograph  by  J.  Graham.— (Ayre.) 


Is  said  to  be  common  in  Gilead  and  Bashan.  Another 
species  of  oak,  besides  those  named  above,  is  the 
Querela  infectoria,  which  yields  the  gall-nuts  of 
commerce,  and  is  common  in  Galilee  and  Samaria. 


V.Vi.T^nn  Oak  of  Pa'eatine  (Qutrnu  fteuJo-eccetfira), 

It  u  rather  a  small  tree  in  Palestine,  and  seldom 
grows  above  thirty  feet  high,  though  in  ancient 
times  it  might  have  been  a  noble  tree.  Sacrifices 
were  offered  under  oaks  (Is.  i.  29;  Hos.  iv.  13);  of 
Mk-timbcr  the  Tyrians  made  oars  (Ez.  xxvii.  fi),  and 
idolaters  images  (Is.  xliv.  14);  under  the  shade  of 


oaks  the  dead  were  sometimes  interred  (Gen.  sxxv. 
8;  sec  1  Snm.  xxxi.  13). 

Oath  (Hcb.  lild/i,  iht.hii'&h ;  Gr.  horkos,  horkomo- 
da).  I.  The  principle  on  which  an  oath  is  held 
to  be  binding  is  incidentally  laid  down  in  Hcb.  vi. 
16,  viz.  as  an  ultimate  appeal  to  divine  authority  to 
ratify  an  assertion.  There  the  Almighty  is  repre- 
sented as  promising  or  denouncing  with  an  oath,  i.  e. 
doing  so  in  the  most  positive  and  solemn  manner 
(compare  Gen.  xxii.  16,  xxiv.  7,  keif. — II.  On  the 
same  principle,  that  oath  has  always  been  held  most 
binding  which  appealed  to  the  highest  authority, 
both  as  regards  individuals  and  communities,  (a.) 
Thus  believers  in  Jehovah  appealed  to  Him,  both 
judicially  and  extra-judicially  (Gen.  xxi.  23,  xxxi. 
53;  Mat.  xxvi.  C3  ;  Rom.  i.  9,  ix.  1,  &c.).  (b.)  Ap- 
peals of  this  kind  to  authorities  recognized  respec- 
tively by  adjuring  parties  were  regarded  as  bonds 
of  international  security,  and  their  infraction  as  be- 
ing not  only  grounds  of  international  complaint,  but 
also  ofTences  against  divine  justice  (2  Chr.  xxxvi.  IS; 
Ez.  xvii.  13,  18). — III.  As  a  consequence  of  this 
principle,  (a.)  appeals  to  God's  name  on  the  one 
hand,  and  to  heathen  deities  on  the  other,  are  treated 
in  Scripture  as  tests  of  allegiance  (Ex.  xxiii.  13, 
xxxiv.  6;  Deut.  xxix.  12,  &c.).  (b.)  So  also  the 
sovereign's  name  is  sometimes  used  as  a  form  of 
obligation  (Gen.  xlii.  16;  2  Sam.  xi.  11,  xiv.  19). — 
rV.  Other  forms  of  oath,  serious  or  frivolous,  arc 
mentioned,  some  of  which  arc  condemned  by  our 
Lord  (Mat.  v.  33,  xxiii.  16-22;  and  see  Jas.  v.  12; 
compare  Mat.  xxvi.  63,  64). — As  to  the  subject-mat- 
ter of  oaths  the  following  cases  may  be  mentioned  : 


748 


OBA 


OBA^ 


— 1.  Agreement  or  Btipulation  for  performance  of 
certain  acts  (Gen.  xiv,  22,  xxiv.  2,  8,  9,  &c.).  2.  Al- 
let;ianee  to  a  sovereign,  or  obedience  from  an  in- 
ferior to  a  superior  (Eccl.  viii.  2;  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  13; 

1  K.  xviii.  10).  3.  Promissory  oath  of  a  ruler  (Josh. 
vi.  26 ;  1  Sam.  xiv.  24,  28,  &c.).  Priests  took  no 
oath  of  office  (Heb.  vii.  21).  4.  Vow  made  in  the 
form  of  an  oath  (Lev.  v.  4).  5.  Judicial  oaths,  (a.) 
A  man  receiving  a  pledge  from  a  neighbor  was  re- 
quired, in  case  of  injury  happening  to  the  pledge, 
to  clear  himself  by  oath  of  the  blame  6(  damage 
(Ex.  xxii.  10,  11 ;  IK.  viii.  31  ;  2  Chr.  vi.  22  ;  com- 
pare Lev.  vi.  2,  5 ;  Deut.  xix.  16-18).  (i.)  It  ap- 
pears that  witnesses  were  examined  on  oath,  and 
a  false  witness,  or  one  guilty  of  suppression  of  the 
truth,  was  to  be  severely  punished  (Lev.  v.  1  ;  Prov. 
xxix.  24;  Deut.  xix.  16-19).  (c.)  A  wife  suspected 
of  incontinence  was  required  to  clear  herself  by 
oath  (Num.  v.  19-22). — The  forms  of  adjuration 
mentioned  in  Scripture  are — 1.  Lifting  up  the  hand. 
Witnesses  laid  their  hands  on  the  head  of  the  ac- 
cused (Gen.  xiv.  22 ;  Lev.  xxiv.  14,  &c.).  2.  Put- 
ting the  hand  under  the  thigh  of  the  person  to 
whom  the  promise  was  made.  It  has  been  explained 
(a.)  as  having  reference  to  the  covenant  of  circum- 
cision ;  (6.)  as  containing  a  principle  similar  to  that 
of  phallic  symbolism ;  (c.)  as  referring  to  the  prom- 
ised Messiah.  Prob.ibly  (so  Mr.  Phillott)  the  two 
first  explanations  are  closely  connected,  if  not  iden- 
tical (Gen.  xxiv.  2,  xlvii.  29).  The  "  thigh  "  here  = 
the  genital  member,  regarded  as  the  most  sacred 
part  of  the  body,  the  symbol  of  the  Creator,  and 
the  object  of  worship  among  all  ancient  nations 
(Ginsburg,  in  Kitto).  3.  Oaths  were  sometimes 
tjken  before  the  altar,  or,  as  some  understand  the 
passage,  if  the  persons  were  not  in  Jerusalem,  in  a 
position  looking  toward  the  Temple  (1   K.  viii.  31 ; 

2  Chr.  vi.  22).  4.  Dividing  a  victim  and  passing 
between  or  distributing  the  pieces  (Gen.  xv.  10,  17  ; 
Jer.  xxxiv.  18).  As  the  sanctity  of  oaths  was  care- 
fully inculcated  by  the  Law,  so  the  crime  of  perjury 
was  strongly  condemned  ;  and  to  a  false  witness  the 
same  punishment  was  assigned  which  was  due  for 
the  crime  to  which  he  testified  (Ex.  xx.  7  ;  Lev.  xix. 
12  ;  Deut.  xix.  16-19  ;  Ps.  xv.  4 ;  Jer.  v.  2,  vii.  9 ; 
Ez.  xvi.  59  ;  Hos.  x.  4 ;  Zech.  viii.  17).  The  Chris- 
tian practice  in  the  matter  of  oaths  was  founded  in 
great  measure  on  the  Jewish.  Thus  the  oath  on  the 
Gospels  w.as^n  imitation  of  the  Jewish  practice  of 
placing  the  hands  on  the  book  of  the  Law.  Our 
Lord's  prohibition  of  swearing  has  been  understood 
by  Christians  generally  as  directed  against  profane 
and  careless  swearing.  He  himself  answered  under 
oath  (Mat.  xxvi.  63  f. ;  see  above).  The  most  solemn 
Mohammedan  oath  is  made  on  thfe  open  Koran. 
Bedouin  Arabs  use  various  sorts  of  adjuration,  one 
of  which  somewhat  resembles  the  oath  "  by  the 
Temple."  The  person  takes  hold  of  the  middle 
tent-pole,  and  swears  by  the  life  of  the  tent  and  its 
owners.  The  stringent  nature  of  the  Roman  mili- 
tary oath,  and  the  penalties  attached  to  infraction 
of  it,  are  alluded  to,  more  or  less  certainly,  in  several 
places  in  N.  T.,  e.  g.  Mat.  viii.  9 ;  Acts  xii.  19,  xvi. 
27,  xxvii.  42.     Covenant  ;  Punishments  ;  Trial. 

0-ba-di'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  servant  [i.  e.  worshipper] 
of  Jehovah,  Ges.,  Fii.),  also  written  Abadias  and 
Abdias.  1.  Ancestor  of  some  enumerated  in  the 
genealogies  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iii.  21). — 2.  One  of 
the  sons  of  Izrahiah,  "  chief  men  "  of  Issachar  (vii. 
3).  A  few  Hebrew  MSS.  omit  "and  the  sons  of 
Izrahiah  "  in  this  verse,  making  Obadiah,  &c.,  sons 
of  Uzzi.     The  Syriao  and  Arabic  versions    retain 


this  phrase,  but  have  "  four  "  instead  of  "  five " 
sons  of  Izrahiah. — 3>  Son  of  Azel,  a  descendant  of 
Saul  (viii.  38,  ix.  44). — 1.  A  Levite,  son  of  Shemaiah, 
and  descended  from  Jeduthun  (ix.  16) ;  =  Abda  2 ; 
probably  =  a  porter,  or  (so  Mr.  Wright)  a  principal 
musician  in  the  Temple-choir,  in  Nehemiah's  time 
(Neh.  xii.  25). — 5.  A  Gadite  captain  who  joined 
David  in  the  wilderness  (1  Chr.  xii.  9). — 6.  One  of 
the  princes  of  Judah  sent  to  teach  in  Jehoshaphat's 
reign  (2  Chr.  xvii.  7). — 7.  ^on  of  Jeliiel,  of  the 
sons  of  Joab,  who  came  up  in  the  second  caravan 
with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  9). — S,  A  priest,  or  family  of 
priests,  who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah 
(Neh.  X.  5). — 9.  One  of  the  twelve  minor  prophet'i. 
We  know  nothing  of  him  except  what  we  can 
gather  from  the  short  book  which  bears  his  name. 
The  Hebrew  tradition  adopted  by  Jerome,  and  main- 
tained by  Abarbancl  and  Kimchi,  that  he  =  the 
Obadiah  of  Ahab's  reign,  is  as  destitute  of  founda- 
tion as  another  suggestion  by  Abarbanel,  that  he 
was  a  converted  Edomite.  The  eleventh  verse  of 
his  prophecy  speaks  of  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem 
and  the  captivity  of  Jacob.  If  this  refers  to  the 
well-known  Captivity  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  he  must 
have  lived  at  the  time  of  the  Babylonish  captivity, 
and  have  prophesied  subsequently  to  B.  c.  588.  If, 
further,  his  prophecy  against  Edom  found  its  first 
fulfilment  in  the  conquest  of  that  country  by  Nebu- 
chadnezzar in  B.  c.  583,  it  must  have  been  uttered 
at  some  time  between  B.  c.  588  and  583  (so  Mr. 
Meyrick,  agreeing  in  respect  to  the  date  with 
Luther,  Pfeiffer,  Schnurrer,  Rosenmiillcr,  DeWette, 
Winer,  Ewald,  Henderson,  Dr.  S.  Davidson,  &c.). 
But  why  should  Obadiah  have  been  inserted  between 
Amos  and  Jonah  if  his  date  is  about  b.  c.  585  ? 
Schnurrer  (and  so  Mr.  Meyrick,  Henderson,  &c.) 
answers  this  question  by  saying  that  the  prophecy 
of  Obadiah  is  an  amplification  of  the  last  five  verses , 
of  Amos,  and  was  therefore  placed  next  after  the 
Book  of  Amos.  On  the  other  hand,  Jaeger,  Heng- 
stenberg,  Caspari,  Hiivernick,  Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander 
(in  Kitto),  Prof.  A.  B.  Davidson  (in  Fairbairn),  &c., 
put  Obadiah  earlier,  under  King  Uzziah.  In  favor 
of  this  are  urged  the  language  of  Obadiah  (ver.  12- 
14)  as  of  warning,  his  apparent  priority  to  Jeremiah 
(compare  Ob.  1,  3,  8,  9,  11,  16  with  Jer.  xMx.  7-22), 
and  his  traditional  position  between  Amos  and 
Jonah  as  if  contemporary  with  them,  flofmann, 
Delitzsch,  and  Keil  place  Obadiah  still  earlier,  unda 
Jeiioram  2  of  Judah ;  and  Hitzig  almost  as  muo' 
later  than  the  Captivity,  about  B.  c.  312  ! — The  Bocj 
of  Obadiah  is  a  sustained  denunciation  of 
Edoraites,  melting,  as  is  the  wont  of  the  Hcbre! 
prophets  (compare  Joel  iii. ;  Am.  ix.),  into  a  visid 
of  the  future  glories  of  Zion,  when  the  arm  of  ta 
Lord  should  have  wrought  her  deliverance  and  hafl 
repaid  double  upon  her  enemies.  Previous  to  tl| 
Captivity,  the  Edomites  were  in  a  relation  to  th 
Jews  like  that  which  the  Samaritans  afterward  lielj 
They  were  near  neighbors  and  relatives.  The  Edonj 
ites  arc  the  types  of  those  who  ought  to  be  friend 
and  are  not — of  those  who  ought  to  be  helpers,  b^ 
in  the  day  of  calamity  are  found  "standing  on  T 
other  side."  The  prophet  complains  that  th«! 
looked  on  and  rejoiced  in  the  destruction  of  Jerusa- 
lem, triumphed  over  her,  and  plundered  her,  and 
cut  off  the  fugitives  who  were  probably  making 
their  way  through  Idumea  to  Egypt.  The  last  six 
verses  are  the  most  important  part  of  Obadiah's 
prophecy.  The  vision  presented  to  the  prophet  is 
that  of  Zion  triumphant  over  the  Idumeans  and  »11 
her  enemies,  restored  to  her  ancient  possessions. 


OBA 


OBE 


749 


and  extending  her  borders  K.  and  S.  and  E.  and  W. 
He  sees  the  house  of  Jacob  and  the  house  of 
Joseph  consuming  the  houae  of  Esau  as  fire  devours 
stubble  (ver.  18).  The  inhabitants  of  the  city  of 
Jerusalem,  now  captive  at  Sepharad,  are  to  return 
to  Jerusalem,  and  to  occupy  not  only  the  city  itself, 
but  the  southern  tract  of  Judea  (ver.  20).  Those 
who  had  dwell  in  the  southern  tract  are  to  overrun 
and  settle  in  Idumea.  The  former  inhabitants  of 
the  plain  country  are  also  to  establish  themselves 
in  riiilistia.  To  the  N.  the  tribe  of  Judah  is  to 
extend  itself  as  far  as  the  fields  of  Ephraim  and 
Samaria,  while  Benjamin,  thus  displaced,  takes  pos- 
session of  Gilead  (ver.  19).  The  captives  of  the 
ten  tribes  are  to  occupy  the  northern  region  from 
the  borders  of  the  enlarged  Judah  as  far  as  Sarepta, 
near  Sidon  (ver.  20).  The  question  is  asked.  Have 
the  prophet's  denunciations  of  the  Edomites  been 
fulfilled,  and  has  his  vision  of  Zion's  glories  been 
realized  ?  Typically,  partially,  and  imperfectly  they 
have  been  fulfilled,  but  they  await  a  fuller  accom- 
plishment. The  first  fulfilment  of  the  denunciation 
on  Edom  in  all  probability  took  place  a  few  years 
after  its  utterance.  Five  years  after  the  capture 
of  Jerusalem,  Nebuchadnezzar  reduced  the  Ammon- 
ites and  Moabites,  and  after  their  reduction  made 
an  expedition  into  Egypt.  This  he  could  hardly 
have  done  without  at  the  same  time  reducing  Idu- 
mea. A  more  full,  but  still  only  partial  and  typical, 
fiilfllment  would  have  taken  place  in  the  time  of 
John  Hyrcanua,  who  utterly  reduced  the  Idumcans. 
Similarly  the  return  from  the  Babylonish  captivity 
would  typically  and  imperfectly  fulfil  the  promise 
of  the  restoration  of  Zion  and  the  extension  of  her 
borders.  The  full  completion  of  the  prophetical 
de.-criptions  of  the  glories  of  Jerusalem — the  future 
golden  age  toward  which  the  seers  stretched  their 
hands  with  fond  yearnings — is  to  be  looked  for  in 
the  Christian,  not  in  the  Jewish  Zion — in  the  anti- 
type rather  than  in  the  type  (so  Mr.  Meyrick,  with 
Luther,  Thomas  Scott,  Dr.  S.  Davidson,  &c.).  Oba- 
diah's  style  is  perspicuous,  but  animated  and  often 
poetic ;  his  language  pure ;  his  arrangement  order- 
ly.— The  Book  of  Obadiah  is  a  favorite  study  of 
the  modern  Jews.  It  is  here  especially  that  they 
read  the  future  fate  of  their  own  nation  and  of  the 
Christians.  Those  unversed  in  their  literature  may 
wonder  where  the  Christians  are  found  in  the  Book 
of  Obadiah.  But  it  is  a  fixed  principle  of  Rabbin- 
ical interpretation  that  by  Edomites  are  propheti- 
cally meant  Christians,  and  that  by  Edom  is  meant 
Some.  Abarbanel  has  written  a  commentary  on 
Obadiah,  resting  on  this  hypothesis  as  its  basis.  The 
first  nine  verses  of  Obadiah  are  so  similar  to  Jer. 
slix.  7,  &c.,  that  it  is  evident  that  one  of  the  two 
prophets  must  have  had  the  prophecy  of  the  other 
before  him.  Which  of  the  two  wrote  first  is  doubt- 
ful Those  who  give  an  early  date  to  Obadiah 
thereby  settle  the  question.  Those  who  place  him 
Ut«r  leave  the  question  open,  as  he  would  in  that 
case  be  a  contemporary  of  Jeremiah.  (Bible  ; 
Caso.n;  Inspiratio.n  ;  Prophet.) — 10>  An  olTicer  of 
high  rank  in  Ahab's  court,  described  as  "  over  the 
house,"  i.  e.  apparently,  lord  high  chamberlain,  or 
mayor  of  the  palace  (IK.  xviii.  3).  His  influence 
with  the  king  must  have  been  great  to  enable  him 
to  retain  his  position,  though  a  devout  worshipper 
of  Jehovah,  during  the  fierce  persecution  of  the 
prophets  by  Jezebel.  At  the  peril  of  his  life  he 
concealed  a  hundred  of  them  in  caves,  and  fed  them 
there  with  bread  and  water.  But  he  himself  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  suspected  (ver.  4,  13).    He 


and  Ahab,  apparently  the  two  chief  persons  in  the 
kingdom,  went  through  the  land  in  search  for  grass 
to  feed  the  horses  and  mules  in  the  terrible  drought. 
While  on  this  errand,  he  was  met  by  Elijah,  and 
sent  to  the  king  to  announce  the  prophet's  ap- 
proach (ver.  7-16).  According  to  the  Jewish  tra- 
dition preserved  in  Ephrem  Syrus,  Obadiah  the 
chief  officer  of  Ahab  —  Obadiah  the  prophet,  was 
of  Shechem  in  the  land  of  Ephraim,  a  disciple  of 
Elijah,  and  the  third  captain  of  fifty  sent  by  Aha- 
ziah  (2  K.  i.  13). — II,  Father  of  Ishmaiah,  who  was 
chief  of  Zebulun,  in  David's  reign  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  19). 
— \%.  A  Merarite  Levite  in  Josiah's  reign,  and  an 
overseer  of  the  workmen  in  the  restoration  of  the 
Temple  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  12). 

*  O-ba-dl'a-Im  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Obadiah  10  (1  K. 
xviii.  3,  margin). 

O'bal  (Ileb.  bare  dislrict,  —  Ebal,  FU.),  a  son  of 
Joktan,  and  apparently  the  founder  of  an  Arab 
tribe  (Gen.  x.  28),  not  yet  identified.  In  1  Chr  i. 
22  the  name  is  Ebal,  which  has  been  conjparednith 
the  Avalitce  of  Eastern  Africa,  and  the  ticbanita  of 
S.  Arabia. 

Ob-di'a  (Gr.),  probably  a  corruption  of  Obaia 
=  IIabaiah  (compare  1  Esd.  v.  38  with  Ezr.  ii. 
61). 

O'bed  (Heb.  nerving,  sc.  God,  Ges.,  Fii.).  1.  Son 
of  BoAZ  and  Ruth  the  Moabitess ;  father  of  Jesse, 
and  grandfather  of  King  David  (Ru.  iv.  17).  The 
circumstances  of  his  birth  are  given  with  much 
beauty  in  the  Bonk  of  Ruth,  and  form  a  most  iuter- 
esting  specimen  of  the  religious  and  social  life  of 
the  Israelites  in  the  days  of  Eli,  which  a  comparison 
of  the  genealogies  of  David,  Samuel,  and  Abiathar 
shows  to  have  been  about  the  time  of  his  birth. 
The  name  of  Obed  occurs  only  Ru.  iv.  17,  and  in 
the  four  genealogies,  Ru.  iv.  21,  22;  1  Chr.  ii.  12; 
Mat.  i.  6 ;  Lk.  iii.  32. — !.  A  descendant  of  Jarha, 
the  Egyptian  servant  and  son-in-law  of  Shcshan  in 
the  line  of  Jerahmeel ;  grandson  of  Zabad,  one  of 
David's  valiant  men  (1  Chr.  ii.  37,  38).— 3.  One  of 
David's  valiant  men  (xi.  47).— 4.  One  of  the  gate- 
keepers of  the  Temple  ;  son  of  Sheniaiah  the  first- 
born of  Obed-edom  (xxvi.  7). — 5.  Father  of  Azarii.h, 
one  of  the  captains  who  joined  with  Jehoiada  in 
making  Joash  king  (2  Chr.  xxiii.  1). 

O'bed-e'dom  (Heb.  serving  Edom,  Ges.).  1.  A 
Levite,  apparently  of  the  family  of  Kohath.  He  is 
described  as  a  Gittite  (2  Sam.  vi.  10,  11),  i.  e.  prob- 
ably (so  Mr.  Wright),  a  native  of  Gath-rimmon,  in 
Manassch,  which  was  assigned  to  the  Kohathitcs 
(Josh.  xxi.  45).  After  the  death  of  Uzzah,  the  ark, 
which  was  being  conducted  from  the  house  of  Abin- 
adab  in  Gibeah  to  the  city  of  David,  was  carried 
aside  into  the  house  of  Obed-edom,  where  it  con- 
tinued three  months.  It  was  brought  thence  by 
David  (1  Chr.  xv.  25;  2  Sam.  vi.  12).— 8.  "Obed- 
edom  the  son  of  Jeduthun "  (1  Chr.  xvi.  88),  a 
Merarite  Levite,  apparently  a  difierent  person  from 
No.  1  (so  Mr.  Wright,  &c.),  was  a  Levite  of  the 
second  degree  and  a  gate-keeper  (A.  V.  "  porter," 
"  door-keeper,")  for  the  Ark  (xv.  18,  24),  appoint- 
ed to  sound  "  with  harps  on  the  Sheininith  to  ex- 
cel" (ver.  21,  xvi.  6).  There  is  one  expression, 
however,  which  seems  to  imply  that  Obed-edom  the 
gate-keeper  and  Obed-edom  the  Gittite  may  have 
been  the  same.  After  enumerating  his  eight  sons, 
the  chronicler  (xxvi.  6)  adds,  "for  God  blessed 
him,"  referring,  apparently,  to  2  Sam.  vi.  II.  Some, 
still  supposing  No.  1  as  not  =  No.  2,  regard  1  Chr. 
xxvi.  4  IF.  as  referring  to  No.  1.  Kitto  supposes  No. 
1  =  No.  2.-8.  An  officer  (treasurer  ?)  of  the  Tern- 


750 


OBE 


OFF 


pie  under  King  Araaziah ;  probably  a  descendant 
of  No.  1  or  2  (2  Chr.  xxv.  24). 

O'beth  (Gr.)  =  Ebed  the  son  of  Jonathan  (1  Esd. 
viii.  32). 

0'bll(Heb.  chief  of  the  camels.,  Ges.),  an  Ishmael- 
ite,  keeper  of  the  herds  of  camels  in  the  reign  of 
David  (1  Chr.  x.\vii.  30). 

Ob-Ia'tion  (fr.  L.)  =  an  oFFERiNa.    Sacrifice. 

O'bOth  (Heb.  water-skins,  Ges. ;  hollow  passes,  Fii.), 
an  encampment  of  the  Israelites,  E.  of  Moab  (Num. 
xxi.  10,  xxxiii.  43);  site  unknown.  Wilderness  of 
THE  Wandering. 

0-ehi'el  (fr.  Gr.)  —  Jeiel  (1  Esd.  i.  9 ;  compare 
2  Chr.  XXXV.  9). 

*  O'ebim  [-kim]  (Heb.  ohim  or  oihim,  see  below) 
occurs  only  in  Is.  xiii.  21,  A.  V.  text  "doleful  crea- 
tures," margin  "  oc/iiin,  or  osfrichis.^^  Gesenius 
makes  the  Hebrew  properly  =  homlings,  shrieks,  hence 
hnwling  animals,  doleful  creatures,  probably  owls. 
Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander  (in  Kitto)  says,  "  the  view  most 
commonly  entertained  is  that  a  species  of  owl  is 
intended."  Dr.  J.  A.  Alexander  (on  Isaiah,  1.  c.) 
translates,  after  the  LXX.,  and  Bochart,  howls  or 
yells.     Owl. 

Ot-i-ll*'lo5  [os-se-]  (fr.  Gr.),  a  corruption  of  Joza- 
BAD  in  Ezr.  X.  22  (1  Esd.  iv.  22). 

O-ei'oa  [-si-]  (fr.  Gr.).  "  Sour  (Tyre)  and  Ocina  " 
are  mentioned  (Jd.  ii.  28)  among  the  places  on  the 
sea-coast  of  Palestine  which  were  terrified  at  the 
approach  of  Holofernes.  Its  position  agrees  with 
that  of  the  ancient  Accno. 

Oe'ran(Heb.  afflicted,  Ges.),  an  Asherite,  father  of 
Pagiel  (Num.  L  13,  h.  27,  vii.  72,  77,  x.  26). 

4>'ded  (Heb.  setting  up  again,  erecting,  Ges.).  1. 
Father  of  Azariah  the  prophet,  in  the  reign  of  Asa 
(2  Chr.  XV.  ],  8).  (Azariah  9.) — 2.  A  prophet  of 
Jehovah  in  Samaria,  at  the  time  of  Pekah's  invasion 
of  Judah,  who  secured  the  release  of  the  captives 
from  Judah  (xxviii.  9). 

O-dol'lain,  the  Greek  form  of  Adcllam  (2  Mc. 
xii.  38  only). 

Od-o-nar'kcs  [-keez],  margin  Od-o-mar'ra  (Gr. 
Odomera,  Odoarrhcs),  the  chief  of  a  nomad  tribe 
slain  by  Jonatlian  (1  Mc.  ix.  66). 

*  Of-fente',  or  Of-fcase'  (fr.  L.),  the  A.  V.  transla- 
tion of — 1.  Heb.  het  or  ehet  (Eccl.  x.  4  only),  usually 
translated  "sin"  (Lev.  xix.  17,  xx.  20,  &c.),  once 
"  fault "  (Gen.  xli.  9),  once  "  punishment  of  sin  " 
(Lam.  iii.  39). — 2.  Heb.  michshol  (1  Sam.  xxv.  31 ; 
Is.  viii.  14),  usually  "  stumbling-block  "  (Lev.  xi.x. 
14  ;  Is.  Ivii.  14,  &c.),  also  "  ruin  "  (Ez.  xviii.  30,  xxi. 
13  [Heb.  20]),  &c.  (Offend,  to,  5.)— 3.  Heb.  verb 
dsham,  partially  in  Hos.  v.  15,  A.  V.  "acknowledge 
offence,"  margin  "  be  guilty,"  the  latter  being  the 
usual  translation.  Gesenius,  Henderson,  &c.,  trans- 
late the  verb  in  Hos.  1.  c.  "  suffer  punishment." 
(Offend,  to.) — 4.  Gr.  hamarlia  (2  Cor.  xi.  7  only), 
elsewhere  uniformly  rendered  "sin"  (Mat.  i.  21,  iii. 
6,  &c.). — 5.  Gr.  paraptoma  (Rom.  iv.  25,  v.  15  ff.), 
also  translated  "trespass"  (Mat.  vi.  14,  15,  &c.), 
"  sin  "  (Eph.  i.  7,  &c.),  "  fault "  (Gal.  vi.  1 ;  Jas.  v.  16), 
"  fall"  (Rom.  xi.  11,  12).— 6.  Gr.  proskomma  (Rom. 
xiv.  20  only),  elsewhere  translated  "stumbling" 
(Rom.  ix.  32  f. ;  1  Pet.  ii.  8  [Gr.  7]),  or  "  stumbling, 
block  "  (Rom.  xiv.  13  ;  1  Cor.  viii.  9). — 7.  Gr.  pros- 
kope(i  Cor.  vi.  3  only). — 8.  Gr.  skandalon  C^mt.  xvi. 
23,  xviii.  7;  Lk.  xvii.  1;  Rom.  ix.  33,  xvi.  17;  Gal. 
v.  11;  1  Pet.  ii.  8  [Gr.  7]),  also  rendered  "things 
t'lat  offend"  (Mat.  xiii.  41),  "stumbling-block" 
(Rom.  xi.  9 ;  1  Cor.  i.  23),  "  occasion  to  fall  "  (Rom. 

.  x'v.  13),  "occasion  of  stumbling"  (1  Jn.  ii.  10). — 
9.  Gr.  adj.  aproskopos,  partially,  rendered  in  A.  V. 


"void  of  offence"  (Acts  xxiv.  16),  "without  of- 
fence" (Phil.  i.  10;  both  these  in  Robinson's, 
N.  T.  Lex.  are  translated  not  made  to  stumble,  not 
falling  into  sin,  faultless'),  and  with  a  verb  "  give 
none  offence"  (1  Cor.  x.  32,  literally  be  not  causing 
to  stumble  or  to  fall,  i.  e.  do  not  lead  into  sin  either 
Jews,  Gentiles,  or  the  Church). — It  will  thus  be  seen 
that  "  offence  "  in  the  A.  V.  has  not  only  the  mean- 
ing of  a  sin,  crime,  or  fault,  as  now  (Nos.  1,  3,  4,  5, 
and  the  first  two  passages  under  9) ;  but  also  that 
of  a  stumbling-block,  i.  e.  a  cax/se  or  occasitm  of  fall- 
ing, especially  into  sin  and  ruin  ;  that  which  entices  one 
to  wrong-doing,  or  brings  one  into  difficultg,  perplexitg, 
or  danger  ;  that  which  disturbs,  or  produces  disgust, 
shame,  or  indignation  (Nos.  2,  6,  7,  8,  and  last  under  j 
9).     See  the  two  next  articles. 

*  Of-fend'  (fr.  L.),  t«,  the  A.'V.  translation  of— 1. 
Heb.  dsham  or  ushem  (Jer.  ii.  3, 1.  7  ;  Ez.  xxv.  12; 
Hos.  iv.  13,  xiii.  1  ;  Hab.  i.  11),  usually  translated 
in  A.  v.  "  to  be  guilty  "  (Lev.  iv.  13,  22,  27,  &c.),  or  . 
"to  trespass  "  (v.  19,  &c.),  sometimes  "  to  be  di so- 
late"  (Ps.  xxxiv.  21,  22  [Heb.  22,  23],  Is.  xxiv.  6, 
&e. ;  these  and  Jer.  ii.  3  are  translated  by  Gesenius 
to  bear  one's  guilt,  i.  e.  its  consequences,  to  suffer  pun- 
ishment), &c.  The  kindred  Heb.  noun  ashrnah,  usually 
translated  "  trespass  "  (Lev.  xxii.  16  ;  2  Chr.  xxiv.  1 8, 
&c.)  or  "  sin  "  (Lev.  iv.  3,  &c.),  as  translated  in  2  , 
Chr.  xxviii.  13,  once  with  other  words,  "  we  have  I 
offended  against  the  Lord  "  (literally  the  trespass  of  ' 
Jthovah  being  upon  us),  and  twice  in  the  same  verse 
"trespass."  (Offence  3.) — 2.  Heb.  bAgad  once  {Vs.  ' 
Ixxiii.  13),  usually  translated  "  to  deal  treacherously"  i 
(Judg.  ix.  23;  Is.  xxiv.  16,  &c.),  also  "to  deal  de-J 
ceitfully  "  (Job  vi.  15,  &c.),  "  to  transgress  "  (Ps.  xxv. 
3,  &c.),  &c. — 3.  Heb.  hdhal  or  chdbal  once  (Job  xxxiv. 
31;  here  translated  by  Gesenius  to  act  pierverselg,\ 
to  do  corruptly),  also  translated  "  to  deal  corruptly  "  J 
in  Neh.  i.  7,  elsewhere  "  to  take  a  pledge  of"  (Prov.  | 
XX.  16,  &c.),  "  to  take  to  pledge  "  (Deut.  xxiv.  6, 17, , 
&c.),  &c.  This  Heb.  verb  literally  (so  Gesenius) : 
to  tighten  n  cord,  to  twist ;  hence  to  bind;  tohindbif\ 
a  pledge,  or  to  take  as  a  pledge  ;  to  pervert,  kc- 
Heb.  hdtd  or  cti(Ud{Gcn.  xx.  9,  xl.  1  ;  2  K.  xviii.  14;  I 
Jer.  xx.xvii.  18);  literally  to  tniss  the  mark,  as  au  j 
archer,  &c.,  or  to  misstep;  hence  to  si>i,i.  e.  to  errj 
from  the  path  of  truth  and  duty,  Ges.),  usually  1 
translated  "  to  sin  "  (Gen.  xxxix.  9  ;  Ex.  xxxii.  301 
ff.,  &c.),  also  "  to  bear  the  blame  "  (Gen.  xliii.  9,  j 
xliv.  32),  &c. — 5.  Heb.  noun  mirhshol  once,  trans-l 
latedwith  other  words  "notliing  shall  offend  them"| 
(Ps.  cxix.  165;  margin  "they  shall  have  no  stum- 
bling-block ; "  literally  nothing  is  a  stumbling-block  to 
them.  Prof.  J.  A.  Alexander,  on  Ps.  1.  c).  ((Offence 
2.) — 6.  Heb.  p(Uha'  once,  passively  in  the  phrase  "  a 
brother  offended"  (Prov.  xviii.  19;  translated  by 
Gesenius  brethren  breaking  with  one  another,  offended, 
discordant) ;  usually  in  the  active  voice  translated 
"  to  transgress  "  (1  K.  viii.  50,  &c.),  also  "  to  rebel " 
(2  K.  iii.  7,  &c.),  or  "  to  revolt "  (viii.  20,  &c.).—7. 
Gr.  hamartano  once  (Acts  xxv.  8  :  literally  to  miss, 
to  err  from  a  mark  or  way ;  hence  to  do  wrong,  to  sin, 
Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.),  almost  uniformly  translated  "to 
sin"  (Mat.  xviii.  21  ;  Lk.  xv.  18,  21,  &c.),  sometimes 
"to  trespass"  (Mat.  xviii.  15,  &c.).  (Compare  Op- 
fence  4.) — 8.  Gr.  pttaid  (Jas.  ii.  10,  iii.  2  twice; 
properly  =  to  stumble,  to  fall),  once  translated  "  to 
stumble"  (Rom.  xi.  11),  and  once  "to  fall"  (2  Pct.^_ 
i.  10). — 9.  Gr.  skandatizd,  translated  "to  offend  "^» 
or  "  to  be  offended  "  twenty-eight  times  in  N.  T.,  ^V 
twice  only  otherwise,  viz.  in  1  Cor.  viii.  13  "  to  make 
to  offend."  This  Gr.  verb,  not  found  in  classic 
writers,  is  used  in  the  N.  T.  (according  to  Dr.  Robitt-J 


lO-Kg 


i 


OFF 

son's  y.  T.  Lex.)  tropically  in  a  moral  sense  =  to 
make  ilitiiibU  at  or  in  any  thing;  (1.)  to  give  or  cause 
offence  to  any  one,  i.  e.  to  ofeiid,  vex,  sranda/ize, 
(Mat.  xvii.  27 ;  Jn.  vi.  61 ;  1  Cor.  viii.  13  twice), 
and  passively  io  be  offended,  or  ware*/ (Mat.  xv.  12  ; 
Kom.  xlv.  21  ;  2  Cor.  xi.  29) ;  also  passively  to  be 
offended  in  or  at  any  one,  i.  e.  to  take  cftence  at 
one's  character,  words,  or  course,  so  as  to  desert  and 
reject  him  (Mat  xi.  6,  xiii.  67,  xxvi.  31,  33  twice  ; 
Mk.  vi.  3,  xiv.  27,  29  ;  Lk.  vii.  23) ;  (2.)  causatively, 
lo  nuite  one  offend,  or  lead  one  into  sin,  i.  e.  to  be  a 
>tumblinf;-block  to  another,  to  be  a  cause  or  occa- 
sion of  his  sin  (Mat.  v.  29,  30,  xviii.  6,  8,  9 ;  Mk.  ix. 
42,  43,  45,  47  ;  Lk.  xvii.  2),  and  passively  to  be  made 
til  offend,  to  be  led  into  sin,  i.  e.  to  fall  away  from  the 
truth  or  the  Gospel  (Mat.  xiii.  21,  xxiv.  10  ;  Mk.  iv. 
17;  .In.  xvi.  1).   (Compare  Offence  8.)    Offenber. 

•  Of-fend'er  (from  offend)  has  its  ordinary  mean- 
in;;  ill  the  A.  v.,  =  a  wrmig-doer,  a  transgressor,  a 
criminal  (1  K.  i.  21  ;  Is.  xxix.  21 ;  Acts  xxv.  11). 
Jlkoe  ;  Officer  ;  Prison  ;  Plnishme.nts  ;  Trial. 

Offfr-liig.  Blrnt-offering  ;  Free-will-offer- 
ing; Mkat-offerino;  Feace-offerinq ;  Sacrifice; 
Sin-offering. 

Of  fi-ten  It  is  obvious  that  most,  if  not  all,  of 
the  Hebrew  words  rendered  "  officer  "  (nelsib,  edrvi, 
pckuddilh,  jAkid,  rab,  khoter,  &c.)  are  either  of  an 
indefinite  character,  or  are  synonymous  terms  for 
functionaries  known  under  other  and  more  specific 
names,  as  "  scribe,"  "  eunuch,"  &c.  (Army  ;  Cap- 
tain ;  Garrison;  Govekxob;  Kino.)  Two  Greek 
words  are  so  rendered  in  the  N.  T.  Of  these,  huperctes 
(literally  a  rower,  hence  any  doer  of  hard  work, 
servant,  &e.,  L.  &  S.)  is  used  to  denote  an  inferior 
officer  of  a  court  of  justice,  a  messenger  or  bailiff, 
like  the  Roman  viator  or  lictor  (Mat.  v.  25  ;  Jn.  vii. 
32,  45  f.,  xviii.  3,  12,  18,  &c.).  (Minister.)  The  I 
other,  praktor  (literally  a  doer),  used  only  in  Lk. 
xii.  58,  was  applied  at  Athens  to  officers  whose  duty  ' 
it  was  to  register  and  collect  fines  imposed  by  courts 
of  justice  ;  and  for  the  judge  to  "  deliver  to  the  of- 
ficer "  implies  his  ascertaining  the  validity  of  the 
claim  of  indebtedness,  and  then  giving  the  debtor 
in  charge  to  the  officer  of  the  court  that  the  pay- 
ment may  be  enforced.  (Judge  ;  Punishments  ; 
Trial.)  The  word  "  officers  "  (Gr.  hoi  apo  [or  epi"[ 
t&n  chreion  =  those  from  [or  oi'er]  the  business)  is 
used  (1  Mc.  X.  41,  xiii.  37)  in  speaking  of  the  rev- 
enue-officers of  Demetrius.  In  Ecclus.  x.  2  (Gr. 
leitourgoi),  the  meaning  is  clearly  the  subordinates 
in  a  general  sense  to  a  supreme  authority. 

Og  (Heb.  long-neeked,  =  Anak  ?  Ges.,  Fii.),  an 
Amoritish  king  of  Bashax,  whose  rule  extended 
over  sixty  cities,  of  which  the  two  chief  were  Asii- 
TAROTii  and  Edrei  (Josh.  xiii.  12).  He  wa.s  one  of 
the  last  representatives  of  the  giant-race  of  Re- 
phaim.  (Giants  S.)  According  to  Eastern  tradi- 
tions, he  escaped  the  deluge  by  wading  beside  the 
»rk,  and  lived  3,000  years ;  and  one  ef  his  bones  long 
«er\'cd  as  a  bridge  over  a  river.  He  was,  with  his 
children  and  hi.i  people,  defeated  and  extenninated 
by  the  Israelites  at  Edrti,  immediately  after  the 
conquest  of  Sihon,  who  is  represented  by  Josephus 
•s  his  friend  and  ally.  His  sixty  fenced  cities  were 
taken,  and  his  kingdom  assigned  to  the  Reubcnitcs, 
Gadites,  and  half  the  tribe  of  Manasseh  (Deut.  iii.  1- 
18;  Num.  xxxii.  33.  Also  Deut.  i.  4,  iv.  47,  xxxi. 
4;  Josh.  ii.  10,  ix.  10,  xiii.  12,  30;  Ps.  cxxxv.  11, 
cxxxvi.  20).  The  belief  in  Og'g  enormous  stature  is 
corroborated  by  an  appeal  to  a  relic  still  existing 
at  the  writing  of  Deut.  iii.  II.  This  was  an  iron 
bedstead,  or  bier,  preserved  in  "  Kabbatb  of  the 


OIL 


751 


children  of  Ammon."  (Rabbah  1.)  Some  have 
supposed  that  this  was  one  of  the  common  flat  beds 
used  sometimes  on  the  housetops  of  Eastern  cities, 
but  made  of  iron  instead  of  palm-branches,  which 
would  not  have  supported  the  giant's  weight.  (Bed.) 
Mr.  Farrar,  with  Michaelis,  &c.,  supposes  the  He- 
brew words  mean  a  "  sarcophagus  of  black  ba^^alt ; " 
but  Schleusner,  Gesenius,  Fiirst,  Prof.  Murphy  (in 
J'airbairn),  &c.,  sustain  the  A.  V.  rendering  "  bed- 
stead of  iron." 

O'bsd  (Heb.  uvion,  Ges. ;  pover,  FU.),  one  of  the 
six  sons  of  Simeon  (Gen.  xlvi.  10;  Ex.  vi.  15). 

0'IieI(Heb.  a  tent,  tabernacle,  hovse,  Ges.),  one  of 
the  last  five  of  the  seven  sons  of  Zerubbabel  ( 1  Chr. 
iii.  20).     Hasadiah. 

Oil  (Heb.  yitshdr,  shemen  ;  Chal.  mlshah  or  mf- 
shaeh  ;  Gi.  elaion).  I.  Of  the  numerous  substances, 
animal  and  vegetable,  known  to  the  ancients  as  yield- 
ing oil,  the  olive-berry  (Olive)  is  most  frequently 
mentioned  in  the  Scriptures.  The  best  oil  is  made 
from  fruit  gathered  about  Kovember  or  December, 
when  it  has  begun  to  change  color,  but  before  it  has 
become  black.  The  berry  in  the  more  advanced 
state  yields  more  oil,  but  of  an  inferi(.r  quality. — 1. 
Gathering.  That  neither  the  fiuit  nor  the  boughs 
of  the  tree  might  be  injured,  the  fruit  was  either 
gathered  by  hand  or  shaken  off'  carefully  with  a 
light  reed  or  stick.  After  gathering  and  careful 
cleansing,  the  fruit  was  either  at  once  carried  to  the 
press,  which  is  recommended  as  the  best  course; 
or,  if  necessary,  laid  on  tables  with  hollow  trays 
made  sloping,  to  allow  the  first  juice  to  flow  into 
other  receptacles  beneath,  care  being  taken  not  to 
heap  the  fruit  too  much,  and  so  prevent  the  free 
escape  of  the  juice. — 2.  Pressing.  To  make  oil,  the 
fruit  was  either  bruised  in  a  mortar,  crushed  in  a 
press  loaded  with  wood  or  stones,  ground  in  a  liiill, 
or  trodden  with  the  feet.  Special  buildings  used 
for  grape-pressing  were  used  also  for  olive-pressing, 
and  contained  both  the  press  and  the  receptacle  for 
the  pressed  juice.  The  "beaten"  oil  (Ex.  xxvii. 
20,  xxix.  40;  Lev.  xxiv.  2;  Num.  xxviii.  5)  was 
probably  made  by  bruising  in  a  mortar.  These 
processes,  and  also  the  place  and  the  machine  for 
pressing,  are  mentioned  in  the  Mishna.  (See  also 
Is.  Ixiii.  3;  Lam.  i.  15  ;  Joelii.  24,  iii.  13;  Mic.  vi.  16  ; 
Hag.  ii.  16.)  Oil-mills  are  often  made  of  stone,  and 
turned  by  hand.  Others  consist  of  a  cylinder  en- 
closing a  beam,  which  is  turned  by  a  camel  or  other 
animal.  (Winepress.) — 3.  Keeping.  Both  olives 
and  oil  were  kept  in  jars  carefully  cleansed ;  and 
oil  was  drawn  out  for  use  in  horns  or  other  small 
vessels.  (Cruse.)  Oil  of  Tekoa  was  reckoned  the 
best.  Trade  in  oil  was  carried  on  with  the  Tyrians, 
by  whom  it  was  probably  often  reexported  to  Egypt, 
whose  olives  do  not  for  the  most  part  produce  pood 
oil.  Oil  to  the  amount  of  20,000  baths  (2  Chr.  ii. 
10),  or  20,000  measures  {cors,  1  K.  v.  11),  was  fur- 
nished by  Solomon  to  Hiram.  Direct  trade  in  oil 
was  also  carried  on  between  Egypt  and  Palestine 
(Ezr.  iii.  7;  Is.  xxx.  6,  Ivii.  9;  Ez.  xxvii.  17;  Ilos. 
xii.  1). — II.  Besides  the  use  of  olives  themselves  as 
food,  common  to  all  olive-producing  countries,  the 
principal  uses  of  olive-oil  may  be  thus  stated.  1. 
At  food.  Dried  wheat,  boiled  with  either  butter  or 
oil,  but  more  commonly  the  former,  is  a  common 
dish  for  all  classes  in  Syria.  Oil  was  and  is  much 
used  throughout  Western  Asia,  instead  of  butter  and 
lard,  in  cooking,  &e.  (Foon.) — 2.  Cosmetic.  As  is 
the  case  generally  in  hot  climates,  oil  was  used  by 
the  Jews  for  anointing  the  body,  e.  g.  after  the  bath, 
and  giving  to  the  skin  and  hair  a  smooth  and  come- 


T52 


OIL 


OIN 


ly  appearance,  e.  g.  before  an  entertainment.  At 
Egyptian  entertainments  it  was  usual  for  a  servant 
to  anoint  tlie  head  of  eacii  guest,  as  he  took  his 
seat  (Deut.  xxviii.  40 ;  Ku.  iii.  8 ;  2  Sam.  .xii.  30, 
&e.).  (Anointing;  Mourning;  Oint.mknt;  Pek- 
FUMES.)— 3.  Funereal.  The  bodies  of  the  dead  were 
anointed  with  oil  by  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  prob- 
ably as  a  partial  antiseptic,  and  a  similar  custom 
appears  to  have  prevailed  among  the  Jews.  (Anoint- 
ing; Burial.) — 4.  Mediciiml.  As  oil  is  in  use  in 
many  cases  in  modern  medicine,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  it  was  much  used  among  the  Jews  and  other 
ancient  nations  for  medicinal  purposes.  Celsua  re- 
peitedly  speaks  of  the  use  of  oil,  especially  old  oil, 
applied  externally  with  friction  in  fevers,  and  in 
many  other  cases.  Josephus  mentions  that  among 
the  remedies  employed  in  the  case  of  Herod,  he  was 
put  into  a  sort  of  oil-bath.  Isaiah  (i.  6)  alludes  to 
the  use  of  oil  as  ointment  in  medical  treatment ;  and 
it  thus  furnished  a  fitting  symbol  for  use  by  our 
Lord's  disciples  in  performing  miraculous  cures 
(Mk.  vi.  13).  (Anointing,  L  3.)— 6.  Oil  for  light. 
The  oil  for  "  the  light "  was  expressly  ordered  to  be 
olive-oil,  "  beaten"  (Ex.  xxv.  6,  xxxv.  8,  &c. ;  see 
above,  I.  2).  The  quantity  for  the  longest  niglit  is 
said  to  have  been  one-half  log  =  about  two-fifths  of 
a  pint.  (Candlestick  ;  Lamp.) — 6.  Ritual,  a.  Oil  was 
poured  on,  or  mixed  with  the  flour  or  meal  used  in 
meat-offerings,  &c.  (Ex.  xxix.  2,  3,  40;  Lev.  vi.  15, 
21,  vii.  10,  12,  xiv.  10  ff. ;  Num.  vi.  15,  vii.,  viii.  8). 
On  the  otlier  hand,  certain  offerings  were  to  be  de- 
void of  oil;  the  sin-oft'ering  ( Lev.  v.  11),  and  the 
offering  of  jealousy  (Num.  v.  15).  The  principle  on 
which  both  the  presence  and  the  absence  of  oil  were 
prescribed  is  clearly,  that  as  oil  is  indicative  of 
gladness,  so  its  absence  denoted  sorrow  or  humilia- 
tion (Is.  Ixi.  3;  Joel  ii.  19;  Rev.  vi.  6).  b.  Kings, 
priests,  and  prophets,  were  anointed  with  oil  or 
oiNTME.ST. — 7.  a.  As  so  important  in  his  Uving,  the 
Jew  was  required  to  include  oil  among  his  first-fruit 
offerings  (Ex.  xxiu  29,  xxiii.  16;  Num.  xviii.  12; 
Deut.  xviii.  4 ;  2  Chr.  xxxi.  5).  b.  Tithes  of  oil 
were  also  required  (Deut.  xii.  17;  2  Chr.  xxxi.  5, 
&c.). — 8.  Shields,  if  covered  with  hide,  were  anointed 
with  oil  or  grease  previous  to  use  (Is.  xxi.  15). 
Shields  of  metal  were  perhaps  rubbed  over  in  like 
manner  to  polish  them.  Of  the  substances  which 
yield  oil,  besides  the  olive-tree,  myrrh  is  the  only 
one  specially  mentioned  in  Scripture  (Esth.  ii.  12). 
Oil-tree.  The  Hebrew  words  'e<s  shemen  occur 
in  Neh.  viii.  15  (A.  V.  "pine-branches"),  1  K.  vi. 
23  ("  olive-tree,"  marg.  "  trees  of  oil,"  or  "  oily 
trees"),  and  in  Is.  xlL  19  ("oil-tree").  From  the 
passage  in  Nehemiah,  where  the  '«<»  »hemen  is  men- 
tioned as  distinct  from  the  "  olive-tree,"  it  has  been 
identified  with  the  zaoiam-tree  of  the  Arabs,  which, 
according  to  Dr.  J.  D.  Hooker,  is  the  Balanites 
^gyptiaca,  a  shrub  or  small  tree,  abundant  in  the 
plain  of  Jordan,  and  found  all  the  way  from  the 
peninsula  of  India  and  the  Ganges  to  Syria,  Abys- 
sinia, and  the  Niger.  The  zaekum-oil  is  held  in  high 
repute  by  the  Arabs  for  its  medicinal  properties. 
Dr.  Hooker  supposes  the  Balanites  ^iEgypliaca  may 
possibly  be  the  "Balm  of  Gilead."  (Spice  1.) — Mr. 
Tristram  calls  the  Balanites  .^Sgyptiaca,  which  he 
found  near  Jericho,  "  the  false  balsam,"  and  de- 
scribes it  as  "  a  thorny  tree,  with  large  olive-like 
fruit — the  zukkum  of  the  natives — from  which  the 
false  balm  of  Gilead,  a  sort  of  oil,  is  extracted  and 
sold  to  the  pilgrims  "  {Land  of  Israel,  pp.  202,  203). 
Gesenius,  Furst,  &c.,  regard  the  'e<«  sliemen  as  the 
wild  olive  or  oleaster  [Elceagnus  anguslifolia),  a  tree 


bearing  oblong  fruit  somewhat  like  an  olive  in  ap- 
pearance.    Olive. 


Zackum-tree  (Salaniiea  jSgyj'tiaea)  -^  "  OU-trM." 

Oint'ment  (Heb.  shemen,  rokah  or  rdkaeh,  mirka 
hath  or  mirkaehalh,  mislihah  or  minhehdh,  &c. ;  Gr. 
muron).  The  following  list  will  point  out  th? 
Scriptural  uses  of  ointment : — 1.  Cosmetic.  Tha 
Greek  and  Roman  practice  of  anointing  the  hea^ 
and  clothes  on  festive  occasions  prevailed  also( 
among  the  Egyptians,  and  appears  to  have  had  place 
among  the  Jews  (Ru.  iii.  3  ;  Eccl.  vii.  1,  ix.  8  ;  Prov.; 
xxvii.  9,  16,  &c.).  Oil  of  myrrh,  for  like  purposes, 
is  mentioned  Esth.  ii.  12.  Egyptian  painthig^ 
represent  servants  anointing  guests  on  their  ar-. 
rival  at  their  entertainer's  house,  and  alabasters 
vases  exist  which  retain  the  traces  of  the  ointmenlii 
they  were  used  to  contain.  (Alabaster;  Oil.)( 
— 2.  Funereal.  Ointments  as  well  as  oil  were  used 
to  anoint  dead  bodies  and  the  clothes  in  which  they 
were  wrapped  (Mat.  xxvi.  12;  Mk.  xiv.  3,  8,  xvi.  1; 
Lk.  xxiii.  56 ;  Ju.  xii.  3,  1,  xix.  40).  (Burial.) 
— 3.  Medicinal.  Ointment  formed  an  important  fea- 
ture in  ancient  medical  treatment  (Is.  i.  6).  The 
mention  of  balm  of  Gilead  and  of  eye-salve  points  to 
the  same  method  of  cure  (Is.  i.  6);  Jer.  viii.  22; 
Rev.  iii.  18,  &c.).  (Anointing;  Medicine.)— -4. 
Ritval.  Besides  the  oil  used  in  many  ceremonial 
observances,  a  special  ointment,  made  of  pure  myrrh 
and  cassia  (each  500  shekels  =  250  ounces),  swec^ 
cinnamon  and  sweet  calamus  (each  250  shekels  : 
125  ounces),  and  a  hin  (about  five  quarts)  of  olive 
oil,  was  appointed  to  be  used  in  consecration  (Ex 
XXX.  23-33,  xxix.  7,  xxxvii.  29,  xl.  9, 1 5).  Strict  pro 
hibition  was  issued  against  using  this  unguent  foi 
any  secular  purpose,  or  on  the  person  of  a  foreigneij 
and  against  imitating  it  in  any  way  whatsoever  (xxx. 
32,  33).  The  weight  of  the  oil  in  the  mixture  would  be 
12  lbs.  8  oz.  English.  A  question  arises,  in  what  form 
were  the  other  ingredients,  and  what  degree  of  solid- 
ity did  the  whole  attain  ?  According  to  Maimonidcs, 
Moses,  having  reduced  the  solid  ingredients  to  pow- 
der, steeped  them  in  water  till  all  the  aromatic 
qualities  were  drawn  forth.     He  then  poured  in  the 


OLA 


OLD 


753 


oil,  and  boiled  the  whole  till  the  water  was  evapo- 
rated. The  reBiduum  thus  obtained  was  preserved  in 
a  vessel  for  use.  Another  theory  supposes  all  the 
ingredients  to  have  been  in  the  form  of  oil  or  oint- 
ment, and  the  measurement  by  weight  of  all,  except 
the  oil,  seems  to  imply  that  they  were  in  some  solid 
form,  but  whether  in  an  unctuous  state  or  in  that 
of  powder  cannot  be  ascertained.  A  process  of 
making  ointment,  consisting,  in  part  at  least,  in 
boiling,  is  alluded  to  in  Job  .\li.  31.  Kings,  and 
also  in  some  eases  prophets,  were,  as  well  as  priests, 
anointed  with  oil  or  ointment ;  but  Scripture  only 
mentions  the  fact  as  actually  taking  place  in  the 
cases  of  Saul,  David,  Solomon,  Jehu,  and  Joash. 
It  is  evident  that  the  sacred  oil  was  used  in  the  case 
of  Solomon,  and  probably  in  the  cases  of  Saul  and 
David.  (Anoi.ntino.)  A  person  whose  business  it 
was  to  compound  ointments  in  general  was  called 
an  "  apothecary  "  (Ex.  xxx.  25,  S5,  xxxvii.  29 ;  Neh. 
iii.  8;  Ecd.  x.  1;  Ecclus.  xxxviii.  9,  xlix.  1),  or 
"perfumer"  (Ex.  xxx.  26,  marg.).  The  work  was 
sometimes  carried  on  by  women  "  confectionaries  " 
(I  Sam.  viii.  13).  In  the  Christian  Church  the 
ancient  usage  of  anointing  the  bodies  of  the  dead 
was  long  retained.  The  ceremony  of  Clirism  or 
anointing  was  also  added  to  baptism. 

Ol'a-Bias  (L.)  =  ME.*HrLL4M  of  the  sons  of  Bani 
(I  Esd.  ix.  30;  comp.  Ezr.  x.  29). 

•Old  Gate  (Neh.  iii.  6,  xii.  39),  a  gate  of  Jeru- 
SALEM,  probably  (so  Kitto)  at  the  N.  E.  corner. 
Others  would  place  it  in  the  middle  of  the  N.  wall. 

Old  Tes'ta-ment.  This  article  (originally  bv  Mr. 
Thrupp)  treats  (A)  of  the  Text  of  the  Olo'Tes- 
Tjimest,  (B)  of  its  Interpretation,  and  (C)  of  the 
Quotations  from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  New. 
(BiULE ;  Ca.non  ;  iNsriHATios.) — A,  Ttxl  of  the 
Old  Tenlaineiil.  1.  History  of  the  Text.  After 
the  completion  of  the  Canon  no  additions  to  any 
part  of  the  0.  T.  could  be  legitimately  made,  the 
sole  object  of  those  who  transmitted  and  watched 
over  it  being  thenceforth  to  preserve  that  which 
was  already  written.  Of  the  care,  however,  with 
which  the  text  was  transmitted  we  have  to  judge, 
almost  entirely,  by  the  phenomena  which  it  and  the 
versions  derived  from  it  now  present,  rather  than 
from  any  recorded  facts  respecting  it.  There  can 
be  little  doubt  that  the  text  was  ordinarily  written 
on  skins,  rolled  up  into  volumes,  like  the  modern 
synagogue-rolls  (I's.  xl.  7  ;  Jer.  xxxvi.  14 ;  Zech.  v. 
1 ;  Ez.  ii.  9).  The  original  character  in  which  the 
text  was  expressed  is  that  still  preser^'ed  to  us, 
with  the  exception  of  four  letters,  on  the  Macca- 
bcan  coins  (Mo.sev),  and  having  a  strong  affinity 
to  the  Samaritan  character.  At  what  date  this 
wa.s  exchanged  for  the  present  Aramaic  or  square 
character  is  still  as  undetermined,  as  it  is  at  what 
date  the  use  of  the  Aramaic  language  in  Pales- 
tine superseded  that  of  the  Hebrew.  The  Old 
Jewi.sh  tradition,  repeated  by  Origen  and  Jerome, 
ascribed  the  change  to  Ezra.  (Writing.)  No 
vowel-points  were  attached  to  the  text  ;  they  were, 
throtigh  all  the  early  period  of  its  history,  entirely 
unknown.  Convenience  had  indeed,  at  the  time 
when  the  later  books  of  the  O.  T.  were  written, 
suggested  a  larger  use  of  the  matren  lectinnin  (L.  = 
motAem  [or  »o«r(r»]  f;/"  correct  reading,  a  name  given 
to  the  consonants  ^  f  ALEpn],  t  {vAv  or  vau],  and  i  | 
[aid  or  jon]  from  their  being  used  to  rtpre.scnt  the 
vowels  (J,  w,  I,  and  thus  guide  to  a  correct  pronuncia- 
':')n  of  words,  Nordheimer's  Heb.  Grammar,  §  9): 

is  thus  that  in  those  books  we  find  them  intro- 

iced  into  many  words  that  had  been  previously 
48 


spelt  without  them.  There  is  reason  to  think  that 
in  the  text  of  the  0.  T.,  as  originally  written,  the 
words  were  generally,  though  not  uniformly,  divided. 
Of  the  Phenician  inscriptions,  though  the  majority 
proceed  continuously,  some  have  a  point  after  every 
word,  except  when  the  words  arc  closely  connected. 
The  same  point  is  used  in  the  Samaritan  manuscripts. 
The  practice  of  separating  words  by  spaces  instead 
of  points  probably  came  in  with  the  square  writing. 
Of  ancient  date,  probably,  are  also  the  separations 
between  the  lesser  parehii/d/h  or  sections  ;  whether 
made,  in  the  case  of  the  more  important  divisions, 
by  the  commencement  of  a  new  line,  or,  in  the  case 
of  the  less  important,  by  a  blank  space  within  the 
line.  These  lesser  and  earlier  parshii/dlh,  of  which 
there  are  in  the  Pentateuch  669,  must  not  be  con- 
founded with  the  greater  and  later  jMrshlyoth,  or 
Sabbath-lessons,  which  are  first  mentioned  in  the 
Masorah.  The  name  j)arshii;6ih  is  in  the  Mishna 
applied  to  the  divisions  in  the  Prophets  as  well  as 
to  those  in  the  Pentateuch.  Ilupfield  has  found 
that  they  do  not  always  coincide  with  the  capitnla 
(L.  =  chapters,  or  sections)  of  Jerome.  That  they 
are  nevertheless  more  ancient  than  his  time  is  shown 
by  the  mention  of  them  in  the  Mishna.  In  the  ab- 
sence of  evidence  to  the  contrary,  their  disaccord- 
ance  with  the  h'ltsin  (=  sectious)  of  the  Samaritan 
Pentateuch,  which  are  966  in  number,  seems  to  in- 
dicate that  they  hud  an  historical  origin;  and  they 
may  possibly  date  from  the  period  when  the  0.  T. 
nas  first  transcribed  in  the  square  character.  Of 
any  logical  division,  in  the  written  text,  of  the  prose 
of  the  O.  T.  into  ptsitkini,  or  verses,  we  find  in  the 
Talmud  no  mention  ;  and  even  in  the  existing  syna- 
gogue-rolls such  division  is  generally  ignored.  In 
the  poetical  books,  the  jiisuktin  mentioned  in  the 
Talmud  correspond  to  the  poetical  lines,  not  to  our 
modem  verses ;  and  it  is  probable  both  from  some 
expressions  of  Jerome,  and  from  the  analogous 
practice  of  other  nations,  that  the  poetical  text  was 
written  stichometrically.  The  two  earliest  docu- 
ments which  directly  bear  upon  the  history  of  the 
Hebrew  text,  are  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  and 
the  Septcagint.  In  the  tran.^lalions  of  Aquila  and 
the  other  Greek  interpreters,  the  fragments  of  whose 
works  remain  to  us  in  the  Ilexapla,  we  have  evi- 
dence of  the  existence  of  a  text  differing  but  little 
from  our  own  :  so  also  in  the  Targums  of  Onkelca 
and  Jonathan.  A  few  centuries  later  we  have,  in 
the  Hexapla,  additional  evidence  to  the  same  effect 
in  Origen's  transcriptions  of  the  Hebrew  text.  And 
yet  more  important  are  the  proofs  of  the  firm  estab- 
lishment of  the  text,  and  of  its  substantial  identity 
with  our  own,  supplied  by  the  translation  of  Jerome, 
who  was  instructed  by  the  Palestinian  Jews,  and 
maiidy  relied  upon  their  authority  for  acquaintance 
not  only  with  the  text  itself,  but  also  with  the  tradi- 
tional unwritten  vocalization  of  it.  This  brings  us 
to  the  middle  of  the  Talmudic  period.  The  learn- 
ing of  the  schools  foi-med  in  Jerusalem  about  the 
time  of  our  Saviour  by  Hillel  and  Shammai  was 
preserved,  after  the  destruction  of  the  city,  in  the 
academies  of  Jabneh,  Sepphoris,  Cesarea,  and  Tibe- 
rias. The  great  pillar  of  the  Jewish  literature  of 
this  period  was  R.  Judah  the  Holy,  to  whom  is 
ascribed  the  compilation  of  the  Mishna,  the  text  of 
the  Talmud,  and  who  died  about  a.  d.  220.  After 
his  death  there  grew  into  repute  the  Jewish  acade- 
mies of  Sura,  Nahardea,  and  Pum-Iicditha,  on  the 
Euphrates.  The  twofold  Qemara,  or  commentary, 
was  now  appended  to  the  Mishna,  thus  completing 
the  Talmud.     The  Jerusalem   Gemara  proceeded 


754 


OLD 


OLD. 


from  the  Jews  of  Tiberias,  probably  toward  the  end 
of  the  fourth  century :  the  Babylonian  from  the 
academies  on  the  Euphrates,  perhaps  by  the  end  of 
the  fifth.  That  along  with  the  task  of  collecting 
and  commenting  on  their  various  legal  traditions, 
the  Jews  of  these  several  academies  would  occupy 
themselves  with  the  text  of  the  sacred  writings  is 
in  every  way  probable ;  and  is  indeed  shown  by 
various  Talmudic  notices.  ■  In  these  the  first  thing 
to  be  remarked  is  the  entire  absence  of  allusion  to 
any  such  glosses  of  interpretation  as  those  which, 
from  having  been  previously  noted  on  the  margins 
of  MSS.,  had  probably  been  loosely  incorporated 
into  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  and  the  Septuagint. 
Interpretation,  properly  so  called,  had  become  the 
province  of  the  Targumist  (Versions,  Ancient 
[Tarodm]),  not  of  the  transcriber;  and  the  result 
of  the  entire  divorce  of  interpretation  from  tran- 
scription had  been  to  obtain  greater  security  for  the 
transmission  of  the  text  in  its  purity.  In  place, 
however,  of  such  glosses  of  interpretation  had  crept 
in  the  practice  of  reading  some  passages  differently 
from  the  way  in  which  they  were  written,  in  order 
to  obtain  a  play  of  words,  or  to  fix  them  artificially 
in  the  memory.  But  these  traditional  and  confess- 
edly apocryphal  readings  were  not  allowed  to  affect 
the  written  text.  The  care  of  the  Talmudic  doctors 
for  the  text  is  shown  by  the  pains  with  which  they 
counted  up  the  number  of  verses  in  the  different 
books,  and  computed  which  were  the  middle  verses, 
words,  and  letters  in  the  Pentateuch  and  in  the 
Psalms.  The  scrupulousness  with  which  the  Tal- 
mudists  noted  what  they  deemed  the  truer  readings, 
and  yet  abstained  from  introducing  them  into  the 
text,  indicates  at  once  both  their  diligence  in  scru- 
tinizing the  text  and  their  care  in  guarding  it.  Crit- 
ical procedure  is  also  evinced  in  their  rejection  of 
manuscripts  which  were  found  not  to  agree  with 
others  in  their  readings ;  and  the  rules  given  with 
reference  to  the  transcription  and  adoption  of  manu- 
scripts attest  the  care  bestowed  upon  them.  Tlie 
Talmud  further  makes  mention  of  the  cupliemistic 
Keris  (or  marginal  readings),  which  are  still  noticed 
in  our  Bibles,  e.  g.  at  2  K.  vi.  25.  It  also  reckons 
six  instances  of  extraordinary  points  placed  over 
certain  words,  e.  g.  over  tlie  Ileb.  eldyv  (A.  V.  "  to 
him")  at  Gen.  xviii.  9  ;  and  of  some  of  them  it  fur- 
nishes mystical  explanations.  It  is  after  the  Tal- 
mudic period  that  Hupfeld  places  the  introduction 
into  the  text  of  the  two  large  points  ( :  in  Hebrew 
Soph-pdiuk)  to  mark  the  end  of  each  verse.  Coeval, 
perhaps,  with  the  use  of  the  Suph-pdsuk  is  that  of 
the  Makkeph,  or  hyphen,  to  unite  words  that  are  so 
closely  conjoined  as  to  have  but  one  accent  between 
them.  Such  modifications  of  the  text  as  these  were 
the  precursors  of  the  new  method  of  dealing  with  it 
which  constitutes  the  work  of  the  Masoretic  period. 
It  is  evident  from  the  notices  of  the  Talmud  that 
oral  traditions  had  been  gradually  accumulating  re- 
specting both  the  integrity  of  particular  passages 
of  the  test  itself,  and  also  the  manner  in  which  it 
was  to  be  read.  This  vast  heterogeneous  mass  of 
traditions  and  criticisms,  compiled  artd  embodied  in 
writing,  forms  what  is  known  as  the  Mckdrdh,  i.  e. 
Tradition.  Buxtorf  ranges  its  contents  under  the 
three  heads  of  observations  respecting  the  verses, 
words,  and  letters  of  the  sacred  text.  As  to  the 
verses,  the  Masorets  recorded  how  many  were  in  each 
book,  and  the  middle  verse  in  each  :  also  how  many 
verses  began  with  particular  letters,  or  began  and 
endid  with  the  same  word,  or  contained  a  particular 
number  of  words  and  letters,  or  particular  words  a 


certain  number  of  times,  &c.  As  to  the  words,  they 
recorded  the  Kiris  (Heb.  kSri  =  a  word  read  or  a 
reading  [now  placed  in  the  margin]  to  be  used  in- 
stead of  that  in  the  text)  and  Chithibs  (Ileb.  egthib 
=  a  word  written,  or  a  textual  reading),  where 
different  words  were  to  be  read  from  those  contained 
in  the  text,  or  where  words  were  to  be  omitted  or 
supplied.  They  noted  that  certain  words  were  to 
be  found  so  many  times  in  the  beginning,  middle, 
or  end  of  a  verse,  or  with  a  particular  construction 
or  meaning.  They  noted  also  of  particular  words, 
and  this  especially  in  cases  where  mistakes  in  tran- 
scription were  likely  to  arise,  whetlier  they  were  to 
be  written  plene  (=/iil'i/)  or  defeetivi (^^  defectively), 
i.  e.  with  or  without  the  mhlres lectionis  (see  above): 
also  their  vocalization  and  accentuation,  and  how 
many  times  they  occurred  so  vocalized  or  accented. 
As  to  the  letters,  they  computed  how  often  each  let- 
ter of  the  alphabet  occurred  in  the  0.  T. :  they 
noted  fifteen  instances  of  letters  stigmatized  with 
the  extraordinary  points :  they  commented  also  on 
all  the  unusual  letters,  viz.  the  majuseulce  (L.  some- 
what  larger),  which  they  variously  computed ;  the 
miiiusculm  (somewhat  smaller),  of  which  they  reck- 
oned thirty-tliree ;  the  suspensm  (suspended ),  four  in 
number ;  and  the  itiversce  (inverted ),  of  which  there 
are  eight  or  nine.  The  most  valuable  feature  of  the 
Mdsdrah  is  undoubtedly  its  collection  of  Keris.  The 
first  rudiments  of  this  collection  meet  us  in  the  Tal- 
mud. It  seems  clear  that  the  KCrU  in  all  cases  rep- 
resent the  readings  which  the  Masorets  themselves 
approved  as  correct.  The  MAsordh  furnishes  also 
eighteen  instances  of  what  it  calls  "  Correction  of 
the  scribes."  The  real  import  of  this  is  doubtful. 
Furthermore  the  Mdsdrah  contains  certain  "  Con- 
jectures," which  it  does  not  raise  to  the  dignity  of 
Keris,  respecting  the  true  reading  in  difficult  jias- 
sages.  The  Mdsdrah  was  originally  preserved  in  dis- 
tinct books  by  itself.  A  plan  then  arose  of  trans- 
ferring it  to  the  margins  of  the  MSS.  of  the  Biljle. 
For  this  purpose  large  curtailments  were  neces.-^ary. 
The  Mdsordh  is  now  distinguished  into  the  Masora 
magna  (=  large  Mdsordh)  and  the  Mosora  parva 
(=  small  Mdsordh),  the  latter  being  an  abridgment 
of  the  former,  including  all  the  Keris  and  other 
compendious  obseivations,  and  usually  printed  in 
Hebrew  Bibles  at  the  foot  of  the  page.  The  Md- 
sordh itself  was  but  one  of  the  fruits  of  the  labors 
of  the  Jewish  doctors  in  the  Masoretic  period.  A 
far  more  important  work  was  furnishing  the  text 
with  vowel-marks,  by  which  the  traditional  prouun 
elation  of  it  was  imperishably  recorded.  That  (' 
insertion  of  the  Hebrew  vowel-points  was  post-T« 
mudic  is  shown  by  the  absence  from  the  Talmud  f 
all  reference  to  them.  The  vowel-marks  are 
ferred  to  in  the  Mdsordh  ;  and  as  they  are  all  mq 
tioned  by  R.  Judah  Chiug,  in  the  beginning  of  ( 
eleventh  century,  they  must  have  been  perfect* 
before  that  date.  (Writing.)  Conteraporaneol 
with  the  written  vocalization  was  the  accentuatif 
of  the  text.  The  import  of  the  accents  was, 
Hupfeld  has  shown,  essentially  rhythmical :  hen 
they  had  from  the  first  both  a  logical  and  a  musical 
significance.  Besides  the  evidences  of  various  read- 
ings contained  in  the  Kiris  of  the  Mdsordh,  we  have 
two  lists  of  different  readings  purporting  or  pro 
sumed  to  be  those  adopted  by  the  Palestinian  ami 
Babylonian  Jews  respectively.  The  first  of  ilie-' 
was  printed  bv  R.  Jacob  ben  Chavim  in  the  I''"'" 
berg  Bible  (Venice,  15'25-'6).  The  different  read- 
ings are  216  in  number,  generally  of  but  little  ini 
portance.     The  other  is  the  result  of  a  collation  oi 


OLD 


OLD 


755 


MSS.  made  in  the  eleventh  century  by  two  Jews,  E. 
Aaron  ben  Asher,  a  Palestinian,  and  E.  Jacob  ben 
Naphtali,  a  Babylonian.  The  differences,  804  in 
number,  relate  to  the  vowels,  the  accents,  the  Afak- 
fclpA  (or  hyphen),  and  once  (Cant.  viii.  6)  to  the  divi- 
sion of  one  word  into  two.  From  the  end  of  the 
Masorctic  period  onward,  the  Mmdrdh  became  the 
great  authority  by  which  the  text  given  in  all  the  Jew- 
ish MSS.  was  settled. — 2.  Mmmscripls.  The  0.  T. 
MirS.  known  to  us  tall  into  two  main  classes:  Syna- 
gogue-rolls and  MSS.  for  private  use.  Of  the  latter, 
some  arc  written  In  the  square,  others  in  the  rab- 
binic or  cursive  character.  The  synagogue-rolls 
contain,  separate  from  each  other,  the  Pentateuch, 
the  HaphUiroth,  or  appointed  sections  of  the  Proph- 
ets, and  the  so-called  Migilloth,  viz.  Canticles,  Euth, 
Lamentations,  Ecclesiastes,  and  Esther.  (Bible, 
IIL,  IV.)  The  text  of  the  synagogue-rolls  is  writ- 
ten without  vowels,  accents,  or  soph-jyumls :  the 
greater  parshiyolh  are  not  distinguished,  nor  yet, 
strictly,  the  verses ;  these  last  are  indeed  oil  en 
slightly  separated,  but  the  practice  is  against  the 
ancient  tradition.  The  rules  prescribed  for  prepar- 
ing the  skin  or  parchment,  and  for  writing  these 
rolls,  are  exceedingly  minute,  and  have  probably 
contributed  much  to  preserve  the  text  in  its  in- 
tegrity. The  two  modifications  of  the  square  char- 
acter in  which  these  rolls  are  written  are  distin- 
guished by  the  Jews  as  the  7am  and  the  Vilshe, 
i.  e.,  probably,  the  Per/ett  and  the  Foreign.  The 
synagogue-rolls  are  not  sold.  Private  MSS.  in  the 
8(piare  character  are  in  the  book-form,  either  on 
parchment  or  on  paper,  and  of  various  sizes,  from 
folio  to  12mo.  Some  contain  the  Hebrew  text  alone  ; 
others  add  the  Targum,  or  an  Arabic  or  other  trans- 
lation, either  interspersed  with  the  text  or  in  a  sep- 
arate column,  occasionally  in  the  margin.  The  up- 
per and  lower  margins  are  generally  occupied  by  the 
Mmoriih,  sometimes  by  rabbinical  commentaries, 
&c.  The  date  of  a  MS.  is  ordinarily  given  in  the 
subscription ;  but  as  the  subscriptions  are  often 
concealed  in  the  Mutorah  or  elsewhere,  it  is  occa- 
Bionntly  diflicult  to  find  them ;  occasionally  also  it 
is  diOicult  to  decipher  them.  Even  when  found 
and  deciphered,  they  cannot  always  be  relied  on. 
No  satisfactory  criteria  have  been  yet  established 
by  which  the  ages  of  SISS.  are  to  be  determined. 
Few  existing  MSS.  are  supposed  to  be  older  than  the 
twelfth  century.  Kcnnicottand  Bruns  assigned  one 
of  their  collation  (No.  690)  to  the  tenth  century ;  De 
Eossi  dates  it  a.  p.  1018  ;  on  the  other  hand,  one  of 
his  own  (No.  634)  he  adjudges  to  the  eighth  century. 
It  is  usual  to  distinguish  in  these  MSS.  three  mod- 
ifications of  the  square  eh«racter :  viz.  a  Spanish 
writing,  upright  and  regularly  formed ;  a  German, 
inclined  and  sharp-pointed  ;  and  a  French  and 
ilian,   intermediate   between   the  two  preceding. 

Mie  important  distinction  between  the  SpanL-^h  and 
liirman  MSS.  consists  in  the  difference  of  order 
ill  which  the  books  are  generally  arranged.     The 

'  rmer  follow  the  Mutiruh,  placing  the  Chronicles 
fore  the  rest  of  the  llagiogrnpha :  the  latter  con- 
:m  to  the  Talmud,  placing  Jeremiah  and  F.zekiel 
lore  Isaiah,  and  Euth,  separate  from  the  other 

'■!  i,'.)i;,ih^  before  the  Psalms.     Private  MSS.  in  the 

■  character  are  mostly  on  paper,  and  are  of 

iMtively  latedate.      Of  the  581  Jewish  MSS. 

■liaieil  by  Kennicott,  not  more  than  102  give  the 

I  T.  comt>lete ;  with  those  collated  by  De  Eossi  the 
i-c  i."  similar.     Kennicott  and  De  Eossi  collated 

'"•  MSS.  of  Genesis,  549  of  the  Megilloth  collect- 

..cly,  495  of  the  Psalms,  172  (the  fewest)  of  Ezra 


and  Nehemiah,  211  of  Chronicles,  more  than  1,1C0 
in  all,  the  greatest  number  containing  Esther.  Sir.ce 
the  days  of  Kennicott  and  De  Eossi  modern  research 
has  discovered  various  MSS.  beyond  the  limits  of 
Europe,  many  of  them  of  little  critical  value. 
Those  found  in  China  are  not  essentially  different 
from  the  MSS.  previously  known  in  Europe ;  that 
brought  by  Buchanan  from  Malabar  is  now  supposed 
to  be  a  European  roll.  It  is  different  with  some  of 
the  Hebrew  and  Eabbinic  MSS.  examined  by  Pinner 
at  Odessa.  One  of  these  MSS.  (A.  No.  1),  a  Penta- 
teuch roll,  unpointed,  brought  from  Derbend  in 
Daghestan,  ajipcars  by  the  subscription  to  have 
been  written  previously  to  the  year  a.  d.  580 ;  and, 
if  so,  is  the  oldest  known  Biblical  Hebrew  MS.  in 
existence.  Another  of  these  MSS.  (B.  No.  3)  con- 
taining the  Prophets,  on  parchment,  in  small  folio, 
although  only  dating,  according  to  the  inscription, 
from  A.  D.  916,  and  lurnished  with  a  Mdsoroh,  is  a 
yet  greater  treasure.  Its  vowels  and  accents  are 
wholly  different  from  those  now  in  use,  both  in  form 
and  in  position,  being  all  above  the  letters:  they 
have  accordingly  been  the  theme  of  much  discussion 
among  Hebrew  scholars.  In  both  these  MSS.  of 
Pinner  the  forms  of  the  letters  are  remarkable  ;  and 
similar  peculiarities  are  found  in  some  of  the  other 
Odessa  MSS.  The  Samaritan  MSS.  collated  by 
Kennicott,  are  all  in  the  book  form,  but  sufliciently 
represent  the  text  of  the  Samaritan  Pentatkucii. — 
3.  Printed  7'(xt.  The  history  of  the  printed  text  of 
the  Hebrew  Bible  commences  with  the  early  Jewish 
editions  of  the  separate  books.  First  appeared  the 
Psalter,  in  14'?7,  probably  at  Bologna,  in  4to,  with 
Kimchi's  commentary  interspersed  among  the  verses. 
Only  the  first  four  psalms  had  the  vowel-points,  and 
these  but  clumsily  expressed.  At  Bologna  theie 
subsequently  appeared,  in  1482,  the  Pentateuch,  in 
folio,  pointed,  with  the  Targum  and  the  commentary 
of  Eashi;  and  the  five  iligilUith  (Bible,  III.  3,  h), 
in  folio,  with  the  commentaries  of  Eashi  and  Abcn 
Ezra.  From  Soncino,  near  Cremona,  issued  in  1486 
the  Former  and  Later  Prophets,  in  2  vols.,  folio, 
unpointed,  with  Kimchi's  commentary;  also  the 
JMfgilldlh,  with  the  prayers  of  the  Italian  Jews,  in 
4to.  In  1487  the  Hagiographa  appeared  at  Naples 
in  two  volumes,  pointed,  but  unacccntuated,  with 
Eabbinical  commentaries.  Thus  every  separate  por- 
tion of  the  Hetrew  Bible  was  printed  in  Italy  (at 
Bologna,  Soncino,  or  Naples)  before  any  complete 
edition  of  it  appeared.  The  first  entire  Hebrew 
Bible  was  printid  at  Soncino  in  1488.  The  edition 
is  in  folio,  pointed,  and  accentuated.  Nine  copies 
only  of  it  are  now  known,  of  which  one  belongs  to 
Exeter  College,  Oxford,  England.  The  earlier 
printed  portions  were  perhaps  the  basis  of  the  text. 
This  was  followed,  iu  1494,  by  the  4  to  or  8vo  edition 
printed  by  Gerson  at  Brescia,  remarkable  as  the 
edition  from  which  Luther's  German  translation  was 
made.  This  edition,  along  with  the  preceding, 
formed  the  basis  of  the  first  edition,  with  the  3/dg6- 
rah,  Targums,  and  Eabbinical  comments,  printed  by 
Bomberg  at  Venice  in  1518,  folio,  under  the  editor- 
ship of  the  converted  Jew,  Felix  del  Prato,  who  ap- 
pears to  have  used  also  MSS.  in  aid.  This  edition 
was  the  first  to  contain  the  Maxora  magna,  and  the 
various  readings  of  Ben  Asher  and  Ben  Naphtali. 
After  the  Brescian,  the  next  primary  edition  was 
that  contained  in  the  Complutensian  Polyglot,  pub- 
lished at  Complutum  (i.  e.  Alcala,  near  Madrid),  in 
Spain,  at  the  expense  of  Cardinal  Ximenes,  in  six 
volumes,  folio,  dated  1614-17,  but  not  issued  till 
1622.     The  Hebrew  is  pointed,  but  unacccntuated  : 


ii 


756 


OLD 


OLO 


it  was  taken  from  seven  MSS.,  which  are  still  pre- 
served m  the  University  Library  at  Madrid.  To  this 
succeeded  an  edition  which  has  had  more  influence 
than  any  on  the  text  of  later  times — the  Second 
Rabbinical  Bible,  printed  by  Borabcrg  at  Venice, 
4  vols.,  folio,  1525-6.  The  editor  was  tlie  learned 
Tunisian  Jew,  R.  Jacob  ben  Chavim.  The  great 
feature  of  his  work  lay  in  the  correction  of  the 
text  by  the  precepts  of  the  3/usdrdh,  in  which  he 
was  profoundly  skilled,  and  on  v.'hich,  as  well  as 
on  the  text  itself,  his  labors  were  employed.  The 
Royal  or  Antwerp  Polyglot,  printed  by  Plantin,  8 
yols.,  folio,  1569-72,  at  the  expense  of  Philip  IL  of 
Spain,  and  edited  by  Arias  Montanus  and  others, 
took  the  Complutensian  as  the  basis  of  its  Hebrew 
text,  but  compared  this  with  one  of  Bomberg's,  so 
as  to  produce  a  mixture  of  the  two.  This  text  was 
followed  both  in  the  Paris  Polyglot  of  Le  Jay,  9 
vols.,  folio,  1645,  and  in  Walton's  Polyglot,  London, 
6  vols.,  folio,  1657.  A  text  compounded  of  several 
of  the  preceding  was  issued  by  the  Leipsic  Profess- 
or, Ellas  Hutter,  at  Hamburg,  folio,  15S7:  it  was  in- 
tended for  students,  the  servile  letters  being  distin- 
guished from  the  radicals  by  hollow  type.  A  special 
mention  is  also  due  to  the  labors  of  the  elder  Bux- 
torf,  who  carefully  revised  the  text  after  the  3Ids6- 
rdh,  publishing  it  in  8vo  at  Basle,  IBll,  and  again, 
after  a  fresh  revision,  in  his  valuable  Rabbinical 
Bible,  2  vols.,  folio,  1618-19.  Neither  Hutter's  nor 
Buxtorfs  text  was  without  its  permanent  influence; 
but  the  Hebrew  Bible  which  became  the  standard 
to  subsequent  generations  was  that  of  Joseph  Athias, 
a  learned  rabbi  and  printer  at  Amsterdam.  His 
text  was  based  on  a  comparison  of  the  previous  edi- 
tions with  two  MSS. ;  one  bearing  date  1299,  the  other 
a  Spanish  MS.  boasting  an  antiquity  of  900  years. 
It  appeared  at  Amsterdam,  2  vols.,  8vo,  1661,  with 
a  preface  by  Leusden,  professor  at  Utrecht;  and 
again,  revised  afresh,  in  1667.  These  Bibles  were 
much  prized  for  their  beauty  and  correctness,  and 
the  States-General  of  Holland  conferred  on  Athias  a 
gold  chain  and  medal.  The  progeny  of  the  text  of 
Athias  was  as  follows : — a.  That  of  Clodius,  Frank- 
fort-on-Maine,  8vo,  1677 ;  reprinted,  with  altera- 
tions, 8vo,  1692,  4to,  1716.  b.  That  of  Jablonski, 
Berlin,  large  8vo  or  4to,  1699  ;  reprinted,  but  less 
correctly,  12mo,  1712.  e.  That  of  Van  der  Hooght, 
Amsterdam  and  Utrecht,  2  vols.,  8vo,  1705.  This 
edition,  of  good  reputation  for  its  accuracy,  but 
above  all  for  the  beauty  and  distinctness  of  its  type, 
deserves  special  attention  as  constituting  our  present 
tcxttis  reeeptm  (=  Received  Text),  d.  That  of  Opitz, 
Kiel,  4to,  1709.  e.  That  of  J.  H.  Michaelis,  Halle, 
8vo  and  4to,  1720.  The  modern  editions  of  the 
Hebrew  Bible  now  in  use  are  all  based  on  Van  der 
Hooght. — 4.  Crilieal  Labors  and  Apparai.u.1.  The 
history  of  the  criticism  of  the  text,  already  brought 
down  to  the  period  of  the  Masorets  and  their  imme- 
diate successors,  must  be  here  resumed.  In  the 
early  part  of  the  thirteenth  century,  R.  Meir  Levita, 
a  native  of  Burgos  and  inhabit.ant  of  Toledo,  known 
by  abbreviation  as  Ilaramah,  by  patronymic  as 
Todrosius,  wrote  a  critical  work  on  the  Pentateuch 
called  T/t£  Book  of  the  MdsiriXh  the  Hedge  of  the 
ioM,  in  which  he  endeavored,  by  a  collation  of 
SISS.,  to  ascertain  the  true  reading  in  various  pas- 
sages. At  a  later  period  R.  Menahem  de  Lonzano 
collated  ten  MSS.,  chiefly  Spanish,  some  of  them  five 
or  six  centuries  old,  with  Romberg's  4to  Bible  of 
1544.  The  results  were  given  in  the  work  "  Light 
of  tlie  Law,"  printed  at  Venice,  1618.  They  relate 
only  to  the  Pentateuch.     A  more  important  work 


was  that  of  R.  Solomon  Norzi,  of  Mantua,  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  "  Repairer  of  the  Breach  : "  a 
copious  critical  commentary  on  the  whole  of  the 
0.  T.,  drawn  up  with  the  aid  of  JISS.  and  editions 
of  the  Musdruh,  Talmud,  and  all  other  Jewish  re- 
sources within  his  reach.  In  1746  expectations 
were  raised  by  the  Prolegomena  of  Houbigant,  of  the 
Oratory  at  Paris  ;  and  in  1753  his  edition  appeared, 
splendidly  printed,  in  4  vols.,  folio.  The  text  was  that 
of  Van  der  Hooght,  divested  of  points,  and  of  every 
vestige  of  the  Mdson'ih.  In  the  notes  copious  emen- 
dations were  introduced  from  the  Samaritan  Pen- 
tateuch, twelve  Hebrew  MSS.,  the  LXX.,  and  other 
ancient  versions,  and  much  critical  conjecture.  In 
the  same  year,  1753,  appeared  at  Oxford  Kcnnicott's 
first  Dissertation  on  the  state  of  the  Prhited  Text: 
the  second  followed  in  1759.  The  result  of  tliese 
and  of  the  author's  subsequent  annual  reports  was 
a  subscription  of  nearly  10,000/.  to  defray  the  ex- 
penses of  a  collation  of  Hebrew  MSS.  throughout 
Europe,  which  was  performed  from  1760  to  1769, 
partly  by  Kennicott  himself,  but  chiefly,  under  his 
direction,  by  Professor  Bruns  of  Helmstadt  and 
others.  The  collation  extended  in  all  to  581  Jewish  ■ 
and  16  Samaritan  MSS.,  and  40  printed  editions, 
Jewish  works,  &c. ;  of  which,  however,  only  about 
half  were  collated  throughout,  the  rest  in  select 
passages.  The  fruits  appeared  at  Oxford  in  2  vols., 
folio,  1776-80;  the  text  is  Van  der  Hooght's,  un- 
pointed ;  the  various  readings  are  given  below ; 
comparisons  are  also  made  of  the  Jewish  and  Sa- 
maritan texts  of  the  Pentateuch,  and  of  the  parallel 
passages  in  Samuel  and  Chronicles,  &c.  Expecta- 
tion was  disappointed.  A  large  part  of  the  various 
readings  had  reference  to  the  omission  or  insertion 
of  the  mnires  lectiouis  (see  above,  under  §  1 ),  and 
many  of  the  rest  obviously  represented  only  the  mis- 
takes of  separate  transcribers.  The  labors  of  Ken- 
nicott were  supplemented  by  those  of  De  Rossi,  pro- 
fessor at  Parma.  His  plan  differed  materially  I'roni 
Kcnnicott's:  he  confined  himself  to  a  specification 
of  the  various  readings  in  select  passages ;  but  for 
these  ha  supplied  also  the  critical  evidence  from  the 
ancient  versions,  and  from  all  the  various  Jewish 
authorities.  He  collected  in  his  library  1,031  MSS., 
of  which  he  collated  617  (some  of  them  before  col- 
lated by  Kennicott);  he  collated  134  extraneous 
MSS.,  that  had  escaped  Kennicott's  fellow-laborers; 
he  recapitulated  Kennicott's  various  readings,  and 
examined  well  those  of  the  printed  editions.  Thus 
for  the  passages  on  which  it  treats,  the  evidcnce^^ 
De  Rossi's  work  (4  vols.,  4to,  Parma,  1784-8;  ^H 
other  volume,  1798;  without  the  text)  may  he  ^B 
gardcd  as  almost  complete.  A  small  Bible,  with  the 
text  of  Reineccius,  and  a  selection  of  the  more  im- 
portant  readings  of  Kennicott  and  De  Rossi, 
issued  by  Dijderleui  and  Meisner  at  Leipsic, 
1793.  It  is  printed  (except  some  copies)  on 
paper,  and  is  reputed  very  incorrect.  A  het^ 
critical  edition  is  that  of  Jahn,  Vienna,  4  vols.,  I 
1806.  The  first  attempt  to  turn  the  new  critiB 
collations  to  public  account  was  made  by  Boothro" 
in  his  unpointed  Bible,  with  various  readings  nnrf 
English  notes,  Pontefract  (in  Yorkshire,  England). 
4to,  1810-16,  at  a  time  when  Hnubigant's  priaci-  j 
pies  were  still  in  the  ascendant.  This  was  followed  I 
by  Rev.  George  Hamilton's  Codex  Crilieus  of  thr 
Hebrew  Bible  (London,  1821,  8vo),  modelled  on  Ih' 
plan  of  the  N.  T.  of  Griesbach.  The  most  inn"' 
tant  contribution  toward  the  formation  of  a  i  ■ 
text  that  has  yet  appeared  is  Dr.  Samuel  Davi,  i 
Hebrew  Text  of  lite  0.  T.  revised  pvm  Critical  Uvurc^ 


■e  ira- 
■itifl 


OLD 


OLD 


757 


1 S55.  It  presents  a  convenient  epitome  of  the  more 
iinportaut  various  readings  of  the  MSS.,  and  of  the 
MMurah,  with  tlie  authorities  for  them.  But  com- 
paratively little  has  yet  beeti  done  for  the  systematic 
criticism  of  the  Hebrew  text  from  the  ancient  ver- 
sions, or  for  any  collection  of  the  conjectural  emen- 
dations of  the  Hebrew  text  proposed  by  various 
scholars  during  the  last  hundred  years. — 5.  Princi- 
ples of  Criticism.  The  method  of  procedure  re- 
quired in  the  criticism  of  the  O.  T.  is  widely  differ- 
ent from  that  practised  in  the  criticism  of  the  X.  T. 
The  Received  Text  of  the  0.  T.  is  a  far  more  faithful 
representation  of  the  genuine  Scripture,  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  means  of  detecting  and  correcting 
the  errors  contained  in  it  are  more  precarious,  the 
results  arc  more  uncertain,  and  the  ratio  borne  by 
the  value  of  tlie  diplomatic  evidence  of  MSS.  to  that 
of  a  good  critical  judgment  and  sagacity  is  greatly 
diminished.  In  endeavoring  to  establish  the  true 
text,  we  nmst  first  have  recourse  to  the  direct  testi- 
mony of  the  MSS.  Where  the  MSS.  disagree,  it  has 
been  laid  down  as  a  canon  that  we  ought  not  to 
let  the  mere  numerical  majority  preponderate,  but 
should  examine  what  is  the  reading  of  the  eariiejt 
and  best.  The  MSS.  lead  us  for  the  most  part  only 
to  our  first  sure  standing-ground,  the  Masoretic  text ; 
in  other  words,  to  the  average  written  text  of  a 
period  later  by  a  thousand  or  fifteen  hundred  years 
than  the  latest  book  of  the  0.  T.  In  ascending  up- 
ward from  the  Masoretic  text,  our  first  critical  ma- 
terials are  the  Masoretic  A'frfa,  valuable  as  witnesses 
to  the  preservation  of  many  authentic  readings,  yet 
possibly,  in  particular  instances,  only  unauthorized 
conjectures.  A  Kiri  therefore  is  not  to  be  received 
in  preference  to  a  Chcthib,  unless  confirmed  by  other 
sufficient  evidence,  external  or  internal ;  a  difficult 
reading  in  the  text  is  to  be  preferred  to  an  easy  one 
in  the  Kfri,  which  latter  may  be  but  an  arbitrary 
softening  down  of  the  genuine  text.  The  express 
assertions  of  the  Mds&rdh,  as  also  of  the  Targum, 
respecting  the  true  reading  in  particular  passages, 
are  of  course  important.  From  these  we  ascend  to 
the  Latin  version  of  Jerome.  Dependent  as  he  was, 
for  his  knowledge  of  the  Hebrew  text  and  every 
thing  respecting  it,  on  the  Palestinian  Jews,  and  ac- 
curate as  are  his  renderings,  Mr.  Thrupp  regards  a 
Hebrew  reading  which  can  be  shown  to  have  been 
received  by  Jerome,  if  sanctioned  or  countenanced 
by  the  Targum,  as  so  far  to  be  preferred  to  one  up- 
held by  the  united  testimony  of  all  MSS.  whatever. 
Yet  this  Latin  version  itself  needs  critical  revision. 
(VcLGATE,  THE.)     The  fragments  of  the  Greek  vcr- 

I  sions  of  Aquila,  Symmachus,  and  Theodotion — the 
'•■yriac (Versions,  Ancient  [Svriac]),  though  appar- 
itly  made  too  much  under  the  influence  of  the 
-  ptuagint — the  Targums  (Versions,  Ancie.nt  [Tar- 
f^i  mJ),  though  too  often  paraphrastic — all  furnish 
most  important  material  for  the  correction  of  the 
Masoretic  text ;  and  their  cumulative  evidence,  when 
they  all  concur  in  a  reading  different  from  the  Mas- 
oretic, is  very  strong.  The  Septuaoint  itself,  ven- 
erable for  its  antiquity,  but  on  various  accounts  un- 
trustworthy in  the  readings  which  it  represents, 
must  be  treated  for  critical  purposes  in  the  same 
way  as  the  Masoretic  Kiris.  The  presence  of  any 
Hebrew  reading  in  it  can  pass  for  little,  unless  it  can 
be  independently  shown  to  be  probable  that  that 
reading  is  the  true  one;  but  in  confirming  a  Ma.«o- 
rclic  reading  against  which  later  testimonies  militate, 
the  authority  of  the  Septuagint,  on  account  of  its 
age,  necessarily  stands  high.    Similar  remarks  would 

-   "!em  to  apply  to  the  critical  use  of  the  Samaritan 


Pentateuoh  :  it  is,  however,  doubtful  whether  that 
document  be  of  any  real  additional  value.  In  the 
case  of  the  O.  T.,  unlike  that  of  the  X.  T.,  another 
source  of  emendations  is  generally  allowed,  viz.  criti- 
cal conjecture.  The  argument  for  this  is,  that  the 
oldest  version  (the  LXX.)  is  nearly  two  centuries 
younger  than  the  latest  book  of  the  0.  T. ;  and  as 
the  history  of  the  Hebrew  text  seems  to  show  that 
the  care  with  which  its  purity  has  been  guarded  has 
Jbeen  continually  increasing,  so  its  few  corruptions 
would  be  most  likely  to  occur  in  the  earliest  periods. 
The  comparative  purity  of  the  Hebrew  text  is  prob- 
ably different  in  different  parts  of  the  0.  T.  In 
the  revision  of  Dr.  Davidson,  who  has  generally 
restricted  himself  to  the  admission  of  corrections 
warranted  by  MS.,  Masoretic,  or  Talmudic  authority, 
those  in  the  book  of  Genesis  do  not  exceed  eleven ; 
those  in  the  Psalms  are  proportionately  three  times 
as  luimcrous ;  those  in  the  historical  books  and  the 
Prophets  are  proportionately  more  numerous  than 
those  in  the  Psalms.  (Abijah  1 ;  Ahaziah  2  ;  Anah  ; 
Aracnah;  Basiiematii;  Censis;  Deuteronomy,  B.  ; 
IIezekiah;  Jehoiachin;  Number,  &c.)  In  all  emen- 
dations of  the  text,  whether  made  with  the  aid  of 
the  critical  materials  which  we  possess,  or  by  critical 
conjecture,  it  is  essential  that  the  proposed  reading 
be  one  from  which  the  existing  reading  may  have 
been  derived :  hence  the  necessity  of  attention  to 
the  means  by  which  corruptions  might  be  introduced 
into  the  text.  One  letter  might  be  accidentally  ex- 
changed by  a  transcriber  for  another.  Words,  or 
parts  of  words,  might  be  repeated ;  or  they  might 
be  dropped,  especially  when  they  ended  like  those 
that  preceded.  Occasionally  a  letter  may  have 
travelled  from  one  word,  or  a  word  from  one  verse, 
to  another.  Wilful  corruption  of  the  text  on  polem- 
ical grounds  has  also  been  occasionally  charged 
upon  the  Jews ;  but  the  allegation  has  not  been 
proved,  and  their  known  reverence  for  the  text 
militates  against  it.  To  the  criticism  of  the  vowel- 
marks  the  same  general  principles  must  be  applied 
as  to  that  of  the  consonants.  Even  Hitzig,  who 
does  not  generally  err  on  the  side  of  caution,  holds 
that  the  vowel-marks  have  in  general  been  rightly 
fixed  by  the  Masorets.  On  the  whole,  the  Masoretic 
text  is  to  be  deemed  worthy  of  confidence,  yet 
emendations  of  it,  which  can  be  fairly  established 
by  sufficient  evidence,  are  not  to  be  refused. — B. 
Inlerpreiation  of  the  Old  Testament.  1.  History  of 
the  Interjiretation.  At  the  period  of  the  rise  of 
Christianity  two  opposite  tendencies  had  manifested 
themselves  in  the  interpretation  of  the  0.  T.  among 
the  Jews ;  the  one  to  an  extreme  literalism,  the  other 
to  an  arbitrary  allegoiism.  The  foimer  of  these 
was  mainly  developed  in  Palestine,  where  the  Law 
of  Moses  was,  from  the  nature  of  things,  most  com- 
pletely observed.  The  Jewish  teachers,  acknowl- 
edging the  obligation  of  that  law  in  its  minutest 
precepts,  but  overlooking  the  moral  principles  on 
which  those  precepts  were  founded  and  which  they 
should  have  unfolded  from  them,  there  endeavored 
to  supply  by  other  means  the  imperfections  inherent 
in  every  law  in  its  mere  literal  acceptation  (Mat.  xv., 
xxiii.)  (Pharisees.)  On  the  other  hand,  at  Alex- 
andria the  allegorizing  tendency  prevailed.  Germs 
of  it  had  appeared  in  the  apocryphal  writings,  as 
where  in  Wis.  xviii.  24  the  priestly  vestments  of 
Aaron  had  been  treated  as  symbolical  of  the  uni- 
verse ;  but  it  culminated  in  Pldlo,  who,  in  the  per- 
sons and  things  n;entioned  in  the  writings  of  Moses, 
traces,  without  denying  the  outward  reality  of  the 
narrative,  the  mystical  designations  of  different  ab- 


758 


OLD 


OLD 


stract  qualities  and  aspects  of  the  invisible.  The 
Alexandrian  interpreters  were  striving  to  vindicate 
for  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  a  new  dignity  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Gentile  world,  by  showing  that  Moses  had 
anticipated  all  the  doctrines  of  the  philosophers  of 
Greece.  (Philosophy.)  It  must  not  be  supposed 
that  the  Palestinian  literalism  and  the  Alexandrian 
allegorism  ever  remained  entirely  distinct.  In  fact 
the  two  extremes  of  literalism  and  arbitrary  alle- 
gorism, in  their  neglect  of  the  direct  moral  teaching 
and  prophetical  import  of  Scripture,  had  too  much 
in  common  not  to  mingle  readily  the  one  with  the 
other.  And  thus  we  may  trace  the  development  of 
the  two  distinct  yet  coexistent  splieres  of  Hal&chdh 
and  Hagg&ddh,  in  which  the  Jewish  interpretation 
of  Scripture,  as  shown  by  the  later  Jewish  writings, 
ranged.  The  former  (=:  repetition,  folloioing)  em- 
braced the  traditional  legal  determinations  for  prac- 
tical observance ;  the  latter  (— disroiirse)  the  un- 
restrained interpretation,  of  no  authentic  force  or 
immediate  practical  interest.  The  earliest  Christian 
non-apostolic  treatment  of  the  0.  T.  was  necessarily 
much  dependent  on  that  which  it  had  received  from 
the  Jews.  The  Alexandrian  allegorism  reappears 
tlie  most  fully  in  the  fanciful  epistle  of  Barnabas  ; 
but  it  influenced  also  the  other  writings  of  the  sub- 
apostolic  Fathers.  Even  the  Jewish  oabbalism  passed 
to  some  extent  into  the  Christian  Church,  and  is 
said  to  have  been  largely  employed  by  the  Gnostics. 
But  this  was  not  to  last.  Irenajus,  himself  not 
altogether  free  from  it,  raised  his  voice  against  it ; 
and  TertuUian  well  laid  it  down  as  a  canon  that  the 
words  of  Scripture  were  to  be  interpreted  only  in 
their  logical  connection,  and  with  reference  to  tlie 
occasion  on  which  they  were  uttered.  In  another 
respect  all  was  changed.  Tlie  Christian  interpreters 
by  their  belief  in  Christ  stood  on  a  vantage-ground 
for  the  comprehension  of  the  whole  burden  of  the 
0.  T.  to  which  the  Jews  had  never  reached ;  and 
thus,  however  they  may  have  erred  in  the  details 
of  their  interpretations,  they  were  generally  con- 
ducted by  them  to  tlie  right  conclusions  in  regard 
of  Christian  doctrine.  The  view  held  by  the  Chris- 
tian Fathers,  that  the  whole  doctrine  of  the  N.  T. 
had  been  virtually  contained  and  foreshadowed  in 
the  Old,  generally  induced  the  search  in  the  0.  T. 
for  such  Christian  doctrine  rather  than 'for  the  old 
philosophical  dogmas.  Their  general  convictions 
were  doubtless  here  more  correct  than  the  details 
which  they  advanced ;  and  it  would  be  easy  to 
multiply  from  the  writings  of  Justin,  TertuUian,  or 
Irenajus,  typical  interpretations  that  could  no  longer 
be  defended.  It  was  at  Alexandria  that  definite 
principles  of  interpretation  were  first  laid  down  by 
the  most  illustrious  and  influential  teachers  in  the 
Christian  Church.  Clement  of  Alexandria,  who 
probably  died  about  a.  d.  220,  led  the  way.  He 
held  that  in  the  Jewish  law  a  fourfold  import  was 
to  be  traced ;  literal,  symbolical,  moral,  prophetical. 
Of  these  the  second  was  the  relic  of  the  philosoph- 
ical element  that  others  had  previously  engrafted 
on  the  Hebrew  Scriptures.  Clement  was  succeeded 
by  his  scholar  Origen.  With  him  biblical  interpre- 
tation showed  itself  more  decidedly  Christian  ;  and 
while  the  wisdom  of  the  Egyptians,  moulded  anew, 
became  the  permanent  inheritance  of  the  Church, 
tlie  distinctive  symbolical  meaning  which  philosophy 
had  placed  upon  the  0.  T.  disappeared.  Origen  rec- 
ognizes, in  Scripture,  as  it  were,  a  body,  soul,  and 
spirit,  answering  to  the  body,  soul,  and  spirit  of 
man :  the  first  serves  for  the  edification  of  the 
simple,  the  second  for  that  of  the  more  advanced, 


the  third  for  that  of  the  perfect.  The  reality  and  the 
utility  of  the  first,  the  letter  of  Scripture,  he  proves 
by  the  number  of  those  whose  faith  is  nurtured  by 
it.     The  second,  which  is  in  fact  the  moral  sense  of 
Scripture,  he  illustrates   by  the  interpretation  of 
Deut.  XXV.  4  in  1  Cor.  ix.  9.     The  third,  however, 
is  that  on  which  he  principally  dwells,  showing  liow 
the  Jewish  Law,  spiritually  understood,  contained  a 
shadow  of  good  things  to  come  (Rom.  xi.  4,  5  ;  1 
Cor.  X.  11 ;  Gal.  iv.  21-31 ;  Heb.  viii.  5).     Both  t!ie 
spiritual  and  (to  use  his  own   term)  the  psychical 
meaning  he  held  to  be  always  present  in  Scripture : 
the  bodily  not  always.    Origen's  own  expositions  of 
Scripture  were,  no  doubt,  less  successful   than  liis 
investigations  of  the  principles  on  which  it  ought 
to  be  expounded.     Yet  as  the  appliances  which  he 
brought  to  the  study  of  Scripture  made  him  the 
father  of  biblical  criticism,  so  of  all  detailed  scrip- 
tural commentaries  his  were  the  first ;  a  fact  not  to 
be  forgotten  by  those  who  would  estimate  aright 
their  several  merits  and  defects.     The  value  of  Ori- 
gen's researches  was  best  appreciated  by  Jerome, 
who  lived  about  a.  d.  331-420,    He  adopted  and  re- 
peated most  of  Origen's  principles;  but  he  exhibited 
more  judgment  in  the  practical  application  of  theiu : 
he  devoted  more  attention  to  the  literal  interpreta- 
tion, the  basis  of  the  rest,  and  he  brought  also  larger 
stores  of  learning  to  bear  upon  it.     With  Origen  he 
held- that  Scripture  was  to  lie  understood  m  a  three- 
fold manner,  literally,  tropologically  (i.  e.  morally), 
mystically:  the  first  meaning  was  the  lowest,  the 
last  the  highest.     But  elsewhere  he  gave  a  new 
threefold  division  of  Scri|)tural  interpretation,  iden- 
tifying the  ethical  with  tlie  literal  or  first  meaning, 
making  the  allegorical  or  spiritual  meaning  the  sec- 
ond, and  maintaining  that,  thirdly,  Sciipture  was  to 
be  understood  "  according  to  the  blessedness  of 
things  to  come."    The  influence  of  Origen's  writings 
was  supreme  in  the  Greek  Church  for  100  years 
after  his  death.     Toward  the  end  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tury, Diodorus,  bishop  of  Tarsus,  previously  a  pres- 
byter at  Antioch,  wrote  an  exposition  of  the  wholi 
of  the  0.  T.,  attending  only  to  the  letter  of  Scri] 
ture.     Of  the  disciples  of  Diodorus,  Theodore  ol 
Mopsuestia  pursued  an  exclusively  grammatical  i: 
terpretation  into  a  decided  rationalism,  rejecting  tlij 
greater  part  of  the   prophetical  reference  of 
0.  T.,  and  maintaining  it  to  be  only  applied  to  oi 
Saviour  by  way  of  accommodation.     Chrysostoi 
another  disciple  of  Diodorus,  followed  a  sound 
course,  rejecting  neither  the  literal  nor  the  spiriti 
interpretation,  but  bringing  out  with  much  foi 
from  Scripture  its  moral  lessons.     He  was  follow( 
by  Theodoret,  who  interpreted,  witli  diligence  an( 
soberness,  both  literally  and  historically,  and  ali 
allegorically  and  prophetically.     In   the  Wcstei 
Church  the  influence  of  Origen,  if  not  so  unqualifii 
at  the  first,  was  yet  permanently  greater  than  in  tl 
Eastern.     Hilary  of  Poitiers  is  said  by  Jerome 
have  drawn  largely  from  Origen  in  his  Commentary 
on  the  Psalms.     But  in  truth,  as  a  practical  inter- 
preter, he  greatly  excelled  Origen  ;  carefully  sceki 
out  not  what  meaning  the  Scripture  might  bear,  bul 
what  it  really  intended,  and  drawing  forth  the  ev&n 
gelical  sense  from  the  literal  with  cogency,  terse- 
ness, and  elegance.     Here  too  Augustine,  though  he 
lacked  acquaintance  with  Hebrew,  stood  sonicwliai 
in  advance  of  Origen ;  carefully  preserving  in  its 
integrity  the  literal  sense  of  the  historical  narrative 
of  Scripture  as  the  substructure  of  the  mystical, 
lest  otherwise  the  latter  should  prove  to  be  but  a 
building  in  the  air.     But  whatever  advances  haA 


OLD 


OLD 


759 


been  made  in  the  treatment  of  0.  T.  Scripture  by 
the  Latins  sinoe  the  days  of  Origen  were  unhappily 
not  piTpctuated.  We  may  see  this  in  the  Morals  of 
Grepoiy  (Pope  of  Rome,  a.  v.  590-604)  on  the  Book 
of  Job ;  the  last  great  independent  work  of  a  Latin 
Fallier.  Three  senses  of  the  sacred  text  are  here 
recognized  and  pursued  in  separate  threads :  tlie 
historical  and  literal,  the  allegorical,  and  the  moral. 
But  the  three  have  hardly  any  mutual  connection  : 
the  very  idea  of  such  a  connection  is  ignored.  The 
allegorical  interpretation  is  entirely  arbitrary ;  and 
the  moral  interpretation  differs  from  the  allegorical 
only  in  its  aim,  to  edify  the  Church  by  referring  the 
language  to  the  inward  workings  of  the  soul  instead 
of  setting  forth  by  it  the  history  of  Christ.  Such 
was  the  general  character  of  the  interpretation 
which  prevailed  through  the  middle  ages,  during 
which  Gregory's  work  stood  in  high  repute.  The 
mystical  sense  of  Scripture  was  entirely  divorced 
from  the  literal.  The  first  impulse  to  the  new  in- 
vestigation of  the  literal  meaning  of  the  text  of  the 
0.  T.  came  from  the  great  Jewish  commentators, 
mostly  of  Spanish  origin,  of  the  eleventh  and  follow- 
ing centuries;  Rashi  (f  1105),  Aben  Ezra  (f  1167), 
Kimchi  (f  1240),  and  others.  Following  in  the  wake 
of  tlie.«e,  the  converted  Jew  Nicolaua  of  Lyre,  near 
Evreux,  in  Normandy  (f  1341),  produced  his  Pos- 
tillse  Perpetua!  on  the  Bible,  in  which,  without  deny- 
ing the  deeper  meanings  of  Scripture,  he  justly  con- 
tended for  the  literal  as  that  on  which  they  all  must 
rest.  Exception  was  taken  to  these  a  century  later 
by  Paul  of  Burgos,  also  a  converted  Jew  (f  1435), 
who  upheld,  by  the  side  of  the  literal,  the  traditional 
interpretations,  to  which  he  was  probably  at  heart 
exclusively  attached.  But  the  very  arguments  by 
which  he  sought  to  vindicate  them  showed  that  the 
recognition  of  the  value  of  the  literal  interpretation 
bad  taken  firm  root.  The  Restoration  of  Letters 
and  the  Reformation  helped  it  forward.  Luther  held 
that  the  best  philologist  was  also  the  best  theologian. 
That  grammatical  scholarship  is  not  indeed  the  only 
qualification  of  a  sound  theologian,  the  German  com- 
mentariee  of  the  last  hundred  years  have  abundantly 
shown ;  yet  immense  service  has  been  rendered  to 
the  interpretation  of  the  0.  T.  by  the  labors  and 
learning  of  modern  German  scholars,  both  neological 
and  evangelical,  as  well  as  by  the  studies  and  prac- 
tical skill  of  the  theologians  and  exegetes  of  Great 
Britain  and  America. — 2.  Principles  of  Interpreta- 
tion. From  the  foregoing  sketch  it  appears  that  the 
interpretation  of  the  0.  T.  has  been  very  generally 
regarded  as  embracing  the  discovery  of  its  literal, 
.  moral,  and  spiritual  meaning.  It  has  given  occasion 
to  misrepresentation  to  speak  of  the  existence  in 
Scripture  of  more  than  a  single  sense ;  rather,  then, 
let  it  be  said  that  there  are  in  it  three  elements,  co- 
existing and  coalescing  with  each  other,  and  gen- 
erally requiring  each  other's  presence  in  order  that 
they  may  be  severally  manifested.  Correspondingly 
too  there  are  three  portions  of  the  0.  T.  in  which 
the  respective  elements,  each  in  its  turn,  shine  out 
with  peculiar  lustre.  The  literal  (and  historical) 
element  is  most  obviously  displayed  in  the  historical 
narrative:  the  moral  is  specially  honored  in  the 
Law,  and  in  the  hortatory  addresses  of  the  Proph- 
ets :  the  predictions  of  the  Prophets  bear  emphatic 
witness  to  the  prophetical  or  spiritual.  Still,  gen- 
erally, in  every  portion  of  the  0.  T.  the  presence  of 
all  three  elements  may  by  the  student  of  Scripture 
be  traced.  In  perusing  the  story  of  the  journey  of 
the  Israelites  throtigh  the  wilderness,  he  has  thehis- 
toriciU  clement  in  the  actual  occurrence  of  the  facta 


narrated  ;  the  moral,  in  the  warnings  which  God's 
dealings  with  the  people  and  their  own  several  dis- 
obediences convey ;  and  the  spiritual  in  the  prefigura- 
tion  by  that  journey,  in  its  several  features,  of  the 
Christian  pilgrimage  through  the  wilderness  of  life. 
If  the  question  be  asked.  Are  the  three  several  ele- 
ments in  the  0.  T.  mutually  coextensive  ?  Mr.  Thrupp 
replies.  They  are  certainly  coextensive  in  the  0.  T., 
taken  as  a  whole,  and  in  the  several  portions  of 
it,  largely  viewed ;  yet  not  so  that  they  are  all  to 
be  traced  in  each  several  section.  The  historical 
element  may  occasionally  exist  alone.  On  the 
other  hand  there  are  passages  of  direct  and  simple 
moral  exhortation,  e.  g.  a  considerable  part  of 
the  Book  of  Proverbs,  into  which  the  historical 
element  hardly  enters.  Occasionally  also,  as  in 
Psalm  ii.,  the  prophetical  element,  though  not  alto- 
gether divorced  from  the  historical  and  the  moral, 
yet  completely  overshadows  them.  That  we  should 
use  the  N.  T.  an  the  key  to  the  true  meaning  of  the 
O.  T.,  and  should  seek  to  interpret  the  hitter  as  it 
was  interpreted  by  our  Lord  and  His  apostles,  is  in 
accordance  both  with  the  spirit  of  what  the  earlier 
Fathers  asserted  respecting  the  value  ot  the  tra- 
dition received  from  them,  and  with  the  appeals  to 
the  N.  T.  by  which  Origen  defended  and  fortified 
the  threefold  method  of  interpretation.  But  here 
it  is  the  analogy  of  the  N.  T.  interpretations  that 
we  must  follow ;  for  it  were  unreasonable  to  sup- 
pose that  the  whole  of  the  0.  T.  would  be  found 
completely  interpreted  in  the  New.  With  these 
preliminary  observations  we  may  glance  at  the 
several  branches  of  the  interpreter's  task.  First, 
then.  Scripture  has  its  outward  form  or  body,  all 
the  several  details  of  which  he  will  have  to  explore 
and  to  analyze.  He  must  ascertain  the  thing  out- 
wardly asserted,  commanded,  foretold,  prayed  for, 
or  the  like ;  and  this  with  reference,  so  far  as  is 
possible,  to  the  historical  occasion  and  circum- 
stances, the  time,  the  place,  the  political  and  social 
position,  the  manner  of  life,  the  surrounding  in- 
fluences, the  distinctive  character,  and  the  object 
in  view,  alike  of  the  writers,  the  persons  addressed, 
and  the  persons  who  appear  upon  the  scene.  Taken 
in  its  wide  sense,  the  outward  form  of  Scripture  will 
itself,  no  doubt,  include  much  that  is  figurative.  To 
the  outward  form  of  Scripture  thus  belong  all  me- 
tonymies, in  which  one  name  is  substituted  for  an- 
other ;  and  metaphors,  in  which  a  word  is  trans- 
formed from  its  proper  to  a  cognate  signification ; 
so  also  all  prosopopeias,  or  personifications ;  and 
even  all  anthropomorphic  and  anthropopathic  de- 
scriptions of  God,  which  could  never  have  been 
understood  in  a  purely  literal  sense,  at  least  by  any 
of  the  right-minded  among  God's  people.  It  is 
difficult,  perhaps  impossible,  to  draw  the  exact  line 
where  the  province  of  spiritual  interpretation  be- 
gins and  that  of  historical  ends.  On  the  one  hand 
the  spiritual  significance  of  a  passage  may  occasion- 
ally, perhaps  often,  throw  light  on  the  historical 
element  involved  in  it :  on  the  other  hand  the  very 
large  use  of  figurative  language  in  the  0.  T.,  and 
more  especially  in  the  prophecies,  prepares  us  for 
the  recognition  of  the  yet  more  deeply  figurative 
and  essentially  allegorical  import  which  runs  through 
the  whole.  Yet  no  unhallowed  or  unworthy  tusk 
can  it  ever  be  to  study,  even  for  its  own  sake,  the 
historical  form  in  wliieh  the  0.  T.  conies  to  us 
clothed.  Even  by  itself  it  proclaims  to  us  the  his- 
torical workings  of  God,  and  reveals  the  care  where- 
with He  has  ever  watched  over  the  interests  of  His 
Church.     Above  all,  the  history  of  the  0.  T.  is  the 


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indispengable  preface  to  the  historical  advent  of 
the  Son  of  God  iu  the  flesh.  We  need  hardly  labor 
to  prove  that  the  N.  T.  recognizes  the  general  his- 
torical character  of  what  the  0.  T.  records.  Of 
course,  in  reference  to  that  which  is  not  related  as 
plain  matter  of  history,  there  will  always  remain 
the  question  how  far  the  descriptions  are  to  be 
viewed  as  definitely  historical,  how  far  as  drawn, 
for  a  specific  purpose,  from  the  imagination.  Such 
a  question  presents  itself,  for  example,  in  the  Book 
of  Job.  It  is  one  which  must  plainly  be  in  each 
case  decided  according  to  the  particular  circum- 
stances. In  examining  the  extent  of  the  historical 
element  in  the  prophecies,  both  of  the  prophets  and 
the  psalmists,  we  must  distinguish  between  those 
wliich  we  either  definitely  know  or  may  reasonably 
assume  to  have  been  fulfilled  at  a  period  not  entire- 
ly distant  from  that  at  which  they  were  uttered,  and 
those  which  reached  far  beyond  in  their  prospective 
reference.  The  former,  once  fulfilled,  were  thence- 
forth annexed  to  the  domain  of  history  (Is.  xvii. ; 
Ps.  cvii.  33).  With  the  prophecies  of  more  distant 
scope  the  case  stood  thus.  A  picture  was  pre- 
sented to  the  prophet's  gaze,  embodying  an  out- 
ward representation  of  certain  future  spiritual 
struggles,  judgments,  triumphs,  or  blessings ;  a 
picture  suggested  in  general  by  the  historical  cir- 
cumstances of  the  present  (Zech.  vi.  9-15  ;  Ps.'V., 
Ixxii.),  or  of  the  past  (Ez.  xx.  85,  36;  Is.  xi.  15, 
xlviii.  21 ;  Ps.  xcix.  6  ff.),  or  of  the  near  future,  al- 
ready anticipated  and  viewed  as  present  (Is.  xlix. 
7-26  ;  Ps.  Ivii.  6-11),  or  of  all  these  variously  com- 
bined, altered,  and  heightened  by  the  imagination. 
But  it  docs  not  follow  that  that  picture  was  ever 
outwardly  brought  to  pass  :  the  local  had  been  ex- 
changed for  the  spiritual,  the  outward  type  had 
merged  in  the  inward  reality  before  the  fulfilment 
o(  the  prophecy  took  effect.  Respecting  the  rudi- 
ments of  interpretation,  lot  the  following  here  suf- 
fice : — The  knowledge  of  the  meanings  of  Hebrew 
words  is  gathered  (a.)  from  the  context,  (6.)  from 
parallel  passages,  (c.)  from  the  traditional  interpre- 
tations preserved  in  Jewish  commentaries  and  dic- 
tionaries, {d.)  from  the  ancient  versions,  (e.)  from 
the  cognate  languages,  Chaldee,  Syriac,  and  Arabic. 
The  syntax  must  be  almost  wholly  gathered  from 
the  0.  T.  itself;  and  for  the  special  syntax  of  the 
poetical  books,  while  the  importance  of  a  study  of 
the  Hebrew  parallelism  is  now  generally  recognized, 
more  attention  needs  to  be  bestowed  than  has  been 
bestowed  hitlierto  on  the  centralism  and  inversion 
often  marking  the  poetical  structure  and  language. 
(Poetry,  Hebrew.) — A  few  brief  rules  for  the  right 
interpretation  of  Scripture  may  here  be  added  from 
Bishop  Ellicott  and  Mr.  Ayre :  "  Interpret  " — {a  ) 
"  grammatically,"  i.  c.  by  finding  the  signification 
of  the  Hebrew,  &c.,  words  in  themselves  (as  above), 
and  then  their  sense  as  combined  in  sentences  ac- 
cording to  the  fundamental  principles  of  language ; 
(A.)  "  historically,"  i.  c.  with  reference  to  the  con- 
nected historical  or  other  external  facts,  the  time, 
place,  customs,  &c. ;  (c.)  "  contextually,"  i.  e.  in 
conformity  with  the  general  scope  and  meaning  of 
the  context,  and  the  position  and  purpose  of  the 
writer ;  (d.)  "  minutely,"  i.  e.  giving  due  weight  to 
every  word,  however  small,  every  peculiarity  of  ex- 
pression, style,  arrangement,  &c. ;  (f.)  "according 
to  the  analogy  of  faith,"  i.  e.  in  harmony  with  the 
Christian  faith,  or  the  grand  system  of  truth  re- 
vealed in  the  Scriptures  in  regard  to  the  nature, 
character,  works,  and  government  of  God  ;  the  per- 
son, office,  and  kingdom  of  Christ  ;  the  origin,  de- 


pendence, duty,  need,  privilege,  and  destiny  of  max, 
&c. — From  the  outward  form  of  the  0.  T.  we  pro- 
ceed to  its  moral  element  or  soul.  It  was  witli  ref- 
erence to  this  that  St.  Paul  declared  that  all  Scrip- 
ture was  given  by  inspiration  of  God,  and  was  prof- 
itable for  doctrine,  for  reproof,  for  correction,  for 
instruction  in  righteousness  (2  Tim.  iii.  16);  and  it 
is  in  the  implicit  recognition  of  the  es.^entially 
moral  chai'acter  of  the  whole,  that  our  Lord  and 
His  apostles  not  only  appeal  to  its  direct  precepts 
(e.  g.  Mat.  XV.  4,  xix.  17-19),  and  set  ibrth  the  ful- 
ness of  their  bearing  (e.  g.  ix.  13),  but  also  lay 
bare  moral  lessons  in  0.  T.  passages  which  lie  rather 
beneath  the  surface  than  upon  it(xix.  5,  6,  xxii.  32; 
Jn.  X.  34,  35  ;  Acts  vii.  48,  49 ;  1  Cor.  ix.  9,  10 ;  2 
Cor.  viii.  13-15).  With  regard  more  particularly 
to  the  Law,  our  Lord  shows  in  His  Sermon  on  the 
Mount  how  deep  is  the  moral  teaching  implied  in 
its  letter ;  and  in  His  denunciation  of  the  Pliari- 
sees,  upbraids  them  for  their  omission  of  its  weigh- 
tier matters — -judgment,  mercy,  and  faith.  The  his 
tory,  too,  of  the  0.  T.  finds  frequent  reference  made 
in  the  N.  T.  to  its  moral  teaching  (Lk.  vi.  3  ;  Rom. 
iv.,  ix.  17;  1  Cor.  x.  6-11;  Heb.  iii.  7-11,  xi. ;  2 
Pet.  ii.  15,  16 ;  1  Jn.  iii.  12).  The  interpreter  of 
the  0.  T.  will  have,  among  his  other  tasks,  to  ana- 
lyze in  the  lives  set  before  him  the  various  yet  gen- 
erally mingled  workings  of  the  spirit  of  holiness  J 
and  of  the  spirit  of  sin.  The  moral  errors  by  which 
the  lives  of  even  the  greatest  saints  were  disfigured 
are  related,  and  that  for  our  instruction,  but  no^ 
generally  criticised.  The  0.  T.  sets  before  us  jus 
those  lives — the  lives  generally  of  religious  men- 
which  will  best  repay  our  study,  and  most  strongly 
suggest  the  moral  lessons  that  God  would  have  u4 
learn  ;  and  herein  it  is  that,  in  regard  of  the  mora 
aspects  of  the  0.  T.  history,  we  may  most  surely 
trace  the  overruling  influence  of  the  Holy  Spirit  by 
which  the  sacred  historians  wrote. — But  the  0.  Tj 
has  further  its  spiritual,  and,  therefore,  prophetic* 
element.  Our  attention  is  here  first  attracted  to 
the  avowedly  predictive  parts  of  the  0.  T.,  of  tha 
prospective  reference  of  which,  at  the  time  that! 
they  were  uttered,  no  question  can  exist,  and  tha 
majority  of  which  still  awaited  their  fulfilment  when 
the  Redeemer  of  the  world  was  born.  With  Chrislj 
the  new  era  of  the  fulfilment  of  prophecy  con 
menced.  A  marvellous  amount  there  was  in  Hi/ 
person  of  the  verification  of  the  very  letter  oC 
prophecy — partly  that  it  might  be  seen  how  defi 
nitely  all  had  pointed  to  Him  ;  partly  because  Hid 
outward  mission,  up  to  the  time  of  His  death,  waf 
but  to  the  lost  sheep  of  the  house  of  Israel,  and 
the  letter  had  not  yet  been  finally  superseded  bl 
the  spirit.  Yet  the  significance  of  such  propheciei 
as  Zech.  ix.  9  could  not  be  exhausted  by  the  mer^ 
outward  verification.  (Immaslel.)  Hence  the  en 
tire  absence  from  the  N.  T.  of  any  recognition,  bi 
either  Christ  or  His  apostles,  of  such  prospectiv^ 
outward  glories  as  the  prophecies,  literally  inter 
preted,  would  still  have  implied.  The  language 
the  ancient  prophecies  is  everywhere  applied  to  thd 
gathering  together,  the  privileges,  and  the  triumph! 
of  the  universal  body  of  Christ  (Jn.  x.  16,  xi.  52} 
Acts  ii.  39,  XV.  15-17;  Rom.  ix.  25,  2fi,  32,  33,  X." 
11,  13,  xi.  25-27;  2  Cor.  vi.  16-18;  Heb.  xii.  22, 
&c.).  Even  apart,  however,  from  the  authoritative 
interpretation  thus  placed  upon  them,  the  proph- 
ecies contain  within  tliemselves,  in  sufficient  meas- 
ure, the  evidence  of  their  spiritual  import  (Is.  ii.  2; 
Ez.  xlvii. ;  Zech.  xiv.  10,  &c.).  The  substance  of 
these  prophecies  is  the  glory  of  the  Redeemer's 


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761 


spiritual  kingdom  :  the  form  is  derived  from  the 
outward  circumstances  of  the  career  of  God's  an- 
cient people,  which  had  passed,  or  all  but  passed, 
away  before  the  fulfilment  of  the  promised  bless- 
ings commenced.  Nor  was  even  the  form  in  which 
the  announcement  of  the  new  blessings  had  been 
clothed  to  be  rudely  east  aside  :  the  imagery  of  the 
jiniphetii  is  on  every  account  justly  dear  to  us,  and 
from  love,  no  less  than  from  habit,  we  still  speak 
the  language  of  Canaan.  But  then  arises  the  ques- 
tion, Must  not  this  language  have  been  divinely  de- 
signed from  the  first  as  the  language  of  God's 
I  hurch  ?  The  typical  import  of  the  Israelitish 
tiihernacle  and  ritual  worship  is  implied  in  Heb.  ix. 
("the  Holy  Ghost  this  signifying"),  and  is  almost 
universally  allowed  ;  and  it  is  not  easy  to  tear 
asunder  the  events  of  Israel's  history  from  the 
ceremonies  of  Israel's  worship ;  nor,  yet,  again,  the 
events  of  the  preceding  history  of  the  patriarchs 
from  those  of  the  history  of  Israel.  The  N.  T.  it- 
self implies  the  typical  import  of  a  large  part  of 
tlie  O.  T.  narrative  (1  Cor.  x.,  xv.  27  ;  Eph.  v.  31, 
32 ;  Heb.  ii.  8,  iv.  4,  vii.,  &c.).  In  the  0.  T.  itself 
we  have,  and  this  even  in  the  latest  times,  events 
and  persons  expressly  treated  as  typical  (Ps.  cxviii. 
22;  Zcch.  iii.,  vi.  Off.,  &e.).  A  further  testimony  to 
the  typical  character  of  the  history  of  the  0.  T.  is 
furnished  by  the  typical  character  of  the  events  re- 
lated even  in  the  New.  All  our  Lord's  miracles 
were  essentially  typical.  So,  too,  the  outward  ful- 
filments of  prophecy  in  the  Redeemer's  life  were 
types  of  the  deeper  though  less  immediately  striking 
tultilment  which  it  was  to  continue  to  receive  ideally. 
It  is  not  unlikely  that  there  is  an  unwillingness  to 
rtcognize  the  spiritual  element  in  the  historical 
farts  of  the  0.  1".,  arisirg  from  the  fear  that  the 
recognition  of  it  may  endanger  that  of  the  historical 
truth  of  the  events  recorded.  Nor  is  such  danger 
altogether  visionary ;  for  one-sided  and  prejudiced 
contemplation  will  be  ever  so  abusing  one  element 
of  Scripture  as  thereby  to  eajt  a  slight  upon  the 
rest.  But  this  does  not  affect  its  existence.  Of  an- 
other danger  besetting  the  path  of  the  spiritual  in- 
terpreter of  the  0.  T.,  we  have  a  warning  in  the 
unedifying  puerilities  into  which  some  have  fallen. 
Against  such  he  will  guard  by  foregoing  too  curious 
a  search  for  mere  external  resemblance  between  the 
0.  T.  and  the  N.  T.,  though  withal  thankfidly  rec- 
ognizing them  wherever  they  present  themselves.^ 
The  spiritual  interpretation  must  rest  upon  both 
the  literal  and  the  moral ;  and  there  can  be  no 
Fpirilual  analogy  between  things  which  have  naught 
morfilly  in  common.  One  consequence  of  this  prin- 
ciple will  of  course  be,  that  we  must  never  be  con- 
tent to  rest  in  any  mere  outward  fulfilment  of  proph- 
ecy. However  remarkable  the  outward  fulfilment 
be,  it  must  always  guide  us  to  some  deeper  analogy, 
in  which  a  moral  element  is  involved.  Another 
consequence  of  the  foregoing  principle  of  interpre- 
tation will  be  that  that  which  was  forbidden  or  sin- 
ful cannot,  so  far  as  it  was  sinful,  be  regarded  as 
typical  of  that  which  is  free  from  sin,  though  it 
in«y  have  originated  the  occasion  for  the  exhibition 
of  some  striking  type  (Mat.  xii.  39,  40 ;  compare 
Jon.  i.,  &c.).  So,  again,  that  which  was  tolerated 
rather  than  approved  may  contam  within  itself  the 
type  of  something  imperfect,  in  contrast  to  that 
which  is  more  perfect  (Gal.  v.  22  ff. ;  con'pare  Gen. 
xri.,  xxi.,  &c.). — C.  Quolalioniifromlhe  O.  T.  inlhe 
y.  T.  Tliese  form  one  of  the  outward  bonds  of 
connection  between  the  two  parts  of  the  Bible. 
They  are  manifold  in  kind.     Some  contain  proph- 


ecies or  involve  types  of  which  the  N.  T.  writers 
designed  to  indicate  the  fulfilment.  Others  are  in- 
troduced as  direct  logical  supports  to  the  doctrines 
which  they  were  enforcing.  Often  the  N.  T.  writers 
have  quoted  the  0.  T.  rather  for  illustration  than 
for  support,  variously  applying  and  adapting  it,  and 
making  its  language  the  vehicle  of  their  own  in- 
dependent thoughts.  It  may  not  be  easy  to  dis- 
tribute all  the  quotations  into  their  distinctive 
classes ;  but  among  those  in  which  a  pro]  hetical 
or  typical  force  is  ascribed  in  the  N.  T.  to  the  fas- 
sage  quoted,  may  fairly  be  reckoned  all  that  are 
introduced  by  our  Lord  Himself  and  His  companion 
apostles  with  an  intimation  that  the  Scripture  was 
"fulfilled."  In  the  quotations  of  all  kinds  frim 
the  0.  T.  in  the  N.  T.  we  find  a  continual  variation 
from  the  lilttr  of  the  older  Scriptures.  To  this 
variation  three  causes  may  have  contributed : — 
First,  all  the  N.  T.  writers  quoted  from  the  Skp- 
TUAGiNT ;  correcting  it,  indeed,  more  or  less  by  the 
Hetrew,  especially  when  it  was  needful  for  their 
purpose;  occasionally  deserting  it  altogether ;  still 
abiding  by  it  to  so  large  an  extent  as  to  show  that 
it  was  the  primary  source  whence  their  quotations 
were  drawn.  Secondly,  the  N.  T.  writers  must  have 
frequently  quoted  from  memory  (so  Mr.  Thruf  p ; 
but  see  Jn.xiv.  26).  (Inspiration.)  Thirdly,  com- 
bined with  this,  there  was  an  alteration  of  conscious 
or  unconscious  design.  Sometimes  the  object  of 
this* was  to  obtain  increased  force  (Eom.  xiv.  11 ; 
compare  Is.  xlv.  23,  &e.).  Sometimes  an  0.  T.  fas- 
sage  is  abridged,  and  in  the  abridgment  so  adjusted, 
by  a  little  alteration,  as  to  present  an  aspect  of 
completeness,  and  yet  omit  what  is  foreign  to  the 
immediate  purpose  (Acts  i.  20;  1  Cor.  i.  31).  At 
other  times  a  passage  is  enlarged  by  the  incorpora- 
tion of  a  fjassage  from  another  source  :  thus  in  Ik. 
iv.  18,  19,  although  the  contents  are  piofetsedly 
these  read  by  our  Lord  fn.m  Is.  Ixi.,  we  have  the 
words  "  to  set  at  liberty  them  that  are  bruised,"  in- 
troduced from  Is. Iviii.  6  (LXX.):  similarly  in  Rem. 
xi.  8,  Deut.  xxix.  4  is  combined  with  Is.  xxix.  10. 
In  some  cases  still  greater  liberty  of  alteration  is 
assumed  (Rom.  x.  11  ;  compare  Is.  xxviii.  16,  xlix. 
23,  &c.).  In  some  places,  again,  the  actual  words 
of  the  original  are  taken  up,  but  employed  with  a 
new  meaning  (Heb.  x.  37 ;  compare  Hab.  ii.  3). 
Almost  more  remarkable  than  any  alteration  in  the 
quotation  itself,  is  the  circumstance  that  in  5' at. 
xxvii.  9,  Jeremiah  should  be  named  as  the  author 
of  a  prophecy  really  delivered  by  Zkciiakiaii  :  the 
reason  being  that  the  prophecy  is  based  upon  that 
in  Jer.  xviii.,  xix.,  and  that  without  a  reference  to 
this  original  source  the  most  essential  features  of 
the  fulfilment  of  Zechariah's  proi)hecy  weuld  be 
misunderstood.  The  above  examples  will  suflicicntly 
illustrate  the  freedom  with  whieli  the  apostles  and 
evangelists  interwove  the  older  Scriptures  into  Ihcir 
writings.  It  could  only  result  in  failure,  were  we 
to  attempt  any  merely  mechanical  account  of  vari- 
ations from  the  0.  T.  text  which  are  essoutially  not 
mechanical.     I'ropiikt. 

OI'iTe  (Heb.  zni/il/i  ;  Gr.  elaia).  No  tree  is  more 
closely  associated  with  the  history  and  civilization 
of  man.  Many  of  the  Scriptural  associations  of 
the  olive-tree  arc  singularly  poetical.  Its  foliage  is 
the  earliest  that  is  mentioned  by  name,  when  the 
waters  of  the  flood  began  to  retire  (Gen.  viii.  11). 
It  is  also  the  most  prominent  tree  in  the  earliest 
allegory  (Judg.  ix.  8,  9).  With  David  it  is  the  em- 
blem of  prosperity  and  the  divine  blessing  (Ps.  Hi. 
8,  cxxviii.  3).     So  with  the  later  prophets  it  is  the 


762 


OLI 


OLI 


symbol  of  beauty,  luxuriance,  and  strength;  and 
hence  the  symbol  of  religious  privileges  (Jer.  xi. 
16  ;  Ho3.  xiv.  6).  We  must  bear  in  mind,  in  read- 
ing this  imagery,  that  the  olive  was  among  the  most 
abundant  and  characteristic  vegetation  of  Judea. 
Thus  after  the  Captivity,  when  the  Isra'elites  kept 
the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  we  find  them,  among  other 
branches  for  the  booths,  bringing  "  olive-branches  " 
from  the  "mount"  (Neh.  viii.  15).  "  The  mount" 
is  doubtless  the  famous  Olivet,  or  Mount  of  Olives, 
tiie  0/iiWwm  of  the  Vulgate.  (Gethse.mane  ;  Olives, 
Mount  of.)  In  Zech.  iv.  3,  11-14,  and  Rev.  xi.  3, 
4,  we  find  the  olive-tree  used  as  a  representative  or 
symbol  of  "  the  two  anointed  ones  "  and  "  the  two 
witnesses."  And  ia  the  argumentation  of  St.  Paul 
concerning  the  relative  positions  of  the  Jews  and 
Gentiles  in  the  counsels  of  God,  this  tree  supplies 
the  basis  of  one  of  his  most  forcible  allegories  (Rom. 
xi.  16-25).  The  Gentiles  are  the  "wild  olive" 
grafted  in  upon  the  "  good  olive,"  to  which  once 
the  Jews  belonged,  and  with  which  they  may  again 
be  incorporated.  Perhaps  the  very  stress  of  the 
allegory  is  that  the  grafting  of  a  bad  branch  on  a 
good  stocls  is  contrarji  to  nature. — The  olive-tree 
grows  freely  almost  everywhere  on  the  shores  of  the 


Olive  {OUa  Europ<M).~i7hn.) 


Mediterranean,  but  it  was  peculiarly  abundant  in 
Palestine  (Deut.  vi.  11,  viii.  8,  x.xviii.  40).  Olive- 
yards  are  a  matter  of  course  in  descriptions  of  the 
country,  like  vineyards  and  corn-fields  (Judg.  xv. 
6  ;  1  Sam.  viii.  14).  The  kings  had  very  extensive 
ones  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  28).  Even  now  the  tree  is  very 
abundant  in  the  country.  Almost  every  village  has 
its  olive-grove.  Certain  districts  may  be  specified 
(near  Jerusalem,  Gaza,  Shechem,  Lebanon,  &c.) 
where  at  various  times  this  tree  has  been  very 
luxuriant.  The  cultivation  of  the  olive-tree  bad 
the  closest  connection  with  the  domestic  life  of  the 
Israelites  (2  Chr.  ii.  10),  their  trade  (Ez.  xxvii.  17; 
Ho8.  xii.  1),  and  even  their  public  ceremonies  and 


religious  worship.  (Anointing  ;  Oil.)  The  olive- 
wood  is  hard  and  solid,  with  a  fine  grain,  and  a 
pleasing  yellowish  tint.  In  Solomon's  Temple  the 
cherubim  were  "  of  olive-tree "  (1  K.  vi.  23),  as 
also  the  doors  (31,  32)  and  the  posts  (33).  The  ber- 
ries (Jas.  iii.  12 ;  2  Esd.  xvi.  29),  which  produce  the 
oil,  were  sometimes  gathered  by  shaking  the  tree 
(Is.  xxiv.  13),  sometimes  by  beating  it  (Deut.  xxiv. 
20).  Then  followed  the  treading  of  the  fiuit  (Deut. 
xxxiii.  24 ;  Mic.  vi.  15).  Hence  the  mention  of  "  oil- 
fats  "  (Joel  ii.  24).  Tlie  flowers  are  white  and  abun- 
dant, but  the  least  ruffling  of  a  breeze  is  apt  to 
cause  the  flowers  to  fall  (Job  xv.  33).  The  fruit  is 
not  usually  gathered  till  late  in  the  autumn.  (Oil.) 
The  locust  is  noticed  as  a  formidable  enemy  of  the 
olive  (Am.  iv.  9).  Not  unfrequently  hopes  were 
disappointed,  and  "  the  labor  of  the  oUve  failed  " 
(Ilab.  iii.  17).  The  tree  thrives  best  in  warm  and 
sunny  situations.  It  is  of  a  moderate  height,  with 
knotty  gnarled  trunks,  and  a  smooth  ash-colored 
bark.  It  grows  slowly,  but  lives  to  an  immense 
age.  Its  look  is  singularly  indicative  of  tenacious 
vigor  ;  and  this  is  the  force  of  what  is  said  in  Scrip- 
ture of  its  "greenness,"  as  emblematic  of  strength 
and  prosperity.  The  leaves,  too,  are  not  deciduous. 
Those  who  see  olives  for  the  first  time  are  occa- 
sionally disappointed  by  the  dusty  color  of  their 
foliage ;  but  those  who  are  familiar  with  them  find 
an  inexpressible  charm  in  the  rippling  changes  of 
their  slender  gray-green  leaves. 

Ol'ires,  Monnt  of.  The  exact  expression  "the 
Mount  of  Olives"  occurs  in  the  0.  T.  in  Zech.  xiv. 
4  only ;  in  the  other  places  of  the  0.  T.  in  which  it 
is  referred  to,  the  form  employed  is  the  "  ascent  of 
the  olives"  (2  Sam.  xv.  30,  A.  V.  "the  ascent  of 
Mmmt  Olivet"),  or  simply  "  the  Mount"  (Neh.  viii. 
15),  "the  mount  facing  Jerusalem  "  (1  K.  xi.  7),  or 
"  the  mountain  which  is  on  the  east  side  of  the  city  " 
(Ez.  xi.  23).  In  the  N.  T.  the  usual  form  is  "  the 
Mount  of  Olives  "  (Gr.  to  oros  ton  elaiSu  ;  Mat.  xxi. 
1,  &c.).  In  Acts  i.  ,12  the  A.  V.  has  "  the  mount 
called  Olivet"  (Gr.  oro»  to  kaloumtnon  elaionon). 
The  Mount  of  Olives  is  the  well-known  eminence  on 
the  east  of  Jerusalem,  now  usually  called  Jehd  el- 
Tur  (Ar.  =  mount  of  the  summit),  sometimes  Jtbel 
ez-Zeitun  (Ar.  =z  mount  of  olives),  intimately  con- 
nected with  some  of  the  gravest  events  of  Biblical 
history ;  the  scene  of  the  flight  of  David  and  the 
triumphal  progress  of  the  Son  of  David,  of  the  idol- 
atry of  Solomon,  and  the  agony  and  betrayal  of 
Christ.  The  position  of  the  Mount  of  Olives  may 
be  amply  settled  by  the  account  of  David's  flight,  as 
related  in  2  Sam.  xv.,  with  the  elucidations  of  the 
LXX.  and  Josephus  (Ant.  vii.  9).  David's  ohject 
was  to  place  the  Jordan  between  himself  and  Absa- 
lom. He  therefore  flies  by  the  road  called  "  the 
road  of  the  wilderness"  (2  Sam.  xv.  23).  This 
leads  him  across  the  Kidron,  past  the  well-known 
olive-tree  (LXX.),  which  marked  the  path,  up  the 
toilsome  ascent  of  the  mount^-elsewhere  exactly 
described  as  facing  Jerusalem  on  the  east  (1  K.  xi. 
7 ;  Ez.  xi.  23  ;  Mk.  xiii.  3) — to  the  summit,  where 
was  a  consecrated  spot  at  which  he  was  accustomed 
to  worship  God.  At  this  spot  he  again  performed 
his  devotions — it  must  have  seemed  for  the  last  time 
— and  took  his  farewell  of  the  city,  "  with  many 
tears,  as  one  who  had  lost  his  kingdom."  He  then^ 
turned  the  summit,  and  after  passing  Bahurim,  coii^H| 
tinued  the  descent  through  the  "dry  and  thirstj^p 
land  "  until  he  arrived  "  weary  "  at  the  bank  of  the 
river  (Jos.  vii.  9,  §§  2-6;  2  Sam.  xvi.  14,  xxvii.  21, 
22).    This  is  the  earliest  mention  of  the  Mount  of 


O^EJ 


ou 


OLI 


Olives,  and  a  complete  introduction  to  it.  The  re- 
maining relcrenccs  to  it  in  the  Old  Testament  are 
but  slight.  The  "  high  places"  which  Solomon  con- 
structed for  the  gods  of  his  numerous  wives,  were 
in  the  mount  "  facing  Jerusalem  "  (1  K.  li.  7) — an 


expression  which  applies  to  the  Mount  of  Olives 
only,  as  indeed  all  commentators  apply  it.  During 
the  next  four  hundred  years  we  have  only  the  brief 
notice  of  Josiah's  iconoclasmg  at  this  spot  (2  K. 
x.\iii.  13,  14).     Another  two  hundred  years  and  we 


find  it  the  great  repository  for  the  vegetation  of  the 
district,  planted  thick  with  olive,  and  the  bushy 
myrtle,  and  the  feathery  palm.  "  Go  out "  of  the 
city  "  into  the  mount " — was  the  command  of  Ezra 
for  the  Celebration  of  the  first  anniversary  of  the 
Feast  of  Tabernacles  after  the  Return  from  Babylon 
— "  and  fetch  olive-branches,  and '  oil-tree  '-branches, 
and  myrtle-boughs,  and  palm-leaves,  and  branches 
of  thick  trees  to  make  booths,  as  it  is  written " 
(Xoh.  viii.  15).  The  cultivated  and  umbrageous 
character  implied  in  this  description,  as  well  as  in 
the  name  of  the  mount,  is  retained  till  the  N.  T. 
times.  At  this  point  in  the  history  it  will  be  con- 
venient to  describe  the  situation  and  appearance  of 
the  Mount  of  Olives.  It  is  not  so  much  a  "  mount " 
as  a  ridge,  of  rather  more  than  a  mile  in  length, 
running  in  general  direction  N.  and  S. ;  covering  the 
whole  eastern  side  of  the  city.  At  its  northern  end 
the  ridge  bends  round  to  the  W.,  so  as  to  form  an 
enclosure  to  the  city  on  that  side  also.  But  there 
is  this  difference,  that  whereas  on  the  N.  a  space 
of  nearly  a  mile  of  tolerably  level  surface  intervenes 
between  the  walls  of  the  city  and  the  rising  ground, 
on  the  E.  the  mount  is  close  to  the  walls,  parted  only 
by  that  which  from  the  city  itself  seems  no  parting 
at  all — the  narrow  ravine  of  the  Kidbon.  It  is  this 
portion  which  is  the  real  Mount  of  Olives  of  the  his- 
tory. The  northern  part  is,  though  geologically  con- 
tinuous, a  distinct  mountain.  We  will  therefore  con- 
fine ourselves  to  this  portion.  In  general  height  it  is 
not  very  much  above  the  city :  300  feet  higher  than 
the  Temple  mount,  nearly  200  above  "  Mount  Zion." 
The  word  "  ridge  "  is  indeed  hardly  accurate.  There 
is  nothing  "ridge-like"  in  the  appearance  of  the 
Mount  of  Olives,  or  of  any  other  of  the  limestone 
hills  of  this  district  of  Palestine ;  all  is  rounded, 
•welling,  and  regular  in  form.  At  a  distance  its 
outline  in  almost  horizontal,  gradually  sloping  away 
at  its  southern  end;  but  when  seen  from  below  the 
eastern  wall  of  Jerusalem,  it  divides  itself  into  three, 


lit  JerutaUm, — (Fbn.) 


or  rather  perhaps  four,  independent  summits  or 
eminences.  Proceeding  from  N.  to  S.  these  occur 
in  the  following  order : — Galilee,  or  Viri  Galilai  ; 
Mount  of  the  Ascension  ;  Prophets,  subordinate  to 
the  last,  and  almost  a  part  of  it ;  Mount  of  Offence. 
1.  Of  these  the  central  one,  distinguished  by  the 
min-aret  and  domes  of  the  Church  of  the  Ascension, 
and  the  hamlet  (A'e/V  el-7'ur)  of  wretched  hovels 
round  it,  is  in  every  way  the  most  important.  Three 
paths  lead  from  the  valley  to  the  summit.  The  first 
passes  under  the  north  wall  of  the  enclosure  of 
Gethsemaxe,  and  follows  the  line  of  the  depression 
between  the  centre  and  the  northern  hill.  The  sec- 
ond parts  from  the  first  about  fifty  yards  beyond 
Getbsemane,  and  striking  off  to  the  right  up  the 
very  breast  of  the  hill,  surmounts  the  projection  on 
which  is  the  traditional  spot  of  the  Lamentation 
over  Jerusalem,  and  thence  proceeds  directly  up- 
ward to  the  village.  The  third  leaves  the  other  two 
at  the  N.  E.  corner  of  Gethsemane,  and  making  a 
considerable  detour  to  the  south,  visits  the  so-called 
"  Tombs  of  the  Prophets,"  and,  following  a  very 
slight  depression  which  occurs  at  that  part  of  the 
mount,  arrives  in  its  turn  at  the  village.  Of  these 
three  paths  the  first,  which  follows  the  natural  shape 
of  the  ground,  is  unquestionably  older  than  the 
.others,  which  deviate  In  pursuit  of  certain  artificial 
objects.  Every  consideration  favors  its  being  the 
road  taken  by  David  in  his  flight.  It  is,  with  equal 
probability,  that  usually  taken  by  our  Lord  and  His 
disciples  in  their  morning  and  evening  transit  be- 
tween Jerusalem  and  Bcthji.ny,  and  that  also  by 
which  the  apostles  returned  to  Jerusalem  after  the 
Ascension.  The  central  hill,  which  we  are  now  con- 
sidering, purports  to  contain  the  sites  of  some  of 
the  most  sacred  and  impressive  events  of  Christian 
history.  During  the  middle  ages  most  of  these 
were  protected  by  an  edifice  of  some  sort ;  and  to 
judge  from  the  reports  of  the  early  travellers,  the 
mount  must  at  one  time  have  been  thickly  covered 


764 


OLI 


OLI 


with  churches  and  convents.    The  majority  of  these 
sacred  spots  now  command  little  or  no  attention ; 
but   three  still   remain,  sufficiently  sacred — if  au- 
thentic— to  consecrate  any  place.     These  are:  (1.) 
Gethsemane,  at  the  foot  of  the  mount.     (2.)  The 
spot  from  which  our  Saviour  ascended,  on  the  sum- 
mit.    (3.)  The  place  of  the  Lamentation  of  Christ 
over  Jerusalem,  half-way  up.     (1.)  Of  these,  Geth- 
SEM.1XE  is  the  only  one  which  has  any  claim  to  be 
authentic.     (2.)  The  first  person  who  attached  the 
Ascension  of  Christ  to  the  Mount  of  Olives  seems 
to  have  been  the  Empress  Helena  (a.  d.  325).     Eu- 
sebius  states  that  she  erected,  as  a  memorial  of  that 
event,  a  sacred  house  of  assembly  on  the  highest 
part  of  the  mount,  where  there  was  a  cave  which  a 
sure  tradition  testified  to  be  that  in  which  the  Sa- 
viour had  imparted  mysteries  to  His  disciples.    But 
neither  this  account,  nor  that  of  the  same   author 
when  the  cave  is  again  mentioned,  does  more  than 
name  the  Mount  of  Olives,  generally,  as  the  place 
from  which  Christ  ascended :  they  fi.t  no  definite 
spot  thereon.      It  took  nearly  three  centuries  to 
harden  and  narrow  this  general  recognition  of  the 
connection  of  the  Mount  of  Olives  with  Christ,  into 
an  invention  in  contradiction  of  the  Gospel  narrative 
of  the  Ascension  (Lk.  xxiv.  50,  61).     (3.)  The  tradi- 
tionary spot   of  the   Lamentation  over  Jerusalem 
(Lk.  xi.\.  41-44)  is  not  more  happily  chosen  than 
that  of  the  Ascension.     It  is  on  a  protuberance 
which  projects  from  the  slope   of  the   breast   of 
the    hill,    about    300    yards    above    Gethsemane. 
Stanley  (pp.  187-190)  shows  that  the  road  of  our 
Lord's  "  Triumphal  entry  "  must  have  been,  not  the 
short  and  steep  path  over  the  summit  used  by  small 
parties  of  pedestrians,   but  the   longer  and  easier 
route  round    the  southern  shoulder  between    the 
summit  which  contains  the  "  the  Tombs   of  the 
Prophets,"  and  that  called  the  "  Mount  of  Offence ;  " 
this  latter  route  presenting  two  views  of  Jerusalem, 
first,  of  the  S.  W.  portion  or  Zion,  from  a  point 
where  the  multitude    shouted  "  Hosanna ; "    and, 
again,  after  an  interval,  of  the  Temple  buildings, 
from  a  spot  where  Christ  wept  over  the  city.     2. 
AVe  have  spoken  of  the  central  and  principal  por- 
tion of  the  mount.     Next  to  it,  on  the  southern 
side,  separated  from  it  by  a  slight  depression,  up 
which  the  path  mentioned  above  as  the  third  takes 
its  course,  is  a  hill  which  appears  neither  to  possess, 
nor  to  have  possessed,  any  independent  name.     It 
is  remarkable  only  for  the  fact  that  it  contains  the 
singular  catacomb   (see  cut,  under  Jehoshaphat, 
Valley  ok)  known  as  the  "  Tombs  of  the  Prophets," 
probably  in  allusion  to  the  words  of  Christ  (Mat. 
xxiii.  29).      3.  The  most  southern  portion  of  the 
Mount  of  Olives  is  that  usually  known  as  the  "  Mount 
of  Olfence,"  L.  Af»ui   Offemionu,  though  by  the 
Arabs  called  Baten  el-Hawa  (=  the  bag  of  the  wind). 
It  rises  next  to  t'.iat  last  mentioned ;  and  in  the  hol- 
low between  the  two,  more  marked  than  the  de-. 
pressions  between  the  more  northern  portions,  runs 
the  road  from  Bethany,  which  was,  without  doubt, 
the  road  of  Christ's  entry  to  Jerusalem.     The  title 
"  Mount  of  Offence,"  or  "  of  Scandal,"  was    be- 
s'owed  on  the  supposition  that  it  is  the  "  Mount  of 
Corruption "  on   which   Solomon   erected   the  high 
places  for  the  gods  of  his  foreign  wives  (2  K.  xxiii. 
13  ;  IK.  xi.  1).     The  southern  summit  is  consider- 
ably  lower  than  the  centre  one,  and  much  more 
dc'initely  separated  from  the  surrounding  portions 
o.''  the  mountain  than  the  others  are.     It  is  also 
sterner  and  more  repulsive  in  its  form.  On  the  steep 
ledges  of  its  western  face  is  the  village  of  Silwdn. 


(SiLOAM.)     On  a  half-isolated  spur  or  promontory 
on  its  eastern  side  is  what  Dr.  Barclay  and  others 
regard  as  the  site  of  Bethphage.    4.  The  remaining 
summit  is  that  on  the  N.  of  the  "  Mount  of  Ascen- 
sion " — the  Karem  es-Sei/ad  (Ar.  =  Vineyard  of  the 
Sportsman) ;  or,  as  it  is  called  by  the  modern  Latin 
and  Greek  Christians,  the  Viri  GaliUei  (L.  =  iiiui  of 
Galilee  ;  see  below).     This  is  a  hill  of  exactly  the 
same  character  as  the  Mount  of  the  Ascension,  and 
nearly  its  equal  in  height.      The  summits  of  the 
two  are  about  400  yards  apart.     It  stands  directly 
opposite  the  N.  E.  corner  of  Jerusalem,  and  is  ap- 
proached by  the  path  between  it  and  the  Mount  of 
Ascension,  which  strikes  at  the  top  into  a  cross- 
path  leading  to  el-'Jsdwii/eh  (Gebim  or  Nob  ?)  and 
'Andla  (Anathoth).     The  Arabic  name  well  reflects 
the  fruitful  character  of  the  hill,  on  which  there 
are  several  vineyards,  besides  much  cultivation  of 
other  kinds.      The  Christian  name. is  due   to  the 
singular  tradition,  that    here    the  two  angels  ad- 
dressed the  apostles  after  our  Lord's  ascension — 
"  Ye  men  of  Galilee  !  "     This  idea,  so  incompatible, 
on  account  of  the  distance,  even  with  the  traditional 
spot  of  the  Ascension,  is  of  late  existence  and  in- 
explicable origin.     The  presence  of  the  crowd  of 
churches  and  other  edifices  on  traditional  sacred 
spots  must  have  rendered  the  Mount   of  Olives, 
during   the  early  and  middle  ages  of  Christianity, 
entirely  unlike  what  it  was  in  the  time  of  the  Jew- 
ish kingdom  or  of  our  Lord.      Except  the  high* 
places  on  the  summit,  the  only  buildings  then  to  bej 
seen  were  probably  the  walls  of  the  vineyards  and 
gardens,  and  the  towers  and  presses  wliich  were 
their  invariable  accompaniment.     But  though  thq 
churches  are  nearly  all  demolished,  there  must  ba 
a  considerable  difference  between  the  aspect  of  the! 
mountain  now  and  in  those  days  when  i^  received 
its  name  from  the  abundance  of  its  olive-groves,   li 
does  not  now  stand  so  preeminent  in  this  respect! 
among  the  hills  in  the  neighborhood  of  Jerusalem,! 
It  is  only  in  the  deeper  and  more  secluded  slope 
leading  up  to  the  northern  summit  that  these  ven-j 
erable  trees  spread  into  anything  like  a  forest.     The 
cedars,  commemorated  by    the  Talmud,  and    thel 
date-palms  implied  in  the  name  Bethany,  have  faredl 
still  worse :  there  is  not  one  of  either  to  be  found! 
within  many  miles.     This  change  is  no  doubt  duel 
(so  Mr.   Grove,  original  author  of  this  article)  tol 
natural  causes,  variations  of  climate,  &c. ;  but  the 
army  of  Titus  are    stated  by  Joscphus    to   hav^ 
stripped  the  country  round  Jerusalem  of  every  sfick 
or  shrub  for  the  banks  constructed  during  the  siege." 
Two  religious  ceremonies    performed    there  must 
have  done  much  to  increase  the  numbers  who  re<^H 
sorted  to  the  mount.     The  appearance  of  the  nen^H 
moon   was    probably    watched    for,  certainly  pro^™ 
claimed,  from  the  summit.     The  second  ceremony 
referred  to  was  burning  the  Red  Heifer.    (PcRificA-_ 
Tiox.)     This  ceremonial  was  enacted  on  the  ccntn 
mount,  and  in  a  spot  so  carefully  specified  that  ij 
would  seem  not  difficult  to  fix  it.     It  was  due  E.  or 
the  sanctuary,  and  at    such  an  elevation   on   th^ 
mount  that  the  officiating  priest,  as  he  slew  thi^ 
animal  and  sprinkled  her  blood,  could  see  the  facade 
of  the  sanctuary  through  the  E.  gate  of  the  Temple.! 
To  tills  spot  a  viaduct  was  constructed  across  the 
valley  on  a  double  row  of  arches,  so  as  to  raise  it 
far  above  all    possible  proximity  with  graves   or 
other  defilements.     It  was  probably  demolished  hv 
the  Jews  themselves  on  the  approach  of  Titus,  or 
even  earlier,  wlien  I'ompey  led  his  army  by  Jericho 
and  over  the  Mount  of  Olives.     This  would  account 


ou 


ON 


1G5 


satisfactorily  for  its  not  being  alluded  to  by  Jo- 
sephus. 

Ol'l-Trt  (2  Sam.  xv.  30;  Acta  i.  12),  probably  de- 
rived from  the  Vulgate  (L.  oUvclum  =:  a  place  ptanled 
vUh  olivtH),  in  the  hitter  of  these  two  passages. 
Olitks,  Mocnt  op. 

O-lym'pas  (fr.  Gr.  =  ffiven  hy  OlympHX  or  bi/heat!- 
en),  a  Cliristian  at  Rome  (Rom.  xvi.  15),  perhaps 
of  the  household  of  Philologus ;  according  to  Pseudo- 
Hippolyius,  one  of  the  seventy  disciples  (?),  and  a 
martyr  at  Rome  (a.  d.  69  V). 

O-irmpl-BS  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  Olympian,  of  [or  from] 
Oltiiii/iiis),  one  of  the  chief  epithets  of  the  Greek 
deity  Zeus  (Jcpiter),  so  called  from  Mount  Olympus 
in  Tlicssaly,  the  abode  of  the  gods  (2  Mc.  vi.  2). 

Om-a-crns  =Amram  of  the  sons  of  Bani  (1  Esd. 
i-t.  34  ;  compare  Ezr.  x.  34). 

Omar (Heb. eloquent,  talkative ?  Ges. ; mouniaineer, 
Fii.),  son  of  Eliphaz  the  firstborn  of  Esau ;  a 
"  duke  "  or  phylarch  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  11,  15; 
1  Chr.  i.  36).  The  name  is  supposed  to  survive  in 
that  of  the  tribe  of  Amir  Arabs,  east  of  the  Jor- 
dan. 

O'me^,  or  O-me'ga  (Gr.  =  great  0),  the  last 
letter  of  the  Greek  alphabet,  as  Alpha  is  the  first. 
It  is  used  metaphorically  to  denote  the  end  of  any 
thing :  "  I  am  Alpha  and  Omega,  the  beginning  and 
the  ending  ....  the  first  and  the  last  "  (Rev.  i.  8, 
11). 

O'iner  (Heb.,  literally  a  heap?  a  handfvl,  Ges.). 
Wkights  and  Mkascrss. 

Om  ri  (Heb.  jnipil  of  Jehovah  ?  Ges.).  1.  Original- 
ly "  captain  of  the  host  "  to  Elah  ;  afterward  him- 
self king  of  Israel,  and  founder  of  the  third  dyna.sty. 
When  Elah  was  murdered  by  Zimri  at  Tirzah,  Omri 
was  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Gibbcthon,  in  Dan, 
which  liad  been  occupied  by  the  Pliilistines.  As 
soon  as  the  army  heard  of  Elah's  death,  they  pro- 
claimed Omri  king.  Thereupon  he  broke  up  the 
siege  of  Gibbethon,  and  attacked  Tirzah,  where 
Zimri  was  holding  his  court  as  king  of  Israel.  The 
city  was  taken,  and  Zimri  perished  in  the  flames  of 
the  palace,  after  a  reign  of  seven  days.  Omri,  how- 
ever, was  not  allowed  to  establish  his  dynasty  with- 
out a  struggle  against  Tibni,  whom  "  half  the  peo- 
ple" (1  K.  xvi.  21)  desired  to  raise  to  the  throne, 
and  who  was  bravely  assisted  by  his  brother  Joram 
(so  LXX.).  The  civil  war  lasted  four  years  (1  K. 
xvi.  15,  23).  After  the  defeat  and  death  of  Tibni 
and  Joram,  Omri  reigned  six  years  in  Tirzah ;  but 
at  the  end  of  that  time  he  transferred  his  residence, 
probably  from  the  proved  inability  of  Tirzah  to 
stand  a  siege,  to  the  mountain  ShdmfrdH  or  Samaria, 
which  he  bought  for  two  talents  of  silver  from  a 
rich  man  called  >Shemer.  At  Samaria  Omri  reigned 
for  six  years  more.  He  seems  to  have  been  a  vigor- 
ous and  unscrapulous  ruler,  anxious  to  strengthen 
his  dyna.«ty  by  Intercourse  and  alliances  with  foreign 
states.  His  dynasty  (AiiAB;  Ahaziah  1;  Jkhoram 
1)  occupied  the  throne  of  Israel  about  half  a  cen- 
tury. (BKN-nAi>An;  Israel,  Kingdom  of;  Jkiii:.) 
—J.  A  son  of  Bccher  the  son  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr. 
vii.  8). — 3.  A  descendant  of  Pharez  the  son  of 
Judah  (ix.  4). — 1.  Son  of  Michael,  and  chief  of  Is- 
sachar  in  David's  reign  (xxvi.  18). 

Ob  (Heb.  afjilifi/,  power,  streiuilh,  Ges.,  Fii.),  son 
of  Peleth ;  a  Rcubenite  chief  who  took  part  with 
Korah,  Dathan,  and  Abiram,  in  their  revolt  against 
Moses  (Num.  xvi.  1).  His  name  does  not  again  ap- 
pear in  the  narrative  of  the  conspiracy,  nor  is  he 
alluded  to  when  reference  is  made  to  the  final 
catastrophe.     There  is  a  Rabbinical  tradition  that 


he  was  prevailed  upon  by  his  wife  to  withdraw  from 
his  accomplices. 

Ob  (Heb.  fr.  Egyptian  =  smi,  Cyril  of  Alexandria, 
Ges.,  Fii. ;  see  below),  a  town  of  Lower  Egypt, 
which  is  called  in  the  Bible  Betii-shemesh  (Jer. 
xliii.  13),  corresponding  to  the  ancient  Egyptian 
sacred  name  hara  (=  the  abode  of  the  mn),  and  On, 
corresponding  to  the  common  name  an,  and  perhaps 
also  spoken  of  as  iR-nA-HEUES.  It  is  also  known  as 
Heliopolis  (fr.  Gr.  Belioupolis  =  city  of  the  sun). 
The  ancient  Egyptian  common  name  is  written  an, 
or  an-t,  and  perhaps  anu  ;  but  the  essential  part  of 
the  word  is  an,  and  probably  no  more  was  pro- 
nounced. There  were  two  towns  called  an  :  Heli- 
opolis, distinguished  as  the  northern,  an-meheet  ; 
and  Hermonthis,  in  Upper  Egypt,  as  the  southern, 
ari-res.  Heliopolis,  or  On,  was  on  tlie  E.  side  of  the 
Pelusiac  branch  of  the  Nile,  just  below  the  point  of 
the  Delta,  and  about  twenty  miles  N.  E.  of  Memphis. 
It  was  before  the  Roman  time  the  capital  ol  the 
lleliopolito  nome,  which  was  included  in  Lower 
Egypt.  Now  its  site  is  above  the  point  of  the  Delta, 
which  is  the  junction  of  the  Phatmetic,  or  Damietta 
brunch  and  the  Bolbitine,  or  Rosetta,  and  about 
ten  miles  N.  E.  of  Cairo.  In  the  earliest  tiroes  it 
must  have  been  subject  to  the  first  dynasty  (Egypt) 
so  long  as  their  sole  rule  lasted,  which  was  perhaps 
for  no  more  than  the  reigns  of  Menes  and  Athotliis 
(so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole,  original  author  of  this  article) ; 
it  doubtless  next  came  under  the  government 
of  the  Memphites,  of  the  third,  fourth,  and 
sixth  dynasties :  it  then  passed  into  the  hands  of 
the  Diospolites  of  the  twcltth  dynasty,  and  the 
Shepherds  of  the  fifteenth.  During  the  long  period 
of  anarchy  that  followed  the  rule  of  the  twelfth 
dynasty,  when  Lower  Egypt  was  subject  to  the 
Shepherd  kings,  Heliopolis  must  have  been  under 
the  government  of  the  strangers.  With  the  acces- 
sion of  the  eighteenth  dynasty,  it  was  probably  re- 
covered by  the  Egyptians,  and  thencetbrward  held 
by  them.  The  chief  object  of  worship  at  Heliopolis 
was  the  sun,  under  the  forms  ra  {the  snn  simply), 
whence  the  sacred  name  of  the  place,  ha-ia  {the 
abode  of  the  sun),  and  alum  (the  setting  sun,  or  sun 
of  the  nether  world).  The  temple  of  tlie  sun,  de- 
scribed by  Strabo,  is  now  only  represented  by  the 
single  bcautifuj  obelisk,  which  is  of  red  granite, 
sixty-eight  feet  two  inches  high  above  the  pedestal, 
and  bears  a  dedication,  showing  that  it  was  sculp- 
tured in  or  after  his  thirtieth  year(B.  c.  about  20C0) 
by  Sesertescn  I.,  first  king  of  the  twelfth  dynasty 
(b.  c.  about  2080-2045).  Heliopolis  was  anciently 
famous  for  its  learning,  and  Eudoxus  and  Plato 
studied  under  its  priests;  but,  from  the  extent  of 
the  mounds,  it  seems  to  have  been  always  a  small 
town.  The  first  mention  of  this  place  in  the  Bible 
is  in  the  history  of  Joseph,  to  whom  Pharaoh  gave 
"to  wife  Asenath  the  daughter  of  Poti-pherah, 
priest  of  On  "  (Gen.  xli.  45,  50,  xlvi.  20).  Accord- 
ing to  the  LXX.,  On  was  one  of  the  cities  built  for 
Pharaoh  by  the  oppressed  Israelites,  for  it  mentions 
three  "  strong  cities  "  instead  of  the  two  "  treasure 
cities  "  of  the  Hebrews,  adding  On  to  Pithoni  and 
Raamses.  Heliopolis  lay  at  no  great  distance  from 
the  land  of  Goshen  and  from  Raamses,  and  probably 
PIthom  also.  Isaiah  has  been  supposed  to  speak 
of  On  when  he  prophesies  that  one  of  the  five 
cities  in  Egypt  that  should  speak  the  language  of 
Canaan  should  be  called  Ir-ha-hkres,  wluclj  may 
mean  </«  City  of  the  Sun,  whether  we  take  heres  to 
be  a  Hebrew  or  an  Egyptian  word ;  b\it  the  rca(!ing 
"  a  city  of  destruction "  seems  preferable,  and  we 


766 


ONA 


ONI 


have  no  evidence  that  there  was  any  large  Jewish 
settlement  at  Heliopolis,  although  there  may  have 
been  at  one  time,  from  its  nearness  to  the  town  of 
Onias.  (Onias,  the  City  of.)  Jeremiah  (xliii.  13) 
speaks  of  On  under  the  name  Beth-shemesh  (the 
house  of  the  sun).  Perhaps  it  was,  on  account  of 
the  many  false  gods  of  Heliopolis,  that,  in  Ez.  xxx. 


1  and  Obelisk  of  Heliopolis  or  On.— (Fbn.) 


IV,  On  is  written  Aven,  by  a  change  in  the  punctua- 
tion, and  so  =  vanity,  and  especially  the  vanity  of 
idolatry.  After  the  age  of  the  prophets  we  hear 
no  more  in  Scripture  of  Heliopolis.  Local  tradi- 
tion, however,  points  it  out  as  a  place  where  our 
Lord  and  the  Virgin  came,  when  Joseph  brought 
t'lem  into  Egypt,  and  a  very  ancient  sycamore  is 
shown  as  a  tree  beneath  which  they  rested. 

Onam  (Heb.  strong,  stout,  Ges. ;  ability,  power, 
Fu.).  1.  Son  of  Shobal  the  son  of  Seir  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
23  ;  1  Chr.  i.  40).— 2.  Son  of  Jerahmeel  by  his  wife 
Atarah  (ii.  26,  28). 

O'nan  (Heb.  =  Onam,  Ges.,  Fii.),  second  son  of 
Judah  by  the  Canaanitcss,  "  the  daughter  of  Shua" 
(Gen.  xxxviii.  4 ;  1  Chr.  ii.  3).  On  the  death  of 
Er  the  first-born,  it  was  Onan's  duty  to  marry  his 
brother's  widow  (Tamar  1)  and  perpetuate  his  race 
(Marriage,  II.  ii.  1);  but  he  found  means  to  pre- 
vent the  consequences  of  marriage,  and  "  what  he 
did  was  evil  in  the  eyes  of  Jehovah,  and  He  slew 
him  also,"  as  He  had  slain  his  elder  brother  (Gen. 
xxxviii.  9).  His  death  took  place  before  Jacob's 
family  went  down  into  Egypt  (xlvi.  12  ;  Num.  xxvi. 
19). 

O-nes'i-mns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  useful,  profitable,  L.  & 
S.,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.),  the  servant  or  slave  in  whose 
behalf  Paul  wrote  the  Epistle  to  Philemon.  (Phile- 
mon, Epistle  to.)  He  was  a  native,  or  certainly  an 
inhabitant  of  Colosse,  since  Paul  in  writing  to  the 
Church  there  speaks  of  him  (Col.iv.  9)  as  "one  of 
you."  Slaves  were  numerous  in  Phrygia,  and 
"  Phrygian  "  itself  was  almost  =  "  slave."  Onesi- 
mus  was  one  of  this  unfortunate  class  of  persons, 
as  is  evident  both  from  the  manifest  implication  in 
Phn.  16,  and  from  the  general  tenor  of  the  epistle 
(so  Prof  Ilackett,  with  commentators  generally). 
(Servant  ;  Slave.)   The  man  escaped  from  his  mas- 


ter and  fled  to  Rome,  where  in  the  midst  of  its  vast 
population  he  could  hope  to  be  concealed,  and  to 
baffle  the  efforts  often  made  in  such  cases  for  re- 
taking the  fugitive.  Whether  Onesimus  had  any 
other  motive  for  the  flight  than  the  natural  love  of 
liberty,  we  have  not  the  means  of  deciding.  It  has 
been  very  generally  supposed  that  he  had  committed 
some  offence,  as  theft  or 
embezzlement,  and  feared 
the  punishment  of  his 
i-f^-  guilt ;  but  this  is  uncertain. 

Though  it  may  be  doubted 
whether  Onesimus  hear-! 
the  Gospel  for  the  first  tiniL 
at  Rome,  he  was  unques- 
tionably led  to  embrace 
the  Gospel  there  through 
the  apostle's  instrumental- 
ity (ver.  10).  After  his  con- 
version, the  most  happy  and 
friendly  relations  sprung  up 
between  the  teacher  and  the 
disciple.  The  situation  of 
the  apostle  as  a  captive  and 
an  indefatigable  laborer  for 
the  promotion  of  the  Gos- 
pel (Acts  xxviii.  30,  31) 
must  have  made  him  keenly 
alive  to  the  sympathies  of 
Christian  friendship  and  de- 
pendent upon  others  for 
various  services  of  a  per- 
sonal nature,  important  to 
his  efficiency  as  a  minister 
of  the  Word.  Onesimus  ap- 
pears to  have  supplied  this  twofold  want  in  an  emi- 
nent degree.  Whether  Paul  desired  his  presence  as 
a  personal  attendant  or  as  a  minister  of  the  Gospel, 
is  not  certain  from  ver.  13  of  the  epistle.  Little  can 
be  said  of  Onesimus  except  what  we  have  in  the  X. 
T.  Some  of  the  later  Fathers  assert  that  lie  was  set 
free  and  became  bishop  of  Berea  in  Macedoui;i. 
The  Onesimus  mentioned  by  Ignatius  as  bishop  of 
Ephesus  is  regarded  by  Prof.  Hackett  and  others 
as  a  different  person.  Onesimus  is  said  to  have  died 
as  a  martyr  at  Rome,  under  Nero. 

On-e-siph'o-ras  (L.  fr.  Gr.  ::=  profit-bringing,  Rbn. 
N.  T.  Lex.)  is  named  twice  only  in  the  N.  T.  In 
2  Tim.  i.  16-18  Paul  mentions  him  in  terms  of 
grateful  love,  as  having  a  noble  courage  and  gener- 
osity in  his  behalf,  amid  his  trials  as  a  prisoner  at 
Rome,  when  others  from  whom  he  expected  better 
things  had  deserted  him  (compare  iv.  16).  In  2 
Tim.  iv.  19  he  singles  out  "the  household  of  One- 
siphorus  "  as  worthy  of  a  special  greeting.  It  has 
been  made  a  question  whether  Onesiphorus  was 
still  living  when  2  Timothy  was  written,  because  in 
both  instances  Paul  speaks  of  "  the  house "  or 
"  household,"  and  not  separately  of  Onesiphorus 
himself.  Prof  Ilackett  thinks  it  probable  that 
other  members  of  the  family  were  also  active  Chris- 
tians ;  and  as  Paul  wished  to  remember  them  at 
the  same  time,  he  grouped  them  together  (iv.  19), 
and  thus  delicately  recognized  the  common  merit, 
as  a  sort  of  family  distinction.  It  is  evident  from 
2  Tim.  i.  18,  that  Onesiphorus  had  his  home  at  Eph- 
esus ;  but  he  himself  may  possibly  have  been  with 
Paul  at  Rome  when  the  latter  wrote  to  Timothy. 
An  uncertain  tradition  makes  him  Bishop  of  Corona 
in  Messenia, 

O-ni-a'res  [-reez]  (Gr.  fr.  Chtia  Areios  =  Areiu 
to  Onias),  a  name  introduced  into  the  Greek 


ODll^^ 


OKI 


ONY 


TQ1 


Svriac  texts  of  1  Mc.  xii.  20  (19,  A.  V.)  by  a  very 
<ild  corruption.  The  true  reading  (see  above)  is 
given  in  the  margin  of  the  A.  V.     Are^s  ;  Onias  2. 

O-ni'ils  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  6iiii/dh  f  Wr. ;  etrent/th  of  Je- 
hovah, Walton'8  I'olygloti),  the  name  of  five  high- 
priffts,  of  whom  only  two  (1  and  3)  are  mentioned  in 
tlie  A.  v.,  but  an  account  of  all  ia  here  given  to  pre- 
vent confusion. — I.  Son  and  successor  of  Jaddua ; 
entered  on  the  office  about  the  time  of  the  death  of 
Alexander  the  Great,  and  wa.s  high-priest  about  B.  c. 
830-309,  or,  according  to  Euscbius,  300.  Accord- 
ing to  Josepbus  he  was  father  of  Simon  tlie  Just. 
(EccLESiASTicirs  §  4  ;  Simon  2.) — i.  Son  of  Simon 
the  Just.  He  was  a  minor  at  his  father's  death 
(about  B.  c.  290)  and  the  high-priesthood  was  occu- 
pied in  succession  by  his  uncles  Eleazar  and  Ma- 
nasseh  to  his  exclusion,  lie  entered  on  the  office 
at  last  about  B.  c.  240,  and  his  neglect  for  several 
years  to  remit  the  annual  tribute  of  twenty  talents 
to  I'tolemy  Euergetes  threatened  to  precipitate  the 
rupture  with  Egypt,  which  afterward  openid  the 
way  for  Syrian  oppression.  Onias  retained  the 
high-priesthood  till  his  death,  about  b.  c.  226,  when 
he  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Simon  II. — 3,  Son  of 
Simon  II. ;  succeeded  his  father  as  high-priest,  about 
B.  c.  198.  Seleucus  I'hilopator  was  informed  by 
Simon,  governor  of  the  Temjile,  of  the  riches  con- 
tained in  the  sacred  treasury,  and  attempted  to  seize 
them  by  force.  At  the  piaycr  of  Onias,  according 
to  2  Mc.  iii.,  the  sacrilege  was  averted ;  but  the 
high-priest  was  obliged  to  appeal  to  the  king  for 
support  against  the  machinations  of  Simon.  Not 
long  afterward  Seleucus  died  (n.  c.  175),  and  Onias 
found  himself  supplanted  in  the  favor  of  Antioehus 
Epii)hanes  by  his  brother  Jason  4,  who  received 
the  high-priesthood  fiom  the  king.  Jason,  in  turn, 
was  displaced  by  his  youngest  brother  (No.  4),  who 
procured  the  murder  of  Onias  (about  b.  c.  171). 
(A.vnnoxicus  1  ;  Menelacs.)  llr.  Westcott  sup- 
poses him  the  Onias  who  wrote  to  Areus  the  Spar- 
tan king  (1  Mc.  xii.  19  ft.).  (Greece;  Sparta.) 
How  powerful  an  impression  he  ma<le  is  seen  from 
the  account  of  the  dream  of  Judas  Maccabeus  be- 
fore his  great  victory  (2  Mc.  xv.  12-16.)— 4,  Young- 
est brother  of  Onias  III.,  bearing  the  same  name, 
which  he  afterward  exchanged  for  Mexelaus. — 5. 
Son  of  Onias  III. ;  sought  a  refuge  in  Egypt  from 
the  sedition  and  sacrilege  which  disgraced  Jerusa- 
lem. The  immediate  occasion  of  his  flight  was  the 
triumph  of  "  the  sons  of  Tobias,"  gained  by  the 
interference  of  Antioehus  Epiphanes.  Onias,  receiv- 
ing the  protection  of  Ptolemy  Philometer,  endeav- 
ored to  give  a  unity  to  the  Hellenistic  Jews  which 
seemed  impossible  for  the  Jews  of  Palestine.  With 
this  object  he  founded  the  temple  at  Leontopolis. 
(See  the  next  article.) 

O-nl'as,  the  City  of,  the  Region  »t  0-ni'«s,  the 
city  in  which  stood  the  temple  built  by  Onias  6,  and 
the  region  of  the  Jewish  settlements  in  Egypt. 
Ptolemy  mentions  the  city  as  the  capital  of  the  He- 
liopolite  nome.  (On.)  In  the  spurious  letters 
given  by  Josephus  in  the  account  of  the  founda- 
tion of  the  temple  of  Onias,  it  is  made  to  have  been 
at  Leontopolis  in  the  Heliopolite  nome,  and  called 
a  strong  place  of  Bubastis.  Leontopolis  was  not 
in  the  Heliopolite  nome,  but  in  Ptolemy's  time  was 
the  capital  of  the  Leontopolite,  and  the  mention  of 
it  is  altogether  a  blunder.  There  is  probably  also 
a  confusion  as  to  the  city  Bubastis.  The  site  of 
the  city  of  Onias  is  to  be  looked  for  in  some  one  of 
those  N.  of  Heliopolis  which  are  called  Tel-fl-Ya- 
hood  (the  Mound  of  the  Jews),  or  Td-el-  Yahoodeeyeh 


(the  Jewish  Mmind).  Sir  Gardner  Wilkinson  thinks 
there  is  little  doubt  that  it  is  one  which  stands  in 
the  cultivated  land  near  Shibbeen,  twelve  miles  a 
little  E.  of  N.  from  Heliopolis.  From  the  account 
of  Josephus,  and  the  name  given  to  one  of  them, 
"  the  Camp  of  the  Jews,"  these  settlements  appear 
to  have  been  of  a  half-military  nature.  The  east- 
ernmost part  of  Lower  Egypt  was  always  chosen 
for  great  military  settlements,  in  order  to  protect 
the  country  from  the  incursions  of  her  enemies  be- 
yond that  frontier.  (Sin  ;  Tahpanhes  ;  Zoan.) 
Probably  the  Jewish  settlements  were  established 
for  the  same  purpose  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole,  original 
author  of  this  article) ;  but  their  history  is  very  ob- 
scure. Both  the  Jews  of  Palestine  and  those  of 
Alexandria  must  have  looked  on  the  worshippers  at 
the  temple  of  Onias  as  schismatics. 

On'ions  [un'yunz],  the  English  equivalent  of  the 
Hebrew  bvlsdlim,  which  occurs  only  in  Num.  xi.  6, 
as  one  of  the  -good  things  of  Egypt  of  which  the 
Israelites  regretted  the  loss.  The  onion  is  a  well- 
known  bulbous  plant,  the  Allium  Cepa  of  botanists. 
Onions  have  been  from  time  immemorial  a  favorite 
article  of  food  among  the  Egyptians.  The  onions 
of  Egypt  are  much  milder  in  flavor  and  kss  pun- 
gent than  those  of  this  country. 

Ono  {llcb. strong,  Gcs. ;  rieh,  gain-bringing,  Fii.), 
also  written  Onis,  a  city  of  Benjamin,  not  in  the 
catalogues  of  Joshua,  but  first  found  in  1  Chr.  viii. 
12,  where  Shamed  or  Shamer  is  said  to  have  built 
Ono  and  Lod  with  their  "  daughter  villages  "'  (A.  V. 
"towns  ").  The  men  of  Lod,  Hadid,  and  Ono  (725 
"children"  in  Ezr.  ii.  33;  721  in  Neb.  vii.  37)  re- 
tunied  from  the  Captivity  with  Zerubbabel.  A  plain 
(Plain  2)  was  attached  to  the  town,  and  bore  its 
name,  "the  plain  of  Ono"  (N'eh.  vi.  2),  jierhaps 
identical  with  the  "  valley  of  craftsmen  "  (xi.  86). 
The  Talmud  makes  it  three  miles  from  Lod  (I.udd). 
The  village  of  Kcfr  'Ana,  between  four  and  five 
miles  N.  of  Lndd,  is  suggested  by  Van  de  Veldc  as 
identical  with  Ono.  Porter  (in  Kitto)  approves  this 
suggestion  ;  Mr.  Grove  raises  doubts  from  the  or- 
thography and  the  distance.  Winer  remarks  that 
Beit  Unia  is  more  suitable  in  its  orthography  ;  but 
Beit  Unia  is  nearly  twentv  miles  E.  from  Ludd. 

O'nns  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Oxo  ('l  Esd.  v.  22). 

On'y-eha  [on'e-ka]  (fr.  Gr.  o»(«x;Heb.  aheheUth 
or  shScheleth),  according  to  many  of  the  old  ver- 
sions, denotes  the  operculum  (i.  e.  the  horny  lid 
which  closes  the  aperture  of  the  shell)  of  some  spe- 
cies of  Strombux,  a  genus  of  gasteropodous  Mol- 
lusca.  The  Hebrew  word  occurs  only  in  Ex.  xxx. 
34,  as  one  of  the  ingredients  of  the  sacred  perfume. 
In  Ecclus.  xxiv.  15,  Wisdom  is  compared  to  the 
pleasant  odor  yielded  by  "  galbanum,  onyx  and 
sweet  Btorax."  There  can  be  little  doubt  (so  Mr. 
Houghton)  that  the  omix  (Gr.  =  nail,  or  elaw)  of  the 
LXX.  and  of  Dioscorides  and  the  onipc  of  Pliny 
=  the  operculum  of  a  Stromhux,  perhaps  Slromlnis 
lentiffinoKiis.  The  Arabs  call  the  mollusk  "  the 
devil's  claw "  from  its  claw-shaped  and  serrated 
operculum.  The  Unguis  odoratus,  or  Blatia  Bi/zan- 
Una, — for  under  both  these  terms  apparently  the 
devil-claw  is  alluded  to  in  old  English  writers  on 
Materia  Medica — has  by  some  been  supposed  no 
longer  to  exist.  Dr.  Lister  laments  its  loss,  believ- 
ing it  to  have  been  a  good  medicine  "  from  its 
strong  aromatic  smell."  Bochart  believes  some 
kind  of  bdellium  is  intended.  Duns  (£«A.  Aa<. 
Seienre)  supposes  it  some  gum  or  resin,  perhaps 
benzoin.  Gosse  (in  Fbn.)  suggests  that  all  marine 
creatures  except  fishes  with  fins  and  scales  were  CN- 


768 


ONT 


OPH 


CLEAN,  and  could  not  have  been  touched  by  the  priests 
or  used  in  the  sanctuary,  and  therefore  concludes  it 
was  probably  some  gum-resin. 


A    Strcmbut  Dio 


B     Tie  Operculum. 


O'nyx  (L.  fr.  Gr.,  lit.  =  7mil  or  claw  ;  Heb.  Kho- 
hnm).'  The  A.  V.  uniformly  renders  tlie  Hebrew 
shohain  by  "  onyx  ;  "  the  Vulgate  too  is  consistent 
with  itself,  the  sardonyx  (Job  xxviii.  16)  being 
merely  a  sort  of  onyx  ;  but  the  testimonies  of  an- 
cient interpreters  generally  are  diverse  and  ambigu- 
ous. There  is  nothing  in  the  contexts  of  the  sev- 
eral passages  (Gen.  ii.  12 ;  Ex.  xxv.  7,  xxviii.  9,  20, 
XXXV.  9,  27,  xxxix.  6,  IH;  1  Chr.  xxix.  2;  Job 
xxviii.  16 ;  Ez.  xxviii.  13)  where  the  Hebrew  term 
occurs  to  help  us  to  determine  its  signification.  Jo- 
sephus  expressly  states  that  the  shoulder-stones  of 
the  high-priest  were  formed  of  two  large  sardonyxes, 
an  onyx  being,  in  his  description,  the  second  stone 
in  the  fourth  row  of  the  breastplate.  Some  (Bel- 
iermann,  Winer,  Rosenraiiller)  believe  the  "  beryl" 
is  intended.  Other  interpretations  of  shoham  have 
been  proposed,  but  all  are  mere  conjectures.  Mr. 
Houghton  thinks  the  balance  of  authority  is  in 
favor  of  some  sort  of  onyx.  The  onyx  is  a  silicious 
gum,  consisting  of  parallel  layers  of  chalcedony 
of  different  colors,  as  brown  and  white,  &c.  It  has 
been  much  used  for  cameos.  (Sardonyx.)  The  He- 
brew yahaloin  (in  A.  V.  "  diamond  ")  is  by  several 
ancient  versions  translated  "  onyx  ;  "  and  this  is 
approved  Ijy  Gesenius,  Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander  (in 
Kitto),  &c.  As  to  the  "onyx"  of  Ecclus.  xxiv.  15, 
see  Onvcha. 

O'plicl  (Heb.  a  hill,  Ges. ;  see  below),  a  part  of 
ancient  Jerusalem.  The  name  is  derived  by  the 
lexicographers  from  a  root  of  similar  sound,  which 
has  the  force  of  a  swelling  or  tumor.  (Emebods.) 
It  does  not  come  forward  till  a  late  period  of  0.  T. 
history.  Jotham  built  much  "  on  the  wall  of 
Ophel "  (2  Chr.  xxvii.  3).  Manasseh,  among  his 
other  defensive  works,  "  compassed  about  Ophel " 
(xxxiii.  14).  From  the  catalogue  of  Nehemiah's  rc- 
■  pairs  to  the  wall  of  Jerusalem,  it  appears  to  have 
been  near  the  "  water-gate  "  (Neh.  iii.  26)  and  the 
"  great  tower  that  lieth  out"  (ver.  27).  Lastly,  the 
former  of  these  two  passages,  and  Neh.  xi.  21,  show 
that  Ophel  was  the  residence  of  the  Nethinim.  In 
the  passages  of  his  history  parallel  to  those  quoted 
above,  Josephus  either  passes  it  over  altogether,  or 
else  refers  to  it  in  merely  general  terms.  But  in 
his  account  of  the  last  days  of  Jerusalem  he  men- 
tions it  four  times  as  Ophla  (Jos.  B.  J.  ii.  17,  §  9, 
v.  4,  §  2,  v.  6,  g  1,  vi.  6,  §  3).  From  his  references 
it  appears  that  Ophel  was  outside  the  S.  wall  of  the 
Temple,  and  that  it  lay  between  the  central  valley 
of  the  city,  which  debouches  above  the  spring  of 
Siloam  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  E.  portico  of  the 


Temple  on  the  other.  Ophel,  then,  was  the  swell- 
ing declivity  by  which  the  Mount  of  the  Temple 
slopes  olf  on  its  southern  side  into  the  Valley  of 
Uinnom — a  long  narrowish  rounded  spur  or  prom- 
ontory, which  intervenes  between  the  mouth  of 
the  central  valley  of  Jerusalem  (the  Tyropa>on)  and 
the  Kidron,  or  Valley  of  Jehoshapliat.  Half-way 
down  it  on  its  eastern  face  is  the  "  Fount  of  the 
Virgin,"  so  called  ;  and  at  its  foot  the  lower  outlet 
of  the  same  spring — the  Pool  of  Siloam.  How 
much  of  this  declivity  was  covered  with  the  houses 
of  the  Nethinim,  or  with  the  suburb  which  would 
naturally  gather  round  them,  and  where  the  "  great 
tower  "  stood,  we  have  not  at  present  the  means  of 
ascertaining. 

O'pblr  (Heb.,  see  below).  1,  The  eleventh  in  or- 
der of  the  sons  of  Joktan,  coming  immediately 
after  Sheba  (Gen.  x.  29  ;  1  Chr.  i.  23).  So  many 
important  names  in  the  genealogical  table  in  Gen. 
x. — e.  g.  Sidon,  Canaan,  Asshur,  Aram  (Syria),  Miz- 
raim  (the  two  Egypts,  Upper  and  Lower),  Sheba, 
Caphtorim,  and  Philistim  (the  Philistines) — repre- 
sent the  name  of  some  city,  country,  or  people,  that 
it  is  reasonable  to  infer  the  same  in  the  case  of  all 
the  names  in  the  table  (so  Mr.  Twisleton,  original 
author  of  these  two  articles).  But  there  is  one 
marked  peculiarity  common  to  the  sons  of  Joktan 
with  the  Canaanites  alone,  that  precise  geographical 
limits  are  assigned  to  their  settlements.  Thus  it  is 
said  (ver.  29,  30)  that  the  dwelling  of  the  sons  of 
Joktan  was  "  from  Mesha,  as  thou  goest  unto  Sb- 
piiar  a  mountain  of  the  cast."  The  peculiar  word- 
ing of  these  geographical  limits  forbids  the  suppo- 
sition that  Mesha  and  Sephar  btlonged  to  very 
distant  countries,  or  were  comparatively  unknown ; 
and  as  many  of  the  sons  of  Joktan  are  by  common 
consent  admitted  to  represent  settlements  in  Arabia, 
it  is  an  obvious  inference  that  all  the  settlements 
corresponding  to  the  names  of  the  other  sons  are  to 
be  sought  for  in  Arabia.  Hence,  as  Ophir  is  one 
of  those  sons,  it  may  be  regarded  as  a  fixed  point 
in  discussions  concerning  the  place  Ophir  men- 
tioned in  the  Book  of  Kings,  that  the  author  of 
Gen.  x.  regarded  Ophir  the  son  of  Joktan  as  corre- 
sponding to  some  city,  region,  or  tribe  in  Arabia. 
— Elymology.  There  is,  seemingly,  no  sufficient  rea- 
son to  doubt  that  the  word  Ophir  is  Shemitic.  Ge- 
senius suggests  that  it  means  a  fruitful  refjion. 
Baron  von  Wrede  made  a  small  vocabulary  of  Ilim- 
yaritic  words  in  the  vernacular  tongue,  and  amongst 
these  he  gives  ofir  =:  red.  Still  it  is  unsafe  to  ac- 
cept the  use  of  a  word  of  this  kind  on  the  author- 
ity of  any  one  traveller,  however  accurate.— 2.  A 
seaport  or  region  from  which  the  Hebrews  in  the 
time  of  Solomon  obtained  gold,  in  vessels  which 
went  thither  in  conjunction  with  Tyrian  ships  from 
Ezion-oeber,  near  Elath,  on  that  branch  of  the  Hed 
Sea  now  called  the  Gulf  of  ^Akabak.  The  gold 
was  proverbial  for  its  fineness,  so  that  "  gold  of 
Ophir"  is  several  times  used  as  :=  fine  gold  (Ps. 
xlv.  10  ;  Job  xxviii.  16  ;  Is.  xiii.  12  ;  1  Chr.  xxix.  4); 
and  in  Job  xxii.  24  the  word  "  Ophir  "  by  itself  = 
gold  of  Ophir,  and  gold  generally.  In  addition  to 
gold,  the  vessels  brought  from  Ophir  almugwood  and 
precious  stones.  The  precise  geographical  situaiion 
of  Ophir  has  long  been  a  subject  of  doubt  and  dis- 
cussion. Calmet  regarded  it  as  in  Armenia ;  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh  thought  it  was  one  of  the  Mohioca 
Islands ;  and  Arias  Montanus  found  it  in  Peru.  The 
three  opinions  which  have  found  supporters  in 
own  time  were  formerly  represented,  amongst  othe 
writers,  by  Iluet,  Bruce,  and  the  historian  Robcr 


OPH 


OPH 


r69 


son,  who  placed  Ophir  in  Africa  ;  by  Vitringa  and 
Roland,    who    placed    it    in    India ;    and    by    Ml- 
chat'lis,  Nicbuhr  the  traveller,  Gosselin,  and  Vin- 
cent,  who  placed   it  in   Arabia.      Of  other  distin- 
guished   geographical    writers,   Boehart  admitted 
two    Ophirs,   one   in   Arabia  and    one    in    India, 
i.  c.   at  Ceylon ;    while  D'Anvillc,   equally  admit- 
ting two,  placed  one  in  Arabia  and  one  in  Africa. 
Sir  J.  Emerson  Tcnnant  adopts  the  opinion,  sanc- 
tioned by  Josephus,  that  Malacca  was  Ophir.     But 
the  two  countries  which  have  mostly  divided  the 
opinions  of  the  leanied  have  been  India  and  Arabia. 
Among  the  modems,  Ritter,  Ewald,  Max  Miiller,  &c., 
have  favored  India  ;  Seetzen,  Winer,  Fiirst,  Knobel, 
Kaliscli,  Fairbaini,  &c.,  have  favored  Arabia.     In 
favor  of  Arabia,  are  these  considerations : — (1.)  Gen. 
X.  29  contains  what  is  equivalent  to  an  intimation 
that  Ophir  (see  No.  1)  was  in  Arabia.     (2.)  The 
names  of  three  places  in  Arabia  agree  sufficiently 
with   the  word  Ophir:  viz.  Aphar,  now  Zafar  or 
StijJiar,  which  was  the  metropolis  of  the  Sabcans ; 
])<i(lir,  mentioned  by  Niebuhr  the  traveller,  as  a 
considerable  town  of  Yemen  ;  and  Zafar  or  Zafiiri, 
now  Dofar,  a  city  on  the  southern  coast  of  Arabia. 
'  ■',.)  In  antiquity,  Arabia  was  represented  as  a  coun- 
:  V  producing  gold    by  four   writers   at  least,  viz. 
-\gatharchides,   Artemidorus   (copied    by   Strabo), 
•Diodorus  Siculus,  and  Pliny  the  Elder.     (4.)  Eupole- 
mus,  a  Greek  historian,  who  lived  before  tlie  Chris- 
tian era,  expressly  states,  as  quoted  by  Eusebius, 
that   Ophir  was  an  island  with  gold-mines  in  the 
Erythrean  Sea.     (6.)  On  the  supposition  that,  not- 
withstanding all  the  ancient  authorities  on  the  s>ib- 
ject,  gold  really  never  existed  cither  in  Arabia,  or 
in  any  island  along  its  coasts,  Ophir  was  an  Arabian 
emporium,  into  which  gold  was  brought  as  an  article 
of  commerce,  and  was  exported  into  Judea. — The 
followinj;  considerations  are  urged  in  behalf  of  India : 
(1.)  Sofir  is  the  Coptic  name  for  India;  and  Sophir, 
or  Sophira  is  the  word  used  for  the  place  of  Ophir 
1  V  the  LXX.  and  by  Josephus.     And  Josephus  posi- 
vely  states  that  it  was  a  part  of  India,  though  he 
I  laces  it  in  the  Golden  Chersonese,  which  was  the 
.Malay  peninsula.     (2.)  All  the  three  imports  from 
'iphir,  gold,  precious  stones,  and  almug-wood,  are 
(r?scntially  Indian.     (3.)  Assuming  that  the  ivory, 
jif-acocks,  and  apes,  brought  to  Ezion-geber  once 
II  three  years  by  the  navy  of  Tharshish  (Tarshisii) 
iid  Hiram's  navy  (1  K.  x.  22),  were  brought  from 
I  iphir,  they  also  collectively  point  to  India  rather 
tlian  Arabia.     (4.)  Two  places  in  India  agree  to  a 
fitain   extent  in   name   with   Ophir;  one  at  the 
'luihs  of  the  Indus,  where  Indian  writers  placed  a 
;  'Otde  named  the  Abhira,  and  the  other,  the  Son- 
/■'/rrt  of  Ptolemy,  the  Oujr/f/ara  of  Arrian's  Periplus, 
here  the  town  of  Goa  is  now  situated. — The  follow- 
'"i  pleas  have  been  urged  in  behalf  of  Africa:  (1.) 
'  ||  the  three  countries,  Africa,  Arabia,  and  India, 
.\frica  is  the  only  one  containing  districts  which 
Irave  supplied  gold  in  any  great  quantity.     (2.)  On 
the  E.  coast  of  Africa,  near  Mozambique,  there  is  a 
I'ort  called  by  the  Arabians  So/ala,  which  as  the 
liquiils  /  and  r  are  easily  interchanged,  was  probably 
'he  Ophir  of  the  ancients.     (3.)  On  the  supposition 
■!iat  1  K.  X.  22  applies  to  Ophir,  So/ala  has  still 
■tronger  claims  in  preference  to  India.     Peacocks, 
■idced,  would  not  have  been  brought  from  it;  but 
ic  peacock  is  too  delicate  a  bird  for  a  long  voyage 
1  small  vessels,  and  the  Ileb.  tucdyim  probably  — 
/  'rr«/».    (Peacocks.)     Both  ivory  and  apes  might 
live  been  supplied  in  abundance  from  the  district 
f  which  Sufala  was  the  emporium.     (4.)  On  the 
49 


same  supposition  respecting  1  K.  x.  22,  it  can,  ac- 
cording to  the  traveller  Bruce,  be  proved  by  the 
laws  of  the  monsoons  in  the  Indian  Ocean,  that 
Ophir  was  at  So/ala  ;  inasmuch  as  the  voyage  to 
So/ala  from  Ezion-geber  would  have  been  performed 
exactly  in  three  years.  From  the  above  statement 
it  appears  that  the  Bible  in  all  its  direct  notices  of 
Ophir  as  a  place  does  not  supply  sufficient  data  for 
an  independent  opinion  on  this  disputed  point.  The 
passages  in  the  historical  books  which  mention 
Ophir  by  name  are  only  five  (IK.  ix.  26-29,  x.  11, 
xxii.  48 ;  2  Chr.  viii.  18,  ix.  10).  In  addition  to  these 
passages,  the  following  verse  has  very  frequently 
been  referred  to  Ophir  :  "  For  the  king  (i.  e.  Solo- 
mon) had  at  sea  a  navy  of  Thar.shish  with  the  navy 
of  Hiram :  once  in  three  years  came  the  navy  of 
Tharshish  bringing  gold  and  silver,  ivory,  and  apes, 
and  peacocks"  (1  K.  x.  22;  comp.  2  Chr.  ix.  21). 
But  there  is  not  sufficient  evidence  to  show  that  the 
fleet  mentioned  in  this  verse  was  identical  with  the 
fleet  mentioned  in  1  K.  ix.  26-29,  x.  11,  as  bringing 
gold,  alniug-trees,  and  precious  stones  from  Ophir; 
or,  if  so,  that  the  fleet  went  oti/i/  to  Ophir.  If  the 
five  passages  above-mentioned  are  carefully  exam- 
ined, it  will  be  seen  that  all  the  information  given 
respecting  Ophir  is,  that  it  was  a  place  or  region, 
accessible  by  sea  from  Ezion-geber  on  the  Red  Sea, 
from  which  imports  of  gold,  almug-trees,  and  pre- 
cious stones  were  brought  back  by  the  Tyrian  and 
Hebrew  sailors.  Under  these  circumstances  it  is 
well  to  revert  to  Gen.  x.  It  is  reasonably  certain 
that  the  author  of  that  chapter  regarded  Ophir  as 
the  name  of  some  city,  region,  or  tribe  in  Arabia. 
And  it  is  almost  equally  certain  that  the  Ophir  of 
Genesis  is  the  Ophir  of  the  Books  of  Kings  and 
Chronicles.  Hence  the  bvrdm  o/ jiroo/  lies  on  any 
one  who  denies  Ophir  to  have  been  in  Arabia.  But 
all  that  can  be  advanced  against  Arabia  falls  very 
short  of  such  proof.  In  weighing  the  evidence  on 
this  point,  the  assumption  that  ivory,  peacocks,  and 
apes  were  imported  from  Ophir  must  be  dismissed 
from  consideration.  In  one  view  of  the  subject,  and 
accepting  the  statement  in  2  Chr.  ix.  21  that  "the 
king's  ships  went  to  Tarshish,"  they  might  have 
connection  with  Tarshish  ;  but  they  have  a  very 
slight  beating  on  the  position  of  Opliir.  Hence  it  is 
not  here  necessary  to  discuss  the  law  of  monsoons 
in  the  Indian  Ocean.  Moreover,  the  resemblance 
of  names  of  places  in  India  and  Africa  to  Ophir, 
cannot  reasonably  be  insisted  on ;  for  there  is  an 
equally  great  resemblance  in  the  names  of  some 
places  in  Arabia.  The  name  So/ala,  indeed,  is  mere- 
ly Ar.  =  Heb.  Shijthelah,  i.  e.  plain  or  low  itmntrv. 
(Plai.n  6  ;  Sephkla.)  Reland  has  shown  that  there 
is  no  proof  of  the  use  of  Sophir  as  the  Coptic  word 
for  Ophir  except  in  late  Coptic,  and  this  may  have 
come  from  the  views  represented  in  Josephus. 
Josephus  cannot  be  compared  in  authority  with 
Gen.  X. ;  he  differs  from  Eupolemus  ;  and  he  appears 
inconsistent  with  himself,  tran.slating (Jos.  ix.  1,  §4) 
the  Ophir  of  1  K.  xxii.  49  and  the  Tarshish  of  2 
Chr.  XX.  36  as  Ponhtu  and  Thrace.  Further,  the  ob- 
jections based  on  the  assertion  that  sandal-wood 
(assumed  to  be  =  almug-wood),  precious  stones, 
and  gold,  arc  not  productions  of  Arabia,  are  not 
conclusive.  (1.)  In  the  Periplus  attributed  to  Ar- 
rian,  sandal-wood  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  imports 
into  Omana,  an  emporium  on  the  Persian  Gulf;  and 
therefore  a  sea-port  would  not  necessarily  be  in 
India,  because  sandal-wood  was  obtained  from  it. 
But  the  suggestion  tliat  almug-wood  =  sandal-wood 
first  came  in  the  last  century  from  Celsius,  the 


770 


OPH 


OBD 


Swedish  botanist,  in  his  Ilierohotajiicon  ;  who  at  the 
same  time  recounted  thirteen  meanings  proposed  by 
others.  Since  the  time  of  Celsius,  the  meaning  of 
nandal-wood  has  been  defended  by  Sanscrit  etymolo- 
gies, but  Mr.  Twisleton  regards  the  reasons  adduced 
to  show  that  sandal-wood  =  almug-wood  as  too  weak 
to  justify  the  founding  of  any  argument  upon  them. 
(Alqum-trees.)  (2.)  Precious  stones  take  up  such 
little  room,  and  can  be  so  easily  concealed,  if  neces- 
sary, and  conveyed  from  place  to  place,  that  there  is 
no  dilHcuIty  in  supposing  they  came  from  Ophir, 
simply  as  from  an  emporium,  even  admitting  that 
there  were  no  precious  stones  in  Arabia.  (3.)  As 
to  GOLD,  far  too  great  stress  seems  to  have  been  laid 
on  the  negative  fact  that  no  gold  nor  trace  of  gold- 
mines has  been  discovered  in  Arabia.  Sir  Roderick 
Murchison  and  Sir  Cliarles  Lyell  concur  in  stating 
that,  although  no  rock  is  known  to  exist  in  Arabia 
from  which  gold  is  obtained  at  the  present  day,  yet 
the  peninsula  has  not  undergone  a  sufficient  geolo- 
gical examination  to  warrant  the  conclusion  that 
gold  did  not  exist  there  formerly  or  that  it  may  not 
yet  be  discovered  there.  Under  these  circumstances 
there  is  no  sufficient  reason  to  reject  the  accounts 
of  the  ancient  writers  adduced  as  witnesses  for  the 
former  existence  of  gold  in  Arabia  ;  and  certainly 
there  is  nothing  to  prevent  Ophir  having  been  an 
Arabian  emporium  for  gold.  The  Periplus,  attrib- 
uted to  Arrian,  gives  an  account  of  several  Arabian 
emporia:  e.  g.  the  Emporium  Musa,  only  twelve 
days  from  Aphar,  the  metropolis  of  the  Sabcans 
(see  above) ;  at  the  modern  Aden ;  at  Za/dr  or 
Zafdri  (Sephxr),  &C.  There  do  not,  however,  ap- 
pear to  be  sufficient  data  for  determining  in  favor 
of  any  one  emporium  or  of  any  one  locality  rather 
than  another  in  Arabia  as  having  been  the  Ophir  of 
Solomon.  Mr.  Forster  relies  on  an  Ofor  or  OJir,  iu 
Sale  and  D'Anville's  maps,  as  the  name  of  a  city 
and  district  in  the  mountains  of  Omdn  ;  but  he 
does  not  quote  any  ancient  writer  or  modern  traveller 
as  an  authority  for  the  existence  of  such  an  Ofir. 
Niebuhr  the  traveller  says  that  Ophir  was  probably 
the  principal  port  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Sabcans, 
that  it  was  situated  between  Aden  and  Dafar  (or 
Zafar),  and  that  perhaps  even  it  was  Cane.  Gos- 
selin,  on  the  other  hand,  thinks  it  was  Doffir,  tlie 
city  of  Yemen  already  adverted  to.  Dean  Vincent 
agrees  with  Gosselin  in  confining  Ophir  to  Sheba. 
On  the  whole,  however,  though  there  is  reason  to 
believe  that  Opliir  was  in  Arabia,  there  does  not 
seem  to  be  adef|uate  information  to  enable  us  to 
point  out  the  precise  locality  which  once  bore  that 
name.  In  conclusion,  it  may  be  observed  that  ob- 
jections against  Ophir  being  in  Arabia,  grounded  on 
the  fact  that  no  gold  has  been  discovered  in  Arabia 
in  the  present  day,  seem  decisively  answered  by  tlie 
parallel  case  of  Sheba  (Fs.  Ixxii.  15  ;  Ez.  xxvii.  22). 
Now,  of  two  things  one  is  true.  Either  the  gold  of 
Sheba  and  the  precious  stones  sold  to  the  Tyrians  by 
the  merchants  of  Sheba  were  the  natural  productions 
of  Sheba,  and  in  this  case  the  assertion  that  Arabia 
did  not  produce  gold  falls  to  the  ground  ;  or  the  mer- 
chants of  Sheba  obtained  precious  stones  and  gold 
in.  such  quantities  by  trade,  that  they  became  noted 
for  supplying  them  to  the  Tyrians  and  Jews.  Ex- 
actly similar  remarks  may  apply  to  Ophir. 

Oph'nl  (Heb.  moiddji,  Ges.),  a  town  of  Benjamin, 
apparently  in  the  northeastern  portion  of  the  tribe 
(Josh,  xviii.  24  only).  It  is  doubtless  the  Gophna 
of  Josephus,  a  place  which  at  the  time  of  Vespasian's 
invasion  was  apparently  second  only  to  Jerusalem 
in  importance  (Jos.  B.  J.  iii.  3,  §  5),  and  which  still 


survives  in  the  modern  Jifna  or  Jnfna,  a  village  two 
and  a  half  miles  N.  W.  of  Bethel. 

Oph  rail  (Heb.  femah  fawn,  Ges.),  the  name  of 
two  places  in  central  Palestine — 1.  In  the  tribe  of 
Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  23).  It  appears  to  be  men- 
tioned again  (1  Sam.  xiii.  1'?)  in  describing  the  routes 
taken  by  the  spoilers  who  issued  from  the  Philistine 
camp  at  Michmash.  Jerome  places  it  five  miles  E. 
of  Bethel.  Dr.  Robinson  suggests  its  identity  with 
et-Taiyibeh,  a  small  village  on  the  crown  of  a  coni- 
cal and  very  conspicuous  hill,  four  miles  E.  N.  E.  of 
Beiliu  (Bethel).  Stanley  and  Van  de  Velde  accept 
this  suggestion.  In  the  absence  of  any  similarity  in 
the  name,  and  of  any  more  conclusive  evidence,  it  is 
impossible  absolutely  to  adopt  this  identification  (so 
Mr.  Grove,  with  Porter  in  Kitto).  (Apherema  ; 
Ephraim  2,  3  ;  Ephrain.)^8.  More  fully  "  Ophrah 
of  the  Abi-ezrites,"  the  native  place  of  Gideon  (Judg. 
vi.  11);  the  scene  of  his  exploits  against  Baal  (24); 
his  residence  after  his  accession  to  power  (ix.  5), 
and  the  place  of  his  burial  in  the  family  sepulchre 
(viii.  32).  Here  also  he  deposited  the  ephod  made 
or  enriched  with  Ishmaelite  ornaments,  which  made 
it  a  place  of  pilgrimage  and  resort  (27).  The  indi- 
cations in  the  narrative  of  the  position  of  Ophrah 
are  but  slight.  It  was  probably  in  Manassoh  (vi. 
15),  and  not  far  from  Shcchem  (ix.  1,  5).  Van  do 
Velde  suggests  a  site  called  Erfai,  about  eight  miles' 
S.  E.  of  Ndbubis  (Shcchem);  and  Schwarz  "the 
village  Ernfa  "  ('Arrdbeh  ?), "  N.  of  Sdnur  "  (Betiiu- 
lia).  The  former  of  them  is  altogether  out  of  the 
territory  of  Manasseh.  Of  the  latter,  nothing  cither 
for  or  against  can  be  said  (so  Mr.  Grove). 

Opli'rall  (see  above),  son  of  Meonothai  (1  Chr.  iv. 
14). 

*  Ot,  Besides  the  common  use  of  this  word,  to 
connect  and  mark  an  alternative,  as  in  the  phrases 
"bad  or  good"  (Gen.  xxiv.  50),  "Paul,  or  Apollos, 
or  Cephas  "  (1  Cor.  iii.  22  f.),  "  we  or  an  angel  "  (G.J. 
i.  8),  &c.,  "  or  "  is  also  used  in  th6  A.  V.  in  the  now 
ob.solete  sense  of  ere  or  before  in  the  phrase  "  or 
ever"  (Ps.  xc.  2;  Dan.  vi.  24;  Acts  xxiii.  15,  &e.). 

*  Or'a-ele  [-kl],  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Hob. 
dCbir  =  (so  Ges.)  /he  inner  sanctuary  of  the  T.i niR- 
NACLE  or  Temple,  also  called  the  "holv  of  holies" 
(1  K.  vi.  5,  16  ft'.,  vii.  49,  viii.  6,  8;  2"Chr.  iii.  16, 
iv.  20,  V.  7,  9 ;  Ps.  xxviii.  2). — 2.  Heb.  dubur  once 
(2  Sam.  xvi.  23,  marg.  "  word  "),  usually  and  liter- 
ally translated  "word"  (Gen.  xv.  1,  4,  xxiv.  Sn,  52, 
&c.),  also  "saying,"  "speech,"  &c. — 3.  Gr.  luyion 
=  (so  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  something  uttered,  e.  g.  from 
God,  a  divine  communication,  utterance,  or  orii 
(Acts  vii.  38;  Rom.  iii.  2;  Heb.  v.  12;  1  Pet.| 
1  f ).  Divination  ;  Idolatry  ;  Inspiration  ;  Maq 
Prophet. 

Or'a-tor  (L.  =  a  upeaker,  orator,  pleader).  1.1 
Is.  iii.  3,  A.  V.  "eloquent  orator,"  margin  "skifl 
of  speech  "  literally  =  gkilfid  in  vMnper,  or  i«a 
tation.  (Divination.)— 2.  'The  title  (Gr.  rhetor)  i 
plied  to  Tertcllus,  who  appeared  as  the  advoc 
of  the  Jewish  accusers  of  St.  Paul  before  F^ 
(Acts  xxiv.  1).     Trial. 

ftr'ehard.     Garden. 

*  Or-dain',  to  (fr.  L.  ordo  =  order),  the  A.V.  trans- 
lation of— 1.  Heb.  ydsad  (1  Chr.  is.  22 ;  Ps.  viii.  2 
[Heb.  3];  mars,  in  both  "founded"),  elsewhere 
translated  "  to  found  "  (Ps.  xxiv.  2  ;  Is.  xiv.  32,  &C.\ 
"lav  the  foundation"  (1  K.  xvi.  34;  P.s.  cii.  W 
[Heb.  26],  &c.),  "establish"  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  69;  H.ib. 
i.  12;  marg.  "founded"  in  both),  "  appoint"  d',-!!' 
i.  8),  &c.— 2.  Heb.  cun  (Ps.  viii.  3  |  Heb.  4| 
where  translated  "to  establish"  (Ex.  xv.  17,  IV. 


ORD 


ORE 


771 


xcix.  4,  *c.),  or  "stablish"  (2  Sam.  tH.  13,  &c.), 
"  prepare  "  (Ps.  ix.  7  [Ueb.  8],  cvii.  36,  &c.), 
"Cashion"  (Ps.  cxix.  73,  &c.),  &c. — 3.  Cha!.  mcudh 
or  mind  (Dan.  ii.  24),  usually  translated  "to  set" 
(Ezr.  vii.  25,  &:c.),  once  "  to  number  "  (Dan.  v.  26), 
al.<o  "  Mene"  (25). — i.  Heb.  7iuirian  (2  K.  xxiii.  5  ; 
Jer.  i.  6,  marg.  "gave"),  literally  and  usually  "  to 
give"  (Gen.  i.  'If,  iii.  6,  12,  Sc.,  &c.),  sometimes 
"to  put"  (Ex.  XXV.  16,  21,  &c.),  "appoint"  (Ezr. 
viii.  20,  &c.),  "set"  (Gen.  ix.  13;  Deut.  i.  8,  &c.), 
"deliver"  (Judg.  i.  2,  ii.  23,  &c.),  &o.— 5.  Heb. 
'dmad (2  Chr.  xi.  15),  elsewhere  translated  "to raise 
up"  (Ex.  ix.  16,  marg,  "made  thee  stand"),  "make 
stand"  (Ps.  xxx.  7  [lleb.  81,  &c.),  "set"  (2  Chr. 
xix.  5,  8,  &c.),  "appoint"  (Neh.  vi.  7,  &c.),  &c. — 6. 
Heb.  'dracA  (Ps.  cxxxii.  17;  Is.  xxx.  33),  cLscwherc 
"to  set  in  order"  (Ex.  xl.  4,  &c.),  "lay  in  order" 
(Lev.  i.  7  ff.,  &c.),  "  prepare  "  (Num.  xxiii.  4;  Ps. 
xxiii.  5,  &c.),  "  put  in  array  "  (2  Sam.  x.  8  ff.,  &c.), 
"order"  (Lev.  xxiv.  3,  4,  &e.),  &c.— 7.  Ueh. pd'al 
(Ps.  vii.  13  [Heb.  14]),  elsewhere  literally  "  to  make  " 
(Ex.  XV.  17;  Prov.  xvi.  4,  &c.),  "do"  (Deut.  xxxii. 
27;  Job  xi.  8,  &c.),  "work"  (Num.  xxiii.  23,  &c.), 
once  "to  commit"  (Hos.  vii.  1). — 8.  Heb.  kiim 
(Esth.  ix.  27),  also  translated  "to  stablish"  (21), 
"confirm"  (29,  31,   32,  &c.),  "enjoin"  and  "de- 

-  crce"  (31),  "strengthen"  (Ps.  cxix.  28),  &c.— 9. 
Heb.  mm  or  nim  (1  Chr.  xvii.  9;  Ps.  l.xxxi.  5  [Heb. 
6|;  Hab.  i.  12),  usually  and  literally  "to  put  "(Gen. 
xxviii.  18,  xl.  15,  &c.),  also  "to  set"  (xxviii.  22;  1 
K.  ii.  15,  &c.),  "  make"  (Gen.  xiii.  16,  xlv.  9  ;  Josh. 
Ti.  18,  &c.),  "appoint"  (Ex.  xxi.  13;  2  K.  x.  24, 
Ac),  &c. — 10.  Heb.  sh&phatk  (Is.  xxvi.  12),  else- 
where "to  set"  (2  K.  iv.  38;  Ez.  xxiv.  3),  "bring" 
(Ps.  xxii.  15  [Heb.  16]).— 11.  Heb.  d-vlh  (Num. 
xxviiL  6;  1  K.  xii.  32,  33),  usually  "  to  make"  (Ex. 
Jtxxvi.  6ff. ;  1  K.  xii.  31,  &c.),  or  "do  "(xxiii.  12, 
24,  iScc),  also  "  to  appoint,"  "  prepare,"  "  provide," 
&c. — 12.  Gr.  diatanso  (1  Cor.  vii.  17,  ix.  14;  Gal.  iii. 
19)  =  to  arrange  throuf/hout,  to  dispose  in  order, 
Rbn.  .V.  T.  Lex.  ;  elsewhere  translated  "  to  com- 
mand" (Mat.  xi.  1  ;  Lk.  viii.  53,  xvii.  9,  10;  Acts 
xviii.  2,  xxiii.  31,  xxiv.  23),  "appoint"  (Lk.  iii.  13; 
Acts  vii.  44,  xx.  13;  Tit.  i.  5),  "set  in  order"  (1 
Cor.  xi.  34),  "give  order"  (xvi.  1).— 13.  Gr.  i-athin- 
thni  (Tit.  i.  6  ;  Heb.  v.  1,  viii.  3)  =  to  net  doim,  to 
net,  to  place,  Rbn.  N.  T.  I^er.  ;  usually  translated 
"to  make"  (Mat.  xxiv.  4.5,  47,  xxv.  21,  23  ;  Lk.  xii. 
14,  42,  44  ;  Acts  vii.  10,  27,  35  ;  Rom.  v.  19  [twice]  ; 
Heb.  vii.  28;  2  Pet.  i.  8),  also  once  "to  appoint" 
(Acts  vi.  3),  "  to  conduct "  (xvii.  15),  "  to  set "  (Heb. 
ii.  7),  "  to  be,"  i.  c.  to  be  net,  or  to  set  one't  net/  (Jas. 
iii.  6,  iv.  4). — 14.  Gr.  katasheuazo  (Ileb.  ix.  ti)  =r  to 
jvre[Htre  fulhi,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.  ;  usually  translated 
"to  prepare"  (.Mat.  xi.  10  ;  .Mk.  i.  2  ;  Lk.  i.  17,  vii. 
27 ;  Heb.  xi.  7  ;  1  Pet.  iii.  20),  also  "  to  build  "  (Heb. 
:i,  4  [twice]),  "  make"  (ix.  2).— 15.  Gr.  krlno  (Acts 
'(vi  \)  •=  to  leparate,  disrriminate,  Kelect,  hence  to 
/''/•.  decide,  determine,  Rbn.  iV.  T.  Lex.;  trans- 
it' i  "to  judge"  more  than  eighty  times  in  N.  T. 
'  M  !  r  vii.  1,  2  [twice  eachl,  &c.),  also  "  to  determine  " 
i  -  iii.  13,  XX.  16,  xxvii.  1 ;  1  Cor.  ii.  2;  2  Cor.  ii. 
1  ;  Tit.  iii.  12),  "decree"  (1  Cor.  vii.  37),  "  think" 
( Acts  xxvi.  8),  "  conclude  "  (xxi.  25),  "  my  sentence 
is"(xv.  19),  "to  esteem"  (Rom.  xiv.  5  [twice]), 
"condemn"  (Jn.  iii.  17,  18;  Acts  xiii.  27;  liom. 
xiv.  22),  "damn  "(2  Th.  ii.  12),  "avenge"  (Rev. 
xviii.  20),  "Hueatthelaw"(Mat.v.40),  "gotolaw" 
(1  Cor.  vi.  1,  6),  "call  in  question"  (Acts  xxiii.  6, 
^xiv.  21).— 16,  Gr.  horizd  (Acts  x.  42,  xvii.  31)  = 
''>  himid.  mark  out,  limit,  determine,  appoint,  Rbn. 

,    iV.   T.  />3t.  ;  elsewhere  "  to  determine  "  (Lk.  xxii. 


22 ;  Acts  xi.  29,  xvii.  26),  "  determinate,"  i.  e.  de- 
termined {\\.  23),  "  to  declare  "  (Rom.  i.  4),  "  to  limit " 
(Heb.  iv.  7). — 17.  Gr.  poieo  (Mk.  iii.  14)  is  translated 
"to  make"  more  than  100  times  in  N.  T.  (Mat.  iii. 
3,  iv.  1 9,  &c. ),  and  "  to  do  "  much  oftener  (v.  1 9, 44, 
46,  47  [twice],  &c.),  all  the  various  renderings  (so 
Robinson)  coming  under  one  or  the  other  of  these  two 
primary  ones.  Thus  "to  bring  forth"  (Mat.  iii.  8, 
10,  &c.),  "shoot  out"  (Mk.  iv.  32),  "cause"  (Mat. 
V.  32,  &c.),  "yield  "(Jas.  iii.  12),  "ordain,"  come 
under  the  meaning  to  make  (comp.  Mat.  iv.  19  ;  Mk. 
i.  17,  &c.).— 18.  Gr.  pronrizd  (1  Cor.  ii.  7)  =  to 
bound  or  limit  beforehand,  to  predetermine,  Rbn.  K. 
T.  Lex.  (compare  No.  16  above);  elsewhere  trans- 
lated "to  determine  before"  (Acts  iv.  28),  "to  pre- 
destinate" (Rom.  viii.  29,  30;  Eph.  i.  5,  11).— 19. 
Gr.  tasKo  (Acts  xiii.  48;  Rom.  xiii.  1)  =r  to  order,  set 
in  order,  arrange,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Zear.  (compare  No.  12 
above);  elsewhere  translated  "to  appoint"  (Mat. 
xxviii.  16;  Acts. xxii.  10,  xxviii.  23),  "  set  "(Lk.  vii. 
8),  "determine"  (Acts  xv.  2),  "addict"  (1  Cor.  xvi. 
15).— 20.  Gr.  tilhemi  (Jn.  xv.  10;  1  Tim.  ii.  7)  = 
to  set,  put,  place,  lay,  Rbn.  K.  T.  Lex.  ;  usually  trans- 
lated "to  put"  (Mat.  V.  15,  &c.),  or  "lay"  (xxvii. 
60,  &c.),  also  "to  make"  (xxii.  44, &c.),  "  appoint" 
(xxiv.  61 ;  2  Tim.  i.  11,  &c.),  &c.— 21.  Gr.  c/uirotoneo 
(Acts  xiv.  23)  =  to  stretch  out  the  hand,  to  hold  up 
the  hand,  as  in  voting,  hence  to  vote  by  holding  up 
the  hand,  in  N.  T.  to  choose  by  vote,  to  appoint,  Rbn. 
N.  T.  Lex.;  also  translated  "to  choose"  (2  Cor. 
viii.  19). — 22.  Gr.  ginomai  (Acts  i.  22,  A.  V.  "  be 
ordained  to  be  ")  =  to  begin  to  be,  to  come  into  exist- 
ence, i.  e.  to  arise,  happen,  become,  or  (in  the  aorist  and 
perfect  tenses)  simply  to  be  or  exist,  Rbn.  iV'.  T.  Lex. 
This  verb  occurs  about  700  times  in  the  N.  T.,  and 
Ls  oftenest  translated  "  to  be  done  "  (Mat.  i.  22,  vi. 
10,  &c.),  "to  come  to  pass"  (vii.  28,  ix.  10,  &c.), 
"to  be  come"  (viii.  16,  xiv.  23,  &c.),  "to  arise" 
(viii.  24,  xiii.  21,  &c.),  "to  be"  (v.  45,  vi.  16,  &c.), 
"to  be  made"  (iv.  3,  xxiii.  15,  &c.),  "to  become"  ' 
(xiii.  22,  32,  &c.). — 23.  Gr.  prographd  —  to  iirrile 
before,  hence  to  announce,  declare,  set  forth,  prescribe, 
appoint,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.  This  verb  occurs  five  times 
in  N.  T.,  viz.  twice  in  Rom.  xv.  4,  A.  V.  "  were  written 
aforetime  were  written  ; "  Gal.  iii.  1,  A.  V."  hath  been 
evidently  set  forth ; "  Eph.  iii.  3,  A.V.  "  wrote  afore ; " 
Jude4,  A.  V.  "  who  were  before  ordained." — 24.  Gr. 
proitoimazo  (Eph.  ii.  10,  A.  V.  "  hath  before  ordain- 
ed ")  =:  to  prepare  beforehand,  to  appoint  or  ordain 
beforehand,  Rbn.  N.  1.  Lex.  ;  elsewhere  only  in  Rom. 
ix.  23,  A.V. "  had  afore  prepared." — Three  times  also 
(2  Chr.  xxiii.  18,  xxix.  27 ;  Rom.  vii.  10)  the  word  "  or- 
dained" in  the  A.  V.  has  no  Hebrew  or  Greek  rep- 
resentative, and  is  therefore  printed  in  italics. — It 
will  be  seen  from  the  above  that "  to  ordain  "  is  used 
as  the  representative  of  many  diftercnt  Hebrew  and 
Greek  terms,  and  usually  in  a  general  sense  (=r  to 
order,  constitute,  ajipoint),  without  involving  any  tech- 
nical or  ceremonial  significance.  Apostle  ;  Bishop  ; 
EtnER;  Law,  &c. 

•  Or'di-nanfei     Law  ;  Law  of  Moses. 

O'reb  (Heb.),  the  raren  or  crote,  the  companion  of 
Zeeii,  the  loolf.  One  of  the  chieftains  of  the  Mid- 

ianitc  host  which  invaded  Israel,  and  was  defeated 
and  driven  back  byGiDEON.  Thetitlegiven  to  thorn 
(A.  V."  princes  ")  distinguishes  them  from  Zebah 
and  Zalmunna,  the  other  two  chieftains,  who  are 
called  "  kings,"  and  were  evidently  superior  in  rank 
to  Orcb  and  Zeeb.  Tliey  were  killed  not  by  Gideon 
himself,  or  the  people  under  his  immediate  conduct, 
but  by  the  men  of  Ephraim,  who  rose  at  his  entreaty 
and  intercepted  the  flying  horde  at  the  fords  of  the 


m. 


172 


ORE 


OHN 


Jordan.  This  was  the  second  Act  of  this  great 
Tragedy.  It  is  but  slightly  touched  upon  in  the 
narrative  of  Judges,  but  the  terms  in  which  Isaiah 
(x.  26)  refers  to  it  are  such  as  to  imply  that  it  was 
a  truly  awful  slaughter.  He  places  it  in  the  same 
rank  with  the  two  most  tremendous  disasters  re- 
corded in  the  history  of  Israel — the  destruction  of 
the  Egyptians  in  the  Red  Sea,  and  of  the  army  of 
Sennacherib  (comp.  Ps.  Ixxxiii.).  The  slaughter  was 
concentrated  round  the  rock  at  which  Oreb  fell,  and 
which  was  long  known  by  his  name  (Judg.  vii.  25 ; 
Is.  X.  26). 

O'reb  (L.)  =  HoREB,  i.  e.  Mount  Horeb  (2  Esd. 
ii.  33).     Sinai. 

O'reb  (Heb.  7-a>'en,  Ges.),  the  Rotki  The  "  raven's 
crag,"  the  spot,  E.  of  Jordan,  at  which  the  Midianite 
chieftain  Oreb,  with  tliousands  of  his  countrymen, 
fell  by  the  hand  of  the  Ephraimites,  and  which 
probably  acquired  its  name  therefrom  (Judg.  vii. 
25;  Is.  X.  26).  Perhaps  the  place  called  'Orbo, 
said  in  the  Bereshith  Kahba  to  have  been  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Beth-sheau,  may  have  some  con- 
nection with  it. 

O'ren  (Heb.  pine,  Ges. ;  "  ash,"  A.  V. ;  strength, 
p>wer,  Fii.),  a  son  of  Jerahmeel  the  first-born  of 
Hezron  (1  Chr.  ii.  25). 

Or'gan  (Gen.  iv.  21  ;  Job  xxi.  12,  xxx.  31 ;  Ps. 
el.  4).  The  Hebrew  word  'uffdb  or  higgcib,  thus 
rendered  in  our  version,  probably  denotes  a  pipe  or 
perforated  wind-instrument,  as  the  root  of  the  word 
indicates.  In  Gen.  iv.  21  it  appears  to  be  a  general 
terra  for  all  wind-instruments.  In  Job  xxL  12  are 
enumerated  the  three  kinds  of  musical  instruments 
which  are  possible,  under  the  general  terms  of  the 
timbrel,  harp,  and  organ.  Our  translators  adopted 
"  organ "  from  the  Vulgate,  which  has  uniformly 
organum,  i.  e.  the  double  or  multiple  pipe.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Jewish  interpreters,  the  Chaldee,  and 
Jerome,  it  was  the  bagpipe  (so  Winer).  (Ddlcimer.) 
Joel  Bril,  Kitto,  Prof.  Lorimer  (in  Fairbairn),  &e., 
identify  it  with  the  Pandean  pipes,  or  syrinx,  an  in- 
strument of  unquestionably  ancient  origin,  and 
common  in  the  East,  consisting  of  a  combination 
of  reed-pipes  of  different  lengths  and  thicknesses. 
Russell  describes  those  he  met  with  in  Aleppo  as 
having  from  five  to  twenty-three  reeds.  Music ; 
Musical  Instruments. 

O-ri'on  (Gr.,  a  celebrated  hunter  in  ancient  heathen 
mythology,  said  to  have  been  transported  to  heaven, 
where  he  gave  name  to  a  constellation).  That  the 
constellation  known  to  the  Hebrews  by  the  name 
CiiU  (Job  ix.  9,  xxxviii.  31 ;  Am.  v.  8)  is  the  well- 
known  equatorial  constellation  which  the  Greeks 
called  Orion,  and  the  Arabs  "  the  giant,"  there 
seems  little  reason  to  doubt  (so  Mr.  Wright,  with 
Gesenius,  Fiirst,  and  most  ancient  interpreters). 
The  "  giant "  of  Oriental  astronomy  was  Nimrod, 
the  mighty  hunter,  who  was  fabled  to  have  been 
bound  in  the  sky  for  liis  impiety.  The  two  dogs 
and  the  hare,  which  are  among  the  constellations 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Orion,  made  his  train  com- 
plete. There  is  possibly  au  allusion  to  this  belief 
in  "the  bands  of  cfti/"  (Job  xxxviii.  31).  Some 
Jewish  writers,  the  Rabbis  Isaac  Israel  and  Jonah 
among  them,  identified  the  Hebrew  cSsU  with  the 
Arabic  mhail,  by  which  was  understood  either  Sirius 
(the  dog-star)  or  Canopus  (a  star  in  the  constellation 
Argo,  52^°  S.  lat.).  Mr.  E.  S.  Poole  (after  Aben 
Ezra)  regards  cesU  as  the  constellation  Scorpio  (the 
Scorpion),  or  the  bright  star  in  it  called  Antarcs  or 
Cor  Scorpionis  (the  Scorpion'*  heart).    Astronomy. 

Or'na-ments,  Per'son-al.     The  number,  variety, 


and  weight  of  the  ornaments  ordinarily  worn  upon 
the  person  form  one  of  the  characteristic  features 
of  Oriental  costume,  both  in  ancient  and  modern 
times.  The  monuments  of  ancient  Egypt  exhibit 
the  hands  of  ladies  loaded  with  rings,  ear-rings  of 
very  great  size,  anklets,  armlets,  bracelets  of  the 
most  varied  character,  richly  ornamented  necklaces, 
and  chains  of  various  kinds.  There  is  suflicient 
evidence  in  the  Bible  that  the  inhabitants  of  Pales- 
tine were  equally  devoted  to  finery.  Is.  iii.  18-23 
supplies  us  with  a  detailed  description  of  the  ar- 
ticles with  which  the  luxurious  women  of  that  day 
were  decorated,  and  the  picture  is  filled  up  by  in- 
cidental notices  in  other  places  (Ixi.  10;  Jer.  ii.  32 ; 
Hos.  ii.  13;  1  Tim.  ii.  9,  10,  &c.).  The  notices  in 
the  early  books  of  the  Bible,  imply  the  weight  and 
abundance  of  the  ornaments  worn  at  that  period. 
Eliezcr  decorated  Hebekah  with  "  a  golden  noxe-ring 
(A.  V.  "  ear-ring  ")  of  half  a  shekel  weight,  and  two 
bracelets  for  her  hands  of  ten  shekels  weight  of  gold  " 
(Gen.  xxiv.  22) ;  and  he  afterward  added  "  trinkets 
of  silver  and  trinkets  of  gold  "  (A.  V.  "jewels,"  ver. 
53).  Ear-rings  were  worn  by  Jacob's  wives,  appa- 
rently as  charms,  for  they  are  mentioned  in  connec- 
tion with  idols : — "  They  gave  unto  Jacob  all  the 
strange  gods,  which  were  in  their  hand,  and  their  ear- 
rings which  were  in  their  ears  "  (xxxv.  4).  The  orna- 
ments worn  by  the  patriarch  Judah  were  a  "  signet," 
suspended  by  a  stritig  round  the  neck,  and  a  "  staff" 
(xxxviii.  18):  the  staff  itself  was  probably  ornamented. 
The  ring  is  first  noticed  when  Joseph  was  made  ruler 
of  Egypt :  "  Pharaoh  took  off  his  signft-r'm^  from  his 
hand  and  put  it  upon  Joseph's  hand,  and  put  a  gold 
chain  about  his  neck  "  (xli.  42),  the  latter  being  prob- 
ably a  "  simple  gold  chain  in  imitation  of  string,  to 
which  a  stone  scaraba;us  {a  beetle,  a  sacred  insect), 
set  in  the  same  precious  metal,  was  appended  "  (Wil- 
kinson, ii.  339).  The  number  of  personal  ornaments 
worn  by  the  Egyptians,  particularly  by  the  females,  is 
incidentally  noticed  in  Ex.  iii.  22  (compare  xi.  2). 
The  golden  ear-rings  worn  by  the  "  wives,  sons,  and 
daughters  "  of  the  Israelites  furnished  gold  for  the 
golden  CAi.F  (xxxii.  2  ff.).  Both  men  and  women 
contributed  for  the  work  of  the  Tabernacle  "  brace- 
lets, and  ear-rings,  and  rings,  and  tablets,  all  jewels 
of  gold"  (xxxv.  22).  The  profusion  of  these  orna- 
ments was  such  as  to  supply  sufficient  gold  for 
making  the  sacred  utensils  for  the  Tabernacle,  wliilc 
the  laver  of  brass  was  constructed  out  of  the  braze 
mirrors  which  the  women  carried  about  with  the 
(Ex.  xxxviii.  8).  The  Midianites  appear  to  have  be 
as  prodigal  as  the  Egyptians  in  the  use  of  or 
ments  (Num.  xxxi.  50,  52;  Judg.  viii.  26). 
poetical  portions  of  the  0.  T.  contain  numeroJ 
references  to  the  ornaments  worn  by  the  Israelitf 
in  the  time  of  their  highest  prosperity.  The 
pearance  of  the  bride  is  thus  described  in  Canti 
10,  11  : — "Thy  cheeks  are  comely  with  rows  'i/"/*! 
els  (with  beads,  so  Mr.  Bevan ;  with  rows  or  strinff 
of  pearls,  or  beads  of  gold  or  silver,  so  Geseniu 
with  rows  of  pearls,  so  Furst),  thy  neck  with  chaft 
of  gold  (with  perforated  [pearls],  so  Mr.  Bevan  ; ' 
strings  of  pearls,  gems,  corals,  &c.,  or  necklaces,  I 
Gesenius,  Fiirst) ;  we  will  make  thee  borders  (san 
Hebrew  word  as  is  translated  above  'rows  of  J€[ 
els  '  in  A.  V.  and  '  beads '  by  Mr.  Bevan )  of  gu 
with  studs  of  silver."  Her  neck  rising  tall  an 
stately  "  like  the  tower  of  David  builded  for  an  ar- 
mory," was  decorated  with  various  ornaments  hang 
ing  like  the  "thousand  bucklers,  all  shields  of 
mighty  men,"  on  the  walls  of  the  armory  (Cant,  iv, 
4) :  her  hair  falling  gracefully  over  her  neck  is  dc 


ORN 


OSS 


773 


scritied  figuratively  as  a  "chain  "  (iv.  9) :  and  "  the 
riiiiiiJinfft"  (not  as  in  tlie  A.  V.  "the  joints")  of 
her  thighs  are  likened  to  ike  pendant  of  an  ear-ring, 
which  tapers  gradually  downward  (vii.  1).  So  again 
we  read  of  the  bridegroom : — "  his  eyes  are  .  .  . 
fitly  set,"  as  though  they  were  gems  tilling  the 
sockets  of  rings  (v.  12):  "his  hands  (are  as)  gold 
rings  set  with  the  beryl,"  i.  e.  the  lingers  when 
curved  are  like  gold  rings,  and  the  nails  dyed  with 
henna  resemble  gems.  Lastly,  the  yearning  after 
close  affection  is  expressed  thus : — "  Set  me  as  a 
seal  upon  tliuie  heart,  as  a  seal  upon  thine  arm  " 
(viii.  6).  Of  the  tenns  used  in  the  Proverbs  Mr. 
Bevan  (after  Gesenius)  explains  the  "  ornament  "  of 
the  A.  V.  in  i.  9,  iv.  9,  as  more  specifically  a  wreath 
or  f/arland ;  the  "  chains  "  of  i.  9  as  the  drops  of 
which  the  necklace  was  formed;  the  "jewel  of  gold 
in  a  swine's  snout "  of  xi.  22  as  a  nose-ring  ;  the 
"jewel"  of  XX.  15  as  a  <WhXW,  and  the  "  ornament " 
of  XXV.  12  as  an  ear-peiidanl.  He  also  explains  Is. 
iii.  18-2.3,  already  referred  to,  thus: — (18)  "In  that 
day  the  Lord  will  take  away  the  bravery  of  their 
anklets  and  their  lace  caps,  and  their  necklaces  ;  (19) 
th  cear-pendants,  and  the  bracelets,  and  the  light  veils  ; 
(20)  the  turbans,  and  the  step-chains,  and  the  girdles, 
and  the  scent-bottles,  and  the  amulets  ;  (21)  the  rings 
and  the  nose-rings;  (22)  the  state-dresses  and  the 
cloaks,  and  the  shawls,  and  the  purses  ;  (23)  the  mir- 
rors, and  the  fine  linen  shirts,  and  the  turbans,  and 
the  tight  dresses."  Amulets  ;  Anklet  ;  Armlet  ; 
Bracelet  ;  Cfiai.s  ;  Crown  ;  Dress  ;  Ear-rings  ; 
GiRULE ;  Gold;  Hair;  Handicraft;  Head-dress; 
IIiRROR  ;  Nose-jewel  ;  Paint  ;  Pearl  ;  Ring  ;  Seal  ; 
Signet  ;  Stones,  Precious  ;  Tablets,  &c. 

Or'nan  (Heb.  active,  nimble,  Gcs. ;  strong  one,  hero, 
Fii.)  =  Araunah  the  Jebusite  (1  C'hr.  xxi.  15,  18, 
20-2.5,  28;  2  Chr.  iii.  1). 

Or'pah  (Heb.  mane,  forelock,  or  (so  Sim.)  =  OpH- 
RAii,  Gcs.),  a  Moabite  woman,  wife  of  Chilion  son 
of  Naomi,  and  thereby  sister-in-law  to  Ruth.  On 
the  death  of  their  husbands  Orpah  accompanied  her 
sister-in-law  and  her  mother-in-law  on  the  road 
toward  Bethlehem.  But  her  resolution  failed  her. 
At  Naomi's  suggestion,  "  Orpah  kissed  her  mother- 
in-law,"  and  went  back  "  to  her  people  and  to  her 
gods"(Ru.  i.  4,  14). 

*  Or'phaila   Alms  ;  Child  ;  Heir  ;  Law  oe  Moses  ; 

WlIKlW. 

Or-tho  si-as  (Gr.  straight,  made  straight,  Walton's 
Polyglott ;  rather,  fr.  Phcnician  =  light  of  upright- 
ness or  of  msdoin,  Wr.).  Tryphon,  when  besieged 
by  Antiochus  Sidetes  in  Dora,  fled  by  sliip  to  Ortho- 
sias  (1  Mc.  XV.  37).  Orthosia  is  described  by  Pliny 
(v.  17)  as  N.  of  Tripolis,  and  S.  of  the  river  Eleu- 
therus,  near  which  it  was  situated  (Str.  xvi.  p.  753). 
It  wiis  the  northern  boundary  of  Phenicia,  1,130 
stadia  from  the  Orontes  (id.  p.  760).  Shaw  identi- 
fies the  Eleutherus  with  the  modern  Nahr  el-Bdrid, 
on  the  north  bank  of  which,  corresponding  to  the 
description  of  Strain),  he  found  "  ruins  of  a  con- 
siderable city,  whose  adjacent  district  pays  yearly 
to  the  Pashas  of  Tripolis  a  tax  of  fifty  dollars  by 
the  name  of  Or-tosa."  Dr.  Robinson  also,  who,  with 
Mr.  Porter,  identifies  the  Eleutherus  with  the  mod- 
em .Vahr  el-Krhir,  regards  these  ruins  as  the  site  of 
the  ancient  Orthosia.  Thcv  are  on  the  Mediterra- 
nean coast  in  N.  lat.  34^"  (Rbn.  iii.  582). 

0-<«i'a»  [-7.a'yas]  (Gr.),  a  corruption  of  Jeshaiah 
(1  E-'d.  viii.  48). 

(M«'t  :^  HosiiEA,  king  of  Israel  (2  Esd.  xiii.  40). 

«)-)(« IS  =  the  Prophet  Hosea  (2  Esd.  i.  39). 

•  0^  e  (Gr.)  =  UosEA  the  prophet  (Rom.  ix.  25). 


O-sbe'a  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Hoshea,  the  original  name 
of  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun  (Num.  xiii.  8,  16). 

Os'pray,  or  Os'prcy  (Heb.  oz«iy<SA;  Gr.  haliaietos  ; 
L.  halimetus).  The  Hebrew  word  occurs  only  in 
Lev.  xi.  13,  and  Dent.  xiv.  12,  as  the  name  of  some 
unclean  bird  which  the  law  of  Moses  disallowed  as 
food  to  the  Israelites.  The  English  "  ospray  "  is  a 
corruption  of  "  ossifrage."  The  old  versions  and 
many  commentators  favor  the  A.  V.  interpretation. 
There  is,  however,  some  difficulty  in  identifying  the 
haliteetus  of  Aristotle  and  Pliny,  on  account  of  some 
statements  these  writers  make  witli  respect  to  the 
habits  of  this  bird.  The  general  description  they 
give  would  suit  either  the  ospray  (I'andiou  Haliae- 


Ospray  iPani 

(us)  or  the  white-tailed  eagle  (Haliaetns  albicilla). 
But  Pliny's  description  (x.  3)  points  to  the  ospray, 
which  is  a  powerful  bird  of  prey,  often  weighing 
five  pounds,  and  is  known  as  the  fishing  eagle,  bald 
buzzard,  fish-hawk,  &c.  The  ospray  often  plunges 
entirely  under  the  water  in  pursuit  of  fish.  It  be- 
longs to  the  Falconidie,  or  falcon  family  (genus  FnUo 
of  Linnaeus).  It  has  a  wide  geographical  range  in 
Europe,  North  America,  &c.,  and  is  occasionally 
seen  in  Egypt. 

Os'sl-frage  (fr.  L.  =  bone-breaker  ;    Heb.  peres  ; 
Gr.  grups  ;  L.  gryps).     There  is  much  to  be  said  in 


Lunmergeycr  {GypaHtu  barlMtvt)  — 


774 


OST 


OST 


favor  of  this  translation  of  the  A.  V.  The  word 
occurs,  as  the  name  of  an  unclean  bird,  in  Lev.  xi. 
13,  and  Deut.  xiv.  12.  If  much  weight  is  to  be  al- 
lowed to  etymology,  the  Heb.  jieres  (=  breaker)  may 
well  be  represented  by  the  ossifrage,  or  bone-breaker 
{GypaHus  barbalus),  known  as  the  Lammergei/er,  or 
bearded  vulture,  one  of  the  largest  of  the  birds  of 
prey.  Tliis  formidable  bird  attacks  the  wild  goat, 
young  deer,  sheep,  calves,  &c.  It  is  found  in  the 
highest  mountains  of  Europe,  Asia,  &nd  Africa,  and  is 
not  uncommon  in  tlie  East.  The  English  word  ossi- 
frage has  been  applied  to  some  of  the  Falconidce  or 
falcon  family,  as  the  young  of  the  sea -eagle  or  white- 
tailed  eagle,  Halknetus  albicilla  ;  but  the  ossifraga 
of  the  Latins  evidently  points  to  the  Lammergeyer, 
one  of  the  Vnhuridce  or  vulture  family.     Ospuay. 

Os'tricli.  There  can  be  no  doubt  (so  Mr.  Houghton) 
that  the  Hebrew  words  bath  hayya'ajidh,  ya'eii,  and 
rdndn,  denote  this  bird  of  the  desert. — 1.  Bath  hay. 
ya'amih  occurs  in  Lev.  xi.  IBandpeut.  xiv.  15,  in  the 
list  of  unclean  birds ;  also  in  Job  xxx.  29  ;  Is.  xiii. 
21,  xxxiv.  13,  xliii.  20;  Jer.  1.  39;  Mic.  i.  8.  The 
A.  V.  erroneously  renders  the  Hebrew  expression, 
which  signifies  daughter  of  greediness  or  daughter 
of  shouting,  by  "  owl,"  or,  as  in  the  margin,  by 
"daughter  of  owl."  In  Job  xxx.  29,  and  in  Is. 
xxxiv.  13,  and  xliii.  20,  the  margin  of  the  A.  V.  cor- 
rectly reads  "ostriches."  Bochart  considers  that 
bath  hayya'Un&h  denotes  the  female  ostrich  only, 
and  that  tahmds  or  tachmds,  the  following  word  in 
the  Hebrew  text,  is  to  be  restricted  to  the  male 
bird.  In  all  probability,  however,  this  latter  word 
is  intended  to  signify  a  bird  of  another  genus. 
(\iOHT-HAWK.)  The  loud  crying  of  the  ostrich 
seems  to  be  referred  to  in  Mic.  i.  8. — 2.  Yd'en  oc- 
curs only  in  the  plural,  yij'enim,  A.  V.  "  ostriches," 
in  Lam.  iv.  3,  where  the  context  shows  that  the 
ostrich  is  intended. — 3.  Rdndn.  The  plural  rc»(jH«« 
alone  occurs  in  Job  xxxix.  13  ;  where,  however,  it  is 
clear  from  the  whole  passage  (ver.  13-18)  that 
ostriches  are  intended  by  the  word.  The  Hebrew 
of  ver.  13  is:  Cendph-rindnim  ne'HAsdh;  im-ehrdh 
hasiddh  (or  ehilsiddh)  venotsdh  ;  the  A.  V.  translates 
"  Gavest  thou  the  goodly  wings  unto  the  peacocks  ? 
or  wings  and  feathers  unto  the  ostrich  ? "  in  the 
margin,  "  or,  the  feathers  of  the  stork  and  ostrich." 
Here  renduim  appears  to  be  translated  "  peacocks" 
(Peacock),  while  "  ostrich "  in  the  A.  V.  margin 
appears  to  answer  to  notsdh  (elsewhere  rendered 
"  feathers  "),  and  "  ostrich  "  in  the  A.V.  text  seems 
to  be  the  translation  of  hftsiddh  or  chQsiddh  (else- 
where translated  "  stork  ").  This  verse  has  been 
translated  more  than  twenty  different  ways,  and  the 
exact  meaning  is  doubtful.  Rosenmiiller  translates, 
"  Tlie  wing  of  the  ostrich  exults:  truly  its  wing 
and  plumage  is  like  the  stork's."  Gcsenius  (and 
with  him  Kiirst,  in  substance)  renders,  "  The  wing 
of  the  ostrich  exults:  but  are  her  pinions  and 
feathers  pious  ?  "  i.  e.  is  she  affectionate  toward  her 
young  like  the  stork  ?  Mr.  Barnes  {on  Job,  1.  c.) 
would  render,  "  A  wing  of  exulting  fowls  moves 
joyfully !  Is  it  the  wing  and  plumage  of  the  pious 
bird  ?  " — The  ostrich  (Struthio  Camelus  of  natural- 
ists) is  a  native  of  Africa  and  of  the  Arabian  and 
Syrian  deserts.  Ostriches  are  polygamous :  the 
hens  lay  their  eggs  promiscuously  in  one  nest, 
which  is  merely  a  hole  scratched  in  the  sand ;  the 
eggs  are  then  covered  over  to  the  depth  of  about  a 
foot,  and  are,  in  the  case  of  those  birds  which  are 
found  within  the  tropics,  generally  left  for  the 
greater  part  of  the  day  to  the  heat  of  the  sun,  the 
parent-birds  taking  their  turns  at  incubation  during 


the  night.  But  in  those  countries  which  have  not 
a  tropical  sun,  ostriches  frequently  incubate  during 
the  day,  the  male  taking  his  turn  at  night,  and 
watching  over  the  eggs  with  great  care  and  afieetion, 
as  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  jackals  and  other  of  J 
the  smaller  carnivorous  quadrupeds  are  occasionally! 
found  dead  near  the  nest,  having  been  killed  by  the} 


ostrich  in  defence  of  the  eggs  or  young.  The  habit  J 
of  the  o.strich  leaving  its  eggs  to  be  matured  by  the! 
sun's  heat  is  usually  appealed  to  in  order  to  con-j 
firm  the  Scriptural  account,  "  she  leaveth  her  cggsl 
to  the  earth ; "  but  this  is  probably  the  case  onlT| 
with  the  tropical  birds.  And  even  if  the  Hebrews 
were  acquainted  with  the  habits  of  the  tropica 
ostriches,  how  can  it  be  said  that  "  she  forgettethl 
that  the  foot  may  crush  "  the  eggs,  when  they  are 
covered  a  foot  deep  or  more  in  sand  ?  Mr.  Hough- 
ton believes  the  true  explanation  of  this  passage  to 
be  found  in  the  fact  that  the  ostrich  deposits  some 
of  her  eggs  not  in  the  nest,  but  around  it ;  tliese 
lie  about  on  the  surface  of  the  sand,  to  all  appear- 
ance forsaken ;  they  are,  however,  designed  for  the 
nourishment  of  the  young  birds.  Dr.  Shaw  ( Trnreh 
in  Barbary)  states  that  "  upon  the  least  distant  noise 
or  trivial  occasion,  she  forsakes  her  eggs  or  her 
young  ones,  to  which,  perhaps,  she  never  returns 
or,  if  she  does,  it  may  be  too  late,  either  to  restoi 
life  to  the  one,  or  to  preserve  the  life  of  the  othei 
....  The  Arabs  meet  sometimes  with  whole  nesi 
of  these  eggs  undisturbed,  some  of  which  are  sweej 
and  good,  others  addled  and  corrupted;  othei 
again  have  their  young  ones  of  different  growtbl 
according  to  the  time,  it  may  be  presumed,  the; 
have  been  forsaken  by  the  dam.  They  oftener  meet 
a  few  of  the  little  ones,  no  bigger  than  Well-grown 
pullets,  half  starved,  straggling  and  moaning  about, 
like  so  many  distressed  orphans,  for  their  mother." 
The  Arabs  have  a  proverb,  "  Stupid  as  an  ostrich." 
But  travellers  have  frequently  testified  to  its  sa- 
gacity. "So  wary  is  the  bird,"  says  Mr.  Tristrain» 
"  and  so  open  are  the  vast  plains  over  which  it 
roams,  that  no  ambuscades  or  artifices  can  be  em- 
ployed, and  the  vulgar  resource  of  dogged  pers^ 
verance  is  the  only  mode  of  pursuit."  The  ostric* 
lives  on  vegetable  food,  especially  seeds  and  grain; 
but  it  swallows  greedily  stones,  iron,  copper,  pinss, 
wood,  hair,  leather,  &c.,  and  its  undiscriminating 


is;  . 

1 

m 

le^l 


OTH 


OWL 


iO 


voracity  not  unfrequently  causes  its  death.  In  this 
respect  it  may  be  regarded  as  "  Etupid."  Tlie 
Oitrich  makes  a  doleful  and  hideous  noise,  which 
sometimes  closely  resembles  the  roar  of  a  lion. 
The  ostrich  is  the  largest  of  all  known  birds,  and 
perhaps  the  swiftest  of  all  cursorial  animals.  It 
attains  a  height  of  from  7  to  11  feet.  Its  speed 
has  been  calculated  by  Dr.  Livingstone  at  26 
miles  an  hour.  Its  pace,  ordinarily  iiom  20  to 
26  inches,  becomes,  when  terrified,  11^  to  13,  or 
even  14  feet  in  length.  Its  strength  is  enormous. 
Its  wings,  useless  for  flight,  are  extended  when  the 
bird  is  pursued,  and  act  then  as  sails  before  the 
wind.'  The  feathers  so  much  prized  are  the  long 
white  plumes  of  the  wings.  The  best  come  to  us 
from  Barbary  and  the  \V.  coast  of  Africa.  Beast 
5 ;  OciiiM. 

Oth'nl  (Ileb.  lion  of  Jehovah,  Ges.),  a  Levite,  son 
of  Shemaiah,  the  first-born  of  Obed-edom  (1  Chr. 
xxvi.  7). 

Oth'nl-»l  (Ileb.  lion  of  God),  son  of  Kenaz,  and 
younger  brother  of  Caleb  1  (Josh,  xv  17;  Judg.  i. 
13,  iii.  9;  1  Chr.  iv.  13).  But  these  passages  all 
leave  it  doubtful  whether  Kenaz  was  his  father,  or, 
as  is  more  probable,  the  more  remote  ancestor  and 
head  of  the  tribe,  whose  descendants  were  called 
Kenezites  (Xum.  xxxii.  12,  &c.),  or  sous  of  Kenaz. 
If  Jephunneh  was  Caleb's  father,  then,  probably, 
he  was  father  of  Othnicl  also.  The  first  mention 
of  Othniel  is  on  occasion  of  the  taking  of  Kirjath- 
sepher,  or  Debib.  Debir  was  included  in  the  moun- 
tainous territory  near  Hebron,  iu  Judah,  assigned 
to  Caleb  the  Kenezite  (Josh.  xiv.  12,  14);  and  to 
stimulate  the  valor  of  the  assailants,  Caleb  prom- 
ised to  give  his  daughter  Achsah  to  whosoever 
should  assault  and  take  the  city.  Othniel  won  the 
prize.  The  next  mention  of  him  is  in  Judg.  iii.  9, 
as  the  first  judge  of  Israel  after  the  death  of  Joshua, 
and  their  deliverer  from  the  oppression  of  Chushan- 
rishathaim.  This,  with  his  genealogy  (1  Chr.  iv. 
13,  14),  which  assigns  him  a  son,  Hathath,  is  all 
that  we  know  of  Othniel.  But  two  questions  of 
some  interest  arise  concerning  him ;  the  one  his 
exact  relationship  to  Caleb,  the  other  the  time  and 
duration  of  his  judgeship. — (1.)  As  regards  his  re- 
lationship to  Caleb,  the  doubt  arises  from  the  un- 
certainty whether  the  words  in  Judg.  iii.  9,  "  Oth- 
niel the  son  of  Kenaz,  Caleb's  younger  brother," 
indicate  that  Othniel  himself,  or  that  Kenaz,  was  the 
brother  of  Caleb.  The  most  natural  rendering 
makes  Othniel  to  be  Caleb's  brother  (so  Lord  A.  C. 
Hervey,  with  the  Vulgate,  Kitto,  Winer,  Roscn- 
miiller,  Keil,  &c.).  But  Bush,  Fairbaim,  Ayre,  &c., 
with  the  LXX.,  regard  Othniel  as  nephew  of  Caleb. 
— (2.)  And  this  leads  to  the  second  question  sug- 
gested above,  viz.  the  time  of  Othniel's  judgeship. 
Supposing  Caleb  to  be  about  the  same  age  as 
Joshua,  we  should  have  to  reckon  about  25  years 
from  Othniel's  marriage  with  Achsah  till  the  death 
i.f  Joshua  at  the  age  of  110  years  (86  -f  25  =  110). 
And  if  we  take  Africanus's  allowance  of  30  years 
for  the  elders  after  Joshua,  in  whose  Ufetime  "  the 
people  served  the  Lord  "  (Judg.  ii.  7),  and  then  allow 
8  years  for  Chushan-rishathaim's  dominion,  and  40 
years  of  rest  under  Othniel's  judgeship,  and  sup- 
pose Othnicl  to  have  been  40  years  old  at  his  mar- 
riage, we  obtain  (40 -f- 26 -(- 30  ■^  8 -f  40  = )  143  years 
as  Othniel's  age  at  his  death.  This,  we  are  quite 
sure,  cannot  be  right.  Nor  does  any  escape  from 
the  (lIHiculty  very  readily  offer  itself.  If  we  judge 
I'fdy  by  ordinary  probabilities,  we  sliall  suppose 
Othniel  to  have  survived  Joshua  not  more  than  20, 


or  at  the  outside,  SO  years  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey, 
original  author  of  this  article).  The  chronological 
difliculties  are,  however,  mitigated  essentially  by 
the  view  that  Othnicl  was  Caleb's  nephew.  Judge; 
Judges. 

Oth-o-ni'as  (Gr.)  =  Mattaniar  in  Ezr.  x.  27  (1 
Esd.  ix.  28). 

Ct'cu  [uv'n]  (Heb.  tannur  ;  Gr.  klibanos).  The 
Eastern  oven  is  of  two  kinds — fixed  and  portable. 
The  former  is  found  only  in  towns,  where  regular 
bakers  are  employed  (Hos.  vii.  4).  The  latter  is 
adapted  to  the  nomad  state,  and  is  the  article  gen- 
erally intended  by  the  Hebrew  tannur.  It  consists 
of  a  large  jar  made  of  clay,  about  three  feet  high, 
and  widening  toward  the  bottom,  with  a  liolc  for 
the  extraction  of  the  ashes.  Each  household  pos- 
sessed such  an  article  (Ex.  viii.  3) ;  and  it  was  only 
in  times  of  extreme  dearth  that  the  same  oven  suf- 
ficed for  several  families  (Lev.  xxvi.  26).  It  was 
heated  with  dry  twigs  and  "  grass  "  (Mat.  vi.  30), 
or  wood  (1  K.  xvii.  12  ;  Is,  xliv.  15;  Jer.  vii.  18), 
sometimes  with  dcng  ;  and  the  loaves  were  placed 
both  inside  and  outside  of  it.  Bread  ;  Coal  ;  Fire; 
FcRNACE ;  Handichabt  ;  Hearth  ;  House. 

Owl,  the  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of — 1.  Heb. 
bath  hat/ya'andh.  (Ostrich.) — 2.  Heb.  yanshuph,  or 
yanshoph,  the  name  of  some  unclean  bird  in  Lev. 
xi.  17  and  Deut.  xiv.  16,  mentioned  also  in  Is.  xxxiv. 
1 1  as  one  of  the  birds  of  desolate  Edom.  The  A.V. 
translates  yanshuph  by  "  owl "  or  "  great  owl. ' 
The  Chaldee  and  Syriac  (with  Bochart)  lavor  some 
kind  of  owl ;    and  perhaps  the  etymology  of  the 


££:]rpUan  IbU  (It/if  rthgioid), 

word  points  to  a  nocturnal  bird.  The  LXX.  and 
Vulgate  read  ibis,  i.  c.  the  Jbm  relir/iosa,  the  sacred 
bird  of  Egypt.  On  the  whole,  the  evidence  is  in- 
conclusive, though  it  is  in  favor  of  the  Ibis  rcligiosa, 
and  probably  the  other  Egyptian  species  (Ihis  falei- 
nellns)  may  be  included  under  the  term.  The  ibis 
is  an  aquatic  bird  allied  to  the  curlews. — 3.  Heb, 
cos,  an  unclean  bird  (Lev.  xi.  17;  Deut.  xiv.  16;  Ps. 
cii.  6).  Ihere  is  pood  reason  for  believing  that  the 
A.V.  is  correct  in  its  rendering  of  "  owl  "  or  "  little 
owl."  Most  of  the  old  versions  and  paraphrases 
favor  some  species  of  "  owl  "  as  the  proper  trans- 
lation of  c6s  ;  Bochart  is  inclined  to  think  that  we 
should  understand  the  pelican.  But  the  ancient 
versions  are  against  this  theory.  The  passage  in 
Ps.  cii.  6  points  decidedly  to  some  kind  of  owl  (so 
Mr.  Houghton).     The  LXX.  translate  the  Hebrew 


776 


OWL 


-OX 


by  iiuktikorax,  which  doubtless  —  the  different  spe- 
cies of  horned  owl,  known  in  Egypt  and  Palestine. 
The  Otui  Ascalaphia,  here  figured,  abounds  in  the 


Eag)e-Owl  of  PalestLae  (Otui  Aaealapkua). 

ruins  of  Thebes,  &c. ;  it  is  the  great  owl  of  all 
Eastern  ruins,  and  the  Egyptian  and  Asiatic  repre- 
sentative of  the  great  horned  owl  of  England  {Bubo 
nmximus).  An  allied  species,  the  long-eared  owl 
( Otw!  vulgaris),  is  the  most  abundant  of  the  owls 
in  Southern  Europe  and  the  Levant  (so  Gosse,  in 
Fairbaim). — i.  Heb.  kippoz,  only  in  Is.  xxxiv.  15 : 
"There  (i.  e.  in  Edom)  shall  the  kippoz  (A.  V. 
'great  owl')  make  her  nest,  and  lay,  and  hatch, 
and  gather  under  her  shadow."  It  is  a  hopeless 
affair  to  attempt  to  identify  the  animal  denoted  by 
ihis  word ;  the  LXX.  and  Vulgate  give  "  hedge- 
hog." We  cannot  think,  with  Boehart,  Gesenius, 
Fiirst,  Rosenmiiller,  &c.,  that  a  darting  serpent  is 


Athene  meridumalit, 


intended,  for  the  whole  context  (Is.  xxxiv.  16)  seems 
to  point  to  some  bird.  We  are  content  to  believe 
that  kippoz  may  denote  some  species  of  owl,  and 
to  retain  the  reading  of  the  A.  V.  till  other  evi- 
dence be  forthcoming  (so  Mr.  Houghton,  Mr.  Gosse, 
in  Fairbaim,  &c.).  The  cut  represents  the  Athene 
mcridionalis,  the  commonest  owl  in  Palestine. — 5. 
Heb.  lUith.    The  A.  V.  renders  this  word  by  "  screech 


owl  "  in  the  text  of  Is.  xxxiv.  14,  and  by  "night- 
monster  "  in  the  margin.  Most  modern  interpreters 
(so  Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander,  in  Kitto)  adopt  the  ren- 
dering "  sereech-owl."  According  to  the  Rabbins 
the  lilith  was  a  nocturnal  spectre  in  the  form  of  a 
beautiful  woman  that  carried  ofiF  children  at  night 
and  destroyed  them.  With  the  lUith  may  be  com- 
pared the  ghide  of  the  Arabian  fables.  The  old 
versions  support  the  opinion  of  Bochart  that  a 
spectre  is  intended.  If,  however,  some  animal  be 
denoted  by  the  Hebrew  term,  the  screech-owl  ( Hlrix 
flammea)  may  well  be  supposed  to  nepresent  it,  for 
this  bird  is  found  in  the  Bible  lands,  and  is,  as  is 
well  known,  a  frequent  inhabiter  of  ruined  places 
(so  Mr.  Houghton).     Night-hawk  ;  Ochim. 

Ox  (Gr.),  an  ancestor  of  Judith  (.Id.  viii.  1). 

Ox,  the  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of  several 
Hebrew  words,  the  most  important  of  wliicli  have 
been  already  noticed.  (Bull.)  It  may  be  added 
that  the  Heb.  ailuph  {=:  an  ox,  buttock,  as  tamed  and 
accustomed  to  the  yoke,  Ges.)  is  translated  "  ox  " 
in  Jer.  xi.  19,  and  Ps.  cxliv.  14;  the  kindred  Heb. 
ele/ih  ( =  an  ox,  cow,  as  tame  and  wonted  to  the  yoke, 
Ges. ;  Alkph)  is  used  only  in  the  plural  to  denote 
"  osen  "  (Ps.  viii.  7  [8  Heb.] ;  Prov.  xiv.  4  ;  Is.  xxx. 
24)  and  "  kine,"  i.  e.  cows  (Deut.  vii.  13,  xxviii.  4, 
18,  51) ;  the  plural  of  the  Gr.  tanros  is  twice  trans- 
lated "  oxen  "  in  the  N.  T.  (Mat.  xxii.  4  ;  Acts  xiv. 
13);  and  the  Gr.  boux  (=  an  ox  or  cow,  a  male  or 
female  of  the  ox  kind,  Rbn.  ^V.  T.  Lex.,  L.  &  S.)  is 
uniformly  translated  "ox"  and  "oxen"  (Lk.  xiii. 
15,  xiv.  5,  19,  &c.). — We  propose  in  this  article  to 
give  a  general  review  of  what  relates  to  the  ox  tribe 
(Bovidm),  so  far  as  the  subject  has  a  Biblical  interest. 
It  will  be  convenient  to  consider  (1.)  the  ox  in  an 
economic  point  of  view,  and  (2.)  its  natural  history. 
— (1.)  There  was  no  animal  in  the  rural  yconomy 
of  the  Israelites,  or  indeed  in  that  of  the  ancient 
Orientals  generally,  that  was  held  in  higher  esteem 
than  the  ox  ;  and  deservedly  so,  for  the  ox  was  llu 
animal  upon  whose  patient  labors  depended  all  the 
ordinary  operations  of  farming.  Oxen  were  used 
for  ploughing  (Deut.  xxii.  10 ;  1  Sara.  xiv.  14,  &c.); 
for  treading  out  "corn  "  (Deut.  xxv.  4  ;  Hos.  x.  11, 
&c.) ;  for  draught  purposes,  when  they  were  gen- 
erally yoked  in  pairs  (Num.  vii.  3 ;  1  Sam.  vi.  7, 
&c.);  as  beasts  of  burden  (1  Clir.  xii.  40);  tlieir 
flesh  was  eaten  (Deut.  xiv.  4  ;  IK.  i.  9,  &c. ;  Foon) ; 
they  were  used  in  the  sacrifices  (Sacrifice)  ;  they 
supplied  MILK,  BUTTER,  &c.  (Dcut.  xxxii.  14;  Is.  viL 
22  ;  2  Sam.  xvii.  29).  (Herd.)  Connected  with  the 
importance  of  oxen  in  the  rural  economy  of  the 
Jews  is  the  strict  code  of  laws  which  was  mercifully 
enacted  by  God  for  their  protection  and  preserva- 
tion. The  ox  that  threshed  the  corn  was  by  no 
means  to  be  muzzled  (Deut.  xxv.  4 ;  1  Cor.  ix.  9  S. ; 
1  Tim.  V.  1 8 ;  Agriculture)  ;  he  was  to  enjoy  rest 
on  the  Sabbath  as  well  as  his  master  (Ex.  xxiii.  12i 
Deut.  V.  14).  The  law  which  prohibited  the  slaugn 
ter  of  any  "  clean  "  animal,  excepting  as  "  an  ofTei 
ing  unto  the  Lord  before  the  Tabernacle,"  durinj 
the  time  that  the  Israelites  abode  in  the  wildeme 
(Lev.  xvii.  1-6),  no  doubt  contributed  to  the  prcw 
vation  of  their  oxen  and  sheep.  It  seems  cle 
from  Prov.  xv.  17,  and  1  K.  iv.  23,  that  cattle  were' 
sometimes  stall-fed  (Barn  ;  Food  ;  Manger),  though 
as  a  general  rule  it  is  probable  that  they  fed  in  the 
plains  or  on  the  hills  of  Palestine.  The  cattle  that 
grazed  at  large  in  the  open  country  would  no  doubt 
often  become  fierce  and  wild,  for  it  is  to  be  remem- 
bered that  in  primitive  times  the  lion  and  other 
wild  beasts  of  prey  roamed  about  Palestine.   Hence 


OXG 


PAI 


V77 


the  force  of  the  Psalmist's  complaint  of  his  enemies 
(Ps.  xxii.  IS). — (2.)  The  monuments  of  Egypt  ex- 
hibit representations  of  a  long-homed  breed  of 
oxen,  a  short-horned,  a  polled,  and  what  appears  to 
be  a  variety  ot  the  zebu  [Boa  Indicus,  Linn.).  Some 
have  identified  this  latter  with  the  £<«>  i)««te  (the 
Una  ftfffatu  el  jxirvitx  Afrieanus  of  Belon).  Tlie 
Abyssinian  breed  is  depicted  on  the  monuments  at 
Thebes  drawing  a  ear  or  caht.  The  drawings  on 
Egyptian  monuments  show  that  the  cattle  of  ancient 
Egypt  were  tine,  handsome  animals  (see  cuts  under 
A(iRici;i.Ti:RE) ;  doubtless  these  may  be  taken  as  a 
sample  of  the  cattle  of  Palestine  in  ancient  times. 
There  are  now  fine  cattle  in  Egypt ;  but  the  Pales- 
tine cattle  appear  to  have  deteriorated,  in  size  at 
least,  since  Biblical  times.  "  Herds  of  cattle,"  says 
Schubert,  "  arc  seldom  to  be  seen  ;  the  bullock  of 
the  neighhoi'hood  of  Jerusalem  is  small  and  insig- 
nificant ;  beef  and  veal  are  but  rare  dainties."  The 
'•'iffalo  (liiib'ihis  Biijfiilus)  is  not  unconnnon  in  Pal- 

liiie  ;  the  Arabs  call  'Mjiimua. 

Ox -goad.    Goad. 

O'Zfm  (fr.  Heb.  =  strength,  power,  Fii.,  Ges.).  1. 
Sixth  son  of  Jesse,  the  next  eldest  above  David  (1 
Chr.  ii.  15).— 2.  Son  of  Jerahmeel  (ii.  25). 

0-ri'«s(Gr.  =  I'z/.iAH,  LXX.,  Ges.,  &c.).  I.  Son 
of  Micha  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon,  one  of  the  "  gov- 
ernors "  of  Belhulia,  in  the  history  of  Judith  (Jd. 
vi.  15,  vii.  23,  viii.  10,  28,  35). — i,  Uzzi,  ancestor  of 
Ezra  (2  Esd.  ii.  2). — 3,  Uzziaii,  king  of  Judah  (Mat. 
i.  8,  9). 

0'zi-«l  (Gr.  =  UzziEi),  an  ancestor  of  Judith  (Jd. 
riii.  1). 

Ql'ol  (Heb.  furnished  with  ears,  attentive,  Ges. ; 
hearing  by  Jah,  Fii.),  a  son  of  Gad  (Num.  xxvi.  16), 
and  founder  of  the  family  of  the  Oznites.     Ezbon. 

Oz'nites  =  descendants  of  Ozni  (Num.  xxvi.  16). 

O-zo'ra.  "Nathan,  and  Adaiah,  Machnadeuai," 
in  Ezr.  x.  39,  40,  is  corrupted  into  "  Nathanias ;  and 
of  the  sons  of  Ozora"  (1  Esd.  ix.  34). 


Pa'a-rai  (Heb.  opening,  Cruden,  Ges.).  In  2  Sam. 
xxiii.  35,  "  Paarai  the  Arbite "  is  one  of  David's 
mighty  men.  In  1  Chr.  xi.  37,  he  is  called  "  Naarai 
the  son  of  Ezbai,"  and  this,  in  Kennicott's  opinion, 
is  the  true  reading. 

Pa'dan  (Heb.  jiaddan  =  a  plain,  low  region,  Gee. ; 
sec  below)  =  PAnAX-ARAM  (Gen.  xlviii.  7). 

Pa'dan-a'ram  (Heb. ;  see  above  and  below).  By 
this  name,  more  properly  Paddan-aram  (^  the  table- 
land of  Aram),  according  to  Kiirst  and  Gesenius, 
the  Hebrews  designated  the  tract  of  country  which 
they  otherwise  called  Aram-naharaim  (=  Aram  of 
the  two  rivers),  the  Greek  Mksopotamia  (Gen.  xxiv. 
10),  and  "  the  field  (A.  V.  '  countrv  ')  of  Aram  " 
(A.  V.  "Syria,"  Hos.  xii.  13  fA.  V.  12]).  The 
term  was  perhaps  more  especially  applied  to  that 
portion  which  bordered  on  the  Euphrates,  to  dis- 
tinguish it  from  the  mountainous  districts  in  the 
N.  and  N.  E.  of  Mesopotamia.  Gesenius  makes 
Padan-aram  =  "  Mesopotamia  with  the  desert  on 
the  W.  of  the  Euphrates  ;  opposed  to  the  mountain- 
ous region  along  the  Mediterranean."  Dr.  Beke 
would  identify  I'ailan-aram  with  the  tract  between 
the  Abana  and  the  Pharpar,  in  the  region  of  Damas- 
cus ;  but  his  view  has  not  found  much  favor  among 
Biblical  scholars.  (Haram.)  If  the  derivation  from 
Ar.  fadda,  to  jimigh,  be  correct,  Padan-aram  is  the 
arable  land  of  Syria ;  "  either  an  upland  vale  in  the 


hills,  or  a  fertile  district  immediately  at  their  feet" 
(StI.  p.  128,  n.).  Padan-aram  plays  an  important 
part  in  the  early  history  of  the  Hebrews.  The  fam- 
ily of  their  founder  had  settled  tliere,  and  were  long 
looked  upon  as  those  with  whom  alone  the  legitimate 
descendants  of  Abraham  might  intermarry.  (Isaac; 
Jacoh.)  It  is  elsewhere  called  Paran  simply  (Gen. 
xlviii.  7). 

Pa'don  (Heb.  deliverance,  Ges.),  ancestor  of  a  fam- 
ily of  Nclhinim  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
ii.  44  ;  Neh.  vii.  47). 

Pa'gl-fl  (Heb.  event  of  God,  Ges.),  son  of  Ocran, 
and  cliief  of  Asher  at  the  Exodus  (Num.  i.  13,  ii.  27, 
vii.  72,  77,  x.  2C). 

Pa'liatll-ino'ab  (Heb.  governor  of  Moab),  head  of 
one  of  the  chief  houses  of  the  tribe  of  Judah.  Of 
the  individual,  or  the  occasion  of  his  receiving  so 
singular  a  name,  notliing  is  known  certainly.  But 
as  we  read  in  1  Chr.  iv.  22,  of  a  family  of  Shilonites, 
of  the  trilic  of  Judah,  who  in  very  early  times  "  had 
dominion  in  Moab,"  it  may  be  conjectured  tliat  this 
was  the  origin  of  the  name  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Uervey, 
original  author  of  this  article).  It  is  perhaps  a  sliglit 
corroboration  of  this  conjecture  that  as  we  find  in 
Ezr.  ii.  6,  that  the  sons  of  Pahath-moab  had  among 
tlieir  number  "  children  of  Joab,"  so  also  in  1  Chr. 
iv.  we  find  these  families  who  had  dominion  in  Moab 
very  much  mixed  witli  the  sons  of  Caleb,  among 
whom,  in  1  Clir.  ii.  64,  iv.  14,  we  find  the  house  of 
Joab.  However,  as  regards  the  name  Pahath-moab, 
this  early  and  obscure  connection  of  the  families  of 
Shelah  the  son  of  Judah  with  Moab  seems  to  supply 
a  not  improbable  origin  for  the  name  itself,  and  to 
tlirow  some  glimmering  upon  the  association  of  the 
children  of  Joshua  and  Joab  with  the  sons  of  Pa- 
hath-moab. That  this  family  was  of  high  rank  in 
the  tribe  of  Judah  we  learn  from  their  appearing 
fourth  in  order  in  the  two  lists  (Ezr.  ii.  6 ;  Neh.  vii. 
11),  and  from  their  chief  having  signed  seeond, 
among  the  lay  princes,  in  Neh.  x.  14.  It  was  also 
the  most  numerous  (2,818)  of  all  the  families  speci- 
fied, except  the  Benjamite  house  of  Senaah  (Neh. 
vii.  38).  The  chief  in  Nfhemiah's  time  was  Ilashub, 
who  repaired  two  portions  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem 
(iii.  11,  23).  Two  hundred  of  its  males  accompanied 
Elihoenai  in  Ezra's  caravan  (Ezr.  viii.  4),  and  eight 
"  sons  of  Pahath-moab  "  are  named  as  having  taken 
strange  wives  (x.  SO). 

Pa'l  (Heb.)  =  Pau  (1  Chr.  i.  60). 

Paint  (as  a  cosmetic).  The  use  of  cosmetic  dyes 
has  prevailed  in  all  ages  in  Eastern  countries.  We 
have  abundant  evidence  of  the  practice  of  painting 
the  eyes  both  in  ancient  Egypt  (Wilkinson,  ii.  342) 
and  in  Assyria  (Layard's  Nineveh,  ii.  328) ;  and  in 
modern  times  no  usage  is  more  general.  It  docs 
not  appear,  however,  to  have  been  by  any  means 
universal  among  the  Hebrews.  The  notices  of  it  are 
few ;  and  in  each  instance  it  seems  to  have  been 
used  as  a  meretricious  art,  unworthy  of  a  woman  of 
high  character.  Thus  Jezebel  "put  her  eyes  in 
painting"  (2  K.  ix.  80,  margin);  Jeremiah  says  of 
the  harlot  city,  "  Though  thou  rentest  thy  eyes  with 
painting"  (Jer.  iv.  30);  and  Ezekiel  again  makes 
it  a  characteristic  of  a  harlot  (Ez.  xxiii.  40).  The 
expressions  used  in  these  passages  are  worthy  of 
observation,  as  referring  to  the  mode  in  which  the 
process  was  cflccted.  It  is  thus  described  by  Chan- 
dler ( 7'»-nff/«,  ii.  140):  "A  girl,  closing  one  of  her 
eyes,  took  the  two  lashes  between  the  forefinger  and 
thumb  of  the  left  hand,  pulled  them  forward,  and 
then  thrusting  in  at  the  external  corner  ii  bodkin 
which  had  been  immersed  in  the  soot,  and  extract- 


78 


PAL 


PAL 


ing  it  again,  the  particles  before  adhering  to  it  re- 
mained within,  and  were  presently  ranged  round  the 
organ."  The  eyes  were  tlius  literally  "  put  in  paint," 
and  were  "  rent "  open  in  the  process.  A  broad  line 
was  also  drawn  round  the  eye,  as  represented  in  the 
accompanying  cut.     The  effect  was  an  apparent  en- 


"  Eye  ornamented  with  Kohl,  as  represented  in  ancient 
paintiiiga  "  (Lane,  p.  37,  new  e<l). 

1  irgement  of  the  eye ;  and  the  expression  in  Jer. 
iv.  30  has  been  by  some  understood  in  this  sense. 
The  term  used  for  the  application  of  the  dye  was 
cAhal  or  cAehal,  to  smear,  and  Rabbinical  writers 
described  the  paint  itself  under  a  cognate  term. 
These  words  still  survive  in  kohl,  the  modern  Orien- 
tal name  for  the  powder  used.  The  Bible  gives  no 
indication  of  the  substance  out  of  which  the  dye 
was  formed.  The  old  versions  (the  LXX.,  Chaldee, 
Syriac,  &c.)  agree  in  pronouncing  the  dye  to  have 
bsen  produced  from  antimony.  Antimony  is  still 
used  for  the  purpose  in  Arabia  and  Persia,  but  in 
Egypt  the  kohl  is  a  soot  produced  by  burning  cither 
a  kind  of  frankincense  or  the  shells  of  almonds. 
The  dye-stuff  was  moistened  with  oil,  and  kept  in  a 
small  jar,  which  we  may  infer  to  have  been  made  of 
horn,  from  the  proper  name  Keren-happuch  =  horn 
for  paint  (Job  xlii.  14).  The  probe  with  which  it 
was  applied  was  made  of  wood,  silver,  or  ivory,  and 
had  a  blunted  point.  Whether  the  custom  of  stain- 
ing the  hands  and  feet,  particularly  the  nails,  now 
so  prevalent  in  the  East,  was  known  to  the  Hebrews, 
is  doubtful.  The  plant,  henna,  which  is  used  for  that 
purpose,  was  certainly  known  (Cant.  i.  14;  A.  V. 
"camphire"),  and  the  expressions  in  Cant.  v.  14 
may  possibly  refer  to  the  custom.  Ceiling  ;  Col- 
oss ;  Handicraft  ;   House  ;   Idol  ;  Idolatry  ;  Pic- 

TtRE. 

Pal'acCi  There  are  few  tasks  more  difficult  than 
to  restore  an  ancient  building  of  which  we  possess 
nothing  but  two  verbal  descriptions  ;  and  these  dif- 
ficulties are  very  much  enhanced  when  one  account 
is  written  in  Hebrew,  the  scientific  terras  in  which 
are,  from  our  ignorance,  capable  of  the  widest  lati- 
tude of  interpretation ;  and  the  other,  though  writ- 
ten in  a  language  of  which  we  have  a  more  definite 
knowledge,  was  composed  by  a  person  who  never 
could  have  seen  the  buildings  he  was  describing. 
The  site  of  the  Palace  of  Solomon  was  almost  cer- 
tainly in  the  city  itself,  on  the  brow  opposite  to  the 
Temple,  and  overlooking  it.  It  is  impossible,  of 
course,  to  be  at  all  certain  what  was  either  the  form 
or  the  exact  disposition  of  such  a  palace,  but  as  we 
have  the  dimensions  of  the  three  principal  buildings 
given  in  the  book  of  Kings,  and  confirmed  by  Jo- 
sephus,  we  may,  by  taking  these  as  a  scale,  aseer-. 
tain  pretty  nearly  that  the  building  covered  some- 
where about  150,000  or  160,000  square  feet 
Whether  it  was  a  square  of  400  feet  each  way,  or 
an  oblong  of  about  550  feet  by  300,  as  represented 
in  the  annexed  diagram,  must  always  be  more  or 
less  a  matter  of  conjecture  (so  Mr.  Fergusson,  ori- 
ginal author  of  this  article).  The  form  here  adopted 
seems  to  suit  better  not  only  the  exigencies  of  the 
site,  but  the  known  disposition  of  the  parts. — The 
principal  building  situated  within  the  Palace  was, 
as  in  all  Eastern  palaces,  the  great  hall  of  state  and 
audience,  here  called  the  "  House  of  the  Forest  of 
Lebanon."  Its  dimensions  were  100  cubits,  or  150 
feet  long,  by  half  that,  or  1i  feet  in  width.     Accord- 


ing to  1  K.  vii.  2  it  had  "  four  rows  of  cedar  pillars 
with  cedar  beams  upon  the  pillars ; "  but  it  is  added 
in  the  next  verse  that  "  it  was  covered  with  cedar 
above  the  beams  that  lay  on  forty-five  pillars,  fif- 
teen in  a  row."  This  would  be  easily  explicable  if 
the  description  stopped  there,  and  so  Josephus  took 
it.  He  evidently  considered  the  hall,  as  he  after- 
ward described  the  Sloa  basilica  or  Koyal  Porch  of 
the  Temple,  as  consisting  of  four  rows  of  coluinn.s, 
three  standing  free,  but  the  fourth  built  into  the 
outer  wall  (Jos.  xi.  5);  and  his  expression  that 
the  ceiling  of  the  palace-hall  was  in  the  Corin- 
thian manner  (vii.  5,  §  2)  does  not  mean  that  it 
was  of  that  order,  which  was  not  then  invented, 
but  after  the  fashion  of  what  w.as  called  in  liis 
day  a  Corinthian  cecus,  viz.  a  hall  witli  a  clere- 
story. If  we,  like  Josephus,  are  contented  with 
these  indications,  the  section  of  the  hall  waa  cer- 
tainly as  shown  in  fig.  2,  A  (p.  780).  But  the  Bi- 
ble goes  on  to  say  (ver.  4)  that  "  there  were  win- 
dows in  three  rows,  and  light  was  against  light  in 
three  ranks,"  and  in  the  next  verse  it  repeats,  "  and 
light  was  against  light  in  three  ranks."  Josephus 
escapes  the  difficulty  by  saying  it  was  lighted  by 
windows  in  three  divisions,  which  might  be  taken 
as  an  extremely  probable  description  if  the  Bible 
were  not  so  very  specific  regarding  it ;  and  we  must 
therefore  adopt  some  such  arrangement  as  that 
shown  in  fig.  2,  B.  On  the  whole  it  appears  probable 
that  this  is  the  one  nearest  the  truth,  as  it  admits 
of  a  clerestory,  to  which  Josephus  evidently  refers, 
and  shows  the  three  rows  of  columns  which  the 
Bible  description  requires.  Besides  the  clerestory 
there  was  probably  a  range  of  openings  under  tiie 
cornice  of  the  walls,  and  then  a  range  of  open 
doorways,  which  would  thus  make  the  three  open- 
ings required  by  the  Bible  description.  Anotlier 
difficulty  in  attempting  to  restore  this  hall  arises 
from  the  number  of  pillars  being  uneven  ("  15 
in  a  row  ");  and  if  we  adopt  the  last  theory  (fig.  2,  B), 
we  have  a  row  of  columns  in  the  centre  both  ways. 
The  iirobability  is  that  it  was  closed,  as  shown  in 
the  plan,  by  a  wall  at  one  end,  which  would  give  15 
spaces  to  the  15  pillars,  and  so  provide  a  central 
sp.ace  in  the  longer  dimension  of  the  hall  in  which 
the  throne  might  have  been  placed.  If  the  first 
theory  be  adopted,  the  throne  may  have  stood  either 
at  the  end,  or  in  the  centre  of  the  longer  side  ;  but, 
judging  from  what  we  know  of  the  arrangement 
of  Eastern  palaces,  wo  may  be  almost  certain  that 
the  latter  is  the  correct  position. — Next  in  impor- 
tance to  the  building  just  described  is  the  hall  or 
porch  of  judgment  (1  K.  vii.  7),  which  Josephus 
distinctly  tells  us  (Jos.  vii.  5,  §  1)  was  situated  op- 
posite to  the  centre  of  the  longer  side  of  the  great 
hall.  Its  dimensions  were  50  cubits,  or  75  feet 
square  (Josephus  says  80  in  one  direction  at  least), 
and  its  disposition  can  easily  be  understood  by  com- 
paring the  descriptions  wc  have  with  the  remains 
of  the  Assyrian  and  Persian  examples.  It  must 
have  been  supported  by  four  pillars  in  the  centre, 
and  had  three  entrances :  the  principal  opening 
from  the  street  and  facing  the  judgment-seat ;  a 
second  from  the  court-yard  of  the  Palace,  by  which 
the  councillors  and  oflScers  of  state  might  come  in ; 
and  a  third  from  the  Palace,  reserved  for  the  king 
and  his  household,  as  shown  in  the  plan. — The  third 
edifice  is  merely  called  "  tlie  Porcli."  Its  dimen- 
sions were  50  by  30  cubits,  or  75  feet  by  45.  Jose- 
phus does  not  describe  its  architecture  ;  and  we  are 
unable  to  understand  the  description  contained  io 
the  Bible,  owing  apparently  to   our  ignorance    ~ 


1 


PAL 


PAL 


llie  synonyms  of  the  Hebrew  architectural  terms.  I  be  grouped  with  the  ladies  of  the  harem,  and  re- 
Its  use,  however,  cannot  be  considered  as  doubtl'ul,  1  quiring  a  residence  of  her  own. — There  is  still  an- 
as it  was  an  indispensable  adjunct  to  an  Eastern  I  other  building  mentioned  by  Joscphus,  as  a  tem- 
pnlace.  It  was  tlie  ordinary  place  of  business  of  i  pie,  supported  by  massive  columns,  and  situated 
the  palace,  and  the  reception-ioom  where  the  king  |  opposite  the  Hall  of  Judgment.     It  may  thus  have 

been  outside,  in  front  of  the 


COURTS 


Fig. 


SCALE    Of     FEfi 
Diagram  Plan  of  Solomon't  Palace,  by  J.  FarguMoa  Eaq. 


receive<l  ordinary  visitors,  and  sat,  except  on  ^reat 
state  occasions,  to  transact  the  business  of  the  king- 
dom. Behind  this,  we  arc  told,  was  the  inner  court, 
adorned  with  gardens  and  fountains,  and  surrounded 
by  cloi^ters  for  shade  ;  and  besides  this  were  bther 
courts  for  the  residence  of  the  attendants  and 
guards,  and  in  Solomon's  case,  for  the  three  hun- 
dred women  of  his  harem  :  all  of  which  are  shown 
!i  the  plan  with  more  clearness  than  can  be  con- 
•  yed  by  a  verbal  description. — Apart  from  tliis 
palace,  liut  attached,  as  Josephus  tells  us,  to  the 
Hall  of  Judgment,  was  the  palace  of  Pharaoh's 
daughter — too  proud  and  important  a  personage  to 


palace  in  the  city ;  but  more 
probably  was,  as  shown  in  the 
plan,  in  the  centre  of  the 
great  court.  It  could  not 
have  been  a  temple  in  the 
ordinary  acceptation  of  the 
term,  as  the  Jews  had  oidy 
one  temple,  and  that  was  sit- 
uated on  the  other  side  of  the 
valley ;  but  it  may  have  been 
an  altar  covered  by  a  balda- 
chin or  canopy ;  and  so  it  has 
been  represented  in  the  plan 
(fig.  1).  If  the  site  and  dispo- 
sition of  the  Palace  were  as 
above  indicated,  it  would  re- 
((uire  two  great  portals:  one 
leading  from  the  city  to  the 
great  court,  shown  at  M  (fig. 
1) ;  the  other  to  the  Temple 
and  the  king's  garden  at  N. 
This  last  was  probably  situ- 
ated where  the  bridge  after- 
ward joined  the  Temple  to  the 
city  and  palace. — The  recent 
discoveries  at  Nineveh  have 
enabled  us  to  understand  many 
of  the  architectural  details  of 
this  palace,  which  were  before 
almost  wholly  inexplicable.  We 
are  told,  e.  g.,  tliat  the  walls 
of  the  halls  of  the  palace  were 
wainscottcd  with  tliree  tiers  of 
stone,  apparently  versicolored 
marbles,  hewn  and  polished, 
and  surmounted  by  a  fourth 
course,  elaborately  carved  with 
representations  of  leafage  and 
flowers.  Above  this  the  walls 
were  plastered  and  ornament- 
ed with  colored  arabesques. 
At  Nineveh  the  walls  were, 
like  these,  wainscotted  to  a 
height  of  about  eight  feet, 
but  with  alabaster,  a  peculiar 
product  of  the  coun'ry,  and 
the.-e  were  separated  from  the 
painted  space  above  by  an  ar- 
chitectural band ;  the  real  dif- 
ference being  that  the  Assy- 
rians revelled  in  sculptural  rep- 
resentations of  men  and  ani- 
mals. These  modes  of  deco- 
ration were  forbidden  to  the  Jews  by  the  second  com- 
mandment. Some  dificrcnce  may  also  be  due  to  the 
fact  that  the  soft  alabaster,  though  admirably  suited 
to  bassi-rclievi,  was  not  suited  for  sharp  deeply-cut 
foliage  sculpture,  like  that  described  by  Josephus ; 
while,  at  the  same  time,  the  hard  material  used  by 
the  Jews  might  induce  them  to  limit  their  ornamen- 
tation to  one  band  only.  It  is  probable,  however, 
that  a  considerable  amount  of  color  was  used  in  the 
decoration  of  these  palaces  (Jer.  x.\ii.  14).  It  may 
also  be  added  that  in  the  East  all  buildings,  with 
scarcely  an  exception,  are  adorned  with  color  inter- 
nally, generally    the  three  primitive  colors  used  in 


YSO 


PAL 


PAL 


all  their  intensit)',  but  so  balanced  as  to  produce  I  ing  ;  Goternok  ;  High-priest  ;  House  ;  Kisg  ;  Pbb- 
the  most  harmonious  results.     Abchitectcre  ;  Ceil-  |  torium  ;  Shishan. 


Fig.  2.    Diagram  Sections  of  the  House  of  Forest  of  Lebanon,  by  J.  Fergiuson,  Ee4^ 


Pa'lal  (Heb.  judije,  Ges.),  son  of  Uziii ;  assisted 
in  restoring  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  in  Nehemiali's 
time  (Neh.  iii.  25). 

Pal-es-tl'na  and  Pal'es-tlne  \i  as  in  vhie\  (L.  Pid- 
(estiiia,  J'akentine ;  Gr.  PalahtinS ;  all  from  He- 
brew, see  below).  These  two  forms  occur  in  the 
A.  V.  but  four  times  in  all,  always  in  poetical  pas- 
sages ;  the  first  in  E.x.  xv.  14,  and  Is.  xiv.  29,  31  ; 
the  second,  Joel  iii.  4.  In  each  case  the  Hebrew  is 
Ptleshdh  (:=  latid  of  strangers  or  sojournern^  Ges., 
a  word  found,  besides  the  above,  only  in  Ps.  Ix. 
8,  Ixxxiii.  7,  Ixxxvii.  4,  and  cviii.  9,  in  all  which 
our  translators  hare  rendered  it  by  "  Piiilistia  "  or 
"  Philistines."  Palestine,  in  the  A.  V.,  really  means 
nothing  but  Philistia.  The  original  Hebrew  word 
Pelesheth  to  the  Hebrews  signified  merely  the  long 
and  broad  strip  of  maritime  plain  inhabited  by 
their  encroaching  neighbors ;  nor  does  it  appear 
that  at  first  it  signified  more  to  the  Greeks.  As  lying 
next  the  sea,  and  as  being  also  the  high-road  from 
Egypt  to  Phenicia  and  the  richer  regions  N.  of  it, 
the  Philistine  plain  became  sooner  known  to  the 
western  world  than  the  country  further  inland,  and 
was  called  by  them  Siiria  Pa/cesthm  =  Philistine 
Syria.  Prom  thence  it  was  gradually  extended  to 
the  country  further  inland,  till  in  the  Roman  and 
later  Greek  authors,  both  heathen  and  Christian,  it 
became  the  usual  appellation  for  the  whole  coun- 
try of  the  Jews,  both  W.  and  E.  of  Jordan.  The 
word  is  now  so  commonly  employed  in  our  more 
familiar  langtiage  to  designate  the  whole  country 
of  Israel,  that,  although  biblically  a  misnomer,  it 
has  been  chosen  here  as  the  most  convenient  head- 
ing under  which  to  give  a  general  description  of  the 
Holy  Land,  embracing  those  points  which  have  not 
been  treated  under  the  separate  headings  of  cities 
or  tribes.  This  description  will  most  conveniently 
divide  itself  into  two  parts  : — I.  The  Namei  applied 
to  the  country  of  Israel  in  the  Bible  and  elsewhere. 
II.  The  Land :  its  situation,  aspect,  climate,  physi- 
cal characteristics,  in  connection  with  its  history : 
its  structure,  botany,  and  natural  history.  The  Hk- 
tory  of  the  country  is  so  fully  given  under  its  various 
headings  throughout  the  work,  that  it  is  unneces- 
sary to  recapitulate  it  here.  (Chronology;  He- 
brew ;  Israel,  Kingdom  of  ;  Jerusalem  ;  Judah, 
Kingdom  of  ;  Judge  ;  Maccabees,  &c.)  It  may, 
however,  here  be  stated  that  Palestine,  now  under 
the  Turkish  government,  forms  part  of  two  great 
pashalics — (1.)  Sidon  (sometimes  called  Beirut,  the 
pasha's  olHcial  residence  being  at  this  place),  em- 
bracing the  whole  of  W.  Palestine,  and  including 
the  sub-pashalics  of  ^Akka  and  Jerusalem ;  (2.) 
Damasnui,  embracing  all  E.  of  the  Jordan.  The 
population  of  Palestine  W.  of  Jordan  is  estimated 


by  Porter  (in  Kitto)  at  724,000,  and  of  the  part  E. 
of  Jordan  at  100,000 ;  of  these  about  80,000  are 
Christians  (Maronites,  Greeks,  Armenians,  in:), 
12,000  Jews,  and  the  rest  Mohammedans,  Dnizejf, 
&c. — I.  77i«  Names.  Palestine,  then,  is  designated 
in  the  Bible  liy  more  than  one  name: — 1.  Duiing 
the  Patriarchal  period,  the  Conquest,  and  the  age 
of  the  Judges,  and  also  where  those  early  periods 
are  referred  to  in  the  later  literature  (as  Ps.  cv.  1 1 ), 
it  is  spoken  of  as  "  Canaan,"  or  more  frequently 
"  the  land  of  Canaan,"  meaning  thereby  the  country 
W.  of  the  Jordan,  as  opposed  to  "  the  land  of  (!il- 
EAD"on  the  E.  Other  designations,  dui-iiig  the 
same  early  period,  are  "  the  land  of  the  Hebiews " 
(Gen.  xl.  15  only — a  natural  phrase  in  the  mouth  of 
Joseph);  "  the  land  of  the  Hittites"  (Josh.  i.  4— a 
remarkable  expression,  occurring  here  only  in  the 
Bible).  The  name  Ta-netr  (i.  e.  Holy  Land),  in  the 
inscriptions  of  Ramc^es  II.,  and  Thothmes  III.,  is  be- 
lieved by  M.  Brugsch  to  refer  to  Palestine  ;  but  this 
is  contested  by  M.  de  Rouge.  2.  During  the  Mon- 
archy the  name  usually,  though  not  frequently,  em- 
ployed is,  "  land  of  Israel  "  (1  Sam.  xiii.  19 ;  2  K.  v. 
2,  4,  &c.).  It  is  Ezekiel's  favorite  expression.  The 
pious  and  loyal  aspirations  of  Hosea  find  vent  in  the 
expression,  "  land  of  Jehovah,"  A.  V.  "  the  Lord's 
land"  (Hos.  ix.  3).  In  Zeeh.  ii.  12  it  is  "the  holy 
land ;  "  and  in  Dan.  xi.  41,  "  the  glorious  land."  In 
Am.  ii.  10  alone  it  is  "  the  land  of  the  Amoiite." 
Oecasionallv  it  appears  to  be  mentioned  sinipiv  as 
"  The  Land  :  "  as  in  Ru.  i.  1  ;  Jer.  xxii.  27  ;  1  Me. 
xiv.  4 ;  Lk.  iv.  25,  and  perhaps  even  xxiii.  44,  3. 
Between  the  Captivity  and  the  time  of  our  Loid  the 
name  "  Judea  "  had  extended  itself  from  the  south- 
ern portion  to  the  whole  of  the  country,  even  tliat 
beyond  Jordan  (Mat.  xix.  1  ;  Mk.  x.  1).  In  Jd,  xi. 
19  it  is  applied  to  the  portion  between  the  plain  of 
Esdrtelon  and  Samaria,  as  in  Lk.  xxiii.  5 ;  tliough  it 
is  also  used  in  the  stricter  sense  of  Judea  proper 
(.In.  iv.  3,  vii.  1).  In  this  narrower  sense  it  is  em- 
ployed throughout  1  Me.  (see  especially  ix.  5il,  x. 
30,  "38,  xi.  34).  In  Heb.  xi.  9  Palestine  is  "  the  land 
of  promise;"  and  in  2  Esd.  xiv.  31,  "the  land  of 
Sion."  4.  Th«  Roman  division  of  the  country  lianlly 
coincided  with  the  Biblical  one,  and  it  does  not  ap- 
pear that  the  Romans  had  any  distinct  name  lor 
that  which  we  understand  by  Palestine.  It  was  in- 
cluded in  the  province  of  Syria  ;  Judea  in  their 
phrase  lay  between  Idumea  on  the  S.  and  the  terri- 
tory of  the  free  cities  (Scythopolis,  Sebaste  [San)l^_ 
ria],  Joppa,  Azotus,  &c.)  on  the  N.  and  W. ;  Perd^| 
was  the  district  E.  of  the  Jordan.  5.  Soon  after  th^B 
Christian  era  we  find  the  name  Pn/ff.ihnn  (Palestine) 
in  possession  of  the  country.  Ptolemy  (a.  d.  liil) 
thus  applies  it.     6.  Joscphus  usually  employs  the   ~ 


I 


PAL 


PAL 


7Sl 


cient  name  "  Canaan  "  in  reference  to  the  events  of 
the  earlier  history,  but  when  speaking  of  the  coun- 
try in  reference  to  liis  own  time  styles  it  Judea. 
The  Talmudists  and  other  Jewish  writers  use  the 
title  of  the  "  Land  of  Israel."  7.  The  name  most 
frequently  used  throughout  the  middle  ages,  and 
down  to  our  own  time,  is  Terra  Sanda  (L.)  =  the 
Holy  Land.— II.  The  Land.  The  Holy  Land  is  not 
in  size  or  physical  characteristics  proportioned  to 
its  moral  and  historical  position,  as  the  theatre  of  the 
most  momentous  events  in  the  world's  history.  It 
is  less  than  140  miles  in  length  from  Dan  to  Beer- 
sheba,  and  barely  40  in  average  breadth  (=Connec- 
ticut  and  Rhode  Island),  on  the  very  frontier  of  the 
East,  hemmed  in  between  the  Mediterranean  Sea  on 
the  one  hand  and  the  enormous  trench  of  the  Jor- 
dan valley  on  the  other,  by  which  it  is  effectually 
cut  off  from  the  mainland  of  Asia  behind  it.  On  the 
N.  it  is  shut  in  by  the  high  ranges  of  Lebanon  and 
Anti-Lebanon,  and  by  the  chasm  of  the  Liluny.  On 
the  S.  it  is  no  less  enclosed  by  the  arid  and  inhos- 
pitable deserts  of  the  upper  part  of  the  peninsula 
of  Sinai.  1.  Its  position  on  the  map  of  the  world — 
as  the  world  was  when  the  Holy  Land  first  made  its 
appearance  in  history — is  remarkable,  (a.)  It  is  on 
the  very  outpost — on  the  extremest  western  edge  of 
the  East,  with  a  broad  desert  between  it  and  the  vast 
tracts  of  Arabia  and  Mesopotamia  in  its  rear.  On 
the  shore  of  the  Mediterranean  it  stands,  as  if  it  had 
advanced  as  far  as  possible  toward  the  West,  sepa- 
rated therefrom  by  that  which,  when  the  time  ar- 
rived, proved  to  be  no  barrier,  but  the  readiest  me- 
dium of  communication — the  wide  waters  of  the 
'•'  Great  Sea."  Thus  it  was  open  to  all  the  gradual 
influences  of  the  rising  communities  of  the  West, 
while  it  was  saved  from  the  retrogression  and  de- 
crepitude which  have  ultimately  been  the  doom  of 
all  purely  Eastern  states  whose  connections  were 
limited  to  the  East  only.  (A.)  There  was,  however, 
one  channel,  and  but  one,  by  which  it  could  reach 
and  be  reached  by  the  great  Oriental  empires.  The 
only  road  by  which  the  two  great  rivals  of  the  an- 
cient world  could  approach  one  another — by  which 
alone  Egypt  could  get  to  Assyria,  and  Assyria  to 
Egypt — lay  along  the  broad  flat  strip  of  coast  which 
formed  the  maritime  portion  of  the  Holy  Land,  and 
thence  by  the  Plain  of  the  Lebanon  to  the  Euphrates. 
Through  this  channel  the  catastrophe  (Captivity) 
actually  came,  {c.)  After  this  the  Holy  Land  became 
(like  the  Netherlands  in  Europe)  the  arena  on  which 
in  successive  ages  the  hostile  powers  who  contended 
for  the  empire  of  the  East,  fought  their  battles. 
Here  the  SeleucidiC  routed,  or  were  routed  by,  the 
Ptolemies ;  here  the  Romans  vanquished  the  Par- 
thians,  Persians,  and  Jews ;  here  the  armies  of  Eng- 
land, Frartce,  and  Germany  fought  the  hosts  of  Sal- 
adin.  2.  It  is  essentially  a  mountainous  country. 
Not  that  it  contains  independent  mountain-chains, 
like  Greece,  but  every  part  of  the  highland  is  in 
greater  or  less  undulation.  It  contains  also  a  re- 
markable arrangement  of  plains.  The  mass  of  hills 
which  occupies  the  centre  of  the  country  is  bor- 
dered or  framed  on  both  sides,  E.  and  W.,  by  a  broad 
belt  of  lowland,  sunk  deep  below  its  own  level.  The 
alopes  or  cliffs  which  form,  as  it  were,  the  retaining 
walls  of  this  depression,  are  furrowed  and  cleft  by 
the  torrent-beds  which  discharge  the  waters  of  the 
hills,  and  form  the  means  of  communication  between 
the  upper  and  lower  level.  On  the  W.  this  lowland 
Interposes  between  the  mountains  and  the  sea,  and 
ig  the  I'lain  of  Philistia  and  of  Sharon.  On  the  E. 
it  is  the  broad  bottom  of  the  Jordan  valley,  deep 


down  in  which  rushes  the  river  of  Palestine  to  the 
Dead  Sea.  3.  Such  is  the  first  general  impression 
of  the  physiognomy  of  the  Holy  Land.  It  is  a  phy- 
siognomy compounded  of  the  three  main  features 
already  named — the  plains,  the  highland  hills,  and 
the  torrent-beds.  About  half-way  up  the  coast  the 
maritime  plain  is  suddenly  interrupted  by  a  long 
ridge  thrown  out  from  the  central  mass,  rising  con- 
siderably above  the  general  level,  and  terminating 
in  a  bold  promontory  on  the  very  edge  of  the  Medi- 
terranean. This  ridge  is  Mount  Carniel.  On  its 
upper  side,  the  plain,  as  if  to  compensate  for  its 
temporary  displacement,  invades  the  centre  of  the 
country  and  forms  an  undulating  hollow  right  across 
it  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Jordan  valley. 
This  central  lowland,  which  divides  with  its  broad 
depression  the  mountains  of  Ephraim  from  the 
mountains  of  Galilee,  is  the  plain  of  Esdrajlon  or 
Jezrecl,  the  great  battle-field  of  Palestine.  N.  of 
Carmel  the  lowland  resumes  its  position  by  the  sea- 
side till  it  is  again  interrupted  and  finally  put  an  end 
to  by  the  northern  mountains  whicii  push  their  way 
out  to  the  sea,  ending  in  the  white  promontory  of  the 
liai  Natliura  (Ladder  of  Tyre).  Above  this  is  the 
ancient  Plienicia.  4.  The  country  thus  roughly 
portrayed,  and  which,  as  before  stated,  is  less  than 
140  miles  in  length,  and  not  more  than  40  in  aver- 
age breadth,  is  to  all  intents  and  purposes  the  whole 
Land  of  Israel.  The  northern  portion  is  Gai.ilkf,  ;  the 
centre,  Samaria  ;  the  south,  Judea.  For  the  land  E. 
of  the  Jordan,  see  Ammon  ;  Aram  ;  Argob  ;  Bashan  ; 
Gad  1 ;  Gilead  1 ;  Hauran  ;  Iturea  ;  Manasseh  1  ; 
MoAB ;  Reuben,  &c.  5.  Small  as  the  Holy  Land  is  on 
the  map,  and  when  contrasted  either  with  modern 
states  or  with  the  two  enormous  ancient  empires  of 
Egypt  and  Assyria  between  which  it  lay,  it  seems 
even  smaller  to  the  traveller  as  he  pursues  his  way 
through  it.  There  are  numerous  eminences  in  the 
highlands  which  command  the  view  of  both  frontiers 
at  the  same  time — the  eastern  mountains  of  Gilead 
with  the  Jordan  at  their  feet  on  the  one  hand,  on  the 
other  the  Western  Sea.  Hermon,  the  apex  of  the 
country  on  the  north,  is  said  to  have  been  seen 
from  the  southern  end  of  the  Dtad  Sea:  it  is  cer- 
tainly plain  enough  from  many  a  point  nearer  the 
centre.  It  is  startling  to  find  that  from  the  top  of 
the  hills  of  M'ehy  Samviil,  Bethel,  Tabor,  Gerizim, 
or  Sn/ed,  the  eye  can  embrace  at  one  glance,  and 
almost  without  turning  the  head,  such  oppo.site 
points  as  the  Lake  of  Galilee  and  the  Bay  of  'Atka, 
the  farthest  mountains  of  the  Naurdn  and  the  long 
ridge  of  Carmel,  the  ravine  of  the  Jabbok,  or  the 
green  windings  of  Jordan,  and  the  sand-hills  of 
Jaffa.  6.  The  highland  district,  thus  surrounded 
and  intersected  by  its  broad  lowland  plains,  pre- 
serves from  N.  to  S.  a  remarkably  even  and  hori- 
zontal profile.  Its  average  height  may  be  taken  as 
1,500  to  1,800  feet  above  the  Mediterranean.  It  can 
hardly  be  denominated  a  plateau,  yet  so  evenly  is 
the  general  level  preserved,  and  so  thickly  do  the 
hills  stand  behind  and  between  one  another,  that, 
when  seen  from  the  coast  or  the  western  part  of 
the  maritime  plain,  it  has  quite  the  appearance  of  a 
wall.  This  general  monotony  of  profile  is,  how- 
ever, accentuated  at  intervals  by  certain  centres  of 
elevation, — Hebron,  Jerusalem,  with  the  Mount  of 
Olives  and  A>6y  Sanitrii,  Bethel,  Sivjtl,  Ebal  and 
Gerizim,  Little  Hermon  and  Tabor,  Sa/fd,  Jebel 
/ermuk  (see  profile-section  A).  Between  these  ele- 
vated points  runs  the  watershed  of  the  country, 
sending  off  on  either  hand — to  the  Jordan  valley 
on  the  E.  and  the  Mediterranean  on  the  W. — the 


782 


PAL 


PAL 


'^\S 


'   ??l^"^¥BE  BODfl 


,^ 


THE  TWELVE  TRIBES 


wttfi  the 


'  '^  mof^hli   *t  TU'  ^^  a"borigmaliiLh:LbiraiU:s,CaDaamtcs&c. 


r;.      i^n^ 


Tanj?    Fa^t ol     Grpeirwich 


36 


PAL 


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783 


PALESTINE, 

IN   THE   TIME   OF 

siabi 

'  lo  ^  3o    ,*/  f^-  -V^^  fr    :  ■' X 

Geo^rapliical  Miles 


.'•T 


■ft    a^f«^«rtcifejr';    -.<!,  -■•^'V  / 


^  oArorlthbhoth 
\    t<jrofiMunti   -. 


Modb 


784 


PAL 


PAL 


long  tortuous  arms  of  its  many  torrent-beds.  1. 
The  valleys  on  the  two  sides  of  the  watershed  differ 
considerably  in  character.  Those  on  the  E.,  owing 
to  the  deptli  of  the  Jordan  valley,  and  the  proximity 
of  the  watershed  to  it,  are  extremely  steep  and  rug- 


ged (see  profile-section  B).  This  is  the  case  during 
the  whole  length  of  the  southern  and  middle  por- 
tions of  the  country.  '  It  is  only  when  the  junction 
between  the  Plain  of  Esdraslon  and  the  Jordan  val- 
ley is  reached,  that  the  slopes  become  gradual  and 


A,  Frofile-aectloQ  of  Paledtina  from  the  Dead  Sea  to  Mount  Hermon  along  the  line  of  the  Jordan. 


TttiramtitlnS  Df  Sfoni 


f 


H='.lo„.   ,1--M,-JJ. 


B.    Frofile-EectioQ  of  Palestine  irom  JolTa  to  the  mountaios  of  Moab. 


the  grouad  fit  for  the  manoeuvres  of  any  thing  but 
detached  bodies  of  foot-soldiers.  But,  rugged  and 
dillieult  as  they  are,  they  form  the  only  access  to 
t  le  upper  country  from  this  side,  and  every  man  or 
body  of  men  who  reached  the  territory  of  Judah, 
Benjamin,  or  Ephraim,  from  the  Jordan  valley, 
must  have  climbed  one  or  other  of  them.  8.  The 
western  valleys  are  more  gradual  in  their  slope. 
The  level  of  the  external  plain  on  this  side  is 
liigher,  and,  therefore,  the  fall  less,  while  at  the 
same  time  the  distance  to  be  traversed  is  much 
greater.  Here,  again,  the  valleys  are  the  only 
means  of  communication  between  the  lowland  and 
tlie  highland.  From  Jaffa  and  the  central  part  of 
the  plain  there  are  two  of  these  roads  "going  up  to 
Jerusalem  :  "  the  one  to  the  right  by  Ramlrh  and 
the  Wmbj  '' Ahj ;  the  other  to  the  left  by  Lydda, 
and  thence  by  the  Beth-horons,  or  the  Wady  S>iXei- 
mAn,  and  Gibeou.  The  former  of  these  is  modern, 
but  the  latter  is  the  scene  of  many  a  famous  inci- 
dent in  the  ancient  history.  9.  Further  south,  the 
communication  between  the  mountains  of  Judah 
and  the  lowland  of  Philistia  are  comparatively  un- 
explored. They  were  doubtless  the  scene  of  many 
a  foray  and  repulse  during  the  lifetime  of  Samson 
and  the  struggles  of  the  Danites,  but  there  is  no 
record  of  their  having  been  used  for  the  passage  of 
any  important  force  either  in  ancient  or  modern 
times.  N.  of  Jaffa  the  passes  are  few.  These 
western  valleys,  though  easier  than  those  on  the 
eastern  side,  present  great  dilliculties  to  the  passage 
of  any  large  force  encumbered  by  baggage.  In 
fact,  these  mountain-passes  really  formed  the  se- 
curity of  Israel.  The  armies  of  Egypt  and  Assyria, 
as  they  traced  and  retraced  their  path  between  Pe- 
lusium  and  Carchemish,  must  have  looked  at  the 
long  wall  of  heights  Which  closed  in  the  broad  level 
roadway  they  were  pursuing,  as  belonging  to  a 
country  with  which  they  had  no  concern.  It  was 
to  them  a  natural  mountain-fastness,  the  approach 
to  which  ,was  beset  with  difficulties,  while  its  bare 
and  soilless  hills  were  hardly  worth  the  trouble  of 


conquering,  in  comparison  with  the  rich  green  plains 
of  the  Euphrates  and  the  Nile,  or  even  with  the 
boundless  cornfield  through  which  they  were  march- 
ing. In  the  later  days  of  the  Jewisli  nation,  and 
during  the  Crusades,  Jerusalem  became  the  great 
object  of  contest;  and  then,  the  battle-field  of  the 
country,  which  had  originally  been  Esdra^lon,  was 
transferred  to  the  maritime  plain  at  the  foot  of  tlie 
passes  communicating  most  directly  with  the  capi- 
tal. 10.  When  the  highlands  of  the  country  are 
more  closely  examined,  a  considerable  difference 
will  be  found  to  exist  in  the  natural  condition  and 
appearance  of  their  different  portions.  The  south, 
as  being  nearer  the  arid  desert,  and  farther  removed 
from  the  drainage  of  tlie  mountains,  is  drier  and 
less  productive  than  the  north.  The  tract  below 
Hebron,  which  forms  the  link  between  the  hills  of 
Judah  and  the  desert,  was  known  to  tlie  ancient 
Hebrews  by  a  term  originally  derived  from  its  dry- 
ness {Negeb).  This  was  "  the  South  "  country.  As 
the  traveller  advances  north  of  this  tract,  there  is 
an  improvement ;  but  perhaps  no  country  equally 
cultivated  is  more  monotonous,  bare,  or  uninviting 
in  its  aspect,  than  a  great  part  of  the  highlands  of 
Judah  and  Benjamin  during  the  largest  portion  of 
the  year.  The  spring  covers  even  those  bald  gray 
rocks  jfith  verdure  and  color,  and  fills  the  ravines 
with  torrents  of  rushing  water;  but  in  summer  and 
autumn  the  country  from  Hebron  up  to  Bethel  looks 
dreary  and  desolate.  Rounded  hills  of  moderate 
height  fill  up  the  view  on  every  side,  their  coarse 
gray  stone  continually  discovering  itself  through 
the  thin  coating  of  soil.  The  valleys  of  denudation 
which  divide  these  monotonous  hills  are  also  planted 
with  figs  or  olives,  but  oftener  cultivated  with  wheat, 
or  barley,  or  dourra  (millet),  the  long  reed-like  sttilks 
of  which  remain  on  the  stony  ground  till  the  nest 
seed-time,  and  give  a  singularly  dry  and  slovenly 
look  to  the  fields.  The  general  absence  of  fences 
in  the  valleys  does  not  render  them  less  desolate 
to  an  English  or  American  eye  ;  and  where  a  fence 
is  now  and  then  encountered,  it  is  either  a  stone- 


tone-  ^H 

i 


PAL 


PAL 


785 


wall  trodden  down  or  dilapidated,  or  a  hedge  of  the 
prieklypear  cactus,  gaunt,  irregular,  and  ugly,  with- 
out being  picturesiiue.  Often  the  track  rises  and 
fulls  for  miles  together  over  the  edges  of  the  white 
strata  upturned  into  almost  a  vertical  position ;  or 
over  sheets  of  bare  rock  spread  out  like  flagstones, 
and  marked  with  fissures  which  liave  all  the  regu- 
larity of  artificial  joints;  or  along  narrow  channels 
through  which  the  feet  of  centuries  of  travellers 
have  with  difficulty  retained  their  hold  on  the  steep 
declivities ;  or  down  tliglits  of  irregular  steps  hewn 
or  worn  in  the  solid  rock  of  the  ravine,  and  strewed 
thick  with  innumerable  loose  stones.  Even  the 
gray  villages — always  on  the  top  or  near  the  top  of 
the  hills — do  but  add  to  the  dreariness  of  the  scene 
by  the  forlorn  look  which  their  flat  roofs  and  lack 
of  windows  present  to  a  European  or  American, 
and  by  the  poverty  and  ruin  so  universal  among 
them.  At  Jerusalem  this  reaches  its  climax.  To  the 
W.  and  X.  W.  of  the  highlands,  where  the  sea-bieezes 
arc  felt,  there  is  considerably  more  vegetation.  11. 
Hitlicrto  we  have  spoken  of  the  central  and  north- 
ern portions  of  Judea.  Its  eastern  portion — a  tract 
some  nine  or  ten  miles  in  width  by  about  thirty-five 
in  length — wliich  intervenes  between  the  centre  and 
the  abrupt  descent  to  the  Dead  Sea,  is  far  more 
wild  and  desolate,  and  that  nut  for  a  portion  of  the 
year  only,  but  throughout  it.  This  must  have  been 
always  what  it  is  now — an  uninhabited  desert,  be- 
cause uninhabitable.  12.  Xo  descriptive  sketch  of 
this  part  of  the  country  can  be  complete  which 
does  not  allude  to  the  caverns  characteristic  of  all 
limestone  districts,  but  here  astonishingly  numer- 
ous. Every  hill  and  ravine  is  pierced  with  them, 
some  very  large  and  of  curious  formation — perhaps 
partly  natural,  partly  artificial — others  mere  grot- 
toes. >lany  of  them  arc  connected  with  most  im- 
portant and  interesting  events  of  the  ancient  history 
of  the  country.  Especially  is  this  true  of  the  dis- 
trict now  under  consideration.  (Ai>ulla.m;  Ar- 
BKLA  ;  Cave  ;  En-gkdi  ;  Makkkpaii  ;  Maciipelah.) 
13.  The  bareness  and  dryness  which  prevail  more 
or  less  in  Judea,  are  owing  partly  to  the  absence  of 
wood,  partly  to  its  proximity  to  the  desert,  and 
partly  to  a  .scarcity  of  water,  arising  from  its  dis- 
tance from  the  LeVjanon.  (Foustain  ;  Well.)  14. 
But  to  this  discouraging  aspect  there  are  happily 
gome  important  exceptions.  Tlie  valley  of  Urt&s, 
8.  of  Bi'lhlehem,  contains  springs  which  in  abun- 
dance and  excellence  rival  even  those  of  AViblim ; 
the  huge  "Pools  of  Solomon  "  are  enough  to  sup- 
ply a  ilistrict  for  many  miles  roimd  them  ;  and  the 
cultivation  now  going  on  in  that  neighborhood 
show."  what  might  be  done  with  a  soil  which  re- 
quires only  irrigation  and  a  moderate  amount  of 
labor  to  evoke  a  boundless  produce.  In  other 
places  are  also  examples  of  excellent  vineyards,  and 
plantatiims  of  olive  and  fig  trees.  15.  It  is  obvious 
that  in  the  ancient  days  of  the  nation,  when  Judah 
and  Benjamin  possessed  the  teeming  population  in- 
dicated in  the  Bible,  the  condition  and  aspect  of 
the  country  must  have  been  very  different.  In  no 
country  do  the  rained  towns  bear  so  large  a  propor- 
'M  to  those  still  existing.  There  is  hardly  a  hill- 
II  without  vestiges  of  some  fortress  or  city.  (AoBi- 
i.TiRE;  Census.)  But,  besides  this,  forests  ap- 
•  ar  to  have  stood  in  many  parts  of  Judea  until  in- 
'  ■  and  sieges  caused  their  fall;  and  all  this  ' 
im  must  have  reacted  on  the  moisture  of 
natc,  and,  by  preserving  the  water  in  many 
ravine  and  natural  reservoir  where  now  it  is  rap- 
lly  dried  bv  the  fierce  sun  of  the  early  summer, 
50 


must  have  Influenced  materially  the  look  and  the 
resources  of  the  country.  (Forest.)  16.  Advan- 
cing northward  from  Judea,  the  country  becomes 
gradually  more  open  and  pleasant.  Plains  of  good 
soil  occur  between  the  hills,  at  first  small,  but  after- 
ward comparatively  large.  The  hills  assume  here  a 
more  varied  aspect  than  in  the  southern  districts, 
springs  are  more  abundant  and  more  permanent, 
until,  at  last,  when  the  district  of  Jebd  Kahhis  is 
reached — the  ancient  Mount  Ephraim — the  travel- 
ler encounters  an  atmosphere  and  an  amount  of 
vegetation  and  water  which,  if  not  so  transccndently 
lovely  as  the  representations  of  enthusiastic  travel- 
lers would  make  it,  is  yet  greatly  superior  to  any 
thing  he  has  met  with  in  Judea,  and  oven  suHicient 
lo  recall  much  of  the  scenery  of  the  West.  17.  Per- 
haps the  springs  arc  the  only  objects  which  in  them- 
selves, and,  apart  from  their  associations,  really  strike 
a  traveller  from  the  West  with  astonishment  and 
admiration.  Such  glorious  fountains  as  those  of  Mm 
./a/i((/ ( Jezrecl),  Till  el-Ktkhi  (Dan),  Bdnias  (Cesarea 
PniLirpi),  Jaihi  (En-gannim),  &c.,  are  very  rarely 
to  be  met  with  out  of  irregular,  rocky,  mountainous 
countries.  But,  added  to  their  natural  impressive- 
ncss,  is  the  consideration  of  the  prominent  part 
which  many  of  these  springs  have  played  in  the 
history.  18.  The  valleys  which  lead  down  from 
the  upper  level  in  this  district  to  the  valley  of  the 
Jordan,  are  less  precipitous,  because  the  level  from 
which  they  start  in  their  descent  is  lower,  while 
that  of  the  Jordan  valley  is  liigher ;  and  they  have 
lost  that  savage  character  which  distinguishes  the 
naked  clefts  of  the  Wadys  Smcrinil  and  Kelt  (near 
Jericho),  of  the  Mjn  Jkli/  or  Zuiceirah  (W.  of  the 
Dead  Sea),  and  have  become  wider  and  shallower. 
Fine  streams  run  through  many  of  these  valleys. 
The  mountains,  though  bare  of  wood  and  but  par- 
tially cultivated,  have  none  of  that  arid,  worn  look 
which  renders  those  E.  of  Hebron  so  repulsive. 
19.  Hardly  less  rich  is  the  extensive  region  which 
lies  X.  AV.  of  the  city  of  NaUus,  between  it  and 
Carmel,  in  which  the  mountains  gradually  break 
down  into  the  Plain  of  Sharon.  20.  But  with  all 
ils  richness,  and  all  its  advance  on  the  southern 
part  of  the  country,  there  is  a  strange  dearth  of 
natural  wood  about  this  central  district.  Olive- 
trees  are  indeed  to  be  found  everywhere,  but  they 
are  artificially  cultivated  for  their  fruit,  and  the 
olive  is  not  a  tree  which  adds  to  the  look  of  a  land- 
scape. It  is  this  dcailh  of  natural  non-fruit-bearing 
trees  in  the  district  which  makes  the  wooded  sides 
of  Carmel  and  the  park-like  scenery  of  the  adjacent 
slopes  and  plains  so  remarkable.  21.  No  sooner, 
however,  is  the  Plain  of  Esdrailon  passed,  than  a 
considerable  improvement  is  perceptible.  The  low 
hills  which  spread  down  from  the  mountains  of 
Galilee,  and  form  the  barrier  between  the  plains  of 
'Akka  and  Esdraelon,  are  covered  with  timber,  of 
moderate  size,  it  is  true,  but  of  thick,  vigorous 
growth,  and  pleasant  lo  the  eye.  Eastward  of 
these  hills  rises  the  round  mass  of  Tabor,  daik 
with  its  copses  of  oak,  and  set  off  by  contrast  with 
the  bare  slopes  of  Jthd  cd-Duhi/  (the  so-called 
"  Little  Hermon  ")  and  the  white  hills  of  Nazareth. 
X''.  of  Tabor  and  Nazareth  is  the  plain  of  el-lintUmf, 
an  upland  tract  hitherto  very  imperfectly  described, 
but  apparently  similar  to  Esdralon,  though  much 
more  elevated.  Beyond  this,  the  amount  of  natural 
growth  increases  at  every  step,  until  toward  the  N. 
the  country  becomes  what  even  in  England  or 
America  would  be  considered  as  well  timbered. 
22,    The  notices  of  this  romantic  district  in  the 


JS6 


PAL 


PAL 


Bible  are  but  scanty ;  in  fact,  till  the  date  of  the 
N.  T.,  when  it  had  acquired  the  name  of  Galileo,  it 
may  be  said,  for  all  purposes  of  history,  to  be  hardly 
mentioned.  In  the  great  Roman  conquest,  or  rather 
destruction,  of  Galilee,  which  preceded  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem,  the  contest  penetrated  but  a  short  dis- 
tance into  the  interior.  23.  From  the  present  ap- 
pearance of  this  district  we  may,  with  some  allow- 
ances, perhaps  gain  an  idea  of  what  the  more  south- 
ern portions  of  the  central  highlands  were  during  the 
earlier  periods  in  the  history.  There  is  little  ma- 
terial difference  in  the  natural  conditions  of  the  two 
regions.  It  seems  fair  to  believe  that  the  hills  of 
Shechem,  Bethel,  and  Hebron,  when  Abram  first 
wandered  over  them,  were  not  very  inferior  to  those 
of  the  districts  W.  and  N.  W.  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee, 
from  which  oak  and  other  wood  is  supplied  to  the  I 
towns  on  the  coast.  24.  The  causes  of  the  present 
bareness  of  the  face  of  the  country  are  two,  whicli, 
indeed,  can  hardly  be  separated.  The  first  is  the 
destruction  of  the  timber  in  that  long  series  of 
sieges  and  invasions  which  began  with  the  in- 
vasion of  Shishak  (d.  c.  about  970)  and  has  not 
yet  come  to  an  end.  This,  at  once,  made  the 
climate  more  arid,  and,  doubtless,  diminished  the 
rain-fall.  The  second  is  the  decay  of  the  tor- 
races  necessary  to  retain  the  soil  on  the  steep 
slopes  of  the  round  hills.  25.  In  the  Holy  Land  the 
hill  tops  are,  throughout,  selected  for  habitation. 
A  town  in  a  valley  is  a  rare  exception  ;  while  scarce 
a  single  eminence  of  the  multitude  always  in  sight 
but  is  crowned  with  its  city  or  village,  inhabited  or 
in  ruins,  oft?n  so  placed  as  if  not  accessibility  but 
inaccessibility  had  been  the  object  of  its  builders. 
And  indeed  such  was  their  object.  These  groups 
of  naked  forlorn  structures  piled  irregularly  one 
over  the  other  on  the  curve  of  the  hill-top,  are  the 
lineal  descendants,  if  indeed  they  do  not  sometimes 
contain  the  actual  remains,  of  the  "  fenced  cities, 
great  and  walled  up  to  heaven,"  so  frequently  men- 
tioned in  the  records  of  the  Israelite  conquest. 
They  bear  witness  to  the  general  insecurity  of  the 
country,  and  to  the  treacherous  nature  of  the  allu- 
vial "  sand  "  of  the  plain  under  the  sudden  rush  of  the 
winter  torrents  from  the  hills  as  compared  with  the 
"  rock  "  of  the  hills  themselves  (Mat.  vii.  24-27).  26. 
These  hill-towns  were  not  what  gave  the  Israelites 
their  main  difficulty  in  the  occupation  of  the  coun- 
try. Wherever  strength  of  arm  and  fleetness  of  foot 
availed,  there  those  hardy  warriors,  fierce  as  lions, 
sudden  and  swift  as  eagles,  sure-footed  and  fleet  as 
the  wild  deer  on  the  hills  (1  Chr.  xii.  8;  2  Sam.  i. 
23,  ii.  18),  easily  conquered.  It  was  in  the  plains, 
where  the  horses  and  chariots  of  the  Canaanites  and 
Philistines  had  space  to  manceuvre,  that  they  failed 
in  dislodging  the  aborigines  (Judg.  i.  19-35).  Thus 
in  this  case  the  ordinary  conditions  of  conquest  were 
reversed — the  conquerors  took  the  hills,  the  con- 
quered kept  the  plains.  To  a  people  so  exclusive 
as  the  Jews  there  must  have  been  a  constant  satis- 
faction in  the  elevation  and  inaccessibility  of  their 
highland  regions.  This  is  evident  in  every  page  of 
their  literature,  which  is  tinged  throughout  with  a 
highland  coloring.  27.  But  the  hills  were  occupied 
by  other  edifices  besides  the  "  fenced  cities."  The 
tiny,  white  domes  perched  here  and  there  on  the 
summits  of  the  .eminences,  and  marking  the  holy 
ground  in  which  some  Mohammedan  saint  is  resting, 
are  the  successors  of  the  "high  flacks"  or  sanc- 
tuaries so  constantly  denounced  by  the  prophets, 
and  which  were  set  up  "  on  every  high  hill  and  un- 
der every  green  tree"  (Jer.  ii.  !20;  Ez.  vi.  13).     28. 


From  the  mountainous  structure  of  the  Holy  Land 
and  the  extraordinary  variations  in  the  level  of  its 
different  districts,  arises  a  further  peculiarity,  viz. 
the  extensive  views  of  the  country  which  can  be  ob- 
tained from  various  commanding  points.  The  num- 
ber of  panoraniax  which  present  themselves  to  the 
traveller  in  Palestine  is  truly  remarkable.  To  speak 
of  the  W.  of  Jordan  only — for  E.  of  it  all  is  at  pres- 
ent more  or  less  unknown — the  prospects  from  the 
height  of  Beni  A'a'im,  near  Hebron,  from  the  Mount 
of  Olives,  from  Kfby  Saimoil,  from  Bethel,  from 
Gerizim  or  Ebal,  from  Jenin,  Carmel,  Tabor,  Sij/ed, 
the  Castle  of  Bdnicis,  the  Kubbti  en-Nasr  above 
Damascus,  are  known  to  many  travellers.  Their 
peculiar  charm  resides  in  their  wide  extent,  the 
number  of  spots  historically  remarkable  which  aie 
visible  at  once,  the  limpid  clearness  of  the  air,  which 
brings  the  most  distant  objects  comparatively  close, 
and  the  consideration  that  in  many  cases  the  feet 
must  be  standing  on  the  same  ground,  and  the  eyes 
resting  on  the  same  spots  which  have  been  stood 
upon  and  gazed  at  by  the  most  famous  patriarchs, 
prophets,  and  heroes,  of  all  the  successive  ages  in 
the  eventful  history  of  the  country.  These  views 
are  a  feature  in  which  Palestine  is  perhaps  ap- 
proached by  no  other  country,  certainly  by  no  coun- 
try whose  history  is  at  all  equal  in  importance  to 
the  world.  29.  A  few  words  must  be  said  in  gen- 
eral dcscriptipn  of  the  maritime  lowland,  which  in- 
tervenes between  tlie  sea  and  the  highlands,  and  of 
which  detailed  accounts  will  be  found  under  the 
heads  of  its  great  divisions.  This  region,  only 
slightly  elevated  above  the  level  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean, extends  without  interruption  from  el-'Arirh, 
south  of  Gaza,  to  Mount  Carmel.  It  naturally  di- 
vides itself  into  two  portions,  each  of  about  half  its 
length  : — the  lower  one  the  wider ;  the  upper  one  the 
narrower.  The  lower  half  is  the  Plain  of  the  I'liilis- 
tines — Philistia,  or,  as  tlie  Hebrews  called  it,  the 
Sht-phcldh  (Sephei.a)  or  Lowland.  The  upper  half 
is  the  Sharon  or  Saron  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments, the  "  Forest  country  "  of  Josephus  and  the 
LXX.  Viewed  from  the  sea  this  maritime  region 
appears  as  a  long  low  coast  of  white  or  cream-colorfd 
sand,  its  slight  undulations  rising  occasionally  into 
mounds  or  cliffs,  v.'hich  in  one  or  two  places  (e.  g. 
Jaffn)  almost  aspire  to  the  dignity  of  headlands.  30. 
Such  is  its  appearance  from  without.  But  from 
within,  when  traversed,  or  overlooked  from  some 
point  on  those  blue  hills,  the  prospect  is  very  ilitlcr- 
ent.  The  Philistine  Plain  is  on  an  average  (iliien 
or  sixteen  miles  in  width  from  the  coast  to  the  fir.*t 
beginning  of  the  belt  of  hills,  which  forms  the 
gradual  approach  to  the  highland  of  the  mouiit.ain9 
of  Judah.  The  plain  is  in  many  parts  almost  a  dead 
level,  in  others  gently  undulating  in  long  waves; 
here  and  there  low  mounds  or  hillocks,  each  crowned 
with  its  village,  and  more  rarely  still  a  hill  overtop- 
ping the  rest,  like  Tell  es-Sil/teh  (Blanchegunic; 
Gath  ?),  the  seat  of  some  fortress  of  Jewish,  or  Cru- 
sading times.  The  larger  towns,  as  Gaza  and  -\sh- 
dod,  which  stand  near  the  shore,  are  surrounded 
with  huge  groves  of  olive,  sycamore  and  palm,  iis  in 
the  days  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  28).  The  "hole 
plain  appears  to  consist  of  brown  loamy  soil,  light, 
but  rich,  and  almost  without  a  stone.  It  is  t"  this 
absence  of  stone  that  the  disappearance  of  it?  an- 
cient towns  and  villages  is  to  be  traced.  Now,  a.t 
when  the  Philistines  possessed  it,  one  enormous  fieM 
of  wheat  covers  the  wide  expanse  between  the  hH 
and  the  sand  dunes  of  the  sea-shore,  without  intt 
ruption  of  any  kind — no  break  or  hedge,  hardly  e 


1 


PAL 


PAL 


7sr 


a  single  olive-tree.  Its  fertility  is  mnrvcllous ;  for 
the  piodi-rious  crops  which  it  raises  are  produced, 
and  probably  have  been  produced  almost  year  by 
year,  for  the  last  forty  centuries,  without  any  of  the 
appliances  which  we  find  necessary  for  success.  31. 
The  Plain  of  Sharon  is  much  narrower  than  Philistia. 
It  is  about  ten  miles  wide  from  the  sea  to  the  foot 
of  the  mountains,  which  arc  here  more  abrupt  than 
those  of  Philistia,  and  without  the  intermediate  hilly 
region  there  oecurrinfr.  At  the  same  time  it  is  more 
undulating  and  irregular  than  the  former,  and  crossed 
by  streams  from  tlic  central  hills,  some  of  them  of 
considerable  size,  and  containing  water  during  the 
whole  year.  The  soil  is  extremely  rich,  varying  from 
bright  red  to  deep  black,  and  producing  enormous 
crops  of  weeds  or  grain,  as  the  case  may  be.  32. 
The  tract  of  white  sand  already  mentioned  as  form- 
ing the  shore  line  of  the  whole  coast,  is  gradually 
encroaching  on  this  magnificent  region.  In  the  S. 
it  has  buried  Ashkelon,  and  in  the  N.  between  Cesa- 
rea  and  Jafta  the  dunes  are  said  to  be  as  much  as 
three  miles  wide  and  300  feet  high.  Probaljly  the 
Jews  never  permanently-  occupied  more  than  a  small 
portion  of  this  region.  Its  principal  towns  were,  it 
is  true,  allotted  to  the  different  tribes  (Josh.  xv.  45- 
47;  xvi.  3,  Gezer  ;  xvii.  11,  DoR,  &c.);  but  this  was 
in  anticipation  of  the  intended  conquest  (xiii.  3-6). 
(Philistines.)  33.  In  the  Roman  times  this  region 
was  considered  the  pride  of  the  country,  and  some 
of  the  most  important  cities  of  the  province  stood 
in  it — Cksakea,  Antipatris,  Diospolis  (  =  Lydpa). 
The  one  ancient  port  of  the  Jews,  the  "  beautiful " 
city  of  JopPA,  occupied  a  position  central  between 
the  ShtpltelAh  and  Sharon.  Roads  led  from  these 
various  cities  to  each  other,  to  Jerusalem,  Ncapolis, 
and  Sebaste  in  the  interior,  and  to  Ptolemais  and 
Gaza  on  the  X.  and  S.  The  commerce  of  Damascus, 
and,  beyond  Dama.scus,  of  Persia  and  India,  passed 
this  way  to  Egypt,  Rome,  and  the  infant  colonics  of 
the  West ;  and  that  traffic  and  the  constant  move- 
ment of  troops  backward  and  forward  must  have 
made  this  plain  one  of  the  busiest  and  most  popu- 
lous regions  of  Syria  at  the  time  of  Christ.  34.  The 
characteristics  already  described  are  hardly  peculiar 
to  Palestine.  Iler  hilly  surface  and  general  height, 
her  rocky  ground  and  thin  soil,  her  torrent-beds 
wide  and  dry  for  the  greater  part  of  the  year,  even 
her  belt  of  maritime  lowland — these  she  shares  with 
other  lands,  though  it  would  perhaps  be  difficult  to 
find  them  united  elsewhere.  But  there  is  one  fea- 
ture in  which  she  stands  alone — the  Jordan — the 
one  river  of  the  country.  35.  Properly  to  compre- 
hend this,  we  must  cast  our  eyes  for  a  few  moments 
N.  and  S.,  outside  the  narrow  limits  of  the  Holy 
Land.  From  N.  to  S. — from  Antioch  to  'Akahah  at 
the  tip  of  the  eastern  horn  of  the  Red  Sea,'Syria  is 
cleft  by  a  deep  and  narrow  trench  running  parallel 
with  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  dividing, 
as  if  by  a  fosse  or  ditch,  the  central  range  of  mari- 
time highlands  from  those  further  E.  At  two  points 
only  in  its  length  is  the  trench  interrupted — by  the 
range  of  Lebanon  and  Ileimon,  and  by  the  high 
grouiiil  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea.  Of  the  three  compart- 
ments thus  formed,  the  northern  is  in  the  valley  of 
thcOrontes;  the  southern  is  the  Wailji  el- Ardbtlh  ; 
while  the  central  one  is  the  valley  of  the  Jordan,  the 
'Araiiah  of  the  Hebrews,  the  Anion  of  the  (ireeks, 
and  the  Ohir  of  the  Arabs.  The  central  of  its 
three  divisions  is  the  only  one  with  which  we  have 
at  present  to  do.  The  river  is  elsewhere  described 
in  detail  (JoitnAx);  but  it,  and  the  valley  through 
which    it   rushes  down   its   extraordinary  descent, 


must  be  here  briefly  characterized.  86.  The  Valley 
begins  with  the  river  at  its  remotest  springs  of 
Hushiiyn  on  the  N.  W.  side  of  Hermon,  and  accom- 
panies it  to  the  lower  end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  a  length 
of  about  150  miles.  During  the  whole  of  this  dis- 
tance its  course  is  straight,  and  its  direction  nearly 
due  N.  and  S.  The  springs  of  H<Ubeii/a  are  1,700 
feet  above  the  level  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  the 
northern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  is  1,317  feet  below  it, 
so  that  between  these  two  points  the  valley  falls 
with  more  or  less  regularity  through  a  height  of 
more  than  3,000  feet.  But  though  the  river  disappears 
at  this  point,  the  rallei/  still  continues  its  descent  be- 
low the  waters  of  the  Dead  Sea  till  it  reaches  a  further 
depth  of  1,308  feet.  So  the  bottom  of  this  ejtraor- 
dinary  crevasse  is  more  than  2,600  feet  below  the  sur- 
face of  the  ocean.  37.  In  width  the  valley  varies.  In 
its  upper  and  shallower  jiortion,  as  between  Bunias 
and  the  lake  of  Huleh,  it  is  about  five  miles  across. 
Between  the  Huleh  and  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  as  far  as  we 
have  any  information,  it  contracts,  and  becomes  more 
of  an  ordinary  ravine  or  glen.  It  is  in  its  third  and 
lower  portion  that  the  valley  assumes  its  more  def- 
inite and  regular  character.  During  the  greater 
part  of  this  portion,  it  is  about  seven  miles  wide  from 
the  one  wall  to  the  other.  The  eastern  mountains 
preserve  their  straight  line  of  direction,  and  their 
massive  horizontal  wall-like  aspect,  during  almost 
the  whole  distance.  The  western  mountains  are 
more  irregular  in  height,  their  slopes  less  vertical, 
and  their  general  line  is  interrupted.  N.  of  Jericho 
they  recede  in  a  kind  of  wide  amphitheatre,  and  the 
valley  becomes  twelve  miles  broad,  a  breadth  which 
it  thenceforward  retains  to  the  southern  extremity 
of  the  Dead  Sea.  38.  Buried  as  it  is  between  such 
lofty  ranges,  and  shielded  from  every  breeze,  the 
climate  of  the  Jordan  valley  is  extremely  hot  and 
relaxing.  Its  enervating  influence  is  shown  by  the 
inhabitants  of  Jericho.  Whether  there  was  any 
great  amount  of  cultivation  and  habitation  in  this 
region  in  the  times  of  the  Israelites  the  Bible  does  not 
say  ;  but  the  palms  of  Jericho,  and  of  Abila  (Arel- 
shittim),  and  the  extensive  lialsam  and  rose  gardens 
of  Jericho  are  spoken  of  by  Josephus,  who  calls 
the  whole  district  a  "divine  spot."  39.  All  the  ir- 
rigation necessary  for  the  towns,  or  for  the  cultiva- 
tion which  formerly  existed,  or  still  exists,  in  the 
Gh6r,  is  obtained  from  the  torrents  and  spi-ings  of 
the  w(  stern  mountains.  For  all  purposes  to  which 
a  river  is  ordinarily  applied,  the  Jordan  is  useless. 
Alike  useless  for  irrigation  and  navigation,  it  is  in 
fact,  what  its  Arabic  name  (SherVat  el-Kebir)  signi- 
fies, nothing  but  a  "  great  watering-place."  40. 
But  though  the  Jordan  is  so  unlike  a  river  in  the 
Western  sense  of  the  term,  it  is  far  less  so  than  the 
other  streams  of  the  Holy  Land.  It  is  at  least  per- 
ennial, while,  with  few  exceptions,  they  are  mere 
winter  torrents,  rushing  and  foaming  during  the 
continuance  of  the  rain,  and  quickly  drying  up  after 
the  commencement  of  summer.  For  fully  half  the 
year,  these  "  rivers,"  or  "  brooks,"  are  often  mere 
dry  lanes  of  hot  white  or  gray  stones,  or  tiny  rills 
working  their  way  through  heaps  of  parched  boul- 
ders. (liRO0K4;  IIiver2.)  41.  How  far  the  Valley  of 
the  Jordan  was  employed  by  the  ancient  inhabitants 
of  the  Holy  Land  as  a  medium  of  communication 
between  the  northern  and  southern  parts  of  the 
country  we  can  only  conjecture.  The  ancient  no- 
tices of  this  route  are  very  scanty,  (a.)  From  2 
t'hr.  xxviii.  15,  we  find  that  the  captives  taken  from 
Judah  by  the  army  of  the  northern  kingdom  were 
sent  back  from  Samaria  to  Jerusaicm  by  way  of 


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Jericho.  It  would  seem,  however,  to  have  been  the 
usual  road  from  the  north  to  Jerusalem  (comp.  Lk. 
svii.  11  with  xix.  1).  (h.)  Pompey  brouglit  his  army 
and  siege- train  from  l)amascu3  to  Jerusalem  (b.  c. 
40),  past  Scythopulis  and  Pella,  and  thence  by  Korea; 
(Kerawa  at  the  foot  of  Wady  Ferrah?)  to  Jericho. 
(r.)  Vespasian  marched  from  Emmaus,  on  the  edge 
of  the  plain  of  Sharon,  not  far  E.  of  Ramleh,  past 
Neapolis  (Ndblm),  down  to  Korea;,  and  thence  to 
Jericho,  (d.)  Antoninus  Martyr  (about  A.  d.  61)0), 
and  possibly  Willibald  (a.  d.  722)  followed  this  route 
to  Jerusalem,  (c.)  Baldwin  I.  is  said  to  have  jour- 
neyed from  Jericlio  to  Tiberias  with  a  caravan  of 
pilgrims.  (/.)  In  our  own  times  the  whole  length 
of  thg  valley  has  been  traversed  by  De  Bertou,  and 
by  Dr.  Anderson  (geologist  to  the  American  expedi- 
tion), but  apparently  by  few  if  any  other  travellers. 
42.  Monotonous  and  uninviting  as  much  of  the 
Holy  Land  will  appear  from  the  above  description 
to  readers  accustomed  to  the  constant  verdure,  the 
succession  of  flowers,  the  ample  streams  and  the 
varied  surface  of  our  own  country — we  must  re- 
member that  its  aspect  to  the  Israelites  after  that 
weary  march  of  forty  years  through  the  desert,  and 
even  by  the  side  of  tlie  brightest  recollections  of 
Egypt  that  they  could  conjure  up,  must  have  been 
very  different.  They  entered  the  country  at  the 
time  of  the  Passover,  when  it  was  arrayed  in  the 
full  glory  and  freshness  of  its  brief  springtide,  be- 
fore the  scorching  sun  of  summer  liad  had  time  to 
wither  its  flowers  and  embrown  its  verdure.  Taking 
all  these  circumstances  into  account,  and  allowing 
for  the  bold  metaphors  of  Oriental  speech,  those 
wayworn  travellers  could  have  chosen  no  litter  words 
to  express  what  their  new  country  was  to  them  than 
— "  a  land  flowing  with  milk  and  honey,  the  glory 
of  all  lands."  43.  Again,  the  variations  of  the 
seasons  may  appear  to  us  slight,  and  the  atmosphere 
dry  and  hot;  but  after  the  monotonous  climate  of 
Egypt,  the  "  rain  of  heaven  "  must  have  been  a  most 
grateful  novelty  in  its  two  seasons,  the  former  and 
the  latter — the  occasional  snow  and  ice  of  the  win- 
ters of  Palestine,  and  the  burst  of  returning  spring, 
must  have  had  double  the  effect  which  they  would 
produce  on  those  accustomed  to  such  changes. 
(Dew  ;  Frost  ;  Wind.)  44.  The  contrast  with 
Egypt  would  tell  also  in  another  way.  In  place  of 
the  huge  ever-flowing  river  whose  only  variation  was 
from  low  to  high,  and  from  high  to  low  again,  and 
which  lay  at  the  lowest  level  of  that  level  country, 
they  found  themselves  in  a  land  of  constant  and 
considerable  undulation,  where  the  water,  either  of 
gushing  spring,  or  deep  well,  or  flowing  stream, 
could  be  procured  at  the  most  varied  elevations,  re- 
quiring only  to  be  judiciously  husbanded  and  skil- 
fully conducted  to  find  its  own  way  through  field 
or  garden.  (AoRicrLTURE.)  45.  It  will  be  seen 
that,  beneath  the  apparent  monotony,  there  is  a 
variety  in  the  Holy  Land  really  remarkable.  There 
Is  the  variety  due  to  the  difference  of  level  between 
the  different  parts  of  the  country.  There  is  the 
variety  of  climate  and  of  natural  appearances, 
partly  from  the  proximity  of  the  snow-capped  Uer- 
nion  and  Lebanon  on  the  north  and  of  the  torrid 
desert  on  the  south.  There  is  also  the  variety  in- 
evitably produced  by  the  presence  of  the  sea — "  the 
eternal  freshness  and  liveliness  of  ocean."  46.' 
Each  of  these  is  continually  reflected  in  the  Hebrew 
literature.  The  contrast  between  the  highlands  and 
lowlands  appears  in  "  going  up"  to  Judah,  Jerusa- 
lem, Hebron ;  "  going  doum "  to  Jericho,  Caper- 
naum,  Lydda,  Cesarea,  Gaza,  and   Egypt.     More 


than  this,  the  difference  is  marked  in  the  topo- 
graphical terms  which  so  abound  in,  and  are  so 
peculiar  to,  this  literature.  "The  mountain  of  Ju- 
dah," "  the  mountain  of  Israel,"  "  the  mountain  of 
Naphtali,"  are  the  names  by  which  the  three  great 
divisions  of  the  highlands  are  designated.  The  pre- 
dominant names  for  the  towns  of  the  same  district 
(GlBEAH,  GeBA,  GaBA,  GlBEON — Ramah,  Ramathaim 
— MizpEH,  ZoPHiM,  Zkphathah)  all  reflect  its  eleva- 
tion. On  the  other  hand,  the  great  lowland  districts 
have  each  their  peculiar  name — Shi>plwtdh  (Sepue- 
la),  Sharo.n,  Arabaii.  47.  The  differences  in  cli- 
mate are  no  less  often  mentioned.  The  Psalmists, 
Prophets,  and  historical  Books,  are  full  of  allusions 
to  the  fierce  heat  of  the  mid-day  sun  and  the  dry- 
ness of  summer ;  no  less  than  to  the  various  ac- 
companiments of  winter — the  rain,  snow,  frost,  ice, 
and  fogs  of  Jerusaleni  and  the  u])per  country.  Even 
the  sharp  alternntions  between  the  heat  of  the  days 
and  the  coldness  of  the  nights,  which  strike  every 
traveller  in  Palestine,  are  mentioned.  48.  In  the 
preceding  description  allusion  has  been  made  to 
many  of  the  characteristic  features  of  the  Holy 
Land.  But  one  defect  is  even  more  characteristic — 
its  lack  of  monuments  and  personal  relics  of  the 
nation  who  possessed  it  for  so  many  centuries,  and 
gave  it  its  claim  to  our  veneration  and  affection. 
In  Egypt  and  Greece,  and  also  in  Assyria,  as  far  as 
our  knowledge  at  present  extends,  we  find  a  scries 
of  buildings,  reaching  down  from  the  most  remote 
and  mysterious  antiquity,  a  chain,  of  which  hardly 
a  link  is  wanting,  and  which  records  the  progress 
of  the  people  in  civilization,  art,  and  religion,  as 
certainly  as  the  buildings  of  the  media;val  architects 
do  that  of  the  various  nations  of  modern  Europe. 
We  possess  also  a  multitude  of  oly'ects  of  use  and 
ornament,  belonging  to  these  nations,  and  pertaining 
to  every  station,  office,  and  act  in  their  official,  reli- 
gious, and  domestic  life.  But  in  Palestine  there  does 
not  exist  a  single  edifice,  or  part  of  an  edifice,  of 
which  we  can  be  sure  that  it  is  of  a  date  anterior  to 
the  Christian  era.  And  as  with  the  buildings  so  with 
other  memorials.  With  one  cxcepti'm,  the  museums 
of  Europe  do  not  possess  a  single  piece  of  pottery 
or  metal  work,  a  single  weapon  or  household  uten- 
sil, an  ornament  or  a  piece  of  armor,  of  Israelite 
make,  which  can  give  us  the  least  conception  of  the 
manners  or  outward  appliances  of  the  nation  before 
the  date  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus. 
The  coins  fonn  the  single  exception.  (Money.)  The 
following  buildings  are  Jewish  in  character,  though 
carried  out  with  foreign  details : — The  tombs  of  the 
Kings  and  of  the  Judges :  the  buildings  known  as 
the  tombs  of  Absalom,  Zechariah,  St.  James,  and 
Jehoshaphat ;  the  monolith  at  Siloam — all  near  Je- 
rusaleiti  (see  cut  under  Jehoshaphat,  Valley  of, 
and  Tomb),  the  ruined  synagogues  at  Mriron  and 
Kefr  Birim  (a  few  miles  S.  W.  and  W.  of  Lake 
Merom).  But  there  are  two  edifices  which  seem  to 
bear  a  character  of  their  own,  and  do  not  so  clearly 
betray  the  style  of  the  West.  These  are  the  en- 
closure round  the  sacred  cave  at  Hebron  (Machpe- 
lah)  ;  and  portions  of  the  western,  southern,  and 
eastern  walls  of  the  Harnm  at  Jerusalem,  with  the 
vaulted  passage  below  the  Akm.  (Te.mple.)  M. 
Renan  has  named  two  circumstances  which  must 
have  had  a  great  effect  in  suppressing  art  or  archi- 
tecture amongst  the  ancient  Israelites,  while  theu- 
very  existence  proves  that  the  people  had  no  genius 
in  that  direction.  These  are  (1.)  the  prohibition  of 
sculptured  representations  of  living  creatures,  and 
(2.)  the  command  not  to  build  a  temple  anywhew 


I 


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789 


but  at  Jenisalem. — The  Oeology.  Of  the  geological 
structure  of  I'alestine  our  inforiuation  is  but  imper- 
fect and  indistinct.  1.  The  main  sources  of  our 
Isnowledge  are  (a.)  the  observations  contained  in  tlie 
Travels  of  Kusscgger,  an  Austrian  geologist  and 
mining  engineer,  who  visited  this  among  other  coun- 
tries of  the  East  in  lS36-'8;  (A.)  the  Report  of  H. 
J.  Anderson,  M.  D.,  an  American  geologist,  formerly 
Professor  in  Columbia  College,  N.  Y.,  who  accom- 
panied Captain  Lynch  in  his  exploration  of  the  Jor- 
dan and  the  Dead  Sea  in  1848 ;  and  (c.)  the  Diary 
of  Mr.  H.  Poole,  wlio  visited  Palestine  on  a  mission 
for  the  British  government  in  1855.  None  of  these 
contain  any  thing  approaching  a  complete  investi- 
gation, either  as  to  extent  or  to  detail  of  obsena- 
tions.  2.  From  the  reports  of  tliese  observers  it 
appears  that  the  Holy  Land  is  a  much-disturbed 
mountainous  tract  of  limestone  of  the  secondary 
period  (Jurassic  and  cretaceous);  the  southern  oft- 
shoot  of  the  chain  of  Lebanon ;  elevated  consider- 
ably above  the  sea-level ;  with  partial  interruptions 
from  tertiary  and  basaltic  deposits.  It  is-part  of  a 
vast  mass  of  limestone,  stretching  in  every  direction 
except  west,  far  beyond  the  limits  oftlie  Holy  Land. 
The  whole  of  Syria  is  cleft  from  north  to  south  by  a 
siraight  crevasse  of  moderate  width,  but  extending 
in  the  southern  portion  of  its  centre  division  to  a 
truly  remarkable  depth  (2,625  feet)  below  the  sea- 
level.  (Sea,  the  Salt.)  This  crevasse,  which  con- 
tains the  principal  water-course  of  the  country,  is 
also  the  most  exceptional  feature  of  its  geology. 
It  may  have  been  volcanic  in  its  origin  ;  the  result 
of  an  upheaval  from  beneath,  which  lias  tilted  the 
limestone  back  on  each  side,  leaving  this  huge  split 
in  the  strata ;  tlie  volcanic  force  having  stopped 
siiort  at  that  point  in  the  operation,  witliout  intru- 
ding any  volcanic  rocks  into  the  fissure.  Or  it  may 
have  been  excavated  by  the  gradual  action  of  the 
ocean  during  the  immense  periods  of  geological 
operation.  The  latter  appears  to  be  the  opinion 
of  Dr.  Anderson ;  but  further  examination  is  neces- 
sary before  a  positive  opinion  can  be  pronounced. 
3.  The  limestone  consists  of  two  strata,  or  rather 
groups  of  strata.  The  upper  one,  which  usually 
meets  the  eye,  over  the  whole  country  from  Hebron 
to  Hermon,  is  a  tolerably  solid  stone,  varying  in 
color  from  white  to  reddish  brown,  with  very  few 
fossils,  inclining  to  crj'stalline  structure,  and  abound- 
ing in  caverns.  Its  general  surface  has  been  formed 
into  gently-rounded  hills,  separated  by  narrow  val- 
leys of  denudation  occasionally  spreading  into  small 
plains.  4.  This  limestone  is  often  found  crowned 
with  chalk,  rich  in  flints,  the  remains  of  a  deposit 
which  probably  once  covered  a  great  portion  of  the 
country.  6.  Near  Jerusalem  the  mass  of  the  ordi- 
nary limestone  is  often  mingled  with  large  bodies 
of  dolomite  (magnesinn  limestone).  It  is  not  strati- 
fied. 6.  The  lower  stratum  is  in  two  divisions  or 
series  of  beds — the  U|)per,  dusky  in  color,  contorted 
and  cavernous  like  tliat  just  described,  but  more 
ferruginous — the  lower  one  dark  gray,  compact  and 
soliil,  and  characterized  by  abundant  fossils  of 
eirlaris,  an  extinct  echinus  or  sea-hedgehog,  the 
spines  of  which  are  the  well-known  "  olives  "  of  tlie 
convents.  The  ravine  by  which  one  descends  from 
the  Mount  of  Olives  to  Jericho,  cuts  through  the 
strata  already  mentioned.  The  lower  formation 
differs  entirely  in  character  from  the  upper.  In- 
stead of  smooth,  commonplace,  swelling  outlines, 
every  thing  here  is  rugged,  pointed,  and  abrupt.  7. 
After  the  limestone  of  I'alestine  had  received  the 
general  form  which  its  surface  still  retains,  it  was 


pierced  and  broken  by  large  eruptions  of  lava 
pushed  up  from  beneath,  which  has  broken  up  and 
overflowed  the  stratified  beds,  and  now  appears  iu 
the  form  of  basalt  or  trap.  8.  On  the  west  of  Jor- 
dan these  volcanic  rocks  have  been  hitherto  found 
only  N.  of  the  mountains  of  Samaria.  They  are 
first  encountered  on  the  southwestern  side  of  the 
Plain  of  Esdra;lon.  N.  of  Tabor  and  W.  of  Tibe- 
rias they  abound  over  a  district  about  twenty  miles 
in  diameter.  There  seem  to  have  been  two  centres 
of  eruption ;  one,  the  most  ancient,  at  or  about  the 
Kurn  Hailin  (the  traditional  Mount  of  Beatitudes), 
whence  the  stream  flowed  over  the  declivities  of  the 
limestone  toward  the  Lake  of  Gennesaret ;  the  other 
— more  recent — more  to  the  north,  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Safed.  9.  The  volcanic  action  which  in 
pre-historic  times  projected  tliis  basalt,  has  left  its 
later  traces  in  the  ancient  records  of  the  country, 
and  is  even  still  active  in  the  form  of  earthquakes. 
(Earthquake.)  The  rocks  between  Jerusalem  and 
Jericho  show  many  an  evidence  of  these  convul- 
sions. Two  earthquakes  only  are  recorded  as  hav- 
ing affected  Jerusalem  itself — that  in  the  reign  of 
Uzziah,  and  that  at  the  time  of  the  crucifixion, 
when  "  the  rocks  were  rent  and  the  rocky  tombs 
torn  open"  (Mat.  xxvii.  51).  10.  But  in  addition 
to  earthquakes,  the  hot  salt  and  fetid  springs  which 
are  found  at  Tiberias,  Callirhoii  (Lasha  ?),  and 
other  spots  along  the  valley  of  the  Jordan,  and 
round  the  basins  of  its  lakes,  and  the  rock-salt, 
nitre,  and  sulphur  of  the  Dead  Sea  are  all  evidences 
of  volcanic  or  plutonic  action.  11.  In  the  Jordan 
valley  the  basalt  is  frequently  encountered.  Here, 
as  before,  it  is  deposited  on  the  limestone,  whidi 
forms  the  substratum  of  the  whole  country.  On 
the  western  side  of  the  lower  Jordan  and  Dead  Sea 
no  volcanic  formations  have  been  found.  12.  The 
most  extensive  and  remarkable  developments  of 
igneous  rocks  are  on  tlie  E.  of  the  Jordan.  Over 
a  large  portion  of  the  surface  from  Damascus  to 
the  latitude  of  the  south  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  even 
beyond  that,  they  occur  in  the  greatest  abundance 
all  over  the  surface.  (Argob.)  The  limestone, how- 
ever, still  underlies  the  whole.  13.  The  tertiary 
and  alluvial  beds  are  chiefly  remarkable  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  Jordan,  as  forming  the  floor  of 
the  valley,  and  as  existing  along  the  course,  and  ac- 
cumulated at  the  mouths,  of  the  torrents  which 
deliver  their  tributary  streams  into  the  river,  and 
into  the  Dead  Sea.  14.  The  floor  of  the  Jordan 
valley  is  described  by  Dr.  Anderson  as  exhibiting 
throughout  more  or  less  distinctly  the  traces  of  two 
independent  terraces.  The  upper  one  is  much  the 
broader  of  the  two.  It  extends  back  to  the  face  of 
the  limestone  mountains  which  form  the  walls  of 
the  valley  on  the  east  and  west.  Below  this,  varying 
in  depth  from  50  to  150  feet,  is  the  second  terrace, 
which  reaches  to  the  channel  of  the  Jordan,  and,  in 
Dr.  Anderson's  opinion,  has  been  excavated  by  the 
river  itself  before  it  had  shrunk  to  its  present 
limits,  when  it  filled  the  whole  space  between  the 
eastern  and  western  faces  of  the  upper  terrace. 
The  inner  side  of  both  the  upper  and  lower  terrace  is 
furrowed  out  into  conical  knolls,  by  the  torrents  of 
the  rains  descending  to  the  lower  level.  All  along 
the  channel  of  the  river  are  found  mounds  and  low 
cliffs  of  conglomerates,  and  breccias  of  various  age?, 
and  more  various  composition.  15.  Round  the  mar- 
gin of  the  Dead  Sea  the  tertiary  beds  assume  larger 
and  more  important  proportions  than  l)y  the  course 
of  the  river.  The  marls,  gypsites,  and  conglomer- 
ates continue  along  the  base  of  the  western  cliff  as 


790 


PAL 


PAL 


far  as  the  Wad^  Sebbeh,  where  they  attain  their 
greatest  development.  S.  of  this  they  form  a  sterile 
wa'ste  of  brilliant  white  marl  and  bitter  salt  flakes 
plouglied  by  the  rain-torrents  into  pinnacles  and 
obeUsks.  At  tlie  southeastern  corner  of  tlic  sea, 
sandstones  begin  to  display  themselves  in  great  pro- 
fusion, and  extend  northward  beyond  Wadi/  Zurka 
Ma'in.  16.  A  notice  of  the  rich  alluvial  soil  of  the 
wide  plains  which  form  the  maritime  portion  of  ilie 
Holy  L,>nd,  and  also  that  of  Esdrajlon,  Gennesaret, 
and  other  similar  plains,  will  complete  our  sketch 
of  the  geology.  The  former  of  these  districts  is  a 
region  of  from  eight  to  twelve  miles  in  width,  inter- 
vening between  the  central  higlilands  and  the  sea. 
It  is  formed  of  washings  from  those  highlands, 
brought  down  by  the  heavy  rains  wliich  fall  in  the 
winter  months.  The  soil  is  a  light  loamy  sand,  red 
in  some  places,  and  deep  black  in  others.  The  actual 
coast  is  formed  of  a  very  recent  sandstone,  full  of 
marine  shells,  wliich  is  disintegrated  by  the  waves 
and  thrown  on  the  shore  as  sand,  stopping  in  many 
places  the  outflow  of  the  streams,  and  causing  them 
to  form  marshes  on  the  plain.  17.  The  plain  of 
Gkxnes-iret  is  under  similar  conditions,  except 
that  its  outer  edge  is  bounded  by  the  lake  in- 
stead of  the  ocean.  It  has  abvmdant  running 
water,  and  a  rich  soil  from  tlie  decay  of  the  vol- 
canic rocks  on  the  neighboring  heights.  18.  The 
plain  of  E3DR.EL0X  lies  between  two  ranges  of  high- 
land, with  a  third  (the  hills  separating  it  from  the 
plain  of  ^Akka),  at  its  N.  W.  end.  The  soil  of 
this  plain  is  also  volcanic,  though  not  so  purely  so 
as  that  of  Gennesaret.  19.  Bitumen,  or  asphaltum 
(the  "  SLiMF. "  of  Gen.  xi.  3),  is  only  met  with  in  tlie 
valley  of  Jordan.  At  Ndsbcii/a  it  is  obtained  from 
pits  or  wells  sunk  through  a  mass  of  bituminous 
earth  to  a  depth  of  about  ISO  feet.  It  is  also  found 
in  small  fragments  on  the  shore  of  the  Bead  Sea, 
and  occasionally,  though  rarely,  very  large  masses 
of  it  are  discovered  floating  in  tlie  water.  20. 
Sulphur  is  found  on  the  W.  and  S.  and  S.  E.  por- 
tions of  the  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea.  Nitre  is  rare. 
Rock-salt  abounds  in  large  masses.  The  salt-mound 
of  Khushm  Usdum  at  the  southern  end  of  the  Dead 
Sea  is  an  enormous  pile,  5  miles  long  by  2^  broad, 
and  some  hundred  feet  in  height.  (13rimstoxe; 
Coal;  Metals;  Mixes;  Salt;  Sea,  the  Salt.) — 
The  Boiany  (abridged  and  modified  from  the  origi- 
nal article  by  Dr.  J.  D.  Hooker).  The  Botany  of 
Syria  and  Palestine  dilfers  but  little  from  that  of 
Asia  Minor,  which  is  one  of  the  most  rich  and 
varied  on  the  globe.  What  differences  it  presents 
are  due  to  a  slight  admixture  of  Persian  forms  on 
the  eastern  frontier,  of  Arabian  and  Egyptian  on 
the  southern,  and  of  Arabian  and  Indian  tropical 
plants  in  the  low  torrid  depression  of  the  Jordan 
and  Dead  Sea.  On  the  other  hand,  Palestine  forms 
the  southern  and  eastern  limit  of  the  Asia  Minor 
flora,  and  contains  a  multitude  of  trees,  shrubs,  and 
herbs,  that  advance  no  further  S.  and  E.  Owing, 
however,  to  the  geographical  position  and  moun- 
tainous character  of  Asia  Minor  and  Syria,  the 
main  features  of  their  flora  are  essentially  Jlediter- 
ranean-European,  and  not  Asiatic.  As  elsewhere 
throughout  the  Mediterranean  regions,  Syria  and 
Palestine  were  evidently  once  thickly  covered  with 
forests,  which  on  the  lower  hills  and  plains  have 
been  either  entirely  removed,  or  else  reduced  to 
tlie  condition  of  brushwood  and  copse ;  but  which 
still  abound  on  the  mountains,  and  along  certain 
piirts  of  the  sea-coast.  The  flora  of  Syria,  so  far 
as  it  is  known,  may  be  roughly  classed  under  three 


principal  Botanical  regions,  corresponding  with  the 
physical  character  of  the  country.  These  are  (I.) 
the  western  or  sea-board  half  of  Syria  and  Pales- 
tine, including  the  lower  valleys  of  the  Lebanon 
and  Anti-Lebanon,  the  plain  of  Coelesyria,  Galilee, 
Samaria,  and  Judea.  (II.)  The  desert  or  eastera 
half,  which  includes  the  eastern  flanks  of  Anti- 
Lebanon,  the  plain  of  Damascus,  tlie  Jordan  and 
Dead  Sea  valley.  (HI.)  The  middle  and  upper 
mountain  regions  of  Mount  Casius,  and  of  Lebanon 
above  3,400  feet,  and  of  Anti-Lebanon  above  4,000 
feet.  These  Botanical  regions  present  no  definite 
boundary-line.  (I.)  Botanji  of  Western  Syria  and 
Palestine.  The  flora  throughout  this  district  is 
made  up  of  such  a  multitude  of  different  families 
and  genera  of  plants,  that  it  is  not  easy  to  charac- 
terize it  by  the  mention  of  a  few.  Among  trees, 
oaks  are  by  far  the  most  prevalent,  and  are  the 
only  ones  that  form  continuous  woods,  except  the 
Pinus  maritima  soiA  Pinu.i  Hutej/ensis  {x\.\e]>po  Pine). 
The  most  prevalent  oak  is  the  Quercus  psendo-cocnf- 
era,  an  evergreen  oak,  erroneously  called  holly  by 
many  travellers,  and  Querous  Ilex  by  others.  This 
is  perhaps  the  commonest  plant  in  all  Syria  and 
Palestine,  covering  as  a  low  dense  bush  many  square 
miles  of  hilly  country  everywhere,  but  rarely  or 
never  growing  in  the  plains.  It  seldom  becomes  a 
large  tree,  except  in  the  valleys  of  Lebanon,  or 
whore,  as  in  the  case  of  the  famous  oak  of  Manire, 
it  is  allowed  to  attain  its  full  size.  The  only  other 
oaks  that  are  common  are  the  Quereiis  infccioria  (a 
gall-oak),  and  Querciis  u£ffilops.  The  Quercus  infeo- 
toria  is  a  small  deciduous-leaved  tree,  found  here 
and  there  in  Galilee,  Samaria,  and  Lebanon.  Quer- 
ent ^r/ilops  is  the  Valonia  oak  ;  a  low,  very  stout- 
trunked,  sturdy  tree,  common  in  Galilee,  especially 
on  Tabor  and  Carmel,  and  regarded  by  Dr.  Hooker 
as  the  oak  of  Bashan.  The  trees  of  the  genus 
Pistacia  rank  next  in  abundance  to  the  oak,  and  of 
these  there  arc  three  species  in  Syria,  two  wild  and 
most  abundant,  I'iiiacia  Lentiseiis  (the  lentisk  or 
Masticii  tree),  and  Pistaeia  Terebhdhns  (the  tere- 
binth or  tcrpentine-trek),  but  the  third,  Pistaeia 
vera,  which  yields  the  well-known  pistachio-nut,  is 
very  rare,  and  chiefly  seen  in  cultivation.  (Nuts  1.) 
The  Carob,  or  Locust-tree,  Ceratnnia  Siligua,  ranks 
perhaps  next  in  abundance  to  the  foregoing  trees, 
(HcsKS.)  The  Oriental  Plane  is  far  from  uncom- 
mon, and  though  generally  cultivated,  it  is  to  all 
appearance  wild  in  the  valleys  of  Lebanon  and  Anti- 
Lebanon.  (Plane-tree  ;  Cuest.nl-t-tree.)  The  Syc- 
amore-fig is  common  in  the  neighborhood  of  towns, 
and  attains  a  large  size.  (Sycamore.)  Poplars,  es- 
pecially the  aspen  and  white  poplar,  are  extremely 
common  by  streams.  (Poplar.)  The  Walnut  is 
more  common  in  Syria  than  in  Palestine.  (Xt'TS  2.) 
Of  large  native  shrubs  or  small  trees  almost  uni- 
versally spread  over  the  district  are.  Arbutus  An- 
rfraf/jne  (Oriental  arbutus),  which  is  common  in  the 
hilly  country  from  Hebron  northward ;  Cralwgui 
Aronia  (a  species  of  thorn),  which  grows  equally 
in  dry  rocky  exposures,  as  on  the  Mount  of  Olives, 
and  in  cool  mountain-valleys,  and  yields  a  large 
yellow  or  red  haw  abundantly  sold  in  the  markets. 
Cypresses  are  common  about  villages.  (Cypress  2.) 
Zizjiphus Spina-Christi,  Christ's  Thorn — often  called 
jujube — the  Niibk  of  the  Arabs,  is  most  commoa 
on  dry  open  plains,  as  that  of  Jericho.  The  Palinrus' 
ac'ulea'u%  also  called  Christ's  Thorn,  resembles  It  » 
good  deal,  but  is  much  less  common ;  It  abounds  in 
Anti-Lebanon.  (Thorns  5.)  Styrax  ojficinalv!,  which 
used  to  yjeld  the  famous  Storax,  abounds  in  the: 


I 


PAL 


PAL 


T91 


liillv  parts  of  the  country.  (PorLAR.)  Tamarisk 
is  coniinoD,  but  seldom  attains  a  large  size.  Olean- 
der {Xeriuni  Oleander)  is  an  evergreen  shrub,  ol 
preat  beauty  and  abundance,  lining  the  banks  of 
the  streams  and  lakes  in  gravelly  places,  and  bear- 
ing a  profusion  of  blossoms ;  supposed  by  some  (so 
Wood's  Ilolanii)  to  be  alluded  to  in  Ps.  i.  S^xxxvii. 
35.  (Bav-trke.)  Other  still  smaller  but  familiar 
shrubs  are  Phi/Utfrea ;  Jihamnus  Alateruun,  and 
others  of  that  genus  (buckthorns) ;  Rlnis  Coriaria 
(hide  or  elm-leaved  sumach,  whose  bark  is  said  to 
be  used  in  tanning  all  the  leather  in  Turkey  [so 
Peuiiji  Cyclofxedid])  \  several  leguminous  shrubs,  as 
Anai/i/ris  futida,  Calycutome  and  Geimla  ;  Colone- 
outer  ;  the  common  bramble,  dog-rose  and  hawthorn 
(Thorns  and  Thistles)  ;  Elceatjnus  (Oleaster,  or  wild 
olive);  Li/eium  Eitropceum ;  AgnuD  canliin  (Vitcx 
aiiniis-engtus) ;  sweet  bay  (LauruK  nobilis) ;  Ephedra  ; 
Cleina'.is  ;  Gum-Cistus  (see  below) ;  the  caper-plant 
( Capparia  gpinosa  ;  see  Hyssop).  Of  planted  trees 
and  large  shrubs,  the  first  in  importance  is  the 
Vine,  which  is  most  abundantly  cultivated  all  over 
^_  the  country,  and  produces,  as  in  the  time  of  the 
Conaanites,  enormous  bunches  of  grapes.  Next  to 
the  vine,  or  even  in  some  respects  its  superior  in 
importance,  ranks  the  Olive,  which  nowhere  grows 
in  greater  luxuriance  and  abundance  than  in  Pales- 
tine, where  the  olive-orcharda  have  from  time  im- 
memorial formed  a  prominent  feature  of  the  coun- 
try. It  is  perhaps  most  skilfully  and  caretuUy  cul- 
tivated in  the  neighborhood  of  Hebron.  The  P'lo 
forms  another  most  important  crop  in  Syria  and 
I'alestine,  and  one  apparently  greatly  increasing  in 
extent.  The  quince,  apple,  almond  (Xlts  2),  wal- 
nut, peach,  and  apricot,  are  all  most  aljundant  field 
or  orchard  crops.  The  pomegranate  grows  every- 
where as  a  bush  :  but  like  the  orange,  and  other 
less  common  plants,  is  more  often  seen  in  gardens 
than  in  fields.  The  Banana  is  only  found  near  the 
Mediterranean.  Dates  are  not  frequent:  they  are 
most  common  at  Haifa  (under  Mount  Carniel)  and 
Jaffa,  where  the  fruit  ripens.  Of  the  well-known 
palm-grove  of  Jericho  no  tree  is  standing.  (Palm- 
tree.)  The  OjAinlia,  or  Prickly  Pear  (Caetm  Opun- 
tiri,  Linn.),  though  a  native  of  America,  is  most 
abundant  throughout  Syria.  It  is  In  general  use 
for  hedging,  and  its  well-known  fruit  is  extensively 
eaten  by  all  classes.  Of  dye-stuffs  the  CarOiamus 
(Safllower)  and  Indigo  are  both  cultivated  ;  and  of 
textiles.  Flax,  Hemp,  and  Cotton.  The  Carob  ( Cer- 
aloiiia  Siliyua)  has  already  been  mentioned  among 
the  conspicuous  trees.  (Husks.)  The  Cinliis  or 
Rock-rose  is  the  shrub  from  which  Gum-Ladanum 
was  collected  in  the  islands  of  Candia  and  Cyprus. 
(Myrrh  2.)  The  plants  contained  in  Western  Syria 
and  Palestine  probably  number  not  less  than  2,000 
or  2,500,  of  which  perhaps  500  are  British  wild 
flowers.  The  most  abundant  natural  families  of 
plants  in  West  Syria  and  Palestine  are — (1.)  T.e- 
(fiiiitinoiKC,  (2.)  Composita,  (3.)  Labinlw,  (4.)  Crti' 
eiferte;  after  which  come  (5.)  UmlieUifer(B,  (6.) 
C'ari/nphi/lli'W,  (7.)  lioraflinece,  (8.)  Scrophularittcce, 
(9.)  (^i' rami)ie<e,  and  (10.)  Liliaceie.-—{1.)  Leyuniinoga 
(leguminous  or  pod-bearing  plants)  abound  in  all 
situations,  especially  the  genera  Trifolinm  (clover, 
trefoil,  &c.),  Trigonelta  (Leeks),  Mediraqo,  Loluii, 
Vicia  (the  vetches ;  Tares),  and  Oritlius,  in  the 
richer  soils,  and  Aiitrai/alwi  in  enormous  profusion 
in  the  drier  and  more  barren  districts.  Lextii.e.s, 
pea.a,  iic,  arc  cultivated.  (Aoricultube  ;  Garden.) 
Of  the  shrubby  LeguminmMe  there  are  a  few  species 
of  (jC7ii»ta  (Jkniper),  C'l/liims,  Chionis,  Jietama,  Ana- 


ffyris,  Calycotome,  Coronilla,  and  Acacia.  (Shittah- 
tree.)  One  species,  Ceralouia  Siliqita  (Husks),  is 
arboreous. — (2.)  Com/MsiUB  (plants  with  dense- 
headed  flowers,  as  daisies,  sun-flowers,  thistles,  as- 
ters, &c.).  No  family  of  plants  more  strikes  the 
observer  than  the  Coinpuxitie,  from  the  vast  abun- 
dance of  thistles  and  centauries,  and  other  spring- 
plants  of  the  same  tribe,  which  swarm  alike  over 
the  richest  plains  and  most  stony  hills,  often  tower- 
ing high  above  all  other  herbaceous  vegetation. 
We  can  only  mention  the  genera  Centaurea,  Ec/ii- 
nops,  Onnpordum,  Cirsiiim,  Cynara,  and  Carduus, 
as  being  eminently  conspicuous  for  their  numbers 
or  size.  (TnOR.ss  and  Thistles  ;  Wormwood,  &c.) — 
(3.)  ZaWato (labiate  plants,  including  hyssop,  laven- 
der, marjoram,  mint,  sage,  &c.)  form  a  prominent 
feature  everywhere,  and  one  all  the  more  obtrusive 
from  the  fragrance  of  many  of  the  genera. — (4.)  Of 
Ciucifero'  (cruciferous  plants,  including  the  cab- 
bage, turnip,  MUSTARD,  radish,  &c.)  there  is  little  to 
remark.  Among  the  most  noticeable  are  the  gigan- 
tic mustard,  which  differs  from  the  common  mustard 
{SinafAs  nigra)  only  in  size,  and  the  Atiastaliea 
HieroclmrUica,  or  rose  of  Jericho.  (Rose.)  —  (5.) 
Umbctti/ei-ce  (umbelHferous  plants,  including  anise, 
dill,  cor.iAXDER,  cummin,  &c.)  present  little  to  re- 
mark on  save  the  abundance  of  fennels  and  Bii- 
pleurnms.  The  numerous  plants  of  this  order  often 
form  a  large  proportion  of  the  tall  rank  herbage  at 
the  edges  of  copse-wood  and  in  damp  hollows.  The 
gray  and  spiny  Eryngtum,  so  abundant  on  all  the 
arid  hills,  belongs  to  this  order.— (6.)  Caryop/iyllere 
(caryopliyllaceous  plants,  including  the  campion, 
chickweed,  pink,  sweet-william,  &c.)  are  not  a  very 
conspicuous  order,  though  the  abundance  of  pinks, 
Si/eiie  and  Saponaria,  is  a  marked  feature  to  the 
eye  of  the  botanist. — (7.)  The  Boragiuete  (plants  of 
the  borage  and  heliotrope  tribes)  arc  for  the  most 
part  annual  weeds  ;  but  some,  as  the  buglosses,  are 
among  the  most  beautiful  plants  of  the  country. — 
(8.)  Of  Scrophularinae  the  principal  genera  are 
Scrdjihularia  (figworts),  Veronica,  Linaria  (snap- 
dragons), and  Verbascum  (mulleins),  the  last  the 
most  abundant  and  often  gigantic. — (9.)  Oraminete 
(the  Orassts),  though  very  numerous  in  species,  sel- 
dom afford  a  sward  as  in  moistcr  and  colder  regions. 
To  this  order  belong  also  the  cultivated  cereal  plants 
or  "  CORN  "  of  the  Scriptures,  wheat,  rye,  barley, 
MILLET,  &c.  (Agriculture;  Food;  Grass;  Hay, 
&c.) — (10.)  Liliacece  (liliaceous  or  lily-like  plants). 
The  variety  and  beauty  of  this  order  in  Syria  (Lilv) 
is  perhaps  nowhere  exceeded,  and  especially  of  the 
bulb-bearing  genera,  as  tulips,  fritillaries,  squills, 
gageas,  kc.  The  Garlic,  Leeks,  Onions,  hyacinth, 
&c.,  also  belong  to  this  order. — Of  other  natural 
orders,  Gcraniacae  (geraniums)  are  very  numerous 
and  beautiful ;  Rutacece  (Rue,  &c.)  are  common ; 
Romceie  (Rose,  &c.)  are  not  so  abunilant  as  in  more 
northern  climates;  but  one  remarkable  plant,  Fole- 
riitm  spiiiosum,  covers  whole  tracts  of  arid,  hilly 
country.  (Busii.)  Botanists  place  under  this  order  the 
almond,  apple,  apricot,  peach,  quince,  and  other  culti- 
vated fruits  (see  above)  as  well  as  brambles  (Bush), 
THORNS,  &c.  For  other  plants,  see  Asn ;  Box-tree  ; 
Fitches;  Flax;  Heath;  Hemlock;  Juniper;  Mal- 
lows ;  Mandrake  ;  Mulberry-trees  ;  Myrrh  ;  Myr- 
tle ;  Nettle  ;  Pine-tree  ;  Spices  ;  Tares  ;  Wil- 
lows, &c. — Ferns  are  extremely  scarce,  owing  to 
the  dryness  of  the  climate,  and  most  of  the  species 
belong  to  the  Lebanon  flora.  One  of  the  most 
memorable  plants  of  this  region,  and,  indeed,  in  the 
whole  world,  is  the  celebrated  Papyrus  of  the  an- 


792 


PAL 


PAL 


c\ent&  (PapT/nis  Antiquortim).  (Reed  2.)  Of  other 
Cryptogamic  plants  little  is  known.  Cucurbi/acece 
(Cucumbers,  Melon,  Gourd,  &c.),  though  not  in- 
cluded under  any  of  the  above  heads,  are  a  very 
frequent  order  in  Syria.  The  plants  of  the  various 
orders  above-named  unite  witli  others  to  give  to  the 
herbage  of  Palestine  that  showy  character  for  which 
it  is  famous.  In  the  spring  and  early  summer  the 
ground  is  almost  carpeted  with  pay  and  delicate 
flowers. — (II.)  Botany  of  Eastern  Syria  and  Palen- 
tine.  Little  or  nothing  being  known  of  the  flora  of 
the  range  of  mountains  E.  of  the  Jordan  and  Syrian 
desert,  we  must  confine  our  notice  to  the  valley  of 
the  Jordan,  that  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  the  country 
about  Damascus.  Nowhere  can  a  better  locality  be 
found  for  showing  the  contrast  between  the  vegeta- 
tion of  the  eastern  and  western  districts  of  Syria 
than  in  the  neighborhood  of  Jerusalem.  To  the 
W.  and  S.  of  that  city  the  valleys  are  full  of  the 
dwarf  oak,  two  kinds  of  Pistacia,  besides  Smilax 
(sarsaparilla),  Arbutus,  rose,  Aleppo  Pine,  likammis, 
Phyllyrea,  bramble,  and  CratieguK  Aroma  (see 
above) ;  but  beyond  the  Mount  of  Olives  not  one 
of  these  appears.  For  the  first  few  miles  eastward 
the  olive-groves  continue,  and  here  and  there  a 
carob  and  lentisk  or  sycamore  occurs,  but  beyond 
Bethany  these  are  scarcely  seen.  On  descending 
1,000  feet  below  the  level  of  the  sea  to  the  valley  of 
the  Jordan,  the  sub-tropical  and  desert  vegetation 
of  Arabia  and  W.  Asia  is  encountered  in  full  force. 
Many  plants,  wholly  foreign  to  the  western  district, 
suddenly  appear,  and  the  flora  is  that  of  the  whole 
dry  country  as  far  E.  as  the  Punjaub  on  the  border 
of  India.  The  commonest  plant  is  the  Zizyphus 
Spina- Christi,  or  jiubk  of  the  Arabs,  forming  bus'ies 
or  small  trees.  (Thorns.)  Scarcely  less  abundant, 
and  as  large,  is  the  Balanites  ^(/yptiaca.  (Oil- 
tree.)  Tamarisks  are  most  abundant.  Acacia  Far- 
nesiana  (a  leguminous  plant  allied  to  the  Siiittah- 
tree)  is  very  abundant,  and  celebrated  for  the  deli- 
cious fragrance  of  its  yellow  flowers.  Capparis 
spinosa,  the  common  caper-plant,  flourishes  every- 
where in  the  Jordan  valley.  (Hyssop.)  Alhcu/i 
Maurorum  is  e.xtremely  common  (Manna)  ;  as  is 
the  prickly  Solanum  Soc/omteum,  with  purple  flowers 
and  globular  yellow  fruits,  commonly  known  as  the 
Dead  Sea  apple.  On  the  banks  of  the  Jordan  it^ 
self  the  arboreous  and  shrubby  vegetation  chiefly 
consists  of  Pc/mlus  Enphratiea  (a  species  of  poplar 
found  all  over  Central  Asia,  but  not  W.  of  Jordan), 
tamarisk,  Osyris  alba,  Periploca  (a  genus  of  twin- 
ing shrubs).  Acacia  vera  (the  true  acacia ;  see 
Shittah-tree),  Prosopis  Stephaniana  (also  legumi- 
nous), .Brando  i>onai(REEn),  iyri!«;n,  and  Cajijiaris 
xpinosa  (caper).  As  the  ground  becomes  saline, 
AtnplexHalimus(yi.xi.i.o\\s)  and  large  Statices  (»&».- 
pinks)  appear  in  vast  abundance,  with  very  many 
succulent,  shrubby,  salt-marsh  plants  of  the  genera 
Snhola,  Salicornia,  &c.  Other  very  tropical  plants 
of  this  region  are  Zyciophyllum  coccineum,  Bocrhavia, 
//((/iSro/era (indigo-plant);  se\cra\ Astragali,  Cassias, 
Gyinnocarpum,  and  Nitraria.  At  the  same  time 
thoroughly  European  forms  are  common,  especially 
in  wet  places,  as  dock,  mint,  Veronica  Anagallis  (a 
smooth,  succulent  plant,  sometimes  found  in  the 
United  States,  on  the  borders  of  brooks  and  pools), 
andSi«m(a  genus  of  umbelliferous  aquatic  plants). 
The  small  valley  of  En-gedi  (Mm  Jidy)  is  particu- 
larly celebrated  for  the  tropical  character  of  its 
vegetation.  Here  the  Salvadora  Persica,  supposed 
by  some  to  be  the  mustard-tree  of  Scripture,  grows. 
(Mustard.)     The   shores  immediately  around  the 


Dead  Sea  present  abundance  of  vegetation,  almost 
wholly  of  a  saline  character,   but  including  non- 
s-dine  plants,  as  tamarisks,  Solanum  Sodomceum,  and 
immense  brakes  of  Arundo  Donax.     (Reed.^ — (JIL) 
Flora  of  t'-e  Middle  and  Upper  Mountain  Keyvms  of 
Syria.     The  oak  forms  the  prevalent  arboreous  ve- 
getatioH   of  this   region   below   5,000  feet.      The 
Quercus  pseudo-coccifera  and  infecloria  are  not  seen 
much  above  3,000  feet,  nor  the  Valonia  oak  at  so 
great  an  elevation  ;  but  above  these  heights  some 
magnificent  species  of  oak  are  found.     At  the  same 
elevation  junipers  become  common  (Juniper  ;  Ce- 
dar), but  the  species  have  not  been  satisfactorily 
made  out.     But  the  most  remarkable  plant  of  the 
upper  region  is  certainly  the  cedar.   From  the  heat 
and  extreme  dryness  of  the  climate  during  much 
of  the  year,  the  sterile  limestone-soil  on  the  highest 
summits,  and  other  causes,  no  part  of  Lebanon  pre- 
sents a  vegetation  at  all  similar,  or  even  analogous, 
to  that  of  the  Alps  of  Europe,  India,  or  North 
America.     At  the  elevation  of  4,000  feet  on  Leba- 
non many  plants  of  the  middle  and  northern  lati- 
tudes of  Europe  commence,  among  which  the  most 
conspicuous  are  hawthorn,  dwarf  elder,  dog-rose, 
ivy,  butclier's  broom,  a  variety  of  the  berberry, 
honeysuckle,  maple,  and  jasmine.     A  little  higher, 
at  5,000  to  7,000  feet,  occur  Coloneasler,  Rhododen- 
dron ponticum,  primrose,  Daphne  Oleoides,  Poterium, 
and  several  other  roses  (see  above,  under  I.),  Juni- 
perns  communis,  fcelidissima  (or  excelsa),  and  cedar. 
Still  higher,  at  7,000-10,000  feet,  there  is  no  shrubby 
vegetation,  properly  so    called,  but    some    small, 
rounded,  harsh,  prickly  bushes,  incline  on  the  Astra- 
yaltis  Tragacanlha,  which   yields  gum    tragacanth 
most  abundantly.      At  8,000-9,000  feet  the  beau- 
tiful silvery    Vicia  canescens  (a   leguminous   plant 
of  the  vetch  kind  ;  Tares)  forms  large  tufts  of  pale 
blue,  where  scarcely  any  thing  else  will  grow.     The 
most  boreal  forms,  confined  to  the  clefts  of  rocks, 
or  the  \icinity  of  patches  of  snow  above 9,000  feet, 
areDrahas  {Draba  is  a  genus  of  cruciferous  plants), 
.ilrejmWa (sandwort),  one  small  Polentilla  (or  plant 
of  the  cinquefoil  kind),  a  Festuca  (fescue  grass),  an 
Arabis  like  alpina  (also  a  cruciferous  plant),  and 
the   Oxyria  reniformis  (mountain  sorrel),  the  only 
decidedly  Arctic  type  in  the  whole  country.     No 
doubt,  Cryptogamic  plants  are  suflicicntly  numerous 
in  this  region,  but  none  have  been  collected  except 
ferns,  among  which  are    Cystopleris  fragilis,  Poly- 
podium  vulffare  {common  polypod),  Nephrodium  pal- 
lidum, and  Polyslichum  anyulare. — Zoology  (abridged 
and  modified  from  the  original  article  by  Messrs. 
Houghton  and  Tristram).     It  will  be  sufficient  iu 
this  article  to  give  a  general  survey  of  the  fauna  of 
Palestine,  more  particular  information  being  given 
in  the  articles  which  treat  of  the  various  animals 
under   their  respective    names. — Mammals.      The 
CheiropAera  (bats)  are  probably  represented  in  Pal- 
estine by  the  species  known  to  occur  in  Egypt  and 
Syria,  but  we  want  precise  information  on  this  point. 
(Bat.)     Of  the  Insectivora  (animals  which   feed  on 
insects)  we  find  hedgehogs  (Erinaccus  Eurojxetis) 
and  moles  ( Talpa  vulgaris,  Talpa  coeca  [?]),  said  to  be 
numerous  and  destructive  (Mole)  :    doubtless  the 
family  of  Soricidce  (Shrews)  is  also  represented,  but 
we  lack  information.     Of  the  Carnivora  (beasts  of 
prey)  are  still  in  Lebanon,  the  Syrian  bear  (Urma 
Syriacus),  and  the  \>a.r\t\\w(Liopardtis  varius  ;  Leop- 
ard).    Jackals  and  foxes  (Fox)  are  common ;  the 
HYENA  and  w  olf  are   also  occasionally  observed ;  i 
the  badger  {Meles  Tarus)  is  also  said  to  occur  in  i 
Palestine  (5lr.  II.  Poole  mentions  it  as  found  in) 


PAL 


PAL 


r93 


abundance  at  Hebron,  thoi\gh  naturalists  had  pre- 
viously denied  the  existence  of  this  burrowing  quad- 
ruped in  Palestine  [BAixiER-SKiNs]);  the  lion  is  no 
lunger  a  resident  in  Palestine  or  Syria.  (Fkrrkt; 
Wkasel.)  a  species  of  squirrel  (Sduiiis  Si/ria<ti»), 
termed  by  the  Arabs  OrkUlaun  (the  leaj/er),  and  no- 
ticed on  the  lower  and  middle  parts  of  Lebanon; 
two  kinds  of  hare,  Ltpus  Si/riaeus,  and  Lcfrus 
uSgypUux  ;  rats  and  mice,  which  are  said  to  abound 
(moise)  ;  the  jerboa  (Dipm  u£(/i/p!ius) ;  the  porcu- 
pine (//i/«<na;cni»ta/a);  the  short-tailed  field-mouse 
{ArvUvla  agreslu),  may  be  considered  as  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Hodenlia  (gnawing  animals).  Of 
the  Puckijdermata  (thicU-skinned  animals),  the  wild 
boar  (Sus  Scrofa),  frequently  met  with  on  Tabor 
and  little  Ucrmon,  appears  to  be  the  only  living  wild 
example.  (BKHEMOxn ;  Swine  ;  Unicorn.)  The 
Syrian  hyrax  (Coney)  is  now  but  rarely  seen.  There 
does  not  appear  to  be  at  present  any  wild  o.x  in 
Palestine.  (Bill.)  Dr.  Thomson  states  that  wild 
floats  (Ibe.\  ?)  are  still  (see  1  Sam.  xxiv.  2)  frequently 
>ocn  in  the  rocks  of  En-gedi.  The  gazelle  ( Gazdla 
Dorctis)  occurs  not  unfretiuently  in  the  Holy  Land, 
and  is  the  antelope  of  the  country.  The  Arabs 
hunt  the  gazelles  with  greyhound  and  falcon. 
(PvGARG.)  The  fallo«-I)EER  {Dama  milyarh)  is 
snid  to  be  not  unfrequently  observed.  (Hart; 
HiNn;  Roe;  Hoebick.)  Of  domestic  animals  we 
need  only  mention  the  Arabian  or  one-humped 
camel,  ass,  mule,  horse,  all  of  which  are  in  general 
use.  The  buffalo  (BubaluK  Bvffulo)  is  common. 
(Bull.)  The  ox  of  the  country  is  small  and  un- 
sightly in  the  neighborhood  of  Jerusalem,  but  in 
the  richer  pastures  the  cattle,  though  small,  are  not 
unsightly;  the  common  sheep  of  Palestine  is  the 
broadtail  (Ovis  lalicaudatm),  with  its  varieties;  the 
Goat  is  extremely  common  everywhere.  (Chamois.) 
Cats  and  dogs  (so  Porter,  in  Kitto)  arc  considered 
common  property,  tolerated,  but  not  often  domes- 
ticated, as  among  us.  (Cat;  Dog.) — Bird-t.  Mr. 
Tristram  has  catalogued  and  described  322  species 
of  birds  (230  land  birds,  and  92  waders  and  water- 
fowl) as  found  in  Palestine,  200  of  which  are  in 
European  list.s,  and  27  appear  peculiar  to  Palestine 
and  adjacent  districts  (Fbn.).  Vultures,  eagles,  fal- 
cons, kites,  owls  of  different  kinds,  represent  the 
Rdjitorial  order  or  birds  of  prey.  (Eagle;  Gier- 
eaole  ;  Glede;  Hawk;  Kite;  Nioht-iia«k;  Os- 
phay;  Ossifrage;  Owl;  Vulture,  &c.)  Of  the 
smaller  birds  may  be  mentioned,  among  others,  the 
i[ero]«  I'irnais  (Persian  bee-eater),  the  Upupa 
JifM/jK {hoopoe ;  Lapwing),  the  Sitta  Si/riacn  ov  Dal- 
matian nuthatch,  several  kinds  of  iSilviailri;  (war- 
blers), the  OiHin/ris  Otea  (Hosea's  sun-bird),  the /ro« 
zanthopyffiiui  (Vii\est\nc  nightingale — the  finest  song- 
ster in  the  country), — the  Ami/drns'J'ristranirl  (glosiiy 
starling),  discovered  by  Mr.  Tristram  in  the  gorge  of 
the  Kidron ;  the  hopping  thrush  (  Cralero/mn  chalyhe- 
tur),  in  the  open  wooded  district  near  Jericho;  the  jay 
of  I'a]e»t\ae  (Oarrulim  melurMceji/ialim)  \  kingfishers 
{Crri/li'  rudt»,  and  perhaps  Alrcdo  ispida)  abound 
about  the  Lake  of  Tiberias  and  in  the  streams  above 
the  llulch  ;  the  raven,  and  cawion  crow  ;  the  Paslor 
»•<««•»«  (locu»t-l)ird  or  rose-colored  starling,  the  »m«»"- 
ntur  of  the  Arabs);  the  common  cuckoo;  several 
kinds  of  doves  (Dovk;  Turtle-dove);  sand-grouse 
{Pleroflet),  partridges,  francolins,  quails,  the  great 
bustard,  storks,  both  the  black  and  white  kinds, 
seen  often  in  flocks  of  some  hundreds  ;  herons,  cur- 
lews, pelicans,  sea-swallows  {Sterna),  gulls,  &c.,  &c. 
"  Domestic  fowls  are  not  numerous  in  Palestine.  A 
lew   barn-door  fowls    may  be    seen    in    the    vil- 


lages; but  ducks,  geese,  and  turkeys  are  extremely 
rare  "  (so  Porter,  in  Kitto).  (Bittern  ;  Cock  ;  Cor- 
morant; Crane;  Hen;  Heron;  Ostrich;  Par- 
tridge ;  Peacock  ;  Pelican  ;  Sparrow  ;  Stork  ; 
Swallow  ;  Swan,  &c.) — BejMes.  Several  kinds  of 
lizards  occur.  The  Lacerta  Steltio,  Linn.,  harditn  of 
the  Arabs,  or  starry  lizard,  is  very  common  in 
ruined  walls,  and  is  killed  by  the  Turks,  as  they 
think  it  mimics  them  saying  their  prayers.  (Lizard.) 
The  Wnrauet  hard  {I'mtnmoaaurus  Si-^nmi;  "Tor- 
toise ?  ")  is  very  common  in  the  deserts.  The  com- 
mon Greek  tortoise  (Textiido  Graca^Mv.  Wilson  ob- 
served at  the  sources  of  the  Jordan ;  frosh-water 
tortoises  (probably  Emus  Caspira)  are  found  abun- 
dantly in  the  upper  part  of  the  country  in  the 
streams  of  Esdriclon  and  of  the  higher  Jordan  val- 
ley, and  in  the  lakes.  (Tortoise.)  The  chameleon 
( Cliamelfo  mdgaru)  is  common  ;  the  crocodile  (Levi- 
athan) docs  not  occur  in  Palestine;  the  Monitor 
NHoticus  (monitor  of  the  Nile,  an  allic<l  reptile 
which  gi'ows  to  the  length  of  five  or  six  feet)  has 
doubtless  been  confounded  with  it.  In  the  S.  of 
Palestine  especially  geckoes  and  other  reptiles  of 
various  kinds  abound.  Of  Ophidians,  there  are  some 
species  of  Echidiui  ;  a  Nara,  several  Tropidonoli,  a 
Vorunella,  a  Coluber  {trivirgatxis  f)  occur ;  and  on 
the  southern  frontier  the  Cerastts  Hasselqwistii 
(horned  viper)  has  been  observed.  (Adder;  Asp; 
Serpent;  Viper.)  Frogs  (iJana  esculenta)  abound 
in  the  marshy  pools  of  Palestine  ;  and  are  of  a  large 
size,  but  are  not  eaten  by  the  inhabitants.  (Frog.) 
The  tree-frog  (Ifyta)  and  toad  (Bnfo)  are  also  very 
common. — Fishes.  The  principal  kinds  which  are 
caught  off  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  are  sup- 
plied by  the  families  <^aWrf«  (gilt-head,  bream,  &e. ), 
Pereidce (perch),  Sromberidee (mackvre],  kc),  Raiudce 
(ray),  and  Hexroneelidm  (flatfish,  flounder,  sole,  &c.). 
The  Sea  of  Galilee  has  been  always  celebrated  for 
its  FISH.  Burekhardt  says,  the  most  common  species 
are  the  binny  (Oyprinns  Lepidotus,  allied  to  the 
gold-fish  and  car])),  said  sometimes  to  weigh  seventy 
pounds,  and  the  »)fs/i<,described  as  a  foot  long  and  five 
inches  broad,  with  a  flat  body  like  the  sole,  undoubt- 
edly one  of  the  iMbridce  (wrasse  family),  and  perhaps 
—  Chromiiis  KilatieKS. — MoUuncs  are  numerous.  The 
land-shells  may  be  classified  in  four  groups.  In  the 
north  of  the  country  the  prevailing  type  is  that  of 
the  Greek  and  Turkish  mountain  region,  numerous 
species  of  the  genus  Clatisilia,  and  of  ojiaque  Bulind 
and  Pupa  predominating.  On  the  coast  and  in  the 
plains  the  common  shells  of  the  E.  Mediterranean 
ba.-in  aboinid,  e.  g.  Helix  Pisana,  Ileiijr.  Syriaea,  &e. 
In  the  south,  in  the  hill  country  of  Judea,  occurs  a 
very  interesting  group,  chiefly  confined  to  the  genus 
Helix  (snail  kind),  three  subdivisions  of  n  hich  may 
be  typified  by  Helix  Boimeri,  Helix  Seelzena,  Helix 
tuhereulosa,  recalling,  by  their  thick,  calcareous, 
lustreless  coating,  the  prevalent  types  of  Egypt, 
Arabia,  and  Sahara.  In  the  valley  of  the  Jordan 
the  prevailing  group  is  a  subdivision  of  the  genus 
Bulimns,  rounded,  semi-pellucid,  and  lustrous,  very 
numerous  in  species,  mostly  peculiar  to  the  district. 
(Colors,  Purple,  Bine;  Onvcha  ;  Pearl.) — Of  the 
Crustacea  (crabs,  &c.)  we  know  scarcely  any  thing. 
— "  Inseets  are  so  numerous  in  some  parts  of  the 
land  as  to  become  almost  a  plague  "  (Porter,  in  Kitto). 
(Flea  ;  Fly  ;  Gnat  ;  Hornet,  &c.)  The  Lepidvptera 
(butterflies,  moths,  caterpillars,  &c.)  are  as  numer- 
ous and  varied  as  might  be  expected  in  a  land  of  flow- 
ers. All  the  common  butterflies  of  Southern  Eu- 
rope, or  nearly  allied  congeners,  are  plentiful  in  the 
cultivated  plains  and  on  the  hill-sides.  (Moth.)  Bees 


794 


PAL 


PAL 


are  common.  (Bee.)  At  least  three  species  of 
scorpions  iiave  been  distinguislied.  (Scorpion.) 
Spiders  are  common.  (Spider.)  Locusts  occasion- 
ally visit  Palestine,  and  do  infinite  damage.  (Cater- 
pillar ;  Locust  ;  Palmer-worm.)  Ants  are  nu- 
merous. (Ant.) — Of  tlie  Annelida  (eartli-worms, 
leeches,  &c.)  we  have  no  information.  (Horse- 
leech; Leech;  Worm.)  Of  some  other  divisions 
of  the  animal  kingdom  we  are  completely  ignorant. 
(Coral  ;  Sponge.) — It  has  been  remarked  that  in 
its  physical  character  Palestine  presents  on  a  small 
scale  an  epitome  of  the  natural  features  of  all  re- 
gions, mountainous  and  desert,  northern  and  tropi- 
cal, maritime  and  inland,  pastoral,  arable,  and  vol- 
canic. This  fact,  whieli  has  rendered  the  allusions 
in  the  Scriptures  so  varied  as  to  afford  familiar  il- 
lustrations to  the  people  of  every  climate,  has  had 
its  natural  effect  on  the  zoology  of  the  country.  In 
no  other  district,  not  even  on  the  southern  slopes 
of  the  Himalaya,  are  the  typical  fauna  of  so  many 
distinct  regions  and  zones  brought  into  such  close 
juxtaposition. — The  Climate.  1.  7'emperature.  At 
Jerusalem,  January  is  the  coldest  month,  and  July 
and  August  the  hottest,  though  June  and  September 
are  nearly  as  warm.  In  January  the  average  tem- 
perature is  49°-l  Fahrenheit,  and  greatest  cold  28' ; 
in  July  and  August  the  average  is  78 ''4  ;  with  great- 
est heat  92°  in  the  shade  and  143'  in  the  sun.  The 
extreme  range  in  a  single  year  was  52'  ;  the  mean 
annual  temperature  65"-6.  Though  varying  so  much 
during  the  different  seasons,  the  climate  is  on  the 
whole  pretty  uniform  from  year  to  year.  The  iso- 
thermal line  of  mean  annual  temperature  of  Jeru- 
salem passes  through  California,  Alabama  (a  little 
N.  of  Mobile),  Gibraltar,  and  near  lladeira,  and  the 
Bermudas.  According  to  Ur.  Barclay,  there  is  a 
close  analogy  in  temperature  and  the  periodicity  of 
the  seasons  between  Palestine  and  California.  The 
heat,  though  extreme  during  the  four  midsummer 
months,  is  much  alleviated  by  a  sea-breeze  from  the 
N.  W.,  which  blows  with  great  regularity  from  10 
A.  M.  till  10  P.  M.  Tlie  heat  is  rarely  oppressive  at 
Jerusalem,  except  when  the  sirocco  blows.  (Wind.) 
During  January  and  February  s.NOw  often  falls  to 
the  depth  of  a  foot  or  more,  tliough  it  may  not 
make  its  appearance  for  several  years  together. 
Thin  ice  is  occasionally  found  on  pools  or  sheets  of 
water,  but  this  is  of  rare  occurrence.  (Frost.)  2. 
Rain.  Dr.  Barclay's  observations  show  that  the 
greatest  fall  of  rain  at  Jerusalem  in  a  single  year 
was  85  inches  and  the  smallest  44,  tlie  mean  being 
61-6  inches.  The  greatest  fall  in  any  one  month 
(December,  1850)  was  33-8  inches,  and  the  greatest 
ia  three  months  (December,  1850 -February,  1851) 
72-4.  But  the  average  rain-fall  of  London  during 
the  whole  year  is  only  25  inches,  and  in  the  wettest 
parts  of  England,  e.  g.  Cumberland  and  Devon,  it 
rarely  exceeds  60  inches.  The  annual  rain-foil  at 
Fort  Crawford,  Wisconsin,  is  30  inches ;  at  Cam- 
bridge, Massachusetts,  38  inches  (iVew  American 
Ci/i:lop<x:dia) ;  at  New  Haven,  Connecticut,  44  inches ; 
at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  48  inches  (Prof  D. 
Olmsted).  As  in  the  time  of  our  Saviour  (Lk.  xii. 
54),  the  rains  at  Jerusalem,  &c.,  come  chiefly  from 
the  S.  or  S.  W.  They  commence  at  the  end  of 
October  or  beginning  of  November,  and  continue 
with  greater  or  less  constancy  till  the  end  of  Febru- 
ary or  middle  of  March,  and  occasionally,  though 
rarely,  till  the  end  of  April.  Between  April  and 
November  there  is,  with  the  rarest  exceptions,  an 
uninterrupted  succession  of  fine  weather,  and  skies 
without  a  cloud.     Thus  the  year  divides  itself  into 


two  seasons — "  winter  and  summer  " — "  cold  and 
heat  " — "  seed-time  and  harvest."  During  the  sum- 
mer the  dews  are  very  heavy,  and  often  saturate  the 
traveller's  tent  as  if  a  shower  had  passed  over  it. 
The  nights,  especially  toward  sunrise,  are  very  cold, 
and  thick  fogs  or  mists  are  common  all  over  tlie 
country.  Tlmnder-storms  of  great  violence  are  fre- 
quent during  the  winter  months.  (Dew  ;  Kain  ; 
Thunder.)  3.  So  much  for  the  climate  of  Jerusa- 
lem. In  the  lowland  districts,  the  heat  is  much 
greater  and  more  oppressive,  owing  to  the  quantity 
of  vapor  in  the  atmosphere,  the  absence  of  any 
breeze,  the  sandy  nature  of  the  soil,  and  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  heat  is  confined  and  reflected  by 
tlie  enclosing  heights ;  perhaps  also  to  the  internal 
heat  of  the  earth,  due  to  the  depth  below  the  sea- 
level  of  the  greater  part  of  the  Jordan  valley,  and 
the  remains  of  volcanic  agency  in  this  very  de- 
pressed region.  The  harvest  in  the  Jordan  valley 
is  fully  a  month  in  advance  of  that  on  the  highlands, 
and  the  fields  of  wheat  are  still  green  on  the  latter 
when  the  grain  is  being  threshed  in  the  former.  4. 
The  climate  of  the  maritime  lowland  exhibits  many 
of  the  characteristics  of  that  of  the  Jordan  valley, 
but,  being  much  more  elevated,  and  exposed  on  its 
western  side  to  the  sea-breeze,  is  not  so  oppressive- 
ly hot.  This  district  retains  much  tropical  vegeta- 
tion. Here,  also,  the  harvest  is  in  advance  of  th.at 
of  the  mountain  districts.  In  the  winter  months, 
however,  the  climate  of  these  regions  is  very  similar 
to  that  of  the  south  of  France,  or  the  maritime  dis- 
tricts of  the  north  of  Italy.  The  preceding  article 
is  principally  abridged  from  the  original  article 
written,  except  the  Botany  and  Zoologi/,  by  Mr. 
Grove. 

Pal'ln  (Heb.  didingninheJ,  Ges.),  second  son  of 
Reuben,  and  father  of  Eliab  (Ex.  vi.  14;  Num.  xxvi. 
5,  8;  1  Chr.  v.  3);  founder  of  the  family  of  Pallu- 

ITES. 

Pal'ln-ltes  (fr.  Heb,),  the  =  the  descendants  of 
Pallu  (Num.  xxvi.  5). 

*  Palm  [pahm].     Hand  ;  Palm-tree. 

*  Palin'er-iSt  [pahm-]  =  the  Palma  Chrisli  (palm 
of  Christ),  or  castor-oil  plant  (Jon.  iv.,  6,  marg.). 
Gourd  1. 

Palmcr-worm  [pahra'er-wurm]  (i.  e.  the  pilgrim- 
worm,  a  voracious,  hairy  caterpillar,  the  larva  of 
some  butterfly  or  moth),  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the 
Heb.  gdzdm  (Joel  i.  4,  ii.  25 ;  Am.  iv.  9).  Bochart 
has  endeavored  to  show  that  ffdzdm  denotes  some 
species  of  locust.  The  Chaldee  and  Syriac  (and  so 
Gesenius  and  Oedmann)  understand  some  locust 
larva  by  the  Hebrew  word.  Tychsen  identifies  the 
ffdzdm  with  the  Gri/lhis  cristatus,  Linn.,  a  South 
African  species  of  .cricket.  Mr.  Houghton  prefers, 
with  Michaelis,  Gosse  (in  Fairbairn),  &c.,  to  follow 
the  LXX.  (Gr.  kampe)  and  Vulgate  (L.  eruca)  in 
rendering  the  Hebrew  word  by  Caterpillar.  Cater- 
pillars are  the  larva  or  immature  forms  of  lepidop- 
terous  insects  (butterflies,  moths,  &c.),  various  sorts 
of  which  often  do  great  damage  to  fruit-trees  and 
other  vegetation. 

*  Pal-mo'ui  (Heb.,  eee  below),  a  marginal  reading 
in  Dan.  viii.  13,  A.  V.  text  "that  certain."  It  is 
properly  used  (so  Gesenius)  when  one  points  out  a 
person,  as  with  his  finger,  without  calling  him  by 
name,  like  our  expressions,  "  such  a  one,"  "  Mr.,"  &c. 

Pallll'-trce  [pahm-]  (Heb.  idm.dr  ;  Gr.  phnimx). 
Under  this  generic  term  many  species  are  botani- 
cally  included ;  but  we  have  here  only  to  do  with  the 
Date-palm,  the  Phoenix  dacliilifera  of  Linna!us.  It 
grew  very  abundantly  in  many  parts  of  the  Levant, 


PAL 


PAL 


795 


but  was  regarded  by  the  ancients  as  peculiarly  char- 
acteristic of  Palestine  and  the  neighboring  rcf;ions. 
The  palm-tree  is  dioecious  (i.  c.  tlie  male  and  female 
flowers  grow  on  different  trees)  and  endogenous  (i.  e. 
growing  from  within  outward,  like  the  cornstalli). 


Date^pnlm  (litontx  daclijlifera). — (Fbn.) 

The  date-palm  attains  a  height  of  from  thirty  or  forty 
to  seventy  or  eighty  feet.  It  seldom  bears  fruit  till 
six  or  eight  (or  even  ten)  years  after  it  is  planted, 
but  continues  to  be  productive  for  100  years,  yield- 
ing an  average  crop  of  perhaps  100  lbs.  for  a  year 
(.*o  Dr.  Hamilton  in  Fairbairn).  The  Arabs  feed 
their  camels  on  the  abortive  fruit  and  the  date-stones 
ground  down.  "  From  the  leaves  they  make  couches, 
baskets,  bags,  mats,  brushes,  and  fly-traps;  from 
the  trunk,  cages  for  their  poultry,  and  fences  for 
their  gardens ;  and  other  parts  of  the  tree  furni.sh 
fuel.  From  the  fibrous  webs  at  the  bases  of  the  leaves 
thread  is  procured,  which  is  twisted  into  ropes  and 
rigging ;  und  from  the  sap,  which  is  collected  by  cut- 
ting off  the  head  of  the  palm,, and  scooping  out  a 
hollow  in  its  stem,  a  spirituous  liquor  is  prepared" 
( BniiirWs  Botany,  quoted  in  Fairbairn).  The  follow, 
'ng  places  may  be  enumerated  from  the  Bible  as 
having  some  connection  with  the  palm-tree,  either 
in  the  derivation  of  the  name,  or  in  the  mention  of 
the  tree  as  growing  on  the  spot.  (1.)  At  Ei.im 
were  "  twelve  wells  (fountains)  of  water,  and  three- 
score and  ten  palm-.trees"  (Ex.  xv.  27;  Num.  xxxiii. 
»).    (2.)  Elatii  (Deut.  ii.  8 ;  1  K.  ix.  26;  2  K.  xiv. 


22,  xvi.  6;  2  Chr.  viii.  11,  x.wi.  2)  may  likewise 
mean  the  palta4reis.  (3.)  No  place  in  Scripture  is 
so  closely  associated  with  the  subject  before  us  as 
Jericiio,  "  the  city  of  palm-trees."  Its  rich  palm- 
groves  are  connected  with  two  very  different  periods 
— with  that  of  Moses,  Joshua,  &c.  (Deut.  xxxiv.  3 ; 
Judg.  i.  16,  iii.  13  ;  2  Chr.  xxviii.  15)  on  the  oue 
hand,  and  tliat  of  the  evangelists  on  the  other. 
What  the  extent  of  these  palm-groves  may  have 
been  in  tlie  desolate  period  of  Jericho  we  cannot 
tell ;  but  tliey  were  renowned  in  the  time  of  the 
Gospels  and  Josephus.  Tlie  Jewish  historian  men- 
tions the  luxuriance  of  these  trees  again  and  again. 
Herod  the  Great  took  great  interest  in  the  palm 


Freit  of  Date-palm.— <Ftn.) 

groves  of  Jericho.  (4.)  Hazezon-tamar  (Mf /c/ft)?.5r 
of  tke palm-tree)  is  mentioned  in  the  history  both  of 
Abraham  (Gen.  xiv.  7)  and  of  Jchoshaphat  (2  Chr. 
XX.  2);  =  En-gem.  (5.)  Baai.  TAMARhad  the  same 
element  in  its  name,  and  doubtless  the  same  char- 
acteristic in  its  scenery  (Judg.  xx.  33).  It  could 
not  have  been  far  from  "  the  palm-tree  of  Deborah  " 
(Judg.  iv.  6),  and  may  have  been  (so  Stanley)  iden- 
tical with  it.  (6.)  Tamar  (the  palm)  is  set  before  us 
in  the  vision  of  Ezekiel  (Ez.  xlvii.  19,  .xlviii.  28). 
(7.)  There  is  little  doubt  that  Solomon's  TAniioR, 
afterward  the  famous  Palmyra,  on  another  desert 
frontier  far  to  the  N.  E.  of  tamar,  is  primarily  the 
same  word.  (8.)  Bethany  (the  house  of  Hales)  re- 
minds us  that  the  palm  grew  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  Mount  of  Olives.  This  helps  our  realization 
of  our  Saviour's  entry  into  Jerusalem,  when  the  peo- 
ple "  took  hratiehes  of  palm-trees  and  went  forth  to 
meet  Ilim"  (Jn.  xii.  13;  comp.  Neh.  viii.  15).  (9.) 
PliENlciA  or  Phenice  (Acts  xi.  19,  xv.  3,  xx.  2)  is  in 
all  probability  derived  from  the  Greek  pihoiiiix  —  a 
pa'm.  (10.)  PiiENiCE  (Gr.  Ihoinix)in  tlie  island  of 
Crete,  the  harbor  wliieli  St.  Paul  was  prevented  by 
the  storm  from  reaching  (xxvii.  12),  has  doubtless 
the  same  derivation. — From  the  passages  where 
there  is  a  literal  reference  to  the  palm-tree,  we  may 
pass  to  the  emblematical  uses  of  it  in  Scripture. 


796 


PAL 


PAP 


Under  this  head  may  be  classed  the  following: — (1.) 
The  striking  appeiirance  of  the  tree,  its  uprightness 
and  beauty,  would  naturally  suggest  the  giving  of 
its  name  occasionally  to  women  ("  Tamar,"  Gen. 
xxxviii.  6;  2  Sam.  xiii.  1,  xiv.  27).  (2.)  We  have 
notices  of  the  employment  of  this  form  in  decorative 
art,  both  in  the  real  Temple  of  Solomon  (2  Clir.  iii. 
5 ;  1  K.  vi.  29,  32,  35,  vii.  36),  and  in  the  visionary 
temple  of  Ezekiel  (Ez.  xl.  16  ff.,  xli.  18  ff.).  This 
v/ork  seems  to  have  been  in  relief.  It  was  a  natural 
and  doubtless  customary  kind  of  ornamentation  in 
Eastern  architecture.  Jeremiah  compares  the  idols 
of  the  heathen  (rigid  and  motionless '!)  to  the  palm- 
tree  (Jer.  X.  4,  6).  (3.)  With  a  tree  so  abundant 
in  Judea,  and  so  marked  in  its  growth  and  appear- 
ance, as  the  p  dm,  it  seems  rather  remarkable  that 
it  does  not  appear  more  frequently  in  tlie  imagery 
of  the  O.  T.  There  is,  however,  in  Psalm  xcii.  12 
the  familiar  comparison,  "  The  righteous  shall  flour- 
ish like  the  palm-tree,"  which  suggests  a  world  of 
illustration,  whether  respect  be  had  to  the  orderly 
and  regular  aspect  of  tlie  tree,  its  fruitfulness,  the 
perpetual  greenness  of  its  foliage,  or  the  height  at 
which  the  foliage  grows,  as  far  as  possible  from 
earth  and  as  near  as  possible  to  heaven.  Perhaps 
no  point  is  more  worthy  of  mention,  if  we  wish  to 
pursue  the  comparison,  than  the  elasticity  of  the 
fibre  of  the  palm,  and  its  determined  growth  upward 
even  when  loaded  with  weights.  (4.)  The  passage 
in  Rev.  vii.  9,  where  the  glorified  of  all  nations  are 
described  as  "clothed  with  white  robes  and  palms  in 
their  hands,"  might  seem  to  us  a  purely  classical 
image,  drawn  from  the  Greek  games,  the  victors  in 
which  carried  palms  in  their  hands.  But  palm- 
branches  were  used  by  Jews  in  token  of  victory  and 
peace  (1  Mc.  xiii.  51 ;  2  Mc.  x.  7,  xiv.  4  ;  comp.  Jn. 
xii.  13,  and  2  Esd.  ii.  44-47).— The  industrial  and 
domestic  uses  of  the  palm  (see  above)  are  very  nu- 
merous: but  there  is  no  clear  allusion  to  them  in 
tlie  Bible.  That  the  ancient  Orientals,  however, 
made  use  of  wine  and  iio.nev  obtained  from  the 
pilm-tree  is  evident  from  Herodotus,  Strabo,  and 
Pliny.  It  is  indeed  possible  that  the  honey  men- 
tioned in  some  places  may  be  palm-sugar.  (In  2 
Chr.  xx.ti.  5  the  margin  has  "dates.")  There  may 
also  in  Cant.  vii.  8,  "  I  will  go  up  to  the  palm-tree,  I 
will  take  hold  of  the  boughs  thereof,"  be  a  reference 
to  climbing  for  fruit.  So  in  ii.  3  and  elsewhere 
(e.  g.  Ps.  i.  3)  the  fruit  of  the  palm  may  be  intended : 
but  this  cannot  be  proved.  It  is  curious  that  this 
tree,  once  so  abundant  in  Judea,  is  now  compara- 
tively rare,  except  in  the  Phdistine  plain,  and  in  the 
old  Phenicia  about  Beirut.  A  few  years  ago  there 
was  just  one  palm-tree  at  Jericho ;  but  that  is  now 
gone  (so  Dr.  Howson).  Old  trunks  are  washed  up 
in  the  Dead  Sea.  In  Vespasian's  medal  (Jkrdsa- 
lem)  the  daughter  of  Judea  is  mourning  under  a 
palm-tree. 

Palsy  [pawl'zc],  contracted  from  parah/sis  (L.)  fr. 
Gr.  paralash  (literally  =  a  looseiiiiiff  aside,  then  a 
disahliug  the  nerves  of  a  part  of  the  body,  after- 
ward also  of  the  whole  body,  L.  &  S.,  Celsus).  Medi- 
cine. 

Pal'tl  (Ileb.  delivrranee  of  Jehovah,  Ges.),  a  Ben- 
jaraite,  one  of  the  twelve  spies ;  son  of  Raphu  (Num. 
xiii.  9). 

Pal'tl-el  (Heb.  deliveranee  of  God),  son  of  Azzan, 
and  prince  of  Issachar  (Num.  xxxiv.  26);  one  of  the 
twelve  appointed  to  divide  Canaan  among  the  tribes 
W.  of  Jordan. 

Pal'tltc  (fr.  Ileb.  =  descendant  of  Pelel  ov  one  from 
Pelctl   perhaps   a    corruption  of   Pelonite),   the. 


Helez  "  the  Paltite "  is  named  in  2  Sam.  xxiii.  26 
among  David's  "  thirty  "  valiant  men. 

Patn-phTl  i-a  [-fil-]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  ei'enj  tribe,  i.  e. 
a  people  made  u])  of  various  tribes,  Hdt.),  one  of  the 
coast-regions  in  the  S.  of  Asia  Minor,  having  Cilicia 
on  the  E.,  Pisioia  on  the  N.,  and  Lycia  on  the  W. 
In  the  invasion  of  Greece  under  Xerxes  b.  c.  480, 
while  Cilicia  contributed  one  hundred  ships  and 
Lycia  fifty,  Pamphylia  sent  only  thirty.  The  name 
probably  then  embraced  little  more  than  the  crescent 
of  comparatively  level  ground  between  the  Taurus 
Mountains  and  the  sea.  Pamphylia  came  under  the 
Roman  sway  after  the  death  of  Attalus,  king  of 
Asia,  b.  c.  133.  In  St.  Paul's  time  not  only  was 
Pamphylia  a  regular  province,  but  the  Emperor 
Claudius  had  united  Lycia  with  it,  and  probably 
also  a  good  part  of  Pisidia.  It  was  in  Pamphylia 
that  St.  Paul  first  entered  Asia  Minor,  after  preach- 
ing the  Gospel  in  Cyprus.  He  and  Barnabas  sailed  up 
the  river  Oestrus  to  Perga  (Acts  xiii.  13).  Here  John 
Mark  left  them  (ib.,  xv.  38).  Here  they  preached  the 
Gospel  on  their  return  from  the  interior  (xiv.  24,  25). 
We  may  conclude,  from  Acts  ii.  10,  that  there  wt^re 
many  Jews  in  the  province  (comp.  1  Mc.  xv.  23) ; 
and  possibly  Perga  had  a  synagogue.  The  two  mis- 
sionaries finally  left  Pamphylia  by  its  chief  seaport, 
Attalia.  Many  years  afterward  St.  Paul  sailed 
near  the  coast,  through  "  the  sea  of  Cilicia  aud 
Pamphylia  "  (Acts  xxvii.  5). 

Pan.  Of  the  six  Hebrew  words  so  rendered  in 
the  A.  v.,  viz.  ciyor  (translated  usually  "  laver), 
mahrihath  or  mac/uibath,  masreth,  sir,  pdrur,  tseldhdh 
or  tseldchah,  two,  viz.  mahi'ibath  or  machilbath  and 
masrelh,  seem  to  imply  a  shallow  pan  or  plate,  such  as 
is  used  by  Bedouins  and  Syrians  for  baking  or  dress- 
ing rapidly  their  cakes  of  meal,  such  as  were  used  in 
legal  oblations  (Altar  ;  Bread)  :  the  others,  espe- 
cially sir  (usually  translated  "  CALnHON  "  or  "  pot  "), 
a  deeper  vessel  or  caldron  for  boiling  meat,  placed 
during  the  process  on  three  stones. 

Pan'nag  (Heb.,  of  uncertain  etymology,  Ges. ;  see 
below),  perhaps  an  article  of  commerce  exported 
from  Palestine  to  Tyre  (Ez.  xxvii.  17  only).  A  com 
parison  of  the  passage  in  Ezekiel  with  Gen.  xliii.  11, 
leads  to  the  supposition  (so  Mr.  Bevan)  that  jmrniag 
^  some  of  the  spices  grown  in  Palestine.  The  LXX., 
in  rendering  it  kasia  (■=  cassia),  favors  this  o|)inion, 
llitzig  observes  that  a  similar  term  occurs  in  Sanscrit 
(pannar/a)  for  an  aromatic  plant.  The  Syriac  ver- 
sion understands  by  it  millet  (Panimm  miliaceum), 
Gesenius  says,  "  perhaps  a  kind  of  pastry  or  sweiei 
cake."  Fairbairn  (on  Ez.  1.  c),  Henderson,  and  the 
A.  V.  favor  its  being  the  name  of  a  place  where  fine 
wheat  grew  (comp.  Minnith). 

Paper  (fr.  Papyrus).     Writing. 

*  Paper-reeds,  the  A.  V,  translation  of  Heb, 
plural  ^aroth  (Is.  xix.  7  only).  Gesenius,  Rosenmiil- 
ler,  Fiirst,  J.  A.  Alexander  [on  Is.  1.  c.),  Barnes,  Ayre, 
&c.,  make  Wroth  =  naked  places,  without  trees,  i.  e. 
meadows  or  grassy  places  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile, 
The  Hebrew  here  translated  "  brooks  "  in  the  A.  V, 
is  the  singular  jiCor,  applied  to  the  Nile.  Brook  2 ; 
Reed  2;  Writing. 

Pa'phos  (Gr.,  said  to  have  been  named  from  i 
founder,  son  of  Pygmalion),  a  town  at  the  W.  end 
of  CvpRcs,  connected  by  a  road  with  Salamis  at  the 
E.  end.  According  to  (Jreek  writers,  Pai)li(is  was 
founded  about  the  tim«  of  the  Trojan  war  ( 11  .'>4  B.  c). 
Paul  and  Barnabas  travelled,  on  their  first  mission- 
ary expedition,  "  through  the-  isle,"  from  Salamis  to 
Paphos  (Acts  xiii.  6).  At  Paphos  Elymas  wa.s 
struck  blind,  and  Sergius  Paulus  became  a  believer. 


PAP 


PAR 


797, 


The  great  characteristic  of  Paphos  was  the  licen- 
tious worship  of  Apliroditc  or  Venus,  wlio  was  here 
fabled  to  have  risen  from  the  sea.  (Asiitorktii.) 
Her  temple,  however,  was  at  "Old  Paphos,"  now 
called  Kuk/ia.  The  harbor  and  the  chief  town  were 
at  "  New  Paphos,"  at  some  little  distance.  The 
place  is  still  called  Baffa. 

Pa-py  rns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  papvros).    Reed  2. 

Par'a-Ule  (Ueb.  nuUliul ;  Gr.  parahole  ;  L.  para- 
Mil).  The  distinction  between  the  Parable  and  one 
cognate  form  of  teaching  has  been  discussed  under 
tlie  article  Fable,  originally,  like  this,  by  Prof. 
Plumptrc.  Something  remains  to  be  said  (I.)  as  to 
the  word,  (II.)  as  to  the  Parables  of  the  Gospels, 
(III.)  as  to  the  laws  of  their  interpretation.  (I.) 
The  word  parable,  in  Gr.  poralmli;  does  not  of  itself 
imply  a  narrative.  The  juxtaposition  of  two  things, 
ditl'ering  in  most  points,  but  agreeing  in  some,  is 
sullieient  to  bring  the  comparison  thus  produced 
within  the  etymology  of  the  word.  In  Hellenistic 
Greek,  however,  it  acquired  a  wider  meaning,  co- 
extensive with  that  of  the  Hebrew  mafhul,  for  which 
the  LXX.  writers,  with  hardly  an  exception,  make  it 
the  e(|uivalent.  That  word  (=  similituck)  had  a 
large  range  of  application,  and  was  applied  some- 
times to  the  shortest  proverbs  (1  Sam.  x.  12,  xxiv. 
13  ;  2  Chr.  vii.  20,  A.  V.  "  proverb  "  in  these),  some- 
times to  dark  prophetic  utterances  (Xum.  xxiii.  T, 
18,  xxiv.  3;  Ez.  xx.  49,  A  V.  "  parable  "  in  these), 
sometimes  to  enigmatic  maxims  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  2,  A.  V. 
"  parable ; "  Prov.  i.  6,  A.  V.  "  proverb  "),  or  meta- 
phors expanded  into  a  narrative  (Ez.  xii.  22,  A.  V. 
"proverb").  (Poetkv,  Hebhew  ;  Proverbs,  Book 
of;  RiDiiLF..)  In  the  N.  T.  the  word  paraliole  is 
used  with  a  like  latitude.  While  attached  most  fre- 
quently to  the  illustrations,  which  have  given  it  a 
special  meaning,  it  is  also  applied  to  a  short  saying  or 
"  proverb  "  (Lk.  iv.  23),  to  a  mere  comparison  with- 
out a  narrative  (Mat.  xxiv.  32),  to  the  figurative 
character  of  the  Levitical  ordinances  (Hcb.  ix.  9, 
A.  V.  "  figure  "),  or  of  single  facts  in  patriarchal 
lli^tory  (xi.  19,  A.  V.  "  figiire  ").  II.  The  Parable 
differs  from  the  Myth  in  being  the  result  of  a  con- 
scious deliberate  choice,  not  the  growth  of  an  un- 
conscions  realism,  personifying  attributes,  appear- 
ing, no  one  knows  how,  in  popular  belief.  It  differs 
from  the  Allegory,  in  that  the  latter,  with  its  direct 
personification  of  ideas  or  attributes,  and  the  names 
which  designate  them,  involves  really  no  comparison. 
The  virtues  and  vices  of  mankind  appear,  as  in  a 
drama,  in  their  own  character  and  costunje.  The 
allegory  is  self  interpreting.  The  parable  demands 
attention,  insight,  sometimes  an  actual  explanation. 
It  differs  lastly  from  the  proverb,  in  that  it  must  in- 
clude a  similitude  of  some  kind,  while  the  proverb 
may  assert,  without  a  similitude,  some  wide  gener- 
alization of  experience.  To  understand  the  relation 
of  the  parables  of  the  Gospels  to  our  Lord's  teach- 
ing, we  must  go  back  to  the  use  made  of  them  by 
previous  or  contemporary  teachers.  Tliey  appear 
frequently  in  the  Gemara  and  Midrash  (Versions, 
Ancie.nt  [Targl'm]),  and  are  ascribed  to  Hillel, 
Shammai,  and  other  great  Kabbis  of  the  two  pre- 
ceding cenluriis.  Later  Jewish  writers  have  seen 
in  this  employment  of  parables  a  condeseen.sion  to 
the  ignorance  of  the  great  mass  of  mankind,  who  can- 
not be  taught  otherwise.  For  them,  as  for  women 
or  children,  parables  are  the  natural  and  fit  meth- 
od of  instruction.  It  may  be  questioned,  however, 
whether  this  represents  the  use  made  of  them  by 
the  Rabbis  of  otir  Lord's  time.  Tlie  language  of  the 
Son  of  Siraeh  confines  them  to  the  scribe  who  de- 


votes himself  to  study  (Eccl.  xxxviii.  S3,  xxxix.  2, 3). 
For  the  great  mass  of  men  the  scribes  and  teachers 
of  the  Law  probably  had  simply  rules  and  precepts, 
often,  perhaps,  burdensome  (Mat.  xxiii.  3,  4),  foims 
of  prayer  (Lk.  xi.  1),  appointed  times  of  fasting  and 
hours  of  devotion  (Mk.  ii.  18).  The  parable  was 
made  the  instrument  for  teaching  the  young  disci 
pic  to  discern  the  treasures  of  wisdom  of  which  the 
"  accursed  "  multitude  were  ignorant.  The  teaching 
of  our  Lord  at  the  commencement  of  His  ministry 
was,  in  every  way,  the  opposite  of  this.  The  Sermon 
on  the  Mount  maybe  taken  as  the  type  of  the"  words 
of  grace  "  which  He  spake,  "  not  as  the  scribes."  So 
for  some  months  He  taught  in  the  synagogues  and 
on  the  sea-shore  of  Galilee,  as  He  had  before  taught 
in  Jerusalem,  and  as  yet  without  a  parable.  But 
then,  there  comes  a  change.  The  direct  teaching  was 
met  with  scorn,  unbelief,  hardness,  and  He  seems 
for  a  time  to  abandon  it  for  that  which  took  the 
form  of  parables.  The  question  of  the  disciples 
(Mat.  xiii.  10)  implies  that  they  were  astonished. 
Their  Master  was  speaking  to  the  multitude  in  the 
parables  and  dark  sayings  which  the  Rabbis  re- 
served for  their  chosen  disciples.  Here,  for  them, 
were  two  grounds  of  wonder.  Here,  for  us,  is  the 
key  to  the  explanation  which  He  gave,  that  He 
had  chosen  this  form  of  teaching  because  tlie  peo- 
ple were  spiritually  blind  and  deaf  (xiii.  13),  and  in 
order  that  they  might  remain  so  (Mk.  iv.  12).  Two 
interpretations  have  been  given  of  these  woids.  (1.) 
Spiritual  truths,  it  has  been  said,  are  in  thtniselves 
hard  and  uninviting.  Men  needed  to  be  won  to 
them  by  that  which  was  more  attractive.  The  par- 
able was  to  educate  those  who  were  children  in  age 
or  character.  (2.)  Others,  again,  have  seen  in  this 
use  of  parables  something  of  a  penal  character. 
Men  have  set  themselves  against  the  truth,  and 
therefore  it  is  hid  frcm  their  eyes,  and  presented  to 
them  in  forms  not  easy  for  them  to  recognize  it. 
To  the  inner  circle  of  the  chosen  it  is  given  to  know 
the  mysteries  of  the  kingdom  of  God.  To  those 
who  are  without,  all  these  things  are  done  in  par- 
ables.— Neither  view  is  wholly  satisfactory.  Each 
contains  a  partial  truth.  The  worth  of  parables, 
as  instruments  of  teaching,  lies  in  their  being  at 
once  a  test  of  character,  and  in  their  presenting 
each  form  of  character  with  that  which,  as  a  penal- 
ty or  blessing,  is  adapted  to  it.  They  withdraw  the 
light  from  those  who  love  darkness.  They  protect 
the  truth  which  they  enshrine  from  the  mockery  of 
the  scoffer.  They  leave  something  even  with  the 
careless  which  may  be  interpreted  and  understood 
afterward.  They  rcve'al,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
seekers  after  truth.  These  ask  the  meaning  of  the 
parable,  and  will  not  rest  until  the  teacher  has  ex- 
plained it.  In  this  way  the  parable  did  its  work, 
found  out  the  fit  hearers  and  led  them  on.  Each 
parable  may  have  been  repeated  with  greater  or 
less  variation  (e.  g.  of  the  Pounds  and  Talents,  Mat. 
XXV.  and  Lk.  xix. ;  of  the  Supper,  Mat.  xxii.  and 
Lk.  xiv.).  Probably  there  were  many  of  which  we 
have  no  record  (Mat.  xiii.  34 ;  Mk.  iv.  33).  In 
those  which  remain  it  is  possible  to  trace  something 
like  an  order.  (A.)  There  is  the  group  which  have 
for  their  subject  the  laws  of  the  Divine  Kingdom. 
Under  this  head  we  have — l.The  Sower  (Mat.  xiii. ; 
Mk.  iv. ;  Lk.  viii.).  2.  The  Wheat  and  the  Tares  (Mat. 
xiii.).  3.  The  Mustard-Seed  (xiii.;  Mk.  iv.).  4. 
The  Seed  cast  into  the  Ground  (iv.).  8.  The 
Leaven  (Mat.  xiii.).  6.  The  Hid  Treasure  (xiii.). 
7.  The  Pearl  of  Great  Price  (xiii.).  8.  The  Net 
cast  Into  the  Sea  (xiii.).     (B.)  The  next  parables, 


798 


PAR 


PAR 


utterei  some  months  afterward,  are  of  a  different 
type  and  occupy  a  different  position.  Tliey  are 
drawn  from  tlie  life  of  men  ratlier  than  from  the 
Avorld  of  nature.  Often  they  occur,  not,  as  in  Mat. 
xiii.,  in  discourses  to  the  multitude,  but  in  answers 
to  questions  of  the  disciples  or  other  inquirers. 
Thev  are  such  as — 9.  The  Two  Debtors  (Lk.  vii.). 
10.  The  Merciless  Servant  (Mat.  xviii.).  11.  The 
Good  Samaritan  (Lk.  x.).  12.  The  Friend  at  Mid- 
night (xi.).  13.  The  Rich  Fool  (xii.).  14.  The  Wed- 
ding Feast  (xii.).  15.  The  Fig-Tree  (xiii.).  16.  The 
Great  Supper  (.tiv.).  17.  The  Lost  Sheep  (Mat. 
xviii. ;  Lk.  xv.).  18.  The  Lost  Piece  of  Money 
(xv.).  19.  The  Prodigal  Son  (xv.).  20.  The  Unjust 
Steward  (xvi.).  21.  The  Rich  Man  and  Lazarus 
(xvi.).  22.  The  Unjust  Judge  (xviii.).  23.  The 
Pharisee  and  the  Publican  (xviii.).  24.  The  Labor- 
ers in  the  Vineyard  (Mat.  xx.).  (C.)  Toward  the 
close  of  our  Lord's  ministry,  the  parables  are  again 
theocratic,  but  the  phase  of  the  Divine  Kingdom, 
on  which  they  chiefly  dwell,  is  that  of  its  final  con- 
summation. To  this  class  we  mav  refer — 25.  The 
Pounds  (Lk.  xix.).  26.  The  Two  Sons  (Mat.  xxi.). 
27.  The  Vineyard  let  out  to  Husbandmen  (xxi. ; 
Jlk.  xii. ;  Lk.  xx.).  28.  The  Marriage-Feast  (Mat. 
xxii.).  29.  The  Wise  and  Foolish  Virgins  (xxv.). 
SO.  The  Talents  (xxv.).  31.  The  Sheep  and  the 
Goats  (xxv.).  The  greater  pai't  of  the  parables  of 
the  first  and  third  groups  belong  to  St.  Matthew, 
emphatically  the  Evangelist  of  the  kingdom.  Those 
of  the  second  are  found  for  the  most  part  in  St. 
Luke.  III.  Lastly,  there  is  the  law  of  interpreta- 
tion. It  has  been  urged  by  some  writers,  by  none 
with  greater  force  or  clearness  than  by  Chrysostom, 
that  there  is  a  scope  or  purpose  for  each  parable, 
and  that  our  aim  must  be  to  discern  this,  not  to  find 
a  special  significance  in  each  circumstance  or  inci- 
dent. It  may  be  questioned,  however,  whether  this 
canon  of  interpretation  is  likely  to  lead  us  to  the 
full  meaning  of  this  portion  of  our  Lord's  teaching. 
In  the  great  patterns  of  interpretation  which  lie 
himself  has  given  us,  there  is  more  than  this.  Not 
only  the  sower,  and  the  seed,  and  the  several  soils 
liave  their  counterparts  in  the  spiritual  life,  but  the 
birds  of  the  air,  the  thorns,  the  scorching  heat,  have 
each  of  them  a  significance.  The  explanation  of 
the  wheat  and  tares,  given  with  less  fulness,  is 
equally  specific.  It  may  be  inferred  from  these 
two  instances  that  we  are,  at  least,  justified  in 
looking  for  a  meaning  even  in  the  seeming  ac- 
cessories of  a  parable.  But  no  such  interpretation 
can  claim  authority.  The  very  form  of  the  teach- 
ing makes  it  probable  that  there  may  he,  in  any 
case,  more  than  one  legitimate  explanation.  The 
outward  flict  in  nature,  or  in  social  life,  may  cor- 
respond to  spiritual  fucts  at  once  in  God's  govern- 
ment of  the  world,  and  in  the  history  of  the  indi- 
vidual soul.  A  parable  may  be  at  once  ethical,  and 
in  the  highest  sense  of  the  term  prophetic.  There 
is  thus  a  wide  field  open  to  the  discernment  of  the 
interpreter.  There  are  also  restraints  upon  the  mere 
fertility  of  his  imagination.  (l.)The  analogies  must 
be  real,  not  arbitrary.  (2.)  The  parables  are  to  be 
considered  as  parts  of  a  whole,  and  the  interpreta- 
tion of  one  is  not  to  override  or  encroach  upon  the 
lessons  taught  by  others.  (3.)  The  direct  teaching 
of  Christ  presents  the  standard  to  which  all  our  in- 
terpretations are  to  be  referred,  and  by  which  they 
are  to  be  measured.     Jesus  Christ. 

Par'a-dlse  (Heb.  T^an/es;  Gt.  paradrisoa;  \j.  para- 
disim;  see  below).  Questions  as  to  the  nature  and 
locality  of  Paradise  as  =  the  garden  of  Gen.  ii.  and 


iii.  are  discussed  under  Eden  1.  It  remains  to  trace 
the  history  of  the  word  and  the  associations  con- 
nected with  it,  as  it  appears  in  the  later  books  of 
the  0.  T.  and  in  the  language  of  Chr'st  and  Hia 
apostles.  The  word  itself,  though  it  appears  in  the 
above  form  in  Xeh.  ii.  8,  and  in  Eccl.  ii.  0,  and  Cant. 
iv.  13,  may  be  classed,  with  hardly  a  doubt,  as  of 
Aryan  rather  than  of  Shcmitic  origin.  It  first  ap- 
pears in  Greek  as  coming  straight  from  Persia. 
Greek  lexicographers  classify  it  as  a  Persian  word. 
Modern  philologists  accept  the  same  conclusion  with 
hardly  a  dissentient  voice  (so  Prof  Plumptre,  origi- 
nal author  of  this  article).  Gesenius,  Fiirst,  &c.j 
compare  the  Sanscrit  paradega  (—  a  rer/ion  of  sur 
passing  beauti/),  Armenian  panlcD  (=  a  garden  [or 
park'\  around  the  lioiuie),  &c.  In  Xenfiphon  the  word 
occurs  frequently,  and  we  get  vivid  pictures  of  the 
scene  which  it  implied.  A  wide,  open  park,  enclosed 
against  injury,  yet  with  its  natural  beauty  unspoiled, 
with  stately  forest-trees,  many  of  them  bearing  fruit, 
watered  by  clear  streams,  on  whose  banks  roved 
large  herds  of  antelopes  or  sheep — this  was  the 
scenery  which  connected  itself  in  the  mind  of  the 
Greek  traveller  witli  the  word  paradeisos,  and  for 
which  his  own  language  supplied  no  precise  e(|uiva- 
lent.  Through  the  writings  of  Xenophon,  and  the 
general  admixture  of  Orientalisms  in  the  later  Greek 
after  the  conquests  of  Alexander,  the  word  gained 
a  recognized  place,  and  the  LXX.  chose  it  for  a  new 
use  which  gave  it  a  higher  worth,  and  secured  for  it 
a  more  perennial  life.  They  applied  the  word  to 
the  garden  of  Eden  (Gen.  ii.  15,  iii.  23;  Joel  ii.  3), 
and  used  it  whenever  there  was  any  allusion  to  the 
fair  region  which  had  been  the  first  blissful  home  of 
man.  The  valley  of  the  Jordan  was  "  as  the  para- 
dise of  God  "  (Gen.  xiii.  10;  compare  Ez.  X xxi.  1-9). 
"Paradise,"  with  no  other  word  to  qualify  it,  he- 
came  the  bright  region  which  man  had  hist,  which 
was  guarded  by  the  flaming  sword.  Soon  a  new 
hope  sprang  up.  There  was  a  paradise  still  into 
which  man  might  hope  to  enter.  It  is  a  matter  of 
some  interest  to  ascertain  with  what  associations 
the  word  was  connected  in  the  minds  of  the  Jews 
of  Palestine  and  other  countries  at  the  time  of  our 
Lord's  teaching,  what  sense  therefore  we  may  attach 
to  it  in  the  writings  of  thcN.  T.  In  this  as  in  other 
instances  we  may  distinguish  three  modes  of  thought, 
each  with  marked  characteristics,  yet  often  blended 
together  in  different  proportions,  and  melting  one 
into  the  other  by  hardly  perceptible  degrees.  Each 
has  its  counterpart  in  the  teaching  of  Christian 
theologians.  The  language  of  the  N.  T.  stands 
apart  from  and  above  all.  (1.)  To  the  Idealist 
school  of  Alexaxoria,  of  which  Philo  is  the  rep- 
resentative, paradise  was  nothing  more  than  a  sym- 
bol and  an  allegory.  Spiritual  perfection  was  the 
only  paradise.  The  trees  that  grew  in  it  were  the 
thoughts  of  the  spiritual  man  ;  their  fruits  were  life, 
and  knowledge,  and  immortality.  The  fimr  rivers 
from  one  source  are  the  four  virtues  of  the  later 
Platonists,  each  derived  from  the  same  source  of 
goodness.  (2.)  The  Rabbinic  schools  of  Palestine, 
on  the  contrary,  had  their  descriptions,  definite  and 
detailed,  a  complete  topography  of  the  unseen  world. 
It  was  far  off  in  the  distant  East,  further  than  the 
foot  of  man  had  trod.  It  was  a  region  of  the  world  of 
the  dead,  of  SMol  (IIei.l),  in  the  heart  of  the  earth. 
Gehenna  was  on  one  side,  with  its  flames  and  tor- 
ments. Paradise  on  the  other,  the  intermediate 
home  of  the  blessed.  Or,  again,  paradise  was 
neither  on  the  earth,  nor  within  it,  but  above  it,  in 
the  third  iieave.n,  or  in  some  higher  orb.     Or  then 


PAB 


PAR 


799. 


were  two  paradises,  the  upper  and  the  lower — one 
in  heaven,  lor  those  who  had  attained  the  heights 
of  holiness — one  in  earth,  for  those  who  had  lived 
but  decently,  and  the  heavenly  paradise  was  sixty 
times  as  large  as  the  whole  lower  earth.  Each  had 
seven  palaces  with  their  appropriate  dwellers. 
Angels  there  arrayed  the  righteous  dead  in  new 
robes  of  glory,  and  placed  on  their  heads  diadems 
of  gold  and  pearls.  Paradise  had  no  night.  Its 
pavement  was  of  precious  stones.  Fragrant,  heal- 
ing plants  grew  on  the  banks  of  its  streams.  From 
this  lower  paradise  the  souls  rose  on  Sabbaths  and 
feast-days  to  the  higher,  where  every  day  Jehovah 
held  council  with  His  saints.  (3.)  Out  of  the  dis- 
cussions and  theories  of  the  Rabbis,  there  grew  a 
broad  popular  belief,  fixed  in  the  hearts  of  men,  ac- 
cepted without  discussion,  blending  with  their  best 
hopes.  Their  prayer  for  the  dying  or  the  dead  was 
that  his  soul  might  rest  in  paradise,  in  the  garden 
of  Kden.  The  belief  of  the  Essenes,  as  reported 
by  Jo.-ephus,  may  be  accepted  as  a  fair  representa- 
tion of  the  thoughts  of  those  who,  like  them,  were 
not  trained  in  the  Rabbinical  schools,  living  in  a 
simple  and  more  child-like  faith.  To  them,  accord- 
ingly, paradise  was  a  far-ott'  land,  a  region  where 
there  was  no  scorching  heat,  no  consuming  cold, 
where  the  soft  west-wind  from  the  ocean  blew  for 
evermore.  The  visions  of  2  Esd.  ii.  19,  &c.,  though 
not  without  an  admixture  of  Christian  thoughts  and 
phrases,  may  represent  this  phase  of  feeling. — It  is 
H  itii  this  popular  belief,  rather  than  with  that  of 
cither  school  of  Jewish  thought,  tha^thc  language 
of  tlie  X.  T.  connects  itself.  The  old  word  is  kept, 
and  is  raised  to  a  new  dignity  or  power.  It  is  sig- 
nificant, indeed,  that  the  word  "  paradise  "  nowhere 
occurs  in  the  public  teaching  of  our  Lord,  or  in  His 
intercour.se  with  His  own  disciples.  Connected  as 
it  had  been  with  the  thoughts  of  a  sensuous  happi- 
ness, it  was  not  the  fittest  or  best  word  for  those 
whom  He  was  training  to  rise  out  of  sensuous 
thoughts  to  the  higher  regions  of  the  spiritual  life. 
For  them,  accordingly,  "  the  kingdom  of  Heaven," 
"the  kingdom  of  (iod,"  are  the  terms  most  dwelt 
on.  Witli  the  thief  dying  on  the  cross  the  case  was 
different.  We  can  assume  nothing  in  the  robber- 
outlaw  but  the  most  rudimentary  forms  of  popular 
belief.  The  answer  to  his  prayer  gave  him  what  he 
needed  most,  the  assurance  of  immediate  rest  and 
peace.  The  word  Paradise  spoke  to  him,  as  to  other 
Jews,  of  repose,  shelter,  joy — the  greatest  contrast 
possible  to  the  thirst,  and  agony,  and  shame  of  the 
hours  upon  the  cross  (Lk.  xxiii.  42,  43).  There  is 
a  like  significance  in  the  general  absence  of  the 
word  from  the  language  of  the  Epistles.  Here  also 
it  is  found  nowhere  in  the  direct  teaching.  It  oc- 
curs only  in  passages  that  are  apocalyptic,  and, 
therefore,  almost  of  neccs.sity  symbolic  (2  Cor.  xii. 
3 ;  Rev.  ii.  7).  The  thing,  though  not  the  word,  ap- 
pears in  the  closing  visions  of  Rev.  xxii.  (4.)  The 
eager  c\iriosity  which  prompts  men  to  press  on  into 
the  tilings  behind  the  veil,  has  led  them  to  construct 
hypotheses  more  or  less  definite  as  to  the  inter- 
mediate state,  and  these  have  affected  the  thoughts 
which  Christian  writers  have  connected  with  the 
wt>rd  paradise.  Patristic  and  later  interpreters  fol- 
low in  the  footsteps  of  the  Jewish  nchools.  To 
Origen  and  others  of  a  like  spiritual  insight,  para- 
dise r=  a  region  of  life  and  immortality — the  third 
heaven.  The  word  enters  largely,  as  might  be  ex- 
pected, into  the  apocrvphal  literature  of  the  early 
Church.  Where  the  true  (iospels  are  most  reticent, 
the  mythical  (Gospel  of  Nicodemus  ;  Acts  of  Philip) 


are  most  exuberant.  (5.)  The  creed  of  Islam  pre- 
sented to  its  followers  the  hope  of  a  sensuous  para- 
dise, and  the  Persian  word  was  transplanted  through 
it  into  the  languages  spoken  by  them  (Arabic,  &c.). 
Heaven  ;  Life  ;  Resurrection  ;  Saviocr,  &c. 

Pa'rab  (Heb.  hd/er-town,  Ges.),  a  city  of  Benja- 
min, named  only  in  the  lists  of  the  conquest  (Josh 
xviii.  23).  In  the  Onotuasticon  ("Aphra")  it  is  speci- 
fied by  Jerome  only,  as  five  miles  E.  of  Bethel. 
No  traces  of  the  name  have  yet  been  found  in  that 
position;  but  the  name  Furnh  exists  further  to  the 
S.  E.,  attached  to  the  M'ady  Furnh,  and  to  a  site  of 
ruins  at  its  junction  with  the  Wady  SuueihU,  six  or 
seven  miles  N.  E.  of  Jerusalem,  and  may  represent 
the  ancient  Parah.     Enon. 

Pa'ran  (Heb.  probably=r«;)o?i  with  cavernf,  Ges.), 
El-pa'ran  (fr.  Heb.  =  Oak  [or  terttinth]  of  Faran, 
Ges.).  I.  It  is  shown  under  KAnr.sH  that  the  name 
Paran  corresponds  probably  in  general  outline  with 
the  desert  Ft-Tik.  Speaking  generally,  the  wilder- 
ness of  Sinai  (Num.  x.  12,  xii.  16),  in  which  the 
march-stations  of  Taberah  and  IIazerotii  (Hnclhe- 
ra  ?)  are  probably  included  toward  its  N.  E.  limit, 
may  be  said  to  lie  S.  of  the  Et-Tih  range,  the  wil- 
derness of  Paran  N.  of  it,  and  the  one  to  end  where 
the  other  begins.  Tliat  of  Paran  is  a  stretch  of 
chalky  formation,  the  chalk  being  covered  with 
coarse  gravel,  mixed  with  black  flint  and  drifting 
sand.  In  this  wide  tract,  which  extends  N.  to  join 
"the  wildeincssof  Beer-siieba  "  (Gen.  xxi.  21,  com- 
pare 14),  and  E.  probably  to  the  wilderness  of  Zix, 
IsH.MAEL  dwelt,  Nabal  fed  his  flocks  in  Carmel  2, 
near  where  David  took  refuge  in  "  the  wilderness 
of  Paran"  (1  Sam.  xxv.  1  )}'.).  Between  the  wil- 
derness of  Paran  and  that  of  Zin  no  strict  de- 
marcation exists  in  the  narrative,  nor  do  the  nat- 
ural features  of  the  region,  so  far  as  yet  as- 
certained, yield  a  well-defined  boundary.  The  name 
of  Paran  seems,  as  in  the  story  of  Ishmael,  to 
have  predominated  toward  the  western  extremity 
of  the  northern  desert  frontier  of  El-'lih,  and  in 
Num.  xxxiv.  4  the  wilderness  of  Zin,  not  Paran,  is 
spoken  of  as  the  southern  border  of  the  land  or  of 
the  tribe  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  3).  Chedorlaomer, 
when  he  smote  the  peoples  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  re- 
turned round  its  southwestern  curve  to  "El-paran" 
(Gen.  xiv.  6). — Was  there,  then,  a  Paran  proper,  or 
definite  spot  to  which  the  name  was  applied  1  From 
Deut.  i.  1  it  would  seem  there  must  have  been. 
This  is  confirmed  by  1  K.  xi.  18,  from  which  we 
further  learn  the  iiict  of  its  being  an  inhabited 
region ;  and  the  position  required  by  the  context 
here  is  one  between  Midian  and  Egypt.  If  we  are 
to  reconcile  these  passages  by  the  aid  of  the  per- 
sonal history  of  Moses,  it  seems  certain  that  the 
local  Midian  of  the  Sinaitic  peninsula  must  have 
lain  near  the  Mount  Horeb  itself  (Ex.  iii.  1,  xviii. 
1-5).  The  site  of  the  "  Paran  "  of  Hadad  the  Edom- 
ite  must  then  have  lain  to  the  N.  W.  or  Egyptian 
side  of  Iloreb.  This  brings  us,  if  we  assume  any 
principal  mountain,  except  SerbAl,  of  the  whole 
Sinaitic  group,  to  be  "  the  Mount  of  God,"  so  close 
to  the  Wadi;  Fdran  that  the  similarity  of  name, 
supported  by  the  recently  expressed  opinion  of 
eminent  geographers  (Rittcr,  Stanley,  &c.),  may  be 
taken  as  establishing  substantial  i<lentity  (so  Mr. 
Hayman).  Burekhardt  describes  this  wady  as  nar- 
rowing in  one  spot  to  100  paces,  and  adds  that  the 
high  mountains  adjacent,  and  the  thick  woods  which 
clothe  it,  contribute  with  the  bad  water  to  make  it 
unhealthy,  while  it  is  for  productiveness  the  finest 
valley  in  the  whole  peninsula,  containing  four  miles 


800' 


PAR 


PAR 


of  gardens  and  date-proves.  At  Feirdn  in  Wadt/ 
FeirAn  are  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  town  of  Pharaii 
or  Faran,  which  had  a  Christian  population  and  a 
bishop  as  early  as  a.  n.  400  and  for  centuries  after- 
ward.    Remarkable  ancient  inscriptions,  found  on 


the  rocks  of  this  region,  especially  in  the  TlWy 
MukaUih  {z=wriUen  valley),  about  twenty  miles  N.W. 
of  Feirun,  have  been  by  some  considered  as  the 
work  of  the  Israelites  during  their  forty  years' 
sojourn,  by  others  as  the  work  of  Christian  jjilgrims 


RulDi  of  ^etran  in  Wadg  Ftifiin. — From  Ltibonie,  V^'tjage  de  VArahie  Petree. — (Fbn.) 


from  Egypt  to  Mount  Sinai  in  the  fourth  century, 
by  others  (perhaps  preferably)  as  made  by  the  na- 
tive inhabitants  of  the  mountains  (Rbn.  i.  126  if.). 
(Wilderness  of  the  Waxdering.)— 2i  "Slount" 
Paran  occurs  only  in  two  poetic  passages  (Deut. 
xxxiii.  2;  Ilab.  iii.  3),  in  one  of  which  Sinai  and 
Seir  appear  as  local  accessories,  in  the  other,  Te- 
man  and  (ver.  7)  Cushan  and  Midian.  Not  unlikely, 
if  Wadij  Feirdn  =  the  Paran  proper,  the  name 
"  Mount "  Paran  may  have  been  either  assigned  to 
the  special  member  (the  northwestern)  of  the  Sina- 
itio  mountain-group  which  lies  adjacent  to  the  wady, 
or  to  the  whole  Sinaitic  cluster.  That  special  mem- 
ber is  the  ^^'e-peaked  ridge  of  Serbdl. 

Par'bar  (Heb.,  see  below),  a  word  occurring  in 
Hebrew  and  A.  V.  only  in  1  Chr.  xxvi.  18.  From 
this  passage,  and  from  the  context,  it  would  seem 
(so  Mr.  Grove)  that  Parbar  was  some  place  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Temple  enclosure,  the  same  side 
with  the  causeway  and  the  gate  SHALLEcnKxii.  The 
latter  was  close  to  the  causeway,  and  we  know  from 
its  remains  that  the  causeway  was  at  the  extreme 
north  of  the  western  wall.  Parbar  therefore  must 
have  been  S.  of  Shallecheth.  As  to  the  meaning 
of  the  name,  the  Rabbis  generally  translate  it  the 
outside  place;  while  modern  authorities  take  it  as 
=  Heb.  pnrvdrhn  in  2  K.  xxiii.  1 1  (A.  V.  "  sub- 
urbs ").  Mr.  Grove  would  therefore  identify  the 
Parbar  with  the  suburb  mentioned  by  Josephus  in 
describing  Herod's  Temple,  as  lying  in  the  deep 
valley  which  separated  the  west  wall  of  the  Temple 
from  the  city  opposite  it ;  in  other  words,  the  south- 
ern end  of  the  Tyropoeon.  Parbar  is  possibly  (so 
Mr.  Grove)  an  ancient  Jcbusite  name.  Gesenius 
(edited  by  Robinson,  1854)  m.akes  Parbar  (and  so 
parvdrim  in  2  K.  xxiii.  11)  "probably  =  the  open 
porticoes  surrounding  the  courts  of  the  Temple,  from 
which  was  the  entrance  to  the  cells  or  chambers," 
and  traces  it  to  the  Persian. 

*  Parched  [parcht]  usually  =  scorched,  or  having 


the  surface  baked  or  burnt,  as  "  parched  CORN,"  i.  e. 
wheat  (Lev.  xxiii.  14;  Ru.  ii.  14,  &c.),  "  parched 
places "  (Jer.  xvii.  6).  In  Is.  xxxv.  7  the  Heb. 
shdrdh,  in  A.  V.  "  parched  ground,"  =  the  mirajje 
(=  Ar.  serdb  ;  so  Gesenius,  Fiirst,  J.  A.  Alexander, 
Barnes,  &c.),  an  optical  phenomenon  common  in 
the  deserts  of  Arabia  and  Africa,  &c.,  in  which  the 
heated  sands  appear  to  be  a  pool  or  lake  of  water ; 
and  the  expression,  "  the  mirage  shall  become  a 
pool,"  signifies  that  the  apparent  lake  shall  become 
a  real  lake,  or  the  sand-pool  a  pool  of  water,  the 
change  being  refreshing  and  joyous. 

Pareh'mentt  New  Testament  ;  Old  Testament; 
Writino. 

•  *  Pardon.  Atonement ;  Faith ;  Jcstificatioh  ; 
King;  Law;  Saviour,  &c. 

Par'lcr,  or  Par'lonr  (fr.  Fr.,  properly  a  room  foi 
speaking  or  conversation),  a  word  ih  English  usaga'l 
=  the  common  room  of  the  family,  and  hence  prob- 
ably in  A.  V.  =  the  king's  audience-chamber,  so 
used  in  reference  to  Eglon  (Judg.  iii.  20-25).  It  la 
tlie  A.  v.  translation  of  three  Hebrew  words  (viz.- 
heder  or  cheder,  1  Chr.  xxviii.  11  ;  lishcdh,  1  Sam.  ix..] 
22  ;  nlhidh,  Judg.  iii.  20  ff.),  each  usually  translated] 
"  chamber."     House. 

Pai'-niiish'ta  (Heb.  =  Sansc.  for  superior,  Ges. 
one  of  Hainan's  ten  sons  slain  by  the  Jews  in  vShushai 
(Esth.  ix.  9). 

Par'nie-nas  (Gr.  abiding,  permanent,  Schl.),  on 
of  the  seven  deacons,  "men  of  honest  report,  full 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  wisdom  "  (Acts  vi.  5).    There' 
is  a  tradition  that  he  suffered  martyrdom  at  Philippi 
in  the  reign  of  Trajan.     Deacon. 

Pnr'naell  [-nak]  (Heb.,  probably  =  nimble^  or 
delicate,  Ges.),  father  or  ancestor  of  Elizaphan  princej 
of  Zebulun  (Num.  xxxiv.  25). 

Pa'rosh  (Heb.  a  flea,  Ges.).  Descendants  of  Pa-' 
rosh,  in  number  2,172,  returned  from  Babylon  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  3 ;  Nch.  vii.  8).  Another  dc- 
tacliment  of  150  males,  with   Zecliariali   at   their 


\ 


PAR 

head  accompanied  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  8).  Seven  of  the 
lanulv  liud  mnrncd  foreign  wives  (x.  25).  Thev  as- 
Hsted  m  buiMing  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Xeh.  iii. 
^o)  and  sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  U  U) 
In  the  lastHiuoted  passage  the  name  I'arosh  may 
denote  the  family  or  its  representative,  and  not  aii 
mdividual. 

Par-slian'da-th«,  or  Par-shan-datha  (Heb.  fr 
Chal.  =  nlerjireter  of  Ihe  law  >  more  probably  fr 
i^ers.  Oes. ;  fr.  old  I'ers.  =z  given  by  pmuer,  Fii  ) 
the  eldest  of  Ilaman's  ten  sons  slain  by  the  Jews 
ni  .Shushan  (EstlL  ix.  7). 

•  Part;  i"  ^'eh.  iii.  9-l8,  the  A.  y.  translation  of 
Heb.  jMt  (  =  cinle,  circuit,  di^trid,   Gcs.),  used 
w.  h  reference  to  Jerusalem,  Beth-haccerem,  Miz- 
pah,  Beth-zur  and  Keilah.     Gesenius  unders'taiids 
here  by  the  Hebrew  translated  in  A.  V.  "  part  of 
Jerusalem,    Ote  drcuit  or  dinlricl  round  Jerumltm 
&c.,  over  which  a  particular  "ruler"  (Heb.  mr  =' 
a  prefect,  hader,  chief;  see  Captain   1)  had  juris- 
diction     Wilton  (m  Fairbaim)  supposes  the  He- 
brew here  means  a  rounded  summit,  a  mound  or 
/!■»'.«  with  reference  to  the  hill  or  two  hUls  ("half 
parts   )  on  which  the  cities  were  built 
T  ''o''''-^-''^  (=  people  of  Parthia  ;  Gv.  Parthoi  ; 
L.  Parthi  ;  from  a  Scythian  word  denoting  exiU»  or 
bam,M  per>o,u,  the  Parthians  having  been  driven 
out  of  Scythia  by  the  other  Scythians  [so  Isidorusl) 
occirs  only  m  Acts  U.  9.  where  it  designates  Jews 
itled  m  Parthia.     Parthia  Proper  wa.?the  region 
retching  along  the  southern  flank  of  the  moun- 
c.uus  which  separate  the  great  Persian  desert  from 
the  desert  of  Maresm.     It  lay  S.  of  Hyreania,  E. 
of  Jledia,  and  N.  of  Sagartia,  and  was  S.  E  of  the 
taspian  Sea,  in  the  modern  province  of  Klmrewsan. 
I  he  ancient  Parthians  are  called  a  "Scvtliic"  race 
and  probably  (so  Rawlinson)  belonged  to  the  great 
Turanian  family.    (Tongues,  Co.nfusion  or.)   Really 
nothing  IS  known  of  them  till  about  the  time  of 
Uarius  Hystaspis,  when  thev  are  found  in  the  dis- 
trict w'hich  so  long  retained  their  name,  and  appear 
as  faithful  subjects  of  the  Persian  monarchs.     He- 
rodotus speaks  of  them  as  contained  in  the  16tli 
Batrapy  of  Darius.     They  served  against  Greece  in 
the  army  of  Xerxes.     In  the  final  struggle  between 
the  Greeks  and  Persians  they  remained  faithful  to 
the  latter,  serving  at  Arbela;  but  offering  only  a 
weak  resistance  to  Alexander  when,  on  his  way  to 
Kactria,  he  entered  their  country.     In  the  division 
01  Alexander's  dominions  they  fell  to  the  share  of 
fcumenes,  and   Parthia   for  a   while   was   counted 
among  the  territories   of  the   Selcucida;.      About 
B.  c.  256,  however,  thev  revolted,  and  under  Ar- 
saces  succeeded  in  establishing  their  independence. 
Ihus  began  the  great  Parthian  empire.     Parthia, 
in  the  mind  of  the  writer  of  the  Acts,  would  desig- 
nate this  empire,  which  extended  from  India  to  the 
ligris,  and   from   the  Chonsmian  (now  Khaream) 
desert  to  the  shores  of  the  Southern  Ocean.    Hence 
the  prominent  position  of  the  name  Parthians  in 
tlic  list  of  those  present  at  Pentecost.     Parthia  was 
a  power  almost  rivalling  Rome— the  only  existing 
power  which  had  tried  its  strength  against  Rome 
and  not  been  worsted  in  the  encounter.     The  Par- 
thian.s  defeated   the   Roman  army  under  Crassus 
near  Carrha;  (IIaran),  b.  c.  53.     They  took  Jkru- 
SAI.EM  B.  r.  40.     Their  armies  were  composed  of 
cloutfs  of  horsemen,  all  expert  riders ;  their  chief 
weapon  was  the  bow.     They  shot  their  arrows  with 
wonderlnl  precision  while  their  horses  ivere  in  full 
career;    and   were  proverbial   for  inflicting  injury 
witli  these  weapons  on  their  pursuers.     For   160 
61 


PAR 


801 


.vears  Rome  especially  dreaded  them.  Trajan  at- 
tacked them  A.  D.  114-116,  and  deprived  them  of  a 
considerable  portion  of  their  territories  (Armenia 
Mesopotamia,  &c.).  In  the  next  reign  (Hadrian's) 
the  I  arthians  recovered  these  losses ;  but  their  mili- 
tary strength  was  now  on  the  decline;  and  in  a.  d. 
jiib  the  last  of  the  Arsacidic  was  forced  to  yield  his 
kingdom  to  the  revolted  Pkksians,  who,  under  Ar- 
taxerxes,  son  of  Sassan,  succeeded  in  reestablishing 
their  empire.  The  Parthian  dominion  lasted  for 
nearly  hve  centuries.  Its  success  is  to  be  regarded 
as  the  subversion  of  a  tolerably  advanced  dviliza- 
tion  by  a  comparative  barbarism— the  sukstitntion 
ment"   "''  '^°'"'*^°***  ^°''  ^''■™"  ?»"'*>'  and  refine- 

Par'tridge,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb.  kM 
1  bam.  xxyi.  20,  and  Jer.   xvii.   11   only).     This 
translation  is  supported  by  many  of  theold  ver- 
sions.   Ihe  'hunting  this  bird  upon  the  mountains" 
1  bam  XXVI.  20)  entirely  agrees  with  the  habits  of 
two  «el  -known  species  of  purtridgc,  viz.  Caceahia 
saxatUu,  (the  Greek  partridge,  which  frequents  rocky 
and  hilly  ground  covered  with  brushwood)  and  Cac- 
cabn  HeyuiUefs  partridge,  or  the  little  desert  par- 
tridge which  abounds  [so  Tim.]  on  the  slopes  of  the 
Dead  Sea  basin).     It  will  be  seen  by  the  marginal 
reading  that  the  passage  in  Jeremiah  may  be  inter- 
preted thus:— "As  the  partridge  pathereth  youu" 
which  she  hath  not  brought  forth."     It  has"  been 
asserted  that  the  partridge  is  in  the  habit  of  steal- 
ing the  eggs  from  the  nests  of  its  congeners  and 
of  sitting  upon  them,  and  that  when  the  young  are 
hatched  they  forsake  their  false  parent.     This  is  a 
mere  fable,  in  which,  however,  the  ancient  Orientals 
may  have  believed.     The  explanation  of  the  render- 
ing of  the  text  of  the  A.  V.  is  obviouslv  as  follows 
(so  Mr.  Houghton) :— Partridges  were  often  "hunt- 
ed    in  ancient  times  as  they  are  at  present,  either 
by  hawking  or  by  being  driven  from  place  to  place 
till  they  become  fatigued,  when  they  are  knocked 
down  by  the  clubs  or  zerv:altys  of  the  Arabs.    Thus 
nests  were  no  doubt  constantly  disturbed,  and  many 
destroyed:   as,  therefore,  is  a  partridge  which   is 
driven  from  her  eggs,  so  is  he  that  enricheth  him- 
scll  by  unjust  means—"  he  shall  leave  them  in  the 
midst  of  his  days."     The  expression  in  Ecclus.  xi 
30,  "  like  as  a  partridge  taken  (and  kept)  in  a  catre  '' 
clearly  refers,  as  Shaw  has  observed,  to  "  a  decoy 


Griifk  Partridge  (Cattabu  mzalitU), 


partridge."  The  common  European  partridge  (P^r- 
dtxnnerea),  as  well  as  the  Karhiuy  (CacoMnpetrosa) 
and  red-leg  ( Caeealiis  i-ufa),  do  not  occur  in  Palestine 
(so  Mr.  Houghton).    In  America  none  of  the  above 


802 


PAR 


PAS 


Bpecies  are  found ;  but  the  name  partridge  is  given 
to  different  birds  more  or  less  closely  allied  to  them, 
in  New  England  to  the  ruffed  grouse  (Bonasa  nmhel- 
lus),  in  the  Middle  and  Southern  States  to  the  Amer- 
ican QUAii,  {Ortyx  Virf/iniarms),  &c.  {New  Anifr. 
Ci/c).  The  flesh  of  all  the  birds  of  this  name  is 
highly  esteemed  for  food. 

P»-ru'ali  (Heb.  blossoming,  Ges.),  the  father  of 
Jehosliaphat,  Solomon's  commissary  in  Issaehar(l 
K.  iv.  17). 

Par-Ta'lm  (fr.  Heb.  =  Opiiir,  Booh.,  &c. ;  con- 
tracted from  Sepharvaim,  Harenberg,  Knobel ;  tr. 
Sanso.  =  Oriental  ret/iom,  Wilford,  Ges.),  the  name 
of  an  unknown  place  or  country  whence  the  gold 
was  procured  for  the  decoration  of  Solomon's  Tem- 
ple (2  Chr.  iii.  6). 

Pa'saeli  [-sak]  (Heb.  cut  up  or  off,  Ges.),  son  of 
Japhlet ;  u  chief  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  33). 

Pas-darn'mlm  (Heb.)  =:  EpnES-nAMiuM  (1  Chr.  xi. 
13). 

Pa-sc'all  (Heb.  lame,  Ges.).  1.  Son  of  Eshton,  in 
the  genealogies  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  12). — i.  An- 
cestor of  certain  Xetliinim  who  returned  with  Zerub- 
babel  (Ezr.  ii.  49);  =  Piiaseaii. — 3.  Father  or  an- 
cestor of  the  Jehoiada  who  assisted  in  repairing 
the  '■  old  gate  "  of  Jerusalem  under  Xehemiah  (Neh. 
iii.  6) ;  perhaps  =  No.  2. 

Pasll'nr  (Heb.  prosperity  round  about,  Ges.).  1. 
Name  of  one  of  the  families  of  priests  of  the  chief 
house  of  Mulchijah  (Jer.  xxi.  1,  xxxviii.  1 ;  1  Chr. 
ix.  12,  xxiv.  9 ;  Neh.  xi.  12).  In  Nehemiah's  time 
this  family  appears  to  have  become  a  chief  house, 
and  its  head  tlie  head  of  a  course  (Ezr.  ii.  38  ;  Neh. 
vii.  41,  X.  3).  Six  "sons  of  Pashur"  in  Ezra's  time 
were  husbands  of  foreign  wives  (Ezr.  x.  22).  The 
family  was  named  probably  from  Pashur  the  son  of 
Malchiah,  who  in  the  reign  of  Zedekiah  was  one  of 
the  chief  princes  of  the  court  (Jer.  xxxviii.  1).  He 
was  sent,  with  others,  by  Zedclciah  to  Jeremiali 
when  Nebuchadnezzar  was  preparing  his  attack 
upon  Jerusalem  (xxi.).  Somewhat  later,  P.ashur 
joined  with  several  other  chief  men  in  petitioning 
the  king  that  Jeremiah  might  be  put  to  death  as  a 
traitor,  and  casting  him  into  the  "  dungeon  "  where 
he  nearly  perished  (xxxviii.). — i.  Another  priest, 
"  the  son  of  Immer,"  and  "  chief  governor  of  the 
house  of  the  Lord,"  showed  liimself  as  hostile  to 
Jeremiah,  in  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim,  as  his  name- 
sake the  son  of  M.alchiah  did  afterward,  and  put 
him  in  the  stocks  by  the  gate  of  Benjamin.  For 
this  indignity  to  God's  prophet,  Pashur  was  told  by 
Jeremiah  tliat  his  name  was  changed  to  Maoor-mis- 
SABiB  (Terror  on  every  side),  and  that  he  and  all  his 
house  should  be  carried  captives  to  Babylon  and 
there  die  (xx.  1-6). — 3.  Father  of  Gedaliah  4 
(xxxviii.  1);  perhaps  =  No.  2. 

Pas'saje  (Heb.  ^eber,  ma'ahdr,  ma'eb&rAK),  in  plural 
(Jer.  xxii.  20),  probably  =  the  mountain-region  of 
Ababim,  E.  of  Jordan.  It  also  denotes  a  river-ford 
or  a  mountain-gorge  or  pass  (1  Sam.  xiii.  23 ;  Is.  xvi. 
2,  &c.). 

•  Pas'scn-gers,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb. 
pi.  participle  'dbCrim  =  passers  by,  Ges.  (Prov.  ix. 
13  [A.  V.  "  passengers  who  go  right  on  their  ways," 
literally  passers  by  on  the  way,  they  that  pass  by 
the  way,  Ges.]  ;  Ez.  xxxix.  11  twice,  14,  15).  "  The 
valley  of  the  passengers"  (ver.  11)  designates  the 
valley  where  Gog's  multitude  was  to  be  buried, 
ironically  (so  Fbn.  on  Ez.  1.  c),  because  the  persons 
buried  in  it  had  only  intended  to  pass  through  the 
land  and  return  after  they  had  made  all  their  own. 
Hamox-gog. 


*  Pas'sion  (fr.  L. ;  Gr.  pascM,  pathein)  =  suffer^ 
ing,  applied  to  the  suffering  of  the  Lord  Jescs 
Christ  on  the  cross  (Acts  i.  3  only). 

Pass'o-Ter  (Heb.  pesah  or  pesach  =  a  passing  over, 
sparing,  deliverance,  Ges. ;  Gr.  pascha),  the  first  of 
the  three  great  annual  festivals  of  the  Israelites, 
celebrated  in  the  month  Abib  or  Nisan,  from  the 
14th  to  the  21st.  The  following  are  the  principal 
passages  in  the  Pentateuch  relating  to  the  Passover : 
— Ex.  xii.  1-51,  xiii.  3-10,  xxiii.  14-19,  xxxiv.  18- 
26  ;  Lev.  xxiii.  4-14 ;  Num.  ix.  1-14,  xxviii.  16- 
25  ;  Deut.  xvi.  1-6. — I.  Institution  and  First  Cele- 
bration of  the  Passover.  When  the  chosen  people 
were  about  to  be  brought  out  of  Egypt,  the  word 
of  the  Lord  came  to  Moses  and  Aaron,  command- 
ing them  to  instruct  all  the  congregation  of  Israel 
to  prepare  for  their  departure  by  a  solemn  religious 
ordinance.  On  the  tenth  day  of  Abib,  the  head  of 
each  family  was  to  select  from  the  flock  either  a 
lamb  or  a  kid,  a  male  of  the  first  year,  without 
blemish.  If  his  family  was  too  small  to  eat  the 
whole  of  the  lamb,  he  was  permitted  to  invite  his 
nearest  neighbor  to  join  the  party.  On  the  four- 
teenth day  of  the  month,  he  was  to  kill  his  lamb 
while  the  sun  was  setting  (so  Mr.  Clark,  original 
author  of  this  article).'  He  was  then  to  take  the 
blood  in  a  basin,  and  with  a  sprig  of  hyssop  to 
sprinkle  it  on  the  two  side-posts  and  the  lintel  of 
the  door  of  the  house.  The  lamb  was  then  thor- 
oughly roasted,  whole.  It  was  expressly  forbidden 
that  it  should  be  boiled,  or  that  a  bone  of  it  should 
be  broken.  Unleavened  bread  and  bitter  herbs  were 
to  be  eaten  with  the  flesh.  No  male  who  was  un- 
circumcised  was  to  join  the  company.  Each  one 
was  to  have  his  loins  girt,  to  hold  a  staff  in  his  hand, 
and  to  have  shoes  on  his  feet.  He  was  to  cat  in 
haste,  and  it  would  seem  that  he  was  to  stand  dur- 
ing the  meal.  The  number  of  the  ])arty  was  to  be 
calculated  as  nearly  as  possible,  so  that  all  the  flesli 
of  the  lamb  might  be  eaten  ;  but  if  any  portion  of  it 
happened  to  remain,  it  was  to  be  burned  in  the  morn- 
ing. No  morsel  of  it  was  to  be  carried  out  of  tlie 
house.  The  legislator  was  further  directed  to  inform 
the  people  of  God's  purpose  to  smite  the  first-born 
of  the  Egyptians,  to  declare  that  the  Passover  was  to 
be  to  them  an  ordinance  forever,  to  give  them  direc- 
tions respecting  the  order  and  duration  of  the  festival 
in  future  times,  and  to  enjoin  upon  them  to  teach 
their  children  its  meaning,  from  generation  to  genera- 
tion. When  the  message  was  delivered  to  the  jieople 
they  bowed  their  heads  in  worship.  The  lambs  were 
selected,  on  the  fourteenth  they  were  slain,  and  tlie 
blood  sprinkled,  and  in  the  following  evening,  after 
the  fifteenth  day  of  the  month  had  commenced,  the 
first  paschal  meal  was  eaten.  At  midnight  the 
first-born  of  the  Egyptians  were  smitten.  (Plaoies, 
THE  Ten,  10.)     Tlie  king  and  his  people  were  now 

>  The  expression  in  Ex.  xii.  6  and  Lev.  xxiii.  S.&c,  A.  V. 
"  in  the  evening,"  or  "  at  even,"  inarrin  "  between  the  two 
eveninire."  lias  been  variously  interpreied.  The  Karaites 
and  Samaritans,  with  Aben  Ezra,  GeEcnius,  and  most 
modern  commentators,  understand  t)y  it  tlie  space  Ix'l  iveeu 
tlie  settiniT  of  ttie  sun  and  tlie  moment  when  tlie  stiirs  lie- 
come  visible  or  darkness  sets  in.  But  the  Pliarisefs  and 
Rabbinists,  including  Eashi,  Kimclii,  Saadia,  Ac.  make 
it  mean  tiie  space  from  afternoon  (wlicn  tlie  sun  iiiL'ina 
to  decline  fVom  its  vertical  or  noontide  point  tow.irrl  the 
W.)  to  tlie  disapiiearinif  of  the  sun.  Hence  the  daily  sac- 
rifice rnialit  1)0  liiiled  at  12.30.  p.  m,,  on  a  Friday.  Hiil  as 
the  pascliiil  lamb  was  slnin  after  the  daily  sacrifice.  i>  i-'i'ii- 
crallv  took  place  from  ^..^O  to  5..3fl.  p.  m.  (So  Dr.  Oin-lmnr, 
in  Kitto.  For  adiffiTcnt  and  apparently  less  correci  iitrr- 

S rotation  of  the   Rjibhiiiist  view,  see  the  articU-   iiav. 
osephus  [B.  J.  vi.  9.  §  S]  says  they  slay  the  lamlis 
the  ninth  to  the  eleventh  hour,  1.  e.  from  3  to  5,  r.  m.) 


1 


PAS 


PAS 


803 


urgent  that  the  Israelites  should  start  immediately, 
anil  readily  bestowed  on  them  supplies  for  the  jour- 
ney. In  such  haste  did  the  Israelites  depart,  on 
t!iat  very  day  (Xuni.  xxxiii.  3),  that  they  packed  u|) 
thfir  kneading-troughs  containing  the  dough  pre- 
]>ared  for  the  morrow's  provisions,  which  was  not 
yet  leavened. — II.  Observance  of  the  Paseorer  in  later 
litius.  1.  In  Exodus  xii.  and  xiii.  there  are  not  only 
distinct  references  to  the  observance  of  the  festival 
in  future  ages  (e.  g.  xii.  2,  14,  17,  24-27,  42,  xiii.  2, 
6,  8-10),  but  several  injunctions  which  were  evi- 
dently not  intended  for  the  first  passover,  and  which 
indeed  could  not  possibly  have  been  observed  (e.  g. 
xii.  16).  In  the  later  notices  of  the  festival  in  the 
books  of  the  Law  particulars  are  added  which  appear 
as  modifications  of  the  original  institution  (Lev.  xxiii. 
10-14  ;  Num.  xxviii.  16-25  ;  Deut.  xvi.  1-6).  Hence 
it  is  not  without  reason  that  the  Jewish  writers 
(Mishna,  &c.)  have  laid  great  stress  on  the  distinc- 
tion between  "the  Egyptian  Passover"  and  "the 
perpetual  Passover."  2.  The  following  was  the  gen- 
eral order  of  the  observances  of  the  Passover  in  lutcr 
limes  according  to  the  direct  evidence  of  Scripture : 
— On  the  14th  of  Nisan  every  trace  of  leaven  was 
put  away  from  the  houses,  and  on  the  same  day  every 
male  Israelite,  not  laboring  under  bodily  infirmity  or 
ceremonial  impurity,  was  to  appear  before  the  Lord 
at  the  national  sanctuary  with  an  offering  of  money 
in  proportion  to  his  means  (E,\.  xxiii.  15;  Deut.  xvi. 
16,  17).  Devout  women  sometimes  attended,  as 
Hannah  and  Mary  (1  Sam.  i.  7;  Lk.  il.  41,  42).  As 
the  sun  was  setting  (see  note  '),  the  lambs  were 
slain,  and  the  fat  and  blood  given  to  the  priests  (2 
Chr.  xxxv.  5,  G).  The  lamb  was  then  roasted  whole, 
and  eaten  with  unleavened  bread  and  bitter  herbs; 
no  portion  of  it  was  left  until  the  morning.  The 
same  night,  after  the  15th  of  Xisan  had  commenced, 
the  fat  was  burned  by  the  priest  and  the  blood 
sprinkled  on  the  altar  (xxx.  IC,  xxxv.  11).  On  the 
15th,  the  night  being  passed,  there  was  a  holy  cox- 
vocation,  and  during  that  day  no  work  might  be 
done,  except  the  pre|)aration  of  necessary  food  (Ex. 
xii.  16).  On  this  and  the  six  following  days  an  of- 
f'lring  in  addition  to  the  daily  sacrifice  was  made 
r  two  young  bullocks,  a  ram,  and  seven  lambs  of 
■lie  first  year,  with  meat-ofTerings,  for  a  burnt-offer- 
ing, and  a  goat  for  a  sin-ofl'cring  (Num.  xxviii.  19- 
23).  On  the  16th  of  the  month,  "  the  morrow  after 
the  sabbath  "  (i.  e.  after  the  day  of  holy  convoca- 
tion), the  first  sheaf  of  harvest  was  offered  and 
waved  by  the  priest  before  the  Lord,  and  a  male 
lamb  was  offered  as  a  burnt  sacrifice  with  a  meat 
and  drink  offering.  Nothing  necessarily  distin- 
-lushed  the  four  following  days  of  the  festival,  cx- 
'  ipt  the  additional  burnt  and  sin  offerings,  and  the 
restraint  from  some  kinds  of  labor.  (Fkstivals.) 
<tn  the  seventh  day,  the  21st  of  Nisan,  there  was  a 
holy  convocation,  and  the  day  appears  to  have  been 
one  of  peculiar  solemnity.  As  at  all  the  festivals, 
cheerfulness  was  to  prevail  during  the  whole  week, 
and  all  care  was  to  be  laid  aside  (Deut.  xxvil.  7).  3. 
(a.)  The  Pasrlml  Lamb.  After  the  first  Passover  in 
Egypt  there  is  no  trace  of  the  lamb  having  been 
selected  before  it  was  wanted.  In  later  times,  we 
are  certain  that  it  was  sometimes  not  provided  be- 
fore the  Mth  of  the  month  (Lk.  xxii.  7-fl ;  .Mk.  xiv. 
12-lfi).  The  law  formally  allowed  the  alternative 
"fa  kill  (Ex.  xii.  5),  but  a  lamb  was  preferred,  and 
was  probably  nearly  always  chosen.  It  was  to  be 
faultless  and  a  male,  in  accordance  with  the  estab- 
lished estimate  of  animal  perfection  (sec  Mai.  i.  14). 
(Blkmish.)    Either  the  head  of  the  family,  or  any 


other  person  who  was  not  ceremonially  unclean  (2 
Chr.  xxx.  17),  took  it  into  the  court  of  the  Temple 
on  his  shoulders.  The  Mishna  gives  a  particular 
account  of  the  arrangement  made  in  the  court  of 
the  Temple  for  killing  the  lambs  in  regular  order, 
receiving  and  throwing  out  the  blood,  &c.  As  the 
paschal  lamb  could  be  legally  slain,  and  the  blood 
and  fat  offered,  only  in  the  national  sanctuary  (Deut. 
xvi.  2),  it  of  course  ceased  to  be  offered  by  the  Jews 
after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  The  spring  fcs 
tival  of  the  modern  Jews  strictly  consists  only  of 
the  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  (b.)  The  UnUavened 
Bread.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  un- 
leavened bread  eaten  in  the  Passover  and  that  used 
on  other  religious  occasions  were  of  the  same  na- 
ture. It  might  be  made  of  wheat,  spelt,  barley,  oats, 
or  rye,  but  not  of  rice  or  millet.  It  appears  to  have 
been  usually  made  of  the  finest  wheat  flour,  in  clean 
vessels,  and  with  all  possible  expedition.  It  wes 
probably  formed  into  dry,  thin  biscuits,  not  unlike 
those  used  by  the  modern  Jews,  (c)  Tlie  Bilttr 
Herbs  and  the  Sanee.  According  to  the  Mishna  the 
DiTTFR  HERBS  (Ex.  xii.  8)  might  be  endive,  chicory, 
wild  lettuce,  or  nettles.  These  plants  were  impor- 
tant articles  of  food  to  the  ancient  Egyptians.  The 
sauce  into  which  the  herbs,  the  bread,  and  the  meat 
were  dipped  as  they  were  eaten  (Jn.  xiii.  26  ;  Mat. 
xxvi.  23)  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Pentateuch.  Ac- 
cording to  Baitenora  it  consisted  of  only  vinegar 
and  water;  but  others  describe  it  as  a  mixture  of 
vinegar,  figs,  dates,  alnumds,  and  spice,  (rf.)  77te 
four  Cvjis  of  Wine.  There  is  no  mention  of  wine 
in  connecfion  with  the  Passover  in  the  Pentateuch  ; 
but  the  Mishna  strictly  enjoins  that  there  should 
never  be  less  than  four  cups  of  it  provided  at  the 
paschal  meal  even  of  the  poorest  Israelite.  Two  of 
them  appear  to  be  distinctly  mentioned  in  Lk.  xxii. 
17-20.  "The  cup  of  blessing"  (I  Cor.  x.  16)  was 
probably  the  latter  one  of  the.se,  and  is  generally 
considered  to  have  been  the  third  of  the  series,  after 
which  a  grace  was  said ;  though  a  comparison  of 
Lk.  xxii.  20  (where  it  is  called  "the  cup  after  sup- 
per") with  tlie  Mishna  (P<s.  x.  7),  and  the  designa- 
tion "  aiji  of  the  Halld"  might  rather  suggest  that 
it  was  the  fourth  and  last  cup.  (c.)  The  HalUl. 
The  service  of  praise  (Ueb.  hallil  =  praise ;  see 
Hallehjaii)  sung  at  the  Passover  is  not  mentioned 
in  the  Law.  It  consisted  of  the  series  of  Psalms, 
cxiii.-exviii.  The  first  portion,  comprising  Ps.  cxiii. 
and  cxiv.,  was  sung  in  the  early  part  of  the  meal, 
and  the  .second  part  alter  the  fourth  cup  of  wine. 
This  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  "  hymn  "  sung  by 
our  Lord  and  His  apostles  (Mat.  xxvi.  30  ;  Mk.  xiv. 
261  (/.)  Mode  and  Order  of  the  Paschal  Meal. 
Adopting  as  much  from  Jewish  tradition  as  is  not 
inconsistent  or  improbaVilc,  the  following  appears  to 
have  been  the  usuid  custom  : — All  work,  except  that 
belonging  to  a  few  trades  connected  with  daily  life, 
was  suspended  for  some  hours  before  the  evening  of 
the  14th  Ni.san.  The  Galileans  desisted  from  work 
the  whole  day ;  the  Jews  of  the  south  only  after  the 
middle  of  the  tenth  hour,  i.  e.  3.30  p.  M.  It  was  not 
lawful  to  eat  any  ordinary  food  after  mid-day.  No 
male  was  admitted  to  the  table  nidcss  he  was  cir- 
cumcised, even  if  he  was  of  the  seed  of  Israel  (Ex. 
xii.  48).  Neither,  according  to  the  letter  of  the  law, 
was  any  one  of  either  sex  admitted  who  was  cere- 
monially unclean  (Num.  ix.  6) ;  but  this  rule  was  on 
special  occasions  liberally  applied  (2  Chr.  xxx.).  The 
Rabbinists  expfcssly  state  that  women  were  permit- 
ted, though  not  commanded,  to  partake ;  but  the 
Karaites,  in  more  recent  times,  excluded  all  but 


80i 


PAS 


PAS 


full-grown  men.     It  was  customary  for  the  number 
of  a  party  to  be  not  less  than  ten.     It  was  pcrliaps 
generally  under  twenty,  but  might  be  100,  if  each 
could  have  a  piece  of  the  lamb  as  large  a3  an  olive. 
When  the  meal  was  prepared  the  family  was  placed 
round  the  table,  the  head  of  the  family  taking  a 
place  of  honor,  probably  somewhat  raised  above  the 
rest.     There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  ancient 
HeVirews  sat  as  at  their  ordinary  meals.     Our  Lord 
and  Ilis  apostles  conformed  to  the  usual  custom  of 
their  time,  and  reclined  (Lk.  xxii.  14,  &c.).     When 
the  party  was  arranged,  the  first  cup  of  wine  was 
filled,  and  a  blessing  was  asked  by  the  head  of  the 
family  on  the  feast,  as  well  as  a  special  one  on  the 
cup.     The  bitter  herbs  were   then  placed  on  the 
table,  and  a  portion  of  them  eaten,  either  with  or 
without  the   sauce.      The  unleavened   bread   was 
handed  round  next,  and  afterward  the  lamb  was 
placed  on  the  table  in  front  of  the  head  of  the  family. 
Before  the  lamb  was  eaten  the  second  cup  of  wine 
was  filled,  and  the  son,  in  accordance  with  Ex.  xii. 
26,  asked  his  father  the  meaning  of  the  feast.     In 
reply,  an  account  was  given  of  the  sufferings  of  the 
Israelites  in  Egypt,  and  of  their  deliverance,  with  a 
particular  explanation  of  Deut.  xxvi.  5,  and  the  first 
part  of  the  Hallel  (Ps.  cxiii.,  cxiv.)  was  sung.     This 
being  gone  through,  the  lamb  was  carved  and  eaten. 
The  third  cup  of  wine  was  poured  out  and  drunk, 
and  soon  afterward  the  fourth.     The  second  part  of 
the  Hallel  (Ps.  cxv.-cxviii.)  was  then  sung.     A  fifth 
wine-cup  appears  to  have  been  occasionally  pro- 
duced, but  perhaps  only  in  later  times.     What  was 
termed  the  greater  Hallel  (I's.  cxx.-cx'xxviii.)  was 
sung  on  such  occasions.     The  meal  being  ended,  it 
was  unlawful  for  any  thing  to  be  introduced  in  tlie 
way  of  dessert.    The  Israelites  who  lived  in  the  coun- 
try appear  to  have  been  accommodated  at  the  feast 
by  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  in  their  houses,  so 
far  as  there  was  room  for  them  (Lk.  xxii.  10-12; 
Mat.  x.\vi.  18).     Those  who  could  not  be  received 
into  the  city  encamped  without  the  walls  in  tents, 
as  the  pilgrims  now  do  at  Mecca.     (</.)   Tlie  finl 
Sheaf  of  ilanesl.     The   offering   of  the   omer,  or 
sheaf,  is  mentioned  nowhere  in  the  Law  except  Lev. 
xxiii.  10-14.     It  is  there  commanded  that  when  the 
Israelites  reached  the  land  of  promise,  they  should 
bring,  on  the  IGth  of  the  month,  "  the  morrow  after 
the  sabbath  "  (i.  e.  the  day  of  holy  convocation),  the 
first  sheaf  of  the  harvest  to  the  priest,  to  be  waved 
by  him  before  the  Lord.     The  sheaf  was  of  barlev, 
as  the  grain  first  ripe  (2  K.  iv.  42).     (First-kri.-its.) 
(h.)  The  Hagiyuh  or   Vhrtglr/Ah.     The  daily  sacri- 
fices are  enumerated  in  the  Pentateuch  only  in  Num. 
xxviii.  19-23,  but  reference  is  made  to  them  in  Lev. 
xxiii.  8.     Besides  these  public  offerings,  there  was  an- 
other sort  of  sacrifice  connected  with  the  Passover, 
as  well  as  with  the  other  great  festivals,  called  in  the 
Talmud  Hiigir;dh  or  Chi'iffigdh  {=  fesliriti/).     It  was 
a  voluntary  peace-offering  made  by  private  individ- 
uals.    The  victim  might  be  from  the  flock  or  the 
herd,  male  or  female,  but  without  blemish.      The 
offerer  laid  his  hand  upon  its  head,  and  slew  it  at  the 
door  of  the  sanctuary.     The  blood  was  sprinkled  on 
the  altar,  and  the  fat  of  the  inside,  with  the  kidneys, 
was  burned  by  the  priest.     The  breast  was  given  to 
the  priest  as  a  wave-offering,  and  the  right  shoulder 
as  a  heave-offering  (Lev.  iii.  1-5,  vii.  29-34).     What 
remained  of  the  victim  might  be  eaten  by  the  offerer 
and  his  guests  on  the  day  on  which  it  was  slain,  and 
on  the  (lay  following ;  but  if  any  portion  was  left  till 
the  third  day  it  was  burned  (16-18).     The  eating  of 
this  free-will  peace-offering  was  an  occasion  of  social 


festivity  connected  with  the  festivals,  and  especially 
with  the  Passover.  The  principal  day  for  sacrifi- 
cing this  at  the  Passover  was  the  15th  Nisan,  but  it 
migiit  be  on  any  day  of  the  festival,  except  tlie  Sal)- 
bath.  It  might  be  boiled  or  roasted  (2  Chr.  xxxv. 
13).  (i.)  liid'-'ttse  of  Prisoners.  It  is  a  question 
whether  the  release  of  a  prisoner  at  the  Passover 
(Mat.  xxvii.  15  ;  Mk.  xv.  6  ;  Lk.  xxiii.  17  ;  Jn.  xviii. 
39)  was  a  custom  of  Roman  origin  resembling  what 
took  place  at  the  lecliaternium  (L.  =  the  feast  of  the 
poth,  when  food  was  placed  before  their  images  lying 
on  couches  in  the  streets),  and,  in  later  times,  on  the 
birthday  of  an  emperor ;  or  an  old  Hebrew  usage 
belonging  to  the  festival,  which  Pilate  allowed  the 
Jews  to  retain,  {/c.)  The  Second,  or  Little  Passover. 
When  the  Passover  was  celebrated  the  second  year, 
in  the  wilderness,  certain  men  were  prevented  from 
keeping  it,  owing  to  their  being  defiled  by  contact 
with  a  dead  body,  and  they  came  anxiously  to  Moses  to 
inquire  what  they  should  do.  He  was  accordingly  in- 
structed to  institute  a  second  Passover,  to  be  ob- 
served on  the  14th  of  the  following  month,  for  the 
benefit  of  any  who  had  been  hindered  from  keeping 
the  regular  one  in  Xisan  (Xum.'ix.  11).  TheT.dmud- 
ists  called  this  the  Little  Passover.  According  to 
them,  the  rites  of  this  lasted  only  one  day,  the  Hallel 
was  sung  only  when  the  lamb  was  slaughtered,  and  it 
was  not  necessary  for  leaven  to  be  put  out  of  the 
houses.  (/.)  Observances  of  the  Passover  recorded  in 
Scripture.  Of  these,  seven  are  of  chief  historical 
importance: — 1.  The  first  Passover  in  Egypt  (E.x. 
xii.).     2.  The  first  kept  in  the  desert  (Num.  ix.). 

3.  That  celebrated  by  Joshua  at  Gilgal  (Josh.  v.). 

4.  That  which.  Ilezekiah  observed  on  the  occasion 
of  his  restoring  the  national  worship,  in  the  second 
month,  the  proper  time  for  the  Little  Passover  (2 
Chr.  XXX.).  5.  The  Passover  of  Josiah  in  the  eigh- 
teenth year  of  his  reign  (2  Chr.  xx.w.).  6.  That 
celebrated  by  Ezra  after  the  return  from  Babylon 
(Ezr.  vi.).  7.  The  last  Passover  of  our  Lord's  life. 
(PcRiM.) — III.  77te Last  Supper.  1.  Whether  or  not 
the  meal  at  which  our  Lord  instituted  the  sacrament 
of  the  Eucharist  (Lord's  Sltpkr)  was  the  paschal 
supper  according  to  the  Law,  is  a  question  of  great 
difficulty.  No  point  in  the  Gospel  history  has  been 
more  disputed.  If  we  had  nothing  to  guide  us  but 
the  three  first  Gospels,  no  doubt  of  the  kind  could 
well  be  raised,  though  the  narratives  may  not  be  free 
from  difliculties  in  themselves  (Mat.  xxvi. ;  Mk.  xiv. ; 
Lk.  xxii.).'^  If  the  supper  was  eaten  on  the  evening 
of  the  14th  of  Nisan,  the  apprehension,  trial,  and 
crucifixion  of  our  Lord  must  have  occurred  on  Fri- 
day the  Iflth,  the  day  of  holy  convocation,  the  first 
of  the  seven  days  of  the  Passover  week  ;  the  weekly 
Sabbath  on  which  He  lay  in  the  tomb  was  the  Ifitli ; 
and  the  Sunday  of  the  resurrection  was  the  17lh. 
(Jksls  Christ.)  On  the  other  hand,  if  we  had  no 
information  but  that  which  is  to  be  gathered  from 
St.  John's  Gospel,  we  could  not  hesitate  to  infer  that 
the  evening  of  the  supper  was  that  of  the  13th  of 


^  Thev  ppeak,  in  accortlancc  with  Jewish  ufnpe,  of  the 
(lay  of  tnc  supper  as  that  on  which  'Miie  Passover  must  i»c 
killed."  and  at*  "tlie  first  day  of  unleavened  bread  '"  (Mat. 
xxvi.  17.  &C.).  Josephns  likewise  calls  the  14th  of  Kisan 
thetirstday  ofnnleavened  bread  (B.  J.  v.  X,  §li,  and  speaks 
of  the  festival  of  the  Passover  as  lastinjj  eight  days  y.-lftf. 
ii.  15.  §  1).  But  he  clsi.whcre  calls  the  l.-ilh  of  Nisini  -  ihQ 
commencement  of  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread"  i.-lft  iii. 
10.  §  5).  Either  mode  of  speaking  was  evideiilly  nllow  aWe : 
in  one  case  re<rarding  it  as  a  fact  that  the  catlntr  of  iiiiK'tiv- 
ened  iiread  boiran  on  the  14th;  in  the  other,  disiiiiLriiishini^ 
the  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  lasting  from  the  first  d; 
holy  convocation  to  the  coucladlng  one,  from  the  yai 
meal. 


PAS 


PAS 


805 


Kisan,  the  dav  preceding  that  of  the  paschal  meal 
(Jii.  xiii.  1,  -ii'SJi,  xviii.  28,  xix.  14,  31).  If  the  last 
supper  was  on  the  ISth  of  Nisaii,  our  Lord  must 
have  been  enieilied  on  the  14th,  the  day  on  which 
the  paschal  lanib  was  slain  and  eaten ;  He  lay  in  the 
grave  on  the  15th  (which  was  a  "high  day"  or 
double  Sabbath,  because  the  weekly  Sabbath  co- 
incided with  the  day  of  holy  convocation) ;  and 
the  Sunday  of  the  resurrection  was  the  IGth.  2. 
The  reconciliations  which  have  been  attempted  fall 
under  three  principal  heads: — (i.)  Those  which  re- 
gard the  supper  at  which  our  Lord  washed  the  feet 
of  His  disciples  (Jn.  xiii.)  as  having  been  a  distinct 
meal  eaten  one  or  more  days  before  the  regular  Pass- 
over, of  wliich  our  Lord  partook  in  due  course  ac- 
cording to  the  synoptical  narratives,  (ii.)  Those  in 
which  it  is  endeavored  to  establish  that  the  meal 
was  eaten  on  the  1.3th,  and  that  our  Lord  was  cru- 
cified on  the  evening  of  the  true  paschal  supper, 
(iii.)  Those  in  which  the  most  obvious  view  of  the 
first  three  narratives  is  defended,  and  in  wliich  it  is 
attempted  to  explain  the  apparent  contradictions  in 
St.  John,  and  the  difficulties  in  reference  to  the  law. 
(i.)  The  first  method  (of  Maldonat,  Lightfoot,  Ben- 
gel,  Kaiser)  has  the  advantage  of  furnishing  the 
most  ready  way  of  accounting  for  St.  John's  silence 
on  the  mstitution  of  the  Holy  Communion  ;  but  any 
explanation  founded  on  the  supposition  of  two 
meals  appears  to  be  rendered  untenable  by  the  eon- 
text,  (ii.)  The  current  of  opinion  in  modern  times  ^ 
has  set  in  favor  of  taking  the  more  obvious  inter- 
pretation of  the  passages  in  St.  John,  that  the  sup- 
]>er  was  eaten  on  the  thirteenth,  and  that  our  Lord 
was  crucified  on  the  fourteenth.  Those  who  tims 
hold  that  the  supper  was  eaten  on  the  thirteenth 
day  of  the  month  have  devised  various  ways  of  ac- 
counting for  the  circumstance,  of  which  the  follow- 
ing are  the  most  important : — (a.)  It  is  assumed 
that  a  party  of  the  Jews,  probably  the  Sadducces 
and  those  who  inclined  toward  them,  used  to  cat 
the  Passover  one  day  before  the  rest,  and  that  our 
Lord  approved  of  their  practice  (Iken,  Carpzov,  &c.). 
(A.)  It  has  been  conjectured  that  the  great  body  of 
the  Jews  had  gone  wrong  in  calculating  the  true 
Passover-day,  placing  it  a  day  too  late,  and  that  our 
Lord  ate  the  Passover  on  what  was  really  the  four- 
teenth, Imt  what  commonly  passed  as  the  thirteenth 
(Bcza,  Bucer,  Calovius,  Scaliger).  (c.)  Calvin  sup- 
posed that  on  this  occasion,  though  our  Lord 
thought  it  right  to  adhere  to  the  true  legal  time, 
the  Jews  ate  the  Passover  on  the  fifteenth  instead 
of  the  fourteenth,  in  order  to  escape  from  the  burden 
of  two  days  of  strict  observance  (the  day  of  holy 
convocation  and  the  weekly  Sabbath)  coming  to- 
gether. (See  also  Note '  below),  (d.)  Grotius 
thought  that  the  meal  was  a  memorial  passover 
(like  the  paschal  feast  of  the  modern  Jews,  and 
such  as  might  have  been  observed  during  the  Baby- 
lonian captivity),  not  a  sacrificial  Passover.  («.)  A 
view  which  has  been  received  with  favor  far  more 
generally  than  cither  of  the  preceding  is,  that  the 
Last  Supper  was  instituted  by  Christ  for  the  occa- 
sion, in  order  that  He  might  Himself  suffer  on  the 
proper  evening  on  which  the  paschal  land)  was  slain 
(Clement,  (Jrigen,  Erasmus,  Calmet,  Kuinoel,  Nean- 
der,  Winer,  Alford).  Erasmus  and  others  have 
called  it  an  "  anticipatory  Passover ;"  but  if  this 
view  is  to  stand,  it  seems  better,  in  a  formal  treat- 

•  Lfirkp.  Idclnr.  Tiltmann.  Bleek,  Dp  Wctte,  Neanrter, 
Ti^<•^.enrtnrf,  Winer,  Ehrard.  Alford.  Elllcott ;  of  earlier 
critics,  ErasmuB,  Orotiue,  Suicer,  Carpzov. 


ment  of  this  subject,  not  to  call  it  a  Passover  at  ail. 
(iii.)  They  who  take  the  facts  as  they  appear  to  lie 
on  the  surface  of  the  synoptical  narratives '  start 
from  a  simpler  point.  They  have  to  show  that  the 
passages  in  St.  John  may  be  i'airly  interpreted  in 
such  a  manner  as  not  to  interfere  with  their  own 
conclusion,  (a.)  Jn.  xiii.  1,  2.  Does  the  Gr.  pro 
tes  heorti.1  (A.  V.  "before  the  feast")  limit  the  time 
only  of  the  proposition  in  the  first  verse,  or  is  the 
limitation  to  be  carried  on  to  verse  2,  so  as  to  refer 
to  the  suppei'?  In  the  latter  case  tlie  natural  con- 
clusion is,  that  the  meal  was  one  eaten  before  the 
paschal  supper.  Others  take  jxtscha  ("  passover  ") 
to  mean  the  seven  days  of  unleavened  bread  as  not 
including  the  eating  of  the  lamb,  and  justify  this 
limitation  by  Lk.  xxii.  1 ;  but  not  a  few  of  those 
who  take  this  side  of  the  main  question  (Olshausen, 
Wieseler,  Tholuck,  &c.)  regard  the  first  verse  as 
complete  in  itself.  Tholuck  remarks  that  Oeipnou 
genomaimi  (Tischendorf  re&As ginomenou),  while  mip- 
/ler  was  ffoing 071  (not  as  in  the  A.V.,  "  supper  being 
ended  ")  is  very  abrupt  if  we  refer  it  to  any  thing 
except  the  Passover.  On  the  whole,  Neander  him- 
self admits  that  nothing  can  safely  be  inferred  from 
Jn.  xiii.  1,  2,  in  favor  of  the  supper  having  taken 
place  on  the  thirteenth.  (6.)  Jn.  xiii.  29.  It  is 
urged  that  the  things  of  which  they  had  "  need 
against  the  feast,"  might  have  been  the  provisions 
for  the  Iliiffif/u/i  or  Chagig&h,  perhaps  with  what  else 
was  required  for  the  seven  days  of  unleavened 
bread.  The  usual  day  for  sacrificing  the  Ilugiguh 
or  C/iSgigdh  (see  above,  II.  3,  h),  was  the  fifteenth, 
which  was  then  commencing.  But  there  is  another 
dilliculty  in  the  disciples  thinking  it  likely  either 
that  purchases  could  be  made,  or  that  alms  could 
be  given  to  the  poor,  on  a  day  of  holy  convocation. 
Probably  the  letter  of  the  law  in  regard  to  trading 
was  habitually  relaxed  in  the  case  of  what  was  re- 
quired for  religious  rites  or  for  burials,  (c.)  Jn. 
xviii.  28.  The  Jews  refused  to  enter  the  prcetorinin. 
("judgment-hall")  lest  they  should  be  defiled,  and 
so  di.s(iualified  from  eating  the  Passover.  Keander 
and  others  deny  that  this  passage  can  possibly  refer 
to  any  thing  but  the  paschal  supper.  But  it  is  al- 
leged that  the  words  "  that  they  might  eat  the 
Passover  "  may  either  be  taken  in  a  general  sense 
as  =3  (hfit  tlieij  tnighl  go  on  keeping  the  passover,  or 
that  "  the  Passover  "  here  may  be  understood  spe- 
cifically =  the  Jliigiguh  or  ChOgig6h  (Lk.  xxii.  1, 
compare  Dent.  xvi.  2  ;  2  Chr.  xxxv.  7,  9).'  (</.)  Jn. 
xix:  14.  "  The  preparation  of  the  Passover  "  at  first 
sight  woidd  seem  as  if  it  must  be  tlie  preparation 
for  the  Passover  on  the  fourteenth,  a  time  set  apart 
for  making  ready  for  the  paschal  week,  and  for  the 
paschal  supper  in  particular.  It  is  naturally  so 
understood  by  those  who  advocate  the  notion  that 
the  last  supper  was  eaten  on  the  thirteenth.     But 


*  Llijhtfoot,  Bochnrt.  Heland,  Schoettpen.  Tholnck,  Ols- 
haiifcn.  Stier,  Lange,  Hengstenberg,  Kobinson,  Davidson, 
Fotrbfiim, 

'Fairbnim  fartirle  "Passover."  &c.)  takes  the  expres- 
sion, "tlial  they  might  eat  the  Pansover."  in  its  limited 
HcnKc,  and  eupposes  IIickc  Jews  were  unexpectedly  pre- 
vented, by  the  (ircamstonces  connected  with  the  tieacnury 
of  Judas.'  and  its  detection  and  exposure  liy  our  Lord,  in- 
volving lh(^  necefsitv  of  prompt  action,  and  Ihcn  by  the  dif- 
flcultie?  (want  of  evidence,  &c.)  attending  the  trial  and  con- 
demnation of  Jesus,  from  eating  the  Panwncr  at  Ihe  regu- 
lar time  on  the  evening  prevfoiis.  and  were  willing,  in 
their  determined  hatred  toward  Iliin,  to  put  off  the  incnl 
to  the  verge,  or  even  beyond,  the  legal  time.  In  order  to 
secure  the  desired  result  (Mat.  xxill.  all,  yi-t  were  unxlous 
to  eat  the  Passover  almost  Inimcdiiitelv.  This  Irregiilarlly 
belonged  only  to  the  lilirh -priest  and  the  small  faction  di- 
rectly associated  with  him. 


806 


PAS 


I>A3 


they  who  take  the  opposite  view  aflirm  that,  though 
there  was  a  regular  "  preparation  "  for  the  Sabbatli, 
there  is  no  mention  of  any  "  preparation  "  for  the 
festivals  (Bocliart,  Reland,  Thohiclt,  Ilengstenberj!;). 
Ml£.  XV.  42  explains  "  the  preparation,  that  is,  the 
day  before  the  Sabbath."  It  seems  to  be  essentially 
connected  with  the  Sabbath  itself  (Jn.  xi.\.  31).  The 
phrase  in  Jn.  xix.  14  may  thus  be  understood  as  the 
preparation  of  the  Sabbath  which  fell  in  the  Pass- 
over week.  If  these  arguments  are  admitted,  the 
day  of  the  preparation  mentioned  in  the  Gospels 
might  have  fallen  on  the  day  of  holy  convocation, 
the  fifteenth  of  Nisan.  (t.)  Jn.  xi.x.  31.  "That 
Sabbath-day  was  a  high  day."  Any  Sabbath  in  the 
Passover  week  might  be  considered  "  a  high  day." 
But  it  is  assumed  by  those  who  fix  the  supper  on 
the  thirteenth  that  the  term  was  applied,  owing  to 
the  fifteenth  being  "  a  double  Sabbath,"  from  the 
coincidence  of  the  day  of  holy  convocation  with  the 
weekly  festival.  Those,  on  the  other  hand,  who 
identify  the  supper  with  the  paschal  meal,  contend 
that  the  special  dignity  of  the  day  resulted  from  its 
being  that  on  which  the  omer  was  offered,  and  from 
which  were  reckoned  the  fifty  days  to  Pkntecost. 
(/.)  The  difficulty  of  supposing  that  our  Lord's  ap- 
prehension, trial,  and  crucifixion  took  place  on  the 
day  of  holy  convocation  has  been  strongly  urged. 
If  many  of  the  Rabbinical  maxims  for  tlie  observ- 
ance of  such  days  which  have  been  handed  down 
to  us  were  then  in  force,  these  occurrences  certainly 
could  not  have  taken  place.  But  the  statements 
whieh  refer  to  Jewish  usage  in  regard  to  legal  pro- 
ceedings on  sacred  days  are  very  inconsistent  with 
each  other.  Some  of  them  made  the  difficulty 
ef|Ually  great  whether  we  suppose  the  trial  to  have 
taken  place  on  the  fourteentli  or  the  fifteenth.  In 
others  tliere  are  exceptions  permitted  which  seem 
to  go  far  to  meet  the  ease  before  us.  But  we  have 
proof  that  the  Jews  did  not  hesitate,  in  the  time  of 
the  Roman  domination,  to  carry  arms  and  to  appre- 
hend a  |)risoner  on  a  solemn  feast-day.  We  find 
them  at  the  feast  of  Tabernacles,  on  the  "  great  day 
of  the  feast,"  sending  out  officers  to  take  our  Lord, 
and  rebuking  them  for  not  bringing  Him  (Jn.  vii. 
32-45).  St.  Peter  also  was  seized  during  the  Pass- 
over (Acts  xii.  3,  4).  And,  again,  the  reason  al- 
leged by  the  rulers  for  not  apprehending  Jesus  was, 
not  the  sanctity  of  the  festival,  but  the  fear  of  an 
uproar  among  tlie  multitude  which  was  assembled 
(Mat.  xxvi.  5).  On  the  whole,  notwithstanding  the 
express  declaration  of  the  Law  and  of  the  Mishna 
that  the  days  of  holy  convocation  were  to  be  ob- 
served precisely  as  the  Sabbath,  except  in  the  prep- 
aration of  food,  it  is  highly  probable  that  consider- 
able license  was  allowed  in  regard  to  them,  as  we 
have  already  observed  (II.  2  above ;  Festivals).  3. 
There  is  a  strange  story  preserved  in  the  Geraara 
(Sanlmhhi,  vi.  2),  that  our  Lord  having  vainly  en- 
deavored during  forty  days  to  find  on  advocate,  was 
sentenced,  and,  on  the  fourteenth  of  Nisan,  stoned, 
and  afterward  hanged.  As  we  know  that  the  diffi- 
culty of  the  Gospel  narratives  had  been  perceived 
long  befoi-e  this  statement  could  have  been  written, 
and  as  the  two  opposite  opinions  on  the  chief  ques- 
tion were  both  current,  the  writer  might  easily  have 
taken  up  one  or  the  other.  The  statement  cannot 
be  regarded  as  worth  any  thing  in  the  way  of  evi- 
dence. Not  much  use  can  be  made  in  the  contro- 
versy of  the  testimonies  of  the  Fathers ;  but  few 
of  them  attempted  to  consider  the  question  criti- 
cally. 4.  It  must  be  admitted  that  the  narrative  of 
St.  John,  as  far  as  the  mere  succession  of  events  is 


concerned,  bears  consistent  testimony  in  favcr  of 
the  last  supper  having  been  eaten  on  the  evening 
before  the  Passover.  That  testimony,  however, 
does  not  appear  to  be  so  distinct,  and  so  incapable 
of  a  second  interpretation,  as  that  of  the  synoptical 
Gospels,  in  favor  of  the  meal  having  been  the 
paschal  supper  itself,  at  the  legal  time  (see  especial- 
ly Mat.  xxvi.  17  ;  Mk.  xiv.  1,  12 ;  Lk.  xxii.  7).— IV. 
Meaning  of  (he  Pussovcr.  1.  Each  of  the  three 
great  festivals  contained  a  reference  to  the  annual 
course  of  nature.  (Agriculture.)  Two  at  least 
of  them — the  first  and  the  last — also  commemora- 
ted events  in  the  history  of  the  chosen  people.  It 
must  be  admitted  that  the  relation  to  the  natural 
year  expressed  in  the  Passover  was  less  marked 
than  that  in  Pentecost  or  Taliernacles,  while  its  his- 
torical import  was  deeper  and  more  pointed.  That 
part  of  its  ceremonies  whieh  has  a  direct  agricul- 
tural reference— the  offering  of  the  omer — holds  a 
very  subordinate  place.  2.  The  deliverance  from 
Egypt  was  regarded  as  the  starting-point  of  the 
Hebrew  nation.  The  Israelites  were  then  raised 
from  the  condition  of  bondmen  under  a  foreign 
tyrant  to  tliat  of  a  free  people  owing  allegiance  to 
no  one  but  Jehovah  (Ex.  xix.  4).  Tlie  prophet  in  a 
later  age  spoke  of  the  event  as  a  creation  and  a  re- 
demption of  the  nation.  God  declares  Ilmiself  to 
be  "  the  creator  of  Israel "  (Is.  xliii.  1,  15-17,  &c.). 
The  Exodus  was  thus  looked  upon  as  the  birth  of 
the  nation ;  the  Passover  was  its  annual  birthday 
feast.  It  was  the  yearly  memorial  of  the  dedica- 
tion of  the  people  to  Him  who  had  saved  their  first- 
born from  the  destroyer,  in  order  that  they  might 
be  made  holy  to  Himself.  3.  (a.)  The  paschal  lamb 
must  of  course  be  regarded  as  the  leading  feature 
in  the  ceremonial  of  the  festival.  Some  Protestant 
divines  during  the  last  two  centuries  (Calov,  Carp- 
zov)have  denied  that  it  was  a  sacrifice  in  the  proper 
sense  of  the  word.  But  most  of  their  contempo- 
raries (Cudworth,  Bochart,  Vitringa),  and  nearly  all 
modern  critics,  have  held  that  it  was  in  the  strictest 
sense  a  sacrifice.  The  chief  characteristics  of  a 
sacrifice  are  all  distinctly  ascribed  to  it.  It  was  of- 
fered in  the  holy  place  (Deut.  xvi.  6,  6) ;  the  blood 
was  sprinkled  on  the  altar,  and  the  fat  was  burned 
(2  Chr.  XXX.  10,  xxxv.  11).  The  language  of  Ex. 
xii.  27,  xxiii.  18,  and  of  Num.  is.  7,  and  Deut.  xvi. 
2,  5,  with  1  Cor.  v.  7,  seems  to  decide  the  question 
beyond  doubt.  As  the  original  institution  of  the 
Passover  in  Egypt  preceded  the  establishment  of  the 
priesthood  and  the  regulation  of  the  Tabernacle- 
service,  it  necessarily  fell  short  in  several  particulars 
of  the  observance  of  the  festival  according  to  the 
fully  developed  ceremonial  law  (see  II.  1).  The 
head  of  the  family  slew  the  lamb  in  his  own  house, 
not  in  the  holy  place ;  the  blood  was  sprinkled  on 
the  doorway,  not  on  the  altar.  But  when  the  Law 
was  perfected,  certain  particulars  were  altered  to 
assimilate  the  Passover  to  the  accustomed  order  of 
religious  service.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  the 
imposition  of  the  hands  of  the  priest  was  one  of 
these  particular.s,  though  it  is  not  recorded  (Kurtz). 
But  whether  this  was  the  case  or  not,  the  other 
changes  stated  seem  abundantly  sullicient  for  the 
argument.  It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the 
paschal  lamb  was  regarded  as  the  great  animal 
peace-offering  of  the  family,  a  thank-offering  for  the 
existence  and  preservation  of  the  nation  (Ex.  xiii. 
14-16),  the  typical  sacrifice  of  the  elected  and  rec- 
onciled children  of  the  promise.  A  question  lias 
been  raised  regarding  the  purpose  of  the  sprinkling 
of  the  blood  on  the  lintels  and  door-posts.     Sonir 


i 


PAS 


PAT 


807 


have  considered  it  meant  aa  a  mark  to  guide  the 
destroying  angel.  Others  suppose  it  was  merely  a 
sign  to  confirm  the  faith  of  the  Israelites  in  their 
safety  and  deliverance.  Surely  neither  of  these 
views  can  stand  alone.  The  sprinkling  must  have 
been  an  act  of  faith  and  obedience  which  God  ac- 
cepted with  favor.  That  it  also  denoted  the  purifi- 
cation of  the  children  of  Israel  from  the  abomina- 
tions of  the  Egyptians,  and  so  had  the  accustomed 
significance  of  the  sprinkling  of  blood  under  the 
Law  (Ileb.  ix.  22),  is  evidently  in  entire  consistency 
with  this  view.  No  satisfactory  reason  has  been 
assigned  for  the  command  to  choose  the  lamb  four 
days  before  the  paschal  supper.  That  the  lamb 
was  to  be  roasted  and  not  boiled,  has  been  supposed 
to  commemorate  the  haste  of  the  departure  of  the 
Israelites  (Bahr,  and  most  Jewish  authorities). 
Kurtz  conjectures  that  the  lamb  was  to  be  roasted 
with  fire,  the  purifying  element,  because  the  meat 
was  thus  left  pure,  without  the  mixture  even  of 
the  water  which  would  have  entered  into  it  iu  boil- 
ing. It  is  not  difficult  to  determine  the  reason  of 
the  command,  "  not  a  bone  of  him  shall  be  broken." 
The  lamb  was  to  be  a  symbol  of  unity ;  the  unity 
of  the  family,  the  unity  of  the  nation,  the  unity  of 
God  with  His  people  whom  He  had  taken  into  cove- 
nant with  Himself.  Our  Saviour's  body  was  the 
type  of  a  still  higher  unity  (Jn.  xix.  36).  (6.)  The 
unleavened  bread  ranks  next  in  importance  to  the 
paschal  lamb.  The  notion  has  been  very  generally 
held,  both  by  Christian  and  Jewish  writers,  that  it 
was  intended  to  remind  the  Israelites  of  the  un- 
leavened cakes  which  they  were  obliged  to  eat  in 
their  hasty  flight  (Ex.  xii.  34,  39) ;  but  there  is  no 
intimation  to  this  effect  in  the  sacred  narrative.  It 
has  been  considered  by  some  (Ewald,  Winer,  and 
the  modem  Jews)  that  the  unleavened  bread  and 
the  bitter  herbs  alike  owe  their  meaning  to  their 
being  regarded  as  unpalatable  food  ;  but  this  seems 
wholly  inconsistent  with  the  pervading  joyous  na- 
ture of  the  festival.  The  "  bread  of  affliction " 
(Deut.  xvi.  3)  may  mean  bread  commemorative  in 
itself,  or  with  other  elements  of  the  feast,  of  the 
past  affliction  of  the  people  (Bahr,  Kurtz,  Ilof- 
mann).  Unleavened  bread  was  not  peculiar  to  the 
Passover,  but  seems  to  have  had  a  peculiar  sacri- 
ficial character,  according  to  the  Law.  St.  Paul's  ref- 
erence to  the  subject  (1  Cor.  v.  6-8)  appears  to  fur- 
nish the  true  meaning  of  the  symbol.  Fermentation 
is  decomposition,  a  dissolution  of  unity.  The  pure 
dry  biscuit  would  be  an  apt  emblem  of  unchanged 
duration,  and,  in  its  freedom  from  foreign  mixture,  of 
purity  also,  (c.)  The  bitter  herbs  are  generally  under- 
stood by  the  Jewish  writers  to  signify  the  bitter 
sufferings  which  the  Israelites  had  endured  (Ex.  i. 
14).  But  it  has  been  remarked  by  Aben  Ezra  that 
these  herbs  are  a  good  and  wholesome  accompani- 
ment for  meat,  and  are  now,  and  appear  to  have 
been  in  ancient  times,  commonly  so  eaten  (see  above, 
II.  3,  c).  ((/.)  The  offering  of  the  omer  (First- 
FRDiTs),  though  immediately  connected  with  the 
course  of  the  seasons,  bore  a  distinct  analogy  to  its 
historical  significance.  It  may  have  denoted  a 
deliverance  from  winter,  as  the  lamb  signified 
deliverance  from  the  bondage  of  Egypt,  which 
might  well  be  considered  as  a  winter  in  the  history 
of  the  nation.  Again,  the  consecration  of  the  first- 
fiuits,  the  first-bom  of  the  soil,  is  an  easy  type  of 
the  consecration  of  the  first-born  of  the  Israelites. 
4.  No  other  shadow  of  good  things  to  come  con- 
tained in  the  Law  can  vie  with  the  festival  of  the 
Passover  iu  expressivcDCBS  and  completeness.     Its 


outline,  considered  in  reference  to  the  great  deliver- 
ance of  the  Israelites  which  it  commemorated,  and 
many  of  its  minute  details,  have  been  apprq)rialed 
as  current  expressions  of  the  truths  whicli  tjod  has 
revealed  to  us  In  the  fulness  of  time  in  sending  His 
Son  upon  earth  (Is.  liii.  7 ;  Jn.  i.  29 ;  1  Cor.  v.  8 ; 
Heb.  xi.  28,  &c.).  The  crowning  application  of  tlie 
paschal  rites  to  the  truths  of  which  they  were  the 
shadowy  promises  appears  to  be  afforded  by  the 
fiict  that  our  Lord's  death  occurred  during  the  fes- 
tival. According  to  the  divine  piirpose,  the  true 
Lamb  of  God  was  slain  at  nearly  the  same  time  as 
'•  the  Lord's  Passover,"  in  obedience  to  the  letter 
of  the  Law.  As  compared  with  the  other  festivals, 
the  Passover  was  remarkably  distinguished  by  a 
single  victim  essentially  its  ow  n,  sacrificed  in  a  very 
peculiar  manner.  In  this  respect,  as  well  as  iu  the 
place  it  held  in  the  ecclesiastical  year,  it  had  a 
formal  dignity  and  character  of  its  own.  It  was 
the  representative  festival  of  the  year,  and  in  this 
unique  position  it  stood  in  a  certain  relation  to  cir- 
cumcision as  the  second  sacrament  of  the  Hebrew 
Church  (Ex.  xii.  44).  "  Eastkr,"  once  inconsis- 
tently used  in  the  A.  V.  (Acts  xii.  4)  as  the  trans- 
lation of  the  Gr.  pancha  =  "  passover,"  is  cele- 
brated as  the  anniversary  of  the  Kcsurredion  of 
Jesis  Christ,  on  the  first  Sunday  alter  the  four- 
tcetith  day  of  the  calendar  moon  which  happens 
upon  or  next  after  March  21. 

*  Pastor  (L.  wie  thai  pastures  or  feeds,  a  herds- 
man, or  usually  shejtherel ),  the  A.  V.  translation  of 
— 1.  Heb.  participle  }o'</t  :=:  one  feeding  a  ttock,  or 
pasturing,  a  shepherd,  herdsman  (Jer.  ii.  8,  iii.  lo, 
X.  21,  xii.  10,  xvii.  16,  xxii.  22,  xxlii.  1,  2),  also  trans- 
lated "  feeding  "  (Gen.  xxxvii.  2  ;  Job  i.  14),  "  which 
fed"  (Gen.  xlviii.  15),  "that  fed"  (1  Chr.  xxvii. 
29),  "that  feed"  (Jer.  xxiii.  2),  "keeper"  (Gen.  iv. 
2),  "herdman"  (xiii.  7,  8,  kc),  &c.,  but  usually 
"shepherd"  (xlix.  24;  Ex.  ii.  17,  19;  I's.  xxiii.  1; 
Is.  xiii.  20;  Jer.  vi.  3;  Ez.  xxxiv.  2  fT.,  kc.).—2.  Gr. 
jjenmin  once  (Eph.  iv.  11),  elsewhere  uniformi' 
"siiepiierd;"  in  LXX.  ^  No.  1  ;  applied  in  N.  T. 
to  one  who  tends  flocks  or  herds  (Mat.  ix.  36,  xxv. 
32,  &c.),  to  the  Lord  Jesus  CiiniST,  the  Great 
"Shepherd"  (xxvi.  31  ;  Jn.  x.  2,  11  «'. ;  Hob.  xiii. 
20 ;  1  Pet.  ii.  25,  &c.),  and  to  the  spiritual  guide  or 
minister  of  a  church  (Eph.  iv.  11  only).  Bishop; 
Elder  ;  Minister  ;  Ordain,  to. 

*  Pas  tore  (fr.  L.).  To  all  who,  like  the  early 
patriarchs,  have  their  chief  wealth  in  flocks  and 
lierds,  an  abundance  of  pasture  and  of  water  is  of 
the  greatest  importance.  Auraham,  Isaac,  Jacob, 
&c.,  had  to  move  from  place  to  place  at  diilerent 
times  in  order  to  find  a  supply  of  these  essentials. 
Palestine  was,  and  still  is,  iu  many  parts,  especially 
in  the  S.  of  Jidah  and  on  the  E.  of  the  Jordan 
(Ammon  ;  Bashan  ;  Gilead  ;  Moab,  &c.),  well  adapted 
to  grazing.  (Agriciltire;  Desert  ;  Goat;  Grass; 
Hat  ;  Herd  ;  Ox ;  Sheep  ;  Shepherk,  &e.)  "  Pas- 
ture" is  also  figuratively  applied  to  spiritual  nour- 
ishment or  that  which  is  adapted  to  satisfy  the 
highest  wants  of  the  people  or  "  flock "  of  God 
(Ps.  xxiii.  2;  Jn.  x.  9).     Pastor. 

Pat'l-ra  (Gr.,  from  its  UnmeXnv  Patarvs,  a  reputed 
son  of  Apollo,  Str.),  a  city  on  the  southwestern  shore 
of  Lycia,  not  far  from  the  lefl  bank  of  the  river 
Xanthus,  famous  for  its  oracle  and  temple  of  Apollo. 
(Divination;  Idolatry;  Python.)  The  coast  hero 
is  very  mountainous  and  bold.  Immediately  oppo- 
site is  the  island  of  Kiiodes.  Patara  was  practically 
the  seaport  of  the  city  of  Xanthus,  ten  miles  dis- 
tant.    St.  Paul,  at  the  close  of  his  third  missionary 


808 


PAT. 


PAT 


journey,  found  here  a  ship  bound  to  Phenicia  (Acts 
xxi.  1,  2).  Patara  was  afterward  the  seat  of  a  bishop. 
The  old  name  remains  on  the  spot,  and  tliere  are 
considerable  ruins,  especially  of  a  theatre,  baths,  a 
a  triple  arch  of  a  city-gate,  &c.  Sand-hills  have 
blocked  up  the  harbor. 

Pa-the'ns  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Pkthahiah  the  Levite  (1 
Esd.  ix.  23 ;  compare  Ezr.  x.  23). 

Path'ros  (Heb.  fr.  Egyptian  =  region  of  the  south, 
i.  e.  Upfxr  Egypt,  Ges. ;  but  see  below),  gentile  noun 
Patll-ru'sim  (Heb.  =  people  of  I'athros),  a  part  of 
Egypt,  and  a  Mizraite  tribe.  In  the  list  of  tlie  Miz- 
raites,  the  Pathrusim  occur  after  the  KapVituhim, 
and  before  the  Casluhim  ;  the  latter  being  followed 
by  the  notice  of  the  Philistines,  and  by  the  Caph- 
torim  (Gen.  x.  13,  14;  1  Chr.  i.  12).  Pathros  is 
mentioned  in  Is.  xi.  11,  in  Jer.  xliv.  1,  15,  and  Ez. 
xxi."!:.  14,  XXX.  13-18.  From  the  place  of  the  Path- 
rusim in  the  list  of  the  Mizraites,  they  might  be 
supposed  to  have  settled  in  Lower  Egypt,  or  the 
more  northern  part  of  Upper  Egypt.  If  the  original 
order  were  Pathrusim,  Caphtorim,  Casluhini,  then 
the  first  might  have  settled  in  the  highest  part  of 
Upper  Egypt,  and  the  other  two  below  them.  The 
occurrences  in  Jeremiah  secra  to  favor  the  idea  that 
Pathros  was  part  of  Lower  Egypt,  or  the  whole  of 


that  region.  The  notice  by  Ezekiel  of  Pathros  as 
the  laud  of  the  birth  of  the  Egyptians  seems  to 
favor  the  idea  that  it  was  part  of  or  all  Uipcr 
Egypt.  Pathros  has  been  connected  with  the  Path- 
yrite  nome,  the  Phaturite  of  Pliny,  in  wliicli  Thkbks 
was  situate  (Bochart,  &c.).  This  identification  may 
be  as  old  as  the  LXX.  The  discovery  of  the  Egyp- 
tian name  of  the  town  after  which  the  nonie  was 
called  puts  the  inquiry  on  a  safer  basis.  It  was 
written  ha-hat-her  =  the  abode  of  Hat-her,  the  Egyp- 
tian Venus.  It  may  perhaps  have  sometimes  been 
written  p-ha  hat-her,  in  which  case  the  p-h  and  f-h 
would  have  coalesced  in  tlie  Hebrew  form,  as  did 
t-h  in  Caphtor.  It  seems  reasonable  to  consider 
Pathros  a  part  of  Upper  Egypt,  and  to  trace  its 
name  in  that  of  the  Pathyrite  nome;  but  this  is 
only  a  very  conjectural  identification,  which  future 
discoveries  may  overthrow  (so  Mr.  R.  S,  Poole). 

Patli-m'sim  (see  above).     Pathros. 

Pat'nios  (Gr.),  a  bare  and  ragged  island  to  which 
John  the  Apostlk  was  banished  in  the  reign  of 
Domitian  (Rev.  i.  9).  Patmos  is  divided  into  two 
nearly  equal  parts,  a  northern  and  a  southern,  by  a 
very  narrow  isthmus,  where,  on  the  east  side,  are 
the  harbor  and  the  town.  On  the  hill  to  the  S., 
crowning  a  commanding  height,  is  the  celebrated 


PatmoSr  Harbor  ot  La  Scala,  the  Town  of  Fatiw)  on  tbe  height.— From  Schubert,  Rsise  im  Morgenland. — (Fbr.) 


monastery,  which  bears  the  name  of  "John  the 
Divine."  Half-way  up  the  ascent  is  the  cave  or 
grotto  where  tradition  says  that  St.  John  received 
the  Rkvelatio.n.  Patmos  is  one  of  the  Sporades, 
and  is  in  that  part  of  the  ^gean  called  the  Icarian 
Sea.  It  must  have  been  conspicuous  on  the  riglit 
Avhen  St.  Paul  was  sailing  (Acts  xx.  15,  xxi.  1)  from 
Samos  to  Cos. 

Pa'trl-areb.  The  name  Patriarch  (fr.  Gr.  patri- 
arche^  =  the  father  and  ruhr  of  a  fomily,  tribe, 
&c.)  is  applied  in  the  N.  T.  to  Abraham  (Heb.  vii. 
4),  to  the  sous  of  Jacob  (Acts  vii.  8,  9),  and  to  Da 
vid  (Acts  ii.  29);  and  is  apparently  intended  to  be 
equivalent  to  the  phrase,  the  "  head "  or  "  prince 
of  a  tribe,"  so  often  found  in  the  0.  T.  It  is  used 
in  this  sense  by  the  LXX.  in  1  Chr.  xxiv.  31,  x.\vii. 
22,  and  2  Chr.  xxiii.  20,  xxvi.  12.  In  common 
usage  tlie  title  of  patriarch  is  assigned  especially 
to  those  whose  lives  are  recorded  in  Scripture  pre- 
vious to  tlie  time  of  Moses.  The  patriarchal  times 
are  naturally  divided  into  the  ante-diluvian  and 
post-diluvian  periods.     1.  In  the  former  the  Scrip- 


ture record  contains  little  except  the  list  of  the 
line  from  Seth,  through  Exos,  Cainan,  Mahalaleei,, 
Jared,  Enoch  2,  Methi'.selah,  and  Lamech  2,  to 
Noah  ;  with  the  ages  of  each  at  their  periods  of 
generation  and  at  their  deaths.  (Chronoloov.)  To 
some  extent  parallel  to  this,  is  given  the  line  of 
Cain;  Enoch  1,  Irad,  Mehujael,  Methdsael,  La- 
mech 1,  and  the  sons  of  Lamech,  Jabal,  Jubal,  and 
TcBAL-CAiN.  To  the  latter  line  are  attributed  the 
first  signs  of  material  civilization,  the  building  of 
cities,  the  division  of  classes,  and  the  knowledge 
of  mechanical  arts ;  while  the  only  moral  record  of 
their  history  obscurely  speaks  of  violence  and 
bloodshed.  The  one  distinction  of  the  former  line 
is  their  knowledge  of  the  true  Gon,  seen  especially 
in  Enoch  and  Noih.  (Giants.) — One  of  the  main 
questions  raised  as  to  the  ante-diluvian  period  turns 
on  the  longevity  assigned  to  the  patriarchs.  With 
the  single  exception  of  Enoch  (whose  departure 
from  the  earth  at  365  years  of  age  is  exceptional  in 
every  sense),  their  ages  vary  from  777  (Lamech)  to 
969  (Methuselah).     After  the  flood  this  longevity 


PAT 


PAU 


809 


gradually  disappears.  To  Shem  are  assigned  BOO 
vears;  to  Arphasai)  438 ;  to  Salah  433;  to  Ebkr 
404;  to  Pki.eg  '230;  to  Reu  239;  to  SKitro  230; 
to  \ahor  (1)  148;  to  Terah  205  ;  to  Abraham  175  ; 
to  Isaac  180;  to  Jacob  147;  to  Joseph  110.  This 
statement  of  ages  is  clear  and  definite.  To  suppose, 
with  some,  tliat  the  name  of  each  patriarch  denotes 
a  clan  or  family,  and  his  age  its  duration,  appears 
to  be  a  mere  eva.sion  of  diiliculty.  It  must  either 
be  accejited,  as  a  plain  statement  of  fact,  or  regarded 
as  purely  fabulous,  like  the  legendary  assignment 
o^  immense  ages  to  the  early  Indian  or  Babylonian 
or  Egyptian  kings.  In  the  acceptance  of  the  literal 
meaning,  it  is  not  easy  to  say  how  much  difliculty  is 
involved.  Very  great  effects  are  produced  on  the 
duration  of  life,  both  of  men  and  animals,  by  even 
slight  changes  of  habit  and  circumstances.  The 
constant  attribution  in  all  legends  of  great  age  to 
primeval  men  is  at  least  as  lilcely  to  be  a  distortion 
of  fact,  as  a  mere  invention  of  fancy.  If  the  divine 
origin  of  Scripture  be  believed  (Inspiration),  its 
authority  must  be  accepted  in  this,  as  in  other 
cases ;  and  the  list  of  the  ages  of  the  patriarchs  be 
held  to  be  (what  it  certainly  claims  to  be)  a  state- 
ment of  real  facts  (so  Mr.  Barry,  original  author  of 
this  article).  2.  In  the  post-diluvian  periods  more 
is  gathered  as  to  the  nature  of  the  patriarchal  his- 
tory. It  is  at  first  general  in  its  scope.  The  "  Cov- 
enant"  given  to  Noah  is  one,  free  from  all  condi- 
tion, and  fraught  with  natural  blessings,  extending 
to  all  alike.  But  the  history  soon  nanows  itself  to 
that  of  a  single  tribe  or  family,  and  afterward 
touches  the  general  history  of  the  ancient  world 
and  its  empires,  only  so  far  as  it  bears  upon  this. 
(Gkxesis.)  In  this  last  stage  the  principle  of  the 
patriarchal  dispensation  is  most  clearly  seen.  It  is 
based  on  the  sacredness  of  family  ties  and  paternal 
authority.  This  authority,  as  the  only  one  which 
is  natural  and  original,  is  inevitably  the  foundation 
of  the  earliest  form  of  society,  and  is  probably  seen 
most  perfectly  in  wandering  tribes,  where  it  is  not 
affected  by  local  attachments  and  by  the  acquisition 
of  wealth.  In  Scripture  this  authority  is  conse- 
crated by  an  ultimate  reference  to  God,  as  the  God 
of  the  patriarch,  i.  e.  the  Father  both  of  him  and 
his  children.  At  the  same  time,  this  faith  was  not 
allowed  to  degenerate,  as  it  was  prone  to  do,  into 
an  appropriation  of  God,  as  the  mere  tutelary  God 
of  the  tribe.  (Jehovah.)  Still  the  distinction  and 
preservation  of  the  chosen  family,  and  the  main- 
tenance of  the  paternal  authority,  are  the  special 
purposes,  whicli  give  a  key  to  the  meaning  of  his- 
tory, and  of  the  institutions  recorded.  (Cnit.D; 
FiR.sT-noRN  ;  Idolatkv;  Marriage;  McnnKR.)  The 
type  of  character,  formed  under  this  dispensation, 
is  one  imperfect  in  intellectual  and  spiritual  growth, 
because  not  yet  tried  by  the  subtler  temptations,  or 
forced  to  contemplate  the  deeper  questions  of  life ; 
but  it  is  one  remarkably  simple,  affectionate,  and 
free,  such  as  would  grow  up  under  a  natural  author- 
ity, derived  from  God  and  centring  in  Him,  yet  al- 
lowing, under  its  unquestioned  sacredness,  a  famil- 
iarity and  freedom  of  intercourse  with  Him,  which 
is  strongly  contrasted  with  the  stent  and  awful  char- 
acter of  the  .Mosaic  dispensation.  To  contemplate 
it  from  a  Cliristian  point  of  view  is  like  looking 
back  on  the  unconscious  freedom  and  innocence  of 
childliood,  with  that  deeper  insight  and  strength  of 
character  which  are  gained  by  the  experience  of 
manliood.  We  see  in  it  the  germs  of  the  future,  of 
the  future  revelation  of  God,  and  the  future  trials 
and  development  of  man.    It  is  on  this  fact  that  the 


typical  interpretation  of  its  history  depends  (Gal. 
iv.  21-31  ;  Hcb.  vii.  1-17;  Old  Testament,  B.,  2). 
In  the  ante-diluvian  period,  we  may  recognize  the 
main  features  of  tlie  history  of  the  world,  the  divi- 
sion of  mankind  into  the  two  great  classes,  the 
struggles  between  the  power  of  evil  and  good,  the 
apparent  triumpli  of  the  evil,  and  its  destruction  iu 
the  final  judgment.  In  the  post-diluvian  history  of 
the  chosen  family,  is  seen  the  distinction  of  the  true 
believers,  possessore  of  a  special  covenant,  special 
revelation,  and  special  privileges,  from  the  world 
without.  In  it  is  therefore  shadowed  out  the  his- 
tory of  the  Jewish  nation  and  the  Christian  Church, 
as  regards  the  freedom  of  their  covenant,  the  grad- 
ual unfolding  of  their  revelation,  and  the  peculiar 
blessings  and  temptations  which  belong  to  their  dis- 
tinctive position. 

Pat  ro-bas  (Gr.  otie  who  tcalls  in  Jiis  fnlhir'n  foot- 
stepf,  Schl. ;  one  vho  lives  iitc  his  father,  Wr.,  Wolf), 
a  Christian  at  Rome  to  whom  St.  Paul  sends  his 
salutation  (Rom.  xvi.  14).  An  uncertain  tradition 
makes  him  one  of  the  seventy  disciples,  bishop  of 
Puteoli,  and  a  martyr.  Like  many  other  names  in 
Rom.  xvi.,  this  was  borne  by  at  least  one  member 
of  the  emperor's  household  (Suetonius,  Galba,  £0 ; 
Martial,  I^j.  ii.  32,  3). 

Pa-tro'flns,  or  Pat'ro-clns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  famom 
from  his  father),  lather  of  Nicanor,  tlie  adversary 
of  Judas  Maccabeus  (2  Mc.  viii.  9). 

Pan  (Hcb.  a  bleating,  lowing  =  Pax,  Gcs.),  the 
capital  of  Iladar,  king  oi  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  S9) ;  in 
1  (;hr.  i.  50,  Pai.     Its  position  is  unknown. 

Paul  (Gr.  Paulos;  fr.  L.  I'aulus  [=  l.itth,  small], 
a  common  Roman  surname ;  see  below),  the  apostle 
of  Jesus  Christ  to  the  Gentiles. — Original  Avthori- 
ties.  Nearly  all  the  original  materials  for  the  Life 
of  St.  Paul  are  contained  in  the  Acts  ok  the  Apos- 
tles, and  in  the  Pauline  Epistles.  (Romans,  f>isTLE 
to  THE,  &c.)  Out  of  a  comparison  of  these  authorities 
the  biographer  of  St.  Paul  has  to  construct  his  ac- 
count of  the  really  important  period  of  the  apostle's 
life  (so  Mr.  Davies,  original  author  of  this  art'cle). 
fhe  early  traditions  of  the  Church  appear  to  have 
left  almost  untouched  the  space  of  time  for  which 
we  possess  those  sacred  and  abundant  sourcvs  of 
knowledge ;  and  they  aim  only  at  supplying  a  few 
particulars  in  the  biography  beyond  tljc  points  at 
which  the  narrative  of  the  Acts  begins  and  teriui- 
nates. — I'romiuenl  points  in  the  Life.  Foremost 
of  all  is  his  Vonversion.  This  was  tlie  main  root 
of  his  whole  life,  outward  and  inward.  Next  after 
this,  we  may  specify  his  Labors  at  Antioeh.  From 
these  we  pass  to  the  First  Missionary  Jovrncu, 
in  the  eastern  part  of  Asia  Minor,  2'he  Visit  to 
Jerusalem  was  a  critical  point,  both  iu  the  his- 
tory of  the  Church  and  of  the  apostle.  'J'hi  iu- 
irotlnetion  of  the  Gospel  into  Europe,  witli  the  mem- 
orable visits  to  Philippi,  Athens,  and  Corinth, 
was  the  boldest  step  in  the  carrying  out  of  St. 
Paul's  mission.  A  third  great  missionary  jour- 
ney, chiefly  characterized  by  a  long  stay  at  Fjih- 
esiis,  is  further  interesting  from  its  connection 
with  four  leading  Epistles.  This  was  iinmediately 
followed  by  the  apprehension  of  St.  Paul  at  Jerusa- 
lem, and  his  irnprisonmeril at  Cfsarea.  And  the  last 
event  of  which  we  have  a  full  narrative  is  the  Voy- 
age to  Rome. — Sanl  of  Tarsus,  before  his  Conversion. 
Up  to  the  time  of  ids  gohig  forth  as  an  avowed 
preacher  of  Christ  to  tJie  Gentiles,  the  apostle  was 
known  by  the  name  of  Saul,  the  Jewish  name  re- 
ceived from  Ills  Jewish  parents.  But  though  a  He- 
brew of  the  Hebrews,  he  was  bom  in  a  Gentile  city. 


810 


PAU 


PAU 


'  ■?*  ??■   /-^  #1^ 

^s    «''      (^/    ;i?J    I 


PATT 


PAIT 


811 


Of  bis  parents  we  know  notliing,  except  that  liis 
father  was  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (Phil.  iii.  6),  and 
a  Pharisee  (Acts  xxiii.  6),  tliat  he  had  acquired  by 
some  means  the  Roman  franchise  ("  I  was  free  born," 
xxii.  28),  and  was  settled  in  Tarsus.'  "  I  am  a  Jew 
of  Tarscs,  a  city  in  Cilicia,  a  citizen  of  no  mean 
city  "  (xxi.  39).  At  Tarsus  he  must  have  learned  to 
use  the  Greek  language  with  freeiloni  and  mastery  in 
both  speaking  and  writing.  At  Tarsus  also  he 
learned  that  trade  of  "  tentmaker  "  (xviii.  3),  at  which 
he  afterward  occasionally  wrought  with  his  own 
hands.  There  was  a  goat's-hair  cloth  called  Cilidum, 
manufactured  in  Cilicia,  and  largely  used  for  tente. 
Saul's  trade  was  probably  that  of  making  tents  of 
this  haircloth.  (Education.)  St.  Paul  in  his  de- 
fence before  his  countrymen  at  Jerusalem  (xxii.) 
tells  them  that  though  born  in  Tarsus,  he  had  been 
"  brought  up  "  in  Jerusalem.  We  may  imagine  him 
arriving  there,  perhaps  at  some  age  between  ten  and 
fifteen,  already  a  Hellenist,  speaking  Greek  and 
familiar  with  the  Septuaoist,  possessing,  besides  the 
knowledge  of  his  trade,  the  elements  of  Gentile 
learning — to  be  tanight  at  Jerusalem  "  according  to 
the  perfect  manner  of  the  law  of  the  fathers."  lie 
learned,  he  says,  "  at  the  feet  of  Gamaliel."  He  who 
was  to  resist  so  stoutly  the  usurpations  of  the  Law, 
had  for  his  teacher  one  of  the  most  eminent  of  all 
the  doctors  of  the  Law.  Saul  was  yet  "a  young 
man  "  (vii.  58),  when  the  Church  experienced  that 
sudden  expansion  which  was  connected  with  the  or- 
daining of  the  seven  appointed  to  serve  tables 
(Deaco.s),  and  with  the  special  power  and  inspira- 
tion of  Stephen.  Amongst  those  who  disputed  with 
Stephen  were  some  "  of  them  of  Cilicia."  We  nat- 
urally think  of  Saul  as  having  been  one  of  these, 
when  we  find  him  afterward  keeping  the  clothes  of 
those  suborned  witnesses  who,  according  to  the  Law 
(Deut.  xvii.  7),  were  the' first  to  cast  stones  at  Ste- 
phen. "  Saul,"  says  the  sacred  writer,  significantly, 
"  was  consenting  unto  his  death  "  (Acts  viii.  1).  He 
was  the  most  unwearied  and  unrelenting  of  persecu- 
tors (3).' — SauFs  Cnnversion.  The  persecutor  was 
to  be  converted.  Having  undertaken  to  follow  up 
the  believers  "  unto  strange  cities,"  Saul  naturally 
turned  his  thoughts  to  Damascus.  What  befell  him 
as  he  journeyed  thither,  is  related  in  detail  three 
times  in  the  Acts,  first  by  the  historian  in  his  own 
person  (ix.),  then  in  the  two  addresses  made  by  St. 
Paul  at  Jerusalem  and  before  Agrippa(xxii.,  xxvi.). 
These  three  narratives  are  not  repetitions  of  one  an- 
other: there  are  differences  between  them  which 
some  consider  irreconcilable.  Of  the  three  narra- 
tives, that  of  the  historian  himself  must  claim  to  be 
the  most  purely  historical :  St.  Paul's  subsequent 
accounts  were  likely  to  be  affected  by  the  purpose 
for  which  he  introduced  them.  St.  Luke's  state- 
ment U  in  Actslx.  3-19,  where,  however,  according 
to  the  best  authorities,  the  words  "  It  is  hard  for  thee 
to  kick  against  the  pricks,"  included  in  the  Vulgate 

'  A  story  l»  mentioned  hv  Jerome  that  St.  Paul's  parents 
lived  at  Glecbala  (now  tl-Jish)  In  Galilee,  and  that,  having 
been  bom  there,  the  infant  Sanl  cmi>frated  with  his  parents 
to  Tarsus  on  the  takinj;  of  tliat  city  by  the  Uonians  ;  liut 
Glschnla  was  not  taken  till  a  much  later  time,  and  the 
aposthr  declares  he  was  bom  in  Tarsus  (Acts  xxii.  8). 

'  Conybcare  &  Howson  il^fe  ami  KiiMUs  uf  St.  Paul. 
1.  "H)  consider  it  probable  that.  If  Snnl  was  not  a  member 
of  the  Sanhedrim  at  the  time  of  Stephen's  death,  he  was 
elcrteil  Into  it  soon  after  (.^cts  xxvl.  10).  If  so,  and  If  the 
rule  laid  down  by  Malmonides  and  tin-  .lenisalem  (iemara 
then  prevailed,  viz.  thai  ineinbers  of  that  bmlv  must  have 
been  niarried  and  thi!  fnlhers  of  children,  nrohubly  bis  wife 
and  children  did  not  long  survive,  as  tiiey  are  never  al- 
luded to  in  the  ticrlptures. 


and  English  version,  ought  to  be  omitted.  The  sud- 
den light  from  heaven  ;  the  voice  of  Jesus  speaking 
with  autliority  to  His  persecutor ;  Saul  struck  to  the 
ground,  blinded",  overcome ;  tlie  three  days'  sus- 
pense ;  the  coming  of  Ananias  as  a  messenger  of  the 
Lord ;  and  Saul's  baptism  ; — these  were  the  leading 
features,  in  the  eyes  of  the  historian,  of  the  great 
event,  and  in  these  we  must  look  for  the  chief  sig- 
I  nificance  of  the  conversion.  According  to  the 
,  speeches,  the  phenomenon  occurred  at  mid-day,  and 
'  the  light  shone  round,  and  was  visil>le  to,  Saul's 
companions  as  well  as  himself.  All  fell  to  the 
ground  (second  speech) ;  but  the  others  may  have 
risen  before  Saul,  or  "stood"  still  afterward  in 
greater  perplexity,  though  not  seeing  or  hearing 
what  Saul  saw  and  heard.  They  probably  heard 
sounds,  but  not,  like  Saul,  an  articulate  voice  (first 
speech).  After  the  question,  "  Why  persecutest 
thou  Me  ?  "  the  second  speech  adds,  "  It  is  hard  for 
thee  to  kick  against  the  goads  "  (A.  V.  "  pricks  "). 
Then  both  speeches  supply  a  question  ("  Who  art 
thou.  Lord  ?  ")  and  answer  ("  I  am  Jesus  [of  Naza- 
reth], whom  thou  persecutest").  With  regard  to 
the  visit  of  Ananias,  there  is  no  collision  between 
ch.  ix.  and  the  first  speech,  which  only  attributes 
additional  words  to  Ananias.  The  second  speech 
ceases  to  give  details  of  the  vision  after  the  words, 
"  I  am  Jesus  whom  thou  persecutest.  But  rise 
and  stand  on  thy  feet."  St.  Paul  here  adds,  from 
the  mouth  of  Jesus,  an  exposition  of  the  pur- 
pose for  which  He  had  appeared  to  him.  If  we 
bear  in  mind  the  motive  and  purpose  of  St.  Paul's 
address  before  Agrippa,  we  shall  not  suppose  he 
is  violating  the  strict  truth,  wlien  ho  adds  to  the 
words  which  Jesus  spoke  to  him  at  the  moment  of 
the  light  and  sound,  without  interposing  any  refer- 
ence  to  a  later  occasion,  that  fuller  exposition  of 
the  meaning  of  the  crisis  through  which  he  was 
passing,  which  he  was  not  to  receive  till  afterward. 
What  Saul  actually  heard  from  Jesus  on  the  way 
was  afterward  interpreted  to  his  mind  into  these  def- 
inite expressions.  For  we  must  not  forget  that  the 
whole  transaction  was  essentially  a  spirilunl  com- 
munication. That  the  Lord  Jesus  manifested  Him- 
self as  a  living  person  to  the  man  Saul,  and  spoke  to 
him  so  that  His  very  words  could  be  understood,  is 
the  substantial  fact  declared  to  us.  Comparing  with 
the  narrative  Acts  ix.  11,  Yxii.  14,  and  1  Cor.  xv.  8, 
we  conclude,  either  that  Saul  had  an  instantaneous 
vision  of  Jesus  as  the  tiash  of  lii^ht  blinded  him,  or 
that  the  "  seeing "  was  that  apprehension  of  His 
presence  which  would  go  with  a  real  conversation. 
How  Saul  "  saw  "  and  "  heard  "  we  arc  unable  to 
determine.  That  the  light,  and  the  sound  or  voice, 
were  both  different  from  any  ordinary  phenomena 
with  which  Saul  and  his  companions  were  familiar, 
is  unquestionably  implied  in  the  narrative.  It  is 
also  implied  that  they  were  specially  significant  to 
Saul,  and  not  to  those  with  him.  We  gather  there- 
fore that  there  were  real  outward  phenomena, 
through  which  Saul  was  made  inwardly  sensible  of 
a  Presence  revealed  to  him  alone.  He  gave  himself 
up,  without  being  able  to  see  his  way,  to  the  dis- 
posal of  Ilim  whom  he  now  knew  to  have  vindicated 
His  claim  over  liim  by  the  very  sacrifice  which  for- 
merly ho  had  despised.  The  only  mention  in  the 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul  of  the  outward  phenomena  at- 
tending his  conversion  is  in  1  Cor.  xv.  8,  "Last 
of  all  He  was  seen  of  me  also."  But  in  Gal.  i.  15, 
1(5,  he  speaks  distinctly  of  his  conversion  itself: 
"When  it  pleased  God,  who  separated  me  from  my 
mother's  womb,  and  called  me  by  His  grace,  to  re- 


812 


PAIT 


PAX} 


veal  His  Son  in  me,  that  I  might  preach  Him  among 
the  heathen.  .  .  ."  AVhat  nonls  coiild  cspress 
more  exactly  than  these  the  spiritual  experience 
which  occurred  to  Saul  on  the  way  to  Damascus  ? 
The  manifestation  of  Jesus  as  the  Son  of  God  is 
clearly  the  main  point  in  the  narrative.  It  would  be 
groundless  to  assume  that  the  new  convictions  of 
that  mid-day  immediately  cleared  and  settled  them- 
selves in  Saul's  mind.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  lie 
was  then  convirled,  or  turned  round.  For  a  while, 
no  doubt,  his  inward  state  was  one  of  awe  and  ex- 
pectation. Thus  enterinft  Damascus  as  a  servant  of 
the  Lord  Jesus,  he  sought  the  house  of  Judas  whom 
he  had,  perhaps,  intended  to  persecute.  The  fame 
of  Saul's  coming  had  preceded  him ;  and  Ananias, 
"  a  devout  man  according  to  the  law,"  but  a  believer 
in  Jesus,  when  directed  by  the  Lord  to  visit  him, 
wonders  at  what  he  is  told  concerning  the  notorious 
persecutor.  He  obeys,  however  ;  and  going  to  Saul 
in  the  name  of  "  the  Lord  Jesus,  who  had  appeared 
to  him  in  the  way,"  he  puts  his  hands  on  him  that 
he  may  receive  his  sight  and  be  filled  with  the  Holy 
Ghost.  Thereupon  Saul's  eyes  are  immediately 
purged,  and  his  sight  is  restored.  Every  word  in 
the  address  of  Ananias  to  him  (Acts  xxii.  14  ;  comp. 
ix.  17)  strikes  some  chord  which  we  hear  sounded 
again  and  again  in  St.  Paul's  Epistles.  After  the 
recovery  of  his  sight,  Saul  received  the  washing 
away  of  his  sins  in  baptism.  He  then  broke  his 
tliree  days'  fast,  and  was  strengthened.  He  was  at 
once  received  into  the  fellowship  of  the  disciples, 
and  began  without  delay  the  work  to  which  Ananias 
had  designated  him  ;  and  to  the  astonishment  of  all 
his  hearers  he  proclaimed  Jesus  in  the  synagogues, 
declaring  Him  to  be  the  Son  of  God.  The  narrative 
in  the  Acts  tells  us  simply  that  he  was  occupied  in 
this  work,  with  increasing  vigor,  for  "  many  days," 
up  to  the  time  when  imminent  danger  drove  him 
from  Damascus.  From  Gal.  i.  17,  18,  we  learn  that 
the  many  days  were  at  least  a  good  part  of  "  three 
years,"  and  that  Saul,  not  thinking  it  necessary  to 
procure  authority  to  preach  from  the  apostles  that 
were  before  him,  went  after  his  conversion  into  Ara- 
bia, and  returned  from  thence  to  Damascus.  We 
know  nothing  whatever  of  this  visit  to  Arabia — to 
what  district  Saul  went,  how  long  he  stayed,  or  for 
what  purpose  he  went  there.  For  all  we  know  to 
the  contrary,  he  may  have  gone  to  Antioch  or  Tar- 
sus or  anywhere  else,  or  remained  silent  at  Damas- 
cus for  some  time  after  returning  from  Arabia. 
Now  that  we  have  arrived  at  Saul's  departure  from 
Damascus,  we  are  again  upon  historical  ground,  and 
have  the  double  evidence  of  St.  Luke  in  the  Acts, 
and  of  the  apostle  in  2  Cor.  According  to  the  for- 
mer, the  Jews  lay  in  wait  for  Saul,  intending  to  kill 
him,  and  watched  the  gates  of  the  city  that  he  might 
not  escape  from  them.  Knowing  this,  the  disciples 
took  him  by  night  and  let  him  down  in  a  basket  from 
the  wall.  According  to  2  Cor.  xi.  32,  the  ethnarch 
under  Aretas  the  king  watchc-d  for  him,  desiring  to 
apprehend  him.  There  is  no  diflicidty  in  reconci- 
ling the  two  statements.  We  might  similarly  say 
that  our  Lord  was  put  to  death  cither  by  the  Jews 
or  by  the  Roman  governor.  Having  escaped  from 
Damascus,  Saul  betook  himself  to  Jerusalem,  and 
there  "assayed  (Assay)  to  join  himself  to  the  disci- 
ples ;  but  they  were  all  afraid  of  him,  and  believed  not 
that  he  was  a  disciple."  Uarnabas  assured  the  apos- 
tles and  Church  at  Jerusalem — from  some  personal 
knowledge,  we  must  presume— of  the  facts  of  Saul's 
conversion  and  subsequent  behavior  at  Damascus. 
Barnabas'  introduction  removed  the  fears  of  the 


apostles,  and  Paul  "  was  with  them  coming  in  and 
going  out  at  Jerusalem."  His  Hellenistical  educa- 
tion made  him,  like  Stephen,  a  successful  disputant 
against  the  "Greciuns;"  and  the  former  persecutor 
became  the  object  of  a  murderous  hostility.  He 
was  therefore  again  urged  to  flee :  and  by  way  of 
Cesarea  betook  himself  to  his  native  city  Tarsus. 
In  Gal.  i.  17  ft'.,  St.  Paul  adds  that  his  motive  ibr  go- 
ing up  to  Jerusalem  rather  than  anywhere  else  was 
that  he  might  see  Peter ;  that  he  abode  with  him 
fifteen  days ;  that  the  only  apostles  he  saw  were 
Peter  and  James,  the  Lord's  brother ;  and  that  after- 
ward he  came  into  the  regions  of  Syria  and  Cilicia, 
remaining  unknown  by  face,  though  well  known  for 
his  conversion,  to  the  churches  in  Judea  which  were 
in  Christ. — ;S/.  Paid  at  Antioch.  While  Saul  was  at 
Tarsus,  a  movement  was  going  en  at  Antioch,  which 
raised  that  city  to  an  imiiortance  second  only  to  that 
of  Jerusalem  in  the  early  history  of  the  Chujch.  In 
the  life  of  the  Aposfle  of  the  Gentiles,  Antioch  claims 
a  most  conspicuous  place.  There  the  preaching  of 
the  Gospel  to  the  Gentiles  first  took  root,  and  from 
thence  it  was  afterward  propagated.  There  came  to 
Antioch,  when  the  persecution  which  arose  about 
Stephen  scattered  the  disciples  who  had  been  as- 
sembled at  Jerusalem,  men  of  Cyprus  and  Cyrene, 
eager  to  tell  the  good  news  concerning  the  Lord 
Jesus.  Until  Antioch  was  reached,  the  word  was 
spoken  "to  none  but  unto  Jews  only"  (Acts  xi.  19). 
Put  here  the  Gentiles  also  (Gr.  hoi  Hetlenrs  =;  the 
Greeks,  not,  as  in  the  A.  V.,  "the  Grecians  ")  were 
among  the  hearers  of  the  word.  A  great  number 
believed  ;  and  when  this  was  reported  at  Jerusalem, 
Barnabas  was  sent  on  a  special  mission  to  Antioch. 
As  the  work  grew  under  his  hands,  and  "much  peo- 
ple was  added  unto  the  Lord,"  Barnabas  felt  the 
need  of  help,  and  went  to  Tarsus  to  seek  Saul. 
Possibly  at  Damascus,  ccrta'iuly  at  Jerusalem,  he  had 
been  a  witness  of  Saul's  energy  and  devotedniss, 
and  skill  in  disputation.  He  longed  for  him  as  a 
helper,  and  succeeded  in  bringing  him  to  Antioch. 
There  they  labored  together  "  a  whole  year,"  mixing 
with  the  constant  assemblies  of  the  believers,  and 
"  teaching  much  people."  All  this  time,  as  St.  Luke 
would  give  us  to  understand,  Saul  was  subordinate 
to  Barnabas  ("  Barnabas  and  Saul,"  Acts  xi.  30, 
xii.  25,  xiii.  2,  7).  In  the  mean  time,  according  to  the 
usual  method  of  the  Divine  gpveriunent,  facts  were 
silently  growing,  which  were  to  suggest  and  occasion 
the  future  developments  of  iaith  and  practice,  and 
of  these  facts  the  most  conspicuous  was  the  unprece- 
dented accession  of  Gentile  proseljtes  at  Antioch. 
An  opportunity  soon  occurred,  of  which  Barnabas 
and  Saul  joyfully  availed  themselves,  for  proving  the 
affection  of  these  new  disciples  toward  their  brethren 
at  Jerusalem.  There  came  "  prophets  "  frrni  Jeru- 
salem  to  Antioch  :  "  and  there  stood  up  one  of  tliini, 
named  Agabus,  and  signified  by  the  Spirit  that  there 
should  be  great  dearth  throughout  all  the  world." 
It  is  obvious  that  the  fulfilment  followed  closely 
upon  the  intimation  of  the  coming  famine.  For  the 
disciples  at  Antioch  determined  to  send  contrihu- 
tions  immediately  to  Jerusalem ;  and  the  gift  Avas 
conveyed  to  the  elders  of  that  Church  by  the  hands 
of  Barnabas  and  Saul.  We  see  in  the  relations  be- 
tween the  Mother-Church  and  that  of  Antioch,  of 
which  this  visit  is  illustrative,  examples  of  the  deep 
feeling  of  the  necessity  of  union  which  dwelt  in  tl  e 
heart  of  the  early  Church.  Having  discharged  their 
errand,  Barnabas  and  Saul  returned  to  Antioch, 
bringing  with  them  another  helper,  John  surnauied 
Mark,  sister's  son  to  Barnabas,     The  work  of  proj  h- 


TAU 


PAU 


813 


esvins  and  teaching  was  resumeil.  Antioch  was  in 
constant  communication  witli  Cilicia,  with  Cyprus, 
with  all  the  neighboring  countries.  The  question 
must  have  forced  itself  upon  hundreds  of  the  "  Chris- 
tians" at  Antioch,  "What  is  the  meaning  of  this 
faith  of  ours,  of  this  baptism,  of  this  incorporation, 
of  this  kingdom  of  the  Son  of  God,  for  the  world  ? 
The  Gospel  is  not  for  Judea  alone:  here  are  we 
called  by  it  at  Antioch.  Is  it  meant  to  stop  here  ?  " 
Snnething  of  direct  expectation  seems  to  lie  implied 
in  what  is  said  of  the  leaders  of  the  Church  at  Anti- 
och, that  they  were  "  ministering  to  the  Lord,  and 
fasting,"  wlien  the  Holy  Ghost  spoke  to  them.  With- 
out doubt  they  knew  it  for  a  seal  set  upon  previous 
surmises,  when  the  voice  came  clearly  to  the  general 
mind,  "  .Separate  me  Barnabas  and  Saul  for  the  work 
whereunto  I  have  called  them."  Every  thing  was 
done  with  orderly  gravity  in  the  sending  forth  of 
the  two  missionaries.  Their  brethren,  after  fasting 
and  pr.ayer,  laid  their  hands  on  them,  and  so  they 
departed. — The  first  Mixsioiiarii  Journey.  Much  must 
have  been  hid  from  Barnabas  and  Saul  as  to  the  issues 
of  the  journey  on  which  they  embarked.  But  one 
j  thing  was  clear  to  them,  that  they  were  sent  forth  to 
tpeak  tlw  word  of  God.  The  first  characteristic  fea- 
ture of  St.  Paul's  teaching  was  the  absolute  conviction 
that  he  was  only  tlie  bearer  of  a  Heavenly  message. 
As  soon  as  Barnabas  and  Saul  reached  Cyprus,  they 
began  to  "  announce  the  word  of  God."  The  second 
fact  to  be  observed  is,  that  for  the  present  they  de- 
livered their  message  in  the  synagogues  of  the  Jews 
only.  They  trod  the  old  path  till  they  should  be 
drawn  out  of  it.  But  wlien  they  had  gone  through 
the  island,  from  Salamis  to  Paphos,  they  were  called 
upon  to  explain  their  doctrine  to  an  eminent  Gen- 
tile, Skrgil's  Pacht.s,  the  proconsul.  A  Jew,  named 
Bar-jesus,  or  El  ymas,  a  "  sorcerer  "and  false  prophet 
(Divi.natio.n;  Maoic),  had  attached  himself  to  the 
governor,  and  had  no  doubt  interested  his  mind,  for 
he  W.1S  an  intelligent  man,  with  what  he  had  told 
him  of  the  history  and  hopes  of  the  Jews.  Ac- 
cordingly, when  Sergius  Paulus  heard  of  the  strange 
teachers  who  were  announcing  to  the  Jews  the  ad- 
vent of  their  true  Messiah,  he  wished  to  see  them 
and  sent  for  them.  The  impostor,  instinctively  ha- 
ting the  apostles,  and  seeing  his  influence  over  the 
proconsul  in  danger  of  perishing,  did  what  he  could 
to  withstand  them.  .Then  Saul,  "  who  is  also  called 
Paul,"  denouncing  Elymas  in  remarkable  terms,  de- 
clared against  him  God's  sentence  of  teiifi)orary 
blindness.  (Compare  St.  Peter's  denunciation  of 
Simon  Magus,  Acts  viii.  20  fl.).  The  blindness  im- 
mediately falls  upon  him  ;  and  the  proconsul,  moved 
by  the  scene  and  persuaded  by  the  teaching  of  the 
apostle,  becomes  a  believer.  This  point  is  made  a 
special  crisis  in  the  history  of  the  apostle  by  the 
writer  of  the  Acts.  S,aul  now  becomes  Paid,  and 
begins  to  take  precedence  of  Barnabas.  Nothing 
is  said  to  explain  the  change  of  name.  No  reader 
could  resist  the  temptation  of  supposing  that  there 
must  be  some  connection  between  Saul's  new  name 
and  that  of  his  distinguished  Roman  convert.  But 
it  does  not  seem  probable  that  St.  Paul  would  either 
have  wished,  or  have  consented,  to  change  his  own 
name  for  that  of  a  distinguished  convert.  Saul  may 
have  borne  from  infancy  the  other  name  of  Paul. 
(Compare  "  Simeon  "  also  named  "  Niger,"  "  Barsa- 
biis  "  named  "  Justus,"  "  John  "  named  "  Marcus  " 
[A.  V.  '•  Mark"].)  In  that  case  he  would  be  Saul 
among  his  own  countrymen,  Paul  among  the  Gen- 
tiles. The  conversion  of  Sergius  Paulus  may  be 
said,  perhaps,  to  mark  the  beginning  of  the  work 


among  the  Gentiles  ;  otherwise,  it  was  not  in  Cyprus 
that  any  change  took  place  in  the  method  hitherto 
followed  by  IJarnabas  and  Saul  in  preaching  the 
Gospel.  Their  public  addresses  were  as  yet  confined 
to  the  synagogues ;  but  it  was  soon  to  be  otherwise. 
From  Paphos  "  Paul  and  his  company  "  set  sail  for 
the  mainland,  and  arrived  at  Perga  in  Pam])hylia. 
Here  the  heart  of  their  companion  John  foiled  him, 
and  he  returned  to  Jerusalem.  From  Perga  they 
travelled  on  to  Antioch  in  Pisidia.  (ANTincn  2.)  • 
Here  "  they  went  into  the  synagogue  on  the  Sab- 
bath-day, and  sat  down."  Small  as  the  place  was, 
it  contained  its  colony  of  Jews,  and  with  them 
proselytes  who  worshipped  the  God  of  the  Jews. 
What  took  place  here  in  the  synagogue  and  in  the 
city,  is  interesting  to  us,  not  only  on  account  of  its 
beat  ing  on  the  history,  but  also  because  it  represents 
more  or  less  exactly  what  afterward  occurred  in 
many  other  places.  The  apostles  of  Christ  sat  still 
witli  the  rest  of  the  assembly,  whilst  the  Law  and 
the  Prophets  were  read.  They  and  their  audience 
were  united  in  reverence  for  the  sacred  books. 
Then  the  rulers  of  the  synagogue  sent  to  invite 
them,  as  strangers  but  brethren,  to  speak  any  word 
of  exhortation  which  might  be  in  them  to  the  peo- 
ple. Paul  stood  up,  and  beckoning  with  his  hand,  he 
spoke.  The  speech  is  given  in  Acts  xiii.  16-41.  The 
speaker  starts  from  the  Jewish  covenant  and  prom- 
ises, names  Jesus  as  the  promised  Son  of  David,  de- 
clares His  resurrection  tlie  fulfilment  of  all  God'j 
promises  of  Life,  proclaims  as  from  God  Himself  the 
forgiveness  of  sins  and  full  justification  through 
Jesus,  and  concludes  by  drawing  from  the  prophets 
a  warning  against  unbelief.  The  discourse  produced 
a  strong  impression ;  and  the  hearers  (not  "  the 
Gentiles  ")  requested  the  apostles  to  repeat  their 
message  on  the  next  Sabbath.  During  the  week  so 
much  interest  was  excited  by  the  teaching  of  the 
apostles,  that  on  tlie  Sabbath-day  "  almost  the  whole 
city  came  together,  to  hear  the  Word  of  God."  It 
was  this  concern  of  the  Gentiles  wliich  appears  to 
have  first  alienated  the  minds  of  the  Jews  from 
what  they  had  heard.  They  were  filled  with  envy. 
The  Jewish  envy  once  roused  became  a  power  of 
deadly  hostility  to  the  Gospel ;  and  these  Jews  at 
Antioch  set  themselves  to  oppose  bitterly  the  words 
which  Paul  spoke.  The  new  opposition  brought 
out  new  action  on  the  part  of  the  apostles.  Re- 
jected by  the  Jews,  they  became  bold  and  out- 
spoken, and  turned  from  them  to  the  Gentiles. 
Henceforth,  Paul  and  Barnabas  knew  it  to  be  their 
commission, — not  the  less  to  present  their  message 
to  Jews  first ;  but  in  the  absence  of  an  adequate 
Jewish  medium  to  deal  directly  with  the  Gentiles. 
But  this  expansion  of  the  Gospel  work  brought 
with  it  new  difficulties  and  dangers.  At  Antioch 
now,  as  in  every  city  afterward,  the  unbelieving 
Jews  used  their  influence  with  their  own  adherents 
among  the  Gentiles,  and  especially  the  women  of 
the  higher  class,  to  persuade  the  authorities  or  the 
populace  to  persecute  the  apostles,  and  to  drive 
them  from  the  place.  With  their  own  sjiirits  raised, 
and  amid  much  enthusiasm  of  their  disciples,  Paul 
and  Barnabas  now  travelled  on  to  Iconiuni,  where 
the  occurrences  at  Antioch  were  repeated,  and  from 
thence  to  the  Lycaonian  country  which  contained 
the  cities  Lystra  and  Derbe.  Hero  they  had  to  deal 
with  uncivilized  heathens.  At  Lvstka  the  healing 
of  a  cripple  took  place,  the  narrative  of  which  runs 
very  parallel  to  the  account  of  the  similar  act  done 
by  Peter  and  John  at  the  gate  of  the  Temple.  The 
same  truth  was  to  be  conveyed  to  the  inhabitants  of 


814 


PAU 


PAU 


Jerusalem,  and  to  the  heathens  of  Lycaonia.  The 
act  was  received  naturally  by  these  pagans.  They 
took  the  apostles  for  gods,  calling  Barnabas,  who 
was  of  the  more  imposing  presence,  Zeus  (Jcpitkr), 
and  Paul,  who  was  the  chief  speaker,  Hermes  (Mer- 
ci'Rius).  This  mistake,  followed  up  by  the  attempt 
to  offer  sacrifices  to  them,  gives  occasion  to  the 
recording  of  an  address,  in  which  we  see  what  the 
apostles  would  say  to  an  ignorant  pagan  audience. 
Although  the  people  of  Lystra  had  been  so  ready 
to  worship  Paul  and  Barnabas,  the  repulse  of  their 
idolatrous  instincts  appears  to  have  provoked  them, 
and,  persuaded  into  hostility  by  Jews  who  came 
from  Antioch  and  Iconium,  they  attacked  Paul  with 
stones,  and  thought  they  had  killed  him.  He  re- 
covered, however,  as  the  disciples  were  standing 
round  him,  and  went  again  into  the  city.  The  next 
day  he  left  it  with  Barnabas,  and  went  to  Derbe, 
and  thence  they  returned  once  more  to  Lystra,  and 
so  to  Iconium  and  Antioch.  In  order  to  establish 
the  Churches  after  their  departure,  they. solemnly 
appointed  "  elders  "  in  every  city.  Then  they  came 
down  to  the  coast,  and  from  Attalia  they  sailed 
home  to  Antioch  in  Syria,  where  they  related  the 
successes  which  had  been  granted  to  them,  and 
especially  the  "  opening  of  the  door  of  faith  to  the 
Gentiles."  And  so  the  First  Missionary  Journey 
ended. —  The  Cnuncil  at  Jerusalem  (Acts  xv. ;  Gal. 
ii.).  Upon  that  missionary  journey  follows  most 
naturally  the  council  held  at  Jerusalem  to  deter- 
mine the  relations  of  Gentile  believers  to  the  Law 
of  Moses.  In  following  this  portion  of  the  history 
we  encounter  two  of  the  greater  questions  which 
the  biographer  of  St.  Paid  has  to  consider.  One  of 
these  is  historical.  What  were  the  relations  between 
the  Apostle  Paul  and  the  Twelve  ?  The  other  is 
critical,  How  is  Gal.  ii.  to  be  connected  with  the 
narrative  of  the  Acts  ?  The  relations  of  St.  Paul 
and  the  Twelve  will  best  be  set  forth  in  the  narra- 
tive. But  we  must  explain  here  why  we  accept  St. 
Paul's  statements  in  the  Galatian  Epistle  as  ad- 
ditional to  the  history  in  Acts  xv.  The  frst  im- 
pression of  any  reader  would  be  that  the  two  wri- 
ters refer  to  the  same  event.  On  looking  more 
closely  into  both,  the  second  impression  may  pos- 
sibly be  that  of  a  certain  incompatibility  between 
the  two.  But  the  visit  does  not  coincide  better  with 
any  other  mentioned  in  the  Acts — as  the  second  (xi. 
30)  or  fourth  (xviii.  22).  The  view  that  St.  Paul  re- 
fers to  a  visit  not  recorded  in  the  Acts,  is  a  perfectly 
legitimate  hypothesis;  and  it  is  recommended  by 
the  vigorous  sense  of  Paley.  But  where  are  we  to 
place  the  visit?  The  only  possible  place  for  it  is 
some  short  time  before  the  visit  of  ch.  xv.  But  the 
liinguage  of  ch.  xv.  implies  that  the  visit  there  re- 
corded was  the  first  paid  by  Paul  and  Barnabas  to 
Jerusalem,  after  their  great  success  in  preaching 
the  Gospel  among  the  Gentiles.  Granting  the  con- 
siderable differences  between  Acts  xv.  and  Gal  ii., 
there  are,  after  all,  no  plain  contradiclions  between 
the  two  narratives,  taken  to  refer  to  the  same  oc- 
currences. We  proceed,  then,  to  combine  the  two 
narratives.  Whilst  Paul  and  Barnabas  were  stay- 
ing at  Antioch,  "  certain  men  from  Judea "  came 
there  and  taught  the  brethren  that  the  Gentile  con- 
verts must  be  circumcised.  This  doctrine  was  vigor- 
ously opposed  by  the  two  apostles,  and  it  was  de- 
termined that  the  question  should  be  referred  to 
the  apostles  and  elders  at  Jerusalem.  Paul  and 
Barnabas  themselves,  and  certain  others,  were  se- 
lected for  this  mission.  In  Gal.  ii.  2,  St.  Paul  says 
that  he  went  up  "  by  revelation,"  i.  e.   receiving  a 


private  intimation  from  the  Divine  Spirit  as  well  as 
a  public  commission  from  (ho  Church  at  Antioch. 
On  their  way  to  Jerusalem  they  announced  to  the 
brethren  in  Phenicia  and  Samaria  the  conversion  of 
the  Gentiles ;  and  the  news  was  received  with  great 
joy.  At  Jerusalem  "  they  were  received  by  the 
Church,  and  by  the  apostles  and  elders;  and  they 
declared  all  things  that  God  had  done  with  them  " 
(Acts  XV.  4).  St.  Paul  adds  that  he  communicated 
his  views  "privately  to  them  which  were  of  reputa- 
tion," through  anxiety  as  to  the  success  of  his  work 
(Gal.  ii.  2).  The  apostles  and  the  Church  in  gen- 
eral, it  appears,  would  have  raised  no  difficulties ; 
but  certain  believers  who  had  been  Pharisees  maii- 
tained  the  same  doctrine  which  had  caused  the  dis- 
turbance at  Antioch.  In  either  place  St.  Paul  would 
not  give  way  to  such  teaching  for  a  single  hour  (ii. 
5).  It  became  necessary,  therefore,  that  a  formal 
decision  should  be  come  to  upon  the  question.  The 
apostles  and  elders  '  came  together,  and  there  was 
much  disputing.  Arguments  would  be  used  on  both 
sides ;  but  St.  Peter  with  Barnabas  and  Paul  ap- 
pealed to  what  was  stronger  than  arguments, — the 
course  o{  facts,  through  which  the  will  of  God  had 
been  manifestly  shown.  After  they  had  done,  St. 
James,  with  incomparable  simplicity  and  wisdom, 
binds  up  the  testimony  of  recent  facts  with  the 
testimony  of  ancient  prophecy,  and  gives  a  prac- 
tical judgment  upon  the  question.  The  judgment 
was  a  decisive  one.  The  injunction  that  the  Gen- 
tiles should  abstain  from  pollutions  of  idols  and 
from  fornication,  explained  itself  The  abstinence 
from  things  strangled  and  from  blood  is  desired  as 
a  concession  to  the  customs  of  the  Jews,  who  were 
to  be  found  in  every  city,  and  for  whom  it  was  still 
right,  when  they  had  believed  in  Jesus  Christ,  to 
observe  the  Law.  St.  Paul  had  completely  gained 
his  point.  The  older  apostles,  James,  Cephas,  and 
John,  perceiving  the  grace  which  had  been  given 
him  (his  effectual  apostleship),  gave  to  him  and 
Barnabas  tlie  right  hand  of  fellowship.  At  this 
point  it  is  very  important  to  observe  precisely  what 
was  the  matter  at  stake  between  the  contending 
parties.  The  case  stood  thus:  Circumcision  and 
the  ordinances  of  the  Law  were  witnesses  of  a  sep- 
aration of  the  chosen  race  from  other  nations.  The 
Jews  were  proud  of  that  separation.  But  the  Gos- 
pel of  the  Son  of  Man  proclaimed  that  the  time  had 
come  in  which  the  separation  was  to  be  done  away, 
and  God's  good-will  manifested  to  all  nations  alike. 
It  spoke  of  a  union  with  God,  through  trust,  which 
gave  hope  of  a  righteousness  that  the  Law  had 
been  powerless  to  produce.  Therefore  to  insist 
upon  Gentiles  being  circumcised  would  have  been 
to  deny  the  Gospel  of  Christ.  If  there  was  to  lie 
simply  an  enlarging  of  the  separated  nation  l>y  the 
receiving  of  individuals  into  it,  then  the  other  na- 
tions of  the  world  remained  as  much  on  the  outside 
of  God's  covenant  as  ever.  Then  there  was  no 
Gospel  to  mankind ;  no  justification  given  to  men. 
The  loss,  in  such  a  case,  would  have  been  as  nuich 
to  the  Jew  as  to  the  Gentile.  St.  Paul  felt  this  the 
most  strongly ;  but  St.  Peter  also  saw  that  if  the 
Jewish  believers  were  thrown  back  on  the  Jewish 
Law,  and  gave  up  the  free  and  absolute  grace  of 
God,  the  Law  became  a  mere  burden,  just  as  hcai'y 


^  '•  The  apoftkf!  and  elders  are  mentioned  on  account  of 
their  rank.  It  is  evident  from  ver.  23,  that  thi-  ether 
Cliristians  at  Jenisalem  were  also  present,  and  pnvo  their 
panction  to  the  decrees  enacted  ;  see  also  ver.  12.  comiiarcd 
withver.  22"  (Hackett,  ore.(lcte,  XV. ;  so  also  Lecblcr,  in 
hangers  Coinm.,  &c.). 


PAU 


PAU 


815 


to  the  Jew  as  it  would  be  to  the  Gentile.  The  only 
hope  for  the  Jew  was  in  a  Saviour  who  mJist  be  tlie 
Saviour  of  mankind.  It  implied  therefore  no  dif- 
ference of  belief  when  it  was  agreed  that  I'aul  and 
Barnabas  should  po  to  the  heathen,  while  James  and 
Ccplias  and  John  undertook  to  be  tlic  apostles  of  the 
Circumcision.  The  judgment  of  the  Church  was  im- 
mediately recorded  in  a  letter  addressed  to  tlie  Gen- 
tile brethren  in  Antioch  and  Syria  and  (Jilicia.  This 
letter,  speaking  attectionately  of  Barnabas  and  Paul, 
was  intrusted  to  "  chosen  men  "  of  the  Jerusalem 
Church,  "Judas  surnamcd  Barsabas,  and  Silas, 
chief  men  among  the  brethren."  So  Judas  and 
Silas  came  down  with  Paul  and  Barnabas  to  Antioch, 
and  comforted  the  Church  there  with  their  message, 
and  when  Judas  returned,  "  it  pleased  Silas  to  abide 
there  still."  It  is  usual  to  connect  with  this  period 
of  the  history  that  rebuke  of  St.  Peter  which  St. 
Paul  records  in  Gal.  ii.  11-14.  The  connection  of  j 
subject  makes  it  convenient  to  record  the  incident  j 
in  this  place,  although  it  is  possible  that  it  took 
place  before  the  meeting  at  Jerusalem,  and  perliaps 
most  probable  that  it  did  not  occur  till  later,  wnen 
St.  Paul  returned  from  his  long  tour  in  Greece  to 
Antioch  (Acts  xviii.  22,  2.3).  This  withstanding  of 
St.  Peter  was  no  opposition  of  Pauline  to  Petrine 
view.-< ;  it  was  a  faithful  rebuke  of  blamable  moral 
weakness.— iS/'con''/  Missionary  Journeij.  The  most 
resolute  courage,  indeed,  was  required  for  the  work 
to  which  St.  Paul  was  now  publicly  pledged.  He 
would  not  associate  with  himself  in  tliat  work  one 
who  had  already  shown  a  want  of  constancy.  This 
was  the  occasion  of  what  must  have  been  a  most 
painful  dilFerence  between  him  and  his  comrade  in 
the  faith  and  in  past  perils,  Barnabas  (xv.  35-40). 
(Mark.)  Silas,  or  Silvanus,  becomes  now  a  chief 
companion  of  the  apostle.  The  two  went  together 
through  Syria  and  Cilicia,  visiting  the  churches,  and 
so  came  to  Derbe  and  Lystra.  Here  they  find 
Timotheus  (Timothy),  who  had  become  a  disciple 
on  the  former  visit  of  the  apostle.  Him  St.  Paul 
took  and  circumcised.  Paul  and  Silas  were  actually 
delivering  the  Jerusalem  decree  to  all  the  churches 
they  visited.  They  were  no  doubt  triumphing  in 
the  freedom  secured  to  the  Gentiles.  Yet  at  this 
very  time  our  apostle  had  the  wisdom  and  largeness 
of  heart  to  consult  the  feelings  of  the  Jews  by  cir- 
cumcising Timothy  (1  Cor.  ix.  20).  St.  Luke  now 
steps  rapidly  over  a  considerable  space  of  the  apos- 
tle's life  and  labors.  "They  went  throughout 
Plirygia  and  the  region  of  Galatia "  (Acts  xvi.  6). 
\\,  this  time  St.  Paul  was  founding  "  the  churches 
of  Galatia"  (G.-il.  i.  2).  He  himself  gives  us  hints 
of  the  circumstances  of  his  preaching  in  that  region, 
of  the  reception  he  met  with,  and  of  the  ardent, 
though  unstable,  character  of  the  people  (iv.  13-15). 
It  is  not  easy  to  decide  as  to  the  meaning  of  the 
words  "through  infirmity  of  the  flesh."  Undoubt- 
edly, their  grammatical  sense  implies  that  "  weak- 
ness of  the  flesh  " — an  illness — was  the  occa*ion  of 
St.  Paul's  preaching  in  Galatia.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  form  and  order  of  the  words  are  not  what  we 
should  have  expected  if  the  apostle  meant  to  say 
this;  and  Prof.  Jowett  prefers  to  assume  an  in- 
accuracy of  grammar,  and  to  understand  St.  Paul 
as  saying  that  it  was  in  weakness  of  the  flesh  that 
he  preached  to  the  Galatians.  In  either  case  St. 
Paul  must  be  referring  to  a  more  than  ordinary 
pressure  of  that  bodily  infirmity  which  he  speaks 
of  elsewhere  as  detracting  from  the  influence  of  his 
personal  address.  It  is  hopeless  to  attempt  to  de- 
termine positively  what  this  infirmity  was.    St.  Paul 


at  this  time  had  not  indulged  the  ambition  of 
preaching  his  Gospel  in  Europe.  His  views  were 
limited  to  the  peninsula  of  Asia  Minor.  Having 
gone  through  Phrygia  and  Galatia,  he  intended  to 
visit  the  western  coast  (Asia)  ;  but  "  they  were  for- 
bidden by  the  Holy  Ghost  to  preach  the  word" 
there.  Then,  being  on  the  borders  of  Mysia,  they 
thought  of  going  back  to  the  N.  E.  into  Bitliyni.i  ; 
but  again  the  Spirit  of  Jesut  "  suffered  them  not." 
So  they  passed  by  Mysia,  and  came  down  to  Troas. 
Here  St.  Paul  saw  in  a  vision  a  man  of  Macedonia, 
who  besought  him,  saying,  "  Come  over  into  Mace- 
donia and  help  us."  The  vision  was  at  once  ac- 
cepted as  a.Heavenly  intimation  ;  the  help  wanted 
by  the  Macedonians  was  believed  to  be  the  preach- 
ing of  the  Gospel.  At  this  point  the  historian, 
speaking  of  St.  Paul's  company,  substitutes  "  we  " 
for  "  they."  He  says  nothing  of  himself;  we  can 
only  infer  that  St.  Luke,  to  whatever  country  he 
belonged,  became  a  companion  of  St.  Paul  at  Troas. 
The  party,  thus  reenforeed,  immediately  set  sail  from 
Troas,  touched  at  Samothrace,  then  landed  on  the 
continent  at  Neapolis,  and  from  thence  journeyed 
to  Philippi.  Phllippi  was  no  inapt  representative 
of  the  Western  world.  A  Greek  city,  it  had  received 
a  body  of  Roman  settlers,  and  was  politically  a 
coLoxy.  There  were  Jews  at  Philippi ;  and  when 
the  Sabbath  came  round,  the  apostolic  company 
joined  their  countrymen  at  the  place  by  the  river- 
side where  prayer  was  wont  to  be  made.  Tlie  nai^ 
rative  in  this  part  is  very  graphic  (Acts  xvi.  13). 
The  first  convert  in  Macedonia  was  an  Asiatic 
woman  (Lydia),  who  already  worshipped  the  God 
of  the  Jews ;  but  she  was  a  very  earnest  believer, 
and  besought  the  apostle  and  his  friends  to  honor 
her  by  staying  in  her  house.  They  could  not  resist 
her  urgency,  and  during  their  stay  at  Philippi  they 
were  the  guests  of  Lydia  (ver.  40).  But  a  proof 
was  given  before  long  that  the  preachers  of  Christ 
were  come  to  grapple  with  the  powers  in  the  spirit- 
ual world  to  which  heathenism  was  then  doing  hom- 
age. A  female  slave,  who  brought  gain  to  her 
masters  by  her  powers  of  prediction  when  she  was 
in  the  possessed  state  (Demoniacs;  Divination), 
beset  Paul  and  his  company,  following  them  as  they 
went  to  the  place  of  prayer,  and  crying  out,  "  These 
men  are  servants  of  the  Most  High  God,  who  pub- 
lish to  you  (or  to  us;  A.  V.  'which  shew  unto  us') 
the  way  of  salvation."  Paul  was  vexed  by  her  cries, 
and  addressing  the  spirit  in  the  girl,  he  said,  "  I 
command  thee  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ  to  come 
out  of  her."  The  girl's  masters  saw  that  now  the 
hope  of  their  gains  was  gone.  Paul  and  Silas  were 
dragged  before  the  magistrates,  the  multitude  clam- 
oring loudly  against  them,  upon  the  vague  charge  of 
"  troubling  the  city,"  and  introducing  observances 
which  were  unlawful  for  Romans.  If  the  magis- 
trates had  desired  to  act  justly,  they  might  have 
doubted  how  they  ought  to  deal  with  the  charge. 
But  the  pretors  or  duumviri  (L.  two  men,  i.  e.  two 
associated  magistrates)  of  Philippi  were  very  un- 
worthy representatives  of  the  Roman  magistracy. 
They  yielded  without  inquiry  to  the  clamor  of  the 
inhabitants,  cause<l  the  clothes  of  Paul  and  Silas 
to  be  torn  from  them,  and  themselves  to  be  beaten, 
and  then  committed  them  to  prison.  The  jailer, 
having  received  their  command?,  "  thrust  them  into 
the  inner  prison,  and  made  tlieir  feet  fa-^t  in  the 
stocks."  This  cr\iel  wrong  was  to  be  the  occasion 
of  the  sigiHil  appearance  of  the  God  of  righteous- 
ness and  deliverance.  The  narrative  tells  of  tho 
loud  songs  of  praise,  the  cartluiuake,  the  opening 


816 


PAIJ 


TAV 


of  the  prison-doors,  the  jailer's  terror,  his  conver- 
sion, and  baptism  (xvi.  26-34).  In  the  morning  the 
magistrates,  having  heard  of  what  had  happened, 
or  having  repented  of  their  injustice,  or  having 
done  all  they  meant  to  do  by  way  of  pacifying  the 
multitude,  sent  word  to  the  prison  that  the  men 
might  be  let  go.  But  St.  Paul  denounced  plainly 
their  unlawful  acts,  informing  them  moreover  that 
those  whom  they  had  beaten  and  imprisoned  with- 
out trial,  were  Roman  citizens.  The  magistrates, 
in  great  alarm,  saw  the  necessity  of  humbling  them- 
selves. They  came  and  begged  them  to  leave  the 
city.  Paul  and  Silas  consented  to  do  so,  and,  after 
paying  a  visit  to  "  the  brethren  "  in  ^he  house  of 
Lydia,  they  departed.  Leaving  St.  Luke,  and  per- 
haps Timothy,  for  a  short  time,  at  Philippi,  Paul 
and  Silas  travelled  through  Amphipolis  and  Apol- 
lonia,  and  stopped  again  at  Tiiessaloxica.  At  this 
important  city  there  was  a  synagogue  of  the  Jews. 
True  to  his  custom,  St.  Paul  went  in  to  them,  and 
for  three  Sabbath-days  proclaimed  Jesus  to  be  the 
Christ.  Again,  as  in  Pisidian  Antioch,  the  envy  of 
tlie  Jews  was  excited.  They  stirred  up  the  lower 
class  to  tumultuary  violence.  The  mob  assaulted 
the  house  of  Jason,  with  whom  Paul  and  Silas  were 
staying  as  guests,  and,  not  finding  them,  dragged 
Jason  himself  and  some  other  brethren  before  the 
magistrates.  In  this  case  the  magistrates  seem  to 
have  acted  wisely  and  justly,  in  taking  security  of 
Jason  and  the  rest,  and  letting  them  go.  After 
these  signs  of  danger,  the  brethren  immediately 
sent  away  Paul  and  Silas  by  night.  The  Epistles  to 
the  Thessalonians  were  written  very  soon  after  the 
apostle's  visit,  and  contain  more  particulars  of  his 
work  in  founding  that  Church  than  we  find  in  any 
other  Epistle.  (Thessalonians,  First  [and  Second] 
Epistlk  to.)  When  Paul  and  Silas  left  Thcssaloni- 
ca,  they  came  to  Berea.  Here  they  found  the  Jews 
more  "  noble  "  (i.  e.  in  their  disposition)  than  those 
at  Thessalonica  had  been.  Accordingly,  they  gained 
many  converts,  both  Jews  and  Greeks ;  but  the 
Jews  of  Tliessalonica,  hearing  of  it,  sent  emissaries 
to  stir  up  the  people,  and  it  was  thought  best  that 
St.  Paul  should  himself  leave  the  city,  whilst  Silas 
and  Timothy  remained  behind.  Some  of  "  the 
brethren  "  went  with  St.  Paul  as  far  as  Athens, 
where  they  left  him,  carrying  back  a  request  to 
Silas  and  Timothy  that  they  would  speedily  join 
him.  There  he  witnessed  the  most  profuse  idolatry 
side  by  side  with  the  most  pretentious  philosophy. 
To  idolaters  and  philosophers  he  felt  equally  urged 
to  proclaim  his  Master  and  the  Living  God.  So  he 
went  to  his  own  countrymen  and  the  proselytes  in 
the  synagogue,  and  declared  to  them  that  the  Mes- 
siah had  come ;  but  he  also  spoke,  like  another 
Socrates,  with  people  in  the  market,  and  with  the 
followers  of  the  two  great  schools  of  philosophy. 
Epicureans  and  Stoics,  naming  to  all  Jesus  and  the 
Resurrection.  The  philosophers  encountered  him 
with  a  mixture  of  curiosity  and  contempt.  But  any 
one  with  a  novelty  was  welcome  to  those  who 
"  spent  their  time  in  nothing  else  but  either  to  hear 
or  to  tell  some  new  thing."  They  brought  him, 
therefore,  to  the  Areopagus,  that  he  might  make  a 
formal  exposition  of  his  doctrine  to  an  assembled 
audience.  Here  the  aposlle  delivered  that  instruc- 
tive and  wonderful  discourse,  reported  in  Acts  xvii. 
22-31.  St.  Paul,  it  is  well  understood,  did  not  be- 
gin with  calling  the  Athenians  (as  in  the  A.  V.) 
"too  superstitious."  "I  perceive  you,"  he  said, 
"  to  be  eminently  religious."  He  had  observed  an 
altar  (Altar,  C,  2)  inscribed  "  To  the  unknown 


God."  It  meant,  no  doubt,  "  To  some  unknown 
God."  "  I  come,"  he  said,  "  as  the  messenger  of 
that  unknown  God."  His  teaching  here  laid  hold 
of  the  deepest  convictions,  and  encountered  the 
strongest  prejudices  of  Greeks.  He  could  speak  to 
mcti  as  God's  children,  and  subjects  of  God's  edu- 
cating discipline,  and  was  only  bringing  them 
further  tidings  of  Him  whom  they  had  been  always 
feeling  after.  He  presented  to  them  the  Son  of 
Man  as  acting  in  the  power  of  Him  who  had  made 
all  nations,  and  who  was  not  far  from  any  single 
man.  He  began  to  speak  of  Him  as  risen  from  the 
dead,and  of  the  power  of  a  new  hfe  which  was  in 
Him  for  men  ;  but  his  audience  would  not  hear  of 
Him  who  thus  claimed  their  personal  allegiance. 
The  apostle  gained  but  few  converts  at  Athens,  and 
he  soon  took  his  departure  and  came  to  Corinth. 
Athens  still  retained  its  old  intellectual  predomi- 
nance ;  but  Corinth  was  the  political  and  commercial 
capital  of  Greece.  Here,  as  at  Thessalonica,  he 
chose  to  earn  his  own  subsistence  by  working  at  his 
trade  of  tent-making.  This  trade  brought  him  into 
close  connection  with  Aquila  and  Priscilla.  La- 
boring thus  on  the  six  days,  the  apostle  went  to  the 
synagogue  on  the  Sabbath,  and  there,  by  expound- 
ing the  Scriptures,  sought  to  win  both  Jews  and 
proselytes  to  the  belief  that  Jesus  was  the  Christ.  He 
was  testifying  with  unusual  effort  and  anxiety,  when 
Silas  and  Timothy  came  from  Macedonia,  and  joined 
him.  We  are  left  in  some  uncertainty  as  to  what 
the  movements  of  Silas  and  Timothy  had  been, 
since  they  were  with  Paul  at  Berea.  J'rora  Acta 
xvii.  15,  10,  compared  with  1  Th.  iii.  1,  2,  Paley 
reasonably  argues  that  Silas  and  Timothy  had  come 
to  Athens,  but  had  soon  been  dispatclied  thence, 
Timothy  to  Thessalonica,  and  Silas  to  Philippi,  or 
elsewhere.  From  Macedonia  they  came  together, 
or  about  the  same  time,  to  Corinth ;  and  their  ar- 
rival was  the  occasion  of  writing  1  Thessalonians. 
This  is  the  first  extant  example  of  that  work  by 
which  the  apostle  Paul  has  served  the  Church  of  all 
ages  in  as  eminent  a  degree  as  he  labored  at  the 
founding  of  it  in  his  lifetime.  It  is  notorious  thut 
the  order  of  the  Epistles  in  the  book  of  the  N.  T. 
is  not  their  real,  or  chronological  order.  The  two 
Epistles  to  the  Thessalonians  belong — and  these 
alone — to  the  present  Missionary  Journey.  The 
Epistles  to  the  Galatians,  Romans,  and  Corinthians, 
were  written  during  the  next  journey.  Those  to 
Philemon,  the  Colossians,  Ephesians,  and  I'hilip- 
pians,  belong  to  the  captivity  at  Rome.  With  re- 
gard to  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  there  are  considerable 
dillicultics,  which  require  to  be  discussed  separately. 
— Two  general  remarks  relating  to  St.  Paul's  Letters 
may  find  a  place  here.  (1.)  There  is  no  reason  to 
assume  that  the  extant  Letters  are  all  thut  the 
apostle  wrote.  (2.)  We  must  be  on  our  guard 
against  concluding  too  much  from  the  contents  and 
style  of  any  Epistle,  as  to  the  fixed  bent  of  the 
apostle's  whole  mind  at  the  time  when  it  was  writ- 
ten.— The  First  Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians  was 
probably  written  soon  after  his  arrival  at  Corinth, 
and  before  he  turned  from  the  Jews  to  the  Gentiles. 
It  was  drawn  from  St.  Paul  by  the  arrival  of  Silas 
and  Timothy.  The  largest  portion  of  it  consists 
of  an  impassioned  recalling  of  the  facts  and  feel- 
ings of  the  time  when  the  apostle  was  personally 
with  them.  (Thessalonians,  F'irst  Epistle  to  the.) 
What  interval  of  time  separated  the  Second  Letter 
to  the  Thessalonians  from  the  First,  we  have  no 
means  of  judging,  except  that  the  later  one  was 
certainly  written  before  St.  Paul's  departure  from 


PAtT 


PAU 


817 


Corinth.  (Thessalosians,  Secono  Epistle  to  the.) 
— We  return  now  to  the  apostle's  preaching  at 
I  ninth.  When  Silas  and  Timotheus  came,  he  was 
;  -tifyin^  to  the  Jews  with  great  earnestness,  but 
with  little  success.  (Crispcs.)  So,  "  when  they 
opposed  themseh'es  and  blasphemed,  he  shook  out 
-  raiment,"  and  said  to  them,  in  words  of  warning 
icn  from  their  own  prophets  (Ez.  xx.\iii.  4): 
■  Vour  blood  be  upon  your  own  heads ;  I  am  clean, 
and  henceforth  will  go  to  the  Gentiles."  The  apos- 
tle went,  as  he  threatened,  to  the  Gentiles,  and  be- 
gan to  preach  in  the  house  of  a  proselyte  named 
Justus.  Corinth  was  the  chief  city  of  the  province 
of  Achaia,  and  the  residence  of  the  proconsul. 
During  St.  Paul's  stay,  we  find  the  proconsular  of- 
fice held  by  Gai.lio.  Before  him  the  apostle  was 
summoned  by  his  Jewish  enemies,  who  hoped  to 
bring  the  Roman  authority  to  bear  upon  him  as  an 

[     innovator  in  religion.  But  Gallio  perceived  at  once, 

•  '•'tore  Paul  could  "open  his  mouth"  to  defend  him- 

iC,  that  the  movement  was  due  to  Jewish  prej- 

iice,  and  refused  to  go  into  the  question.     "  If  it 

I  "■  a  question  of  words  and  names  and  of  yonr  law," 

l)L'  said  to  the  Jews,  speaking  with  the  tolerance  of 

a  Roman  magistrate,  "  look  ye  to  it ;  for  I  will  be 

no  judge  of  such  matters."     Then  the  Corinthian 

spectators,  either  favoring   St.  Paul,  of  actuated 

only  by  anger  against  the  Jews,  seized  on  the  prin- 

'•i|ial  person  of  those  who  had  brought  the  charge, 

1  beat  him  before  the  judgment-seat.     Gallio  left 

1 -se  religious  quarrels  to  settle  themselves.     The 

apostle,  therefore,  was  not  allowed  to  be  "  hurt," 

an  1  remained  some  time  longer  at  Corinth  unmo- 

-ted.      Having  fimnded  the  Church  at  Corinth, 

.  I  gathered  into  it  many,  chiefly  Gentiles,  humble 

and  simple  (1  Cor.  xii.  2,  x.  1,  i.  27,  &c.),  St.   Paul 

'  took  his  departure  for  Jerusalem,  wishing  to  attend 
a  festival  there.  Before  leaving  Greece,  he  cut  off 
his  hair  at  Cenchre.a,  in  fulfilment  of  a  vow  (Acts 
xviii.  18).  He  may  have  followed  in  this  instance, 
for  some  reason  not  e.xplaineJ  to  us,  a  custom  of  his 
countrymen.  (Nazabite  ;  Vows.)  When  he  sailed 
from  the  Isthmus,  Aquila  and  Priscilla  went  with 
hira  as  far  as  Ephescs.  Paul  paid  a  visit  to  the  syna- 
gogu'f  at  Ephesus,  but  would  not  stay.  Leaving 
Ephcsus,  he  sailed  to  Cesarea,  and  from  thence  went 
up  to  Jerusalem  and  "saluted  the  Church."  It  is 
argued,  from  considerations  founded  on  the  suspen- 
sion of  navigation  during  the  winter  months,  that  the 
festival  was  probably  the  Pentecost.  From  Jerusa- 
lem, almost  immediately,  the  apostle  went  down  to 
Antioch,  thus  returning  to  the  same  place  from  which 
he  had  started  with  Silas. —  TIdrd  Mimonari/  Jo'ir- 
n«'/,  iiicliuling  the  slat/  at  S/jliesun  (Acts  xviii.  i.S-xxi. 
17).  We  may  connect  with  this  short  visit  of  St. 
Paul  to  Jerusalem  a  very  serious  raising  of  the 
whole  question.  What  was  to  be  the  relation  of  the 
new  kingdom  of  Christ  to  the  law  and  covenant  of 
the  Jews  ?  To  vindicate  the  freerlom,  as  regarded 
the  Jewish  law,  of  believers  in  Christ ;  but  to  do 
thU,  for  the  very  sake  of  maintaining  the  unity  of  the 
Church — was  to  be  the  earnest  labor  of  the  apostle 
for  some  years.  The  great  Epistles  which  belong 
to  this  pe.-iod,  those  to  the  Galatians,  Corinthians, 
Md  Romans,  show  how  the  "  Judaizing"  question 
exercised  at  this  time  the  apostle's  mind.  St.  Paul 
"•pent  some  time  "  at  Antioch,  and  during  this  stay, 
M  we  are  inclined  to  believe,  his  collision  with  St. 
Peter  (Gal.  ii.  11-14),  spoken  of  above,  took  place. 
When  he  left  Antioch,  he  "  went  over  all  the  coun- 
try of  Galatia  and  Phrygia  in  order,  strengthening 
tU  the  diseiples,"  and  giving  orders  concerning  the 


collection  for  the  saints  (1  Cor.  xvi.  1).  Probably 
tlie  Epistle  to  the  Oatatians  (Galatians,  Epistle  to 
the)  was  written  soon  after  this  visit,  and  sent  from 
Ephesus.  This  was  the  goal  of  the  apostle's  jour- 
I  neyings  through  Asia  Minor.  He  came  down  upon 
i  Ephesus  from  the  upper  districts  of  Phrygia.  With 
reference  to  the  spread  of  the  Church  Catholic, 
Ephesus  occupied  a  more  central  position  than  An- 
tioch, Corinth,  or  Rome.  It  was  the  meeting-place 
of  Jew,  Greek,  Roman,  and  Oriental.  A  new  ele- 
j  ment  in  the  preparation  of  the  world  for  the  kingdom 
I  of  Christ  presents  itself  at  the  beginning  of  the 
j  apostle's  work  at  Ephesus.  He  finds  there  certain 
i  disciples — about  twelve  in  number — of  whom  he  is 
j  led  to  inquire,  "  Did  ye  receive  the  Holy  Ghost  when 
I  ye  believed  ?  They  answered.  No,  we  did  not  even 
hear  of  there  being  a  Holy  Ghost.  Unto  what  then, 
asked  Paul,  were  ye  baptized '!  And  they  said.  Unto 
John's  baptism.  Then  said  Paul,  John  baptized 
with  the  baptism  of  repentance,  saying  to  the  people 
that  they  should  believe  on  Him  who  was  coming 
after  him,  that  is,  on  Jesus.  Hearing  this,  they  w'ere 
baptized  into  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  and  when 
Paul  had  laid  his  hands  upon  them,  the  Holy  Ghost 
came  upon  them,  and  they  began  to  speak  with 
tongues  and  to  prophesy  "  (Acts  xix.  1-7). — It  is  ob- 
vious to  compare  this  incident  with  the  apostolic  act 
of  Peter  and  John  in  Samaria,  and  to  see  in  it  an  as- 
sertion of  the  full  apostolic  dignity  of  Paul.  But 
besides  this  bearing  of  it,  we  see  in  it  indications 
which  suggest  more  than  they  distinctly  express,  as 
to  the  spiritual  movements  of  that  age.  These  twelve 
disciples  are  mentioned  immediately  after  Apollos, 
who  also  had  been  at  Ephesus  just  before  St.  Paul's 
arrival,  and  who  had  taught  diligently  concerning 
Jesus,  knowing  only  the  baptism  of  John.  What 
the  exact  belief  of  Apollos  and  these  twelve  "  disci- 
ples "was  concerning  the  character  and  work  of 
Jesus,  we  have  no  means  of  knowing.  The  apostle 
now  went  into  the  synagogue,  and  for  three  months 
spoke  openly,  disputing  and  persuading  concerning 
"  the  kingdom  of  God."  At  the  end  of  this  time  the 
obstinacy  and  opposition  of  some  of  the  Jews  led 
him  to  give  up  frequenting  the  synagogue,  and  he 
established  the  believers  as  a  separate  society,  meet- 
ing "  in  the  school  of  Tyrannus."  This  continued  for 
two  years.  During  this  time,  many  things  occurred, 
of  which  the  historian  of  the  Acts  chooses  two  ex- 
amples, the  triumph  over  magical  arts  (Ephescs, 
§  3  ;  Exorcist  ;  Magic),  and  the  great  disturbance 
raised  by  the  silversmiths  who  made  shrines  for 
Artemis  (Diana  ;  Ephescs,  §  2) ;  and  amongst  which 
we  are  to  note  further  the  writing  of  1  Corinthians. 
Whilst  St.  Paul  was  at  Ephesus  his  communications 
with  the  Church  in  Achaia  were  not  altogether  sus- 
pended. There  is  strong  reason  to  believe  that  a 
personal  visit  to  Corinth  was  made  by  him,  and  a 
letter  sent,  neither  of  which  is  mentioned  in  the 
Acts.  The  visit  is  inferred  from  2  Cor.  xii.  14,  xiii. 
1.  The  visit  he  is  contemplating  is  plainly  that 
mentioned  in  Acts  xx.  2,  which  took  place  when  he 
finally  left  Ephesus.  If  that  was  the  tJiinl,  he  must 
have  paid  a  second  during  his  residence  at  Ephesus. 
The  obvious  sense  of  2  Cor.  ii.  1,  xii.  21,  xiii.  2,  im- 
plies a  short  visit,  which  we  should  place  in  the  first 
half  of  the  stay  at  Ephesus.  And  there  are  no 
strong  reasons  why  we  should  not  accept  that  ob- 
vious sense.  Whether  1  Corinthians  was  written 
before  or  after  the  tumult  excited  by  Demetrius 
cannot  be  positively  asserted.  He  makes  an  allusion, 
in  that  Epistle,  to  a  "  battle  with  wild  beasts  "  fought 
at  Ephesus  (1  Cor.  xv.  32),  which  is  usually  under- 


1 


62 


818 


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stood  fipiratively,  and  is  by  many  connected  with 
that  tumult.  But  this  connection  is  without  much 
reason.  And  as  it  would  seem  from  Acts  xx.  1  that 
St.  Paul  departed  immediately  after  the  tumult, 
probably  the  Epistle  was  written  not  long  before  the 
raising  of  this  disturbance.  There  were  two  exter- 
nal inducements  for  writing  this  Epistle.  (1.)  St. 
I'aul  had  received  information  from  members  of 
Chloc's  household  (1  Cor.  i.  11)  concerningthe  state 
of  the  Church  at  Corinth.  (2.)  That  Church  had 
written  him  a  letter,  of  which  the  bearers  were 
Stephanas  and  Fortunatus  and  Achaicus,  to  ask  his 
judgment  upon  various  points  (vii.  1,  xvi.  17).  (For 
a  detailed  description  see  Corinthians,  First  Epistlk 
TO  THE.)  But  we  must  observe  in  this  Epistle  how 
loyally  the  apostle  represents  Jesus  Christ  the  Cru- 
cified as  the  Lord  of  men,  the  Head  of  the  body  with 
many  members,  the  Centre  of  Unity,  the  Bond  of 
men  to  the  Father.  We  should  mark  at  the  same 
time  how  invariably  he  connects  the  power  of  the 
Spirit  with  the  Name  of  the  Lord  Jesus.  He  meets 
all  the  evils  of  the  Corinthian  Church,  the  intellec- 
tual pride,  the  party  spirit,  the  loose  morality,  the 
disregard  of  decency  and  order,  the  false  belief  about 
the  Resurrection,  by  recalling  their  thoughts  to  the 
Person  of  Christ  and  to  the  Spirit  of  God  as  the 
Breath  of  a  common  life  to  the  whole  body.  We 
observe  also  here,  more  than  elsewhere,  the  tact, 
universally  recognized  and  admired,  with  which  the 
apostle  discusses  the  practical  problems  brought 
before  him.  What  St.  Paul  here  tells  us  of  his  own 
doings  and  movements  refers  chieiiy  to  the  nature 
of  his  preaching  at  Corinth  (i.,  ii.) ;  to  the  hardships 
and  dangers  of  the  apostolic  life  (iv.  9-13);  to  his 
cherished  custom  of  working  for  his  own  living  (ix.); 
to  the  direct  revelations  he  had  received  (xi.  23,  xv. 
8) ;  and  to  his  present  plans  (xvi.).  He  bids  the 
Corinthians  raise  a  collection  for  the  Church  at  Je- 
rusalem by  laying  by  something  on  the  first  day  of 
the  week,  as  he  had  directed  the  churches  in  Galatia 
to  do.  He  says  that  he  shall  tarry  at  Ephesus  till 
Pentecost,  and  then  set  out  on  a  journey  toward 
Corinth  through  Macedonia,  so  as  perhaps  to  spend 
the  winter  with  them.  He  expresses  his  joy  at  the 
coming  of  Stephanas  and  his  companions,  and  com- 
mends them  to  the  respect  of  the  Church.  Having 
dispatched  this  Epistle  he  stayed  on  at  Ephesus, 
where  "  a  great  door  and  effectual  was  opened  to 
him,  and  there  were  many  adversaries."  We  have 
now  no  information  as  to  his  work  there,  until  that 
tumult  occurred  which  is  described  in  Acts  xix.  24- 
41.  St.  Paul  is  only  personally  concerned  in  this 
tumult  in  so  far  as  it  proves  the  deep  impression 
which  his  teaching  had  made  at  Ephesus,  and  the 
daily  danger  in  which  he  lived.  He  had  been  anx- 
ious to  depart  from  EpheSus,  and  this  interruption 
of  the  work  which  had  kept  him  there  determined 
him  to  stay  no  longer.  He  set  out  therefore  for 
ilaccdonia,  and  proceeded  first  to  Troas  (2  Cor.  ii. 
12),  where  he  might  have  preached  the  Gospel  with 
good  hope  of  success.  But  a  restless  anxiety  to  ob- 
tain tidings  concerning  the  Church  at  Corinth  urged 
him  on,  and  he  advanced  into  Macedonia,  where  he 
met  Titus,  who  brought  him  the  news  for  which  he 
•  was  thirsting.  The  receipt  of  this  intelligence  drew 
from  him  a  letter  which  reveals  to  us  what  manner 
of  man  St.  Paul  was  when  the  fountains  of  his  heart 
were  stirred  to  their  inmost  depths.  (Corinthians, 
Skoosd  Episti.e  to  the.)  Every  reader  may  perceive 
that,  on  passing  from  the  First  Epistle  to  the  Second, 
the  scene  is  almost  entirely  changed.  In  the  First, 
the  faults  and  difficulties  of  the  Corinthian  Church 


are  before  us.  The  apostle  writes  of  these,  with 
spirit  indeed  and  emotion,  as  he  always  docs,  but 
without  passion  or  disturbance.  In  the  Secmul,  he 
writes  as  one  whose  personal  relations  with  those 
whom  ho  addresses  have  undergone  a  most  painful 
shock.  What  had  occasioned  this  exciteiuent? 
We  have  seen  that  Timothy  had  been  sent  from 
Ephesus  to  Maccdoniii  and  Corinth.  He  had  rejoined 
St.  Paul  when  he  wrote  this  Second  Epistle,  for  he  is 
associated  with  him  in  the  salutation  (2  Cor.  i.  1 ). 
We  have  no  account,  either  in  the  Acts  or  in  the 
Epistles,  of  this  journey  of  Timothy,  and  some  ha\  e 
thought  it  probable  that  he  never  reached  Corinth. 
Let  us  suppose,  however,  that  he  arrived  there  soon 
after  the  First  Epistle,  conveyed  by  Stephanas  and 
others,  liad  been  received  by  the  Corinthian  Ciiurch. 
He  found  that  a  movement  had  arisen  in  the  heart 
of  that  Church  which  threw  (let  us  suppose)  the  case 
of  the  incestuous  pei-son  (1  Cor.  v.  1-S)  into  the 
shade.  This  was  a  deliberate  and  sustained  attack 
upon  the  apostolic  authority  and  personal  integrity 
of  the  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles.  When  tome  such 
attack  was  made  openly  upon  the  apostle,  the  Church 
had  not  immediately  called  the  offender  to  account ; 
the  better  spirit  of  the  believers  being  cowed,  ap- 
parently, by  the  confidence  and  assumed  authority 
of  the  assailants  of  St.  Paul.  A  report  of  this  mel- 
ancholy state  of  things  was  brought  to  the  apostle 
by  Timothy  or  by  others.  He  immediately  sent  off 
Titus  to  Corinth,  with  a  letter  containing  the  sharp- 
est rebukes,  wiing  the  authority  which  had  been  de- 
nied, and  threatening  to  enforce  it  speedily  by  his 
personal  presence  (2  Cor.  ii.  2,  3,  vii.  8).  As  soon 
as  the  letter  was  gone,  he  began  to  repent  of  having 
written  it.  He  speaks  of  what  he  had  suffered : — 
"  Out  of  much  affliction  and  anguish  of  heart  I  wrote 
to  you  with  many  tears  "  (ii.  4) ;  "I  had  no  rc^t  in 
my  spirit"  (ii.  13);  "our  flesh  had  no  rest,  but  we 
were  troubled  on  every  side ;  without  were  fightings, 
within  were  fears  "  (vii.  5).  It  appears  that  lie  could 
not  bring  himself  to  hasten  to  Corinth  so  rapidly  as 
he  had  intended  (i.  15,  16);  he  would  wait  till  he 
heard  news  which  might  make  his  visit  a  happy  in- 
stead of  a  painful  one  (ii.  1).  When  he  had  reached 
Macedonia,  Titus,  as  we  have  seen,  met  him  wiih 
reassuring  tidings.  The  offender  had  been  rebuketi 
by  the  Church,  and  had  made  submission  (ii.  C,  7) ; 
the  old  spirit  of  love  and  reverence  toward  St.  Paul 
had  been  awakened,  and  had  poured  itself  forth  in 
warm  expressions  of  shame  and  grief  and  penitence. 
The  cloud  was  now  dispelled ;  fear  and  jjain  gave 
place  to  hope  and  tenderness  and  thankfulness.  But 
even  now  the  apostle  would  not  start  at  once  for 
Corinth.  He  may  have  had  important  work  to  ( 
in  Macedonia.  But  another  letter  would  smooth  (' 
way  still  more  effectually  for  his  personal  visit ;  ad 
he  accordingly  wrote  the  Second  Epistle,  and  sei 
it  by  the  hands  of  Titus  and  two  other  brethren  J 
Corinth.*  The  particular  nature  of  this  Epistle,  I 
an  appeal  to  facts  in  favor  of  his  own  apostolic  i 
thority,  leads  to  the  mention  of  many  interest] 
features  of  St.  Paul's  life.  His  summary,  in  xi.  f 
28,  of  the  hardships  and  dangers  through  which] 
had  gone,  proves  to  us  how  little  the  history  in 

*  Tlie  hypothesis  civen  ahovo.  upon  which  Mr.  Davie* 
has  interpreted  2  Cor.,  is  advocated  by  Ewald.  and  hW 
been  held,  in  whole  or  in  part,  nccording  to  Dc  Wetti, 
by  Bleek,  Credncr.  Olshausen.  and  Neandcr(?>:  but  the  <^ 
d'inary  account-that  the  inccptiious  pofHon  of  1  Cor.  T.lf 
tlu'  oti'ender.  and  1  Cor.  the  letter  which  proved  M>  ^MUf 
nnd  wliolepomea  medicine — is  retained  liy  Stanley.  Alftor^ 
Dnvidson.  Dr.  W.  h.  Alexander  (in  Kitto),  ConybcarB  • 
Bowson,  &c. 


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819 


Acts  is  to  be  ref;!i''Jed  as  a  complete  account  of  what 
he  diJ  and  suffered.  The  daily  burden  "  of  tlie  care 
of  all  the  clmrches  "  seems  to  imply  a  wide  and  con- 
stant range  of  communication.     The  mention  of 

■  visions  and  revelations  of  the  Lord,"  and  of  tlio 

■  thorn  (or  rather  stake)  in  the  flosli,"  side  by  side, 
is  peculiarly  characteristic  both  of  the  mind  and  of 
the  experiences  of  St.  Paul.  As  an  instance  of  tlie 
visions,  he  alludes  to  a  trance  fourteen  years  before, 
in  which  he  had  been  caught  up  into  paradise,  and 
had  heard  unspeakable  words.  But  he  would  not, 
even  inwardly  with  himself,  glory  in  visions  and  rev- 
elations without  remembering  how  the  Lord  had 
gnarded  him  from  being  puffed  up  by  them.  A  stalce 
(A.  V.  "  thorn,"  Gr.  skolops)  in  the  flesh  was  given 
him,  a  messenger  of  Satan  to  buffet  him,  lest  he 
should  be  exalted  above  measure.  The  different  in- 
terpretations which  have  prevailed  of  this  skolops 
have  a  certain  historical  significance.  (1.)  Roman 
Catholic  divines  have  inclined  to  understand  by  it 
strong  sensval  temptation.  (2.)  Luther  and  his  fol- 
lowers take  it  to  mean  temptations  to  unbiUef.  But 
neither  of  these  would  be  "  infirmities  "  in  whicli  St. 
Paul  could  "glory."  (3.)  It  is  almost  the  unani- 
mous opinion  of  modern  divines — and  the  authority 
of  the  ancient  fathers  on  the  whole  is  in  favor  of  it 
— that  the  skahps  represents  some  vexatious  bofhhi 
iufrndtji  (comp.  Gal.  iv.  14). — After  writing  tliij 
Epistle,  St.  Paul  travelled  through  Macedonia,  per- 
haps to  the  borders  of  lUyricura  (Rom.  xv.  19),  and 
then  carried  out  the  intention  of  which  he  had  spo- 
ken sooften,andarrivedhimself  at  Corinth.  "When 
he  had  gone  over  tliose  parts  (Macedonia),  and  had 
given  them  much  exhortation,  he  came  into  Greece, 
and  tliere  abode  three  months"  (Acts  xx.  2,  3). 
There  is  only  one  incident  which  we  can  connect 
with  tliis  visit  to  Greece,  but  that  is  a  very  impor- 
tant one — the  writing  of  another  great  Epistle,  ad- 
dressed to  the  Church  at  Rome.  (Romans,  Epistle 
TO  THE.)  That  this  was  written  at  this  time  from 
Corinth  appears  from  passages  in  the  Epistle  it- 
self, and  has  never  been  doubted.  The  letter  is  a 
substitute  for  the  personal  visit  which  he  had  longed 
"  for  many  years  "  to  pay ;  and,  as  he  would  liavo 
made  the  visit,  so  now  he  writes  the  letter,  hecauxe 
he  h  tlie  Apostle  of  the  Genttles.  Of  this  olHce,  to 
speak  in  common  language,  St.  Paul  was  proud. 
All  the  labors  and  dangers  of  it  he  would  willingly 
encounter ;  and  he  would  also  jealously  maintain 
its  dignity  and  its  powers.  He  held  it  of  Christ, 
and  Christ's  commission  should  not  be  dislionorcd. 
He  represents  himself  grandly  as  a  priest,  appointed 
to  offer  up  the  faith  of  the  Gentile  world  as  a  sac- 
rifice to  God  (Rom.  xv.  16).  He  then  proceeds  to 
speak  of  the  extent  and  independence  of  his  apos- 
tolic labors.  It  is  in  harmony  with  this  language 
that  he  should  address  the  Roman  Church  as  con- 
sisting mainly  of  Gentiles :  but  we  find  that  he 
speaks  to  them  as  to  persons  deeply  interested  in 
Jewish  questions.  Before  his  departure  from  Cor-  j 
iuth,  St.  Paul  was  joined  again  by  St.  Luke,  as  we  ' 
infer  from  the  change  in  the  narrative  from  the 
third  to  the  first  person  (Acts  xx.  5).  We  have 
seen  already  that  lie  was  bent  on  making  a  journey  ' 
to  Jerusalem,  for  a  special  purpose  and  within  a  ] 
limited  time.  With  this  view  he  was  intending  to 
go  by  sea  to  Syria.  But  made  aware  of  some  plot  I 
of  the  Jews  for  his  destruction,  he  determined  to  ! 
evade  their  malice  by  changing  his  route.  Several 
brethren  were  associated  with  him  in  this  expedi- 
tion, the  bearers,  no  doubt,  of  the  collections  made 
in  all  tlie    churches    for  the    poor  at  Jerusalem. 


[  These  were  sent  on  by  sea,  and  probably  the  money 
with  them,  to  Tuoas,  where  they  were  to  await  St. 
Paul.     He,  accompanied  by  St.  Luke,  went  north- 
!  ward  through  Macedonia.    During  the  stay  at  Troas 
I  there  was  a  meeting  on  the  first  day  of  the  week 
"  to  break  bread,"  and  Paul  was  discoursing  ear- 
nestly and  at  length  with  the  brethreiii     He  was  to 
depart  tlie  next  morning,  and  midnight  found  them 
listenhig  to  his  earnest  speech.     A  youth  named 
Eutychus,  sitting    in    the  window,   and   gradually 
overpowered  l)y  sleep,  fell  into  the  street  or  court 
from  the  third  story,  and  was  taken  up  dead.     The 
meeting  was  interrupted  by  this  accident,  and  Paul 
went  down  and  fell  upon  him  and  embraced  him, 
saying,   "Be  not   disturbed,  his   life   is   in    him." 
His  friends  tlien  appear  to  have  taken  charge  of 
him,  while  Paul  went  up    again,   first  presided  at 
the  breaking    of  bread,   afterward    took   a   meal, 
and    continued    conversing    until    daybreak,    and 
so  departed.     Whilst  the  vessel,   which   conveyed 
the  rest  of  the  party,  sailed  from  Troas  to  Assoe, 
Paul  gained  some  time  by  making  the  journey  by 
land.     At  Assos  he  went  on  board  again.    Coasting 
along  by  Mitylene,  Chios,  Samos,  and  Trogyllium, 
they  arrived  at  Miletus-.   At  Miletus,  however,  there 
was  time  to  send  to  Ephesus ;  and  the  elders  of  the 
Church  were  invited  to  come  down  to  him  there. 
This  meeting  is  made  the  occasion  for  recording 
another  characteristic  and  representative  address  of 
St.  Paul  (xx.  18-35).     It  is  in  great  part  an  appeal 
to  their  memories  of  him  and  of  his  work.     Ho  re- 
fers to  his  labors  and  dangers  and  unreserve  among 
tliem  ;  mentions  his  receiving  inspired  warnings  of 
bonds  and  afflictions  awaiting  him  at  Jerusalem  ; 
declares  his  one  guiding  principle,  to  discharge  the 
ministry  whicli  he  had  received   of  the  Lord  Jesus, 
to  testify  the  Gospel  of  the  grace  of  God.     He  ex- 
horts them  with  unusual  earnestness  and  tenderness, 
and  expresses,  in  conclusion,  that  anxiety  as   to 
practical  industry  and  liberality  which  has  l)Cen  in- 
creasingly occupying  his  mind.      "  And  when  he 
had  thus  spoken,  he  kneeled  down  and  prayed  with 
them  all :  and  they  all  wept  sore,  and  fell  on  Paul's 
neck,  and  kissed  him,  sorrowing  most  of  all  for  tiio 
words  which  he  spake,  that  they  should  see  his  face 
no  more.     And  they  accompanied  him  to  the  ship." 
The  course  of  the  voyage  from  Miletus  was  liyCoos 
and  Rhodes  to  Patara,  and  from  Patara  in  another 
vessel  past  Cyprus  to  Tyre.     Here  Paul  and  his 
company  spent  seven  days.     From  Tyre  they  sailed 
to  Ptolemais  (AccHo),  where  they  spent  one  day, 
and  from  Ptolemais  proceeded,  apparently  by  land, 
to  Cesarea  1.     In  this  place  was  settled  Philip  the 
Evangelist,  one  of  the  seven,  and  he  became  the 
host  of  Paul  and  his  friends.     Philip  had  four  un- 
married daughters,  who  "  prophesied,"  and  who  re- 
peated, no  doubt,  the  warnings  already  heard.   They 
now  "  tarried  many  days  "  at  Cesarea.    During  tliis 
interval  the  prophet  Agabus  (xi.  28)  came  down 
from  Jerusalem,  and  crowned  the  previous  intima- 
tions of  danger  willi  a  prediction  expressively  de- 
livered.    At  tills  stage  a  final  but  unavailing  effort 
was  made  to  dissuade  Paul  from  going  up  to  Jeru- 
salem, by  the  Christians  of  Cesarea,  anil  by  his 
travelling  companions.     "  And  wlien  he  would  not 
be  persuaded,  we  ceased,  saying.  The  will  of  tlie 
Lord  be  done."     So,  after  a  while,  they  went  up  to 
Jerusalem,  and  were  gladly  received  by  the  breth- 
ren.    This  is  St.  Paul's  fifth  and  last  visit  to  Jeru- 
salem.— St.    Paul's  Imprisonme'it :   Jirusnlem  and 
Cesarea.     He  who  was  thus  conducted  into  Jerusa- 
lem by  a  company  of  anxious  friends  was  widely 


820 


PAU 


FAU 


known  as  one  who  had  taiight  with  preeminent 
boldnes3  that  a  way  into  God's  favor  was  opened  to 
the  Gentiles,  and  that  this  way  did  not  lie  through 
the  door  of  the  Jewisli  Law.  lie  had,  moreover, 
actually  founded  numerous  and  important  com- 
munities, composed  of  Jews  and  Gentiles  together, 
which  stood  simply  on  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ, 
apart  from  circumcision  and  the  observance  of  the 
Law.  lie  had  thus  roused  against  himself  the  bit- 
ter enmity  of  that  unfathomable  Jewish  pride  which 
was  almost  as  strong  in  some  of  those  who  had  pro- 
fessed the  faith  of  Jesus,  as  in  their  unconverted 
brethren.  He  was  now  approaching  a  crisis. in  the 
long  struggle,  and  the  shadow  of  it  had  been  made 
to  rest  upon  his  mind  throughout  his  journey  to 
Jerusalem.  He  came  "  ready  to  die  for  the  name 
of  the  Lord  Jesus,"  but  he  came  expressly  to  prove 
himself  a  faithful  Jew,  and  this  purpose  emerges  at 
every  point  of  the  history.  St.  Luke  does  not 
mention  the  contributions  brought  by  Paul  and  his 
companions  for  the  poor  at  Jerusalem.  But  it  is 
to  be  assumed  that  their  first  act  was  to  deliver 
these  funds  into  the  proper  hands.  This  might  be 
done  at  the  interview  on  the  following  day  with 
"James  and  all  the  elders."  As  on  former  occa- 
sions, the  believers  at  Jerusalem  could  not  but 
glorify  God  for  what  they  heard  ;  but  they  had  been 
alarmed  by  the  prevalent  feeling  concerning  St. 
Paul.  To  dispel  this  impression,  they  ask  him  to 
do  publicly  an  act  of  homage  to  the  Law  and  its 
observances.  They  had  four  men  who  w'ere  under 
the  Nazarite  vow.  The  completion  of  this  vow 
involved  (Num.  vi.  13-21)  a  considerable  expense 
for  the  offerings  to  be  presented  in  the  Temple ; 
and  it  was  a  meritorious  act  to  provide  these  offer- 
ings for  the  poorer  Nazarites.  St.  Paul  was  re- 
quested to  put  himself  under  the  vow  with  those 
other  four,  and  to  supply  the  cost  of  their  offerings. 
He  at  once  accepted  the  proposal.  It  appears  that 
the  whole  process  undertaken  by  St.  Paul  reqinred 
seven  days  to  complete  it.  Toward  the  end  of  this 
time  certain  Jews  from  "  Asia  "  who  had  come  up 
for  the  Pentecostal  feast,  and  who  had  a  personal 
knowledge  both  of  Paul  himself  and  of  his  com- 
panion Trophimus,  a  Gentile  from  Ephesus,  saw 
Paul  in  the  Temple.  They  immediately  set  upon 
him,  and  stirred  up  the  people  against  him,  crying 
out,  "  Men  of  Israel,  help :  this  is  the  man  that 
teacheth  all  men  everywhere  against  the  people, 
and  the  Law,  and  this  place;  and  further  brought 
Greeks  also  into  the  Temple,  and  hath  polluted  this 
holy  place."  The  latter  charge  had  no  more  truth 
in  it  than  the  first :  it  was  only  suggested  by  their 
having  seen  Trophimus  with  him,  not  in  the  Temple, 
but  in  the  city.  They  raised,  however,  a  great  com- 
motion :  Paul  was  dragged  out  of  the  Temple,  of 
which  the  doors  were  immediately  shut,  and  the 
people,  having  him  in  their  hands,  were  proposing 
to  kill  him.  But  tidings  were  soon  carried  to  the 
commander  of  the  force  which  was  serving  as  a 
garrison  in  Jerusalem,  that  "  all  Jerusalem  was  in 
an  uproar ; "  and  he,  taking  with  him  soldiers  and 
centurions,  hastened  to  the  scene  of  the  tumult, 
rescued  Paul  from  the  violence  of  the  multitude, 
made  him  his  own  prisoner,  causing  him  to  be 
chained  to  two  soldiers,  and  then  proceeded  to  in- 
quire who  he  was  and  what  he  had  done.  The  in- 
quiry only  elicited  confused  outcries,  and  the  "  chief 
captain  "  (Army  II. ;  Lysias  2)  seems  to  have  ima- 
gined that  the  apostle  might  be  a  certain  Egyptian 
pretender  who  had  recently  stirred  up  a  consider- 
able rising  of  the  people.      The  account   in  Acts 


xxi.  34-40  tells  us  with  graphic  touches  how  St. 
Paul  obtained  leave  and  opportunity  to  address  the 
people  in  a  discourse  which  is  related  at  length. 
This  discourse  was  spoken  in  Hebrew,  i.  e.  in  the 
native  dialect  of  the  country  (Shemitic  Languagks, 
§  16),  and  was  on  that  account  listened  to  with  the 
more  attention.  It  is  described  by  St.  Paul  him- 
self, in  his  opening  words,  as  his  "  defence,"  ad- 
dressed to  his  brethren  and  fathers.  He  adopts  the 
historical  method.  A  zealous  Israelite,  like  his 
hearers,  he  had  changed  his  course  because  the  God 
of  his  fathers  had  turned  him  from  one  path  into 
another.  (See  above,  p.  811.)  He  drscribes  an- 
other revelation  of  which  we  read  nothing  else- 
where. After  the  visit  to  Damascus,  he  went  up 
again  to  Jerusalem,  and,  while  praying  in  the  Tem- 
ple, fell  into  a  trance,  in  which  he  was  bidden  to 
leave  Jerusalem  quickly,  because  the  people  there 
would  not  receive  his  testimony  concerning  Jesus. 
His  own  impulse  was  to  stay  at  Jerusalem  where 
he  was  well  known  as  having  persecuted  those  of 
whom  he  was  now  one  ;  but  the  Lord  commanded, 
"Depart:  for  I  will  send  thee  far  hence  to  the 
Gentiles."  Until  this  hated  word  had  been  spoken, 
the  Jews  had  listened  to  the  speaker.  "  Away  with 
such  a  fellow  from  the  earth,"  the  multitude  now 
shouted  ;  "  it  is  not  fit  that  he  should  live."  The 
Roman  commander,  seeing  the  tumult  that  arose, 
might  well  conclude  that  St.  Paul  had  committed 
some  heinous  offence  ;  and  carrying  him  off,  he  gave 
orders  that  he  should  be  forced  by  scourging  to 
confess  his  crime.  Again  the  apostle  took  advan- 
tage of  his  Roman  citizenship  to  protect  himself 
from  such  an  outrage.  The  Roman  officer  was 
bound  to  protect  a  citizen,  and  to  suppress  tumult ; 
but  it  was  also  a  part  of  his  policy  to  treat  with 
deference  the  religion  and  the  customs  of  the  coun- 
try. St.  Paul's  present  history  is  the  resultant  of 
these  two  principles.  The  chief  captain  set  him 
free  from  bonds,  but  on  the  next  day  called  to- 
gether the  chief  priests  and  the  SANHEnRiM,  and 
brought  Paul  as  a  prisoner  Ijefore  them.  We  need 
not  suppose  that  this  was  a  regular  legal  proceed- 
ing ;  it  was  probably  an  experiment  of  p<jlicy  and 
courtesy.  If,  on  the  one  hand,  the  conmiandant  of 
the  garrison  had  no  power  to  convoke  the  Sanhe- 
drim ;  on  the  other  hand  he  would  not  give  up  a 
Roman  citizen  to  their  judgment.  As  it  was,  the 
affair  ended  in  confusion,  and  with  no  semblance  of 
a  judicial  termination.  The  incidents  selected  by 
St.  Luke  from  the  history  of  this  meeting  fiirin 
striking  points  in  the  biography  of  St.  Paul,  but 
they  are  not  easy  to  understand.  St.  Paul  appears 
to  have  been  put  upon  his  defence,  and  with  th 
peculiar  habit,  mentioned  elsewhere  also  (xiii.  r 
of  looking  steadily  when  about  to  speak,  he  hegd 
to  say,  "  lien  and  brethren,  I  have  lived  in  all  god 
conscience  (or,  I  have  lived  a  conscientiously  loyl 
life)  unto  God,  imtil  this  day."  Here  the  higli-pria 
Ananias  commanded  them  that  stood  by  hira 
smite  him  on  the  mouth.     With  a  fearless  indig 

tion,  Paul  exclaimed,  "  God  shall  smite  thee,  thd 

wliited  wall :  for  sittest  thou  to  judge  me  after  the 
Law,  and  eommandest  me  to  be  smitten  contrary  to 
the  Law  ?  "  The  bystanders  said,  "  Revilest  thou 
God's  HiGii-PRiKST  ?  "  Paul  answered,  "  I  knew  not, 
brethren,  that  he  was  the  high-priest ;  for  it  is 
written.  Thou  shalt  not  speak  evil  of  the  ruler  of 
thy  people."  How  was  it  possible  for  him  not  to 
know  that  he  who  spoke  was  the  high-priest?  The 
least  objectionable  solutions  seem  to  be,  that  for 
some    reason  or  other, — cither  because  his   sigl^" 


PAU 


PAU 


821 


Tr.19  not  goocJ,  or  because  he  was  looking  another 
way, — '.le  did  not  know  whose  voice  it  was  that  or- 
dered him  to  be  smitten ;  and  that  he  wished  to 
correct  the  impression  which  he  saw  was  made  upon 
some  of  the  audience  by  his  threatening  protest, 
and  therefore  took  advanfage  of  the  fact  that  he 
really  did  not  know  the  speaker  to  be  the  high- 
priest,  to  explain  the  deference  he  felt  to  be  due  to 
the  person  holding  that  oCSce.  The  next  incident 
whicli  St.  Luke  records  seems  to  some,  who  cannot 
think  of  tlie  apostle  as  remainuig  still  a  Jew,  to  cast 
a  shadow  upon  his  rectitude.  He  perceived,  we  are 
told,  that  the  council  was  divided  into  two  parties, 
the  Sddducees  and  Pharisees,  and  tlierefore  he  cried 
out,  "Men  and  brethren,  I  am  a  Pharisee,  the  sou 
of  a  Pharisee;  concerning  the  hope  and  resurrec- 
tion of  the  dead  I  am  called  in  question."  This 
declaration,  wliether  so  intended  or  not,  had  tlie 
ellect  of  stirring  up  a  fierce  dissension,  and  .some 
of  the  Pharisees  actually  took  Paul's  side. — Those 
who  impugn  the  authenticity  of  the  Acts  point  tri- 
umphantly to  this  scene  as  an  utterly  impossible 
one:  others  consider  th.U  the  apostle  is  to  be 
blamed  for  using  a  disingenuous  artifice.  But  it  is 
not  so  clear  that  St.  Paul  was  using  an  artifice  at 
all,  at  least  for  his  own  interest,  in  identifying  him- 
self as  he  did  with  the  professions  of  the  Pharisees. 
The  ccfcrf  of  the  Pharisee,  as  distinguished  from  that 
of  the  Saddncee,  was  unquestionably  the  creed  of 
St  Paul.  Uis  belief  in  Jesus  seemed  to  him  to 
supply  the  ground  and  fulfilment  of  that  creed.  He 
wished  to  lead  his  brother  Pharisees  into  a  deeper 
and  more  living  apprehension  of  their  own  faith. 
The  immediate  consequence  of  the  dissension  in  the 
assembly  was  that  Paul  was  like  to  be  torn  in 
pieces,  and  was  carried  off  by  the  Roman  soldiers. 
In  the  night  he  had  a  vision  of  tlie  Lord  standing 
by  him  and  encouraging  him :  "  Bo  of  good  cheer, 
Paul :  for  as  thou  hast  testified  of  me  at  Jerusalem, 
so  must  thou  bear  witness  also  at  Rome."  The 
next  day  more  than  forty  of  the  Jews  bound  them- 
selves under  a  curse  neither  to  eat  nor  to  driuk 
until  they  had  killed  Paul.  The  plot  was  discov- 
ered, and  St.  Paul  was  hurried  away  from  Jerusa- 
lem. The  chief  captain,  Claudius  Lysias,  deter- 
mined to  send  him  to  Cesarka,  to  Felix  the  gov- 
ernor, or  PROCURATOR,  of  JuJei.  lie  therefore  put 
him  in  charge  of  a  strong  guard  of  soldiers,  who 
took  him  by  night  as  far  as  Antipatris.  From 
thence  a  smaller  detachment  conveyed  him  to  Ces- 
aroa,  where  they  delivered  up  their  prisoner  to  the 
governor.  Felix  asked  of  what  province  the  pris- 
oner was :  and  being  told  that  he  was  of  Cilicia,  he 
promised  to  give  him  a  hearing  when  his  accusers 
should  come.  In  the  mean  time  he  ordered  him 
to  be  guarded  in  the  government-house,  which  had 
■been  the  palace  of  Ilerod  the  Great. — Imprimn- 
mtnt  at  Cesarea.  St.  Paul  was  henceforth,  to  the 
end  of  the  period  embraced  in  the  Acts,  if  not  to 
the  end  of  his  life,  in  Roman  custody.  This  cus- 
tody was  in  fact  a  protection  to  him,  without  which 
he  would  have  fallen  a  victim  to  the  animosity  of 
the  Jews.  He  seems  to  have  been  treated  through- 
out with  humanity  and  consideration.  The  govern- 
or before  whom  he  was  now  to  be  tried,  according  to 
Tacitus  and  Josephus,  was  a  mean  and  di.s.solute 
tyrant.  The  orator  or  counsel  retained  by  the  Jews 
and  brought  down  by  Ananias  and  the  elders,  when 
they  arrived  in  the  course  of  five  days  at  Cesarca, 
begins  the  proceedings  of  the  trial  professionally  by 
complimenting  the  governor.  (Tkrtl'I.i.us.)  The 
cliarge  he  goes  on  to  set  forth  against  Paul  shows 


'  precisely  the  light  in  which  he  was  regarded  by  the 

j  fanatical  Jews — "a  pestilent  (fellow),  and  a  mover 
of  sedition  among  all  the  Jews  throughout  the  world, 
and  a  ringleader  of  the  sect  of  the  Nazarenes,  who 

1  hath  also  gone  about  to  profane  the  Temple."  St. 
Paul  met  the  charge  in  his  usual  manner.  He  was 
glad  that  his  judge  had  been  for  some  years  gov- 
eruor  of  a  Jewish  province ;  "  because  it  is  in  thy 

(  power  to  ascertain  that,  not  more  than  twelve  days 
since,  I  came  up  to  Jerusalem  to  worship."  The 
emphasis  is  upon  his  coming  up  to  worship.     He  de- 

:  uied  positively  the  charges  of  stirring  up  strife  and  of 

<  profaning  the  Temple.  But  he  admitted  that  "  after 
the  way  which  they  call  a  sect  or  heresy "  he  wor- 

i  shipped  the  God  of  his  fathers,  l)elieving  all  things 

'  written  in  the  Law  and  the  prophets.     Again  he  gave 

prominence  to  the  hope  of  a  resurrection,  which  he 

held,  as  he  said,  in  common  with  his  accusers.     His 

I  loyalty  to  the  faith  of  his  fathers  he  had  shown  by 

<  coming  up  to  Jerusalem  expressly  to  bring  alms  for 
I  his  nation,  and  offerings,  and  by  undertaking  the 
t  ceremonies  of  purification   in  the  Temple.     AVhat 

fault,  then,  could  any  Jew  possibly  fiud  in  him  ? — 
The  apostle's  answer  was  straightforward  and  com- 
plete. He  had  not  violated  the  Law  of  his  fathers; 
lie  was  still  a  true  and  loyal  Israelite.  I'elix  made 
an  excuse  for  putting  off  the  matter,  and  gave  or- 
ders that  the  prisoner  should  be  treated  with  indul- 
gence, and  that  his  friends  should  be  allowed  free 
access  to  him.  After  a  while,  he  heard  him  again 
with  his  wife  Drusilla  ;  but  St.  Paul  began  to  rea- 
son concerning  righteousness,  temperance,  and  the 
coming  judgment,  in  a  manner  which  alarmed  Felix 
and  caused  liiin  to  put  an  end  to  tlie  conference. 
He  saw  him  frequently  afterward,  however,  and  al- 
lowed him  to  understand  that  a  bribe  would  procure 
his  release.  But  St.  Paul  would  not  resort  to  this 
method  of  escape,  and  remained  in  cu.stody  until 
Feli.x  left  the  province.  The  unprincipled  governor 
had  good  reason  to  seek  to  ingratiate  himself  with 
the  Jews ;  and  to  please  them,  he  handed  over  Paul, 
as  an  untried  prisoner,  to  his  successor  Festis. 
Upon  his  arrival  in  the  province,  Festus  went  up 
without  delay  from  Cesarea  to  Jerusalem,  and  the 
leading  Jews  seized  the  opportunity  of  asking  that 
Paul  might  be  brought  up  there  for  trial,  intending 
to  assassinate  him  by  the  way.  But  Festus  would 
not  comply  with  their  request.  He  invited  them  to 
follow  him  on  his  speedy  return  to  Cesarea,  and  a 
trial  took  place  there,  closely  resembling  that  before 
Felix.  Festus  saw  that  Paul  had  committed  no  of- 
fence against  the  Law,  but  was  anxious,  if  he  could, 
to  please  the  Jews.  "  They  had  certain  questions 
against  him,"  Festus  says  to  Agrippa,  "  of  their  own 
superstition  (or  religion),  and  of  one  Jesus,  who  was 
dead,  whom  Paul  affirmed  to  be  alive.  And  being 
puzzled  for  my  part  as  to  such  inquiries,  I  asked  him 
whether  he  would  go  to  Jerusalem  to  be  tried  there." 
This  proposal,  not  a  very  likely  one  to  be  accepted, 
was  the  occasion  of  St.  Paul's  appeal  to  Cesar. 
The  appeal  having  been  allowed,  Festus  reflected 
that  he  must  send  with  the  prisoner  a  rejiort  of  "  the 
crimes  laid  against  him."  He  therefore  took  advan- 
tage of  an  opportunity  which  offered  itself  in  a  few 
days  to  seek  some  help  in  the  matter.  The  Jewish 
prince  Jkgrippa  (Heroo  Aorippa  II.)  arrived  with 
ills  sister  Beuexice  on  a  visit  to  the  new  governor. 
To  him  Festus  communicated  his  perplexity,  together 
with  an  account  of  what  had  occurred  before  him  in 
the  ca.se.  Agrippa,  who  must  have  known  some- 
thing of  the  sect  of  the  Nazarcnes,  and  hail  probably 
heard  of  Paul  himself,  expressed  a  desire  to  bear  him 


822 


PAU 


PAU 


speak.  Paul  therefore  was  to  give  an  account  of 
himself  to  Agrippa  ;  and  when  he  had  received  from 
him  a  courteous  permission  to  begin,  he  stretched 
forth  his  hand  and  made  his  defence.  In  this  dis- 
course (Acts  xxvi.),  we  have  the  second  explanation 
from  St.  Paul  himself  of  the  manner  in  which  he  had 
been  led,  through  his  Conversion,  to  serve  the  Lord 
Jesus  Instead  of  persecuting  His  disciples ;  and  the 
third  narrative  of  the  Conversion  itself.  (See  p. 
811.)  He  declares  his  commission  from  Jesus  and 
his  obedience  to  the  heavenly  vision,  and  reiterates 
that  the  testimony  on  account  of  which  the  Jews 
sought  to  kill  him  was  in  exact  accordance  with 
Moses  and  the  prophets,  who  had  taught  that  Christ 
should  suffer,  be  the  first  to  rise  from  the  dead,  and 
show  light  unto  the  people  and  the  Gentiles.  Inter- 
rupted discourteously,  yet  with  a  compliment,  by 
Festus,  he  affirms  that  he  speaks  the  sober  truth. 
Then,  with  an  appeal  of  mingled  dignity  and  solici- 
tude, he  turns  to  the  king.  He  was  sure  the  king 
understood  him.  "King  Agrippa,  bclievest  thou  the 
prophets ? — I  know  that  thou  believcst."  Agrippa's 
answer,  literally  rendered,  appears  to  be,  "  fhou  art 
briefly  persuading  me  to  become  a  Christi.m  ; "  and 
it  is  generally  supposed  to  be  ironical.  "  I  would 
to  God,"  is  Paul's  earnest  answer,  "  that  whether  by 
a  brief  process  or  a  long  one,  not  only  thou  but  ail 
who  hear  me  to-day  might  become  such  as  I  am, 
with  the  exception  of  these  bonds."  He  was  wear- 
ing a  chain  on  the  hand  he  held  up  in  addressing 
them.  With  this  prayer,  it  appears  the  conference 
ended.  Festus  and  the  king,  and  their  companions, 
consulted  together,  and  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  accused  was  guilty  of  nothing  that  deserved 
death  or  imprisonment.  And  Agrippa's  final  an- 
swer to  the  question  of  Festus  was,  "  This  man  might 
have  been  set  at  liberty,  if  he  had  not  appealed  unto 
Cesar." — The  Vt>/age  to  Home.  No  formal  trial  of 
St.  Paul  had  yet  taken  place.  After  a  while  arrange- 
ments were  made  to  carry  "  Paul  and  certain  other 
prisoners,"  in  the  custody  of  a  centurion  named 
Julius,  into  Italy;  and  amongst  the  company, 
whether  by  favor  or  from  any  other  reason,  we 
find  the  historian  of  the  Acts.  The  narrative  of  this 
voyage  is  accordingly  minute  and  circumstantial  in 
a  degree  which  has  excited  much  attention.  The 
nautical  and  geographical  details  of  St.  Luke's  ac- 
count have  been  submitted  to  an  apparently  thorough 
investigation  by  several  competent  critics,  especially 
by  Mr.  Smith  of  Jordanhill  (  Voyage  and  Shipwreck 
of  St.  Paul),  and  by  Dr.  Howson  (Conybeare  & 
ilov/soi^,  Life  and  Epistlen  of  St.  Paul,  ch.  xxiii.). 
The  result  of  this  investigation  has  been,  that  &cv,- 
eral  errors  in  the  received  version  have  been  cor- 
rected, the  course  of  the  voyage  has  been  laid  down 
to  a  very  minute  degree  with  great  certainty,  and  the 
account  in  the  Acts  is  shown  to  be  written  by  an 
accurate  eye-witness,  not  himself  a  professional  sea- 
man, but  well  acquainted  with  nautical  matters. 
The  centurion  and  his  prisoners,  among  whom  Aris- 
tarchus  (Col.  iv.  10)  is  named,  embarked  at  Cesarea 
on  bo'ird  a  ship  of  Adramyttium,  and  set  sail  for  the 
coast  of  Asia.  The  nest  day  they  touched  at  Sidon, 
where  Julius  allowed  Paul  to  go  on  shore  to  visit 
his  friends.  The  westerly  winds  compelled  the  ves- 
sel to  run  N.  \mder  the  lee  of  Cyprus.  Off  the 
coast  of  Cilicia  and  Pamphylia  they  would  find 
northerly  winds,  which  enabled  them  to  reach  Myra 
in  Lycia.  Here  they  were  put  on  board  a  ship  of 
Alexandria  bound  for  Italy.  In  this  they  worked 
slowly  to  windward,  keeping  near  the  coast,  till  they 
came  over  against  Cuidus.    The  wind  being  still  con- 


trary, they  ran  southward  under  the  lee  of  Crete,  then 
worked  along  the  coast  to  Fair  Havens.  The  au- 
tunmal  equinox  (Fasts  ;  Atonkmknt,  Day  of)  being 
now  past,  St.  Paul  advised  to  winter  there;  but  it 
was  resolved  to  make  for  Phenice  2,  a  harbor  shel- 
tered from  the  S.  W.  winds  as  well  as  from  the 
N.  W.  (looking  toward  the  S.  W.  and  N.  W.,  i.  e.  as 
observed  from  the  water  and  toward  the  land  which 
encloses  [Howson] ;  looking  dozen  the  S.  iV.  <ind 
JV.  W.  [Smith,  Alf'ord] ;  "  which  lieth  toward  the 
S.  W.  and  N.  W. "  [A.  V.]).  With  a  light  breeze 
from  the  S.  they  were  sailing  toward  Phenice,  when 
a  violent  N.  E.  wind  (Euroci.vhon)  compelled  them 
to  let  the  vessel  drive  before  the  wind.  Passing  un- 
der the  lee  of  Clauda,  they  got  the  boat  on  board 
and  undergirded  the  vessel.  (Ship.)  Fearing  lest 
they  should  be  driven  upon  the  Syrtis  (A.V.  "  qiick- 
sands  "),  they  sent  down  on  deck  the  gear  connected 
with  the  fair-weather  sails,  and  stood  out  to  sen, 
"  with  storm-sails  set  and  on  the  starboard  tack  " 
(Smith).  For  many  days  the  storm  was  violent,  and 
all  began  to  despair  of  safety.  But  one  morning 
Paul  related  a  vision,  assuring  them  there  should  be 
no  loss  of  life,  but  of  the  ship.  On  the  fourteenth 
night,  as  they  were  drifting  through  the  sea(ADRiA), 
about  midnight,  the  sailors  perceived  indications, 
probably  the  roar  of  breakers,  that  the  land  was 
near.  Their  suspicions  were  confirmed  by  sound- 
ings. They  therefore  anchored,  and  waited  anxiously 
for  daylight.  Through  St.  Paul's  means,  the  inten- 
tion of  the  sailors  to  desert  the  ship  was  frustrated, 
and  the  company  refreshed  themselves  with  a  good 
meal.  Then  they  lightened  the  ship  by  casting  out 
what  remained  of  the  provisions  on  board  (Gr.  ton 
siton ;  A.  V.  and  most,  "wheat").  After  daylight 
they  ran  the  ship  aground  where  "  two  seas  met." 
The  centurion,  disallowing  the  soldiers'  counsel  to 
kill  the  prisoners,  ordered  that  those  who  could 
swim  should  cast  themselves  first  into  the  sea  and 
pet  to  land,  and  that  the  rest  should  follow  with  the 
aid  of  spars,  &c.  By  this  combination  of  humanity 
and  discipline,  the  whole  276  were  saved  according  to 
St.  Paul's  assurances.  The  land  on  which  the  wreck 
took  place  was  found  to  belong  to  Malta.  (Melita.) 
The  inhabitants  of  the  island  received  the  wet  and 
exhausted  voyagers  with  no  ordinary  kindness,  and 
immediately  liglited  a  fire  to  warm  them.  The 
apostle  was  helping  to  make  the  fire,  and  had  gath- 
ered a  bundle  of  sticks  and  laid  them  on  the  fire, 
when  a  viper  came  out  of  the  heat  and  fastened  on 
his  hand.  When  the  natives  saw  the  creature  hang- 
ing from  his  hand  they  believed  him  to  be  poisoned 
by  the  bite,  and  said  amongst  themselves,  "Xo 
doubt  this  man  is  a  murderer,  whom,  though  he  lias 
escaped  from  the  sea,  yet  Vengeance  suffers  not  to 
live."  But  when  they  saw  no  harm  came  of  it  thoy 
changed  their  minds  and  said  that  he  was  a  god.  This 
circumstance,  as  well  as  the  honor  in  which  he  was 
held  by  Julius,  would  account  for  St.  Paul  being  in- 
vited with  some  others  to  stay  at  the  house  of  J'tn- 
Lius,  the  chief  man  of  the  island.  By  him  they 
were  courteously  entertained  for  three  days.  St. 
Paul  healed  the  father  of  PubKus  and  many  other 
sick  persons,  and  was  highly  honored  by  the  people. 
After  a  three  months'  .stay  in  Malta  the  soldiers  and 
their  prisoners  left  in  an  Alexandrian  ship  for  Italy. 
They  touched  at  Syracuse,  where  they  stayed  tliree 
days,  and  at  Rhegium,  from  which  place  they  wer 
carried  with  a  fair  wind  to  PrTEOi,i,  where  they  Icl 
their  ship  and  the  sea.  At  Puteoli  they  founi 
"  brethren,"  for  it  was  an  important  place,  and  c* 
pecially  a  chief  port  for  the  traffic  between  Alexar 


ee 

P 


J 


PAtT 


PAU 


823 


(Iria  anil  Rome ;  and  by  these  brethren  they  were 
exhorted  to  stay  a  while  with  them.  Permission 
seems  to  have  been  granted  by  the  centurion ;  and 
whilst  they  were  spending  seven  days  at  Puteoli 
news  of  the  apostle's  arrival  was  sent  on  to  Rome. 
At  Appii  Forcm  and  the  Three  Taverns  he  was 
met  by  Christians  from  Rome,  and  on  this  "  he 
thanked  God  and  took  courage." — Si.  Paul  at  Rome. 
On  their  arrival  at  Roue  the  centurion  delivered  up 
his  prisoners  into  the  proper  custody,  that  of  the 
pretorian  prefect.  Paul  was  at  once  treated  with 
special  consideration,  and  was  allowed  to  dwell  by 
himself  with  the  soldier  who  guarded  him.  He  was 
now  free  "  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  them  that  were 
at  Rome  also ; "  and  proceeded  without  delay  to  act 
upon  his  rule — "  to  the  Jew  first."  He  invited  the 
chief  persons  amongst  the  Jews  to  come  to  him,  and 
explained  to  them  that  though  he  was  brought  to 
Rome  to  answer  charges  against  him  by  the 
Jews  in  Palestine,  he  had  really  done  nothing  dis- 
loyal to  his  nation  or  the  Law,  nor  desired  to  be 
considered  as  hostile  to  his  countrymen.  The  Roman 
Jews  replied  that  they  had  received  no  tidings 
to  his  prejudice.  The  sect  of  which  he  had  implied 
he  was  a  member  they  knew  to  be  everywhere  spo- 
ken against ;  but  they  were  willing  to  hear  what  he 
had  to  say.  Their  attitude  may  be  accounted  for, 
as  the  Church  at  Rome  consisted  mainly  of  Gentiles, 
the  real  Jews  there  had  been  persecuted  and  some- 
times entirely  banished,  and  curiosity  may  have  led 
them  to  listen  to  St.  Paul.  (Romans,  Epistle  to 
THE.)  On  an  appointed  day  therefore  a  large 
number  came  expressly  to  hear  hifa  expound  his 
belief  But,  as  of  old,  the  reception  of  his  mes- 
sage by  the  Jews  was  not  favorable.  He  turned 
therefore  again  to  the  Gentiles,  and  he  "  dwelt 
two  whole  years  in  his  own  hired  house,  and  re- 
ceived all  that  came  in  unto  him,  preaching  the 
kingdom  of  God,  and  teaching  those  things  which 
concern  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  with  all  confidence, 
no  man  forbidding  him."  These  are  the  last  words 
of  the  Acts.  But  St.  Paul's  career  is  not  abruptly 
closed.  Before  he  himself  fades  out  of  our  sight  in 
the  twilight  of  ecclesiastical  tradition,  we  have  let- 
ters written  by  himself,  which  contribute  some  par- 
ticulars to  his  external  biography,  and  give  us  a  far 
more  precious  insight  into  his  convictions  and  sym- 
pathies.— Period  of  tlie  Later  EpMes.  To  that  im- 
prisonment to  which  St.  Luke  has  introduced  us — 
tb«  imprisonment  which  lasted  for  such  a  tedious 
time,  though  tempered  by  much  indulgence — be- 
longs the  noble  group  of  Letters  to  Philemon,  to  the 
Colossians,  to  the  Ephesians,  and  to  the  Philippians. 
The  three  former  of  these  were  written  at  one  time 
and  sent  by  the  same  messenger.  (Colossians, 
Epistle  to  the;  Ephesians,  Epistle  to  the;  Phile- 
Jios,  Epistle  to.)  Whether  that  to  the  Philip- 
pians was  written  before  or  after  these,  we  cannot 
determine ;  but  the  tone  of  it  seems  to  imply  that  a 
crisis  was  approaching,  and  therefore  it  is  commonly 
regarded  aa  the  latest  of  the  four.  (Philippians, 
Epistle  to  the.)  In  this  BpistVe  St.  Paul  twice  ex- 
presses a  confident  hope  that  before  long  he  may  be 
able  to  visit  the  Philippians  in  person  (Phil.  i.'25, 
ii.  24).  Whether  this  hope  was  fulfilled  or  not  be- 
longs to  a  question  which  has  been  the  occasion  of 
niueh  controversy.  According  to  the  general  opin- 
ion, the  apostle  was  liberated  from  his  imprisonment 
and  left  Rome,  soon  after  the  writing  of  the  letter  to 
the  Philippians,  spent  some  time  in  visits  to  Greece, 
Asia  Minor,  and  Spain,  and  returned  again  as  a 
prisoner  lo  Rome,  and  was  put  to  death  there.     In 


opposition  to  this  view,  it  is  maintained  by  some  that 
he  was  never  liberated,  but  was  put  to  death  at 
Rome  at  an  earlier  period  than  is  commonly  sup- 
posed. The  arguments  adduced  in  favor  of  the 
common  view  are,  (1.)  the  hopes  expressed  by  St. 
Paul  of  visiting  Philippi  (Phil.  i.  25,  ii.  24)  and  Co- 
losse  (Phn.  22) ;  (2.)  a  number  of  allusions  in  the  Pas- 
toral Epistles,  and  their  general  character ;  and  (3.) 
the  testimony  of  ecclesiastical  tradition.  The  argu- 
ments for  the  single  imprisonment  aim  to  show  that 
there  is  no  proof  of  a  liberation  or  departure  from 
Rome,  and  in  relation  to  his  hopes  allege  Acts  xx. 
25.  The  decision  must  turn  mainly  upon  the  view 
taken  of  the  Pastoral  Epistles.  (Tijiothy,  Epistles 
TO  ;  Titus,  Epistle  to.)  The  difficulties  which  have 
induced  such  critics  as  De  Wette  and  Ewald  to  reject 
these  Epistles,  are  not  inconsiderable,  but  are  over- 
powered by  the  much  greater  difficulties  attending 
any  hypothesis  which  assumes  these  Epistles  to  be 
spurious.  We  are  obliged  therefore  to  recognize  the 
modifications  of  St.  Paul's  style,  the  developments 
in  the  history  of  tlie  Church,  and  the  movements  of 
various  persons,  which  have  appeared  suspicious  in 
the  Epistles  to  Timothy  and  Titus,  as  nevertheless 
historically  true.  And  then  without  encroaching  on 
the  domain  of  conjecture,  we  draw  the  following  con- 
clusions:— (1.)  St.  Paul  must  have  left  Rome,  and 
visited  Asia  Minor  and  Greece ;  for  he  says  to  Tim- 
othy (1  Tim.  i.  3),  "I  besought  thee  to  abide  still 
at  Ephesus,  when  I  was  setting  out  for  Macedonia." 
After  being  once  at  Ephesus,  he  was  purposing  to  go 
there  again  (iv.  13),  and  he  spent  a  considerable  time 
at  Ephesus  (2  Tim.  i.  18).  (2.)  He  paid  a  visit  to 
Crete,  and  left  Titus  to  organize  churches  there  (Tit. 
i.  5).  He  was  intending  to  spend  the  winter  at  one 
of  the  places  named  Xicopolis  (iii.  12).  (3.)  He 
travelled  by  Miletus,  Troas,  where  he  left  a  cloak  or 
case,  and  some  books,  and  Corinth  (2  Tim.  iv.  13, 
20).  (4.)  He  is  a  pri.soner  at  Rome  "suffering  unto 
bonds  as  an  evil-doer  "  (ii.  9),  and  expecting  to  be  soon 
condemned  to  death  (iv.  6).  At  this  time  he  felt  de- 
serted and  solitary,  having  only  Luke  of  his  old  asso- 
ciates, to  keep  him  company  ;  and  he  was  very  anx- 
ious that  Timothy  should  come  to  him  without  delay 
from  Ephesus,  and  bring  Mark  with  him  (i.  15,  iv. 
16,  9-12).  Clement  of  Rome  mentions  that  St.  Paul 
preached  in  both  the  East  and  the  West,  and  that 
before  his  martyrdom  he  went  "  to  the  goal  of  the 
West,"  i.  e.  probably  Spain  (Rom.  xv.  28),  or  some 
country  yet  more  to  the  West.  Muratori's  Fragment 
on  the  Canon  names  his  "  departing  from  the  city 
into  Spain."  Chrysostom  says,  "After  being  in  Rome, 
ho  went  away  again  unto  Spain.'"  We  conclude, 
then,  that  after  a  wearing  imprisonment  of  two  years 
or  more  at  Rome,  St.  Paul  was  set  free,  and  spent 
some  years  in  various  journeyings  eastward  and 
westward.  Toward  the  close  of  this  time  lie  pours 
out  the  warnings  of  his  le.-^s  vigorous  but  still  brave 
and  faithful  spirit  in  the  Letters  to  Timothy  and 
Titus.  The  first  to  Timothy  and  that  to  Titus  were 
evidently  written  at  very  nearly  the  same  time. 
After  these  were  written,  he  was  apprehended  again 
and  sent  to  Rome.  The  apostle  appears  now  to  have 
been  treateil,  not  as  an  honorable  state  prisoner,  but 
as  a  felon  (2  Tim.  ii.  9).  But  he  was  at  least  al- 
lowed to  write  this  Second  Letter  to  his  "  dearly  be- 
loved son "  Timothy ;  and  though  he  expresses  a 
confident  expectation  of  his  speedy  death,  be  yet 

*  Some  (SavlleV  Introtlnclion  nf  Chriftianlly  Into  Britain, 
and  Mor<jan'H  .SV,  Pant  in  liritttin)  intiiiitaii)  that  the 
ApoKtIo  Haul  vlsiteil  Britain  ;  but  while  ciidi  a  vi»it  is  not 
impoeeible,  the  evidence  is  b;  no  means  cuDclusive  (Ayre.) 


624 


PAU 


PEA 


thought  it  sufficiently  probable  that  it  might  be  de- 
layed for  some  time,  to  warrant  him  in  urging  Tim- 
othy to  come  to  him  from  Ephesus.  Meanwhile, 
though  he  itlt  his  isolation,  he  was  not  in  the  least 
daunted  by  his  danger.  He  was  more  than  ready  to 
die  (iv.  6),  and  had  a  sustaining  experience  of  not 
being  deserted  by  his  Lord.  Once  already,  in  this 
second  imprisonment,  he  had  appeared  before  the 
authorities  ;  and  "  the  Lord  then  stood  by  him  and 
strengthened  him,"  and  gave  him  a  favorable  oppor- 
tunity for  the  one  thing  always  nearest  to  his  heart, 
the  public  declaration  of  his  Gospel.  This  Epistle, 
surely  no  unworthy  utterance  at  such  an  age  and  in 
such  an  hour  even  of  a  St.  Paul,  brings  us,  it  may  well 
be  presumed,  close  to  the  end  of  his  life.  (Hebrews, 
Epistle  to  the;  James,  Epistle  ok,  IV.  «.)  For 
what  remains,  we  have  the  concurrent  testimony  of 
ecclesiastical  antiquity,  that  he  was  beheaded  at 
Eome,  about  tlie  same  time  that  St.  Peter  was  cru- 
cified there.  Dionysius,  bishop  of  Corinth  (a.  d.  170), 
says  that  Peter  and  Paul  went  to'  Italy  and  taught 
there  together,  and  suffered  martyrdom  about  the 
same  time.  Caius  of  Rome,  supposed  to  be  writing 
within  the  second  century,  names  St.  Peter's  grave 
on  the  Vatican,  and  St.  Paul's  on  the  Ostian  way. 
Eusebius  adopts  the  tradition  that  St.  Paul  was  be- 
headed under  Nero  at  Rome. — Chronology  of  St. 
PauPs  Life.  It  is  usual  to  distinguish  between  tlie 
internal  or  absolute,  and  the  external  or  relative, 
clironology  of  St.  Paul's  life.  The  former  is  that 
which  we  have  hitherto  followed.  It  remains  to  men- 
tion the  points  at  which  the  N.  T.  history  of  the  apos- 
tle comes  into  contact  with  the  outer  history  of  the 
world.  There  are  two  principal  events  which  serve  ivs 
fixed  dates  for  determining  the  Pauline  chronology — 
the  death  of  Herod  Agrippa,  and  tlie  accession  of 
Festus.  Now,  it  has  been  proved  almost  to  a  certainty 
tliat  Felix  was  recalled  from  Judea  and  succeeded 
by  Festus  in  the  year  60.  In  the  autumn,  then,  of 
A.  D.  60  St.  Paul  left  Ccsarea.  In  the  spring  of  61 
he  arrived  nt  Rome.  Tliere  he  lived  two  years,  i.  e. 
till  the  spring  of  63,  in  his  own  hired  house.  After 
this  we  depend  upon  conjecture  ;  but  the  Pastoral 
Epistles  give  us  reasons  for  deferring  the  apostle's 
death  until  67,  with  Eusebius,  or  68,  with  Jerome. 
Similarly  we  can  go  backward  from  a.  d.  60.  St. 
Paul  was  two  years  at  Cesarea  (Acta  xxiv.  27) ; 
therefore  he  arrived  at  Jerusalem  on  his  last  visit 
by  the  Pentecost  of  58.  Before  this  he  had  win- 
tered at  Corinth  (xx.  2,  3),  having  gone  from  Ephe- 
sus to  Greece.  He  left  Ephesus,  then,  in  the  latter 
part  of  57,  and  as  he  stayed  three  years  at  Ephesus 
(xx.  31),  he  must  have  come  thither  in  54.  Pre- 
viously to  this  journey  he  had  spent  "  some  time  " 
at  Antioch  (xviii.  23).  We  can  only  add  together 
the  time  of  a  hasty  visit  to  Jerusalem,  the  travels 
of  the  second  missionary  journey,  which  included 
a  year  and  a  half  at  Corinth,  another  indetermi- 
nate stay  at  Antioch,  the  third  visit  to  Jerusalem, 
another  long  residence  at  Antioch  (xiv.  28),  the  first 
missionary  journey,  again  an  intermediate  stay 
at  Antioch  (xii.  25) — until  we  come  to  the  sec- 
ond visit  to  Jenisalem,  which  nearly  synchro- 
nized with  the  death  of  Herod  Agrippa,  in  a.  d.  44. 
Within  this  interval  of  some  ten  years  the  most 
important  date  to  fix  is  that  of  the  third  visit  to 
Jerusalem  ;  and  there  is  a  great  concurrence  of  the 
best  authorities  in  placing  this  visit  in  cither  50  or 
51.  St.  Paul  himself  (Gal.  ii.  1)  places  this  visit 
"  fourteen  years  after  "  either  his  conversion  or  the 
first  visit.  In  the  former  case  we  have  37  or  38  for 
tlie  date  of  the  conversion.     The  conversion  was 


followed  by  three  years  (i.  18)  spent  in  Arabia  and 
Damascus,  and  ending  with  the  first  visit  to  Jerusa- 
lem ;  and  the  space  between  the  first  visit  (40  or 
41)  and  the  second  (44  or  45)  is  filled  up  by  an  in- 
determinate time,  presumably  two  or  three  years, 
at  Tarsus  (Acts  ix.  30),  and  one  year  at  Antioch 
(xi.  26).  The  date  of  the  martyrdom  of  Stephen 
can  only  be  conjectured,  and  is  variously  placed  be- 
tween a.  d.  30  and  the  year  of  St.  Paul's  conversion. 
In  the  account  of  the  death  of  Stephen,  St.  Paul  is 
called  "  a  young  man  "  (vii.  68).  It  is  not  improb- 
able, therefore,  that  he  was  bom  between  a.  n.  0 
and  A.  D.  5,  so  that  lie  might  be  past  sixty  years  of 
age  when  he  calls  himself  "Paul  the  aged"  inPhn. 
9. — Personal  Appearance  and  Character.  We  have 
no  very  trustworthy  sources  of  information  as  to 
the  personal  appearance  of  St.  Paul.  Some  early 
pictures  and  mosaics  ascribe  to  him  a  short  stature, 
a  long  face  with  high  forehead,  an  aquiline  nose, 
close  and  prominent  eyebrows.  Other  characteristics 
mentioned  are  baldness,  gray  eyes,  a  clear  complex- 
ion, and  a  winning  expression.  In  his  speeches 
and  letters  we  perceive  the  warmth  and  ardor  of  his 
nature,  his  deeply  affectionate  disposition,  the  ten- 
derness of  his  sense  of  honor,  the  courtesy  and 
personal  dignity  of  his  bearing,  his  perfect  fearless- 
ness, his  heroic  endurance;  we  perceive  the  rare 
combination  of  subtlety,  tenacity,  and  versatility  in 
his  intellect ;  we  perceive  also  a  practical  wisdom 
and  a  tolerance  seldom  united  with  such  a  temper- 
ament. The  principle  which  harmonized  all  these 
endowments  and  directed  them  to  a  practical  end, 
was  a  knowledge  of  Jesus  Christ  in  the  Divine 
Spirit.  Personal  allegiance  to  Christ  as  to  a  living 
Master,  with  a  growing  insight  into  the  relation  of 
Christ  to  each  man  and  to  the  world,  carried  the 
apostle  tbrward  on  a  straight  course.  Tlie  convic- 
tion that  he  had  been  intrusted  with  a  Gospel  con- 
cerning a  Lord  and  Deliverer  of  men  n as  what  sus- 
tained and  purified  his  love  for  his  own  people, 
whilst  it  created  in  him  such  a  love  for  mankind 
that  he  only  knew  himself  as  the  servant  of  otliers 
for  Christ's  sake. 

•  Pau'lns,  Ser'gi-ns.    Sergics  Paulus. 
PaTe'ment.    Gabdatha. 

Pa-Til'ton  (=  Text),  the  A.V.  translation  of  three 
Hebrew  words.  1.  <S'oc,  properly  an  enclosed  place, 
also  rendered  "  tabernacle,"  "  covert,"  and  "  den," 
once  only  "pavilion"  (Ps.  xxvii.  5).  2.  Sncccih, 
from  the  same  root  (1  K.  xx.  12,  16,  &c.),  usually 
"  tabernacle  "  and  "  booth."  (Cottage  3 ;  Scc- 
COTH  ;  Tabernacles,  Feast  of.)  3.  Shaphrur,  and 
Shaphrir,  used  only  in  Jcr.  xliii.  10,  to  signify  fftorji 
or  splendor,  hence,  probably,  the  splendid  covering 
of  the  royal  throne  (A.  V.  "  royal  pavilion ; "  an 
arched  roof  canopy,  Fii.). 

•  Pe  (Heb.  pe,  prob.  =  mouth,  Gcs.),  the  seven- 
teenth letter  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  (Ps.  cxix.). 
Writing. 

•  Pfate,  the  usual  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  shdlom 
=  (soGesenius)  wholeness,  soundness,i.  e.  (a.) health, 
weal,  welfare,  prosperity,  good  of  every  kind  (Gen. 
xxix.  6,  margin  ;  Judg.  vi.  23  ;  1  K.  ii.  S3  ;  Ps.  xx.wii. 
11,  37  ;  Is.  lii.  7,  &c.) ;  {b.)  peace,  as  opposed  to  war 
(Lev.  xxvi.  6;  Judg.  iv.  17,  &c.);  (c.)  concord, 
friendship  (Ps.  xxviii.  3,  xli.  9,  margin  |  Ileb.  101; 
bb.  7,  &c.).— 2.  Chal.  slillam  =  No.  1  (Ezr.  iv.  l7; 
Dan.  vi.  25  [Heb.  26],  &c.).— 3.  Gr.  eirene  =.(so 
Robinson,  N.  T.  Lex.)p>eace,  (a.)  properly  in  a  civil 
sense,  the  opposite  of  war  and  commotion  (Lk.  xiv. 
32,  &c.),  applied  also  to  peace  or  concord  among  in- 
dividuals (xii.  51,  &c.),  and  tropically  to  peace  of 


PEA 


PEK 


825 


mini],  qriie'nest,  tranquiUity,  arising  from  reconcilia- 
tion with  God  and  a  sense  of  tlie  divine  favor 
(IJoni.  v.  1,  XV.  13,  &c.);  (i.)  a  state  oi  peace,  rest, 
,/m't,  mfetij  (Lk.  xi.  21 ;  1  Til.  v.  3,  &c.) ;  (c.)  peace, 
irdfare, prospmtj/^happiness,  every  kind  of  good,  = 
Xo.  1  (Lk.  i.  79,  X.  8,  6;  Rom.  xv.  33,  &c.).  "Peace 
be  unto  you  "  was  a  common  Eastern  form  of  salu- 
tation (Jn.  XX.  19, 21, 26,  &c.) ;  hence  "  .vour  peace  " 
(Mat.  X.  13)  =  the  peace  or  good  you  wish  for  others 
in  your  salutation  of  them.     Salutatio.v. 

*  Peatf'-of fer-ing  (Heb.  shelem,  pi.  sheldmiin), 
a  SACRIFICE  offered  as  a  testimonial  of  seeking 
peace  and  favor  with  God  (Lev.  iii.,  vii.  11  ff.,  &c.). 
Pcaee-offerings  were  of  three  kinds:  (1.)  of  thanks- 
giving or  praise ;  (2.)  votive,  or  for  a  vow ;  (3.) 
voluntary  or  free-will  offerings.  Peace-offerings 
were  eucharistic  and  bloody,  and  were  voluntarily 
offered  from  the  herd  or  flock,  male  or  female. 
With  them  were  offered  "  unleavened  cakes  nnngled 
with  oil,  and  unleavened  wafers  anointed  with  oil, 
and  cakes  mingled  with  oil,  of  fine  flour,  fried,"  and 
'•leavened  bread  "  (vii.  12,  13).  From  the  peace- 
offering  the  fat  was  burned  upon  the  altar ;  but 
the  breast  as  a  wave-ofkeriso  before  the  Lord, 
and  the  right  shoulder  as  a  heave-offering,  were  given 
to  the  priest  (30  ff.) ;  but  the  rest  of  the  flesh  was  to 
be  eaten  by  the  offerer — on  the  same  day,  if  of  the 
first  kind  above — on  that  day  and  the  next,  if  of  the 
second  or  third  kind — before  the  Lord  (15  ff.).  This 
meal  was  the  distinctive  feature  of  this  sacrifice,  and 
indicated  a  state  of  peace  and  friendship  with  God. 

Pfa'eotkSi  1.  Among  the  natural  products  of 
the  land  of  Tarshish  which  Solomon's  fleet  brought 
home  to  Jerusalem,  mention  is  made  of  "  pea- 
cocks : "  for  there  can  be  no  doubt  (so  thinks  Mr. 
Houghton,  with  Gesenius,  Fiirst,  kc.)  that  the  A.  V. 
is  correct  in  thus  rendering  the  Heb.  pi.  tuccii/im, 
which  occurs  only  in  1  K.  x.  22,  and  2  Chr.  ix.  21 ; 
most  of  the  old  versions,  with  several  of  the  Jew. 
ish  Rabbis,  favoring  this  translation.  Some  writers, 
however  (Huet,  &c.),  have  proposed  the  rendering 
"  parrots."  Keil  concludes  that  the  Avfs  Niimidme 
(Guinea  Fowls ;  Numida  Melear/ris  of  naturalists) 
arc  meant.  Gesenius  cites  many  authorities  to 
prove  that  the  Hebrew  word  is  to  be  traced  to  the 
Tamul  or  Malabaric  logei  =  peacock,  which  opinion 
has  been  recently  confirmed  by  Sir  E.  Tennent. 
The  peacock  (Pavo  erbdatm)  is  a  well-known  galli- 
naceous bird,  remarkable  for  the  splendid  colors  of 
its  hmg  tail-coverts  or  rump-feathers  (not  properly 
its  tail,  which  is  shorter  than  a  turkey's).  It  is  a 
native  of  the  East  Indies. — 2.  Heb.  pi.  rlndnim. 
Ostrich  3. 

Pe»rl  (Heb.  gdhhk).  The  Hebrew  word  occurs, 
in  this  form,  only  in  Job  xxvili.  18,  where  the  price 
of  wisdom  is  contraiitcd  with  that  of  "corai.  "  and 
"pearls"  (so  A.  V.) ;  and  the  same  word,  with  the 
syllable  el  prefixed,  is  found  in  Ez.  xiii.  11,  13, 
xxxviii.  22,  with  the  Heb.  pi.  ahneii  ■=  atonet,  i.  e. 
ttnnea  of  ice,  A.  V.  "  hailstones."  Gesenius,  Fiirst, 
Rosenmiiller,  and  commentators  generally,  undei^ 
B'.and  by  the  Heb.  t/d/iish,  not  "  pearls,"  but  crystal, 
on  account  of  its  resemblance  to  ice.  But  "  pearls  " 
(Gr.  margaritii,  pi.  ma'rgarilai)  are  frequently  men- 
tioned in  the  N.  T.  (Mat.  xiii.  45,  46 ;  1  Tim.  ii.  9 ; 
Rev.  xvii.  4,  xviii.  12,  16,  xxi.  21).  Pearls  are 
formed  inside  the  shells  of  various  species  of  Mol- 
lutca  by  the  deposit  of  the  nacreous  substance 
around  some  foreign  body  as  a  nucleus.  They  con- 
sist of  carbonate  of  lime  and  animal  matter,  are 
hard  and  smooth,  and  have  a  peculiar  bluish  or 
silvery-white  lustre.    Pearls  held  the  highest  rank 


among  precious  stones  in  the  ancient  world,  and  for 
an  obvious  reason :  their  beauty  is  entirely  due  to 
nature,  and  is  susceptible  of  no  improvement  from 
art  (King).  The  "  pearl  of  great  price  "  is  doubt- 
less a  fine  specimen  yielded  by  the  pearl  oyster 
(Avicula  margnrilifera),  still  found  in  abundance  in 
the  Persian  Gulf,  wliich  lias  long  been  celebrated  for 
its  pearl  fisheries.     In  Mat.  vii.  6  "  pearls  "  meta- 


Pearl-Oy«ter  (4«"e»/a  nwr^nli/wa).— (Fbn.) 

phorically  =  any  thing  of  value.  Crows  ;  Oksa- 
MENTS,  Pf,rsoxal  ;  KcBiES ;  Stones,  Precious. 

Ped'a-bel  (Heb.  whom  Ood  delivers,  Ges.),  son  of 
Ammihud,  and  prince  of  Naphtali ;  one  of  the 
twelve  appointed  to  divide  the  land  of  Canaan  (Num. 
xxxiv.  28). 

Pewlall'znr  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  the  rock  [i.  e.  God] 
delivers,  Ges.),  father  of  Gamaliel,  the  chief  of  Ma- 
nasseh  at  the  E.xodus  (Num.  i.  10,  ii.  20,  vii.  54,  59, 
X.  23). 

Pc-dal'ah  [-da'yah]  (Heb.  whom  Jehovah  delivers, 
Ges.).  1.  Father  of  Zebudah,  Jehoiakim's  raolhar 
(2  K.  xxiii.  36). — 2.  Brother  of  Salathiei.,  or  She- 
aliiel,  and  father  of  Zerubbabel,  who  is  usually 
called  the  "  son  of  Sheiiltiel,"  being,  as  Lord  A.  C. 
Hervey  conjectures,  in  reality  his  uncle's  successor 
and  heir,  in  consequence  of  the  failure  of  issue  in 
the  direct  line  (1  Chr.  iii.  17-19). — 3.  Son  or  de- 
scendant of  Parosh,  assisted  Nehemiah  in  repairing 
the  walls  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  25). — 1.  Appar- 
ently a  priest  or  Levite ;  one  of  those  who  stood 
on  the  left  hand  of  Ezra  when  he  read  the  Law  to 
the  people  (viii.  4). — .1.  A  Benjamite,  ancestor  of 
Sallu  (.\i.  7). — 6.  A  Levite,  one  of  the  "treasurers" 
in  Nehemiah's  time  (xiii.  13);  =  No.  4? — 7.  Father 
of  Joel,  prince  of  Manassch  in  David's  reign  (1  Chr. 
xivii.  20). 

•Ped'i-gree  =  Gesealoot  (Num.  i.  18,  &c.). 

•Peel,  to  (Heb.  mAral).  In  Is.  xviii.  2,  7,  the 
A.  V.  has  "  a  nation  scattered  and  peeled,"  margin 
"  outspread  and  polished."  Gesenius  (edited  by 
Robinson,  1854)  translates  a  people  draini  out  and 
smooth,  i.  e.  tall  and  naked,  «c.  the  Ethiopians. 
Prof  J.  A.  Alexander  (oh  Isaiah)  translates  a  na'ion 
drawn  and  shorn,  and  says  the  last  word  "  is  applied 
by  some  to  the  Egyptian  and  Ethiopian  practice  of 
shaving  the  head  and  beard,  while  others  understand 
it  as  a  figure  for  robbery  and  spoliation."  The  lat- 
ter is  the  meaning  here  of  the  A.  V.  "  pceloil,"  i.  e. 
stripped,  plundered. — In  Ez.  xxix.  18  the  A.  V.  has 
"  every  shoulder  was  peeled,"  i.  e.  had  the  skin 
worn  off  or  rubbed  off  by  carrying  heavy  burdens 
of  earth  for  the  banks  or  mounds  raised  ('.uring  the 
long  siege  of  Tyre  (Fiirst,  Prof  Plumjitre,  &c.). 
Gesenius  translates  this,  every  shoulder  is  made 
smooth  or  made  bald.     Pilled. 

Pc'kah  (Heb.  open-eyed,  or  =  Pekahiab,  Ges.),  son 


826 


PEK 


PEL 


of  Renialial) ;  originally  a  captain  of  Pekahiah, 
king  of  Israel,  murdered  his  master,  seized  the 
throne,  and  became  the  eighteenth  sovereign  of  the 
northern  kingdom.  His  native  country  was  prob- 
ably Gilead,  as  fifty  Gileadites  joined  him  in  the 
conspiracy  against  Pekahiah  (so  Bishop  Cotton). 
Under  his  predecessors  Israel  had  been  much  weak- 
ened through  the  payment  of  enormous  tribute  to 
the  Assyrians  (see  especially  2  K.  xv.  20),  and  by 
internal  wars  and  conspiracies.  Pekah  seems  stead- 
ily to  have  applied  himself  to  the  restoration  of  its 
power.  For  this  purpose  he  sought  a  foreign  al- 
liance, and  fixed  his  mind  on  the  plunder  of  the 
sister-kingdom  of  Judah.  He  must  have  made  the 
treaty  by  which  he  proposed  to  share  its  spoil  with 
Rezin,  king  of  Damascus,  when  Jotham  was  still  on 
the  throne  of  Jerusalem  (xv.  SI) ;  but  its  execution 
was  long  delayed,  probably  in  consequence  of  that 
prince's  righteous  and  vigorous  administration  (2 
Chr.  xxvii.).  When,  however,  Aiiaz  succeeded  to 
the  crown  of  David,  the  allies  no  longer  hesitated, 
and  formed  the  siege  of  Jerusalem.  The  history  of 
the  war  is  found  in  2  K.  xvi.  and  2  Chr.  xxviii.  It 
is  famous  as  the  occasion  of  the  great  prophecies  in 
Is.  vii.-ix.  (Isaiah.)  Its  chief  result  was  the  cap- 
ture of  the  Jewish  port  of  Elath  on  the  Red  Sea  ; 
but  the  unnatural  alliance  with  Daniascvis  and  Sa- 
maria was  punished  through  the  final  overthrow  of 
the  ferocious  confederates  by  Tigi.ath-pilesee.  The 
kingdom  of  Damascus  was  finally  suppressed,  and 
Rezin  put  to  death,  while  Peliah  was  deprived 
of  at  least  half  his  kingdom,  including  all  the 
northern  portion,  with  that  E.  of  Jordan.  Pekah 
himself,  now  an  Assyrian  vassal,  was  of  course  com- 
pelled to  abstain  from  further  attacks  on  Judali. 
IIosHEAH  the  son  of  Elah  conspired  against  him, 
and  put  him  to  death.  Pekah  reigned  twenty  years, 
but  his  government  was  no  improvement,  morally 
and  religiously,  on  that  of  his  predecessors.  Is- 
KAEL,  Kingdom  of. 

Pek-a-hl'ah  (fr.  Heb.=Jchoi'a7i  has  opened  fiis  eyes, 
Ges.),  son  and  successor  of  Mexaiiem,  was  the  sev- 
enteenth king  of  the  separate  kingdom  of  Israel. 
After  a  reign  of  scarcely  two  years  a  conspiracy  was 
organized  against  him  by  Pekah,  who,  at  the  head 
of  fifty  Gileadites,  attacked  him  in  his  palace,  mur- 
dered him  and  his  friends  Argob  and  Arieh,  and 
seized  the  throne  (so  Bishop  Cotton).  Israel,  King- 
dom OF. 

Pe'kod  (Heb.,  see  below),  an  appellative  applied 
to  the  Chaldeans  twice,  viz.  in  Jer.  1.  21,  and  Ez. 
xxiii.  23.  Authorities  are  undecided  as  to  the  mean- 
ing of  the  term.  It  is  apparently  connected  with 
the  root  pdkad  =  to  visit,  and  in  its  secondary  senses 
to  punuh,  and  to  appoint  a  ruler :  hence  Pekod  may 
be  applied  to  Babylon  in  Jer.  1.  as  significant  of  its 
impending  punishment,  as  in  the  margin  of  the  A.V. 
"  visitation."  But  this  sense  will  not  suit  the  other 
passage,  and  hence  Gesenius  here  assigns  to  it  the 
meaning  of  prefect,  officer.  The  LXX.  treats  it 
as  the  name  of  a  district  in  Ezekiel,  and  as  a  verb 
(^  to  avenge  or  punish)  in  Jeremiah. 

Pe-lal'ah  [-la'yah],  or  Pel-a-1'ali  (Heb.  whom  Je- 
hovah makes  distingiiished,  Ges.)  l.Son  of  Elioenai, 
of  the  royal  line  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iii.  24 1. — 2.  One 
of  the  Levites  who  assisted  Ezra  in  expounding  the 
Law  (Neh.  viii.  7).  He  afterward  sealed  the  cove- 
nant with  Nehemiah  (x.  10). 

Pfl-a-Ii'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  judges,  Ges.), 
a  priest,  son  of  Amzi,  and  ancestor  of  Adaiah  (Neh. 
xi.  12). 

Pel-a-ti'ah  (fr.   Hob.  —  whom  Jehovah  delivers, 


Ges.).  1.  Son  of  Hananiah  the  son  of  Zerubbabel 
(1  Chr.  iii.  21).— 2.  One  of  the  captains  of  the 
Simconites,  who,  in  Ilezckiah's  reign,  made  an  ex- 
pedition to  Mount  Seir,  and  smote  the  Amalekitea 
(iv.  42). — 3.  A  chief  or  family  who  sealed  the  cove- 
nant with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  22). — 4.  Son  of  Be- 
naiah  ;  one  of  the  princes  of  the  people  against  whom 
Ezekiel  was  directed  to  utter  the  words  of  doom 
recorded  in  Ez.  xi.  5-12.  His  sudden  death  appears 
in  verse  13. 

Pe'leg  (Heb.  division,  part,  Ges. ;  see  below),  son 
of  Eber,  and  brother  of  Joktan  (Gen.  x.  26,  xi.  16). 
The  only  incident  connected  with  his  histoiy  is  the 
statement  that  "  in  his  days  was  the  earth  divided  " 
— an  event  which  was  embodied  in  his  name.  (Chro- 
nology II.)  This  refers  to  a  division  of  the  family 
of  Eber  himself,  the  younger  branch  of  whom  (the 
Joktanids)  migrated  into  Southern  Araliia,  while 
the  elder  remained  in  Mesopotamia.  Tongues,  Con- 
fusion OF. 

Pc'Iet  (Heb.  deliverance,  Ges.).  1.  Son  of  Jahdai 
in  tlie  genealogy  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  47). — 2.  A 
Benjauiite,  son  of  Azmaveth  3  (xii.  3). 

Pc'lttll  (Heb.  siciftness,  Ges.).  1.  Father  of  On 
the  Reubcnitc,  who  joined  Dathan  and  Abiram  in 
their  rebellion  (Num.  xvi.  1). — 2,  Son  of  Jonathan 
and  descendant  of  Jerahmeel  (1  Chr.  ii.  33). 

Pel'c-thltCS  (Heb.  piUthi  =  a  pmOUc  runner,  cou- 
rier ;  with  the  article  collectively  happlleihi  =  the 
p/ublic  runners,  couriers,  Ges. ;  according  to  Ewald, 
Fii.,  &c.  =  Philistines  ;  see  below),  mentioned  only 
in  the  phrase  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "  the  Chere- 
THiTES  and  the  Pelethites."     These  two  collectives 
designate  a  force  that  was  evidently  David's  body- 
guard.    Their  names  have  been  supposed  cither  to 
indicate  their  duties  or  to  be  Gentile  nouns.     Gese- 
nius renders  them  "  executioners  and  runners."  On 
the  other  hand,  the  LXX.  and  Vulgate  retain  their 
names  untranslated ;  and  the  Syriac  and  Targum  of 
Jonathan  translate  them  differently  from  the  render- 
ing above  and   from    each  other.     Tlie  Egyptian 
monuments  indicate  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole)  that  kings, 
of  the  nineteenth  and  twentieth  dynasties  had 
their  service  mercenaries  of  a  nation  called  Shci^n 
tana,  which  Rameses  III.  conquered,  under  the  nam( 
"  Shai/retana  of  the  Sen."     The  name  Shayretan 
of  which  the  fir=t  letter  was  also  pronounced  Kh,  ii 
almost  letter  for  letter  the  same  as  the  Hcbre 
Cheretldni ;  and  since  the  Shai/relanawcre  evidenti 
cognate  to  the  Philistines,  their  identity  with  Ihi 
Cherithim  cannot  be  doubted  (compare  1  Sam.  xxx, 
14 ;  Ez.  XXV.  16  ;  Zeph.  ii.  5).     The  Egyptian  S/u 
reiana  of  the  Sea  are  probably  the  Cretans.     Th 
Pelethites  have  not  yet  been  similarly  traced   ii 
Egyptian  geography ;  but  Mr.  Poole  supposes  thai 
both  the  Cherethitcs  and  Pelethites  were  of  thi 
Philistine  stock. 

Pe-li'as(L.)  =  Bedeiah  (1  Esd.  ix.  34  :  compai 
Ezr.  X.  35). 

Pel'i-can,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  Mathi 
This  is  mentioned  among  the  unclean  birds  (Lev.  xi, 
18;  Deut.  xiv.  17).  The  suppliant  p.salmist  com-j 
pares  his  condition  to  "  a  kaalh  in  tlie  wilderness  " 
(Ps.  cii.  6).  As  a  mark  of  the  desolation  that  wa»! 
to  come  upon  Edom,  it  is  said  that  "  the  kdath  and 
the  bittern  should  possess  it"  (Is.  xxxiv.  11).  The, 
same  words  are  spoken  of  Nineveh  (Zeph.  ii.  14). 
In  these  two  last  places  the  A.V.  has  "coRMORAt.T" 
in  the  text,  and  "  pelican  "  in  the  fnargln.  The  best 
authorities  favor  the  pelican  as  the  bird  denoted  by 
kdath.  The  Hebrew  name,  from  a  word  meaning 
to  vomit,  doubtless  refers  to  this  bird's  habit  of  prei 


1 


PEL 


PEX 


827 


in"  its  under-maiiilible  against  its  breast,  to  assist 
it  in  disgorging  tlie  contents  of  its  capacious  pouch 
for  its  voung.  This  is  probably  the  origin  of  the 
fable  about  the  pelican  feeding  its  young  with  its 
own  blood,  the  red  nails  on  the  upper  mandible  com- 


¥ 


-rsSs^S^: 


^leting  the  delusion.  The  common  pelican  of  the 
astern  continent  (Peleramig  Onocrolalm)  is  a  large 
ffcb-footed  water-fowl,  able  to  swim  and  fly  well, 
jroracious  and  adroit  in  catching  fish,  of  which  its 
pouch  will  hold  a  considerable  number.  The  com- 
non  pelican  and  another  (Pelecaniis  crisptis)  are 
ftften  observed  in  Palestine,  Egypt,  &c.  Mr.  Hough- 
ton supposes  the  psalmist  (Ps.  cii.  6)  refers  to  the 
jlclican's  general  aspect  as  it  sits  in  apparent  mel- 
fcncholy  mood,  with  its  bill  resting  on  its  breast. 
The  pelican,  after  filling  its  pouch  with  fish'  and 
noUusk^,  often  retires  inland,  miles  away  from 
rater,  and  consumes  its  supply. 

PtI  o-nite  (fr.  Heb.  =  one  from  a  place  called 
Pahn,  otherwise  unknown,  Ges. ;  see  below),  the. 
Two  of  David's  "  valiant  men,"  Helez  and  Ahijali, 
»re  called  Pelonites  (1  Chr.  xi.  27,  36).  From  1 
tJhr.  xxvii.  10,  it  appears  that  the  former  was  of  the 
'  tribe  of  Ephraim,  and  "  Pelonite  "  would  therefore 
be  an  appellation  from  his  place  of  birth  or  residence. 
In  2  Sam.  xxiii.  26  Helez  is  called  "  the  Paltite," 
i.  e.  as  Bcrtheau  {on  1  Chr.  xi.)  conjectures,  of 
Beth-palet,  or  Beth-phelet,  in  the  south  of  Judah. 
But  probably  "  Pelonite "  is  the  correct  reading. 
"Ahijah  the  Pelonite"  appears  in  2  Sam.  xxiii.  34 
as  "  Eliam  the  son  of  Ahithophel  the  Gilonite,  and 
Mr.  Wright  supposes  the  former  a  corruption  of 
Aliithophel.     Compare  Pai-mosi. 

•  Pe-ln'sl-nm  [-she-l  (L.),  a  city  of  Egypt  (Ez. 
XXX.  1.),  margin) ;  =  SiN. 

Pen.     Writing. 

Pe-nl>l  (Heb. /ace  of  God,  Ges.),  the  name  which 
Jacob  gave  to  the  place  in  which  he  had  wrestled 
with  Goil :  "  He  called  the  name  of  the  place  Pe- 
niel,  for  I  have  seen  God  face  to  face"  (Gen.  xxxii. 
30).  In  xxxii.  31,  and  other  passages,  the  name  is 
changed  to  Peskel,  which  perhaps  was  the  original 
form. 

Pe-nln'aab  (Heb.  eoi-al,  Ges.),  one  of  the  two 
wives  of  E1.KANAII  (1  .«am.  i.  2).     Hannah. 

P«n  njr,  Peany-worth.  In  the  A.  V.  "  penny," 
either  alone  or  in  the  compound  "  pennyworth," 
occurs  as  the  rendering  of  the  Greek  dhiarimi  = 
the  Roman  desabics  (Mat.  xviii.  28,  ix.  2, 9, 10, 18, 


xxii.  19;  Mk.  vi.  37,  xii.  16,  xiv.  S;  Lk.  vii.  41,  x. 
35,  XX.  2,  4  ;  Jn.  vi.  7,  xii.  5 ;  Rev.  vi.  6).  The  dena- 
rius was  the  chief  Roman  silver  coin,  from  the  be- 
ginning of  the  coinage  of  the  city  to  the  early  part 
of  the  third  century.  It  was  at  first  ten  times  the 
as  (Faiithino  2),  afterward  sixteen  times.  In  the 
time  of  Augustus  its  weight  was  about  sixty  grains, 
and  its  value  in  United  States  silver  money  about 
fifteen  cents.  Nero  reduced  its  weight  to  about 
fifty-two  grains  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole).  Drachm  ; 
Money,  II.  2  ;  Tiberius  ;  AVagks. 

Pea'ta-teneh  '  (fr.  Gr.  adj.  penta/mchos  =  llie  five- 
fold, sc.  book  ;  L.  Pi-iUateuclms),  the,  a  name  given 
to  the  five  books  commonly  called  the  Five  Books 
of  M0SE.S,  viz.  Genesis,  Exodls,  Leviticus,  Num- 
bers, and  Deuteronomy.  The  present  Jews  usually 
call  the  whole  by  the  Hebrew  name  of  Torah  ^= 
'■  the  Law,"  or  Torath  Mmheh  =  "  the  Law  of 
SIosES."  The  Rabbinical  title  is  "  the  five-fifths  of 
the  Law."  The  division  of  the  whole  work  into 
five  parts  has  by  some  writers  been  supposed  to  be 
original.  Others,  with  more  probability,  think  that 
the  division  was  made  by  the  Greek  translators  ;  for 
the  titles  of  the  several  books  are  not  of  Hebrew 
but  of  Greek  origin.  The  Hebrew  names  are  merely 
taken  from  the  first  words  of  each  book,  and  in  the 
first  instance  only  designated  particular  sections  and 
not  whole  books.  Tlie  MSS.  of  the  Pentateuch 
form  a  single  roll  or  volume,  and  are  divided  not 
into  hooks,  but  into  the  larger  and  smaller  sections 
called  Parshiydlh  and  Seddrim.  (Bible.)  For  the 
several  names  and  contents  of  the  Five  Books  we 
refer  to  the  articles  on  each  Book,  where  questions 
affecting  their  integrity  and  genuineness  are  also 
discussed. — I.  Different  opiniotis  respecting  the  A  u- 
Ihorship  of  tlie  Pentateuch.  The  unity  of  the  work 
in  its  existing  form  is  now  generally  recognized.  It 
is  not  a  mere  collection  of  loose  fragments  care- 
lessly put  together  at  different  times,  but  bears 
evident  traces  of  design  and  purpose  in  its  compo- 
sition. Ewald,  Knobel,  Lengerke,  &c.,  have  main- 
tained that  the  Book  of  Joshua  constitutes  an  in- 
tegral portion  of  this  work  ;  but  this  is  an  arbitrary 
assumption.  (Joshua,  Book  of.)  One  portion  at 
least  of  the  Pentateuch — Deut.  xxxiv.,  which  gives 
the  account  of  Moses'  death — was  not  written  by 
him.  So  early  as  the  second  century  we  find  the 
author  of  the  Clementine  Homilies  calling  in  ques- 
tion the  authenticity  of  the  Mosaic  writings.  Aben 
Ezra  (f  1167),  in  his  Commentary  on  Dent.  i.  1, 
threw  out  some  doubts  as  to  the  Mosaic  authorship 
of  certain  passages,  e.  g.  Gen.  xii.  6,  and  Deut.  iii. 
10,  II,  xxxi.  9.  For  centuries,  however,  the  Penta- 
teuch was  generally  received  in  the  Church  without 
question  as  written  by  Moses.  Spinoza  {Tract. 
Theol.-PoUt.,  published  in  1679)  maintained  that 
^he  elders  wrote  down  and  communicated  to  the 
people  the  commands  of  Moses,  and  tliat  later  they 
were  collected  and  assigned  to  suitable  passages  in 
Moses'  life.  He  attributed  the  present  form  of  the 
j  Pentateuch  to  Ezra.  Other  writers  (Vitringa,  Le 
I  Clerc,  Richard  Simon)  suggested  that  Genesis  was 
j  composed  of  written  documents  earlier  than  Moses' 
I  time.  In  17fi3  there  appeared  at  Brussels  a  work 
j  in  French  {Conjectures  res/iectinr/  t/ie  Oriijinal  Me- 
moirs of  which  Moses  aprpears  to  have  avaifed  hirnsdf 
[  in  comjiosittg  the  Book  of  Genesis),  written  by  Astiuc, 
I  Doctor  and  Professor  of  Medicine  in  the  Royal  Col- 
lege at  Paris,  and  Court  Physician  to  Louis  XIV. 

>  This  article  has  been  abridged  and  materially  altered 
I  ttom  tbu  original  article  of  Rev.  J.  J.  8.  Perowne. 


828 


PEN 


PEN 


He  claimed  that  throughout  Genesis,  and  as  far  as 
Ex.  vi.,  traces  were  to  be  found  of  two  original  doc- 
uments, each  characterized  by  a  distinct  use  of  the 
names  of  Gon ;  the  one  by  the  name  Elohim,  and 
the  other  by  the  name  Jehovah.  Besides  these  two 
principal  documents,  he  supposed  Moses  to  have 
made  use  of  ten  others  in  the  composition  of  the 
earlier  part  of  his  work.  But  this  "  documentary 
hypothesis,"  as  it  is  called,  was  too  conscrvalive  for 
some  critics.  Vater  and  A.  T.  Hartmann  main- 
tained that  the  Pentateuch  consisted  merely  of  a 
number  of  fragments  loosely  strung  together  with- 
out order  or  design.  This  has  been  called  the 
"  fragmentary  hypothesis."  Both  of  these  have 
now  been  superseded  in  Germany  by  the  "supple- 
mentary hypothesis,"  which  has  been  adopted  with 
various  modifieations  by  De  Wette,  Bleck,  Stiihelin, 
Tuch,  Lengerke,  Hupfeld,  Kuobcl,  Bunscn,  Kuriz, 
Dclitzseh,  Schultz,  Vaihinger,  and  others.  They  all 
alike  recognize  two  documents  in  the  Pentateuch. 
They  suppose  the  narrative  of  the  Elohist,  the  iLore 
ancient  writer,  to  have  been  the  foundation  of  the 
work,  and  that  the  Jchovist  or  later  writer  making 
use  of  this  document,  added  to  and  commented 
upon  it,  sometimes  transcribing  portions  of  it  in- 
tact, and  sometimes  incorporating  the  substance  of 
it  into  his  own  work.  (Gknesis.)  But  though  thus 
agreeing  in  the  main,  they  differ  widely  in  the  ap- 
plication of  the  theory.  Thus,  e.  g.,  Do  Wette  dis- 
tinguishes between  the  Elohist  and  the  Jehovist  in 
the  first  four  books,  and  attributes  Peuteronomy  to 
a  different  writer  altogether.  Stiihelin,  on  the  other 
hand,  declares  for  the  identity  of  the  Deuteronomist 
and  the  Jehovist ;  and  supposes  the  last  to  have 
written  in  the  reign  of  Saul,  and  the  Elohist  in  the 
time  of  the  Judges.  Hupfeld  finds,  in  Genesis  at 
least,  traces  of  three  authors,  an  earlier  and  a  later 
Elohist,  and  the  Jehovist,  besides  a  final  editor. 
Dclitzseh  recognizes  two  distinct  documents  as  the 
basis  of  the  Pentateuch,  especially  in  its  earlier 
portions ;  but  he  maintains  that  Deuteronomy  is  the 
work  of  Moses,  to  whom  he  also  assigns  the  Book 
of  the  Covenant  (E,\.  xix.-xxiv.).  The  documents 
were  written,  in  his  view,  soon  after  the  occupation 
of  Canaan,  one  perhaps  by  Eleazar  the  priest,  the 
other  perhaps  by  Joshua  or  one  of  the  elders  on 
whom  Jloses'  spirit  rested.  Ewald  distinguishes 
seven  different  authors  in  the  great  Book  of  Prim- 
itive History  (comprising  the  Pentateuch  and  Josh- 
ua), besides  the  author  of  the  Blessing  of  Moses  in 
Deut.  xxxiii.,  and  three  editors  of  the  work.  On 
the  other  side,  however,  stands  an  array  of  names 
scarcely  less  distinguished  for  learning,  who  main- 
tain not  only  that  there  is  a  unity  of  design  in  the 
Pentateuch — which  is  granted  by  muny  of  those 
before  mentioned — but  that  this  can  only  be  ex- 
plained on  the  supposition  of  a  single  author,  whg 
must  have  been  Moses.  This  is  the  ground  taken 
by  Hengstenberg,  Hiiverniek,  Drechsler,  Kanke, 
Welte,  Keil,  Prof.  Douglas  (in  Fairbairn),  Prof. 
Bartlett  (in  B.  S.),  kc. — II.  7'estimovy  of  the  Puita- 
teuch  itself  with  ripard  to  its  authorship.  1.  We 
find  on  reference  to  Ex.  xxiv.  3,  4,  that  "  Moses 
came  and  told  the  people  all  the  words  of  Jehovah 
and  all  the  judgments,"  and  subsequently  "  wrote 
down  all  the  words  of  Jehovah."  These  were  writ- 
ten on  a  roll  called  "the  book  of  the  covenant" 
(ver.  7),  and  "read  in  the  audience  of  the  people." 
These  "  words  "  and  "judgments  "  were  no  doubt 
the  Sinaitic  legislation  so  far  as  it  had  been  given, 
and  which  constituted  in  fact  the  covenant  between 
Jehovah  and  the  people.     Upon  the  renewal  of  this 


covenant  after  the  idolatry  of  the  Israelites,  J.'cscb 
was  again  commanded  by  Jehovah  to  "wiite  these 
words  "  (xxxiv.  27).  "  And,"  it  is  added,  "  he 
wrote  upon  the  tables  the  words  of  the  covenant, 
the  ten  commandments."  Leaving  Deuteronomy 
aside  for  the  present,  there  are  only  two  other  pas- 
sages in  which  mention  is  made  of  writing  any  part 
of  the  Law,  viz.  Ex.  xvii.  14,  where  Mosts  is  ccm- 
manded  to  write  the  defeat  of  Amalck  in  a  book  (or 
rather  in  the  book,  one  already  in  use  for  the  pur- 
pose); and  Num.  xxxiii.  2,  where  we  are  intbnr.td 
that  Moses  wrote  the  journeyings  of  the  children 
of  Israel  in  the  desert,  and  the  various  stations  at 
which  they  encamped.  It  obviously  does  not  follow 
from  these  statements  that  Moses  wrote  all  the  rest 
of  the  fiist  four  books  which  bear  his  name.  Nor 
on  the  other  hand  docs  this  specific  testimony  with 
regard  to  certain  portions  justify  us  in  coming  to  an 
f  pposite  conclusion.  •  So  far  nothing  can  le  de- 
termined positively  one  way  or  the  other  (so  Mr. 
Perowne).  In  Deut.  xxxi.  9-12  we  are  told  that 
"  Moses  wrote  this  Law,"  and  delivered  it  to  the 
custody  of  the  priests,  with  a  command  that  it 
should  be  read  before  all  the  people  at  the  end  of 
every  seven  years,  on  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles.  In 
ver.  24  it  is  further  said,  that  when  "  he  had  made 
an  end  of  writing  the  words  of  this  Law  in  a  bcok 
till  they  were  finished,"  he  dtlivered  it  to  tl;e  Le- 
vitcs  to  be  placed  in  the  side  of  the  aik  of  the 
covenant  of  Jehovah,  that  it  might  be  preserved  as 
a  witness  against  the  people.  Such  a  statement  Is 
no  doubt  decisive,  but  the  question  is,  how  far  docs 
it  extend  ?  Do  the  words  "  this  Law  "  (compare 
Deut.  xvii.  18,  xxvii.  3,  8;  Josh.  viii.  32)  comprise 
all  the  Mosaic  legislation  as  contained  in  the  last 
four  books  of  the  Pentateuch,  or  must  they  be  con- 
fined only  to  Deuteronomy?  Mr.  Perowne,  Dr.  S. 
Davidson,  &c.,  regard  the  latter  as  the  only  tenable 
view,  and  claim  that  the  direct  evidence  from  the 
Pentateuch  itself  is  not  suflieicnt  to  establish  the 
Mosaic  authorship  of  every  portion  of  the  Five 
Books.  Certain  parts  of  Exodus,  Leviticus,  and 
Numbers,  and  the  whole  of  Deuteronomy  to  the  end 
of  eh.  XXX.,  with  the  Song  of  Moses,  ch.  xxxii.,  are 
all  that  are  expressly  said  to  have  been  written  by 
Moses.  Prof.  S.  C.  Bartlett  (in  .B.  ^.  xx.  813  ff.) 
argues  that  this  testimony  to  the  agency  of  Moses 
in  the  production  of  the  Pentateuch  cannot  fairly 
be  restricted  to  the  portions  thus  indicated  ;  for — 
(a.)  The  Pentateuch  nowhere  alludes  to  any  other 
authorship  than  that  of  Moses,  (b.)  The  definite 
ascription  of  certain  portions  of  the  narrative  to 
him  involves  no  denial  in  regard  to  the  remainder 
(compare  Jn.  xix.  35,  xxi.  20-24).  (c)  The  reasons 
for  making  a  record  in  these  instances  were  equally 
operative  throughout,  (d.)  There  are  very  distinct 
indications  that  these  passages  were  but  parts  of 
a  larger  whole,  composed  by  Moses  (Ex.  xvii.  14, 
xxiv.  4,  7;  Deut.  xvii.  18,  IH,  xxviii.  58,  61,  xxix. 
20,  21,  27,  XXX.  10,  xxxi.  9-11,  24,  xviii.  2,  com- 
pare Num.  xviii.  20 ;  Deut.  xxiv.  8,  9,  compare 
Lev.  xiii.,  xiv.,  &c. ;  Ex.  xxv.  16,  21,  22,  xxxv.  1  ; 
Num.  xxix.  40,  xxx.  1,  xxxvi.  13;  Lev.  xxvii.  84, 
&c.).  "  The  book  of  the  law "  commonly  in  the 
0.  T.  (so  Prof.  Bartlett,  &c. ;  in  Ezra  and  Nehcmiah, 
according  to  Mr.  Perowne,  &c.)  =  the  Pentateuch. 
(e.)  These  portions  of  avowed  Mosaic  authorship 
include  and  fully  indorse  the  main  portions  of  the 
whole  Pentateuch.  From  them  can  be  gathered  an 
outline  of  the  whole  narrative  from  the  time  of  the 
dispersion  of  the  nations,  together  with  the  leading 
features  of  the  whole  Law.     The  testimony  of  the 


PEN 


PEN 


volume  thus  makes  Moses  responsible  for  the  main 
contents  of  the  Pentateuch.  2.  Is  tliere  any  evi- 
dence to  show  that  Moses  did  not  write  portions  of 
the  work  which  goes  by  his  name  ?  We  liave  al- 
ready referred  to  the  last  chapter  of  Deuteronomy, 
which  gives  an  account  of  his  death.  Mr.  Perowne 
regards  it  as  improbable  that  Moses  wrote  the  words 
in  prai.se  of  himself  in  Ex.  xi.  3,  or  those  in  Num. 
xil.  3  (Meek  1),  but  just  what  we  might  expect 
from  the  friend  and  disciple  who  pronounced 
his  culogium  after  his  death  (Deut.  xxxiv.  10). 
"  With  historical  faithfulness  and  unaffected  sim- 
plicity Moses  makes  these  remarks  about  his  own 
l)crson  ;  tliey  are  historical  facts ;  and  he  relates 
them  with  the  same  objective  impartiality  with  which 
Xenophou  speaks  of  himself  in  the  Anabasis,  or 
Cesar  in  his  Commentaries,"  says  Kalisch  (quoted 
by  Prof  K.irtlett)  in  respect  to  Ex.  xi.  3.  Jalm, 
Rosenmiiller,  Kurtz,  &c.,  prefer  to  consider  Num. 
xii.  3  added  by  a  later  hand ;  but  Calvin,  Hengsten- 
berg,  &c.,  regard  this  statement  as  made  by  Divine 
direction,  as  important  in  its  connection,  and  as  re- 
corded by  Jloses  like  E.x.  xi.  3.  Compare  also  like 
words  of  commendation  in  Neh.  xiii.  6  ff.,  especially 
ver.  14  ;  Ps.  vii.  8,  xxvi.  1,  xxxv.  13,  14;  Dan.  x.  2, 
3,  II,  19  ;  Jn.  xiii.  2,3,  xix.  26,  x.x.  2,  xxi.  7,  20-24 ; 
2  Cor.  xi.  5-xii.  1 1  ;  1  Th.  ii.  10,  &c.  3.  Other 
evidence,  to  a  critical  eye  not  a  whit  less  convincing 
(so  Mr.  Perowne),  points  in  the  same  direction. 
The  Book  of  Genesis  has  indeed  a  unity  of  plan, 
a  coherence  of  parts,  a  shapeliness  and  an  order, 
which  satisfy  us  that  as  it  stands  it  is  the  crea- 
tion of  a  single  mind.  But  it  bears  also  manifest 
traces  of  having  been  based  upon  an  earlier  work ; 
and  that  earlier  work  itself  seems  to  have  had 
imbedded  in  it  fragments  of  still  more  ancient 
documents.  Such  a  theory  does  not  in  the  least 
militate  against  the  divine  authority  of  the  book. 
The  history  contained  in  Genesis  could  not  have 
been  narrated  by  Moses  from  personal  knowledge; 
but  whether  he  was  taught  by  immediate  divine 
suggestion,  or  was  directed  by  the  Holy  Spirit  to 
the  use  oC  earlier  documents,  is  immaterial  in  ref- 
erence to  the  INSPIHATION  of  the  work.  The  ques- 
tion may  therefore  be  safely  discussed  on  critical 
grounds  alone.  The  language  of  ch.  i.  1-ii.  3  is 
totally  unlike  that  of  the  section  which  follows, 
il.  4-iii.  23.  This  last  is  not  only  distinguished 
by  a  peculiar  use  of  the  Divine  names — for  here 
and  nowhere  else  in  the  whole  Pentateuch,  except 
Ex.  ix.  30,  have  we  the  combination  of  the  two, 
Jehovah  E'okim  (A.  V.  "  the  Lord  God  ") — but  also 
by  a  mode  of  expression  peculiar  to  itself  It  is 
also  remarkable  for  preserving  an  accoimt  of  the 
Creatio.n  distinct  from  that  contained  in  the  first 
chapter.  Fully  admitting  that  there  is  no  contra- 
diction, the  representation  is  so  different  that  Mr. 
Perowne  and  otherg  believe  it  far  more  natural 
to  conclude  that  it  was  derived  from  some  other, 
though  not  antagonistic  source.  Take  another  in- 
stance. Chapter  xiv.  is  beyond  all  doubt  (so  Mr.  1 
Perowne,  with  Ewald,  Bunscn,  &c.)  an  ancient 
monument — papyrus-roll  it  may  have  been,  or  in- 
scription on  stone — which  has  been  copied  and 
transplanted  in  its  original  form  into  our  present 
Book  of  Oenesis.  Archaic  it  is  in  its  whole  char- 
acter :  distinct  too,  again,  from  the  rest  of  the  book 
in  its  use  of  the  name  of  God  (Heb.  £l  \!i/dti,  A.  V. 
"the  Most  High  God").  We  believe,  then  (so  Mr. 
Perowne),  that  at  least  these  two  portions  of  Genesis 
— ch.  ii.  4-lii.  24,  and  ch.  xiv. — are  original  docu- 
ments, preserved,  it  may  have  been,  like  the  gene- 


alogies, which  are  also  a  very  prominent  feature  of 
the  book,  in  the  tents  of  the  patriarchs,  and  made 
use  of  either  by  the  Elohist  or  the  Jehovist  for  his 
history. — We  come  now  to  a  more  ample  examina- 
tion of  the  question  as  to  the  distinctive  use  of  the 
Divine  names.  Mr.  Perowne  believes,  with  Astruc, 
&c.,  that  this  early  portion  of  the  Pentateuch,  ex- 
tending from  Gen.  i.  to  Ex.  vi.,  contains  two  original 
documents  characterized  by  their  separate  use  of  the 
Divine  names  and  by  other  peculiarities  of  style. 
Throughout  this  portion  of  the  Pentateuch  the  name 
Jehovah  prevails  in  some  sections,  and  Eiohim  in 
others.  There  are  a  few  sections  (as  the  advocates 
of  the  document  theories  admit)  wlicre  both  names 
are  employed  indifferently ;  and  there  are  sections 
of  some  length  in  which  neither  the  one  nor  the 
other  occurs.  The  style  and  idiom  of  the  Jehovah 
sections,  it  is  claimed,  are  not  the  same  as  the  style 
and  idiom  of  the  Elohlm  sections.  After  Ex.  vi.  2- 
vii.  7,  the  name  Eiohim  almost  ceases  to  be  charac- 
teristic of  whole  sections ;  the  only  exceptions  to  this 
rule  being  Ex.  xiii.  17-19  and  xviil.  If,  as  Heng- 
stenberg  and  those  who  agree  with  him  maintain,  the 
use  of  the  Divine  names  is  to  be  accounted  for 
throughout  by  a  reference  to  their  etymology — If  the 
author  uses  the  one  when  his  design  is  to  speak  of 
God  as  the  Creator  and  the  Judge,  and  the  other 
when  his  object  is  to  set  forth  God  as  the  Redeemer 
— then  it  still  cannot  but  appear  remarkable  (so  Mr. 
Perowne)  that  only  up  to  a  particular  ])oint  do  these 
names  stamp  separate  sections  of  the  narrative, 
whereas  afterward  all  such  distinctive  criterion  falls.^ 
Still  Mr.  Perowne  admits  that  this  phenomenon  of 
the  distinct  use  of  tlie  Divine  names  would  scarcely 
of  itself  prove  the  point,  that  there  are  two  docu- 
ments which  form  the  groundwork  of  the  existing 
Pentateuch  ;  but  he  introduces  otiier  evidence  point- 
ing the  same  way,  and  claims  that  we  find  the  same 
story  told  by  the  two  writers,  and  their  two  accounts 
manifestly  interwoven;  and  that  certain  favorite 
words  and  phrases  distinguish  the  one  writer  from 
the  other.     (1.)  In  proof  of  the  first,  Mr.  Perowne 

'  •'  The  names  (so  Prof.  Bartlett  in  B.  S.  ixi.  748  ff.)  have 
different  shades  of  mcnnini;.  which  regulated  their  earlier, 
and  to  Kome  degree  their  later  use."  (See  the  article  Je- 
hovah In  tliis  Dictionarv.)  "  In  describini;  the  work  of 
creation  (Oen.  i.  1-ii.  31  God  is  named  by  the  more  general 
term  (EtMUn).  In  setting  lorth  Ills  relation  to  man  (Gen. 
ii.)  lie  is  designated  l)v  His  more  special  name  (Jehovah), 
and  this  is  coupled  with  the  former  (A.  V.  ■  Lord  God ') 
to  identify  the  God  of  creation  as  the  same  who  was  after- 
ward revealed  to  Israel."  This  compound  name  appears 
In  Gen.  ill.  1 ;  but  in  the  whole  convorsatlon  with  llie  ser- 
pent (iii.  1-5)  only  Efohlm  ("Ood")  is  used:  "It  would 
have  Ijecn,"  says  Kalisch,  "  a  profanation  to  put  the  holy 
name  of  God  in  the  tempter's  mouth,  or  to  pronounce  ft 
before  his  ears.  The  identity  of  Jehovah  and  Eiohim  hav- 
ing been  once  impressed,  it  was  not  necessary  to  repeat 
this  composition,  except  on  peculiar  occasions."  "  It 
is  ridiculous  to  assert,  '  says  Prof.  Bartlett.  "  that  there 
must  lie  such  peculiar  exigencies  in  trenj  imlance  as  to  re- 
quire the  one  term  preeminently,  or  that  such  a  writer.  In- 
tent on  other  tlioughts.  must  always  be  pondering  sulitile 
shades  of  fitness  in  the  selection  of  two  terms,  either  of 
which  is  adequate.  It  is  precisely  as  with  the  two  princi- 
pal names  of  tlie  .Saviour  in  the  N.  T.  Jesus  was  the  per- 
sonal name,  Christ  the  ollicial.  Now,  In  the  first  chapter 
of  Matthew,  we  have  the  first  three  times,  the  second  twice, 
both  together  twice,  discriminately  used.  Bur  arc  we  to 
force  this  nice  distinction  through  the  whole  N.  T.,  or  even 
any  one  writer  of  it?  By  no  means.  The  narrators  com- 
monly use  the  personal  name,  even  where  the  transactions 
were  seeminL'ly  ofticlal.  The  epistolary  land  later)  writers 
commonly  use  the  oflicial  name,  even  where  the  personal 
epithet  would  he  In  strictness  more  appropriate  :  and  wliile 
freqiiently  using  tlie  names,  single  and  conjoined,  with  un- 
douDted  'discrimination,  they  more  commonly  used  them 
much  alike."  Compare  also  tiie  mode  In  which  "Jacob  " 
and  "  Israel  "  are  nsed  In  the  last  chapters  of  Genesis  to 
denote  the  same  individual. 


830 


PEN 


PEN 


brings  forward  the  history  of  Noah.  He  thus  separ- 
ates the  two  supposed  documents,  and  arranges  them 
iii  parallel  columns  : — 


Jehovah. 

Gen.  vi.  5.  And  Jehovah 
Baw  that  the  wickedness  of 
mm  Wiis  great  in  the  earth, 
and  that  every  hiiagiuation 
of  the  llioughts  of  his  heart 
•waB  only  evil  continually. 
And  it  repented  Jehovah.  &c. 

7.  .\nd  Jehovah  said,  I  will 
blot  out  man  whom  I  have 
created  from  off  the  face  of 
the  ground. 


vii.  1.  And  Jehovah  said  to 
Noah  ....  Thee  have  I  seen 
rijfhteous  before  nie  in  this 
generation. 

vii.  2.  Of  all  cattle  which 
is  clean  thou  shalt  take  to 
thee  by  sevens,  male  and  his 
female,  and  of  all  cattle 
which  is  not  clean,  two, 
male  and  his  female. 

3.  Also  of  fowl  of  the  air 
by  sevens,  male  and  female, 
to  preserve  seed  alive  on  the 
(ace  of  all  the  earth. 


vii.  4.  For  in  yet  seven 
days  I  will  send  rai,n  upon 
the  earth  forty  days  and  forty 
nights,  and  I  will  blot  ont 
all  the  substance  which  1 
Jiave  made  ft-om  off  the  face 
of  the  ground. 

vii.  5.  And  Noah  (hd  ac- 
cording to  alt  that  Jehovah 
commanded  him. 


Blohih. 

Gen.  vi.  12.  And  Elohim 
saw  the  earth,  and  behold  it 

was  corrupt :  for  all  flesh 
had  corrupted  his  way  upon 
the  earth. 


13.  And  Elohim  said  to 
Noah,  The  end  of  all  flesh 
is  come  belore  me,  for  the 
earth  is  filled  with  violence 
because  of  them,  and  behold 
I  will  destroy  them  witli  the 
earth. 

vi.  9.  Noah  a  righteous 
man  was  perfect  in  his  gen- 
eration. With  Elohim  did 
Noah  walk. 

vi.  19.  And  of  every  living 
tiling  of  all  flesh,  two  of  all 
shalt  thou  bring  into  the  ark 
to  preserve  alive  with  thee  : 
male  and  female  shall  they 
be. 

20.  Of  fowl  after  their 
kind,  and  of  cattle  after 
their  kind,  of  everything 
that  creepcth  on  the  ground 
alter  his  kind,  two  of  all 
shall  come  nnto  thee  that 
tiiou  mayest  preaer^-e  (them) 
alive. 

vi.  17.  And  I,  behold  I  do 
bring  the  flood,  waters  upon 
the  earth,  to  destroy  all  flesh 
wherein  is  the  breath  of  life. 
from  nnder  heaven,  all  that 
is  in  the  earth  shall  perish. 

vi.  22.  And  Noah  did  ac- 
cording to  ah  that  Elohim 
commanded  him :  so  did  he. 


In  the  rest  of  the  narrative  of  tlie  Flood,  Mr.  Pc- 
rowne  traces  the  two  documents  thus — vii.  1,  6,  on 
the  Jehovah  side,  answer  to  vi.  18,  vii.  11  on  tin; 
Elohim  side;  vii.  7-9,  17,  23,  to  vii.  13-16,  18,  21, 
22;  viii.  21,  22,  to  ix.  8-11.  (2.)  Again,  Mr.  Pe- 
rowne  and  many  others  claim  that  these  duplicate 
narratives  are  characterized  by  peculiar  modes  of  ex- 
pression ;  and  that  generally,  the  Eloliistie  and  Jeho- 
vistic  sections  have  their  own  distinct  and  individual 
coloring.  But  Keil  argues  that  these  alleged  char- 
acteristic words  and  phrases  are  either  («.)  in  some 
respect  different,  or  (i)  not  used  exclusively  by  either 
writer,  or  (c. )  found  only  in  one  or  two  passages.  More- 
over, the  alleged  diversities  in  regard  to  ideas,  ex- 
pression, &.C.,  are  arrived  at  for  the  most  part  by  an 
artificial  separation,  aided  by  the  hypothesis  of  mani- 
fest interpolations  and  elaborations  of  the  Eluhim. 
document  by  the  supplementer  or  Jchovist.  Dr.  S. 
Davidson  [Introduction  to  0.  T.  I.  58  ff.)  cuts  up  Gen. 
xxviii.  into  four  sections  (1-9,  10-12, 13-16,  17-22), 
and  assigns  them  to  four  different  writers,  viz.  the 
Elohist,  younger  Elohist,  redactor,  younger  Elohist ; 
Vaihinger  divides  this  chapter  into  five  sections,  as- 
signing ver.  1-12,  16  o,  17-22,  to  the  Elohist,  and 
the  remainder  (13-15.  16i)to  theJehovist.  David- 
son divides  Gen.  xxi.  into  tliirteen  sections,  assigned 
to  four  writers ;  Vaihinger  maljcs  but  two  (or  three) 
sections,  and  two  writers  only.  In  eh.  xxxv.  David- 
son has  fifteen  sections  and  four  writers ;  Vaihinger 
assigns  the  whole  to  one  writer,  or  perhaps  two ; 
Knobel  makes  ten  sections.  In  ch.  xli.  Davidson 
makes  forty  sections  for  liis  different  writers ;  Kno- 
bel twenty  sections ;  while  Vaihinger  assigns  the 
whole  of  clis.  xl.-xlv.  to  the  Elohist.     Verses  and 


half-verses  are  summarily  removed  by  the  theorists 
from  their  connection,  and  arbitrarily  assigned  to 
another  document,  e.  g.  v.  29,  vii.  16  6,  xii.  4  i,  &c. 
(See  B.  S.  xxi.  743  ff. ;  Cassell's  Bible  Dictioimry, 
art.  Pentateuch.)     Mr.  Perowne  concludes,  from  the 
arguments  summarily  stated  and  answered  above, 
that,  besides  some  smaller  independent  documents, 
two  original  liistorical  works  form  tlic  basis  of  tlie 
present  Book  of  Genesis  and  of  the  earlier  chapters 
of  Exodus.     That  the  Elohistic  is  the  earlier  of  these 
he  regards  as  established  by  Ex.  vi.  2,  3  (Jehovah), 
as  well  as  by  the  matter  and  style  of  the  document 
itself.  He  supposes  tliat  both  are  in  the  main  as  old  ns 
tlie  time  of  Moses.    Whether  Moses  himself  was  tiie 
author  of  either  of  these  works  is  a  different  question. 
But  Prof.  Douglas  (in  Fairbaim)  claims  that  "  there 
are  gaps  in  the  fundamental  (Elohim)  document  which 
need  to  be  filled  up,  and  there  are  references  in  it  to 
the  so-called  later  or  supjilementary  matter,  whicli 
we  therefore  believe  to  be  a  composition  as  early  as 
the  other."     In  other  words,  neither  of  the  supposed 
documents  is  complete  without  the  other,  and  thcre- 
]  fore  the  whole  work  cannot  be  a  mere  compilation 
from  previously  existing  documents.     4.    Mr.   Pe- 
rowne holds  that  certain  references  of  time  and  place 
clearly  prove  that  tlie  work,  in  itti  present  form,  is 
later  than  the  time  of  Moses.     Thus  he  regards  Gen. 
xii.  6  (comp.  xiii.  7),  "  And  the  Canaanite  was  then 
in  the  land,"  as  implying  that  the  state  of  tilings  was 
different  in  the  time  of  the  writer,  and  lienee  as 
written  after  the  occupation  of  the  land  by  tlie  Israel- 
ites.    But  the  passage  may  implj- — not  that  the  Ca- 
naanite was  not  in  the  land  in  tlie  writer's  time, 
which,  understood  absolutely,  would  make  the  writer 
live  after  Solomon  and  Ezra  (1  K.  ix.  20,  21 ;  Ezr. 
ix.  1) — but  that  tlie  tribe  of  Canaanites  then  dwelt 
at  or  near  Sicliem  in  the  interior  of  the  land,  though 
afterward  (Num.  xiii.  29)  by  tlie  sea  and  tlie  Jordan 
— or  that  the  Canaanites  already  dwelt  there,  hav- 
ing migrated  from  the  south — or  that  they  dwelt 
tliere  then,  though  their  land  was  to  be  possessed  by 
Abraham's  seed  according  to  the  promise  in  the  next 
verse.     And  Gen.  xiii.  7  may  mention  tliat  "  the 
Canaanite  and  the  Perizzite  dwelled  then  in  the  land," 
to  account  for  either  the  insufficiency  of  pasturage, 
or  the  danger  of  strife  between  Lot's  and  Abram's] 
herdsmen  in  the  presence  of  such  neighbors.     The 
principal  notices  of  time  and  place  which  have  been 
alleged  as  bespeaking  for  the  Pentateucli  a  later 
date  are  the  following : — (a.)  References  of  time. 
Ex.  vi.  26,  27,  need  not  be  regarded  as  a  later  addi- 
tion, for  it  obviously  sums  up  the  genealogical  reg- 
ister given  just  before,  and  refers  back  to  ver.  18. 
But  Mr.  Perowne  and  others  think  it  more  naturally 
reconcilable  with  some  other  authorship  tlian  that! 
of  Moses  (comp.  II.  2,  above).    Again,  Ex.  xvi.  33-36, 
thougli  it  must  have  been  introduced  after  the  rest 
of  the  book  was  written,  may  have  been  added  by 
Moses  himself,  supposing  liim  to  have  composed  tha 
rest  of  tlie  book.     Moses  there  directs  Aaron  to  lay 
up  the  manna  before  Jehovali,  and  then  we  read: 
"As  Jehov.ah  commanded  Moses,  so  Aaron  laid  it  up 
before  the  Testimony  "  (i.  e.  the  Ark)  "  to  be  kept. 
And  tlie  children  of  Israel  did  eat  manna  forty  years,, 
until  they  came  to  a  land  inhabited ;  they  did  eat 
manna  until  they  came  unto  the  borders  of  the  land 
of  Canaan."     Then  follows  tlie  remark,  "Now  an 
omer  is  the  tenth  part  of  an  epliali."     It  is  clear, 
then  (so  Mr.  Perowne),  that  this  passage  was  written 
not  only  after  the  Ark  was  made,  but  after  the  Is- 
raelites had  entered  the  Promised  Land.     Tlie  ob- 
vious intention  of  the  writer  is  to  tell  when  tlio 


I 


I 


PEN 


PEX 


831 


manna  eeaged  {comp.  Josh.  v.  12),  not,  as  Hcngsten- 
ber?  contends,  how  long  it  eonliuned.  Still  those 
passages  are  not  absolutely  iri-eeoiicilablc  with  the 
Mosaic  authorship  of  the  book.  Verse  35  may  be  a 
fatcr  gloss  only,  as  Le  Were  and  RosenmiUler  be- 
lieved. The  dilficulty  is  greater  with  a  passage  in 
Genesis.  The  genealogical  table  of  Esau's  family 
(ch.  xxxvi.)  can  scarcely  be  regarded  as  a  later  in- 
terpolation. It  does  not  interrupt  the  order  and 
connection  of  the  book ;  on  the  contrary,  it  is  a  most 
essential  part  of  its  structure ;  it  is  one  of  the  ten 
"generations"  or  genealogical  registers  which  form, 
so  to  speak,  the  backbone  of  the  whole.  Here  tlie 
rem.irk  (ver.  31),  "And  these  are  the  kings  that 
reigned  in  the  land  of  Edom,  before  there  reigned 
any  king  over  the  children  of  Israel,"  is  understood 
by  many  to  imply  that  when  written,  kings  had  al- 
ready begun  to  reign  over  Israel.  Hengstenberg, 
Michaelis,  Delitzsch,  &c.,  explain  this  by  reference 
to  the  prophecy  just  delivered  (xxxv.  11 ;  compare 
xvii.  6,  8,  16,  aiid  xxvii.  29,  40),  promising  a  line  of 
kings  to  descend  from  Jacob.  Dr.  S.  Davidson 
(IiiirodiicHon  to  the  O.  7'.,  621)  admita  the  proba- 
bility of  this  explanation  and  of  the  consistency  of 
the  passage  with  the  Mosaic  authorship  of  Genesis. 
Jlr.  Perowne  and  others  suppose  this  verse  may  have 
been  inserted  later  from  the  genealogical  table  in  1 
Chr.  i.  43 ;  and  if  so,  it  may  have  been  introduced 
by  Ezra  in  his  revision  of  the  Law. — Lev.  xviii.  28, 
— "  That  the  land  spue  not  you  out  also,  when  ye 
defile  it,  as  it  spued  out  the  nations  that  were  before 
you,"  is  also  regarded  as  assuming  the  occupation 
of  tlie  Land  of  Canaan  by  the  Israelites.  The  great 
difficulty  connected  with  this  passage,  however,  is 
that  it  is  not  a  supplementary  remark  of  the  writer's, 
but  that  the  words  are  the  w^ords  of  God  directing 
Moses  what  he  is  to  say  to  the  children  of  Israel 
(ver.  1).  But  this  difficulty  is  removed  thus  h}'  Prof 
Dou-'las  (in  Fairbaim),  Prof  Bartlctt,  &c. :  The 
phrase  "  as  it  spued  out "  here  =:  an  it  irill  have 
sftiieil  out,  for  a  verb  in  the  same  mode  and  tense  is 
properly  translated  in  Is.  iv.  4  "  shall  liave  washed 
away,"  and  both  passages  are  anticipatory  or  pro- 
phetic from  the  mouth  of  God(comp.  Lev.  xviii.  24). 
The  expression  "  to  this  day,"  or  "  unto  this  day  " 
(Gen.  xix.  37,  38,  xxii.  14,  xxvi.  33,  &c.),  docs  not 
necessarily  imply  a  later  time  than  that  of  Moses, 
for  it  may  be  used  of  one's  lifetime  (.xlviii.  15)  or  a 
shorter  period  (Deut.  xxix.  4,  eomp.  2  ;  Josh.  vi.  23). 
Dcut.  iii.  14  may  be  (so  Prof.  Bartlett,  &c.)a  paren- 
thesis added  by  a  later  hand,  as  Ezra ;  but  Prof 
Douglas  (in  Fairbaim)  argues  the  appropriateness 
of  "  unto  this  day  "  here,  because  of  the  great  diffi- 
culty of  changing  the  name  of  an  entire  district  and 
of  the  probability  of  permanence  if  in  the  great 
ravolution  then  taking  place  the  name  remained 
attached  for  the  first  few  months  to  the  new  con- 
quest. (A.)  In  several  instances  older  namei  of 
jJaees  (so  Mr.  Perowne)  give  place  to  those  which 
came  later  into  use  in  Canaan.  In  Gen.  xiv.  14, 
and  in  Deut.  xxxiv.  1,  occurs  the  name  of  the  well- 
known  city  of  Dan.  (Dan  2.)  In  Josh.  xiv.  15 
(comp.  XV.  13,  54)  and  Judg.  i.  10  we  are  told  that 
the  name  of  IIeokon  before  the  conquest  of  Canaan 
was  Kirjatli-arba.  In  Gen.  xxiii.  2  this  name  again 
occurs,  and  the  explanation  is  added  (Mr.  Perowne 
supposes  by  some  one  who  wrote  later  than  the  oc- 
cupation of  Canaan)  "  the  same  is  Hebron  "  (comp. 
xiii.  18).  Keil,  Hengstenberg,  &c.,  regard  Hebrdn 
as  the  original  name,  and  Kirjath-arba  as  the  name 
in  the  interval  between  Abraham  and  Moses,  and 
Uebron  as  again  current  from  Moses'  time.    Another 


instance  is  the  occurrence  of  Hormah  in  Num.  xiv. 
45,  xxi.  1-3,  compared  with  Judg.  i.  17.  Mr.  Pe- 
rowne claims  that  there  is  abundant  evidence  in  the 
Pentateuch  itself  to  show  tliat,  though  the  main  bulk 
of  it  is  Mosaic,  certain  detached  portions  of  it  arc  of 
later  growth ;  but  nothing  can  be  more  natural  (in 
his  view)  than  to  suppose  such  later  additions  were 
made  by  Ezra  and  Kehemiah. — III.  The  evidence 
lying  outside  of  the  Pentateuch  itself,  which  bears 
upon  its  authorship  and  the  probable  date  of  its 
composition,  is  of  three  kinds  ;  first,  direct  mention 
of  the  work  as  already  existing  in  the  later  books 
of  the  Bible ;  secondly,  the  existence  of  a  book  sub- 
stantially the  same  as  the  present  Pentateuch 
amongst  the  Samaritans ;  and,  lastly,  allusions  less 
direct,  such  as  historical  references,  quotations,  and 
the  like,  which  presuppose  its  existence.  1.  We 
have  direct  evidence  for  the  authorship  of  the  Law 
in  Josh.  i.  7,  8,  viii.  31,  34,  xxiii.  6  (comp.  xxiv.  26), 
in  all  which  places  Moses  is  said  to  have  written  it. 
The  Book  of  Judges  does  not  speak  of  the  Book  of 
the  Law.  No  direct  mention  of  it  occurs  in  the 
Books  of  Samuel.  The  first  mention  of  the  Law  of 
Moses  after  the  establishment  of  the  monarchy  is  in 
David's  charge  to  his  son  Solomon,  on  his  deathbed 
(1  K.  ii.  3).  The  allusion  seems  to  be  to  parts  of 
Deuteronomy,  and  therefore  favors  the  Mosaic  au- 
thorship of  that  book  (comp.  viii.  9,  53).  In  2  K. 
xi.  12,  "the  testimony"  is  put  into  the  hands  of 
Joash  at  his  coronation.  This  must  have  been  a 
book  containing  either  the  whole  of  the  Mosaic  Law, 
or  at  least  the  Book  of  Deuteronomy.  In  the  Books 
of  Chronicles  far  more  frequent  mention  is  made  of 
"  the  Law  of  Jehovah,"  or  "  the  book  of  the  Law  of 
Jloses  " — a  fact  which  may  be  accoimted  for  partly 
bv  the  priestly  character  of  those  books  (comp.  1 
Chr.  xvi.  40,  xxii.  12,  13 ;  2  Chr.  xii.  1,  xiv.  4,  xv. 
3,  xvii.  9,  XXV.  4,  xxxi.  3,  4,  21,  xxxiii.  8,  xxxiv.  14, 
XXXV.  26).  In  Ezra  and  Kehemiah  mention  is  several 
times  made  of  the  Law  of  Moses  (Ezr.  iii.  2,  vi.  1 8,  vii. 
6  ;  Neh.  i.  7  ff".,  viii.  1  ff.,  ix.  3,  14,  xiii.  1-3),  and  here 
there  can  be  doubt  that  our  present  Pentateuch  is 
meant ;  for  we  have  no  reason  to  suppose  that  any 
later  revision  of  it  took  place.  At  this  time,  then, 
the  existing  Pentateuch  was  regarded  as  the  work 
of  Moses.  The  Books  of  Chronicles,  though  un- 
doubtedly based  upon  ancient  records,  are  probably 
in  their  present  form  as  late  as  the  time  of  Ezra. 
Hence  it  might  be  supposed  that  if  the  reference  is 
to  the  present  Pentateuch  in  Ezra,  the  present  Pen- 
tateuch must  also  be  referred  to  in  Chronicles.  But 
this  does  not  follow  (so  Mr.  Perowne).  The  Book 
of  Ezra  speaks  of  the  Law  as  it  existed  in  the  time 
of  the  writer ;  the  Books  of  Chronicles  speak  of  it 
as  it  existed  long  before.  Hence  the  author  of  the 
latter  (who  may  have  been  Ezra),  in  making  mention 
of  the  Law  of  Moses,  refers  of  course  to  that  recen- 
sion of  it  (xuhstanlialbj,  no  doubt,  the  same  book) 
which  existed  at  the  particular  periods  over  which 
his  hi.story  travels.  In  Dan.  ix.  11,  13,  the  Law  of 
Moses  is  mentioned  ;  and  here  again  a  book  differing 
jn  nothing  from  our  ■present  Pentateuch  is  probably 
meant.  In  the  Prophets  and  in  the  Psalms,  though 
there  are  many  allusions  to  the  Law,  evidently  as  a 
written  document,  there  are  none  as  to  its  author- 
ship. But  the  evidence  from  the  historical  books 
of  the  0.  T.  is  unquestionably  strong,  (1.)  in  favor  of 
an  early  existence  of  the  main  body  of  tlie  Penta- 
teuch, particularly  of  Genesis  and  the  legal  portions 
of  the  remaining  books,  (2.)  as  showing  a  universal 
belief  among  the  Jews  that  the  work  was  written  by 
Moses.    This  ascription  to  Moses  of  the  Pentateuch 


832 


PEN 


PEX 


in  ita  present  form  is  likewise  sanctioned  by  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  the  writers  of  the  N.  T. 
"  Moses "  is  spoken  of  as  the  beginning  of  "  the 
Scriptures"  (Lk.  xxiv.  27).  Moses  "wrote"  and 
left  "  writings  "  concerning  Christ  (Jn.  i.  45,  v.  46, 
47).  "  Moses  and  the  prophets  "  are  referred  to 
alike  as  portions  of  the  Scriptures  (Lk.  xvi.  29,  31, 
xxiv.  27;  Acts  xxvi.  22);  in  other  passages,  "  the 
Law  and  the  prophets"  (Mat.  vii.  12,  xxii.  40  ;  Lk. 
xvi.  16;  Acts  xxiv.  14;  Rom.  iii.  21,  &c.),  or  "the 
law  of  Moses  and  the  prophets"  (Acts  xxviii.  23). 
The  threefold  division  of  the  Jewish  Scriptures — 
"  the  Law  of  Moses — the  Prophets — the  Psalms  " — 
is  mentioned  by  our  Saviour  (Lk.  xxiv.  44),  "the 
law  of  Moses  "  here  and  elsewhere  in  the  X.  T.  un- 
questionably denoting  the  present  Pentateuch  (comp. 
Acts  XV.  21  ;  2  Cor.  iii.  15).  (Bible,  IIL  1.)  Jesus 
Christ  and  His  apostles  did  not  err  in  their  testimony 
on  this  subject  through  ignorance  or  in  accommoda- 
tion to  Jewish  prejudices,  or  "  the  traditions  of  the 
elders."  They  bore  witness  to  the  truth  and  to  the 
truth  only  (Jn.  xviii.  37).  The  Scriptures  ascribe 
the  Pentateuch  or  "the  Law"  to  Moses  (i.  17).  2. 
Conclusive  proof  of  the  early  composition  of  the 
Pentateuch,  it  has  been  argued,  exists  in  the  fact  that 
the  Samaritans  had  their  own  copies  of  it,  not  differ- 
ing very  materially  from  those  possessed  by  the 
Jews,  except  in  a  few  passages  which  had  probably 
been  purposely  tampered  with  and  altered,  e.  g.  Ex. 
xii.  40  and  Deut.  xxvii.  4.  The  Samaritans,  it  is 
said,  must  have  derived  their  Book  of  the  Law  from 
the  Ten  Tribes,  who.se  land  they  occupied ;  but  the 
Ten  Tribes  would  not  accept  religious  books  from 
the  Two ;  hence  the  Pentateuch  must  have  existed 
in  its  present  form  before  the  separation  of  Israel 
from  Judah.  If  this  point  could  be  satisfactorily 
established,  we  should  have  a  limit  of  time  in  one 
direction  for  the  composition  of  the  Pentateuch.  It 
coidd  not  have  been  later  than  the  times  of  the 
earliest  kings.  It  must  have  been  earlier  than  the 
reign  of  Solomon,  and  indeed  than  that  of  Saul.  His- 
tory leaves  us  altogether  in  doubt  as  to  the  time  at 
which  the  Pentateuch  was  received  by  the  Samari- 
tans. Copies  of  it  might  have  been  left  in  the  north- 
em  kingdom  after  Shalmaneser's  invasion,  though 
this  is  hardly  probable ;  or  they  might  have  been  in- 
troduced thither  during  the  religious  reforms  of 
Hezekiah  or  Josiah.  But  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch 
agrees  so  remarkably  with  the  existing  Hebrew  Pen- 
tateuch, and  that  too  In  those  passages  which  are  (in 
the  view  of  Mr.  Perowne  and  others)  interpolations 
aud  corrections  as  late  as  the  time  of  Ezra,  that  we 
must  look  for  some  other  period  to  which  to  refer  the 
adoption  of  the  Books  of  Moses  by  the  Samaritans. 
This  we  find  after  the  Babylonish  exile,  at  the  institu 
tion  of  the  rival  worship  on  Gerizim.  Till  the  return 
from  Babylon  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  Samar- 
itans regarded  the  Jews  with  any  extraordinary  dis- 
like or  hostility.  But  the  manifest  distrust  and  sus- 
picion with  which  Nehemiah  met  their  advances 
when  he  was  rebuilding  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  pro- 
voked their  wrath.  J'rom  this  time  forward  they 
were  declared  and  open  enemies.  A  full  discussion 
of  this  question  would  be  out  of  place  here.  \Vc 
incline  (so  Mr.  Perowne)  to  the  view  of  I'rideaux, 
that  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  was  in  fact  a  tran- 
script of  Ezra's  revised  copy.  The  same  view  is 
virtually  adopted  by  Gesenius.  3.  We  are  now  to 
consider  evidence  of  a  more  indirect  kind,  which 
bears  not  so  much  on  the  Mosaic  authorship  as  on 
the  early  existence  of  the  work  as  a  whole.  This 
last  circumstance,  however,  if  satisfactorily  made 


out,  is,  indirectly  at  least,  an  argument  that  Moses 
wrote  the  Pentateuch.^  Ilengstenberg  has  tried  to 
show  that  all  the  later  books,  by  their  allusions  and 
quotations,  presuppose  the  existence  of  the  Books 
of  the  Law.  He  traces,  moreover,  the  influence  of 
the  Law  upon  the  whole  life,  civil  and  religious,  of 
the  nation  after  their  settlement  in  the  land  of 
Canaan.  Now,  beyond  all  doubt,  there  arc  numer- 
ous most  striking  references,  both  in  the  Prophets 
and  in  the  Books  of  Kings,  to  passages  which  are 
found  in  our  present  Pentateuch.  It  is  established 
in  the  most  convincing  manner  that  the  legal  por- 
tions of  the  Pentateuch  already  existed  in  writing 
before  the  separation  of  the  two  kingdoms.  Even 
as  regards  the  historical  portions,  there  are  often  in 
the  later  books  almost  verbal  coincidences  of  ex- 
pression, which  render  it  more  than  probable  that 
these  also  existed  in  writing.  Compare  from  Joel 
the  following  passages : — ii.  2  with  Ex.  x.  14  ;  ii.  3 
with  Gen.  ii.  8,  9  (compare  xiii.  10) ;  ii.  17  with  Num. 
xiv.  13;  ii.  20  with  Ex.  x.  19;  iii.  1  (ii.  28,  A.  V.) 
with  Gen.  vi.  12;  ii.  13  with  Ex.  xxxiv.  6;  iv.  (iii.) 
18  with  Num.  xxv.  1.  Again,  from  Amos: — ii.  2 
with  Num.  xxi.  28  ;  ii.  7  with  Ex.  xxiii.  6  and  Lev. 
XX.  3  ;  ii.  8  with  Ex.  xxii.  25,  &c. ;  ii.  9  with  Num. 
xiii.  32,  &c. ;  iii.  7  with  Gen.  xviii.  17 ;  iv.  4  witli 
Lev.  xxiv.  3  and  Deut.  xiv.  28,  xxvi.  12  ;  v.  12  with 
Num.  XXXV.  31  (compare  Ex.  xxiii.  6  and  Am.  ii.  7); 
V.  17  with  Ex.  xii.  12;  v.  21,  &c.  with  Num.  xxix. 
35  and  Lev.  xxiii.  36;  vi.  1  with  Num.  i.  17;  vi.  6 
with  Gen.  xxxvii.  25  ?  ;  vi.  8  with  Lev.  xxvi.  19  ;  vi. 
14  with  Num.  xxxiv.  8  ;  viii.  6  with  Ex.  xxi.  2  and 
Lev.  xxv.  39;  ix.  13  with  Lev.  xxvi.  3-5  (compare 
Ex.  iii.  8).  Again,  from  Hosca : — i.  2  w  ith  Lev.  xx. 
6-7  ;  ii.  1  (i.  10)  with  Gen.  xxii.  17,  xxxii.  12;  ii.  2 
(i.  11)  with  Ex.  i.  10;  iii.  2  with  Ex.  xxi.  32;  iv.  8 
with  Lev.  vi.  17,  &c.,  and  vii.  1,  &c. ;  iv.  10  with 
Lev.  xxvi.  26;  iv.  17  with  Ex.  xxxii.  9,  10;  v.  6 
with  Ex.  X.  9  ;  vi.  2  with  Gen.  xvii.  18 ;  vii.  8  with 
Ex.  xxxiv.  12-16;  xii.  6  (A.  V.  6)  with  Ex.  iii.  15; 
xii.  10  (9)  with  Lev.  xxiii.  43  ;  xii.  15(14)  with  Gen. 

^  An  argument  for  the  antiquity  and  gennineneBB  of  the 
Pc'ntatinich  wob  eialjorated  by  tti'e  lute  Dr.  Jalm  In  an  es- 
eayon  ite  lan^uace  and  style  written  just  before  his  death 
m  ISIB.  After  leaving  out  of  tlie  acconiit  most  of  the 
words  which  occur  only  once  in  the  Hebrew  Bible  as  well 
as  those  which,  from  the  nature  of  the  case,  must  be  found 
either  in  the  Pentateuch  only,  or  in  the  later  books  only, 
he  enumerated  about  400  words  and  phrases  peculiar  to 
the  Pentateuch  or  but  very  seldom  employed  elsewhere, 
and  about  400  words  and  phrases  in  the  later  boolis  wliicb 
either  do  not  occur  at  all,  or  but  very  rarely,  in  the  Penta- 
teuch. Jahn's  list,  as  Ileniisteiiberg  remarks,  requires  a 
revision,  as  Hebrew  Icaniing  lias  made  great  procress 
since  hiB  time,  "Yet  after  all  allowances  are  made,  the 
greater  portion  of  the  words  in  his  enumeration  are  per- 
fectly in  point.  Not  a  few  words  and  phrases  to  which  he 
makes  no  allusion  might  swell  the  number"  (so  Prof.  B. 
B.  Edwards,  in  B.  S.,  li,  388  f.).  Other  ar^ments  may  bo 
drawn  from  the  progressiveness  of  the  legislation  as  re- 
corded in  the  Pentateuch  and  of  Divine  revelation  as  a 
whole.  The  Pentateuch  contains  statutes  suited  to  the 
case  of  the  Israelites  in  the  Wilderness  and  prospective 
changes  or  modificalions  of  these  for  them  in  Canaan  (e.  g. 
Num.  V,  1-4,  XV.  1-31 ;  Deut,  vii,  1-5,  xii,).  It  provides 
legislation  for  cases  as  they  arise  (e,  g,  Nnm,  ix,  (i  ff..  xv. 
32  ff..  xxvii,  1-11,  xxxvi.  1-12) :  but  there  Is  no  growth  of 
law  and  of  legislation  after  the  time  of  Moses,  On  the  other 
hand,  there  isprogrcss  in  Divine  revelation  from  Genesis 
to  Malachi,  Tlie  author  of  the  Pentateuch  does  not  teach 
the  yiMORTAiJTT  of  the  soul  (Law  of  Moses.  II.  c.  p, 
537)  with  the  clearness  of  David  (Ps,  xvi,  11,  Ac, ;  com- 
pare Ex,  iii,  «  and  Mat,  xxii,  32,  &c.).  or  the  particulars 
respecting  the  Messiah  as  these  appear  in  the  Psalms  and 
the  Prophets  (Ps,  ii„  xlv„  Ixxii, ;  Is,  xl,.  liii.  &c, ;  com- 
pare Gen,  iii,  15,  xii.  1-.3,  Ac),  which  is  unaccountable  on 
the  supposition  that  the  Pentateuch  was  composed  in 
their  time,  (See  Home's  Introihirti/m,  edited  by  Ayrc.  ii. 
605  ff.,  and  Ayrc's  Treasury  of  Bible  Ktwwkdge,  article 
Pentateuch,) 


I 


PEN 


PEN 


833 


Ix.  5.  From  "1  Kings  : — xx.  42  with  Lev.  xxvii.  29 ; 
xxi.  3  with  Lev.  xxv.  23  and  Num.  xxxvi.  8  ;  xxi. 
Ill  with  Num.  xxxv.  30  (compare  Deut.  xvii.  6,  7, 
xix.  15);  xxii.  17  witli  Num.  xxvii.  IC,  17.  From 
2  Kings: — iii.  20  with  Ex.  xxix.  3(j,  &c. ;  iv.  1  with 
Lev.  xxv.  39,  &o. ;  v.  27  with  Ex.  iv.  6  and  Num. 
xii.  10;  vi.  18  with  Gen.  xi.x.  11;  vi.  28  with  Lev. 
xxvi.  29;  vii.  2,  19  with  Uen.  vii.  11;  vii.  3  with 
Lev.  xiii.  46  (compare  Num.  v.  3).*  But  now,  if,  as 
appears  from  the  examination  of  all  the  extant  Jew- 
ish literature,  the  Pentateuch  existed  as  a  canon- 
ical book ;  if,  moreover,  it  was  a  book  so  well 
known  that  its  words  had  become  household  words 
among  the  people ;  and  if  the  prophets  could  ap- 
peal to  it  as  a  recognized  and  well-known  document 
— how  are  we  to  explain  the  surprise  and  alarm  in 
the  mind  of  Josiaii  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  14  ff.),  betraying 
as  it  docs  such  utter  ignorance  of  the  Book  of  tlie 
Law,  and  of  the  severity  of  its  threatenings — ex- 
cept on  the  supposition  that,  as  a  written  document, 
it  had  well-nigh  perislied  ?  This  must  have  been 
tlie  case  (so  Mr.  Perowne),  and  it  is  not  so  extraor- 
ilinary  a  fact  perhaps  as  it  appears  at  first  sight. 
It  is  true  tliat  in  the  reign  of  Jeiiosuapiiat  pains 
had  been  taken  to  make  the  nation  at  large  ac- 
quainted witli  the  Law ;  but  that  was  300  years  be- 
fore ;  and  in  such  an  interval  great  clianges  must 
have  taken  place.  It  is  true  that  in  the  reign  of 
Ahaz  the  prophet  Isaiali  directed  tlie  people  to  turn 
"to  the  Law  and  to  tlie  Testimony"  (Is.  viii.  20); 
and  Uezekiah,  who  succeeded  Ahaz,  had  no  doubt 
reigned  in  the  spirit  of  the  prophet's  advice.  But 
the  next  monarch  (llanassch)  was  guilty  of  out- 
rageous wickedness,  and  filled  Jerusalem  with  idols. 
How  great  a  desolation  might  one  wicked  prince  ef- 
fect, especially  during  a  lengthened  reign  !  To  tliis 
we  must  add,  that  at  no  time,  in  all  probability,  were 
there  many  copies  of  the  Law  existing  in  writing. 
It  was  probably  then  the  custom,  as  it  still  is  in  the 
East,  to  trust  largely  to  the  memory  for  its  trans-' 
mission.  The  ritual  would  easily  be  perpetuated  by 
the  mere  force  of  observance,  though  much  of  it, 
doubtless,  became  perverted,  and  some  part  of  it 
perhaps  obsolete,  through  the  neglect  of  the  priests. 
The  command  of  Moses,  which  laid  upon  the  king 
the  obligation  of  hiaking  a  copy  of  tlie  Law  for 
himself,  had  of  course  long  been  disregarded.  Here 
and  there  perhaps  only  some  prophet  or  righteous 
man  possessed  a  copy  of  the  sacred  book.  The 
bulk  of  the  nation  were  without  it.  The  oral 
transmission  of  the  Law  and  the  living  witness  of 
the  prophets  had  superseded  the  written  document, 
till  at  last  it  had  become  so  scarce  as  to  be  almost 
unknown  (so  Mr.  Perowne;  but  see  Edication). 
On  c.irefully  weighing  all  tlie  evidence  hitherto  ad- 
duced, Mr.  Perowne  concludes  that  we  can  hardly 
question,  without  a  literary  skepticism,  which  would 
be  most  unreasonable,  that  the  Pentateuch  is  to  a 
Tory  considerable  extent  as  early  as  the  time  of 
Moses,  though  it  may  have  undergone  many  later 
revisions  and  corrections,  the  last  of  these  being 
certainly  as  late  as  the  time  of  Ezra.  He  supposes 
that  the  first  compositum  of  the  Pentateuch  as  a 
whole  could  not  have  taken  place  till  after  the  Is- 
raelites entered  Canaan,  but  that  Joshua  and  the 
elders  associated  with  him  provided  i'or  its  formal 
arrangement,  custody,  and  transmission,  while  the 


•  Says  Prof.  B.  B.  Edwards  «n  B.  S.  11.  S!B).  "  In  fonr 
of  the  earlier  prophetn.  Isaiah  fi.-xxxlx.),  Micah,  Ilonca, 
•nd  Amiw.  there  arc  moro  than  800  trace!*  of  the  existence 
of  the  Penlatiuch  in  its  pre«ent  form."  (See  Tuch's  COm- 
tnaUar;/  on  GenetU.) 

53 


whole  work  did  not  assume  its  present  shape  till  its 
revision  was  undertaken  by  Ezra  after  the  Babylo- 
nish captivity.  But  evidence,  both  internal  and  ex- 
ternal,— from  the  Pentateuch  itself  and  from  the 
other  Scriptures,  both  of  the  0.  and  N.  T.,  from  its 
full  correspondence  with  the  known  history  and  pe- 
culiarities of  the  Hebrew  nation,  from  its  universal 
reception  as  the  work  of  Moses  by  Jews  and  Chris- 
tians, iSaiuaritans  and  heathens,  from  the  most  an- 
cient times,  from  the  utter  unsatisfactoriness  of  any 
other  theory  of  its  origin,  and  the  manifold  and  ir- 
reconcilable differences  and  inconsistencies  of 
tliose  who  dispute  its  Mosaic  authorship, — sustains 
tlie  view  that  the  Pentateuch  as  a  whole  was  written 
by  Moses  or  under  his  direction,  and  is  a  part  of  the 
uis])ired  word  of  God.  Says  Prof.  G.  C.  M.  Douglas 
(in  Fairbairn,  article  Pentateuch),  "  A  person  may 
hold  the  common  opinion  that  Moses  wrote  the 
Pentateuch,  and  yet  along  with  this  may  also  hold 
(rightly  or  wrongly)  that  there  are  elements  in  it 
which  are  not  from  the  hand  of  Moses,  but  which 
have  come  to  be  incorporated  with  it  by  accidents 
to  which  all  very  ancient  books  are  liable."  (For 
further  information,  see  the  articles  on  the  several 
books;  also  Abraham;  Adllteuy;  AiioLiBAMAn ; 
Amram  1 ;  Anah  ;  Argob  ;  Army  ;  Assyria  ;  Basiie- 
MATH ;  Bker-sheba  ;  Bethel  1  ;  Bible  ;  Blood, 
Avenger  of  ;  Canaan  1  ;  Canon  ;  Census  ;  Chro- 
nology ;  City  of  Refuge  ;  Congregatio.n  ;  Cre- 
ation ;  Day;  Divorce;  Earth;  Egypt;  Elder; 
Esau  ;  Exodus,  the  ;  Festivals  ;  Firmament  ;  Gen- 
ealogy ;  God  ;  Goshen  ;  Ham  ;  Havoth-jair  ; 
Heaven  ;  Hebrew  ;  Hobab  ;  Inspiration  ;  Isaac  ; 
Jacob  1  ;  Japheth  ;  Jehovah  ;  Jethro ;  Joseph  1  ; 
KoRAH  4  ;  Law  of  Moses  ;  Levites  ;  Man  ;  Mar- 
riage ;  Miracles  ;  Noah  ;  Old  Testament  ;  Pass- 
over ;  Patriarch;  Priest;  Prophet;  Sabiutii  ; 
Sacrifice  ;  Sea,  the  Salt  ;  Siiem  ;  Slave  ;  Sodom  ; 
Tabernacle  ;  Tithes  ;  Tongues,  Confusion  of  ; 
Wilderness  of  the  Wandering;  Writing,  &e.) — 
IV.  It  is  of  importance  to  consider  separately  the 
question  in  regard  to  Deuteronomy.  All  modem 
critics  allow  that  the  Book  of  the  Covenant  in  Ex- 
odus, perhaps  a  great  part  of  Leviticus,  and  some 
part  of  Numbers  were  written  by  Israel's  greatest 
leader  and  prophet.  But  Deuteronomy,  it  is  al- 
leged, is  in  style  and  purpose  so  utterly  unlike  the 
genuine  writings  of  Moses,  that  it  is  quite  impossible 
to  believe  that  he  is  the  author.  But  how,  then, 
set  aside  the  express  testimony  of  the  book  itself? 
How  explain  the  fact  that  Moses  is  there  said  to 
have  written  all  the  words  of  this  Law,  to  have  con- 
signed it  to  the  custody  of  the  priests,  and  to  have 
charged  the  Levites  sedulously  to  preserve  it  by  the 
side  of  the  Ark  ?  Only  by  the  bold  assertion  that 
the  fiction  was  invented  by  a  later  writer,  who  chose 
to  personate  the  great  Lawgiver  in  order  to  give 
the  more  color  of  consistency  to  his  work !  But, 
besides  the  fact  that  Deuteronomy  claims  to  have 
been  written  by  Moses,  other  evidence  establishes 
the  great  antiquity  of  the  book.  1.  It  is  remark- 
able for  its  allusions  to  Egypt,  which  are  just  what 
would  be  expected  supposing  Moses  to  have  been 
the  author.  In  Deut.  xx.  .5  tliere  is  an  allusion  to 
Egyptian  regulations  in  time  of  war;  in  xxv.  2  to 
the  Egyptian  bastinado;  in  xi.  10  to  the  Egyptian 
mode  of  irrigation.  Again,  among  the  curses  threat- 
ened are  the  sicknesses  of  Egypt,  xxviii.  60  (com- 
pare vii.  16).  According  to  xxviii.  68,  Egypt  is  the 
type  of  all  the  oppressors  of  Israel.  The  remem- 
brance of  Egyptian  bondage  is  used  as  a  motive  in 
enforcing  the  obligations  of  the  Book  (v.  16,  xxiv. 


834 


PEN 


PEN 


18,  22 ;  compare  Lev.  xix.  34).  Lastly,  references 
to  the  sojourning  in  Egypt  are  numerous  (Dcut.  vi. 
21-28;  vii.  8,  18,  xi.  3,"xvii.  16).  The  phraseology 
of  the  book,  and  the  archaisms  found  in  it,  stamp  it 
as  of  the  same  age  with  the  rest  of  the  Pentateuch. 
2.  A  fondness  for  the  use  of  figures  is  another  pecu- 
liarity of  Deuteronomy  (xxix.  17,  18,  xxviii.  13,  44, 
i.  81,  44,  viii.  6,  xxviii.  29,  49).  The  results  are 
most  surprising  when  we  compare  Deuteronomy  with 
the  Book  of  the  Covenant  (Ex.  xix.-xxiv.)  on  the 
one  hand,  and  with  Ps.  xc.  (which  is  said  to  be  Mo- 
saic) on  the  other.  (Compare  Ex.  xxiv.  17  with 
Deut.  iv.  24,  ix.  8 ;  Ex.  xix.  4  with  Deut.  xxxii.  11  ; 
Ps.  xc.  17  with  Deut.  ii.  7,  xiv.  29,  xvi.  15,  &c.) 
In  addition  to  all  these  peculiarities  which  are  ar-' 
guments  for  the  Mosaic  authorship  of  the  Book,  we 
have  here,  too,  the  evidence  strong  and  clear  of 
post-Mosaic  times  and  writings.  The  attempt,  by  a 
wrong  interpretation  of  2  K.  xxii.  and  2  Chr.  xxxiv. 
to  bring  down  Deuteronomy  as  low  as  the  time  of 
Manasseh,  fails  utterly.  A  century  earlier  the  Jew- 
ish prophets  borrow  their  words  and  their  thoughts 
from  Deuteronomy  (e.  g.  Am.  ii.  9,  iv.  11,  ix.  7; 
Hos.  iv.  13,  viii.  12,  13,  xi.  3,  xiii.  6  ;  Is.  i.  2;  Mic. 
vi.  4,  8, 13-16).  Since,  then,  not  only  Jeremiah  and 
Ezekiel,  but  Amos  and  Hosca,  Isaiah  and  Miciih, 
speak  in  the  words  of  Deuteronomy  as  well  as  in 
words  borrowed  from  other  portions  of  the  Penta- 
teuch, we  see  at  once  how  untenable  is  the  theory 
of  tliose  who,  like  Ewald,  maintain  that  Deuteron- 
omy was  composed  during  the  reign  of  Manasseli, 
or,  as  Vaihinger  does,  during  that  of  Hczekiah. 
But,  in  truth,  the  Book  speaks  for  itself  No  imi- 
tator could  have  written  in  such  a  strain.  We 
scarcely  need  the  express  testimony  of  the  work  to 
its  own  authorship.  But,  having  it,  we  find  (so  Mr. 
Perowne)  all  the  internal  evidence  conspiring  to 
show  that  it  came  from  Moses,  excepting  the  con- 
cluding part.  It  is  not  probable  that  it  was  written 
before  the  three  preceding  books,  because  the  legis- 
lation in  Exodus  and  Leviticus,  as  being  the  more 
formal,  is  manifestly  the  earlier,  whilst  Deuteronomy 
is  the  spiritual  interpretation  and  application  of  tlie 
Law.  But  the  letter  is  always  before  the  spirit;  the 
thing  before  its  interpretation. 

Pcn'te-eost  (fr.  Gr.  petiteeoste  =  ihe  fiftieth  so.  day 
from  the  second  day  of  the  feast  of  unleavened 
bread  or  the  Passover)  (Acts  ii.  1,  xx.  16 ;  1  Cor. 
xvi.  8),  also  called  "  the  feast  of  harvest,  the  first- 
fruits  of  thy  labors"  (Ex.  xxiii.  16);  "the  feast  of 
weeks"  (xxxiv.  22  ;  Dcut.  xvi.  10);  "  the  day  of  the 
first-fruits "  (Num.  xxviii.  26,  compare  Lev.  xxiii. 
17) ;  the  second  of  the  great  festivals  of  the  He- 
brews. It  fell  in  due  course  on  the  sixth  day  of 
Sivan,  and  its  rites,  according  to  the  Law,  were  re- 
stricted to  a  single  day.  The  most  important  pas- 
sages in  the  0.  T.  relating  to  it  arc,  Ex.  xxiii.  16, 
Lev.  xxiii.  15-22,  Num.  xxviii.  26-31,  Deut.  xvi.  9- 
12. — I.  The  time  of  the  festival  was  calculated  from 
the  siecond  day  of  the  Passover,  the  sixteenth  of 
Nisan.  The  Law  prescribes  that  a  reckoning  should 
be  kept  from  "  the  morrow  after  the  Sabbath  "  '  to 
the  morrow  after  the  completion  of  the  seventh 
week,  which  would  of  course  be  the  fiftieth  day 

■  It  lias  been  generally  held  that  the  "  Salibath  "  here  = 
the  first  day  of  holy  convocfltion  of  the  Papsover,  the  fif- 
teenth of  iJisan,  mentioned  Lev.  xxiii.  7  (compare  24,  32, 
39).  Some  have  made  the  "  Sabbath  "  here  =  the  eeventh 
day  of  tJie  week,  or  the  Satfbath  of  creation,  as  the  Jewish 
writers  have  called  it;  and  thus  the  day  of  Pentecost 
would  always  fall  on  the  first  day  of  the  week.  But  Bfihr 
proves  from  Josh.  v.  11  and  Lev.  xxiii.  14  that  the  omer 
was  cfi'ered  on  the  sixteenth  Nisan.    (PAteovER,  II.  3  g.) 


(Lev.  xxiii.  11,  IS,  16;  Dcut.  xvi.  9).  The  fifty 
days  formally  included  the  period  of  grain-harvest, 
commencing  with  the  offering  of  the  first  sheaf  of 
the  barley-harvest  in  the  Passover,  and  ending  with 
that  of  the  two  first  loaves  which  were  made  from 
the  wheat-harvest,  at  this  festival.  The  offering  of 
these  two  loaves  was  the  distinguishing  rite  of  the 
day  of  Pentecost.  They  were  to  be  leavened.  Each 
loaf  was  to  contain  the  tenth  of  an  ephah  (i.  e.  about 
3^  quarts)  of  the  finest  wheat-flour  of  the  new  crop 
(Lev.  xxiii.  17).  The  flour  was  to  be  the  produce 
of  the  land.  The  loaves,  with  a  peace-oft'ering  of 
two  lambs  of  the  first  year,  were  to  be  waved  before 
the  Lord  and  given  to  the  priests.  At  the  same 
time  a  special  sacrifice  was  to  be  made  of  seven 
lambs  of  the  first  year,  one  young  bullock,  and  two 
rams,  as  a  burnt-offering  (accompanied  by  the  proper 
meat  and  drink-ofl'erings),  and  a  kid  for  a  sin-offer- 
ing (xxiii.  18,  19).  Besides  these  offerings,  if  we 
adopt  the  interpretation  of  the  Rabbinical  writers, 
an  addition  was  made  to  the  daily  sacrifice  of  two 
bullocks,  one  ram,  and  seven  lambs,  as  a  burnt- 
offering  (Num.  xxviii.  27).  At  this,  as  well  as  the 
other  festivals,  a  free-will-offering  was  to  be  made  by 
each  person  who  came  to  the  sanctuary,  according 
to  his  circumstances  (Deut.  xvi.  10).  It  would 
seem  that  its  festive  character  partook  of  a 
more  free  and  hospitable  liberality  than  that  of  the 
Passover,  wliich  was  rather  of  the  kind  which  be- 
longs to  the  mere  family-gathering.  In  this  respect 
it  resembled  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles.  The  Levite, 
the  stranger,  the  fatherless,  and  the  widow,  were  to 
be  brought  within  its  influence  (xvi.  11,  14).  The 
mention  of  the  gleanings  to  be  left  in  tlie  fields  at 
harvest  for  "  the  poor  and  the  stranger,"  in  connec- 
tion with  Pentecost,  may  perhaps  have  a  bearing  on 
the  liberality  which  belonged  to  the  festival  (Lev. 
xxiii.  22).  At  Pentecost  (as  at  the  Passover)  tlic 
people  were  to  be  reminded  of  tlieir  bondage  in 
Egypt,  and  they  were  especially  admonished  of  their 
obligation  to  keep  the  divine  Law  (Dcut.  xvi.  12). — 
II.  Of  the  information  from  Jewish  writers  respect- 
ing the  observance  of  Pentecost,  the  following  par- 
ticulars appear  worthy  of  notice  :  The  flour  for  the 
loaves  was  sifted  with  peculiar  care  twelve  times 
over.  They  were  made  either  the  day  before,  or,  in 
the  event  of  a  Sabbath  preceding  the  day  of  Pente- 
cost, two  days  before  the  occasion.  Each  loaf  was 
seven  palms  long,  four  broad,  and  four  fingers  high. 
The  two  lambs  for  a  peace-offering  were  to  be  waved 
by  the  priest,  before  tliey  were  slaughtered,  along 
with  the  loaves,  and  afterward  the  loaves  were  waved 
a  second  time  along  with  the  shoulders  of  the  lambs. 
One  loaf  was  given  to  the  high-priest,  and  the  other 
to  the  ordinary  priests  who  officiated.  The  bread 
was  eaten  that  same  night  in  the  Temple,  and  no 
fragment  of  it  was  suffered  to  remain  till  the  morn- 
ing. Although,  according  to  the  Law,  the  observ- 
ance of  Pentecost  lasted  but  a  single  day,  the  Jews 
in  foreign  countries,  since  the  Captivity,  have  pro- 
longed it  to  two  days.  (First-fruits.) — III.  Doubts 
have  been  cast  on  the  common  interiiretation  of 
Acts  ii.  1,  according  to  which  the  Holy  Ghost  was 
given  to  the  apostles  on  the  day  of  Pentecost. 
Lightfoot  contends  that  the  passage  means,  vlun  the 
day  of  Pentecost  had  passed.  He  supposes  that  Pente- 
cost fell  that  year  on  the  Sabbath,  and  that  the  dis- 
ciples on  the  ensuing  Lord's  day  "  were  all  with  one 
accord  in  one  place  ;  "  but  Neander  maintains  the 
common  interpretation  The  question  on  what  day 
of  the  week  this  Pentecost  fell,  must  of  course  be 
determined  by   the  mode   in  which  the  doubt  is 


I 


PEN 


PER 


835 


solved  regarding  the  day  on  which  the  Last  Supper 
was  eaten.  (Passover  III.)  If  it  was  the  legal 
paschal  supper,  on  the  fourteenth  of  Nisan,  and  the 
Sabbath  during  which  our  Lord  lay  in  the  grave  was 
the  day  of  the  omer,  Pentecost  must  have  followed 
on  the  Sabbath.  But  if  the  Supper  was  eaten  on 
the  thirteenth,  and  He  was  crucified  on  the  four- 
teenth, the  Sunday  of  the  Resurrection  must  have 
been  the  day  of  tlie  omer,  ani  Pentecost  must  have 
occurred  on  the  first  day  of  the  week. — IV.  There 
is  no  clear  notice  in  the  Scriptures  of  any  historical 
significance  belonging  to  Pentecost.  But  most  of 
the  Jews  of  later  times  have  regarded  the  day  as 
the  commemoration  of  the  giving  of  the  Law  on 
Mount  Sinai  (Ex.  xix.,  xx.). — V.  If  the  feast  of 
Pentecost  stood  without  an  organic  connection  with 
any  other  rites,  we  should  have  no  certain  warrant 
in  the  0.  T.  for  regarding  it  as  more  than  the  di- 
vinely appointed  solemn  thanksgiving  for  the  yearly 
supply  of  the  most  useful  sort  of  food.  But  it  was, 
as  we  have  seen,  essentially  linked  on  to  the  Pass- 
over, that  festival  which,  above  all  others,  expressed 
the  fact  of  a  race  chosen  and  separated  from  other 
nations.  It  was  not  an  insulated  day.  It  stood  as 
the  culminating  point  of  the  Pentecostal  season,  the 
interval  between  the  Passover  and  Pentecost  being 
evidently  regarded  as  a  religious  seasim  (so  llr. 
Clark,  original  author  of  this  article).  If  the  offer- 
ing of  the  omer  (Passover,  II.  3,  g)  was  a  supplica- 
tion for  the  Divine  blessing  on  the  harvest  which 
was  just  commencing,  and  the  offering  of  the  two 
loaves  was  a  thanksgiving  for  its  completion,  each 
rite  was  brought  into  a  higher  significance  in  con- 
setiuence  of  the  omer  forming  an  integral  part  of 
the  Passover. 

Pe-nn'cl  (Heb.  =  Pexiel),  the  usual,  and  possibly 
the  original,  form  of  the  name  of  a  place  wliich 
first  appears  as  Pexiel  (Gen.  xxxii.  30,  31).  From 
this  narrative  it  is  evident  that  it  lay  somewhtre 
between  the  Jabbok  and  Succoth  1  (compare  xxxii. 
22  with  xxxiii.  17,  and  Judg.  viii.  5,  8).  Gideon 
destroyed  the  tower  of  Penuel  and  slew  the  men  of 
the  city  (Judg.  viii.  8,  9,  17):  Jeroboam  rebuilt  or 
fortified  Penuel  (1  K.  xii.  25).    Its  site  is  unknown. 

•  Pc-na'el  (see  above).  1.  In  the  genealogies  of 
Judah  "the  father  (or  founder)  of  Geiior"  (1  Chr. 
iv.  4). — i.  A  Benjamite  chief  who  dwelt  at  Jferusa- 
lem ;  son  of  Shashak  (viii.  25). 

Pe'or  (Ilcb.  openinrf,  deft,  Ges.).  1,  A  mountain 
in  Moab,  to  the  top  of  which  the  Prophet  Balaam 
was  conducted  by  Balak  for  his  final  conjurations 
(Num.  xxiii.  28  only).  Peor — or,  more  accurately, 
"  the  Peor  " — was  "  facing  Jesiiimon."  The  same 
is  said  of  PisoAii.  In  the  Onomasticon  it  is  stated 
to  he  above  the  town  of  Libias  (the  ancient  Beth- 
aram),  and  opposite  Jericho. — %,  In  four  passages 
(Num.  XXV.  18  twice,  xxxi.  l(i ;  Josh.  xxii.  17)  Peer 
is  a  contraction  for  Baal-peor. 

Per'a-zlm  (Heb.  breaches,  defeaU,  Ges.),  Monnt« 
A  name  which  occurs  in  Is.  xxviii.  21  only — unless 
the  place  which  it  designates  =  the  Baal-perazim 
mentioned  as  the  scene  of  one  of  David's  victories 
over  the  Philistines.  The  commentators  almost 
unanimously  take  the  reference  to  be  to  David's 
victories  above  alluded  to,  at  Baal-perazim,  and 
Gibeon  (Gesenius,  Strachey) ;  or  to  the  former  of 
these  on  the  one  hand,  and  Joshua's  slaughter  of 
the  Canaanites  at  Gibeon  and  Beth-horon  on  the 
other  (Eichhom,  Rosenm  idler,  Miehaelis). 

•  Pf r-dl'tlon  [-dish'unl.  Damnation!. — Son  of 
penliliiin  =  mie.  dunmcd  U>  perdition,  Rbn.  iV.  T. 
lez.     Antichrist;  Ji'DAS  Iscariot. 


*  Pe'res  (Chal.)  (Dan.  v.  28).    Mene,  &c. 
Pe'resh  (Heb.  dunff,  Ges.),  son  of  Macliir  by  his 

wife  Maachah  (1  Chr.  vii.  16). 

Perez  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Pharez,  the  son  of  Judah. 
The  "children  of  Perez"  appear  to  have  been  a 
family  of  importance  for  many  centuries  (1  Chr. 
xxvii.  3  ;  Neh.  xi.  4,  6). 

Pe'rez-Bz'za  (1  Chr.  xiii.  11);  and 

Pe'rez-Dz'zah  (2  Sam.  vi.  8)  (both  fr.  Heb.  = 
"  the  breach  of  Uzza  "  or  "  of  Uzzah,"  A.  V.  mar- 
gin ;  defeat  of  Uzzah,  Ges. ;  Uzzali^s  breakinfi,  Mr. 
Grove),  the  title  which  David  conferred  on  Nachox's 
threshing-floor  (Chidox),  in  commemoration  of 
the  sudden  death  of  Uzzah.  The  situation  of  the 
spot  is  not  known. 

*  Per'feet  (fr.  L.),  the  A.  V.  translation  of  vari- 
ous Hebrew,  Chaldee,  and  Greek  words,  the  prin- 
cipal of  which  are — 1.  Heb.  ciilil  (^7..  xvi.  14,  xxvii. 
3,  xxviii.  12),  once  translated  "perfection"  (Lam. 
ii.  15),  "all"  (Ex.  xxviii.  31,  xxxix.  22),  "wholly  " 
(Lev.  vi.  22,  23  [Heb.  15,  16]  ;  Num.  iv.  6 ;  1  Sam. 
vii.  9),  "utterly"  (Is.  ii.  18),  &c.  Of  kindred  words, 
the  verb  aVal  is  translated  "  to  perfect "  (Ez.  xxvii. 
4),  "to  make  perfect"  (11);  the  plural  noun  mich- 
16th  (2  Chr.  iv.  21  only)  is  translated  "  perfect," 
margin  "perfections  of;"  and  michlul  (Ps.  1.  2  only) 
is  "perfection." — 2.  Heb.  shdlem  (Deut.  xxv.  16 
twice ;  1  K.  viii.  61,  xi.  4,  xv.  3,  14  ;  2  K.  xx.  3  ;  1 
Chr.  xii.  38,  xxviii.  9,  xxix.  9,  19 ;  2  Chr.  xv.  17, 
xvi.  9,  xix.  9,  xxv.  2 ;  Prov.  xi.  1  margin ;  Is. 
xxxviii.  3),  also  translated  "perfected"  (2  Chr.  viii. 
16),  "made  ready"  (1  K.  vi.  7),  "whole"  (Deut. 
xxvii.  6  ;  Josh.  viii.  31 ;  Am.  i.  6,  9),  "  full  "  (Gen. 
XV.  16;  Ru.  ii.  12),  "just"  (Prov.  xi.  1),  "peace- 
able" (Gen.  xxxiv.  21),  "quiet"  (Xah.  i.  12,  mar- 
gin "at  peace").  Of  kindred  words  shMom  is  usu 
ally  translated  "  peace,"  and  sheleni  "  peace-offer- 
ing."— 3.  Heb.  noun  tachlUh  once  (Ps.  cxxxix.  22), 
twice  "perfection"  (Job  xi.  7,  xxviii.  3),  twice 
"end"(Neh.  iii.  21;  Job  xxvi.  10).  The  kindred 
noun  tichidh  is  translated  "perfection"  (Ps.  cxix. 
96  onlv). — 4.  Heb.  lam  (Job  i.  1,8,  ii.  3,  viii.  20,  ix. 
20,  21,"  22;  Ps.  xxxvii.  37,  Ixiv.  4  [Heb.  5]),  also 
translated  "  upright  "  (Prov.  xxix.  10),  "  undefiled  " 
(Cant.  V.  2,  vi.  9),  "plain"  (Gen.  xxv.  27).— 5. 
Heb.  noun  tdm,  kindred  to  No.  4,  once  translated 
"perfect"  (Ps.  ci.  2),  once  "full"  (Job  xxi.  23), 
once  "  perfection  "  (Is.  xlvii.  9),  u.sually  "  integrity  " 
(Gen.  XX.  5  [margin  "  simplicity,"  or  "  sincerity  "], 
6;  1  K.  ix.  4  ;  Ps.  vii.  8  [Heb.  9],  xxv.  21,  xxvi.  1, 
11,  xii.  12  [Heb.  13],  Ixxviii.  72;  Prov.  xix.  1,  xx. 
7),  also  with  a  preposition  "in  simplicity"  (2  Sam. 
XV.  11 ;  1  K.  xxii.  34  margin;  2  Chr.  xviii.  33  mar- 
gin [text  in  both  "at  a  venture"]),  "uprightly" 
(Prov.  ii.  7,  x.  9),  "  uprightness  "  (Job  iv.  6  ;  Prov. 
xxviii.  6),  "  upright "  (Prov.  x.  29,  xiii.  6) ;  used  in 
plural  in  "  Uhim  axb  Thcm.mim." — 6.  Heb.  tdmim, 
kindred  to  No.  4  and  6  (Gen.  vi.  9,  xvii.  1 ;  Lev.  xxii. 
21 ;  Deut.  xviii.  13,  xxxii.  4  ;  1  Sam.  xiv.  41 ;  2  Sam. 
'xxii.  31,  33;  Job  xxxvi.  4,  xxxvii.  16;  Ps.  xviii.  30, 
82  [Heb.  31,  33],  xix.  7  [Heb.  8],  ci.  2,  6,  cxix.  1 
margin  ;  Prov.  ii.  21,  xi.  6  ;  Ez.  xxviii.  15),  usually 
translated  "  without  blemish  "  (Ex.  xii.  5,  xxix.  1  ; 
often  in  Lev.,  Num.,  and  Ez.),  sometimes  "without 
spot"  (Num.  xix.  2,  xxviii.  3,  9,  11,  xxix.  17,  26), 
also  "undefiled  "  (Ps.  cxix.  1),  "  upright"  (Gen.  vi. 
9  margin,  xvii.  1  margin;  Deut.  xviii.  13  margin; 
2  Sam.  xxii.  24,  26 ;  Job  xii.  4  ;  Ps.  xviii.  23,  25 
[Heb.  24,  26],  xxxvii.  18;  Prov.  xi.  20,  xxviii.  10), 
uprightly"  (Ps.  xv.  2,  Ixxxiv.  11  [Heb.  12];  Prov. 
xxviii.  18;  Am.  v.  10),  "sincere"  (Gen.  xvii.  1 
margin;  Deut.  xviii.  13  margin;  Ps.  cxix.   1  mar- 


836 


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PER 


gin),  "  sincerity "  (Josh.  xxiv.  14),  "sincerely" 
(Judg.  ix.  16,  19),  "wliole"  (Lev.  iii.  9;  Josh.  x. 
13 ;  Prov.  i.  12  ;  Ez.  xv.  5),  "  complete  "  (Lev.  xxiii. 
15),  "fuU"  (xxv.  30),  "sound"  (I's.  cxix.  80),  "in- 
nocent" (1  Sam.  xiv.  41  marf^in), — 7.  Gr.  adv. 
akribos  once  (Lit.  i.  3),  translated  once  "perfectly" 
(1  Th.  V.  2),  twice  "diligently"  (Mat.  ii.  8 ;  Acts 
xviii.  25),  once  "circumspectly"  (Eph.  v.  15).  The 
liindred  noun  akribeia  is  translated  "  perfect  man- 
ner" (Acts  xxii.  3  only);  the  comparative  adjective 
akribesleron  (used  adverbially)  is  translated  "  more 
perfect"  (xxiv.  24),  and  "mor^  perfectly  "  (xviii. 
26,  xxiii.  13,  20) ;  the  superlative  akribestatos  is 
translated  "most  straitest"  (x.xvi.  5). — 8.  Gr.  artios 
(2  Tim.  iii.  17  only).  Several  kindred  compounds 
also  occur,  viz.  the  verb  katartizo,  translated  "  to 
make  perfect"  (Hob.  xiii.  21;  1  Pet.  v.  10),  (in 
passive)  "  to  be  perfect "  (Lk.  vi.  40 ;  2  Cor.  xiii. 
11),  "to  perfect"  (Mat.  xxi.  16;  1  Th.  iii.  10),  (in 
passive)  " to  be  perfectly  joined  together"  (1  Cor. 
i.  10),  "  to  mend  "  (Mat.  iv.  21  ;  5Ik.  i.  19),  "  to  re- 
store "  (Gal.  vi.  1),  "to  prepare"  (Heb.  x.  5),  (in 
passive)  "to  he  fitted"  (Rom.  ix.  22),  "to  frame" 
(Ileb  xi.  3);  the  noun  katar'.ish,  translated  "per- 
fection "  (2  Cor.  xiii.  9  only) ;  and  the  noun  kalar- 
tisinos,  translated  "perfecting"  (Eph.  iv.  12). — 9. 
Gr.  participle  pepleromnios  (Uev.  iii.  2),  from  the 
verb  pUroo,  usually  translated  "to  fulfil"  (Mat.  i. 
22,  ii.  16,  17,  23,  iii.  IS,  and  often  in  the  Gospels, 
Acts,  &c.),  also  "to  fill"  (Lk.  ii.  40,  iii.  5;  Jn.  xii. 
8,  xvi.  6  ;  Acts  ii.  2,  v.  3,  28,  xiii.  52  ;  Rom.  i.  29, 
XV.  13,  14;  2  Cor.  vii.  4;  Eph.  i.  23,  iii.  19,  iv.  10, 
v.  18;  Phil.  i.  11;  Col.  i.  9;  2  Tim.  i.  4),  "to  fill 
up  "  (Mat.  xxiii.  32),  (in  passive)  "  to  be  full  "  (xiii. 
48;  Jn.  xv.  11,  xvi.  24;  Phil.  iv.  18;  1  Jn.  i.  4 ;  2 
Jn.  12),  (in  passive)  "  to  be  complete"  (Col.  ii.  10, 
iv.  12),  "to  end  "  (Lk.  vii.  1  ;  Acts  xix.  21),  "to 
accomplish"  (Lk.  ix.  31),  "to  supply "  (Phil.  iv. 
19),  &c.— 10.  Gr.  teleios  (Mat.  v.  48  twice,  xix.  21  ; 
Rom.  xii.  2;  1  Cor.  ii.  6,  xiii.  10;  Eph.  iv.  13;  Phil, 
iii.  15;  Col.  i.  28,  iv.  12;  Heb.  ix.  11;  Jas.  i.  4 
twice,  17,  25,  iii.  2;  1  Jn.  iv.  18),  once  translated 
'  of  full  age"  (Heb.  v.  14),  and  once  "men"  (1 
Cor.  xiv.  20).  Of  kindred  words,  the  noun  letehtis 
is  once  translated  "  pcrfectness  "  (Col.  iii.  14),  and 
once  "perfection"  (Heb.  vi.  1);  tsleioles  is  trans- 
lated "  finisher  "  (Heb.  xii.  2  only) ;  the  verb  (eleioo 


is  translated  "to  make  perfect"  (Jn.  .xvii.  23;  2 
Cor.  xii.  9  ;  Heb.  ii.  10,  v.  9,  vii.  19,  ix.  9,  x.  1,  xi. 
40,  xii.  23;  Jas.  ii.  22;  1  Jn.  iv.  17,  18),  "to  per- 
fect "  (Lk.  xiii.  32  ;  Heb.  x.  14 ;  1  Jn.  ii.  5,  iv.  12), 
(in  passive)  "to  be  perfect"  (Phil.  iii.  12),  "to 
finish"  (Jn.  iv.  34,  v.  36,  xvii.  4;  Acts  xx.  24),  "to 
fulfil"  (Lk.  ii.  43;  Jn.  xix.  28),  "to  consecrate" 
(Heb.  vii.  28);  the  noun  tclelosis  is  once  translated 
"performance"  (Lk.  i.  45),  and  once  "perfection" 
(Heb.  vii.  11);  the  compound  verb  teU^ihoreo  is 
translated  "to  bring  fruit  to  perfection"  (Lk.  viii. 
14  only) ;  the  compound  verb  epiteleo  is  once  trans- 
lated "to  perfect"  (2  Cor.  vii.  1),  once  "to  make 
perfect"  (Gal.  iii.  3),  elsewhere  "to  do"  (Lk.  xiii. 
32),  "to  perform"  (Rom.  xv.  28;  2  Cor.  viii.  II  ; 
Phil.  i.  6),  "to  be  a  performance"  (2  Cor.  viii.  11), 
"  to  finish  "  (viii.  6),  "  to  accomplish  "  (Heb.  ix.  C ; 
1  Pet.  V.  9),  "  to  make "  (Heb.  viii.  5).  Eaith  ; 
Love  ;  Sanctification,  &c. 

*  Per-fef'tion  (fr.  L.).    Perfect. 

Per-fnilifs'.  The  free  use  of  perfumes  was  pecu- 
liarly grateful  to  the  Orientals  (Prov.  xxvii.  9), 
whose  olfiictory  nerves  are  more  than  usually  sensi- 
tive to  the  offensive  smells  engendered  by  the  heat 
of  their  climate.  The  Hebrews  manufactured  their 
perfumes  chiefly  from  spices  imported  from  Arabia, 
though  to  a  certain  extent  also  from  aromatic  plants 
growing  in  their  own  country.  The  modes  in  which 
they  applied  them  were  various.  (Alabaster;  Or- 
naments, Personal,  &c.)  Perfumes  entered  largely 
into  the  Temple-service,  in  the  two  forms  of  in- 
cense and  ointment  (Ex.  xxx.  22-38).  Nor  were 
they  less  used  in  private  life :  not  only  were  tliey 
aiiplicd  to  the  person,  but  to  garments  (Ps.  xlv.  8  ; 
Cant.  iv.  11),  and  to  articles  of  furniture,  such  as 
beds  (Prov.  vii.  17).  On  tlie  arrival  of  a  guest  the 
same  compliments  were  probably  paid  in  ancient  as 
in  modern  times  (Dan.  ii.  46).  When  a  royal  per- 
sonage went  abroad  in  his  litter,  attendants  threw 
up  "  pillars  of  smoke  "  about  his  path  (Cant.  iii.  6). 
The  use  of  perfumes  was  omitted  in  times  of  mourn- 
ing, whence  the  allusion  in  Is.  iii.  24. 

Fer'ga  (L.  fr.  Gr. ;  compare  Pergamos),  an  an-i 
cient  and  important  city  of  Pampiivlia,  situated  onj 
the  river  Oestrus,  sixty  stadia  from  its  mouth,  and 
celebrated  in  antiquity  for  the  worship  of  Artemis 
(Diana),  whose  temple  stood  on  a  hill  outside  the 


Perga,  Part  of  the  Ancient  Wall.— From  Texier  and  PuUan,  Byzanlint  Architecturt. — (Fbn.) 


town.  The  Oestrus  was  navigable  to  Perga;  and 
St.  Paul  landed  here  on  his  voyage  from  Paphos 
(Acts  xiii.  18).  He  visited  Perga  again  on  his  return 
from  the  interior  of  Pamphylia,  and  preached  the 


Gospel  there  (xiv.  25).     There  are  still  extensivj 
remains  of  Perga  at  a  spot  called  by  the  Turk 
Eski-Kuleni. 

Per'gs-iOOS  (Gr. ;  popularly  derived  from  Perga- 


I 


PER 


PER 


837 


mus,  son  of  Pyrrlms,  who  settled  there ;  but  ap- 
parently connected  with  Gr.  purges  =  a  tower,  and 
En^.  bargh,  in  names  of  places,  L.  k  S.),  a  city  of 
Mysiii,  about  three  miles  N.  of  the  river  Balyr- 
{••hai,  the  Caicus  of  antiquity,  and  twenty  miles 
from  its  present  mouth.  The  name  was  originally 
given  to  a  remarkable  hill,  presenting  a  conical  ap- 
pearance when  viewed  from  the  plain,  and  strongly 
fortified  by  nature  and  art.  The  local  mythological 
legends  attached  a  sacred  character  to  this  place. 
Ly.simachus,  one  of  Alexander's  successors,  depos- 
ited in  the  temple  or  castle  there  an  enormous  sum 
— 9,000  talents — in  the  care  of  an  Asiatic  eunuch 
named  Philetierus.  In  the  troublous  times  which 
followed,  this  officer  betrayed  his  trust,  declared 
himself  independent  (about  b.  c.  283),  and  retain- 
ing the  treasure  transmitted  it  at  the  end  of  twenty 
years  to  his  nephew  Eumenes.     Eumenes  was  suc- 


ceeded by  his  cousin  Attains,  founder  of  the  At- 
talic  dynasty  of  Pergamene  kings,  who  b^  allying 
himself  with  the  rising  Roman  power  laid  the  foun- 
dation of  the  future  greatness  of  his  house.  His 
successor,  Eumenes  II.,  was  rewarded  for  his  fidelity 
to  tlie  Romans  in  their  wars  with  Antiociils  the 
Grkat  and  Perseus  by  a  gift  of  all  the  territory 
which  the  former  had  possessed  N.  of  the  Taurus 
range.  The  Attalic  dynasty  terminated  b.  c.  183, 
when  Attains  III.,  dying  at  an  early  age,  made  the 
Romans  his  heirs.  His  dominions  formed  the  prov- 
ince of  Asia  Proper.  The  suraptuousness  of  the  At- 
talic princes  had  raised  Pergamos  to  the  rank  of 
the  most  splendid  city  in  Asia.  It  was  a  sort  of 
union  of  a  pagan  cathedral-city,  a  university-town, 
and  a  royal  residence.  Its  library  rivalled  that  of 
Alk.xandria.  The  impulse  given  to  the  art  of  pre- 
paring sheepskins  for  writing  has  left  its  record  iu 


FerjiuDOs.— <Kitto.) 


the  name  parchment  (L.  eharta  pergamena,  i.  e.  pa- 
ptr  of  J'ergamoa).  But  the  great  glory  of  the  city 
wa.'!  the  Nicephorium,  a  grove  of  extreme  beauty, 
laid  out  as  a  thank-offering  for  a  victory  over  Anti- 
ochus,  in  which  was  an  assemblage  of  temples, 
probably  of  Jupiter,  Minerva,  Apollo,  jEscuhipius, 
IJacchus,  and  Venus.  Under  the  Attalic  kings,  Per- 
gamos became  a  city  of  temples,  devoted  to  a  sen- 
suous worship ;  and  being  in  its  origin,  according 
to  pagan  notions,  a  sacred  place,  might  not  unnat- 
urally be  viewed  by  Jews  and  Jewish  Christians  as 
one  "  where  was  the  throne  of  Satan  "  (Rev.  ii.  13). 
After  the  extinction  of  its  independence,  the  sacred 
character  of  Pergamos  seems  to  have  been  put  even 
more  prominently  forward.  jEscuIapius,  the  god 
of  medicme,  was  called  "  the  Pergamene  god."  His 
grove  was  recognized  by  the  Roman  senate  in  the 
reign  of  Tiberius  as  possessing  the  rights  of  sanctu- 
ary. From  this  notoriety  of  the  Pergamene  vEscu- 
lapius,  from  the  title  "  Savior  "  being  given  to  him, 
from  the  nerpent  being  his  characteristic  emblem, 
and  from  the  fact  that  the  medical  practice  of  an- 
tiquity included  charms  and  incantations  among  its 
agencies,  it  has  been  supposed  that  the  expressions 


"  the  throne  of  Satan  "  and  "  where  Satan  dwelleth  " 
have  an  especial  reference  to  this  one  pagan  deity, 
and  not  to  the  «  hole  city  as  a  sort  of  focus  of  idol- 
atrous worship.  But  although  undoubtedly  the 
.iEsculapius  worship  of  Pergamos  was  the  most  fa- 
mous, yi-t  an  inscription  of  the  time  of  Marcus  An- 
toninus distinctly  puts  Jupiter,  Minerva,  Bacchus, 
and  ^sculapius  in  a  coiirdinatc  rank,  as  all  being 
special  tutelary  deities  of  Perganujs.  It  seems  un- 
likely, therefore  (so  Mr.  Blakesley),  that  tlie  expres- 
sions above  quoted  should  be  so  interpreted  as  to 
isolate  one  of  them  from  the  rest.  The  charge 
against  a  portion  of  the  Pergamene  Church  that 
some  among  them  were  of  the  school  of  Balaam, 
whose  policy  was  to  put  a  stumbling-block  before 
the  children  of  Israel,  by  inducing  them  to  eat 
things  sacrificed  to  idols  and  to  commit  fornication 
(Rev.  ii.  14),  is  in  both  its  particulars  very  inap- 
propriate to  the  yEsculapian  ritual.  It  points  rather 
to  the  worship  of  Bacchus  and  Venus.  (A.stipas 
2  ;  XicoLAiTA.ss.)  The  remains  of  Pergamos  (the- 
atre, baths,  fragments  of  temples,  church  of  St. 
John,  &c.)  are  magnificent.  The  modem  town, 
Bergama  or  Bergamo,  has  about  20,000  inhabitants, 


838 


PER 


PER 


including  1,600  to  2,000  Christians,  who  have  sev- 
eral churches  (Rev.  H.  Christmas,  in  Fairbairn). 

Pe-rl'da  (Hob.  kernel,  Ges.),  ancestor  of  certain 
"  children  of  Solomon's  servants "  who  returned 
from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Neh.  vii.  57) ;  = 
Peucda. 

Per'iz-zlte,  the,  and  Per'lz-zit*s  (both  fr.  Heb. 
sing.  ^  a  countryman,  ruitie,  Ges. ;  often  used  col- 
lectively), one  of  the  nations  inhabiting  the  Land 
of  Promise  before  and  at  the  time  of  its  conquest 
by  Israel.  They  are  continually  mentioned  in  the 
formula  so  frequently  occurring  to  express  the 
Promised  Land  (Gen.  xv.  20  ;  Ex.  iii.  8,  17,  xxiii.  23, 
xxxiii.  2,  xxxiv.  11  ;  Deut.  vii.  1,  xx.  17  ;  Josh.  iii. 
10,  ix.  1,  xxiv.  11;  Judg.  iii.  5;  Ezr.  ix.  1;  Neh. 
ix.  8).  "  The  Canaanite  and  the  Perizzite  "  appear 
with  somewhat  greater  distinctness  on  several  occa- 
sions (Gen.  xiii.  7,  xxxiv.  30 ;  Judg.  i.  4,  5  ;  2  Esd. 
i.  21).  The  notice  in  Judges  locates  them  in  the 
southern  part  of  the  Holy  Land.  Josh.  xvii.  15-18 
seems  to  speak  of  them  as  occupying,  with  the 


Rephaim,  or  "  giants,"  the  "  forest  country  "  on  the 
western  flanks  of  Mount  Carmel.  They  are  men- 
tioned as  a  tribe  of  mountaineers  in  Josh.  xi.  3,  xii. 
8 ;  and  are  catalogued  among  the  old  population 
whom  Solomon  reduced  to  bondage  (1  K.  ix.  20;  2 
Chr.  viii.  7). 

*  Per'jn-ry.  Law  of  Moses  ;  Oath  ;  Punish- 
ments. 

Pci'-sep'o-lls  (Gr.  city  of  the  Persians),  mentioned 
only  in  2  Mc.  ix.  2,  was  the  capital  of  Peksia  Proper, 
and  the  occasional  residence  of  the  Persian  court 
from  the  time  of  Darius  Ilystaspis,  who  seems  to 
have  been  its  founder,  to  the  invasion  of  Alexander 
the  Great,  who  wantonly  burned  it.  The  temples, 
which  were  of  stone,  may  have  escaped  destruction 
or  have  been  soon  restored,  since  they  were  still 
the  depositories  of  treasure  in  the  time  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes.  Pasargada;,  the  more  ancient  capital, 
was  (so  Rawlinson)  at  Murg-Auh,  where  the  tomb 
of  Cyehs  may  still  be  seen ;  Persepolis  was  forty- 
two  miles  S.  of  this,  near  Jstakhcr,  on  the  site  now 


PenepoUa, 


called  the  Chelil-Minar  or  Forty  Pillars.  Here,  on 
a  platform  hewn  out  of  the  solid  rock,  the  sides 
of  which  face  the  four  cardinal  points,  are  the  re- 
mains of  two  great  palaces,  built  respectively  by 
Darius  Hystaspis  and  his  son  Xerxes,  besides  a  num- 
ber of  other  edifices,  chiefly  temples.  They  are  of 
great  extent  and  magnificence,  covering  many  acres. 
At  the  foot  of  this  rock,  in  the  plain  now  called 
iJerdasht,  probably  stood  the  ancient  town,  built 
chiefly  of  wood,  and  now  altogether  effaced.  After 
the  time  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  it  disappeared 
from  history  as  an  inhabited  place. 

Per's«-ns  [pronounced  in  Greek  or  Latin  per'suse ; 
compare  Menestheus,  Nereus]  (Gr.),  eldest  son  of 
Philip  V.  and  last  king  of  Macedonia.  After  his 
father's  death  (b.  c.  179)  he  continued  the  prepara- 
tions for  the  renewal  of  the  war  with  Rome,  which 
was  seen  to  be  inevitable.  In  b.  c.  168  he  was  de- 
feated by  Lucius  jEmilius  Paulus  at  Pydna,  and  short- 
ly afterward  surrendered  with  his  family  to  his  con- 
querors. He  graced  the  trium])h  of  Paulus,  and 
died  in  honorable  retirement  at  Alba.  The  defeat 
of  Perseus  put  an  end  to  the  independence  of  Mace- 
donia, and  extended  even  to  Syria  the  terror  of  the 
Roman  name  (1  Mc.  viii.  5). 

Per'sia  [-sha ;  in  Latin  -she-a  ;  compare  Asia]  (L. ; 
Gr.  Prrsis  ;  Heb.  PAras  ;  derived  by  some  [so  Ge- 
eenius]  fr.  Zend  jiars  —  pure,  splendid ;  by  others 


fr.  Heb.  pArAsh  =  hnrse,  since  Persia  abounds  in 
horses  ;  by  Herodotus  from  their  legendary  fcundcr 
Perses,  son  of  Perseus  and  Andromeda)  was  strictly 
the  name  of  a  tract  of  no  very  large  dimensions  on 
the  Persian  Gulf,  which  is  still  known  as  Pars,  or  ' 
Farsistmi,  a  corruption  of  the  ancient  appellation. 
This  tract  was  bounded  on  the  W.  by  Susiana  or 
Elam,  on  the  N.  by  Media,  on  the  S.  by  the  Persian  . 
Gulf,  and  on  the  E.  by  Carmania,  the  modern  Ker- 
man.  It  was  generally  arid  and  unproductive,  with 
some  fertile  spots.  The  worst  part,  toward  the  S., 
on  the  borders  of  the  gulf,  is  like  Arabia  in  climate 
and  soil.  Above  this  miserable  region  is  a  tract 
very  far  superior  to  it,  consisting  of  rocky  moun- 
tains— the  continuation  of  Zagros,  among  which  are 
fertile  valleys  and  plains,  especially  toward  the  N., 
in  the  vicinity  of  Shiraz.  Here  is  an  important 
stream,  the  Bendamir,  which  flowing  through  the 
beautilul  valley  of  Merdasht,  and  by  the  ruins  of 
Persepolis,  is  then  separated  into  numerous  chan- 
nels for  irrigation,  and,  after  fertilizing  a  large  tract 
of  country  (the  district  of  Kurjan),  ends  its  course  ; 
in  the  salt-lake  of  Baktigan.  Vines,  oranges,  and 
lemons  are  abundant  in  this  region.  Further  N. 
an  arid  country  again  succeeds,  the  outskirts  of  the 
Great  Desert,  which  extends  from  Kerman  to  Ma- 
zertderan,  and  from  Kashan  to  Lake  Zerrah.  The 
chief  towns  were  Pasargadre,  the  ancient,  and  Per- 


PER 


PER 


839 


sepolis,  the  later  capital.  WhUe  Fan  ia  the  original 
Persia,  tlie  name  is  more  commonly  applied,  both 
in  Scripture  and  by  profane  authors,  to  tlie  entire 
tract  wliich  came  by  degrees  to  be  included  within 
the  Persian  Empire.  Tliis  empire  extended  at  one 
time  from  India  on  the  E.  to  Egypt  and  Thrace  on 
tlie  W.,  and  included,  besides  portions  of  Europe 
and  Africa,  the  whole  of  Western  Asia  between  the 
Black  Sea,  the  Caucasus,  the  Caspian,  and  the 
Jaxartes  on  the  N.,  and  the  Arabian  Desert,  Per- 
sian Gulf,  and  Indian  Ocean  on  the  S.  The  only 
passage  in  Scripture  where  Persia  designates  the 
tract  which  has  been  called  above  "  Persia  Propei*" 
is  Ez.  xxxviiL  5  (so  Rawlinson).  Elsewhere  the  em- 
pire is  intended  (2  Chr.  xxxvi.  20 ;  Esth.  i.  3,  &e.). 
Persians. 

Per'sian  [-shan],  pi.  Per'sians  [-shanz]  (Heb. 
Parxi;  Gr.  Perscs,  pi.  Fersai ;  see  Persia),  the 
name  of  the  people  who  inhabited  "  Persia  Proper," 
and  who  thence  conquered  a  migKty  empire.  There 
is  reason  to  believe  (so  Prof.  Rawlinson,  original 
author  of  this  article)  that  the  Persians  were  of  the 
same  race  as  the  Medes,  both  being  branches  of  the 
great  Aryan  stock. — 1.  Character  of  the  Nation. 
The  Persians  were  a  people  of  lively  and  impressible 
minds,  brave  and  impetuous  in  war,  witty,  passion- 
ate, for  Orientals  truthful,  not  without  some  spirit 
of  generosity,  and  of  more  intellectual  capacity  than 
the  generality  of  Asiatics.  In  the  times  anterior  to 
Cyrus  they  were  noted  for  the  simplicity  of  their 
habits,  which  offered  a  strong  contrast  to  the  lux- 
uriousness  of  the  Medes ;  but  from  the  date  of  the 
Median  overthrow,  this  simplicity  began  to  decline. 
They  adopted  the  flowing  Median  robe  (of  silk  ?)  in 
lieu  of  the  old  national  costume — a  close-fitting  tunio 


Metllan  Dreu.  Old  Per*iim  DroM, 

and  trousers  of  leather.  Polygamy  was  common 
among  them.  They  were  fond  of  the  pleasures  of 
the  table.  In  war  they  fought  bravely,  but  with- 
out discipline. — 2.  Rtligion.  Like  the  other  Aryans, 
the  Persians  worshipped  one  Supreme  God,  whom 
they  called  Auramazila  (Oromasdes,  Ormazd,  Or- 
miizd) — a  term  signifying  (as  is  believed)  the  Oreat 
Oiver  of  Life.    The  royal  inacriptiona  rarely  men- 


tioned any  other  god.  Occasionally,  however,  they 
indicate  a  slight  and  modified  polytheism.  Oromas- 
des is  "  the  chief  of  the  gods,"  so  that  there  are 
other  gods  besides  him ;  and  the  highest  of  these  ia 
evidently  Mithra,  who  is  sometimes  invoked  to  pro- 
tect the  monarch,  and  beyond  a  doubt  =  the  sun. 
Entirely  separate  from  these — their  active  resister 
and  antagonist — was  Ahriman  (Arimanius)  =  the 
Death-dealing — the  powerful,  and  (probably)  self-ex- 
isting Evil  Spirit,  from  whom  war,  disease,  frost,  hail, 
poverty,  sin,  death,  and  all  other  evils,  had  their 
origin.  (Noah.)  Worship  was  confined  to  Aura- 
mazda  and  his  good  spirits ;  Ahriman  and  his  de- 
mons were  only  feared  and  hated.  The  original 
Persian  worship  was  simple.  They  were  not  desti- 
tute of  temples,  but  had  probably  no  altars,  sacri- 
fices, or  priests,  and  certainly  no  images.  Proces- 
sions were  formed,  and  religious  chants — prayer  and 
praise  intermixed — were  sung  in  their  temples, 
whereby  the  favorof  Auramazda  and  his  good  spirits 
was  supposed  to  be  secured.  From  the  first  entrance 
of  the  Persians,  as  immigrants,  into  their  new  terri- 
tory, they  were  probably  brought  into  contact  with 
a  form  of  religion  very  different  from  their  own. 
Magianism,  the  religion  of  the  Scythic  or  Turanian 
population  of  Western  Asia,  had  long  been  dominant 
over  the  greater  portion  of  the  region  between  Meso- 
potamia and  India.  The  essence  of  this  religion  was 
worship  of  the  elements — more  especially  of  fir?. 
The  simplicity  of  the  Aryan  religion  was  speedily 
corrupted  by  its  contact  with  this  powerful  rival. 
There  was  a  short  struggle  for  preeminence,  after 
which  the  rival  systems  came  to  terms.  Dualism 
was  retained,  with  the  names  of  Auramazda  and 
Ahriman,  and  the  special  worship  of  the  sun  and 
moon  under  the  appellations  of  Mithra  and 
Homa,  but  to  this  was  superadded  the  worship 
of  the  elements  and  the  whole  ceremonial  of 
Magianism,  including  the  pivixation  to  which 
the  Maoi  made  pretence.  The  worship  of  other 
deities,  as  Tanata  or  Anaitin,  was  a  still  later 
addition. — 'i.  Language.  The  language  of  the 
ancient  Persians  was  closely  akin  to  the  San- 
scrit, or  ancient  language  of  India.  We  find  it 
in  ita  earliest  stage  in  the  Zendavesta — the 
sacred  book  of  the  whole  Aryan  race.  Modern 
Persian  is  its  degenerate  representative,  large- 
ly impregnated  with  Arabic. — 4.  Division  into 
Tribes,  ic.  Herodotus  tells  us  that  the  Per- 
aians  were  divided  into  ten  tribes,  of  which 
three  were  noble,  three  agricultural,  and  four 
nomadic. — 5.  History.  In  remote  antiquity  it 
would  appear  that  the  Persians  dwelt  in  the 
region  E.  of  the  Caspian,  or  possibly  in  a  tract 
still  nearer  India.  The  general  line  of  their 
progress  seems  to  have  been  from  E.  to  W., 
down  the  course  of  the  Oxus,  and  then  along 
the  southern  shores  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  to 
Rhagcs  and  Sledia.  These  movements  were 
doubtless  anterior  to  B.  c.  880,  at  which  time 
the  Assyrian  kings  seem  first  to  have  come  in 
contact  with  Aryan  tribes  E.  of  Mount  Zagros. 
If  they  are  to  be  identified  with  the  Bartsu  or 
Partsti  of  the  Assyrian  monuments,  we  may  say 
that  from  the  middle  of  the  ninth  to  the  middle  of 
the  eighth  century  B.  c.  they  occupied  Southeastern 
Armenia,  but  by  the  end  of  the  eighth  century  had 
removed  into  the  country,  which  thenceforth  went 
by  their  name.  The  leader'of  this  last  migration 
seems  to  have  been  Achaimenes,  who  was  recognized 
as  king  of  the  newly-occupied  territory,  and  founded 
the  famous  dynasty  of  the  Acha:meuids,  about  B,  c. 


840 


PER 


PER 


700.  The  crown  appears  to  have  descended  in  a  right 
line  through  Teispes,  Cambyses  I.,  Cyrus  I.,  and  Cam- 
byses  II.,  the  father  of  Cyrus  the  Conqueror.  The 
Persians  became  tributary  to  the  Mcdes  about  B.  c. 
630,  or  a  little  earlier.  After  about  seventy  or 
eighty  years  of  subjection,  the  Persians,  under  Ctrus, 
revolted  from  the  Medes,  engaged  in  a  bloody  strug- 
gle with  them,  and  finally  succeeded,  not  only  in 
establishing  their  independence,  but  in  changing 
places  with  their  masters,  and  becoming  the  ruling 
people.  The  probable  date  of  the  revolt  is  B.  c. 
558.  Its  success,  by  transferring  to  Persia  the  do- 
minion previously  in  the  possession  of  the  Medes, 
placed  her  at  the  head  of  an  empire,  the  bounds  of 
which  were  the  Halys  on  the  W.,  the  Euxine  on  the 
N.,  Babylonia  on  the  S.,  and  on  the  E.  the  salt-desert 
of  Iran.  As  usual  in  the  East,  this  success  led  on 
to  others.  Cyrus  defeated  Croesus,  and  added  the 
Lydian  empire  to  his  dominions.  This  conquest 
was  followed  closely  by  the  submission  of  the  Greek 
settlements  on  the  Asiatic  coast,  and  by  the  reduc- 
tion of  Caria,  Caunus,  and  Lycia.  The  empire  was 
soon  after  e.xtended  greatly  toward  the  N.  E.  and  E. 
Cyrus  rapidly  overran  the  flat  countries  beyond  the 
Caspian,  after  which  he  seems  to  have  pushed  his 
conquests  still  further  to  the  E.,  adding  to  his  do- 
minions  the   districts  of  Herat,  Cabul,  Candahar, 


Fersiaa  Warrion.— From  Persepolla. 

Seistan,  and  Beloochistan,  which  were  thenceforth 
included  in  the  empire.  In  B.  c.  639  or  538,  Baby- 
lon was  attacked,  and  after  a  stout  defence  fell. 
(Babel.)  This  victory  first  brought  the  Persians 
into  contact  with  the  Jews.  The  conquerors  found 
in  Babylon  an  oppressed  race — like  themselves,  ab- 
horrers  of  idols — and  professors  of  a  religion  in  which 
to  a  great  extent  they  could  sympathize.  (Captiv- 
ity.) This  race  Cyrus  restored  to  their  own  coun- 
try by  the  remarkable  edict  recorded  in  Ezr.  i.  2-4. 
He  was  slain  in  an  expedition  against  the  Massageta: 
or  the  Derbices,  after  a  reign  of  twenty-nine  years. 
Under  his  son  and  successor,  Cambyses  III.,  the  con- 
quest of  Egypt  took  place  (b.  c.  525).  This  prince 
appears  to  be  the  Ahasuebcs  of  Ezr.  iv.  6.  In  the 
absence  of  Cambyses  with  the  army,  a  conspiracy 
was  formed  against  him  at  court,  and  a  Magian 
priest,  Gomates  ( Gaumata)  by  name,  professing  to 
be  Smerdis  (Sardit/a),  the  son  of  Cyrus,  whom  his 
lirother,  Cambyses,  had  put  to  death  secretly,  ob- 
tained quiet  possession  of  the  throne.  Cambyses, 
then  in  Syria,  despairing  of  the  recovery  of  his 
crown,  ended  his  life  by  suicide.  His  reign  had 
lasted  seven  years  and  five  months.  Gomates  the 
Magian  (Artaxerxes  1)  found  himself  thus,  without 
a  struggle,  master  of  Persia  (b.  c.  522).  He  de- 
stroyed the  national  temples,  substituting  for  them 
tlie  fire-altars,  and  abolished  the  religious  chants 
and  other  worship  of  the  Oromasdians.     He  reversed 


the  policy  of  Cyrus  with  respect  to  the  Jews,  and 
forbade  by  an  edict  the  further  building  of  the  Tem- 
ple (Ezr.  iv.  17-22).  Darius,  the  son  of  Hystaspes 
(Darius  2),  headed  a  revolt  against  him,  which  in  a 
short  time  was  crowned  with  complete  success. 
Gomates  was  slain,  having  reigned  seven  months. 
The  first  efforts  of  Darius  were  directed  to  the  re- 
establishment  of.theOremasdian  religion  in  all  its 
purity.  Appealed  to,  in  his  second  year,  by  the 
Jews,  who  wislied  to  resume  the  construction  of 
their  Temple,  he  not  only  allowed  them,  confirming 
th^  decree  of  Cyrus,  but  assisted  the  work  by  grants 
from  his  own  revenues,  whereby  the  Jew  s  were  able 
to  complete  the  Temple  as  early  as  his  sixth  year  (vi. 
1-15).  During  the  first  part  of  the  reign  of  Darius 
the  tranquillity  of  the  empire  was  disturbed  by  nu- 
merous revolts  in  Babylon,  Media,  Sagartia,  Persia 
Proper,  &c.  His  courage  and  activity,  however,  sec- 
onded by  the  valor,  of  his  Persian  troops  and  the 
fidelity  of  some  satraps,  carried  him  successfully 
through  these  and  other  similar  difficulties ;  and 
after  five  or  six  years  of  struggle,  he  became  as 
firmly  seated  on  his  throne  as  any  previous  monarch. 
He  divided  the  empire  into  twenty  satrapies,  built 
magnificent  palaces  at  Pebsepolis  and  Susa  (Shu- 
shan),  conquered  Thrace,  Pajonia,  and  Macedonia, 
toward  the  W.,  and  a  large  portion  of  India  on  the 
E.,  &c.  On  the  whole,  he  must  be  pronounced,  next 
to  Cyras,  thegreatestof  thePersianmonarchs.'  The 
latter  part  of  his  reign  was,  however,  clouded  by  re- 
verses. His  son-in-law  Mardonius  suffered  great  losses 
in  Thrace  and  in  a  tempest  off  Mount  Athos;  and 
these  disasters  were  followed  shortly  by  the  defeat  of 
his  army  under  Datis  and  Artaphernes  at  Marathon 
(Greece)  ;  and  before  any  attempt  could  be  made 
to  avenge  that  blow,  Egypt  rose  in  revolt  (b.  c.  486), 
massacred  its  Persian  garrison,  and  declared  itself 
independent.  In  the  palace  at  the  same  time  there 
was  dissension ;  and  when,  after  a  reign  of  thirty-six 
years,  the  fourth  Persian  monarch  died  (b.  c.  485), 
leaving  his  throne  to  a  young  prince  of  strong  and 
ungovcrned  passions,  it  was  evident  that  the  empire 
had  reached  its  highest  point  of  greatness,  and  was 
already  verging  toward  its  decline.  The  first  act  of 
Xerxes  (probably  the  Ahasuerls  of  Esther)  was  to 
reduce  Egypt  to  subjection  (b.  c.  484),  after  which 
he  began  at  once  to  make  preparations  tor  his  inva- 
sion of  Greece.  This  well-known  expedition  ended 
disastrously  for  the  invaders.  During  the  rest  of 
the  reign  of  Xerxes,  and  during  part  of  that  of  his 
son  and  successor,  Artaxerxes,  Persia  continued  at 
war  with  the  Greeks,  who  destroyed  her  fleets,  plun- 
dered her  coasts,  and  stirred  up  revolt  in  her  prov- 
inces ;  hut  in  B.  c.  449  a  peace  was  concluded  be- 
tween the  two  powers,  who  then  continued  on  terms 
of  amity  for  half  a  century.  A  conspiracy  in  the 
seraglio  having  carried  off  Xerxes  (b.  c.  465),  Arta- 
xerxes his  son,  called  by  the  Greeks  Makrocheir  (  = 
Longimanus  [L.]  =  Long-handed),  succeeded  him, 
after  an  interval  of  seven  months,  during  which  the 
conspirator  Artabanus  occupied  the  throne.  This 
Artaxerxes,  who  reigned  forty  years,  is  beyond  a 
doubt  the  Artaxer.xes  2  who  stood  in  such  a  friendly 
relation  toward  Ezra  (Ezr.  vii.  11-28)  and  Nehemiah 

'  The  preat  inecription  of  Darius  at  BehMvn  (see  map, 
under  Euphrates)  i«  eneraved  in  three  lansruagce  (old  Per- 
Bian,  Babvlonian,  and  a  Kcythic  or  Tartar  dialect)  ona  pre- 
cipitous r()Cl{,  coiiiiectcd  with  llie  Zafiros  cliain,  OM  feet 
above  ite  hme.  the  rocli  lieinp;  l.TOO  feel  lilfh.  It  records  the 
deeds  of  Dariue  and  the  glories'  of  his  royal  house,  and  «  a» 
executed,  accordiug  to  Col.  Kawlinson.  in  the  fifth  yearof 
his  reigu,  b.  c.  516.  The  Persian  inscription,  with  an  tng- 
lish  traDslation,  Is  given  in  Kawlinson's  Hdt.  ii.  480  ff. 


PER 


PET 


841 


(Xeh.  ii.  1-9,  4c.).  Under  his  rule  tbe  disorders  of 
the  empire  seem  to  have  iiicre-osed  rapidly.  He  is 
the  last  Persian  king  who  had  any  special  connec- 
tion with  the  Jews,  .ind  the  last  but  one  mentioned 
in  Scripture.  Uis  successors  were  Xtrxes  II.,  Sog- 
dianus,  Darius  Nothus,  Artaxer.xes  Mnemon,  Ar- 
taxerxes  Ochus,  and  Darius  Codomannus,  who  is 
probably  the  "  Dabius  the  Persian  "  of  Ncheniiali 
(xii.  22).  These  monarchs  reigned  from  b.  c.  424  to 
B.  c.  330.  None  were  of  much  capacity,  though 
Ochus  reconquered  Egypt.  The  younger  CJyrus  at- 
t  'mpted  todethronehis  brother  Artaxerxes  Mnemon. 
After  his  failure,  eunuchs  and  women  governed  the 
kings ;  patriotism  and  loyalty  were  alike  dead ;  and 
Greek  mercenaries  were  largely  employed  in  the 
Persian  armies.  The  collapse  of  the  empire  under 
the  attack  of  Alexander  the  Great  requires  no  de- 
scription here.  On  the  division  of  Alexander's  do- 
minions among  his  generals,  Persia  fell  to  the  Seleu- 
ciiiic  (Syria),  under  whom  it  continued  till  after  the 
death  of  AxTiocHCs  Epiphanes,  when  the  conquering 
Pauthiaxs  advanced  their  frontier  to  the  Euphrates, 
and  the  Persians  became  included  among  their  sub- 
ject tribes  (B.  c.  164).  Still  their  nationality  was 
not  obliterated.  In  a.  n.  226,  the  Persians  shook 
off  the  yoke  of  their  oppressors,  and  once  more  be- 
came a  nation  under  the  rule  of  the  Sassanida;,  a 
dynasty  which  continued  till  a.  n.  641,  when  the 
Mohammedans  conquered  the  country.  (Arad[a.) 
Since  then  Persia  has  been  overrun  at  different 
times  by  Tartars,  Afghans,  &c.  Modern  Persia  is  one 
of  the  most  important  of  the  Asiatic  powers.  The 
present  ruling  dynasty  dates  from  the  close  of  the 
eighteenth  century.     The  monarch  is  called  Shah. 

Per'sis  (Gr.  a  destroi/ing,  taking,  or  a  female  Fer- 
tianf),  a  Christian  woman  at  Rome  (Rom.  xvi.  12) 
whom  St.  Paul  salutes. 

Pe-rnda  (Heb.  kernel,  Ges.)  =  Perida  (Ezr.  ii. 
65). 

Pcs'tl-lenfe.    Medicine;  Plagce. 

*  Pes'tils  (2   Chr.  xxiv.    14    margin)  =  pestles. 
Pestle  ;  .Mortar. 
.     •  Pestle  [pessl]  (Prov.  xxvii.  22).     Mortar. 

Peter  (fr.  Gr.  Pelros  [  =  Cephas]  =:  a  atone  or 
piere  nf  roek,  L.  &  S.,  Rbn.  jV.  7'.  Lsx.),  one  of  the 
Twelve  Apostles.  His  original  name  was  Simon, 
i.  e.  hearer.  He  was  the  son  of  Jonas  (Mat.  xvi.  17 ; 
Jn.  i.  13,  xxi.  16;  Bar-jona  ;  Jona),'  and  was 
brought  up  in  his  father's  occupation,  a  fisherman 
on  the  sea  of  Tiberias.  (Fish.)  He  and  his  brother 
Andrew  were  partners  of  John  (John  the  Apostle) 
and  James  1,  the  sons  of  Zebedee,  who  had  hired 
servants  ;  and  from  various  indications  in  the  sacred 
narrative  we  are  led  to  the  conclusion  (so  Mr.  Cook, 
original  author  of  this  article)  that  their  social  posi- 
tion brought  them  into  contact  with  men  of  educa- 
tion. The  apostle  did  not  live,  as  a  mere  laboring 
man,  in  a  hut  by  the  sea-side,  but  first  at  Bethsaida, 
and  afterward  in  a  house  at  Capernaum,  belonging 
to  himself  or  his  mother-in-law,  which  must  have 
been  ratlier  a  large  one,  since  he  received  in  it  not 
only  our  Lord  and  his  fellow-disciples,  but  multi- 
tudes who  were  attracted  by  the  miracles  and 
preaching  of  Jesus  (Mat.  xix.  27,  &c.).  It  is  not 
probal>le  that  he  and  his  brother  were  wholly  un- 
cducateil.  (Education.)  The  statement  in  Acts 
IV.  13,  that  "  tlie  council  perceived  they  (i.  e.  Peter 
and  John)  were  unlearned  and  ignorant  men,"  is 
not  incompatible  with  this  assumption,  the  word 
rendered    "  unlearned "    being    nearly    equivalent 

'  A  tradition  makes  Us  mother's  name  Johanna. 


to  "laymen,"  i.  e.  men  of  ordinary  education,  as 
contrasted  with  those  who  were  specially  trained 
in  tlie  schools  of  the  Rabbis.  The  language  of 
the  apostle  was  of  course  the  form  of  Aramaic 
spoken  in  Northern  Palestine,  a  sort  of  jxiloig,  part- 
ly Hebrew,  but  more  nearly  allied  to  the  Syriac. 
(Galilee  ;  Shemitic  Languages.)  It  is  doubtful 
whether  our  apostle  was  acquainted  with  Greek  in 
early  life.  Within  a  few  years  after  his  call  he 
seems  to  have  conversed  fluently  in  (ireek  with 
Cornelius.  The  style  of  both  of  Peter's  Epistles 
indicates  a  considerable  knowledge  of  Greek — it  is 
pure  and  accurate,  and  in  grammatical  structure 
equal  to  that  of  Paul.  That  may,  however,  be  ac- 
counted for  by  the  fact,  for  which  there  is  very 
ancient  authority,  that  Peter  employed  an  inter- 
preter in  the  composition  of  his  Epistles,  if  not  in 
his  ordinary  intercourse  with  foreigners.  It  is  on 
the  whole  probable  that  he  had  some  rudimentLl 
knowledge  of  Greek  in  early  life,  which  may  have 
been  al^erward  extended  when  the  need  was  felt. 
(Tongues,  Gut  of.)  That  he  was  an  affectionate 
husband,  married  in  early  life  to  a  wife  who  accom- 
panied him  in  his  apostolic  journeys,  are  facts  in- 
ferred from  Scripture,  while  very  ancient  traditions, 
recorded  by  Clement  of  Alexandria,  and  by  other 
early  but  less  trustworthy  writers,  inform  us  that 
her  name  was  Perpetua,  that  she  bore  a  daughter, 
or  perhaps  other  children,  and  suffered  martyrdom. 
It  is  uncertain  at  what  age  he  was  called  by  our 
Lord.  The  general  impression  of  the  Fathers  is 
that  he  was  an  old  man  at  the  date  of  his  death, 
A.  D.  04,  but  this  ni^ed  not  imply  that  he  was  much 
older  than  our  Lord.  He  was  probably  between 
thirty  and  forty  years  of  age  at  his  call.  That  call 
was  preceded  by  a  special  preparation.  He  and  his 
brother  Andrew,  together  with  their  partners  James 
and  John,  the  sons  of  Zebedee,  were  disciples  of 
John  the  Baptist  (Jn.  i.  35).  They  were  in  attend- 
ance upon  him  when  they  were  first  called  to  the 
service  of  Christ.  The  circumstances  of  that  call 
are  recorded  with  graphic  minuteness  by  John. 
This  first  call  led  to  no  immediate  change  in  Peter's 
external  position.  He  and  his  fellow-disciples 
looked  henceforth  upon  our  Lord  as  their  teacher, 
but  were  not  commanded  to  follow  him  as  regular 
disciples.  They  returned  to  Capernaum,  where 
they  pursued  their  usual  business,  waiting  for  a 
further  intimation  of  His  will.  The  second  call  is 
recorded  bv  the  othiT  three  Evangelists  (Mat.  iv.  18 
ff.  ;  Mk.  i.  "l6  ff.;  Lk.  v.  1-11);  the  narrative  of 
Luke  being  api)arently  supplementary  to  the  brief, 
and,  80  to  speak,  official  accounts  given  by  Matthew 
and  Mark.  It  took  place  on  the  Sea  of  (ialilee  near 
Capernaum — where  the  four  disciples,  Peter  and 
Andrew,  James  and  John,  were  fishing.  Peter  and 
Andrew  were  first  called.  Our  Lord  then  entered 
Simon  Peter's  boat  and  addressed  the  multitude  on 
the  shore ;  after  this  discourse  He  wrought  the 
miracle  by  whicli  He  foreshadowed  the  success  of 
the  apostles  as  fishers  of  men.  The  call  of  James 
and  John  followed.  Immediately  after  that  call 
our  Lord  went  to  the  house  of  Peter,  where  He 
wrought  the  miracle  of  healing  on  Peter's  wife's 
mother.  (Jesus  Christ;  Miracles.)  Some  time 
was  passed  afterward  in  attendance  upon  our  Lord's 
public  ministrations  in  Galilee,  Dccapolis,  Perea, 
and  Judea.  The  special  designation  of  Peter  and 
his  eleven  fellow-disciples  took  place  some  time 
afterward,  when  they  were  set  apart  as  our  Lord's 
immediate  attendants  (Mat.  x.  2-4  ;  Mk.  iii.  13-19; 
Lk.  vi.  18).    They  appear  then  first  to  have  received 


842 


PET 


PET 


formally  the  name  of  apostles  (Apostle),  and  from 
that  time  Shnon  bore  publicly,  and,  as  it  would 
seem,  all  but  exclusively,  the  name  Peter,  whicli 
had  hitherto  been  used  rather  as  a  characteristic 
appellation  than  as  a  proper  name.  From  this  time, 
there  can  be  no  doubt,  that  Peter  held  the  first 
place  among  the  apostles,  to  whatever  cause  his 
precedence  is  to  be  attributed.  The  precedence 
did  not  depend  upon  prioiity  of  call,  or  it  would 
have  devolved  upon  his  brother  Andrew,  or  that 
other  disciple  who  first  followed  Jesus.  It  seems 
scarcely  probable  that  it  depended  upon  seniority. 
The  special  designation  by  Christ  alone  accounts  in 
a  satisfactory  way  for  the  facts  that  he  is  named 
first  in  every  list  of  the  apostles,  is  generally  ad- 
dressed by  our  Lord  as  their  representative,  and  on 
the  most  solemn  occasions  speaks  in  their  name 
(Jn.  vi.  66-69 ;  Mat.  xvi.  13  tf.).  First  amonff  equals 
Peter  held  no  distinct  office,  and  certainly  never 
claimed  any  powers  which  did  not  equally  belong 
to  all  his  fellow-apostles.  The  distinction  which 
Peter  received  in  Mat.  xvi.  18,  19,'''  and  it  may  be 
his  consciousness  of  ability,  energy,  zeal,  and  ab- 
solute devotion  to  Christ's  person,  seemed  to  have 
developed  a  natural  tendency  to  rashness  and  for- 
wardness bordering  upon  presumption.  On  this 
occasion  the  exhibition  of  such  feelings  brought  upon 
him  the  strongest  reproof  ever  addressed  to  a  dis- 
ciple by  our  Lord  (ver.  23).  It  is  remarkable  that 
on  other  occasions  when  Peter  sigi;alized  his  faith 
and  devotion,  he  displayed  at  the  time,  or  imme- 
diately afterward,  a  more  than  usual  deficiency  in 
spiritual  discernment  and  consistency  (xvii.  3,  xiv. 
30,  31).  Toward  the  close  of  our  Lord's  ministry 
Peter's  characteristics  became  especially  prominent. 
Together  with  his  brother,  and  the  two  sons  of 
Zebedee,  he  listened  to  the  last  awful  predictions 
and  warnings  delivered  to  the  disciples,  in  reference 
to  the  second  advent  (Mat.  xxiv.  3  ;  Mk.  xiii.  3,  who 
alone  mentions  these  names ;  Lk.  xxi.  7).  At  the 
Last  Supper  Peter  seems  to  have  been  particularly 
earnest  in  the  request  that  the  traitor  might  be 
pointed  out.  After  the  Supper  his  words  drew  out 
the  meaning  of  the  significant,  almost  sacramental 
act  of  our  Lord  in  washing  His  disciples'  feet  (Jn. 
xiii.  4  ff.).     Then,  too,  he  made  those  repeated  prot- 

■•i  The  views  of  Mat.  xvi.  18  are — 1.  That  onr  Lord  ppokfi 
of  Himself,  and  not  of  Peter,  as  the  rock  on  which  the 
Church  was  to  be  founded  (Glass,  Dathe,  &c.).  2.  That 
our  Lord  addresses  Peter  as  the  type  or  representative  of 
the  Church,  in  his  capacity  of  chief  disciple  (Auirustine, 
&c.).  3.  That  the  rock  was  uot  the  person  of  Peter,  but 
his  confession  of  faith  (Hilary,  &c.).  4.  That  Peter  him- 
self was  the  rock  on  which  the  Church  would  be  built,  as 
the  representative  of  the  apostles,  as  professinij  in  their 
name  the  true  faith,  and  as  intrusted  specially  with  the 
duty  of  preaching  it,  and  thereljy  laving  the  foundation  of 
the  Church  (Pearson,  Hammond,  'Benpel,  Rosenmflller, 
Schleusner,  Kuinoel,  Bloomlield,  AcV  This  view  (so  Mr. 
Cook)  is  home  out  by  the  facts  that  Peter  on  the  day  of 
Pentecost,  and  during  the  whole  period  of  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Church,  was  the  chief  agent  in  all  the  work 
of  the  ministry,  in  preacliing,  in  admitting  both  Jews  and 
Gentiles,  and  laying  down  the  terms  of  communion.  Tlie 
Soman  Catholic  view  maizes  Peter  the  representative  of 
Christ,  not  personally,  hut  in  virtue  of  an  olHce  essential 
to  the  permanent  existence  and  aiitiiority  of  the  Cluirch. 
But  Peter  did  not  retain,  even  admitting  tliat  at  first  lie 
held,  any  primacy  of  rank  after  completing  his  own  special 
work ;  never  exercised  any  authority  over,  or  indepen- 
dently of.  the  other  apostles  ;  certainly  did  not  transmit 
whatever  position  he  ever  held  to  any  of  his  colleagnes 
after  his  decease.  The  promise  respecting  the  keys  also 
(Mat.  xvi.  19)  was  literally  fulfilled  when  Peter  preached 
at  Pentecost,  admitted  the  first  converts  to  bapti.sm,  com- 
municated the  Holy  Ghost  to  the  Samaritans,  and  received 
Comelius^he  representative  of  the  Gentiles,  to  the 
Church.  Whatever  privileges  may  have  belonged  to  him 
personally,  died  with  him.    (Apostle.) 


estations  of  unalterable  fidelity,  so  soon  to  be  falsi- 
fied by  his  miserable  fall.     It  seems  evident    that, 
with   some    diversity  of  circumstances,  both    the 
protestation  and  warning  were  thrice  repeated  (Mat. 
xxvi.  33-35  ;  Mk.  xiv.  29-31  ;  Lk.  xxii.  33,  34  ;  Jn. 
xiii.  36-38).     The  fiery  trial  soon  came.     After  the 
agony  of  Gethsemanc,  when  Peter,  James,  and  John 
were,  as  on  former  occasions,  selected  to  be  with 
our  Lord,  and  all  three  alike  failed  to  prepare  them- 
selves by  prayer  and  watching,  the  arrest  of  Jesus 
took  place.     Peter  drew  his  sword,  alone  against 
the  armed  throng,  and  wounded  the  servant  of  the 
high-priest,  probably  the  leader  of  the  band.  When 
this  bold  but  unauthorized  attempt  at  rescue  was 
reproved,  he  followed  his  Master  with  John  into  the 
high-priest's  house.    There  he  sat  in  the  outer  hall. 
His  faith,  which  from  first  to  last  was  bound  up  with 
hope,  his  special  characteristic,  was  for  the  time 
powerless  against  temptation.     Thrice,  each  time 
with  greater  vehemence,  the  last  time  with  blas- 
phemous asseveration,  he  denied  his  Master."    Yet 
it  needed  but  a  glance  of  his  Lord's  eye  to  bring 
him  to  himself     His  repentance  was  instantaneotis 
and  effectual.     On  the  morning  of  the  Rtsurrection 
we  have  proof  that  Peter,  though  humbled,  was  not 
crushed  by  his  fall.     He  and  John  were  the  first  to 
visit  the  sepulchre ;  he  was  the  first  who  entered  it. 
We  arc  told  by  Luke  and  by  Paul  that  Christ  appeared 
to  him  first  among  the  apostles.     On  that  occasion, 
however,  he  is  called  by  his  original  name,  Simon,  ] 
not  Peter  :  the  higher  designation  was  not  restored  j 
until  he  had  been  publicly  reinstituted,  so  to  spetk,  j 
by  his  Master.    That  reinstitution  took  place  at  the  I 
Sea  of  Galilee  (Jn.  xxi.),  an  event  of  the  very  high- j 
est  import.     Slower  than  John  to  recognize  their  j 
Lord,  Peter  was  the  first  to  reach  him  :  he  brought  1 
the  net  to  land.     The  thrice-repeated  question  of  I 
Christ,  referring  doubtless  to  the  three  protestations  j 
and  denials,  wns  thrice  met  by  answers  full  of  lovei 
and  faith.    He  then  received  the  formal  commission  1 
to  feed  Christ's  sheep,  rather  as  one  who  had  for- 
feited his  place,  and  could  not  resume  it  without  j 
such  an  authorization.     Then  followed  the  predic- 
tion of  his  martyrdom,  in  which  he  was  to  find  thel 
fulfilment  of  his  request  to  be  permitted  to  follow  i 
the  Lord.     With  this  event  closes  the  first  part  of  : 
Peter's  history.     Henceforth,  he  and  his  colleagues  i 
were  to  establish  and  govern  the  Church  tbuuded  1 
by  their  Lord,  without  the  support  of  His  presence. 
The  first  part  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  is  occu-  j 
pied  by  the  record  of  transactions,  in  nearly  all  of  f 


'  "  There  were  three  denials.  As  to  the  first,  all  lAl 
plain.  Peter  was  sitting  in  the  hall  or  court  of  the  palace,  | 
warming  himself  by  llie  fire,  when  he  was  taxed  by  a 
maid-servant,  the  portcrcss.  who  came  up  to  him,  wilh  1 
being  of  Jesus'  company.  He  denied,  and  retreated  ftom  1 
the  fire  to  the  porch  or  vestiljule  ;  and  the  cock  crew ;  but 
the  alarmed  apostle  did  not  heed  it.  As  to  the  second  de- ,' 
nial.  he  was  hngering  in  the  porch ;  hut  his  retreat  had 
somewhat  attracted  attention.  And  so  several  persons 
charged  him,  the  porteress  again  (now  probably  returned 
to  the  door),  another  maid,  a  male-servant,  according  to 
the  first  three  Evangelists.  This  is  Just  what  we  might 
expect:  several  in  such  a  group  were  likely  to  speak  at 
once;  and  so  St.  John,  who  was  present,  tells  us,  'they 
said.'  Then,  as  to  the  third  denial,  a  while  after ;  the  by- 
standers recognized  Peter,  who  had  perhaps  gone  back  to 
the  fire,  as  a  (falilean  :  his  provincial  accent  betrayed  him ; 
and  a  kinsman  of  Malchus.  whose  ear  he  had  cut  off,  iden- 
tified him  as  one  of  those  seen  with  Jesas  in  the  earden. 
The  words  of  the  denial  he  thereupon  gave  are  difl'erently 
reported ;  but  as  St.  Matthew  tells  us  '  he  b^an  to  curse 
and  to  swear,'  it  is  obvious  that  he  did  not  just  utter  a 
single  sentence,  hut  denied  repeatedly  with  a  volley  of 
imprecations.  It  was  then  (bat  the  cock  crew  again;  and 
the  Lord  turned  and  looked  upon  Peter"  (Kev.  J.  Ayre, 
in  Fairbaim,  &c.) 


PET 


PET 


843 


wliieh  Peter  stands  forth  as  the  recognized  leader 
of  the  apostles;  it  being,  however,  e<iuall_v  clear  that 
lie  neither  exercises  nor  claims  any  authority  apart 
IVom  them,  much  less  over  them.  Peter  points  out 
to  the  disciples  the  necessity  of  supplying  the  place 
of  Judas,  states  the  quulitications  of  an  Apostlj:, 
but  takes  no  special  part  in  the  election  (Acts  i.). 
lie  is  the  most  prominent  person  in  the  greatest 
event  after  the  Resurrection,  when  on  the  day  of 
Pentecost  the  Church  was  tirst  invested  witn  the 
plenitude  of  gifts  and  powers  (ii.).  The  first  mir- 
acle after  Pentecost  was  wrought  by  him,  John 
b^'ing  joined  with  hira  in  that ;  and  when  the  people 
ran  together  to  Solomon's  porch,  he  was  the  speaker 
(iii.).  Tlie  boldness  of  Peter  and  John,  of  Peter 
especially  as  the  spokesman,  when  "  filled  with  the 
Holy  Ghost "  he  confronted  the  full  assembly, 
headed  by  Annas  and  Caiaphas,  produced  a  deep 
impression,  enhanced  as  the  words  came  from  igno- 
rant and  unlearned  men.  The  words  spoken  by 
both  apostles,  when  commanded  not  to  speak  at  all 
nor  teach  in  the  name  of  Jesus,  have  ever  since 
been  the  watchwords  of  martyrs  (iv.  19,  20).  This 
first  miracle  of  healing  was  soon  followed  by  the 
first  miracle  of  judgment.  Peter  was  the  minister 
ill  that  transaction  (v. ;  Ananias).  He  is  not  spe- 
cially named  in  coimection  with  the  appointment  of 
deacons  (vi. ;  Deacon)  ;  but  when  the  Gospel  was 
first  preached  beyond  the  precincts  of  Judea,  he 
and  John  were  at  once  sent  by  the  apostles  to 
tlie  convert'!  at  Samaria  (viii.  14  fi".).  Henceforth 
he  remains  prominent,  but  not  exclusively  prom- 
inent, among  the  propagators  of  the  Gospel.  At 
Samaria  he  was  confronted  with  Simon  JIagls, 
the  first  teacher  of  heresy.  About  three  years 
later  (compare  Acts  ix.  26,  and  Gal.  i.  17,  18) 
«e  have  two  accounts  of  the  first  meeting  of 
Peter  and  Paul.  This  interview  was  followed 
by  other  events  marking  Peter's  position — 
a  general  apostolical  tour  of  visitation  to  the 
Churches  hitherto  established  (Acts  ix.  32),  in  the 
course  of  which  two  great  miracles  were  wrought  on 
Enka?  and  Tabitha,  and  in  connection  with  which 
is  recorded  the  baptism  of  Cornelius  (x.).  That 
was  the  crown  and  consummation  of  Peter's  minis- 
try. In  this  great  act  both  he  and  his  fellow-apos- 
tles saw  an  earnest  of  the  admission  of  the  Qentiles 
into  the  Church  on  the  single  condition  of  spiritual 
repentance.  The  establishment  of  a  Church  in  great 
part  of  Gentile  origin  at  Antioch,  and  the  mission 
of  ISarnabas,  set  the  seal  upon  the  work  thus  in- 
augurated by  Peter  (xi.).  This  transaction  was 
!-oon  followed  by  the  imprisonment  of  our  apostle 
by  Herod  Agrippa  (xii.).  His  miraculous  deliver- 
anve  marks  the  close  of  this  second  great  period  of 
his  ministry.  The  special  work  assigned  to  him 
was  completed.  From  that  time  we  have  no  con- 
tinuous history  of  him.  He  left  Jerusalem,  but  it 
is  not  said  where  he  went.  He  probably  remained 
in  Judea ;  six  years  later  we  find  him  once  more  at 
Jerusalem,  when  the  apostles  and  elders  came  to- 
gether to  consider  the  <iuestion  whether  couvt-rts 
^hotiM  be  circumcised.  Peter  took  the  lead  in  that 
discus-lion,  and  urged  with  remarkable  cogency  the 
principles  settled  in  the  case  of  Cornelius.  His  ar- 
gumenis,  adopted  and  enforced  by  James,  decided 
that  ((uestion  at  once  and  for  ever.  (Paci-.)  It  is 
a  disputed  point  whether  the  meeting  between  Paul 
and  Peter,  of  which  we  have  an  account  in  Gal.  ii. 
1-10,  took  place  at  this  time.  The  great  majority 
of  critics  believe  that  it  did,  and  this  hypothesis, 
though  not  without  dilBculties,  seems  more  probable 


I  than  any  other  which  has  been  suggested.  The  only 
!  point  of  real  importance  was  certainly  determined 
before  the  apostles  separated,  the  work  of  converting 
the  Gentiles  being  henceforth  specially  intrusted  to 
Paul  and  Barnabas,  while  the  charge  of  preaching 
to  the  circumcision  was  assigned  to  the  elder  apos- 
tles, and  more  particularly  to  Peter  (Gal.  ii.  7-9). 
This  arrangement  cannot,  however,  have  been  an 
exclusive  one.     Paul  always  addressed  himself  first 
to  the  Jews  in  every  city :  Peter  and  his  old  col- 
leagues undoubtedly  admitted  and  sought  to  make 
converts  among  the  Gentiles.     It  may  have  been  in 
full  force  only  when  the  old  and  new  apostles  re- 
sided in  the  same  city.     Such  at  least  was  the  case 
at  Antioch,  where  Peter  went  soon  afterward.  There 
the  painful  collision  took  place  between  the  two 
apostles  (ii.  11  if.) ;  the  most  remarkable,  and,  in  its 
bearings  upon  controversies  at  critical  periods,  one 
of  the  most  important  events  in  the  history  of  the 
Church.    (Paul.) — From  this  time  until  the  date  of 
his  Epistles,  we  have  no  distinct  notices  in  Scrip- 
ture of  Peter's  abode  or  work.    Peter  was  probably 
employed  for  the  most  part  in  building  up  and  com- 
pleting the  organization  of  Christian  communities 
in  Palestine  and  the  adjoining  districts.     There  is, 
however,  strong  reason  to  believe  that  he  visited 
Corinth  at  an  early  period.     The  name  of  Peter  as 
founder,  or  joint  founder,  is  not  associated  with  any 
local  Church  save  those  of  Corinth,  Antioch,  and 
Rome,  by  early  ecclesiastical  tradition.     That  of 
1  Alexandria   may  have  been  established  by  Mark, 
after  Peter's  death.     That  Peter  preached  the  Gos- 
I  |)el  in  the  countries  of  Asia,  mentioned  in  his  first 
j  Epistle,  appears  from  Origen's  own  words  to  be  a 
j  mere  conjecture.     From  that  Epistle,  however,  it  is 
I  to  be  inferred  that  toward  the  end  of  his  life,  Peter 
I  either  visited,  or  resided  for  some  time  at  Babylon, 
whicli  at  that  time,  and  for  some  hundreds  of  years 
I  aftcrwarf,  was  a  chief  seat  of  Jewish  culture.   More 
'■  important  in  its  bearings  upon  later  controversies  is 
I  the  question  of  Peter's  connection  with  Rome.     It 
I  may  be  considered  as  a  settled  point  that  he  did  not 
visit  Rome  before  the  last  year  of  his  life.     There 
is  no  notice  of  his  labors  or  presence  in  that  city  iu 
{  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans.     The  date '  given  by 
I  Eusebius  rests  on  a  miscalculation,  and  is  irreconci- 
lable with  the  notices  of  him  in  the  Acts  of  the 
^  Apostles.     The  evidence  for  his  martyrdom  there  is 
complete  (so  Mr.  Cook),  while  there  is  a  total  ab- 
sence of  any  contrary  statement  in  the  writings  of 
the  early  Fathers.     Clement  of  Rome,  writing  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  first  century,  speaks  of  it,  but 
does  not  mention  the  place,  that  being  of  course  well 
known  to  his  readers.     Ignatius,  in  his  Epistle  to 
the  Romans  (iv.)  speaks  of  Peter  in  tcnns  which 
imply  a  special  connection  with  their  Church.     Iu 
the  second  century,  Dionysius  of  Corinth,  in  the 
Epistle  to  Soter,  bishop  of  Rome  (Eusebius,  H.  E. 
ii.  2,')),  states  as  a  fact  universally  known  and  ac- 
counting for  the  intimate  relations  between  Corinth 
and  Rome,  that  Peter  and  Paul  both  taught  in  Italy, 
and  suffered  martyrdom  about  the  same  time.     Irc- 
najus,  a  disciple  of  Polycarp,  who  was  a  hearer  of 
the  Apostle  John,  bears  distinct  witness  to  Peter's 
presence  at  Rome.    In  the  next  century  there  is  the 
testimony  of  Cains,  the  liberal  and  learned  Roman 
presbyter  (who  speaks  of  Peter's  tomb  in  the  Vati- 
can),   of  Origen,  Tertullian,  &o.     In  short,  ibe 

*  He  gives  a.  n.  42.  and  Kay»  Peter  remained  at  Rome 
twenty  years.  In  tills  he  it*  followed  by  Jenimt;  (who 
rIvcb  tweoty-flve  years)  and  by  most  Koman  Catholic  wri- 
ters. 


§44 


PET 


PET 


Churches  most  nearly  connected  with  Eome,  and 
those  least  affected  by  its  influence,  which  was  as 
yet  but  inconsiderable  in  the  East,  concur  in  tlie 
statement  that  Peter  was  a  joint  founder  of  tliat 
Church,  and  suffered  death  in  that  city.'  The  time 
and  manner  of  the  apostle's  martyrdom  are  less 
certain.  The  early  writers  imply,  or  distinctly 
state,  that  he  suffered  at  or  about  the  same  time 
with  Paul,  and  in  the  Neronian  persecution.  All 
agree  that  he  was  crucified  (compare  Jn.  xxi.  18, 
Id).  Orlgen  says  that  at  his  own  request  he  was 
crucified  with  his  head  downward.  A  legend  re- 
lates that,  when  the  persecution  began,  tlie  Chris- 
tians at  Rome  persuaded  him  to  flee,  but  at  the  gate 
he  met  our  Lord,  who  to  his  inquiry,  "  Whither 
goest  thou  ?  "  answered,  "  I  go  to  Rome,  there  once 
more  to  be  crucified ;  "  upon  which  Peter  returned 
at  once  and  was  crucified.  Thus  closes  the  apos- 
tle's life."  Some  additional  facts,  not  perhaps  un- 
important, may  be  accepted  on  early  testimony.  Ilis 
T.ife  accompanied  him  in  his  wanderings.  Clement 
of  Alexandria  says  that  "  Peter  and  Philip  had 
children,  and  that  both  took  about  their  wives,  who 
acted  as  their  coadjutors  in  ministering. to  women 
at  their  own  houses."  Peter's  wife  is  believed  to 
have  suffered  martyrdom,  and  to  have  been  sup- 
ported in  the  hour  of  trial  by  her  husband's  exhor- 
tation. The  apostle  is  said  to  have  tmployed  in- 
terpreters. Basilides,  an  early  Gnostic,  professed 
to  derive  his  system  from  Glaucias,  one  of  these 
interpreters.  (Tongues,  Gut  of.)  Of  far  more  im- 
portance is  the  statement  that  Hark  w  rote  his  Gospel 
mider  the  teaching  of  Peter,  or  that  he  embodied  in 
that  Gospel  the  substance  of  our  apostle's  oral  instruc- 
tions. The  fact  is  doubly  important  in  its  bearings 
upon  the  Gospel,  and  upon  the  character  of  our 
apostle.  (Mark,  Gospel  of.)  The  only  written 
documents  wliich  Peter  has  left,  are  the  First  Epis- 
tle, about  which  no  doubt  has  ever  been  entertained 
in  the  Church  ;  and  the  Second,  which  has,  both  in 
early  times  and  in  our  own,  been  a  subject  of  car- 
nest  controversy. — Firni  Epistle.  The  external  evi- 
dence of  authenticity  is  of  the  strongest  kind.  Re- 
ferred to  in  the  Second  Epistle  (iii.  1);  known  to 
Polycarp  and  frequently  alluded  to  in  his  Epistle  to 
the  Philippians ;  recognized  by  Papias  (in  Euseb. 
ff.  E.  iii.  39) ;  repeatedly  quoted  by  Ircna?us,  Clem- 
ent of  Alexandria,  TertuUian,  and  Origen  :  it  was 
accepted  without  hesitation  by  the  universal  Church. 
(Canon.)  The  internal  evidence  is  equally  strong. 
It  was  addressed  to  the  Churches  of  Asia  Minor, 
which  had  for  the  most  part  been  founded  by  Paul 
and  his  companions.  Supposing  it  to  have  been 
written  at  Babylon,  it  is  a  probable  conjecture  (so 
Mr.  Cook)  that  Silvanus  (Silas),  by  whom  it  was 

'Many  Protestants  disbelieve  tlie  traditions  altogether, 
and  deny  tiiat  Peter  ever  vieited  Rome  at  all.  c.  g.  Ellen- 
dorf  (tranelated  liy  Rev.  E.  G.  Smith,  in  7*.  S.  xv.  Bfi9  (T., 
xvi.  82  ft".).  Says  Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander  (in Kitto),  "Whilst 
it  is  admitted  as  ceiiain  that  Peter  suflered  inanyrdom.  in 
all  probabilitvby  eniciflxion,  and  as  proljable  that  this 
took  place  at  Rome,  it  has,  nevertheless,  been  made  pretty 
clear  that  be  never  was  for  any  length  of  time  resident  in 
that  city,  and  morally  certain  "that  he  never  was  bishop  in 
the  church  there." 

'  The  old  Greek  mosaics,  the  early  Christian  sculpture, 
and  the  early  pictures  represent  Peter  **  as  a  man  of  larjrcr 
and  stronger  form  (than  Paul),  as  his  character  was 
harsher  and  more  abrupt.  The  quick  impulses  of  his  soul 
revealed  themselves  in  the  Hashes  of  a  dark  eye.  The 
compkxion  of  his  face  was  pale  and  sallow  :  and  the  short 
hair,  which  is  described  as  entirely  gray  at  the  time  (tf  his 
death,  curled  black  and  thick  round  his  temples  and  his 
chin,  when  the  two  apostles  stood  together  at  Antioch, 
twenty  years  before  their  martyrdom"  (Conybeare  &  Uuw- 
ton,  i,  234-5). 


transmitted  to  those  Churches,  had  joined  Peter 
after  a  tour  of  visitation,  either  in  pursuance  of  in- 
structions from  Paul,  then  a  prisoner  at  Rome,  or 
in  the  capacity  of  a  minister  of  high  authority  in 
the  Church,  and  that  his  account  of  the  condition 
of  the  Christians  in  those  districts  determined  the 
apostle  to  write  the  Epistle,     The  assumption  that 
Silvanus  was  employed  in  the  composition  of  the 
Epistle  is  not  borne  out  by  the  expression,  "  by  Sil- 
vanus, I  have   written  unto  you,"  such  words  ac- 
cording to  ancient   usage   applying   rather   to   the 
bearer  than  to  the  writer  or  amanuensis.     Still  it  is 
highly  probable  that  Silvanus  would  be  consulted 
by  Peter  throughout,  and  that  they  would  together 
read  the  Epistles  of  Paul,  especially  those  addressed 
to  the  Churches  in  those  districts.     We  have  thus  a 
solution  of  the  difficulty  arising  from  correspond- ' 
cnees  both  of  style  and  modes   of  thought  in  the 
writings  of  two  apostles  who  differed  so  widely  in, 
gifts  and  acquirements.     The  objects  of  the  Epistle,! 
as  deduced  from  its  contents,  coincide  with  thestr 
assumptions.      They   were  : — 1.    To  ctmfort  antf 
strengthen  the  Christians  in  a  season  of  severe  trialS 
2.  To  enforce  the  practical  and  spiritual  duties  in 
volvcd  in  their  calling.     3.  To  wain  them  againsfi 
special  temptations  attached  to  their  position. 
To  rimove  all  doubt  qs  to  the  sciindn<ss  and  c(i 
pletcncss  of  the  religious  system  which  they  had 
already  received.      Such  an  attestation  was  espe' 
cially  needed  by  the  Hebrew  Christians,  who  wen 
wont  to  appeal  from  Paul's  authority  to  that  ol 
the  elder  apostles,  and  above  all  to  that  of  Pctci^ 
The  last,  which  is  perhaps  the  very  principal  object 
is  kept  in  view  throughout  the  Epistle,  and  is  dis 
tinctly  stated  (1  Pet.  v.  12).     The  harmony  of  hi 
teaching  with  that  of  Paul  is  sufficiently  obvioua 
r.or  is  the  general  arrangement  or  mode  of  discuBS 
ing  the  topics  unlike  that  of  the  apostle  of  the  Gd 
tiles;  still  the  indications  of  oiiginalily  and  inde 
pcndence  of  thought  are  at  least  equally  conspicil 
cus,  and  the  Epistle  is  full  of  what  the  Gospel  nai^ 
rative  and  the  discourses  in  the  Acts  prove  to  haT<S 
been  characteristic  peculiarities  of  Peter.  I!e  dwells 
more  frequently  than  Paul  upon  the  future  man* 
testation  of  Christ,  upon  which  he  bases  nearly  al| 
his  exhortations  to  patience,  self-control,  and  tli(l_ 
discharge  of  all  Christian  duties.      The  apostle's" 
mind  is  full  of  one  thought,  the  realization  of  Mes- 
sianic hopes.     In  this  he  is  the  true  representative 
of  Israel,  moved  by  those  feelings  which  were  best 
calculated    to   enable  him   to'  do  his  work  as  the 
apostle  of  the  circumcision.     Put  wliile  Peter  tlius 
shows  himself  a  genuine  Israelite,  liis  teaching  is 
directly  opposed  to  Judaizing  tendencies.     He  be- 
longs to  the  school,  or,  to  speak  more  correctly,  i« 
the  lender  of  the  school,  which  at  once  vindicates 
the  unity  of  the  Law  and  Gospel,  and   jints  the 
superiority  of  the  latter  on  its  true  basis,  that  of 
spiritual  development.     The  apostle  of  the  circum- 
cision says  not  a  word  in  this  Epistle  of  the  yet- 
petual  obligation,  the  dignity  or  even  the  hearings 
of  the  Mosaic  Law.     He  is'  full  of  the  0.  T. ;  liis 
style  and  thoughts  are  charged  with  its  imagery, 
but  he  contemplates  and  applies  its  teaching  in  the 
light  of  the   Gospel ;  he  regards  the  privileges  and 
glory  of  the  ancient  people  of  God  entirely  in  their 
spiritual  development  in  the  Church  of  Chrit-t. — 
The  Second  Epi-il/e  of  Peter  presents  questions  of 
far  greater  diflieulty   than  the   foimcr.     We  have 
few  references,  and  none  of  a  very  jiositive  cliarnc- 
ter,  in  the  writings  of  the  early  Fathers  ;  the  style 
difl'erB  materially  from  that  of  the  First  Epistle,  and 


I 


PET 


PHA 


845 


the  rcsemWance  amounting  to  a  studied  imitation, 
between  this  Epistle  and  that  of  Jude  (Ji:i)E,  Epis- 
Tt.K  of),  seems  scarcely  reconcilable  with  the  posi- 
tion of  Peter.  Doubts  iis  to  its  genuineness  were 
entertained  by  the  greatest  critics  of  the  early 
("Imrch ;  in  the  time  of  Eusebius  it  was  reckoned 
among  the  disputed  books,  and  was  not  formally 
admitted  into  the  Canon  until  the  year  393,  at  the 
Council  of  Hippo.  The  contents  of  the  Epistle 
seem  quite  in  accordance  with  its  asserted  origin. 
The  salutation  is  followed  by  an  enumeration  of 
Christian  blessings  and  exhortation  to  Christian  du- 
ties, with  special  reference  to  the  maintenance  of 
the  truth  already  communicated  (i.  1-13).  Refer- 
ring tlien  to  his  approaching  death,  tlie  apostle  as- 
signs as  grounds  of  assurance  to  believers  his  per- 
sonal testimony  as'  eye-witness  of  the  Transfigura- 
tion, and  the  sure  word  of  prophecy,  i.  e.  the  testi- 
mony of  the  Holy  Ghost  (14-21).  The  danger  of 
being  misled  by  false  prophets  is  dwelt  on  through- 
out ch.  ii.,  their  covetousness  and  gross  sensuality 
combined  with  pretences  to  spiritualism  are  de- 
scribed, while  the  overthrow  of  all  opponents  of 
Christian  truth  is  predicted  (ii.  1-29)  in  connection 
with  prophecies  touching  Christ's  second  advent, 
the  destruction  of  the  world  l)y  fire,  and  the  prom- 
ise of  new  heavens  and  a  new  earth  wherein  dwell- 
eth  righteousness.  After  an  exhortation  to  attend 
to  f  aul's  teaching,  and  an  emphatic  warning,  the 
Epistle  closes  with  ascribing  glory  to  our  Lord  and 
Saviour  Jesus  Christ.  We  may  now  give  briefly 
the  answers  to  the  objections  above  stated : — 1. 
AVith  regard  to  its  recognition  by  the  early  Church, 
it  was  not  likely  to  be  quoted  frequently ;  it  was 
addressed  to  a  portion  of  the  Church  not  at  that 
time  much  in  intercourse  with  the  rest  of  Christen- 
dom :  the  documents  of  the  primitive  Church  are 
far  too  scanty  to  give  weight  to  the  argument  from 
omission.  Although  it  cannot  be  proved  to  liave 
been  referred  to  by  any  author  earlier  than  Origcn, 
yet  passages  from  Clementof  Rome,  Ilermas,  Justin 
Martyr,  Tlieophilus  of  Antioch,  and  Irenicus,  suggest 
an  acquaintance  with  this  Epistle.  Eusebius  and 
Photius  state  that  Clement  of  Alexandria  wrote  a 
commentary  on  all  the  disputed  Epistles,  in  which 
this  was  certainly  included.  Didymus  (fourth  cen- 
tury) refers  to  it  very  frequently  in  his  great  work 
on  the  Trinity.  It  was  certaiidy  included  in  the 
collection  of  Catholic  Epistles  known  to  Eusebius 
and  Origen.  The  silence  of  the  Fathers  is  accounted 
for  more  easily  than  its  admission  into  the  Canon 
after  the  question  as  to  its  genuineness  had  been 
raised.  There  must  have  been  positive  attestation 
from  the  Churches  to  which  it  was  first  addressed. 
We  know  that  the  autographs  of  apostolic  writings 
were  preserved  with  care.  All  motive  for  foi-gery 
is  absent.  2.  The  difference  of  style  may  be  ad- 
mitted. The  only  question  is,  whether  it  is  greater 
than  can  be  satisfactorily  accounted  for,  supposing 
that  the  apostle  employed  a  fliiferent  person  as  his 
amanuensis.  If  we  admit  that  some  time  intervened 
between  the  composition  of  the  two  works,  that  in 
writing  the  first  the  apostle  was  aided  by  Silvanus, 
and  in  the  second  by  another,  perhaps  by  Mark, 
that  the  circumstances  of  the  Churches  addressed 
by  him  were  considerably  changed,  and  that  the 
second  was  written  in  greater  haste,  not  to  speak  of 
a  possible  decay  of  faculties,  the  differences  may  be 
r^arded  as  insulKcient  to  justify  more  than  hesita- 
tion in  admitting  its  genuineness.  The  resemblance 
to  the  Epistle  of  Jude  may  be  admitted  without  af- 
fecting our  judgment  unfavorably.  •  Supposing,  as 


some  eminent  critics  have  believed,  that  this  Epistle 
was  copied  by  Jude,  we  should  have  the  strongest 
possible  testimony  to  its  authenticity ;  but  if  we 
accept  the  more  general  opinion  of  modern  critics, 
that  the  writer  of  this  Epistle  copied  Jude,  it  is  in- 
credible that  a  forger  should  imitate  the  least  im- 
portant of  the  apostolic  wiitings,  while  Peter  might 
choose  to  give  the  stamp  of  his  personal  authority  to 
a  document  bearing  so  powerfully  on  practical  and 
doctrinal  errors  in  the  Churclies  which  he  addressed, 
and,  from  his  humility,  his  impressionable  mind,  and 
his  self-forgetCulnees  when  doing  his  Master's  work, 
that  part  of  this  Epistle  which  treats  of  the  same 
subjects  would  naturally  be  colored  by  Jude's  style 
as  the  First  Epistle  is  by  Paul's.  3.  The  doubts  as 
to  its  genuineness  appear  to  have  originated  with 
the  critics  of  Alexandria,  where,  however,  the  Epis- 
tle itself  was  formally  recognized  at  a  very  early 
period.  They  rested  entirely,  so  far  as  can  be  ascer- 
tained, on  the  difference  of  style.  The  opinions  of 
modern  commentators  may  be  summed  up  under 
three  heads.  Many  (the  so-called  liberal  school  in 
Germany,  and  some  able  writers  in  England)  reject 
the  Epistle  altogether  as  spurious.  A  few  consider 
that  the  first  and  last  chapters  were  written  by  Peter 
or  under  his  dictation,  but  that  the  secund  chapter 
was  interpolated.  But  a  majority  (Kitzsche,  Flatt, 
Guericke,  Pott,  Augusti,  Olshansen,  Stier,  Thiersch, 
&c.)  supi)ort  the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of 
this  Epistle.  (Bini.F. ;  Inspiration  ;  New  Testa- 
ment. )— Some  apocryphal  writings  of  very  early  date 
obtained  currency  in  the  Church  as  containing  the 
substance  of  the  apostle's  teaching.  The  Preach- 
ing or  Doctrine  of  Peter,  probably  identical  with  a 
work  called  the  Preaching  of  Paul,  or  of  Paul  and 
Peter,  quoted  by  Laetantius,  may  have  contained 
some  traces  of  the  apostle's  teaching.  Another 
work,  called  the  Revelation  or  Apocalypse  of  Peter, 
was  held  in  much  esteem  for  centuries.— The  name 
Cephas  occurs  in  Jn.  i.  42 ;  1  Cor.  i.  12,  iii.  22,  ix. 
5,  XV.  5;  Gal.  ii.  9,  i.  18,  ii.  10,  14  (the  last  three 
according  to  the  Greek  text  of  Lachmaun  and 
Tischendorf ).  It  must  have  been  the  word  actually 
pronounced  by  our  Lord  in  Mat.  xvi.  18,  and  on 
subsequent  occasions  when  the  apostle  was  ad- 
dressed by  Him  or  other  Hebrews  by  his  new  name. . 
By  it  he  was  known  to  the  Corinthian  Christians. 

Petll-a-biah  (Ir.  Hcb.  =  whom  Jehovah  sets  free, 
Ges.).  1.  A  priest,  over  the  nineteenth  course  in 
David's  reign  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  16). — 3.  A  Levite  in 
Ezra's  time,  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr. 
X.  23);  probably  the  same  who  took  part  in  the 
solemn  service  at  the  fast  (Xeh.  ix.  5). — 3.  Son  of 
Meshezabeel  and  descendant  of  Zerah ;  "  at  the 
king's  (Darius's  ?)  hand  in  all  matters  concerning 
the  people,"  i.  e.  the  Jews  (xi.  24). 

Pe'UlOr  (Hcb.  a  table?  Ges.),  a  town  of  Jlesopo- 
tamia  where  Balaam  resided  (Num.  xxii.  5 ;  Deut. 
xxiii.  4);  position  unknown. 

Pe-thn'cl  (Ileb.,  probably  —  man  of  God,  Ges.), 
father  of  the  prophet  Joel  (Joel  i.  1 ). 

•Pe'tra  (Gr.  rock),  the  Greek  translation  of  Sela, 
the  name  of  the  celebrated  Edomite  city  (Is.  xvi.  1 
margin). 

Pf-nl'tbll  (fr.  Ileb.  =  wa/fes  of  Jehovah,  Ges.), 
eighth  son  of  Obed-eoom  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  6). 

Pha'atJiMo'ab(Gr.)=PAHATii-MOAB(l  Esd.  v.il). 

Phae'a-reth  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Pocuebeth  of  Zebaiin  (1 
Esd.  v.  34). 

PJial'sar  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Pashur  1  (1  Esd.  ix.  22). 

Phal-dal'os  [-da'yus]  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Pedaiaii  4  (1 
Esd.  ix.  44). 


8i6 


PHA 


PEA 


Plia-Ie'as  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Padon  (1  Esd.  v.  29). 

Plia'lfe(fr.  Gr.)  =  Peleg  (Lk.  iii.  35). 

Plial'ln  (L.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Pallu  (Gen.  xlvi.  9). 

Plial'ti  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  Palti),  the  son  of  Laish 
of  Gallim,  to  whom  Saul  gave  Miciial  in  marriage 
after  his  mad  jealousy  had  driven  David  fortli  as  an 
outlaw  (1  Sam.  xxv.  44);  afterward  separated  from 
Michal  by  Ishbosheth  and  Abner  at  David's  require- 
ment (2  Sam.  iii.  15  if.,  A.  V.  "  Phaltiel  "). 

Phal'tl-el  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =:  Paltiel)  —  Phalti  (2 
Sam.  iii.  15). 

Pba-nn'el,  or  Plian'n-el  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  Penxel, 
Rbn.  JV.  T.  Lpx.),  an  Asherite,  father  of  Anna  the 
prophetess  (Lk.  ii.  36). 

Pliar'a-cim  [-sim]  (fr.  Gr.),  ancestor  of  certain 
servants  of  the  Temple  wlio  returned  with  Zoroba- 
bcl,  according  to  1  Esd.  v.  31 ;  not  in  Ezra  and  Ne- 
hemiah. 

Plia'raoll  [-ro]  (Uch.Par'oh;  Gr.  Pharao ;  fr. 
Egyptian  Oiiro,  with  raaso.  art.  Pouro  =  tlie  king, 
Ges. ;  but  see  below),  the  common  title  of  the  native 
kings  of  Egypt  in  the  Bible,  corresponding  to  p-ra 
or  ph-ra  (^  the  Swn)  of  the  hieroglyphics  (so  Mr. 
R.  S.  Poole,  original  author  of  tliis  article,  after  the 
Duke  of  Northumberland  and  General  Felix).  As 
several  kings  are  mentioned  only  by  the  title  "Pha- 
raoh "  in  the  Bible,  it  is  important  to  discrimi- 
nate them. — 1.  ITie  Pharaoh  of  Abraham  (Gen.  xii.). 
The  Scripture  narrative  does  not  afford  us  any  clear 
indications  for  the  identification  of  this  Pliaraoh. 
At  the  time  when  Abraham  went  into  Egypt,  ac- 
cording to  Hales's  as  well  as  Usher's  chronology, 
it  is  generally  held  that  the  country,  or  at  least 
Lower  Egypt,  was  ruled  by  the  Shepherd  kings,  of 
whom  the  first  and  most  powerful  line  was  the  fif- 
teenth dynasty,  the  undoubted  territories  of  which 
would  be  first  entered  by  one  coming  from  the  E. 
The  date  at  which  Abraham  visited  Egypt  Mr.  Poole 
makes  about  D.  c.  2081,  which  would  accord  with 
the  time  of  Salatis,  the  head  of  the  fifteenth  dynasty, 
according  to  his  reckoning. — 2.  The  Pharaoh  of 
Joseph  (Gen.  xl.,  &c.)  was  a  despotic  monarch,  rul- 
ing all  Egypt,  who  followed  Eg}ptian  customs,  but 
did  not  hesitate  to  set  them  aside  when  he  thought 
fit;  who  seems  to  have  desired  to  gain  complete 
power  over  the  Egyptians ;  and  who  favored  stran- 
gers. These  particulars  support  the  idea  that  he 
was  an  Egyptianized  foreigner  rather  than  an  Egyp- 
tian. Baron  Bunsen  supposed  that  he  was  Seser- 
tcsen  L,  the  head  of  the  twelfth  dynasty,  on  account 
of  the  mention  in  a  hieroglyphic  inscription  of  a 
famine  in  that  king's  reign.  This  identification, 
although  receiving  some  support  from  a  statement 
of  Herodotus,  that  Sesostris,  a  name  reasonably 
traceable  to  Sesertesen,  divided  the  land  and  raised 
his  chief  revenue  from  the  rent  paid  by  the  holders, 
must  be  abandoned,  since  the  cal.amity  recorded 
does  not  approach  Joseph's  famine  in  character,  and 
the  age  is  almost  certainly  too  remote.  If  we  turn 
to  the  old  view  that  Joseph's  Pharaoh  was  one  of 
the  Shepherd  kings,  we  are  struck  with  the  fitness 
of  all  the  circumstances  of  the  Biblical  narrative. 
It  is  stated  by  Eusebius  that  the  Pharaoh  to  whom 
Jacob  came  was  the  Shepherd  Apophis.  Apophis 
belonged  to  the  fifteenth  dynasty,  which  was  cer- 
tainly of  Shepherds,  and  the  most  powerful  foreign 
line.  This  dynasty,  according  to  Mr.  Poole's  view 
of  Egyptian  chronology,  ruled  for  either  284  years 
(Africanus),  or  259  years  10  months  (.losephus), 
from  about  B.  c.  2080.  According  to  Hales's  chro- 
nology, which  Mr.  Poole  would  slightly  modify,  Jo- 
seph's goTcmment  fell  under  this  dynasty,  com- 


mencing about  B.  c.  1876,  during  the  reign  of  the 
last  but  one  or  perhaps  the  last  king  of  the  dynasty, 
possibly  in  the  time  of  Apophis,  who  ended  the  liiie 
according  to  Africanus.     This  dynasty  is  said  to 
have  been  of  Phenicians.     This  king  Mr.  Poole  re- 
gards as  having  reigned  from  Joseph's  appointment 
(or,  perhaps,  somewhat  earlier)  until  Jacob's  death, 
at  least  twenty-six  years,  from  b.  c.  about  1876  to 
1850,  and  as  having  been  the  fifth  or  sixth  king  of 
the  fifteenth    dynasty.     Wilkinson   identifies  tliis 
Pharaoh  with   Osirtascn   I.,  of  his  sixteenth   dy- 
nasty of  Tanites,  and  places  his  date  about  b.  c. 
1740   (Rev.  H.   Constable,  in   Fairbairn). — 3.    The 
Pharaoh   of  (he    Oppression.      The    first    persecu- 
tor of   the    Israelites   (Ex.   i.,   &c.)  may  be  dis- 
tinguished  as    the    Pharaoh    of   the    Oppression, 
especially  as  he  commenced,  and  probably  long  car- 
ried on,  the  persecution.    The  general  view  is  that  he 
was  an  Egyptian,  a  king  of  the  eighteenth  or  nine- 
teenth dynasty.     The  chief  points  in  favor  of  this 
are  the  name  of  the  city  Raamses,  whence  it  has 
been  argued  that  one  of  the  oppressors  was  a  king 
Rameses,  and  the  probable  change  of  line.     The  first 
king  of  this  name  known  was  head  of  the  nineteenth 
dynasty,  or  last  king  of  the  eighteenth.     Manetlio 
says  the  Israelites  left  Egypt  in  the  reign  of  Menptah, 
wiio  was  great-grandson  of  the  first  Ramests,  and 
son  and  successor  of  the  second.     The  view  that 
this  Pharaoh  was  of  the  beginning  or  middle  of  the 
eighteenth  dynasty  seems  at  first  sight  extremely 
probable,  especially  if  the  Pharaoh  of  Joseph  was  a 
Shepherd  king;  but  Mr.  Poole,  in  accordance  with 
his  view  of  Hebrew  chronology,  would  rather  make 
him  a  Shepherd  king  (comp.  the  "  Assyrian,"  Is.  Iii. 
4)  of  the  sixteenth  or  seventeenth  dynasty,  whose 
reign,  he  supposes,  commenced  a  little  before  the 
birth  of  Moses,  whicli  he  places  b.  c.  1732,  and 
lasted  upward  of  forty  years,  perhaps  much  more. 
(Pharaoh's  Daughter  I.)     Wilkinson  supposes  him 
Amosis  or  Ames,  the  first  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty 
of  Theban  or  Diospolitan  kings,  and  makes  his  date 
B.  c.  1575;  Lord  Prudhoe  makes  the  "new  king" 
(Ex.  i.  8)  Rameses  I.,  and  the  Pharaoh  of  Ex.  i.  1 1 
Rameses  II.  (so  Mr.  Constable,  in  Fairbairn). — 4. 
Tlie  Pharaoh  of  the  Exodm  (Ex.  v.  &c.).     What  is 
known  of  him  (Plagues,  the  Ten  ;  Exodus,  the)  is 
rather  biographical  than  historical.     It  does  not  add 
much  to  our  means  of  identifying  the  line  of  the 
oppressors  excepting  by  the  indications  of  race  his 
character  affords.     His  character  finds  its  i)aralltl 
among  the  Assyrians  rather  than  the   Egyptians. 
Mr.  Poole  says  that  he  was  reigning  for  about  a  year 
or  more  before  the  Exodus,  which  he  places  n.  c. 
1652.     Wilkinson,  who  places  the  Exodus  B.  c.  1495, 
supposes  him  Thothmes  III.,  the  fourth  or  fifth  mon- 
arch of  the  eighteenth  dynasty,  of  Theban  kings ; 
Manetho,  according  to  Africanus,  makes  him  Amos, 
the  first  of  that  line ;   Lord  Prudhoe  makes  hint 
Pthahmen,  the  last  of  that  dynasty  (so   Mr.  Con- 
stable, in  Fairbairn).    (Leper.) — 5.  Pharaoh,  falhcr- 
in-law  of  Mered.  In  the  genealogies  of  Judali,  men- 
tion is  made  of"  Bithiah  the  daughter  of  Pharaoh, 
which  Mered  took"  (1  Chr.  iv.  18).      Mr.  Poole, 
supposing  that  Mered  lived  before,  or  not  much 
after,  the  Exodus,  thinks  it  perhaps  less  prolmWe 
that  an  Egyptian  Pharaoh  would   have  given  his 
daughter  in  marriage  to  an  Israelite,  than  that  a 
Shepherd  king  would  have  done  so,  before  the  op- 
pression; but  allows  that  Bithiah  may  have  licon 
taken  captive  after  the  Exodus.     The  date  ami  tl.i' 
circumstances,  however,  are  all  unknown. — ti.  I'lm- 
raoh,  brolher-m4au)  of  Uadad  the  Edomile  (1  K.  xi. 


I 


PHA 


PEi. 


84T 


IS  ff.).  (Hadad  4.)  For  the  identification  of  this 
Pharaoh  we  have  his  being  contemparary  with  David 
and  Solomon,  and  the  name  of  his  wile  (Tahpenes)  ; 
the  history  of  Egypt  at  this  time  is  extremely  ob- 
scure, neither  the  monuments  nor  Manetho  giving 
us  clear  information  as  to  the  kings.  It  appears 
that  toward  the  latter  part  of  the  twentieth  dynasty 
the  high-priests  of  Amen  (Amon),  the  god  of  Thebes, 
gained  great  power,  and  at  last  supplanted  the  Ram- 
eses  family,  at  least  in  Upper  Egypt.  At  the  same 
time  a  line  of  Tanite  kings,  Manetho's  twenty- first 
dynasty,  seems  to  have  ruled  in  Lower  Egypt.  Mr. 
Poole  supposes  that  the  Pharaoh  or  Pharaohs  spoken 
of  in  the  Bible  as  ruling  in  the  time  of  David  and 
Solomon  were  Tanites,  as  Tanis  was  nearest  to  the 
Israelite  territory.  According  to  Africanus,  the  list 
of  the  twenty-first  dynasty  is  as  follows : — Smendes, 
26  years  ;  Psusennes,  46 ;  Nephelcheres,  4  ;  Ame- 
notliis,  9 ;  Osochor,  6 ;  Psinaches,  9  ;  Psusennes,  14 : 
but  Eusebius  gives  the  second  king  41,  and  the  last 
35  years,  and  his  numbers  make  up  the  sum  of  130 
years,  which  Africanus  and  he  agree  in  assigning  to 
the  dynasty.  If  we  take  the  numbers  of  Eusebius, 
Osochor  would  probably  be  the  Pharaoh  to  whom 
Hadad  fled,  and  Psusennes  II.  the  father-in-law  of 
Solomon  ;  but  the  numbers  of  Africanus  would  sub- 
stitute Psusennes  I.,  and  probably  Psinaches  (so  Mr. 
Poole). — 7.  Pharaoh,  father-in-law  of  SoLoysos  (l  K. 
iii.  1).  The  mention  that  the  queen  was  brought  into 
the  city  of  David,  while  Solomon's  house,  and  the 
Temple,  and  the  city-wall,  were  building,  shows  that 
the  marriage  took  place  not  later  than  the  eleventh 
year  of  the  king,  when  the  Temple  was  finished, 
having  been  commenced  in  the  fourth  year  (vi.  1, 
37,  38).  It  must  have  taken  place  between  about 
twenty-four  and  eleven  years  before  Shishak's  ac- 
cession. Mr.  Poole  thinks  it  certain  that  Solomon's 
father-in-law  was  not  the  Pharaoh  who  was  reigning 
when  Hadad  left  Egypt  Both  Pharaohs  cannot  yet 
be  identified  in  Manetlio's  list.  This  Pharaoh  led 
an  expedition  into  Palestine,  and  took  Gezer(ix.  16). 
(Pharaoh's  DAroiiTER  3.) — The  next  kings  of  Egypt 
mentioned  in  the  Bible  are  Shishak,  probably  Zekah, 
and  So.  The  first  and  second  of  these  were  of  the 
twenty-second  dynasty,  if  Zerah  :=  Userken,  and  the 
third  was  doubtless  one  of  the  two  Shebeks  of  the 
twenty-fifth  dynasty,  which  was  of  Ethiopians. — 8. 
Pharaoh,  the  opponent  o/"  Sennacherib  (Is.  xxxvi.  6), 
Mr.  Poole  identifies  with  the  Sethos  whom  Herodo- 
tus mentions  as  the  opponent  of  Sennacherib,  and 
who  may  be  the  Zet  of  Manetho,  the  last  king  of  his 
twenty-third  dynasty. — Tirhakah,  as  an  Ethiopian, 
whether  then  ruling  in  Egypt  or  not,  is,  like  So,  ap- 
parently not  called  Pharaoh. — 9.  Pharaoh-necho 
(Jer.  xlvi.  2),  or  Pharaoh-nechoh  (2  K.  xxiii.  29-xxiv. 
7).  The  first  mention  in  the  Bible  of  a  proper  name 
with  the  title  Pharaoh  is  in  the  case  of  Pharaoh- 
necho,  who  is  also  called  Necho  simply.  His  name 
is  written  in  hieroglyphics  Neka.  This  king  was  of 
the  Saite  twenty-sixth  dynasty,  of  which  Manetho 
makes  him  either  the  fifth  ruler  (Africanus)  or  the 
sixth  (Eusebius).  Herodotus  calls  him  Nekos,  and 
assigns  to  him  a  reign  of  sixteen  years,  which  is  con- 
firmed by  the  monuments.  He  seems  to  have  been 
an  enterprising  king,  as  he  is  related  to  have  at- 
tempted t3  complete  the  canal  connecting  the  Red 
Sea  with  the  Nile,  and  to  have  sent  an  expedition  of 
Phenicians  to  circumnavigate  Africa,  which  was  suc- 
cessfully accomplished.  At  the  commencement  of 
his  reign  (b.  c.  610)  he  made  war  against  the  king 
of  .Vssyria,  and,  being  encountered  on  his  way  by 
Josun,  defeated  and  slew  the  king  of  Judab  at 


Megiddo  (2  K.  xxiii.  29,  30 ;  2  Chr.  xxxv.  20-24). 
Kecho  seems  to  have  soon  returned  to  Egypt :  per- 
haps he  was  on  his  way  thither  when  he  deposed 
Jkhoahaz,  imposed  a  tribute  on  the  land,  and  made 
Jehoiakim  king  (2  K.  xxiii.  30-34  ;  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  1- 
4).  The  army  was  probably  posted  at  Oarchemish, 
and  was  there  defeated  by  NEBUCHAnxEZZAR  in  the 
fourth  year  of  Necho  (B.  c.  607 ),  that  king  not  being, 
as  it  seems,  then  at  its  head  (Jer.  xlvi.  1,  2,  6,  10). 
This  battle  led  to  the  loss  of  all  the  Asiatic  domin- 
ions of  Egypt  (2  K.  xxiv.  7). — 10.  Pharaoh-hophra, 
the  next  king  of  Egypt  mentioned  in  the  Bible,  was 
the  second  successor  of  Necho,  from  whom  he  was 
separated  by  the  six  years'  reign  of  Psammetichus 
II.  The  name  Hophra  is  in  hieroglyphics  lta/(- 
( p)  ra-hat,  and  the  last  syllable  is  equally  omitted 
by  Herodotus,  who  writes  Apries,  and  by  Manetho, 
who  writes  Uaphris.  He  came  to  the  throne  about 
B.  c.  589,  and  ruled  nineteen  years.  Herodotus 
makes  him  the  son  of  Psammetichus  II.,  wliom  he 
calls  Psammis,  and  great-grandson  of  Psammetichus 

1.  Herodotus  relates  his  great  prosperity,  until  his 
army  against  Cyrene  was  routed,  when  the  Egyptians 
revolting  set  up  Amasis  as  king,  who  defeated  him 
in  battle,  took  him  prisoner,  and  afterward  delivered 
him  to  the  Egyptians  by  whom  he  was  strangled. 
In  the  Bible  it  is  related  that  Zedekiah,  the  last  king 
of  Judah,  was  aided  by  Pharaoh  against  Nebuchad- 
nezzar, in  fulfilment  of  a  treaty,  and  that  an  army 
came  out  of  Egypt,  so  that  the  Chaldeans  were 
obliged  to  raise  the  siege  of  Jerusalem.  The  city  was 
first  besieged  in  the  ninth  year  of  Zedekiah,  b.  c. 
590,  and  was  captured  in  his  eleventh  year,  B.  c.  588. 
It  was  evidently  continuously  invested  for  a  length 
of  time  before  it  was  taken,  so  that  most  probably 
Pharaoh's  expedition  took  place  b.  c.  590  or  589. 
There  may,  therefore,  be  some  doubt  whether  Psam- 
metichus II.  be  not  the  king  here  spoken  of;  but 
the  siege  may  have  lasted  some  time  before  the 
Egyptians  could  have  heard  of  it  and  marched  to 
relieve  the  city,  and  Hophra  may  have  come  to  the 
throne  as  early  as  b.  c.  590.  The  Egyptian  army 
returned  without  effecting  its  purpose  (Jer.  xxvii.  5- 
8;  Ez.  xvii.  11-18  ;  comp.  2  K.  xxv.  1-4).  Ezekiel 
(xxix.-xxxii.)  spealjs  of  his  arrogance  and  of  his 
overthrow  by  Nebuchadnezzar.  Jeremiah  (xliv.  30, 
xlvi.  25,  26)  yet  more  distinctly  prophesied  his  end. 
— No  subsequent  Pharaoh  is  mentioned  in  Scripture, 
but  there  are  predictions  doubtless  referring  to  the 
misfortunes  of  later  princes  until  the  second  Persian 
conquest,  when  the  prophecy  "  there  shall  be  no 
more  a  prince  of  the  land  of  Egypt"  (Ex.  xxx.  13) 
was  fulfilled. 

Pha'raoli'ji  (see  above)  Dangh'ter ;  Pba'raoli,  the 
Dangh'ter  of<  Three  Egyptian  princesses,  daughters 
of  Pharaohs,  are  mentioned  in  the  Bible. — 1.  The 
preserver  of  Moses,  daughter  of  the  Pharaoh  3  who 
first  oppressed  the  Israelites  (Ex.  ii.  5-10).  She  ap- 
pears from  her  conduct  toward  Moses  to  have  been 
heiress  to  the  throne  (Heb.  xi.  23  IT.).  Artapanus, 
or  Artabitnus,  an  historian  of  iincertain  date,  calls 
this  princess  Merrhis,  and  her  father,  the  oppressor, 
Palmanothes,  and  relates  that  she  was  married  to 
Chencphres,  who  ruled  in  the  country  above  Mem- 
phis.    The  tradition  is  apparently  of  little  value. — 

2.  BiTHiAH,  wife  of  Mercd  an  Israelite,  daughter  of 

Pharaoh  5  of  an  uncertain  date  (1  Chr.  iv.  18) 3« 

A  wife  of  Solomon ;  most  probably  daughter  of  a 
king  of  the  twenty-first  dynasty  (i  K.  iii.  1,  vii.  8, 
ix.  24).  Some  have  supposed  the  Song  of  Solomon 
(Canticles)  was  written  on  the  occasion  of  this  mar- 
riage.   She  was  at  first  brought  into  the  city  of 


848 


PHA 


PHA 


David  (1  K.  iii.  1  ;  Jerusalem);  afterward  a  house 
was  built  for  lier  (1  K.  vii.  8,  ix.  24;  Palace),  be- 
cause David's  house  had  been  rendered  holy  by  the 
ark  having  been  there  (2  Chr.  viii.  11).    Pharaoh  7. 

Pharaoh,  the  Wife  of.  The  wife  of  one  Pharaoh, 
the  king  who  received  Hadad  the  Edomite,  is  men- 
tioned in  Scripture.  She  is  called  "  queen,"  and 
named  Tahpkxes.     Pharaoh  6. 

Phar-a-tho'ni  (fr.  Gr.  I'harathon  =  Pirathox), 
one  of  the  cities  of  Judea  fortified  by  Baceliides 
during  his  contests  with  Jonathan  Maccabeus  (1  Mc. 
jx.  50).  It  doubtless  represents  an  ancient  Pika- 
THON,  though  hardly  that  of  the  Judges. 

Pha'res  [-reez]  (Gr.)  =  Pharez  or  Perez,  the  son 
of  Judah  (Mat.  i.  3  ;    Lk.  iii.  33  ;  Esd.  v.  5). 

Pha'rez  (fr.  Beh.jierels  —  abrcach,  Ges.).  I.  Twin 
son,  with  Zarah,  or  Zerah  1,  of  Judah  and  Tamar 
1  his  daughter-in-law ;  =  Phakes  or  Perez.  The 
circumstances  of  his  birth  are  detailed  in  Gen. 
xxxviii.  In  the  genealogical  lists,  his  name  conies 
before  his  brother's  (xlvi.  12;  Kum.  xxvi.  20,  21; 
1  Chr.  ii.  4,  6).  The  house  also  which  he  founded 
(Pharzites)  was  far  more  numerous  and  illustrious 
than  that  of  the  Zarhites  (Ku.  iv.  12,  18;  1  Chr.  iv. 
1,  ix.  4  ;  Caleb;  David,  &c.).  Its  remarkable  fer- 
tility is  alluded  to  in  Ku.  iv.  12,  "  Let  thy  house  be 
like  the  house  of  Pharez,  whom  Tamar  bare  unto 
Judah."  Of  Pharez's  personal  history  or  character 
nothing  is  known.  After  the  death,  therefore,  of 
Er  and  Onan  without  children,  Pharez  occupied  the 
rank  of  Judah's  second  son  (Shelah),  and  moreover, 
from  two  of  his  sons  sprang  two  new  chief  houses, 
those  of  the  Hezronites  and  Ilamulites.  From  Hez- 
ron's  second  son  Ram,  or  Aram,  sprang  David  and 
the  kings  of  Judah,  and  eventually  Jesus  Christ. 
(Genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ.)  In  the  reign  of 
David  the  house  of  Pharez  seems  to  have  been  emi- 
nently distinguished.  A  considerable  number  of  his 
mighty  men  (Jahobeam,  the  Bethlehemites,  Paltites, 
Tekoites,  Ithrites,  Joab,  Abishai,  &e.)  seem  to  have 
been  of  the  same  house ;  and  the  royal  house  itself 
was  the  head  of  the  lamily. — £•  (fr.  L.)  —  Parosh 
(1  Esd.  viii.  36;  comp.  Ezr.  viii.  3). 

Pha-rl'ra  (Gr.)  =  Perida  or  Peruda  (1  Ead.  v. 
83). 

Phar'i-see,  pi.  Phar'i-sees  (fr.  L.  Fharhccus ;  Gr. 
Pharimios  ;  so  called  from  the  Aram,  form  of  Heb. 
participle  pdrmh,  pi.  pirusJiim  =  separated).  The 
Pharisees  were  a  religious  party  or  school  amongst 
the  Jews  at  the  time  of  Christ.  The  name  does  not 
occur  cither  in  the  0.  T.  or  in  the  Apocrypha ;  but 
it  is  usually  considered  that  the  Pharisees  were  es- 
sentially the  same  with  the  Assideans  mentioned  in 
1  Mc.  ii.  42,  vii.  13-17,  and  in  2  Mc.  xiv.  6.  (Essenes.) 
— Authorities.  The  sources  of  information  respecting 
the  Pharisees  are  mainly  threefold:  (1.)  The  writings 
of  Josephus,  who  was  himself  a  Pharisee  (Life  2), 
profess  to  give  direct  accounts  of  their  opinions 
(5.  J.  ii.  8,  g§  2-14  ;  Ant.  xviii.  1,  §  2,  and  compare 
xiii.  6,  §  9,  and  10,  g§  5,  6,  xvii.  2,  1 4,  xiii.  16,  §  2, 
and  J/fe  38).  The  value  of  Josephus's  accounts 
would  be  much  greater,  if  he  had  not  accommodated 
them,  more  or  less,  to  Greek  ideas.  (2.)  The  New 
Testament,  including  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  in  addition 
to  the  Gospels  and  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  (3.)  The 
first  portion  of  the  Talmud  called  the  Mishna,  or 
"second  law."  This  is  by  far  the  most  important 
Bouree  of  information  respecting  the  Pharisees.  It 
is  a  digest  of  the  Jewish  traditions,  and  a  compen- 
dium of  the  whole  ritual  law,  reduced  to  writing  in 
its  present  form  by  Rabbi  Jehudah  the  Holy,  a  Jew 
of  great  wealth  and  influence,  who  flourished  in  the 


second  century.  He  succeeded  his  father  Simeon  as 
patriarch  of  Tiberias,  and  held  that  oflice  at  least 
thirty  years.  His  death  some  place  in  a  year  a  little 
antecedent  to  194  a.  d.  ;  others  place  it  as  late 
as  220  a.  d.,  when  he  would  have  been  about  eighty- 
one  years  old.  There  is  no  reasonable  doubt  that  al- 
though it  may  include  a  few  passages  of  a  later  date, 
the  Mishna  was  composed,  as  a  whole,  in  the  second 
century,  and  represents  the  traditions  which  were 
current  amongst  the  Pharisees  at  the  time  of  Christ 
(so  Mr.  Twisleton,  original  author  of  this  article). 
(Veesioxs,  Ancient  [Targum].)  Referring  to  the 
Mishna  for  details,  it  is  proposed  in  this  article  I.  to 
give  a  general  view  of  the  peculiarities  of  the  Phari- 
sees; to  notice  their  opinions  II.  on  a  future  Hie, 
and  III.  on  free-will;  IV.  to  make  some  remarks  on 
the  proselytizing  spirit  attributed  to  thtni  at  the 
time  of  Christ.  I.  The  fundamental  principle  of  the 
Pharisees  common  to  them  with  all  orthodox  modem 
Jews  is,  that  by  the  side  of  the  written  law  regarded 
as  a  summary  of  the  principles  and  general  laws  of 
the  Hebrew  people,  there  was  an  oral  law  to  com- 
]  lete  and  to  explain  the  written  Law.  It  was  an  ar- 
ticle of  faith  that  in  the  Pentateuch  there  was  no 
precept,  and  no  regulation,  ceremonial,  doctrinal,  or 
legal,  of  which  God  had  not  given  to  Moses  all  ex- 
planations necessary  for  their  application,  with  the 
order  to  transmit  them  by  word  of  mouth.  The  clas- 
sical passage  in  the  Slishna  on  this  subject  is  the  fol- 
lowing : — "  Moses  received  the  (oral)  law  from  Sinai, 
and  delivered  it  to  Joshua,  and  Joshua  to  the  elders, 
and  the  elders  to  the  prophets,  and  the  prophets  to 
the  men  of  the  Great  Synagogue"  (Pirke  Aboth,  i.). 
It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  all  the  traditions  which 
bound  the  Pharisees  were  believed  to  be  direct 
revelations  to  Moses  on  Mount  Sinai.  In  addition 
to  such  revelations,  which  were  not  disputed,  al- 
though there  was  no  proof  from  the  written  law  to 
support  them,  and  in  addition  to  interpretations  re- 
ceived from  Moses,  which  were  either  im])lied  in 
the  written  law  or  to  be  elicited  from  it  by  reason- 
ing, there  were  three  other  classes  of  traditions  : — 
(1.)  Opinions  on  disputed  points,  which  were  the 
result  of  a  majority  of  votes ;  (2.)  Decrees  by  proph- 
ets and  wise  men  in  different  ages,  carrying  prohi- 
bitions farther  than  the  written  law  or  oial  law  of 
Moses,  in  order  to  protect  the  Jewish  people  from 
temptations  to  sin  or  pollution  ;  (3.)  Legal  decisions 
of  proper  ecclesiastical  authorities  on  disputed 
questions,  some  of  which  were  attributed  to  Moses, 
some  to  Joshua,  some  to  Ezra,  some  also  to  Kalibis 
of  later  date,  as  Ilillel  and  Gamaliel.  Viewed  as  a 
whole,  they  treated  men  like  children,  formalizing 
and  defining  the  minutest  particulars  of  ritual  ob- 
servances. The  expressions  of  "  bondage,"  of  "  weak 
and  beggarly  elements,"  and  of  "  burdens  too  heavy 
for  men  to  bear,"  faithfully  represent  the  impres- 
sion produced  by  their  multiplicity.  An  elaborate 
argument  might  be  advanced  for  many  of  them 
individually,  but  the  sting  of  them  consisted  in  their 
aggregate  number,  which  would  tend  to  quench  the 
fervor  and  freshness  of  a  spiritual  religion.  Tlioy 
varied  in  character,  one  class  consisting  of  thtse 
which,  admitting  certain  principles,  were  points 
reasonable  to  define ;  another,  of  points  defined 
which  were  superfluously  particularized ;  a  third, 
of  points  defined  where  the  discussion  of  them  at 
all  was  superstitious  and  puerile.  In  order,  bow- 
ever,  to  observe  regulations  on  points  of  this  kind, 
mixed  with  others  less  objectionable,  and  with  some 
which,  regarded  from  a  certain  point  of  view,  flcrc 
in   themselves  individually  not  unreasonable,   the 


I 


PHI 


PHA 


849 


Pharisees  formed  a  kind  of  society.  A  member 
was  called  a  hUher  or  chdher,  and  those  among  the 
middle  and  lower  classes  who  were  not  members 
were  called  "  the  people  of  the  land,"  or  the  vulgar. 
Each  member  undertook,  in  the  presence  of  three 
other  members,  that  he  would  remain  true  to  the 
laws  of  the  association.  One  important  condition 
was  that  a  member  should  refrain  from  every  thing 
not  tithed  (compare  Mat.  xxiii.  23 ;  Lk.  xviii.  12). 
It  was  a  matter  of  vital  importance  to  a  Pharisee 
that  he  should  be  well  acquainted  with  the  Phari- 
saical regulations  concerning  what  was  clean  and 
UNCLEAN  ;  for,  as  among  the  modern  Hindoos  (some 
of  whose  customs  are  very  similar  to  those  of  the 
Pharisees),  every  one  technically  unclean  is  cut  off 
from  almost  every  religious  ceremony,  so,  according 
to  the  Levitical  law,  every  unclean  person  was  cut 
off  from  all  religious  privileges,  and  was  regarded 
as  defiling  the  sanctuary  of  Jehovah  (Num.  xix.  20). 
On  principles  precisely  similar  to  those  of  the  Le- 
vitical laws  (Lev.  xx.  25,  xxii.  4-7),  it  was  possible 
to  incur  these  awful  religious  penalties  either  by 
eatmg  or  by  touching  what  was  unclean  in  the  Phar- 
isaical sense.  In  reference  to  calhig,  independently 
of  the  slaughtering  of  holy  sacrifices,  which  is  the 
subject  of  two  other  treatises,  the  Mishna  contains 
one  treatise  called  Hiitin  or  Choltn,  which  ij  spe- 
cially devoted  to  the  slaughtering  of  fowls  and  cattle 
for  domestic  use.  One  point  in  its  first  section  is 
bv  itself  vitally  distinctive,  "  that  ani/  thing  slaugh- 
tered by  a  heathen  should  be  deemed  unfit  to  be 
eaten,  like  the  c;ircass  of  an  animal  that  had  died 
of  itself,  and  like  such  carcass  should  pollute  the 
person  who  carried  it."  For  the  guidance  of  Jew- 
ish slaughterers  most  minute  regulations  are  laid 
down.  In  reference  likewise  to  touching  what  is  un- 
clean, the  Mishna  abounds  with  prohibitions  and  dis- 
tinctions no  less  minute  (compare  "  Touch  not,  taste 
not,  handle  not,"  Col.  ii.  21  ;  also  Mat.  xv.  11 ;  Lk. 
xi.  37-40).  It  would  be  a  great  mistake  to  suppose 
that  the  Pharisees  were  wealthy  and  luxurious,  much 
more  that  they  had  degenerated  into  the  vices  which 
were  imputed  to  some  of  the  Roman  popes  and  car- 
dinals during  the  200  years  preceding  the  Reforma- 
tion. Josephus  compared  the  Pharisees  to  the 
Stoics.  He  says  that  they  lived  frugally,  in  no  re- 
spect giving  in  to  luxury,  but  following  the  leader- 
ship of  reason  in  what  it  had  selected  and  trans- 
mitted as  a  good  (Jos.  xviii.  1,  g  3).  Although  there 
would  be  hypocrites  among  them,  it  would  be  un- 
reasonable to  charge  all  the  Pharisees  as  a  body 
with  hypocrisy.  In  the  sense  in  which  we  now  use 
the  word.  They  must  l)e  regarded  as  having  been 
■^ome  of  the  most  intense  formalists  whom  the  world 
.^  ever  seen  (compare  Lk.  vil.  36  ff,  xviii.  9-14). 
I :  was  alleged  against  them,  on  the  highest  spiritual 
authority,  that  they  "  made  the  word  of  God  of  none 
effect  by  their  traditions."  This  would  be  true  in 
the  largest  sense,  from  the  purest  form  of  religion 
in  the  ().  T.  being  almost  incompatible  with  such 
endless  forms  (MIc.  vi.  8) ;  but  it  was  true  in  an- 
other sense,  from  some  of  the  traditions  being 
decidedly  at  variance  with  genuine  religion.  (Atone- 
ment, Dav  or  ;  Cobban  ;  Divorce  ;  Fasts  ;  Front- 
lets ;  Passover  ;  Sabbath  ;  Vow,  &c.) — II.  In 
■gard  to  a  future  state,  Josephus  presents  the 
:i:a«  of  tlie  Pharisees  in  such  a  light  to  his  Greek 
readers,  that  whatever  interpretation  his  amliiguous 
language  might  possibly  admit,  he  obviously  would 
produce  the  impression  on  Greeks  that  the  Phari- 
sees believed  In  the  transmigration  of  souls.  "  They 
Uay  that  evcrv  soul  is  imperishable,  but  that  the  soul 
54 


of  good  men  only  passes  over  (or  transmigrates) 
into  another  body,  while  the  soul  of  bad  men  la 
chastised  by  eternal  punishment "  (Jos.  B.  J.  ii.  8, 
§  14).  And  two  passages  in  the  Gospels  might 
countenance  this  Idea:  one  in  Mat.  xiv.  2,  where 
Herod  the  tetrarch  is  represented  as  thinking  that 
Jesus  was  John  the  Baptist  risen  from  the  dead 
(though  a  different  color  is  given  to  Herod's 
thoughts  in  Lk.  ix.  7-9) ;  and  another  in  Jn.  ix. 
2,  where  the  question  is  put  to  Jesus  whether  the 
blind  man  liimself  had  sinned,  or  his  parents,  that 
lie  was  born  blind  ?  Notwithstanding  these  pas- 
sages, however,  there  does  not  appear  to  be  sufficient 
reason  for  doubting  that  the  Pharisees  believed  in  a 
resurrection  of  the  dead  very  much  in  the  same 
sense  as  the  early  Christians.  This  is  most  in  ac- 
cordance with  St.  Paul's  statement  to  the  chief 
priests  and  council  (Acts  xxiii.  C  ;  Paul);  and  it  is 
likewise  almost  implied  in  Christ's  teaching,  which 
does  not  insist  on  the  doctrine  of  a  future  life  as 
any  thing  new  (Mat.  xxii.  30 ;  Mk.  xil.  25  ;  Lk.  xx. 
34-36).  On  this  head  the  Mishna  is  an  illustration 
of  the  ideas  in  the  Gospels,  as  distinguished  from 
any  mere  transmigration  of  souls  ;  and  the  peculiar 
phrase,  "  the  world  to  come  "  (compare  Mk.  x.  30, 
&c. ;  Eternal  4),  frequently  occurs  In  it. — III.  In 
reference  to  the  opinions  of  the  Pharisees  concern- 
ing the  freedom  of  the  will,  a  difficulty  arises  from 
the  very  prominent  position  which  they  occupy  in 
the  accounts  of  Josephus,  whereas  nothing  vitally 
essential  to  the  peculiar  doctrines  of  the  Pharisees 
seems  to  depend  on  those  opinions,  and  some  of  his 
expressions  are  Greek,  rather  than  Hebrew.  "  There 
were  three  sects  of  the  Jews,"  he  says,  "  which 
had  difl'crent  conceptions  respecting  human  aft'nirs, 
of  which  one  was  called  Pharisees,  the  second  Sad- 
ducecs,  and  the  third  Essenes.  The  Pharisees  say 
that  some  things,  and  not  all  things,  are  the  work 
of  fate ;  but  that  some  things  are  in  our  own  power 
to  be  and  not  to  be.  But  the  Essenes  declare  that 
fate  rules  all  things,  and  that  nothing  happens  to 
man  except  by  its  decree.  The  Sadducees,  on  the 
other  hand,  take  away  fate,  holding  that  It  is  a 
thing  of  naught,  and  that  human  affairs  do  not  de- 
pend upon  it ;  but  in  their  estimate  all  things  are  in 
the  power  of  ourselves,  as  being  ourselves  the  causes 
of  our  good  things,  and  meeting  with  evils  through 
our  own  inconsiderateness  "  (Jos.  xill.  6,  §  9).  Jo- 
sephus also  says  of  the  Pharisees,  "  When  they  de- 
termine that  all  things  are  done  by  fate,  they  do 
not  take  away  the  freedom  from  men  of  acting  as 
they  think  tit ;  since  their  notion  is,  that  it  hath 
pleased  God  to  make  a  temperament,  whereby  what 
He  wills  is  done,  but  so  that  the  will  of  man  can  act 
virtuously  or  viciously"  (xviii.  1,  §  ,3,  Whiston's 
translation).  "  These  ascribe  all  to  fate  (or  prov- 
idence), and  to  God ;  and  yet  allow  that  to  act  what 
is  right  or  the  contrary,  is  principally  in  the  power 
of  men ;  although  fute  does  coiiperate  in  every  ac- 
tion" (B.  J.  ii.  8,  §  14,  Whiston's  translation).  In 
reference  to  this  point,  the  opinion  of  Graetz  seems 
not  Improbable,  that  the  real  difference  between  the 
Pharisees  and  Sahducees  was  at  first  practical  and 
political.  He  conjectures  that  the  wealthy  and 
aristocratical  Sadducees  in  their  wars  and  negotia- 
tions with  the  Syrians  entered  into  matters  of  policy 
and  calculations  of  prudence,  while  the  zealous 
Pharisees,  disdaining  worldly  wisdom,  laid  stress  on 
doing  what  seemed  to  be  right,  and  leaving  the 
event  to  God :  and  that  this  led  to  differenccB  in 
formal  theories  and  metaphysical  statements. — IV. 
In  reference  to  the  spirit  of  proselytism  among  the 


850 


PHA 


PHE 


Pharisees,  there  is  indisputable  authority  for  the 
statement  that  it  prevailed  to  a  verj'  great  extent  at 
the  time  of  Christ  (Mat.  xxiii.  15);  and  attention  is 
now  called  to  it  on  account  of  its  probable  impor- 
tance in  having  paved  the  way  for  the  early  diffu- 
sion of  Christianity.  Jews  at  the  time  of  Christ 
had  become  scattered  over  the  fairest  portions  of 
the  civilized  world.  (Captivity  ;  Dispersion,  &c.) 
On  the  day  of  Pentecost,  Jews  are  said  to  have  been 
assembled  with  one  accord  in  one  place  at  Jerusa- 
lem, "  from  every  region  under  heaven."  Admitting 
that  this  was  an  Oriental  hyperbole  (compare  Jn. 
xxi.  26),  there  must  have  been  some  foundation  for 
it  in  fact  (Acts  ii.  5-11).  Now,  it  is  not  unlikelj', 
though  it  cannot  be  proved  from  Josephus  (xx.  2,  § 
3),  that  missions  and  organized  attempts  to  produce 
conversions,  although  unknown  to  Greek  philos- 
ophers, existed  among  the  Pharisees.  But,  at  any 
rate,  the  then  existing  regulations  or  customs  of 
synagogues  afforded  facilities  which  do  not  exist  now 
cither  in  synagogues  or  Christian  churches  for  pre- 
senting new  views  to  a  congregation  (Acts  xvii.  2  ; 
Lk.  iv.  16).  (Synagogue.)  Under  such  auspices 
the  proselytizing  spirit  of  the  Pharisees  inevitably 
stimulated  a  thirst  for  inquiry,  and  accustomed  the 
Jews  to  theological  controversies.  Thus  there  ex- 
isted precedents  and  favoring  circumstances  for  ef- 
forts to  make  proselytes,  when  the  greatest  of  all 
missionaries  (Paul),  a  Jew  by  race,  a  Pharisee  by 
education,  a  Greek  by  language,  and  a  Roman  citi- 
zen by  birth,  preaching  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  to 
those  who  for  the  most  part  already  believed  in  the 
resurrection  of  the  dead,  confronted  the  elaborate 
ritual-system  of  the  written  and  oral  law  by  a  pure 
spiritual  religion :  and  thus  obtained  the  coopera- 
tion of  many  Jews  themselves  in  breaking  down 
every  barrier  between  Jew,  Pharisee,  Greek,  and 
Roman,  and  in  endeavoring  to  unite  all  mankind  by 
the  brotherhood  of  a  common  Christianity.  Prose- 
lyte. 

Pha'rosh  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Parosh  (Ezr.  viii.  3). 

Pbar'par  (fr.  Ileb.,  probably  =  swift,  Ges.),  the 
second  of  the  two  "  rivers  of  Damasccs  " — "  Aeana 
nndPharpar" — mentioned  by  Naaman  (2  K.  v.  12). 
The  two  principal  streams  in  the  district  of  Damas- 
cus are  the  Barada  (probably  =  Abana)  and  the 
'Awaj  (probably  —  Pharpar) : — in  fact,  there  are 
no  others  worthy  of  the  name  of  "  river."  The 
northern  and  principal  branch  of  the  'Awaj  takes 
its  rise  in  a  deep  valley  beneath  the  brow  of  Iler- 
mon,  where  are  a  number  of  small  fountains  whose 
waters  unite  beside  a  village  called  'Arny,  the  name 
of  which  it  bears  during  the  first  part  of  its  course. 
It  thence  runs  first  E.,  then  S.  by  Kefr  Hauwar  to 
fSasa,  whence,  having  received  another  stream  from 
the  W.,  it  flows  in  a  general  easterly  direction,  ulti- 
mately ending  in  the  Bahret  Hijdneh,  the  most  south- 
erly of  the  three  lakes  or  swamps  of  Damascus, 
about  forty  miles  nearly  E.  S.  E.  of  the  point  at 
■which  it  started.  A  deep  ravine  E.  of  Ilermon, 
sending  a  little  trilnitary  into  the  'Awaj,  is  called 
Wady  Barbar,  perhaps  a  lelie  of  the  name  Pharpar 
(Porter,  Damasfm,  i.  299  ff.,  and  in  Kitto). 

Phar'zitcs  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  descendants  of 
PuAREZ,  the  son  of  Judah  (Num.  xxvi.  20). 

Plia-sC'ah  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Paseah  2  (Neh.  vii.  51). 

Pha-se'lis  (Gr.),  a  town  on  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor, 
on  the  confines  of  Lvcia  and  Pamphvlia,  and  hence 
ascribed  by  ancient  writers  sometimes  to  one  and 
sometimes  to  the  otlier.  Its  commerce  was  con- 
siderable in  the  sixth  century  b.  c,  for  in  the  reign 
of  Amasis  it  was  one  of  a  number  of  Greek  towns 


which  carried  on  trade  somewhat  in  the  manner  of 
the  Ilanseatic  confederacy  in  the  middle  ages.  In 
later  times  Phaselis  was  distinguished  as  a  resort 
of  the  Pamphylian  and  Cilician  pirates.  Phaselis 
itself  stood  on  a  rock  of  60  or  100  feet  elevation 
above  the  sea,  and  was  joined  to  the  main  by  a  low 
isthmus,  in  the  middle  of  which  was  a  lake,  now  a 
pestiferous  marsh.  On  the  eastern  side  of  tliis  were 
a  closed  port  and  a  roadstead,  and  on  the  western 
a  larger  artificial  harbor,  formed  by  a  mole  run  out 
into  the  sea.  The  remains  of  this  may  still  be  traced 
to  a  considerable  extent  below  the  surface  of  the 
water.  The  Phaselites  having  joined  the  piratical 
league,  lost  their  independence  and  their  town-lands 
in  the  war  waged  by  tlie  Roman  consul  Publius  Ser- 
vilius  Isauricus  in  77-76  b.  c.  In  the  interval  be- 
tween the  growth  of  the  Cilician  piracy  and  the  Ser- 
vilian  expedition  the  Romans  are  represented  as 
writing  to  Phaselis  and  other  places,  requiring  that 
Simon  the  high-priest  and  the  Jewish  people  should 
not  be  harmed,  and  that  all  Jewish  fugitive  criminals 
among  them  should  be  delivered  up  to  Simon  for 
punishment  (1  Mc.  xv.  23). 

Plias'i-ron  (Gr.).  An  Arab  tribe,  "the  children 
of  Phasiron  "  (1  Mc.  ix.  66),  were  defeated  by  Jon- 
athan. 

Phas'sa-ron  =  Pashcr  (1  Esd.  v.  25). 

Phe'be  (L.  Fhabe,  fr.  Gr.  Fhoibe  =  pure,  hriglU, 
radiant ;  an  epithet  of  Diana  or  of  the  moon),  a 
"  servant  of  the  Church  at  Cenchrea,"  commended 
to  the  Roman  Christians  by  the  Apostle  Paul  as  ''  a 
suceorer  of  many  and  of  myself  also "  (Rom.  xvi. 
1,  2).    Deaconess. 

Phe-nrcc,  or  Pbe'uice  [-nis]  (L.  Phoeniee,  fr.  Gr. 
Phoinihe  =  date4and,  L.  &  S. ;  see  Palm-tree).  1, 
The  country  or  region  commonly  known  as  Piieni- 
CIA  (Acts  xi.  19,  XV.  3). — i,  (Gr.  Phoinix  =  date- 
palm,  palm-tree.)  Phcnice,  more  properly  J'hciiix 
or  Phmiix,  a  town  or  haven  in  Crete  on  the  so\ith 
em  coast  (Acts  xxvii.  12).  The  haven  lay  "  toward 
the  S.  W.  and  N.  W.,"  i.  e.  (so  Meyer)  the  harbor 
formed  such  a  curve,  that  one  shore  stretched  away 
toward  the  N.  W.  and  another  toward  the  S.  AV. 
Another  explanation  is  given  under  Paul  (p.  822). 
Mr.  James  Smith,  of  Jordanhill,  and  others  place 
Phenice  at  the  modern  Lutro,  where  (so  Captain 
Spratt)  "  is  the  only  bay  W.  of  Fair  Havens,  in  which 
a  vessel  of  any  size  could  find  shelter  during  the 
winter  months." 

Phe-nl'cl-a  [fee-nish'e-ah  or  fee-nish'yah](L.  P/io!- 
nieia,  fr.  Gr.  =  date-land  or  palm-land  =  Piiexice), 
a  tract  of  country  of  which  Tyre  and  Sipon  were 
the  principal  cities,  to  the  N.  of  Palestine,  along 
the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea;  bounded  by 
that  sea  on  the  W.,  and  by  the  mountain-range  of 
Lebanon  on  the  E.  The  native  name  of  I'henicia 
was  Kena'an  (Canaan)  or  Knd,  signifying  lowlani, 
so  named  in  contrast  to  the  adjoining  Aram,  i.  e. 
highland,  the  Hebrew  name  of  Syria.  The  length 
of  coast  to  which  the  name  of  I'henicia  was  ap- 
plied varied  at  different  times,  and  may  be  regarded 
under  different  aspects  before  and  after  the  loss  of 
its  independence.  1.  AVhat  may  be  termed  Phenicia 
Proper  was  a  narrow,  undulating  plain,  extending 
from  the  pass  of  RAx  el-BeyAd  or  Abi/ad,  tlie  Pruin- 
ontorium  Album  {=Wfiite  Promonloi-i/)  of  the  an- 
cients, about  six  miles  S.  of  Tyre,  to  the  A'ahr  et- 
Anwalij,  the  ancient  Bostrenus,  two  miles  N.  of 
Sidon.  The  plain  is  only  twenty-eight  miles  iu 
length.  Its  average  breadth  is  about  a  mile ;  but 
near  Sidon  the  mountains  retreat  to  a  distance  of 
two  miles,  and  near  Tyre  to  a  distance  of  five  miles. 


I 


PHE 


PEE 


851 


2.  A  still  longer  district,  which  afterward  became 
i'aiily  entitled  to  the  name  of  Phenicia,  extended  up 
tlie  coast  to  a  point  marlced  by  the  island  of  Aradus 
Arvad),  and  by  Antaradus  toward  the  N. ;  the 
.  1  u  thern  boundary  remaining  the  same  as  in  Phenicia 
I'roper.  Phenicia,  thus  defined,  is  estimated  to  have 
been  about  120  miles  in  length;  while  its  breadth, 
Iietween  Lebanon  and  the  sea,  never  exceeded 
twenty  miles,  and  was  generally  much  less.  Scarce- 
ly sixteen  geographical  miles  farther  N.  than  Sidon 
was  Berytua  (Bekothah?),  with  a  roadstead  so  well 
Euited  for  the  gjirposes  of  modern  navigation  that, 
under  the  modern  name  of  Beirut,  it  has  eclipsed 
both  Sidon  and  Tyre  as  an  emporium  for  Syria.  Still 
farther  N.  was  Byblus  (Gebal,  now  Jebeil),  inhab- 
ited by  seamen  and  calkers.  Then  came  Tripolis 
(now  Tardbutus),  said  to  have  been  founded  by 
colonists  from  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Aradus,  with  three 
distinct  towns,  a  furlong  apart.  Toward  the  extreme 
point  X.  was  Aradus  itself  (Arvad),  situated,  like 
Tyre,  on  a  small  island  near  the  mainland,  and  found- 
ed by  exiles  from  Sidon.  The  whole  of  Phenicia 
Proper  is  well  watered  by  various  streams  from  the 
adjoining  hills,  the  two  largest  being  Nahr  eI-K(himi- 
,vM  (called  el-Lltany  in  its  upper  part;  probably  the 
ancisnt  Leontes),  a  few  miles  X.  of  Tyre,  and  the 
Bostrenus  already  mentioned.  The  soil  is  fertile 
(Palksti.se,  Botany,  &c.),  except  between  the  Bos- 
trenus and  Beirut.  The  havens  of  Tyre  and  Sidon 
afforded  water  of  sufficient  depth  for  all  the  require- 
ments of  ancient  navigation,  and  Lebanon,  in  its  ex- 
tensive forests,  furnished  what  then  seemed  a  nearly 
inexhaustible  supply  of  timber  for  ship-building. — 
In  reference  to  the  period  when  the  Phenicians  had 
lost  their  independence,  scarely  any  two  Greek  and 
Roman  writers  give  precisely  the  same  geographical 
boundaries  to  Phenicia.  Ptolemy  makes  the  river 
Eleutherus  (probably  the  Nahr  e!-Kebir)  the  N. 
boundary,  and  the  river  Chorseus  (a  small  stream 
S.  of  Dor)  the  S.  boundary.  Strabo  represents  Phe- 
nicia as  the  district  between  Orthopia  (Okttiosias) 
and  Pelusium  (Si.\).  In  the  0.  T.,  the  word  Plieni- 
cia  does  not  occur.  In  the  Apocrypha,  it  is  not  de- 
fined, though  "  Phenice  "  (=  Phenicia)  is  spoken  of 
as  being,  with  Celosyria,  under  one  military  com- 
mander (2  Mc.  iii.  5,  8,  viii.  8,  x.  11 ;  3  Mc.  iii.  15). 
In  the  N.  T.  "  Phenicc  "  occurs  in  the  A.  V.  of  Acts 
xi.  19,  XV.  3,  and  "  Phenicia  "  only  in  xxi.  2 ;  but  not 
one  of  these  passages  affords  a  clew  as  to  how  far 
the  writer  deemed  Phenicia  to  extend. 
Plif-nl'dans  [fee-nish'yanz]  =  the  race  who  in 
irliest  recorded  history  inhabited  Phe.nicia,  and 
who  were  the  great  maritime  and  commercial  peo- 
ple of  the  ancient  world.  Without  dwelling  on 
niatters  which  belong  more  strictly  to  the  articles 
TvRK  and  Sido.s,  it  may  be  proper  to  touch  on 
■rtain  point.<<  connected  with  the  language,  race, 
ade,  and  religion  of  the  Phenicians,  which  may 
■nd  to  throw  light  on  Biblical  history  and  litera- 
mrc. — I.  The  Phenician  laiiguuge  belonged  to  that 
t  imily  of  languages  now  generally  called  Shcniitic. 
(SiiEMiTic  Laxgcaoks.)  It  is  in  fact  so  closely  allied 
to  Hebrew,  that  Phenician  and  Hebrew,  though  dif- 
ferent dialects,  may  be  practically  regarded  as  the 
same  language.  This  may  be  shown  in  the  following 
way: — 1.  Testimony  is  borne  to  the  kin.ship  of  the 
two  languages  by  Augustine  and  Jerome,  in  whose 
time  Phenician  or  Carthaginian  was  still  a  living  lan- 
guage. 2.  A  passage  of  Carthaginian  preserved  in  the 
Pami'iu  of  Plautug,  and  accompanied  by  a  Latin 
translation  aa  part  of  the  play,  is  intelligible  through 
Hebrew  to  Hebrew  scholars.     8.  Very  many  Phe- 


nician and  Carthaginian  names  of  places  and  per- 
sons, destitute  of  meaning  in  Greek  and  Latin,  be- 
come significant  in  Hebrew.  4.  The  Phenician  in- 
scriptions preserved  to  the  present  day  can  all  be 
interpreted,  with  more  or  less  certainty,  through 
Hebrew.  Such  inscriptions  are  of  three  kinds: — 
1st,  on  gems  and  seals ;  2dly,  on  coins  of  the  Pheni- 
cians and  of  their  colonies ;  3dly,  on  stone. — II. 
Concerning  the  original  race  to  which  the  Phenicians 
belonged,  nothing  can  be  known  with  certainty,  be- 
cause they  are  found  already  established  along  the 
Mediterranean  Sea  at  the  earliest  dawn  of  authentic 
history,  and  for  centuries  afterward  there  is  no  rec- 
ord of  their  origin.  According  to  Herodotus  (vii. 
89),  they  said  of  themselves  in  his  time  that  they 
came  in  days  of  old  from  the  shores  of  the  Red  Sea ; 
and  in  this  there  would  be  nothing  improbable,  as 
they  spoke  a  language  cognate  to  that  of  the  Ara- 
bians, who  inhabited  the  E.  coast  of  that  se:i.  Still 
neither  the  truth  nor  the  falsehood  of  the  tradition 
can  now  be  proved.  But  there  is  one  point  respect- 
ing their  race  which  can  be  iiroved  to  be  in  the 
highest  degree  probable,  and  which  has  peculiar  in- 
terest as  bearing  on  the  Jews,  viz.  that  the  Pheni- 
cians were  of  the  same  race  as  the  Canaanites.  This 
remarkable  fact,  which,  taken  in  connection  with  the 
language  of  the  Phenicians,  leads  to  some  interest- 
ing results,  is  rendered  probable  by  the  following 
circumstances: — 1.  The  native  name  of  Piie.vicia 
was  Canaan  =:  lowland.  This  name  was  well  given 
to  the  narrow  slip  of  plain  between  the  Lebanon  and 
the  Mediterranean  Sea,  in  contrast  to  the  elevated 
mountain-range  adjoining.  2.  Augustine  states  that 
the  peasants  in  his  part  of  Africa  (the  Carthaginian 
Phenicians),  if  asked  of  what  race  they  were,  would 
answer,  in  Punic  or  Phenician,  "  Canaanites."  3. 
The  names  of  persons  and  places  in  the  land  of  Ca- 
naan— not  only  when  the  Israelites  invaded  it,  but 
likewise  previously,  when  "  there  were  yet  but  a  few 
of  them,"  and  Abraham  is  said  to  have  visited  it — 
were  Phenician  or  Hebrew :  e.  g.  Abimelech  =  Father 
of  tlie  king  (Gen.  xx.  2);  Melchizedek  =  King  of 
righteotuiness  (sXw.  18);  Kirjath-sepher  =  city  of  the 
book  (Josh.  XV.  15). — III.  In  regard  to  the  Phenician 
trade,  as  connected  with  the  Israelites,  the  following 
points  are  worthy  of  notice:  1.  Up  to  the  time  of 
David,  not  one  of  the  twelve  tribes  seems  to  have 
possessed  a  single  harbor  on  the  seacoast;  they 
could  not  therefore  become  a  commercial  people. 
But  when  David  had  conquered  Edom,  an  opening 
for  trade  was  afforded  to  the  Israelites.  The  com- 
mand of  Ezion-geber  near  Elath,  in  the  land  of  Edom, 
enabled  them  to  engage  in  the  navigation  of  the  Red 
Sea.  As  they  were  novices,  however,  at  sailing,  as 
the  navigaticm  of  the  Red  Sea,  owing  to  its  currents, 
winds,  and  rocks,  is  dangerous  even  to  modern 
sailors,  and  as  the  Phenicians,  during  the  period  of 
the  independence  of  Edom,  were  probably  allowed 
to  trade  from  Ezion-geber,  it  was  politic  in  Solomon 
to  permit  the  Phenicians  of  Tyre  to  have  docks,  and 
build  ships  at  Ezion-geber  on  condition  that  his  sail- 
ors and  vessels  might  have  the  benefit  of  their  ex- 
perience. (Hiram;  Opiiiit;  Tarshisii.)  2.  After 
the  division  into  two  kingdoms,  the  curtain  falls  on 
any  commercial  relation  between  the  Israelites  and 
Phenicians  until  it  is  intimated  that  Israelites  were 
sold  as  slaves  by  Phenicians.  It  was  a  custom  in 
antiquity,  when  one  nation  went  to  war  against  an- 
other, for  merchants  to  be  present  in  one  or  other 
of  the  hostile  camps,  in  order  to  purchase  prisoners 
of  war  as  slaves  (1  Mc.  iii.  41  ;  2  Mc.  v.  14).  Now, 
this  practice  is  alluded  to  in  a  threatening  manner 


853 


PHE 


PEI 


against  the  Plienicians  by  the  prophets  (Joel  iii.  4, 
and  Am.  i.  9,  10),  about  800  b.  c.  The  circum- 
stances which  led  to  this  state  of  things  may  be  thus 
explained.  After  the  division  of  the  two  kingdoms, 
there  is  no  trace  of  any  friendly  relation  between 
the  kingdom  of  Judah  and  the  Phenicians  (comp.  1 
K.  xvi.  31).  Jehoshaphat's  attempt  to  renew  the 
trade  of  the  Jews  in  the  Red  Sea  failed,  and  in  the 
reign  of  Jehoram,  Jehoshaphat's  son,  Edom  revolted 
from  Judah,  and  establislied  its  independence ;  so 
that  if  the  Phenicians  wislied  to  dispatch  trading- 
vessels  from  Ezion-geber,  Edom  was  the  power  which 
it  was  mainly  their  interest  to  conciliate,  and  not 
Judah.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  Phenicians 
seem  not  only  to  have  purchased  and  sold  again  as 
slaves,  and  probably  in  some  instances  to  have  kid- 
napped, inhabitants  of  Judah,  but  even  to  have  sold 
them  to  tlieir  enemies  the  Edornites.  3.  The  only 
other  notice  in  the  0.  T.  of  trade  between  the  Phe- 
nicians and  the  Israelites  is  in  Ezekiel's  account  of 
the  trade  of  Tyre  lEz.  xxvii.  17).  While  this  ac- 
count supplies  valuable  information  respecting  the 
various  commercial  dealings  of  the  most  illustrious 
of  Pheniciau  cities,  it  likewise  makes  direct  mention 
of  the  exports  to  it  from  Palestine.  (Balm; 
HoNEV;  Oil;  Wheat.)  Heeren  (liixlorical  Be- 
searches,  ii.  117)  suggests,  that  the  fact  of  Palestine 
being,  as  it  were,  the  granary  of  Phenicia,  explains 
in  the  clearest  manner  the  lasting  peace  between 
the  two  countries.  (Colors;  Commkrcp:;  Glass.) — 
IV.  The  relv/ion  of  the  Phenicians  is  a  subject  of 
vast  extent  and  considerable  perplexity  in  details, 
but  of  its  general  features  as  bearing  upon  the  re- 
ligion of  the  Hebrews  there  can  be  no  doubt.  As 
opposed  to  Monotheism,  it  was  a  Pantheistical  per- 
sonification of  the  forces  of  nature,  and  in  its  most 
philosophical  shadowing  forth  of  the  Supreme  pow- 
ers, it  may  be  said  to  have  represented  the  male  and 
female  |)rinciples  of  production.  In  its  popular 
form,  it  was  especially  a  worship  of  the  sun,  moon, 
and  five  planets,  or,  as  it  might  have  been  expressed 
according  to  ancient  notions,  of  the  seven  planets — 
the  most  beautiful,  and  perhaps  the  most  natural, 
form  of  idolatry  ever  presented  to  the  human  imagi- 
nation. These  planets,  however,  were  not  regarded 
as  lifeless  globes  of  matter,  obedient  to  physical 
laws,  but  as  intelligent  animated  powers,  influencing 
the  human  will,  and  controlling  human  destinies. 

(ASHERAH  ;  ASHTORKTH  ;  ]3aal, 

&c.)  It  will  be  proper  here 
to  point  out  certain  eBects 
which  the  circumstance  of 
their  being  worshipped  in  Phe 
nicia  produced  upon  the  He- 
brews. 1.  Their  worship  was 
a  constant  temptation  to  Poly- 
theism and  idolatry.  It  can 
scarcely  be  doubted  that  the 
Phenicians,  as  a  great  com- 
mercial people,  were  more  gen- 
erally intelligent,  and  as  we 
should  now  say  civilized,  than 
the  inland  agricultural  popu- 
lation of  Palestine.  When  the 
simple-minded  Jews,  tlierefore, 
came  in  contact  with  a  people 
more  versatile,  and,  apparent- 
ly, more  enlightened  than 
themselves,  but  who  neverthe 
less,  either  in  a  philosophical 
or  in  a  popular  form,  admit- 
ted a  system  of  Polytheism, 


an  influence  would  be  exerted  on  Jewish  minds,  tend- 
ing to  make  them  regard  their  exclusive  devotion  to 
their  own  one  God,  Jehovah,  however  transcendent 
His  attributes,  as  unsocial  and  morose.  (Solomon  ; 
AiiAB,  &c.)  2.  ThePhenician  religion  was  likewise  in 
other  respects  deleterious  to  the  inhabitants  of  Pa- 
lestine, being  in  some  points  essentially  demoralizing. 
For  example,  it  sanctioned  the  dreadful  superstition 
of  burning  children  as  sacrifices  to  a  Phenician  god 
(Jer.  xix.  6,  comp.  xxxii.  35).  Again,  parts  of  the 
Phenician  religion,  especially  the  worsliip  of  Astaite 
(AsHTORETii),  tended  to  encourage  dissoluteness  in 
the  relations  of  the  sexes,  and  even  to*sanctify  impuri- 
ties of  the  most  abominable  description.  (Harlot; 
Sodomite.) — V.  The  most  important  intellectual  in- 
vention of  man,  that  of  letters,  was  universally  as- 
serted by  the  Greeks  and  Romans  to  have  been  com- 
municated by  the  Phenicians  to  the  Greeks  (Hdt.  v. 
57,  58).  It  was  an  easy  step  from  this  to  believe, 
as  many  of  the  ancients  believed,  that  the  Pheni- 
cians »n!)CTfe(/ letters  (Lucan,  Pharsalia,  iii.  220,  221). 
SiiEMiTic  Languages  ;  Writing. 

Plier'e-sites  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Perizzites  (1  Esd.  viii. 
69;  compare  Ezr.  ix.  1). 

Pher'e-zite,  I'hcr'e-zitcs  (fr.  Gr.)  —  Perizzite, 
Perizzites  (Jd.  v.  16;  2  Esd.  i.  21). 

*  Phi-be'sctli  —  Pi-beseth  (Ez.  xxx.  17,  in  some 
copies). 

Plli'chol  [kol]  (L.  fr.  Ileb.  =  mouth  of  nil,  i.  e. 
all-commanding,  Ges.),  chief  captain  of  the  array 
of  Abimelecii,  king  of  the  Philistines  of  Gerar  in 
the  days  of  both  Abraham  (Gen.  xxi.  22,  23)  and 
Isaac  (xxvi.  26).  Phichol  may  be  (so  Kitto,  Ayre, 
&c.)  an  official  title  borne  by  different  persons  (com- 
pare Abimelecii,  Rab-mag,  &c.). 

Phil-a-del'pbt-a  [-feah  ;  in  L.  pron.  fil-a-del-fi'ah] 
(L.  fr.  Gr.  =  city  of  brotherly  love,  L.  &  S.),  a  town 
on  the  confines  of  Lydia  and  Phrygia  Kutahl.au- 
me^ie  (i.  e.  entirel)/  bitrnt),  built  by  Attalus  II.  Pliil- 
adelphus,  king  of  Pergamos,  probaljly  as  a  mart  for 
the  great  wine-producing  region  (tlie  Kulukekaume- 
ne),  which  was  500  stades  (about  60  miles)  long  and 
400  broad.  It  was  situate<l  on  the  lower  slopes  of  Mt. 
Tmolus,  on  the  southern  side  of  the  valley  of  the  A  in- 
e-(/hiul  Sou  (a  river,  probably  =  the  Cogainus  of  an- 
tiquity), and  was  27  miles  S.  E.  of  Sardis.  Phil- 
adelphia came  under  the  Roman  power  with  the  rest 
of  this  region  (Asia)  b.  c.  133.     It  was  taken  by 


Alia  SitUr  —  uicUiit  PhiUdelphla.— From  Mwfinlane'B  Apocatfdic  CAurcto.— ;Fl)o.) 


PHI 


PHI 


853 


tlic  Turks  under  Bajazet  I.  A.  v.  1390,  having  made 
a  gallant  defence,  and  lield  out  against  tliem  longer 
than  any  other  town  in  Asia  Minor.  It  is  still  rep- 
resented by  a  town  called  Allahshehr  (city  of  God.) ' 
Its  elevation  is  952  feet  above  the  sea.  The  region 
around  is  highly  volcanic,  and,  geologically  speak- 
ing, belongs  to  the  district  of  Phrygia  Katakekau- 
mene,  on  the  western  edge  of  which  it  lies.  The 
original  population  of  Philadelphia  seems  to  have 
been  Macedonian.  There  was,  as  appears  from  Rev. 
iii.  9,  a  synagogue  of  Hellenizing  Jews  there,  as 
well  as  a  Christian  church.  The  locality  continued 
to  be  subject  to  constant  eaVthquakes  which,  in  the 
time  of  Strabo,  rendered  even  the  town-walls  of 
Philadelphia  unsafe.  The  expense  of  reparation 
was  constant,  and  hence  perhaps  the  poverty  of  the 
members  of  the  Christian  Church  (Rev.  iii.  8). 

Phi-lar'fbes  [-keez]  (L.  fr.  Or.,  see  below).  This 
word  occurs  as  a  proper  name  in  A.  V.  in  2  Mc. 
viii.  32,  where  it  is  really  the  name  of  an  office  = 
t/ie  eomnwuler  of  the  cavalri/. 

PIlNemon  (Gr.  loving,  affedloHate),  the  Christian 
to  whom  Paul  addressed  his  Epistle  in  behalf  of 
0.VE3IMCS.  He  was  a  native  probably  of  Colosse, 
or  at  all  events  lived  in  that  city  when  the  apostle 
■wrote  to  him  ;  for  Onesimus  and  Arcliippus  whom 
Paul  associates  with  Philemon  in  Phn.  1,  2,  were 
Colossians  (Col.  iv.  9,  \1).  It  is  related  that  Phile- 
mon became  bishop  of  Colosse,  and  died  as  a  mar- 
tyr under  Xero.  Ue  was  evidently  a  man  of  prop- 
erty and  influence,  the  head  of  a  numerous  house- 
hold, and  exercising  an  expensive  liberality  toward 
his  friends  and  the  poor  in  general  (Phn.  4-V).  He 
was  indebted  to  the  Apostle  Paul  for  his  personal 
participation  in  the  Gospel  (ver.  19).  It  is  not  cer- 
tain under  what  circumstances  they  became  known 
to  each  other.  It  is  evident  that,  on  becoming  a 
disciple,  he  gave  no  common  proof  of  tlie  sincerity 
and  power  of  his  faith,  llis  cliaracter,  as  shadowed 
forth  in  the  Epistle  to  him  (ver.  5,  7,  21,  &c.),  is  one 
of  the  noblest  which  the  sacred  record  makes  known 
to  us  (so  Prof.  Uackett). 

Phl-le'oion  (see  above),  Ihe  E-pIs'tle  of  PanI  to, 
one  of  the  letters  (the  others  are  Ephesians,  Colos- 
sians, Philippians)  which  the  apostle  wrote  during 
his  first  imprisonment  at  Rome.  (Colossians,  Epis- 
tle TO.)  The  time  when  Paul  wrote  may  be  fixed 
with  much  precision.  The  apostle  at  the  close  of 
the  letter  expresses  a  hope  of  his  speedy  liberation. 
Presuming  that  he  had  good  reasons  for  such  an  ex- 
pectation, and  that,  he  was  not  disappointed  in  the 
result,  we  may  conclude  that  this  letter  was  written 
by  him  about  a.  d.  63,  or  early  in  a.  d.  64. — Nothing 
is  wanted  to  confirm  the  genidneness  of  the  Epistle. 
The  e-xternal  testimony  is  unimpeachable.  Ignatius 
thrice  uses  the  Greek  phrase  translated  in  Phn.  20, 
"  Let  me  have  joy  of  thee."  The  Canon  of  Mura- 
tori  enumerates  this  as  one  of  Paul's  Epistles.  Ter- 
tullian  alludes  to  it  as  admitted  by  Marcion  into  his 
collection.  Origen  and  Eusebius  include  it  among 
the  universally  acknowledged  writings  of  the  early 
Christian  times.  The  style  and  historical  allusions 
of  the  Epistle  accord  with  its  being  from  Paul. 
B.iur  would  divest  it  of  its  liistorical  character, 
and  make  it  the  personified  illustration,  from  some 

•  Rev.  n.  Christmas  (in  Falrbalm)  says  the  Tarkleh 
name  ■■  i«  not  AVah  Hhehr  (tkxVii  eitij),  l)ut.  Ala  Nhehr  or 
AUa  Sh^hr  (fttt:  lj*-ivillful dty).^'  It  is  not  vtMH-ruted  by  tlie 
Turku,  but  lis  fitimtiun  is  hljrhly  plcttireHciuc,  ei'iH'i'ially 
when  viewed  fronj  the  N.  E.,  behii?  principally  built  on 
four  or  flvo  hilln.  rejfular  in  fltnire.  like  tnmcftted  pyra- 
mids. The  modern  town,  ilM)uiIt  and  dirtv,  contains 
nearly  15,000  inliablunte,  ODO-flflb  tireek  Christians. 


later  writer,  of  the  idea  that  Christianity  unites  and 
equalizes  in  a  higher  sense  those  whom  outward 
circumstances  have  separated.  But  he  does  not 
impugn  the  external  evidence,  and  his  linguistic  ob- 
jections to  Paul's  authorship  must  be  pronounced 
unfounded  and  frivolous. — The  occasion  and  object 
are  indicated  by  the  letter  itself.  Paul,  so  intimate- 
ly connected  with  the  master  (Piiilkmon)  and  the 
servant  (O.SEsiwcs),  was  anxious  naturally  to  effect 
a  reconciliation  between  them.  He  wished  also  to 
give  Philemon  an  opportunity  of  manifesting  his 
Christian  love  in  the  treatment  of  Onesimus,  and 
his  regard  for  his  spiritual  teacher  and  guide.  Paul 
used  his  influence  with  Onesimus  (ver.  12)  to  induce 
him  to  return  to  Colosse,  and  place  himself  again  at 
the  disposal  of  his  master.  On  his  departure,  Paul 
put  into  his  hand  this  letter  as  evidence  that  Ones- 
imus was  a  true  and  approved  disciple  of  Christ, 
and  entitled  as  such  to  be  received  not  as  a  servant, 
but  above  a  servant,  as  a  brother  in  the  faith,  as 
the  representative  and  equal  in  that  respect  of  the 
apostle  himself,  and  worthy  of  the  same  considera- 
tion and  love.  He  identifies  himself  with  Onesimus, 
intercedes  for  him  as  his  own  child,  promises  repa- 
ration if  he  had  done  any  wrong,  demands  for  him 
not  only  a  remission  of  all  penalties,  but  the  recep- 
tion of  sympathy,  affection,  Christian  brotherhood, 
and  while  he  solicits  these  favors  for  another,  con- 
sents to  receive  them  with  the  same  gratitude  and 
sense  of  obligation  as  if  they  were  bestowed  on  him- 
self.— The  ri-sult  of  the  appeal  cannot  be  doubted. 
It  may  be  assumed  from  the  character  of  Philemon 
that  the  apostle's  intercession  for  Onesimus  was  not 
unavailing.  Surely,  no  fitting  response  to  his  plead- 
ings for  Onesimus  could  involve  less  than  a  cessa- 
tion of  every  thing  oppressive  and  harsh  in  his  civil 
condition,  as  far  as  it  depended  on  Philemon  to 
mitigate  or  neutralize  the  evils  of  a  legalized  system 
of  bondage,  as  well  as  a  cessation  of  every  thing 
which  violated  his  rights  as  a  Christian.  Many  of 
the  best  critics  construe  expressions  in  ver.  14  and 
21  as  conveying  a  distinct  expectation  on  the  part 
of  Paul  that  Philemon  would  liberate  Onesimus. 
Nearly  all  agree  that  he  could  hardly  have  f.iilcd  to 
confer  on  him  that  favor,  even  if  not  requested  in 
words,  after  such  an  appeal  to  his  humanity  and 
justice.  The  Epistle  to  Philemon  has  an  aslhtlical 
character  which  distinguishes  it  from  all  the  other 
Epistles.  It  is  a  model  of  delicacy  and  skill.  The 
writer  had  peculiar  difficulties  to  overcome ;  but 
Paul  showed  a  degree  of  self-denial  and  a  tact  in 
dealing  with  them,  which  in  being  equal  to  the  oc- 
casion could  hardly  lie  greater  (so  Prof.  Hackett, 
original  author  of  this  article).  Bible  ;  Canon  ; 
Epistle  ;  I.nspiration  ;  New  Te.stament. 

Phi-le'tas  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  to  be  loved,  worthy  of  lave, 
L.  k  .'*.),  possibly  a  disciple  of  Hvmeneus,  with 
whom  he  is  associated  in  2  Tim.  ii.  17.  "They  ap- 
pear," says  Waterland,  "  to  have  believed  the  Scrip- 
tures of  the  0.  T.,  but  misinterpreted  them,  allego- 
rizing away  the  doctrine  of  the  Resurrection,  and 
resolving  it  all  into  figure  and  metaphor.  The  de- 
livering over  unto  Satan  seems  to  have  been  a  form 
of  excommunication  declaring  the  person  reduced 
to  the  state  of  a  heathen ;  and  in  the  apostolical 
age  it  was  accompanied  with  supernatural  or  mirac- 
ulous effects  upon  the  bodies  of  the  iiersons  so 
delivered."  According  to  Walchius,  they  nia<le  "  re- 
surrection" =  the  knowledge  and  profession  of 
the  Christian  religion,  or  regeneration  and  conver- 
sion. The  names  of  Philetus  and  Hymeneus  oc- 
cur separately  among  those  of  Cesar's  household 


854 


PHI 


PHI 


whose  relics  have  been  found  in  the  Columbaria  at 
Rome. 

Philip  (fr.  Gr.  Philippoa  ^fond  of  horses,  L.  & 
S.).     !•  Fiither  of  Alexander  the  Great  (1  Mc.  i. 

I,  vi.  2) ;  king  of  Maoeuonia,  b.  c.  359-336.-2.  A 
Phrygian,  left  by  Astiochus  Epiphases  as  governor 
at  Jerusalem  (about  b.  c.  170),  wiiere  he  behaved 
with  great  cruelty  toward  the  Jews  (2  Mc.  v.  22,  vi. 

II,  viii.  8) ;  commonly  identified  with — 3.  The  foster- 
brother  (i.\.  29)  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  whom  the 
Ising  ujjon  liis  death-bed  appointed  regent  of  Syria 
and  guardian  of  his  son  AntiochisV.,  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  Ltsias  1  (b.  c.  164).  He  returned  from  Persia 
to  assume  the  government,  and  occupied  Antioch, 
whicli  Lysias  stormed  (1  Mc.  vi.  14,  15,  55,  56,  63). 
He  was  put  to  deatli  by  Lysias  (so  Jos.  xii.  9,  §  "7  ; 
compare  2  Mc.  xiii.  23) ;  but  2  Mc.  ix.  29  says,  he 
went  into  Egypt  to  Ptolemy  Pliilometor  after  the 
death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes. — I,  Philip  V.,  king 
of  Macedonia,  b.  c.  2211-179.  His  wide  and  success- 
ful endeavors  to  strengtlien  and  enlarge  the  Mace- 
donian dominion  brouglit  him  into  conflict  with  the 
Komans,  then  engaged  in  the  critical  war  witli  Car- 
thage. In  1  Mc.  viii.  5,  the  defeat  of  Philip  at 
Cynoscephala;  (n.  c.  197)  is  coupled  with  that  of 
Perseus  as  one  of  the  noblest  triumphs  of  the  Ro- 
mans. 

Phil'ip  (see  above)  the  A-pos'tle  (see  Apostle)  was 
of  Bethsaida,  the  city  of  A.ndrew  and  Peter  (jn.  i. 
44),  and  apparently  w  as  among  the  Galilean  peasants 
of  that  district  who  flocked  to  hear  the  preaching 
of  Jolm  the  Baptist.  The  manner  in  whicli  St. 
John  speaks  of  him,  the  repetition  by  him  of  tlie 
self-same  words  with  which  Andrew  had  brought  to 
Peter  the  good  news  that  the  Christ  had  at  last  ap- 
peared, all  indicate  a  previous  friendship  witli  tlie 
sons  of  Jona  and  of  Zebedee,  and  a  consequent  par- 
ticipation in  their  Messianic  hopes  (so  Prof  Plump- 
tre,  original  author  of  this  article).  Tlie  close  union 
of  the  two  in  Jn.  vi.  and  xii.  suggests  tliat  he  may 
have  owed  to  Andrew  the  first  tidings  that  the  liO|ic 
had  been  fulfilled.  The  statement  that  Jesus /o?(«t? 
him  ( Jn.  i.  43)  implies  a  previous  seeking.  To  him 
first  ill  the  whole  circle  of  the  disciples  were  spoken 
the  words  "  Follow  me."  As  soon  as  he  has  learned 
to  know  his  Master,  he  is  eager  to  communicate  his 
discovery  to  another  who  had  also  shared  the  same 
expectations.  lie  speaks  to  Nathanael,  probably 
on  his  arrival  in  Cana  (compare  xxi.  2),  as  though 
they  liad  not  seldom  communed  together,  of  the  in- 
timations of  a  divine  kingdom  which  they  found  in 
their  sacred  books.  We  may  well  believe  that  he, 
like  his  friend,  was  an  "  Israelite  indeed  in  whom 
there  was  no  guile."  In  the  lists  of  the  twelve 
apostles,  in  tlie  Synoptic  Gospels,  his  name  is  as 
uniformly  at  the  head  of  the  second  group  of  four, 
as  the  name  of  Peter  is  at  that  of  the  first  (Mat.  x. 
3  ;  Mk.  lii.  18;  Lk.  vi.  14);  and  the  facts  recorded 
by  St.  John  give  the  reason  of  this  priority.  Philip, 
apparently,  was  among  the  first  company  of  dis- 
ciples wlio  were  with  tlie  Lord  at  the  commence- 
ment of  His  ministry,  at  the  marriage  of  Cana,  and 
on  His  first  appearance  as  a  prophet  in  Jerusalem 
(Jn.  ii.).  When  John  was  cast  into  prison,  and  the 
work  of  declaring  the  glad  tidings  of  the  kingdom 
required  a  new  company  of  preachers,  we  may  be- 
lieve that  he,  like  his  companions  and  friends,  re- 
ceived a  new  call  to  a  more  constant  disciplesliip 
(Mat.  iv.  18-22).  When  the  Twelve  were  specially 
set  apart  for  their  office,  he  was  numbered  among 
them.  The  first  three  Gospels  tell  us  nothing  more 
of  him  individually.    St.  John  records  a  few  signifi- 


cant utterances.     Clement  of  Alexandria  assumes 
that  Philip  was  the  disciple  who  said  "  Lord,  suffer 
me  first  to  go  and  bury  my  father  "  (Mat.  viii.  21). 
Jesus,  before  feeding  the  5,000,  asked  Philip,  in 
order  to  prove  him,  "  Whence  shall  we  buy  bread, 
that  these  may  eat?  "  Philip's  answer,  "  Two  hun- 
dred pennyworth  of  bread  is  not  sufficient  for  them 
that  every  one  of  them  may  take  a  little,"  shows  how 
little  he  was  prepared  for  the  work  of  divine  power 
that  followed  (Jn.  vi.  5  ft").  Some  Gentile  proselytes 
("Greeks,"  A.  V.),  who  had  come  to  keep  the  Pass- 
over at  Jerusalem,  desired  to  see  Jesus.     "  Philip 
Cometh  and  telleth  Andrew,  and  again  Andrew  and 
Philip  tell  Jesus  "  (xii.  20-22).     It  was  part  of  his 
childlike  simplicity  to  express  the  craving,  "  Lord, 
show  us  the  Father,  and  it  sufficeth  us."     And  the 
answer  belonged  especially  to  him.     He  had  been 
eager  to  send  others  to  see  Jesus.     He  had  thouglit 
of  the  glory  of  the  Father  as  consisting  in  some- 
thing else  tlian  the  Truth,  Righteousness,  Love,  tliat 
he  had  witnessed  in  the  Son.     "  Have  I  been  so 
long  time  with  you,  and  yet  hast  thou  not  known 
me,  Philip?     He,  that  hath  seen  mc,  hath  seen  the 
Fatlier.  How  saycst  thou,  then,  Show  us  tlie  Father  ?  " 
(xiv.  8,  9).     No  other  fact  connected  with  the  name 
of  Philip  is  recorded  in  the  Gospels.     His  close  re- 
lation to  the  sons  of  Zebedee  and  Natlianael  might 
lead  us  to  think  of  him  as  one  of  the  two  unnamed 
disciples  in  the  list  of  fishermen  on  tlie  Sea  of  Ti'] 
berias  (xxi.).    He  is  among  the  company  of  disciples 
at  Jerusalem  after  the  Ascension  (Acts  i.  13),  iindl 
on  the  day  of  Pentecost.     After  this,  all  is  uucer-f 
tain  and  apocryphah     He  is  mentioned  by  Clement  1 
of  Alexandria  as  having  had  a  wife  and  childrcn,J 
and  as  having  sanctioned  the  marriage  of  his  daugh-l 
ters  instead   of  binding  them  to  vows  of  cliastity,! 
and  is  included  in  the  list  of  those  who  had  hornej 
witness  of  Christ  in  their  lives,  but  liad  not  died! 
what  was  commonly  looked  on  as  a  martyr's  death.! 
Polycratcs,  bishop  of  Ephesus,  speaks  of  him  agl 
having  fallen  asleep  in   the  Phrygian  Hienipolis,  as] 
having  had  two  daughters  wlio  had  grown  old  un-^ 
married,  and  a  third,  with  special  gifts  of  inspira-j 
tion,  who  had  died  at  Ephesus.     There  seems,  how-[ 
ever,  in  this  mention  of  the  daughters  of  Philip,  to  j 
be  some  confusion  between  the  apostle  and  PhilipJ 
the  Evangelist.     The  apocryphal  Acls  of  I'hi}ip\ 
are  utterly  wild  and  fantastic.     Different  traditionsi 
represent  Phrygia,  Greece  and  Parthia,  and  Scythia,] 
as  the  scene  of  his  labors. 

Phil'ip  (see  above)  the  E-van 'go-list  (see  Evange-j 
list)  is  first  mentioned  in  the  account  of  the  dis- 
pute between  the  Hebrew  and  Hellenistic  diseiplea  j 
in  Acts  vi.     He  is  one  of  the  Seven  appointed  to  j 
superintend  the  daily  distribution  of  food  and  alms,  | 
and   so   to    remove    all   suspicion   and  partiality.] 
(Deacon.)     The  persecution,  of  which  Saul  was  the] 
leader, must  have  stopped  the  "daily  ministrations" 
of  the  Church.     The  teachers  who  had  been  most! 
prominent  were  compelled  to  take  to  flight,  andJ 
Philip  was  among  them.      The  city  of  Samaria  is  I 
the  first  scene  of  his  activity  (Acts  viii.).     He  is  tlieJ 
precursor  of  St.  Paul  in  his  work,  as  Stephen  hasi 
been  in  his  teaching.    It  falls  to  his  lot,  rather  than^ 
to  that  of  an  apostle,  to  take  that  first  step  in  the 
victory  over  Jewish  prejudice  and  the  expansion  of 
the  Church,  according  to  its  Lord's  command.    The 
scene  which  brings  Phiiip  and  Simon  the  Sorcerer 
(Simon  Magus)  into  contact  with  each  other,   in 
which  the  magician  has  to  acknowledge  a  power 
over  nature  greater  than  his  own.  Is  interesting, 
rather  as  belonging  to  the  life  of  the  heresiarch 


I 


PHI 


PHI 


855 


than  to  that  of  the  Evangelist.  This  step  is  fol- 
lowed by  anotlicr.  He  is  directed  by  an  angel  of 
the  Lord  to  take  the  road  that  led  down  from  Jeru- 
salem to  Gaza  on  the  way  to  Egypt.  A  chariot 
passes  by  in  which  is  a  man  of  another  race,  whose 
complexion  or  dress  showed  him  to  be  a  native  of 
Ethiopia.  This  Ethiopian  eunuch,  converted  through 
Philip's  instrumentality,  is  then  baptized  by  him. 
A  brief  sentence  tells  us  that  Philip  continued  his 
work  as  apreacher  at  Azotus  (Ashdod)  and  among 
the  other  cities  that  had  formerly  belonged  to  the 
Philistines,  and,  following  the  coast-line,  came  to 
Cesarea.  Here,  for  a  long  period,  not  less  than 
eighteen  or  nineteen  years,  we  lose  sight  of  him. 
Cesarea,  however,  seems  to  have  been  the  centre  of 
his  activity.  The  last  glimpse  of  him  in  the  N.  T. 
is  in  the  account  of  St.  Paul's  journey  to  Jeru- 
salem. To  his  house,  as  to  one  well  known  to 
them,  St.  Paul  and  his  companions  turn  for  shelter. 
He  has  four  daughters,  who  possess  the  gift  of 
prophetic  utterance,  and  who  apparently  give  them- 
selves to  the  work  of  teaching  instead  of  entering 
on  the  life  of  home  (x.\i.  8,  9).  He  is  visited  by 
the  prophets  and  elders  of  Jerusalem.  (Aoabis  ; 
Pail.)  One  tradition  places  the  scene  of  his  death 
at  Hierapolis  in  Phrygia  (Philip  the  Apostle)  ;  an- 
other makes  him  end  his  days  at  Cesarea ;  accord- 
ing to  another,  he  died  bishop  of  Trallcs.  The 
house  in  which  he  and  his  daughters  had  lived  was 
pointed  out  to  travellers  in  the  time  of  Jerome. 

Phil  Ip  Urr'od  (see  above,  and  Herod)  I,,  U. 
Herod  IV.,  V. 

Phi-lip' pi  (L.  fr.  Gr.,  named  from  Philip  1 ;  see 
below),  a  city  of  Macedonia,  in  a  plain  between  the 
ranges  of  Pangaius  and  Hjemus,  about  nine  miles 
from  the  sea,  and  N.  W.  of  the  island  of  Thasos. 
St.  Paul,  on  his  first  visit  to  Macedonia  with  Silas, 
embarked  at  Troas,  made  a  straight  run  to  Samo- 
thnice,  and  from  thence  to  Neapolis  (the  port  of 
PIdlippi),  which  he  reached  on  the  second  day  (Acts 
xvi.  11).  A  steep  track,  following  mainly  the  course 
of  an  ancient  paved  road,  leads  from  Neapolis  over  a 


RuituAt  Philippi. — From  Dcrt-reuz'a  Skortiof  tkt  M«dtttrran«an.—{i'\ia^). 

line  of  hills  anciently  called  Symbolum  to  Philippi, 
the  solitary  pass  being  about  1,600  feet  above  the 
sea-level.  Between  the  foot  of  Symbolum  and  the 
site  of  Philippi,  two  Turkish  cemeteries  are  passed, 
the  gravestones  of  which  are  all  derived  from  the 
ruins  of  the  ancient  city,  and  nearly  off  against  the 
one  first  reached,  toward  the  middle  of  the  plain,  is 


the  modem  Turkish  village  liereketli.  This,  though 
some  miles  distant  (so  Prof.  Hackett),  is  the  nearest 
village  to  the  ancient  ruins,  which  are  not  at  the 
present  time  inhabited  at  all.  Near  the  second 
cemetery  are  some  ruins  on  a  slight  eminence,  and 
also  a  khan.  The  site  of  the  ancient  city  is  a  mile 
or  two  beyond,  on  the  opposite  side  of  a  river-bed 
siity-six  feet  wide,  through  which  a  winter  torrent 
flows.  The  walls  may  still  be  traced.  Their  direc- 
tion is  adjusted  to  the  course  of  the  stream ;  and  at 
350  feet  from  its  margin  is  a  gap  indicating  where 
the  gate  once  was,  probably  the  gate  at  which  Paul 
and  his  company  entered,  and  by  which  they  went 
out  to  the  "  prayer-meeting  "  on  the  river-bank  where 
they  became  acquainted  with  Lydia  (Acts  xvi.  13  £F.). 
At  Philippi  the  "  damsel  with  a  spirit  of  divination  " 
having  been  dispossessed,  Paul  and  Silas  were  sum- 
marily seized  and  imprisoned.  Philippi  was  "  a  chief 
city  of  the  province  of  Macedonia"  (Ilackett,  &c.), 
or  "  the  first  city  of  the  district  of  Macedonia  to 
which  Paul  came  "  (so  Conybeare  &  Howson,  Winer, 
&c.),  not  (as  the  A.  V.  test  renders)  "the  chief  city 
of  that  part  of  Macedonia  "  (12).  Paul  visited  Phi- 
lippi probably  twice  subsequently  (xx.  1,  2,  6),  and 
wrote  to  the  Christians  there  the  Epistle  to  the 
Philippians  (see  next  article).  The  Philippi  which 
he  visited  was  a  Roman  colony  founded  by  Augus- 
tus, and  the  remains  wliich  strew  the  ground  are  no 
doubt  derived  from  that  city.  On  this  plain  had 
been  fought  (b.  c.  42)  the  battle  of  Philippi,  in  which 
Brutus  and  Cassius  were  defeated  by  Octavius  (Au- 
gustus) and  Antony.  The  establishment  of  Philip 
of  Macedonia  was  probably  not  exactly  on  the  same 
site,  but  may  have  been  on  the  elevation  near  the 
second  cemetery.  Philip,  when  he  acquired  posses- 
sion of  the  site,  found  there  a  town  named  Dalun  or 
Datum,  probably  in  its  origin  a  factory  of  the  Phe- 
nicians,  who  were  the  first  that  worked  the  gold- 
mines in  the  mountains  here,  as  in  the  neighboring 
Thasos.  The  proximity  of  the  gold-mines  was  of 
course  the  origin  of  so  large  a  city  as  Philippi,  but 
the  plain  in  which  it  lies  is  of  extraordinary  fertility. 
The  ipostion  too  was  on  the  main 
road  from  Rome  to  Asia,  theEg- 
natian  Way,  which  from  Thessa- 
lonica  to  Constantinople  followed 
the  same  course  as  the  existing 
post-road.  The  ruins  of  Philippi 
are  spread  over  several  acres, 
but  present  no  striking  feature 
except  two  lofty  gateways,  sup- 
posed to  belong  to  the  time  of 
Claudius.  Traces  of  an  amphi- 
theatre, theatre,  or  stadium — for 
it  does  not  clearly  appear  which 
— are  also  visible  in  the  direction 
of  the  hills  on  the  N.  E.  side.  In- 
scriptions both  in  the  Latin  and 
: lek  languages,  but  more  gen- 
illy  in  the  former,  are  found. 
Phi-lip'pi-aDS  (  =  jicople  [i.  e. 
Christians]  o/Piiilippi),  i^pis'tle 
to  the.  1.  The  canonical  au- 
t'lority,  Pauline  authorship  and 
integrity  of  this  Epistle  hjive 
been  almost  unanimously  acknowledged.  Marcion 
(a.  d.  140)  in  the  earliest  known  l^anon  held  com- 
mon ground  with  the  Church  touching  the  authority 
of  this  Epistle :  it  appears  in  the  Muratorian  Frag- 
ment ;  among  the  "  acknowledged  "  books  in  Eusc- 
hius;  in  the  lists  of  the  Council  of  Laodicea,  a.  d. 
365,  and  the  Synod  of  Hippo,  393  j  and  in  all  sub- 


856 


PHI 


PHI 


sequent  lists,  as  well  as  in  the  Peshito  and  later  ver- 
sions. Even  contemporary  evidence  may  be  claimed 
for  it.  Philippian  Cliristians  who  had  contributed 
to  the  collections  for  St.  Paul's  support  at  Rome, 
who  had  been  eye  and  ear  witnesses  of  the  return 
of  Epaphroditus  and  the  first  reading  of  St.  Paul's 
Epistle,  may  have  been  still  alive  at  Philippi  when 
Polycarp  wrote  (a.  d.  107)  his  letter  to  them,  in 
which  he  refers  to  St.  Paul's  Epistle  as  a  well-known 
distinction  belonging  to  the  Philippian  Church.  It 
is  quoted  as  St.  Paul's  by  lrena;us,  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria, and  TertuUian.  A  quotation  from  it  (Phil. 
ii.  G)  is  (bund  in  the  Epistle  of  the  Churches  of 
Lyons  and  Vienne,  a.  d.  177.  The  testimonies  of 
later  writers  are  innumerable.  (Canon.) — 2.  Wka-e 
written.  The  constant  tradition  that  this  Epistle 
was  written  at  Rome,  by  St.  Paul  in  bis  captivity, 
was  impugned  first  by  Oeder  (1731),  who,  disregard- 
ing the  fact  that  the  apostle  was  in  prison  (i.  7,  13, 
14)  when  he  wrote,  imagined  that  he  was  at  Corinth  ; 
and  then  by  Paulus  (1799),  Schulz  (1829),  BOttgcr 
(1837),  and  Rilliet  (1841),  in  whose  opinion  the 
Epistle  was  written  during  the  apostle's  confinement 
at  Cesarea  (Acts  xxiv.  23) ;  but  the  references  to  the 
"palace"  (Gr.  praitoriou,  Phil.  i.  13;  see  Pbetori- 
cm),  and  to  "  Cesar's  household  "  (iv.  22),  to  his  ex- 
treme uncertainty  of  life  connected  with  the  decision 
of  his  case  (i.  19,  20,  ii.  17,  iii.  10),  and  to  the  dissemi- 
nation of  the  Gospel  (i.  12-18),  seem  to  point  to  Rome 
rather  than  to  Cesarea. — 3.  When  written.  Assuming, 
then,  that  the  Epistle  was  written  at  Rome  during 
the  imprisonment  mentioned  in  the  last  chapter  of 
the  Acts,  it  could  not  have  been  written  long  before 
the  end  of  the  two  years ;  for  the  distress  of  the 
Philippians  on  account  of  Epaphroditus'  sickness 
was  known  at  Rome  when  the  Epistle  was  written  ; 
St.  Luke  was  evidently  absent  from  Rome ;  and 
lastly,  it  is  obvious  from  Phil.  i.  20,  that  St.  Paul, 
when  he  wrote,  felt  his  position  to  be  very  critical, 
and  we  know  that  it  became  more  precarious  as  the 
two  years  drew  to  a  close.  In  a.  i>.  62  the  infamous 
Tigellinus  succeeded  Burrus  the  upright  Pretorian 
prefect  in  the  charge  of  St.  Paul's  person  ;  and  the 
marriage  to  Nero  of  Poppa;a,  who  had  become  a 
Jewish  proselyte,  brought  his  imperial  judge  under  an 
influence  which,  if  exerted,  was  hostile  to  St.  Paul 
Assuming  that  St.  Paul's  acquittal  and  release  took 
place  in  63,  we  may  date  the  Epistle  to  the  Philip- 
pians early  in  that  year. — 4.  The  uriter's  acquaint- 
ance with  the  Philippiamt.  Philippi  was  endeared  to 
St.  Paul,  not  only  by  the  hospitality  of  Lydia,  the 
deep  sympathy  of  the  converts,  and  the  remarkable 
miracle  which  set  a  seal  on  his  preaching,  but  also 
by  the  successful  exercise  of  his  missionary  activity 
after  a  long  suspense,  and  by  the  happy  consequences 
of  his  undaunted  endurance  of  ignominies,  which  re- 
mained in  his  memory  (Phil.  i.  30)  after  eleven  years. 
Leaving  Timothy  and  Luke  to  watch  over  the  infant 
Church,  Paul  and  Silas  went  to  Thessalonica  (1  Th. 
ii.  2),  whither  they  were  followed  by  the  alms  of  the 
Philippians  (Phil.  iv.  16),  and  thence  southward. 
After  the  lapse  of  five  years,  spent  chiefly  at  Corinth 
and  Ephesus,  St.  Paul,  escaping  from  the  incensed 
worshippers  of  the  Ephcsian  Diana,  passed  through 
Macedonia,  a.  d.  57,  on  his  way  to  Greece,  accom- 
panied by  the  Ephcsians  Tychicus  and  Trophimus, 
and  probably  visited  Philippi  for  the  second  time, 
and  was  there  joined  by  Timothy  (Acts  xx.  1,  2). 
He  wrote  at  Philippi  2  Cor.  (Corinthians,  Second 
Epistle  TO  THE.)  On  returning  from  Greece  he  again 
found  a  refuge  among  his  faithful  Philippians,  where 
be  spent  some  days  at  the  time  of  the  Passover,  a.  n. 


58,  with  St.  Luke,  who  accompanied  him  when  he 
sailed  from  Ncapolis  (xx.  3-6).  Once  more,  in  his 
Roman  captivity  (a.  d.  62)  their  care  of  him  revived 
again.  Tliey  sent  Epaphroditus,  bearing  their  alms 
for  the  apostle's  support,  and  ready  also  to  tender 
his  personal  service  (Phil.  ii.  25). — 5.  Scope  and  con- 
tentH  of  the  Jipistk.  St.  Paul's  aim  in  writing  is 
plainly  this ;  while  acknowledging  the  alms  of  the 
Philippians  and  the  personal  services  of  their  mes- 
senger, to  give  them  some  information  respecting  his 
own  condition,  and  some  advice  respecting  theirs. 
After  the  inscription  (i.  1,  2)  in  which  Timothy  as 
the  second  father  of  the  Church  is  joined  with  Paul, 
he  sets  forth  his  own  condition  (i.  3-2C),  his  pray- 
ers, care,  and  wishes  for  his  Philippians,  with  the 
troubles  and  uncertainty  of  his  imprisonment,  and 
his  hope  of  eventually  seeing  them  again.  Then  (i. 
27-ii.  18)  he  exhorts  them  to  those  particular  vir- 
tues which  lie  would  rejoice  to  see  them  practising 
at  the  present  time.  lie  hopes  soon  to  hear  a  good 
report  of  them  (ii.  19-30),  either  by  sending  Tim- 
othy, or  by  going  himself  to  ihcm,  as  he  now  sends 
Epaphroditus  whose  diligent  service  is  highly  com- 
mended. Reverting  (iii.  1-21)  to  the  tone  of  joy 
which  runs  through  the  preceding  descriptions  and 
exhortations— as  in  i.  4,  18,  25,  ii.  2, 16, 17, 18,  28— 
he  bids  them  take  heed  that  their  joy  be  in  the  Lord, 
and  warns  them,  as  he  had  often  previously  warned 
them  (probably  hi  his  last  two  visits),  against  admit- 
ting itinerant  Judaizing  teachers,  the  tendency  of 
whose  doctrine  was  toward  a  vain  confidence  in  mere 
earthly  things;  in  contrast  to  this,  he  exhorts  them 
to  follow  him  in  placing  their  trust  humbly  but  en- 
tirely in  Christ,  and  in  pressing  forward  in  their 
Christian  course,  with  the  Resurrection-day  con- 
stantly before  their  minds.  Again  (iv.  1-9),  adveit- 
ing  to  their  position  in  the  midst  of  unbelievers,  he 
beseeches  them,  even  with  personal  appeals,  to  he 
firm,  united,  joyful  in  the  Lord ;  to  be  full  of  prayer 
and  peace,  and  to  lead  such  a  life  as  must  approve 
itself  to  the  moral  sense  of  all  men.  Lastly  (iv.  10- 
23),  he  thanks  them  for  the  contribution  sent  by 
Epaphroditus  for  hia  support,  and  concludes  with 
salutations  and  a  benediction. — 6.  Jiffect  of  the  Epis- 
tle. We  have  no  account  of  the  reception  of  this 
Epistle  by  the  Philippians.  Except  doubtful  tri.di- 
tions  that  Erastus  was  their  first  bishop,  and  with 
Lydia  and  Parmenas  was  martyred  in  their  city, 
nothing  is  recorded  of  them  for  the  next  forty-four 
years.  About  a.  d.  107  Ignatius  was  conducted 
through  Pliilippi  on  his  way  to  martyrdom  at  Rome. 
Soon  after  a  letter  came  from  Polycarp  of  Smyrna, 
which  accompanied,  in  compliance  with  a  request 
of  the  warm-hearted  I'hilip|)ians,  a  copy  of  all  the 
letters  of  Ignatius  in  the  possession  of  the  Church 
at  Smyrna.  Now,  though  we  cannot  trace  the  im- 
mediate efl'ect  of  St.  Paul's  Epistle  on  the  Philippi- 
ar.s,  yet  no  one  can  doubt  that  it  contributed  to  form 
the  character  of  their  Church,  as  it  was  in  the  time 
of  Polycarp.  It  is  evident  from  Polycarp's  Epistle 
that  the  Church,  by  tlie  grace  of  God  and  the  gui- 
d.ince  of  the  apostle,  had  passed  through  those  trials 
of  which  St.  Paul  warned  it,  and  had  not  gone  hack 
from  the  high  degree  of  Christian  attainments  which 
it  reached  under  St.  Paul's  oral  and  written  teach- 
ing.—7.  The  Church  at  Rome.  The  state  of  the 
Church  at  Rome  should  be  considered  befoie  enter- 
ing on  the  study  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Philippian.'. 
Something  is  to  be  learned  of  its  condition  about 
A.  D.  58  from  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  about  a.  d. 
61  from  Acts  xxviii.  St.  Paul's  presence  in  Rome, 
the  freedom  of  speech  allowed  to  him,  and  the  per- 


i 


PHi 


PHI 


857 


sonal  freedom  of  his  fcUow-Iaborere  were  the  means 
of  infusing  fresh  missionary  activity  into  the  Church 
(I'hil.  i.  12-14).  It  was  in  the  worlc  of  Christ  that 
Epaphroditus  was  worn  out  (ii.  30). — 8.  Character- 
hlie  features  of  tfie  Epistle.  Strangely  full  of  joy  and 
thanksgiving  amidst  adversity,  like  the  apostle's 
midnight  hymn  from  the  depth  of  his  Pliilippian 
dungeon,  this  Epistle  went  forth  from  his  prison  at 
Rome.  In  most  other  epistles  he  writes  with  a  sus- 
tained effort  to  instruct,  or  with  sorrow,  or  with  in- 
dignation ;  he  is  striving  to  supply  imperfect,  or  to 
correct  erroneous  teaching,  to  put  down  scandalous 
impurity,  or  to  lieal  schism  in  the  Church  which  he 
addresses.  But  in  this  Epistle,  though  he  knew  the 
Philippians  intimately,  and  was  not  blind  to  the 
faults  and  tendencies  to  fault  of  some  of  them,  yet 
he  mentions  no  evil  so  characteristic  of  the  whole 
Church  as  to  call  for  general  censure  on  his  part, 
or  amendment  on  theirs.  Of  all  his  Epistles  to 
Churches,  none  has  so  little  of  an  official  character 
as  this.  Love  is  its  key-note. — The  Epistle  to  the 
Philippians  is  found  in  all  the  principal  imcial  manu- 
scripts, viz.  in  A,  B,  C,  D,  E,  F,  G,  J,  K.  In  C, 
however,  the  verses  preceding  i.  22,  and  those  fol- 
lowing iii.  5,  are  wanting.  Bible  ;  Inspiration  ; 
J>KW  Testament. 

Plll-Us'ti-a  [fe-lis'te-a  or  fe-list'ya]  (a  Latinized 
form  of  Heb.  Peleskelh ;  see  Palestine),  the  land 
of  tlie  Philistines  (Ps.  I.x.  8,  Ixxxvii.  4,  cviii.  9). 
Sephela. 

*  Phi-lbt'ttm  (fr.  Ileb.  pl.  PeKshtim)  =  Philistines 
(Gen.  X.  14). 

•Phl-lls'tine  [tin],  pl.  Phl-lls'tlnes  [-tinz]  (fr. 
Heb.  Pili'-hti,  pl.  PiliMim  =  native  of  Philistia, 
neoj/le  o/1'iiilistia).  Tlie  origin  of  the  Philistines 
13  nowhere  expressly  stated  in  the  Bible  (so  Mr. 
Bevan) ;  but  as  the  prophets  describe  them  as  "  the 
Philistines  from  Caphtor  "  (Am.  ix.  7),  and  "  the 
remnant  of  the  maritime  district  of  Caphtor  "  (Jer. 
xlvil.  4),  it  is  at  the  first  view  probable  that  they 
were  the  "Caphtorims  which  came  out  of  Caphtor" 
who  expelled  the  Aviu  from  their  territory  and  oc- 
cupied it  in  their  place  (Deut.  ii.  23),  and  that  these 
again  were  the  Caphtorim  mentioned  in  the  Mosaic 
genealogical  table  among  the  descendants  of  Mizraim 
(Gen.  X.  14).  But  in  establishing  this  conclusion 
certain  difficulties  present  themselves :  in  the  first 
place,  it  is  observable  that  in  Gen.  x.  14  the  Philis- 
tines are  connected  with  the  Casluhim  rather  than 
tlie  Caphtoiim.  The  clause  seems  to  have  an 
appropriate  meaning  in  its  present  position,  viz. 
to  explain  when  and  where  the  name  Philistine 
was  first  applied  to  the  people  whose  proper  ap- 
pellation was  Caphtorim.  But  a  second  and  more 
serious  difficulty  arises  out  of  the  language  of  the 
Philistines ;  for  while  the  Caphtorim  were  Hamitic, 
the  Philistine  language  is  held  to  have  been  Shemil- 
ic.  The  difficulty  arising  out  of  the  language  may 
be  met  by  assuming  either  that  the  Caphtorim 
adopted  the  language  of  the  conquered  Avim,  or 
that  tliey diverged  from  the  Hamitic  stock  when  the 
distinctive  features  of  Hamitism  and  Shemitism  were 
•yet  in  embryo.  (Shkhitic  Lanodaqes.)  A  third 
objection  to  their  Egyptian  origin  is  raised  from 
the  application  of  tlie  term  "  uncircumcised  "  to 
them  (1  Sam.  xvii.  26;  2  Sam.  i.  20),  whereas  the 
Egyptians  were  circumcised  (Hdt.  ii.  36).  But  this 
objection  ia  answered  by  Jer.  ix.  2S,  26,  where  the 
game  term  is  applied  to  the  Egyptians.  (Circcm- 
cisioN.) — The  next  question  that  arises  relates  to 
the  early  movements  of  the  Philistines.  It  has 
been  very  generally    assumed  of  late  years  that 


Caphtor  represents  Crete,  and  that  the  Philis- 
tines migrated  from  that  island,  either  directly  or 
through  Egypt,  into  Palestine.  The  hypothesis  pre- 
supposes the  Shemitic  origin  of  the  Philistines ;  but 
the  Biblical  statement  is  that  Caphtorim  was  de- 
scended from  Mizraim.  Moreover,  the  name  Caph- 
tor can  only  be  identified  with  the  Egyptian  Coptos. 
But  the  Cretan  origin  of  the  Philistines  has  been 
deduced  not  so  much  from  the  name  Caphtor  as 
from  that  of  the  Ciiebethites.  This  name  in  its 
Hebrew  form  bears  a  close  resemblance  to  Crete, 
and  is  rendered  Cretans  in  the  LXX.  But  the  mere 
coincidence  of  the  names  cannot  pass  for  much 
without  some  corroborative  testimony.  Without 
therefore  asserting  that  migrations  may  not  have 
taken  place  from  Crete  to  Piiilistia,  Mr.  Bevan  holds 
that  the  evidence  adduced  to  prove  that  they  did,  is 
insufTicient. — The  last  point  to  be  decided  in  con- 
nection with  the  early  history  of  the  Philistines  is, 
the  time  when  they  settled  in  the  land  of  Canaan. 
If  we  were  to  restrict  ourselves  to  the  statements 
of  the  Bible,  we  should  conclude  that  this  took 
place  before  the  time  of  Abraham  :  for  they  are 
noticed  in  his  day  as  a  pastoral  tribe  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Gerar  (Gen.  xxi.  32,  S4,  xxvi.  1,  8 ;  Abim- 
ELECn).  At  the  Exodus  they  were  still  in  the 
same  neighborhood,  but  sufficiently  powerful  to  in- 
spire the  Israelites  with  fear  (Ex.  xiii.  17,  xv.  14). 
When  the  Israelites  arrived,  they  were  in  full  pos- 
session of  the  Shlphildh  (Sephela)  from  the  "  river 
of  Egypt  "  (ePArUh)  in  the  S.  to  Ekron  in  the  X., 
and  had  formed  »a  confederacy  of  five  principal 
cities,  Gaza,  Ashdod,  Ashkelon,  Gath,  Ekron  (Josh. 
xiii.  3).  The  interval  between  Abraliam  and  tlie 
Exodus  seems  sufficient  to  allow  for  the  alteration 
in  the  position  of  the  Philistines,  and  their  trans- 
formation from  a  pastoral  tribe  to  a  settled  and 
powerful  nation.  But  such  a  view  has  not  met  with 
acceptance  among  modern  critics,  partly  because  it 
leaves  the  migrations  of  the  Philistines  wholly  un- 
connected with  any  known  historical  event,  and 
partly  because  it  does  not  explain  the  great  in- 
crease in  their  power  in  the  time  of  the  Judges. 
To  meet  these  two  requirements  a  double  migration 
on  the  part  of  the  Philistines,  or  of  the  two  branches 
of  that  nation,  has  been  suggested.  The  view 
adopted  by  Movers  is,  that  the  Philistines  were  car- 
ried westward  from  Palestine  into  Lower  Egypt  by 
the  stream  of  the  Hyksos  movement  at  a  period 
subsequent  to  Abraham ;  from  Egypt  they  passed 
to  Crete,  and  retunied  to  Palestine  in  the  early 
period  of  the  Judges.  This  is  inconsistent  with  the 
notices  in  Joshua.  Ewald  propounds  the  hypothesis 
of  a  double  immigration  from  Crete,  the  first  in  the 
ante-patriarchal  period,  as  a  consequence  either  of 
the  Canaanitish  settlement  or  of  the  Hyksos  move- 
ment, the  second  in  the  time  of  the  Judges.  Mr. 
Bevan  regards  the  above  views  as  speculations, 
built  up  on  very  slight  data,  and  unsatisfactory,  in- 
asmuch as  they  fail  to  reconcile  the  slatements  of 
Scripture.  The  hypothesis  of  a  second  immigration 
is  not  needed  to  account  for  the  growth  of  the  Phi- 
listine power.  Their  geographical  position  and  their 
relations  to  neighboring  nations  will  account  for  it. 
Between  the  times  of  Abraham  and  Joshua,  the 
Philistines  had  advanced  northward  into  the  Shl- 
pheldh  or  plain  of  Philistia.  This  plain  has  been 
m  all  ages  remarkable  for  the  extreme  richness  of 
its  soil ;  its  fields  of  standing  corn,  its  vineyards 
and  olive-yards,  are  incidentally  mentioned  in  Scrip- 
ture (Judg.  XV.  5),  and  in  time  of  famine  the  land 
of  the  Philistines  was  the  hope  of  Palestine  (2  K. 


858 


PHI 


PHI 


viii.  2).  It  was  also  adapted  to  the  growth  of  mili- 
tary power ;  for  while  the  plain  itself  permitted  the 
use  of  war-eliariots,  which  were  the  chief  arm  of 
offence,  the  occasional  elevations  which  rise  out  of 
it  offered  secure  sites  for  towns  and  strongholds. 
It  was,  moreover,  a  commercial  country  ;  from  its 
position  it  must  have  been  at  all  times  the  great 
thoroughfare  between  Fhenicia  and  Syria  in  the  N., 
and  Egypt  and  Arabia  in  the  S.     The  Philistines 


HeAda  of  PhiliBtine  PrisoneTS.— From  BculptareB  at  Mtdinet  Hahoo,  In  Ro- 
sellini's  Moiiumentt  of  Egyj4. — (Fbn.) 

traded  in  slaves  with  Edom  and  Southern  Arabia 
(Am.  i.  6 ;  Joel  ill.  3,  5).  They  probably  possessed 
a  navy ;  for  they  had  ports  attached  to  Gaza  and 
Ashkelon ;  the  LXX.  speaks  of  their  ships  in  its 
version  of  I.s.  xi.  14 ;  and  they  are  represented  as 
attacking  the  Egyptians  out  of  ships.  They  had  at 
an  early  period  attained  proficiency  in  the  arts  of 
peace  (1  Sam.  vi.   11,  xiii.  20,  ^'vii.  5,  6 ;  Hakdi- 


PhilUtine  Ship  aUacked  by  EgypUani. — From  eculptorea  at  Hedinet  Ilaboo,  In  Roeellini'B  Monumenlt  of 

craft).  Their  wealth  was  abundant  (Judg.  xvi.  B, 
18),  and  they  appear  in  all  respects  to  have  been  a 
prosperous  people.  Possessed  of  such  elements  of 
power,  the  Philistines  had  attained  in  the  time  of 
the  Judges  an  important  position  among  Eastern 
nations.  About  b.  c.  1209  we  find  them  engaged  in 
successful  war  with  the  Sidonians  (Justin,  xviii.  3). 
About  the  same  period,  they  and  other  Mediterra- 
nean nations  were  engaged  in  an  unsuccessful  naval 
war  with  Rameses  III.  of  Egypt.  And  now  to  re- 
cur to  the  Biblical  narrative : — The  territory  of  the 
Philistines,  having  been  once  occupied  by  the  Ca- 
naanites,  formed  a  portion  of  the  Promised  Land, 
and  was  assigned  to  the  tribe  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv. 
2,  12,  45-47).  No  portion,  however,  of  it  was  con- 
quered in  the  lifetime  of  Joshua  (xiii.  2),  and  even 
after  his  death  no  permanent  conquest  was  effected 


(Judg.  iii.  3),  though  Gaza,  Ashkelon,  and  Ekron 
were  taken  (i.  18).  The  Philistines,  however,  soon  re- 
covered these,  and  commenced  an  aggressive  policy 
against  the  Israelites,  by  which  they  gained  a  com- 
plete ascendency  over  them.  Individual  heroes  were 
raised  up  from  time  to  time  whose  achievements 
might  well  kindle  patriotism,  such    as    Shamoar 
(iii.  31),  and  Samson  (xiii.-xvi.) :   but  neither   of 
these  men  succeeded  in  permanently  throwing  off 
the  yoke.     Under  Eli  there  was  an  organized  but 
unsuccessful  resistance  to  the  encroachments  of  the  ■ 
Philistines,  who  were  met  at  Apnr.K  3(1  Sam.  iv.  1).  ' 
The  production  of  the  ark  on  this  occasion  demon- 
strates  the  greatness  of  the  emergency,  and  its  loss 
marked  the  lowest  depth  of  Israel's  degradation. 
The  next  action  took  place  under  Samuicl'.s  leaden-  j 
ship,  and  the  tide  of  success  turned    in  Israel's  . 
fiivor  (vii.  9-14  ;  Ebe.n-ezeu).     the  Israelites  now 
attributed  their  past  weakness  to  their  want  of 
unity,  and  they  desired  a  kino,  with  the  special  ob-  I 
ject  of  leading  them  against  the  foe  (viii.  20).    As  I 
soon  as  Saul  was  prepared  to  throw  off  the  yoke,  j 
he  occupied  with  his  army  a  position  at  Michmash, 
and  his  heroic  son  Jonathan  gave  the  signal  for  a 
rising  by  overthrowing  the  pillar  (so  Mr.  Sevan ; 
"  GARRISON,"  A.  v.,  Gesenius,  &c.)  which  the  Philis-  j 
tines   had  placed  there.     The    challenge  was  ac- 
cepted ;  the  Philistines  invaded  the  central  district  j 
with  an  immense  force,  and,  having  dislodged  Saul  J 
from  Michmash,  occupied  it  themselves,  and  sent  ] 
forth  predatory  bands  into  the  surrounding  coun- 
try.    The  Israelites  shortly  after  took  up  a  position  j 
on  the  other  side  of  the  ravine  ] 
at  Geba,  and,  availing  them-  j 
selves  of  the  confusion  con-  ] 
sequent  upon  Jonathan's  dar- 
ing  feat,  inflicted  a  tremen- 
dous sliughter  upon  the  enc-  ' 
my  (xiii.,  xiv.).     No  attempt 
was  made  by  the  Philistines  to  ' 
regain    their    supremacy  for 
about  twenty-five  years,  and 
the  scene  of  the  next  contest  j 
shows  the  altered  strength  of 
the   two   parties :   it   was   no 
longer  in  the  central  country, 
but  in  a  ravine  leading  down 
to  the  Philistine  plain,  the  val- 
ley of  Elah  :  on  this  occasion  ] 
the  prowess  of  young  David  I 
secured  success  to  Israel  (Go-  | 
liath),  and  the  foe  was  pur- 
sued to  the  gates  of  Gath  and  I 
Ekron  (xvii.).     The  power  of 
the  Philistines  was,  however,  1 
still   intact   on   their  own  territory   (xxi.    10-16,  ] 
xxvii. ;    ACHisii).      The  bordei^warfare  was    con- 
tinued.    The  scene  of  the  next  conflict  was  far  to  I 
the  N.,  in  the  valley  of  Esdrajlon.     (Gilboa.)    The 
battle  on  this  occasion  proved  disastrous   to  the 
Israelites :    Saul  himself  perished,  and  the  Philis-  1 
tines  penetrated  across  the  Jordan,  and  occupied  ] 
the  forsaken  cities  (xxxi.  1-7).     On  the  appoint- 
ment of  David  to  be  king  over  the  united  tribes, 
the  Philistines  attempted  to  counterbalance  the  ad-  | 
vantage  by  an  attack  on  the  person  of  the  king:  i 
they  tlierefore  penetrated  into  the  valley  of  Kephaim,  I 
S.  W.  of  Jerusalem,  and  even  pushed  forward  an  I 
advanced  post  as  far  as  Bethlehem  (1  Chr.  xi.  16'.  j 
David  twice  attacked  them  at  the  former  spot  with  j 
signal  success,  in  the  first  case  capturing  their  im- 
ages (Baal-perazim),  in  the  second  pursuing  them 


J 


PHI 


PHI 


859 


"  from  Geba  until  thou  come  to  Gazer  "  (2  Sam.  v. 
17-25;  1  Chr.  xiv.  8-16).  Hencefortli  the  Israelites 
*  appear  as  the  a<;grcssors  :  about  seven  years  after 
the  defeat  of  Kephaun,  David,  wlio  had  now  con- 
solidated his  power,  attacked  them  on  their  own 
goil,  and  took  Gath  with  its  dependencies  (xviii.  1 ; 
compare  "  Metheo-ammah,"  2  Sam.  viii.  1),  and  thus 
their  ascendency  was  utterly  broken.  (Gob.)  The 
whole  of  ['hili-stia  was  included  in  Solomo.s's  em-  I 
pire.  The  division  of  the  empire  at  Solomoii's  | 
death  was  favorable  to  the  Philistine  cause :  Reho-  | 
boam  secured  himself  against  them  by  fortifying  i 
Gath  and  other  cities  bordering  on  the  plain  (2 
Chr.  xi.  8):  the  Israelite  monarchs  allowed  the 
Philistines  to  get  hold  of  Gibbetiiom  (1  K.  xv.  27, 
xvi.  15).  Judah  meanwhile  had  lost  the  tribute; 
for,  on  Jehoshaphat's  success  "  some  of  the  Philis- 
tines brought  presents"  (2  Chr.  -wii.  11).  But  in 
Jehor.im's  reign  the  Philistines  and  Arabians  in- 
vaded Judah,  and  sacked  the  royal  palace  (xxi.  10, 
17).  The  increasing  weakness  of  the  Jewish  mon- 
archy under  the  attacks  of  Hazael  led  to  the  re- 
covery of  Gath,  which  was  afterward  dismantled 
and  probibiy  destroyed  by  Uzziah,  who  also  dis- 
mantled Jabneh  and  Ashdod,  and  erected  forts  in 
different  parts  of  the  country  (xxvi.  6  ;  2  K.  xii.  17). 
Probably  the  Philistines  were  kept  in  subjection 
until  the  time  of  Ahaz,  when  they  attacked  the 
border-cities  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  18).  A  few  years  later, 
the  Philistines,  in  conjunction  with  the  Syrians  and 
Assyrians,  and  perhaps  as  the  subject-allies  of  the 
latter,  carried  on  a  series  of  attacks  on  the  kingdom 
of  Israel  (Is.  ix.  11,  12).  Hezekiah  formed  an  al- 
liance with  the  Egyptians,  as  a  counterpoise  to  the 
Assyrians,  and  the  possession  of  Philistia  became 
henceforth  the  turning-point  of  the  struggle  be- 
tween the  two  great  empires  of  the  East.  Ilezekiah, 
in  the  early  part  of  his  reign,  reestablished  his 
authority  "even  unto  Gaza"  (2  K.  xviii.  8).  Soon 
after,  the  Egyptians  possessed  the  five  Philistine 
cities.  The  Assyrians  under  Tartan,  the  general 
of  Sargo.n,  made  an  expedition  against  Egypt,  and 
took  Ashdod,  as  the  key  of  that  country  (Is.  xx.  1, 
4,  6).  Ashkelon  was  taken  by  Sennacherib  in  his 
first  campaign  against  Egypt ;  Ashdod,  Ekron,  Gaza, 
submitted  to  him.  The  Assyrian  supremacy,  though 
shaken  by  the  failure  of  his  second  campaign,  was 
restored  by  Esar-uaddo5,  and  probably  the  Assyri- 
ans retained  their  hold  on  Ashdod  until  its  capture, 
after  a  long  siege,  by  Psammetichus.  About  this 
time  Pliilistia  was  traversed  by  a  vast  Scythian 
horde  on  their  way  to  Egypt  (compare  Zeph.  ii.  4- 
7 ;  Maooo).  The  contest  between  the  Egyptians 
and  the  Chaldeans  under  Nebuchadnezzar  was  spe- 
cially disastrous  to  the  Philistines  (Jer.  xlviii.).  The 
"  old  hatred  "  that  the  Philistines  bore  to  the  Jews 
was  exhibited  in  acta  of  hostility  at  the  time  of  the 
Babylonish  Captivity  (Ez.  XXV.  15-17):  but  on  the 
return  this  was  somewhat  aVjated,  for  some  of  the 
Jews  married  Philistine  women,  to  the  great  scandal 
of  their  rulers  (Neh.  xiii.  23,  24).  From  this  time 
the  history  of  Philistia  is  absorbed  in  the  struggles 
ot  the  neighboring  kingdoms.  The  latest  notices 
of  the  Philistines  as  a  nation  occur  in  1  Mc.  iii.-v. 
(Asiioon  ;  A.SI1KKL0N  ;  Ekros  ;  Gaza  ;  Maccabees.) 
B.  c.  0-S  Pompey  annexed  Philistia  to  the  province 
of  Syria;  but  Gaza,  Jamnia,  Ashdod,  and  Ashke- 
lon were  assignc<l  to  Herod  (Jos.  xiv.  4,  g  4,  xv.  7, 
§  8,  xvii.  II,  8  5). — With  regard  to  the  institutions 
of  the  Philistmcs,  our  information  is  very  scanty.' 

'  The  FbilUlincs  are  represented  as  a  tall,  well-propor- 


The  five  chief  cities  had,  as  early  as  the  days  of 
Joshua,  constituted  themselves  into  a  confederacy, 
restricted,  however,  in  all  probability,  to  matters  of 
offence  and  defence.  Each  was  under  the  govern- 
ment of  a  prince  whose  olhcial  title  was  serev,  A.V. 
"  lord  "  (Josh.  xiii.  3 ;  Judg.  iii.  3,  &c.),  and  oc- 
casionally «dr,  A.  V.  "prince"  (1  Sam.  xviii.  30, 
xxix.  3  ff.).  Gaza  is  usually  mentioned  first,  Ekron 
always  last.  Each  town  possessed  its  own  territory, 
and  liad  dependent  towns  and  villages.  The  Philis- 
tines appear  to  have  been  deeply  imbued  with  super- 
stition :  they  carried  their  idols  with  them  on  tlieir 
campaigns  (2  Sam.  v.  21),  and  proclaimed  their  vic- 
tories in  their  presence  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  9).  The  gods 
whom  they  chiefly  worshipped  were  Dagox  (Judg. 
xvi.  23 ;  1  Sam.  v.  3-5  ;  1  Chr.  x.  10  ;  1  Mc.  x.  83), 
AsHTAROTH  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  10),  Baal-zebub  (2  K.  i. 
2-6),  and  Derceto  (=  Atargatis).  Priests  and  di- 
viners (1  Sam.  vi.  2)  were  attached  to  the  various 
seats  of  worship.     Idolatry. 

Plli-lol'o-gus  (L.  fr.  Gr.,  literally  =  fond  of  talk- 
ing, usually  a  lover  of  leami/iffy  learnt,  L.  &  S.),  a 
Christian  at  Kome  to  whom  St.  Paul  sends  his  salu- 
tation (Rom.  xvi.  15).  Pseudo-IIippolytus  makes 
him  one  of  the  seventy  disciples,  and  bishop  of 
Sinope. 

•  Pbil-o-me'tor  (Gr.)  (2  Mc.  iv.  21).  Ptolemy  VI. 
Philosietou. 

Phi-los'o-phy  (fr.  Gr.,  literally  =  love  of  iciidom, 
hence  the  methodical  pursuit  of  wisdom  and  actual 
possession  of  it,  and  the  systematic  arrangement  of 
whatever  is  connected  with  this,  including  truths, 
principles,  explanations  of  phenomena,  &c.).  It  is 
the  object  of  the  following  article  (originally  by  Sir. 
Westcott)  to  give  some  account  (I.)  of  that  devel- 
opment of  thought  among  the  Jews  which  answered 
to  the  philosoj)hy  of  the  West;  (II.)  of  the  recog- 
nition of  the  preparatory  office  of  Greek  philosophy 
in  relation  to  Christianity;  (III.)  of  the  systematic 
progress  of  Greek  philosophy  as  forming  a  complete 
whole ;  and  (IV.)  of  the  contact  of  Christianity 
with  piiilosophy. — I.  T/te  Philotnphic  Discipline  of 
the  Jews.  Philosophy,  if  we  limit  the  word  strictly 
to  describe  the  free  pursuit  of  knowledge  of  which 
truth  is  the  one  complete  end,  is  essentially  of 
Western  growth.  In  the  East  the  search  after  wis- 
dom has  always  been  connected  with  practice :  it 
has  remained  there,  what  it  was  in  Greece  at  first,  a 
part  of  religion.  The  history  of  the  Jews  offers 
no  exception  to  this  remark :  there  is  no  Jewish 
philosophy  properly  so  called.  Yet  speculation  and 
action  meet  in  truth  ;  and  perhaps  the  most  obvi- 
ous lesson  of  the  0.  T.  lies  in  the  gradual  construc- 
tion of  a  divine  philosophy  by  fact,  and  not  by 
speculation.  The  method  of  Greece  was  to  proceed 
from  life  to  God  ;  the  method  of  Israel  (so  to  .speak) 
was  to  proceed  from  God  to  life.     The  axioms  of 


tioned  race  like  the  Egyptians,  with  repilar  features,  and 
complexiouB  somewhat  li|,'hter  than  those  of  the  Egyp- 
tians. They  shaved  tlie  bcarrt  and  whickers.  Their  anus 
and  accoutrements  were  peculiar.  They  wore  a  head- 
dress or  helmet  resomhlini:  a  r<»w  of  feathers  pet  in  a 
jewelled  tiara  or  metal  band,  to  which  were  attached  scales 
of  the  same  material  to  defend  the  l)ack  of  the  head  and 
sides  of  the  face.  The  corselet  was  quilted  with  leather 
or  plates  of  metal,  reached  only  to  the  chest,  was  sup- 
portAMl  hy  shouhU^rstraps,  and  conflned  at  the  waist  by  a 
L'irdlo  from  which  a  quilted  skirt  himK  down  nearly  to  the 
knee.  The  shield  was  larKc  and  circular.  Ttie  weapons 
of  the  Philistines  were  the  javelin  or  spear  for  the  distant 
fight,  and  the  poniard  and  long  swoni  for  close  combat, 
(.^nas.)  They  used  war-chariots  like  those  of  the  Es;yp- 
tiang,  also  carts  and  wagons  of  various  forms  drawn  by 
two  or  four  oxen  (Osburn,  Ancient  Egypt,  her  Teetimony 
to  the  Trvth  qf  the  BINe,  pp.  187  ff.). 


860 


PHI 


PHI 


one  system  are  the  conclusions  of  the  other.  The 
one  led  to  the  successive  abandonment  of  the 
nol)lest  domains  of  science  which  man  had  claimed 
originally  as  his  own,  till  it  left  bare  systems  of 
morality ;  the  other,  in  the  fulness  of  time,  pre- 
pared many  to  welcome  the  Christ — the  Truth.— 
The  philosophy  of  the  Jews,  usinj;  the  word  in  a 
large  sense,  is  to  be  sought  for  rather  in  the  prog- 
ress of  the  national  life  than  in  special  books. 
Step  by  step  the  idea  of  the  family  was  raised  into 
that  of  the  people  ;  and  the  kingdom  furnished  the 
basis  of  those  wider  promises  which  included  all 
nations  in  one  kingdom  of  heaven.  The  social,  the 
political,  the  cosmical  relations  of  man  were  traced 
out  gradually  in  relation  to  God.  The  philosophy 
of  the  Jews  is  thus  essentially  a  moral  philosophy, 
resting  on  a  definite  connection  with  God.  The 
doctrines  of  Creation  and  Providence,  of  an  In- 
finite Divine  Person  and  of  a  responsible  human 
will,  which  elsewhere  form  the  ultimate  limits  of 
speculation,  are  here  assumed  at  the  outset.  The 
fundamental  ideas  of  the  divine  government  found 
expression  in  words  as  well  as  in  life.  The  Psalms, 
which,  among  the  other  infinite  lessons  which  they 
convey,  give  a  deep  insight  into  the  need  of  a  per- 
sonal apprehension  of  truth,  everywhere  declare  the 
absolute  sovereignty  of  God  over  the  material  and 
moral  worlds.  One  man  among  all  (Solomon)  is 
distinguished  among  the  Jews  as  "  the  wise  man." 
The  description  which  is  given  of  his  writings  serves 
as  a  commentary  on  the  national  view  of  philosophy 
(1  K.  iv.  30-33).  The  lesson  of  practical  duty,  the 
fidl  utterance  of  "  a  large  heart "  (29),  the  careful 
study  of  God's  creatures :  this  is  the  sum  of  wis- 
dom. Yet  in  fact  the  very  practical  aim  of  this 
pliilosophy  leads  to  the  revelation  of  the  most  sub- 
lime truth.  Wisdom  was  gradually  felt  to  be  a 
Person,  throned  by  God,  and  holding  converse  with 
men  (Prov.  viii.).  She  was  seen  to  stand  in  open 
enmity  with  "  the  strange  woman,"  who  sought  to 
draw  them  aside  by  sensuous  attractions  ;  and  thus 
a  new  step  was  made  toward  the  central  doctrine 
of  Christianity — the  Incarnation  of  the  Word.  Two 
books  of  the  Bible,  Job  and  Ecclesiastes,  approach 
more  nearly  than  any  others  to  the  type  of  philo- 
sophical discussions.  But  in  both  the  problem  is 
moral  and  not  metaphysical.  The  one  deals  with 
the  evils  which  afflict  "  the  perfect  and  upright ;  " 
the  other  with  the  vanity  of  all  the  pursuits  and 
pleasures  of  earth.  The  method  of  inquiry  is  in 
both  cases  abrupt  and  irregular ;  and  the  final  solu- 
tion is  obtained,  not  by  consecutive  reasoning,  but 
by  an  authoritative  utterance,  which  faith  welcomes 
as  the  truth,  toward  which  all  partial  efforts  had 
tended.  The  Captivity  necessarily  exercised  a  pro- 
found influence  upon  Jewish  thought.  (Cyrus.) 
The  teaching  of  Persia  seems  to  have  been  designed 
to  supply  important  elements  in  the  education  of 
the  cliosen  people.  But  it  did  yet  more  than  this. 
The  imagery  of  Ez.  i.  gave  an  apparent  sanction  to 
a  new  form  of  mystical  speculation.  It  is  uncertain 
at  what  date  this  earliest  Kahhalah  (i.  e.  Tradition) 
received  a  definite  form  ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  two  great  divisions  of  which  it  is  composed, 
"the  chariot"  (Heb.  Mercdbali,  Ez.  i.)  and  "the 
Creation  "  (Ileb.  Ilgreshith  [—  "  In  the  beginning  "], 
Gen.  i.),  foimd  a  wide  development  before  the  Chris- 
tian era.  The  first  dealt  with  the  manifestation  of 
God  in  Himself;  the  second  with  His  manifestation 
in  Nature ;  and  as  the  doctrine  was  handed  down 
orally,  it  received  naturally,  both  from  its  extent 
aud  ibrm,  great  additions  from  foreign  sources.   On 


the  one  side  it  was  open  to  the  Persian  doctrine  of 
emanation,  on  the  other  to  the  Christian  doctrine 
of  the  Incarnation  ;  and  the  tradition  was  deeply 
impressed  by  both  before  it  was  first  committed  to 
writing  in  the  seventh  or  eighth  century.  At  present 
the  original  sources  for  the  teaching  of  the  Kabbalah 
are  the  ISepher  Jcixirah,  or  Book  of  Creation  (eighth 
century),  and  the  Sepher  Hazohar,  or  Book  of  Splen- 
ch)r  (thirteenth  century).  Both  are  based  upon  a 
system  of  Pantheism.  The  contact  of  the  Jews 
with  Persia  thus  gave  rise  to  a  traditional  mysti-j 
cism.  Their  contact  with  Greece  was  marked  b; 
the  rise  of  distinct  sects.  In  the  third  century  b.  c. 
the  great  doctor  Antigonus  of  Socho  bears  a  Greek 
name,  and  popular  belief  pointed  to  him  as  the 
teacher  of  Zadok  and  Boethus,  the  supposed  found- 
ers of  Jewish  rationalism.  At  any  rate,  we  may 
date  from  this  time  the  twofold  division  of  Jewish 
speculation  which  corresponds  to  the  chief  tenden- 
cies of  practical  philosophy.  The  Sadrucees  ap- 
pear as  the  supporters  of  human  freedom  in  its 
widest  scope ;  the  Pharisees  of  a  religious  Stoicism. 
At  a  later  time  the  cycle  of  doctrine  was  completed, 
when  by  a  natural  reaction  the  Essenes  established 
a  mystic  asceticism.  The  conception  of  wisdom 
which  ajipears  in  the  Book  of  Proverbs  was  elabo- 
rated with  greater  detail  afterward  (Wisdom  op 
Solomon),  both  in  Palestine  (Ecclesiasticus)  and 
in  Egypt  (Alexandria);  but  the  doctrine  (.if  l/ie 
Word  is  of  greater  speculative  interest.  The  first 
use  of  the  term  Word  (Mnnra),  based  upon  the 
common  formula  of  the  prophets,  is  in  the  Targuni 
of  Onkclos  (first  century  B.  c),  in  which  "  the  Word 
of  God"  is  commonly  substituted  for  God  in  His 
immediate,  personal  relations  with  man ;  and  it  is 
probable  that  round  this  traditional  rendering  a 
fuller  doctrine  grew  up.  But  there  is  a  clear  dif- 
ference between  the  idea  of  the  Word  then  preva- 
lent in  Palestine  and  that  current  at  Alexandria. 
In  Palestine  the  Word  appears  as  the  outward 
mediator  between  God  and  man,  like  the  Angel  of 
the  Covenant :  at  Alexandria  it  appears  as  the  spir- 
itual connection  which  opens  the  way  to  revelation. 
The  preface  to  St.  John's  Gospel  includes  the  cle- 
ment of  truth  in  both.  (Magi  ;  Persians;  Shechi- 
nah). — II.  7'he  Palrisiic  ketOffnilion  of  the  Pnpara- 
tory  Office  of  Greek  Philosophy.  The  divine  discipline 
of  the  Jews  was  in  nature  essentially  moral.  The 
lessons  which  it  was  designed  to  teach  were  em- 
bodied in  the  family  and  the  nation.  Yet  this  was 
not  in  itself  a  complete  discipline  of  our  nature. 
The  reason,  no  less  than  the  will  and  the  affeetiom:, 
had  an  offlce  to  discharge  in  preparing  man  for  the 
Incarnation.  The  process  and  the  issue  in  the  two 
cases  were  widely  different,  but  they  were  in  some 
sense  complementary.  Even  in  time  this  relation 
holds  good.  The  divine  kingdom  of  the  Jens  was 
just  overthrown  when  free  speculation  arose  in  the 
Ionian  colonies  of  Asia.  The  teaching  of  the  last 
prophet  nearly  synchronized  with  the  death  of 
Socrates.  All  other  differences  between  the  dis- 
cipline of  reason  and  that  of  revelation  are  im- 
plicitly included  in  their  fundamental  difference  of 
method.  In  the  one,  man  boldly  aspired  at  once  to 
God ;  in  the  other,  God  gradually  disclosed  Himself 
to  man.  Philosophy  failed  as  a  religious  teacher 
practically  (Uom.  i.  21,  22),  but  it  bore  noble  wit- 
ness to  an  inward  law  (ii.  14,  16).  In  its  purest 
and  grandest  forms  it  was  "  a  schoolmaster  to  bring 
men  to  Christ."  This  fiinction  of  ancient  philosophy 
is  distinctly  recognized  by  many  of  the  greatest  of 
the  Fathers  (Clement  of  Alexandria,  Origen,  Augus- 


'8 


PHI 


PHI 


861 


tine,  &c.).  But  the  same  writers  in  other  places 
sought  to  explain  the  partial  harmony  of  Philosophy 
and  Revelation  by  an  original  connection  of  the 
two.  The  use  which  was  made  of  heathen  specula- 
tion by  heretical  writers  was  one  great  cause  of  its 
disparagement  by  their  catholic  antagonists.  Tliis 
variety  of  judgment  in  the  heat  of  controversy  was 
inevitable.  The  full  importance  of  the  history  of 
ancient  philosophy  was  then  first  sceii  when  all  ri- 
valry was  over,  and  it  became  possible  to  contem- 
plate it  as  a  whole,  animated  by  a  great  law,  often 
trembling  on  the  verge  of  truth,  and  sometimes  by 
a  "bold  venture"  claiming  the  heritage  of  faith. — 
in.  The  Development  of  Greek  Philosophii.  The 
various  attempts  to  derive  Western  philosophy 
from  Eastern  sources  have  signally  failed.  It  is 
true  that  in  ?ome  degree  the  character  of  Greek 
speculation  may  have  been  influenced,  at  least  in  its 
earliest  stages,  by  religious  ideas  originally  intro- 
duced from  the  East ;  but  tliis  indirect  influence 
does  not  affect  the  originality  of  the  great  Greelc 
teachtM's.  The  very  value  of  Greek  teaching  lies 
in  the  fact  that  it  was,  as  far  as  is  possible,  a  result 
of  simple  reason,  or,  if  faith  asserts  its  prerogative, 
the  distinction  is  sharply  marked.  Of  the  various 
classifications  of  the  Greek  scliools  which  have 
been  proposed,  the  simplest  and  truest  seems  to  be 
that  which  divides  the  history  of  philosophy  into 
three  great  periods,  the  first  reaching  to  the  era  of 
the  Sophists,  the  next  to  the  death  of  Aristotle,  the 
third  to  the  Christian  era.  In  the  first  period  the 
world  objectively  is  the  great  centre  of  inquiry :  in 
the  second,  the  "  ideas  "  of  things,  truth,  and  being ; 
in  the  third,  the  chief  interest  of  philosophy  falls 
back  upon  the  practical  conduct  of  life.  After  the 
Christian  era  philosophy  ceased  to  have  any  true 
vitality  in  Greece,  but  it  made  fresh  efforts  to  meet 
the  changed  conditions  of  life  at  Alexandria  and 
Rome. — 1.  The  pre-tiocrntic  Schools,  fhe  first  Greek 
philosophy  was  little  more  than  an  attempt  to  fol- 
low out  in  thought  the  mythic  cosmogonies  of  earlier 
poets.  What  is  the  one  permanent  clement  which 
underlies  the  changing  forms  of  things  ? — this  was 
the  primary  imiuiry  to  which  the  Icm'c  school  en- 
deavored to  find  an  answer.  Thalea  (about  b.  c. 
610-625)  pointed  to  moisture  (water)  as  the  one 
source  and  supporter  of  life.  Aimximen.es  (about 
B.  c.  5ii0-480)  substituted  air  for  water.  Diogenes 
of  Apollonia  (about  n.  c.  450)  represented  this  ele- 
mentary "air"  as  endowed  with  intelligence,  but 
even  he  makes  no  distinction  between  the  material 
and  the  intelligent.  Tlie  atomic  theory  of  Demoe- 
ritus  (about  B.  c.  460-357)  offered  another  and 
more  plausible  solution.  The  motion  of  his  atoms 
included  the  action  of  force,  but  he  wholly  omitted 
to  account  for  its  source.  Meanwhile  another  mode 
of  speculation  had  arisen  in  the  same  school.  In 
place  of  one  definite  element,  Anaximmuler  (b.  c. 
610-647)  suggested  the  unlimited  as  the  adequate 
origin  of  all  special  existences.  And  somewhat 
more  than  a  century  later  Annxae/oras  summed  up 
the  result  of  such  a  line  of  speculation:  "All 
things  were  together ;  then  mind  came  and  disposed 
them  in  order."  Thus  we  are  left  face  to  face  with 
an  ultimate  dualism. — The  Eleatic  school  started 
from  an  opposite  point  of  view.  Xmophanes  (about 
B.  c.  530  ?)  "  looked  up  to  the  whole  heaven  and 
said  that  the  One  is  God."  "  Thales  saw  gods  in 
.  all  tilings  :  Xenophanes  saw  all  things  in  G(m1  " 
(Thirlwall,  Hintnrji  of  Greece,  ii.  1.S6).  Parme^ddes 
of  EIca  (b.  c.  500)  substituted  abstract  "being"  for 
"  Ood  "  in  the  system  of  Xenophanes,  and  distin- 


guished with  precision  the  functions  of  sense  and 
reason.  Zeno  of  Elea  (about  B.  c.  450)  developed 
with  logical  ingenuity  the  contradictions  involved 
in  our  perceptions  of  things  (e.  g.  in  the  idea  of 
motion),  and  thus  formally  prepared  the  way  for 
skepticism. — The  teaching  of  Heraelitus  (b.  c.  500) 
offers  a  complete  contrast  to  that  of  the  Eleatics. 
So  far  from  contrasting  the  existent  and  the  phe- 
nomenal, he  boldly  identified  being  with  change. 
Rest  and  continuance  is  death.  That  which  is  is 
the  instantaneous  balance  of  contending  powers. 
Creation  is  the  play  of  the  Creator.  Heraclitua 
makes  noble  "  guesses  at  truth,"  yet  leaves  "  fate  " 
the  supreme  creator. — Others  had  labored  to  trace 
a  unity  in  the  world  in  the  presence  of  one  under- 
lying element  or  in  the  idea  of  a  whole  ;  Puthugoras 
(about  B.  c.  570-504)  sought  to  combine  the  separate 
harmony  of  parts  with  total  unity.  Numerical 
unity  includes  the  finite  and  the  infinite;  and  in 
the  relations  of  number  there  is  a  perfect  sym- 
metry, as  all  spring  out  of  the  fundamental  unit. 
Thus  numbers  seemed  to  Pythagoras  to  be  not  only 
"  patterns  "  of  things,  but  causes  of  their  being. — 
2.  llie  Socratic  Schools,  In  the  second  period  of 
Greek  philosophy  the  scene  and  subject  were  both 
changed.  A  philosophy  of  ideas,  using  the  term 
in  its  widest  sense,  succeeded  a  philosophy  of  na- 
ture. In  three  generations  Greek  speculation 
reached  its  greatest  glory  in  the  teaching  of  Soc- 
rates, Plato,  and  Aristotle.  The  famous  sentence 
in  wliich  Aristotle  characterizes  the  teaching  of 
Socrates  (b.  c.  468-399)  places  his  scientific  posi- 
tion in  the  clearest  light.  There  are  two  things,  he 
says,  which  we  may  rightly  attribute  to  Socrates, 
inductive  reasoning,  and  general  definition.  By  the 
first  he  endeavored  to  discover  the  permanent  ele- 
ment which  underlies  the  changing  forms  of  ap- 
pearances and  the  varieties  of  opinion  :  by  the  sec- 
ond he  fixed  the  truth  which  he  had  thus  gained. 
But,  besides  this,  Socrates  rendered  another  service 
to  truth.  Ethics  occupied  in  his  investigations  the 
primary  place  which  had  hitherto  been  held  by 
Physics.  The  great  aim  of  his  induction  was  to 
establish  the  sovereignty  of  virtue,  and  he  de- 
termined to  "  know  himself."  He  affirmed  the  ex- 
istence of  a  universal  law  of  right  and  wrong.  He 
connected  philosophy  with  action,  both  in  detail  and 
in  general.  On  the  one  side  he  upheld  the  suprem- 
acy of  conscience,  on  the  other  the  working  of 
Providence.  .Not  the  least  fruitful  characteristic  of 
his  teaching  was  what  may  bs  called  its  desultori- 
ness.  lie  formed  no  complete  system.  As  a  result 
of  this,  the  most  conflicting  opinions  were  main- 
tained by  some  of  his  professed  followers  who  car- 
ried out  isolated  fragments  of  his  teaching  to  ex- 
treme conclusions.  Thus  the  Cynics,  carrying  out 
his  proposition  that  self-command  =  virtue,  pro- 
fessed an  utter  disregard  of  every  thing  material ; 
the  Cyrenaics,  inverting  the  maxim  that  virtue  is 
necessarily  accompanied  by  pleasure,  took  imme- 
diate pleasure  as  the  rule  of  action. — Plato  alone 
(b.  c.  430-347),  by  the  breadth  and  nobleness  of  his 
teaching,  was  the  true  successor  of  Socrates ;  with 
fuller  detail  and  greater  elaborateness  of  parts,  his 
philosophy  was  as  many-sided  as  that  of  his  master. 
Plato  possessed  two  commanding  powers,  which, 
though  apparently  incompatible,  are  in  the  highest 
sense  complementary ;  a  matchless  destructive  dia- 
lectic, and  a  creative  imagination.  His  famous  doc- 
trines of  ideas  and  recollection  are  a  solution  by 
imagination  of  a  logical  difficulty.  He  attributed 
to  general  notions  ("  ideas  ")  a  substanUvc  existence^ 


PHI 


PHI 


AU  men  were  auppoacd  to  have  been  face  to  face 
with  truth :  the  object  of  teaching  was  to  bring 
back  impressions  latent,  but  uncffiiced.  The 
"  myths  "  of  Plato  answer  in  the  philosopher  to 
faith  in  the  Christian.  They  point  out  in  intel- 
ligible outlines  the  subjects  on  which  man  looks  for 
revelation.  Such  arc  the  relations  of  the  human 
mind  to  truth,  the  preexistence  and  immortality  of 
the  soul,  the  state  of  future  retribution,  the  revolu- 
tions of  the  world. — The  great  difference  between 
Plato  and  Aristotle  (b.  c.  384-322)  lies  in  the 
use  which  Plato  thus  made  of  imagination  as  the 
exponent  of  instinct.  The  dialectic  of  Plato  is 
not  inferior  to  that  of  Aristotle,  a"nd  Aristotle  ex- 
hibits traces  of  poetic  powernot  unworthy  of  Plato; 
but  Aristotle  never  allows  imagination  to  influence 
his  final  decision.  He  elaborated  a  perfect  method, 
and  used  it  with  peifect  fairness.  His  writings,  if 
any,  contain  the  highest  utterance  of  pure  reason. 
Looking  back  on  all  the  earlier  efforts  of  philosophy, 
he  pronounced  a  calm  and  final  judgment.  For  him 
many  of  the  conclusions  which  others  had  main- 
tained were  valueless,  because  they  rested  on  feel- 
ing, not  on  argument.  The  issue  of  his  inquiry  into 
the  immortality  of  the  soul  was,  part  of  it  may  be 
immortal,  but  that  part  is  impersonal.  With  Soc- 
rates "  ideas "  (general  definitions)  were  mere  ab- 
stractions ;  with  Plato  they  had  an  absolute  exist- 
ence ;  with  Aristotle  they  had  no  existence  separate 
from  things  in  which  they  were  realized,  though  the 
form  which  answers  to  the  Platonic  idea  was  held 
to  be  the  essence  of  the  thing  itself.  With  Plato 
and  Aristotle,  Ethics  is  a  part  of  Politics ;  the  citizen 
is  prior  to  the  man. — 3.  Tlie  posi-Sorratic  Si-hools. 
After  Aristotle,  Philosophy  took  a  new  direction. 
Speculation  became  mainly  personal.  Epicurus 
(b.  c.  352-270)  defined  tlie  object  of  Philosophy  to 
be  the  attainment  of  a  happy  life.  The  pursuit  of 
truth  for  its  own  sake  he  regarded  as  superfluous. 
He  rejected  dialectics  as  a  useless  study,  and  accepted 
the  senses,  in  the  widest  acceptation  of  the  term 
(EpicruEANs),  as  the  criterion  of  truth.  Physics  he 
subordinated  entirely  to  Ethics.  The  happiness  at 
which  tlie  wise  man  aims  is  to  be  found,  he  said,  not 
in  momentary  gratification,  but  in  lifelong  pleasure. 
It  does  not  consist  necessarily  in  excitement  or 
motion,  but  often  in  absolute  tranquillity.  The  gods, 
supremely  happy  and  eternal,  were  absolutely  free 
from  the  distractions  and  emotions  consequent  on 
any  care  for  the  world  or  man.  All  things  were 
supposed  to  come  into  being  by  chance,  and  so  pass 
away.  The  individual  was  left  master  of  his  own 
life.  While  Epicurus  asserted  in  this  manner  the 
claims  of  one  part  of  man's  nature  in  the  conduct 
of  life,  Zeiio  of  Citium  (about  B.  c.  280),  with  equal 
partiality,  advocated  a  purely  spiritual  (intellectual) 
morality.  (Stoics.)  The  opposition  between  the 
two  was  complete.  The  infinite,  chance-formed 
worlds  of  the  one  stand  over  against  the  one  har- 
monious world  of  the  other.  On  the  one  side  are 
gods  regardless  of  material  things,  on  the  other  a 
Being  permeating  and  vivifying  all  creation.  This 
difference  necessarily  found  its  chief  expression  in 
Ethics.  For  when  the  Stoics  taught  that  there  were 
only  two  principles  of  things,  Matter  and  God,  Fate 
or  Reason,  it  followed  that  the  active  principle  in  man 
is  of  Divine  origin,  and  that  his  duty  is  to  live  con- 
formably to  nature.  All  external  things  were  indif- 
ferent. Reason  was  the  absolute  sovereign  of  man. 
In  one  point  the  Epicureans  and  Stoics  were  agreed. 
They  both  regarded  the  happiness  and  culture  of 
the  individual  as  the  highest  good. — Meanwhile,  in 


the  New  Academy,  Platonism  degenerated  into  skep- 
ticism.    Epicurus  found  an  authoritative  rule  in  the 
senses.     The  Stoics  took  refuge  in  what  seems  to 
answer  to  the  modern  doctrine  of  "  common-sense," 
and  maintained  that  the  senses  give  a  direct  knowl- 
edge of  the  object.     C'arucades  (b.  c.  213-129)  com- 
bated these  views,  and  showed  that  sensation  canntt 
be  proved  to  declare  the  real  nature,  but  only  some 
of  the  effects,  of  things.     Skepticism  remained  as 
the  last  issue  of  speculation. — But  though  the  (ircck 
philosophers  fell  short  of  their  highest  aim,  it  needs 
no  words  to  show  the  work  which  they  did  as  pio- 
neers of  a  universal  Church.     Step  by  step  great 
questions  were  proposed — Fate,  Providence — Con- 
science,  Law — the   State,   the   Man — and  answers 
were  given,  the  more  instructive  because  they  are 
generally  one-sided. — The  complete  course  of  Philos- 
ophy was  run  before  the  Christian  era,  but  there 
were  yet  two  mixed  systems  afterward  which  offered 
some  novel  features.     At  Alexandria   Platonism 
was  united  with  various  elements  of  Eastern  specu- 
lation, and  for  several  centuries  exercised  an  impor- 
tant influence  on  Christian   doctrine.      At  RomeJ 
Stoicism  was  vivified  by  the  spirit  of  the  old  repub- 
lic, and  exhibited  the  extreme  Western  type  of  Phi- 
losophy.    The  Roman  Stoicism  calls  lor  a  brief  no- 
tice, from   its  supposed  connection  with   Christian 
morality  (Snieca,  f  a.  d.  65  ;  Epkleliis,  \  about  A.  D. 
115;    Marcus  Aurdiits  Antoninus,  \2\-\%G).      The 
superficial  coincidences  of  Stoicism  with  the  N.  T., 
in  thought  and  even  in  language,  are  certainly  nu- 
merous.     But  beneath  this  external  resemblance  of  ] 
Stoicism  to  Christianity  the  later  Stoics  were  fun- 
damentally opposed  to  it.     For  good  and  for  evil  I 
they  were  the  Pharisees  of  the  Gentile  world.     Their  J 
worship  was  a  sublime  egotism.    Not  only  is  there  no  1 
recognition  of  communion  between  an  immortal  man  J 
and  a  personal  God,  but  the  idea  is  excluded.     Man  J 
is  but  an  atom  in  a  vast  universe,  and  his  actions  I 
and  sufferings  are  measured  solely  by  their  relation  1 
to  the  whole.     God  is  "  the  mind  of  the  universe,"  J 
"the  soul  of  the  world,"  and  is  even  identified  with] 
the  world  itself     The  Stoicism  of  M.  Aureliiis  gives  j 
many  of  the  moral  precepts  of  the  Gospel,  but  their 
foundation  can  find  no  place  in  his  system. — IV. 
Christianity  in  contact  with  Ancient  Philosophy.  The 
only  direct  trace  in  the  N.  T.  of  the  contact  of  Chris-  J 
tianity  with  Western  Philosophy  is  in  the  account  J 
of  St.  Paul's  visit  to  Athens  (Acts  xvii.  18 ;  Epicc- 
REANS  ;  Stoics),  and  there  is  nothing  in  the  apostolic  J 
writings  to  show  that  it  exercised  any  important  in- j 
fluence  upon  the  early  Church  (comp.  1  Cor.  i.  22-1 
24).  But  Eastern  speculation  penetrated  more  deeply] 
through  the  mass  of  the  people.    The  "  philosophy  "  I 
against  which  the  Colossians  were  warned  seems  un- 
doubtedly of  Eastern  origin,  containing  elements  i 
similar  to  those  afterward  embodied  in  various  shapes  J 
of  Gnosticism,  as  a  selfish  asceticism,  and  a  super- 
stitious reverence  for  angels  (Col.  ii.  8,  16-23);  and  1 
in  the  Epistles  to  Timothy,  addressed  to  Ephesus,  in.-] 
which  city  St.  Paul  anticipated  the  rise  of  false  teach-  J 
ing  (Acts  XX.  30),  two  distinct  forms  of  error  may  be  J 
traced  in  addition  to  Judaism,  due  more  or  less  to  j 
the  same  influence  ;  one  a  vain  spiritualism,  insist-  j 
ing  on  ascetic  observances  (Marriagk)  and  inter- 
preting the  REsrRRECTio.N  as  a  moral  change  (1  Tim. 
i.  6,  iv.  1-7,  vi.  20;  2  Tim.  ii.  16-18);  the  other] 
a  materialism  allied  to  sorcerj  (ili.  13;   compare] 
Acts  viii.  9,  xix.  19).     These  antagonistic  and  yet 
complementary  forms  of  heresy  found  a  wide  devel- 
opment in  later  times ;    but  no  trace  of  dualism  j 
(Persians,  §2),  of  the  distinction  between  the  Creat< 


PHI 


PHU 


8G3 


and  Redeemer,  the  Demiurge  and  the  true  God, 
which  formed  so  essential  a  tenet  of  the  Gnostic 
schools,  occurs  in  the  N.  T.  — The  writings  of  the 
subapostolic  age  generally  throw  little  light  upon 
the  relations  of  Cliristianity  and  Philosophy.  The 
Clementine  Homilies  and  Rerogmliom,  however,  con- 
tain a  vivid  delineation  of  the  speculative  struggle 
which  Christianity  had  to  maintain  with  Judaism 
and  Heathenism.  At  the  close  of  the  second  cen- 
tury, when  the  Church  of  Alexandria  came  into 
marked  intellectual  preeminence,  the  mutual  influ- 
ence of  Christianity  and  Neo-Platonism  opened  a  new 
field  of  speculation,  or  r.ither  the  two  systems  were 
presented  in  forms  designed  to  meet  the  acknowl- 
edged wants  of  tlie  time.  Neo-Platonism  was,  in 
fact,  an  attempt  to  seize  the  spirit  of  Christianity 
apart  from  its  historic  basis  and  human  elements. 
The  want  which  the  Ale.'candtine  Fathers  (Clement, 
Origen,  &c.)  endeavored  to  satisfy  is  in  a  great  meas- 
ure the  want  of  our  own  time.  If  Christianity  be 
Truth,  it  must  have  points  of  special  connection  with 
all  nations  and  all  periods.  Christian  Philosophy 
may  be  in  one  sense  a  contradiction  in  terms,  for 
Christianity  confessedly  derives  its  first  principles 
from  revelation,  and  not  from  simple  reason ;  but 
there  is  no  less  a  true  Philosophy  of  Christianity, 
which  aims  to  show  how  completely  these  meet  the 
instincts  and  aspirations  of  all  ages. 

Phin'e-es  (Gr.  form  of  Phinf.iias).  1.  PnixEitAS  1 
(1  Esd.  V.  ."),  viii.  2,  29  ;  2  Esd.  i.  2  4;  Ecchis.  xlv. 
23;  1  Me.  ii.  26).— 8.  Phiseiias  2  (2  Esd.  i.  la).— 
3.  PiiiXEHAS  3(1  Esd.  viii.  63).— 1.  Paskah  2  (v.  31). 

Pbia  e-hns  (fr.  Heb.  =  month  of  brass,  Ges.),  in 
Apoc.  Phinees.  I.  Son  of  Eleazar  1  and  grand- 
son of  Aaron  (Ex.  vi.  23).  His  mother  was  a 
daughter  of  Putiel.  Phinehas,  while  quite  a  youth, 
by  his  zeal  and  energy  at  the  critical  moment  of  the 
licentious  idolatry  of  Shittim,  appeased  the  Divine 
wrath  and  put  a  stop  to  the  plague  which  was  de- 
stroying the  nation  (Xum.  xxv.  7).  For  this  he  was 
rewarded  by  the  special  approbation  of  Jehovah,  and 
by  a  promise  that  the  priesthood  should  remain  in 
his  family  forever  (10-13).  He  was  appointed  to 
accompany  as  priest  the  expedition  by  which  the 
Midianites  were  destroyed  (xxxi.  6).  Many  years 
later  he  also  headed  the  party  dispatched  from 
Shiloh  to  remonstrate  against  the  altar  which  the 
Transjordanic  tribes  built  near  Jordan  (Josh.  xxii. 
13-32).  In  the  partition  of  the  country  he  received 
an  allotment  of  his  own — a  hill  on  Mount  Ephraim 
which  bore  his  name.  Here  his  father  was  buried 
(xxiv.  33).  During  his  life  Phinehas  appears  to 
have  been  the  chief  of  the  Korahites  or  Korliites 
(1  Chr.  ix.  20).  (Korahite.)  After  Elcazar's  death 
he  became  high-pkiest — the  third  of  the  series.  In 
this  capacity  he  gave  the  oracle  to  the  nation  during 
the  struggle  with  the  Benjamites  on  the  matter  of 
Gibeah  (Judg.  xx.  28).  The  Pentateuch  presents 
him  as  the  type  of  an  ardent  and  devoted  priest 
(comp.  Ps.  cvi.  30,  31).  The  priests  who  returned 
from  the  Captivity  were  enrolled  as  "the  sons  of 
Phinehas  "  (Ezr.  viii.  2).  The  memory  of  this  cham- 
pion of  Jehovah  was  very  dear  to  the  Jews  (Eeclus. 
xlv.  25;  1  Mc.  ii.  26;  Phinees  1).  Josephus  (iv.  6, 
§  12)  says  that  so  great  was  his  courage  and  so  re- 
markable his  bodily  strength,  that  he  would  never 
relinquish  any  undertaking,  however  difficult  and 
dangerous,  without  gaining  a  complete  victory.  The 
later  Jews  are  fond  of  comparing  him  to  Elijah,  if 
indeed  they  do  not  regard  them  as  one  and  the  same 
individual  (so  Mr.  Grove).  The  verse  which  closes 
the  Book  of  Joshua  is  ascribed  to  Phinehas,  as  the 


description  of  the  death  of  Moses  at  the  end  of 
Deuteronomy  is  to  Joshua.  The  tomb  of  Phinehas, 
a  place  of  great  resort  to  both  Jews  and  Samaritans, 
is  shown  at  Awertah,  four  miles  S.  E.  of  XMus.^ 
2.  Second  son  of  Ei.i  (1  Sam.  i.  3,  ii.  34,  iv.  4,  11, 
17,  19,  xiv.  3),  killed  with  his  brother  by  the  Philis- 
tines when  the  ark  was  captured.  He  is  introduced, 
apparently  by  mistake,  in  the  genealogy  of  Ezra  (2 
Esd.  i.  2«,  A.  V.  "Phinees"). — Z,  A  priest  or  Le- 
vite,  father  of  Eleazar  in  Ezra's  time  (Ezr.  viii.  33) ; 
perhaps  =  No.  1. 

Phl'son  (L.  fr.  Gr.  form)  =  Pisos  (Eeclus.  xxiv. 
25). 

Phle'gon  [fle-]  (Gr.  hurning,  blnziiw),  a  Cliristian 
at  Rome  whom  St.  Paul  salutes  (Koni.  xvi.  14). 
Pscudo-Illppolytus  makes  him  one  of  the  seventy 
disciples  and  Ijishop  of  Marathon.  He  is  said  to 
have  suffered  martyrdom  April  8th. 

Phoe'be  [fee'be]  (L.)  =  Phehe. 

Plioc-nlee  [fee-ni'see  or  fce'nia],  Phce-ni'tia  [fee- 
nisli'e-ah  or  fec-nish'yah]  (both  L.).   Piiexice  ;  Phe- 

NICIA. 

Phoe-ni'tlans  [fee-nish'yanz].     Phenicians. 

Pho'ros  (Gr.)  =  Parosh  (1  Esd.  v.  9,  ix.  26). 

Phryg'i-a  [frij'e-ah]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  parching,  from 
its  being  a  hot  and  dry  region,  Sehl.).  Perhaps 
there  is  no  geographical  term  in  the  N.  T.  which  is 
less  capable  of  an  exact  definition.  There  was  no 
Roman  province  of  Phrygia  till  consideralily  after 
the  first  establishment  of  Chrislianity  in  the  pen- 
insula of  Asia  Minor.  The  word  was  rather  ethno- 
logical than  political,  and  denoted,  in  a  vague  man- 
ner, the  western  part  of  the  central  region  of  that 
peninsula.  All  over  this  district  the  Jews  were 
probably  numerous  (Acts  ii.  10).  (Antiochps  the 
Great.)  Through  this  region  the  Apostle  Paul 
passed  in  his  second  and  third  missionary  journeys 
(xvi.  6,  xviii.  23).  By  Phrygia  we  must  understand 
an  extensive  district,  which  contributed  portions  to 
several  Roman  provinces,  and  varying  portions  at 
different  times.  Colosse,  Hierapolis,  Iconium,  &e., 
were  Phrygian  towns.     PHii.AnEi.pniA. 

PImd  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Phlt  (Jd.  ii.  23  ;  compare  Ez. 
xivii.  10). 

Phn'rah  (fr.  Ileb.  =  hough,  Ges.),  servant,  prob 
ably  armor-bearer  (compare  1  Sam.  xiv.  l)of  Giueon, 
and  his  companion  in  his  midnight  visit  to  the  camp 
of  the  Midianites  (Judg.  vii.  10,  11). 

Pha'rim  (L.)  =  Purim  (Eslh.  xi.  1). 

Phut,  Pnt  (Heb.  Put;  L.  Phrtt ;  see  below), 
the  third  son  of  Ham  (Gen.  x.  6 ;  1  Chr.  i.  8), 
elsewhere  applied  to  an  African  country  or  people. 
In  the  list  it  follows  Cfsn  and  Mizraim,  and  pre- 
cedes Canaan.  We  cannot  place  the  tract  of  Phut 
out  of  Africa,  and  its  position  in  the  list  would  well 
agree  with  Libya.  The  few  mentions  of  Phut  in 
the  Bible  clearly  indicate  a  country  or  people  of 
Africa,  and  probably  not  far  from  Egypt  (Jer.  xlvi. 
9  [margin  "Put,"  in  text  "the  Libyans");  Ez. 
xxvii.  10  [A.  V.  "Phut"],  xxx.  5,  xxxviii.  5  [in  the 
last  two,  margin  "  Phut,"  text  "  Libya  "]  ;  Kah.  iii. 
9  [A.  V.  "  Put "]).  In  the  ancient  Egyptian  in- 
scriptions Mr.  R.  P.  Poole  finds  two  names  which  he 
compares  to  the  Biblical  "Phut "  or  "  Put :  "  viz. 
(1.)  that  of  the  tribes  or  peoples  called  the  Nine 
Boies  (IX  Petu  or  IX  Na-Pelu  =  NAPHTtriilM  ?),  and 
(2.)  that  of  Nubia,  To-Pel  (the  regioti  of  the  Bow), 
also  called  To-Meni-Pet  (the  region,  the  island  of  the 
Bow),  whence  he  conjectures  the  name  of  Mcroe  to 
come.  He  finds  also  in  the  geographical  lists  the 
latter  form  as  the  name  of  a  people,  Ann-Merti-Pet. 
He  also  compares  the  Coptic  Nijihaiat  with  Phut. 


864 


PHU 


PIE 


The  first  syllable  being  the  article,  the  word  nearly 
resembles  the  Hebrew  name.  It  is  applied  to  the 
western  part  of  Lower  Egypt  beyond  the  Delta ; 
and  ChanipoUion  conjectures  it  to  mean  the  Libyan 
part  of  Egypt,  so  called  by  the  Greeks.  To  take  a 
broad  view  of  the  question,  Mr.  Poole  thinks  that 
all  the  names  mentioned  may  be  connected  with  the 
Hebrew  Phut ;  and  he  supposes  that  the  Naphtu- 
him  were  Mizraites  in  the  territory  of  Phut,  perhaps 
intermixed  with  peoples  of  the  latter  stock.  He 
regards  the  Pet  of  the  ancient  Egyptians,  as  a  geo- 
graphical designation,  corresponds  to  the  Phut  of 
the  Bible,  which  would  therefore  denote  Nubia  or 
tlie  Nubians. — "  Josephus  (i.  6,  §  2)  says,  'Phut 
was  the  founder  of  Libya  :  he  called  the  inhabitants 
Pliutitcs  after  himself;  there  is  a  river  in  the  coun- 
try of  the  Moors  which  bears  that  name ;  whence 
.  it  is  that  we  may  see  the  greatest  part  of  the  Gre- 
cian historiographers  mention  that  river  and  the  ad- 
joining country  by  the  appellation  of  Phut ;  but  its 
present  name  has  been  given  it  from  one  of  the 
sons  of  Mizraim,  who  was  called  XiA.ys  (the  pro- 
genitor of  the  Lehabim).'  Jerome  adopts  this  view, 
which  has  also  been  indorsed  by  Bochart,  J.  D. 
Michaelis,  Gesenius,  Rosenmiiller,  Von  Bohlen,  De- 
litzsch,  Keil,  and  Kalisch.  The  versions  (LXX., 
Vulgate)  corroborate  it  also  "  (P.  Holmes,  D.  D.,  in 
Kitto,  article  "  Ham ").  Dr.  Holmes  also  holds 
that  the  territory  of  Phut  was  much  more  extensive 
than  that  of  the  Lehabim  (who  were  only  a  branch 
of  Mizraim),  and  that,  while  the  Lehabim  bordered 
on  Upper  Egypt,  the  children  of  Phut  bordered  on 
Lower  Egypt,  and  extended  westward  along  the 
northern  coast  of  Africa  and  into  the  interior  of  the 
continent.     Tongiks,  Confusion  of. 

Plin'Tah  (fr.  Heb.  =  month?  Ges. ;  =  Puah),  a 
son  of  Issacliar  (Gen.  slvi.  13) ;  =  Pi"A  or  Puah  2. 

Pliy-gol'lns  [-jel-]  (fr.  Gr.  =  fucjiUiie,  Cruden),  a 
Christian  connected  with  those  in  Asia  of  whom 
St.  Paul  speaks  as  turned  away  from  himself  (2 
Tim.  i.  15).  It  is  open  to  question  whether  their 
repudiation  of  the  apostle  was  joined  with  a  declen- 
sion from  the  faith,  and  whether  the  open  display 
of  the  feeling  of  Asia  took  place — at  least  so  far 
as  Phygellus  and  UKRMor.EXF.s  were  concerned — at 
Rome.  Phygellus  may  have  forsaken  (see  2  Tim. 
iv.  16)  the  apostle  at  some  critical  time  when  his 
support  was  expected  ;  or  he  may  have  been  a 
leader  of  some  party  of  nominal  Christians  at  Rome, 
such  as  the  apostle  describes  at  an  earlier  period 
(Phil.  i.  15,  Ifi)  opposing  him  there. 

Pliy-lae'ter-y  (fr.  Gr.,  literally  =  safeguard,  pro- 
tection).    Frontlets. 

*  Phy-si'cian  [fe-zish'an].     Medicink. 

Pl-be'sctll  (Heb.  fr.  Egyptian  =  the  goddess  Bast 
or  Buhasth  ;  see  below),  a  town  of  Lower  Egypt, 
mentioned  only  in  Ez,  xxx.  IV.  In  hieroglyphics 
its  name  is  written  Bahest,  Bast,  and  Ha-Bahest. 
The  Coptic  forms  are  Bast,  with  the  article  Pi  (  = 
the)  prefixed,  Poubaste,  Poiihast,  &c. ;  the  Greek  Bou- 
bastis,  Boubastos  ;  and  the  Latin  Bubastis.  Bubastis 
was  situate  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Pelusiac  or 
Bubastite  branch  of  the  Nile,  in  the  Bubastite  nome, 
about  forty  miles  from  the  central  part  of  Memphis. 
Herodotus  speaks  of  its  site  as  having  been  raised 
by  those  who  dug  the  canals  for  Sesostris,  and  after- 
ward by  the  labor  of  criminals  under  Sabacos  the 
Ethiopian,  or  rather  the  Ethiopian  dominion.  He 
mentions  the  temple  of  the  goddess  Bubastis  as 
more  lieautiful  than  any  other  known  to  him.  It 
lay  in  the  midst  of  the  city,  was  built  of  the  finest 
red  granite,  and  had  round  it  a  sacred  enclosure 


of  about  600  feet  square,  beyond  which  was  a  larger 
circuit,  940  feet  by  1,200.  The  temple  is  entirely 
ruined,  but  the  names  of  Rameses  II.  of  the  nine- 
teenth dynasty,  Userken  I.  (Osorchon  I.)  of  the 
twenty-second,  and  Nekht-har-heb  (Nectanebo  I.), 
of  the  thirtieth,  have  been  found  here,  as  well  as 
that  of  the  goddess  Bast.  There  are  also  remains 
of  the  ancient  houses  of  the  town,  and  amidst  the 
houses  on  the  northwest  side  are  the  thick  walls  of 
a  fort  which  protected  the  temple  below  (Sir  G. 
Wilkinson,  in  Rawlinson's  Herodotus).  The  god- 
dess Bast  (or  Bubastis),  who  was  here  the  chief  ob- 
ject of  worship,  =  Peshl,  the  goddess  of  fire.  Both 
names  accompany  a  lion-heuded  figure,  and  the  cat 
was  sacred  to  them.  Herodotus  considers  the  god- 
dess Bubastis  =  Artemis  (Diana).  Manetho  re- 
lates that  a  chasm  of  the  earth  opened  at  Bubastis 
in  the  time  of  the  first  king  of  the  second  dynasty, 
and  many  perished.  The  twenty-second  dyna.sty 
(SnisHAK,  &.C.)  was  a  line  of  Bubastite  kings.  Bu- 
bastis was  taken  and  its  walls  were  destroyed  by 
the  Persians  n.  c.  352 ;  but  it  was  a  place  of  some 
importance  under  the  Romans. 

Pie'tnre.  In  two  of  the  passages  in  which  "  pic- 
ture "  is  used  in  A.  V.  (IroL  17)  it  denotes  (so 
Mr.  Phillott)  idolatrous  representations,  either  inde- 
pendent images,  or  more  usually  stones  "  por- 
trayed," i.  e.  sculptured  in  low  relief,  or  engraved 
and  colored  (Ez.  xxiii.  14).  Movable  pictures,  in 
the  modern  sense,  were  doubtless  unknown  to  the 
Jews  ;  but  colored  sculptures  and  drawings  on  walls 
or  on  wood,  as  mummy-cases,  must  have  been  fa- 
miliar to  them  in  Egjpt.  (Ceiling  ;  Colors,  II.  4  ; 
Embalming.)  Mr.  Phillott  supposes  the  "pictures 
of  silver"  of  Prov.  xxv.  11,  were  wall-surfaces  or 
coniices  with  carvings. — In  Is.  ii.  16,  where  the 
A.  V.  has  "  pleasant  pictures,"  margin  "  pictures 
of  desire,"  Dr.  J.  A.  Alexander  tran^lates  '^images. 
(i.  e.  visible  objects)  of  desire,  or  rather  admiratioi 
and  delight,"  and  understands  it  as  a  general  ex- 
pression for  all  attractive  and  majestic  objects. 

Fiet'C  of  Gold.  The  A.  V.,  in  the  passage  rcspeel 
ing  Naaman,  relating  that  lie  "  took  with  him  tci 
talents  of  silver,  and  six  thousand  of  gold,  and  tei 
changes  of  raiment"  (2  K.  v.  5),  supplies  "pieces 
as  the  word  understood ;  but  "  shekels,"  as  desig- 
nating the  value  of  the  whole  quantity,  not  iui" 
vidua!  pieces,  is  preferable.     Money. 

*  Piece  of  Money  (Mat.  xvii.  27)  =  Stater 

Piece  of  Silver.  I.  In  the  0  T.  the  word  "  pieces" 
is  used  in  the  A.  V.  for  a  word  understood  in  thi 
Hebrew,  except  one  case  (see  below).  The  phrasi 
is  always  "a  thousand"  or  the  like  "  of  silver 
(Gen.  XX.  16,  xxxvii.  28,  xlv.  22;  Judg.  ix.  4,  xvi, 
5;  2  K.  vi.  25;  Hos.  iii.  2;  Zech.  xi.  12,  13).  Ii 
similar  passages  the  word  "  shekels  "  occurs  in  thi 
Hebrew  (Gen.  xxiii.  15,  &c.).  In  other  passages  tli( 
A.  V.  supplies  the  word  "  shekels "  instead  01 
"pieces"  (Dent.  xxii.  19,  29;  Judg.  xvii.  2,3, 
10;  2  Sam.  xvlii.  11,  12),  and  of  these  the  first  tw. 
require  this  to  be  done.  The  shekel  was  the  com- 
mon weight  for  money,  and  therefore  most  likely 
to  be  understood  in  an  elliptical  phrase.  The  ex- 
ceptional case  in  which  a  word  corresponding  to 
"  pieces  "  is  found  in  the  Hebrew  is  in  Ps.  Ixvlil. 
30,  Heb.  31.  The  Heb.  rats,  used  here  only,  prob- 
ably =  "  a  piece  "  broken  off,  or  a  fragment :  there 
is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  a  coin  is  meant. 
(Money.) — II.  In  the  N.  T.  two  Greek  words  are 
rendered  "  piece  of  silver,"  viz.  drachtne  and  argn- 
rimi.  (1.)  The  first  (Lk.  xv.  8,  9)  =  DRAcnMA  or 
drachm,  a  Greek  silver  coin,  equivalent,  at  the  time 


I 


PIE 

of  St.  Luke,  to  the  Roman  denarius  (A.  Y.  "  Pen- 
ny").  (2.)  The  second  word  occurs  in  the  account 
of  the  betrayal  of  our  Lord  for  "  thirty  pieces  of 
silver"  (Mat.  xxvi.  15,  xxvii.  3,  5,  6,  9).  If  the 
mo.st  common  silver  pieces  be  meant,  tliey  would 
be  denarii.  (Penny.)  The  parallel  passage  (Zech. 
-xi.  12,  13;  Old  Testament,  C)  must,  however,  be 
taken  into  consideration,  where,  if  our  view  be  cor- 
rect, shekels  must  be  understood  (compare  Kx.  xxi. 
20).  It  is  more  probalilc  that  the  thirty  pieces  of 
silver  were  tetradrachnis  (=  shekels;  see  Stater) 

than  that  they  were  denarii  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole). 

In  Acts  xix.  19  the  word  "pieces"  is  supplied  in 
the  A.  v.— "50,000  piecen  of  silver,"  i.  e.  probably 
50,000  drachms  or  denarii  =  $7,500  (Vulsrate,  Rbu 
N.T.LfZ.).     Kpiiesds  3  ;  Magk'. 

PI'e-tT  (fr.  L.  jiielas  =  dHtiful.  conduct  toward 
God,  parents,  &c.).  This  word  occurs  but  once  in 
the  A.  V. :  "  Let  them  learn  first  to  show  pi^ty  at 
home,"  better,  "toward  their  own  household"  (I 
Tun.  V.  4).  The  choice  of  this  word  here  instead 
of  the  more  usual  equivalents  of  "  godliness,"  "  rev- 
erence," &c.,  was  probably  determined  by  the  spe- 
cial sense  of  the  L.  piekm  as  toward  pareuts.  The 
Greek  verb  here  translated  "to  show  piety"  is 
translated  in  Acts  xvii.  23  "  worship." 
Pigenn  =  Dove.     Tcrtle. 

Pl-ha-hlroth  (Heb.  =  mouth  of  the  caverm,  but 
doubtless  fr.  Egyptian  =  jdnce  w/iere^ram  [or  seilr/c] 
ffrow.1,  Ges.),  a  place  before  or  at  which  the  Isn'iel- 
ites  encamped,  at  the  close  of  the  third  march  from 
Rameses,  when  they  went  out  of  Egypt  (Ex  xiv  2 
9 ;  Num.  xxiii.  7,  8).  The  name  is  probably  that  of 
a  natural  locality.  This  or  a  similar  name  the  late 
M.  Prcznel  recognized  in  the  modern  Ghuwei/bct-el- 
booK  (the  bed  of  reeda),  a  place  near  where  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Red  Ssa  is  supposed  to  have  occurred. 
E.\onf.s,  the. 

Pililte  (fr.   L.  Pitatui  =  armed  vith  a  javelin, 


tnuh^n,  \c.,  or  probably  [so  Prof  Plumptre]  cov- 
ercl  wiih  ajelt  cap,  the  badge  of  manumitted  slaves) 
Pon  ti-n«  [-she-us]  (L.  of  the  sea,  marine,  Cruden  • 
see  below).     The  name  indicates  that. he  was  con- 
nected, by  descent  or  adoption,  with  the  ffens  (or 
clan)  of  the  I'outii,  first  conspicuous  in  Roman  his- 
tory in  the  person  of  Cains  Pontius  Telesinns,  the 
great  Samnite  general.     He  was  the  sixth  Roman 
PROCCRATOR  of  Judea,  and  under  him   our    Lord 
.iKscs  Christ)  worked,  suffered,  and  died,  as  wo 
learn,  not  only  from  the  Scriptural  authorities,  but 
Jrom  Tacitus  (Ann.  xv.  41).    He  was  appointed  a.  n. 
-!5-B,  111  the  twelfth  year  of  TinEltius.     One  of  his 
first  acts  was  to  remove  the  headquarters  of  the 
army  from  Cesarca  to  Jerusalem.     The  soldiers  of 
course  took  with  them  their  standards,  bcarin"  the 
image  ot  the  emperor,  into  the  Holy  City.     No  pre- 
vious governor  had  ventured  on  such  an  outrage. 
1  he  people  poured  down  in  crowds  to  Cesarea,  where 
the  procurator  was  then  resiiling,  and  besought  him 
to  remove  the  images.     Alter  five  davs  of  discus- 
sion he  gave  the  signal  to  some  concealed  soldiers 
tosiirroiiud  the  petitioners,  and  put  them  to  death 
unless  they  ceased  to  trouble  him  ;  but  this  only 
strengthened  their  determination,  ami  they  declared 
tuemselves  ready  rather  to  submit  to   death  than 
lorego  their  resistance  to  an  idolatrous  innovation. 
1  ilalc  then  yielded,  and  the  standards  were  by  his 
orders  brought  down  to  Cesarea.     On  two  other 
occasions  he  nearly  drove  the  Jews  to  insurrection  ; 
the  first,  when  he  hung  up  in  his  palace  at  Jerusa- 
lem some  gilt  shields  inscribed  with  the  names  of 
deities,  which  verc  only  removed  by  an  order  from 
65 


Pll-  865 

!  Tiberius ;   the  second,  when  he  appropriated  the 
revenue  from  the  redemption  of  vows  (Couban)  to 
the  construction  of  an  aqueduct.     This  order  led  to 
a  riot,  which  he  supjircssed  by  sending  among  the 
crowd  soldiers  with  concealed  daggers,  who  mas- 
sacred a  great  number,  not  only  of  rioters,  but  of 
casual  spectators.     To  these  specimens  of  his  ad- 
ministration from  profane  authors  we  must  add  the 
slaughter  of  certain  Galileans,  which  was  told  to 
our  Lord  as  a  piece  of  news  (Lk.  xiii.  1),  and  on 
which  He  founded  some  remarks  on  the  connection 
between  sin  and  calamity.     It  must  have  occurred 
at  some  feast  at  Jerusalem,  in  the  outer  court  of 
the  Temple.     It  was  the  custom  for  the  procurators 
to  reside  at  Jerusalem  during  the  great  feasts  to 
preserve  order,  and  accordingly,  at  the  time  of  our 
Lord's  last  passover,  Pilate  was  occupying  his  of- 
ftcial  residence  in  Herod's  palace  (Jesus  Christ- 
Judgment-mall;  Pretokium);  and  to  the  gates  of 
this  palace  (so  Bishop  Cotton,  original  author  of 
this  article)  Jesus,  condemned   on  the  ehar^'e  of 
blasphemy,  was  brought  earlv  in  the  morninn'  by 
the  chief  (iriests  and  ofliceis  of  tlie  Sanhedrim  "who 
were  unable  to  enter  the  residence  of  a  Gentile  lest 
they  should  be  defiled,  and  unfit  to  eat  the  pass- 
over  (Jn.  xviii.  28).     Pilate  therefore  came  out  to 
learn  their  purpose,  and  demanded  the  nature  of 
the  charge.     At  first  they  seem  to  have  expected 
him  to  carry  out  their  wishes  without  further  in- 
[  quiry,  and  therefore  merely  described  our  Lord  as 
a  disturber  of  the  public  peace ;  but  as  a  Roman 
procurator  had  too  much  respect  for  justice,  or  at 
least  understood  his  business  too  well  to  consent  to 
such  a  condemnation,  they  were  obliged  to  devise  a 
new  charge,  and  therefore  interpreted  our  Lord's 
claims  in  a  political  sense,  accusing  Him  of  assu 
ming  the  royal  title,  perverting  the  nation,  and  for- 
bidding the  payment  of  tribute  to  Rome  (Lk.  xxiii. 
8  ;   an  account  plainly  presupposed  in  Jn.  xviii.  33) 
It  is  plain  that  from  this  moment  Pilate  was  dis- 
tracted between  two  conflicting  feelings ;  a  fear  of 
ofieuding  the  Jews,  and  a  conscious  conviction  that 
Jesus  was  innocent.      Moreover,  this  last  feeling 
was  strengthened  by  his  own  hatred  of  the  Jews 
whose  religious  scruples  had  caused  him  frequent 
trouble,  and  by  a  growing  respect  for  the  calm  dig- 
nity and  meekness  of  the  Sufferer.     First  he  exam- 
ined our  Lo'rd  privately,  and  asked  Him  whether 
I  He  was  a  king  ?     There  seems  to  have  been  in  Pi- 
late 3  mind  a  su.spicion  that  the  Prisoner  really  was 
what  He  was  charged  with  being  (34,  xix.  8,  12 
I  22).     He  accepted  as  satisfactory  Christ's  assurance 
that  His  hiiffdom  was  ntl  of  this  world,  i  e   not 
worldly  in  its  nature  or  objects,  and  therefore  not 
to  be  founded  by  this  world's  weapons,  though  he 
could  not  understand  the  assertion  that  it  was  to  be 
established  by  bearing  witness  to  the  truth.     His 
famous  reply,  "  What  is  truth  ?  "  was  the  question 
of  B  worldly-minded  skeptical  politician.     At  the 
close  of  the  interview  he  came  out  to  the  Jews  and 
declared  the  Prisoner  innocent.    To  this  they  reiilied 
that  His  teaching  had  stirred  up  all  the  people  from 
(.ahlee  to  Jerusalem.     The  mention  of  (ialilee  sug- 
gested to  Pilate  a  new  way  of  escaping  from  his 
dilcmmn,  by  sending  on  the  case  to  Herod  Antipas  ; 
but  Herod,  though  propitiated  by  this  act  of  cour- 
tesy,  declined  to  enter  into  the  matter.     So  Pilate 
was  compelled  to  come  to  a  decision  ;  and  first  liar- 
ing  assembled  the  chief  priests  and  also  the  people, 
he  announced  to  them  that  the  Accused  had  done 
nothing  worthy  of  death  ;  but  at  the  same  time,  in 
hopes  of  pacifying  the  Sanhedrim,  he  proposed  to 


866 


PIL 


PIL 


scourge  Ilim  before  he  released  Him.  But  as  the 
accusers  were  resolved  to  have  His  blood,  they  re- 
jected this  concession,  and  therefore  Pilate  had  re- 
course to  a  tresh  expedient.  It  was  the  custom  for 
the  Roman  governor  to  grant'every  year,  in  honor 
of  the  passover,  pardon  to  one  condemned  criminal. 
Pilate  therefore  offered  the  people  their  choice  be- 
tween two,  the  murderer  Baraiibas,  and  the  Proph- 
et whom  a  few  dSys  before  they  had  hailed  as  the 
Messiah.  To  receive  their  decision  he  ascended  the 
"judgment-seat,"  a  portable  tribunal  which  was 
carried  about  with  a  Roman  magistrate  to  be  placed 
wherever  he  might  direct.  (Gabbatha.)  As  soon 
as  Pilate  had  taken  his  seat  he  received  a  mysteri- 
ous message  from  his  wife  (according  to  tradition  a 
proselyte  of  the  gate,  named  Procla  or  Claudia 
Procula),'  who  had  "  suft'ered  many  things  in  a 
dream,"  which  impelled  her  to  entreat  her  husband 
not  to  condenm  the  Just  One.  But  he  had  no 
longer  any  choice  in  the  matter,  for  the  rabble,  in- 
stigated of  course  by  the  priests,  chose  Barabbas 
for  pardon,  and  clamored  for  the  death  of  Jesus ; 
insurrection  seemed  imminent,  and  Pilate  reluc- 
tantly yielded.  But,  before  issuing  the  fatal  order, 
he  washed  his  hands  before  the  multitude,  as  a  sign 
that  he  was  innocent  of  the  crime,  in  imitation  prob- 
ably of  the  ceremony  enjoined  in  Deut.  xxi.  As  it 
produced  no  effect,  Pilate  ordered  his  soldiers  to 
inflict  the  scourging  preparatory  to  execution;  but 
the  sight  of  unjust  suffering  so  patiently  borne 
seems  again  to  have  troubled  his  conscience,  and 
prompted  a  new  effort  in  favor  of  the  victim.  But 
the  priests  only  renewed  their  clamors  for  His 
death,  and,  fearing  that  the  political  charge  of  trea- 
son might  be  considered  insufficient,  returned  to 
their  first  accusation  of  blasphemy,  and  quoting 
the  law  of  Moses  (Lev.  xxiv.  16),  which  punished 
blasphemy  with  stoning,  declared  that  He  must  die 
"  because  He  made  Himself  the  Son  of  God."  But 
this  title  augmented  Pilate's  superstitious  fears,  al- 
ready aroused  by  his  wife's  dream  (Jn.  xix.  1) ;  he 
feared  that  Jesus  might  be  one  of  the  heroes  or 
demigods  of  his  own  mythology ;  he  took  Him 
again  into  the  palace,  and  inquired  anxiously  into 
His  descent  ("  Whence  art  Thou  ?  ")and  His  claims, 
but,  as  the  question  was  only  prompted  by  fear  or 
curiosity,  Jesus  made  no  reply.  When  Pilate  re- 
minded Him  of  his  own  absolute  power  over  Him, 
He  closed  this  last  conversation  with  the  irresolute 
governor  by  saying,  "  Thou  couldest  have  no  power 
at  all  against  Me,  except  it  were  given  thee  from 
above;  therefore  he  that  delivered  Me  unto  thee 
hath  the  greater  sin."  The  result  of  this  interview 
was  one  last  effort  to  save  Jesus  by  a  fresh  appeal 
to  the  multitude  ;  but  now  arose  the  formidable  cry, 
"H  thou  let  this  man  go,  thou  art  not  Cesar's 
friend  ;  "  and  Pilate,  to  whom  political  success  was 
as  the  breath  of  life,  again  ascended  the  tribunal, 
and  finally  pronounced  the  desired  condemnation. 
So  ended  Pilate's  share  in  the  greatest  crime  which 
has  been  committed  since  the  world  began.  That 
he  did  not  immediately  lose  his  feelings  of  anger 
against  the  Jews  who  had  thus  compelled  his  ac- 
quiescence, and  of  compassion  and  awe  for  the  Suf- 
ferer whom  he  had  unrighteously  sentenced,  is  plain 
from  his  curt  and  angry  refusal  to  alter  the  inscrip- 
tion which  he  had  prepared  for  the  cross,  his  ready 

*  The  system  of  administration  under  the  Eonian  Re- 
public forbade  tlie  povernore  of  provinces  to  take  their 
W'iveB  with  them,  but  the  practice  liad  pained  proiind  un- 
der the  Emi)ire,  and  Tacitus  (Ann.  iii.  §S)  records  tlie  fail- 
ure of  an  attempt  to  reSnforcc  the  old  regulation. 


acquiescence  in  the  request  by  Joseph  of  Arima- 
thea  that  the  body  might  be  given  up  to  him  rather 
than  consigned  to  the  common  sepulchre  reserved 
for  those  who  had  suffered  capital  punishment,  and 
his  sullen  answer  to  the  demand  of  the  Sanhedrim 
that  the  sepulchre  should  be  guarded.  We  learn 
from  Josephus  (xviii.  4,  g§  1,  2)  that  his  anxiety  to 
avoid  giving  offence  to  Cesar  did  not  save  him  i'rom 
political  disaster.  The  Samaritans  were  unquiet 
and  rebellious.  Pilate  led  his  troops  against  them, 
and  defeated  them  easily  enough.  The  Samaritans 
complained  to  Vitellius,  now  president  of  Syria,  and 
he  sent  Pilate  to  Rome  to  answer  their  accusations 
before  the  emperor.  When  he  reached  it  he  found 
Tiberius  dead,  and  Caius  (Caligula)  on  the  throne, 
A.  D.  36.  Eusebius  adds  that  soon  afterward, 
"wearied  with  misfortunes,"  he  killed  himself.  As 
to  the  scene  of  his  death  there  are  various  tradi- 
tions. One  is  that  he  was  banished  to  Vienna  Allo- 
brogum  (Vienne  on  the  Rhone),  where  a  singular 
monument — a  pyramid  on  a  quadrangular  base,  fif- 
ty-two feet  high — is  called  Pontius  Pilate's  tomb. 
Another  is  that  he  sought  to  hide  his  sorrows  on 
the  mountain  by  the  Lake  of  Lucerne,  now  called 
Mount  Pilatus ;  and  there,  after  spending  years  in 
its  recesses,  in  remorse  and  despair  rather  than 
penitence,  plunged  into  the  dismal  lake  which  oc- 
cupies its  summit.  We  learn  from  Justin  Martyr, 
Tertnllian,  Eusebius,  &c.,  that  Pilate  made  an  offi- 
cial report  to  Tiberius  of  our  Lord's  trial  and  con- 
demnation ;  and  in  a  homily  ascribed  to  Chrysostom, 
certain  memoranda  are  spoken  of  as  well-known 
documents  in  common  circulation.  The  Aels  nf 
Filale^  now  extant  in  Greek,  and  two  Latin  epistles 
from  him  to  the  cinperor,  are  certainly  spurious. 

Fil'dasll  (Heb.^/ame  ofjire,  Fii.),  one  of  the  eight 
sons  of  Nahor,  Abraham's  brother,  by  his  wife  and 
niece,  Milcah  (Gen.  xxii.  22). 

Pil'f-ha  (Heb.  a  slice,  Gcs.),  a  chief  of  the  people, 
probably  a  family,  who  sealed  the  covenant  «ith 
Nehcmiah  (Xeli.  x.  24). 

Pillar  (Heb.  usually  ammud ;  Gr.  stuhn).  The 
notion  of  a  pillar  is  of  a  shaft  or  isolated  pile,  either 
supporting  or  not  supporting  a  roof  Pillars  form 
an  important  feature  in  Oriental  architecture,  partly 
perhaps  as  a  reminiscence  of  the  tknt  with  its  sup- 
porting poles,  and  partly  also  from  the  use  of  Hat 
roofs,  in  consequence  of  which  the  chambers  were 
either  narrower  or  divided  into  portions  by  columns. 
(House.)  The  general  practice  in  Oriental  build- 
ings of  supporting  flat  roofs  by  pillars,  or  of  cover- 
ing open  spaces  by  awnings  stretched  from  pillars, 
led  to  an  extensive  use  of  them  in  construction.  At 
Nineveh  the  pillars  were  probably  of  wood,  and  it  is 
very  likely  that  the  same  construction  prevailed  in 
the  "  house  of  the  forest  of  Lebanon,"  with  its  liall 
and  porch  of  pillars  (IK.  vii.  2,  6).  (Palack.)  The 
"  chapiters"  of  the  two  pillars  Jachin  and  Boaz  re- 
sembled the  tall  caiiitals  of  the  Pcrsepolitan  col- 
umns (so  Mr.  Phillott).  (Ciiapitkr;  Pkrsepolis; 
Temple.) — But  perhaps  the  earliest  application  of 
the  pillar  was  the  votive  or  monumental.  This  in 
early  times  consisted  of  nothing  but  a  single  stone 
or  pile  of  stones  (Gen.  xxviii.  18,  xxxi.  46,  &c.). — 
Lot's  wife  became  a  "pillar"  of  salt  (xix.  26;  Bib. 
netsib  =  a  statue,  jnl/ar,  Ges. ;  Garriso.n  2). — The 
stone  EzEi.  (1  Sam.  xx.  19)  was  probably  a  terminal 
stone  or  waymark. — The  "  place  "  set  up  by  Saul 
(xv.  12)  is  explained  by  Jerome  to  be  a  trojiliy. 
The  word  used  (Heb.  ydd  =  hand ')  is  the  same  as 


1  Perhaps  this  name  formonnment  in  Hebrew  may  etand 


I 


PIL 


riR 


867 


that  for  Absalom's  pillar  (A.  V.  "  place,"  2  Sam. 
xviii.  18).  So  also  Jacob  set  up  a  pillar  (Heb. 
)ii(itxtseb(ih ;  InOL  15)  over  Rachel's  grave  (Gen. 
XXXV.  20).  The  monolithic  tombs  and  obelisks  of 
I'etra  are  instances  of  similar  iisa^e. — The  lleb.  'al 
/ui-ommud,  in  the  A.  V.  "by  a  pillar"  (2  K.  xi.  14, 
xxiii.  3),  "at  his  pillar  "(2  Chr.  xxiii.  13),  Gcsenius, 
Keil,  &c.,  translate  on  the  jdaffonn,  i.  e.  raised 
<tand  or  elevated  place  erected  for  the  king  to  stand 
iin  (=  the  brazen  "  scaffold  "  in  2  Chr.  vi.  13  ■").  The 
tigurative  use  of  the  term  "  pillar,"  in  reference  to 
the  cloud  and  tire  accompanying  the  Israelites  on 
their  march,  or  as  in  Cant.  iii.  6,  and  Rev.  x.  1,  is 
plainly  derived  from  the  notion  of  an  isolated  column 
not  supporting  a  roof  (Cloud,  Pillar  of;  Earth.) 
"  A  pillar  is  the  emblem  of  firmness  and  steadfast- 
ness (Jer.  i.  18  ;  Rev.  iii.  12),  and  of  that  which  sus- 
tains or  supports  (Gal.  ii.  9;  1  Tim.  iii.  15)"  (Dr. 
W.  L.  Alexander,  in   Kitto).      Pillar,   Plain   of 

THE. 

Pillar,  Plain  of  the,  or  rather  "  oak  of  the  pillar  " 
(marg.,  Heb.  elon  mnixtsdh),  a  tree  which  stood  near 
.Shecliem,  and  at  which  the  men  of  Shechem  and  the 
house  of  Millo  assembled  to  crown  Abimelech  son 
of  Gideon  (Judg.  ix.  0).     Meone.nim. 

Pillcd  =  peekd,  stripped  (Gen.  ^xx.  37,  38 ;  Lev. 
xiii.  40  marg.).     Peeled. 

"  Pil'low,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Ileb.  cSbtr 
=  something  braided  or  plaited,  hence,  a  quilt,  mat- 
tress,  Ges. ;  a  net,  curtain  of  goat's  hair,  Ewald,  W. 
A.  Wright  (1  Sam.  .\ix.  13,  16  only).— 2.  Heb.  pi. 
cetdthoth  =  cxuihinns,  pillows,  Ges. ;  according  to  the 
Rabbins,  lont/  jnlloics,  bolstJTS  (Ez.  xiii.  18,  20  only), 
yiirst  proposes  the  translation  cases  of  skin  or  of 
parchment,  or  boxes,  in  which  oracular  little  images 
or  oracular  sayings  were  kept,  and  which  were  fas- 
tened to  the  joints  of  the  hands  or  to  the  arms,  as 
an  oraclc-rcquisitc  for  lying  prophetes.ses.  (Maoic.) 
— 3.  Heb.  pi.  mSranshoth  ^  at  tlie  head,  under  tlw 
heofl,  LXX.,  Vulgate,  Ges.,  Fii.  (Gen.  xxviii.  11,  18), 
once  translated  "at  his  head"  (1  K.  xix.  6).  else- 
where translated  "for  his  bolster"  (1  Sara.  xix.  13, 
16),  or  "at  his  bolster"  (xxvi.  7,  11,  16).- 4.  Gr. 
proskephdaion  =  a  cushion  for  the  head,  a  pillow 
(Mk.  iv.  28  only) ;  in  LXX.  =  No.  2.     Bf.d. 

Pil'tal  (Heb.  =  Pklatiaii,  Ges.),  the  representa- 
tive of  the  priestly  house  of  Moadiah,  or  Maadi.ih, 
in  the  time  of  Joiakim  the  son  of  Jcsliua  (Nch.  xii. 
17). 

Pine,  Plnp'-tree,the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Ileb. 
tidhdr  (is.  xli.  19,  Ix.  13).  What  tree  is  intended  is 
not  certain.  Gesenius  inclines  to  think  the  oak,  as 
implying  duration ;  the  Chaldee  has  a  species  of 
plane;  the  LXX.  renders  fir;  the  Vulgate,  &c., 
ELM ;  Henderson  favors  "  pine."  Pine-trees  grew  on 
Lebanon;  but  the  etymology  is  regarded  as  indicat- 
ing some  other  tree. — 2.  Heb.  slwrnen  (Nch.  viii.  15), 
elsewhere  rendered  "  Oil-tree,"  &c.     Ash. 

Pin'na-tle,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Gr.  ptrniffion 
(literally  a  little  mruf),  which  occurs  only  in  Mat.  iv. 
5,  and  Lk.  iv.  9.  It  is  plain,  1.  that  pteriif/ion  with 
the  article  is  not  a  pinnacle,  but  the  pinnacle.  2. 
That  by  the  word  itself  we  should  understand  an 
edge  or  border,  like  a  feather  or  a  fin.  The  only 
part  of  the  Temple  which  answered  to  the  modem 
8cii.se  of  pinnacle  was  the  golden  »|)ikc8  erected  on 
the  roof  to  prevent  birds  from  settling  there.  Light- 
foot  suggests  the  porch  or  vestibule,  which  projected 


In  ft>me  conncdion  with  the  ancient  cii»tom  of  rcnlptnr- 
Iniron  ihc  ?rnvci<ton<-i<  or  fcpiilchral  cnlnmns  an  uplifted 
hand  vcith  Uie  arm  (Kublnsou'e  Ges.  Ueb.  Lac,  *.  v.). 


like  shoulders  on  each  side  of  the  Temple.  Robin- 
son {N.  T.  Lex.),  Fairbaim,  &c.,  refer  it  to  the  highest 
point  of  the  Temple-buildings,  probably  the  elevation 
of  the  middle  portion  of  the  southern  portico,  which 
at  its  eastern  end  impended  at  a  dizzy  height  over 
the  valley  of  the  Kidron.  Mr.  Phillott  supposes  it 
may  mean  the  battlement  ordered  by  law  to  be  added 
to  every  roof 

Pi'non  (Heb.  darkness,  Ges.),  a  "  dcke  "  of  Edom, 
i.  e.  head  or  founder  of  a  tribe  of  that  nation  (Gen. 
xxxvi.  41;  1  Chr.  i.  62).  Eusebius  and  Jerome 
make  the  seat  of  the  tribe  at  Pl'non. 

Pipe  (Heb.  hiUU  or  cIiMil ;  Gr.  aulo.^).  The  "  pipe  " 
is  one  of  the  simplest,  and  therefore  probably  one 
of  tlie  oldest,  of  musical  instruments.  The  pipe  and 
tabret  (Timbrel),  instruments  of  a  peaceful  and 
social  character,  were  used  at  the  banquets  of  the 
Hebrews  (I.s.  v.  12),  and  their  bridal  processions 
(Mishna),  and  accompanied  the  simpler  religious 
services,  when  the  young  prophets,  returning  from 
the  high-place,  caught  their  inspiration  from  the 
harmony  ( 1  Sam.  x.  5) ;  or  the  pilgrims,  on  their  way 
to  the  great  festivals  of  their  ritual,  beguiled  the 
weariness  of  the  march  with  psalms  sung  to  the 
simple  music  of  the  pipe  (Is.  xxx.  29).  When  Solo- 
mon was  proclaimed  king,  all  the  people  went  up 
after  him  to  Gihon,  piping  with  pipes  (1  K.  i.  40). 
The  sound  of  the  pipe  was  apparently  a  soft  wailing 
note,  appropriate  in  mourning  and  at  funerals  (Mat. 
ix.  23),  and  in  the  lament  of  the  prophet  over  the 
destruction  of  Moab  (Jer.  xlviii.  86).  The  pipe  was 
the  type  of  perforated  wind  instruments,  and  was 
even  used  in  the  Tcm])le-choir,  as  appears  from  Ps. 
Ixxxvii.  7,  where  "  the  players  on  instruments  "  are 
properly  "  pipers."  Twelve  days  in  the  year,  ac- 
cording to  the  Mishna,  the  pipes  sounded  before  the 
altar.  Tliey  were  of  reed,  and  not  of  copper  or 
bronze,  because  the  former  gave  a  softer  sound.  Of 
these  there  were  not  less  than  two  nor  more  than 
twelve.  In  later  times  the  funeral  and  deathbed 
were  never  without  the  professional  pipers  or  flute- 
players  (Mat.  ix.  23),  a  custom  which  still  exists.  In 
the  social  and  festive  life  of  the  Egyptians  the  pipe 
played  as  prominent  a  part  as  among  the  Hebrews. 
The  Egyptian  single  pipe  was  a  straight  tube,  with- 
out any  increase  at  tlie  mouth ;  held  with  both 
hands  when  played;  apparently  not  more  than  a 
foot  and  a  half  long,  and  often  much  smaller;  with 
three  or  four  holes  ;  sometimes  with  a  small  mouth- 
piece of  reed  or  thick  straw.  Tlie  double  pipe  con- 
sisted of  two  pipes,  perhaps  occasionally  united  by 
a  common  mouthpiece ;  one,  played  with  the  left 
hand,  having  few  holes  and  serving  as  a  bass ;  the 
other,  played  with  the  right  hand,  having  more  holes, 
and  giving  a  sharp  tone.  Among  the  instruments 
used  in  Egyptian  bands,  we  generally  find  either  the 
double  pipe  or  the  flute,  and  sometimes  both ;  the 
former  being  played  both  by  men  and  wonioii,  the 
latter  exclusively  by  women.  Any  of  the  instru- 
ments above  described  would  have  been  called  by 
the  Hebrews  hulil  or  ch&lil,  and  not  improbably  they 
derived  their  knowledge  of  them  from  Egypt.  The 
single  pipe  is  said  to  have  been  tlie  invention  of  the 
Egyptians  alone,  who  attribute  it  to  Osiris.  Music ; 
Musical  Instruments. 

•  Pl'per  (Rev.  xviii.  22).     Minstrel;  Pipe. 

Pi'ra  (fr.  Gr.)  (1  Esd.  v.  19),  apparently  a  repeti- 
tion of  the  name  Caphira. 

Pirani  (Heb.  wild-ass-like,  i.  e.  indomitable,  Ges.), 
Amorite  king  of  Jarmutli,  defeated  with  his  four 
confederates  by  Joshua,  and  hung  at  Makkedab 
(Josh.  z.  8,  27). 


868 


FIB 


TLA 


Pir'a-tlion  (Heb.  cldef?  Ges.),  a  place  "in  the 
land  of  Ephraini  in  the  mount  of  the  Amaleklte " 
(Judg.  xii.  15  only);  situated  at  the  modem  village 
of  Fer^ala,  on  an  eminence  about  six  miles  W.  S.  W. 
of  NabnJus  (Shechem). 

Pir'a-thon-ile  ==  the  native  of,  or  dweller  in,  Pir- 
ATHOX.  Two  such  are  named  in  the  Bible.  !■ 
Abdox  1  the  Judpe  (Judg.  xii.  13,  ITi). — 2.  Benaiaii 
2  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  30 ;  1  Chr.  xi.  31,  xxvii.  14). 

Pis'gah  (ChdA.  part,  piece,  Ges.),  a  mountain  range 
or  district  (Num.  xxi.  20,  xxiii.  14;  Dent.  iii.  27, 
xxxiv.  1),  the  same  as,  or  a  part  of,  that  called  the 
mountains  of  Abakim  (conip.  Deut.  xxxii.  49  with 
xxxiv.  1).  It  lay  on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  contiguous  to 
the  field  of  Moab,  and  immediately  opposite  Jericho. 
The  field  of  Zophim  was  situated  on  it,  and  its  high- 
est point  or  summit — its  "  head  " — was  the  Mount 
IVEBO.  No  traces  of  the  name  Pisgah  have  been 
met  with  in  later  times  on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  but  in 
the  Arabic  garb  oi  Han  (■/-i'i?.v/iX7i<!/j  (almo.«t  identical 
■witl)  the  Hebrew  Roiih  hiifi-piisjfah  =  to]i  of  ihe  T'ii- 
gah)  it  is  attached  to  a  well-known  headland  on  the 
norihweslern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  a  mass  of  moun- 
tain bounded  on  the  S.  by  the  Wuthi  eii-Nur  (Ki- 
Dlio.x),  over  against  the  nortliern  part  of  which,  on 
a  conical  hill,  about  ten  miles  E.  of  Jerusalem,  is 
situated  the  gieat  Mussulman  sanctuary  of  Nehi) 
Musa  (=  Proplut  Moses),  where  Mohammedan  tradi- 
tion (irreconcilable,  of  course,  with  the  Scriptures) 
has  placed  I'isgah  and  the  burial-place  of  JIoscs. 
Tor  "  tiie  springs  of  Pisgali,"  see  Ashdotii-pisoah. 

Pl-sid'i-a  (Gr.  Ihe  romdry  of  ihe  Phuhe),  a  district 
of  Asia  Minor,  wliich  cannot  be  very  exactly  defined, 
N.  of  Pampiivi.ia,  and  stretching  along  the  range 
of  Taurus.  Northwai-d  it  reached  to,  and  was  part- 
ly included  in,  Phrvgia,  which  was  similarly  an  in- 
definite district,  though  far  more  extensive.  Thus 
Antioch  in  Pisidia  (Axtioch  2)  was  sometimes  called 
a  Phrygian  town.  Both  the  country  and  its  inhab- 
itants were  wild  and  rugged ;  and  probably  here  the 
apostle  encountered  some  of  his  "  perils  of  robbers  " 
and  "perils  of  rivers."  St.  Paul  passed  through 
Pisidia  twice  in  his  first  missionary  journey  (Acts 
xiii.  14,  xiv.  24). 

Pi'son  (fr.  Heb.  =  (rverjlowing,  Ges.),  one  of  the 
four  "  heads  "  into  which  the  stream  flowing  through 
Eden  1  was  divided  (Gen.  ii.  11). 

Pis'pah  (Heb.  a  spreadinrf,  Fii.),  an  Ashcrite,  son 
of  Jethcr,  or  Ithran  (1  Chr.  vii.  38). 

Piti  In  the  A.  V.  this  word  appears  with  a  figu- 
rative as  well  as  a  literal  meaning,  and  represents 
several  Hebrew  words.  1.  Shiol  (Ntmi.  xvi.  30, 33  ; 
Job  xvii.  16),  usid  only  of  the  hollow,  shadowy 
world,  the  dwelling  of  the  dead.  (Hell.)  2.  Shahath 
or  shdchdlh.  Here  the  sinking  of  the  pit  is  the  pri- 
mary thought.  It  is  dug  into  the  earth  (Ps.  ix.  15 
[Heb.  IG],  cxix.  85).  Covered  lightly  over,  it  served 
as  a  trap  for  animals  or  men  (xxxv.  1).  It  thus  be- 
came a  type  of  sorrow  and  confusion,  from  which  a 
man  could  not  extricate  himself,  of  the  dreariness 
of  death  (Job  xxxiii.  18,  24,  28,  30).  To  "go  down 
to  the  pit,"  is  to  die  without  hope.  3.  Bor.  In  this 
word,  as  in  the  cognate  Bi^er,  the  special  thought  is 
that  of  a  pit  or  well  dug  for  water.  The  process  of 
desynonymizing  which  goes  on  in  all  languages, 
seems  to  have  confined  the  former  to  the  state  of  the 
well  or  CISTERN,  dug  into  the  rock,  but  no  longer 
filled  with  water  (Gen.  xxxvii.  30  If.,  &c.).  In  the 
phrase  "they  that  go  down  to  the  pit,"  it  becomes 
even  more  constantly  than  the  synonyms  already 
noticed,  the  representative  of  the  world  of  the  dead 
(Ez.  xxxi.  14,  16,  xx-xii.  18,  24;  Ps.  xxviii.  1,  cxliii. 


7).  There  may  have  been  two  reasons  for  this  trans- 
fer. (1.)  The  wide  deep  excavation  became  the 
place  of  burial  (Ez.  xxxii.  24).  (2.)  The  pit,  how- 
ever, in  this  sense,  w;is  never  simply  equivalent  to 
burial-place.  There  is  always  implied  in  it  a 
thought  of  scorn  and  condemnation  (Zceh.  ix.  11; 
Is.  li.  14 ;  Jer.  xxxviii.  6,  9).  It  is  not  strange  that 
with  the  associations  of  material  horror  clustering 
round,  it  should  have  involved  more  of  tlie  idea  of  a 
place  of  punishment  for  the  haughty  or  unjust,  than 
did  the  shiol  or  the  grave.  In  liev.  ix.  1,  2,  and  else- 
where, the  "  pit"  (Gr.  phrear  ;  ulusscs)  is  as  a  dun- 
geon.    Prison  ;  Well. 

Pitebi  The  three  Hebrew  words  sepheth  (Ex.  ii. 
3;  Is.  xxxiv.  9  twice), /«wd>-  or  chcniur  (A.  V. 
"slime"),  copher  (Gtn.  vi.  4),  all  represent  (so  Mr. 
Bevan)  the  same  object,  viz.  mineral  pitch  or  asphalt, 
in  its  different  aspects:  nepheth  (the  aft  of  the  mod- 
ern Arabs),  in  its  litpiid  state ;  himur  or  chimdr,  in 
its  solid  state,  from  its  red  color ;  and  cijphcv,  in  ref- 
erence to  its  use  in  overlaying  wood-work.  Dr. 
Thomson  (i.  337)  regards  the  "  slime  "  and  "  pitch  " 
of  Ex.  ii.  3  as  hiturncn  and  tar.  The  iiillamniablc 
nature  of  pitch  is  noticed  in  Is.  xxxiv.  9.  Moses  ; 
Noah. 

Pikb'sr  (Heb., usually  <•(»(?  [Barrel],  once  nchd 
[Bottle]  ;  Gr.  keraniiou)  is  Ufed  in  A.V.  to  denote 
the  water-jars  or  pitchers  with  one  or  two  handles, 
used  chiefly  by  women  for  carrying  water,  as  in  the 
story  of  Rebecca  (Gen.  xxiv.  15-20;  but  see  MIc. 
xiv.  13;  Lk.  xxii.  10).  This  practice  has  been,  and 
is  still  usual  bcth  in  the  East  and  elsewhere.  The 
vessels  used  for  the  purpose  are  genendly  carried  (in 
the  head  or  the  shoulder.  (See  cut  of  Fountain  of 
Nazareth,  p.  312.)  The  Bedouin  women  commonly 
use  skin-lciottles.  Such  was  the  "boltle"  carried 
by  Hagar  (Gen.  xxi.  14).  The  same  word  is  used 
of  the  jiitchcrs  employed  by  Gideon's  300  men 
(Judg.  vii.  10).  Probably  earthen  vessels  were  used 
by  the  Jews  as  by  the  Egyptians  for  containing  bolh 
liquids  and  dry  provisions.  (Barrel  ;  Bottle  ;  Pot  ; 
Vessel.)  "Pitcher"  is  used  figuratively  of  the  lip 
of  man  (Ecel.  xii.  0).     Medicine,  |>.  628. 

Pi'tliom  (Heb.  It-.  Egyptian  =  the  iiarrotif_  plaee, 
Ges. ;  the  Alum  or  Turn,  a  name  of  the  sun-god,  so 
R.  S.  Pnole),  one  of  the  store-cities  built  by  the 
Israelites  for  the  first  oppressor,  the  Pharaoh  3, 
"  which  knew  not  Joseph  "  (Ex.  i.  11) ;  probably  in 
the  most  eastern  part  of  Lower  Egypt.  Herodotus 
mentions  a  town  called  Patumus  (in  the  Arabian 
nome  on  the  Canal  of  the  Red  Sea),  which  seems 
=  the  Tlioum  or  Thou  of  the  Iluierari/  of  Antoninus, 
probably  the  military  station  Thchu  of  the  Xolilia. 
Pithom  and  Pathunnis  have  been  supposed  by  the 
scholars  of  the  French  expedition,  Kitto,  Ayre,  &e., 
to  be  at  or  near  the  present  Ahbaseh,  at  the  en- 
trance of  the  Wady  Tumildt.    Exoncs,  the  ;  Ram- 

ESES. 

Pi'thon  (Heb.),  a  descendant  of  King  Saul ;  one 
of  the  four  sons  of  Mieah,  the  son  of  Mephiboshcth 
(1  Chr.  viii.  35,  ix.  41). 

Plagoe,  tllOi  The  disease  now  called  the  Plague, 
which  has  ravaged  Egypt  and  neighboring  countries 
in  modern  times,  is  supposed  to  have  prevailed 
there  in  former  ages.  Manetho  speaks  of  "a  very 
great  plague  "  in  the  reign  of  Semempses,  the  sev- 
enth king  of  the  first  dynasty,  b.  c.  about  2500  (so 
Mr.  R.  S.  Poole,  original  author  of  this  article). 
The  difficulty  of  determining  the  character  of  the 
pestilences  of  ancient  and  mediaeval  times,  even 
when  carefully  described,  warns  us  not  to  conclude 
that  every  such  mention  refers  to  the  Plague.     The 


i 


PtA 


PLA 


869 


Plafttie  in  recent  times  has  not  extended  fur  beyond 
the  Turkish  Empire  and  the  liingdom  of  Persia. 
As  an  epidemic  it  takes  tlie  cliaracter  of  a  pesti- 
lence, sometimes  of  tlic  greatest  severity.  The 
Plague,  wlien  most  severe,  usually  appears  first  on 
the  northern  coast  of  Efrypt,  iiuving  previously  bro- 
ken out  in  Turkey  or  North  Africa,  \V.  of  Kgypt. 
It  ascends  the  river  to  Cairo,  rarely  going  much 
further.  The  mortality  is  often  enormous,  and  Mr. 
Lane  remarks  of  the  plague  of  1835  : — "  It  destroyed 
not  less  than  eighty  thousand  persons  in  Cairo,  i.  e. 
one-third  of  the  population ;  and  fur  more,  I  be- 
lieve, than  two  hundred  thousand  in  all  Kgypt." 
The  Plague  is  considered  to  be  ii.  severe  kind  of 
typhus,  accompanied  by  buboes.  Like  the  cholera, 
it  is  most  violent  at  the  first  outbreak,  causing  al- 
most instant  death ;  later  it  may  last  three  days, 
and  even  longer,  but  usually  it  is  fatal  in  a  few 
hours.  Several  Hebrew  words  arc  translated  "  pes- 
tilence "  or  "  plague  ;  "  but  not  one  of  these  can 
be  considered  as  designating  by  its  signification  the 
Plague.'  Whether  llie  disease  be  mentioned  must 
be  judged  from  the  sense  of  passages,  not  from  the 
sense  of  words.  Those  pestilences  which  were  sent 
as  special  judgments,  and  were  either  supernaturally 
rapid  in  their  eifects,  or  in  addition  directed  against 
particular  culprits,  are  beyond  the  reach  of  human 
in(|uiry.  But  we  also  read  of  pestilences  which, 
although  sent  as  judgments,  have  the  characteristics 
of  modern  epidemics,  not  being  rapid  beyond  na- 
ture, nor  directed  against  individuals  (Lev.  x.xvi. 
25  ;  Deut.  xxviii.  21).  In  neither  of  these  passages 
does  it  seem  cert  lin  that  the  Plague  is  specified. 
The  notices  in  the  prophets  (Am.  iv.  10  ;  Zeoh.  xiv. 
18,  compare  12)  do  not  se.;m  to  afford  sulliclently 
positive  evidence  that  the  Plague  was  known  in 
those  times.  Ilezekiali's  disease  has  been  thought 
to  have  been  the  Plague,  and  its  fatal  nature,  as 
well  as  the  mention  of  a  boil,  makes  this  not  im- 
probable. On  the  other  hand,  there  is  no  mention 
of  a    pestilence  among    his    people   at  the  time. 


'  "  Plasne  "  is  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb.  deber, 
properly  —  rtetlriicflon,  death,  Ges.  (Hos.  xlii.  14  only) ; 
tranj'latcrl  "11111™!!!!"  (Ex.  Ix.  3:  P».  Ixxvill  .TOmar'ln): 
elsewhere  —  pest ileuci!  (Ex.  v.  3.  ix.  15.  and  more  than 
forty  othi'f  p.is^'aicesi.  It  is  used  with  a  wide  sigmflc  itioii 
for  different  pestilences,— 2.  Heb.  maoii'itVih.  (compare 
No.  ;it  -  d /)'(i7'/«  sent  from  Ood  {Ix.  14),  spoken  chiefly 
(soCieseiiiu"!  of  pestilential  and  fatal  di.^'eases  (Num.  xiv. 
87.  xvi.  is-iO  (xvii.  13-1.5.  Heb.l.  xxv.  8,  &c.).  thrice  prop- 
erly translated  ••  slaii:;hter"  (1  Sam.  Iv.  17;  2  Sam.  xvii. 
9.  xvlii.  7).— 3.  Heb.  Mqujih  (from  the  same  root  with  No. 
Si  —  «  p'tiyiif.  a  divine  jiidirment.  mostly  (so  Gesenius)  of 
a  filial  disease  sent  from  God  (Ex.  xii.  13;  Num.  xvl.  4«. 
■47  [xvii.  11.  12.  Heb.].  Ac),  once  propiTly  translated 
'•stumbling"  (Is.  viii.  14).  The  verb  m'iganh  itself  fe 
translated  "to  plaaruc"  (Ex.  xxxii.  .35.  djc),  "smite" 
(Judi;.  XX.  33.  Ac).  &c. — 4.  Heb.  nuux-'ih  —  a  bentinq  or 
nniliiiu,  a  ttroke,  blow,  or  wouml,  also  (l(J'nd,  dawihUr. 
Ges.  (Lev.  xxvi.  21 ;  Num.  xi.  33.  &c.),  also  translated 
'■stripe"  (Deut.  xxv.  3:  Prov.  xx.  .30),  "eii-okc"  (Eslh. 
Ix,  5;  Is.  xiv.  ft).  "  wound"  (1  K.  xxii.  85.  Ac.),  "sore" 
(Is.  i.  6).  "  blow  "  (Jer.  xiv.  17),  "  slaujihler  "  (Jnsh.  x.  10, 
a).  Ac. ),  Ac— 5.  Heb.  mmC  —  a  at  rake  or  bUtw,  also  a  fpot, 
mark,  or  blemMi.  Ges.  (Gen.  xii.  17;  Ex.  xl.  1 ;  Lev.  xiii. 
2ff..  xiv.  3,  33ff..  Ac),  also  translated  "stroke"  (Deut. 
xvii  8.  Ac),;'  stripe  "  (2  Sam.  vii.  14,  Ac),  Ac.  The  orig- 
inal verb  nriga'  is  sometimes  trnnslated  "  to  plajrue^' 
(Gen.  xii.  17  ;  Ps.  Ixlli.  5,  14),  or  "  smite  "  (8  K.  xv.  5, 
Ac  I.  but  usually  "  to  tonch  "  (Gen.  Hi.  8,  xxxil.  '25.  3-2  [2fl, 
ai,  Hct).] ;  Lev.  v.  2.8.  Ac.)  or  "  reach  "  (Gen.  xxvlll.  12, 
Act.  Ac — G.  Gr.  m(W.ix  -=  a  whip,  ttcwirof,  trojiically  a 
KVirr/e  from  Go<l.  1.  e.  (liwati:  ptn/pie.  ftbn.  y.  T.  f^T. 
(Wk.  iii,  K),  v,  2».  34;  Lk.  vii.  31).  elsewhere  "scourfinz" 
(Acts  xxii.  2t ;  Heb.  xi.  ,%).— 7.  Gr.  idi-qe  —  a  Kiroke, 
ftripe.  or  blow,  also  a  wo'inil,  a  stroke  or  blow  tTom  God, 
1.  e.  a  lAitniu.  or  calamilij.  nhn.  N.  T.  />x.  (Rev.  Ix.  20, 
xi.  6,  XV.  1  ff..  Ac. :  only  in  Rev.),  also  translated  "  wound  " 
(Bev.  xlli.  3, 12, 14),  "  stripe"  (Lk.  xU.  48,  Ac). 


There  does  not  seem,  therefore,  to  be  any  distinct 
notice  of  the  Plague  in  the  Bible. 

Plagnes  (see  note  ',  under  Plague),  (be  Tfn  ;  the 
,  name  popularly  given  to  the  ten  fearful  judgments 
(MiKACLEs)  from  Jehovah  infiicted  by  the  hand  of 
llosES  and  Aaro.n  upon  Piiakaoii  4  and  his  people 
for  their  oppression  of  the  Israelites. — I.  Thf  Place. 
Although  it  is  distinctly  stated  that  the  plagues  pre- 
vailed throughout  EovpT,  yet  the  descriptions  seem 
principally  to  apply  to  that  part  of  Egy|il  which 
lay  nearest  to  Gosiie.v,  and  more  especially  to  "the 
field  of  ZoAN,"  or  the  tract  about  that  city  (so  Mr. 
R.  S.  Poole,  original  author  of  this  article).  We 
must  look  especially  to  Lower  Egypt  for  our  illus- 
trations, while  bearing  in  mind  tlie  evident  preva- 
lence of  the  plagues  throughout  the  land. — II.  The 
Occasion  on  which  the  plagues  were  sent  is  de- 
scribed in  Ex.  iii.-xii. — III.  The  Plagues.  1.  ITie 
Plague  of  Blood.  When  Moses  and  Aaron  came  be- 
fore Pharaoh,  a  miracle  was  required  of  them. 
Then  Aaron's  rod  became  "a  serpent"  (A.  V.),  or 
rather  "  a  crocodile."  (Drago.n  2.)  The  Egyptian 
magicians  called  by  the  king  produced  what  seemed 
to  be  the  same  wonder,  yet  Aaron's  rod  swallowed 
up  the  others  (vii.  3-12).  This  passage,  taken 
alone,  would  appear  to  indicate  that  the  magicians' 
succeeded  in  working  wonders,  but,  if  compared 
with  the  others  which  relate  their  opposition  on  the 
occasions  of  the  first  three  plagues,  a  contrary  in- 
ference seems  more  reasonable.  A  comparison  with 
other  passages  strengthens  us  in  the  inference  that 
the  magicians  succeeded  merely  by  juggling. 
(Magic.)  Not  only  was  the  water  of  the  Nile  siiiit- 
ten,  but  all  the  water,  even  that  in  vessels,  through- 
out the  country.  The  fish  died,  and  the  river  stank. 
The  Egyptians  could  not  drink  of  it,  and  digged 
around  it  for  water.  This  plague  was  doubly  humil- 
iating to  the  religion  of  the  country,  as  the  Nile 
was  held  sacred,  as  well  as  some  kinds  of  its  fish, 
not  to  speak  of  the  crocodiles,  which  probably  were 
destroyed.  Those  who  have  endeavored  to  explain 
this  plague  by  natural  causes,  have  referred  to  the 
changes  of  color  to  which  the  Nile  is  subject,  the 
appearance  of  the  Red  Sea,  and  the  so-called  rain 
and  dew  of  blood  of  the  middle  ages ;  the  last  two 
occasioned  by  small  fungi  of  very  rapid  growtli. 
But  such  theories  do  not  explain  why  the  wonder 
happened  at  a  time  of  year  when  the  Nile  is  most 
clear,  nor  ivhy  it  killed  the  fish  and  made  the  water 
unfit  to  be  drunk. — 2.  The  Plagve  of  Frogs.  When 
seven  days  had  passed  after  the  smiting  of  the  river, 
Pharaoh  was  threatened  with  another  judgment, 
and,  on  his  refusing  to  let  the  Israelites  go,  the  sec- 
ond plague  was  sent.  The  river  and  all  the  open 
waters  of  Egypt  brought  forth  countless  frogs, 
which  not  only  covered  the  land,  but  filled  the 
houses,  even  in  their  driest  parts  and  ve.ssels,  for  the 
ovens  and  kneading-troughs  are  specified.  The  ma- 
gicians again  had  a  seeming  success  in  their  oppo- 
sition. This  must  have  been  an  especially  trying 
judgment  to  the  Egyptians,  as  frogs  were  included 
among  the  sacred  animals.  The  kroo  was  sacred  to 
the  goddess  llekt,  who  is  represented  with  tl-.e  head 
of  this  reptile.— 3.  The  Plague  of  Lice.  The  ac- 
count of  the  third  plague  is  not  preceded  by  the 
mention  of  any  warning  to  Pharaoh.  Aaron  was 
commanded  to  stretch  out  his  rod  and  smite  the 
dust,  which  became,  as  the  A.  V.  reads  the  word, 
"  lice"  in  man  and  beast.  The  magicians  again  at- 
tempted opposition  ;  but,  failing,  confessed  that  the 
wonder  was  of  (Jod  (viii.  16-19).  There  is  much 
dilGculty  as  to  the  animals  meant ;  but  this  plague 


870 


PLA 


PLA 


does  not  seem  to  be  especially  directed  against  tlic 
superstitions  of  tlie  Egyptians. — i.  The  Plagite  of 
Flics.  In  tlie  case  of  the  fourtii  plagne,  as  in  tliat 
of  tlie  first,  Moses  was  commanded  to  meet  Pharaoh , 
in  the  morning  as  he  came  fortli  to  the  water,  and 
to  threaten  him  with  a  judgment  if  he  still  refused 
to  give  the  Israelites  leave  to  go  and  worship.  He 
was  to  be  punished  by  what  the  A.  V.  renders 
"swarms  of  Jfies,"  "a  swarm  of  flies"  or,  in  the 
margin,  "  a  mixture  of  noisome  brasls."  The  proper 
meaning  of  the  word  'arob  (Fly)  is  a  question  of 
extreme  difficulty.  Josephus,  and  almost  all  the 
Hebrew  commentators,  explain  it  as  meaning  a  mix- 
ture, and  here  a  mixture  of  wild  animals.  The  LXX. 
and  Philo  suppose  it  =  a  dogfly.  The  Vulgate  has 
"  every  kind  of  flies."  It  is  ahnost  certain,  from  Ex. 
viii.  29,  31  (25,  27  Heb.),  that  a  single  creature  is 
intended.  Oedmann  proposes  the  cockroach  (Blalla 
orienialis),  a  kind  of  beetle.  Yet  our  experience 
(so  Mr.  Poole)  docs  not  bear  out  the  idea  that  any 
kind  of  beetle  is  injurious  to  man  in  Egypt.  If  we 
conjecture  that  a  fly  is  intended,  perhaps  it  is  more 
reasonable  to  infer  that  it  was  the  common  fly, 
which  in  the  present  day  is  probably  the  most 
troublesome  insect  in  Egypt. — 5.  I'he  I'logiie  of  the 
'Murrain  of  Beasts.  Pliaraoh  was  next  warned  that, 
if  he  did  not  let  the  people  go,  there  should  be  on 
the  day  following  "  a  very  grievous  murrain,"  upon 
the  horses,  asses,  camels,  oxen,  and  sheep  of  Egypt, 
whereas  those  of  the  children  of  Israel  should  not 
die.  Accordingly,  "  all  the  cattle  of  Egypt  died ; 
but  of  the  cattle  of  the  children  of  Israel  died  not 
one."  Yet  Pharaoh  still  continued  obstinate  (ix.  1- 
7).  This  plague  fell  upon  the  Egyptian  sacred  ani- 
mals of  two  of  the  kinds  specified,  the  oxen  and 
the  sheep ;  but  it  would  be  most  felt  in  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  greatest  part  of  their  useful  beasts.  In 
modem  times  murrain  is  not  an  unfreqiient  visita- 
tion in  Egypt,  and  is  supposed  to  precede  the  Plague. 
— 6.  Ihe  Plague  of  Boils.  The  next  judgment  ap- 
pears to  have  been  preceded  by  no  warning,  except- 
ing, indeed,  that,  when  Moses  publicly  sent  it  abroad 
in  Egypt,  Pharaoh  might  no  doubt  have  repented  at 
the  last  moment.  AVe  read  that  Moses  and  Aaron 
were  to  take  ashes  of  the  furnace,  and  Moses  was  to 
sprinkle  it  "  toward  the  heaven  in  the  sight  of  Pha- 
raoh." It  was  to  become  "  small  dust  "  throughout 
Egypt,  and  "be  a  boil  breaking  forth  with  dlains 
upon  man  and  upon  Ijcast."  (Mebicink.)  This  plague 
may  be  supposed  to  have  been  either  an  infliction 
of  boils,  or  a  pestilence  like  the  Plaguk  of  modern 
times.  The  former  is,  however,  the  more  likely  ex- 
planation.— 7.  The  Plague  of  Hail.  The  seventh 
plague  is  preceded  by  a  warning  to  Pharaoh,  respect- 
ing the  terrible  nature  of  the  plagues  that  were  to 
ensue  if  he  remained  obstinate.  For  the  morrow  a 
very  grievous  and  unprecedented  hail  was  threat- 
ened, which  would  kill  all  the  unsheltered  cattle  and 
men.  Accordingly,  "  the  LoRn  sent  thunder  and 
hail,  and  the  fire  ran  along  upon  the  ground."  Thus 
man  and  beast  were  smitten,  and  the  herbs  and 
every  tree  broken,  save  in  the  land  of  Goshen. 
Pharaoh  acknowledged  his  wickedness,  promised,  if 
the  plague  were  withdrawn,  to  let  the  Israelites  go, 
but  again  broke  his  promise  (ix.  13-35).  The  ruin 
caused  by  the  hail  was  evidently  far  greater  than  by 
any  of  the  earlier  plagues.  Hail  is  now  extremely 
rare,  but  not  unknown,  in  Egypt,  and  the  narrative 
seems  to  imply  that  it  sometimes  falls  there. — 8. 
The  Plague  of  Locusts.  Pharaoh  was  now  threat- 
ened with  a  plague  of  locusts,  to  begin  the  next 
day,  by  which  every  thing  the  hail  had  left  was  to  be 


devoured.     This  was  to  exceed  any  like  visitations 
that  had  happened  in  the  time  of  the  king's  ances- 
tors.    "  And  the  locusts  went  up  over  all  the  land 
of  Egypt,  and  rested  in  all  the  coasts  of  Egypt: 
very  grievous  were  they  ;  before  them  there  were  no 
such  locusts  as  they,  neither  after  them  shall  be 
such.  For  they  covered  the  face  of  the  whole  earth, 
so  that  the  land  was  darkened ;  apd  they  did  eat 
every  herb  of  the  land,  and  all  the  fruit  of  the  trees 
which  the  hail  had  left :  and  there  remained  not  any 
gieen  thing  in  the  trees,  or  in  the  herbs  of  the  field, 
through  all  the  land  of  Egypt."     Pharaoh  again 
confessed  his  sin,  the  plague  was  removed ;  but 
again  he  would  not  let  the  people  go  (x.  1-20). 
This  plague  has  not  the  unusual  nature  of  the  one 
that  preceded  it,  but  it  even  exceeds  it  in  severity, 
and  so  occupies  its  place  in  the  gradation  of  the 
more  terrible  judgments  that  Ibrm  the  later  part  of 
the  series.     Its  severity  can  be  well  understood  by 
those  who  have  been  in  Egypt  in  a  part  of  the  coun- 
try where  a  flight  of  locusts  has  alighted.     In  this 
case  the  plague  was  greater  than  an  ordinary  visita- 
tion, since  it  extended  over  a  far  wider  space,  rather 
than  because  it  was  more  intense  ;  for  it  is  impos- 
sible to  imagine  any  more  complete  destruction  than 
that  always  caused  by  a  swaiin  of  locusts.     (Lo- 
crsT.) — 9.    TIlc   Platfue    of  Darkness.     After  the 
plague  of  locusts  we  read  at  once  of  a  fresh  judg- 
ment.   "  There  was  a  thick  darkness  in  all  the  land 
of  Egypt  three  days :  they  saw  not  one  another, 
neither  rose  any  from  his  place  for  three  days  :  but 
all  the  children  of  Israel  had  light  in  their  dwell- 
ings."    Pharaoh   then  gave  the  Israelites  leave  to 
go,  if  only  they  left  their  cattle  ;  but  when  Moses 
required  that  they  should  take  these  also,  lie  again 
refused  (x.  21-29).  This  plague  has  been  illustrated 
by  reference  to  the  Samoom  and  the  hot  wind  of 
the  JOiamdseai.     The  former  is  a  sand-storm  which 
occurs  in   the  desert,  seldom  lasting  more  than  a 
quarter  of  an  hour  or  twenty  minutes,  but  for  the 
time  often  causing  the  darkness  of  twilight,  and  af- 
fecting man  and  beast.  The  hot  wind  of  the  Kliamu- 
S(ra  ui-ually  blows  for  three  days  and  nights,  and! 
carries  so  much  sand  with  it,  that  it  produces  thai 
appearance  of  a  yellow  fog.     It  thus  resembles  tbeJ 
Samoom,  though  far  less  powerful  and  distressing] 
in  its  effects.    It  is  not  known  to  cause  actual  dark- 
ness.    (Wind.)     The  plague  may  have  been  an  ex- 
tremely severe  sand-storm,  miraculous  in   its    vio- 
lence and  its  duration,  for  the  length  of  three  da}'sl 
does  not  make  it  natural,  since  the  severe  storms  J 
are  always  very  brief. — 10.   The  Heath  of  the  Pirsl- 
lom.     Before  the  tenth  plague  Moses  warned  Pha- 
raoh.   "And  Moses  said.  Thus  saiih  the  Lord,  Aboiitl 
midnight  will  I  go  out  into  the  midst  of  Egypt:  and  J 
all  the  first-born  in  tlie  land  of  Egypt  sliall  die, .[ 
from  the  first-born  of  Pharaoh  that  sitteth  upon  his] 
throne,  even  unto  the  first-born  of  the  maid-servantj 
that  is  behind  the  mill ;  and  all  the  first-born  of  { 
beasts.     And  there  shall  be  a  great  cry  throughout  1 
all  the  land  of  Egypt,  such  as  there  was  none  like  j 
it,  nor  shall  be  like  it  any  more."   He  then  foretold  j 
that  Pharaoh's  servants  would  pray  him  to  go  forth. 
"  And  he  went  out  from  Pharaoh  in  heat  of  anger."  | 
But  Pharaoh  still  refused  to  It-t  Israel  go  (xi.  4-10). 
The  Passover  was  then  instituted,  and  the  houses  j 
of  the  Israelites  spiynkled  with  the  blood  of  thej 
victims.      The  first-born  of  the  Egyptians  were] 
smitten   at    midnight,    as   Moses    had   forewarned  [ 
Pharaoh  (xii.  SO).     The  clearly  miraculous  nature] 
of  this  plague,  in  its  severity,  its  falling  upon  man 
and  beast,  and  the  singling  out  of  the  first-born, 


I 


PLA 


PLE 


871 


puts  it  wholly  beyond  comparison  with  any  natural 
pcstiltiicc,  even  the  severest  recorded  in  history, 
whether  of  tlie  peculiar  Epiyptian  Plague,  or  other 
like  epidemics.  The  history  of  the  Ten  Plagues 
strictly  ends  with  the  death  of  the  first-born.  (Exo- 
Dis,  THE  ;  Keu  Sea,  Passage  or.)  Here  it  is  only  nec- 
essary to  notice  that  with  the  event  last  mentioned 
the  recital  of  the  wonders  wmught  in  Egypt  con- 
cludes, and  the  history  of  Israel  as  a  separate  peo- 
ple begins.  The  gradual  increase  in  severity  of 
the  plagues  is  perhaps  the  best  key  to  their  mean- 
ing. They  seem  to  have  been  sent  as  a  series  of 
warnings  to  the  oppressor,  to  afford  him  a  means  of 
seeing  God's  will  and  an  opportunity  of  repenting 
before  Egypt  was  ruined.  The  lesson  that  Pharaoh's 
career  teaches  us  seems  to  be,  that  there  are  men 
whom  the  most  signal  judgments  do  not  affect  so 
as  to  cause  any  lasting  repentance.  In  this  respect 
the  after-history  of  the  Jewish  people  is  a  commen- 
tary upon  that  of  their  oppressor. 

Plain,  the^A.  V.  translation  of  seven  Hebrew 
words. — 1.  Abel  perhaps  answers  more  nearly  to 
our  word  meadow  than  any  other  (so  Mr.  Grove,  after 
Gesenius,  &c.).  It  occurs  in  the  names  of  Abel- 
maim,  Abel-meholah,  Abel-siiittim,  and  is  rendered 
"  plain "  in  Judg.  xi.  33,  "  plain  of  vineyards." 
(Abel-cekamim.) — 2.  Jiik'ah,  hik'al/i  (when  followed 
by  a  connected  noun);  properly  (so  Gesenius)  =  a 
cleft  of  tiie  mountains,  a  vallei/  ;  often  also  a  low 
plain,  a  wide  plain,  level  country.  (Valley  4.) 
The  great  Plain  or  Valley  of  Celosyria  or  Coelesyria, 
which  separates  the  two  ranges  of  Lebanon  and 
Anti-Lebanon,  is  considered  by  Mr.  Grove  to  be  what 
is  called  in  the  Bible  the  bik'alh  (A.  V.  "  plain  of") 
AvES  (.\m.  i.  5),  and  also  probably  the  bik'ath  (A. 
V.  "  valley  of")  Lebanon  (Josh.  xi.  17,  xii.  7)  and 
Uk'allt  (A.  V.  "  valley  of")  Mizpeii  (xi.  8),  and  still 
known  throughout  Syria  as  el-Bitkd'a  or  Ard  el- 
Bukd'a.  But  Gesenius,  Fiirst,  &c.,  regard  this  "  val- 
ley "  of  Lebanon  as  that  which  lies  at  the  foot  of 
Herraon  and  Anti-Lebanon  around  the  sources  of 
the  Jordan,  not  el-Bukd'a.  The  Jordan  "  valley  " 
at  Jericho  appears  (so  Mr.  Grove)  to  be  once  men- 
tioned under  this  title  (Dent,  xxxiv.  3).  Mr.  Grove 
regards  the  "  valley  "  of  MEOinno  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  22  ; 
Zech.  xii.  11,  A.  V.  "Megiddon")  and  the  "plain" 
of  Ono  as  not  identified.  Out  of  Palestine  we  find 
denoted  by  the  word  bik'dh  the  "  plain  "  of  the  land 
of  Shinar  (Gen.  xi.  2),  the  "  plain  "  or  "  valley  "  of 
Mesopotamia  (Ez.  iii.  22,  23,  viii.  4,  xxxvii.  1,  2), 
and  the  "  plain  "  in  the  province  of  Dura  (Dan.  iii. 
1). — 3.  Hac-Cicctir  (=  Ifte  circuit,  the  drmimjacent 
tract,  Ges.)  is  confined  in  its  topographical  sense  to 
the  Jordan  Valley  (Gen.  xiii.  10-12,  xix.  17,  25-29; 
Deut.  xxxiv.  3  ;  2  Sam.  xviii.  23  ;  1  K.  vii.  46 ;  2  Chr. 
iv.  17  ;  Neh.  iii.  22,  xii.  28).  (Region  rodno  about; 
ZoAR.)— 4.  Ham-Mixhor  (:zi  the  evennegu,  hence  t)ie 
level  region,  l/ie  plain,  Ges.)  is  thought  by  Mr.  Grove, 
as  well  as  \o.  3,  to  be  an  archaic  term  existing  from 
a  prehistoric  date.  It  occurs  in  the  Bible  in  the 
following  passages : — Deut.  iii.  10,  iv.  43  ;  Josh.  xiii. 
9,  16,  17,  21,  XX.  8  ;  1  K.  xx.  23,  25;  2  Chr.  xxvi. 
10;  Jer.  xlviii.  8,  21.  In  each  of  these,  with  one 
exception,  it  is  used  for  the  district  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Heshbon  and  Dibon — the  Selka  of  the  mod- 
em A  rubs,  their  most  noted  pasture-ground.  But  it 
is  used  in  1  K.  xx.  23,  25,  apparently  with  the  mere 
general  sense  of  loa  land,  or  rather  ^at  land,  in 
which  chariots  could  be  maninuvred — as  opposed  to 
uneven,  mountainous  ground.  In  Jer.  xxi.  19  the 
term  denotes  (so  Fiirst,  Uenderson,  &c.)  the  level 
tract  of  considerable  extent  on  Zion  itself,  A.V.  "  the 


rock  of  the  plain."  In  Zech.  iv.  7  mishor  is  used 
without  the  article  to  denote  "  a  plain." — 5.  Hd- 
'Ardbdh  had  an  absolutely  definite  meaning,  being 
restricted  to  the  valley  of  the  Jordan,  and  to  its  con- 
tinuation S.  of  the  Dead  Sea.  (Arabaii  ;  Palestine, 
II.  §  36,  &c.). — 6.  Huxh-Sheplielah  (■=  Ihe  low  ccun- 
Iry,  Ges.),  the  invariable  designation  of  the  depressed, 
fiat,  or  gently  undulating  region  which  intervened 
between  the  highlands  of  Judali  and  the  Mediterra- 
nean, and  was  commonly  in  possession  of  the  Philis- 
tines. (JuDAH  I  (II.);  Low  Cocxthy;  Pale.stine, 
II.  §§  29,  30,  &e. ;  Sephela  ;  Valley  5.) — 7.  Elan. 
Our  translators  have  uniformly  rendered  this  word 
"  plain  "  (once  "  oak  "  in  the  margin,  Judg.  ix.  6), 
doubtless  following  the  Vulgate,  which  in  aljout 
half  the  passages  has  convatlis.  But  tliis  is  not  the 
verdict  of  the  majority  or  the  most  trustworthy  of 
the  ancient  versions.  They  regard  the  word  as 
meaning  an  oak  or  grove  of  oaks,  a  rendering  sup- 
ported by  all,  or  nearly  all,  tlie  commentators  and 
lexicographers  of  the  present  day.  The  passages  in 
which  the  word  occurs  erroneously  translated 
"  plain,"  are  as  follows : — Plain  of  Moueii  (Gen.  xii. 
6 ;  Deut.  xi.  30),  Plain  of  Mamre  (Gen.  xiii.  18,  xiv. 
13,  xviii.  1),  Plain  of  Zaanaim  (Judg.  iv.  11),  Plain 
of  the  Pillar  (ix.  6),  Plain  of  Meonexim  (ix.  37), 
Plain  of  Tabor  (1  Sam.  x.  3).— 8.  The  Plain  of 
EsDR/ELON,  A.  V.  "  the  valley  of  Jezreel,"  is  desig- 
nated in  tlie  original  by '^;ncA-.  (Valley  1.) — In  Lk. 
vi.  17  "  plain  "  in  the  A.  V.  is  the  translation  of  Gr. 
topos  pedinos,  literally  a  plain  (or  foW)  /jlace  ;  the 
adjective  pcdinna  being  also  in  the  LXX.  =  No.  4 
above  (Deut.  iv.  43)  and  No.  6  (Josh.  ix.  1). 

•  Plals'tcr  =  Plaster. 

•  Plaiting,  used  only  of  braiding  the  iiair(1  Pet. 
iii.  3). 

•  Planes,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  pi.  maklsii- 
'6th,  which  occurs  only  in  Is.  xliv.  13  in  describing 
the  carpenter's  work  in  making  an  idol.  Gesenius, 
Fiirst,  J.  A.  Alexander,  &c.,  render  the  word  chisels, 
carving-lools.     HANDiCRAFr. 

•  Planc'-tree  (Ecclus.  xxiv.  14).     Ciiestnut-tree. 

•  Planets  (2  K.  xxiii.  5).    Astronomy ;  Mazza- 

ROTn. 

Plas'teFi  1.  The  mode  of  making  plaster-cement 
has  been  described  above.  (Mortar  2.)  Plaster  is 
mentioned  in  Scripture:  (1.)  A  house  infected  with 
leprosy  was  to  be  replastered  (Lev.  xiv.  42,  43,48). 
(2.)  The  words  of  tlie  law  were  to  be  engraved  on 
Mount  Ebal  on  stones  previously  coated  with  plas- 
ter (Deut.  xxvii.  2,  4;  Jo.sh.  viii.  32).  Tlie  process 
here  mentioned  was  probably  like  that  adopted  in 
Egypt  for  receiving  bas-reliefs.  The  wall  was  first 
made  smooth,  and  its  interstices,  if  necessary,  filled 
up  with  plaster.  When  the  figures  had  been  drawn, 
and  the  stone  adjacent  cutaway  so  as  to  leave  them 
in  relief,  a  coat  of  lime  whitewash  was  laid  on,  and 
followed  by  one  of  varnish  after  the  painting  of  the 
figures  was  complete.  (3.)  It  was  probably  a  sim- 
ilar coating  of  cement,  on  which  the  fatal  letters 
were  traced  by  the  mystic  hand  "  on  the  plaster  of 
the  wall"  of  Belshazzar's  palace  at  Babylon  (Dan. 
V.  5).  2.  A  plaster  of  figs  was  applied  to  Ileze- 
kiah's  boil  (Is.  xxxviii.  21),  and  "  mollifying  plaster  " 
is  spoken  of  in  Wis.  xvi.  12.     Mkdicise. 

•  Plat,  to  (Gr.  pleko)  =  to  form  by  interweaving ; 
used  only  of  making  the  crown  of  thorns  (Mat. 
xxvii.  29;  Mk.  xv.  17;  Jn.  xix.  2). 

•  Plea^     Judge;  Trial, &c. 
Pledge.    Deposit;  HosTAoja;  Loan. 
Plel'a-des  [plee'ya-deez]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  the  seven 

stars  ;  usually  derived  from  Gr.  jAco  [to  sail],  because 


872 


PLO 


POE 


Greek  narif^ation  began  at  the  rise  and  closed  at  the 
Betting  of  the  Pleiades  ;  in  mythology,  seven  daugh- 
ters of  Atlas  and  Pleione,  placed  by  Jupiter  among 
the  stars  [L.  &  S.]).  The  Heb.  cirn&h  (properly  a 
heap,  cluster,  especially  of  stars,  Ges.)  so  rendered 
occurs  in  Job  ix.  9,  xxxviii.  31,  and  Am.  v.  8.  In 
the  last  passage  our  A.  V.  has  "  the  seven  stars," 
although  the  Geneva  version  translates  the  word 
"  Pleiades  "  as  in  the  other  oases.  In  Job  the  LXX. 
has  PleioR  (singular  of  Pleiades),  the  order  of  the 
Hebrew  words  having  been  altered,  while  in  Amos 
there  is  no  trace  of  the  original.  The  Vulgate  ren- 
ders Hyades  in  Job  ix.  9,  Pleiades  in  Job  xxxviii.  31, 
and  Arcturus  in  Am.  v.  8.  The  Jewish  commenta- 
tors are  no  less  at  variance.  K.  David  Kirachi  in 
his  Lexicon  says :  "  R.  Jonah  wrote  that  it  was  a 
collection  of  stars  called  in  Arabic  Al  ThuraiyA." 
That  Al  Thuraiyd  =  the  Pleiades  is  proved  by  the 
words  of  Aben  Ragel :  "Al  Tkuraiyd  is  the  mansion 
of  the  moon,  in  the  sign  Taurus,  and  it  is  called  the 
celestial  hen  with  her  chickens."  Hen  and  chkl-ens 
is  an  old  English  name  for  the  same  stars.  Aben 
Ezra  held  that  Cim&h  was  a  single  large  star,  Alde- 
baran  the  brightest  of  the  Hyades,  while  CesiHA.V. 
"  Obion  ")  was  Antares  the  heart  of  Scorpio.  Gese- 
nius,  Fiirst,  and  most  modern  commentators  agree 
with  the  A.  V.  in  rendering  Cimdh  by  "  Pleiades." 
The  Pleiades  or  Seven  Stars  constitute  a  well-known 
cluster  of  stars  in  the  neck  of  the  constellation 
Taurus  (the  Bull).  Only  six  are  usually  seen  by  the 
naked  eye.  (Famine.)  Tl/a  or  Hoa,  the  third  god 
of  the  Assyrian  triad,  was  known  among  the  stars 
by  the  name  of  Kimmut,  which  Rawlinson  compares 
with  the  Heb.  Cimuh,  and  identifies  with  the  con- 
stellation Draco. 
Plongh  or  Plow.     Agriculture. 

*  Plnmb'-line  (Heb.  andk)  =  a  line  with  a  plum- 
met or  weight  attached  ;  used  by  car[)entcrs,  masons, 
&c.,  for  determining  perpendicularity  (Am.  vii.  1,  8). 
Handicraft  ;  Plummet. 

*  Plnm'inct,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  meshke- 
lelh  (Is.  xxviii.  17)  =  mishkdleth  (2  K.  xxi.  13)  =  a 
rLCMB-LiNK,  plummet,  used  in  levelling,  Ges.  The 
"  plumb-line  "  and  "  plummet "  are  used  symbolical- 
ly to  denote  the  strict  line  of  justice  according  to 
which  God  would  deal  with  those  that  provoked  Him 
(Ayi'e). 

Poch'e-rcth  [pok-].  The  children  of  Pochereth 
of  Zebaim  were  among  the  children  of  Solomon's 
servants  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  57  ; 
Neh.  vii.  59), 

Po'e-try,  Oc'brew  (originally  by  Mr.  W.  A. 
Wright).  The  attributes  which  are  common  to  all 
poetry,  and  which  the  poetry  of  the  Hebrews  po.^sess- 
cs  in  a  higher  degree  perhaps  than  the  literature  of 
any  other  people,  it  is  unnecessary  here  to  descriljc. 
But  the  points  of  contrast  are  so  numerous,  and  the 
lieculiarities  which  distinguish  Hebrew  poetry  so  re- 
markable, that  these  alone  require  a  full  and  careful 
consideration.  It  is  a  phenomenon  observed  in  the 
literature  of  all  nations,  that  the  earliest  form  in 
which  the  thoughts  and  feelings  of  a  people  find 
utterance  is  the  poetic.  Prose  is  an  aftergrowth,  the 
vehicle  of  less  spontaneous,  because  more  formal, 
expression.  Anil  so  it  is  in  the  literature  of  the 
Hebrews.  (Lamech  1.)  Of  the  three  kinds  of  poetry 
illustrated  by  the  Hebrew  literature,  the  lyric  occu- 
pies the  foremost  place.  The  Shcmitic  nations  have 
nothing  approaching  to  an  epic  poem,  and  in  propor- 
tion to  this  defect  the  lyric  element  prevailed  more 
greutly,  commencing  in  the  pre-Mosaic  times,  flour- 
ishing in  rude  vigor  during  the  earlier  periods  of  the 


Judges,  the  heroic  age  of  the  Hebrews,  growing  with 
the  nation's  growth  and  strengthening  with  its 
strength,  till  it  reached  its  highest  excellence  in 
David,  the  warrior-poet,  and  from  thenceforth  began 
slowly  to  decline.  Gnomic  poetry  arises  from  the 
desire  felt  by  the  poet  to  express  the  results  of  the 
accumulated  experiences  of  life  in  a  form  of  beauty 
and  permanence.  Its  thoughtful  character  requires 
for  its  development  a  time  of  peacefulness  and 
leisure  ;  for  it  gives  expression,  not  like  the  lyric  to 
the  sudden  and  impassioned  feelings  of  the  nionunt, 
but  to  calm  and  philosophic  reflection.  Being  less 
spontaneous  in  its  origin,  its  form  is  of  necessity 
more  artificial.  The  period  during  which  it  flour- 
ished among  the  Hebrews  corresponds  to  its  domestic 
and  settled  character.  We  meet  with  it  at  intervals 
up  to  the  time  of  the  Captivity,  and,  as  it  is  chiefly 
characteristic  of  the  age  of  the  monarchy,  Ewald  has 
appropriately  designated  this  era  the  "  artificial  pe- 
riod "  of  Hebrew  poetry.  From  the  end  of  the 
eighth  century  «.  c.  the  decline  of  the  nation  was 
rapid,  and  with  its  glory  departed  the  chief  glories 
of  its  literature.  After  the  Captivity  we  have  nothing 
but  the  poems  which  formed  part  of  the  liturgical 
seJ-viccs  of  the  Temple.  Whether  dramatic  poetry, 
properly  so  called,  ever  existed  among  the  Hebrews, 
is,  to  say  the  least,  extremely  doubtful  (see  III.  be- 
low, and  Canticles). — I.  Lyrical  Poetry.  The  liter- 
ature of  the  Hebrews  abounds  with  illustrations  of 
all  forms  of  lyrical  poetry,  in  its  most  manifold  and 
wide-embracing  compass,  from  such  short  ejacula- 
tions as  the  songs  of  the  two  Lamechs  (Gen.  iv.  23, 
24,  V.  29)  and  Psalms  xv.,  cxvii.,  &c.,  to  the  longer 
chants  of  victory  and  thanksgiving,  like  the  songs 
of  Deborah  and  David  (Judg.  v. ;  Ps.  xviii.).  The 
names  by  which  the  various  kinds  of  songs  were 
known  among  the  Hebrews  will  supply  some  illus- 
tration of  this :  1 .  Shir,  a  "  song  "  in  general,  adapt- 
ed for  the  voice  alone  (Gen.  xxxi.  27  ;  Judg.  v.  12  ; 
1  K.  iy.  32  [v.  12  Heb.];  Ps.  xxx.  title,  &c.).  2. 
Mizmor,  a  "  psalm,"  or  song  to  be  sung  with  any  in- 
strumental accompaniment  (titles  of  Ps.  iii.-vi.  and 
more  than  fifty  others).'  3.  Neginaii,  probably  a 
melody  expressly  adapted  for  stringed  instruments. 
(Neginoth.)  4.  Maschil,  probably  a  lyrical  song 
requiring  nice  musical  skill.  5.  Michtam,  a  term 
of  extremely  doubtful  meaning.  6.  Siiiggaion  (Ps. 
vii.  1),  probably  a  wild,  irregular,  dithyrambic  song; 
or,  according  to  some,  a  song  to  be  sung  with  varia- 
tions.— But,  besides  these,  there  are  other  divisions 
of  lyrical  poetry  of  great  importance,  which  have 
regard  rather  to  the  subject  of  the  poems  than  to 
their  form  or  adaptation  for  musical  accompani- 
ments. Of  these  we  notice: — (1.)  Tehillcih  {A.  V. 
"praise"),  a  hymn  of  praise.  The  plural  tehilUin 
is  the  title  of  the  Book  of  Psalms  in  Hebrew. 
The  145th  Psalm  is  entitled  "  David's  (Psalm)  of 
praise."  To  this  class  belong  the  songs  which  re- 
late to  extraordinary  deliverances,  such  as  the  songs 
of  Moses  (Ex.  xv.)  and  of  Deborah  (Judg.  v.),  and 
Psalms  xviii.  and  Ixviii.,  which  have  all  the  uir  of 
chants  to  be  sung  in  triumphal  processions.  Such 
were  the  hymns  sung  in  the  Temple  services.  (2.) 
Kinuh  (A.  V.  "  lamentation  "),  the  lament  or  dirge, 
of  which  there  are  many  examples,  whether  uttered 
over  an  individual  or  as  an  outbuist  of  grief  for  the 


1  The  kindred  Ileb.  nouns  z^mw  (Pb.  xcv.  2;  elsewliero 
"  sont',"  Job  XXXV.  10,  &c.)  and  zinirdh.  iV».  Ixxx  i.  2  llli'b. 
31,  xcviU.  5:  elpewhere  ''melody."  Ir,  li.  3.  &c.)  arc  al**(t 
translated  "  p?alm,"  and  the  vt.'T\)  zemiar  is  twice  tnins^Iated 
"sins  pealms"  (1  Chr.  xvl.  »;  P».  cv.  2:  elsewhere  upn- 
ally  "  slug  praises,"  xlvli.  6  [Hob.  "]  four  times,  7  LDeb.  8], 
&c.). 


POE 


FOE 


873 


ilamitics  of  the  land  (2  Sam.  i.  19-2V,  iii.  33,  34, 
Nviii.  33).  (3.)  .S7iiV  t/edidoth  (A.  V.  "song  of 
liivcs"),  a  love-song  (Ps.  xlv.  1),  in  its  external  form 
at  least. — Other  khuls  of  poetry  there  are  which  are 
lyric  ill  form  and  spirit,  but  gnomic  in  subject. 
These  may  be  classed  as  (4.)  MiUhal  (\.  V.  "paka- 
BLK,''  proverb,  &c.),  properly  a  similitude,  and  tlien 
a  parable,  or  sententious  saying,  couehed  in  poetic 
language.  Such  are  the  songs  of  Balaam  (Num. 
xxiii.  7,  18,  xxiv.  3,  15,  "20,  21,  23),  whicli  are  emi- 
nently lyric  d  in  character ;  the  moclcing  ballad  in 
Xum.  xxi.  27-30,  which  has  been  conjecture]  to  be 
a  fragment  of  an  old  Amorite  war-song ;  and  the 
apologue  of  Jotham  (Judg.  ix.  7-20),  both  which 
last  are  strongly  satirical  in  tone.  But  the  finest  of 
all  is  the  lUiignificent  prophetic  song  of  triumph  over 
the  fall  of  Babylon  (Is.  xiv.  4-27).  Hidah  or  ehiddh 
(=:  mdnhdl  in  Ez.  xvli.  2),  an  enigma  (like  the  "  lUD- 
dlk"  of  Samson,  Judg.  xiv.  14),  or  "dark  saying," 
as  the  A.  V.  hiis  it  in  Ps.  xlix.  4  [Ileb.  5],  Ixxviii. 
2,  &c.  Lastly,  to  this  class  belongs  mi^lilxd/i,  a 
mocking,  ironical  poem  (Uab.  ii.  6,  A.  V.  "taunt- 
ing"). (3.)  Te/ihilldh,  "  PRAyER,"  is  the  title  of 
Psalms  xvii.,  Ixxxvi.,  xc,  cii.,  cxiii.,  and  Hab.  iii. 
All  these  are  strictly  lyrical  compositions,  and  the 
title  may  have  been  a.ssigned  to  them  either  as  de- 
noting the  object  witli  which  they  were  written,  or 
the  use  to  which  they  were  applied. — II.  Gnomic 
Poili-y.  This  division  is  occupied  by  a  clas.i  of  poems 
which  are  peculiarly  Shemitie,  and  which  represent 
the  nearest  approaches  made  by  the  people  of  that 
race  to  any  thing  like  philosophic  thought.  Reason- 
ing there  is  none :  we  have  only  results,  and  those 
rather  the  product  of  observation  and  reflection  than 
of  induction  or  argumentation.  As  lyric  poetry  is 
the  expression  of  the  poet's  own  feelings  and  im- 
pulses, so  gnomic  poetry  is  the  form  in  which  the 
desire  of  communicating  knowledge  to  others  finds 
vent.  It  has  been  already  remarked  tliat  gnomic 
poetry,  as  a  whole,  requires  for  its  development  a 
period  of  national  tranquillity.  Its  germs  are  the 
floating  proverbs  which  pass  current  in  the  mouths 
of  the  people,  and  embody  the  experience.-!  of  many 
with  the  wit  of  one.  The  sayer  of  sententious  say- 
ings was  to  the  Hebrews  the  wise  man,  tlie  piuloso- 
pher.  No  less  than  3,0'W  proverbs  are  attributed  to 
SoLoiio.v  (1  K.  iv.  32;  Eccl.  xii.  9).  (Proverbs, 
Book  of.)  Of  the  earlier  isolated  proverbs  but 
few  examples  remain  (1  Sam.  xxiv.  13 ;  Ez.  xii.  22, 
xviii.  2.)— -III.  Dramatle  I'oetry.  It  is  impossible 
to  assert  that  no  form  of  the  drama  existed 
among  the  Uebrew  people ;  the  most  that  can 
be  done  is  to  examine  such  portions  of  their  liter- 
ature as  have  come  down  to  us,  for  the  purpose 
of  ascertaining  how  far  any  traces  of  the  drama 
proper  are  discernible,  and  what  inferences  may  be 
made  from  them.  It  is  unquestionably  true,  as 
Ewald  observes,  that  the  Arab  reciters  of  romances 
will  many  times  in  their  own  persons  act  out  a 
complete  drama  in  recitation,  changing  their  voice 
and  gestures  with  the  change  of  person  and  subject. 
Something  of  this  kind  may  possibly  have  existed 
among  the  Hebrews.  But  tiie  mere  fact  {)f  the  ex- 
istence of  these  rude  exliibitions  among  the  Arabs 
and  Egyptians  of  the  present  day  is  of  no  weight 
when  the  question  to  be  decided  is,  whether  the 
Song  of  Songs  (C'ANTierLEs)  was  designed  to  be  so 
represented,  as  a  simple  pastoral  drama.  Of  course, 
in  considering  such  a  question,  reference  is  made 
only  to  the  external  form  of  the  poem,  and,  in  order 
to  prove  it,  it  must  be  shown  that  the  dramatic  is 
the  only  form  of  representation  which  it  could  as- 


sume, and  not  that,  by  the  help  of  two  actors  and 
a  chorus,  it  is  capable  of  being  exhibited  in  a  dra- 
matic form.  All  that  has  been  done,  in  our  opinion 
(so  Sir.  Wright),  is  the  latter.  M.  Kenan  (Le  Van- 
iUjiie  ties  Cantigiies)  has  given  a  spirited  translation 
of  tlie  poem,  and  arranged  it  in  acts  and  scenes, 
according  to  his  own  theory  of  the  manner  in  which 
it  was  intended  to  be  represented.  He  divides  the 
whole  into  sixteen  cantos,  which  form  five  acts 
and  an  epilogue.  He  docs  not  regard  the  Song  of 
Songs  as  a  drama  in  the  same  sense  as  the  products 
of  the  Greek  and  Roman  theatres,  but  as  dramatic 
poetry  in  the  widest  application  of  tlie  term,  i.  e. 
a  composition  conducted  in  dialogue  and  corre- 
sponding to  an  action.  lie  conjectures  that  it  is  a 
libretto  (a  little  book  containing  the  words)  intended 
to  be  completed  by  the  play  of  the  actors  aud  by 
music,  and  represented  in  private  families,  probably 
at  marriage-feasts,  the  representation  being  extend- 
ed over  the  several  days  of  the  feast.  We  must 
look  for  a  parallel  to  it  in  tlie  middle  age.*,  when, 
besides  the  mystery-plays,  there  were  scenic  rep- 
resentations sulliciently  developed.  The  ground- 
work of  tliis  hypothesis  is  taken  away  by  M.  R6- 
nati's  own  admission  that  dramatic  representations 
are  alien  to  the  spirit  of  the  Shemitie  races.  Tlie 
simple  corollary  to  this  proposition  must  he  that 
tlie  Song  of  Songs  is  not  a  drama,  but  in  its  external 
form  partakes  more  of  the  nature  of  an  eclogue  or 
pastoral  dialogue.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  after 
this  to  discuss  the  question  wliether  the  Book  of 
Job  is  a  dramatic  poem  or  not.  Inasmuch  as  it 
represents  an  action  and  a  progress,  it  is  a  dr.ama  as 
truly  as  any  poem  can  be  which  develops  the  work- 
ing of  passion,  and  the  alternations  of  faith,  liopc, 
distrust,  triumphant  confidence,  and  black  despair, 
in  the  struggle  which  it  depicts  the  human  mind  as 
engaged  in,  while  attempting  to  solve  one  of  the 
most  intricate  problems  it  can  be  called  u|)on  to 
regard.  It  is  a  drama  as  life  is  a  drama,  the  most 
powerful  of  all  tragedies  ;  but  that  it  is  a  dramatic 
poem,  intended  to  be  represented  upon  a  stage,  or 
capable  of  being  so  represented,  may  be  confidently 
denieil. — One  characteristic  of  Hebrew  poetry,  not 
indeed  peculiar  to  it,  but  shared  by  it  in  common 
with  the  literature  of  other  nations,  is  its  intensely 
national  and  local  coloring.  The  writers  were  He- 
brews of  the  Hebrews,  drawing  their  inspiration 
from  the  mountains  and  rivers  of  Palestine,  which 
they  have  immortalized  in  their  poetic  figures,  and 
even  while  uttering  the  sublimest  and  most  univer- 
sal trutlis  never  forgetting  their  own  nationality  in 
its  narrowest  and  intensest  form.  Examples  might 
easily  be  multiplied  in  illustration  of  this  remark- 
able characteristic  of  the  Hebrew  poets  :  they  stand 
thick  upon  every  page  of  their  writings,  and  in 
striking  contrast  to  the  vague  generalizations  of  the 
Indian  philosophic  poetry.  •  In  Hebrew,  as  in  other 
languages,  there  is  a  peculiarity  about  the  diction 
used  in  poetry — a  kind  of  poetical  dialect,  charac- 
terized by  archaic  and  irregular  forms  of  words, 
abrupt  constrnctions,  and  unusual  inflections,  which 
distinguish  it  from  the  contemporary  prose  or  his- 
torical style.  It  is  universally  observed  that  archaic 
forms  and  usages  of  words  linger  in  the  poetry  of  a 
language  after  they  have  fallen  out  of  ordinary  use. 
— But  the  form  of  Hebrew  poetry  is  its  distinguish- 
ing characteristic,  and  what  this  fm-m  is,  has  Ijccn  a 
vexed  question  for  many  ages.  The  Therapeuta!, 
as  described  by  Philo  (Alexanpria),  s.-ing  hymns 
and  psalms  of  thanksgiving  to  God,  in  divers  nicas- 
urcs  and  strains ;  and  these  were  cither  new  or  an- 


874 


POE 


POE 


cient  ones  composed  by  the  old  poets,  who  had  left 
behind  them  measures  and  melodies  of  trimeter 
verses.  According  to  Josephus,  the  Song  of  Moses 
at  the  Red  Sea  (Ex.  xv.)  was  composed  in  the  hex- 
ameter measure;  and  again,  the  song  in  Deut.  xxxii. 
is  described  as  a  hexameter  poem.  The  Psalms  of 
David,  according  to  him,  were  in  various  metres, 
some  trimeters  and  some  pentameters.  Eusebius 
characterizes  the  great  Song  of  Moses  and  the  118th 
(119th)  Psalm  as  metrical  compositions  in  what  the 
Greeks  call  the  heroic  metre.  They  are  said  to  be 
hexameters  of  sixteen  syllables.  The  other  verse 
compositions  of  the  Hebrews  are  said  to  be  in  trim- 
eters. Jerome  says  that  the  Book  of  Job,  from 
iii.  3  to  xlii.  6,  is  in  hexameters,  with  dactyls  and 
spondees.  The  conclusion  seems  inevitable  that 
these  terms  are  employed  simply  to  denote  a  gen- 
eral external  resemblance.  There  are,  says  Jerome, 
four  alphabetical  Psalms,  the  110th  (111th),  111th 
(112th),  118th  (119th),  and  the  144th  (145th).  In 
the  first  two,  one  letter  corresponds  to  each  clause 
or  versicle,  which  is  written  in  tiimeter  iambics. 
The  others  are  in  tetrameter  iambics,  like  the  song 
in  Deuteronomy.  In  Ps.  118  (119),  eight  verses 
follow  each  letter :  in  Ps.  144  (145),  a  letter  corre- 
sponds to  a  verse.  In  Lamentations  we  have  four 
alphabetical  acrostics,  the  first  two  of  which  are 
written  in  a  kind  of  Sapphic  metre ;  for  three  clauses 
which  are  connected  together  and  begin  with  one 
letter  (i.  e.  in  the  first  clause)  close  with  a  period  in 
heroic  measure.  The  third  is  written  in  trimeter, 
and  the  verses  in  threes  each  begin  with  the  same 
letter.  The  fourth  is  like  the  first  and  second.  The 
Proverbs  end  with  an  alpliabetical  poem  in  tetram- 
eter iambics.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  these 
terms  are  mere  generalities,  and  express  no  more 
than  a  certain  rough  resemblance.  Joseph  Scaliger 
was  one  of  the  first  to  point  out  the  fallacy  of  Jer- 
ome's statement  with  regard  to  the  metres  of  the 
Psalter  and  the  Lamentations,  and  to  assert  that 
these  books  contained  no  verse  bound  by  metrical 
laws,  but  that  their  language  was  merely  prose, 
animated  by  a  poetic  spirit.  Gerhard  Vossius  says, 
that  in  Job  and  the  Proverbs  there  is  rhythm  but 
no  metre ;  i.  e.  regard  is  had  to  the  number  of  syl- 
lables but  not  to  their  quantity.  But,  in  spite  of 
the  opinions  pronounced  by  these  high  authorities, 
there  were  still  many  who  believed  in  the  existence 
of  a  Hebrew  metre,  and  in  the  possibility  of  recov- 
ering it  (Gomarus,  Marcus  Meibomius,  Bishop  Hare, 
Anton,  Sir  W.  Jones,  Greve,  Bellermann,  &c.).  The 
theories  proposed  for  this  purpose  were  various,  and 
the  enumeration  of  them  forms  a  curious  chapter 
in  the  history  of  opinion.  Among  those  who  be- 
lieved in  the  existence  of  a  Hebrew  metre,  but  in 
the  impossibility  of  recovering  it,  were  Carpzov, 
Lowth,  PfeiiTer,  Herder  to  a  certain  extent,  Jahn, 
Bauer,  and  Buxtorf.  Lowth  "  begins  by  asserting 
that  certain  of  the  Hebrew  writings  are  not  only 
animated  with  the  true  poetic  spirit,  but,  in  some 
degree,  couched  in  poetic  numbers  ;  yet,  he  allows, 
that  the  quantity,  the  rhythm,  or  modulation  of  He- 
brew poetry,  not  only  is  unknown,  but  admits  of  no 
investigation  by  human  art  or  industry  ;  he  states, 
after  Abrabanel,  that  the  Jews  themselves  disclaim 
the  very  memory  of  metrical  composition  ;  he  ac- 
knowledges that  the  artificial  conformation  of  the 
sentences  is  the  sole  indication  of  metre  in  these 
poems  ;  he  barely  maintains  the  crcdibilitu  of  atten- 
tion having  been  paid  to  numbers  or  feet  in  their 
compositions  ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  he  confesses 
the  utter  impossibility  of  determining  whether  He- 


brew poetry  was  modulated  by  the  car  alone,  or  ac- 
cording to  any  definite  and  settled  rules  of  prosody  " 
(Jebb,  Sacr.  Lit.  p.  16).  On  the  rhythmical  charac- 
ter of  Hebrew  poetry,  as  opposed  to  metrical,  the 
remarks  of  Jebb  are  remarkably  appropriate.  "  He- 
brew poetry,"  he  says  {Sacr.  Lit.  p.  20),  "  is  univer- 
sal poetry  :  the  poetry  of  all  languages,  and  of  all 
peoples :  the  collocation  of  words  (whatever  may 
have  been  the  sound,  for  of  this  we  are  quite  ig- 
norant) is  primarily  directed  to  secure  the  best  pos- 
sible announcement  and  discrimination  of  the  sense : 
let,  then,  a  translator  only  be  literal,  and,  so  far  as 
the  genius  of  his  language  will  permit,  let  him  pre- 
serve the  original  order  of  the  words,  and  he  will 
infallibly  put  the  reader  in  possession  of  all,  or 
nearly  all,  that  the  Hebrew  text  can  give  to  the  best 
Hebrew  scholar  of  the  present  day.  Now,  had 
there  been  originally  metre,  .  .  .  the  poetry  could 
not  have  been,  as  it  unquestionably  and  emphatical- 
ly is,  a  poetry,  not  of  sounds,  or  of  words,  but  of 
things."  Among  those  who  maintain  the  absence 
in  Hebrew  poetry  of  any  regularity  perceptible  to 
the  ear,  may  be  mentioned  Richard  Simon,  AVas- 
muth,  Alstedius,  the  author  of  the  book  Cozri,  and 
Rabbi  Azariah  de  Rossi.  Rabbi  Azariah  appears 
to  have  anticipated  Bishop  Lowth  in  his  theory  of 
parallelism  :  at  any  rate  his  treatise  contains  the 
germ  which  Lowth  developed.  But  Low  tli's  system 
of  parallelism  was  more  comjiletely  anticipated  by 
Schoettgen  in  a  treatise,  found  in  his  IJorce  Htbrai- 
cff,  vol.  i.  pp.  1249-1263,  diss,  vi.,  "de  Exergnsia 
Sacra  "  (literally  on  sacred  working  out).  This  ex(r- 
gmia  he  defines  to  be  the  conjunction  of  entire  sen- 
tences signifying  the  same  thing:  ^o  \\\At  ixcrgmia 
bears  the  same  relation  to  sentences  that  synonymy 
does  to  words.  But  whatever  may  have  been 
achieved  by  his  predecessors,  the  delivery  of 
Lowth's  lectures  on  Hebrew  Poetry,  and  the  sub- 
sequent publication  of  his  translation  of  Isaiah, 
formed  an  era  in  the  literature  of  the  subject. 
Starting  with  the  alphabetical  poems  as  the  basis 
of  his  investigation,  because  that  in  them  the  verses 
or  stanzas  were  more  distinctly  marked,  Lowth 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  they  consist  of  verses 
properly  so  called,  "of  verses  legulated  by  some 
observation  of  harmony  or  cadence ;  of  measure, 
numbers,  or  rhythm,"  and  that  this  harmony  does 
not  arise  from  rhyme,  but  from  what  he  denonjinatcs 
parallelism.  Parallelism  he  defines  to  be  the  corre- 
spondence of  one  verse  or  line  with  another,  and 
divides  it  into  three  classes,  synonymous,  antithetic, 
and  synthetic.  (I.)  Parallel  lines  a^nonijmoiu  cor- 
respond to  each  other  by  expressing  the  same  sense 
in  dificrent  but  equivalent  terms,  as  in  the  follow- 
ing examples,  which  are  only  two  of  the  many  givm 
by  Lowth  : — 
"  0-Jehovah,  in-thy-etrenglh  Ihe-king  shall-rejolce ; 
And-in-thy-cnlvation  liow  prently  »hall-he-i>xiilt  I 
Tlie-desiru  of-his-licart  tliou-har-i-frranleil  uiito-liim; 
And-thc-request  ol'-his-lips  Ihou-htts t-not  denied." 

^  Ps.  xxi.  1,  2. 

"  For  the-moth  ehallconeiime-them  likea-garment ; 
And-lhe-wi>rm  slinU-cat-lhcm  like  wool: 
But-my-righleousneps  fhallendurc  for-ever; 
And-my-ealvation  to-the-age  ofages."— 1b.  li.  8. 

To  this  first  division  of  Lowth's  Jebb  objects  that 
the  name  st/nonf/mons  is  inappropriate,  for  the  sec- 
ond clause,  with  few  exceptions,  "divcrsi/rs  the 
preceding  clause,  and  generally  so  as  to  rise  above 
it,  forming  a  sort  of  climax  in  the  sense."  lie  sug- 
gests as  a  more  approi>riate  name  for  parallelism  of 
this  kind,  cognate  paralleligm  {Sacr.  Lit.  p.  38).  (21 
Lowth's  second  division  ia  aniitJictic  parallelism ; 


POE 


POL 


875 


when  two  lines  correspond  with  each  other  by  an 
oppoaition  of  terras  and  sentiments ;  when  the  sec- 
ond is  contrasted  witli  tlie  first,  sonietiines  in  ex- 
pressions, sometimes  in  sense  only,  so  that  the  de- 
grees of  antithesis  are  various.     As  for  example — 

'•  A  wise  snn  rejolcoth  his  fkther ; 

But  a  fuoliali  son  is  llie  j,Ticf  of  his  mother." 

Prov.  X.  1. 
"  The  memory  of  the  just  Is  a  blessins ; 

But  the  name  of  the  wicked  Bliall  rot.'"— Prov.  x.  7. 

The  fjuomic  poetry  of  the  Hebrews  abounds  v.-ith 
illustrations  of  antithetic  parallelism.  (3.)  Si^n- 
Ihflie  or  comlritciive  paralhlism,  where  the  parallel 
"  consists  only  in  the  similar  form  of  construction  ; 
in  which  word  does  not  answer  to  word,  and  sen- 
tence to  sentence,  as  equivalent  or  opposite ;  but 
there  is  a  correspondence  and  equality  between  dif- 
ferent propositions,  in  respect  of  the  shape  and  turn 
of  the  whole  sentence,  and  of  the  constructive  parts 
— such  as  noun  answering  to  noun,  verb  to  verb, 
member  to  member,  negative  to  negative,  interroga- 
tive to  interrogative."  One  of  the  examples  of  con- 
structive parallels  given  by  Lowth  is  Is.  1.  5,  6 : — 
"  The  Lord  Jehovah  hath  opened  mine  ear, 

.\iul  I  was  not  rebellious ; 

Neither  did  I  withdraw  myself  backward — 

I  ir.ive  my  back  to  the  sraiters. 

And  my  cheeks  to  thejn  that  plucked  off  the  hair ; 

ily  face  I  hid  not  from  shame  and  spitting." 

Jebb  gires  as  an  illustration  Ps.  xix.  7-10.  (4.)  To 
the  three  kinds  of  parallelism  above  described  Jebb 
adds  a  fourth,  which  seems  rather  to  be  an  unneces- 
sary refinement  upon  than  distinct  from  the  others. 
lie  denominates  it  iidroverled  parallelism,  in  wliich 
he  say.-i,  "  there  are  stanzas  so  constructed  that, 
whatever  be  the  number  of  lines,  the  first  line  shall 
be  parallel  witli  the  last ;  the  second  with  the  pe- 
nultimate ;  and  so  throughout  in  an  order  that  looks 
inward,  or,  to  borrow  a  military  phrase,  from  flunks 
to  centre  "  {Sacr.  Lit.  p.  53).     Thus — 

"  My  son,  if  thine  heart  be  wise. 
My  heart  also  shall  rr^oice ; 
Yea,  my  reius  shall  rejoice 
When  thy  lips  speak  rijrlit  things." 

Prov.  xxlU.  15, 16. 
"Unto  Thee  do  I  lift  up  mine  eyes,  O  Thou  that  dwellest 
in  the  lieavens; 
Behold  as  the  eyes  of  servants  to  the  hand  of  their 

masters ; 
As  the  eyes  of  a  maiden  to  the  hands  of  her  mistress. 
Even  so  look  our  eyes  to  Jehovah  our  God,  until  he  have 
mercy  upon  ns."— Ps.  cxxiii.  1,  2. 

A  few  words  may  now  be  added  with  respect  to  the 
classification  proposed  by  De  Wette,  in  which  more 
regard  was  had  to  the  rhythm.  The  four  kinds  of 
parallelism  are — (1.)  That  which  consists  in  an 
equal  number  of  words  in  each  member,  as  in  Gen. 
iv.  23.  Under  this  head  are  many  minor  divisions. 
(2.)  Unequal  parallelism,  in  which  the  number  of 
words  in  the  members  is  not  the  same.  This 
has  five  sutjdivisions  (Ps.  Ixviii.  33 ;  Job  x.  1  ;  Ps. 
xl.  10,  i.  3,  xxiii.  3).  (3.)  Out  of  the  parallelism 
which  is  unequal  in  consequence  of  the  composite 
character  of  one  member,  another  is  developed,  so 
that  brith  members  are  composite  (xxxi.  11).  This 
has  three  subdivisions.  (4.)  Rhythmical  parallelism 
which  lies  nicrtly  in  the  external  form  of  the  diction 
(xix.  II,  &c.).  De  Wette  al.so  held  that  there  were 
in  Hebrew  poetry  the  beginnings  of  a  composite 
rhythmical  structure  like  our  strophes.  Tlius  in 
Ps.  xlii.,  xliii.,  a  refrain  marks  the  conclusion  of  a 
larger  rhythmical  period.  The  essay  of  Kocster  on 
the  3tri)[ihes,  or  the  parallelism  of  verses  in  Hebrew 
poetry  endeavors  to  show  that  the  verses  are  sub- 
ject to  the  same  laws  of  symmetry  as  the  verse 


members  ;  and  that  consequently  Hebrew  poetry  is 
essentially  strophical  in  character.  Ewald's  treatise 
requires  more  careful  consideration ;  but  it  is  im- 
possible here  to  give  a  fair  idea  of  it. — The  rules  of 
Hebrew  poetry,  as  laid  down  by  the  Jewish  gram- 
marians, are  briefly  these  : — 1.  That  a  sentence  may 
be  divided  into  members,  some  of  which  contain 
two,  three,  or  even  four  words,  and  are  accordingly 
termed  Binary,  Ternarji,  and  Quaternary  members 
respectively.  2.  The  sentences  are  composed  either 
of  Binary,  Ternary,  or  Quaternary  members  en- 
tirely, or  of  these  different  members  intermixed. 
3.  That  in  two  consecutive  members  it  is  an  ele- 
gance to  express  the  same  idea  in  different  words.  4. 
That  a  word  expressed  in  either  of  these  parallel  mem- 
bers is  often  not  expressed  in  the  alternate  member. 
5.  That  a  word  without  an  accent,  being  joined  to 
another  word  by  Makkeph  (a  hyphen),  is  generally 
(though  not  always)  reckoned  with  that  second  word 
as  one. — After  reviewing  the  various  theories  with 
regard  to  the  structure  of  Hebrew  poetry,  it  must 
be  confessed  that,  beyond  the  discovery  of  very 
broad  general  laws,  little  has  been  done  toward 
elaborating  a  satisfactory  system.  Probably  this 
want  of  success  is  due  to  the  fact  that  there  is  no 
system  to  discover ;  and  that  Hebrew  poetry,  while 
possessed  in  the  highest  degree  of  all  sweetness  and 
variety  of  rhythm  and  melody,  is  not  fettered  by 
laws  of  versification  as  we  understand  tlie  term. 
EccLEsiASTES ;  Inspiratio.n  ;  Lamkntations. 

Pol'soo,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  heniAh 
or  chein&h,  from  a  root  signifying  to  he  hot  (Deut. 
xxxii.  24,  33  ;  Job  vi.  4 ;  Ps.  Iviii.  4,  cxI.  3),  often  trans- 
lated "  wrath"  (Num.  xxv.  11 ;  Ps.  Ixxix.  G,  kv.),  or 
"  fury  "  (Gen.  xxvii.  44  ;  Lev.  xxvi.  28 ;  Is.  xxvii.  4, 
&c.),  &c.  As  a  poison,  it  in  all  cases  denotes  animal 
poison,  and  not  vegetable  or  mineral.  The  only  al- 
lusion to  its  application  is  in  Job  vi.  4,  where  ref- 
erence seems  to  be  made  to  the  custom  of  anointing 
arrows  with  the  venom  of  a  snake,  a  practice  the 
origin  of  which  is  of  very  remote  antiquity. — 2. 
Heb.  r&sh,  if  a  poison  at  all,  denoting  a  vegetable 
poison  primarily,  and  only  twice  (Deut.  xxxii.  33, 
A.V.  "  venom  ;  "  Job  xx.  16,  A.  V.  "  poison  ")  used 
of  the  venom  of  a  serpent.  In  other  passages  where 
it  occurs,  it  is  translated  "  oai.i.  "  in  the  A.  V.,  ex- 
cept in  Hos.  X.  4,  where  it  is  rendered  "  hemlock." 
Whether  poisonous  or  not,  it  was  a  plant  of  bitter 
taste.  Gesenius,  on  the  ground  that  the  word  in 
Hebrew  also  signifies  "  head,"  rejects  the  hemlock 
(Celsius),  colocynth  (Oedmann),  henbane,  and  darnel 
(Michaclis),  and  proposes  the  "poppy"  instead; 
from  the  "  heads  "  in  which  its  seeds  are  contained. 
"  Water  of  r6»}i "  is  then  "  opium,"  but  there  ap- 
pears in  none  of  the  above  passages  to  be  any  allu- 
sion to  the  characteristic  effects  of  opium. — 3.  Gr. 
io»(Rom.iii.  13  ;  Jas.  iii.  8),  used  figuratively  in  both 
cases,  the  primary  reference  being  to  the  poison  of 
serpents;  =  No.  1  in  LXX.  (RusT.V--A  clear 
case  of  suicide  by  poison  is  related  in  2  Me.  x.  13, 
where  Ptolcmeus  Macron  is  said  to  have  destroyed 
himself  by  this  means.  But  we  do  not  find  a  trace 
of  it  among  the  Jews.  It  has  been  suggested,  in- 
deed, that  the  Gr.  pharmakeia  of  Gal.  v.  20  (A.  V. 
"  witchcraft"),  signifies  poisoning,  but  it  more  prob- 
ably refers  to  the  concoction  of  magical  potions  and 
love-philtres.  Adder  ;  Asp  ;  Gourt)  2 ;  Medicine  ; 
Scorpion  ;  Serpent  ;  Tares  ;  Wormwood. 

•  Poll  =  f/i«/iew/(Num.  i.  2,  18,  &c.). 

*  Poll  =  to  <-ui  off,  clip,  or  xhave  the  hair  (2  Sam. 
xiv.  26;  Ez.  xliv.  20;  Mic.  i.  16;  margin  of  Jer.  ix. 
26,  xxv.  23,  xlix.  32).     Hair. 


876- 


POL 


POO 


Fol'lax.     Castor  and  Pollcx. 

Po-lyg'a-iny  (iV.  Gr.  =  many  marriages  or  much 
marriiiye).     Marriage. 

Pomc-granate  [pum-]  by  universal  consent  is  = 
Hel).-»*«t«ton,  a  word  which  occurs  frequently  in  the 
0.  T.,  and  is  used  to  designate  either  the  pomegran- 
ate-tree or  its  fruit.  The  pomegranate  was  doubt- 
less early  cultivated  in  Egypt :  hence  the  complaint 
of  the  Israelites  in  the  wilderness  of  Zin  (Num.  xx. 
6),  this  "  is  no  place  of  figs,  or  of  vines,  or  of  pome- 
granates." The  tree,  with  its  characteristic  calyx- 
crowned  fruit,  is  easily  recognized  on  the  Egyptian 
sculptures.  The  spies  brought  to  Joshua  "  of  the 
pomegranates  "  of  Canaan  (Num.  xiii.  i!3  ;  compare 
Dcut.  viii.  8).  The  trees  suflered  occasionally  liom 
the  devastations  of  locusts  (Josh.  i.  12 ;  compare 
Hag.  ii.  19).  Mention  is  made  of  "  an  orchard  of 
pomegranates "  in  Cant.  iv.  13,  and  in  viii.  2  of 
"  spiced  wine  of  the  juice  of  the  pomegranate." 
In  iv.  3  the  cheeks  (A.  V.  "  temples  ")  of  the  Be- 
loved are  compared  to  a  section  of  "  pomegranate 
within  the  locks,"  in  allusion  to  the  beautiful  rosy 
color  of  the  fruit.  Carved  figures  of  the  pome- 
granate adorned  the  tops  of  the  pillars  in  Solomon's 
Temple  (1  K.  vii.  18,  20,  &c.);  and  worked  repre- 
sentations of  this  fruit  in  blue,  purple,  and  scarlet, 
ornamented  the  hem  of  the  robe  of  the  ephod  (Ex. 
xxviii.  33,  84).  Russell  (Natural  Hidory  of  Alcjipo. 
i. 85,  2d  ed.)  states  "  that  the  pomegranate"  (rwn- 
mun  in  Arabic)  "  is  common  in  all  tlie  gardens." 
The  pomegranate-tree  (Pmdca  granatum)Aev\\(s  its 
name  from  the  Latin  pomum  granaium  —  grained 
aj'pte.    It  belongs  to  the  natural  order  Mp-tacece, 


Pomegnnate  {Puniea  granatvm), 

being,  however,  rather  a  hush  than  a  tree.  The 
foliage  is  dark  green  ;  the  flowers  are  crimson  ;  the 
fruit  is  red  when  ripe,  and  contains  a  quantity  of 
juice.  The  rind  is  used  in  the  manufacture  of  mo- 
rocco leather.     It  is  a  native  of  Asia. 

PoDl'mrlS  [piini'melz]  (pi.  fr.  L.  =  lUtle  apples, 
i.  e.  knobs  or  balls),  the  A.  V.  translation  of  pi.  of 
Heb.  frullAh  (2  Chr.  iv.  12,  13  only),  translated 
"bowis"  (1  K.  vii.  41,  &c.).  The  Hebrew  word  = 
convex  projections  belonging  to  the  capitals  of  pil- 
lars.    Bowl  ;  Chapiter. 

Pond  (Heb.  rigdm).  The  ponds  of  Egypt  (Ex.  vii. 
19,  viii.  5)  were  doubtless  water  left  by  the  inunda- 


tion of  the  Kilo.     Ponds  for  Fisn  are  mentioned  in 
Is.  xix.  10.     I'ooL. 
Pou'ti-as  Pilate.    Pilate, Poxtius. 
Pon'lns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  the  sea,  especially  the  open 
sea  ;  in  ancient  geography  applies  to  thaEiaine  [or  j 
Black]  Sea,  caWcA  I'ontus  Euxinus  or  Pordus  simply  ;i 
then  to  the  country  at  the  E.  end  of  the  Black  SeaJ 
L.  &  S.),  a  large  district  in  the  N.  of  Asia  Minor,  ex- 
tending along  the  coast  of  the  Pontus  Euxinus  or 
Knxine  Sea.     It  is   three  times  mentioned  in  the 
N.  T.  (Acts  ii.  9,  10,  xviii.  2;  1  Pet.  i.  1).  All  these 
passages  agree  in  showing  that  there  were  many 
Jewish  resideitfs  in  the  district.     The  one  brilliant 
passage  of  its  history  is  the  life  of  the  great  Mithri- 
dates,  who  reigned  more  than  half  a  century,  and 
was  at  one  time  njaster  of  twenty-five  nations,  hut 
was  defeated  by  Pompey  b.  c.  66.     The  western  part 
of  his  dominions  was  incorporated  with  the  province 
of  Bitiivnia;  the  rest  was  divided  among  various 
chieftains.     Under  Nero  the  whole  region  was  made  ] 
a  Koman  province,  bearing  the  name  of  Poutusj 
Aquila. 

Pool,  the  A.  V.  translation  of^l.  Heb.  offam.  (I« 
xiv.  23,  XXXV.   1,  xli.   18,   xhi.    15),  also  translate" 
"  POND." — 2.    Heb.    btraehuh,  usually    "  blessing,'^ 
translated  "  pools  "  in  pi.  once  only  (Ps.  Ixxxiv.  6).- 
3.  Heb.  hlrecMh,  the  usual  word  closely  conneete 
with    the  Arabic  Birkeh,    a    reservoir    for  wateE 
Tliese  pools,  like  the  tanks  of  India,  are  in  mjinj 
parts  of  Palestine  and  Syria  the  only  resource  foB 
water  during  the  dry  season,  and  the  failure  of  themi 
involves  drought  and  calamity  (Is.  xlii.  15).     Of  thej 
various  pools  mentioned  in  Scripture,  perhaps  thfl 
most  celebrated  are  the  pools  of  Solomon,  aboul 
three  miles  S.  W.  of  Bethlehem,  called  by  the  Arabi 
el-Lurak,  from  which  an  aqueduct  was  carried  whicH 
still  supplies  jERl'SALf;M  with  water  (Eccl.  ii.  6;  Efl 
clus.  xxiv.  30,  31).     There  are  three  pools,  partl| 
hewn  out  of  the  rock,  and  partly  built  with  mason 
ry,  but  all  lined  w  ith  cement,  and  all  situated  in  thl 
sides  of  the  valley  of  Etam,  with  a  dam  across  itf 
opening,  which  forms  the  eastern  side  of  the  lowe 
pool.     l)r.  Robinson  makes  the  upper  pool  380  fei 
long,  236  broad  atE.,  and  229  atW.,  25  deep  at  f 
160  above  middle  pool;  the  middle  pool  423  fe( 
long,  250  broad  at  E.,  and  160  at  W.,  39  deep,  21 
above  lower  pool ;  the  lower  pool  582  feet  long,  20 
broad  at  E.,  and  148  at  W.,  50  deep.     Tliey  afl 
pear  to  be  supplied  mainly  from  a  spring  in  th 
ground  above.     (See  cut  on  p.  877.) — 4.  Heb.  luiJivi 
=  a  gathering  together,  collection  of  waters,  Ges.  (Ex 
vii.  19  only,  margin  "gathering"),  trjinslated  "  gatlf 
ering  together"  in  Gen.  i.  10,  &c. — 5.  Gr.  loltimbethn 
(Jn.  V.  2,  4,  7,  ix.  7,  11)  =  a  swimming  place,  hence  j 
pmol,  pond,  reservoir,  Rbn.  iV.  T.  Lex. ;  in  LXX. 
No.  3.     Bethesda  ;  Co.ndlit  ;  Jerusalem  III.,  §  1 
Sn.OAM. 

Poor.  The  general  kindly  spirit  of  the  Law  to^ 
ard  the  poor  is  sufficiently  shown  by  such  passage! 
as  Deut.  xv.  7,  for  the  reason  that  (ver.  11)  "the 
poor  shall  never  cease  out  of  the  land."  Among 
the  special  enactments  in  their  favor  the  following 
must  be  mentioned.  1.  The  right  of  gleani.vc  (Lev. 
xix.  9,  10;  Dcut.  xxiv.  19,  21).  (Corsee.)  2.  Krom 
the  produce  of  tlie  land  in  the  sabbatical  veaii,  llie 
poor  and  the  stranger  were  to  have  their  poilion 
(Ex.  xxiii.  11  ;  Lev.  xxv.  6).  3.  Reentry  upon  land 
in  the  jlbilee  vear,  with  the  limitation  as  to  to«n 
homes  (ver.  25-30).  4.  Prohibition  of  uscRV,  and 
of  retention  of  pledges  (ver.  35,  37 ;  Ex.  xxii.  25- 
27,  &c.).  (Deposit;  Loan.)  6.  Permanent  bondage 
forbidden,  and  manumission  of  Hebrew  bondmen 


POP 


roR 


877 


PooU  of  Solomon,  e/-/;^'  Jl,       TrtM  (valley  of  Etam)  near  Betlii. 

Th*  Imr^i  tloDca  id  th«  near  fori;-;.'rumKi  Iiirm  the  S.  E.  comer  of  the  upper  pix  1.    Th.; 
ite  eiDooth.pliutered  embankment  on  the  E.  are  risible. 


From  a  photofrraph  by  J.  .Ontham.— (A yre.) 
idle  pool  being  empty,  the  shelving  rocks  on  ita  bottom,  and 


pool 
The  lower  pool  is  in  tlte  distance. 


or  bondwompn  enjoined  in  the  sabbatical  and  jubi- 
lee years  (Dent.  xv.  12-15 ;  Lev.  x.w.  39-42,  47-54). 
(Servant  ;  Slave.)     6.  Portions  from  the  tithes  to 
be  shared  by  the  poor  after  the  Levites  (Deut.  xiv. 
28,  xxvi.  12,  13).     (Tithe.)    7.  The  poor  to  partaltc 
in  entertainments  at  the  feasts  of  Weeks  and  Tab- 
ernacles (xvi.  11,   14;  see  Neh.  vlii.  10).     8.  Daily 
payment  of  wages  (Lev.  xix.  13).     Principles  simi- 
lar to  those  laid  down  by  Moses  are  inculcated  in 
V  T.,  as  Lk.  iii.  11,  xiv.  13 ;  Acts  vi.  1 ;  Gal.  ii.  10; 
-.  ii.  15.     In  later  times  mendicancy,  which  does 
;  appear  to  have  been  contemplated  by  Moses, 
i "tame frequent.  (Aoricclture;  Alms;  Stranger.) 
The  word  "  poor  "  often  occurs  in  the  Scriptures  in 
i'.'urative  sense  (Mat.  v.  3  ;  Rev.  iii.  17,  &c.). 
I'np  Ur,  the  A.V.  translation  of  Heb.  libneh  (Gen. 
X.  37  ;  Hos.  iv.  13).     Several  authorities  (Celsius, 
•  LXX.  in  IIos.,  Vulgate,  Henderson,  Hamilton 
■!  Fbn.],  &c.)  favor  the  rendering  of  the  A.V.,  and 
Ilk  the  "white  poplar"  (Ponuhm  alba)'\s  the  tree 
iiotetl;  others  (the  LXX.  in  Gen.,  Ar.,  Rosen- 
ller,  Royle  [in  Kitto],  Fiirst,  &c  )  understand  the 
-'oraxtrec"  {Sli/rax  nffieinale,  Linn.),  from  which 
obtained  the  fragrant  resin  called  storax.     Both 
[■lars  and  styrax  or  storax  trees  are  common  in 
'  ili'Stine,  and  either  would  suit  the  passages  where 
Hebrew  term  occurs.     Storax  is  mentioned  in 
■his.  xxiv.  15,  together  with  other  aromatic  sub- 
inces.     The  St;trax  officwale  is  a  shrub  from  nine 
'  twelve  feet  high,  with  ovate  leaves,  which  are 
hite  undciTicath  ;  the  flowers  are  in  racemes,  and 
:  '•  white  or  cream-colored. 
Por'a-lh«,  or  Po-m'tha  (Heb.  fr.  Pers.  =  given  hii 
■  '.'Ges.),  one  of  Haman'a  ten  sons  slain  by  the 
I'vvs  in  Shushan  the  palace  (Esth.  ix.  8). 

Porch  [o  as  in  uht],  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1. 
lli'b.  uhim  or  tdAm.  (I  K.  vi.  3,  vii.  6  ff. ;  1  Chr. 
xxviii.  11  ;  Kx.  xl.  7  ff.,  kc.)  =  a  vMihule,  porch, 
m.H'iin  :  applied  especially  to  the  vestibule  or  porch 


erected  on  the  eastern  front  of  the  Temple  (Gese- 
nius). — 2.  Heb.  misderoii  (Judg.  iii.  23  only)  z=  the 
open  gallery  or  porch,  from  which  there  was  access 
to  the  private  apartment  (Gesenius). — 3.  Gr.  jmlon 
(Mat.  xxvi.  71),  probably  the  passage  from  the  street 
into  the  first  court  of  the  house,  in  which  in  East- 
ern houses  is  the  stone-bench,  for  the  porter  or 
persons  waiting,  and  where  also  the  master  of  the 
liouse  often  receives  visitors  and  transacts  business. 
The  word  is  elsewhere  uniformly  translated  "  gate  " 
(Lk.  .\vi.  20;  Acts  x.  17;  Rev.'xxi.  12  ff.,  &c.).— 4. 
Gr.  proawlion  (Mk.  xiv.  68)  =  the  place  before  a  court, 
restibnie,  Suidas,  L.  &  S.,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.). — 5.  Gr. 
«toa  (Jn.  v.  2,  x.  23 ;  Acts  iii.  11,  v.  12),  used  for  the 
colonnade  or  portico  of  Betiiespa,  also  for  that  of 
the  Temple,  called  Solomon's  porch.  House  ;  Pal- 
ace. 

Por'fl-ns  Fes'tns  (L.)    Festits,  PoRcirs. 

*  Por'phyre  [-fir]  (Fr.  fr.  Gr.  porphnra  =  p\trple) 
=z  porphyry,  a  hard  rock,  usually  of  feldspar,  of 
variegated  colors  (purple,  &c.  i,  highly  prized  for  its 
beauty  when  polished  (Esth.  i.  6  margin,  text  "red" 

SC.  MARBLE). 

Porter  [pore-]  (Heb.  sho'er ;  Chal.  tHrff  ;  Gr. 
thurorot)  in  the  A.  V.  does  not  bear  its  modem  sig- 
nification of  o  carrier  uf  burdevn,  but  in  every  ease 
=  a  gale-l-eeper,  from  the  Latin  portariim,  the  man 
who  attended  to  the  jxirla  (~  gate).     Levites. 

Pos-Mo'nI-ns  ( L.  fr.  (ir.  =  of  [or/)-o)/»]  Ntfitune 
[Gr.  PoHeiil6u~\),  an  envoy  sent  by  Nicanor  to  Judas 
(2  Mc.  xiv.  19). 

Po8-ses'8lon.    Demoniacs. 

Post,  the  A.  V.  translation — I.  {In  a  buihiincf) of — 
1.  Heb.  airil  (F.7..  xl.  9  ff.,  xli.  1,  3),  once  translated 
"  LINTEL  "(IK.  vi.  81) ;  usually  and  literally  trans- 
lated "ram"  (Gen.  xv.  9;  Ex.  xxix.  1  ff.,  &c.).  As 
an  architectural  term,  Gesenius  makes  it  "  &  projec- 
tion in  a  lateral  wall,  serving  as  a  pout  or  column, 
i.  e.  «  pilaiter."    Fiirst  defines  it  "  a  j/ilaster,  i.  e. 


878 


FOR 


POT 


the  projection  which,  always  springin;;,  pillar-like, 
out  of  adjacent  recesses  on  both  sides,  fronts  toward 
the  space  where  is  the  entrance  and  through-pas- 
sage." (Arch.) — 2.  Heb.  amm&h  =  foundation, 
Ges.,  Fii.  (Is.  vi.  4  only) ;  translated  usually  "cubit" 
(Gen.  vi.  15  f ,  &c.). — 3.  Ileb.  mizuzAh  =  a  door-post, 
on  which  a  door  moves  on  its  hinges,  Ges.  (Ex.  xii. 
7,  22,  23,  &c.).  The  posts  of  the  doors  of  the  Temple 
■were  of  olive-wood  (1  K.  vi.  33). — t.  Heb.  mph  =  sill, 
threshold,  Ges.  (2  K.  xii.  9  [Heb.  10],  xxii.  4,  &c.), 
also  translated  "  threshold  "  (Judg.  xix.  27,  Jtc), 
"  BASIN  "  (Ex.  xii.  22,  &c.),  &c. — 5.  Heb.  mashkoph, 
translated  "  upper  door-post"  in  Ex.  xii.  7,  =  lin- 
tel, Ges.,  Fii.,  &c. — II.  (=  runner,  courier)  of  Heb. 
rdtx  (2  Chr.  xxx.  6,  10;  Esth.  iii.  13,  16,  viii.  10, 
14  ;  Job  ix.  25  ;  Jer.  li.  31),  also  translated  "  guard." 
Compel,  to  ;  Epistle  ;  Footman  2  ;  Guard  2. 

Pot,  a  terra  applicable  to  many  sorts  of  vessels  ; 
the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  cUsur,  properly  a 
vessel  for  holding  ointment,  att  oil-Jiask,  ICimchi, 
Ges.  (2  K.  iv.  2  only).— 2.  Heb.  gehuO  once  (Jer. 
XXXV.  5)  =  a  CLP,  goblet,  bowl,  of  a  large  size 
(Ges.).— 3.  Heb.  dud  =.  a  boiler,  pot,  Ges.  (Ps. 
Ixxxi.  6,  Heb.  7),  also  translated  "  seething-pot " 
(Job  xii.  20,  Heb.  12),  "caldron"  (2  Chr.  xxxv. 
13),  "kettle"  (1  Sam.  ii.  14),  "basket."— 4.  Heb. 
eHi  or  cH  (Lev.  vi.  28,  Heb.  21),  elsewhere  translated 
"furniture,"  &c. — 5.  Heb.  sir  z=  a  pot  (so  Ges.), 
properly  for  boiling,  and  then  generally  (Ex.  xxxviii. 
3 ;  1  K.  vii.  45;  2  K.  iv.  38  ff.,  &c.),  sometimes 
translated  "caldron,"  once  "pan"  (Ex.  xxvii.  3). 
Sir  is  combined  with  other  words  to  denote  special 
uses,  as  "  flesh-pot "  (Ex.  xvi.  3),  "  wasli-pot "  (Ps. 
Ix.  8  [Heb.  10],  cviii.  9  [Heb.  10]),  "seething-pot" 
(Jer.  i.  13). — (3.  Heb.  puriir  =  a  pot  for  boiling, 
Ges.  (Judg.  vi.  19;  1  Sara.  ii.  14),  once  translated 
"  PAN  "  (Num.  xi.  8). — 7.  Heb.  tsintseneth  =  a  vase, 
vessel,  for  keeping,  preserving,  Ges.  (Ex.  xvi.  33 
only). — 8.  Ileb.  dual  shi'phaltayim  in  Ps.  Ixviii.  13  ; 
A.  V.  "  Though  ye  have  lien  among  the  pots." 
Gesenius  mal'.es  this  word  =r  a  double  enclosure  sur- 
rounded with  pales,  and  applies  it  to  the  folds  or  en- 
closures, often  in  two  parts,  into  which  the  flocks 
are  gathered  at  night,  the  phrase  to  lie  among  the 
folds  being  thus  spoken  proverbially  of  shepherds 
and  husbandmen  living  in  leisure  and  quiet.  Prof. 
J.  A.  Alexander  translates  the  clause,  Wlieii  ye  lie 
down  between  the  borders,  i.  e.  within  the  boundaries 
of  your  territory,  the  general  idea  being  in  his  view 
also  one  of  peaceful  prosperity. — 9.  Heb.  dual  cirayim 
(in  part),  probably  (so  Ges.)  a  cooking-furnace, 
range  for  pots,  perhaps  of  pottery,  as  it  could  be 
broken  ;  and  double,  as  having  places  for  two  pots 
or  more  (Lev.  xi.  35  only,  A.  V.  "  ranges  for  pots"). 
— 10.  Heb.  matsrcph  (in  part)  =  a  fning-pot,  cru- 
cible, Ges. ;  A.  V.  "  fining-pot "  (Prov.  xvii.  3,  xxvii. 
21).  (Handicraft,  §  1.)— 11.  Heb.  merk&hah  or 
merkdchdh  (in  part)  =  unguent-kettle,  for  preparing 
ointment,  Ges. ;  A.  V.  "  pot  of  ointment "  (Job  xii. 
31,  Heb.  23). — 12.  Gr.  xestis,  properly  a  measure 
containing  nearly  a  pint,  but  in  N.  T.  =  any  small 
measure  or  vessel,  a  cup,  pitcher,  Rbn.  iV.  T.  Lex. 
(Mk.  vii.  4,  8).  (Weights  and  Measures.) — 13.  Gr. 
stamnos  =  an  earllien  jar,  jur/,  pot,  vase,  Rbn.  jV.  T. 
Lex.  (Heb.  ix.  4  only) ;  in  LXX.  =  No.  7.  Pitcher  ; 
Potsherd  ;  Pottery  ;  Water-pot. 

Pot'i-phar  (Heb.  fr.  Egyptian  =  Potipherah  = 
belonging  to  the  sun),  "  an  officer  of  Pharaoh,  chief 
of  the  executioners  (A.  V.  'captain  of  the  guard'), 
an  Egyptian,"  to  whom  Joseph  was  sold  (Gen. 
xxxix.  1  ;  compare  xxxvii.  36).  The  word  here 
rendered  "officer"  literally  =  eunuch;  but  it  is 


also  used  for  an  officer  of  the  court,  and  this  is 
almost  certainly  the  meaning  here  (so  Mr.  R.  S. 
Poole).  He  appears  to  have  been  a  wealthy  man 
(xxxix.  4-6).  The  view  we  have  of  Potiphar's  house- 
hold is  exactly  in  accordance  with  the  representa- 
tions on  the  monuments.  When  Joseph  was  ac- 
cused by  Potiphar's  wife,  his  master  cast  him  into 
prison  (19,  20).  After  this  we  hear  no  more  of  Pot- 
iphar,  unless,  which  is  unlikely,  the  chief  of  the 
executioners  afterward  mentioned  (xl.  3)  be  he. 
Egypt  ;  Pharaoh  2. 

Po-tiph'e-rah,  or  Pot-i-phc'rali  (Hcb.fr.  Egypt!..n 
=  Potiphar),  prie-st  or  prince  of  On.  His  daughter 
Asenatii  was  given  Joseph  to  wife  by  Pharaoh  ((jci;. 
xii.  45,  50,  xlvi.  20). 

Pot'sherd  ( =  a  broken  piece  of  earthenware),  the 
A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  heres  or  cheres  (Job  ii.  8 ; 
Prov.  xxvi.  23,  &c.),  also  tran.slated  "sherd"  (Is. 
xxx.  14;  Ez.  xxiii.  34),  "earthen"  vessel  (Lev.  vi. 
28  [Heb.  21],  xi.  33,  &c.),  "earthen"  bottle  (Jer. 
xix.  1),  "earthen"  pitcher  (Lam.  iv.  2),  &c.  Pro- 
verbially (so  Gesenius)  a  "  potsherd  "  =  any  thing 
mean  and  contemptible  (Is.  xlv.  9),  also  any  thing 
very  dry  (Ps.  xxii.  15,  Heb.  16).     Pot. 

*  Pot  tagc.     Lentiles. 

*  Potter.    Pottery. 

Potter's  Field,  tllC ;  a  piece  of  ground  which,  ac- 
cording to  JIat.  xxvii.  7,  was  purchased  by  the 
priests  with  the  thirty  pieces  of  silver  rejected  by 
Judas  Iscariot,  and  converted  into  a  burial-place 
for  Jews  not  belonging  to  the  city.  Mat.  xxvii.  9 
adduces  this  as  a  fulfilment  of  an  ancient  prediction. 
Aceldama;  Old  Testament,  C;  Pottery. 

Pot'ter-y,  The  art  of  pottery  is  one  of  the  most 
common  and  most  ancient  of  all  manufactures.  It 
is  abundantly  evident,  both  that  the  Hebrews  used 
earthen  vessels  in  the  wilderness,  and  that  the 
potters'  trade  was  afterward  carried  on  in  Palestine. 
They  had  themselves  been  concerned  in  the  pijtiers' 
trade  in  Egypt  (Ps.  Ixxxi.  6),  and  the  wall-paintings 
minutely  illustrate  the  Egyptian  process.  (See  cut  on 
next  page.)  The  clay,  when  dug,  was  trodden  by 
men's  feet  so  as  to  form  a  paste  (Is.  xii.  25  ;  Wis.  xv. 
7  ;  Brick)  ;  then  placed  by  the  potter  on  the  wheel  be- 
side which  he  sat,  and  shaped  by  him  with  his  hands. 
How  early  the  wheel  came  into  use  in  Palestine  we 
know  not,  but  probably  it  was  adopted  from  Egypt. 
It  consisted  of  a  wooden  disk  placed  on  iinotlier 
larger  one,  and  turned  by  an  attendant's  hand  or 
worked  by  a  treadle  (Is.  xlv.  9;  Jer.  xviii.  3;  Eccljs. 
xxxviii.  29,  30).  The  vessel  was  then  smoothed  and 
coated  with  a  glaze,  and  finally  burnt  in  a  furnace. 
There  was  at  Jerusalem  a  royal  establishment  of  pot- 
ters (1  Chr.  iv  23),  from  whose  employment,  and  from 
the  fragments  cast  away  in  the  process,  the  Pot- 
ter's Field  perhaps  received  its  name  (Is.  xxn.  14). 
Basin  ;  Pitcher  ;  Pot  ;  Potsherd  ;  Seal  ;  Water- 
pot. 

Ponnd.  1.  A  weight  (Heb.  mdtieh ;  Gr.  lilra). 
(Weights  and  Measures.) — 3.  A  money  of  account 
(Gr.  mnd),  mentioned  in  the  parable  of  llie  Ton 
Pounds  (Lk.  xix.  12-27).  The  reference  appears 
to  be  to  a  Greek  pound,  a  weight  used  as  a  money 
of  account,  of  which  sixty  went  to  the  talent,  the 
weight  depending  upon  the  weight  of  the  talent. 
Weights  and  Measures. 

PriB-to'ri-nin  (L.)  —  the  general's  tent ;  or  the 
headquarters  of  the  Roman  pretor  or  military  gov- 
ernor.    JudgmeNt-hall  ;  Pretorium. 

Prayer  (Heb.  tehinndh  or  tichinndh  [A.  V.  usu- 
ally "  supplication  "],  tlphiltdh,  &c. ;  Gr.  deesis,  pros- 
euche,  kc).     This  article  (originally  by  Mr.  Barry) 


i 


PRA 


PRA 


879 


Egyptiim  Pottery.-<WUkin8on.) 


will  touch  briefly  on  (1.)  the  doctrine  of  Scripture 
as  to  the  nature  and  efficacy  of  prayer;  (2.)  its 
directions  as  to  time,  place,  and  manner  of  prayer ; 
(3.)  its  types  and  examples  of  prayer. — (1.)  Pcrip- 
ture  iloes  not  give  any  theoretical  explanation  of  the 
mystery  which  attaches  to  prayer.  The  dilTiculty 
of  understanding  its  re:il  efliuacy  arises  chiefly  from 
two  sources  :  from  the  belief  that  man  lives  under 
general  laws,  which  in  all  cases  must  be  fulfilled  un- 
alterably ;  and  the  opposing  belief  that  he  is  master 
of  his  own  destiny,  and  need  pray  for  no  external 
blessing.  Xow  Scripture,  while,  by  the  doctrine  of 
spiritual  influence,  it  entirely  disposes  of  the  latter 
difficulty,  does  not  so  entirely  solve  th.it  part  of  the 
mystery  which  depends  on  the  nature  of  God.  The 
reference  of  all  events  and  actions  to  the  will  or 
permission  of  God,  and  of  all  blessings  to  His  free 
grace — the  principle  that  our  "  heavenly  Father 
knoweth  what  things  we  have  need  of  before  we 
ask  Him  " — and  the  ignorance  of  man,  who  "  knows 
not  what  to  pray  for  as  he  ought,"  and  his  conse- 
quent need  of  the  Divine  guidance  in  prayer — arc 
all  dwelt  upon  with  earnestness.  Yet,  while  this 
is  80,  on  the  other  hand  the  instinct  of  prayef  is 
solemnly  sanctioned  and  enforced  in  every  page. 
Kot  only  is  its  subjective  effect  (i.  e.  its  producing 
on  the  mind  that  consciousness  of  dependence  which 
leads  to  faith,  and  that  sense  of  God's  protection 
and  mercy  which  fosters  love)  asserted,  but  its  real 
objective  efficacy,  as  a  means  appointed  by  God  for 
obtaining  blessing,  both  spiritual  and  temporal,  is 
both  implied  and  expressed  in  the  plainest  terms 
(Mat.  vii.  7,  8,  &c.).  Thus,  as  usual  in  the  ease  of 
such  mysteries,  the  two  apparently  opposite  truths 
arc  emphasized,  because  they  are  needful  to  man's 
conception  of  his  relation  to  God ;  their  reconcile- 
ment is  not,  perhaps  cannot  be,  fully  revealed.  For, 
in  fact,  it  is  involved  in  that  inscrutable  mys- 
tery wliich  attends  on  the  conception  of  any  free 
action  of  man  as  necessary  for  the  working  out  of 
the  general  laws  of  God's  unchangeable  will.  At 
the  same  time  it  is  clearly  implied  that  such  a  rec- 
oncilement exists,  and  that  all  the  apparently  iso- 
I  latcd  and  independent  exertions  of  man's  spirit  in 
prayer  are  in  some  way  perfectly  subordinated  to 


the  one  supreme  will  of  God,  so  as  to  form  a  part 
of  His  scheme  of  Providence  (Mat.  xxvi.  39  ff. ;  2 
Cor.  xii.  7  ff". ;  1  Jn.  v.  14,  l.'i).  It  is  also  implied 
that  the  key  to  the  mystery  lies  in  the  fact  of  man's 
spiritual  unity  with  God  in  Christ,  and  of  the  conse- 
quent gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  All  true  and  prevail- 
ing prayer  is  to  be  offered  in  Christ's  name  (Jn.  xiv. 
13,  XV.  16,  xvi.  23-27).  So  also  is  it  said  of  the 
spiritual  influence  of  the  Holy  Ghost  on  each  indi- 
vidual mind,  that  while  "  we  know  not  what  to  pray 
for,"  the  indwelling  "  Spirit  makes  intercession  for 
the  saints,  according  to  the  wilt  of  Oo(l"  (Rom.  viii. 
26,  27).  Here,  as  probably  in  all  other  cases,  the 
action  of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  the  soul  is  to  free 
agents,  what  the  laws  of  nature  are  to  things  inani- 
mate, and  is  the  power  which  harmonizes  free  indi- 
vidual action  with  the  universal  will  of  God. — (2.) 
There  are  no  directions  as  to  prayer  in  the  Mosaic 
law  :  the  duty  is  rather  taken  for  granted,  as  an  ad- 
junct to  SACRIFICE,  than  enforced  or  elaborated.  It 
is  hardly  conceivable  that,  even  from  the  beginning, 
public  prayer  did  not  follow  every  public  sacrifice. 
Such  a  practice  is  alluded  to  as  common  in  Lk.  i. 
10;  and  in  one  instance,  at  the  offering  of  the  first- 
fruits,  it  was  ordained  in  a  striking  form  (Dcut.  xxvi. 
12-16).  In  later  limes  it  certainly  grew  into  a  regu- 
lar service,  both  in  the  Temple  and  in  the  Syna- 
gogue. But,  besides  this  public  prayer,  it  was  the 
custom  of  all  at  Jerusalem  to  go  up  to  the  Temple, 
at  regular  hours  if  possible,  for  private  prayer  (Lk. 
xviii.  10;  Acts  iii.  1);  and  those  who  were  absent 
were  wont  to  "  open  their  windows  toward  .lerusa- 
lem,"  and  pray  "  toward  "  the  place  of  God's  Pres- 
ence (1  K.  viii.  46-49 ;  Dan.  vi.  10;  Ps.  v.  7,  xxviii. 
2,  cxxxviii.  2).  The  regular  hours  of  prayer  seem 
to  have  been  three  (see  Ps.  Iv.  17;  Dan.  vi.  10), 
"the  evening,"  i.  e.  the  ninth  hour  (Acts  iii.  1,  x.  3), 
the  hour  of  the  evening-sacrifice  (Dan.  ix.  21);  the 
"morning,"  i.  e.  the  third  hour  (Acts  ii.  1.5),  that 
of  the  morning-sacrifice ;  and  the  sixth  hour,  or 
"  noonday  "  (compare  Ps.  cxix.  164).  Grace  before 
meat  would  seem  to  have  been  a  common  practice 
(see  Mat.  xv.  36  ;  Acts  xxvii.  35).  The  posture  of 
prayer  among  the  Jews  seems  to  have  been  most 
often  standing  (1  Sam.  i.  26 ;  Mat.  vi.  6  ;  Mk.  xi.  25 ; 


880 


FBI. 


PRE 


Lk.  xviii.  11)  ;  unless  the  prayer  were  offered  with 
especial  solemnity  and  humiliation,  which  was  nat- 
urally expressed  by  kneeling  (1  K.  viii.  64;  com- 
pare 2  Chr.  vi.  13 ;  Ezr.  ix.  5  ;  I's.  xcv.  6  ;  Dan.  vi. 
10),  or  prostration  (Josh.  vii.  6  ;  1  K.  xviii.  42  ;  Nch. 
viii.  6).  In  the  Christian  Church  no  posture  is  men- 
tioned in  the  N.  T.  except  kneeling  (Acts  vii.  CO,  ix. 
40,  XX.  36,  xxi.  5 ;  compare  Mat.  xxvi.  39  ;  ArORA- 
tiok). — (3.)  The  only  Form  of  Prayer  given  for  per- 
petual use  in  the  0.  T.  is  the  one  in  Deut.  xxvi.  5- 
15,  connected  with  the  offering  of  tithes  and  first- 
fruits,  and  containing  in  simple  form  the  important 
elements  of  prayer,  acknowledgment  of  (Jod's  mercy, 
self-dedication,  and  prayer  for  future  blessing.  To 
this  may  perhaps  be  added  the  threefold  blessing  of 
Num.  vi.  24—26,  couched  as  it  is  in  a  precatory  form  ; 
and  the  short  prayer  of  Moses  (Num.  x.  35,  36)  at  the 
moving  and  resting  of  the  cloud,  the  former  of 
which  was  the  germ  of  Ps.  Ixviii.  Of  the  prayers 
recorded  in  the  0.  T.,  the  two  most  remarkable  are 
those  of  Solomon  at  the  dedication  of  the  Temple 
(1  K.  viii.  23-53),  and  of  Joshua  the  high-priest,  and 
his  colleagues,  after  the  Captivity  (Nch.  ix.  5-38).' 
Both  of  these  probably  exercised  a  strong  litvngical 
influence.  It  appears  from  the  question  of  the  dis- 
ciples in  Lk.  xi.  1,  and  from  Jewish  tradition,  that 
the  chief  teachers  of  the  day  gave  special  forms  of 
prayer  to  their  disciples,  as  the  badge  of  their  dis- 
cipleship  and  the  best  fruits  of  their  learning.  All 
Christian  prayer  is,  of  course,  based  on  the  Lord's 
Pkayer  ;  but  its  spirit  is  also  guided  by  that  of  His 
prayer  in  Gethsemane,  and  of  the  ])rayer  recorded  in 
Jn.  xvii.,  the  beginning  of  His  great  work  of  inter- 
cession. The  influence  of  these  prayers  is  more  dis- 
tinctly traced  in  the  prayers  contained  in  the  Epis- 
tles (Eph.  iii  14-21 ;  Rom.  xvi.  25-27 ;  Phil.  i.  3- 
11 ;  Col.  i.  9-15  ;  Heb.  xiii.  20,  21 ;  1  Pet.  v.  10,  11, 
&c.),  than  in  those  recorded  in  the  Acts.  The  pub- 
lic prayer  probably  in  the  first  instance  took  much 
of  its  form  and  style  from  the  prayers  of  the  syna- 
gogues (Acts  i.  24,  25,  iv.  24-30;  Svnagogce).  In 
the  record  of  prayers  accepted  and  granted  by  God, 
we  observe,  as  always,  a  special  adaptation  to  the 
period  of  His  dispensation  to  which  they  belong. 
In  the  patriarchal  period,  they  have  the  simple  and 
childlike  tone  of  domestic  supplication  for  the  simple 
and  apparently  trivial  incidents  of  domestic  life 
(Gen.  XV.  2,  3,  xvii.  18,  xxiv.  12-14,  xxv.  21),  al- 
though sometimes  they  take  a  wider  range  in  inter- 
cession (xviii.  23-32,  xx.  7-17).  In  the  Mosaic  pe- 
riod they  assume  a  more  solemn  tone  and  a  national 
bearing ;  chiefly  that  of  direct  intercession  for  the 
chosen  people  (Num.  xi.  2,  xii.  13,  xxi.  7  ;  1  Sam.  vii. 
5,  xii.  19,  23;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  17,  18;  2  K.  xix.  4,  15- 
19  ;  2  Chr.  xiv.  11,  xx.  6-12,  xxxii.  20;  Dan.  ix.  20, 
21).  More  rarely  are  they  for  individuals  (1  Sam.  i. 
12,  XV.  11,  35;  2  K.  xx.  2,  &c.).  A  special  class  are 
those  which  precede  and  refer  to  the  exercise  of 
miraculous  power  (Ex.  viii.  12,  30,  xv.  25 ;  1  K.  xvii. 
20,  xviii.  36,  37 ;  2  K.  iv.  33,  vi.  17, 18,  xx.  11  ;  Acts 
ix.  40;  Jas.  v.  14-16).  In  the  N.  T.  they  have  a 
more  directly  spiritinil  bearing  (Acts  iv.  24-30,  viii. 
15,  X.  4,  31,  xii.  5,  xvi.  25;  2  Cor.  xii.  7-9,  &c.). 
It  would  seem  the  intention  of  Holy  Scripture  to 
encourage  all  prayer,  more  especially  intercession,  in 
all  relations,  and  for  all  righteous  objects.  Front- 
lets. 

*  Prayer  of  SIa-nas's»8,    the.     Manasses,  the 
Prater  of. 

*  Preaell,  to,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb. 

>  To  theee  ma;  be  added  San.  ix.  4-19. 


bamr  =  to  bring  glad  tidings,  rarely  1o  bring  tidings 
in  a  general  sense,  Ges.  (Ps.  xl.  9,  Heb.  10),  als'o 
"  to  preneh  good  tidings"  (Is.  Ixi.  1),  "  to  bring  good 
tidings"  (2  Sam.  iv.  10;  Is.  xl.  9  twice,  xii.  27,  Iii.  7 
twice;  Nah.  i.  15  [ii.  1  lleb.]),  also"  to  bear  tidings  " 
(2  Sam.  xviii.  19,  20  twice),  "  to  bring  tidings  "  (26, 
31  marg. ;  1  K.  i.  42;  Jer.  xx.  15),  "to  carry  ti- 
dings" (1  Chr.  X.  9),  "to  shew  forth"  (1  Chr.  xvi. 
23;  Ps.  xcvi.  2;  Is.  Ix.  6\  "to  publish"  (1  Sam. 
xxxi.  9  ;  2  Sam.  i.  20,  &c.).— 2.  Heb.  A-urd  (Neh.  vi. 
7 ;  Jon.  iii.  2),  usually  and  literally  translated  "  to 
call"  (Gen.  i.  5,  10;  Num.  xvi.  12,  and  elsewhere 
very  often)  or  "  cry  "  (Deut.  xv.  9  ;  Ps.  cxix.  146, 147, 
&c.),  also  "  to  proclaim  "  (Lev.  xxiii.  2,  4,  21,  37, 
&c.),  &c. — 3.  Gr.  diaiiggeUo  =  to  announce  fully, 
Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.  (Lk.  ix.  60),  elsewhere  "tosigiiify" 
(Acts  xxi.  26),  "  to  declare  "  (I!om.  ix.  17). — 4. 
Gr.  diahgomai  =  to  lay  out  separately  before  the 
mind  of  any  one,  hence  to  discourse,  reason,  disjtite, 
with  any  one,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.  (Acts  xx.  7,  9),  else- 
where "  to  reason  "  or  "  rcas.nn  with  "  (xvii.  2,  xviii 
4,  19,  xxiv.  25),  "to  dispute "(Mk.  ix.  34;  Acts  xvii 
17,  xix.  8,  9,  xxiv.  12  ;  Jude  9),  "to  speak"  (Heb. 
xii.  5). — 5.  Gr.  euanggelizd  =  to  bring  good  news,  to 
annmince  glad  tidings,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.  (Lk.  iii.,  18, 
iv.  43,  xvi.  16;  Acts  v.  42,  viii.  4,  12,  35,  40,  x.  " 
xi.  20,  xiv.  15.  xv.  35,  xvii.  18;  1  Cor.  xv.  1,  2;  2 
Cor.  xi.  7;  Gal  i.  8,  11,  16,  23;  Eph.  ii.  17,  iii.  8; 
Heb.  iv.  6;  Rev.  xiv.  6),  also  translated  "to  preach 
the  gospel  "  (Mat.  xi.  6  ;  Lk.  iv.  1 8,  vii.  22,  ix.  6,  xx. 
1;  Acts  viii.  25,  xiv.  7,  21,  xvi.  10;  Rem.  i.  15,  x, 
15,  XV.  20;  1  Cor.  i.  17,  ix.  16  twice,  18;  2  Cor.  x, 
16;  Gal.  i.  8,  9,  iv.  13;  Heb.  iv.  2;  1  Pet.  i.  12,  25, 
iv.  6),  "  to  shew  glad  tidings  "  (Lk.  i.  19 ;  viii.  1), 
"to  bring  good  tidings"  (ii.  10;  1  Th.  iii.  6),  "to 
bring  glad  tidings"  (Rom.  x.  15),  "to  declare  glad 
tidings"  (Acts  xiii.  .32),  "to  declare"  (Rev.  x.  7); 
in  LXX.  =  No.  1. — 6.  Gr.  katanggello,  properly  to 
bring  word  down  1o  any  one,  hence  to  announce,  jnib- 
lish,  shme  forth,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.  (Acts  iv.  2,  xiii.  5, 
38,  XV.  36,  xvii.  3,  13;  1  Cor.  ix.  14;  Phil.  i.  16, 18; 
Col.  i.  28),  also  translated  "to  shew"  (Acts  xvi.  17, 
xxvi.  23;  1  Cor.  xi.  26),  "  teach "  (Acts  xvi.  21), 
"  declare  "  (.xvii.  23 ;  1  Cor.  ii.  1),  "  speak  of"  (Rom. 
i.  8). — 7.  Gr.  kenisso  (from  kiria  ;  see  Preacher 
2),  in  Homer  to  be  a  herald,  in  N.  T.  to  proilaim,  an- 
nounce jmblicly,  publish,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.  (Mat.  iii.  1, 
iv.  17,  23,  ix.'35,  x.  7,  27,  xi.  1,  xxiv.  14,  xxvi.  13; 
Mk.  i.  4,  7,  13,  38,  39,  iii.  14,  vi.  12,  xiv.  9,  xvi.  15, 
20;  Lk.  iii.  3,  iv.  18  [Gr.  19],  19,  44,  viii.  1,  ix.  3, 
xxiv.  47;  Acts  viii.  5,  ix.  20,  x.  37,  42,  xv.  21,  xix. 
13,  XX.  25,  xxviii.  31 ;  Rom.  ii.  21,  x.  8,  15 ;  1  Cor, 
i.  23,  ix.  27,  xv.  11,  12;  2  Cor.  i.  19,  iv.  6,  xi.  i 
twice;  Gal.  ii.  2,  v.  11;  Phil.  i.  15;  Col.  i.  23:  1 
Th.  ii.  9 ;  1  Tim.  iii.  16 ;  2  Tim.  iv.  2 ;  1  Pet.  iii.  19), 
also  translated  "to  publish"  (Mk.  i.  45,  v.  20,  vii. 
36,  xiii.  10 ;  Lk.  viii.  39),  "  to  proclaim  "  (Lk.  xii.  3 ; 
Rev.  V.  2),  "  preacher  "  (Rom.  x.  14,  literally  one 
preaching);  in  LXX.  =  No.  2. — 8.  Gr.  laleo  =  to 
speak,  to  talk,  properlv  to  use  the  voice,  Rbn.  K.  T. 
Lex.  (Mk.  ii.  2  ;  Acts  viii.  25,  xi.  19,  xiii.  42,  xiv.  25, 
xvi.  6),  usually  "to  speak"  (Mat.  ix.  18,  33,  x.  19 
twice,  20  twice,  iind  very  often  elsewhere),  also  "to 
talk"  (x.  46;  Mk.  vi.  60,  &c.),  "tell"  (Mat.  xxvi. 
13;  Jn.  viii.  40,  &c.),  "say"  (25,  26,  xvi.  6,  18,  &c.),  ^| 
"  utter  "  (2  Cor.  xii.  4  ;  Rev.  x.  3,  4  twice).— 9.  Gr.  W 
prokerusso  (in  part ;  compound  of  No.  7)  =  to  pro-  •  } 
claim  (or  announce)  beforehaiid,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex. 
(Acts iii.  20  [A.  V.  "  to  preach  before"],  xiii.  24  [A. 
V.  "to  preach  first"]). — 10.  Gr.  promanggelizomai 
(in  part ;  compound  of  No.  5)  =  to  announce  glad 
tidings  beforehand  (Gal.  iii.  8  only,  A.  V.  "  preached 


PBE 


PRE 


8S1 


before  the  gospel "). — 1 1.  Gr.  parrhesicaomai  =  Co 
be  forexjmken,  to  be  free  in  speech  or  action,  Rbn. 
iV'.Y.  Lex.  (Acts  \x.  27,  A.  V.  "to  preach  boldly"), 
also  translated  "to  speak  boldly"  (xiv.  3,  xviii.  26, 
xix.  8 ;  Eph.  vi.  20),  "  to  wax  bold  "  (Acts  xiii.  46), 
"  to  be  bold  "  (1  Th.  ii.  2),  also  with  a  verb  of  speak- 
ing "  boldly  "  (Acts  ix.  29,  Gr.  28),  or  "  freely  " 
(xxvi.  26). — 12.  Gr.  pleroo  =  to  mate  full,  Jill,  Jilt 
up,fnljil,  Rbn.  ^V.  T.  Lex.  (Rom.  xv.  19,  A.  V.  "fully 
preached  "),  translated  usually  "  to  fulfil "  (Mat.  i.  22, 
ii.  lo,  17,  23,  and  often),  also""  to  fill  up  "  (xxiii.  32), 
"to  fill"  (Lk.  ii.  40,  iii.  5,  &c.),  &c.— 13.  Gr.  akoe 
=  tlie  hearing  (Heb.  iv.  2,  A.  V.  "the  word  preach- 
ed," literally  tlie  word  of  hearing  or  the  word  of  the 
»if»»flu/f),  usually  translated  "hearing"  (Mat.  xiii. 
14;  Gal.  iii.  2,  5,  &c.),  &c. — The  verb  "to  preach" 
is  evidently  used  in  the  Scriptures  in  no  technical 
or  exclusively  oilicial  signification.  See  the  follow- 
ing articles. 

•  Prejtii'er,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb. 
kiheUth  in  Ecclesustks  only  (Eccl.  i.  1,  2,  12,  vii. 
27,"  xii.  8-10).— 2.  Gr.  kerux  =  (so  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.) 
in  classic  Greek  a  herald,  public  crier  ;  m  N.  T.  a 
preacher,  public  instructor,  e.  g.  of  the  divine  will 
and  precepts,  as  Xoah  (2  Pet.  ii.  5),  of  the  Gospel, 
as  Paul  (1  Tim.  ii.  7  ;  2  Tim.  i.  11).  It  is  once  used 
(Rom.  X.  Hjintranslating  the  kindred  verb  Xeriuiso. 
Pbe.xcm  7. 

•  Preith  Ing,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb. 
kSriAh  (from  kiiri  ;  see  Pkeach  2)  =  a  public  cri/- 
iiift,  proclamation,  Ges.  (Jon.  iii.  2  only). — 2.  Gr. 
kirugma  (from  kenumo  ;  see  Preach  7 ;  Preacher  2) 
=  (so  Rbn.  y.  T.  Lex.)  proclamation  by  a  herald,  in 
Demosthenes,  &c. ;  in  N.  T.  preaching,  public  di»- 
eoiirse  of  prophets  (Mat.  xii.  41;  Lk.  xi.  32);  of 
Christ  and  His  apostles,  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel, 
public  instruction  (1  Cor.  i.  21,  ii.  4,  xv.  14;  Tit.  i. 
3);  bv  mctonymv  for  the  gospel  preached  (Rom. 
xvi.  25 ;  2  Tim.  iv.  17);  in  LXX.  —  No.  1. 

•  Pre'eloBS  [prcsh'us]  Stones.    Stg.nes,  Precious. 
' Prr-dpstl-iiat»,  to.    Ordain,  to,  18. 

•  Prep-a-ra'tion,  the  (Mk.  xv.  42 ;  Lk.  xxiii.  54) 
=  "  the  Preparation  of  the  Passover  "  (Jn.  xix.  14, 
31, 42)  =  "  the  Day  of  the  Preparation  "  (Mat.  xxvii. 
62).     P,4SS0VER,  liL  2,  iii.,  d. 

•  Pres'by-ter-y  (1  Tim.  iv.  14).     Bishop;  Elder. 
Presents.    Girr. 

Pre»'l-deat,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  dial,  adraeh 
or  siirCchd,  only  used  Dan.  vi. ;  =  a  high  ofBcer  of 
the  Persian  court ;  applied  to  the  three  highest  min- 
isters (Gesenius). 

•  Press  (Joel  iii.  13  ;  Hag.  ii.  16).     Wi.nepress. 

•  I*ress'-fat  (Hag.  ii.  16).     Fat;  Winepress. 
Pre-tO'rl-am  (L.  prcetorium,  fr.  prcetor  =  leader, 

chief,  pretor)  =  the  headquarters  of  the  Roman 
pretor  or  military  governor,  wherever  he  happened 
to  be  (Mk.  XV.  16);  usually  translated  "Jcdgment- 
UALL."  In  time  of  peace  some  one  of  the  best 
buildings  of  the  city  which  was  the  residence  of  the 
proconsul  or  pretor  was  selected  for  this  purpose. 
Thus  Verres  appropriated  the  palace  of  King  Hiero 
at  Syracu.se;  at  Cesarea  that  of  Ilerod  the  Great 
was  occupiefl  by  Felix  (Acts  xxiii.  3.5) ;  and  at  Jeru- 
salem the  new  palace  erected  by  the  same  prince 
was  the  residence  of  Filate  (so  Mr.  Blakesley,  with 
Winer,  Robinson,  &c.,  relying  on  Jos.,  B.  J.  ii.  14, 
§  8).'    This  last  was  situated  on  the  western,  or 


'"bit  certain,  hmvever,  that  the  palace  of  Henxl  was 
always  »o  nsed?  .  .  .  Where  In  that  case  would  Herod 
Antiua*,  who  had  come  up  to  the  Tt-ast  (Lk.  xxlH.  T), 
dwell  y  .  .  .  According  to  tradilion,  the  (fovenior  lived  In 
the  lower  city,  aud,  as  acme  more  deflnltely  assert,  in  the 

66 


more  elevated,  hill  of  Jerusalem,  and  was  connected 
with  a  system  of  fortifications,  the  aggregate  of 
which  constituted  the  fortified  barrack.  It  was  tlie  • 
dominant  position  on  the  western  hill,  and — at  any 
rate  on  one  side,  probably  the  eastern — was  inoinitcd 
by  a  flight  of  steps  (the  same  from  which  St.  Paul 
made  his  speech  in  Hebrew  to  the  angry  crowd  of 
Jews,  Acts  xxii.  1  K).  From  the  level  below  the 
barrack  a  terrace  led  eastward  to  a  gate  opening 
into  the  western  side  of  the  cloister  surrounding  tlie 
Temple,  the  road  being  carried  across  the  Valley  of 
Tyropoeon  (separating  the  western  from  the  Temple 
hill)  on  a  causeway  built  up  of  enormous  stone 
blocks.  At  the  angle  of  the  Temple-cloister  just 
above  this  entrance,  i.  c.  the  northwest  corner,  stood 
the  old  citadel  of  tlxe  Temple  hill,  which  Herod  re- 
built and  called  Antonia.  After  the  Roman  power 
was  established  in  Judea,  a  Roman  guard  was  al- 
ways maintained  in  the  Antonia,  the  commander 
ol'  which  for  the  time  being  seems  (so  Mr.  IJlakes- 
ley)  to  be  the  olficial  termed  "  captain  of  the  Tem- 
ple" in  the  Gospels  and  Acts.  The  guard  in  the 
Antonia  was  probably  relieved  regularly  from  the 
cohort  quartered  in  the  barrack.  The  Pretorian 
camp  at  Rome,  to  which  (so  Mr.  Blakesley,  with 
Rosenmiiller,  Bloomfield,  Robinson,  ke.)  St.  Paul 
refers''  (Phil.  i.  13,  A.  V.  "  palace,"  margin  "  Cesar's 
court "),  was  erected  by  the  Emperor  Tiberius, 
acting  under  the  advice  of  Sejanus.  Before  that 
time  the  guards  were  billeted  in  different  parts  of 
the  city.  It  stood  outside  the  walls,  at  some  dis- 
tance short  of  the  fourth  milestone,  and  near  either 
to  the  Salarian  or  the  Nomentane  road.  From  the 
first,  buildings  must  have  sprung  up  near  it  for 
sutlers  and  others.  St.  Paul  appears  to  have  been 
permitted  for  the  space  of  two  years  to  lodge,  so  to 
speak,  "  within  the  rules "  of  the  I'rctoriuni  (Acts 
xxviii.  30),  although  still  under  the  custody  of  a 
soldier. 

•  Pre-Tent'  (fr.  L.  prwvenio  =  to  come  before),  tOy 
the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  kddam  =:  to  go  be- 
fore, precede,  anticipate,  meet,  Ges.  (2  Sam.  xxii.  6, 
19;  Job  XXX.  27,  xii.  11  [Heb.  3];  Ps.  lix.  10  [Heb. 
11],  Ixxix.  8,  &c.),  also  translated  "  to  come  before  " 
(2  K.  xix.  32  ;  Ps.  .xcv.  2,  &c.),  "  go  before  "  (Ps. 
Ixviii.  25  [Heb.  26],lxxxix.  14  [Heb.  15]),  "meet" 
(Deut.  xxiii.  4  [Heb.  5] ;  Neh.  xiii.  2). — 2.  Gr.  phtha- 
jid  =  to  go  (or  come)  before,  another,  to  be  before- 
hand willi,  precede,  anticipate,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.  (I  Th. 
iv.  1 5),  elsewhere  translated  "  to  be  come  "  (Mat.  xii. 
28 ;  Lk.  xi.  20 ;  2  Cor.  x.  14  ;  1  Th.  ii.  16),  "  to  at- 
tain "  (Rom.  ix.  31  ;  Phil.  iii.  16). — 3.  Gr.  prophthano 
(compounded  oi' pro [=  before]  smAptdhand  [No.  2]), 
ibund  only  in  Mat.  xvii.  25  ;  in  LXX.  ^  No.  1.  The 
verb  lo  prevent  was  used  in  its  etymological  sense  as 
above,  by  Bacon,  Shakspeare,  Pope,  and  other  Eng- 
lish writers  of  their  day,  but  is  now  used  only  In  a 


fortress  Antonia.  .  .  .  There  is  nothing  certain  to  he  made 
out.  The  foUowln":  fact,  however,  speaks  in  support  of 
the  fortress  Antonia.  The  scourfrfni;  had  taken  place  in 
front  of  the  prctorlum.  Then  Christ  was  liandcu  over  lo 
the  soldiers ;  and  they,  instead  of  leading  Jesus  away  im- 
me<lialely,  commenced  to  mock  and  imike  a  sport  of  llim. 
To  carry  this  mockery  on  nndistur.bed,  they  conducted 
Jesus  into  the  court  of  the  preiorium  .  .  .  'and  gathered 
unto  nim  the  whole  band.  This  is  conclusive  for  the 
place  heing  the  fortress  Antonia  "  (Lange's  Cmnm.  [trans- 
lated hy  Dr.  SchalTJ  on  Mat.  xxvli.  27).  Jesus  Christ; 
Pilatk.  Po.ntics. 

"  Calvin,  Macknight.  Barnes,  Ac,  snstaln  the  A.  V.  in 
referring  the  Gr.  pj'mtmion  here  to  the  emperor's  "pal- 
ace." Wieseler,  Conyheure  &  Howson.  Ac,  suppose  it  a 
barrack  for  tlio  cniixTor's  hody-guard,  situated  at  or  near 
the  palace  on  the  Palatine  UiU. 


883 


PRI 


PRI 


special  sense  involving  a  complete  interruption  of 
progress  toward  an  object  or  result. 

*  Prick,  only  in  the  plural  "pricks."  "To  kick 
against  the  pricks,"  i.  e.  goads,  proverbially  denotes 
a  resistance  which  brings  only  liarm  to  the  one  who 
offers  it.     Agrici'lture;  Goad. 

Priest  (from  Gr.  presbuterm  =  "Elder;"  Heb. 
cohen ;  Gr.  hiereus).  The  root-meaning  of  tlie 
Heb.  cohen,  uncertain  as  far  as  Hebrew  itself  is 
concerned,  is  referred  by  Gesenius  ( Thesaurus)  to 
tlie  idea  of  prophecy.  The  cohen  delivers  a  divine 
message,  stands  as  a  mediator  between  God  and 
man,  represents  each  to  tlie  other.  This  mean- 
ing, however,  belongs  to  the  Arabic,  not  to  the  He- 
brew form,  and  Ewald  connects  tlie  latter  with  tlie 
verb  hechin  {-=10  array,  put  in  order).  According 
to  Saalschiitz,  tlie  primary  meaning  of  the  word  = 
minister,  and  he  thus  accounts  for  the  wider  appli- 
cation of  the  name.  Biihr  connects  it  witli  an 
Arabic  root  (=  to  draw  near).  Of  these  etymolo- 
gies, the  last  lias  the  merit  of  answering  most  closely 
to  the  received  usage  of  the  word  (so  Prof  Plump- 
tre).  In  some  remarkable  passages  it  takes  a  wider 
range.  It  is  applied  to  the  priests  of  other  nations 
or  religions,  to  Melcliizedek  (Gen.  xiv.  18),  Poti- 
pherah  (xli.  45),  Jethro  (E.x.  ii.  16),  to  those  who 
discliarged  priestly  functions  in  Israel  before  the  ap- 
pointment of  Aaron  and  his  sons  (Ex.  xix.  22).  A 
case  of  greater  difficulty  presents  itself  in  2  Sam. 
viii.  18,  where  the  sons  of  David  are  described  as 
"  priests  "  (Heb.  pi.  cohfinim  ;  A.  V.  "  chief  rulers," 
marg.  ■'  princes  ;  "  compare  1  Clir.  xviii.  17).  The 
received  explanation  is,  that  the  word  is  used  here 
in  what  is  assumed  to  be  its  earlier  and  wider  mean- 
ing, =  rulers.  Ewald  sees  in  it  an  actual  suspension 
of  the  usual  law  in  favor  of  members  of  the  royal 
house.  De  Wette  and  Gesenius,  in  like  manner, 
look  on  it  as  a  revival  of  the  old  household  priest- 
hoods. Prof.  Plumptre  conjectures  that  David  and 
his  sons  may  have  been  admitted,  not  to  distinctively 
priestly  acts,  such  as  burning  incense  (Num.  xvi.  40 ; 
2  Chr.  xxvi.  18),  but  to  an  honorary,  titular  priest- 
hood.— Oriffin.  The  idea  of  a  priesthood  connects  it- 
self, in  all  its  forms,  pure  or  corrupted,  with  the  con- 
sciousness, more  or  less  distinct,  of  sin.  Men  feel  that 
they  have  broken  a  law.  The  power  above  them  is 
holier  than  they  are,  and  they  dare  not  approach  it. 
They  crave  the  intervention  of  some  one  likely  to  be 
more  acceptable  than  themselves.  He  must  offer  up 
their  prayers,  thanksgivings,  and  sacrifices.  (Altar  ; 
Prayer  ;  Sacrifice.)  He  liecomes  their  represent- 
ative in  ■'  things  pertaining  unto  God."  He  may 
become  also  (tliougli  this  does  not  always  follow) 
the  representative  of  God  to  man.  The  functions  of 
the  priest  and  prophet  may  exist  in  the  same  person. 
The  priest  may  be  also  a  king  or  chief. — No  trace 
of  an  hereditary  or  caste-priesthood  meets  us  in  the 
worship  of  the  patriarclial  age.  Abraham,  Isaac, 
and  Jacob  perforin  priestly  acts,  offer  sacrifices, 
"  draw  near  "  to  the  Lord  (Gen.  xii.  8,  xviii.  23,  xxvi. 
25,  xxxiii.  20).  Once  only  does  the  word  cohen 
meet  us  as  belonging  to  a  ritual  earlier  than  the 
time  of  Abraham.  Melchizedek  is  "  the  priest  of 
the  most  high  God"  (xiv.  18).  In  the  worsliip  of 
the  patriarchs  themselves,  the  chief  of  the  family, 
as  such,  acted  as  the  priest.  The  office  descended 
with  the  birthright,  and  might  apparently  be  trans- 
ferred with  it.  (First-born.)  In  Egypt  the  Israel- 
ites came  in  contact  with  a  priesthood  of  another 
kind,  and  that  contact  must  have  been  for  a  time  a 
very  close  one.  The  marriage  of  Joseph  with  the 
daughter  of  the  priest  of  On — a  priest,  as  we  may 


infer  from  her  name,  of  the  goddess  Neith  (Asenath) 
— (xli.  45),  the  special  favor  which  he  showed  to  the 
priestly  caste  in  the  years  of  famine  (xlvii.  26),  the 
training  of  Moses  in  the  palace  of  the  Pharaohs, 
probably  in  the  colleges  and  temples  of  the  priests 
(Acts  vii.  22) — all  this  must  have  impressed  the  con- 
stitution, the  dress,  the  outward  form  of  life  upon 
the  minds  of  the  lawgiver  and  his  contemiiorarics. 
There  is  scarcely  any  doubt  that  a  connection  of 
some  kind  existed  between  the  Egyptian  priesthood 
and  that  of  Israel.  The  latter  was  not  indeed  an 
outgrowth  or  imitation  of  the  former.  The  symbol- 
ism of  the  one  was  cosmic,  "  of  the  earth,  earthy," 
that  of  the  other,  chiefly,  if  not  altogether,  ethical 
and  spiritual.  At  the  time  of  the  Exodus  there  was 
as  yet  no  priestly  caste.  The  continuance  of  solemn 
sacrifices  (Ex.  v.  1,  3)  implied,  of  course,  a  priest- 
hood of  some  kind,  and  priests  appear  as  a  recog- 
nized body  before  the  promulgation  of  the  Law  on 
Sinai  (xix.  22).  There  are  signs  that  the  priests  of 
the  old  ritual  were  already  dealt  with  as  belonging 
to  an  obsolescent  system.  Though  they  were  known 
as  those  that  "  come  near  "  to  the  Lord  (ib.),  yet 
they  are  not  permitted  to  approach  the  Divine  Pres- 
ence on  Sinai.  It  is  noticeable  also  that  at  this  trans- 
ition-stage, when  the  old  order  was  passing  away, 
and  the  new  was  not  yet  established,  there  is  the 
proclamation  of  the  truth,  wider  and  higher  than 
both,  that  the  whole  people  was  to  be  a  "  kingdom 
of  priests  "  (xix.  6).  The  idea  of  the  life  of  the  na- 
tion was,  that  it  was  to  be  as  a  priest  and  a  prophet 
to  the  rest  of  mankind. —  Coiiseeration.  The  func- 
tions of  the  High-priest,  the  position  and  history  of 
the  Levites  as  the  consecrated  tribe,  are  discussed  ', 
under  those  heads.  It  remains  to  notice  the  charac- 
teristic facts  connected  with  "  the  priests,  the  sons  | 
of  Aaron,"  as  standing  between  the  two.  Solemn 
as  was  the  subsequent  dedication  of  tlie  Levites, 
that  of  the  priests  involved  a  yet  higher  consecra- 
tion. Aspecial  word  (Heb.  irfrfas/f,  A.V."  tobeholy," 
"  to  hallow,"  "  to  sanctify  ")  was  appropriated  to  it. 
Their  old  garments  were  laid  aside  ;  their  bodies  were  ; 
washed  with  clean  water,  and  anointed  with  the  holy 
anointing-oil  (Ointment)  ;  the  new  garments  of  their 
office  were  put  on  them ;  special  sacrifices  were  of- 
fered for  them  ;  the  blood  of  the  ram  of  consecration  I 
was  sprinkled  upon  their  right  ear,  foot,  and  hand  ;  j 
a  wave-offering  was  put  in  their  hands,  &c.  (Ex. 
xxix. ;  Lev.  viii.).  The  whole  of  this  mysterious  j 
ritual  was  to  be  repeated  for  seven  days,  during  j 
which  the  priests  remained  within  the  Tabernacle,  ( 
separated  from  the  people,  and  not  till  then  was  the  I 
consecration  perfect.  The  consecrated  character! 
thus  imparted  did  not  need  renewing.  It  was  a  per-; 
petual  inheritance  transmitted  from  father  to  sonl 
through  all  the  centuries  that  followed. — Dress.  The! 
'•  sons  of  Aaron  "  thus  dedicated  were  to  wear  dur-F 
ing  their  ministrations  a  special  apparel — at  otherl 
times  apparently  they  Avore  the  common  dress  of  thai 
people.  The  material  was  "  linen  "  (Ex.  xxviii.  42  'A 
comp.  Cotton).  Linen  drawers  from  tlie  loins  to  j 
the  thighs  were  "  to  cover  their  nakedness."  Over 
the  drawers  was  worn  the  c&honeth,  or  close-fitting 
cassock,  also  of  fine  linen,  white,  but  with  a  diamond 
or  chess-board  pattern  on  it.  This  came  nearly  to 
the  feet,  and  was  to  be  woven  in  its  garment-shape 
(comp.  Jn.  xix.  23).  The  white  cassock  was  gathered  ai 
round  the  body  with  a  girdle  of  needlework,  into  Ml 
which,  as  in  the  more  gorgeous  belt  of  the  high-  *-* 
priest,  blue,  purple,  and  scarlet  were  intermingled 
with  white,  and  worked  in  the  form  of  flowers  (Ex. 
xxviii.  39,  40,  xxxix.  2;  Ez.  xliv.  17-19).     Upon 


PBI 


PRI 


883 


their  heads  they  were  to  wear  caps  or  bonnets  in  the 
fi)rra  of  a  cup-shaped  flower,  also  of  fine  linen. 
(L'kows  ;  Ueaivdkess.)  They  had  besides  other 
'cliithcs  of  service,"  probably  simpler,  but  not  de- 


acts  of  ministration  they  were  to  be  barefooted  (Ex. 
iii.  5;  Josh.  v.  15).  In  the  earlier  liturgical  cos- 
tume the  EPHOD  is  mentioned  as  belongmg  to  the 
high-priest  only  (Ex.  xxviii.  6-12,  xxxix.  2-5).- 


scribed  (Ex.  xxxi.   10 ;  Ez.  xliL   14).      In  all  their  I  liitjulatioiu.  The  idea  of  a  consecrated  life,  thus  as 


Dreis  of  EgyptiAD  Pr]esta.*(Wilkliuoii.) 


Bcrted  at  the  outset,  was  carried  through  a  multitude 
of  details.  Each  probably  had  a  symbolic  meaning 
of  its  own.  Collectively  they  educated  the  power 
of  distinguishing  between  things  holy  and  profonc, 
CLEAN  and  unclean,  and  so  ultimately  between  moral 


Uri:i4  ol  III!  Kpyptiaa  Higti-|i(lc«L 


good  and  evil  (Ez.  xliv.  23).  Before  they  entered 
the  Tabernacle  thev  were  to  wash  their  hands  and 
their  feet  (Ex.  xxx.'  17-21,  xl.  30-32).  During  their 
ministration  they  were  to  drink  no  wine  or  strong 
drink  (Lev.  x.  9;  Ez.  xliv.  21).     Their  function  was 


to  be  more  to  them  than  the  ties  of  friendship  or  of 
blood,  and,  except  in  the  case  of  the  nearest  rela- 
tionships (six  degrees  are  specified.  Lev.  xxi.  1-5 ; 
Ez.  xliv.  25),  they  were  to  make  no  mourning  for 
the  dead.  They  were  not  to  shave  their  heads. 
(Hair.)  They  were  to  go  through  their  ministra- 
tions with  the  serenity  of  a  reverential  awe,  not  with 
the  frantic  wildness  which  led  the  priests  of  Baal  to 
cut  their  flesh  (Lev.  xix.  28  ;  IK.  xviii.  28),  and  the 
priests  of  Cybele  to  castrate  themselves  (Deut.  xxiii. 
1).  The  same  thought  found  expression  in  two  other 
forms  affecting  the  priests  of  Israel.  The  priest 
was  to  be  physically  as  well  as  liturgically  perfect. 
(Blemish.)  The  marriages  of  tiie  sons  of  Aaron 
were  hedged  round  with  special  rules.  There  is  in- 
deed no  evidence  (so  Prof.  Plumptrc)  for  what  has 
sometimes  been  asserted,  that  either  the  high-priest 
or  the  other  sons  of  Aaron  were  limited  in  their 
choice  to  the  women  of  their  own  tribe,  and  we  have 
some  distinct  instances  to  the  contrary.  It  is  prob- 
able, however,  that  the  priestly  families  frequently 
intermarried,  and  certain  that  they  were  forbidden 
to  marry  an  unchaste  woman,  or  one  who  had  been 
divorced,  or  the  widow  of  any  but  a  priest  (Lev.  xxi. 
7,  14 ;  Ez.  xliv.  22).  The  prohibition  of  marriage 
with  one  of  an  alien  race  was  assumed,  though  not 
enacted  in  the  Law.  The  legitimacy  of  every  priest 
depended  on  his  ok.nealooy.  The  age  jt  which  the 
sons  of  Aaron  might  enter  upon  their  duties  was  not 
defined  by  the  Law,  as  that  of  the  Levites  was. 
Aristobulus  (Hioh-piiiest)  at  the  age  of  seventeen 
ministered  in  the  Temple  in  his  pontifical  robes  (Jos. 
XV.  3,  §  3).  This  may  have  been  exceptional,  but 
the  language  of  the  rabbis  indicates  that  the  special 


884 


PRI 


FBI 


consecration  of  the  priest's  life  began  with  the  open- 
ing years  of  manhood. — Functions.  The  work  of  the 
priesthood  of  Israel  was,  from  its  very  nature,  more 
stereotyped  by  the  llosaic  institutions  than  any 
other  element  of  the  national  life.  The  duties  de- 
scribed in  Exodus  and  Leviticus  are  the  same  as 
those  recognized  in  the  Books  of  Chronicles  and 
Ezekiel.  They,  assisting  the  high-priest,  were  to 
watch  over  the  fire  on  the  altar  of  burnt-offerings, 
and  to  keep  it  burning  evermore  both  by  day  and 
night  (Lev.  vi.  12;  2  Chr.  xiii.  11),  to  feed  the  golden 
lamp  ("  CANDLESTICK  ")  outside  the  veil  with  oil  (Ex. 
xxvii.  20,  21 ;  Lev.  xxiv.  2),  to  offer  the  morning 
and  evening  sacrifices  (Sacrifice),  each  accompanied 
with  a  meat-offering  and  a  drink-offering,  at  the  door 
of  the  Tabernacle  (Ex.  xxix.  38-44).  These  were  the 
fixed,  invariable  duties ;  but  their  chief  function  was 
that  of  being  always  at  hand  to  do  the  priest's  office 
for  any  guilty,  or  penitent,  or  rejoicing  Israelite. 
The  worshipper  might  come  at  any  time.  (Adul- 
tery ;  Leper;  Meat-offering;  Nazarite;  Peace- 
offering;  Purification;  Vow,  &c.)  Other  duties 
of  a  higher  and  more  ethical  character  were  hinted 
at,  but  were  not,  and  probably  could  not  be,  the 
subject  of  a  special  regulation.  They  were  to  teach 
the  children  of  Israel  the  statutes  of  the  Lord  (Lev. 
X.  11;  Deut.  xxxiii.  10;  2  Chr.  xv.  3  ;  Ez.  xliv.  23,  24 ). 
The  "  priest's  lips  "  were  to  "  keep  knowledge  "  (Mai. 
ii.  7).  Through  the  whole  history,  except  the  periods 
of  national  apostasy,  these  acts,  and  others  like 
them,  formed  the  daily  life  of  the  priests  who  were  on 
duty.  The  three  great  festivals  of  the  year  were, 
however,  their  seasons  of  busiest  employment. 
Other  acts  of  the  priests  of  Israel,  significant  as 
they  were,  were  less  distinctively  sacerdotal.  Tliey 
were  to  bless  the  people  at  every  solemn  meeting 
(Num.  vi.  22-27).  During  the  journeys  in  the  wil- 
derness it  belonged  to  them  to  cover  the  Ark  and 
all  the  vessels  of  the  sanctuary  with  a  purple  or 
scarlet  cloth  before  the  Levites  might  approach 
tlicm  (iv.  5-15).  As  the  people  started  on  each 
day's  march  they  were  to  blow  "  an  alarm"  with 
long  silver  trumpets  (x.  1-8).  With  these  they  were 
to  proclaim  all  the  solemn  days  and  days  of  glad- 
ness (ver.  10).  Other  instruments  of  music  might 
be  used  by  the  more  highly-trained  Levites  and  the 
schools  of  the  projihets,  but  the  trumpets  (Cornet) 
belonged  only  to  the  priests.  The  presence  of  the 
priests  on  the  field  of  battle  (1  Chr.  xii.  23,  27  ;  2 
Chr.  XX.  21,  22)  led,  in  the  later  periods  of  Jewish 
history,  to  the  special  appointment  at  such  times  of 
a  war-priest.  Other  functions  hinted  at  in  Deuter- 
onomy might  have  given  them  greater  influence  as 
the  educators  and  civilizers  of  the  people.  (Educa- 
tion.) They  were  to  act  (whether  individually  or 
collectively  does  not  distinctly  appear)  as  a  court 
of  APPEAL  in  the  more  difficult  controversies  in  crim- 
inal or  civil  cases  (Deut.  xvii.  8-13).  It  must  re- 
main doubtful,  however,  how  far  this  order  kept  its 
ground  during  the  storms  and  changes  that  followed. 
(Judge.) — Maintenance.  Functions  such  as  these 
were  clearly  incompatible  with  the  common  activi- 
ties of  men.  A  distinct  provision,  therefore,  was 
made  for  them.  This  consisted — (1.)  of  one-tenth 
of  the  tithes  (Tithe)  which  the  people  paid  to  the 
Levites,  i.  o>  one  per  cent,  on  the  whole  produce  of 
the  country  (Num.  xviii.  26-2S).  (2.)  Of  a  special 
tithe  every  third  year  (Deut.  xiv.  28,  xxvi.  12).  (3.) 
Of  the  redemption-money,  paid  at  tlie  fixed  rate  of 
five  shekels  a  head,  for  the  first-born  of  man  or 
beast  (Num.  xviii.  14-19).  (4.)  Of  the  redemption- 
money  paid  in  like  manner  for  men  or  things  spe- 


cially dedicated  to  the  Lord  (Lev.  xxvii.).  (5.)  Of 
spoil,  captives,  cattle,  and  the  like,  taken  in  war 
(Num.  xxxi.  25-47).  (6.)  Of  the  shew-bread,  the 
flesh  of  the  burnt-oftcrings,  peace-offerings,  trespass- 
offerings  (xviii.  8-14  ;  Lev.  vi.  26,  29,  vii.  6-10),  and, 
in  particular,  the  heave-shoulder  and  the  wave- 
breast  (x.  12-15).  (7.)  Of  an  undefined  amount  of 
the  first-fruits  of  corn,  wine,  and  oil  (Ex.  xxiii. 
19;  Lev.  ii.  14;  Deut.  xxvi.  1-10).  Of  some  .of 
these,  as  "  most  holy,"  none  but  the  priests  were 
to  partake  (Lev.  vi.  29).  It  was  lawful  for  their 
sons  and  daughters  (x.  14),  and  even  in  some  cases 
for  their  home-born  slaves,  to  eat  of  others  (xxii. 
11).  The  stranger  and  the  hired  servant  were  in  all 
cases  excluded  (xxii.  10).  (8.)  On  their  settlement 
in  Canaan  the  priestly  families  had  thirteen  cities 
assigned  them,  with  "  suburbs  "  or  pasture-grounds 
for  their  flocks  (Josh.  xxi.  13-19).  (Levites.) — 
These  provisions  were  obviously  intended  to  secure 
the  religion  of  Israel  against  the  dangers  of  a  caste 
of  pauper-priests,  needy  and  dependent,  and  unable 
to  bear  their  witness  to  the  true  faith.  They  were, 
on  the  other  hand,  as  far  as  possible  removed  from 
the  condition  of  a  wealthy  order.  The  standard  of 
a  priest's  income,  even  in  the  earliest  days  after  the 
settlement  in  Canaan,  was  apparently  low  (Judg. 
xvii.  10). —  Clamijication  and  Slalistics.  The  earliest 
historical  trace  of  any  division  of  the  priesthood, 
and  corresponding  cycle  of  services,  belongs  to  the 
time  of  David.  Jewish  tradition  indeed  recognizes 
an  earlier  division,  even  during  the  life  of  Aaron, 
into  eight  houses,  augmented  during  the  period  of 
the  Shiloh-worship  to  sixteen,  the  two  families  of 
Eleazar  and  Ithamar  standing  in  both  cases  on  an 
equality.  Xo  less  than  3,700  priests  tendered  their 
allegiance  to  David  at  Hebron  (1  Chr.  xii.  27).  To 
his  reign  belonged  the  division  of  the  priesthood 
into  the  four-and-twenty  "courses"  or  orders  (1 
Chr.  xxiv.  1-19;  2  Chr.  xxiii.  8;  Lk.  i.  5),  each  of 
which  was  to  serve  in  rotation  for  one  week,  while 
the  further  assignment  of  special  "services  during 
the  neck  was  determined  by  lot(i.  9).  Each  course 
appears  to  have  commenced  its  work  on  the  Sab- 
bath, the  outgoing  priests  taking  the  morning-sacri- 
fice, and  leaving  that  of  the  evening  to  their  succes- 
sors (2  Chr.  xxiii.  8).  In  this  division,  however,  the 
descendants  of  Ithamar  were  fewer  than  those  of 
Eleazar,  and  sixteen  courses  accordingly  were  as- 
signed to  the  latter,  eight  only  to  the  former  (1  Chr. 
xxiv.  4).  The  division  thus  instituted  was  confirmed 
by  Solomon,  and  continued  to  be  recognized  as  the 
typical  number  of  the  priesthood.  On  the  return 
from  the  Captivity  there  were  found  but  four 
courses  out  of  the  twenty-four,  each  containing  id 
round  numbers  about  a  thousand  (Ezr.  ii.  36-39^] 
Out  of  these,  however,  to  revive  at  least  the  idea  ( ' 
the  old  organization,  the  four-and-twenty  coursi 
were  reconstituted,  bearing  the  same  names  as  bej 
fore,  and  so  continued  till  the  destruction  of  Jcrusij 
lem.  If  we  may  accept  the  numbers  given  by  Jew 
ish  writers  as  at  all  trustworthy,  the  proportion  ol 
the  priesthood  to  the  population  of  Palestine,  during 
the  last  century  of  their  existence  as  an  order,  rausl 
have  been  far  greater  than  that  of  the  clergy  ha 
ever  been  in  any  Christian  nation.  Over  and  abovel 
those  that  were  scattered  in  the  country  and  took 
their  turn,  there  were  not  fewer  than  24,000  sta- 
tioned permanently  at  Jerusalem,  and  12,000  at 
Jericho.  It  was  almost  inevitable  that  the  gnat 
mass  of  the  order,  under  such  circumstances,  should 
sink  in  character  and  reputation.  The  Rabbinic 
classification  of  the  priesthood,  though  belonging  to 


PM 


PRI 


885 


n  somewhat  later  date,  reflects  the  contempt  into 
which  the  order  had  fallen.  There  were — (1.)  the 
lieads  of  the  tvfenry-four  courses,  known  aomctimes 
as  "  chief  i>riests  ; "  (2.)  the  larj^e  ninnber  of  repu- 
table otiieiating  l)ut  inferior  priests ;  (3. )  the  plebeians 
or  (to  use  the  extremest  formula  of  Rabbinic  scorn) 
the  priesti  of  the  jxople  of  the  mrlh,  ignorant  and 
unlettered;  (4.)  those  that,  through  physical  dis- 
i|uulilioations  or  other  causes,  were  non-eflicient 
nuMubers  of  the  order,  though  entitled  to  receive 
their  tithes. — IliKlori).  The  new  priesthood  did  not 
(■stal>lish  itself  without  a  struggle,  (.\aron.)  The 
rebellion  of  Korah  4,  at  the  head  of  a  portion  of 
the  Lcvitea  as  representatives  of  the  first-born,  with 
Dathan  and  Abiram  as  leaders  of  the  tribe  of  tlie 
first-born  son  of  Jacob  (Num.  .\vi.  1 ),  showed  that 
some  looked  back  to  the  old  patriarchal  order  rather 
than  forward  to  the  new.  Prominent  as  was  the 
part  taken  by  the  priests  in  the  daily  march  of  the 
li'ist  of  Israel  (x.  8),  in  the  passage  of  the  Jordan 
(Josh.  iii.  14,  1.5),  in  the  destruction  of  Jericho  (vi. 
12-16),  the  history  of  Micin  1  shows  that  within 
tliat  century  there  was  a  strong  tendency  to  relapse 
into  the  system  of  a  household  instead  of  an  hered- 
itary priesthood  (Judg.  xvii.).  The  frequent  inva- 
sions and  conquests  during  the  period  of  the  Judges 
must  have  interfered  with  the  payment  of  tithes, 
nith  the  maintenance  of  worship,  with  the  observ- 
ance of  all  festivals,  and  with  this  the  influence  of 
the  priesthood  must  have  been  kept  in  the  back- 
ground. For  a  time  the  prerogative  of  the  line  of 
Aaron  was  in  abeyance.  The  capture  of  the  Ark, 
the  removal  of  the  Taberxaclk  from  Siiiioii,  threw 
every  thing  into  confusion,  and  Samuel,  a  Levite, 
but  not  within  the  priestly  family,  sacrifices,  and 
"  comes  near"  to  the  Lord  :  his  training  under  Eli, 
his  Xazarite  life,  his  prophetic  office,  being  regarded 
apparently  as  a  special  consecration.  Though  Shi- 
loh  had  become  a  deserted  sanctuary,  XoB  (1  Sara. 
xxi.  1 )  was  for  a  time  the  centre  of  national  worship, 
and  the  symbolic  ritual  of  Israel  was  thus  kept  from 
being  forgotten.  The  reign  of  Saul  was,  however, 
a  time  of  suffering  for  them.  He  had  manifested  a 
disposition  to  usurp  the  priest's  office  (xiii.  9).  The 
massacre  of  the  priests  at  Nob  (jVHiMELEcn  1) 
showed  how  insecure  their  lives  were  against  any 
unguarded  or  savage  impulse.  They  could  but  wait 
in  silence  for  the  coming  of  a  deliverer  in  David. 
One  .at  least  (Abiathar)  shared  his  exile  (xxiii.  6, 
9).  When  the  death  of  Saul  set  them  free  they 
came  in  large  numbers  to  the  camp  of  David,  pre- 
pared apparently  not  only  to  testify  their  allegiance, 
but  also  to  support  him,  armed  for  battle,  against 
all  rivals  (I  Chr.  xii.  27).  They  were  summoned 
from  their  cities  to  the  great  restoration  of  the  wor- 
ship of  Israel,  when  the  Ark  was  brought  up  to 
the  new  capital  of  the  kingdom  (xv.  4).  For  a  time, 
however,  the  older  order  of  sacrifices  was  carried 
on  by  the  priests  in  the  Tabernacle  on  the  high-place 
at  GiBEOs  (xvi.  37-39,  x.xi.  29 ;  2  Chr.  i.  3).  We 
cannot  womler  that  first  David  and  then  Solomon 
Bhould  have  sought  to  guard  against  the  evils  inci- 
dental to  this  separation  of  t'le  two  orders,  and  to 
unite  in  one  great  Temple  priests  and  Levites,  the 
symbolic  worship  of  sacrifice  and  the  spiritual  of- 
fering of  praise.  The  reigns  of  these  two  kings 
were  naturally  the  culminating  period  of  the  glory 
of  the  Jewish  priesthood.  The  position  of  the  priests 
under  the  monarchy  of  Judah  deserves  a  closer  ex- 
amination than  it  has  yet  received.  The  system  de- 
scribed above  gave  them  for  evcrji  week  of  service 
in  tlie  Temple  twenty-three  weeks  in  which  they  had 


no  appointed  work.     To  what  employment  could 
they  turn  ?     (1.)  The  more  devout  and  thoughtful 
found  probably  in  tiie  schools  of  the  prophets  that 
which  satisfied  them.     (Levites;  Prophet.)     They 
became  teaching  priest3(2Chr.  xv.  3),  students,  and 
interpreters  of  the  Divine  Law.     (2.)  Some,  per- 
hai)S,  served  in  the  king's  army  (1  Chr.  xii.  27 ;  2 
Chr.  xiii.   12,  xxiii.  9;   Be.naiah   1).     (3.)   A  few 
1  chosen  ones  might  enter  more  deeply  into  the  divine 
j  life,  and  so  receive,  like  Zeciiariaii,  Jeremiah,  Eze- 
KiEL,  a  special  call  to  the  oflice  of  a  prophet.     (4.) 
j  We  can  liardly  escape  the  conclusion  that  many  did 
I  their  work  in  the  Temple  of  Jehovah  with  a  divided 
allegiance,  and  acted  at  other  times  as  priests  of 
\  the  high  pLaccs  (Jer.  ii.  8,  viii.  1,  2 ;  Ez.  xliv.  7,  12; 
Urijah  1).    Those  who  ceased  to  be  true  shepherds 
of  the  people  found  nothing  in  their  ritual  to  sustain 
or  elevate  them.    They  became  as  sensual,  covetous, 
I  tyrannical,  as    ever    the    clergy  of  the  Christian 
Church  became  in  its  darkest  periods  ;  conspicuous 
I  as  drunkards  and  adulterers  (Is.  xxviii.  7,  8,  Ivi.  10- 
j  12).     The  prophetic  order,  instead  of  acting  as  a 
1  check,  became  sharers  in  the  corruption  (Jer.  v.  31 ; 
Lam.  iv.  13;  Zcph.  iii.  4).     Tlie  discipline  of  the 
i  Captivity,  however,  was  not  without  its  fruits.     A 
i  large  proportion  of  the  priests  had  either  perished 
or  were  content  to  remain  in  the  land  of  their  exile, 
j  but  those  who  did  return  were  active  in  the  work 
i  of  restoration  (Ezr.  iii.  2,  x.  18, 19  ;  Neh.  viii.  9-13). 
I  But  in  Malachi's  time  the  priests  had  become  de- 
j  generate  again  (.Mai.  i.  10,  ii.  7-9).     The  office  of  the 
j  SCRIBE  rose  in  repute  as  that  of  ])riest  declined.     No 
great  changes  affected  the  outward  position  of  the 
priests  under  the  Persian   government.     Both  the 
Persian  government  and  Alexander  had  respected 
the  religion  of  their  subjects  ;  and  the  former  had 
conferred  on  the  priests  immunities  from  taxation 
(Ezr.  vi.  8,  9,  vii.   24).     The  degree  to  which  this 
recognition  was  carried  by  the  inmiediate  successors 
of  Alexander  is  shown  by  the  work  of  restoration 
accomplished  by  Simon  the  son  of  Onias  (Ecclus.  1. 
12-20) ;  and  the  position  which  they  thus  occupied 
in  the  eyes  of  the  people,  not  less  than  the  devotion 
with  which  his  zeal  inspired  them,  prepared  them 
doubtless  for  the  groat  struggle  which  was  coming, 
and  in  which,  under  the  priestly  Maccabees,  they 
were  the  chief  defenders  of  their  country's  freedom. 
Some,  indeed,  at  that  crisis,  were  found  among  the 
apost.ites.     (Alcimus  ;  Jason  4  ;  Mexelads  ;  O.vias 
5.)   The  majority,  however,  were  true-hearted.   (Je- 
RLSAi,E.M,  pp.  452  ff.) — In  the  N.  T.  period  of  their 
history  the  division  into  fourandtwenty  courses  is 
still  maintained  (Lk.  i.  5),  and  the  heads  of  these 
courses,  together  with  those  who  have  held  the 
high-priesthood  (the  office  no  longer  lasting  for  life), 
are  "  chief  priests "  by  courtesy,  and  take  their 
place  in  the  Sanhedrim.      Tlie  number  scattered 
throughout  Palestine  was,  as  has  Ijcen  stated,  very 
large.     Of  these  the  greater  number  were  poor  and 
ignorant.     The  priestly  order,  like  the  nation,  was 
divided    between    contending  sects.      (Pharisees; 
!  Sadolx'ees.)     The  influence  of  Hyrcanus,  himself  in 
\  the  latter  part  of  his  life  a  Sadducee,  had  probably 
made  the  tenets  of  that  party  popular  among  the 
wealthier  and   more  powerful  members ;    and  the 
chief  priests  of  the  Gospels  and  the  Acts,  the  whole 
"  of  the  kindred  of  the  high-priest  "  (Acts  iv.  1,  6, 
V.  17),  were  apparently  consistent  Sadducces.     The 
great  multitude,  on  the  other  hand,  who  received 
the  testimony  of  the  Lord's  resurrection  and  "  be- 
came obedient  to  the  faith  "  (vi.  7)  must  have  been 
free  from,  or  must  have  overcome,  Sadducean  pre- 


PBI 


PRO 


judices.  In  the  scenes  of  the  last  tragedy  of  Jew- 
ish history  tlie  order  passes  away,  without  honor, 
"  dying  as  a  fool  dieth."  Tlie  liigh-priesthood  is 
given  to  the  lowest  and  vilest  of  the  adherents  of 
the  frenzied  Zealots.  Other  priests  appear  as  de- 
serting to  the  enemy.  Josephus  the  historian  was 
a  priest.  The  destruction  of  Jerusalem  deprived 
the  order  at  one  blow  of  all  but  an  honorary  distinc- 
tion. Their  occupation  was  gone.  Many  families  must 
have  altogether  lost  their  genealogies.  The  influence 
of  the  Rabbis  increased  with  the  fall  of  the  priest- 
liood.  (Education  ;  Rabbi  ;  Synagogue.)  The  lan- 
guage of  the  N.  T.  writers  in  relation  to  the  priest- 
hood ought  not  to  be  passed  over.  They  recognize 
in  Christ,  the  first-born,  the  King,  the  Anointed, 
the  representative  of  the  true  primeval  priesthood 
after  the  order  of  Melchizedek  (Heb.  vii.,  viii.),  from 
which  that  of  Aaron,  however  necessary  for  the 
time,  is  now  seen  to  have  been  a  deflection.  But 
there  is  no  trace  of  an  order  in  the  new  Christian 
society,  bearing  the  name  and  exercising  functions 
like  those  of  the  priests  of  the  older  Covenant. 
(Bishop;  Elder;  Minister  ;  Preacher.)  The  idea 
which  pervades  the  teaching  of  the  Epistles  is  that 
of  a  universal  priesthood  (Rom.  xii.  1 ;  Heb.  x.  19- 
22;  1  Pet.  ii.  9  ;  Rev.  i.  6).  It  was  the  thought  of 
a  succeeding  age  that  the  old  classification  of  the 
high-priest,  priests,  and  Levitcs  was  reproduced  in 
the  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  of  the  Christian 
Church  (so  Prof.  Plumptre). 

Prim*,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  various  Hebrew, 
Chaldee,  and  Greek  terms,  most  of  which  are  of 
general  signification,  indicating  authority,  leader- 
ship, or  preiiminence.  (Captain  1,  2  ;  Congrega- 
tion; Duke  2;  Governor  5,  6,  10,  11,  13;  Judge; 
King  ;  Priest,  &c.).  The  only  special  uses  of  the 
word  "prince"  are — 1.  "Princes  of  provinces"  (1 
K.  XX.  14),  probably  =  governors  of  districts,  or 
local  magistrates.  (Province.)  2.  The  "  princes" 
(dial.  pi.  ahashdarpinin  or  fiehashdarpmin)  men- 
tioned in  Dan.  iii.  2,  3,  27,  vi.  1  ff".  (see  Esth.  i.  1) 
were  the  predecessors  of  the  satraps  of  Darius  Hys- 
taspis  (Persians)  =  "  lieutenants  "  in  Ezr.  viii.  36, 
and  Esth.  iii.  1 2,  viii.  9,  ix.  3.  Je.sus  Christ  is  "  the 
Prince  of  life  "  (Acts  iii.  15),  and  "  the  Prince  of  the 
kings  of  the  earth "  (Rev.  i.  5) :  Satan  is  "  the 
prince  of  this  world"  (Jn.  xii.  31,  &c.),  and  "the 
prince  of  the  power  of  the  air  "  (Eph.  ii.  2).  Hasii- 
MANNiM ;  Province. 

•  Prln'tess,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  ndrdh 
:=  princess,  noble  hdy,  Ges.  (1  K.  xi.  3;  Is.  xlix.  23 
margin;  Lam.  i.  1),  also  translated  "queen"  (Is. 
xlix.  23),  and  "  lady  "  (Judg.  v.  29  ;  Esth.  i.  18). 
Sarah. 

•  Prin-d-pal'i-ty  (=  the  authority,  rule,  or  do- 
minion of  a  prince  or  chief),  the  A.  V.  translation 
of — 1.  Heb.  pi.  marasholh  (Jer.  xiii.  18  only,  margin 
"  head-tires  ").  Gesenius  and  Henderson  translate 
this  passage,  "  From  your  heads  shall  come  down  the 
crown  of  your  glory,"  instead  of  "Your  principali- 
ties shall  come  down,  even  the  crown  of  your  glory." 
— 2.  Gr.  arche  —  a  heginninq,  what  is  first  in  time 
or  place,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.  (Rom.  viii.  38  ;  Eph.  i.  21, 
iii.  10,  vi.  12;  Col.  i.  16,  ii.  10,  15;  Tit.  iii.  1), 
usually  translated  "  beginning  "  (Mat.  xix.  4,  8  ;  Jn. 
i.  1,  2,  &c.),  also  translated  "  rule  "  (1  Cor.  xv.  24), 
"  power  "(Lk.  xx.  20),  "magistrates"  in  pi.  (xii. 
11).  In  the  passages  where  it  is  translated  "  magis- 
trates "  and  "  principality  "  or  "  principalities  "  the 
word  is  used  by  metonymy  (so  Robinson)  to  denote 
rulers,  magistrates,  princes,  potentates,  &c. 

•  Print,  to,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.    Heb. 


n&than  (Lev.  xix.  28),  usually  and  literally  translated 
"to  give"  (Gen.  i.  29,  iii.  12  twice,  &e.),  also  "to 
make  "  (Lev.  xix.  28,  &c.),  &e. — 2.'  Heb.  Mkak  or 
cluikak  =  to  cut  in,  inscribe,  Ges.  (Job  xix.  23),  also 
translated  "to  grave"  (Is.  xxii.  16,  xlix.  16),  "to 
portray  "  (Ez.  iv.  1),  &c.    Engraver;  Writing. 

Pris'ea  (L.  =  ancient)  =  Priscilla  (2  Tim.  iv.  19). 

Pris-cU'la  [-sil-]  (L.  diminutive  of  Prisca,  P.bn. 
N'.  T.  Lex.),  the  wife  of  Aquila.  The  name  is 
Prisca  in  2  Tim.  iv.  19,  and  (according  to  the  true 
reading)  in  Rom.  xvi.  3,  also  (according  to  some  of 
the  best  MSS.)  in  1  Cor.  xvi.  19.  Such  variation  in 
a  Roman  name  is  by  no  means  unusual.  The  wife's 
name  is  placed  before  the  husband's  in  Rom.  xvi.  3 
and  2  Tim.  iv.  19,  and  (according  to  some  of  tlie 
best  MSS.)  in  Acts  xviii.  26.  Only  in  Acts  xviii.  2, 
and  1  Cor.  xvi.  19,  has  Aquila  unequivocally  the  first 
place.  Hence  Dr.  Howson  and  others  conclude  tliat 
Priscilla  was  the  more  energetic  character  of  the 
two.  Yet  the  husband  and  the  wife  are  always 
mentioned  together.  Priscilla  (so  Dr.  Howson)  is 
the  example  of  what  the  married  woman  may  do 
for  the  general  service  of  the  Cliurch,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  home  duties,  as  Phede  is  the  type  of  the 
unmarried  servant  of  the  Church,  or  deaconess. 

Pils'on  [piiz'n].  For  imprisonment  as  a  punish- 
ment, see  Punishments.  In  Egypt  it  is  plain  both 
that  special  places  were  used  as  prisons,  and  that 
they  were  under  the  custody  of  a  military  officer 
(Gen.  xl.  3,  xlii.  17).  During  the  wandering  in  tlie 
desert  we  read  on  two  occasions  of  confinement  "  in 
ward"  (Lev.  xxiv.  12;  Num.  xv.  34);  but  as  im- 
prisonment was  not  directed  by  the  Law,  so  we  liear 
of  none  till  the  time  of  the  kings,  when  the  prison 
appears  as  an  appendage  to  tlie  palace,  or  a  special 
part  of  it  (1  K.  xxii.  27).  Later  still  it  is  distinctly 
described  as  in  the  king's  house  (Jer.  xxxii.  2, 
xxxvii.  21  ;  Neh.  iii.  25).  This  was  the  case  al.-^o  at 
Babylon  (2  K.  xxv.  27).  But  private  houses  were 
sometimes  used  as  places  of  confinement  (Jer. 
xxxvii.  15;  Jeremiah).  Public  prisons  other  than 
these,  though  in  use  by  the  Canaanitish  nations 
(Judg.  xvi.  21,  25;  Samson),  were  unknown  in  Ju- 
dea  previous  to  tlie  Captivity.  Under  the  Herods 
we  hear  again  of  royal  prisons  attached  to  the  pal- 
ace, or  in  royal  fortresses  (Lk.  iii.  20  ;  Acts  xii.  4, 
]0>.  By  the  Romans  Antonia  was  used  as  a  prison 
at  Jerusalem  (xxiii.  10),  and  at  Cesarca  the  preto- 
RiCM  of  Herod  (35).  The  sacerdotal  authorities  also 
had  a  prison  under  the  superintendence  of  special 
officers  (v.  18  ff.,  viii.  3,  xxvi.  10).  Chain;  Cis- 
tern ;  Fetters  ;  Paul  ;  Pit  ;  Rome  ;  Stocks. 

*  Pris'on-gate  (Neh.  xii.  39),  a  gate  of  Jerusa 
lem,  probably  (so  Gesenius)  belonging  to  the  wi  ^ 
enclosing  the  Temple.     Sheep-gate. 

Proell'o-rus  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  leader  of  the  choru 
Sclil.),  one  of  the  seven  deacons,  named  next  afti 
Stephen  and  Philip  (Acts  vi.  5).     Deacon. 

Pro-eon'snl  (L.  =  one  who  at  the  close  of  his 
consulship  in  Rome  was  governor  of  a  province,  or 
military  commander  under  a  governor,  I'reund). 
Deputy. 

Proe'u-ra-tor  [in  Latin  pronounced  prok-yu-ra'- 
tor]  (L.  manager,  overseer  ;  see  below).  The  Gr. 
heyemon,  A.  V.  "  governor,"  is  applied  in  the  N.  T. 
to  the  officer  who  presided  over  the  imperial  prov- 
ince of  Judea.  It  is  used  of  Pontius  Pilate  (Mat. 
xxvii.,  xxviii. ;  Lk.  xx.  20),  of  Felix  (Acts  xxiii., 
xxiv.),  and  of  Festus  (xxvi.  30).  In  all  these  cases 
the  Vulgate  equivalent  is  presses  (L.  =  prcsidenl). 
The  same  office  is  also  mentioned  in  Lk.  iii.  1.  Af- 
ter the  battle  of  Actium,  Augustus  divided  the 


3A- 

1 


PRO 


PRO 


887 


provinces  of  the  Roman  empire  into  two  portions, 
giving  some  to  tlie  senate  and  reserving  to  himself 
tlie  rest.  The.imperial  provinces  were  administered 
by  legates  or  deputies  of  the  emperor,  also  called 
prasidex  or  presidents.  Xo  questor  came  into  the 
emperor's  provinces,  but  the  property  and  revenues 
of  the  imperial  treasury  were  administered  by  the 
Rationale!!  (h.  =  accouHtanta),  Procuratores  (=  proc- 
urators), and  Adores  (=  agents)  of  the  emperor,  who 
were  chosen  from  among  his  freedmen,  or  from  the 
knights  (Tae.  Hist.  v.  9  ;  Dio  Cassius,  liii.  15J.  These 
procurators  were  sent  both  to  the  imperial  and  to 
the  senatorial  provinces.  Sometimes  a  province 
was  governed  by  a  procurator  with  the  functions  of 
a  presi'lent.  This  was  especially  the  case  with  the 
smaller  provinces  and  the  outlying  districts  of  a 
larger  province ;  and  sui^  is  the  relation  in  which 
Judea  stood  to  Stria.  After  the  deposition  of  Ar- 
ciiKLACS  Judea  was  annexed  to  Syria,  and  the  first 
procurator  was  Coponius  (sent  out  with  Quiriuus 
[CvRKNiis]),  the  next  Marcus  Ambivius,  tlien  An- 
nius  Kufus,  then  Valerius  Gratus  (procurator  eleven 
years),  then  Pontms  Pilate.  (Pilatk,  Pontius.)  He 
was  subject  to  the  governor  (or  president)  of  Syria. 
The  headquarters  of  the  procurator  were  at  Oesa- 
rea  (Acts  xxiii.  23),  where  he  had  a  judgment-seat 
(xxv.  6)  in  the  audience-chamber  (23),  and  was  as- 
~i^ted  by  a  council  (12)  whom  he  consulted  in  cases 
t' difficulty.  The  procurator,  as  the  emperor's  rep- 
resentative, had  the  power  of  life  and  death  over 
Ills  subjects  (Mat.  xxvii.  26),  which  was  denied  to 
tlie  proconsul  (A.  V.  "  dfplty  ").  In  the  N.  T.  we 
see  the  procurator  only  in  his  judicial  capacity. 
Thus  Christ  is  brought  before  Pontius  Pilate  as  a 
political  offender,  and  the  accusation  is  heard  by  the 
procurator,  who  is  seated  on  the  judgment-seat 
(Mat.  xxvii.  2,  11,  19).  Felix  heard  St.  Paul's  ac- 
cusation and  defence  from  the  judgment-seat  at 
Cesarea  (Acts  xxiv.) ;  and  St.  Paul  calls  him  "judge  " 
(xxiv.  10),  as  if  this  term  described  his  chief  func- 
tions. Tlie  procurator  is  again  alluded  to  in  his 
judicial  cai>acity  in  1  Pet.  ii.  It  (A.  V.  "  governors  "). 
He  was  attended  by  a  cohort  (A.  V.  "  band ; " 
AnMv,  II.)  as  body-guard  (Mat.  xxvii.  27),  and  ap- 
parently went  up  to  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of  the 
high  festivals,  and  there  resided  in  the  palace  of 
Herod,  in  which  was  the  "  pretorium,"  or  "  jiiDO- 

MK.VT-HALL." 

•  Pro-pea'l-tDrs  [-jen-]  (fr.  L.)  =  parents,  or  an- 
cestors ((ien.  xlix.  28).     Gkxeai.oov. 

•  Prog-nos'tl-M-tors,  Munthly  (Is.  xlvii.  13). 
Magic. 

Proph'et.  I.  T/te  Name.  The  ordinary  Hebrew 
word  for  prophet  is  nJtbi,  derived  from  the  verb 
ndhii,  connected  by  Gescnins  with  n&ba\  to  bubble 
forth,  like  a  fountain.  If  this  etymology  is  correct, 
ndbi  z=  a  person  who,  as  it  were,  involuntarily  bursts 
forth  with  spiritual  utterances  under  the  divine  in- 
fluence, or  simply  one  who  pours  forth  words.  Bun- 
sen  and  Davidson  suppose  ndhi  =  the  man  to  whom 
announcements  are  made  by  God,  i.  e.  inspired.  (I.s- 
8PIRATI0N.)  But  it  is  more  in  accordance  with  the 
etymology  and  usage  of  the  word  to  regard  it  as 
signifying  (actively)  one  who  announces  or  pours 
forth  the  declarations  of  God  (so  Mr.  Meyrick, 
original  author  of  this  article,  with  Ewald,  Hiivcr- 
niek,  Oeliler,  Hengstenberg,  Lee,  Pusey,  and  most 
Biblical  critics).  Two  other  Hebrew  words  are  used 
to  designate  a  prophet,  roeh,  and  hozeh  or  chozeh, 
both  signifying  one  who  fees,  and  rendered  in  the 
A.  V.  "  seer."  The  three  Hebrew  words  are  found 
in  1  Chr.  xxix.  29.     Roeh  is  a  title  almost  appro- 


priated to  Samuel  (1  Sam.  ix.  9,  11,  18,  19  ;  1  Chr. 
ix.  22,  xxvi.  28,  xxix.  29).  It  is  also  applied  to 
Zapok  1  (2  Sam.  xv.  27),  to  Hanani  2  (2  Chr.  xvi. 
7,  10),  to  prophets  generally  (1  Sam.  ix.  9  ;  Is.  xxx. 
10).  It  was  superseded  in  general  use  by  the  word 
ndbi.  Hozeh  or  chozeh  is  found  in  2  Sam.  xxiv.  10  ; 
2  K.  xvii.  13  ;  1  Chr.  xxi.  9,  xxv.  5,  xxix.  29  (of 
Gad  2);  2  Chr.  ix.  29,  xii.  l.'i,  xix.  2,  xxix.  25,  30, 
xxxiii.  IS,  19,  XXXV.  15;  Is.  xxix.  10,  xxx.  10  (A.  V. 
"prophets"),  xlvii.  13  (A.  V.  "gazers");  Am.  vii. 
12  ;  Mic.  iii.  7.  Whether  there  is  any  difference  in 
the  usage  of  these  three  words,  and,  if  any,  what 
that  difference  is,  has  been  much  debated.  On  the 
whole,  it  would  seem  that  the  same  persons  are  des- 
ignated by  them.  The  Heb.  mibi  is  uniformly  trans- 
lated in  the  LXX.  by  the  Gr.  prop/ietes,  and  in  the 
A.  V.  by  "  prophet."  In  classical  Greek,  prophetes 
=  one  who  sjxnks  for  another,  specially  otie  who 
sjieaks  for  a  god  and  so  interprets  his  will  to  man 
(L.  &  S.).  Hence  its  essential  meaning  is  an  inter- 
preter. The  use  of  the  word  pjroplicle's  in  its  mod- 
em sense  is  post-classical,  and  is  derived  from  the 
LXX.  From  the  mediaeval  use  of  the  derivative 
Greek  word  propheteia,  prophecy  passed  into  the 
English  language  in  the  sense  of  prediction,  and 
this  sense  it  has  retained  as  its  popular  meaning. 
The  larger  sense  of  interpretation  has  not,  however, 
been  lost.  In  fact,  the  English  word  prophet,  like 
the  word  inspiratio.n,  has  always  been  used  in  a 
larger  and  in  a  closer  sense.  The  ditt'erent  mean- 
ings, or  ."ihades  of  meaning,  in  which  "prophecy" 
is  employed  in  Scripture,  have  been  drawn  out  by 
Locke  as  follows  : — "  Prophecy  comprehends  three 
things :  prediction  ;  singing  by  the  dictate  of  the 
Spirit ;  and  understanding  and  explaining  the  mys- 
terious, hidden  sense  of  Scripture,  by  an  immediate 
illumination  and  motion  of  the  Spirit"  (Paraphrase 
of  1  Cor.  xii.  note,  p.  121,  London,  1742).  The 
last  signification  applies  to  the  prophets  of  the  N.  T. 
(1  Cor.  xii.);  the  second  to  Miriam,  Deborah  2, the 
"sons  of  Asaph,"  &c.  (1  Chr.  xxv.  3).  That  the 
idea  of  potential  if  not  actual  prediction  enters  into 
the  conception  of  prophecy,  as  designating  the  func- 
tion of  the  Hebrew  prophets,  seems  to  be  proved  by 
Deut.  xviii.  22  ;  Jer.  xxviii.  9 ;  Acts  ii.  30,  iii.  18,  21 ;  1 
Pet.  i.  10 ;  2  Pet.  i.  19,  20,  iii.  2.  Etymologically,  how- 
ever, neither  prescience  nor  prediction  is  implied  by 
the  tenn  used  in  the  Hebrew,  Greek,  or  English  lan- 
guage. (Daniel,  the  Book  of;  Divination.) — II. 
Prophetical  Order.  The  sacerdotal  order  (Priest) 
was  originally  the  instrument  by  which  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Jewish  theocracy  were  taught  and  gov- 
erned in  things  spiritual.  Teaching  by  act  and 
teaching  by  word  were  alike  their  task.  But  du- 
ring the  time  of  the  Judges,  the  priesthood  sank  into 
a  state  of  degeneracy,  and  the  people  were  no  longer 
affected  by  the  acted  lessons  of  the  ceremonial  ser- 
vice. They  required  less  enigmatic  warnings  and 
exhortations.  Under  these  circumstances  a  new 
moral  power  was  evoked — the  Prophetic  Order. 
Samuel,  himself  a  Levite,  of  the  family  of  Kohath 
(1  Chr.  vi.  28),  and  almost  certainly  a  priest  (so  Mr. 
Meyrick),  was  the  instrument  for  effecting  a  reform 
in  the  sacerdotal  order  (ix.  22),  and  for  giving  to 
the  prophets  a  position  of  importance  which  they 
Jiad  never  before  held.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed 
that  Samuel  created  the  prophetic  order  as  a  new 
thing  before  unknown.  The  germs  both  of  the  pro- 
j  phetic  and  of  the  regal  order  are  found  in  the  Law 
j  (Deut.  xiii.  1,  xviii.  20,  xvii.  18),  but  not  yet  devel- 
oped, because  there  was  not  yet  the  demand  for 
:  them.     Samuel  took  measures  to  make  his  work 


888 


PRO 


PRO 


of  restoration  permanent  as  well  as  effective  for  the 
moment.  For  tliis  purpose  he  instituted  Companies, 
or  Colleges  of  Prophets.  One  we  find  in  his  lifetime 
at  Kamali  (1  Sam.  xi.t.  19,  20);  others  afterward  at 
Bethel  (2  K.  ii.  3),  Jericho  (5),  Gilgal  (iv.  38),  and 
elsewhere  (vi.  1).  (Elijah;  Elisiia.)  Their  con- 
Btitution  and  object  were  similar  to  those  of  theo- 
logical colleges.  Into  them  were  gathered  promis- 
ing students,  and  here  they  were  trained  for  the 
oilice  which  they  were  afterward  destined  to  fulfil. 
Sometimes  they  were  very  numerous  (1  K.  xviii.  4, 
xxii.  6;  2  K.  ii.  16).  So  successful  were  these  in- 
stitutions, that  from  the  time  of  Samuel  to  (he  closing 
of  the  Canon  of  the  Old  Testamknt,  there  seems 
never  to  have  been  wanting  a  d\ic  supply  of  men  to 
keep  up  the  line  of  ofhcial  prophets.  They  are  rep- 
resented as  extinct  in  1  Mc.  iv.  46,  ix.  27,  xiv.  41,  and 
Ecclus.  xxxvi.  15.  Their  chief  subject  of  study 
was,  no  doubt,  the  Law  and  its  interpretation  ;  oral, 
as  distinct  from  symbolical,  teaching  being  hence- 
forward tacitly  transferred  from  the  priestly  to  the 
prophetical  order.  Subsidiary  subjects  of  instruc- 
tion were  music  and  sacred  poetry,  both  of  which 
had  been  connected  with  prophecy  from  the  time 
of  Moses  (Ex.  xv.  20)  and  the  Judges  (Judg.  iv.  4, 
v.  1).— III.  llie  Prophetic  Gift.  To  belong  to  the 
prophetic  order  and  to  possess  the  prophetic  gift 
are  not  conveitible  terms.  Generally,  the  inspired 
propliet  came  from  the  College  of  the  Prophets,  and 
belonged  to  the  prophetic  order  ;  but  this  was  not 
always  the  case.  (Amos  ;  see  also  Ahijah  1 ;  Aha- 
KIAH  9;  Eliezer  6;  Gad  2;  Hanani  2;  Iddo  4; 
Jahaziel  4  ;  Jehu  2 ;  Micaiah  ;  Nathan  1  ;  Oded  1, 
2  ;  Shemaiah  1  ;  Urijah  4 ;  Zechariah  6.)  The 
sixteen  prophets  whose  books  are  in  the  Canon 
have  therefore  that  place  of  honor,  because  tliey 
were  endowed  with  the  prophdir.  (fifl  as  w  ell  as  or- 
dinarily (so  far  as  we  know)  belonging  to  the  pro- 
■phetic  order.  (Bible,  III.  2.)  Wliat,  then,  are  the 
characteristics  of  the  sixteen  prophets,  thus  called 
and  commissioned,  and  intrusted  with  the  messages 
of  God  to  His  people?  (1.)  They  were  the  national 
poets  of  Judca.  (2.)  They  were  annalists  and  his- 
torians. A  great  portion  of  Isaiah,  of  Jeremiah, 
of  Daniel,  of  Jonah,  of  Haggai,  is  direct  or  indirect 
history.  (3.)  They  were  preachers  of  patriotism  ; 
their  patriotism  being  founded  on  the  religious 
motive.  (4.)  They  were  preachers  of  morals  and 
of  spiritual  religion  (Is.  i.  14-17,  iii.,  v.,  &c.).  The 
system  of  morals  put  forward  by  the  prophets,  if 
not  higher,  or  sterner,  or  purer  than  tliat  of  the 
Law,  is  more  plainly  declared,  and  with  greater,  be- 
cause now  more  needed,  vehemence  of  diction.  (5.) 
They  were  extraordinary,  yet  authorized,  exponents 
of  the  Law  (Is.  Iviii.  3-7  ;  Ez.  xviii. ;  Mic.  vi.  6-8  ; 
Hos.  vi.  6;  Am.  v.  21,  &c.).  (6  )  They  held  a  pas- 
toral or  quasi  pastoral  office.  (7.)  They  were  a 
political  power  in  the  state.  (8.)  But  their  most  es- 
sential characteristic  is  that  they  were  instruments 
of  revealing  God's  will  to  man,  as  in  other  ways,  so, 
specially,  by  predicting  future  events,  and,  in  par- 
ticular, by  foretelling  the  incarnation  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  and  the  redemption  effected  by  Him. 
There  are  two  chief  ways  of  exhibiting  this  fact : 
one  is  suitable  when  discoursing  with  Christians, 
the  other  when  arguing  with  unbelievers.  To  the 
Christian  it  is  enough  to  show  that  the  truth  of  the 
New  Testament  and  the  truthfulness  of  its  authors, 
and  of  the  Lord  Himself,  are  bound  up  with  the  truth 
of  the  existence  of  this  predictive  element  in  the 
prophets.  To  the  unbeliever  it  is  necessary  to  show 
that  facts  have  verified  their  predictions.    The  fulfil- 


ment of  a  single  prophecy  does  not  prove  the  pro- 
phetical power  of  the  prophet,  but  the  tulfihuent  of 
a  long  series  of  ijrophecies  by  a  series  or  number  of 
events  does  in  itself  constitute  a  proof  that  the 
prophecies  were  intended  to  predict  the  events,  and, 
consequently,  that  predictive  power  rcadcd  in  the 
prophet  or  prophets.  Now,  the  Messianic  picture 
drawn  by  the  prophets  as  a  body  contains  at  least 
as  many  traits  as  these : — That  salvation  should 
come  through  the  family  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  Jacob, 
Judah,  J)avid :  that  at  the  time  of  the  final  absorp- 
tion of  the  Jewi.'^h  power,  Shiloh  (the  Iranqvilliztr) 
should  gather  the  nations  under  his  rule;  that  there 
should  be  a  great  Prophet,  typified  by  Moses;  a 
King  descended  from  David  ;  a  Priest  forever,  typi- 
fied by  Melchizedek  :  that  there  should  be  bom  into 
the  world  a  child  to  be  oalled  Mighty  God,  Eternal 
Father,  Prince  of  Peace :  that  there  should  be  a 
Righteous  Servant  of  God  on  whom  the  Lord  would 
lay  the  iniquity  of  all;  that  Messiah  the  Prince 
should  be  cut  off,  but  not  for  Himself:  that  an  ever- 
lasting kingdom  should  be  given  by  the  Ancient  of 
Days  to  one  like  the  Son  of  Man.  (Messiah.)  We 
have  here  a  series  of  prophecies  so  apjjlicable  to  the 
person  and  earthly  life  of  Jesus  Christ  as  to  be  there- 
by shown  to  have  been  designed  to  apply  to  Him. 
Andif  they  were  designed  to  apply  to  Him,  prophet- 
ical prediction  is  [irovcd. — Objection  1.  Vagiicnifim. 
It  has  been  said  that  the  prophecies  are  too  darkly 
and  vaguely  worded  to  be  proved  predictive  by  the 
events  which  they  are  alleged  to  foretell.  But  to 
this  might  be  answered — (a.)  That  God  never  forces 
men  to  believe,  but  that  there  is  such  a  union  of 
definiteness  and  vagueness  in  the  prophecies  as  to 
enable  those  who  are  willing  to  discover  the  truth, 
while  the  wilfully  blind  are  not  forcibly  constrained 
to  see  it.  (b.)  That,  had  (he  prophecies  been 
couched  in  the  form  of  direct  declarations,  their  ful- 
filment would  have  thereby  been  rendered  impossi- 
ble, or,  at  least,  capable  of  frustration,  (c.)  That 
the  effect  of  prophecy  would  have  been  far  less 
beneficial  to  believers,  as  being  less  adapted  to  keep 
them  in  a  state  of  eensiant  expeclation.  (</.)  That 
the  Messiah  of  Revelation  cculd  not  be  so  clearly 
portrayed  in  His  varied  character  as  God  and  Man, 
as  Pr(:]ihet,  Priest,  and  King,  if  He  had  been  the 
mere  "teacher."  (''.)  That  the  state  of  the  Proph- 
ets, at  the  time  of  receiving  the  Divine  revelation, 
was  such  as  necessarily  to  make  their  predictions 
fragmentary,  figurative,  and  abstr'acted  from  the  re- 
lations of  time.  (/.)  That  some  portions  of  the 
prophecies  were  intended  to  be  of  double  application, 
and  some  portions  to  be  understood  only  on  their 
fulfilment  (comp.  Jn.  xiv.  29;  Ez.  xxxvi.  33). — 
Object  Ion  2.  Olscuritji  of  a  part  or  parts  of  a  projih- 
ecy  otlurvise  dear.  The  objection  drawn  from  "  (he 
unintelllpiblcness  of  one  part  of  the  prophecy,  as 
invalidating  the  proof  of  foresight  arising  from  the 
evident  completion  of  those  parts  which  are  under- 
stood "  is  akin  to  that  drawn  from  the  vagueness  of 
the  whole  of  it,  and  may  be  answered  like  Objection 
1  above. — Objection  3.  Applirafiim  of  the  sertral 
prophrcies  to  a  more  immediate  subject.  It  has  been 
the  task  of  many  Biblical  critics  to  examine  the  dif- 
ferent passages  alleged  to  be  predictions  of  Christ, 
and  to  show  that  they  were  delivered  in  reference  to 
some  person  or  thing  contemporary  with,  or  shortly 
subsequent  to,  the  time  of  the  writer.  Let  it  be 
granted  that  it  may  be  proved  of  all  the  predictions 
of  the  Messiah — it  certainly  maybe  proved  of  many 
— that  they  primarily  apply  to  some  historical  and 
present  fact :  in  that  case  a  certain  law,  under  which 


PRO 


PRO 


889 


God  vouchsafes  His  prophetical  revelations,  ia  dis- 
covered ;  but  there  is  no  semblance  of  disproof  of 
the  further  Messianic  interpretation  of  the  passages 
under  consideration.  Whether  it  can  be  proved  by 
an  investigation  of  Holy  Scripture,  that  this  relation 
between  Divine  announcements  for  the  future  and 
certain  present  events  does  so  exist  as  to  constitute 
a  law,  and  whether,  if  the  law  is  proved  to  exist,  it 
is  of  universal  or  only  of  partial  application,  we  do 
not  pause  to  determine.  But  it  is  manifest  that  the 
existence  of  a  primary  sense  cannot  exclude  the 
possibility  of  a  secondary  sense.'    (Old  Testament, 

'  Prof.  S.  C.  Bartlett  (in  /?.  S.  xviii.  727  f.)  presents  the 
references  in  Mat.  ii.  15  to  Hos.  ii.  1.  in  Hcb.  1.5  toSSam. 
vii.  l-i-18.  in  Heb.  x.  5-7  to  Ps.  xi.  6-8  (comp.  verse  12),  in 
Jb.  xix.  28  ff.  to  Ps.  Ixix.  21  (comp.  ver.  5).  In  Jn.  xix.  .S3 
to  Ex.  vii.  46,  in  Gal.  iii.  Hi  ff.  to  Gen.  xiii.  15  and  xvii.  8,  in 
Heb,  il.  6-8  to  Ps.  ii.  4  ff.,  in  Mat.  I.  22,  23,  to  Is.  vii.  14, 
in  Mat.  XV.  7  to  Is.  xxix.  13,  and  the  reference  in  1  Cor.  x. 
8-6  to  tlie  Israelites  as  drinking  "  of  the  spiritual  Rocls  that 
followed  them,  and  that  Rock  was  Christ,"  &c  ,  as  afford- 
ing '■  specimens  of  the  chief  forma  of  difflculty  surround- 
ing the  subject  of  Messianic  prophecy.  The  problem  is  to 
discover  some  fundamental  and  central  principle,  accord- 
ing to  which  these  various  kinds  of  passau'cs  can  be  under- 
stood, so  as  neither  to  abrogate  the  authority  of  the  N.  T., 
nor  to  set  aside  the  authority  of  the  Old."  Prof.  Bartlett 
eniiinerates  five  theories  which  attempt  to  meet,  in  whole 
or  in  part,  the  difficulties  of  this  problem;  1.  "The  theory 
of  accommodation,"  which  denies  that  the  apostles  in- 
tended to  cite  the  passages  as  veritable  prophecies,  and 
affirm  that  they  employed  them  only  as  apt  quotations. 
The  supporters  of  this  theory  (Tittraann,  Stuart,  Robin- 
eou.  Barnes.  &c.)  render  the  Gr.  hina  plernthL  &c.  (A.  V. 
"  tliat  it  might  be  fulfilled  ")  so  that  it  wasfulJUled,  but  the 
best  scholarsliip  of  the  present  day  (Meyer.  .^Iford,  Winer, 
Olshausen,  De  Welte,  Woitisworth,  Tholuck,  Alexander, 
Davidson.  Fairbaini.  Lee,  &c.)  sustains  the  A.  V.  transla- 
tion in  rendering  "that  it  might  be  fulfilled."  2.  "The 
theory  of  alternating  subjects  of  prophecy."  Thus  Psalms 
xxii.,  xl.,  ixix.,  &c..  have  been  inierpreted  as  refemng 
partly  to  David  and  partly  to  Christ.  This  theorir  arbi- 
trarily introduces  two  subjects  when  the  writer  evidently 
presents  only  one.  .3.  "  The  theory  of  a  twofold  significa- 
tion or  'double  sense'" — primary  and  secondary — lower 
and  higher— literal  and  allegorical  or  t>T>icjil.  ThusChry- 
sostom  held  that  Ps.  viii.  treats  primarily  of  man.  but  in  a 
higher  sense  of  Christ.  This  theory  is  infelicitous  in  its 
statement,  and  lacks  method,  precision,  and  limitation. 
4.  "  The  theory  of  a  reiterated  reference."  This  view  as- 
serts hut  one  aiiinificntion  of  the  language,  but  assigns  to 
that  one  significjitioii  repeated  applicjitions,  either  to 
events  which  lie  along  on  the  same  level,  or  to  events  re- 
lated as  members  of  an  ascendinz  series,  the  fulfilment  in 
this  case  rising  from  a  lower  to  a  hiirher  sphere,  i.  e.  from 
a  type  or  symbol  to  the  thing  typified  or  symbolized,  from 
a  generic  or  indefinite  prophecy  to  a  fulfilment  in  each  of 
a  series  of  separate  events  or  persons  culminating  in  Christ, 
&c.  Tims  Is,  vi.  9,  10.  and  xxix.  13  plainly  refer  to  the 
prophet's  contemporaries,  but  are  applied  in  Mat.  xiii.  14 
If.,  and  XV.  7,  8,  by  our  Saviour  Himself  to  the  Jews  of  His 
time.  They  were,  says  Lange  (on  Mat.  xiii.  14  and  xv.  7) 
"most  completely  fulfilled  "when  the  Jews  resisted  the 
Gospel  itself."  "  Isaiah's  verbal  prophecy  about  his  con- 
temporaries was,  in  [these  respects,  ]  a  t}'pic;il  prophecy 
of  the  times  of  Jesus."  Alford  regards  'is  fulfilled"  in 
Mat.  xiii.  14  as  =  "  finds  one  of  the  stages  of  its  fnlfll- 
ment — a  partial  one  having  taken  place  in  the  contempo- 
raries of  the  prophet."  He  regards  likewise  Is.  xxix.  13 
as  "  one  of  those  deeper  and  more  general  declarations  of 
God  which  shall  be  ever  having  their  successive  illustra- 
tions in  His  dealings  with  men.  Hengstenberg  and  Prof. 
J.  A.  Alexander  refer  Psalms  xxii..  Ixix..  &c  ,  to  "  an  ideal 
person,  the  righteous  servant  of  Jehovah,"  or  "  the  riiiht- 
eons  man  in  ueneral,"  "  representing  the  whole  class  of 
righteous  sufferers,"  and  regard  his  words  as  capable  of 
bcins  "appropriated,  to  a  certain  extent,  by  any  suflering 
believer,  and  by  the  whole  suffering  Church,"  yet  "  fiilly 
verified  only  in  Christ,  the  head  and  representative  of  the 
class  in  question."  5."  The  theory  of  an  organic  connection 
and  correlation  sustained  by  the  whole  O.  T.  economy  to 
that  of  theN.  T.  It  finds  one  continuous  scheme  of  God 
running  unbroken  throut'h  the  two  dispensations,  of  which 
the  earlier  piirtion  sustains  a  preorilair.ed  parallelism  to 
the  later,  Indng  typical,  or  rather  representative,  of  it. 
This  earlier  train  of  arrancements  being  not  ultimate,  but, 
by  the  intention  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  preparatory  and  rep- 
resentative, points  forward,  and  thus  even  the  language 
describing  them  involves  a  prophecy,  while  also  the  utter- 


B.). — Objection  4.  Miractdous  character.  There  is  no 
question  that  if  miracles  are,  either  physically  or 
morally,  impossible,  then  prediction  is  impossible. 
— IV,  The  Proplutic  Slate.  We  learn  from  Holy 
Scripture  that  it  was  by  the  agency  of  the  Spirit  of 
God  that  the  prophets  received  the  Divine  commu- 
nication (Num.  oti.  17,  25,  29  ;  1  Sam.  x.  6,  xix.  20; 
Jer.  xxiii,  16;  Ez.  xiii.  2,  3  ;  2  Pet.  i.  21).  (Min- 
strel.) Tlie  prophet  held  an  intermediate  position 
in  communication  between  God  and  man.  God  com- 
municated with  him  by  His  Spirit,  and  he,  liaving 
received  tins  communication,  was  "  the  spokes- 
man" of  God  to  man  (comp.  Ex.  vii.  1,  and  iv.  16). 
But  the  means  by  which  the  Divine  Spirit  commu- 
nicated with  the  human  spirit,  and  the  conditions 
of  tlie  human  spirit  under  which  the  Divine  com- 
munications were  received,  have  not  been  clearly 
declared  to  us.  They  are,  however,  indicated.  In 
Num.  xii.  6-8  (comp.  Joel  ii.  28  and  Dan.  i.  11)  we 
have  an  exliaustivc  division  of  the  different  ways  in 
wl  ich  the  revelations  of  God  are  made  to  man.  1. 
Direct  declaration  and  manifestation,  "  I  will  speak 
mouth  to  mouth,  apparently,  and  the  similitude  of 
the  Lord  shall  lie  behold."  2.  Vision.  3.  Dream. 
The  theory  of  Philo  and  the  Alexandrian  school,  that 
the  prophet  was  in  a  state  of  entire  unconsciousness 
when  under  the  nifluence  of  Divine  inspiration, 
identifies  Jiwish  prophecy  in  all  essential  points 
with  the  heathen  manlike  (Gr.  =  divination)  as 
distinct  from  propltetela,  or  interpretation.  Accord- 
ing to  the  belief  of  the  heathen,  of  the  Alexandrian 
Jews,  and  of  the  Montanists,  the  vision  of  the  prophet 
was  seen  while  he  was  in  a  state  of  ecstatic  uncon- 
sciousness, and  the  enunciation  of  tiie  vision  was 
made  by  him  in  the  same  state.  The  Fathers  of  the 
Church  opposed  the  Montanist  theory  with  great 
unanimity.  It  docs  not  seem  possible  to  draw  any 
very  precise  distinction  between  tlie  prophetic 
"  dream  "  and  the  prophetic  "  vision."  In  tlie  case 
of  Abraham  (Gen.  xv.  1)  and  of  Daniel  (Dan.  vii.  1), 
tliey  seem  to  melt  into  each  other.  In  both,  the 
external  senses  are  at  rest,  reflection  is  quiescent, 
and  intuition  energizes.  The  action  of  the  ordinary 
faculties  is  suspended  in  the  one  case  by  natural,  in 
the  other  by  supernatural  or  extraordinary  causes. 
(Dreams.)  The  prophetic  trance,  in  which  the 
prophets  and  other  inspired  persons,  sometimes,  at 
least,  received  Divine  revelations,  would  seem  to 
have  been  of  the  following  nature.  (1.)  The  bodily 
senses  were  closed  to  external  objects  as  in  deep 
sleep.  (2.)  The  reflective  and  discursive  faculty 
was  still  and  inactive.  (3.)  The  spiritual  faculty 
was  awakened  to  the  highest  state  of  energy.  Hence 
revelations  in  trances  are  described  by  tlie  prophets 
as  "  seen  "  or  "  heard  "  by  them,  for  the  spiritual 
faculty  energizes  by  immediate  perception  on  the 
part  of  the  inward  sense,  not  by  inference  and 
thouglit.  Hence,  too,  the  prophets'  visions  are  un- 
connected and  fragmentary,  as  they  are  not  the  sub- 
ject of  the  reflective  but  of  the  perceptive  faculty, 
and  succession  in  time  is  disregarded  or  unnoticed. 
Hence,  too,  the  imagery  with  which  the  prophetic 


ances  that  point  most  dlstinct'y  to  the  distant  future  not 

only  clothe  themselves  with  the  forms  of  the  present,  bnt 

commonly  view  that  future  from  the  point  of  view  and 

Uiruuah  the  medium  of  its  vresent  rejirenentalion."     This 

I  last  theory,  "advocated  snnstantinlly  by  Fuirbaim,  Wm, 

j  Lee,  Ebrard,  Tholuck.  &c.,"  Prof.  Bartlett  presents  as  the 

basis  of  the  tnie  and  comprehensive  view  of  the  case,  and 

I  t.'Ticcs  in  its  threefold  relation  to  direct  Messianic  proph- 

j  ecy,  typical  transactions,  and  typical  and  renn^sentative 

predictions.    (See  his  valuable  article  in  B.  S,  xviii.  724- 

i  770.) 


890 


PRO 


PRO 


writings  are  colored,  and  the  dramatic  cast  in  which 
they  are  moulded.  But  though  Scripture  language 
seems  to  point  out  the  state  of  dream  and  of  trance, 
or  ecstasy,  as  a  condition  in  which  tlie  human  in- 
strument received  the  Divine  communications,  it 
does  not  follow  that  all  the  prophetic  revelations 
were  tlius  made.  The  greater  part  of  the  Divine 
comnninications  may  have  been  made  to  the  proph- 
ets in  their  waking  and  ordinary  state,  while  the 
visions  were  exhibited  to  them  in  the  state  either  of 
sleep,  or  of  ecstasy. — Had  the  prophets  a  full  Icnowl- 
edge  of  that  which  they  predicted  ?  It  follows  from 
what  we  have  already  said  that  they  had  not,  and 
could  not  have.  They  were  the  "  spokesmen  "  of 
God  (Ex.  vii.  1),  the  "mouth"  by  which  His  words 
were  uttered,  or  they  were  enabled  to  view,  and  em- 
powered to  describe,  pictures  presented  to  their 
spiritual  intuition  ;  but  there  are  no  grounds  for  be- 
lieving that,  contemporaneously  with  this  miracle, 
there  was  wrought  another  miracle,  enlarging  the 
understanding  of  the  prophet,  so  as  to  grasp  the 
whole  of  the  Divine  counsels  which  he  was  gazing 
into,  or  which  he  was  the  instrument  of  enunciating 
(Dan.  xii.  8  ;  Zech.  iv.  5  ;  1  Pet.  i.  10;  Inspiration.) 
•^V.  Interprelalmn  of  Predictive  Propheci/.  A  few 
rules,  deduced  from  the  nature  of  prophecy,  are  (1.) 
Interpose  distances  of  time  according  as  history  may 
show  them  to  be  necessary  with  respect  to  the  past, 
or  inference  may  show  them  to  be  likely  in  respect 
to  the  future,  because,  as  we  have  seen,  the  pro- 
phetic visions  are  abstracted  from  relations  in  time. 
(2.)  Distinguish  the  form  from  the  idea,  (3.)  Dis- 
tinguish in  like  manner  figure  from  what  is  repre- 
sented by  it.  (4.)  Make  allowance  for  the  imagery 
of  the  prophetic  visions,  and  for  the  poetical  diction 
in  which  they  are  expressed.  (5.)  In  respect  to 
things  past,  interpret  by  the  apparent  meaning, 
checked  by  reference  to  events:  in  respect  to  things 
future,  interpret  by  the  apparent  meaning,  checked 
by  reference  to  the  analogy  of  the  faith.  (6.)  In- 
terpret according  to  the  principle  which  may  be  de- 
duced from  the  examples  of  visions  explained  in  the 
0.  T.  (7.)  Interpret  according  to  the  principle 
which  may  be  deduced  from  the  examples  of  propli- 
ecies  interpreted  in  the  N.  T.  (Old  Tkstament,  B.) 
— VI.  Use  of  Propheetj.  Predictive  prophecy  is  at 
once  a  part  and  an  evidence  of  revelation  :  at  the  time 
that  it  is  delivered,  and  until  its  fulfilment,  a  part ; 
after  it  has  been  fulfilled,  an  evidence.  2  Pet.  i.  19 
describes  it  as  "  a  light  shining  in  a  dark  place,"  or 
"  a  taper  glimmering  where  there  is  nothing  to  re- 
flect its  rays,"  i.  e.  throwing  some  hght,  but  only  a 
feeble  light  as  compared  with  what  is  shed  from  the 
Gospel  history.  But  after  fulfilment,  "  the  word  of 
prophecy  "  becomes  "  more  sure  "  than  before  ;  i.  e. 
it  is  no  longer  merely  a  feeble  light  to  guide,  but  it 
is  a  firm  ground  of  confidence,  and,  combined  with 
the  apostolic  testimony,  serves  as  a  trustworthy  evi- 
dence of  the  faith.  As  an  evidence,  fulfilled  proph- 
ecy is  as  satisfactory  as  any  thing  can  be,  for  who 
can  know  the  future  except  the  Ruler  who  disposes 
future  events ;  and  from  whom  can  come  prediction 
except  from  Him  who  knows  the  future  ? — VII. 
Development  of  Messianic  Prophecy.  (Messiah  ; 
Saviour  ;  Son  of  God.)  Hengstenberg  arranges  tlie 
list  of  the  prophets  chronologically  thus  :  Hosea, 
Joel,  Amos,  Obadiah,  Jonah,  Mieah,  Isaiah,  Nahum, 
Habakkuk,  Zephaniah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  Daniel, 
Haggai,  Zechariah,  Malachi.  Keil  arranges  the 
minor  propliets  with  their  dates  thus  (B.  8.  xxiv. 
783) :  Obadiah  (b.  c.  889-884),  Joel  (875-848),  Jonah 
(824-783),  Amos  (810-783),  Hosea  (790-725),  Micah 


(768-710),  Nahum  (710-699),  Habakkuk  (650-624), 
Zephaniah  (628-623),  Haggai  (519),  Zechariali  (from 
519  on),  Malachi  (433-422).— VIII.  Prophets  of  the 
Kew  Testament.  So  far  as  their  predictive  powers  are 
concerned,  the  0.  T.  prophets  find  their  N.  T.  coun- 
terpart in  the  writer  of  the  Apocalypse  (Antichrist  ; 
Revelation  ok  St.  John)  ;  but  in  tlieir  general  char- 
acter, as  specially  illumined  revealers  of  God's  will, 
their  counterpart  will  rather  be  found,  first  in  the 
great  Prophet  of  the  Church  (Jesus  Christ),  and  His 
forerunner  John  the  Baptist,  and  next  in  all  those 
persons  who  were  endowed  with  the  extraordinary 
gifts  of  the  Spirit  in  the  apostolic  age,  the  speakers 
with  tongues  and  the  interpreters  of  tongues,  tlie 
prophets  and  the  discerners  of  spirits,  the  teachers 
and  workers  of  miracles  (1  Cor.  xii.  10,  28).  That 
predictive  powers  did  occasionally  exist  in  the  N. 
T.  prophets  is  proved  by  the  case  of  Agabus  (Acts 
xi.  28),  but  this  was  not  their  characteristic.  The 
prophets  of  the  N.  T.  weresupernaturally-illuminated 
expounders  and  preachers.  (For  "  false  prophets," 
see  Divination;  Idolatry;  Magic.) 

*  Prophet-ess  (Heb.  nibiuh  ;  Gr.  prophetis)  =  a 
female  prophet,  spoken  of  Miriam  (Ex.  xv.  20), 
Deborah  2  (Judg.  iv.  4),  Huldah  (2  K.  xxii.  14  ;  2 
Chr.  xxxiv.  22),  Noadiah  2  (Neh.  vi.  14),  Anna  2 
(Lk.  ii.  S6),  and  assumed  by  "Jezebel  "  in  Rev.  ii. 
20.  In  Is.  viii.  3  "  prophetess "  =  wife  of  the 
j/rophet. 

*  Pro-pl-ti-a'tion  [pro-pish-e-a'shun]  (fr.  L.),  the 
A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Gr.  hilaKmos  =  propitiation, 
expiation,  im  propitiator,  i.,e.  one  who  makes  atone- 
ment (1  Jn.  ii.  2,  iv.  10). — 2.  Gr.  hilasterion  —  an 
expiatory  sacrifice,  projiitiation,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Iax. 
(Rom.  iii.  25),  translated  "  mercy-seat  "  in  Heb.  ix.  5. 

*  Pro  rfx  (L.  for  the  king)  ^z  viceroy  or  regent 
(2  K.  i.  17  marg.  n.). 

Pros'e-lyte  (fr.  Gr.  prosilutos  =  a  new-comer  ;  the 
LXX.  translation  of  Heb.  ger).  The  Hebrew  word 
thus  translated  in  the  LXX.  is  in  the  A.  V.  com- 
monly rendered  "stranger"  (Gen.  xv.  13;  Ex.  ii. 
22  ;  Is.  v.  17,  &c.).  In  the  N.  T.  the  word  =  one 
who  has  come  over  to  Judaism  (Mat.  xxiii.  15; 
Acts  ii.  10,  vi.  5,  xiii.  43).  The  existence,  through 
all  stages  of  the  history  of  the  Israelites,  of  a  body 
of  men,  not  of  the  same  race,  but  holding  the  same 
faith  and  adopting  the  same  ritual,  is  a  fact  which, 
from  its  very  nature,  requires  to  be  dealt  wiih  his- 
torically. This  article  (originally  by  Prof.  Phimptre) 
considers  the  condition  of  the  proselytes  of  Israel 
in  the  five  great  periods  into  which  the  history  of 
the  people  divides  itself:  viz.  (I.)  the  age  of  the  pa- 
triarchs ;  (II.)  from  the  Exodus  to  the  commence- 
ment of  the  monarchy ;  (III.)  the  period  of  the 
monarchy;  (IV.)  from  the  Babylonian  Captivity  to 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  ;  (V.)  from  the  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem  downward. — I.  The  position 
of  the  family  of  Israel  as  a  distinct  nation,  with  a 
special  religious  character,  appears  at  a  very  early 
period  to  have  exercised  a  power  of  attraction  over 
neighboring  races.  In  the  case  of  the  Shechemites, 
the  sons  of  Jacob  require  circumcision  as  an  indis- 
pen.sable  condition  (Gen.  xxxiv.  14).  This,  and  ap- 
parently this  only,  was  required  of  proselytes  in  the 
pre-Mosaic  period. — II.  The  life  of  Israel  under  the 
Law,  from  the  very  first,  presupposes  and  provides 
for  the  incorporation  of  men  of  other  races.  The 
"  mixed  multitude"  of  Ex.  xii.  38  implies  the  pres- 
ence of  proselytes  more  or  less  complete.  It  is  rec- 
ognized in  the  earliest  rules  for  the  celebration  of 
the  Passover  (Ex.  xii.  19, 48,  &c. ;  A.V.  "  stranger  "). 
The  laws  clearly  point  to  the  position  of  a  convert. 


PRO 


PK) 


891 


Among  tlie  proselytes  of  this  period  the  Kenites 
were  probably  the  most  conspicuous  (Judg.  i.  16). 
The  presence  of  the  class  was  recognized  in  the 
solemn  declaration  of  blessings  and  curses  from  Ebal 
and  Gcrizim  (Josh.  viii.  33).  The  period  after  the 
conquest  of  Canaan  was  not  favorable  to  the  admis- 
sion of  prqselytes.  The  people  had  no  strong  faith, 
no  commanding  position.  The  Gibeonites  (Josh. 
\x.)  furnish  the  oidy  instance  of  n  conversion,  and 
their  condition  is  rather  that  of  slaves  compelled  to 
conform  than  of  free  proselytes.  (N'cthisim.)— III. 
With  the  monarchy  and  the  consequent  feme  and 
influence  of  the  people,  there  was  more  to  attract 
stragglers  from  the  neighboring  nations,  and,  ac- 
cordingly, many  names  (.\rau.nah  ;  Doeg  ;  Ebeo- 
MELEcii ;'  Itruah  ;  Shebna  (?) ;  Uriah  1  ;  Zelek) 
suggest  the  presence  of  men  of  another  race  con- 
forming to  the  faith  of  Israel.  The  CnERETiiiTES 
and  Pei.ktiiites  consisted  probably  of  foreigners 
who  had  been  attracted  to  the  service  of  David,  and 
were  content  for  it  to  adopt  the  religion  of  their 
master.  A  convert  of  another  kind,  the  type,  as  it 
has  been  thought,  of  the  later  proselytes  of  the  gate 
is  Naam,is  the  Syrian  (2  K.  v.  15,  18)  recognizing 
Jehovah  as  his  God,  yet  not  binding  himself  to  any 
rigorous  observance  of  the  Law.  The  position  of 
the  proselytes  during  this  period  appears  to  have 
undergone  considerable  changes.  On  the  one 
hand,  men  (Doeg,  &c. ;  see  above)  rose  to  power 
and  fortune.  It  might  well  be  a  sign  of  the  times 
in  the  later  days  of  the  monarchy  that  they  became 
"  very  high,"  the  "  head  "  and  not  the  "  tail "  of 
the  people  (Deut.  xxviii.  43,  44).  The  picture  had, 
however,  another  side.  They  were  treated  by  David 
and  Solomon  as  a  subject-class,  brought  under  a 
system  of  compulsory  labor  from  which  others  were 
exempted  (1  Chr.  x.iii.  2;  2  Chr.  ii.  17,  18).  The 
statistics  of  this  period,  taken  probably  for  that 
purpose,  give  their  number  (probably,  i.  e.  the  num- 
ber of  adult  working  males)  at  153,600  (ib.).  They 
were  subject,  at  other  times,  to  wanton  insolence 
and  outrage  (Ps.  xciv.  p).  They  became  the  special 
objects  of  the  care  and  sympathy  of  the  prophets 
(Jer.  vii.  6,  xxii.  3 ;  Ez.  xxii.  7,  29  ;  Zech.  vii.  10 ; 
Mai.  iii.  5). — IV.  The  proselytism  of  the  period 
after  the  Captivity  assumed  a  different  character. 
It  was  for  the  most  part  the  conformity,  not  of  a 
subject-race,  but  of  willing  adherents.  Even  as 
early  as  the  return  from  Babylon  we  have  traces  of 
those  who  were  drawn  to  a  faith  which  they  recog- 
nized as  holier  than  their  own  (Xeh.  x.  28).  With 
the  conquests  of  Alexander,  the  wars  between  Egypt 
and  Syria,  the  struggle  under  the  Maccabees  (An- 
TiocHua  IV'.,  &c.),  the  expansion  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire, the  Jews  became  more  widely  known  and  their 
power  to  proselyte  increased.  (Dispersion,  Jews 
Of  THE.)  In  most  of  the  great  cities  of  the  empire 
were  men  \vfco  had  been  rescued  from  idolatry  and 
its  attendant  debasements,  and  brought  under  the 
power  of  a  higher  moral  law.  The  converts  who 
were  thus  attracted,  joined,  with  varying  strictness, 
in  the  worship  of  the  Jews.  In  Palestine  itself  the 
influence  was  often  stronger  and  better.  Even  Ro- 
man centurions  learned  to  love  the  conquered  na- 
tion, built  synagogues  for  them  (Lk.  vii.  5),  fa.sted 
and  prayed,  and  gave  alms,  after  the  pattern  of  the 
strictest  Jews  (Acts  x.  2,  30),  and  became  preachers 
of  the  new  faith  to  the  soldiers  under  them  (v.  7). 
Such  men,  drawn  by  what  was  best  in  Judaism,  were 
naturally  among  the  readiest  receivers  of  the  new 
truth  which  rose  out  of  it,  and  became  in  many 
coses  the  nucleus  of  a  Gentile  Church.    Proselytism 


had,  however,  its  darker  side.  The  Jews  of  Pales- 
tine were  eager  to  spread  their  faith  by  the  same 
weapons  as  tliose  with  which  they  had  defended  it. 
TheIdumeans(Ei)OMiTEs)had  the  alternative  offered 
them  by  John  Ilyrcanus,  of  death,  exile,  or  circum- 
cision (Jos.  xiii.  9,  §  3).  The  Itureana  (Iturea)  were 
converted  in  the  same  way  by  Aristobulus  (Jos.  xiii. 
11,  ^  3).  Where  force  was  not  in  their  power,  they 
obtained  their  ends  by  the  most  unscrupulous  fraud. 
Those  who  were  most  active  in  proselyting  were  pre- 
cisely those  from  whose  teaching  all  that  was  most 
true  and  living  had  departed.  The  vices  of  the  Jew 
were  engrafted  on  the  vices  of  the  heathen  (Mat. 
xxiii.  15).  The  position  of  such  proselytes  was  in- 
deed every  way  pitiable.  At  Rome,  and  in  other 
large  cities,  they  became  the  butts  of  popular  scur- 
rility. They  had  to  share  the  fortunes  of  the  Jews. 
(Aquila.)  At  a  later  time,  they  were  bound  to 
make  a  public  profession  of  their  conversion,  and 
to  pay  a  special  tax.  Among  the  Jews  themselves 
their  case  was  not  much  better.  For  the  most  part 
the  convert  gained  but  little  honor  even  from  those 
who  gloried  in  having  brought  him  over  to  their 
sect  and  party.  Proselytes  were  regarded  as  the 
leprosy  of  Israel.  One  proverb  coupled  them  with 
the  vilest  profligates  as  hindering  Messiah's  coming, 
and  another  taught  that  no  wise  man  would  trust  a 
proselyte  even  to  the  twenty-fourth  generation. 
The  better  Rabbis  did  their  best  to  guard  against 
these  evils.  Anxious  to  exclude  all  unworthy  con- 
verts, they  grouped  them,  according  to  their  mo- 
tives, as— -(1.)  Love-proselytes,  where  they  were 
drawn  by  the  hope  of  gaining  the  beloved  one ; 
(2.)  5Ian-for-Woman,  or  Woman-fcjr-Man  proselytes, 
where  the  husband  followed  the  wife's  religion  or 
conversely;  (3.)  Esther-proselytes,  where  conformity 
was  assumed  to  escape  danger,  as  in  the  original 
Purim  (Esth.  viii.  17);  (4.)  King's-table-proselytes, 
who  were  led  by  tlie  hope  of  court-favor  and  pro- 
motion, like  the  converts  under  David  and  Solomon ; 
(5.)  Lion-proselytes,  where  the  conversion  origi- 
nated in  a  superstitious  dread  of  a  Divine  judgment, 
as  with  the  Samaritans  of  2  K.  xvii.  26.  None  of 
these  were  regarded  as  fit  for  admission  within  the 
covenant.  When  they  met  with  one  with  whose 
motives  they  were  satisfied,  he  was  warned  that,  in 
becoming  a  Jew,  he  was  attaching  himself  to  a  per- 
secuted people,  and  must  expect  only  suffering  in 
this  life,  his  reward  in  the  next.  On  the  part  of 
some  there  was  a  disposition  to  dispense  with  cir- 
cumcision, which  others  regarded  as  indispensable 
(Jos.  XX.  2,  §  5  ;  comp.  Acts  xi.  2  ff.,  xv. ;  Paul).  The 
centurion  of  Lk.  vii.  (probably)  and  Acts  x.,  pos- 
sibly the  Grecians  (Hellenist)  of  Jn.  xii.  20  and 
Acts  xiii.  42,  are  instances  of  men  admitted  on  the 
former  footing.  (Paul.)  The  phrases  "religious 
proselytes  "  (Acts  xiii.  43),  "  devout  Greeks  "  (xvii. 
4),  or  "  devout  persons  "  (ver.  17),  "  devout  men  " 
(ii.  5,  viii.  2),  often  inaccurately  supposed  to  de- 
scribe the  same  class — the  Proselytes  of  the  Gate — 
were  probably  used  generally  of  all  converts,  or,  if 
with  a  specific  meaning,  applied  to  the  full  Prose- 
lytes of  Righteousness.  (See  below,  V.) — V.  The 
teachers  who  carried  on  the  Rabbinical  succession 
consoled  themselves,  as  they  saw  the  new  order  wax- 
ing and  their  own  glory  waning,  by  developing  the 
decaying  system  with  an  almost  microscopic  minute- 
ness. The  precepts  of  the  Talmud  may  indicate  the 
practices  and  opinions  of  the  Jews  from  the  second 
to  the  fifth  century.  They  are  very  untrustworthy 
as  to  any  earlier  time.  The  points  of  interest  which 
present  themselves  for  inquiry  are  :  (1.)  The  Classi- 


892 


PRO 


PRO 


fication  of  Prosclvtcs.  (2.)  The  ceremonies  of  their 
admission.  Tlie  division  which  lias  been  in  part 
anticipated,  was  recognized  by  the  Talmudic  Rab- 
bis, but  received  its  full  expansion  at  the  hands  of 
Maimonides.  The  term  "  Proselytes  of  the  Gate  " 
was  derived  from  the  frequently  occurring  descrip- 
tion in  the  Law,  "  the  stranger  that  is  within  thy 
gates  "  (Ex.  xx.  10,  &c.).  To  them  were  referred 
the  greater  part  of  tlie  precepts  of  the  Law  as  to 
the  "  stranger."  Converts  of  this  class  were  not 
bound  by  circumcision  and  the  other  special  laws 
of  the  Mosaic  code.  It  was  enough  for  them  to  ob- 
serve the  seven  precepts  of  Noah,  i.  e.  tlie  six  sup- 
posed to  have  been  given  to  Adam  against  (1.)  idol- 
atr)',  (2.)  blasphemy,  (3.)  bloodshed,  (4.)  unclean- 
ness,  (5.)  theft,  (6.)  of  obedience,  with  (Y.)  the  pro- 
hibition of  "  flesh  with  the  blood  thereof"  given  to 
Noah.  The  proselyte  was  not  to  claim  the  privi- 
leges of  an  Israelite,  might  not  redeem  his  first-born, 
or  pay  the  half-shekel.  He  was  forbidden  to  study 
the  Law  under  pain  of  death.  The  later  Rabbis, 
when  Jerusalem  had  passed  into  other  hands,  held 
that  it  was  unlawful  for  him  to  reside  within  the 
holy  city.  In  return  they  allowed  him  to  offer 
whole  burnt-offerings  for  the  priest  to  sacrifice,  and 
to  contribute  money  to  the  Corban  of  the  Temple. 
They  held  out  to  hiin  the  hope  of  a  place  in  the 
paradise  of  the  world  to  come.  They  insisted  that 
the  profession  of  his  faith  should  be  made  solemnly 
in  the  presence  of  three  witnesses.  The  Jubilee 
was  tlie  proper  season  for  his  admission.  All  this 
seems  so  full  and  precise,  that  we  cannot  wonder 
that  it  lias  led  many  writers  to  look  on  it  as  repre- 
senting a  reality.  It  remains  doubtful,  however, 
whether  it  was  ever  more  than  a  paper-scheme  of 
what  ought  to  be,  disguising  itself  as  having  actually 
been.  All  that  can  be  said  therefore  is,  that  in  the 
time  of  the  N.  T.  we  have  independent  evidence 
(see  IV.,  above)  of  the  existence  of  converts  of  two 
degrees,  and  that  the  Talmudic  division  is  the  for- 
mal systematizing  of  an  earlier  fact.  The  "  prose- 
lytes "  and  "  devout "  persons  of  the  N.  T.  were, 
however,  probably  limited  to  the  circumcised. — In 
contrast  with  these  were  the  Proselytes  of  Right- 
eousness, known  also  as  Proselytes  of  the  Covenant, 
perfect  Israelites.  Here  also  we  must  receive  what 
we  find  with  the  same  limitation  as  before.  All 
seems  at  first  clear  and  definite  enough.  The  pros- 
elyte was  first  catechised  as  to  his  motives.  If  these 
were  satisfactory,  he  was  first  instructed  as  to  the 
Divine  protection  of  the  Jewish  people,  and  then  cir- 
cumcised. Often  the  proselyte  took  a  new  name. 
All  tJiis,  however,  was  not  enough.  The  convert 
was  still  a  "  stranger."  His  children  would  be 
counted  as  "  bastards,"  i.  e.  aliens.  Baptism  was  re- 
quired to  complete  his  admission.  When  the  wound 
was  healed,  he  was  stripped  of  all  his  clothes,  in 
the  presence  of  the  three  witnesses  who  had  acted 
as  his  teachers,  and  who  now  acted  as  his  sponsors, 
the  "  fathers  "  of  the  proselyte,  and  led  into  the 
tank  or  pool.  As  he  stood  there,  up  to  his  neck  in 
water,  they  repeated  the  great  commandments  of 
the  Law.  These  he  promised  and  vowed  to  keep, 
and  then,  with  an  accompanying  benediction,  he 
plunged  under  the  water.  The  baptism  was  followed, 
as  long  as  the  Temple  stood,  by  the  offering  or  Cor- 
ban, consisting  of  two  turtle-doves  or  pigeons  (com- 
pare Lev.  xii.  18),  for  which  was  substituted,  after 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  a  vow  to  offer  it  as 
soon  as  the  Temple  should  be  rebuilt.  For  women, 
proselytes,  there  were  only  baptism  and  the  Corban, 
or,  in  later  times,  baptism  by  itself. — It  is  obvious 


that  this  account  suggests  many  questions  of  grave 
interest.  Was  this  ritual  observed  as  early  as  the 
commencement  of  the  first  century  ?  If  so,  was 
the  BAPTISM  of  John,  or  that  of  the  Christian  Church, 
in  any  way  derived  from,  or  connected  with,  the 
baptism  of  proselytes  ?  If  not,  was  the  latter'iu 
any  way  borrowed  from  the  former  ?  Prof  Plump- 
tre  thus  sums  up  the  conclusions  which  seem  fairly 
to  be  drawn  from  the  controversial  works  on  this  sub- 
ject:— (1.)  There  is  no  direct  evidence  of  the  prac- 
tice being  in  use  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusa- 
lem. (2.)  The  negative  argument  drawn  from  th"" 
silence  of  the  0.  T.,  of  the  Apocrypha,  of  Philo, 
and  of  Josephus,  is  almost  decisive  against  the 
belief  that  there  was  in  their  time  a  baptism  of  pros- 
elytes, with  as  mvih  importance  attached  to  it  as 
we  find  in  the  Talmudists.  (3.)  It  remains  probable, 
however,  that  there  was  a  baptism  in  use  at  a  period 
considerably  earlier  than  that  for  which  we  have 
direct  evidence.  The  symbol  was  in  itself  natural 
and  fit.  (4.)  The  history  of  the  N.  T.  itself  suggests 
the  existence  of  such  a  custom  (Jn.  i.  26,  iii.  10,  &c.). 
A  sign  is  seldom  chosen,  unless  it  already  has  a 
meaning  for  those  to  whom  it  is  addressed.  The 
fitness  of  the  sign  in  this  case  would  be  in  propor- 
tion to  the  associations  already  connected  with  it. 
(5.)  It  is,  however,  not  improbable  that  there  may 
have  been  a  reflex  action  in  this  matter,  from  the 
Christian  upon  the  Jewish  Church.  The  Rabbis 
saw  the  new  society,  in  proportion  as  the  Gentile  ele- 
ment in  it  became  predominant,  throwing  off  cir- 
cumcision, relying  on  baptism  only.  There  was 
every  thing  to  lead  them  to  give  a  fresh  prominence 
to  what  had  been  before  sut)ordinate.  Two  facts  of 
some  interest  remain  to  be  noticed,  (a.)  It  formed 
part  of  the  Rabbinic  hopes  of  the  kingdom  of  the 
Messiah  that  then  there  should  be  no  more  prose- 
lytes. (6.)  Partly,  perhaps,  as  connected  with  this 
feeling,  partly  in  consequence  of  the  ill-repute  into 
which  the  word  had  fallen,  there  is,  throughout  the 
N.  T.  a  sedulous  avoidance  of  it.  It  is  used  four 
times  only  (see  above).     NoviCK. 

*  Pros'tl-tate.    Harlot. 

Proverbs,  Book  of.  I.  Title.  The  title  of  this 
book  in  Hebrew  is,  as  usual,  taken  from  the  first 
word,  mishley  (=  proverbs  of),  or  more  fully  from 
the  first  two  words,  mis/ilei/  iShflvmoh  {=  proverbs 
of  Solomon),  and  is  in  this  case  appropriate  to  the 
contents.  By  this  name  it  is  commonly  known  in 
the  Talmud.  The  Heb.  mUsh&l  (pi.  mishalim,  pi. 
construct  mishley,  as  above),  rendered  in  the  A.  V. 
"by-word,"  "parable,"  "  proverb,"  expresses  all 
and  even  more  than  is  conveyed  by  its  English  rep- 
resentatives. The  primary  idea  involved  in  it  is 
that  of  likeness,  comparison  (so  Mr.  Wright,  original 
author  of  this  article).  Probably  all  proverbial  say- 
ings were  at  first  of  the  nature  of  similes,  but  the 
term  mdsMl  soon  acquired  a  more  extended  signifi- 
cance. It  was  applied  to  denote  such  short,  pointed 
sayings  as  do  not  involve  a  comparison  directly,  but 
still  convev  their  meaning  bv  the  help  of  a  figure 
(e.  g.  1  Sam.  x.  12;  Ez.  xii.  22,  23,  xvii.  2,  3). 
From  this  stage  of  its  application  it  passed  to  that 
of  sententious  maxims  generally  (e.  g.  Prov.  i.  1,  x. 
1,  XXV.  1,  xxvi.  1,  9;  Eccl.  xii.  9;  Job  xiii.  12), 
many  of  which,  however,  still  involve  a  compar- 
ison (Prov.  XXV.  8,  11-14,  &c.,  xxvi.  1-3,  &e.). 
Such  comparisons  are  either  expressed,  or  the 
things  compared  are  placed  side  by  side,  and  the 
comparison  left  for  the  hearer  or  reader  to  supply. 
Next  we  find  it  used  of  those  longer  pieces  in  which 
a  single  idea  is  no  longer  exhausted  in  a  sentence, 


PRO 


PRO 


893 


but  forms  the  germ  of  the  whole,  and  is  worked  out 
into  a  didactic  poem.  Many  instances  of  this  liind 
occur  in  the  fiist  section  of  the  Book  of  Prov- 
erbs:  others  are  found  in  Job  xxvii.,  xxix.  (Par- 
ABLK.)  But  tlic  Book  of  Proverbs,  according  to 
tl)e  introductory  verses  wiucli  describe  its  cliaracter, 
contains,  besides  several  varieties  of  the  mdshdl,  sen- 
tentious sayiugs  of  otlier  kinds,  mentioned  in  i.  6. 
The  lirst  of  these  is  the  huUlh  or  cliidih  (apparently 
=  ((  knottii,  intricate  saiiinrj,  the  solution  of  wliicli 
demands  experience  and  skill),  rendered  in  the 
A.  V.  "  dark  saying,"  "  dark  speech,"  "  hard  ques- 
tion," "  RIDDLE,"  and  once  (Hab.  ii.  6)  "  proverb." 
Another  was  the  mUliUdh  (Prov.  i.  6,  A.  V.  "the 
interpretation,"  margin  "  an  eloquent  speech  "), 
probibly  =  a  dark  enitfmatical  saying,  which  might 
a.'isume  the  character  of  sarcasm  and  irony,  though 
these  were  not  esseutial  to  it. — II.  CanoiiicUi/  uf 
the  book  aiul  itn  place  in  the  Canon.  The  canonicity 
of  the  Book  of  Proverbs  has  never  been  disputed 
except  by  tlie  Jews  themselves.  It  appears  to  have 
been  one  of  the  points  urged  by  the  school  of  Sham- 
mai,  that  the  contradictions  in  the  Book  of  Proverbs 
rendered  it  apocryphal.  It  occurs  in  all  the  Jewish 
lists  of  canonical  books,  and  is  reckoned  among 
what  are  called  the  "  writings  "  (Cc/A«4im)  o""  H"- 
giographa,  which  form  the  third  great  division  of 
the  Hebrew  Scriptures.  (Bible,  III.  3.)  Tlie  Prov- 
erbs are  frequently  quoted  or  alluded  to  in  the  N. 
T.,  and  the  canonicity  of  the  book  thereby  con- 
firmed. (Compare  Prov.  iii.  11,  12,  with  Ueb.  xii. 
5,  6 ;  Prov.  iii.  34  with  Jas.  iv.  6  ;  Prov.  xx.  20 
with  Mat.  XV.  4  and  Mk.  vii.  10;  Prov.  xxvii.  11 
with  2  Pet.  ii.  22,  &c.  C.vxoN  ;  Ixspiratio.n  ;  Old 
Testame.nt.) — 111.  Authorship  ami  date.  The  super- 
scriptions allixed  to  several  portions  of  the  Book  of 
Proverbs,  in  i.  1,  x.  1,  xxv.  1,  attribute  the  author- 
ship of  those  portions  to  Solomon  the  son  of  David, 
king  of  Israel.  With  the  exception  of  the  last  two 
cha|)ters,  which  are  distinutly  assigned  to  other 
authors,  it  is  probable  that  the  statement  of  the 
superscriptions  is  in  the  main  correct,  and  that  the 
majority  of  the  proverbs  contained  in  the  book  were 
uttered  or  collected  by  Solomon.  According  to 
Bartolocci,  quoted  by  Carpzov,  the  Jews  ascribe  the 
compo.-^ition  of  the  Song  of  Songs  to  Solomon's 
youth,  the  Proverbs  to  his  mature  manhood,  and 
the  Ecclesiastes  to  his  old  age.  But  in  the  Seder 
01am  Kabba  they  are  all  assigned  to  the  end  of  his 
life.  There  is  nothing  unreasonable  in  the  supposi- 
tion that  many,  or  most  of  the  proverbs  in  the  first 
twenty-nine  chapters  originated  with  Solomon. 
Whether  they  were  left  by  him  in  their  present 
form  is  a  distinct  question.  The  book  consists  of 
three  main  divisions,  with  two  appendices.  1.  Chs. 
i.-ix.  form  a  connected  niashdl  (see  I.  above),  in 
which  Wisdom  is  praised  and  the  youth  exhorted  to 
devote  themselves  to  her.  This  portion  is  preceded 
by  an  introduction  and  title  describing  the  charac- 
ter and  general  aim  of  the  book.  2.  Chs.  x.  1- 
xxiv.,  with  the  title,  "  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon," 
consist  of  three  parts : — x.  1-xxii.  16,  a  collection 
of  single  proverbs,  and  detached  sentences  out  of 
the  region  of  moral  teaching  and  worldly  prudence ; 
xxii.  17-xxiv.  21,  a  more  connected  mashdl,  with  an 
introduction,  xxii.  17-22,  which  contains  precepts 
of  righteousness  and  prudence:  xxiv.  23-34,  with 
the  inscription,  "  these  also  belong  to  the  wise,"  a 
collection  of  unconnected  maxims,  which  serve  as 
an  appendix  to  the  preceding.  3.  The  third  divi- 
sion, xxv.-xxix.,  according  to  the  superscription,  is 
a  collection  of  Solomon's  proverbs,  consisting  of 


single  sentences,  which  the  men  of  the  court  of 
Hezekiah  copied  out.  The  first  appendix,  ch.  xxx., 
"  the  words  of  Agur,"  is  a  collection  of  partly  pro- 
verbial and  ))artly  enigmatical  sayings  ;  the  second, 
ch.  xx.xi.,  is  divided  into  two  parts,  "  the  words  of 
King  Lemuel  "  (1-6),  and  an  alphabetical  acrostic 
in  praise  of  a  virtuous  woman,  which  occupies  the 
rest  of  the  chapter. — At  first  sight  it  is  evident  that 
there  is  a  marked  diiltrence  between  the  collections 
of  single  maxims  and  the  longer  didactic  pieces, 
which  both  come  under  the  general  head  mdshdi. 
The  collection  of  Solomon's  proverbs  made  by  the 
men  of  Hezekiah  (xxv.-xxix.)  belongs  to  the  former 
class  of  detached  sentences,  and  in  this  respect  coi^ 
responds  with  those  in  the  second  main  division  (x. 
1-xxii.  16).  The  expression  in  xxv.  1,  "these  also 
are  the  proverbs  of  Solomon,"  implies  that  the  col- 
lection was  made  as  an  appendix  to  another  already 
in  existence,  which  we  may  not  unreasonably  pre- 
sume to  have  been  that  which  stands  immediately 
before  it  in  the  present  arrangement  of  the  book. 
Upon  one  point  most  modern  critics  are  agreed,  that 
the  germ  of  the  book  in  its  present  shape  is  the 
portion  x.  1-xxii.  10,  to  which  is  prefixed  the  title, 
"  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon."  At  what  time  it  was 
put  into  the  form  in  which  we  have  it,  cannot  bo 
exactly  determined.  Ewald  suggests  as  a  probable 
date  about  two  centuries  after  Solomon  (compare 
xxv.  1).  That  all  the  proverbs  in  this  collection 
are  not  Solomon's  is  extremely  probable  (so  Mr. 
Wright) ;  that  the  majority  of  them  are  his  there 
seems  no  reason  to  doubt,  and  this  fact  would  ac- 
count for  the  general  title  in  which  they  are  all  at- 
tributed to  him.  The  poetical  style,  says  Ewald,  is 
the  simplest  and  most  antique  imaginable.  Most 
of  the  proverbs  are  examples  of  antithetic  paral- 
lelism, the  second  clause  containing  the  contrast  to 
the  first.  Each  verse  consists  of  two  members, 
with  generally  (in  Hebrew)  three  or  four,  but  seldom 
five  words  in  each.  (Poetry,  Hebrew.)  Further- 
more, the  proverbs  in  this  collection  have  the  pecu- 
liarity of  being  contained  in  a  single  verse.  In  ad- 
dition to  the  distinctive  form  assumed  by  the  prov- 
erbs of  this  earliest  collection,  may  be  noticed  the 
occurrence  of  favorite  and  peculiar  words  and 
phrases — e.  g.  "fountain  of  life  "  (x.  11,  xiii.  14, 
xiv.  27,  xvi.  22),  "  tree  of  life"  (xi.  SO,  xiii.  12,  xv. 
4),  "  snares  of  death  "  (xiii.  14,  xiv.  27),  &c. — With 
regard  to  the  other  collections,  opinions  differ  widely 
both  as  to  their  date  and  authorship.  Ewald  places 
next  in  order  chs.  xxv.-xxix.,  the  superscription  to 
which  fixes  their  date  about  the  end  of  the  eighth 
century  B.  c.  "  These  are  also  the  proverbs  of 
Solomon,  which  the  men  of  Hezekiah  copied  out," 
or  compiled.  The  memory  of  these  learned  men  of 
Hezekiah's  court  is  perpetuated  in  Jewish  tradition. 
In  the  Talmud  they  are  called  the  si'dh,  "  society  " 
or  "academy"  of  Hezekiah,  and  it  is  there  said, 
"  Hezekiah  and  his  academy  wrote  Isaiah,  Proverbs, 
Song  of  Songs,  Ecclesiastes."  Many  of  the  proverbs 
in  this  collection  are  repetitions,  with  slight  varia- 
tions, of  some  in  the  previous  section.  We  may 
infer  from  this  that  the  compilers  oi'  this  section 
made  use  of  the  same  sources  from  which  the  ear- 
lier collection  was  derived.  The  question  now 
arises,  as  in  the  former  section :  Were  all  these 
proverbs  Solomon's  ?  Jahn  says  Yes  ;  Bertholdt, 
No;  for  xxv.  2-7  could  not  have  been  by  Solomon 
or  any  king,  but  by  a  man  who  had  lived  for  a  long 
time  at  a  court.  In  xxvii.  11,  it  is  no  monarch  who 
speaks,  but  an  instructor  of  youth  ;  xxviii.  16  cen- 
sures the  very  errors  which  stained  the  reign  of 


I 


894 


PRO 


PRO 


SoToraon,  and  the  effect  of  which  deprived  his  son 
and  successor  of  the  ten- tribes  ;  xxvii.  23-27  must 
have  been  written  by  a  sage  who  led  a  nomad  life. 
The  peculiarities  of  this  section  distinguish  it  from 
the  older  proverbs  in  x.-xxii.  16.  Some  of  these 
may  be  brieiiy  noted.  The  use  of  the  interrogation 
"seest  thou  ?  "  in  xxvi.  12,  xxix.  20  (compare  xxii. 
29),  the  manner  of  comparing  two  things  by  simply 
placing  them  side  by  side  and  connecting  them  with 
the  simple  copula  "  and,"  as  in  xxv.  3,  20,  xxvi.  3, 
7,  9,  21,  xxvii.  16,  20.  V\'e  miss  the  pointed  antith- 
esis by  which  the  first  collection  was  distinguished. 
The  verses  are  no  longer  of  two  equal  members. 
The  character  of  the  proverbs  is  clearly  distinct. 
Their  construction  is  looser  and  weaker,  and  there 
is  no  longer  that  sententious  brevity  which  gives 
weight  and  point  to  the  proverbs  in  the  preceding 
section.  Ewald  assigns  this  portion  of  the  book  to 
the  end  of  the  eighth  century  b.  c.  All  that  we 
know  about  the  section  xxv.-xxix.  is  that  in  Heze- 
kiah's  time,  i.  e.  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  eighth 
century  B.  c,  it  was  supposed  to  contain  what  tradi- 
tion had  handed  down  as  the  proverbs  of  Solomon, 
and  that  the  majority  of  the  proverbs  were  believed 
to  be  his  there  seems  no  good  reason  to  doubt. — 
The  date  of  the  sections  i.-ix.,  xxii.  17-xxv.  1,  has 
been  variously  assigned.  That  they  were  added 
about  the  same  period  Ewald  infers  from  the  occur- 
rence of  favorite  words  and  constructions,  and  that 
that  period  was  a  late  one  he  concludes  from  the 
traces  of  a  degeneiacy  from  the  purity  of  the  He- 
brew. It  is  a  renjarkable  fact,  and  (me  showing  the 
extreme  difficulty  of  arguing  from  internal  evidence, 
that  the. same  details  lead  Ewald  and  Hitzig  to  pre- 
cisely opposite  conclusions  ;  the  former  placing  tlie 
date  of  i.-ix.  in  the  first  half  of  the  seventh  century, 
while  the  latter  regards  it  as  the  oldest  portion  of 
the  book,  and  assigns  it  to  the  ninth  century.  Their 
arguments,  it  must  be  confessed,  are  by  no  means 
conclusive,  and  we  must  ask  for  further  evidence 
before  pronouncing  so  positively  as  they  have  done 
upon  a  point  so  doubtful  and  obscure.  In  one  re- 
spect they  are  agreed,  namely,  with  regard  to  the 
unity  of  the  section.  Ewald  finds  in  these  chapters 
a  certain  development  which  shows  that  they  must 
be  regarded  as  a  whole  and  the  work  of  one  author. 
The  poet  intended  them  as  a  general  introduction 
to  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon,  to  recommend  wisdom 
in  general.  But,  as  Bertheau  remarks,  there  ap- 
pears nowhere  throughout  this  section  any  refer- 
ence to  what  follows,  which  must  have  been  the 
case  had  it  been  intended  for  an  introduction.  The 
unity  of  plan  is  no  more  than  would  be  found  in  a 
collection  of  admonitions  by  different  authors  refer- 
ring to  the  same  subject,  and  is  not  such  as  to  ne- 
cessitate the  conclusion  that  the  whole  is  the  work 
of  one.  There  is  obsen-able  throughout  the  secti<m, 
when  compared  with  what  is  called  the  earlier  col- 
lection, a  complete  change  in  the  form  of  the  prov- 
erb. The  single  proverb  is  seldom  met  with,  while 
the  characteristics  of  this  collection  are  connected 
descriptions,  continuous  elucidations  of  a  truth,  and 
longer  speeches  and  exhortations.  The  style  is 
more  highly  poetical,  the  parallelism  is  synonymous 
and  not  antithetic  or  synthetic,  as  in  x.  1-xxii.  16  ; 
and  another  distinction  is  the  usage  of  Elohim  (  = 
"  God  ")  in  ii.  6,  17,  iii.  4,  which  does  not  occur  in 
X.  1-xxii.  16.  Amidst  this  general  likeness,  how- 
ever, there  is  considerable  diversity.  It  is  not  nec- 
essary to  lay  so  much  stress  as  Bertheau  appears 
to  do  upon  the  fact  that  certain  paragraphs  are  dis- 
tinguished from  those  with  which  they  are  placed, 


not  merely  by  their  contents,  but  by  their  external 
form  ;  nor  to  argue  from  this  that  they  are  the  work 
of  dilierent  authors.  There  is  more  force  in  the 
appeal  to  the  difference  in  the  formation  of  sen- 
tences and  the  whole  manner  of  the  language  as 
indicating  diversity  of  authorship.  With  regard  to 
the  date  as  well  as  the  authorship  of  this  section  it 
is  impossible  to  pronounce  with  certainty.  In  its 
present  form  it  did  not  exist  till  probably  seme  long 
time  after  the  proverbs  which  it  contains  were  com- 
posed. At  whatever  time  it  may  have  reached  its 
present  shape  there  appears  no  sufficient  reason  to 
conclude  that  Solomon  may  not  have  uttered  many 
or  most  of  the  proverbs  here  collected. — The  sec- 
tion xxii.  17-xxiv.  contains  a  collection  of  proverbs 
marked  by  certain  peculiarities.  (1.)  The  structure 
of  the  verses  is  not  so  regular  as  in  the  preceding 
section,  x.  1-xxii.  16.  (2.)  A  sentence  is  seldom 
completed  in  one  verse,  but  most  frequently  in  two; 
three  verses  are  often  closely  connected  (xxiii.  1-8, 
6-8,  19-21) ;  sometimes  as  many  as  five  (xxiv.  80- 
84).  (3.)  The  form  of  address,  "  my  srn,"  so  fre- 
quent in  the  first  nine  chapters,  occurs  also  here  in 
xxiii.  19,  26,  xxiv.  13  ;  and  the  appeal  to  the  hearer 
is  often  made  in  the  second  person.  Ewald  regards 
this  section  as  a  kind  of  appendix  to  the  earliest 
collection  of  the  proverbs  of  Solomon,  added  not 
long  after  the  introduction  in  the  first  nine  chapters, 
though  not  by  the  same  author.  He  thinks  it  prob- 
able that  the  compiler  of  this  section  added  also 
the  collection  of  proverbs  made  by  the  learned  men 
of  the  court  of  Hezekiah,  to  which  he  wrote  the 
superscription  in  xxv.  1.  This  theory  of  course 
only  affects  the  dale  of  the  section  in  its  present 
foim.  When  the  proverbs  were  written  there  is 
nothing  to  determine.  Bertheau  maintains  that 
they  in  great  part  proceeded  from  one  poet.  Kcil 
asserts  positively  the  single  authorship  of  chs.  i.- 
xxix.,  and  maintains  that  "  the  contents  in  all  parts 
of  the  collection  show  one  and  the  same  historical 
background,  corresponding  only  to  the  relations, 
ideas,  and  circumstances,  as  well  as  to  the  progress 
of  the  culture  and  experiences  of  life,  acquired  by 
the  political  development  of  the  people  in  the  time 
of  Solomon." — The  concluding  chapters  (xxx.,  xxxi.) 
are  in  every  way  distinct  from  the  rest  and  from 
each  other.  The  former,  according  to  the  super- 
scription, contains  "  the  words  of  Agir  the  son  of 
Jakfii."  Whoever  he  was  he  appears  to  have  had 
for  his  pupils  Ithiel  and  Ucal,  whom  he  addresses 
in  xxx.  1-6,  which  is  followed  by  single  proverbs 
of  Agur's.  Ch.  xxxi.  1-9  contains  "  the  b  ords  of 
King  L™uEL,  the  prophecy  that  his  mother  taught 
him."  The  last  section  of  all  (xxxi.  10-31  is  an 
alphabetical  acrostic  in  praise  of  a  virtuous  woman. 
Its  artificial  form  stamps  it  as  the  production  of  a 
late  period  of  Hebrew  literature,  peihaps  about  the 
seventh  century  b.  c.  The  coloring  and  language 
point  to  a  different  author  from  the  prevfous  section, 
xxx.  1-xxxi.  9. — Mr.  AV right  concludes  from  a  consid- 
eration of  the  whole  question  of  the  manner  in  which 
the  Book  of  Proverbs  arrived  at  its  present  shape, 
that  the  nucleus  of  the  whole  was  the  collection  of 
Solomon's  proverbs  in  x.  1-xxii.  16;  that  to  this  was 
added  the  further  collection  made  by  the  learned  men 
of  the  court  of  Hezekiah  (xxv.-xxix.);  that  these  two 
were  put  together  and  united  with  xxii.  17-xxiv.,  and 
to  this  as  a  whole  the  introduction  (i.-ix.)  was  affixed, 
but  that  whether  it  was  compiled  by  the  same  wri- 
ter who  added  xxii.  16-xxiv.  cannot  be  determined  ; 
and  that  it  is  impossible  to  assert  that  this  same 
compiler  may  not  have  added  the  concluding  chap- 


PRO 


PSA 


895 


I 


tora  of  the  book  to  his  previous  collection.  With 
regard  to  tlie  date  at  which  the  several  portions  of 
the  book  were  colle#ted  and  put  in  their  present 
shape,  the  conclusions  of  various  critics  are  uncer- 
tain and  contradictory. — To  the  views  of  Mr.  Wright 
anil  others  as  given  above,  it  may  be  added  that  the 
liabbins  and  the  earlier  school  of  commentators  at- 
tribute the  whole  book  to  Solomon,  even  chapters 
XXX.,  xxxi.  being  assigned  to  him  by  Raslii  and  his 
school.  Keil,  nahn,&c.,  maintain  the  ancient  view  (see 
above).  Delitzsch  regards  the  first  portion  (i.-xxiv. 
22)  as  put  forth  in  Jehoshaphat's  time,  the  intro- 
duction (i.-ix.)  and  appendix  (xxii.  16-xxiv.  22)  being 
written  by  the  compiler,  "a  highly-gifted  didactic 
poet,  and  an  instrument  of  the  Spirit  of  revelation  ;  " 
the  second  portion  (xxiv.  23-xxxi.)  as  published  in 
Hezekiah's  time,  the  introductory  (xxiv.  23-34)  and 
closing  (xxx.,  xxxi.)  portions  being  set  on  each  .side 
of  the  collection  of  Solomon's  proverbs  as  a  kind  of 
foil  (Rev.  E.  Venables,  in  Kitto).  Rev.  H.  Constable 
(in  Fairbairn)  ascribes  chs.  i.-xxiv.  to  the  time  and 
liand  of  Solomon;  and  regards  xxv.-xxix.,  accord- 
ing to  XXV.  1,  as  also  Solomon's  own  sayings  copied 
out  and  collected  in  Hezekiah's  reign  by  that  king's 
ollicers,  but  previously  committed  to  writing  ;  xxx. 
as  the  work  of  Agur,  probably  "  the  man  of  Massa  " 
(so  Bunsen  ;  A.  V.  "  the  prophecy  "),  and  brother  of 
Lemuel  (so  Hitzig) ;  and  xxxi.  as  written  by  the 
mother  of  "  Lemuel  king  of  Massa." 

*  Prov'fn-der  =  food  for  cattle  (Gen.  xxiv.  25, 
kc).     Barn;  Corn;  Grass;  Hay;  Herd;  Ox,  &c. 

*  ProTl-denee  =  foresight,  forethought  (Acts 
xxiv.  2).     God. 

ProTinte  (I'r.  L. ;  Heb.  and  Chal.  medindh  ;  Gr. 
eparckia).  (1.)  In  the  0.  T.  this  word  appears  in 
connection  with  the  wars  between  Ahab  and  Ben- 
hadad(l  K.  xx.  14,  15,19).  The  victory  of  the  for- 
mer is  gained  chiefly  "  by  the  young  men  ('armor- 
bearers,' Keil)  of  the  princes  of  the  province,"  i.  e., 
probably,  of  the  chiefs  of  tribes  in  the  Gilead  coun- 
try (so  Prof  Plumptre;  Prof  Stuart  [on  Ecd.  ii.  8] 
and  Fiirst  consider  the  word  as  used  of  divisions  of 
a  kingdom  for  the  collection  of  revenue,  like  the 
commissariat  districts  of  Solomon  in  1  K.  iv.  7  ff. ; 
compare  the  use  of  the  same  word  in  Eccl.  ii.  8,  v. 
8  [Heb.  7 1).  (2.)  More  commonly  the  word  is  used 
of  the  divisions  of  the  Chaldean  (Dan.  ii.  49,  iii.  1, 
31))  and  the  Persian  kingdoms  (Ezr.  ii.  1  ;  Neh.  vii. 
6  ;  Esth.  i.  1,  22,  ii.  3,  &c.).  Each  of  the  Persian 
provinces,  which  were  the  smaller  sections  of  a 
satrapy,  had  its  own  governor,  who  communicated 
more  or  less  regularly  with  the  central  authority  for 
instructions  (Ezr.  iv.,  v.).  Each  province  had  its  own 
system  of  finance,  subject  to  the  king's  direction 
(Hdt.  iii.  89).  Tlie  total  number  of  the  provinces 
is  given  at  127  (Esth.  i.  1,  viii.  9),  the  satrapies  being 
twenty.  (Compel  6;  Epistle;  Governor  7;  Per- 
sians; Taxes.)  (3.)  In  the  N.  T.  we  are  brought 
into  contact  with  the  administration  of  the  provinces 
of  the  Roman  Empire.  Judea  was  a  sub-provhice  in 
Syria.  (Achaia;  Asia;  Cilicia;  Cyprcs;  Dep- 
LTv;  Governor  13;  Procurator;  Pcblican.)  The 
right  of  any  Roman  citizen  to  appeal  from  a  provin- 
cial governor  to  the  emperor  meets  us  as  asserted 
by  St.  Paul  (Acts  xxv.  11).  In  the  "cocncil"  of 
Acts  xxv.  12  we  recognize  the  assessors  appointed  to 
t;ikc  part  in  the  judicial  functions  of  the  governor. 

*  Pro-Tis'lon  [-vizh'un]  =  a  supply  of  food,  except 
in  the  phra.sc  "  to  make  provision"  (1  K.  iv.  7  ;  1 
Chr.  xxix.  19 ;  Rom.  xiii.  14),  i.  e.  to  prepare  and 
lay  up,  or  make  ready  for  use,  a  supply  of  materials, 
f  >od,  or  whatever  else  is  needed  or  desired. 


*  Prn'nlng-Hook.    Knife. 

•  Psalm  [salim]  (Heb.  usually  mizmSr;  Gr.  psalmos) 
=  a  song  in  praise  of  God  (1  Cor.  xiv.  26;  Eph.  v. 
19;  Col.  iii.  16),  especially  one  of  those  contained  in 
the  Book  of  P.salins  (Lk.  xx.  42,  kc).  In  Lk.  xxiv. 
44  "  the  Psalms  "  are  named  as  the  beginning  of  the 
Hagiographa  (Bible,  III.  3)  and  as  the  portion  of 
this  containing  the  most  direct  Messianic  elements 
(Van  Osterzee  in  Lange'ii  Comm.,  1.  c.).  Hymn; 
Music  ;  Poetry,  Hebrew  ;  Psalms,  Book  of. 

Psalms  [sahmz]  (see  above  and  below).  Book  of< 
(Abridged  from  Mr.  Thriipp's  original  article.)  1. 
7'/te  VollertioH  ax  a  Whole.  It  does  not  appear  how 
the  Psalms  were,  as  a  whole,  anciently  designated. 
Their  present  Hebrew  appellation  is  T'chilliin  = 
Praises.  But  in  the  actual  superscriptions  of  the 
psalms  the  word  I'ehiUah  is  applied  only  lo  Ps. 
cxlv.,  wiiich  is  indeed  emphatically  a  praise-hymn. 
(Poetry,  Hebrew,  I. ;  Psalm.)  The  LXX.  entitled 
them  Psalmoi  or  ''  Psalms."  The  Christian  Church 
obviously  received  tiie  Psalter  or  Book  of  Psalms 
from  the  Jews  not  only  as  a  constitvient  portion  of 
the  Holy  Scripture  (Bible;  Canon;  I.nspiration; 
Old  Testament),  but  also  as  the  liturgical  hymn- 
book  wliich  the  Jewish  Church  had  regularly  used 
in  the  Temple.  The  number  of  separate  psalms 
contained  in  it  is,  by  the  concordant  testimony  of  all 
ancient  authorities,  one  hundred  and  fifty ;  the 
avowedly  "  supernumerary  "  psalm  which  appears  at 
the  end  of  the  Greek  and  Syriac  Psalters  being  mani- 
festly apocryphal.  In  the  details,  however,  of  the 
numbering,  both  the  Greek  and  Syriac  Psalters  dif- 
fer from  the  Hebrew.  The  LXX.  (and  so  the  Vul- 
gate) joined  together  Psalms  ix.,  x.,  and  cxiv.,  cxv., 
and  then  divided  Psalm  cxvi.  and  Psalm  cxlvii. ;  the 
Syriac  joined  Psalms  cxiv.,  cxv.,  and  divided  Psalm 
cxlvii.  Of  the  three  divergent  systems  of  number- 
ing, the  Hebrew  (as  followed  in  our  A.  V.)  is,  even 
on  internal  grounds,  to  be  preferred.  The  verse- 
numbering  of  the  A.  V.  frequently  differs  from  the 
Hebrew  in  consequence  of  the  Jewish  practice  of 
reckoning  the  superscription  as  the  first  verse. — 2. 
Compouext  Parts  of  the  Collection.  Ancient  tradition 
and  internal  evidence  concur  in  parting  the  Psalter 
into  five  great  divisions  or  books.  The  ancient  Jew- 
ish tradition  is  preserved  to  us  by  the  abundant  tes- 
timonies of  the  Christian  Fathers.  The  doxologies 
at  the  end  of  Psalms  xli.,  Ixxii.,  Ixxxix.,  cvi.,  mark 
the  ends  of  the  first  four  of  the  five  books.  It  sug- 
gests itself  at  once  that  these  books  must  have  been 
originally  formed  at  different  periods.  This  is  by 
various  further  considerations  rendered  all  but  cer- 
tain, while  the  few  difficulties  which  stand  in  the 
way  of  admitting  it  vanish  when  closely  examined. 
Thus,  there  is  a  remarkable  difference  between  the 
several  books  in  their  use  of  the  divine  names  Jeho- 
vah and  Klohim,  to  designate  Almighty  God.  In 
Book  I.  (i.-xli.),  the  former  name  is  found  272  times, 
while  Eloldm  occurs  but  15  times.  (We  here  take 
no  account  of  the  superscriptions  or  doxology,  nor 
yet  of  the  occurrences  of  Klohim  when  inflected  with 
a  possessive  suffix.)  In  Book  II.  (xlii.-lxxii.),  Elohim 
is  found  more  than  five  times  as  often  as  Jehovah. 
In  Book  III.  (Ixxiii.-lxxxix.),  the  preponderance  of 
Eloliiin  in  the  earlier  is  balanced  by  that  of  Jehovah 
in  the  later  psalms  of  the  book.  In  Book  IV.  (xc. 
-cvi.),  the  name  Jehovah  is  exclusively  employed; 
and  so  also,  virtually,  in  Book  \'.  (cvii.-cl.),  Etohim 
being  there  found  only  in  two  passages  incorporated 
from  earlier  psalms.  Those  who  maintain,  there- 
fore, that  the  psalms  were  all  collected  and  arranged 
at  once,  contend  that  the  collector  distributed  the 


893 


PSA 


PSA 


psalms  according  to  the  divine  names  which  they 
severally  exhibited.  We  find  the  several  groups  of 
psalms  which  form  the  respective  five  books  distin- 
guished from  each  other,  in  great  measure,  by  their 
superscriptions.  Boole  I.  is  exclusively  Davidic, 
thirty-seven  of  the  forty-one  psalms  having  his  name 
prefixed,  two  others  (i.,  ii.)  being  prefatory,  and  the 
other  two  (x.,  xxxiii. )  closely  connected  with  those 
before  them.  Book  II.  falls,  by  the  superscriptions 
of  its  psalms,  into  two  distinct  subdivisions,  a  Le- 
vitic  (xlii.-l.)  and  a  Davidic  (li.-lxxi.),  supplemented 
by  Ixxii.  the  Psalm  of  Solcmon.  In  Book  III.,  the 
psalms  are  all  ascribed,  explicitly  or  virtually,  to  the 
various  Levite  singers,  except  only  Psalm  Ixxxvi., 
which  bears  the  name  of  David.  In  Books  IV.,  V., 
we  have,  in  all,  seventeen  psalms  marked  with 
David's  name.  In  reasoning  from  the  superscrip- 
tions, we  have  to  meet  the  preliminary  inquiry.  Are 
the  superscriptions  authentic  ?  For  the  allirmative 
it  is  contended  that  they  form  an  integral,  and  till 
modern  times  almost  undisputed  portion  of  the  He- 
Brew  text  of  Scripture;  that  they  are  in  analogy 
with  other  biblical  superscriptions  or  subscriptions, 
Davidic  or  otherwise  (comp.  2  Sam.  i.  18,  probably 
based  on  an  old  superscription ;  xxiii.  1 ;  Samuel, 
Books  of  ;  Is.  xxxviii.  9 ;  Ilab.  iii.  1,19);  and  that  their 
diversified,  unsystematic,  and  often  obscure  and  enig- 
matical character  is  inconsistent  with  the  theory  of 
their  having  originated  at  a  later  period.  On  the 
other  hand  is  urged  their  analogy  with  the  untrust- 
worthy subscriptions  of  the  N.  T.  epiftles ;  also  the 
fact  that  many  arbitrary  superscriptions  are  added 
In  the  Greek  version  of  the  Psalter.  Mr.  Thrupp 
believes  (with  Tholuck,  Hengstenberg,  Delitzsch, 
Oehler,  Keil,  J.  A,  Alexander,  &c.)  that  they  are, 
when  rightly  interpreted,  fully  trustworthy,  and  that 
every  objection  to  the  correctness  of  any  one  of  them 
can  be  fairly  met.  Let  us  now  trace  the  bearing  of 
the  superscriptions  upon  the  date  and  method  of 
compilation  of  the  several  books.  Book  I.  is,  by 
the  superscriptions,  entirely  Davidic ;  nor  do  we 
find  in  it  a  trace  of  any  but  David's  authorship.  We 
may  well  believe  that  the  compilation  of  the  book 
was  also  David's  work.  Book  II.  appears  by  the 
date  of  its  latest  psalm  (xlvi.)  to  have  been  com- 
piled in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah.  It  would  naturally 
comprise,  1st,  several  or  most  of  the  Levitical 
psalms  anterior  to  that  date ;  and  2dly,  the  remain- 
der of  the  psalms  of  David  previously  uncompiled. 
To  these  latter,  the  collector,  after  properly  append- 
ing the  single  psalm  of  Solomon,  has  affixed  the  no- 
tice that  "  the  prayers  of  David  the  son  of  Jesse  are 
ended  "  (Ps.  Ixxii.  20) ;  evidently  imjilying,  at  least 
apparently,  that  no  more  compositions  of  the  royal 
psalmist  remained.  How,  then,  do  we  find,  in  the 
later  Books  III.,  IV.,  V.,  further  psalms  yet  marked 
with  David's  name  ?  The  name  "  David  "  is  used  to 
denote,  in  other  parts  of  Scripture,  after  the  original 
David's  death,  the  then  head  of  the  Davidic  family ; 
and  so,  in  prophecy,  the  Messiah  of  the  seed  of 
David,  who  was  to  sit  on  David's  throne  (1  K.  xii. 
16 ;  Hos.  iii.  5 ;  Is.  Iv.  3  ;  Jer.  xxx.  9  ;  Ez.  xxxiv. 
23,  24).  Thus,  then,  we  may  explain  the  meaning 
of  the  later  Davidic  superscri])tions  in  the  Psalter 
(and  so  of  "Asaph,"  "Heman,"  "Ethan").  The 
psalms  to  which  they  belong  were  written  by  Heze- 
kiah, by  Josiah,  by  Zeiubbabel,  or  others  of  David's 
posterity.  This  explanation  removes  all  serious 
difficulty  respecting  the  history  of  the  later  Books 
of  the  Psalter.  Book  III.,  the  interest  of  which 
centres  in  the  times  of  Hezekiah,  stretches  out,  by 
its  last  two  psalms,  to  the  reign  of  Manasseh  :  it  was 


probably  compiled  in  the  reign  of  Josiah.     Book 
IV.  contains  the  remainder  of  the  psalms  up  to  the 
date  of  the  Captivity ;  Book  V.  the  Ps.alms  of  the 
Return.      There  is  nothing  to  distinguish  these  two 
books  from  each  other  in  respect  of  outward  deco- 
ration or  arrangement,  and  they  may  have  been  com- 
piled  together  in   the   days   of  Nehemiah.      Many 
critics  have  assigned  various  psalms  to  the  age  of 
the  Maccabees.     The  three  named  by  De  Wette  as 
bearing,    apparently,    a    Maccabean    impress,   are 
Psalms  xliv.,  Ix.,  Ixxiv. ;  and  in  fact  these,  together 
with  Ps.  Ixxix.,  are  perhaps  all   that  would,  when 
taken  alone,  seriou.sly  suggest  the  hypothesis  of  a 
Maccabean  date.     But  even  in  the  case  of  these,  the 
internal  evidence,  when  more  narrowly   examined 
(superscription  and  verses  7,  8,  of  Ps.  Ix. ;  no  men- 
tion of  the   Captivity  in  xliv. ;  Ixxiv.  9  unnatural 
200  years  after  prophecy  ceased ;    Ixxix.  6,  "  king- 
doms;" comp.  1  Mc.  vii.  6,  7),  proves  to  be  in  favor 
of  an  earlier  date.' — 3.   Comiection  of  the  Psalms 
with  the  Israelitish  History.     The  psalms  grew,  essen- 
tially and  gradually,  out  of  the  personal  and  national 
career  of  David  and  of  Israel.     That  of  Moses  (Ps. 
xc),  which,  though  it  contributed  little  to  the  pro- 
duction of  the  rest,  is  yet,  in  point  of  actual  date, 
the  earliest,  faithfully  reflects  the  long,  weary  wan- 
derings, the  multiplied  provocations,  and  the  conse- 
quent punishments  of  the  wilderness.     With  David, 
however,  Israelitish  psalmody  virtually  commences. 
Previous  mastery  over  his  harp  had  probably  al- 
ready prepared  the  way  for  his  future  strains,  when 
the  anointing  oil  of  Samuel  descended  upon  him, 
and  he  began  to  drink  in  special  measure,  from  that 
day  forward,  of  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord.     Thtn  vic- 
torious at  home  over  the  mysterious  melancholy  of 
Saul  and  in  the  field  over  the  vaunting  champion  of 
the  Philistine  hosts,  he  sang  how  from  even  babes 
and  .sucklings  God  had  ordained  strength  because 
of  His  enemies  (Ps.  viii.).     His  next  psalms  (Iviii., 
lix.)  are  of  a  different  character;  his  persecutions  at 
the  hands  of  Saul  had  commenced.     Other  psalms  ' 
also  (Ivi.,  xxxiv.,  Ivii.,  Iii.,  xxxi.,  liv.,  xxxv.,  xxxvi., 
liii.  [except  verse  6,  comp.  xiv.],  xxii.,  xxiii.,  xxxviii. 
-xl.),  may  be  referred  to  the  period  before  David 
ascended  the  throne.     When  David's  reign  has  be- 
gun, it  is  still  with  the  most  exciting  incidents  of  his 
history,  private  or  public,  that  his  psalms  are  mainly 
associated.     There  are  none  to  which  the  period  of 
his  reign  at  Hebron  can  lay  exclusive  clahn.     But 
after  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem  his  psalmody  opened 
afresh  with  the  solemn  removal  of  the  ark  to  Mount 
Ziou  ;  and  in  xxiv.-xxix.,  which  belong  together,  we 
have  the  earliest  definite  instance  of  David's  sys- 
tematic composition  or  arrangement  of  psalms  for 
public  use.     Psalm  xxx.  is  of  the  same  date,  com- 
posed for  the  dedication   of  David's   new  palace. 
Other  psalms  (Ix.,  Ixi.,  xx.,  xxi.)  show  David's  feel- 
ings in  the  midst  of  his  foreign  wars.     P.".  li.  is  con- 
nected with  the   dark  episode  which  made  David 
tremble  not  only  for  himself,  but  also  for  the  city  on 
which  he  had  labored.     To  the  period  of  David's 
Hight  from  Absalom  we  may  refer  iii.-vii.,  Iv.,  Ixii., 
Ixiii.     Even  of  those  psalms  which  cannot  be  re- 
ferred to  any  definite  occasion,  several  reflect  the 
general  historical  circumstances  of  the  times.     Tims 
Ps.  ix.  is  a  thanksgiving  for  the  deliverance  of  the 


'  The  best  arrangement  for  the  ortlinarj'  student  of  t 
Psalter  is  the  nrranfiement  of  the  book  itself.  Unifon 
tmrlition  and  analoay  agree  hi  representing  it  as  liigbH 
probable  that  this  arrangement  was  tbe  work  of  EzKA.  tl  I 
innpired  collector  and  editor  of  the  Canon  (Prof.  J.  A 
Alexander,  Preface  to  The  I'saiins  Irunslaled  and  > 
plained). 


PSA 


PSA 


897 


land  of  Israel  from  it3  former  heathen  oppressors. 
Pa.  X.  is  a  prayer  for  the  deliverance  of  the  Church 
from  the  high-haniled  oppression  exercised  from 
within.  The  succeeding  psalms  dwell  on  the  same 
theme,  the  virtual  intermil  heathenism  by  which  the 
Church  of  God  was  weighed  down.  So  that  tliere 
remain  very  few,  e.  g.  xv.-xvii.,  xix.,  xxxii.  (witli  its 
choral  appendage  xxxiii.),  xxxvii.,  of  which  some 
historical  account  may  not  be  given.  A  season  of 
repose  near  the  close  of  his  reign  induced  David  to 
compose  his  grand  personal  thanksgiving  for  the  de- 
liverances of  his  whole  life,  Ps.  xviii. ;  the  date  of 
which  is  approximately  determined  by  its  place  in 
the  history  (2  Sam.  ixii.).  Probably  at  this  period 
he  finally  arranged  for  the  sanctuary-service  that 
collection  of  his  psalms  which  now  constitutes  the 
First  Book  of  tlie  Psalter,  designedly  excluding  from 
it  all  (li.-lxiv.)  unfitted  for  immediate  public  use, 
and  prefixing  by  way  of  preface  Psalms  i.  and  ii.,  the 
concluding  psalm  (xli.)  seeming  to  be  a  sort  of  ideal 
summary  of  the  whole.  The  course  of  David's  reign 
was  not,  however,  as  yet  complete.  The  solemn  as- 
sembly convened  by  him  for  the  dedication  of  the 
materials  of  the  future  Temple  (1  Chr.  xxviii.,  xxix.) 
would  naturally  call  forth  a  renewal  of  his  best  ef- 
forts to  glorify  the  Ood  of  Israel  in  psalms;  and  to 
this  occasion  we  doubtless  owe  the  great  festal 
psalms  Ixv.-l.xvii.,  Ixviii.,  containing  a  large  review 
of  the  past  history,  present  position,  and  prospective 
glories  of  God's  chosen  people.  The  supplications 
of  Ps.  Ixix.  suit  best  with  tlie  renewed  distress  occa- 
sioned by  the  sedition  of  Adonijah.  Ps.  Ixxi.,  to 
which  Ps.  Ixx.,  a  fragment  of  a  former  psalm,  is  in- 
troductory, forms  David's  parting  strain.  Yet  tliat 
the  psalmody  of  Israel  may  not  seem  finally  to  ter- 
minate with  him,  the  glories  of  the  future  are  forth- 
with anticipated  by  his  son  in  Ps.  Ixxii. — For  a  time 
the  single  psalm  of  Solomon  remained  the  only  ad- 
dition to  tliose  of  David.  If,  however,  religious 
psalmody  were  to  revive,  somewhat  might  be  not 
unreasonably  anticipated  from  the  great  assembly 
of  King  Asa  (2  Chr.  xv.) ;  and  Ps.  1.  may  well  be 
assigned  to  a  descendant  of  "Asaph"  (comp.  §  2 
above)  on  tliat  occasion.  Of  another  revival  of 
psalmody  under  Jehoshaphat  (2  Clir.  xx.)  Psalms 
xlvii.,  xlviii.,  were  the  fruits.  Ps.  xlv.  connects  it- 
self most  readily  with  the  splendors  of  Jehosha- 
phat's  reign.  After  psalmody  had  thus  definitely 
revived,  there  would  be  no  reason  why  it  should  not 
thenceforward  manifest  itself  in  seasons  of  anxiety, 
as  well  as  of  festivity  and  thanksgiving.  Hence  Ps. 
xlix.  Psalms  xlil-xliv.,  Isxiv.,  arc  best  assigned  to  the 
reign  of  Ahaz.  The  reign  of  Ilezekiah  is  naturally 
rich  in  psalmody.  Psalms  xlvi.,  Ixxiii.,  Ixxv.,  Ixxvi., 
connect  themselves  with  the  resistance  to  the  su- 
premacy of  the  Assyrians  and  the  Divine  destruction 
of  their  host.  We  arc  no.v  brought  to  a  series  of 
psalms  of  peculiar  interest  (Ixxvii.-lxxxix.),  spring- 
ing out  of  the  political  and  religious  history  of  the 
separated  ten  tribes.  In  date  of  actual  composition 
they  commence  before  the  times  of  Hezekiah.  The 
earliest  is  probably  Ps.  Ixxx.,  a  supplication  for  the 
Israelitisli  people  at  the  time  of  the  Syrian  oppres- 
sion. Ps.  Ixxxi.  is  an  earnest  appeal  to  them  ; 
Ixxxii.  a  stern  reproof  of  the  oppression  prevalent 
in  Israel  (.Vm.  iv.) ;  Ixxxiii.  a  prayer  for  deliverance 
from  the  confederacy  of  enemies  (Joel  iii. ;  Am.  i.); 
I  xxviii.,  probably  at  the  opening  of  Ilezckiah's 
reign,  reproves  the  disobedience  of  the  Israelites 
'  .  the  parable  of  the  nation's  earlier  rebellions, 
IS  forth  tlie  Temple  at  Jerusalem  as  the  appointed 
litre  of  religious  worship  and  th?  heir  of  David's 
67 


house  as  the  sovereign  of  the  Lord's  choice  ;  Ixxxiv. 
represents  the  thanks  and  prayers  of  the  northern 
pilgrims  coming  up,  for  the  first  time  in  250  years, 
to  celebrate  the  passover  in  Jerusalem ;  Ixxxv.  may 
well  be  the  thanksgiving  for  the  happy  restoration 
of  religion  tlien ;  Ixxvii.  the  lamentation  of  the  Jew- 
ish Cliurch  for  the  Captivity  of  tlie  ten  tribes  soon 
afterward  ;  in  Ixxxvi.  the  king  himself  ("  David," 
see  §  2,  above)  and  in  Ixxxvii.  the  Levitcs  antici- 
pated the  future  welcome  of  all  the  Gentiles  into 
the  Church  of  God  ;  Ixxix.  may  be  a  picture  of  the 
evil  days  that  followed  tlirough  Maiiasseh's  trans- 
gressions ;  and  in  lxx.xviii.,  Ixxxix.  we  have  the 
pleadings  of  the  nation  with  God  in  Manasseh'a 
captivity.  All  these  psalms  (except  Ixxxvi.)  are 
referred  by  their  superscriptions  to  the  Levite 
singers  ("Asaph,"  see  above:  "sons  of  ICorah"), 
and  thus  bear  witness  to  the  efforts  of  the  Levites 
to  reconcile  the  two  branches  of  the  chosen  nati(m. 
— The  captivity  of  llanasseh  liiniself  proved  to  be 
but  temporary ;  but  the  sentence  which  his  sins 
had  provoked  upon  Judah  and  Jerusalem  still  re- 
mained to  be  executed,  and  precluded  the  hope  that 
God's  salvation  could  be  revealed  till  after  such  an 
outpouring  of  His  judgments  as  the  nation  never 
yet  had  known.  Labor  and  sorrow  must  be  th?  lot 
of  the  present  generation ;  through  these  mercy 
might  occasionally  gleam,  but  the  glory  which  was 
eventually  to  be  manifested  must  be  for  posterity 
alone.  The  psalms  of  Book  IV.  bear  generally  the 
impress  of  this  feeling.  Psalms  c'.,  ciii.  ("  of  Da- 
vid," sec  above)  readily  refer  themselves  to  Josiah 
as  their  author. — We  pass  to  Book  V.  Ps.  cvii.  is 
the  opening  psalm  of  the  Return,  sung  probably  at 
the  first  Ffast  of  Tabernacles  (Ezr.  iii.).  The  en- 
suing Davidic  psalms  (cviii.-cx.)  may  well  be  ascribed 
to  Zerubbabel.  Ps.  cxviii.,  with  which  cxiv.-cxvii. 
(and  in  the  estimation  of  some  cxiii.  and  even  cxi., 
cxii.)  stand  connected,  was  sung  at  the  laying  of  the 
foundation  of  the  second  Temple.  We  here  pass 
over  the  (piesiions  connected  with  Ps.  cxix. ;  but  a 
directly  historical  character  belongs  to  cxx.-cxxxiv., 
styled  in  our  A.  V.  "  Songs  of  Degrees."  (Degrees, 
Songs  of.)  Internal  evidence  refers  these  to  the 
period  when  the  Jews  under  Nehemiah  were,  in  the 
very  face  of  the  enemy,  repairing  the  walls  of  Jeru- 
salem, and  the  title  may  signify  "  Songs  of  goings 
up  upon  the  walls,"  the  psalms  being,  from  their 
brevity,  well  adapted  to  be  sung  by  the  workmen 
and  guards  while  engaged  in  their  respective  duties. 
Theodoret  thinks  the  "  Solomon  "  of  Ps.  cxxvii.  = 
Zerubbabel ;  more  probably  ^z  Nehemiah  (compare 
"  David  "  of  cxxii.,  cxxiv.,  exxxi.,  cxxxiii.,  and  see 
above).  Psalms  cxxxv.,  cxxxvi.  connect  them- 
selves with  the  fast  in  Neh.  ix.  Of  somewhat  ear- 
lier date,  it  may  be,  are  Ps.  cxxxvii.  and  the  ensu- 
ing Davidic  psalms.  Of  these,  cxxxix.  is  a  psalm 
of  the  new  birth  of  Israel,  from  the  womb  of  the 
Babylonish  captivity,  to  a  life  of  righteousness ; 
c.xl.-cxliii.  may  be  a  picture  of  the  trials  to  which 
the  unrestored  exiles  were  still  exposed  in  the 
realms  of  the  Gentiles.  nencef(j|rward,  as  we  ap- 
proach the  close  of  the  Psalter,  its  strains  rise  in 
cheerfulness  ;  and  it  fittingly  terminates  with  Psalms 
cxlvii.-cl.,  which  were  probably  sung  on  the  occa- 
sion of  the  thanksgiving  procession  of  Neh.  xii., 
after  the  rebuilding  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  had 
been  completed.  (Aijeleth  Siiahar  ;  Ai.amoth  ; 
Al-tascihto  ;  (Jittitti  ;  Hiooaion;  jEnuxnuN  ;  Jo- 
NATii-ELKM  Bf;cii0KiM  ;  Mahalatii  ;  Mahalatr  Lb- 
assoth  ;  .Masciiil  ;  Michtam  ;  Music  ;  MusiCAt,  Is- 
STRCMKXTS ;    Hi'TU-LABBEN  ;   Neoisau  ;   Neoixotb  ; 


I 


898 


PSA 


PSA 


Kehhoth  ;  Selah  ;    Sheminith  ;   SniGGAiON  ;   Sho- 

SltANNIM  ;  SlIOSHANNIM-EDLTH  ;  SHUSHAN-EDLTII.) i. 

Moral  Characteristics  of  the  Psalms.  Foremost 
among  these  meets  us,  undoubtedly,  the  universal 
recourse  to  communion  with  God  (Ps.  Ixxvii.  1,  &c.). 
Connected  with  this  is  the  faith  by  which  the  psalm- 
ist everywhere  lives  lu  God  rather  than  in  himself 
(Ixxvii.).  It  is  of  the  essence  of  such  faith  that  his 
view  of  the  perfections  of  God  sliould  be  true  and 
vivid.  The  Psalter  describes  God  as  lie  is :  it 
glows  with  testimonies  to  His  power  and  providence. 
His  love  and  faithfulness,  His  holiness  and  righteous- 
ness ;  it  correspondingly  testifies  against  every  form 
of  idol  which  men  would  substitute  in  the  living 
God's  place.  The  Psalms  not  only  set  forth  the 
perfections  of  God  :  they  proclaim  also  the  duty  of 
worshipping  Him  by  the  acknowledgment  and  adora- 
tion of  His  perfections.  They  encourage  all  out- 
ward rites  and  means  of  worship.  Among  these 
they  recognize  the  ordinance  of  sacrifice  as  an  ex- 
pression of  the  worshipper's  consecration  of  him- 
self to  God's  service  (iv.,  v.,  xxvii.,  li.).  But  not 
the  less  do  they  repudiate  the  outward  rite  when 
separated  from  that  which  it  was  designed  to  ex- 
press (xl.,  li.  Ixix.).  Similar  depth  is  observable  in 
the  view  taken  by  the  psalmists  of  human  sin.  In 
regard  to  the  Law,  the  psalmist,  while  warmly  ac- 
knowledging its  excellence,  feels  yet  that  it  cannot 
so  effectually  guide  his  own  unassisted  exertions  as 
to  preserve  him  from  error  (xix.,  li.,  cxix.).  The 
Psalms  bear  repeated  testimony  to  the  duty  of  in- 
structing others  in  the  ways  of  holiness  (xxxii., 
xxxiv.,  li.).  They  indirectly  enforce  the  duty  of 
love,  even  to  our  enemies  (vii.  4,  xxxv.  13,  cix.  4). 
On  the  other  hand,  they  imprecate,  in  the  strongest 
terms,  the  judgments   of  God   on   transgressors.' 

■■'  We  may  conrtetnn  the  Trapreoatory  Psalmo,  hecanoe— 
(a.)  Wo  overlook  the  benevolent  temper  which  chflnicter- 
izcd  the  writers  of  the  O.  T.,  and  was  eminently  cou- 
fpicnous  in  David,  the  author  of  the  sternest  sonffs  (Lev. 
xix.  17,  18;  Dent.  xxii.  6.  7;  1  Sam.  xxiv.  2  ff. :  2  Sam.  i. 
19-27,  xvi.  10  ir. ;  Prov.  xxiv.  17. 18.  29.  &c.>.  (6.)  We  faU 
10  reco'jnize  the  sentiments  of  instice  breathed  forth  by 
the  N.  T.  writers,  and  particnlariy  by  Christ  Himself  (Mat. 
xi.  30  ff.,  xxiii.  U  ff. ;  Mk.  lit.  B  ;  Acts  viii.  20  ;  1  Cor  xvi. 
22 :  Gill.  i.  8.  9,  v,  12 ;  2  Tim.  iv.  14 ;  Hcb.  x.  S6->31.  xii. 
25,  29;  Rev.  vi.  10.  &c.).  (c.)  We  are  inclined  to  overlook 
the  peculiar  cenins  of  their  authors— to  interpret  an  an- 
cient and  an  Oriental  poet  as  we  would  interpret  a  modern 
and  0<'cidental  essayist  (compare  Is.  Ixii.  5.  &c.).  (rf.)  We 
resrard  ftirni  as  teaching  some  proposition  whicli  U'e  infer 
from  them,  and  to  exalt  (he  incidental  fact  which  we  think 
to  be  involved  in  them  above  the  prand  aim  which  they 
obviously^  propose  for  themselves.  Thus  the  psalmist's 
entreaties  in  Ps.  xxviii.  4  may  have  reference  only  to  the 
temporal  discomtiture  of  nien  who  were  nuisances  to 
society,  thouirh  his  words  may  seem  to  fly  bevond  this 
mark,  (e.)  We  overlook  their  inspiration.  When  it  is 
revealed  to  men  that  a  particular  sinner  has  been  aban- 
doned by  Jehovah,  they  nave  a  ripht  to  adopt  such  a  mode 
of  speech  with  roj^ard  to  the  reprobated  one.  as  we  have 
no  riuht  to  oriniruite  in  reference  to  a  sinner  whom  we 
may  simply  conjecture  to  have  been  thus  abandoned.  We 
may  not  devise  for  ourselves  a  peculiaritv  of  style,  which 
may  yet  be  fitly  prescribed  bv  heavenly  wisdom  for  other 
penmen,  ^f^  We  imajine  all  of  them  must  be  explained 
on  one  and  the  same  principle.  Diflerent  sonars  and  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  same  song  may  be  Justifiable  on  dif- 
ferent <:;rounds  ;  an{f  a  statement  provini;  some  one  verse 
of  a  Psalm  to  be  correct  may  be  inapplicable  to  some 
other.  Thus  some  threatenin'ss  may  have  been  nttered 
with  a  tacit  condition,  "if  he  turn  not"  (compare  Ps.  vii. 
9. 11. 121 :  the  imprecations  on  the  Jews  must  be  explained 
differently  from  those  on  the  Gentiles,  for  whom  the  gen- 
eral atonement  had  not  been  distinctly  made  known.  &c. 
—The  Imprecatory  Psalms  illustrate— (1.)  The  fact  that 
there  are  times  when  a  man.  as  a  single  individual,  and 
for  his  own  personal  advantage,  should  not  resist  his  ene- 
mies, and  still  may  resist  thein  as  he  is  irjentifled  with 
tbe  public  and  in  union  with  God  (lix.  2.  4,  13.  1.5.  Ixxxiii. 
2-5,  12-18,  cxxxix.  21,  22,  itc).    (2.)  The  pruiciple  that 


This  brings  us  to  notice,  lastly,  the  faith  of  the 
psalmists  in  a  righteous  recompense  to  all  men  ac- 
cording to  their  deeds  (xxxvii.,  &e.). — 5.  Prophetical 
Character  of  the  Psalms.  The  moral  struggle  be- 
tween godliness  and  ungodliness,  so  vividly  depicted 
ill  the  Psalms,  culminates,  in  Holy  Scripture,  in  the 
life  of  the  Incarnate  Son  of  God  upon  earth.  The 
Psalms  themselves  definitely  anticipated  this  culmi- 
nation. At  least  three  psalms  may  be  termed  di- 
rectly and  exclusively  Messianic  (ii.,  xlv.,  ex.,  per- 
haps Ixxii.).  It  would  be  strange  if  these  few  psalms 
stood,  in  their  prophetical  significance,  absolutely 
alone  among  the  rest :  the  more  so,  as  Ps.  ii.  forms 
part  of  the  preface  to  the  First  Book  of  the  Psalter, 
and  would,  as  such,  be  entirely  out  of  jilace,  did  not 
its  general  theme  virtually  extend  itself  over  those 
which  follow,  in  which  the  interest  generally  centres 
in  the  figure  of  the  suppliant  or  worshipper  himself. 
And  hence  the  impossibility  of  viewing  the  psalms 
generally,  notwithstanding  the  historical  drapery  in 
which  they  are  outwardly  clothed,  as  simply  the 
past  devotions  of  the  historical  David  or  the  his- 
torical Israel.  All  the  psalms  of  a  personal  rather 
than  of  a  national  character  are  marked  in  the 
superscriptions  with  the  name  of  David,  as  proceed- 
ing citlier  from  David  himself  or  from  one  of  his 
descendants.  It  results  from  this,  that  while  the 
Davidic  psalms  are  partly  personal,  partly  national, 
the  Levitic  psalms  are  uniformly  national.  It  thus  ( 
follows  that  only  those  psalmists  who  were  types  of 
Christ  by  external  office  and  lineage  as  well  as  by 
inward  piety  were  charged  by  the  Holy  Spit  it  to  set 
forth  beforehand,  in  Christ's  own  name  and  jierson, 
the  sufferings  that  awaited  Him  and  the  glory  that 
should  follow.  The  national  hymns  of  Israel  are 
indeed  also  prospective;  but  in  general  they  antici- 
pate rather  the  struggles  and  the  triuniplis  of  the 
Christian  Church  than  those  of  Christ  Himself. 
(Messiah;  Old  Testament,  B;  Prophet.)  Pas- 
sages from  the  Psalms  are  quoted  or  embodied  ^ 
in  the  N.  T.  more  than  seventy  times.  Old  Testa- 
ment, C. 

»  Psalter  [sawl-]  (fr.  Gr.)  =  the  Book  of  Psalms.  \ 


private  individuals,  ns  such,  onpht  not  to  satisfy  their 
retributive  sentiments  by  inflii'tins:  evil  on  transirressors ; 
but  ouglit  to  invoke  the  administrator  of  law  to  do  what 
the  creneral  good  requires,  in  satisfying  this  sentiment  (v. 
10.  Ixxvi,  8,9;  compare  Rom.  xili.  1  ff.,  &c.).  (.3.)  The 
duly  of  acquiescing  in  the  evils  inflicted  upon  a  fidlow- 
bcing.  when  Ihese^are  tlie  minor  evils,  prevontin;^  the  oc- 
currence of  the  tanjer  (Ps.  cix.  4  fl'.).  (4.)  The  principle 
that  while  we  may  jrrieve  over  an  event,  viewed  in  one 
aspect,  that  of  involving  certain  calamities,  we  may  rejoice 
in  the  same  event,  viewed  in  a  different  aspect,  that  of  in- 
volving transcendent  blessings.  The  success  of  the  up- 
right is  the  defeat  of  the  wicked  (Kx.  xv.  1 ;  Ps.  vii.  15, 
1(1,  xxxv.  8,  lii.  6,  Iviii.  11,  cxxxvii.  7-9;  compare  Mat. 
XXV.  31-41 ;  Rev.  xviii.  20-24,  &c.).  (5.)  The  principle 
that  we  may  pray  for  a  complex  event  when  the  blessings 
involved  in  it  are  vividly  seen  to  be  far  greater  than  llie 
evils  incidental  to  it ;  when  the  evils  are  vividly  seen  to 
be  such  as  cannot  be  avoided,  even  if  we  do  entreat  God 
to  avert  them  ;  and  when  the  blessings  arc  vividly  seen  to 
be  such-  as  may  be  gained,  in  fuller  measure,  if  we  pray 
for  them  than  if  we  refuse  to  pray.  We  do  not  pray  for 
the  eitils  unavoidably  incident  to  the  blessings,  hut  for  the 
l>lessini/s  only,  and  for  them  as  cleariy  overbalancing  the 
unavoidable  evils  (Ps.  xxxv.  5-10.  cxliii.  12,  &c.).  (B.) 
The  principle  that  in  particular  emergencies  wo  may  glvs 
an  unqualified  statement  of  one  truth,  provided  that  in 
other  emergencies  we  give  an  unqualified  statement  of 
the  antithetic  truth.  The  Imprecatory  Psalms  are  shining 
delineations  of  the  justice  that  punislies  tbe  heathen,  hut 
do  not  sketch,  with  equal  brilliancy,  the  grace  that  offers 
an  atonement  to  Gentiles  as  well  as  Jews.  Yet  they  have 
their  proper  place  in  the  Bible  and  in  God's  system  as 
truly  as  the  calm  sentiments  of  the  Redeemer.  Justice 
as  well  as  mercy  is  involved  in  a  complete  love.  (Abridged 
from  Prof.  E.  A.  Park's  article  in  IS.  A",  xix.  165  ff.) 


« 


PSA 


PTO 


899 


CSec  above.) — Psalter  of  Solomon  ;  see  Solomon, 
VII. 

Psal'ter-y  (fr.  Gr.,  see  below).  The  psaltery  was 
a  stringed  instnirnent  of  music  to  aceompany  tlie 
voice.  The  Heb.  nebel,  or  nehd,  is  uniformly  so 
roiiilered  in  the  A.  V.,  except  in  Is.  v.  12,  xiv.  11, 
xxii.  24  margin,  and  Am.  v.  2.S,  vl.  5,  where  it  is  trans- 
lated viol.  The  ancient  viol  was  a  si.x-stringcd  guit- 
ar. In  the  Prayer  Book  version  of  the  Psalms,  the 
Hebrew  word  is  rendered  "  lute."  This  instrument 
resembled  the  guitar,  but  was  superior  in  tone,  be- 
ing; larger,  and  h.aving  a  convex  back,  somewhat 
like  the  vertical  section  of  a  gourd,  or  more  nearly 
resembling  that  of  a  pear.  These  three  instru- 
ments, the  psaltery  or  sautry,  the  viol,  and  the  lute, 
are  frequently  associated  in  the  old  English  poets, 
and  were  clearly  instruments  resembling  each  other, 
though  still  dirt'erent.  Tlie  Gr.  psaltirion,  from 
which  our  word  is  derived,  denotes  a  stringed  in- 
strument played  with  the  fingers  instead  of  a  plec- 
trum or  quill.  The  LXX.  renders  the  Ileb.  nihel  or 
nfhel  by  the  Gr.  pxalterion  in  Neh.  xii.  27,  &c.  ; 
org'inou  (  =  instrument ;  Organ)  in  Am.  v.  2S,  vi. 
5  ;  and  nabla  in  1  Sam.  x.  5,  &c.  Josephus  appears 
to  have  regarded  the  Gr.  nahla  =  Heb.  nebfl.  He 
tells  us  that  the  ditference  between  the  kintira 
( heb.  einnor,  A.  V.  "  harp  ")  and  the  nabla  was, 
that  the  former  had  ten  strings  and  was  played  with 
the  plectrum,  the  latter  had  twelve  notes  and  v.-as 
played  with  the  hand.  We  have  strong  presumptive 
evidence  that  nnbla  =  nebel ;  and  that  the  nabla  =. 
pnalterion  appears  from  the  Glossary  of  Philoxenus. 
Of  the  p.saltery  among  the  Greeks  one  kind  had 
only  two  or  three  strings,  the  other  as  many  as 
twenty,  but  sometimes  only  five.  Both  Isidorus 
and  Cassiodorus  describe  the  psaltery  as  triangular 
In  shape,  like  the  Greek  delta  (A),  with  the  sound- 
ing-board above  the  strings,  which  were  struck 
downward.  The  nebel  or  Hebrew  "  psaltery  "  was 
probably  of  various  kinds,  as  KImchi  says  in  his 
note  on  Is.  xxii.  24,  differing  from  each  other  both 
with  regard  to  the  position  of  the  pegs  and  the 
number  of  the  strings.  The  nebcl  'dtor  (A.  V. 
"  psaltery  and  an  instrument  of  ten  strings,"  Ps. 
xxxiii.  2,  xcii.  3  [Heb.  4],  cxliv.  9)  appears  to  have 
been  an  instrument  of  the  psaltery  kind  which  had 
ten  strings,  and  was  of  a  trapezium  shape,  accord- 
ing to  some  accounts.  (MrsicAi.  Instri:.mexts,  3.) 
The  "  psaltery "  is  associated  with  religious  ser- 
vices (I  Sam.  x.  5  ;  2  Sam.  vi.  6;  1  Clir.  xiii.  8,  xv. 
16,  20,  28;  2  Chr.  v.  12,  xx.  28,  xxix.  25  ;  \ch.  xii. 
27;  Ps.  xxxiii.  2,  Ixxi.  22,  &c.),  but  it  had  its  part 
also  in  private  festivities,  and  was  associated  with 
banquets  and  luxurious  indulgence  (Is.  v.  12,  xlv. 
11,  xxii.  24;  Am.  vi.  5).  The  psalteries  of  David 
were  made  of  cypress  (2  Sam.  vi.  5),  those  of  Solo- 
mon of  algum  or  almug  trees  (1  K.  x.  12;  2  Chr. 
Ix.  11).  Among  the  instruments  of  the  band  which 
played  before  Xcbuchadnezzar's  golden  image  on 
the  plains  of  Dura,  we  again  meet  with  the  "  psal- 
tery" (Dan.  iii.  6,  10,  IS),  Chal.  pciaiiterhi,  ap- 
parently merely  a  modification  of  the  Gr.  pmller'.on. 

*  Ptal-c-mx'as  [tol-c-me'us]  (L.).  Ptolkmee  and 
Ptolf;mki'S  ;  Ptolemy. 

•  Ptal-e-ma'is  [tol-]  (Gr.,  named  fr.  Ptolemt)  = 
Afciio. 

Ptole-me;,  and  Ptol-f-mens  [tol-]  (L.  Ptolemants 
=  ProLEavi.  I.  "The  son  of  Doryniencs"  (1  Me. 
iii.  38 ;  2  Mc.  iv.  45) ;  a  courtier  who  possessed 
great  infiuence  with  Antlochus  Epiphanes.  He  was 
induced  by  a  bribe  to  support  the  cause  of  Mene- 
laus  (iv.  45-50),  and  was  alterward  active  iu  forcing 


the  Jews  to  apostatize  (vi.  8).  He  took  part  in  the 
great  expedition  which  Lyslas  organized  against 
Judas  (1  Mc.  iii.  38). — 2.  Son  of  Agesarchus,  a  Me- 
galopolitan  ;  surnamed  Macron,  governor  of  Cyi)rH3 
during  the  minority  of  Ptolemy  Philometor.  He 
afterward  deserted  the  Egyptian  service  to  join  An- 
tlochus Epiphanes.  He  stood  high  in  the  favor  of 
Antlochus,  and  received  from  him  the  government 
of  Phenicia  and  Celosyria  (2  Mc.  viii.  8,  x.  11,  12). 
On  the  accession  of  Antlochus  Eupator,  his  concilia- 
tory policy  toward  the  Jews  brought  him  into  suspi- 
cion at  court.  He  was  deprived  of  his  government, 
aiul  In  consequence  of  this  disgrace  poisoned  him- 
self about  B.  c.  164  (x.  13). — 3.  Son  of  Abubus ;  a 
man  of  great  wealth,  who  married  the  daughter  of 
Simon  the  Maecabce  (Maccabees),  and  being  in- 
vested with  the  government  of  the  district  of  Jeri- 
cho, formed  the  design  of  usurping  the  sovereignty 
of  Judea.  With  this  view  he  treacherously  mur- 
dered Simon  and  two  of  his  sons  (1  Mc.  xvi.  II- 
16);  but  John  Hyrcanus  received  timely  intimation 
of  his  design,  and  escaped.  Hyrcanus  afterward 
besieged  him  iu  his  stronghold  of  Docus,  but  in 
consequence  of  t!ie  occurrence  of  the  Sabbatical 
year,  he  was  enabled  to  make  his  escape  to  Zeno 
Cotylas,  prince  of  Pliiladel])hla. — i,  A  citizen  of 
Jerusalem,  father  of  Lysimaciii:s  l,the  Greek  trans- 
lator of  Esther  (Esth.  xl.  1). — 5.  Ptolemy  VI.  Philo- 
metor (1.  c.  [so  Mr.  Westcott]  ;  1  Mc.  i.  18,  x.  51 
ff.,  xl.  1  IF.  ;  2  Mc.  i.  10,  iv.  21).— 6.  Son  of  Dosith- 
Eus  (Bsth.  xi.  1).     Ptolemy. 

PtOl'C-aiy  [tol-]  (L.  Ptolemceus,  fr.  Gr.  Ploiemaios 
■rz  warlike),  the  (lynastlc  name  of  the  Greek  kings 
of  Egypt,  the  successors  of  Alexander  the  Great  ; 
in  A.  V.  "  Ptolemee  "  and  "  Ptolemeis  "  (see  Alex- 
andria ;  DispERsio.N,  Jews  of  the  ;  Hellenist  ; 
Philosophy). — 1.  Ptorc-my  I,  So'tcr  (Gr.  Saviour), 
known  as  the  son  of  Lagus,  a  Macedonian  of  low 
rank,  was  generally  supposed  to  have  been  an  il- 
legitimate son  of  I'liiLip  1.  He  distinguished  him- 
self greatly  during  tlic  campaigns  of  Alexander;  at 
whoso  death,  foreseeing  the  necessary  subdivision 
of  the  empire,  he  secured  for  himself  the  govern- 
ment of  Egypt,  where  he  proceeded  at  once  to  lay 
the  foundations  of  a  kingdom  (b.  c.  323).  He  ab- 
dicated in  favor  of  his  youngest  son  Ptolemy  II. 
Phlladelphus,  two  years  before  his  death,  which 
took  place  in  n.  c.  283.  Ptolemy  Soter  is  described 
very  briefly  In  Dan.  xi.  5  ("  tlit  king  of  the  south  ") 
as  one  of  those  who  should  receive  part  of  the  em- 
pire of  Alexander  when  it  was  "divided  toward  the 
four  winds  of  heaven."  In  one  of  his  expeditions 
into  Syria,  probably  n.  c.  320,  Ptolemy  treacherously 
occupied  Jerusalem  on  the  Sabliath.  He  carried 
many  Jews  and  Samaritans  captive  to  Alexandria, 
but  gave  them  full  citizensliip  there.  Afterward 
many  Jews  voluntarily  emigrated  to  Egvpt. — 2. 
Ptol'o-my  II.  Pliil-a-dfiplins  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  fond  of 
his  brother),  youngest  son  of  Ptolemy  I.,  was  ma{le 
king  two  years  before  his  death,  to  confirm  the  ir- 
regular succession.  The  conflict  between  Egypt 
ami  Syria  was  renewed  during  his  reign  in  conse- 
quence of  the  intrigue  of  his  half-brother  Maga?. 
"  But  in  the  end  of  years  ilietj  [the  kings  of  Syria 
and  Egypt]  joined  themselves  logelhtr  [In  friend- 
ship]. For  tlw  kin/f's  dnuflhler  of  the  south  [Bere- 
nice, the  daughter  of  Ptolemy  Phlladelphus]  came 
[as  bride]  to  the  king  of  the  north  [Antlochus  II.], 
to  make  an  af/recmmt"  (so  Mr.  Westcott,  using  for 
history  the  language  of  Dan.  xi.  6).  The  unhappy 
issue  of  this  marriage  is  noticed  under  Antiochus 
II.     The  liberal  encouragement  which  Ptolemy  be- 


900 


PTO 


PTO 


stowed  on  literature  and  science  gave  birth  to  a 
new  school  of  writers  and  thinkers.  (Alkxasdria; 
Philosophy;  Peptcagint.)  It  was  impossible  that 
the  Jew,  who  was  now  become  as  true  a  citizen  of 
the  world  as  the  Greek,  should  remain  passive  in 
the  conflict  of  opinions.  From  this  time  the  Jew 
was  familiarized  with  the  great  types  of  Western 
literature,  and  in  some  degree  aimed  at  imitating 
them.  An  elder  Philo  celebrated  Jerusalem  in  a 
long  hexameter  poem.  Another  epic  poem,  "  on 
the  Jews,"  was  written  by  Theodotus.  The  work 
of  Aristobulis  1  on  the  interpretation  of  the  Law 
was  a  still  more  important  result  of  the  combina- 
tion of  the  old  faitli  with  Greek  culture,  as  forming 
the  groundwork  of  later  allegories.  A  second  time 
and  in  a  now  fashion  Egypt  disciplined  a  people  of 
God.  It  first  impressed  upon  a  nation  the  firm 
unity  of  a  family,  and  then  in  due  time  reconnected 
a  matured  people  with  the  world  from  which  it 
had  been  called  out. — 3.  Ptol'e-my  III.  F.n-er'ge-tes 
[-je-teez]  (Gr.  bene/aclor),  the  eldest  son  of  Ptolemy 
Philadelphus  and  brother  of  Berenice  the  wife  of  An- 
TiocHis  II.  The  repudiation  and  murder  of  his  sis-  ! 
ter  furnished  him  with  an  occasion  for  invading  Syria  | 
(about  B.  c.  246).  He  "stooj  np,  a  brniuh  out  of  j 
her  Ktoik  [sprung  from  the  same  parents]  iit  his  ' 
[father's]  estate ;  and  set  himself  at  [the  head  of]  I 
his  army,  and  came  against  the  fortnsses  of  the 
king  of  the  north  [Antiochus],  and  dealt  against 
them  and  prevailed"  (»o  Mr.  Westcott,  as  above; 
Dan.  xi.  1).  He  extended  his  conquests  as  <far  as 
Antioch,  and  then  eastward  to  Baliylon,  but  was  re- 
called to  Egypt  by  tidings  of  seditions  there.  His 
success  was  brilliant  and  complete.  "  He  carried 
captive  into  Eg>/pl  the  gods  [of  the  conquered  nations] 
7cilh  their  molten  images,  and  with  their  precious  vessels 
of  silver  and  gold"  (xi.  8).  This  capture  of  sacred 
trophies,  which  included  the  recovery  of  images 
taken  from  Egypt  by  Cambyses,  earned  for  the  king 
the  name  Euergetes — recorded  in  the  inscriptions 
which  he  set  up  at  Adule  in  memory  of  his  achieve- 
ments. After  his  return  to  Egypt  (about  D.  c.  243) 
he  sutTered  a  great  part  of  the  conquered  provinces 
to  fall  again  under  the  power  of  Seleucus.  But  the 
attempts  which  Seleucus  made  to  attack  Egypt  ter- 
minated disastrously  to  himself.  He  first  collected 
a  fleet  which  was  almost  totally  destroyed  by  a 
storm  ;  and  then,  as  if  by  some  judicial  infatuation, 
"  he  came  against  the  tealm  of  the  king  of  the  south, 
and  [being  defeated]  retnrtied  to  his  own  land  [to  An- 
tioch] "  (xi.  9).  After  this,  Ptolemy  "  desisted  some 
years /;■())/)  [attacking]  the  king  of  the  north"  {xi.  8). 
The  remainder  of  his  reign  seems  to  have  been 
spent  chiefly  in  developing  the  resources  of  the  em- 
pire. His  policy  toward  the  Jews  was  like  that  of 
his  predeecs'iors. — 4<  Ptole-niy  IV.  Plit-lop'a-tor 
(Gr.  lovinghis  father,  spoken  ironically).  After  the 
death  of  Ptolemy  Euergetes  the  line  of  the  Ptole- 
mies rapidly  degenerated.  Ptolemy  Philopator,  his 
eldest  son,  who  succeeded  him,  was  to  the  last  de- 
gree sensual,  effeminate,  and  debased.  But  exter- 
nally his  kingdom  retained  its  power  and  splendor ; 
and  when  circumstances  forced  him  to  action,  Ptol- 
emy himself  showed  al)ility  not  unworthy  of  his 
race.  The  description  of  the  campaign  of  Raphia 
(b.  c.  217)  in  Daniel  gives  a  vivid  description  of  his 
character  (so  Mr.  Westcott,  as  above).  "  The  sons 
of  Seleucus  [Seleucus  Ceraunus  and  Antiochus  the 
Great]  were  stirred  up,  and  assembled  a  multitude  of 
great  forces  ;  and  one  of  them  [Antiochus]  came  and 
overflowed  and  pasted  through  [even  to  Pelusium] ; 
and  he  returned  [from  Seleucia,  to  which  he  had  re- 


tired during  a  faithless  truce]  ;  and  they  [Antiochus 
and  Ptolemy]   were  stirred  vp  [in  war]   even  to  his 

[Antiochus']  fortress.  And  the  king  of  the  south 
Ptolemy  Philopator]  was  moved  uith  choler,  and  came 
forth  and  fought  with  him  [at  Raphia]  ;  and  he  set 
forth  a  great  multitude  ;  and  the  multilwle  was  given 
into  his  hand  [to  lead  to  battle]  ;  and  t}ie  multitude 
raised  itself  [proudly  for  the  conflict],  and  his  heart 
was  lifted  up,  and  he  cast  down  ten  thousands  (comp. 
Polybius,  V.  86),  but  he  was  not  vigorous"  [to  reap 
the  fruits  of  his  victory]  (Dan.  xi.  10-12  ;  compare 
Polybius,  V.  62,  66,  86,'  and  3  Mc.  i.  1-5).  After  this 
decisive  success,  Ptolemy  Philopator  visited  the 
neighboring  cities  of  Syria,  and  among  others,  Jeru- 
salem. Alter  offering  sacrifices  of  thanksgiving  in 
the  Temple,  he  attempted  to  enter  the  sanctuary. 
A  sudden  paralysis  hindered  his  design  ;  but  when 
he  returned  to  Alexandria  he  determined  to  inflict 
on  the  Alexandrine  Jews  the  vengeance  for  his  dis- 
appointment. (Maccabees,  Books  op.  III.)  He 
died  B.  c.  205,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  only  child, 
Ptolemy  V.  Epiphanes,  then  only  four  or  five  years 
old. — 5.  Ptorc-my  V.  E-piph'a-ues  [e-pifa-neez]  (Gr. 
=  illustrious).  His  reign  was  a  critical  epoch  in 
the  history  of  the  Jews.  The  rivalry  between  the 
Syrian  and  Egyptian  parties,  which  had  for  some 
time  divided  the  people,  came  to  an  open  rupture 
in  the  struggles  which  marked  his  minority.  (An- 
TiocHtis  the  Great  ;  Onias  5.)  In  the  strong  lan- 
guage of  Daniel,  "  The  robbers  of  the  people  exalted 
themselves  to  establish  the  vision  "  (so  Mr.  Westcott, 
as  above;  Dan.  xi.  14).  The  accession  of  Ptolemy 
and  the  confusion  of  a  disputed  regency  furnished 
an  opportunity  for  foreign  invasion.  "  Many  stood 
up  against  the  king  of  the  south  "  under  Antiochus 
the  Great  and  Philip  III.  of  Macedonia,  who  formed 
a  league  to  dismember  his  kingdom.  "  So  the  king 
of  the  north  [Antiochus]  came,  and  cast  up  a  mount, 
and  took  the  most  fenced  city  [Sidon],  and  the  arms 
of  thesouth  did  not  witlistand"  [at  Paneas,  n.  c.  1H8] 
(xi.  14,  15).  Tlie  Romans  interfered,  and  in  order 
to  retain  the  provinces  of  Cclosyria,  I'hcnicia,  and 
Judea,  Antiochus  "gave  him  [Ptolemy,  his  daughter 
Cleopatra]  a  young  maiden  "  [as  his  betrothed  wife] 
(xi.  17).  But  in  the  end  his  policy  only  partially 
succeeded.  After  the  marriage  of  Ptolemy  and 
Cleopatra  (b.  c.  193),  Cleopatra  did  "  not  stand  on 
his  side,"  but  supported  her  husband  in  maintaining 
the  alliance  with  Rome.  The  disputed  provinces, 
however,  remained  in  the  possession  of  Antiochus ; 
and  Ptolemy  was  poisoned  when  prei)aring  an  e.\- 
]iedition  to  recover  them  from  SELErcrs,  the  suces- 
sor  of  Antiochus,  B.  c.  181.— 6.  Ftol'c-my  VI.  riiil- 
0-ine'tOr(Gr./w»rf  of  his  mother).  On  the  death  of 
Ptolemy  Epiphanes",  his  wife  Cleopatra  held  the  re- 
gency for  her  young  son,  Ptolemy  Philometor,  and 
preserved  jieace  with  Syria  till  she  died,  b.  c.  173. 
The  government  then  fell  into  unworthy  hands,  and 
an  attempt  was  made  to  recover  Syria  (compare  2 
Mc.  iv.  21).  Antiochus  Epiphanes  seems  to  have 
made  the  claim  a  preteSt  for  invading  Egypt.  I'tol- 
emv's  generals  were  defeated  near  Pelusium,  prob- 
ably at  the  close  of  b.  c.  171  (1  Mc.  i.  16  ff.) ;  and 
the  next  year  Antiochus,  having  secured  the  young 
king's  person,  reduced  almost  the  whole  of  Egypt 
(compare  2  Mc.  v.  1).  Meanwhile  Ptolemy  Euergetes 
II.,  also  called  Physcon,  younger  brother  of  Ptolemy 
Philometor,  assumed  the  supreme  power  at  Alex- 
andria ;  and  Antiochus,  under  the  pretext  of  recov- 
ering the  crown  forPhilometor,  besieged  Alexandria 
B.  c.  169.  But  his  selfish  designs  were  ajiparent: 
the  brothers  were  reconciled,  and  Antiochus  was 


PPA 


PUB 


901 


obliged  to  acquiesce  for  the  time  in  the  arrange- 
ment which  they  made.  But  he  prepared  for  an- 
other inra^^ion  of  Eiypt,  and  was  already  approacli- 
iiig  Alexandria,  when  he  was  met  by  the  Roman 
einbassy  led  by  Cains  Popillius  Liunas,  who,  in  the 
name  of  the  Roman  senate,  insisted  on  his  imme- 
diate retreat  (b.  c.  168),  a  command  whicli  the  late 
victory  at  Pyilna  made  it  impossible  to  disobey. 
Those  campaigns,  which  are  intimately  connected 
with  the  visits  of  Antiochus  to  Jerusalem  in  ii.  c. 
no  and  168,  are  briefly  described  in  Dan.  xi.  25-30. 
After  the  discomfiture  of  Antiochus,  Philometor 
was  for  some  time  occupied  in  resisting  the  ambi- 
tious designs  of  his  brother,  who  made  two  attempts 
to  add  Cyprus  to  the  kingdom  of  Cyrene,  which 
was  allotted  to  him.  Having  effectu  illjt  plit  down 
these  attempts,  he  turned  his  attention  again  to 
Syria.  During  the  brief  reign  of  Antiociics  El'pa- 
TOR  he  seems  to  have  supported  Phimp  3  against 
the  regent  Ltsias  (compare  2  Mc.  ix.  29).  After 
the  murder  of  Eupator  by  Demktrius  I.,  Philometor 
espoused  the  cause  of  Ale-Vanoer  Balas,  the  rival 
claimant  to  the  throne,  because  Demetrius  had 
made  an  attempt  on  Cyprus  ;  and  when  Alexander 
had  defeated  and  slain  his  rival,  he  accepted  the 
overtures  which  he  made,  and  gave  him  his  daugii- 
ter  Cleopatra  in  marriage  (b.  c.  150:  1  Mc.  x.  51- 
58).  But,  according  to  1  Sic.  .\1.  1,  10,  &c.,  the  al- 
liance was  not  made  in  good  laith,  but  only  to  se- 
cure possession  of  Syria.  According  to  others, 
Alexander  himself  maJe  a  treacherous  attempt  on 
the  life  of  Ptolemy  (compare  1  Mc.  xi.  10),  which 
caused  him  to  transfer  his  support  to  Dk.metrils 
II.,  to  whom  also  he  gave  his  daughter,  whom  he 
had  taken  from  Alexander.  The  whole  of  Syria 
was  quickly  subdued,  and  he  was  crowned  at  An- 
tioch  king  of  Egypt  and  Asia  (xi.  13).  Alexander 
made  an  effort  to  recover  his  crown,  but  was  de- 
feated by  the  forces  of  Ptolemy  and  Demetrius,  and 


shortly  afterward  put  to  death  in  Arabia.  But 
Ptolemy  did  not  long  enjoy  his  success.  He  fell 
from  his  horse  in  the  battle,  and  died  within  a  few 
days  (xi.  18),  B.  c.  145.  Ptolemy  Philometor  is  the 
last  king  of  Egypt  noticed  in  the  Apocrypha,  and 
his  reign  was  marked  also  by  the  erection  of  the 
temple  at  Leontopolis.  The  consecration  of  a  new 
centre  of  worship  placed  a  religious  as  well  as  a 
political  barrier  between  the  Alexandrine  and  Pales- 
tinian Jews.  (Alexandria  ;  Omas  5.)  Henceforth 
the  nation  was  again  divided.  The  date  of  the 
building  of  this  temple  at  Leontopolis  may  per- 
haps be  placed  after  the  conclusion  of  the  last 
war  with  Ptolemy  Physcon  (about  b.  c.  154).  In 
Palestine  the  erection  of  this  second  temple  was 
not  condemned  so  strongly  as  might  have  been 
expected.  The  circumstances  under  which  it 
was  erected  were  evidently  accepted  as  in  some 
degree  an  excuse  for  the  irregular  worship.  The 
Jewish  colony  in  Egypt,  of  which  Leontopolis  was 
the  immediate  religious  centre,  was  formed  of  vari- 
ous elements  and  at  dill'erent  times.  The  settle- 
ments under  the  Greek  sovereigns,  though  the  most 
important,  were  by  no  means  the  first.  In  the  later 
times  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah  many  "  trusted  in 
Egypt,"  and  took  refuge  there  (Jer.  xiiii.  6,  7).  This 
colony,  formed  against  the  command  of  God,  was 
devoted  to  complete  destruction  (xliv.  27),  but 
probably  the  Persians,  acting  on  the  same  policy  as 
the  Ptolemies,  encouraged  the  settlements  of  Jews 
in  Egypt  to  keep  in  check  the  native  population. — 
The  following  table  by  Mr.  Westcott  gives  the  de- 
scent of  the  royal  line  of  the  Ptolemies  as  far  as  it 
is  connected  with  Biblical  history.  The  sign  (=) 
in  this  table  denotes  marriage  of  those  between 
whom  it  stands,  and  in  several  cases  marks  this 
connection  between  brother  and  sister.  The  numer- 
als (1,  2,  3,  &c.)  point  out  those  belonging  to  the 
family  by  birth. 


GENEALOGICAL  TABLE  OF  THE  PTOLEMIES. 

1.  Ptolest  I.  SoTER  (son  of  LaguB)  (about  b.  c.  333-2S5). 


ArsinoS  (daughter  of  Lysimachas)  —  2.  P.  II.  Philadelphcs  (b.  c.  28iJ-247)  —  (second  wife)    3.  ArsinoS. 


4.  P.  m.  Edebgetes  (b.  0.  247-222). 


5.  Berenice  —  Antiochus  II. 


6.  P.  TV.  Philopatob  (b.  c.  222-205)  —  7.  ArsInoS 


8.  P.  V.  Efiphases  (b.  c.  206-181)  —  Cleopatra  (daughter  of  Antiochus  m.). 


9.  P.  VI.  Philometor  10.  P.  Vn.  EuEnoETEs  II.  (PhyBCon)       -  U .  Cleopatha  rrompare  Ni>  Ol 

-"cfeo     tra  a"l)  *"'  '^'  '''^"""""'''^  -  Cecond  wile)  Cleopatra  (14). 


12.  Cleopatra 
'  .Mexaudc^r  Balas. 
—  Demetrius  II. 


P.  El 


18.  P.  Eupator 


14.  Cleopatra 


13.  P.  vm.  Soter  II. 

(B.  c.  ns-81). 


Pn'a  (fr.  Hob.)  =  Piifvaii  or  Pcah  2,  the  son  of 
Issachar  (N"um.  xxvi.  23) ;  ancestor  of  the  Pl'.nite.s. 

Po'ah  (Ileb.  mouth  I  Ges. ;  see  Xo.  3  below).  1. 
Father  of  Tola,  a. man  of  Issachar,  and  Jl'doe  of 
Israel  after  Abimclech  ( Judg.  x.  1 ).— 8.  Son  of  Is- 
eachar  (1  Chr.  vii.  1);  =  Phlvah  and  Pca.— 3. 
(Heb.  mouth,  or  (so  Sim.)  spleiutid,  Ges.).  One  of 
the  two  midwives  whom  Pharaoh  commanded  to  kill 
the  Hebrew  male  children  after  their  birth  (Ex.  i. 
15).  The  A.  V.  calls  them  "  Hebrew  midwives  ;  " 
but  the  original  may  be  translated  "  the  midwives 


of  the  Hebrew  women."  The  two,  Shiphrah  and 
Puah,  are  supposed  to  have  been  the  chief  and  rep- 
resentatives of  their  profession.  _  Mr.  Wright  (with 
Josephus,  Henry  Ayie,  &c.)  supposes  them  Egvp- 
tians;  Bush,  Scott,  Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander  (in  Ki'tt'o), 
&c.,  regard  them,  with  the  A.  V.,  as  Hebrews ;  and 
a  Jewish  tradition  makes  Shiphrah  =  Jociiebed, 
and  Puah  —  Miriam. 

*  Pn-ban'tnm  (fr.  Egyptian)  =  ri-BE8ETn(Ez.  xxi. 
17  margin). 

Pob'li-ean  (fr.  L.  publicanua  ;  Gr.  tclones  ;  sec  be- 


902 


PUB 


PUL 


low).  The  class  thus  designated  in  the  Synoptic 
Gospels  were  employed  as  collectors  of  the  Roman 
revenue.  The  Roman  senate  found  it  convenient, 
at  a  period  as  early  as,  if  not  earlier  than,  the  second 
Punic  war,  to  farm  the  direct  taxes  (L.  vecligalia) 
and  the  customs  or  imposts  (L.  porloria)  to  capital- 
ists who  undertoolc  to  pay  a  given  sum  into  the 
treasury  (L.  in piblicum),  and  so  received  the  nume 
of  puhUcani  =  publicans.  Contracts  of  this  kind 
fell  naturally  into  the  hands  of  the  knights  (L.  equi- 
tcx),  as  the  richest  class  of  Romans.  Not  unfre- 
quently  they  went  beyond  the  means  of  any  indi- 
vidual capitalist,  and  a  joint-stock  company  was 
formed,  with  one  of  the  partners,  or  an  asent  ap- 
pointed by  them,  acting  as  managing  director  (L. 
maghler  =  master).  Under  this  oflicer,  who  resided 
commonly  at  Rome,  transacting  the  business  of  the 
company,  paying  profits  to  the  partners  and  the 
like,  were  the  Kub-viarpstri  (L.  =z  sub-maulers^  or  dejt- 
nlies)  living  in  the  provinces.  Under  them,  in  like 
manner,  were  the  eoUeclors  (L.  porlilores),  the  actual 
custom-house  officers,  who  examined  each  bale  of 
goods  exported  or  imported,  assessed  its  value  more 
or  less  arbitrarily,  wrote  out  the  ticket,  and  enforced 
payment.  The  latter  were  commonly  natives  of  the 
province  in  which  they  were  stationed,  as  being 
brought  daily  into  contact  with  all  classes  of  the 
population.  The  Gr.  lelonh,  pi.  telonai,  which  ety- 
mologically  might  =  the  publicani  or  publicarw  prop- 
erly so  called,  popularly,  and  in  the  N.  T.  exclu- 
sively, =  the  porlitorrs  or  collectors.  The  publicani 
were  thus  an  important  section  of  the  knights  or 
equestrian  order.  The  system  was,  however,  essen- 
tially vicious.  The  publicani  were  banded  together 
to  support  each  other's  interest,  and  at  once  re- 
sented and  defied  all  interference.  They  demanded 
severe  laws,  and  put  every  such  law  into  execution. 
They  encouraged  their  agents,  the  collectors  or  jmr- 
iitores  (the  "publicans  "  of  the  A.  V.),  in  the  most 
vexatious  or  fraudulent  exactions,  and  a  remedy 
was  all  but  impossible.  The  popular  feeling  ran 
strong  even  against  the  equestrian  capitalists.  The 
underlings  overcliargcd  whenever  they  had  an  op- 
portunity (Lk.  iii.  13).  They  brought  f\ilse  charges 
of  smuggling  in  the  hope  of  extorting  hush-money 
(xix.  8).  They  detained  and  opened  letters  on  mere 
suspicion.  It  was  the  basest  of  all  livelihoods.  All 
this  was  enough  to  bring  the  class  into  ill-favor 
everywhere.  In  Judea  and  Galilee  there  were  spe- 
cial circumstances  of  aggravation.  The  employment 
brought  out  all  the  besetting  vices  of  the  Jewish 
character.  The  strong  feeling  of  many  Jews  as  to 
the  absolute  unlawfulness  of  paying  tribute  at  all 
made  matters  worse.  The  scribes  who  discussed 
the  question  (Mat.  xxii.  15),  for  the  most  part  an- 
swered it  in  the  negative.  (Judas  op  Galilee.)  In 
addition  to  their  otlier  faults,  accordingly,  the 
"  Publicans  "  of  the  N.  T.  were  regarded  as  traitors 
and  apostates,  defiled  by  their  frequent  intercourse 
with  the  heathen,  willing  tools  of  the  oppressor. 
They  were  classed  with  sinners  (ix.  11,  xi.  19),  with 
harlots  (xxi.  31,  32),  with  the  heathen  (xviii.  17). 
The  Talmud  enumerates  three  classes  (murderers, 
thieves,  publicans),  with  whom  promises  need  not 
be  kept.  No  money  known  to  come  from  them  was 
received  into  the  alms-box  of  the  synagogue  or  the 
Corban  of  the  Temple.  They  were  not  fit  to  sit  in 
judgment  or  give  testimony.  The  class  thus  prac- 
tically excommunicated  furnished  some  of  the  ear- 
liest disciples  both  of  John  the  Baptist  and  of  our 
Lord.  The  publican  who  cried  "  God  be  merciful 
to  me  a  sinner"  (Lk.  xviii.  13),  may  be  taken  as 


the  representative  of  those  who  had  come  under 
John's  influence  (Mat.  xxi.  32 ;  Lk.  iii.  12,  13). 
(Matthew.)  The  position  of  Zacchecs  as  a  "  chief 
among  the  publicans"  (xix.  2),  implies  a  gradation 
of  some  kind  among  the  persons  thus  employed. 
Possibly  the  balsam-trade,  of  which  Jericho  was  the 
centre,  may  have  brought  larger  profits,  possibly  he 
was  one  of  the  deputies  or  sub-mugistri  in  immediate 
communication  witli  the  Bureau  at  Rome. 

Pob'll-DS  (L.  of  tlie  projtlc,  public,  popular,  Sehl., 
Pott),  "  the  chief  man  " — probably  the  governor — of 
Melita,  who  received  and  lodged  St.  Paul  and  his 
companions  on  their  being  shipwrecked  off  that 
island,  and  whose  father  was  miraculously  cured  of 
a  fever  by  the  apostle  (Acts  xxviii.  7,  8).  Publius 
possessed  property  in  Melita:  the  title  given  him  is 
"  the  first  of  the  island :  "  and  two  inscriptions  have 
been  found  at  Cetta  Vecchia,  in  which  tliat  appar- 
ently official  title  occurs.  Publius  may  have  been 
the  delegate  of  the  Roman  pretor  of  Sicily  to  whose 
jurisdiction  Melita  or  Malta  belonged.  Traditions 
make  him  first  bishop  of  Melita,  afterward  bishop 
of  Athens  and  a  martyr. 

Pn'd<'DS(L.  shamefaced,  bashful),  a  Christian  friend 
of  Timothy  at  Ronie  (2  Tim.  iv.  21).  Papebroch, 
the  Bollandist  editor,  while  printing  the  legendary 
histories,  distinguishes  between  two  saints  of  this 
name,  both  Roman  senators ;  one  St.  Peter's  host 
and  St.  Paul's  friend,  martyred  imder  Nero;  the 
other,  the  grandson  of  the  former,  living  aliout  a.  n. 
150.  Earlier  writers  are  disposed  to  believe  in  the 
existence  of  one  Pudens  only.  Martial,  the  Spanish 
poet,  who  went  to  Rome  a.  d.  66,  or  earlier,  in  his 
twenty-third  year,  and  dwelt  there  for  nearly  forty 
years,  mentions  two  contemporaries,  Pudens  (an  im- 
moral Umbrian,  who  went,  as  a  military  officer,  to 
the  remote  N.)  and  Claudia  (beautiful  and  nitty,  of 
British  birth,  and  mother  of  a  flourishing  family), 
as  husband  and  wife  {Epig.  iv.  13).  Modern  re- 
searches among  the  Colunjbaria  at  Rome,  appropri- 
ated to  members  of  the  imperial  household,  have 
brought  to  light  an  inscription  in  which  Pudens  ap- 
pears as  a  servant  of  Tiberius  or  Claudius.  Al- 
though the  identity  of  St.  Paul's  Pudens  with  any 
legendary  or  heathen  namesake  is  not  absolutely 
proved,  yet  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  these  facts 
add  nothing  to  our  knowledge  of  the  friend  of  Paul 
and  Timothy  (so  Mr.  Bullock). 

Pahites  (fr.  Ilcb.  sing.  Futki,  taken  collectively 
=r  descendant  of  Puthijah  [which  means  Jah  is  reve- 
lation], Fii.),  the,  according  to  1  Chr.  ii.  53,  belonged 
to  the  famiiies  of  Kirjath-jearim. 

Pnl  (Ileb.,  see  below),  a  country  or  nation  once 
mentioned,  if  the  Masoretic  text  be  here  correct,  in 
the  Bible  (Is.  Ixvi.  19).  The  name  =  that  of  Pul, 
king  of  Assyria.  It  is  spoken  of  with  distant  na- 
tions:  "The  nations  [to]  Tarsliish,  Pul,  and  Lud, 
that  draw  the  bow,  [to]  Tubal,  and  Javaii,  [to]  the 
isles  afar  off."  If  a  Mizraite  Lud  be  intended,  Pul 
may  be  African.  It  has  accordingly  been  compared 
by  Bochart  and  J.  D.  Micliaelis  with  the  island 
Phike  (which  in  Egyptian  =  border,  far  country, 
Ges.).  The  common  LXX.  reading  suggests  that 
the  Hebrew  had  originally  Phut  (Put)  in  this  place. 

Pnl  (Heb.  fr.  Assyrian  =  elephant?  or  better, 
lord,  king,  Ges.),  an  Assyrian  king,  the  first  of  tho.«e 
monarchs  mentioned  in  Scripture.  He  made  an  ex 
pedition  against  Menahem,  king  of  Israel,  about  b.  c. 
770.  Jlenahem  appears  to  have  inherited  a  king- 
dom already  included  among  the  dependencies  of 
Assyria.  Under  the  Assyrian  system  the  monarchs 
of  tributary  kingdoms,  on  ascending  the  throne,  ap- 


PUL 


PUX 


903 


plieil  for  "  confirmation  in  their  kingdoms  "  to  the 
Lord  Paramount,  and  only  became  established  on 
receiving  it.  Wc  may  gather  from  2  K.  xv.  19,  20, 
that  Menahem  neglected  to  make  any  such  applica- 
tion to  Pul — a  neglect  which  would  have  been  re- 
garded as  a  plain  act  of  rebellion.  Possibly,  he  was 
guilty  of  more  overt  and  flagrant  hostility.  "  Men- 
ahem smote  TiPHSAil "  (2  K.  xv.  16).  Pul  marched  an 
army  into  Palestine  to  punish  his  revolt,  when  Mena- 
hem made  his  submission,  and  paid  l,Oi}0  talents  of 
gold  to  Pul,  who  then  confirmed  him  as  king.  The 
Assyrian  monuments  (so  RawUnson,  original  author 
of  this  article)  have  a  king,  whose  name  is  read  very 
doubtfully  as  ViU-lu-ih  or  Iva-hish,  at  about  the  pe- 
riod when  Pul  must  have  reigned.  His  probable  date 
is  B.  c.  800-750,  while  Pul,  as  we  have  seen,  ruled 
over  Assyria  in  B.  c.  770.  Tlie  Hebrew  name  Pul 
is  undoubti'dly  curtailed ;  for  no  Assyrian  name  con- 
sists of  a  single  element.  If  we  take  the  "  Phalos  " 
or  "  Phaloch  "  of  the  LXX.  as  probably  nearer  the 
original,  we  have  a  form  not  very  different  from  Vnl- 
lu»h or  Iva-lmh.  ViUliish reigned  at Calali  (N^imrud) 
from  about  b.  c.  800  to  750.  He  states  that  he  made 
an  expedition  into  Syria,  wherein  he  took  Damascus ; 
and  that  he  received  tribute  from  the  Modes,  Arme- 
niaui",  Phenicians,  Samaritans,  Damascenes,  Philis- 
tines, and  Edomites.  He  also  tells  us  that  he  in- 
vaded Babylonia  and  received  the  submission  of 
the  Chaldeans.  His  wife  bears  the  name  of  Se- 
miramis.  He  was  probably  the  last  Assyrian  mon- 
arch of  his  race.  The  list  of  Assyrian  monumental 
kings,  traceable  without  a  break  and  in  a  direct  line 
to  him  from  his  seventh  ancestor,  here  comes  to  a 
stand.     Assyria;  \ixkveii. 

*  Pal'plt,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb.  migiW 
in  Neh.  viii.  4  only,  usually  translated  "  tower " 
(Gen.  xi.  4,  5,  &c.).  Gesenins  and  Fiirst  make  the 
Hebrew  in  Xeb.  viii.  4  =r  mi  elevated  tlage,  pulpit 
(comp.  ix.  4). 

Pal.se  occurs  in  the  A.  V.  only  in  Dan.  i.  12,  16, 
as  the  translation  of  the  Hebrew  plural  nouns  zer'- 
dim  and  zer'duim,  which  literally  =;  seeds  of  any 
kind.  "Pulse"  now  =  the  grains  of  leguminous 
ve^itables  (peas,  beans,  &c.)  (A.  V.,  2  Sam.  xvii. 
28) ;  but  in  Dan.  i.  probably  ^  uncooked  grain  of 
any  kind,  whether  barley,  wheat,  millet,  vetches,  &c. 
Food. 

Pan'IsIi-meiits.  The  earliest  theory  of  punish- 
ment current  among  mankind  is  doubtless  the  one 
of  simple  retaliation,  "  blood  for  blood."  (Blood, 
AvENOER  OK.)  Viewed  historically,  the  first  case  of 
punishment  for  crime  mentioned  in  Scripture,  next 
to  the  Fall  itself  (Adam),  is  that  of  Caiv  the  first 
murderer.  That  death  was  regarded  as  the  fitting 
punishment  for  murder  appears  plain  from  the  re- 
mark of  Lamech  1  (Gen.  iv.  24).  In  the  post-dilu- 
vian code,  if  we  may  so  call  it,  retribution  by  the 
hand  of  man,  even  in  the  case  of  an  offending  ani- 
mal, for  blood  shed,  is  clearly  laid  down  (ix.  5,  6). 
Passing  onwaril  to  Mosaic  times,  wc  find  the  sen- 
tence of  capital  punishment,  in  the  ca.se  of  siintDER, 
plainly  laid  down  in  the  Law.  (Law  op  Mose.s.) 
The  murderer  was  to  be  put  to  death,  even  if  ho 
should  have  taken  refuge  at  God's  altar  or  in  a  city 
iif  REFUOE,  and  the  same  principle  was  to  be  carried 
out  even  in  the  case  of  an  animal  (Ex.  xxi.  12,  14, 
28,  3(! ;  Lev.  xxiv.  17,  21 ;  Num.  xxxv.  31  ;  Dent, 
xix.  11,  12;  IK.  ii.  28,  34).  L  The  following  of- 
fences  also  are  mentioned  in  the  Law  as  liable  to  the 
punishment  of  death  : — 1.  Striking,  or  even  reviling, 
or  persistently  disobeying,  a  parent  (Ex.  xxi.  15,  17 ; 
Dent.  xxi.   18,    19;  Guild).     2.   Blaspiiemt  (Lev. 


xxiv.  14,  16,  23).  3.  Sabbath-breaking  (Num.  xv. 
32-36  ;  Ex.  xxxi.  14,  xxxv.  2 ;  Sabb.ith).  4.  Witch- 
craft, and  false  pretension  to  prophecy  (Ex.  xxii.  !8 ; 
Lev.  XX.  27;  Deut.  xiii.  5,  xviii.  20;  Divi.\atiox; 
Magic).  5.  Adultery  (Lev.  xx.  10;  Deut.  xxii. 
22).  6.  Unchastity  (xxii.  21,  23;  Lev.  xxi.  9; 
Harlot).  7.  Rape  (Deut.  xxii.  25).  8.  Incestuous 
and  unnatural  connections  (Lev.  xx.  11,  14,  16 ;  Ex. 
xxii.  19;  Sodomites).  9.  Man-stealing  (xxi.  16; 
Deut.  xxiv.  7;  Me.n-stealeus).  10.  Idolatry,  actual 
or  virtual,  in  any  shape  (Lev.  xx.  2 ;  Deut.  xiii.  6, 
10,  15,  xvii.  2-7 ;  -see  Josh,  vii.,  xxii.  20,  and  Num. 
XXV.  8).  11.  False  witness  in  certain  cases  (Deut. 
xi.x.  16,  19). — II.  But  many  offences,  some  of  them 
included  in  this  list,  are  named  in  the  Law  as  involv- 
ing tlie  penalty  of  "  cutting  off  from  the  people." 
On  the  meaning  of  this  expression  some  controversy 
has  arisen.  This  formula  is  used  in  the  Pentateucli 
in  thirty-jix  or  thirty-seven  cases,  which  may  be 
thus  classified :  1.  Breach  of  Morals.  2.  Breach  of 
Covenant.  3.'  Breach  of  Ritual.  1.  Wilful  sin  in 
general  (Num.  xv.  30,  31).  f  15  cases  of  incestuous 
or  unclean  connection  (Lev.  xviii.  29,  xx.  9-21). 
2.  f  J  Uncircumcision  (Gen.  xvii.  14 ;  Ex.  iv.  24). 
Neglect  of  Passover  (Num.  ix.  13).  f  Sabbath- 
breaking  (Ex.  xxxi.  14).  Neglect  of  Atonement-day 
(Lev.  xxiii.  29).  :j:  Work  done  on  that  day  (30; 
Atonement,  Day  of),  f  |  Children  offered  to  JIolech 
(xx.  3).  f  j:  Witchcraft  (6).  Anointing  a  str.anger 
with  holy  oil  (Ex.  xxx.  33 ;  Ointme.nt).  3.  Eating 
leavened  bread  during  Passover  (xii.  15,  19).  Eat- 
ing PAT  of  sacrifices  (Lev.  vii.  25).  Eating  blood 
(27,  xvii.  14).  f  Eating  sacrifice  in  an  unclean  con- 
dition (vii.  20,  21,  xxii.  3,  4,  9).  Offering  too  lalo 
(xix.  8).  Making  holy  ointment  for  private  use  (Ex. 
xxx.  32,  33).  Making  holy  perfume  for  private  use 
(38 ;  Incense).  Neglect  of  tcrification  in  general 
(Num.  xix.  13,  20).  Not  bringing  offering  after 
slaying  a  beast  for  food  (Lev.  xvii.  9).  Not  slaying 
the  animal  at  the  tabernacle-door  (4).  \  :[  Touching 
holy  things  illegally  (Num.  iv.  15,  18,  20:  see  2  Sam. 
vi.  7 ;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  21).  (Sacrifice;  Tabernacle.) 
In  the  foregoing  list,  classified  according  to  the  view 
supposed  to  be  taken  by  the  Law  of  the  principle 
of  condemnation,  the  cases  marked  with  f  are  (a) 
those  which  are  expressly  threatened  or  actually 
visited  with  death,  as  well  as  with  cutting  off.  In 
those  (A)  marked  :f  the  hand  of  God  is  expressly 
named  as  the  instrument  of  execution.  The  ques- 
tion is,  whi-ther  the  phrase  "  cut  off"  be  likely  to 
mean  death  in  all  cases,  and  to  avoid  that  conclusion 
Le  Clerc,  Michaclis,  &c.,  have  suggested  that  in  some 
of  them,  the  ceremonial  ones,  it  was  intended  to  bo 
commuted  for  banishment  or  privation  of  civil 
rights.  Rabbinical  writers  explained  "cutting  off" 
=  excommunication,  and  laid  down  three  degrees 
of  severity  as  belonging  to  it.  But  most  commen- 
tators agree,  that,  in  accordance  with  the  obvious 
meaning  of  Heb.  x.  28,  the  "  cutting  off"  must  = 
death-punishment  of  some  sort.  In  two  instances 
violations  of  a  ritual  command  took  place  without  the 
actual  infliction  of  a  death-punishment  (1  Sam.  xiv. 
32;  2  Chr.  xsvi.  19,  21  [here  leprosy,  a  virtual 
death]);  in  other  instances  the  offenders  were  pun- 
ished with  death  for  similar  offences  (Lev.  x.  1,  2;  « 
Num.  xvi.  10,  33  ;  2  Sam.  vi.  7).  We  may  perhaps 
conclude  (so  Mr.  Phillott)  that  the  primary  meaning 
of"  cutting  off"  is  a  sentence  of  death  to  be  exe- 
cuted in  some  cases  without  remission,  but  in 
others  voidable:  (1.)  by  immediate  atonement  on 
the  offender's  part;  (2.)  by  direct  interposition 
of  the  Almighty,  i.  e.  a  sentence  of. death  always 


904 


PUN 


PUB 


"  recorded,"  but  not  always  executed. — III.  Pun- 
i^shmcnt3  in  themselves  are  twofold,  Capital  and 
Secondary.  1.  Of  the  former  kind,  the  four  follow- 
ing only  arc  prescribed  by  the  Law :  (a.)  Stoninr/, 
whicli  was  the  ordinary  mode  of  execution  (Ex.  xvii. 
4;  Lk.  XX.  6;  Jn.  x.  31 ;  Acts  xiv.  5).  In  the  case 
of  idolatry,  and  probably  in  other  cases  also,  the 
witnesses,  of  whom  there  were  to  be  at  least  two, 
were  required  to  cast  the  first  stone  (Deut.  xiii.  9, 
xvii.  7  ;  Jn.  viii.  7 ;  Acts  vii.  58).  The  Rabbinical 
writers  add,  that  the  first  stone  was  cast  by  one  of 
them  on  the  chest  of  the  convfct,.  and  if  tliis  failed 
to  cause  death,  the  bystanders  proceeded  to  com- 
plete the  sentence.  (J.)  Hanging  \s  mentioned  as  a 
distinct  punishment  (Num.  xxv.  4 ;  2  S.im.  xxi.  6, 
9) ;  but  generaKy,  in  the  case  of  Jews,  follows  death 
by  some  other  means,  (c.)  Burning,  in  pre-Mosaic 
times,  was  the  punishment  for  unch.istity  (Gen. 
xxxviii.  24).  Under  the  Law  it  is  ordered  in  the 
case  of  incest  with  a  mother-in-law,  and  of  unchas- 
tity  of  a  priest's  daughter  (Lev.  xx.  14,  xxi.  9);  but 
it  is  also  mentioned  as  following  death  by  other 
means  (Josh.  vii.  25),  and  some  have  thought  it  was 
never  used  except  after  death.  Among  other  nations 
burning  appears  to  have  been  not  unusual,  and  in  a 
modified  form  was  not  unknown  in  war  among  the 
Jews  (2  Sam.  xii.  31 ;  Jcr.  xxix.  22 ;  Dan.  iii.  20, 
21).  A  tower  of  burniug  embers  is  mentioned  in  2 
Sic.  xiii.  4-8.  (d.)  Death  hy  the  SHord  or  spear  is 
named  in  the  Law  (Ex.  xix.  13,  xxxii.  27  ;  Num.  xxv. 
7),  and  occurs  frequently  in  regal  and  post-Babylo- 
nian times  (1  K.  ii.  25,  34,  xix.  1 ;  2  Chr.  xxi.  4,  &c.). 
(e.)  Slranglaig  is  said  by  the  Rabbins  to  have  been 
regarded  as  the  most  common  but  least  severe  of 
the  capital  punishments,  and  to  have  been  performed 
by  immersing  tlie  convict  in  clay  or  mud,  and  then 
strangling  him  by  a  cloth  twisted  round  the  neck. — 
Besides  these  ordinary  capital  punishments,  we  read 
of  others,  either  of  foreign  introduction  or  of  an  ir- 
regular kind.  (/.)  Crucifixion,  (g.)  Drowning, 
though  not  ordered  under  the  Law,  was  practised  at 
Rome,  and  is  said  by  Jerome  to  have  been  in  use 
among  the  Jews,  (h.)  Sawing  asunder  (Isaiah)  or 
crushing  beneath  iron  instruments  (2  Sam.  xii.  31, 
and  perhaps  Prov.  xx.  26 ;  Heb.  xi.  37).  {i.)  J'ound- 
ing  in  a  mortau,  or  beating  to  death,  is  alluded  to  in 
Prov.  xxvii.  22,  but  not  as  a  legal  punishment,  and 
cases  are  described  (2  Mc.  vi.  28,  SO).  (.;.)  Pre- 
cipiintion,  attempted  in  the  case  of  our  Lord  at 
Nazareth  (Lk.  iv.  29),  and  carried  out  in  that  of 
captives  from  the  Edomitcs  (2  Chr.  xxv.  12),  and  of 
St.  James,  who  is  said  to  have  been  cast  from  "  the 
pinnacle"  of  the  Temple  (see  also  2  Mc.  vi.  10).— 
Criminals  executed  by  law  were  buried  outside  the 
city-gates,  and  heaps  of  stones  were  flung  upon  their 
graves  (Josh.  vii.  25,  26  ;  2  Sam.  xviii.  17  ;  Jer.  xxii. 
19). — 2.  0/  secondary  punishments  among  the  Jews 
the  original  principles  were,  (a.)  retaliation,  "  eye  for 
eye,"  &c.  (Ex.  xxi.  24,  25).  (*.)  Compensation, 
identical  (restitution),  or  analogous;  payment  for 
loss  of  time  or  of  power  (Ex.  xxi.  18-36  ;  Lev.  xxiv. 
18-21  ;  Deut.  xix.  21),  double  payment  for  trespass, 
and  double  to  fivefold  for  theft,  the  thief  sometimes 
to  be  sold,  &c.  (Ex.  xxii.  1  ff. ;  Deposit  ;  Robbery  ; 
,  Slave).  Slander  against  a  wife's  honor  was  to  be 
compensated  to  her  parents  by  a  fine  of  100  shekels, 
and  the  traducer  himself  to  be  punished  with  stripes 
(Deut.  xxii.  18,  19).  (c.)  Stripes,  not  to  exceed  forty 
(Deut.  xxv.  3) ;  whence  the  Jews  took  care  not  to 
exceed  thirty-nine  (2  Cor.  xi.  24).  (</.)  Scouhging 
with  thorns  is  mentioned  Judg.  viii.  16.  The  stocks 
are  mentioned  (Jer.  xx.  2);  passing  through  Jire  (2 


Sam.  xii.  31);  mutilation  (Judg.  i.  6;  2  Mc.  vii.  4; 
2  Sam.  iv.  '\'i);j)li(cking  out  hair  (Is.  1.  6);  in  later 
times,  imjrrisonment  and  conjiscation  or  exiie  (Ezr. 
vii.  26  ;  Jer.  xxxvii.  15,  xxxviii.  6  ;  Acts  iv.  3,  v.  18, 
xii.  4 ;  Captivity  ;  Priso.n).  As  in  earlier  times 
imprisonment  formed  no  part  of  the  Jewish  system, 
the  sentences  were  executed  at  once  (Esth.  viii.  8- 
11).  The  command  for  witnesses  to  cast  the  first 
stone  shows  that  the  duty  of  execution  did  not  belong 
to  any  special  OFFICER.  (Judge;  Trial).— Of  punisli- 
ments  inflicted  by  other  nations  we  have  the  follow- 
ing notices : — In  Egypt  the  power  of  life  and  death 
and  imprisonment  rested  with  the  king,  and  to  some 
extent  also  with  officers  of  high  rank  (Gen.  xl.  3,  22, 
xiii.  20).  Death  might  be  commuted  for  slavery 
(xiii.  19,  5liv.  9,  33).  In  Egypt,  and  also  in  Baby- 
lon, the  chief  of  the  executioners,  A.  V.  ''captain 
of  the  GUARD,"  was  a  great  oflicer  of  state  (Gen. 
xxxvii.  36  ;  Dan.  ii.  14,  &c.).  Putting  out  the  eyes 
of  captives,  and  other  cruelties,  as  flaying  alive, 
burning,  tearing  out  tlie  tongue,  &c.,  were  practised 
by  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  conquerors  (1  Sam.  xi. 
2 ;  2  K.  xxv.  7 ;  Jer.  xxix.  22 ;  Dan.  iii.  6,  &c. ; 
Blindness  ;  Furnace  ;  Hook  3  ;  War).  The  exe- 
cution of  IIaman  and  the  stoiy  of  Daniel  are  pic- 
tures of  summary  Oriental  procedure.  With  the 
Romans,  strpes  and  the  stocks  were  in  use,  and  im- 
prisonment, with  a  CHAIN  attached  to  a  soldier. 
There  was  also  the  free  custody  or  confinement  in 
private  houses  (Acts  xvi.  23,  xxii.  24,  xxviii,  16). 
Exposure  to  wild  beasts  appears  to  be  mentioned  by 
St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  xv.  32  ;  2  Tim.  iv.  17),  but  not  with 
any  precision. — In  regard  to  Divine  punishment,  see 
Damnation;  Death;  Eternal;  God;  Hell;  Jeho- 
vah ;  Justify  ;  Psal.ms,  Book  of,  n.  2 ;  Sin,  &c. 

Pn'nltcs(fr.  Ilcb.),  the  =  the  descendants  of  Pua, 
or  PiiuvAH,  the  son  of  l.«sachar  (Num.  xxvi.  23). 

Pn  non  (Ileb.  darkness,  Ges.),  a  halting-plaee  of 
the  Israelite  host  in  the  last  portion  of  the  Wander- 
ing (Num.  xxxiii.  42, 4 o).  By  Eusebius  and  Jerome 
it  is  identified  with  I'inon,  the  seat  of  the  Edoinito 
tribe  of  Pinon,  and  with  Phajno,  which  contained 
the  copper-mines,  so  notorious  at  that  period,  and 
was  situated  between  Petra  and  Zoar ;  but  its  site  is 
unknown.     Mines  ;  Wilderness  of  the  Wandering. 

*  Pnr  (Ueb.  fr.  Pers.  -  a  lot,  A.  V.,  Ges.)  (Esth. 
iii.  7,  ix.  24).     Purim. 

Pn-I  i-fl-ta'tion  (fr.  L.  =  a  making  clean),  in  its 
legal  and  technical  sense,  is  applied  to  the  ritual 
observances  whereby  an  Israelite  was  formally  ab- 
solved from  the  taint  of  uncleanness,  whether  evi- 
denced by  any  overt  act  or  state,  or  connected 
with  man's  natural  depravity.  (Baptism;  Levite; 
PaiEiiT ;  Proselyte  ;  Sacrifice.)  The  present  article 
(abridged  from  Mr.  Sevan's)  relates  to  the  former 
class,  in  wliich  alone  were  the  ritual  observances  of 
a  special  character.  The  essence  of  purification,  in- 
deed, in  all  cases,  consisted  in  the  use  of  water, 
whether  by  way  of  ablution  or  aspersion ;  but  in 
the  greater  offences  of  legal  uncleanness,  sacrifices 
of  various  kinds  were  added,  and  the  ceremonies 
throughout  bore  an  expiatory  character.  Simple 
ablution  of  the  person  was  required  after  sexual  inter- 
course (Lev.  XV.  18;  2  Sam.  xi.  4) :  ablution  of  the 
clothes,  after  touching  the  carcass  of  an  unclean 
beast,  or  eating  or  carrying  the  carcass  of  a  clean 
beast  that  had  died  a  natural  death  (Lev.  xi.  25, 
40;  Clean;  Unclean  Meats);  ablution  both  of  the 
person  and  of  the  defiled  garments  in  cases  of  emis- 
sion of  seed  (xv.  16, 17) — the  ceremony  in  each  of  the 
above  instances  to  take  place  on  the  day  on  which 
the  uncleanness  was  contracted.      A  higher  degree 


PUR 


PUR 


905 


<if  iineleanness  from  "  a  running  issus  "  in  males, 
aid  menstruation  in  women,  required  ablution  of 
liie  person  and  garraeuts  after  seven  days,  and  an 
oftering  of  two  turtle-doves  or  young  pigeons  on  the 
eighth  (1-15,  19-30J.  Contaet  wilh  persons  in  the 
above  states,  or  even  with  clothing  or  furniture  tliat 
had  been  used  by  them  while  in  those  states,  in- 
volved uneleanness  in  a  minor  degree,  requiring  ab- 
lution generally  the  same  day,  in  one  case  after 
seven  days  (3-11,  21-24).  Tlie  purification  after 
childbirth  was  at  the  end  of  forty  days  for  a  son  and 
eighty  for  a  daughter,  the  sacrifice  being  a  lamb  of 
the  first  year  with  a  pigeon  or  turtle-dove,  or  for  the 
poor  two  turtle-doves  or  young  pigeons  (xii.  4  ff. ; 
Lk.  ii.  22-24).  The  unclcannesses  already  specified 
were  comparatively  of  a  mild  character:  the  more 
severe  were  connected  with  death,  which,  viewed  as 
the  penalty  of  sin,  was  in  the  highest  degree  con- 
taminating. To  tills  head  we  refer  the  two  cases  of 
(1.)  touching  a  corpse,  or  a  grave  (Num.  xix.  ItJ), 
or  even  killing  a  man  in  war  (xxxi.  19);  and  (2.) 
LKPROSV,  regarded  by  the  Hebrews  as  a  living  death, 
la  the  first  of  these  two  cases,  the  "  water  of  sep- 
aration," prepared  by  mixing  "running  water" 
with  the  ashes  of  an  unblemished  red  heifer  which 
had  been  slain  by  the  high-priest's  eldest  son  and 
wholly  burnt  in  his  sight,  with  cedar-wood  and  hys- 
sop and  scarlet,  outside  the  camp  (Olives,  Modxt 
of),  was  sprinkled  on  the  third  and  seventh  days  up- 
on the  unclean  person  (Num.  xix. ;  Heb.  ix.  13).  The 
purification  of  the  leper  was  a  yet  more  formal  pro- 
ceeding, and  indicated  the  highest  pitch  of  unelean- 
ness. One  of  two  clean  birds  was  killed  by  the 
priest's  order  over  a  vessel  of  "  running  (i.  e.  living 
or  spring)  water,"  into  which  the  blood  fell ;  the 
other  bird,  with  cedar-wood  and  hyssop  and  scarlet, 
was  dipped  by  the  priest  into  the  mixed  blood  and 
water,  and,  after  the  leper  to  be  cleansed  had  been 
sprinkled  seven  times  with  the  same  liquid,  was  let 
loose;  and  the  leper  washed  him.self  and  his  clothes, 
and  shaved  his  head.  Then,  having  passed  seven 
days  away  from  his  tent,  he  repeated  the  washing, 
shaved  all  his  hair,  and  brought  to  the  tabernacle 
his  prescribed  offerings  of  two  hclambs,  a  yearling 
cwc-lamb  (or,  if  poor,  one  lamb  and  two  turtle-doves 
or  young  pigeons),  fine  flour  mingled  with  oil,  and  a 
log  of  oil  (Lev.  xiv.  4-32 ;  Mat.  viii.  4  ;  Lk.  xvii.  14). 
The  two  stages  of  the  proceedings  indicated,  the  first, 
which  took  place  outside  the  camp,  the  readmission 
of  the  leper  to  the  community  of  men  ;  the  second, 
before  the  sanctuary,  his  readmission  to  communion 
with  God.  In  the  first  stage,  the  slaughter  of  the 
one  bird  and  tlie  dismissal  of  the  other,  symbolized 
the  punishment  of  death  deserved  and  fully  remitted. 
In  the  second,  the  use  of  oil  and  its  application  to 
the  same  parts  of  the  body  as  in  the  consecration  of 
priests  (Lev.  viii.  23,  24),  symbolized  the  rededica- 
tion  of  the  leper  to  the  service  of  Jehovah.  The 
ceremonies  in  the  purification  of  a  house  or  a  gar- 
ment infected  with  leprosy,  were  identical  with  the 
first  stage  of  those  for  the  leper  (xiv.  33-5.3).  The 
necessity  of  purification  was  extended  in  the  post- 
Uabyloniin  periods  to  a  variety  of  unauthorized 
cases.  Cups  and  pots,  brazen  vessels  and  couches, 
were  washed  as  a  matter  of  ritual  observance  (Mk. 
vii.  4).  The  washing  op  thk  hands  before  meals 
was  conducted  in  a  formal  manner  (vii.  3).  These 
ablutions  required  a  large  supply  of  water  (Jn,  ii. 
6).  We  know  not  the  specific  causes  of  unelean- 
ness in  those  who  came  up  to  purify  themselves  be- 
fore the  Passover  (Jn.  xi.  55),  or  in  those  who  had 
taken  upon  themselves  the  Kazarite's  vow  (Acts  xxi. 


24,  26) ;  in  either  case  it  may  have  been  contact  with 
a  corpse,  though  iu  the  latter  more  probably  a  gen- 
eral purification  ])reparatory  to  the  accomplishment 
of  the  vow. — The  distinctive  feature  in  tlie  Mosaic 
rites  of  purification  is  tlieir  expiatory  character.  The 
i<lea  of  uneleanness  was  not  peculiar  to  the  Jew. 
But  with  all  other  nations  simple  ablution  sufficed  : 
no  sacrifices  were  demanded.  Tlie  Jew  alone  was 
taught  by  the  use  of  expiatory  offerings  to  discern 
to  its  full  extent  the  connection  between  the  outward 
sign  and  the  inward  fount  of  impurity. 

Pn'riin  (Heb.  pi.  fr.  Pers.  =  /o.'s,  Ges.),  the  annual 
festival  instituted  to  commemorate  tlie  preservation 
of  the  Jews  in  Persia  from  the  massacre  with  which 
they  were  threatened  through  the  machinations  of 
Ha.man  (Esth. ix.).  (Esther;  MoRnEPAi  1.)  Human 
appears  to  have  been  very  superstitious,  and  much 
given  to  casting  lots  (iii.  7).  The  Jens  gave  the 
name  Purim,  or  Lots,  to  tlie  commemorative  festi- 
val, because  he  had  thrown  lots  to  ascertain  what 
day  would  be  auspicious  for  him  to  carry  into  effect 
the  bloody  decree  which  the  king  had  issueil  at  his 
instance  (ix.  24).  The  festival  lasted  two  days,  and 
was  regularly  observed  on  the  14tli  and  16th  of 
Adar ;  but  if  the  14th  happened  to  fall  on  the  Sub- 
bath,  or  on  the  second  or  fourth  day  of  the  week, 
the  commencement  of  the  festival  was  deferred  till 
the  next  day.  The  traditions  of  the  Jews,  and  their 
modern  usage  respecting  it,  are  curious.  A  prelim- 
inary fast  was  appointed,  called  "  the  fast  of  Esther," 
to  be  observed  on  the  13th  of  Adar,  in  memory 
of  the  fa.st  which  Esther  and  her  maids  observed 
(iv.  16).  If  the  13th  was  a  Sabbath,  the  fast  was 
put  back  to  till  fifth  day  of  the  week.  According 
to  modern  custom,  as  soon  as  the  stars  begin  to  ap- 
pear, when  the  14th  of  the  month  has  commenced, 
candles  are  lighted  up  in  token  of  rejoicing,  and  the 
people  assemble  in  the  synagogue.  After  a  short 
prayer  and  thanksgiving,  the  reading  of  the  Book 
of  Esther  commences.  The  book  is  written  in  a 
peculiar  manner,  on  a  roll  called  "the  Roll  "  (Heb. 
MegiIWi)  (Bible,  III.  3,  b.).  The  reader  reads  in  a 
histrionic  manner,  suiting  his  tones  and  gestures  to 
the  changes  in  the  subject  matter.  When  he  comes 
to  the  name  of  Haman  the  whole  congregation  cry 
out,  "  May  his  name  be  blotted  out,"  or  "Let  the 
name  of  the  ungodly  perish."  The  names  of  the 
sons  of  Hainan  (ix.  7-9)  are  read  as  one  word  to  sig- 
nify that  they  were  hanged  all  at  once.  When  the 
roll  is  read  through,  the  whole  congregation  exclaim, 
"  Cursed  be  Haman  ;  blessed  be  Mordecai ;  cursed 
be  Zeresh  (the  wife  of  Haman);  blessed  he  E.stlier; 
cursed  be  all  idolaters ;  blessed  be  all  Israelites,  and 
blessed  be  Harbonah  who  hanged  Haman."  The 
volume  is  then  solemnly  rolled  up.  In  the  morning 
service  in  the  synagogue,  on  the  14th,  after  the 
prayers,  the  passage  is  read  from  tlio  Law  (Ex.  xvii. 
8-16)  which  relates  the  destruction  of  the  Amalek- 
ites,  the  people  of  Agag(l  Sam.  xv.  8),  the  sup- 
posed ancestor  of  Haman  (Esth.  iii.  1).  The  roll  is 
then  read  again  in  the  same  manner.  The  14th  of 
Adar,  as  the  very  day  of  the  deliverance  of  the  Jews, 
is  more  solemnly  kept  than  the  13th  ;  but  when  the 
service  in  the  synagogue  is  over  all  give  themselves 
up  to  merrymaking.  On  the  15th  the  rejoicing  is 
continued.  OfTerings  for  the  poor  are  also  made 
by  all  who  can  afford  to  do  so.  When  the  month 
Adar  used  to  be  doubled,  in  the  Jewish  leap-year, 
the  festival  was  repeated  on  the  14th  and  15th  of 
the  second  Adar.  It  was  suggested  first  by  Kepler 
that  the  "feast  of  the  Jews"  of  Jn.  v.  1,  was  the 
feast  of  Purim  (and  so  Pctavius,  Olshausen,  Stier, 


906 


PUR 


QUA 


Wieseler,  Winer,  Anger,  &c.).  It  seems  to  be  gen- 
erally allowed  that  tlie  opinion  of  most  of  the  Fathers 
(and  of  Calvin,  Beza,  &c.)  that  the  feast  was  Pente- 
cost, and  tliat  of  Cocceius  that  it  was  Tabernacles, 
are  precluded  by  the  general  course  of  the  narrative, 
and  especially  by  Jn.  iv.  35,  compared  with  v.  1. 
The  interval  indicated  by  a  comparison  of  these 
texts  could  scarcely  have  extended  beyond  Nisan. 
The  choice  is  thus  left  between  Purim  and  the  Pass- 
over. The  principal  objections  to  Purim  are  (a)  that 
it  was  not  necessary  to  go  up  to  Jerusalem  to  keep 
the  festival ;  (6)  that  it  is  not  very  likely  that  our 
Lord  would  have  made  a  point  of  ))aying  especial 
honor  to  a  festival  which  appears  to  have  had  but  a 
very  small  religions  clement  in  it,  and  seems  rather 
to  have  been  the  means  of  keeping  alive  a  feeling 
of  national  revenge  and  hatred.  That  the  Passover 
=  the  feast  in  Jn.  v.  1  has  been  maintained  by 
Irenseus,  Eusel)ius,  Theodoret,  Luther,  Grotius, 
Hcngstenberg,  Neander,  Tholuck,  Robinson,  and  the 
majority  of  commentators.  The  only  real  objection 
to  the  Passover  seems  to  be  that  Jn.  v.  1  says  "  a  (not 
the)  feast  of  the  Jews."  But  this  didiculty,  though 
not  small,  does  not  seem  sufficient  to  outweigh  the 
grave  objections  against  the  feast  of  Purim.  Jesis 
Christ,  p.  408. 

*  Pnr'plo.     Colors,  IL  1 ;  Dress,  II. 

Pnrset  The  Hebrews,  when  on  a  journey,  were 
provided  with  a  nAO  in  which  they  carried  their 
money  (Gen.  xlii.  35  ;  Prov.  i.  14,  vii.  20 ;  Is.  xlvi. 
6 ;  Lk.  X.  4,  xii.  33,  xxii.  35,  36;  Jn.  xii.  8,  xiii.  29), 
and,  if  they  were  merchants,  also  their  weights  (Deut. 
XXV.  13;  Mic.  vi.  11).  The  girdle  also  served  as  a 
purse  (Mat.  x.  9  ;  Mk.  vi.  8). 

Put  (Heb.)  =  Phut  (1  Chr.  i.  8 ;  Jcr.  xlvi.  9 
margin  ;  Nah.  iii.  9). 

Po-te'o-li  (L.  plural  =  little  wells,  or  siinkinff  se. 
springs;  see  below),  the  great  landing-place  of 
travellers  to  Italy  from  the  Levant,  and  tlie  harbor 
to  which  the  Alexandrian  corn-ships  brought  their 
cargoes.  Here  St.  Paul  tarried  seven  days  with 
Christian  brethren,  when  on  his  way  to  Rome  (Acts 
xxvii.  13).  Puteoli  was  at  that  period  a  place  of 
very  great  importance,  at  the  X.  E.  angle  of  the 
celebrated  bay,  now  "  the  bay  of  Naples,"  and  in 
early  times  "  the  bay  of  Cumsc,"  but  then  called 
"  the  bay  of  Puteoli."  Close  to  it  was  Baiic,  one  of 
the  most  fashionable  of  the  Roman  watering-places. 
The  earlier  name  of  Puteoli,  when  the  lower  part  of 
Italy  was  Greek,  was  Dieaearchia.  The  word  Pu- 
teoli was  a  true  Roman  name,  and  arose  from  the 
strong  mineral  (sulphurous)  springs  which  arc  char- 
acteristic of  the  place.  Cicero  had  a  villa  in  the 
neighborhood,  Vespasian  gave  the  city  peculiar 
privileges,  and  here  Hadrian  was  buried.  In  the 
fifth  century  Puteoli  was  ravaged  both  by  Alaric 
and  Genseric,  and  never  afterward  recovered  its  ior- 
mer  eminence.  It  is  now  a  fourth-rate  Italian  town, 
PozziioJi  A  cross-road  from  Puteoli  joined  the 
Appian  Way  at  Capua.  (Arvu  Forum  ;  Three  Tav- 
erns.) Among  the  remains  of  Puteoli  arc  the  aque- 
duct, the  reservoirs,  the  great  amphitheatre,  the 
building  called  the  Temple  of  Perapis,  and  sixteen 
piers  of  the  ancient  mole,  which  is  formed  of  the 
concrete  called  Pozzoluna. 

Pntl-el  (Heb.  afflicted  of  Ood,  Ges.).  One  of  the 
daughters  of  Putiel  was  wife  of  Eleazar  the  son  of 
Aaron,  and  mother  of  Phinehas  (Ex.  vi.  25). 

Py'garg  (fr.  Gr.  jmgargos ;  L.  pygar()tm)  occurs 
only  (Deut.  xiv.  5)  in  the  list  of  clean  animals  as  the 
rendering  (after  the  LXX.,  Vulgate,  &c.)  of  the  Heb. 
dishdn,  the  name  apparently  of  some  species  of  an- 


telope. The  Greek  pugargoa  denotes  an  animal 
with  a  "  white  rump,"  and  is  used  by  Herodotus  as 
the  name  of  some  Libyan  deer  or  antelope.  It  is 
usual  to  identify  the  pi/ffurg  of  the  Greek  and  Latin 
writers  with  the  addax  of  North  Africa,  Nubia,  &c. 
(Addax  nasornactduliui)-  but  Mr.  Houghton  is  in- 
clined to  consider  the  pygarg  as  a  generic  name  to 
denote  any  of  the  white-rumped  antelopes  of  North 
Africa,  Syria,  &c. 

*  Pj'tiion  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  in  mythology,  the  name  of 
a  serpent  slain  by  Apollo,  who  was  hence  called  the 
Pythian  Apollo  or  Python ;  in  Acts  xvi.  16  margin, 
a  soothsayer  or  ventriloquist  supposed  to  be  inspired 
by  the  Pythian  Apollo  (Rbn.  iV.  T.  Lex.,  L.  k  S.). 
Divination  5 ;  Magic. 


Q 


Qaalls,  the  translation  by  the  A.  V.,  the  most  im- 
portant old  versions,  and  most  modern  authorities, 
of  the  Heb.  sSlav  OTseldyv,  nsed  collectively  (Ex.  xvi. 
13  ;  Num.  xi.  32 ;  Ps.  cv.  40),  once  sahim.  in  plural 
(Num.  xi.  31),  which  twice  miraculously  satisfied  the 
appetites  of  the  Israelites  in  the  Wilderness  of  the 
Wandering.  Rudbcck  endeavored  to  show  that 
sthli)  =z  locusts  ;  Hermann  von  der  Hardt  made  them 
^  locust birds(Pastor  roseiis) ;  Mr. Forster  advocated 
red  geese  ( Cusarca  rulila)  ;  Rudbeck  favored  fying- 
fish,  of  the  genus  Exocetus  ;  Ehrenberg  other  fii/iug- 
fiih,  which  he  named  Trigla  (Dactylupteriis)  Israeli- 
taruin,  &e.  Some  writers,  while  they  hold  that  the 
original  word  denotes  "quails,"  are  of  opinion  that 
a  species  of  Sand-grouse  {FterocJes  Alchata),  fre- 
quent in  the  Bible  lands,  is  also  included  under  the 
term.  It  is  clear,  however  (so  Mr.  Houghton),  that 
the  sfluv  of  the  Pentateuch  and  Ps.  cv.  denotes  the 
connnon  European  "  quail "  ( Cotiirnix  dactylisonans), 
and  no  other  bird.  The  Hebrew  word  sllclv  un- 
doubtedly —  the  Arabic  salwd,  a  "  quail."  The  ex- 
pression "  as  it  were  two  cubits  (high)  upon  the  face 
of  the  earth  "(Num.  xi.  31)  is  explained  by  the 
LXX.,  Vulgate,  and  Josephus,  to  refer  to  the  height 
at  which  the  quails  flew  above  the  ground,  in  their 
exhausted  condition  from  their  long  flight.  As  to 
the  enormous  quantities  which  the  least  successful 
Israelite  is  said  to  have  taken,  viz.  "  ten  homers," 


Europeun  Qaall  (Cotumix  dactyUionant).—iX^a.) 

in  the  space  of  a  night  and  two  days,  there  is  every 
reason  for  believing  that  the  "  homers  "  here  spoken 
of  do  not  denote  strictly  the  measure  of  that  name, 
but  simply  a  "  heap ;  "  this  is  the  explanation  given 


QUA 


QUI 


9or 


l>v  Onkelo3  and  the  Arabic  Tcrsions  of  Saadias  and 
i.  peiiius,  in  Num.  xi.  81.  Qunils  migrate  in  im- 
iiinae  numbers.  Tlie  Israelites  ivoiilJ  have  little 
dillicultv  in  capturint;  large  quantities  of  these  birds, 
as  they  arrive  at  places  sometimes  so  completely 
exhausted  by  their  flight  as  to  be  readily  taken,  not 
in  nets  only,  but  by  the  hand.  They  "  spread  the 
quails  round  about  the  camp,"  to  dry  them.  The 
Egyptians  similarly  prepared  these  birds.  The  ex- 
pression "quails  from  the  sea"  (xi.  31)  must  not  bo 
restricted  to  denote  that  the  bii-ds  came  from  the  sea 
83  their  starting-point,  but  must  be  taken  ta  show 
the  direction  from  which  they  were  coming.  The 
quails  were,  at  the  time  of  the  event  narrated  in  the 
sacred  writings,  on  their  spring  journey  of  migration 
northward.  "  It  was  at  even  "  that  they  began  to 
arrive ;  and  they  no  doubt  continued  to  come  all  the 
night.  Many  observers  have  recorded  that  the  quail 
migrates  by  night.  The  European  quail  ( Colurnix 
daclt/lisonam),  the  only  species  of  the  genus  known 
to  migrate,  has  a  very  wide  geographical  range  on 
the  Eastern  Continent.  The  common  quail  of  the 
United  States  (Oi-tijx  Virr/inianm)  is  of  a  different, 
though  allied,  genus.     Partridcje. 

*  Qnar'riKj  (Judg.  iii.  19,  20).     Idol  20. 

Qnar'tos  (h.  fourth),  a.  Christian  of  Corinth  (Rom. 
xvi.  23).  There  is  the  usual  tradition  that  he  was 
one  of  the  seventy  disciples  ;  and  it  is  also  said  that 
he  ultimately  became  bishop  of  Berytus  [Beirut). 

Qna-tcr'ni-on  (fr.  L.  =  a  four),  a  military  term, 
signifying  a  guard  of  four  soldiers,  two  of  whom 
were  attached  to  the  person  of  a  prisoner,  while  the 
other  two  kept  watch  outside  the  door  of  his  cell 
(Acts  xii.  4). 

Qaeen  (lleb.  malctXh,  sh''gAl,  gSbirdh  ;  Gr.  bantis- 
aa).  Of  the  three  Uebrew  terras  cited  as  =  "  queen  " 
in  the  A.  V.,  the  first  alone  is  applied  to  a  queen- 
reynanl  (1  K.  x.  1  ff. ;  2  Chr.  ix.  1  ff.) ;  the  first 
(Esth.  i.  9  ff.,  vii.  1  ff.,  &c. ;  Cant.  vi.  8,  9)  and  sec- 
ond (Neh.  ii.  6 ;  Ps.  xlv.  9)  equally  to  a  queen-coi- 
turl,  without,  however,  implying  the  dignity  which 
in  European  nations  attaches  to  that  position  ;  and 
the  third  (1  K.  xv.  13  ;  2  Chr.  xv.  16  ;  also  [so  Mr. 
Bevan,  &c. ;  see  below]  2  K.  x.  13 ;  and  Jer.  xiii. 

18,  xxix.  2)  to  the  qneen-mother,  to  whom  that  dig- 
nity is  transferred  in  Oriental  courts.  The  etymo- 
logical force  of  the  Hebrew  words  accords  with 
their  application.  Malcih  is  the  feminine  of  melech, 
"  king."     ShegM  simply  means  "  w*fe"  (Dan.  v.  2, 

\3).  GS^irdh,  on  the  other  hand,  is  expressive  of 
authority ;  =;  powerful  or  mixtre-is.  It  would  there- 
fore be  applied  to  the  female  who  exercised  the 
highest  authority;  and  this,  in  an  Oriental  house- 
hold, is  not  the  wife  but  the  mother  of  the  master. 
Strange  as  such  an  arrangement  at  first  sight  ap- 
pcar.-*,  it  is  one  of  the  inevitable  results  of  polygamy 
(90  Mr.  Bevan).  The  title  "  queen  "  (Heh.  gfbirdh, 
see  above)  in  1  K.  xi.  19  is  referred  to  the  queen- 
conmrt  byGescnius,  Fiirst,  Keil,  and  Kitto  ;  but  Hen- 
derson refers  it  to  the  queen-/rtoM<?r,  and  Mr.  Bevan 
(after  the  LXX.)  woiUd  read  here  "  elder"  instead 
of  "  queen ;  "  in  2  K.  x.  13  also  to  the  queen-conTOj-^ 
by  Gesenius,  &c.,  but  to  the  nw.en-mother  by  Keil 
and  Henderson;  in  Jcr.  xiii.  18  and  xxix.  2  (com- 
pare 2  K.  xxiv.  12,  \fi)  also  to  the  qaccn-mother  by 
Henderson  and  Mr.  Bevan  (as  above).  Athaliaii; 
Batii-siieiia;  .Tkzkbei.;  Maachau  3;  Nbuusiiia  ; 
QcKKX  Of  Heaven'. 
Qaeen  (jf  llear'eai     In  Jer.  vii.  18,  xliv.  17,  18, 

19,  25,  the  Ileb.  mtlecftelh  hatlwhAinaijim  is  thus 
rendered  in  the  A.  V.,  margin  "  frame  or  workman- 
ship of  heaven."     Kimchi  says  "  '  workmanship  of 


heaven,'  i.  e.  the  stars ;  and  some  interpret  '  the 
queen  of  heaven,'  i.  e.  a  great  star  which  is  in  the 
heavens."  llashi  favors  the  latter ;  and  the  Targuni 
renders  throughout  "  the  star  of  lieaven."  Kircher 
favors  some  coustellation,  the  Pleiades  or  Ilyades. 
It  is  generally  believed  that  tlie  "  queen  of  heaven  " 
is  the  moon,  worshipped  as  Asiitoueth  or  Astarte, 
to  whom  the  Hebrew  women  offered  cakes  in  the 
streets  of  Jerusalem.  The  Babylonian  Venus  was 
also  styled  "  the  queen  of  heaven."  Mr.  Layard 
identifies  Hera,  "  the  second  deity  mentioned  by 
Diodorus,  with  Astarte,  Mylitta,  or  Venus,"  and 
with  the  "  '  queen  of  heaven,'  frequently  mentionetl 
in  the  sacred  volumes.  .  .  .  The  planet  which  bore 
her  name  was  sacred  to  her,  and  in  the  Assyrian 
sculptures  a  star  is  placed  upon  her  head.  She  was 
called  Beltis,  because  she  was  the  female  form  of 
the  great  divinity,  or  Baal."  With  the  cakes  (cav- 
vdnuii)  which  were  offered  in  her  honor,  with  in- 
cense and  libations,  Selden  compares  the  "  bran  " 
(Bar.  vi.  43)  burnt  by  the  women  who  sat  by  the 
wayside  near  the  idolatrous  temples  for  prostitution. 
Rashi  says  the  cakes  had  the  image  of  the  god 
stamped  on  them,  and  Theodoret  that  they  con- 
tained pine-cones  and  raisins. 

*  Qalck  in  A.  V.  =  alive,  living.     It  stands-for — 

1.  Heb.  /uig  or  chag  :=.  alive,  living,  Ges.  (Num.  xvi. 
30;  Ps.  Iv.  15  [Heb.  16],  cxxiv.  3),  also  translated 
"alive"  (Num.  xvi.  33,  &c.),  "Hving"  (Gen.  viii.  1, 
17,  21,  &c.),  &c. — 2.  Heb.  mihgdh  or  michgdk,  a  noun 
kindred  to  No.  1,  ^  the  quisle,  &c.  (Lev.  xiii.  10, 
24),  translated  "  reviving  "  (Ezr.  ix.  8,  9),  &c.— 3. 
Gr.  participle  zon,  from  zao,  zo,  to  live,  used  mostly 
in  the  phrase  "  tlie  quick  and  dead  "  (Acts  x.  42  ; 
2  Tim.  iv.  1 ;  1  Pet.  iv.  5),  once  applied  to  the  word 
of  God  as  living  or  active,  enduring,  sure  (Heb.  iv. 
12),  often  translated  "living"  (Mat.  xvi.  16,  xxii. 
32,  &c.)  or  "alive"  (Acts  i.  3,  ix.  41,  &e.),  &c.— In 
Is.  xi.  3  the  Heb.  hdriho  or  h/lricho  (from  ruah  or 
ruach,  to  breathe),  in  A.  V.  "  he  shall  make  him  of 
quick  understanding,"  margin  "  scent  or  smell,"  is 
translated  "  his  deUght  shall  be  "  by  Gesenius,  with 
whom  J.  A.  Alexander,  Barnes,  &c.,  substantially 
agree. 

*  Qoick'en,  t»,  in  A.  V.  =  to  mal-e  alive.  It  rep- 
resents— 1.  Ileb.  hij/dh  or  chigdh  (from  hdgdh  or 
chdi/dh,  to  live)  fourteen  times  in  the  Psalms  (Ps. 
Ixxi.  20,  Ixxx.  18  [Heb.  19],  cxix.  25,  37,  40,  50, 
88,  93,  107,  149,  154,  156,  159,  cxliii.  11);  else- 
where translated  "  to  keep  alive  "  (Gen.  vii.  3,  &c.), 
"  save  alive  "  (Ex.  i.  17,  IS,  22,  &c.),  "  make  alive  " 
(Deut.  xxxii.  39;  1  Sam.  ii.  6),  "revive"  (Hab.  iii. 

2,  &c.),  &c. — 2.  Gr.  zoopoied  (jn.  v.  21  twice;  Rom. 
iv.  17,  viii.  11  ;  1  Cor.  xv.  36  ;  1  Tim.  vi.  13  ;  1  Pet. 
iii.  18),  also  translated  "to  make  alive"  (1  Cor.  xv. 
22) ;  translated  "  to  quicken,"  i.  e.  to  give  spiritual 
or  eternal  life  to  (Jn.  vi.  63  ;  1  Cor.  xv.  45),  and 
in  the  sani^  sense  "  to  give  life  "  (2  Cor.  iii.  6 ;  Gal. 
iii.  21).     Life;  Quick;  Rege.neratio.x. 

Qnlek'sandj  (Gr.  Sarti%  ;  L.  Sjirtis,  fr.  Ar.  sert  = 
(/Mtr/,  Howson),  the,  more  properly  "the  Syrtis  " 
(Acts  xxvii.  17),  the  broad  and  deep  bight  on  the 
Noith  African  coa-st  between  Carthage  and  Cyrene. 
This  region  was  an  object  of  peculiar  dread  to  the 
ancient  navigators  of  the  Mediterranean,  partly  be- 
cause of  the  drifting  sands  and  the  lieat  along  the 
shore  itself,  but  chiefly  on  account  of  the  shallows 
and  the  uncertain  currents  of  water  in  the  bay. 
There  were  properly  two  Syrtes :  the  eastern  or 
larger,  now  called  the  Oulf  of  Si<lrn  (referred  to  in 
Acts  1.  c);  and  the  western  or  smaller,  now  tho 
Oulf  of  Caben.     Paul. 


908 


QUI 


BAB 


Qaln'tns  Mem'ml-ns  (L.)  (2  Mc.  xi.  34).  See  Mem- 
Mius,  Qlixtus,  and  Manlics,  Titps. 

Quiver  =  a  case  or  sheath  for  holding  arrows 
(Arms,  I.  3) ;  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  liii, 
from  a  root  wliich  signifies  to  hang  (Gen.  xxvii.  3 
only).  The  Hebrew  may  denote  either  a  quiver  (so 
LXX.,  Vulgate,  Gesenius,  &c.)  or  a  .suspended  weap- 
on— for  instance,  such  a  sword  as  in  our  own  lan- 
guage was  formerly  called  a  "  hanger "  (Onkelos, 
I'eshito,  Arabic). — 2.  Ueb.  aghpaJi  (Job  xxxix.  23 ; 
I's.  exxvii.  5  ;  Is.  xxii.  6,  xlix.  2  ;  Jer.  v.  16;  Lam. 
iii.  13).  Tlie  root  of  this  word  is  uncertain.  It  is 
C(mnected  with  arrows  only  in  Lam.  iii.  13.  The 
LXX.  usually  translate  it  "  quiver,"  but  "  bow  "  in 
Job  xxxix.  23,  and  "desire"  in  Ps.  exxvii.  5.  As 
to  the  thing  itself,  there  is  nothing  in  the  Bible  to 
indicate  eitlier  its  form  or  material,  or  in  what  way 
it  was  carried.    See  cuts  under  Arms  and  Chariot. 


E 

B»'a-mah  (Heb.  a  trembling,  Ges.),  a  son  of  CusH, 
and  father  of  tlie  Cushite  Sheba  and  Dkdan.  The 
tribe  of  Raamah  became  renowned  as  traders  (Ez. 
xxvii,  22)  and  probably  settled  on  the  shores  of  the 
Persian  Gulf.  The  name  Raamah  seems  to  be  re- 
covered in  Regma,  a  city  on  the  Arabian  shore  of 
the  Persian  Gulf  mentioned  by  Ptolemy. 

Ba-a-ini'ah  (Ileb.  =  Reelaiaii,  Gos.),  one  of  the 
chiefs  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Neh.  vii.  T) ; 
=  Keelaiaii  in  Ezr.  ii.  2. 

Ba-ani'ses  [-seez]  (Heb.)  =r  Rameses  (Ex.  i.  10). 

Uab'bah  (Heb.  a  (ireat  city,  metrojjolii,  Ges.l,  the 
name  of  several  ancient  places  both  E.  i;nd  W.  of 
the  Jordan.  1,  A  very  strong  place  E.  of  the  Jor^ 
dan,  which  when  its  name  is  first  introduced  in  the 
sacred  records  was  the  chief  city  of  the  Ammonites. 
(Ammox.)  In  five  passages  (Deut.  iii.  11;  2  Sam. 
xii.  26,  xvii.  27  ;  Jer.  xlix.  2 ;  Ez.  xxi.  20)  it  is  styled 
"  Rabbath  (or  'Rabbah')  of  the  Ammonites,"  or 
"  of  the  children  of  Ammon ; "  but  elsewhere  (Josh, 
xiii.  25  ;  2  Sam.  xi.  1,  xii.  27,  29;  1  Chr.  xxi.  1  ; 
Jer.  xlix.  3  ;  Ez.  xxv.  5  ;  Am.  i.  14)  simply  "  Rab- 
bah." When  first  named  it  is  in  the  hands  of  the 
Ammonites,  and  is  mentioned  as  containing  the  bed 
or  sarcophagus  of  the  giant  Oa  (Deut.  ii.  11).  It 
was  not  included  in  the  territory  of  the  tribes  E. 
of  Jordan ;  the  border  of  Gad  stops  at  "  Aroer, 
which  faces  Rabbah  "  (Josh.  xiii.  25).  David's  first 
Ammonite  campaign  appears  to  have  occurred  early 
in  his  reign.  A  part  of  the  army,  under  Abishai, 
was  sent  as  far  as  Rabbah  to  keep  the  Ammonites 
in  check  (2  Sam.  x.  10,  14),  but  the  main  force  un- 
der Joab  remained  at  Medeba  (1  Clir.  xix.  V).  After 
the  defeat  of  the  Syrians  at  itelam,  the  Ammonite 
war  was  resumed,  and  this  time  Rabbah  was  made 
the  main  point  of  attack  (2  Sara.  xi.  1).  Joab  took 
the  command,  and  was  followed  by  the  whole  of  the 
army.  The  siege  must  have  lasted  nearly,  if  not 
quite,  two  years.  (Bath-sheba;  Davio;  Uriah.) 
Tlie  sallies  of  the  Ammonites  appear  to  have  formed 
a  main  feature  of  the  siege  (xi.  17,  &c.)  At  the 
end  of  that  time  Joab  succeeded  in  capturing  a  por- 
tion of  the  place — the  "  city  of  waters,"  i.  e.  the 
lower  town,  so  called  from  its  containing  the  peren- 
nial stream  which  rises  in  and  still  flows  through  it. 
But  the  citadel,  whicli  rises  abruptly  on  the  north 
side  of  the  lower  town,  a  place  of  very  great 
strength,  still  remained  to  be  taken  :  and  Joab  in- 
sists on  reserving  for  his  king  the  honor  of  this 
capture.     The  waters  of  the  lower  city  once  in  the 


hands  of  the  besiegers,  the  fate  of  the  citadel  was 
certain.  The  provisions  also  were  at  last  exhausted, 
and  shortly  after  David's  arrival  the  fortress  was 
taken,  and  its  inmates,  with  a  very  great  booty,  and 
tlie  idol  of  MoLEcn,  fell  into  his  hands.  We  are 
not  told  whetlier  the  city  was  demolished,  or  whether 
David  was  .satisfied  with  the  slaughter  of  its  inmates. 
In  the  time  of  Amos,  two  centuries  and  a  half  later, 
it  had  again  a  "wall"  and  "palaces,"  and  was  still 
the  sanctuary  of  Molech — "  the  king  "  (Am.  i.  14). 
So  it  was  also  at  the  invasion  of  Xebuchadnezzar 
(Jer.  xlix.  2,  3),  when  its  dependent  towns  are  men- 
tioned, and  when  it  is  named  in  such  terms  as  imply 
that  it  was  of  equal  importance  with  Jerusalem  (Ez. 
xxi.  20).  At  Rabbah,  no  doubt  Baalis,  king  of  the 
children  of  Ammon  (Jer.  xl.  14),  held  such  court 
as  he  could  muster;  and  within  its  walls  was  plot- 
ted the  attack  of  Isiimael  6,  which  cost  Gedaliah 
liis  life,  and  drove  Jeremiah  into  Egypt.  In  the 
period  between  the  0.  and  N.  T.,  Rabbah  appears 
to  have  been  a  place  of  much  importance,  and  the 
scene  of  nuuiy  contests.  It  lay  on  the  road  between 
Ileshbon  and  Bostra  (Bozrah  2  ?),  and  was  the  last 
place  at  which  a  stock  of  water  could  be  obtained 
for  the  journey  across  the  desert,  while  as  it  stood 
on  the  confines  of  the  richer  and  more  civilized 
country,  it  formed  an  important  garrison-station  for 
repelUng  the  incursions  of  the  wild  tribes  of  the 
desert.  From  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  (b.  c.  285-247) 
it  received  the  name  of  Pliiladelpliia.  B.  c.  218,  it 
was  taken  from  Ptolemy  Philopator  by  Antiochus 
the  Great,  after  a  long  and  obstinate  resistance.  Its 
ancient  name,  though  under  a  cloud,  was  still  used : 
it  is  mentioned  by  Polybius  under  tlie  hardly  altered 
form  of  Rablintiimana.  It  was  taken  from  the 
Arabs  by  Herod  the  Great,  B.  c.  30.  At  the  Chris- 
tian era  Philadelpliia  formed  the  eastern  limit  of  the 
region  of  I'erea.  It  was  one  of  the  cities  of  the 
Decapolis,  and  as  for  down  as  the  fourth  century 
was  esteemed  one  of  the  most  remarkable  and 
strongest  cities  of  Cadcsyria  (Cei.osvria).  Its  mag- 
nificent theatre  (said  to  be  the  largest  in  Syria), 
temples,  and  other  jiublic  buildings,  were  probably 
erected  in  the  second  and  third  centuries.  Phila- 
del|)hia  became  tlie  seat  of  a  Christian  bishop,  and 
was  one  of  the  nineteen  sees  of  "  Palestina  tertia," 
which  were  subordinate  to  Bostra.  The  church  still 
remains  "  in  excellent  preservation,"  with  its  lofty 
steeple.  The  site,  now  'Amman,  is  about  twenty- 
two  miles  from  tlie  Jordan,  about  fourteen  from 
Heshbon,and  twelve  from  en-Salt  (Ramotli-gilead  ?). 
It  lies  in  a  valley  which  is  a  branch,  or  perhaps  the 
main  course,  of  the  iVadi/  Zerka,  usually  identified 
with  tlie  Jabbok.  The  Moiet-''Animdii,  or  water  of 
'Amman,  a  mere  streamlet,  rises  within  the  basin 
which  contains  the  ruins  of  the  town.  When  the 
Moslems  conquered  Syria  they  found  the  city  in 
ruins  ;  and  in  ruins  remarkable  for  their  extent  and 
desolation  even  for  Syria,  the  "  land  of  ruins,"  it 
still  remains.  The  public  buildings  are  said  to  be 
Roman,  in  general  character  like  those  at  Jeivsh 
(Gerasa),  except  the  citadel,  which  is  described  as 
of  large  square  stones  put  together  without  cement, 
and  is  probably  more  ancient  than  the  rest.  The 
remains  of  private  houses  scattered  on  both  sides 
of  the  stream  are  very  extensive. — 3.  Although 
there  is  no  trace  of  the  fact  in  the  Bible,  there  can 
be  little  doubt  that  the  name  of  Rabbah  was  also 
attached  in  Biblical  times  to  the  chief  city  of  Moab. 
Its  Biblical  name  is  Ar,  but  in  the  fourth  century 
A.  c.  it  possessed  the  special  title  of  Rabbath  Moab. 
This  name  was  for  a  time  displaced  by  Areopolis. 


RAB 


KAB 


909 


^ Amman  (incient  "  Babbah  of  th«  ChildreD  of  An, 


>,  from  the  Mat;  ihotring  the  perennial  atraam  and  part  of  the  dtadel-hill,— From  a  Bketch  by 
Km.  Tipping,  Eiq. 


Rabha  lies  on  the  highlands  at  the  southeast  quar- 
ter of  the  Dead  Sea,  between  Kerak  and  JM  Shi- 
hdn.—i,  A  city  of  Judah,  named  with  Kirjath-jea- 
rim  in  Josh.  xv.  60  only.  No  trace  of  its  existence 
has  yet  been  discovered.— 4t  In  one  passage  (Josh. 
xL  8)  ZiDON  is  mentioned  with  tlie  affix  Rabbah — 
Zidon-rabbah.  This  is  preserved  in  the  margin  of 
the  A.  v.,  though  in  the  text  it  is  translated  "  great 
Zidon." 

R«b'biitli  flleb.  construct  of  Rabbah)  of  the 
ChU'dren  of  .irn'mon,  and  RaVbath  cf  the  Ara'moa- 
Ites  =  Kadbaii  1  (Deut.  iii.  11  ;  Ez.  xxi.  20). 

Rabbi  (Ileb.  mi/  master,  Rbn.  /V.  2'.  Lex.  ;  see 
below),  a  title  of  respect  given  by  the  Jews  to  their 
doctors  and  teachers,  and  often  addressed  (o  our 
Lord  (Mat.  xxiii.  7,  8,'  xxvi.  23,  49;  Mk.  ix.  5,  xi. 
21,  xiv.  45  ;  Jn.  i.  38,  49  [Gr.  39,  50],  iii.  2,  26,  iv. 
81,  vi.  25,  ix.  2,  xi.  8;  A.  V.  "master"  in  Mat. 
ixvi.,  Mk.,  and  Jn.  iv.,  ix.,  xi.).  The  title  is  inter- 
preted in  express  words  by  St.  John,  and  by  implica- 
tion in  St.  Matthew,  to  mean  Maxter,  Teacher  (Jn.  i. 
39,  compare  xi.  28,  xiii.  13;  Mat.  xxiii.  8).  The 
same  interpretation  is  given  by  St.  John  of  the 
kindred  title  Rabbosi  (Jn.  xx.  16),  which  in  Mk.  x. 
61  is  tran^^lateil  in  A.  V.  "  Lord."  Tlie  i  which  is 
added  to  the  Heb.  and  Chal.  rah  (=  great,  a  great 
one,  i.  e.  teacher,  master,  doctor)  and  ralilon  or  rab- 
bin {=  our  teacher,  mir  master)  has  been  thought  to 
be  the  pronominal  affix  =  My  ;  but  it  is  to  be  noted 
that  St.  John  does  not  translate  either  of  these  by 
"J/v  Master,"  but  simply  "Master,"  so  that  the  i 
would  seem  to  have  lost  any  special  significance  as 
a  possessive  pronoun  intimating  appropriation  or 

'  Kcv.  AllKrt  Barnes  and  others  have  rcearded  Mat. 
xxiii.  8—"  Be  not  ye  called  Rubhl  "_ns  forbidding,'  In  Uh 
ppirit  the  roceptlou  of  the  lllle  I).  P.,  tlic  inmlorii  equiva- 
lent of  lialM :  but  P.  Schaff.  D.  D.  (In  Ijinfie  mi  Mat.  I.  c.) 
maintains  that  "the  Saviour  prohlhltn  not  ko  much  the 
titlcii  themselves  (of  D.  I)..  Rev.,  Mr.  and  Mrs..  &c.),  as 
the  "pirit  of  pride  and  ambition  which  covots  and  abuses 
them,  the /I'l'/r/tilj/  nplrlt  which  would  domineer  over  In- 
feriors niid  also  the  Semite  spirit  which  would  hascly 
cringe  to  siipi-riors  "  (compare  vcr.  0, 10-li ;  1  Cor.  Iv.  15; 
1  Tim.  1.  i ;  Tit.  1.  4 ;  1  Pet.  v.  13). 


endearment,  and,  like  the  "my"  in  English  or 
French  titles  of  respect  (c.  g.  "  My  lord,"  Moii- 
seigneur.  Monsieur),  to  bo  merely  part  of  the  formal 
address.  The  title  Rabbi  is  liot  known  to  have 
been  used  before  the  reign  of  Herod  the  Great,  and 
is  thought  to  have  taken  its  rise  about  the  time  of 
the  dl-sputcs  between  the  rival  schools  of  Hillel  and 
Shammai.  Rabbi  was  considered  a  higher  title 
than  Rab,  and  Rabban  higher  than  Rabbi.  Edcca- 
TioM ;  Scribes. 

Rab'bith  (Heb.  multitude,  Ges.),  a  town  in  the  ter- 
ritory, perhaps  on  the  boundary,  of  Issachar  (Josh. 
xix.  20  only). 

Kab-bo'ni  (Heb.  mi/  great  master,  Rbn.  iV.  T.  Lex.) 
(Jn.  XX.  16).     Rabbi. 

Rab'-mag  (Heb.  fr.  Pers.  =  chief  magus,  i.  e. 
chief  of  the  JIaoi,  Ges.;  chief  pried?  Sir  H.  Raw- 
linson)  is  found  only  in  Jer.  xxxix.  3,  13.  In  both 
places  it  is  a  title  borne  by  Nkroai.-sharezer,  [ir()l> 
ably  =:  the  king  called  by  the  Greeks  Keriglissar. 
This  king,  and  certain  other  important  personages, 
bear  the  title  in  the  Babylonian  inscriptions  (so 
Rawlinson).  It  is  written  indeed  with  a  somewhat 
different  vocalization,  being  read  as  RabuSmga  by 
Sir  H.  Rawlin.son. 

Rab'sa-fes  [-seez]  (L.)  =  Rabsiiakeh  (Ecclus. 
xlviii.  18). 

Rab'-sa-rls,  or  Rab-sa'ris  (Heb.,  see  below).  1. 
An  officer  of  the  king  of  Assyria  sent  up  with  Tar- 
tan and  Rabshakeii  against  Jcrus.ilem  in  the  time 
of  Hezekiah  (2  K.  xviii.  17).— 2.  One  of  the  princes 
of  Ncbuchodtiezzar,  who  was  present  at  the  capture 
of  Jerusalem,  b.  c.  588  (Jer.  xxxix.  3,  13). — Rab- 
saris  is  probably  (so  Mr.  Eddrup,  with  Henderson, 
Koil,  &c.)  rather  the  name  of  an  office  than  of  an 
individual,  the  word  signifying  chief  eunuch;  in 
Dan.  i.  3,  Ashpenaz  is  called  the  master  of  the 
eunuchs  (Heb.  Rah-sdrifim).  Not  improbably  we 
have  in  Jer.  xxxix.  not  only  the  title  of  the  Rab- 
saris  given,  but  his  name  «lso,  either  Sarsechim 
(vcr.  3)  or  (ver.  13)  Xebu-shasban. 

Bab'sha-keli,  or  R«b-sha'keli  (Heb.  chief  cup- 


910 


RAC 


BAO 


hearer,  Cos.),  one  of  the  officers  of  the  king  of  As- 
syria sent  against  Jerusalem  in  tlie  reign  of  Heze- 
KiAH.  Sexxacherib,  having  talsen  other  cities  of 
Judah,  was  now  Ijesieging  Lachish  ;  and  Hezeliiali, 
terrified  at  liis  progress,  and  losing  for  a  time  his 
firm  faith  in  God,  sent  to  Laehish  with  an  offer  of 
submission  and  tribute.  But  Sennacherib,  not  con- 
tent witli  tliis,  sent  a  great  host  against  Jerusalem 
under  Tartan,  Kab-saris,  and  Eabshakeh ;  not  so 
much,  apparently,  with  the  object  of  immediately 
engaging  in  the  siege  of  the  city,  as  with  the  idea 
that,  in  its  present  disheartened  state,  the  sight  of 
an  army,  combined  with  the  threats  and  specious 
promises  of  Rabshakeh,  might  induce  a  surrender 
at  once.  Many  have  imagined,  from  the  familiarity 
of  Rabshakeh  with  Hebrew,  that  he  was  either  a 
Jewish  deserter  or  an  apostate  captive  of  Israel. 
Being  unable  to  obtain  any  promise  of  submission 
from  Ilezekiah,  who,  in  ^he  extremity  of  his  peril 
returning  to  trust  in  the  help  of  the  Lord,  was  en- 
couraged by  the  words  and  predictions  of  Isaiah, 
Rabshakeh  went  back  to  the  king  of  Assyria,  who 
liad  now  departed  from  Lachish  (2  K.  xviii.,  xix. ; 


Is.  xxxvi.,  xxxvii.).  The  A.  V.  takes  Rabshakeh  as 
the  name  of  a  person  ;  it  may,  however,  be  rather 
the  name  of  the  office  which  he  held  at  the  court, 
tliat  of  chkf  cujiljearer  (compare   Rab-mag  ;    Rai>- 

SARIS). 

Ra'ta  (L.  fr.  dial.  i  eyM  =  worthless),  a  term  of 
reproach  used  by  the  Jews  of  our  Saviour's  age 
(Mat.  V.  22). 

RacCt    Games. 

Ra'chab  [-kab]  (Gr.)  =  Rahab  the  harlot  (Mat. 
i.  5). 

Ka'rhal  [-kal]  (Hcb.  irnjfic,  Ges.),  one  of  the 
places  to  which,  as  one  of  his  haunts  during  his 
wandering  life,  David  sent  a  portion  of  his  plunder 
from  the  Amalekites  as  a  present  (1  Sam.  xxx.  29 
only). 

Ra'chel  [ch  as  in  child]  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  a  ewe),  also 
written  Raiiel,  the  younger  of  the  daughters  of 
Ladan.  She  became  the  wife  of  Jacob,  and  mother 
of  Joseph  and  Benjamin.  The  incidents  of  her  life 
may  be  found  in  Gen.  xxix.-xxxiii.,  xxxv.  The 
beauty  of  Rachel,  the  deep  love  with  which  she  was 
loved  by  Jacob  from  their  first  meeting  by  the  well 


of  Haran,  when  he  shov-p.d  to  her  the  simple  cour- 
tesies of  the  desert-life,  and  kissed  her  and  told  her 
he  was  Rebekah's  son ;  the  long  servitude  with 
which  he  patiently  served  for  her,  in  which  the 
seven  years  "  seemed  to  him  but  a  few  days,  for  the 
love  he  had  to  her ; "  their  marriage  at  last,  after 
the  fraud  which  substituted  the  elder  sister  (Leah) 
in  the  place  of  the  younger  ;  and  the  death  of  Ra- 
chel at  the  very  time  when  in  giving  birth  to  an- 
other son  her  own  long-delayed  hopes  were  accom- 
plished, and  she  had  become  still  more  endeared  to 
iier  husband  ;  his  deep  grief  and  ever-living  regrets 
for  her  loss  (Gen.  xlviii.  7) :  these  things  make  up 
a  touching  tale  of  personal  and  domestic  history 
Avhich  has  kept  alive  tlie  memory  of  Rachel.  Yet 
from  what  is  related  to  us  concerning  her  character 


there  does  not  seem  much  to  claim  any  high  degree 
of  admiration  and  esteem.  The  discontent  and  fret- 
ful impatience  shown  in  her  grief  at  being  for  a 
time  childless,  moved  even  her  fond  husband  to 
anger  (xxx.  1,  2).  She  appears,  moreover,  to  have 
shared  all  the  duplicity  and  falsehood  of  her  family. 
See,  e.  g.,  Rachel's  stealing  her  father's  images,  and 
the  ready  dexterity  and  presence  of  mind  with  which 
she  concealed  her  theft  (xxxi.).  From  this  incidci.t 
we  may  also  infer  that  she  was  not  altogether  free 
from  the  su|)erstitions  and  idolatry  which  prevailed 
in  the  land  whence  Aljraham  had  been  called  (Josh. 
xxiv.  2,  14).  (Teraphim.) — Rachel's  tomb.  "  R.i- 
chel  died  and  was  buried  in  the  way  to  Ephraih, 
which  is  Bethlehem.  And  Jacob  set  a  pillar  upon 
her  grave  :  that  is  the  pillar  of  Rachel's  grave  un- 


RAD 


UAH 


911 


to  this  day"  (Gen.  xxxv.  19,  20).  The  spot  was 
well  known  in  the  time  of  Samuel  and  Saul  (1  Sam. 
2);  and  Jeremiah  (x.xxi.  15-17)  forcibly  and  beauti- 
fully represents  the  buried  Rachel  weeping  for  the 
loss  and  captivity  of  her  children,  as  the  bands  of 
the  exiles,  led  on  their  road  to  Babylon,  passed  near 
her  tomb  (so  Mr.  Eddrup).  Mat.  ii.  17,  18,  applies 
this  to  the  slaughter  liy  Ilerod  of  the  infants  at 
Bethlehem.  (Old  Testament,  B,  C  ;  Prophet, 
note'.)  The  position  of  this  R.tMAH  (Rama)  is  dis- 
puted, but  the  site  of  Rachel's  tomb,  "  on  the  way 
to  Bethlehem,"  "  a  little  way  to  come  to  Ephrath," 
"  in  the  border  of  Benjamin,"  has  never  been  ques- 
tioned. It  is  about  one  mile  N.  of  Bethlehem.  The 
present  building  is  of  stone,  plastered,  not  ancient, 
and  now  falling  to  decay.  Within  it  is  a  tomb  in 
the  ordinary  Mohammedan  form. 

Rad'dal  (Ucb.  ireadin/  down,  Ges.),  a  brother  of 
David,  and  fifth  son  of  Jesse  (1  Chr.  ii.  14).  Ewald 
conjectures  that  he  =  Rei,  but  this  does  not  seem 
probable. 

Ra'gaa  (L.  fr.  Gr.,  see  below).  1.  A  place  named 
only  in  Jd.  i.  5,  15;  probably  =  Rages. — 3.  (fr. 
Heb.)  Red,  an  ancestor  of  our  Lord  (Lk.  iii.  35). 

Ba'ges  (L.  fr.  Gr. ;  named  [so  Strabo]  from  cer- 
tain chasms  [Gr.  rhar/as,  a  rent  ]  near  it  made  by  an 
earthquake),  an  important  city  in  northeastern  Me- 
dia, where  that  country  bordered  upon  Parthia. 
It  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  but 
according  to  Tobit  (i.  14  ff.,  v.  5,  vi.  10,  12,  &c.) 
some  of  the  Israelitish  captives  taken  by  Enemessar 
(Shalraancser)  had  been  transported  to  it,  and  thither 
the  angel  Raphael  conducted  Tobias.  In  Judith  (i. 
5,  15)  it  is  made  the  scene  of  the  great  battle  be- 
tween Nabuchodonosor  and  Arphaxad  2.  Rages 
appears  as  Raglia  in  the  Zendavesta,  in  Isidore,  and 
in  Stephen  ;  as  Raga  in  the  inscriptions  of  Darius ; 
Rhagic  in  Duris  of  Samos,  Strabo,  and  Arrian ;  and 
Rhaga;a  in  I'tolemy.  Properly  speaking,  Rages  is  a 
town,  but  the  town  gave  name  to  a  province  some- 
times called  Rages  or  Rhaga;,  sometimes  Rhagiana. 
It  appears  from  the  Zendavesta  that  here  was  one 
of  the  earliest  settlements  of  the  Aryans,  who  were 
mingled,  in  Rhagiana,  with  two  other  races,  and 
were  thus  brought  into  contact  with  heretics.  Isi- 
dore calls  Riges  "  the  greatest  city  in  Media."  In 
the  troubles  which  followed  the  death  of  Alexander 
THE  Great,  Rages  appears  to  have  gone  to  decay, 
bat  it  was  soon  after  rebuilt  by  Seleucus  I.  (Nica- 
tor),  who  gave  it  the  name  of  Europus.  When  the 
Partiiians  took  it  they  called  it  Arsacia,  after  the 
Arsaccs  of  the  day ;  but  it  soon  recovered  its  an- 
cient appellation,  which  it  has  ever  since  retained, 
with  only  a  slight  corruption,  the  ruins  being  still 
known  by  the  name  of  Rhey.  These  ruins  lie  about 
five  miles  S.  E.  of  Teheran,  and  cover  a  space  4,500 
yards  long  by  3,500  yards  broad.  The  walls  are 
well  marked,  and  are  of  prodigious  thickness.  The 
importance  of  the  city  consisted  in  its  vicinity  to 
the  Caspian  Gates,  the  pass  in  the  range  of  moun- 
tains on  the  southern  shore  of  the  Caspian  Sea.  The 
modern  Teheran,  built  out  of  its  ruins,  has  now 
superseded  A'Aey. 

Ka-go'ei,  or  k-ig'n-el  (L.  form),  and  Ren'el  (Ileb. 
friend  of  God,  Ges.).  1,  A  prince-priest  of  Midian, 
tlie  father  of  Zipporah  according  to  Ex.  ii.  18,  21, 
and  of  UoDAB  according  to  Kum.  x.  29.  As  the 
father-in-law  of  Moses  is  named  Jethro  in  Ex.  iii. 
1,  and  Hobab  in  Judg.  iv.  11,  and  perhaps  in  Num. 
X.  29  (though  the  latter  passage  admits  of  another 
sense),  the  obvious  view  would  be  that  Raguel, 
Jethro,  and  Ilobab  were  different  names  for  the 


j  same  individual.  Such  is  prob.ibly  the  case  with 
regard  to  the  two  first,  if  not  with  the  third  (so  Mr. 

'  Bcvan).     One  of  the  names  may  represent  an  offi- 

I  eial  title.  Another  solution  of  the  difficulty  has 
been  sought  in  the  loose  use  of  terms  of  relationship 
among  the  Hebrews ;  as  that  the  Ileb.  hothen  or 
chotfien,  translated  "father-in-law"  in  Ex.  iii.  1, 
xviii.  1,  and  Num.  x.  29,  may  =  any  relation  by 

I  marriage,  and  so  Jethro  and  Hobab  were  brothers- 
in-law  of  Moses  ;  or  that  "  father  "  and  "  daughter  " 
in  Ex.  ii.  16,  21  =:  grandfather  and  granddaitylUer 
(so  Targum  Jonathan,  Aben  Ezra,  Michaelis,  Winer, 
&c.). — 2.  A  pious  Jew  of  "  Ecbatanc,  a  city  of 
Media ; "  father  of  Sara,  the  wife  of  Tobias  (Tob. 
iii.  7,  17,  &c.). 

Ra'bab  (Ileb.  wide,  broad,  large,  Ges.),  or  Ra'chab 
[kab]  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.),  a  celebrated  woman  of  Jeri- 
cho, who  received  the  spies  sent  by  Joshua  to  spy 
out  the  land,  hid  them  in  her  house  from  the  pur- 
suit of  her  countrymen,  was  saved  with  all  her  fam- 
ily when  the  Israelites  sacked  the  city ;  and  became 
the  wife  of  Salmon,  and  ancestress  of  the  Messiah. 
At  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  Israelites  in  Ca- 
naan she  was  a  young  unmarried  woman,  dwelling 
in  a  house  of  her  own  alone,  though  she  had  a  father 
and  mother,  and  brothers  and  sisters,  living  in  Jeri- 
cho. She  was  a  "  harlot,"  and  probably  combined 
the  trade  of  lodging-keeper  for  wayfaring  men. 
She  seems  also  to  have  been  engaged  in  the  manu- 
facture of  linen  and  the  art  of  dyeing,  for  which 
the  Phenicians  were  early  famous ;  since  we  find 
the  flat  roof  of  her  house  covered  with  stalks  of 
flax  put  there  to  dry,  and  a  stock  of  scarlet  or 
crimson  line  in  her  house.  Her  house  was  on  the 
wall,  probably  near  the  town  gate,  convenient  for 
persons  coming  in  and  going  out  of  the  city.  Rahab 
therefore  had  been  well  informed  with  regard  to  the 
events  of  the  Exodus.  She  had  heard  of  the  pas- 
sage through  the  Red  Sea,  of  the  utter  destruction 
of  Sihon  and  Og,  and  of  the  irresistible  progress  of 
the  Israelitish  host.  The  effect  upon  her  mind  had 
been  to  lead  her  to  a  firm  faith  in  Jehovah  as  the 
true  God,  and  to  the  conviction  that  He  purposed  to 
give  the  land  of  Canaan  to  the  Israelites.  Her  re- 
ception of  the  spies,  the  artifice  by  which  she  con- 
cealed them  from  the  king,  their  escape,  and  the  sav- 
ing of  Rahab  and  her  family  at  the  capture  of  the 
city,  in  accordance  with  their  promise,  are  all  told 
in  Josh,  ii.-vi.  The  narrator  adds,  "  and  she  dwell- 
cth  in  Israel  unto  this  day,"  not  necessarily  implying 
that  she  was  alive  at  the  time  he  wrote,  but  that  the 
family  of  strangers  of  which  she  was  reckoned  the 
head,  continued  to  dwell  among  the  children  of 
Israel.  We  learn  from  Mat.  i.  5  that  Rahab  (A.  V. 
"Rachab")  became  the  wife  of  Salmon  the  son  of 
Naasson,  and  the  mother  of  Boaz,  Jesse's  grand- 
father. The  suspicion  natur.ally  arises  that  Salmon 
may  have  been  one  of  the  spies  whose  life  she  saved, 
and  that  gratitude  for  so  great  a  benefit  led  in  his 
case  to  a  more  tender  passion,  and  obliterated  the 
memory  of  any  past  disgrace  attaching  to  her  name. 
But,  however  this  may  be,  Rahab  became  the  mother 
of  the  line  from  which  sprung  David,  and  eventually 
Christ ;  for  that  the  Rachab  mentioned  by  St.  Mat- 
thew is  Rahab  the  harlot,  is  as  certain  as  that  David 
in  the  genealogy  is  the  David  in  the  books  of  Samuel 
(so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey).  The  mention  of  an  utterly 
unknown  Rahab  in  the  genealogy  would  be  absurd. 
The  character  of  Rahab  has  much  and  deep  interest. 
Dismissing,  as  inconsistent  with  truth,  the  attempt 
to  clear  her  character  of  stain  by  saying  that  she 
was  only  an  innkeeper,  and  not  a  harlot,  we  may  yet 


912 


RAH 


RAI 


notice  that  it  is  very  possible  that  to  a  woman  of 
her  country  and  religion  such  a  calling  may  have 
implied  a  far  less  deviation  from  the  standard  of 
morality  than  it  does  with  us,  and  moreover,  that 
with  a  purer  faith  she  seems  to  have  entered  upon  a 
pure  life.  As  a  case  of  casuistry,  her  conduct  in 
deceiving  the  king  of  Jericho's  messengers  with  a 
false  tale,  and,  above  all,  in  taking  part  against  her 
own  countrymen,  has  been  much  discussed.  With 
regard  to  the  first,  strict  truth,  either  in  Jew  or 
heathen,  was  a  virtue  so  utterly  unknown  before  the 
promulgation  of  the  Gospel,  that,  as  far  as  Rahab  is 
concerned,  the  discussion  is  quite  superfluous.  Her 
taking  part  against  her  own  countrymen  is  fully  jus- 
tified by  the  circumstance  that  fidelity  to  her  coun- 
try would  in  her  case  have  been  infidelity  to  God, 
and  that  the  higher  duty  to  her  Maker  eclipsed  the 
lower  duty  to  her  native  land.  If  her  own  life  of 
shame  was  in  any  way  connected  with  that  idolatry, 
one  can  readily  understand  what  a  further  stinjulus 
this  would  give,  now  that  her  heart  was  purified  by 
faith,  to  her  desire  for  the  overthrow  of  the  nation 
to  which  she  belonged  by  birth,  and  the  establish- 
ment of  that  to  which  she  wished  to  belong  by  a 
community  of  faith  and  hope.  This  view  of  Rahab's 
conduct  is  fully  borne  out  by  the  references  to  her 
in  the  N.  T.  "  By  faith  the  harlot  Rahab  perished 
not  with  them  that  believed  not,  when  she  had  re- 
ceived the  spies  with  peace  "  (Heb.  xi.  31).  St.  James 
fortifies  his  doctrine  of  justification  by  works,  by 
asking,  "  Was  not  Rahab  the  harlot  justified  by 
works,  when  she  had  received  the  messengers,  and 
had  sent  them  out  another  way  ?  "  ( Jas.  ii.  25).  And 
in  like  manner  Clement  of  Rom.e  says,  "  Rahab  the 
harlot  was  saved  for  her  faith  and  hospitality." 
James,  General  Epistle  of  ;  Jn-STiFY. 

Ra'bab  (Heb.  a  sea-monxter,  Ges. ;  sec  below),  a 
poetical  name  of  Egypt  (Ps.  Ix.xxix.  10 ;  Is.  li.  9). 
The  same  word  signifies  Jiercetiess,  insolence,  pride  ; 
if  Hebrew,  when  applied  to  Egypt  it  would  indicate 
the  national  character  of  the  inhabitants  (so  Mr.  R. 
S.  Poole).  This  word  occurs  in  Job.  xxvi.  12  (A.  V. 
"  the  proud,"  margin  "  pride  "),  where  it  is  usually 
translated,  as  in  the  A.  V.,  instead  of  being  treated 
as  a  proper  name.  Rahab,  as  a  name  of  Egypt,  oc- 
curs once  only  without  reference  to  the  Exodus  (Ps. 
Ixxxvii.  4).  In  Is.  xxx.  7  the  name  is  alluded  to 
(A.  V.  "  strength  ;  "  Gesenius  translates  violence  [i.  e. 
the  violent]  thcji  HI  still). 

Rn'hain  (Ileb.  icomb,  Ges.),  son  of  Shema  and 
father  of  Jorkoam  in  the  genealogy  of  the  descend- 
ants of  Caleb  the  son  of  Hezron  (f  Chr.  ii.  44). 

Ra'liel  (Heb.)  =  Rachel  (Jer.  xxxi.  15  in  some 
copies). 

*  Rai'mcnt  =  clothing.    Duess. 

Rain,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb.  m<5/d>- (Ex. 
ix.  33,  34  ;  Deut.  xi.  11,  14,  17,  xxviii.  12,  24,xxxii. 
2,  &c. ;  Job  xxxvii.  6  twice,  xxxviii.  28  ;  Zcch.  x.  ] 
twice,  &c.);  also  oi'ffeskem,  which,  when  it  differs 
from  mdldr,  signifies  a  more  violent  rain  (Gen.  vii. 
12,  viii.  2 ;  Lev.  xxvi.  4;  1  K.  xvii.  7,  14,  xviii.  41, 
44,  45;  Ezr.  x.  9  [A.  V.  "great  rain,"  margin 
"  showers  "],  13  [A.  V.  "  much  rain]  ;  Ez.  i.  28,  xiii. 
11,  13,  xxxiv.  26  twice  [A.  V.  "shower"  in  Ez.  xiii. 
and  xxxiv.],  xxxviii.  22,  &c.),  and  is  also  used  as  a 
generic  term,  including  the  early  and  latter  rain 
i  (Jer.  V.  24  ;  Joel  ii.  23).  Far/t/  Rain,  the  rains  of 
the  autumn,  Ileb.  yoreh  (Deut.  xi.  14,  A.  V.  "  first 
rain;  "Jer.  v.  24,  A.  V.  "former"  sc.  rain),  also 
tnoreh  (Ps.  Ixxxiv.  6,  Heb.  7,  A.  V.  "rain;"  Joel  ii. 
23  twice,  A.  V.  "  former  rain  ").  Latter  Rain,  the 
rain  of  spring,  Heb.  malkoah   (Deut.  xi.  14 ;   Job 


xxix.  23;  Prov.  xvi.  15;  Jer.  iii.  3,  v.  24  ;  Hos.  vi. 
3;  Joel  iu  23;  Zcch.  x.  1).  The  early  and  latter 
rains  are  mentioned  together  (Deut.  xi.  14 ;  Jer.  v. 
24;  Hos.  vi.  3;  Joel  ii.  23;  Jas.  v.  7).  Another 
word,  of  a  more  poetical  character,  is  Heb.  plural 
rCbihim,  translated  in  our  version  "  showers  "  (Deut. 
i  xxxii.  2;  Ps.  l.w.  10  [Heb.  11],  Ixxii.  6;  Jer.  iii. 
3,  xiv.  22 ;  Mic.  v.  7  [Heb.  6]).  The  Hebrews  have 
also  zerem  =  violent  rain,  storm,  tempest,  accom- 
panied with  hail  (A.  V.  "storm  "in  Is.  iv.  6  and 
XXV.  4  twice;  "  tempest"  and  "flood  "  in  xxviii.  2  ; 
"tempest"  in  xxx.  30  and  xxxii.  2;  "overflowing" 
in  Ilab.  iii.  10;  "showers"  in  Job  xxiv.  8,  the 
heavy  rain  which  comes  down  on  mountains) ;  mg- 
rir  (A.  V.  "very  rainy,"  Prov.  xxvii.  15  only)  = 
continuous  and  heavy  rain;  pi.  si 'trim  =  showem, 
Ges.  (Deut.  xxxii.  2  only,  A.  V.  "small  rain  ").  In 
the  N.  T.  "rain"  twice  answers  to  the  Gr.  hroche 
(Mat.  vii.  25,  27),  which  in  LXX.  =  Heb.  gcKlum  ; 
but  usually  to  the  Gr.  hmtus  (Acts  xiv.  1 7,  xxviii.  2  ; 
Heb.  vi.  7;  Jas.  v.  7,  18;  Rev.  xi.  6),  which  in 
LXX.  =  Heb.  geahem  and  m&t&r.  The  Greek  verb 
brecho  is  translated  "to  rain  "  (Lk.  xvii.  29  ;"jas.  v. 
17  twice;  Rev.  xi.  ti),  once  "to  send  rain  "  (Mat.  v. 
46),  twice  "  to  wash"  (Lk.  vii.  38,  44). — In  a  coun- 
try comprising  so  many  vaiieties  of  elevation  as 
Palestine,  there  must  of  necessity  occur  correspond- 
ing varieties  of  climate.  For  six  months  in  the  year 
no  rain  falls,  and  the  harvests  are  gathered  in  with- 
out any  of  the  anxiety  with  which  we  are  so  familiar 
lest  the  work  be  interrupted  by  unseasonable  storms. 
But,  in  this  long  absence  of  rain,  the  whole  land  be- 
comes dry,  parched,  and  brown,  the  cisterns  are 
empty,  the  springs  and  fountains  fail,  and  the  au- 
tumnal rains  arc  eagerly  looked  for,  to  prepare  the 
earth  for  the  reception  of  the  seed.  These,  the  early 
rains,  commence  about  the  latter  end  of  October 
or  beginning  of  November,  in  Lebanon  a  month 
earlier:  not  suddenly,  but  by  degrees  ;  the  hnsband- 
man  has  thus  the  opportunity  of  sowing  his  fields 
of  wheat  and  barley.  The  rains  come  mostly  from 
the  W.  or  S.  W.  (Lk.  xii.  54),  continuing  for  two  or 
three  days  at  a  time,  and  falling  chiefly  during  the 
night ;  the  wind  then  shifts  round  to  the  N.  or  E.,  and 
several  days  of  fine  weather  succeed  (Prov.  xxv.  23). 
In  N'oven  ber  and  December  the  rains  continue  to 
fall  heavily,  but  at  intervals  ;  afterward  they  return, 
only  at  longer  intervals,  and  are  less  heavy  ;  but  at 
no  period  dining  the  winter  do  the  rains  (snow  falks 
in  the  elevated  regions)  entirely  cease.  Rain  con- 
tinues to  fall  more  or  less  during  March ;  it  is  very 
rare  in  April,  and  even  in  Lebanon  the  showers  that 
occur  are  generally  light.  With  respect  to  the  dis- 
tinction between  the  early  and  the  latter  rains, 
Robinson  observes  that  there  are  not  at  the  present 
day  "  any  particular  periods  of  rain  or  succession  of 
showers,  which  might  be  regarded  as  distinct  rainy 
seasons.  The  whole  period  from  October  to  March 
now  constitutes  only  one  continued  season  of  rain 
without  any  regularly  intervening  term  of  prolonged 
fine  weather.  Unless,  therefore,  there  has  been 
some  change  in  the  climate,  the  early  and  the  latter 
rains,  for  which  the  husbandman  waited  with  long- 
ing, seem  rather  to  have  implied  the  first  showers 
of  autumn  which  revived  the  parched  and  thirsty 
soil,  and  prepared  it  for  the  seed ;  and  the  later 
showers  of  s])ring,  which  continued  to  refresh  and 
forward  both  the  ripening  crops  and  the  vernal  prod- 
ucts of  the  fields  (Jas.  v.  7 ;  Prov.  xvi.  15)." 
(Agricultike  ;  Dew  ;  Famine  ;  Frost  ;  Hail  ;  Pal- 
estine, Climate  ;  Thunder.) — Rain  furnishes  tl-.c 
writers  of  the  0.  T.  with  appropriate  and  beautiful 


BAT 


RAM 


913 


metaphors,  varying  in  character  according  as  tliev 
regard  it  as  tlie  beneficent  and  fertilizing  slioner 
(Deut.  xxxii.  2;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  4;  Job  xxix.  23;  I'i. 
Ixxii.  6;  IIos.  vi.  3,  &c.),  or  the  destructive  storm 
pouring  down  the  mountain-side  and  sweeping  away 
the  labor  of  years  (Job  xx.  23 ;  Ps.  xi.  6 ;  Vrov. 
xxviii.  3;  Ez.  xxviii.  22). 

Rain'baMT  answers  to  the  Heb.  Iceaheih,  A.  V. 
"bow '•  ((icn.  ix.  13-16  ;  Ez.  i.  28 ;  Arms,  I.  3) ;  Gr. 
/o.to«  (Ecclus.  xliii.  11);  Gr.  iris  (Rev.  iv.  3,  x.  1). 
The  rainbow  is  the  token  of  the  cove.sant  which 
God  made  with  Noah  when  he  came  forth  from  the 
ark,  that  the  waters  should  no  more  become  a  flood  to 
destroy  all  Hesh.  The  right  interpretation  of  Gen. 
ix.  13  "(A.  V.  "I  do  set  [Ileb.  mUhan,  literally  Ihave 
given  ;  see  Ordain  4)  my  bow  in  the  cloud,  and  it 
shall  be  for  a  token  of  a  covenant  between  me  and  the 
earth")  seems  to  be  (so  Mr.  Eddrup,  with  Henry, 
Gleig,  Kitto,  Ayre,  Wordsworth,  &c.)  that  God  took 
the  rainbow,  which  had  hitherto  been  but  a  beauti- 
ful object  shining  in  the  heavens  when  the  sun's  rays 
fell  on  falling  rain,  and  consecrated  it  as  the  sign 
of  His  love  and  the  witness  of  His  promise  (Ecelus. 
xliii.  11).  Many  regard  Gen.  ix.  13  as  indicating 
the  first  appearance  of  the  rainbow  then,  because 
(so  Dr.  Barth)  there  was  no  rain  until  the  flood,  or 
because  (so  Keil  and  Delitzsch),  though  there  was 
rain  before  the  flood,  the  atmosphere  was  differently 
constituted,  &o. — The  figurative  and  symbolical  use 
of  the  raint)ow  as  an  emblem  of  God's  mercy  and 
faithfulness  must  not  be  passed  over.  In  Rev.  iv. 
8  it  is  said  that  "  there  was  a  rainbow 
round  about  the  throne,  iu  sight  like 
unto  an  emerald : "  amidst  the  awful 
vision  of  surpassing  glory  is  seen  the 
symbol  of  Hope,  the  bright  emblem  of 
Mercy  and  of  Love. 

*  Raising  rrom  tlie  Dead.   Resurreo 

TIO.N. 

Ral'siiM  [-znz].     Vine. 

Ra'titni  (Heb.  =  Rekem).  Among 
the  descendants  of  Machir  the  son  of 
Manasseh,  by  his  wife  Maachah,  are 
mentioned  Ulam  and  Rakem,  apparently 
sons  of  .Sheresh  (1  Chr.  vii.  16). 

Kal(  kath  (Heb.  shore,  Ges.),  a  forti- 
fied town  of  Xaphtall,  named  between 
Hammath  and  Cuisnereth  (Josh.  xix. 
85) ;  according  to  the  Rabbins,  on  the 
site  afterward  occupied  by  the  city  of 
Tiberias. 

Ball  kon  (Heb.  thinneim,  Ges.),  a  city 
of  Dan  (Josh.  xix.  4B),  apparently  not 
far  from  Joppa. 

Ram  (Heb.  kiyh,  Ges.).  1.  Second  son 
of  Hezron,  and  father  of  Amminadab 
(Ru.  iv.  19;  1  Chr.  ii.  9,  10);  =  Aram 
4. — 2.  The  first-bom  of  Jerahmecl,  and 
nephew  of  Xo.  1  (ii.  25,  27).— 3.  Elihu, 
the  s  )n  of  Barachel  the  Buzite,  Is  de- 
scribed as  "  of  the  kindred  of  Ram  " 
(Job  xxxii.  2).  Ewald  identifies  Ram 
with  Aram  2. 

Ram  represents  usually  and  appropriately  the 
Heb.  ajiil,  which  occurs  in  the  (>.  T.  more  than 
150  times  (Gen.  xv.  9,  xxii.  13  twice,  &c.). 
"  Rams  "  Is  also  thrice  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the 
Clial.  pi.  (lirhrin  (Ezr.  vi.  9,  17,  vii.  17),  properly  = 
male.i,  but  speeificnlly  male  sheep,  rams,  Ges. ;  twice 
of  Heb.  pi.  altuttim  (Gen.  xxxl.  10  Iniarg.  "he- 
goats"],  12),  =  he-goa:s,  Cn's.  and  A.  \.  elsewhere; 
and  once  (Ez.  xxi.  22  marg.,  Heb.  27)  of  Ucb.  cdrim, 
63 


plural  of  car.    Goat;  Lamb;  Ram,  Battering  ;  Sac- 
rifice; Shkep;  Shepherd. 

Raiu,  Bat'ter-ing  (Heb.  ear  ;  see  Lamb  4  ;  named 
[so  Mr.  Wright]  from  its  iron  head  shaped  like  a 
ram's  head,  or  from  its  movement,  battering  down  a 
wall  like  a  ram  butting).  This  instrument  of  ancient 
siege  operations  is  twice  mentioned  in  the  0.  T.  (Ez. 
iv.  2,  xxi.  22  [Heb.  27]);  and  as  both  references  are 
to  the  battering-rams  in  use  among  the  Assyrians 
and  Babylonians,  it  will  only  be  necessary  to  describe 
those  known  to  have  been  employed  in  their  sieges. 
In  attacking  the  walls  of  a  fort  or  city,  the  first  step 
appears  to  have  been  to  form  an  inclined  plane  or 
bank  of  earth  (compare  Ez.  iv.  2,  "cast  a  mount 
against  it"),  by  which  the  besiegers  could  bring 
their  battering-rams  and  other  engines  to  the  foot 
of  the  walls.  "The  battering-rams,"  says  Mr.  Lay- 
ard,  "  were  of  several  kinds.  Some  were  joined  to 
movable  towers  which  held  warriors  and  armed  men. 
The  whole  then  formed  one  great  temporary  build- 
ing, the  top  of  which  Is  represented  In  sculptures  as 
on  a  level  with  the  walls,  and  even  turrets,  of  the 
besieged  city.  In  some  bas-reliefs  the  battering- 
ram  is  without  wheels ;  it  was  then  perhaps  con- 
structed upon  the  spot,  and  was  not  Intended  to  be 
moved.  .  .  .  The  mode  of  working  the  rams  cannot 
be  determined  from  the  Assyrian  sculptures.  It 
may  be  presumed  from  the  representations  in  the 
bas-reliefs,  that  they  were  partly  suspended  by  a 
rope  fastened  to  the  outside  of  the  machine,  and  that 
men  directed  and  impelled  them  from  within.  .   .    . 


B«tt«riQg>  Ram. 

The  artificial  tower  was  usually  occupied  by  two 
warriors  :  one  discharged  his  arrows  against  the  be- 
sieged, whom  he  was  able,  from  his  lofty  position, 
to  liarass  more  effectually  than  if  he  had  been  be- 
low ;  the  other  held  up  a  shield  for  his  companion's 
defence."     Enoine  ;  War. 

Rama  (L.  =  Ramah)  (Mat. Ii.  18,  referring  to  Jcr. 
xxxi.  15).  The  original  pa.ssagc  may  allude  to  a 
massacre    of  Bcnjainite    or  Ephraimito    prisoners 


914 


RAM 


RAM 


(compare  ver.  9,  18),  at  the  Ramah  in  Benjamin  or 

in  Mount  Ephraim  (so  Mr.  Grove).  This  is  seized 
by  the  Evangelist  and  turned  into  a  touching  refer- 
ence to  tlie  slaugliter  of  the  Innocents  at  Bethle- 
hem, near  which  was  (and  is)  the  sepulchre  of 
Rachel.  Dr.  Thomson  thinks  this  Rama  or  Ramah 
must  have  been  near  Betlilehem,  and  subject  to  the 
same  calamity.  He  says,  a  heap  of  rubbish,  not 
400  yards  from  Rachel's  tomb,  is  now  pointed  out 
as  Ramah  (Thn.  ii.  501-503).  Proi'Het,  note  '; 
Rachel. 

Ra'mah  (Eleh.  a  highplace,  Ges.),  a  word  which  in 
its  simple  or  compound  shape  forms  the  name  of 
several  places  in  the  Holy  Land ;  one  which,  like 
Gibeah,  Geba,  Gibeon,  or  Mizpeh,  betrays  the  aspect 
of  the  country.  (Palesti.ve,  II.  §  46.)  As  an  ap- 
pellative it  is  found  only  in  one  passage  (Ez.  xvi. 
24-39),  in  which  it  occurs  four  times,  rendered  in 
the  A.  V.  "high  place."  1.  One  of  the  cities  of 
Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  25),  named  between  Gibeon 
and  Beeroth.  There  is  a  more  precise  specification 
of  its  position  in  the  catalogue  of  the  places  N.  of 
Jerusalem  which  were  disturbed  by  the  approach 
of  the  king  of  Assyria  (Is.  .\.  28-32).  At  Michmash 
he  cros.ses  the  ravine;  and  then  successively  dis- 
lodges or  alarms  Geba,  Ramah,  and  Gibeah  of  Saul. 
Geba  is  Jeba,  on  the  southern  brink  of  the  great 
valley ;  and  a  mile  and  a  half  beyond  it,  directly 
between  it  and  the  main  road  to  the  city,  is  er-Rdm 
(=  Ihe  Ramali),  lying  on  a  high  hill,  commanding  a 
wide  prospect — now  a  miserable  village  of  a  few 
half-deserted  houses,  but  with  remains  of  columns, 
squared  stones,  and  perhaps  a  church,  indicating 
■former  importance  (Robinson,  i.  576).  Its  distance 
from  the  city  is  five  English  miles.  Its  position  is 
in  close  agreement  with  the  notices  of  the  Bible 
(Judg.  iv.  5,  xix.  13 ;  Jer.  xl.  1,  kc).  In  the 
struggles  after  the  disruption  of  the  kingdom,  Ra- 
mah, as  a  frontier  town,  commanding  the  northern 
road  from  Jerusalem,  was  taken,  fortified,  and  re- 
taken (1  K.  XV.  17,  21,  22;  2  Chr.  xvi.  1,  B,  6  ; 
Rama).  Its  proximity  to  Gibeah  is  implied  in  1 
Sam.  xxii.  6;  Hos.  v.  8;  Ezr.  ii.  26;  Neh.  vii.  30: 
the  last  two  passages  show  also  that  its  people  re- 
turned after  the  Captivity.  The  Ramah  in  Neh.  xi. 
33  occupies  a  different  position  in  the  list,  and  may 
be  a  distinct  place  situated  further  W.,  nearer  the 
plain. — 2.  The  home  of  Elkanah,  Samuel's  father 
(1  Sam.  i.  19,  ii.  11),  the  birthplace  of  Samuel  him- 
self, his  liome  and  oflicial  residence,  the  site  of  his 
altar  (vii.  17,  viii.  4,  xv.  34,  xvi.  13,  xix.  18  ff.,  xx. 
1),  and  finally  his  burial-place  (xxv.  1,  xxviii.  3) ;  = 
Ramathaim-zophim.  All  that  is  directly  said  as  to 
its  situation  is  that  it  was  in  Mount  Ephraim  (i.  1), 
and  this  would  naturally  lead  us  to  seek  it  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Shechem.  But  the  whore  tenor 
of  the  narrative  of  Samuel's  public  life  (in  connec- 
tion with  which  alone  this  Ramah  is  mentioned)  is 
so  restricted  to  the  region  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin, 
and  to  the  neighborhood  of  Gibeah  of  Saul  (vii.  17), 
tliat  it  seems  impossible  not  to  look  for  Samuel's 
city  in  the  same  locality  (so  Mr.  Grove,  original 
author  of  this  article).  On  the  other  hand,  the 
boundaries  of  -Mount  Ephraim  are  nowhere  distinctly 
set  forth.  In  the  mouth  of  an  ancient  Hebrew  the 
expression  would  mean  that  portion  of  the  moun- 
tainous district  which  was  at  the  time  of  speaking 
in  Ihe  possession  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim.  Mount 
Ephraim  is  mentioned  as  including  the  palm-tree  of 
Deborah  between  Bethel  and  Ramah  (Judg  iv.  5), 
and  Bethel  itself  (Josh,  xviii.  22).  Jeremiah  con- 
nects Kamah  of  Benjamin  (so  Mr.  Grove  ;  see  Ra- 


ma) with  Mount  Ephraim  (Jer.  xxxi.  6,  9,  15,  18). 
In  this  district,  tradition,  with  a  truer  instinct  than  it 
sometimes  displays,  has  placed  the  residence  of  Sam- 
uel. The  OnomaHticon  of  Eusebius  says,  "Armathem 
Seipha:  the  city  of  Helkana  and  Samuel ;  it  lies  near 
Diospolis  ;  thence  came  Joseph,  in  the  Gospels  said  to 
be  from  Arimathea."  Diospolis  is  Lydda,  the  mod- 
ern Ludd,  and  the  reference  of  Eusebius  is  no  doubt 
to  Hamleh,  the  well-known  modern  town  two  miles 
from  Ludd.  But  Ramleh  is  on  the  plain,  not  in 
Mount  Ephraim  (compare  No.  6  below).  Another 
tradition,  however,  that  just  alluded  to,  common  to 
Moslems,  Jews,  and  Christians,  up  to  the  present 
day,  places  the  residence  of  Samuel  on  the  lofty  and 
remarkable  eminence  of  Neby  Sarnwil  (=  Prophet 
Samuel),  which  rises  four  miles  to  the  N.  W.  of  Je- 
rusalem (see  cut  under  Gibeon,  and  map  of  the  en- 
virons of  Jerusalem,  and  Mizpah  6).  The  height 
of  this  eminence  (greater  than  that  of  Jerusalem 
itself),  its  commanding  position,  and  its  peculiar 
shape,  render  it  the  most  conspicuous  object  in  all 
the  landscapes  of  that  district,  and  maliC  the  n;imes 
of  Ramah  and  Zophiin  exceedingly  appropriate  to 
it.  Since  the  days  of  Arculf  (about  a.  d.  700)  the 
tradition  appears  to  have  been  continuous.  The 
miserable  modern  village  bears  marks  of  antiquity 
in  cisterns,  &c.  The  mosque  is  said  to  stand  on 
the  foundations  of  a  Christian  church,  which  prob- 
ably Justinian  built  or  added  to.  The  ostensible 
tomb  is  a  mere  wooden  box  ;  but  below  it  is  a  cave 
or  chamber,  apparently  excavated,  like  that  of  the 
patriarchs  at  Hebron.  Here,  then,  Mr.  Grove  is  in- 
clined to  place  the  Ramah  of  Samuel.  It  is  usually 
assumed  that  the  city  in  which  Saul  was  anointed 
by  Samuel  (1  Sam.  ix.,  x.)  was  Samuel's  own  city 
Ramah  ;  but  Mr.  Grove  regards  it  as  different,  and 
near  Rachel's  toijib  (x,  2  ;  Rachel  ;  ZiPH,  the  Lan» 
ok).  On  the  assumption  that  Ramathaim-zophim 
was  the  city  of  Saul's  anointing,  various  attciii|its 
have  been  made  to  find  a  site  for  it  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Bethlehem,  (a.)  Gesenius  suggc-sts  the 
Jehel  Fureidh,  four  miles  S.  E.  of  Bethkheni,  tlie 
ancient  Herodium,  the  "  Frank  mountain  "  of  more 
modern  times.  (6.)  Dr.  Robinson  proposes  S6liu,\\\ 
the  mountains  six  miles  W.  of  Jerusalem,  as  the 
possible  representative  of  Zophim.  (c.)  Van  de 
Velde,  following  Rev.  S.  Wolcott  (B.  S.  for  1843, 
pp.  44  ff.),  argues  for  Rameh  (or  Rdmet  el-K/iu/il),  a 
well-known  site  of  ruins  about  two  and  a  half  miles 
N.  of  Hebron,  (d.)  Dr.  Bonar  adopts  er-R&m,  which 
he  places  a  short  distance  N.  of  Bethlehem,  E.  of 
Rachel's  sepulchre  (compare  Rama).  Two  sugges- 
tions in  an  opposite  direction  must  be  noticed: — (a.) 
That  of  Ewald,  who  places  Ramathaim-zophim  at 
Rdm-Allah,  a  mile  W.  o(  el-Bireh  (Beeroth),  and 
nearly  five  N.  oi  Nebij  SamviU.  (6.)  That  of  Schwarz, 
who,  starting  from  Gibeah  of  Saul  as  the  home  of 
Kish,  fixes  upon  Rameh  N.  of  Samaria  and  W.  of 
Sdnur,  which  he  supposes  also  to  be  Ramoth  or 
Jarmuth,  the  Levitical  city  of  Issachar. — 3.  A  for- 
tified city  of  Naphtali  (Josh.  xix.  36),  named  between 
Adamah  and  Hazor  ;  apparently,  if  the  order  of 
the  list  may  be  accepted,  in  the  mountainous  coun- 
try N.  W.  of  the  Lake  of  Genncsaret ;  not  improb- 
ably  the  place  named  Rdmeh,  discovered  by  Dr. 
Robinson,  lying  on  the  main  track  between  'Akin 
and  the  N.  end  of  the  Sea  of  GaUlcc,  and  about 
eight  miles  E.  S.  E.  of  Safed. — 1.  A  place  on  the 
boundary  (A.  V.  "  coast  ")"of  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  29), 
apparently  between  Tyre  and  Zidon.  Porter  (in 
Kitto),  and  Mr.  Grove  (apparently),  would  make 
this  =  Rdmeh,  about  three  miles  E.  of  Tyre  ;  liob- 


RAV 


RAM 


915 


inson  (ill.  78)  iJentifiea  it  with  another  Rdmeh,  a 
village  more  thaa  ten  miles  S.  E.  of  Tyre ;  while 
Villi  lie  Velde  (i.  114)  would  place  it  at  el-Hamrali, 
a  villaiie  on  the  N.  side  of  the  Leontes,  about  twenty 
miles  E.  by  X.  from  Tyre. — 5<  Ramoth-gilead  in  2 
K.  viii.  29  and  2  Chr.  xxii.  6  only. — 6<  A  place  men- 
tioned among  tho.se  rcinliabited  by  the  Benjaraites 
after  the  Captivity  (Neh.  xi.  33).  It  may  be  the 
Kamah  of  Benjamin  (above,  Xo.  1)  or  the  Kaniah  of 
Samuel,  but  Mr.  Grove  thinks  tliat  its  position  in 
the  list  (remote  from  Geba,  Michmash,  Bethel,  ver. 
31,  compare  Ezr.  ii.  26,  28)  seems  to  remove  it 
further  \V.,  to  the  neighborhood  of  Lod,  Ha  did,  and 
Olio.  The  situation  of  the  modern  Ramleh  agrees 
very  well  with  this. 

Ka'math-le'bi  (Heb.  the  height  [or  hilC]  of  Leki 
[the  jnw-hone],  Ges.),  the  name  bestowed  by  Sam- 
son on  the  scene  of  his  slaughter  of  the  thousand 
Philistines  with  the  jaw  bone  of  an  ass  (Judg.  xv. 
17).  "  He  cast  away  the  jaw-bone  out  of  his  liand, 
and  called  that  place  '  Ramath-lehi '  "  (A.  V.  mar- 
gin, "  i.  c.  the  lifting  up  of  the  jaw-bone,  or,  llie  east- 
intj  away  of  the  jaw-bone").  Leiii  ;  Ramath  op  the 
SofTH. 

Ka'math-mlz'peh  (Heb.  the  hcigla  of  Mlzpeh,  or 
of  the  watch-lower),  a  place  mentioned  in  Josh.  xiii. 
20  only,  apparently  on  the  northern  boundary  of 
Gad ;  probably  (so  Mr.  Grove)  =  Mizpah  1  and 
Ramoth-gilead. 

Ramath  (Heb.  construct  of  Ramah)  of  the  Sonth, 
a  city  of  Simeon  (Josh.  xix.  8),  apparently  at  its  ex- 
treme southern  limit,  and  =  Baalath-beek  ;  also 
probably  =  South  Ramotii.  Mr.  Rowlands  (in 
i'airbaim)  would  identify  it  with  Jebel  Barahir,  a 
hilV  about  forty-five  miles  S.  W.  of  Beer-sheba  ;  Wil- 
ton ( The  Negeb)  would  place  it  at  the  ruined  site 
calleil  Kurnub  (Kinah  ?  Ta.uar  ?),  on  the  southern 
declivity  of  the  low  ridge  named  Kul/bet  el-Bnul, 
aliout  twenty  miles  S.  E.  of  Beer-sheba.  Van  de 
Velde  takes  it  as  =r  RAMAxn-LEiii,  which  he  finds 
at  Till  el-Lekiyeh,  near  Beer-slicba. 

Ram-n-thaim-zopliini  (fr.  Heb.,  see  below),  the 
full  name  of  the  town  (Ramak  2)  in  which 
Elkauah,  the  father  of  the  prophet  Samuel,  re- 
sided. It  is  given  in  its  complete  shape  in  the 
Hebrew  text  and  A.  V.  but  once  (1  Sam.  i.  1).  Ram- 
athaim,  if  interpreted  as  a  Hebrew  word,  is  dual 
(fr.  rdtndh)  :=  the  double  eminence.  This  may  point 
to  a  peculiarity  in  the  shape  or  nature  of  the  place, 
or  may  be  an  instance  of  the  tendency,  familiar  to 
all  students,  which  exists  in  language  to  force  an 
archaic  or  foreign  name  into  an  intelligible  form  (so 
Mr.  Grove).  Of  the  force  of  "  Zopiiim  "  no  prob- 
able explanation  has  been  given.  It  was  an  ancient 
name  on  the  E.  of  Jordan  (Xum.  xxiii.  14),  and 
there,  as  here,  was  attached  to  an  eminence.  Even 
without  the  testimony  of  the  LXX.  there  is  no 
doubt,  from  the  narrative  it.self,  that  the  Ramah  of 
Samuel — where  he  lived,  built  an  altar,  died,  and 
was  buried — was  the  same  pl.icc  as  the  Ramah  or 
Ramathaim-zophim  in  which  he  was  bom.  Of  its 
position  nothing,  or  next  to  nothing,  can  be  gath- 
ered from  the  narrative.  It  was  in  Mount  Ephraim 
1  Sam.  i.  1).  It  had  apparently  attached  to  it  a 
place  called  Naioth  (xix.  18,  &c.,'  xx.  1) ;  and  it  had 
also  in  its  neighborhood  a  great  well,  the  well  of 
Sechc  (xix.  22).     Ramah  2  ;  Ramathem. 

Rama-tlirm  (fr.  Gr.,  see  below),  one  of  the  three 
"governments"  which  were  added  to  Judea    by  j 
King  Demetrius  Nicator,  out  of  the   country  of  i 
Samaria  (1    Mc.  xi.  34).      It   no  doubt   derived  its  \ 
name  from  a  town  Rahatiiaim,  [irobably  that  re-  I 


nowned  as  the  birthplace  of  Samuel  the  Prophet, 
though  this  cannot  he  stated  with  certainty. 

Ba'matb-ite  (fr.  Heb.  =;  nalive  [or  in/Mliitanl]  of 
some  Ra.mah),  tlie<  Shiniei  the  Ramathitc  had 
charge  of  the  royal  vineyards  of  King  David  (1  Chr. 
xxvii.  27). 

Bam'e-scs,  or  Ba-am'ses  (both  Heb.  fr.  Egyptian, 
the  name  [=  mn  of  the  sun,  Ges.]  of  several  kings 
of  Egypt,  one  of  whom  probably  founded  tlie  city 
and  named  it  from  himself),  a  city  and  district  of 
Lower  Egypt.  There  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt 
(so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole,  oiiginal  author  of  this  article) 
that  the  same  city  is  designated  by  Rameses  and 
Raamses,  and  that  this  was  the  chief  place  of  the 
land  of  Rameses,  all  tlie  passages  referring  to  the 
same  region.  The  first  mention  of  Rameses  is  in 
the  narrative  of  tlie  settling  by  Joseph  of  his  father 
and  brethren  in  Egypt,  where  it  is  related  that  a 
possession  was  given  them  "  in  the  land  of  Rame- 
ses" (Gen.  xlvii.  11).  This  land  of  Rameses  either 
corresponds  to  the  land  of  Goshe.v,  or  was  a  district 
of  it,  more  probably  the  former  (compare  6). 
"  Raamses "  next  occurs  as  one  of  the  two  store- 
cities  (A.  V.  "  treasure  cities  ")  built  for  the  Pha- 
raoh who  first  oppressed  the  children  of  Israel  (Ex. 
i.  11).  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Raamses  (com- 
pare Pitiiom)  is  Rameses  in  the  laud  of  Goshen. 
In  the  narrative  of  the  Exodus,  Rameses  was  the 
starting-point  of  the  journey  (xii.  37  ;  see  also  Num. 
xxxiii.  3,  5).  If,  then,  we  suppose  Rameses  or 
Raamses  to  have  been  the  chief  town  of  the  land 
of  Rameses,  either  Goshen  itself  or  a  district  of  it, 
we  have  to  endeavor  to  determine  its  situation. 
Lepsius  supposes  that  Aboo-Keshm/d  (sec  map  under 
E.xoDus,  the)  is  on  the  site  of  Rameses.  His  reasons 
are,  that  in  the  LXX.  Heroiipolis  (which  he  makes 
=  Rameses,  and  places  at  Aboo-Kesheyd)  is  placed 
in  the  land  of  Rameses,  in  a  passage  where  the 
Hebrew  only  mentions  "  the  land  of  Goshen  "  (Gen. 
xlvi.  28),  and  that  there  is  a  monolithic  group  at 
Aboo-Kesheyd  representing  Tuin,  and  Ra,  and  be- 
tween them,  Rameses  II.,  who  was  probably  there 
worshipped.  The  Biblical  narrative  of  the  position 
of  Rameses  seems  to  point  to  the  western  jiart  of 
the  land  of  Goshen,  since  two  full  marches,  and  part 
at  least  of  a  third,  brought  the  Israelites  from  this 
town  to  the  Red  Sea ;  and  the  narrative  appears  to 
indicate  a  route  for  the  chief  part  directly  toward 
the  sea.  The  one  fact  that  Aboo-Kesheyd  is  within 
about  eight  miles  of  the  ancient  head  of  the  gulf, 
seems  to  us  fatal  to  Lepsius's  identification.  There 
is  good  reason  to  suppose  that  many  cities  in  Egypt 
bore  this  name.     Exonus,  the. 

Ra-mes'se  (fr.  Gr.)  =;  Rameses  (Jd.  i.  9). 

Ra-mrab  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  hath  set, 
Ges.),  a  lajnnan  of  Israel,  one  of  the  sons  of  Parosh  ; 
husband  of  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  25). 

Ra'motb  (Heb.  heig/Us,  Ges.),  one  of  the  four  Lc- 
vitical  cities  of  Issachar  according  to  1  Chr.  vi.  73  ; 
perhaps  =  Jaruuth  and  Remeth.     Ramah,  2,  b. 

Ra'motb  (see  above),  an  Israelite  layman,  of  the 
sons  of  Bani  (Ezr.  x.  29). 

Ramotb-KU'e-ad  (Heb.  the  heiylda  of  Gllead),  one 
of  the  great  fastnesses  on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  and  the 
key  to  an  important  district,  as  is  evident  not  only 
from  the  statement  of  1  K.  iv.  13,  that  it  com- 
manded the  regions  of  Argob  and  of  the  towns  of 
Jair,  but  also  from  the  obstinacy  with  which  it  was 
attacked  and  defended  by  the  Syrians  and  Jews  in 
the  reigns  of  Ahab,  Ahaziam,  and  Jkhoram.  It 
seems  probable  (so  Mr.  Grove,  with  Winer,  &c.) 
that  it  was  identical  with  Ramath-mizpch  (Joshi  xiii. 


916 


RAM 


RAV 


26),  which  again  there  is  every  reason  to  believe 
occupied  the  spot  on  which  Jacob  liad  made  his 
covenant  with  Laban.  It  was  the  city  of  refuge  lor 
the  tribe  of  Gad  (Deut.  iv.  43  ;  Josh.xx.  8,  xxi.  38). 
We  next  encounter  it  as  tlie  residence  of  one  of 
Solomon's  commissariat  officers  (1  K.  iv.  13).  In 
the  soconcl  Syrian  war  Ramoth-gilead  played  a  con- 
spicuous part.  During  the  invasion  related  in  1  K. 
XV.  20,  or  some  subse<iucnt  incursion,  this  important 
place  had  been  seized  by  Ben-hadad  I.  from  Omri. 
Aha!),  with  Jchoshaphat,  planned  an  attack  upon 
it,  but  the  attempt  failed,  and  he  lost  his  life  (1  K. 
xxii. ;  2  Chr.  xviii.).  It  probably  remained  in  pos- 
session of  the  Syrians  till  the  suppression  of  the 
Moabite  rebellion  gave  Jchoram  time  to  renew  the 
siege.  He  was  more  fortunate  than  Ahab.  The 
town  was  taken  by  Israel,  and  held  in  spite  of  all 
the  etforts  of  Hazael  (who  was  now  on  the  throTie 
of  Damascus)  to  regain  it  (2  K.  ix.  14).  Jehorani 
was  severely  wounded  in  the  encounter,  and  retired 
to  his  palace  at  Jezreel  (2  K.  viii.  28,  ix.  15 ;  2  Chr. 
xxii.  6).  The  fortress  was  left  in  charge  of  Jeiip, 
who  was  here  anointed  king  (2  K.  ix.).  lie  drove 
off'  to  Jezreel,  but  did  not  return,  lienccforward 
Ramoth-gilead  disappears  from  our  view.  Euscbins 
and  Jerome  specify  the  position  of  Rumoth  as  fif- 
teen miles  from  Philadelphia  (Rabbah  1);  but  Eu- 
sebius  places  it  W.,  and  Jerome  E.  of  Philadelpliia. 
The  latter  position  is  obviously  unttnable.  The 
former  is  nearly  that  of  the  modern  town  of  es-Salt, 
which  Gcsenius,  Porter  (in  Kitto),  Fairbairn,  Robin- 
son, &c.,  would  identify  with  Ramoth-gilead.  &- 
Salt  has  about  3,000  inhabitants,  and  occupies  a 
strong  and  pictures(|ue  situation,  on  the  summit  of 
a  steep  hill,  crowned  with  a  eastle,  and  having  its 
lower  slopes  covered  with  terraced  vineyards.  In 
the  cliffs  and  ravines  beneath  it  are  many  tombs  and 
grottoes.  Its  raisins  are  esteemed  the  best  in  Pal- 
estine (Porter).  Ewald  proposes  a  site  further  N., 
at  licimiin,  a  (evi  miles  W.  of  Jcrash  (Gerasa).  Mr. 
Grove  is  disposed  to  place  it  at  or  near  a  site  named 
Je/'()d  (=  Crihad),  wliich  is  mentioned  by  Scctzcn 
as  four  or  five  miles  X.  of  (s-Salt. 

Ra'moth  in  GU  e-ad  (Deut.  iv.  43  ;  Josh.  xx.  8, 
xxi.  38  ;  IK.  xxii.  3)  =  IVamotii-gilead. 

Rams' IIorDS.     Cornkt;  Jubilek. 

Rains'  Skins  dyed  rrd  formed  part  of  the  materia's 
that  the  Israelites  were  ordered  to  present  as  offei'- 
ings  for  the  making  of  the  Tabernacle  (Ex.  xxv.  5); 
of  which  they  served  as  one  of  the  inner  coverings. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  the  A.  V.,  following  the 
LXX.  and  Vulgate,  and  the  Jewish  interpreters,  is 
correct  (so  ilr.  Hougliton).  The  original  words,  it 
is  true,  admit  of  being  rendered  "  skins  of  red 
rams."  The  red  ram  is  by  Col.  C.  H.  Smith  iden- 
tified with  the  Aoudad  sheep  {Ammotragus  TrageU 
aphitu). 

*  Ran'gcs  [rain  jez]  for  Pots  (Lev.  xi.  86).   Pox  9. 

*  Ransom  =  price  of  expiation  or  redemption  ; 
the  A.  y.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  cophrr,  literally 
a  cover  or  that  v'hieh  coren  (Ex.  xxx.  12;  1  Sam. 

•  xii.  3  margin  [text  "  bribe  "] ;  Job  xxxiii.  34  [mar- 
gin "  ATONEMENT  "],  xxxvi.  18  ;  Ps.  xlix.  7  [Heb.  8] ; 
Prov.  vi.  33,  xiii.  8,  xxi.  18  ;  Is.  xliii.  3  ;  Am.  v.  12 
margin  [text  "  bribe  "]) ;  also  translated  "  sum  of 
money  "  (Ex.  xxi.  30),  "  satisfaction  "  (Num.  xxxv. 
31,  32).— 2.  Heb.  pidyon  (Ex.  xxi.  30),  also  trans- 
lated "  REriEMPTioN  "  (Ps.  xlix.  8  [Heb.  9]).— 3.  Gr. 
antihitron,  properly  an  equivalent  for  redemption, 
i.  e.  a  ransom,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Z«x.  (1  Tim.  ii.  6  only). — 
4.  Gr.  lulron  i=  loosing-monei/,  a  rurmom,  price  paid 
for  the  release  of  any  one,  Rbn.  A'.  2\  Lex. ;  used 


I 


tropically  only  (Mat.  xx.  28 ;  Mk.  x.  45) ;  in  LXX. 
=  No.  1.     Punishments;  Saviour;  Slave;  War. 

Kapha  (Heb.  high,  tall?  Ges.).  T.  A  Philistine 
giant,  father  or  ancestor  of  a  family  of  tall  men 
(margin  of  2  Sam.  xxi.  16  tl'.  and  1  Chr.  xx.  4,  fi). 
(See  Rephaim  under  Giants.) — i,  A  son  or  descend- 
ant of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  2). — 3<  Son  of  Binca,  a 
descendant  of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii.  37);  =  Rei'Haiah  4. 

Ra'pba-rl,  or  Kapli'a-el  (L.  fr.  Heb.  —  the  divine 
healer,  Mr.  Westcott ;  whom  God  heah,  Gcs.),  "one 
of  the  seven  holy  angels  which  ...  go  in  and  out 
before  the  glory  of  the  Holy  One"  (Tob.  xii.  15). 
According  to  another  Jewish  tradition,  Raiihael  was 
one  of  the/o«»'  angels  which  stood  round  the  throne 
of  God  (Michael,  Uriel,  Gabriel,  Raphael).  In  Tobit  j 
he  appears  as  the  guide  and  counsellor  of  Tobias.  I 
AzARiAii  5 ;  Tobit,  Book  of.  i 

Kaph'a-im  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =:  Rephaim),  an  ancestor 
of  Judith  (Jd.  viii.  1). 

Ka'phon  (L.),  a  city  of  Gilcad,  under  the  walls  of 
which  Judas  Maccabeus  defeated  Timotheus  (1  51c. 
V.  37  only).  It  may  have  been  identical  with  Raph- 
ana,  mentioned  by  Pliny  as  one  of  the  cities  of 
the  Decapolis.  In  Kicpert's  map  accompanying 
Wetzstein's  Human,  &c.  (1860),  a  place  named  Er- 
Riife  is  marked,  on  the  E.  of  Wady  Hrer,  and  S.  of 
es-t-'anamein  (Ashteroth  Karnaim  ?).  \i  Er-Bafe  bo 
Raphana,  we  shoidd  expect  to  find  large  ruins. 

Ka'phn  (Heb.  healed,  Gcs.),  father  of  Palti,  the 
Bciijamite  spy  (Num.  xiii.  9). 

Ras'ses  (fr.  Gr.,  see  below),  fhirdrcn  of;  one  of 
the  nations  whose  country  was  ravaged  by  Hnlc- 
fernes  in  his  approach  to  Judea  (Jd.  ii.  23  cnlyl 
The  old  Latin  version  reads  Thiras  etRcds.  Wolfi' 
restores  the  orlghial  Chaldee  text  of  the  passa<!e  as 
Thars  (=  Tiras?)  and  Rosos,  and  compares  the 
latter  name  with  Rhosus,  a  place  on  the  Gulf  cf 
Issus  (compare  also  Russia).     Rosil  3. 

Katb'n-mns  (fr.  Gr.  —  Rehum).  "  Rathumus  the 
stoiy  writer"  of  1  Esd.  ii.  16,  17,  25,  30  =  "Rehum 
the  chancellor"  of  Ezr.  iv.  8,  9,  17,  23. 

Ra'Tfn  (Heb.  'oreb,  so  called  fiom  its  blaek  color, 
•Gcs. ;  Gr.  korax),  a  well-known  bird  mentioned  in 
various  passages  in  the  Bible.  A  raven  was  sent 
out  by  NoAii  from  the  ark  to  see  if  the  waters  were 
abated  (Gen.  viii.  7).  This  bird  was  not  allowed  as 
food  by  the  Mosaic  law  (Lev.  xi.  15).  The  Heb. 
^oreh  is  doubtless  used  in  a  generic  sense,  and  in- 
cludes other  species  of  the  genus  Corvm,  such  as 
the  crow  (Conus  Coront),  and  the  hooded  crow 
{Corvus  Comix).  The  European  raven  {Convjt 
Corax,  Linn.)  and  the  American  raven  ( Corvm  car- 
■nivonts,  Bartram)  are  very  closely  allied  species, 
the  largest  of  the  crow  family,  omnivorous,  but  by 
preference  carnivorous,  living  on  small  animals  of 
all  kinds,  carrion,  &e.  The  Hebrew  and  A.  V.  in 
Gen.  viii.  7  read  "the  raven  went  forth  to  and  fro 
[from  the  ark]  until  the  waters  were  dried  up ; " 
but  the  LXX.,  Vulg-^te,  and  Syriac  represent  the 
raven  as  "  not  returning  until  the  water  was  dried 
from  off  the  earth."  The  subject  of  Elijah's  sus- 
tenance at  the  brook  Chcrith  by  means  of  ravens  (1 
K.  xvii.  4,  6)  has  given  occasion  to  raucli  fanciful 
speculation.  It  has  been  attempted  to  show  tliat 
the  ^orSbim  ("ravens")  were  the  people  of  Orbo,  a 
small  town  near  Cherith.  Others  have  found  in  the 
ravens  merely  merchants ;  while  Michaelis  has  at- 
tempted to  siiow  that  Elijah  merely  plundered  the 
ravens'  nests  of  hares  and  other  game  !  To  the  fact 
of  the  raven  being  a  common  bird  in  Palestine,  and 
to  its  habit  of  flying  restlessly  about  in  constant 
search  for  food  to  satisfy  its  voracious  appetite,  may 


R4Z 


EEC 


917 


perhaps  be  traced  the  reason  for  its  being  selected 
by  our  Lord  and  the  inspired  writers  as  the  special 
object  of  God's  providing  care  (Job  xxxviii.  41 ;  Ps. 
cxlvii.  9 ;  Lk.  xii.  24). 


European  Raveo  {Carrut  Omir).— (Fbn.) 

Ra'zis  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  consumption,  destruction,  or 
a  tumult,  crowd?  W.  L.  Alexander,  in  Kitto),  "one 
of  the  elders  of  Jerusalem,"  who  killed  himself  un- 
der peculiarly  terrible  circumstances,  that  he  might 
not  fall  "into  the  hands  of  the  wicked"  (2  Mc.  xiv. 
37—46).  In  dying  he  is  reported  to  have  expressed 
Ids  faith  in  a  resurrection  (ver.  46).  This  act  of 
snicide,  which  was  wholly  alien  to  the  spirit  of  the 
Jewish  law  and  people,  has  been  rightly  urged  by 
Protestant  writers  as  an  argument  against  the  in- 
spfration  of  2  Maccabees  (so  Mr.  Westcott). 

Razor.  Besides  other  usages,  the  practice  of 
shaving  the  head  after  the  completion  of  a  vow, 
must  have  created  among  the  Jews  a  necessity  for 
the  special  trade  of  a  barber  (Num.  vi.  9,  18,  viii. 
7  ;  Lev.  xiv.  8 ;  Judg.  xiii.  5 ;  Is.  vii,  20 ;  Ez.  v.  1 ; 
Acts  xviii.  18).  The  instruments  of  his  work  were 
probably,  as  in  modern  times,  the  razor,  the  basin, 
the  mirror,  and  perhaps  also  the  scissors  (see  2  Sara, 
xiv.  26).  Like  the  Levitea,  the  Egyptian  priests 
were  accustomed  to  shave  their  whole  bodies. 
IJeard;  Haih  ;  IIasdicraft;  Knife;  Pl-rikica- 
TioN ;  Steel. 

Bc-al'a  [-a'yah],  or  Re-a-i'a  (fr.  Ilob.  —  Reai- 
Aii),  a  Keiibenite,  son  of  Micah,  and  apparently 
prince  of  his  tribe  (1  Chr.  v.  5). 

Be-ai'ali  [-a'yah],  or  Bc-a-i'ah  (Heb.  whom  Je- 
hovah cans  for,  Ges.).  1.  Son  of  Shobal,  the  son 
of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  2);  =  HaroeiiV — 2.  Ancestor 
of  a  family  of  Xethinim  who  returned  from  Babylon 
with  Zirubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  47 ;  Neh.  vii.  50). 

*  Keap'Ins.    Agricdltl-re. 

Rcba  (lleb.  a  fonrlh  part,  Ges.),  one  of  the  five 
kings  of  the  Midianites  slain  by  the  children  of  Is- 
rael, when  Balaam  fell  (Num.  xxxi.  8 ;  Josh.  xiii. 
21). 

Re-bee'ea,  the  Latinized  Greek  form  of  Rrbekah 
(Rom.  ix.  10  only). 

Re-bek'ab  (fr.  Heb.  =:  a  cord  with  a  voo<se,  not 
nnaptly  of  a  female  who  ensnares  by  her  beauty, 
Ges.),  also  written  Rebecca,  daughter  of  liETiiCEL 
(Gen.  xxii.  23)  and  sister  of  Laban,  married  to 
Isaac,  lier  father's  cousin.  She  is  first  presented 
to  us  in  the  account  of  the  mission  of  Eliezer  to 
Padan-arara  (xxiv.),  in  which  his  interview  with  Re- 
bekah,  her  consent  and  marriage  are  related.  For 
nineteen  years  she  was  childless:  then,  after  the 
prayers  of  Isaac  and  her  journey  to  inquire  of  the 


Lord,  EsAP  and  Jacob  were  bom,  and  while  the 
younger  was  more  particularly  the  companion  and 
favorite  of  his  mother  (xxv.  19-28)  the  elder  became 
a  grief  of  mind  to  her  (xxvi.  35).  When  Isaac  was 
driven  by  a  fandne  into  the  lawless  country  of  the 
Philistines,  Rebekah's  beauty  became,  as  was  appre- 
hended, a  source  of  danger  to  her  husband  (xx. ; 
compare  Abraham).  It  was  probably  a  consider- 
able time  afterward  when  Rebekah  suggested  the 
deceit  i)ractised  by  Jacob  on  his  blind  lather.  She 
directed  and  aided  him  in  carrying  it  nut,  foresaw 
the  probable  consequence  of  Esau's  anger,  and  pre- 
vented it  by  moving  Isaac  to  send  Jacob  away  to 
Padan-aram  (x.xvil.)  to  her  own  khidred  (xxix.  12). 
It  has  been  conjectured  that  she  (lied  during  Jacob's 
sojourn  in  Padan-aram.  Her  burial  is  inci<lentally 
mentioned  by  Jacob  (xlix.  31).  St.  Paul  (Rom.  ix. 
10)  refers  to  her  as  being  made  acquainted  with  the 
purpose  of  God  regarding  her  children  before  they 
were  bom. 

*  Rf-teipt'  [-seetl  of  Cns'tom.   Publican  ;  Taxes. 

Re'chab  [-kab]  (Heb.  tlie  horseman).  1.  father 
or  ancestor  of  Jehonadab  and  the  Rkciiabites  (2K. 
X.  15,  23 ;  1  Chr.  ii.  55  ;  Jer.  xxxv.  6-19) ;  identified 
by  some  writers  with  Hobab.— 2,  One  of  the  two 
"  captains  of  bands,"  whom  Ishbosheth  took  into 
his  service,  and  who  conspired  to  mvirder  him  (2 
Sam.  iv.  2). — 3.  Father  of  Malchiah,  ruler  of  "  part  " 
of  Beth-liacccrem  (Neh.  iii.  14). 

Re'cliiib-ites  (fr.  Heb.  =  descendant'!  of  Rechab). 
The  tribe  thus  named  appears  before  us  in  one 
memorable  scene.  Their  history  before  and  after  it 
lies  in  same  obscurity. — (I.)  In  1  Chr.  ii.  55,  the 
house  of  Rechab  is  identiKed  with  a  section  of  the 
Kenites,  who  came  into  Canaan  with  the  Israelites 
and  retained  their  nomadic  habits,  and  the  name  of 
Hemath  is  mentioned  as  the  patriarch  of  the  whole 
tiibe.  It  has  been  inferred  fiom  this  passage  that 
the  descendants  of  Rechab  belonged  to  a  branch  of 
the  Kenites  settled  from  the  first  at  Jabez  in  Judah  ; 
but  probably  this  passage  refers  to  the  locality  oc- 
cupied by  the  Rechabites  after  their  return  from  the 
Captivity.  Of  Rechab  1  himself  nothing  is  known. 
He  may  have  been  the  father,  he  may  have  been 
the  remote  ancestor  of  Jehonadab.  The  name  may 
have  pointed,  as  in  the  robber-chief  of  2  t-'am.  iv. 
2,  to  a  conspicuous  form  of  the  wild  Bedouin  life, 
and  Jehonadab,  the  son  'of  the  Rider,  may  have 
been,  in  part  at  least,  for  that  reason,  the  companion 
and  I'riend  of  the  fierce  captain  of  Israel  who  drives 
as  with  the  fury  of  madness  (2  K.  ix.  20).  Boulduc 
infers  from  2  K.  ii.  12,  xiii.  14,  that  the  two  great 
prophets  Elijiih  and  Elisha  were  known,  each  of 
them  in  his  time,  as  the  "  chariot "  (Heb.  rechcb)  of 
Israel.  He  infers  from  this  that  the  special  disciples 
of  the  prophets,  who  followed  them  in  all  tlicir  auster- 
ity, were  known  as  the  "  sons  of  the  chariot"  (Ileli. 
hirneti  recheb),  and  that  afterward,  wlien  the  original 
meaning  had  been  lost  sight  of,  this  was  taken  as  a 
patronymic,  and  referred  to  an  unknown  Rechab. — 
(II.)  The  |)ersonal  history  of  Jeiionadah  has  been 
dealt  with  elsewhere.  He  and  his  people  had  all 
along  been  worshippers  of  Jehovah,  eircunicise<J 
though  not  reckoned  as  belonging  to  Israel,  and 
probably  therefore  not  considering  themselves  bound 
by  the  Mosaic  law  and  ritual.  The  worship  of  Baal 
was  accordingly  not  less  offensive  to  them  than  to 
the  Israelites.  The  luxury  and  license  of  Phenician 
cities  threatened  the  destruction  of  the  simplicity 
of  their  nomadic  life  (Am.  ii.  7,  8,  vi.  8-6).  A 
protest  was  needed  against  both  evils,  and  as  in  the 
case  of  Elijah,  and  of  the  Nazaritcs  of  Am.  ii.  11,  it 


91$ 


EEC 


RED 


took  the  form  of  asceticism.  Tliere  was  to  be  a  more 
rigid  adherence  than  ever  to  the  old  Arab  lii'e.  They 
were  to  drink  no  wine,  nor  build  house,  nor  sow 
seed,  nor  plant  vineyard,  nor  have  any.  All  their 
days  they  were  to  dwell  in  tents,  as  remembering 
that  they  were  strangers  in  the  land  (Jer.  xx.xv.  6, 1). 
Thi.s  was  to  be  the  condition  of  their  retaining  a 
distinct  tribal  existence.  For  two  centuries  and  a 
half  they  adhered  faithfully  to  this  rule.  The  Na- 
batheans  (Nebaioth)  and  Wahabees  (Arahia)  sup- 
ply us  with  a  striking  parallel. — (HI.)  The  invasion 
of  Judah  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  in  D.  c.  607,  drove  the 
Rechabitos  from  their  tents.  Some  inferences  may 
be  safely  drawn  from  the  facts  of  Jer.  xxxv.  The 
names  of  the  Rechabites  show  that  they  continued  to 
be  worshippers  of  Jehovah.  They  are  already  known 
to  the  prophet.  One  of  them  (vcr.  3 ;  Jeremiah  8) 
bears  the  same  name.  Their  rigid  Nazarite  life 
gained  for  them  admission  into  tlie  house  of  the 
Lord,  into  one  of  the  chambers  assigned  to  priests 
and  Levites,  within  its  precincts.  Here  they  are 
tempted  and  their  steadfastness  is  a  reproof  for 
the  unfaithfulness  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem.  The 
Instory  of  this  trial  ends  with  a  si)ecial  blessing : 
"  Jonadab,  the  son  of  Rechab,  shall  not  want  a 
man  to  stand  before  me  forever"  (vcr.  19).  Prof 
I'lumptre  regards  the  words  "  to  stand  before  me  " 
as  not  only  pointing  to  the  perpetuation  of  the 
name  and  tribe,  but  as  meaning  also  that  the  Re- 
chabites acted  as  the  servants  and  ministers  of  Je- 
hovah— that  they  were  solemnly  a<lopted  into  the 
families  of  Israel,  and  were  recognized  as  incorpo- 
rated into  the  tribe  of  Levi.  (Hut  compare  Num. 
iii.  10,  xvi.  40,  xviii.  1-10.)— (IV.)  Prof.  Plumptre 
alleges  in  support  of  his  view  the  following  traces 
of  their  after-history  in  the  Biblical  and  later  wri- 
ters:— (1.)  The  singular  heading  of  the  Ps.  Ixxi.  in 
the  LXX.  version,  indicating  that  the  "  sons  of 
Jonadab  "  shared  the  captivity  of  Israel.  (2.)  The 
mention  of  a  son  of  Rechab  in  Neh.  iii.  14,  as  co- 
operating with  the  priests,  Levites,  and  princes  in 
the  restoration  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem.  (3.)  The 
mention  of  the  house  of  Rechab  in  1  Chr.  ii.  55. 
The  Rechabites  have  become  Scribes.  They  give 
themselves  to  a  calling  which,  at  the  time  of  the  re- 
turn from  Babylon  was  chiefly,  if  not  exclusively, 
in  the  hands  of  Levites  (so  Prof  Plumptre).  The 
close  juxtaposition  of  the  Rechabites  with  the  de- 
scendants of  David  in  1  Chr.  iii.  1,  shows  also  in 
how  honorable  an  esteem  they  were  held  at  the  time 
when  that  book  was  compiled.  (4.)  The  account 
of  the  martyrdom  of  James  the  Just  given  by  Ileg- 
esippus.  While  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees  were 
stoning  him,  "  one  of  the  priests  of  the  sons  of 
Rechab,  the  son  of  Rechabim,  who  are  mentioned 
by  Jeremiah  the  prophet,"  cried  out,  protesting 
against  the  crime.  Dr.  Stanley  supposes  the  name 
"  priests  "  here  used  loosely,  as  indicating  the  al)- 
stemious  life  of  James  and  other  Nazarites,  and 
points  to  the  fact  that  Epiphanius  ascribes  to 
Symcon  the  brother  of  James  the  words  which 
Ilegesippus  puts  into  the  Rechabite's  mouth.  Cal- 
met  supposes  the  man  was  one  of  the  Rechabite 
Nethinim,  whom  the  informant  of  Ilegesippus  took, 
in  his  ignorance,  for  a  priest.  (5.)  Some  later  no- 
tices are  not  without  interest.  Benjamin  of  Tudela, 
in  the  twelfth  century,  mentions  that  near  Eljubar 
(=  Pumbeditha)  he  found  Jews  who  were  named 
Rechabites.  They  tilled  the  ground,  kept  flocks 
and  herds,  abstained  from  wine  and  flesh,  and  gave 
tithes  to  teachers  who  devoted  themselves  to  study- 
ing the  Law,  and  weeping  for  Jerusalem.     A  later 


I  traveller.  Dr.  Joseph  Wolff,  gives  a  yet  stranger 
and  more  detailed  report.  The  Jews  of  Jerusalem 
and  Yemen  told  him  that  he  would  find  the  Rechab- 
ites of  Jer.  xxxv.  living  near  Mecca.  When  he 
came  near  Senaa,  he  came  In  contact  with  a  tribe, 
tlie  Baii-Khaibr,  who  identified  themselves  with  the 
sons  of  Jonadab.  One  of  them,  Mousa,  read  to 
Dr.  Wolff  from  an  Arabic  Bible  Jer.  xxxv.  5-11, 
and  aflirraed  that  it  was  fulfilled  in  them,  and  that 
they  were  60,(i00  in  number.  After  a  second  inter- 
view with  Mousa,  he  describes  them  as  keeping 
strictly  to  the  old  rule,  calls  them  now  by  the  name 
of  the  B'ne-Arhab,  and  says  that  B^ne  Israel  of  the 
tribe  of  Dan  live  with  them.  Signor  Pierotti  read 
a  paper  "  On  recent  notices  of  the  Rechabites  "  be- 
fore the  British  Association,  in  October,  1862.  He 
met  with  a  tribe  about  two  miles  S.  E.  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  who  called  themselves  by  that  name,  had  a 
Hebrew  Bible,  said  their  prayers  at  the  tomb  of  a 
Jewish  Rabbi,  and  told  him  the  same  stories  as  had 
been  told  to  Wolff'  thirty  years  before. 

Re'rhah  [-kah]  (Ileb.  the  side,  hinder  part,  Ges.). 
In  1  Chr.  iv.  12,  Beth-rapha,  Paseah,  and  Tehinnah 
the  father,  or  founder,  of  Ir-nahash,  are  said  to 
have  been  "  the  men  of  Rechah." 

*  Kcf-on-cil-i-a'tioii,     Atonement. 
He-cord'or  (Heb.  mazcir),  an  officer  of  high  rank 

in  the  Jewish  state,  exercising  the  functions  not 
simply  of  an  annalist,  but  of  chancellor  or  presi-  j 
dent  of  the  privy  council.  In  David's  court  the  J 
recorder  appears  among  the  high  officers  of  his] 
household  (2  Sam.  viii.  16,  xx.  24;  1  Chr.  xviii.  16).  j 
In  Solomon's  he  is  coupled  with  the  three  secreta- 
ries, and  is  mentioned  last,  probably  as  being  their  | 
president  (1  K.  iv.  3;  compare  2  K.  xviii.  18,  37;  2^ 
Chr.  xxxiv.  8).     King  ;  Writing. 

*  Uod.     Colors  ;  Red  Heifer  ;  Red  Sea. 

*  Ke-docm'er,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  ffoelA 
applied  (so  Gesenius)  to  one  who  redeems  a  field  by  j 
paying  back  the  price  for  which  it  had  lieen  sold,  j 
this  right  belonging  to  the  nearest  kinsman  (Lev. 
XXV.  25,  26  ;  A.  V.  in  both  "  to  redeem  "),  and  often  | 
figuratively  applied  to  God  as  redeeming  and  deliv- 
ering men,   and  especially  Israel  (Job  xix.  25  ;  Is. 
xlix.  7,  26,  &c.).     The  same  word  is  also  translated  1 
"kinsman"  (Ru.  iv.  1  ff.   [=  margin  "redeemer"! 
in  14],  &c.),  "  avenger,"  or  "  revenger  "  sc.  of  blood 
(Num.  xxxv.  12  if.,  &c.).   Blood,  Avenger  or ;  Mar- 
riage :  Atonement  ;  Jesus  Christ  ;  Saviour,  &c. 

*  Ro-dcmp'tion,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  I 
geulliih  =  the  redemption  or  rejmrihase  of  a  field,  1 
&c.  (Lev.   XXV.   24,  51,   52;  Jer.  xxxii.   7,   8 ;  Rk- | 
deemer). — 2.  Heb.  piduth  (Ex.  viii.  23  marg.  [Heb. 
19]  ;  Ps.  cxi.   9,   exxx.   7),  puhjom  (Num.   iii.  49), 
jndyon  (Ps.  xlix.  8  [Hob.  9] ;  Ransom),  all  from  a  I 
Hebrew  root  signifying  (so  Gisenius)  lo  ait,  to  cut  in 
two,  lo  ciU  loose,  hence  io  ransom,  to  redeem,  to  set  free, 
— 3.  Gr.  ajiolutrosis,  properly  (so  Kbn.  N.  T.  Lex.) 
a  letting  off  for  a  ransom,  i.  e.  redemption,  deliveranee  j 
on  account  of  a  ransom  paid  (Lk.  xxi.  28  ;  Rom.  iii. 
24,  viii.  23  ;  1  Cor.  i.  30  ;  Eph.  i.  7, 14,  iv.  30  ;  Col.  ' 
14;  Heb.  ix.   15),  once  translated  "deliverance") 
(xi.  35). — 4.  Gr.  hitrosis  :=  a  ransoming,  deliverance] 
(Lk.  ii.  38;  Heb.  ix.  12);  once,  with  a  verb  signi- 
fying to  male,  translated  "  redeemed,"  i.  e.  made  re- 1 
demption  for  (Lk.  i.  68).     Atonement  ;  Jeuovau  ;j 
Jesis  Christ ;  Redeemer. 

Red  Hclf  er  [hef-].     Purification. 

Red  Sea.     The  sea  known  to  us  as  the  Red  Sea  j 
was  bv  the  Israelites  called  in  Heb.  havi/dm  =  "  the 
sea  "  '(Ex.  xiv.   2,  9,  16,  21,  28,  xv.  1,'4,  8,  10,  19;  ] 
Josh.  xxiv.  6,  7,  &c.);  and  specially  yam-swjo/i,  A.V. 


BED 


RED 


919 


"Red  Sea"  (Ex.  x.  19,  xiii.  18,  xv.  4,  22,  xxiii.  31 ; 
Num.  xiv.  25,  &c.).  It  is  perhaps  written  in  Heb.  su- 
jJitVi  in  Num.  xxi.  14,  rendered  "  Red  Sea  '*  in  A.  V. 
(NuMBBRS,  B) ;  and  in  lilte  manner  in  Dent.  i.  1,  suph, 
A.  V.  "  Red  Sea,"  margin  "  Zupii."  Tlie  LXX.  al- 
way.s  render  it  M  eriUhra  l/ialassa  (except  in  Jiidg. 
xi.  IH).  Tlie  same  Greek  name  occurs  in  Acts  vii. 
36  aud  Ocb.  xi.  29. — Of  the  names  of  this  sea  (1.) 
Heb.  ,vd/»  signifies  "  tlic  sea,"  or  any  sea.  It  is  also 
applied  to  the  Xii,E  (exactly  as  the  Arabic  ba/ir  is 
so  applied)  in  Nah.  iii.  8.  (2.)  Heb.  yam-xuph.  The 
meiuiing  of  mph,  and  the  reason  of  its  being  ap- 
plied to.  this  seiv,  have  given  rise  to  much  learned 
controversy.  Gesenius  renders  it  r^uih,  reed,  aedc/e, 
sea-weed.  It  is  mentioned  in  tlie  0.  T.  almost  always 
in  connection  with  the  sea  of  the  Exodus  ;  it  also 
occurs  in  the  narrative  of  the  exposure  of  Moses 
(Ex.  ii.  3,  6),  and  in  Is.  xix.  6,  where  it  is  rendered 
"  FL.40  "  in  the  A.  V.  It  only  occurs  in  one  place 
besides  those  already  referred  to  :  in  Jon.  ii.  5,  lleb. 
6  (A.  V.  "weeds  ").  The  suph  of  the  sea,  it  seems 
quite  certain,  is  a  sea-weed  resemb'ing  wool  (so  Mr. 
E.  S.  Poole,  original  author  of  this  article).  Such 
seaweed  is  thrown  up  abundantly  on  the  shores  of 
the  Ketl  Sea.  But  it  may  have  been  aim  applied  to 
any  substance  resembling  wool,  produced  by  a  flu- 
vial rush,  such  as  the  papyrus,  and  hence  by  a  synec- 
doche to  saeh  rush  itself.  (3.)  Heb.  yior,  signiBcs 
"a  RIVER."  Gesenius  says  it  is  almost  exclusively 
used  of  the  Nile  (and  so  Fiirst,  Porter  [in  Kitto], 
Fairbairn,  &e.) ;  but  Mr.  Poole  thinks  that  in  the 
pass.ages  relating  to  the  exposure  of  Moses  it  applies 
to  the  ancient  extension  of  the  Red  Sea  toward 
Tanis  (Zoan,  Avaris),  or  to  the  ancient  canal  through 
which  the  water  of  the  Nile  passed  to  the  "  tongue 
of  the  Egyptian  Sea."  (4.)  Gr.  lU  ei-ulhra  Ihalassa 
(Acts  vii.  36;  Ueb.  xi.  29);  h.  mare  ErjithrKeum. 
The  authors  of  theories  concerning  the  origin  of 
this  appellation  may  be  divided  into  two  schools. 
The  first  have  ascribed  it  to  some  natural  phenom- 
enon ;  such  as  the  singularly  red  appearance  of  the 
mountains  of  the  western  coast;  the  red  color  of 
the  water  sometimes  caused  by  the  presence  of  zo- 
ophytes ;  the  red  coral  of  the  sea ;  the  red  sea- 
weed ;  and  the  red  storks  that  have  been  seen  in 
great  numbers,  &c.  The  second  have  endeavored 
to  find  an  etymological  derivation.  Of  these  the 
earliest  (European)  writers  proposed  a  derivation 
from  EiioM  (red),  by  the  Greeks  translated  literally. 
The  Greeks  and  Romans  tell  us  that  the  sea  re- 
ceived its  name  from  a  great  king,  Erythras  (Gr. 
EriilUras),  who  reigned  in  tlie  adjacent  country : 
the  stories  that  have  come  down  to  us  ap|)ear  to  be 
distortions  of  the  tradition  that  Himyer  was  the 
name  of  apparenily  the  chief  family  of  Arabia  Fe- 
lix, the  great  South-Arabian  kingdom,  whence  the 
Hiniyeriles,  and  Homeritic.  Himyer  appears  to  be 
derived  from  the  Arabic  ahniar,  red.  We  can 
scarcely  doubt,  on  these  etymological  grounds,  the 
connection  between  the  Phcnicians  and  the  Himyer- 
ite.s,  or  that  in  this  is  the  true  origin  of  the  appellation 
of  the  Red  Sea.  But  when  the  ethnological  side  of 
the  question  is  considered,  the  evidence  is  much 
strengthened.  The  South-Arabian  kingdom  was  a 
Joktaoite  (orShemite)  nation  mixed  with  aCushite. 
The  Red  Sea,  therefore,  was  most  probably  the  Sea 
of  the  Red  men. — Ancient  Limits.  The  most  im- 
portant change  in  the  Red  Sea  has  been  the  drying 
up  of  its  northern  extremity,  "the  tongue  of  the 
Egvptian  Sea."  The  land  about  the  head  of  the 
gulf  has  risen,  and  that  near  the  Mediterranean  be- 
come depressed.     The  head  of  the  gulf  has  conse- 


quently retired  gradually  since  the  Christian  era. 
Thus  the  prophecy  of  Isaiah  has  been  fultilled  (xi. 
15,  xix.  5) :  the  tongue  of  the  Red  Sea  has  dried  up 
for  a  distance  of  at  least  fifty  miles  from  its  ancient 
head.  An  ancient  canal  conveyed  the  waters  of 
the  Nile  to  the  Red  Sea  flowing  through  the  iVddi- 
t-l'iimei/ldl,  and  irrigating  with  its  system  of  water- 
cliannels  a  large  extent  of  country  (see  maps  under 
Egypt,  and  E.xonus,  the).  The  drying  up  of  the 
head  of  the  gulf  appears  to  have  been  one  of  the 
chief  causes  of  the  neglect  and  ruin  of  this  canal. 
The  country,  for  the  distance  above  indicated,  is 
now  a  desert  of  gravelly  sand,  with  wide  patches 
about  the  old  sea-bottom,  of  rank  marsh-land,  now 
called  the  "Bitter  Lakes."  At  the  northern  ex- 
tremity of  this  salt  waste  is  a  small  lake  sometimes 
called  the  Lake  of  Heroiipolis,  now  Birk-el  el-7'imsdh 
(the  Late  of  the  Crocodile),  and  supposed  to  mark 
the  ancient  head  of  the  gulf.  The  canal  that  con- 
nected this  with  the  Nile  was  of  Pharaonic  origin, 
anciently  known  as  the  Fossa  Reguni  (L.  =  King's 
Canal),  and  the  Canal  of  Hero.  The  tinje  at  which 
the  canal  was  extended,  after  the  drying  up  of  the 
head  of  the  gulf,  to  the  present  head  is  uncertain, 
but  it  must  have  been  late,  and  probably  since  the 
Mohammedan  conquest.  Traces  of  the  ancient 
channel  throughout  its  entire  length  to  the  vicinity 
of  Bubastis  (Pi-beseth),  exist  at  intervals  in  the 
present  day.  The  land  N.  of  the  ancient  head  of 
the  gulf  is  a  plain  of  heavy  sand,  merging  into 
marsh-land  near  the  Mediterranean  coast,  and  ex- 
tending to  Palestine.  This  region,  including  Wddi- 
t-Tumri/ldt,  was  probably  the  frontier-land  occupied 
in  part  by  the  Israelites,  and  open  to  the  incur- 
sions of  the  wild  tribes  of  the  Arabian  desert. — 
Physical  Description.  In  extreme  length  the  Red 
Sea  stretches  from  the  Straits  of  Bdb  el-Afendeh  (or 
rather  Rds  Bah  el-Mendeb)  in  latitude  12°  40'  N.,  to 
the  modern  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Suez,  latitude  30' 
N.,  about  1,400  English  miles  (see  map  under  Ara- 
bia). Its  greatest  width  may  be  stated  roughly  at 
about  200  geographical  miles  ;  this  is  about  latitude 
16^  30',  but  the  navigable  channel  is  here  really  nar- 
rower than  in  some  other  portions.  From  shore  to 
shore,  its  narrowest  part  is  at  Rds  Bends,  latitude 
24',  on  the  African  coast,  to  Rds  Bereedce  opposite, 
a  little  north  of  Yenibo\  the  port  of  Medina ;  and 
thence  northward  to  Rds  Mohammed,  the  sea  main- 
tains about  the  same  average  width  of  100  geo- 
graphical miles.  At  Rds  Mohammed,  the  Red  Sea  is 
split  by  the  granitic  peninsula  of  Sinai  into  two 
gulfs ;  the  westernmost,  or  Gulf  of  Suez,  is  now 
about  130  geographical  miles  in  length,  with  an 
average  width  of  about  18,  though  it  contracts  to 
less  than  10  miles  :  the  easternmost,  or  Gulf  ol  J?l- 
^Aknbch,  is  only  about  90  miles  long,  from  the  Straits 
of  Tirdn,  to  the  'Akabeh  (Ei.ath),  and  of  propor- 
tionate narrowness.  The  navigation  of  the  Red  Sea 
and  Gulf  of  Suez,  near  the  shore,  is  very  difficult 
from  the  abundance  of  shoals,  coral-reefs,  rocks, 
and  small  islands;  but  in  mid-channel,  exclusive  of 
the  Gulf  of  Suez,  there  is  generally  a  width  of  100 
miles  clear,  except  the  Daidalus  reef.  The  bottom 
in  deep  soundings  is  in  most  places  sand  and  stones, 
from  Suez  as  far  as  Juddah ;  an<l  thence  to  the 
straits  it  is  commonly  mud.  The  deepest  sounding 
in  the  excellent  Admiralty  chart  is  1,054  fa thom.s, 
in  latitude  22"  30'.  Journeying  southward  from 
Suez,  on  our  left  is  the  peninsula  of  Sinai  :  on  the 
right  is  the  desert  coast  of  Egypt,  of  limestone  for- 
mation like  the  greater  part  of  the  Nile  valley 
in  Egypt,  the  cliffs  on  the  sea-margin  stretching 


920 


RED 


RED 


landward  in  a  great  rocky  plateau,  while  more  Inland 
a  chain  of  volcanic  mountains  (beginning  about  lati- 
tude 28°  4'  and  running  S.)  rears  its  lofty  peaks 
at  intervals  above  the  limestone,  generally  about  15 
miles  distant,  and  some  of  them  6,000  feet  or  more 
in  height.  This  coast  is  especially  interesting  in  a 
Biblical  point  of  view,  for  here  were  some  of  the 
earliest  monasteries  of  the  Eastern  Church,  and  in 
those  secluded  and  barren  mountains  lived  very 
early  Christian  hermits.  South  of  the  "  Elba " 
chain  (about  latitude  22°),  the  country  gradually 
sinks  to  a  plain,  until  it  rises  to  the  highland  of 
Geeilan,  latitude  15°,  and  thence  to  the  straits  ex- 
tends a  chain  of  low  mountains.  The  greater  part 
of  the  African  coast  of  the  Red  Sea  is  sterile,  sandy, 
and  tliinly  peojiled.  The  Gulf  of  El-Akabeh  (i.  e. 
"  of  the  Mountain-road  ")  is  the  termination  of  the 
long  valley  of  the  Ghor  or' Arabah  that  runs  north- 
ward to  the  Dead  Sea.  It  is  itself  a  narrow  valley ; 
the  sides  are  lofty  and  precipitous  mountains,  of  en- 
tire barrenness ;  the  bottom  is  a  river-like  sea,  run- 
ning nearly  straight  for  its  whole  length  of  about 
90  miles.  The  northerly  winds  rush  down  this 
gorge  with  uncommon  fury,  and  render  its  naviga- 
tion extremely  perilous ;  while  most  of  the  few 
anchorages  are  open  to  the  soutlierly  gales.  The 
western  slioro  is  the  peninsula  of  SiSAi.  The  Ara- 
bian chain  of  mountains  skirts  the  eastern  coast. 
The  sea,  from  its  dangers  and  sterile  shores,  is  en- 
tirely destitute  of  boats.  The  Arabian  coast  out- 
side the  Gulf  of  ^Akabeh  is  skirted  by  the  range 
of  Arabian  mountains,  which  generally  leave  a  belt 
of  coast  country,  called  Tihdmeh,  or  the  Ohor.  Tliis 
tract  is  generally  a  sandy  parched  plain,  thinly  in- 
habited ;  tliose  characteristics  being  especially  strong 
in  the  X.  The  mountains  of  the  Ilejdz  consist  of 
ridges  running  parallel  toward  the  interior,  and  in- 
creasing in  height  as  they  recede.  The  distant 
ranges  have  a  rugged  pointed  outline,  and  are  gra- 
nitic ;  nearer  tlie  sea  many  of  the  hills  are  fossilifer- 
ous  limestone,  while  the  beach  hills  consist  of  light- 
colored  sandstone,  fronted  by  and  containing  large 
quantities  of  shells  and  masses  of  coral.  Some  of 
the  mountains  on  this  side  are  from  6,000  to  7,700  feet 
high.  The  coast-line  itself,  or  Tihdmeh,  N.  of  Ycmbo', 
is  of  moderate  elevation,  varying  from  50  to  100 
feet,  with  no  beach.  To  the  southward  to  Juddah 
it  is  more  sandy  and  less  elevated.  The  coral  of  Uic 
Red  Sea  is  remarkably  abundant,  and  beautifully 
colored  and  variegated.  It  is  often  red,  but  the 
more  common  kind  is  white  ;  and  of  hewn  blocks 
of  this  many  of  the  Arabian  towns  are  built. — The 
carlie-^t  nmiffalion  of  the  Red  Sea  (passing  by  the 
pre-historical  Phenicians)  is  mentioned  by  Herodo- 
tus. "Sesostris  (Rameses  II.)  was  the  first  who, 
passing  the  Arabian  Gulf  in  a  fleet  of  long  vessels, 
reduced  under  his  authority  the  inhabitants  of  the 
coast  bordering  the  Erythrean  Sea."  Three  cen- 
turies later,  Solomon's  navy  was  built  "  in  Ezio.n- 
OEBER  which  is  beside  Elotli  (Elath),  on  the  shore 
of  the  Red  Sea  in  the  land  of  Edom"  (1  K.  i.v.  26). 
It  is  possible  that  the  sea  has  retired  here  as  at 
Suez,  and  that  Ezion-geber  is  now  dry  land.  Jehosh- 
aphat  also  "  made  ships  of  Tharshish  to  go  to 
Ophir  for  gold :  but  tlicy  went  not,  for  the  ships 
were  broken  at  Ezion-geber  "  (xxii.  48).  The  scene 
of  this  wreck  has  been  supposed  to  be  Edk-Dhahab. 
The  fashion  of  the  ancient  ships  of  the  Red  Sea,  or 
of  the  Phenician  ships  of  Solomon,  is  unknown. 
From  Pliny  we  learn  that  the  ships  were  of  papyrus 
and  like  the  boats  of  the  Nile  (Egypt);  and  this  state- 
ment was  no  doubt  in  some  measure  correct.  El-Mak- 


reezee,  in  the  first  half  of  the  fifteenth  century,  thu* 
describes  the  ships  that  sailed  from  Eiidkdb  on  the 
Egyptian  coast  to  Juddah:  "Their  'Jelr be/is,'  which 
carry  the  pilgrims  on  the  coast,  have  not  a  nail  used 
in  them,  but  their  planks  are  sewed  together  with 
fibre,  which  is  taken  from  the  coeoanut-tree,  and  they 
caulk  them  with  the  fibres  of  the  wood  of  the  date- 
palm  ;  then  they  '  pay '  them  with  butter,  or  tlie  oil 
of  the  palma  Christi,  or  with  the  fat  of  the  kirsh 
(white  shark  ?  Sqtmlus  Carcharias).  .  .  .  The  sails 
of  thesfe  jelebehs  are  of  mats  made  of  the  rf<5m-palm." 
The  fleets  appear  to  have  sailed  about  the  autunmal 
equinox,  and  returned  in  December  or  the  middle 
of  January.  The  Red  Sea,  as  it  possessed  for  many 
centuries  the  most  important  sea-trade  of  the  East, 
contained  ports  of  celebrity.  Of  these,  Elath  and 
Ezion-geber  alone  appear  to  be  mentioned  in  the 
Bible.  The  Ilerodpolite  Gulf  (Gulf  of  Suez)  is  of 
the  chief  interest :  it  was  near  to  Goshen  ;  it  was  the 
scene  of  the  passage  of  the  Red  Sea ;  and  it  was  the 
"  tongue  of  the  Egyptian  Sea."  It  was  also  the  seat 
of  the  Egyptian  trade  in  this  sea  and  to  the  Indian 
Ocean.  Heroiipolis  is  doubtless  the  same  as  Hero, 
and  its  site  is  probably  identified  with  the  modern 
Aboo  Keslieyd,  at  the  head  of  the  old  gulf  (Rame- 
SES.)  Suez  is  a  poor  town,  and  has  only  an  unsafe 
anchorage,  with  very  shoal  water.  On  the  shore  of 
the  Ileroiipolite  gulf  was  also  Arsinoe,  founded  by 
Ptolemy  Pliiladelphus  :  its  site  has  not  been  settled. 
Berenice,  founded  by  the  same,  on  the  southern 
frontier  of  Egypt,  rose  to  importance  under  the 
Ptolemies  and  the  Romans :  it  is  now  of  no  note. 
On  the  western  coast  was  also  the  anchorage  of 
Myos  Hormos,  a  little  N.  of  the  modern  town  El- 
Kusei/r,  which  now  forms  the  point  of  commimica- 
tiou  with  tlie  old  route  to  Coptos.  On  the  Arabian 
coast  the  principal  ports  are  Mu'ei/le/i,  Yembo'  (the 
port  of  Medina),  Juddah  (the  port  of  Mecca),  and 
Mukhd,  by  us  commonly  written  Mocha.  The  com- 
merce of  the  Red  Sea  was,  in  very  ancient  times, 
unquestionably  great.  The  earliest  records  tell  of 
the  ships  of  the  Egyptians,  the  Phenicians,  and  the 
Arabs.  (Alexandria;  Arabia;  Egypt;  Phe.nicia.) 
But  the  shoaling  of  the  head  of  the  gulf  rendered 
the  navigation,  always  dangerous,  more  difficult ;  it 
destroyed  the  former  anchorages,  and  made  it  neces- 
sary to  carry  merchandise  across  the  desert  to  the 
Nile.  This  change  appears  to  have  been  one  of  the 
main  causes  of  the  decay  of  the  commerce  of  Egypt. 
Since  the  time  of  Mohammed  the  Red  Sea  trade  has 
been  insignificant. 

Kod  Sea,  Pas'sage  of  the.  The  passage  of  the 
Red  Sea  was  the  crisis  of  the  Exodus.  (E.xonus,  the.) 
It  was  the  miracle  by  which  the  Israelites  left  Egypt 
and  were  delivered  from  the  oppressor.  (Pharaoh  4.) 
The  points  that  arise  are  the  place  of  the  passage, 
the  narrative,  and  the  importance  of  the  event  in 
Biblical  history.  1.  It  is  usual  to  suppose  that  the 
most  northern  place  at  which  the  Red  Sea  could 
have  been  crossed  is  the  present  head  of  the  Gulf  of 
Suez.  An  examination  of  the  country  N.  of  Suez  has 
shown,  however,  that  the  sea  has  receded  many 
miles  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole,  original  author  of  this  ar- 
ticle). The  old  bed  is  indicated  by  the  Birket-et-Tim- 
sdh  (Lake  of  the  Crocodile),  and  the  most  southern 
Bitter  Lakes,  the  northernmost  part  of  the  former 
probably  corresponding  to  the  head  of  the  gulf  at 
the  time  of  the  Exodus. — It  is  necessary  to  endeavor 
to  ascertain  the  route  of  the  Israelites  before  we  at- 
tempt to  discover  where  they  crossed  the  sea.  The 
point  from  which  they  started  was  Ramkses,  a  place 
certainly  in  the  land  of  GosiiEX,  which  we  identify 


f 


RED 


RED 


921 


with  the  Wddi-t-Tameyldl  (sec  maps  under  Egypt 
and  ExoDLS,  the).  After  the  mention  that  the  peo- 
ple journeyed  from  Rameses  to  SrccoTH,  and  before 
that  of  their  departure  from  Suceoth,  a  passage  oc- 
curs which  appears  to  show  the  first  direction  of  the 
journey,  and  not  a  change  in  the  route :  "  God 
led  them  not  [by]  the  way  of  the  land  of  the  Philis- 
tines, although  that  [was]  near ;  .  .  .  but  God  caused 
the  people  to  turn  [by]  the  way  of  the  wilderness  of 
the  Red  Sea"  (Ex.  xiii.  17,  18).  At  the  end  of  the 
second  day's  journey  the  camping-place  was  at 
Etham  "  in  the  edge  of  the  wilderness"  (Ex.  xiil. 
20;  Num.  xxxiii.  6).  Here  the  Wddi-l-Tumei/hUwas 
probably  left,  as  it  is  cultivable  and  terminates  in 
the  desert.  After  leaving  this  place  the  direction 
seems  to  have  changed.  The  first  passage  relating 
to  the  journey,  after  the  mention  of  the  encamping 
at  Etham,  is  a  command  given  to  Moses:  "Speak 
unto  the  children  of  Israel,  that  they  turn  [or  '  re- 
turn ']  and  encamp  [or  '  that  they  encimp  again  '] 
before  Pi-iiaiiirotii,  between  Miouol  and  the  sea, 
over  against  Baai.-zkpiio.s"  (Ex.  xiv.  2).  This  ex- 
planation is  added :  "  And  Pharaoh  will  say  of  the 
children  of  Israel,  They  [are]  entangled  in  the  land, 
the  wiltlerness  hath  shut  them  in"  (3).  The  ren- 
dering of  the  A.  v.,  "  that  they  turn  and  encamp," 
seems  the  most  probable  of  those  given.  At  the  end 
of  the  third  day's  march,  for  each  camping-place 
seems  to  mark  the  close  of  a  day's  jo\irney,  the 
Israelites  encampcil  by  the  sea.  The  place  of  tliis 
last  encampment,  and  that  of  the  passage,  if  Mr. 
Poole's  views  as  to  the  most  probable  route  are 
correct,  would  not  be  very  far  from  the  I'crsepolitan 
monument,  about  thirty  miles  N.  of  the  present  head 
of  the  Gulf  of  Suez.  Local  tradition  favors  the  com- 
mon opinion  that  the  Israelites  passed  near  the  pres- 
ent head  of  the  gulf;  but  local  tradition  in  Egypt  and 
the  neighboring  countries,  judging  from  tlie  evidence 
of  history,  is  of  very  little  value.  The  Moslems  sup- 
pose the  Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus  resided  at  Memphis. 
From  opposite  Memphis  a  broad  valley  leads  to  the 
Red  S  a.  It  is  in  part  called  the  Wudi-t-Teeh  — 
Vallrii  of  the  Wan'lering.  From  it  the  traveller 
reaches  the  sea  beneath  the  lofty  Oebel-etTdkah, 
which  rises  on  the  X.  and  shuts  off  all  escape  in  that 
direction,  except  by  a  narrow  way  along  the  sea- 
shore, which  Pharaoh  might  have  occupied.  The 
sea  here  is  broad  and  deep,  as  the  narrative  is  gen- 
erally held  to  imply.  All  the  local  features  seem 
suited  for  a  great  event.  The  supposition  that  the 
Israelites  took  an  upper  route,  now  that  of  the  Mecca 
caravan,  along  the  desert  to  the  N.  of  the  elevated 
tract  between  Cairo  and  Suez,  must  be  mentioned,  ; 
although  it  is  less  probable  than  that  just  noticed, 
and  offers  the  same  dirticulties.  It  is,  however,  pos- 
sible to  suppose  that  the  Israelites  crossed  the  sea 
near  Suez  without  attaining  it  through  the  Wddi-t- 
Tc-h.  If  they  went  through  the  Wiidi-l-Tumei/lU 
they  might  have  turned  southward  from  its  E.  end, 
and  so  reached  the  neighboihood  of  Suez;  but  this 
would  make  the  third  day's  journey  more  than  thirty 
miles  at  least.  Mr.  Poole  therefore  thinks  that  the 
only  opinion  warranted  by  the  narrative  is  that  al- 
ready slated,  which  supposes  the  passage  of  the  sea 
to  have  taken  place  near  the  northernmost  part  of 
its  ancient  extension. — The  last  camping-place  was 
before  Pi  iiahiroth.  It  appears  that  Mionoi.  was 
behind  Pi-hahiroth,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  Raal- 
ZKPHON  and  the  sea.  From  Pi-hahiroth  the  Israel- 
ites crossed  the  sea.  The  only  points  bearing  on 
geography  in  the  account  of  this  event  are  (a.)  that 
the  sea  was  divided  by  an  E.  wind,  whence  we  may 


reasonably  infer  that  it  was  crossed  from  W.  to  E., 
and  (b.)  that  the  whole  Egyptian  army  peiished, 
wliich  shows  that  it  must  have  been  some  miles 
broad,  probably  at  least  twelve  miles.  2.  A  careful 
examination  of  the  narrative  of  the  passage  of  the 
Red  Sea  is  necessary  to  a  right  undei-standiiig  of  the 
event.  When  the  Israelites  had  departed,  Pharaoh 
repented  that  he  had  let  them  go.  Mr.  Poole  sup- 
poses he  started  from  Zoan  to  pursue  them.  The 
strength  of  Pharaoh's  army  is  not  further  specified 
than  by  the  statement  that  "  he  took  six  hundred 
chosen  chariots,  and  [or  '  even ']  all  the  chariots  of 
Egypt,  and  captains  over  every  one  of  them  "  (xvi. 
7;  Chariot).  With  this  army,  which,  even  if  a 
small  one,  was  mighty  in  comparison  to  the  Israelite 
multitude,  encumbered  with  women,  children,  and 
cattle,  Pharaoh  overtook  the  people  "  encamping  by 
the  sea"  (9).  When  the  Israelites  s.iw  the  oppress- 
or's army  they  were  terrified  and  murmured  against 
Moses  (11,  12).  Then  Moses  encouraged  them,  bid- 
ding them  see  how  Go^  would  save  them.  It  seems 
from  tlie  narrative  thiit  Moses  did  not  know  at  this 
time  how  the  people  would  be  saved,  and  spoke  only 
from  a  heart  full  of  faith,  for  we  read,  "  And  the 
Lord  said  unto  Moses,  Wherefore  criest  thou  unto 
Me?  speak  unto  the  children  of  Israel,  that  they  go 
forward :  but  lift  thou  up  thy  rod,  and  stretch  out 
thine  hand  over  the  sea,  and  divide  it :  and  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel  shall  go  on  dry  [ground]  through  the 
midst  of  the  sea"  (15,  16).  That  night  the  two 
armies,  the  fugitives  and  the  pursuers,  were  en- 
camped near  together.  Between  them  was  "  the 
pillar  of  the  cloud,"  darkness  to  the  Egyptians  and 
a  light  to  the  Israelites.  Perhaps  in  the  camp  of 
Israel  the  sounds  of  the  hostile  camp  might  be  heard 
on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other  the  roaring  of 
the  sea.  But  the  pillar  was  a  barrier  and  a  sign 
of  deliverance.  The  time  was  now  come  for  the 
great  decisive  miracle  of  the  Exodus.  "  And  Moses 
stretched  out  his  hand  over  the  sea :  and  the  Lord 
caused  the  sea  to  go  [back]  by  a  strong  east  wind 
all  that  night,  and  mude  the  sea  dry  [land],  and  the 
waters  were  divided.  And  the  children  of  Israel  went 
through  the  midst  of  the  sea  upon  the  dry  [ground] : 
and  the  waters  [were]  a  wall  unto  them  on  their 
right  h.ind,  and  on  thtir  left"  (21,  22,  compare  29). 
The  narrative  distinctly  states  that  a  path  was  made 
through  the  sea,  and  that  the  waters  were  a  wall  on 
either  hand.  The  term  "  wall "  does  not  appear  to 
oblige  us  to  suppose,  as  many  have  done,  that  the 
sea  stood  up  like  a  cliff  on  either  side,  but  should 
rather  be  considered  to  mean  a  barrier,  as  the  for- 
mer idea  implies  a  seemingly-needless  addition  to  the 
miracle,  while  the  hitter  seems  to  be  not  discordant 
with  the  language  of  the  narrative.  It  was  during 
the  night  that  the  Israelites  crossed,  and  the  Egyp- 
tians followed.  In  the  morning  watch,  the  last  third 
or  fourth  of  the  night,  or  the  period  before  sunrise, 
Pharaoh's  army  was  in  full  pursuit  in  the  divided  sea, 
and  was  there  miraculously  troubled,  so  that  the 
Egyptians  sought  to  flee  (23-2.5).  Then  w.is  Moses 
commanded  again  to  stretch  out  his  hand,  and  the 
sea  returned  to  its  strength,  and  overwhelmed  the 
Egypti.ins,  of  whom  not  one  remained  alive  (26-28). 
From  Ps.  Ixxvii.  15-20  we  learn  that  at  the  time  of 
the  passage  of  the  sea  there  was  a  storm  of  rain  with 
thunder  and  lightning,  perhaps  accompanied  by  an 
earthquake.  3.  The  importance  of  this  event  in 
Biblical  history  is  shown  by  the  manner  in  which  it 
is  spoken  of  in  the  books  of  the  O.  T.  written  in  later 
times  (JoW  xxvi.  10-13).  In  them  it  is  the  chief  fact 
of  Jewish  liistory. — It  may  be  inquired  how  it  is  that 


922 


REE 


there  seems  to  liave  been  no  record  or  tradition  of 
this  miracle  among  the  Egyptians.  Tliis  question  in- 
volves that  of  the  time  in  Egyptian  history  to  wliicli 
this  event  should  be  assigned.  The  date  of  the  Exo- 
dus according  to  different  chronologers  varies  more 
than  three  hundred  years  ;  the  dates  of  the  Egyptian 
dynasties  ruling  during  this  period  of  three  hundred 
years  vary  full  one  hundred.  If  the  lowest  dale  of 
the  beginning  of  tlie  eighteenth  dynasty  be  taken 
and  the  highest  date  of  the  Exodus,  both  which  Mr. 
Poole  considers  the  most  probable  of  those  which 
have  been  conjectured  in  the  two  cases,  the  Israel- 
ites fnust  have  left  Egypt  in  a  period  of  which  mon- 
uments or  other  records  are  almost  wanting.  Cimo- 
koi-ooy;  Miracles;  Moses. 

Beed.  Under  this  name  may  be  noticed  several 
Hebrew  and  Greek  words  : — 1.  Ileb.  aqmon  occurs  in 
Job  -xl.  26  (A.  V.  xH.  2,  "hook"),  xl'i.  12  (A.  V.  xli. 
20,  "  caldron  ")  ;  Is.  ix.  14  (A.  V.  "  rush  ").  It  is 
mentioned  also  as  au  Egyptian  plant  (A.  V.  "  rush  ") 
in  Is.  xix.  15  ;  while  from  Iviii.  5  (A.  V.  "bulrush  ") 
we  learn  that  it  had  a  pendulous  panicle.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  thut  it  denotes  some  aquatic  reed-like  plant, 
whether  of  the  Natural  order  C^-fieracem  (Sedffcs),  or 
tliat  of  Gramhie<e  (Grasses).  Celsius  hiis  argued  in 
favor  of  the  Arundo phrac/miiis  ;  Mr.  Houghton  is 
inclined  to  adopt  his  opinion.  This  is  a  stout  grass- 
like reed,  often  an  inch  in  diameter  at  the  base,  six 
to  twelve  feet  high,  found  in  both  continents  in 
swamps  and  about  ponds  and  streams,  sometimes 
used  for  thatching,  fencing  gardens,  &c.,  and,  wlien 
split,  for  making  strings,  mats,  &c.  The  ^niiido 
jihragmitu  (now  the  J'hragmiHs  commuHis),  if  it 
does  not  occur  in  Palestine  and  Egypt,  is  represented 
by  a  very  closely  allied  species,  viz.  the  Arundo 
ixiaca  of  Delisle.  The  drooping  panicle  of  flowers 
of  this  plant  will  answer  well  to  the  "  bowing  down 
the  head  "  of  which  Isaiah  speaks.  The  kindred 
iigdtn  (Pond  ;  Pool)  is  once  translated  "  reed  "  ( Jer. 
li.  32)  by  the  A.  V.,  Gesenius,  &c.— 2.  Ileb.  gome, 
in  A.  V.  "  ru.sh  "  (Jobviii.  11 ;  Is.  xxxv.  7)  and  "bul- 
rush  "  (E.X.  ii.  3  ;  Is.  xviii.  2),  without  doubt  denotes 
the  celebrated  paper-reed  of  the  ancients  (Papi/rus 
Antiijtiuruni),  a.  plant  of  the  Sedge  family  (6'//;)6r- 
acece\  formerly  common  in  some  parts  of  Egypt. 
According  to  Bruce  the  modern  Abyssinians  use 
boats  made  of  the  papyrus  reed.  (Egypt,  pp.  254- 
5.)  The  ancient  material  called  "papyrus,"  used 
for  WRITING,  was  made  from  the  soft  cellular  portion 
of  the  stem,  cut  lengthwise  into  thin  slices,  which 
were  placed  in  two  layers,  one  across  the  other, 
glued  together,  pressed  and  dried.  The  lower  part 
of  the  papyrus  reed  was  used  as  food  by  the  ancient 
Egyptians.  The  papyrus  reed  is  not  now  found  in 
Egypt ;  it  grows,  however,  in  Syria.  Mr.  Tristram 
found  it  growing  luxuriantlj',  with  a  stem  sixteen 
feet  long  and  three  inches  in  diameter,  in  a  marsh 
near  Khan  Minyeh  on  the  edge  of  the  Lake  of  Ti- 
berias (Gennesauet),  and  forming  "  an  impenetrable 
wilderness "  in  the  marsh  of  the  Hxdeh,  ancient 
"  waters  of  Mekom  "  (Trm.  436,  SSV).  The  papy- 
rus-plant (Papyrus  Anliguorum)  has  an  angular 
stem  from  three  to  six  feet  or  more  in  height; 
it  has  no  leaves;  the  flowers  are  in  very  small 
spikclets,  which  grow  on  thread-like  flowering 
branchlcts  which  form  a  bushy  crown  to  each 
stem. — 3.  Ileb.  pi.  ^aroth  is  erroneously  translated 
"  paper-reed  "  in  Is.  xix.  7. — 4.  Heb.  kdneh  —  a 
real  of  any  kind ;  it  occurs  in  numerous  passages 
of  the  0.  T.,  and  sometimes  denotes  the  "  stalk  "  of 
wheat  (Gen.  xli.  6,  22),  or  the  "branches"  of  the 
candlestick  (Ex.  xxv.,  xxxvii.) ;  in  Job  xxxi.  22,  it 


EEE 

denotes  "  the  bone  "  of  the  arm  between  the  elbow 
and  tlie  shoulder ;  in  Ez.  xl.-xlii.  it  denotes  a  meas- 
uring "  reed  "  of  six  cubits.    It  is  translated  "  reed  " 


i 


P«pyni8  plant  or  Paper-reed  {Fapj/ruB  Antigvontm). 

in   1   K.   xiv.   15;   2  K.  xviii.  21;  Job  xl.  21;  Ps. 
Ixviii.  30  marg.  (Heb.  31) ;  Is.  xix.  6,  xxxv.  7,  xxxvi. 


Rted  {Arundo  Donax}. 

6,  xlii.  3;  Ez.  xxix.  6:  "calamus"  in  Ex.  xxx.  23: 
Cant.  iv.   14;  Ez.  xxvii.  19:   "sweet  cano"  in  Is. 


REE 


BEG 


923 


xliu.  24,  and  Jcr.  vi.  20 :  "  balasck  "  in  l3.  xlvi.  6. 
Strand  {J-lor.  Pal<e»t.  28-30)  gives  the  following 
names  of  the  reed-planta  of  Palestine : — Saaharmn 
of/iriiuile  (sugar-cane ;  sec  below),  Ci/penis  Papyrus 
(Pajii/run  Aiitiijuorum),  Cypc-rua  rotundun  and  €y- 
pernd  eneiilen/uii,  and  Arundo  sn-iploria;  but  no 
doubt  the  species  are  numerous.  The  Antndo 
Jjuiiax,  the  Arundo  yKr/ypiiaca  (?)  of  Bove,  is  com- 
mon on  the  l)anks  of  the  Xile,  and  may  perhaps  be 
"  the  staff  of  the  bruised  reed  "  to  which  Sennacherib 
compared  the  power  of  Egypt  (2  K.  xviii.  21 ;  Ez. 
xslx.  ti,  7).  Tlie  thick  stem  of  this  reed  may  have 
been  used  as  walkin<;-stavos  by  the  ancient  Orientals ; 
perhaps  the  moasuriug-reed  was  this  plant ;  at  pres- 
ent the  dry  culms  of  tliis  huge  grass  are  in  mucli  de- 
mand for  (ishing-rods,  &e.  Some  kind  of  fragrant 
reed  is  denoted  by  kdneh  in  Is.  xliii.  24 ;  Ez.  xxvii. 
19 ;  Cant.  iv.  14 ;  or  more  fully  by  keneh  boscm 
(literally  cane  of  fragrance  or  of  ajnce)  in  Ex.  xxx. 
23,  or  kdneh  haltob  (i.  e.  good  [or  fragrant]  cane,  Jer. 
vi.  20) ;  which  the  A.  V.  renders  "  sweet  cane,"  and 
"  calamus."  It  was  of  foreign  importation  (Jer.  vi. 
20).  Some  writers  have  sought  to  identify  the  kdneh 
honem  with  the  Acorits  Calamus,  the  sweet  sedge,  also 
called  sweet  fag,  sweet  cane,  and  ca/armis.  Dr.  Royle 
refers  the  aromatic  calamus  or  stceet  cane  of  Dioscor- 
ides  to  a  species  of  Andropogon,  which  he  calls 
Awlropogon  calamus  aromaticus,  a  plant  of  remark- 
able fragrance,  and  a  native  of  Central  India.  Still 
there  is  no  necessity  to  refer  the  kineh  bosem  or 
hattob  to  the  swtet  cant  of  Dioscorides ;  it  may  be  rep- 
resented by  Dr.  Royle's  plant  or  by  the  Andropo- 
gon Schomaiithus,  the  lemon-grass  of  India  and 
Arabia.     Before  the  crusades,  sugar-cane  (Saccha- 


t'MiOB-grut  {Andrepegon  BekanaiiUiu), 

rum  Ofltcinarum  or  Saceharttm  nffirina/e)  was  cul- 
tivated in  abundance  on  the  plains' of  Jericho  and  on 
the  Mediterranean  coast  around  Tripolis  and  as  far  S. 
as  Tyre.  The  remains  of  ancient  sugar-mills  arc  still 
seen  \V.  of  'Ain  es-Stiltdn(li\m.  i.  561-2;  Thn.  ii. 
4.57  ;  Jkricho). — 5.  Gr.  kalamos  is  uniformlv  trans- 
lated "reed"  (Mat.  li.  7,  xii.  20,  xxvii.  29,  30,  48; 
Mk.  XV.  19,  36;  Lk.  vii.  24;  Rev.  xi.  l,xxi.  16, 10), 


except  once  (8  Jn.  13,  A.  V.  "  pen ; "  Writing)  ;  in 
LXX.  r=  No.  4  in  Is.  xlii.  and  Ez.  xl.  In  Mat.  xxvii. 
48  and  Mk.  xv.  30  it  denotes  the  stalk  or  stem  of 
hyssop  (so  Robinson,  Lange,  Royle  [in  Kitto], 
Barnes ;  eomp.  Jn.  xix.  29) ;  in  Rev.  a  measuring- 
reed  or  rod. 

Kr-f-lai'ah  [-la'yah]  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah 
makes  tremble,  i.  e.  who  lears  Jehovah,  Gcs.),  one 
of  the  children  of  the  province  who  went  up  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  2).  In  Xeli.  vii.  7  he  is  called 
Raahiaii,  and  in  1  Esd.  v.  8  Reesaias. 

Ke-e'li-aj  (I'r.  Gr.)  =  Bigvai  in  Ezr.  ii.  2  (1  Esd. 
V.  8). 

Ke-e-sai'as  (fr.  Gr.)  =;  Reelaiah  or  Raamiah  (1 
Esd.  V.  8). 

Bc-fl'ner  (Hcb.  tsoreph,  mitsurep\).  The  refiner's 
art  was  essential"  to  the  working  of  the  precious 
metals.  It  consisted  in  the  separation  of  the  dross 
from  the  pure  ore,  which  was  effected  by  reducing 
the  metal  to  a  fluid  state  by  the  application  of  heat, 
and  by  the  aid  of  solvents,  such  as  alkali  (I.s.  i.  25) 
or  lead  (Jer.  vi.  29),  which,  amalgamating  with  the 
dross,  permitted  the  extraction  of  the  unadulterated 
metal.  The  instruments  required  by  the  refiner 
were  a  crucible  or  Fi'RjiACE,  and  a  bellows  or  blow- 
pipe. He  sat  at  his  work  (Mai.  iii.  3),  and  could 
thus  better  watch  the  process,  and  let  the  metal  run 
off  at  the  proper  moment.  (Handichaft;  Metals; 
Mines.)  The  notices  of  refining  are  chiefly  figura- 
tive, and  describe  moral  refinement  as  the  result  of 
chastening  (Is.  i.  25  ;  Zeeh.  xiii.  9 ;  Mai.  iii.  2,  3). 

Ref nge,  City  of.     City  of  Refcoe. 

Begem  [g  as  in  get'\  (Ilcb.  friend,  sc.  of  God, 
Ges.),  son  of  Jahdai,  among  Caleb's  descendants  (1 
Chr.  ii.  47). 

Re'gcm-ine'lceh  [-lek]  {Rah.  friend  of  the  king, 
Gcs.).  Sherczer  and  Regem-melech  were  sent  on 
behalf  of  some  of  the  Captivity  to  make  inquiries  at 
the  Temple  concerning  fasting  (Zeeh.  vii.  2).  The 
expression  "  the  people  of  the  land  "  (ver.  5)  seems 
to  indicate  that  those  who  sent  to  the  Temple  were 
not  the  captive  Jews  in  Babylon,  but  those  who  had 
returned  to  their  own  country ;  hence  in  verse  2 
"  Bethel "  (A.  V.  "  house  of  God  ")  is  probably  to 
be  taken  as  the  subject  of  the  verb — "  and  Bethel, 
i.  e.  the  inhabitants  of  Bethel,  sent "  (so  Mr.  Wiight, 
with  Henderson,  &c.).  Mr.  Wright  su|)poses  Regem- 
melech  (corap.  1  Chr.  xxvii.  33)  was  probably  an  As- 
syrian title  of  olTiee. 

*  Re-gCD-er-a'tion  [jen-]  (fr.  L.  =  a  being  horn 
again,  new  birth),  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Gr.  paVtng- 
genesia,  which  occurs  twice  only  in  the  N.  T.  (Mat.  xix. 
28 ;  Tit.  iii.  3).  In  Mat.  1.  c.  the  best  interpreters  con- 
nect the  phrase  "  in  the  regeneration,"  not  with  the 
preceding  words  "  followed  me,"  but  with  the  suc- 
ceeding clauses,  and  consider  "  when  the  Son  of  Man 
shall  sit  in  the  throne  of  His  glory"  as  explanatory 
of  "in  the  regeneration."  Robinson  (N^.  T.  Lex.) 
makes  the  word  here  r=  renovation,  restoration,  res- 
titution, from  decay  and  ruin  to  a  former  state ;  and 
regards  it  as  spoken  of  the  complete  external  mani- 
festation of  the  Jlessiah's  kingdom  when  all  things 
arc  to  be  delivererl  from  their  present  corruption 
and  restored  to  spiritual  purity  and  splendor  (comp. 
Acts  iii.  21).  In  Tit.  iii.  6  the  word  is  used  tropically 
in  a  moral  or  spiritual  sense  (comp.  Jn.  iii.  3  ff. 
"bom  again,"  &c.)  to  denote  the  beginning  of  a 
Christian  life,  which  involves  a  change  by  grace  from 
a  carnal  to  a  Christian  state,  from  sinful  to  holy  affec- 
tions. Deatu;  Faith;  Like;  Messiah;  Spikit,  the 
Dolt,  &c. 

*  Region,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  hcbel 


924 


EEG 


REH 


or  chebel  (literally  a  rope  or  cord)  in  the  phrase  "  the 
region  of  Akgob"  (Deut.  iii.  4,  13;  1  K.  iv.  13), 
once  translated  "  the  country  of  Argob  "  (Deut.  iii. 
14).  In  Zepli.  ii.  5-7,  tlie  same  Hebrew  word  is 
translated  "  coast,"  as  applied  to  the  region  border- 
ing on  the  Mediterranean  Sea ;  also  in  Josh.  xix.  29 
in  the  phrase  "from  the  coast  to  Achzib."  The 
word  is  also  translated  "cord"  (Josh.  ii.  15;  Eccl. 
xii.  C,  &e.),  "line"  (2  Sam.  viii.  2;  Ps.  .\vi.  6,  &c.), 
"rope"  (1  K.  XX.  31,  32,  &c.),  "lot "(Deut.  xxxii. 
9,  &e.),  "portion"  (Josh.  xvii.  5,  14,  &c.),  "band" 
(I's.  cxix.  61),  "  company"  (1  Sam.  x.  5,  10),  kc— 
2.  Heb.  mjy //«(/(  (=  kic/h  place,  height,  Ges.)  in  the 
phrase  "the  region  of  Dor"  (1  K.  iv.  11),  el.sewhere 
translated  "the  coast"  (Josh.  xii.  23),  or  "borders 
of  Dor "  (xi.  2). — 3.  Gr.  klima  =  a  climaie,  clime, 
region,  Rbn.  Jf.  7'.  Lex.  (2  Cor.  xi.  10;  Gal.  i.  21), 
also  translated  in  the  plural  "  parts  "  (Rom.  xv.  23). 
— 1.  Gr.  ehora  (Mat.  iv.  16 ;  Lk.  iii.  1  ;  Acts  viii.  1, 
xiii.  49,  xvi.  6),  usually  translated  "country"  (Mat. 
ii.  12,  viii.  28,  kc),  also  "land"  (Mk.  i.  5,  &c.),  &c. 
See  also  the  next  article. 

Region  roand'  a-bont',  the  (Gr.  he  jxrichoros,  in 
LXX.  =  hac-Ciciar ;  Plain  3).  The  Greek  term 
in  Mat.  iii.  5  and  Lk.  iii.  3  (A.  V.  "  country  about") 
denotes  the  populous  and  flourishing  region  which 
contained  Jkricho  and  its  dependencies,  in  the  Jor- 
dan valley,  enclosed  in  the  amphitheatre  of  the  hills 
of  Quaranlana.  It  is  also  applied  (so  Mr.  Grove)  to 
tlie  district  of  Gennesaret  (Mat.  xiv.  35  [A.  V. 
'•  country  round  about "]  ;  Mk.  vi.  55  ;  Lk.  iv.  37  [A. 
V.  "country  round  about"],  vii.  17). 

Be-lia-bi'ah  (fr,  Ileb.  =  whom  Jehoiiah  enlarges, 
i.  e.  makes  free  and  happy,  Ges.),  only  son  of  Eliezer, 
the  son  of  Moses  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  17,  xxiv.  21,  xxvi. 
25). 

Ke'bob  (Heb.  a  utreet,  area,  broad  place,  Ges.).  I. 
Father  of  Iladadezer,  king  of  Zobah,  whom  David 
smote  at  the  Euphrates  (2  Sam.  viii.  3,  12). — 2.  A 
Lcvite,  or  family  of  Lcvites,  who  sealed  the  covenant 
with  Xehemiah  (\eh.  x.  11). 

Re'liob  (see  above).  1.  The  northern  limit  of  the 
exploration  of  the  spies  (Num.  xiii.  21).  It  is  speci- 
fied as  being  "  as  men  come  unto  Hamatii,"  i.  e.  at 
the  commencement  of  the  territory  of  that  name,  by 
which  in  the  early  books  of  the  Bible  the  gi-eat  val- 
ley of  Lebanon  (Celosyria  ;  Plain  2  ;  Valley  4), 
the  Bulcffa  of  the  modern  Arabs,  seems  to  be  roughly 
designated.  Tliis  seems  to  fix  the  position  of  Rehob 
ns  not  far  from  Tell  el-Kddi/ani  Bdnids.  Dr.  Robin- 
eon  proposes  to  identify  Rehob  and  Betii-reiiob  with 
Htmin,  Dr.  W.  JI.  Thomson  with  BdnkU.  Inas- 
much, however,  as  Beth-rehob  was  "  for  from  Zidon  " 
(Jndg.  xvin.  28),  it  must  be  distinct  from— 2.  A 
town  of  Asher,  apparently  near  Zidon  (Josh.  xix. 
28) — 3.  Asher  contained  another  Rehob  (xix.  30); 
but  the  situation  of  this,  like  the  former,  remains 
unknown.  One  of  the  two  was  allotted  to  the  Ger- 
shonite  Levites  (xxi.  31  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  75),  and  of  one 
the  Canaanites  retained  possession  (Judg.  i.  31). 

Re-bo-boam  (fr.  Heb.  =  he  e^darges  the  people, 
Ges.),  son  of  Solomon,  by  (he  Ammonite  princess 
Naamah  (1  K.  xiv.  21,  31 ),  and  his  successor  as  king 
(xi.  43).  From  the  earliest  period  of  Jewi.sh  history 
we  perceive  symptoms  that  the  confederation  of  the 
tribes  was  but  imperfectly  cemented.  The  powerful 
Ephraim  could  never  brook  a  position  of  inferiority 
(Judg.  viii.  1,  xii.  1).  When  Solomon's  stronghand 
was  withdrawn  the  crisis  came.  Rchoboam  selected 
Shechem  as  the  place  of  his  coronation,  proljably  as 
a  concession  to  the  Ephraimitcs,  and  perhaps  in  def- 
erence to  old  and  wise  counsellors  of  his  father, 


whose  advice  he  afterward  unhappily  rejected  (1  K. 
xii.  1  S.).  The  people  demanded  a  remission  of  the 
severe  burdens  imposed  by  Solomon,  and  Rehoboam 
promised  tliem  an  answer  in  three  days,  during  which 
time  he  consulted  first  his  father's  counsellors,  and 
then  the  young  men  "  that  were  grown  up  with  him, 
and  whicli  stood  before  him."  Rejecting  the  advice 
of  the  elders  to  conciliate  the  people  at  the  begin- 
ning of  his  reign,  he  returned  as  his  reply  the  frantic 
bravado  of  his  contemporaries:    "My  little  finger 

shall  be  thicker  than  my  father's  loins 1  will 

add  to  your  yoke  ;  my  father  hath  chastised  you  with 
whips,  but  I  will  chastise  you  with  scorpions"  (i.  e. 
scourges  furnished  with  sharp  points,  as  Bishop 
Cotton,  with  Ge.«enius,  kc,  explains).  Thereupon 
rose  the  formidable  song  of  insurrection,  heard  once 
before  when  the  tribes  quarrelled  after  David's  re- 
turn from  the  war  with  Absalom.  Rehoboam  sent 
Adoram  or  Ado.mram  (iv.  6;  2  Sam.  xx.  24)  to  re- 
duce the  rebels  to  reason,  but  he  was  stoned  to 
death  by  them  ;  whereupon  the  king  and  his  attend- 
ants fled  to  Jerusalem.  Jeroboam,  having  at  the  in- 
vitation of  his  friends  returned  from  Egypt  and 
taken  part  with  the  Israelites  in  demanding  a  remis- 
sion of  burdens,  was  now  summoned  by  them  to  be 
their  king.  1  K.  xii.  3  should  be  translated  (accord- 
ing to  Sebastian  Schmidt,  Keil,  kc)  "and they  sent 
and  called  him  "  (a  continuation  of  the  parenthesis 
in  the  latter  part  of  verse  2),  "  that  Jeroboam  and 
all  the  congregation  of  Israel  came,  and  spake  unto 
Rehoboam,"  &c.  This  translation,  whieh  the  He- 
brew admits,  removes  the  apparent  contradiction  be- 
tween verse  3  and  verse  20,  which  states  that  "  when 
all  Israel  heard  that  Jeroboam  was  come  again,  they 
sent  and  called  him  unto  the  congregation  and  made 
hira  king."  Bishop  Cotton,  however,  supposes  that 
ver.  3  has  been  interpolated.  On  Rehoboam's  return 
to  Jerusalem  he  assembled  an  army  of  180,000  men 
from  the  two  faithful  tribes  of  Judah  and  Benjamin, 
in  thehopeof  reconquering  Israel.  The  expedition, 
however,  was  forbidden  by  the  prophet  Shemaiah  (xii. 
24):  still  during  Rehoboam's  lifetime  peaceful  rela- 
tions between  Israel,  and  Judah  were  never  restored 
(2  Chr.  xii.  15 ;  1  K.  xiv.  30).  Rehoboam  now  oc- 
cupied himself  in  strengthening  the  territories  which 
remained  to  him,  by  building  a  number  of  fortresses 
(2  Chr.  xi.  C-IO).  The  pure  worship  of  God  was 
maintained  in  Judah.  But  Rchoboam  did  not  check 
the  introduction  of  heathen  abominations  into  his 
capital:  (he  lascivious  worship  of  Ashtoreth  was  al- 
lowed to  exist  by  the  side  of  the  true  religion, 
"  images  "  were  set  up,  and  the  worst  immoralities 
were  tolerated  (1  K.  xiv.  22-24).  These  evils  were 
punished  and  put  down  by  the  terrible  calamity  of 
an  Egyptian  invasion.  In  the  fifth  year  of  Reho- 
boam's reign  the  country  was  invaded  by  a  host  of 
Egyptians  and  other  African  nations  under  Siiishak, 
numbering  1,200  chariots,  60,000  cavalry,  and  a  mis- 
cellaneous nmltitude  of  infantry.  The  line  of  for- 
tresses which  protected  Jerusalem  to  the  W.  and  S. 
was  forced,  Jerusalem  itself  was  taken,  and  Reho- 
boam had  to  purchase  an  ignominious  peace  by  de- 
livering up  all  the  treasures  with  which  Solomon  had 
adorned  the  Temple  and  palace,  including  his  golden 
shields,  200  of  the  larger,  and  300  of  the  smaller  size 
(x.  16,  17;  Arms,  IL  6).  After  the  Egyptians  had 
retired,  Rehoboam  comforted  himself  by  substituting 
shields  of  brass,  which  were  solemnly  borne  before 
him  in  procession  by  the  body-guard,  as  if  nothing 
had  been  changed  since  his  father's  time.  Shishak's 
success  is  commemorated  by  sculptures  discovered 
by  Champollion  on  the  outside  of  the  great  temple  at 


REH 


REM 


925 


Rarnak,  where  among  a  long  list  of  captured  towns 
and  provinces  occurs  the  name  Mtlehi  Jadah  (kins- 
dom  of  Juilrth).  After  this  great  humiliation  tlie 
moral  condition  of  Judah  seems  to  have  improved 
(2  Chr.  xii.  12).  He  died  B.  C.  958,  after  a  reign  of 
seventeen  yea.'S,  liaving  ascended  the  throne  B.  c. 
975  at  the  age  of  forty-one  (IK.  xiv.  21 ;  2  Chr.  xii. 
13).  He  had  eigliteen  wives,  sixteen  concubines, 
twenty-eight  sons,  and  sixty  daughters.  He  wisely 
dispersed  his  sons  in  command  of  the  new  fortresses 
about  the  country.  Israel,  Kinodou  of;  Jcdah, 
Kingdom  ok. 

Bf-ho  both  (Hcb.  wide  places,  Ktreets,  Oes. ;  wide 
places,  s/Mtci,  i.  e.  alension,  Fii.),  the  third  of  the 
series  of  wells  dug  by  Isaac  (Gen.  xxvi.  22).  Isaac 
had  left  Gkrar  and  its  turbulent  inhabitants  before 
he  dug  this  well.  A  Wady  Ruhaibeh,  containing  the 
ruins  of  a  town  of  the  same  name,  with  a  large  well, 
lies  about  twenty  miles  S.  W.  of  Beer-sheba,  and  has 
been  identified  with  Kehoboth  by  Williams,  Stewart, 
Van  de  Velde,  Bonar,  Porter  (in  Kitto),  Rowlands 
(in  Fiiirbaini),  though  Dr.  Robinson  (and  apparently 
Mr.  Grove)  thinks  it  too  far  S. 

Re-ho'botb  (see  above),  the  Cit'y;  one  of  the  four 
cities  built  by  Asshur,  or  by  Nimrod  in  Asshur 
(Gen.  X.  11).  Nothing  certain  is  known  of  its  posi- 
tion. Bunsen  and  Kalisch  propose  as  the  represent- 
ative of  Uehoboth  a  place  called  Kahaheh-malik,  on 
the  E.  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  about  twelve  miles 
below  the  mouth  of  the  Khabur.  Its  distance  from 
Knlah-Sherrfhai  imd  NimrAd  (nearly  200  miles)  is 
perhaps  an  obstacle  to  this  identilication.  Sir  H. 
Rawllnson  suggests  Selemiyah  near  NimrCid.  (XiN- 
EVEH.)  Jerome  considers  Rehoboth-Ir  (A.  V.  "  the 
city  Rehoboth")  as  referring  to  Nineveh,  and  as 
meaning  "  the  streets  of  the  city "  (and  so  A.  V. 
margin).     See  the  next  article. 

R«-llo'both  (see  above)  by  th«  RIv'cr,  the  city  of 
Saul  or  Shaul,  an  early  king  of  the  Edomites  (Gen. 
xxxvi.  37;  1  Chr.  i.  48).  The  affix,  "the  river" 
(Heb.  tidltdr;  River  1),  fixes  the  situation  of  Reho- 
both  as  on  the  Euphrates.  The  name  still  remains 
attached  to  two  spots  on  the  Euphrates,  each  said  to 
contain  extensive  ancient  remains;  one  (with  which 
S.'hultens,  Bochart,  Winer,  Gesenins,  &c.,  identify 
this  Rehoboth),  simply  Ruhabeh,  on  the  right  bank, 
eight  miles  below  the  junction  of  the  Khabur,  and 
about  three  miles  W.  of  the  river ;  the  other,  four 
or  five  miles  further  down  on  the  left  bank.  The 
latter  is  said  to  be  called  Rahabeh-ma<\k,  i.  e. 
"  royal,"  and  is  on  this  ground  identified  by  the  Jew- 
ish commentators  with  the  city  of  Saul ;  but  whether 
this  is  accurate,  and  whether  that  city,  or  either  of 
the  two  sites  just  named,  is  also  identical  with  Xim- 
rod's  "  city  Rehoboth  "  (see  above),  is  not  yet 
known. 

Rehom  (Heb.  eomjxismonate,  Gcs.).  1.  One  of 
the  "  children  of  the  province  "  who  went  up  from 
Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  2) ;  =  Neiii;m. — 
2.  "  Rehum  the  chancellor,"  one  of  those  who  wrote 
to  Artaxcrxes  to  stop  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple 
(iv.  8,  9,  17,  23);  perhaps  a  kind  of  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor of  the  province  under  the  king  of  Persia, 
holding  apparently  the  same  office  as  Tatsai. — 3. 
A  Levite  of  the  family  of  Bani,  who  assisted  in  re- 
building the  walls  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  17).—^. 
One  of  the  chief  of  the  people,  who  sealed  the  cov- 
enant with  Xehemiah  (x.  25). — 5>  A  pricjjtly  family, 
or  the  head  of  a  priestly  house,  who  went  up  with 
Zenibbabcl  (xii.  3);  =  Harim  3;  perhaps  =  No.  1. 

Rei  (Heb.  friendljf,  locinl,  Ges.),  a  person  men- 
tioned (1  K.  L  8  only)  as  having  remained  firm  to 


David's  cause  when  Adonijah  rebelled.  Jerome 
makes  him  =:  "  Hiram  the  Zairite,"  i.  e.  Ira  the 
Jairite.     Ewald  suggests  that  Rei  =:  Radoai. 

Reins  (fr.  L.  rates  =  kidneys),  the  A.  V.  transla- 
tion of — 1.  Heb.  cSldyoth.  In  ancient  physiology 
the  kidneys  were  believed  to  be  the  seat  of  desire 
and  longing,  and  were  hence  often  coupled  with  the 
heart  (Ps.  vii.  9,  xxvi.  2  ;  Jer.  xi.  20,  xvii.  10,  &c.). 
— 2.  Heb.  hCdcUsayim  or  ckcd&tsayim  once  (Is.  xi.  5), 
elsewhere  translated  "loins"  (Gen.  xxxv.  11;  Job 
xxxviii.  3,  &c.). — 3.  Gr.  utphros,  pi.  nqjhroi  (Rev. 
ii.  23);  in  LX-\.  =  No.  1. 

Re'kciU  (Heb.  variegation,  flower-gardening,  Ges. ; 
=  Rakem).  1,  One  of  the  live  "  kings"  of  Midian 
slain  by  the  Israelites  (Num.  xxxi.  8  ;  Josh.  xiii.  21). 
— 2.  One  of  the  four  sons  of  Hebron ;  father  of 
Shammai  (1  Chr.  ii.  43,  44). 

Rekem  (see  above),  a  city  of  Benjamin  (Josh, 
xviii.  27) ;  site  unknown.  May  there  not  be  (so 
Mr.  Grove)  a  trace  of  the  name  in  \iin  Karim,  tue 
well-known  spring  W.  of  Jerusalem  ? 

Rcm-a-li'all  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  decks, 
Ges.),  father  of  Pekah,  king  of  Israel  (2  K.  xv.  25- 
37,  xvi.  1,  5;  2  Chr.  xxviii.  6;  Is.  vii.  1-9,  viii.  6). 

Rc'metll  (Heb.  height,  Ges.),  a  city  of  Issachar 
(Josh.  xix.  21);  perhaps  =  the  Ramoth  of  1  Chr. 
vi.  73.  Porter  (in  Kitto)  suggests  its  identity  with 
Wtzar,  a  small  village  on  a  rocky  summit  about  five 
miles  N.  oi  Jeniii  (En-gannim). 

Rem'mon  (L.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Rimsion,  a  city  of  Simeon 
(Josh.  xix.  7). 

Rem'moa-me-tlio'ar  (fr.  Heb.  Rimmdn  ham-mS- 
thoir,  see  below),  a  jilace  on  the  eastern  boun- 
dary of  Zebulun  (Josh.  xix.  13  only).  Methoar 
does  not  really  form  a  part  of  the  name ;  but 
(being  a  participle  =  stretching,  extending,  Ges.) 
should  be  translated  (as  in  the  margin  of  the  A.  V.) 
— "  Rimmon  ivhich  reaches  to  Neah  "  (so  Mr.  Grove, 
with  Gesenius,  Fiirst,  Rashi,  &c.).  This  Rimmon, 
Parchi  says,  is  called  Rumaneh,  and  stands  an  hour 
S.  of  Sepphoi'is.  If  for  S.  we  read  N.,  this  is  in  close 
agreement  with  the  statements  of  Robinson  and 
Van  de  Velde,  who  place  JiuinmcXneh  on  the  south- 
ern border  of  the  Plain  of  Butlanf,  three  miles 
N.  N.  E.  of  Sfffarirh.  It  is  difficult,  however,  to 
see  how  this  can  have  been  on  the  eastern  boun- 
dary of  Zebulun.     Rimmon  2. 

Rempban  (fr.  Gr.)  (Acts  vii.  43)  and  Chl'on  [ki-] 
(fr.  Heb.)  (Am.  v.  21!)  have  been  supposed  to  be 
names  of  an  idol  worshipped  by  the  Israelites  in  the 
wilderness,  but  seem  to  be  the  names  of  two  idols. 
Much  difficulty  has  been  occasioned  by  this  corre- 
sponding occurrence  of  two  names  so  wholly  differ- 
ent in  sound.  The  most  reasonable  opinion  seemed 
to  be  that  Chiun  was  a  Hebrew  or  Shemitic  name, 
and  Remphan  an  Egyptian  equivalent  substituted 
by  the  LXX.  The  former,  rendered  Saturn  in  the 
Syr.,  was  compared  with  the  Ar.  and  Pers.  kaiwdn 
=  the  planet  Saturn.  Egyptology  has,  however, 
shown  that  this  is  not  the  true  explanation  (so  Mr. 
R.  S.  Poole,  original  author  of  this  article).  Among 
the  foreign  divinities  worshipped  in  Egypt,  two,  the 
god  Renpu,  perhaps  pronounced  Rempu,  and  the 
goddess  Ken,  occur  together.  Besides  those  di- 
vinities represented  on  the  monuments  of  Egypt 
which  have  Egyptian  forms  or  names,  or  both, 
others  have  foreign  forms  or  names,  or  both.  Of 
the  latter,  some  appear  to  have  been  introduced  at 
a  very  remote  age.  The  foreign  divinities  that  seem 
to  be  of  later  introduction  are  Renpu,  and  the  god- 
desses Ken,  Anta,  and  Astarta.  Tlie  first  and  sec- 
ond of  these  have  foreign  forma ;  the  third  and 


923 


SEH 


EEP 


fourth  have  Egyptian  forms  :  there  would  there- 
fore seem  to  be  an  especially  foreign  character 
about  the  former  two.  Jtenpu,  pronounced  JRempii 
(?),  is  represented  as  an  Asiatic,  with  the  full  beard 
and  apparently  the  general  type  of  face  given  on 
the  monuments  to  most  nations  E.  of  Egypt,  and 
to  the  Behu  or  Libyans.  This  type  is  evidently 
that  of  the  Shemites.  His  hair  is  bound  with  a 
fillet,  which  is  ornamented  in  front  with  the  head 
of  an  antelope.  Am  is  represented  perfectly  naked, 
holding  in  both  hands  corn,  and  standing  upon  a 
lion.  She  is  also  called  Ketmh.  Anata  appears  to 
be  Anaitis.  Astarta  is  of  course  the  Ashtoreth  of 
Canaan.  The  names  of  tliese  divinities  occur  as 
early  as  the  period  of  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth 
dynasties,  and  it  is  therefore  not  improbable  that 
they  were  introduced  by  the  Shepherds.  Jienpu  and 
Ken  occur  together,  and  Ken  is  a  form  of  the  Syrian 
goddess,  and  also  bears  some  relation  to  the  Egyp- 
tian god  of  productiveness,  Khem.  Their  similarity 
to  Baal  and  Ashtoreth  seems  strong.  The  naked 
goddess  Ken  would  suggest  such  worship  as  that  of 
the  Babylonian  Mylitta,  but  the  thoroughly  Shemite 
appearance  ot  Renpu  is  rather  in  favor  of  an  Arab 
source.  The  mention  of  Chiun  or  licmphan  as 
worshipped  in  the  desert  shows  that  this  idolatry 
was,  in  part  at  least,  that  of  foreigners,  and  no 
doubt  of  those  settled  in  Lower  Egypt. — We  can 
now  endeavor  to  ccplain  the  passages  in  which 
Chiun  and  Remphan  occur.  The  Masoretic  text 
of  Am.  V.  26  reads  thus : — "  But  ye  bear  the  tent 
[or  '  tabernacle ']  of  your  king  ('  Moloch,'  A.  V.) 
and  Cliiun  your  images,  the  star  of  your  gods  [or 
'  your  god '],  which  ye  made  for  yourselves."  '  The 
Vulgate  agrees  with  the  llasoretic  text  in  the  order 
of  the  clauses,  though  omitting  Chiun  or  Remphan. 
The  passage  is  cited  in  the  Acts  almost  in  the  words 
of  the  LXX. :  "  Yea,  ye  took  up  the  tabernacle 
of  lloloch,  and  the  star  of  your  god  Remphan 
('Rhaiphan,'  LXX.),  tigures  which  ye  made  to  wor- 
sliip  them  "  ("  your  images  which  ye  made  for  your- 
selves," LXX.).  A  sliglit  change  in  the  Hebrew 
would  enable  us  to  read  Molech  (Malcam  or  Milcom) 
instead  of  "  your  king."  Beyond  this  it  is  extremely 
dilTicult  to  explain  the  differences.  The  tent  or  tab- 
ernacle of  Moloch  is  supposed  by  Gesenius  to  have 
been  an  actual  tent,  and  he  compares  the  sacred 
tent  of  the  Carthaginians.  But  there  is  some  difTi- 
culty  in  tlie  idea  that  the  Israelites  carried  about  so 
large  an  object  for  the  purpose  of  idolatry,  and  it 
seems  more  likely  that  it  was  a  small  model  of  a 
larger  tent  or  shrine.  The  reading  Molech  appears 
preferable  to  "  your  king."  There  is  reason  for 
supposing  that  Molech  was  a  name  of  the  planet 
Saturn,  and  that  this  planet  was  evidently  supposed 
by  the  ancient  translators  to  be  intended  for  Chiun 
and  Remphan.  The  correspondence  of  Remphan 
or  Rhaiphan  to  Chiun  is  extremely  remarkable,  and 
can,  we  think,  only  be  accounted  for  by  the  suppo- 
sition that  the  LXX.  translator  or  translators  of  the 
prophet  had  Egyptian  knowledge,  and  being  thus 


'  Gesenins  (Ilebrew  Lexicon,  translated  by  Robinson, 
18»1)  interprets  Am.  v.  2()  thus  :  "  Ye  bore  the  tabernacle 
of  your  king  (idol),  and  the  etatue  (or  statues)  of  your 
idols,  the  star  of  your  crod  which  ye  made  to  yourselves." 
According  to  this  interpretation,  the  name  (if  the  idol  so 
worshipped  by  the  Ii-raelitew  is  not  given  ;  and  it  can  only 
be  inferr(^d  from  the  mention  of  a  star,  that  some  planet 
is  to  be  understood,  which  Jerome  conjectures  to  have 
been  Lucifer  or  Venus.  The  LXX.  held  Chinn  to  be  the 
proper  name  of  an  idol ;  although  changing  2  (c  or  cA)  into 
■-,  (r  or  rh)  they  write  it  corruptly  llhaijthan.  lihephan, 
which  by  the  further  corruption  of  transcribers  became 
Mhemphan,  BhemitM. 


aequtiinted  with  the  ancient  johit  worship  of  Ken, 
and  Heiipu,  substituted  the  latter  for  the  former, 
as  they  may  have  been  unwilling  to  repeat  the  name 
of  a  foreign  Ventis.  From  the  manner  in  whicli  it 
is  mentioned  we  may  conjecture  that  the  star  of 
Remphan  was  of  the  same  character  as  the  taber- 
nacle of  Molech,  tin  object  connected  with  f.ilse 
worship  rather  than  an  image  of  a  false  god.  luoL ; 
Idolatry. 

*  Rending,  Bent.    Dress  ;  Mocrxixo. 

*  Ke-peut',  to,  the  A.  V.  translation  of^l.  Heb. 
niham  or  nicham,  and  hiihnaliim  or  hithnaehem  =z 
(so  Gesenius)  to  lainenl,  to  grieve — (a)  in  regard  to 
others,  hence  to  pit//,  to  have  compassion  ;  (b)  in  re- 
gard to  one's  own  doings,  hence  to  repent ;  often  of 
one  who  repents,  grieves,  for  the  evil  he  has  brought 
on  another  (Ex.  xiii.  1*7;  Judg.  xxi.  15;  Job  xlii. 
6  ;  Jer.  viii.  6,  &c.).  God  is  often  said  "  to  re- 
pent," i.  e.  to  be  grieved  on  account  of  the  niis- 
condnct,  sufferings,  kc,  of  men,  in  view  of  which  He 
may  be  moved  to  take  a  difl'erent  course  from  wliat 
He  has  pursued  or  would  otherwise  pursue  (Gen.  vi. 
6, 7 ;  1  Sam.  xv.  11,  35  ;  Jcr.  xviii.  8, 10,  &c. ;  Prater); 
but  lie  does  not  so  grieve  over  His  own  course  as 
to  condemn  Himself  for  the  past  or  change  for  the 
future  what  He  has  fully  resolved  to  do  or  bring  to 
pass  (Num.  xxiii.  19  ;  1  Sam.  xv.  29  ;  Ps.  ex.  4). — 
2.  Ilcb.  shub  thrice  (1  K.  viii.  47  ;  Ez.  xiv.  6,  xviii. 
30)  ;  usually  and  literally  translated  "  to  turn " 
(Josh.  xix.  12,  27,  29  twice,  34,  &c.),  "turn  away" 
(Num.  xiv.  43,  xxxii.  15,  &c.),  "turn  back"  (2  K.  i. 
5;  Jcr.  xi.  10,  &e.),  and  especially  "return"  (Gen. 
iii.  19,  xviii.  33,  xxxi.  3,  13,  &c.). — 3,  Gr.  mctamel- 
omai,  properly  (so  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  to  transfer  or 
chanr/e  one's  care,  hence  to  cliangc  oni's  mind  or 
purpose,  after  having  done  any  thing  (Mat.  xxi.  29, 
32;  Hei).  vii.  21  =  Ps.  ex.  4  in  No.  1),  especially 
with  the  idea  of  regret,  sorrow,  remorse  (Mat.  xxvii, 
3;  2  Cor.  vii.  8  twice).  (Repkntance  3.) — 4.  Gr. 
n'.etauoeo,  properly  (so  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  to  jjerccive 
afterward,  to  have  em  afterview,  hence  to  ehange  one^s 
view,  mind,  or  purpose,  implying  (in  the  N.  T.)  re- 
gret, sorrow,  remorse  (Lk.  xvii.  3,  4  ;  2  Cor.  xii.  21); 
in  a  religious  sense,  implying  sorrow  for  unbelief 
and  sin,  and  the  turning  from  them  to  God  and  the 
Go-spcl  of  Christ  (Mat. 'iii.  2,  iv.  17,  xi.  20,  and  about 
twenty  other  passages)  ;  sometimes  spoken  of  as 
attended  with  the  external  acts  of  sorrow  or  mourn- 
ing whicli  are  characteristic  of  the  East  (Mat.  xi. 
21,  xii.  41  ;  Lk.  x.  13,  xi.  32  ;  compare  Jon.  iii.  5- 
10).     Repentance  ;  Repentings. 

*  Re-pent'anee,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb. 
nohum  or  ndcham  (Hos.  xiii.  14  only ;  compare  Re- 
pent 1). — 2.  Gr.  metanoia  =  (so  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.) 
change  of  mind  or  purpose,  rejxntance,  used  in  a 
general  sense  once  (Heb.  xii.  17,  A.  V.  "he  found 
no  place  of  repentance,"  i.  e.  in  Isaac,  compare 
Gen.  xxvii.  34  ff.) ;  elsewhere  in  a  religious  sense  = 
repentance,  penitence,  implying  sorrow  for  unbelief 
and  sin,  and  a  turning  from  them  to  God  and  the 
Gospel  of  Christ  (Mat.  iii.  8,  11,  ix.  13,  and  twenty 
other  passages  in  N.  T.). — 3.  Gr.  adj.  ametameletot 
(in  part)  once.  This  word  (=  not  to  be  repented  of, 
unchangeable,  Rbn.  S.  T.  Lex.  ;  compare  Repent  3) 
occurs  twice  only  in  the  N.  T.  (Rom.  xi.  29, 
A.  V.  "  without  repentance,"  i.  c.  on  God's  part ; 
2  Cor.  vii.  10,  A.  V.  "not  to  be  repented  of,"  i.  c. 
on  the  Christian's  part).  Faith  ;  Life  ;  Love  ;  Re- 
generation ;  Repent,  to  ;  Saviour  ;  Spirit,  the 
Holy,  &c. 

*  Re-pent'ingS,  the  A.  "V.  translation  of  Heb.  pi. 
ng.'ttimiin  or  nichumim  once  (Hos.  xi.  8).     Tlie  He- 


REP 


RES 


927 


lirew  word  here  =  feelings  of  compassion,  Targum, 
Ges.,  Fii.,  Henileri<oii,  &c.     Compare  Repent  1. 

Re  pha-cl,  or  Bepli'a-el  (Ileb.  whom  Ood  heals, 
Ges. ;  =  Raphael),  a  Levite  porter,  son  of  She- 
maiuh,  the  firsthorn  of  Obed-edom  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  7). 

Re'philll  (Hcb.  rirhes,  Ges.),  son  of  Ephraim,  and 
ancestor  of  Joshua  (1  Chr.  vii.  25). 

Bc-phai  all  [fa'yah],  or  Reph-fl-1'ah  (Hcb.  whom 
Jehovjh  keo/etl,  Ges.).  1.  The  sons  of  Repljaiah  ap- 
pear among  tlie  descendants  of  Zerubbabel  in  1 
Chr.  iii.  21.— 2.  A  Simeonite  chieftain  (iv.  42).— 3. 
Son  of  Tola,  the  son  of  Issachar  (vii.  2). — I.  Son 
of  Binea,  and  descendant  of  Saul  (ix.  43);  =  Kaph.v 
3. — .5.  Son  of  Ilur,  and  ruler  of  "the  half-PARx" 
of  Jerusalem  (Xeh.  iii.  9),  who  aided  in  repairing 
the  wall. 

Rfpha-im,  Reph'a-ims  (Heb.  plural  rgplidim). 
Giants  3. 

RFpb'a-iia  (see  above),  the  Vnl'lcy  of  (see  below), 
a  spot  which  was  the  scene  of  some  of  David's 
most  remarkable  adventures  (2  Sam.  v.  18,  22,  xxiii. 
13  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  15,  xiv.  9),  and  was  noted  for  its  fer- 
tiUty  (Is.  xvii.  5).  He  twice  encountered  the  Philis- 
tines there,  and  inflicted  a  destruction  on  them  and 
on  their  idols  so  signal  that  it  gave  the  place  a  new 
name.  Probably  during  the  former  of  these  two 
contests  the  incident  of  the  water  of  Bethlehem  (2 
Sam.  xxiii.  13  ft".,  &e.)  occurred.  The  "  hold  "  (ver. 
14)  in  which  David  found  himself,  seems  (though  it 
is  not  clear)  to  have  been  the  cave  of  Addllam. 
This  narrative  seems  to  imply  that  the  valley  of 
Rephaira  was  near  Bethlehem.  Josephus  mentions 
it  as  "  the  valley  which  extends  (frojn  Jerusalem) 
to  the  city  of  Bethleliem."  Since  the  latter  part  of 
the  sixteenth  century  (so  Mr.  Grove)  the  name  h.i3 
been  attached  to  the  upland  plain  which  stretches 
S.  of  Jerusalem,  and  is  crossed  by  the  road  to  Beth- 
lehem— the  fl-Iiiik'ah  of  the  modern  Arabs.  Mr. 
Grove  regards  this  plain,  though  appropriate  in  re 
spect  to  its  proximity  to  Bethlehem,  as  not  answer- 
ing at  all  to  the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  'emek, 
which  designates  an  enrlosdi  vaUe;/.  But  Porter  (in 
Kitto)  and  Bonar  {Lruul  of  Promise)  maintain  that 
though  a  wide  plain  with  a  scarcely  perceptible 
S.  W.  slope,  it  is  really  a  valley,  being  surrounded 
on  all  sides  by  low  hills.  A  position  X.  W.  of  the 
city  is  adopted  l>y  Fiirst,  apparently  on  the  ground 
of  the  terms  of  Josh.  xv.  8,  xviii.  16  (A.  V.  "  valley 
of  the  giants").  Tobler  adopts  the  Wadii  Her 
Jasin,  one  of  the  side  valleys  of  the  Wadij  Beit 
Haiiina.  (Ei.Aii,  Valley  of.)  The  valley  appears 
to  derive  its  name  from  the  ancient  Uephaim. 
Giants  3. 

Repb'Mim  (Heb.  rest»  ov  stays,  Mr.  H^iyman;  re- 
freshmenlt,  Ges. ;  jiains,  Fu.),  a  station  in  the  march 
of  the  Israelites  from  Egypt  to  Sinai  (Ex.  xvii.  1, 
8,  xix.  2).  Lepsius's  view  is  that  Mount  Serhdl  is 
the  true  Horeb,  and  that  Rei)hidim  is  Wmhi  FeirAn. 
(Paban.)  This  would  account  for  the  expectation 
ot  finding  water  liere,  which,  however,  from  some 
unexplained  cause  failed.  In  Ex.  xvii.  6,  "  the  rock 
in  Horeb  "  is  named  as  the  source  of  the  water  mirac- 
ulou.-ily  supplied.  CMassah  ;  .Meribah  1.)  On  the 
other  han<l,  the  language  used  Ex.  xix.  1,  2,  seems 
preci.40,  as  regards  the  point  that  the  journey  from 
Rephidim  to  Sinai  was  a  distinct  stage.  The  name 
Horeb  is  by  Robinson  taken  to  mean  an  extended 
range  or  region,  some  part  of  which  was  near  to 
Rephidim,  which  he  places  at  Wadij  esh-fihnkh,  riin- 
nin'.;  from  N.  E.  to  S.  W.,  on  the  west  side  o{  Jcbel 
el-  Furciu',  opposite  the  northern  face  of  the  modem 
Hoieb.     It  joins  the  HWy /'Wr<i».     The  exact  spot 


of  Robinson's  Rephidim  is  a  deEle  in  the  esh-Sheikh 
described  by  Burckhardt  as  at  about  five  hours'  dis- 
tance from  where  it  issues  from  the  plain  L'r-liahe/i, 
narrowing  between  abrupt  cliffs  of  blackened  gran- 
ite to  about  forty  feet  in  width.  Here  is  also  the 
traditional  "Seat  of  Moses."  Keil  and  Delitzsch, 
Porter  (iu  Kitto),  Rowlands  (in  Fairbairn),  also 
place  Rephidim  in  some  part  of  Wad;/  exh-Slieil-!i. 
Mr.  Hayman  (original  author  of  this  article),  Stan- 
ley, Rittcr,  Stewart,  &c.,  with  Lepsius,  place  Rephi- 
dim in  Wadu  Feirdn.  "The  I'ertility  and  richness  of 
the  Wadij  Feirdn  account,  as  Stanley  thinks,  for 
the  Amalckites'  struggle  to  retain  possession  against 
those  whom  they  viewed  as  intrusive  aggressors. 

*  Rep'ro-b.ite  (fr.  L.),  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 
1.  Heb.  ])articiple  nimds  =  rejected,  worthless,  Ges., 
Fii.,  &c.  (fr.  mdas,  to  reject),  spoken  of  silver  (Jer. 
vi.  30,  margin  "refuse"),  translated  "contemned" 
(Ps.  XV.  4).— 2.  Or.  adj.  adokimos  =  (so  Rbn.  A":  T. 
Lei.)  not  approved,  rejected;  used  figuratively  in 
N.  "T.  mostly  of  persons,  worthy  of  condemnation 
(Rom.  i.  28 ;  2  Tim.  iii.  8),  disappoiiited,  disallowed 
(1  Cor.  ix.  27,  A.  V.  "cast-away;"  2  Cor.  xiii.  5— 
7),  hence  tcorthless  (Tit.  i.  16),  once  of  land,  worth- 
less, wasfe  (Heb.  vi.  8,  A.  V.  "rejected"). 

Re'sen  (Heb.  o  curb,  bridle,  Ges.),  mentioned  only 
in  Gen.  x.  12,  as  one  of  the  cities  built  by  Asshur, 
^^  between  Nineveh  and  Calah."  Many  have  been  in- 
clined to  identify  it  with  Resina  or  Rhesa3na  of  the 
Byzantine  authors,  and  of  Ptolemy,  near  the  source 
of  the  western  Kliabour,  and  most  probably  the 
modern  Jias-el-'aiii.  Bochart  found  Resen  in  the 
Larissa  of  Xenophon,  the  modern  Nimrud  (=  Ca- 
LAii,  according  to  Rawlinson).  Assyrian  remains 
of  some  considerable  extent  are  found  between 
Nimrud  and  the  remains  of  Nineveh  opposite  Mo- 
sul, near  the  modern  village  of  Selamiyeh,  and  Raw- 
linson conjectures  that  these  represent  the  Rescu 
of  Genesis.  The  later  Jews  appear  to  have  identi- 
fied Resen  with  the  Kilch-Sherghal  ruins.  Assyria  ; 
NrjiKOD. 

*  Resll  (Heb.  rej/sh  =  head),  the  twentieth  letter 
of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  (Ps.  cxix.).     Writing. 

Rc'shepb  (Heb.  flame,  lif/htning,  fever,  Ges.),  son 
of  Ephraim  and  brother  of  Rephah  (1  Chr.  vii.  25). 

*  Res-nr-rec'tion  (fr.  L.)  =;  a  rising  again  from 
the  dead.  This  is  the  proper  and  usual  A.  V.  trans- 
lation of  the  Or.  anastasis,  once  rendered  "  rising 
again,"  i.  e.  the  uprising  or  salvation,  in  contrast 
with  "fall,"  i.  e.  downfall  or  destruction  (Lk.  ii.  34) ; 
and  twice,  with  a  preposition,  rendered  by  a  verb 
(Acts  xxvi.  23,  A.  V.  "that  should  rise;"  Heb.  xi. 
35,  A.  V.  "  raised  to  life  again  ;  "  both  li terally /rom 
a  resierreclion).  The  word  is  used  (so  Rbn.  N.  T. 
Lex.)  in  the  N.  T.,  except  in  Lk.  I.  c,  to  denote  the 
rising  again  of  the  body  from  death,  the  return  of 
the  dead  body  to  life,  with  reference — (a.)  To  in- 
dividuals who  have  returned  to  life  on  earth  (Heb. 
xi.  85 ;  sec  above,  and  compare  1  K.  xvii.  17  If.  and 
2  K.  iv.  20  ff.),  usually  of  Jesls  Christ  in  this  ap- 
plication (Acts  i.  22,  i'i.  31,  iv.  33,  xvii.  18;  Rom. 
i.  4,  vi.  5;  Phil.  iii.  10;  1  Pet.  i.  3,  iii.  21).  (A.) 
To  the  future  and  general  rising  from  the  dead  at 
the  end  of  the  worUI,  a  truth  which  Jesus  taught  in 
opposition  to  the  Saddi'cees,  &c.  (Mat.  xxii.  23  AT. ; 
Mk.  xii.  18  ff.;  Lk.  xx.  27  ff. ;  Jn.  xi.  24;  Acts 
iv.  2,  xvii.  32,  xxiii.  6,  8,  xxiv.  15,  21,  xxvi.  23 
[sec  abov.e]  ;  1  Cor.  xv.  12  AT.  ;  2  Tim.  ii.  18 
[Hymf.neus;  Philetl's]  ;  Heb.  vi.  2).  "The  res- 
urrection of  life"  (i.  e.  of  the  saints  or  people  of 
God  unto  eternal  happiness)  is  contrasted  with 
"  the  resurrection  of  damnation  "  (i.  e.  of  the  nicked 


928 


RBU 


REU 


unto  eternal  punishment;  compare  Mat.  xxv.  31-41) 
in  Jn.  V.  29,  and  is  "  the  better  resurrection  "  of 
Ileb.  xi.  35  (i.  e.  bettor  than  the  being  raised  again 
to  this  mortal  lil'e  on  eartli),  and  "the  resurrection 
of  tlie  just"  (Lk,  xiv.  14),  or  simply  "the  resur- 
rection" (xx.  35,  36).  "The  first  resurrection"  in 
Kev.  XX.  5,  6,  is  by  some  (Rbn.  iV.  T.  Iax.,  &c.) 
considered  =  "  resurrection  of  the  just  "  in  Lk.  xiv. 
14,  and  that  in  xx.  35,  36 ;  Prof.  Stuart  (oti  Ike 
Apombjpse,  ii.  359  ff.,  475),  Joseph  Mcde,  inc.,  re- 
gard it  as  a  literal,  but  partial  resurrection  (viz.  of 
martyrs  and  saints  especially  faithful)  before  the 
general  resurrection  ;  others  (Archbishop  Whately, 
Jissmis  on,  the  Future  Slate ;  Dr.  T.  Scott ;  Barnes, 
OH  Rev.  XX.  4-6  ;  and  others)  regar.d  it  as  a  figura- 
tive ri'surrectiou,  i.  e.  a  revival  of  the  principles  or 
sjAril  (compare  ver.  4, 14,  "  souls,"  "  second  death  ; " 
also  Rom.  vi.  4  ff. ;  Col.  iii.  1  ;  Mat,  xvii.  12, 13,  kc.) 
of  the  martyr-saints,  a  remarkable  prevalence  of 
their  characteristics,  as  if  they  were  alive  and  ruhng 
everywhere;  millenarians  hold  that  it  is  a  literal 
resurrection  of  all  the  dead  saints  preceding  their 
personal  reign  with  Christ  on  earth  ibr  1,000  years, 
&c.  In  Jn.  xi.  23,  "  Jesus  said  ...  I  am  the  les- 
urrection,"  i.  e.  the  author  of  the  resurrection. — The 
Gr.  egersin  (literally  a  waking  up  from  sleep,  a  risiiig 
up;  compare  Dan.  xii.  2)  occurs  once  in  the  K.  T. 
to  denote  the  "resurrection"  of  Jesus  (Mat.  xxvii. 
53);  and  the  compound  exanasta)iis(\\iCfA\\y  a  riiirtg 
up  out  of ;  SCO  anastaxis  above)  is  once  used  fcA-  the 
"  resurrection  "  of  the  righteous  dead  or  saints  (J'hil. 
iii.  11  ;  see  above). — The  Gr.  verb  anistimi  (literally 
to  make  stand  up  or  raise  up,  and  to  stand  up  or  rise 
up ;  from  this  comes  anastasis  above)  is  often 
used  with  reference  to  the  resurrection  or  restora- 
tion of  the  body  to  life,  both  transitively  (Jn.  vi.  39 
[A.  v.  "  raise  up  again"],  40,  44,  64  ["  raise  up"' 
&c.)  and  intransitively  (Mat.  xii.  41  [A.  V.  "rise" 
XX.  19  ["rise  again"],  xvii.  9  ["he  risen  again" 
&e.).  So  also  the  Gr.  verb  egeiro  (literally  to  awaken, 
to  uake  up,  and,  in  the  middle  voice,  to  awake,  to 
arise,  Rl)n.  ]V.  T.  Lex.)  is  used  either  of  a  restora- 
tion to  life  (Mat.  x.  8  [A.  V.  "  raise,"  sc.  the  dead], 
xiv.  2  ["  is  risen  "],  xxvii.  52  ["  arose  "],  63  ["  rise 
again  "],  &c.)  or  of  the  future  resurrection  (1  Cor. 
XV.  15,  10,  29,  32  [A.  V.  "rise"  in  all  these],  35, 
42-44,  52  ["raised"  in  these],  &c.).  In  1  Cor.  xv. 
an  argument  for  a  future  resurrection  of  believers, 
&c.,  is  drawn  from  the  resurrection  of  Jksus  Christ. 
Man;  Miraclks;  Phariskes  ;  Sadduckks,  &c. 

Ue'n,  or  Hen  (Ileb.  friend,  sc.  of  God,  Ges.),  son 
of  Peleg,  in  the  line  of  Abraham's  ancestors  (Gen. 
xi.  18-21 ;   1  Chr.  i.  25);  =  Ragai;  2. 

Ben  ben  (Ileb.  see  ye,  a  son  I  Ges.,  A.  V.  margin  ; 
or,  provided  in  my  affliction,  Gen.  xxix.  32  ?  Ges. ;  or, 
lite  jAty  of  God,  Jos.),  Jacob's  firstborn  child  (Gen. 
xxix.  32),  son  of  Leah,  apparently  not  born  till  an  un 
usual  interval  had  elapsed  after  the  marriage  (31). 
The  notices  of  the  patriarch  Reuben  in  the  Book 
of  Genesis  and  the  early  Jewish  traditional  liter- 
ature are  unusually  frequent,  and  on  the  whole 
give  a  fjvorable  view  of  his  disposition.  To  him, 
and  him  alone,  the  preservation  of  Joseph's  life  ap- 
pears to  have  been  due.  His  anguish  at  the  disap- 
pearance of  his  brother,  and  the  frustration  of  his 
khidly  artifice  for  delivering  him  (xxxvii.  22),  his 
recollection  of  the  minute  details  of  the  painful 
scene  many  years  afterward  (xlii.  22),  his  offer  to 
take  the  sole  responsibility  of  the  safety  of  the 
brother  who  had  succeeded  to  Joseph's  place  in  the 
family  (xlii.  37),  all  testify  to  a  warm  and  (for  those 
rough  tyues)  a  kindly  nature.     Of  the  repulsive 


crime  which  mars  his  history,  and  which  turned  the 
blessing  of  his  dying  father  into  a  curse — his  adul- 
terous connection  with  Bilhah— we  know  from  the 
Scriptures  only  the  fact  (xxxv.  22).  These  traits, 
sliglit  as  they  are,  are  those  of  an  ardent,  impetuous, 
unbalanced,  but  not  ungenerous  nature  ;  not  crafty 
and  cruel,  as  were  Simeon  and  Levi,  but  rather,  to 
use  the  metaphor  of  the  dying  patriarch,  boiling  up 
like  a  vessel  of  water  over  the  rapid  wood-tire  of 
the  noniad  tent,  and  as  quickly  subsiding  into  apathy 
when  the  fuel  was  witlidrawn. — At  the  time  of  the 
migration  into  Egypt  Reuben's  sons  were  four  (xlvi. 
9  ;  1  Chr.  v.  3).  Erom  them  sprang  the  chief  fam- 
ilies of  the  tribe  (Xum.  xxvi.  5-11).  Datiias  and 
Abiram  were  of  this  tribe  (xvi.  1,  xxvi.  8-11).  The 
census  at  Mount  Sinai  (i.  20,  21,  ii.  11)  shows  that 
at  the  Exodus  the  tribe  had  46,500  men  above 
twenty  years  of  age,  and  fit  for  active  warlike  ser- 
vice. On  the  borders  of  Canaan  there  were  43,730 
(xxvi.  7).  In  the  Hilderness  the  position  of  lieu- 
ben  was  on  the  southern  side  of  the  Tabernacle. 
The  "  camp  "  of  Reuben  was  formed  of  his  own 
tribe,  of  Simeon,  and  of  Gad.  The  Reubenites,  like 
the  Gadites,  had  maintained  through  the  march  to 
Canaan  the  ancient  calling  of  their  forefathers. 
(Patriarch  ;  SiiEriiERD.)  Tlieir  cattle  accompanied 
them  from  Egypt  (Ex.  xii.  38).  It  followed  natu- 
rally that  when  the  nation  arrived  on  the  pasture- 
lands  E.  of  the  Jordan,  the  three  tribes  of  Reuben, 
Gad,  and  tlie  half  of  Manasseh,  should  prefer  a  re- 
quest to  their  leader  to  be  allowed  to  remain  in  a 
place  so  perfectly  suited  to  their  requirements. 
The  part  selected  by  Reuben  had  at  that  date  the 
special  name  of  the  JAVidr  (Plain  4),  with  reference 
possibly  to  its  evenness.  Under  its  modern  name 
of  the  Belka  it  is  still  esteemed  beyond  all  others 
by  the  Arab  sheepmasters.  The  country  E.  of  Jor- 
dan apparently  was  not  included  in  the  original 
land  promised  to  Abraham.  When  the  Reubenites 
and  their  fellows  approach  Moses  with  their  request, 
his  main  objection  is  that  by  what  they  propose  they 
will  discourage  the  hearts  of  the  children  of  Israel 
from  going  over  Jordan  into  the  land  which  Jehovah 
had  given  them  (Num.  xxxii.  7).  Only  on  their 
undertaking  to  fulfil  their  part  in  the  conquest  of 
the  western  country,  the  land  of  Canaan  proper, 
and  thus  satisfying  him  that  their  proposal  was 
grounded  in  no  selfish  desire  to  escape  a  full  share 
of  the  dilTiculties  of  the  conquest,  does  Moses  con- 
sent to  tlieir  proposal. — From  this  time  it  seems  as 
if  a  bar,  not  only  of  distance,  and  of  the  intervcn- 
ing  river  and  mountain-wall,  but  also  of  difference 
in  feeling  and  habits,  gradually  grew  up  more  sub- 
stantially between  the  eastern  and  western  tribes. 
The  first  act  of  the  former  after  the  completion  of 
the  conquest,  and  after  they  liad  taken  part  in  the 
solemn  ceremonial  in  the  valley  between  Ebal  and 
Gerizim,  shows  how  wide  a  gap  already  existed  be- 
tween their  ideUs  and  those  of  the  western  tribes. 
The  pile  of  stones  which  they  erected  on  tlie  west- 
ern bank  of  the  Jordan  to  mark  their  boundary  was 
erected  in  accordance  with  the  unalterable  habits 
of  Bedouin  tribes  both  before  and  since.  It  was  an 
act  identical  with  that  in  which  Laban  and  Jacob 
engaged  at  parting,  with  that  which  is  constantly 
performed  by  the  Bedouins  of  the  present  day.  But 
by  the  Israelites  W.  of  Jordan,  who  were  fast  re- 
linquishing their  nomad  habits  and  feelings  for 
those  of  more  settled  permanent  life,  this  act  was 
comph^tely  misunderstood,  and  was  construed  into 
an  attempt  to  set  up  a  rival  altar  to  that  of  the 
Sacred  Tent, — No  judge,  no  prophet,  no  hero  of  the 


REU 


REV 


929 


tribe  of  Reuben  is  Iianded  down  to  us.  In  the  dire 
extremity  of  their  bretliren  in  the  N.  under  Deborali 
and  Biirali,  they  contented  themselves  with  deba- 
ting tlie  news  among  the  streams  of  tlic  Mis/wr  ; 
Reuben  lingered  among  his  sheepfolds  and  preferred 
the  slieplierd's  pipe  and  the  bleating  of  tlie  flocljs 
to  the  clamor  of  the  ti-umpet  and  the  turmoil  of 
battle.  His  individuality  fades  more  rapidly  than 
Gad's.  So  person,  no  incident,  is  recorded,  to  place 
Reuben  before  us  in  any  distincter  form  than  as  a 
member  of  the  community  (if  community  it  can  be 
called)  of  "  the  Keubcuites,  the  G.idites,  and  the 
half-tribe  of  Manasseh"  (1  Chr.  xii.  37).  Thus  re- 
mote from  the  central  seat  of  the  national  govern- 
ment and  of  the  national  religion,  it  is  not  to  be 
wondered  at  that  Reuben  relinquished  the  itiith  of 
Jehovah.  The  last  historical  notice  which  we  pos- 
sess of  them,  while  it  records  this  fact,  records  alsp 
as  its  natural  consequence  that  the  Reubenites  and 
Gadites,  and  the  half  tribe  of  Manasseh  were  carried 
off  by  I'ul  and  Tiglath-pileser  (v.  25,  2i;). 

•  Rrn'ben-ite  (fr.  Heb.)  —  a  descendant  of  Rep- 
BKN,  and  member  of  his  tribe  (Xum.  xxvi.  7  ;  Deut. 
iii.  12,  16;  1  Chr.  xi.  42.  &c.). 

Kfn'cl  (Heb.  friend  of  Gud,  Ges.).  1.  One  of  the 
sons  of  Esau,  by  his  wife  Bashemath,  sister  of  Ish- 
miiel  (Gen.  xxxvi.  4,  10,  13,  17;  1  Chr.  i.  35,  37). 
^84  One  of  the  names  of  Moses'  father-in-law  (Ex. 
ii.  18);  the  same  which,  through  adherence  to  the 
LXX.  form,  is  given  in  another  passage  of  the  A.V. 
Ragi.ei,. — 3<  Father  of  Eliasaph,  the  leader  of  the 
tribe  of  Gad,  at  the  time  of  the  census  at  Sinai 
(Sum.  ii.  14). — 1.  A  Benjamite,  ancestor  of  Elah  (1 
Chr.  ix.  8). 

Bea'mall  (Heb.  rained,  high,  Ges.),  concubiac  of 
Nalior,  Abraham's  brother  (Gen.  xxii.  24). 

•  Brr-e-la'tlOD  (fr.  L.)  ;  Gr.  apokalupsis;  both  lit- 
erally =  an  uncovering  or  unveiling,  hence  a  dis- 
elomire  or  manifettatlon,  especially  from  God,  of 
what  was  before  unseen  or  unknown.  The  word 
"revelation  "  or  "  revelations  "  occurs  mostly  in  the 
Epistles  (Rom.  ii.  5,  xvi.  2.5;  2  Cor.  xii.  1,  7,  &c.), 
once  in  Rev.  i.  1.  The  infinite  wisdom  and  power 
and  skill  of  Gon  are  made  known  in  the  Creatio.n  : 
the  great  truths  which  He  has  revealed  to  mankind 
are  contained  in  the  Bini.E  (Inspiratio.s  ;  Mir,4Ci,es  ; 
Prophet)  :  His  grace  and  glory  are  especially  mani- 
4'es(ed  in  3tvKS  Christ,  the  So.v  ofGod,  and  Saviour. 
"  Revelation  "  is  popularly  used  to  designate  the 
Revelation  of  St.  John. 

KeT-e-la'tion  (see  above)  of  St.  John,  often  called 
the  Apocalvpsk,  from  the  Gr.  title -i-l/wX-a/u/wi* /«««. 
nou. — A.  Canonical  Authority  and  Authorship.  The 
question  as  to  the  canonical  authority  of  the  Reve- 
lation resolves  itself  into  a  question  of  authorship. 
Was  St.  John  the  Apostle  and  Evangelist  the  writer 
of  the  Revelation  ?  This  question  was  first  mooted 
by  Dionysius  of  Alexandria.  The  doubt  which  he 
modestly  suggested  ha.s  been  confidently  proclaimed 
in  modern  times  by  Luther,  and  widely  diffused 
through  his  influence.  But  the  general  belief  of  the 
mass  of  Christians  in  all  ages  has  been  in  favor  of 
St.  John's  authorship.  The  evidence  adduced  in  sup- 
port of  that  belief  consists  of  (1.)  the  assertions  of 
the  author,  and  (2.)  historical  tradition.  (1.)  The  au- 
thor's description  of  himself  in  chs.  i.  and  xxii.  is  cer- 
tainly e<|uivalent  to  an  assertion  that  ho  is  the  apos- 
tle, (a.)  He  names  himself  simply  "  John,"  without 
prefix  or  ad<lition.  He  is  also  described  as  (A.)  a 
servant  of  Christ;  (c.)one  who  had  borne  testimony 
as  an  eye-witness  of  the  word  of  God  and  of  the 
testimony  of  Christ — terms  which  were  surely  d^ 
69 


signed  to  identify  him  with  the  writer  of  Jn.  xix. 
3.5,  i.  14,  and  1  Jn.  i.  2 ;  (</.)  in  Patmos  for  the  word 
of  God  and  the  testimony  of  Jesus  Christ ;  (f.)  a 
fellow-sufferer  with  those  whom  he  addresses  ;  (  f.) 
the  authorized  channel  of  the  most  direct  and  im- 
portant communication  ever  made  to  the  seven 
Churches  of  Asia,  of  which  Churches  John  the  Apos- 
tle was  at  that  time  the  spiritual  governor  and 
teacher;  (g.)sL  fellow-servant  of  angels  and  a  brother 
of  prophets.  All  these  marks  are  found  united  to- 
gether in  the  Apostle  John,  and  in  him  alone  of  all 
historical  persons.  A  candid  reader  of  the  Revela- 
tion, if  previously  acquainted  with  St.  John's  other 
writings  and  life,  must  inevitably  conclude  that  the 
writer  intended  to  be  identified  with  St.  John.  Yet 
Liickc  conjectures  that  some  Asiatic  disciple  and 
namesake  of  the  apostle  may  have  written  the  book 
in  the  course  of  some  missionary  labors  or  some 
time  of  sacred  retirement  in  Patmos.  Unless  we  are 
prepared  to  give  up  the  veracity  and  divine  origin 
of  the  whole  book,  and  to  treat  the  writer's  account 
of  himself  as  a  mere  fiction  of  a  poet  trying  to 
cover  his  own  insignificance  with  an  honored  name, 
we  must  accept  that  description  as  a  plain  state- 
ment of  fact,  equally  credible  with  the  rest  of  the 
l)Ook,  and  in  harmony  with  the  simple,  honest, 
truthful  character  which  is  stamped  on  the  face  of 
tlie  whole  narrative  (so  Mr.  Bullock,  original  author 
of  this  article).  Besides  this  direct  assertion  of  St. 
John's  authorship,  there  is  also  an  implication  of  it 
running  through  the  book.  Generally,  the  instinct 
of  single-minded,  patient,  faithful  students  has  led 
them  to  recognize  not  merely  the  same  Siiirit  as  the 
source  of  this  and  other  books  of  Holy  Scripture, 
but  also  the  same  peculiarly-formed  human  instru- 
ment employed  both  in  producing  this  book  and  the 
fourth  Gospel  (John,  Gospel  of),  and  in  speaking 
the  characteristic  words  and  perl'ornuiig  the  char- 
acteristic actions  recorded  of  St.  John. — (2.)  His- 
torical testimonies  in  favor  of  St.  John's  authorship, 
(a.)  Justin  Martyr,  about  A.  n.  150,  says: — "A  man 
among  us  whose  name  was  John,  one  of  the  apos- 
tles of  Christ,  in  a  revelation  which  was  made  to 
him,  prophesied  that  the  believers  in  our  Christ 
shall  live  a  thousand  years  in  Jerusalem."  (ft.)  The 
author  of  the  Muratorian  Fragment,  about  a.  d.  170, 
speaks  of  St.  John  as  the  writer  of  the  Apocalypse, 
(c.)  Melito  of  Sardis,  about  A.  i).  170,  wrote  a  treatise 
on  the  Revelation  of  John.  Eusebius  (N.  £.  iv.  20) 
mentions  this  among  the  books  of  Melito ;  and  it 
may  be  presumed  that  he  found  no  doubt  as  to  St. 
John's  autliorship  in  the  book  of  this  ancient  Asiatic 
bishop.  ((/.)  Theophilus,  bishop  of  Antioch  (about 
180),  in  a  controversy  with  Hermogcnes,  quotes 
passages  out  of  the  Revelation  of  John,  (e.)  Ire- 
n;eus  (about  195),  apparently  never  having  heard  a 
suggestion  of  any  other  author  than  the  apostle, 
often  quotes  the  Revelation  as  the  work  of  John. 
He  describes  John,  the  writer  of  the  Revelation,  as 
the  same  who  was  leaning  on  Jesus'  bosom  at  sup- 
per, and  asked  IHin  who  should  betray  Him.  (/.) 
Apollonius  (about  200)  of  Ephesus  (?),  in  contro- 
versy with  the  Montanists  of  Phrygia,  quoted  pas- 
sages out  of  the  Revelation  of  John,  and  narrated 
a  miracle  wrought  by  John  at  Ephesus.  (j/.)  Clement 
of  Alexandria  (about  200)  quotes  the  book  as  the 
Revelation  of  John,  and  as  the  work  of  an  apostle. 
(/(.)  Tcrtullian  (a.  d.  207)  quotes  byname  "  the  Apos- 
tle John  in  the  Apocalypse."  (;.)Hippolytus  (about 
230)  is  said,  in  the  inscription  on  his  statue  at  Rome, 
to  have  composed  an  apology  for  the  Apocalypse 
and  Gospel  of  St.  John  the  Apostle.     (/)  Origen 


930 


REV 


RKV 


(about  233),  in  his  Commentary  on  St.  John,  quoted 
by  Eusebius  {H.  E.  vi.  26),  says  of  the  apostle,  "  he 
wrote  also  the  Revelation."'  The  testimonies  of 
later  writers,  in  the  third  and  fourth  centuries,  in 
favor  of  St.  John's  authorship  of  the  Revelation 
are  equally  distinct  and  far  more  numerous.  All 
the  foregoing  writers,  testifying  that  the  book  came 
from  an  apostle,  believed  that  it  was  a  part  of  Holy 
Scripture.  It  is  also  quoted  as  having  canonical 
authority  by  Papias,  Cyprian,  and  in  the  Epistle 
from  the  churches  of  Lyons  and  Vienne,  a.  d.  1*77. 
It  was  admitted  into  the  list  of  the  Third  Council 
of  Carthage,  A.  D.  397.  Such  is  the  evidence  in 
favor  of  St.  John's  authorship  and  of  the  canonical 
authority  of  this  book.  (Bible  ;  Canon  ;  Inspira- 
tion ;  New  Testament.) — The  following  facts  must 
be  weighed  on  the  other  side.  Marcion,  who  re- 
garded all  the  apostles,  except  St.  Paul,  as  corrupt- 
ers of  the  truth,  rejected  the  Apocalypse  and  all 
other  books  of  the  N.  T.  which  were  not  written  by 
St.  Paul.  (Luke,  Gospel  of.)  The  Alogi,  an  ob- 
scure sect,  about  a.  d.  ISO,  rejected  the  Revelation, 
saying  it  was  the  work,  not  of  John,  but  of  Cerinthus. 
But  the  testimony  which  is  considered  tlie  most  im- 
portant of  all  in  ancient  times  against  the  Revela- 
tion is  contained  in  a  fragment  of  Dionysius  of 
Alexandria,  about  A.  n.  240,  the  most  influential  and 
perhaps  the  ablest  bishop  in  that  age.  He  testifies 
that  some  writers  before  him  altogether  repudiated 
the  Revelation  as  a  forgery  of  Cerinthus ;  that  many 
brethren,  however,  prized  it  very  higlily,  and  Diony- 
sius would  not  venture  to  reject  it,  but  received  it 
in  faith  as  containing  things  too  deep  and  too  sub- 
lime for  his  understanding.  He  argues  that  the  way 
in  which  the  name  "John"  is  mentioned,  and  the 
general  character  of  the  language,  are  unlike  what 
we  should  expect  from  John  the  Evangelist  and 
Apo.stle  ;  that  there  were  many  Johns  in  that  age. 
He  would  not  say  that  John  Mark  was  the  writer, 
since  it  is  not  known  that  he  was  in  Asia.  He  sup- 
poses it  must  be  the  work  of  some  John  who  lived 
in  Asia.  To  this  extent,  and  no  further,  Dionysius 
is  a  witness  against  St.  John's  authorship.  It  is 
obvious  that  he  knew  of  no  authority  for  attributing 
it  to  any  other  John.  A  weightier  difficulty  arises 
from  the  fact  that  the  Revelation  is  oneof  the  books 
absent  from  the  ancient  Peshito  version.  (Vehsioxs, 
Ancient  [Svriac],)  Eusebius  is  remarkably  sparing 
in  his  quotations  from  the  "  Revelation  of  John," 
and  the  uncertainty  of  his  opinion  about  it  is  best 
shown  by  liis  statement  that  "  it  is  likely  that  the 
Revelation  was  seen  by  the  second  Jolm  (the  Ephe- 
sian  presbyter),  if  any  one  is  unwilling  to  believe 
that  it  was  seen  by  the  apostle."  Jerotne  states 
that  the  Greek  Churches  felt,  with  respect  to  the 
Revelation,  a  similar  doubt  to  that  of  the  Latins 
respecting  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  (Hebrews, 
Epistle  to  the.)  Neither  he  nor  Augustine  shared 
such  doubts. — B.  Thne  and  Place  of  Writivg.  The 
date  of  tlie  Revelation  is  given  by  the  great  majority 
of  critics  as  a.  D.  95-97.  Ircnaeus  says  :  "  It  (i.  e.  the 
Revelation)  was  seen  no  very  long  time  ago,  but  al- 
most in  our  own  generation,  at  the  close  of  Domi- 
tian's  reign."  Eusebius  also  records  that,  in  the 
persecution  under  Domitian,  John  the  Apostle  and 
Evangelist  was  Ijanished  to  tlie  island  Patmos  for 
his  testimony  of  the  divine  word.  There  is  no  men- 
tion in  any  writer  of  the  first  three  centuries  of  any 
other  time  or  place.  Unsupported  by  any  historical 
evidence,  some  commentators  have  inferred,  from  the 
style  and  contents  of  the  book,  that  the  Revelation  was 
written  as  early  as  the  time  of  Nero.  It  has  been  in- 


ferred from  i.  2,  9, 10,  that  the  Revelation  was  written 
in  Ephesus,  immediately  after  the  apostle's  return 
from  Patmos.  But  the  style  in  which  the  messages  to 
the  seven  Churches  arc  delivered  rather  suggests  the 
notion  that  the  book  was  written  in  Patmos. — C.  Lait- 
guar/e.  The  doubt  first  suggested  by  Harenberg, 
whether  the  Revelation  was  written  in  Aramaic,  has 
met  with  little  or  no  reception.  The  silence  of  all  an- 
cient writers  as  to  any  Aramaic  original  is  alone  a 
sufficient  answer  to  the  suggestion.  Liicke  has  also 
collected  internal  evidence  to  show  that  the  original 
is  the  Greek  of  a  Jewish  Christian.  Liicke  has  also 
examined  in  minute  detail  the  peeuliarhics  of  lan- 
guage which  obviously  distinguish  tlie  Revelation 
from  every  other  book  of  the  N.  T.  He  urges  with 
great  force  the  difference  between  the  Revelation  on 
one  siae  and  the  fourth  Gospel  and  first  Epistle  on  the 
other,  in  respect  of  their  style  and  composition  and 
the  mental  character  and  attainments  of  the  writer 
of  each.  Hengstenberg  maintains  that  they  are  by 
one  writer.  It  may  be  admitted  that  the  Revelation 
has  many  surprising  grammatical  peculiarities.  But 
much  of  this  is  accounted  for  by  tlie  fact  that  it  was 
probalily  written  down,  as  it  was  seen,  "  in  the 
Spirit,"  while  the  ideas,  in  all  their  novelty  and  vasl- 
ness,  filled  the  apostle's  mind,  and  rendered  him  less 
capable  of  attenOing  to  forms  of  speech. — D.  Con- 
tents. After  the  title  of  the  book,  the  description  of 
the  writer,  the  blessing  on  the  readers,  and  the  salu- 
tation of  the  seven  Churches  of  Asia  (i.  1-4),  John 
touches  the  keynote  of  the  whole  book — the  Person 
of  Christ,  the  redemption  wrought  by  Him,  His  sec- 
ond coining  to  judge  mankind,  the  painful,  hopeful 
discipline  of  Christians  in  this  present  world  (f)-9). 
The  first  vision  (i.  7-iii.  22)  shows  the  Son  of  Man 
with  His  injunction,  or  Epistles  to  the  seven  Church- 
es. In  the  next  vision  (iv.  1-viii.  1)  John  in  heaven 
sees  God  on  His  throne,  the  seven-sealed  book  or  roll 
produced  and  received  by  the  slain  Lamb,  the  Re- 
deemer, amid  universal  adoration,  and  its  seven  seals 
opened  liy  Him  in  order,  the  ajiostle  narrating  the 
signs  which  he  sees  as  they  are  opened.  Then  come 
the  seven  angels  who  sound  the  seven  trumpets  (viii. 
2-xi.  19),  the  reign  of  Christ  with  the  judgn'cnt  of 
the  dead  and  the  destruction  of  the  earth's  destroy- 
ers being  proclaimed  at  the  last.  The  second  half 
of  the  Revelation  (xii.-xxii.)  comprises  a  series  of 
visions  counected  by  various  links.  It  may  be  de-' 
scribed  generally  as  a  prophecy  of  the  assaults  of 
the  devil  and  his  agents  (=  the  dragon,  the  ten- 
horned  beast,  the  two-!iorncd  beast  or  false  prophit, 
and  the  harlot)  upon  the  Church,  and  their  final  de- 
struction. (Antichrist;  Babylon  2;  Jcdgmext; 
Resiruection  ;  Riddle,  &c.)  It  appears  to  begin 
with  a  reference  to  anterior  events,  and  closes  with 
views  of  the  final  judgment,  the  new  heaven  and  the 
new  earth,  the  new  Jerusalem  with  its  people  and 
their  way  of  life,  the  last  sixteen  verses  containing 
a  solemn  asseveration  of  the  truth  and  importance  of 
the  foregoing  sayings,  a  blessing  on  those  who  keep 
them,  a  warning  of  His  speedy  coming,  and  of  the 
nearness  of  the  time  when  these  prophecies  shall  he 
fulfilled. — E.  Interpretation.  A  short  account  of  the 
different  directions  in  which  attempts  have  been 
made  to  interpret  the  Revelation,  is  all  that  can  he 
given  in  this  place.  The  interval  between  the  apos- 
tolic age  and  that  of  Constantine  has  been  called  the 
Chiliastic  period  of  Apocalyptic  interpretation.  Tin 
visions  of  St.  John  were  chicHy  regarde<l  as  reprc 
sentations  of  general  Christi.an  truths,  scarcely  yet 
embodied  in  actual  facts,  for  the  most  part  to  be  ex 
emplified  or  fulfilled  in  the  reign  of  Antichrist,  the 


EEV 


RHO 


931 


coming  of  Christ,  tlie  millennium,  and  the  day  of 
judgment.  Immediately  after  the  triumph  of  Con- 
stiintine,  the  Christians,  emancipated  from  oppres- 
sion and  persecution,  and  dominant  and  prosperous 
in  their  turn,  began  to  lose  their  vivid  expectation 
of  our  Lord's  speedy  advent,  and  their  spiritual  con- 
ception of  His  kingdom,  and  to  look  upon  the  tem- 
poral supremacy  of  Christianity  as  a  fulfilment  of 
the  promised  reign  of  Christ  on  earth.  The  Roman 
empire,  become  Christian,  was  regarded  no  longer  as 
the  object  of  prophetic  denunciation,  but  as  the 
scene  of  a  millennial  development.  This  view,  how- 
ever, was  soon  met  by  the  figurative  interpretation 
of  the  millennium  as  the  reign  of  Christ  in  the  hearts 
of  all  true  believers.  As  the  barbarous  and  heretical 
invaders  of  the  falling  empire  appeared,  they  were 
regarded  by  th,;  suffering  Christians  as  fulfilling  the 
W0C3  denounced  in  the  Revelation.  The  views  to 
which  the  reputation  of  Abbot  Joachim  (of  Calabria, 
A.  D.  1200)  gave  currency  became  the  foundation  of 
that  great  historical  school  of  interpretation  which 
up  to  this  time  seems  the  most  popular  of  all. 
Jlodem  interpreters  are  generally  placed  in  three 
great  divisions,  a.  The  Historical  or  Continuous 
e.tpositors,  in  whose  opinion  the  Revelation  is  a  pro- 
gr^'ssive  history  of  the  fortunes  of  the  Church  from 
tlie  first  century  to  the  end  of  time  (Mede,  i>ir  I. 
N'ewton,  Vitringa,  Bengel,  Woodhouse,  Faber,  E.  B. 
Elliott,  Wordsworth,  Hengstenberg,  Ebrard,  Alford 
mainly,  &c  ).  b.  The  Preterist  expositors,  who  are 
of  opinion  that  the  Revelation  has  been  almost,  or 
altogether,  fulfilled  in  the  time  which  has  passed 
since  it  was  written  ;  that  it  refers  principally  to  the 
trium  >h  of  Christianity  over  Judaism  and  Paganism, 
signalized  in  the  downfall  of  Jerusalem  and  of  Rome 
(.Cleasar,  Grotius,  Hammond,  Bossuet,  Calmet,  Wet- 
stein,  Eichhorn,  Hug,  Herder,  Ewald,  Liicke,  De 
Wette,  Stuart,  Lee,  Maurice,  &c.).  c.  The  Futurist 
expo3itors,who  believe  that  the  whole  book,  except- 
ing perhaps  the  first  three  chapters,  refers  principal- 
Iv,  if  not  exchisivelv,  to  events  which  are  vet  to  come 
(i)r.  J.  H.  Todd,  Dr.  S.  R.  Maitland,  B.  Newton,  C. 
Maitland,  I.  Williams,  De  Burgh,  &c.). — Two  methods 
have  been  proposed  by  which  the  student  of  the 
Revelation  may  escape  the  incongruities  and  fallacies 
of  the  different  interpretations,  whilst  he  may  derive 
efiification  from  whatever  truth  they  contain.  It  has 
been  suggested  that  the  book  may  be  regarded  as  a 
prophetic  poem,  dealing  in  general  and  inexact  de- 
scriptions, much  of  which  may  be  set  down  as  poetic 
imigery,  mere  embellishment.  But  such  a  view 
would  be  difficult  to  reconcile  with  the  belief  that 
the  b)ok  is  an  inspired  prophecy.  A  better  sugges- 
tion is  made,  or  rather  revived,  by  Dr.  Arnold  in  his 
.Serm<)ns  0)t  the  luterprelaiion  of  Propliecy :  that  we 
should  bear  in  mind  that  predictions  have  a  lower 
historical  sense,  as  well  as  a  higher  spiritual  sense : 
that  there  may  be  one  or  more  than  one  typical,  im- 
perfect, historical  fulfilment  of  a  prophecy,  in  each 
of  which  the  higher  spiritual  fulfilment  is  shadowed 
•  forth  more  or  less  distinctly.  Old  Testament,  B, 
note  ' ;  Propiiet. 

•  Re-iK!n'K*r  of  Blood.    Bloop,  Avexoer  of. 

•R*T'e-nne.     Kixa;  Pcblicax;  Taxes. 

Re'zeph  (fr.  Hcb.  =  a  atone  heated  to  roast  meat 
or  bake  l)read  on  it,  Ges.),  one  of  the  places  which 
.'^cnnacherib  mentions  in  his  taunting  message  to 
llezekiah,  as  destroyed  by  his  predecessor  (2  K.  xii. 
12;  Is.  xxxvii.  12);  a  day's  march  W.  of  the  Eu- 
phrates, on  the  road  from  liaeca  to  Huim  (.so  Gese- 
nius,  Keil,  Thcniug,  &c.) ;  E.  of  the  Euphrates,  near 
Bagdad  (so  Hitzig). 


Re-zi'a  (fr.  Heb.  =  delight,  Ges.),  an  Asherite 
chief,  of  the  sons  of  Ulla  ( 1  Chr.  vii.  ?9). 

Re'zin  (fr.  Heb.  =  lover,  friend  ?  or  firm,  stable  ?  or 
prince  ?  Ges. ;  a  holding  together,  regulation,  hence 
dominion,  Fii.).  1.  A  king  of  Damascus,  contem- 
porary with  Pekah  in  Israel,  and  with  Jotham  and 
AhXz  in  Judea.  He  attacked  Jotham  during  the 
latter  part  of  his  reign  (2  K.  xv.  37);  but  his  chief 
war  was  with  Ahaz,  whose  territories  he  invaded,  in 
company  with  Pekah  (about  b.  c.  741).  The  com- 
bined army  laid  siege  to  Jerusalem,  where  Ahaz  was, 
but  "  could  not  prevail  against  it"  (Is.  vii.  1 ;  2  K. 
xvi.  5).  Rezin,  however,  "  recovered  Elath  to  Syria  " 
(xvi.  6).  Soon  after  this  he  was  attacked,  defeated, 
and  slain  by  Tigi.ath-pileser  II.,  king  of  Assyria 
(xvi.  9).  (IsAiAH.) — i.  Ancestor  of  a  family  of 
Nethinim,  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii. 
48 ;  Neh.  vii.  50). 

Re'zOD  (Heb.  prince,  Ges.),  son  of  Eliadah ;  a 
Syrian,  who  when  David  defeated  Hadadezer,  king 
of  Zobah,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  free- 
booters and  set  up  a  petty  kingdom  at  Damasci;s  (1 
K.  xi.  23).  He  may  have  been  an  officer  of  Hadade- 
zer, who,  foreseeing  the  destruction  which  David 
would  inflict,  prudently  escaped  with  some  followers  ; 
or  more  probably  (so  Mr.  Wright)  he  gathered  his 
band  of  the  remnant  of  those  who  survived  the 
slaughter.  Rezon's  settlement  at  Damascus  could 
not  have  been  till  some  time  after  the  battle  in 
which  Hadadezer's  power  was  broken,  for  David  at 
the  same  time  defeated  the  army  of  Damascene 
Syrians  who  came  to  the  relief  of  Hadadezer,  and 
put  garrisons  in  Damascus.  From  his  position  at 
Damascus  Rezon  harassed  the  kingdom  of  Solomon 
during  his  whole  reign. 

Rhe'gl-nm  [rc'je-um]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  rhegnnmi  ^  to 
break,  or  break  Ihrongh,  because  the  sea  anciently 
broke  tlirnugh  there  between  Italy  and  Sicily,  Pape,  L. 
&  S.,  &c.),  an  Italian  town  on  the  Bruttian  coast,  at 
the  southern  entrance  of  the  straits  of  Messina ;  men- 
tioned (Acts  xxviii.  13)  in  the  account  of  St.  Paul's 
voyage  from  Syracuse  to  Puteoli,  after  the  shipwreck 
at  Malta.  (See  msip  luider  Paul.)  The  figures  on 
its  coins  are  the  "  twin  brothers  "  ( CaMor  and  Pollux) 
who  gave  the  name  to  St.  P.aul's  ship.  The  place 
was  originally  a  Greek  colony :  it  was  miserably 
destroyed  by  Dionvsius  of  Syracuse:  from  Augustus 
it  received  advantages  which  combined  with  its  geo- 
graphical position  in  making  it  important  through- 
out the  duration  of  the  Roman  empire.  The  modem 
Reggio  is  a  town  of  10,000  inhabitants,  about  six 
miles  across  the  straits  from  Messina. 

Rlir  sa  (Gr.,  see  below),  son  of  Zorobabel  in  the 
Gesealooy  of  Jesits  Christ  (Lk.  iii.  27).  Lord  A. 
C.  Hcrvey  has  conjectured  that  "  Rhesa  "  is  no  per- 
son, but  merely  the  title  Ronh,  i.  c.  "  Prince,"  origi- 
nally attached  to  the  name  of  Zerubbabel. 

••  Rhl-noe'e-ros-es  [ri-nos-]  (fr.  Gr.),  Rlii-noc'c-rots 
in  some  copies,  plural  of  Rhinoceros  (Is.  xxxiv.  7 
margin).     U.nicohx. 

Rho'dR  (fr.  Gr.  =  rose,  rose-hush),  a  mnid  ivho  an- 
nounced Peter's  arrival  at  the  door  of  Mary's  house 
after  his  miraculous  release  from  prison  (Acts  xii. 
13). 

Rhodes  [pronounced  like  roads]  (fr.  Gr.  Rhodns  ; 
L.  RItodus  ;  thus  named  [so  Diodorus  Siculus]  from 
a  daughter  of  the  god  Xeptune,  or  [so  others]  from 
its  abounding  in  roses  [comp.  Rmooa]).  St.  Paul 
touched  at  this  island  on  his  return  voyage  to  Syria 
from  the  third  missionary  journey  (Acts  xxi.  1). 
Rhodes  is  immediately  opposite  the  high  Carian  and 
Lycian  headlands  at  the  S.  W.  extremity  of  the  pen- 


932 


RHO 


"RIG 


insula  of  Asia  Minor.  Its  position  has  had  much  to 
do  with  its  liistory.  Its  real  eminence  began  (about 
400  B.  0.)  with  the  founding  of  that  city  at  the  N.  E. 
extremity  of  the  island  which  still  continues  to  be 
the  capital.  After  Alexander's  death  it  entered  ou 
a  glorious  period,  its  material  prosperity  being  largely 
developed,  and  its  instituti(ms  deserving  and  obtain- 
ing general  esteem.  Its  Colossus,  a  statue  of  Apol- 
lo, 70  cubits  or  105  feet  high,  was  one  of  the  won- 
ders of  the  ancient  world.  As  we  approach  the  time 
of  the  consolidation  of  the  Roman  power  in  the  Le- 
vant, we  have  a  notice  of  Jewish  residents  in  Rhodes 
(1  Mc.  xv.'23).  The  Romans,  after  the  defeat  of 
Antiochus,  assigned,  during  some  time,  to  Rhodes 
certain  districts  on  the  mainland  (Caria;  Lycia)  ; 
and  after  these  were  withdrawn,  the  island  still  en- 
joyed (from  Augustus  to  Vespasian)  a  considerable 
amount  of  independence.  Its  Byzantine  history  is 
again  eminent.  Under  Constantine  it  was  the  me- 
tropolis of  the  "  Province  of  the  Islands."  It  was 
the  last  place  where  the  Christians  of  the  East  held 
out  against  the  advancing  Sar.iccns ;  and  subse- 
quently it  was  once  more  famous  as  tlie  home  and 
fortress  of  the  Knights  of  St.  John.  (Malta.)  Its 
soil  is  fertile,  and  its  climate  delightful.  Its  present 
population  is  28,000,  viz.  21,000Turks,  0,000  Greeks, 
1,000  Jews  (New  Amer.  Cyc). 

Bhod'o-cns  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  a  Jew  who  betrayed  the 
plans  of  his  countrjnuen  to  Antiochus  Eupator  (2 
Mc.  xiii.  21). 

Rho'dns  (L.)  —  Rhodes  (1  Mc.  xv.  33). 

Bi'bai  (lieb.  =  jERinAi,  Ges.),  father  of  Ittai  the 
Benjamite  of  Gibeah  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  29 ;  1  Chr.  xi. 
31). 

*  Riband  =  ribbon  ;  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb. 
jidlhil  once  (Num.  xv.  38).  IIem  of  Garment; 
Lace. 

Rib'Inh  (Yleh.fert;Ulii,  Ges.).  1.  One  of  the  land- 
marks on  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  land  of  Israel, 
as  specified  by  Moses  (Num.  xxxiv.  11).  It  was  be- 
tween .''iiEPnAM  and  the  Sea  of  Ciiinnereth  (Genne- 
SARKT,  Ska  of),  and  on  the  "  east  side  of  the  spring  " 
(A.  V.  "  Ain").  Slicpham  has  not  yet  been  identi- 
fied, and  which  of  the  great  fountahis  of  northern 
Palestine  is  intended  by  "the  spring"  is  uncertain 
(so  Mr.  Grove;  but  sec  Ain  1).  Mr.  Grove  (with 
]?archi,  kc.)  thinks  it  hardly  possible,  without  en- 
tirely disarranging  the  specification  of  the  boundary, 
that  this  Riblah  can  be  the  same  with  "  Riblah  in 
the  land  of  Ilamath."  But  Gesenius  [Heb.  Lex.), 
Robinson  (ii.  .507,  iii.  644-6),  Thomson  (B.  S.  v.  693), 
Porter  (ii.  335,  in  Kitto,  &c.),  Winer,  Fiirst,  &c., 
make  Riijlah  in  \um.  xxxiv.  =  Riblah  in  2  K.  and 
Jeremiah. — 2,  "  Riblah  in  the  land  of  Hamath,"  a 
place  on  the  great  road  between  Palestine  and  Baby- 
lonia, at  which  the  kings  of  Babylonia  were  accus- 
tomed to  remain  while  directing  the  operations  of 
their  armies  in  Palestine  and  Phenicia.  Here  Neb- 
uchadnezzar waited  while  the  sieges  of  Jerusalem 
and  of  Tyre  were  being  conducted  by  his  lieuten- 
ants ;  here  Zedckiah's  eyes  were  put  out,  his  sons 
having  been  slain  before  his  eyes,  and  here  the 
nobles  of  Jerusalem  were  also  slain  (Jer.  xxxix.  5, 
6,  Iii.  9,  10,  26,  27;  2  K.  xxv.  6,  20,  21).  In  like 
manner  Pharaoli-necho,  after  his  victory  over  the 
Babylonians  at  Carchemish,  returned  to  Riblah  and 
summoned  Jehoaliaz  from  Jerusalem  before  him 
(xxiii.  S3).  This  Riblah  has  no  doubt  been  discov- 
ered, still  named  Rihleh,  a  miserable  village  in  avast 
and  fertile  plain,  on  the  right  (E.)  bank  of  the  el-Asy 
(Orontcs),  upon  the  great  road  which  connects  Ba'al- 
bek  and  Hums,  about  thirty-five  miles  N.  E.  of  the 


former  and  twenty  miles  S.  W.  of  the  latter  place. 

DiBLATH. 

Kid'dle  [dlj  (Heb.  hiddh  or  chiddh  =  something 
entangled,  intficate,  Ges.).  Tlie  Hebrew  word  (so  Mr. 
Farrar,  original  author  of  this  article)  is  used  for  arti- 
fice (Dan.  viii.  23,  A.  V.  "  dark  sentence  "),  a  proverb 
(I'rov.  i.  6,  "dark  saying"  in  this  and  the  two  next ; 
Proverbs,  Book  of),  a  song  (Ps.  xlix.  4  [Heb.  5], 
Ixxviii.  2),  an  oracle  (Num.  xii.  8,  "  dark  speech  "),  a 
PARABLE  (Ez.  xvii.  2,  "riddle  "),  and  in  general  any 
wise  or  intricate  sentence  (Hab.  ii.  6,  "  proverb  "),  a^ 
well  as  a"  riddle  "  in  our  sense  of  the  word  ( Judg.  xiv. 
12-19).  The  riddles  which  the  queen  of  Slieba  came 
to  ask  of  SoLOMO.N  (1  K.  x.  1 ;  2  Chr.  ix.  1)  were  rather 
"  hard  questions  "  referring  to  profound  inquiries. 
Solomon  is  said,  however,  to  have  been  very  fond  of 
the  riddle  proper.  The  Greek  word  ainif/ma  (=  enii/- 
ma,  riddle)  occiirs  only  once  in  the  N.  T.  (1  Cor.oiiii. 
12,  "  darkly  ;  "  compare  Num.  xii.  8) ;  but,  in  the 
wider  meaning  of  the  word,  many  instances  (if  it  oc- 
cur in  our  Lord's  discourses.  All  ancient  nations,  and 
especially  Orientals,  have  been  fond  of  riddles.  We 
find  traces  of  the  custom  among  the  Ar.ibs  (Koran 
xxv.  35),  and  indeed  several  Arabic  books  of  riddles 
exist;  but  these  are  rather  emblems  and  devices 
than  what  we  call  riddles,  although  they  are  very 
ingenious.  They  were  also  known  to  the  ancient 
Egyptians,  and  were  especially  used  in  banquets 
both  by  Greeks  and  Romans.  Riddles  were  gener- 
ally proposed  in  verse,  like  the  celebrated  riddle  of 
Samson,  which,  however,  was  properly  no  riddle  at 
all,  because  the  Philistines  did  not  possess  the  only 
clew  on  which  the  solution  eotdd  depend.  Francis 
Junius  distinguishes  bctwtcn  the  greater  enigma, 
where  the  allegory  or  obscure  intimation  is  continu- 
ous throughout  the  passage  (as  in  Ez.  xvii.  2);  and 
the  Itsmr  enigma,  where  the  difficulty  is  concentrated 
in  the  peculiar  use  of  some  one  word.  It  only  re- 
mains to  notice  the  single  instance  of  a  riddle  oc- 
curring in  the  N.  T.,  viz.  the  rcumber  of  the  least 
(Rev.  xiii.  16-18).  This  belongs  to  a  class  of  riddks 
very  conmion  among  Egyptian  mystics,  the  (iiiostics, 
some  of  the  Fathers,  and  the  Jewish  Cabbalists. 
The  most  exact  analogies  to  the  enigma  on  the  name 
of  the  beast  are  to  be  found  in  the  so-called  Sibyllini' 
verses.  It  would  be  ab.surd  to  doubt  that  St.  John 
(not  greatly  removed  in  time  from  the  Christian 
forgers  of  the  Sibylline  verses)  intended  some  uavii 
as  an  answer  to  the  number  666.  Most  of  the 
Fathers  supposed  the  name  Lateinos  (=r  Latin)  to 
be  intended.     Number  10;  Revelation  of  St.  John. 

*  Ri'dlngi  Ass  ;  Camel  ;  Cart  ;  Chariot  ;  Horse  ; 
WrLE ;  Wagon. 

*  Right'coDS  (Heb.  usually  tsaddik,  sometime? 
yAshur,  kc. ;  Gr.  dikaios)  denotes  one  w  ho  pursues 
an  undeviatingly  right  course,  one  ii  hose  character 
and  conduct  are  in  strict  accordance  with  justice 
and  truth  (Ex.  ix.  27 ;  Ps.  cxix.  137  ;  Rom.  iii.  10; 
Rev.  xvi.  5,  &c.) ;  it  is  likewise  apjjlied  to  actions, 
&c.,  which  are  right  or  ju^t  as  they  should  be  (Dent. 
iv.  8 ;  Rev.  xvi.  7,  xix.  2,  kc).  In  the  language  of 
common  life  those  are  called  "  righteous  "  whoso 
general  aim  is  to  be  right  and  to  obey  (iod,  though 
they  are  not  faultless  (Gen.  xviii.  23  fi'. ;  Ps.  i.  5,  6 ; 
Mat.  X.  41  thrice,  xxv.  37,  46 ;  1  Pet.  iv.  18,  kc). 
Justify  ;  Perfect  ;  Rigiiteoisness,  &c. 

*  Right'eons-ness  (Heb.  tsedek,  Iskldkah ;  Chal. 
tsidkdh  ;  Gr.  dikaiosurue  usually,  sometimes  dikaioma, 
once  [Heb.  i.  8]  enthutes)  =  a  doing  or  being  what  is 
just  and  right,  the  being  righteous.  "Righteous- 
ness "  in  the  strict  sense  belongs  only  to  God  and 
sinless  beings  (Dan.  ix.  7 ;  Jn.  xvi.  8,  10,  kc.) ;  but 


BIM 


EIV 


933 


the  "  FAITH  "  of  the  true  believer  or  of  the  friend 
of  God  is  "  counted  unto  him  for  righteousness  " 
(Rom.  iv.  3,  compare  iii.  22  tf.,  &c.).  Atonement  ; 
Justification;  Saviolb,  &c. 

Bimman  (Heb.,  see  next  article),  a  Benjamite  of 
Bceroili,  lather  of  liecliab  and  Baanah,  the  murder- 
ers of  Ishbosheth  (2  Sam.  iv.  2,  6,  9). 

Biin  aii»n(Ueb.,  see  below),  a  deity  worshipped  by 
the  Syrians  of  Damascus,  where  there  was  a  temple 
or  house  of  Rimmon  (2  K.  v.  18).  Serarius  refers 
.  the  name  to  the  Heb.  rimmon,  a  pomegranate,  a  fruit 
gacrt-d  to  Venus,  who  is  thus  the  deity  worshipped 
uniler  this  title.  Ursinus  e-tplains  Kimmon  as  the 
pomegranate,  the  emblem  of  the  fertilizing  principle 
of  nature,  a  symbol  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the 
old  religions.  But  Selden,  Le  Clerc,Vitringa,  Rosen- 
raiiller,  Gesenius,  &c.,  think  that  Rinmion  is  from  the 
Hebrew  root  rum,  to  be  high,  and  signifies  mo»t  high. 
MoVers  regards  Ri|nmon  as  the  abbreviated  form  of 
Hadah-rimmon,  Hadad  being  the  sun-god  of  the  Syr- 
ians. Combining  this  with  the  pomegranate,  which 
was  his  symbol,  Hadud-rimmon  would  then  be  the 
sun-god  of  the  late  summer  who  ripens  the  pome- 
granate and  other  fruits. 

Rlm'mon  (Heb.  a  pomegranate,  Ges.).  1.  A  town 
in  the  S.  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  32),  allotted  to  Simeon 
(xLx.  7,  A.  V.  "  Remmon  ; "  1  Chr.  iv.  32).  In  each 
of  the  above  lists  the  name  succeeds  that  of  AiN  2. 
I;i  the  catalogue  of  the  places  rcoccupied  by  the 
Jews  after  the  return  from  Babylon  (Xeh.  xi.  29) 
the  two  are  joined,  and  appear  in  the  A.  V.  as  E.v- 
R[MM0N.  It  is  named  as  "  S.  of  Jerusalem  "  in  Zech. 
xiv.  10. — i.  A  city  of  Zebulun  belonging  to  the 
Merarite  Levites  (1  Chr.  vi.  77);  probably  =  Rem- 
uon'-methoar  and  Dimnah. 

Him  mon-pa'rez  (fr.  Heb.  =  pomegranate  of  the 
hrearh,  .\yre),  a  march-station  in  the  wilderness  or  \ 
the  wanoerino  (Xum.  xxxlii.  19,  20) ;  supposed  by  1 
Rowlands  (in  Fbn.)  to  be  at  Jebei  Ikhrimm,  about  j 
sevcnty-tive  miles  S.  S.  W.  of  Beer-sheba. 

Bin'non  (Heb.  pomegranate,  Ges.),  the  Ro«k,  a 
cliff  or  iifaccessible  natural  fastness,  in  wliieh  the 
six  hundred  Benjamites,  wlio  escaped  the  slaughter 
of  Gibeah,  toolt  refuge  (Judg.  xx.  45,  47,  xxi.  13). 
It  is  described  as  in  the  "  wilderness,"  i.  e.  the  wild  i 
uncultivated  country  which  lies  on  the  east  of  the 
central  highlands  of  Benjamin,  on  which  Gibeah 
was  situated — between  them  and  the  Jordan  Valley. 
The  name  is  identified  with  the  modem  Kitmmon,  a 
village  three  miles  E.  of  Bethel,  on  the  summit  of 
a  conical  chalky  hill,  visible  in  all  directions,  and 
commanding  the  whole  country. 

King  (Heb.  fabba'alh,  gain  ;  Gt.  daktulion).  The 
ring  was  regarded  as  an  indispensable  article  of  a 
Hebrew's  attire,  inasmuch  as  it  contained  his  sig- 
net.    It  was  hence  the  symbol  of  authority,  and  as 


EejpUaa  S!gB«(-rinK*,  with  lmpr««iODft  from  them.— <Fbli.) 

such  was  presented  by  Pharaoh  to  Joseph  (Gen.  xli. 
42),  by  Abasuerug  to  Haman  (Esth.  iii.  10),  by  An- 


tiochus  to  Philip  (1  Me.  vi.  15).  Such  rings  were 
worn  not  only  ijy  men,  but  by  women  (Is.  iii.  21), 
and  are  enumerated  among  the  articles  presented 
by  men  and  women  for  the  service  of  the  Taber- 
nacle (Ex.  XXIV.  22).  The  signet-ring  was  worn  on 
the  right  hand  (Jer.  xxii.  24).  We  may  conclude, 
from  Ex.  xxviii.  11,  that  the  rings  contained  a  stone 
engraven  with  a  device,  or  with  the  owner's  name. 


Auyrian  RiDtjra,  fr  m  the  British  Museum. — fFbn."* 
1.  Of  wbit«,  yellow,  and  gretmiBh  ^la»s.         U.  Of  bronze. 

The  Egyptians,  Greeks,  and  Romans  often  wore  a 
profusion  of  rings.  (Ornaments,  Personal;  Seal.) 
The  custom  appears  also  to  have  prevailed  among 
the  Jews  of  the  Apostolic  age ;  for  in  Jas.  ii.  2  a 
ricli  man  is  described  as  not  simply  "  with  a  gold 
ring,"  as  in  the  A.  V.,  but  goldai-riaged  (Gr.  chrvso- 
daktuUos).  In  Ez.  i.  18  "  rings  "  (Heb.  gab  in  two 
forms  of  pi.)  are  the  rimn  of  the  wheels. 

Rin'nah  (Heb.  shout,  outcry,  Ges.),  a  son  of  Shimon 
among  the  descendants  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  20). 

Rl'phatb  (Heb.  a  breaking  in  pieces,  i.  e.  extreme 
terror,  Sim.),  second  son  of  Gomer,  and  brother  of 
Asiikenaz  and  Togarmaii  (Gen.  x.  3).  The  Hebrew 
text  in  1  Chr.  i.  6  has,  by  a  copyist's  error,  Diphatii. 
The  name  has  been  variously  identified  with  that  of 
the  Rhipa;an  Mountains  (Knobel),  the  river  Rhebas 
in  Bithynia  (Bochart),  the  Rhibii,  a  people  living  E. 
of  the  Caspian  Sea  (Schulthess),  and  the  Ripheans, 
the  ancient  name  of  the  Paphlagonians  (Josephus). 
The  weight  of  opinion  is,  however,  in  favor  of  the 
Rhipjean  (or  Rhipliican)  mountains,  which  are  iden- 
tified with  the  Carpathian  range  in  the  X.  E.  of 
Dacia.     Tongues,  Confision  of. 

"  Rising  from  the  Dead.     Resurrection. 

Ris'sab  (Heb.  o  ruin,  Ges.),  a  march-station  in  the 

WILOERNESS  OF  THE  WANDERING  (Xum.  XXxili.  21,  22), 

supposed  by  Winer  =  Rasa  in  the  Tab.  Prut.,  32  Ro- 
man miles  from  Ailah  (Elah),  and  203  S.  of  Jerusalem ; 
by  Wilton  to  be  at  'Ain  elJughdmileh,  about  125 
miles  S.  S.  W.  of  Beer-sheba ;  by  Rowlands  (in  Fbn.) 
at  el-Knsabii.  about  55  miles  S.  W.  of  Beer-sheba,  in 
Wadg  el-'Arinh. 

Rith'raah  (Heb.  the  plant  called  broom,  Ges.),  a 
march-station  in  the  wilderness  of  the  wandering 
(Num.  xxxiii.  18,  19),  probably  N.  E.  of  Hazeroth 
(so  Mr.  Ilayman) ;  supposed  by  Rowlands  (in  Fbn.) 
to  be  at  Sahel  er-Retemuh  or  Wudij  Aboo  licleiniit,  a 
broad  valley  or  plain  a  few  miles  W.  of  his  Ivadesii. 

Rlv'er*  In  the  sense  in  which  we  employ  the 
word,  viz.  for  a  perennial  stream  of  considerable 
size,  a  river  is  a  much  rarer  object  in  the  East  than 
in  the  West.  With  the  exception  of  the  Jordan  and 
the  Litdiiv,  the  streams  of  the  Holy  Land  are  either 
entirely  dried  up  in  the  summer  months,  and  con- 
verted into  hot  lanes  of  glaring  stones,  or  else  reduced 
to  very  small  streamlets  deeply  sunk  in  a  narrow 
bed,  and  concealed  from  view  by  a  dense  growth  of 
shrubs.  For  the  various  aspects  of  the  streams  of 
the  country  which  such  conditions  inevitably  pro- 
duced, the  ancient  Hebrews  had  very  exact  terms, 
which  they  employed  habitually  with  much  preci- 
sion. 1.  The  perennial  river  z=  Heb.  ndhi'ir  ;  pos- 
sibly used  of  the  Jordan  in  Ps.  Ixvi.  t>  (A.  V. 
"  flood  "),  Ixxiv.  15  ;  of  the  great  Mesopotaniian  and 
Egyptian  rivers  generally  in  Gen.  ii.  lOff.  ;Ex.  vii.  19; 


r 


934 


EIT 


KOB 


2  K.  xvii.  6  ;  IS.?.,  iii.  15,  &c. ;  with  the  article,  "the 
river,"  invariably  =  the  Euphrates  (Gen.  xxxi.  21 ; 
Ex.  xxiii.  31  ;  Num.  xxiv.  6  ;  2  Sam.  x.  16,  &c.,  &c.). 
( Abana  ;  Ah AVA  ;  Chebar  ;  Eden  ;  H abor  ;  Pharpar  ; 
River  of  Egypt  1).  The  kindred  C'hal.  nihar  is 
translated  "  river,"  i.  e.  Euphrates,  in  Ezr.  iv.-vi., 
and  "  stream  "  in  Dan.  vii.  10. — 2.  The  term  for 
the  fleeting  fugitive  torrents  of  Palestine  is  nahat 
or  naehal,  for  which  our  translators  have  used  pro- 
miscuously, and  sometimes  almost  alternately,  "  val- 
ley "  (Num.  xxi.  12,  xxxii.  9,  &c.),  "  brook  "  (Gen. 
xxxii.  23  [Heb.  24];  Xum.  xiii.  23,  24,  xxi.  14,  15; 
Deut.  ii.  13,  14;  1  K.  xviii.  40,  &c.),  and  "river" 
(Lev.  xi.  9,  10;  Deut.  ii.  24,  36,  37,  iii.  8,  12,  16 
twice  ["  valley  "  here  once),  iv.  48,  x.  7  ;  Josh.  xii. 
1,  2  [thrice],  xiii.  9,  16  [twice  each],  &c.).  Many 
of  the  wadys  of  Palestine  are  deep,  abrupt  chasms 
or  rents  in  the  solid  rock  of  the  hills,  and  have  a 
savage,  gloomy  aspect.  Unfortunately  our  language 
does  not  contain  any  single  word  which  has  both 
the  meanings  of  the  Hebrew  nahal  or  naehal  and  its 
Arabic  equivalent  wady,  which  can  be  used  at  once 
for  a  dry  valley  and  for  the  stream  which  occasion- 
ally flows  through  it.  (Arson;  Besor;  Brook  4; 
CuERiTH  ;  EsHCOL  ;  Gaasii  ;  Gerar  ;  Jabbok  ;  Ka- 
NAH  ;  Kidron  ;  Kishon  ;  River  ok  Egypt  2;  Shit- 
TiM  ;  Sorek  ;  Valley  3  ;  Zered.) — 3.  Ileb.  yior,  a 
word  of  Egyptian  origin,  applied  to  the  Nile  only 
(Gen.  xli.  1  ff.  ;  Ex.  i.  22,  ii.  3,  5,  iv.  9,  vii.  15  ff., 
&c.),  and,  in  the  plural,  to  the  canals  by  which  the 
Kile  water  was  distributed  throughout  Egypt,  or  to 
streams  having  a  connection  with  that  country  (Ex. 
vii.  19,  viii.  5  [Heb.  1]  ;  2  K.  xix.  24  ;  Job  xxviii. 
10  ;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  44,  &c.).  It  is  translated  "  flood  " 
(Jcr.  xtvi.  7,  8 ;  Am.  viii.  8,  ix.  5),  also  in  pl. 
"brooks"  (Brook  2),  and  "streams"  (Is.  xxxiii.  21 
only). — 4.  Heb.  yubal  (from  a  root  signifying  to  well, 
tnJou;sc.  copiously  and  with  impetus,  Ges.)  occurs 
once  only  (Jer.  xvii.  8).  The  kindred  vbdl  or  nbul 
is  used  only  of  "  the  river  of  Ulai  "  (Dan.  viii.  2, 

3,  6),  and  t/dl><U  is  used  only  in  the  plural  with 
waters  (Is.  xxx.  25  [A.  V.  "  streams  of  waters  "], 
xliv.  4  ["  water  courses  "]). — 5.  Heb.  peleff  =  a 
brook;  rivuld  ;  commonU  taken  as  a  channel  or  canal 
from  the  idea  of  dividing,  Ges.  (Job  xxix.  6 ;  Ps. 
i.  3,  Ixv.  9  [Heb.  101,  cxix.  136;  Prov.  v.  16,  xxi. 
1  ;  Is.  xxx.  25,  xxxii.  2;  Lam.  iii.  48',  once  trans- 
lated "  streams  "  (Ps.  xlvi.  4  [Heb.  5]).  The  kindred 
pl.  pilar/goth  (=  brooks,  stream.'^,  Ges.)  is  translated 
"  divi-sions  "  in  Judg.  v.  15, 16  ;  and  "  rivers  "  in  Job 
XX.  17. — 6.  Heb.  Aphik  (from  a  root  signifying  to 
hold,  to  contain,  Ges.)  may  signify  a  torrent  or  any 
rush  or  body  of  water  (Cant.  v.  12  ;  Ez.  vi.  3,  xxxi. 
12,  xxxii.  6,  xxxiv.  13,  xxxv.  8,  xxxvi.  4,  6;  Joel  i. 
20,  iii.  18  [iv.  18,  Heb.]),  also  translated  "channel" 
(2  Sam.  xxii.  16;  Ps.  xviii.  15  [Heb.  16];  Is.  viii. 
7),  "stream"  (Job  vi.  15;  Ps.  cxxvi.  4),  "brook" 
Ps.  xiii.  1  [Heb.  2]). — 7.  Gr.  potatnos  (=  a  river, 
stream,  torrent,  flood,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  (Slk.  i.  5  ; 
Jn.  vii.  38  ;  Acts  xvi.  13  ;  Rev.  viii.  10,  ix.  14,  xvi. 

4,  12,  xxii.  1,  2),  also  translated  "flood"  (Mat.  vii. 
25,  27;  Rev.  xli.  15,  16),  "stream"  (Lk.  vi.48,49), 
"  waters  "  in  pl.  (2  Cor.  xi.  26) ;  in  LXX.  =  1  &  3, 
above.  "  Little  rivers  "  in  Ez.  xxxi.  4  =  the  pl.  of 
the  Heb.  elsewhere  translated  Conduit. 

RiTcr  of  E'gypti  Two  Hebrew  terms  are  thus 
rendered  in  the  A.  V. :  1.  Nehar  Mitsrayim  (Gen. 
XV.  18),  "  the  river  of  Egypt,"  i.  e.  the  Nile,  and 
here  the  Pehisiac  or  easternmost  branch.  (River  1.) 
— 2.  Nahal  (or  naehal)  Mitsrat/im  (Num.  xxxiv.  5 ; 
Josh.  XV.  4,  47 ;  1  K.  viii.  65 ;  2  K.  xxiv.  7 ;  Is. 
xxvii.  1 2,  in  the  last  passage  translated  "  the  stream 


of  Egypt"),  according  to  the  common  opinion,  des- 
ignates a  desert  stream  on  the  border  of  Egypt, 
still  occasionally  flowing  in  the  valley  called  VI  udtj 
el-Arish.  The  centre  of  the  valley  is  occupied  by 
the  bed  of  this  torrent,  which  only  flows  after  rains, 
as  is  usual  in  the  desert  valleys.  This  stream  is 
first  mentioned  as  the  point  where  the  snuthein 
border  of  the  Promised  Land  touched  the  Mediter- 
ranean, which  formed  its  western  border  (Num.  xxxiv. 
3-6).  In  the  later  history  we  find  Solomon's  king- 
dom extending  from  the  "  entering  in  of  Hainath  • 
unto  the  river  of  Egypt"  (1  K.  viii.  65),  and  Egypt 
limited  in  the  same  manner  where  the  loss  of  the 
eastern  provinces  is  mentioned  (2  K.  xxiv.  7).  If, 
with  the  generality  of  critics,  we  think  that  this 
"river  of  Egypt"  is  the  Wady  el-'Arish,  we  must 
conclude  that  the  same  SniHOR  or  Siiior  is  also  ap- 
plied to  the  latter,  although  elsewhere  designating 
the  Nile,  for  these  two  terms  are  used  interchange- 
ably to  designate  a  stream  on  the  border  of  the 
Promised  Land. 

Rtz'pah  (fr.  Heb.  =  a  coal,  LXX.  and  Rabbins  ;  a 
hot  stone,  Ges.),  concubine  to  King  Saul,  and  mother 
of  his  two  sons  Armoni  and  Mephibosheth  1.  Mr. 
Grove  supposes  Rlzpah  a  foreigner,  a  Hivitc,  de- 
scended from  Ajah  or  Aiah,  son  of  Zibcon.  After 
the  death  of  Saul  and  occupation  of  the  country 
W.  of  the  Jordan  by  the  Philistines,  Rizpah  accom- 
panied the  other  members  of  the  royal  family  to 
their  new  residence  at  Mahanaim  ;  and  here  her 
name  is  first  introduced  to  us  as  the  subject  of  an 
accusation  levelled  at  Abner  by  Ishbosheth  (2  Sam. 
iii.  7).  We  hear  nothing  more  of  Rizpah  till  tlie 
tragic  story  which  has  made  her  name  familiar  (2 
Sam.  xxi.  8-11).  Every  one  can  appreciate  tlie 
love  and  endurance  with  which  the  mother  watched 
over  the  bodies  of  her  two  sons  and  her  five  rela- 
tives, to  save  them  from  an  indignity  peculiaily 
painful  to  the  whole  of  the  ancient  worhl  (Ps.  Ixxix. 
2).  But  it  is  questionable  whether  the  otdinaiy 
conception  of  the  scene  is  accurate.  The  seven 
victims  were  not,  as  the  A.  V.  implies,  "  hung  ;  " 
they  were  crucified.  The  seven  crosses  were  planted 
in  the  rock  on  the  top  of  the  .sacred  hill  of  Gibenli. 
The  victims  were  sacrificed  at  the  beginning  of  the 
barley  harvest — the  sacred  and  festal  time  of  the 
Passover — and  in  the  full  blaze  of  the  summer  sim 
they  hung  till  the  fall  of  the  periodical  rain  in  Oc- 
tober. During  the  whole  of  that  time  Rizpah  re- 
mained at  the  foot  of  the  crosses  on  which  the  bod- 
ies of  her  sons  were  exposed. 

Read  occurs  but  once  in  the  A.  V.,  viz.  in  1  Sam.  J 
xxvii.  10,  where  it  =  "raid"  or  "inroad."  Cacsk-  ^ 
WAY ;  Highway. 

Rob'ber'y.  Whether  in  the  larger  sense  of  plun- 
der, or  the  more  limited  sense  of  theft,  systematic- 
ally organized,  robbery  has  ever  been  one  of  the 
principal  employments  of  the  nomad  tribes  of  the 
East.  From  the  time  of  Ishraael  to  the  present 
day  the  Bedouin  has  been  a  "  wild  man,"  and  a 
robber  by  trade  (Gen.  xvi.  12).  An  instance  of  an 
enterprise  of  a  truly  Bedouin  chaiacter,  but  distin- 
guished by  the  exceptional  features  belonging  to  its 
principal  actor,  is  seen  in  the  night-foray  of  David 
(1  Sam.  xxvi.  6-12).  Predatory  inroads  on  a  large 
scale  are  seen  in  the  incursions  of  the  Sabeans  and 
Chaldeans  on  the  property  of  Job  (Job  i.  16,  17) ; 
the  revenge  coupled  with  plunder  of  Simeon  and 
Levi  (Gen.  xxxiv,  28,  29) ;  the  reprisals  of  the  He- 
brews upon  the  Midianites  (Num.  xxxi.  32-64),  and 
the  fretiucnt  and  often  prolonged  invasions  of 
"  spoilers  "  upon  the  Israelites,  together  with  their 


ROB 


ROM 


935 


reprisals  (Judg.  ii.  14,  vi.  3,  4  ;  1  Sam.  xi.,  xv. ;  2 
Sam.  viii.,  x. ;  2  K.  v.  2  ;  1  Clir.  v.  10,  18-22).  Sim- 
ilar disorder  ii\  the  country,  coinplnined  of  more 
than  once  by  the  prophets  (Hoa.  iv.  2,  vi.  9 ;  Mic. 
ii.  8),  continued  more  or  less  through  Maceabean 
down  to  Uomau  times.  (Arbela  ;  Cave;  Judas  of 
G;ililee;  Fisioia;  Tiiikves,  the  Two.)  In  the 
later  history  also  of  the  country,  the  robbers,  or 
xiearii,  together  with  their  leader,  John  of  Gischala, 
played  a  conspicuous  part.  (Jerusalem.)  The 
Mosaic  law  on  the  suliject  of  theft  is  contained  in 
Ex.  xxii.  (Law  of  Moses;  Funishuests.)  There 
seems  no  reason  to  suppose  that  tlie  Law  underwent 
any  alteration  in  Solomon's  time,  as  "  sevenfold  " 
restitution  in  Prov.  vi.  30,  31,  may  be  simply  resti- 
tution ti>  the  full  amount.  Man-stealing  was  punish- 
able with  death  (Ex.  xxi.  16;  Deut.  xxiv.  7).  Inva- 
sion of  right  in  land  was  strictly  forbidden  (Deut. 
xxvii.  17;  Is.  v.  8;  Mic.  ii.  2). 

•  Robe.     Dress. 

Ro-bo'am  (L.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Rehoboau  (Eeclus. 
xlvii.  23;  .Mat.  i.  7). 

*KlKk  (Heb.  »ila\  lnur,  &c. ;  Or.  usually /M<ca)  is 
often  used  in  the  Scriptures  in  its  ordinary  sense 
(Num.  XX.  8  ff. ;  Judg.  vi.  21,  &c.);  also  because 
rocks  were  used  for  fortresses  or  strongholds  (Etam, 
THE  Rock;  Rimmox, the  Rock;  Sela,  &c.),  the  word 
denotes  a  place  of  security,  and  figuratively  a  ref- 
uge, defence,  or  protection  (Ps.  xviii.  2,  31,  46,  Ixi. 
2,  &C.I.     Peter;  Stoxe. 

•  Rod  (Ileb.  holer  or  ehoter,  matteh,  malihSl,  shebet  ; 
Gr.  r/uihdus)  —  a  branch,  shoot,  or  stick,  sucli  as 
may  be  used  for  a  whip  (Prov.  xiv.  3;  Jer.  i.  11, 
&c.);  also  a  shepherd's  staff  (Ex.  iv.  2  ff.,  &c.),  the 
sceptre  or  authority  of  a  ruler  or  king  (Ps.  ex.  2 ; 
Rev.  ii.  27,  &c.),  an  instrument  for  punishment  or 
correction  (Prov.  x.  13;  1  Cor.  iv.  21,  &c.),  &c. 
King ;  Moses  ;  Puxishments  ;  Sceptrk ;  Scouroixo  ; 
Shepherb. 

•  Rod'a-nlm,  or  Ro-da'nim  (1  Chr.  i.  7  margin). 

DoDAXIM. 

Roe,  Roe'lmek,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Ileb. 
txlbi  (masc.),  txebii/dh  (fem.).  Tliere  seems  to  be 
little  or  no  doubt  that  the  Hebrew  word,  which  oc- 


ArUl  OtulU  (OoMtlla  AroUta). 

curs  frequently  in  the  0.  T.,  denotes  some  species 
of  antelope,  probably  the  Oazella  Doreat,  a  native 
of  Egypt  and  North  Africa,  or  the  Oazella  Arnbica 
of  Syria  or  Arabia,  which  appears  to  be  a  variety 
only  of  the  Dorewi  (so  Mr.  Houghton).  The  gazelle 
was  allowed  as  food  (Deut.  xii.  15,  22,  kc.)\  it  was 
very  fleet  of  foot  (2  Sam.  ii.  18;  1  Chr.  xii.  8);  it 
was  hunted  (Is.  xiii.  14;  Prov.  vi.  5);  it  was  cele- 
brated for  its  loveliness  (Cant.  ii.  9,  17,  vili.  14), 


The  gazelle  is  found  in  Egypt,  Barbary,  and  Syri.i. 
— 2.  llcb.  .va'<i/(lA  (Prov.  v.  19  only)  =  the  female 
of  the  wild  or  mountain  goat,  Ges. 

*  Ro'gel  (Heb.  a  fuller,  Ges.)  (1  K.  i.  9  margin). 

Ex-ROGEL. 

Ro  ge-lim  (Heb.  fullers'  place,  Ges.),  the  residence 
of  Barzii.lai  the  Gileadite  (2  Sam.  xvii.  27,  xix.  31) 
in  the  highlaiuis  E.  of  the  Jordan  ;  site  unknown. 

Ruh'gab  (Heb.  outer;/,  Ges.),  an  Asherite  chief,  of 
the  sons  of  Shamcr  (I  Chr.  vii.  34). 

Ko'i-IDDS  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Rehum  1  (1  Esd.  v.  8). 
•  Roll  (Heb.  and  Clial.  mef/illdh).  A  book  in  an- 
cient times  consisted  of  a  shigle  long  strip  of  paper 
or  parcliment,  which  was  usually  kept  rolled  up  on 
a  stick,  and  was  unrolled  when  a  person  wislied  to 
read  it.  The  Ileb.  gUldiioii  m  Is.  viii.  1,  rendered 
in  the  A.  V.  "  roll,"  more  correctly  means  tablet. 
Bible;  VV'ritixo. 

Ro-mam  ti-e'zcr  (Heb.  /  have  exalted  hin  help, 
Ges.),  a  son  of  Heman,  and  chief  of  the  twenty- 
fourth  division  of  the  Temple-choir  in  David's  time 
(1  Chr.  XXV.  4,  31). 

*  Ro'mim,  originally  and  properly  a  native  or  in- 
habitant of  Rome  (Jn.  xi.  48,  &c.|;  also  one  who 
had  the  riglits  and  privileges  of  a  citizex  of  Rome 
(Acts  xvi.  37,  38,  &c.).     Latix  ;  Ro.man  Empire. 

Ro'man  (  =  of  Rome)  Empire.  The  history  of 
the  Roman  Empire,  properly  so  called,  extends  from 
the  battle  of  Actium,  n.  c.  31,  when  Augustus  be- 
came sole  ruler  of  the  Roman  woild,  to  the  abdica- 
tion of  Augustulus,  A.  D.  476.  The  dominion  of  Rome 
over  a  large  number  of  conquered  nations  had, 
however,  reached  wide  limits  some  time  before  the 
monarchy  of  Augustus  was  established.  The  no- 
tices of  Roman  history  in  the  Bible  are  confined  to 
the  last  century  and  a  half  of  the  commonwealtii 
and  the  first  century  of  the  imperial  monarchy. 
There  is  no  historic  mention  of  Rome  in  the  0.  T. 
(Da.niel.)  1  Mc.  i.  10  first  mentions  Rome  as  the 
place  where  Antiochus  Epiphanes  was  a  hostage. 
About  161  B.  c.  Judas  Maccabeus  heard  of  the  Ro- 
mans as  the  conquerors  of  Philip,  Perseus,  and  An- 
tiochus (1  Mc.  viii.  6,  6).  To  strengthen  himself 
against  Demetrius,  king  of  Syria,  he  sent  ambassa- 
dors to  Rome  (viii.  17),  and  concluded  a  defensive 
alliance  with  the  senate  (viii.  22-32).  This  was  re- 
newed by  Jonathan  (xii.  1)  and  by  Simon  (xv.  17). 
In  65  B.  c,  when  Syria  was  made  a  Roman  province 
by  Pompey,  the  Jews  were  still  governed  by  one  of 
the  Asmonean  princes.  (Hioh-prie.st;  Maccabees.) 
Aristobulus  had  lately  driven  his  brother  Hyrcanus 
from  the  high-priesthood,  and  was  now  in  his  turn 
attacked  by  Aretas,  king  of  Arabia  Petraia,  the  ally 
of  Hyrcanus.  Pompey's  lieutenant,  Marcus  JJmil- 
iu8  Scaurus,  interfered  in  the  contest  b.  c.  64,  and 
the  next  year  Pompey  himself  marched  an  army 
into  Judea  and  took  Jerusalem.  From  this  time 
the  Jews  were  practically  under  the  government  of 
Rome.  Hyrcanus  retained  the  high-priesthood  and 
a  titular  sovereignty,  subject  to  the  watchful  control 
of  his  minister  Antipater,  an  active  partisan  of  the 
Roman  interests.  Finally,  Antipater's  son,  Herod 
the  Great,  was  made  king  iiy  Antony's  interest,  b.  c. 
40,  and  confirmed  in  the  kingdom  by  Augustus, 
B.  c.  30.  The  Jews,  however,  were  all  this  time 
tributaries  of  Borne,  and  their  princes  in  reality 
were  mere  Roman  procurators.  On  the  banishment 
of  Archclaus,  a.  n.  6,  Judea  l>ecame  a  mere  append- 
age of  the  province  of  Syria,  and  was  governed  by 
a  Roman  procurator,  who  resided  at  Cesarca. 
Such  were  the  relations  of  the  Jewish  people  to  the 
Roman  government  at  the  time  when  the  N.  T.  bis- 


ROM 


KOM 


tory  begins.  (Appeal  ;  Province  ;  Taxes,  &c.)  In 
illustration  of  the  sacred  narrative  it  may  be  well 
to  give  a  short  general  account  of  the  position  of 
the  emperor,  the  extent  of  the  empire,  and  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  provinces  at  tiie  time  of  our 
Lord  and  His  apostles.  I.  When  Aogcstus  became 
sole  ruler  of  the  Roman  world  he  was  in  theory 
simply  the  first  citizen  of  the  republic,  intrusted 
with  temporary  powers  to  settle  the  disorders  of  the 
state.  The  old  magistracies  were  retained,  but  the 
various  powers  and  prerogatives  of  each  were  con- 
ferred upon  Augustus.  Above  all,  he  was  the  erti- 
peror  (L.  Jmperaior).  This  word,  used  originally  to 
designate  any  one  intrusted  with  the  imperimn  or 
full  military  authority  over  a  Roman  army,  acquired 
a  new  significance  when  adopted  as  a  permanent 
title  by  Julius  Cesar.  By  his  use  of  it  as  a  con- 
stant prefix  to  his  name  in  the  city  and  in  the  camp 
he  openly  asserted  a  paramount  military  authority 
over  the  state.  The  empire  was  nominally  elective, 
but  practically  it  passed  by  adoption  ;  and  till  Ne- 
ro's time  a  sort  of  hereditary  right  seemed  to  be 
recognized.  (Cesar  ;  Claudius;  Keeo;  Tiberius.) 
— II.  Extent  of  the  Empire.  Cicero's  description 
of  the  Greek  states  and  colonies,  as  a  "  fringe  on 
the  skirts  of  barbarism,"  has  betn  well  applied  to 
the  Roman  dominions  before  the  conquests  of  Pom- 
pey  and  Julius  Cesar.  The  Roman  Empire  was  still 
confined  to  a  narrow  strip  encircling  the  Mediterra- 
nean Sea.  Pompey  added  Asia  Minor  and  Syria. 
Cesar  added  Gaul.  The  generals  of  Augustus  over- 
ran the  northwestern  portion  of  Spain,  and  the 
country  between  the  Alps  and  the  Danube.  The 
boundaries  of  the  empire  were  now,  the  Atlantic  on 
the  W.,  the  Euphrates  on  the  E.,  the  deserts  of  Af- 
rica, the  cataracts  of  the  Nile,  and  the  Arabian  des- 
erts on  the  S.,  the  British  Channel,  the  Rhine,  the 
Danube,  and  the  Black  Sea  on  the  N.  The  only 
subsequent  conquests  of  importance  were  those  of 
Britain  by  Claudius  and  of  Dacia  by  Trajan.  The 
only  independent  powers  of  importance  were  the 
Parthians  on  the  E.  and  the  Germans  on  the  N. 
The  population  of  the  empire  in  the  time  of  Augus- 
tus has  been  calculated  at  85,000,000.  This  popu- 
lation was  controlled  in  the  time  of  Tiberius  by  an 
army  of  25  legions  (about  ITO.OOO  men),  besides 
the  pretorian  guards  (10,000?)  and  other  cohorts 
(5,000  or  6,000  ?)  in  the  capital.  (Army,  II.)  The 
navy  may  have  contained  about  21,000  men. — III. 
Tlie  Provinces.  The  usual  fate  of  a  country  con- 
quered by  Rome  was  to  become  a  subject  province, 
governed  directly  from  Rome  by  officers  sent  out 
for  that  purpose.  Sometimes,  however,  petty  sov- 
ereigns were  left  in  possession  of  a  nominal  inde- 
pendence on  the  borders,  or  within  the  natural  lim- 
its, of  the  province.  There  were  differences  too  in 
the  political  condition  of  cities  within  the  provinces. 
Antiocii  1,  Athens,  Ephesus,  Tarsus,  Thessalonica, 
&c.,  were  free  cities,  i.  c.  were  governed  by  their 
own  magistrates,  and  were  exempted  from  occupa- 
tion by  a  Roman  garrison.  Antiocii  2,  Corinth, 
PiiiLiPPi,  Troas,  &c.,  were  "  colonies,"  i.  e.  commu- 
nities of  Roman  citizens  transplanted,  like  garrisons 
of  the  imperial  city,  into  a  foreign  land.  (Colony.) 
Augustus  divided  the  provinces  into  two  classes : 
(1.)  Imperial,  (2.)  Senatorial;  retaining  in  his  own 
hands,  for  olDvious  reasons,  those  provinces  where 
the  presence  of  a  large  military  force  was  necessary, 
and  committing  the  peaceful  and  unarmed  provinces 
to  the  Senate.  The  imperial  provinces  at  first  were 
— Gaul,  Lusitania,  Syria,  Phenicia,  Cilicia,  Cyprus, 
and  Egypt.    The  senatorial  provinces  were  Africa, 


Numidia,  AstA,  Achaia  and  Epirus,  Dalmatia,  Mac- 
edonia, Sicily,  Crete  and  Cyrene,  Bithynia  and 
PoNTUs,  Sardinia,  Ba3tica.  Cyprus  and  Narbonian 
Gaul  (i.  e.  Gaul  beyond  the  Alps)  were  subsequently 
given  up  by  Augustus,  who  in  turn  received  Dalma- 
tia from  the  Senate.  Many  other  changes  were 
made  afterward.  (Deputy;  Governor  13;  Procu- 
rator.) The  provinces  were  heavily  taxed  for  the 
benefit  of  Rome  and  her  citizens.  (Census  ;  Pub- 
lican ;  Taxes  ;  Tribute.)  Thoy  are  said  to  have 
been  better  governed  under  the  empire  than  under 
the  commonwealth,  and  those  of  the  emperor  better 
than  those  of  the  Senate.  Two  important  changes 
were  introduced  under  the  empire.  The  governors 
received  a  fixed  pay,  and  the  term  of  their  com- 
mand was  prolonged.  The  condition  of  the  Roman 
Empire  at  the  time  when  Christianity  appeared  has 
often  been  dwelt  upon,  as  aifbrding  obvious  illustra- 
tions of  St.  Paul's  expression  that  the  "  fulness  of 
time  had  come  "  (Gal.  iv.  4).  The  general  peace 
within  the  limits  of  the  empire,  the  formation  of 
military  roads  (Highway),  the  suppression  of  piracy 
(Cilicia,  &c.),  the  march  of  the  legions,  the  voy- 
ages of  the  corn-fleets  (Alexandria),  the  general  in- 
crease of  traffic  (Commerce;  Dispersion),  the  spread 
of  the  Latin  language  in  the  West  as  Greek  had 
already  spread  in  the  East,  the  external  unity  of  the 
empire,  offered  facilities  hitherto  unknown  for  the 
spread  of  a  world-wide  rehgion.  The  tendency  too 
of  a  despotism  like  that  of  the  Roman  Empire  to 
reduce  all  its  subjects  to  a  dead  level,  was  a  power- 
ful instrument  in  breaking  down  the  pride  of  priv- 
ileged races  and  national  religions,  and  familiarizing 
men  with  the  truth  that  "  God  hath  made  of  one 
blood  all  nations  on  the  face  of  the  earth  "  (Acts 
xvii.  24,  26).  But  still  more  striking  than  this  out-  J 
ward  preparation  for  the  diffusion  of  the  Gospel  )f 
was  the  appearance  of  a  deep  and  wide-spread  cor- 
ruption which  seemed  to  defy  any  human  remedy. 
(Adultery  ;  Idolatry  ;  Slave,  &c.)  The  chief  pro- 
phetic notices  of  the  Roman  Empire  are  found  in 
Daniel.  (Daniel,  Book  of.)  According  to  some 
interpreters  the  Romans  are  intended  in  Deut. 
xxviii.  49-67.     Babylon  2  ;  Rome. 

Ko'msns  (  =  people  [i.  e.  Christians]  of  Rome), 
E-pis'tle  to  the.  A.  The  date  of  this  Epistle  is  fixed 
with  more  absolute  certainty  and  within  narrower 
limits  than  that  of  any  other  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles. 
The  following  considerations  determine  the  time  of 
writing.  1.  Certain  names  in  the  salutations  point 
to  Corinth,  as  the  place  from  which  the  letter  was 
sent,  (rt.)  Phebe,  a  deaconess  of  Cenchrea,  one  of 
the  port  towns  of  Corinth,  is  commended  to  the 
Romans  (xvi.  1,  2).  (6.)  Gaius,  in  whose  house 
St.  Paul  was  lodged  at  the  time  (xvi.  23),  is  prob- 
ably the  person  mentioned  as  one  of  the  chief  mem- 
bers of  the  Corinthian  Church  in  1  Cor.  i.  14,  though 
the  name  was  very  common  (so  Mr.  Lightfoot,  origi- 
nal author  of  this  article),  (c.)  Erastus,  here  des- 
ignated ''  the  treasurer  of  the  city  "  (xvi.  23,  A.  V. 
"  chamberlain  ")  is  elsewhere  mentioned  in  connec- 
tion with  Corinth  (2  Tim.  iv.  20 ;  see  also  Acts  xix. 
22).  2.  Having  thus  determined  the  place  of  wri- 
ting to  be  Corinth,  we  may  fix  upon  the  visit  record- 
ed in  Acts  XX.  3,  during  the  winter  and  spring  fol- 
lowing the  apostle's  long  residence  at  Ephesus,  as 
the  occasion  on  which  the  Epistle  was  written.  For 
St.  Paul,  when  he  wrote,  was  about  to  carry  the 
contributions  of  Macedonia  and  Achaia  to  Jerusa- 
lem (Rom.  XV.  25-27),  and  a  comparison  with  Acts 
XX.  22,  xxiv.  17,  and  with  1  Cor.  xvi.  4  and  2  Cor. 
viii.  1,  2,  ix.  1  ff.,  shows  that  he  was  so  engaged  at 


ROM 


ROM 


937 


this  period  of  his  life  (compare  also  Rom.  xv.  23- 
25  with  Acts  x'lx.  21).  The  Epistle  then  was  writ- 
ten from  Corinth  during  St.  Paul's  third  missionary 
.iourney,  iu  the  second  of  the  two  visits  recorded  in 
the  Acts,  when  he  remained  three  months  in  Greece 
(.\cts  XX.  3).  It  was  in  the  winter  or  early  spring 
of  the  year  that  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  was 
written,  probably  a.  d.  58.  (Pacl.) — B.  The  Epis- 
tle to  the  Romans  is  thus  placed  iu  elirouoloi)ical 
connection  with  the  Epistles  to  the  Galatians  and 
Corintiiians,  which  appear  to  have  been  written 
within  the  twelve  months  preceding.  They  present 
a  remarkable  resemblance  to  each  other  in  style  and 
matter — a  much  greater  resemblance  than  can  be 
traced  to  any  other  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles. — ('.  The 
occasion  which  prompted  this  Epistle,  and  the  cir- 
cumstances attending  its  writing,  were  as  follows. 
St.  Paul  liad  long  purposed  visiting  Rome,  and  still 
retained  this  purpose,  wishing  also  to  extend  his 
journey  to  Spain  (Rom.  i.  9-13,  xv.  22-29).  For 
the  time,  however,  he  was  prevented  from  carrying 
out  his  design,  as  he  was  bound  for  Jerusalem  witli 
tlie  alms  of  the  Gentile  Christians,  and  meanwhile 
he  addressed  this  letter  to  the  Romans,  to  supply 
the  lack  of  his  personal  teaching.  Phcbc,  a  dea- 
coness of  the  neighboring  Church  of  Cenchrea,  was 
on  the  point  of  starting  for  Rome  (xvi.  1,  2),  and 
probably  conveyed  the  letter.  The  body  of  the 
Epistle  was  written  at  the  apostle's  dictation  by 
Tertius  (xvi.  22) ;  but  perhaps  we  may  infer,  from 
the  abruptness  of  the  final  doxology,  that  it  was 
added  by  the  apostle  himself. — I).  Tlic  Origin  of 
Oie  Roman  Chnrch  is  involved  in  obscurity.  If  it 
had  been  founded  by  St.  Peter,  according  to  a  later 
tradition,  the  absence  of  any  allusion  to  liim  both 
in  this  Epistle  and  in  the  letters  written  by  St.  Paul 
from  Rome  would  admit  of  no  explanation.  It  is 
equally  clear  that  no  other  apostle  was  the  founder. 
The  statement  in  the  Clementines  that  the  first 
tidings  of  the  Gospel  reached  Rome  during  the  life- 
time of  our  Lord,  is  evidently  a  fiction.  0»  the  other 
hand,  it  is  clear  that  the  foundation  of  this  Church 
dates  very  far  back  (xvi.  7 ;  Aquila,  &c.).  It  may  be 
that  some  of  those  Romans,  "  both  Jews  and  pro.se- 
lytes,"  present  on  the  day  of  Pentecost  (Acts  ii.  ]0), 
carried  back  the  earliest  tidings  of  the  new  doc- 
trine, or  the  Gospel  may  have  first  reached  the  im- 
perial city  through  those  who  were  scattered  abroad 
to  escape  the  persecution  which  followed  on  the 
death  of  Stephen  (viii.  4,  xi.  19).  At  first  we  may 
suppose  that  the  Gospel  was  preached  there  in  a 
confused  and  imperfect  form,  scarcely  more  than  a 
phase  of  Judaism,  as  in  the  case  of  ApoUos  at  Cor- 
inth (xviii.  25),  or  the  disciples  at  Ephesus  (xix.  1- 
3).  As  time  advanced  and  better  instructed  teachers 
arrived,  the  clouds  would  gradually  clear  away,  till 
at  length  the  presence  of  the  great  apostle  himself 
at  Rome  dispersed  the  mists  of  Judaism  which  still 
hung  about  the  Roman  Church.' — Ef  A  (juestion 
next  arises  as  to  the  componition  of  Ike  Roman 
(Church,  at  the  time  when  St.  Paul  wrote.  Probably  St. 
Paul  addressed  a  mixed  Church  of  Jews  and  (ientiles, 
the  latter  perhaps  being  the  more  numerous.  There 
arc  certainly  passages  which  imply  the  presence  of 
a  large  number  of  Jewish  converts  to  Christianity 

'  "  It  Is  a  noteworthy  remark  of  Block  that  there  conld 
not  have  been  at  the  time  a  re'jularly  cmmlitutcd  Church 
at  Rome.  For  bn  docs  not  adflrci<8  the  'church'  dtom.  1.7) 
as  he  w)  tjencrallv  does,  or  speak  of '  bifhops  and  deacons 
(compare  Phil.  1.  1),  appointed  ministers;  some  of  his 
cxprep»>*ion«  importlni^  that  there  were  only  private  com- 
munities (Uora.  xvi.  6. 14, 15)  instead  of  a  public  body ' " 
(Ayre'a  Treamry  of  BIbU  Knowledge). 


(Rom.  ii.,  iii.,  vii.,  &c.).  If  we  analyze  the  list  of 
names  in  ch.  xvi.,  and  assume  that  tliis  list  approx- 
imately represents  the  proportion  of  Jew  and  Gen- 
tile in  the  Roman  Church  (an  assumption  at  least 
not  improbable),  we  arrive  at  the  same  result.  Al- 
together it  appears  that  a  very  large  fraction  of  the 
Christian  believers  mentioned  in  these  salutations 
were  Jews,  even  supposing  that  the  others,  bearing 
Greek  and  Latin  names,  of  whom  we  know  nothing, 
were  heathens.  Nor  does  the  existence  of  a  large 
Jewish  clement  in  the  Roman  Church  present  any 
difficulty.  The  captives  carried  to  Rome  byPompey 
formed  the  nucleus  of  the  Jewisli  population  in  the 
metropolis.  Since  that  time  tliey  had  largely  in- 
creased. On  the  other  hand,  situated  in  the  me- 
tropolis of  the  great  empire  of  heathendom,  the 
Ronian  Church  must  necessarily  have  been  in  great 
measure  a  Gentile  Church ;  and  the  language  of  the 
Epistle  bears  out  this  supposition  (Kom.  i.  6,  13, 
ix.  3,  4,  X.  1,  xi.  23,  25,  30).  These  Gentile  con- 
verts, however,  were  not  for  the  most  part  native 
Romans.  All  the  literature  of  the  early  Roman 
Church  was  written  in  the  Greek  tongue.  The 
names  of  the  bishops  of  Rome  during  the  first  two 
centuries  are  with  but  few  exceptions  Greek.  A 
very  large  proportion  of  the  names  in  the  saluta- 
tions of  this  Epistle  are  Greek  niimes.  From  the 
Greek  populationof  Rome,  therefore,  pure  or  mixed, 
the  Gentile  portion  of  the  Church  was  almost  en- 
tirely drawn.  When  we  inquire  into  the  probable 
rank  and  station  of  the  Roman  believers,  an  analysis 
of  the  names  in  the  list  of  salutation  again  gives 
an  approximate  answer.  These  names  belong  for 
the  most  part  to  the  middle  and  lower  grades  of 
society.  Many  of  them  are  found  in  the  columbaria 
or  subterranean  sepulchres  of  the  freedmen  and 
slaves  of  the  early  Roman  emperors.  Among  the 
less  wealthy  merchants  and  tradesmen,  among  the 
petty  officers  of  the  army,  among  the  slaves  and 
freedmen  of  the  imperial  palace — whether  Jews  or 
Greeks — the  Gospel  would  first  find  a  firm  footing. 
To  this  last  class  allusion  is  made  in  Phil.  iv.  22, 
"  they  that  are  of  Cesar's  household." — F.  The  het- 
erogeneous composition  of  this  Church  explains  the 
general  character  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans.  In 
an  assemblage  so  various,  we  should  expect  to  find 
not  the  exclusive  predominance  of  a  single  form  of 
error,  but  the  coincidence  of  different  and  opposing 
forms.  It  was  therefore  the  business  of  the  Chris- 
tian teacher  to  reconcile  the  opposing  dilficulties 
and  to  hold  out  a  meeting  point  in  the  Gospel.  This 
is  exactly  what  St.  Paul  does  in  this  Epistle.  It 
docs  not  appear  that  it  was  specially  written  to  an- 
swer any  doubts  or  settle  any  controversies  then 
rife  in  the  Roman  Church.  There  were  therefore 
no  disturbing  influences,  such  as  arise  out  of  per- 
sonal relations,  or  peculiar  circumstances,  to  de- 
range a  general  and  systematic  exposition  of  the 
nature  and  working  of  the  Gospel.  Thus  the  Epis- 
tle to  the  Romans  is  more  of  a  treatise  than  of  a 
letter.  In  this  respect  it  differs  widely  from  the 
Epistles  to  the  Corinthians  and  Galatians,  which  are 
full  of  personal  and  direct  allusions.  In  one 
instance  alone  (xiii.  I)  we  seem  to  trace  a  spe- 
cial reference  to  the  Church  of  the  metropolis.— €. 
This  explanation  is  in  fact  to  be  sought  in  its  rela- 
tion to  the  contemporaneous  Epistles.  The  letter  to 
the  Romans  closes  the  group  of  Epistles  written 
during  the  second  missionary  journey.  This  group 
contains  besides,  as  already  mentioned,  the  letters 
to  the  Corinthians  and  Galatians,  written  probably 
within  the  few  months  preceding.     In  the  Epistles 


938 


ROM 


ROM 


to  these  two  Churches  we  study  the  attitude  of  the 
Gospel  toward  the  Gentile  and  Jewish  world  respec- 
tively. These  letters  are  direct  and  special,  evoked 
by  present  emergencies,  directed  against  actual  evils, 
full  of  personal  applications.  The  Epistle  to  the 
Romans  is  the  summary  of  what  St.  Paul  had  writ- 
ten before,  the  result  of  his  dealing  with  the  two 
antagonistic  forms  of  error,  the  gathering  together 
of  the  fragmentary  teaching  in  the  Corinthian  and 
Galatian  letters. — U.  Viewing  this  Epistle,  then, 
rather  as  a  treatise  than  a  letter,  we  are  enabled  to 
explain  certain  p/icnomaia  in  the  text.  In  the  re- 
ceived text  a  doxology  stands  at  the  close  of  the 
Epistle  (xvi.  26-27).  The  preponderance  of  evi- 
dence is  in  favor  of  this  position,  but  there  is  re- 
spectable authority  for  placing  it  at  the  end  of  ch. 
xiv.  In  some  texts  again  it  is  found  in  both  places, 
while  others  omit  it  entirely.  The  phenomena  of 
the  MSS.  seem  best  explained  by  sup|)osing  that  the 
letter  was  circulated  at  an  early  date  (whether  dur- 
ing the  apostle's  lifetime  or  not  it  is  idle  to  inquire) 
in  two  forms,  both  with  and  without  the  two  last 
chapters.  (New  Testament,  I.,  §  39.) — I.  In  describ- 
ing the  purport  of  this  Epistle  we  may  start  from 
St.  Paul's  own  words,  which,  standing  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  doctrinal  portion,  may  be  taken  as  a 
summary  of  the  contents  :  "  The  (iospel  is  the  power 
of  God  unto  salvation  to  every  one  that  bclieveth  ; 
to  the  Jew  first,  and  also  to  the  Greek.  For  there- 
in is  the  righteousness  of  God  revealed  from  faith 
to  faith  "  (i.  16,  1*7).  Accordingly  the  Epistle  has 
been  described  as  comprising  "  the  religious  philos- 
ophy of  the  world's  history."  The  world  in  its 
religious  aspect  is  divided  into  Jew  and  Gentile. 
The  atonement  of  Christ  is  the  centre  of  religious 
history.  The  dfKJtrine  of  justifieation  by  faith  is  the 
key  which  unlocks  the  hidden  mysteries  of  the  Di- 
vine dispensation. — The  Epistle,  from  its  general 
character,  lends  itself  more  readily  to  an  anali/ms 
than  is  often  the  case  with  St.  Paul's  Epistles.  The 
following  is  a  table  of  its  contents : — Salutation  (i. 
l-"?).  The  apostle  at  the  outset  strikes  the  keynote 
of  the  Epistle  in  the  expressions  "  called  as  an  apos- 
tle," "  called  as  saints."  Divine  grace  is  every 
thing,  human  merit  nothing. — (I.)  Personal  explana- 
tions. Purposed  visit  to  Rome  (i.  8-16). — (II.)  Doc- 
trinal (i.  16-xi.  36).  The  gerural  jn-oposition.  The 
Gospel  is  the  salvation  of  Jew  and  Gentile  alike. 
This  salvation  comes  by  faith  (i.  16,  17).  The  rest 
of  this  section  is  taken  up  in  establishing  this  thesis, 
and  drawing  deductions  from  it,  or  correcting  mis- 
apprehensions, (a.)  All  alike  were  under  ccmdemna- 
twn  before  the  Gospel.  The  heathen  (i.  18-32). 
The  Jew  (ii.  1-29).  Objections  to  this  statement 
answered  (iii.  1-8).  And  the  position  itself  estab- 
lished from  Scripture  (iii.  9-20).  (li.)A  righteounnesa 
(justification)  is  revealed  under  the  Gospel,  which 
being  of  faith,  not  of  law,  is  also  universal  (iii.  21- 
26).  And  boasting  is  thereby  excluded  (iii.  27-31). 
Of  this  justification  by  faith  Abraham  is  an  example 
(iv.  1-25).  Thus,  then,  we  are  justified  in  Christ, 
in  whom  alone  we  glory  (v.  1-11).  And  this  accept- 
ance in  Christ  is  as  universal  as  was  the  condemDa- 
tion  in  Adam  (v.  12-19).  (c.)  The  moral  conse- 
gucneex  of  our  deliverance.  The  law  was  given  to 
multiply  sin  (v.  20,  21).  When  we  died  to  the  law 
we  died  to  sin  (vi.  1-14).  The  abolition  of  the  law, 
however,  is  not  a  signal  for  moral  license  (vi.  15- 
23).  On  the  contrary,  as  the  law  has  passed  away, 
BO  must  sin,  for  sin  and  the  law  are  correlative ;  at 
the  same  time  this  is  no  disparagement  of  the  law, 
but  rather  a  proof  of  human  weakness  (vii.  1-25). 


So  henceforth  in  Christ  we  are  free  from  sin,  we 
have  the  Spirit,  and  look  forward  in  hope,  triumph- 
ing over  our  ])resent  afflictions  (viii.  1-39).  (</.) 
The  rejniion  of  llie  Jews  is  a  matter  of  deep  sorrow 
(ix.  1-5).  Yet  we  must  remember — [i.]  That  the 
promise  was  not  to  the  whole  people,  but  only  to  a 
select  seed  (ix.  6-13).  And  the  absolute  purpose  of 
God  in  so  ordaining  is  not  to  be  canvassed  by  man 
(ix.  14-19).  [ii.]  That  the  Jews  did  not  seek  justi- 
fication aright,  and  so  missed  it.  This  justification 
was  promised  by  faith,  and  is  offered  to  all  alike, 
the  preaching  to  the  Gentiles  being  imiilied  therein. 
The  character  and  results  of  the  Gospel  dispensa- 
tion are  foreshadowed  in  Scripture  (x.  1-21).  [iii.] 
That  the  rejection  of  the  Jews  is  not  final.  This 
rejection  has  been  the  means  of  gathering  in  the 
Gentiles,  and  through  the  Gentiles  they  themselves 
will  ultimately  be  brought  to  Christ  (xi.  1-36). — 
(III.)  Practical  exhortations  (xii.  1-xv.  13).  (a.) 
To  holiness  of  life  and  to  charity  in  general,  the 
duty  of  obedience  to  rulers  being  inculcated  by  the 
way  (xii.  1-xiii.  14).  (b.)  And  more  particularly 
against  giving  offence  to  weaker  brethren  (xiv.  1- 
XV.  13). — (IV.)  Personal  matters.  (".)  The  apos- 
tle's motive  in  writing  the  letter,  and  his  intention 
of  visiting  the  Romans  (xv.  14-33).  (b.)  Greetings 
(.\vi.  1-23).  The  letter  ends  with  a  benediction  and 
doxology  (xvi.  24-27).  While  this  Epistle  contains 
the  fullest  and  most  systematic  exposition  of  the 
apostle's  teachhiff,  it  is  at  the  same  time  a  very  stri- 
king expression  of  his  character:  Nowhere  do  his 
earnest  and  affectionate  nature,  and  his  tact  and 
delicacy  in  handling  unwelcome  topics,  appear  more 
strongly  than  when  he  is  dealing  with  the  rejection 
of  his  fellow-countrymen,  the  Jews. — J.  Internal 
evidence  is  so  strongly  in  favor  of  the  geniiineiitss 
of  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  that  it  has  never  been 
seriously  questioned.  But  the  extenial  testimony 
in  its  favor  is  not  inconsiderable.  It  is  not  the 
practice  of  the  Apostolic  Fathers  to  cite  the  N.  T. 
writers  by  name,  but  marked  passages  from  the  Ro- 
mans are  found  embedded  in  the  Epistles  of  Clement 
and  Polyearp.  It  seems  also  to  have  been  directly 
cited  by  the  elder  quoted  in  Ircna;us,  and  is  alluded 
to  by  the  writer  of  the  Epistle  to  Diognctus,  and 
by  Justin  Martyr.  It  has  a  place,  moreover,  in  the 
JIuratorian  Canon,  and  iu  the  Syriac  and  Old  Latin 
Versions.  Nor  have  we  the  testimony  of  orthodox 
writers  alone.  The  Epistle  was  commonly  quoted 
as  an  authority  by  the  heretics  of  the  sub-apostolio 
age,  by  the  Ophites,  by  Basilides,  by  Valentinus,  by 
the  Valenlinians  Heracleon  and  Ptolcma;us,  and  per- 
haps also  by  Tatian,  benides  being  included  in  Mar- 
cion's  Canon.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  second  cen- 
tury the  evidence  in  its  favor  is  still  fuller.  Bible  ; 
Cano.n  ;  I.NSPiBATioN  ;  New  Testament. 

Rome  [o  as  in  ro««]  (L.  Roma  ;  Gr.  Rhome  ;  said 
to  have  been  named  by  the  Pelasgi  from  their  strength 
or  might  [Gr.  rli6me'\  in  war,  or  by  the  Trojans  in 
honor  of  their  wise  matron  Roma,  or  by  Romulus  from 
himself,  &c.  [so  Plutarch]),  the  famous  capital  of 
the  ancient  world,  situated  on  the  Tiber,  about  fif- 
teen miles  from  its  mouth.  The  "seven  hills  "(Rev. 
xvii.  9)  which  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  ancient 
city  stand  on  the  left  bank.  On  the  opposite  side 
of  the  river  rises  the  far  higher  ridge  of  the  Janicu- 
lum.  Here,  from  very  early  times,  was  a  fortress 
with  a  suburb  beneath  it  extending  to  the  river. 
Modern  Rome  lies  to  the  N.  of  the  ancient  city,  cov- 
ering with  its  principal  portion  the  plain  N.  of  the 
seven  hills,  once  known  as  the  (Jampus  Martins 
(Field  of  Mars),  and  on  the  opposite  bank  extending 


ROM 


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939 


over  the  low  ground  beneath  the  Vatican  to  the  N. 
of  the  ancient  Janiculuni.  Romulus,  a  fabled  son 
of  Mars,  and  afterward  worsliiiiped  as  the  cod 
Q:iiriims,  is  reputed  to  have  founded  the  city  (b.  c. 
753)  on  the  summit  of  Mount  Talatinc,  and  to  have 


been  the  first  of  its  seven  kings,  the  last  of  them, 
Tarquin  the  Proud,  being  dethroned  b.  c.  509.  The 
Roman  republic,  which  succeeded  the  monarchy, 
lasted  nearly  600  years,  until  the  battle  of  Actiuiii, 
after  which  it  gave  place  to  t'le  Roman  Empire.     In 


> 

z 
o 


9?r  S  t-prl-p-js-s  i.-;  tr-^ 


the  republic  the  Buprcme  authority  was  committed 
to  two  consuls  elected  annually,  at  fir.-<t  exclusively 
from  the  patricians  or  Roman  nobility.  Tribunes 
of  the  people,  whose  duty  it  was  to  defend  the  op- 


pressed plebeians,  and  who  could  stop  any  law  or 
abolish  any  decree  of  the  senate  by  pronouncing 
the  word  I'eto  (=  I  furhtd),  wore  first  chosen  B.  c. 
493.     After  this,  intermarriages  between  the  differ- 


940 


B0][ 


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ent  orders  were  legalized ;  one  consul  (and  still  later 
two)  might  be  elected  from  the  plebeians  ;  and  by 
these  and  other  changes,  gradually  introduced,  the 
government  became  practically  democratic.  The 
laws  of  the  twelve  tables,  which  were  long  preserved 
and  acted  upon,  were  arranged  and  ratified  n.  c.  451. 
By  them  nine  crimes  (including  nightly  meetings) 
were  punishable  by  death.  Rome  was  talfen  and 
burnt  by  the  Gauls  B.  c.  390  ;  but  a  dictator  was  ap- 
pointed as  in  other  times  of  extreme  danger,  and 
the  Gauls  were  repelled.  After  many  wars  with 
neighboring  nations,  the  Romans  became  masters 
of  all  ancient  Italy  about  b.  c.  264.  Then  began 
the  first  Punic  war  (with  Carthage,  which  was  origi- 
nally a  Phenician  colony  in  Africa,  near  the  modern 
J'wnis),  at  the  end  of  which,  B.  c.  242,  Sicily  became 
a  Roman  province.  In  the  second  Punic  war,  b.  c. 
219-201,  Hannibal  led  the  Carthaginians,  but  he 
was  finally  defeated  by  Scipio  Africanus  at  Zama, 
in  Africa,  n.  c.  202,  and  Spain  was  ceded  to  Rome. 
The  third  Punic  war,  n.  c.  149-6,  ended  with  the 
capture  and  destruction  of  Carthage,  long  the  for- 
midable rival  of  Rome.  Rome  had  now  become  a 
conquering  nation.  The  Romans  first  entered  Asia 
b.  c.  190,  and  defeated  Antiochus  the  Great  at 
Magnesia.  Dalmatia  became  a  Roman  province 
B.  c.  155  ;  Greece,  under  the  name  of  Achaia,  b.  c. 
146;  Numidia  (modern  Algiers)  n.  c.  105  ;  afterwart} 
SvKiA,  &c.  But  while  the  limits  of  their  dominions 
were  thus  extended  abroad,  the  Romans  were  by  no 
means  free  from  troubles  at  home.  Dissensions 
often  arose  respecting  the  agrarian  laws,  &c.  The 
civil  wars  of  Marius  and  Sylla  filled  Rome  with  blood, 
B.  c.  88-82.  The  two  wars  of  the  slaves  in  Sicily 
(b.  c.  135-2  and  B.  c.  104-99),  the  social  war  be- 
tween the  Romans  and  the  allied  states  of  Italy 
(n.  c.  91-89),  the  war  of  Spartacus  or  of  the  gladiators 
(b.  c.  73-71),  the  two  conspiracies  of  Catiline  (b.  c. 
66  and  63),  were  some  of  the  most  prominent  dis- 
turbances before  b,  c.  60.  Julius  Cesar  now  pur- 
sued a  career  of  conquest  in  Gaul  (modern  France), 
Germany,  and  Britain.  Ponipey  had  been  victorious 
over  the  pirates  of  C:licia,  had  conquered  Mithri- 


dates,  king  of  PouTtrs,  and  Tigranes,  king  of  Arme- 
nia, had  subdued  Syria,  taken  Jerusalem,  &c.  ; 
Crassus  had  defeated  Spartacus  and  the  gladiators, 
but  was  more  noted  for  his  immense  wealth.  These 
three,  agreeing  to  share  the  supreme  power  between 
them,  formed  the  first  triumvirate  B.  c.  60.  After 
the  death  of  Crassus,  B.  c.  53,  in  an  expedition 
against  the  Partiiiass,  the  dissensions  between 
Pompey  and  Cesar  produced  a  civil  war ;  but  the 
battle  of  Pharsalia,  b.  c.  48,  and  the  death  of  Pom- 
pey soon  after  it,  made  Cesar  master  of  the  civilized 
world.  He  was  made  dictator,  Ijut  was  assassinated 
in  ihe  senate-house,  March  15,  b.  c.  44,  by  Brutus, 
Cassius,  and  other  senators,  wlio  aimed  to  restore 
the  republic.  Rome,  however,  was  now  too  corrupt 
to  be  free ;  and  the  next  year  after  his  death  a 
second  triumvirate  was  formed  between  Antony, 
Octavi\is,  and  Lepidus.  In  tlie  battle  at  Philippi, 
B.  c.  42,  the  republican  forces  under  Brutus  and 
Cassius  were  defeated  by  the  triumvirs.  Lepidus 
having  been  stripped  of  his  power,  B.  c.  36,  the 
battle  of  Actium,  in  wliich  Antony  was  defeated, 
left  Octavius  without  a  rival,  and  he  became  the  first 
Roman  emperor,  under  the  name  of  Aigustus  Cesar. 
Henceforward,  till  Constantine  transferred  the  seat 
of  government  to  Byzantium,  now  named  Constan- 
tinople, A.  n.  330,  Rome  was  the  capital  of  the  Roman 
Empire.  From  the  division  of  the  empire  into  East- 
ern and  Western,  Rome  was  for  about  a  century  the 
capital  of  tlie  Western  Empire.  The  city  was  taken 
and  partially  burnt  by  Alaric  the  Goth,  A.  D.  410; 
it  was  again  taken  and  plundered  by  Genscric  tlie 
Vandal  in  455  ;  and  in  476,  when  the  Western  Em- 
pire fell,  it  was  taken  by  Odoacer,  chief  of  the  He- 
ruli,  who  for  seventeen  years  was  king  of  Italy. 
After  this  Rome  was  thrice  (493,  547,  550)  taken 
by  the  Ostrogoths  or  Eastern  Goths,  and  thrice  (537, 
647,  553)  by  the  forces  of  the  Emperor  of  the  P^ast. 
From  653  to  726,  Rome,  with  the  adjacent  territory, 
was  governed  by  an  officer  called  prefect,  duke,  or 
patrician,  appointed  by  the  emperor ;  but  in  726  it 
became  an  independent  commonwealth,  retaining 
its  title  of  duchy.     The  Pope  of  Rome  is  said  to 


Rome— th6  Forum  aod  Modem  CapitoL — From  Hakewell'fl  7ia/y.— (Fbn.) 


have  been  constituted  universal  bishop  by  the  Em- 
peror Phocas  in  606,  but  the  temporal  authority  of 
the  Pope  is  usually  traced  to  the  action  of  King 
Pepin  of  France,  in  conferring  on  Pope  Stephen  III. 


the  title  of  Patrician  (i.  e.  chief  magistrate)  of  Rome 
in  751,  and  in  bestowing  on  him  the  exarchate  of  Ra- 
venna in  766.  Yet  the  Emperor  Charlemagne,  Pe- 
pin's son,  was  styled  Patrician  of  the  Romans,  and 


BOM 


BOH 


941 


exercised  imperial  authority  in  Rome,  though  he  is 
declared  to  have  confirmed  his  father's  donations. 
The  Countess  Matilda,  it  is  said,  by  her  will,  dated  in 
1102,  gave  her  territories  in  central  and  nortliern 
Italy  to  the  Pope ;  but  after  her  decease,  the  Em- 


peror Henry  V.  of  Germany  took  possession  of  the 
whole  of  her  property.  About  1200,  however.  Pope 
Innocent  III.  asserted  the  claims  of  the  Roman  see 
in  connectien  with  these  donations,  and  received  the 
allegiance  of  the  magistrates  6i  Rome  and  a  uum- 


Rulni  of  tbg  Palace  of  the  Ceun.— (Couyb.  A  H.  li.  410.) 


bcr  of  other  Italian  towns,  and  in  May,  1278,  the 
limits  of  the  States  of  the  Church  were  formally 
recognized  and  defined  by  a  charter  from  the  (jbt- 
man  Emperor  Rudolph  of  Ilapsbiirg.  In  the  four- 
teenth century  the  I'opes  resided  for  seventy  years 
at  Avignon,  in  France.  In  1347  Cola  di  Rienzo  or 
Rienzi,  at  the  head  of  a  popular  movement,  pro- 
claimed the  republic,  and  was  appointed  tribune  by 
acclamation  ;  but  the  republic  lasted  only  a  few 
months.  In  1376  Rome  became  again  the  residence 
of  the  Papal  court,  which  with  brief  intervals  (17«7- 
9,  1808-14,  1848-9)  has  continued  there  till  the 
present  time. — Rome  is  not  mentioned  in  the  O.  T., 
but  in  the  Apocrypha  (1  &  2  Mc. ;  Roman  Empire), 
and  in  three  books  of  the  N.  T.  (Acts ;  Rom. ;  2 
Tim.).  The  conquests  of  Pompey  seem  to  have 
given  rise  to  the  first  settlement  of  Jews  at  Rome. 
The  Jewish  King  Aristohulus  and  his  son  formed 
part  of  Pompcy's  triumph,  and  many  Jewish  cap- 


tives and  emigrants  were  brought  to  Rome  at  thnt 
time.  A  special  district  was  assigned  them,  not  on 
the  site  of  the  modern  Ghetto  {where  they  now  live) 
between  the  Capitol  and  the  island  of  the  Til)er, 
but  across  the  Tiber.  Many  of  these  Jews  were 
made  freedmen.  Julius  Cesar  showed  tliem  some 
kin<lne33.  They  were  favored  also  by  Augustus. 
Claudius  "commanded  all  Jews  to  depart  from 
Rome  "  (Acts  xviii.  2 ;  Aquila),  on  account  of  tumults 
connected,  possibiy,with  the  preaching  of  Christianity 
at  Rome.  This  banishment  cannot  have  been  of 
long  duration,  for  we  find  Jews  residing  at  Rome, 
apparently  in  considerable  numbers,  at  St.  Paul's 
visit  (xxviii.  17). — It  maybe  u.seful  to  give  some  ac- 
count of  Rome  in  the  time  of  Nkro,  the  "  Ce.sar  " 
to  whom  St.  Pahi.  appealed,  and  in  whose  reign  ho 
suffered  martyrdom.  1.  The  city  at  that  time  was 
a  large  and  irregular  mass  of  buildings  unprotected 
by  an  outer  wall.     Couybeare  &  Howson  (ii.  367) 


943 


ROM 


ROS 


estimate  its  circuit  at  more  than  twelve  miles,  about 
twice  that  of  the  old  Servian  wall.  St.  Paul's  visit 
lies  between  two  famous  epochs  in  the  history  of  tlie 
city,  viz.  its  restoration  by  Augustus  ami  its  resto- 
ration by  Nero.  Augustus  boasted  "  that  he  had 
found  the  city  of  brick,  and  left  it  of  marble."  The 
streets  were  generally  narrow  and  winding,  flanked 
by  densely-crowded  lodging-houses  (or  tenement- 
houses)  of  enormous  height.  St.  Paul's  first  visit 
to  Rome  took  place  before  the  Neronian  conflagra- 
tion, but  even  after  the  restoration  of  the  city  sub- 
sequent to  that  event,  many  of  the  old  evils  con- 
tinued. The  population  of  the  city  has  been  vari- 
ously estimated  :  at  half  a  million,  at  two  millions 
and  upward,  and  even  at  eight  millions.  Probably 
Gibbon's  estimate  of  one  million  two  hundred  thou- 
sand is  nearest  to  the  truth.  One-half  of  the  pop- 
ulation consisted,  in  all  probability,  of  slaves. 
(Slave.)  The  larger  part  of  the  remainder  con- 
sisted of  pauper  citizens  supported  in  idleness  by 
the  miserable  system  of  public  gratuities.  There 
appears  to  have  been  no  middle  class  and  no  free 
industrial  population.  Side  by  side  with  the 
wretched  classes  just  mentioned  was  the  compara- 
tively small  body  of  the  wealthy  nobility,  of  whose 
luxury  and  profligacy  we  hear  so  much  in  the 
heathen  writers  of  the  time.  Such  was  the  popula- 
tion of  Rome  at  the  time  of  St.  Paul's  visit.  2. 
The  localities  in  and  abnut  Rome  especially  con- 
nected with  the  life  of  St.  Paul  are — (a.)  The  Appian 
Way  ',  by  which  he  approached  Rome  (Acts  xxviii. 
15;  Appii  Forcm).  (6.)  "The  palace,"  or  "Cesar's 
court"  (Phil.  i.  13).  This  may  mean  cither  the 
great  camp  of  the  Pretoiian  guards  which  Tiberius 
established  outside  the  walls  on  the  N.  E.  side 
of  the  city,  or,  more  probably  (so  Mr.  Hornby, 
with  Wieseler,  &c.),  a  barrack  attached  to  the 
imperial  residence  on  the  Palatine.  (Pretoridm.) 
— 3.  The  connection  of  other  localities  at  Rome  with 
St.  Paul's  name  rests  only  on  traditions  of  more  or 
less  probability,  as — (o.)  The  Mamertine  or  Tullian 
prison,  built  by  Ancus  Martins  near  the  forum.      It 


Mamertine  Priion  at  Rome.— (Kltto.) 

still  exists  beneath  the  church  of  San  Giuseppe,  dei 
Falegnami.  Here  it  is  said  that  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul  were  fellow-prisoners  for  nine  months.  The 
story,  however,  of  the  imprisonment  in  the  Mamer- 
tine prison  seems  inconsistent  with  2  Tim.,  especially 
iv.  11.  (A.)  The  chapel  on  the  Ostian  road  which 
marks  the  spot  where  the  two  apostles  are  said  to 
have  separated  on  their  way  to  martyrdom.  (<■.) 
Th«  supposed  scene  of  St.  Paul's  martyrdom,  viz. 


I  Designated  (in  L.)I7(i  Appia.  on  the  "Plan  of  Ancient 
Home  ■'  liere  given.  This  Plan  Is  taken  from  Adam's  Jlo- 
man  Anliquilien,  edited  by  James  Boyd,  LL.  D.,  Glasgow, 
1835.    On  It  horta  (or  >*.)  =  Gate,  and  Aijua  =  AgueUiict. 


the  church  of  San  Paolo  alle  tre  fontane  on  the  Ostian 

road,  (rf.)  The  supposed  scene  of  St  Peter's  mar- 
tyrdom, viz.  the  church  of  San  Pietro  in  Montorio, 
on  the  Janiculum.  (e.)  The  chapel  Domine  quo 
Vadis  (L.  =  Lord,  whither goest  Thou?),  on  the 
Appian  road,  the  scene  of  our  Lord's  legendary  ap- 
pearance to  St.  Peter  as  he  was  escaping  from  mar- 
tyrdom. (/.)  The  places  where  the  bodies  of  the 
two  apostles,  deposited  first  in  the  catacombs,  are 
supposed  to  have  been  finally  buried — that  of  St. 
Paul  by  the  Ostian  road — that  of  St.  Peter  beneath 
the  dome  of  the  famous  Basilica  which  bears  his 
name. — 4.  Sites  unquestionably  connected  with  the 
Roman  Christians  of  the  apostolic  age  are — (n.) 
The  gardens  of  Nero  in  the  Vatican,  not  far  from  the 
spot  where  St.  Peter's  now  stands.  Here  Christians 
wrapped  in  the  skins  of  beasts  were  torn  to  pieces 
by  dogs,  or,  clothed  in  inflammable  robes,  were 
burned  to  serve  as  torches  during  the  midnight 
games.  Others  were  crucified.  (6.)  The  Catacombs. 
These  subterranean  galleries,  commonly  from  eight 
to  ten  feet  high,  and  four  to  six  wide,  and  extending 
for  miles,  especially  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  old 
Appian  and  Xomentan  Ways,  were  used  as  places  of 
refuge,  of  worship,  and  of  burial  by  the  early  Chris- 
tians. Babylon  2 ;  Clement  ;  Latin  ;  LiSLS ;  Ro- 
mans, Epistle  to  the,  &c. 

Roof.     House;  Palace;  Pinnacle;  Temple. 

Room,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb.  makom. 
(Gen.  xxiv.  23  if. ;  usually  =  "place"),  ken{\\.  14; 
usually  =  "nest;"  see  Noah),  &e. ;  Gr.  iopoa  (Lk. 
ii.  7,  xiv.  9,  10,  22,  and  1  Cor.  xiv.  16 ;  usually  and 
hterally  =  "place"),  &c.  The  Gr.  anogeon  or 
anagaion  (properly  [so  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.]  =  any 
thing  above  ground,  hence  an  ujqier  room,  in  the  up- 
per story  or  connected  witli  the  roof,  for  the  recep- 
tion of  guests)  is  twice  translated  "  upper  room  " 
(Mk.  xiv.  15  ;  Lk.  xxii.  12).  The  Gr.  huperoon 
(originally  an  adjective  =  ripper  ;  oftener,  an  upper 
chamber  =  anagaion  above,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)\s  once 
translated  "  upper  room  "  (Acts  i.  1 3),  and  thrice 
"upper  chamber"  (ix.  37-39,  xx.  8;  see  House). 
The  Gr.  proloklina  (properly  =  the  first  rcclining- 
p/lace  at  table,  the  chief  place  at  meals,  i.  e.  the  mid- 
dle place  on  the  highest  couch ;  see  Meals)  is  trans- 
lated "uppermost  room"  in  Mat.  xxiii.  6  and  Mk. 
xii.  39,  "  chief  room  "  in  Lk.  xiv.  7  and  xx.  46,  and 
"  highest  room  "  in  xiv.  8. 

*  Root  (Heb.  shoresh  ;  Gr.  rhizn)  =  the  part  of  a 
tree  or  plant  which  is  usually  underground  (Job  viii. 
17,  XXX.  4;  Mat.  xiii.  6,  &c.).  In  poetry  (so  Gese- 
nius)  persons  and  nations  are  often  compared  to  a 
plant  or  tree,  and  then  the  root  is  the  chief  part 
mentioned  (Is.  v.  24 ;  Hos.  ix.  16).  "  Root "  figura- 
tively =  the  lowest  part,  bottom  (Job  xxviii.  9,  &c.) ; 
a  stock,  race  (Is.  xiv.  29) ;  an  abode,  seat  (Judg.  v. 
14) ;  a  ground  or  soitrce  (Job  xix.  28 ;  1  Tim.  vi.  10, 
&c.).  "Root"  also  =  a  shoot,  sprout,  springing 
from  the  root  (Is.  liii.  2;  Dan.  xi.  7) ;  and  metaplior- 
ically  descendant,  oj^spring  (Is.  xi.  10,  comp.  1 ;  Rev. 
V.  5,  xxii.  16). 

Rose,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb.  liiibatstse- 
lelh  or  chabaMseleth  in  Cant.  ii.  1 — "I  am  the  rose 
of  Sharon  ;  "  and  Is.  xxxv.  1 — "The  desert  shall  re- 
joice and  blossom  as  the  rose."  There  is  much 
difference  of  opinion  as  to  what  particular  flower  is 
here  denoted.  Tremellius  and  Diodati,  with  some 
of  the  Rabbins,  believe  the  rose  is  intended.  Celsiu.s, 
the  Targum  on  Cant.  ii.  1,  Bochart,  Dr.  Royle  (in 
Kitto),  Jlr.  Houghton,  &c.,  favor  the  narcissus  (Polii- 
anthus  Karcissns),  a  bulbous  plant  celebrated  for  its 
fragrance.     Gesenius  (from  its  etymological  mean- 


BOS 


RCT 


943 


in;:,  acid  [or  aerid]  bulb)  favors  the  meadow  saffron 
(  Co'cliicum  autuiiinate),  a  plant  witli  a  bulb-like  root- 
stock  mucli  used  in  medicine.  Mr.  Houghton  says 
the  nardssus  and  the  lily  (Litium  caudidum)  would 
be  in  blossom  together  in  the  early  spring,  while  the 
Colc/ucum  autumnale  is  an  autumn  plant.  Chateau- 
briand mentions  the  narcissus  as  growing  iu  the 
plain  of  Sharon. — 2.  Gr.  rAof/on  (Wis.  ii.  8  ;  Ecclus. 
xxiv.  14,  xxxix.  13,  1.  8).  Roses  (genus  Jiom  of 
botanists)  are  greatly  prized  in  the  East,  especially 
for  the  sake  of  the  rose-water,  which  is  in  much  re- 
quest. Dr.  Hooker  observed  seven  species  of  wild 
loses  in  Syria.  The  hundred-leaved  rose  (Eosn  cen- 
lifVia)  and  damask  rose  (Rosa  Damascetia)  are  cul- 
tivated everywhere,  and  are  very  fragrant.  The  so- 
called  "Rose  of  Jericho  "  is  a  small  cruciferous  an- 
nual plant  (Anastatica  Hierochunlica),  bearing  small 
white  flowers,  not  uncommon  in  sandy  soil  in  Pales- 
tine and  Egypt.     Palesti.sk,  Botani;. 

Ro«h  (Heb.  head,  chief).  I.  In  Gen.  xlvi.  21, 
Rosh  is  reckoned  among  the  sons  of  Benjamin,  but 
the  name  does  not  occur  elsewhere,  and  probably 
"  Ehi  and  Rosh"  is  a  corruption  of  "  Ahiram." — i. 
Gall  2  (Deut.  xxix.  18  marg.). — 3.  The  Heb.  A'ds/i, 
translated  "  chief"  in  the  A.  V.  of  Ez.  xxxviii.  2,  3, 
xxxix.  1,  is  by  the  LXX.,  Bochart,  Gesenius,  Ffirst, 
Fairb:iirn,  Stanley,  &c.,  regarded  as  a  proper  name. 
Fairbairn  translates  the  words  in  xxxviii.  2,  rendered 
by  the  A.  V.  "  Go;^,  the  land  of  Maooo,  the  chief 
prince  of  Mf.siiecii  and  Tcbal,"  thus :  "  Gog,  of  the 
l;ind  of  Magog,  prince  of  Rosh  (or  Rhos),  Mcshech, 
and  Tubal."  Gesenius  considers  it  beyond  doubt 
that  by  Honh  is  intended  the  tribe  on  the  N'.  of  the 
Taurus,  so  called  from  the  neighborhood  to  the  liha, 
or  Volga,  and  that  in  this  name  and  tribe  we  have 
the  first  trace  of  the  Russ  or  Ru-^/tian  nation.  The 
name  prob.ibly  =  Rasses,  in  Jd.  ii.  23. 

Rosin  —  the  re^in  or  rc-iduum  of  turpentine  after 
distillation.  1.  In  Ez.  xxvii.  17  the  A.  V.  marg.  has 
'•  rosin,"'  but  the  text  "  balm." — 2.  In  the  Sjng  of  the 
Three  Holy  Children  (23),  the  servants  of  the  king 
of  Babylon  are  said  to  have  "  ceased  not  to  make  the 
oven  hot  with  rosin  (properly  naphtha,  so  Mr. 
Wright,  with  the  LXX.,  Vulgate,  and  I'eshito-Syriac), 
pitch,  tow,  and  small  wood."     Slime. 

Kn'Mrs,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb.  i)lural3 
/»-Hiy«/n,  /iltiinim,  concerning  the  meaning  of  which 
tliere  is  much  difference  of  opinion  and  great  uncer- 
tainty (Job  xxviii.  18  ;  Prov.  iii.  15,  viii.  11,  xx.  15, 
xxxi.  10;  Lam.  iv.  7).  In  Lam.  iv.  7  the  A.  V.  has 
"  Her  Naz;irites  were  purer  than  snow,  they  were 
whiter  tiian  milk,  they  were  more  ruddy  in  body 
than  rubies."  A.  Boote  (and  so  J.  0.  Michaelis, 
tieseidus,  Fiirst)  supposed  '"  coral  "  to  be  intended. 
B'K-hart  (with  whom  Mr.  Houghton  and  Rosen- 
miiUer  agree)  contends  that  the  Hebrew  term  de- 
notes pearls,  and  supposes  the  "  ruddy  "  =:  bripht 
ill  color,  or  of  a  reddish  tinge.  (Pearl.)  The  ruby 
is  supposed  by  Gesenius  to  be  =  Heb.  cndcod,  trans- 
lated '•  abate  "  in  Is.  liv.  12  and  Ez.  ;txvii.  16.  The 
common  ruby  of  jewelry  or  spinel  ruby  is  a  red 
variety  of  spinel,  a  compound  usually  of  scsquioxidc 
of  iron  and  alumina,  foimd  in  octahedrons.  The 
oriental  riiljy  is  red  SAPriliRE. 

•  Bnii'der.    Ship. 

Roe  ((ir.  fieganoii),  in  Lk.  xi.  42  only,  is  doubtless 
the  common  garden  rue  (Ritta  r/raveolens),  a  shrubby 
plant  about  two  feet  high,  of  strong  medicinal  vir- 
tues, and  powerful  odor,  anciently  used  both  as  a 
condiment  and  as  a  medicine.  It  is  a  native  of  the 
Mediterranean  coasts,  and  has  been  found  by  Hns- 
seltjuist  on  Mount  Tabor.    The  Talmud  enumerates 


rue  among  kitchen-herbs,  and  considers  it  free  of 
tithe,  as  not  cultivated  in  gardens.  In  our  Lord's 
time,  however,  rue  was  doubtless  a  garden-plant, 
and  therefore  tithable.  In  the  middle  ages  it  was 
used  by  the  priests  to  sprinkle  holy  water,  and  was 
called  herb  of  grace, 

RH'fns  (L.  red,  reddish),  mentioned  in  Mk.  xv.  21 
with  Alexander,  as  a  son  of  Simon  6  the  Cyrenian  (Lk. 
xxiii.  26).  Again,  in  Kom.  xvi.  13,  the  Apostle  Paul 
salutes  Rufus  "  chosen  in  the  Lord."  It  is  gener- 
ally supposed  that  this  Rufus  =  the  one  to  whom 
Mark  refers.  Yet  Rufus  was  not  an  uncommon 
name,  and  possibly,  therefore,  Mark  and  Paul  may 
have  had  in  view  different  individuals. 

Rn-ba'iuall  (Heb.  pitied,  compassionated,  Ges.),  in 
A.  V.  margin  "having  obtained  mercy"  (Hos.  ii.  1). 
The  name,  if  name  it  be,  is  like  Lo-ruhamah,  sym- 
bolical, and  as  that  was  given  to  the  daughter  of 
IlosEA,  to  denote  that  God's  mercy  was  turned  away 
from  Israel,  so  the  name  Ruhamah  is  addressed  to 
the  daughters  of  the  people  to  denote  that  they  were 
still  the  objects  of  His  love  and  tender  compassion. 

*Ra'ler.  Dcjke;  Goveknor;  Ji;dge;  Kino; 
Prince  ;  Synagogue. 

Rn'mall  (Heb.  lofty,  Ges.),  the  place  to  which  be- 
longed Pcdaiah,  the  father  of  King  Jehoiakim's 
mother  (2  K.  xxiii.  36  only),  possibly  =  Arcmah, 
near  Shecheni.  Mr.  Grove  supposes  rather  that 
Rurnah  =  Dcmah,  near  Hebron.  Van  de  Velde 
(ii.  303)  identifies  Arumah  with  the  ruin  el-Arma 
or  el-Ornia,  on  a  hill  about  five  miles  S.  E.  of 
Shechcm.  Some  make  Rumah  z=  the  Rumah  in 
Galilee  of  Josephus  (B.  J.  iii.  7,  §21),  which  was 
probably  (so  Ritter,  Robinson,  Thomson)  at  Rumeh, 
a,  ruin  on  a  hill  about  seven  miles  N.  of  Nazareth. 

*  Knn'nrr.    Footman  2  ;  Glard  2 ;  Post,  II. 

Rnsll.     Reed. 

Rust  is  the  A.  V.  translation  in  Mat.  v.  19,  20,  of 
the  Gr.  hrosis,  which  joined  with  "  moth  "  has  by 
some  been  understood  to  denote  the  larva  of  some 
moth  injurious  to  corn,  as  the  Ti>iea  granella ;  but 
probably  (so  Mr.  Houghton,  with  Lange,  &c.)  refers 
in  a  general  sense  to  any  corrupting  and  destroying 
substance  that  may  attack  treasures  of  any  kind 
long  undisturbed.  The  Vulgate,  with  Robinson 
{N.  T.  Lac.),  and  the  A.  V.  renders  "  rust."  In 
Jas.  v.  3  "  rust "  is  the  translation  of  Gr.  ios,  which 
here  (so  Mr.  Houghton)  =r  the  tarnish  which  over- 
spreads silver  rather  than  "  rust,"  which  now  =r 
oxide  of  iron. 

Rath  (Heb.  female  friend,  Ges.),  a  Moabitish 
woman,  the  wife,  first,  of  Mahlon,  secondly  of  Boaz, 
and  by  him  mother  of  Obed ;  ancestress  of  David 
and  of  Christ ;  one  of  the  four  women  named  by 
Matthew  in  the  genealogt  op  Christ  (Ru.  i.-iv. ; 
Mat.  i.  5).  A  severe  famine  in  Judah  induced  Elim- 
clech,  of  Bethlehem  Ephratah,  to  emigrate  into  the 
land  of  Moab,  with  his  wife  Naomi,  and  his  two  sons, 
Mahlon  and  Chilion.  At  the  end  of  ten  years 
Naomi,  now  a  childless  widow,  having  heard  that 
there  was  plenty  again  in  Judah,  resolved  to  return 
to  Bethlehem,  and  her  daughter-in-law,  Ruth, 
attached  to  the  mother,  land,  and  religion  of  her 
decea.sed  husband,  returned  with  her.  They  arrived 
at  Bethlehem  just  at  the  beginning  of  barley  har- 
vest, and  Ruth,  going  out  to  glean,  chanced  to 
go  into  the  field  of  Boaz,  a  wealthy  man,  and  near 
kin.sman  of  her  faiher-in-law  Elimelech.  Upon 
learning  who  the  stranger  was,  Boaz,  already  ac- 
quainted with  her  reputation  for  kindness  and  vir- 
tue, treated  her  with  the  utmost  kindness  and  re- 
spect, and  sent  her  home  laden  with  com  which  she 


944 


BUT 


SAB 


had  gleaned.  Encouraged  by  this  incident,  Xaomi 
instructed  Ruth  to  claim  at  the  hand  of  Boaz  that 
he  should  perlorm  the  part  of  her  liusband's  near 
kinsman,  by  purchasing  tlie  inheritance  of  Elime- 
Icch,  and  taking  her  to  be  his  wife.  But  there  was 
a  nearer  kinsman  than  Boaz,  and  it  was  necessary 
that  he  should  have  the  option  of  redeeming  the  in- 
heritance for  himself.  He,  however,  declined,  fear- 
ing to  mar  his  own  inheritance.  Upon  which,  with 
all  due  solemnity,  Boaz  took  Ruth  to  be  his  wife, 
amidst  the  blessings  and  congratulations  of  their 
neighbors.     Marriage  ;  Rlth,  the  Book  of. 

*Ratli,tlie  Book  of,  contains  the  history  of  Rrnt 
the  lloabitess.  Its  canonieity  is  unquestioned.  It 
is  generally  understood  that  the  ancient  Jews  reck- 
oned it  a  part  of  the  Book  of  Ju<iges ;  but  in  our 
Hebrew  Bibles  it  is  arrayed  in  the  llagiographa,  be- 
tween Canticles  and  Lamentations.  (Bible  ;  Cano.n  ; 
Inspiratio.s  ;  Old  Testament.)  The  date  and  au- 
thorship are  unknown.  The  Talmud  and  most 
writers  ascribe  it  to  Samuel;  some  have  ascribed  it 
to  Hezekiah,  Ezra,  &c.  Prof.  Weir  (in  Fairbairn) 
supposes  the  events  occurred  somewhat  earlier  than 
the  priesthood  of  Eli,  but  were  not  committed  to 
writing  till  some  time  afterward  under  the  monarchy. 
The  genealogy  in  cli.  iv.  18-22  is  more  commonly 
regarded  as  incomplete,  though  Usher  and  others 
have  supposed  that  David's  ancestors,  as  persons  of 
preeminent  piety,  were  divinely  favored  with  un- 
usual lengtli  of  life.  "  The  scope  of  the  book  is  to  set 
forth  the  origin  of  David  historically  and  genealogi- 
cally, showing  how  a  heathen,  belonging  to  a  people 
so  liostile  to  the  theocracy  as  the  Moabites,  was 
honored  lo  become  the  progenitor  of  the  great  and 
pious  King  David,  because  she  placed  unlimited  trust 
in  the  Lord,  and  sought  protection  from  the  God  of 
Israer"(Davidson,  with  Umbreit,  &c.).  Prof.  Bunh 
(in  Kitto)  thinks  the  leading  design  of  the  book  was 
"  to  preintimate,  by  the  recorded  adoption  of  a  Gen- 
tile woman  into  the  family  from  wliich  Christ  was  to 
derive  His  origin,  the  final  reception  of  the  Gentile 
nations  into  tlie  true  Church,  as  fellow-heirs  of  the 
salvation  of  the  Gospel."  "  The  picture  given  of  do- 
mestic life  is  attractive  and  graphic,  not  merely  or 
chieBy  because  of  the  writer's  ability  to  place  his 
theme  in  so  good  a  light,  but  because  he  narrates  an 
episode  of  domestic  life  beautiful  in  itself,  which  had 
really  happened  "  (Davidson's  Text  vf  the  0.  T.  con- 
sidm-cd,  H55). 

Rye  (Heb.  cussemelh)  occurs  in  Ex.  ix.  3,2  and  Is. 
xxviil.'25:  in  the  latter  the  margin  reads  "  spelt." 
In  Ez.  iv.  9  the  text  has  "  fitches,"  and  the  margin 
"  spelt."  Some  authorities  maintain  that  the  He- 
brew denotes  fitches,  'otlicrs  oats,  and  others  rye. 
Celsius  has  shown  that  in  all  probability  "  spelt "  is 
intended  (so  Mr.  Houghton,  with  Dr.  Hamilton  [in 
Fairbairn],  Gesenius,  J.  A.  Alexander,  &c.).  Rye 
(Secalc  cn-eale)  is  a  well-known  cereal  plant,  more 
hardy  than  wheat,  the  principal  cultivated  grain  of 
a  large  part  of  the  north  temperate  zone,  but  prob- 
ably not  cultivated  in  Egypt  or  Palestine  in  early 
times,  whereas  spelt  has  been  long  cultivated  and 
held  in  high  esteem  in  the  East.  "  Spelt "  ( Triti- 
cum  Spcltn)  differs  but  slightly  from  our  common 
wheat  ( Triticum  vulyare).  Tliere  are  three  kinds 
of  spelt,  viz.  Triticum  Spelta,  Triticum  dicoccum, 
(Rice  wheat),  and  Triticum  monococcum.     Food. 


s 

*  Sa-baf h'tlm-tiii    Eli,  eli,  lama  SABACHTnANi. 

Sab'a-otli,  or  Sa-ba'otli  (fr.  Heb.,  see  below),  the 
Lord  «f.  This  name  is  found  in  the  English  Bible 
twice  (Rom.  ix.  29 ;  Jas.  v.  4).  Sabaoth  is  the  Greek 
form  of  the  Hebrew  plural  tsibAolh  =  "  armies," 
which  occurs  in  the  oft-repeated  formula  translated 
in  the  A.  V.  of  the  0.  T.  by  "  Lord  of  hosts,"  "  Lord 
God  of  hosts."  Mr.  Grove  thinks  that  in  the  mouth 
and  mind  of  an  ancient  Hebrew,  "  the  Lord  of 
hosts  "  was  the  leader  and  commander  of  the  armies 
of  the  nation,  who  "  went  forth  with  them  "  (Ps. 
xliv.  9),  and  led  them  to  certain  victory  over  the 
worshippers  of  Baal,  Chemosh,  and  other  false  gods ; 
but  Gesenius,  Fairbairn,  W.  L.  Alexander  (in  Kitto), 
and  most  scholars  make  "  hosts  "  here  =  the  angels 
and  powers  of  heaven  (comp.  Gen.  xxxii.  2,  3  ;  Josh. 
V.  14;  Ps.  ciii.  21,  cxlviii.  2;  Dan.  viii.  10,  11).    Je- 

HOVAH. 

Sa'bat  (fr.  Gr.).  1.  Ancestor  of  certain  sons  of 
Solomon's  servants  who  returned  with  Zorobabel  (1 
Esd.  V.  34);  not  in  Ezra  and  Nehemi.ih. — i,  Sebat 
(1  Mc.  xvi.  14).     Month. 

SJlb-a-te'as  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Siiabbethai  (1  Esd.  ix.  48; 
comp.  Nell.  viii.  1). 

S&b'a-tns  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Zabad  (1  Esd.  i,x.  28;  comp. 
Ezr.  X.  27). 

Sabban  (fr.  Gr.)  =  BiNKri  1  (1  Esd.  viii.  63; 
comp.  Ezr.  viii.  33). 

Sabbath  (Heb.  shahbdth,  a  day  of  rent,  from 
shubath,  to  cease  lo  do,  to  rest ;  Gr.  sabbaton,  fr.  Heb.). 
The  name  Sabbath  is  applied  to  divers  great  festi- 
vals (Lev.  xxiii. ;  Passover),  but  principally  and 
usually  to  the  seventh  day  of  the  week,  the  strict 
observance  of  which  is  enforced  not  merely  in  the 
general  Mosaic  code  (Law  of  Moses),  but  in  the 
Decalogue  itself  (Ten  Commandments).  The  first 
Scriptural  notice  of  the  weekly  Sabbath,  thougli  it 
is  not  mentioned  by  name,  is  in  Gen.  ii.  3,  at  the 
close  of  the  record  of  the  six  days'  creation.  And 
hence  it  is  frequently  argued  that  the  institution  is 
as  old  as  mankind,  and  is  consequently  of  universal 
concern  and  obligation  (see  below).  In  Ex.  xvi.  23- 
29  we  find  the  first  incontrovertible  institution  of 
the  day,  as  one  given  to,  and  to  be  kept  by,  the 
children  of  Israel.  Shortly  afterward  it  was  re- 
enacted  in  the  Fourth  Commandment.  Many  of  the 
Rabbis  date  the  institution  from  the  incident  record- 
ed in  Ex.  XV.  25.  This,  however,  seems  to  want 
foundation  (comp.  26).  The  words  in  ch.  xvi.  in 
connection  with  the  gathering  of  manna  are  not  in 
themselves  enough  to  indicate  whether  such  institu- 
tion was  altogether  a  novelty,  or  referred  to  a  day 
the  sanctity  of  which  was  already  known  to  those  to 
whom  it  was  given.  There  is  plausibility  certainly 
in  the  opinion  of  Grotius,  that  the  day  was  already 
known,  and  in  some  measure  observed  as  holy,  but 
that  the  rule  of  abstinence  from  work  was  first  given 
then,  and  shortly  afterward  more  explicitly  imposed 
in  the  Fourth  Commandment.  There  it  is  distinctly 
set  forth,  and  extended  to  the  whole  of  an  Israelite's 
household,  his  son  and  his  daughter,  his  servants, 
male  and  female,  his  ox  and  his  ass,  and  the  .stranger 
within  his  gates.  Penalties  and  provisions  in  other 
parts  of  the  Law  construed  the  abstinence  from 
labor  prescribed  in  the  commandment.  Isaiah  ut- 
ters solemn  warnings  against  profaning,  and  prom- 
ises large  blessings  on  the  due  observance  of,  the  day 
(Is.  Iviii.  13,  14).  In  Jeremiah's  time  there  seems 
to  have  been  an  habitual  violation  of  it  (Jer.  xvii. 


SAB 


SAB 


945 


2\-21).  By  Ezckiel  (xx.  12-24). tlie  profanation  of 
the  .Sabbath  is  made  foremost  among  tlie  national 
-ins  of  the  Jews.  From  Neh.  x.  31,  we  learn  that 
the  people  entered  into  a  covenant  to  renew  tlie 
observanee  of  the  Law,  in  which  tliey  pledged 
themselves  neither  to  buy  nor  sell  victuals  on  the 
Sabbath.  The  practice  was  then  not  infrequent, 
and  Nehemiah  tells  us  (xiii.  15-22)  of  the  successful 
steps  which  h»  toolj  for  its  stoppage.  Uencefor- 
ward  there  is  no  evidence  of  tlie  Sabbath  being 
ncglcc'tel  by  the  Jews,  except  such  as  (1  Mc.  i.  Il- 
ls, 39-45)  went  into  open  apostasy.  In  tlie  N.  T. 
we  find  the  most  marked  stress  laid  on  the  Sabbath. 
In  whatever  ways  the  Jew  might  err  respecting  it, 
lie  had  altogether  ceased  to  neglect  it.  On  the  con- 
trary, wherever  he  went  its  observance  became  the 
most  visible  badge  of  his  nationility.  Our  Lord's 
mode  of  observing  the  Sabbath  was  one  of  the  main 
features  of  His  life,  which  His  Pharisaic  adversaries 
moit  eagerly  watched  and  criticised. — Mr.  Garden, 
in  the  original  article  from  which  this  is  abridged, 
attempts  to  consider  and  determine  the  true  idea 
and  purpose  of  the  Sabbath  in  the  Mosaic  Law  and 
as  designed  for  the  Hebrews — I.  By  considering, 
with  a  view  to  their  elimination,  the  Pharisaic  and 
I'abbinical  prohibitions.  II.  By  taking  a  survey 
of  the  general  Sabbatical  perioJs  of  Hebrew  time. 
III.  By  examining  the  actual  enactments  of  Scrip- 
ture respecting  the  seventh  day,  and  the  mode  in 
which  such  observance  was  maintained  by  the  best 
Israelites. — I.  Nearly  every  one  is  aware  that  the 
Pharisaic  and  Rabbinical  schools  invented  many 
prohibitions  respecting  the  Sabbath  of  which  we 
find  nothing  in  the  original  institution.  Of  these 
some  may  have  been  legitimate  enforcements  in 
detail  of  that  institution,  such  as  the  Scribes  and 
Pliarisees  "sitting  in  Moses'  seat"  (.Mat.  xxiii.  2, 
3)  had  a  right  to  impose.  How  a  general  law  is  to 
be  carried  out  in  particular  cases,  must  often  be 
determined  for  others  by  such  as  have  authority  to 
do  so.  To  this  class  may  belong  the  limitation  of  a 
Sabbatiiday'3  jolbnev.  Many,  however,  of  these 
prohibitions  were  fantastic  and  arbitrary,  in  the 
number  of  those  "heavy  burdens  and  grievous  to 
be  l)orne  "  which  the  later  expounders  of  the  Law 
"laid  on  men's  shoulders."  The  harmless  act  of 
the  disciples  in  the  corn-field,  and  the  beneficent 
healing  of  the  man  in  the  synagogue  with  the  with- 
ered hand,  were  alike  regarded  as  breaches  of  the 
Law  (Mat  xii.  1-13;  Jn.  v.  10).  A  man  might 
throw  some  needful  nourishment  to  the  animal  that 
had  fallen  into  the  pit,  but  must  not  pull  him  out 
till  the  next  day.  It  was  unlawful  to  catch  a  flea 
on  the  Sabbath,  except  the  insect  were  actually 
hurting  its  assailant,  or  to  mount  into  a  tree,  lest  a 
branch  or  twig  should  be  broken  in  the  process. 
That  this  perversion  of  the  Sabbath  had  become 
very  general  in  our  Saviour's  time  is  apparent  both 
from  the  recorded  objections  to  acts  of  His  on  that 
day,  and  from  His  marked  conduct  on  occasions  to 
wliieh  those  objections  were  sure  to  be  urged.  There 
is  no  reason,  however,  for  thinking  that  the  Phari- 
sees had  arrived  at  a  sentence  against  pleasure  of 
every  sort  on  the  sacred  day.  The  duty  of  hos- 
pitality was  remembered.  It  was  usual  for  the  rich 
to  give  a  feast  on  that  day;  and  our  Lord's  attend- 
ance on  such  a  feast,  and  making  it  the  occasion  of 
putting  forth  Ilis  rules  for  the  demeanor  of  guests, 
and  for  the  right  exercise  of  hospitality,  show  that  the 
gathering  of  friends  and  social  enjoyment  were  not 
deemed  inconsistent  with  the  true  scope  and  spirit  of 
the  Sabbath.  It  was  thought  right  that  the  meats, 
60 


though  cold,  should  be  of  the  best  and  choicest,  nor 
iniglit  the  Sabbath  be  chosen  for  a  fast.  Such  are 
the  inferences  to  which  we  are  brought  by  our 
Lord's  words  concerning,  and  works  on,  the  sacred 
day.  The  declaration  that  "  the  Son  of  Man  is 
Lord  also  of  the  Sabbath,"  must  not  be  viewed  as 
though  our  Lord  held  Himself  free  from  the  Law 
respecting  it.  It  is  to  be  taken  in  connection  with 
the  preceding  words,  "  the  Sabbath  was  made  for 
man,"  &c.,  from  which  it  is  an  inference  (Mk.  ii.  27, 
28).  If,  then,  our  Lord,  coming  to  fulfil  and  rightly 
interpret  the  Law  (Mat.  v.  17),  did  thus  protest 
against  the  Pharisaical  and  Rabljinieal  rules  respect- 
ing the  Sabbath,  we  are  supplied  by  this  protest 
with  a  large  negative  view  of  that  ordinance.  The 
acts  condemned  by  the  Pharisees  were  not  violations 
of  it. — II.  The  Sabbath  was  the  keynote  to  a  scale 
of  Sabbatical  observance — consisting  of  itself,  the 
seventh  month,  the  seventh  year,  and  the  year  of 
Jubilee.  As  each  seventh  day  was  sacred,  so  was 
each  seventh  month,  and  seventh  year.  (Fkstivals  ; 
NuMBKR.)  The  seventh  month  opened  with  the  Feast 
of  Trumpets,  and  contained  the  Day  of  Atonement 
and  Feast  of  Tabernacles — the  last  named  being  the 
most  joyful  of  Hebrew  festivals.  (AT0XEMt:si,  Dat 
op;  Tabernacles,  Fkast  of  ;  Trumpets,  Feast  of) 
The  rules  for  the  Sabbatical  Year  are  very  precise. 
As  labor  was  prohibited  on  the  seventh  day,  so  the 
land  was  to  rest  every  seventh  year.  And  as  each 
forty-ninth  year  wound  up  seven  of  such  weeks  of 
years,  so  it  either  was  itself,  or  it  ushered  in,  "  the 
year  of  Jubilee."  In  Ex.  xxiii.  10,  11,  the  Sabbat- 
ical year  is  placed  in  close  connection  with  the  Sab- 
bath-day, and  the  words  in  which  the  former  is  pre- 
scribed are  analogous  to  those  of  the  Fourth  Com- 
mandment. Tills  is  immediately  followed  by  a  re- 
newed proclamation  of  the  law  of  the  Sabliath.  The 
aim  of  the  two  institutions,  as  here  exhibited,  is  emi- 
nently a  beneficent  one.  To  give  rights  to  classes 
that  would  otherwise  have  been  without  such,  to 
the  bondman  and  bondmaid,  nay,  to  the  beast  of 
the  field,  is  viewed  here  as  their  main  end.  "  The 
stranger,"  too,  is  comprehended  in  the  benefit  fcom- 
p.are  also  Lev.  xxv.  2-7).  One  great  aim  of  both 
the  Sabbath-day  and  the  Salibatical  year,  clearly 
was  to  debar  the  Hebrew  from  the  thought  of  aliso- 
lute  ownership  of  any  thing.  The  year  of  Jubilee 
must  be  regarded  as  completing  this  Sabbatical 
Scale. — III.  We  must  consider  the  actual  enact- 
ments of  Scripture  respecting  the  seventh  day.  We 
commence  our  inquiry  with  the  in.stitution  of  it  in 
the  wilderness,  in  connection  with  the  gathering  of 
manna  (E.x.  xvi.  23).  The  prohibition  to  gather  the 
manna  on  the  Sabbath  is  accompanied  by  one  to 
bake  or  to  seethe  on  that  day.  The  Fourth  Com- 
mandment gives  us  but  the  generality,  "  all  m.inner 
of  work,"  and  we  are  left  to  seek  elsewhere  for 
the  particular  application  of  the  general  principle. 
That  general  principle  in  itself,  however,  obviously 
embraces  an  abstinence  from  worldly  labor  or  occu- 
pation, and  from  enforcing  such  on  servants  or  de- 
pendents, or  on  the  stranger.  By  him  is  most  prob- 
ably meant  the  partial  proselyte  (but  see  Proselyte 
and  Stbanoer).  The  naming  him  therefore  in  the 
commandment  helps  tointerpret  its  whole  principle, 
and  testifies  to  its  having  been  a  beneficent  privilege 
for  all  who  came  within  it.  It  gave  rights  to  tlie 
slave,  to  the  despised  stranger,  even  to  the  ox  and 
the  ass.  This  beneficent  character  of  the  Fourth 
Commandment  is  very  apparent  in  the  version  of  it 
in  Dent.  v.  12-15 — "that  thy  bondman  and  thy 
bondwoman  may  rest  as  well  as  thou,"  &c.    But  al- 


94» 


SAB 


SAB 


though  this  be  so,  and  though  it  be  plain  that  to 
come  within  the  scope  of  the  commandment  was  to 
possess  a  francliise,  to  share  in  a  privilege,  yet  docs 
the  original  proclamation  of  it  in  "Exodus  place  it 
on  a  ground  which,  closely  connected  no  doubt  with 
these  others,  is  yet  higher  and  more  comprehensive. 
Tlic  divine  method  of  working  and  rest  is  there  pro- 
posed to  man  as  the  model  alter  which  he  is  to  work 
and  to  rest.  Time,  then,  presents  a  perfect  whole,  is, 
then,  well  rounded  and  entire,  when  it  is  shaped  into 
a  week,  modelled  on  the  six  days  of  creation  and 
their  following  IJabbath.  Six  days'  work  and  the 
seventh  day's  rest  conform  the  life  of  man  to  the 
method  of  his  Creator.  In  distributing  his  lite  thus, 
man  may  look  up  to  God  as  his  Archetype.  It  is 
important  to  remember  that  the  Fourth  Command- 
ment is  not  limited  to  a  mere  enactment  respecting 
one  day,  but  prescribes  the  due  distribution  of  a 
week,  and  enforces  the  six  day's  work  as  much  as 
the  seventh  day's  rest.  This  higher  ground  of  ob- 
servance was  felt  to  invest  the  Sabbath  with  a 
theological  character,  and  rendered  it  the  great  wit- 
ness for  faith  in  a  personal  and  creating  Cod.  Hence 
its  supremacy  over  all  tlie  Law,  being  sometimes 
taken  as  the  representative  of  it  all  (\eh.  ix.  14). — 
In  all  this,  however,  we  have  but  an  assertion  of  the 
general  principle  of  resting  on  the  Sabbath,  and  must 
seek  elsewhere  for  information  as  to  the  details 
wherewith  that  principle  was  to  be  brought  out. 
We  have  already  seen  tliat  the  work  forbidden  is 
not  to  be  confounded  with  action  of  every  sort. 
Tlie  terms  in  the  comnnuulment  show  plainly 
enough  the  sort  of  work  which  is  contemplated. 
They  are  servile  work  (A.  V.  "labor")  and  business 
(A.  V.  "work  ").  The  Pentateuch  presents  us  with 
but  three  applications  of  the  general  principle — not 
lo  go  out  of  the  camp  (i.  e.  to  gather  manna),  not  to 
light  a  fire  in  any  house,  not  to  gather  sticks  (Ex. 
xvi.  29,  XXXV.  3 ;  Num.  xv.  32-36).  The  reference 
of  Isaiah  to  the  Sabbath  gives  us  no  details  (Is.  Ivi. 
l-Y,  Iviii.  13,  14).  Those  in  Jeremiah  and  Nehemiah 
show  that  carrying  goods  for  sale,  and  buying  such, 
were  equally  profonations  of  the  day.  There  is  no 
ground  for  supposing  that  to  engage  the  enemy  on 
the  Salibath  was  considered  unlawful  before  the 
Captivity.  At  a  subsequent  period  we  know  (1  Jlc. 
il.  34-38)  the  scruple  existed  and  was  acted  on  with 
most  calamitous  effects.  These  effects  led  Matta- 
thias  and  his  friends  to  determine  that  action  in  self- 
defence  was  lawful  on  the  Sabbath,  initiatory  attack 
unlawful  (ii.  41).  Yet  the  scruple,  like  many  other 
scruples,  proved  a  convenience,  and  under  the  Eo- 
man  Empire  the  Jews  procured  exemption  from  mili- 
tary service  by  means  of  it.  It  was  not,  however, 
without  its  evils.  In  the  siege  of  Jerusalkm  by 
Ponipey,  as  well  as  in  the  final  one  by  Titus,  the 
Romans  took  advantage  of  it,  and,  abstaining  from 
attack,  prosecuted  on  the  Sabbath,  without  moles- 
tation from  the  enemy,  such  works  as  enabled  them 
to  renew  the  assault  with  increased  resources.  So 
far  therefore  as  the  negative  side  of  Sabbatical  ob- 
servance is  concerned,  it  would  seem  that  servile 
labor,  whether  that  of  slaves  or  of  hired  servants, 
and  all  worldly  Ijusiness  on  the  part  of  masters,  was 
Buspcnded  on  the  Sabbath,  and  tlie  day  was  a  com- 
mon right  to  rest  and  be  refreshed,  possessed  by  all 
classes  in  the  Hebrew  community.  It  was  thus,  as  we 
have  urged,  a  beneficent  institution. — We  must  now 
quit  the  negative  for  the  positive  side  of  the  insti- 
tution. In  the  first  place,  we  learn  from  the  Penta- 
teuch that  the  morning  and  evening  sacrifice  were 
both  doubled  on  the  Sabbath-day,  and  that  the  fresh 


shew-bread  was  then  baked,  and  substituted  on  the 
Table  for  that  of  the  previous  week.  And  this  at 
once  leads  to  the  observation  that  the  negative  lules, 
proscribing  work,  lighting  of  fires,  &c.,  did  not  ap- 
ply to  the  rites  of  religion.  It  became  a  saying  th'A 
there  wan  no  Sabbath  in  holy  things  (compare  Mat. 
xii.  5).  Ke.\t,  it  is  clear  that  hidividual  offerings 
were  not  breaches  of  the  Sabbath ;  and  from  this 
doubtless  came  the  feasts  of  the  rich  on  that  day, 
wldch  were  sanctioned  by  our  Saviour's  attendance 
on  one  such  (Lk.  xiv.  I  fi'.).  It  was,  we  may  be 
pretty  sure,  a  feast  on  a  sacrifice,  and  therefore  a 
religious  act.  All  around  the  giver,  the  poor  as  well 
as  others,  were  admitted  to  it.  We  have  no  ground 
for  supposing  that  any  thing  like  the  didactic  insti- 
tutions of  the  SYNAGOGiE  formed  part  of  the  origi- 
nal observance  of  the  Sabbath.  But  from  an  early 
period,  if  not,  as  is  most  probable,  from  the  very  in- 
stitution, occupation  with  holy  themes  was  regarded 
as  an  essential  pait  of  the  observance  of  the  Sab- 
bath. It  would  stem  to  have  been  an  habitual  prac- 
tice to  repair  to  a  prophet  on  tliat  day,  in  order,  it 
must  be  presumed,  to  listen  to  his  teaching  (2  K.  iv. 
23).  Certain  Psalms  too  (e.  g.  Ps.  xeii.)  were  com- 
posed for  the  Sabbath,  and  probably  used  in  private 
as  well  as  in  the  Tabernacle.  At  a  later  period  we 
come  upon  precepts  that  on  the  Sabbath  the  mind 
should  be  uplifted  to  high  and  holy  themes — to 
(jod.  His  character.  His  revelations  of  Himself,  His 
mighty  works.  Still  the  thoughts  with  which  the 
day  was  invested  were  ever  thoughts,  not  of  restric- 
tion, but  of  freedom  and  of  joy.  Such  indeed  would 
seem,  from  Neh.  viii.  9-12,  to  have  been  essential  to 
tlie  notion  of  a  holy  day.  We  have  pointed  out  that 
pleasure,  as  such,  was  never  considered  by  the  Jews 
a  breach  of  the  Sabbath.  We  have  seen,  then,  that, 
for  whomsoever  else  the  provision  was  intended,  the 
chosen  race  were  in  possession  of  an  ordinance, 
whereby  neither  a  man's  time  nor  his  property 
could  be  considered  absolutely  his  own,  the  seventh 
of  each  week  being  holy  to  God,  and  dedicated  to 
rest  after  the  pattern  of  God's  rest,  and  giving 
equal  rights  to  all.  We  have  also  seen  that  this 
provision  was  the  tonic  to  a  chord  of  Sabbatical  ob- 
servance, through  which  the  same  great  principles 
of  God's  claim  and  society's,  on  every  man's  time 
and  every  man's  property,  were  extended  and  devel- 
oped. Of  the  Sabbatical  year,  indeed,  and  of  the 
year  of  Jubilee,  it  may  be  questioned  whether  they 
were  persistently  observed.  But  no  doubt  exists 
that  the  weekly  Sabbath  was  always  pnrtially,  and 
in  the  Pharisaic  and  subsequent  times  very  strictly, 
however  mistakenly,  observed. — We  have  hitherto 
viewed  the  Sabbath  merely  as  a  Mosaic  ordinance. 
It  remains  to  ask  (A.)  whether  there  be  indications 
of  its  having  been  previously  known  and  observed  ; 
and,  (B.)  whether  it  have  a  universal  scope  and 
authority  over  all  men.  (A.)  The  first  and  chief  ar- 
gument of  those  who  maintain  that  the  Sabbath  was 
known  before  Moses,  is  the  reference  to  it  in  Gen. 
ii.  2,  3.  This  is  considered  to  represent  it  as  coeval 
with  man,  being  instituted  at  the  Creation.  Hut  we 
have  no  materials  for  ascertaining,  or  even  corjec- 
turing,  which  was  put  forth  first,  the  record  of  the 
Creation,  or  the  Fourth  Commandment.  Gen.  iv.  3 
reads — "  And  in  process  of  time  it  came  to  pass 
that  Cain  brought  of  the  fruit  of  the  ground  an  of-, 
fering  unto  the  Lord."  The  words  rendered  "  in 
process  of  time "  mean  literally  "  at  the  end  of 
days"  (margin),  and  it  is  contended  by  some  that 
they  designate  a  fixed  period  of  days,  probably  thel 
end  of  a  week,  the  seventh  or  Sabbath-day.   Again,! 


SAB 


SAB 


947 


the  division  of  time  into  wcelts  seems  recognized  in 
Jacob's  courtsliip  of  Rachel — "  Fulfil  her  week '' 
(Gen.  xxix.  27,  28).     Lastly,  the  opening  of  the 
Fourth  Commandment,  the  injunction  "  Remember 
the  S.«bbath-day,"  is  appealed  to  as  proof  that  that 
day  was  already  known.     It  is  easy  (so  Mr.  Garden, 
but  see  note  '  below)  to  see  that  all  this  is  but  a 
precarious  foundation  on  which  to  build.     It  is  not 
clear  that  the  words  in  Gen.  iv.  3  denote  a  fixed 
division  of  time  of  any  sort.     Those  in  Gen.  xxix. 
obviously  do,  but  carry  us  no  further  than  proving 
that  the  week  was  known  and  recognized   by  Jacob 
and  Laban,  though  it  must  be  admitted  that,  in  the 
case  of  time  so  divided,  sacred  rites  would  prob- 
ably be  celebrated  on  a  fixed  and  statedly-recurring 
day.     The  argument  from  the  prevalence  of  the 
weekly  division  of  time  would  require  a  greater  ap- 
proach to  universality  in  such  practice  tlian  the  facts 
exhibit,  to  make  it  a  cogent  one.     The  injunction 
in  the  Fourth  Commandment  to  remember  the  Sab- 
bath-day may  refer  only  to  its  previous  institution 
in  coimeetion  with  the  gathering  of  manna,  or  may 
be  but  the  natural  precept  to  keep  in  mind  the  rule 
about  to  be  delivered:  on  the  other  hand,  the  per- 
plexity of  the  Israelites  respecting  the  double  sup- 
ply of  manna  on  the  sixth  (Ex.  xvi.  22)  leads  us  to 
infer  that  the  Sabbath  for  which  such  extra  supply 
was  designed  was  not  then  known  to  them.     More- 
over, the  language  of  Ez.  xx.  seems  to  designate  it 
as  an  ordinance  distinctively  Hebrew  and  Mosaic. 
We  cannot,  then,  from  the  uncertain  notices  which 
we  possess,  infer  more  than  that  the  weekly  division 
of  time  was  known  to  the  Israelites  and  others  be- 
fore the  Law  of  Moses.'   (Week.) — (B.)  But  to  come 
to  our  second   question,  it  by  no  means  follows, 
that  even  if  the  Sabbath  were  no  older  than  Mo:<es, 
its  scope  and  obligation  are  limited  to  Israel,  and 
that  itself  belongs  only  to  the  obsolete  enactments 
of  the  Levitical  Law.     That  Law  contains  two  ele- 
ments, the  code  of  a  particular  nation,  and  com- 
mandments of   human    and    universal    character. 
(L.iw    OP   MosES.)     To   which    class  belongs    the 
Sabbath,  viewed  simply  in  itself,  is  a  question  which 
will  soon  come  before  us,  and  one  which  does  not 
appear  hard  to  settle.     Meanwhile,  we  must  inquire 
into  the  case  as  exhibited  by  Scripture.     And  here 
we  are  at  once  confronted  with  the  fact  that  the 
command  to  keep  the  Sabbath  forms  part  of  the 
Decalogue,  which  has  a  rank  and  authority  above  the 
other  enactments   of  the  Liw  (Mat.  xix.  17-19; 
Rom.  xiii.  8,  9  ;  Eph.  vi.  2,  3).     lu  some  way,  there- 
fore, the  Fourth  Commandment  has  an  authority 
over,  and  is  to  be  obeyed  by.  Christians,  though 
whether  in  the  letter,  or  in  some  large  spiritual 
sense  and  scope,  Ls  a  question  which  still  remains. 
The  phenomena  respecting  the  Sabbath   presented 


'  The  arstumcnt  for  the  pre-Monalc  in«tiluHon  of  the 
SeblKiili  may  be  stated  more  CD-.'i-ntly  thus:  'Hie  Israel- 
ites, like  al)  the  nations  around  them,  were  familinr  with  i 
the  WEEK  as  a  division  of  time:  Moses,  when  jjlvlncr an 
acconnt  of  the  cnEATmM  of  the  world.  di'Clarcd  that  God  '■ 
rested  on  the  si'venth  day  and  blessed  and  san'.'tlfled  It; 
and  still  fnrihir.  (ion  Iliiiisolf  in  the  Foiirtli  Commnnd- 
nient.  after  sprakintj  of  the  Sabbath  just,  as  if  It  was  | 
pomethin;;  previously  known  the  observance  ol' which  was 
enforced,  •*  Remember  the  Sabhatlwlay  to  keep  it  lioly,"  | 
subjoins  as  tlie  reason.  "For  in  six  days  the  Lord  made 
heivoii  and  earth,  the  sea.  and  nil  that  In  them  is,  and  i 
rested  the  seventh  dav :  wherefore  the  L.oi<n  blessed  the 
Subliath-day.  and  hallowed  It."    The  natural  conclusion  } 
from  these  facts  Is.  that  God  Institnted  the  Sahhath  In 
Paradise  for  the  human  race — a  conclusion  coincident  with 
tlie  lan'/iia.'e  ol  our  Saviour.  "The  Sabbath  was  made  for 
MAX."  not  fur  Israelites  or  Jews  only,  but  for  man  as  man  ; 
(.Mk.  11.  -n).  I 


by  the  N.  T.  are  (L)  the  frequent  reference  to  it  in 
the  four  Gospels  ;  and  (2.)  the  silence  of  the  Epis- 
tles, except  one  place  (Col.  ii.  16,  17),  where  its  re- 
peal would  seem  to  be  asserted,  and  perhaps  one 
other  (Heb.  iv.  9).  (1.)  The  references  to  it  in  the 
four  Gospels  are  numerous.  We  have  already  seen 
the  high  position  which  it  took  in  the  minds  of  the 
Rabbis,  and  the  strange  code  of  prohibitions  whicli 
they  put  forth  in  connection  with  it  (see  I.  above). 
Consequently  no  part  of  our  Saviour's  teaching  and 
practice  seems  to  have  been  so  eagerly  and  narrowly 
watched  as  that  which  related  to  the  Sabbath.  We 
have  already  seen  the  kind  of  prohibitions  against 
which  botli  His  teaching  and  practice  were  directed ; 
and  His  two  pregnant  declarations,  "  The  Sabbath 
was  made  for  man,  not  man  for  the  Sabbath  "  (Mk.  ii. 
27),  and  "  My  Father  worketh  hitherto,  and  I  work  " 
(Jn.  V.  17),  surely  exhibit  to  us  the  Law  of  the  Sab- 
bath as  human  and  universal.  The  former  sets  it  * 
forth  as  a  privilege  and  a  blessing.  The  latter 
wonderfully  exalts  the  Sabbath  by  referring  it  to 
God  as  its  archetype.  (2.)  The  E]iistle.s,  it  must  be 
admitted,  with  the  exception  of  Col.  ii.  16,  17,  and 
perhaps  Heb.  iv.  9,  are  silent  on  the  subject  of  the 
Sabbath.  No  rules  for  its  observance  are  ever 
given  by  the  apostles — its  violation  is  never  de- 
nounced by  them.  Sabbath-breakers  are  never  in- 
cluded in  any  list  of  offenders.  Col.  ii.  16,  17 
seems  (so  Mr.  Garden,  but  see  note ')  a  far  stronger 
argument  for  the  abolition  of  the  Sabbath  in  the 
Christian  dispensation  than  is  furnished  by  Heb.  iv. 
9  (A.  V.  "  rest,"  margin  "  keeping  of  a  Sabbath  ") 
for  its  continuance ;  and  while  the  first  day  of  the 

»  The  apostle  says  (Col.  H.  18. 17)— "Let  no  man,  there- 
fore, jiidffe  you  in  meat,  or  drink,  or  in  respect  of  an  holy- 
day,  or  or  the  new  moon,  or  of  the  Sahbath-davs ;  which 
arc  a  shadow  of  jjood  things  to  come ;  but  the  body  is  of 
Christ."  lie  had  been  speaking  of  "  the  handwrlt'ing  of 
ordinances  that  was  against  us,  which  was  contrary  to 
us;"  and  here  he  enumerates  the  ceremonial  ordinances 
respecting  food  and  drink  and  festivals,  the  term  "Sab- 
bath-days" here  in  the  plural  ("holy  day"  and  "new 
moon  "  being  in  the  singular)  naturally  including  other 
holv  days  (o.  c.  the  first,  tenth,  fifteenth,  and  twenly-sec- 
ona  days  of  the  seventh  month,  compare  Lev.  xxiii.  24, 
32.  39)  besides  the  seventh  day  of  tlie  week.  These  were 
"  shadows  of  good  things  to  come,"  types  of  which  Christ 
was  the  "body"  or  fulfilment,  "carnal  ordinances  im- 
posed until  the  time  of  refonnation"  (Heb.  ix.  10).  Chris- 
lliuis  miijht  discontinue  keening  these  and  all  similar  days 
without  disobedience  to  God.  Now.  if  there  were  conteii- 
tions  among  the  Colossians  in  respect  to  observing  the 
first  day  of  the  week  as  the  day  of  holy  rest,  as  was  per- 
haps the  case,  the  apostle  might  properly,  as  the  first  day 
of  the  week  (Lord's  Dat)  was  undoubtedly  observed  by 
the  early  Christians,  add  the  observance  of  the  seventh 
day  of  the  week  as  the  Sabbath  to  the  catalogue  of  bur- 
densome ordinances,  without  interfering  at  all  with  the 
Fourth  Commandment,  which  plainly  distinguishes  "  the 
Sabbath-day  "  as  an  institution  from  "the  seventlt  day" 
of  the  week  on  which  the  Israelites  observed  it.  The  Son 
of  Man  as  "Lord  of  the  Sabljath"  (Mk.  ii.  28)  might 
change  It  ttnxa  the  seventh  dav  to  the  first ;  and  then  tlie 
sanctlfication  of  the  seventh  dav  as  the  Sabbath  might  be 
gradually  discontinued  withont'laking  away  the  Sabbath 
or  setting  aside  the  Fourth  Commandment.  Tlie  per- 
petual obligation  of  the  Sabbath  is  argued— (1.)  From  its 
adaptation  to  the  physical  and  morai  nature  of  man.  and 
its  necessity  for  the  promotion  of  liis  highest  well-being. 
Mankind  must  have  a  Sabbath,  or  be  morally  and  physically 
degraded.— (2.)  From  Its  having  been  instituted  by  God  for 
mankind.  Whether  instituted  by  God  in  Paradise  or  not 
(see  note  '),  the  reason  for  its  institution  as  given  in  the 
Fourth  Commandment  (which  reason  is  not  Inconsistent 
with,  but  only  supplemented  by.  another  in  Dcut.  v.  15 
peculiar  t<i  the  Israelites)  is  ot)e  which  applies  to  the  whole 
race  of  man.— (3.)  From  the  manifest  favor  with  which 
God  has  always  regarded  it.  Hoth  under  the  Old  Dispen- 
sation and  the  New  the  Sabbath  has  been  a  delight  to 
God  and  His  people;  it  has  been  "the  holv  of  the  I^ird, 
honorsble"  (Is.  Iviii.  13).  God  has  made  It  a  blessing, 
spiritually  an  well  as  temporally,  to  all  who  have  heartily 
and  CUthftilly  observed  it. 


948 


SAB 


SAB 


week  is  more  than  once  referred  to  as  one  of  reli- 
gious observance,  it  is  never  identified  witli  tlie  Sab- 
batii.  Wlien  we  turn  to  tlie  monuments  wliicli  we 
possess  of  the  early  Cliurch,  we  find  ourselves  on 
the  whole  carried  in  the  same  direction.  The  sev- 
enth day  of  the  week  continued,  indeed,  to  be  ob- 
served ;  but  not  as  obligatory  on  Christians  in  the 
same  way  as  on  Jews.  Again,  the  observance  of 
the  Lord's  Day  as  a  Sabbath  would  liave  been  well- 
nigh  impossible  to  the  majority  of  Christians  in  the 
first  ages,  so  connected  were  they  with  persecuting 
heathen  masters,  fathers,  and  neighbors.  When  the 
early  Fathers  speak  of  tlie  Lord's  Day,  they  some- 
times, perhaps,  by  comparing,  connect  it  with  the 
Sabbath ;  but  we  have  never  ibund  a  passage,  pre- 
vious to  the  conversion  of  Constantine,  prohibitory 
of  any  work  or  occupation  on  "the  former,  and  any 
such,  did  it  exist,  would  have  been  in  a  great  meas- 
ure  nugatory,  for  the  reasons  just  alleged.  After 
Constantine  things  become  different  at  once.  His 
celebrated  edict  prohibitory  of  judicial  proceedings 
on  the  Lord's  Day  was  probably  dictated  by  a  wish 
to  give  the  great  Christian  festival  as  much  honor 
as  was  enjoyed  by  those  of  the  heathen,  rather  than 
by  any  reference  to-  the  Sabbath  or  the  Fourth  Com- 
mandment; but  it  was  followed  by  several  which 
extended  the  prohibition  to  many  other  occupations, 
and  to  many  forms  of  pleasure  held  innocent  on 
ordinary  days.  But  it  was  surely  impossible  to  ob- 
serve both  the  Lord's  Day,  as  was  done  by  Chris- 
tians after  Constantine,  and  to  read  the  Fourth  Com- 
mandment without  connecting  the  two  ;  and,  seeing 
that  such  was  to  be  the  practice  of  the  developed 
Church,  we  can  understand  how  the  silence  of  the 
N.  T.  Epistles,  and  even  the  strong  words  of  St. 
Paul  (Col.  ii.  16,  17),  do  not  impair  the  human  and 
universal  scope  of  the  Fourth  Commandment,  ex- 
hibited so  strongly  in  the  very  nature  of  the  Law, 
and  in  the  teaching  respecting  it  of  Him  who  came 
not  to  destroy  the  Law,  but  to  fulfil  (Mat.  v.  17). 
In  the  East,  indeed,  where  the  seventh  day  of  the 
week  was  long  kept  as  a  festival,  that  would  pre- 
sent itself  to  men's  minds  as  the  Sabbath,  and  the 
first  day  of  the  week  would  appear  rather  in  its 
distinctively  Christian  character  (Lord's  Day),  than 
in  connection  with  the  Old  Law.  But  in  the  West 
the  seventh  day  was  kept  for  the  most  part  as  a 
fast,  and  that  for  a  reason  merely  Cliristian,  viz.  in 
commemoration  of  our  Lord's  lying  in  the  sepulchre 
throughout  that  day.  Its  observance  therefore 
would  not  obscure  the  aspect  of  the  Lord's  Day  as 
that  of  hebdomadal  rest  and  reftcshmcnt.  An  ex- 
position which  has  been  given  of  Heb.  iv.  8-10,  by 
Owen  and  Wardlaw,  is  singularly  illustrative  of  the 
view  just  suggested.  Ver.  9  is,  "there  remaineth 
therefore  a  rest  for  the  people  of  God."  Now,  it  is 
important  that  throughout  the  passage  the  Greek 
word  for  "  rest"  is  kntujiannis,  and  that  in  the  words 
just  (pioted  it  is  changed  into  mbhatismox,  which 
certainly  means  the  kce/iinff  of  rest,  the  act  of  sab- 
batizing  rather  than  the  objective  rest  itself.  It  has 
accordingly  been  suggested  that  those  words  are 
not  the  author's  conclusion —  which  is  to  be  found 
in  the  form  of  the.*is  in  the  declaration  "  we  which 
have  believed  do  enter  into  rest " — but  a  parenthesis 
to  the  effect  that  "  to  the  people  of  God,"  the  Chris- 
tian community,  there  remaineth,  l/iere  is  left,  a  Sab- 
bathhig,  the  great  change  that  has  passed  upon 
them  and  the  mighty  elevation  to  which  they  have 
been  brought  as  on  other  matters,  so  as  regards  the 
Rest  of  God  revealed  to  them,  still  leaving  scope  for 
and  justifying  the  practice.     The  objections,  how- 


ever, to  this  exposition  are  many  and  great,  and  most 
commentators  regard  the  passage  as  having  no  ref- 
erence to  the  weekly  Sabbath. — The  Gr.  sabbalon,  or 
pi.  sabbata,  sometimes  =  "week"  in  the  N.  T.,  i.  e. 
(so  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  the  interval  from  Sabbath  to 
Sabbath  (Mat.  xxviii.  1;  Mk.  xvi.  2,  9;  Lk.  xviii. 
12,  xxiv.  1 ;  Jn.  xx.  1,  19;  Acts  xx.  7  ;  1  Cor.  xvi. 
2).  "  The  second  Sabbath  after  the  first "  (Lk.  vi. 
1,  literally  l/ie  second-Jiral  Sabbath)  =z  the  fir^t  Sab- 
bath after  the  second  day  (Sabbath)  of  unleavened 
bread  connected  with  the  passovkr  (Kobinson, 
Doddridge,  Jahn,  &c.) ;  or  the  first  Sabbath  after 
the  beginning  of  the  second  year  in  a  cycle  of  seven 
years  which  was  connected  with  the  Sabbatical 
Year  (Wicselcr,  Van  Oosterzee  [in  Lange],  &c.). 
Day  ;  Lord's  Day. 

Sabbath-day's  Jonr'ney  (Acts  i.  12).  On  a 
violation  of  the  con  inandment  by  some  who  went 
to  look  for  manna  on  the  seventh  day,  Moses 
enjoined  every  man  to  "abide  in  his  place,"  and 
forbade  any  man  to  "  go  out  of  his  place "  on 
that  day  (Ex.  xvi.  29).  It  seems  mitural  to 
look  on  this  as  a  mere  enactment  for  the  occa- 
sion, and  having  no  bearing  on  any  state  of  af- 
fairs subsequent  to  the  journey  through  the  wilder- 
ness and  the  daily  gathering  of  manna.  Whether 
the  earlier  Hebrews  did  or  did  not  regard  it  thus,  it 
is  not  easy  to  say.  In  after-times  the  precept  in  Ex. 
xvi.  was  undoubtedly  viewed  as  a  permanent  law. 
But  as  some  departure  from  a  man's  own  jilace  was 
unavoidable,  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees  fixed  the 
allowable  amount  at  2,000  paces,  or  about  six 
furlongs,  from  the  wall  of  the  city.  Our  .'•■aviour 
seems  to  refer  to  this  law  in  warning  the  dis- 
ciples (Jewish  Christians,  who  would  not  feel 
free  from  the  restrictions  on  journeying  on  that 
day)  to  pray  that  thfir  flight  from  Jerusalem  in 
the  time  of  its  judgment  should  not  be  on  the 
Sabbath-day  (Mat.  xxiv.  20).  The  permitted  dis- 
tance seems  to  have  been  grounded  on  the  space  to 
be  kept  between  the  Ark  and  the  people  (Josh.  ill. 
4)  in  the  wilderness,  which  tradition  .said  was  that 
between  the  Ark  and  the  tents.  We  find  the  same 
distance  given  as  the  circumference  outsi<le  the  walls 
of  the  Levitical  cities  to  be  counted  as  their  suburbs 
(Num.  XXXV.  5).  The  place  reckoned  from  was  thus 
not  a  man's  own  house,  but  the  wall  of  the  city 
where  he  dwelt,  and  thus  the  amount  of  the  lawful 
Sabbath-day's  journeying  must  have  varied  greatly. 
When  a  man  was  obliged  to  go  farther  than  a  Sab- 
bath-day's journey,  on  some  good  ground,  he  must, 
according  to  the  Talmud,  furnish  himself  the  even- 
ing befbie  with  food  for  two  meals,  sit  down  and 
eat  at  the  appointed  distance,  bury  what  he  had 
left,  and  thank  God  for  the  appointed  boundary, 
and  then  the  next  morning  make  this  the  {)oiDt 
to  reckon  the  distance  from.     Weights  and  MeaS> 

IIRES. 

Sab-ba-tlir'ns  (fr.  L.)  =  SnABFEinAi  the  Levite 
(1  Esd.  ix.  14  ;  compare  Ezr.  x.  15). 

Sab-bat'lf-al  (fr.  Sabbath)  Year.  As  each  seventh 
day  and  month  were  holy,  so  was  eacli  seventh  ycar^l 
by  the  Mosaic  code.  The  law  of  the  Sabbatical  yearjl 
first  given  in  Ex.  xxiii.  10,  11,  is,  to  sow  and  reapl 
for  six  years,  and  to  let  the  land  rest  on  the  sevJ 
enth,  "  that  the  poor  of  thy  people  may  eat ;  andl 
what  they  leave  the  beasts  of  the  field  shall  eat."l 
It  is  added,  "  In  like  manner  thou  shalt  deal  witlti 
thy  vineyard  and  thy  oliveyard."  We  next  meet! 
with  the  enactment  in  Lev.  xxv.  2-7,  and  finally  inJ 
Deut.  XV.,  in  which  last  place  the  new  feature  pre- 1 
sents  itself  of  the  seventh  year  being  one  of  release] 


SAB 


SAC 


-949 


to  debtors.  When  wc  combine  these  several  notices, 
we  find  that  every  seventh  year  the  land  was  to  have 
rest  to  etijoij  her  Sabbaths.  Neither  tillage  nor  cul- 
tivation of  any  sort  was  to  be  practised.  (Corner  ; 
Glka.ving;  Loan  ;  Poor.)  This  singular  institution 
has  the  aspect,  at  first  sight,  of  total  impracticabil- 
ity. This,  however,  w^ears  off  when  we  consider 
that  in  no  year  was  the  owner  allowed  to  reap  the 
whole  harvest  (Lev.  xix.  9,  xxiil.  22),  and  so  there 
would  usually  be  some  crop  from  spontaneous  pro- 
duction, besides  the  produce  of  the  vines  and  olives. 
Moreover,  it  is  clear  that  the  owners  of  land  were 
to  lay  by  corn  in  previous  years  for  their  own  and 
tlieir  families'  wants  (xxv.  iii>-22).  And  though  the 
right  of  property  was  in  abeyance  during  the  Sab- 
batical year,  it  has  been  suggested  that  this  applied 
only  to  the  fields,  and  not  to  the  gardens  attached  to 
houses.  The  release  of  debtors  during  the  Sabbat- 
ical year  must  not  be  confounded  with  the  release  of 
bondservants  on  the  seventh  year  of  their  service. 
(Slave.)  The  spirit  of  tliis  law,  lilce  that  of  the 
weekly  Sabbath,  was  beneficent,  limiting  the  rights 
and  checking  the  sense  of  property ;  the  one  puts  in 
God's  claims  on  time,  the  other  on  the  land.  There 
may  also  have  been  an  eye  to  the  benefit  which 
would  accrue  to  the  land  from  lyin-;  fallow  every 
eeventh  year,  in  a  time  when  the  rotation  of  crops 
was  unknown.  The  Sabbatical  year  opened  in  the 
Sabbatical  month,  and  the  whole  Law  was  to  be 
read  every  such  year,  during  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles,  to  the  assembled  people.  At  the  completion 
of  a  week  of  Sabbatical  years,  the  Sabbatical  scale 
received  its  completion  in  the  year  of  Jubilee.  It 
has  been  inferred  from  Lev.  xxv.  2,  that  the  Sabbat- 
ical year  was  to  be  held  by  the  people  on  the  first 
year  of  their  occupying  Canaan,  l)ut  this  would  con- 
tradict ver.  3,  4.  It  is  more  reasonal)le  to  suppose, 
with  the  best  Jewish  authorities,  that  the  law  Ijc- 
came  obligatory  fourteen  years  after  the  first  en- 
trance into  the  Promised  Land,  the  conquest  of 
which  took  seven  years,  and  the  distribution  seven 
more.  A  further  question  arises  :  Was  this  law  in 
point  of  fact  obeyed  ?  In  tlie  threatenings  in  Lev. 
xxvi.,  judgments  on  the  violation  of  the  Sabbatical 
year  are  particularly  contemplated  (ver.  33,  34); 
and  that  it  w.is  greatly  if  not  quite  neglected  ap- 
pears from  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  20,  21,  where  the  Captivity 
is  spoken  of  as  lasting  "  until  the  land  had  enjoyed 
her  Sabbaths ;  for  as  long  as  she  lay  desolate,  she 
kept  Salibath,  to  fulfil  threescore  and  ten  years." 
Some  of  the  Jewish  commentators  have  inferred 
from  this  that  their  forefathers  had  neglected  ex- 
actly seventy  Sabbatical  years.  If  such  neglect 
was  continuous,  the  law  must  have  been  disobeyed 
4<.K)  years,  i.  e.  through  nearly  the  whole  duration 
of  the  monarchy ;  and  as  there  is  nothing  in  the 
previous  history  leading  to  the  inference  that  the 
people  were  more  scrupulous  then,  we  must  look 
to  the  return  from  Captivity  for  indications  of  the 
Sabbatical  year  being  actually  and  pnnctiliously  ob- 
served. The  dates  of  three  Sabbatical  years  Mr. 
R.  S.  Poole  gives  as  b.  c.  163,  135,  37  (Jos.  xii.  9, 
S  0,  xiii.  8,  g  1,  xiv.  16,  g  2,  xv.  \,%i;  B.J.  i.  2, 
8  4 ;  1  Mc.  vi.  49,  53).  ALEXANnEtt  the  Great  is 
said  to  have  exempted  the  Jews  from  tribute  during 
it ;  HO  too  did  Julius  Cesar.  Chronology  ;  Festi- 
vals; Sabbath;  Year, 

Sib-bc  n.s  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Siiemaiah  14  (1  Esd.  ix.  82). 

Sa-br'an!i  (fr.  L.)  =  people  of  Sheba  or  of  Seba. 

Sa'bl  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Zriiaim?  (1  Ksd.  v.  34). 

Sab  tab  (Gen.  x.  7),  or  Sab'U  (1  Chr.  i.  9)  (both 
Ilcb.  =  a   ttrikinff,  breaking,  i.  e.  terror,   Sim.), 


the  third  in  order  of  the  sons  of  Ccsii,  who  prob- 
ably settled  on  the  southern  coast  of  Arabia.  The 
statements  of  Pliny,  Ptolemy,  &c.,  respecting  Sab- 
b'alha,  Subola,  or  Sobotah,  metropolis  of  the  Atrami- 
tiE  (probably  the  Chatramotitie),  seem  (so  Mr.  E. 

5.  Poole,  witli  Winer,  Knobel,  Keil,  &c.)  to  point  to 
a  trace  of  the  tribe  descended  from  Sabtah,  always 
supposing  that  this  Sabbatha  was  not  a  corruption 
or  dialectic  variation  of  Saba,  Seba,  or  Siieda. 
Ptolemy  places  Sabbatha  in  77'  long.,  16'  30'  lat. 
It  was  an  important  city,  containing  no  less  th^n 
sixty  temples.  Gcseiiins  thinks  that  Sabtah  corre- 
sponds to  the  Ethiopian  city  Sabai,  Saba,  Sabai,  on 
the  southwestern  coast  of  the  Red  Sea,  not  far  from 
the  present  Arkiko.  Michaclis  removes  Sabtah  to 
Vevta  opposite  Gibraltar,  called  in  Arabic  Sebtah  ; 
Bochart  places  Sabtah  near  the  western  shore  of  the 
Persian  Gulf,  with  the  Saphtha  of  Ptolemy,  the 
name  also  of  an  island  in  that  gulf. 

Sab'te-elia  [-kah]  (Ileb.  a  slrikitiff,  i.  e.  extreme 
tn-ror,  Sim.),  and  Sab'tC-rhah  (fr.  Ileb.,  id.),  the  fifth 
in  order  of  the  sons  of  Cisii  (Gen.  x.  7 ;  1  Chr.  i. 
9),  whose  settlements  would  probably  be  near  the 
Persian  Gulf  in  Arabia.  Bochart  would  place  him 
in  Carmania  on  the  Persian  shore  of  the  Gulf;  Ge- 
senius  and  the  Targum  in  Etliiopia. 

Sa'ear  (Ileb.  hire,  rem'ard,  Ges.).  1.  A  Ilararitc, 
father  of  Ahiam  (IChr.  xi.  35);  =  Siiaraii. — %,  A 
Levite  porter,  fourth  son  of  Obed-cdom  (xxvi.  4). 

Sark'bDt  (Dan.  iii.  5,  7,  10,  16),  the  A.  V.  render- 
ing of  the  Glial,  sabhiehd.  If  this  musical  instru- 
ment =  the  Gr.  sambiike  and  L.  sambrica,  the  English 
translation  is  entirely  wrong.  The  sackbut  was 
a  wind-instrument ;  the  sambuea  was  played  with 
strings.  Mr.  Chappell  says :  "The  sackbut  was  a 
bass  trumpet  with  a  slide,  like  the  modern  tiom- 
bone."  The  nambuca  was  a  triangular  instrument 
with  four  or  more  strings  jilayed  with  the  fingers. 
Uarp  ;  Mrsic. 

Sack'liotil  (Ileb.  sak ;  Gr.  sakkos),  a  coarse  tex- 
ture of  a  dark  color,  made  of  goats'-hair  (Is.  1.  3  ; 
Rev.  vi.  12) ;  used  (1.)  for  making  sacks  (Gen.  xlii. 
25  ;  Lev.  xi.  32  ;  Josh.  ix.  4);  and  (2.)  for  making 
the  rough  garments  used  by  mourners,  which  were 
in  extreme  eases  worn  next  the  skin  (1  K.  xxi.  27  ; 
2  K.  vi.  30;  Job  xvi.  15;  Is.  xxxii.  11),  and  this 
even  by  females  (Joel  i.  8 ;  2  Mc.  iii.  19),  but  at 
other  times  were  worn  over  the  coat  (Jon.  iii.  6)  in 
lieu  of  the  outer  garment.  The  robe  probably  re- 
sembled a  sack  in  shape,  was  confined  by  a  girdle 
of  similar  material  (2  Sam.  iii.  31  ;  Is.  iii.  24,  &c.), 
and  was  sometimes  worn  through  the  night  (1  K. 
xxi.  27).  It  was  41  garment  of  ascetics  and  prophets 
(Is.  XX.  2).     Press  ;  Mourning. 

Sac'rI-fice  [sak're-fize]  (fr.  L.  taerifieium)  =  an 
offering  to  God  of  a  slain  animil  or  other  giil  as  an 
atonement  for  .=in,  an  acknowledgment  of  His  good- 
ness, or  a  means  of  securing  His  favor ;  or  the  ani- 
mal or  gift  thus  offered.  I.  The  words  used  to  denote 
Sacrifice  in  Scripture.  1.  Heb.  minhdh  or  tnlnrluih 
=  a  "  GIFT  "  or  "  present  "  (Gen.  xx.xii.  13,  18,  20, 
21,  &c.),  a  sacrifice  or  "offering"  generally  liv.  8- 
B,  &c.),  especially  an  unbloodv  sacrifice  or  "  meat- 
offering "  (Lev.  ii.  1,  3  ff.,  &c.).— 2.  Ileb.  korbdn, 
translated  "  offering  "  (Lev.  i.  2  ff.,  ii.  1,  13,  &c.)  or 
"oblation"  (ii.  4  ff..  &c. ;  Corban).— 3.  Heb.  zehah 
or  zrliach,  Chal.  debah  or  dfbach  (Ezr.  vi.  3)  refers 
emphatically  to  a  bloo<ly  sacrifice,  in  which  the 
shedding  of  blood  is  the  essential  idea  (Gen.  xxxi. 
64 ;  Lev.  iii.  1  ff.,  &e.),  opposed  to  No.  1  in  Ps.  xl. 

6,  and  to  No.  4  in  Ex.  x.  26,  &c.  (coTipare  Ps.  11.  16, 
17,   19  [Ucb.  18,  19,  21]).— 4.  Heb.  'd/d/t    =  the 


950 


SAC 


SAC 


"  BUBNT-OFFEKiNG  "  Or  "  bumt-sacrifice,"  to  be  wholly 
consumed. — 5.  Heb.  cdlU  {=  complete^  finished^  per- 
fect, Ges.),  translated  "  whole  burnt-sacrifice  "  (Deut. 
xxxiii.  10),  "whole  burnt-offering"  (Ps.  li.  19,  Ileb. 
21),  translated  also  "wholly"  when  used  with  other 
words  denoting  sacrifice  (Lev.  vi.  22,23  [Heb.  16, 16] ; 
1  Sam.  vii.  9). — 6.  Weh.  Hhelem  =  "  peace  offering." 
— 1.  Heb.  hattcUh  or  cliattdtk  =  "  sis-offerixg." — 
8.  Heb.  Ashdni  =  "  trespass-offering." — 9.  Gr. 
tliuxia,  uniformly  translated  "  sacrifice "  in  N.  T. 
(Mat.  ix.  13,  &c.);  in  LXX.  =  No.  1,  3,  7,  above.— 
10.  Gr.  doron,  uniformly  translated  "gift"  in  N.  T. 
(Mat.  ii.  11,  V.  23,  24,  &c.);  in  LXX.  =  No.  1,  2,  3, 
above. — 11.  Gr.  eidolot/niloii  (==  idol -sacrifice,  Rbn., 
N.  T.  Lot.),  translated  "  meats  (or  '  things  ')  offered 
to  idols,"  &c.  (Acts  XV.  29,  xxi.  25  ;  1  Cor.  viii.  1,4, 
7,  10,  X.  19,  28;  Rev.  ii.  14,  20).— 12.  Gr./»-osp/iO?-a 
=  "offering"  (Acts  xxi.  2(i,  xxiv.  17;  Eph.  v.  2; 
Heb.  X.  5,  8,  10,  14,  18),  once  "  offering  up"  (Rom. 
XV.  16);  in  LXX.  =  No.  1  above. —  IL  The  histor- 
iial  developmeyit  of  Sacrifice  in  the  0.  7'.  embraces — 
1.  Origin  of  Sacrifice.  In  tracing  the  history  of 
sacrifice  from  its  first  beginning  to  its  perfect  devel- 
opment in  the  Mosaic  ritual,  we  are  at  once  met  by 
the  long-disputed  question  as  to  the  origin  of  sac- 
rifice ;  whether  it  arose  from  a  natural  instinct  of 
man,  sanctioned  and  guided  by  God,  or  was  the  sub- 
ject of  some  distinct  primeval  revelation.  Tliere 
can  be  no  doubt  (so  Mr.  Barry,  whose  article  is  here 
abridged),  that  sacrifice  was  sanctioned  by  God's 
Law,  with  a  special  typical  reference  to  the  Atone- 
ment of  Christ ;  its  universal  prevalence,  independent 
of,  and  often  opposed  to,  man's  natural  reasonings 
on  his  relation  to  God,  shows  it  to  have  been  prime- 
val, and  deeply  rooted  in  the  instincts  of  humanity. 
Whether  it  was  first  enjoined  by  an  external  com- 
mand, or  was  based  on  that  sense  of  sin  and  lost 
communion  with  God  which  is  stamped  by  His  hand 
on  the  heart  of  man— is  an  historical  question,  per- 
haps insoluble.  The  great  difficulty  in  the  theory 
which  refers  it  to  a  distinct  command  of  God,  is  the 
total  silence  of  Holy  Scripture.  Nor  is  the  mys- 
terious and  supernatural  character  of  the  Atone- 
ment, with  which  the  sacrifices  of  the  0.  T.  are  ex- 
pressly connected,  any  conclusive  argument  on  this 
side  of  the  question.  All  allow  that  the  eucharistic 
and  deprecatory  ideas  of  sacrifice  are  perfectly  nat- 
ural to  man.  The  higher  view  of  its  expiatory 
character,  dependent,  as  it  is,  entirely  on  its  typical 
nature,  appears  but  gradually  in  Scripture.  Only  in 
the  N.  T.  (especially  in  Hebrews)  is  its  nature  clearly 
unfolded.  It  is  to  be  noticed  that,  except  in  Gen. 
XV.  9,  the  method  of  patriarchal  saoi'ifice  is  left  free. 
The  inference  is  at  least  probable,  that  when  God 
sanctioned  formally  a  natural  rite,  then,  and  not  till 
then,  did  He  define  its  method.  The  question,  there- 
fore, of  the  origin  of  sacrifice  is  best  left  in  the  si- 
lence with  which  Scripture  surrounds  it. — 2.  Ante- 
Mosaic  History  of  Sacrifice.  In  examining  the  vari- 
ous sacrifices  recorded  in  Scripture  before  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Law,  we  find  that  the  words  spe- 
cially denoting  expiatory  sacrifice  (hattdth  or  chat- 
tdth  and  dslidm  ;  see  above)  are  not  applied  to  them. 
This  fact  does  not  at  all  show  that  they  were  not 
actually  expiatory,  but  it  justifies  the  inference  that 
this  idea  was  not  then  the  prominent  one  in  the 
doctrine  of  sacrifice.  Tlie  sacrifice  of  Cain  and 
Abel  is  called  minhdh  or  minchdh  (see  above,  and 
Gift),  altliough  in  the  case  of  the  latter  it  was  a 
bloody  sacrifice.  In  the  case  of  both  it  would  ap- 
pear to  have  been  eucharistic.  The  sacrifice  of 
Noah  after  the  Flood  (Gen.  TiiL  20)  is  called  burnt- 


offering  {'oldh  ;  see  above).  This  sacrifice  is  ex- 
pressly connected  with  the  institution  of  the  Cove- 
nant in  ix.  8-17.  The  same  ratification  of  a  cove- 
nant is  seen  in  Abraham's  burnt-offering  (xv.  9). 
The  sacrifice  (zehah  or  zibnch)  of  Jacob  at  Mizpah 
also  marks  a  covenant  with  Laban,  to  which  God  is 
called  to  be  a  witness  and  a  party.  In  all  these, 
therefore,  the  prominent  idea  seems  to  have  been 
what  is  called  the  ftderalive,  the  recognition  of  a 
bond  between  the  sacrificer  and  God,  and  the  dedi- 
cation of  himself,  as  represented  by  the  victim,  to 
the  service  of  the  Lord.  The  sacrifice  of  Isaac 
(xxii.  1-13)  stands  by  itself.  Yet  in  its  principle  it 
appears  to  have  been  of  the  same  nature  as  befoic  : 
the  voluntary  surrender  of  an  only  son  on  Alira- 
ham's  part,  and  the  willing  dedication  of  himself  on 
Isaac's,  are  in  the  foreground  ;  the  expiatory  idea, 
if  recognized  at  all,  holds  certainly  a  secondary  po- 
sition. In  the  burnt-offerings  of  Job  for  his  chil- 
dren (Job  i.  5)  and  for  his  three  friends  (xlii.  8),  we 
for  the  first  time  find  the  expression  of  the  desire 
of  expiation  for  sin.  The  same  is  the  case  in  the 
words  of  Moses  to  Pharaoh  (Ex.  x.  25).  Here  the 
main  idea  is  at  least  deprecatory. — 3.  Sacrifices  of 
the  Mosaic  Period.  These  are  inaugurated  by  the 
offering  of  the  Passover  and  the  sacrifice  of  Ex. 
xxiv.  The  Passover,  indeed,  is  unique  in  its  char- 
acter, and  seems  to  embrace  the  peculiarities  of  all 
the  divisions  of  sacrifice  soon  to  be  established ; 
but  it  is  clear  that  the  idea  of  salvation  from  death 
by  means  of  sacrifice  is  brought  out  in  it  with  a 
distinctness  before  unknown.  The  sacrifice  of  Ex. 
xxiv.,  offered  as  a  solemn  inauguration  of  the  Cove- 
nant of  Sinai,  has  a  similarly  comprehensive  char- 
acter, but  the  solemn  use  of  the  BLoon  (compare 
Heb.  ix.  18-22)  distinctly  marks  the  idea  that  ex- 
piatory sacrifice  was  needed  for  entering  into  cove- 
nant with  God.  The  Law  of  Leviticus  now  unfolds 
distinctly  the  various  forms  of  sacrifice  : — (a.)  The 
BrRNT-OFFKRiNG.  Self -dedicatory. — (6.)  ITie  meat- 
offering {nnbloody)  \  the  peace-offering  (bloody). 
Eucharistic. — (c.)  The  sin-offering  ;  the  trespass- 
offering.  ExjAatory. — To  tluse  may  be  added, — 
(d.)  7'i^«  incense  offered  after  sacrifice  in  the  Holy 
Place,  and  (on  the  Day  of  Atonement)  in  the  Holy 
of  Holies,  the  symbol  of  the  interccision  of  the 
priest  (as  a  type  of  the  Great  High-Priest),  accom- 
panying and  making  efficacious  the  prayer  of  the 
people.  In  the  consecration  of  Aaron  and  his  sons 
(Lev.  viii.)  we  find  these  offered  in  what  became 
ever  afterward  the  appointed  order :  first  came  the 
sin-ofi'ering,  to  prepare  access  to  God ;  next,  the 
burnt-offering,  to  mark  their  dedication  to  His  ser- 
vice; and  thirdly,  the  meat-offering  of  thanksgiving. 
Henceforth,  the  sacrificial  system  was  fi.xed  in  all 
its  parts,  until  He  should  come  whom  it  typified. 
It  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  Law  of  Leviticus  takes 
the  rite  of  sacrifice  for  granted  (Lev.  i.  2,  ii.  1,  &c.), 
and  is  directed  chiefly  to  guide  and  limit  its  exercise. 
In  every  case  but  that  of  the  peace-offering,  the 
nature  of  the  victim  was  carefully  prescribed,  so  as 
to  preserve  the  idea  symbolized.'  The  place  of  of- 
fering was  expressly  limited,  first  to  the  Taber- 
nacle, afterward  to  the  Temple.  This  ordinance 
also  necessitated  their  periodical  gathering  as  oro 
nation  before  God,  and  so  kept  clearly  before  their 
minds  their  relation  to  Him  as  their  national  King. 


'  Of  living  crealnrcB,  the  Hebrews  "offered  onlythceej 
five  kinds  :  millocke,  ^mtp,  Plieep,  turtles,  pij.'e«)ne.  Their  ] 
oftcringa  of  other  kinds  were  :  tithe,  flret-fruitu,  flour,  wine, , 
frankincense,  salt"  (Lliihtfoot).  Baki^uet  ;  Blemish;  i 
Clean  ;  UNCLEAir  Meats. 


SAC 


SAC 


951 


(Jehovah.)  Both  limitations  brought  out  the  great 
truth,  that  God  Uimself  provided  the  way  in  which 
man  should  approach  Him,  and  that  the  method  of 
reconciliation  was  initiated  by  Him,  and  not  by 
them.  In  consequence  of  the  peculiarity  of  the 
Law,  it  has  been  argued  that  the  whole  system  of 
sacrifice  was  only  a  condescension  to  the  weakness 
of  the  people,  borrowed,  more  or  less,  from  the 
heathen  nations,  especially  from  Egypt,  in  order  to 
guard  against  worse  superstition  and  positive  idol- 
atry. Taken  as  an  explanation  of  the  theory  of 
sacrifice,  it  is  weak  and  superficial ;  but  as  giving  a 
reason  for  the  minuteness  and  elaboration  of  the 
Mosaic  ceremonial,  it  may  probably  have  some  value. 
— 1.  Posl-Momic  Sacrificm.  The  regular  sacrifices 
in  the  Temple  service  were: — {a.)  liunil-offerhtgs. 
(l.)The  daily  burnt-offerings  (Ex.  xxix.  38-42;  Num. 
xxviii.  3-8).  (2.)  The  double  burnt-oftcrings  on  the 
Sabbath  (xxviii.  9,  10).  (3.)  The  burnt-offerings  at 
the  great  festivals,  and  at  the  new  moon.  Day  of 
Atonement,  and  Feast  of  Trumpets  (xxviii.  ll-xxix. 
39). — (A.)  Menl-offerhigs.  (1.)  The  daily  meat-offer- 
ings (flour,  oil,  and  wine)  accompanying  the  daily 
burnt-offerings  (Ex.  xxix.  40,  41).  (2.)  The  shew- 
BREAB,  renewed  every  Sabbath  (Lev.  xxiv.  5,  9).  (3.) 
The  special  meat-offerings  at  the  Sabbath  and  the 
great  festivals  (Num.  xxviii.,  xxix.)  (4.)  The  fihst- 
FRLiTS,  at  the  Passover  ( Lev.  xxiii.  10-14),  at  Pente- 
cost (xxiii.  17-20),  both  "wave-offerings;"  the  first- 
fruits  of  the  dough  and  threshing-floor  at  the 
harvest-lime  (Num.  XV.  20,  21;  Deut.  xxvi.  1-11), 
called  "heave-offerings." — (c.)  Sin-offerings.  (1.) 
Sin-offering  (a  kid)  each  new  moon  (Num.  xxviii.  15). 
(2.)  Sin-offerings  at  the  Passover,  Pentecost,  Feast 
of  Trumpets,  and  Tabernacles  (xxviii.  22,  30,  xxix. 
5,  IB,  19,  22,  25,  28,  31,  34,  38).  (3.)  The  offering 
of  the  two  goats  for  the  people,  and  of  the  bullock 
for  the  priest  himself,  on  the  Great  Day  of  Atone- 
ment ( Lev.  xvi. ;  Atoxemest,  Day  of). — (rf.)  lueeme. 
(1.)  The  morning  and  evening  incense  (Ex.  xxx.  7, 
8).  (2.)  The  incense  on  the  Great  Day  of  Atone- 
ment ( Lev.  xvi.  12).  Besides  these  public  sacrifices, 
there  were  offerings  of  the  people  for  themselves  in- 
dividually; at  the  PURIFICATION  of  women  (Lev. 
xii.),  the  presentation  of  the  first-born,  and  circl'm- 
cisiox  of  all  male  children,  the  cleansing  of  the 
iKPROsv  (xiv.)  or  any  uncleanness  (xv.),  at  the  ful- 
filment of  Nazarite  and  other  vows  (Num.  vi.  1- 
21  ;  Vow),  on  occasion  of  marriage  and  of  burial, 
&c.,  &c. — III.  The  Tlimry  of  Sacrifice,  as  set  furlh 
ill  the  0.  and  iV.  T.  By  the  order  of  sacrifice  in  its 
perfect  form  (as  in  Lev.  viii.)  it  is  clear  that  the  sin- 
offering  occupies  the  most  important  place,  the 
bunit-offering  comes  next,  and  the  meat-offering  or 
peace-offering  last  of  all.  The  second  could  only 
be  offered  after  the  first  had  been  accepted ;  the 
third  was  only  a  subsidiary  part  of  the  second.  Yet, 
in  actual  order  of  time,  it  has  been  seen  that  the 
patriarchal  sacrifices  partook  much  more  of  the  na- 
ture of  the  peace^ffering  and  burnt-offering ;  and 
that,  under  the  Law,  by  which  was  "  the  knowledge 
of  sin  "  (Rom.  iii.  20),  the  sin-offering  was  for  the 
first  time  explicitly  set  forth.  This  is  but  natural, 
that  the  deepest  ideas  should  be  the  last  in  order  of 
development  — It  is  needless  to  dwell  on  the  uni- 
versality of  heathen  sacrifices,  and  dilTicult  to  re- 
duce to  any  single  theory  the  various  ideas  involved 
therein.  It  is  clear  that  the  sacrifice  was  often 
looked  upon  as  a  gift  or  tribute  to  the  gods,  also 
that  sacrifices  were  used  as  prayers  to  obtain  bene- 
fits, or  to  avert  wrath.  On  the  other  hand,  that 
they  were  regarded  as  thank-offerings,  and  the  feast- 


ing on  their  flesh  as  a  partaking  of  the  "  table  of 
the  gods"  (compare  1  Cor.  x.  20,  21),  is  equally 
certain.  Nor  was  the  higher  idea  of  sacrifice,  as  a 
representation  of  the  self-devotion  of  the  offerer, 
body  and  soul,  to  the  god,  wholly  lost,  although  gen- 
erally obscured  by  the  grosser  and  more  obvious 
conceptions  of  the  rite.  But,  besides  all  these, 
there  seems  always  to  have  been  latent  the  idea  of 
propitiation,  i.  e.  the  belief  in  a  communion  with 
the  gods,  natural  to  man,  broken  off  in  some  way, 
and  by  sacrifice  to  be  restored. — Now,  the  essenlial 
difference  between  these  heathen  views  of  sacrifice 
and  the  Scriptural  doctrine  of  the  0.  T.  is  not  to  be 
found  in  its  denial  of  any  of  these  ideas.  In  fact, 
it  brings  out,  clearly  and  distinctly,  the  ideas  which 
in  heathenism  were  uncertain,  vague,  and  perverted. 
But  the  essential  points  of  distinction  are  two. 
First,  ihat  whereas  the  heathen  conceived  of  their 
gods  as  alienated  in  jealousy  or  anger,  to  be  sought 
af:er,  and  to  be  appeased  by  the  unaided  action  of 
man.  Scripture  represents  God  Himself  as  approach- 
ing man,  as  pointing  out  and  sanctioning  the  way 
by  which  the  broken  covenant  should  be  restored. 
The  second  mark  of  distinction  is  closely  connected 
with  this,  inasmuch  as  it  shows  sacrifice  to  be  a 
scheme  proceeding  from  God,  and,  in  His  foreknowl- 
edge, connected  with  the  one  central  fact  of  all 
human  history.  It  is  to  be  found  in  the  typical 
character  of  all  Jewish  sacrifices,  on  which,  as  tlic 
Episde  to  the  Hebrews  argues,  alt  their  eflieacy  de- 
pended.— The  nature  and  meaning  of  the  various 
kinds  of  sacrifice  is  partly  gathered  from  the  form 
of  tlieir  institution  and  ceremonial,  partly  from  the 
teaching  of  the  Prophets,  and  partly  from  the  N.  T., 
especially  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  All  had  re- 
lation, under  different  aspects,  to  a  Covenant  be- 
tween God  and  man.  The  Sin-offering  represented 
that  Covenant  as  broken  by  man,  and  as  knit  to- 
gether again,  by  God's  appointment,  through  the 
"  shedding  of  blood."  Its  characteristic  ceremony 
was  the  sprinkling  of  the  blood  before  the  veil  of 
the  Sanctuary,  the  putting  some  of  it  on  the  horns 
of  the  altar  of  incense,  and  the  pouring  out  of  all 
the  rest  at  the  foot  of  the  altar  of  burnt-oflering. 
The  shedding  of  the  blood,  the  symbol  of  life,  signi- 
fied that  the  death  of  the  offender  was  deserved  for 
sin,  but  that  the  death  cf  the  victim  was  accepted 
for  liis  death  by  the  ordinance  of  God's  mercy.  Be- 
yond all  doubt  the  sin-oft'ering  distinctly  witnessed 
that  sin  existed  in  man,  that  the  "  wages  of  that 
sin  was  death,"  and  that  God  had  provided  an 
Atonement  by  the  vicarious  suffering  of  an  appointed 
victim.  The  ceremonial  and  meaning  of  the  BtrRNT- 
OFFERiNO  were  very  different.  The  idea  of  expiation 
seems  not  to  have  been  absent  from  it,  for  the  blood 
was  sprinkled  round  about  the  altar  of  sacrifice ; 
but  the  main  idea  is  the  offering  of  the  whole  victim 
to  God,  representing  (as  the  laying  of  the  hand  on 
its  head  shows)  the  devotion  of  the  sacrificer,  body 
and  soul,  to  Him  (Rom.  xii.  1).  The  death  of  the 
victim  was,  so  to  speak,  an  incidental  feature.  The 
Meat-offerino,  the  peace  or  thank-offering,  the 
first-fruits,  &c.,  were  simply  offerings  to  God  of  His 
own  best  gifts,  as  a  sign  of  thankful  homage,  and 
as  a  means  of  maintaining  His  service  and  His  ser- 
vants. The  characteristic  ceremony  in  the  peace- 
offering  was  the  eating  of  the  flesh  by  the  sacrificer. 
It  betokened  the  enjoyment  of  communion  with  God. 
It  is  clear  from  this  that  the  idea  of  sacrifice  is  a 
complex  idea,  involving  the  propitiatory,  the  dedi- 
catory, and  the  eucharistic  elements.  Any  one  of 
these,  taken  by  itself,  would  lead  to  error  and  super- 


952 


SAG 


SAD 


stition.  All  three,  probably,  were  more  or  less  im- 
plied in  each  sacrifice,  each  element  predominating 
in  its  turn.  Now,  the  Israelites,  while  they  seem  al- 
ways to  have  retained  the  ideas  of  propitiation  and 
of  cucharistic  offering,  constantly  ignored  the  self- 
dedication  which  is  the  linli  between  the  two,  and 
which  the  regidar  burnt-offering  should  have  im- 
pressed upon  them  as  their  daily  thought  and  duty. 
It  is  therefore  to  this  point  that  the  teaching  of  the 
prophets  is  mainly  directed  (1  Sam.  xv.  22  ;  Is.  i. 
10-20;  Jer.  vii.  22,  23  ;  Ez.  xx.  39-44;  Hos.  vi.  6; 
Am.  V.  21-27  ;  Mic.  vi.  6-8,  &c.).  The  same  truth 
is  recognized  by  the  Psalmist  (Ps.  xl.  8-11, 1. 13,14, 
li.  16, 17,  cxli.  2).  It  is  not  to  be  argued  from  these 
passages  that  the  idea  of  self-dedication  is  the  main 
one  of  sacrifice.  The  idea  of  propitiation  lies  below 
it,  taken  for  granted  by  the  Prophets  as  by  the 
whole  people,  but  still  enveloped  in  mystery  until 
the  Antitype  should  come  to  make  all  clear.  For 
the  evolution  of  this  doctrine  we  must  look  to  the 
N.  T.  Without  entering  directly  on  the  great  sub- 
ject of  the  Atonement  (which  would  be  foreign  to 
the  scope  of  this  article),  it  will  be  sufficient  to  refer 
to  the  connection,  established  in  the  N.  T.,  between 
it  and  the  sacrifices  of  the  Mosaic  system.  To  do 
this,  we  need  do  little  more  than  analyze  the  Epistle 
to  the  Hebrews,  which  contains  the  key  of  the  whole 
sacrificial  doctrine.  In  the  first  place,  it  follows  the 
prophetic  books  by  stating,  in  the  most  emphatic 
terms,  the  intrinsic  nullity  of  all  mere  material  sacri- 
fices (Heb.  ix.  9,  10,  x.  4).  The  very  fact  of  their 
constant  repetition  is  said  to  prove  this  imperfection  ; 
but  it  does  not  follow  that  they  actually  had  no  spirit- 
ual eflicacy,  if  offered  in  repentance  and  faiih.  On 
the  contrary,  the  object  of  the  whole  Epistle  is  to 
show  their  typical  and  probationary  character,  and 
to  assert  that  in  virtue  of  it  alone  they  had  a  spirit- 
ual meaning.  Our  Lord  is  declared  (see  1  Pet.  i. 
20)  "  to  have  been  foreordained  "  as  a  sacrifice  "  be- 
fore the  foundation  of  the  world ; "  or  (as  it  is  more 
strikingly  expressed  in  Rev.  xiii.  8)  "  slain  from  the 
foundation  of  the  world."  The  material  sacrifices 
represented  this  Great  Atonement  as  already  made 
and  accepted  in  God's  foreknowledge :  and  to  those 
who  grasped  the  ideas  of  sin,  pardon,  and  self-dedi- 
cation, symbolized  in  them,  they  were  means  of  en- 
tering into  the  blessings  which  the  One  True  Sacri- 
fice alone  procured.  They  could  convey  nothing  in 
tliemselves ;  yet,  as  types,  they  might,  if  accepted 
by  a  true,  though  necessarily  imperfect,  faith,  be 
means  of  conveying  in  some  degree  the  blessings  of 
the  Antitype.  (Saviour.) — This  typical  character 
of  all  sacrifice  being  thus  set  forth,  the  next  point 
dwelt  upon  is  the  union  in  our  Lord's  Person  of  the 
PRIEST,  the  offerer,  and  the  sacrifice.  It  is  clear 
that  the  Atonement,  in  this  Epistle,  as  in  the  N.  T. 
generally,  is  viewed  in  a  twofold  light.  On  the  one 
hand,  it  is  set  forth  distinctly  as  a  vicarious  sacri- 
fice, which  was  rendered  necessary  by  the  sin  of 
man,  and  in  which  the  Lord  "bare  the  sins  of 
many."  It  is  its  essential  characteristic  that  in  it 
lie  stands  absolutely  alone,  offering  His  sacrifice 
without  any  reference  to  the  faith  or  the  conversion 
of  men.  In  it  He  stands  out  alone  as  the  Mediator 
between  God  and  man  ;  and  His  sacrifice  is  offered 
once  for  all,  never  to  be  imitated  or  repeated.  Now, 
this  view  of  the  Atonement  is  set  forth  in  the  Epistle 
to  the  Hebrews,  as  typified  by  the  sin-offering  (Heb. 
ix.  7-23).  All  the  expiatory  and  propitiatory  sacri- 
fices of  the  Law  are  now  for  the  first  time  brought 
into  full  light.  As  the  sin-offering,  though  not  the 
earliest,  is  the  most  fundamental  of  all  sacrifices,  so 


the  aspect  of  the  Atonement,  which  it  symbolizes, 
is  the  one  on  which  all  others  rest.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  sacrifice  of  Christ  is  set  forth  to  us,  as  the 
completion  of  that  perfect  obedience  to  the  will  of 
the  i'ather  which  is  the  natural  duty  of  sinless  man, 
in  which  He  is  the  representative  of  all  men,  and  in 
wliich  He  calls  upon  us,  when  reconciled  to  God,  to 
"  take  up  the  Cross  and  follow  Him."  In  this  view 
His  death  is  not  the  principal  object ;  we  dwell  rather 
on  His  lowly  Incarnation,  and  His  life  of  humility, 
temptation,  and  suffering,  to  which  that  death  was 
but  a  fitting  close.  The  main  idea  of  thi^  view  of 
the  Atonement  is  representative  rather  than  vica- 
rious. It  is  typified  by  the  burnt-offering,  in  re- 
spect of  which  the  N.  T.  merely  quotes  and  enforces 
tlie  language  already  cited  from  the  0.  T.,  and  es- 
pecially (see  Heb.  x.  6-9)  the  words  of  Ps.  xl.  6,  &c., 
which  contrast  with  material  sacrifice  the  "  doing 
the  will  of  God."  As,  without  the  sin-offering  of  the 
Cross,  this,  our  burnt-offering,  would  be  impossible, 
so  also  without  the  burnt-offering  the  sin-offering 
will  to  us  be  unavaiUng.  With  these  views  of  our 
Lord's  sacrifice  on  earth,  as  typified  in  the  Levitical 
sacrifices  on  the  outer  altar,  is  also  to  be  connected 
the  offering  of  His  Intercession  for  us  in  heaven, 
which  was  represented  by  the  incense  (Heb.  ix.  24- 
28,  comp.  iv.  14-16,  vi.  19,  20,  vii.  2.5;  Adoration; 
Prayer).  The  typical  sense  of  the  meat-offering,  or 
peace-offering,  is  less  connected  with  the  sacrifice  of 
Christ  Himself,  than  with  tliose  sacrifices  of  praise, 
thanksgiving,  charity,  and  devotion,  which  we,  as 
Christians,  offer  to  God,  and  "  with  which  He  is 
well  pleased "  (xiii.  15,  16),  as  with  "an  odor  of 
sweet  smell,  a  sacrifice  acceptable  to  God "  (Phil, 
iv.  18). 

Sad-a-mras  (fr.  L.)  =  Shallcsi,  ancestor  of  Ezra 
(2  Esd.  i.  1). 

Sa'das  =  Azoad  (1  Esd.  v.  13  ;  comp.  Ezr.  ii.  12). 

Sad-de'os  =  Inno  6  (1  Esd.  viii.  45);  ==  Daddeis. 

*  Saddle.     Ass;  Camel;  Horse;  Mule. 

Sad'dac  (fr.  Gr.)  —  Zadok  the  high-priest  (1  Esd. 
viii.  2). 

Sad'dn-rees  [-seez]  (fr.  L.  Sadditcmi  ;  Gr.  Saddou- 
kaiui ;  see  below),  a  religious  party  or  school  among 
the  Jews  at  the  time  of  Christ,  who  denied  that  the 
oral  law  was  a  revelation  of  God  to  the  Israelites, 
and  who  deemed  the  written  law  alone  to  be  obliga- 
tory on  the  nation,  as  of  divine  authority  (Mat.  iii. 
7,  xvi.  1,  6,  11,  12,  xxii.  23,  34;  Mk.  xii.  18;  Lk. 
XX.  27;  Acts  iv.  1,  v.  17,  xxiii.  6-8). — Origin  of  the  J 
name.  The  Hebrew  word  by  which  they  are  called  ^ 
in  the  Mishna  is  Tsldukim,'  the  plural  of  Tsiulok  = 
j'isl,  or  righteous  ;  used  in  the  Bible  only  as  a  proper 
name,  Zadok.  The  most  obvious  translation  of  the 
word,  therefore,  is  to  call  them  Zadoks  or  Zadokites. 
The  ordinary  Jewish  statement  is  that  they  are 
named  from  a  certain  Zadok,  a  disciple  of  the  Antig- 
onus  of  Socho,  who  is  mentioned  in  the  Mishna  as 
having  received  the  oral  law  from  Simon  the  Just, 
the  last  of  the  men  of  the  Great  Synagogue.  But 
this  statement  is  unsupported  by  Josephus  or  the 
Talmud,  and  appears  unworthy  of  credit.  Epiphanius 
states  that  the  Sadducees  called  themselves  by  that 
name  from  Heb.  tsedek  —  riffhtioiisness,  "and  that 
there  was  likewise  anciently  a  Zadok  (Heb.  Tmdok) 
among  the  priests,  but  that  they  did  not  continue  in 
the  doctrines  of  their  chief."  This  explanation  of 
the  origin  of  the  word  Sadducees  must  be  rejected 
with  that  given  by  the  Jews  (so  Mr.  Twisleton,  origi- 

'  A  Heb.  slngnUr  Tili6la  i=  Sadducee)  occors  in  the 
HUbna  (Wr.). 


SAD 


SAD 


953 


nal  author  of  tliis  article).  If  now  recourse  is  had 
to  conjecture,  the  word  is  less  likely  to  have  arisen 
from  the  meaninj;  of  righteousness  than  from  tlie 
name  of  an  individual,  inasmuch  as  Zadok  (Hcb. 
TsAdok)  never  occurs  in  the  Bible,  except  as  a  proper 
name.  Now,  according  to  the  existing  records  of 
Jewish  history,  there  was  one  Zadok  of  transcendent 
importance,  and  only  one :  viz.  the  priest  who  was 
so  prominent  in  David's  time,  and  who  declared  in 
favor  of  Solomon,  when  Abiatliar  took  the  part  of 
Adonijali  as  successor  to  the  throne  (1  K.  i.  32-45). 
His  line  of  priests  appears  to  have  had  decided  pre- 
eminence in  subsequent  history.  Now,  as  the  tran- 
sition from  the  expression  "  sons  of  Zadok "  and 
"  priests  of  the  seed  of  Zadok,"  to  Zadokites,  is  easy 
and  obvious,  and  as  in  Acts  v.  17,  it  is  said,  "  Tken 
the  high-priest  rose,  and  all  tlteij  that  were  with  him, 
which  is  the  sect  of  t/te  Sadducees,  and  were  filled  with 
indifrnation,"  it  has  been  conjectured  by  Geiger  that 
the  Sadducees  or  Zadokites  were  originally  identical 
with  the  sons  of  Zadok,  and  constituted  what  may 
be  termed  a  kind  of  sacerdotal  aristocracy.  To 
these  were  afterward  attached  all  who  for  any  reason 
reckoned  themselves  as  belonging  to  the  aristoc- 
racy ;  e.  g.  the  families  of  the  iiigh-priest,  who  had 
attained  consideration  under  the  dynasty  of  Ilerod. 
These  were  for  the  most  part  judges,  and  individuals 
of  the  official  and  governing  class. — I.  As  the  Phari- 
sees asserted,  so  the  Sadducees  denied,  that  the  Is- 
raelites were  in  possession  of  an  Oral  Law  transmitted 
to  them  by  Moses.  That  doctrine  (of  the  existence 
of  a  Mosaic  Oral  Law)  is  at  the  present  day  rejected, 
probably  by  almost  all,  if  not  by  all,  Christians ;  and 
the  greater  number  of  Christians  have  never  even 
heard  of  it,  though  it  is  older  than  Christianity,  and 
has  been  the  support  and  consolation  of  the  Jews 
under  the  most  cruel  persecutions,  and  is  likewise 
now  maintained,  all  over  the  world,  by  those  who 
are  called  the  orthodox  Jews.  It  must  not  be  as- 
sumed that  the  Sadducees,  because  they  rejected  a 
Ilosaic  Oral  Law,  rejected  likewise  all  traditions  and 
all  decisions  in  explanation  of  passages  in  the  Pen- 
tateuch. Although  they  protested  against  the  as- 
sertion that  such  points  had  been  divinely  settled 
by  Moses,  they  prooably,  in  numerous  instances, 
followed  practically  the  same  traditions  as  the  Phar- 
bees.  This  will  explain  why  in  the  Mishna  specilic 
points  of  difference  between  the  Pharisees  and  Sad- 
ducees arc  mentioned,  which  are  so  unimportant, 
e.  g.  whether  the  stream  of  water  from  a  clean  vessel 
into  an  unclean  one  is  itself  clean  or  unclean,  &c. — 
II.  The  denial  of  man's  resdrrection  after  death, 
followed  in  the  conception  of  the  Sadducees  as  a 

I  logical  conclusion  from  their  denial  that  Moses  had 
revealed  to  the  Israelites  the  Oral  Law.  For  on  a 
point  so  momentous  as  a  second  life  beyond  the 
grave,  no  religious  party  among  the  Jews  would 
nave  deemed  themselves  bound  to  accept  any  doc- 
trine as  an  article  of  faith,  unless  it  had  been  pro- 
claime<l  by  Moses,  their  great  legislator ;  and  it  is 
certain  that  in  the  written  Law  of  the  Pentateucti 
there  is  a  total  absence  of  any  assertion  by  Moses 
of  the  resurrection  of  the  dead.  This  fact  is  pre- 
sented to  Christians  in  a  striking  manner  by  the  well- 
known  words  of  the  Pentateuch  which  are  quoted 
by  (;hrist  in  argument  with  the  Sadducees  on  this 
subject  (Ex.  iii.  6,  16;  Mk.  xii.  26,  27;  Mat.  xxii. 
31,32;  Lk.  XX.  37).  It  cannot  be  doubted  that 
in  such  a  ca.sc  Christ  would  quote  to  His  powerful 
adversaries  the  most  cogent  text  in  the  Law  ;  and 
yet  the  text  actually  quoted  does  not  do  more  than 
suggest  an  in/erenee  on  this  great  doctrine.     It  is 


true  that  passages  in  other  parts  of  the  0.  T.  express 
a  belief  in  a  resurrection  (Is.  xxvi.  19;  Dan.  xii.  2; 
Job  xix.  26  ;  and  in  some  of  the  Psalms) ;  and  it 
may  at  first  sight  be  a  subject  of  surprise  tliat  the 
Sadducees  were  not  convinced  by  the  authority  of 
those  passages.  But  although  the  Sadducees  re- 
garded the  books  which  contained  these  passages  as 
sacred,  it  is  more  than  doubtful  whether  any  of  the 
Jews  regirded  them  as  sacred  in  precisely  the  same 
sense  as  the  written  Law.  To  the  Jews  Moses  was 
and  is  a  colossal  Form,  preeminent  in  authority  above 
all  subsequent  prophets. — In  connection  with  the 
disbelief  of  a  resurrection  by  the  Sadducees,  it  is 
proper  to  notice  the  statement  (Acts  xxiii.  8)  that 
they  likewise  denied  there  was  "angel  or  spirit." 
A  perplexity  arises  as  to  the  precise  sense  in  which 
this  denial  is  to  be  understood.  The  two  principal 
explanations  which  have  been  suggested  are,  cither 
that  the  Sadducees  regarded  the  angels  of  the  0.  T. 
as  transitory  unsubstantial  representations  of  Jeho- 
vah, or  that  they  disbelieved,  not  the  angels  of  the 
0.  T.,  but  merely  the  angelical  system  which  had  be- 
come developed  in  the  popular  belief  of  the  Jews 
after  their  return  from  the  Babylonian  Captivity. 
Perhaps,  however,  another  suggestion  is  admissible. 
It  appears  from  Acts  xxiii.  9,  that  some  of  the 
scribes  on  the  side  of  the  Pharisees  suggested  the 
possibility  of  a  spirit  or  an  angel  having  spoken  to 
St.  Paul,  on  the  very  occasion  when  it  is  asserted 
that  the  Sadducees  denied  the  existence  of  angel  or 
spirit.  Now,  the  Sudducees  may  have  disbelieved 
in  the  occurrence  of  any  such  phenomena  in  their 
own  time,  although  they  accepted  all  the  statements 
respecting  angels  in  the  0.  T. ;  and  thus  the  key  to 
the  assertion  in  ver.  8,  that  the  Sadducees  denied 
"  angel  or  spirit,"  would  be  found  exclusively  in  ver. 
9. — III.  The  opinions  of  the  Sadducees  respecting 
the  freedom  of  the  will,  and  the  way  in  which  those 
opinions  are  treated  by  Josephus,  have  been  noticed 
under  Pharisees.  Possibly  the  stress  laid  by  the 
Sadducees  on  the  freedom  of  the  will  may  have  had 
some  connection  with  their  forming  such  a  large 
portion  of  that  class  from  which  criminal  judges 
werj;  selected.     The  sentiment  of  the  lines — 

"  Our  acts  our  AnL'cls  are.  or  jrood  or  ill. 
Our  ratal  shadows  that  walk  by  u$  still," 

would  express  that  portion  of  truth  on  which  tho 
Sadducees,  in  inflicting  punishments,  would  dwell 
with  most  emphasis :  and  as,  in  some  sense,  they 
disbelieved  in  angels,  these  lines  have  a  peculiar 
claim  to  be  regarded  as  a  correct  exponent  of  Sad- 
duccan  thought. — IV.  Some  of  the  early  Christian 
writers,  e.  g.  Epiphanius,  Origen,  and  Jerome,  attrib- 
ute to  the  Sadducees  the  rejection  of  all  the  Sacred 
Scriptures  except  the  Pentateuch ;  but  this  state- 
ment is  now  generally  admitted  to  have  been  found- 
ed on  a  misconception  of  the  truth,  and  probably  to 
have  arisen  from  a  confusion  of  the  Sadducees  with 
the  Samaritans.  Josephus  is  wholly  silent  as  to  an 
antagonism  on  this  point  between  the  Sadducees  and 
the  Pharisees.  What  probably  had  more  influence 
than  any  thing  else  in  occasioning  this  misconception 
respecting  the  Sadducees,  was  the  circumstance  that 
in  arguing  with  them  on  the  doctrine  of  a  future  life 
(see  II.  above),  Christ  quoted  from  the  Pentateuch 
only,  although  there  are  stronger  texts  in  favor  of 
the  doctrine  in  some  other  books  of  tho  0.  T. — 
V.  It  may  be  proper  to  notice  a  fact  which,  while 
it  accounts  for  misconceptions  of  early  Christian 
writers  respecting  the  Sadducees,  is  on  other  grounds 
well  worthy  to  arrest  the  attention.     This  fact  is  the 


954 


SAD 


SAL 


rapid  disappearance  of  the  Sadducees  from  history 
after  the  tirst  century,  and  the  subsequent  predomi- 
nance among  tlie  Jews  of  tlie  opinions  of  the  Pliari- 
sees.  Two  circumstances  indirectly,  but  powerfully, 
contributed  to  produce  this  result:  (1.)  The  state 
of  the  Jews  after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus ; 
(2.)  The  growth  of  the  Christian  religion.  (1.)  Itis 
dilBcult  to  over-estimate  the  consternation  and  dis- 
may which  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  occasioned 
in  the  minds  of  sincerely  religious  Jews.  In  this 
their  hour  of  daikness  and  anguish,  they  naturally 
turned  to  the  consolations  and  hopes  of  a  future 
state ;  and  the  doctrine  of  the  Sadducees,  that  there 
was  nothing  beyond  the  present  life,  would  have  ap- 
peared to  them  cold,  heartless,  and  hateful.  (2.) 
While  they  were  sunk  in  the  lowest  depths  of  de- 
pression, a  new  religion  which  they  despised  as  a 
heresy  and  a  superstition,  of  which  one  of  their  own 
nation  (Jests  Christ)  was  the  object,  and  another 
(Paul)  the  unrivalled  missionary  to  the  heathen,  was 
gradually  making  its  way  among  the  subjects  of  their 
detested  con(|ueror.-,  the  Romans.  One  cause  of  its 
success  was  undoubtedly  the  vivid  belief  in  the  resur- 
rection of  Jesus,  and  a  consequent  resurrection  of  all 
mankind.  Consciously,  therefore,  or  unconsciously, 
many  circumstances  combined  to  induce  the  Jews, 
who  were  not  Pharisees,  but  who  resisted  the  new 
heresy,  to  rally  round  the  standard  of  the  Oral  Law, 
and  to  assert  that  their  holy  legislator,  Moses,  had 
transmitted  to  his  faithful  people  by  word  of  mouth, 
although  not  in  writing,  the  revelation  of  a  future 
state  of  rewards  and  punishments.  This  doctrine  is 
still  maintained  by  the  majority  of  our  Jewish  con- 
temporaries. — The  Karaites,  who  are  found  in  Rus- 
sia, Austria,  Constantinople,  &c.,  and  number  about 
5,000  or  6,000,  hold  doctrines  which  are,  with  few 
e.xceptions,  the  same  as  those  of  the  Sadducees 
(Giusburg,  in  Kitto). 

Sa'dot  (L.  =  Zadok).  1.  Zadok  1  (2  Esd.  i.  1).— 
3.  A  descendant  of  Zerubbabel  in  the  genealogy  of 
Jesus  Christ  (Mat.  i.  14). 

SaffrOD  (fr.  Ar.  znfran,  yellow),  the  A.  V.  (and 
doubtless  correct)  translation  of  the  Heb.  carrdin, 
mentioned  only  with  other  odorous  substance^  in 
Cant.  iv.  14 ;  the  Arabic  Kurkum  is  similar  to  the 
Hebrew,  and  denotes  the  Crocus  mtivus,  or  "  saffron 
crocus."  Saffron  has  from  the  earliest  times  been 
in  high  esteem  as  a  perfume.  It  was  also  used  in 
seasoning  dishes.  The  part  of  the  plant  which  was 
used  was  the  stigma,  which  was  pulled  out  of  the 
flower  and  then  dried.  These,  when  prepared,  are 
dry,  narrow,  threadlike,  and  twisted  together,  of  an 
orange-yellow  color,  having  a  peculiar  aromatic  and 
penetrating  odor,  with  a  bitterish  and  somewhat 
aromatic  taste,  tingeing  the  mouth  and  saliva  yellow. 
Saffron  was  formerly  highly  esteemed  as  a  stimulant 
medicine,  and  is  stiil  in  high  repute  m  the  East  (Dr. 
Royle,  in  Kitto). 

•  Sail.     Ship. 

•  Saint  (fr.  L. ;  Heb.  kdsid  or  cJidsid,  Mdosh,  &c. ; 
Chal.  kaddUh  ;  Gr.  hagion)  z^  a  holi/  one,  applied  to 
angels  (Dan.  viii.  13;'Zcch.  .xiv.  5 ;  1  Th.  iii.  13, 
&c.),  but  especially  to  the  people  of  God,  dead  (Mat. 
xxvii.  52 ;  Rev.  xvi.  6,  &c.)  or  living  (Ps.  xvi.  3, 
xxxvii.  28;  Acts  ix.  32,  41  ;  Rom.  i.  7,  &c.).  All 
the  words  translated  "saint"  are  in  other  passages 
translated  "  holy  "  (Ps.  Ixxxvi.  2  ;  Is.  iv.  3 ;  Dan.  iv. 
8,  13;  1  Th.  V.  26,  27,  &c.).  Faith;  Righteous; 
Saviour. 

Sa'la  (Gr.)  =  Ralah  (Lk.  iii.  35). 
Sa'lah  (fr.  Heb.  —  Siielah  ;  see  below),  son  of 
Arphaxad.and  father  of  Kber  (Gen.  x.  24,  xi.  12-14  ; 


Lk.  iii.  85);  =  Shelah  2.  The  name  is  significant 
of  extension.  It  thus  seems  to  imply  the  historical 
fact  of  the  gradual  extension  of  a  branch  of  the 
Shemitic  race  from  its  original  seat  in  Northern  As- 
syria toward  the  river  Euphrates. 

Sal'a-mis  (Gr.,  probably  named  from  Gr.  salos,  i.  e. 
the  breaking  of  the  waves  against  the  steep  shores 
of  the  island,  L.  k  S.),  a  cily  at  the  E.  end  of  tlie 
island  of  Cyprus,  and  the  first  place  visited  by  Paul 
and  Barnabas,  on  the  first  missionary  journey,  after 
leaving  the  mainland  at  Seleucia.  Here  alone,  among 
all  the  Greek  cities  visited  by  St.  Paul,  we  read  of 
"  synagogues  "  in  the  plural  (Acts  xiii.  5).  Hence 
we  conclude  that  there  were  many  Jews  in  Cyprus. 
And  this  is  in  harmony  with  what  we  read  elsewhere. 
Jewish  residents  were  in  the  island  when  the  Selcu- 
cidae  reigned  at  Antioch  (1  Me.  xv.  23).  At  a  later 
period,  in  the  reigns  of  Trajan  and  Hadrian,  dread- 
ful tumults  here,  caused  by  a  vast  multitude  of  Jews, 
made  the  whole  city  a  desert.  Salamis,  afterward 
rebuilt  and  called  Constantia,  was  not  far  from  the 
modern  Famagonsta.  It  was  situated  near  a  river 
called  the  Pcdiseus,  on  low  ground,  which  is  in  fact 
a  continuation  of  the  plain  running  up  into  the  in- 
terior toward  the  place  where  Nieosia,  the  present 
capital  of  Cyprus,  stands.  Its  harbor  was  very  good. 
It  was  anciently  the  capital  of  Cyprus,  and  was,  un- 
der the  Romans,  the  most  important  mercantile  town, 
if  not  the  seat  of  government. 

Sal-a-sad'a-i  (Gr.)  =  Zurishaddai  (Jd.  viii.  1). 

Sa-la'thi-el  (Gr.)  =  Siiealtiel,  son  of  Jechonias 
(=  Jeconiah  or  Jehoiachin),  king  of  Judah,  iind 
father  of  Zorobabel  (Zerubbabei,),  according  to 
Mat.  i.  12  ;  but  son  of  Keri,  and  father  of  Zorobabel, 
according  to  Lk.  iii.  27 ;  while  the  genealogy  in  1 
Chr.  iii.  17-19  leaves  it  doubtful  whether  he  is  iho 
son  of  Assir  or  Jechonias,  and  makes  Zerubbabel  his 
nephew.  Upon  the  principle  that  no  genealogy 
would  assign  to  the  true  son  and  heir  of  a  king  any 
inferior  and  private  parentage,  whereas,  on  the  con- 
trary, the  son  of  a  private  person  would  naturally  be 
placed  in  the  royal  pedigree  on  his  becoming  the 
rightful  heir  to  the  throne  ;  we  may  assert,  with  the 
utmost  confidence  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey),  that  St. 
Luke  gives  us  the  true  state  of  the  case,  when  he  in- 
forms  us  that  Salathiel  was  the  son  of  Neri,  and  a 
descendant  of  Nathan  the  son  of  David.  And  from 
his  insertion  in  the  royal  pedigree,  both  in  1  Chr. 
and  Matthew,  after  the  childless  Jechonias,  we  in- 
fer, with  no  less  confidence,  that,  on  the  failure  of 
Solomon's  line,  he  was  the  next  heir  to  the  throne 
of  David.  It  may  therefore  be  considered  as  cer- 
tain, that  Salathiel  was  the  son  of  Neri,  and  the  heir 
of  Jeconiah.  Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander  (in  Kitto)  prefers 
the  hypothesis  that  Salathiel  "  was  really  the  son  of 
Jeconiah,  and  was  counted  for  a  son  to  Neri  from 
having  married  his  daughter."  Ge.nealogy  ov 
Jesus  Christ. 

Sal'eah  (fr.  Heb.  =  a  moving  along,  moving  ahoul, 
Ges.),  a  city  named  in  the  early  records  of  Israel  as 
the  extreme  limit  of  Bashan  (Deut.  iii.  10,  "Sal- 
chah;"  Josh.  xiii.  11)  and  of  the  tribe  of  Gad  (1 
Chr.  v.  11).  On  another  occasion  the  name  seems 
to  denote  a  district  rather  than  a  town  (Josh.  xii. 
5).  It  is  doubtless  identical  with  the  town  of  >S«/- 
khad,  which  stands  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the 
Jehel  Haurdn,  twenty  miles  S.  of  Kunaiedt  (the  an- 
cient Kenath).  Immediately  below  Sulkliad  com- 
mences the  plain  of  the  great  Euphrates  desert. 
The  town  is  of  considerable  size,  two  or  three  miles  i 
in  circumference,  surrounding  a  castle  on  a  lofty 
isolated  hill,  which  was  probably  once  the  crater  of 


SAL 


SAL 


955 


L 


a  volcano.  Many  of  the  liouses,  though  long  de- 
serted, are  still  perfect,  with  their  stone  roofs,  doors, 
and  walls  ;  the  city  walls  'are  still  tolerably  good  ; 
but  the  region  is  uninhabited  and  desolate. 

Sal'thah  [-kah]  (Hcb.)  =  Salcah  (Deut.  iii.  10). 

Salem  (<Jr.  fr.  Ileb.  slullem  —  ]>eace,  Kbn.  N.  T. 
Lex.).  I,  The  place  of  which  Mklciiizedek  was  king 
(Gen.  xiv.  18;  Heb.  vii.  1,  2).  Dr.  Wolff,  Stuart  ap- 
parently ( C'oinm.  on  Heb.  1.  c),  &c.,  regard  Salem  as  a 
title  {  =  /ieace},  not  the  name  of  a  place.  But  Salem 
and  .SiiAVEH  arc  generally  regarded  as  lying  near  each 
other  in  Abram's  road  from  Hobah  to  the  plain  of 
Jlamre.  The  various  opinions  in  regard  to  this  Salem 
are  : — 1.  Tliat  of  the  Jewish  commentators,  who  with 
one  voice  alfirm  that  Salem  is  Jerusalem,  on  the 
ground  that  Jerusalem  is  so  called  in  Ps.  Ixxvi.  2  (so 
Jos.  i.  10,  g  2,  the  Targums,  and  most  commentators). 
2.  Jerome  maintained  that  the  Salem  of  Slelchize- 
dek  was  not  Jerusalem,  but  a  town  near  Scythopi)lis, 
which  in  his  day  was  still  calleil  Salem.  Elsewhere 
he  places  it  more  precisely  at  eight  Roman  miles  from 
Scythopolis,  and  gives  its  name  then  as  Salumias. 
Further,  he  identifies  this  Salem  with  the  Salim 
of  John  the  Baptist  (so  also  RosenmilUer,  Tuch, 
Riidiger,  &c.).  3.  Ewald  pronounces  that  Salem  is  a 
town  on  the  E.  side  of  Jordan,  on  the  road  from 
Damascus  to  Sodom,  quoting  at  the  same  time  Jn. 
iii.  23.  4.  A  tradition  given  by  Eupolomus  (Euse- 
bius  Prap.  Eo.  ix.  17)  differs  in  some  important 
points  from  the  Biblical  account.  According  to  this 
the  meeting  took  place  in  the  sanctuary  of  the  city 
Argarizin,  which  is  interpreted  by  Eupolemus  to 
mean  "  the  Mountain  of  the  Most  High."  Argarizin 
is  of  course  kar  Gerhzim  (Heb.  =  Mount  Gekizim). 
Stanley  (246)  thinks  Gerizim  was  the  scene  of  the 
meeting  with  Melchizedek.  (Siialem.)  5.  A  Salem 
is  mentioned  in  Jd.  iv.  4,  among  the  places  seized 
and  fortilied  by  the  Jews  on  the  approach  of  Holo- 
fernes.  If  the  Gr.  aulon,  here  translated  "  valley," 
is,  according  to  frequent  usage,  the  Jordan  valley, 
then  the  Salem  referred  to  must  be  that  mentioned  by 
Jerome.  Or,  as  is  perhaps  still  more  likely,  it  refers 
to  another  .S'<</(»i  nea.rZerHn  (Jezreel). — 2.  It  seems 
to  be  agreed  on  all  hands  that  Salem  in  I's.  Ixxvi.  2 
=  Jerusalem,  but  whether  as  a  mere  abbreviation 
to  suit  some  exigency  of  the  poetry,  and  point  the 
allusion  to  the  peace  (mlem)  which  the  city  enjoyed 
through  the  protection  of  God,  or  whether,  after  a 
well-known  habit  of  poets,  it  is  an  antique  name 
preferred  to  the  more  modern  and  familiar  one,  ia  a 
question  not  yet  decided. 

Salim  (L.  =  Salem),  a  place  named  (Jn.  iii.  23) 
to  point  out  the  situation  of  Eno.n,  the  scene  of 
John's  last  baptisms — .Salim  being  the  well-known 
town  or  spot,  and  Enon  a  place  of  fountains,  or  other 
water,  near  it.  Eusebius  and  Jerome  both  allirm 
unhesitatingly  that  it  existed  in  their  day  near  the 
Jordan,  eight  Roman  miles  S.  of  Scythopolis.  Je- 
rome adds  (under  "  Salem  ")  that  its  name  was  then 
Sahmiias.  Various  attempts  have  been  more  re- 
cently made  to  detcnnino  the  loolity  of  this  spot. 
1.  Some  (as  Alford,  Oreek  ye«toH<>n/)  propose  SiiiL- 
iiiM  and  Ais,  in  the  arid  country  far  in  the  S.  of 
Juilea,  entirely  out  of  the  circle  of  a.<sociations  of 
John  and  of  our  Lord.  Others  identify  it  with  the 
SiiALiM  of  1  Sam.  ix.  4,  but  this  latter  place  is  itself 
unknown.  2.  Robinson  (iii.  298,  333)  suggests  the 
modern  village  of  Salim,  three  miles  E.  of  Ndbu- 
III*,  but  this  is  no  less  out  of  the  circle  of  John's 
ministrations,  and  is  too  near  the  Samaritans.  A 
writer  in  the  Colonial  Church  Chronicle,  No.  cxxvi. 
404,  who  concurs  in  thb  opinion,  was  told  of  a  vil- 


lage one  hour  E.  (? ;  about  five  miles  N.  ?)  of  Salim 
"  named  'Ain-iin,  with  a  copious  stream  of  water." 
(E.NO.s.)  3.  Dr.  Barclay  maintains  that  Salim  is  to 
be  found  in  Wadi/  Seleiin,  and  Enon  in  the  copious 
streams  of  Mj«  Farah,  among  the  deep  and  intri- 
cate ravines  some  five  miles  N.  E.  of  Jcrusaleni. 
This  opinion  Porter  (in  Kitto)  favors.  4.  The  name 
I  of  Salim  has  been  lately  discovered  by  Van  de  Veldo 
i  (ii.  345)  in  a  position  exactly  in  accordance  with  the 
noticeof  Eusebius,  viz.  six  English  miles  S.  of  Bman, 
and  two  miles  W.  of  the  Jordan.  Salim  fulfils  also 
the  conditions  implied  in  the  name  of  Enon  (springs), 
and  the  direct  statement  of  the  text,  that  the  place 
contained  abundance  of  water. 

Sal'lal,  orSal'Is-l  (Heb.  basket-maker?  Ges.).  1, 
A  Benjamite,  who  settled  in  Jerusalem  after  the 
Captivity  •(Neh.  xi.  8). — 2.  Head  of  one  of  the 
courses  of  priests  who  went  up  Irom  Babylon  with 
Zerubbabel  (xii.  20) ;  =  Sallu  2. 

Sal'ln  (Heb.  weighed,  Ges.).  !■  Son  of  McshuUam ; 
a  Benjaraite  in  Jerusalem  after  the  Captivity  (1  Chr. 
ix.  7  ;  Neh.  xi.  7). — 2<  Sallai  2  (xii.  7). 

Sal-ln'mas  (fr.  Gr.)  ^  Shallum  11(1  Esd.  ix.  25). 

Sal'ma  (Heb.  garment,  Ge.s.),  or  Salmon  (Heb. 
clothed,  Ges.),  son  of  Nahshon,  the  prince  of  Judah  ; 
father  of  Boaz,  the  husband  of  Ruth.  On  the  en- 
1  trance  of  the  Israelites  into  Canaan,  Salmon  took 
Rahab  of  Jericho  to  be  his  wife,  and  from  this  union 
!  sprang  the  Christ  (Mat.  i.  4,  5  ;  Lk.  iii.  32,  &c.).  Two 
'  circumstances  connected  with  Salmon  have  caused 
some  perplexity.  As  regards  the  first,  the  orthog- 
raphy, the  variation  in  proper  names  is  so  extreme- 
ly common,  that  such  slight  differences  are  scarcely 
worth  noticing  (Rev.  iv.  20,  21  ;  comp.  Shimea,  Shim- 
eah,  Shammah,  Shimma,  names  of  David's  brother, 
&c  ).  As  to  the  other  difficulty,  the  variation  in  Sal- 
ma's  genealogy,  which  has  induced  some  to  think 
the  Salma  of  1  Chr.  ii.  51,  .'54  is  not  the  Salma  of  ii. 
11,  is  more  apparent  than  real.  It  arises  from  the 
circumstance  that  Bethlehem  Ephratah,  which  was 
Salmon's  inheritance,  was  part  of  the  territory  of 
Caleb,  the  grandson  of  Ephratah ;  and  this  caused 
him  to  be  reckoned  among  the  sons  of  Caleb  (so 
Lord  A.  C.  Hervey). 

*Sarmah  (Heb.)  =  Salma  (Ru.  iv.  20marg.). 

*  Sal-man-as'scr  =  Shalmaneseu  (Hos.  xi.  6 
margin). 

Sal-man-a'sar(L.)  =  Siialmaneser  (2  Esd.  xiii.  40). 

Salnion  (L.  fr.  Heb.  tsalmon  =  s/iadi/,  Ges.;  see 
below).  It  is  usually  supposed  that  a  hill  near 
Shechem,  on  which  Abimelech  and  his  followers  cut 
down  the  boughs  with  which  they  set  the  tower  of 
Shechem  on  fire  (Judg.  ix.  48,  A.  V.  "  Zalmon  ")  is 
the  "  Salmon  "  or  Zalmon  mentioned  in  I's.  Ixviii. 
14  ;  and  this  is  probable,  though  the  passage  is  pe- 
culiarly dilfieult,  and  the  precise  allusion  intended 
by  the  poet  seems  hopelessly  lost  (so  Mr.  Twisleton). 
The  literal  translation  of  the  word  is,  "  Thou  makest 
it  snow  "  in  Salmon,  or  "  It  snows  in  Salmon,"  with 
liberty  to  use  the  word  either  in  the  past  or  in  tho 
future  tense.  As,  notwithstanding  ingenious  at- 
tempts, this  supplies  no  satisfactory  meaning,  re- 
course is  had  to  a  translation  of  doubtful  validity, 
"  Thou  makest  it  white  as  snow,"  or  "  It  is  white  as 
snow  " — words  to  which  various  metaphorical  tnean- 
ings  have  been  attributed.  The  allusion  which, 
through  the  lexicon  of  Gesenius,  is  most  generally 
rcceive<i,  is  that  the  words  refer  to  the  ground  being 
snow-white  with  bones  after  a  defeat  of  the  Canaanite 
kings.  Some  (Targum,  Kimchi,  &c.)  suppose  that 
Salmon  (Heb.  Tmlmon)  is  not  a  proper  name  in  this 
passage,  but  merely  signifies  darkness. 


956 


SAL 


SA.L 


Sal'mon  (Heb.  clothed,  Ges.),  the  father  of  Boaz 
(Ru.  iv.  20,  21  ;  Mat.  i.  4,  5;  Lk.  iii.  32 J.     Salma. 

Sal-mo'ne  (Gr.),  the  E.  point  of  the  islaud  of  Crete 
(Acts  xxvii.  7).     1'aul. 

Sa'lom,  the  Greek  form  of — 1.  Shallum,  father  of 
Ililkiah  (Bar.  i.  7).— 2.  Salu,  father  of  Zhnri  (1  Mc. 
ii.  20). 

Sa-lo'me  [as  an  English  word  often  pronounced 
Sa-lome' ;  comp.  Magdalene,  &c.]  (fr.  Heb.  =  pacific, 
Schl.).  1.  The  wife  of  Zebedee  (comp.  Mat.  xxvii. 
56  with  Mk.  xv.  40).  It  is  the  opinion  of  many  mod- 
ern critics  (Wieseler,  Lange,  Meyer,  Alford,  kc.)  that 
slie  was  tlie  sister  of  Mary,  tlie  mother  of  Jesus, 
to  wliom  reference  is  made  in  Jn.  xix.  25.  Tlie 
words  admit,  however,  of  another  and  hitherto 
generally  received  explanation,  according  to  which 
they  refer  to  the  "  Mary  the  Wife  of  Cleophas  " 
immediately  afterward  mentioned.  The  only  events 
recorded  of  Salome  are  tliat  she  preferred  a  request 
on  behalf  of  her  two  sons  for  seats  of  honor  in  the 
kingdom  of  heaven  (Mat.  xx.  20),  attended  at  the 
crucifixion  of  Jesus  (Mk.  xv.  40),  and  visited  his 
sepulchre  (xvi.  1).  She  is  mentioned  by  name  only 
on  the  two  later  occasions. — 3,  The  "  daughter  of 
Hekodias"  by  her  first  husljand,  Herod  Philip  1 
(Mat.  xiv.  C).  She  married  first  Philip  the  tetrarch 
of  Trachonitis,  her  paternal  uncle,  and  secondly 
Aristobulus,  tlie  king  of  Chalcis. 

Salt  [sawlt]  (Heb.  melah  or  melach ;  Gr.  hats). 
Indispensable  as  salt  (chloride  of  sodium)  is  to  our- 
selves, it  was  even  more  so  to  the  Hebrews,  being 
to  them  not  only  an  a])petizing  condiment  in  the 
food  both  of  man  (Job  vi.  6)  and  beast  (Is.  xxx.  24 
margin),  and  a  most  vahiable  antidote  to  the  effects 
of  tlie  heat  of  the  climate  on  animal  food,  but  also 
entering  largely  into  their  religious  services  as  an 
accompaniment  to  the  various  oft'erings  presented 
on  the  altar  (Lev.  ii.  13).  (Sacrifice.)  They  pos- 
sessed an  inexhaustible  and  ready  supply  of  it  on 
the  southern  shores  of  the  Dead  Sea.  (Sea,  the 
Salt.)  Salt  might  also  be  procured  from  the  Xledi- 
tcrranean  Sea,  and  from  this  source  the  Phcnicians 
would  naturally  obtain  the  supply  necessary  for 
salting  FISH  (Xeli.  xiii.  16)  and  for  other  purposes. 
The  Jews  appear  to  have  distinguished  between 
rock-salt  and  that  gained  by  evaporation,  as  the 
Talmudists  particularize  one  species  (probably  the 
latter)  as  the  "  salt  of  Sodom."  The  salt-pits  formed 
an  important  source  of  revenue  to  the  rulers  of  the 
country,  and  Antiochus  conferred  a  valuable  boon 
on  Jerusalem  by  presenting  the  city  with  375  bush- 
els of  salt  lor  the  Temple-service.  In  addition  to 
the  uses  of  salt  already  specified,  the  inferior  sorts 
were  applied  as  a  manure  to  the  soil,  or  to  hasten 
the  decomposition  of  dung  (Mat.  v.  13;  Lk.  xiv. 
85).  Too  large  an  admixture,  however,  was  held 
to  produce  sterility,  as  exemplified  on  the  shores  of 
the  Dead  Sea  (I)eut.  xxix.  23 ;  Zeph.  ii.  9) :  hence 
"a  salt  land"  =  a  barren  land  (Job  xxxix.  6  mar- 
gin ;  Jer.  xvii.  6) ;  and  hence  also  arose  the  custom 
of  sowing  with  salt  the  foundations  of  a  destroyed 
city  (Judg.  ix.  45),  as  a  token  of  its  irretrievable 
ruin. — "  The  salt  used  in  this  country  (Syria  and 
Palestine)  is  not  manufactured  by  boiling  clean  salt 
water,  nor  quarried  from  mines,  but  is  obtained 
from  marshes  along  the  sea-shore,  as  in  Cyprus,  or 
from  salt-lakes  in  the  interior,  which  dry  up  in  sum- 
mer, as  the  one  in  the  desert  N.  of  Palmyra,  and 
the  great  lake  of  Jehbul,  S.  E.  of  Aleppo.  Maun- 
drell,  who  visited  the  lake  at  Jehbul,  found  salt 
there  which  had  entirely  lost  its  savor  (Mat.  v. 
13 ;  ilk.  ix.  50),  and  the  same  abounds  among  the 


delrix  at  Undum,  and  in  other  localities  of  rock-salt 
at  the  south  end  of  the  Dead  Sea.  Indeed,  it  is 
a  well-known  fact  the  salt  of  this  cottniry,  when  in 
contact  with  the  ground,  or  exposed  to  rain  and 
sun,  docs  become  insipid  and  useless.  From  the 
manner  in  which  it  is  gathered,  much  earth  and 
other  impurities  are  necessarily  collected  with  it. 
Not  a  little  of  it  is  so  impure  that  it  caimot  be  used 
at  all,  and  such  s.jlt  soon  effloresces  and  turns  to 
dust — not  to  fruitful  soil,  however.  It  is  not  only 
good  for  nothing  itself  but  it  actually  destroys  all 
fertility  wherever  it  is  thrown,  and  this  is  the  reason 
why  it  is  east  into  the  street  "  (Thn.  ii.  43,  44). — 
The  associations  connected  witli  salt  in  Eastern 
countries  are  important.  As  one  of  the  most  es- 
sential articles  of  diet,  it  symbolized  hospitality  ; 
as  an  antiseptic,  durability,  fidelity,  and  purity. 
Hence  the  expression,  "  covenant  of  salt "  (Lev.  ii. 
13;  Num.  xviii.  19;  2  Chr.  xiii.  5),  as  betokening 
an  indissoluble  alliance  between,  friends  ;  and  again 
the  expression,  "  salted  with  the  salt  of  the  palace  " 
(Ezr.  iv.  14),  not  necessarily  meaning  that  they 
had  "  maintenance  from  the  palace,"  as  the  A.  V. 
has  it,  but  that  they  were  bound  by  sacred  obli- 
gations of  fidelity  to  the  king.  So  in  the  pres- 
ent day,  "to  eat  bread  and  salt  together"  is  an 
expression  for  a  league  of  mutual  amity.  It  was 
probably  with  a  view  to  keep  this  idea  prominently 
before  the  minds  of  the  Jews  that  the  use  of  salt 
was  enjoined  on  the  Israelites  in  their  offerings  to 
(iod.  The  purifying  property  of  salt,  as  opposed 
to  corruption,  led  to  its  selection  as  the  outward 
sign  in  Elisha's  ndracle  (2  K.  ii.  20,  21),  and  is  also 
developed  in  the  X.  T.  (Mat.  v.  13  ;  Col.  iv.  6).  The 
custom  of  rubbing  infants  with  salt  (Ez.  xvi.  4) 
originated  in  sanitary  considerations,  but  received 
also  a  syniboheal  nuaning. 

Salt,  City  cf  (Heb.  Hr  liammelah  or  -laelt  ;  see 
City  1,  and  Salt),  the  fifth  of  the  six  cities  of  Ju- 
dah  which  lay  in  the  "  wilderness  "  (Josh.  xv.  62  ; 
Desert  2).  IJobinson,  Porter  (in  Kitto),  kc,  would 
place  it  scmcwhcre  near  the  plain  at  the  S.  end 
of  the  Salt  Sea.  (Salt,  Valley  of.)  VandeVelde 
mentions  a  Kidir  AfaUh  (''),  a  ravine  or  wady  wliich 
begins  W.  S.  W.  from  Seibeh  (Masada),  and  luns 
S.  E.  to  the  Dead  Sea. 

*  Salt  Sea,  the.    Sea,  the  Salt. 

Salt,  Val'ley  of  (Heb.  i/ei/  inehh,  and  f/ey  hamwrhih 
or  -lach;  see  Valley  2,  and  Salt),  a  certain  valley, 
or  perhaps  more  accurately  a  "  ravine,"  in  which 
occurred  two  memorable  victories  of  the  Israelite 
arms.  1.  That  of  David  over  the  Edomites  (2  Sam. 
viii.  13;  1  Chr.  xviii.  12;  compare  1  K.  xi.  15,  16  ; 
Ps.  Ix.  title;  Abisiiai;  Joab  1).  2.  That  of  Ama- 
ziah  (2  K.  xiv.  7;  2  Chr.  xxv.  11).  Neither  of 
these  notices  affords  any  clew  to  the  situation  of  the 
Valley  of  Salt.  Scetzen  Avas  probably  the  first  to 
suggest  that  it  was  the  broad  open  plain  which  lies 
at  the  lower  end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  intervenes 
between  the  lake  itself  and  the  range  of  heights 
which  crosses  the  valley  at  six  or  eight  miles  to  the 
S.  (Akrabbim.)  The  same  view  is  taken  (more  de- 
cisively) by  Dr.  Robinson  (ii.  109),  who  notes  that 
it  is  adjacent  to  the  mountain  of  salt  (Khanlim  Vi- 
diim),  and  separates  the  ancient  territories  of  Judah 
and  Edom.  Porter  (in  Kitto)  suggests  that  it  might 
be  the  Wudt/  Znirciieh,  a  well-known  pass  at  the 
northern  end  of  the  salt-range  of  Usdum,  though 
the  scope  of  the  narrative  would  rather  seem  to 
locate  it  nearer  Edom.  Mr.  Grove  also  thinks  it 
might  be  nearer  Petra,  and  raises  objections  to  Dr. 
Robinson's  identification  from  the  peculiar  Hebrew 


SAL 


SAM 


957 


word  igeif)  here  translated  valley  (Valley  2),  from 
the  word  (Akabah)  elsewhere  uniformly  applied  to 
the  more  northern  parts  of  the  same  valley,  and 
from  the  possibility  that  the  Hebrew  name  (see 
above)  translated  "  valley  of  salt"  may  be  the  rep- 
resentation of  some  arehaie  Edomite  name  (compare 
rl-Milh  [=  salt  1,  the  Arabic  representative  of  Mol- 
adah).  Some  have  thought  tlie  place  of  David's 
victorv  in  2  Sam.  viii.  13  was  the  remarkable  valley 
of  SALTS  E.  of  Aleppo  (Robinson's  Ges.  //eh.  Lex.). 

Sa  IQ  (Ueb.  =:  Sallu,  Ges.),  father  of  Zimri  the 
Simeonite  prince  whom  Phinehas  slew  (Num.  xxv. 
14);  =  Salom  2. 

Salam  (fr.  Gr.).  1.  Shallum  8  (1  Esd.v.  28).— 8. 
SiiALLiM  6  (viii.  1). 

Sai-Q-ta'tion  (fr.  L.).  Salutations  may  be  classed 
under  the  two  heads  of  convei-sational  and  episto- 
lary. The  salutation  at  meetin>;  consisted  in  early 
times  of  various  expressions  of  blessing,  such  as 
"God  be  gracious  unto  thee"  (Gen.  xliii.  29); 
"  Blessed  be  thou  of  the  Lord  "  (Ru.  iii.  10  ;  1  Sam. 
XV.  13) :  "The  Lord  be  with  you,"  "  The  Lord  bless 
thee  "  (Ru  ii.  4) ;  "  The  blessing  of  the  Lord  l)e  upon 
you;  we  bless  you  in  the  name  of  the  Lord"  (Ps. 
cxxix.  8).  Hence  the  term  "  bless  "  received  the 
secondary  sense  of  "  salute  "  (Gen.  xlvii.  7, 10;  1  K. 
viii.  66,  kc).  Tlie  Hebrew  term  used  in  these  in- 
stances (shiilom)  has  no  special  reference  to  "  pkack,'' 
as  stated  in  the  margin,  but  to  general  well-being, 
and  strictly  answers  to  our  "  welfare."  The  saluta- 
tion at  parting  consisted  originally  of  a  simple  bless- 
ing (Gen.  xxiv.  60,  xxviii.  1,  xlvii.  10;  Josh.  xxii.  6), 
but  in  later  times  tlie  term  shdlom  was  introduced 
here  also  in  the  form  "Go  in  peace,"  or  rather 
"Farewell"  (1  Sam.  i.  17,  xx.  42;  2  Sam.  xv.  9). 
This  was  current  in  our  Saviour's  time  (Mk.  v.  34  ; 
Lk.  vii.  50 ;  Acts  xvi.  36),  and  is  adopted  by  Him 
in  His  parting  address  to  His  disciples  (Jn.  xiv.  27). 
It  had  even  passed  into  a  salutation  on  meeting  in 
such  forms  as  "  Peace  be  to  this  house"  (Lk.  x.  5), 
"  Peace  be  unto  you  "  (xxiv.  36  ;  Jn.  xx.  19).  The 
more  common  salutation,  however,  at  this  time  was 
borrowed  from  the  Greeks,  their  w^ord  chairem{A.V. 
"bail,"  "God  speed"  in  2  Jn.  10,  11)  being  used 
at  meeting  (.Mat.  xxvi.  49,  xxviii.  9  ;  Lk.  i.  28),  and 
probably  also  at  departure.  In  modern  times  the 
ordinary  mode  of  address  current  in  the  East  re- 
seral)les  the  Hebrew  : — Esseldm  a/ey/nim,  "  Peace 
be  on  you,"  and  the  term  "  salam  "  has  been  intro- 
duced into  our  own  language  to  describe  the  Oriental 
salutation. — The  greetings  noticed  above  were  freely 
exchanged  among  persons  of  different  ranks,  even 
strangers,  on  meeting  (Ru.  ii.  4  ;  Ps.  cxxix.  8;  Prov. 
ixvli.  14).  The  only  restriction  appears  to  have 
been  in  regard  to  religion,  the  Jew  saluting  oidy 
"  brethren  "  (.Mat.  v.  47).  The  Apostle  John  forbids 
an  interchange  of  greeting  where  it  implied  a  wish 
for  the  success  of  a  bad  cause  (2  Jn.  11,  A.  V. 
"  God  speed  ").  The  modern  Orientals  are  famed 
for  the  elaborate  formality  of  their  greetings,  which 
occupy  a  very  considerable  time ;  the  instances  in 
the  IJible  are  not  such,  and  therefore  the  address  to 
persons  on  urgent  business,  "Salute  no  man  by  the 
way"  (2  K.  iv.  29;  Lk.  x.  4),  may  best  be  referred 
to  the  delay  likely  to  ensue  from  subse(|uent  conver- 
sation (so  Mr.  Bevan). — The  Persian  monarch  was 
never  approached  without  the  salutation,  "  0  king, 
live  for  ever"  (Dan.  ii.  4,  &c.).  There  is  no  evi- 
dence that  this  ever  became  current  among  the 
Jews  (1  K.  i.  81,  compare  30).  (Adoratio.n  ;  Kiss.) 
The  epistolary  salutations  in  the  period  subsequent 
to  the  0.  T.  were  framed  on  the  model  of  the  Latin 


style :  the  addition  of  the  term  "  peace  "  may,  how- 
ever, be  a  vestige  of  the  old  Hebrew  form  (2  Mc.  i. 
1).  The  writer  placed  his  own  name  first,  and  then 
that  of  the  person  whom  he  saluted  ;  only  in  special 
Cises  was  this  order  reversed  (i.  1,  ix.  19;  1  Esd.  vi. 
7).  A  combination  of  the  first  and  third  persons  in 
the  terms  of  the  salutation  was  not  unfrequent  ((ial. 
i.  1,  2 ;  Phn  1 ;  2  Pet.  i.  1).  The  Gr.  chaireiii  (A.V. 
"  greeting ")  was  used  elliptically  (expressed  or 
understood)  in  the  introductory  salutation  ( 1  Mc.  s. 
18;  2  Mc.  ix.  19  ["  wisheth  joy  "]  ;  1  Esd  viii.  9; 
Acts  XV.  23,  xxiii.  26  ["  send  greeting  "  in  the  last 
3] ;  Jas.  i.  1).  A  form  of  prayer  for  spiritual  mer- 
cies was  also  used,  e.  g.  "  grace  and  peace  "  (Rom. 
i.  7,  &c.).  The  concluding  salutation  consisted  oc- 
casionally of  a  translation  of  the  Latin  valele  (Gr. 
rmiuumai,  A.  V.  "  farewell ; "  Acts  xv.  29,  xxiii.  30), 
but  more  generally  of  the  Gr.  verb  aspazomai,  "  I 
salute"  (Rom.  xvi.  5,  7,  9  ff,  &c.)  or  "greet"  (xvi. 
3,  6,  8,  &c.),  or  the  cognate  substantive  aspasmoa, 
A.V.  "salutation"  (1  Cor.  xvi.  21,  &c. ), accompanied 
by  a  prayer  for  peace  or  grace.     Epistle. 

*  Sal-va'tion  (fr.  L. ;  Heb.  yen/iu'dh,  yegha',  ke. ; 
Gr.  solirin,  soterion)  sometimes  denotes  deliverance 
from  temporal  evils  or  earthly  destruction  (Ex.  xiv. 
13,  XV.  2;  1  Sam.  xiv.  45;  Phil.  i.  19,  &c.),  but  es- 
pecially deliverance  from  the  punishment  and  mis- 
ery consequent  on  »m,  with  restoration  to  the  fiivor 
of  God  and  the  bostowment  of  eternal  life  and  bless- 
edness in  the  ki.sodom  of  heaven  (Is.  Ixii.  11  ;  Zech. 
ix.  9 ;  Lk.  i.  77 ;  Rom.  i.  16,  kc).  God  is  figura- 
tively called  "  salvation,"  i.  e.  the  author  or  giver  of 
salvation  (Ps.  xxvii.  1  ;  Is.  xii.  2,  xxxiii.  2,  kc). 
The  Lord  Jescs  Christ  has  provided  the  salvation 
of  the  Gospel,  and  is  therefore  preeminently  "the 
Saviour"  (Mat.  i.  21 ;  1  Tim.  iv.  10).  Atonement; 
Damnation;  Death;  Faith  ;  Justification  ;  Life; 
Righteous;  Sin,  &c. 

Sani'a-el  (fr.  Gr.),  a  variation  for  (margin)  Salamiel 
(SHELUMrEL)ln  Jd.  viii.  1. 

Sa-oiDi'as  [-ma'vas]  (Gr.  =  Shf.maiah).  1,  She- 
maiah  23  (1  Esd.  "i.  9).— 2.  Shemaiah  11  (viii.  39). 
— 3>  The  "  great  Samaias,"  father  of  Ananias  and 
Jonathas  (Tob.  v.  13). 

Sa-ma'ri-a  [in  L.  pronounced  Sam-a-ri'a]  (L.  fr. 
Heb.  Slioineroii  =  watch-post,  Ges. ;  see  below).  ]. 
A  city  of  Palestine.  The  word  Shmuerdn  means, 
etymologically  (so  Dr.  Hessey,  the  original  author 
of  this  article),  pertaininti  to  a  irate/i,  or  a  irate/i- 
maunlain ;  and  we  should  almost  be  inclined  to 
think  that  the  peculiarity  of  the  situation  of  Samaria 
gave  occasion  to  its  name  (see  below^).  In  the  terri- 
tory originally  belonging  to  the  tribe  of  Joseph, 
about  six  miles  N.  W.  of  Shechem,  there  is  a  wide 
basin-shaped  valley,  encircled  with  high  hills,  almost 
on  the  edge  of  the  great  plain  (Shakos)  which  bor- 
ders upon  the  Mediterranean.  In  the  centre  of  this 
basin,  which  is  on  a  lower  level  than  the  valley  of 
Shechem,  rises  a  less  elevated  oblong  hill,  with  steep 
yet  accessible  sides,  and  a  long  flat  top.  This  hill 
was  chosen  by  Omri  as  the  site  of  the  capital  of  the 
kingdom  of  Israel.  (Israel,  Kinooom  of.)  He 
"  bought  the  hill  of  Samaria  of  Shkmer  for  two 
talents  of  silver,  and  built  on  the  hill,  and  called 
the  name  of  the  city  which  he  built  after  the  name 
of  the  owner  of  the  hill,  Samaria  "  ( 1  K.  xvi.  23, 
24).  This  statement,  of  course,  dispenses  with  the 
etymology  above  alluded  to ;  but  the  central  posi- 
tion of  the  hill  admirably  adapted  it  for  a  place  of 
obsenialion  and  a  fortress.  From  the  date  of  Omri's 
purchase,  B.  c.  925,  Samaria  retained  its  dignity  as  . 
tlie  capital  of  the  ten  tribes.     Ahab  built  a  temple 


953 


SA» 


SAM 


to  Baal  there  (xvi.  32,  33) ;  and  hence  a  portion  of 
the  city,  possibly  fortified  by  a  separate  wall,  was 
called  "the  city  of  the  house  of  Baal"  (2  K.  x.  25). 
Samaria  must  liave  been  a  place  of  great  strength. 
It  was  twice  besieged  bv  the  Syrians,  in  b.  c.  901  (1 
K.  XX.  1),  and  in  B.  c.  892(2  K.  vi.  24-vii.  20);  but 
on  both  occasions  tlie  siege  was  ineffectual.  The 
possessor  of  Samaria  was  considered  Je  /ado  king 
of  Israel  (2  K.  xv.  13,  14);  and  woes  denounced 
against  the  nation  were  directed  against  it  by  name 
(Is.  vii.  9,  &c.).  In  B.  c.  721,  Samaria  was  taken, 
after  a  siege  of  three  years,  by  Shalmanf.ser,  king 
of  Assyria  (2K.  xviii.  9,  10),  and  the  kingdom  of 
the  ten  tribes  was  terminated.  (See  No.  3  below.) 
Some  years  afterward  the  district  of  which  Samaria 
was  the  centre  was  repeopled  by  Esar-haddon  ;  but 
we  do  not  hear  especially  of  the  city  until  the  days 
of  Alexander  the  Great.  That  conqueror  took  the 
city,  whicli  seems  to  have  somewhat  recovered  it- 
self, killed  a  large  portion  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
suffered  the  remainder  to  settle  at  Shechcm.  lie 
replaced  them  by  a  colony  of  Syro-Macedonians, 
and  gave  the  adjacent  territory  to  the  Jews  to  in- 
habit. These  Syro-Macedonians  occupied  the  city 
until  the  time  of  John  Hyrcanus,  who  took  it  after  a 
year's  siege,  and  did  his  best  to  demolish  it  entirely 
(n.  c.  109).  After  this  disaster  the  Jews  inhabited 
what  remained  of  the  city  ;  at  least  we  find  it  in 
their  possession  in  the  time  of  Alexander  Jannaius, 
and  until  Ponipey  gave  it  back  to  the  descendants 
of  its  original  inhabitants.  By  directions  of  Gabin- 
ius,  Samaria  and  other  demolished  cities  were  re- 
built. But  its  more  effectual  rebuilding  was  under- 
taken by  Hkrod  the  Great.  He  called  it  Scbaxte 
(Gr.  =:  venerable,  aiigust)  =  Aiir/iista,  after  his  pa- 
tron Augustus  ;  built  a  wall  round  it  twenty  stadia 
(two  and  a  half  miles)  long,  and  a  magnificent  tem- 
ple in  the  centre,  dedicated  to  Cesar;  and  colonized 
it  with  6,000  veterans  and  others.  How  long  Sama- 
ria maintained  its  splendor  after  Herod's  improve- 
ments we  are  not  informed.  In  the  N.  T.  the  city  it- 
self does  not  appear  to  be  mentioned,  but  rather  a 
portion  of  the  dhtrict  to  which,  even  in  older  times, 
it  had  extended  its  name  (compare  Mat.  x.  B ;  Jn. 
iv.  4,  B).  Henceforth  its  history  is  very  unconnected. 
Septimus  Scverus  planted  a  Roman  colony  there  in 
the  beginning  of  the  third  century.  It  had  a  Chris- 
tian bishop  probably  as  early  as  the  third  century. 
It  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Mohammedans  during 
the  siege  of  Jerusalem.  During  the  crusades  a 
Latin  bishopric  was  established  there.  At  this  day 
the  city  is  represented  by  a  small  village  retaining 
few  vestiges  of  the  past  except  its  name,  Sehiutieh, 
an  Arabic  corruption  of  Seba.ste.  Some  architec- 
tural remains  it  has,  partly  of  Christian  construction 
or  adaptation,  as  the  ruined  church  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist,  partly,  perhaps  (colonnades,  &e.),  traces  of 
Idumcan  magnificence.  Jerome,  whose  acquaintance 
with  Palestine  imparts  a  sort  of  probability  to  the. 
tradition  which  prevailed  so  strongly  in  later  days, 
asserts  that  Sebastc,  which  he  invariably  identities 
with  Samaria,  was  the  place  in  which  John  the  Bap- 
tist was  imprisoned  and  suffered  death.  He  also 
makes  it  the  burial-place  of  the  prophets  Klisha 
and  Obadiah. — 2.  The  "Samaria"  of  1  Mc.  v.  66  is 
in  Josephus,  doubtless  correctly,  JIarissa  (i.  e.  Mare- 
sha). — 3.  "Samaria"  (the  district),  "Samaritans." 
In  the  strictest  sense  of  the  term,  a  Samaritan 
would  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  all/  of  Samaria.  But 
it  is  found  in  the  0.  T.  only  once,  and  then  in  a 
wider  signification  (2  K.  xvii.  29),  designating  those 
whom  the  king  of  Assyria  had  "  placed  in  the  cilie» 


of  Samaria  instead  of   the  children    of   Israel." 
"  Samaria  "  at  first  included  all  the  tribes  over  which 
Jeroboam  made  himself  king,  whether  E.  or  W.  of 
the  river  Jordan  (1  K.  xiii.  32).     In  other  places  in 
the  historical  books  of  the  0.  T.  (except  2  K.  xvii. 
24,  26,  28,  29)  "  Samaria  "  seems  to  denote  the  cili/ 
exclusively.     But  the  prophets  use  "  Samaria  "  in  a 
greatly  extended  sense  (Ez.  xvi.  53  ;  Ilos.  viii.  5,  6  ; 
Am.  iii.  9).    Hence  "Samaritan  "  must  have  denoted 
every  one  subject  to  the  king  of  the  northern  capi- 
tal.    But  whatever  extent  the  word  might  have  ac- 
quired, it  necessarily  became  contracted  as  the  lim- 
its of  the  kingdom  of  Israel  became  contracted. 
In  all  probability  the  territory  of  Simeon  and  that 
of  Dan  were  very  early  absorbed  in  the  kingdcm  of 
Judah.     This  would  be  one  limitation.     Next,  in 
n.  c.  771   and  740  respectively,  I'ul,  king   of  As- 
syria, and  Tiglath-pileser,  king  of  Assyria,  carried 
away  the  Reubenites  and  the  Gadites,  and  the  half- 
tribe  of  Manasseh  (1    Chr.  v.  26;  compare  also  2 
K.  X.  32,  33).     This  would  be  a  second  limitation. 
But  the  latter  of  these  kings  went  further:  "He 
took  Ijon,  and  Abel-belh-maachah,  and  Janoah,  and 
Kedcsh,  and  Hazor,  and  Gilead,  and  Galilee,  all  the 
land  of  Naphtali,  and  carried  them  captive  to  As- 
syria" (2  K.  XV.  29).     This  would  be  a  third  limita- 
tion.    But  we  have  yet  to  arrive  at  a  Iburth  limita- 
tion of   tlie  kingdom  of   Samaria,  and,   by  conse- 
quence, of  the  word  Samaritan.     It  is  evident  from 
an  occurrence  in  Hczekiali's  reign,  that  just  before 
the  deposition  and  death  of  Hoshca,  the  last  king 
of  Israel,  the  authority  of  the  king  of  Judah,  or,  at 
least,  his  influence,  was  recognized  by  portions  of 
Ashcr,  Issachar,  and  Zebulun,  and  even  of  Ephraim 
and  Manasseh  (2  Chr.  xxx.  1-26).     Men  came  frrm 
all  those  tribes  to  the  Passover  at  Jerusalem.    This 
was  about  b.  c.  726.     Samaria  (the  city),  and  a  few 
adjacent  cities  or  villages  only,  represented  that  do- 
minion  which   had  once   extended   from  Bethel  to 
Dan  northward,  and  from  the  Mediterranean  to  llie 
borders  of  Syria  and  Amnion  eastward  (compare  2 
K.  xvii.  5,  6,  23  ;  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  6). — This  brings  us 
more  closely  to  the  second  point  of  our  discussion, 
the  origin  of  those  who  are  in  2  K.  xvii.  29,  and  in 
the  N.  T.,  called  Samaritans.     Shalmaxeser  (2  K. 
xvii.  5,  6,  26)  carried  Israel,  i.  e.  the  remnant  of  the 
ten   tribes  wliich   still  acknowledged  Hoshea's  au- 
thority, into  Assyria.    This  remnant  consisted,  as  has 
been  shown,  of  Samaria  (the  city)  and  a  few  adja- 
cent cities  and   villages.     Now,  (1.)  Did  he  carry 
away  all  their  inhabitants,  or  no?     (2.)  Whclher  , 
they  were  wholly  or  only  partially  desolated,  who  j 
replaced  the  dejiortcd  population?     In  reference  to] 
(1.)  the  language  of  Scripture  admits  of  scarcely  a| 
doubt.     "Israel   was  carried   away"   (xvii.   6,  23),  | 
and  other  nations  were  placed  "  in  the  cities  of  Sa- 
maria imUad  of  the  children  of  Israel"   (xvii.  24,  j 
compare  26,  28,  and  xxi.  13).     There  is  no  mention  ' 
whatever,  as  in  the  case  of  the  somewhat   parallel 
destruction  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah,  of  "  the  poor  J 
of  the  land  being  left  to  be  vine-dressers  and  hug- 
bandmen"  (xxv.   12;  Captivity).      AV'e  may  thenl 
conclude  that  the  cities  of  Samaria  were  not  merely  J 
partially  but  wholly  evacuated  of  their  inhabitanta  j 
in  B.  c.  721  (see  below),  and  that  they  remained  in  ( 
this  desolated  state  until,  in  the  words  of  2  K.  xvii. 
24,  "  the  king  of  Assyria  brought  men  from  Babylon  j 
(Babel),  and  from  Cuthah,  and  from  Ava  (Ivah,  i 
xviii.  S-J),  and  from  Hamath,  and  from  SEPnARVAiM,  1 
and  placed  them  in  the  cities  of  Samaria  instead  of  ' 
the  children  of  Israel ;  and  they  possessed  Samaria,  ' 
and  dwelt  in  the  cities  thereof"     Thus  the  new  I 


SAU 


SAM 


959 


Samaritans  were  Assyrians  by  birth  or  subjugation, 
were  utterly  strangers  in  the  cities  of  Samaria,  and 
were  exclusively  the  inhabitants  of  those  cities. — 
An  incidental  question,  however,  arises.  Who  was 
the  king  of  Assyria  that  etfectcd  this  colonization  ? 


Josephus  apparently  attributes  it  to  Shalmaneser ; 
but  the  Samaritans  themselves,  in  Ezr.  iv.  2,  10,  at- 
tributed their  colonization  to  "Esau-haiii>ox,  king 
of  Assur,"  or  to  "  the  great  and  noble  Asxai'I'er," 
either  the  king  himself  or  one  of  his  generals  (about 


SehutlUh,  the  ancient  Samaria,  from  tbe  E.  N.  E. 

Behind  tbe  city  are  the  mountoini  of  Ephrnim,  vereing  on  the  Plain  of  Sharon.    The  Medltermnenn  Sea  is  in  the  farthest  distance.   Tbe  ori^nil  sketch 

Irom  which  this  view  is  token  was  made  by  William  Tipping,  Etq. ,  in  l^i-i. 


I 


B.  c.  ill).  The  fact,  too,  that  some  of  these  for- 
eigners came  from  Babylon  would  seem  to  direct  us 
to  Esar-haddon,  rather  than  to  his  grandfather,  Slial- 
maneser.  And  this  dat«  coincides  with  the  termi- 
nation of  the  sixty-five  years  of  Isaiah's  prophecy, 
delivered  b.  c.  742,  within  which  "  Ephraim  should 
be  broken  that  it  should  not  be  a  people  "  (Is.  vii. 
8). — These  strangers,  placed  in  "  the  cities  of  Sama- 
ria" by  Esar-haddon,  were  of  course  idolaters,  and 
worshipped  a  strange  medley  of  divinities.  God's 
displea.sure  was  kindled,  and  they  were  infested  by 
beii-'its  of  prey,  which  had  probably  increased  to  a 
great  extent  before  their  entrance  upon  it.  On 
their  explaining  their  miserable  condition  to  the 
king  of  Assyria,  he  dispatched  one  of  the  captive 
priests  to  teach  them  "  how  they  should  fear  the 
Lord."  The  priest  came  accordingly,  and  hence- 
forth, in  the  language  of  the  sacred  historian,  they 
"  feared  the  Lord,  and  served  their  graven  images, 
both  their  children  and  their  children's  children  :  as 
did  their  fathers,  so  do  they  unto  this  day  "  (2  K. 
xvii.  41).  Such  was  the  origin  of  the  new  Samari- 
tans— men  not  of  Jewish  extraction,  but  from 
the  further  East.  A  gap  occurs  in  their  history 
until  Judah  has  returned  from  Captivity.  They 
then  desire  to  be  allowed  to  participate  in  the  re- 
building of  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem.  But  they  do 
not  call  it  a  naVonal  undertakin;;.  They  advance 
no  pretensions  to  Jewish  blood.  They  confess  their 
Assyrian  descent,  and  even  put  it  forward  osten- 
tatiously, pcrh.ips  to  enhance  the  merit  of  their  par- 
tiaJ.  conversion  to  God.  The  Jews,  however,  do  not 
listen  favorably  to  their  overtures.  Ezra,  no  doubt, 
who  records  the  transaction,  saw  them  through  and 
through.  On  this  the  Samaritans  become  open  ene- 
mies, frustrate  the  operations  of  the  Jews  through 
the  reigns  of  two  Persian  kings,  and  are  only  ef- 
fectually silenced  in  the  reign  of  Darius  Hyataspis, 


B.  c.  519.  The  feud,  thus  unhappily  begun,  grew 
year  by  year  more  inveterate.  Matters  at  length 
came  to  a  climax.  About  b.  c.  409,  Manasseh,  a 
priest  expelled  from  Jerusalem  by  Nehemiah  for  an 
unlawful  marriage,  obtained  permission  from  the 
Persian  king  of  his  day,  Darius  Nothus,  to  build  a 
temple  on  Mount  Gerizim,  for  the  Samaritans,  with 
whom  he  had  found  refuge  (so  Dr.  Hessey,  witli  Pri- 
deaux,  &c. ;  but  see  Gerizim  ;  Nehemiah,  Book  of). 
The  animosity  of  the  Samarilans  became  more  in- 
tense than  ever.  They  are  said  to  have  done  every 
thing  in  their  power  to  annoy  the  Jews.  Their  own 
temple  on  Gerizim  they  considered  much  superior 
to  that  at  Jerusalem.  There  they  sacrificed  a  pass- 
over.  Toward  the  mountain,  even  after  the  temple 
on  it  had  fallen,  wherever  they  were,  they  directed 
their  worship.  To  their  copy  of  the  Law  (Samari- 
tan Pextateich)  they  arrogated  an  antiquity  and 
authority  greater  than  attached  to  any  copy  in  the 
possession  of  the  Jews.  The  Law  (i.  e.  the  five 
books  of  Moses)  was  their  sole  code  ;  they  rejected 
every  other  book  in  the  Jewish  Canon.  'The  Jews, 
on  the  other  hand,  were  not  more  conciliatory  in 
their  treatment  of  the  Samaritans.  The  copy  of  the 
Law  possessed  by  that  people  they  declared  to  be 
the  legacy  of  an  apostate  (Manasseh),  and  cast  grave 
RHspicions  upon  its  genuineness.  Certain  other  Jew- 
ish renegades  had  from  time  to  time  taken  refuge 
with  the  Samaritans.  Hence,  by  degrees,  the  Samar- 
itan.s  claimed  to  partake  of  Jewish  blood,  especially 
if  doing  so  happened  to  suit  their  interest.  *A  re- 
markable in.stanceof  this  is  exhibited  in  their  unsuc- 
cessful request  of  Alexander  the  (ireat,  about  b.  c. 
332  (before  he  besieged  and  destroye.l  the  city  of 
Samaria),  ti  be  excused  from  payment  of  tribute  in 
the  Sabbatical  year,  on  the  plea  that,  as  true  Israel- 
ites, descendants  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  sons 
of  Joseph,  they  refrained  from  cultivating  their  land 


960 


SA^ 


SAM 


in  that  year.  Another  instance  of  claim  to  Jewish 
descent  appears  in  the  words  of  the  woman  of  Sa- 
maria to  our  Lord  (Ju.  iv.  12),  "  Art  thou  greater 
tlian  our  fatlier  Jacob,  who  gave  us  the  well  ? " 
Very  far  were  the  Jews  from  admitting  this  claim 
to  consanguinity  on  the  part  of  these  people.  They 
were  ever  reminding  them  that  they  were  after  all 
mere  Cuthcans,  mereistrangers  from  Assyria.  They 
would  have  no  dealings  with  them  that  they  could 
possibly  avoid  (iv.  9).  "  Thou  art  a  Samaritan  and 
liast  a  devil "  was  an  expression  of  bitter  reproach 
(viii.  48).  The  Samaritan  was  publicly  cursed  in 
their  synagogues — could  not  be  a  witness  in  Jewish 
courts — could  not  be  admitted  to  any  sort  of  pros- 
elytism.  The  traditional  hatred  in  which  the  Jew 
held  the  Samaritan  is  expressed  in  Ecclus.  1.  25,  26. 
Even  the  apostles  believed  that  an  inhospitable 
slight  shown  by  a  Samaritan  village  to  Christ  would 
be  not  unduly  avenged  by  calling  down  fire  from 
heaven  (LU.  ix.  52  if. ;  compare  Mat.  x.  5,  6  ;  Lk.  x. 
33,  xvii.  16 ;  Jn.  iv.  22  ;  Acts  i.  8,  viii.  5,  if.).  Such 
were  the  Samaritans  of  our  Lord's  day :  a  people 
distinct  from  the  Jews,  though  lying  in  the  very 
midst  of  the  Jews,  a  people  preserving  their  identity, 
though  seven  centuries  had  rolled  away  since  tlicy 
had  been  brought  from  Assyria  by  Esar-haddon,  and 
though  they  had  abandoned  their  polytheism  for  a 
sort  of  ultra  Mosaicism :  a  people,  who — though 
their  limits  had  gradually  contracted,  and  the  rally- 
ing-plnce  of  their  religion  on  Mount  (Serizim  had 
been  destroyed  by  John  Ilyrcanus  (b.  c.  ISO),  and 
though  Samaria  (the  city)  had  been  again  and  again 
destroyed,  and  though  their  teritory  had  been  the 
battle-field  of  Syria  and  Egypt — still  preserved  their 
nationality,  still  worshipped  from  Shechem  and  their 
impoverished  settlements  toward  their  sacred  hill ; 
still  retained  their  nationality,  and  could  not  coa- 
lesce with  the  Jews.  Not,  indeed,  that  we  must  sup- 
pose that  the  whole  of  the  country  called  in  our 
Lord's  time  Samaria  was  in  the  possession  of  the 
Cuthean  Samaritans,  or  that  it  had  ever  been  so.  It 
was  bounded  northward  by  the  range  of  hills  which 
commences  at  Mount  Canncl  on  the  W.,  and,  after 
making  a  bend  to  the  S.  W.,  runs  almost  due  E.  to 
the  valley  of  the  Jordan,  forming  the  southern  bor- 
der of  the  plain  of  Esdrwlon.  It  touched  toward 
the  S.,  as  nearly  as  possible,  the  northern  limits  of 
Benjamin.  Tims  it  comprehended  the  ancient  ter- 
ritory of  ErniiAiM,  and  of  the  Manassites  W.  of 
Jordan.  The  Cuthean  Samaritans,  however,  pos- 
sessed only  a  few  towns  and  villages  of  this  large 
area,  and  these  lay  almost  together  in  the  centre  of 
the  district.  They  observe  the  Law,  and  celebrate 
the  Passover  in  a  sacred  spot  on  Mount  Gkrizim. 
The  Samaritans  were  very  troublesome,  both  to 
Jews  and  Romans,  in  the  first  century  a.  c.  Pilate 
chastised  them  with  a  severity  which  led  to  his  own 
downfall,  and  a  slaughter  of  10,600  of  them  took 
place  under  Vespasian.  Yet,  they  increased  greatly 
in  numbers  and  importance.  Epiphanius  (fourth 
century)  considers  them  the  chief  and  most  danger- 
ous enemies  of  Christianity.  An  outrage  on  the 
Christians  at  Neapolis  (Shechem),  toward  the  end 
of  the  fifth  century,  was  so  severely  punished  that 
they  sank  into  obscurity.  They  arc  just  noticed 
by  travellers  in  the  twelfth  and  fourteenth  cen- 
turies. In  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century 
a  correspondence  with  them  was  commenced  by 
Joseph  Sealiger.  At  Hdblus  (Shechem)  the  Samari- 
tans have  still  a  settlement,  consisting  of  about  200 
persons.  The  view  maintained  above,  as  to  the 
purely  Assyrian  origin  of  the  New  Samaritans,  is 


that  of  Suiccr,  Reland,  Hammond,  Drusius  (in  the 
Crilici  Sam),  Maldonatus,  Ilengstcnberg,  Hiiver- 
nick,  Robinson,  and  Archbishop  Trench.  Others, 
as  De  Sacy,  Gesenius,  Winer,  IJiJllinger,  Davidson, 
Mills,  Ayre,  &c.,  have  held  a  different  view,  which 
may  be  expressed  thus  in  DiJllinger's  words  :  "  In 
the  northern  part  of  the  Promised  Land  (as  opposed 
to  Judea  proper)  there  grew  up  a  mingled  race 
which  drew  its  origin  from  tlie  remnant  ol'  the  Israel- 
ites who  were  left  behind  in  the  country  on  the  re- 
moval of  the  Ten  Tribes,  and  also  from  the  heathen 
colonists  who  were  transplanted  into  the  cities  of 
Israel.  Their  religion  was  as  hybrid  as  their  ex- 
traction :  they  worshipped  Jehovah,  but,  in  addition 
to  Him,  also  the  heathen  idols  of  Phenieian  origin 
which  they  had  brought  from  their  native  land." 

*  Sa-mar'i-tan  (L.  Samaritanvs)  =  one  from  Sa- 
MAHIA  (Lk.  x.  23,  xvii.  16 ;  Jn.  viii.  48,  &c.).  Sa- 
maria 8. 

Sa-mar'l-tan  rcn'ta-tentli  (see  above,  and  Penta- 
teuch). I.  The  Samaritan  Ptntateuch  is  a  Recen- 
sion of  the  commonly  received  Hebrew  Text  of  the 
Mosaic  Law,  in  usewitli  the  Samaritans,  and  written 
in  the  ancient  Hebrew  or  so-called  Samaritan  char- 
acter. This  recension  is  quoted  by  Origen,  Jerome, 
Eiiscbius,  and  other  Fathers.  The  Talmud  men- 
tions the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  distinctly  and  con- 
temptuously as  a  clumsily-forged  record.  Down  to 
within  the  last  two  hundred  and  fifty  years,  how- 
ever, no  copy  of  this  divergent  4"ode  of  Laws  had 
reached  Europe,  and  it  began  to  be  pronounced  a 
fiction.  In  1616,  Pietro  della  Valle  acquired  a 
complete  MS.  from  the  Samaritans  in  Damascus. 
In  1623  it  was  presented  by  Achille  Harley  de  Sancy 
to  the  Library  of  the  Oratory  in  Paris,  and  in  1628 
there  appeared  a  brief  description  of  it  by  J.  Mo- 
rin  in  his  preface  to  the  Roman  te.^ct  of  the  LXX. 
It  was  published  in  the  Paris  Polyglott,  whence  it 
was  copied,  with  few  emendations  from  other  copies, 
by  Walton.  The  number  of  MSS.  in  Europe  has 
gradually  grown  to  eighteen.  These  MSS.  vary  in 
size  from  12mo  to  folio,  and  no  scroll,  such  as  the 
Jews  and  the  Samaritans  use  in  their  synagogues, 
is  found  among  them.  Their  material  is  vellum  or 
cotton-paper  ;  the  ink  used  is  black  in  all  eases  save 
the  scroll  used  by  the  Samaritans  at  Kablws,  the  let- 
ters of  which  are  in  gold.  There  are  neither  vowels, 
accents,  nor  diacritical  points.  The  individual  words 
are  separated  from  each  other  by  a  dot.  Greater 
or  smaller  divisions  of  the  text  are  marked  by  two 
dots  placed  one  above  the  other,  and  by  an  asterisk. 
A  small  line  above  a  consonant  indicates  a  peculiar 
meaning  of  the  word,  an  unusual  foiin,  a  passive, 
&c. :  it  is,  in  fact,  a  contrivance  to  bespeak  attention. 
Tlie  whole  Pentateuch  is  divided  into  nine  hundred 
and  sixty-four  paragraphs,  or  K&Uii),  the  termina- 
tion of  nliich  is  indicated  by  these  figures,  =,.'., 
or  <.  To  none  of  the  MSS.  which  have  as  yet  reached 
Europe  can  be  assigned  a  higher  date  than  the  10th 
century  a.  c.  The  scroll  used  in  Ndbbts  is  said  by 
the  Samaritans  to  have  been  written  by  Abishua  the 
son  of  Phinchaa.  Its  true  date  is  not  known.  (Old 
Testame.nt;  Writing.)  Morin  and  others  after  him 
placed  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  far  above  the  Re- 
ceived Text  in  point  of  genuineness,  but  Ravius  suc- 
ceeded in  finally  disposing  of  this  point  of  the  supe- 
riority (1753).  It  was  from  his  day  forward  allowed, 
almost  on  all  hands,  that  the  Masoretic  text  was  the 
genuine  one,  but  that  in  doubtful  cases,  when  the 
Samaritan  had  an  "  unquestionably  clearer  "  reading, 
this  was  to  be  adopted,  since  a  certain  amount  of 
value,  however  limited,  did  attach  to  it.     Here  the 


6AM 


SAM 


9G1 


matter  rested  until  1815,  when  Gescnius,  in  his  mas- 
terly dissertation  on  its  origin  and  character,  abol- 
ished the  remnant  of  the  autliority  ofthe  Samaritan 
I'entateuch.  Gesenius  divides  all  the  peculiar  read- 
ings of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  into  eight  classes, 
viz. — 1.  Readings  by  which  emendations  of  a  gram- 
matical nature  hare  been  attempted,  (a.)  The  quies- 
cent letters,  or  tnalres  leclionis  (Old  Testament,  A 
1 ),  are  supplied.  (6.)  The  more  poetical  forms  of 
the  pronouns  are  altered  into  the  more  common 
ones,  (c.)  The  same  propensity  for  completing  ap- 
parently incomplete  forms  is  noticeable  in  the  flexion 
of  the  verbs,  (rf.)  On  the  other  hand,  the  paragogi- 
cal  letters  vdv  (^)  and  i/od  (n),  at  the  end  of  nouns, 
are  almost  universally  struclc  out  by  the  Samaritan 
corrector ;  and,  in  the  ignorance  of  the  existence  of 
nouns  of  a  common  gender,  he  has  given  them  gen- 
ders according  to  his  fancy,  (c.)  The  infinite  abso- 
lute is  reduced  to  tlic  form  of  the  finite  verb.  For 
obsolete  or  rare  forms,  the  modern  and  more  com- 
mon ones  have  been  substituted  in  a  great  number 
of  places.  2.  Glosses  and  interpretations  received 
into  the  text.  3.  Conjectural  emendations  of  real 
or  imaginary  dilliculties  in  the  Masoreiic  text.  4. 
Readings  in  which  apparent  deficiencies  have  been 
corrected  or  supplied  from  parallel  passages  in  tlie 
I  )mmon  text.  5.  An  extension  of  class  4,  cora- 
;  rising  larger  phrases,  additions,  and  repetitions 
from  parallel  passages.  6.  Emendations  of  passages 
and  words  of  the  Hebrew  text  which  contain  some- 
thing objectionable  in  the  eyes  of  the  Samaritans,  on 
account  either  of  historical  improbability  or  apparent 
want  of  dignity  in  the  terras  applied  to  the  Creator. 
Thus,  in  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  no  one,  in  the 
antediluvian  times,  begets  his  first  son  after  he  has 
lived  150  years:  but  one  hundred  years  are,  where 
necessary,  subtracted  before,  and  added  after  the 
birth  of  the  first  son.  (Chronology;  Septuagint.) 
Thus  Ex.  xii.  40  in  our  text  reads,  "  Now  the  sojourn- 
ing of  the  children  of  Israel  who  dwelt  in  Egypt  was 
four  hundred  and  thirty  years."  The  Samaritan  has 
"  The  sojourning  of  the  children  of  Israel  [and  their 
fathers  who  dwelt  in  the  land  of  Canaan  anfl  in  the 
land  of  B/jgpt]  was  four  hundred  and  thirty  years : " 
an  interpolation  of  very  late  date  indeed.  Again,  in 
Gen.  ii.  a,  "  And  God  [?  had]  finished  on  the  seventli 
day "  is  altered  into  " the  sixth"  lest  God's  rest  on 
the  Sabbath-day  might  seem  incomplete.  7.  Samar- 
itanisms,  i.  e.  certain  Hebrew  forms,  translated  into 
the  idiomatic  Samaritan.  8.  Alterations  made  in 
favor  or  on  helialf  of  Samaritan  theology,  herme- 
neutics,  and  domestic  worship.  Thus  the  word 
Ehhim  (Gon),  four  times  construed  with  the  plural 
verb  in  the  Hebrew  Pentateuch,  w  in  the  Samaritan 
Pentateuch  joined  to  the  singular  verb  (Gen.  xx.  13, 
xxxi.  53,  XXXV.  7;  Ex.  xxii.  9);  and  further,  an- 
tliropomorphisms  as  well  as  anthropopathisms  are 
carefully  expunged — a  practice  very  common  in  later 
times.  The  last  and  perhaps  most  momentous  of 
all  intentional  alterations  is  the  constant  change  of 
all  the  phrases,  "  God  will  choose  a  spot,"  into  "  He 
has  chosen,"  viz.  Gerizim,  and  the  well-known  sub- 
stitution of  Gerizim  for  Ebal  in  Deut.  xxvii.  4  (A.  V. 
6).  In  Exodus  as  well  as  in  Deuteronomy  the  Sa- 
maritan has,  immediately  after  the  Ten  Command- 
ments, the  following  from  Deut.  xxvii.  2-7  and  xi. 
80 :  "  And  it  shall  be  on  the  day  when  ye  shall  pass 
over  Jordan  ...  ye  shall  set  up  these  stones  .  .  . 
on  Mount  Oe.rvdm  .  .  .  and  there  shall  thou  build 
an  altar  .  .  .  '  That  mountain. '  on  the  other  side 
Jordan  by  the  way  where  the  sun  goeth  down  .  .  . 
in  the  champaign  over  against  Gilgal,  beside  the 
61 


plains  of  Moreh,  '  over  again»t  Shecliem  ; '  " — this 
last  superfluous  addition,  which  is  also  found  in  Deut. 
xi.  30  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  being  ridiculed 
in  the  Talmud. — From  the  immense  number  of  these 
worse  than  worthless  variants  Gesenius  has  singled 
out  the  following  four,  which  he  thinks  preferable 
on  the  whole  to  those  of  the  Masoretie  text ;  yet 
they  too  have  since  been,  all  but  unanimously,  re- 
jected: (1.)  After  the  words,  "And  Cain  spoke  to 
his  brother  Abel "  (Gen.  iv.  8),  the  Samaritan  adds, 
"  let  us  go  into  the  field."  (2.)  In  Gen.  xxii.  13  in- 
stead of  "  behind  him  a  ram,"  the  Samaritan  reads, 
"on?  ram."  (3.)  For  (Gen.  xlix.  14)  "an  ass  of 
bone,"  i.  e.  "  a  strong  ass,"  the  Samaiitan  has  "an 
ass  of  strangers."  (4.)  For  "  he  led  forth  his  trained 
servants"  (Gen.  xiv.  14),  the  Samaritan  reads,  "he 
numbered." — Importiint  additions  to  tlie  preceding 
classes  of  Gesenius  have  been  made  by  Frankel,  such 
as  the  Samaritans'  preference  of  the  imperative  for 
the  third  person ;  ignorance  of  the  use  of  the  infin- 
itive absolute  for  the  imperative  ;  Galileanisms — to 
which  also  belongs  the  permutation  of  the  letters 
Ahevi(aieph  [jj],  he  \ri\,vd,v  [i],  yid  [-i]),  in  the  Sa- 
maritan ;  the  occasional  softening  ,down  of  the  pi 
(C)  into  bei/th  (3),  of  caph  (-)  into  giinel  (3),  tsAdey 
(2)  into  zaifin  (x),  &c.,  and  chiefly  the  presence  of 
words  and  phrases  in  the  Samaritan  which  are  riM 
interpolated  from  parallel  passages,  but  are  entirely 
wanting  in  our  text.  Frankel  derives  trom  these 
passages  chiefly  the  conclusion  that  the  Samaritan 
Pentateuch  was,  partly  at  least,  emendated  from  the 
LXX.,  Onkelos,  and  other  very  late  sources.  Kirch- 
heim  makes  thirteen  classes  of  peculiarities  instead 
ofthe  eight  of  Gesenius:  1.  Additions  und  altera- 
tions in  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  in  favor  of  Ger- 
izim. 2.  Additions  for  the  purpose  of  completion. 
3.  Commentary,  glosses.  4.  Change  of  verbs  and 
moods.  5.  Change  of  nouns.  6.  Emendation  of 
seeming  irregularities  by  assimilating  for.ins,  &c. 
7.  Permutation  of  letters.  8.  Pronouns.  9.  Gen- 
der. 10.  Letters  added.  11.  Addition  of  preposi- 
tions, conjunctions,  articles,  &c.  12.  Junction  of 
separated,  and  separation  of  joined  words.  13. 
Chronological  alterations. — Mr.  Deutsch,  the  original 
author  of  this  article,  gives  four  reasons  for  the  di- 
vergency of  existing  opinions :  (a.)  the  obscurity  of 
the  hi.story  of  the  Samaritans  (Samaria  3) ;  (15.)  the 
small  number  of  MSS.,  all  comparatively  recent ;  (c.) 
the  imperfect  collation  of  these  MSS. ;  (d.)  the  lack 
of  any  thorough  comparison  of  the  various  readings 
of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  and  those  of  the  LXX. 
The  following  are  the  leading  opinions,  and  the 
chief  arguments  for  and  against  them:— (1.)  The 
Samaritan  Pentateuch  came  into  the  hands  of  the  Sa- 
maritans as  an  inheritance  from  the  ten  tribes  whom 
they  succeeded  (so  J.  Morin,  Walton,  Cappcllus, 
Kennicott,  Michaelis,  Eichhorn,  Bauer,  Jalm,  Ber- 
tholdt,  Stendcl,  Mazade,  Stuart,  Davidson,  &c.).  Be- 
cause (<».)  It  seems  improbable  that  the  Samaritans 
should  have  accepted  their  code  at  the  hands  of  the 
Jews  after  the  Exile,  since  there  existed  an  intense 
hatred  between  the  two  nationalities.  (6.)  The  Sa- 
maritan Canon  has  only  the  Pentateuch  in  common 
with  the  Hebrew  Canon :  had  that  book  been  re- 
ceived at  a  period  when  the  Hagiographa  and  the 
Prophets  were  in  the  Jews'  hands,  it  would  be  sur- 
prising if  they  had  not  also  received  those,  (c.)  The 
Samaritan  letters,  avowedly  the  more  ancient,  are 
found  in  the  Samaritan  copy  :  therefore  it  was  written 
before  the  alteration  of  the  character  into  the  square 
Hebrew — which  dates  from  the  end  of  the  Exile — 
took  place.    On  the  other  side  it  is  argued : — (a.) 


962 


SAM 


SAH 


There  existed  no  religious  animosity  whatsoever  be- 
tween Judah  and  Israel  when  they  separated.  The 
ten  tribes  could  not  therefore  have  bequeathed  such 
an  animosity  to  those  who  succeeded  them.  On  the 
contrary,  the  contest  betwe.en  the  slowly  Judaized 
Samaritans  and  the  Jews  only  dates  from  the  mo- 
ment when  the  latter  refused  to  recognize  the  claims 
of  the  former,  of  belonging  to  the  people  of  God, 
and  rejected  their  aid  in  building  the  Temple.  (6.) 
The  jealousy  with  which  the  Samaritans  regarded 
Jerusalem,  and  the  intense  hatred  which  they  nat- 
urally conceived  against  the  post-Mosaic  writers  of 
national  Jewish  history,  would  sufficiently  account 
for  their  rejecting  the  other  books,  in  all  of  which, 
save  Joshua,  Judges,  and  Job,  either  Jerusalem,  as 
the  centre  of  worship,  or  David  and  his  House,  are 
e.xtoUcd.  (<;.)  The  present  Hebrew  character  was 
not  introduced  by  Ezra  after  the  return  from  the 
Exile,  but  came  into  use  at  a  much  later  period. 
The  Samaritans  might  therefore  have  received  the 
Pentateuch  at  the  hands  of  the  returned  exiles,  who, 
according  to  the  Talrai/d,  afterward  changed  their 
writing,  and  in  the  Pentateuch  only,  so  as  to  distin- 
guish it  from  th8  Samaritan.  (2.)  The  second  lead- 
ing opinion  on  the  age  and  origin  of  the  Samaritan 
Pentateuch  is  that  it  was  introduced  by  Manasseh 
at  the  time  of  the  foundation  of  the  Samaritan  Sanc- 
tuary on  Mount  Gerizim  (so  Ant.  van  Dale,  R.  Simon, 
Prideaux,  Fulda,  Hasse,  De  Wette,  Gesenius,  Hup- 
ield,  Hengstcnberg,  Keil,  &c.).  In  support  of  this 
opinion  are  alleged,  the  idolatry  of  the  Samaritans 
before  they  received  a  Jewish  priest  through  Esar- 
haddoH  (2  K.  xvii.  24-33),  and  the  immense  number 
of  readings  common  to  the  LXX.  and  this  Code, 
against  the  Masoretic  text.  (3.)  Other,  but  very 
isolated  notions,  are  those  of  Morin,  Le  Clerc,  Pon- 
cet,  &c.,  that  the  Israelitish  priest  sent  by  the  king 
of  Assyria  to  instruct  the  new  inhabitants  in  the  re- 
ligion of  .the  country  brought  the  Pentateuch  with 
him.  Further,  that  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  was 
the  production  of  an  impostor,  Dositheus,  who  lived 
during  the  time  of  the  apostles,  and  who  falsified  the 
sacred  records  in  order  to  prove  that  he  was  the 
Messiah  (Usher).  Against  which  there  is  only  this 
to  be  observed,  that  there  is  not  the  slightest  altera- 
tion of  such  a  nature  to  be  found.  Finally,  that  it 
is  a  very  late  and  faulty  recension,  made  after  the 
Masoretic  Text  (sixth  century  after  Christ),  into 
which  glosses  from  the  LXX.  had  been  received 
(Frankel). — The  chief  opinions  with  respect  to  the 
agreement  of  the  numerous  and  as  yet  uninvesti- 
gated readings  of  the  LXX.  and  the  Samaritan  Pen- 
tateuch are: — 1.  That  the  LXX.  have  translated 
from  the  Samaritan  (De  Dieu,  Selden,  Hottinger, 
Hassencamp,  Eichhorn,  &c.).  2.  That  mutual  in- 
terpolations have  taken  place  (Grotius,  Usher, 
Ravius,  &c.).  3.  That  both  versions  were  formed 
from  Hebrew  copies,  which  differed  among  them- 
selves as  well  as  from  the  one  which  afterward  ob- 
tained public  authority  in  Palestine ;  that,  however, 
very  many  wilful  corruptions  and  interpolations  have 
crept  in  in  later  times  (Gesenius).  4.  That  the  Sa- 
maritan has  in  the  main  been  altered  from  the  LXX. 
(Frankel). — But  the  Samaritan  and  LXX.  quite  as 
often  disagree  with  each  other,  and  follow  each  the 
Jlasoretic  Text.  Further,  the  quotations  in  the  N.  T. 
from  the  LXX.,  where  they  coincide  with  the  Samari- 
tan against  the  Hebrew  Text,  are  so  few  and  unimpor- 
tant that  they  cannot  be  adduced  as  any  argument 
whatsoever. — II.  Versions  from  the  Samaritan  Penta- 
teuch. 1.  Samaritan.  According  to  the  Samaritans 
themselves,  their  high-priest  Nathaniel,  who   died 


about  20  B.  c,  is  its  author.  Gesenius  puts  its  dale  a 
few  years  a.  c.  Juynboll  thinks  that  it  had  long  been 
in  use  in  the  &cond  century  a.  c.  Frankel  places 
it  after  Mohammed.  Other  investigators  date  it 
from  the  time  of  Esar-haddon's  priest  (so  Schwarz), 
or  either  shortly  before  or  after  the  foundation  of 
the  temple  on  Mount  Gerizim.  It  seems  certain, 
however,  that  it  was  composed  before  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  second  temple ;  and  being  intended,  like 
the  Targums,  for  the  use  of  the  people  exclusively, 
it  was  written  in  the  popular  Samaritan  idiom,  a 
mixture  of  Hebrew,  Aramaic,  and  Syriae.  In  this 
version  the  original  has  been  followed,  with  a  very 
few  exceptions,  in  a  slavish  and  sometimes  perfectly 
childish  manner,  the  sense  evidently  being  of  minor 
consideration.  In  other  cases,  where  no  Samaritan 
equivalent  could  be  found  for  the  Hebrew  word,  the 
translator,  instead  of  paraphrasing  it,  simply  trans- 
poses its  letters,  so  as  to  make  it  look  Samaritan. 
On  the  whole  it  may  be  considered  a  very  valuable 
aid  toward  the  study  of  the  Samaritan  Text,  on  ac- 
count of  its  very  close  verbal  adherence.  A  few 
cases,  however,  may  be  brought  forward,  where  the 
Version  has  departed  from  the  Text,  cither  under 
the  influence  of  popular  religious  notions,  or  for 
the  sake  of  explanation.  Anthropomorphisms  are 
avoided.  "Angel "is  frequently  found  instead  of 
"  God."  A  great  difficulty  is  offered  by  the  proper 
names  which  this  vcrsiou  often  substitutes,  they  be- 
ing, in  many  cases,  less  intelligible  than  the  original 
ones.  The  similarity  it  has  with  Onkelos  occasion- 
ally amounts  to  complete  identity  ;  but  no  safe  con- 
clusion as  to  the  respective  relation  of  the  two  ver- 
sions, can  be  drawn  from  this.  This  Version  has 
likewise,  in  passing  through  the  hands  of  copyists 
and  commentators,  suffered  many  interpolations  and 
corruptions.  The  first  copy  of  it  was  brought  to 
Evirope  by  De  la  Valle,  together  with  the  Samaritan 
Text,  in  1616.  J.  Nedrinus  first  published  it  to- 
gether with  a  faulty  Latin  translation  in  the  Paris 
Polyglott,  whence  it  was,  with  a  few  emendations, 
reprinted  in  Walton,  with  some  notes  by  Castell. — 
2.  Greek- Samaritan.  The  hatred  between  the  Sa 
maritans  and  the  Jews  is  supposed  to  have  caused 
the  former  to  prepare  a  Greek  translation  of  their 
Pentateuch  in  opposition  to  the  LXX.  of  the  Jews. 
In  this  way  at  least  the  existence  of  certain  frag- 
ments of  a  Greek  Version  of  the  Samaritan  Penta- 
teuch, preserved  in  some  MSS.  of  the  LXX.,  to- 
gether with  portions  of  Aquila,  Symmachus,  Theo- 
dotion,  &c.,  is  accounted  for.  These  fragments  are 
supposed  to  be  alluded  to  by  the  Greek  Fatliers 
under  the  name  Samareitikon  (Gr.  =  Samaritan). 
It  is  doubtful,  hofl«ver,  whether  it  ever  existed  (as 
Gesenius,  Winer,  Juynboll  suppose)  in  the  shape 
of  a  complete  translation,  or  only  designated  (as 
Castell,  Voss,  Herbst  hold)  a  certain  number  of 
scholia  translated  from  the  Samaritan  Version. 
Other  critics  (lliivernick,  Hengstcnberg,  &c.)  see 
in  it  only  a  corrected  edition  of  certain  passages  of 
the  LXX. — 3.  In  1070  an  Arabic  Version  of  the 
Samaritan  Pentateuch  was  made  by  Abu  Said  in 
Egypt,  on  the  basis  of  the  Arabic  translation  of 
Saadiah  haggaon.  (Versions,  ANCif:NT  [Araiiic].) 
Like  the  original  Samaritan  it  avoids  anthropo- 
morphisms and  anthropopathisms,  replacing  the 
latter  by  euphemisms,  besides  occasionally  niaking 
some  slight  alterations,  especially  in  proper  nouns. 
It  appears  to  have  been  drawn  up  from  the  Samar- 
itan Text,  not  from  the  Samaritan  Version.  Its 
language  is  far  from  elegant,  or  even  correct. — 4. 
To   this  Arabic  version  Abu  Barachat,  a  Syrian, 


SAM 


SAM 


963 


I 


wrote  in  1208  a  somewhat  paraphrastic  commcn- 
tarv,  which  has  by  degrees  come  to  be  looked  upon 
as  u  new  Version — the  Si/riac. — III.  Sumarilan 
Literature,  besides  the  Pentateuch  and  its  versions. 
1 .  Vhrouicon  Samaritanum  ( L.  =  Stimarilan  Chron- 
icle). "  There  is  no  Prophet  but  Moses  "  is  a  chief 
dogma  of  tlie  Samaritans.  Fierce  invectives  are 
uttered  against  Samuel,  Eli,  Solomon,  Ezra,  &c. 
Joshua  alone  seems  to  have  found  favor  in  tlieir 
eyes  ;  but  the  Book  of  Joshua,  which  they  perhaps 
possessed  in  its  original  form,  gradually  came  to 
form  only  the  groundwork  of  a  fictitious  national 
Samaritan  history,  overgrown  with  the  most  fantas- 
tic and  anachronistic  legends.  This  is  the  so-called 
"  Samaritan  Joshua,"  or  Chronicon  Samaritanum, 
sent  to  Scaliger  by  the  Samaritans  of  Cairo  in  1584. 
It  was  edited  by  Juynboll  (Leyden,  1848),  and  his 
acute  investigations  have  shown  that  it  was  re- 
dacted into  its  present  form  about  a.  d.  1300,  out 
of  four  special  documents,  three  of  which  were 
Arabic,  and  one  Hebrew  (i.  e.  Samaritan).  The 
chronicle  embraces  the  time  from  "  King  Joshua  " 
to  about  A.  D.  350,  and  was  originally  written  in,  or 
subsequently  translated  into,  Arabic.  2.  From  this 
work  chiefly  has  been  compiled  another  chronicle 
written  in  1355,  by  Abu'l  Fatah.  This  comprises 
the  history  of  the  Jews  and  Samaritans  from  Adam 
to  the  years  of  the  Hegira  756  and  798  (a.  n.  1355 
and  1397)  respectively.  It  is  of  equally  low  his- 
torical value  ;  its  only  remarkable  feature  being  the 
adoption  of  certain  Talmiidical  legends,  which  it 
took  at  second  hand  from  Josippon  ben  Gorion.  3. 
A  work  on  the  history  and  genealogy  of  the  patri- 
archs, from  Adam  to  Moses,  attributed  to  Moses 
himself;  perhaps  the  same  which  Pctermann  saw 
at  Niibbus,  and  which  consisted  of  sixteen  vellum 
leaves  (supposed,  however,  to  contain  the  history 
of  the  world  down  to  the  end).  4.  Other  Samaritan 
works  chiefly  in  Arabic — their  Samaritan  and  He- 
brew literature  having  mostly  been  destroyed  by 
the  Emperor  Commodus — are:  some  Commentaries 
upon  the  whole  or  parts  of  their  Pentateuch  ;  a  few 
theological  works  chiefly  in  Arabic,  mixed  with  Sa- 
maritanisms ;  and  some  grammatical  works.  5. 
Their  Liturgical  literature  consists  chiefly  of  hymns 
(Defter,  OkcciJh)  and  prayers  for  Sabbath  and  Feast 
days,  and  of  occasional  prayers  at  nuptials,  circum- 
cisions, burials,  &c. — IV.  AVe  shall  only  briefly 
touch  here  upon  the  strangely  contradictory  rab- 
binical laws  framed  for  the  regulation  of  tlie  inter- 
course bi'tween  the  t.vo  rival  nationalities  of  Jews 
and  Samaritans  in  religious  and  ritual  matters ;  dis- 
crepancies due  partly  to  the  ever-sliifting  phases  of 
their  mutual  relations,  partly  to  the  modifications 
brought  about  in  the  Samaritan  creed,  and  partly  to 
the  now  less  now  greater  acquiescence  of  the  Jews 
in  the  religions  state  of  the  Samaritans.  Thus  we 
find  the  older  Talmudical  authorities  disputing 
whether  the  Cutliim  (Samaritans)  are  to  be  consid- 
ered as  "  Real  Converts,"  or  only  converts  through 
fear — "  Lion  Converts."  (Proselyte  IV.)  It  would 
appear  that  notwithstanding  their  rejection  of  all 
but  the  Pentateuch,  they  had  adopted  many  tradi- 
tional religious  practices  from  the  Jews — principally 
such  as  were  derived  direct  from  the  Books  of  Mo- 
ses. It  was  acknowledged  that  they  kept  these  or- 
dinances with  even  greater  rigor  than  those  from 
whom  tliey  adopted  them.  The  utmost  confidence 
was  therefore  placed  in  them  for  their  ritually 
slaughtering  animals,  even  fowls ;  their  wells  are 
pronounced  to  be  confonned  to  all  the  conditions 
prescribed  by  the  Mishna ;  their  unleavened  bread 


for  the  Passover  is  commended  ;  their  cheese  ;  and 
even  their  whole  food  is  allowed  to  the  Jews.  Their 
testimony  was  valued  in  that  most  stringent  matter 
of  the  letter  of  divorce.  They  were  admitted  to 
the  ollice  of  circumcising  Jewish  boys.  The  criminal 
law  makes  no  ditt'erence  between  them  and  the 
Jews.  By  degrees,  however,  inhibitions  began  to 
be  laid  upon  the  use  of  their  wine,  vinegar,  bread. 
We  hear  of  their  exclusion  by  R.  Meir,  in  the  third 
generation  of  the  Tanaim  (.\ram.  =  repeaters,  or 
teachers  of  the  Law),  and  later  again  under  R. 
Abbuha,  the  Amora  (Aram.  =  expositor,  or  later 
doctor  of  the  Law),  at  the  time  of  Diocletian ;  this 
time  the  exclusion  was  unconditional  and  final. 
Partaking  of  their  bread  was  considered  a  trans- 
gression, to  be  punished  like  eating  the  flesh  of 
swine.  In  Mat.  x.  5  Samaritans  and  Gentiles  are 
already  mentioned  together;  and  in  Lk.  xvii.  18  the 
Samaritan  is  called  "  a  straxgee."  The  reason  for 
this  exclusion  is  variously  given. 

Sam'a-tns  (fr.  Gr.),  one  of  the  sons  of  Ozora  in 
the  list  of  1  Esd.  ix.  34. 

*Sa'inech  [-mek]  {Heh.  fulcrum,  support,  Ges.), 
the  fifteenth  letter  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  (Ps. 
cxix.).     Writi.ng. 

Sa-mei'ns  [-me'yus]  (fr.  Gr.)  —  Shemaiah  13  (1 
E.sd.  ix.  21). 

Sam'gar-nc'bo  (Heb.  fr.  Pers.  =  sword  of  Nebo, 
i.  e.  of  Mercury  ?  Ges. ;  Fiirst  makes  Sampar  = 
cvphearer,  and  connects  ^ebo  with  the  following 
Sarscehim ;  Von  Bohlen  makes  Samr/ar  =  war- 
rior), one  of  the  princes  or  generals  of  the  king  of 
Babylon  who  commanded  the  army  of  the  Chal- 
deans at  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  (Jer.  xxxix.  3). 

Sa'ml  =  SiioBAi  (1  Esd.  v.  28). 

Sa'mls  =  Shimei  13  (1  Esd.  ix.  34). 

SaiBlall  (Heb.  a  garment),  a  king  of  Edom,  suc- 
cessor to  Hadad  or  Hadar  (Gen.  xxxvi.  36,  37;  1 
Chr.  i.  47,  48).  Mr.  E.  S.  Poole  supposes  Mashe- 
KAH  was  his  chief  city. 

Sam'mas  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Shema  (1  Esd.  ix.  43). 

Sa'mss  (Gr.  a  height,  especially  by  the  sea-shore, 
Str.,  L.  &  S.),  a  very  illustrious  Greek  island  otT  that 
part  of  Asia  Minor  where  Ionia  touches  Cahia. 
Samos  is  a  very  lofty  and  commanding  island.  It 
was  celebrated  for  its  fertility,  its  pottery,  its  temple 
of  Juno,  and  as  the  birth-place  of  Pythagoras.  It 
is  noticed  in  the  account  of  St.  Paul's  return  from 
his  third  missionary  journey  (Acts  xx.  15).  He  had 
been  at  Chios,  and  was  about  to  proceed  to  Miletus, 
having  passed  by  Ephesus  without  touching  there. 
The  night  was  spent  at  the  anchorage  of  Thogyl- 
iiUM,  in  the  narrow  strait  between  Samos  and  the 
extremity  of  the  mainland-ridge  of  Mycale.  This 
spot  is  famous  for  the  great  battle  of  the  old  Greeks 
against  the  Persians  in  b.  c.  479,  and  for  a  gallant 
action  of  the  modern  Greeks  against  the  Turks  in 
1824.  Jews  resided  here  (1  Me.  xv.  23).  Samos 
was  anciently  mistress  of  the  sea,  afterward  a  val- 
uable dependency  of  Athens.  In  the  time  of  Herod 
the  Great,  and  when  St.  Paul  was  there,  it  was  po- 
litically a  "  free  city  "  in  the  province  of  Asia.  Ro- 
MA.N  Empire. 

Sam-o-thra'd-a  [-shea]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  the  Samos 
for  lieight]  of  Tiirack,  Sir.),  an  island  in  the  Mf^eaa 
Sea,  off  the  coast  of  Thrace,  mentioned  in  the  ac- 
count of  St.  Paul's  first  voyage  to  Europe  (Acts 
xvi.  II).  Being  a  very  lofty  and  conspicuous  island, 
it  is  an  excellent  landmark  for  sailors,  and  must 
have  been  full  in  view,  if  the  weather  was  clear, 
throughout  that  voyage  from  Troas  to  Neapolis. 
This  voyage,  made  with  a  fair  wind,  occupied  only 


964 


SAM 


SAM 


parts  of  two  days,  and  the  technical  word  here 
used  (A.  V.  "  came  with  a  straight  course  ")  implies 
that  they  ran  before  the  wind  (compare  the  five 
days  of  a  subsequent  return-voyage,  xx.  6).  Xow, 
the  position  of  this  island  exactly  corresponds  witli 
these  notices.  St.  Paul  and  his  companions  an- 
chored for  the  night  off  Samothracia.  The  ancient 
city,  and  therefore  probably  the  usual  anchorage, 
was  on  the  north  side,  which  would  be  sulfieiently 
sheltered  from  a  S.  E.  wind.  In  St.  Paul's  time 
Samothracia  (or  Samothrace)  had,  according  to 
Pliny,  the  privileges  of  a  small  free  state,  though 
it  was  doubtless  considered  a  dependency  of  the 
province  of  Macedonia.  The  mysterious  divinities 
called  Cabiri  were  here  worshipped. 

Saup'sa-mes  [meez]  (Gr.),  a  name  in  the  list  of 
those  written  to  by  the  Romans  in  behalf  of  the 
Jews  (1  Mc.  XV.  23).  It  was  probably  a  place, 
which  Grimm  identifies  with  Samxvit  on  the  coast 
of  the  Black  Sea,  between  Sinope  and  Trcbizond. 

Sam'soD  (L. ;  Gr.  Sampson  ;  fr.  Heb.  Shimshon  =: 
sunlike,  Ges. ;  strong,  Jos. ;  the  distinguished,  the 
hero,  Fii.),  son  of  Manoah,  a  man  of  Zorah,  in  the 
tribe  of  Dan,  on  the  border  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  33, 
xix.  41).  The  account  of  his  birth,  life,  and  exploits 
is  given  in  Judg.  xiii.-xvi.  His  birth  was  foretold 
by  an  angel  of  the  Lord,  who  said  that  he  sliould 
be  "  a  Nazarite  unto  God  from  the  womb,"  and 
should  "  begin  to  deliver  Israel  out  of  the  hand  of 
the  Philistines."  He  sought,  contrary  to  his  pa- 
rents' wish,  to  marry  a  Philistine  female  of  Tim- 
NATH,  acting  in  this  under  the  prompting  and  secret 
contnjl  of  Jehovah,  who  saw  tit  thus  to  bring  upon 
the  Philistines  a  righteous  retribution.  On  his  way 
to  Timnath  he  slew  a  lion,  in  the  carcass  of  which 
he  afterward  found  a  swarm  of  bees  and  honey. 
(Bee.)  At  the  marriage  feast  he  put  forth  aRinnLE, 
the  solution  of  which  the  guests  obtained  through 
his  wife's  treachery.  He  then  went  to  Ashkelon 
and  slew  thirty  Philistines,  whose  garments  (Dress) 
he  give  as  the  prize  to  those  who  expounded  tlie 
riddle.  His  wife  was  given  to  another,  and  Samson 
then  caught  300  foxes  or  jackals  (Fox),  fastened  a 
firebrand  to  each  pair,  and  turned  them  into  the 
standing  corn  of  the  Philistines.  The  enraged 
Philistines  burnt  his  wife  and  her  father ;  Samson 
slew  many  of  the  Philistines,  and  retired  to  the  rock 
Etam  (Etam,  the  Rock)  ;  and  afterward,  bound  by 
the  men  of  Judah  and  delivered  up  to  the  Philis- 
tines, he  slew  a  thousand  of  the  latter  in  Leiii  with 
the  jaw-bone  of  an  ass,  and  was  then  refreshed  by 
drinking  of  the  spring  En-hakkore.  Subsequently 
visiting  a  harlot  in  Gaza,  and  watched  by  his  ene- 
mies, he  escaped  them  by  carrying  off  both  doors 
or  leaves  of  one  of  the  city-gates  with  their  posts 
and  bar  to  the  top  of  a  hill  in  the  direction  of  He- 
bron. After  this,  he  loved  a  woman  in  the  valley 
of  Sorek,  named  Delilah,  who  enticed  him  to  re- 
veal to  her  the  secret  of  his  great  strength  and 
then  betrayed  him  to  his  enemies,  who  put  out  his 
eyes  (Pdnishments)  and  made  him  grind  corn  in  the 
prison-house  at  Gaza.  (Mill.)  After  his  hair  be- 
gan to  grow  and  his  strength  returned,  the  Philis- 
tines made  a  great  sacrifice  to  Dagon  and  brought 
out  Samson  to  make  sport  for  them.  lie  then, 
taking  hold  of  the  two  middle  pillars  on  which  the 
HOfSK  stood,  pulled  down  the  whole  edifice,  and 
thus  slew  at  his  death  about  3,000  men  and  women. 
(1.)  As  a  jiinGE  his  authority  seems  to  have  been 
limited  to  the  district  bordering  upon  the  country 
of  the  Philistines,  and  his  action  as  a  deliverer  does 
not  seem  to  have  extended  beyond  desultory  attacks 


upon  the  dominant  Philistines.  It  is  evident  from 
Judg.  xiii.  1,  5,  XV.  9-11,  20,  and  the  whole  history, 
that  the  Israelites,  or  at  least  Judah  and  Dan,  which 
are  the  only  tribe?  mentioned,  were  subject  to  the 
Philistines  through  the  whole  of  Samson's  judge- 
ship; so  that  Samson's  twenty  years  of  office  (xvi. 
31)  would  be  included  in  the  forty  years  of  the 
Philistine  dominion.  From  the  angel's  speech  to 
Samson's  mother  (xiii.  5),  it  appears  further  that 
the  Israelites  were  already  subject  to  the  Pliilistines 
at  his  birth ;  and  as  Samson  cannot  have  begun  to 
be  judge  before  he  was  twenty  years  of  age,  it  fol- 
lows that  his  judgeship  must  have  ci>incided  with 
the  last  twenty  years  of  Philistine  dominion.  But 
in  1  Sam.  vii.  1-14,  &c.,  we  find  that  the  Philistine 
dominion  ceased  under  the  judgeship  of  Samuel. 
Hence  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  concludes  that  the  early 
part  of  Samuel's  judgeship  coincided  with  the  latter 
part  of  Samson's ;  and  that  the  capture  of  the  ark 
by  the  Philistines  in  the  time  of  Eli  occurred  dur- 
ing Samson's  lifetime.  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  also 
argues  the  proximity  of  the  times  of  Sam.=on  and 
Samuel  from  the  general  prominence  of  the  Philis- 
tines in  their  relation  to  Israel,  the  Nazaritism  of 
both  Samson  and  Samuel  (xiii.  6,  xvi.  17;  compare 
1  Sam.  i.  11),  and  the  similar  notices  of  the  house 
of  Dagon  and  of  the  lords  of  the  Philistines  (Judg. 
xvi.  8,  18,  23,  27 ;  1  Sam.  v.  2,  7  ;  Judges,  Book  of). 
There  is  no  allusion  whatever  to  other  parts  of  Is- 
rael during  Samson's  judgeship,  excepc  the  single 
fact  of  the  men  of  the  border  tribe  of  Judah,  3,000 
in  number,  fetching  him  from  the  rock  Etam  to 
deliver  him  up  to  the  Philistines  (Judg.  xv.  9-13). 
The  whole  narrative  is  entirely  local,  and,  like  the 
following  story  concerning  Micah  (xvii.,  xviii.), 
seems  to  be  taken  from  the  annals  of  the  tribe  of 
Dan.  (2.)  As  a  Nazarite,  Samson  exhibits  the  law 
in  Num.  vi.  in  full  practice  (Judg.  xiii.  5,  xvi.  17). 
(3.)  Samson  was  endowed  with  supernatural  power 
by  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord.  "  The  Spirit  of  the  Lord 
began  to  move  him  at  times  in  Mahaiuh-dun." 
"  "The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  came  mightily  upon  him, 
and  the  cords  that  were  upon  his  arms  became  as 
flax  burnt  with  fire."  "  The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  came 
upon  him,  and  he  went  down  to  Ashkelon,  and  slew 
thirty  men  of  thom"  (Judg.  xiii.  25,  xv.  14,  xiv.  19). 
After  his  locks  were  cut,  and  his  strength  was  gone 
from  him,  it  is  said,  "  he  wist  not  that  the  Lord 
was  departed  from  him"  (xiii.  25,  xiv.  6,  19,  xv. 
14,  xvi.  20).  The  phrase,  "  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord 
came  upon  him,"  is  common  to  him  with  Othnicl  and 
Gideon  (iii.  10,  vi.  34);  but  the  connection  of  super- 
natural power  with  the  integrity  of  the  Nazaritic 
vow,  and  the  particular  gift  of  great  strength  of 
body,  as  seen  in  tearing  in  pieces  a  lion,  breaking 
his  bonds  asunder,  carrying  the  gates  of  the  city  on 
his  back,  and  throwing  down  the  pillars  which  sup- 
ported the  house  of  Dagon,  are  peculiar  to  Samson. 
Indeed,  his  whole  character  and  his  history  have  no 
exact  parallel  in  Scripture.  It  is  easy,  however,  to 
see  how  forcibly  the  Israelites  would  be  taught,  by 
such  an  example,  that  their  national  strength  lay  in 
their  complete  separation  from  idolatry,  and  conse- 
cration to  the  true  God ;  and  that  He  could  give 
them  power  to  subdue  tlieir  mightiest  enemies,  if 
only  they  were  true  to  His  service  (compare  1  Sam. 
ii.  iO). — Samson  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable_ 
personages  in  history.  God  seems  to  have  raise 
him  up  "  to  baflle  the  power  of  the  whole  Philistind 
nation  by  the  prowess  of  a  single  individual.  .  .  . 
The  enrolment  of  his  name  by  an  apostolic  Jew 
(Heb.  xi.  32)  in  the  list  of  the  ancient  worthies,  whol 


SAM 


SAM 


965 


r 


had  b_v  faith  obtained  an  excellent  report,  warrants 
us  undoubtedly  in  a  favorable  estimate  of  his  char- 
acter on  the  whole,  while  at  the  same  time  the 
fidelity  of  the  inspired  narrative  has  perpetuated  the 
record  of  infirmities  which  must  for  ever  mar  the 
lustre  of  his  noble  deeds  "  (Bush,  in  Kitto). — It  is  an 
interesting  question  whether  any  of  the  legends  re- 
specting Hercules  were  derived  from  Phenician 
traditions  of  the  strength  of  Samson.  The  combina- 
tion of  great  strength  with  submission  to  the  power 
of  women ;  the  slaying  of  the  Nemean  lion ;  the 
coming  by  his  death  at  the  hands  of  his  wife ;  and 
especially  the  story  told  by  Herodotus  of  the  cap- 
tivity of  Hercules  in  Egirpt,  are  certainly  remarkable 
coincidences.  Phenician  traders  might  easily  have 
carried  stories  concerning  the  Hebrew  hero  to 
Greece,  Italy,  &e.,  and  such  stories  would  have  been 
moulded  according  to  the  taste  or  imagination  of 
those  who  heard  them. 

SaiIl'll-eI(L.  fr.  Heb.  Shlmuel  =  name  of  God,  Ori- 
gen  y  Ges. ;  plai^i^lby  Ood  ;  wikedof  Ood,  Jos. ;  heard 
of  Ood,  Stl.,  &c.),  also  written  Shemukl,  the  last 
JcoGE,  the  first  of  the  regular  succession  of  Prophets 
(Prophet),  and  the  founder  of  the  monarchy.  (King.) 
He  was  son  of  Elkanaii  4,  an  Ephrathite  or  Ephraim- 
ite  (Ephrathite  2),  and  of  Hannah.  His  birth-place 
(I  Sam.  i.  1,  19;  Ramah2;  Ramathaim-zophim)  is 
one  of  the  vexed  questions  of  sacred  geography,  as 
his  descent  is  of  sacred  genealogy.  Elkanah's  family 
must  have  been  large.  His  wife  Peninnah  had  sev- 
eral children,  and  Hannah  had,  besides  Samuel, 
three  sons  and  two  daughters.  In  the  account  of 
Samuel's  birth  Hannah  is  described  as  a  woman  of 
a  high  religious  mission.  Almost  a  Nazarite  by 
practice  (i.  15),  and  a  prophetess  in  her  gifts  (ii.  1), 
she  sought  from  God  the  gift  of  the  child  for  which 
she  longed  with  a  passionate  devotion  of  silent 
prayer,  of  which  there  is  no  other  example  in  the 
O.  T.,  and  when  the  son  was  granted,  the  name 
which  he  bore,  and  thus  first  introduced  into  the 
world,  expressed  her  sense  of  the  urgency  of  her  en- 
treaty— Samuel  (  =  "  the  Asked  [or  Heard]  of 
Ood").  Living  in  the  great  age  of  vows,  she  had 
before  his  birth  dedicated  him  to  the  office  of  a 
Nazarite.  As  soon  as  he  was  weaned  (Cnii-n),  she 
herself  with  her  husband  brought  him  to  the  Taber- 
nacle at  Shiloh,  where  she  had  received  the  first 
intimation  of  his  birth,  and  there  solemnly  conse- 
crated him  (i.  24).  Then  his  mother  made  him  over 
to  Eli  (2.'>,  28),  and  the  child  himself  performed  an 
act  of  worship.  The  hymn  which  followed  on  this 
consecration  is  the  first  of  the  kind  in  the  sacred 
Toluiue  (ii.  l-IO;  Poetry,  Hebrew).  From  this 
time  the  child  is  shut  up  in  the  Tabernacle.  The 
priests  furnished  him  with  an  Epnon,  and  his  mother 
every  year,  apparently  at  the  only  time  of  their 
meeting,  gave  him  a  little  mantle.  (Dress;  Man- 
tle 2.)  He  seems  to  have  slept  within  the  Holiest 
Place  (iii.  3),  and  his  special  duty  was  to  put  out,  a.s 
it  would  seem,  the  sacred  candlestick,  and  to  open 
tlie  doors  at  sunrise.  In  this  way  his  childhood  was 
pa.ssed.  Whilst  thus  sleeping  in  the  Tabernacle  he 
received  his  first  prophetic  call  (iii.  1-18).  The 
stillness  of  the  night — the  sudden  voice — the  child- 
like misconception — the  venerable  Eli — the  contrast 
between  the  terrible  doom  and  the  gentle  creature 
who  has  to  announce  it — give  to  this  portion  of  the 
narrative  a  universal  interest.  From  this  moment 
the  prophetic  character  of  Samuel  was  established. 
His  words  were  treasured  up,  and  Shiloh  became 
the  resort  of  those  who  came  to  hear  him  (iii.  19- 
21).    In  the  overthrow  of  the  sanctuary,  which  fol- 


lowed shortly  on  this  vision,  we  hear  not  what  be- 
came of  Samuel  (iv.  11).  He  next  appears,  prob- 
ably twenty  years  afterward,  suddenly  among  the 
people,  warning  them  against  their  idolatrous  prac- 
tices (vii.  3,  4).  He  convened  an  assembly  at  Miz- 
PEH.  As  he  was  offering  up  a  sacrifice,  and  sustain- 
ing his  loud  cry  of  supplication,  the  Philistine  host 
suddenly  burst  upon  them.  A  violent  thunderstorm 
came  to  the  timely  assistance  of  Israel.  The  Philis- 
tines fled,  and,  exactly  at  the  spot  where  twenty 
years  before  they  had  obtained  their  great  victory, 
they  were  entirely  routed.  A  stone  was  set  up, 
which  long  remained  as  a  memorial  of  Samuel's  tri- 
umph, and  gave  to  the  place  its  name  of  Eben-ezer 
=  the  Sto7ie  of  Help  (vii.  12).  This  was  Samuel's 
first  and,  as  far  as  we  know,  his  only  military  achieve- 
ment. But  it  was  apparently  this  which  raised  him 
to  the  office  of  "  Jldge"  (comp.  xii.  11  and  Ecchis. 
xlvi.  15-18).  He  visited,  in  discharge  of  his  duties 
as  ruler,  the  three  chief  sanctuaries  on  the  \V.  of 
Jordan — Bethel,  Gilgal,  and  Mizpeh  (1  Sam.  vii. 
16).  His  own  residence  was  still  his  native  city, 
Ramah  or  Ramathaim,  which  he  further  conse- 
crated by  an  altar  (vii.  17).  Here  he  married,  and 
two  sons  (Abiah  3 ;  Joel  1  ;  Vashni)  grew  up  to 
repeat  under  his  eyes  the  same  perversion  of  high 
office  that  he  had  himself  witnessed  in  his  child- 
hood in  the  case  of  the  two  sons  of  Eli.  In  his 
old  age  he  shared  his  power  with  them  (viii.  1— 
4). — Down  to  this  point  in  Samuel's  life  there  is  little 
to  distinguish  his  career  from  that  of  his  predeces- 
sors. But  his  peculiar  position  in  the  sacred  narra- 
tive turns  on  the  events  which  follow.  He  is  the 
inaugurator  of  the  transition  from  what  is  commonly 
called  the  theocracy  (Jehovah  ;  King)  to  the  mon- 
archy. The  misdemeanor  of  his  own  sons  precipi- 
tated the  catastrophe  which  had  been  long  prepar- 
ing. The  people  demanded  a  king.  For  the  whole 
night  he  lay  fasting  and  sleepless,  in  the  perplexity 
of  doubt  and  difficulty  (so  Dean  Stanley,  original 
author  of  this  article,  after  Josephus).  In  the  vision 
of  that  night,  as  recorded  by  the  sacred  historian,  is 
given  the  dark  side  of  the  new  institution,  on  which 
Samuel  dwells  on  the  following  day  (1  Sam.  viii.  9- 
18).  This  presents  his  reluctance  to  receive  the 
new  order  of  things.  The  whole  narrative  of  the 
reception  and  consecration  of  Sacl  gives  his  ac- 
quiescence in  it.  The  final  conflict  of  feeling  and 
surrender  of  his  office  is  given  in  the  last  assembly 
over  which  he  presided,  and  in  his  subsequent  rela- 
tions with  Saul.  The  assembly  was  held  at  Gilgal, 
immediately  after  the  victory  over  the  Ammonites, 
The  monarchy  was  a  second  time  solemnly  inaugu- 
rated, and  "Saul  (so  the  Hebrew  text;  'Samuel,' 
according  to  the  LXX.)  and  all  the  men  of  Israel  re- 
joiced greatly."  Then  takes  place  his  farewell  ad- 
dress. He  appeals  to  their  knowledge  of  his  integ- 
rity, and  sums  up  the  new  situation  in  which  they 
have  placed  themselves,  and  although  the  wicked- 
ness of  asking  a  ki^  is  still  strongly  insisted  on, 
and  the  thunderstorm  (in  May  or  June ;  Rain  ; 
Thunper),  in  answer  to  his  prayer,  is  urged  as  a 
sign  of  the  Divine  displeasure,  the  king  is  repeatedly 
acknowledged  as  the  Lord's  "anointed"  (Anoint- 
ing), the  future  prosperity  of  the  nation  is  declared 
to  depend  on  their  use  or  misuse  of  the  new  consti- 
tution, and  Samuel  retires  with  expressions  of  good- 
will and  hope  (xii.).  It  is  the  most  signal  example 
afforded  in  the  0.  T.  of  a  great  character  reconci- 
ling himself  to  a  changed  order  of  things,  and  of  the 
Divine  sanction  resting  on  his  acquiescence. — His 
subsequent  relations  with  Saul  are  of  the  same  mixed 


966 


SAM 


SAM 


kind.  The  two  institutions  which  they  respectively 
represented  ran  on  side  by  side.  Samuel  was  still 
Judge.  He  judged  Israel  "  all  the  days  of  his  life  " 
(vii.  15),  and  from  time  to  time  came  across  the 
king's  path.  Samuel  is  called  emphatically  "  the 
Prophet"  (Acts  iii.  24,  xiii.  20).  He  was  especially 
known  in  his  old  age  as  "  Samuel  the  Seer  "  (1  Sam. 
ix.  11,  18,  19;  1  C'hr.  ix.  22,  xxvi.  28,  xxix.  29). 
He  was  consulted  far  and  near  on  the  small  affairs 
of  life  (1  Sam.  ix.  7,  8).  From  this  prophetic  gift, 
combined  with  his  office  of  ruler,  an  awful  rever- 
ence grew  up  around  him.  No  sacrificial  feast  was 
thought  complete  without  his  blessing  (ix.  13).  A 
peculiar  virtue  was  believed  to  reside  in  his  inter- 
cession. He  was  conspicuous  in  later  times  among 
those  that  "  call  upon  the  name  of  the  Lord  "  (Ps. 
xcix.  6;  1  Sam.  xii.  18;  Jer.  xv.  1).  There  was 
something  peculiar  (so  Stanley)  in  the  long-sustained 
cry  or  shout  of  supplication,  which  seemed  to  draw 
down  as  by  force  the  Divine  answer  (1  Sam.  vii.  8, 
9,  XV.  11).  But  two  points  more  especially  placed 
him  at  the  head  of  the  prophetic  order  as  it  after- 
ward appeared.  The  first  is  brought  out  in  his  re- 
lation with  Saul,  the  second  in  his  relation  with 
David.  (1.)  He  represents  the  independence  of  the 
moral  law,  of  the  Divine  Will,  as  distinct  from  regal 
or  sacerdotal  enactments,  which  is  so  remarkable  a 
characteristic  of  all  the  later  prophets.  He  was,  if 
a  Levite,  yet  certainly  not  a  priest ;  and  all  the  at- 
tempts to  identify  his  opposition  to  Saul  with  a  hier- 
archical interest  are  founded  on  a  complete  miscon- 
ception of  the  facts  of  the  case.  From  the  time  of 
the  overthrow  of  Shiloh,  he  never  appears  in  the  re- 
motest connection  with  the  priestly  order.  When 
he  counsels  Saul,  it  is  not  as  the  priest  but  as  the 
prophet.  Saul's  sin,  in  both  cases  where  he  came 
into  collision  with  Samuel,  was  not  of  intruding  into 
sacerdotal  functions,  but  of  disobedience  to  the  pro- 
phetic voice.  The  first  was  that  of  not  waiting  for 
Samuel's  arrival,  according  to  the  sign  given  by 
Samuel  at  his  original  meeting  at  Raraah  (x.  8,  xiii. 
8) ;  the  second  (xv.)  was  that  of  not  carrying  out  the 
stern  prophetic  injunction  for  the  destruction  of  the 
Amalekitcs.  The  aged  prophet  with  his  own  hand 
hacked  Agag  limb  from  limb,  and  with  true  pro- 
phetic utterance  said  to  Saul, "  To  obey  is  better  than 
sacrifice,  and  to  hearken  than  the  fat  of  rams."  The 
parting  was  not  one  of  rivals,  but  of  dear  though 
divided  friends.  The  king  throws  himself  on  the 
prophet  with  all  his  force  ;  not  without  a  vehement 
effort  the  prophet  tears  himself  away.  A  long 
shadow  of  grief  fell  over  the  prophet.  "  Samuel 
mourned  for  Saul "  (xv.  11,  35  ;  xvi.  1).  (2.)  He  is 
the  first  of  the  regular  succession  of  prophets  (Acts 
iii.  24).  Moses,  Miriam,  and  Deborah,  perhaps 
Ehud,  had  been  prophets.  From  Samuel,  however, 
the  continuous  succession  was  unbroken.  His 
mother,  though  not  expressly  so  called,  was  in  fact 
a  prophetess.  But  the  connection  of  the  continuity 
of  the  office  with  Samuel  appears  to  be  still  more 
direct.  It  is  in  his  lifetime,  long  after  he  had  been 
"  established  as  a  prophet"  (1  Sam.  iii.  20),  that  we 
hear  of  the  companies  of  disciples,  called  in  the 
0.  T.  "  the  sons  of  the  prophets,"  by  modern  writers 
"  the  schools  of  the  prophets."  Samuel  is  expressly 
described  as  "standing  appointed  over  them"  (xix. 
20).  In  those  schools,  and  learning  to  cultivate  the 
prophetic  gifts,  were  some,  whom  we  know  for  cer- 
tain, others  whom  we  may  almost  certainly  conjec- 
ture, to  have  been  so  trained  or  influenced.  One 
was  Saul.  Twice  at  least  he  is  described  as  having 
been  in  the  company  of  Samuel's  disciples  (x.  10, 


11,  xix.  24).  Another  was  Datii).  The  first  ac- 
quaintance of  Samuel  with  David  was  when  he  pii- 
vately  anointed  him  at  the  house  of  Jesse.  But  the 
connection  thus  begun  with  the  shepherd-boy  must 
have  been  continued  afterward.  David,  at  first,  fled 
to  "  Naioth  in  Ramah,"  as  to  his  second  home  (xix. 
19).  Samuel  there  becomes  the  spiritual  father  of 
the  Psalmist  king.  lie  is  also  the  founder  of  the 
first  regular  institutions  of  religious  instruction,  and 
communities  for  the  purposes  of  edccation. — The 
death  of  Samuel  is  described  as  taking  place  in 
the  year  of  the  close  of  David's  wanderings.  It 
is  said  with  peculiar  emphasis,  as  if  to  mark  the 
loss,  that  "  all  the  Israelites  were  gathered  together  " 
from  all  parts  of  this  hitherto  divided  country,  and 
"  lamented  him,"  and  "  buried  him,"  not  in  any  con- 
secrated place,  nor  outside  the  walls  of  his  city,  but 
within  his  own  house,  thus  in  a  manner  consecrated 
by  being  turned  into  his  tomb  (xxv.  1).  The  place 
long  pointed  out  as  his  tomb  is  the  height,  most 
conspicuous  of  all  in  the  neighborhood  of  Jerusalem, 
immediately  above  the  town  of  Gibeon,  now  called 
Neby  Samwil  {=z  the  Prophet  Samuel).  His  relics 
were  translated  from  Judea  (the  place  is  not  speci- 
fied) A.  D.  406,  to  Constantinople,  and  received  there 
with' much  pomp  by  the  Emperor  Arcadius.  Hehan, 
his  grandson,  was  one  of  the  chief  singers  in  the 
Lcvitical  choir  (1  Chr.  vi.  33,  xv.  17,  xxv.  5).  On  the 
apparition  of  Samuel  at  En-dor  (1  Sam.  xxviii.  14  ; 
Ecclus.  xlvi.  20),  see  Magic,  p.  585.  It  has  been  sup- 
posed that  Samuel  wrote  a  Life  of  David,  of  course 
of  his  earlier  years  (1  Chr.  xxix.  29);  but  this  ap- 
pears doubtful.  Various  other  books  of  the  0.  T. 
have  been  ascribed  to  him  by  the  Jewish  tradition. 
(Judges;  Ruth;  Samuel,  Books  of.)  He  is  regard- 
ed by  the  Samaritans  as  a  magician  and  an  infidel. 
Samauitan  Pentateuch,  III.  1 ;  Samuel,  Books  of. 
Sam'n-el  (see  above).  Books  of,  two  historical  books 
of  the  0.  T.,  which  arc  not  separated  from  each  other 
in  the  Hebrew  MSS.,  and  which,  from  a  critical  point 
of  view,  must  be  regarded  as  one  book.  The  pres- 
ent division  was  first  made  in  the  LXX.,  and  was 
adopted  in  the  Vulgate  from  the  LXX.  It  was  not 
till  a.  D.  1518  that  the  division  of  the  LXX.  was 
adopted  in  Hebrew,  in  the  edition  of  the  Bible  print- 
ed by  the  Bombergs  at  Venice.  (Old  Testament.) 
The  book  was  called  by  the  Hebrews  "  Samuel,"  . 
probably  because  the  birth  and  life  of  Samuel  were  ■ 
the  subjects  treated  of  in  the  beginning  of  the  work.  " 
The  whole  consists  of  three  large  sections: — (L) 
The  history  and  administration  of  Samuel  (1  Sam. 
i.-vii.).  (II.)  The  establishment  of  a  monarchy,  and  J 
the  history  of  Saul's  reign  (viii.-xxxi.),  including  (1.)  ■ 
Saul's  advancement  and  administration  till  God  re- 
jected him  (viii.-xv.),  and  (2.)  his  downward  course 
till  his  death  (xvi.-xxxi.).  (III.)  David's  reign  (2 
Sam.  i.-xxiv.),  including  (1.)  his  career  of  conquest 
and  prosperity  (i.-ix.),  (2.)  his  great  sin,  and  the 
troubles  which  afterward  afflicted  his  house  (x.- 
xxiv.). — A.  Authorxhip  aiid  Date  of  the  Book.  1. 
In  common  with  all  the  historical  books  of  the  0.  T., 
except  the  beginning  of  Nehemiah,  the  Book  of 
Samuel  contains  no  mention  in  the  text  of  the  name 
of  its  author.  It  is  indisputable  that  the  title 
"  Samuel  "  does  not  imply  that  the  prophet  was  the 
author  of  the  Book  of  Samuel  as  a  whole ;  for  the 
death  of  Samuel  is  recorded  in  the  beginning  of  1 
Sam.  xxv.  The  absence  of  the  historian's  name  i 
from  both  the  text  and  the  title  of  the  book  is  not  I 
supplied  by  any  statement  of  any  other  writer,  made  ' 
within  a  reasonable  period  from  the  time  when  the 
book  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  written.     No 


SAM 


SAM 


967 


I 


mention  of  the  author's  name  is  made  in  the  Book 
of  Kings,  nor,  as  will   be  hereafter  shown,  in   the 
Chronicles,  nor  in   any  other  of  the  sacred  writ- 
ings.    It  is  not   mentioned   in  the  Apocrypha  or 
in  Joscphus,  or  in  the  Mislma.     In  the  Babylonian 
Gcmara,  wliieh  is  supposed  to  have  been  completed 
in  its   present  form   somewhere  about  a.  d.  500, 
it   is   for   the   first   time    asserted    that   "  Samuel 
wrote  his  book,"  i.  e.  as  the  words  imply,  the  book 
which  bears  his  name.     But  this  statement  cainiot 
be  proved  to  have  been  made  earlier  than  1,550 
years  after  the  deatli  of  Samuel,  and  is  unsupported 
by  reference  to  any  authority  of  any  kind.     Abar- 
banel,  a  learned  Jew,  who  died  a.  d.   1508,  pro- 
pounded the  opinion  that  tlie  Book  of  Samuel  was 
written  by  the  prophet  Jeremiah,  and  this  opinion 
was  adopted  by  Hugo  Grotius.     But  tliis  opinion  is 
highly  improbable.  In  our  own  time  the  most  prev- 
alent idea  seems  to  be  that  the  first  twenty-four 
chapters  of  the  Book  of  Samuel  were  written  by 
the  prophet  himself,  and  the  rest  of  the  chapters 
by  the  prophets  Nathan  and  Gad.     Mr.  Twisleton 
thinks  tliat  two  circumstances  have  contributed  to 
the  adoption  of  this  opinion  at  the  present  day  : — 
(a.)  the  growth  of  stricter  ideas  as  to  the  impor- 
tance of  knowing  who  was  the  author  of  any  histor- 
ical work  which  advances  claims  to  be  trustworthy; 
(A.)  the  mistranslation  of  1  Chr.  xxix.  29,  which  Mr. 
Twisleton,  with  the  LXX.,  &c.,  would  translate  thus: 
— "  Now  the  history  of  David  first  and  last,  behold 
it  is  written  in  the  liistory  of  Samuel  the  seer,  and 
in  the  history  of  Nathan  the  prophet,  and  in  the 
history  of  Gad  the  seer  " — the  Hebrew  word  dibret/ 
(—  "acts"  and  "book,"  A.  V.,  Vulg.,  &c.)  being 
here  translated  "  history  "  in  each  of  the  four  times 
that  it  is  used.     Mr.  Twisleton  thinks  it  morally 
certain  that  this  passage  of  the  Chronicles  is  no 
authority  for  the  supposition  that,  when  it  was  writ- 
ten, any  work  was  in  existence  of  which  either  Gad, 
Nathan,  or  Samuel,  was  the  author.     2.  Although 
the  authorship  of  the  Book  of  Samuel  cannot  be 
ascertained  with  any  certainty,  there  arc  some  in- 
dications as  to  the  date  of  the  work.     The  earliest 
undeniable  external  evidence  of  the  existence  of 
the  book  seems  to  be  the  Greek  translation  of  it  in 
the  Skptuaoint.     The  next  best  external  testimony 
is  2  Mc.  ii.  13,  in  which  it  is  said  of  Nehemiah  that, 
"  he,  founding  a  library,  gathered  together  the  acts 
of  the  kings,  and  the  prophets,  and  of  David,  and 
the  epistles  of  the  kings  concerning  the  holy  gifts." 
Now,  although  this  passage  (Maccabkes,  Books  of, 
II.)  cannot  be  relied  on  for  proving  that  Nehemiah 
himself  did  in  fact  ever  found  such  a  library,  yet  it 
U  good  evidence  to  prove  that  the  Acts' of  the 
Kings  were  in  existence  when  the  passage  was  writ- 
ten ;  and  it  cannot  reasonably  be  doubted  that  this 
phrase  wa.s  intended  to  include  the  Book  of  Samuel, 
which  is  equivalent  to  1  and  2  Kings  in  the  LXX.  ! 
(Kings,  Fir.st  and  Second  Booics  op.)     Hence  there  ' 
is  external  evidence  that  the  Book  of  Samuel  was 
written  before  2  Maccabees.     And  lastly,  1  Chr.  xxix. 
29  seems  likewise  to  prove  externally  that  the  Book 
of  Samuel  was  written  before  the  CiiROMCf.ES,  "  the 
history  (A.  V.  '  book  ')  of  Samuel  the  seer"  in  this 
passai^e  being  most  naturally  understood  as  referring 
to  this  work. — The  internal  evidence  respecting  the 
Book  of  Samuel  indicates  that  it  was  written  some 
centuries  carlii-r;  for  (a.)  It  seems  to  have  been 
written  at  a  time  when  the  Pentatkcch  was  not 
acted  on  as  the  rule  of  religious  observances  (1  Sam. 
vii.  9,  10,  17,  ix.  13,  x.  3,  xiv.  35  ;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  18- 
25  ;  Uiou  Places  ;  SACRiricE).    This  circumstance 


points  to  its  date  as  earlier  than  the  reformation  of 
Jusiah.      (6.)  It   is  in  accordance  with   this  early 
date  that  allusions  in  it  even  to  the  existence  of 
MosKS  are  so  few  (1  Sam.  xii.  6,  8).     To  a  religious 
Jew,  when  the  laws  of  the  Pentateuch  were   ob- 
served, Moses  could  not  foil  to  be  the  predominant 
idea  in  his  mind  ;  but  Moses  would  not  neces.^arily 
be  of  equal  importance  to  a  Hebrew  historian  wlio 
lived  beiore  the  reformation  of  Josiah.     (c.)  It  tal- 
lies with  an  early  date  that  it  is  one  of  the  best 
specimens  of  Hebrew  prose  in  the  golden  age  of  He- 
brew literature.      In  prose  it  holds  the  same  place 
which  Joel  and  the  undisputed  prophecies  of  Isaiah 
hold  in  poetical  or  prophetical  language.     At  the 
same  time  this  argument  from  language  must  not  be 
pushed  so  far  as  to  imply  that,  standing  alone,  it 
would  be  conclusive;  for  some  writings,  the  date  of 
which  is  about  the  time  of  the  Captivity  (e.  g.  Hab- 
akkuk),  are  in  pure  Hebrew. — Mr.  Twisleton  con- 
cludes, from  the  above  arguments  and  from  1  Sam. 
xxvii.  6,  that  the  work  was  composed  at  a  period 
not  later  than  the  reformation  of  Josiah  (about  b.  c. 
622), — that  the  very  earliest  point  of  time  at  which 
it  could  have  existed  in  its  present  form  was  subse- 
quent to  the  secession  of  the  Ten  Tribes  (ii.  c.  976), 
— but  that  the  precise  time  between  975  b.  c.  and 
622  B.  c,  when  it  was  composed,  cannot  bo  definitely 
ascertained.      Dr.   Samuel  Davidson   thinks   "  that 
the  writer  or  compiler  of  the  whole  lived  after  Re- 
hoboam,  perhaps  under  Abijah,  Rehoboam's  son." 
The  death  of  David,  although  evidently  implied  in 
2  Sam.  v.  5,  is  not  directly  recorded  in  Samuel. 
From  this  fact  Havernick  infers  that  the  author 
lived  not  long  after  the  death  of  David.     Dr.  Eadie 
(in  Fbn.)  thinks  that  ''  the  Books  "  of  Samuel,  "  or 
rather  the  materials  out  of  which  they  have  been 
formed,  were  contemporaneous  with  the  events  re- 
corded."— B.  Sonrt-es  of  the  Book  of  Samuel.     The 
only  work  actually  quoted  in  this  book  is  the  Book 
of  Jasher,  i.  e.  the  Book  of  the  Upright,  respecting 
which  there  have  been  many  unsatisfactory  conjec- 
tures.    (Jasiier,   Book  of.)     It,  however,  contains 
several  poetical  compositions :  (1.)  David's  Lamen- 
tations over  Saul  and  Jonathan  (2  Sam.  i.  19-27), 
called  "The  Bow"  (i.  18);  universally  admitted  to 
be  a  genuine  production  of  David.      (2.)  David's 
Lamentation  on  the  death  of  Abner  (iii.  33,  34) ; 
undoubtedly  genuine.     (3.)  2  Sam.  xxii.     A  Song 
of  David ;   =  Ps.  xviii.,  with  a  few  unimportant 
verbal  differences.     For  poetical  beauty,  the  song 
is  well  worthy  to  be  the  production  of  David.     The 
following  ditiicultics,  however,  are  connected  with 
it.     (a.)  The  date  of  the  composition  is  assigned  to 
the  day  when  David  had  been  delivered  not  only 
out  of  the  hand  of  all   his  enemies,  but  likewise 
"out  of  the  hand  of  Saul."     "  This  form  of  expres- 
sion does  not  imply  that  Saul  was  the  last  of  his 
enemies,  but  rather  that  be  was  the  first,  l)oth  in 
time  and  in  importance,  so  that  he  might  be  con- 
sidered equal  to  all  the  others  put  together.  .  .  . 
The  psalm  was  not  occasioned  by  any  particular 
event,  but  by  a  retrospect  of  all  the  deliverances 
from  persecution  which  the  writer  had  experienced  " 
(Prof  J.  A.  Alexander,  on  Ps.  xviii.).     (h.)  In  the 
closing  verse  (2  Sam.  xxii.  61),  Jehovah  is  spoken 
of  as  showing  "  mercy  to  Ilis  anointed,  unto  David 
and  his  seed  for  evermore."    These  words  would  be 
more  naturally   written    of  David   than    hi/  David. 
They  may,  however,  be  a  later  addition  (so  Mr. 
Twisleton  ;  but  compare  Pkntateuch,  II.  2).   (c.)  In 
some  passages  of  this  song  (xxii.  21-25)  the  strong- 
est assertions  are  made  of  the  poet's  uprightness 


968 


SASf 


SAN 


and  purity.  Now,  it  is  a  subject  of  surprise  that,  at 
any  period  after  the  painful  incidents  of  his  hfe  in 
tlie  matter  of  Uriah,  David  should  have  used  this 
language  concerning  himself  (so  Mr.  Twisleton). 
"  The  '  righteousness'  here  claimed  (ver.  21,  25)  is 
not  an  absolute  perfection  or  entire  exemption  from 
all  sinful  infirmity,  but  what  Paul  calls  submission 
to  the  righteousness  of  God  (Rom.  x.  3),  including 
faith  in  His  mercy  and  a  sincere  governing  desire  to 
do  His  will.  .  .  .  The  essential  idea  in  the  writer's 
mind  (ver.  22)  was  that  of  apostasy  or  total  abjuration 
of  God's  service.  It  is  of  this  mortal  sin,  and  not 
of  all  particular  transgressions,  that  the  Psalmist 
here  professes  himself  innocent "  (Prof  J.  A.  Alex- 
ander, on  Ps.  xviii.).  (Perfect.)  (4.)  A  song,  called 
"  last  words  of  David  "  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  2-7).  There  is 
no  sufficient  reason  to  deny  that  this  song  is  David's. 
(5.)  The  Song  of  Hannah  (1  Sam.  ii.  1-10).— Mr. 
Twisleton  thinks  that  perhaps  the  two  conjectures 
respecting  the  composition  of  the  Book  of  Samuel 
which  arc  most  entitled  to  consideration,  are — first. 
That  the  list  which  it  contains  of  officers  or  public 
functionaries  under  David  is  the  result  of  contempo- 
rary registration  ;  and  secondly,  That  the  Book  of 
Samuel  was  the  compilation  of  some  one  connected 
with  the  schools  of  the  prophets,  or  penetrated  by 
their  spirit.  "  It  is  universally  admitted,"  says  Dr. 
Davidson,  "  that  the  contents  of  these  books  (of 
Samuel)  were  drawn  from  various  written  sources. 
This,  indeed,  is  manifest  from  internal  evidence. 
The  narrative  is  so  extended,  in  most  parts,  that  it 
approaches  to  the  nature  of  a  biography,  though  it 

is  occasionally  brief  and  chroniclelike The 

historical  character  of  the  books  rests  on  sufficient 
evidence,  internal  and  external.  "Every  impartial 
reader  feels  that  the  narrative  bears  the  impress  of 
truth.  The  biographical  portraits  are  striking  and 
natural,  having  a  vividness  like  that  proceeding 
from  an  eye-witness.  The  delineation  is  artless,  nat- 
ural, lively ;  the  connection  of  the  events  probable 
and  just.  .  .  .  Places,  times,  and  minute  sketches 
evince  the  hand  of  persons  who  were  well  acquainted 
with  the  facts  related.  .  .  .  The  books  are  some- 
times quoted  or  referred  to  in  the  N.  T.,  as  2  Sam. 
vii.  14  in  Heb.  i.  5,  and  1  Sam.  xiii.  14  in  Acts  xiii.  22. 
Allusions  to  them  also  occur  in  the  Psalms  "  ( Text  of 
the  0.  T.  considered,  pp.  657,  664).  (Bible  ;  Canon  ; 
Inspiration.) — A  comparison  of  the  Books  of  Sam- 
uel and  Chronicles  tends  to  throw  light  on  the  state 
of  the  Hebrew  mind  at  the  time  when  the  Book  of 
Samuel  was  written,  compared  with  the  ideas  prev- 
alent among  the  Jews  some  centuries  later,  at  the 
time  of  the  compilation  of  the  Chronicles. — In  the 
numerous  instances  wherein  there  is  a  close  verbal 
agreement  between  passages  in  Samuel  and  in  the 
Chronicles,  the  sound  conclusion  seems  to  be  that 
the  Chronicles  were  copied  from  Samuel,  and  not 
that  both  were  copied  from  a  common  original. 
Abner  ;  Absalom  ;  Achish  ;  Ark  ;  Batii-siieba  ; 
Chronology;  David;  Elhanan  1;  Goliath;  Ish- 
bosheth  ;  JoAB ;  Michal  ;  Moab  ;  Philistines  ; 
Eizpah  ;  Saul  2 ;  Satan  ;  Tabernacle,  &c. 

San-a-bas'sar  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Sheshbazzar  (1  Esd.  ii. 
12,  15). 

San-a-bas'sa-rns  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Sheshbazzar  (1  Esd. 
vi.  18,  20). 

San'a-sib  (Gr.),  ancestor  of  certain  priests  said 
to  have  returned  with  Zorobabel  (1  Esd.  v.  24). 

San-bal'lat  (Heb.  fr.  Pers.  =  lauded  bi/  the  army, 
OT  giving  slrentgth  to  the  army?  Von  Bohlcn,  Ges. ; 
a  c/ieUnul-trce,  Fii.),  a  Moabite  of  Horonaim  (so  Lord 
A.  C.  Uervcy,  with  Gesenius,  and  moat),  called  "  San- 


ballat  the  Horonite"  (Neh.  ii.  10, 19,  xiii.  28).  All 
that  we  know  of  him  from  Scripture  is  that  he  had 
apparently  some  civil  or  military  command  in  Sama- 
ria, in  the  service  of  Artaxerxes  (iv.  2),  and  that, 
from  the  moment  of  Nehemiah's  arrival  in  Judea,  he 
set  himself  to  oppose  every  measure  for  the  welfare 
of  Jerusalem,  and  was  a  constant  adversary  to  the 
Tirshatha.  His  companions  in  this  hostility  were 
ToBiAH  the  Ammonite,  and  Geshem  the  Arabian  (ii. 
19,  iv.  7).  For  the  details  of  their  opposition  see 
Nehemiah,  and  Nehemiah,  Book  of,  and  Neh.  vi. 
The  only  other  incident  in  his  life  is  his  alliance 
with  the  high-priest's  family  by  the  marriage  of  his 
daughter  with  one  of  the  grandsons  of  Eliashib, 
which,  from  the  similar  connection  formed  by  Tobiah 
the  Ammonite  (xiii.  4),  appears  to  have  been  part 
of  a  settled  policy  concerted  between  Eliashib  and 
the  Samaritan  faction.  The  expulsion  from  the 
priesthood  of  the  guilty  son  of  Joiada  by  Nehemiah 
must  have  still  further  widened  the  breach  betwefn 
him  and  Sanballat,  and  between  the  two  parties  in 
the  Jewish  state.  Here,  however,  the  Scriptural 
narrative  ends — owing,  probably,  to  Nehemiah's  re- 
turn to  Persia — and  with  it  hkewise  our  knowledge 
of  Sanballat.     Samaria  3. 

*  Saue-ti-fl-ca'tion  (properly  a  making  holy,  hence 
a  being  holy  or  state  of  holineas),  and  to  sanc'tl-fy 
(=  to  make  clean  or  holy,  to  set  apart  as  sacred, 
to  regard  and  treat  as  holy).  The  former  occurs  only 
in  the  N.  T.  as  the  translation  of  Gr.  hogiasmos  (1 
Cor.  i.  30;  1  Th.  iv.  3,  4 ;  2  Th.ii.  13;  1  Pet.  i.  2), 
el-sewhere  translated  "holiness"  (Rom.  vi.  19,  22; 
1  Th.  iv.  7;  1  Tim.  ii.  15;  Heb.  xii.  14).  The  verb 
"  to  sanctify  "  is  the  usual  translation  of  the  Heb. 
kAdash  or  kddesh  (Gen.  ii.  3  ;  Ex.  xiii.  2,  xix.  10,  14, 
22,  23,  &c.),  and  Gr.  hagiazo  (Mat.  xxiii.  17,  19 ;  Jn. 
x.  36,  xvii.  17,  19  twice,  &c.),  each  also  translated 
"to  hallow"  (Ex.  XX.  11,  xxix.  21;  Mat.  vi.  9,  &c.), 
"  to  be  holy  "  (Ex.  xxix.  37  ;  Is.  Ixv.  5 ;  Rev.  xxii. 
11,  &c.).  Atonement  ;  Clean  ;  Justification  ;  Per- 
fect ;  Priest  ;  Pcrificatios  ;  Saint  ;  Sanctuary  ; 
Spirit,  the  Holy. 

*  Sane'tn-a-ry  (fr.  L. ;  Heb.  mikddsh,  kddesh  ;  Gr. 
iiagion)  —  a  holy  or  consecrated  place  ;  a  place  for 
keeping  sacred  things  (Ex.  xv.  1'7,  xxv.  8,  xxx.  13, 
24  ;  Heb.  vii.  2,  &c.).  Sanctification  ;  Tabernacle  ; 
Temple. 

*  Sand  (Heb.  hoi  or  chol ;  Gr.  ammos).  "  The 
sand  of  the  sea  "  is  often  used  as  an  image  of  great 
abundance  or  innumerable  multitude  (Gen.  xxii.  17, 
xli.  49;  Rom.  ix.  27;  Heb.  xi.  12,  &c.),  sometimes 
also  of  a  great  burden  or  weight  (Job  vi.  3 ;  Prov. 
xxvii.  3).  House  ;  Mortar  2 ;  Palestine  II.,  g§  25, 
32,  Geology,  §  16. 

San'dal  (fr.  Gr.  sandahn),  the  A.  V.  translation 
of  the  (Jr.  sandalion,  literally  =  little  sandal  (Mk. 
vi.  9 ;  Acts  xii.  8) ;  :=  Heb.  na'al ;  see  below.  The 
sandal  appears  to  have  been  the  article  ordinarily 
used  by  the  Hebrews  for  protecting  the  feet.  It 
consisted  simply  of  a  sole  attached  to  the  foot  by 
thongs.  The  Heb.  na'al  (A.  V.  "  shoe  "  (Ex.  iii.  6, 
xii.  11,  and  elsewhere)  implies  such  an  article,  its 
proper  sense  being  that  of  conjimng  or  shutting  in 
the  foot  with  thongs  :  we  have  also  express  notice 
of  the  thong  (A.  V.  "  shoe-latchet  ")  in  several  jias- 
sages  (Gen.  xiv.  23 ;  Is.  v.  27 ;  Mk.  i.  7).  The  Gr. 
hufiodhna  (also  translated  "shoe"  in  A.  V.,  Mat. 
iii.  11,  X.  10,  and  elsewhere)  properly  applies  to  the 
sandal  exclusively,  as  it  means  what  is  bound  under 
the  foot ;  but  the  Alexandrine  and  later  writers  used 
it  to  denote  any  covering  of  the  foot.  A  similar 
observation  applies  to  the  Gr.  sandalion,  in  A.  V. 


SAN 


SAN 


969 


"  sandal "  (Mk.  vi.  9 ;  Acts  xii.  8).— Wc  Icam  from 
the  Talraudiats  that  the  sole  was  made  of  leather, 
felt,  cloth,  or  wood,  and  was  occasionally  sliod  with 
iron.  In  Egypt  various  fibrous  substances,  such  as 
palm-leaves  and  papyrus-stalks,  were  used  in  addi- 
tion to  leather,  while  in  Assyria  wood  or  leather 
was  employed.  In  Egypt  the  sandals  were  usually 
turned  up  at  the  toe  like  our  skates,  though  other 
forms,  rounded  and  pointed,  are  also  exhibited.  In 
Assyria  tlie  heel  and  the  side  of  the  foot  were  en- 
cased, and  sometimes  the  sandal  consisted  of  little 
else  tlian  this.  In  Palestine  a  heel-strap  was  es- 
sential to  a  proper  sandal.  Great  attention  was 
paid  by  the  ladies  to  their  sandals  ;  they  were  made 
of  the  skins  of  an  animal  ("  Badger-skins,"  Ez.  xvi, 
10),  anil  the  thongs  were  handsomely  embroidered 
(Cant.  vii.  1  ,  Jd.  x.  4,  xvi.  9).  Sandals  were  worn 
by  all  classes  of  society  in  Palestine,  even  by  the 


Assyrian  Ssnd&Is. — (Fbn.) 
I.  KmbroIdsTMl  Sfaofl  of  Queen  of  Sardnnapmlus  f  IL 
9.  Shoe  of  s  PriesL^Both  from  h'uvyunjijc  sculptitrea,  Britiab  Museum. 
8.  siioe  o(  a  Jewish  captive. — From  the  Black  Obelisk  trorn  Nimrotid. 
4-4.  Aasyrlao  Sandals. — From  sculpture^  British  Maseum. 

very  poor  (Am.  viii.  6),  and  both  the  sandal  and  the 
thong  or  shoe-latchet  were  so  cheap  and  common, 
that  they  passed  into  a  proverb  for  the  most  insig- 
nificant thing  (Gen.  liv.  23 ;  Ecclus.  xIvL  19).     They 


Ei^yptian  Sandals.— From  Rosellioi.— <Phn.) 

were,  however,  dispensed  with  in-doors,  and  were 
only  put  on  by  persons  about  to  undertake  some 
business  away  from  their  homes ;  such  as  a  military 
expedition  (Is.  v.  27;  Eph.  vi.  15),  or  a  journey 
(Ex.  xii.  11 ;  Josh.  ix.  6,  13;  Acts  xii.  8) :  on  such 
occasions  persona  carried  an  extra  pair,  which  our 
Lord  in  Mat.  x.  10  (compare  Mk.  vi.  9;  Lk.  x.  4) 
forbade  the  apostles  to  do  on  their  first  journey. 
During  meal-times  the  feet  were  undoubtedly  un- 
covered, as  implied  in  Lk.  vii.  38  and  Jn.  xiii.  6,  6, 
and  in  the  exception  in  regard  to  the  Passover  (Ex. 
xii.  11).  It  was  a  mark  of  reverence  to  cast  off 
the  shoes  in  appro.iching  a  place  or  person  of  emi- 
nent s.xnctity  (Ex.  iii,  6 ;  Josh.  v.  15).  This  is  now 
the  well-known  custom  in  the  East.  The  modem 
Egyptians  take  off  their  shoes  before  stepping  on 
the  carpeted  leewdn  (Housk),  that  spot  being  de- 
voted to  prayer.     It  was  also  an  indication  of  vio- 


lent emotion,  or  of  mourning,  if  a  person  appeared 
barefoot  in  public  (2  Sam.  xv.  30 ;  Is.  xx.  2  ;  Ez. 
xxiv.  17,  2li).  To  carry  or  to  unloose  a  person's 
sandal  was  a  menial  office  betokening  great  infe- 
riority on  the  part  of  the  person  performing  it  (Mat. 
iii.  11  ;  Mk.  i.  7;  Jn.  i.  27;  Acts  xiii.  25).  Tlie  ex- 
pression in  Ps.  Ix.  8,  cviii.  9,  "  over  Edom  I  cast 
out  my  shoe,"  evidently  signifies  the  subjection  of 
tliat  country,  and  may  refer  to  the  custom  of  hand- 
ing the  sandal  to  a  slave,  or  of  claiming  possession 
of  a  property  by  planting  the  foot  on  it,  or  of  ac- 
quiring it  by  the  symbolical  action  of  casting  the 
j  shoe,  or  Edom  may  be  regarded  as  a  shelf  on  which 
the  sandals  were  rested  while  the  owner  bathed  his 
feet  (so  Mr.  Bevan).  The  use  of  the  shoe  in  the 
transfer  of  property  is  noticed  in  Ru.  iv.  7,  8,  and 
that  connected  with  repudiating  a  levirate  marriage 
in  Ueut.  xxv.  5.  Dress  ;  Handicraft  ;  Leather  ; 
Washing  the  hands  and  feet. 

San'lie-drim  (accurately  Sanhedrin,  a  Heb.  or 
Aram,  form  of  Gr.  sunedrion  =:  "council"),  called 
also  in  the  Talmud  Ihe  great  Sanhedrin,  the  supreme 
council  of  the  Jewish  people  in  the  time  of  Christ 
and  earlier.  1.  The  origin  of  this  assembly  is  traced 
in  tlie  Mishna  to  the  seventy  ciders  whom  Moses 
was  directed  (Num.  xi.  16,  17)  to  associate  with  him 
in  the  government  of  the  Israelites.  This  body 
continued  to  exist,  according  to  the  Rabbinical  ac- 
counts, down  to  the  close  of  the  Jewish  common- 
wealth. But  since  the  time  of  Vorstius  it  has  been 
generally  admitted  that  the  tribunal  established  by 
Moses  was  probably  temporary,  and  did  not  con- 
tinue to  exist  after  the  Israelites  had  entered  Pal- 
estine. In  the  lack  of  definite  historical  informa- 
tion as  to  the  establishment  of  the  Sanhedrim,  it 
can  only  be  said  in  general  that  the  Greek  etymology 
of  the  name  seems  to  point  to  a  period  subsequent 
to  the  Macedonian  supremacy  in  Palestine,  prob- 
ably  in  the  time  of  Alexander's  successors  or  of  the 
Maccabees  (so  Prof  G.  E.  Day,  original  author  of 
this  article).  We  gather  from  the  few  incidental 
notices  in  the  N.  T.  that  it  consisted  of  chief  priests, 
or  the  heads  of  the  twenty-four  classes  into  which 
the  priests  were  divided,  elders,  men  of  age  and  ex- 
perience, and  scribes,  lawyers,  or  those  learned  in 
the  Jewish  law  (A.  V.  "  council ;  "  Mat.  xxvi.  57, 
59;  Mk.  XV.  1 ;  Lk.  xxii.  66 ;  Acts  v.  21).  2.  Tlio 
nvmber  of  members  is  usually  given  as  seventy-one 
(i.  e.  seventy  besides  Moses,  so  the  Mishna);  but 
some  say  seventy.  The  president  of  this  body  was 
styled  Ndsi  (Heb.  =  "prince"  or  "chief"),  and, 
according  to  Maimonidcs  and  Lightfoot,  was  chosen 
on  account  of  his  eminence  in  worth  and  wisdom. 
Often,  if  not  generally,  this  preeminence  was  ac- 
corded to  the  high-priest  (Mat.  xxvi.  62).  The  vice- 
president,  called  in  the  Talmud  "  father  of  the  house 
of  judgment,"  sat  at  the  right  hand  of  the  president. 
Some  writers  speak  of  a  second  vice-president,  but 
this  is  not  sufficiently  confirmed.  The  Babylonian 
Gemara  states  that  there  were  two  scribes,  one  of 
whom  registered  the  votes  for  acquittal,  the  other 
those  for  condemnation.  (Minister  ;  Officer.) 
While  in  session  the  Sanhedrim  sat  in  the  form  of 
a  half-circle.  3.  The  place  in  which  the  sessions  of 
the  Sanhedrim  were  ordinarily  held  was,  according 
to  the  Talmud,  a  hall  called  GazzUh,  supposed  by 
Lightfoot  to  have  been  situated  in  the  southeast 
corner  of  one  of  the  courts  near  the  Temple-build- 
ing. In  special  exigencies,  however,  it  seems  to 
have  met  in  the  residence  of  the  high-priest  (Mat. 
xxvi.  3).  Forty  years  before  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  and  consequently  while  the  Saviour  was 


970 


SAIf 


SAR 


teaching  in  Palestine,  the  sessions  of  the  Sanhedrim 
were  removed  from  the  hall  Gazzitli  to  a  somewhat 
greater  distance  from  the  Temple-building,  although 
still  on  Mount  Moriah.  After  several  other  changes, 
its  seat  was  finally  established  at  Tiberias. — As  a 
judicial  body  the  Sanhedrim  constituted  a  supreme 
court,  to  which  belonged  in  the  first  instance  the 
trial  of  a  tribe  fallen  into  idolatry,  false  prophets, 
and  the  high-priest ;  also  the  other  priests.  As  an 
administrative  council  it  determined  other  important 
matters.  Jesus  was  arraigned  before  this  body  as 
a  false  prophet  { Jn.  xi.  47),  and  Peter,  John,  Stephen, 
and  Paul  as  teachers  of  error  and  deceivers  of  the 
l)cople.  From  Acts  ix.  2  it  appears  that  the  San- 
hedrim exercised  a  degree  of  authority  beyond  the 
limits  of  Palestine.  According  to  the  Jerusalem 
Gemara  the  power  of  inflicting  capital  punishment 
was  taken  away  from  this  tribunal  forty  years  be- 
fore the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  With  this  agrees 
the  answer  of  the  Jews  to  Pilate  (Jn.  xix.  31).  The 
Talmud  also  mentions  a  lesser  Sanhedrim  of  twenty- 
three  members  in  every  city  in  Palestine  in  which 
were  not  less  than  120  householders.  AntrLTKRV  ; 
Appeal ;  Assembly ;  Elder;  Judge;  Plmshme.nts ; 
Synagogue,  the  Great  ;  Trial. 

*  San-lic'l'ib  (Heb.)  =  Sennacherib  (2  K.  xviii.  13 
margin). 

San-san'nab  (Heb.  palm-branch,  Ges.),  a  city  in  the 
southern  district  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  31  only).  Wil- 
ton {Negib)  makes  this  =  Hazar-susah  and  Hazar- 
susiM,  and  supposes  it  may  be  in  the  Wad;i  es-Snni/, 
W.  of  Beer-sheba.  Itowlands  (in  i'airbaiin,  article 
"  South  Country ")  supposes  these  names  may  =: 

SlTNAII. 

Sapli  (Heb.  threshold,  basin,  Ges.),  one  of  the  sons 
of  "  the  giant ;  "  slain  by  Sibbechai  the  Hushathite 
(2  Sam.  xxi.  18) ;  called  Sippai  in  1  Chr.  xx.  4. 

Sa'phat  (Gr.)  =  Suephatiah  2  (1  Esd.  v.  9). 

Saph-a-ti'as  (Gr.)  =:  Shephatiah  2(1  Esd.  viii. 
34). 

Sa'plieth  (fr.  Gr.)  =  SHEPHATiAn  3  (1  Esd.  v.  S3). 

Sa'pbir  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  fair,  Ges.),  one  of  the  vil- 
lages addressed  by  the  Prophet  Micah  (i.  11  only). 
By  Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  is  described  as  "  in  the 
mountain-district  between  Eleutheropolis  and  Asca- 
lon."  In  this  direction  a  village  called  ts-Saieufir 
still  exists  (or  rather  three  of  that  name,  two  with 
affixes),  possibly  the  representative  of  the  ancient 
Saphir  {&hn.  ii.  34  n.).  Es-Saw&fir  lies  seven  or 
eight  miles  N.  E.  of  Ascalon,  and  aboiit  twelve  W. 
of  Beit  Jibrin  (Eleutheropolis).  Tobler  prefers  a 
village  called  Saber,  close  to  Sawdfir.  Sohwarz 
suggests  the  village  of  Sdfiriyeh,  a  couple  of  miles 
N.  W.  of  Lydda. 

Sap-phl'ra  [saf-fi'rah]  (fr.  Gr.  =  sapphire,  or  fr. 
Syr.  =  beautiful),  the  wife  of  Ananias  10,  and  the 
participator  both  in  his  guilt  and  in  his  punishment 
(Acts  v.  1-10). 

Sap'pbire  [saf'fire]  (L.  sapphinis ;  Gr.  sapphei- 
ros  ;  Heb.  sappir),  a  precious  stone,  apparently  of 
a  bright  blue  color  (Ex.  xxiv.  10) ;  the  second  stone 
in  the  second  row  of  the  high-priest's  breastplate 
(xxviii.  18);  extremely  precious  (Job  xxviii.  16); 
one  of  the  precious  stones  that  ornamented  the  king 
of  Tyre  (Ez.  xxviii.  13).  "Sapphire"  occurs  in  the 
N.  T.  only  as  the  second  of  the  twelve  foundations 
of  the  wall  of  the  New  Jerusalem  (Rev.  xxi.  19). 
The  sapphire  of  the  ancients  ^  our  lapis-lazuli, 
which  is  a  mineral  of  a  beautiful  blue  color,  highly 
esteemed  for  ornamental  purposes,  used  also  for 
making  the  blue  ultramarine  pigment.  It  was  much 
used  in  ancient  Egyptian  jewelry  for  signet-stones, 


pendants,  and  amulets  (King).  The  modern  sap- 
phire  is  a  precious  stone  of  a  bright  blue  color,  next 
in  hardness  to  the  diamond.  The  sapphire,  Oriental 
RUBY,  Oriental  amethyst,  Oriental  emerald,  and 
Oriental  topaz,  are  all  varieties  of  corundum,  dis- 
tinguished by  their  different  colors.  Emery  (Ada- 
mant) and  adamantine  spar  are  also  varieties  of 
corundum,  which  in  modern  njineralogy  denotes 
alumina  (the  characteristic  basis  of  clay)  as  found 
native  in  a  crystalline  state.  Kosenmidler  and 
Braun  regard  the  "  sapphire  "  of  the  0.  T.  as  our 
modern  sapphire  or  precious  corundum. 

Sa'ra  (L.  =  Sarah).  1.  Sarah,  the  wife  of  Abra- 
ham (Heb.  xi.  1 1  ;  1  Pet.  iii.  C).— 2.  Daughter  of 
Raguel,  said  to  have  been  married  successively  to 
seven  husbands,  all  killed  by  Asmodeus  ;  but  sub- 
sequently the  happy  wife  of  Tobias  (Tob.  iii.  7,  vl. 
10  ff.,  vii.,  &c.).     ToBiT,  Book  ok. 

Sar-a-Was  (Gr.)  —  Sherebiaii  (1  Esd.  ix.  48). 

Sa'rab  (Heb.  jirincesa).  I.  The  wife  of  Abraham, 
and  mother  of  Isaac  ;  originally  Sarai  ;  in  N.  T. 
Sara.  Her  name  is  first  introduced  in  Gen.  xi.  29, 
as  follows  :  "  Abram  and  Nalior  took  them  wives  : 
the  name  of  Abram's  wife  was  Sarai ;  and  the  name 
of  Nahor's  wife  was  Milcah,  the  daughter  of  Haran, 
the  father  of  Milcah  and  the  father  of  Iscah."'  In 
Gen.  XX.  12,  Abraham  speaks  of  her  as  "his  sister, 
the  daughter  of  the  same  father,  but  not.  the  daugh- 
ter of  the  same  mother."  The  common  Jewish 
tradition  is  that  Sarai  is  the  same  as  Iscah,  the 
daughter  of  Haran,  and  the  sister  of  Lot.  The 
change  of  her  name  from  "  Sarai  "  to  "  Sarah  " 
was  made  at  the  same  time  that  Abram's  name  was 
changed  to  Abraham,  on  the  establishment  of  the 
Covenant  of  Circumcision  between  him  and  God. 
Her  history  is  of  course  that  of  Abraham.  She 
came  with  him  from  Ur  to  Haran,  from  Haran  to 
Canaan,  and  accompanied  him  in  all  the  wanderings 
of  his  life.  Her  only  independent  action  is  the  de- 
mand that  Hagar  and  Ishuael  should  be  cast  out 
— a  demand  symbolically  applied  in  Gal.  iv.  22-31 
to  the  displacement  of  the  Old  Covenant  by  the 
Now.  The  times  in  which  she  plays  the  most  im- 
portant part  in  the  history  are  when  Abraham  was 
.'sojourning,  first  in  Egypt,  then  in  Gerar,  and  where 
Sarah  shared  his  deceit  toward  Pharaoh  (Gen.  xii. 
11-15)  and  toward  Abimelech  (xx.  9-11).  Her  per- 
sonal beauty  is  expressly  mentioned  in  xii.  11  ff. 
(compare  xx.  11).  Her  character  is  represented  as 
deeply  and  truly  affectionate,  but  impulsive,  jealous, 
and  imperious  in  its  affection.  She  died  at  Hebron 
at  the  age  of  127  years,  28  years  before  her  hus- 
band, and  was  buried  by  him  in  the  cave  of  Macii- 
PELAH.  She  is  referred  to  in  the  N.  T.  as  a  type  of 
conjugal  obedience  in  1  Pet.  iii.  6,  and  as  one  of  the 
types  of  fiiith  in  Heb.  xi.  11. — 2.  Serah,  the  daiigh- 
ter  of  Asher  (Num.  xxvi.  46). 

Sarai  (Heb.  my  jirinceis,  Jerome ;  Jah  is  ruler, 
Fii.  ;  contentio7is,  Ewald,  &c.),  the  original  name  of 
Sarah,  the  wife  of  Abraham.  It  is  always  used  in 
the  history  from  Gen.  xi.  29  to  xvii.  15,  when  it  was 
changed  to  Sarah. 

Sa-rai'as  [-ra'yas]  (Gr.  =  Seraiah).  1.  Seraiam 
the  high-priesi  (1  Esd.  v.  5). — 2.  Seraiah,  the  father 
of  Ezra  (viii.  1  ;  2  Esd.  i.  1). 

Sar'a-mel  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  or  Syr.  ?  see  below ;  the 
Latin  and  some  Greek  MSS.  read  Asaramel),  the 
name  of  the  place  in  which  the  assembly  of  the 
Jews  was  held  at  which  the  high-priesthood  was 
conferred  upon  Simon  Maccabeus  (1  Mc.  xiv.  28). 
Some  (as  Castellio)  have  treated  it  as  a  corruption 
of  Jerusalem,  but  this  is  altogether  improbable. 


SAR 


SAB 


971 


Others  have  conjectured  that  it  is  a  corruption  of — 
(1.)  Hiiliatsar  Millo  =  the  court  of  Millo  (Grotius). 
2.  HahaUar  Am  El  =  tlie  court  of  llie  people  of  God, 
i.  e.  the  great  court  of  tlie  Temple  (Ewald).  3.  Hash- 
sha'ar  Am  El  =  the  pale  of  the  people  of  God  (Wi- 
ner). 4.  Uassar  Am  El  =  t/ie  prince  of  the  people  of 
God,  as  if  not  the  name  of  a  place,  but  the  title  of 
Simon  (Grimm).  None  of  tliese  explanations,  how- 
ever, can  be  regarded  as  entirely  satisfactory  (so 
Mr.  Grove). 

Sa'raph  (Rcb.  fer;/,  povsonous  ;  see  under  Serpe.nt 
1),  mentioned  in  1  Chr.  iv.  22,  among  the  descend- 
ants ot  Shelah  the  son  of  Judah,  as  having  had  do- 
minion in  Moab. 

Sar-ched'o-nas  (fr.  Gr.  Sachtrdonoa)  =  Esar-had- 
DON  (Tob.  i.  21). 

Sar-dens  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Aziza  (1  Esd.  ix.  28). 

Sar  dine  [-din].  In  Rev.  iv.  3  St.  Jolm  declares 
that  Ue  whom  he  saw  sitting  on  the  heavenly  throne 
"  was  to  look  upon  like  a  jasper  and  a  sardine 
stone"  (=  Sabdius).  Sardine  occurs  only  here, 
from  Gr.  sardinos  (z=  sardios)  of  the  Received  Text, 
for  which  later  editions  have  aardios. 

Sar'dis  (said  to  be  from  an  old  Lydian  word  = 
the  sun,  Creuzer),  a  city  about  two  miles  S.  of  the 
river  Hermus,  just  below  the  range  of  Tmolus  {Bos 
Dagh),  on  a  spur  of  which  its  acropolis  was  built. 
It  was  the  ancient  residence  of  the  kings  of  Lydia. 
After  its  conquest  by  Cybus  tlie  Persians  always 
kept  a  garrison  in  the  citadel,  and  it  was  so  occu- 
pied by  Alexander  the  Great.  Sardis  was  in  very 
early  times,  both  from  the  extremely  fertile  charac- 
ter of  the  neighboring  region,  and  iVom  its  conve- 


nient position,  a  commercial  mart  of  importance. 
Chestnuts  were  first  produced  in  tlie  neighborhood. 
The  art  of  dyeing  wool  is  said  by  I'liny  to  have  been 
invented  there ;  and  at  any  rate  Sardis  was  the 
entrepot  of  tlie  dyed  woollen  manufactures.  Sardia 
too  was  the  place  where  the  metal  electrum  was  pro- 
cured (Amukb)  ;  and  thither  the  Spartans  sent,  in 
the  sixth  century  B.  c,  to  purchase  gold  for  gilding 
the  face  of  the  Apollo  at  Amyclte.  This  was  prob- 
ably furnished  by  the  auriferous  sand  of  the  Pacto- 
lus,  a  brook  which  ran  through  the  forum  by  the 
side  of  the  great  temple  of  Cybele.  Sardis  recovered 
the  privilege  of  municipal  government  (and,  as  was 
alleged  several  centuries  afterward,  the  right  of  a 
sanctuary)  upon  its  surrender  to  Alexander  the 
Great.  It  changed  hands  more  than  once  in  the 
contests  after  the  death  of  Alexander.  In  214  b.  c. 
it  was  taken  and  sacked  by  the  army  of  Antiochus 
THE  Great.  After  the  ruin  of  Autiochus's  fortunes 
it  passed,  with  tlie  rest  of  Asia  on  that  side  of  Tau- 
rus, under  the  dominion  of  the  kings  of  Pergamos, 
wliose  interest  led  them  to  divert  the  course  of 
traffic  between  Asia  and  Europe  away  from  Sardis. 
Its  productive  soil  must  always  have  contuiued  a 
source  of  wealth ;  but  its  importance  as  a  central 
mart  appears  to  have  diminished  from  the  time  of 
the  invasion  of  Asia  by  Alexander.  Of  the  few  in- 
scriptions discovered,  all,  or  nearly  all,  belong  to  the 
time  of  the  Roman  empire.  The  massive  temple  of 
Cybele  still  bears  witness  iu  its  fragmentary  re- 
mains to  the  wealth  and  architectural  skill  of  the 
people  tiiat  raised  it.  The  two  columns  represented 
in  tlie  engraving  belonged  to  it.     They  are  6  feet 


RuIiiB  of  Sirdlf. 


4  J  inches  in  diameter  at  about  35  feet  below  the 
capital.  One  stone  in  their  architrave  in  1812  was 
calculated  to  weigh  twenty-five  tons.  The  present 
toil  is  more  than  twenty-five  feet  above  the  pave- 
ment. On  the  X.  side  of  the  acropolis,  overlook- 
ing the  valley  of  the  Hermus,  is  a  theatre  near  400 
feet  in  diameter,  attached  to  a  stadium  of  about  1 ,000. 
This  probably  was  erected  after  the  restoration  of 
Sardis  by  Alexander.  The  modem  name  of  the 
ruins  at  Sardia  is  Sert-Kalesti.     Travellers  describe 


the  appearance  of  the  locality,  on  approaching  it 
from  the  N.  W.,  as  that  of  complete  solitude.  The 
Pactolus  is  a  mere  thread  of  water,  all  but  evanes- 
cent in  summer-time.  The  Wadis4chni  (Hermus), 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  town,  is  between  fifty 
and  sixty  yards  wide,  and  nearlv  three  feet  deep. 
In  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Tiberius,  Sardis  was 
desolated  by  an  earthquake,  and  a  pestilential  fever 
followed.  Its  tribute  was  remitted  for  five  years, 
and  it  received  a  benefaction  from  the  emperor.    It 


972 


SAB 


SAT 


■was  nearly  destroyed  by  Tamerlane  about  A.  D.  1400. 
In  1850  no  human  being  lived  there.  Its  site  is  ex- 
tremely unhealthy  (Rev.  H.  Christmas,  in  Fairbairn). 
Sardis  is  mentioned  in  the  Bible  only  in  Rev.  iii.  1- 
6.  There  the  Church  is  pointedly  reproved.  Melito, 
bishop  of  Sardis  (second  century),  wrote  various 
works.     Canon. 

Sar'dites  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  descendants  of 
Sered  the  sou  of  Zebulun  (Num.  xxvi.  26). 

Sar'dl-ns  (Heb.  odem;  Gr.  sardios,  from  Sardis, 
where  it  was  first  found,  Pliny),  a  precious  stone 
which  occupied  the  first  place  in  the  first  row  of  the 
high-priest's  breastplate  (Ex.  xxviii.  lY,  xxxix.  10), 
and  was  one  of  the  ornaments  of  the  king  of  Tyre 
(Ez.  xxviii.  13).  The  A.  V.  margin  has  "kiby"  in 
all  these  passages ;  but  there  can  scarcely  be  a  doubt 
that  either  the  sard  (=  sardius)  or  sardonyx  is  here 
denoted  (so  Mr.  Houghton).  The  LXX.,  Josephus, 
Vulgate,  kc.,  agree  with  the  A.  V.  in  rendering 
"  sardius."  The  sixth  foundation  of  the  wall  of  the 
heavenly  Jerusalem  was  a  sardius  (Rev.  xxi.  20). 
The  sard  or  sardius  (also  called  carnelian)  is  a  chal- 
cedony, or  translucent  quartz,  red  or  yellow.  It 
lias  long  been  a  favorite  stone  for  the  engraver's  art. 
A  bright-red  sort  was  in  Pliny's  time  most  esteemed. 
Engraver  ;  Ornaments,  Personal  ;  Sardics  ;  Seal. 

Siir'do-nyx  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  sardius  and  onyx),  a 
sort  of  chalcedony  in  which  layers  of  dark  or  light 
sard  (Sardius)  and  white  were  regularly  united 
(Rev.  xxi.  20  only).  It  is  frequently  employed  by 
engravers  for  the  purposes  of  a  signet-ring. 

Sa-rc'a  (L.),  one  of  the  five  scribes  "  ready  to  write 
swiftly  "  whom  Esdras  was  commanded  to  take  (2 
Esd.  xiv.  24). 

Sa-rep'ta  (Gr.)  =  Zarephath  (Lk.  iv.  26). 

Sar'gon  (Heb.  fr.  Pcrs.  =  prince  of  the  sun  ?  Ges.), 
■  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  Assyrian  kings.  His  name 
is  read  in  the  native  inscriptions  as  Sargina,  while  a 
town  which  he  built  and  called  after  himself  (now 
Khorsabad)  was  known  as  Sarghun  to  the  Arabian 
geographers  (so  Prof.  Rawlinson,  original  author  of 
this  article).  He  is  mentioned  by  name  only  once  in 
Scripture  (Is.  xx.  1).  Titringa,  Offerhaus,  Eichhorn, 
and  Hupfeld,  identified  him  with  Siialmaneser  ;  Gro- 
tius,  Lowth,  and  Keil,  with  Sennacherib  ;  Perizonius, 
Kalinsky,  and  Michaelis,  with  Esar-haddon.  The  As- 
syrian inscriptions  prove  Sargon  to  have  been  distinct 
from  the  several  monarchs  named,  and  fix  his  place 
in  the  list  (as  did  Rosenmiiller,  Gesenius,  Ewald, 
and  Winer)  between  Shalmaneser  and  Sennacherib. 
He  was  certainly  Sennacherib's  father,  and  doubtless 
his  immediate  predecessor.  He  ascended  the  throne 
of  Assyria,  as  we  gather  from  his  annals,  in  the 
same  year  that  Merodach-baladan  ascended  the 
throne  of  Babylon,  which,  according  to  Ptolemy's 
Canon,  was  B.  c.  721.  He  seems  to  have  been  a 
usurper,  but  was  undoubtedly  a  great  and  success- 
ful warrior.  In  Babylonia  he  deposed  Merodach- 
baladan,  and  established  a  viceroy ;  in  Media  he 
built  a  number  of  cities,  which  he  peopled  with  cap- 
tives from  other  quarters  ;  in  Armenia  and  the  neigh- 
boring countries  he  gained  many  victories ;  while  in 
the  far  west  he  reduced  Philistia,  penetrated  deep 
into  the  Arabian  peninsula,  took  Tyre,  conquered 
(as  his  inscriptions  claim)  Samaria,  received  trib- 
ute from  Cyprus,  and  forced  Egypt  to  submit  to  his 
arms  and  consent  to  the  payment  of  a  tribute.  In 
this  last  direction  he  seems  to  have  waged  three  wars 
— one  in  his  second  year  (b.  c.  720),  for  the  possession 
of  Gaza  ;  another  in  his  sixth  year(B.  c.  715),  when 
Egypt  itself  was  the  object  of  attack  ;  and  a  third  in 
his  ninth  (b.  c.  712),  when  the  special  subject  of 


contention  was  Ashdod,  which  Sargon  took  by  one 
of  his  generals.  (Tartan.)  This  is  the  event  which 
causes  the  mention  of  Sargon's  name  in  Scripture 
(Is.  XX.  1  tf.).  The  year  of  the  attack,  being  b.  c. 
712,  would  fall  into  the  reign  of  the  first  Ethiopian 
king,  Sabaco  I.  (So  ?),  who  probably  conquered  Egypt 
in  B.  c.  714.  Sargon  was  also  the  builder  of  useful 
works,  and  of  the  magnificent  palace  at  Klwrsabad. 
He  probably  reigned  nineteen  years,  from  b.  c.  721 
to  B.  c.  702,  when  he  left  the  throne  to  his  son,  the 
celebrated  Sennacherib.     Assyria  ;  Nineveh. 

Sa'rid  (Heb.  one  left,  a  survivor,  Ges.),  a  place  on 
the  border  of  Zebulun,  W.  of  Chisloth-tabor  (Josh. 
xix.  10-12). 

Sa'ron  (Gr.)  =  Sharon,  the  district  in  which 
Lydda  stood  (Acts  ix.  35  only). 

Sa-rotlii-e  (Gr.  Alex.  MS.),  ancestor  of  certain 
sons  of  the  servants  of  Solomon  said  to  have  returned 
with  Zorobabel  (1  Esd.  v.  34) ;  not  in  Ezra  or  Nehe- 
miah. 

Sar'se-fhim  [-kim]  (Heb.  cliief  of  the  eumichs  = 
Rabsaris?  Ges.;  see  below),  one  of  the  generals  of 
Nebuchadnezzar's  army  at  the  taking  of  Jerusalem 
(Jer.  xxxix.  3).  He  appears  to  have  held  the  olfice 
of  chief  eunuch ;  =  Nebushasban  and  Rabsaris  ? 

Sa'rnch  [-ruk]  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Serug  (Lk.iii.  35). 

Sa'tailt  The  word  itself,  the  Heb.  sat&v,  is  simply 
an  "  adversarv,"  and  is  so  translated  in  1  Sam.  xxix. 
4  ;  2  Sam.  xix.  22 ;  1  K.  v.  4,  xi.  14,  23,  25 ;  Num. 
xxii.  22,  32  marg. ;  Ps.  cix.  6  marg.).  This  original 
sense  is  still  found  in  our  Lord's  application  of  the 
name  to  Peter  in  Mat.  xvi.  23.  It  is  used  as  a 
proper  name  or  title  in  the  0.  T.,  viz.  (with  the  ar- 
ticle) in  Job  i.  6-12,  ii.  1-7,  and  Zech.  iii.  1,  2,  also 
(without  the  article)  in  1  Chr.  xxi.  1.  In  the  N.  T. 
"  Satan  "  (Gr.  Satanas,  from  Hebrew)  is  found  in 
twenty-five  places  (exclusive  of  parallel  passages), 
and  the  corresponding  Greek  term  fw  diabolos,  A.  V. 
"  the  devil  "  (Devil  i)  in  about  the  same  number. 
The  title  "  the  prince  of  this  world  "  is  used  three 
times  (Jn.  xii.  31,  xiv.  30,  xvi.  11),  "the  wicked  one" 
is  used  certainly  six  times  (Mat.  xiii.  19,  38 ;  1  Jn.  ii. 
13,  14,  iii.  12,  v.  18),  probably  more  frequently,  and 
"  the  tempter  "  twice  (Mat.  iv.  3  ;  1  Th.  iii.  B).  The 
scriptural  revelation  on  the  subject,  it  is  clear  from 
this  simple  enumeration  of  passages,  is  to  be  sought 
in  the  N.  T.  rather  than  in  the  0.  T.  It  divides  it- 
self naturally  into  the  consideration  of  his  existence, 
his  nature,  and  his  pmcer  and  action. — A.  His  ex- 
istence. The  personal  existence  of  a  Spirit  of  Evil  is 
revealed,  in  various  degrees  of  cleai-ness,  again  and 
again  in  Scripture.  Every  quality,  every  action  which 
can  indicate  personality,  is  attributed  to  him  in  lan- 
guage which  cannot  be  explained  away  (see  below). 
The  tendency  of  the  mind  in  its  inquiry  as  to  the  ori- 
gin of  evil  is  generally  toward  one  or  other  of  two 
extremes  (so  Mr.  Barry).  The  first  is  to  consider  evil 
as  a  negative  imperfection,  arising,  in  some  unknown 
and  inexplicable  way,  from  the  nature  of  matter,  or 
from  some  disturbing  influences  which  limit  the  ac- 
tion of  goodness  on  earth.  The  other  is  the  old  Per- 
sian or  Manichean  hypothesis,  which  traces  the  exist- 
ence of  evil  to  a  rival  Creator,  not  subordinate  to  the 
Creator  of  Good,  though  perhaps  inferior  to  Him  in 
power,  and  destined  to  be  overcome  by  Him  at  last. 
(Persians,  §  2  ;  Philosophy.)  The  Revelation  of 
Scripture,  speaking  with  authority,  meets  the  truth, 
and  removes  the  error,  inherent  in  both  these  hy- 
potheses. It  asserts  in  the  strongest  terms  the  per- 
fect supremacy  of  God,  so  that  under  His  permission 
alone,  and  for  His  inscrutable  purposes,  evil  is  al- 
lowed to  exist  (Prov.  xvi.  4 ;  Is.  xiv.  7  ;  Am.  iii.  6 ; 


SAT 


SAT 


973 


cooip.  Rom.  ix.  22,  23).  It  regards  this  evil  as  an 
anomaly  ami  corruption,  to  be  taiccn  away  by  a  new 
mauifestation  of  Divine  Love  in  tlie  Incarnation  and 
Atonkment.  (Jesus  Christ  ;  Saviour.)  The  con- 
quest of  it  l)egan  virtually  in  God's  ordinance  after 
the  Fall  itself,  was  effected  actually  on  the  Cross, 
and  shall  be  perfected  in  its  results  at  the  Judgment 
Day.  Still  Scripture  recognizes  the  existence  of 
evil  in  the  world,  not  only  as  felt  in  outward  cir- 
cumstances ("  the  world  "),  and  as  existing  by  na- 
ture in  the  soul  of  man  ("the  flesh"),  but  also  as 
proceeding  from  the  influence  of  an  Evil  Spirit,  ex- 
ercising that  mysterious  power  of  free  will,  which 
God's  rational  creatures  possess,  to  rebel  against 
Him,  and  to  draw  others  into  the  same  rebellion 
("  the  devil ").  In  accordance  with  the  "  economy  " 
and  progressiveness  of  God's  revelation,  the  exist- 
ence of  Satan  is  but  gradually  revealed.  In  the  first 
entrance  of  evil  into  the  world,  the  temptation  is  re- 
ferred only  to  the  serpe.nt.  (AnAM;EvE.)  Through- 
out the  patriarchal  and  Jewish  dispensation,  this 
vague  and  imperfect  revelation  of  the  Source  of  Evil 
alone  was  given.  Tlie  Source  of  all  Good  is  set  forth 
in  all  His  supreme  and  unapproachable  Majesty ; 
evil  is  known  negatively  as  the  falling  away  from 
Ilim ;  and  the  "  vanity  "  of  idols  is  rei)reseiited  as 
the  opposite  to  His  reality  and  goodnes'.  (Atone- 
ment, Day  of.)  The  Book  of  Job  stands  alone  on 
the  basis  of  "  natural  religion,"  apart  from  the  grad- 
ual and  orderly  evolutions  of  the  Mosaic  revelation. 
In  it,  for  the  first  time,  we  find  a  distinct  mention 
of  "  Satan,"  the  "  adversary"  of  Job.  But  it  is  im- 
portant to  remark  the  emphatic  stress  laid  on  his 
subordinate  position,  on  the  absence  of  all  but  dele- 
gated power,  of  all  terror,  and  all  grandeur  in  his 
character.  It  is  especially  remarkable  that  no  power 
of  spiritual  influence,  but  only  a  power  over  outward 
circumstances,  is  attributed  to  him.  The  Captivity 
brought  the  Israelites  face  to  face  with  the  great 
dualism  of  the  Persian  mythology,  the  conflict  of  Or- 
muzd  with  Ahriman,  the  coordinate  Spirit  of  Evil. 
(Persians  §  2.)  In  the  books  written  after  the  Cap- 
tivity we  have  again  the  name  of  "Satan"  men- 
tioned (1  Chr.  xxi.  1  ;  Zeeh.  iii.  1,  2);  but  it  is  con- 
fessed by  all  that  the  Satan  of  Scripture  bears  no  re- 
semblance to  the  Persian  Ahriman.  His  subordina- 
tion and  inferiority  are  as  strongly  marked  as  ever. 
In  the  interval  between  the  0.  T.  and  N.  T.  the  Jew- 
ish mind  had  pondered  on  the  scanty  revelations 
already  given  of  evil  spiritual  influence.  But  the 
Apocryphal  Books,  while  dwelling  on  demons  (As- 
HODECs;  Devil  2;  Demon)  have  no  notice  of  Satan, 
except  in  Wis.  ii.  24.  The  same  may  be  observed 
of  Josephus.  But,  while  a  mass  of  fable  and  super- 
stition grew  up  on  the  general  subject  of  evil  spirit- 
ual influence,  still  the  existence  and  nature  of  Satan 
remained  in  the  background,  felt,  but  not  under- 
stood. The  X.  T.  first  brings  it  plainly  forward. 
From  the  beginning  of  the  Gospel,  when  he  appears 
as  the  personal  tempter  of  our  Lord  (Jesus  Curist), 
through  all  the  Gospels,  Epistles,  and  Apocalypse, 
it  is  asserted  or  implied,  again  and  again,  as  a  famil- 
iar and  import.ant  truth  (Jn.  viii.  44,  &c. ;  Anoels  ; 
Demoniacs). — B.  flu<  nature.  Satan  is  spoken  of 
as  a  "  spirit "  in  Eph.  ii.  2,  as  the  prince  or  ruler  of 
the  demons  (A.  V.  "  devils  ; "  Demon  ;  Devil  2)  in 
Mat.  xii.  24-26,  and  as  having  "  anoels  "  subject  to 
him  in  Mat.  xxv.  41  and  Rev.  xii.  7,  9.  The  whole 
description  of  his  power  implies  spiritual  nature  and 
spiritual  influence.  We  conclude,  therefore,  that  he 
was  of  angelic  nature,  a  rational  and  spiritual  crea- 
ture, superhuman  in  power,  wisdom,  and  energy ; 


and  not  only  so,  but  an  archangel,  one  of  the 
"  princes  "  of  heaven.  But  of  the  time,  cause,  and 
manner  of  his  fall.  Scripture  tells  us  scarcely  any 
thing.'  It  limits  its  disclosures,  as  always,  to  that 
which  we  need  to  know.  The  passage  on  which  all 
the  fabric  of  tradition  and  poetry  has  been  raised  is 
Rev.  xii.  7,  9,  which  speaks  of  "  Michael  and  his  an- 
gels "  as  "  fighting  against  the  dragon  and  his  an- 
gels," till  the  "great  dragon,  called  the  devil  and 
Satan,  was  cast  out  into  the  earth,  and  his  angels 
cast  out  with  him  ; "  but  this  (so  Mr.  Barry)  cannot 
refer  to  the  original  fall  of  Satan.  The  only  other 
passage  which  refers  to  the  fall  of  the  angels  is  2  Pet. 
ii.  4  ("  God  spared  not  the  angels  that  sinned,  but  cast 
them  down  to  hell,  and  delivered  them  into  chains 
of  darkness  to  be  reserved  unto  judgment "),  with 
the  parallel  passage  in  Jude  6  (see  note  '  below). 
The  declaration  of  our  Lord  in  Lk.  x.  18,  "  I  beheld 
Satan,  as  liglitning,  fall  from  heaven,"  may  refer  to 
the  fact  of  his  original  fall ;  but  tells  nothing  of  its 
cause  or  method.  John  viii.  44,  it  seems  likely,  re- 
fers to  the  beginning  of  his  action  upon  man.     From 

1  Tim.  iii.  6,  "  lest  being  lifted  up  by  pride  he  fall 
into  the  condemnation  of  the  devil,"  it  is  a  probable 
inference  that  pride  was  the  cause  of  the  devil's  con- 
demnation.— But  Scripture  describes  to  us  distinctly 
the  moral  nature  of  the  Evil  One.  This  is  no  matter 
of  barren  speculation  to  those  who,  by  yielding  to 
evil,  may  become  the  "  children  of  Satan,"  instead  of 
"  children  of  God."  The  ideal  of  goodness  is  made 
up  of  the  three  great  moral  attributes  of  God — Love, 
Truth,  and  Purity  or  Holiness  ;  combined  with  that 
spirit  which  is  the  natural  temper  of  a  finite  and 
dependent  creature,  the  spirit  of  Faith.  We  find, 
accordingly,  that  the  opposites  of  these  qualities  are 
dwelt  upon  as  the  characteristics  of  the  devil  (Mat. 
iv.  1-10;  Jn.  viii.  44;  1  Tim.  iii.  6;  1  Jn.  iii.  10- 
15,  &c.). — C.  Hia  power  and  aclioii.  The  power 
of  Satan  over  the  soul  is  represented  as  exercised 
either  directly  or  by  his  instruments.  His  direct  in- 
fluence over  the  soul  is  simply  that  of  a  powerful 
and  evil  nature  on  those  in  whom  lurks  the  germ 
of  the  same  evil,  differing  from  the  influence  exer- 
cised by  a  wicked  man  in  degree  rather  than  in 
kind  ;  but  he  has  the  power  of  suggesting  thoughts, 
without  the  medium  of  action  or  words — a  power 
which  is  only  in  very  slight  degree  exercised  by 
men  upon  each  other.  This  influence  is  spoken  of 
in  Scripture  in  the  strongest  terms,  as  a  real  ex- 
ternal influence,  correlative  to,  but  not  to  be  con- 
founded with,  the  existence  of  evil  wiihin  (Mat.  xiii. 
19,  39;  Acts  xxvi.  18;  Rom.  xvi.  20;  1   Cor.  v.  5; 

2  Cor.  ii.  1 1 ;  1  Th.  ii.  18 ;  2  Th.  ii.  9 ;  1  Tim.  i.  20, 
V.  15  ;  Rev.  ii.  9,  10,  13,  24,  iii.  9).  The  Bible  puts 
before  us  in  plain  and  terrible  certainty  the  fact  of 
Satanic  influence  over  the  soul.  Yet  its  language  is 
very  far  from  countenancing  the  Manichean  theory. 
The  influence  of  Satan  is  always  spoken  of  as  tem- 
porary and  limited,  subordinated  to  the  Divine  coun- 
sel, and  broken  by  the  Incarnate  Son  of  God.  It 
is  brought  out  visibly,  in  the  form  of  possession,  in 
the  earthly  life  of  our  Lord,  only  in  order  that  it 
may  give  the  opportunity  of  His  triumph  (Rom.  xvi. 
20;  compare  Gen.  iii.  15).  The  history  of  Job 
shows  plainly,  what  is  elsewhere  constantly  implied, 

'  There  1«  no  ImpoBslblllty  In  the  nature  of  tUinars  that 
God  hai*  created  or  whoiild  create  beinirs  of  jnpt  such  pow- 
ers a!»  are  aj»('rlb(;d  to  "  rlio  devil  and  hi^  fkngvU :"  and  there 
le  no  more  itnpoHsibility  that  such  bcinjft*"  have  pinned  or 
ehnnid  sin  than  tliat  men  have  sinned  of  should  sin.  The 
existence  of  fallen  anerels  is  no  more  impossililc  tlian  the 
existence  of  lioly  angels  ;  the  same  God  may  not  only  have 
created  both,  but  ma;  have  made  both  originally  alike. 


974 


SAT 


SAT 


that  Satanic  influence  is  permitted  in  order  to  be 
overruled  to  good,  to  teach  humility,  and,  therefore, 
faith.  The  mystery  of  tlie  existence  of  evil  is  left 
unexplained,  but  its  present  subordination  and  fu- 
ture destruction  are  familiar  truths.  So,  according- 
ly, on  the  other  hand,  his  power  is  spoken  of  as 
capable  of  being  resisted  by  the  will  of  man,  when 
aided  by  the  grace  of  God  (2  Cor.  ii.  11  ;  Eph.  iv. 
27,  vi.  10-17;  1  Tim.  iii.  7,  vi.  9;  2  Tim.  ii.  26 ; 
Jas.  iv.  7;  1  Pet.  v.  8;  1  Jn.  v.  18).  Besides  his 
own  direct  influence,  the  Scripture  discloses  to  us 
the  fact  that  Satan  is  the  leader  of  a  host  of  evil 
spirits  or  angels  who  share  his  evil  work,  and  for 
whom  the  "everlasting  fire  is  prepared"  (Mat.  xxv. 
41;  Eternal;  Judgment,  &c.).  Mat.  xii.  24-26 
identifies  them  distinctly  with  the  demons  (A.  V. 
"  devils  ")  who  had  power  to  possess  the  souls  of 
men.  (Beelzebul;  Demon  ;  Demoniacs.)  They  are 
mostly  spoken  of  in  Scripture  in  referenca  to  pos- 
session; but  in  Eph.  vi.  12  they  are  described  in 
various  lights,  as  "  principalities,"  "  powers,"  "  ru- 
lers of  the  darkness  of  this  world,"  and  "  spiritual 
powers  of  wickedness  in  heavenly  places"  (or 
"  things  ") ;  and  in  all  as  "  wrestling  "  again.st  the 
soul  of  man.  In  Rev.  xii.  7-9,  they  are  spoken  of 
as  fighting  with  "  the  dragon,  the  old  serpent  called 
the  devil  and  Satan,"  against  "  Michael  and  his 
angels,"  and  as  cast  out  of  heaven  with  their  chief.^ 
Taking  all  these  passages  together,  we  find  them 
sharing  the  enmity  to  God  and  man  implied  in  the 
name  and  nature  of  Satan ;  but  their  power  and 
action  are  but  little  dwelt  upon  in  comparison  with 
his.  The  Evil  One  is  not  only  the  "  prince  of  the 
demons,"  but  also  the  "  prince  of  this  world  "  (Jn. 
xii.  31,  xiv.  80,  xvi.  11),  and  even  the  "god  of  this 
world"  (2  Cor.  iv.  4;  compare  Eph.  vi.  12;  Idol- 
atry). This  power  he  claimed  for  himself,  us  a  dei- 
epated  aulhorily,  in  the  temptation  of  our  Lord  (Lk. 
iv.  6 ;  Jescs  Christ)  ;  and  the  temptation  would 
have  been  unreal,  had  he  spoken  altogether  falsely. 
It  implies  another  kind  of  indirect  influence  exer- 
cised through  earthly  instruments.  There  are  some 
indications  in  Scripture  of  the  exercise  of  this  power 
through  inanimate  instruments,  of  an  influence  over 
the  powers  of  nature,  and  what  men  call  the 
"chances"  of  life  (Lk.  xiii.  16;  Jn.  vi.  70,  viii.  44; 
Acts  xiii.  10;  2  Cor.  xi.  14,  15,  xii.  7;  1  Th.  ii.  18 ; 

'These  and  other  passages  respecting  the  state  of  tlie 
fallen  angels  may  be  harmonized  thns  :"The  "  ihains  of 
darkness  '  with  which  they  are  bound  represent  the  nttcr 
hopelessness  of  their  escape  from  the  judgment  of  God 
which  awaits  them :  their  trial  and  condemnation  at  the 
appointed  time  are  jnst  as  certain  as  in  the  case  of  a  mur- 
derer against  whom  the  evidence  is  conclusive  and  I'ullv 
In  readiness  while  the  guilty  one  is  closely  confined  with 
heavy  chains  in  a  strong  prison.  They  may  liave  a  par- 
ticular place  called  "  hell,"  or  "  the  deep  "  (Llj.  viii.  31), 
or  "the  bottomless  pit"  (Rev.  xx.  1),  for  their  proper 
abode,  and  at  their  first  banishment  from  heaven,  and  at 
other  particular  times,  may  have  been  sent  thither  while  yet 
rone  of  them  may  now  be  compelled  to  remain  there  con- 
Btantly,  but  all  may  be  allowed  for  a  time  or  at  times  to 
■ilsit  the  earth  and  fully  manifest  their  abominal>ie  char- 
acter. They  may  sometimes  be  sent  by  the  Irresistible 
power  of  God  to  desert  places  on  the  earth  ;  they  may  be 
some  of  the  time  not  in  the  heaven  of  heavens  where  Goi> 
and  holy  angels  dwell,  but  in  the  Ain  or  in  some  other 
part  of  the  heavens  where  they  may  meet  the  holy  angels 
and  strive  to  hinder  them  in  their  discharge  of  the  sacred 
trusts  committed  to  them.  In  this  sense  there  may  be 
**  war  in  heaven  "  (Rev,  xii.  7),  i.  e.  in  the  air  or  in  some 
other  part  of  that  vast  region  called  "  heaven."  There 
the  "  prince  of  the  power  of  the  air  "  may  marshal  his 
liost  and  he  defeated  by  the  holy  angels.  Thus  "  the  devil 
and  his  angels''  may  have  their  proper  home  in  hell  and 
yet  not  be  always'there.  They  will  disobey  God  and  leave 
their  prison  or  abode  of  torment,  if  they  can :  but  God 
will  nltimately  confine  them  there  without  a  respite  (Mat. 
viii.  29,  xxv.  41  ff. ;  2  Pet.  ii.  4 ;  Jnde  6 ;  Eev.  xx.  10,  &c.). 


1  Jn.  iii.  8-10 ;  Rev.  ii.  10).  Most  of  all  is  thii*  in- 
direct action  of  Satan  manifested  in  those  who  de- 
liberately mislead  and  tempt  men.  Thfe  method  of 
his  action  is  best  discerned  by  an  examination  of 
the  title  by  which  he  is  designated  in  Scripture.  He 
is  called  emphatically  "  the  devil  "  (Gr.  ko  dhibohs  ; 
Devil  1).  The  derivation  of  the  word  in  itself  im- 
plies only  the  endeavor  to  break  the  bonds  between 
others,  and  "  set  them  at  variance ;  "  but  common 
usage  adds  to  this  general  sense  the  special  idea  of 
"  setting  at  variance  hy  dander."  In  the  application 
of  the  title  to  Satan,  both  the  general  and  special 
senses  should  be  kept  in  view.  His  general  object 
is  to  breaks  the  bonds  of  communion  between  God 
and  man,  and  the  bonds  of  truth  and  love  which 
bind  men  to  each  other.  He  slanders  God  to  man, 
and  man  to  God.  The  slander  of  God  to  man  is 
seen  best  in  Gen.  iii.  4,  5,  "  Ye  shall  not  surely  die : 
for  God  doth  know,  that  in  the  day  that  ye  eat 
thereof,  your  eyes  shall  be  opened,  and  ye  shall  be 
as  gods,  knowing  good  and  evil."  These  words  at- 
tribute selfishness  and  jealousy  to  the  Giver  of  all 
good.  The  slander  of  man  to  God  is  illustrated  by 
Job  i.  9-11,  ii.  4,  5.  In  reference  to  it,  Satan  is 
called  the  "  adversary  "  of  man  in  1  Pet.  v.  8,  and 
represented  in  that  character  in  Zech.  iii.  1,  2  ;  and 
is  designated  in  Rev.  xii.  10  as  "  the  accuser  of  our 
brethren,  who  accused  them  before  our  God  day 
and  night."  The  method  of  Satanic  action  upon 
the  heart  itself  may  be  summed  up  in  two  words — 
Temptation  and  Possession.  The  subject  of  tempta- 
tion is  illustrated,  not  only  by  abstract  statements, 
but  also  by  the  record  of  the  temptations  of  Adam 
and  of  our  Lord.  (Jesus  Christ.)  It  is  expressly 
laid  down  (as  in  Jas.  i.  2-4),  that  "temptation," 
properly  so  called,  i.  e.  "  trial,"  is  essential  to  man, 
and  is  accordingly  ordained  for  him  and  sent  to 
him  by  God  (as  in  Gen.  xxii.  1).  Man's  nature  is 
progressive ;  his  faculties,  which  exist  at  first  only 
in  capacity,  must  be  brought  out  to  exist  in  actual 
cfliciency  by  free  exercise.  His  appetites  and  pas- 
sions need  to  be  checked  by  the  reason  and  con- 
science, and  this  need  brings  on  a  trial.  Besides 
this,  the  will  itself  delights  in  independence  of  ac- 
tion. The  need  of  giving  up  the  individual  will 
freely  and  by  conviction,  so  as  to  be  in  harmony 
with  the  will  of  God,  is  the  occasion  of  a  still 
severer  trial.  It  is  this  tentability  of  man,  even  in 
his  oiigina!  nature,  which  is  represented  in  Scrip- 
ture as  giving  scope  to  the  evil  action  of  Satan. 
He  is  called  the  "  tempter  "  (Mat.  iv.  3  ;  1  Th.  iii. 
5).  He  has  power,  first,  to  present  to  the  appetites 
or  passions  their  objects  in  vivid  and  captivating 
forms  ;  and  next,  to  act  upon  the  desire  of  the  will 
for  independence.  It  is  a  power  which  can  be  re- 
sisted, because  it  is  under  the  control  and  overruling 
power  of  God  (1  Cor.  x.  13 ;  Jas.  iv.  7,  &c.).  It  is 
exercised  both  negatively  and  positively.  Its  nega- 
tive exercise  is  referred  to  in  the  parable  of  the 
sower  (Mat.  xiii.  19).  Its  positive  exercise  is  set 
forth  in  the  parable  of  the  wheat  and  the  tares  (26, 
38,  39).  This  exercise  of  the  Tempter's  power  is 
possible,  even  against  a  sinless  nature.  We  see 
this  in  the  Temptation  of  our  Lord  (iv.  1  fi.  &c.). 
But  in  the  temptation  of  a  fallen  nature  Satan  has 
a  greater  power.  "Whosoever  committeth  sin  is 
the  servant  of  sin  "  (Jn.  viii.  34  ;  compare  Rom.  vi. 
16,  vii.  14-24).  His  own  "  lust  "  or  the  "  iLF.sn  " 
sympathizes  with,  and  aids,  the  temptation  of  the 
Evil  One.  This  is  a  fact  recognized  by  experience. 
The  power  of  sin  is  broken  by  the  Atonement  and 
the  gift  of  the  Spirit,  but  yet  not  completely  cast 


SAT 


SATJ 


975 


out  (Gill.  V.  17).  (Ananias  10;  David;  Jupas  Is- 
cariot;  Redemption;  Repentance;  Sanctifica- 
TioN  ;  Saviopr;  Sin  ;  Spirit,  the  Holy.)  This  two- 
fold power  of  temptation  is  frequently  referred  to 
in  Scripture,  as  exercised,  chiefly  by  the  suggestion 
of  evil  thouglits,  Ijut  occasionally  by  tlie  delegated 
power  of  Satan  over  outward  circumstances.  (Ex- 
commcnication;  IItmenecs;  Philetus.)  On  the 
sul)jcct  of  Possession,  see  Demoniacs. 

Sath-ra-bn'za-nes  [neez]  (L.)  =  Suetbas-boznai 
(1  Esd.  vi.  :i,  7,  27). 

Satyr  [-tur]  (fr.  Gr.),  the  A.  V.  translation  in  Is. 
xiii.  21,  xxxiv.  14,  of  the  Heb.  S(i'ii;j>l.  se'iriin,  lit- 
erally translated  "hairy  "  in  Gen.  xxvii.  11,  23,  and 
"rough"  in  Dan.  viii.  21,  is  frequently  applied  to 
hf-ffotls  (Goat),  and  is  translated  in  plural  "  devils  " 
(Devil  3)  iu  Lev.  xvii.  7,  and  2  Chr.  xi.  15;  liut  in 
is.  xiii.  21,  and  xxxiv.  14,  where  the  prophet  pre- 
dicts the  desolation  of  Babylon,  our  translation  is 
correct,  and  Satyrs,  i.  e.  demons  of  woods  and  desert 
places,  arc  intended  (so  Mr.  Houghton,  with  Bochart, 
Gesenius,  Rosenraiilk'r,  Parkhurst,  Maurer,  &c.). 
The  satyrs  in  classical  mythology  were  imaginary 
beings,  represented  as  partly  (usually  half  or  more) 
human  and  partly  goat-like  in  form,  and  regarded 
as  constituting  a  class  of  deities  or  superhuman 
beings  that  frequented  forests  and  lonely  places.  The 
Hebrew  word  translated  "  satyr "  in  the  A.  V.  is 
here  rendered  demon  in  the  LXX. ;  hairi/  or  shafffji/ 
animal  (see  above)  in  the  Vulgate;  shaggii  beast  (or 
wild  goat)  by  Prof  J.  A.  Alexander  (on  Is.),  Dr.  \V. 
L.  Alexander  (in  Kitto),  Henderson,  Fairbairn,  Ayre, 
&c. ;  ape  by  Michaelis,  Lichtensteiii,  &c.  "  If  the 
question  is  determined  by  tradition  and  authority, 
it  di'notes  demons  ;  if  by  the  context  and  usage  of 
the  woril,  it  signifies  wild  goats,  or  more  generically, 
hairy,  shaggy  animals  "  (•!.  A.  Alexander,  on  Is.  xiii. 
21).  The  ilendesians  of  Egypt  worshipped  the 
goat,  especially  the  he-gout  (Herodotus) ;  and  some 
species  of  Cynocephalus  (dog-faced  baboon)  also  en- 
tered into  the  theology  of  the  ancient  Egyptians  (so 
Mr.  Houghton,  &c.).  The  "devils"  in  Lav.  xvii.  7 
and  2  Chr.  xi.  15  were  probably  goats  or  idols  in 
the  form  of  goats  (Gesenius,  J.  A.  Alexander,  &c.). 

Sanl  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  asked  for,  desired,  Ges.),  more 
accurately  Siiaul.  1.  "Saul  of  Rehoboth  by  the 
River  "  was  one  of  the  early  kings  of  Edom,  and 
successor  of  S.imlah  (Gen.  xxxvi.  37,  38).  In  1 
Chr.  i.  48  he  is  called  Shaul. — S.  The  first  kino  of 
Israel.  His  character  is  in  part  illustrated  by  the 
fierce,  wayward,  fitful  nature  of  his  tribe  (Benjamin 
1),  and  in  part  accounted  for  by  the  struggle  be- 
tween the  old  and  new  systems  in  which  ho  found 
himself  involved.  To  this  we  must  add  a  taint  of 
midiies.s,  which  broke  out  in  violent  frenzy  at  times, 
leaving  him  with  long  lucid  intervals.  He  was  re- 
markable for  his  strength  and  activity  (2  Sam.  i. 
23),  and  like  the  Homeric  heroes,  of  gigantic  stat- 
ure, taller  by  head  and  shoulders  than  the  rest  of 
the  people,  and  of  that  kind  of  beauty  denoted  by 
the  word  "  goodly  "  (1  Sam.  ix.  2),  and  which  caused 
him  (so  Dean  Stanley,  original  author  of  this  article) 
to  be  compared  to  the  gazelle,  "the  gazelle  (A.  V. 
'beauty')  of  Israel"  (2  Sam.  i.  19).  The  birth- 
place of  Saul  is  not  expressly  mentioned ;  but,  as 
Zelaii  was  the  place  of  Kish's  sepulchre  (2  Sam. 
xxi. ),  it  was  probably  his  native  village.'   His  father, 

'  The  following  ie  the  genealosy  of  Saul  accortin?  to 
the  mo«t  common  mode  of  reconcilmc  the  rUffercnt  state- 
menlH  (1  Sam.  Ix.  1.  2.  xiv.  4!»-51 :  i  Sam,  Ix.  VI.  %x\.  8:  1 
C  ir.  vili.  •»  S..  ix.  a^  If.).  ThlB  Utile  makes  AniEL  1  —  Je- 
HiEL  li,  "  SON  of  Able! "  in  1  Sam.  Is.  1  (a  link  in  a  He- 


Kish,  was  a  powerful  and  wealthy  chief,  though  the 
family  to  which  he  belonged  was  of  little  impor- 
tance (1  Sam.  ix.  1,  21).  A  portion  of  his  property 
consisted  of  a  drove  of  asses.  In  search  of  these 
assos,  gone  astray  on  the  mountains,  he  sent  his  son 
Saul,  accompanied  by  a  servant,  who  acted  also  as 
a  guide  and  guardian  of  the  young  man  (ix.  3-10). 
After  a  three  days'  journey  through  Ephraim  and 
Benjamin  (Siialim;  Sdalisiia;  Zuph),  Saul  met 
with  Samuel  for  the  first  time  (11  ff.).  A  Divine 
intimation  had  indicated  to  him  the  approach  and 
the  future  destiny  of  the  youthful  Benjamite.  Sur- 
prised at  his  language,  but  still  obeying  his  call, 
they  ascended  to  the  high  place,  and  in  the  inn  or 
caravanserai  at  the  top  (so  LXX.)  found  thirty  or 
(LXX.,  and  Josephus)  seventy  guests  assembled, 
among  whom  they  took  the  chief  place.  In  antici- 
pation of  some  distinguished  stranger,  Samuel  had 
bade  the  cook  reserve  a  boiled  shoulder,  from  whic)i 
Saul,  as  the  chief  guest,  was  bidden  to  tear  off  the 
first  morsel  (LXX.  ix.  22-24).  They  then  descended 
to  the  city,  and  a  bed  was  prepared  for  Saul  on  the 
housetop.  At  daybreak  Samuel  roused  him.  They 
descended  again  to  the  skirts  of  the  town,  and  there 
(the  servant  having  left  them)  Samuel  poured  over 
Saul's  head  the  consecrated  oil,  and  with  a  kiss  of 
salutation  announced  to  him  that  he  was  to  be  the 
ruler  and  (LXX.)  deliverer  of  the  nation  (ix.  25-x. 
1).  From  that  moment  a  new  life  dawned  upon  him. 
He  returned  by  a  route  which,  like  that  of  his 
search,  it  is  impossible  to  make  out  distinctly 
(Rachel  ;  Tabor,  Plain  op  ;  Zelzah)  ;  and  at  every 
step  homeward  it  was  confirmed  by  the  incidents 
which,  according  to  Samuel's  prediction,  awaited 
him  (x.  9,  10).  The  finding  of  (he  asses  was  an- 
nounced to  him,  and  loaves  of  bread  were  offered 
him  as  if  to  indicate  his  new  dignity.  At  "  the 
hill  of  God  "  (vcr.  5,  10 ;  possibly  his  own  city,  Giii- 
EAii),  he  met  a  band  of  prophets  (Prophet)  descend- 
ing with  musical  instruments,  and  he  caught  the  in- 
spiration from  them  as  a  sign  of  his  new  life.  This 
may  be  styled  the  private,  inner  view  of  his  call. 
The  outer  call,  related  independently  of  the  other, 
was  as  follows : — An  assembly  was  convened  by 
Samuel  at  Slizpeh,  and  lots  were  cast  to  find  the 
tribe  and  family  which  was  to  produce  the  king. 
Saul  was  named — and,  by  a  Divine  intimation,  found 
hid  in  the  circle  of  baggage  which  surrounded  the 
encampment  (x.  17-24).  His  stature  at  once  con- 
ciliated the  public  feeling ;  the  shout  was  raised, 
"  Long  live  the  king  "  (x.  23-24) ;  and  he  returned 
to  Gibeah,  accompanied  by  the  fighting  part  of  the 
people,  of  whom  he  was  now  to  be  the  especial  head. 
The  murmurs  of  the  worthless  part  of  the  com- 
munity who  refused  to  salute  him  with  the  usual 
presents  were  soon  dispelled.  He  was  (having  ap- 
parently returned  to  his  private  life)  on  his  way 
liome,  driving  his  herd  of  oxen,  when  he  heard  one 
of  those  wild  lamentations  iu  the  city  of  Gibeah, 
such  as  mark  in  Eastern  towns  the  arrival  of  a  great 


hrow  OKintALOoT  being  often  omitted  ;  see  CnRONOLOOT 
I.)  —  arandton  of  Ablel,  "  Saul's  uncle '"  lii  xiv.  50  de- 
ecriptive  of  Abner  rattier  than  of  Ner.  and  "  Michal"  In 
2  Sam.  xxl.  8.  a  copvlst'it  mistake  for  Merab.  But  Home 
have  supnoBcd  that  ^crwas  "Saul's  uncle,"  anil  IhusAh- 
nor  was  Saul's  cousin,  in  wliich  rase  there  may  have  been 
eillier  two  named  Ner.  (viz.  Saul's  prandfatherand  Saul's 
nncic).  or  only  one  Kish  (viz.  the  frmndson  of  Juhiel  and 
brother  of  Ner).  who  miL'ht  have  been  reckoned  as  Jehiel's 
Bon  In  consequence  of  the  dit«tinct  and  important  family 
of  which  1)0  became  the  head  (compan;  the  castas  of  Kpiira- 
IM  and  MANAJ«sKn  who  were  reckoned  as  "  sons"  of  their 
grandfather  Jacob,  and  of  Anah  who  appears  among  the 
-  tons  "  of  Seir  in  Qeo.  xxxvi.  20  and  1  Chr.  i.  38). 


976 


SAU 


SAU 


calamity.  It  was  the  tidings  of  the  threat  issued 
by  NiHASn,'  king  of  Ammon,  against  Jabesh-gilead. 
"  The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  came  upon  him,"  as  on  the 
ancient  Judges.  The  shy,  retiring  nature  which  we 
have  observed,  vanished  never  to  return.  Three  (or 
ei-t,  LXX.)  hundred  thousand  followed  from  Israel, 
and  thirty  (or  seventy,  LXX.)  thousand  from  Judah  ; 
and  Jabesh  was  rescued.  The  effect  was  instantane- 
ous on  the  people — the  punishment  of  the  murmur- 
ers  was  demanded — but  refused  by  Saul,  and  the 
monarchy  was  inaugurated  anew  at  Gilga!(xi.  1-15). 
Saul  becomes  king  of  Israel.  But  he  still  so  far  re- 
sembles the  earlier  judges  (judge)  as  to  be  virtually 
king  only  of  his  own  tribe,  Benjamin,  or  of  the  im- 
mediate neighborhood.  Almost  all  his  exploits  are 
confined  to  this  circle  of  territory  or  associations. 
Samuel,  who  had  up  to  this  time  been  still  named  as 
ruler  with  Saul  (xi.  1,  12,  14),  now  withdrew,  and 
Saul  became  the  acknowledged  chief.  In  the  second 
year  of  his  reign,  he  began  to  organize  an  attempt  to 
shake  off  the  Philistine  yoke  which  pressed  on  his 
country ;  not  least  on  his  own  tribe,  where  a  Philis- 
tine officer  had  long  been  stationed  even  in  his  own 
field  (x.  5,  xiii.  3).  An  army  of  3,000  was  formed, 
which  he  soon  afterward  gathered  together  round 
him ;  and  Jonathan,  apparently  with  his  sanction, 
rose  against  the  officer  ("  Garrison  "  2)  and  slew 
him  (xiii.  2-4).  This  roused  the  whole  force  of  the 
Pliilistine  nation  against  him.     The  spirit  of  Israel 


was  completely  broken.  In  this  crisis,  Saul,  now  on 
the  very  confines  of  his  kingdom  at  Gilgal,  found 
himself  in  the  position  long  before  described  by 
Samuel ;  longing  to  exercise  his  royal  right  of  sacri- 
fice, yet  deterred  by  his  sense  of  obedience  to  the 
prophet  (xiii.  1 3,  comp.  x.  8).  At  last,  on  the  sev- 
enth day,  he  could  wait  no  longer,  but  just  alter  the 
sacrifice  was  completed  Samuel  arrived,  and  pro- 
nounced the  first  curse,  on  his  impetuous  zeal  (xiii. 
5-14).  Meanwhile  the  adventurous  exploit  of  Jon- 
athan at  MicHMASH  brought  on  the  crisis  which  ul- 
timately drove  the  Philistines  back  to  their  own  ter- 
ritory. It  was  signalized  by  two  remarkable  inci- 
dents in  the  life  of  Saul.  One  was  the  first  appear- 
ance of  his  madness  in  the  rash  vow  which  all  but 
cost  the  life  of  his  son  (xiv.  24,  44).  The  other  was 
the  erection  of  his  first  altar,  either  to  celebrate  the 
victory,  or  to  expiate  the  savage  feast  of  tlie  famished 
people  (xiv.  35).  The  expulsion  of  the  Philistines 
(although  not  entirely  completed,  xiv.  52)  at  once 
placed  Saul  in  a  position  higher  than  that  of  any 
previous  ruler  of  Israel.  Probably  from  this  time 
was  formed  the  organization  of  royal  state.  Abner 
became  captain  of  the  host.  A  body-guard  was  also 
formed,  of  which  David  afterward  became  chief. 
DoEO  the  Edomite  was  "  the  chief  of  the  herdmen." 
The  high-priest  (Aiumelech  or  Aiiiaii)  was  in  at- 
tendance on  him  with  the  ephod,  when  he  desired  it 
(xiv.  3),  and  felt  himself  bound  to  assist  his  secret 


GENEALOGY  OF  SAUL. 
(—  indicates  married.) 

Aphiah 

Bechorsth 

I 

Zeror 

Able]  or  Jebiel  —  Mjucbah  (1  Sara,  ix  1 ;  1  Chr.  viiL  S9,  ix.  S5). 


I  I  I  I  I  I  I 

Abdon.       Zur.        Kiah.        BsaI.        Nsr,        Kaaab.        Gfidor. 


I  I 

Ablo.        ZechnrlRb, 
or  Zacber. 


I 
Klib. 


Abner 
(1  Sam.  xiv.  60,  M). 


Abinoam  ^  S.MJL  ^  RIcpah. 


Sbinieab.  or 
Sbiineam. 


Jonatban.  Ishat  Mnlchl-Bbnn,    Abuiadab. 

1  Sam.  xiv.  49).    or  Melcbi-tbua. 


I       (IS 

MeriD-bftftl,  < 
Mepbiboslietb. 

Micab,  or 
Micba. 


EBh'baal,        Merab  —  Adriel.        David  —  Michal  —  Phaltiel.         Armoni        Mephiboi>helh 
or  I  (S  Sam.  zxi.  6).  (S  Sao),  xxt  8}. 

lab-bosbetb.  S  Bona. 


Tnbrofi, 
or  Tarea. 


Ahns. 

Jeboadab, 
or  Jarab. 

I 


Zimrl. 

Mota. 


TUphd,  or 
Rtpbaiah. 


Asriii 


[•mt      Bocbsnit 


lahouwl.      Slieftrlmh.      Obadiah. 


ad.         Ulaifl. 
IfiO  dwceudanta. 


_i 

Jabtttb.       Elip^elat. 


.1  . 


»  A  et«te  of  hostility  or  of  actual  war  with  Nahash 
eeems  to  liave  existed  Borae  time  before  he  offered  to  the 
Inliabitaiits  of  Juhesli-gilcad  tlie  reproachful  condition  of 
thrusting  out  their  rislit  eyes  which  was  the  Immediate 
occaeioa  of  Saul's  vigorous  effort  to  deliver  them ;  Ibr  in 


1  Sam.  xit.  12  the  Israelites  are  said  to  have  demanded  a 
king  when  they  saw  that  Naliash  came  against  them. 
Tliis  demand  may.  however,  have  been  a  repetition  of  a 
previous  request  "made  in  viil.  4  ff.  In  either  case  (here  is 
uo  necessary  iucousisteucy  in  the  narrative. 


SkV 


SAV 


977 


commissioners  (xxi.  1-9,  xxii.  14).  Saul  himself 
liiid  .1  tall  spear  (Arms,  I.  2,  o),  whicti  never  left 
liim.  In  battle  lie  wore  a  i>iadem(A.  V.  "crown  ") 
on  his  head  anil  a  bracelet  on  his  ann  (2  Sam.  i. 
10).  The  warlike  character  of  his  reign  naturall)'  still 
predominated,  and  he  could  now  attack  the  neigh- 
boring tribes  of  .MoAB,AMMO.N,EBOM,ZoHAii,  and  final- 
ly Amalek  (1  Sam.  xiv.  47).  The  war  with  Amalek 
is  twice  related,  first  briefly  (xiv.  48),  and  then  at 
length  (iv.  1-9).  Saul's  disobedience  to  the  pro- 
phetical command  of  Samukl  was  shown  in  the 
sparing  of  the  king  (Aoao),  and  the  retention  of  the 
spoiL  This  second  act  of  disobedience  called  down 
the  second  curse,  and  the  first  distinct  intimation  of 
the  transference  of  the  kingdom  to  a  rival.  The 
struggle  between  .Samuel  and  Saul  in  their  final  part- 
ing is  indicated  by  the  rent  of  Samuel's  robe  as  he 
tears  himself  away  from  Saul's  grasp,  and  by  the 
long  mourning  of  Samuel  for  the  separation  (xv.  27, 
35,  xvi.  1).  The  rest  of  Saul's  life  is  one  long 
tragedy.  The  frenzy  (Madness)  which  had  given  in- 
dications of  itself  before,  now  at  times  took  almost 
••ntire  possession  of  him.  It  is  described  as  "an 
evil  spirit  from  the  Lord  "  (comp.  the  phrase  "  re- 
ligious madness;"  Demoniacs),  which,  when  it  came 
upon  him,  almost  choked  or  strangled  him  from  its 
violence  (xvi.  14,  LXX.).  In  this  crisis  David  was 
reeommcuded  to  him  by  one  of  the  young  men  of 
Ills  guard.  From  this  time  forward  their  lives  are 
blended  together.  In  Saul's  better  moments  he 
never  lost  the  strong  affection  wliich  he  had  con- 
tracted for  David.  Occasionally  too  his  projihetical 
gift  returned,  blended  with  his  madness  (xix.  24). 
But  his  acts  of  fierce,  wild  zeal  increased  (xxii., 
xxviii.  3,  9  ;  2  Sam.  xxi.  1).  At  last  the  monarchy 
itself,  which  he  had  raised  up,  broke  down  under  the 
weakness  of  its  head.  The  Philistines  reijntered  the 
country,  and  with  their  chariots  and  horses  occupied 
the  plain  of  Esdi-aelon.  Their  camp  was  pitched  on 
the  southern  slope  of  the  range  now  called  Little 
Ilermon,  by  Sbunem.  On  the  opposite  side,  on 
Mount  (iiLBO.i,  was  the  Israelite  army,  clinging  as 
usual  to  the  lieights  which  were  their  safety.  It 
was  near  the  spring  of  Gideon's  encampment  (IIarod 
—  lreiiibliiiffy—a.ad  now  the  heart  of  the  king  as  he 
pitched  his  camp  there  "  trembled  exceedingly"  (1 
Sam.  xxviii.  5).  In  the  loss  of  all  the  usual  means 
of  consulting  the  Divine  Will,  he  determined,  with 
that  wayward  mixture  of  superstition  and  religion 
which  marked  his  whole  career,  to  apply  to  one  of 
the  necromancers  who  had  escaped  his  persecution. 
She  was  a  woman  living  at  En-dor,  on  the  other  side 
of  Little  Hermon.  According  to  the  Hebrew  tradition 
mentioned  by  Jerome,  she  was  the  mother  of  Abner. 
She  recognizes  the  disguised  king  first  by  the  ap- 
pearance of  Samuel.  Saul  apparently  saw  nothing, 
but  listened  to  her  description  of  a  god-like  figure 
of  an  aged  man,  wrapped  round  with  the  royal  or 
Bacred  robe.  (Divination  5;  Magic,  p.  fi85.)  On 
hearing  the  denunciation,  which  the  apparition  con- 
veyed, Saul  fell  the  whole  length  of  his  gigantic  stat- 
ure (xxviii.  20  margin)  on  the  ground,  and  remained 
motionless  till  the  woman  and  his  servants  forced 
him  to  eat.  The  next  day  the  battle  came  on,  and 
according  to  Josephus,  perhaps  according  to  the 
spirit  of  the  sacred  narrative,  his  courage  and  self- 
devotion  returned.  The  Israelites  were  driven  up 
the  side  of  Gilboa.  The  three  sons  of  Saul  were 
slain  (xxxi.  2).  Saul  himself  with  his  armor-bearer 
was  pursued  by  the  archers  and  charioteers  of  the 
enemy  (xxxL  3;  2  Sam.  i.  6).  He  was  wounded. 
Uis  shield  was  cast  away  (i.  21).  He  fell  upon  his 
62 


own  sword  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  4).  According  to  another 
account,  an  Amalekite  (Jewish  tradition  makes  him 
the  son  of  Doeg)  came  up  at  the  moment  of  his 
death-wound,  and  found  him  "  fallen,"  but  leaning 
on  his  spear  (2  Sam.  i.  6,  10).  The  dizziness  of 
death  was  gathered  over  him  (LXX.,  2  Sam.  i.  9), 
but  he  was  still  alive;  and  he  was,  at  his  own  re- 
quest, put  out  of  his  pain  by  the  Amalekite,  who 
took  off  his  royal  diadem  and  bracelet,  and  carried 
the  news  to  David  (i.  7-10).^  The  body,  on  being 
found  by  the  Philistines,  was  stripped  and  decapi- 
tated. The  armor  was  sent  into  the  Philistine  cities, ' 
as  if  in  retribution  for  the  spoliation  of  Goliath,  and 
finally  deposited  in  the  temple  of  Astarte  (Asiita- 
roth),  apparently  in  the  neighboring  Canaanitish 
city  of  Ueth-shan  ;  and  over  the  walls  of  the  same 
city  was  hung  the  naked  headless  corpse,  with  those 
of  his  three  sons  (ver.  9,  10).  The  head  was  de- 
posited (probably  at  Asnnon)  in  the  temple  of  Dagou 
(1  Chr.  X.  10).  The  corpse  was  removed  from  Belh- 
slian  by  the  gratitude  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jabesh- 
oiLEAn,  who  came  over  the  Jordan  by  night,  carried 
off  the  bodies,  burnt  them,  and  buried  them  under 
the  tamarisk  (A.  V.,  with  Onkelos,  Syriuc,  Arabic, 
Fiirst,  &c.,  "  tree ; "  compare  "oak"  in  1  Chr.  x.  12) 
at  Jabesh(l  Sam.  xxxi.  13).  Thence,  after  the  lapse 
of  several  years,  his  ashes  and  those  of  Jonathan 
were  removed  by  David  to  their  ancestral  sepulchre 
atZelah  in  Benjamin  (2  Sam.  xxi.  14).  (Chuonologv.) 
— 3t  The  Jewish  name  of  St.  Paul. 

Sav'a-ran  (fr.  Gr.),  an  erroneous  form  of  the  title 
Avaran,  borne  by  Eleazar  9(1  Mc.  vi.  43). 

•  Save,  to.     Salvation  ;  Saviour. 

Sa-Tl'as  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Uzzi,  ancestor. of  Ezra  (1  Esd. 
viii.  2). 

Savior,  or  Sa'Tlonr  [save'yur]  (Heb.  participle 
m<jii/tia\  from  i/d^ha',  lo  save  ;  Gr.  solcr)  =r  one  who 
savfs  or  brhir/s  salvation,  i.  e.  one  who  delivers  or 
rescues  from  actual  or  impending  danger.  The  He- 
brew and  Greek  terms  express,  beyond  this,  assist- 
ance and  protection  of  every  kind  ;  and,  in  a  second- 
ary sense,  the  results  of  such  assistance — victory, 
sifety,  prosperity, and  happiness.  Thus,  the  Judges 
are  termed  "saviours"  (Xeh.  ix.  27;  Judg.  iii.  9 
margin);  "the  Lord  gave  Israel  a  saviour,"  viz. 
Jeroboam  II.,  to  deliver  Israel  from  the  Syrians  (2 
K.  xiii.  5).  In  the  P.«alms  are  numerous  petitions 
to  God  to  save  from  the  effects  of  sin  (Ps.  xxxix.  8, 
Ixxix.  9,  &c.).  Isaiah  appropriates  the  term  "Sa- 
viour" to  Jehovah  (xliii.  11),  and  connects  it  w^ith 
the  notions  of  justice  and  righteousness  (xiv.  21,  Ix. 
1 B,  1 7) ;  adduces  it  as  the  special  manner  in  which  Je- 
hovah reveals  Himself  to  man  (xiv.  15);  hints  at  the 
means  to  be  adopted  in  passages  where  he  connects 
"Saviour"  with  "  Redeemer "  (xli.  14,  xlix.  26,  l.x. 
16,  &c.),  and  with  "ransom"  (xliii.  3,  &c.).  (See 
also  Zeeh.  ix.  9;  Hos.  i.  7,  &c.)  In  the  N.  T.  the 
tenn  "  Saviour  "  is  especially  applied  to  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  (Lk.  ii.  11;  Jn.  iv.  42,  &c.).  He 
wrought  the  miracles  that  were  to  be  the  credentials 
of  the  Messiah;  He  laid  down  the  principles  of  the 
Gospel  morality,  until  He  had  establislied  in  the 
minds  of  the  Twelve  the  conviction  that  He  was  the 
Christ  of  God.  Then  He  taught  that  His  work  in- 
cluded suffering  ns  well  as  teaching  (Mat.  xvi.  20, 
21,  XX.  28,  &c.).  The  words  of  the  institution  of  the 
Lord's  Supper  speak  most  distinctly  of  a  sacrifice 
xxvi.  27,  28,  &c.).     In  John  iii.  14,  16,  under 


»  This  Amnlcklte's  account  may  have  described  a  later 
Incident,  or  It  may  have  hccn  feigned  as  a  euppotied  rccom- 
mendatioD  to  David's  favor. 


978 


SAW 


SCO 


the  figure  of  the  bi-azen  serpent  lifted  up,  the  atoning 
virtue  of  the  Lord's  death  is  fully  set  forth  (conip. 
vi.  61,  53,  X.  11,  17,  18,  xvii.  17,  19,  &c.).  The 
apostles,  after  the  Resurrection,  preach  no  moral 
system,  but  a  belief  in  and  love  of  Christ,  the  cruci- 
fied and  risen  Lord,  through  whom,  if  they  repent, 
men  shall  obtain  salvation  (Acts  ii.,  iii.  18,  viii., 
comp.  Is.  liii.,  &c.).  We  are  able  to  complete  from 
the  Kpistles  our  account  of  the  teaching  of  the  apos- 
tles on  the  doctrine  of  Atonement  ("i  Cor.  v.  21  ; 
Gal.  iii.  13  ;  1  Tim.  ii.  5  ;  Heb.  vii.  25  ;  1  Pet.  ii.  24  ; 
1  Jn.  ii.  1,  2,  &c.).  The  teaching  of  the  N.  T.  on  the 
effects  of  the  death  of  Jesus  may  be  thus  roughly  de- 
scribed (so  Archbishop  Thomson,  original  author  of 
this  article) :  (L)  God  sent  His  Son  into  the  world  to 
redeem  lost  and  ruined  man  from  sin  and  death, 
and  the  Son  willingly  took  upon  Him  the  form  of  a 
servant  for  this  purpose ;  and  thus  the  Father  and 
the  Son  manifested  their  love  for  us.  (IL)  God  the 
Father  laid  upon  His  Son  the  weight  of  the  sins  of 
the  whole  world,  so  that  He  bare  in  His  own  body 
the  wrath  which  men  must  else  have  borne,  because 
there  was  no  other  way  of  escape  for  them  ;  and 
thus  the  Atonement  was  a  manifestation  of  Divine 
justice,  (in.)  The  effect  of  the  Atonement  thus 
wrought  is,  that  man  is  placed  in  a  new  position, 
freed  from  the  dominion  of  sin,  and  able  to  follow 
holiness  ;  and  thus  the  doctrine  of  the  Atonement 
ought  to  work  in  all  the  hearers  a  sense  of  love,  of 
obedience,  and  of  self  sacrifice.  In  shorter  words, 
the  sacrifice  of  the  death  of  Christ  is  a  proof  of 
Divine  Ivve,  and  of  Divine  justice,  and  is  for  us  a 
document  of  dhedimce.  Faith  ;  Heaven  ;  Justifi- 
cation ;  Love  ;  Ransom  ;  Repentance ;  Righteous ; 
Saint,  &c. 

Saw  (Heb.  megenih,  mastor).  Egyptian  saws,  so 
far  as  has  yet  been  discovered,  were  single-handed, 
though  Jerome  has  been  thought  to  allude  to  circu- 
lar saws.  The  teeth,  as  in  modern  Oriental  saws, 
usually  incline  toward  the  handle,  instead  of  away 
from  it  like  ours.  They  have,  in  most  cases,  bronze 
blades,  apparently  attached  to  the  handles  by 
leathern  thongs,  but  some  of  those  in  the  British 
JIuseuin  have  their  blades  let  into  them  like  our 
knives.  A  double-handed  iron  saw  has  been  found 
at  Nimrwd.  No  evidence  exists  of  the  use  of  the 
saw  applied  to  stone  in  Egypt,  nor  without  the 
double-handed  saw  does  it  seem  likely  that  this 
should  be  the  case  ;  but  we  read  of  sawn  stones  used 
in  the  Temple  (1  K.  vii.  9).  The  saws  "  under"  or 
"  in  "  which  David  is  said  to  have  placed  his  captives 
were  of  iron.  The  expression  in  2  Sam.  xii,  31  does 
not  necessarily  imply  torture,  but  the  word  "cut" 
in  1  Chr.  xx.  3  can  hardly  be  understood  otherwise. 
Handicraft;  Punishments;  War. 

*  Scales,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Heb.  peks 
=  a  BALANCE,  Ges.  (Is.  xl.  12),  also  translated 
"weight"  (Prov.  xvi.  11).     Fisii. 

Stapc'-goat,     Atonement,  Day  of. 

Scar'let.    Colors. 

Scep'tre  [sep'ter]  (Fr.  fr.  Gr.,  see  below).  The 
Hebrew  term  sliehct,  like  its  Greek  equivalent  skep- 
tron,  and  our  derivative  seeptre,  originally  meant  a 
rod  or  STAFF.  It  was  thence  specifically  applied  to 
the  shepherd's  crook  (Lev.  xxvii.  32;  Mic.  vii.  14), 
and  to  the  wand  or  sceptre  of  a  ruler.  The  seeptre 
of  the  Egyptian  kings  resembled  a  plough.  The  use 
of  the  staff  as  a  symbol  of  authority  was  not  con- 
fined to  kings ;  it  might  be  used  by  any  leader,  as  in 
Judg.  v.  14,  where  for  "  pen  of  the  writer,"  as  in  the 
A.  v.,  we  should  read  "sceptre  of  the  leader"  (so 
Mr.  Bevan).    The  allusions  to  the  sceptre  are  all  of 


a  metaphorical  character,  and  describe  it  simply  as 
one  of  the  hisignia  of  supreme  power  (Gen.  xlix.  10; 
Num.  xxiv.  17;  Ps.  xlv.  6;  Is.  xiv.  5;  Am.  i.  5; 
Zech.  X.  11;  Wis.  x.  14;  Bar.  vi.  14).  Thesccptie 
of  the  Jewish  kings  was  probably  made  of  wood. 
That  of  the  Persian  monarch  is  described  as  "  gold- 
en," i.  e.  probably  of  massive  gold  (Esth.  iv.  11).  A 
carved  ivory  staff  discovered  at  A'imrudis  supposed 
to  have  been  a  sceptre. 

Sce'va  [see-]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  furnished,  prepared, 
Schl.),  a  Jew  residing  at  Ephesus  at  St.  Paul's  sec- 
ond visit  to  that  town  (Acts  xix.  14-16),  described 
as  a  high-priest  (Gr.  archierem,  A.  V.  "chief  of  the 
priests "),  either  as  having  exercised  the  office  at 
Jerusalem,  or  as  being  chief  of  one  of  the  twenty- 
four  classes.  His  seven  sons  were  exorcists.  De- 
moniac; Exorcist. 

*  Stliin  [shin]  (a  German  spelling  of  Heb.  shin  = 
a  ioolh,  Ges.),  the  twenty-first  letter  of  the  Hebrew 
alphabet  (Ps.  cxix.),  sin  being  the  same  letter  with 
the  point  differently  placed.     Writing. 

*  Sehism  [sizm],  an  Anglicized  form  of  Gr.  schis' 
ma  (\  Cor.  i.  10  marg.,  xi.  18  marg.,  xii.  25),  usually 
translated  "division "  (Jn.  vii.  43,  ix.  16,  &c.),  o; 
"rent"  (Mat.  ix.  16;  Mk.  ii.  21). 

*  School  [skool]  occurs  in  the  A.  V.  only  in  Acts 
xix.  9  as  the  translation  of  Gr.  sehole  =  leisnre  ; 
hence  a  school,  a  place  of  learned  leisure,  where  a 
teacher  and  his  disciples  came  together,  and  held 
discussions  and  disputations  (Rbn.  ]f.  T.  Lex.). 
Education;  Philo.sophy;  Prophet. 

Sfi  ence  [si-]  (Fr.  fr.  L.  scientia  =  knowledge).  In 
the  A.  V.  this  word  occurs  only  in  Dan.  i.  4  as  the 
translation  of  Heb.  madda\  and  in  1  Tim.  vi.  20  as 
the  translation  of  Gr.  gnosis,  both  being  elsewhere 
literally  and  usually  rendered  "  knowledge."  St. 
Paul  is  speaking  of  the  "  know  ledge  "  of  which  both 
the  Judaizing  and  the  mystic  sects  of  the  apostolic 
age  continually  boasted,  against  which  he  so  ur- 
gently warns  men  (1  Cor.  viii.  1,  7),  the  counterfeit 
of  the  true  knowledge  which  he  prizes  so  highly  (xii. 
8,  xiii.  2;  Phil.  i.  9;  Col.  iii.  10).  Magi;  pJiilos- 
opnv. 

*  Scorn.    Laugh. 
Seor'pi-on  (Heb.  'akr&b  ;  Gr.  skorpios),  the  con 

mon  name  of  certain  well-known  animals  of  th 
class  Arachiiida  and  family  Scorpionidce  (genulf 
ScorjAo,  Linn.).  Scorpions  (so  Mr.  Gosse,  in  Fair 
bairn)  "agree  with  spiders  in  breathing  by  means  of  ' 
lung-sacs,  but  differ  from  them  by  having  large  ex- 
tended  jxdpi  (or  feelers)  with  pincer-shaped  extrem-J 
ities,  and  an  abdomen  divided  into  distinct  segment 
and  invested  in  a  erustaeeous  integument  (or  cruslj 
like  shell)."  They  are  mentioned  in  Deut.  viii.  16) 
Ez.  ii.  6 ;  Lk.  x.  19,  xi.  12;  Rev.  ix.  3,  5,  10).  Thj 
wilderness  of  Sinai  was  inhabited  by  scorpions  at  thtj 
time  of  the  E.xodus,  and  to  this  day  these  anima' 
are  common  in  the  same  district,  as  well  as  in  somJ 
parts  of  Palestine.  Ehrenberg  enumerates  fivj 
species  as  occurring  near  Mount  Sinai,  some  of  whicl 
are  found  also,  with  other  species,  in  Lebanon 
Scorpions  are  generally  found  in  dry  and  in  darl 
places,  under  stones  and  in  ruins,  chiefly  in  wan 
climates.  They  are  carnivorous  in  their  habits,  anJ 
move  along  in  a  threatening  attitude  with  the  ta^ 
elevated.  The  sting,  which  is  situated  at  the  et 
tremity  of  the  tail,  has  at  its  base  a  gland  whicl 
secretes  a  poisonous  fluid,  which  is  discharged  inti 
the  wound  by  two  minute  orifices  at  its  extremity 
In  hot  climates  the  sting  often  occasions  much  8u8 
fering,  and  sometimes  alarming  symptoms.  Th| 
"  scorpions  "  of  1  K.  xii.  11,  14,  and  2  Chr.  x.  11,  \i 


SCO 


SCR 


979 


have  clearly  no  allusion  to  the  animal,  but  to  some 
instrument  of  scourging — probably  a  whip  armed 
with  iron  points  (so  Sir.  Houghton)— unless  indeed 
the  expression  is  a  mere  figure.  Celsius  thinks  the 
"  scorpion  "  scourge  was  the  spiny  stem  of  what  the 
Arabs  call  Hedek,  the  Solanum  melonffena,  variety 
eneulentum,  i.  e.  egg-plant  (allied  to  the  tomato). 


I 


ScorpUft. 

Scoarg'Ing  [skurj-].  The  punishment  of  scourg- 
ing  was  prescribed  by  the  Law  in  the  ease  of  a  be- 
trothed bondwoman  guilty  of  unchastity,  and  per- 
haps in  the  case  of  both  the  guilty  persons  (Lev.  xix. 
20).  The  instrument  of  punishment  in  ancient 
Egypt,  as  it  is  also  in  modern  times  generally  in  the 
East,  was  usually  the  stick,  applied  to  the  soles  of  the 
feet — bastinado.  Under  the  Koman  method  tiie  cul- 
prit was  stripped,  stretched  witli  cords  or  thongs  on 
a  frame,  and  beaten  with  rods.  After  the  Forcian 
law,  B.  c.  300,  Roman  citizens  were  exempted  from 
scourging,  but  slaves  and  foreigners  were  liable  to 
be  beaten  even  to  death.  Adultery  ;  Punishments  ; 
Scorpion. 

Strfftli'-owl,    Owl. 

Srrlbe,  pi.  Stribes  (fr.  L.  seriba  =  writer ;  Gr. 
prammntnu  ;  llah.  aopher,  \i\.  KophSrim).  \.  Kaine. 
(1.)  Three  meanings  (so  Prof.  Plumptre,  original 
author  of  this  article)  arc  connected  with  the  lleb. 
verb  tdphar,  the  root  of  mp/ter,  xop/ierim — (a.)  to 
write,  (A.)  to  set  in  order,  (<•.)  to  count.  The 
Kopheri/n  or  scribes  were  so  called  because  they 
wrote  out  the  Law,  or  because  they  classified  and 
arranged  its  precepts,  or  because  they  counted  with 
scrupulous  minuteness  every  clause  and  letter  it 
CDntained.  The  traditions  of  the  Scribes  were  in 
favor  of  the  last  of  these  etymologies.  The  second 
fits  in  best  with  the  military  functions  connected 
with  the  word  in  the  earlier  stages  of  its  history. 
The  authority  of  most  Uebrew  scholars  is  with  the 
first.  The  Greek  equivalent  (grammnleiui)  answers 
to  the  derived  rather  than  the  original  meaning  of 
the  word.  The  grammateHt  or  scribe  of  a  (ireek 
state  was  not  the  mere  writer,  but  the  keeper  and 
registrar  of  public  documents  (Thueydides,.  iv.  118, 
vii.  10  ;  so  in  Acts  xix.  35).  (2.)  The  name  of  KiR- 
JATH-8EP1IF.R  (Josh.  XV.  1!5;  Judg.  i.  12)  may  pos- 
sibly connect  itself  with  some  early  use  of  the  title. 
In  Judg.  V.  11  the  Hebrew  word  (A.  V.  "writer") 
appears  to  point  to  military  functions  of  some  kind. 
The  "  pen  of  the  writer  "  of  the  A.  V.  here  is  prob- 
ably the  rod  or  sceptre  of  the  commander  number- 
ing or  marshalling  his  troops.  Three  men  are  men- 
tioned .as  successively  filling  the  office  of  Scribe 
under  David  and  Solomon  (2  Sam.  viii.  17,  xx.  25 ; 


1  K.  iv.  3;  King).  We  may  think  of  them  as  the 
king's  secretaries,  writing  his  letters,  drawing  up  his 
decrees,  managing  his  finances  (compare  2  K.  xii. 
10).  At  a  later  period  the  word  again  connects 
itself  with  the  act  of  numbering  the  military  forces 
of  the  country  (Jer.  lii.  25,  and  probably  Is.  xxxiii. 
18).  Other  associations,  however,  began  to  gather 
round  it  about  the  same  period.  The  zeal  of  Heze- 
kiah  led  him  to  foster  the  growth  of  a  body  of  men 
whose  work  it  was  to  transcribe  old  records,  or  to 
put  in  writing  what  had  been  handed  down  orally 
(Prov.  XXV.  1 ).  To  this  period  accordingly  belongs 
the  new  significance  of  the  title.  It  no  longer  des- 
ignates only  an  officer  of  the  king's  court,  but  a 
class,  students  and  interpreters  of  the  Law,  boast- 
ing of  their  wisdom  (Jer.  viii.  8).  (3.)  The  seventy 
years  of  the  Captivity  gave  a  fresh  glory  to  the 
name.  The  exiles  would  be  anxious  to  preserve 
the  sacred  books,  the  laws,  the  hymns,  the  proph- 
ecies of  the  past.  Ezr.  vii.  10 — "  to  seek  the  Law 
of  the  Lord,  and  to  do  it,  and  to  teach  in  Israel 
statutes  and  judgments  " — describes  the  high  ideal 
of  the  new  office.  The  Scribes  publicly  read  and 
expounded  the  Law,  perhaps  also  translated  it  from 
the  already  obsolescent  Hebrew  into  the  Aramaic 
of  the  people  (Neh.  viii.  8-13).  (4.)  Of  the  time 
that  followed  we  have  but  scanty  records.  The 
Scribes'  ofiice  apparently  became  more  and  more 
prominent.  They  ajipear  as  a  distinct  class,  "  the 
families  of  the  Scribes,"  with  a  local  habitation  (1 
Chr.  ii.  65).  They  compile,  as  in  the  two  Books  of 
Chronicles,  extracts  and  epitomes  of  larger  histories 
(1  Chr.  xxix.  29;  2  Chr.  ix.  29).— II.  Dei'ehpmenl 
of  Doclrine.  (1.)  Of  the  Scribes  of  this  period, 
except  Ezra  and  Zadok  (Neh.  viii.  9,  xiii.  13),  we 
have  no  names.  A  later  age  honored  them  collec- 
tively as  the  men  of  the  Great  Synagogue.  (Canon  ; 
Synagogue,  the  Great.)  Never,  perhaps,  was  so 
important  a  work  done  so  silently.  'In  the  words 
of  later  Judaism  they  devoted  themselves  to  the 
inikrd  (i.  e.  recitation,  "  reading,"  as  in  Neh.  viii.  8), 
the  careful  study  of  the  text,  and  laid  down  rules 
for  transcribing  it  with  the  most  scrupulous  preci- 
sion. (2.)  A  saying  is  ascribed  to  Simon  the  Just 
(b.  c.  300-290),  which  embodies  the  principle  on 
which  they  had  acted,  and  enables  us  to  trace  the 
next  stage  of  the  growth  of  their  system.  "Our 
fathers  have  taught  us,"  he  said,  "  three  things,  to 
be  cautious  in  judging,  to  train  many  scholars,  and 
to  set  a  fence  about  the  Law."  They  wished  to 
make  the  Law  of  Moses  the  rule  of  life  for  the 
whole  nation  and  for  individual  men.  The  Jewish 
teacher  could  recognize  no  principles  beyond  the 
precepts  of  the  Law.  (3.)  In  this  as  in  other  in- 
stances, the  idolatry  of  the  letter  was  destructive  of 
the  very  reverence  in  which  it  had  originated.  Step 
by  step  the  Scribes  were  led  to  conclusions  at  which 
we  may  believe  the  earlier  representatives  of  the 
order  would  have  started  back  with  horror.  Deci- 
sions on  fresh  questions  were  accumulated  into  a 
complex  system  of  casuistry.  The  new  precepts, 
still  transmitted  orally,  more  precisely  fitting  in  to 
the  circumstances  of  men's  lives  than  the  ohi,  came 
practically  to  take  their  place.  The  "  Words  of  the 
Scribes  "  were  honored  above  the  Law.  The  right 
relation  of  moral  and  ceremonial  laws  was  not  only 
forgotten,  but  absolutely  inverted.  (4.)  The  first 
work  of  the  Scribes  in  our  Lord's  time  was  to  re- 
port the  decisions  of  previous  Rabbis.  These  were 
the  HiilMiolh  (the  current  precepts  of  the  schools) 
— precepts  liinding  on  the  conscience.  From  these 
grew  up  the  Mishna,  and  afterward  the  Gemara, 


980 


SCR 


SCR 


which  together  constitute  the  Talmud.  (Old  Tes- 
tament, B;  Pharisees.)  (5.)  But  the  sacred  books 
were  not  studied  as  a  code  of  laws  only.  To  March 
into  their  meaning  had  from  the  first  belonged  to 
the  ideal  office  of  the  Scribe.  But  here  also  the 
book -suggested  thoughts  which  could  not  logically 
be  deduced  from  it.  The  fruit  of  their  interpreta- 
tive effort  appears  in  the  3Iidrdshim  (=  searc/iinr/s, 
invesli(/atioiis,  commentaries)  on  the  several  books 
of  the  0.  T.  Tlie  process  by  which  the  meaning, 
moral  or  mystical,  was  elicited,  was  known  as  llay- 
gdduh  (=  aar/iiig,  opinion).  The  mystical  school  of 
interpretation  culminated  in  the  Kabbuidh  (=  recep- 
tion, the  received  doctrine).  Every  letter,  every  num- 
ber, became  pregnant  with  mysteries.  (Old  Testa- 
iiE.NT,  K,)—lll.  History.  (1.)  The  names  of  the 
earlier  Scribes  passed  away,  as  has  been  said,  mostly 
unrecorded.  Simon  the  Just  (about  b.  c.  300-2i'0) 
appears  as  the  last  of  the  men  of  the  Great  Syna- 
gogue, the  beginner  of  a  new  period.  The  names 
of  tlie  times  that  followed — Antigonus  of  Socho, 
Zadok,  Boethus — connect  themselves  with  the  rise 
of  the  first  opposition  (Sadducees)  to  the  traditional 
system  which  was  growing  up.  (Philosophy.)  The 
tenet  of  the  Sadducees,  however,  was  embraced  by 
only  a  small  minority.  It  tended,  by  maintaining 
the  sufficiency  of  the  letter  of  the  Law,  to  destroy 
the  very  occupation  of  a  Scribe,  and  the  class,  as 
such,  belonged  to  the  party  of  its  opponents.  The 
words  "  Scribes  "  and  "  Pharisees  "  were  bound 
together  by  the  closest  possible  alliance  (Mat.  xxiii. ; 
Lk.  V.  30).  To  understand  their  relation  to  each 
other  in  our  Lord's  time,  or  their  connection  with 
His  life  and  teaching,  we  must  look  back  to  what  is 
known  of  the  five  pairs  of  teachers  who  represented 
the  scribal  succession.  (2.)  The  two  names  that 
stand  first  in  order  arc  joses  ben-Joezer,  a  priest, 
and  Joses  ben-Jochanan  (about  b.  c.  140-130).  The 
precepts  ascillied  to  them  indicate  a  tendency  to  a 
greater  elaboration  of  all  rules  connected  with  cere- 
monial defilement.  The  struggle  with  the  Syrian 
kings  (Antiooiuts  Epiphases  ;  Maccabees,  &c.) 
had  turned  chiefly  on  questions  of  this  nature,  and 
it  was  the  wish  of  the  two  teachers  to  prepare  the 
people  for  any  future  conflict  by  founding  a  frater- 
nity (the  Huberim  or  Chaberim  =r  associates)  bound 
to  the  strictest  observance  of  the  Law.  (AssinEANS.) 
(3.)  Joshua  ben-Pcraehiah  and  Nithai  of  Arbela 
were  contemporary  with  John  Ilyrcanus  (about  b.  c. 
135-108),  and  enjoyed  his  favor  till  toward  the  close 
of  his  reign,  when  caprice  or  interest  led  liim  to 
pass  over  to  the  Sadducees.  (4.)  The  secession  of 
Hyrcanus  Involved  the  Pharisees,  and  therefore 
the  Scribes  as  a  class,  in  difliculties,  and  a  period 
of  confusion  followed.  The  meetings  of  the  San- 
hedrim were  suspended  or  became  predominantly 
Sadducean.  Under  his  successor,  Alexander  Jan- 
nseus,  the  influence  of  Simon  ben-Shetach  over  the 
queen-mother  Salome  reestablished  for  a  time  the 
ascendancy  of  the  Scribes.  The  Sanhedrim  once 
again  assembled,  with  none  to  oppose  the  dominant 
Pharisaic  party.  The  return  of  Alexander  from 
his  campaign  against  Gaza  again  turned  the  tables. 
Eight  hundred  Pharisees  took  refuge  in  a  fortress, 
were  besieged,  taken,  and  put  to  death.  Joshua 
ben-Perachiah,  the  venerable  head  of  the  order,  was 
driven  into  exile.  Simon  ben-Shetach,  his  succes- 
sor, had  to  eani  his  livelihood  by  spinning  flax. 
The  Sadducees  failed,  however,  to  win  the  confidence 
of  the  people.  On  the  death  of  Jannacus  his  widow 
Alexandra  favored  the  Scribes,  and  Simon  ben-She- 
tach and  Judah  ben-Tabbai  entered  on  their  work 


as  joint  teachers.  Under  them  the  juristic  side  of 
the  Scribe's  functions  became  prominent.  Their 
rules  turn  chiefly  on  the  laws  of  evidence.  They 
showed  what  sacrifices  they  were  prepared  to  make 
in  sujjport  of  those  laws.  Judah,  rebuked  by  his 
colleague  for  having  unlawfully  condemned  a  false 
witness  to  death,  resolved  never  to  give  judgment 
without  consulting  Simon,  and  threw  himself  daily 
on  the  grave  of  the  condemned  man,  imploring  par- 
don. Simon,  having  sentenced  his  own  son  to 
death,  allowed  the  execution  to  go  on,  the  son  also 
urging  it,  after  the  witnesses  confessed  that  they 
had  spoken  falsely.  (5.)  The  two  that  followed, 
Shemaiah  and  Abtalion,  were  proselytes  themselves, 
or  the  sons  of  proselytes ;  but  their  preeminence 
in  the  knowledge  of  the  Law  raised  them  to  this 
office.  The  high-priest  was  jealous  of  them.  She- 
maiah checked  the  growing  love  of  titles  of  honor 
(Radbi,  &c.).  Abtalion  rebuked  the  tendency  to 
new  opinions.  The  two  attempted  to  check  the 
rising  power  of  Herod  in  his  bold  defiance  of  the 
Sanhedrim.  When  he  showed  himself  to  be  irresist- 
ible, they  had  the  wisdom  to  submit,  and  were  suf- 
fered to  continue  their  work  in  peace.  Its  gloiy 
was,  however,  in  great  measure,  gone.  The  doors 
of  their  school  were  no  longer  thrown  open  to  all 
comers  so  that  crowds  might  listen  to  the  teacher. 
A  fixed  fee  had  to  be  paid  on  entrance.  On  the 
death  of  Shemaiah  and  Abtalion  there  were  no 
qualified  successors  to  take  their  place.  Two  sons 
of  Bethera,  otherwise  unknown,  for  a  time  occu- 
pied it,  but  were  themselves  conscious  of  their  in- 
competence. (6.)  Hillel  (born  about  b.  c.  112  '), 
"  the  son  of  David,"  was  the  noblest  and  most 
genial  represenlative  of  his  order,  the  best  fruit 
which  the  system  of  the  Scribes  was  capable  of 
producing.  It  is  instructive  to  mark  at  once  how 
far  he  prepared  the  way  for  the  higher  teaching 
which  was  to  follow,  how  far  he  inevitably  fell  short 
of  it.  lie  came  from  Golah  in  Babylonia  to  study 
under  Shemaiah  and  Abtalion.  He  worked  to  earn 
his  livelihood  and  pay  the  fees  for  attendance ;  but 
one  day,  unable  to  find  employment  and  pay  the 
fee,  he  eagerly  listened  at  a  window  outside  till 
the  snow  lay  on  him  six  cubits  high  (!),  and  the 
teachers  then  received  him  as  a  student  without 
pavment.  In  the  earlier  days  of  his  activity  Hillel 
had  as  his  colleague  Menaheni,  probably  =  the  Es- 
sene  Manacn  of  Josephus.  He,  however,  and  a 
large  number  of  his  followers,  entered  the  service 
of  Herod,  and  abandoned  at  once  their  calling  as 
Scribes  and  their  habits  of  devotion.  The  place 
thus  vacant  was  soon  filled  by  Shammai.  The  two 
were  held  in  nearly  equal  honor.  One  was  the  pres- 
ident, the  other  the  vice-president,  of  the  Sanhedrim. 
They  did  not  teach,  however,  as  their  predecessors 
had  done,  in  entire  harmony  with  each  other.  With- 
in the  party  of  the  Pharisees,  within  the  order  of  , 
the  Scribes,  there  came  for  the  first  time  to  be  two  a 
schools  with  distinctly  opposed  tendencies,  one  (that  1 
of  Shammai)  vehemently,  rigidly  oithodox,  the  other 
orthodox  also,  but  with  an  orthodoxy  which,  in  the 
language  of  modern  politics,  might  be  classed  as 
liberal  conservative.  The  points  on  which  they  dif- 
fered were  almost  innumerable,  e.  g.  as  to  the  causes 
and  degrees  of  uncleanness,  as  to  the  law  of  con- 
tracts or  of  wills,  &c.    The  school  of  Shammai  were 

'  Dr.  Ginrturs  (in  Kitto)  (rives  as  the  date  of  Hillers 
birth  ahont  b.  c.  75,  of  his  settlement  in  .Ii-rnsalcm  about 
B.  c.  36,  of  his  becoming  president  of  tlie  Sanhedrim 
about  B.  c.  .30.  and  of  his  death  about  A.  D.  10,  alter  being 
preaidcnt  about  forty  years. 


6CS 


SCB 


981 


I 


moet  scnipvilous  in  regard  to  uncleanness,  rigidly 
•Sabbatarian,  and  strict  iu  maintaining  tlie  marriage- 
law.  (Divorce;  Sabbatu  ;  Unclkan  Meats,  &c.) 
Yet  Shanimai  liimsolf  was  said  to  be  ricli,  luxurious, 
self-indulgent.  Hillel  was  poor  to  the  day  of  his 
death.  (7.)  The  teaching  of  Hillel  showed  some 
capacity  for  wider  thoughts.  His  personal  character 
was  more  lovable  and  attractive.  While  on  the  one 
side  he  taught  as  from  a  mind  well  stored  with  the 
traditions  of  the  elders,  he  was,  on  the  other,  any 
thing  but  a  slavish  follower  of  those  traditions.  He 
was  the  first  to  lay  down  principles  for  an  ecjuitable 
construction  of  the  Law  witli  a  dialectic  precision 
which  seems  almost  to  imply  a  Greek  culture.  His 
teaching  as  to  the  year  of  release,  divorce,  &c.,  was  an 
adaptation  to  the  tunes  or  the  temper  of  the  age. 
In  one  memorable  rule  we  find  the  nearest  approach 
yet  made  to  the  great  commandment  of  the  Gospel : 
"  Do  nothing  to  lliy  neighbor  that  thou  wouldest 
not  that  he  should  do  unto  thee."  (8.)  The  con- 
trast showed  itself  in  the  conduct  of  the  followers 
not  less  than  in  the  teachers.  The  disciples  of 
Shamnni  were  fierce,  appealed  to  popular  passions, 
and  used  the  sword  to  decide  their  controversies. 
Out  of  that  school  grew  the  party  of  the  Zealots, 
fierce,  fanatical,  vindictive.  Those  of  Hillel  were 
like  tlieir  master(compare,  e.g.,  the  advice  of  Gama- 
liel, Acts  V.  34-42),  cautious,  gentle,  tolerant,  un- 
willing to  make  enemies,  content  to  let  things  take 
their  coarse.  One  sought  to  impose  upon  the  pros- 
elyte from  heathenism  the  full  burden  of  the  Law, 
the  other  to  treat  him  with  some  sympathy  and  in- 
dulgence. (9.)  Outwardly  the  teaching  of  our  Lord 
must  liave  appeared  to  men  different  in  many  ways 
from  both  (Mat.  vii.  29,  ix.  36,  &c.).  But  in  most 
of  the  points  at  issue  between  the  two  parties.  He 
must  have  appeared  in  direct  antagonism  to  the 
school  of  Sh.amniai,  in  svrapathv  witli  that  of  Uillel 
(vii.  12,  xii.  1-14,  .\v.  1-11;  Jn."  v.  1-16,  &c.).  So 
fnr,  on  the  otlicr  hand,  as  the  temper  of  the  Hillel 
school  was  one  of  mere  adaptation  to  the  feeling  cf 
the  people,  cleaving  to  tradition,  wanting  in  tlie  in- 
tuition of  a  higlier  life,  the  teaching  of  Christ  must 
liiive  been  felt  as  unsparingly  condemning  it.  (10.) 
Hillel  himself  lived,  according  to  the  tradition  of 
(lie  Rabbis,  to  the  great  age  of  120  (see  note  '),  and 
may  therefore  have  been  present  among  tlie  doctors 
of  Lk.  ii.  46,  and  Gamaliel,  his  grandson  and  suc- 
cessor, was  at  the  head  of  this  school  during  the 
whole  of  the  ministry  of  Christ,  as  well  as  in  the 
earJy  portion  of  the  history  of  the  Acts.  We  are 
thus  able  to  explain  the  fact,  which  so  many  pas- 
sages in  the  Gospels  lead  us  to  infer,  the  existence 
all  along  of  a  party  among  the  Scribes  themselves, 
more  or  less  disposed  to  recognize  Jesus  of  Naza- 
reth as  a  teacher  (Mk.  x.  17,  xii.  84  ;  Lk.  xxiii.  50, 
61 ;  Jn.  iii.  1,  vii.  51,  xii.  42). — IV.  Edaralion.  and 
Life.  (1.)  The  special  training  for  a  Scribe's  office 
began,  probably,  about  the  age  of  thirteen.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Mishna  the  child  began  to  read  the 
MiJcrd  (=  Scriptlre)  at  five,  and  the  Mishna  at 
ten.  Three  years  later  every  Israelite  became  a 
child  of  the  Law,  and  was  bound  to  study  and  obey 
it.  The  great  mass  of  men  rested  in  the  scanty 
teaching  of  their  synagogues,  in  knowing  and  re- 
peating their  Tiphillin,  the  texts  inscribed  on  their 
phylacteries.  (Frontlets.)  For  the  boy  who  was 
destined  by  his  parents,  or  who  devoted  himself  to 
the  calling  of  a  Scribe,  something  more  was  re- 
quired. He  made  his  way  to  Jerusalem,  and  ap- 
plioil  for  admission  to  the  school  of  some  famous 
Uabbi.     If  he  were  poor,  it  was  the  duty  of  the 


synagogue  of  his  town  or  village  to  provide  for  the 
payment  of  his  fees,  and  in  part  also  for  his  main- 
tenance. The  master  and  his  scholars  met,  the  for- 
mer sitting  on  a  high  chair,  the  elder  pupils  on  a 
lower  bench,  the  younger  on  the  ground,  both  lit- 
erally "  at  his  feet."  The  class-room  might  be  the 
chamber  of  the  Temple  set  apart  for' this  purpose, 
or  the  private  school  of  the  Rabbi.  The  education 
was  chiefly  catechetical,  the  ])upil  submitting  cases 
and  asking  questions,  the  teacher  examining  the 
pupil  (Lk.  ii.).  Parables  entered  largely  into  the 
method  of  instruction.  (Euucatio.n  ;  Parable.) 
(2.)  After  a  sufficient  period  of  training,  probably 
at  the  age  of  thirty,  the  ()robationer  was  solemnly 
admitted  to  his  office.  The  presiding  Rabbi  pro- 
nounced the  formula,  "  I  admit  thee,,  and  thou  art 
admitted  to  the  Chair  of  the  Scribe,"  solemnly  or- 
dained him  by  the  imposition  of  hands,  and  gave  to 
him,  as  the  symbol  of  his  work,  tablets  on  which 
he  was  to  note  down  the  sayings  of  the  wise,  and 
the  "key  of  knowledge"  (comp.are Lk.  xi.  52),  with 
which  he  was  to  open  or  to  shut  the  treasures  of 
Divine  wisdom.  (3.)  There  still  remained  for  the 
disciple  after  his  admission  the  choice  of  a  variety 
of  functions,  the  chances  of  failure  and  success. 
He  might  ri.se  to  high  places,  become  a  doctor  of 
the  Law,  an  arbitrator  in  family  litigations  (xii.  14), 
the  head  of  a  school,  a  member  of  the  Sanhedrim. 
He  might  have  to  content  himself  with  the  humbler 
work  of  a  transcriber,  copying  the  Law  and  the 
Prophets  for  the  synagogues,  or  Tephillhi  for  the 
devout,  or  a  notary  writing  out  contracts  of  sale, 
covenants  of  espousals,  bills  of  repudiation.  The 
position  of  the  more  fortunate  was  of  course  attrac- 
tive enough.  Theoretically  the  Scribe's  office  was 
not  to  be  a  source  of  wealth.  It  is  doubtful  how 
far  the  teacher  appropriated  the  pupil's  fees.  The 
indirect  payments  were,  however,  considerable.  (4.) 
In  regard  to  social  position  there  was  a  like  contra- 
diction between  theory  and  practice.  The  older 
Scribes  had  had  no  titles  (Rabbi)  ;  Shemaiah  warned 
his  disciples  against  them.  In  our  Lord's  time  the 
passion  for  distinction  was  insatiable.  Drawing  to 
themselves,  as  they  did,  nearly  all  the  energy  and 
thought  of  Judaism,  the  priesthood  was  ])owerle3.s 
to  compete  with  them.  Unless  the  Priest  became 
a  Scribe  also,  he  remained  in  obscurity.  (5.)  The 
character  of  the  order  was  marked  under  these  in- 
fluences by  a  deep,  incurable  hypocrisy,  all  the  more 
perilous  because,  in  most  cases,  it  was  unconscious. 
We  must  not  infer  from  this  that  all  were  alike 
tainted,  or  that  the  work  which  they  had  done,  and 
the  worth  of  their  office,  were  not  recognized  by 
Him  who  rebuked  them  for  their  evil.     Writing. 

Srrip  (Hcb.  ;/aliul,  ttrikloti  ;  Gr.  jiera),  a  bao  or 
sack  in  which  shepherds,  travellers,  &c.,  carried 
their  food  or  other  necessaries  (IK.  xvh.  40;  2 
K.  iv.  42  margin  ;  Mat.  x.  10 ;  Mk.  vi.  8  ;  Lk.  ix.  3, 
X.  4,  xxii.  35,  36).  The  scrip  of  the  Galilean  peas- 
ants was  of  leather,  used  especially  to  carry  their 
food  on  a  journey,  aiiii  slung  over  their  shoulders. 
A  similar  article  is  still  used  by  the  Syrian  shep- 
herds. 

Serlpt'nre  (fr.  L.  neriplurn  =  a  writing  ;  =  Ileb. 
cSlhtll) ;  Gr.  tfrnphe  ;  see  below),  a  distinctive  name 
applied,  individually  and  collectively,  to  the  books 
included  in  the  Bihlk.  (See  Canon,  Inspiration, 
and  the  articles  on  the  various  books  of  the  Old 
Testame.nt  anil  New  Testament.)  In  the  earlier 
books  we  read  of  the  Law,  the  Book  of  the  Law. 
In  Kx.  xxxii.  16,  the  Commandments  written  on  tho 
tables  of   tcstimonv  are  said  to  be  "  the  writing 


SCR 


SEA 


(Heb.  mkhtub)  of  God."  In  Dan.  x.  21,  where  the 
A.  V.  has  "  the  Scripture  of  Truth,"  the  words  do 
not  probably  mean  more  than  a  true  writing  (so 
Prof.  Phimptre,  ic. ;  (Jesenius,  Stuart,  &c.,  translate 
this  the  book  of  truth,  i.  e.  the  book  of  God's  de- 
crees, the  book  which  contains  what  is  or  will  be 
true  or  aecofdant  with  facts).  The  thought  of  tlie 
Scriptyre  as  a  whole  is  hardly  to  be  found  in  them. 
This  first  appears  in  2  Chr.  x.\.\.  5,  18  ("as  it  was 
written,"  A.  V. ;  cae-cdthub,  Ileb.  ;  kata  ten  graplten, 
LXX.),  and  is  probably  connected  with  the  profound 
reverence  for  the  Sacred  Books  which  led  the  earlier 
Scribes  to  confine  their  own  teaching  to  oral  tradi- 
tion, and  gave  therefore  to  the  Writing  a  distinctive 
preeminence  (compare  "  it  is  written,"  Mat.  iv.  4,  0, 
xxi.  13,  &c.).  The  Greek  word,  as  will  be  seen,  kept 
its  ground  in  this  sense.  A  slight  change  passed 
over  that  of  the  Hebrew  and  led  to  the  substitution 
of  another.  The  word  cethubhv  (=  writings)  was 
used,  in  the  Jewish  arrangement  of  the  0.  T.,  for  a 
part  and  not  the  whole  of  the  0.  T.  (the  Hagi- 
ographa ;  Bini.E,  III.  3).  In  the  Mishna  we  find  the 
Mikri  (Neh.  viii.  8,  A.  V.  "  reading,"  i.  e.  the  thing 
read  or  recited,  recitation)  used  to  designate  the 
collective  Sacred  Books. — In  the  N.  T.  the  (ir.  graphe, 
A.  V.  "  Scripture,"  is  in  the  singular  applied  often 
to  this  or  that  passage  (i.  e.  Scripture  declaration, 
promise,  prophecy,  &c.)  quoted  from  the  0.  T.  (Mk. 
xii.  10;  Lk.  iv.  21  ;  Jn.  xiii.  18,  xix.  37;  Rom.  ix. 
17;  Gal.  iii.  8,  kc).  In  Acts  viii.  32,  it  takes  a 
somewhat  larger  extension,  as  denoting  tlie  writing 
of  Isaiah ;  but  in  ver.  35  the  more  limited  meaning 
reappears.  (On  2  Tim.  iii.  10  and  2  I'et.  i.  20,  see 
I.NSPIRATION,  I.  2,  and  III.  1).  In  the  Gr.  pi.  gmphai, 
A.  V.  "  scriptures,"  the  collective  meaning  is  prom- 
inent (Mat.  xxi.  42,  xxii.  29;  Jn.  v.  39;  Acts  xvii. 
1 1 ;  1  Cor.  XV.  3,  &e.).  We  have  "  all  the  Script- 
ures "  (Lk.  xxiv.  27),  "  the  holy  Scriptures  "  (Rom. 
i.  2),  "the  Scriptures  of  the  prophets"  (xvi.  26). 
In  2  Pet.  iii.  1 0  we  find  an  extension  of  the  terra  to 
the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul ;  but  it  remains  uncertain 
whether  "  the  other  Scriptures  "  are  the  Scriptures 
of  the  0.  T.  exclusivelv,  or  include  other  writings 
of  the  N.  T.  In  2  Tim.  iii.  15  the  Gr.  ta  hiera 
grammata  (^=  the  sacred  writings;  compare  "writ- 
ings "  of  Moses,  Jn.  v.  47)  answers  to  "  The  Holy 
Scriptures  "  of  the  A.  V. 

*  Scroll  [o  as  in  note]  =  a  MS.  roll.  The  A.  V. 
thus  correctly  translates  in  Is.  xxxiv.  4  the  Ileb. 
sepher,  and  in  Rev.  vi.  14  the  Gr.  hihlion  (each 
usually  translated  "  book  ").  New  Testa.me.nt  ;  Old 
Testament  ;  Writing. 

*  Scnr'Tji     Medicine. 

*  Scythe  (Jer.  1. 16  marg.).  Agriculture  ;  Sickle. 
Scytll  i-an  [sitii-]  (fr.  Gr.  Sk-ulUs)  occurs  in  Col. 

iii.  1 1  as  a  generalized  term  for  rtide,  ignorant,  de- 
graded. The  same  \\tivr  of  Scythian  barbarism  ap- 
pears in  2  Mc.  iv.  47,  and  3  Me.  vii.  5.  The  Scyth- 
ians dwelt  mostly  on  the  north  of  the  Black  Sea 
and  the  Caspian,  stretching  theme  indefinitely  into 
inner  Asia,  and  were  regarded  by  the  ancients  as 
standing  extremely  low  in  point  of  intelligence  and 
civilization.     Magog:  Scythopolis. 

Sey-tbop'o-lis  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  the  city  nf  the  Scyth- 
ians) —  BETii-snEAS,  now  Beis&n  (Jd.  iii.  10 ;  2  Mc. 
xii.  29).  A  mound  close  to  it  on  the  W.  is  called 
Tell  Shvk,  in  which  possibly  a  trace  of  Scythopolis 
may  linger.  The  LXX.  and  Pliny  attribute  the 
origin  of  the  name  Scythopolis  to  the  Scythians, 
who,  in  the  words  of  the  Byzantine  historian  George 
Syncellus,  "  overran  Palestine,  and  took  possession 
of  Baisan,  which  from  them  is  called  Scythopolis." 


This  has  been  in  modern  times  generally  referred 
to  the  invasion  recorded  by  Herodotus  (i.  104-6), 
when  the  Scythians  (Magog  ;  Scythian),  after  their 
occupation  of  Media,  passed  through  Palestine  on 
their  road  to  Egypt  (about  B.  c.  600).  Reland,  how- 
ever (who  doubted  the  truth  of  Herodotus's  account), 
and,  after  him,  Gesenius  and  Grimm,  make  Scythop- 
olis a  corruption  of  Succothopolis,  i.  c.  the  chief 
town  of  the  district  of  Succotii  ;  but  this  would  be 
naming  the  most  important  place  in  the  region  after 
one  comparatively  unknown  ;  and  besides,  this  der- 
ivation, if  true,  would  rather  have  m:ide  the  Gr.  name 
Skenopolis,  L.  Scmopolis.  Dr.  Robinson  thinks  that 
Scythopolis  may  have  been  named  after  the  Scyth- 
ians, not  literally,  but  as  =  rude  pecpte,  barbarians 
(Scythian),  in  which  sense  the  term  might  well  be 
applied  to  the  wild  Arabs,  who  then,  as  now,  inhab- 
ited the  Ghor,  and  at  times  may  have  had  poi-session 
of  Beth-shean.  Scythopolis  was  the  largest  city  of 
the  Decapolis,  and  the  only  one  of  the  ten  which  lay 
W.  of  Jordan.  It  was  surrounded  by  a  district  of  its 
own  of  the  most  abundant  fertility.  About  A.  D.  65  the 
heathen  inhabitants  massacred  (so  Josephus)  13,00') 
Jews.  It  became  the  seat  of  a  Christian  bishop, 
and  its  name  is  found  in  the  lists  of  signatures  as 
late  as  the  Council  of  Constantinople,  A.  D.  636.  It 
was  plundered  by  Saladin  and  burnt  a.  d.  1183. 
The  latest  mention  of  it  under  the  title  of  Scythop- 
olis is  probably  that  of  William  of  Tyre,  about  A.  i). 
1185.  The  population  of  Beisan  is  about  600  (Rbn. 
iii.  332). 

*  Scyth-o-pol'l-tans  [sith-]  =  inhabitants  of  Scy- 
thopolis (2  Mc.  xii.  30). 

Sciii  The  Sea  (Heb.  yam,  pi.  yammim)  is  used 
in  Scripture  to  denote — 1.  The  collection  of  waters 
encompassing  the  land,  or  what  we  call,  in  a  more 
or  less  definite  sense,  "  the  Ocean  "  (Gen.  i.  10 ;  Deut. 
XXX.  13,  kc).  2.  Some  portion  of  this,  as  the 
Mediterranean  Sea  (Deut.  xi.  24  ;  Sea,  the  Great), 
or  the  Red  Sea  (Ex.  xv.  4,  &c.).  3.  Inland  lakes, 
whether  of  salt  or  fresh  water.  (Gennesarct,  Sea 
OF ;  Sea,  the  Salt,  &e.).  4.  Any  great  collection 
of  water,  as  the  Nile  (Is.  xviii.  2  ;  Nah.  iii.  8,  &c.), 
or  the  Euphrates  (Jer.  li.  36). — The  common  Gr. 
word  for  "  sea  "  in  the  N.  T.  is  thalassa  (in  LXX. 
=:  Ileb.  yAm),  which  occurs  more  than  ninety  times ; 
the  Gr.  pelagos,  especially  denoting  the  hiifh  or  open 
sea,  being  translated  once  "sea"  (Acts  xxvii.  5), 
and  once  with  thalassa  following  "  the  depth  of  the 
sea  "  (Mat.  xviii.  6).  The  qualities  or  characteristics 
of  the  sea  and  sea-coast  mentioned  in  Scripture  are, 
1.  The  SAND,  whose  abundance  on  the  coast  both  of 
Palestine  and  Egypt  furnishes  so  many  illustrations 
(Gen.  xxii.  17,  -\li.  49 ;  Judg.  vii.  12 ;  1  Sam.  xiii. 
5 ;  1  K.  iv.  20,  29  ;  Is.  x.  22,  &c.).  2.  The  shore 
(Gen.  xxii.  17 ;  Ex.  xiv.  30,  &c.).  3.  Creeks  or  in- 
lets (Acts  xxvii.  39).  4.  Harbors  (Gen.  xlix.  13 ; 
Ps.  evii.  30;  Breaches,  &c.).  5.  Waves  or  billows 
(Ps.  xiii.  7,  Ixv.  7,  &c.).  It  may  be  remarked  that 
almost  all  the  figures  of  speech  taken  from  the  sea 
in  Scripture,  refer  either  to  its  power  or  its  danger. 
The  place  "where  two  sias  met"  (Acts  xxvii.  41  ; 
Melita)  perhaps  means  where  two  currents,  caused 
by  the  intervention  of  the  island,  met  and  produced 
an  eddy,  which  made  it  desirable  at  once  to  ground 
the  ship.     Earth. 

Sea,  Molt' en  [o  pronounced  as  in  nol,  i.  e.  melted 
sea,  or  one  made  of  melted  metal.  In  the  place  of 
the  layer  of  the  Tabernacle,  Solomon  caused  a 
laver  to  be  east  for  a  similar  purpose,  which  from 
its  size  was  called  a  sea.  It  was  made  partly  or 
wholly  of  the  brass,  or  rather  copper,  which  had 


SEA 


SEA 


983 


been  captured  by  David  from  "  Tibhath  and  Chun, 
cities  ol  Hadarezer  king  of  Zobah  "  (IK.  vii.  23- 
26  ;  1  Chr.  xviii.  8).  its  dimensions  were : — Height, 
6  cubits;  diameter,  10  cubits;  circumference,  30 
cubits;  tliickiicss,  I  handbreadth  ;  and  it  is  said  to 
have  been  capable  of  containin);  2,000,  or  according 
to  2  Clir.  iv.  5,  3,000  baths.  Below  tlie  brim  tliere 
was  a  cioublc  row  of  "  knops,"  10  (i.  e.  5  +  5)  in 
each  cubit.  These  were  probably  a  running  border 
or  double  fillet  of  tendrils,  and  fruits,  said  to  be 
gourds  of  an  oval  shape.  The  brim  itself,  or  lip, 
was  wrought  "  like  the  brim  of  a  cup,  with  flowers 
of  lilies,"  i.  e.  curved  outward  like  a  lily  or  lotus 
flower.  The  laver  stood  on  twelve  oxen,  three  tow- 
ard each  quarter  of  the  heavens,  and  all  looking 
outjpard.  It  was  mutilated  by  Ahaz,  by  being  re- 
moved from  its  basis  of  oxen  and  placed  on  a  stone 
base,  and  was  finally  broken  up  by  the  Assyrians 
(2  K.  xvi.  14,  17,  XXV.  13).  Josephus  says  that  the 
form  of  the  sea  was  hemispherical,  and  that  it  held 
3,000  baths,  i.  e.  25,920  giillons.  (Weioiits  and 
Me.isures.)  The  question  arises,  which  occurred  to 
the  Jewish  writers  themselves,  how  the  contents  of 
the  laver,  as  they  are  given  in  the  sacred  text,  are 
to  be  reconciled  with  its  dimensions.  The  Jewish 
writers  supposed  that  it  had  a  square  hollow  bjise 
for  3  cubits  of  its  height,  and  2  cubits  of  the  circular 
form  above.  A  far  more  probable  suggestion  is 
that  of  Thenius,  in  which  Keil  agrees,  that  it  w.-is 
of  a  bulging  form  below,  but  contracted  at  thj 
mouth  to  the  dimensions  named  in  1  K.  vii.  23. 
The  laver  is  said  to  have  been  supplied  in  earlier 
days  by  the  Giheonites,  afterward  by  a  conduit  from 
the  pools  at  Bethlehem. 

•  S»a,  the  Esst.     Sea,  the  Salt. 

•  Sea,  the  Great  =  the  sea  now  known  as  the 
Mediterranean  Sea  (Num.  xxxiv.  6,  7 ;  Jrsh.  i.  4, 
ix.  1,  XV.  12,  47,  xxiii.  4;  Ez.  xlvii.  10,  15,  19,  20; 
Dan.  vii.  2) ;  also  called  "  the  uttermost  sea  "  (Deut. 
xi.  24),  "the  utmost  sea"  (xxxiv.  2 ;  Joel  ii.  20), 
"  the  sea  of  the  Philistines"  (Ex.  xxiii.  31),  "  the 
hinder  sea "  (Zeeh.  xiv.  8),  or  ''  the  sea  "  simply 
(Gen.  xlix.  13;  Ps.  Ixxx.  11,  cvii.  23,  &c.).  This 
sea,  the  largest  with  which  the  Hebrews  were  ac- 
((uainted,  washes  the  western  coast  of  Palestine. 
It  is  2,300  miles  in  length,  and  1,200  in  its  greatest 
width,  and  averages  more  than  half  a  mile  in  depth. 
It  covers  an  area  of  1,000,000  square  miles.  It 
separates  Africa  from  Europe,  and  partially  from 
Asia.  It  communicates  with  the  Atlantic  Ocean 
only  by  the  Strait  of  Gibraltar,  through  which  it 
receives  water,  as  its  loss  from  evaporation  exceeds 
all  its  supply  from  rains  and  rivers.  Its  water  is 
Salter  than  that  of  the  .-Vtlantic.  "  The  shores  of 
the  Mediterranean  have  for  thousands  of  years  been 
the  principal  seats  of  civilization.  The  most  im- 
portant periods  of  the  history  of  mankind  have 
been  determined  by  the  rule  of  different  nations 
over  the  countries  bordering  on  this  vast  inland 
ocean.  The  Egyptians,  the  Phenicians,  the  Hebrews, 
the  Greeks,  Romans,  Carthaginians,  and  Saracens 
flourished  there  under  distinct  forms  of  society  "  {A'ew 
Amerimn  Ciiclopadia,  article  "  Mediterranean  Sea"). 
For  the  biblical  relations  of  the  Mediterranean,  see 
AccHO ;  Alexandria  ;  Coumerce  ;  Egypt  ;  Greece  ; 
Italv;  Jonah;  Joppa;  Libya;  Melita  ;  Paop; 
Sea  ;  Snip,  &c. 

Sea,  the  Salt '  (Heb.  ydm  hammelak  or  -lack  ;  see 
.Sea  and  Salt),  the  usual,  and  perhaps  the  most 
ancient  name  for  the  remarkable  lake,  which  to  the 

'  This  article  Isahrtdircd.and,  In  Bome  pans,  easentlally 
altered,  from  the  ori^nal  by  Mr.  Grove. 


Western  world  is  now  generally  known  as  the  Dead 
Sea. — I.  Names.  1.  This  name,  "the  Salt  Sea,"  is 
found  in  Gen.  xiv.  3 ;  Num.  xxxiv.  3,  12  ;  Deut.  ill. 
17;  Josh.  iii.  16,  xii.  3,  xv.  2,  5,  xviii.  19.  2.  Au- 
other,  and  possibly  a  later  name,  is  the  "  sea  of  the 
plain"  (AiiABAii;  Plain),  which  is  found  in  Deut. 
iv.  49,  and  2  K.  xiv.  25 ;  and  combined  with  the 
former — "  the  sea  of  the  plain,  (even)  the  salt  sea  " 
— in  Deut.  iii.  17  and  Josh.  iii.  16,  xii.  3.  3.  In  the 
prophets  (Ez.  xlvii.  18;  Joel  ii.  20;  Zech.  xiv.  8 
[A.  V.  "  the  former  sea  "])  it  is  entitled  "  the  EA.ST 
sea."  4.  In  Ez.  xlvii.  8,  it  is  styled  "  the  sea  "  and 
distinguished  from  "the  great  sea" — the  Mediter- 
ranean (ver.  10).  (Sea,  the  Great.)  5.  In  2  Esd. 
v.  7  it  is  called  "  the  Sodomitisii  sea."  Josephus 
once  calls  it  "  the  lake  of  Sodom."  6.  In  the  Tal- 
mudical  books  it  is  called  both  the  "  Sea  of  Salt," 
and  "  Sea  of  Sodom."  7.  Josephus,  and  before  him 
Diodorus  Siculus,  names  it,  from  its  asphalt  or  bitu- 
men (Slime),  "Lake  Asph.iltitis,"  or  "Lake  Asphal- 
tites"  =^  the  Asphaltic  Ixike.  8.  The  name  "Dead 
Sea"  appears  to  have  been  first  used  in  Greek  by 
Pausanias  and  Galen,  and  in  Latin  [Mare  Mortviim) 
by  Justin,  or  rather  by  the  older  historian,  Trogus 
Pompeius  (about  b.  c.  10),  whose  work  he  epito- 
mized. It  is  used  by  Eusebius,  Jerome,  &c.  9.  The 
Arabic  name  is  liahr  Lut  =  the  Sea  of  Lot. — II. 
Deseription.  1.  The  so-called  Dead  Sea  is  the  final 
receptacle  of  the  river  Jordan,  the  lowest  and  the 
largest  of  the  three  lakes  which  interrupt  the  rush 
of  its  downward  course.  It  is  the  deepest  portion 
of  that  very  deep  natural  fissure  which  runs  like  a 
furrow  from  the  Gulf  of  'Akabah  to  the  range  of 
Lebanon,  and  from  the  range  of  Lebanon  to  the  ex- 
treme N.  of  Syria.  2.  The  lake  is  of  an  oblong  form, 
of  tolerably  regular  contour,  interrupted  only  by  a 
large  and  long  peninsula  which  projects  from  the 
eastern  shore,  near  its  southern  end,  and  virtually 
divides  the  expanse  of  the  water  into  two  portions, 
connected  by  a  long,  narrow,  and  somewhat  devious 
passage.  It  lies  between  31°  6'  20"  and  31°  46'  N. 
latitude  nearly;  and  between  35"  24'  and  35°  37'  E. 
longitude  nearly.  It  is  thus  from  N.  to  S.  about  40 
geographical,  or  46  English  miles  long.  Its  greatest 
width  (some  3  miles  S.  of  'Ain  Jidy)  is  about  9  geo- 
graphical miles,  or  lOJ  English  miles.  The  ordinary 
area  of  the  upper  portion  is  about  174  square  geo- 
graphical miles ;  of  the  channel,  29  ;  and  of  the 
lower  portion  or  "  the  lagoon,"  46 ;  in  all  about  250 
square  geographical  miles.  At  its  northern  end  the 
lake  receives  the  stream  of  the  Jordan  ;  on  its  east- 
em  side  the  Zerka  Ma'in  (the  ancient  Callirrhoij 
[Lasha  ?],  and  possibly  the  more  ancient  En-eolaim), 
the  Mojii  (Arnon),  and  the  Beni-Hemdd  (on  the  map 
just  N.  of  the  Wady  ed-Dera'ah,  or  20) :  on  the  S. 
the  KurAhy  or et-Ahay  (in  the  GhSr es-Sdfieh),  and  the 
TufUeh  ;  and  on  the  W.  that  of  Mm  Jidy.  These 
are  probably  all  perennial,  though  variable,  streams ; 
but,  in  addition,  the  beds  of  the  torrents  which  lead 
through  the  mountains  E.  and  W.,  and  over  the  flat 
shelving  plains  both  N.  and  S.  of  the  lake,  show  that 
in  the  winter  a  very  large  tpiantity  of  water  must  bo 
poured  into  it.  There  are  also  all  along  the  western 
side  a  considerable  number  of  springs — some  fresh, 
some  salt,  some  warm  and  fetid — which  appear  to 
run  continually,  and  all  find  their  way  into  its 
waters.  The  lake  has  no  outlet.  3.  The  de- 
pression of  its  surface,  and  the  depth  which  it  at- 
tains below  that  surface,  combined  with  the  absence 
of  any  outlet,  render  it  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
spots  on  the  globe.  According  to  the  observations 
of  Lieutenant  Lynch,  the  surface  of  the  lake  in  May, 


984 


SEA 


SEA. 


1848,  was  1,316.'?  feet  below  the  level  of  the  Medi- 
teiranean  at  Jaffa  ;  according  to  the  observations  of 
the  French  Kxpedition  of  Due  de  Luynea  in  1864, 
the  surface  was  1,286  feet  below  the  Mediterranean. 
The  upper  portion,  according  to  Lieutenant  Lynch, 


is  a  perfect  basin,  descending  rapidly  till  it  attains,  at 
about  one-third  of  its  length  from  the  N.  end,  a 
depth  of  1,308  feet.  Immediately  W.  of  the  upper 
extremity  of  the  peninsula,  however,  this  depth  de- 
creases suddenly  to  336  feet,  then  to  114,  and  by  the 


Hap  and  Longitudin&l  Sectloa  (from  N.  to  S.),  of  Ih.'  ]  >i:a  I )  ^): 
dfc  V<jlde,  Ac,  dritn-n  under  the 


i,  Ircmi  th.-  Oli3er\-ation8,  SurvevB,  nnd  Soimdin;r8  of  Lynch,  Robinson,  Ue  Saulcy,  Van 

luiicriutt-ndtince  of  Mr.  Grove  by  Trelawney  Snundi  r8. 

Se/rrenfer.—l.  Jericho.    2.  Ford  ot  Jordan.    3.  Wadu  G^mran.    4.  Wadv  Zerka  Ma'iti.    5.  E'lg  lUFiihkhah.    6.  ^Ain  Teruheh.    7.  E'ta  Merged.    8. 

WodijS.jib.    9.  'Ainjulf.     10.  Birktl  ,l-KUIil.      11.  StHhek.     li.    »W»  Z«»'tir»4  from    N.   W.,  and  Wad)  d-Mahaumil  from   S.  W.    13.    Vn 

yj'ghal.     U.  Skathm  Viduin.    U.   Wadt/ Fikreli.     \^,   Wadu  tl-Jeih.     M.    Wadu  TafiUh.     \6.  Oh<W  ^a-S-'ijieh.     1».  Plain  e#-5a6/-aA.     20.   H  flrfy  *d- 

Dtra'ak,  or  Wady  Kerak,    21.  The  Peotiuula.    SS.  The  Lu^o.    S3.  The  FranK  Mountain.     S4.  Bethlehem.    2&.  Hebron. 


time  the  west  point  of  the  peninsula  is  reached,  to 
18  feet.  Below  this  the  southern  portion  is  a  mere 
lagoon  of  almost  even  bottom,  varying  in  depth  from 
12  feet  in  the  middle  to  3  at  the  edges.  4.  The 
level  of  the  lake  is  liable  to  variation  according  to 
the  season  of  the  year.  Since  it  has  no  outlet,  if 
more  water  is  supplied  from  the  clouds  and  streams 
than  the  evaporation  can  carry  off,  as  in  winter,  the 
lake  will  rise  until  the  evaporating  surface  is  so 
much  increased  as  to  restore  the  balance.  On  the 
other  hand,  should  the  evaporation  drive  off  a  larger 
quantity  than  the  supply,  as  in  summer,  the  lake 
will  descend  until  the  surface  becomes  so  small  as 
again  to  restore  the  balance.  The  extreme  differ- 
ences in  level  resulting  from  these  causes  have  not 
yet  been  carefully  observed.  5.  The  change  in  level 
necessarily  causes  a  change  in  the  dimensions  of  the 
lake.  This  chiefly  affects  the  southern  end.  The 
shore  of  that  part  slopes  up  from  the  water  with  an 


extremely  gradual  incline.  Over  so  flat  a  beach  a 
very  sliglit  rise  in  the  lake  would  send  the  water  a 
considerable  distance.  Dr.  Anderson,  the  geologist 
of  the  American  expedition,  conjectured  tliat  the 
water  occasionally  extended  as  much  as  eight  or  ten 
miles  S.  of  its  position  then.  On  the  peninsula,  the 
acclivity  of  which  is  much  greater  than  that  of  the 
southern  shores  of  the  lagoon,  and  in  the  early  part 
of  the  summer  (June  2d),  Irby  and  Mangles  found  the 
"  high-water  mark  a  mile  distant  irom  tlie  water's 
edge."  At  the  northern  end  the  shore  being  steeper, 
tlie  water-line  probably  remains  tolerably  constant. 
The  variation  in  breadth  will  not  be  so  much.  6. 
The  mountains  which  form  the  walls  of  the  great 
fissure  in  whose  depths  the  lake  is  contained,  continue 
a  nearly  parallel  course  through  its  entire  length. 
Viewed  from  the  beach  at  the  northern  end  of  the 
lake,  there  is  little  perceptible  difference  between 
the  two  ranges.     Each  is  equally  bare  and  stern  to 


SEA 


SEA 


985 


the  eye.  On  the  left  the  eastern  mountains  stretch 
their  long,  hazy,  horizontal  line,  till  they  are  lost  in 
the  dim  distance.  The  western  mountains  on  the 
other  hand  do  not  appear  so  continuous,  since  the 
lith  el-Feslikhtih  projects  so  far  as  to  conceal  the 
southern  portion  of  the  range  when  viewed  from 
most  points.  7.  Of  the  eastern  side  but  little  is 
known.  One  traveller  in  modern  times  (.Scetzen  in 
1S07)  has  succeeded  in  forcing  his  way  along  its 
whole  length.  Both  Dr.  Robinson  from  'yl/'n  Jidy, 
and  Lieut  Molyneux  from  the  surface  of  the  lake, 
record  their  impression  that  the  eastern  mountains 
are  much  more  lofty  than  the  western,  and  much 
more  broken  by  clefts  and  ravines.  In  color  they 
are  brown  or  red — a  great  contrast  to  the  gray  and 
white  tones  of  the  western  mountains.  Both  sides 
of  the  lake,  however,  are  alike  in  the  absence  of 
vegetation — almost  entirely  barren  and  scorched,  ex- 
cept where  a  spring  or  perennial  stream  nourishes 


reeds,  thorn-bushes,  stunted  palms,  acacias,  &c.  8. 
Seetzen  started  in  January,  1807,  from  the  ford  of 
the  Jordan  through  the  upper  country,  by  Jebel  Al- 
Idrus  and  the  ravine  of  tlie  H'arfy  Mojih  to  tlie  pen- 
insula; returning  immediately  after  by  the  lower 
level,  as  near  the  lake  as  it  was  possible  to  go.  He 
was  on  foot,  with  but  a  single  guide.  He  represents 
the  general  structure  of  the  mountains  as  limestone, 
capped  in  many  places  by  basalt,  and  having  at  its 
foot  a  red  ferruginous  sandstone,  which  forms  the 
immediate  margin  of  the  lake.  The  rocks  lie  in  a 
succession  of  enormous  terraces,  apparently  more 
vertical  in  form  than  tho?e  on  the  W.  The  streams 
of  the  Mojih  and  Zerka  MaHn  issue  forth  from  por- 
tals of  dark-red  sandstone  of  romantic  beauty,  the 
overhanging  sides  of  which  no  ray  of  sun  ever  enters. 
Palms  are  numerous ;  but  except  near  the  streams 
there  is  no  vegetation.  Lynch  found  volcanic  for- 
mations on  the  eastern  shore,  a  whole  mountain  S. 


The  Dead  S«a.— View  from  'Ain  JiUff  looking  S.^From  ft  drawtng  madu  on  the  ipot  in  1849,  by  W.  Tipping,  Esq, 


of  Wwli/  Zerka  Afa'in  appearing  "  one  black  mass  of 
scoria;  and  lava  "  (Expuditiou  to  Dead  Sea,  280,  369). 
Between  Wad)/  Zerka  Ma'in  and  the  Jordan  volcanic 
eruptions  have  produced  immense  flows  of  basaltic 
rock.  Among  other  smaller  basaltic  streams,  three 
were  found  on  the  E.  border  of  the  Dead  Sea,  S.  of 
the  little  plain  of  Zara  (Report  by  M.  Lartet,  geolo- 
gist in  Due  dc  Luynci's  French  expedition  in  1804, 
noticed  in  Journal  of  Sacred  Literature,  July,  1866). 
•J  One  remarkable  feature  of  the  northern  portion  of 
the  eastern  heights  is  a  plateau  which  divides  the 
mountains  half-way  up,  apparently  forming  a  gigantic 
landing-place  in  the  slope,  and  stretching  northward 
from  the  Wady  ZerkaMaHii.  10.  The  western  shores 
of  the  lake  have  been  more  investigated  than  the 
eastern,  although  they  cannot  be  said  to  have  been 
yet  more  than  very  partially  explored.  Some  trav- 
ellers have  passed  over  their  entire  length :  as  De 
S:iulcy  in  January,  1851 ;  Poole  In  November,  1866; 
Tristram  in  January,  1864,  &c.     Others  have  passed 


over  considerable  portions  of  it,  as  Dr.  Robinson  in 
1838,  Messrs.  Wolcott  and  Tipping  in  1812,  Lieut. 
Lynch  in  1848,  Lieut.  Van  de  Velde  in  1852,  Mr.  Hol- 
mnn  Hunt  in  1854,  &c.  11.  The  western  range  pre- 
serves for  the  greater  part  of  its  length  a  course 
hardly  less  regular  than  the  eastern.  The  RU  el- 
Fenhkhah  is  one  of  the  few  spurs  from  the  range — a 
bold  headland  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kidron,  which  in- 
terrupts the  view  from  the  N.  The  coast-line  is 
Tow,  with  indentiUions  and  irregularities,  from  KA» 
el  Feahkhah  to  Hut  Mersed  (Trm.  253,  255).  1 2.  The 
accompanying  woodcut  represents  the  view  looking 
southward  from  the  spring  of  Win  Jidy,  a  point 
about  700  feet  above  the  water.  It  is  taken  from  a 
drawing  by  Mr.  Tipping,  and  gives  a  good  idea  of 
the  course  of  that  portion  of  the  western  heights, 
and  of  their  ordinary  character.  13.  The  portion 
actually  represented  in  this  view  is  described  by  Dr. 
Anderson  as  "  varying  from  1,200  to  1,500  feet  in 
height,  bold  and  steep,  admitting  nowhere  of  the  as- 


986 


SEA 


SEA 


cent  or  descent  of  beasts  of  burden,  and  practicable 
only  here  and  there  to  the  most  intrepid  climber." 
14.  Further  south  the  mountain-sides  assume  a  more 
abrupt  and  savage  aspect,  and  in  the  Wady  Zuweirah, 
and  still  more  at  Sebbeh — the  ancient  Masada — reach 
a  pitch  of  rugged  and  repulsive,  though  at  the  same 
time  impressive,  desolation,  which  perhaps  cannot  be 
exceeded  anywhere  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  Beyond 
Usdiim  the  mountains  continue  their  general  line, 
dat  the  district  at  their  feet  is  occupied  by  a  mass  of 
(ower  eminences,  which,  advancing  inward,  gradu- 
ally encroach  on  the  plain  at  the  S.  end  of  the  bke, 
and  finally  shut  it  in  completely  (see  §  22 ;  Akrab- 
BiM.)  15.  The  region  on  the  top  of  the  western 
heights  was  probably  at  one  time  a  wide  table-land, 
rising  gradually  toward  the  high  lands  which  form 
the  central  line  of  the  country.  It  is  now  cut  up  by 
deep  and  difficult  ravmes,  separated  by  steep  and 
inaccessible  summits ;   but  portions  of  the  table- 


lands still  remain  in  many  places  to  testify  to  the 
original  conformation.  The  material  is  a  soft  white 
cretaceous  limestone,  containing  a  good  deal  of  sul- 
phur. The  surface  is  entirely  desert,  with  no  sign 
of  cultivation.  16.  Between  'Ain  Jidy  and  ^Ain 
Terdbfh  the  summit  is  a  table-land  740  feet  above 
the  lake.  Further  N.,  above  ^Ain  Teruheh,  the  sum- 
mit of  the  pass  is  1,305.75  feet  above  the  lake,  the 
height  of  the  plain  between  the  Wady  eii-Ndr  (Kid- 
ron)  and  O'umran  is  given  by  Mr.  Poole  at  1,340 
feet.  This  appears  also  to  be  about  the  height  of 
the  rock  of  Sebbf/i,  and  of  the  table-land  on  the  east- 
ern mountains  N.  of  IVady  Zerka  Ma'in,  and  coin- 
cides nearly  with  the  ocean  level.  17.  A  beach  of 
varying  width  skirts  the  foot  of  the  mountains  on 
the  western  side.  Above  'Ain  July  it  consists  mainly 
of  the  deltas  of  the  torrents — fan-shaped  banks  of 
debris  of  all  sizes,  at  a  steep  slope,  spreading  from 
the  outlet  of  the  torrent.     In  one  or  two  places — 


The  Dead  Sea.— View  from  the  heights  behind  Sehhth  (Masadai.  showing  tho  wide  beach  on  the  weBtern  eida  of  the  Lalie,  and  the  ton^ue-Bhaped  pen- 
insulii. — From  a  drawing  made  on  the  spot  by  W.  Tipping,  Kbcj. 


as  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kidron  and  at  M?»  Terdbch 
— the  beach  may  be  1,000  or  1,400  yards  wide,  but 
usually  it  is  much  narrower,  and  often  is  reduced  to 
almost  nothing  by  the  advance  of  the  headlands. 
For  its  major  part  it  is  impassable.  Below  ^Ain 
Jidy,  however,  a  marked  change  occurs  in  the  char- 
acter of  the  beach.  Alternating  with  the  shingle, 
solid  deposits  of  a  new  material,  soft  friable  chalk, 
marl,  and  gypsum,  with  salt,  begin  to  make  their 
appearance.  The  width  of  the  beach  thus  formed 
is  considerably  greater  than  that  above  ^Ain  Jidy. 
From  the  Birkel  e!-KltuHl  (a  shallow  depression  on 
the  shore,  which  forms  a  natural  salt-pan)  to  the 
wady  S.  of  Sehbe/i,  a  distance  of  six  miles,  it  is 
from  one  to  two  miles  wide,  and  is  passable  for  the 
whole  distance.  One  feature  of  the  beach  is  the 
line  of  driftwood  which  encircles  the  lake,  and 
marks  the  highest,  or  the  ordinary  high,  level  of  the 
water.  18.  At  the  southwest  corner  of  the  lake, 
(lelow  where  the  wadys  Zuweirah  and  Mahauwat 
break  down  through  the  enclosing  heights,  the  beach 
ia  encroached  on  by  the  salt  mountain  or  ridge  of 
Kliaahm  Usdum  (Khashm  [so  Robinson]  =  cartilage 


of  the  nose  ;  Usdum  —  Sodom).  This  remarkable 
ridge,  which  has  a  breadth  of  from  a  mile  to  a  mile 
and  a  half,  and  a  height  of  from  300  to  400  feet, 
and  extends  "  from  its  northern  end  for  three  miles 
N.  E  and  S.  W.,  and  then  for  three  miles  further 
due  N.  and  S.  (magnetic),"  "is  a  solid  mass  of  rock- 
SALT  of  a  greenish-white  transparency,  covered  at 
the  top  with  a  loose  crust  of  debris  of  gravel,  rolled 
flints,  and  gypsum,  but  chiefly  with  a  chalky  marl. 
.  .  .  Portions  of  the  salt-clilF  are  continually  split- 
ting off  and  falling,  leaving  perpendicular  faces,  and 
when  this  is  not  the  case,  the  debris  is  far  too  loose 
and  steep  to  permit  of  any  climbing.  Wide  as  the 
hill  is,  there  is  no  plateau  on  the  top,  but  a  front  of 
little  peaks  and  ridges,  furrowed  and  scarped  angu- 
larly in  every  direction  "  (Trm.  322-5).  Mr.  Tris- 
tram ascended  one  pinnacle  with  great  difliculty. 
Between  the  north  end  of  Khashm  Usdum  and  the 
lake  is  a  mound  covered  with  stones  and  bearing 
the  name  of  Um  Zoghal  (the  "  Sodom  "  of  M.  de 
Saulcy).  It  is  about  sixty  feet  in  diameter  and  ten 
or  twelve  high,  evidently  artificial,  and  not  improb- 
ably the  remains  of  an  ancient  structure.     19.  It 


SEA 


SEA 


987 


fiilbws  from  the  fact  that  the  lake  occupies  a  por- 
tion of  a  longitudinal  depression,  that  its  northern 
and  southern  ends  are  not  enclosed  by  highland,  as 
its  east  and  west  sides  are.  (Arabaii  ;  Jordan  ; 
Palestine.)  20.  A  small  piece  of  lanil  lies  off  the 
shore  about  half-way  between  the  entrance  of  the 
Jordan  and  the  western  side  of  the  lake.  It  is 
nearly  circular  in  form.  Its  sides  are  sloping,  and 
therefore  its  size  varies  with  the  height  of  the  water. 
When  Mr.  Grove  went  to  it  in  September,  1838,  it 
was  about  100  yards  in  diameter,  10  or  12  feet 
out  of  the  water,  and  connected  with  the  shore  by 
a  narrow  neck  or  isthmus  of  about  100  yards  in 
length.  It  is  an  island  when  the  water  is  at  its  full 
height.  21.  Beyond  the  island  the  northwestern 
corner  of  the  lake  is  bordered  by  a  low  plain,  ex- 
tending up  to  the  foot  of  the  mountains  of  ifeby 
Mdsa,  and  S.  as  far  as  Jiis  Feshkhah.  This  plain 
must  be  considerably  lower  than  the  general  level 
of  the  land  N.  of  the  lake,  since  its  appearance  im- 
plies that  it  is  often  covered  with  water.  A  similar 
plain  (the  Ghor  el-Belka,  or  Ghor  Seiiahan)  appears 
to  exist  on  the  N.  E.  corner  of  the  lake  between 
the  mouth  of  the  Jordan  and  the  slopes  of  the 
mountains  of  .Moab.  22.  The  southern  end  is  like 
the  northern,  a  wide  plain,  the  el-Ohor.  It  has 
been  visited  by  but  few  travellers.  The  plain  is 
bounded  on  the  VV.  and  S.,  below  the  Khashm  Un- 
duin,  by  a  tract  thickly  studded  with  a  confused 
mass  of  unimportant  eminences  (Akrabbim),  "low 
cliffs  and  conical  hills,"  of  chalky  indurated  marl. 
In  height  they  vary  from  50  to  150  feet.  In  color 
they  are  brilliant  white.  All  along  their  base  are 
springs,  the  overflow  from  which  forms  a  tract  of 
marsh-land,  overgrown  with  canes,  tamarisks,  thorn 
and  other  shrubs,  with  heraand  there  a  stunted  palm 
(see  §  11,  above).  23.  The  watera  of  two-thirds  of 
the  Arabaii  drain  northward  into  the  plain  at  the 
S.  of  the  lake,  and  thence  into  the  lake  itself.  The 
Wild;/  el-Jeib — the  principal  channel  by  which  tliis 
vast  drainage  is  discharged  on  to  the  plain — is  very 
large,  "  a  huge  channel,"  '•  not  far  from  half  a  mile 
wide,"  "  bearing  traces  of  an  immense  volume  of 
water,  rusliing  along  with  violence,  and  covering  the 
whole  breadth  of  the  valley."  24.  The  eastern 
boundary  of  the  plain  is  formed  by  the  mountains 
of  Moab  and  Kdom,  which,  adjacent  to  the  lake,  con- 
sist of  sandstone,  red  and  yellow,  with  conglomer- 
ate containing  porphyry  and  granite.  23.  The  plain 
itself  consists  of  two  very  distinct  sections,  divided  by 
a  line  running  nearly  N_  and  S.  Of  these  the  western 
is  a  region  of  salt  and  barrenness,  bounded  by  the 
salt  mountain  of  Khathm  U»d>iin.  (Sonovi.)  Xear 
the  lake  it  boars  the  name  of  ef-Sabkah,  i.  e.  the 
plain  of  salt  mud.  "  This  is  a  large  flat  of  at  least 
lix  by  ten  miles  from  K.  to  S.,  occasionally  flooded," 
"  the  whole  formed  of  fine  sandy  mud"  (Trin.  332- 
8).  26.  The  eastern  section  of  the  plain,  divided 
from  the  Sabkah  by  a  dense  thicket  of  reeds,  al- 
most impenetrable,  is  a  thick  copse  of  shrubs  simi- 
lar to  that  iiround  Jericho,  and,  like  that,  cleared 
here  and  there  in  patches  where  the  Ghnwarinrh,  or 
Arabs  of  the  Glior,  cultivate  their  wheat,  durra 
(MiLLKT),  barley,  and  indigo,  and  set  up  their 
wretdied  villages.  This  fertile  district,  abounding 
in  trees  of  various  kinds,  and  well  watered,  is  called 
the  Oh6r  et-Sifieh.  Mr.  Tristram  makes  its  length 
from  N.  to  S.  ten  or  twelve  miles,  and  its  greatest 
width  three  miles.  27.  The  eastern  mountains  which 
form  the  background  to  this  district  of  woodland 
•re  no  less  naked  and  rugged  than  those  on  the  op- 
posite side  of  the  valley.     They  consist,  according 


to  Seetzen,  Poole,  and  Lynch,  of  a  red  sandstone, 
witli  limestone  above  it — the  sandstone  in  horizontal 
strata  with  vertical  cleavage.  Travellers  concur  in 
estimating  them  as  higher  than  ttiose  on  the  W., 
and  as  preserving  a  more  horizontil  line  to  the  S. 
After  passing  from  the  Ghor  es-Sifieh  to  the  N.,  a 
salt  plain  is  encountered  resembling  the  tiabkah, 
and  like  it  overflowed  by  the  lake  when  high.  With 
this  exception  the  mountains  come  down  abruptly 
to  the  water  on  the  whole  ea.stern  side  of  the  lagoon. 
28.  The  peninsula  which  projects  from  the  eastern 
shore  and  forms  the  north  enclosure  of  the  lagoon 
appears  to  bear,  among  the  Arabs,  the  names  G!idr 
el-Mczra'ah  and  G/ior  el-Lisdn.  29.  Its  entire  length 
from  X.  to  S.  is  about  ten  geographical  miles — and  its 
breadth  from  five  to  six — though  these  dimensions 
are  subject  to  some  variation  according  to  the  time 
of  year.  It  appears  to  be  formed  entirely  of  rec?nt 
aqueous  deposits,  late  or  post-tertiary,  very  similar 
to,  if  not  identical  with,  those  which  face  it  on  the 
western  shore,  and  with  the  "  mounds  "  which  skirt 
the  plains  at  the  S.  and  N.  W.  of  the  lake.  It  con- 
sists of  a  friable  carbonate  of  lime  intermixed  with 
sand  or  sandy  marls,  and  with  frequent  masses  of 
sulphate  of  lime  (gypsum).  The  whole  is  impreg- 
nated strongly  with  sulphur,  and  with  salt.  At  the 
N.  it  is  worn  into  a  short  ridge  or  mane,  with  very 
steep  sides  and  serrated  top.  Toward  the  S.  the 
top  widens  into  a  table-land,  over  which  is  a  very 
scanty  growth  of  shrubs.  On  the  W.,  S.,  and  N.  E. 
are  steep  declivities  to  the  shore.  On  the  E.  the 
highland  descends  to  a  depression  which  appears  to 
run  across  the  isthmus.  Into  this  valley  lead  the 
mountain  torrents  from  the  E.  ( Wcid'i  ed-Dera'ah  or 
Kcrak,  k,c.).  Hero  is  a  wretched  village  called 
Mezra'ak.  30.  There  seems  no  reason  to  doubt  • 
that  this  peninsula  is  the  remnant  of  a  bed  of 
aqueous  strata  deposited  when  the  water  of  the  lake 
stood  very  much  higher  than  it  now  does,  but  grad- 
ually being  disintegrated  and  carried  down  into  the 
depths  of  the  lake.  It  may  have  been  deposited 
either  by  the  general  action  of  the  lake,  or  by  the 
special  action  of  a  river,  possibly  in  the  direction 
of  Wadii  Kerak.  31.  The  extraordinary  difTcreneo 
between  the  depth  of  the  two  portions  of  the  lake 
— N.  and  S.  of  the  peninsula — has  been  already  al- 
luded to.  The  former  is  a  bowl,  which  at  one  place 
Attains  the  depth  of  more  than  1,300  feet,  while  the 
average  depth  along  its  axis  may  be  taken  as  not 
far  short  of  1,000.  On  the  other  hand,  the  south- 
em  portion  is  a  flat  plain,  a  very  few  feet  only  be- 
low the  surface.  The  channel  connecting  the  two 
portions  gradually  increases  in  depth  from  S.  to  N. 
32.  Thus  the  circular  portion  below  the  peninsula, 
and  a  part  of  the  channel,  form  a  mere  lagoon. 
This  portion,  and  the  plain  at  the  S.  as  far  as  the 
rise  or  oflset  at  which  the  Akabah  commences, 
would  appear  to  have  been  left  by  the  last  great 
change  in  the  form  of  the  ground  at  a  level  not  far 
below  its  present  one,  and  consequently  much  higher 
than  the  bottom  of  the  lake  itself.  But  surrounded  on 
three  sides  by  highlands,  the  waters  of  which  have 
no  other  outlet,  it  has  become  the  delta  into  which 
those  waters  discharge  themselves.  83.  The  water 
of  the  lake  is  not  less  remarkable  than  its  other 
features.  Its  most  obvious  peculiarity  is  its  great 
weight.  Its  specific  gravity  has  been  found  to  bo 
12'28;  i.  e.  a  gallon  of  it  weighs  over  I2J  lbs.  in- 
stead of  10  lbs.,  the  weight  of  distilled  water.  Tho 
buoyancy  of  its  water  is  a  common  theme  of  remark 
by  tlie  travellers  who  have  been  upon  it  or  in  it. 
Dr.  Robinson  "  could  never  swim  before,  either  iiv 


"988 


SEl 


SEA 


fresh  or  salt  water,"  yet  here  he  "  could  sit,  stand, 
lie,  or  swim  witliout  difficulty."  34.  Of  the  weight 
and  inertia  of  its  water,  the  American  e.xpedition 
under  Lieut.  Lynch  had  practical  experience.  In 
the  gale  in  which  the  party  were  caught  on  their 
first  diiy  on  the  lake,  between  the  mouth  of  the  Jor- 
dan and  the  'Ain  Feshkhah,  "  it  seemed  as  if  the 
bows  of  the  boats  were  encountering  the  sledge- 
hammers of  the  Titans."  When,  however,  "  the 
wind  abated,  the  sea  rapidly  fell ;  the  water,  from 
its  ponderous  quality,  settling  as  soon  as  the  agi- 
tating cause  had  ceased  to  act."  At  ordinary 
times  there  is  nothing  remarkable  in  the  action  of 
the  surface  of  the  lake.  Its  waves  rise  and  fall, 
and  surf  beats  on  the  shore,  just  like  the  ocean. 
35.  One  or  two  phenomena  of  the  surface  may  be 
mentioned.  Many  travellers  mention  tliat  the  turbid 
yellow  stream  of  the  Jordan  is  distinguisliable  for  a 
long  distance  in  tlie  lake.  Lines  of  foam  on  its  sur- 
face are  also  mentioned.  Thg  liaze  or  mist  which 
perpetually  broods  over  the  water  is  the  result  of 
the  prodigious  evaporation.  36.  The  remarkable 
weight  of  this  water  is  due  to  the  very  large  quan- 
tity of  mineral  salts  which  it  holds  in  solution.  From 
the  analysis  of  the  United  States  expedition  it  ap- 
pears that  each  gallon  of  the  water,  weighing  12J 
lbs.,  contains  nearly  3i  lljs.  (3'319)  of  matter  in  solu- 
tion— an  immense  quantity  when  we  recollect  that 
sea-water,  weighing  lOJ  lbs.  per  gallon,  contains  less 
than  I  lb.  Of  this  Si  lbs.  nearly  1  lb.  is  common 
salt  (chloride  of  sodium) ;  about  2  lbs.  chloride  of 
magnesium,  and  less  than  ^  lb.  chloride  of  calcium 
(or  muri.ate  of  lime).  The  most  unusual  ingredient 
is  bromide  of  magnesium,  which  exists  in  truly  ex- 
traordinary quantity.  The  magnesium  compounds 
impart  a  nauseous  and  bitter  flavor  to  the  water. 
37.  The  sources  of  the  components  of  the  water  may 
be  named  generally  without  difliculty.  The  lime  and 
m.ignesia  proceed  from  the  dolomitic  limestone  of 
the  stirrounding  mountains  ;  from  the  gypsum  which 
exists  on  the  shores,  nearly  pure,  in  large  quantities ; 
and  from  the  carbonate  of  lime  and  carbonate  of 
magnesia,  found  on  the  peninsula  and  elsewhere. 
The  chloride  of  sodium  is  supplied  from  Khashm 
L'sdnm,  and  the  copious  brine-springs  on  both  shores. 
Balls  of  nearly  pure  sulphur  (probably  the  deposit 
of  some  sulphurous  stream)  are  found  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  lake,  on  the  peninsula,  on  the  west-* 
era  beach  and  the  northwestern  heights,  and  on  the 
plain  S.  of  Jericho.  Manganese,  iron,  and  alumina 
have  been  found  on  the  peninsula,  and  the  other 
constituents  are  the  product  of  the  numerous  min- 
eral springs  which  surround  the  lake,  and  the  wash- 
ings of  the  aqueous  deposits  on  the  shores,  which 
are  gradually  restoring  to  the  lake  the  salts  they  re- 
ceived from  it  ages  back  when  covered  by  its  waters. 
The  strength  of  these  ingredients  is  heightened  by 
the  continual  evaporation.  38.  It  has  been  long 
supposed  that  no  life  whatever  existed  in  the  lake. 
But  recent  facts  show  (so  Mr.  Grove)  that  some  in- 
ferior organizations  can  and  do  find  a  home  even  in 
these  salt  and  acrid  waters.  The  Cabinet  of  Natural 
History  at  Paris  contains  a  fine  specimen  of  a  coral 
called  Sli/lopfwra  pistillala,  which  is  stated  to  have 
been  brought  from  the  lake  in  1837  by  the  Marqiiis 
de  I'Escalopier,  and  has  every  appearance  of  having 
been  a  resident  there,  and  not  an  ancient  or  foreign 
specimen.  Ehrenberg  discovered  microscopic  ani- 
nialcides,  molluscs,  &c.,  viz.  11  species  of  Poll/- 
flastcr,  2  of  Polylhnlamite,  and  5  of  Phylolitharite, 
in  mud  and  water  brought  home  by  Lepsitis,  the 
mud  having  been  taken  from  the  N.  end  of  the  lake. 


one  hour  N.  W.  of  the  Jordan.  The  copious  phos- 
phorescence mentioned  by  Lynch  is  also  a  token  of 
the  existence  of  life  in  the  waters.'  39.  The  state- 
ments of  ancient  travellers  and  geographers,  that  no 
living  creature  could  exist  on  the  sliores  of  the  lake, 
or  bird  fly  across  its  surface,  are  amply  disproved  by 
later  travellers.  The  canebrakes  of  ^Ain  Feshkhah, 
and  the  other  springs  on  the  margin  of  the  lake, 
harbor  snipe,  partridges,  ducks,  nightingales,  and 
otlier  birds,  as  well  as  frogs  ;  hawks,  doves,  and 
hares  are  found  along  the  shore,  and  the  thickets  of 
^Ain  Jidji  contain  "  innumerable  birds."  Ducks  and 
other  birds  swim  and  dive  in  the  water.  40.  Of  the 
temperature  of  the  water  more  observations  are  ne- 
cessary before  any  inferences  can  be  drawn.  Lynch 
states  that  a  stratum  at  59°  Fahrenheit  is  almost 
invariably  found  at  ten  fathoms  below  the  surface. 
Between  Wudy  Zerka  and  Mm  Terabeh  the  temper- 
ature at  surface  was  76°,  gradually  decreasing  to 
62°  at  1,044  feet  deep,  with  the  exception  just  named. 
At  other  times,  and  in  the  lagoon,  the  temperature 
ranged  from  82"  to  90  ,  and  from  5°  to  10°  below 
that  of  the  air.  41.  Nor  does  there  appear  to  be 
any  thing  inimical  to  life  in  the  atmosphere  of  the 
lake  or  its  shores,  except  what  naturally  proceeds 
from  the  great  heat  of  the  climate.  The  Ghairurineh 
and  Ranhuideh  Arabs,  who  inhabit  the  southern  and 
western  sides  and  the  peninsula,  are  described  as  a 
poor  stunted  race  ;  but  this  is  easily  accounted  for 
by  the  heat  and  relaxing  nature  of  the  climate,  and 
by  their  meagre  way  of  life.  42.  For  the  botany  of 
the  Dead  Sea,  see  the  article  Palkstine,  Bolatii/  II. 
43.  The  birds  and  animals  mentioned  by  Lynch  and 
Robinson  have  been  already  named  (^  39,  above). 
Mr.  Tristram  saw  at  the  N.  end  traces  of  the  leop- 
ard, wild  boar,  wolf,  hyena,  jackals,  foxes,  jerboas, 
marmots  ;  he  obtained  a  hare  (LefjiiK  Sirwitiatg) ; 
he  mentions  also  numerous  birds — the  black  stork, 
caglo,  VA\Qn  (Corviis  mnbriii'm),  king-fisher  (A/cedo 
iipnh),  wheatear  (Saxicohi  Dcsirli),  Norfolk  plover, 
pochard-ducks,  partridges  (the  Greek  and  Hey's), 
warblers,  red-shanks,  sandpipers,  gulls,  &c.  (Trm. 
242-8).  Near  'Ain  Feshkhah  he  foimd  a  small  sand- 
colored  night-jar  {Ca/irimidf/un  Tamaricis),  and  a 
conev  (f/i/rax  St/rlaciis),  rats,  porcupine  mice,  ga- 
zelles, ibex,  &e.  (Trm.  250-8).  At  the  S.  end  he 
found  in  the  Sabkah  such  birds  as  the  ruddy  shield-  j 
rake  (Casarra  rulila),  the  common  red-shank,  the  ■ 
little  stint  ( Trir,ga  mbnita),  the  ash-colored  martin  * 
(  Coli/le  palusiris),  dotterels,  &c. ;  in  the  Ghor  es-Sd- 
feh,  numerous  doves  ( Turtur  risorius  and  Turtur 
^r/i/j)fim),  bulbuls,  or  Palestine  nightingales  (Ixos 
jcaiilhopt/ffiws),  hopping  thrush,  shrikes,  sun-bird, 
sparrow  (Passer  Moabitiais),  Abyssinian  lark,  pipits, 
wagtails,  ravens,  kites,  vultures,  &c.  (Trm.  333,  336, 
344).  (Palestine,  Zuolor/y;  Pautripge,  &c.)  44. 
The  appearance  of  the  lake  docs  not  fulfil  the  idea 
conveyed  by  its  popular  name.     "  The  Dead  Sea," 


'  Mr.  Tristram  notices  the  ahundance  of  dead  !and-?hell8, 
and  ol  very  small  dead  fish,  &c..  fonnd  ini  tlie  bcacli  near  the 
mouth  of  (lie  Jordan,  and  fajs,  "  It  in  quite  certain  iliat  no 
form  of  citlier  vcrtchrnto  or  nioIlufcoiiB  life  can  c.Nist  for 
more  than  a  verv  t^hort  time  in  tlie  pea  itself,  and  Iliat  all 
that  enter  it  are"  almost  immediately  poisoned  and  salted 
down."  At  tlie  eontlicm  end  near  IWlum,  '-some  of  onr 
parlv  employed  tliemeelves  in  .«earcliinp.  but  without  avail, 
for  life  in  the  Dead  Sea.  and  especially  fur  any  traces  of  the 
coral  {Sli/lophora  pisliUata).  exhibited  in  the  Museum  of 
Paris  as  from  hence.  No  person  who  has  exaniim  d  the 
southern  jiortion  of  ttic  toKo  can  lor  one  instant  believe 
that  this  specimen,  or  any  other  coral,  ever  came  from  it, 
unless  as  a  semi-fossil,  though  microscopic  crustaceans 
may  possibly  be  fomid,  as  they  live  in  the  salt  lagoons  close 
to  the  shore,'  but  which  are  not  so  strongly  inipregr.aled 
with  salt "  (Trm.  246,  «ai). 


SEA 


SEA 


989 


ivs  a  recent  traveller,  "  did  not  strike  me  with  that 
use  of  desolation  and  dreariness  wliich  I  suppose 
It  ought.  I  thought  it  a  pretty,  smiling  lake — a  nice 
1  ipple  on  its  surface."  Seetzcn  enthusiastically  ex- 
tols the  beauties  of  the  view  from  the  delta  at  the 
mouth  of  the  IVadi/  Mujih,  and  the  advantages  of 
that  situation  for  a  permanent  residence.  45.  The 
truth  lies,  as  usual,  somewhere  between  these  two 
extremes.  The  lake  certainly  is  not  a  gloomy,  dead- 
'  ly,  smoking  gulf.  But,  with  all  the  brilliancy  of  its 
illumination,  its  frequent  beauty  of  coloring,  the 
fantastic  grandeur  of  its  enclosing  mountains,  and 
the  tranquil  charm  afforded  by  the  reflection  of  that 
unequalled  sky  on  the  no  less  unequalled  mirror  of 
the  surface — witli  all  these  there  is  sometliing  in  the 
prevalent  sterility  and  the  dry,  burnt  look  of  the 
shores,  the  overpowering  heat,  the  occasional  smell 
of  sulphur,  the  dreary  salt  marsh  at  the  southern 
end,  and  the  fringe  of  dead  driftwood  round  the  mar- 
'  gin,  which  must  go  far  to  excuse  the  title  which  so 
i  many  ages  have  attached  to  the  lake,  and  which  we 
'  may  be  sure  it  will  never  lose.  46.  This  singular 
lake  has  a  peculiar  connection  with  the  Biblical  hi.s- 
to.y.  In  the  topographical  records  of  tlie  I'enta- 
teui'h  and  the  Book  of  Joshua,  it  forms  one  among 
the  landmarks  of  the  boundaries  of  the  whole  coun- 
try as  wfll  as  of  the  inferior  divisions  of  Judah  and 
Benjamin  (see  above,  I.,  1,  2).  It  is  also  named  as 
a  landmark  in  the  account  of  the  restoration  of  the 
coast  of  Israel  under  Jeroboam  11.  (2  K.  xiv.  25; 
comp.  Xum.  xxxiv.  8-12).  The  name  also  occurs  in 
the  imagery  of  the  prophets  (see  above,  I.,  3,  4). 
The  N.  T.  docs  not  contain  the  name.  "  The  Salt 
Sea"  is  also  mentioned  as  having  been  in  the  time 
of  At>rahani  the  Vale  of  Siddim  (Gen.  xiv.  3 ;  Sin- 
DtM,  THK  Vai.e  of).  47.  Mr.  (jrove  claims  that  the 
evidence  of  the  spot  is  sufficient  to  show  that  no  ma- 
terial change  has  taken  place  in  the  upper  and  deeper 
portion  of  the  lake  for  a  period  very  long  anterior  to 
the  time  of  Abraham,  and  that  in  the  lower  portion 
— the  lagoon  and  the  plain  below  it — if  any  change 
has  occurred,  it  appears  to  have  been  rather  one  of 
reclamation  than  of  submersion — the  gradual  silting 
up  of  tlie  district  by  the  torrents  which  discharge 
their  contents  into  it.  Mr.  Grove  propose.-",  as  a 
possible  explanation  of  the  clause  "  which  is  the  Salt 
Sea  "  in  Gen.  xiv.  3,  the  hypothesis  tliat  some  tem- 
porary fluctuation  in  the  level  of  the  lake  may  have 
laid  under  water  the  district  S.  of  the  lagoon,  and 
thus  made  the  Vale  of  Siddim  (assumed  to  have  been 
that  plain)  for  the  time,  perhaps  for  some  years,  a 
part  of  "  the  Salt  Sea ; "  but  thinks  it  more  natural 
to  consider  this  clause  (which  in  his  view  is  a  note 
long  afterward  added  to  the  text ;  see  PEXTATEt'CH)  as 
representing  that  the  present  lake  covered  a  district 
which  in  historic  times  had  been  permanently  hal)i- 
table  dry  land.  Mr.  Grove  maintains,  however,  that 
the  Vale  of  Siddim  "  was  somewhere  N.  of  the  lake, 
perhaps  on  the  plain  at  its  n!  W.  corner  (Sinniu, 
THE  Vai.k  of),  and  that  the  cities  of  SonOM, 
(JoMORKAn,  &c.,  were  also  situated  to  the  N.  of  the 
lake.  "  It  has  usually  been  assumed,"  says  Dr. 
Robinson,  "  that  this  lake  has  existed  only  since  the 
destruction  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah ;  .  .  .  but  .  .  . 
every  circumstance  goes  to  show  that  a  lake  must 
htve  existed  in  this  place,  into  which  the  Jordan 
poured  its  waters,  long  before  the  catastrophe  of 
,  Sodom.  The  great  depression  of  the  whole  l)road 
Jordan  valley  and  of  the  northern  part  of  the  Ara- 
DAii,  the  direction  of  its  lateral  valleys,  as  well  as  the 
slope  of  the  high  western  desert  towanl  the  X.,  all 
go  to  show  that  the  configuration  of  this  region,  in 


its  main  features,  is  coeval  with  the  present  condi- 
tion of  the  surface  of  the  earth  in  general ;  and  not 
the  effect  of  any  local  catastrophe  at  a  subsecpient 
period.  It  seems  also  to  be  a  necessary  conclusion, 
that  the  Dead  Sea  anciently  covered  a  less  extent  of 
surface  than  at  present"  (Kbn.  ii.  188).  Dr.  Robin- 
son maintains  what  has  been — at  least,  until  vory 
recently — the  almost  universal  opinion,  that  the 
cities  of  the  plain  and  the  Vale  of  Siddim  were  at  / 
the  S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  "that  the  fertile 
plain  is  now  in  part  occupied  by  the  southern  bay, 
or  that  portion  of  the  sea  lying  S.  of  the  peninsula  " 
(ii.  189).  48.  The  destruction  of  Sodom,  Gomorrah, 
&c.,  is  recorded  in  (Jen.  xix.  24  IT.  as  having  oc- 
curred in  theiime  of  Abraham.  (Chronology.)  The 
catastrophe  which  destroyed  them  is  described  as  a 
shower  of  ignited  sulphur  descending  from  the  skies. 
Mr.  Tristram,  who,  with  Mr.  Grove  and  others,  places 
the  cities  of  the  plain  at  the  N.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
and  maintains  that  they  were  not  submerged,  found 
in  the  [Vadi/  el-Ma/muwat,  which  leads  down  to  the 
Dead  Sea  at  the  N.  end  of  Khashm  Undum,  traces 
of  volcanic  action,  of  which  he  says,  "  The  whole  ap- 
pearance points  to  a  shower  of  hot  sulphur  and  an 
irruption  of  bitumen  upon  it,  which  would  naturally 
be  calcined  and  impregnated  by  its  fumes ;  and  this 
at  a  geological  period  quite  subsequent  to  all  the  • 
diluvial  and  alluvial  action  of  which  we  have  such 
abundant  evidence.  The  vestiges  reniajn  exactly  as 
the  last  relics  of  a  snow-drift  remain  in  spring — an 
atmospheric  deposit "  (Trm.  356-7).  (Sec  above, 
§  8.)  Dr.  Robinson,  holding  that  the  cities  and  the 
Vale  of  Siddim  were  at  the  S.  part  of  the  present 
sea  (see  §  47),  explains  Gen.  xix.  24  ff.  by  supposing 
that  in  a  tempest  of  thunder  and  lightning,  the  ac- 
companiments perhaps  of  an  earthquake  or  of  some 
volcanic  action,  or  of  both,  these  masses  of  bitumen 
(which  were  in  the  Vale  of  Siddim,  probably  a  de- 
pression in  the  plain  adjacent  to  the  Salt  Sea,  and 
at  least  near  to  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  [xiv.  2,  3, 10]) 
were  ignited  by  the  lightning,  and  a  conflagration 
produced  which  not  only  destroyed  the  cities,  but 
also  consumed  and  scooped  out  the  surface  of  the 
plain  itself;  so  that  the  waters  of  the  lake,  rushing 
in,  spread  themselves  out  over  the  once  fertile  tract 
(Rbn.  Phiis.  Oeotj.  234-6).  Mr.  Grove  also  admits 
that  the  destruction  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  may 
have  been  by  volcanic  action,  but  thinks  it  can  have 
had  no  connection  with  that  fiir  more  ancient  event 
which  opened  the  great  valley  of  the  Jordan  and  the 
Dead  Sea,  and  at  some  subsequent  time  cut  it  off 
from  communication  with  the  Red  Sea,  by  forcing 
up  between  them  the  tract  of  the  Wadtj  'Arabah. 

Seal  (Heb.  hdlfuim  or  chothdm ;  Gr.  »i>hragUi). 
The  importance  attached  to  seals  in  the  East  is  go 
gre.it  that  without  one  no  document  is  regarded  as 
authentic.  The  use  of  some  method  of  scaling  is 
obviously,  therefore,  of  remote  antitiuity.  Among 
Buch  methods  used  in  Egypt  at  a  very  early  period 
were  engraved  stones,  pierced  lengthwise,  and  hung 
by  a  string  or  chain  from  the  arm  or  neck,  or  set  in 
rings  for  the  finger.  The  most  ancient  form  used 
for  this  purpose  was  the  scarabaius  (the  bcetlt), 
formed  of  precious  or  common  stone,  or  even  of 
blue  pottery  or  porcelain,  on  the  flat  side  of  which 
the  inscription  or  device  was  engraved.  Cylinders 
of  stone  or  pottery  bearing  devices'  were  also  used 
as  signets.  But  in  many  cases  the  seal  consisted  of 
a  lump  of  CLAY,  impressed  with  the  seal  and  at- 
tached to  the  document,  whether  of  papyrus  or  other  > 
material,  by  strings.  The  use  of  clay  in  sealing  is  ' 
noticed  in  Job  xxxvlii.  14,  and  the  signet-ring  as  an 


990 


gEA 


SEB 


ordinary  part  of  a  man's  equipment  in  the  case  of 
Judah  (Gen.  xxxviii.  18),  wbo  probably,  like  many 
modern  Arabs,  wore  it  suspended  by  a  string  from 
his  neck  or  arm  (Cant.  viii.  6).  The  ring  or  the  seal 
fis  an  emblem  of  authority  in  Egypt,  Persia,  &c.,  is 
neutioned  in  the  cases  of  Pharaoh  with  Joseph 


Babylonian  Sfals.— From  Laynid.— (BawlitiFon'a  Htrodotm,  I.,  262). 
I.  Eit«rnal  view  of  «  cylindrical  Seal.     S.  Section  of  tbe  Bame.    3.  Impres- 
eiun  from  a  Seal  ou  a  clay  tablet. 

(flcn.  xli.  42),  of  Ahab  (1  K.  xxi.  8),  of  Ahasuerus 
(Esth.  iii.  10,  12,  viii.  2),  of  Darius  (Dan.  vi.  17  ;  1 
Mc.  vi.  15),  and  as  an  evidence  of  a  covenant  in  Jer. 


ImpresBionB  of  the  Signets  of  tlie  kliifrs  of  Auyria  and  Egypt. — (OrijriDnl 
size.) 

xxxii.  10,  S4;  Nch.  ix.  38,  x.  1  ;  Hag.  ii.  23.  Its 
general  importance  is  denoted  by  the  metaphorical 
use  of  the  word,  denoting  privacy  and  security,  au- 


Part  of  cartouche  of  Sabaeo,  Mag  of  Egypt,  enlarged  from  the  preceding  cut 

Ihentication,  proof,  &c.  (Rofn.  iv.  11 ;  Rev.  v.  1,  ix. 
4,  &c.).  The  phrase  in  Jn.  iii.  33,  "  hath  set  to  his 
sesl "  =  has  affixed  his  seal,  i.  c.  has  attested  or 


confirmed  as  if  by  his  seal.  Engraved  signets  were 
in  use  among  the  Hebrews  in  early  times,  as  is  evi- 
dent in  the  description  of  the  high-priest's  breast- 
plate (Ex.  xxviii.  11,  36,  xxxix.  6),  and  the  work  of 
the  ENGRAVER  as  a  distinct  occupation  is  mentioned 
in  Ecclus.  xxxviii.  27.  Nineveh  ;  Ornaments,  Per- 
sonal. 

*  Sea'mea.     Commerce  ;  Ship,  &e. 

*  Sea'-mon-sters.    Dragon  ;  Whale. 

*  Seil'son  [.see'zn].     Agriculture;  Chronologt; 
Palkstine,  Climate;  Rain. 

*  Seati     Fdknituke  ;    Hocse  ;    Meals  ;    Room  ; 
Throne. 

Sc'ba  (Heb.  drinker  or  drunkard?  R.  8.  Poole; 
fr.  Ethiopic  =  a  man  ?  Ges. ;  pi.  Sebdini :  A.  V.  in- 
correctly rendered  "  Sabeans  ")  heads  the  list  of  the 
sons  of  CusH.  NiMROD,  mentioned  at  the  close  of 
the  list,  ruled  at  first  in  Babylonia,  and  apparently 
afterward  in  Assyria:  of  the  names  between  Seba 
and  Nimrod,  probably  some  belong  to  Arabia.  We 
thus  may  conjecture  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole)  a  curve  of 
Cushite  settlements,  one  extremity  of  which  is  to  be 
placed  in  Babylonia,  the  other,  if  prolonged  far 
enough  in  accordance  with  the  mention  of  the  Af- 
rican Cush,  in  Ethiopia  (see  below).  Besides  the 
mention  of  Seha  in  the  list  of  the  sons  of  Cush 
(Gen.  X.  7 ;  1  Chr.  i.  9),  there  are  but  three,  or,  as 
some  hold,  four  notices  of  the  nation  (Ps.  Ixxii.  10 
Is.  xliii.  3,  xlv.  14  [A.  V.  "  Sabeans,  men  of  stat 
ure  "]).  The  doubtful  notice  is  in  Ez.  xxiii.  42,  iaj 
a  difficult  passage :  "  and  with  men  of  the  multitudi 
of  Adam  (so  Mr.  Poole ;  A.  V.  '  men  of  the  com- 
mon sort,'  margin  '  multitude  of  men  ')  wa-e  broughl 
drunkards  (A.  V.  margin  ;  but  the  A.  V.  text  has 
'Sabeans,'  and  the  Keri  reads  'people  of  Seba') 
from  the  wilderness,  which  put  bracelets  upon  their 
hands,  and  beautiful  crowns  upon  their  heads." 
The  first  clause  would  seem  to  favor  the  idea  that  a 
nation  is  meant,  but  the  reading  of  the  Hebrew  text 
and  A.  V.  margin  is  rather  supported  by  what  fol- 
lows the  mention  of  the  "  drunkards."  Tliesc  pas- 
sages seem  to  show  (if  we  omit  the  last)  that  Seba 
was  a  nation  of  Africa,  bordering  on  or  included  in 
Cush,  and  in  Solomon's  time  independent  and  of 
political  importance.  Herodotus  speaks  of  the 
Ethiopians  as  the  tallest  and  handsomest  men  in 
the  world  (compare  Is.  xlv.  14,  above).  No  ancient 
Ethiopian  kingdom  of  importance  could  have  ex-\ 
eluded  the  island  of  Mcroo,  and  therefore  this  one 
of  Solomon's  time  may  be  identified  with  that  which 
must  have  arisen  in  the  period  of  weakness  and^ 
division  of  Egypt  that  followed  the  empire,  and 
have  laid  the  basis  of  that  power  that  made  Shebek, 
or  Sabaeo,  able  to  conquer  Egypt,  and  found  the; 
Ethiopian  dynasty  which  ruled  that  country  as  well 
as  Ethiopia.  Josephus  says  that  Saba  {—  Seba)! 
was  the  ancient  name  of  the  Ethiopian  island  and 
city  of  Meroe,  but  he  writes  for  Seba,  in  the  notice, 
of  the  Noachian  settlements,  Sabas.  The  island  of 
Meroe  lay  between  the  Astaboras  (modern  Afbara), 
tlie  most  northern  tributary  of  the  Nile,  and  the 
Astapus  (modern  Bahr  el-Azrak  or  "  Blue  River  "), 
the  eastern  of  its  two  great  confluents ;  it  is  also- 
described  as  bounded  by  the  Astaboras,  the  Asta- 
pus, and  the  Astasobas,  the  latter  two  uniting  to 
form  the  Blue  River,  but  this  is  essentially  the  same 
thing.  It  was  in  the  time  of  the  kingdom  rich  and 
productive.  The  chief  city  was  Meroe,  which  was 
an  oracle  of  Jupiter  Amnion.  The  remains  of  the 
city  Meroe  are  (so  Gesenius,  &c.)  between  16°  and 
17'  N.  lat.  on  the  Nile  near  Shcndy, 

*  Se-bas'tC  (Gr.)  —  Samaria  1. 


SEB 


SEL 


991 


Sr'bat.    Moxxn. 

S«e'a-rili  (fr.  Heb.  =  encloaure,  Gcs.),  one  of  the 
six  cities  of  Judah  in  the  "  wilderness  "  (DESfRT  2), 
i.  e.  the  tract  bordering  on  the  Dead  Sea  (Josh.  xv. 
61).     Its  position  is  not  known. 

Seeh-e-nl'as  [sck-]  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  Shechaniah). 
1.  SiiKCHAXiAH  2  (1  Esd.  viii.  29). — 8.  SiiECHANiAn 
3  (viii.  32). 

Se'thB  [-ku]  (Heb.  watch-tower,  Ges.),  a  place  (1 
Sa:n.  xix.  22  only),  apparently  lying  on  the  route 
between  Saul's  residence,  Gibeah,  and  Ranaah  (Ra- 
mathaim-zophim),  that  of  Samuel.  It  was  noted 
for  "  the  great  well  "  (or  rather  cistern)  which  it 
contained.  If  Saul  started  from  Gibeah  5  ( TulAl 
el-Fil\  and  if  Nebii  Samwil  is  Ramah  2,  then  Bir 
Xebalii  (the  well  of  Nebdla),  alleged  by  Schwarz  to 
contain  a  large  pit,  would  be  in  a  suitable  position 
for  the  great  well  of  Sechu  (so  Jlr.  Grove). 

Sf-mndns  (L.  teeond,  favorable),  a  Thessalonian 
Christian  who  went  with  the  Apostle  Paul  from 
Corinth  as  far  as  Asia,  on  his  return  to  Jerusa- 
lem from  his  third  missionary  tour  (Acts  xx.  4). 

S*d-e-el'as  (L.  =  Zedkkiah).  I.  Father  of  Maa- 
seiah  (Bar.  i.  1),  and  apparently  identical  with  the 
false  prophet  in  Jer.  xxix.  21,  22.-2.  Zedekiaii, 
king  of  Judah  (Bar.  i.  8). 

*  Seed.  AoRiciTLTURE ;  Child  ;  Corn  ;  Seed-time, 
&c. 

*  Sced'-tlme.  Aoricoltitre  ;  Palestine,  Climate  ; 
Rain  ;  Sowing. 

Seer  =  one  who  tees,  especially  one  who  seea  into 
the  future.     Prophet. 

*  Seethe  [Ih  as  in  thU],  to  =  to  boil  (Ex.  xvi.  23, 
xxiii.  19,  &c.).     Cooking;  Le.ntiles;  Milk,  &c. 

Segnb  (Heb.  eleeattd,  Gcs.).  1.  Youngest  son  of 
HiEL  the  Bethclite,  who  rebuilt  Jericho  (1  K.  xvi. 
34).  Rabbinical  tradition  says  he  died  when  his 
father  had  set  up  the  gates  of  the  city. — 3.  Son  of 
Uezron  (1  Chr.  ii.  21,  22). 

Seir  [seer]  (Heb.  rour/h,  rrtjged,  Ptr. ;  hairy, 
ghaggy,  Gcs.).  I.  A  Horite  chief  or  phylarch  who 
originally  inhabited  the  land  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
20,  21;  1  Chr.  i.  38;  see  No.  2  below).— 4.  "The 
land  of  Sfir"  ((Jen.  xxxii.  3,  xxxci.  30),  or  Nonnt 
SeIr  (xiv.  6,  xxxvi.  8,  9 ;  Deut.  i.  2,  ii.  1,  5  ;  Josh, 
xxiv.  4  ;  2  Chr.  xx.  10,  22,  23  ;  Ez.  xxxv.  2,  3,  7, 
15),  or  SeIr  simply  (Gen.  xxxiii.  14,  16;  Num.  xxiv. 
18  ;  Deut.  i.  44,  ii.  4,  8,  12,  22,  29,  xxxiii.  2  ;  Josh, 
xi.  17,  xii.  7;  Judg.  v.  4  ;  2  Chr.  xx.  23,  xxv.  11, 
14;  Is.  xxi.  11  ;  Ez.  xxv.  8);  the  original  name  of 
the  mountain-ridge  extending  along  tlie  cast  side  of 
the  valley  of  Arabah,  from  the  Dead 
Sea  to  the  Elanitic  Gulf ;  also  called 
EnoM.     The  name  may  cither   have  = 

been  derived  (so  Porter,  with  Gese-  -       :' 

nius,  &c.)  from  Seir  the  llorite,  chief  «i^ 

of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  (Gen. 
xxxvi.  20),  or,  what  is  perhaps  more 
probable,  from  the  rough  aspect  of 
the  whole  country.  The  Mount  Seir 
of  the  Bible  had  the  Arabah  on  the 
W.  (Deut.  i.  1,  8) ;  it  extended  as  far 
S.  as  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  ' Aka- 
hah  (vcr.  8) ;  its  eastern  border  ran 
along  the  base  of  the  mountain-range 
where  the  plateau  of  Arabia  begins. 
Its  northern  border  Mr.  Porter  would 
place  at  "  the  Mount  IIalar  that 
goeth  up  to  Seir,  even  unto  Baal-gad  " 
(Josh.  xi.  17),  and  he  would  identify 
this  Mount  Halak  with  the  line  of 
"  naked  "  (hdluk  —  "  naked  ")  white 


liills  or  cliffs  (Akrabbim)  which  runs  across  the 
great  valley  about  eight  miles  S.  cpf  the  Dead 
Sea,  forming  the  division  between  the  Arabah 
proper  and  the  deep  Ghor  N.  of  it,  and  aiipear- 
ing,  when  viewed  from  the  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
as  a  line  of  hills  shutting  in  the  valley,  and  extend- 
ing up  to  the  mountains  of  Seir.  Wilton  ( 'Jlie  A'e- 
geb,  73,  n.)  and  Rowlands  (in  Fairbairn)  distinguish 
"  tlie  land  of  Seir  "  or  "  Seir  "  from  "  Mount  Seir," 
making  the  former  extend  further  W.  or  N.  W.  than 
the  latter  and  embrace  a  part  of  "  the  south  coun- 
try "  of  Judah.  Wilton  identifies  Mount  Halak 
with  Jebfl  Yelek,  and  Rowlands  with  Jebel  el-Halal, 
both  situated  S.  W.  from  Beer-sheba,  one  about 
seventy-five  miles,  the  other  about  fifty. — 3.  "Monnt 
Seir;"  one  of  the  landmarks  on  the  north  boun- 
dary of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  10  only).  It  lay  westward 
of  Kirjath-jearim,  and  between  it  and  Beth-shemcsh. 
If  Kurict  el-'Enab  be  the  former,  and  ^ Amshems  the 
latter  of  these  two,  then  Mount  Seir  must  be  the 
ridge  between  the  Wady  ^Aly  and  the  Wady  Ghu- 
rdb.  The  name  may  be  derived  from  some  incur- 
sion by  the  Edoraites  which  has  escaped  record,  or 
more  probably  from  some  peculiarity  in  the  form  or 
appearance  of  the  spot.  Whether  this  has  any 
connection  with  Seirath,  is  doubtful  (so  Mr.  Grove). 

Sel  ratll  [see-]  (fr.  Heb.  =  a  she-goat,  Ges.),  the 
place  to  which  Ehud  fled  after  his  murder  of  Eglon 
(Judg.  iii.  26,  27).  It  was  in  "  Mount  Ephraim  " 
(27),  a  continuation,  perhaps,  of  the  same  wooded 
shaggy  hills  (such  seems  to  be  the  signification  of 
Seir  and  Seirath)  which  stretched  even  so  far  S.  as 
to  enter  the  territory  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  10). 

Scia  (Is.  xvi.  1)  and  Se'lah  (2  K.  xiv.  7)  (Heb. 
tela\  a  rock,  Ges. ;  in  LXX.  Petra),  rendered  "  the 
rook"  (Judg.  i.  36;  2  Chr.  xxv.  12;  Ob.  3),  prob- 
ably the  famous  city  and  stronghold  of  Edom,  later 
known  as  "  Petra,"  the  ruins  of  which  arc  found 
in  Wady  Afma,  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  about  two  days' 
journey  N.  of  the  top  of  the  gulf  of  ^Akabnh,  and 
three  or  four  S.  from  Jericho.  It  was  taken  by 
Amaziah,  and  called  Joktheel,  but  seems  to  have 
afterward  come  under  the  dominion  of  Moab.  In 
the  end  of  the  fourth  century  b.  c.  it  was  the  head- 
quarters of  the  Nabatheans.  (Nebaioth.)  About 
70  D.  c.  it  was  the  residence  of  the  Arab  princes 
named  Aretas.  It  was  by  Trajan  reduced  to  sub- 
jection to  the  Roman  empire.  The  city  Petra  lay, 
though  at  a  high  level,  in  a  hollow  shut  in  by  moun- 
tain-clilTs  of  reddish  sandstone,  and  approached 
only  by  a  narrow  ravine  (from  twelve  feet  to  forty 


Sela  or  Petri.    Gtornl  vl«w  of  th«  mlu,  looUog  toward  tlio  tboatro.— (A}t«.> 


992 


SEL 


SEL 


or  fifty  feet  wide),  through  which,  and  across  the 
city's  site,  the  river  winds.  Tlie  principal  ruins  are 
— (1.)  el-Kkuzneh  (=  the  treasure),  an  edifice  (an  an- 
cient temple,  or  a  dwelling  for  the  dead  ?),  forming 
a  portion  of  the  lofty  mass  of  rock,  and  having  a 
beautiful  fa9ade,  with  columns  and  statues  and  elab- 
orately sculptured  ornaments  of  delicate  workman- 
ship and  soft  coloring;  (2.)  the  theatre,  which  might 
seat  perhaps  3,500  persons  ;  (3.)  a  tomb  with  three 
rows  of  columns  ;  (4.)  a  tomlj  with  ii  Latin  inscrip- 
tion ;  (5.)  ruined  bridges ;  (6.)  a  triumphal  arch ; 
(7.)  Zub  Far^oii,  a  lone  column  connected  with  the 
foundations  of  a  temple  ;  (8.)  Kuar  Far^on  (  = 
PharaoKs  casth),  the  only  structure  of  mason-work 
now  standing. 

Se'la-liain-mali'lc-koth  (Heb.  tJie  cliff  of  escapts 
or  of  divisions  ;  more  literally  rock  of  the  escapes), 
a  rock  or  clift'  in  the  wilderness  of  Maon,  the  scene 
of  one  of  David's  remarkable  escapes  from  Saul  (1 
Sam.  xxiii.  28).  No  identification  has  yet  been  sug- 
gested. 

*  Sc'lali  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Sela,  a  city  of  Edom  (2  K. 
xiv.  Y). 

Se'lah  (Heb.,  see  below).  This  word,  which  is 
only  found  in  the  poetical  books  of  the  0.  T.,  oc- 
curs seventy-one  times  in  the  Psalms,  and  three 
times  in  Habakkuk.  In  sixteen  Psalms  it  is  found 
once,  in  fifteen  twice,  in  seven  three  times,  and  in 
one  four  times — ahvavs  at  the  end  of  a  verse,  ex- 
cept in  Ps.  Iv.  19  [Heb.  20],  Ivii.  3  [Heb.  4],  and 
Hab.  iii.  3,  9,  where  it  is  in  the  middle,  though  at 
the  end  of  a  clause.  All  the  Psalms  in  which  it  oc- 
curs, except  eleven  (iii.,  vii.,  xxiv.,  xxxii.,  xlviii.,  1., 
Isxxii.,  Ixxxiii.,  lxx.xvii.,  Ixxxix.,  cxliii.),  have  also 
the  musical  direction,  "  to  the  chief  musician " 
(compare  also  Hab.  iii.  19);  and  in  these  exceptions 
we  find  the  Hebrew  words  mizmor  (A.  V.  "  P.'Jalm  ; " 
Poetry,  Hebrew),  "  Shiggaios,"  or  "  Maschil," 
which  sulHciently  indicate  that  they  were  intended 
for  music.  Besides  these,  in  the  titles  of  the 
Psalms  in  which  Selah  occurs,  we  meet  with  the 
musical  term  "Alamotu"  (xlvi.),  "Al-tasciiith  " 
(Ivii.,  lix.,  Ixxv.),  "  GiTTiTH  "  (Ixxxi.,  Ixxxiv.),  "  Ma- 
HALATH  Leanxoth"  (Ixxxviii.),  "Michtam"  (Ivii., 
lix.,  Ix.),  "Negisah"  (Ixi.),  "  Negixoth  "  (iv.,  liv., 
Iv.,  Ixvii.,  Ixxvi. ;  compare  Hab.  iii.  19),  and  "  Shp- 
SHAN-EDCTH "  (Ix.) ;  and  on  this  association  alone 
might  be  formed  a  strong  presumption  that,  like 
these,  Selah  itself  is  a  term  which  had  a  meaning  in 
the  musical  nomenclature  of  the  Hebrews.  What 
that  meaning  may  have  been  is  now  a  matter  of 
pure  conjecture.  In  by  far  the  greater  number  of 
instances  the  Targum  renders  the  word  by  "  for- 
ever," in  Ps.  xlviii.  8  [Heb.  9]  "  forever  and  ever." 
In  Ps.  xlix.  13  [Heb.  14]  it  has  "for  the  world  to 
come  ;  "  in  Ps.  xxxix.  5  [Heb.  6]  "  for  the  life  ever- 
lasting ; "  and  in  Ps.  exl.  5  [Heb.  6]  "  continually." 
This  interpretation,  adopted  by  the  majority  of  Rab- 
binical writers,  is  purely  traditional,  based  upon  no 
etymology  whatever,  yet  followed  by  Aquila,  Sym- 
machus,  Theodotion,  Jerome,  and  the  Pcshito  Syriac 
in  some  instances.  That  this  rendering  is  mani- 
festly inappropriate  in  some  passages,  e.  g.  Ps.  xxi. 
2  [Heb.  3],  xxxii.  4,  Ixxxi.  7  [Heb.  8],  and  Hab.  iii. 
3,  and  superfluous  in  others,  as  Ps.  xliv.  8  [Heb.  9], 
Ixxxiv.  4  [Heb.  5],  Ixxxix.  4  [Heb.  5],  was  pointed 
out  long  since  by  Aben  Ezra.  In  the  Psalms  the 
uniform  rendering  of  the  LXX.  is  Gr.  diapsalma. 
The  Vulgate  omits  it  entirely.  The  rendering  of 
the  LXX.,  &c.,  is  as  traditional  as  that  of  the  Tar- 
gum, and  has  no  foundation  in  any  known  etymol- 
ogy.    With  regard  to  the  meaning  of  diapsalma  it- 


self there  is  great  doubt.  Jerome  enumerates  vari- 
ous opinions  ;  that  diapsalma  denotes  a  change  of 
metre,  a  cessation  of  the  Spirit's  influence,  or  the 
beginning  of  another  sense.  Aben  Ezra  (on  Ps.  iii.  3) 
expressed  his  opinion  that  Selah  was  a  word  of  em- 
phasis, used  to  give  weight  and  importance  to  what 
was  said,  and  to  indicate  its  truth.  Kimehi  explained 
it  as  a  musica".  term,  signifying  a  raising  or  elevating 
the  voice.  Gesenius  makes  Selah  the  imperative . 
from  the  verb  stXlah,  and  hence  =:  rest!  pavse ! 
'■  Its  use  seems  to  have  been,  in  chanting  the  words 
of  the  Psalms,  to  direct  the  singer  to  rest,  to  pause 
a  little,  while  the  instruments  played  an  interlude  i 
or  symphony.  It  is  a  sign  of  pavse"  (Gesenius, 
Hebrew  Lexicon,  translated  by  Robinson,  1864). 
Ewald  derives  Selah  from  salal,  to  rise,  and  regards 
the  phrase  "  Higgaion,  Selah,"  in  Ps.  ix.  16  [Heb. 
17],  as  the  full  form,  signifying  "music,  strike 
up ! " — an  indication  that  the  voices  of  the  choir 
were  to  cease  while  the  instruments  alone  came  in. 
Hengstcnberg  follows  Gesenius,  De  Wette,  kc,  in 
the  rendering  pause  !  but  refers  it  to  the  contents 
of  the  psalm,  and  understands  it  of  the  silence  of 
the  music  in  order  to  give  room  for  quiet  reflection. 
If  this  were  the  case,  Selah  at  the  end  of  a  psalm 
would  be  superfluous.  Fiirst  makes  Selah  =  to 
the  end,  i.  e.  ended,  pause  of  the  song  ;  and  says  it 
may  refer  mainly  to  the  musical  accompaniment. 
Sommer  (followed  by  Keil,  &c.)  regards  Selah  as 
having  an  essentially  religious  aim,  the  words  with 
which  it  is  connected  being  such  as  before  all  others 
would  come  up  in  remembrance  before  Jehovah,  and 
says,  "  It  is  placed  by  the  poet  at  the  passages, 
where,  in  the  Temple-song,  the  choir  of  priests, 
standing  oppcsite  to  that  of  the  Levites,  sounded 
the  trumpets  (Heb.  salal),  and  wilh  the  powerful 
tones  of  this  instrument,  the  words  just  spoken  were 
marked  and  borne  upward  to  Jehovah's  ear.  This 
intercessory  music  of  the  priests  was  probably  sus- 
tained on  the  part  of  the  Levites  by  the  vigorous 
tones  of  the  psaltery  and  harp ;  hence  the  Greek 
term  diapsalma.  The  same  appears  further  fiom 
the  full  phrase,  'Higgaion,  Selah'  (Ps.  ix.  16),  the 
first  word  denoting  the  sound  of  the  stringed  instru- 
ments (xcii.  3);  the  latter,  the  blast  of  the  trum- 
pets, both  of  which  would  here  sound  together. 
The  less  important  word  (Higgaion)  disappeared 
when  the  expression  was  abbreviated,  and  Selah 
alone  remained  "  (B.  S.  v.  72  ff.).  Davidson  says  : — 
"  The  word  denotes  elevation  or  ascent,  i.  c.  loud, 
clear.  The  music  which  commonly  accompanied 
the  singing  was  soft  and  feeble.  In  cases  where  it 
was  to  burst  in  more  strongly  during  the  silence  of 
the  song,  Selah  was  the  sign.  At  the  end  of  a  verse 
or  strophe,  where  it  commonly  stands,  the  music 
may  have  readily  been  strongest  and  loudest."  Au- 
gusti  thought  it  was  an  exclamation,  like  hallelujah  ! 
and  the  lute  Prof.  Lee  classed  it  among  the  inter- 
jections, and  rendered  it  p-aise!  Beyond  the  fact 
that  Selah  is  a  musical  term,  we  know  absolutely 
nothing  about  it  (so  Mr.  Wright). 

Se'Ied  (Heb.  exultation,  Ges.),  son  of  Nadab,  a 
descendant  of  Jerahmeel  (1  Chr.  ii.  30). 

Sel-e-mla  (L.  =  Shelemiah),  one  of  the  five  men 
"  ready  to  write  swiftly,"  whom  Esdras  was  com- 
manded to  take  (2  Esd.  xiv.  24). 

Sel-e-mi'as  (Gr.)  =  Shelemiah  1  (1  Esd.  ix.  34).        ^ 

Se-Ien'cl-a  [se-lu'she-a ;  in  L.  pronounced  sel-lu-       a 
si'ah]  (L.  fr.  Gr.,  named  from  its  founder  =  the  city      1 
of  Seleuetis  ;  see  below),  a  town  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Orontes,  was  practically  the  seaport  of  Antioch 
1.    The  distance  between  the  two  towns  was  about       J 


SEL 


SEir 


993 


sixteen  miles.  We  are  expressly  told  that  St.  Paul, 
in  company  with  Barnabas,  sailed  from  Scleucia  at 
the  beginning  of  his  first  missionary  circuit  (Acts 
siii.  4);  and  it  is  almost  certain  that  he  landed 
there  on  his  return  from  it  (xiv.  2fi).  This  strong 
fortress  and  convenient  seaport  was  constructed  by 
the  first  Seleucus,  a  successor  of  Alexander  tlie 
Great,  and  here  he  was  buried.  It  is  mentioned  in 
1  Mc.  xi.  8.  It  retained  its  importance  in  Roman 
times,  and  in  St.  Paul's  day  it  had  the  privileges  of 
a  free  city.  The  remains  are  numerous,  including 
an  immense  excavation  extending  from  the  higher 
part  of  the  city  to  the  sea,  two  piers  (called  "  Paul " 
and  "  Barnabas  ")  of  the  old  harbor,  Jic. 

Se-len'eas  (L.  fr.  Gr.)  IV.  Phi-lop'a-tor  (Gr.  loving 
liis  father),  "  king  of  Asia  "  (2  Mc.  iii.  3),  i.  e.  of 
the  provinces  included  iu  the  Syrian  monarchy  of 
the  Seleucida;;  son  and  successor  of  Antiociil'S 
THK  Grkat.  He  took  part  in  the  disastrous  battle 
of  Magnesia  (b.  c.  190),  and  three  years  afterward, 
on, the  death  of  his  father,  ascended  the  throne. 
He  was  murdered,  after  a  reign  of  twelve  years  (ii.  c. 
175),  by  Hkliodorus,  one  of  his  own  courtiers  (Dan. 
xi.  20).  His  son  Dkmetrics  I.  Soter,  whom  he  had 
sent,  while  still  a  bi^y,  as  hostage  to  Rome,  gained 
the  crown  in  162  B.  c.  (1  Mc.  vii.  1 ;  2  Mc.  xiv.  1). 
The  general  policy  of  Seleucus  toward  the  Jews, 
like  that  of  his  father  (iii.  2,  3),  was  conciliatory, 
and  he  undertook  a  large  share  of  the  expenses  of 
the  Temple-service  (iii.  3,  6).  On  one  occasion,  by 
the  false  representations  of  Simon  3,  ho  was  induced 
to  make  an  attempt  to  carry  away  the  treasure  de- 
posited in  the  Temple,  by  means  of  the  same  Ilelio- 
dorus  who  murdered  him.  The  attempt  signally 
failed,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  he  afterward 
showed  any  resentment  against  the  Jews  (iv.  5,  0) ; 
though  his  want  of  money  to  pay  the  enormous 
tribute  due  to  the  Romans  may  have  compelled  him 
to  raise  extraordinary  revenues  (compare  his  title 
"  a  raiser  of  taxes"  in  Dan.  xi.  20).     Syria. 

*  Sell'er.  Colors  ;  Commerce  ;  Fairs  ;  Market, 
&c. 

Scni(Gr.)  =  SnEM  the  patriarch  (Lk.  iii.  3G). 

Sem-a-(lli'ah  [-ki-]  (fr.  Ileb.  =  Jeknvah  .iui!a!m> 
him,  Ges.),  a  Levite,  son  of  Shemaiaii  9  (1  Chr. 
xxvi.  7). 

Sem'e-I  (Gr.  =  Shimki).  1.  Shimei  U  (1  Esd.  ix. 
33).— 2.  SiliMEi  16  (Esth.  xi.  2).— 3.  Father  of  M.U- 
tatliias  in  the  genealogv  of  Jesus  Christ  (Lk.  iii.  26). 

Se-meni-os  (fr.  Gr.)  '=  Siiimsiiai  (1  Esd.  ii.  16, 17, 
25,  30). 

Semis  (fr.  Gr.)  =  SniMEi  13(1  Esd.  ix.  23). 

Scm-it'lt  (fr.  Sem  =  Shem)  Lan'gn>g2S.  Siiemitic 
Languages. 

Se-na'ah  (Ileb. /Aornv, Ges.).  The  "children  of 
Senaah  "  are  enumerated  among  the  "  people  of 
Israel "  who  returned  from  the  Captivity  witli  Zerub- 
babel  (Ezr.  ii.  35  ;  Nch.  vii.  38).  In  X'cli.  iii.  3,  the 
name  is  given  with  the  Hebrew  article,  Hassenaah. 
The  names  in  these  lists  are  mostly  those  of 
towns  ;  but  Senaah  does  not  occur  elsewhere  in  the 
Bible  83  a  town.  The  Magdal-Senna,  or  "  great 
Senna  "  of  Euscbius  and  Jerome,  seven  miles  N.  of 
Jericho,  however,  is  not  inappropriate  in  position. 
Bertheau  suggests  that  Senaah  represents  not  a 
single  place  but  a  district ;  but  there  is  nothing  to 
corroborate  this  (so  Mr.  Grove). 

•  Sen'atC,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Gr.  (jerousia  = 
(so  l<l)n.  iV.  T.  Lex.)  eldemhip,  i.  e.  the  ciders,  taken 
collectively  (Acts  v.  21  only).     Eloer. 

Sc'Beb  (Heb.  thorn,  t!u>rn-hmh),  the  name  of  the 
aoulbcrn  one — that  toward  Geda — of  the  two  iso- 
63 


lated  rocks  which  stood  in  the  "  passage  of  Micii- 
mash"  (1  Sam.  xiv.  4).     BozEZ. 

Se'nlr  (lleb.  coal-of-mail,  or  cataract,  Ges. ;  sec 
below).  This  name  occurs  twice  iu  the  A.  V.,  viz. 
1  Chr.  V.  23,  and  Ez.  xxvii.  5  ;  but  the  Hebrew  word 
occurs  in  Dent.  iii.  9,  and  Cant.  iv.  8,  though  some 
Hebrew  copies  have  shlnir  here  (so  Gesenius),  and 
the  A.  V.  has  Shenir.  It  is  the  Amorite  name  for 
the  mountain  (or  perhaps  rather  a  portion  of  the 
mountain)  in  tlie  N.  of  Palestine  which  the  Hebrews 
called  Hermon.  Abulfeda  reports  that  the  part  of 
Anti-Lebanon  N.  of  Damascus — that  usually  denom- 
inated Jebel  eah-Shurhy,  "  the  East  Mountain  " — was 
in  his  day  called  Senir. 

Sen-naeh'e-rib  [-nak-]  (L. ;  Ileb.  Sanhcrih  or  San- 
cherih  ;  fr.  Sansc.  ^=  conqueror  of  armies,  Bohlen, 
Ges. ;  see  below),  the  son  and  successor  of  Sargon, 
king  of  Assyria.  His  name  in  the  Assyrian  in- 
scriptions is  read  by  Rawlinson  Tnn-akki-irib,  which 
is  understood  to  mean  "  Sin  (or  the  Moon)  increases 
brothers  :  "  an  indication  that  he  was  not  the  first- 
born of  his  fatlier.  AVe  know  little  or  nothing  of 
Sennacherib  during  his  father's  lifetime.  From  his 
name,  and  from  Polyhistor's  mention  (after  Bero- 
sus)  that  his  brother  held  the  tributary  kingdom  of 
Babylon,  we  may  gather  that  he  was  not  the  eldest 
son,  and  not  the  heir  to  the  crown  till  the  year  be- 
fore his  father's  death.  (Nineveh.)  Sennacherib 
mounted  the  throne  b.  c.  702.  Ills  first  efforts 
were  directed  to  crushing  the  revolt  of  Babylonia, 
which  he  invaded  with  a  large  army.  Merodach- 
baladan  ventured  on  a  battle,  but  was  defeated  and 
driven  from  the  country.  Sennacherib  then  made 
Belibus,  an  officer  of  his  court,  viceroy,  and,  quit- 
ting Babylonia,  ravaged  the  lands  of  the  Aramean 
tribes  on  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  whence  he  cai^ 
ried  off  200,000  captives.  The  next  year  he  made 
war  on  the  independent  tribes  in  Mount  Zagros,  and 
reduced  a  portion  of  Media.  In  his  third  year  (b.  c. 
700)  he  turned  his  arms  toward  the  West,  chastised 
Sidun,  took  tribute  from  Tyre,  Aradu?,  and  the 
other  Phenician  cities,  as  well  as  from  Edom  and 
Ashdod,  besieged  and  captured  Ascalon,  made  war 
on  Egypt,  which  was  still  dependent  on  Ethiopia, 
took  LiiiNAii  and  Laciiisii  on  the  Egyptian  frontier, 
and,  having  probably  concluded  a  convention  with 
his  chief  enemy,  finally  miirched  against  Hezekiah, 
king  of  Judah.  It  was  at  this  time  (so  Rawlinson) 
that  "  Sennacherib  came  up  against  all  the  fenced 
cities  of  Jud.ih,  and  took  them,"  &c.  (2  K.  xviii.  13- 
16).  In  B.  c.  699  Sennacherib  invaded  Babylonia 
for  the  second  time.  He  made  a  second  expedition 
into  Palestine,  perhaps  in  this  same  year.  Ilezckiah 
had  again  revolted,  and  claimed  the  protection  of 
Egypt.  Instead,  therefore,  of  besieging  Jerusalem, 
the  Assyrian  king  marched  past  it  to  the  Egyptian 
frontier,  attacked  once  more  Lachish  and  Libnah, 
but  .apparently  failed  to  take  them,  sent  messengers 
from  the  former  to  llezckitih  (2  K.  xviii.  17),  and  on 
their  return  without  his  submission  wrote  him  a 
threatening  letter  (xix.  14).  Tiriiakaii  was  hasten- 
ing to  the  aid  of  the  Egyptians  when  an  event  oc- 
curred which  relieved  both  Egypt  and  Judea  from 
their  danger.  In  one  night  the  Assyrians  lost, 
either  by  a  pestilence  or  by  some  more  awful  mani- 
festation of  Divine  power  (Angels  III.),  185,000 
men  I  The  camp  immediately  broke  up — the  king 
fled.  Sennacherib  reached  his  capital  in  safety,  and 
was  rot  deterred  from  engaging  in  other  wars, 
though  he  seems  thenceforward  to  have  carefully 
avoided  Palestine.  In  his  fifth  year  he  led  an  ex- 
pedition into  Armenia  and  Media ;  after  which,  from 


994 


SEN 


SEP 


hig  sixth  to  hig  eighth  year,  he  wag  engaged  in  wars 
with  Susiana  and  Babylonia.  From  tliis  point  his 
annalg  fail  us.  Sennaclierib  reigned  twenty-two 
years.  The  date  of  his  accession  is  fixed  by  tlie 
Canon  of  Ptolemy  to  b.  c.  702,  the  first  year  of  Bel- 
ibus  or  Elibus.  The  date  of  his  death  is  marlved 
in  the  same  document  by  the  accession  of  Asarida- 
nus  (Esar-haddon)  to  the  throne  of  Babylon  in  b.  c. 
680.  The  monuments  are  in  exact  conformity  with 
these  dates  (so  Rawlinson),  for  the  twenty-second 
year  of  Sennacherib  (but  none  later)  has  been  found 
upon  them.  It  is  impossible  to  reconcile  these 
dates  with  the  chronology  of  Ilezekiah's  reign,  ac- 
cording to  the  present  Hebrew  text.  Some  suppose 
that  in  2  K.  xviii.  13  and  Is.  xxxvi.  1  the  year  has 
been  altered  by  a  copyist  from  "  twenty-seventh  " 
to  "  fourteenth."  Others  suppose  a  dislocation  as 
well  as  alteration  of  the  text.  Sennacherib  was  one 
of  the  most  magnificent  of  the  Assyrian  kings.  lie 
seems  to  have  been  the  first  who  fixed  the  seat  of 
government  permanently  at  Nineveh,  which  he  care- 
fully repaired  and  adorned  with  splendid  buildings. 
His  greatest  work  is  the  grand  palace  at  Koi/iinjU: 
He  built  also,  or  repaired,  a  second  palace  at  JVehbi 
Yun-us,  confined  the  Tigris  to  its  channel  by  an  em- 
bankment of  brick,  restored  the  ancient  aqueducts, 
&c.  (NiNEVKH.)  He  also  erected  monuments  in 
distant  countries,  one,  a  rock-hewn  tablet,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  A'nhr  cl-lCelb,  two  hours  from  Beirut. 
Of  the  death  of  Sennacherib  it  is  only  known  that, 
"  as  he  was  worshipping  in  the  house  of  Nisroch  his 
god,  Adrammelech  and  Sharczer  his  sons  smote  him 
with  the  sword,  and  escaped  into  the  land  of  Ar- 
menia" (2  K.  xix.  37;  Is.  xxxvii.  38).     Throne. 

Scn'n-ah  (Heb.,  properly  Uasscnuah  =  the  brix- 
tling,  Ges.),  a  Benjamite,  the  father  of  Judah,  who 
was  second  over  the  city  after  the  return  from  Bab- 
ylon (N"eh.  xi.  9) ;  =  Hasenuah. 

Se-o'rim  (Heb.  barletj,  Ges.),  chief  of  the  fourth 
of  tlie  twentj-four  courses  of  priests  instituted  by 
David  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  8). 

Sc'phar  (Heb.  a  numbering,  cennus,  Ges.).  It  is 
written,  after  the  enumeration  of  the  sons  nf  Joktax, 
"  and  tlieir  dwelling  was  from  Mesha  as  thou  goest 
unto  Sephar,  a  mount  of  the  east"  (Gen.  x.  30). 
The  immigration  of  the  Joktanites  was  probably 
from  W.  to  E.,  and  they  occupied  the  southwestern 
portion  of  tlie  peninsula.  (Arabia.)  The  undoubted 
identifications  of  Arabian  places  and  tribes  with 
their  Joktanite  originals  are  included  within  these 
limits,  and  point  to  Sephar  as  the  eastern  boundary. 
There  appears  to  be  little  doubt  that  the  ancient 
seaport  town  called  D/mfdri  or  Zafdri,  and  Dhafdr 
or  Zafdr,  without  the  inflexional  termination,  rep- 
resents the  Biblical  site  or  district  (so  Mr.  E.  S. 
Poole,  with  most  critics).  It  appears  to  preserve 
the  name  mentioned  in  Gen.  x.  30,  and  to  be  in  the 
district  anciently  so  named.  It  is  situated  on  the 
coast,  in  the  province  of  Hadramawt,  and  near  the 
district  which  adjoins  that  province  on  theE.,  called 
Esh-Slvhr.  M.  Fresnel  tells  us  that  Zafdr,  pro- 
nounced by  tlie  modern  inhaliitants  /"fur,  is  now 
t!ie  name  of  a  series  of  villages  situate  some  of 
them  on  the  shore,  and  some  close  to  the  shore,  of 
the  Indian  Ocean,  between  Mirbut  and  Hds-Sdjir,  ex- 
tending a  distance  of  two  days'  journey,  or  seventeen 
or  eighteen  hours,  from  E.  to  W.  Proceeding  in 
this  direction,  those  near  the  shore  are  named  Tdkah, 
M-Dalidreez,  El-Belted,  El-Hdfeh,  Saldhafi,  and 
Amkad.  The  first  four  are  on  the  seashore,  and  the 
last  two  at  a  small  distance  from  it.  El-Beleed, 
otherwise  called  Iiarkdtn,\s, in M. Fresnel's  opinion, 


the  ancient  Zafdr.  It  is  on  a  small  peninsula  lying 
between  the  ocean  and  a  bay,  and  the  port  is  ou 
the  land-side  of  the  town.  The  classical  writers 
mention  Sapphar  metropolis  or  Saphar,  the  capital 
of  the  Sappharita^,  placed  by  Ptolemy  near  the 
Homerita;. 

Sepll'a-rad  (Heb.  fr.  Assyrian  =  botinclari/,  limit, 
Wr.),  a  place  whence  the  captive  Jews  were  to  re- 
turn to  possess  the  cities  of  the  South  (Ob.  20  only). 
Its  situation  is  uncertain.  (1.)  The  reading  of  the 
!  LXX.,  hcos  (=  as  far  as)  Ephrathd,  is  probably  a 
I  mere  conjecture.  (2.)  The  reading  of  the  Vulgate, 
Bosporus  (Cimmerian,  or  Thracian  ?),  was  adopted 
by  Jerome  from  his  Jewish  instructor.  The  Targum 
Jonathan  and  the  Peshito-Syriac,  and  from  them 
the  modern  Jews,  interpret  Sepharad  as  Spain  (Is- 
pamia  and  Ispania).  (3.)  Others  have  suggested 
the  identity  of  Sepharad  with  Sipphara  in  Mesopo- 
tamia, but  that  is  more  probably  Sepharvaim.  (4.) 
The  name  has  perhaps  been  discovered  in  the  cunei- 
form Persian  inscriptions  of  Naksh-i-Rnstum  and 
BelmiUH  ;  and  also  in  a  list  of  Asiatic  nations  given 
by  Niebuhr.  ■  In  the  latter  it  occurs  between  "  Cap- 
padocia"  and  "Ionia."  De  Sacy  was  the  first  to 
propose  the  identification  of  this  with  Sepharad, 
and  subse(iuently  it  was  suggested  by  Lassen  that 
S-Pa-Ra-D  =  Sardis,  the  ancient  capital  of  Lydia. 
Winer  and  Puscy  approve  this  identification.  (5.) 
Ewald  considers  that  Sepharad  has  a  connection  with 
Zarephath  in  the  preceding  verse;  and  suggists 
that  the  true  reading  is  Scpharam,  and  that  it  is  to 
be  found  in  a  place  three  hours  from  ^Akka  (Accno), 
i.  e.  doubtless  the  modern  Shefa  'Omar.  (6.)  Mi- 
chaelis  suggests  that  the  "  Spartans "  of  1  Me.  xii. 
15  are  accurately  "  Scpharadites." 

Scpli-ar-valm  (L.  fr.  Heb.  dual ;  see  below),  men- 
tioned by  Sennaclierib  in  his  letter  to  Ilezekiah  as 
a  city  whose  king  had  been  unable  to  resist  the  As- 
syrians (2  K.  xix.  13;  Is.  xxxvii.  13;  compare  2  K. 
xviii.  34).  It  is  coupled  with  Hena  and  Ava,  or 
Ivah,  towns  on  the  Euphrates  above  Babylon. 
Again,  it  is  mentioned,  in  2  K.  xvii.  24,  where  it  is 
again  joined  with  Ava,  and  also  with  Cuthah  and 
Babylon.  These  indications  justify  us  in  identifying 
the  place  with  the  famous  town  of  Sippara  or  Sip- 
phara,  on  the  Euphrates  above  Babylon,  near  the  site 
of  the  modern-  Mosaib.  The  dual  form  indicates 
that  there  were  two  Sipparas,  one  on  either  side  of 
the  river.  Berosus  called  Sippara,  "  a  city  of  the 
sun;"  and  in  the  inscription  it  bears  the  same  title, 
being  called  Jsipar  sha  Shamos,  or  "  Sippara  of  the 
Sun  " — the  sun  being  the  chief  object  of  worship 
there  (compare  2  K.  xvii.  31).     Sepharvites. 

*Se-phar'Tltes  =  people  of  Sepharvaim,  who 
burnt  tlieir  children  in  the  fire  to  Adrammelech  and 
AXAMMELEcn,  2  K.  xvii.  31). 

Se-ph«'la,  the  Gr.  form  of  the  Heb.  hash-ShephS- 
Idh,  the  native  name  for  the  southern  division  of 
the  low-lying  fiat  distiict  which  intervenes  between 
the  central  highlands  of  the  Holy  Land  and  the 
Mediterranean  (1  JIc.  xii.  38),  the  other  and  north- 
ern portion  of  which  was  known  as  Sharon.  The 
Hebrew  name  occurs  throughout  the  topograph- 
ical records  of  Joshua,  the  historical  works,  andj 
the  topographical  passages  in  the  Projihets.  In 
these  passages,  however,  the  word  is  treated  in  thd 
A.  V.  not  as  a  proper  name,  but  as  a  mere  appella™ 
tive,  and  rendered  "  the  vale,"  "  the  valLey,"  "  the 
plain,"  "  the  low  plains,"  and  "  the  low  country.H 
(JunAH  1  (II.);  Low  Colntry  ;  Palestine,  II.,  g| 
29,  30,  &c. ;  Plain  6 ;  Valley  5.)  The  name  is  re- 
tained in  the  old  Tersions,  and  was  actually  in  usa 


'SEP 


SEP 


995 


-down  to  the  fifth  century.  No  definite  Umita  are 
mentioned  to  tlie  Shlpheldh,  nor  is  it  probable  tliat 
tliere  were  any.  In  Josii.  xv.  33-47  "tlie  val- 
ley" (Ileb.  Iiash-Shgphdldli)  contains  forty-three 
"  cities,"  as  well  as  the  hamlets  and  temporary  vil- 
lages dependent  on  them.  Of  these,  as  far  as  our 
knowledge  avails  us,  the  most  northern  was  Ekro.v, 
the  most  southern  Gaza,  and  the  most  eastern  Ne- 
ziB  (about  seven  miles  N.  N.  W.  of  Hebron).  A 
large  number  of  these  towns,  however,  were  situated 
not  in  the  plain,  nor  even  on  tlie  western  slopes  of 
the  central  mountains,  but  in  the  mountauis  them- 
selves. 

Scp'tn-a-glnt  (fr.  L.  septuaginta  =  TO ;  see  below). 
The  causes  which  produced  this  Grekk  version  of 
the  OtD  Testament,  the  number  and  names  of  the 
translators,  the  times  at  which  different  portions 
were  translated,  are  all  uncertain  (so  Prof  Selwyn, 
original  author  of  this  article). — Printed  EJitionn.  It 
appears  at  the  present  day  in  four  principal  editions. 
1.  The  ComplutensianPolyglott  (Old  Testament,  I, 
g  3),  A.  D.  1514-1517.  2.  The  Aldine  Edition,  Ven- 
ice, A.  D.  1518.  3.  The  Roman  Edition,  edited  un- 
der Pope  Sixtus  v.,  A.  D.  1587.  4.  Facsimile  Edi- 
tion of  the  Alexandrine  MS.  (New  Testament,  I., 
§  28,  A),  by  H.  H.  Baber,  a.  d.  1816.  The  texts  of 
1  and  2  were  probably  formed  by  collation  of  several 
3ISS.  The  Roman  edition,  3,  is  printed  from  the  ven- 
erable Vatican  MS.  (New  Testament,  I.,  §  28,  IJ). 
A  transcript  of  this  MS.,  prepared  by  Cardinal  Mai, 
was  published  at  Rome,  by  Vercelloni,  in  1857 ;  this 
edition  is  not  so  accurate  as  to  preclude  the  neces- 
sity of  consulting  the  MS.  The  Facsimile  Edition, 
4,  by  .Mr.  Baber,  is  printed  with  types  ma  le  after 
the  form  of  the  letters  in  the  Alexandrine  MS. 
Other  editions  are — Walton's  Polyglott,  1057 ;  Cam- 
bridge edition,  1665;  Grabe,  Oxford,  1707-1720, 
reprinted  by  Breitinger,  Zurich,  1730;  Bos,  Frane- 
ker  (Netherlands),  1709 ;  Holmas,  continued  by  Par- 
sons, Oxford,  1798-1827;  Oxf)rd  edition,  by'Gais- 
ford,  1848;  Tiseliendorf's  editions,  Leipsic,  1850, 
1856,  &c. ;  Field,  1859,  &c. — Jfaniiscnptn.  Tlie 
various  readings  given  by  Holmes  and  Par.-^ons  en- 
able us  to  judge,  in  some  measure,  of  the  character 
of  the  several  MSS.,  and  of  the  degree  of  their  ac- 
cordance with  the  Hebrew  text.  They  are  distin- 
guished thus  by  Holmes  :  the  uncial  by  Roman  nu- 
merals, the  cursive  by  Arabic  figures.  Among  them 
may  be  specially  noted,  with  their  probable  dates 
and  estimates  of  value  as  given  by  Holmes  in  his 
I'reface  to  the  Pentateuch : — 


Uncial.' 


Probfible 

dnte. 
Cent'iry. 

4 

4 

5 

7 


I.  fofiont'tn.    British  Museum  ffVasrmenfs).. 

II.   V'llii-nn.    Vatican  Lil)rary,  Kome 

III.  Alerumlriiui.    Briti!<h  Mii-iniim 

\Il.  Ambrmian.    Ambriwian  Library.  Milan 

X.  CiAdiiUan.    Imperial  Library,  Paris 7 

CuTsim. 

W.  tVeillcean.    Laurcntlan  Librarv,  Florence...  11 
19.  CfU'/lnii  at  R  >me.  Similar  to  Complutcnsian 

Ti'Xtand  lOS.llH 10 

25.  ^fo^uKhian  at  yianlch 10 

M.  Vafl'-an  (So.  x.)    Vatican  Library,  similar 

to  7a J3 

no.  fll'wquan  &l  Gl.a!i>row la 

n.  Hmlleian     I<aatl.  36.  excellent.! ........  12 

CI.  Pnrl'lan  (111.    Imperial  Library 10  or  11 

73.   Veiu-Han.    E.xri-llcnt IS 

7.j.  O  miUiin  at  (Jxfi)ril  (University  College) 12 

M.   I  a//tan  1 19)1),  excellent 11 

Wl.(  •^'"■"'^anat  Ferrara.    Tlic»e  two  agree.,   -j  14 

IIW.  (    I'aMwin  (330)  I  Similar  to  Comnlii-   (  14 

lis.  f  ParMan.  Imp.  Lib.  i  tenslan Text, and  1».    (  13 

•  The  Slnaitlc  MS.,  nnclal,  is  supposed  by  Tlschendorf 


The  texts  of  those  MSS.  differ  considerably  from 
each  other,  and  consequently  differ  in  various  de- 
grees from  the  Hebrew  original.  The  following  arc 
tlie  results  of  a  comparison  of  the  readings  in  Ex.  i. 
-viii. : — 1.  Several  of  the  MSS.  agree  well  with  the 
Hebrew;  others  differ  very  much.  2.  The  chief 
variance  from  the  Hebrew  is  in  the  addition  or  omis- 
sion of  words  and  clauses.  3.  Taking  the  Roman 
text  as  the  basis,  there  are  found  eighty  places  (a) 
where  some  of  the  MSS.  differ  from  the  Roman  text, 
cither  by  addition  or  omission,  in  agreement  with  the 
Hebrew  ;  twenty-six  places  (i)  where  differences  of 
the  same  kind  are  not  in  agreement  with  the  Hebrew. 
There  is  therefore  a  large  balance  against  the  Roman 
text,  in  point  of  accordance  with  the  Hebrew.  4. 
Those  MS.S.  which  have  the  h-irgest  number  of  differ- 
ences of  class  (a)  have  the  smallest  number  of  class 
(h).  There  is  evidently  some  strong  reason  for  this 
close  accordance  with  the  Hebrew  in  these  MSS.  6. 
The  divergence  between  the  extreme  points  of  the 
series  of  MSS.  may  be  estimated  from  this  statement : 

No.  72  differs  from  the  Roman  text  in  40  places,  iMh  Heb. 

*'  4   "    against    *' 

\[    50      ;;  "  "  40    "       with     " 

*'  "  y    "    against    '^ 

Between  these  and  the  Roman  text  he  many  shades 
of  variety.  The  Alexandrine  text  is  about  half-way 
between  the  two  extremes  ; 

Differing  from  Roman  text  in  25  places,  icitJi  Hebrew. 
"  "         "        '■        16     '•     against    " 

But  whence  these  varieties  of  text?  Was  the  Ver- 
sion at  first  more  in  accordance  with  the  Hebrew,  as 
in  72  and  59,  and  did  it  afterward  degenerate  into 
the  less  accurate  stite  of  the  Vatican  MS.  ?  Or  was 
the  Version  at  first  less  accurate,  like  the  Vatican 
text,  and  afterward  brought,  by  critical  labors,  into 
the  more  accurate  form  of  the  M.SS.  which  stand 
highest  ill  the  scale  ?  History  supplies  the  answer. 
Jerome  speaks  of  two  copies,  one  older  and  less  ac- 
curate (koine  I  Gr.]  =  common),  fragments  of  which 
are  believed  to  be  represented  by  the  still  extant 
remains  of  the  old  Latin  Version ;  the  other  more 
faithful  to  the  Hebrew,  which  he  took  as  the  basis 
of  his  own  new  Latin  Version.  He  also  speaks  of 
the  corruption  of  the  ancient  translation,  and  the 
great  variety  of  copies  used  in  different  countries. 
Origen,  finding  great  discordance  in  the  several  copies 
in  the  LXX.,  laid  this  version  side  by  side  with  the 
the  other  three  translations  of  Aquila,  Theodotion, 
and  Symmachns ;  and,  taking  their  accordance  with 
each  other  as  tlie  test  of  their  ajreement  with  the  He- 
brew, marked  the  copy  of  the  LXX.  with  an  ohelos 
-H,  where  lie  found  superfluous  words,  and  supplied 
the  deficiencies  of  the  LXX.  by  words  taken  from 
the  other  versions,  with  an  asterisk  *,  prefixed. 
From  Ensebius  we  learn  that  this  work  of  Origen 
was  called  Tctrapla,  tlie  fourfold  Bible.  But  this 
was  only  the  earlier  and  the  smaller  portion  of  Ori- 
gen's  labors :  he  rested  not  till  he  had  acquired  the 
knowledge  of  Hebrew,  and  compared  the  Septu- 
agint  directly  with  the  Hebrew  copies.  The  result 
of  his  subse(|Ucnt  labors  was  embodied  in  the  Hex- 
apla  or  sixfold  Bible,  in  which  he  arranged  the  four 
above-mentioned  translations  with  two  or  three 
others  and  the  Hebrew  text  in  separate  columns,  so 
that  the  whole  could  be  seen  at  one  view.  From 
Jerome  wc  learn  that  in  the  Hexapla  the  Hebrew 
text  was  placed  in  one  column  in  Hebrew  letters,  in 
the  next  column  in  Greek  letters.     The  fate  of  this 

to  bo  OR 'ancient  an  the  Vatican  (IL).    New  Testament, 


996 


SEP 


SEP 


laborious  work  ia  unknown.  It  was  brought  from 
Tyre  and  laid  up  in  the  library  at  Cesarea,  and  there 
probably  perished  by  the  flames,  A.  D.  033.  One 
copy,  however,  had  been  made  by  Pamphilus  and 
Eusebius,  of  the  column  containing  the  corrected 
text  of  the  Septuagint,  with  Origen's  asterisks  and 
obeli,  and  the  letters  denoting  from  which  of  the 
other  translators  each  addition  was  taken.  This 
copy  is  probably  the  ancestor  of  those  MSS.  which 
now  approach  most  nearly  to  the  Hebrew,  and  are 
entitled  Hexaplar.  To  these  main  sources  of  our 
existing  MSS.  must  be  added  the  recensions  of  the 
Septuagint  mentioned  by  Jerome  and  others,  viz. 
those  of  Lucian  of  Antioch  and  Hesyehius  of  Egypt, 
not  long  after  the  time  of  Origcn.  Each  of  tliese 
had  a  wide  range :  that  of  Lucian  (supposed  to  be 
corrected  by  the  Hebrew)  in  the  Churclics  from  Con- 
stantinople to  Antiooh ;  that  of  Hesyehius  in  Alex- 
andria and  Egypt ;  while  the  churches  lying  between 
these  two  regions  used  the  Hexaplar  text  copied 
by  Eusebius  and  Pamphilus. — I.  History  of  the  Ver- 
sion. Before  attempting  to  ascertain  whence  came 
the  ancient  text  called  ioine  or  common,  which  was 
current  before  the  time  of  Origen,  we  may  notice — 
(a.)  This  version  was  highly  esteemed  by  the  Hel- 
lenistic Jews  before  the  coming  of  Christ.  An  an- 
nual festival  was  held  at  Alexandria  in  remembrance 
of  the  completion  of  the  work.  The  manner  in  wliieh 
it  is  quoted  by  the  writers  of  the  N.  T.  proves  that 
it  had  been  long  in  general  use.  It  was  found 
wherever  the  Greek  language  prevailed,  or  Jews 
were  settled  among  Gentiles.  To  the  wide  disper- 
sion of  this  version  we  may  ascribe  in  great  measure 
that  general  persuasion  which  prevailed  over  the 
whole  East  of  the  near  approach  of  the  Redeemer. 
(Messiah.)  (6.)  Not  less  wide  was  the  influence  of 
the  Septuagint  in  the  spread  of  the  Gospel.  Many 
of  the  Jews  assembled  at  Jerusalem  on  the  day  of 
Pentecost,  from  Asia  Minor,  Africa,  Crete,  and 
Rome,  used  the  Greek  language;  from  Antioch  and 
Alexandria  in  the  East,  to  Ronje  and  Massilia  {Mar- 
seilles) in  the  West,  the  voice  of  the  Gospel  sounded 
forth  in  Greek.  For  a  long  period  the  Septuagint 
was  the  0.  T.  of  the  far  larger  part  of  the  Christian 
Church.  (Canon.) — Can  ne  now  find  any  clear, 
united,  consistent  testimony  to  the  origin  of  the 
Septuagint?  1.  Where?  2.  When  ?  3.  By  whom? 
4.  Whence  the  title  ?  1.  The  only  point  in  which 
all  agree  is  that  Alexandria  was  the  birthplace  of 
the  Version.  2.  The  Ver.sion  was  made,  or  at  least 
commenced,  in  the  time  of  the  earlier  Ptolemies,  in 
the  first  half  of  the  third  century  b.  c.  3.  Bi/  ichom 
was  it  made?  The  following  are  some  of  the  tradi- 
tions current  among  the  Fathers: — Irenasus  relates 
that  Ptolemy  Lagi,  wishing  to  adorn  his  Alexan- 
drian Library  with  the  writings  of  all  nations,  re- 
quested from  the  Jews  of  Jerusalem  a  Greek  version 
of  their  Scriptures;  that  they  sent  seventy  elders 
well  skilled  in  the  Scriptures  and  in  later  languages ; 
that  the  king  separated  them  from  one  another,  and 
bade  them  all  translate  the  several  books.  When 
they  came  together  before  Ptolemy  and  showed  their 
versions,  God  was  glorified,  for  the//  all  agreed  exactly, 
from  beginning  to  end,  in  every  phrase  and  word,  so 
that  all  men  may  know  that  the  Scriptures  are  trans- 
lated by  the  inspiration  of  Ood.  Justin  Martyr  gives 
the  same  account,  and  adds  that  he  was  taken  to  see 
the  cella  where  the  interpreters  worked.  Epipha- 
nius  says  that  the  translators  were  divided  into 
pairs,  in  thirty-six  cells,  each  pair  being  provided 
with  two  scribes  ;  and  that  thirty-six  versions,  agree- 
ing in  every  point,  were  produced,  by  the  gift  of  the 


Holy  Spirit.  Among  the  Latin  Fathers  Augustine 
adheres  to  the  inspiration  of  the  translators.  But 
Jerome  boldly  tlirows  aside  the  whole  story  of  the 
cells  and  the  inspiration,  and  refers  to  the  relation 
of  AristKus,  or  Aristeas,  and  to  Josephus,  the  for- 
mer being  followed  by  the  latter.  This  (so  called) 
letter  of  Aristeas  to  his  brother  Philocrates  is  still 
extant.  It  gives  a  splendid  account  of  the  origin  of 
the  Septuagint ;  of  the  embassy  and  presents  sent 
by  King  Ptolemy  to  the  high-priest  at  Jerusalem,  by 
the  advice  of  JJenielrins  J^halereus,  his  librarian, 
fifty  talents  of  gold  and  fifty  talents  of  silver,  &c. : 
the  Jewish  slaves  whom  he  set  free,  paying  their 
ransom  himseli';  the  letter  of  the  king;  tlie  answer 
of  the  high-priest ;  the  choosing  of  six  interpreters 
from  each  of  the  twelve  tribes,  and  their  names; 
the  copy  of  the  Law,  in  letters  of  gold ;  their  arrival 
at  Alexandria  on  the  anniversary  of  the  king's  vic- 
tory over  Antigonus ;  the  feast  prepared  for  the 
seventy-two,  which  continued  for  seven  days ;  the 
question  proposed  to  each  of  the  interpreters  in 
turn,  with  the  answers  of  each  ;  their  lodging  by  the 
sea-shore  ;  and  the  accomplishment  of  their  work  in 
seventy-two  days,  by  cotfrraice  and  comparison. 
This  is  the  story  wliich  probably  gave  to  this  version 
the  title  of  the  Septuagint.  A  simpler  account,  and 
probably  more  genuine,  is  that  given  by  Aristobu- 
Lus  1  (second  century  b.  c.)  :  "  Before  Demetrius 
Plialcreus  a  translation  had  been  made,  by  others, 
of  the  history  of  the  Hebrews'  going  forth  out  of 
Egypt,  and  of  all  that  happened  to  them,  and  of  the 
conquest  of  the  land,  and  of  the  exposition  of  the 
whole  Law.  .  .  .  But  the  entire  translation  of  our 
whole  Law  was  made  in  the  time  of  tlie  king  named 
Philadelphus,  a  man  of  greater  zeal,  under  the  di- 
rection of  Demetrius  Phalereus."  The  Prologue  of 
the  Wisdom  of  Jesus  the  Son  of  Sirach  (Ecclesias- 
Ticcs)  makes  mention  of  "the  Law  itscll',  the 
Prophets,  and  the  rest  of  the  books,"  having  been 
translated  from  the  Hebrew  into  another  tongue. 
The  letter  of  Aristeas  was  received  as  genuine  and 
true  for  many  centuries ;  but  the  general  belief  of' 
scholars  now  is,  that  it  was  the  work  of  some  Alex- 
andrian Jew,  whether  with  the  object  of  enhan- 
cing the  dignity  of  his  Law,  or  the  credit  of  the 
Greek  version,  or  for  the  meaner  purpose  of  gain. 
But  the  Pseudo-Aristeas  had  a  basis  of  fact  for  his 
fiction  ;  on  three  points  of  his  story  there  is  no 
material  difference  of  opinion,  and  they  are  con- 
firmed by  the  study  of  the  Version  itstlf: — (1.)  The 
Version  was  made  at  Alexandria.  (2.)  It  was  be- 
gnn  in  the  time  of  the  earlier  Ptolemies,  about  b.  c. 
280.  (3.)  Tlie  Law(i.  e.  the  Pentateuch)  alone  was 
translated  at  first.  But  by  whom  was  the  Version 
made  ?  As  Hody  justly  remarks,  "  it  is  of  little 
moment  whether  it  was  made  at  the  command  of 
the  king  or  spontaneously  by  the  Jcw.-< ;  but  it  is  a 
question  of  great  importance  whether  the  Hebrew 
copy  of  the  Law,  and  the  interpreters  (as  Pseudo- 
Aristeas  and  his  followers  relate),  were  summoned 
from  Jerusulem,  and  sent  by  the  high-priest  to  Alex-  , 
andria."  The  Version  it.self  bears  upon  its  face 
the  marks  of  imperfect  knowledge  of  Hebrew,  and 
exhibits  the  forms  and  phrases  of  the  Macedonic 
Greek  prevalent  in  Alexandria,  with  a  plentiful  j 
sprinkling  of  Egyptian  words.  The  reader  of  the  , 
LXX.  will  readily  agree  with  Hody's  conclusion —  ' 
that,  whether  by  the  king's  command  or  by  the 
Jews  spontaneously,  it  was  made  by  Alexandrine 
Jews.  The  question  as  to  the  moving  cause  which 
gave  birth  to  the  Version  is  one  which  cannot  be  so 
decisively  answered  cither  by  internal  evidence  or 


SEP 


SEP 


997 


by  historical  testimony.  The  balance  of  probability 
must  be  struck  between  tlie  tradition  of  the  king's 
intervention  and  the  simpler  account  suggested  by 
the  facts  of  history,  and  the  phenomena  of  the  Ver- 
sion itself.  It  is  well  known  that,  after  the  Jews 
returned  from  the  Captivity  of  Babylon,  having  lost 
in  great  measure  the  familiar  knowledge  of  the 
ancient  Hebrew,  the  readings  from  the  Books  of 
Moses  in  the  synagogues  of  Palestine  were  explained 
to  them  in  the  Clialdaic  tongue,  in  Targums  or  Para- 
phrases ;  and  the  same  was  done  with  the  Books  of 
the  Prophets,  when,  at  a  later  time,  they  also  were 
read  in  the  synagogues.  (Old  Testamest,  B  ;  Ver- 
sions, Ancient  [TAROfM].)  The  Jews  of  Alexandria 
had  probably  stdl  less  knowledge  of  Hebrew ;  their 
familiar  language  was  Alexandrian  Greek.  They 
had  settled  in  Alexandria  in  large  numbers  soon 
after  the  time  of  Alexander,  and  under  the  earlier 
Ptolemies.  They  would  naturally  follow  the  same 
practice  as  their  brethren  in  Palestine ;  the  Law 
first  and  afterward  the  Prophets  would  be  explained 
in  Greek,  and  from  this  practice  would  arise  in  time 
an  entire  Greek  Version.  4.  Whence  the  title?  It 
seems  unnecessary  to  suppose,  with  Eichhoni,  that 
the  title  Sepluai/itU  arose  from  the  approval  given 
to  the  Version  by  an  Alexandrian  Sanhedrim  of 
seventy  or  seventy-two ;  that  title  appears  sufficient- 
ly accounted  for  above  by  the  prevalence  of  the 
letter  of  Aristeas,  describing  the  mission  of  seventy- 
two  interpreters  from  Jerusalem. — II.  Charaeter  of 
tite  SepluaffiiU.  A  minute  examination  shows  that 
the  Hebrew  MSS.  used  by  the  Greek  translators 
were  not  pointed  as  at  present,  that  they  were  writ- 
ten without  intervals  between  the  words,  and  that 
the  present  final  forms  of  the  letters  caph,  mem, 
nun,  pe,  fad</ey  (Writing),  were  not  then  in  use.  In 
a  few  cases  the  translators  appear  to  have  preserved 
the  true  pointing  and  division  of  the  words  where 
the  Masiorets  have  gone  wrong.  (A.)  In  the  Sepiua- 
ffint  faith/ut  in  substance? — 1.  It  has  been  clearly 
shown  by  Ilody,  Frankel,  &c.,  that  the  several  books 
were  translated  by  different  persons,  without  any 
comprehensive  revision  to  harmonize  the  several 
parts.  Names  and  words  are  rendered  differently 
in  different  books ;  particular  words  and  phrases 
arc  used  in  some  books  and  not  in  others.  2.  Thus 
the  character  of  the  Version  varies  much  in  the 
several  books,  that  of  the  Pentateuch  being  the 
best.  3.  The  poetical  parts  are,  generally  speaking, 
inferior  to  the  historical,  the  original  abounding 
with  rarer  word.s  and  expressions.  The  Psalms  and 
Proverbs  are  perhaps  the  best  of  the  poetical  parts. 
4.  In  the  Major  Prophets  (probably  translated  nearly 
lOOycars  after  the  Pentateuch)  some  of  the  most  im- 
portant prophecies  are  sadly  obscured.  Ezekiel  and 
the  Minor  Prophets  (speaking  generally)  seem  to  be 
better  rendered.  6.  Supposing  the  numerous  glosses 
and  duplicate  renderings,  which  have  evidently  crept 
from  the  margin  into  the  text,  to  be  removed,  and 
forming  a  rough  estimate  of  what  the  Septuagint 
was  in  its  earliest  state,  we  may  perhaps  say  of  it 
that  it  is  the  image  of  the  original  seen  through  a 
gla-ss  not  adjusted  to  the  proper  focus ;  the  larger 
features  are  shown,  but  the  sharpness  of  definition 
is  lost. — (B.)  We  have  anticipated  the  answer  to 
the  second  question — Is  the  Version  minntely  ac-  \ 
curate  in  details? — but  will  give  a  few  examples.  (1.) 
The  same  word  in  the  same  chapter  is  often  rendered 
by  diffenny  words,  as  "  will  pass  over  "  in  Ex.  xii. 
13,  23.  (2.)  hifferinff  words  by  the  same  word,  a-s 
"  will  pass  through  "  and  "  will  pass  over  "  in  xii. 
23.     (3.)  The  Divine  names  are  frequently  inter- 


changed, as  "  Lord "  for  "God,"  and  "God"  for 
"  Jehovah."  (4.)  Proper  names  are  sometimes  trans- 
lated, sometimes  not,  as  "  Pisgah "  translated  in 
Deut.  iii.  27,  but  not  in  xxxiv.  1.  (5.)  The  transla- 
tors are  often  misled  by  the  similarity  of  Hebrew 
words,  as  "  for  thy  works "  instead  of  "  for  thy 
sake"  in  Gen.  iii.  17.  In  very  many  cases  the  error 
may  be  thus  traced  to  the  similarity  of- some  of  tlio 
Hebrew  letters  (e.  g.  dMelh  and  resh,  M  and  tdv,  yod 
andrdw/  sec  Writing);  in  some  it  is  difficult  to 
see  any  connection  between  the  original  and  the 
Version.  (6.)  Besides  the  above  deviations,  and  many 
like  them,  which  are  probably  due  to  accidental 
causes,  the  change  of  a  letter,  or  doubtful  writing 
in  the  Hebrew,  there  are  some  passages  which  seem 
to  exhibit  a  studied  variation  in  the  LXX.  from  the 
Hebrew  (e.  g.  Gen.  ii.  2 ;  Ex.  xii.  40).  Frequently 
the  strong  expressions  of  the  Hebrew  are  softened 
down,  where  human  parts  are  ascribed  to  God  (e.  g. 
Ex.  iv.  10).  Tlie  Version  is  therefore  not  minutely 
accurate  in  details. — (C.)  We  shall  now  be  prepared 
to  weigh  the  tradition  of  the  Fathers,  that  the  Ver- 
sion was  made  by  inspiration.  If  there  be  such  a 
thing  as  an  inspiration  o/  translators,  it  must  be  an 
effect  of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  their  minds,  enabling 
them  to  do  their  work  of  trans/ation  more  perfectly 
than  by  their  own  abilities  and  acquirements ;  to 
overcome  tlie  difficulties  arising  from  defective 
knowledge,  from  imperfect  MSS.,  from  similarity  of 
letters,  from  human  infirmity  and  weariness ;  and 
so  to  produce  a  copy  of  the  Scriptures,  setting  forth 
the  Word  of  God,  and  the  history  of  His  people,  in 
its  original  truth  and  purity.  If  the  Septuagint 
Version  satisfies  this  test,  it  will  be  found  not  only 
substantially  faithful,  but  minutely  accurate  in  de- 
tails ;  it  will  be,  in  short,  a  republication  of  the 
original  text,  purified  from  the  errors  of  human 
hands  and  eyes,  stamped  with  fresh  authority  from 
Heaven.  This  is  a  question  to  be  decided  by  facts, 
by  the  phenomena  of  the  Version  itself.  We  will 
simply  declare  our  own  conviction  that,  instead  of 
such  a  Divine  republication  of  the  original,  we  find 
a  marked  distinction  between  the  original  and  the 
Septuagint — a  distinction  well  expressed  in  the 
words  of  Jerome :  "  There  the  Spirit  predicts  things 
to  come ;  here  learning  and  abundance  of  words 
translates  what  it  understands." — III.  What,  then, 
are  the  benejits  to  be  derived  from  t/ie  study  of  the 
Septuagint? — 1.  For  the  0.  T.  Tlie  Septuagint 
gives  evidence  of  the  character  and  condition  of  the 
Hebrew  MSS.  from  which  it  was  made,  with  respect 
to  vowel  points  and  tlie  mode  of  writing.  Being 
made  from  MSS.  far  older  than  the  Masoretic  re- 
cension, the  Septuagint  often  indicates  readings 
more  ancient  and  more  correct  than  those  of  our 
present  Hebrew  MSS.  and  editions ;  and  often  speaks 
decisively  between  the  conflicting  readings  of  the 
present  MSS.  (e.  g.  Ps.  xvi.  10,  xxii.  17 ;  Hos.  vi.  5). 
In  Gen.  iv.  8  a  clause  ("  Let  us  go  into  the  field  "), 
which  Prof.  Selwyn  and  others  consider  necessary 
to  the  sense,  is  contained  in  the  LXX.,  but  not  in 
the  Hebrew  ;  but  some  of  the  best  interpreters  sus- 
tain the  Hebrew  text  here,  though  they  translate 
the  preceding  Hebrew  word  {rayyimer,  literally  and 
usually  =  "  and  said  ")  differently — the  translation 
of  Gesenius  being  and  said  %c.  it,  viz.  what  God  has 
told  him  (Cain)  in  ver.  7  ;  of  Fiirst,  and  spoke,  viz. 
from  ver.  7 ;  of  A.  V.  "  and  talked,"  &c.  In  all  these 
cases  Prof  Selwyn  does  not  attribute  any  paramount 
authority  to  the  Septuagint  on  account  of  its  superior 
antiquity  to  the  extant  Hebrew  MSS. ;  but  takes 
it  as  an  evidence  of  a  more  ancient  Hebrew  text,  as 


998 


SEP 


SEB 


an  eye-witness  of  the  texts,  280  or  180  years  B.  c. 
2.  The  close  connection  between  the  0.  and  N.  T. 
makes  the  study  of  the  Septuagint  extremely  val- 
uable, aud  almost  indispensable  to  the  theological 
student.  It  was  manifestly  the  chief  storehouse 
from  which  the  apostles  drew  their  proofs  and  pre- 
cepts. (Old  Testament,  C.)  3.  Further,  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Septuagint  is  the  mould  in  which  the 
thoughts  and  expressions  of  the  apostles  and  evan- 
gelists a|'0  east.  In  this  Version  Divine  Truth  has 
taken  the  Greek  language  as  its  shrine,  and  adapted 
it  to  the  tilings  of  God.  Hence  the  Septuagint  is  a 
treasury  of  illustration  for  the  Greek  Testament.  4. 
The  frequent  citations  of  the  LXX.  by  the  Greek 
Fathers,  and  of  the  Latin  Version  of  the  LXX.  by 
the  Fathers  who  wrote  in  Latin,  form  another  reason 
for  tlie  study  of  the  Septuagint.  5.  On  the  value 
of  the  Septuagint  as  a  monument  of  the  Greek  lan- 
guage in  one  of  its  most  curious  phases,  this  is  not 
the  place  to  dwell. — IV.  Objects  to  be  attained  by  the 
CrUical  Scholar.  1.  A  question  of  much  interest 
still  waits  for  a  solution  :  the  relation  between  the 
Septuagint  and  the  Samaritan  Pkntateuch.  2.  For 
the  critical  scholar  it  would  be  a  worthy  object  of 
pursuit  to  ascertain,  as  nearly  as  possible,  the  origi- 
nal text  of  the  Septuagint  as  it  stood  in  the  time 
of  the  apostles  and  Philo.  The  critic  would  prob- 
ably take  as  his  basis  the  Roman  edition,  from  the 
Vatican  MS.,  as  representing  most  nearly  the  ancient 
(koine  or  common)  texts.  The  collection  of  frag- 
ments of  Origen'a  Hexapla,  by  Montfaucon,  &c., 
would  help  him  to  eliminate  the  additions  to  the 
LXX.  from  other  sources,  and  to  purge  out  the 
glosses  and  double  renderings ;  the  citations  in  the 
N.  T.  and  in  Philo,  in  the  early  Christian  Fathers, 
both  Greek  and  Latin,  would  render  assistance  of 
the  same  kind  ;  and  perhaps  the  most  effective  aid 
of  all  would  be  found  in  the  fragments  of  the  Old 
Latin  Version  collected  by  Sabatier  in  three  volumes 
folio  (Rheims,  1743).  Another  work  of  more  prac- 
tical and  general  interest  still  remains  to  be  done, 
viz.  to  provide  a  Greek  version,  accurate  and  faith- 
ful to  the  Hebrew  original,  for  the  use  of  the  Greek 
Church,  and  of  students  reading  the  Scriptures  in 
that  language  for  purposes  of  devotion  or  mental 
improvement.  Apocrypha  ;  Bible  ;  Daniel,  Apoc- 
ryphal ADDITIONS  TO ;  Esther  ;  Maccabees,  Book 
OF  ;  Versions,  Ancient  (Greek),  &c. 

Sep'nI-cbre  [-ker]  (fr.  h.—a  burial-place  or  tomb). 
Burial  ;  Tomb. 

Se'rall  (Ileb.  nbundanee,Gcs.\  daughter  of  Ashcr 
(Gen.  xlvi.  17;  1  Chr.  vii.  30);  =  Sarah  2. 

Se-rai'all  [-ra'yah],  or  Ser-a-1'ab  (Ileb.  warrior  of 
Jehovah,  Ges.).  1,  The  king's  scribe  or  secretary 
in  David's  reign  (2  Sam.  viii.  17).  (Shavsha.) — i. 
High-priest  in  Zedekiah's  reign,  taken  captive  by 
Ivebuzanidan  and  slain  at  Riblah  (2  K.  xxv.  18 ;  1 
Chr.  vi.  14;  Jer.  lii.  24).— 3.  Son  of  Tanhumeth  the 
Netophathite  ;  one  of  the  captains  who  came  to  Ged- 
aliah  (2  K.  xxv.  23 ;  Jer.  xl.  8). — i.  Son  of  Kenaz, 
and  brother  of  Othniel  ;  father  of  Joab  2(1  Chr. 
iv.  13,  14). — 5.  Ancestor  of  Jehu,  a  Simeonite  chief 
(iv.  33).— 6i  One  of  "  the  children  of  the  province  " 
who  returned  with  Zcrubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  2) ;  =  Aza- 
RiAii  20. — 1.  Father  or  ancestor  of  Ezra  the  scribe 
(vii.  1);  =  No.  2? — 8.  A  priest,  or  priestly  family, 
who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  2). 
— 9.  A  priest  and  "  ruler  of  the  house  of  God  " 
after  the  Captivity  (compare  Azariah  7) ;  son  of 
Hilkiah  (xi.  11). — 10<  Head  of  a  priestly  house 
which  went  up  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (xii. 
1,  12). — 11,  Son  of  Ncriah,  and  brother  of  Baruch 


(Jer.  li.  59,  61).  He  went  with  Zcdekiah  to  Baby- 
lon in  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign,  or,  as  the  Tar- 
gum  has  it,  "  in  the  mission  of  Zcdekiah,"  and  is 
described  in  Heb.  as  sar  mcnuhah  or  meniichdh  (lit- 
erally "prince  of  rest;"  A.  V.  "a  quiet  prince;" 
margin  "  or,  prince  of  Menuciia,  or,  chief  chamber- 
lain "),  a  title  interpreted  by  Kimchi  as  =  cham- 
berlain ;  by  Gesenius  as  perhaps  =  chief  of  the 
qnarterx,  i.  e.  quartermaster-general.  Perhaps  (so 
Mr.  Wright)  he  was  an  officer  who  took  charge  of 
the  royal  caravan  on  its  march,  and  fixed  the  place 
where  it  should  halt  (Maurer,  Hitzig,  &c.).  Seraiah 
was  commissioned  by  the  prophet  Jeremiah  to  take 
with  him  on  his  journey  the  roll  in  which  he  had 
written  the  doom  of  Babylon,  and  sink  it  in  the 
midst  of  the  Euphrates,  as  a  token  that  Babylon 
should  sink,  never  to  rise  again  (Jer.  li.  60-64). — \i. 
Son  of  Azriel ;  one  of  those  commanded  by  Jchoia- 
kim  to  apprehend  Jeremiah  and  Baruch  (xxxvi.  26). 

Ser'a-pliim  (Heb.  pi.  seraphim  =  ett voted  ones, 
princes,  Ges.,  Fii.,  &c. ;  burning  ones,  or  angels  of 
fire,  Kimchi,  &c.  [compare  sdrdj/h  =z  "  fiery  ser- 
pent "]),  an  order  of  celestial  beings  whom  Isaiah 
beheld  in  vision  standing  above  Jehovah  as  He  sat 
upon  His  throne  (Is.  vi.  2).  They  are  described  as 
having  each  of  them  three  pairs  of  wings,  with  one 
of  which  they  covered  their  faces  (a  token  of  humil- 
ity) ;  with  the  second  they  covered  their  feet  (a 
token  of  respect) ;  while  with  the  third  they  flew. 
They  seem  to  have  borne  a  general  resemblance  to 
the  human  figure,  for  they  are  represented  as  having 
a  face,  a  voice,  feet,  and  hands  (ver.  6).  Their  oc- 
cupation was  twofold — to  celebrate  the  praises  of 
Jeliovah's  holiness  and  power  (ver.  3),  and  to  act 
as  the  medium  of  communication  between  heaven 
and  earth  (ver.  C).  From  their  antiphonal  chant 
("one  cried  unto  another")  we  may  conceive  them 
to  have  been  ranged  in  opposite  rows  6u  each  side 
of  the  throne.  The  idea  of  a  winged  human  figure 
was  not  peculiar  to  the  Hebrews:  among  the  sculp- 
tures found  at  AJoiirc/haub  in  Persia,  we  meet  with 
a  representation  of  a  man  with  two  pairs  of  wings, 
springing  from  the  shoulders,  and  extending,  the 
one  pair  upward,  the  other  downward,  so  as  to  ad- 
mit of  covering  the  head  and  the  feet.  Angels; 
Cherubim. 

Sc'red  (Heb.  fear,  Ges.),  first-born  of  Zebulun, 
and  ancestor  of  the  Sardites  (Gen.  xlvi.  14 ;  Num. 
xxvi.  26). 

Ser'gi-ns  (L.,  the  name  of  the  members  of  a  certain 
Roman  clan)  Pan'lus  (L.  =  Pail),  proconsul  (A.V. 
"  DEPUTY  ")  of  Cyprus  when  the  Apostle  Paul  vis- 
ited that  island  with  Barnabas  on  his  first  mission- 
ary tour  (Acts  xiii.  7  ff.).  He  is  described  as  an 
intelligent  man,  truth-seeking,  eager  for  inlbrmation 
from  all  sources  within  his  reach.  Thus  he  was  led 
first  to  admit  to  his  society  Ei.ymas  the  Magian,  and 
afterward  to  seek  out  the  missionary  strangeis  and 
learn  from  them  the  nature  of  the  Christian  doc- 
trine. On  becoming  acquainted  ivith  the  apostle 
he  examined  at  once  the  claims  of  the  Gospel,  and 
yielded  his  mind  to  the  evidence  of  its  truth. 

*  Serjeant,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Gr.  rhabdou- 
chns,  literally  a  rod-hokier,  a  lictor,  an  officer  who 
attended  on  certain  Roman  magistrates  of  the  higher 
class  and  executed  their  decrees  (Acts  xvi.  35,  38). 
Such  an  officer  at  Rome  bore  a  bundle  of  rods,  but 
in  a  province  a  staff  or  wand  (Hackett,  Ayre,  &c.). 

Se'ron  (Gr.),  a  general  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes, 
in  chief  command  of  the  Syrian  army ;  defeated  at 
Beth-horon  by  Judas  Maccabeus,  B.  c.  166  (1  Mc. 
ill.  13,  24). 


SEB, 


SER 


999 


Ser'pent  (fr.  L.),  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Ileb. 
«<i/i<i»A  or  ji(kA(!iA,  the  generic  name  of  a  "  ser- 
pent" (Gen.  iii.  1  ff.,  xlix.  17;  Ex.  iv.  3,  vii.  15; 
Num.  xxi.  B  ff.,  &c.,  frequently  in  0.  T.).— 2.  Ileb.  pi. 
participle  construct  zoln'iley  or  zochaley  (from  zahal  or 
zicfuil)  =:  eraicling  ones,  crawlers,  serpents,  Ges. 
(Deut.  xxxii.  24  only),  also  translated  "  worm  "  (Jlie. 
viL  17  only). — 3.  Ueb.  sirAph  (in  part),  literally  (so 
Gesenius)  i!>«CH<»(7,,^er^,  hence  poisouoiin,  venomous, 
ileadli),  as  an  attribute  of  a  serpent,  from  the  burn- 
ing iallammation  caused  by  Its  bite;  translated 
"  liery  serpent"  (Num.  xxi.  8 ;  Is.  xiv.  29,  xxx.  6), 
and  "fiery"  (Num.  xxi.  6;  Deut.  viii.  15,  luihush  or 
iiAch'ish  beini;  expres.sed  in  both  these).  In  Isaiah 
'•  flying"  (Heb.  mi  'opheph)  is  connected  with  sdriiph 
(sec  below).— 4.  Heb.  tnnnin  (Ex.  vii.  9,  10,  12), 
elsewhere  translated  "  nR.\GON,"  "  wilile,"  &c. — 5. 
Gr.  herpetnn  (Jas.  iii.  7  only),  elsewhere  tran.slated 
literally  "  creeping  thing"  (Acts  x.  12,  xi.  B  ;  Rom. 
i.  23). — 6.  Gr.  ophis,  uniformly  and  properly  trans- 
lated "serpent"  in  N.  T.  (Mat.  vii.  10,  x.  16,  xxiii. 
33,  &c.) ;  in  LXX.  =  No  1.— The  following  are  the 
principal  Biblical  allusions  to  this  animal  : — Its 
subtlety  is  mentioned  in  Gen.  iii.  1 ;  its  wisdom  is 
alluded  to  by  our  Lord  in  Mat.  x.  16 ;  the  poisonous 
properties  of  some  species  are  often  nienttoned 
(AnnER ;  Asp  ;  Viper)  ;  the  sharp  "  tongue  "  of  the 
serpent  is  poetically  mentioned  as  the  instrument 
of  POISON  in  Ps.  cxl.  3  and  Job  xx.  16  ("  the  viper's 
tongue  shall  slay  hira ") ;  in  other  places  (o.  g. 
Prov.  xxiii.  32;  Eccl.  x.  8,  11  ;  Num.  xxi.  9),  the 
renom  is  correctly  ascribed  to  the  bite,  while  in 
Job  XX.  14  the  "  call  "  is  said  to  be  the  poison ; 
the  serpents'  habit  of  lying  concealed  in  hedges  is 
alluded  to  in  Eccl.  x.  8,  and  in  holes  of  walls,  in 
Am.  v.  19;  their  dwelling  in  dry  sandy  places,  in 
Deut.  viii.  15;  their  wonderful  mode  of  progression 
is  mentioned  by  the  author  of  Prov.  xxx.  19,  as  one 
of  the  things  which  were  too  wonderful  for  him  ; 
the  oviparous  nature  of  most  of  the  order  is  alluded 
to  in  Is.  lix.  5,  where  the  A.  V.,  however,  has  "  cock- 
atrice," margin  "adder."  The  art  of  taming  and 
charming  .serpents  is  of  great  antiquity,  and  is  al- 
luded to  in  Pa.  Iviii.  6;  Eccl.  x.  11  ;  jer.  viii.  17; 
probably  in  Jas.  iii.  7.  (Serpent-charmi.ng.)  It 
was  under  the  form  of  a  serpent  that  the  devil 
seduced  Eve:  hence  in  Scripture  Satan  is  called 
"  the  old  serpent  "  (Rev.  xii.  9  ;  compare  2  Cor.  xi. 
3).  The  part  which  the  serpent  played  in  the 
Temptation  and  Fall  (Gen.  iii. ;  Adam  ;  Eve)  is  full 
of  deep  and  curious  interest.  First,  we  note  the 
subtilty  ascribed  to  this  reptile.  It  was  an  ancient 
belief,  both  amongst  Orientals  and  the  people  of  the 
Western  world,  that  the  serpent  was  endued  with  a 
large  share  of  sagacity.  The  particular  wisdom  al- 
luded to  by  our  Lord  refers,  it  is  probable,  to  the 
sagacity  displayed  by  serpents  in  avoiding  danger. 
The  disciples  were  warned  to  be  as  prudent  in  not 
incurring  unnecessary  persecution.  It  has  been 
supposed  by  many  commentators  that  the  serpent, 
prior  to  the  Fall,  moved  along  in  an  erect  attitude, 
iis  Milton  represents  him  in  Paradise  Lost,  ix.  But 
an  erect  mode  of  progression  is  utterly  incompatible 
with  the  structure  of  a  serpent,  whose  motion  on 
the  ground  is  effected  by  the  mechanism  of  the  ver- 
tebral column  and  the  multitudinous  ribs  which,  like 
so  many  pairs  of  levers,  enable  it  to  move  its  body 
from  [dace  to  place;  consequently,  had  the  snakes 
before  the  Fall  moved  in  an  erect  attitude,  they 
must  have  been  formed  on  a  different  plan  alto- 
gether. All  the  fossil  serpents  hitherto  found  differ 
in  no  essential  respects  from  modern  representatives 


of  the  order.  The  sun  and  moon  were  in  the  heav- 
ens before  they  were  appointed  "  for  signs  and  for 
seasons,  and  for  days  and  years."  (Rainbow.)  Cain 
was  "  cursed  from  the  earth  "  without  any  essential 
change  in  his  mental  and  physical  constitution. 
The  typical  form  of  the  serpent  and  its  mode  of 
progression  were  in  all  probability  the  same  before 
the  Fall  as  after  it :  but  subsequent  to  the  Fall  its 
form  and  progression  were  to  be  regarded  with 
hatred  and  disgust  by  all  mankind,  and  thus  the 
animal  was  cursed  "  above  all  cattle,"  and  a  mark 
of  condemnation  was  forever  stamped  upon  it. 
That  part  of  the  curse  is  literally  fulfilled  which 
speaks  of  the  enmity  henceforth  to  exist  between 
the  serpent  and  mankind,  though  this  has  more 
especial  reference  to  the  devil  whose  instrument  the 
serpent  was  in  his  deceit.  There  is  no  more  dilB- 
culty  in  Satan's  being  permitted  to  use  the  ser- 
pent for  his  purpose  in  Eden  than  in  the  possession 
of  the  swine  by  the  demons  in  Mat.  viii.  32  (De- 
moniacs), or  in  the  serpent's  use  of  language  in 
Gen.  iii.  than  in  the  ass's  address  to  Balaam  in  Num. 
xxii.  28,  30.  (Magic;  Miracles.)  Serpents  are 
said  in  Scripture  to  "eat  dust"  (Gen.  iii.  14;  Is. 
Ixv.  25  ;  Mic.  vii.  17);  these  animals,  which  for  the 
most  part  take  their  food  on  the  ground,  do  conse- 
quently swallow  with  it  large  portions  of  sand  and 
(lust.  "  Almost  throughout  the  East,"  writes  Dr. 
Kalisch,  "  the  serpent  was  used  as  an  emblem  of 
the  evil  principle,  of  the  spirit  of  disobedience  and 
contumacy.  A  few  exceptions  only  can  be  discov- 
ered. The  Phcnicians  adored  that  animal  as  a  benefi- 
cent genius  ;  and  the  Chinese  consider  it  as  a  sym- 
bol of  superior  wisdom  and  power,  and  ascribe  to 
the  kings  oihcaMcn(tie>t-hoani)s)  bodies  of  serpents. 
Some  other  nations  fluctuated  in  their  conceptions 
regarding  the  serpent.  The  Egyptians  represented 
the  eternal  spirit  Kneph,  the  author  of  all  good,  un- 
der the  mythic  form  of  that  reptile;  they  under- 
stood the  art  of  taming  it,  and  embalmed  it  after 
death ;  but  they  applied  the  same  symbol  for  the 
god  of  revenge  and  punishment  (Tilhramho),  and 
for  Ti/phon,  the  author  of  all  moral  and  physical 
evil ;  and  in  the  Egyptian  symbolical  alphabet  the 
serpent  represents  subtlety  and  cunning,  lust  and 
sensual  pleasure."  (Idolatry.) — The  evil  spirit  in 
the  form  of  a  serpent  appears  in  the  Ahriman  or 
lord  of  evil  who,  according  to  the  doctrine  of  Zoro- 
aster, first  taught  men  to  sin  under  the  guise  of  this 
reptile.  (Persians.) — Serpents  are  divided  into  two 
great  sections — the  poisonous,  embracing  all  those 
with  movable  tubular  fangs  and  poison-bags  in 
the  upper  jaw,  and  constituting  (so  Col.  C.  H.  Smith, 
in  Kitto)  not  quite  one-fifth  of  the  whole  number 
(Adder  ;  Asp ;  Viper) — and  the  colubrine,  embracing 
those  destitute  of  this  apparatus,  but  not  therefore 
always  innocuous. — Much  has  been  written  on  the 
question  of  the  "  fiery  serpents  "  of  Num.  xxi.  6,  8 
and  Deut.  viii.  15,  with  which  it  is  usual  erroneously 
(bo  Mr.  Houghton)  to  identify  the  "  fiery  flying  ser- 
pent "  of  Is.  xxx  6,  and  xiv.  29.  There  is  no  occa- 
sion to  refer  the  venomous  snakes  in  question  to 
the  kind  of  which  Niebuhr  speaks,  and  which  the 
Arabs  at  Basra  denominate  IJeie  snrsurie,  or  Heie 
Aidre,  "  flying  serpents,"  which  obtained  that  name 
from  their  habit  of  "  springing "  from  branch  to 
branch  of  the  date-trees  they  inhabit.  The  species 
of  poisonous  snake  which  destroyed  the  Israelites 
in  the  Arabian  desert  may  have  been  the  Cerastes, 
or  the  JViita  Uaje,  or  any  other  venomous  species 
frequenting  Arabia.  (Adder  ;  Asp.)  Jlr.  Houghton 
supposes  that  some  kind  of  flying  lizard  {Draco,  Dra- 


1000 


SER 


SER 


coeella,  or  Dramnculus),  of  formidable  appearance, 
though  harmless,  may  have  been  as  terrible  to  tlie 
Hebrews  as  a  venomous  snake,  and  may  thus  denote 
the  "  fiery  flying  serpent "  of  Isaiah  (1.  c.),  which  he 
says  can  have  no  existence  in  nature.  Mr.  Gosse 
(in  Fairbairn)  would  refer  the  "  fiery  flying  serpent " 
to  the  poisonous  Egyptian  cobra  (Naia  Haje  ;  Asp), 
which,  when  excited,  erects  its  head  and  fore  parts 
perpendicularly  to  the  height  of  four  feet  or  more, 
raises  and  brings  forward  its  anterior  ribs  so  as  to 
stretch  the  skin  of  that  part  into  a  broad  and  thin 
flattened  disk,  and  sways  its  head  and  disk  gently 
from  side  to  side  with  a  motion  like  a  hovering  bird, 
till  suddenly  it  strikes  its  victim.  Monstrous  forms 
of  snakes  with  birds'  wings  occur  on  the  Egyptian 
sculptures.     Serpent,  Brazen. 

Ser'pent,  Bra'zen.  Wlien  the  murmuring  Israel- 
ites in  the  wilderness  were  bitten  by  the  "  fiery  ser- 
pents "  (Serpent),  and  many  died  in  consequence, 
Moses  was  directed  to  make  a  serpent  of  brass,  and 
put  it  on  a  pole,  that  the  bitten  Israelites  might  look 
upon  it  and  live  (Num.  xxi.  6-9).  The  scene  of  the 
history,  determined  by  a  comparison  of  >ium.  xxi. 
3,  and  xxxiii.  42,  must  have  been  cither  Zalmonah 
or  PuNON.  I.  The  truth  of  the  history  Avill,  in  this 
place,  be  taken  for  granted.  (Inspiration;  Mir- 
acles ;  Pentateuch.)  To  most  of  the  Israelites  it 
must  have  seemed  as  strange  then  as  it  did  after- 
ward to  the  later  Rabbis,  that  any  such  symbol 
should  be  employed.  The  Second  Commandment 
appeared  to  forbid  the  likeness  of  any  living  thing. 
The  golden  calf  had  been  destroyed  as  an  abomina- 
tion. What  reason  was  there  for  the  difference? 
In  part,  of  course,  the  answer  may  be,  that  the  Sec- 
ond Commandment  forbade,  not  all  symbolic  forms 
as  such,  but  those  that  men  made  for  themselves  to 
worship ;  but  the  question  still  remains,  why  was 
this  form  chosen  ?  It  is  hardly  enough  to  say,  with 
Jewish  commentators,  that  avy  outward  means 
might  have  been  chosen,  or,  with  most  Christian 
interpreters,  tliat  it  was  intended  to  be  a  type  of 
Christ.  (Salvation.)  If  the  words  of  our  Lord 
in  Jn.  iii.  14,  15,  point  to  the  fulfilment  of  the  type, 
there  must  yet  have  been  another  meaning  for  the 
symbol.  Two  views  have  been  held.  One,  main- 
taining that  the  serpent  was  the  representative  of 
evil,  claims  that  to  present  the  serpent-form  as  de- 
prived of  its  power  to  hurt,  impaled  as  the  trophy 
of  a  conqueror,  was  to  assert  that  evil,  physical  and 
spiritual,  had  been  overcome,  and  thus  help  to 
strengthen  the  weak  faith  of  the  Israelites  in  a 
victory  over  both.  To  some  writers  (Ewald,  Patrick, 
Jackson,  Vitringa,  &c.)  this  has  comnignded  itself 
as  the  simplest  and  most  obvious  view.  Others, 
again,  have  started  from  a  different  ground.  They 
look  to  Egypt  as  the  starting-point  for  all  the 
thoughts  which  the  serpent  could  suggest,  and  they 
find  there  that  it  was  worshipped  as  a  good  deity, 
the  symbol  of  health  and  life.  Contrasted  as  tliese 
views  appear,  they  have,  it  is  believed,  a  point  of 
contact  (so  Prof.  Plumptre,  original  author  of  this 
article).  The  idea  primarily  connected  with  the 
serpent  in  the  history  of  the  Fall,  as  throughout  the 
proverbial  language  of  Scripture,  is  tliat  of  wisdom 
(Gen.  iii.  1;  Mat.  x.  16;  2  Cor.  xi.  3).  Wisdom, 
apart  from  obedience  to  a  divine  order,  allying  it- 
self to  man's  lower  nature,  passes  into  cunning. 
Man's  nature  is  envenomed  and  degraded  by  it.  But 
wisdom,  the  self-same  power  of  understanding,  yield- 
ing to  the  divine  law,  is  the  source  of  all  healing 
and  restoring  influences,  and  the  serpent-form  thus 
becomes  a  symbol  of  deliverance  and  health.     The 


Israelites  were  taught  that  it  would  be  bo  to  them  in 
proportion  as  they  ceased  to  be  sensual  and  rebel- 
lious.— II.  Tlie  brazen  serpent  next  appears  as  an 
object  of  worship.  Hezekiah's  zeal  leads  him  to 
destroy  it.  (Nehi:shtan.)  We-  are  left  to  conjec- 
ture when  the  worship  began,  or  what  was  its  local- 
ity. All  that  we  know  of  the  reign  of  Ahaz  makes 
it  probable  that  it  was  under  his  auspices  that  it  re- 
ceived a  new  development.  The  church  of  St.  Am- 
brose, at  Milan,  has  boasted  for  nearly  nme  cen- 
turies of  possessing  the  brazen  serpent  which  Moses 
set  up  in  the  wilderness. — III.  When  the  material 
symbol  had  perished,  its  history  began  to  suggest 
deeper  thoughts  to  the  minds  of  men.  The  writer 
ot  the  Book  of  Wisdom  sees  in  it  "  a  sign  of  salva- 
tion ;  "  "  he  that  turned  himself  toward  it  was  not 
saved  bv  the  thing  that  he  saw,  but  by  Thee  that  art 
the  Saviour  of  all  "  (Wis.  xvi.  6,  1).  The  Targum  of 
Jonathan  paraphrases  Num.  xxi.  8 :  "  He  shall  be 
healed  if  he  direct  his  heart  unto  the  Name  of  the 
Word  of  the  Lord."  Philo,  with  his  characteristic 
taste  for  an  ethical,  mystical  interpretation,  repre- 
sents the  history  as  a  parable  of  man's  victory  over 
his  lower  sensuous  nature.  The  facts  just  stated 
may  help  us  to  enter  into  the  bearing  of  the  words 
of  Jll.  iii.  14,  15, — IV.  A  full  discussion  of  the 
typical  meaning  here  unfolded  belongs  to  Exegesis 
rather  than  to  a  Dictionary.  It  will  be  enough  to 
note  here  that  which  connects  itself  with  facta  or 
theories  already  mentioned.  On  the  one  side,  the 
typical  interpretation  has  been  extended  to  all  the 
details — that  the  pole  was  like  the  cross  in  form,  the 
serpent  was  nailed  to  it  as  Christ  was  nailed,  and 
represented  His  being  made  sin  for  us,  &c.  On  the 
other,  it  has  been  maintained  that  the  serpent  was 
from  the  beginning,  and  remains  still,  exclusively  the 
symbol  of  evil ;  that  the  lifting-up  of  the  Son  of 
Man  answered  to  that  of  the  serpent,  because  on 
the  cross  the  victory  over  the  serpent  was  accom- 
plished. In  the  spiritual  as  in  the  historical  inter- 
pretation, both  theories  may  have  an  element  of 
truth.  Faith  ;  Medicine  ;  Old  Testament,  B  ; 
Poison  ;  Savioir. 

Ser'pcnt-cbarm'lng.  There  can  be  no  question 
at  all  of  the  remarkable  power  which,  from  time 
immemorial,  has  been  exercised  by  certain  people 
in  the  East  over  poisonous  serpents.     The  art  is 


S«rpeot.ch«rming. 

distinctly  mentioned  in  the  Bible.  (Serpent.)  The 
usual  species  operated  upon,  both  in  Africa  and  in 
India,  are  the  hooded  snakes  {Naia  tripudians,  and 


SER 


SET 


1001 


2faia  Haje)  and  the  horned  Ceraslet.  (AnnER ;  Asp.) 
That  the  charmers  frequently,  and  perhaps  generally, 
extract  the  poison-fangs  before  the  snakes  are  sub- 
jected to  their  skill,  there  is  much  probability  for 
believing  ;  but  that  this  operation  is  not  always 
attended  to  is  clear  from  the  testimony  of  Bruce 
and  numerous  other  writers.  Some  have  supposed 
that  the  practice  of  taking  out  or  breaking  off  the 
poison-fangs  is  alluded  to  in  I's.  Iviii.  6,  "  Break 
their  teeth,  0  God,  in  their  mouth."  The  serpent- 
charmer's  usual  instrument  is  a  flute.  Those  who 
professed  the  art  of  taming  serpents  were  called  by 
the  Hebrews  menakuhiin  or  miiiiach'cshiin,  while 
the  art  itself  was  called  lahash  or  lachash  (Jer.  viii. 
17;  Eccl.  X.  11);  but  these  terras  were  not  always 
used  in  this  restricted  sense.     Divination  8 ;  £n- 

CHANTMEXTS  3. 

Se'rni;  (Ileb.  shoot,  branch,  Ges.),  in  N.  T.  Saruch  ; 
a  PATRIARCH,  son  of  Reu,  and  great-grandfather  of 
Abraham.  His  age  is  given  in  the  Hebrew  Bible  as 
231  years  (Gen.  xi.  20-23) ;  30  years  before  he  begat 
Naii'oii  1,  and  200  years  afterward.  (Chronology.) 
Bochart  conjectures  that  the  town  of  Seruj,  a  day's 
journey  from  Charrae  in  Mesopotamia,  was  named 
from  this  patriarch.  Suidas  and  others  ascribe  to 
him  the  deification  of  dead  benefactors  of  mankind. 
Epiphanius  states  that,  though  in  his  time  idolatry 
took  its  rise,  yet  it  was  confined  to  pictures. 

•  Ser'TflDt  (fr.  L.)  =:  "one  who  serves  or  does 
services,  voluntarily  or  involuntarily"'  (Webster's 
Diet.).  This  word  is  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1. 
Ilcb.  enoih  once  (1  Sam.  xxiv.  7,  Heb.  8),  usually 
and  literally  "  man." — 2.  Heb.  na'nr  (Num.  xxii.  22  ; 
Judg.  vii.  10,  11,  xix.  3,  9,  11,  13;  Eu.  ii.  5,  6 ;  1 
Sam.  ii.  13,  15,  ix.  3,  5,  7,  8,  10,  22,  27,  x.  14,  xvi. 
18,  xxi.  2  [Heb.  3],  xxv.  19;  2  Sam.  ix.  9,  xiii.  17, 
28,  29,  xvi.  1,  xix.  17  [Heb.  18] ;  1  K.  xviii.  43,  xix. 
3;  2  K.  iv.  12,  24,  25,  38,  v.  20,  23,  vi.  15,  viii.  4, 
xix.  6;  Keh.  iv.  16,  22,  23  [Heb.  10,  16,  17],  v.  10, 
15,  16,  vi.  5,  xiii.  19 ;  Esth.  ii.  2,  vi.  3,  5 ;  Job  i.  15 
-17;  Is.  xxxvii.  6),  once  literally  "boy"  (Gen.  xxv. 
27),  often  "lad"  (xxi.  12  ff.,  xxii.  .5,  12,  &c.J,  "  young 
man"  (xiv.  24,  xviii.  7,  xxii.  3,  5,  19,  &c.),  "  cliild  " 
(Judg.  xiii.  5  ff. ;  1  Sam.  i.  22  ff.,  &c.),  "  babe  "  (Ex. 
ii.  6),  &c. — 3.  Heb.  participle  mSshdi-eth  (fr.  shArath 
=  to  wait  on,  serve,  minister,  A.  V.,  Ges.,  &c.)  (Ex. 
xx>ciii.  11;  Num.  xii.  28;  2  Sam.  xiii.  17,  18;  2  K. 
vi.  15;  Prov.  xxix.  12),  once  translated  "servitor" 
(2  K.  iv.  43),  usually  and  properly  "minister."— 4. 
Heb.  'ebed,  found  in  the  0.  T.  about  800  times,  and 
usually  rendered  "servant"  (Gen.  ix.  25-27,  xiv.  15, 
&c.),  sometimes  "  man-servant "  (xii.  16,  xx.  14,  &c.), 
"  bondmin  "  (xliii.  18,  xliv.  9,  33,  &c.),  &c.  The  kin- 
dred Heb.  verb  '<JAa'7  (=  to  labor,  till,  work,  serve,  &c., 
A- v.,  Ge.s.,  &c.)  (1  Chr.  xix.  9),  or  its  participle  'obej 
(Gen.  xlix.  15;  2  K.  x.  19,  &c.),  is  sometimes  trans- 
lated "  serv.int."  The  Glial.  '<'ibed  in  Ezr.  iv.  11,  v. 
1 1,  lie.  =  Heb.  'ebed.  Both  the  verb  and  noun  are  ap- 
plied to  those  who  have  been  bought  with  money  or 
are  slaves,  to  common  soldiers  and  court-officers  who 
are  styled  "  servants  "  of  their  chief,  to  tributary 
nations,  to  worshippers  or  ministers  of  God,  &c. — 5. 
Heb.  sAchir  (in  part),  translated  "  hired  servant " 
(E.X.  xi.  45  ;  Lev.  xxii.  10,  xxv.  6,  40,  50,  63  ;  Deut. 
XV.  18,  xxiv.  14),  also  translated  "hireling"  (Job 
vii.  1,  2,  &c.),  ic. — 6.  Gr.  diakonos  (Mat.  xxii.  13, 
xxiil.  11;  Mk.  ix.  35;  Jn.  ii.  5,  9,  xii.  26;  Rom. 
xvi.  I),  also  translated  "  minister  "  and  "deacon." 
(Deacone.ss.) — 7.  Gr.  doulos,  occurring  in  N.  T.  near- 
ly 150  tiroes,  and  usually  translated  "  servant"  (Mat. 
viii.  9,  X.  24,  25,  &c.),  sometimes  "  bond  "( 1  Cor.  xii. 
13 ;  Gal.  iii.  28,  lie),  =  a  bondman,  slave,  servant, 


properly  by  birth,  but  is  applied  (so  Rbn.  iV.  T.  Lex.) 
to  both  involuntary  and  voluntary  service,  denoting 
court-officers  and  worshippera  or  ministers  of  God 
as  well  as  slaves,  and  in  LXX.  =  No.  4.  Of  kin- 
dred words,  the  plural  adjective  dotila  is  twice  used 
(Rom.  vi.  19  only,  A.  V.  "servants");  the  verb 
dotiloo  is  translated  "to  become  servant"  (vi.  18, 
22),  "  to  make  servant"  (1  Cor.  ix.  19),  "to  In'ing 
into  bondage"  (.\cts  vii.  6;  2  Pet.  ii.  19),  "to  be 
under  bondage"  (1  Cor.  vii.  15),  "in  bondage" 
(Gal.  iv.  3),  and  in  a  passive  participle  is  translated 
"given,"  i.  e.  enslaved  (Tit.  ii.  3);  the  verb  douleud 
is  ordinarily  translated  "  to  serve  "  (Mat.  vi.  24  twice ; 
Lk.  XV.  29,  &c.),  sometimes  "  to  be  in  bondage  "  (Jn. 
viii.  33 ;  Acts  vii.  7 ;  Gal.  iv.  9),  and  "  to  do  service" 
(iv.  8,  25;  Eph.  vi.  7  ;  1  Tim.  vi.  2);  douleia  uni- 
formly =  "  bondage  "  (Rom.  viii.  15,  21 ;  Gal.  iv.  24, 
V.  1 ;  "Heb.  ii.  15) ;  doule  =  "  handmaid  "  (Lk.  i.  38) 
or  "  handmaiden  "  (48  ;  Acts  ii.  18);  and  the  com- 
pound verb  douligoffeo  ^  "  to  bring  into  subjeelion  " 
(1  Cor.  ix.  27  only). — 8.  Gr.  therapon  =  an  attend- 
ant or  minister  of  God.  viz.  Moses  (Heb.  iii.  5  only). 
— 9.  Gr.  oiketes  =  a  house-companion,  domestic,  Rbn. 
N.  T.  Lex.  (Lk.  xvi.  13  ;  Rom.  xiv.  4  ;  1  Pet.  ii.  18), 
once  "  household  servant "  (Acts  x.  7).  Both  No.  9 
and  8  in  LXX.  are  used  for  No.  4. — 10.  Gr.  pain 
(Mat.  viii.  6,  8,  13,  xii.  18,  xiv.  2 ;  Lk.  i.  54,  69,  vii. 
7,  XV.  26  ;  Acts  iv.  25),  also  translated  "  man-ser- 
vant" (Lk.  xii.  45),  often  literally  "child"  (Mat.  ii. 

16,  xvii.  18,  xxi.  15 ;  Lk.  ii.  43,  ix.  42  ;  Acts  iv.  27, 
30),  also  "young  man"  (xx.  12),  "son"  (Jn.iv.  51  ; 
Acts  iii.  13,  26),  "maiden"  (Lk.  viii.  61),  "maid" 
(54) ;  in  LXX.  =  No.  2  and  4.— 11.  Gr.  hufjerHes(}iat. 
xxvi.  58 ;  Mk.  xiv.  54,  65  ;  Jn.  xviii.  36),  also  trans- 
lated "  OFFICER  "  and  "  minister."  The  kindred  verb 
hnjiereteo  is  translated  "to  serve"  (Acts  xiii.  30), 
"to  minister"  (xx.  34,  xxiv.  23). — 12.  Gr.  inisthios 
(in  part),  translated  "hired  servant"  (Lk.  xv.  17,  19 
only);  in  LXX.  =  No.  5. — 13.  Gr.  mist/iotox  (in 
part),  translated  "  hired  servant "  in  Mk.  i.  20,  and 
"hireling]'  in  Jn.  x.  12,  13  twice  ;  in  LXX.  —  No.  5. 
Lord  ;  Slave. 

*  Ser'vi-tor  =  a  servant  or  attendant  (2  K.  iv. 
43).     Minister. 

Se'sls  (Gr.)  =  Shashai  (1  Esd.  ix.  34). 

Scs'thcl  (Gr.)  =  Bezaleel  of  the  sons  of  Pahath- 
moab  (1  Esd.  ix.  31). 

Seth  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  Sheth  ;  sec  below)  (Gen.  iv. 
25,  26,  V.  3-S  ;  Lk.  iii.  38),  the  third  son  of  Adam  ; 
father  of  Enos,  and  ancestor  of  Noah;  =  Shetii. 
The  signification  of  his  name  is  "  appointed  "  or 
"put"  in  the  place  of  the  murdered  Abel;  but 
Ewald  thinks  tliat  another  signification,  which  he 
prefers,  is  indicated  in  the  text,  viz.  "  seedling,"  or 
"germ."  In  the  fourth  century  there  existed  in 
Egypt  a  sect  calling  themselves  Sethians,  who  re- 
garded Seth  as  a  divine  effluence  or  virtue,  and  are 
classed  by  Neander  among  those  Gnostic  sects  which, 
in  opposing  Judaism,  approximated  to  paganism. 
Giant  2  ;  Patriarch. 

Se'thnr  (Heb.  hidden,  Ges.),  the  Asherite  spy,  eon 
of  Michael  (Num.  xiii.  13). 

•  Settle  [-tl]  (—  a  part  settled  or  sunk  lower),  the 
A.V.  translation  of  Heb.  \'jzdrdh  (Ez.  xliii.  14  thrice, 

17,  20,  xiv.  19),  elsewhere  translated  (by  A.  V.,  Ge- 
senius,  Fiirst)  "  court  "  sc.  of  the  Temple  (2  Chr.  iv. 
9  twice,  vi.  13).  In  the  passages  from  Ezekiel,  Gese- 
nlus  explains  the  Hebrew  word  as  =  «  ledfje  around 
the  altar,  formed  by  drawing  in  or  diminishing  the 
part  above,  an  offset,  terrace;  Fiirst  regards  it  as 
metaphorically  =  a  ledge  or  border  of  the  altar,  and 
Fairbaim  (on  Ez.)  also  translates  ledge. 


1002 


SEV 


SHA 


Scv'en  (Ilcb.  sheha' ;  Gr.  h(j>ia\  in  the  sacred  lit- 
erature of  tiie  Hebrews,  may  fiiirly  be  termed  tlie 
rcpreneiitulive  symbolic  number — the  Iseystone  on 
whieli  the  symbolism  of  numbers  depends.  The 
views  of  Biblical  critics  as  to  the  origin  of  this  sym- 
bolism may  be  niugtd  under  two  heads,  according 
as  the  symbolism  is  attributed  to  theoretical  specu- 
lations as  to  the  internal  properties  of  the  number 
itself,  or  to  external  associations  of  a  physical  or 
historical  character.  According  to  the  former  view 
(Biihr,  &c.),  the  symbolism  of  the  number  seven 
would  be  traced  back  to  the  symbolism  of  its  com- 
ponent elements  three  and  four,  the  first  of  which  = 
Divinity,  and  the  second  =  Humanity,  whence  seven 
=  Divinity  +  Humanity,  or,  in  other  words,  the 
unity  between  God  and  Man,  as  effected  by  the  mani- 
festations of  the  Divinity  in  creation  and  revelation. 
This  theory  is  seductive  from  its  ingenuity,  and  its 
appeal  to  the  imagination,  but  there  ai)pears  to  be 
little  foundation  for  it  (so  Mr.  Bevan,  original  au- 
thor of  this  article).  The  second  class  of  opinions 
attribute  the  symbolism  of  the  number  seven  to  ex- 
ternal associations,  and  may  be  subdivided  into  two 
sorts,  according  as  the  symbolism  is  supposed  to 
have  originated  in  the  observation  of  purely  physi- 
cal phenomena,  or  in  the  peculiar  religious  enact- 
ments of  Mosaism.  The  influence  of  the  number 
seven  was  not  restricted  to  the  Hebrews  ;  it  prevailed 
among  the  Persians  (Esth.  i.  10,  14),  among  the  an- 
cient Indians,  among  the  Greeks  and  Romans  to  a 
certain  extent,  and  probably  among  all  nations  where 
the  WEEK  of  seven  days  was  established,  as  in  China, 
Egypt,  Arabia,  &c.  The  wide  range  of  the  word 
Mveii  is  in  this  respect  an  interesting  and  significant 
fact :  it  is  the  only  numeral,  except "  six,"  which  the 
Shemitic  languages  have  in  common  with  the  Indo- 
European.  In  the  countries  above  enumerated,  the 
institution  of  seven  as  a  cyclical  number  is  attrib- 
uted to  the  observation  of  the  changes  of  the  moon, 
or  to  the  supposed  number  of  the  planets.  The  pe- 
culiarity of  the  Hebrew  view  consists  in  the  special 
dignity  of  the  seventh,  and  not  simply  ih  that  of 
seven,.  We  cannot  trace  back  the  peculiar  associa- 
tions of  the  Hebrews  farther  than  to  the  point  when 
the  seventh  day  was  consecrated  to  the  purposes  of 
religious  rest.  Assuming  this,  therefore,  as  our 
starling-point,  the  first  idea  associated  with  seven 
would  be  that  of  religions  periodicity.  The  Sabbath, 
being  the  seventh  day,  suggested  the  adoption  of 
seven  as  the  coefficient,  so  to  say,  for  the  appointment 
of  all  sacred  periods.  (Festivals;  Jubilee;  Sab- 
batical Year,  &c.)  From  the  idea  of  periodicity, 
it  passed  by  an  easy  transition  to  the  duration  or  repe- 
tition of  religious  proceedings  ;  and  thus  seven  days 
were  appointed  as  the  length  of  the  Feasts  of  Pass- 
over and  Tabernacles  ;  seven  days  for  the  ceremo- 
nies for  the  consecration  of  priests,  &c. ;  seven  things 
to  be  offered  in  sacrifice  (oxen,  sheep,  goats,  pigeons, 
wheat,  oil,  wine) ;  seven  victims  to  be  offered  on  any 
special  occasion,  as  in  Balaam's  sacrifice  (Num.  xxiii. 
1),  and  especially  at  the  ratification  of  a  treaty,  the 
notion  of  seven  being  embodied  in  the  Hebrew  term 
(nixhba')  signifying  to  xweur,  literally  meaning  to  do 
seven  times  (Gen.  xxi.  28).  The  number  seven,  hav- 
ing thus  been  impressed  with  the  seal  of  sanctity  as 
the  symbol  of  all  connected  with  the  Divinity,  was 
adopted  generally  as  a  e;yc/j(;a/ number,  with  the  sub- 
ordinate notions  of  perfection  or  completeness  (iv. 
15;  Lev.  xxvi.  18,  28;  Ps.  Ixxix.  12;  Prov.  vi.  31; 
Mat.  xviii.  21).  It  is  mentioned  in  numerous  pas- 
sages (e.  g.  Job  V.  19 ;  Jer.  xv.  9  ;  Mat.  xii.  45)  in  a 
sense  analogous  to  that  of  a  "  round  number,"  but 


with  the  additional  idea  of  sufficiency  and  complete- 
ness (see  also  Gen.  xli.  2-7  ;  Josh.  vi.  4 ;  2  K.  v. 
10;  Number  ;  Seven,  hie,  &c.).  The  foregoing  ap- 
plications of  the  number  seven  become  of  great  prac- 
tical importance  in  connection  with  the  interpreta- 
tion of  some  of  the  prophetical  portions  of  the  Bible, 
and  particularly  of  the  Apocalypse.  We  have  but 
to  run  over  the  chief  subjects  of  that  book  (the 
seven  churches,  seals,  trumpets,  vials,  angels,  spirits 
before  the  throne,  &c.),  to  see  the  necessity  of  de- 
ciding whether  the  number  is  to  be  accepted  in 
a  literal  or  metaphorical  sense — in  other  words, 
whether  it  represents  a  number  or  a  quality.  The 
decision  of  this  question  affects  not  only  the  number 
seven,  but  also  the  number  which  stands  in  antago- 
nism to  seven,  viz.  the  half  of  seven,  w  hich  appears 
under  the  form  of  ibrty-two  months  =  3^  years 
(Rev.  xiii.  5),  twelve  hundred  and  sixty  days,  also  = 
3^  years  (xi.  3,  xii.  6),  and  again  a  time,  times,  and 
half  a  time  =  3i  years  (xii.  14).  If  seven  express 
the  notion  of  com])letencss,  then  half-seven  =  incom- 
pleteness and  the  secondary  ideas  of  suffering  and 
disaster :  if  the  one  represent  divine  agency,  the 
other  may  represent  human  agency.  Old  Testa- 
ment, B ;  PKoniET. 

*  Sev'en,  the  (Acts  xxi.  8,  compare  vi.  3  ff.),  com- 
monly regarded  as  deacons  of  the  Church  in  Jeru- 
salem, or  as  appointed  to  an  office  out  of  which  grew 

that  of  DEACON. 

*  Sev'en  Stars,  the  =  the  Pleiades. 

*  Se-ve'neh  (lleb.)  =  Svene  (Kz.  xxix.  10  marg.). 

*  Scv'en-ty,  tht>  1.  The  seventy  disciples  sent 
by  our  Lord  into  the  jilaces  which  He  was  about  lo 
visit  (Lk.  X.  17,  eonip.  1). — 2.  The  phrase  is  also 
used  (not  in  the  Scriptures)  to  denote  the  translators 
of  tlic  Septuaoint  version  of  the  0.  T.,  or  the  Scp- 
tuaglnt  itself. 

*  Sex-ta'ri-ns  (L. ;  Gr.  lesle's)  =  (so  Ebn.  JV*.  T. 
Lex.)  nearly  one  pint  English  (Mk.  vii.  4  margin). 
Pot  12  ;  Weights  and  Measures. 

Shii-al-nb'biD  (Heb.)  =  Shaalbim,  a  town  of  Dan, 
named  between  1r-suemesh  and  Ajalon  (Josh.  xix. 
42). 

Kha-Rlblm  (Heb.  dtp  of  foxes,  Ges.),  one  of  the 
towns  held  by  the  original  inhabitants  of  Canaan 
after  the  general  conquest  (Judg.  i.  35) ;  mentioned 
with  Aijalon  again  in  Josh.  xix.  42  ("  Shaalabbin  "), 
and  with  Bethshemesh  both  there  and  in  1  K.  iv.  9, 
in  the  last  pas.sage  as  making  up  one  of  Solomon's 
commissariat  districts  ;  site  unknown.  Siiaalbonite. 

Sha-albon-ltc  (fr.  Heb.,  see  below),  thet  Eliahba 
the  Siiaalbonite  was  one  of  David's  thirty-seven 
heroes  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  82 ;  1  Chr.  xi.  33).  He  was 
the  native  of  a  place  named  Shaalbon,  unmentioned 
elsewhere,  unless  =  Shaalbim  or  Shaalabbin. 

Sha'xph  (Heb.  division,  Ges.).  1,  Son  of  Jalidai 
(1  Chr,  ii.  47). — 2.  Son  of  Caleb  1  by  his  concubine 
Maachah  (ii  49). 

Sha-a-ra'lm  (fr.  Heb.  dual  =  tieo  pates,  Ges.),  a 
city  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  36,  A.V.  incorrectly  "  Sha- 
raim  "),  mentioned  again  in  the  account  of  the  rout 
which  followed  the  fall  of  Goliath  (1  Ham.  xvii.  52); 
probably  somewhere  W.  of  ^huweikeh  (Socoii  1),  on 
the  lower  slopes  of  the  hills,  where  they  subside 
into  the  great  plain.  We  find  the  name  in  a  list  of 
the  towns  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  31),  occupying  the 
same  place  with  Sharihen  and  Shilhim,  in  the  cor- 
responding lists  of  Joshua.  It  is  impossible  (so  Mr.  J 
Grove)  that  the  same  Shaaraim  can  be  intended,  and  ^ 
indeed  it  may  be  a  mere  corruption  of  one  of  the 
other  two  names. 

Sha-asll'gaz  (Heb.  fr.  Pers.  =  beauty's  servant  [so 


SHA 


SHA 


1003 


Bohlen]  ?  Gca.),  the  eunuch  in  the  palace  of  Ahas- 
uerus  who  had  the  custody  of  the  women  in  the  sec- 
ond house  (Esth.  ii.  14).     Hegai. 

Shab'be-tbai,  or  Sbab-b(th'a-i  (Heb.  sabbath-bom, 
Ges.).  1.  A  Levite  who  assisted  Ezra  in  investiga- 
ting the  marriages  with  foreigners  (Ezr.  x.  15) ;  appar- 
ently tlie  same  who  with  Jesliua  and  otlieis  in- 
structed the  people  in  the  knowledge  of  the  Law 
(Xeh.  viii.  7). — i.  One  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Levites 
after  the  return  from  Babylon  (xi.  16);  possibly  = 
No.  1. 

Slia-dll'a  [-ki]  (fr.  Ileb.  shdch?yuh  —  accuaadon, 
Ges.  Many  Hebrew  MSS.  and  editions  have  SMbe- 
ydh,  Ges.,  which  would  become  Shabiah  according 
to  the  analogy  of  the  A  V.),  a  son  of  Shaharaim  by 
his  wife  Hodesh  (1  Chr.  viii.  10). 

Shad  dai,  or  Shad  da-i  (Heb.  shaddmj  =  (he  Al- 
miffh!;/,  Ges.),  an  ancient  name  of  God,  rendered 
"  AiMioHTY  "  everywhere  in  the  A.  V.  In  all  pas- 
sages of  Genesis,  except  xlix.  25,  in  Ex.  vi.  3,  and 
in  Ez.  X.  6,  it  is  found  in  connection  with  el,  "  God," 
Ml-Shaddai  being  there  rendered  "  God  Almighty," 
or  "  the  Almighty  God."  It  occurs  six  times  in 
Genesis  (xvii.  1,  xxviii.  3,  xxxv.  11,  .xliii.  14,  xlviii. 
3,  xli.x.  25),  once  in  Exodus  (vi.  3),  twice  in  Num- 
bers (x.xiv.  4,  16),  twice  in  Ruth  (i.  20,  21),  thirty- 
one  times  in  Job,  twice  in  the  Psalms  (Ixviii.  14 
[Heb.  15],  xci.  1),  once  in  Isaiah  (xiii.  C),  twice  in 
Ezekiel  (i.  24,  x.  25),  and  once  in  Joel  (i.  15).  In 
Genesis  and  Exodus  it  is  found  in  what  arc  called 
the  Elohistic  portions  of  those  books  (PENT.VTEricn), 
in  Numbers  in  the  Jehovistic  portion,  and  through- 
out Job  the  name  Shaddai  stands  in  parallelism  with 
£lohim,  and  never  with  Jehovah. 

*  Sliad'ow.  Cloid ;  Darkness ;  Death  ;  Old  Tes- 
tament, B ;  Prophet. 

Sha'draeh  [-drak]  (fr.  Pers.  =  rejolcinrf  in  the 
wail  [so  Bohlen],  or  royal  [so  Benfey]  ?  Ges.),  the 
Chaldce  name  of  H  asani  ah  7,  the  chief  of  the  "  three 
holy  children,"  who  were  cast  into  the  burning  fiery 
furnace,  and  miraculously  preserved  (Dan.  i.-iii.). 
(Meshach;  Daniel,  Apocryphal  Additions  to,  I,  a.) 
After  their  deliverance  from  the  furnace,  we  hear 
no  more  of  Sliadrach,  Meshach,  and  Abed-nego  in 
the  0.  T. ;  and  they  are  spoken  of  in  the  N.  T.  only 
in  the  pointed  allusion  to  them  as  having  "  through 
faith  quenched  the  violence  of  fire"  (Ileb.  xi.  33, 
34).  But  there  are  repeated  allusions  to  them  in 
the  Books  or  Maccabees,  and  the  martyrs  of  the 
Maccabean  period  seem  to  have  been  much  encour- 
aged by  their  example  (1  Mc.  ii.  59,  60;  3  Mc.  vi. 
6;  4  Mc.  xiii.  9,  xvi.  3,  21,  xviii.  12). 

Sha'ge  (Heb.  errinr/,  Ges.),  father  of  Jonathan  the 
Jlararite,  one  of  David's  "valiant  men"  (1  Chr.  xi. 

34).      SHA.M.MAH  5. 

Sha-ha-ra'im  (fr.  Heb.  =  the  two  daimut,  Ges.),  a 
Benjamite  whose  history  and  descent  are  alike  ob- 
scure in  the  present  text  (1  Chr.  viii.  8).  It  has 
been  proposed  to  remove  the  full  stop  from  the  end 
of  verse  7,  and  read  on  thus :  "  and  [Gera]  begat 
Uzza  and  Ahihud,  and  Shahariim  he  begat  in  the 
field  of  Moab,"  &c.  He  had  three  wives  and  nine 
children. 

Sha-haz'i-mah  (fr.  Heb.  =  heighlit,  Ges.),  a  city  of 
Issachar,  apparently  between  Tabor  and  the  Jordan 
(Josh.  xix.  22  only). 

Sha'len  (Ileb.  whole,  vnmd,  »aff,  Ges.).  Mr.  Grove 
believes  that  this  word  in  Gen.  xxxiii.  18  should  not 
be  taken  as  a  proper  name,  but  that  the  sentence 
should  be  rendered,  "  Jacob  came  safe  to  the  city  of 
SiiEciiKM,"  though  he  considers  it  remarkable  that 
there  should  be  a  modern  village  named  Salirn  in  a 


position  to  a  certain  degree  consistent  with  the  re- 
quirements of  the  narrative  when  so  interpreted  : — 
viz.  three  miles  E.  of  Nablus  (the  ancient  Sliechem), 
and  therefore  between  it  and  the  Jordan  Valley, 
where  verse  17  leaves  Jacob  settled.  But  he  ad- 
duces several  considerations  which  weigh  very  much 
against  this  being  more  than  a  fortuitous  coincidence. 
(1.)  If  Shalem  was  the  city  in  front  of  which  Jacob 
pitched  his  tent,  then  it  certainly  was  the  scene  of 
the  events  of  chapter  xxxiv. ;  and  Jacob's  well  and 
Joseph's  tomb  must  be  removed  from  the  situation 
in  which  tradition  has  so  appropriately  placed  them 
to  some  spot  further  E.  and  nearer  to  Salim.  (2.) 
Though  E.  of  NdlAus,  Salim  does  not  appear  to  lie 
near  any  actual  line  of  communication  between  it 
and  the  Jordan  Valley.  (3.)  With  the  exception  of 
the  LXX.,  Peshito-Syriac,  and  Vulgate,  among  the 
ancients,  and  Luther's  and  the  A.  V.  among  the 
moderns,  the  unanimous  voice  of  translators  and 
scholars  is  in  fevor  of  treating  shalem  as  a  mere 
appellative.  Salim  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
visited  by  any  traveller. 

Sha'lilD  (fr.  Heb.  =  foxes'  recjion,  Ges.  ;  see  be- 
low), the  Land  of;  a  district  through  which  Saul 
passed  on  his  journey  in  quest  of  his  father's  asses 
(1  Sam.  ix.  4  only).  The  name  in  the  original, 
properly  Sha'tilim,  had  no  connection  with  Shalem, 
or  with  the  modern  Salim,  E.  oi  NuliUis.  Mr.  Grove 
conjectures  that  the  district  may  =  the  "  laud  of 
Shital." 

Shal'i-sba (fr.  Heb.  =  triad,  Ges.),  the  Land  of!  one 
of  the  districts  traversed  by  Saul  when  in  search  of 
the  asses  of  Kish  (1  Sam.  ix.  4  only).  It  apparently 
lay  between  "  Mount  Ephraim  "  and  the  "  land  of 
Siiali.m,"  a  specification  which  with  all  its  evident 
preciscness  is  irrecognizable.  The  difficulty  is  in- 
creased by  placing  Shalislia  with  some  at  SAris  or 
Kldrhet  SAris,  a  village  a  few  miles  W.  of  Jerusalem. 
If  the  land  of  Slialisha  contained,  as  it  not  impos- 
sibly did,  the  place  called  Baal  shalisha  (2  K.  iv. 
42),  then  the  whole  disposition  of  Saul's  route  would 
be  changed  (so  Mr.  Grove). 

Sbal'lc-ehrtb  [-keth]  (Ileb.  a  casting-down,  or  fell- 
ing, Ges.),  the  Gate;  one  of  the  gates  of  the  "  house 
of  Jehovah,"  whether  by  that  be  intended  the  sa- 
cred tent  of  David  or  the  Temple  of  Solomon  (1  Chr. 
xxvi.  16).  It  was  the  gate  "  to  the  causeway  of  the 
ascent,"  and  is  identified  by  Mr.  Grove  with  the  Bah 
Silsileh,  or  Sinsleh,  which  enters  the  western  wall 
of  the  Haram,  about  600  feet  from  the  southwestern 
corner  of  the  Haram  wall. 

Sbal'luni  (Heb.  i-etrilm/ion,  Ges.).  1.  Fifteenth 
king  of  Israel,  and  son  of  Jabesh,  conspired  against 
Zachariah  1,  son  of  Jeroboam  II.,  killed  him, 
brought  the  dynasty  of  Jkiiu  to  a  close  (Israel, 
Kingdom  of),  and  was  made  king,  but  after  reigning  in 
Samaria  for  a  month  onlv,  was  in  his  turn  dethroned 
and  killed  by  Menahem  (2  K.  xv.  10-15).— 2.  Hus- 
band (or  son,  according  to  the  LXX.  in  2  K.)  of 
IIirL»AH  the  prophetess  (2  K.  xxii.  14  ;  2  Chr.  xxxiv. 
22)  in  the  reign  of  Josiah.  He  appears  to  have 
been  keeper  of  the  priestly  vestments  in  the  Temple. 
— 3.  A  descendant  of  Siieshan  (1  Chr.  ii.  40,  41). 
— 4.  Son  of  Josiah,  king  of  Judah  ;  known  as  Je- 
hoahaz  (iii.  15;  Jer.  xxii.  11). — 5.  Son  of  Shaul 
the  son  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  25). — 6.  A  high-priest, 
son  of  Zadok  and  ancestor  of  Ezra  (vi.  12,  13  ;  Ezr. 
vii.  2) ;  =  Meshlllam  7. — T.  A  son  of  Naphtali 
(1  Chr.  vii.  13). — S,  Chief  of  a  family  of  porters  or 
gatekeepers  of  the  eastern  gate  of  the  Temple  (ix. 
17).  His  descendants  were  among  those  who  re- 
turned with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  42  ;  Neh.  vii.  45). 


1004 


SHA 


SHA 


— 9.  Son  of  Kore,  a  Korahite  (1  Chr.  ix.  19,  31) ; 
probably  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey)  =  Meshelemiaii 
and  SitELEMiAH  6. — 10.  Father  of  Jehizkiah,  an 
Ephraimite  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  12). — 11.  One  of  the  por- 
ters of  the  Temple  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife 
(Ezr.  X.  24). — 12.  One  of  the  sons  of  Bani,  husband 
of  a  foreign  wife  (x.  42). — 13.  Son  of  Halohesh  and 
ruler  of  a  district  (Part)  of  Jerusalem.  He  and 
his  daughters  helped  to  repair  the  wall  (Neh.  iii.  12). 
— 14.  Uncle  of  Jeremiah  and  father  of  Hanameel 
(Jer.  xxxii.  7) ;  perhaps  =;  No.  2  (so  Lord  A.  C. 
Hervey). — 15.  Father  or  ancestor  of  Maaseiaii  19 
(Jer.  XXXV.  4) ;  perhaps  =  No.  9. 

Slial'lan  (Ueb.  probably  =:  Shallum,  Ges.),  son 
of  Col-hozeh,  and  ruler  of  a  district  ("  Part")  of 
Mizpah,  repaired  the  fountain-gate  and  the  wall  of 
the  pool  of  Siloah  (Neh.  iii.  15). 

Sharmoi,  or  Sbarina-i(Heb.  my  thanks,  Ges.),  an- 
cestor of  certain  Nethinim  who  returned  with  Ze- 
rubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  46,  "  Shamlai "  margin ;  Neh.  vii. 
48,  Heb.  "  Salmai "). 

Slial'man  (Heb.)  3=  Sualmaneskr,  king  of  Assyria 
(llos.  X.  14). 

Slial-man-c'ser [zer]  (Heb.  fr.  Pcrs.  =  reverential 
toward  fire?  Bohlen),  the  Assyrian  king  who  reigned 
immediately  before  Sargon,  and  probably  imme- 
diately after  Tiolathpileser.  He  cau  scarcely 
liave  ascended  the  throne  earlier  than  b.  c.  Y30, 
and  possibly  not  till  a  few  years  later  (so  Raw- 
linson).  Soon  after  his  accession  he  led  the  forces 
of  Assyria  into  Palestine,  where  Hosiiea,  the  last 
king  of  Israel,  had  revolted  against  his  authority  (2 
K.  xvii.  3).  Hoshea  submitted  and  consented  to 
pay  him  a  fixed  tribute  annually,  but  soon  after 
concluded  an  alliance  with  the  king  of  Egypt,  and 
witliheld  his  tribute  in  consequence.  In  b.  c.  723 
Shalmaneser  invaded  Palestine  for  the  second  time, 
and,  as  Hoshea  refused  to  submit,  laid  siege  to 
Samaria.  The  siege  lasted  to  the  third  year  (b.  c. 
721),  when  the  Assyrian  arms  prevailed  (2  K.  xvii. 
4-6,  xviii.  9-1 1).  It  is  uncertain  whether  Shalman- 
eser conducted  the  siege  to  its  close,  or  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Sargon  before  the  city  was  taken. 

Slia'ma  (Heb.  liearing,  obedient,  Ges.),  one  of  Da- 
vid's "valiant  men;"  son  of  Hothan  of  Aroer  (1 
Chr.  xi.  44). 

Sham-a-ri'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Shemariah),  son  of  Re- 
hoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  19). 

*  Sham'bles  [-biz],  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Gr. 
makelton  =  (so  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  a  meat-market,  or 
place  for  the  sale  of  provisions  of  all  kinds  (1  Cor. 
X.  25).  Meats  might  first  be  offered  in  sacrifice  to 
idols,  and,  after  the  heathen  priest  and  altar  had 
received  their  shares,  might  then  be  taken  to  the 
market  to  be  sold.  A  Christian  might  buy  or  eat 
such  meats,  unless  informed  of  the  idolatrous  rela- 
tion, when  he  was  to  abstain  for  the  sake  of  others. 

InOLATRV. 

Sha'med  (Heb.  in  some  MSS.,  =z  extinction,  perse- 
cution, Ges. ;  but  most  read  Shamer  or  Shemer),  one 
of  the  sons  of  Elpaal  the  Benjamite  "  who  built  Ono 
and  LoD,  with  the  towns  thereof"  (1  Chr.  viii.  12). 

Shamer  (Heb.  kept,  preserved,  lees  of  wine,  Ges.). 
1.  A  Merarite  Levite,  ancestor  of  Ethan  (1  Chr.  vi. 
46). — 2.  SiiOMER  1,  son  of  Heber,  an  Asherite  (vii. 
34). 

Sham'gar  (Heb.  perhaps  =  Samoar  [see  Samgar- 
NEBO],  or  fr.  Ar.  =:  fieeinff,  Fii.),  judge  of  Israel 
after  Ehud,  and  before  Barak,  though  possibly  con- 
temporary with  the  latter,  since  he  seems  to  be 
spoken  of  in  Judg.  v.  6,  as  a  contemporary  of  Jael, 
if  the  reading  is  correct.     Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  con- 


jectures from  his  being  "  son  of  Anath  "  that  Sham- 
gar  may  have  been  of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali,  since 
Beth-anath  is  in  that  tribe.  In  the  days  of  Sham- 
gar,  Israel  was  in  a  most  depressed  condition,  and 
the  whole  nation  was  cowed  (Judg.  v.  6).  At  this 
conjuncture  Sharagar  was  raised  up  to  be  a  deliv- 
erer. With  no  arms  in  his  hand  but  an  ox-goad 
(iii.  31;  compare  1  Sam.  xiii.  21),  he  made  a  des-- 
perate  assault  upon  the  Philistines,  and  slew  600 
of  them.  But  it  was  reserved  for  Deborah  and 
Barak  to  complete  the  deliverance. 

Sliam'hntb  (Heb.  =  Siiammah,  Ges.),  the  fifth  cap- 
tain for  the  fifth  month  in  David's  arrangement  of 
his  army  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  8) ;  =  Shammoth. 

Sha'mir  (Heb.  a  thorn,  adamant,  A.  V.,  Ges.).  1, 
A  town  in  the  mountain  district  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv. 
48  only) ;  probably  eight  or  ten  miles  S.  of  Hebron, 
but  not  yet  discovered  (so  Mr.  Grove). — 2.  A  place 
in  Mount  Ephraim,  the  residence  and  burial-place 
of  Tola  the  judge  (Judg.  x.  I,  2).  It  is  singular 
that  this  judge,  a  man  of  Issacliar,  should  have 
taken  up  his  oiBcial  residence  out  of  his  own  tribe. 
Schwarz  would  identify  Shamir  with  Sdnur  (Bethu- 
LiA  ?) ;  Van  de  Velde  proposes  Khirbet  Sammer,  a 
ruined  site  ten  miles  E.  S.  E.  of  NAbltis  (Shechem). 

Bha'niir  (see  above),  a  Kohathite,  son  of  Micah, 
or  Michah,  the  first-born  of  Uzziel  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  24). 

*  ^liam'lai  =  Shalmai  (Ezr.  ii.  46  margin). 

Sharn'ma  (Heb.  desolation,  Ges.),  an  Asherite  chief, 
son  of  Zophar  (1  Chr.  vii.  37). 

Shinn'mali  (Heb.  astonishment,  desolation,  Ges.).  1. 
An  Edomite  "  duke,"  son  of  Reuel  the  son  of  Esau 
(Gen.  xxxvi.  13, 17;  1  Chr.  i.  37).— 2.  Third  son  of 
Jesse,  and  brother  of  David  (1  Sara.  xvi.  9,  xvii. 
13);  =SniMEA  4,  Shimeah  1,  and  Shimma. — 3.  One 
of  the  three  greatest  of  David's  mighty  men.  He 
was  with  him  during  his  outlaw  life  in  the  cave  of 
Adullam,  and  signalized  himself  by  defending  a 
piece  of  ground  full  of  lentiles  against  the  Philis- 
tines on  one  of  their  marauding  incursions.  This 
achievement  gave  him  a  place  among  the  first  three 
heroes,  who,  on  another  occasion,  cut  their  way 
through  the  Philistine  garrison,  and  brought  David 
water  from  the  well  of  Bethlehem  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  11- 
17).  Keil  and  Bertheau  suppose  that,  by  a  copyist's 
error,  several  verses  have  been  omitted  from  the 
parallel  passage  in  1  Chr.  xi.  13  after  the  words  "to 
battle,"  and  that  the  discrepancy  between  the  field 
of  "  lentiles  "  in  2  Sam.,  and  of  "  barley  "  in  1  Chr., 
arose  from  a  transposition  in  the  letters  of  the  orig- 
inal Hebrew  word.  Kennieott  proposes  in  both 
cases  to  read  "  barley."— 4.  "  The  Harodite,"  one 
(if  David's  thirty  "  valiant  men  "  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  26) ; 
called  "  Shammoth  the  Harodite  "  in  1  Chr.  xi.  27, 
and  (so  Mr.  Wright,  Gcsenius,  &c.)  in  1  Chr.  xxvii.  8 
"Shamhuth  the  Izrahite."  Kennieott  maintained 
the  true  reading  in  both  to  be  "  Shamhoth  the  Ha- 
rodite."— 5.  In  the  list  of  David's  thirty  "  valiant 
men  "  in  2  Sam.  xxiii.  32,  33,  we  find  "  Jonathan, 
Shammah  the  Ilararite ;  "  while  in  the  correspond- 
ing verse,  1  Chr.  xi.  34,  it  is  "  Jonathan,  the  son  of 
Shage  the  Hararite."  Combining  the  two,  Kenni- 
eott proposes  to  read  "Jonathan,  the  sou  of  Sham- 
ha,  tlie  Hararite,"  i.  c.  Jonathan  2. 

Sham  mai,  or  Sham'ma-i  (Heb.  desolated,  Ges.). 
The  name  of  three  descendants  of  Judah.  1.  Son 
of  Onam  (1  Chr.  ii.  28,  32).— 2.  Son  of  Rckem  (ii. 

44j  45). 3.    Brother  of   Miriam  and  Ishbah   the 

founder  of  Eshtemoa  (iv.  17). 

Sham'moth  (Heb.  desolations,  Ges.),  "the  Haror- 
ite,"  one  of  David's  "valiant  men"  (1  Chr.  xi. 
27) ;  —  SiiAMMUAH  4  and  Shamhuth. 


SHA 


SHE 


1005 


Sham-mn'a  (Hob.  =  Shimea,  Ges.).  1.  The  Rcu- 
benitc  spy,  son  ofZaccur  (Num.  xiii.  4). — 2.  Son  of 
David,  by  Bath-sheba  (1  Chr.  xiv.  4);  =  SHAUMrAH 
and  SniMEA  1. — 3.  A  Levitc,  father  of  Abda  (Xeh. 
xi.  17);  =  SiiEMAiAH  6. — 4.  The  representative  of 
tlie  priestly  family  of  Bilgah,  or  Bilgai,  in  the  days 
of  Joiakim  (xii.  18). 

Sham-mn'ah  (fr.  Ilcb.)  =  Shauuua  2  and  Srimea 
1,  son  of  David  (2  Sam.  v.  14). 

Sbam'slic-ral  (Heb.,  fr.  Shimshai  and  Shimri, 
Ges.),  a  Benjaraite  chief,  son  of  Jeroham  (I  Chr. 
viii.  2(1). 

Sha'pliam  (Heb.  cold,  or  bald,  shaven  f  Ges.),  a 
Gailite  of  Bashan  (1  Uir.  v.  12). 

Sha'phan  (Heb.  =:  coxet,  A.  V.),  the  scribe  or 
secretary  of  King  Josiah  ;  son  of  Azaliah  (2  K. 
xxii.  3  ;  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  8) ;  father  of  Ahikam  (2  K. 
xxii.  12;  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  20),  Elasah  (Jer.  x.xix.  3), 
and  Geniariah  (xxxvi.  10-12);  and  grandfather  of 
Gedaliah  (xxxix.  14,  xl.  5,  9,  11,  xli.  2,  xliii.  6), 
Michaiah  (xxxvi.  11),  and  probably  of  Jaazaniah 
(Ez.  viii.  11).  There  seems  (so  Mr.  Wright)  no  suf- 
ficient reason  for  supposing  that  Shaphan  the  father 
of  Ahikam,  and  Shaphan  the  scribe,  were  different 
persons.  Shaphan  the  scniBE  appears  on  an  equal- 
ity with  the  governor  of  the  city  and  the  royal  re- 
corder, with  whom  he  was  sent  by  the  KrxG  to  Hil- 
kiah  to  take  an  account  of  the  money  collected  by 
the  Levitcs  for  the  repair  of  the  Temple  and  to  pay 
the  workmen  (2  K.  xxii.  4  ;  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  9 ;  com 
pare  2  K.  xii.  10).  Ewald  calls  him  Minister  of 
Finance.  On  this  occasion  Hilkiah  communicated 
his  discovery  of  a  copy  of  the  Law,  which  he  had 
probably  found  while  making  preparations  for  the 
repair  of  the  Temple.  (Pextateich.)  Shaphan 
was  then  apparently  an  old  man,  for  his  son  Ahikam 
must  have  been  in  a  position  of  importance,  and  his 
grandson  Gedaliah  was  already  born.  Shaphan 
probably  died  before  the  fifth  year  of  Jchoiakim, 
eighteen  years  later,  when  we  find  Elishama  was 
scribe  (Jer.  xxxvi.  12). 

Slia'phat  (Heb.  judge,  Ges.).  1.  The  Simeonite 
spy,  son  of  Ilori  (Num.  xiii.  5). — i.  Father  of  the 
prophet  Ei.isiia  (1  K.  xix.  16,  19;  2  K.  iii.  11,  vi. 
31). — 3.  One  of  the  six  sons  of  Shemaiah  in  the 
royal  line  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iii.  22). — i,  A  Gadite 
in  Bashan  (v.  12). — i.  Son  of  Adlai,  and  keeper  of 
David's  oxen  in  the  valleys  (xxvii.  29). 

Sha'pber  (Heb.  j^eamntuem),  Jlonnt  (Num.  xxxiii. 
23),  the  name  of  a  desert-station  where  the  Israel- 
ites encamped  ;  supposed  by  Mr.  Kowlands(in  Fbn.) 
to  be  at  Jebel  'Ardif,  a  conspicuous  conical  moun- 
tain in  the  desert  sixty  ob  seventy  miles  S.  S.  W.  of 
Bcer-shcba.     Wii.pehxess  of  the  W'ANnEaiNO. 

Sba'rai,  or  Shara-I  (Heb.  Jehovah  freen  him  [so 
Sim.]  ?  Ges.),  one  of  the  scms  of  Bani  in  Ezra's 
time,  husband  of  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  40). 

Sha-ra'lm  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Shaaraiu  (Josh.  xv.  86 
only). 

Sha'rar  (Heb.  twist,  cord,  Ges.),  father  of  Ahiam 
the  Hararitc  (2  S.im.  .ixiii.  33);  =  Sacar. 

Sba-re'zer(fr.  I'ers.  =  prince  of  jire,  Ges.),  a  son 
and  murderer  of  Sexxaciierib  (2  K.  xix.  37,  &c.). 
Adrammelkch  2. 

Shar'oa  [shair'on]  (Heb.  plain,  Ges.).  1.  A  dis- 
trict of  the  Holy  Land,  always  called  in  the  original 
"the  Sharon"  (I  Chr.  v.  16,  xxvii.  29;  Is.  xxxiii. 
9,  XXXV.  2,  Ixv.  10 ;  Cant.  ii.  1 ;  Acts  ix.  35,  A.  V. 
"Saron").  It  is  that  broad  rich  tract  of  land 
which  lies  between  the  mountains  of  the  central  part 
of  the  Holy  Land  and  the  MediterraTiean — the  rfr 
gion  extending  from  Cesarea  to  Jofpa.    A  general 


sketch  of  the  district  is  given  under  Pai.estixe,  II., 
§§  31  ff.  (Rose.)— 2.  The  "Sharon"  of  1  Chr.  v. 
iii  is  distinguished  from  the  western  plain  by  not 
having  the  article.  It  is  also  apparent  from  the 
passage  itself  that  it  was  some  district  E.  of  Jordan, 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Gilkad  and  Bashax.  Tlie 
name  has  not  been  met  with  in  that  direction.  Dr. 
Stanley  suggests  that  Sharon  may  here  =  the  Mi- 
shor  =  Plaix  4. 

Shar'ou-ite  [shair-]  (fr.  Heb.  =  one  from  Siiar- 
ox),  the  5  Sliitrai,  who  had  charge  of  the  royal  herds 
pastured  in  Sharon  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  29)  is  the  only 
Sharonite  mentioned  in  the  Bible. 

Sba-m'ben  (Wah.  pleasant  lodging  ?  Ges.),  a  town 
named  in  Josh.  xix.  6  only,  among  those  allotted 
witliin  Judah  to  Simeon;  apparently  =:  Shilhim 
(xv.  32),  and  Smaaraim  (1  Chr.  iv.  31).  Whether 
these  are  different  places,  or  different  names  of  the 
same  place,  or  mere  variations  of  copyists,  it  is  per- 
haps impossible  now  to  determine.  Knobel  would 
identity  it  with  Tell  ShcrVah,  about  ten  miles  W. 
of  Bcer-sheba,  at  the  head  of  the  \i^ad(/  SherVah,  a 
position  not  unsuitable.  Wilton  (The  Ncgeb)  and 
Ilowlands  (in  Fairbairn,  under  "  South  Country  ") 
would  identify  it  with  lihirbet  e^Serdm  {—  ruins  of 
Senim),  an  ancient  site  in  IVadi/  ex-Seram,  E.  of 
el-Aujeh  (Azem),  near  which  is  el-Birein  (  =  the 
"tells),  a  fertile  spot  wi'h  four  wells  of  good  water. 

Slia'shal.  or  Sliash'a-1  (Heb.  u<hilish?  Ges.),  one  of 
the  sons  of  Bani  in  Ezra's  time,  who  put  away  his 
foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  40). 

Slia'shak  (Heb.  eagerness,  longing  [so  Sim.]  ?  Ges.), 
a  Bcnjamitc,  son  of  Beriah  (1  Chr.  viii.  14,  25). 

Sba'nl,  or  SlianI  (Heb.  =  Saul).  1.  Son  of  Simeon 
by  a  Canaanitish  woman  (Gen.  xlvi.  10;  Ex.  vi.  15; 
Num.  xxvi.  13  ;  1  Chr.  iv.  24),  and  founder  of  the 
family  of  the  Shaclites. — 2.  One  of  tlie  kings  of 
Edom  (i.  48,  49) ;  =  Saul  1.— 3.  A  Kohathite,  son 
of  Uzziah  (vi.  24). 

*  Sha'nI-ites,  or  Sbanl'ites,  the  =  the  descendants 
of  Shaul  1  (Num.  xxvi.  13). 

Shaveh  (Heb.  a  plain,  Ges.),  the  Val'lfy  of  (Heb. 
'emeic  ;  see  Valley  1),  a  name  found  only  in  Gen. 
xiv.  17 — "the  valley  of  Shaveh,  which  is  the  king's 
dale."  This  is  generally  identified  with  "  the  Kino's 
dale"  of  2  Sam.  xviii.  18,  placed  by  Josephus  (vii. 

10,  §  3),  and  by  rncdioival  and  modern  tradition  in 
the  immediate  neighborhood  of  Jerusalem.  Robin- 
son (Phi/s.  Geog.  101)  regards  it  as  the  upper  part 
of  the  Kidron  valley,  near  the  tombs  of  the  Judges. 
Stanley  (246  f.,  478)  thinks  the  "  king's  dale,''  or 
"  valley  of  Shaveh,"  was  E.  ol'  the  Jordan,  near  the 
spot  where  Absalom  fell.     Melchizedek  ;  Salem  1. 

Slia'yell-klr-l-a-tha'ini  (fr.  Heb.  —  the  plain  of 
KiitiATHAiM,  Ges.),  mentioned  (Gen.  xiv.  5)  as  the 
residence  of  Emim  at  the  time  of  Chedorlaoincr's 
incursion ;  probably  the  valley  in  or  by  which  the 
town  of  KiRiATHAiM  lay. 

ShaT'sha  (Heb.,  a  corruption  of  Seraiah,  Ges.), 
the  royal  secretary  in  the  reign  of  David  ( 1  Chr. 
xviii.  10) ;  =  Seraiab  1,  Sheva  1,  and  Siiisha.  Kiko  ; 
Scribe. 

Sliawnit  In  the  Prayer-book  version  of  Ps.  xcviii. 
7,  "  with  trumpets  also  and  xhaicms  "  is  the  render- 
ing of  what  stands  in  the  A.  V  "  with  trumpets  and 
sound  of  CORNET."  The  "  shawm  "  was  a  musical 
instrument  resembling  the  clarionet. 

•  Sheaf.   AoRicULTURE ;  First-fruits  ;  Passoter, 

11.  3,  g,  &c. 

Shc'al  (Heb.  an  asking,  Ges.),  one  of  the  sons 

of  Bani  who  had  marrie<l  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  29). 

Sbe-al'tl-el  (Heb.  /  have  asked  him  of  Ood,  Ges.) 


1006 


SEE 


SHE 


father  of  Zerubdabel  (Ezr.  iii.  2,  8,  v.  2  ;  Neh.  xii. 
1  ;  Hag.  i.  1,  12,  14,  ii.  2,  23) ;  =  Salathiel. 

Shc-a-ri'all  (fr.  Heb.  :=  whom  Jehovah  estimaten, 
Ges.),  one  of  the  six  sons  of  Azel,  a  descendant  of 
Saul  (1  Chr.  viii.  38,  ix.  44). 

Sliear'lng-honse  (Heb.  beyih  ''eked  ;  see  below), 
tlie,  a  pliice  on  the  road  between  Jezrecl  and  Sania- 
riii,  at  which  Jehu,  on  his  way  to  the  latter,  encoun- 
tered forty-two  members  of  the  royal  fomily  of  Ju- 
dah,  whom  he  slaughtered  at  the  well  or  pit  at- 
tached to  the  place  (2  K.  x.  12,  14).  The  A.  V. 
margin  gives  as  the  literal  meaning  of  the  name — 
"  bouse  of  binding  of  the  sliepherds ; "  Gesenius 
gives  house  of  the  shepherds^  hamlet.  The  LXX., 
Eusebius  and  Jerome,  Gesenius,  &c.,  make  it  a 
proper  name,  Beth-ekeo.  Eusebius  mentions  it  as 
a  village  of  Samaria  "  in  the  great  plain  [of  Esdrai- 
lon]  fifteen  miles  from  Legeon"  (Megiddo). 

She'ar-ja'shnb  (fr.  Heb.  =  tfie  remnant  shall  re- 
turn, be  converted,  Ges.),  son  of  Isaiah  the  proph- 
et (Is.  vii.  3).  The  name,  like  that  of  Maiier- 
siiALAL-iiAsii-BAZ,  had  a  mystical  significance  (com- 
pare Is.  X.  20-22). 

*  Sheath.    Arms,  I.  1. 

♦Sheaves,  plural  of  Siieaf.  Agriculture. 

She'ba  (Heb.  sheba'  =  senen,  or  an  oath,  compare 
Bekr-sheba).  I.  Son  of  Biehri ;  a  Benjamite  from 
the  mountains  of  Ephraira  (2  Sam.  xx.  1-22),  the 
last  chief  of  the  Absalom  insurrection,  described  as 
a  "  man  of  Belial."  He  must  have  been  a  person 
of  some  consequence,  from  the  immense  effect  pro- 
duced by  his  appearance.  It  was  in  fact  all  but  an 
anticipation  of  the  revolt  of  Jeroboam.  The  occa- 
sion Seized  by  Sheba  was  the  emulation,  as  if  from 
loyalty,  between  the  northern  and  southern  tribes 
on  David's  return  (1,  2).  The  king  might  well  say, 
"  Sheba  the  son  of  Biehri  shall  do  us  more  harm 
than  did  Absalom  "  (6).  Sheba  traversed  the  whole 
of  Palestine,  apparently  rousing  the  population, 
Joab  following  in  lull  pursuit.  It  seems  to  have 
been  his  intention  to  establish  himself  in  the  for- 
tress of  Abel-beth-maaciiah,  famous  for  the  prudence 
of  its  inhabitants  (18).  That  prudence  was  put  to 
the  test  on  the  present  occasion.  Joab's  terms 
were — the  head  of  the  insurgent  chief  A  woman 
of  the  place  undertook  the  mission  to  her  city,  and 
proposed  the  execution  to  her  fellow-citizens.  The 
head  of  Sheba  was  thrown  over  the  wall,  and  the 
insurrection  ended. — 2.  A  Gadite  chief  in  Bashau 
(1  Chr.  v.  13). 

Sheba  {Mth.  shibA ;  compare  Ethiopic  =  man, 
Ges.).  1,  A  son  of  Raamaii,  son  of  Cush  (Gen.  x. 
7  ;  1  Chr.  i.  9).— 2.  A  son  of  Joktan  (Gen.  x.  28 ; 
1  Chr.  i.  22). — i,  A  son  of  Jokshan,  son  of  Ketu- 
RAii  (Gen.  XXV.  3 ;  1  Chr.  i.  32).  This  article  (origi- 
nally by  Mr.  E.  S.  Poole)  considers,  I.,  the  history 
of  the  Joktanite  Sheba ;  and,  II.,  the  Cushite  Sheba 
and  the  Keturahite  Sheba  together. — I.  It  has  been 
shown,  under  Arabia,  &c.,  that  the  Joktanitcs  were 
among  the  early  colonists  of  southern  Arabia,  and 
that  the  kingdom  which  they  there  foimded  was,  for 
many  centuries,  called  the  kingdom  of  Sheba,  after 
one  of  the  sons  of  Joktan.  They  appear  to  have 
been  preceded  by  an  aboriginal  race,  described  by 
the  Arabian  historians  as  of  gigantic  stature.  But 
besides  these  extinct  tribes,  there  are  the  evidences 
of  Cushite  settlers,  who  probably  preceded  the  Jok- 
tanitcs. Sheba  seems  to  have  been  the  name  of  the 
great  south  Arabian  kingdom  and  the  peoples  which 
composed  it,  until  that  of  Himyer  took  its  place  in 
later  times.  On  this  point  much  obscurity  remains. 
The  apparent  difficulties  of  the  case  are  reconciled 


by  supposing,  as  M.  Caussin  de  Perceval  has  done, 
that  the  kingdom  and  its  people  received  the  name 
of  Sheba  (Ar.  Sebtl),  but  that  its  chief  and  some- 
times reigning  family  or  tribe  was  that  of  Himyer. 
In  the  Bible,  the  Joktanite  Sheba,  mentioned  genea- 
logically in  Gen.  x.  28,  recurs,  as  a  kingdom,  in  the 
account  of  the  visit  of  the  queen  of  Sheba  to  King 
Solomon  (1  K.  x.).  That  the  queen  wiis  of  Sheba 
in  Arabia,  and  not  of  Seba  the  Cushite  kingdom  of 
Ethiopia,  is  unquestionable  (so  Mr.  Poole);  Joscphus 
and  some  of  the  Rabbinical  writers,  and  the  Ethi- 
oijian  (or  Abyssinian)  Church,  refer  her  to  the  latter. 
The  Arabs  call  her  Bilkus  (or  Yelkamah  or  Balka- 
mah),  a  queen  of  the  later  Himyeritcs  of  the  first 
century  a.  c,  according  to  M.  Caussin.  The  other 
passages  in  the  Bible  which  seem  to  refer  to  the  Jok- 
tanite Sheba  are  Is.  Ix.  6  (where  reference  is  made 
to  the  commerce  from  Sheba  along  the  western  bor- 
ders of  Arabia,  but  possibly  referring  to  the  Cushite 
or  Keturahite  Sheba),  and  Jer.  vi.  20.  In  Ps.  Ixxii. 
10,  the  Joktanite  Sheba  is  undoubtedly  meant.  The 
kingdom  of  Sheba  embraced  the  greater  part  of  the 
Yemen,  or  Arabia  Felix.  Its  chief  cities,  and  prob- 
ably successive  capitals,  were  &ba,  San'd  (Uzal), 
and  Zafur  (Sephar).  Seba  was  probably  the  name 
of  the  city,  and  generally  of  the  country  and  na- 
tion ;  but  the  statements  of  the  Arabian  writers  are 
conflicting  on  this  point.  Ma-rib  was  another  name 
of  the  city,  or  of  the  fortress  or  royal  palace  in  it. 
Near  iSebd  was  the  famous  dike  of  El-Arim,  said 
by  tradition  to  have  been  built  by  Lukman  the 
'Aditc,  to  store  water  for  the  inhabitants  of  the 
place,  and  to  avert  the  descent  of  the  mountain-tor- 
rents. The  catastrophe  of  the  rupture  of  this  dike 
is  an  important  point  in  Arab  history,  and  marks 
the  dispersion  in  the  second  century  of  the  Joktan- 
ite tribes.  This,  like  all  we  know  of  Seba,  points 
irresistibly  to  the  great  importance  of  the  city  as 
the  ancient  centre  of  Joktanite  power.  The  history 
of  the  Sabeans  has  been  examined  by  M.  Caussin 
de  Perceval,  but  much  remains  to  be  adjusted  before 
its  details  can  be  received  as  trustworthy,  the  ear- 
liest safe  chronological  point  being  about  the  com- 
mencement of  our  era.  An  examination  of  the  ex- 
isting remains  of  Sabean  and  Himyerite  cities  and 
buildings  will,  it  cannot  be  doubted,  add  more  facts 
to  our  present  knowledge.  The  ancient  buildings 
are  of  massive  masonry,  and  evidently  of  Cushite 
workmanship  or  origin.  Later  temples,  and  palace- 
temples,  of  which  the  Arabs  give  us  descriptions, 
were  probably  of  less  massive  character;  but  Sabean 
art  is  an  almost  unknown  and  interesting  subject  of 
inquiry.  The  religion  celebrated  in  those  temples 
was  cosmic  ;  but  tliis  subject  is  too  obscure  and  too 
little  known  to  admit  of  discussion  in  this  place. 
(InoLATRY.) — II.  Sheba,  son  of  Raamah  son  of 
Cush,  settled  somewhere  on  the  shores  of  the  Per- 
sian Gulf  Mr.  E.  S.  Poole  identifies  his  settlement 
with  the  ruins  of  an  ancient  city  called  Seba,  on  the 
island  of  Aie&l  (one  of  the  "  Bnhreyn  Islands  "). 
It  was  this  Sheba  that  carried  on  the  great  Indian 
traffic  with  Palestine,  in  conjunction  with,  as  Mr. 
Poole  holds,  the  other  Shel)a,  sun  of  Jokshan  son 
of  Keturah,  who,  like  Dedan,  appears  to  have 
formed,  with  the  Cushite  of  the  same  name,  one 
tribe.  The  trade  is  mentioned  in  Ez.  xxvii.  22,  23, 
and  possibly  in  Is.  Ix.  6  and  Jer.  vi,  20  (see  above  ■ 
in  I.).  The  predatory  bands  of  the  Keturahites  are  I 
mentioned  in  Job  i.  15,  vi.  19.  1 

She'ba  (Heb.  an  oath,  or  seven;  compare  Beer- 
bheba),  a  city  of  Simeon  (Josh.  xix.  2);  probably 
(so  Mr.  Grove)  =  Shema,  which  stands  next  to  Mol- 


SHE 


SHE 


1007 


adah,  in  the  list  of  the  cities  of  the  south  of  Judah 
(xv.  26).  This  suggestion  is  supported  by  the  read- 
ing (Samoa)  of  the  Vatican  LXX.  Some  (Fair- 
bairn,  &c.)  suppose  Sheba  a  mere  repetition  of  part 
of  the  preceding  Beer-sheba,  and  this  is  favored  by 
the  number  of  names  in  xix.  2-6  being  fourteen  with 
Sheb:i,  but  said  to  be  thirteen,  and  the  omission  of 
Sheba  in  1  Chr.  iv.  28. 

Shcbah  (fr.  Heb. sA/iVW*,  fern.  o{ sheba'  =  stren, 
Ges. ;  "an  oath,"  A.  V.  margin;  see  above),  the 
famous  well  which  gave  its  Dame  to  the  city  of 
Beer-siikba  (Gen.  xxvi.  33),  the  fourth  of  the  series 
of  wells  dug  by  Isaac's  people. 

Slie'bam  (fr.  Heb.  =  coolness,  or  fragrance,  Ges.), 
one  of  the  towns  in  the  pastoral  district  E.  of  Jor- 
dan^-demanded  b)'  and  finally  ceded  to  the  tribes 
of  Reuben  and  Gad  (Num.  xxxii.  8  only) ;  probably 
=  Shibmah  and  Sibmaii. 

Slitb-a-nrall  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  has  made 
grow  np?  Ges.).  1,  A  Levite  in  Ezra's  time,  who 
took  part  in  the  psalm  of  thanksgiving  and  confes- 
sion (Neh.  ix.  4,  5).  He  sealed  the  covenant  with 
Xeheraiah  (x.  10). — 2.  A  priest,  or  priestly  family, 
who  sealed  the  covenant  witli  Xehcmiah  (x.  4,  xii. 
14);  =  SnECHANrAH  7. — 3.  Another  Levite  who 
sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiali  (x.  12). — 1.  One 
of  the  priests  appointed  by  David  to  blow  with  the 
trumpets  before  the  ark  of  God  (1  Chr.  .\v.  24). 

Sheb'a-rim  (Heb.  breaches,  ruins,  as  of  walls,  Ges. ; 
see  below),  a  place  named  in  Josh.  vii.  5  only,  as 
one  of  the  points  in  the  flight  from  Ai ;  perhaps  (so 
Mr.  Grove)  a  spot  where  there  -were  fissures  or  rents 
in  the  soil,  gradually  deepening  till  they  ended  in  a 
sheer  descent  or  precipice  to  the  ravine  by  which 
the  Israelites  had  come  from  Gilgal ;  site  unknown. 

Slie'bw  (Heb.  a  breaking,  Sim.),  son  of  Caleb  1  by 
his  concubine  Ma.ichah  (1  Chr.  ii.  48). 

Sheblia(Hcb.  youth!  Ges.),  a  person  of  high  posi- 
tion in  Hezekiah's  court,  holding  at  one  time  the  of- 
fice of  prefect  of  the  palace  (Is.  xxii.  15),  but  sub- 
sequently (so  Mr.  Bcvan,  &c.)  the  subordinate  oflice 
of  secretary  (xxxvi.  3  ;  2  K.  xix.  2).  Shebna  was 
denounced  by  I.saiaii  on  account  of  his  pride,  lux- 
ury, &c.  (Is.  xxii.  16  ff.).  From  the  omission  of  his 
father's  name,  it  has  been  conjectured  tliat  he  was 
the  fii-st  of  his  family  to  attain  distinction,  perhaps 
a  foreigner.  Some  have  supposed  "  Shebna.  the 
scribe  "  a  different  person  from  Shebna  "  the  treas- 
urer," that  was  "  over  the  house." 

Sbeb'n-el  (Heb.  captive  of  Ood,  Ges.).  1,  A  de- 
scendant of  Gcrshom  (1  Chr.  x.\iii.  16,  xxvi.  24), 
Avlio  was  ruler  of  the  treasures  of  the  house  oif 
God;  =  SitUBAEi.  1.  He  is  the  last  descendant  of 
Moses  of  wlioni  there  is  any  trace. — 2.  One  of  the 
fourteen  sons  of  Heman  the  minstrel,  chief  of  the 
thirteenth  band  of  twelve  in  the  Temple  choir  (xxv. 
4) ;  =  SiruBAEL  2. 

Slie«-a-iil'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Sheciianiaii).  I.  Chief 
of  the  tenth  course  of  priests  in  David's  reign  (1 
Chr.  xxiv.  11). — 2,  A  prieSt  or  Levite  in  Hezekiah's 
reign,  appointed  to  distribute  portions  to  priests  (2 
Chr.  xxxi.  15). 

ShFCli-a-nl'ah  [shek-]  (fr.  Heb.  =:  familiar  with 
Jehovah,  Ges.).  1.  A  dcscend;int  of  Zenibbabel  (1 
Chr.  iii.  21,  22). — %,  Ancestor  of  some  descendants 
of  I'arosh  who  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  3). — 
$•  Ancestor  of  another  family  who  returned  with 
Ezra  (viii.  5).  In  tliis  verse  it  has  been  supposed 
that  some  name  is  omitted,  and  that  perhaps  the 
reading  should  be :  "  of  the  sons  of  Zattu,  Shecha- 
niah,  the  son  of  Jahazifl." — 1,  Son  of  Jehiel  of  the 
sons  of  Elam,  proposed  a  covenant  to  put  away  the 


foreign  wives  (Ezr.  x.  2). — 5.  Father  of  Shemaiah 
2  (Nell.  iii.  29). — 6f  Son  of  Arab,  and  father-in-law 
of  Tobiah  the  Ammonite  (vi.  18). — 7.  Head  of  a 
priestly  family  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (xii. 
3);  =  SuEBANiAH  2.     Compare  Shecaniah  1. 

SIie'tlWB  [-kem]  (Heb.  shoulder,  ridge),  also  writ- 
ten SiCHEM  (L.  form),  and  Sychem  ;  a  celebrated 
city  of  Palestine.  It  has  been  made  a  question 
whether  the  place  was  so  called  from  Shechem  1, 
the  son  of  Hanior  (Gen.  xxxiii.  18  ff.),  or  whether 
he  received  his  name  from  the  city.  The  import 
of  the  name  fiivors,  certainly,  the  latter  supposi- 
tion (so  Prof  Ilackett,  original  author  of  this  ar- 
ticle). The  Hebrew  etymology  indicates  tliat  the 
place  was  situated  on  some  mountain  or  hill-side; 
and  that  presumption  agrees  with  Josh.  xx.  7,  which 
places  it  in  Mount  Epliraim  (see  also  1  K.  xii.  25), 
and  witli  Judg.  ix.  9,  which  represents  it  as  under 
the  summit  of  Gerizim,  which  belonged  to  the 
Ephraim  range.  The  other  Biblical  intimations  in 
regard  to  its  situation  are  only  indirect  (Gen.  xxxiii. 
18?  SiiALEM ;  xxxvii.  12,  &c.;  Judg.  xxi.  1  ;  Jn.  iv. 
5  ;  Pvchar).  But  the  historical  and  traditional  data 
outside  of  the  Bible  are  abundant  and  decisive. 
Josephus  describes  Shechem  as  between  Gerizim 
and  Ebal.  The  present  Ndbnlus  is  a  corruption 
merely  of  KeapoUs ;  and  Neapolis  succeeded  the 
more  ancient  Shechem  (Josephus,  Epiphauius,  Je- 
rome, &c.).  The  city  received  its  new  name  (Gr. 
Neapolis  =z  neto  cit:/)  from  Vespasian,  and  on  coins 
still  extant  is  called  Flavia  Neapolis.  Its  situation, 
nearly  midway  between  Judea  and  Galilee,  and  thus 
a  "  thoroughfare  "  on  this  important  route,  accounts 
for  another  name,  written  Mabortha  or  Mabartha  by 
Josepluis  {B.  J.  iv.  8,  §  1),  and  Mamortha  by  Pliny 
(from  Heb.  Ma'abaria  =  passage,  Olshausen),  which 
it  bore  among  the  natives.  The  ancient  town,  in  its 
most  flourishing  age,  may  have  extended  further  up 
the  side  of  Gerizim  than  the  modern  Ndbiilus,  and 
further  eastward  toward  the  opening  into  the  valley 
from  the  plain.  Josephus  says  that  more  than  ten 
thousand  Samaritans  (inhabitants  of  Shechem  arc 
meant)  were  destroyed  by  the  Romans  on  one  occa- 
sion. The  population,  therefore,  must  have  been 
much  greater  than  Ndbulus  with  its  present  dimen- 
sions would  contain.  The  situation  of  the  town  is 
one  of  surpassing  beauty.  It  lies  in  a  sheltered  val- 
ley, protected  by  Gerizim  on  the  S.,  and  Ebal  on  the 
N.  The  feet  of  these  mountains,  where  they  riso 
from  the  town,  are  not  more  than  500  yards  apart. 
The  bottom  of  the  valley  is  about  1,800  feet  above 
the  level  of  the  sea,  and  the  top  of  Gerizim  800  feet 
higher  still.  The  Site  of  the  present  city,  believed 
to  have  been  also  that  of  the  Hebrew  city,  is  exactly 
on  the  water-summit ;  and  streams  issuing  from  the 
numerous  springs  there,  flow  down  the  opposite 
slopes  of  the  valley,  spreading  verdure  and  fertility 
in  every  direction.  Travellers  vie  with  each  other 
in  the  enthusiastic  language  which  they  employ  to 
describe  the  scene  that  bursts  here  so  suddenly  upon 
them  on  arriving  in  spring  or  early  summer  at  this 
paradise  of  the  Holy  Land.  "  The  whole  valley," 
says  Dr.  Robinson,  "  was  filled  with  gardens  of  vege- 
tables, and  orchards  of  all  kinds  of  fruits,  watered 
by  fountains,  which  burst  forth  in  various  parts  and 
flow  westward  in  refreshing  streams.  It  came  upon 
us  suchlenly  like  a  scene  of  fairy  enchantment.  Wo 
saw  nothing  to  compare  with  it  in  all  Palestine. 
Here,  beneath  the  shadow  of  an  immense  mulberry- 
tree,  by  tlie  side  of  a  purling  rill,  we  pitched  our 

tent  for  the  remainder  of  the  day  and  night 

We  rose  early,  awakened  by  the  songs  of  nightingales 


1008 


SHB 


SHE 


and  other  birds,  of  which  the  gardens  around  us 
were  full."  The  allusions  to  Shcchem  in  the  Bible 
are  numerous,  and  show  how  important  the  place 
was  in  Jewish  history.  Abraham,  on  his  first  mi- 
gration to  the  Land  of  Promise,  pitched  his  tent  and 


built  an  altar  under  the  Oak  (or  Terebinth,  A.  V. 
"Plain")  of  Jloreh  at  Shcchem.  "Tlie  Canaanite 
was  then  in  tlie  land  ;  "  and  it  is  evident  tliat  the  re- 
gion, if  not  the  citv,  was  .ilrcady  in  possession  of  the 
aboriginal  race  (Gen.  xii.  6).     When  Jacob  arrived 


The  Vallfy  and  Town  of  A'aJtt/w*,  the  ancient  Shecheni,  from  the  eooth-wp«tem  flank  of  Mount  Ebal,  looMnfr  westward.    The  mountain  on  the  left  * 
Gerizim.    The  Mediterranean  is' discernible  in  the  distance.    From  a  sketch  by  W.  Tippin):,  Esq. 


here  after  his  sojourn  in  Mesopotamia  (xxxiii.  18, 
xxxiv.),  Shechem  was  a  Hivite  city,  of  which  Hamor, 
the  fitther  of  Shechem,  was  the  head-man.  At  this 
time  the  patriarch  purchased  fi-om  that  chieftain 
"  the  parcel  of  the  field,"  which  he  subsequently  be- 
queathed, as  a  special  patrimony,  to  his  son  Joseph 
(xliii.  22  ;  Josh.  xxiv.  32 ;  Jn.  iv.  5).  The  field  lay 
undoubtedly  on  the  rich  plain  of  the  Mukhna,  E.  of 
the  city,  and  its  value  was  the  greater  on  account 
of  the  well  which  Jacob  had  dug  there,  so  as  not  to 
be  dependent  on  his  neighbors  for  a  supply  of  water. 
The  defilement  of  Dinah,  Jacob's  daughter,  and  the 
capture  of  Shechem  and  the  massacre  of  all  the  male 
inhabitants  by  Simeon  and  Levi,  are  events  of  this 
period  (Gen.  xxxiv.  1  ff.).  The  oak  under  which 
Abraham  had  worshipped,  survived  to  Jacob's  time 
(-XXXV.  1-4).  (Meonenim,  Plaw  of.)  In  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  land  after  its  conquest  by  the  He- 
brews, Shechem  fell  to  Ephraim  (Josh.  xx.  "7),  but 
was  assigned  to  the  Levites,  and  became  a  city  of 
refuge  (xxi.  20,  21).  It  was  the  scene  of  the  re- 
newed promulgation  of  the  Law,  when  its  blessings 
were  heard  from  Gerizim  and  its  curses  from  Ebal, 
and  tlie  people  bowed  their  heads  and  acknowledged 
Jehovah  as  their  king  and  ruler  (Deut.  xxvii.  11; 
Josh.  ix.  33-35).  Here  Joshua  assembled  the  peo- 
ple, shortly  before  his  death,  and  delivered  to  them 
his  last  counsels  (xxiv.  1,  25).  After  the  death  of 
Gideon,  Ablmelech  3,  his  bastard  son,  induced  the 
Shechemites  to  revolt  from  the  Hebrew  common- 
wealth and  elect  him  king  (Judg.  ix.).  Upon  this 
JoTiiAM  1  delivered  his  parable  of  the  trees  to  the 
men  of  Shcchem  from  the  top  of  Gerizim  (ix.  22  ff.). 
In  revenge  for  his  being  expelled,  after  a  reign  of 
three  years,  Abimelcch  destroyed  the  city,  and,  as 
an  emblem  of  the  fate  to  which  he  would  consign  it, 


sowed  the  ground  with  salt  (ix.  34-46).  It  was 
soon  restored,  however,  for  all  Israel  assembled  at 
Shechem,  and  Rehoboam,  Solomon's  successor,  wei>t 
thither  to  be  inaugurated  as  king  (1  K.  xii.).  Here 
the  ten  tribes  renounced  the  house  of  David,  and 
transferred  their  allegiance  to  Jeroboam  (xii.  16), 
under  whom  Shechem  became  for  a  time  the  capital 
of  his  kingdom.  The  people  of  Shechem  doubtless 
shared  the  fate  of  the  iiihabitants  of  Samaria, 
and  were,  most  of  them  at  least,  carried  into  cap- 
tivity (2  K.  xvii.  5,  6,  xviii.  9  ff.).  But  Shalmanescr, 
the  conqueror,  sent  colonies  from  Babylonia  to  oc- 
cupy the  place  of  the  exiles  (xvii.  24).  It  would 
seem  (so  Prof.  Hackett)  that  there  was  anotlier  in- 
flux of  strangers,  at  a  later  period,  under  Esar-had- 
don  (Ezr.  iv.  2).  "Certain  from  Shechem,"  &c., 
possibly  Cuthites,  i.  e.  Babylonian  immigiants  who 
iiad  become  proselytes  or  worshippers  of  Jehovah, 
were  slain  by  Isiimael  6  on  their  way  to  Jerusalem 
(Jer.  xii.  5  ff').  From  the  time  of  the  origin  of  tlie 
Samaritans,  the  history  of  SJicchem,  which  became 
their  principal  city,  blends  itself  with  that  of  this 
people,  and  of  their  sacred  mount,  Gerizim.  (Sa- 
MAKiA  3  ;  Samaritan  PeStateucii.)  Shechem  reap- 
pears in  the  N.  T.  It  is  the  Svchar  of  John  iv.  5, 
near  which  the  Saviour  conversed  with  the  Samaritan 
woman  at  Jacob's  Well.  In  Acts  vii.  16,  Stephen 
reminds  his  hearers  that  certain  of  the  patriarchs 
(meaning  Joseph,  as  we  see  in  Josh.  xxiv.  32,  and 
following,  perhaps,  some  tradition  as  to  Jacob's  other 
sons)  were  buried  at  "  Syche.m,"  i.  e.  Shechem. — The 
population  oi  N&bultts,  the  modern  representative  of 
Shechem,  is  (so  Prof.  Hackett,  after  Dr.  Rosen)  about 
5,000,  mostly  Mohammedans,  but  including  500 
Greek  Christians,  150  Samaritans,  and  a  few  Jews. 
The  estimate  of  Kev.  J.  Mills  (in  Fairbairn)  is  10,000 


SHE 


SHE 


1009 


in  all,  viz.  150  Samaritans,  500  to  600  native  Chris- 
tians, 100  Jews,  tlie  rest  Arabs.  The  enmity  be- 
tween the  Samaritans  and  Jews  is  as  inveterate  still, 
as  it  was  in  the  days  of  Christ.  The  main  street  fol- 
lows the  line  of  the  valley  from  E.  to  W.,  and  con- 
tains a  well-stocked  bazaar.  Most  of  the  other 
streets  cross  this :  here  are  the  smaller  shops  and 
the  workstands  of  the  artisans.  Most  of  the  streets 
are  narrow  and  dark,  as  the  houses  hang  over  them 
on  arches,  very  much  as  in  the  closest  parts  of  Cairo. 
(Uocse;  JERi's.vr.EM.)  The  houses  are  of  stone,  and 
of  the  most  ordinary  style,  except  those  of  the 
wealthy  sheiklis  of  Samaria  who  live  here.  There 
are  no  public  buildings  of  any  note.  The  Keniseh 
or  synagogue  of  the  Samaritans  is  a  small  edifice, 
perhaps  three  or  four  centuries  old,  in  the  interior 
of  which  there  is  nothing  remarkable,  unless  it  be  an 
alcove,  screened  by  a  curtain,  in  which  their  sacred 
writings  are  kept.  Ndhulun  has  five  mosques,  two  of 
which,  according  to  a  tradition  in  which  Mohamme- 
dans, Christians,  and  Samaritans  agree,  were  origi- 
nally churches.  Dr.  Rosen  says  that  the  inhabitants 
boast  of  the  existence  of  not  less  than  eighty  springs 
of  water  within  and  around  the  city.  Ue  gives  the 
names  of  twenty-seven  of  the  principal  of  them. 
Same  of  the  gardens  are  watered  from  the  fountains, 
while  others  have  a  soil  so  moist  a»  not  to  need  such 
irrigation.  The  olive,  as  in  the  days  when  Jotham 
delivered  his  famous  parable,  is  still  the  principal 
tree.  Figs,  almonds,  walnuts,  mulberries,  grapes, 
orange.^,  apricots,  pomegranates,  are  abundant.  The 
valley  of  the  Nile  itself  hardly  surpasses  Ndbuhts  in 
the  production  of  vegetables  of  every  sort.  Being, 
as  it  is,  the  gateway  of  the  trade  between  Jaffa  and 
Bnrut  on  the  one  siile,  and  the  Transjordanic  dis- 
tricts on  the  other,  and  the  centre  also  of  a  province 
so  rich  in  wool,  grain,  and  oil,  Ifdbiilus  becomes,  nec- 
essarily, the  seat  of  an  active  commerce,  and  of  a 
comparative  luxury  to  be  found  in  very  few  of  the 
inhnd  Oriental  cities.  Here  are  manufactured  many 
of  the  coirser  woollen  fabrics,  delicate  silk  goods, 
cloth  of  camel's  hair,  and  especially  soap. — "  Jacob's 
Well"  (Ju.  iv.  6,  12)  lies  about  a  mile  and  a  half  E. 
of  the  city,  close  to  the  lower  road,  and  just  beyond 
the  wretched  hamlet  of  5a/u<a.  Among  the  Moham- 
medans and  Samaritans  it  is  known  as  Bird-  Yakub, 
or  'Ain  YakAb  ;  the  Christians  sometimes  call  \t  Bh' 
es-Sanariyeh  (rz  the  well  of  the  Samaritan  woman). 
Formerly  there  was  a  square  hole  opening  into  a 
carefully-built  vaulted  chamber,  about  ten  feet 
square,  in  the  floor  of  which  was  the  true  mouth  of 
the  well.  Now  a  portion  of  the  vault  has  fallen  in 
and  ooraplotely  covered  up  the  mouth,  so  that  nothing 
can  be  seen  above  but  a  shallow  pit  half  filled  with 
stones  and  rubbish.  The  well  is  deep — seventy-five 
feet  when  last  measured — and  there  was  probably  a 
considerable  accumulation  of  rubbish  at  the  bottom. 
Sometimes  it  contains  a  few  feet  of  water,  but  at 
others  it  is  quite  dry.  It  is  entirely  excavated  in  the 
solid  rock,  perfectly  round,  nine  feet  in  diameter, 
with  the  sides  hewn  smooth  and  regular.  Of  all  the 
special  localities  of  our  Lord's  life,^his  is  almost  the 
only  one  absolutely  undisputed.  The  tradition,  in 
which  Jowa  and  Samaritans,  Christians  and  Moham- 
medans, nil  agree,  goes  back  at  least  to  the  early  part 
of  the  fourth  century.  The  well  and  the  plot  of 
ground  round  it  were  bought  by  the  Greek  Church 
in  1859  for  the  purpose  of  building  over  it  (Rev.  J. 
Mills,  in  Fairbaim).— The  "  Tomb  of  Joseph  "  lies 
about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  N.  of  the  well,  exactly  in 
the  centre  of  the  opcmng  of  the  valley  between  Ger- 
izim  and  Ebal.  It  is  a  small  square  enclosure  of 
64 


high  whitewashed  walls,  surrounding  a  tomb  of  the 
ordinary  kind,  but  placed  diagonally  to  the  walls, 
instead  of  parallel,  as  usual.  A  rough  pillar  used  as 
an  altar,  and  black  with  the  traces  of  fire,  is  at  the 
head,  and  another  at  the  foot  of  the  tomb.  In  the 
walls  are  two  slabs  with  Hebrew  inscriptions,  and  the 
interior  is  almost  covered  with  the  names  of  pilgrims 
in  Hebrew,  Arabic,  and  Samaritan.  Beyond  this 
there  is  nothing  to  remark  in  the  structure  itself. 
The  local  tradition  of  the  tomb,  like  that  of  the  well, 
is  as  old  as  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century. 

Slie'eliem  (see  above).  I.  Son  of  Hamor  the 
chieftain  of  the  Hivite  settlement  of  Shechem  at 
the  time  of  Jacob's  arrival  (Gen.  xxxiii.  19,  xxxiv. 
2-26 ;  Josh.  xxiv.  32 ;  Judg.  ix.  28) ;  the  seducer 
of  Dinah;  slain  by  Simeon  and  Levi, — 2.  A  man 
of  Manasseh,  of  the  clan  of  Gilead,  and  head  of  the 
Shechemites  (Num.  xxvi.  31 ;  Josh.  xvii.  2. — 3.  A 
Gileadite,  son  of  Shemida,  the  younger  brother  of 
No.  2  (1  Chr.  vii.  19). 

Slie'cbcm-ites,  the  =  the  family  of  Shechem  3,  son 
of  Gilead  (Num.  xxvi.  31 ;  compare  Josh.  xvii.  2). 

Slie-clll'nall  (Chal.  and  later  Heb.  =  a  dicellini;),  a 
term  not  found  in  the  Bible,  but  used  by  the  later 
Jews,  and  borrowed  by  Christians  from  them,  to 
express  the  visible  majesty  of  the  Divine  Presence, 
especially  when  resting,  or  dwelling,  between  the 
Cherubim  on  the  mercy-seat  in  the  Tabernacle,  and 
in  the  Temple  of  Solomon ;  but  not  in  Zerubbabel's 
Temple,  for  it  was  one  of  the  five  particulars  which 
the  Jews  reckon  to  have  been  wanting  in  the  second 
Temple.  The  use  of  the  term  is  first  found  in  the 
Targiiras,  where  it  forms  a  frequent  periphrasis  for 
God,  considered  as  diceUing  among  the  children  of 
Israel,  on  Zion,  between  the  Cherubim,  &c.,  and  is 
thus  used,  especially  by  Onkelos,  to  avoid  ascribing 
corporeity  to  God  Himself.  In  Ex.  xxv.  8,  where 
the  Hebrew  and  A.  V.  have  "  Let  them  make  me  a 
sanctuary  that  I  may  dwel  among  them,"  Onkelos 
has,  "  I  will  make  my  Shechinah  to  dwell  among 
them."  In  xxix.  45,  46,  for  "I  will  dwell  among 
the  children  of  Israel,"  ^c,  Onkelos  has  "  I  will 
make  my  Shechinah  to  dwell,"  &c.  In  Ps.  Ixxiv.  2, 
for  "  this  Mount  Zion  wherein  thou  hast  dwelt,"  the 
Targum  has  "  wherein  thy  Shechinah  hath  dwelt." 
In  the  description  of  the  dedication  of  Solomon's 
;  Temple  (1  K.  viii.  12,  13),  the  T.irgiira  of  Jonatlian 
j  runs  thus :  "  The  Lord  is  pleased  to  make  His 
Shechinah  dwell  in  Jerusalem.  I  have  built  the 
house  of  the  sanctuary  for  the  house  of  thy  Shechi- 
nah for  ever."  And  in  1  K.  vi.  13,  for  "  I  will  dwell 
among  the  children  of  Israel,"  Jonathan  has  "  I 
will  make  my  Shechinah  dwell."  In  Is.  vi.  5  he  has 
the  combination,  "the  glory  of  the  Shechinah  of 
the  King  of  ages,  the  Lord  of  Hosts  ;  "  and  in  the 
next  ver.se  he  paraphrases  "  from  off  the  altar,"  by 
"  from  before  His  Shechinah  on  the  throne  of  glory 
in  the  lofty  heavens  that  are  above  the  altar." 
Compare  also  Num.  v.  3,  xxxv.  34;  Ps.  Ixviii.  17, 
18,  cxxxv.  21 ;  Is.  xxxiii.  5,  Ivii.  15 ;  Joel  iii.  17,  21, 
and  numerous  other  passages.  On  the  other  hand 
(so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey,  original  author  of  this  ar- 
ticle), the  Targums  never  render  "  the  cloud  "  or 
"  the  glory-  "  by  Shechinah. — Though,  as  we  have 
seen,  the  Jews  reckoned  the  Shechinah  among  the 
marks  of  the  Divine  favor  which  were  wanting  to 
the  second  Temple,  they  manifestly  expected  the 
I  return  of  the  Shechinah  in  the  days  of  the  Messiah. 
j  Thus  Hag.  i.  8,  "  build  the  house,  and  I  will  take 
;  pleasure  in  it,  and  I  will  be  glorified,  saith  the 
j  Lord,"  is  paraphrased  by  Jonathan,  "  I  will  cause 
I  my  S'jechinah  to  dwell  in  it  in  glory."    So  also  in 


1010 


BHE 


SHE 


Zech.  ii.  10,  yiii.  3,  and  Ez.  xliii.  1,  9. — As  regards 
the  visible  manifestation  of  the  Divine  Presence 
dwelling  among  the  Israelites,  to  which  the  term 
Shechinah  has  attached  itself,  the  idea  which  the 
different  accounts  in  Scripture  convey  is  that  of  a 
most  brilliant  and  glorious  light,  enveloped  in  a 
cloud,  and  usually  concealed  by  the  cloud,  so  that 
the  cloud  itself  was  for  the  most  part  alone  visible ; 
but  on  particular  occasions  the  glory  appeared  (Ex. 
xiii.  21,  22,  xvi.  7,  10,  xix.  9  ff.,  xl.  34  ff.  ;  Lev.  ix. 

6,  23 ;  Num.  ix.  15,  16,  xiv.  10,  xvi.  19,  42,  xx.  6  ; 
Deut.  xxxi.  15 ;  1  K.  viii.  10,  11,  &c.).  (Ark  op  the 
Covenant  ;  Cherubim  ;  Cloud,  Pillar  of  ;  Fire,  I. 
2  ;  Mercy-seat,  &c.)  The  allusions  in  the  N.  T.  to 
the  Shechinah  are  not  unfrequent.  Thus  in  the  ac- 
count of  the  Nativity,  the  words,  "  Lo,  the  angel  of 
the  Lord  came  upon  them,  and  the  glory  of  the 
Lord  shone  round  about  them  "  (Lk.  ii.  9),  followed 
by  the  apparition  of  "  the  multitude  of  the  heaven- 
ly host,"  recall  the  appearance  of  the  Divine  glory 
on  Sinai,  when  "  He  shined  forth  from  Paran,  and 
came  with  ten  thousands  of  saints  "  (Deut.  xxxiii. 
2  ;  compare  Ps.  Ixviii.  17 ;  Acts  vii.  53  ;  Ileb.  ii.  2 ; 
Ez.  xliii.  2).  The  "  God  of  glory  "  (Acts  vii.  2,  55), 
"  the  cherubims  of  glory  "  (Heb.  ix.  5),  "  the  glory  " 
(Rom.  ix.  4),  and  other  like  passages,  are  distinct 
references  to  the  manifestations  of  the  glory  in  the 
0.  T.  When  we  read  in  Jn.  i.  14,  that  "  the  Word 
was  made  flesh,  and  dwelt  among  us,  and  we  beheld 
his  glory;"  or  in  2  Cor.  xii.  9,  "that  the  power  of 
Christ  may  rest  upon  me ;  "  or  in  Rev.  xxi.  8,  "  Be- 
hold the  tabernacle  of  God  is  with  men,  and  He 
will  dwell  with  them,"  we  have  not  only  references 
to  the  Shechinah,  but  are  distinctly  taught  to  con- 
nect it  with  the  incarnation  and  future  coming  of 
Messiah,  as  type  with  antitype.  It  should  also  be 
specially  noticed  that  the  attendance  of  angels  is 
usually  associated  with  the  Shechinah.  These  are 
most  frequently  called  (Ez.  x.,  xi.)  cherubim  ;  but 
sometimes,  as  in  Is.  vi.,  seraphim  (compare  Rev.  iv. 

7,  8).  The  predominant  association,  however,  is 
with  the  cherubim,  of  which  the  golden  cherubim 
on  the  mercy-seat  were  the  representation. 

Slied'e-nr  (fr.  Heb.  =  darting  of  fire,  Ges.),  father 
of  Elizur,  the  chief  of  Reuben  at  the  Exodus  (Num. 
i.  5,  ii.  10,  vii.  30,  35,  x.  18). 

Slieep.  The  Hebrew  words  denoting  sheep  are 
ayil  =  "a  ram"  (Gen.  xv.  9,  xxii.  13  twice,  &c.); 
car  =  "  a  lamb  ;  "  cebea  or  cescb  ( =  a  helamb,  Ges.), 
usually  translated  "  Iamb  "  (xxx.  40 ;  Ex.  xxix.  38 
ff.,  &c.),  fem.  cibsdh  (  =  ewe-lamb.  Gen.  xxi.  28 
ff.,  &c.),  or  cisbdh  (translated  "lamb,"  Lev.  v.  6 
only) ;  ison,  tsone,  or  tsone'i,  (=  afock  or  flocks,  i.  e. 
small  cattle,  sheep  and  goats,  Ges.),  usually  trans- 
lated "  flock  "  (Gen.  iv.  4,  xiii.  5,  &c.),  or  "  sheep  " 
(iv.  2,  xii.  16 ;  Num.  xxxii.  24,  &c.),  sometimes 
"cattle"  (Gen.  xxx.  89  ff.,  &c.),  or  "small  cattle" 
(Ecel.  ii.  7  only) ;  rdhel  or  r&chel  fem.,  translated 
"ewe"  (Gen.  xxxi.  38,  xxxii.  14  [Heb.  16]),  or 
"  sheep  "  (Cant.  vi.  6  ;  Is.  liii.  7);  seh  (~  one  of  a 
flock,  i.  e.  a  sheep  or  goat),  translated  in  Gen.  xxii. 
7  and  Ex.  xii.  3,  &c.,  "  lamb"  (margin  "kid"),  in 
Ex.  xxii.  1  [xxi.  37  Heb."|  and  Deut.  xvii.  1,  &c., 
"sheep"  (margin  "goat"),  &c. ;  tdleh  (=  a  lamb, 
young  and  tender,  Ges.),  twice  translated  "  lamb." 
The  Greek  words  are  probaton,  uniformly  translated 
"sheep"  (Mat.  vii.  16,  ix.  86,  kc);  poimne  and 
poimninn  {boi\i  =  a  flock,  especially  of  sheep,  Rbn. 
JV.  T.  Lex.),  both  uniformly  translated  "flock" 
(xxvi.  31 ;  Lk.  ii.  8,  xii.  32  ;  Acts  xx.  28,  29,  &c.).— 
Sheep  were  an  important  part  of  the  possessions  of 
the  ancient  Hebrews  and  of  Eastern  nations  gener- 


ally.    The  first  mention  of  sheep  occurs  in  Gen.  iv, 
2.     They  were  used  in  the  sacrificial  offerings,  both 
the  adult  animal  (Ex.  xx.  24  ;  1  K.  viii.  63  ;  2  Chr. 
xxix.  33)  and  the  "  lamb  "  3,  i.  e.  "  a  male  from  one  to 
three  years  old,"  but  young  lambs  of  the  first  year 
were  more  generally  used  in  the  offerings  (Ex.  xxix. 
38 ;  Lev.  ix.  8,  xii.  6  ;  Num.  xxviii.  9,  &c.).     No 
lamb  under  eight  days  old  was  allowed  to  be  killed 
(Lev.  xxii.  27).     Sheep  and  lambs  formed  an  im- 
portant article  of  food  (1  Sam.  xxv.  18  ;  1  K.  i.  19, 
iv.  23;  Ps.  xliv.  11,  &c.).     The  wool  was  used  as 
clothing  (Lev.  xiii.  47  ;  Deut.  xxii.  11 ;  Prov.  xxxi. 
13  ;  Job  xxxi.  20,  &c.).     "  Rams'  skins  dyed  red  " 
were  used  as  a  covering  for  the  Tabernacle  (Ex.  xxv. 
5).     Sheep  and  lambs  were  sometimes  paid  as  trib- 
ute (2  K.  iii.  4).     Immense  numbers  of  sheep  were 
reared  in  Palestine,  &o.,  in  Biblical  times  (1  K.  viii. 
63;  1  Chr.  v.  21  ;  2  Chr.  xv.  11,  xxx.  24;  Job  xiii. 
12,  &c.).    Sheep-shearing  is  often  alluded  to  (Ban- 
quets ;   Gen.  xxxi.  19,  xxxviii.  13;  Deut.  xv.  19;  1 
Sam.  xxv.  4  ;  Is.  liii.  7,  &c.).     Sheep-dogs  were  em- 
ployed in  Biblical  times.     (Doo.)     Shepherds   in 
Palestine  and  the  East  generally  go   before  their 
flocks,  which  they  induce  to  follow  by  calling  to 
them  (compare  Jn.  x.  4 ;  Ps.  Ixxvii.  20,  Ixxx.  1), 
though  they  also  drove  them  (Gen.  xxxiii.  13).     The 
following  quotation   from  Hartley's   Resiarehes   in 
Greece  and  the  Levant,  p.  321,  is  strikingly  illustra- 
tive of  Jn.  X.  1-16  :  "  Having  had  my  attention  di- 
rected last  night  to  the  words  in  Jn.  x.  S,  I  asked 
my  man  if  it  was  usual  in  Greece  to  give  names  to 
the  sheep.     He  informed  me  that  it  was,  and  that 
the  sheep  obeyed  the  shepherd  when  he  called  them 
by  their  names.   This  morning  I  had  an  opportunity 
of  verifying  the  truth  of  this  remark.     Passing  by 
a  flock"  of  sheep,  I  asked  the  shepherd  the  same 
question  which  I  had  put  to  the  servant,  and  he 
gave  me  the  same  answer.     I  then  bade  him  call 
one  of  his  sheep.     He  did  so,  and  it  instantly  left 
its  pasturage  and  its  companions,  and  ran  up  to  the 
hands  of  the  shepherd  with  signs  of  pleasure  and 
with  a  prompt  obedience  which  I  had  never  before 
observed  in  any  other  animal.     It  is  also  true  in 
this  country  that  '  a  stranger  will  they  not  follow, 
but  will  flee  from  him.'    The  shepherd  told  me  that 
many  of  his  sheep  were  still  wild,  that  they  had  not 
yet  learned  their  names,  but  that  by  teaching  them 
they  would  all  learn  them."     The  common  sheep  of 
Syria  and  Palestine  are  the  broad-tail  (Oris  lalica-u- 
datus),  and  a  variety  of  the  common  sheep  of  this 
country  (Ovis  Aries)  called  the  Bidoween  according 
to  Russell  (Aleppo,  ii.  p.   147).     The  broad-tailed 
kind  has  long  been  reared  in  Syria.     The  tail  (or 
more  correctly,  the  rump)  is  a  mass  of  marrow-like 
fat  which  spreads  over  the  whole  rump  and  down 
the  caudal  extremity  nearly  to  the  end,  and  may 
weigh  ordinarily  from  ten  to  fifteen  pounds.     The 
fat  tail  of  the  sheep  is  probably  alluded  to  in  Lev. 
iii.  9,  vii.  3,  &c.,  as  the  fat  and  the  whole  rump  that 
was  to  be  taken  off  hard  by  the  backbone  and  con- 
sumed on  the  altar.     The  cooks  in  Syrin  use  this 
mass  of  fat  instead  of  Arab  butter,  which  is  often 
rancid  (Thn.  i.  138-9).     The  whole  passage  in  Gen. 
xxx.  which  bears  on  the  subject  of  Jacob's  strata- 
gem with  Laban's  sheep  is  involved  in  considerable 
perplexity,  and  Jacob's  conduct  in  this  matter  has 
been  severely  and  uncompromisingly  condemned  by 
some  writers.     It  is  altogether  impossible  (so  Mr. 
Houghton)  to  account   for    the   complete   success 
which  attended  his  device  of  setting  peeled  rods 
before  the  ewes  and  she-goats  as  they  came  to  drink 
in  the  water-troughs,  on  natural  grounds.   We  must 


SHE 


SHE 


1011 


agree  with  the  Greek  Fathers  and  ascribe  the  pro- 
ductioa  of  Jacob's  spotted  sheep  and  goats  to  Divine 
agency.  In  (Jen.  xxxi.  5-13,  Jacob  expressly  states 
that  his  success  was  due  to  Divine  interference. 
God  was  only  helping  Jacob  to  obtain  that  which 
justly  belonged  to  him,  but  which  Laban's  rapacity 
refused  to  grant.  As  the  sheep  is  an  emblem  of 
meekness,  patience,  and  submission,  it  is  expressly 
mentioned  as  typifying  these  qualities  in  the  person 
of  our  Blessed  Lord  (Is.  liii.  7 ;  Acts  viii.  32,  &c.). 
The  relation  that  exists  between  Christ,  "  the  chief 
Shepherd,"  and  His  members,  is  beautifully  com- 
pared to  that  which  in  the  East  is  so  strikingly  ex- 
hibited by  the  shepherds  to  their  flocks.  Cornet  ; 
Dress;  Ewe;  Goat;  Herd;  Lamb;  Leatbek; 
Mile  ;  Pot  8  ;  Ram  ;  Sacrifice  ;  Sueabing-hodse  ; 
Sheep-cote;  Shepherd,  &c. 


6road-ta!led  Sheep. 

•  Shcep'-tOte,  properly  =  a  building  for  shelter- 
ing SHEEP  (1  Sam.  xxiv.  3;  2  Sam.  vii.  8;  1  Chr. 
xvii.  7).     Cotes  ;  Sheep-fold. 

*  Sheep'-fold  =  a  fold  or  enclosure  for  sheep 
(Num.  xxxii.  16;  Judg.  v.  16;  Ps.  Ixxvili.  70;  Jn. 
X.  1),  often  furnished  with  a  shed  or  covered  part 
for  protection  from  storms,  &c.  Dr.  Thomson  (i. 
299)  describes  shicp-folds  in  Syria  a>  built  in  shel- 


Sbeep-fbld. 

tcred  spotg,  and  consisting  of  yards  defended  by 
wide  stone-walls  crowned  with  sharp  thorns  (Hedge) 
and  low  flat  buildings.  In  cold  weather  the  flock  is 
shut  up  in  the  building,  but  in  ordinary  weather 


merely  kept  in  the  yard.  In  the  summer  months 
the  shepherds  sleep  with  their  flocks  where  they  are 
pastured,  with  only  a  stout  hedge  or  palisade  of 
thorn-buslics  to  protect  them  from  wild  beasts. 

Sheep-gate,  the  (Heb.  aha'ar  hats-ts6)i),  one  of  the 
gates  of  Jerusalem  as  rebuilt  by  Nchemiah  (Neh. 
iii.  1,  32,  xii.  39).  It  stood  between  the  tower  of 
Meah  and  the  chamber  of  the  corner  (iii.  32,  1)  or 
gate  of  the  guard-house  (xii.  89,  A.  V.  "  prison- 
gate  ").  The  latter  seems  to  have  been  at  the  angle 
formed  by  the  junction  of  the  wall  enclosing  the 
Temple  with  that  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem  proper, 
having  the  sheep-gate  on  the  N.  of  it.  The  sheep- 
gate  may  therefore  have  been  at  or  near  the  Bab 
el-Katldnin  (so  Mr.  Grove).  Robinson  (i.  343)  would 
place  it  on  the  S.  of  the  Temple  (Bethesda);  tra- 
dition identifies  it  with  St.  Stephen's  gate,  &c. 
Sheep-market. 

Shcep'-mar-ket,  the  (Jn.  v.  2).  The  word  "  mar- 
ket "  is  an  interpolation  of  our  translators,  possibly 
after  Luther.  The  original  Gr.  word  is  probatike 
(adj.  =  of  sheep),  to  which  should  probably  be  sup- 
plied not  "  market,"  but  gate  (Gr.  pule),  as  in  the 
LXX.  version  of  tlie  passages  in  Nebemiah  quoted 
in  the  foregoing  article.  Bethesda. 
»  Sheep'-mas-tcr(2  K.  iii.  4).  Shepherd. 
•  Sheep'-sliear-ers.  Absalom  ;  Banquets  ;  Na- 
BAL ;  Shearing-house  ;  Sheep,  &c. 

Shc-ha-ri'all  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jehovah  seeks  him,  Gcs.), 
a  Bcnjamite  cliief,  son  of  Jeroham  (1  Chr.  viii.  26). 
Shekel  [shek'l],  (Heb.),  originally  a  certain 
weight,  hence  applied  to  a  denomination  of  money, 
and  subsequently  to  a  coin  of  that  weight.  The 
shekel  of  the  Maccabees  (so  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.,  &c.) 
is  estimated  at  sixty  cents.  The  didrachm  (Mat. 
xvii.  24  margin,  text  twice  "  tribute  "),  in  the  time 
of  the  N.  T.  and  Josephus,  =:  the  Jewish  half- 
shekel,  i.  e.  thirty  cents.  Money  ;  Penny  ;  Weights 
AND  Measures. 

She'lah  (Heb.  petition,  Ges.).  1.  Third  son  of 
JuDAH  1,  the  youngest  by  the  daughter  of  Shuah ; 
ancestor  of  the  Shklanites  (Gen.  xxxviii.  5,  11,  14, 
26,  xlvi.  12;  Num.  xxvi.  20;  1  Chr.  ii.  3,  iv.  21).— 
8.  (Heb.  missile,  shoot,  sprout,  Ges.)  Salah  the  son 
of  Arphaxad  (1  Chr.  i.  18,  24). 

She'lan-ltea  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  descendants  of 
Shelah  1  (Num.  xxvi.  20). 

Sbel-e-ml'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Meshelemiah,  Ges.).  I. 
One  of  the  sons  of  Bani  who  had  married  a  foreign 
wife  in  Ezra's  time  (Ezr.  x.  39). — 8, 
Father  of  Hananiah  (Neh.  iii.  30). 
(Hananiah  10.) — 3.  A  priest  in  Ne- 
hemiah's  time ;  one  of  the  treasurers 
of  tithes  (xiii.  13). — 1.  Father  of  Je- 
nucAL,  or  Jucal,  in  Zedekiah's  time 
(Jer.  xxxvii.  3). — 5.  Father  of  Irijah, 
the  captain  of  the  ward  who  arrested 
Jeremiah  (xxxvii.  18).^-6.  The  same 
as  Meshelemiah  and  Shallum  9  (1 
Chr.  xxvi.  14). — 1.  Another  of  the 
sons  of  Bani  (compare  No.  1)  who  had 
married  a  foreign  wife  in  Ezra's  time 
(Ezr.  X.  41). — 8i  Ancestor  of  Jehudi 
in  Jehoiakim's  time  (Jer.  xxxvi.  14). 
"^  — 9.    Son  of  Abdeel ;  one  of   those 

ordered  by  Jchoiakim  to  take  Baruch 
and  Jeremiah  (xxxvi.  26). 

She'leph  (Heb.  a  drawini)  <mt,  selee- 
tion,  Sim.),  the  second  in  order  of  the  sons  of  Joktan 
(Gen.  X.  2« ;  1  Chr.  i.  20).  The  tribe  which  sprang 
from  him  has  been  satisfactorily  identifie<l,  both  in 
modern  and  classical  times ;  as  well  as  the  district  of 


1012 


SEE 


SHE 


the  Yemen  named  after  him.  Sheleph  is  found  where 
Tve  should  expect  to  meet  with  him  (so  Mr.  E.  S. 
Poole),  in  the  district  of  Sulaf,  which  appears  to  be 
the  same  as  Nicbuln's  Stiljie,  written  in  his  map 
Seljia  (Ar.  Sulaf eeyeh?),  in  N.  lat.  14i',  about  sixty 
miles  nearly  S.  of  Snu^A  (Uzal).  Besides  this  geo- 
graphical trace  of  Sheleph,  wc  have  the  ancient  tribe 
of  Shell f  or  Shulaf  in  the  Yemen.     Arabia. 

She'lcsll  (Heb.  triad,  Ges.),  son  of  Helem  (1  Chr. 
vii.  35). 

Sbelo-mi,  or  Slie-lo'mi  (Heb.  pacific,  Ges.),  an 
Asherite,  father  of  Ahihud  (Num.  xxxiv.  27). 

Slid'o-niitli,  or  She-lo'mith  (Heb.  pacific,  love  of 
peace,  Ges.).  1.  Daughter  of  Dibri,  a  Danite;  wife 
of  an  Egyptian.  Their  son  was  stoned  for  blas- 
phemy (Lev.  xxiv.  1 1 ). — 2.  Daughter  of  Zerubbabel 
(1  Chr.  iii.  19).— 3.  A  Kohathite  Lcvite,  chief  of 
the  Izharites  (xxiii.  18);  =  Shelomoth.— 4.  A  Le- 
vite  descended  from  Eliezer  the  son  of  Moses ;  an 
overseer  or  treasurer  of  dedicated  things  in  David's 
reign  (xxvi.  25,  26,  28). — 5.  A  Gershonite,  son  of 
Shimei  \1  (xxiii.  9). — 6>  According  to  the  present 
text,  the  sons  of  Shclomith,  with  the  son  of  Josi- 
piiiAH  at  their  head,  returned  from  Babylon  with 
Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  ]0). — T.  A  son  of  Kchoboam  by  Ma- 
achah  (2  Chr.  xi.  20). 

Sbcro-moth,  or  Slie-lo'moth  (Heb.)  =  Shelohith 
3  (1  Ghr.  xxiv.  22). 

She-la  mi-el  (Heb.  friend  of  Ood,  Ges.),  son  of 
Zurishaddai,  and  prince  of  Simeon  at  the  Exodus 
(Num.  i.  6,  ii.  12,  vii.  36,  41,  x.  19). 

Shem  (Heb.  sign,  name,  Ges.),  in  N.  T.  Sem,  eldest 
son  of  NoAii  (so  Mr.  Bullock  ;  see  Japheth),  born 
(Gen.  v.  32)  when  his  father  had  attained  the  ageot 
500  years.  He  was  ninety-eight  years  old,  married, 
and  childless,  at  the  time  of  the  Flood.  After  it, 
he,  with  his  father,  brothers,  sisters-in-law,  and  wife, 
received  the  blessing  of  God  (ix.  1),  and  entered 
into  the  covenant.  Two  years  afterward  he  became 
the  father  of  Arpiiaxad  (xi.  10),  and  other  children 
were  born  to  him  subsequently  (x.  21  ff,  &c.).  With 
the  help  of  his  brother  Jajiheth,  he  covered  the 
nakedness  of  their  father  which  Canaan  and  Ham 
did  not  care  to  hide.  In  the  prophecy  of  Noah  (ix. 
25-27),  the  first  blessing  falls  on  Shem.  He  died 
at  the  age  of  600  years. — Assuming  that  the  years 
ascribed  to  the  patriarchs  in  the  present  copies  of 
the  Hebrew  Bible  are  correct  (Chronology  ;  Patri- 
arch), it  appears  that  Methuselah,  who  in  his  first 
243  years  was  contemporary  with  Adam,  had  still 
nearly  100  years  of  his  long  life  to  run  after  Shem 
was  bom.  And  when  Shem  died,  Abraham  was 
148  years  old,  and  Isaac  had  been  nine  years  mar- 
ried. There  are  therefore  but  two  links — Methuse- 
lah and  Shem — between  Adam  and  Isaac.  So  that 
the  early  records  of  the  Creation  and  Fall  of  man, 
which  eame  down  to  Isaac,  would  challenge  (apart 
from  their  inspiration)  the  same  confidence  which 
is  readily  yielded  to  a  tale  that  reaches  the  hearer 
through  two  well-known  persons  between  himself 
and  the  original  chief  actor  in  the  events  related. — 
The  portion  of  the  earth  occupied  by  the  descend- 
ants of  Shem  (x.  21-31)  intersects  the  portions  of 
Japheth  and  Ham,  and  stretches  in  an  uninterrupted 
line  from  the  Mediterranean  Sea  to  the  Indian  Ocean. 
Beginning  at  its  northwestern  extremity  with  Lydia 
(Lcn),  it  includes  Syria  (Aram),  Chaldea  (Arpiiax- 
ad), parts  of  Assyria  (Asshpr),  of  Persia  (Elam), 
and  of  the  Arabian  Peninsula  (Joktan).  Geneal- 
ogy OF  Jesus  Christ;  Melchizedek;  Shemitic  Lan- 
guages ;  ToNGUKS,  Confusion  or. 

SUc'ma  (Heb.  hearing,  sound,  rumor,  Ges.),  a  city 


of  the  south  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  26).  In  the  list 
of  the  towns  of  Simeon  selected  from  the  south  of 
Judah,  Sheba  takes  the  place  of  Shema,  probably 
liy  an  error  of  transcription  or  a  change  of  pronun- 
ciation. Wilton  ( The  N'igeb)  and  Rowlands  (in  Fair- 
bairn,  under  "South  Country")  suppose  Shema  (in 
LXX.  Salmaa)  at  a  mound,  Jiujeim  SclAmth,  about 
twelve  miles  W.  S.  W.  of  Sebbeh  (Masada). 

Sbe'ma  (see  above).  !•  A  Reubenite,  ancestor 
of  Bela  (1  Chr.  v.  8) ;  =  Shemaiah  4  V— 2.  A  Ben- 
jainite,  one  of  the  chiefs  of  Aijalon  who  drove  out 
the  inhabitants  of  Gath ;  son  of  Elpaal  (viii.  13); 
probal)ly  =  Shimhi. — 3.  One,  probably  a  priest, 
who  stood  at  Ezra's  right  hand  when  he  read  the 
Law  to  the  people  (Neh.  viii.  4). 

Siirm'a-ah,  or  She-ma'ah  (Heb.  =  Shema?),  a 
Bcnjamite  of  Gibeah,  and  father  of  Ahiezer  and 
Joash,  David's  warriors  (1  Chr.  xii.  3). 

Slie-niai'ah  [-ma'yali],  or  Slirm-a-rali  (Ileb.  Jeho- 
vah hian  him,  Ges,).  1.  A  prophet  in  the  reign  of 
Rehoboam.  When  the  king  had  assembled  180,000 
men  of  Benjamin  and  Judah  to  reconquer  the 
northern  kingdom  after  its  revolt,  Shemaiah  was 
commissioned  to  charge  them  to  return  to  their 
homes,  and  not  to  war  against  their  brethren  (1  K. 
xii.  22  ;  2  Chr.  xi.  2).  His  second  and  last  appear- 
ance upon  the  stage  was  upon  the  occasion  of  the 
invasion  of  Judah  and  siege  of  Jerusalem  by  Shi- 
shak,  king  of  Egypt  (xii.  5,  7).  He  wrote  a  chron- 
icle containing  the  events  of  Rchoboam's  reign  (xii. 
15).— 2.  The  son  of  Shechauiah,  among  the  descend- 
ants of  Zerubbabel  (1  Chr.  iii.  22).  lie  was  keeper 
of  the  east  gate  of  the  city,  and  assisted  Nehemiah 
in  restorirg  the  wall  (Neh.  iii.  29).  Lord  A.  C.  Her- 
vey  would  omit  "  and  the  sons  of  Sheehaniah,  She- 
maiah "  from  1  Chr.  iii.  22,  and  make  the  following 
Shemaiah  =  Shimei  5  in  ver.  19.  (Genealogy  of 
Jesus  Christ.) — 3.  Ancestor  of  Ziza,  a  prince  of 
Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  37);  perhaps  =  Shimei  fi. — 
Son  of  Joel,  a  Reubenite;  perhaps  =  Shema  1  (v. 
4). — .5.  Son  of  Hasshub;  a  Merarite  Levite  after 
the  Captivity  (ix.  14;  Neh.  xi.  15). — 6.  Father  of 
Obadiali,  or  Abda,  a  Levite  (1  Chr.  ix.  16);  = 
Shammua  3. — 7.  A  Levite,  chief  of  the  sons  of  Eliz- 
aphan  in  David's  reign  (xv.  8,  11). — 8.  A  Lcvite, 
son  of  Nethaneel ;  a  scribe  in  David's  time  who 
registered  the  courses  of  the  priests  (xxiv.  6).^9. 
A  Levite  porter,  eldest  son  of  Obed-edom  the  Git- 
tite  (xxvi.  4,  6,  7). — 10.  A  descendant  of  Jeduthun 
the  singer ;  assisted  in  purifying  the  Temple  in  llcz- 
ekiah's  reign  (2  Chr.  x.\ix."l4);  =  No.  22?- II. 
One  of  the  sons  of  Adonikam  who  returned  with 
Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  13).— 12.  One  of  the  "chief  men" 
whom  Ezra  sent  for  to  his  camp  by  the  river  of  Aha- 
va,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  Levites  and  minis- 
ters for  the  Temple  from  "  the  place  Casiphia  "  (viii. 
16). — 13.  A  priest  of  the  family  of  Harim,  who  put 
away  his  foreign  wife  at  Ezra's  bidding  (x.  21).^ 
14.  A  layman  of  Israel,  son  of  another  Ilariin,  who 
also  had  married  a  foreigner  (x.  31). — 15.  Son  of 
Delaiah  the  son  of  Mehetabcel ;  a  prophet  hired  by 
Tobiah  and  Sanballat  to  frighten  Nehemiah  (Neh. 
vi.  10). — 16i  Head  of  a  priestly  house  who  sealed 
the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (x.  8).  His  family  (or 
ancestor)  went  up  with  Zerubbabel,  was  represented 
in  the  time  of  Joiakimby  Jehonathan  (xii.  6, 18),  and 
may  be  the  one  mentioned  in  xii.  35. — IT.  One  who 
went  in  the  procession  at  the  dedication  of  the  wall 
of  Jerusalem  (xii.  34);  supposed  by  Mr.  Wright  to 
be  one  of  the  princes  of  Judah,  but  perhaps  =  the 
priest  in  x.  8  (No.  16). — 18.  One  of  the  choir  on  the 
same  occasion  (xii.  36).     Mr.  Wright  and  Dr.  W.  L. 


SHE 


1013 


Alexander  make  him  a  Levite.  (Mattaniah  2.)— 
19.  A  priest  who  blew  a  trumpet  on  tlie  same  occa- 
sion (xii.  42).— 20.  "Shemaiaii  the  Nehelamite,"  a 
false  propliet  denouuceJ  by  Jeremiah  tor  teachiiig 
rebellion  against  the  Lord  (Jer.  xxix.  24-32). — 21. 
A  Levite  sent  by  Jehoshaphat  to  teach  the  people 
the  Law  (2  Chr.  xvii.  8). — 22.  A  Levite  or  priest  in 
Uezekiah's  reign,  appointed  to  distribute  portions 
to  the  priests  (xxxi.  15);  perhaps  —  Xo.  10. — 23. 
A  Levite  in  Josiah's  reign,  who  assisted  at  the  sol- 
emn passovcr  (xx.xv.  9). — H,  Father  of  the  prophet 
Urijah  4  (Jer.  xxvi.  20). — ^25.  Father  of  Delaiah 
4  (xxxvi.  12). 

Shtm-a-rrall  (fr.  Heb.  =  whom  Jehovah  kceja, 
Ges.).  1.  One  of  the  Benjamite  warriors  who  came 
to  David  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  5). — 2.  One  of  the 
family  of  Harini,  a  layman  who  put  away  his  foi-- 
eign  wife  in  Ezra's  time  (Ezr.  x.  32). — 3.  One  of  the 
family  of  Bani,  under  the  same  circumstances  as 
No.  2  (x.  41). 

Shem-e'bcr  (Heb.  hfii/  flight,  Ges.),  king  of  Ze- 
BoiM,  and  ally  of  the  king  of  Sodom  when  attacked 
by  CuKnoRLAOMER  (Gen.  xiv.  2). 

Slie  mer  (Heb.  kept,  preserved,  lees,  Ges.),  the 
owner  of  the  hill  on  which  the  city  of  Samaria  was 
built  (1  K.  xvi.  24),  and  after  whom  it  was  named 
by  its  founder  Omri,  who  bought  the  site  for  two 
silver  talents. 

She-mrdl  (Heb.  fame  of  wisdom,  Ges.),  a  Manas- 
site,  son  of  Gilead  and  ancestor  of  the  Shemidaites 
(N'um.  xxvi.  32  ;  Josh.  xvii.  2) ;  =  Shemidah. 

Shc-ml'dab  (fr.  Heb.)  —  Shehida  (1  Chr.  vii.  19). 

S.*i('-nii'd»-ltes(fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  descendants  of 
SiiKMiDA  (Num.  xxvi.  32).  They  obtained  their  lot 
among  the  male  children  of  Manassch  (Josh.  xvii. 

2)- 

ShMm'i-nlth  (Heb.,  see  below).  The  title  of  Psalm 
vi.  is :  "  To  the  chief  Musician  on  Neginoth  upon 
Sheminith,"  or  "  the  eighth,"  as  the  A.  V.  margin 
has  it.  A  similar  direction  is  found  in  the  title  of 
Psalm  xii.  (comp.  1  Chr.  xv.  21).  The  LXX.  and 
Vulgate,  in  both  passages,  render  "  for  the  eighth." 
The  Geneva  Version  gives  "  upon  the  eighth  tune." 
Most  Uabbinical  writers,  as  Kashi  and  Aben  Ezra, 
follow  the  Targum  on  the  Psalms  in  regarding  it  as 
a  harp  with  eight  strings  ;  but  this  depends  upon  a 
misconstruction  of  1  Chr.  xv.  21.  Gesenius,  Dr.  G. 
F.  Oehler  (in  Fairbairn),  B.  Davies,  D.  D.  (in  Kitto), 
&e.,  think  it  denotes  the  baxi,  in  opposition  to  Ala- 
moth  —  the  treble.     Others,  with  the  author  of  ,S/«7te 


Hnggibhorim,  interpret  "  the  sheminith "  as  the  oc- 
tave, Mr.  Wright  regards  it  as  most  probable  that 
Sheminith  denotes  a  certain  air  known  as  the  eighth, 
or  a  certain  key  in  which  tlie  Psalm  was  to  be  sung 
(comp.  Aijeletii  Shahab,  &c.).     Music. 

Slie-mir'a-moth  (Heb.  name  most  high,  or  heaven 
most  high,  Ges.).  1.  A  Levite  of  the  second  degree, 
appointed  to  play  "  with  a  psaltery  on  Alamotu," 
in  the  choir  formed  by  David  (1  Chr.  xv.  18,  20,  xvi. 
5). — 2.  A  Levite,  one  of  those  sent  by  Jehoshaphat 
to  teach  the  people  tlie  Law  (2  Chr.  xvii.  8). 

Shem-lt'ic  (fr.  Shem)  Lan'gaa-ges  and  Wri'Uug. 
lutroditclioH,  §§  1-5. — 1.  The  expressions,  "Shem- 
itic  family,"  and  "  Shemitic  languages,"  are  based, 
as  is  well  known,  on  a  reference  to  Gen.  x.  21  ff. 
(Shem;  Tonoces,  Confl-sion  of.)  The  obvious  in- 
.accuracy  of  the  expression  has  led  to  an  attempt  to 
substitute  others,  such  as  Western  Arabic,  or  Syro- 
Arabic — this  last  bringing  at  once  before  us  the  two 
geographical  extremes  of  this  family  of  languages ; 
but  the  earlier,  though  incorrect  designation,  has 
maintained  its  ground,  and  for  convenience  we  shall 
continue  to  use  it.  2.  It  is  impossible  to  lay  down 
with  accuracy  the  boundaries  of  the  area  occupied 
by  the  tribes  employing  so-called  Sliemitic  dialects. 
For  general  purposes,  the  highlands  of  Armenia  may 
be  taken  as  the  northern  boundary — the  river  Tigris 
and  the  ranges  beyond  it  as  the  eastern— and  the 
Red  Sea,  the  Levant,  and  certain  portions  of  Asia 
Minor  as  the  western.  3.  Varieties  of  the  great 
Shemitic  language-family  are  found  in  the  following 
localities  within  the  area  named :  In  those  ordi- 
narily known  as  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  Babylonia,  and 
Assyria,  there  prevailed  Aramaic  dialects  of  dilTer- 
ent  kinds,  e.  g.  Biblical  Chaldaie — that  of  the  Tar- 
gums  and  of  the  Syriac  versions  of  Scripture — to 
wliich  may  be  added  other  varieties  of  the  same 
stock — such  as  that  of  the  Palrayrene  inscriptions — 
and  of  different  Sabian  fragments.  Along  the  Medi- 
terranean seaboard,  and  among  the  tribes  settled  in 
Canaan,  must  be  placed  the  home  of  the  language 
of  tlie  canonical  books  of  the  0.  T.,  among  which 
were  interspersed  some  relics  of  that  of  the  Pheni- 
cians.  In  the  south,  amid  the  seclusion  of  Arabia, 
was  preserved  the  dialect  destined  at  a  subsequent 
period  so  widely  to  surpass  its  sisters  in  the  extent 
of  territory  over  which  it  is  spoken.  A  variety, 
allied  to  this  last,  has  been  long  domiciliated  in 
Abyssinia.  The  Ibllowing  table  is  given  by  Prof. 
Max  Midler: 


OENE.\LOOICAL  TABLE  OF  THE  SHEMITIC  FAMILY  OF  LANGUAGES. 


Living  lAinguages. 


Dead  Langvages. 


Classes. 


Dialects  of  Arabic...    Etblopic I   Arabic,  or 

"  Amharic  .    Himyarilic  Inscriptions f  Southern. 

I  Biblical  Hebrew j   Hebraic, 

"  the  JcwB. -<  Samaritan  (I'cntatcuch) J-         or 

I  Carthaginian,  Phitnician  In8criptloni> )    Middle. 

(Chaldee  {Masuru.  Tahniid.  Targum,  Biblical  Chaldcc) I   Aramaic, 

Neo-Syriac <  Syriac  (Peslillo.  second  century,  a.  c.) V         or 

(  Cuneiform  InBcripllons  of  Babylon  and  Nineveh (   Nortliem. 


There  is  much  that  is  probable  in  the  notion  held 
by  more  than  one  scholar,  that  the  spoken  dialect 
of  the  Shemitic  tribes  external  to  Arabia  (in  the 
earliest  periods  of  their  history)  closely  resembled, 
or  was  ill  fact  a  better  variety  of  Aramaic.  4.  The 
history  of  the  Shemitic  people  tells  us  of  various 
movements  undertaken  by  them,  but  supplies  no  re- 
markable instances  of  their  assimilating.  Though 
carrying  with  them  their  language,  institutions,  and 
habits,  they  are  not  found  to  have  struck  root,  but 
remained  strangers  and  exotics  in  several  instances, 
passing  away  without  traces  of  their  occupancy. 


And  the  same  inveterate  Uolation  still  characterizes 
tribes  of  the  race,  when  on  new  soil.  6.  The  pecu- 
liar elements  of  the  Shemitic  character  exercised 
considerable  influence  on  their  literature.  Indeed, 
accordance  is  seldom  more  close,  than  in  the  case 
of  the  Shemitic  race  (where  not  checked  by  external 
causes),  between  the  generic  type  of  thouglit,  and  its 
outward  expression.  Like  other  languages,  this  one 
is  mainly  resolvable  into  monosyllabic  primitives. 
These  monosyllabic  primitives  may  still  be  traced  in 
particles,  and  words  least  exposed  to  the  ordinary 
causes  of  variation.     But  dilTereuces  arc  observable 


1014 


SHE 


SHE 


in  the  principal  parts  of  speecli — the  verb  and  the 
noun.  Secondary  notions,  and  those  of  relation,  are 
grouped  round  the  primary  ones  of  meaning  in  a 
single  word,  susceptible  of  various  internal  changes 
according  to  the  particular  requirement.  By  fonna- 
tinn,  mainly  internal  (or  contained  within  the  root 
form  ),  are  e.xpressed  the  differences  between  noun 
and  verb,  adjective  and  substantive.  Another  lead- 
ing peculiarity  of  this  branch  of  languages,  is  the 
absence  (save  in  the  case  of  proper  names)  of  com- 
pound words — to  which  the  Japhetian  family  is  in- 
debted for  so  much  life  and  variety.  In  the  Shemitic 
family — agglutination,  not  logical  sequence — inde- 
pendent roots,  not  con'pound  appropriate  derivations 
from  tlie  same  root,  are  used  to  express  respectively 
a  train  of  thought,  or  different  modifications  of  a 
particular  notion. 

§§6-13.  Hebrew  Langnage.  Period  of  Growth. — 
6.  The  Hebrew  language  is  a  branch  of  the  so-called 
Shemitic  family,  extending  over  a  large  portion  of 
Southwestern  Asia.  In  the  north  (or  Aram,  com- 
prehending Syria,  Mesopotamia,  Babylonia),  and  un- 
der a  climate  partially  cold  and  ungenial — near  tribes 
of  a  different  origin,  not  unfrequently  masters  by 
conquest — the  Shemitic  dialect  became  in  places 
harsher,  and  its  general  character  less  pure  and  dis- 
tinct. Toward  thesouth,  opposite  causes  contributed 
to  maintain  the  language  in  its  purity.  Originally, 
the  language  of  the  Hebrews  presented  more  affini- 
ties with  the  Aramaic ,  in  accordance  with  their 
own  family  accounts,  which  bring  the  patriarchs 
from  the  N.  E. — more  directly  from  northern  Meso- 
potamia.— 7.  Two  questions,  in  direct  connection 
with  the  early  movements  of  the  ancestors  cf  the 
subsequent  Hebrew  nation,  have  been  discussed  with 
great  earnestness  by  many  writers — the  first  bearing 
on  the  causes  which  set  the  family  of  Terah  in  mo- 
tion toward  the  south  and  west ;  the  second,  on  the 
origin  and  language  of  the  tribes  in  possession  of 
Canaan  at  the  arrival  of  Abraham.  Scripture  only 
tells  us  that,  led  in  a  way  which  they  knew  not, 
chosen  Shemitic  wanderers  (Abraham),  of  the  line- 
age of  Arphaxad,  set  forth  on  the  journey  fraught 
with  such  enduring  consequences  to  the  history  of 
the  world,  as  recorded  in  Scripture,  in  its  second 
stage  of  progress.  There  is  nothing  unreasonable 
in  the  thought,  that  the  movement  of  Terah  from  Ur 
of  the  Chaldees  was  caused  by  Divine  suggestion, 
acting  on  a  mind  ill  at  ease  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Cushite  thought  and  habits.  The  leading  particu- 
lars of  that  memorable  journey  are  preserved  to  us 
in  Scripture,  which  is  also  distinct  upon  the  fact, 
that  the  new-comers  and  the  early  settlers  in  Canaan 
found  no  difficulty  in  conversing.  On  what  grounds 
is  the  undoubted  similarity  of  the  dialect  of  the 
Terahites,  to  that  of  the  occupants  at  the  time  of 
their  immigration,  to  be  explained  ?  Of  the  origin 
of  its  earliest  occupants  (Giants;  Zamzummim),  his- 
tory records  nothing  certain.  Some  claim  for  the 
early  inhabitants  of  Asia  Minor  a  Japhetian  origin. 
Others  affirm  the  descent  of  these  early  tribes  from 
LfD,  the  fourth  son  of  Shem,  and  their  migration 
from  Lydia  to  Arabia  Petra^a  arid  the  southern  bor- 
ders of  Palestine.  8.  Another  view  is  that  put  for- 
ward by  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson,  and  shared  by  other 
scholars.  "  Either  from  .ancient  monuments,  or  from 
tradition,  or  from  the  dialects  now  spoken  by  their 
descendants,  we  are  authorized  to  infer  that  at  some 
very  remote  period,  before  the  rise  of  the  Shemitic 
or  Aryan  nations,  a  great  Seythic  "  (  =  Hamitic) 
"  population  must  have  overspread  Europe,  Asia, 
and  Africa,  speaking  languages  all  more  or  less  dis- 


similar in  their  vocabulary,  but  possessing  in  com- 
mon certain  organic  characteristics  of  grammar  and 
construction "  (Rawlinson).  And  this  statement 
would  appear,  in  its  leading  features,  to  be  histori- 
cally sound  (so  Archdeacon  Ormerod,  original  author 
of  this  article).  As  was  to  be  anticipated,  both  from 
its  importance  and  from  its  extreme  obscurity,  few 
subjects  connected  with  Biblical  antiquities  have 
been  more  warmly  discussed  than  the  origin  of  the 
Canaanitish  occupants  of  Palestine.  Looking  to  the 
authoritative  records  (Gen.  ix.  18,  x.  6,  15-20)  there 
would  seem  to  be  no  reason  for  doubt  as  to  the  Ham- 
itic origin  of  these  tribes.  Nor  can  the  singular  ac- 
cordances discernible  between  the  language  of  these 
Canaanitish  (=  Hamitic)  occupants  and  the  Shemitic 
family  be  justly  pleaded  in  bar  of  this  view  of  the 
origin  of  the  former.  "  H'we  examine  the  invaluable 
ethnography  of  the  Book  of  Genesis  we  shall  find 
that,  while  Ham  is  the  brother  of  Shem,  and  there- 
fore a  relationship  between  his  descendants  and  the 
Shemitic  nations  is  fully  recognized,  the  Haniites  are 
described  as  those  who  previously  occupied  tlie  dif- 
ferent countries  into  which  the  Aramean  race  after- 
ward forced  their  way.  Thus  Scripture  (Gen.  x.  ff.) 
attributes  to  the  race  of  Ham  not  only  the  aboriginal 
population  of  Canaan,  with  its  wealthy  and  civilized 
communities  on  the  coast,  but  also  the  mighty  em- 
pires of  Babylon  and  Nineveh,  the  rich  kingdoms  of 
Slieba  and  Ilavilah  in  Arabia  Felix,  and  the  wonder- 
ful realm  of  Egypt.  There  is  every  reason  to  believe 
— indeed  in  some  cases  the  proof  amounts  to  demon- 
stration— that  all  these  Handtic  nations  spoke  lan- 
guages which  differed  only  dialectically  from  those 
of  the  Syro-Aral)ic  family  "  ( Qiiarterhj  Rtvicw, 
Ixxviii.  173).  (I'HKNiciANs;  Philistines.) — 9.  Con- 
nected with  this  subject  of  the  relationship  discern- 
ible among  the  early  descendants  of  Noah  is  that  of 
the  origin  and  extension  of  the  art  of  vvritikg  among 
the  Shemites.  Did  the  Terahitc  branch  of  the  Shem- 
itic stock  acquire  the  art  of  writing  from  the  Pheni- 
ciANS,  or  Egyptians,  or  Assyrians — or  was  it  evolved 
from  given  elements  among  themselves  ?  (See  §  28, 
below.)— 10.  Between  the  dialects  of  Aram  and 
Arabia,  that  of  the  Terahites  occupied  a  middle 
place.  This  dialect  has  been  ordinarily  designated 
as  that  of  the  Hebrews.  (Hebrew.) — 11.  Many 
cau.ses,  all  obvious  and  intelligible,  combine  to  make 
difficult,  if  not  impossible,  any  formal  or  detached 
account  of  the  Hebrew  language,  anterior  to  its  as- 
suming a  written  shape.  The  extant  remains  of 
Hebrew  literature  are  destitute  of  any  important 
changes  in  language,  during  the  period  from  Moses 
to  the  Captivity.  A  certain  and  intelligible  amount 
of  progress,  but  no  considerable  or  remarkable  dif- 
ference (according  to  one  school),  is  really  observ- 
able in  the  language  of  the  Pentateuch,  the  Books 
of  Joshua,  Judges,  Kuth,  Samuel,  the  Kings,  the 
Psalms,  or  the  prophecies  of  Isaiah,  Hosea,  Amos, 
Joel,  Micah,  Nahum,  Habakkuk,  and  Jeremiah — 
widely  separated  from  each  other  by  time  as  are 
many  of  these  writings.  At  the  first  sight,  and  to 
modern  judgment,  much  of  this  appears  strange,  and 
possibly  untenable  ;  but  an  explanation  of  the  diffi- 
culty is  sought  in  the  unbroken  residence  of  the  He- 
brew people,  without  removal  or  molestation.  An 
additional  illustration  of  the  immunity  from  change 
is  to  be  drawn  from  the  history  of  the  other  branches 
of  the  Shenutie  stock  (Aramaic  and  Arabic) — 12. 
Moreover,  is  it  altogether  a  wild  conjecture  to  as- 
sume as  not  impossible,  the  formation  of  a  sacred 
language  among  the  chosen  people,  at  so  marked  a 
period  of  their  history  as  that  of  Moses  ?     Such  a 


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language  wovild  be  the  sacred  and  learned  one — 
tbat  of  the  few — and  no  clearer  proof  of  the  limited 
hold  exercised  by  this  classical  Hebrew  on  the  ordi- 
nary language  of  the  people  can  be  required  than  its 
rapid  withdrawal,  after  the  Captivity,  before  a  lan- 
guage composed  of  dialects  hitherto  disregarded,  but 
still  living  in  popular  use. — 13.  A  few  remarks  may 
not  be  out  of  place  here  with  reference  to  some  lead- 
ing lingui.stie  peculiarities  in  different  books  of  the 
0.  T.  For  ordinary  purposes  the  old  division  into  the 
golden  and  silver  ages  (divided  by  the  Captivity)  is 
sullicient.  A  detailed  list  of  peculiarities  observable 
in  the  Pe.stateccii  is  given  by  Scholz,  divided  under 
le.xical,  grammatical,  and  syntactical  heads.  With  the 
style  of  the  Pentateuch  that  of  Joshua  very  closely 
corresponds.  In  the  Book  of  Ruth  the  style  points 
to  an  earlier  date,  the  asserted  Aramaisms  being 
probably  relics  of  the  popular  dialect.  The  same  lin- 
guistic peculiarities  are  observable  in  the  Books  of 
Samuel.  The  Books  of  Job  and  Ecclesiastes  contain 
many  asserted  Aramaisms,  which  have  been  pleaded 
in  support  of  a  late  origin  of  these  two  poems.  In 
the  case  of  the  first,  it  is  argued  (on  the  other  side) 
that  these  peculiarities  are  not  to  be  considered  so 
much  poetical  ornaments  as  ordinary  expressions 
and  usages  of  the  early  Hebrew  language,  affected 
neecssaiily  to  a  certain  extent  by  intercourse  with 
neighboring  tribes.  As  respects  the  Book  of  Ec- 
clesiastes, the  case  is  more  obscure,  as  in  many  in- 
stances the  peculiarities  of  style  seem  rather  refer- 
able to  the  secondary  Hebrew  of  a  late  period  of 
Hebrew  history  than  to  an  Aramaic  origin.  In  ad- 
dition to  roughness  of  diction,  so-calleil  Aramaisms 
arc  to  be  found  in  the  remains  of  Jonah  and  Ilosea, 
and  expressions  closely  allied  in  tliorsc  of  Amos. 
This  is  not  the  case  in  the  writings  of  Nahum,  Zeph- 
aniah,  and  Ilabakkuk,  and  in  the  still  later  ones  of 
the  minor  prophets ;  the  treasures  of  past  times, 
which  tillel  tlieir  hearts,  served  as  models  of  style. 
In  the  case  of  Ezckiel,  Jewish  critics  (Zunz,  Sic.) 
have  sought  to  assign  its  peculiarities  of  style  and 
expression  to  a  secondary  Hebrew  origin.  The  pe- 
culiarities of  language  in  Daniel  belong  to  another 
field  of  inquiry  ;  and  under  impartbl  consideration 
more  difficulties  may  be  found  to  disappear,  as  in 
the  case  of  those  with  regard  to  the  asserted  Greek 
words.  With  tlicse  exceptions  (if  so  to  be  consid- 
ered), few  traces  of  dialects  are  discernible  in  the 
small  remains  still  extant,  for  the  most  part  com- 
posed in  Judah  and  Jeru.salein.  The  Aramaic  ele- 
ments are  most  plainly  observable  in  the  remains 
of  some  of  the  less  educated  writers.  The  general 
style  of  Hebrew  prose  literature  is  plain  and  simple, 
but  lively  and  pictorial,  and  rising  with  the  subject, 
at  times,  to  considerable  elevation.  But  the  requi- 
site elevation  of  poetical  composition,  and  the  neces- 
sity (from  the  general  useof  p:irallelism  ;  see  Poetry, 
Hebkew)  for  enlarging  the  supply  of  striking  words 
and  expressions  at  command,  led  to  the  introduction 
of  many  expressions  which  we  do  not  commonly 
find  in  Hebrew  prose  literature.  For  the  origin 
and  existence  of  these  we  must  look  especially  to 
the  Aramaic.  But  fro-n  the  earliest  period  of  the 
existence  of  a  literature  among  the  Hebrew  people 
to  B.  c.  600,  the  Hebrew  language  continued  singu- 
larly exempt  from  change.  From  that  period  the 
Hebrew  dialect  will  be  found  to  give  way  before  the 
Aramaic. 

§^  14-19.  Aramaic  TMnfpmge.  Scholaittic  Period. 
— 14.  The  language  ordinarily  called  Aramaic  is  a 
dialect  of  the  great  Shemitic  family,  deriving  its 
name  from  the  district  over  which  it  was  spoken, 


Aram  (=  the  high  or  hill  country).  In  general 
practice  Aram  (the  Syria  of  the  Greeks  and  Ro- 
mans) was  divided  into  Eastern  and  Western.  The 
dialects  of  these  two  districts  were  severally  called 
Chaldaic  and  Syriac — designations  not  happily 
chosen,  but,  like  "  Shemitic,"  of  too  long  currency 
to  be  changed  without  great  inconvenience.  The 
eastern  boundary  of  the  Shemitic  languages  is  ob- 
scure ;  but  this  much  may  be  safely  assumed,  that 
this  family  had  its  earliest  settlement  on  the  upper 
basin  of  the  Tigris,  from  which  extensions  were 
doubtless  made  to  the  S.  (Assyria  ;  Babel  ;.  Chal- 
dea;  Chaldeans;  Xineveh.) — 15.  Without  enter- 
ing into  the  discussions  respecting  the  exact  pro- 
priety of  the  expressions,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  fol- 
low the  ordinary  division  of  the  Aramaic  into  the 
Chaldaic  or  Eastern,  and  the  Western  or  Syriac 
dialects.  (1.)  The  earliest  extant  fragments  of 
Aramaic  are  iji  Dan.  ii.  4-vii.  28 ;  Ezr.  iv.  8-vi.  18, 
vii.  12-26;  Jcr.  x.  11.  Affinities  are  to  be  traced, 
without  difficulty,  between  those  fragments,  which 
differ  again  in  some  very  marked  particulars  from 
the  earliest  Targums.  (2.)  The  Syro-Chaldaic  origi- 
nals of  several  of  the  Apocryphal  books  are  lost ; 
many  Hebraisms  were  engrafted  on  the  Aramaic  as 
spoken  by  the  Jews,  but  tlie  dialect  of  the  earlier 
Targums  contains  a  perceptibly  smaller  amount  of 
such  admixture  than  later  compilations.  (3.)  The 
language  of  the  Gemaras  (Pharisees)  is  extremely 
composite — that  of  the  Jerusalem  Gemara  being 
less  pure  than  that  of  Babylon.  Still  lower  ill  the 
scale  are  those  of  the  fast-expiring  Samaritan  dialect 
and  that  of  Galilee.  (4.)  The  curious  book  Zohar 
— an  atlaptation  of  Aramaic  expressions  totfudai- 
zing  Gnosticism  (Philosophy,  I.) — among  its  foreign 
additions,  contains  very  m.iny  from  the  Arabic. 
(5.)  The  Maxorah  (Old  Testament,  A),  brief  and 
symbolical,  is  chiefly  remarkable  for  what  may  be 
called  vernacular  peculiarities.  (6.)  The  Chri.<tian 
or  ecclesiastical  Aramaic  is  that  ordinarily  known 
as  Syriac — the  language  of  early  Christianity,  as 
Hebrew  and  Arabic,  respectively,  of  the  Jewish  re- 
ligion and  Mohammedanism. — The  three  leading 
varieties  of  the  West-Aramaic  dialect  are  thus  de- 
scribed :  (a.)  The  dialect  of  Galilee  appears  to  have 
been  marked  by  confusion  of  letters — 3  (Pe)  and  3 
(Beth),  2  (Caph)  with  p  (Koph) — and  aphicresis  of 
the  guttural — a  habit  of  connecting  words  otherwise 
separate — carelessness  about  vowel-sounds, — and 
the  substitution  of  rt  (c&  or  chd)  final  for  n  (lui). 

(Writing.)  (h.)  The  Samaritan  dialect  appears  to 
have  been  a  compound  of  the  vulgar  Hebrew  with 
Aramaic.  A  confusion  of  the  mute  letters,  and  also 
of  the  gutturals,  with  a  predilection  for  the  letter  5 
(Ain  3J,  has  been  noticed.  (Samaria  ;  Samaritan 
Pentateuch.)  (c)  The  dialect  called  tliat  of  Jeru- 
salem or  Judea,  between  which  and  the  purer  one 
of  the  Babylonish  Jews  so  many  invidious  distinc- 
tions have  been  drawn,  seems  to  have  been  variable, 
from  frequent  changes  among  the  inhabitants — and 
also  to  have  contained  a  large  amount  of  words  dif- 
ferent from  those  in  use  in  Babylonia — besides  being 
somewhat  incorrect  in  its  orthography. — The  small 
amount  of  real  difference  between  the  two  branches 
of  Aramaic  has  been  often  urged  as  an  argument 
that  making  any  division  is  superfluous.  But  it  has 
been  well  observed  by  Fiirst,  that  each  is  animated 
by  a  very  different  spirit.  The  chief  relics  of  Chal- 
daic, or  Eastern  Aramaic — the  Targums — are  filled 
with  traditional  faith  in  the  varied  pages  of  J»wish 
history.     Western  Aramaic,  or  Syriac  literature,  on 


1016 


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the  other  hand,  is  essentially  Christian.  Accord- 
ingly, the  tendency  and  linguistic  character  of  the 
first  is  essentially  Hebrew,  that  of  tlie  second  Hel- 
lenic. One  is  full  of  Hebraisms,  the  other  of  Hel- 
lenisms.— 16.  Perhaps  few  lines  of  demarcation  are 
traced  with  greater  difficulty  than  those  by  which 
one  age  of  a  language  is  separated  from  another. 
This  is  remarkably  the  case  in  respect  of  the  ces- 
sation of  the  Hebrew,  and  the  ascendancy  of  the 
Aramaic,  or,  as  it  may  be  put,  in  respect  of  the  date 
at  which  the  period  of  growtli  terminates,  and  that 
of  exposition  and  scholasticism  begins,  in  the  litera- 
ture of  the  chosen  people. — 17.  In  the  scholastic 
period,  of  which  we  now  treat,  the  schools  of  the 
prophets  (Educatio.n  ;  Prophet)  were  succeeded  by 
"  houses  of  inquiry."  Two  ways  only  of  extending 
the  blessings  hence  derivable,  seem  to  liave  pre- 
sented themselves  to  the  national  mind — by  commen- 
tary (targum)  and  inquiry  (derash).  In  the  first  of 
these — Targumic  literature,  but  limited  openings 
occurred  for  critical  studies ;  in  the  second,  still 
fewer.  The  vast  storehouse  of  Hebrew  thought 
readiing  through  so  many  centuries — known  by  the 
name  of  the  Talmud  (Pharisees) — and  the  collec- 
tions of  a  similar  nature  called  the  Midrdshim,  ex- 
tending in  the  case  of  the  first,  dimly  but  tangibly, 
from  tlie  period  of  the  Captivity  to  the  times  of 
Rabbi  Asher,  the  closer  of  the  Talmud  (a.  d.  426), 
contain  comparatively  few  accessions  to  linguistic 
knojvledge.  (Versions,  Ancient  [TargumJ.) — 18. 
Of  the  other  main  division  of  the  Aramaic  lan- 
guage— the  Western  or  Syriac  dialect — the  earliest 
existing  document  is  the  Peshito  version  of  the 
Scriptures,  of  the  second  century.  (Versions,  An- 
ciE.NT  [Syriac].)  Various  sub-dialects  (Palmyrene, 
&c. ;  see  §  15,  a.  b.c.)  probably  existed  within  the 
wide  area  over  which  this  dialect  was  current.  The 
Syrian  dialect  is  thickly  studded  with  foreign  words 
— Arabic,  Persian,  Greek,  and  Latin,  especially  with 
the  tliird.  A  comparison  of  this  dialect  with  the 
Eastern  branch  will  show  that  they  are  closely  al- 
lied in  all  the  most  important  peculiarities  of  gram- 
mar and  syntax,  as  well  as  in  their  store  of  original 
words — the  true  standard  in  linguistic  researches. 
After  the  fail  of  Jerusalem  the  chief  seat  of  Syriac 
learning  and  literature  was  at  Eilessa — from  A.  D. 
440,  at  Nisibis.  Before  the  eighth  and  nintli  centu- 
ries its  decline  had  commenced ;  and  after  the 
tenth  and  eleventh  centuries  it  may  be  said  to  have 
died  out. — 19.  The  Chaldaic  paraphrases  of  Scrip- 
ture are  exceedingly  valuable  for  the  light  which 
they  throw  on  Jewish  manners  and  customs,  and 
the  meaning  of  passages  otherwise  obscure,  as  like- 
wise for  many  happy  renderings  of  the  original  text, 
and  for  the  Christian  interpretation  put  by  their 
authors  on  controverted  passages  (in  reference  to 
the  Messiah,  &c.).  A  comparative  estimate  is  not 
yet  attainable,  as  to  what  in  Targumic  literature  is 
the  pure  expression  and  development  of  the  Jewish 
mind,  and  what  is  of  foreign  growth.  But,  as  has 
been  said,  the  Targums  and  kindred  writings  are  of 
considerable  dogmatical  and  exegetical  value;  and 
a  similar  good  work  has  been  effected  by  means  of 
the  cognate  dialect.  Western  Aramaic  or  Syriac. 
From  the  third  to  tlie  ninth  century,  Syriac  was  to 
a  great  part  of  Asia — what  in  their  spheres  Hellenic 
Greek  and  mediajval  Latin  have  respectively  been 
— the  one  ecclesiastical  language  of  the  district 
named, 

§§  20-24.  Arabic  Language.  Period  of  Revival. 
— 20.  The  early  population  of  Arabia,  its  antiqui- 
ties and  peculiarities,  have  been  described  under 


Arabia.  We  find  Arabia  occupied  by  a  confluence 
of  tribes,  the  leading  one  of  undoubted  Ishmacl- 
itish  descent — the  others  of  the  seed  or  lineage  of 
Abraham,  and  blended  by  alliance,  language,  neigh- 
borhood, and  habits.  Before  tliese  any  aboriginal 
inhabitants  must  have  disappeared.  We  have  seen 
that  tlie  peninsula  of  Arabia  lay  in  tlie  track  of 
Cushite  civilization,  in  its  supposed  return-course 
toward  the  N.  E.  There  may  now  be  found  abundant 
illustration  of  the  relationship  of  the  Uimyaritic 
with  the  early  Shemitic ;  and  the  language  of  the 
Ehkili  (or  Mahrali)  presents  us  with  tlie  singular 
phenomenon  of  a  dialect  less  Arabic  than  Hebrew, 
and  possessing  close  affinity  with  the  Ghez,  or  Ethi- 
opian.— 21.  The  affinity  of  the  Qhez  (Gush  ?  the 
sacred  language  of  Ethiopia)  with  the  Shemitic  has 
been  long  remarked.  In  its  lexical  peculiarities, 
the  Ghez  is  said  to  resemble  the  Aramaic,  in  its 
grammatical  the  Arabic.  The  alphabet  is  very 
curious,  differing  from  Shemitic  alphabets  in  the 
number,  order,  and  name  and  form  of  the  letters, 
by  the  direction  of  the  writing,  and  especially  by  the 
form  of  vowel  notation.  Eacfi  consonant  contains  a 
short ) — the  vowels  are  expressed  by  additions  to  the 
consonants.  The  alpliabet  thus  consists  of  202 
signs  (syllabic).  This  language  and  character  have 
now  been  succeeded  for  general  purposes  by  the 
Amharic — probably  at  first  a  kindred  dialect  with 
the  Ghez.,  but  now  altered  by  subsequent  extraneous 
additions. — 22.  Internal  evidence  demonstrates  that 
the  Arabic  language,  when  it  first  appears  on  the 
field  of  history,  was  being  gradually  developed  in 
its  remote  and  barren  peninsular  home.  A  well- 
known  legend  speaks  of  the  present  Arabic  language 
as  being  a  fusion  of  different  dialects,  effected  by 
the  tribe  of  Koreish  settled  round  Mecca,  and  the 
reputed  wardens  of  the  Caaba.  In  any  case,  the 
paramount  parity  of  the  Korcishite  dialect  is  as- 
serted by  Arabic  writers  on  grammar.  The  recog- 
nition of  the  Koran,  as  the  ultimate  standard  in 
linguistic  as  in  religious  matters,  established  in 
Arabic  judgment  the  superior  purity  of  the  Korcish- 
ite dialect.  Tliat  the  Arabs  possessed  a  literature 
anterior  to  the  birtli  of  Moliammed,  and  expressed 
in  a  language  marked  with  many  grammatical  pe- 
culiarities, is  beyond  doubt.  Even  in  our  own  times, 
scliolars  have  seemed  unwilling  altogether  to  aban- 
don the  legend — how  at  the  fair  of  Ocddh  goods  and 
traffic  —  wants  and  profit  —  were  alike  neglected, 
while  bards  contended  amid  their  listening  country- 
men, anxious  for  such  a  verdict  as  should  entitle 
their  lays  to  a  place  among  the  Iloallakal,  i.  c.  those 
suspended  in  the  Caaba,  or  national  temple  at  Mec- 
ca. But  the  appearance  of  Mohammed  put  an  end 
for  a  season  to  commerce  and  bardic  contests ;  nor 
was  it  until  tlie  work  of  conquest  was  done  that 
the  faithful  resumed  the  pursuits  of  peace.  The 
earliest  reliable  relics  of  Arabic  literature  are  only 
fragments,  to  be  found  in  what  has  come  down  to 
us  of  Prc-islamite  compositions.  And  various  ar- 
guments have  been  put  forward  against  the  proba- 
bility of  tlie  present  form  of  these  remains  being 
their 'Original  one.  Their  obscurities,  it  is  con- 
tended, are  less  those  of  age  than  of  individual 
style,  wliile  their  uniformity  of  language  is  at  vari- 
ance with  the  demonstrably  late  cultivation  and  as- 
cendancy of  the  Koreishite  dialect.  Another,  and 
not  a  feeble  argument,  is  the  utter  absence  of  al- 
lusion to  the  early  religion  of  the  Arabs. — The  style 
of  the  Koran  is  very  peculiar.  Assuming  thiit  it 
represents  the  best  forms  of  the  Koreishite  dialect 
about  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century,  we  may 


sar 


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1017 


say  of  the  Koran,  th.it  its  linguistic  approac'ied  its 
religious  siiprcinucy.  Tlie  Koran  may  be  cliaracter- 
izofl  as  marking  the  transition  from  versification  to 
prose,  from  poetry  to  eloquence. — 23.  With  regard 
to  the  value  of  Arabic  in  illustration,  two  different 
judgments  obtain.  According  to  one,  all  the  lexical 
riches  and  grammatical  varieties  of  theShomiticCira- 
ilyare  to  be  found  combine  J  in  the  Arabic. — 24.  An- 
other school  maintains  very  different  opinions.  The 
comparatively  recent  date  (in  their  present  form  at 
least)  and  limited  .amount  of  Arabic  remains  are 
pleaded  against  its  claims  as  a  standard  of  reference 
in  respect  of  the  Hebrew.  Its  verbal  copiousness, 
ehborate  mechanism,  subtlety  of  thought,  wide  and 
diversified  fields  of  literature,  cannot  be  called  in 
qucttion.  But  it  is  urged  (and  colorably)  that  its 
.  riches  are  not  all  pure  metal,  and  that  no  groat  at- 
tention to  etymology  has  been  evinced  by  native 
writers  on  the  language.  Undoubtedly  schools  such 
as  that  of  Albert  Schultens  (f  1730)  have  unduly 
exalted  the  value  of  Arabic  in  illustration  ;  but  in 
wh.it  may  be  designated  as  the  field  of  lower  criti- 
cism its  importince  cannot  be  disputed.  (Vessions, 
Ancient  [Arabic].) 

§§  25-32.  Structure  of  the  Shemitic  Lanyuajes. 
—25.  Tlie  question  as  to  whether  any  large  amount 
of  primitives  iu  the  Shemitic  language?  is  fairly 
deducible  from  imitation  of  sounds,  hjs  been  an- 
swered voi'y  differently  by  high  authorities.  Geso- 
nius  thought  instances  of  onomatopoeia  very  rare  in 
extant  remains,  although  probably  moi-e  numerous 
at  an  early  period.  Hoffmann's  judgment  is  the  same, 
in  respect  of  Western  Aramaic.  On  the  other  hand, 
Renau  qualifie:}  his  admission  of  the  identity  of  nu- 
merous Shemitic  and  Japhetian  primitives  by  a  sug- 
gestion that  these,  for  the  most  part,  may  be  assigned 
to  bilit.-ral  words,  originating  in  the  imitation  of  the 
simplest  and  most  obvious  sounds.  But  more  prob- 
ably "  the  400  or  500  roots  which  remain  as  the  con- 
stituent elements  in  different  families  of  languages 
are  not  interjections,  nor  are  they  imitations.  They 
are  p/tonelic  types,  produced  by  a  power  inherent  in 
human  nature"  (Max  Mailer). — 2o.  The  inquiry,  as 
to  the  extent  of  alliuity  still  discernible  between 
Shemitic  and  Japhetian  roits,  belongs  to  another 
article.  (Tonguk.s,  Oonkl-sion  of.)  Nothing  in  the 
Scripture  wiiicli  bears  upon  the  subject  can  be  fairly 
pleaded  against  such  an  affinity  being  possible.  But 
in  treating  the  Shemitic  languages  in  connection 
witli  Scripture,  it  is  most  prudent  to  turn  away 
from  this  tempting  field  of  inquiry  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  simple  elements — the  primitives — the 
true  base  of  every  language,  in  that  these  rather 
than  the  meclianism  of  grammar  are  to  be  regarded 
as  exponents  of  internal  spirit  and  character. — 27. 
Ilumb'ildt  has  named  two  very  remarkable  points 
of  difference  between  the  Japhetian  and  Shemitic 
language-families.  The  first  peculiarity  is  the  tri- 
literal  root  (as  the  language  is  at  present  known) — 
the  8_'cond  the  expression  of  significations  by  con- 
sonants, and  relaliotvt  by  vowels — both  fonning  part 
of  the  Hexions  within  words,  so  remarkable  in  the 
Shemitic  family.  In  Humboldt's  opinion,  the  prev- 
alent triliteral  root  was  substituted  for  an  earlier  or 
biliteral,  as  being  found  impracticable  and  obscure 
in  use.  Traces  of  this  survive  in  the  rudest,  or 
Aramaic,  branch,  where  what  is  pronounced  as  one 
syllable,  in  the  Hebrew  forms  two,  and  in  the  more 
clalioratc  Arabic  three — e.  g.  htal,  katal,  kalala  (  = 
to  kVl).  Much  has  been  written  as  to  whether  this 
peculiarity  is  original  or  secondary.  Dr.  S.  David- 
son has  thus  stated  the  case : — "  A  uniform  root- 


formation  by  three  letters  or  two  syllables  developed 
itself  out  of  the  original  monosyllabic  state  by  the 
addition  of  a  third  letter.  This  tendency  to  en- 
largement presents  itself  in  the  Indo-Germanic  also : 
but  there  is  this  difference,  that  in  the  latter  mono- 
syllabic roots  remain  besides  those  that  have  been 
enlarged,  while  in  the  other  they  have  almost  disap- 
peared." In  this  judgment  most  will  agree. — 28. 
Was  the  art  of  writing  invented  by  Moses  and  his 
contemporaries,  or  from  what  source  did  the  He- 
brew nation  acquire  it  y  It  can  hardly  be  doubted 
that  the  art  of  wkiti.ng  was  known  to  the  Israelites 
in  the  time  of  Moses.  Great  difference  of  opinion 
has  prevailed  as  to  which  of  the  Shemitic  peoples 
may  justly  claim  the  invention  of  letters.  The 
award  to  the  Phenicians,  so  long  unchallenged,  is 
now  practically  set  aside.  A  more  probable  theory 
would  seein  that  which  represents  letters  as  having 
passed  from  the  Egyptians  to  the  Phenicians  and 
Hebrews.  Either  people  may  have  acquired  this 
accomplishment  from  the  same  source,  at  the  same 
time  and  independently — or  one  may  have  preceded 
the  other,  and  subsequently  imparted  the  acquisi- 
tion. As  the  Hebrew  and  Phenician  alphabets  cor- 
respond, and  the  character  is  less  Phenician  than 
Hebrew,  the  latter  people  would  seem  to  have  been 
the  first  possessors  of  this  accomplishment,  and  to 
have  imparted  it  subsequently  to  the  Phenicians. 
The  theory  (now  almost  passed  into  a  general  be- 
lief)  of  an  early  uniform  language  overspreading 
the  range  of  countries  comprehended  in  Gen.  x., 
serves  to  illustrate  this  question.  According  to  the 
elaborate  analysis  of  Lepsius,  the  original  alphabet 
of  the  language-family,  of  which  the  Shemitic  formed 
a  part,  stood  as  follows : — 

Wtak  fSuauraU  lahiaU.         GuUwah.         DentiU. 

Aleph  =  A        .       B'>th     +  Gimel  +  Daletk  -  Media 
//-  =  E  +  i      .        Vao      +  Helh      +  Telh     =  Aspirates 
G/iain  =  O  +  u       i%        +  Kiip/i    +  Tau      =  Tcnues 

As  the  processes  of  enunciation  became  more  del- 
icate, the  liquids  Lamed,  Mem,  Nun,  were  apparently 
interposed  as  the  third  row,  with  the  original  S, 
Samech,  from  which  were  derived  Zain,  Tsaddi,  and 
Shin — Caph  (soft  k),  from  its  limited  functions,  is 
apparently  of  later  growth ;  and  the  separate  ex- 
istence of  Resh,  in  many  languages,  is  demonstrably 
of  comparatively  recent  date,  as  distinguished  from 
the  kindred  sound  Lamed.  In  Yod,  as  in  Knph  and 
Lamed,  Lepsius  finds  remains  of  the  ancient  vowel- 
strokes,  which  carry  us  back  to  the  early  syllabic 
symbols,  whose  existence  he  maintains  with  great 
force  and  learning. — 29.  On  the  history  of  the  for- 
mation of  the  written  characters  among  the  He- 
brews, see  Writing. — The  history  of  the  characters, 
ordinarily  used  in  the  Syriac  (or  Western)  branch 
of  the  Ar.amaic  family,  is  blended  with  that  of  those 
used  in  Judea.  Like  the  square  ch.aracters,  they 
were  derived  from  the  old  Phenician,  but  passed 
through  some  intermediate  stages.  The  first  vari- 
ety is  that  known  by  the  name  of  Entrangelo — a 
heavy  cuniVirous  character  found  in  use  in  tlic  very 
oldest  documents.  Concurrently  with  this,  are 
traces  of  the  existence  of  a  smaller  and  more  cur- 
sive character,  very  much  resembling  it.  There  are 
also  other  varieties,  slightly  differing — e.  g.  the  Nes- 
torian — but  that  in  ordinary  use,  is  the  Peshito  = 
aimph  (or  lineal,  according  to  some).  Its  origin  is 
somewhat  uncertain,  but  probably  may  be  assigned 
to  the  seventh  century  of  our  era. — Until  a  com- 
paratively short  time  before  the  days  of  Mohammed, 
the  art  of  writing  appears  to  have  been  practically 
unknown  among  the  Arabs.     For  the  Ilimyeritcs 


1018 


sm 


SHE 


guarded  with  jealous  care  their  own  peculiar  char- 
acter— the  musnad,  or  elevated;  in  itself  unfitted  for 
general  use.  Possibly  different  tribes  might  have 
possessed  approaches  to  written  characters ;  but 
about  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century,  the 
heavy  cumbrous  Cufic  character  (so  called  from 
Cufa,  the  city  where  it  was  most  early  used)  ap- 
pears to  have  been  generally  adopted.  It  was  said 
to  have  been  invented  by  Muramar-lbn  Murrat,  a 
native  of  Babylonian  Irak.  But  the  shapes  and  ar- 
rangements of  the  letters  indicate  their  derivation  ; 
from  the  Eslrangelo.  About  the  tenth  century  a 
smaller  and  more  flowing  character,  the  NMiki,  was 
introduced  by  Ibn  Moklah,  which,  with  considerable 
alterations  and  improvements,  is  that  ordinarily  in 
present  use.  — 30.  As  in  the  Hebrew  and  Aramaic 
branches,  so  in  the  Arab  branch  of  the  Shemitic 
family,  various  causes  rendered  desirable  the  intro- 
duction of  diacritical  signs  and  vowel  points,  which 
took  place  toward  the  close  of  the  seventh  century 
of  our  era — not,  however,  without  considerable  op- 
position at  the  outset.  At  first  a  simple  mark  or 
stroke,  like  the  diacritical  line  in  the  Samaritan 
MSS.,  was  adopted  to  mark  uimsual  significations. 
A  further  and  more  advanced  stage,  like  the  diacrit- 
ical points  of  the  Aramaic,  was  the  employment  of 
a  point  above  the  line  to  e.xpress  sounds  of  a  high 
kind,  like  a  and  o — one  below,  for  feebler  and  lower 
ones,  like  i  and  e — and  a  third  in  the  centre  of  the 
letters,  for  those  of  a  harsher  kind,  as  distinguished 
from  the  other  two. — .31.  The  reverence  of  the 
Jews,  for  their  sacred  writings,  would  have  been 
outraged  by  any  attempts  to  introduce  an  authori- 
tative system  of  interpretation  at  variance  with  ex- 
isting ones.  To  reduce  tlie  reading  of  the  Script- 
ures to  authoritative  and  intelligible  uniformity  was 
the  object  of  the  Masorets,  by  means  of  a  system 
of  vowels  and  accents.  (Olp  Testame.nt,  A.)  The 
system  has  been  carried  out  w  ith  far  greater  minute- 
ness in  the  Hebrew,  than  in  the  two  sister  dialects. 
The  Arabic  grammarians  did  not  proceed  beyond 
three  signs  for  a,  i,  u  ;  the  Syriac  added  e  and  a, 
which  they  represented  by  figures  borrowed  from 
the  Greek  alphabet,  not  very  much  altered.  The 
system  of  accents  bears  ratlier  on  the  relation  of 
words  and  the  members  of  sentences,  than  on  the 
construction  of  individual  words. — 32.  A  comparison 
of  the  Shemitic  languages,  as  known  to  us,  presents 
them  as  very  unevenly  developed.  In  their  present 
form  the  Arabic  is  undoubtedly  the  richest :  but  it 
would  have  been  rivalled  by  the  Hebrew  had  a 
career  been  vouchsafed  equally  long  and  favorable 
to  this  latter. 

Sheni'n-fl  (Heb.  =  Samuel).  1.  Son  of  Ammi- 
hud ;  appointed  from  the  tribe  of  Simeon  to  divide 
the  land  of  Canaan  (Num.  x.xxiv.  20). — 2.  Samuel 
the  prophet  ( 1  Chr.  vi.  33).— 3.  Son  of  Tola  ;  a  chief 
of  Issachar  (vii.  2). 

Sh*n  (Heb.  tooth,  Gcs.),  a  place  mentioned  to  de- 
fine the  position  of  Eiiex-ezer  ;  perhaps  a  tooth- 
shaped  rock  or  peak  (1  Sam.  vii.  12  only) ;  site  un- 
known. 

Sbe-na'zar  (fr.  Heb.  =  feiy  tooth  ?  Ges.),  son  of 
Salatuiei,,  or  Shealtiel  (1  Chr.  iii.  18). 

Sbe'nlr  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Senir  =  Mount  Hermon 
(Dent.  iii.  9 ;  Cant.  iv.  8). 

*Slie'ol  [o  as  in  ioll^  (Heb.  shcol).     Hell. 

She'pbam  (Heb.  coUl,  or  barenesx,  place  naked  of 
trees,  Ges.),  a  place  mentioned  only  by  Moses  as  be- 
tween Hazar-enan  and  Riblaii,  on  the  eastern 
boundary  of  the  Promised  Land  (Xum.  xxxiv.  10, 
11);  site  unknown.     The  Targum  Pseudojonathan, 


Saadiah,  &c.,  render  the  name  by  Apamcia ;  but  it 
seems  uncertain  whether  by  this  they  intend  the 
Greek  city  of  that  name  on  the  Orontcs,  fifty  miles 
below  Antioch,  or  use  it  as  =  Bdnids  or  1)an,  as 
Schwarz  affirms. 

Slirph-a-tbi'ali  (fr.  Heb.  =  Shephatiah),  a  Ben- 
jamite,  father  of  Meshullam  C  (1  Chr.  ix.  8);  prop- 
erly "Shephatiah,"  as  in  the  A.  V.  of  1611,  &c. 

Shepll-a-ti'ah  (fr.  Heb.  :  -  whom  Jehovah  defends, 
Ges.).  1.  Fifth  son  of  David  ;  born  of  his  wife  Abi- 
tal  at  Hebron  (2  Sam.  iii.  4;  1  Chr.  iii.  3).— 3.  An- 
cestor of  a  family,  372  <jf  whom  returned  with  Ze- 
rubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  4;  Neh.  vii.  9);  and  eighty  males, 
with  Zebadiah  at  their  head,  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  8). 
— 3>  Ancestor  of  certain  children  of  Solomon's  ser- 
vants, who  came  up  with  Zerubbabel  (ii.  67 ;  Neh. 
vii.  59). — i,  A  descendant  of  Perez,  or  Pharez,  the 
son  of  Judah  ;  ancestor  of  Athaiah  (xi.  4). — 5t  Son  ■ 
of  Mattan ;  one  of  the  princes  of  Judah  who  coun- 
selled Zcdekiah  to  put  Jeremiah  in  the  dungeon 
(Jer.  xxxviii.  1). — Ci  A  Benjamite,  father  of  Meshul- 
LAM  6  (1  Chr.  ix.  8  in  some  copies;  SnEPHATMiAH). 
— 7.  "  The  Uaruphite,"  one  of  the  Benjamite  war- 
riors v.ho  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (xii.  5). — 8.  Son 
of  Maachah,  and  chief  of  the  Simeonites  in  David's 
reign  (xxvii.  16). — 9.  Son  of  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr. 
xxi.  2). 

*  Shc-phe'lali  (Ilcb.)  =  Sephela. 

Shepherd  (Heb.  ro'eh  =  one  who  feeds  a  flock,  a 
shepherd,  herdsman,  Ges.),  translated  usually  "shep- 
herd," as  in  Gen.  xHx.  4  and  Ex.  ii.  17,  19,  kc,  also 
"pastor,"  as  in  Jer.  ii.  8,  xvii.  16,  &c.,  "herd- 
man,"  as  in  Gen.  xiii.  7,  8,  &c  ,  kc. ;  r&i  =:  "  shep- 
herd," Is.  xxxviii.  12  ;  Zech.  xi.  17  ;  huker  (=  herdf,- 
mati,  also  shepherd,  Ges.),  translated  "  herdman," 
Am.  vii.  14  ;  naked  (=  a  keeper  of  flocks,  and  in  a 
wider  sense,  of  any  cattle,  a  shepherd,  herdsinati, 
sheep-owner,  cattle-breedir,  Ges.),  translated  "sheep- 
master"  in  2  K.  iii.  4,  "herdman"  in  Am.  i.  1; 
Gr.  poimen  (=  one  who  tends  herds  or  flocks,  a 
shepjherd,  herdsman,  Ebn.  N.  T.  Lex.),  in  N.  T.  uni- 
formly translated  "  shepherd,"  as  in  Mat.  ix.  36,  xxv. 
32,  &c. ;  archipohnhi  =  "  chief  shepherd,"  1  Pet. 
v.  4. — In  a  nomadic  state  of  society  every  man  is 
more  or  less  a  shepherd.  The  progenitors  of  the 
Jews  in  the  patriarchal  age  were  nomads,  and  their 
history  is  rich  in  scenes  of  pastoral  life.  (Patri- 
arch.) The  occupation  of  tending  the  flocks  was 
undertaken,  not  only  by  the  sons  of  wealthy  chiefs 
(Gen.  XXX.  29  if.,  xxxvii.  12  S.\  but  even  by  their 
daughters  (xxix.  6  if. ;  Ex.  ii.  19).  The  Egyptian 
captivity  did  much  to  implant  a  love  of  settled 
abode,  and  we  find  the  tribes  which  still  retained 
a  taste  for  shepherd-life  .selecting  their  own  quarters 
apart  from  their  brethren  in  the  Transjordanic  dis- 
trict (Num.  xxxii.  1  ff.).  Henceforward  in  Palestine 
Proper  the  shepherd  held  a  subordinate  position. 
(Agriculture.) — The  office  of  the  Eastern  shepherd, 
as  described  in  the  Bible,  was  attended  with  much 
hardship,  and  even  danger.  He  was  exposed  to  the 
extremes  of  heat  and  cold  (Gen.  xxxi.  40) ;  his  food 
frequently  consisted  of  the  precarious  supplies  af- 
forded by  nature,  such  as  the  fruit  of  the  "  syca- 
more" or  Egyptian  fig  (Am.  vii.  14),  the  "husks" 
of  the  carob-tree  (Lk.  xv.  16),  and  perchance  the 
locusts  and  wild  honey  which  supported  John  the 
Baptist  (Mat.  iii.  4) ;  he  had  to  encounter  the  at- 
tacks of  wild  beasts,  occasionally  of  the  larger  spe- 
cies, such  as  lions,  wolves,  panthers,  and  bears  (1 
Sam.  xvii.  34;  Is.  xxxi.  4;  Jer.  v.  6;  Am.  iii.  12);  , 
nor  was  he  free  from  the  risk  of  robbers  or  preda- 
tory hordes  (Gen.  xxxi.  39).     To  meet  these  various  I 


SHE 


SHE 


1019 


foes  the  shepherd's  equipment  consisted  of  the  fol- 
lowing articles  : — a  mantle,  made  probably  of  sheep- 
skin with  the  fleece  on,  which  he  turned  inside  out 
in  cold  weather,  as  implied  in  the  comparison  in 
Jer.  xliii.  12  ;  a  scrip  or  wallet,  containing  a  small 
amount  of  food  (1  Sam.  xvii.  40) ;  a  sling  (Arms,  I. 
4) :  and  a  staff,  wliich  served  both  as  a  weapon 
against  foes,  and  a  crook  for  the  management  of 
tlic  flock  (ib.  ;  Ps.  xxiii.  4  ;  Zech.  xi.  7).  If  the 
shepherd  was  at  a  distance  from  his  home,  he  was 
jirovided  with  a  light  tknt  (Cant.  i.  8  ;  Jer.  xxxv. 
7),  tlie  removal  of  which  was  easily  efl'ected  (Is. 
xxxviii.  12).  In  certain  localities,  moreover,  towers 
were  erected  for  the  double  purpose  of  spying  an 
enemy  at  a  distance,  and  protecting  the  flock. 
(Tower. V—Tlie  routine  of  the  shi'pherd's  duties  ap- 
pears to  have  been  as  follows : — In  the  morning  he 
led  forth  his  flock  from  the  fold  (.In.  x.  4),  which 
he  did  by  going  before  them  and  calling  to  them,  as 
is  still  usual  in  the  East  (Sheep)  ;  arrived  at  the 
pasturage,  he  watched  the  flock  with  the  assistance 
of  dogs  (Job  XXX.  1  ;  Dog),  and,  should  any  sheep 
stray,  he  had  to  search  for  it  until  he  found  it  (Ez. 
xxxlv.  12;  Lk.  XV.  4);  he  supplied  them  with 
water,  either  at  a  running  stream  or  at  troughs 
attached  to  wells  (Gen.  xxix.  7,  xx.x.  38;  Ex.  ii. 
16  ;  Ps.  xxiii.  2) ;  at  evening  he  brought  them 
back  to  the  fold,  and  reckoned  them  to  see  that 
none  were  missing,  by  passing  them  "  under  the 
rod  "  as  they  entered  the  door  of  the  enclo- 
sure (Lev.  xxvii.  32;  Ez.  xx.  37),  checking  each 
sheep  as  it  passed,  by  a  motion  of  the  hand  (Jer. 
xxxiii.  13);  and,  finally,  he  watched  the  entrance 
of  the  fold  (Sheep-fold)  through  the  night,  act- 
ing as  porter  (Jn.  x.  3).  The  shepherd's  oMce  thus 
required  great  watchfulness,  particularly  by  night 
(Lk.  ii.  8;  comp.  Nah.  iii.'  18).  It  also  required 
tenderness  toward  the  young  and  feeble  (Is.  xl. 
11),  particularly  in  driving  them  to  and  from  the 
pa-sturagc  (Gen.  xxxiii.  13).  In  large  establishments 
there  were  various  grades  of  shepherds,  the  highest 
being  styled  "  rulers "  (Gen.  xlvii.  6),  or  "  chief 
sheplierds"  (IPet.  v.  4):  in  a  royal  household  the 
title  of  abhir  (=  mi(//Ui/)  was  bestowed  on  the  person 
who  held  the  post  (.\.  V.  "  chiefest,"  1  Sam.  xxi.  7). 
The  hatred  of  the  Egyptians  toward  shepherds  (Gen. 
xlvi.  34)  may  have  been  mainly  due  (so  Mr.  Bevan  ; 
but  see  Egypt)  to  their  contempt  for  the  sheep  it- 
self, which  appears  to  have  been  valued  neither  for 
f  )od  nor  generally  for  sacrifice,  the  only  district 
where  they  were  oflFered  being  about  the  Natron 
lakes.  It  may  have  been  increased  by  the  memory 
of  the  Shepherd  invasion.  "Shepherd"  is  applied 
metaphoricallv  to  princes  (Is.  xliv.  28 ;  Ez.  xxxiv. 
2  If.,  &c.),  teachers  (Eccl.  xii.  11),  to  Jehovah  (Ps. 
xxiii.  1,  ixxx.  1,  &c.),  to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
(Jn.  X.  11,  14,  16;  Ilcb.  xiii.  20;  1  Pot.  ii.  25,  v. 
4,  &c.).  Barn-  ;  Goat  ;  Grass  ;  Herd  ;  Lamb  ;  Pas- 
tor ;    Pasture  ;    SnEABiNO-iiouSE  ;    Sheep-master, 

&.C.). 

She'phI  (Heb.  a  irearing  awnii,  naked  hill,  Gcs.), 
son  of  Shobal,  of  the  sons  of  Seir  (1  Chr.  i.  40) ;  = 
Shepho. 

Shc'plio  (Heb.  tmoolhneas)  =  Sbefhi  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
23). 

She-phn'phail  (Heb.  serpciii,  Ges. ;  comp.  AnnER 
4).  a  son  of  Beta,  the  first-bom  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr. 
viii.  5) ;  =  SnirnAM,  and  Muppim,  also  (so  Lord  A. 
C.  Hervey)  SnrppiM 

She'rah  (Heb.  kimicoman,  Ges.),  daughter  of 
Enhraim,  or  of  Beriah(l  Chr.  vii.  24),  and  foundress 
of  the  two  Beth-horons,  and  of  Uzzen-sherah. 


•Sherd  =  a  fragment  of  an  earthen  vessel  = 
potsuehd. 

Slier-e-bl'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  heat  of  Jfhovah  i  Ges.),  a 
Merarite  Levite,  of  the  family  of  Mahli,  one  of  those 
(loosely  called  "  priests  "  in  verse  24  ;  comp.  Josh, 
iii.  3)  who  joined  Ezra  at  the  river  of  Ahava,  and  had 
charge  of  the  gold,  silver,  and  vessels  offered  for  the 
Temple  (Ezr.  viii.  18,  24).  When  Ezra  read  the 
Law  to  tlie  people,  Shercbiah  was  among  the  Lcvites 
who  assisted  him  (Neh.  viii.  7).  He  took  part  in  the 
psalm  of  confession  and  thanksgiving  at  the  solemn 
fast  after  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  (ix.  4,  5),  sealed 
the  covenant  with  Nchemiali  (x.  12),  and  was  among 
the  chief  of  the  Levites  who  belonged  to  the  choir 
(xii.  8,  24). 

She'rcsh  (Heb.  root,  Gcs.),  son  of  Machir  the  son 
of  Manasseh  by  his  wife  Maachah  (1  Chr.  vii.  16). 

She-re'zer  (fr.  Pers.  =r  Sharezer),  one  of  the 
messengers  sent  in  the  fourth  year  of  Darius  by  the 
people  who  had  returned  from  the  Cai)tivity  to  in- 
quire concerning  fasting  in  the  fifth  month  (Zech.  vii. 
2).     Reoem-melech. 

•  Sher'IffSj  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Chal.  pi.  tiph- 
fdi/e,  found  m  Dan.  iii.  2,  3  only.  Gesonius  makes 
the  Chaldee  =  personn  learned  in  the  lam,  lawyers  ; 
Fiirst  interprets  jiidr/es,  the  name  of  certain  high 
officials  among  the  Babylonians.  A  sheriff  in  the 
United  States  is  now  the  chief  officer  of  a  county, 
whose  business  it  is  to  execute  the  laws,  the  orders 
of  judges,  &c. ;  in  Great  Britain  he  acts  also  as 
judge  in  certain  cases. 

She'shach  (Heb.,  see  below),  in  Jer.  xxv.  26,  Ii.  41, 
a  synonym  either  for  Babylon  or  for  Babylonia.  Ac- 
cording to  some  commentators,  it  represents  "  Ba- 
bel "  on  a  principle  well  known  to  the  later  Jews — 
the  substitution  of  letters  accordingto  their  position 
in  the  alphabet,  counting  backward  from  the  last  let- 
ter, for  those  which  hold  the  same  numerical  posi- 
tion, counting  in  the  ordinary  way.  It  may  well  be 
doubted,  however,  if  this  fanciful  practice  is  as  old 
as  Jeremiah.  Sir  H.  Rawlinson  has  observed  that 
the  name  of  the  moon-god,  which  was  identical,  or 
nearly  so,  with  that  of  the  city  of  Abraham,  Ur  (or 
Ilur),  "might  have  been  read  in  one  of  the  ancient 
dialects  of  Babylon  as  Shinhaki."  Sheshach  may 
stand  for  Ur,  Ur  itself,  the  old  capital,  being  taken 
to  represent  the  country  (so  Rawlinson). 

Shc'shal  (Heb.  whitish?  Ges.),  one  of  the  three 
sons  of  Anak  who  dwelt  in  Hebron  (Xum.  xiii.  22), 
and  were  driven  thence  and  slain  by  Caleb  at  the 
head  of  the  children  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  14  ;  Judg. 
i.  10). 

Sbe'shan  (Heb.  HI)/?  Ges.),  a  descendant  of  Jerah- 
meel  the  son  of  Hezron;  father  of  Ahlai  (1  Chr.  ii. 
31,  34,  3.5). 

Shosh-baz'zar  (fr.  Pers.  =  fre-worxhipper  ?  Ges.), 
the  Chaldean  or  Persian  name  given  to  Zeritbbabel 
(Ezr.  i.  8,  11,  V.  14,  16;  1  Esd.ii.  12, 15).  The  Jew- 
ish tradition,  that  Sheshbazzar  is  Daniel,  is  utterly 
without  weight. 

Sheth  (Heb.,  see  below).  1.  The  patriarch  Seth 
(1  Chr.  i.  1).— 8.  In  the  A.  V.  of  Num.  xxiv.  17,  the 
Heb.  Sfieth  is  rendered  as  a  proper  name,  but  tliere 
is  reason  to  regard  it  as  an  appellative,  and  to  trans- 
late, instead  of  "  the  sons  of  Sheth,"  "  the  sons  of 
tumult,"  the  wild  warriors  of  Moab  (compare  Jer. 
xlviii.  46). 

Shc'thar  (fr.  Pers.  =  a  star),  one  of  the  seven 
princes  of  I'ersia  and  Media,  who  had  access  to  the 
king's  presence,  and  were  the  first  men  in  the  king- 
dom, in  the  third  year  of  Ahasuerus  (Esth.  i.  14). 

Sbe'thar-boz'nal,  or  -boz'na-1  (fr.  Pers.  =  >tar 


1020 


SUE 


SHI 


of  splendor),  a  Persian  officer  of  rank,  having  a  com- 
mand in  the  province  "on  this  side  tlie  river" 
under  Tatnai  the  satrap,  in  the  reign  of  Darius  Hys- 
taspis  (Ezr.  v.  3,  6,  vi.  ti,  13).  He  joined  with  Tat- 
nai and  tlie  Apharsaehites  in  trying  to  obstruct  the 
progress  of  the  Temple  in  the  time  of  Zerubbabel, 
and  in  writing  a  letter  to  Darius,  of  which  a  copy  is 
preserved  in  Ezra  v. 

Slic'va  (Ileb.,  a  corruption  of  Seraiah,  Ges.).  1. 
The  scribe  or  royal  secretary  of  David  (2  Sam.  xx. 
251;  =  Seraiah  1,  Shisha,  and  Shavsiia. — 2.  Son 
of  Caleb  1  by  his  concubine  Maachah  (1  Chr.  ii.  49). 

Sliew'-bread  [sho'-bred]  (Heb.  lehein  [or  ledum], 
pdnhn  [ov  happdnim]  =;  bread  of  the  face  or  faces, 
i.  e.  of  the  presence  of  Jeliovah  ;  see  below)  (Ex.  xxv. 
30,  XXXV.  13,  xxxix.  36,  &c.),  also  called  "  bread  of  or- 
dering "  ( 1  Chr.  ix.  32  niarg.),  "  the  continual  bread  " 
(Num.  iv.  1),  and  "  hallowed  bread  "  (1  Sam.  xxi.  4-6). 
Within  the  Arlv  it  was  directed  that  there  should  be 
a  table  of  shittim-wood  (i.  e.  acacia),  two  cubits  in 
length,  a  cubit  in  breadth,  and  a  cubit  and  a  half  in 
height,  overlaid  with  pure  gold,  and  "  having  a  gold- 
en crown  to  the  border  thereof  round  about,"  i.  e.  a 
border  or  list,  in  order,  as  we  may  suppose,  to  hin- 
der that  whieli  was  placed  on  it  from  by  any  acci- 
dent falling  off.  This  table  is  described  in  Ex.  xxv. 
23-30,  and  the  bas-reliefs  within  the  Arch  of  Titus 
represent  it  as  it  existed  in  the  Herodian  Temple. 
This  representation,  shown  in  the  cut,  and  obviously 


Table  of  Shew -brend— from  bas-relief  OD  the  Arch  of  Tltni.— Reland,  Di 
Sf'oliu  Templi,  At— <Fbii.) 

accurate,  exhibits  the  hand  of  one  of  the  slaves  who 
is  carrying  the  table,  as  of  about  equal  breadth  wjth 
the  border,  according  to  the  words  of  Exodus,  "  and 
thou  shalt  nialfe  unto  it  a  border  of  a  liandbreadth 
round  about."  2  Chr.  iv.  19  mentions  "  the  tables 
whereon  the  shew-brcad  was  set,"  and  at  ver.  8  we 
read  of  Solomon  making  ten  tables.  The  table  of 
the  second  Temple  was  carried  away  by  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  (1  Mc.  i.  22),  and  a  new  one  made  at  the 
refurnishing  of  the  sanot\iary  under  Judas  Macca- 
beus (iv.  49).  Afterward  Ptolemy  Pliiladelphus 
presented  a  magnificent  table.  Tlie  table  stood  in 
the  sanctuary  together  with  the  seven-branched  can- 
dlestick and  the  altar  of  incense.  Every  Sabbath 
twelve  newly-baked  loaves  were  put  on  it  in  two 
rows,  six  in  each,  and  sprinkled  with  incense  (the 
LXX.  add  nail),  where  tliey  remained  till  the  follow- 
ing Sabbath.  Then  they  were  replaced  by  twelve 
new  ones,  the  incense  was  burned,  and  they  were 
eaten  by  tlie  priests  in  the  Holy  Place,  out  of  which 
they  might  not  be  removed.  Besides  these,  the 
ebew-bread  table  was  adorned  with  dishes,  spoons, 


bowls,  &c.,  of  pure  gold  (Ex.  xxv.  29). — The  twelve 
loaves  plainly  answer  to  the  twelve  tribes  (compare 
Rev.  xxii.  2),  though  Josephus  and  Philo  regarded 
them  as  representing  the  twelve  months.  The  mean- 
ing of  the  rite  is  left  in  Scripture  unexplained,  al- 
though it  is  referred  to  as  one  of  the  leading  and 
most  solemn  appointments  of  the  sanctuary  (comp. 
2  Chr.  xiii,  10,  11).  But  the  first  name  we  find 
given  it  is  obviously  the  dominant  one,  A.  V.  "shew- 
brcad,"  literally  bread  of  the  face  or  of  the  faces,  or 
using  the  latter  term  iu  its  oft-recurring  secondary 
sense,  breadof  the  presence,  i.  e.  of  Jehovah  (the  Heb. 
pdnim  being  used  only  in  the  plural,  and  therefore 
applied  equally  to  the  face  or  presence  oi  one  person 
and  of  many).  Spencer  and  otiiers  consider  it  Ijread 
offered  to  God  as  was  the  " meatoffering,"  a  sym- 
bolical meal  for  God  somewhat  answering  to  a  hea- 
then Leclisternium  (in  which  the  images  of  the  gods, 
lying  on  pillows,  were  placed  in  the  streets  and  food 
of  all  kinds  set  before  them,  Andrews'  Freund's  L. 
Lex.).  But  Biihr  remarks,  and  justly,  that  the  Heb. 
pdnhit  {=  presence)  is  applied  solely  to  the  table'and 
the  bread,  not  to  the  otlier  furniture  of  the  sanc- 
tuary, the  altar  of  incense,  or  the  golden  candle- 
stick. There  is  something,  therefore,  peculiar  to  the 
former  whicli  is  denoted  by  the  title.  Of  the  Angel 
of  God's  Presence  (Is.  Ixiii,  9  ;  comp.  Ex.  xxxiii.  14, 
15  ;  Deut.  iv.  37)  it  is  said  that  God's  "Name  is  in 
Him  "  (Ex.  xxiii.  20).  The  Presence  and  the  Name 
may,  therefore,  be  taken  as  equivalent.  Both,  in  ref- 
erence to  their  context,  indicate  the  manifestation 
of  God  to  His  creatures.  Hence,  as  the  name  stands 
for  He  or  Himself,  so  Face  for  Person :  to  see  the 
Face,  for,  to  see  tlie  Person.  The  Bread  of  the  Face 
is  therefore  that  bread  tlnough  which  God  is  seen, 
i.  e.  with  the  participation  of  whieli  the  seeing  of 
God  is  bound  up,  or  through  the  participation  of 
which  man  attains  the  siglit  of  God.  Whence  it  fol- 
lows that  we  hiive  not  to  think  of  bread  merely  as 
such,  as  the  means  of  nourishing  the  bodily  life,  but 
as  spiritual  food,  as  a  means  of  appropriating  and 
retaining  that  life  which  consists  in  seeing  the  f;ice 
of  God  (so  Mr.  Garden,  after  Biihr).  Fairbairn  says : 
"  The  shew-bread  was  only  a  more  special  and  stated 
form  of  the  bread  or  meat-offering,  wliich  was  a 
very  common  accompaniment  of  the  bloody  sacri- 
fices ;  and  was  a  symbol  of  tlie  moral  excellence,  or 
spiritual  fruit,  which  the  covenant  people  were  bound 
to  render  to  Jehovah.  It  consequently  took  the  as- 
pect of  something  given  or  presented  by  tlieni  to 
God,  received  '  from  the  children  of  Israel  by  an  ever- 
lasting covenant'  (Lev.  xxiv.  8),  and  with  the  meat- 
offerings generally  was  called  by  God,  '  My  offering, 
My  bread  made  by  fire,  for  a  sweet  savor  unto  Me' 
(Num.  xxviii.  2).  The  Tabernacle  was  the  Lord's 
peculiar  dwelling  in  Israel,  and  tliis  table  of  shew-  , 
bread  was  continually  to  exhibit  an  image  of  tlie  iruit-  j 
fulness  in  all  well-doing  wiiicii  tlie  people  were  called 
to  be  ever  rendering  Him  from  the  field  of  His 
inlieiitance." 

Shib'bo-lcth  (Judg.  xii.  6),  the  Hebrew  word  which 
the  Gileadites  under  Jephthah  made  use  of  at  tlie 
passages  of  tlie  Jordan,  after  a  victory  over  the 
Ephraimites,  to  test  the  pronunciation  of  the  sound 
.th  by  those  who  wished  to  cross  over  the  river.  The 
Ephraimites,  it  would  appear,  in  their  dialect  sub- 
stituted for  sk  the  simple  sound  s  /  and  the  Gilead- 
ites, regarding  every  one  who  failed  to  pronounce  'A 
ason  Ephrainiite,  and  therefore  an  enemy,  put  him  to 
death  accordingly.  The  word  "Shibboleth,"  which 
has  now  a  second  life  in  the  English  language  in  a 
new  signification  (viz.  a  party  test,  or  some  minute 


SHI 


sni 


1021 


point  of  difference,  the  importance  of  nliich  is  mag- 
nified ill  controversy),  lias  two  meanings  in  Hebrew : 
Ist,  an  ear  of  wheat  or  other  grain  ;  2dly,  «  stream 
ovfloud  (Ps.  Ixix.  2,  13)  :  and  it  was,  perhaps,  in  the 
latter  sense  that  this  particular  word  suggested  it- 
self to  the  Gilcadites,  the  Jordan  being  a  riipid  river. 
There  is  no  mystery  in  tliis  particular  word.  Any 
word  beginning  with  the  sound  «/i  would  have  an- 
swered enually  well  as  a  test. 

Stltb'mili  (fr.  Hcb.)  =  Sibmah,  a  city  of  Reuben 
(N'uin. -xxxii.  38);  probably  =  Sheb.vm. 

Stlle'ron  (Heb.  drunkenness,  Ges.),  one  of  the  land- 
marks at  the  western  end  of  the  N.  boundary  of 
Judah  (Josh.  w.  11,  only).  It  lay  between  Ekkos 
{'Akir)  and  Jab.seei,  {Yebiut\  the  port  at  which  the 
boundary  ran  to  the  sea.  No  tnvce  of  the  name  has 
been  discovered  between  these  two  places,  which  are 
barelv  four  miles  apart. 

Slil'pfil.     Arms,  II.,  5,  6. 

Shlg-gaCoa  [-ga'yon]  (Heb.,  see  below)  (Ps.  vii. 
1),  a  particular  kind  of  Psxlni ;  the  specific  charac- 
ter of  which  is  now  not  known.  In  the  singular 
number  the  word  occurs  only  in  the  inscription  of 
Ps.  vii.  In  the  inscription  to  Ilabakkuk's  Ode  (Hab. 
iii.  1)  the  word  occurs  in  the  plural ;  but  the  Hebrew 
phrase  in  which  it  stands  ('a^  shipyonotfi)  is  deemed 
almost  unanimously,  as  it  would  s;?em,  by  modern 
Hebrew  scholars  to  mean  a/ler  the  manner  of  Ike 
SUic/yaion,  and  to  be  merely  a  direction  as  to  the 
kind  of  musical  measures  by  which  the  ode  was  to 
be  accompanied  (so  Mr.  Twisleton).  fiesenius  and 
Fiirst  concur  in  deriving  it  from  Heb.  skiffr/dh,  in  the 
sense  of  mai/nifi/inj  or  exloUing  with  praises,  and 
justify  this  derivation  by  kindred  Syriac  words. 
Shiggaion  would  thus  mean  a  hymn  or  psalm  ;  but  its 
specific  meaning,  if  it  has  any,  as  applicable  to  the 
seventh  Psalm,  would  continue  unknown.  Ewald, 
Riidiger  (continuation  of  Gesenius's  Thesauras),  and 
Dclitzsch  derive  it  from  Heb.  shdgdh,  in  the  sense 
of  r.;eling,  as  from  wine,  and  consider  the  word  to 
\>2  s  )mewhat  equivalent  to  a  dithyrambus.  Gese- 
nius's Ileh.  and  Eng.  Ijot..  (edited  by  Robinson,  1854) 
explains  the  word  as  =  "  a  hymn,  or  rather  a  d'Uhn- 
ramhic  ode,  i.  e.  erratic,  wild,  enthusiastic."  De 
Wette,  Lee,  and  Hitzig  interpret  the  word  as  a 
psalm  of  lamentation,  or  a  psalm  in  distress,  as  de- 
rived from  Arabic.  Hupfeld  conjectures  that  shig- 
gaioii  =  HioOAio.v,  Ps.  ix.  16,  in  the  sense  of  poem 
or  sonr).  The  versions  give  no  help.  In  the  A.  V. 
of  Ilab.  iii.  1,  the  rendering  is  "  upon  shigionoth,"  as 
if  shigionoth  were  some  musical  instrument.  Gese- 
nius  (ed.  by  Robin.son,  1831)  translates  this  "in  the 
manner  of  dithyrjmbic  songs." 

*  Shig-l-O'DOth.      SUIGGAIOS. 

SUrh»a(fr.  Heb.  =  a  ruin,Ges.),  in  some  copies 
correctly  "  Shion,"  a  town  of  Issachar,  named  only 
ill  Josh.  xix.  19,  between  Haphraim  and  Anaharath. 
Eusebius  an  1  Jerome  mention  it  as  then  existing 
"  near  .Mount  Tabor."  The  only  name  at  all  re- 
sembling it  at  present  in  that  neighborhood  is  the 
Chirbet  S'^hPin  of  Dr.  Schulz,  H  miles  N.  W.  of  i9e- 
barieh.  (Daberath.)  The  identification  is,  how- 
ever, very  uncertain. 

ShI'llor(Heb.  black,  turbid) of  E'Rvpt  (1  Chr.  xiii. 
6)  is  spoken  of  as  one  limit  of  the  kingdom  of  Is- 
rael in  David's  time,  the  entering  in  of  Hamath 
being  the  other.  It  must  correspond  to  "  the  Shi- 
hor  which  is  before  Egypt"  (Josh.  xiii.  8),  A.  V. 
"  SiiioR,"  and  probably  designates  the  stream  of  the 
Wad;/  el-  Arink.     River  of  Eovpt. 

Shi'h8r-llb'n>th(Heb.,  see  below),  named  only  in 
Joab.  xix.  26  as  one  of  the  landmarks  of  the  boun- 


dary of  Asher.  Nothing  is  known  of  it.  By  the 
ancient  translators  and  commentators  the  names 
arc  taken  as  belonging  to  two  distinct  places.  But 
modern  commentators,  beginning  perhaps  with  Ma- 
sius,  have  inclined  to  consider  Shihor  as  identical 
with  the  name  of  tlic  Nile,  and  Shihor-libnath  to 
be  a  river.  Tliey  interpret  the  Shihor-libnath  as 
the  rjlass  river,  and  identify  it  with  the  Belus  of 
Pliny,  the  present  Nakr  Na'mdn.  But  this  theory 
is  surely  very  far-fetched.  There  is  nothing  (so  .Mr. 
Grove)  to  indicate  that  Shihor-libnath  is  a  stream  at 
all,  except  the  agreement  of  the  first  part  (Shiiior) 
with  a  rare  word  used  for  the  Nile.  Porter  (in 
Kitto)  suggests  that  it  may  be  some  little  town  on 
the  bank  of  one  of  the  streamlets  whicli  fall  into 
the  Mediterranean  between  Carmel  and  Dor. 

Sllirh!(Heb.  armed?  Ges.),  father  of  Azubah,  Je- 
hoshaphat's  mother  (1  K.  xxii.  42  ;  2  Chr.  xx.  31). 

Shirhim(IIeb.  armed  men,Ges. ;  fountains,  Vii.),  a 
city  in  the  S.  of  Judah,  named  between  Lcbaoth  and 
Ain,  or  Ain-rimmon  (Josh.  -xv.  32) ;  apparently  =: 
Shaaraim  and  Sharuhen.  The  juxtaposition  of 
Shilhim  and  Ain  has  led  to  the  conjecture  that  they 
=  the  Salim  and  E.so.s  of  John  the  Baptist;  but 
their  position  in  the  S.  of  Judah  seems  to  forbid 
this. 

SbU'lem  (Heb.  requital,  recompense,  Ges.),  son  of 
Naphtali,  and  ancestor  of  the  family  of  the  Shillem- 
ITES  (Gen.  xlvi.  24  ;  Num.  xxvi.  49);  =  Shallum  7. 

Shiriem-itcs  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  descendants  of 
Shillem  the  son  of  Naphtali  (Num.  xxvi.  49). 

SIlHo'all(Ueb.  shiloah  or  shiloach  =  a  sending  o{ 
water,  i.  e.  a  conduit,  aqueduct,  Ges. ;  sent  [abstract 
for  concrete,  Ges.],  Jn.  ix.  7),  the  Waters  of,  a  cer- 
tain soft-flowing  stream  (Is.  viii.  6);  no  doubt  =  the 
waters  of  Siloam — the  only  perennial  spring  of 
Jerusalem. 

Slii  lah  (Heb.,  see  below),  in  the  A.  V.,  is  once  used 
as  the  name  of  a  pei-son,  in  a  very  dilTicult  passage 
in  Gen.  xlix.  10.  I.  Supposing  the  A.  V.  transla- 
tion correct,  the  word  =:  Peaceable,  or  Pacific,  and 
tlie  allusion  is  cither  to  Solomon,  whose  name  has 
a  similar  signification,  or  to  the  expected  Messiah, 
who  ill  Is.  ix.  6  is  expressly  called  the  Prince  of  Peace 
(Gesenius  [formerly],  Ilengstenberg,  Rabbi  Wogue, 
Bush  [on  Oen.  1.  c,  and  in  Kitto],  Prof.  Douglas  [in 
Fbn.],  Ayre,  &c.). — The  objections  to  this  translation, 
supposing  the  Hcb.  text  to  be  correct  as  it  stands,  are 
thus  presented  by  Mr.  Twisleton  :  (1.)  "  Shiloh  "  oc- 
curs nowhere  else  in  Hebrew  as  the  name  or  appella- 
tion of  a  per.son.  (2.)  The  only  other  Hebrew  word, 
apparently,  of  the  same  form,  is  Gii.oii  (Josh.  xv. 
61 ;  2  Sam.  xv.  12),  the  name  of  a  city,  and  not  of 
a  person.  (3.)  By  translating  the  word  as  it  is 
translated  everywhere  else  in  the  Bible,  viz.  as  the 
name  of  the  city  in  Ephraim  where  the  Ark  of  the 
Covenant  so  long  remained  (see  next  article),  a  suf- 
ficiently good  meaning  (see  II.,  below)  is  given  to 
the  passage  without  any  violence  to  the  Hebrew 
language,  and,  indeed,  with  a  precise  grammatical 
parallel  elsewhere  (compare  1  Sam.  iv.  12). — II. 
Taking  Shiloh  to  be  the  name  of  the  city,  Mr. 
Twisleton  thus  translates :  "  The  sceptre  shall  not 
depart  from  Judah,  nor  the  ruler's  staff  (A.V.  '  law- 
giver') from  bi'twcen  his  feet,  till  he  shall  go  to 
Shiloh."  And,  in  this  case,  the  allu.sion  would  bo 
to  the  primacy  of  Judah  in  war  (Judg  i.  1,  2,  xx. 
18  ^  Num.  ii.  3,  x.  14),  which  was  to  continue  until 
the  Promised  Land  was  conquered,  and  the  Ark  of 
the  Covenant  was  solemnly  deposited  at  Shiloh. 
This  translation,  suggested  by  Teller  (1766),  has 
been,  with  modifications,  favored  by  Eicbbom,  Hitzig, 


1022 


SHI 


SHI 


Tuch,  Bleek,  Ewald,  Delitzsch,  Rodiger,  Kalisch, 
Luzzatto,  Davidson,  Fiirst,  &c.  To  tliis  translation 
Prof.  Douglas  (ni  Fbn.)  objects — (1.)  There  is  no 
evidence  that  the  city  Shiloh  existed  in  Jacob's 
time,  or,  if  it  did  then  exist,  that  it  bore  this  name, 
or,  if  it  then  existed  under  this  name,  that  Jacob 
spoke  to  his  sons  of  a  place  so  entirely  unimportant 
and  apparently  unconnected  with  them.  (2.)  What 
had  Judah  to  do  with  coming  to  Shiloh,  more  than 
the  other  tribes — Judah,  of  which  tribe  Moses  spake 
nothing  concerning  priesthood  ?  (3.)  Why  is  Ju- 
dah's  lead  or  rule  limited  to  the  time  anierior  to  his 
coming  to  Shiloh  ?  The  prophecy  had  reference  to 
things  which  should  befall  them  "  in  the  last  days  " 
(ver.  1).  (4.)  Does  this  interpretation  harmonize 
in  any  way  with  the  facts  in  the  case  ?  Before  this 
"  coming  to  Shiloh,"  Judah  had  only  a  very  limited 
amount  of  honor,  the  power  and  aut/wrili/  being  first 
in  the  hands  of  Moses  and  Aaron  the  Levites,  next 
in  those  of  Joshua  the  Ephraimite.  Nor  is  there 
any  evidence  that  the  coming  to  Shiloh  was  a  turn- 
ing-point in  the  relations  of  Judah  to  the  other 
tribes  or  to  the  heathen.  It  had  as  much  primacy 
after  Joshua's  death  as  before. — III.  Another  trans- 
lation adopted  by  Gesenius,  Vater,  Knobel,  &c., 
makes  Shiloh  here  =  rest.  The  passage  would  then 
run  thus :  "  The  sceptre  shall  not  depart  from  Ju- 
dah .  .  .  till  rest  come,  and  the  nations  obey  him ; " 
and  the  reference  would  be  to  the  Messiah,  who  was 
to  spring  from  the  tribe  of  Judah. — IV.  Another 
explanation  of  Shiloh,  on  the  assumption  that  it  is 
not  the  name  of  a  person,  is  a  translation  by  various 
learned  Jews,  apparently  countenanced  by  the  Tar- 
gum  of  Jonathan,  and  adopted  by  Luther  and  Cal- 
vin, that  the  Heb.  Shiloh  —  his  son,  i.  e.  the  son  of 
Judah  (in  the  sense  of  the  Messiah),  from  a  sup- 
posed word  Shil,  "  a  son."  There  is,  however,  no 
such  word  in  known  Hebrew. — V.  There  are  other 
translations  which  presuppose  a  different  reading 
from  that  in  the  present  Hebrew  text.  Thus  the 
Vulgate  and  Douay  Bible  translate  "  till  he  come 
that  is  to  be  sent."  The  LXX.  translation  has, 
"  till  the  things  reserved  for  him  come."  Mr. 
Tnisleton,  without  adopting  any  of  these  different 
readings,  admits  the  possibility  that  the  correct 
reading  may  have  been  lost.  He,  however,  claims 
that  whatever  interpretation  of  the  present  reading 
may  be  adopted,  the  one  entitled  to  the  least  con- 
sideration is  that  which  supposes  the  prophecy  re- 
lates to  the  birth  of  Christ  as  occurring  in  the  reign 
of  Herod  just  before  Judea  became  a  Roman  prov- 
ince, against  which  he  argues — (1.)  that  it  is  impos- 
sible reasonably  to  regard  the  dependent  rule  of 
King  Herod  the  Idumean  as  an  instance  of  the 
sceptre  being  still  borne  by  Judah ;  (2.)  that  for 
more  than  400  years  from  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple  by  Nebuchadnezzar  the  Jews  were  deprived 
of  their  independence,  being  subject  successively  to 
the  Chaldeans,  Persians,  and  successors  of  Alex- 
ander, and  that  the  sceptre  had  departed  from  Ju- 
dah, when  the  Maccabees  (a  Levitical  family)  ruled. 
But  Prof.  Douglas  (in  Fbn.)  claims  that  something 
of  Judah's  sceptre  still  remained,  a  total  eclipse 
being  no  proof  that  the  day  is  at  an  end — that  the 
proper  fulfilment  of  the  prophecy  did  not  begin  till 
David's  time,  and  is  consummated  in  Christ  accord- 
ing to  Lk.  i.  32,  33.     Messiah  ;  X^rophet. 

Shiloh  (Heb.  probably  =  place  of  rest,  peace,  quiet, 
Ges.  ;  see  above),  the  name  of  !i  place  described  in 
Judg.  xxi.  19  as  "on  the  N.  side  of  Bethel,  on  the 
E.  side  of  the  highway  that  goeth  up  from  Bethel 
to  Sbechem,  and  on  the  S.  of  Lebonah."     In  agree- 


ment with  this,  the  traveller  at  the  present  day  (so 
Prof.  Haekett,  original  author  of  this  article),  going 
N.  from  Jerusalem,  lodges  the  first  night  at  Beitia 
( =:  Bethkl)  ;  the  next  day,  at  the  distance  of  a  few 
hours,  turns  aside  to  the  right,  in  order  to  visit 
SeiluTt,  the  Arabic  fur  Shiloh  ;  and  then  passing 
through  the  narrow  Wady,  which  brings  him  to  the 
main  road,  leaves  el-Lebban  (=  Lebo.nah)  on  the 
left,  as  he  pursues  "the  highway"  to  Xdblus  {=. 
Shechem).  Shiloh  was  one  of  the  earliest  and  most 
sacred  of  the  Hebrew  sanctuaries.  The  Ark  of 
THE  Cove.nant,  kept  at  Gilgal,  during  the  progress 
of  the  Conquest  (Josh,  xviii.  1  ff.)  was  at  Shiloh 
from  the  last  days  of  Joshua  to  the  time  of  Samuel 
i  (xviii.  10 ;  Judg.  xviii.  31 ;  1  Sam.  iv.  3).  Here  Joshua 
divided  among  the  tribes  the  portion  of  the  region 
W.  of  Jordan,  which  had  not  been  already  allotted 
(Josh,  xviii.  10,  xix.  51).  In  this  distribution,  or  an 
earlier  one,  Shiloh  fell  within  the  limits  of  Ephnum 
(xvi.  5).  The  seizure  here  of  the  "  daughters  of  Shiloh  " 
by  the  Benjamites  is  recorded  as  pn'serving  one  of 
the  tribes  from  extinction  (Judg.  xxi.  19-23).  Here 
Eli  judged  Israel  and  died  ;  here  Hannah's  vow  was 
uttered ;  here  Samuel  was  brought  up  and  called 
to  the  prophetic  office  (1  Sam.  i.-iv.).  The  ungodly 
conduct  of  Eli's  sons  occasioned  the  loss  of  the  Ark 
of  the  Covenant,  which  had  been  carried  into  battle 
against  the  Philistines,  and  Shiloh  from  that  time 
sank  into  insignificance.  It  stands  forth  in  the  Jew- 
ish history  as  a  striking  example  of  the  Divine  in- 
dignation (Ps.  Ixxviii.  60;  Jer.  vii.  12).  Aiiijah 
the  prophet  (Shilonite)  had  his  abode  there  in  the 
time  of  Jeroboam  I.  (1  K.  xi.  29,  xii.  15,  xiv.  1,  &c.). 
The  people  there  after  the  time  of  the  exile  appear 
to  have  been  Cuthites  who  had  adopted  some  of  the 
forms  of  Jewish  worship  (Jer.  xli.  5 ;  compare  2  K. 
xvii.  30  ;  Shechem). — The  contour  of  the  region  in- 
dicates very  closely  where  the  ancient  town  must 
have  stood.  A  Tell,  or  moderate  hill,  rises  from  an 
uneven  plain,  surrounded  by  other  higher  hills,  ex- 
cept a  narrow  valley  on  the  S.,  which  hill  would 
naturally  be  chosen  as  the  principal  site  of  the 
town.  The  Tabernacle  may  have  been  pitched  on 
tliis  eminence,  where  it  would  be  a  conspicuous  ob- 
ject on  every  side.  The  ruins  found  there  at  pres- 
ent consist  chiefly  of  the  remains  of  a  comparatively 
modern  village,  with  which  some  large  stones  and 
fragments  of  columns  are  intermixed,  evidently 
from  much  earlier  times.  Near  a  i-uined  mosque 
flourishes  an  immense  oak.  Just  beyond  the  pre- 
cincts of  the  hill  stands  a  dilapidated  edifice,  called 
by  the  natives  "the  mosque  of  Seilun."  At  the 
distance  of  about  fifteen  minutes  from  the  main 
site  is  a  fountain,  approached  through  a  narrow 
dale.  Its  water  is  abundant,  and,  according  to  a 
practice  very  common  in  the  East,  flows  first  into  a 
pool  or  well,  and  thence  into  a  larger  reservoir,  from 
which  flocks  and  herds  are  watered.  Shiloh  was 
secluded,  and  therefore  favorable  to  acts  of  worship 
and  religious  study.  The  yearly  festivals  celebrated 
there  brought  together  assemblages  which  would 
need  the  supplies  of  water  and  pasturage  so  easily 
obtained  in  such  a  place.  Taanath-shilou  ;  Tab- 
ernacle. 

Shi-lo'ni  (Heb.,  see  below)  occurs  in  the  A.  V. 
only  in  Neh.  xi.  5,  where  it  should  be  rendered  (so 
Mr.  Grove)  "  the  Shilonite,"  i.  e.  the  descendant  of 
Shelah  the  youngest  son  of  Judah.     Siiilonites. 

Shi'Io-nite  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  native  or  resident 
of  Shiloii  : — a  title  ascribed  only  to  Ahijaii  1  (1  K. 
xi.  29,  xii.  15,  xv.  29 ;  2  Chr.  ix.  29,  x.  15). 

Shi'lo-nitcs  (fr.  Heb.  —  Shiloni),  the,  mentioned 


SHI 


SHI 


1023 


among  the  descendants  of  Judah  dwelling  in  Jeru-  I 
salem  after  the  Captivity  (1  Chr.  ix.  5);  doubtless  I 
the  members  of  the  house  of  Shei-ab,  more  aecu- 

ratclV  SlIELANITES.       ASAIAH  3. 

Slitl'sliuh  (Heb.  triad,  Ges.),  an  Asherite  chief,  son 
of  Zophah  (1  Chr.  vii.  37). 

Shim'e-a  (Heb.  rumor,  Ges.).  1.  Son  of  David  by 
Bath-sheba  (1  Chr.  iii.  5). — 2.  A  Merarite  Lcvite 
(vi.  30);  =  Shamml-a  2  and  Shammcah. — 3.  A  Ger- 
shonite  Levite,  ancestor  of  Asaph  the  minstrel  (vi. 
89).— 1.  Brother  of  David  (xx.  7);  —  Shaumaii  2, 
Shimma,  .lud  SniMEAH  1. 

Shlni'e-all  (Heb.  =  Shimea,  Ges. ;  see  No.  2).  1. 
Brother  of  David,  and  father  of  Jonathan  and  Jona- 
dab  (2  Sam.  .\xi.  21);  =  Siiammah  2,  Shimea  4,  and 
Shimma. — 2.  (Ileb.  =:  Shimeam).  A  descendant  of 
Jehiel  the  father  of  Gibeon  (1  Chr.  viii.  32) ;  =  Shim- 
eam. 

Slilm'e-am  (Heb. /ame,  rumor?  Ges.),  a  Benjamlte, 
son  of  Mikloth  (1  Chr.  ix.  38) ;  =  Shimeaii  2. 

Sllime-atll  (Heb.  fem.  =  Shimeaii,  Ges.),  an  Am- 
monitess,  mother  of  Jozachar,  or  Zabad,  one  of  the 
murderers  of  King  Joash  (2  K.  xii.  21 ;  2  Chr.  xxiv. 
26). 

•  Shlm'c-ath-ltes  (fr.  Heb.  =  descendants  of  Shim- 
eah,  Ges.),  til*,  a  family  of  scribes  at  Jabez  (1  Chr. 
ii.  55).     Tirathites. 

SWm'e-i  ( Heb.  renowned,  Ges.).  1 ,  Son  of  Gershom 
the  son  of  Levi  (Num.  iii.  18;  1  Chr.  vi.  17,  xxiii. 
7,  10  [compare  No.  17,  18];  Zech.  xii.  13);  = 
Shimi  in  Ex.  vi.  17. — 2.  San  of  Gera;  a  Benjamite 
of  the  house  of  Saul,  who  lived  at  Bahurim.  When 
David  and  his  suite  were  seen  descending  the  long 
defile,  on  his  flight  from  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xvi.  5- 
18),  the  whole  feeling  of  the  clan  of  Benjamin  burst 
forth  without  restraint  in  the  person  of  Shimei.  He 
ran  along  the  ridge,  cursing,  throwing  stones  at  the 
king  and  his  companions,  and  when  he  came  to  a 
patch  of  dust  on  the  dry  hill-side,  taking  it  up,  and 
throwing  it  over  them.  Abishai  was  so  irritated, 
that,  but  for  David's  remonstrance,  he  would  have 
darted  across  the  ravine  (xvi.  9)  and  torn  or  out  off 
his  head.  The  whole  conversation  is  remarkable, 
as  showing  what  may  almost  be  called  the  slang 
terms  of  abuse  prevalent  in  the  two  rival  courts  (so 
Dean  Stanley).  The  royal  party  passed  on ;  Shimei 
following  them  with  his  stones  and  curses  as  long 
as  they  were  in  sight. — The  next  meeting  was  very 
different.  The  king  was  now  returning  from  his  suc- 
cessful campaign.  Just  as  he  was  crossing  the  Jordan, 
in  the  ferry-boat  or  on  the  bridge  (xix.  18),  the  first 
person  to  welcome  him  on  the  western,  or  perhaps 
even  on  the  eastern  side,  was  Shimei,  who  may  have 
seen  him  approaching  from  the  heights  above.  He 
threw  himself  at  David's  feet  in  abject  penitence, 
and  David  guaranteed  his  life  with  an  oath  in  con- 
sideration of  the  general  jubilee  and  amnesty  of 
the  return  (ver.  18-23).  But  the  king's  suspicions 
were  not  set  at  rest  by  this  submission ;  and  on  his 
deathbed  he  recalls  the  whole  scene  to  the  recollec- 
tion of  his  son  Solomon  (1  K.  ii.  8,  9).  Solomon 
gave  Shimei  notice  that  from  henceforth  he  must 
consider  himself  confined  to  the  walls  of  Jenisalem 
on  pain  of  death.  He  was  to  build  a  house  in  Jeru- 
salem. Shimei  accepted  the  condition  (ii.  36,  37). 
For  three  years  the  engagement  was  kept.  At  the 
end  of  that  time,  for  the  purpose  of  capturing  two 
servants  who  had  escaped  to  Gath,  he  went  out  on 
his  ass,  and  made  his  journey  successfully  (ii.  40). 
On  his  return,  the  king  took  him  at  his  word,  and 
he  was  slain  by  Benaiah  (ii.  41-46).— 8i  One  of 
Solomon's  adherents  at  the  time  of  Adonijah's  usur- 


pation (1  K.  i.  8).  Unless  he  =  No.  4,  or  =:  Shim- 
eah,  or  Shammah,  David's  brother,  it  is  impossible 
to  identify  him. — i.  Solomon's  commissary  in  Ben- 
jamin ;  son  of  Elah  (iv.  18). — 5.  Son  of  Pedaiali, 
and  brother  of  Zcrubbabel  (1  Chr.  iii.  19).  (Gene- 
alogy OF  jEsns  Christ  ;  Shemaiah  2.)— 6.  A  Simeon- 
ite,  son  of  Zacchur  (iv.  26,  27);  =  Shemaiah  SV — 
T.  Son  of  Gog,  a  Reubenite  (v.  4) ;  =  Shema  1  ? — 8. 
A  Gershonite  Levite,  son  of  Jahath  (vi.  42). — 9. 
Son  of  Jeduthun,  and  chief  of  the  tenth  division  of 
the  singers  (xxv.  17). — lOf  The  Ramathite  who  was 
over  David's  vineyards  (xxvii.  27). — 11.  A  Levite 
of  the  sons  of  Heman,  who  took  part  in  the  purifi- 
cation of  the  Temple  under  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxix. 
14);  =  No.  12? — 12.  A  Levite  in  Hezekiah's  reign, 
brother  and  assistant  of  Co.noniah  (xxxi.  12,  13) ; 
=  No.  11  ? — 13.  A  Levite  in  Ezra's  time  who  had 
married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  23). — 14.  One  of  the 
sons  of  Hashum,  who  put  away  his  foreign  wife  at 
Ezra's  command  (x.  33). — 1.5.  A  son  of  Bani,  also 
husband  of  a  foreign  wife  (x.  38).— 16.  A  Ben- 
jamlte, son  of  Kish,  and  ancestor  of  Jlordecai  (Esth. 
ii.  5j. — 17,  A  Merarite  Levite,  son  of  Linsi  2  (1 
Chr.  vi.  29);  supposed  by  some  =  No.  1,  something 
having  been,  in  their  view,  omitted  in  the  verse. 
(Uzza4.)— 18.  A  Levite  chief  belonging  to  the  fam- 
ily of  Laadan  the  Gershonite  (xxiii.  9) ;  different  (so 
Bertheau,  on  Chr.  1.  c.)  from  the  brother  of  Laadan 
in  ver.  7,  10  (compare  No.  1). 

Shim'c-on  (Heb.  =:  Simeon),  a  layman  of  Israel, 
of  the  sons  of  Harim,  husband  of  a  foreign  wife  in 
Ezra's  time  (Ezr.  x.  31). 

Shim'hi  (fr.  Heb.  =  Shimei),  a  Benjamite ;  ap- 
parently =:  Shema  2  (1  Chr.  viii.  21). 

Slilm'I,  or  Shi'mi  (Heb.)  =:  Shimei  1  (Ex.  vi.  17). 

Shim'ites  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  descendants  of 
Shimi  or  Shimei  1,  the  son  of  Gershom  (Num.  iii. 
21). 

Slilm'ma  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Shimea  4,  third  son  of  Jesse, 
and  brother  of  David  (1  Chr.  ii.  13). 

Shl'mon  (Heb.  desert,  Ges.).  The  four  sons  of 
Shimon  are  enumerated  in  an  obscure  genealogy  of 
the  tribe  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  20). 

Sbim'rath  (Heb.  watch,  gtiard,  Ges.),  a  Benjamite 
chief,  son  of  Shimhi  (1  Chr.  viii.  21). 

Shlm'rl  (Heb.  vmichful,  Ges.).  1.  A  Simeonite, 
son  of  Shemaiah  (1  Chr.  iv.  37).— 2.  Father  of  Jedi- 
ael,  one  of  David's  "  valiant  men  "  (xi.  45). — 3.  A  Ko- 
hathite  Levite  in  Hezekiah's  reign,  who  assisted  in 
purifying  the  Temple  (2  Chr.  x.xix.  1 3). 

SJiiin'rith  (Heb.  fem.  =  ShimrIjGcs.),  a  Moabitess, 
mother  of  Jehozabad,  one  of  the  assassins  of  King 
Joash  (2  Chr.  xxiv.  26) ;  =  Shomer  2. 

Shlm'rom  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Shimro.s  the  son  of  Issa- 
char  (1  Chr.  vii.  1,  erroneously  in  some  copies). 

Shim'roa  (Heb.  watch,  gvard,  Ges.),  a  city  of  Zebu- 
lun,  whose  king  assisted  Jabin,  king  of  Hazor,  against 
Joshua  (Josh.  xi.  1,  xix.  15) ;  perhaps  =:  Shimron- 
MERON.  Schwarz  proposes  to  identify  it  with  the 
Simonias  of  Joseplius,  no'w  SemMch,  a  village  a  few 
miles  W.  of  Nazareth. 

SMm'roti  (see  above),  fourth  son  of  Issachar  (Gen. 
xlvi.  18;  Num.  xxvi.  24;  1  Chr.  vii.  1,  in  some 
copies),  and  head  of  the  family  of  the  Shimronites  ; 
=  Shimrom. 

Slilm'ron-ltcs  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  family  of  Shim- 
no.N,  son  of  Issachar  (Num.  xxvi.  24). 

Shlin'ron-me'ron  (Heb.  watch  post  of  Meron,  watch- 
height  I  Ayre;  guard  of  a  fertile  place,  Fii.).  The 
king  of  Siiimron-meron  (probablj',  though  not  cer- 
tainly, =  Shimuon)  was  one  of  the  thirty-one  kings 
vanquished  by  Joshua  (Josh.  xii.  20).   The  old  Jew- 


1024 


sm 


SHI 


ish  traveller  hap-Parchi  (so  l[r.  Grove)  fixes  Shim- 
ron-meron  at  two  hours  E.  of  En-gannim  (Jeniii),  S. 
of  the  mountains  of  Gilboa,  at  a  village  called  in  his 
day  Dar  Meron.  Reland  (so  Porter,  in  Kitto)  iden- 
tifies Shimron  and  Shimron-meron  with  the  village 
of  Semunieh,,  W.  of  Nazareth.  The  Jews  at  Safed 
(bo  Win.  ii.  313)  identify  Shimron-meron  with  the 
village  of  Meiron,  where  are  the  reputed  tombs  of 
Hillel,  Shammai,  and  other  ancient  holy  Rabbis. 

Shim'sbai  (Heb.  sunn//,  Ges.),  a  Persian  official  in 
Samaria,  scribe  or  secretary  of  Rehum  (Ezr.  iv.  8, 
9,  17,  23).  He  was  apparently  an  Aramean,  for  the 
letter  which  he  wrote  to  Artaxerxcs  against  tlie 
Jews  was  in  Syriac  (iv.  7),  and  the  form  of  his  name 
favors  this  supposition. 

Slii'nab  {lleb.  father's  tooth,  Ges.),  king  of  Admah 
in  Abraham's  time  ;  one  of  the  five  kings  attacked 
by  CiiKDORLAOMER  (Gen.  xiv.  2). 

Sbi'nar  (Heb.  the  country  of  the  two  rivers?  Raw- 
linson  ;  compare  Mesopotamia),  apparently  the  an- 
cient name  of  the  great  alluvial  tract  through  which 
the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  pass  before  reaching  the 
sea— the  tract  known  in  later  times  as  Chaldea  or 
Babylonia.  It  was  a  plain  country  where  brick  had 
to  be  used  for  stone,  and  slime  for  mortar  (Gen.  xi. 
3).  Among  its  cities  were  Babel  (Babylon),  Erech, 
Calneh,  and  Accad  (x.  10).  The  name  is  also  found 
in  Gen.  xiv.  1;  Is.  xi.  11;  Dan.  i.  2;  Zech.  v.  11. 
The  native  inscriptions  contain  no  trace  of  the  term, 
which  seems  to  be  purely  Jewish,  and  unknown  to 
any  other  people  (so  Rawlinson).  At  least  it  Is  ex- 
tremely doubtful  whether  there  is  really  any  connec- 
tion between  Shinar  and  Singara  or  Sinjar.  Singara 
was  the  name  of  a  town  in  Central  Mesopotamia, 
well  known  to  the  Romans. 

Ship,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb.  onii/Ah 
(the  common  word  for  ship)  uniformly  (Gen.  xlix. 
13;  Deut.  xxviii.  68;  Jon.  i.  3-B,  &c.).  The  kindred 
Old  (=  a  ship,  or  rather  collectively  sfiips,  a  fleet, 
navy,  Ges.)  is  translated  "navy"  (1  K.  ix.  27,  x.  11, 
22  thrice),  once  "a  navy  of  ships"  (ix.  26),  and 
once  "galley"  (Is.  xxxiii.  21). — 2.  Heb.  sephindh 
(Jon.  i.  5  only)  =  a  ship,  specifically  with  a  deck, 
Ges. — 3.  Heb.  tsi  =  a  nhip,  so  called  as  being  set  up, 
built,  Ges.  (Num.  xxiv.  24;  Is.  xxxiii.  21;  Ez.  xxx. 
9  ;  Dan.  xi.  30). — i.  Gr.  nmis  =  a  ship,  vessel,  Rbn. 
N.  T.  Lex.  (Acts  xxvii.  41  only) ;  in  LXX.  —  No. 
1. — 5.  Gr.  ploioii  =  a  ship,  vessel,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex. 
(Mat.  iv.  21,  22,  and  more  than  sixtv  other  places), 
once  "  shipping  "  ( Jn.  vi.  24) ;  in  LXX.  =  No.  1 
and  2.  The  diminutive  ploiarion  (=  a  small  vessel, 
boat,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  is  translated  "  small  ship  " 
(Mk.  iii.  9),  "  littleship  "  (iv.  86 ;  Jn.  xxi.  8),  "  boat " 
(vi.  22  twice,  23). — No  one  writer  in  the  whole  range 
of  Greek  and  Roman  literature  (says  Dr.  Howson, 
original  author  of  the  remainder  of  this  article)  has 
supplied  us  with  so  much  information  concerning 
the  merchant-ships  of  the  ancients  as  St.  Luke  in 
the  narrative  of  St.  Paul's  voyage  to  Rome  (Acts 
xxvii.,  xxviii.).  It  is  important  to  remember  that 
he  accomplished  it  in  three  ships :  first  the  Adra- 
myttian  (AnRAMTTTiDM)  vessel  which  took  him  from 
Cesarea  to  MvRA,  probably  a  coasting  vessel  of  no 
great  size  (xxvii.  1-6) ;  secondly,  the  large  Alexan- 
drian (Alexandria,  note  ')  corn-ship,  in  which  he 
was  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Malta  (xxvii.  6-xxviii. 
1  ;  Melita)  ;  and  thirdly,  another  large  Alexandrian 
corn-ship,  in  which  he  sailed  from  Malta  by  Stra- 
ccse  and  Rhegicm  to  PuTEOLi  (xxviii.  11-13).  (1.) 
Size  of  Ancient  Ships.  The  narrative  which  we  take 
as  our  chief  guide  affords  a  good  standard  for  esti- 
mating this.   The  ship  in  which  St.  Paul  was  wrecked 


had  276  persons  on  board  (Acts  xxvii.  87),  besides 
a  cargo  of  wheat  (10,  38) ;  and  all  these  passengers 
seem  to  have  been  taken  on  to  Putcoli  in  another 
ship  (xxviii.  11)  which  had  its  own  crew  and  cargo. 
In  the  English  transport-ships,  prepared  for  carry- 
ing troops,  it  is  a  common  estimate  to  allow  a  ton 
and  a  half  per  man.  The  ship  in  whicii  Josephus 
was  wrecked,  in  the  same  part  of  the  Levant,  had 
600  souls  on  board.  A  large  Alexandrian  corn-ves- 
sel described  by  Lucian  appears  to  have  measured 
1,100  or  1,200  tons.  If,  then,  we  say  that  an  an- 
cient merchant-ship  might  range  from  500  to  1,000 
tons,  we  are  clearly  within  the  mark.  (2.)  Steering 
Apparatus.  Some  commentators  have  fallen  into 
strange  perplexities  from  observing  that  in  Acts 
xxvii.  40  ("  the  fastenings  of  the  rudders  ;  "  A.  V. 
"  rudder-bands,"  Gr.  hai  zetikteriai  tun  pedalion)  St. 
Luke  uses  the  plural.  Ancient  ships  were  in  truth 
not  steered  at  all  by  rudders  fastened  or  hinged  to 
the  stern,  but  by  means  of  two  paddle-rudders,  one 
on  each  quarter,  acting  in  a  rowlock  or  through  a 
porthole,  as  the  vessel  might  be  small  or  large. 
The  "  governor  "  or  steersman  would  only  use  one 
paddle-rudder  (Gr.  pedalion,  A.  V.  "  helm,"  Jas.  iii. 
4)  at  a  time.  When  four  anchors  were  let  go 
at  the  stern,  both  paddles  must  be  lashed  up, 
lest  they  should  interfere  with  the  ground-tackle ; 
when  the  ship  was  to  be  steered  again,  and  the  an- 
chor-ropes were  cut,  the  lashings  must  be  unfastened 
(Acts  xxvii.  29,  40).  (3.)  Build  and  Ornaments  of 
l/ie  Hull.  Probably  there  was  no  very  marked  dif- 
ference between  the  bow  (A.  V.  "  foreship,"  ver. 
30;  "  forepart,"  ver.  41)  and  the  stern  (A.  V.  "hind- 
er part,"  ver.  41;  see  Mk.  iv.  38).  The  "hold" 
(A.  V.  "  the  sides  of  the  ship,"  Jon.  i.  5)  would  pre- 
sent no  special  peculiarities.  One  characteristic  or- 
nament, rising  in  a  lofty  curve  at  the  stern  or  (he 
bow,  is  familiar  to  us  in  works  of  art,  but  no  allu- 
sion to  it  occurs  in  Scripture.  That  personification 
of  ships,  which  seems  to  be  instinctive,  led  the  an- 
cients to  paint  an  eye  on  each  side  of  the  bow. 
The  "sign"  of  the  ship  which  took  the  apostle  on 
from  Malta  to  Pozzuoli  (Acts  xxviii.  11)  was  Cas- 
tor and  Pollux  ;  and  the  symbols  of  these  heroes 
were  doubtless  painted  or  sculptured  on  each  side 
of  the  bow.  (Benches.)  (4.)  Undert/irders.  The 
imperfection  of'  the  build,  and  still  more  (see  below, 
6)  the  peculiarity  of  the  rig,  in  ancient  ships,  re- 
sulted in  a  greater  tendency  than  in  our  times  to 
the  starting  of  the  planks,  and  consequently  to 
leaking  and  foundering.  Hence  it  was  customary 
to  take  on  board  peculiar  contrivances,  suitably 
called  "  helps "  (xxvii.  17),  as  precautions  against 
such  dangers.  These  were  simply  cables  or  chains, 
which  in  case  of  necessity  could  be  passed  round 
the  frame  of  the  ship,  at  right  angles  to  its  length, 
and  made  tight.  This  process,  called  frapping  (A. 
V.  "  undergirding"),  has  also  been  found  necessary 
in  modern  experience.  (5.)  Anchors.  Probably  the 
ground-tackle  of  Greek  and  Roman  sailors  was  quite 
as  good  as  our  own.  Ancient  anchors  were  similar 
in  form  to  those  used  now,  except  that  they  were 
without  flukes.  Two  allusions  to  anchoring  are 
found  in  the  N.  T.,  one  in  a  very  impressive  meta- 
phor concerning  Christian  hope  (Heb.  vi.  19).  The_ 
other  passage  is  part  of  the  literal  narrative  of  St. 
Paul's  voyage  at  its  most  critical  point.  The  ship 
in  which  he  was  sailing  had  four  anchors  on  board, 
and  these  were  all  employed  in  the  night,  when  the 
danger  of  falling  on  breakers  was  imminent.  The 
sailors  on  this  occasion  anchored  by  the  stern  (Acts 
xxvii.   29).     (6.)   Masts,   Sails,  Ropes,  and   Yards. 


SBI 


SHI 


1025 


These  wore  collectively  called  in  Gr.  Uvkj?  or  skcuot 
—  uppui-atui)  or  gear  (A.  V.  "  tackliiiir,"  xxvii.  19  ; 
"sail,"  17).  The  rig  of  an  ancient  ship  wis  more 
sim;>le  and  clumsy  than  that  employed  in  modern 
times.  lu  great  feature  was  imc  large  mast,  with 
one  large  square  sail  fastened  to  a  yard  of  great 
length.  (EovPT.)  Hence  the  strain  upon  the  hull 
and  tlie  danger  of  starting  the  planks  were  greater 
than  under  the  present  system,  which  distributes 


Aucltint  Sd^p. — From  a  PaiDtio;  at  Pompeii, 

the  mechanical  pressure  more  evenly  over  the  whole 
ship.  Not  that  there  were  never  more  masts  than 
one,  or  more  sails  than  one  on  the  same  mast,  in  an 
ancient  merchantm>in.  But  these  were  repetitions, 
so  to  speak,  of  the  same  general  unit  of  rig.  The 
Gr.  arlemin,  A.  V.  "  mainsail,"  Dr.  Howson  regards 
as  "  undoubtedly  the  foresail"  which  "  would  be 
almost  necess.iry  in  putting  a  large  ship  about;" 
others  (Kbn.  N.  T.  Ux.,  L.  &  S.,  &c.)  make  it  the 
topmV.  In  the  0.  T.  the  "mast"  is  mentioned  (Is. 
xxxiii.  23);  and  from  Ez.  xxvii.  5  we  learn  that 
eedar-woaJ  from  Lebanon  was  sometimes  used  for 
this  part  of  ships.  In  Piov.  xxiii.  3 1  tlie  top  of  a 
ship's  mist  is  probal)ly  intended  (so  Dr.  Howson,  with 
A.  v.,  Gese:iius,  Stuart,  Jfec).  Itopes  (Coan;  Acts 
xxxvii.  32)  and  sails  are  mentioned  in  Is.  xxxiii.  23 ; 
and  from  Ez.  xxvii.  7  wc  learn  that  the  latter  were 
often  made  of  E;.;yptian  lise.n.  In  Ez.  xxvii.  29, 
oars  are  distinctly  mentiimed ;  and  it  seems  that 
oak-wood  from  Bashan  was  used  in  making  them. 
In  Is.  xxxiii.  21  we  have  "  galley  with  oars,"  literally 
a  ihip  of  oar,  i.  e.  an  oared  vessel.  Another  feitiire 
of  the  ancient,  as  of  the  modern  ship,  is  the  flag  at 
the  top  of  th'i  mast.  (Ensign.)  (7.)  Rate  of  Sail- 
ing. St.  Paul's  voyages  furnish  excellent  data  for 
approximately  estimiting  this;  and  they  are  quite 
in  harmony  with  what  we  learn  from  other  sources. 
We  must  notice  here,  however  (what  commentators 
■omctimcs  curiously  forget),  that  winds  are  variable. 
Thus  tlic  voyage  between  Troas  and  Pihlippi,  ac- 
complished on  one  occasion  (Acts  xvi.  11,  12)  in 
two  days,  occupied  on  another  occasion  (xx.  6)  five 
days.  With  a  fair  wind  an  ancient  ship  would  sail 
fully  seven  miles  an  hour  (xxvii.  2,  3,  xxviii.  13). 
(8.)  Sailiiiij  hefore  the  wind,  and  near  the  wind. 
The  rig  which  has  besn  described  is,  like  the  rig  of 
Chinese  junks,  peculiarly  favornlile  to  a  quick  run 
before  the  wind  (xvi.  1 1,  xxvii.  16).  It  would,  how- 
ever,  be  a  great  mistake  to  suppose  that  ancient 
»hipi  could  not  work  to  windward.  The  superior 
rig  and  build,  however,  of  modern  ships  enable 
them  to  sail  nearer  to  the  wind  than  was  the  case 
in  classical  times,  A  modern  ship,  if  the  weather 
Is  not  very  boisterous,  will  sail  within  six  points  of 
the  wind  (the  whole  civile  of  the  compass-card  be- 
ing divided  iato  thirty-two  equal  parts  or  point*). 
85 


To  an  anciAit  vessel,  of  which  the  hull  was  more 
clumsy,  and  the  yards  could  not  be  braced  so  tight, 
it  would  be  safe  to  assign  seven  points  as  the  limit 
(compare  xx.  6,  xxvii.  3-8,  xxviii.   12,   13).     (9.) 
Lfing-to.    A  ship  tliat  could  make  progress  on  her 
proper  course,  in  moderate  weather,  when  sailing 
within  seven  points  of  the  wind,  would  lie-to  in  a 
gale,  with  her  length  making  about  the  same  angle 
with  the  direction  of  the  wind.     This  is  done  when 
the  object  is,  not  to  make  progress  at  all  hazards, 
but  to  ride  out  a  gale  in  safety ;  and  this  was  done 
in  St.  Paul's  ship  when  she  was  undergirded  and 
the  boat  taken  on  board  (xxvii.  14-17)  under  the 
lee  of  Clauda.     The  wind  was  E.  N.  E.  (EtinocLY- 
don),  the  ship's  bow  would  point  N.  by  W.,  the 
direction  of  drift  (six  points  being  added  for  lee- 
way) would  be  W.  by  N.,  and  the  rate  of  drift  about 
a  mile  and  a  half  an  hour.    (10.)  Ship's  Boat.    This 
appears  prominently  in  the  narrative  of  the  voyage 
(xxvii.   16,  32).     Every  large  merchant-ship  must 
have  had  one  or  more  boats.     It  is  evident  that  the 
Alexandrian  corn-ship  in  which  St.  Paul  was  sailing 
from  Fair  Havens,  and  in  which  the  sailors,  appre- 
hending no  danger,  hoped  to  reach  Phexice,  had 
her  boat  towing  behind,  but  it  was  taken  on  board 
with  difficulty  under  the  lee  of  Clauda.     When  the 
ship  was  at  anchor  the  night  before  she  was  run 
aground,  the  sailors  lowered  the  boat  from  the  da- 
vits with  the  selfish  desire  of  escaping,  on  which 
St.  Paul  spoke  to  the  soldiers,  who  cut  the  ropes  and 
the  boat  fell  off.     '11.)  Officers  and  Crew.     In  Acta 
xxvii.  11  we  have  both  "master"  (Gr.  kuberrtetes  ; 
"shipmaster"  in  Rev.  xviii.  17)  and  "owner  of  the 
ship  "  (Gr.  iiawkleros).     The  latter  is  the  owner  (in 
part  or  in  whole)  of  the  ship  or  the  cargo,  receiving 
also  (possibly)  the  fares  of  the  passengers.     The 
former  has  the  charge  of  the  steering.     In  Jas.  iiu 
4  "tire   governor"  (Gr.  ruthuuon)   is   simply  the 
steersman  for  the  moment.     The  word  (or  "  ship- 
men  "  (Acts  xxvii.  27,  30)  and  "  sailors  "  (Rev.  xviii. 
17)  is  simply  t'le  plural  of  the  usual  Greek  term 
iiauti's  =  shipman,  sailor,  seaman,  Rbn.  iV!  T.  Lex. 
In  Ez.  xxvii.  8  ft  tliey  are  called  "  mariners,"  "  row- 
ers "  in  vcr.  2C>,  &c.'     (12.)  Storms  and  Shipwrceks. 
The  first  century  of  the  Christian  era  was  a  time  of 
immense  traffic  in  the  Jlediterranean ;    and  many 
vessels  must  have  been  lost  there  every  year  by 
shipwreck,  and  (perhaps)  as  many  by  foundering. 
This  last  danger  would  be  much  increased  by  the 
form  of  rig  described  above.     Besides  this,  the  an- 
cients had  no  compass,  and  very  imperfect  charts 
and   instruments,  if  any   at   all ;    and,  dependent 
as  they  were  on  the  heavenly  bodies,  the  danger 
was    much    greater    than    now  in    bad   weather, 
when    the    sky  was   overtast,  and   "  neither   sun 
nor  stars   in   many  days  appeared "   (Acts  xxvii, 
20).      Hence,  also  the  winter  season  was   consid- 
ered dangerous,  and,  if  possible,  avoided  (9).    Cer- 
tain coasts  were  much  dreaded,  especially  the  Af- 
rican Syrtis  ("  Quicksaxd.s,"  17).     The  danger  in- 
dicated by  breakers  (29),  and  the  fear  of  falling 
on  rocks,  arc  matters  of  course.     St.  Paul's  experi- 
ence seems  to  have  been  full  of  illustrations  of  all 
these  perils.     We  learn  from  2  Cor.  xi.  25  that,  be- 
fore the  voyage  to  Rome,  he  had  been  three  times 
wrecked,  and  once  "  a  night  and  a  day  in  the  deep," 
probably  floating  on  a  spar.     These  circumstances 
give  force  to  his  metaphor  of  a  "  shipwreck  "  (I  Tim. 


'  The  Heb.  hAbfl  or  cJi^>el,  translated  In  A.  V.  "pilot" 
f Ez.  xxvii.  8, 27-891,  GeBenias  makes  =  a  shipman,  taUor  ; 
Font  renders  a  steersman. 


1026 


SHI 


i.  19)  in  speaking  of  those  who  had  apostatized  from 
the  faith.  We  may  here  notice  the  caution  with 
which,  on  the  voyage  from  Troas  to  Patara  (Acts 
XX.  13-16,  xxi.  1),  the  sailors  anchored  for  the  night 
during  tlie  period  of  dark  moon,  in  the  intricate  pas- 
sages between  the  islands  and  the  main ;  the  evident 
acquaintance  of  the  sailors  of  the  Adramyttiaii  ship 
with  the  currents  on  the  coasts  of  Syria  and  Asia 
Minor  (xxvii.  2-5);  and  the  provision  for  taking 
soundings  in  case  of  danger,  the  measurements  being 
apparently  the  same  as  those  customary  with  us 
(28).  (13.)  Boats  on  (he  Sea  of  Galitee.  In  the  nar- 
ratives of  the  call  of  the  disciples  to  be  "  fishers  of 
men"  (Mat.  iv.  18-22;  Mk.  i.  16-20;  Lk.  v.  1-11), 
there  is  no  special  information  concerning  the  char- 
acteristics of  these  boats.  In  the  account  of  the 
storm  and  tlie  miracle  on  the  lake  (Mat.  viii.  2.S-27 ; 
Mk.  iv.  85-41 ;  Lk.  viii.  22-26),  it  is  instructive  to 
compare  the  three  narratives ;  and  we  observe  that 
Luke  is  more  technical  in  his  language  than  Mat- 
thew, and  Mark  than  Luke.  Mark  mentions  the 
"  pillow,"  or  boatman's  cushion  on  which  our  Sav- 
iour was  sleeping.  With  the  large  population  round 
the  Lake  of  Tiberias,  there  must  have  been  a  vast 
number  both  of  fishing-boats  and  pleasure-boats  of 
various  sizes,  and  boat-building  must  have  been  an 
active  trade  on  its  shores.  Josephus  (B.  J.  ii.  §§  8- 
10)  collected  for  an  expedition  against  Tiberias  all 
the  boats  on  the  lake,  230  in  number,  but  put  only 
four  men  in  each.  (Gesnesaret,  Sea  of.)  (14.) 
Merchant-Ships  in  the  0.  T.  The  earliest  passages 
where  seafaring  is  alluded  to  in  the  0.  T.  are — Gen. 
xlix.  13,  in  the  prophecy  of  Jacob  concerning  Zebu- 
lun ;  Num.  xxiv.  24,  in  Balaam's  prophecy ;  Deut. 
xxviii.  68,  in  one  of  the  warnings  of  Moses ;  Judg. 
V.  17,  in  Deborah's  Song.  Next  after  these  it  is  nat- 
ural to  mention  the  illustrations  and  descriptions 
connected  with  this  subject  in  Job  ix,  26 ;  and  in 
Psalms,  xlviii.  V,  civ.  26,  evil.  23.  To  these  add 
Prov.  xxiii.  34,  xxx.  19,  xxxi.  14.  Solon-.on's  own 
ships  mav  have  suggested  some  of  these  illustrations 
{\  K.  ix.'26;  2  Chr.  viii.  18,  ix.  21).  We  must  no- 
tice the  disastrous  expedition  of  Jehoshaphat's  ships 
from  Ezion-geber  (1  K.  xxii.  48,  49 ;  2  Chr.  xx.  36, 
87).  The  passages  which  remain  are  in  the  proph- 
ets (Is.  ii.  16,  xxiii.  1,  14,  xliii.  14,  Ix.  9;  Ez.  xxvii. ; 
Jon.  i.  3-16).  In  Dan.  xi.  40  we  touch  the  subject 
of  ships-of-war.  (15.)  Shi/m-of-War  in  the  Apocry- 
pha, Military  operations  both  by  land  and  water 
are  prominent  subjects  in  the  Books  of  Maccabees 
(1  Mc.  viii.  23-32;  2  Me.  iv.  20).  "Sliips-ofwar" 
are  mentioned  in  1  Mc.  xv.  8,  and  "galleys"  in  2 
Mc.  iv.  20.  The  monument  erected  by  Simon  Macca- 
beus on  his  father's  grave  at  Modin  had  on  it,  with 
other  ornaments  and  military  symbols,  "  ships 
carved,  that  they  might  be  seen  of  all  that  sail  on 
the  sea"  (1  Mc.  xiii.  29).  At  Joppa,  the  resident 
Jews,  with  wives  and  children,  200  in  number,  were 
induced  to  go  into  boats  and  were  drowned  (2  Mc. 
xii.  3,  4).  Some  allusion  to  seafaring  is  also  made 
in  Wis.  V.  10,  xiy.  1 ;  Ecelus.  xxxiii.  2,  xliii.  24 ;  1 
Esd.  iv.  23.  AccHo;  Commerce;  Fish;  Joppa; 
Noah  ;  Paul  ;  Phenicia  ;  Red  Sea  ;  Sea  ;  Sea,  the 
Great;  Tarshish;  Tyre;  Wind;  Zido.v, &c. 

ShI'pbi,  or  Sllfpll'i  (Heb.  abundant,  Ges.),  father 
of  ZiZA,  a  Simeonite  prince  in  Hezekiah's  time  (1  Chr. 
iv.  37). 

Rliiph'mite  (fr.  Heb.),  the,  probably  =  the  native 
of  Shepham  (so  Mr.  Grove) ;  Gesenius  makes  it  = 
one  from  Siphmoth  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  27). 

Shiph'rah  (Heb.  =  brightness,  beaut i/  (  R.  S. 
Poole),  one  of  the  two  midwives  of  the  Hebrews  who 


disobeyed  the  command  of  Pharaoh  to  kill  the  male 
children  (Ex.  i.  16-21).     Puah  3. 

Shlpb'tan  (Heb.  jmlieial,  Ges.),  father  of  Kehfel 
2,  a  prince  of  Ephraim  (Num.  xxxiv.  24). 

Slii'sha  (Heb.,  a  corruption  of  Seeaiah,  Ges.), 
father  of  Elilioreph  and  Ahiah,  the  royal  secretaries 
in  the  reign  of  Solomon  (1  K.  iv.  3);  apparently 
Shavsha. 

Shl'shak  (Heb.  fr.  —  ?),  king  of  Egypt,  the 
Sheshenk  I.  of  the  monuments,  first  sovereign  of 
the  Bubastite  twenty-second  dynasty  (so  Mr.  R.  S. 
Poole,  original  author  of  this  article).  Chronoloyy. 
The  reign  of  Shisliak  offers  the  first  determined  syn-  . 
chronisnis  of  Egyptian  and  Hebrew  history.  The  I 
synchronism  of  Shishak  and  Solomon,  and  that  of  i 
Shishak  and  Rehoboam  may  be  nearly  fixed,  as 
shown  in  article  Chronology.  The  first  year  of 
Shishak  would  about  correspond  to  the  twenty-sixth 
of  Solomon,  and  the  twentieth  to  the  fifth  of  Re- 
hoboam. The  data  supplied  by  the  monuments 
would  lead  Mr.  Poole  to  place  the  accession  of  She- 
shenk I.  B.  c.  980  or  983,  or  else  seven  years  later 
than  each  of  these  dates.  The  Biblical  date  of  Bhe- 
shenk's  conquest  of  Judah  has  been  computed  to  be 
B.  c.  about  969,  and  this  having  taken  place  in  liis 
twentieth  year,  his  accession  would  have  been  B.  c. 
about  988.  The  progress  of  Assyrian  discovery  has, 
however,  induced  some  writers  to  propose  to  shorten 
the  chronology  by  taking  thirty-five  years  as  the 
length  of  Manasseh's  reign,  in  which  case  all  earlier 
dates  would  have  to  be  lowered  twenty  years.  The 
proposed  reduction  would  place  the  accession  of 
Sheshenk  I.  B.  c.  about  968,  but  these  data  ate  too 
approximative  for  us  to  lay  any  stress  upon  minute 
results  from  them. — Imtoi-y.  The  origin  of  the 
royal  line  of  which  Shes=henk  I.  was  the  head  is  ex- 
tremely obscure.  Mr.  Birch's  discovery  that  several 
of  the  names  of  the  family  are  Shemitie  has  led  to 
the  supposition  that  it  was  of  Assyrian  or  Babylo- 
nian origin.  Lepsius  gives  a  genealogy  of  Sheshenk  j 
I.  from  the  tablet  of  Ilar-p-sen  from  the  Serapeum,  I 
in  which  Sheslienk  I.  is  the  son  of  a  chief  Namurel,  1 
whose  ancestors,  excepting  his  mother,  who  is  called 
"  royal  mother "  (not  as  Lepsius  gives  it,  "  royal 
daughter"),  are  all  unti  lied  persons,  and,  all  but  the 
princess,  hear  foreign,  apparently  Slieniitic  names. 
But,  as  M.  de  Rouge  (who  would  trace  the  line  to 
that  of  the  high-priest  kings)  observes,  this  geneal- 
ogy cannot  be  conclusively  made  out  from  the  tablet. 
— Sheshenk  I.,  on  his  accession,  must  have  found  ihe 
state  weakened  by  internal  strife  and  deprived  of 
much  of  its  foreign  influence.  In  the  lime  of  the  later 
kings  of  the  Kameses  family,  two,  if  not  three,  sover. 
eigns  had  a  real  or  titular  aulhorily ;  but  before  the 
accession  of  Sheshenk  their  lines  had  probably  been 
united  :  certainly  townrd  the  close  of  the  twenty-first 
dynasty  a  Pharaoh  was  powerful  enough  to  lead  an 
expedition  into  Palestine  and  capture  Gezer(l  K. 
ix.  16).  Sheshenk  took  as  the  title  of  his  standard, 
"  He  who  attains  royalty  by  uniting  the  two  regions 
[of  Egypt]."  He  himself  probably  married  the  heir- 
ess of  the  Ramcses  family,  while  his  son  and  succes- 
sor  Usarken  (Zerah  3)  appears  to  have  taken  to 
wife  the  daughter,  and  perhaps  heiress,  of  the  Tanito 
twenty-first  dynasty.  Probably  it  was  not  until  lato 
in  his  reign  that  he  was  able  to  carry  on  the  foreign 
wars  of  the  earlier  king  who  captured  Gezer.  It  is 
observable  that  we  trace  a  change  of  dynasty  in  the 
policy  that  induced  Sheshenk  at  the  beginning  of 
his  reign  to  receive  the  fugitive  Jeroboam  (1  K.  xi. 
40).  The  king  of  Egypt  does  not  seem  to  have  com- 
menced hostilities  during  the  powerful  reign  of  Sol- 


SBI 


8HI 


1027 


onoon.  It  was  not  until  the  division  of  the  tribes, 
that,  probably  at  the  instigation  of  Jeroboam,  he 
Rttaeked  Rehoboam.  Tlie  following  particulars  of 
this  war  are  related  in  the  Bible:  "In  the  fifth  year 
of  king  Rehoboam,  Shishak  king  of  Egypt  came  up 
against  Jerusaleiu,  because  they  had  transgressed 
against  the  Lonn,  with  twelve  hundred  chariots,  and 
threcsc  »re  thousand  horsemen :  and  the  people 
[were]  without  number  that  came  with  him  out  of 
Egypt;  the  Lubim,  the  Sukkiim,  and  the  Cushim. 
And  he  took  the  fenced  cities  which  [pertained]  to 
Judah,  and  came  to  Jerusalem  "  (2  Chr.  .\ii.  2-4). 
Shishak  did  not  pillage  Jerus.alem,  but  e.xacted  all 
the  treasures  of  his  city  from  Rehoboam,  and  appar- 
ently made  him  tributary  (5,  9-12,  especially  8). 
The  narrative  in  Kings  mentions  only  the  invasion 
and  the  exaction  (1  K.  xiv.  25,  26).  The  strong 
cities  of  Rehoboam  were  thus  enumerated :  "  And 
Rehoboam  dwelt  in  Jerusalem,  and  built  cities  for 
defence  in  Judah.  He  built  even  Beth-lchem,  and 
Etim,  and  Tekoa,  and  Bcth-zur,  and  Shoco,  and 
AduUam,  and  Gath,  and  Mareshah,  and  Ziph,  and 
Adoraun,  and  Laclush,  and  Azekah,  and  Zorah,  and 
Aijalon,  and  Hebron,  which  [are]  in  Judah  and  in 
Benjamin  fenced  cities"  (2  Chr.  xi.  5-10).  Shishak 
has  left  a  record  of  this  expedition,  sculptured  on  a 
wall  of  the  great  temple  of  El-Kamak.  (Thebes.) 
It  is  a  list  of  the  countries,  cities,  and  tribes,  con- 
quered or  ruled  by  him,  or  tribut.iry  to  him.  In  this 
list  C  lanipollion  r?cognized  a  name  which  he  trans- 
lated incorrectly  "  the  kingdom  of  Judah,"  and  was 
thus  led  to  trace  the  names  of  certain  cities  of  Pal- 
estine. Of  these  Dr.  Brugsch  and  Mr.  Poole  agree 
in  identifying  the  names  of  Taanach,  Shuncm,  Re- 
hob,  Ilaphraim,  .\ilo''aim,  Malianaim,  Gibeon,  Beth- 
horon,  Kedemoth,  Aijalon,  Megiddo,  Bileam  or  Ib- 
leain,  Alemeth,  Shoco,  Bcth-tappuah,  Hagarites, 
Neffeb  (=  theSiHith  of  Judah),  &c.  The  list  contains 
three  classes  of  names  mainly  grouped  together — 
(1.)  Levitical  and  Canaanite  cities  of  Israel;  (2.) 
cities  of  Judah;  (3.)  Arab  tribes  S.  of  Palestine. 
It  is  evident  that  Jeroboam  was  not  at  once  firmly 
established,  an  1  that  the  Levites  especially  held  to 
Reh'iboam.  Therefore  it  may  have  been  Jeroboam's 
policy  to  employ  Shishak  to  capture  their  cities. 
From  the  part  of  the  list  where  the  cities  in  Reho- 
boam's  actual  ti.'rritory  occur  fourteen  names  have 
been  erased. — The  Pharaohs  of  the  empire  passed 
through  northern  PaK'stine  to  push  their  conquests 
to  the  Euphrates  and  Mesopotamia.  Shishak,  prob- 
ably unable  to  attack  the  Assyrians,  attempted  the 
subjugation  of  Palestine  and  the  tracts  of  Arabia 
which  border  Egypt,  knowing  that  the  Arabs  would 
Interpose  an  elfectual  resistance  to  any  invader  of 
Egypt.  He  seems  to  have  succeeded  in  consolida- 
ting his  power  in  Arabia,  and  we  accordingly  find 
S^rah  ill  alliance  with  the  people  of  Gerar,  if  we  may 
infer  this  from  their  sharing  his  overthrow. 

Shlt'ril,  or  Slilt'ra-i  (Heb.  underfltnriiuff  Icttert  or 
hooki  f  Ges. ;  Jah  U  arbitrator,  Fii.),  a  Sharonite  who 
was  over  David's  herds  that  fed  in  Sharon  (1  Chr. 
ixvii.  29). 

ShltUh-tree,  Sblt'tlm  (Heb.  thiudh,  pi.  ihiuim, see 
below),  is  without  doubt  correctly  referred  to  some 
species  of  Acacia,  a  genus  of  leguminous  trees  or 
shrubs,  of  which  three  or  four  species  occur  in  the 
Bible  lands.  The  wood  of  this  tree — perhaps  the 
Aeaeia  Seyal  is  more  definitely  signified — was  ex- 
tensively employed  in  the  construction  of  the  taber- 
nacle, ark  of  the  covenant,  tabic  of  shew-bread,  al- 
tars, &c.  (Ex.  XXV.,  xxvi.,  xxxvi.,  xxxvii.,  xxxviii.). 
Tiie  Egyptian  name  of  the  Acacia  is  xmi,  latU,  or  tantk. 


"  The  wild  acacia  (ilimma  [or  Acacial  KUotica),  un- 
der the  name  of  aont,  everywhere  represents  the 
seneh  or  neima  of  the  Burning  Bush  "  (Stanley,  21). 
The  Hebrew  terra  is,  by  Jablonski,  Celsius,  &c.,  de- 
rived from  the  Egyptian  word.  The  Shitf.ah4ree  of 
Scripture  is  by  some  thought  to  refer  more  espe- 
cially to  the  Acacia  Seyal,  though  perhaps   the 


ShItUh-tree  (Aencia  St^V}. 

Acacia  NihOca  and  Acacia  Arabiea  may  be  included 
under  the  term.  The  Acacia  Seyal  is  very  common 
in  some  parts  of  the  peninsula  of  Sinai.  These  trees 
are  more  common  in  Arabia  than  in  Palestine, 
though  there  is  a  valley  on  the  W.  side  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  the  Wo'ly  ScyAI,  which  derives  its  name  from  a 
few  acacia-trees  there.  The  AcaHa  Seyal,  like  the 
Acacia  Arabiea,  yields  the  well-known  substance 
called  gum  arable  which  is  obtained  by  incisions  in 
the  bark,  but  it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  the  an- 
cient Jews  were  asquainted  with  its  use.  From  the 
tangled  thickets  into  which  the  stem  of  this  tree  ex- 
pands, Stanley  well  remarks  that  hence  is  to  be 
traced  the  use  of  the  plural  Shittim,  the  singular 
number  occurring  once  only  in  the  Bible.  Be- 
sides the  Acacia  Seyal,  another  species,  the  Acacia 
tnrtilis,  is  common  on  Mount  Sinai.  Although  none 
of  the  above-named  trees  are  sufficiently  large  to 
yield  planks  ten  cubits  long  by  one  and  a  half  cubits 
wide,  which  was  the  size  of  the  boards  that  formed 
the  'Tabernacle  (Ex.  xxxvi.  21),  an  acacia  that  grows 
near  Cairo,  the  Acacia  Serixita,  would  supply  boards 
of  the  required  size.  There  is,  liowever,  no  evidence 
that  this  tree  ever  grew  in  the  peninsula  of  Sinai, 
and  there  is  no  necessity  to  limit  the  meaning  of  the 
Heb.  kereth  (translated  "  board")  to  a  single  plank 
(comp.  its  collective  sense  in  "  benches,"  Ez.  xxvii. 
6;  and  our  on  board),  but  it  may  denote  "  two  or 
more  boards  joined  together"  (so  Mr.  Houghton). 
These  acacias,  which  are  for  the  most  part  tropical 
plants,  must  not  be  confounded  with  the  leguminous 
tree  {Jiobinia  jyse^ulo-acacia),  popularly  known  in 
England  as  the  acacia-tree,  which  is  usually  called  in 


1028 


M 


SHU 


the  United  States  the  locust-tree,  and  belongs  to 
the  sub-Older  Papilionacece.  The  true  acacias,  most 
of  which  ])0>isess  hard  and  durable  wood,  belong  to 
the  sub-order  Mimosece. 

Sliit'tim  (Ileb.  acacias,  Ges. ;  see  above),  the  place 
of  Israel's  encampment  between  the  conquest  of  the 
Trausjordanic  highlands  and  the  passage  of  the  Jor- 
dan (5fum.  xxxiii.  49,  xxv.  1  ;  Josli.  ii.  1,  iii.  1 ;  Mic. 
vi.  5).  Its  full  name  appears  to  be  given  in  the  first 
passage — Abel-shittim  =  the  meadow  (or  moist 
place)  of  t/te  acacias.  It  was  in  the  Arabah  or  Jor- 
dan Valley,  opposite  Jericho.  Tlie  "  valley  of  Shit- 
tim"  (Valley  3)  of  Joel  iii.  18  is  thought  by  most 
interpreters  to  be  the  valley  through  which  tlie  Kin- 
RON  flows  to  the  Dead  Sea  (Henderson). 
*  Slilt'tini-wood  =  the  wood  of  theSmxTAH-TnEE. 
Slll'za  (Hcb.  foved,  Ges.;  briffhtness,  F'u.),  a.  lien- 
benite,  father  of  Adina  (1  Cbr.  xi.  42). 

Sho'a  (Ut'b.,  see  below),  a  proper  name  which  oc- 
curs only  in  Ez.  xxiii.  '23,  in  connection  with  Pekod 
and  KoA.  The  three  apparently  designate  districts 
of  Assyria  witli  which  the  southern  kingdom  of 
Judah  had  been  intimately  connected,  and  which 
were  to  be  arrayed  against  it  for  punishment.  Rashi 
remarks  on  Pekod,  Slioa,  and  Koa,  "  Tlie  interpret- 
ers say  that  t'ney  signify  officers,  princes,  and 
rulers."  Gesenius  takes  them  as  appellatives,  mak- 
ing nhoa'  —  rich,  opulent ;  and  Filrst  makes  them 
proper  nanus.  Those  who  take  Shoa  as  an  appcUa 
tive  refer  to  the  usage  of  the  word  in  Job  xxxiv.  19 
(A.  V.  "  rich  ")  and  Is.  xxxii.  5  (A.  V.  "  bmintiful  "). 
But  a  consideration  of  the  latter  part  of  Ez.  xxiii. 
23,  and  the  fomlncss  wliich  Ezekiel  elsewhere  shows 
for  playing  upon  the  sound  of  proper  names  (as  in 
xxvii.  10,  XXX.  5),  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  in  this 
case  Pekod,  Shoa,  and  Koa  are  proper  names  also 
(so  Mr.  Wright,  original  author  of  this  article).  Tlie 
only  name  which  has  been  found  at  all  resembling 
Shoa  is  that  of  a  town  in  Assyria,  mentioned  by  Pliny, 
"Smc  in  rupihus"  (i.  c.  Sue  in  the  roth),  near 
Gaugamela,  and  W.  of  the  Orontes  mountain-chain. 
Slio'b  b  (Hcb.  apostate^  rehelHotts,  Ges.).  !•  Son 
of  David  by  Bath-sheba  (2  Sam.  v.  14 ;  1  Chr.  iii.  5, 
xiv.  4). — 3>  Son  of  Caleb  1  by  his  wife  Azubah  (ii. 
18). 

Slio'bi.cll  [-bak]  (Ilcb.  pourinn,  Ges.),  the  general 
of  Hadarkzer,  king  of  the  Syrians  of  Zobah,  who 
was  defeated  by  David  at  Ilelam.  Shobach  was 
wounded,  and  died  on  the  field  (2  Sam.  x.  16-18). 
In  1  Chr.  xix.  16,  18,  he  is  called  Shopiiach. 

Slio'bal,  or  $:|io'ba-l  (Heb.  takinp  caplire,  Ges.),  an- 
cestor of  certain  porters  or  dooi  keepers  of  the 
Temple,  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  42 ; 
Neh.  vii.  45). 

Shc'bll  {linh.  fiowinp,  or  a  shoot  ?  Ges.).  1,  Second 
son  of  Seir  the  Horite'(Gen.  xxxvi.  20  ;  1  Chr.  i.  38) ; 
a  "duke"  or  phylarch  of  the  Horites  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
29).— 8.  Son  of  Caleb  the  son  of  Hur,  and  "  father  " 
or  founder  of  Kirjath-jeai  im  (1  Chr.  ii.  60,  52). — 3i 
One  of  the  "  sons  "  or  descendants  of  Judah  ;  father 
of  Reaiah  (iv.  1,  2);  possibly  =  No.  2. 

Sho'bek  (Heb.  forsaking,  Ges.),  a  chief  of  the 
people  who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Neheraiah 
(Neh.  X.  24). 

She'bl  (Ileb.  =  SnoBAi,  Ges.),  son  of  Nahash  of 
Kabbah  of  the  children  of  Ammon  (2  Sam.  xvii. 
27).  He  was  one  of  the  first  to  meet  David  at  Ma- 
hanaim  on  his  flight  from  Absalom,  and  brought 
him  supplies  of  food,  &c. 

Sho'tO  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Socon  (2  Chr.  xi.  7). 
Sbo'clio  [-ko]  (fr.  Heb.)  =  SocoH  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  18). 
Sho'choU  [-ko]  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Socoh  (1  Sam.  xvii.  1). 


Sho'hsm  (Heb.  =  o.xyx,  A.V.),  a  Merarite  Lcvito, 
son  of  Jaaziah  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  27).  '      "' 

Shoe  [shoo].     Sandal. 

Sll0'mer(Heb.  ai-r^wr, Ges.).  V.  A'n'Asherite  (1 
Chr.  vii.  32) ;  =  Shameu  2. — 2.  Mother  (so  Cost nius, 
Fiirst,  &c.)  of  Jehozahad,  who  slew  King  Joash  (2 
K.  xii.  21);  —  SiiiMniTH. 

Sho'phath  [-fak]  (Ileb.)  =  Shobach  (1  Chr.  ;tix.' 

16, 18).  '     • ,  ;' 

She  plian  (Hcb.  hidden  ?;  naMne-ts,  iarehess,  Fti.); 
one  of  the  fortified  towns  E.  of  Jordan  rebuilt  hy 
the  tribe  of  Gad  (Num.  xxxii.  35).     Atrotii. 

^ho-shan'nim  (llib.,  see  below).  "To  the  chief 
musician  upon  Shosliaiinim  "  is  a  musical  diiection 
in  Ps.  xlv.,  Ixix.,  to  the  leader  of  the  Tcmpk-choir, 
and  most  probably  indicates  the  melody  after  or  in 
the  manner  of  (A.  V.  "upon")  which  the  Psalms 
were  to  be  sung  (so  Mr.  Wright).  As  "  Shoslinn- 
nim  "  literally  =  "li'.ic.=,"  it  has  been  suggested 
that  the  word  denotes  lily  shaped  insiruments  of 
music  (Simonis),  perhaps  cymbals.  Ilciigslcnljcrg 
and  J.  A.  Alexander  regard  this  and  analogous  ex- 
pressions as  having  respect  to  the  subject  or  con- 
tents, lilies  in  Ps.  xlv.  being  a  natural  emblem  of 
female  beauty,  and  in  Ixix.  referring  to  the  delight- 
ful consolations  and  deliverances  experienced  or 
hoped  for.  Ben  Zcb  regards  Shoshannim  as  an  in- 
strument of  psalmody,  and  Junius  and  Trcmcllius, 
after  Kimchi,  render  it  hexachorda,  an  instrument 
with  six  strings,  referring  it  to  the  Heb.  root  shMi 
—  six.      Misic;    Poetry,    Hebrew;   Shoshaxmm- 

EniTTH  ;   SniSIlAN-EPUTII. 

.'^lio-shf.n'nlBi-e'diulh  (Ilcb.,  see  below).  In  tlie 
title  of  Ps.  Ixxx.  is  found  the  direction  "to  the  chief 
musician  upon  Shosliaiinim-cduth,"  which  nppcars, 
according  to  the  most  probable  conjecture,  to  denote 
the  melody  or  air  after  or  in  the  manner  of  \\h\c\i  the 
Psalm  was  to  be  sung.  As  the  words  now  stand  in 
Hebrew  they  signify  "  lilies,  a  tr siimony,"  and  the 
two  arc  separated  by  a  large  distinctive  accent.  In 
themselves  they  have  no  meaning  in  the  present 
text,  and  must  thcrifore  be  regarded  as  probably  li  i 
fragment  of  the  beginning  of  an  older  Psalm  witU  | 
which  the  choir  were  familiar  (so  Mr.  Wrightjt 
Prof  J.  A.  Alexander  renders  the  words,  "As  t^ 
lilies.     A  testimony."     Skosiiannim. 

•ShOT'fl  [sliuv'!].    Agriculture;  AlTAR. 

•Fhow'cr,     Rain. 

*Shtlnes.    Epiie.scs  g  2.  ,\1 

Shn'a  (Heb.  riches,  Ges.).     1.   A  Canaanite 'bf  | 
Adullam,  father  of  Judah's  wife  (1  Chr;  ii.  3);M| 
Shuah  3. — i.  Daughter  of  Ileber,  an  Asherite  (vii. 
82).  ' 

Shn'sU  (Ilcb.  pit,  Ges.;  see  No.  8).  1.  Son  of 
Abraham  by  Keturaii  (Gen.  xxv.  2 ;  1  Chr.  i.  32)1 
(SnuiiiTE.)— ^2.  A  descendant  of  Judah  ;  brother  of 
Chelub  (iv.  11).— 3.  i  fr.  Hcb.)  =  Siiua,  father  of  Ju- 
dah's wife  (Gen.  xxxviii.  2,  12).  ^     j 

Shn'al  (Heb.  a  fox  or  jackal,  Ges.),  an'AsWeiitel 
chief,  son  of  Zophah  (1  Chr.  vii.  36).  .  '  ] 

Shn'al  (see  above),  the  Lpnd  ef,  a  district  fianicdj 
only  in  1  Sam.  xiii.  17.  It  is  pretty  certain  frrni  | 
the  passage  that  the  land  of  Shual  lay  N.  of  Mich- 
mash.  If  therefore  it  be  identical  with  the  "  lar(i  I 
of  Shalim"  (1  Sam.  ix.  4)— as  is  not  impossible-^  J 
we  obtain  the  first  and  only  clew  yet  obtained  toj 
Saul's  journey  in  quest  of  the  asses  (so  Mr.  Grovc|.  j 
The  name  Shual  has  not  yet  been  identified.  _  ! 

Shn'ba-el  [-ba-cl  or  -bel ;  compare  Michael]  (HclT. 
=  Shebckf,,  Ges.).     1.  Siiebiel  1   the  son  of  Get;-' 
shom  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  20).— 3.  Siiebuel  2  the  son,, 
Heman  (xxv.  20,. 


SHU 


sHcr 


1029 


SUn'him (Heb.  pit-digger?  Ges.),  son  of  Pan,  and 
ancestor  ol'  the  SiiuHAaiTES  (\um.  xxvL  42);  = 
LIl'ssiim  1. 

Sin'li  ini-it:3,  tUs  =  the  dsscendants  of  SacHAit, 
or  Hishim,  the  son  of  Dan  (Num.  xxvi.  42,  43). 

Sliahlte(fr.  Heb.  =:  <U»cendant of  Shctah  1,  Ges., 
Rln.,  &c!.).  T.iis  ethnic  appellative  "Shuhite"  ia 
fr&iuant  in  the  Booli  of  Job,  but  only  as  the  epitlict 
of  BiLn\B.  'file  looal  indie  .tions  of  the  Book  of 
Job  point  to  a  regiou  on  the  westsrn  siJe  of  Cli  il- 
dea,  bordering  on  Arabia ;  and  exactly  in  t'.iis  local- 
ity, above  HU  and  on  biith  sides  of  the  Euphrates, 
are  foan'J,  in  the  .Yssyriaa  insariptionf,  the  TsuJchi, 
a  powei'ful  people.  It  is  probable  that  tJese  were 
the  SO'ihites  (so  Riwlinson). 

SUa'lia-lt:  (fr.  ileb.,  see  below),  tllS,  one  of  the 
personages  in  the  paetn  of  Saloin  in's  Song  (vi.  13) 
The  name  denotes  a  woman  belonging  to  a  place 
called  rfhulem.  The  only  place  Ijearing  that  name 
of  which  we  have  any  knowledge  is  Shc.nem.  Hence 
Mr.  Grove  supposes  that  the  Shtlamite  who  was  the 
object  of  Solomon's  passion  was  Abishag.  Can- 
ticles. 

S!lll'inith-U53(fr.  Heb.  sing.  =  na/t»e  [or  deseendr 
ant\of  S'lwniW  =g'ir  tc],  a  place  or  person  other- 
wise unknown,  Ges.),  ths,  one  of  the  four  families 
wh )  sprang  from  Kirjath-jearini  (1  Chr.  ii.  53). 

Sha'naia-atte  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  native  of 
Siiu.MExr,  as  is  plain  from  2  K.  iv.  1.  It  is  applied 
to  two  persons: — .Vbishac,  the  nurse  of  KingDivid 
(1  K.  i.  3,  15,  ii.  17.  21,  22),  and  the  nameless  hostr 
ess  of  Elisha  (2  K.  iv.  12,  25,  35). 

SiB'neaiflleb. /w»Ka(m7-/<'ae«s/ Ges.),  a  city  of 
Issichar  (Josh.  xix.  18),  nanel  between  ChesuUoth 
anl  Haphraim.  It  was  the  plaeeof  the  Philistines' 
eacirapnent  before  the  batt'e  of  Gilboa  (1  Siu. 
xxviii.4l,  the  resiJence  of  the  S'l  mammite  woman 
vbo  shtwed  hospitality  to  Elisha  and  whose  son 
was  restored  to  life  by  him  (2  K.  iv.  8),  an  1  the  na- 
tive plaee  of  Abishag  (1  K.  i.  3).  By  Eiisebius  and 
Jerome  it  is  mentione  1  twice :  as  five  miles  rf.  of 
Mouot  Tabor,  a'ld  then  kno  vn  as  S  ilcoi ;  an  J  as  a 
village  in  the  territory  of  Sebaste  (Samaria)  called 
Sauim.  The  latter  of  these  two  iJentitications 
probably  refers  to  6'J«<ir(B,:rmit.iA?).  The  other 
has  more  in  its  favor,  and  nearly  agrees  with  the 
position  of  the  present  6Wif»,  a  village  on  the  south- 
western flank  of  -Mel  Duh/  (Little  Herraou),  three 
miles  :s.  of  Jezreel,  five  miles  f .-o  n  Gilboa  {Jebe! 
.fWtila),  full  in  view  of  the  saered  spot  on  Slount 
Camel,  and  situated  in  the  midst  of  the  finest  corn- 
fielis  in  the  world.  Robinson  and  most  writers 
identify  Shunera  with  Silam. 

S  in'iii  (Heb.  ^'tic^,  Ges.),  son  of  Gad,  and  founder 
of  the  family  of  the  S.maites  (Gen.  xlvi.  18 ;  Num. 
xxvi.  15). 

Slia'aites,  the  =  the  descendants  of  Stru.vi  (Num. 
xxvi.  15). 

Slil'phigi  (fr.  Heb.  SfifpMpMm  =  SnEPRUPHAN, 
Ge.s.).     SiifppiM. 

Slupll  in-itej  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  descendants 
of  SiiiPiiAM,  or  SiiEPiiuPHAN  the  Benjamite  (Num. 
xxvi.  39). 

Shop  pirn  (Heb.  »erpentii!  Ges.;  compare  AnnEii 
4).  I.  In  the  genealogy  of  Benjamin  "  Shuppim 
and  HuppiM,  the  children  of  Ir,"  are  reckoned  in  1 
Chr.  vii.  12  (co  npare  15).  Ir  =  Iri  1  the  son  of 
Bela  the  son  of  Benjamin,  so  that  Shuppim  whs  the 
grait-gra'idson  of  Benjamin.  Lord  A.  C,  Hervey 
mi'ies  Shuppim  =•  Siiupiiam  =  Shkpih;pha.v  = 
MuppiM,  and  conjectures  that  Shuppim  or  Shephu- 
phan  was  a  son  of  Benjamin,  whose  family  was  reck- 


oned with  that  of  Ir  or  Iri.  Dr.  P.  Holmes  (in  Kitto) 
makes  Siiu^'Iiam  =:  Siikphl'pha.n  =  Muppim,  and 
really  a  grandson  (Sox)  of  Benjamin ;  but  regards 
Shuppi,n,  in  accordance  with  1  Chr.  vii.,  as  a  great- 
grandson  of  Benjamin  and  nephew  of  Shupham,  and 
as  having  perhaps,  on  becoming  the  head  of  a 
flourishing  family,  taken  the  place  of  his  deceased 
or  obscure  uncle  in  the  organization  of  the  Benja- 
mite clans. — i.  One  of  the  Levite  porters  or  door- 
keepers mentioned  in  1  Ciir.  xxvi.  16.  Bertheau, 
&c.,  suppose  tliis  name  inserted  by  j  copyist's  error. 

Sbar^Ueb.  a  wad),  a  place  just  without  the  east- 
ern border  of  Egypt.  Hagar  fleJ  from  Sarah,  and 
was  found  by  an  angel  "in  the  wilderness,  by  the 
fountain  in  the  way  to  Shur"  (Gen.  xvi.  7).  Abra- 
ham afterward  "  dwelled  between  Kadesh  and  Shur, 
and  sojourned  in  Gerar"  (xx.  1).  The  first  clear 
indication  of  its  position  occurs  in  the  account  of 
Ishmael's  posterity.  "  .\.nd  they  dwelt  from  Havi- 
lah  unto  Shur,  that  is  before  Egypt,  as  thou  goest 
toward  Assyria"  (xxv.  18;  compare  1  Sam.  xv.  7, 
xxvii.  8).  The  wilderness  of  Shur  was  entered  by 
the  Israelites  after  they  had  crossed  the  Red  Sea 
(Ex.  XV.  22,  23).  It  was  also  called  the  Wil  lerness 
of  Etham  (Num.  xxxiii.  8).  Shur  may  have  been  a 
fortified  town  E.  of  the  ancient  head  of  the  Rod 
Sea,  but  in  the  hands  of  the  Arabs,  or  at  one  time 
of  the  Philistines,  not  of  the  Egyptians.  From  its 
being  spoken  of  as  a  limit,  it  was  probably  the  last 
Arabian  town  before  entering  Egypt  (so  Mr.  R.  S. 
Poole).  Rev.  J.  Rowlands  (in  Fbn.)  makes  the  wil- 
derness of  Shur  =  the  mountain-district  of  which 
Jebd  er-liiihi/i  (also  called  by  the  Arabs  of  the  in- 
terior >/c6?(V«.S'(i>-;,  the  high  range  ab)ut  fifteen  miles 
E.  of  Suez  anl  running  nearly  N.  and  S.,  forms  the 
great  backbone  or  main  range.  Winer  says,  the 
latest  authorities  seem  to  mike  it  the  wilderness 
now  called  elJifdr,  exten  ling  between  the  Mediter- 
ranean and  Red  Sea  on  the  W.  and  N.  W.  o{  ct-7Vi, 
fron  Pelusiam  to  the  southwestern  border  of  Pales- 
tine; but  this  desert,  seven  days' journey  m  length, 
and  consisting  of  white  sand-drifls  with  few  culti- 
va;ed  spots,  hardly  extends  as  far  S.  as  that  of  Shur 
in  Ex.  XV. 

Slia'shll  (Heb.,  see  below),  or  So'si  (L.  form), 
one  of  the  most  important  cities  of  the  East,  said 
to  have  received  its  name  from  the  abundance  of 
the  lily  (Heb.  skunh'in)  in  its  neighborhood.  1. 
Hiatjri.  It  was  o  iginallv  the  capital  of  the  coun- 
try called  in  Scripture  Elam,  and  by  the  classical 
writers  sometimes  Cissia,  sometimes  Susis  or  Susi- 
ana.  The  first  di.stinct  mention  of  the  town  (so 
Prof.  Ra  vlinson,  original  author  of  the  first  part  of 
this  article)  is  about  B.  c.  HGO,  in  the  in.scriptions 
of  Aafhirbain-pal,  the  son  and  successor  of  Esar- 
ha  Idon,  who  states  that  he  took  tne  place,  and  ex- 
hibits a  ground-plan  of  it  upon  his  sculntures.  We 
next  find  Susa  in  the  possession  of  the  Babylonians, 
to  whom  Elam  had  probablv  passed  at  the  division 
of  the  Assyrian  cmnire  made  by  Cyaxares  and  Na- 
bopolassar  (Dan.  vlii.  2).  The  conquest  of  Babylon 
by  Cyrus  transferred  Susa  to  the  Persian  dominion; 
and  it  wa-i  not  long  before  the  Achnomcnian  princes 
determined  to  make  it  the  capital  of  their  whole 
empire,  and  the  chief  place  of  their  own  residence. 
According  to  some  writers,  the  change  was  made 
by  Cyrus ;  according  to  others,  it  had  at  any  rate 
taken  place  before  tlie  death  of  Cambyses ;  but,  ac- 
cording to  the  evidence  of  the  place  itself  and  of 
the  other  Achtcmenian  monuments,  it  seems  most 
probable  that  the  transfer  was  really  the  work  of 
Darius  Hystaspis.     (Darids  2;  PtinsiAKS.)     Susa. 


1030 


SHU 


SHU 


accordingly  became  the  metropolis  of  Persia,  and 
is  recognized  as  such  by  ^schylus,  Herodotus, 
Ctesias,  Strabo,  and  almost  all  the  best  writers. 
The  court  must  have  resided  there  the  greater  part 
of  the  year,  only  quitting  it  regularly  for  Ecbatana 


or  Persepolis  in  the  height  of  summer,  and  per- 
haps sometimes  for  Babylon  in  the  depth  of  winter. 
Susa  retained  its  preeminence  to  the  period  of  the 
Macedonian  conquest.  After  this  it  declined.  The 
preference  of  Alexander  for  Babylon   caused  the 


neglect  of  Susa  by  his  successors,  none  of  whom 
ever  made  it  their  capital  city.  It  fell  into  the 
power  of  Antigonus  B.  c.  315.  The  town,  but  not 
the  citadel,  was  taken  by  Molo  in  his  rebellion 
against  Antiochus  the  Great,  B.  c.   221.     At  the 


Flan  of  the  Ruins  of  Sum  or  ehv.Bl-f.n  (mcdeni  &i»). 

1.  The  h'^'h  mound  or  citadel  vtj 

2.  T^e  pi>!»ce. 
3^  The  preat  platform. 
4.  Ruins  of  the  city. 

Arabian  conquest  of  Persia,  a.  d.  640,  it  was  brave- 
ly defended  by  Hormuzan.  2.  Position,  d'c.  Most 
historiar.s  anil  comparative  geographers  liave  in- 
clined to  identify  it  with  the  modern  Stui  or  Shush, 
in  latitude  32'  10',  longitude  48°  26'  E.  from  Green- 


View  o/  tbo  Great  Mound  or  Citadel  (No.  1  on  the  plan)  of  Sue.— vf'njin  Bftwlinion'a  Ilirodotu*,  ii.  385.) 


wich,  between  the  Shapur  and  the  river  of  Diz/vl. 
Some,  however,  have  advocated  the  claims  otShni^ter, 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Kuran,  more  than  half  a 
degree  further  E. ;  others  have  maintained  that 
Suxan,  on  the  right  bank,  fifty  or  sixty  miles  above 
Shimler,  is,  if  not  the  classical  Susa,  the  Shushan  of 
Scripture.  But  most  now  admit  that  Stt*  is  the 
representative  of  both  Susa  and  Shushan.  The 
Choaspes  (Kerkhah)  originally  bifurcated  at  Pai  Put, 
twenty  miles  above  Susa,  the  right  arm  keeping  its 


present  course,  while  the  left  (Eulaeus  =  TJlai) 
flowed  a  little  to  the  E.  of  Sus,  and,  absorbing  the 
Shapur  about  twelve  miles  below  the  ruins,  flowed 
on  somewhat  E.  of  S.,  and  joined  tlie  Karum{Pa.s\- 
tigris)  at  Ahwaz.  Susa  thus  lay  between  the  EuIkus 
and  the  Shapur,  the  latter,  probably  joined  by  ca- 
nals, being  reckoned  a  part  of  the  Eulseus.  (See 
map  under  Edphratf-s.)  A  few  miles  E.  and  W.  of 
the  city  were  two  other  streams — the  Coprates  or 
river  of  Dizful,  and  the  right  arm  of  the  Choaspes 


toxr 


SHU 


1031 


(the  modern  Ktrkhah).  Thus  the  country  about 
Siisa  was  nioit  abundantly  watered  aud  fertile.  3. 
Gftural  Dncriplion  of  the  Rniiit.  The  ruins  of 
Susa  cover  a  space  about  6,01)0  feet  loug  from  E.  to 
W.,  by  4,500  feet  broad  from  \.  to  Sl  The  circum- 
ference of  the  whole,  exclusive  of  outlying  and  com- 
paratively insignificant  mounds,  is  about  three  miles. 
According  to  Mr.  Loftus,  "  the  principal  existing 
remains  consist  of  four  spacious  artificial  platforms, 
distinctly  separate  from  each  other.  Of  these  the 
western  mound  (Xo.  1  on  the  plan)  is  the  smallest 
in  superficial  extent,  but  considerably  the  most  1  jfty 

and  important Its  highest  point  is  119  feet 

above  the  level  of  \.\\e  SItaonr  (Shapar).  In  form 
it  is  an  irregular,  obtuse-angled  triangle,  with  its 
corners  rounded  off,  and  its  base  facing  nearly  due 
E.  It  is  apparently  constructed  of  earth,  gravel, 
and  sun-dried  brick,  sections  being  exposed  in  nu- 
merous ravines  produced  by  the  rains  of  winter.  The 
sides  are  so  perpendicular  as  to  be  inaccessible  to  a 

horseman,  except  at  three  places In   the 

centre  is  a  deep  circular  depression,  probably  a 
large  court,  surrounded  by  elevated  piles  of  build- 
ings, the  fall  of  which  has  given  the  present  config- 
uration to  the  surface."  Mr.  Loftus  regards  this 
mound  as  indubitably  the  remains  of  the  famous 
citadel  of  Susa.  "  Separated  from  the  citadel  on 
the  W.  by  a  channel  or  ravine,  the  bottom  of  which 
is  on  a  level  with  the  external  desert,  is  the  great 
central  platform,  covering  upward  of  sixty  acres 
(Xo.  3  on  the  plan).  The  highest  point  is  on  the 
S.,  where  it  presents  generally  a  perpendicular  es- 
carpment to  the  |>Iain,  and  rises  to  an  elevation  of 
about  seventy  feet ;  on  the  E.  and  X.  it  does  not 

exceed  forty  or  fifty  feet Enormous  ravines 

penetrate  to  the  very  heart  of  the  mound."  The 
third  platform  (Nx  2  on  the  plan)  lies  toward  the 
X.,  and  is  a  square  mass,  about  1,000  feet  each  way. 
It  abuts  on  the  central  platform  at  its  northwestern 
extremity,  but  is  separated  by  a  slight  hollow,  per- 
haps an  ancient  roadway.  These  three  mounds 
form  together  a  lozengc-shaped  mass,  4,.500  feet 
long,  and  nearly  3,000  broad.     E.  of  them  is  the 


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fourth  platform  (No.  4  on  the  plan),  very  extensive, 
but  irregular,  and  much  lower  than  the  rest.  Be- 
yond this,  a  number  of  low  mounds  are  traceable, 
extending  nearly  (o  th«  J)U/iil  Uivor ;  but  there 


are  no  remains  of  walls  in  any  direction,  and  no 
marks  of  any  buildings  W.  of  the  Shapur.  All  the 
ruins  are  contained  in  a  circumference  of  about 
seven  miles. — Anhitcclure 
(originally  by  Mr.  Kergus- 
son).  The  explorations  of 
General  (afterward  Sir  Fen- 
wick)  Williams,  in  1851, 
resulted  in  the  discovery 
of  the  bases  of  three  col- 
umns, marked  5,  6,  and  7, 
on  the  plan  of  the  Great 
Palace.  In  1852,  Mr.  Lof- 
tus ascertained  the  position 
of  all  the  seventy -two  col- 
umns of  the  original  build- 
ing. On  the  bases  of  four 
of  these  columns  (marked 
1,  2,  3,  4)  were  found  tri- 
lingual inscriptions  like 
those  at  Behistun  (Per- 
sians), according  to  which, 
as  read  by  Mr.  Edwin  Xor- 
ris,  the  palace  was  built 
by  Darius  Hystaspis  and 
repaired  by  Artaxerxcs 
Longimanus.  It  consisted, 
like  that  at  Persepolis,  of 
a  central  hall,  about  200 
feet  square,  and  three  great 
porches  on  the  exterior  of 
this  and  separated  from  it 
by  walls  1 8  leet  thick,  these 

porches  (each  200  feet  W*de  Restored  elevation   of  CApIUI  of  ft 
f        „ ..     ]  ^  ,  ,       criluuiD   in   the   (5re;it  Palace  'I* 

Oy  bo    Ueep,  ana   SUppOrteil       Suaa.  By  J  FerBuason,  E«q. ;  (rom 

by  12  columns)  being  be-    '""  '"'^'  *'"  "'•  titTchiii. 
yond  doubt  the  great  audience-halls  of  the  palace. 
The  central  ball  was  probably  used   for  all  great 
semi-religious  ceremonies,  such  as  the  coronation 
orenthronization  of  the  king,  returning  thanks  or 
making  offerings  to  the  gods  lor  victories,  &e.    The 
"  King's  Gate,"  where  Mordecai  sat  (Esth.  ii.  21 ),  was 
probably  a  hall,  measuring  about  100  fectsquare,with 
its  roof  supported  by  four  pillars  in  the  centre, 
and  standing  about  150  or  200  feet  from  the 
front   of  the  northern  portico.      The  inner 
court,  where  Esther  appeared  to  implore  the 
king's  favor  (v.  1),  was  probably  the  space 
between  this  northern  portico  and  this  square 
building,  the  outer  court  being  the  space  be- 
tween the  "  King's  Gate  "  and  the  northern 
terrace  wall.     The  "  Royal  House  "  (i.  9)  and 
the  "  House  of  the  Women  "  (ii.  9,  11)  were 
probably  sitUiited  behind  this  great  hall  to 
the  S.,  or  between  it  and  the   citadel,   and 
communicating  directly  with  it  either  by  a 
bridge  over  the  ravine,  or  (less  probably)  by 
a  covered  way  under  ground.     Probably  also 
in  front  of  one  of  the  lateral  porticoes  of  this 
building.  King  Ahasuerus    made  his    great 
seven  days'  feast,  in  tents  erected  "  in  the 
court  of  the  garden  of  the  king's  palace  "  (i. 
6,  6).      The  whole  of  this  grciit  group  of 
buildings  was  raised  on  an  artificial  mound 
(No.  2  on  the  plan  above),  about  1,000  feet 
square,  and  apparently  60  or  60  feet  above 
the  plain.     As  the  principal  building  must 
have  had  a  raised  platform  above  its  roof, 
its  height  could  not  have  been  less  than  100  or 
120  feet,  and  its  elevation  above  the  plain  170  or 
200  feet.     It  would  be  difficult  to  conceive  of  any 
thing  much  grander  in  an  architectural  point  of 


1032 


SHU 


SIC 


view  than  such  a  building,  rising  to  such  a  height 
out  of  a  group  of  subordinjite  palace-buildings, 
interspersed  with  trees  and  shrubs,  and  the  whole 
based  on  such  a  terrace,  rising  from  the  flat  but 
fertile  plains  watered  by  the  Euteus  at  its  base. 

Slio'sbau-ii'dath  (Heb.,  see  below).  "  To  the  chief 
musician  upon  Shushan-eduth  "  (Ps.  Ix.)  is  plainly  a 
musical  direction  (so  Mr.  Wright).  In  Ps.  Ixxx.  we 
have  "SiiosMANNisi-EDtTH,"  of  which  Roediger  re- 
gards Shushan-eduth  as  an  abbreviation.  As  it 
now  stands  it  dcuotes  "  the  lily  of  testimony,"  and 
possibly  contains  the  first  words  of  some  Psalm  to 
the  melody  of  which  Ps.  Ix.  was  sung.  Some  re- 
gard Shushan-eduth  as  a  musical  instrument,  lily- 
shaped,  or  having  lily-shaped  ornaments,  or  six- 
stringed.  According  to  Simonis,  Shushan-eduth  in- 
dicates  that  the  lily  shaped  cymbals  were  to  be 
accompanied  with  playing  on  the  lute.  Prof.  J.  A. 
Alexander  makes  it  an  enigmatical  inscription — "on 
the  lily  of  testimony  "  representing  the  theme  of  the 
psalm  to  be  the  beauty  of  the  Law,  or  something 
lovely  in  it,  with  reference  most  probably  to  the 
gracious  promise  cited  from  it  and  to  Deut.  xxxi. 
19.  Mr.  Wright  regards  it  as  a  fragmerjt  of  an  old 
psalm  or  melody,  like  Aijelkth  Shaiiar  and  others, 
which  contaiiicd  a  direction  to  the  leader  of  the 
choir. 

Slin'thal-hitesCfr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  descendants 
of  SiiiTHKLAn  the  son  of  Ephraim  (Num.  xxvi.  35). 

Shn'tllC-Iall  (Hob.  Koise  of  hriaking?  Ges.),  head 
of  an  Epiiraimite  family,  called  after  him  Sliuthal- 
hites  (Num.  xxvi.  36),  and  lineal  ancestor  of  Joshua 
the  son  of  Nun  (1  Chr.  vii.  20-27).  Sliuthelah  ap- 
pears from  the  former  passage  to  be  a  son  of 
Ephraim,  and  the  father  of  Eran,  from  whom  sprung 
a  family  of  Eranites  (ver.  36).  He  also  had  tno 
brothers,  Becher  (Beriah  2),  father  cf  the  Bach- 
rites,  and  Tahan,  father  of  the  Tahaniies.  But  in 
1  Chr.  vii.  Shuthelah  appears  in  ver.  20  (as  in  Num.) 
as  the  son  of  Ephraim  ;  while  in  ver.  21  he  is  placed 
six  generations  later.  From  the  recurrence  of  other 
names,  too.  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  concludes  that  the 
text  in  1  Chr.  vii.  is  corrupt,  and  makes  the  follow- 
ing observations :  a.  The  names  that  arc  repeated 
over  and  over  again,  either  in  identical  or  in  slightly 
varied  forms,  represent  probably  only  one  petson. 
Hence  Eladah  (ver.  20)  =  Elead  (ver.  21)  =  Laadan 
(ver.  26)  =:  Eran  (Num.  xxvi.  36) ;  the  two  Tahaths 
(1  Chr.  vii.  20)  and  Tahan  (ver.  25)  =  Tahan  in  Num. 
xxvi.  35 ;  Bered  (1  Chr.  vii.  20)  =  Zahad  (ver.  21) 
=  Becher  (Num.  xxvi.  35) ;  Shuthelah  in  1  Chr.  vii.  20 
and  21,  and  Telah  in  ver.  25,  are  the  Shuthelah  of 
Num.  xxvi.  35,  86.  b.  The  words  "his  son"  are 
improperly  added  after  Bered  and  Tahath  in  1  Chr. 
vii.  20.  c.  Tahan  is  improperly  inserted  in  1  Chr. 
vii.  25  as  a  son  of  Shuthelah,  as  appears  from  Num. 
xxvi.  35,  36.  According  to  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey, 
therefore,  Shuthclah's  line  may  be  thus  restored : 
(1.)  Joseph.  (2.)  Ephraim.  (3.)  Shuthelah.  (4.) 
Eran,  or  Laadan.  (5.)  Amroihud.  (6.)  Elishama, 
captain  of  the  host  of  Ephraim  (Num.  i.  10,  ii.  18, 
vii.  4S).  (7.)  Nun.  (8.)  Joshua. — As  regards  the 
destruction  of  Epliraim's  sons  by  the  men  of  Gath, 
which  Ewald  and  Bunsen  refer  to  the  time  of  the 
sojourn  of  the  Israelites  in  Goshen,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  speaU  po.sitively  as  to  the  part  boine  in  it 
by  the  house  of  Shuthelah.  Still,  putting  together 
the  difficulties  in  understanding  the  passage  of  the 
literal  Ephraim,  and  his  literal  sons  and  daughter, 
with  the  facts  that  the  settle  mcnts  of  the  Ephraim- 
ites  in  the  mountainous  district  where  Beth-horon, 
Gczer,  Timnath-serah,  &c.,  lay,  were  exactly  suited 


for  a  dctceni  upon  the  plains  of  the  Philistine  coun- 
try where  the  men  ot  Gath  fed  their  cattle,  and 
that  the  Ephraimitcs  encountered  a  successful  op- 
position from  tlie  Canaanitcs  in  Gczer  (Josh.  xvi. 
10 ;  Judg.  i.  29),  and  apparently  called  in  later  the 
Beiijamites  to  help  them  in  driving  away  the  men 
of  Gath  (1  Chr.  viii.  13),  it  seems  best  (so  Lord  A. 
C.  Hervey)  to  understand  the  narrative  as  of  the 
times  after  the  entrance  into  Canaan.  Becher  1 ; 
Bkkiaii  2  ;  Efmraim. 

*hlinttlei     Hamucraft;  Weaving. 

^la  (Heb.  cunyr<gat)on,  Ges.),  ancestor  of  a  family 
of  Nethinim  viho  returned  witli  Zerubbabcl  (Neh. 
vii.  47) ;  =  SiAiiA  in  Ezr.  ii.  44,  and  Sid  in  1  Esd. 
V.  29. 

i'i  a-lia  (Hob.)  =  Sia  (Ezr.  ii.  44). 

t  ib  bc-cai  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Sibbkchai  the  Hushathite 
(2  Sam.  xxl.  18;  1  Chr.  xxvii.  11). 

Sib'be-tliai  (Heb.  tAicket  ofJihovafi,  i.  c.  crowd  of 
God's  people,  Ges.),  one  of  David's  "valiant  men," 
and  ca^.tain  for  the  eighth  month  of  24,000  men  of 
the  king's  army  (1  Chr.  xi.  29,  xxvii.  11).  He  be- 
longed to  one  of  the  piinoipal  families  of  Judah,  the 
Zaihitcs,  or  descendants  of  Zerah,  and  is  called  "the 
HiSHAiiiiTE,"  prcbalily  from  the  place  of  his  biith. 
Sibbeehni's  great  exploit,  which  gave  him  a  place 
among  the  mighty  men  of  David's  army,  was  his 
single  combat  with  Saph,  or  Sippai,  the  Philistine 
giant,  in  the  batile  of  (itzcr,  or  Gob  (2  Sam.  xxi.  18; 
i  Chr.  XX.  4).     Mebinnai. 

Sib'bo-lctb  (Heb.),  the  Ephraimite  pronunciation 
of  the  word  Shjbboi.etii  (Judg.  xii.  6). 

Sib'niilb  (Heb.  ctohusx  ov  f>  ogmuce,  Ges.),  one  of 
the  towns  E.  of  Jordan,  taken  and  occupied  by  the 
tribe  of  Reuben  (Josh.  xiii.  19);  =  Shiemah,  and 
probably  Shebam.  Like  most  of  tl;e  Transjordanic 
places,  Sibn;ah  disappears  from  view  ^luring  the 
main  part  of  the  Jewish  history.  In  the  time  of 
Isaiah  and  Jeremiah  it  was  a  Moabite  place,  famed 
for  the  abundance  and  excellence  of  its  grapes  (Is. 
xvi.  8,  9;  Jer.  xlviii.  32).  Its  vine.vards  were  de- 
vastated, and  the  town  doubtless  destroyed  by  the 
"  lords  of  the  heathen.''  Jerome  speaks  of  it  as  one 
of  the  very  strong  cities,  and  slates  that  it  was 
hardly  500  paces  distant  from  Hcshbon.  Its  site  is 
unknown. 

Sib-ra'iiD,  or  Sib'ra-lm  (fr.  Heb.  =  twofold  hope, 
Ges.),  a  place  on  the  northern  boundary  of  the  Holy 
Land,  between  the  boundary  of  Damascus  and  that 
of  Ilamath  (Ez.  xlvii.  16);  not  identified. 

*  f  If'tnth  (Heb.  a  Uid,  taberuack,  Ges.).  In  Am. 
V.  26,  where  the  A.  V.  text  has  "the  tabernacle  of 
your  Moloch,"  the  A.  V.  margin,  Rashi,  Calvin, 
Rosenmiiller,  &c.,  read  "  Siccuth  your  king,"  and 
.suppose  Siccuth  to  be  an  image  or  idol.  But  the 
LXX.  and  most  inteipreters,  with  the  A.  V.  text, 
make  Siccuth  =  a  tent  or  shrine. 

Si'them  (-keml  (L.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Shecbem  (Gen. 
xii.  6  ;  Ecchis.  i.  26). 

•  Slck'Ie  (Heb.  hermhli  or  cherminh,  maggal ;  Gr. 
drepanoti)  =  a  curved  knife  or  toothed  instrument 
for  reaping;  a  reaping-hook  (Deut.  xvi.  9,  xxiii.  25 
[Heb.  26] ;  Jer.  1.  16,  margin  "  scvihe ; "  Joel  iii.  13 
[iv.  13  Heb.] ;  Mk.  iv.  29;  Rev.  iciv.  14-19). 

SIt'y-on  [sish'e-on]  (L.fr.  Gr.  Sikiion,  from  a  Phe- 
nician  root  «ni,  sik,  or  mk,  which  implies  a  periodical 
market  [so  Mr.  Blakesleyl),  a  very  ancient  city  of  the 
Peloponnesus  (Greece),  \V.  of  Cori.vtii  ;  mentioned 
with  Puaselis,  SinE,  &c.,  in  1  Mc.  xv.  23;  oriiinally 
situated  on  the  shore  of  the  Corinthian  Cult;  and 
said  to  have  been  first  called  Airtiale  or  Aigialoi; 
perhaps   named  Sicyon  by  the  Phenician  tradcra. 


^ 


SIH 


1033 


But  the  Sieyon  of  1  Mc.  was  built  on  the  site  which 
hull  served  as  an  acropnlis,  and  was  from  twelve  to 
twenty  stiidca  (=  li  to  2i  miles)  distant  from  the 
shore.  Demetrius  Poliocertes,  b.  c.  303,  having 
made  himself  master  of  the  liarbor  and  the  lower 
town,  and  finally  of  the  acropolis,  persuaded  the 
population,  whom  he  restored  to  independence,  to 
destroy  the  buildings  adjacant  to  the  harbor,  and 
remove  to  the  acropolis,  t.iis  site  being  much  more 
easily  defensible,  especially  against  any  enemy  from 
the  sex  Diodorus  describes  the  new  town  as  in- 
cluding a  large  space  so  surrounded  on  every  side 
by  precipices  as  to  be  unapproachable  by  the  ma- 
chines then  employed  in  sieges,  and  as  possessing  a 
plentiful  supply  of  water  within  its  circuit.  It  was 
long  a;i  important  city,  capital  of  the  small  state  or 
district  of  Sicyonia,  and,  especially  for  a  century 
after  the  destruction  of  Corinth  (b.  c.  146),  enjoyed 
great  commercial  advantages,  but  is  now  an  utter 
ruin. 

SId'dim  (Hob.,  sec  below),  tlie  \«l«  of  (Ileb.  'emek  ; 
gee  Vallky  1),  a  place  named  only  in  Gen.  xiv.  3,  8, 
iO.  The  meaning  of  the  name  is  very  doubtlul. 
Oesenius  thinks  (and  so  Kalisch)  that  the  Hebrew 
'kmek  han-Siddim  =  "  a  plain  cut  up  by  stony  chan- 
nels which  render  it  dilfieult  of  transit ; "  Stanley 
maltes  the  signification  tlie  "  valley  of  well-cultivated 
fielJs;"  Fiirst,  &c.,  "valley  of  the  open  fields." 
(FiEi.n.)  As  to  the  spot  itself: — 1.  It  was  one  of  th;it 
class  of  valleys  designated  by  Heb.  'emek.  (Plain  8 ; 
Vallky  1.)  ilr.  Grove  regards  this  tenn  as  denoting  a 
broad  tlattisli  tract,  sometimes  of  considerable  width, 
enclosed  on  each  side  by  a  definite  range  of  hills. 
Gessnius  makes  it  properly  a  long  low  p'ain.  2.  It 
was  80  lar  a  suitable  spot  for  the  combat  between  the 
four  and  five  kings  (verse  8).  3.  It  contained  a 
muliitude  of  bitumen-pits  (Slime)  suOTicient  mate- 
rially to  affect  the  issue  of  the  battle.  4.  In  this 
valley  the  kings  of  the  five  allied  cities  of  Sooom, 
GoMOXRAn,  Admaii,  Zeboim,  and  Bela  seem  to  have 
awaited  tlie  approach  of  the  invaders.  Mr.  Grove 
supposes  that  it  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  "t'le 
plain  of  Jordan,"  in  which  those  cities  stood,  and 
probably  somewhere  to  the  N.  of  the  lake,  perhaps 
on  the  plain  at  ihe  S.  W.  corner  (see  below).  5.  Ac- 
cording to  verse  3,  the  Salt  Sea  covers  the  ac- 
tual space  formerly  occupied  by  the  Vale  of  Siddim. 
Robinson  (/Vi'/s.G'Voi/.  231-5)  thinks  the  Valeof  Sid- 
di:n  nas  "  probably  a  depression  in  the  plain  ;  but 
it  was  adjacent  to  the  Salt  Sea,  and  was  at  least  near 
to  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  ; "  and  "  that  the  southern 
bay  of  the  sea  now  occupies  the  place  of  the  Vale  of 
Siddim,  and  the  fertile  plain."  (Sea,  the  Salt,  II., 
%%  47,  4S.)  Porter  (in  Kilto)  and  others  think  it 
probable  that  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  were  in  the  Vale 
of  Siddim ;  Reland,  Wolcott  (in  B.  S.  xxv.  127),  and 
others,  that  the  Vale  of  Siddim  was  quite  distinct 
from  the  country  in  which  the  five  cities  were  sit- 
uated. How  tiie  Vale  of  Siddim  became  a  part  of 
the  S.ilt  Sta,  whether  by  the  fire  burning  out  the 
bltnmcn  and  thus  fornnng  a  chasm,  into  which  the 
adjacent  waters  rushed,  or  by  an  earthquake  sinking 
8o:ne  portion  of  the  soil,  or  burying  some  part  of  the 
Bca,  or  in  some  other  way,  is  still  a  matter  of  con- 
jecture. 

Sl'de  (Gr.,  possibly  from  the  same  root  as  Sidon 
or  ZinoN  (sn  Mr.  Blakeslcy]),  a  city  on  the  coast  of 
Pavniylia  in  latitude  3«  46',  longitude  31°  27', 
ten  or  twelve  miU"s  R.  of  the  river  Eurymedon  ;  men- 
tioneil  in  1  Mc.  xv.  23,  among  the  places  to  which 
the  Roman  Senate  sent  letters  in  favor  of  the  Jews. 
It  was  a  colony  for  Cume  in  .folts.   (Asijt.)  It  was 


closely  Connected  with  Aradus  in  Phenicia  by  com- 
merce. Possibly  it  was  originally  a  Phenician  set- 
tlement, and  the  Cumiean  colony  something  subse- 
quent. It  appears  in  history  as  a  place  of  consider- 
able importance.  It  was  tlie  station  of  Antiochus's 
navy  on  the  eve  of  a  battle  with  the  Rhodian  tteet. 
At  the  close  of  the  w>ir  wi:h  Antiocluis,  it  passed 
into  the  hands  of  the  Romans.  'I'lie  lemaiiis  which 
still  exist  evidence  its  former  wealth.  Tney  stand 
on  a  low  peninsula  running  from  N.  E.  to  S.  W.,  and 
the  maritime  character  of  the  former  inhabitants  ap- 
pears from  its  slightly-built  walls  toward  the  sea,  the 
wall  nhicli  fjccs  the  laud  being  of  excellent  work- 
manship, and  remaining,  in  a  considerable  portion, 
perfect  even  to  this  time.  A  theatre  (belonging  ap- 
parently to  the  Roman  times)  is  one  of  the  largest 
and  best  preserved  in  Asia  Minor,  capable  of  eonr 
taining  more  than  15,000  spectators,  the  lower  half 
of  it  being  excavated  from  the  solid  rock,  and  the 
scats  for  the  spectators,  most  of  which  renwin,  being 
of  white  marble  beautifully  wrought.  Three  gates 
led  into  the  town  from  the  sea,  and  one,  on  the  north- 
eastern side,  into  the  country.  The  two  principal 
harbors,  which  at  first  seem  to  have  been  united  in 
one,  were  at  the  extremity  of  the  peninsula:  they 
were  elos!>d,  and  together  contained  a  surface  of 
nearly  600  yards  by  200.  Besides  these,  the  princi- 
pal w'ater-giite  on  the  N.  W.  was  connected  with  two 
small  piers  of  1.50  feet  long. 

Si'don,  the  Greek  form  of  the  Phenician  name 
ZiyoN  in  the  N.  T.  and  Apocrvpha  i)f  the  A.  V.  (2 
Esd.  i.  11;  Jd.  ii.  28;  1  Mc.  v.'  15;  Mat.  xi.  21,  22, 
XV.  21  ;  Mk.  iii.  8,  &c.);  also  in  theO.  T.  both  as  the 
first-born  of  Casaan  (Gen.  x.  15),  and  as  the  name 
of  the  city  (x.  19). 

Sl-do'nI-attS  (fr.  the  L.  form  Sidoniim,  pi.  Sidnnii) 
=  ZinosiAXS  (Deut.  iii.  9;  Josh.  xiii.  4,  6;  Judg. 
iii.  3  ;  IK.  v.  6). 

•  Slfge  [seej].     War. 

•Sieve  [siv]  (Is.  XXX.  28;  Am.  ix.  9).  (Agriccl- 
TCRE.)  "To  silt  as  wheat"  (Lk.  xxii.  31),  figura- 
tively =  to  agitate  and  prove  by  trials  and  afflictions 
(Rbn.  y.  T.  Lex.). 

•  Sift,  to.    Sieve. 

•  Sign  [sine].  Miracles  ;  Olb  Testament,  B,  C  5 
Prophet;  Si;n. 

•  SIg'net.  Nineveh  ;  Orxauents,  Personal  ;  Ring  ; 
Seal. 

flil'hon  (Flcb.  swcepinff  away,  i.  c.  a  warrior  sweep- 
ing all  before  him,  Ges.),  king  of  the  Amorites  when 
Israel  arrived  on  the  borders  of  the  Promised  Land 
(Num.  xxi.  21).  He  was  evidently  a  nian  of  great 
courage  and  audacity.  Before  Israel's  arrival  he 
had  dispossessed  the  .Moabites  (Moab)  of  a  splendid 
territory,  driving  them  S.  of  the  Arnos  (xxi.  26-29). 
When  the  Israelite  host  appeared,  he  at  once  gathered 
his  people  together  and  attacked  them.  But  he  and 
all  his  host  were  destroyed,  and  their  district  from 
Arnon  to  Jabbok  became  at  once  the  possession  of 
the  conqueror  (Deut.  i.  4,  ii.  24  ff.,  &c.). 

Sl'horfL.  fr.  Heb.),  accurately  Sbi'lior  (Heb.  the 
black  or  turhid),  "  which  is  before  Egypt,"  is  spoken 
of  as  one  of  the  limits  of  territory  still  unconquered 
when  Joshua  was  old  (Josh.  xiii.  2,  3).  David 
"  gathered  all  Israel  together  from  Shilior  of  Egypt 
even  unto  the  entering  of  Hamath  "  (1  Chr.  xiii.  5). 
There  is  no  other  evidence  that  the  Israelites  ever 
spread  westward  beyimd  Gaza.  The  stream  indi- 
cated in  these  passages  is  generally  held  to  be  the 
Wad)/  tl-Arinh  —  River  of  Egypt  2  ;  butaccording 
to  gome  it  is  always  the  Nile.  That  the  stream  in- 
tended byShthor  or  "Sihor"  unqualified  was  a  nav- 


1034 


m, 


SIL 


igable  river  is  evident  from  Is.  xxiii.  3,  where  it  ia 
said  of  Tyre,  "And  by  great  waters,  the  sowing  of 
Shihor  (A.  V.  'Sihor'),  the  harvest  of  the  river  it 
her  revenue."  Here  Sliihor  is  either  the  same  as,  or 
compared  witli,  Yeor,  generally  thought  to  be  the 
N[LK,  but  supposed  by  some  to  be  the  extension  of 
the  Red  Sea.  (Rivkr  3.)  In  Jer.  ii.  18  the  identity 
of  "  Silior  "  with  the  Nile  seems  distinctly  stated  (so 
Mr.  R.  S.  Poole,  Gesenius,  &e.). 

Silas  (Or.,  contracted  fr.  Silvanls,  see  below), an 
eminent  member  of  the  early  Christian  Church  ;  = 
Silvanls  in  St.  Paul's  Epistles.  He  tirst  appears  as 
one  of  the  leaders  of  tlie  Church  at  Jerusalem  (Acts 
XV.  22),  an  inspired  teacher  or  "prophet"  (xv.  32). 
His  name,  derived  from  Latin  silva  =  wood,  betokens 
him  a  Hellenistic  Jew,  and  he  appears  to  liave  been 
a  Roman  citizk.n  (xvi.  31).  lie  was  appointed  as  a 
delegate  to  accompany  Paul  and  Barnabas  on  their 
return  to  Antioch  with  the  decree  of  the  Council  of 
Jerusalem  (xv.  22,  32).  Having  accomplished  this 
mission  he  returned  to  Jerusalem  (so  Mr.  Bevan,  who, 
with  most  modern  critics,  considers  ver.  34  as  an  in- 
terpolation). He  must,  however,  have  immediately 
revisited  Antioch,  for  we  find  him  selected  by  St. 
Paul  as  the  companion  of  his  second  missionary 
journey  (xv.  40-xvii.  40).  At  Berea  he  was  left  be 
hind  with  Timothy  while  St.  Papl  proceeded  to 
Athens  (xvii.  14),  and  we  hear  nothing  more  of  his 
movements  until  he  rejoined  the  apostle  at  Corinth 
(xviii.  5).  His  presence  at  Corimli  is  several  times 
noticed  (2  Cor  i.  19;  1  Th.  i.  1 ;  2  Th.  i.  1).  Prob- 
ably he  returned  to  Jerusalem  with  St.  Paul,  and 
from  that  time  the  connection  between  them  seems 
to  have  terminated.  Probabilities  favor  his  being 
the  Silvanus  who  conveyed  St.  Peter's  first  Epistle 
to  Asia  Minor  (1  Pet.  v.  12;  Peter).  A  tradition 
of  very  slight  anthorify  represents  Silas  to  have  be- 
come bishop  of  Corinth. 

Silk,  the  well-known  product  of  the  silkworm, 
which  is  the  larva  or  caterpillar  of  a  sluggish  moth, 
£ombi/x  Mori.  The  silkworm  feeds  voraciously  on 
the  leavi'S  of  the  mulberry  (.Vormt;  Mi'lrerry-trees  ; 
Svcamore-tree),  and  forms  an  oval  yellfw  cocoon 
of  silk  around  its  body.  After  the  silkworms  are 
killed  by  heating  the  cocoons,  the  silk  is  unwound, 
the  gtim  is  removed  from  it,  and  the  filaments  are 
united  into  threads  of  the  required  size  for  use,  dyed, 
&c.  The  silk  manufacture  has  been  of  importance 
in  China  for  4,000  years.  Aristotle  says  it  was  first 
woven  in  the  island  of  Cos,  but  that  the  material  was 
brought  from  the  East.  Probably  silk  came  from 
China  to  Egypt,  Greece,  Rome,  as  well  as  to  Assy- 
ria, Media,  Persia,  &c.  Silk  bore  an  astonishingly 
high  price  till  a  comparatively  late  period.  The 
Roman  Emperor  Heliogabalus  (a.  d.  218-222)  is  said 
to  have  been  the  first  man  who  wore  a  robe  entirely 
of  silk. — The  only  undoubted  notice  of  silk  in  the 
Bible  occtirs  in  Rev.  xviii.  12  (Gr.  serikon),  where  it 
is  mentioned  among  the  treasures  of  the  typical  Baby- 
lon. It  is,  however,  in  the  highest  degree  probable 
that  the  texture  was  known  to  the  Hebrews  from  the 
time  tliat  their  commercial  relations  were  extended 
by  Solomon  (so  Mr.  Bevan).  The  Heb.  meshi  occurs 
only  in  Ez.  xvi.  10,  13  (A.  V.  "silk  "),  and  is  ren- 
dered by  the  Hebrew  interpreters,  Fairbairn,  Kiirst, 
&c.,  gHk,  a  garment  of  silk  ;  but  Gesenius  regards  it 
as  etymologically  meaning  only  something  fmehf 
drawn,  e.  g.  n  fine  thread,  ntuff  comjiosed  of  fine 
threads.  The  Heb.  dlmcshtk  in  Am.  iii.  12  (A.  V. 
"  Damascus ")  has  been  supposed  by  Gesenius, 
Fiirst,  kc,  to  refer  to  silk  from  the  resemblance  of 
the  word  to  our  "damask."     But  Mr.  Bevan,  with 


Pusey,  W.  L.  Alexander  (in  Kitto),  &c.,  regards  this 
supposed  reference  to  silk  as  very  doubtful,  for 
"damask"  is  a  corruption  of  dinxalso,  a  term  ap- 
plied by  the  Arabs  to  the  raw  mateiial  alone,  not  to 
the  manufactured  article.  Henderson,  kc,  sustain 
the  A.  V.  in  rendering  "  Damascus."  The  Heb. 
shish  is  inconsistently  translated  "  silk "  in  Prov. 
xxxi.  22,  also  in  the  margin  of  Gen.  xli.  42  and  Ex. 
XXV.  4.     LiNE.N  1 ;  Cotton  ;  Crown,  &c. 

Siria(Heb.  tnig,  basket,  Ges.).  "The  house  of 
Millo  (Millo;  Mii.LO,  HopsE  of)  which  goeth  down 
tT  Silla,"  was  the  scene  of  the  murder  of  king  Joash 
(2  K.  xii.  20).  What  or  where  Silla  was  is  entirely 
matter  of  conjecture.  It  must  have  been  in  the  val- 
ley below  Millo  (so  Mr.  Grove).  Gesenius  makes 
Silla  the  name  of  a  town  near  Jeru.salem.  Some 
have  suggested  the  Pool  of  Siloam.  Others  refer  it 
to  a  place  on  or  connected  with  the  causeway  or 
flight  of  steps  (Heb.  mesilluh)  which  led  from  the 
central  valley  of  the  city  up  to  the  court  of  the 
Temple.  Eiirst  makes  it  a  highwai/,  viz.  the  way 
going  down  from  tlie  Joppa-gate  crosswise  through 
Jerusalem  and  then  ascending  to  a  bank  at  thft 
Haram  area,  the  present  David  Street. 

£i-lo'ab,  or  Sil'c-ab  (Heb.  hash-shelah  or  shelach  = 
the  dart,  Ges.,  &c. ;  see  Ar.Ms,  I  2,  d  ;  possibly  [so 
Mr.  Grove,  &c.l  a  corrupt  form  of  Heb.  ShUoah  or 
Shiloach  ;  see  Shiloah),  the  Fool  of  (Neh.  iii.  15). 

SiLOAM. 

Si-lo'ain,  or  SH'o-kio  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  Shiloah  ;  see 
also  Siloah),  the  pool  to  which  our  Lord  sent  the 
blind  man  to  wasii  the  clay  from  his  eyes  (Jn.  ix.  1, 
11).  Siloam  is  one  of  the  few  undisputed  localities 
in  the  topography  of  Jerusaleji  ;  still  retaining  its 
old  name  (nitli  Arabic  modification,  Silvdn),  while 
every  other  pool  has  lost  its  Bible-designation.  This 
is  the  more  remarkable  as  it  is  a  mere  suburban 
tank  of  no  great  size,  and  for  many  an  age  not  par- 
ticularly good  or  plentiful  in  its  waters,  thoiigii 
Joscphus  tells  us  that  in  his  day  they  were  both 
"  sweet  and  abundant."  Apart  from  the  identity 
of  name,  there  is  an  unbroken  chain  of  exterior  tes- 
timony, during  eighteen  centuries,  connecting  the 
present  Birket  SilwuH  with  the  Shiloah  of  Isaiah 
and  the  Siloam  of  St.  John  (so  Dr.  H.  Bouar,  origi- 
nal author  of  this  article).  From  Josephus  we 
learn  that  it  was  without  the  city  ;  that  at  this  pool 
the  "  old  wall "  took  a  bend  and  shot  out  eastw  ard  ; 
that  there  was  a  valley  under  it,  and  one  beside  it ; 
a  hill  right  opposite,  apparently  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Kidron,  hard  by  a  cliff  or  rock  called  Peris- 
tereon ;  that  it  was  at  the  termination  or  mouth  of 
the  Tyropceon ;  that  close  beside  it,  apparently 
eastward,  was  another  pool,  called  Solomon's  pool, 
to  which  the  "  old  wall  "  came  after  leaving  Siloam, 
and  past  which  it  went  on  to  Ophlas,  where,  bend- 
ing northward,  it  was  united  to  the  eastern  arcade 
of  the  Temple.  In  the  Antimine  Itinerary  (a.  d. 
333)  it  is  set  down  in  the  same  locality,  but  it  is 
said  to  be  "  near  the  wall,"  as  Josephus  implies ; 
whereas  now  it  is  upward  of  1,200  feet  from  the 
nearest  angle  of  the  present  wall,  and  nearly  1.900 
feet  from  the  southern  wall  of  the  Haram.  Jerome 
speaks  of  it  as  at  the  bottom  of  Mount  Moriah,  in 
the  Valley  of  the  Son  of  Hinnom,  as  dependent  on 
the  rains,  and  as  the  only  fountain  used  in  his  day. 
But  other  authorities,  and  the  modern  water  provi- 
sion of  the  city,  show  us  that  it  never  could  have 
been  wholly  dependent  on  its  pools.  Its  innimier- 
able  bottle-necked  private  cisterns  kept  up  a  supply 
at  all  times.  In  the  seventh  century  Ant<ininus 
Martyr  mentloDB  Siloam,  as  both  fountain  and  pool. 


SIL 


^L 


1035 


Bemhard  the  monk  speaks  of  it  in  the  ninth  cen- 
tury, and  tlie  annalisW  of  the  Crusades  mention  its 
Bite,  in  the  fork  of  two  valleys,  as  we  find  it  Ben- 
jamin of  Tudela  (a.  d.  1173)  speaks  of  it  as  the 
great  spring  which  runs  into  the  bri>ok   Kidron. 


>m1  of  Sito«D,  lookiDg  N.— From  »  iketch  by  Rvv.  S.  C.  AUIhu 


Many  subsequent  writers  describe  Sllnam  ;  nor  do 
they,  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  vary  in  their  loca- 
tion of  it. — A  little  way  bi'low  the  Jewish  buryitig- 
ground  (Jkho=hapiiat,  Valley  op|,  but  on  the  op- 
posite side  of  the  valley,  where  the  KiimoN  turns 
slightly  westward,  and  widens  itself  considerably,  is 
the  fountain  of  the  Virgin  or  Um  eil-Dfraj  (E.N- 
nooEL  ?),  near  the  beginning  of  that  saddle-shaped 
projection  of  the  Temple-liill  supposed  to  be  the 
Ophel  of  the  Bible,  and  the  O/Mas  of  Josephus. 
At  the  back  part  of  this  fountain  a  subterraneous 
passage  begins,  through  which  the  water  flows,  and 
through  which  a  man  may  make  his  way,  as  did 
Robinson  and  Barclay,  sometimes  walking  erect, 
and  sometimes  stooping,  sometimes  kneeling,  and 
sometimes  crawling,  to  Siloam.  This  rocky  con- 
duit, which  twists  considerably,  but  keeps,  in  gen- 
eral, a  aouthwesterly  direction.  Is,  according  to  Rob- 
inson, 1,750  feet  long,  whde  the  direct  distance  be- 
tween the  pool  of  Siloam  (Ar.  Birket  m-Sitioiin)  and 
Urn  fd-Deraj  is  only  a  little  above  l,iOO  feet.  In 
former  days  this  passage  was  evidently  deeper,  as 
its  bi-d  is  sand  of  some  depth,  which  has  been  ac- 
cumulating for  ages.  This  conduit  has  had  tribu- 
taries which  formerly  sent  their  waters  down  {torn 


the  city-pools  or  Temple-wells  to  swell  Siloam.  It 
enters  Siloam  at  the  northwest  angle  ;  or  rather  en- 
ters a  small  rock-cut  chamber  which  forms  the  ff*- 
lihule  of  Silo.ini,  about  five  or  six  feet  broad.  To 
tills  you  descend  by  a  few  rude  steps,  under  which 
the  water  pours  itself  into  the 
main  pool.  This  pool  is  ob- 
long, fifty  feet  in  length  accord- 
ing to  Barclay,  and  fifty-three 
according  to  Robinson.  It  is 
eighteen  feet  broad,  and  nine- 
teen feet  deep,  according  to 
liobinson ;  but  Barclay  gives  its 
breadth  more  minutely,  "four- 
teen and  a  half  at  the  lower 
(eastern)  end,  and  seventeen  at 
the  upper  ;  its  western  end  be- 
ing somewhat  bent :  it  is  eigh- 
teen and  a  half  in  depth,  but 
never  filled ;  the  water  either 
passing  directly  through,  or  be- 
ing maintained  at  a  depth  of 
three  or  four  feet."  The  pres- 
ent pool  is  a  ruin,  with  no  moss 
or  ivy  to  make  it  romantic  ;  its 
.>^ide3  falling  in  ;  its  pillars  bro- 
liLii ;  its  stair  a  fragment;  its 
walls  giving  way;  the  edge  of 
rvi  ly  stone  worn  round  or  sharp 
■y  time ;  in  some  parts  mere 
/■firii  ;  once  Siloam,  nov,  like 
lie  ciiy  which  overhung  it,  a 
1  ap ;  though  around  its  edges, 
wild  (lowers,  and,  among  other 
plams,  the  caper-tree,  grow  lux- 
uiiantly.  The  gray  crumblin" 
limestone  of  the  stone  (as  well 
as  of  the  surrounding  rocks, 
which  are  almost  verdureless) 
,1  gives  a  poor  and  worn-out  as- 
pect to  this  venerable  relic. 
The  present  pool  is  not  the 
original  building;  the  work  of 
crusaders  it  may  be ;  perhaps 
even  improved  by  Saladin  ;  per- 
haps the  work  of  later  days. 
Yet  the  spot  is  the  same.  Tliis 
pool,  which  we  may  call  the  second,  seems  anciently 
to  have  poured  its  waters  into  a  l/iird,  before  it  pro- 
ceeded to  water  the  royal  gardens.  This  lliird,  per- 
haps five  times  the  size  of  that  of  Siloam,  and  now 
known  as  the  Birket  el-Hnmra,  is  perhaps  that 
which  Josephus  calls  "Solomon's  pool,"  and  which 
Nehemiah  (ii.  14)  calls  "  the  King's  pool."  Siloam 
is  in  Scripture  always  called  a  "  pool."  It  is  the 
least  of  all  the  Jerusalem  pools;  hardly  the  .sixth 
part  of  the  Birket  el-Mamilla  ;  hardly  the  tenth  of 
the  Birket  en-Sit/tiin,  or  of  the  lowest  of  the  three 
pools  of  Solomon  at  Kl-Biirak.  Yet  it  is  a  sacred 
spot,  even  to  the  Moslem ;  much  more  to  the  Jew ; 
for  not  ordy  from  it  was  the  water  taken  at  the 
Feast  of  Tabernacles,  but  the  water  for  the  nshes 
of  the  red  heifer.  Jewish  tradition  makes  GinoM 
and  Siloam  one.  The  intermittent  character  or  ir- 
regular flow  of  Siloam,  noticed  by  Jerome,  is  easily 
accounted  for  both  by  ihe  direct  and  siphonic  action 
of  the  water  in  a  localily  perforated  by  so  many 
aqueducts,  and  supplied  by  so  many  large  wells  and 
secret  springs,  not  to  speak  of  the  discharge  of  the 
great  <Mty  baths.  The  expression  in  Isaiah,  "  waters 
of  Shiloah  that  go  softly,"  seems  to  point  to  the 
slender  rivulet,  flowing  gently,  though  once  jiiy 


1036 


SIL 


SIM 


profusely,  out  of  Silo.im  into  the  lower  breadth  of 
level,  where  the  king's  gardens,  or  royal  paradise, 
stood,  and  which  is  still  the  greenest  spot  about  the 


Holy  City.  E.  of  the  KIdron,  right  opposite  the 
r'jugh  gray  slope  extending  between  the  I'ounlain  of 
the  Virgin  and  the  pool  of  S'.loain,  above  the  kitchen- 


Thc  Yillnge  of  Silt  uti  (Sitonin^,  end  the  lower  part  of  the  Valley  ol  ihe  Kidron,  showinK  tl'e  ''  King**  pardent,**  whicb  are  watered  by  the  Pool.     The 
background  U  the  bighlanda  of  Judah.    The  view  Is  from  a  photograph  by  James  Graham,  Ea*}.,  taken  from  beneatti  the  south  wall  of  the  Uaram, 


gardens  watered  by  Siloam  which  supply  Jerusalem 
with  vegetables,  is  the  village  which  takes  its  name 
from  the  pool,  Kefr  Silicdn.  This  village  i^  unmen- 
tloned  in  ancient  times,  perhaps  did  not  then  exist. 
It  is  a  wretched  place  for  filth  and  irregularity. 

Sl-lo'am  (see  above).  Tower  in.  Of  this  tower 
or  its  fall  by  which  eighteen  persons  were  killed, 
we  know  nothing  definitely  beyond  the  words  of 
the  Lord  (Lk.  xiii.  4).  Whether  it  was  a  tower 
connected  with  the  pool  or  in  the  valley  near  it,  we 
cannot  say.  In  connection  with  Ophel,  '•  a  tower 
thai  lieth  out "  is  mentioned  (Neh.  iii.  26) ;  and  Dr. 
Bonar  suggests  that  this  projecting  tower  may  be 
connected  with  the  tower  in  S^iloam,  and  that  its 
projection,  was  the  cause  of  its  ultimate  fall. 

Sil-Ta'nns  (L.  of  (or  /com]  a  wood).    Silas. 

SII'Ter(IIeb.  <;f.ie/>n  ;  Chal.  C("sa/)/i  ;  Gv.argurum). 
In  very  early  times,  according  to  the  Bible,  silver 
was  used  for  ornaments  (Gen.  xxiv.  63 ;  Prov.  xxv. 
11;  Cant.  i.  11,  &c.),  vessels  (Gen.  xliv.  2;  Num. 
y'\\.  18,  &c.),  articles  for  the  Tabernacle  and  Temple 
(Ex.  xxvi.  19  m,  xxvii.  10  ff.,  xxxviii.  10  ff. ;  1  Chr. 
xxviii.  15  ff.,  &e.),  trumpets  (Num.  x.  2),  chains  (Is. 
xl.  19\  crowns  (Zech.  vi.  11),  &e.  (Basis;  Cor- 
net; Cup;  IlANnirnAFT  ;  Ornaments,  Pkhsonal, 
&c.)  Images  for  idolatrous  worship  were  made  of 
silver  or  overlaid  with  it  (Ex.  xx.  "23  ;  Ho.s.  xiii.  2; 
Hah.  ii.  19;  Bar.  vi.  39),  and  the  manufacture  of 
silver  shrines  for  Diana  was  a  trade  in  Ephfsus 
(Acts  xix.  24).  But  its  chief  use  was  as  a  medium 
of  exchange,  and  throughout  the  0.  T.  we  find  the 
Heb.  cseph  (=  "silver")  used  for  "  money"  (Gen. 
xvii.  12  ff.,  xxiii.  9,  13,  xiii.  25  ff.,  &c. ;  Metals; 
PlKCE  OK  Silver  ;  Shekel  ;  Silverlings,  &c.).    Ves- 


sels and  ornaments  of  gold  and  silver  were  common 
in  Egypt  in  the  times  of  Osirtasen  I.,  and  Thoth- 
mes  III.,  the  contemporaries  of  Joseph  and  Moses. 
In  the  Homeric  poems  we  find  indications  of  Ihe 
constant  application  of  silver  to  purposes  of  orna- 
ment and  luxury.  The  practice  of  overlaying  silver 
with  gold,  referred  to  in  Homer  {Odijsfcy,  vi.  232, 
xxiii.  169),  is  nowhere  mentioned  in  the  Bible, 
though  inferior  materials  were  covered  with  silver 
(Prov.  xxvi.  23).  Silver  was  brought  to  t-'olomon 
from  Arabia  (2  Chr.  ix.  14)  and  from  Takshish  (2 
Chr.  ix.  21),  which  supplied  the  markets  of  Tyre 
(Ez.  xxvii.  12).  (Mktals.)  Spain  appears  to  have 
btcn  the  chief  source  whence  silver  was  obtained 
by  the  ancients.  Possibly  the  hiils  of  Palestine 
may  have  aflordcd  some  supply  of  this  metal.  For 
an  account  of  the  knowledge  of  obtaining  and  re- 
fining silver  possessed  by  the  ancient  Hebrews,  see 
the  articles  Lead  and  Mines.  Silver  mixed  with 
alloy  is  referred  to  in  Jer.  vi.  30,  and  a  finer  kind, 
either  purer  in  itself,  or  more  thoroughly  purified, 
is  mentioned  in  Prov.  viii.  19. — Silver  cord;  see 
CoRn ;  Medicine. 

SlI'Tfr-llDgs  (=  littie  silvert,  i.  e.  pieces  of  silver, 
or  silver  coins\  the  A.  V.  translation  (Is.  vii.  23 
only)  of  the  Ileb.  ceseph,  elsewhere  rendered  "  sil- 
ver "  or  "  MONEY."     Piece  of  Silver. 

Sl-mal-tn>  (fr.  Gr.  form,  probably  of  Heb.  or  Ar.  = 
Ueh.  niefec/t,  hitirf),  an  Arabian  chief  who  had  charge 
of  Antiochus  VI.,  the  young  son  of  Alexander  Ba- 
LAS,  before  he  was  put  forward  by  Tkvphon  as  a 
claimant  to  the  Syrian  throne  ( 1  Mc.  xi.  39). 

Sim'e-on  (L.  fr.  Ueb.  —  Shimeon  =  a  hearkening, 
Gen.  xxix.  33,  Ges.).     1.  The  second  son  of  Jacob 


SIM 


SW 


1037 


by  Leah.  His  birth  is  recorded  in  Gen.  xxix.  33. 
The  lirst  group  of  Jacob's  children  consists,  besides 
Simeon,  of  tlie  three  other  sons  of  Leuh — Reiiben, 
Levi,  Ju'iah.  With  each  of  these  Simeon  is  tntn- 
tiimed  in  some  connection.  "  As  Ilcuben  and  Siir.- 
eon  are  mine,"  says  Jacob,  "  so  shall  Joseph's  sons 
Ephrnim  and  }lanassch  be  mine  "  (Gen,  xlviii.  5). 
With  L:vi,  Simeon  was  a.«80oiated  in  the  massacre 
of  the  3  lecliemites  (x.txiv.  25) — a  deed  which  drew 
on  tliem  the  reraoiistrance  of  tlieir  father  (30),  and 
perhaps  also  his  dying  curse  (.'ilix.  5-7),  though  the 
latter  may  refer  to  some  unrecorded  act  (so  Mr. 
Grove).  Jiidah  and  Si.neon  not  only  "  went  up  " 
toiether,  side  by  side,  in  tlie  forefront  of  the 
nation,  to  the  conquest  of  the  south  of  the  Holy 
Laud  (Judg.  i.  3,  17),  but  their  allotmeuts  lay 
together  in  a  more  9j)ecial  manner  than  those  of 
the  other  tribes.  Bc^i.lc3  the  massacre  of  She- 
chem,  the  only  personal  incident  related  of  Sim- 
con  is  the  fact  of  his  b^'ing  selecti'il  by  Joseph  as 
the  hostage  for  the  appearance  of  Benjamin  (Gen. 
xlii.  19,  24,  36,  xliii.  23).  The  chief  families  of  the 
tribe  are  mentioned  in  (Jen.  xlvi.  10,  in  which  Shacl 
1  (S.inl)  is  specified  as  "  the  son  of  tlie  Canaanitcss," 
— and  ill  Num.  xxvi.  12-14,  and  !n  1  Chr.  iv.  24-43. 
At  tlie  census  of  Sinai  Simeon  numbered  59,300 
ligliting  men  (Xuni.  i.  23).  Then  only  Judah  and 
Dan  exceedo.l  it  in  number.  When  the  second  cen- 
sus was  taken,  at  Shittiin,  the  number  had  fallen  to 
22,200,  and  it  was  the  weakest  of  all  the  tribes. 
Thi.'i  wa.s  no  doubt  partly  due  to  the  recent  mortality 
following  the  Idolatry  of  Peor  (xxv.),  but  there  must 
have  been  other  causes  which  have  escaped  mention. 
Simeon  and  Levi,  according  to  Jacob's  prediction 
(Gen.  xlix.  6-7),  were  both  "divided"  and  "scat- 
tered." In  the  case  of  Simeon,  some  corrupting 
element  in  the  tribe  itself  seems  first  to  have  re- 
duced its  numbers,  and  at  last  to  have  driven  it  from 
its  allotted  seat  in  the  country,  and  caused  it  to 
dwindle  and  disappear.  The  non-appearance  of  Sim- 
eon's name  in  the  Blessing  of  Moses  (Deut.  xxxiiu 
6)  may  be  due  to  his  displeasure  at  the  misbehavior 
of  the  tribe  at  Shittim.  Those  who  assume  that  the 
blessing,  or  this  portion  of  it,  is  a  composition  of 
later  date  (1*e»'Tatel'cii),  ascribe  the  omission  to  the 
fact  of  the  tribe  having  by  that  time  vanished  from 
the  Holy  Land.  During  the  journey  through  the 
wilderness  Simeon  was  a  member  of  the  camp  which 
marched  on  the  8.  side  of  the  Sacred  Tent.  His  as- 
sociates were  Keuben  and  Gad.  The  connection  be- 
tween Judah  and  Simeon  already  mentioned  seems 
to  have  begun  with  the  Conquest.  Judah  and  the 
two  Joseph-brethren  (Ephraim  and  Mana-seh)  were 
first  served  with  the  lion's  share  of  the  land ;  and 
then,  the  Canaanites  having  been  .sulRciently  sub- 
dued to  allow  the  Sacred  Tent  to  be  established  with- 
out risk  in  the  heart  of  the  country,  the  work  of 
dividing  the  remainder  amongst  the  seven  inferior 
triocs  was  proceeded  with  (Josh.  viii.  1-6).  Benja- 
min had  the  first  turn,  then  Simeon  (xix.  1).  By  this 
time  Judah  had  discovered  that  the  trart  allotted  to 
bim  was  too  largo  (xix.  9),  and  also  too  much  ex- 
posed on  the  W.  and  S.  for  even  his  great  powers. 
To  Simeon  accordingly  was  allotted  a  district  out  of 
the  territory  of  his  kinsman,  on  its  southern  frontier, 
which  contained  eighteen  or  nineteen  cities,  with 
their  villages,  spread  round  the  venerable  well  of 
Boer-sheba  (Josh.  xix.  1-8;  1  Chr.  iv.  28-33).  Of 
these  places,  with  the  help  of  Judah,  the  Simeonites 
possessed  themselves  (Judg.  i.  3,  17);  and  here  they 
were  found,  doubtless  by  Joab,  residing  in  the  reign 
of  David  (1  Chr.  iv.  31).     During  his  wandering  life 


David  must  have  been  much  among  the  Simoonitcs 
(1  Sam.  XXX.  26  ft".;  Ziki.ao).  The  comiiatatively 
small  number  of  Simeon  (7,100  warriors)  and  Judah 
(6,800)  who  attendoii  Davia's  installation  as  king  (I 
(Jhr.  xii.  23  ff.)niay  be  due  to  the  fact  that  it  took 
place  in  the  heart  of  their  own  tcriitory,  at  Hebron. 
After  David's  removal  to  Jerusalem  the  head  of  tiie 
tribe  was  Sliephatiah,  S(m  of  Maachah  (xxvii.  111). 
What  part  Simeon  took  at  the  time  of  the  division  of 
the  kingdom  we  are  not  told.  The  only  thing  (so  .Mr, 
Grove)  which  can  be  interpreted  into  a  trace  of  its 
having  taken  any  part  with  the  northern  kingdom  aro 
the  two  c;isual  notices  of  2  Chr.  xv.  9  and  xxxiv.  6, 
which  appear  to  imply  the  presence  of  Simooi.itcs 
there  in  the  reigns  of  Asa  and  Josiali.  I?ut  the  dLlinite 
statement  in  1  Chr.  iv.  41-43,  of  two  exocuitio;  s  in 
search  of  more  eligible  territory,  proves  that  at  that 
time  there  were  still  some  of  them  remaining  in  the 
original  scat  of  the  tribe,  and  actuated  by  all  the 
warlike,  lawless  spirit  of  their  progenitor.  The  au- 
dacity and  intrepidity  which  seem  to  luvo  charac- 
terized the  fi>uiider  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon  are  seen 
in  their  fulie.-.t  force  in  his  descendant  JcniTii  2. 
Whether  the  book  which  bears  her  name  be  a  his- 
tory orahist(n'ic  iom.ince  (Jlditii,  Book  ok),  Judith 
herself  will  alw.iys  remain  <me  of  the  most  promi- 
nent figures  among  the  deliverers  of  her  nation. 
BCTiifLiA  would  almost  eecm  to  have  been  a  Sim- 
eonitc  colony.  Simeon  is  named  by  Ezekicl  (xlviii. 
25),  and  John  (Rev.  vii.  7),  in  their  catalogues  of 

I  the  restoration  of  Israel.— 2.  A  priest  of  the  tamily 
of  JoARiB  or  Jeiioiakib;  one  of  the  ancestors  of 
the  Maccabees  (1  Me.  ii.  1).— 3.  Son  of  Juda  and 
father  of  Levi  in  the  genealogy  of  our  Lord  (Lk.  iii. 
80).^1.  SiMo.v  Peter  (Acts  xv.  14;  Peter). — 5^  A 
devout  Jew,  inspired   by  the  Holy  Ghost,  who  met 

j  the  parents  of  our  Lonl  in  the  Temple,  took  Him  in 
his  arms,  and  gave  thanks  for  what  he  saw,  and  knew 
of  Jesus  (Lk.  ii.  25-35).  In' the  apociyphal  gospel 
of  Nicodemus,  Simeon  is  called  a  high-priest,  ivab- 
ban  Simeon,  whose  grandmother  was  of  the  family 
of  David,  succeeded  his  father  Ilillcl  as  presideni  of 
the  Sanliednm  about  a.  d.  13  (St.iues),  and  his  son 
Gamaliel  was  the  Pharisee  at  whoso  feet  St.  Paul  was 
brought  up  (Acts  xxii.  3).  A  Jewish  writer  specially 
notes  that  no  record  of  this  Simeon  is  preserveil  in 
the  Mishna.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  he,  or  his 
grandson  of  the  same  name,  may  be  the  Simeon  of 
St.  Luke  ;  but  the  commonness  of  the  name  Simeon, 
the  description  merely  as  "  a  man  in  Jerusalem,"  and 
the  education  of  Gamaliel  as  a  Pharisee,  are  argu- 
ments against  the  validity  of  this  conjecture.--6. 
"Simeon  that  was  called  Niger,"  one  of  pertain 
prophets  and  "teachers"  in  the  church  at  Autioch 
(Acts  xiii.  1  only). 

•  Sim'e-on-ltes  (fr.  Ileb.),  the  =  the  descendants, 
or  tribe,  of  Simeon  1  (.\uui.  xxv.  14,  xxvi.  14  ;  1  Chr. 
xxvii.  16). 

Sl'mon  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  Simeon,  or  of  Greek  ori- 
gin?). 1.  Son  of  Mattathiab  2,  and  one  of  the 
famous  Maccabees  (.1  Me.  ii.  3,  65,  &e.). — 2.  Son  of 
Onias  the  high-priest,  whose  eulogy  closes  the 
"praise  of  famous  men"  in  Ecclus.  1.  (Eccle- 
siASTictJS.)  The  common  view  refers  this  to  Kimon 
n.  (Hioii-PRiEST,  p.  3S4);  but  Jo-sephus  (xii.  2,  g4, 
&c.)  identifies  Simon  I,  with  "Simon  the  Just."  It 
is  evident  (so  Mr.  Westcott)  that  Simon  the  Just  was 
popularly  regarded  as  closing  a  period  in  Jewish  his- 
tory, as  the  last  teacher  of  the  Great  Synagogue. 
(Jerusalem;  Scribe-s;  Synaoooce,  the  Great.).— 
S>  "  A  governor  of  the  Temple  "  in  the  time  of  Se- 
U!i;ci'8  PaiLOFATOR,  whose  information  as  to  the 


1038 


M 


SIN 


treasures  of  the  Temple  led  to  the  sacrilegious  attack 
of  Hkliodorus  (2  Mc.  ill.  4,  &c.).  Considerable  doubt 
exists  as  to  the  exact  nature  of  his  office.  The  chief 
difficulty  lies  in  the  fact  that  Simon  is  said  to  have 
been  of  "  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  "  (iii.  3),  while  the 
earlier  "  ruler  of  the  house  of  God  "  ( 1  Chr,  ix.  11; 
2  Chr.  xxxi.  13;  Jer.  xx.  1)  seems  to  have  been  al- 
■wavs  a  priest,  and  the  "  captain  of  the  Temple " 
(Lk.  xxii.  4;  Acts  iv.  ],  v.  24,  26)  and  the  keeper 
of  the  treasures  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  24;  2  Chr.  xxxi.  12) 
must  have  been  at  least  Levites.  Herzl'eld  conjec- 
tures that  Benjamin  is  an  error  for  Minjamin  (  = 
MiAMiN  2,  or  MixiAMiN  2),  the  head  of  a  priestly 
house  (Nih.  xii.  5,  17  ;  comp.  2  Mc.  iv.  23,  "brother 
of  Mcnelaus  "). — 1.  Si'mon  the  Broth'er  of  Jc'sns.  The 
only  undoubted  notice  of  this  Simon  occurs  in  Mat. 
xiii.  55  and  Mk.  vi.  3.  lie  has  been  identified  by  some 
writers  with  Simon  the  Canaanite  (No.  5,  below)  and 
still  more  generally  with  Symeon  who  became  bishop 
of  Jerusalem  after  the  death  of  James,  a.  n.  62. 
The  former  of  these  opinions  rests  on  no  evidence 
whatever,  nor  is  the  latter  without  its  difficulties. 
(James.) — 5.  Si'mon  the  Canaan-ite,  one  of  the 
Twelve  Apostles  (Mat.  x.  4 ;  Mk.  iii.  18),  otherwise 
described  as  Si'mon  Ze-lo'tcs  (Lk.  vi.  15 ;  Acts  i.  13). 
The  latter  term,  which  is  peculiar  to  Luke,  is  the 
Greek  equivalent  for  the  Chaldee  term  preserved  by 
Matthew  and  Mark.  (Canaanite,  the;  Zei-OTES.) 
Each  points  out  Simon  as  belonging  to  the  faction 
of  tlic  Zealots,  who  were  conspicuous  for  their  fierce 
advocacy  of  the  Mosaic  ritual.  Different  traditions 
(both  doubtful)  make  him  to  have  preached  in  Egypt, 
Cyrenc,  and  Mauritania,  and  to  have  been  crucified  in 
Judea  in  Domitian's  reign  (comp.  No.  4,  above). — 
6<  Si'mon  of  €y-rc'Bei  A  Hellenistic  Jew,  born  at 
CvRENE  in  Africa,  who  was  present  in  Jerusalem  at 
the  crucifixion  of  Jesus,  cither  as  an  attendant  at 
the  feast  (Acts  ii.  10),  or  as  one  of  the  numerous 
settlers  at  Jerusalem  from  that  place  (vi.  9).  Meet- 
ing the  procession  that  conducted  Jesus  to  Golgotha, 
as  he  was  returning  from  the  country,  he  was  [)ressed 
into  the  service  to  bear  the  cross  (Mat.  xxvii.  32 ; 
Mk.  XV.  21 ;  Lk.  xxiii.  26),  when  Jesus  Himself  was 
unable  to  bear  it  any  longer  (comp.  Jn.xix.  17).  Mark 
describes  him  as  the  father  of  Alexander  1  and  Rc- 
FUS. — T,  Si'mon  the  Lep'er,  A  resident  at  Bethany ; 
not  improbably  (so  Mr.  Bevan)  one  who  had  been 
miraculously  cured  of  leprosy  by  Jesus.  (Lazarits; 
Martha  ;  Mary  the  Sister  of  Lazarus.)  In  his 
house  Mary  anointed  Jesus  preparatory  to  His  death 
and  burial  (Mat.  xxvi.  6,  &c. ;  Mk.  xiv.  3,  &c. ;  Jn. 
xii.  1,  kc). — 8i  Si'mon  Sla'gns.  A  Samaritan  living 
in  the  apostolic  age,  distingiiished  as  a  "  sorcerer  " 
or  magician,  from  his  practice  of  magical  arts  (Acts 
viii.  9;  Maoi  ;  Magic).  He  wasborn(soMr.  Bcvan, 
after  Justin  Martyr,  &c.)  at  Gitton,  a  village  of  Sa- 
maria, identified  with  the  modern  Kvryet  Jit,  near 
Jfdbulns  (Shechem).  He  was  probably  educated  at 
Alexandria,  and  there  became  acquainted  with  the 
eclectic  tenets  of  the  Gnostic  school.  (Philosophy.) 
Either  then  or  subsequently  he  was  a  pupil  of  Dosith- 
cus,  who  preceded  him  as  a  teacher  of  Gnosticism 
In  S.imaria,  and  whom  he  supplanted  with  the  aid  of 
Clcobius.  He  is  first  introduced  to  us  in  the  Bible 
as  practising  magical  arts  in  a  city  of  Samaria,  per- 
haps Sychar  (Acts  viii.  5  ;  comp.  Jn.  iv.  5),  and  with 
such  success,  that  he  was  pronounced  to  be  "  the 
power  of  God  which  is  called  great "  (Acts  viii.  10). 
The  preaching  and  miracles  of  Philip  the  Evanoe- 
tisT  having  excited  his  observation,  he  became  one 
of  his  disciples,  and  received  baptism  at  his  hands. 
Subsequently  he  witnessed  the  effect  produced  by 


the  imposition  of  hands,  as  practised  by  the  Apos- 
tles Peter  and  John,  and,  being  desirous  of  acquir- 
ing a  similar  power  for  himself,  he  offered  a  sum  of 
money  for  it.  His  object  evidently  was  to  apply  the 
power  to  the  prosecution  of  magical  arts.  His  prop- 
osition met  with  a  severe  denunciation  from  Peter, 
followed  by  a  petition  on  the  part  of  Simon,  the  tenor 
of  which  bespealis  terror  but  not  penitence  (viii.  9- 
24).  From  him  comes  the  word  simony,  as  applied 
to  all  traffic  in  spiritual  offices.  Simon's  history, 
subsequently  to  his  meeting  with  Peler,  is  involved 
in  difficulties.  Early  Church  historians  depict  him 
as  the  pertinacious  foe  of  the  Apostle  Peter,  whose 
movements  he  followed  for  the  purpose  of  seeking 
encounters,  in  which  he  was  signally  defeated.  Jus- 
tin Martyr  represents  Simon  as  successful  at  Rome; 
that  he  was  deified,  and  a  statue  was  erected  in  his 
honor,  "Simoni  Deo  Sancto"'  (L.  =  to  Simon  the 
holy  god).  The  various  accounts  can  be  reconciled 
only  by  assuming  that  Simon  made  two  expeditions 
to  Rome,  the  first  in  the  reign  of  Claudius,  the  sec- 
ond (in  which  he  encountered  Peter)  in  the  reign  of 
Nero,  about  a.  n.  68 ;  and  even  this  takes  for  granted 
the  disputed  fact  of  St.  Peter's  visit  to  Rome.  His 
death  is  associated  with  the  encounter  in  question  ; 
according  to  Hippolytus,  the  earliest  authority  on 
the  subject,  Simcm  was  buried  alive  at  his  own  re- 
quest, in  the  confident  assurance  that  he  would  rise 
again  on  the  third  day.  According  to  anothci'  ac- 
count, he  attempted  to  fly,  in  proof  of  his  supernatu- 
ral power;  in  answer  to  the  prayers  of  Peter,  he  fell 
and  broke  his  thigh  and  ankle  ;  overcome  with  vex- 
ation, he  committed  suicide.  Simon  is  generally 
pronounced  by  early  writers  the  founder  of  heresy  ; 
perhaps  this  refers  to  his  attempt  to  combine 
Christianity  with  Gnosticism. — 9.  Si'mon  Te'fer. 
(Peter.) — lOi  A  Pharisee,  in  whose  house  a  penitent 
"woman  anointed  the  head  and  feet  of  Jesus  (Lk.  vii. 
40).  (Marmot?!/ under  Gospels;  Mary  Magdalene.) 
— Ill  Si'mon  the  Tan'ner,  A  Christian  convert 
living  at  Joppa,  at  whose  house  Peter  lodged  (Acts 
i.x.  43).  The  house  was  near  the  sea-siJe  (x.  6,  32), 
for  the  convenience  of  the  water.  (Handicraft  ; 
Leather.)— 12.  Father  of  Judas  Iscariot  (Jn.  vi. 
71,  xiii.  2,  26). 

Si  mon  (see  above)  Chos-a-me'ns  (fr.  Gr.,  appar- 
ently formed  by  combhiing  the  last  letter  of  Malluch 
[eh]  with  the  first  part  of  Shemariah).  Shimeon, 
and  the  three  following  names  in  Ezr.  x.  31,  32,  are 
thus  written  in  1  Esd.  ix.  32. 

SIm'rl  (fr.  Heb.,  properly  Shimri),  son  of  Hosah ; 
a  Merarite  Levite  in  David's  reign  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  10). 

Sin  (Heb.,  see  below).  1.  A  city  of  Egypt,  men- 
tioned only  in  Ez.  xxx.  16,  16.  The  name  is  He- 
brew, or,  lit  least,  Shemitic.  Gescnius  supposes  it 
=  da;i,  mire.  It  is  identified  in  the  Vulgate  with 
Pelusium  (Gr.  Petousion  —  the  c!ai/ei/  or  muddy 
town).  ChampoUion  identifies  Pelusium  with  the 
Peremoun,  Peremon,  and  Baremoun  of  the  Copts, 
EI-FarmA  of  the  Arabs,  which  was  in  the  time  of  the 
former  a  boundary-city.  The  site  of  Pelusium  is  as 
yet  undetermined.  It  "has  been  thought  to  be  marked 
by  mounds  near  Burg  et-Teeiieh,  now  called  El- 
Farmd  and  not  et-Tecneh.  This  is  disputed  by  Cap- 
tain Spratt,  who  supposes  that  the  mound  of  Aboo- 
Kheeydr  indicates  where  it  stood.  This  is  further 
inland,  and  apparently  on  the  W.  of  the  old  Pelusiac 


'  It  tins  been  supposed  that  Jnetin  mistook  an  inscrip- 
tion in  lioiior  of  tlie  Sabine  Hercules,  Sancus  Semo.  for  one 
til  lionor  of  Simon ;  but  tliie  Involves  a  iSeries  of  improba- 
bilities, amounthig  almost  to  an  imposelbility  (so  Mr. 
Bevon). 


filK 


1039 


branch  of  the  Nile,  as  was  Pclusium.  It  is  situate 
between  Farmd  anJ  Tel-Defennch.  I'elusiiim  is 
mentioned  by  Ezeliiel,  in  one  of  the  prophecies  re- 
lating to  the  invasion  uf  Egypt  by  Nebuchadnezzar, 
as  one  of  ttie  cities  which  should  then  suffer  calami- 
ties, witli,  probably,  reference  to  the  later  history. 
In  the  most  ancient  times  Tunis  (Zoan),  as  after- 
ward Pelusiiim,  seems  to  have  been  the  key  of  Egypt 
on  the  E.  The  prophet  spealss  of  Sin  as  "  Sin  the 
stronghold  of  Egypt"  (Ez.  xxx.  15).  This  place  it 
held  from  tliat  time  until  the  period  of  the  Romans. 
Herodotus  relates  that  Sennaciierib  advanced  against 
Pelusium,  ond  that  near  Pclusium  Cambyses  defeated 
Psammeuitus.  In  lilce  manner  the  decisive  battle  iu 
which  Ochus  defeated  the  la«t  native  king,  Nectane- 
bos,  Xekhl-Nebf,  was  fought  near  this  city.  Mr.  R. 
S.  Poole,  original  author  of  this  article,  conjectures 
that  this  city  may  liave  been  connected  with  the 
Sinites  (Sinite)  and  the  wilderness  of  Sin,  perhaps 
also  with  SiNiM. — i,  WH'der-ness  of  Sin,  a  tract  of 
the  wHdemess  which  the  Israelites  reached  after 
leaving  the  encampment  by  the  Red  Sea  (Num. 
xixiii.  11,  12).  Their  next  halting-place  (Ex.  xvi. 
1,  xvii.  1)  was  Rephidim;  hence  the  wilderness  of 
Sin  must  lie  between  tliat  wady  and  the  coast  of  the 
Gulf  of  Suez,  and  of  course  W.  of  Sinai.  In  the 
wilderness  of  Sin  the  maxna  was  first  gatliered.  Dr. 
Robinson  (i.  73)  identifies  ihc  wilderness  of  Sin  with 
the  great  plain — called  el-Ku'a  in  its  broadest  part 
— which,  be>;iuning  near  el-Murkhdk  (about  hit.  29  ), 
extends  with  agreatcr  or  lc.»s  breadth  .ilmost  to  Iha 
extremity  of  the  peninsula  of  Sinai.  Jlr.  Rowlands 
(in  Fairbairn)  identifier  the  wilderness  of  Sin  with  the 
district  of  hills  or  group  of  mountains  round  SarbiU 
el-Khadem,  directly  E.  of  the   plain   of  Murkliah. 

W'lLDER.SESS  OF  THE  WaSOKRIXG. 

"Sla,  tt.e  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  H^b.  Ashim 
(Prnv.  xiv.  9 ;  Jer.  li.  5),  usually  translated  "  tres- 
pass-offering"  (Lev.  v.  6,  15,  16,  18,  19,  &c.),  some- 
times "  trespass  "  (v.  7, 15  6,  &c.l,  once  "guiltiness" 
(Gen.  xxvi.  10),  once  "offering  for  sin  "  (Is.  liii.  10). 
The  kindred  verb  dsham  is  usually  translated  "  to  be 
guilty  "(Lev.  iv.  13,  22,  27,  &c.),  sometimes  "to 
trespass"  (v.  19,  &c  ),  &c.  The  kindred  noun  ash- 
ntdh  is  also  rendered  "sin"  (Lev.  iv.  3  ;  2  Chr. 
xxviii.  10;  Ps.  Ixix.  5  [Ileb.  6];  Am.  viii.  14),  often 
"trespa-ss"  (Lev.  vi.  5  margin  [v.  24  Heb.,  text 
"  trespass-offering"],  xxii.  16,  &c.).  (Sixofferiso.) 
— 2.  Heb.  het  or  chel  (xix.  17,  xx.  20;  Num.  xxvii. 
3,  and  oft-n),  once  translated  "fault"  (Gen.  xli.  9', 
once  "  punislimcnt  of  sin  "  (Lam.  iii.  39),  kc.  The 
kindred  hJ'd  or  chdid  is  the  common  verb  rendered 
"  to  sin  "  (Gen.  xxxix.  9  ;  Ex.  ix.  27,  &c.,  &c),  in  the 
participle  "  sinner"  (Prov.  xi.  31,  xiii.  22,  &c.),  rarely 
translated  "to  offend  "  (Gen.  xx.  9,  xl.  1,  &c.),  "  to 
bear  the  blame"  (xlili.  9,  xliv.  32),  &c.  The  kindred 
noun  hail.ith  or  chatidth  is  otten  rendered  "  sin  "  (iv. 
7,  xviii.  2.),  xxxi.  36  ;  Ps.  xxv.  7, 18,  &c.),but  oflener 
"si.x-OFFKRiNo"  in  Lev.,  Num.,  Ez.  xl.-xlvL,  &c. ; 
another,  haid^ih  or  ehaiddh,  is  translated  "  sin " 
(Gen.  XX.  9;  Ex.  xxxii.  21,  30,  81;  2  K.  xvii.  21  ; 
Ps.  xxxii.  1,  cix.  7),  once  "sin-offering"  (xl.  6,  Heb. 
7) ;  another,  haUddh  or  ehatlddh,  is  translated  "  sin  " 
(Ex.  xxxiv.  7;  Is.  v.  18),  once  "sinful"  (Am.  ix.  8), 
once  "sin-offering"  (Ezr.  vi.  17);  hattd  or  chattd  is 
rendered  "sinner"  (Gen.  xiii.  18;  Pa.  i.  1,  6,  &c.), 
once  "offender"  (1  K.  i.  21).— 3.  Heb.  'dv6n  (1  K. 
xvii.  18),  translated  "  iniquity  "  more  than  200  times 
(Gen.  XV.  16,  xix.  16,  &c.,  &c.),  sometimes  translated 
"punishment  of  iniquity"  (Lev.  xxvi.  41,  43;  Ez. 
xiv.  10  a,  &c.),  or  simply  "punishment"  (Gen.  Iv. 
18;  Ez.  xlv.  10  4,  c,  &c.),  "mischief"  (2  K.  vii.  9), 


ftc. — 4.  Heb.  pe.iha'  (Prov,  x.  12,  19,  xxviii.  18), 
translated  "transgression"  (Ex.  xxiii.  21,  xxxiv.  7, 
and  more  than  eighty  other  places),  sometimes 
"  trespass  "  (Gen.  xxxi.  36,  1.  17  twice;  Ex.  xxii.  9 
[Heb.  8] ;  1  Sam.  xxv.  28),  once  "  rebpllion  "  (Job 
xxxiv.  37).  The  kindred  verb  pdt/ia'  is  usually  ren- 
dered "to  transgress"  (1  K.  viii.  50;  Ezr.  x.  13, 
&c.),  also  "  to  rebel  "  (2  K.  iii.  5,  7  ;  Is.  i.  2,  &c.)  or 
"  revolt "  (2  K.  viii.  20,  22  twice  ;  2  Chr.  xxi.  8,  10 
twice),  in  passive  "offended"  (Prov.  xviii.  19;  Of- 
FEXD),  in  participle  "  transgressor  "  (Ps.  xxxvii.  88, 
&c.). — 6.  Gr.  kainartia  almost  uniformly  (Mat.  i.  21, 
iii.  6,  and  about  170  other  places)  once  "sinful" 
(Rom.  viii.  3  a\,  once  "offence"  (2  Cor.  xi.  7).  The 
kindred  hamariema  is  also  translated  "sin  "  (.Mk.  iii. 
28,  iv.  12;  Rom.  iii.  25;  1  Cor.  vi.  18);  the  verb 
hamarlano  is  usually  translated  "  to  sin  "  (Mat.  xviii, 
21,  xxvii.  4,  &c.),  sometimes  "to  trespass"  (xviii. 
15;  LU.  xvii.  3,4),  once  "to  offexd"  (Acts  xxv. 
8) ;  its  compound  proamarlauo  is  translated  "  to  pin 
already  "  (2  Cor.  xii.  21),  or  "sin  heretofore"  (xiii. 
2) ;  hamartolos  is  usually  translated  "  sinner  "  (Mat. 
ix.  10,  11,  13,  and  about  forty  other  places),  some- 
times "sinful"  (Mk.  viii.  38;  Lk.  v.  8,  xxiv.  7; 
Rom.  vii.  1,  31);  the  compound  anamarlttun  (Jn. 
viii.  7  only)  is  triinslalcd  "  that  is  without  sin." — 6. 
Gr.  paraptoma  (Eph.  i.  7,  ii.  5  ;  Col.  ii.  13  a),  oftener 
translated  "  trespass"  (.Mat.  \;.  14,  15  twice,  &c.), 
"  offence  "  (Rom.  v.  15-20),  kc.  The  kindred  verb 
parajiipto  (Ileb.  vi.  6  on'v)  is  translated  "  to  fall 
away." — .\moug  other  Greek  words  of  related  sig- 
nifications used  in  the  N.  T.  are — atiomia,  twelve 
times  translated  "  ini  |uity  "  (Mat.  vii.  23  ;  Rom.  iv. 
7,  &c.),  once  "unrighteousness"  (2  Cor.  vi.  14), 
found  twice  in  1  Jn.  W.  4,  the  first  time  with  its  verb 
(poici  =r  (loot  or  commits)  translated  "  transgrosseth 
the  law  "  (more  literally,  docs  lawlesiiness),  the  second 
time  (following  " is  ")  translated  "transgression  of 
the  law;"  the  kindred  adjective  auoinnn  rendered 
"lawless"  (1  Tim.  i.  9),  "without  law"  (1  Cor.  ix. 
21  four  times),  "unlawful"  (2  Pet.  ii.  8),  "wicked" 
(Act?  ii.  23;  2  Th.  ii.  8),  "transgressors"  (as  a 
j  plural  noun,  Mk.  xv.  28;  Lk.  xxii.  37);  the  kindred 
adverb  annum  (twice  in  Rom.  ii.  12  only),  translated 
"  without  law  ;  "  the  verb  pnrabaitio  translated  "  to 
transgress  "  (Mat.  xv.  2,  3  ;  2  Jn.  9),  also  "  by  trans- 
gression fell"  (.\ct3  i.  25);  its  kindred  noun  jiara- 
oasis,  roniiered  "transgression"  (Rom.  iv.  15,  v.  14; 
Gal.  iii.  19;  1  Tim.  ii.  14;  Heb.  ii.  2,  ix.  15),  once 
"  breaking"  (Rom.  ii.  23) ;  and  the  kindi'cd  paraba- 
tes,  rendered  "transgressor"  (Gal.  ii.  18;  Jas.  ii.  9, 
11),  translated  in  Rom.  ii.  25  "  breaker,"  and  in  ver. 
27  "who  dost  transgress." — The  two  great  subjects 
of  the  Bible  are  the  sin  of  max  and  the  salvation 
provided  by  Gon.  Sin  is  thus  defined:  "  Whoso- 
ever commilteth  sin,  transgresseth  also  the  law  ;  for 
sin  is  the  transgression  of  the  law  "  (1  Jn.  iii.  14). 
And  a;.'ain :  "All  unrighteonsness  is  sin  "(v.  17). 
The  origin  and  universality  of  sin  are  thus  stated  : 
"By  one  man  sin  entered  into  the  world,  and  death 
by  sin;  and  so  death  passed  upon  all  men,  for  that 
(margin  'in  whom')  all  have  sinned  "(Rom.  v.  12). 
The  punishment  of  sin  and  the  salvation  of  the  Gos- 
pel are  contrasted  in  Rom.  vi.  23 :  "  The  wages  of 
sin  is  DEATH ;  but  the  gift  of  God  is  eternal  life, 
through  Jescs  Cubist  our  Lord." — The  various  pos- 
sible theories  as  to  the  origin  of  hum.in  sinfulness 
arc  thus  given  by  Prof  J.  Haven  (in  J9.  S.  xx.  445 
ff.):  I.  "It  is  supposablc  that  this  nature  was  oriffi- 
nalhj  implanted  by  the  Creator."  This  theory  makes 
Him  really  the  author  of  sin. — II.  "  It  is  supposable 
thftt  it  was  acquired  in  tome  previout  tlate  of  being,  aa 


1040 


SIX 


sxs. 


consequence  of  some  sinful  act  on  the  part  of  each 
individual."  This  seems  to  have  been  Oi'igen's  view, 
and  has  been  advocated  by  Di-.  Julius  Miiller  of 
Germany,  and  Edward  Beechcr,  D.  D.,  of  this  coun- 
try.— III.  "  It  is  supposable  that  it  is  rf«Wi'C(//rom 
a  sin/ul  aiifcxtri/,  in  whose  loss  of  innocence  their 
whole  posterity  is  involved."  In  this  view  the  great 
body  of  those  who  adopt  the  Christian  system  agree, 
all  admitting  thti  fact  of  a  connection  between  Adam 
and  his  posterity  in  respect  to  sin,  but  differing  as 
to  the  nature  of  tliis  connection.  Prof,  llaven  thus 
states  the  subordinate  tlieories : — "a.  That  of  the 
geti^ric  unitji  of  the  race,  as  virtually  one  with  Adam, 
existing  in  liim,  sinning  in  liim — his  sin  their  sin." 
This  theory  is  closely  related  to  the  realism  of  Plato 
and  the  Plaionic  Philosophy.  It  was  held  by  Au- 
gustine ami  other  Latin  Fatiiers,  in  a  moditied  form 
by  President  Edwards,  and  has  some  prominent  ad- 
vocates at  tne  present  day.  "  A.  Tiic  theory  of  the 
constructive  unity  of  the  race  with  Adam,  as  its  federal 
head  and  represcntati ,  e,  by  virtue  of  a  special  cove- 
nant made  with  him  to  that  etfcct."  This  is  sup- 
posed 10  be  the  prevalent  view  among  the  "  Old 
School  "  Presbyterians  in  this  country.  "  c.  The  view 
which  represents  that  depravity  as  resulting  simply 
from  the  laws  of  nalural  descent,  t'  e  child  inheriting 
fro:n  the  parent  a  vitiated  and  corrupt  nature,  prone 
to  evil,  in  consequence  of  which  he  comes  to  sin  as 
soon  as  he  comes  to  nio.al  ageiicy.  This  nature,  de- 
rived from  Adam  through  successive  generations,  is 
the  consequence  of  his  o.iginal  apostasy."  This  is 
probably  the  view  most  prevalent  now  among  "  New 
England  theologians,"  who  liUewise  hold  that  this  de- 
pravity of  nature  is  not  in  itself  culpable.  Tho.«e 
who  advocate  the  theories  a  and  b  hold  that  this  de- 
pravity of  nature  (commonly  called  origii,al  sin)  is 
in  itself  culpable  or  blameworthy. — The  theories  in 
respect  to  the  relation  of  sin  to  tlie  wi'l  and  purpose 
of  Gild,  Prof.  Haven  thus  classifies  : — I.  The  theory 
that  God  caniuit  entirely/ prevent  siu  has  two  possible 
forms :  a.  That  lie  cannot  entirely  prevent  it  in 
any  system.  T.iis  .virtually  denies  (5od's  omnipo- 
tence, b.  That  He  cannot  entirely  prevent  it  in  a 
moral  system,  i.  e.  in  a  system  which  embraces  free 
moral  agents.  II.  The  theory  that  for  tome  reason 
God  does  not  choose  to  prevent  the  tin  u  hich  actualli/ 
txists.  This  may  be — j.  Because  the  existence  of 
sia  is  in  itself  desirable,  b.  Because  it  is  the  neces- 
sary means  of  the  greatest  good,  c.  Because  it  cflH  6e 
overruled  to  good.  d.  Because  this  permission  of  sin, 
under  Che  pretcnt  cheeks  and  couileractions.  mil  invoke 
less  evil  th'tn  His  absolute  pravnt'Onof  it ;  in  other 
words,  because  lie  saw  that,  all  things  considered, 
it  was  better  to  permit  sin,  under  its  present  restric- 
tions, than  to  do  more  than  He  is  doing  to  prevent 
it.  This  last  theory  is  the  one  advocated  by  Prof 
Haven  in  the  article  above  mentioned.  It  does  not  fall 
within  the  plan  of  the  present  work  to  discuss  these 
important  subjects  at  length  ;  for  the  details  and 
the  advocacy  of  particular  theories  the  reader  must 
be  referred  to  the  essays,  sermons,  and  systematic 
treatises  of  theologians.  Ato.vement  ;  Damnation  ; 
Paith  ;  Grace  ;  Heavkn  ;  Hell  ;  Impute  ;  Jehovah  ; 
JcnOMENT  ;  Justify  ;  Love  ;  Punishments  ;  Re- 
deemer ;  Righteous  ;  Sanctieication  ;  Saviour,  &c. 
SIn'-offer-Ill!!  (Hcb.  /uttldth  or  chattdth).  The  sin- 
offering  among  the  Jews  was  the  sacrifice,  in  which 
the  ideas  of  propitiation  and  of  atonement  for  sin 
were  most  distinctly  mar'Kcd.  It  is  first  directly  en- 
joined in  Lev.  iv.,  whereas  in  chs.  i.-iii.  the  burnt- 
oiTering,  meat-offering,  and  peace-offering  are  taken 
for  granted,  and  the  object  of  the  Law  is  to  regulate, 


not  to  enjoin,  the  presentation  of  them  to  the  Lord. 
Nor  is  the  word  applied  to  any  sacrifice  in  ante- 
Mosaic  times.  It  is,  therefore,  peculiarly  a  sacrifice 
of  the  Law.  The  idea  of  propitiation  was  no  doubt 
latent  in  earlier  sacrifices,  but  it  was  taught  clearly 
ar.d  distinctly  in  the  Levitical  sin-offering.  The  cere- 
monial is  described  in  Lev.  iv.  and  vi.  The  animal, 
a  young  bullock  for  the  priest  or  congregation,  a 
male  kid  or  lamb  for  a  ruler,  a  female  kid  or  lamb 
for  a  private  person,  in  all  cases  without  blemish, 
was  brought  by  the  sacrificer  to  the  altar  of  sacii- 
fice  ;  his  hand  was  laid  on  its  head  ;  of  the  blood  of 
the  slain  victim,  some  was  then  sprinkled  seven  times 
before  the  veil  of  the  sanctuary,  tome  put  on  the 
horns  of  the  altar  of  incense,  and  the  I■e^t  poured  at 
the  fcot  of  the  altar  of  sacrifice;  the  fat  was  then 
burnt  on  the  altar;  the  remainder  of  the  body,  if 
the  offering  were  of  the  priest,  or  of  the  whcle  con- 
gregation, was  carried  out  of  the  camp  to  a  "  chan 
place,"  and  there  burnt ;  but  if  the  offering  were 
of  an  individual,  the  flesh  might  be  eaten  by  the 
priests  atone  in  the  holy  place  as  "n.ost  holy." 
— The  Trespau-fiff'iritig  {llch.  dshi'im)  is  closely  em- 
neited  with  the  sin-offering  in  Levilicus,  but  char- 
ly  distinguished  from  it,  being  in  sonie  cases  of- 
fered with  it  as  a  distinct  part  of  the  same  sacii- 
fice,  e.  g.  in  the  cleansing  of  the  leper  (Lev.  xiv.). 
The  victim  was  in  each  case  to  be  a  ram  (v.  14-vi. 
7,  vii.  1-1).  At  the  time  of  offering,  in  all  xascs 
of  damage  to  any  holy  thing  or  to  any  man,  restitu- 
tion was  made  with  the  addition  of  one-fifth  to  the 
principal;  the  blood  was  sprinkled  round  about  on 
the  altar,  as  in  the  burnt-offering ;  the  fat  burnt, 
and  flesh  disposed  of  as  in  the  sin-offering.  The 
distinction  of  cereincnial  clearly  incicatcs  a  differ- 
ence in  the  idea  of  the  two  sacrifices.  The  nature 
of  that  difference  is  still  a  subject  of  great  contro- 
versy. So  far  as  the  derivation  of  the  two  Hebrew 
words  goes,  there  a)  pears  to  be  more  of  refeieiico 
to  general  and  actuEl  sin  in  the  former,  to  special 
cases  of  negligence  in  the  latter.  In  one  important 
passage  (v.  1-13)  the  sacrifice  is  called  first  a  "  tres- 
pass-offering" (ver.  6),  and  then  a  "  sin-cffiring  " 
(ver.  7,  9,  11,  I'l);  but  from  the  nature  of  the  vic- 
tims in  ver.  6  and  the  formal  introduetie  n  in  ver. 
14  we  may  conclude  that  "  trespass-tfferii;g  "  is  not 
here  used  in  its  technical  sense,  and  that  the  pas- 
sage is  to  be  referred  to  the  sin-offering  only,  'i'lie 
sin-offf  rings  were — (A.)  R(crular.  (1.)  For  the  irhote 
people,  at  the  New  Moon,  Passover,  Pentecost,  Feast 
of  Trumpets,  and  Feast  of  Tabei  naeles  (Num.  xxv  iii. 
15-xxix.  38) :  besides  the  solemn  offering  of  (he  two 
goats  on  the  Great  Day  of  Atonement  (Lev.  xvi,). 
(2.)  For  the  priests  and Levi'.cs  at  their  consecration 
(Ex.  xxix.  10-14,  36) ;  besides  the  yearly  sin-offer- 
ing (a  bullock)  for  the  high-priest  on  the  Great  Lay 
of  Atonement  (Lev.  xvi.).  (B.)  Sr'ccial.  (1.)  Forani/ 
sin  of  '^ignorance"  (iv.).  (2.)  For  refvsal  to  bear 
witness  (v.  1).  (3.)  Fur  ceremonial  aiflouent  not 
wilfully  contracted  (v.  2,  3,  xii.  6-8,  xiv.  Ivt,  31,  xv. 
1 5,  30  ;  Num.  vi.  6-11,  16).  (4.)  For  the  brtach  of  a 
rash  oath  (Lev.  v.  4). — The  trespass-offerings  were  al- 
ways special,  as — ( I.)  For  saa-ilege  "in  ignorance  "  ( v. 
15,  16).  (2.)  For  ignorant  transgrtssion  (v.  17-19). 
(3.)  For  fraud,  suppression  of  the  truth,  or  perjm-i/ 
(vi.  1-6).  (4.)  For  rape  of  a  letrvthed  slave  (xix. 
20,  21).  (6.)  At  the  purif  cation  of  the  leper  (xiv. 
12),  and  the  polluted Nazarite  (Num.'  vi.  12),  offered 
with  the  sin-offering. — From  this  enumeration  it  will 
be  clear  that  the  two  classes  of  sacrifices,  although 
distinct,  touch  closely  upon  each  other,  as  especially 
the  special  sin-offerings,  and  the  trespass-offerings. 


SIN 


rair 


1041 


It  is  also  eridcnt  that  the  sin-offering  was  the  only 
regular  and  general  recognition  of  sin  in  the  ab- 
stract, and  accordingly  was  far  more  solemn  and 
symbolical  in  its  ceremonial ;  the  trespass-offering 
was  confined  to  special  cases,  most  of  wliich  related 
to  the  doing  of  some  material  damage,  cither  to  the 
holy  things  or  to  man,  except  in  (5.),  where  the 
trespass-offering  is  united  with  the  sin-offering. 
Josephus  declares  that  the  sin-offering  is  presented 
by  those  "  who  fall  into  sin  in  ignorance,"  and  the 
trespass-offering  by  "  one  who  has  sinned  and  is 
conscious  of  his  sin,  but  has  no  one  to  convict  him 
theicol'."  Mr.  Barry,  original  author  of  this  article, 
draws  the  following  conclusions: — ((/.)Tliat  the  sin- 
offering  was  far  the  more  solemn  and  comprehen- 
sive of  the  two  sacrifiees.  (6.)  That  the  sin-offering 
loolced  more  to  the  guilt  of  the  sin  done,  irrespec- 
tive of  its  consequences,  while  the  trespass-offering 
looked  to  the  evil  consequences  of  sin,  citheragainst 
the  service  of  God,  or  against  man,  and  to  the  duty 
of  atonement  as  far  as  atonement  was  possible,  (c.) 
That  in  tlic  sin-offering  especially  we  find  symbol- 
ized the  acknowledgment  of  sinfulness  as  inherent 
in  man,  and  of  the  need  of  expiation  by  sacrifice  to 
renew  the  broken  covenant  between  man  and  God. 
Rev.  I.  Jennings  (in  Kitto)  says  :  "  The  sin-offering 
holds  up  sin  as  ffuilt  needing  expinHoti  ;  the  trespass- 
offering  as  robbirii  demanding  compensation.^' — There 
is  one  other  question  of  some  interest,  as  to  the  nature 
of  the  sins  for  which  either  sacrifice  could  be  offered. 
It  is  seen  at  once  that  in  the  Law  of  Leviticus,  most 
of  them,  which  are  not  purely  ceremonial,  are  called 
sins  of  "  ignorance  "  (see  Heb.  ix.  7) ;  and  in  Xum. 
XV.  30,  it  is  expressly  said  that  while  such  sins  can  be 
atoned  for  by  offerings,  "  the  soul  that  doeth  auglit 
presumptuously  "  (Heb.  tiM  a  high  hand)  "shall 
be  cut  off  from  among  his  people."  .  .  .  .  "  His 
iniquity  shall  be  upon  him  "  (compare  Heb.  x.  26). 
But  there  are  sufficient  indications  that  the  sins 
here  called  "  of  ignorance  "  are  more  strictly  those 
of  >ieffli;/<tH-e  or  fraUty,  repented  of  by  the  unpun- 
ished offender,  as  opposed  to  those  of  deliberate 
and  unrepentant  sin.  Some  of  the  sins  actually  re- 
ferred to  in  Lev.  iv.,  v.,  certainly  are  not  sins  of 
pure  ignorance;  they  are  indeed  few  out  of  the 
whole  range  of  sinfulness,  but  they  are  real  sins. — 
In  considering  this  subject,  it  must  be  remembered 
that  the  sacrifices  of  the  Law  had  a  temporal,  as 
well  as  a  spiritual  significance  and  effect.  They 
restored  an  offender  to  his  place  in  the  common- 
wealth of  Israel ;  they  were  therefore  an  atonement 
to  the  King  of  Israel  for  the  infringement  of  His 
Law.    Ato.nement,  Dav  of  ;  Leprosy,  &c. 

a'B«(Gr.  form  of  Sinai),  Mount  (Jd.  v.  14;  Acts 
TiJ.  30,  38).     Si.SAi. 

Sl'sai   (Heb.   ani/  thing  full  of  rock-fumres    or 
«''!^».  Joffffi'd,  or  perhaps  dedicated  to  the  moon,  Fli. ; 
probably  fr.  Heb.  tenek  =  thnnthiuh,  i.  e.  mountain 
of  the  thorn,  StI. ;    see  Bfsn  1).      Nearly  in  the 
centre  of  the  peninsula  which  stretches  "between 
the  horns  of  the  Red  Sea  lies  a  wedge  of  granite, 
greenstone,  and  poi-phvrv  rocks  rising  to  between  ' 
8,000  and  9,000  feet  above  the  sea.     Its  shape  re-  I 
sembles  a  scalene  triangle,  with  a  crescent  cut  from 
its  northern  or  longer  side,  on  which  border  Rus- 
segger's  map  gives  a  broad  skirting  tract  of  old  red 
sandstone,  reaching  nearly  from  gulf   to  gulf,  and  \ 
traversed  by  a  few  ridges,  chiefly  of  tertiary  forma-  ; 
tion,  running  nearly  X^W.  and  S.  K.     On  the  south-  j 
western  side  of  this  triangle,  a  wide  alluvial  plain —  ' 
narrowing,  however,  toward  the  N. — lines  the  coast 
of  the  Gulf  of  Snez,  whilst  that  on  the  eastern  or 
66  ' 


^Akabah  coast  is  so  narrow  as  almost  to  disappear. 
Between  these  alluvial  edges  and  the  granitic  mass 
a  strip  of  the  same  sandstone  is  interposed,  the 
two  strips  converging  at  Riin  Mohammed,  the  south- 
ern promontory  of  tlie  whole.  This  nucleus  of 
plutonic  rocks  is  said  to  bear  no  trace  of  volcanic 
action  since  the  original  upheaval  of  its  masses.  It 
has  been  .arranged  in  three  chief  masses  as  follows: 
— 1.  The  northwestern  cluster  above  Wady  Feirdn  ; 
its  greatest  reliel'  found  in  the  five-peaked  ridge  of 
SeroAl — the  most  magnificent  mountain  of  the  pen- 
insula— at  a  height  i)f  6,342  feet  above  the  sea.  2. 
The  eastern  and  central  one  ;  its  highest  point  the 
Jebel  Kdlheriii,  at  a  height  of  8,063  (Riippell)  to 
8,168  (Russegger)  feet,  and  including  ibc  Jebe/  Mitsa, 
the  height  of  which  is  variously  set  at  6,796,  7,033, 
and  7,097  feet.  3.  The  southeastern  one,  closely 
connected,  however,  with  2 :  its  highest  point,  Um 
Shaitmer,  being  that  also  of  the  whole.  (See  map, 
under  Wilderness  of  the  WANnERiNo). — A  question 
arises  as  to  tlie  relation  of  the  names  Horeb  and 
Sinai.  The  latter  name  first  occurs  as  that  of  the 
limit  on  the  further  side  from  Egypt  of  the  wilder- 
ness of  Sin  (Ex.  xvi.  1),  and  again  (xix.  1,  2)  as  the 
"  wilderness  "  or  "  desert  of  Sinai,"  before  Mount 
Sinai  is  actually  spoken  of  in  ver.  11.  But  the  name 
"  Horeb  "  is,  on  the  rebuke  of  the  people  by  God 
for  their  sin  in  making  the  golden  calf,  reintroduced 
into  the  Sinailic  narrative  (xxxiii.  6),  having  been 
previously  most  recently  used  in  the  story  of  the 
murmuring  at  Rephidim  (xvii.  6),  and  earlier  to 
denote  the  place  of  the  appearance  of  God  in  the 
"  burning  bush  "  (iii.  1).  "  Horeb  "  propcriy  signi- 
fies ground  letl  dr;/  by  water  draining  off,  and,  strictly 
taken,  may  probably  be  (so  Mr.  Hayman,  original 
author  of  this  article)  a  dry  plain,  valley,  or  bed  of 
a  wady  near  the  mountain ;  yet  Mount  Horeb,  on 
the  "vast  green  plain  "  of  which  was  doubtless  ex- 
cellent pasture,  may  mean  the  mountain  viewed  in 
reference  thereto,  or  its  side  abutting  thereon.  The 
mention  of  Horeb  in  later  books  (e.  g.  1  K.  viii.  9, 
xix.  8)  seems  to  show  tliatit  had  then  become  the 
designation  of  the  mountain  and  region  generally.' — 
But  Sinai  is  clearly  a  summit  distinctly  marked. 
There  are  three  principal  views  in  regard  to  its  po- 
sition : — I.  That  of  Lepsius,  favored  also  by  Burck- 
hardt,  that  SerbdJ  is  Sinai,  some  thirty  miles  distant 
westward  from  the  Jebil  Mum,  but  close  to  the 
H''a(/i/i^<>jV(!n(PARA.N)  and  El-I/fssue,  which  he  iden- 
tifies, as  do  most  authorities,  with  KEPiiiniM,  just  a 
mile  from  the  old  convent  of  Fardn.  The  earliest 
traditions  are  in  its  favor.  But  there  are  two  main 
objections  to  this  :— (1.)  It  is  clear,  from  Ex.  xix.  2 
(compare  xvii.  1 ),  that  the  interval  between  Rephi- 
dim and  Sinai  was  that  of  a  regular  stage  of  the 
march.  A  Sinai  within  a  mile  of  Rephidim  is  un- 
suitable. (2.)  There  is  no  plain  or  wady  of  any 
sufficient  size  near  Serhdl  to  offer  camping-ground 
to  so  large  a  host,  or  perhaps  the  tenth  part  of 
them. — II.  The  second  is  that  of  Ritter,  that,  allow- 
ing Serhdl  the  reverence  of  an  earlv  sanctuary,  the 
Jebel  Mma  is  Sinai,  and  tliat  the  Wad;/  e»  Sebdyeh 

•  "  The  mm-t  obvious  and  common  explanation  Is  to  re- 
gard onc(Slnal)a«  the  cencral  name  fur  thi;  whole  cluster, 
and  the  other  (Horeli)  as  desiuuatlns  a  parliiular  moun- 
tain ;  much  as  the  same  names  are  employed  by  the  Chris- 
ttanB  at  the  proncnt  (lav.  So,  too,  the  Arabs  now  apply 
the  name  Jebel  et-  Ti'ir  to  the  whole  central  ^nmite  resii.n  ; 
while  tlie  different  monnlains  ef  which  it  is  conipoBcd 
are  called  .Mjel  Kutherin.  .hbel  Mima.  &c.  On  looking  at 
the  pubji-ct  durini;  our  BOjoum  at  the  convent.  I  wa«  led 
to  a  Blmllar  conclusion  :  applying  the  names,  however,  dif- 
ferently, and  re^ardini;  lloreb  as  the  general  name,  and 
Slnal  as  the  particular  one  "  (Rbn.  1. 180). 


1042 


sm 


SIN 


{SebdHi/eh,  Rbn.),  which  its  southeastern  or  highest 
summit  overhangs,  is  the  spot  where  the  people 
camped  before  the  mount ;  but  the  second  objection 
to  Serbdl  appUes  (so  Mr.  Ilayman,  with  Robinson, 
Porter  [in  Kitto],  &c.)  almost  in  equal  force  to  this 


— the  want  of  space  below.' — III.  The  third  is  that 
of  Robinson,  that  the  modern  Horeb  of  the  monks 
— viz.  the  northwestern  and  lower  face  of  the  Jebel 
Mwia,  crowned  with  a  range  of  magnificent  cliffs, 
the  highest  point  called  Eos  Sasd/eh,  or  Stifodfeh, 


Th«  Summit  of  Mount  Sloai— (Kitto.) 


as  spelt  by  Robinson — overlooking  the  plain  er- 
Mdhah,  is  the  scene  of  the  giving  of  the  Law,  and 
that  peak  the  mountain  into  which  Moses  ascended. 
Lepsius  objects,  but  without  much  force  (since  he 
himself  climbed  it),  that  the  peak  Sasdfeh  is  nearly 
inaccessible.  It  is  more  to  the  purpose  to  observe 
that  the  whole  Jebel  Musa  is,  comparatively  with 
adjacent  mountains,  insignificant.  The  conjunction 
of  mountain  with  plain  is  the  greatest  feature  of 
this  site ;  in  choosing  it,  we  lose  in  the  mountain, 
as  compared  with  Serbdl,  but  we  gain  in  the  plain, 
of  which  Serbdl  has  nothing.  Yet  the  view  from 
the  plain  appears  by  no  means  wanting  in  features 
of  majesty  and  awe.  In  this  long  retiring  sweep  of 
er-Rdhah  the  people  could  "  remove  and  stand  afar 
off; "  for  it  extends  into  the  lateral  valleys,  and  so 
joins  the  Wady es-Sheikh.' — It  may  be  added  that, 

■•'  But  Rev.  W.  Arthur  (in  Fbn.)  eays.  "  It  takes  forty- 
five  minutes'  walkini?  down-hill  to  pace  the  length  of  Sebu- 
yeh  ( three  miles,  so  Rev.  G.  S.  Drew).  The  Breadth  we 
made  to  be  about  a  mile  and  tbree-quartere."  He  makes 
the  capacity  of  this  valley  greater  than  that  of  er-Sohah. 
From  it  ■'  every  ei;e  would  look  on  one  object,  and  Jebel 
Miim,  covered  with  cloud  and  Are,  would  impress  the 
whole  concourse.  .  .  .  The  eastern  boundary  of  Sebuyeh,  is 
not,  as  with  the  sides  of  er-Ili'ihah,  rock-wall,  but  a  range 
of  hills,  with  practicable  ascent,  anil  several  lateral  valleys, 
np  which  the  people  could  retire  and  '  stand  afar  off.'  and 
yet  see  the  mount."  The  great  Wculy  esh-Slieikh  la  "a 
continuation  of  the  line  of  the  valley." 

'  The  cimvent,  represented  in  the  cut,  and  generally 
called  the  Convent  of  St,  Catharine,  stands  In  the  valley 
of  S/iii'eib,  a  wild  ravine  whicli  runs  up  8.  E.  by  S.  from 
the  plain  er-Rahah.  It  Is  24.5  French  feet  long  by  iitvt 
broa<l.  enclosed  by  high  walls  of  granite  blocks,  and 
Btrengthi'iied  with  small  towers  in  various  parts.  The 
main" body  of  the  building  stands  on  the  slype  of  the 
western  mountjiin,  wblch  is  the  northern  part  of  Jebel 
Mitsa.  It  is  said  to  have  been  established  by  the  Emperor 
Justinian,  a.  d.  527.  The  mountains  on  each  side  tower 
to  the  height  of  1,000  feet  above  the  valley.    The  number 


supposing  Wadi/  Taiyibeh  to  have  been  the  encamp- 
ment "  by  the  sea,"  as  stated  in  Num.  xx.xiii.  10, 
three  routes  opened  there  before  the  Israelites  (Sin 
2) ;  the  most  southerly  one  down  the  plain  el-Kd'a 
to  7Vir ;  the  most  northerly  by  the  Sarb&t  el- 
Khadem  ;  and  the  middle  one  by  Wadi/  Feirdn,  by 
which  they  would  pass  the  foot  of  Serbdl,  which, 
therefore,  in  this  case  alone  could  possibly  be  Sinai. 
The  middle  route  aforesaid  from  Wadi/  Taiyibeh 
reaches  the  Wady  Feirdn  through  what  is  called 
the  Wady  Mokatteb,  or  "  written  valley,"  from  the 
inscriptions  on  the  rocks  which  line  it,  generally 
considered  to  have  been  the  work  of  Christian 
hands. 

*  SIn-eere'  [-seer]  (fr.  L.),  the  A.V.  translation  of 
— 1.  Gr.  adolof,  literally  guileless,  hence  unadulter- 
ated, pure,  used  in  N.  T.  tropically  only  in  the  phra.=e 
"  sincere  milk,"  i.  e.  pure  doctrine  or  spiritual  nour- 
ishment (1  Pet.  ii.  2). — 2.  Gr.  eilikrines,  literally 
judged  of  in  sunlight,  hence  pure,  sincere,  Rbn., 
iV.  T.  Lex.  (Phil.  i.  10),  also  translated  "  pure  "  (2 
Pet.  iii.  1).  The  kindred  noun  eilikrineia  is  uni- 
formly translated  "sincerity"  (1  Cor.  v.  8;  2  Cor.  i. 
12,  ii.'l'?). 

*  Sing'ing.    Hymn  ;  Mosic ;  Poetry,  Hebrew. 
Si'Dim  (Heh.,  see  below),  a  people  noticed  in  Is. 

xlix.  12,  as  living  at  the  extremity  of  the  known 
world,  either  in  the  South  or  East.  Tlie  majority 
of  the  early  interpreters  adopted  the  former  view, 
but  the  LXX.,  in  giving  Fersai  (=  Persians),  favors 
the  latter,  and  the  weight  of  modern  authority  is 
thrown  into  the  same  scale,  the  name  being  identi- 
fied by  Gesenius,  Hitzig,  Knobel,  Fiirst,  J.  A.  Alex- 

of  resident  monks,  onco  more  than  400,  is  now  from  30 
to  30  (Rbn.  i.  92,  93, 124, 130).  In  the  library  of  this  con- 
vent. Tischondorf  found  in  1859  the  celebrated  Codex  Si- 
naiticus.    New  Testament,  I.  §  28. 


i 


SIN 


SLA 


1043 


andcr,  &c.,  nith  the  classical  Since,  the  inhabitants 
of  the  southern  part  of  China.  No  locality  in  the 
South  equally  cuniinends  itself  to  the  judgment  (so 
Mr.  Cevaii) ;  Sis  or  Pelusium  (which  Bochart  sug- 
gests) being  too  near,  and  Svexe  having  a  well-known 
Hebrew  name.  There  is  no  obvious  improbability 
in  the  name  of  the  Sinoe  being  known  to  the  inhab- 
itants of  Western  Asia  in  the  age  of  Isaiah ;  for 
though  it  is  not  mentioned  by  the  Greek  geographer 
until  the  age  of  Ptolemy,  it  is  certain  that  an  inland 
oonimereial  route  connected  the  extreme  E.  with  the 
W.  at  a  very  early  period.  (Silk.)  The  Sinse  attained 
an  independent  position  in  Western  China  as  early 
as  the  eighth  century  d.  c,  and  in  the  third  century 
B.  c.  established  their  sway  under  the  dynasty  of 
Tsin  over  the  whole  of  the  empire.  The  Rabbinical 
name  of  China,  Tmii,  as  well  as  "  China  "  itself,  was 
derive;!  from  this  dvnastv. 

Sl'nlte  (fr.  Heb.,  see  below  and  Sin  I),  the,  t'.ie 
collective  name  of  a  tribe  of  Canaanites  (Gen.  x. 
17 ;  1  Chr.  i.  15),  whose  position  is  to  be  sought  for 
in  the  northern  part  of  the  Lebano.n  district.  Vari- 
ous localities  in  that  district  bear  some  resemblance 
to  the  name,  particularly  Simta.  a  mountain  fortress 
mentione  1  by  Strabo ;  S>num  or  Sitii,  the  ruins  of 
which  existed  in  the  time  of  Jerome ;  S;/n,  a  village 
mentioned  in  the  fifteenth  century  as  near  the  River 
Area  ;  and  Danniyeh,  a  district  near  TripoHx.  The 
Targums  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan  give  (Jrthosia 
(Orthosias),  a  town  on  the  coast  N.  E.  of  Tripolis. 

Si'oa  (Heb.  elevated,  lofii),  Ges. ;  see  No.  2),  Monot. 

I.  One  of  the  various  ancient  names  of  Mount  Her- 
Mox  (Deut.  iv.  48  only). — 2.  The  Greek  form  of 
Ziox  (1   .Me.  iv.  37,  60,  v.  54,  vi.  48,  62,  vii.  33,  x. 

II,  xiv.  27;  Heb.  xii.  22;  Rev.  xiv.  1). 
Siph'motll  (Heb.  hare  places,  Ges.;  fruitful  pla(v, 

Fii.),  one  of  the  places  in  the  S.  of  Judah  which 
David  frequented  during  bis  wandering  life  (1  Sam. 
XXX.  2S) ;  site  unknown. 

Slp'p,ii  (Heb.)  =  Saph,  one  of  the  sons  of  Rapha, 
or  "  the  giant ; "  slain  by  Sibbechai  at  Gezer  (1  Chr. 
X.X.  4).     Giants. 

Sl'nwU  [-rak]  (L.  fr.  Heb.),  the  father  of  the 
"  Jesits  the  Son  of  Sirach  "  who  wrote  the  Hebrew 
original  of  Ecclesiasticcs. 

Si'rall  (Heb.  a  going  off  or  back,  Ges.),  the  Well 
of;  the  spot  from  which  Abner  was  recalled  by 
JoAB  to  his  death  at  Hebron  (2  Sam.  ill.  26  only). 
A  spring  and  reservoir  on  the  western  side  of  the 
ancient  northern  road,  about  one  mile  out  of  He- 
bron, called  ^Ain  Sara,  may  be  a  relic  of  the  well 
of  Sirah. 

Slr'l-on  (fr.  Heb.  =  brecuitplate,  Ges.),  one  of  the 
various  names  of  Mount  Hermon,  that  by  which  it 
was  known  to  the  Zidonians  (Deut.  iii.  9  ;  Ps.  xxix. 

6)- 

Sis't>Hai,  or  Sl-sam's-l  (Heb.  a  dialinguiislied  one, 
so.  is  Jail,  Fii.),  a  descendant  of  Sheshan  in  the  line 
of  Jerahmecl  (1  Chr.  ii.  40). 

Sls'e-ra  (Heb.  ballle-arrai/,  Ges.),  captain  of  the 
army  of  Jabin  2,  king  of  Canaan,  who  reigned  in 
Hazor  1.  He  himself  resided  in  Harosiieth  of  the 
Gentiles.  He  was  defeated  by  Deborah  2  and  Ba- 
BAK  at  the  waters  of  Meoiddo  or  the  River  KisnoN, 
and  killed  by  Jael  the  wife  of  Heber  6  the  Kenite 
in  her  text  (Judg.  iv.,  v. ;  1  Sam.  xii.  9 ;  Ps.  Ixxxiii. 
9;  Chariot;  Maxtle;  Nail,  II.  1).'  The  great 
Rabbi  Akiba  (f  a.  d.  135),  whose  father  was  a  Syrian 
proselyte  of  justice,  is  said  to  have  been  descended 
from  Sisera. — i.  Ancestor  of  certain  Netiiisim  who 
returned  from  the  Captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
ii.  53 ;  Neh.  vii.  55).    The  name  doubtless  tells  of 


Canaanite  captives  devoted  to  the  lowest  offices  of 
the  Temple. 
Sl-sln'nes  [-neez]  (Gr.)  =  Tatnai  (1  Esd.  vi.  8). 

*  Sister  (Heb.  dholh  or  dchdth  ;  Gr.  adelphe)  is 
used  to  denote  not  only  one  who  is  a  daughter  of 
the  same  parents  (Gen.  iv.  22  ;  Lk.  x.  39,  40,  &c.) 
or  of  the  same  parent  (Lev.  xvhi.  9,  11,  &c.)  with 
another,  but  more  loosely  a  kinswoman  or  female 
relative  (Gen.  xxiv.  59,  60,  &c.),  one  who  is  inti- 
mately connected  or  endeared  (Prov.  vii.  4 ;  Mat. 
xii.  50,  &e. ),  one  of  the  same  faith  (Rom.  xvi.  1, 
&c.).     Compare  Brother. 

SIt'n.lh  (Heb.  "  hatred,"  A.  V.  margin ;  accitsation, 
Ges.),  the  second  of  the  two  wells  dug  by  Isaac  in 
the  valley  of  Gerar,  the  possession  of  which  the 
herdmen  of  the  valley  disputed  with  \\\:,\  (Gen.  xxvi. 
*21).  Rowlands  (in  Fairbairn)  suppose-  it  may  have 
been  at  es-Siimah,  a  spot  about  twtlv3  or  fliteen 
miles  S.  E.  from  Kliirbel  el-Jerdr  (Gera;;  ?). 

Sl'vaili     Month. 

*  Skin.     Badger-skins  ;  Leather,  &c. 

*  SknlL     Calvary  ;  Golgotha  ;  Mill,  &c. 

*  Sky.     Air;  Firmament;  Heaven,  &c. 

Slave  (fr.  L.).  The  word  "  slave  "  is  found  only 
twice  in  the  A.  V.,  once  (Jer.  ii.  14)  in  the  phrase 
"  home-born  slave,"  the  word  being  supplied  by  the 
translators  in  parallelism  to  "  servant  "  (Heb.  'cbid) 
in  the  preceding  clause  ;  and  in  Rev.  xviii.  13, 
where  it  is  the  representative  of  the  Gr.  pi.  somata 
(literally,  as  in  margin,  "bodies  "),  mentioned  among 
the  articles  of  merchandise  of  the  mystical  Baby- 
lon. Indeed  the  term  "  slave,"  however  appropriate 
to  one  held  in  servilude  under  the  Greek  and  Roman 
law,  is  too  strong  to  be  applied  lo  the  "  servaxt  " 
or  "  bondman "  of  the  Hebrews.  "  The  Mosaic 
Law,"  says  Saalschiitz  (translated  by  Prof.  E.  P.  Bai^ 
rows,  in  B.  S.  xix.  33),  "  knows  nothing  of  slavery 
in  the  sense  of  eoasidering  freeman  and  slave  as  be- 
ings holding  an  opposite  relation  to  each  other  in 
respect  to  their  dignity  as  men,  or  on  a  scale  of  civil 
and  social  rights.  The  Hebrew  language  has  no 
word  for  stigmatizing  by  a  degrading  appellation 
one  part  of  those  who  owe  service,  and  distinguish- 
ing them  from  the  rest  as  '  slaves,'  but  only  one 
term  for  all  who  are  under  obligation  to  render  ser- 
vice to  others.  For  males  this  is  ''ebed  (Servant  4) 
=  servant  or  man-servant,  properly  laborer  ;  for  fe- 
males shiphhdii  or  skiphehdh  and  dmdh  zz  maid- 
servant, maid."  These  two  terms  for  maidservant 
or  maid  are  both  applied  to  Hagar  (Gen.  xvi.  1 
ff.,  xxi.  10,  12,  13,  &e.),  Biliiah  and  Zilpah  (.xxix. 
24,  29,  XXX.  3,  xxxi.  33,  &c.),  &c.,  and  each  is  trans- 
lated in  the  A.  V.  "maid-servant,"  "bondwoman," 
"  maid,"  "  handmaid,"  and  "  bondmaid,"  the  former 
being  also  translated  "  wonian-servaut,"  "  maiden," 
"  servant,"  and  "  wench."  "  Among  a  people  who . 
occupied  themselves  with  agriculture,"  continues 
Saalschiitz,  "  whose  lawgiver,  Moses,  and  whose 
kings,  Saul  and  David,  went  immediately  from  the 
herd  and  from  the  plough  to  their  high  vocation, 
there  could  be  nothing  degrading  in  an  appellation 
taken  from  '  labor.'  '  .Servant  of  God  '  is  also  ap- 
plied to  Moses  and  the  pious  as  a  title  of  honor. 
The  laws,  moreover,  respecting  servants  protect  in 
every  regard  their  dignity  as  men  and  their  feelings. 
They  by  no  means  surrender  these  to  the  arbitrary 
will  of  the  masters,  as  in  other  ancient  and  modem 
states  in  which  slavery  and  thraldom  have  pre- 
vailed." "  There  was  an  enactment,"  says  W.  Lind- 
say, D.  D.  (in  Fairbairn),  "  which  shows  that  the 
spirit  of  the  whole  system  was  of  a  benignant  char- 
acter, and  which  must  of  itself  have  tended  to  pro- 


1044 


Bca. 


SLA 


vent  harshness  even  in  the  case  of  a  cruel  toaster. 
.  .  .  When  a  servant  escaped  from  his  master,  the 
law  presamed  that  he  had  good  reason  for  fleeing, 
and  therefore  forbade  any  one  on  whose  protection 
he  might  throw  himself  to  deliver  him  up  to  his 
master.  He  was  to  remain  with  the  person  in  whose 
house  he  had  taken  refuge  (Deut.  xxiii.  15,  16)." — 
The  following  parts  I.  apd  II.  are  abridged  from  the 
original  article  by  Mr.  Bevan. — I.  Hebrew  slaves. 
I.  Tlic  circumstances  under  which  a  Hebrew  might 
be  reduced  to  servitude  were — (1.)  poverty;  ('2.)  the 
commission  of  theft;  and  (3.)  the  exercise  of  pater- 
nal authority.  In  the  first  case,  a  man  who  bad 
mortgaged  his  property,  and  was  unable  to  support 
his  family,  might  sell  himself  to  anothtr  Hebrew, 
with  a  view  both  to  obtain  maintenance,  and  per- 
chance a  surplus  sufficient  to  redeem  his  property 
(Lev.  XXV.  25,  39).  It  has  been  debated  whether 
under  this  law  a  creditor  could  seize  his  debtor  and 
sell  him  as  a  slave :  the  words  do  not  warrant  such 
an  inference.  (2.)  The  commission  of  theft  ren- 
dered a  person  liable  to  servitude,  whenever  resti- 
tution could  not  be  made  on  the  scale  prescribed  by 
the  Law  (Ex.  xxii.  1,  3).  The  thief  was  bound  to 
work  out  the  value  of  his  restitution  money  in  the 
service  of  him  on  whom  the  theft  had  been  com- 
mitted. (PiiNiSHME.NTS.)  (3.)  The  excrcise  of  pater- 
nal authority  was  limited  to  the  sale  of  a  daughter 
of  tender  age  to  be  a  maid-servant,  with  the  ultirior 
view  of  her  becoming  the' concubine  of  the  pur- 
chaser (xxi.  7;  Mauriage).  8.  The  servitude  of  a 
Hebrew  might  be  terminated  in  three  ways:— (1.) 
by  the  satisfaction  or  the  remission  of  all  claims 
against  him  ;  (2.)  by  the  recurrence  of  the  year  of 
JcBiLEE  (Lev.  XXV.  40) ;  and  (3.)  the  expiration  of 
six  years  from  the  time  that  his  servitude  com- 
menced (Ex.  xxi.  2  ;  Deut.  xv.  12  ;  Sabbatical 
Year).  (4.)  The  Rabbinists  added,  by  the  death 
of  the  master  without  leaving  a  son,  there  being  no 
power  of  claiming  the  slave  on  the  part  of  any  heir 
except  a  son. — If  a  servant  did  not  desire  to  avail 
himself  of  the  opportunity  of  leaving  his  service, 
he  was  to  signify  his  intention  in  a  formal  maimer 
before  the  judges  (or  more  exactly,  al  the  place  of 
jxtdgment),  and  then  the  master  was  to  take  him 
to  the  door-post,  and  to  bore  his  ear  through  with 
an  awl  (Ex.  xxi.  6),  driving  the  awl  into  or  "  unto 
the  door  "  (Deut.  xv.  17),  and  thus  fixing  the  ser- 
vant to  it.  A  servant  who  had  submitted  to  this 
operation  remained,  according  to  the  words  of  the 
Law,  a  servant  "  for  ever  "  (Ex.  xxi.  6).  These  words 
are,  however,  interpreted  by  Josephus  and  by  the 
Kalibinists  as  meaning  until  tlie  year  of  Jubilee.  3> 
The  condition  of  a  Hebrew  servant  was  by  no  means 
intolerable.  His  master  was  admonished  to  treat 
him,  not  "  as  a  bondservant,  but  as  an  hired  ser- 
vant and  as  a  sojourner,"  and  "not  to  rule  over 
him  with  rigor"  (Lev.  xxv.  39,  40,  43).  At  the 
termination  of  his  servitude  the  master  was  en- 
joined not  to  "  let  him  go  away  empty,"  but  to  re- 
munerate hira  liberally  out  of  his  flock,  his  floor, 
and  his  winepress  (Deut.  xv.  13,  14). — In  the  event 
of  a  Hebrew  becoming  the  servant  of  a  "  stkan- 
OEU,"  meaning  a  non-Hebrew,  the  servitude  could 
be  terminated  only  in  two  ways,  viz.  by  the  arrival 
of  the  year  of  Ju>)llee,  or  by  the  repayment  to  the 
master  of  the  purchase-money  paid  for  the  servant, 
after  deducting  a  sum  for  the  value  of  his  services 
proportioned  to  the  length  of  his  servitude  (Lev. 
xxv.  47-55). — A  Hebrew  woman  might  enter  into 
voluntary  servitude  on  the  score  of  poverty,  and  in 
this  case  she  was  entitled  to  her  freedom  after  six 


years'  service,  together  with  her  usual  gratuity  at 
leaving,  just  as  in  the  case  of  a  man  (Deut.  xv.  12, 
13). — Thus  far  we  have  seen  little  that  is  objection- 
able in  the  condition  of  Hebrew  servants.  In  re- 
spect to  MARRIAGE  there  were  some  peculiarities 
which,  to  our  ideas,  would  be  regarded  as  hardships. 
A  master  might,  e.  g.,  give  a  wife  to  a  Hebrew  ser- 
vant for  the  time  of  his  servitude,  the  wife  being  in 
this  ease  not  only  a  slave  but  a  non-Hebrew.  Should 
he  leave  when  his  term  has  expired,  his  wife  and 
children  would  remain  the  absolute  property  of  the 
master  (Ex.  xxi.  4,  5).  Again,  a  father  might  sell 
his  young  daughter  to  a  Hebrew,  with  a  view  of  his 
either  marrying  her  himself,  or  giving  her  to  his 
son  (7-9).  It  diminishes  the  apparent  harshness  of 
this  proceeding  if  we  look  on  the  purchase-money 
as  in  the  light  of  a  dowry  given,  as  was  not  unusual, 
to  the  parents  of  the  bride ;  still  more,  if  we  accept 
the  Rabbinical  view  that  the  consent  of  the  maid 
was  required  before  the  marriage  could  take  place. 
The  position  of  a  maiden  thus  sold  by  her  father 
was  subject  to  the  following  regulations  : — (1.)  She 
could  not  "  go  out  as  the  men-servants  do,"  i.  e. 
she  could  not  leave  at  the  termination  of  six  years, 
or  in  the  year  of  Jubilee,  if  her  master  was  willing 
to  fulfil  the  object  for  which  he  had  purchased  her. 
(2.)  Should  he  not  wish  to  marry  her,  he  should 
call  upon  her  friends  to  procure  her  release  by  flie 
repayment  of  the  purchase-money.  (3.)  If  he  be- 
trothed her  to  his  son,  he  was  bound  to  make  such 
provision  for  her  as  he  would  for  one  of  his  own 
daughters.  (4.)  If  cither  he  or  his  son,  having  mar- 
ried her,  took  a  second  wife,  it  should  not  be  to  the 
prejudice  of  the  first.  (5.)  If  neither  of  the  three 
first  specified  alternatives  took  place,  the  maid  was 
entitled  to  immediate  and  gratuitous  liberty  (xxi.  7 
-11). — The  custom  of  reducing  Hebrews  to  servi- 
tude appears  to  have  fallen  into  disuse  subsequently 
to  the  Babylonish  Captivity  (Neh.  v.  5).  Vast  num- 
bers of  Hebrews  were  reduced  to  slavery  as  war- 
captives  at  different  periods  by  the  Phenicians  (Joel 
iii.  6),  the  Philistines  (ib. ;  Am.  i.  6),  the  Syrians 
(1  Mc.  iii.  41;  2  Me.  viii.  11),  the  Egyptians  (Jos. 
xii.  2,  §  3),  and,  above  all,  by  the  Romans  (Jos.  B. 
J.  vi.  9,  §  3). — II.  NoH-Hebrew  Slaves.  1.  The  ma- 
jority of  Non-Hebrew  slaves  were  war-captives, 
either  of  the  Canaanites  who  had  survived  the  gen- 
eral extermination  of  their  race  under  Joshua,  or 
such  as  were  conquered  from  the  other  surrounding 
nations  (Num.  xxxi.  26  ff.).  Besides  these,  many 
were  obtained  by  purchase  from  foreign  sla\e-deal- 
ers  (Lev.  xxv.  44,  45) ;  and  others  may  have  been 
resident  Ibrcigners  who  were  reduced  to  this  state 
either  by  poverty  or  crime.  The  children  of  slaves 
remained  slaves,  being  the  class  described  as  "  born 
in  the  house"  (Gen.  xiv.  14,  xvii.  12;  Eccl.  ii.  7), 
and  hence  the  number  was  likely  to  increase  as 
time  went  on.  The  average  value  of  a  slave  appears 
to  have  been  thirty  shekels  (Ex.  xxi.  32).  2.  That 
the  slave  might  be  manumitted,  appears  from  Ex. 
xxi.  26,  27,  and  Lev.  xix.  20.  As  to  the  methods 
by  which  this  might  be  effected,  we  are  told  nothing 
in  the  Bible ;  but  the  Rabbinists  specify  the  follow- 
ing four  methods  : — (1.)  redemption  by  a  money 
payment,  (2.)  a  bill  or  ticket  of  freedom,  (3.)  tes- 
tamentary disposition,  or,  (4.)  any  act  that  implied 
mannmission,  such  as  making  a  slave  one's  heir. 
3.  The  slave  is  described  as  the  "  possession  "  of 
his  master,  apparently  with  a  special  reference  to 
the  power  which  the  latter  had  of  disposing  of  him 
to  his  heirs  as  he  would  any  other  article  of  per- 
sonal property  (Lev.  xxv.  45,  46) ;  also  as  his  mas- 


SLA 


ST,I 


1045 


ter'j  "  money  "  (Ex.  xxi.  21),  i.  e.  as  representing  a 
certain  money  value.  But  provision  was  made  lor 
the  protection  of  his  pereon  (Lev.  .\.\iv.  17,  22  ;  Ex. 
xxi.  20).  A  minor  personal  injury,  such  as  the  loss 
of  an  eye  or  a  tooth,  was  to  be  recompensed  by  giv- 
ing the  servant  his  liberty  (ver.  26,  27).  Tlie  posi- 
tion of  the  slave  in  regard  to  religious  privileges 
was  favorable.  He  was  to  be  circumcised  (Gen. 
ivii.  12),  and  hence  was  entitled  to  partake  of  the 
Paschal  sacrifice  (Ex.  xii.  44),  as  well  as  of  the 
ofier  religious  festivals  (Daut  xii.  12,  18,  xvi.  1 1, 14). 
The  occupations  of  slaves  were  of  a  menial  charac- 
ter, as  implied  in  Lev.  xxv.  39,  consisting  partly  in 
the  work  of  the  house,  and  partly  in  personal  at- 
tendance on  the  master.  (Canaan  ;  Eliezer  1 ;  Law 
OP  Moses  ;  Menstealers  ;  Mill;  kETHiMM  ;  Noah; 
Ncrse;  Wages.) — III.  Egyptian  bondage.  The 
Israelites  were  grievously  oppressed  by  Pharaoh  3, 
4,  and  the  Egyptians,  but  were  delivered  from  "  the 
home  of  bondage  "  by  the  direct  interposition  of 
Jehovah.  The  Egyptians  had  domestic  servants 
who  may  have  bean  slaves  (Ex.  i.x.  14,  20,  21,  xi.  5). 
(Joseph  1.)  But  the  Israelites  were  not  dispersed 
amon;;  the  families  of  Egypt :  they  formed  a  special 
community  in  the  land  of  Goshen  (Gen.  xlvi.  84 ; 
Ex.  viii.  22,  &c.);  had  "flocks  and  herds  and  very 
much  cattle  "  (xii.  32,  38) ;  preserved  their  divisions 
of  tribes,  and  families,  and  their  internal  organiza- 
tion (v.  19,  vi.  14  ff.,  xii.  19,  21,  &c.);  had  to  a  con- 
siderable degree  the  disposal  of  their  time  (ii.  7-9, 
iv.  27-31,  xii.  6,  &c.);  were  all  armed  (xxxii.  27), 
&c.  The  9er\-iue  required  seems  to  have  been  ex- 
acted from  males  only,  and  probably  from  only  a 
portion  of  the  people  at  once.  As  tributaries  they 
probably  supplied  levies  of  men,  from  wliich  the 
wealthv  seem  to  have  been  exempted  (iii.  16,  iv. 
29,  v.  20).  The  poor  were  the  oppressed  ;  and  all 
the  service  wherewith  they  made  them  serve  "  was 
with  rigor"  (i.  11-14,  compare  v.  6  ff.). — IV.  Ore- 
dan  slavery  in  the  Homeric  or  ante-historic  age  ap- 
pears to  h'lve  been  comparatively  mild,  though  the 
condition  of  women  was  worse  than  that  of  men. 
Every  Greek  state,  with  a  few  exceptions,  had  sla- 
very among  ita  institutions  ;  but  the  condition  and 
treatment  of  slaves  varied  greatly  in  different  Greek 
communities.  Athenian  legislat:on  protected  the 
personal  rights  of  the  slave,  gave  him,  if  ill-treated, 
the  privilege  of  an  asylum  in  certain  temples,  and 
promoted  his  efforts  to  obtain  freedom.  The  helots 
or  slaves  of  Sparta,  on  the  other  hand,  furnish  the 
type  of  all  that  is  calamitous  among  the  oppressed. 
They  were  slaves  of  the  state,  apportioned  by  the 
state  to  individuals,  but  not  in  full  possession,  and 
could  not  be  sold  out  of  Laconia,  nor  liberated  ex- 
cept by  the  state.  They  more  than  once  rose  in 
revolt  against  their  masters,  at  important  crises  in 
the  history  of  Sparta,  and  with  much  effect  thereon. 
The  number  of  slaves  in  Greece  is  estimated  to 
have  been  three  or  four  times  that  of  the  free  pop- 
ulation.— \'.  Roman  slavery  was  perpetual  and  he- 
reditary. The  master  possessed  the  uncontrolled 
power  of  life  and  deatli  over  his  slave — a  power 
which  continued  at  least  till  Hadrian's  time  (a.  d. 
117).  He  might,  and  frequently  did,  kill,  mutilate, 
and  torture  his  slaves,  for  any  or  for  no  offence,  so 
that  slaves  were  sometimes  crucified  from  mere 
caprice.  He  might  force  them  to  become  prosti- 
tutes or  gladiators;  and  instead  of  the  perpetual 
obligation  of  the  marriage-tie,  their  temporary  unions 
were  formed  and  dissolved  at  his  command,  families 
and  friends  were  separated,  and  no  obligation  ex- 
isted to  provide  for  their  wants  in  sickness  or  in 


health.  Yet  both  law  and  custom  were  decidedly 
favorable  to  giving  freedom  to  the  slave.  (Roman 
Empire;  Rome.) — VI.  Christianity  in  relation  to 
rlavcry.  The  laws  which  the  Lord  Jesi's  Christ 
gave  for  the  government  of  His  kinodom  were  those 
of  universal  justice  and  benevolence,  and  as  such 
were  subversive  of  every  system  of  oppression  and 
tyranny.  The  reciprocal  duties  of  masters  and  ser- 
vants were,  indeed,  inculcated,  and  servants  "  under 
the  yoke,"  or  slaves  of  heathens  are  exhorted  to 
obey  their  masters  (Eph.  vi.  5-9;  Col.  iii.  22,  iv.  1; 
1  Tim.  vi.  1 ;  Tit.  ii.  9;  1  Pet.  ii.  18).  But  this  ar- 
gues  no  approval  of  the  relation;  ibr — (1.)  Jesus, 
in  an  analogous  case  (Divorce),  appeals  to  the 
paramount  law  of  nature  as  superseding  such  tem- 
porary regulations  as  the  hardness  of  men's  hearts 
had  rendered  necessary;  (2.)  St.  Paul,  while  coun- 
selling the  duties  of  contentment  and  submission 
under  the  inevitable  bondage,  inculcates  on  the 
slave  the  duty  of  adopting  all  legitimate  means  of 
obtaining  his  freedom  (I  Cor.  vii.  20,  21).  Onesimus, 
according  to  the  concurrent  testimony  of  antiquity, 
was  liberated  by  Philemon.  Although  the  condition 
of  the  Roman  slaves  was  no  doubt  improved  under 
the  emperors,  the  early  effects  of  Christian  prin- 
ciples were  manifest  in  mitigating  the  horrors  and 
bringing  about  the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery.  Of 
the  preceding  parts.  III.,  V.,  VI.  are  abridged  from 
the  article  in  Kitto,  by  Wm.  Wright,  LL.  D. ;  IV.  is 
abridged  from  the  article  on  slavery  in  the  Xem 
American  Cyelopcedia. 

•Sleepi  The  noun  and  the  verb  are  not  only  used 
literally  to  denote  the  slumber  or  repose  of  the 
body  (Gen.  xxviii.  11;  Ps.  iv.  8 ;  Mat.  i.  24,  &c.) ; 
but  tropically  to  denote  death  (Jer.  Ii.  39 ;  Dan.  xii. 
2;  Jn.  xi.  11;  1  Cor.  xi.  30,  xv.  51,  &c.),  or  spirit- 
ual torpor,  inactivity,  &c.  (Rom.  xiii.  1 1 ;  Eph.  v. 
14,  &c.). 

Slime,  the  A.  V.  rendering  of  the  Heb.  hJmdr  or 
ehemdr,  the  hmnmar  of  the  Arabs,  translated  as- 
phaltos  by  the  LXX.,  and  bitumen  in  the  Vulgate. 
"  Thfl  varieties  of  bitumen  commonly  described  are — 
the  liquid  oil,  naphtha,  or  in  its  more  impure  form, 
pe'rolevm  ;  the  viscid,  pitchy  bitumen,  which  passes 
into  the  black  resinous  asphaltum  ;  and  the  elastic 
bitumen,  or  elaterite  of  the  mineralogists,  also  called 
mineral  caoutchouc."  "  The  liquid  varieties  become 
inspissated  by  exposure,  and  eventually  harden  into 
the  solid  form,  which  is  asphaltum.  The  bitumens 
burn  with  a  flame  and  thick  black  smoke,  giving  out 
the  peculiar  odor  called  bituminous.  Some  of  the 
impure  fluid  bitumens,  and  the  solid  variety  when 
melted,  closely  resemble  coal-tar  "  (New  Ameriian 
Cyclopedia,  article  Bitumen).  It  is  first  spoken  of 
as  used  for  cement  (Mortar  2)  by  the  builders  in 
the  plain  of  Shinar,  or  Babylonia  (Gen.  xi.  8).  Tho 
bitumen-pits  in  the  vale  of  Siddim  are  mentioned  in 
Gen.  xiv.  10;  and  the  ark  of  papyrus  in  which 
Moses  was  placed  was  made  impervious  to  water 
by  a  coating  of  bitumen  and  pitch  (Ex.  ii.  3).  He- 
rodotus tells  us  of  the  bitumen  found  at  Is,  a  town 
of  Babylonia,  eight  days'  journey  from  Babylon. 
The  captive  Eretrians  were  sent  by  Darius  to  collect 
asphaltum,  salt,  and  oil  at  Ardericca,  a  place  210 
stadia  from  Susa,  in  the  district  of  Cissia.  Tho 
town  of  Is  (the  modem  Hit  or  Heel  .=  Ivah?)  was 
situated  on  a  stream  of  the  same  name,  which  flowed 

I  into  the  Euphrates,  and  carried  down  with  it  tho 

'  lumps  of  bitumen,  which   was  used  in  tho  build- 
ing of  Babylon.     Ammianus  Marcellinus  tells  us 

j  that  Babylon  was  built  with  bitumen  by  Semiramis. 

i  The  principal  bitumen-pit  at  Heet,  says  Mr.  Rich, 


1016 


SLl 


SMY 


has  two  sources,  and  is  divided  by  a  wall  in  the 
centre,  on  one  side  of  which  bitumen  bubbles  up, 
and  on  the  other  the  oil  of  naphtha.  Sir  E.  K. 
Porter  observed  that  "  bitumen  was  chiefly  confined 
by  the  Clialdcan  builders  to  the  foundations  and 
lower  parts  of  the  edifices,  for  tlie  purpose  of  pre- 
venting the  ill  effects  of  water."  The  use  of  bitu- 
men appears  to  have  been  confined  to  the  Babyloni- 
ans, for  at  Nineveh,  Mr.  Layard  observes,  "  bitumen 
and  reeds  were  not  employed  to  cement  the  layers 
of  bricks,  as  at  Babylon  ;  although  both  materials 
are  to  be  found  in  abundance  in  the  immediate  vi- 
cinity of  the  city."  The  bitumen  of  the  Dead  Sea 
is  descrH)ed  by  Strabo.  Josephus,  and  Pliny.  Strabo 
gives  an  account  of  the  volcanic  action  by  which 
the  bottom  of  the  sea  was  disturbed,  and  the  bitu- 
men thrown  to  the  surface.  It  was  at  first  lio.ue- 
fied  by  the  heat,  and  then  changed  into  a  thick,  vis- 
cous substance  by  the  cold  water  of  the  sea,  on  the 
surfiice  of  which  it  floated  in  lumps.  The  Arabs 
of  the  neighborhood  have  perpetuated  the  story  of 
its  formation  as  given  by  Strabo.  Dr.  Thomson  tells 
us  that  they  still  call  the  bitumen-pits  by  the  name 
bidret  hiimmar,  which  strikingly  resembles  the  Heb. 
bclrdlh  kimdr  or  chemdr  (A.  V.  "  slime-pits  ")  of 
Gen.  .\iv.  10.  The  mineral,  found  now  in  the  "  bitu- 
men wells,"  about  three  miles  W.  of  Hdsbeiya,  in 
a  stratum  varying  in  thickness  from  less  than  five 
to  fifteen  feet,  "melts  readily  enough  by  itself;  but 
then,  when  cold,  it  is  as  brittle  as  glass.  It  must 
be  mixed  with  tar  while  melting,  and  in  that  way  it 
forms  a  hard,  glossy  wax,  pcrfectlv  impervious  to 
water  "  (Thn.  i.  336)!  (Pitch.)  Strabo  says  that 
in  Babylonia  boats  were  made  of  wicker-work,  and 
then  covered  with  bitumen  to  keep  out  the  water. 
Euphrates;  Noah. 

Sliiig.    Arms,  I.  4. 

Smithi  For  an  account  of  the  smith's  work  and 
tools,  see  Handicraft.  A  description  of  a  smith's 
workshop  is  given  in  Ecclus.  xxxviii.  28.  Copper  ; 
Gor,n ;  Iron  ;  Metals  ;  Mines  ;  Silver  ;  Tool,  &c. 

Smyr'na  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  myrrh  ;  said  to  have  been 
named  from  the  wife  of  its'  founder),  an  important 


commercial  city,  situated  on  a  gulf  of  the  .lEgean 
Sea.  The  Smyrna  mentioned  in  Rev.  i.  11  and  ii. 
8-11,  as  the  seat  of  one  of  the  seven  churches  in 
Asia,  was  founded,  or  at  least  the  design  of  founding 
it  was  entertained,  by  Alexander  the  Great  soon 
after  the  battle  of  the  Granicus.  It  was  situated 
twenty  stades  (2^  miles)  from  the  ancient  Greek 
city  of  the  same  name,  which,  after  a  long  series  of 
wars,  had  been  taken  and  sacked  by  the  Lydians 
under  King  Alyattes,  the  rich  lands  in  the  neighbor- 
hood being  for  centuries  afterward  cultivated  Ijy  the 
inhabitants,  scattered  in  villages  about  the  country. 
The  date  of  this  destruction  of  old  Smvrna  is  given 
by  Prof.  G.  M.  Lane  (in  B.  S.  xv.  228)  "as  p.-obably 
between  b.  c.  880  and  560,  by  Mr.  L.  Schinitz  (in 
Smith's  Dirtiotiari/  of  Geogrnphy)  as  b.  c.  627.  The 
descendants  of  this  population  were  reunited  in  the 
new  Smyrna  which  was  fmilt  under  Antigonus  and 
Lvfimachus,  after  Alexander's  death,  and  soon  be- 
came a  wealthy  and  important  city.  In  the  time 
of  Strabo,  the  ruins  of  the  Old  Smyrna  still  existed, 
and  were  partially  inhabited,  but  the  new  city  was 
one  of  the  most  beautiful  in  all  Asia.  The  streets 
were  laid  out  as  near  as  might  be  at  right  angles; 
but  an  unfortunate  oversight  of  the  arcliitect,  who 
forgot  to  make  underground  drains  to  carry  off  the 
storm  rains,  occasioned  the  flooding  of  the  town 
with  the  filth  and  refuse  of  the  streets.  The  city 
had  a  large  public  library ;  a  handsome  building 
surrounded  with  porticoes  which  served  as  a  mu- 
seum, and  consecrated  to  Homer,  whom  the  Smyr- 
neans  claimed  as  a  countryman  ;  an  Odeum  ;  and  a 
temple  of  the  Olympian  Jupiter,  with  whose  wor- 
ship that  of  the  Roman  emperors  was  associated. 
Olymjnan  games  were  celebrated  here,  and  excited 
great  interest.  Orgiastic  rites,  both  of  the  mother 
of  the  gods  and  of  Bacchus,  were  also  celebrated 
at  Smyrna,  and  it  was  usual,  at  the  end  of  his  of- 
ficial year,  to  present  a  crown  to  the  priest  who 
superintended  the  religious  ceremonial  in  honor  of 
Bacchus  (compare  Rev.  ii.  11).  Smyrna,  under  the 
Romans,  was  an  assize  town.  The  aged  Polycarp, 
a  disciple  of  the  Apostle  John,  and  bishop  of  the 


The  Castle  end  Port  of  Smyrna.— From  Laborde.— (Fbn.) 


Christian  Church,  suffered  martyrdom  here,  a.  d. 
166.  The  city  has  suffered  greatly  at  various  times 
from  earthquakes  (a.  d.  177,  1846,  &c.),  fires  (one 
in  1841  destroying  12,000  houses),  sieges  and  cap- 
tures, the  plague,  &c.    Smyrna,  now  called  Ismiry 


has  long  been  one  of  the  most  flourishing  cities  of 
the  Turkish  empire.  It  is  the  seat  of  a  pashalic, 
and  has  an  extensive  trade  both  by  land  and  sea, 
with  a  population  estimated  at  150,000,  viz.  80,000 
Turks,  40,000  Greeks,  16,000  Jews,  10,000  A  rmcTiJ- 


\ 


SNA 


soc 


1047 


ans,  and  6,000  Franks  (iVe«i  American  Cyclopesdia). 
American  Protestant  missionaries  have  labored  here 
with  great  success  for  a  number  of  years. 

SDail,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb.  shablul, 
found  only  in  Ps.  Iviii.  8,  Heb.  9.  The  rendering 
"  snail  "  is  supported  by  many  of  the  Jewish  Doc- 
tors, and  is  probably  correct.  The  snail  or  slug  was 
supposed  to  consume  away  and  die  by  constantly 
emitting  slune  as  it  crawls  along.  The  Hebrew  term 
would  denote  eitlicr  a  Liiuax,  or  a  Helix,  wliicli  are 
particularly  noticeable  for  the  slimy  track  they  leave 
behind  tliem, — 2.  Heb.  hornet  or  chomet,  which  occurs 
only  as  the  name  of  some  unclean  animal  in  Lev. 
xi.  30.  The  Veneto-Greek  and  the  Rabbins  trans- 
late "  .■snail  "  with  the  A.  V. ;  tlie  LXX.,  Vulgate, 
Gesenius,  Fiirst,  &c.,  understand  some  kind  of 
Lizard  ;  the  Arabic  versions  of  Erpenius  and  Saadias 
give  CuAMELEO.N.  Pcrhaps  some  kind  of  lizard  may 
be  intended  (so  Mr.  Houghton). 

•Snare  (Heb.  mokish,  pah  or  pach,  &c. ;  Gr. 
brocltos,  pagis)  =  a  noose  or  other  contrivance  for 
catching  birds,  &c.  (Job  xl.  24 ;  Ps.  cxxiv.  7 ;  Prov. 
vii.  23,  &c.),  mostly  used  figuratively  to  denote  a 
device  or  stratagem  to  calch  men,  sometliing  at- 
tractive aid  dangerous,  a  c.iuse  or  occasion  of 
destruction,  &c.  (Kx.  x.  7 ;  Judg.  viii.  27 ;  Ps.  cxix. 
110 ;  Lk.  xxi.  35  :  1  Cor.  vii.  35 ;  1  Tim.  iii.  7,  &c.). 
Gl.N  ;  HuNTixo  ;  Xet. 

Snofl.  (Heb.  sheleg ;  Chal.  tllag ;  Or.  chidn). 
Snow  is  rarely  mentioned  as  actually  falling  (2  Sam. 
xiiii.  20;  1  Chr.  xi.  22;  1  Ml-,  xiii.  22),  but  the  al- 
lusions are  so  numerous  that  there  can  be  no  doubt 
as  to  its  being  an  ordinary  occ\irrence  in  tlic  winter 
months  (Job  vi.  16,  ix.  30,  xxiv.  19,  xxxvii.  6 ;  Ps. 
Ixviii.  14,  cxlvii.  16,  cxlviii.  8,  &c.).  Its  color  is  an 
image  of  brilliancy  (Dan.  vii.  9  ;  Mat.  xxviii.  3  ;  Rev. 
L  14),  of  purity  (Is.  i.  18  ;  Lam.  iv.  7).  of  the  blanch- 
ing effects  of  leprosy  (E.x.  iv.  6 ;  Num.  xii.  10 ;  2 
K.  V.  27).  The  snow  lies  deep  in  the  ravines  of  the 
highest  ridge  of  Lf.bano.n  until  the  summer  is  far 
advanced,  and,  indeed,  never  wholly  disappears ;  the 
summit  of  Uermon  also  perpetually  glistens  with 
frozen  snow.  From  these  sources  probably  the 
Jews  obtained  ice  for  cooling  their  beverages  in 
summer  (Prov.  xxv.  13).  The  liability  to  snow  must 
of  course  vary  considerably  in  a  country  of  such 
varying  altitude  as  Palestine.  At  Jerusalem  snow 
often  falls  to  the  depth  of  a  foot  or  more  in  January 
and  February,  but  it  seldom  lies.  At  Nazareth  it 
falls  more  frequently  and  deeply,  and  it  lias  been 
observed  to  fall  even  in  the  maritime  plain  of  Joppa 
and  about  Carmcl.  Frost  ;  Palesti.ne,  Climate  ; 
Rai.v. 
"  SnnlT-dlsli.  Censer  ;  Fire-pan  ;  Snuffers. 
•  Snoffers,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb.  pi. 
mlzaminCrolh  ^forcepn,  snufferf,  fur  lamps,  Gcs.,  Fii. 
(1  K.  vii.  50;  2  K.  xii.  13  [Heb.  14],  xxv.  14;  2 
Chr.  iv.  22 ;  Jer.  Iii.  18).— 2.  Heb.  melkdhai/im  or 
mf/id«Aayi»i  (Ex.  xxxvii.  23),  elsewhere  translated 
"  tongs  "  (xxv.  88  ;  Num.  iv.  9  ;  1  K.  vii.  49 ;  2  Cnr. 
iy.  21 ;  Is.  vi.  6).  Fiirst  (.and  so  Gesenius  substan- 
tially) defines  the  Hebrew  thus  :  "tonga,  with  which 
burning  coals  and  stones  were  caught  (Is.  vi.  6); 
especially  snufem,  for  trimning  lamps  (Ex.  xxxv. 
88,  xxxvii.  23  ;  Num.  iv.  9  ;  1  K.  vii.  49).'»  Candlk- 
Btick;  Lamp;  Sncff-dish. 

So  (Heb.  fr.  Egyptian  Sevech  or  Seve,  a  deity  rep- 
resented in  the  form  of  a  crocodile,  ChampoUion, 
Ges.).  So,  king  of  Egypt,  is  once  mentioned  in  the 
Bibl".  Hoshea,  the  last  king  of  Israel,  evidently 
intending  to  become  the  vassal  of  Egypt,  sent  mes- 
sengers to  him  an  1  made  no  present,  as  had  been 


the  yearly  custom,  to  the  king  of  Assyria  (2  K. 
xvii.  4).  The  consequence  of  this  step  was  the  im- 
prisonment of  Hoshea,  the  taking  of  Samaria,  and 
tlie  captivity  of  the  ten  tribes.  So  has  been  identi- 
fied by  different  writers  with  the  first  and  second 
kings  of  the  Ethiopian  twenty-fifth  dynasty,  called 
by  Manetho,  Sabakoii  (Shebek),  aiid  Sebichox  (Shebe- 
tek).  Teharka,  or  Tirhakah,  was  the  third  and  last 
king  of  this  dynasty.  To  these  three  kings  Africa- 
nus  assigns  reigns  of  8,  14,  18  years  respectively; 
Eusebius,  of  12,  12,  and  20  years.  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole 
is  disposed  to  identify  him  with  the  first,  Shebek, 
and  assign  him  a  reign  of  twelve  years ;  Gesenius 
and  Fiirst  make  him  the  second  of  these  kings,  and 
assign  him  a  reign  of  fourteen  years.  From  Egyp- 
tian sources  we  know  nothing  more  of  Shebek  (so 
Mr.  Poole)  than  that  he  conquered  and  put  to  death 
Bocchoris,  the  sole  king  of  the  twenty-fourth  dy- 
nasty, and  that  he  continued  the  monumental  works 
of  the  Egyptian  kings.  The  stnndard  inscription 
of  Sargon  in  his  palace  at  Khormbad  states,  ac- 
cording to  M.  Oppert,  that  after  the  capture  of  Sa- 
maria, Hanon,  king  of  Gaza,  and  Sebcch  (Shebek  or 
Shebetek  ?),  sultan  of  Egypt,  met  the  king  of  As- 
syria in  battle  at  Rapili  (Raphia),  and  were  defeated. 
Sebcch  disappeared,  but  Hanon  was  captured. 

Soap,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  borith  (Jer.  il, 
22 ;  Mai.  iii.  2),  which  is  a  general  term  for  any 
substance  of  cleansing  qualities.  As,  however,  it 
appears  in  Jer.  ii.  22,  in  contradistinction  to  nether 
(A.  V.  "  nitre  "),  i.  e.  natron,  or  mineral '  alkali,  it 
is  fair  to  infer  that  borith  refers  to  vegetable  alkali, 
or  some  kind  of  potash,  which  forms  one  of  the 
usual  ingredients  in  our  soap.  The  ancients  used 
this  alkali  with  oil  for  washing  and  scouring  gar- 
ments instead  of  soap,  also  in  refining  metals  (Gese- 
nius). The  soap  familiar  to  us  was  unknown  to  the 
Egyptians  and  probably  to  the  ancients  generally. 
Pliny  ascribes  the  invention  of  it  to  the  Gauls,  from 
whom  and  from  the  Germans  the  Romans  learned 
how  to  make  it.  Numerous  plants,  capable  of 
yielding  alkalies,  exist  in  Palestine  and  the  sur- 
rounding coimtries ;  one  named  Hubeibeh  (the  Sal- 
sola  Kali  of  botanists)  found  near  the  Dead  Sea,  the 
ashes  of  which  are  called  el-Kuli  from 'their  strong 
alkaline  properties ;  the  'Ajram,  found  near  Sinai, 
which,  when  pounded,  serves  as  a  substitute  for 
soap  ;  the  gilloo,  or  "  soap-plant "  of  Egypt ;  the 
heath,  the  ashes  of  which  are  used  in  the  manu- 
facture of  soap  at  Joppa;  the  Saponaria  officinalis 
(common  soap-wort),  and  the  Mesembryanthemum 
nodiflonim  (allied  to  the  common  ice-plant),  both 
possessing  alkaline  properties,  and  growing  in  Pal- 
estine, i5;c. 

So'cho  [-ko]  (Heb.  =  Sochoh  or  Socoh),  probably 
=  Socoii  1  or  2  fl  Chr.  iv.  18). 

So'tboh  (Heb.  branches,  Ges.)  =  Socon  ;  probably, 
thou"li  not  certainly,  Socoh  1  (1  K.  iv.  10). 

So  coll  (fr.  Heb.  =  Sochoh),  the  name  of  two 
towns  in  the  tribe  of  Judah.  li  In  the  lowland 
district  or  ShlphHuh,  a  member  of  the  same  group 
with  Jarmcth,  Azekah,  Shaaraim,  &c.  (Josh.  xv. 
86) ;  the  place  at  which  the  Philistines  were  gath- 
ered before  the  combat  of  David  and  Gdliatl^  (I 
Sam.  xvii.  1);  fortified  by  Rehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  7); 
taken  by  the  Philistines  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz  (xxviii. 
18);  =  Snoco,  Shocho,  Shochoh;  probably  = 
Sochoh  ;  perhaps  =  Sociio.  (Elah,  Valley  of  ; 
Ephes-dammim.)  In  the  time  of  Eusebius  and  Je- 
rome ( Oiiom.  •'  Soccho  ")  it  bore  the  name  otSocrhoth, 
and  lay  between  eight  and  nine  Roman  miles  from 
EleuthcropoUs,  ou   the    road   to  Jerusalem.     Dr. 


1048 


SOD 


SOD 


Robinson  identified  Soeoli  with  the  ruins  of  esTi- 
Shuweikeh,  in  the  western  part  of  the  mountains  of 
Juduh,  about  one  mile  N.  of  the  track  from  Beit 
,7?6)'!)i(Eleutheropolis)  to  Jerusalem,  between  seven 
and  eight  English  miles  from  the  former,  and  about 
fifteen  S.  W.  from  the  latter.  From  this  village 
probably  came  "Antigonus  of  Soco,"  who  lived 
about  the  commencement  of  the  third  century  b.  c. 
(Sadiu'CEks  ;  Scribes.)— 2.  In  the  mountain  district ; 
named  with  A.vab,  Jattir,  &c.  (Josh.  xv.  48) ;  iden- 
tified by  Dr.  Robinson  with  the  ruin  esh-Shuweikeh  in 
the  Wadi)  el-Khalil,  about  ten  miles  S.  W.  of  ilcbron. 

*  Sod  cr,  or  Sol'dcr.    Lead. 

So'dl(Heb.  conjidant  of  Jehovah,  Ges.),  father  of 
Gaddiel,  who  was  the  spy  from  Zebulun  (Num.  xiii. 
10). 

Sod  om  (Heb.  sSddm  =:  burning,  conjlagraiion,  or 
field,  viuei/ard  ?  Ges. ;  lime-place  or  enclosed  place, 
fort,  Fii. ;  Gr.  and  L.  Sodomd),  one  of  the  five 
ancient  "  cities  of  the  plain  "  (Plain  3) ;  commonly 
mentioned  with  Gomorrah,  but  also  with  Admah 
and  Zeboim,  and  in  Gen.  xiv.  with  Bela  or  Zoar. 
Sodom  wus  evidently  the  chief  town  in  the  settle- 
ment. The  four  are  first  named  in  the  ethnological 
records  of  Gen.  x.  19,  as  belonging  to  the  Cannan- 
ites.  The  next  mention  of  Sodom  is  in  Gen.  xiii. 
10-13.  Abram  and  Lot  are  standing  together,  ap- 
parently between  Bethel  and  Ai  (ver.  3),  taking  a 
survey  of  the  land  around  and  below  them.  "  And 
Lot  lifted  up  his  eyes,  and  beheld  all  the  plain 
(Plain  3  ;  Zoar)  of  Jordan,  that  it  was  well  watered 
everywhere,  before  the  Lord  destroyed  Sodom  and 
Gomorrah,  even  as  the  garden  of  the  Lord,  like  the 
land  of  Egypt,  as  thou  comest  unto  Zoar.  Then 
Lot  chose  him  all  the  plain  of  Jordan ;  and  Lot 
journeyed  east ;  and  they  separated  themselves  the 
one  from  the  other.  Abram  dwelled  in  the  land  of 
Canaan,  and  Lot  dwelled  in  the  cities  of  the  plain 
and  pitched  his  tent  toward  Sodom  "  (ver.  10-12). 
In  this  fertile  plain — or  "  circle  " — of  Jordan  the 
four  cities  of  Sodom,  Gomorrah,  Admah,  and  Zeboim 
appear  to  have  been  situated.  In  the  subsequent 
account  of  their  destruction  (Gen.  xix.),  the  same 
topographical  term  "plain"  (Heb.  ciccdr  =  circle 
or  circuit)  is  employed.  Mr.  Grove  thinks  that  the 
mention  of  the  Jordan  is  conclusive  as  to  the  situa- 
tion of  the  district,  for  the  Jordan  ceases  where  it 
enters  the  Dead  Sea,  and  can  have  no  existence  S. 
of  that  point.  (But  on  this  whole  argument  see 
ZoAR.)  The  catastrophe  by  which  Sodom  and  the 
other  cities  of  "  the  plain  "  were  destroyed  is  de- 
scribed in  Gen.  xix.  as  a  shower  of  brimstone  and 
fire  from  Jehovah,  from  the  skies.  Mr.  Grove  (and 
BO  Tristram,  &c.)  regards  it  as  certain  that  the  lake 
was  not  one  of  the  agents  in  the  catastrophe,  and 
claims  that  the  later  passages  in  which  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  cities  is  referred  to  throughout  the  Scrip- 
tures always  speak  of  the  district  on  which  the 
cities  once  stood,  not  as  submerged,  but,  as  still 
visible,  though  desolate  and  uninhabitable  (Deut. 
xxix.  22  ;  Ps.  cvii.  34  ;  Is.  xiii.  19  ;  Jer.  xlix.  18, 
I  40;  Am.  iv.  11 ;  Zeph.  ii.  9 ;  2  Pet.  ii.  6),  and  in 
the  Apocrypha  (Wis.  ix.  7  ;  2  Esd.  ii.  !)) ;  also  that 
Josephns  and  heathen  writers,  as  Stralio  and  Taci- 
tus, are  evidently  under  the  belief  that  the  district 
was  not  under  water,  and  that  the  remains  of  the 
towns  were  still  to  be  seen.  From  all  these  pas- 
sages Mr.  Grove  draws  the  conclusions — 1.  That 
Sodom  and  the  rest  of  the  cities  of  "  the  plain  of 
Jordan  "  stood  on  the  N.  of  the  Dead  Sea.  2.  That 
neither  the  cities  nor  the  district  were  submerged 
by  the  lake,  but  that  the  cities  were  overthrown  and 


the  land  spoiled,  and  that  it  may  still  be  seen  in  its 
desolate  condition.  These  conclusions  of  Mr.  Grove, 
adopted  by  Rev.  H.  B.  Tristram  {Land  of  Jirael, 
360  f ),  and  favored  by  Rev.  G.  S.  Drew  (in  Fbn.) 
and  by  Rev.  J.  Ayre  ( Treamry  of  Bible  Knowledge), 
are,  however,  at  variance  «ith — I.  The  opinion, long 
current,  that  the  five  cities  were  submerged  in  the 
lake,  and  that  their  rcmain.s — walls,  columns,  and 
capitals — might  be  still  discerned  below  the  water. 
This  opinion  has  been  vigorously  assailed  by  Reland, 
De  Saulcy,  Stanley,  &c.,  and  is  regarded  by  Mr. 
Grove  as  now  hardly  needing  refutation.  II.  The 
prevalent  opinion  that  the  cities  stood  at  the  S.  end 
of  the  lake.  This  appears  to  have  been  the  belief 
of  Josephus  and  Jerome,  and  of  the  mediajval  his- 
torians and  pilgrims  universally,  and  it  is  adopted 
by  modern  topographers  almost  without  exception. 
There  are  several  grounds  for  this  belief:  (a.)  "Lot 
fled  to  Zoar,  which  was  near  to  Sodom ;  and  Zoar 
lay  almost  at  the  southern  end  of  the  present  sea, 
probably  in  the  mouth  of  the  Wad;/  Kerak "  (Rbii. 
ii.  188).  (i.)  The  existence  of  similar  names  in 
that  direction.  Thus  the  name  Usdum,  attached  to 
the  remarkable  ridge  of  salt  at  the  southwestern 
cornerof  the  lake  (Sea,  THE  Salt,  II.,  §  18),  is  usually 
accepted  as  the  representative  of  Sodom  (Robin- 
son, Van  de  Velde,  De  Saulcy,  &c.,  &c.).  The  name 
'Ainrah,  attached  to  a  valley  among  the  mountains 
S.  of  Masada  or  Sebbih  (Van  de  Velde,  ii.  99),  al- 
most exactly  =  the  Hebrew  of  Gomorrah.  The 
na.meDra'a,  and  much  more  strongly  that  of  Zoghal, 
recall  Zoar.  (c)  The  existence  of  the  salt  mountain 
at  the  S.  of  the  lake,  and  its  tendency  to  split  off 
in  columnar  masses,  presenting  a  rude  resemblance 
to  the  human  form.  (Lot.)  (d.)  "  The  well-watered 
plain  toward  the  S."  (compare  Gen.  xiii.  10,  11  ; 
Rbn.  ii.  189).  "Even  to  the  present  day,  more  liv- 
ing streams  flow  into  the  Ghor,  at  the  south  end  of 
the  sea,  from  wadys  of  the  eastern  mountains  than 
are  found  so  near  together  in  all  Palestine  besides" 
(Robinson,  Phi/tica/  Oeography,  234).  The  plain  is 
furrowed  by  eight  small  water-courses,  one,  at  least, 
of  which  (  Wady  Tufileh)  is  a  permanent  stream 
(Tristram,  333,  335)."  The  Ghor  es-Safek  "  teemed 
with  a  prodigality  of  life.  It  was,  in  fact,  a  repro- 
duction of  the  oasis  of  Jeriiho,  in  a  far  more  tropi- 
cal climate,  and  with  yet  more  lavish  supply  of 
water  "  (Tristram,  33G).  Even  in  the  now  desolate 
plain  of  Sabkah,  "  at  the  depth  of  eighteen  inches, 
the  soil  was  a  fat,  greasy  loam "  (Tristram,  335). 
(Sea,  the  Salt,  II.,  g§  25,  26).  («.)  "The  pecu- 
liar character  of  this  part  of  the  Dead  Sea,  where 
alone  at  the  present  day  asphaltum  (Slime)  makes 
its  appearance"  (Rbn. ii.  189).  (/)  "The  testimony 
of  unbroken  tradition,  ancient  and  modern"  (S. 
Wolcott,  D.  D.,  in  B.  S.  xxv.  144).  (g.)  "The  south 
end  of  the  sea  and  its  surroundings  present  at 
this  day  such  an  appearance  as  the  scriptural  state- 
ments above  cited  would  lead  us  to  expect.  The 
entire  southwest  coast  and  adjacent  territory  from 
above  Sebbeh  round  to  the  fertile  border  of  the 
Ghor  es-Safieh  on  the  extreme  S.  E.,  relieved  at  a 
single  point  by  the  verdure  of  the  small  oasis  of 
Znwdrah,  is,  and  has  been,  from  the  time  of  Sodom's 
destruction,  the  image  of  enthroned  desolation" 
(xxv.  148). — It  was  formerly  supposed  that  the 
overthrow  of  Sodom  was  caused  by  the  convulsion 
which  formed  the  Dead  Sea.  This  theory  is  stated 
by  Dean  Milnian  in  his  History  of  the  Jews  (i.  18, 
1(5)  with  great  spirit  and  clearness.  But  the 
changes  which  occurred  when  the  limestone  strata 
of  Syria  were  split  by  that  vast  fissure  which  formi 


SOD 


WL 


1049 


tli«  Jordan  Valley  and  the  basin  of  the  Salt  Sea 
(AiUBAii),  must  not  only  have  taken  place  at  a  time 
long  iiiiteiior  lo  the  period  of  Abraham,  but  must 
have  be«n  of  such  a  naturo  and  on  such  a  scale  as 
to  destroy  all  animal  life  far  and  near.  Dr.  Kobin- 
son's  theory  is — "  that  the  fertile  plain  is  now  in 
part  occupied  by  the  southern  buy  lying  S.  of  the 
peninsula ;  aud  that,  by  some  convulsion  or  catas- 
trophe of  nature  connected  with  the  miraculous 
destruction  of  the  cities,  either  the  surface  of  this 
plain  was  scooped  out,  or  the  bottom  of  the  lake 
lieaved  up  so  as  to  cause  the  waters  to  overflow  and 
cover  permanently  a  larger  tract  than  formerly." 
(Sea,  the  Salt,  II.,  §§  47,  48  ;  Zoar.)  Mr.  Grove 
suggests  that  the  actual  agent  in  the  ignition  and 
destruction  of  the  cities  may  have  been  of  the  na- 
ture of  a  tremendous  thunderstorm  accompanied  by 
a  discharge  of  meteoric  stones,  'the  miserable  fate 
of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  is  held  up  as  a  warning  (2 
Pet.  ii.  (i ;  Jude  4-7  ;  Mk.  vi.  11).     Vi.ne  op  Sodou. 

Sod  o-ma  (Gr.  and  L.  fr.  Ueb)  ==  Sodom  (Rom.  ix. 
29). 

Sod'om-lte  (literally  =  one  from  Sodom ;  hence 
one  who  has  the  clmracter  or  habits  of  the  people  of 
Sodom),  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  ktl/esh  (see 
below).  This  word  does  not  denote  one  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Sodom  (except  only  in  2  Esd.  vii.  36)  or 
their  descendants ;  but  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  0.  T.  = 
one  of  those  who  practised  as  a  religious  rite  the 
abominable  and  unnatural  vice  from  which  the  in- 
habitants of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  h^vc  derived  their 
lasting  infamy  (Deut.  xxiii.  17  ;  IK.  x'lv.  24,  xv.  12, 
xxii.  46;  2  K.  xxiii.  7;  Job  xxxvi.  14  marg.).  The 
Heb.  kddish  is  said  to  be  derived  from  a  root  kdda»h 
=  to  be  pure,  and  thence  to  be  holij  or  consecrated. 
"  This  dreadful '  consecration,'  or  rather  desecration, 
was  spread  m  different  forms  over  Phenicia,  .Syria, 
Phrygia,  Assyria,  Babylonia.  Ashtaroth,  the  Greek 
Astarte,  was  its  chief  object."  The  Ileb.  fern,  of 
kiidesh,  viz.  kideshdft,  is  translated  "  harlot  "  in  Gen. 
xxxviii.  21,  22;  Hos.  iv.  14;  and  "  wliore  "  (margin 
"  Sodomitess  ")  in  Deut.  xxiii.  17,  Ilcb.  18.  It  de- 
notes one  consecrate!,  like  the  kMesh,  to  the  wor- 
ship of  AsitTAROTH,  and  the  gains  of  lier  prostitution 
went  into  the  treasury  of  this  goddess,  Gcs. 

Sod  om-i-tish  [i  as  in  Sodomite^  (adj.  =  of  Sodou) 
S«a,  the  =  the  Dead  Sea  (2  Esd.  v.  7).  Sea,  the 
Salt. 

•  Sol'der,  or  Sod'er.    Lead. 

•  Soldier.    Arms ;  Army. 

Soro-mon  (Gr.  fr.  Ileb.  ShSldmdh  z=  pacific,  Ges.). 
I.  Xame,  The  changes  of  pronunciation  are  worth 
noticing.  We  lose  something  of  the  dignity  of  the 
name  when  it  passes  from  the  measured  stateliness 
of  the  Hebrew  to  the  Greek:  Solomon  of  the  X.  T.,  and 
the  English  Solomon.  It  appears,  though  with  an 
altered  sound,  in  the  Arabic  Sulcimaun. — II.  Mnte- 
riaU.  (1.)  The  comparative  scantiness  of  historical 
data  for  a  life  of  Solomon  is  itself  significant.  While 
that  of  David  occupies  more  than  sixty  chapters  (1 
Sam.  xvi.-xxxi. ;  2  Sam.  i.-xxiv. ;  1  K.  i.-ii. ;  1  Chr. 
x.-xxix.),  that  of  Solomon  fills  only  the  eleven  chap- 
ters 1  K.  i.-xi.,  and  the  nine  2  Chr.  i.-ix.  The  writers 
give  extracts  only  from  larger  works  which  wore  be- 
fore tliem,  "  The  book  of  the  Acts  of  Solomon  "  (1  [ 
K.  xi.  41);  "the  book  of  Nathan  the  prophet,  the 
book  of  Ahijah  the  Shilonite,  the  visions  of  Iddo  the 
seer"  (2  Chr.  ix.  29).  (2.)  Prof.  Plumptre  thinks  , 
that  Xathas  1  probably  wrote  the  account  of  the 
accession  of  Solomon  and  the  dedication  of  the  Tern-  ] 
pie  (1  K.  i.-viii.  66  ;  2  Chr.  i.-viii.  IS).  He  ascribes  : 
to  AnUAB  1  the  Shilonite  the  short  record  of  the  sin  j 


of  Solomon,  and  of  the  revolution  to  which  he  him- 
self had  so  largely  contributed  (1  K.  xi.).  From  the 
Book  of  the  Acts  of  Solomon  came,  he  supposes,  the 
miscellaneous  facts  as  to  the  commerce  and  splendor 
of  his  reign  (ix.  10-x.  29).  (3.)  Some  materials  for 
the  life  of  Solomon  exist  in  the  books  that  bear  his 
name  (Canticles  ;  Ecclesiastes  ;  Proverbs),  and  in 
the  Psalms  which  are  referred,  on  good  grounds,  to  his 
time(P8.  ii.,  xlv.,lxxii.,  cxxvii.).  (4.)  Other  materials 
are  very  scanty.  The  history  of  Josephus  is,  for  the 
most  part,  only  a  loose  and  inaccurate  paraphrase  of 
the  0.  T.  narrative.  In  him,  and  in  the  more  erudite 
among  early  Christian  writers,  we  find  some  frag- 
ments of  older  history  not  without  their  value,  ex- 
tracts from  archives  alleged  to  exist  at  Tyre  in  the 
first  century  of  the  Christian  era,  and  from  the  Phe- 
niciau  histories  of  Menander  and  Dius,  from  Eupole- 
mos,  from  Alexander  Polybistor,  Menander,  and 
Laitus.  (5.)  For  the  legends  of  later  Oriental  litera- 
ture see  VII.  below.  (Chro.nology  ;  Kings,  First  and 
Second  Books  of.) — III.  JUitcation.  (1.)  The  stu- 
dent of  Solomon's  life  must  take  as  his  starting-point 
the  circumstances  of  his  birth.  He  was  one  of  the 
sons  of  David  by  Bath-siieba,  apparently  the  second 
(2  Sam.  xii.),  but  named  last  in  1  Chr.  iii.  5,  and  called 
by  Josephus  his  youngest  son  (Jos.  vii.  14,  §  2).  The 
feelings  of  the  king  and  of  his  prophet-guide  ex- 
pressed themselves  in  the  names  with  which  they 
welcomed  his  birth  (Solomon  =  the  peaceful  one; 
Jedidiah  =  Jcluivah'n  darling,  Jehovah's  beloved 
otu).  (2.)  The  three  influences  which  must  have 
entered  most  largely  into  the  education  of  Solo- 
mon were  those  of  his  father,  his  mother,  and  his 
teacher  (Xathan  1),  under  whose  charge  (so  Prof. 
Plumptre,  with  Winer,  Stanley,  &c.)  he  was  placed 
from  his  earliest  infancy  (2  Sam.  xii.  25').  (3.)  The 
fact  just  stated,  that  a  prophet-priest  was  made  the 
special  instructor,  indicates  (so  Prof  Plumptre ;  see 
note  ')  the  king's  earnest  wish  that  this  child  at 
least  should  be  protected  against  the  evils  which, 
then  and  afterward,  showed  themselves  in  his  elder 
sons,  and  be  worthy  of  the  name  he  bore.  Prof. 
I'lumptre  thinks  that  David  at  first  had  no  distinct 
purpose  to  make  Solomon  his  heir,  but  that  Absa- 
lom, the  king's  favorite,  was  looked  upon  by  the  peo- 
ple as  his  destined  successor,  and  that  after  Abs.v 
lom's  death,  David  pledged  his  word  in  secret  to 
Bath-shcba  that  he,  and  no  other,  should  be  the  heir 
(1  K.  i.  13).  How  far  the  divine  designation  of  Solo- 
mon or  the  oath  of  David  to  Bath-sheba  was  known, 
we  are  not  informed ;  but  the  designation  seems  to 
have  been  made  before  Solomon's  birth  (1  Chr.  xxii. 
9;  compare  xxviii.  5,  6 ;  2  Sam.  vii.  12  if.).  Prof. 
Plumptre  regards  the  words  of  1  Chr.  xxviii.  9,  20, 
as  expressing,  doubtless,  the  purpose  which  guided 
David  throughout.  His  son's  life  should  not  be  as 
bis  own  had  been,  one  of  hardships  and  wars,  dark 

'  "The  prophet  who  had  named  him  'darling  or  Jehovah,' 
Is  enid  by  many  (Stanley.  Lectures,  il.  109)  to  have  Buper- 
Intendcd  his  early  education,  or  to  have  ehnred  the  duty 
with  .Tehiel  (1  Chr.  xxvli.  32).  But  the  narrative  dors  not 
warrant  so  hroad  a  statement.  The  natural  sense  of  the 
words  In  2  8am.  xii.  at,  25  Is,  'The  Lord  loved  him,  and 
In  token  of  that  love,  lie  (the  Lord)  sent  by  the  hand  of 
Nathan  the  prophet,  and  he  (I.  e.  Nathan,  by  divine  com- 
mission) called  his  name  Jedidiah,  because  of  the  Lord.' 
.  .  .  Htlll  the  tradi[lon  Is  a  probable  one,  thatNathan  had  a 
special  chari.e  in  the  early  traiiiingof  the  prince  "  (J.  Eadle, 

D.  D..  In  Falrbairn).  The  phrase  here  rendered  by  Oese- 
nlns,  A.  V  &c.,  '•  sent  l)y  the  hand  of,"  la  literally  In  the 
Hebrew,  LXX.,  and  Vul^te  eenl  in  (not  into,  or  ('o.  as  the 
Inference  of  Prof  Plumptre.  Ac.,  seems  to  reqnlre)  thehand 
of,  and  occnrs  In  1  Sam.  xvl.  20,  In  2  Sam.  xl.  14,  and  In  1 

E.  II.  3S,  in  all  which  the  meaning  is  nndlspntedlv.  as  given 
Id  the  A.  V.,  "  sent  by  the  band  of"  or  "  sent  by." 


1050 


SOL 


SOL 


crimes  and  passionate  repentance,  but,  from  first  to 
last,  be  pure,  blameless,  peaceful,  fulfilling  the  ideal 
of  glory  and  of  righteousness,  after  which  he  him- 
self had  vainly  striven.  The  glorious  visions  of  Ps, 
Ixxii.  may  be  looked  on  as  the  prophetic  expansion 
of  those  hopes.  So  far,  all  was  well.  But  we  may 
not  ignore  the  fact,  that  the  later  years  of  David's 
life  presented  a  change  for  the  worse,  as  well  as  for 
the  better.  The  liturgical  element  of  religion  be- 
comes, after  the  first  passionate  out-pouring  of  Ps. 
li.,  unduly  predominant.  We  cannot  rest  in  the  be- 
lief that  his  influence  over  his  son's  character  was 
one  exclusively  for  good.  (4.)  In  Eastern  coun- 
tries, and  under  a  system  of  polygamy,  the  son  is 
more  dependent,  even  than  elsewhere,  on  the  char- 
acter of  the  mother.  Nothing  that  we  know  of 
Bath-sheba  leads  us  to  think  of  her  as  likely  to  mould 
her  son's  mind  and  heart  to  the  higher  forms  of 
goodness.  (5.)  The  prophet  Nathan,  to  whose  cai-e 
the  education  of  Solomon  is  supposed  to  have  been 
confided,  beyond  all  doubt,  could  speak  bold  and 
faithful  words  when  they  were  needed  (2  Sam.  vii. 
1-17,  xii.  1-14);  but  we  know  positively  little  or 
nothing  of  his  general  wisdom  or  activity  for  good. 
(6.)  Under  these  influences  the  boy  grew  up.  At 
the  age  of  ten  or  eleven  he  must  have  passed  through 
the  revolt  of  Absalom,  and  shared  his  father's  exile 
(xv.  16).  He  would  be  taught  all  that  priests,  or 
Levites,  or  prophets  had  to  teach.  (EnrcATiON ; 
Priest  ;  Prophet.)  The  growing  intercourse  of 
Israel  with  the  Phenicians  would  lead  naturally  to  a 
wider  knowledge  of  the  outlying  world  and  its  won- 
ders than  had  fallen  to  his  father's  lot.  Admirable, 
however,  as  all  this  was,  a  shepherd-life,  like  his 
father's,  furnished,  we  may  believe,  a  better  educa- 
tion for  the  kingly  calling  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  70,  71). — IV. 
Aceestion.  (1.)  The  feebleness  of  David's  old  age 
led  to  an  attempt  which  might  have  deprived  Solo- 
mon of  the  throne  his  father  destined  for  him. 
Adoxijah,  next  in  order  of  birth  to  Absalom,  like 
Absalom,  "was  a  goodly  man"  (1  K.  i.  6),  in  full 
maturity  of  years.  Following  in  the  steps  of  Absa- 
lom, be  assumed  the  kingly  state  of  a  chariot  and  a 
body-guard  j  and  D.ivid  looked  on  in  silence.  At 
last  a  time  was  chosen  for  openly  proclaiming  him 
as  king.  A  solemn  feast  at  En-rogel  was  to  in- 
augurate the  new  reign.  All  were  invited  to  it 
(Abiathar;  Joab,  &c.),  but  tho.se  whom  it  was  in- 
tended to  di.'splace.  It  was  necessary  for  those 
whose  interests  were  endangered  to  take  prompt 
measures.  Bath-sheba  and  Nathan  took  counsel 
together.  The  king  was  reminded  of  his  oath. 
Solomon  went  down  to  Gihon,  and  was  proclaimed 
and  anointed  king.  The  shouts  of  his  followers  fell 
on  the  startled  ears  of  the  guests  at  Adonijah's  ban- 
quet. One  by  one  they  rose  and  departed.  The 
plot  had  failed  (1  K.  i.).  What  had  been  done 
hurriedly  was  done  afterward  in  a  more  solemn  form. 
Solomon  was  presented  to  a  great  gathering  of  all 
the  notables  of  Israel,  with  a  set  speech,  in  which  the 
old  king  announced  what  was,  to  his  mind,  the  pro- 
gramme of  the  new  reign,  a  time  of  peace  and  plenty, 
of  a  stately  worship,  of  devotion  to  Jehovah  (1  Chr. 
xxviii.,  ixix.).  A  few  months  more,  and  Solomon 
found  himself,  by  his  father's  death,  the  sole  occu- 
pant of  the  throne.  (2.)  The  position  to  which  he 
succeeded  was  unique.  Never  before,  and  never 
after,  did  the  kingdom  of  Israel  take  its  place  among 
the  great  monarchies  of  the  East.  Large  treasures 
accumulated  through  many  years  were  at  his  dis- 
posal. The  people,  with  the  exception  of  the  toler- 
ated worship  in  high  fulces,  were  true  servants  of 


Jehovah.  Knowledge,  art,  music,  poetry  (Arts; 
Poetry,  Hebrew),  had  received  a  new  impulse,  and 
were  moving  on,  with  rapid  steps,  to  such  perfection 
as  the  age  and  the  race  were  capable  of  attaining. 
Of  the  personal  appearance  of  Solomon,  who,  at  the 
age  of  nineteen  or  twenty,  was  called  to  this  glorious 
sovereignty,  we  have  no  direct  description,  as  we 
have  of  the  earlier  kings.  But  whatever  higher 
mystic  meaning  may  bo  latent  in  Ps.  xlv.,  or  the  Song 
of  Songs,  we  are  all  but  compelled  (so  Prof.  Plumptre) 
to  think  of  them  as  having  had,  at  least,  an  historical 
starting-point.  (Canticles.)  They  tell  us  of  one 
who  was,  in  the  eyes  of  the  men  of  his  own  time, 
"fairer  than  the  children  of  men,"  the  face  "bright 
and  ruddy  "  as  his  father's  (Cant.  v.  10 ;  1  Sam.  xvii. 
42),  bushy  locks,  dark  as  the  raven's  wing,  yet  not 
without  a  golden  glow,  the  eyes  soft  as  "  the  eyes  of 
doves,"  the  "  countenance  as  Lebanon,  excellent  as 
the  cedars,"  "  the  chiefest  among  ten  thousand,  the 
altogether  lovely  "  (Cant.  v.  9-16).  Add  to  this  all 
gifts  of  a  noble,  far-reaching  intellect,  large  and 
ready  sympathies,  a  playful  and  genial  humor,  the 
lips  "  full  of  grace,"  the  soul  "  anointed  "  as  "  with 
the  oil  of  gladness"  (Ps.  xlv.),  and  we  may  form 
some  notion  of  what  the  king  was  like  in  that  dawn 
of  his  golden  prime.  (3.)  'The  historical  starting- 
point  of  the  Song  of  Songs  Prof  Plumptre  would 
connect  (Canticles  ;  Shulamite)  with  the  earliest 
facts  in  the  history  of  the  new  reign.  Bath-sheba,  who 
had  before  stirred  up  David  against  Adonijah,  ap- 
pears in  1  K.  ii.  as  interceding  for  him,  begging  that 
Abishag  the  Shunammite,  the  virgin  concubine  of 
David,  might  be  given  him  as  a  wife.  Solomon,  who 
till  then  had  professed  the  profoundest  reverence  for 
his  mother,  his  willingness  to  grant  her  any  thing, 
suddenly  flashes  into  fiercest  wrath  at  this.  The 
petition  is  treated  as  part  of  a  conspiracy  in  which 
Joab  and  Abiathar  are  sharers.  Benaiah  is  once 
more  called  in.  Adonijah  is  put  to  death  at  once. 
Joab  is  slain  even  within  the  precincts  of  the  Taber- 
nacle, to  which  he  had  fled  as  an  asylum.  Abiathar 
is  deposed,  and  exiled,  sent  to  a  life  of  poverty  and 
shame,  and  the  high-prieslhood  transferred  to  Zadok 
1.  Soon  afterward  Shimei  2,  who  by  his  infatuated 
disregard  of  a  compact  seemed  given  over  to  destruc- 
tion, is  slain  (1  K.  ii.  31-46).  'There  is,  however,  no 
needless  slaughter.  The  other  "  sons  of  David  "  are 
spared,  and  one  of  them  (Nathan  2)  becomes  the  head 
of  a  distinct  family.  (Genealogy  of  Jesps  Christ.) 
As  he  punishes  his  father's  enemies,  he  also  shows 
kindne.is  to  the  friends  who  had  been  faithful  to  him. 
Chimham,  the  son  of  Barzillai,  apparently  receives  an 
inheritance  near  the  city  of  David  (2  Sam.  xix.  31- 
40;  1  K.  ii.  7).— V.  Foreign  Policy.  (1.)  AH  the 
data  for  a  continuous  history  that  we  have  are — (a.) 
The  duration  of  the  reign,  forty  (Josephus  errone- 
ously makes  it  eighty)  years  (1  K.  xi.  42).  (i.) 
The  commencement  of  the  Temple  in  the  fourth,  its 
completion  in  the  eleventli  year  of  his  reign  (vi.  1, 
37,88).  (c.)  The  commencement  of  his  own  palace 
in  the  seventh,  its  completion  in  the  twentieth  year 
(vii.  1 ;  2  Chr.  viii.  1).  (d.)  The  conquest  ofHa- 
math-zobah,  and  the  consequent  foundation  of  cities 
in  the  region  N.  of  Palestine  after  the  twentieth  year 
(viii.  1-6).  With  materials  so  scanty  as  these,  it 
will  be  better  to  group  the  chief  facts  in  an  order 
which  will  best  enable  us  to  appreciate  their  signifi- 
cance.— (2.)  Egnpt.  Tlie  first  act  of  the  foreign 
policy  of  the  new  reign  must  have  been  to  most 
Israelites  a  very  startling  one.  He  made  affinity  with 
Pharaoh  7,  king  of  Egypt,  by  marrying  his  daughter 
(1  K.  iii.  1).    The  immediate  results  were  probably 


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favorable  enough.  The  new  queen  brought  with  her 
as  a  dowry  the  frontier-city  of  Gezer,  against  which, 
as  threatening  the  tranquillity  of  Israel,  and  as  still 
possessed  by  a  remnant  of  the  old  Canaanites,  Pha- 
raoh had  led  his  armies.  She  was  received  with  all 
honor.  A  separate  and  stately  palace  was  built  for 
hei,  before  long,  outside  the  city  of  David  (2  Chr.  vii:. 
11).  (3.)  The  ultimate  issue  of  the  alliance  showed 
that  it  was  hollow  and  impolitic.  Th?re  may  have 
been  a  revolution  in  Egypt.  There  was  at  any  rate 
a  change  of  policy.  (Jeroboam  1.)  There,  we  may 
believe,  by  some  kind  of  compact,  expressed  or  un- 
derstood, was  planned  the  scheme  which  led  first  to 
the  rebellion  of  the  Ten  Tribes  (Rehoboam),  and 
then  to  tlie  attack  of  Shishak  on  the  weakened  and 
dismantled  kingdom  of  tlie  son  of  Solomon.  (Cosi- 
werce;  Chariot;  Horse.)  (i.)  Tyre.  The  alliance 
with  the  Phenician  king  rested  on  a  somewhat  differ- 
ent footing.  It  had  been  part  of  David's  policy  from 
the  beginning  of  his  reign.  Hiram  1  had  been  "  ever 
a  lover  of  David."  He,  or  his  grandfather,  had 
helped  him  by  supplying  materials  and  workmen  for 
his  palace.  As  soon  as  he  heard  of  Solo:non'3  acces- 
sion he  sent  ambassadors  to  salute  him.  A  corre- 
spondence passed  between  the  two  kings,  which 
ended  In  a  treaty  of  commerce.  The  opening  of  Joppa 
as  a  port  created  a  new  coasting-trade,  and  the  mate- 
rials from  Tyre  (cedar,  &c.)  were  conveyed  to  it  on 
floats,  and  thence  to  Jerusalem  (2  Chr.  ii.  16).  In 
return  for  these  exports,  the  Phcnicians  were  only 
too  glad  to  receive  the  ct)RS  and  oil  of  Solomon's 
territory.  (5.)  The  results  of  the  alliance  did  not 
end  here.  Now,  for  the  first  time,  Israel  entered  on 
n  career  as  a  commercial  people.  They  joined  the 
Phenieians  in  their  Mediterranean  voyages  to  the 
coasts  of  Spain.  (Tarshisii.)  Solomon's  possession 
of  the  Edomite  coast  enabled  him  to  open  to  his  ally 
a  new  world  of  commerce.  The  ports  of  Elath  and 
Ezios-OEBER  were  filled  with  ships  of  Tarshish,  mer- 
chant-ships, manned  chiefly  by  Phenieians,  but  built 
at  Solomon's  expense,  which  sailed  down  the  jElan- 
itic  Gulf  of  the  Red  Sea,  on  to  the  Indian  Ocean,  to 
lands  before  hardly  known  even  byname.  (.Vlgcm- 
TREES ;  AiOES ;  Apes  ;  Arabia  ;  Gold  ;  Ivory  ;  Linen  ; 
OpniR;  Peacocks;  .Sheba;  Ship;  Silver;  Spices; 
Stones,  Precioi'S  ;  Tadmor,  &c.)  (6.)  According  to 
the  statement  of  Phenician  writers  quoted  by  Jose- 
phus(.4n/.  viii.  6,  §3),  theintercoursoof  the  two  kings 
had  In  it  also  something  of  the  sportiveness  and  free- 
dom of  friends.  They  delighted  to  perplex  each 
other  with  hard  questions,  and  laid  wagers  as  to  their 
power  of  answering  them.  The  singular  history  in 
1  K.  ix.  1 1-14,  recording  the  cession  by  Solomon  of 
sixteen  cities,  and  Hiram's  dissatisfaction  with  them 
(Cabcl),  is  perhaps  connected  with  these  imperial 
wagers.  (7.)  These  were  the  two  most  important  al- 
liances. The  absence  of  any  reference  to  Babylon 
and  Assyria,  and  the  fact  that  the  Euphrates  was  rec- 
ognized as  the  boundary  of  Solomon's  kingdom  (2  Chr. 
ix.  26),  suggest  the  inference  that  the  Mesopotamian 
monarchs  were,  at  this  time,  comparatively  feeble. 
Other  neighboring  nations  paid  annual  tribute  in  the 
form  of  gifts  (ix.  24).  The  kings  of  the  HIttites  and 
of  Syria  obtained  through  Jeru.«alem  the  chariots 
and  horses  of  Egypt  (1  K.  x.  29).  (8.)  The  survey  of 
the  influence  exercised  by  Solomon  on  surrounding 
nations  would  be  incomplete  if  we  were  to  pass  over 
the  fame  of  his  glory  and  his  wisdom.  Wherever  the 
ships  of  Tarshish  went,  they  carried  with  them  the 
report,  losing  nothing  in  its  passage,  of  what  their 
crews  had  seen  and  heard.  The  journey  of  the  queen 
of  Sh3ba,  though  from  its  circumstances  the  most 


conspicuous,  did  not  stand  alone.  She  had  heard 
of  the  wisdom  of  Solomon,  and  connected  with  it 
"the  name  of  Jehovah"  (1  K.  x  1).  She  cu  me  with 
hard  (juestions  to  test  that  wisdom,  and  the  words 
just  quoted  may  throw  light  upon  theirnature.  She 
represents  a  body  whom  tlie  dedication-prayer  shows 
to  have  been  numerous,  the  strangers  coming  "  from 
a  far  country  "  because  of  the  "  great  name  "  of  Je- 
hovah (1  K.  viil.  41),  many  of  them  princes  them- 
selves or  the  messengers  of  kings  (2  Chr.  ix.  23). 
The  historians  of  Israel  delighted  to  dwell  on  her 
confession  that  the  reality  surpassed  the  fame,  "  the 
one-half  of  the  greatness  of  thv  wisdom  was  not  told 
mrf"  (ix.  6).— VI.  Internal  Hutnrif.  (1.)  The  first 
prominent  scene  in  Solomon's  reign,  as  it  bears  on 
the  history  of  Israel,  is  one  which  presents  his  char- 
acter In  Its  noblest  aspect.  There  were  two  holy 
places  which  divided  the  reverence  of  the  people, 
the  ARK  and  Its  provisional  tabernacle  at  Jerusalem, 
and  the  original  Tabernacle  of  the  congregation, 
which,  after  many  wanderings,  was  now  pitched  at 
GiBEON.  It  was  thought  right  that  the  new  king 
should  offer  solemn  sacrifices  at  both.  After  those 
at  Gibeon  there  came  that  vision  of  the  night  which 
has  in  all  ages  borne  its  noble  witness  to  the  hearts 
of  rulers.  Not  for  riches,  or  long  life,  or  victory 
over  enemies,  would  the  son  of  David,  then  at  least 
true  to  his  high  calling,  feeling  himself  as  "  a  little 
child  "  in  comparison  with  the  vastness  of  his  work, 
offer  his  supplications,  but  for  a  "  wise  and  under- 
standing heart,"  that  he  might  judge  the  people. 
The  "  speech  pleased  the  Lord."  There  came  in  an- 
swer the  promise  of  a  wisdom,  like  which  there  had 
been  none  before,  like  which  there  should  be  none 
after  (1  K.  iii.  6-15).  (2.)  The  wisdom  asked  for 
was  given  in  large  measure,  and  took  a  varied  range. 
The  wide  world  of  nature,  animate  and  inanimate, 
the  lives  and  characters  of  men,  lay  before  him,  and 
he  took  cognizance  of  all.  But  the  highest  wisdom 
was  that  wanted  for  the  highest  work,  for  governing 
and  guiding,  and  the  pattern-Instance — liis  judgment 
between  the  two  harlots  (Harlot)— is,  in  all  its  cir- 
cumstances, thoroughly  Oriental  (1  K.  iii.  16-28). 
(3.)  But  the  power  to  rule  showed  itself  not  in  judg- 
ing only,  but  in  organizing.  Prominent  among  the 
"  princes  "  of  his  kingdo.m,  I.  e.  officers  of  his  own 
appointment,  were  members  of  the  priestly  order : 
AzARiAH  1  the  son  of  Zadtdc,  Zadoe  1  himself  the 
high-priest,  Benaiah  1  the  son  of  Jehoiada  as  cap- 
tain of  the  host,  AZARiAii  2  and  Zabid,  the  sons  of 
Nathan,  one  over  the  officers  who  acted  as  purvey- 
oi-s  to  the  king's  household  (1  K.  iv.  2-5),  the  other 
in  the  more  confidential  character  of  "  kins's  friend." 
In  addition  to  these  were  the  two  scribes  (Elihoreph 
and  AiiiAii  2),  the  recorder  or  annalist  of  the  king's 
reign  (JEiiosnAPiiAT  2),  the  superintendent  of  the 
king's  house,  and  household  expenses  (Is.  xxll.  15), 
including  probably  the  harem  (Ahisiiar),  and  Ano- 
NiRAM,  who  presided  "  over  the  tribute."  (Kino.) 
(4.)  The  last  name  leads  us  to  the  king's  finances. 
The  first  Impression  of  the  facts  given  us  is  that  of 
abounding  plenty.  The  large  quantities  of  the  pre- 
cious metals  accumulated  by  David,  and  imported 
from  Ophir  and  TarsliLsh  would  speak,  to  a  people 
who  had  not  learned  the  lessons  of  a  long  experience, 
of  a  boundless  source  of  wealth  (1  K.  ix.  21-28;  1 
Chr.  xxix.  1-7  ;  (Jold;  Silver).  All  the  kings  and 
princes  of  the  subject  provinces  paid  tribute  in  the 
form  of  gifts,  in  money  and  in  kind,  "  at  a  fixed  rate 
yearby  year"(l  K.  x.  26).  Monopolies  of  trade  con- 
tributed to  the  king's  treasury  (x.  28,  29).  The 
king's  domain-lands  were  apparently  let  out,  at  a 


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fixed  animal  rental  (Cant.  viii.  11).  All  the  prov- 
inces of  his  own  kingdom  were  bound  each  in  turn 
to  supply  the  king's  enormous  household  with  pro- 
visions (1  K.  iv.  '21-23).  The  total  amount  thus 
brought  into  the  treasury  in  gold,  exclusive  of  all 
payments  in  kind,  amounted  to  666  talents  (x.  14 ; 
Taxes).  (5.)  Hardly  any  financial  system,  however, 
could  bear  the  strain  of  the  king's  passion  lor  mag-  1 
nificence.  The  cost  of  the  Temple  was,  it  is  true, 
provided  for  by  David's  savings  and  the  offerings  of 
the  people ;  but  even  while  that  was  building,  yet 
more  when  it  was  finished,  <me  structure  followed  on 
another  with  ruinous  rapidity  (vii.  1-12,  ix.  15-19, 
X.  5,  16  ff.,  &c. ;  Baalath;  Beth-horon  ;  Garden; 
Gezer  ;  Hazor;  MEGinno;  Millo;  PALArE;PooL; 
Tadmok  ;  Thkoxe).  All  the  cfiuipment  of  his  court, 
the  '■  appirel "  of  his  servants,  was  on  the  same 
scale.  If  he  went  from  his  hall  of  judgment  to  the 
Temple,  he  marched  between  two  lines  of  soldiers, 
each  with  a  burnished  shield  of  gold  (x.  16, 17).  A 
body-guard  attended  him,  "  threescore  valiant  men," 
tallest  and  handsomest  of  the  sons  of  Israel  (Cant, 
iii.  7,  8).  Forty  thousand  stalls  of  horses  for  his 
chariots,  and  twelve  thousand  horsemen,  mide  up 
the  measure  of  his  magnificence  (1  K.  iv.  26).  As 
the  treasury  became  empty,  taxes  multiiilicd  and 
monopolies  became  more  irksome.  The  people  com- 
plained, not  of  the  king's  idolatry,  but  of  their  bur- 
dens, of  his  "  grievous  yoke  "  (xii.  4).  Their  hatred 
fell  heaviest  on  Adonirara,  wlio  was  over  the  tribute. 
(6.)  It  remains  for  us  to  trace  that  other  downfall, 
belonging  more  visibly,  though  not  more  really,  to 
his  reli"iou3  life,  from  the  loftiest  height  even  to  the 
lowest  depth.  Tlie  building  and  dedication  of  the 
Temple  are  obviously  the  representatives  of  the  first. 
Wc  may  picture  to  ourselves  the  feelings  of  the  men 
of  Judah  as  they  watched,  during  seven  long  years, 
the  massive  foundations  of  vast  stones  gradually 
rising  up  and  covering  the  area  of  the  threshing-floor 
of  Araunah.  Far  from  colossal  in  its  size,  it  was 
conspicuous  chiefly  by  the  lavish  use,  within  and 
without,  of  the  gold  of  Ophir  and  Parvaim.  Through- 
out the  whole  work  the  tranquillity  of  the  kingly  city 
was  unbroken  by  the  sound  of  the  workman's  ham- 
mer. (7.)  Even  now  there  were  some  darker  shades 
in  the  picture.  He  reduced  to  bondage  the  "stran- 
gers" in  the  land,  the  remnant  of  the  Canaanite 
races.  One  hundred  and  fifty-three  thousand  were 
sent  off  to  the  quarries  and  the  forests  of  Lebanon 
(1  K.  V.  15;  2  Chr.  ii.  17,  18;  Proselyte;  Slave; 
Stranger).  Even  the  Israelites,  though  not  reduced 
to  permanent  bondage,  were  summoned  to  take  their 
place  by  rotation  in  the  same  labor  (1  K.  v.  13,  14). 
One  trace  of  the  special  servitude  of  "  these  hewers 
of  stone  "  existed  long  afterward  in  the  existence  of 
a  body  of  men  attached  to  the  Temple,  and  known  as 
"  children  of  Solomon's  Servants."  (8.)  After  seven 
years  and  a  half  the  work  was  completed,  and  the 
day  came  to  which  all  Israelites  looked  back  as  the 
culminating  glory  of  their  nation.  Their  worship 
was  now  established  (m  a  scale  as  stately  as  that  of 
other  nations.  The  Ark  from  Zion,  the  Tabernacle 
from  Gibcon,  were  both  removed  (2  Chr.  v.  5),  and 
brought  to  the  new  Temple.  The  choirs  of  the 
priests  and  the  Levites  met  in  their  fullest  force, 
arrayed  in  while  linen.  (Levites;  Priest.)  Then 
was  heard  the  noble  hymn,  "  Lift  up  your  heads,  0 
ye  gates,  and  be  ye  lift  up,  ye  everlasting  doors,  and 
the  king  of  glory  shall  come  in  "  (Ps.  xxiv.  7).  The 
trumpeters  and  singers  were  "  as  one "  in  their 
mighty  Hallelujah — "  0,  praise  the  Lord,  for  He  is 
good,  for  His  mercy  endureth  for  ever"  (2  Chr.  v. 


13).  The  Ark  OF  THE  Covenant  was  solemnly  placed 
in  its  golden  sanctuary,  and  then  "  the  cloud,"  the 
"  glory  of  the  Lord,"  filled  the  house  of  the  Lord  (v. 
7-14),  Throughout  the  whole  scene,  tlie  person  of 
the  king  is  the  one  central  object,  compared  with 
whom  even  priests  and  prophets  are  for  the  time 
subordinate.  Abstaining,  doubtless,  from  distinc- 
tively priestly  acts,  such  as  slaying  the  victims  and 
offering  incense,  he  yet  appears,  even  more  than 
David  did  in  the  bringing  up  the  ark,  in  a  liturgical 
character.  He  blesses  the  congregation.  From  him 
came  the  lofty  prayer,  the  noblest  utterance  of  the 
creed  of  Israel,  setting  forth  the  distance  and  the 
nearness  of  the  Eternal  God,  One,  Incomprehensible, 
dwelling  not  in  temples  made  with  himds,  yet  ruling 
men,  hearing  their  prayers,  giving  them  all  good 
things,  wisdom,  peace,  righteousness  ( 1  K.  viii. ;  2 
Chr.  vi.).  (9.)  The  solemn  day  was  followed  by  a 
week  of  festival,  synchronizing  with  the  Feast  of 
Tabernacles,  the  time  of  the  completed  vintage. 
Representatives  of  all  the  tribes,  elders,  fathers,  cap- 
tains, proselytes,  it  may  be,  from  the  newly  acquired 
territories  in  Northern  Syria  (2  Chr.  vi.  82,  vii.  8) 
— all  were  assembled,  rejoicing  in  the  actual  glory 
and  the  bright  hopes  of  Israel.  For  the  king  him- 
self then,  or  at  a  later  period  (the  narrative  of  1  K. 
ix.  and  2  Chr.  vii.  leaves  it  doubtful),  there  was  a 
strange  contrast  to  the  glory  of  that  day.  He  nuist 
be  taught  that  what  he  had  done  was  indeed  right 
and  good,  but  that  it  was  not  all,  and  might  not  be 
permanent.  Obedience  was  better  than  sacrifice. 
There  was  a  danger  near  at  hand.  (10.)  The  dan- 
ger came,  and  in  spite  of  the  warning  the  king  fell. 
Before  long  the  priests  and  prophets  had  to  grieve 
over  the  rival  temples  to  Molocii,  Chemosh,  Asiita- 
HOTii,  forms  of  ritual  not  idolatrous  only,  but  cruel, 
dark,  impure.  This  evil  came  (1  K.  xi.  1-8)  as  the 
consequence  of  another.  He  gave  himself  to 
"  strange  women."  He  found  himself  involved  in  a 
fascination  which  led  to  the  worship  of  strange  gods. 
The  starting-point  and  the  goal  arc  given  us.  We 
are  left,  from  what  we  know  otherwise,  to  trace  the 
process.  Something  perhaps  in  his  very  "  largeness 
of  heart,"  so  far  in  advance  of  the  traditional  knowl- 
edge of  his  age,  rising  to  higher  and  wider  thoughts  of 
God,  predisposed  him  to  it.  In  recognizing  what  was 
true  in  other  forms  of  faith,  he  might  lose  his  horror 
at  what  was  false,  his  sense  of  the  preeminence  of 
the  truth  revealed  to  him,  of  the  historical  continuity 
of  the  nation's  religious  life.  He  may  have  hoped, 
by  a  policy  of  toleration,  to  conciliate  neighboring 
princes,  to  attract  a  larger  traffic.  Prof  Plumptre 
thinks  also  that  the  widespread  belief  of  the  East 
in  the  magic  arts  of  Solomon  is  not  without  its 
foundation  of  truth.  (Divination  ;  Magic.)  (11.) 
Disasters  followed  before  long  as  the  natural  conse- 
quence of  what  was  politically  a  blunder  as  well  as 
religiously  a  sin.  The  strength  of  Ihe  nation  rested 
on  its  unity,  and  its  unity  depended  on  its  faith. 
Whatever  attractions  the  sensuous  ritual  which  he 
introduced  may  have  had  for  the  great  body  of  the 
people,  the  priests  and  Levites  must  have  looked  on 
the  rival  worship  with  entire  disfavor.  Ahijah  1 
was  sent  to  utter  one  of  those  predictions  which 
work  out  their  own  fulfilment,  pointing  out  Jero- 
boam to  himself  and  to  the  people  as  the  destined 
heir  to  the  larger  half  of  the  kingdom  (1  K.  xi.  28- 
39).  The  king  in  vain  tried  to  check  the  current 
that  was  setting  strong  against  him  from  within  and 
from  without.  (Hadap  4 ;  Jeroboam  1 ;  Rezon.) 
The  king,  prematurely  old  (he  died  at  not  much 
above  fifty-nine  or  sixty),  must  have  foreseen  the 


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rapid  breaking  up  of  the  great  monarchy  to  which 
he  had  succeeded.  (12.)  As  to  the  inner  changes  of 
mind  and  heart  which  ran  purallel  with  this  history, 
Scripture  is  comparatively  silent.  Something  may 
be  learned  from  the  books  that  bear  his  name  (Can- 
holes;  EccLt-iiASTES ;  Pkoverbs,  Book  of),  which 
8taud  in  the  Canon  of  the  0.  T.  as  representing, 
with  profound,  inspired  insight,  the  successive  phases 
of  his  life ;  something  also  from  the  fact  that  so 
little  remains  out  of  so  much,  out  of  the  songs, 
proverbs,  treatises  of  which  the  historian  speaks 
(1  K.  iv.  32,  33).  E-Ktracts  only  are  given  from  the  i 
8,000  proverbs.  Of  the  thousand  and  five  songs  | 
we  know  absolutely  nothing.  (13.)  Tlie  books  that 
remain,  as  has  been  said,  represent  the  three  stages 
of  his  life.  The  Song  of  Songs  brings  before  us 
the  brightness  of  his  youth.  Then  comes  in  the 
Book  of  Proverbs,  the  stage  of  pr.»ctical,  prudential 
thought.  The  poet  has  become  the  philosopher,  the 
mystic  has  passed  into  the  moralist.  But  the  man 
pas.sed  through  both  stages  without  being  perma- 
nently the  better  for  either.  They  were  to  him  but 
ph:ises  of  his  life  whicli  he  had  known  and  exhausted 
(Eccl.  i.,  ii.).  And  therefore  there  came,  as  in  the 
Confessions  of  the  Preacher,  the  weariness  which 
sees  written  on  all  things,  "  Vanity  of  vanities." 
Slowly  only  could  he  recover  from  that  "  vexation 
of  spirit,"  and  lay  again,  with  painful  relapses,  the 
foundations  of  a  true  morality.  (14.)  Prof  Plumptre 
declines  to  enter  into  the  things  within  the  veil,  or 
answer  cither  way  the  doubting  question.  Is  there 
any  hope  ♦  He  remarks  that  Chrysostom  and  the 
theologians  of  the  Greek  Church  are,  for  the  most 
part,  favorable,  Augustine  and  those  of  the  Latin, 
for  the  most  part,  adverse  to  his  chances  of  salva- 
tion.— VII.  Lefferub.  (1.)  The  impression  made  by 
Solomon  (m  later  generations  is  sliown  in  its  best 
form  by  the  desire  to  claim  the  sanction  of  his  name 
for  even  the  noblest  thoughts  of  other  writers.  (Ec- 
CLESiASTEs  ?  WisDOM,  BooK  OF.)  But  round  the 
facts  of  the  history,  as  a  nucleus,  there  gathers  a 
whole  world  of  fantastic  fables,  Jewish,  Christian, 
Mohammedan,  refractions,  colored,  i<nd  distorted, 
according  to  the  media  through  which  they  pass,  of 
a  colossal  form.  Even  in  the  Targum  of  Ecclesias- 
tes  we  find  strange  stories  of  his  character.  He  and 
the  Rabbis  of  the  Sanhedrim  sat  and  drank  wine 
together  in  Jabneh.  His  paradise  was  filled  with 
costly  trees  which  the  evil  spirits  brought  him  from 
India.  Ashmcdai  (Asuodels),  the  king  of  the  de- 
mons, deprived  him  of  his  magic  ring,  and  he  wan- 
dered through  the  cities  of  Israel,  weeping  and  say- 
ing, I,  the  preacher,  was'  king  over  Israel  in  Jerusa- 
lem. He  left  behind  him  spells  and  charms  to  cure 
di.seases  and  cast  out  evil  spirits.  His  wisdom 
enabled  him  to  interpret  the  speech  of  beasts  and 
birds.  He  knew  the  secret  virtues  of  gems  and  herbs. 
He  was  the  inventor  of  Syriac  and  Arabian  alpha- 
bets. (2.)  Arabic  imagination  took  a  yet  wilder 
flight.  After  a  long  struggle  with  the  rebellious 
Afreets  and  Jinns,  Solomon  conquered  them  and 
cast  them  into  the  sea.  To  him  belonged  the  magic 
ring  which  revealed  to  him  the  past,  the  present,  and 
the  future.  Because  ho  stayed  his  march  at  the 
hour  of  prater  instead  of  riding  on  with  his  horse- 
men, (iod  gave  him  the  winds  as  a  chariot,  and  the 
birds  flew  over  him,  making  a  perpetual  canopy. 
The  demons  in  their  spite  wrote  books  of  magic  in 
his  name.  The  Koran  narrates  the  visit  of  the 
Queen  of  Sheba,  her  wonder,  her  conversion  to  the 
Islam  or  true  religion,  which  Solomon  professed. 
The  Arabs  claim  her  as  belonging  to  Yemen,  the 


Ethiopians  as  coming  from  Heroe.  In  each  form  of 
the  story  a  son  by  Solomon  is  bom  to  her,  called  in 
the  Arab  version  Meilekh,  in  the  Ethiopian  David, 
the  ancestor  of  a  long  line  of  Ethiopian  kings. 
Twelve  thousand  Hebrews  accompanied  her  home, 
and  from  them  were  descended  the  Jews  of  Ethiopia 
and  the  great  Prester  (i.  e.  Presbytei)  John  of  medi- 
aeval travellers.  She  brought  to  Solomon  the  same 
gifts  which  the  Magi  brought  to  Christ.  One  of  her 
bard  questions  was,  to  distinguish  fair  boys  and 
sturdy  girls  dressed  alike,  which  the  king  answered 
by  placing  water  before  them  to  wash,  and  observ- 
ing that  the  boys  scrubbed  their  faces  and  the  girls 
stroked  them  softly.  (3.)  The  fame  of  Solomon 
spread  to  Persia.  At  Shiraz  they  showed  the  Me- 
der- Suleiman,  or  tomb  of  Bath-sheba,  said  that  Per- 
sepolis  had  been  built  by  the  Jinns  at  his  command, 
and  pointed  to  the  TaklUi-Suleimann  (Solomon's 
throne)  in  proof.  Through  their  spells  too  he  made 
his  wonderful  journey,  breakfasting  at  Persepolis, 
dining  at  Ba'albek,  and  supping  at  Jerusalem.  Per- 
sian literature  had  countless  lives  of  Solomon,  who 
in  popular  belief  was  confounded  witli  the  great 
Persian  hero  Djemschid.  (4.)  The  legends  appeared 
in  their  coarsest  and  basest  form  in  Europe,  losing 
all  their  poetry,  the  mere  appendages  of  the  most 
detestable  of  Apocrypha,  Books  of  Magic,  a  Hi/gro- 
matiteia,  a  Contradidio  Saloinonis  condemned  by 
GeVjiSms,  Ineaniatidiieii,  Clavicula,  kc.  One  pseudon- 
ymous work  has  a  somewhat  higher  character,  'Jie 
Psalter  of  Solomon,  altogether  without  merit,  a  med- 
ley from  the  Psalms  of  David,  but  not  otherwise  of- 
fensive, and  sometimes  attached,  as  in  the  Alexan- 
drine LXX.,  to  the  sacred  volume. — VIII.  New  Tes- 
(ameiit.  The  teaching  of  the  N.  T.  adds  nothing  to 
the  materials  for  a  life  of  Solomon,  but  it  enables 
us  to  take  the  truest  measure  of  it.  The  teaching 
of  the  Son  of  Man  passes  sentence  on  all  that  kingly 
pomp :  Solomon  in  all  his  glory  was  not  arrayed  like 
one  of  the  lilies  of  the  field  (Mat.  vi.  29).  Jesus  of 
Nazareth  was  one  "greater  than  Solomon  "  (xii.  42). 
It  was  reserved  for  the  true,  the  later  Son  of  David, 
to  fulfil  the  prophetic  yearnings  which  had  gathered 
round  the  birth  of  the  earlier.  He  was  the  true 
Solomon  =  the  Prince  of  Peace,  the  true  Jcdidiab 
=:  the  well-beloved  of  the  Father. 

Solo-mon's  Poreh.    Porch  ;  Temple. 

Sol'o-moD's  Ser'vaDts,  I'bll'dren  or(Ezr.  ii.  66,  68; 
Neh.  vii.  67,  60).  These  appear  in  the  lists  of  the 
exiles  who  returned  from  theCaptivity.  They  occupy 
almost  the  lowest  places  in  tho.'ie  lists,  and  their 
position  indicates  some  connection  with  the  services 
of  the  Temple.  (1.)  The  name,  as  well  as  the  or- 
der, implies  inferiority  even  to  the  Nethimm.  (2.) 
The  starting-point  of  their  historv  is  probibly  in  1 
K.  V.  13,  14,  ix.  20,  21,  and  2  ChV.  viii.  7,  8.  Ca- 
naanites,  livmg  till  then  with  a  certain  measure  of 
freedom,  were  reduced  by  Solomon  to  bondage,  and 
compelled  to  labor  in  the  king's  stone^juarries,  and 
in  building  his  palaces  and  cities.  To  S')me  extent, 
indeed,  the  change  had  been  effected  under  David, 
but  it  appears  then  to  have  been  connected  with 
the  Temple,  and  the  servitude  under  Solomon  was 
harder  and  more  extended  (1  Chr.  xxii.  2).  (3.)  1 
Ohr.  xxii.  2  throws  some  light  on  their  special  oflice. 
The  Ncthinini  were  hewers  of  teood  and  drawers  of 
water  (Josh.  ix.  28),  and  this  was  enough  for  the 
services  of  the  Tabernucle.  For  the  construction 
and  repairs  of  the  Temple  another  kind  of  labor 
was  required,  and  the  new  bondmen  were  set  to 
hewing  and  squaring  »<on««  (1  K.  v.  17,  IS).  Their 
descendants  appear  to  have  formed  a  distinct  order^ 


1054 


SOL 


SON 


inheriting  probably  the  same  functions  and  the  same 
sliill.     Proski-vte  ;  Skrvant  ;  Slave. 

Soi'o-mon's  Song.     Canticles. 

Solo-DiOD,  Wisdom  of.     Wisdom,  Book  of. 

Son  (Heb.  usually  hen  ;  Gr.  huios^  &c.)  denotes 
literally  one's  male  child  (Gen.  .wii.  16,  19  ;  Mat.  i. 
21,  23,  25,  &c.),  or  more  loosely,  a  grandson  (Gen. 
xxix.  5;  Ezr.  v.  1,  &c.)  or  more  remote  descendant 
(viii.  15  ;  Mat.  i.  1,  20 ;  Lk.  xix.  9,  &c.),  also  a  foster- 
child  (Ex.  ii.  10;  Heb.  xi.  24,  &c.) ;  hence  figura- 
tively a  vassal  or  subject  (2  K.  xvi.  7,  &c.),  a  pupil 
or  disciple  (1  K.  xx.  35;  Ileb.  ii.  10,  &c.),  one 
closely  connected  in  origin,  destiny,  &;c.,  with  a 
particular  time  or  place  or  thing,  as  the  "  son  of  a 
year,"  i.  e.  a  year  old  (Lev.  xii.  6  margin,  &c.),  "son 
of  death,"  i.  e.  one  devoted  to  death  (1  Sam.  xx.  31 
margin,  &c.),  &c.  The  word  bar  (Chal.  and  poetic 
Heb.  =  «o«)  is  often  found  in  N.  T.  in  composition, 
as  Bar-timel'S.  Child  ;  Prophet  ;  Son  op  God  ; 
Son  of  Man,  &c. 

Son  of  God  (Son  ;  God).  This  title  is  applied  in 
the  Scriptures — I.  To  created  beings  who  derive 
their  origin  directly  from  God,  or  stand  as  His  rep- 
resentatives in  rank  and  authority,  or  occupy  a 
peculiarly  intimate  relation  to  Him.  It  is  thus  ap- 
plied sometimes  in  the  singular,  but  mostly  in  the 
plural — a.  To  angels  (Job  i.  6,  ii.  1,  xxxviii.  7; 
probably  Dan.  iii.  25,  compare  28  and  see  below). 
6.  To  Adam  in  a  genealogy  (Lk.  iii.  38 ;  compare 
Acts  xvii.  28).  c.  To  kings  and  rulers  (2  Sam.  vii. 
14 ;  1  Chr.  xxviii.  6 ;  compare  Ps.  Ixxxii.  6).  d.  To 
the  worshippers  or  chosen  people  of  God  (Gen.  vi.  2, 
4  [probably  ;  see  Giants]  ;  Ex.  iv.  22,  23  ;  Deut.  xiv. 
1  [a.  V.  "  children,"  literally  sons\  ;  Is.  xlv.  11  ;  Jer. 
xxxi.  20;  Hos.  i.  10,  xi.  1,  &c.),  reproved  as  "back- 
sliding children  "  (Jer.  iii.  14,  22  [literally  »ons\), 
&c. ;  especially  in  the  N.  T.  to  believers  in  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  (Jn.  i.  12;  Rom.  viii.  14,  19;  Phil.  ii. 
15  ;  1  Jn.  iii.  1,  2  ;  compare  2  Cor.  vi.  18,  &c.).  In 
Dan.  iii.  25  Nebuchadnezzar  uses  the  phrase  a  son 
of  God  or  a  son  of  the  gods  (A.  V.  "the  son  of 
God  "),  supposed  by  some  (Rashi,  Saadiah,  Fair- 
bairn,  Barnes,  &c.)  to  mean  one  of  the  angels,  by 
others  (Geseiiius,  Stuart,  &c.)  a  descendant  of  the 
gods  or  supernatural  being,  by  others  (TertuUian, 
Augustine,  Gill,  &c.)  the  Messiah  or  Lord  Jesis 
Christ  (see  II.). — II.  Preeminently  to  Him  who 
"  was  in  the  beginning  with  God  "  and  "  was  God  " 
— who  "  was  made  flesh  and  dwelt  among  us  .  .  .  full 
of  grace  and  truth  " — who  "  hath  declared  "  God — 
"  the  only-begotten  Son,  which  is  in  the  bosom  of 
the  Father;"  =  "the  Word"  (Jn.  i.  1,  2,  14,  18  ; 
compare  Ps.  ii.  7).  The  title  "  the  Son  of  God  "  is 
apidied  to  the  Son  Jesus  Christ  in  the  N.  T.  more 
than  forty  times  (Mat.  iv.  3,  6,  viii.  29,  xiv.  33,  &c.), 
once  to  Adam  in  an  abbreviated  form  in  the  Greek, 
"s«)i  of"  being  supplied  by  the  translators  (Lk.  iii. 
38;  I.'A,  above).  The  title  "the  Son  of  God"  is 
applied  to  Christ  in  the  first  three  Gospels,  says 
Dorner,  "  in  three  senses :  in  a  physical  sense,  to 
designate  His  nature  ;  in  a  moral  sense,  to  declare 
Hi.s  perfection  ;  and  in  an  official  sense  (in  which 
both  the  others  are  comprised),  to  show  His  work, 
as  Messiah.  He  calls  Himself  also  the  Son  op  Man; 
and  this  expression  is  without  force,  unless  we  con- 
sider Him  as  employing  it  in  contrast  with  the  con- 
sciousness He  had  of  a  higher  nature ;  while  it  also  j 
refers  to  His  peculiar  and  special  relation  to  the  j 
race — He  is  the  Son  of  Man,  not  of  a  man.  As 
both  Son  of  God  and  of  Man,  He  is  called  '  Son '  in 
an  eminent  sense ;  the  only  Son  of  God,  so  that 
even  when  His  disciples  were  present,  He  could  say  1 


My  Father,  and  not  our  Father.  He  forgives  sins  : 
in  the  form  of  baptism  He  puts  His  name  with  that 
of  the  Father ;  He  has  power  to  send  the  Holy 
Spirit ;  He  alone  knows  the  Father,  all  other  men 
know  the  Father  through  Him  ;  all  power  is  given 
to  Him  ;  in  all  space  and  time  He  is  present ;  His 
coming  is  to  be  the  end  of  the  world  ;  He  is  the 
Judge  of  the  world  ;  for  all  eternity  the  Son  of  God 
and  Man  is  to  be  the  centre  of  the  Christian's  bless- 
edness. Such  is  the  Person  of  Christ  in  the  first 
three  Gospels.  The  boldest  passages  of  John  have 
their  entire  parallel  in  the  other  evangelists ;  and 
some  of  their  strongest  passages  have  no  parallel 
in  John  (Mat.  ix.  2-6,  xxviii.  18-20)."  Dorner 
finds  in  Janies,  Peter,  and  Jude,  the  same  type  of 
the  doctrine  respecting  the  person  of  Christ  as  in 
the  first  three  evangelists.  Another  type  or  mode 
of  announcing  this  doctrine,  though  embracing  the 
same  grand  fundamental  position,  Dorner  finds  in 
the  writings  of  Paul  and  John,  who,  "  both  in  their 
earlier  and  later  writings  ascribe  divinity  to  the 
Son  not  merely  in  a  moral  but  in  an  essential  sense, 
and  view  the  relation  of  the  Son  to  the  Father  not 
only  as  '  economic,'  but  also  as  ontological  or  meta- 
physical ;  so  that  Christ  with  the  Fatlier  and  the 
Holy  Ghost  constitutes  a  sacred  triad  (or  trinity). 
The  real  humanity  of  Christ  is  no  less  clearly  pre- 
sented in  their  epistles.  The  new  idea  of  the  God- 
man  is  thus  fully  recognized  by  them,  and  their 
writings  give  it  to  us  in  its  highest  type  "  (Doi-ner's 
Doctrine  of  the  Person  of  Christ,  translated  by  Prof. 
H.  B.  Smith,  in  B.  S.  vi.  177-8).  "If  the  only-be- 
gotten and  well-beloved  Son  of  God,  who  always 
was  and  is  to  be  in  the  bosom  of  the  Father,  in  the 
nearness  and  dearness  of  an  eternal  fellowship  and 
an  eternal  sonsliip ;  who  is  the  manifestation,  the 
expression,  the  perfect  image,  of  God,  such  a  icflec- 
tion  of  the  glory  and  express  image  of  His  person, 
that  whoever  has  seen  the  Son  has  seen  the  Father 
also ;  who  is  the  agent  and  representative  of  God 
in  the  creation  and  preservation  of  the  material  and 
spiritual  universe,  in  the  redemption  of  the  Church 
and  the  reconciliation  of  the  world  and  the  govern- 
ment of  both,  in  the  general  resurrection  of  the 
dead  and  the  final  judgment  of  men  and  angels,  in 
all  Divine  attributes  and  acts,  so  tliat  He  is  mani- 
festly the  acting  Deity  of  the  universe — if  He  is  not 
God,  there  is  no  actual  or  possible  evidence  that 
there  is  any  God  "  (Prof  W.  S.  Tyler,  D.  D.,  in  B.  S. 
xxii.  639).  —  Canon  Wordsworth,  with  Basnage, 
Fairbairn,  Ayre,  &e.,  concludes  "  that  although  the 
Jews  of  our  Lord's  age  might  have  inferred,  and 
ought  to  have  inferred  from  their  own  Scriptures 
(Ps.  ii.  7,  xlv.  6,  7  [compare  Heb.  i.  5,  8,  v.  5] ;  Is. 
vii.  14,  ix.  6;  Mic.  v.  2;  Zcch.  .\i.  13;  Messiah; 
Prophet),  that  the  Messiah,  or  Christ,  would  be  a 
Divine  Person,  and  the  Son  of  God  in  the  highest 
sense  of  the  term  ;  and  although  some  among  them, 
who  were  more  enlightened  than  the  rest,  entertained 
that  opinion,  yet  it  was  not  the  popular  and  gen- 
erally received  notion  among  the  Jews  that  the  Mes- 
siah would  be  other  than  a  man,  born  of  human 
parents,  and  not  a  Divine  being,  and  Son  of  God. 
.  .  .  The  reason  of  His  condemnation  by  the  Jew- 
ish Sanhedrim,  and  of  His  delivery  M  Pilate  for 
cnicifixion,  was  not  that  He  claimed  to  be  the  Mes- 
siah or  Christ,  but  that  He  asserted  Himself  to  be 
much  more  than  that :  in  a  word,  because  He  claimed 
to  be  the  Son  of  God,  and  to  be  God"  (Jn.  v.  17, 
18,  viii.  58,  59,  x.  30-33,  xix.  7;  Mat.  xxvi.  6_3 
ff. ;  Lk.  xxii.  70,  71,  xxiii.  1  ;   compare  Mat.  xvi. 

16,  17,  &C.).      SAVIOtJR. 


SON 


SOS 


1055 


Son  of  Man  (Son  ;  Man)  =  child  of  humanity, 
i.  c.  one  of  the  human  race,  a  liiiman  being  in  origin 
and  eliaracteristios  (Num.  xxiii.  19;  Job  xxv.  6; 
Pi.  viii.  4,  cxliv.  3,  exlvi.  3,  &c.).  God  addresses 
the  propliet  Ezekiel  by  this  title  to  remind  him,  so 
highly  honored  with  visions  and  revelations  of  God, 
of  his  weakness  and  mortality,  and  lead  him  to  give 
glory  to  God  and  execute  with  meekness  and  alac- 
rity the  duties  of  his  prophetic  office  and  mission 
from  God  to  his  fellow-men.  Dan.  vii.  13  (compare 
X.  10)  designates  the  Messiah  as  tike  a  son  of  man, 
i.  e.  like  a  human  being  (Chal.  bar  indsh  [SIan  2], 
A.  V.  "like  the  Son  of  Man").  So  in  Rev.  i.  13, 
xiv.  14,  the  Greek  is  tike  a  son  of  man  (Gr.  huioi 
anthropou,  A.  V.  "like  the  Son  of  Man").  But  in 
the  Gospels  the  phrase  "  the  Son  of  Man  "  is  found 
more  than  eighty  times  as  used  by  our  Lord  Jkscs 
Christ  to  designate  Himself  (Mat.  viii.  20,  ix.  6,  x. 
23,  &c.),  once  in  Jn.  xii.  34  as  an  inquiry  of  the 
people  concerning  Him  who  applied  tills  title  to 
Himself.  It  is  once  also  used  of  Him  (apparently 
as  seen  standing  in  human  form  and  with  human 
sympathies  at  tlie  right  hand  of  God)  by  Stephen  in 
his  dying  speech  (Acts  vii.  56).  Prof  W.  S.  Tyler, 
D.  D.  (in  B.  S.  xxii.  51  ff.),  thus  explains  the  mean- 
ing of  "  the  Son  of  Man,"  which  may  be  called  the 
favorite  name  of  the  Redeemer  of  mankind :  1.  It 
implies  that  Jesus  was  a  rnan,  a  real  and  proper 
man,  po.ssessed  of  all  the  attributes  and  characteris- 
tics of  our  common  huniai\ity — a  man  by  birth  and 
a  man  by  nature.  2.  He  was  not  merely  a  man,  but 
Oie  Man — the  only  Man  in  the  fullest  and  highest 
sense,  as  He  was  in  the  fullest  and  highest  sense 
the  only  Sun  of  Man,  that  has  ever  lived  in  our 
world.  He  had  no  individual  idiosyncrasies — none 
of  the  prejudices  of  His  class  or  region.  3.  He  was 
the  model  man — morally  perfect,  sinless — exhibit- 
ing the  human  virtues  without  imperfection  or  alloy 
— a  perfect  pattern  of  what  man  should  be  in  his 
relations  to  his  fellow-man  and  to  God.  4.  He  was 
the  representative  man — officially,  as  well  as  per- 
sonally, the  representative  of  the  race.  He  was  born 
— lived — suffered — died — for  the  race.  In  Christ, 
human  history  begins  a  new  e|)och,  the  human  race 
a  new  life.  He  is  the  second  Adam,  in  whom  hu- 
manity is  again  embodied,  represented,  and,  as  it 
were,  created  anew.  5.  He  was  the  friend  of  man. 
He  was  not  only  o  philanthropist ;  He  was  the  phi- 
lanthropist— the  man  of  love  to  all  mankind,  the 
pattern  and  embodiment  of  philanthropy.  "  Philan- 
thropy "  has  had  another  meaning  since  He  came 
into  the  world  to  teach  and  to  exemplify  it.  His  mis- 
sion embraced  the  world.  His  religion,  for  the  first 
time  in  the  world's  history,  was  a  religion  for  all 
mankind,  and  a  religion  of  love  to  all.  He  was 
emphatically  the  friend  and  companion  of  sinners. 
"  He  went  about  doing  good  and  healing  all  that 
were  oppressed  of  the  devil ;  for  God  was  with 
Him."  His  was  philanlhro/i;/  that  deserved  the 
name — wide  as  the  world,  universal  as  the  race, 
diversified  as  Its  wants  and  woes,  enduring  as  its  ex- 
istence. Yet  "Son  of  Man"  was  not  His  original 
title.  "  Son  of  Goo "  was  His  rank  and  title  in 
heaven,  where  all  the  angels  of  (rod  worshipped 
Him  as  very  God  ;  and  it  was  love  for  mankind  that 
brought  Him  into  our  world  in  human  nature — born 
of  a  woman,  a  babe  in  Bethlehem,  a  member  of  the 
great  human  family,  the  Son  of  Man  among  the  chil- 
dren of  men — "  that  He  by  the  grace  of  God  should 
taste  death  for  every  man."  As  Son  of  Man,  too. 
He  shall  judge  the  world  (Mat.  xxv,  31).  Saviour  ; 
Sox,  &c. 


*Songi    Htmn;  Music;  Psalm. 

*  Song  of  SolVmoD,  the.    Canticles. 

*  Song  of  Songs,  the.     Canticles. 

*  Song  of  the  Three  Uo'ly  Chil  dren,  the.  Daniel, 
Apocryphal  Additions  to. 

Sooth'say-er.     Divination. 

*Sop.     Meals,  p.  621 ;  Passover,  II.  3,  c. 

Sop'a-ter  (L.  fr.  Gr,,  probably  contracted  from 
Sosipater),  the  son  of  Pyrrlius  (so  Mr.  Wright, 
with  the  Vulgate  and  oldest  Greek  MSS.)  of  Berea; 
one  of  St.  Paul's  companions  on  his  return  from 
Greece  into  Asia,  in  his  third  missionary  journey 
(Acts  XX.  4).     Sosipatek. 

Sopll'e-rctll  (Ueb.  scribe,  Ges.),  ancestor  of  certain 
"  children  of  Solomon's  servants "  who  returned 
from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  55 ;  Neh. 
vii.  5'7). 

Soph-o-ni'as  (L.  fr.  Heb.)  =  Zepuaniau  (2  Esd. 
i.  40). 

Sor'ecr-*r.     Divination  ;  Magic. 

So'rek  (Heb.  a  vine,  Ges.),  the  Val'Iey  of  (Valley 
3);  a  wady  in  which  lay  the  residence  of  Delilah 
(Judg.  xvi.  4  only) ;  apparently  a  Philistine  place, 
and  possibly  nearer  to  Gaza  than  to  any  other  of 
the  chief  Philistine  cities,  since  thither  Samson  was 
taken  after  his  capture  at  Delilah's  house.  Eusebius 
and  Jerome  state  that  a  village  named  Caphaisorcch 
was  shown  in  their  day  "  on  the  north  of  Eleutho- 
ropolis,  near  the  town  of  Saar  (or  Saraa),  i.  e.  Zo- 
RAH,  the  native  place  of  Samson."  Van  de  Velde 
identifies  the  Valley  of  Sorek  with  Wad;/  Simsin, 
which  runs  from  the  neighborhood  of  Eleutheropo- 
lis  into  the  sea  at  Ascalon ;  Porter  (in  Kitto)  sug- 
gests that  it  may  be  Wady  es-Surur,  which  runs 
from  the  neighborhood  of  Zorah  and  Bethshemesh 
past  Jabncel  or  Jamuia  to  the  sea. 

So-sip'a-ter  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  saving  [or  preserving] 
a  father).  I.  A  general  of  Judas  JIaccaheus,  who 
with  Dositheus  defeated  Timotheus  and  took  him 
prisoner,  about  B.  c.  164  (2  Mc.  xii.  19-24). — "^j 
Kinsman  or  fellow-tribesmaM  of  St.  Paul  (Rom.  xvi. 
21);  probably  =  Sopater. 

Sos'tlie-nes  [-nccz]  (Gr.  saving  [or  presei-vingl, 
strength),  a  Jew  at  Corinth,  who  was  seized  and 
beaten  in  the  presence  of  Gallio  (Acts  xviii.  12- 
17).  Some  have  thought  that  he  was  a  Christian, 
maltreated  thus  by  his  own  countrymen,  because  he 
was  known  as  a  special  friend  of  Paul.  A  better 
view  is  (so  Prof  Hackctt,  the  original  author  of 
this  article,  with  nio.-st  critics)  that  Sosthenos  was 
one  of  the  bigoted  Jews  ;  and  that  "  the  crowd  " 
were  Greeks  wJio,  taking  advantage  of  the  indiffer- 
ence of  Gallio,  and  ever  ready  to  show  their  con- 
timpt  of  the  Jews,  turned  their  indignation  against 
Sosthenos.  In  this  case  he  must  have  been  the  suc- 
cessor of  Crispus,  or  (as  Biscoe  conjectures)  may 
have  belonged  to  some  other  synagogue  at  Corinth 
(xviii.  8).  Chrysostom's  notion,  that  Crispus  =  Sos- 
thenes,  is  arbitrary  and  unsupported. — Paul  wrote 
the  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians  jointly  in  his 
own  name  and  that  of  a  Sosthenes  whom  he  terms 
"the  brother  "  (1  Cor.  i.  1).  Some  have  held  that  he 
=:  the  Sosthenes  of  Acts  xviii.  If  so,  lie  must  have 
been  converted  at  a  later  period,  and  have  been  at 
Ephesus  and  not  at  Corintli,  when  Paul  wrote  to  the 
Corinthian.s.  The  name  was  common,  and  but  little 
stress  can  be  laid  on  that  coincidence.  Eusebius  says 
that  this  Sostliencs  was  one  of  the  seventy  disciples, 
and  a  later  tradition  adds  that  he  became  bishop 
of  the  Church  at  Colophon  in  Ionia. 

Sos'tra-tas  (L.  fr.  Gr.  —  saving  an  army),  a  com- 
mander of  the  Syrian  garrison  in  the  Acra  at  Jero- 


X056 


SOT 


SPA 


SALEM  in  the  reign  of  Antiochus  Epiphanea  (about 
B.  c.  172  :  2  Mc.  iv.  27,  29). 

So'lol,  or  So'ta-1  (Heb.  one  who  turns  aside,  Ges.), 
ancestor  of  a  family  of  the  descendants  of  Solo- 
mon's servants  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
ii.  55  ;  Neh.  vii.  57). 

*  Soul  [sole],  tlie  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Heb. 
nSdibAli  (Job  xxx.  15  only,  marg.  "principal  one"); 
=  nohitily,  figuratively  elevated  and  happy  state,  ex 
cellency,  Ges.  :  honor,  reputation,  Fii. — 2.  Heb. 
nephesh  more  than  500  times  (Gen.  ii.  7,  xii.  5,  13, 
&c.,  &c.).  The  meanings  of  nephesh  are  thus  classi- 
fied by  Gesenius : — (1.)  breath  (so  A.  V.,  Job  xli. 
13);  (2.)  the  vital  npirit,  through  which  the  body 
lives,  i.  e.  the  principle  of  life  manifested  in  the 
breath,  hence  life,  vital  prineiple,  animal  spirit 
(translated  "soul"  in  Gen.  xxx  v.  IS  and  1  K.  xvii. 
21,  22,  kc;  "life"  in  Ex.  iv.  19,  xxi.  23,  &c. ; 
"  ghost "  in  Job  xi.  20  and  Jer.  xv.  9) ;  to  which  is 
ascribed  whatever  has  respect  to  the  sustenance  of 
life  by  food  and  drink,  and  the  contrary  (A.  V.  usu- 
ally "  soul,"  e.  g.  Num.  xxi.  5  ;  Prov.  vi.  30 ;  Is.  Iv. 
2,  3,  &c.) :  (3.)  the  rational  «otf^,  mind,  as  the  seat 
of  the  feelings,  affections,  emotions  of  various  kinds 
(Dcut.  iv.  29,  xxx.  2,  6,  10,  &c.  ;  "  will  "  in  Ps. 
xxvii.  12,  &c. ;  "pleasure"  in  Ps.  cv.  22;  "lust" 
in  Ex.  XV.  9  ;  "  mind  "  in  Ez.  xxxvi.  5,  &c. ;  "  heart " 
in  Ex.  xxiii.  9  and  Prov.  xxviii.  25,  &e.) :  (4.)  con- 
cretely livitiff  thing,  animal  (translated  "  soul "  in 
Gen.  ii.  7  and  Josh.  x.  28  ff.,  xi.  11,  &c. ;  "crea- 
ture" in  Gen.  i.  21,  24,  ii.  19,  &c. ;  "person"  in 
Ex.  xvl.  16  and  Deut.  x.  22,  &o.),  used  for  a  corpse 
or  body  from  which  life  has  departed  ("  body  "  in 
Num.  vi.  6,  &c. ;  "dead  body"  in  ix.  6,  7,  10; 
"dead  "  in  v.  2,  vi.  11,  &c.) :  (5.)  with  mv,  thi/,  kc, 
for  self  (Ps.  cxxxi.  2  ;  Esth.  iv.  13 ;  Jer.  'li.  14,  &c. ; 
often  translated  "  soul "  in  this  sense). — 3.  Heb. 
nishdmdh  once  (Is.  Ivii.  16),  usually  and  literally 
translated  "breath,"  also  "blast"  (2  Sam.  ii.  16; 

Job    iv.    9,    &C.),    "  SPIRIT,"    "  INSPIRATION,"    &c. — 4. 

Gr.  psuche  (Mat.  x.  28  twice,  xi.  29,  &c.).  The 
meanings  of  psuche  are  classified  by  Dr.  Robinson 
(S.  T.  Lex.)  in  close  correspondence  to  those  of  No. 
2,  above,  for  which  it  is  used  in  the  LXX. :  Prima- 
rily flu  breath  (in  LXX.) ;  usually  and  in  N.  T.  the 
vital  breath,  life :  (1  )  properly  the  soul  as  the  vital 
principle,  i.  e.  the  animal  soul,  the  vital  principle, 
/!/« (translated  "soul"  in  Lk.  xii.  20  and  1  Th.  ii. 
fi,  &c. ;  but  usually  in  tliis  sense  "life,"  as  in  Mat. 
ii.  20,  vi.  25  twice,  x.  39  twice,  &c.):  (2.)  specially 
tlie  soul  as  the  sentient  principle  ;  (a.)  as  the  seat 
of  the  senses,  desires,  affections,  appetites,  passions, 
i.  c.  the  lower  and  animal  nature  common  to  man 
v'ith  tlie  beasts  (translated  "soul"  in  1  Th.  v.  23 
and  Heb.  iv.  12,  &c. ;  "  mind  "  in  Acts  xiv.  2  and 
Heb.  xii.  3,  &c. ;  "  heart "  in  Eph.  vi.  6,  the  same 
Greek  phrase  here  translated  "  from  the  heart  "  be- 
ing rendered  "  heartily  "  in  Col.  ill.  23),  under  which 
sense  is  included  the  use  of  "  my  soul "  and  "  thy 
soul  "  for  the  person  himself  (Mat.  xii.  18 ;  Rev. 
xviii.  14,  &c.);  and  (6.)  in  a  general  sense  the  soul 
of  man,  his  spiritual  and  immortal  nature,  with  all 
its  higher  and  lower  powers,  its  rational  and  animal 
faculties  (Mat.  x.  28  twice ;  2  Cor.  i.  23 ;  Heb.  vi. 
19,  &c.):  (3.)  concretely  a  soul,  a  living  thing,  ani- 
mal, used  (a.)  in  a  general  sense  for  any  living  crea- 
ture (translated  "  soul "  in  1  Cor.  xv.  45  and  Rev. 
xvi.  3),  but  (6.)  oftener  of  man,  a  soul,  a  living  per- 
son (Acts  ii.  43,  iii.  23 ;  Rom.  ii.  9,  xiii.  1,  &e.),  and 
(c.)  specifically  for  a  s-nianl,  a  slave  in  Rev.  xviii. 
13,  A.  V.  "souls,"  perhaps  more  emphatic  than  the 
preceding  sdmata  (z^  bodies),  translated  "slaves" 


(compare  Ez.  xxvii.  IS  ;  Slave).  Atonement; 
Death  ;  Eternal  ;  Eternity  ;  Heaven  ;  Immortal- 
ity ;  Life  ;  Man  ;  Resurrection  ;  Salvation  ;  Sa- 
viour ;  Sin  ;  Spirit,  &c. 

*  Sonth  (Helj.  ddrom  [  =  bright,  sunny  region, 
Ges.],  neffeb  [  =  dry,  parched  quarter,  FU.,  Gis.], 
tei/mdn  [=  what  is  on  the  right  hand,  Ges.],  &c. ; 
Gr.  notos  [  =:  the  south  wind,  strictly  t/ie  southioest 
wind,  Rbn.  N,  T.  Lex.},  nusembria  [  =  mid-dai/, 
noon,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.]  in  Acts  viii.  26),  that  quar- 
ter of  the  heavens  or  earth  which  was  on  the  right 
hand  of  a  person  facing  the  east  (Gen.  xii.  9 ;  1 
I  Sam.  xxiii.  19;  Job  ix.  9;  Eccl.  i.  6;  Mat.  xii.  42; 
Acts  viii.  26,  &c.).  "The  South"  or  "the  South 
Country  "  (Heb.  negeb)  is  often  used  for  the  south- 
ern part  of  Judah,  or  the  land  from  southern  Canaan 
to  Arabia  l'etra;a  and  Egypt  (Gen.  xx.  1,  xxiv.  62 ; 
Num.  xiii.  29;  Jer.  xxxii.  44,  &c.);  sometimes  for 
Egypt  (Dan.  xi.  5-40 ;  Is.  xxx.  6  [so  Gesenius, 
&c.]) ;  in  one  prophecy  (uttered  in  the  land  of  the 
Chaldeans)  for  the  hind  of  Israel  and  especially 
Jerusalem  (Ez.  xx.  46,  47).  "  The  queen  of  the 
south  "  (Mat.  xii.  42  ;  Lk.  xi.  81)  =  the  queen  of 
Sheba  in  Arabia  (1  K.  x. ;  2  Chr.  ix.).  Judah  1 
(L);  Wind. 

SoDth  Kamoth  (=  south  heights;  Ramoth),  one 
of  the  places  frequented  by  David  and  his  band 
during  the  latter  part  of  Saul's  life  (1  Sam.  xxx. 
27) ;  =  Ramath  of  the  South  and  Baalath-beer. 

Sow.    Swine. 

Sow'cr,  Sow'ing.  The  operation  of  sowing  with 
the  hand  needs  little  description.  The  Egyptian 
paintings  furnish  many  illustrations  of  the  mode  in 
which  it  was  conducted.  (Agriculture.)  The  sower 
held  the  vessel  or  basket  containing  the  seed,  in  his 
left  hand,  while  with  his  right  he  scattered  the  seed 
broadcast.  The  "drawing  out"  of  the  seed,  i.  e. 
(so  Gesenius)  the  scattering  it  regularly  along  the 
furrows,  is  noticed  in  Ps.  cxxvi.  6  (A.  V.  "  pre- 
cious") and  Am.  ix.  13  margin.  The  sowing  season 
commenced  in  October  and  continued  to  the  end  of 
February,  wheat  being  put  in  before,  and  barley  af- 
ter the  beginning  of  January.     Palestine,  Climate. 

Spain  (fr.  Gr.  Spania  ;  L.  Hispania  ;  derived  from 
Ileb.  or  Phenician  shuphdn  =  land  of  rabbits,  Boch. ; 
see  Coney  ;  or  from  the  Basque  Ezpafia,  descriptive 
of  its  position  on  the  edge  of  the  continent  of  Eu- 
rope, W.  von  Humboldt),  a  well-known  country  in 
the  southwest  of  Europe.  Its  earliest  inhabitants 
known  to  the  Greeks  and  Romans  were  the  Iberians, 
the  country  itself  being  called  Iberia.  From  the 
mixture  of  the  Iberians  and  of  the  Celts,  who  had 
invaded  the  counlry,  came  the  Celtibcrians.  About 
B.  0.  1000  the  I'henicians  came  to  Spain  and  founded 
Tartessus  (Tarshisii),  Gades  (now  Cadiz),  &c.  After 
them  came  the  Greeks,  and  founded  Saguntum,  &c. 
After  the  first  Punic  war  (Rome)  the  Carthaginians 
established  themselves  in  Spain,  founding  New  Car- 
thage (now  Carthagena),  &c.,  but  were  expelled  by 
the  Romans  b.  c.  206,  who,  however,  did  not  com- 
plete their  conquest  of  the  peninsula  {including  the 
modern  Portugal)  till  b.  c.  19.  The  country  became 
one  of  the  principal  seats  of  Roman  civilization  and 
literature.  The  Christianization  of  the  country, 
early  begun,  was  considered  complete  in  Coiistan- 
tine's  time.  The  dissolution  of  the  Roman  Empire 
called  into  Spain  several  German  tribes,  the  Suevi, 
the  Alans,  and  the  Vandals.  The  Romans  invited 
to  their  aid  the  Vi.sigoths,  who  in  a.  d.  471  put  an 
end  to  the  Roman  dominion,  and  in  686,  having  just 
subdued  the  whole  country,  adopted  the  Roman 
Catholic  faith.     In  711-716  the  Arabs  (Arabia)  or 


SPA 


SPA 


1057 


Moors  conquered  all  but  some  mountain-districts  in 
tlie  northwest  where  a  Gothic  kingdom  was  main- 
tained, called  at  first  the  Icingdom  of  Oviedo,  after- 
ward (grown  more  extensive)  the  liingdom  of  Astu- 
rias,  and  (still  later)  of  Leon.  Other  kingdoms, 
Castile,  Kavarre,  Catalonia,  Aragon,  Galicia,  Portu- 
gal, &c.,  also  arose  at  different  times.  At  the  end 
ot  the  fifteenth  century  the  marriage  of  Ferdinand 
of  Arjgon  and  Isabella  of  Castile  united  the  whole 
of  Christi.in  Sp  lin  into  one  kingdom.  The  .Nloors 
were  e.tpelled  from  the  king  lorn  of  Granada,  their 
last  possession  in  Spain,  in  1491-2.  The  Jews  were 
also  expelled  from  Spain  by  Ferdinand  about  the 
same  time.  (Tiiessalo.nica.)  In  1492,  under  Spanish 
patronage,  Christopher  Columbus  discovered  Amer- 
ica, after  wliich  Spain  became  one  of  the  leading 
powers  of  Europe.  (For  further  details,  see  Neio 
Amerkia  Citr!op<eiia,  article  Spain.) — The  Hebrews 
were  aeiiuainted  with  the  position  and  the  mineral 
we  ilth  of  Spain  from  the  time  of  Solomon.  (Tar- 
8HISH.)  The  fame  of  the  Roman  wars  in  Spain  is 
mentioned  in  1  Mc.  viii.  3.  Trie  intention  of  St. 
Paul  to  visit  Spain  (Rora.  xv.  24,  28)  implies  the 
establishment  of  a  Christian  community  in  that 
country,  and  this  by  means  of  Hellenistic  Jews  res- 
ident there. 

*  Spaa  (Heb.  zereih).    Weights  and  Measpiies, 
II.  1. 

Sp.ir'row  (Heb.  tnppor ;  Gr.  ulrniifhion).  This 
Hebrew  word  occurs  forty  times  in  the  0.  T.  In 
all  passages  except  two  it  is  rendered  by  A.  V.  in- 
differently "bird"  or  "fowl."  In  Ps.  Ixxxiv.  3 
(Heb.  4),  and  Ps.  cii.  7  (Ileb.  8),  also  in  Lev.  xiv.  4 
margin,  the  A.  V.  renders  it  "  sparrow."  The  Greek 
equivalent  alronthion  (Mat.  x.  29,  31  ;  Lk.  xii.  6,  7) 
is  rendered  uniformly  "  sparrows  "  in  A.  V.  and 
prus-ms  (L.  =  sparruws)  in  the  Vulgate.  The  Ileby 
Ifippar,  from  a  ro  it  signifying  to  chirp  or  tioiUer, 
appears  to  be  a  ph  motic  representation  of  the  call- 
note  of  any  passerine  bird  In  few  parts  of  the 
world  are  the  species  of  passerine  birds  more  nu- 
merous or  more  abund.int  than  in  Palestine.  A 
very  cursory  survey  his  sujiplied  a  list  of  above 
100  different  species  of  this  order.  Although  the 
co.nmon  sparrow  of  England  {Passer  domesticua,  or 
FrinjWa  domestica,  Linn.')  doss  not  occur  in  the 
Holy  Land,  its  place  is  abundantly  supplied  by  two 
very  closely  allied  Southern  species  (Pasun-  »a!ici- 
cola,  Vieill.,  and  Passer  cisatpina,  Tem.).  The  Eng- 
lish tree-sparrow  (Passer  montaiins,  Linn.)  is  also 
very  common,  and  may  be  seen  in  numbers  on 
Mount  Olivet,  and  also  about  the  sacred  enclosure 
of  the  mosque  of  Omar.  This  is  perhaps  the  exact 
species  referred  to  in  P.s.  Ixxxiv.  3  (so  Mr.  Tristram, 
original  author  of  this  article).  Its  habits  in  the 
East  are  like  those  of  the  common  house-spjrrow 
of  England.  Most  of  the  commoner  small  birds  of 
England  are  found  in  Palestine.  The  starling,  chaf- 
finch, greenfinch,  linnet,  goldfinch,  corn-hunting, 
pipits,  English  blackbird,  song-thrush,  and  the  vari- 
ous species  of  wagtail  abound.  The  wood-lark 
(Alaula  arhorea,  Linn.),  crested  lark  {GaUrida  cris- 
ia'a,  Bole.),  Calandra  lark  (Melanocorypha  calandra, 
Up.),  short-toed  lark  (Calandrella  hrachydicli/la, 
Kaup.),  Isabel  lark  (AlauHa  Deserti,  Licht.),  and 
various  other  desert-species,  which  are  snared  in 
great  numbers  for  the  markets,  are  far  more  nu- 

'  The  chlpplng-hlril  (Zomtrichia  [or  SpluUa\  fOdalU) 
la  a  well-known  American  example  of  the  eparrows,  tome-  j 
what  smfillor  than  the  common  sparrow  of  Kngland,  bnt 
retemhiinz  It  In  familiarity,  social  dispo«ltion,  tic.    The 
sparrows  feed  on  Insects,  grain,  &c. 

67 


merous  on  the  southern  plains  than  the  sky-lark  in 
England.  In  the  olive-yards,  and  among  the  brush- 
wood of  the  hills  are  found  the  Ortolan  bunting 
(Emberiza  horlii'ana,  Linn.),  and  especially  Cretzsch- 
maer's  bunting  (Emberiza  casia,  Cretz.).  As  most 
of  the  English  warblers  (Si/lviada;)  are  summer  mi- 
grants, and  have  a  wide  eastern  range,  it  was  to  be 
expected  that  they  should  occur  in  Syria ;  and  ac- 
cordingly upward  of  twenty  of  those  on  the  British 
list  have  been  noted  there,  including  the  robin,  red- 
start, whitethroat,  blackcap,  nightingale,  willow- 
wren,  Dartford  warbler,  whinchat,  and  stoncchat. 
Besides  these,  the  Palestine  lists  contain  fourteen 
more  southern  species,  including  the  little  fantail 
(Cisticola  schanicola,  Bp.),  the  Orphean  (Cnrruca 
Oi-phcea,  Boie.),  and  the  Sardinian  warbler  (Si/lvia 
melanoccphala.  Lath.).  The  chats  (Saxicolie),  rep- 
resented in  Britain  by  the  wheatear,  whinchat, 
and  stonechat,  ate  very  numerous  in  the  southern 
parts  of  the  country.  At  least  nine  species  have 
been  observed,  their  favorite  resort  being  the  hill- 
country  of  Judea.  Yet  they  are  not  recognized 
among  the  Bedouin  inhabitants  by  any  name  to 
distinguish  them  from  the  larks.  The  rock-spar- 
row (Pelronia  stulta,  Strickl.)  is  a  common  bird 
in  the  barer  portions  of  Palestine,  eschewing 
woods,  and  generally  to  be  seen  perched  alone  on 
the  top  of  a  rock  or  on  any  large  stone.  From  this 
habit  it  has  been  conjectured  to  be  the  bird  alluded 
to  in  Ps.  cii.  7,  as  "  the  sparrow  that  sitteth  alone 
upon  the  housetop;"  but  as  the  rock  sparrow, 
though  found  among  ruins,  never  resorts  to  inhabited 
buildings,  more  probably  the  bird  to  which  the 
psalmist  alludes  is  the  blue  thrush  (Petrocossyphua 
ei/aneus,  Boie.),  which  is  often  seen  perched  on 
houses  and  especially  on  out-buildings  in  the  villages 
of  Judea,  and  is  a  solitary  bird,  eschewing  the  so- 
ciety of  its  own  species,  rarely  more  than  a  pair 


BlmThrtiak  (ninamyptiu  17111KUO  —  "  ipaTow  "  of  Pi.  ell.  7 1 


being  seen  together.  Among  the  most  conspicuous 
of  the  small  birds  of  Palestine  are  the  shrikes,  or 
butcher-birds  (Lanii),  there  represented  by  at  least 
five  species,  all  abundantly  and  generally  distributed, 
viz.  Enneoctontis  rufv*,  Bp. ;  the  woodchat  shrike, 
iant'M  mcri'lionalm,  Linn. ;  Laniua  minor,  Linn. ; 
Laniiu  personaius,  Teni. ;  and  Telephonua  cucuUattis, 
Gr. — There  are  but  two  allusions  to  the  singing  of 
birds  in  the  Scripture  (Eccl.  xii.  4  ;  Ps.  civ.  12).  As 
the  psalmist  is  here  speaking  of  the  sides  of  streams 
and  rivers  ("By  them,"  &c.),  he  probably  had  in  his 


1058 


SPA 


SPI 


mind  the  bulbul  of  the  country,  or  Palestine  nightin- 
gale (hos  xanlhopyffhis,  Hempr.),  which  is  a  liird  not 
very  lur  i-cinoveii  from  the  thrush  tribe,  abounds  in 
all  "the  wooded  districts  of  Palestine,  and  especially 
by  the  banks  of  the  Jordan,  and  is  a  lovely  songster, 
its  notes,  for  volume  and  variety,  surpassing  those 
of  the  nightingale  of  England.  With  the  exception 
of  the  RAVEN  tribe,  which  feed  on  carrion,  tliere  is 
no  prohibition  in  the  Levitical  law  against  any  pas- 
serine birds  being  used  as  food.  Small  birds  were 
therelore  probably  as  ordinary  an  article  of  consump- 
tion among  the  Israelites,  as  they  still  are  in  the 
markets  both  of  the  Continent  and  of  the  East  (Lk. 
xii.  6 ;  Mat.  x.  29). — Four  or  five  simple  methods  of 
fowling  practised  at  this  day  in  Palestine  are  prob- 
ably identical  with  those  alluded  to  in  the  0.  T.  The 
simplest,  but  by  no  means  the  least,  successful, 
among  the  dexterous  Bedouins,  is  fowling  with  the 
throw-stick.  The  only  weapon  Ui^ed  is  a  short  stick, 
about  eighteen  inches  long  and  half  an  inch  hi  diam- 
eter. When  the  game  has  been  discovered,  w  hich  is 
generally  the  red-legged  great  p.AUTRircE  [CaccahU 
saxalilii,  Mey.),  the  desert  partridge  (An.moperdix 
Heiji,  Gr.),  or  the  little  bustard  ( Olu  tetrax,  Linn.),  the 
stick  is  hurled  with  a  revolving  motion  so  as  to  strike 
the  legs  of  the  bird  as  it  runs,  or  sometimes  at  a 
rather  higher  elevation,  so  that  when  the  victim, 
alarmed  by  the  approach  of  the  weapon,  begins  to 
rise,  its  wings  are  struck,  and  it  is  slightly  disabled. 
The  fleet  pursuers  soon  come  up,  and,  using  their 
burnouses  or  cloaks,  as  a  sort  of  net,  catch  and  at 
once  cut  the  throat  of  the  game.  A  more  scientific 
method  of  fowling  is  that  alluded  to  in  Ecclus.  xi. 
80,  by  the  use  of  decoy  birds.  AVhcther  falconry 
was  ever  employed  as  a  mode  of  fowling  or  not  is 
by  no  means  so  clear.  At  the  present  day  it  is 
practised  with  much  care  and  skill  by  the  Arab  in- 
habitants of  Syria,  though  not  in  Judca  proper. 
Cage;  Fowl;  Gin;  Huktiso;  Nest;  Net;  Pales- 
tine, Zoology  ;  Snare. 

Sparta  (L.  fr.  Gr. ;  said  to  have  been  named  from 
the  wife  of  Laccdrmov,  its  founder  and  king,  the 
people  and  country  being  called  after  his  name),  a 
celebrated  city  of  ancient  Gr.Ei  CE,  and  the  capital  of 
Laconia.  It  was  long  the  rival  of  Athens.  It  was 
situated  in  a  fertile  valley  on  the  Eurotas  about 
twenty  miles  from  the  sea.  The  laws  of  Lycurgus 
(adopted,  according  to  Grote,  about  b.  r.  825)  made 
the  Lacedemonians  a  nation  of  professional  soldiers. 
They  recognized  three  classes  of  persons :  (a.)  the 
Spartans,  all  warriors,  and  monopolizing  all  public 
offices;  (b.)  the  Laconians  or  freemen  of  neighbor- 
ing towns;  (c.)  the  helots  or  serfs.  (Slave.)  There 
were  two  hereditary  kings,  who  reigned  jointly,  but 
with  gradually  decreasing  powers,  and  two  Icgis- 
tive  assemblies,  one  of  the  kings  and  twenty-eight 
elders,  the  other  of  the  citizens  The  Ephors,  cor- 
responding to  the  Roman  tribunes,  were  I  ho  repre- 
sentatives of  the  popular  assembly,  and  exercised 
despotic  authority  during  the  Peloponnesian  war. 
The  Spartans  coiniuercd  a  large  part  of  Greece.  In 
the  war  with  the  Persians  d.  c.  480  and  479,  and  for 
some  time  previously,  they  had  the  leadership  of 
Greece,  b.  c.  47t)  the  leadership  passed  to  Athens, 
but  the  long  Peloponnesian  war  (b.  c.  431-404) 
terminated  with  the  conquest  of  Athens,  and  the 
restoration  of  the  leadership  to  Sparta.  After  the 
battles  of  Leuetra  and  Mantinca  (b.  c.  371  and  362), 
it  ceased  to  be  a  leading  state.  The  city  was  taken 
by  the  Acheans  and  Macedonians  n.  c.  221,  and  came 
under  the  Boman  power  B.  c.  146.  Its  site  is  non- 
occupied  by  two  villages  {Maffiila  and  Psychiko),  by 


the  town  of  N^ew  Sparta  (built  since  the  revolution 
on  one  of  the  Spartan  hills),  and  by  corn-fields  and 
gardens  (see  X'eut  Amer.  Cijc.,  art.  Sparta). — In  the 
liistory  of  the  Maccabees,  it  is  said  that  when  Jon- 
athan endeavored  to  strengthen  his  government  by 
foreign  alliances  (aliout  D.  c.  144),  he  sent  to  Sparta 
to  renew  a  friendly  intercourse  which  had  bten  be- 
gun at  an  earlier  time  between  Arels  and  Onias,  on 
the  ground  of  their  common  descent  from  Abraham 
(1  Me.  xii.  5-23);  that  the  embassy  was  favorably 
received,  and  after  the  death  of  Jonathan  "  the 
j  friendship  and  league "  was  renewed  with  Simon 
(xiv.  lB-23).  In  regard  to  this  correspondence,  re- 
specting which  there  has  been  much  discussion,  Mr. 
Westcott  observes — 1.  The  whole  context  of  the 
passage,  as  well  as  the  independent  reference  to  the 
connection  of  the  "  Lacedemonians  "  and  Je«  s  in  2 
Mc.  V.  9,  seems  to  prove  clearly  that  the  reference 
is  to  the  Spartans,  properly  so  called.  2.  The  ac- 
tual relationship  of  the  Jews  and  Spartans  (2  Me.  v. 
9)  is  an  ethnologic.il  error,  which  it  is  difficult  to 
trace  to  its  origin.  Possibly  the  Jews  regarded  the 
Spartans  as  the  representatives  of  the  Pelasgl,  the 
supposed  descendants  of  Peleg  the  son  of  Ebcr.  A 
Jewish  colony  existed  at  Sparta  at  an  early  time  (1 
Mc.  XV.  23).  3.  The  incorrectness  of  the  opinion  on 
which  the  intercourse  was  based  is  obviously  no  ob- 
jection to  the  fact  of  the  intercourse  itself.  But  it 
is  urged  that  the  letters  said  to  have  been  exchanged 
are  evidently  not  genuine,  fince  they  betray  their 
fictitious  origin  negatively  by  the  absence  of  char- 
acteristic forms  of  expression,  and  positively  by  ac- 
tual inaccuracies.  To  this  it  may  be  replied  that  the 
Spartan  letters  (xii.  20-23,  xiv.  20-23)  are  extremely 
brief,  and  exist  only  in  a  translation  of  a  tran.slatlon, 
so  that  it  is  unreasonable  to  expect  that  any  Doric 
peculiarities  should  have  been  preserved.  On  the 
other  hand  the  absence  of  the  name  of  the  second 
king  of  Sparta  in  the  first  letter(xii.  20),  and  of  both 
kings  in  the  second  (xiv.  20),  is  probably  to  be  ex- 
plained by  the  political  circumstances  under  which 
the  letters  were  written.  4.  The  difficulty  of  fixing 
the  date  of  the  first  correspondence  is  increased  by 
the  recurrence  of  the  names  involved.  Two  kings 
bore  the  name  Arcus,  one  of  whom  reigned  b.  c. 
309-265,  and  the  other,  his  grandson,  died  b.  c.  257, 
being  only  eight  years  old.  The  same  name  was  also 
borne  by  an  adventurer,  who  occupied  a  prominent 
position  at  Sparta,  about  b.  c.  184.  In  Judca,  again, 
three  high-priests  bore  the  name  Onias,  the  first  of 
whom  held  office  B.  c.  330-309  (or  300) ;  the  second 
n.  c.  240-226;  and  the  third  about  n.  c.  1!<8-171. 
Josephus  is  probably  correct  in  fixing  the  event  in 
the  time  of  Onias  III. 

Spear.    Arms,  I.  2. 

Spear'men,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Gr.  plufal 
dexlolaboi  (literally  those  taking  the  right),  a  rare 
word,  found  in  the  N.  T.  only  in  Acts  xxiii.  23. 
Two  hundred  dfxiolaboi  formed  part  of  the  escort 
which  accompanied  St.  Paul  in  the  night  march  from 
Jerusalem  to  Cesarea.  They  are  clearly  distinguished 
both  from  the  heavy-armed  legionaries,  who  only 
went  as  far  as  Antipatris,  and  from  the  cavalry,  who 
continued  the  journey  to  Cesarea.  Probably  they 
were  irregular  light-armed  troops,  so  lightly  armed, 
indeed,  as  to  be  able  to  keep  pace  on  the  march 
with  mounted  soldiers  (so  Mr.  Wright).  Arms; 
Army. 

•  Spelt.    Rye. 

Splee,  Spl'eer-y,  Spt'tes.  Under  this  head  may  be 
noticed — 1.  Ileb.  6iM(2m,  itsem,  or  6(«cm.  The  first- 
named  form,  which  occurs  only  in  Cant.  v.  1,  "  1 


gpl 


SPI 


1059 


have  gathered  my  myrrh  with  my  spice,"  points  ap- 
parently to  some  definite  substance.  In  the  other 
places  where  hesem  or  boaem  occurs  (Ex.  xxv.  6, 
XXX.  23  [A.  V.  once  "  spices,"  twice  "  sweet "],  xxxv. 


Balsam  of  Gilcfld  {Amifrit  GiUadeiuia\ 

8,  28;  1  K.  X.  2,  10  twice,  25 ;  2  K.  xx.  13 ;  1  Chr. 
ix.  29,  30;  2  Chr.  ix.  1,  9  twice,  24,  xvi.  14  [.\.  V. 
"sweet  odors"],  xxxii.  27;  Esth.  ii.  12  [A.V.  "  sweet 
odors"];  Caut  iv.  10,  14,  16,  v.  13,  vi.  2,  viii.  14; 


TnfBOUitli  iA$tTag«lit»  7Va/a«diilA«)b 


Ts.  m.  24  [A.  V.  "  smell  "1,  xxxix.  2 ;  Ei.  xxrii.  22), 
except  perhaps  Cant.  v.  13,  vi.  2,  the  word  refers 
more  generally  to  sweet  aromatic  odors,  the  princi- 


pal of  which  was  that  of  the  balsam,  or  balm  of 
Gilead  ;  the  tree  which  yields  this  substance  is  now 
generally  admitted  to  be  the  Amyris  (BaLtamodai- 
dron)  Opobii/xamnni,  or  Amyrin  (Bahamidendron) 
Oileadinah,^  allied  to  that  which  yields  myrrh.  The 
balm  of  Gilead  tree  grows  in  some  parts  of  Arabia 
and  Africa,  and  is  seldom  more  than  fifteen  feet 
high,  with  straggling  branches  and  scanty  foliage. 
The  balsam  is  chiefly  obtained  from  incisions  in  the 
bark,  but  the  substance  is  procured  also  from  the 
green  and  ripe  berries.  (Oil-tree.) — 2.  Hcb.  nicholli 
(Gen.  xxxvii.  25  ["spicery  "],  xliii.  11  ["spices"]); 
most  probably  —  the  Arabic  naka'al,  i.  c.  "  the  gum 
obtained  from  the  Tragacanth  "  (Astraffalus),  several 
species  of  which  genus  occur  in  Palestine.  The  gum 
is  a  natural  e.\udation  from  the  trunk  and  branches 
of  the  plant.  (Palestine,  5ota«y.)  It  is  uncertain 
whether  the  Heb.  nCcholh  in  2  K.  xx.  13  and  Is.  xxxix. 
2  (A.  V.  "  the  house  of  his  precious  tilings,"  margin 
"  spicery  "  [after  Aquila,  Symmachus,  and  Vulgate]) 
denotes  spice  of  any  kind.  Gesenius,  Filrst,  Keil, 
with  the  Chaldee,  Syriac,  &c.,  render  treasure,  or 
(with  "  liouse  ")  storehouse. — 3.  Heb.  plural  sammim 
(marg.  of  Ex.  xxx.  7  and  2  Chr.  ii.  4  [Heb.  3]  ; 
"sweet  spices"  in  Ex.  xxx.  34  twice;  usually 
"sweet,"  sc.  incense  or  spices,  as  in  Ex.  xxv.  6, 
xxxi.  11,  xxxv.  8,  15,  28,  xxxvii.  29,  &c.),  a  general 
term  to  denote  those  aromatic  substances  which 
were  used  in  the  preparation  of  the  anointing  oil, 
the  incense  offerings,  &e. — 4.  Gr.  aroma,  in  N.  T. 
only  in  plural  arvmala  (Lk.  xxiii.  56,  xxiv.  1 ;  Jn. 
xix.  40 ;  A.  V.  "  sweet  spices  "  in  Mk.  xvi.  1).  The 
spices  mentioned  as  used  by  Nicodemus  for  the  prep- 
aration of  our  Lord's  body  (Jn.  xix.  39,  40)  are 
"  uyRnii  and  aloes,"  the  latter  =  the  highly-scented 
wood  of  the  Aquilaria  agaliochim.  Cassia  ;  Cin- 
namon; Embalming;  Frankincense;  Galbanuu; 
Masticu  ;  Onyciia  ;  Spikenard  ;  Stacte. 

Spl'der,  the  A.  V.  representative  of— 1.  Ileb.  ^accd- 
bUh  (Job  viii.  14;  Is.  lix.  5).  Both  passages  allude 
to  the  fragile  nature  of  the  spider's  web,  which, 
though  admirably  suited  to  fulfil  all  the  require- 
ments of  the  animal,  is  yet  most  easily  torn  by  any 
violence  offered  to  it.  In  Isaiah  (1.  c  )  there  is  prob- 
ably allusion  also  to  the  spider's  habit  of  lurking 
for  his  prey.  Spiders  (family  Araneidce  of  natural- 
ists) are  found  in  every  habitable  portion  of  the  globe, 
but  are  largest  in  w«rm  climates.  They  all  devour 
living  prey,  sucking  the  juices  and  sometimes  swal- 
lowing the  fragments.  (Scorpion.) — 2.  Heb.  sSmA- 
mdh,  found  only  in  Prov.  xxx.  28,  probably  (so  Mr. 
Houghton,  with  Bochart,  Gesenius,  FUrst,  and  most) 
=  some  kind  of  lizaro.  Mr.  Houghton  regards  it 
as  some  species  of  gecko.  Mr.  Gosse  (in  Fairbaim) 
favors  the  A.  V. 

Splke'nard  [usually  pronounced  spik'nard]  (Heb. 
nird  ;  Gr.  nac(/o»),  an  aromatic  substance  mentioned 
in  Cant.  i.  12,  iv.  13,  14.  The  ointment  with  which 
our  Lord  was  anointed  as  He  sat  at  meat  in  Simon's 
house  at  Bethany  consisted  of  this  precious  sub- 
stance (in  margin  of  Alk.  xiv.  3,  "  jmre  nard,  or 
liijuid  nard"),  the  costliness  of  which  may  be  in- 
ferred from  the  indignant  surprise  manifested  by 
gome  of  the  witnesses  of  the  transaction  (Mk.  xiv. 
3-5;  Jn.  xii.  3,  5).  Dr.  Royle  having  ascertained 
that  the  jalamatisee,  one  of  the  Hindoo  synonyms  for 
the  sunbul  (Ar.  =  Gr.  nardos,  Sir  William  Jones), 
was  annually  brought  from  the  mountains  overhang- 
ing the  Ganges  and  Jumna  Rivers  down  to  the  plains, 

>  The  name  Balm  of  Ollead  is  conimniily  applied  in  tbe 
United  States  to  a  epeciee  of  poplar,  Popmue  candieans  of 
Alton  (Wood'6  Botany). 


1060 


^t 


^ 


purchased  some  of  these  fresh  roots  and  planted 
them  in  the  botanic  gardens  at  Saharunpore,  in  N. 
India.  This  plant,  the  Nardostachi/n  JatamanM  of 
Dc  CandoUe,  is  evidently  the  nardos  described  by 
DIoscorides  under  the  name  of  "  the  Ganges  nard." 


Spikcnnrd  (^Natduttathys  Jaiamanai'), 

It  is  allied  to  valerian,  and  is  highly  esteemed 
throughout  the  East  as  a  perfume  and  stimulant 
medicine.  The  permanent,  hair-like  fibres  of  the 
leaf  and  footstalk  give  it  some  resemblance  to  the 
tail  of  an  ermine,  to  which  the  Arabs  have  likened 
it.  The  name  "  spikenard  "  has  also  been  given  to 
other  aromatic  plants,  in  England  to  the  Andropigim 
Aardas  of  India,  which  is  allied  to  lemon  grass 
(Reed  4),  and  in  the  United  States  to  the  AraKa 
racemosa,  an  herb  with  a  thick  root  allied  to  gin- 
seng.    Alabaster;  Ointment;  Perfumes. 

Spln'nln^  is  mentioned  in  the  Bible  in  E.x.  xxxv. 
25,  26,  and  in  Mat.  vi.  28  and  Lk.  xii.  27.  Prov. 
xxxi.  19  implies  (according  to  the  A.  V.,  Stuart, 
FUrst,  &c.)  the  use  of  the  same  instruments  which 
have  been  in  vogue  for  hand-spinning  down  to  the 
present  day,  viz.  the  distaff  (round  which  the  flax 
or  wool  for  spinning  was  wound)  and  spindle  ((m 
which  the  yam  or  thread  was  wound  in  spinning). 
The  distafT,  however,  appears  to  have  been  dispensed 
with,  and  the  term  so  rendered  means  tlie  spindle  it- 
self (so  Mr.  Bevan,  with  Gesenius,  &c.),  while  that 
rendered  "  spindle  "  represents  the  whirl  of  the  spin- 
dle, a  button  of  circular  rim  which  was  affixed  to  it, 
and  gave  steadiness  to  its  circular  motion.  The 
spindle  was  held  perpendicularly  in  the  one  hand, 
while  the  other  was  employed  in  drawing  out  the 
thread.     Dress  ;  Handicraft  ;  Weaving  ;  Women. 

•Splr'lt(fr.  L.  spirifm),  the  A.  V.  translation  of 
— 1.  Ileb.  neshdmdh  twice  (Job  xxvi.  4;  Prov.  xx. 
27),  literally,  like  the  L.  spiritu.i,  =  "  breath."  (Soul 
3.)— 2.  Heb.  and  Chal.  ruahov  Hack  more  than  200 
times  (Gen.  i.  2,  vi.  3,  xli.  8,  38,  &c.,  &c.).  Gesenius 
thu.^  arranges  thi»  meanings  of  the  Hebrew  word  : 
(1.)  breath,  a  breathing,  blowing,  i.  e.  (a.)  breath  of 
the  nostrils,  a  snuffing,  snorting  (A.  V.  "  breath " 
in  Job  iv.  9  and  Ps.  xviii.  15  [Heb.  16]) ;  hence  anger 
("  anger  "  in  Juilg.  viii.  3  ;  "  spirit  "  in  Prov.  xvi. 
82  and  Zech.  vi.  8  ;  "  blast "  in  Is.  xxv.  4  ;  "  breath  " 
in  XXX.  2S),  also  pride  ("  spirit "  in  Ps.  Ixxvi.  12 
[Heb.  13]);  (b.)  breath  of  the  mouth,  spoken  of 
God's  creative  "  breath  "  in  Ps.  xxxiii.  6,  of  drawing 


"breath"  in  Job  ix.  18,  of  the  vital  "breath'"  in 
Gen.  vi.  17,  vii.  15,  22,  as  an  emblem  of  any  thing 
transient  in  Job  vii.  7  (A.  V.  "  wind  ") ;  (c.)  breath 
of  air,  i.  e.  a  slight  breeze  {"  wind  "  in  Job  xxviii.  1:5 
and  Jer.  ii.  24 ;  "  air  "  in  Job  xli.  8  [Heb.  16]  ; 
"  cool  "  [margin  "  wind  "]  in  Gen.  iii.  8),  oftener  a 
strong  nind  (A.  V.  "  wind  "  in  Gen.  viii.  1  and  Is. 
xvii.  IS),  a]so  a  tempest,  hurricane  ("  vi'md  "  in  1  K. 
xix.  11  thrice  and  Is.  xxvii.  8),  wind  likewise  deno- 
ting aside  or  quarter  of  the  heavens  ('  quarter  "  in 
1  Chr.  ix.  24  ;  "  side  "  in  Ez.  xlii.  16  [margin  "  wind  "] 
ff. ;  "  wind  "  in  Zech.  ii.  6  [Heb.  lOJ),  and  any  thing 
vain  or  empty  ("  wind  "  in  Is.  xli.  29  and  Jer.  v.  13 ; 
"vain"  in  Job  xvi.  3  [margin  "of  wind"]),  and 
mnd  or  tempest  tropically  =  an  invading  army  in 
Jer.  iv.  11,  12  (A.V.  "  wind  ") :  (2.)  the  vital  breath, 
spirit,  life,  the  principle  of  life  in  men  and  beasts 
as  embodied  and  manifested  in  the  breath  of  tl  e 
mouth  and  nostrils  (A.  V.  "  breath  "  in  Job  xii.  10 
and  Ez.  xxxvii.  8  ;  '•  spirit "  in  Gen.  xlv.  27  and  Ecd. 
iii.  21  twice) :  (3.)  the  rational  soul,  mind,  spirit,  (a.) 
as  the  seat  of  the  affections,  emotions,  and  pass^ions 
of  various  kinds  (■'  spirit "  in  Gen.  xli.  8  and  Prov. 
xxv.  28  ;  "  mind  "  in  Gen.  xxvi.  35  and  Prov.  xxix. 
11);  (b.)  in  reference  to  the  disposition,  the  mode 
of  feeling  and  acting  ("spiiit"  in  Ez.  xi.  11,  xviii. 
31  and  Is.  xix.  14);  (c.)  of  will,  counsel,  purpose 
("  spirit  "  in  Ezr.  i.  1  ;  "  mind  "  in  Ez.  xx.  32) ;  (d.) 
more  rarely  of  the  understanditig,  intellect  ("spirit " 
in  Ex.  xxviii.  3),  spirit  being  used  absolutely  for 
courage  (A.  V.  "  courage  "  in  Josh.  ii.  11;  "  spirit  " 
in  V.  1),  or  genius  ("spirit"  in  Job  xxxii.  8,  18): 
(4.)  the  Spirit  of  God  or  of  Jehovah  which  pervades 
the  universe,  animates  and  fills  it  with  life,  through 
which  God  governs  and  protects  the  world  and  also 
mankind,  and  invites  to  a  life  of  virtue  and  holiness 
(Gen.  i.  2 ;  Job  xxxiii.  4 ;  Ps.  cxxxix.  7 ;  Is.  Ixiii. 
14),  rarely  called  His  Holy  Spirit  (Ps.  Ii.  11  [Ilcb. 
13];  Is.  Ixiii.  10,  11),  to  which  the  0.  T.  ascribes 
all  extraordinary  gifts  and  powers  of  mind  (Ex. 
xxxi.  3;  Num.  xxiv.  2;  Judg.  iii.  10;  1  Sam.  xvi. 
13  f. ;  Is.  lix.  21),  spoken  also  of  an  evil  spirit  which 
passed  t'rom  God  to  Saul  (1  Sam.  xvi.  14  ff.),  and 
of  an  unclean  spirit  which  inspired  false  prophets 
(1  K.  xxii.  21  ff. ;  Zech.  xiii.  2);  sometimes  lon- 
trasted  with  flesh  (Is.  xxxi.  3). — 8.  Heb.  6b  in  pirt, 
A.V.  "familiar  spirit."  (Divination  5.)— 4.  Gr. 
pna/rna  nearly  300  times  in  N.  T.,  translated 
"ghost"  nearly  100  tim.^s,  once  "wind"  (Jn.  iii. 
8ffl),  once  "spiritual"  (1  Cor.  xiv.  12),  once  "spir- 
itually "  (Rom.  viii.  6),  once  "  life  "  (Rev.  xiii.  15). 
Robinson  (A^.  T.  Lex.)  thus  arranges  the  significa- 
tions of  the  Greek  word  (compare  No.  2,  for  which 
it  is  used  in  the  LXX.),  and  their  corresponding  pas- 
sages :  i^.)  A  breathing,  breath — (1.)  Of  the  mouth 
or  nostrils,  a  breathing,  blast  (2  Th.  ii.  8),  the  vital 
breath  {Rev.  xi.  11);  (2.)  Of  air,  air  in  motion,  a 
breeze,  blast,  the  wind  (Jn.  iii.  8  ["  wind  "] ;  Heb.  i. 
7).  (II-)  The  spirit  of  man,  i.  e.  (1.)  The  vital 
spirit,  life,  soul,  the  principle  of  life  residing  in  the 
breath,  breathed  into  man  from  God  and  again  re- 
turning to  God  (Mat.  xxvii.  60;  Lk.  viii.  66,  xxiii. 
46 ;  Jn.  xix.  30  ;  Acts  vii.  69  ;  Jas.  ii.  26 ;  Rev.  xiii. 
16  [A.V.  "  life  "]),  tropically  in  Jn.  vi.  63  twice  and 
1  Cor.  XV.  46  ;  (2.)  The  rational  spirit,  mind,  soul — 
(a.)  gcnerallv  as  opposed  to  the  body  and  animal 
spirit  (Lk.  i.'47;  Jn.  iv.  23,  24  i  ;  Rom.  i.  9,  ii.  29, 
viii.  10,  16  A;  1  Cor.  v.  3-6,  vi.  20,  vii.  84  ;  2  Cor. 
vii.  1  ;  Gal.  vi.  18;  Phil.  iii.  3  ;  Col.  ii.  6  ;  1  Th.  v. 
28  ;  2  Tim.  iv.  22  ;  Phn.  25  ;  Heb.  iv.  12,  xii.  9 ;  1 
Pet.  iv.  6) ;  (ft.)  as  the  scat  rf  the  affections,  emo- 
tions, passions  of  \arious  kinds  (Mat.  v.  3  ;  Mk.  viii. 


SPI 


SPI 


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12 ;  Lk.  i.  17,  x.  21  ;  Jn.  xi.  33,  xiii.  21 ;  Acts  xvii.  ' 
16,  xviii.  25  ;  Rom.  lii.  11  ;  1  Cor.  xvi.  18  ;  2  Cor.  ' 
11,  13  [Gr.  12],  vii.  13) ;  (c.)  as  referring  to  dinpoui- 
lion,  j'teitng,  temper  of  miud,  "  spirit  "  (Lk.  ix.  55  ; 
Both.  viiL  15  a,  xi.  8;  1  Cor.  iv.  21,  xiv.  14,  16  [ 
twicj.  16  ;  2  Cor.  iv.  13,  xi.  4,  xii.  18  ;  Gal.  vi.  1 ; 
Epii.  iv.  23  ;  Phil.  L  27,  ii.  1 ;  2  Tim.  i.  7  ;  1  Pet.  ii.  ' 
4) ;  ((/.)  as  implying  will,  counsel,  purpose  (Mat.  xxvi. 
41  ;  .Mk.  xiv.  38 ;  Acts  xviii.  5,  xix.  21,  xx.  22) ;  («.) 
as  including  the  understanding,  intellect  (Mk.  ii.  8; 
Lk.  i.  80,  ii.  40;  1  Cor.  ii.  11a,  12  a).  (III.)  A 
spirit,  i.  e.  a  simple,  incorporeal,  immaterial  being, 
possessing  higher  capacities  t'lan  man  in  his  present  ' 
state ;  spoken  (A)  Of  created  spirits,  viz.  (1.)  Of  | 
the  human  spirit,  sou',  after  its  departure  from  the  j 
body  and  as  existing  in  a  separate  state  (Acts  xxiii.  ] 
8 ;  Ueb.  xii.  23 ;  1  Pet.  iii.  19) ;  of  the  soul  of  a 
person  reappeariug  after  death,  a  spirit,  gtiott,  (Lk. 
xxiv.  37,  39;  Acts  xxiii.  9);  (2.)  an  evil  spirit,  I 
DEMOS  (Mat.  viii.  16,  x.  1,  xii.  43,  45 ;  Mk.  i.  23,  26, 
27,  iii.  11,  30,  v.  2,  8,  13,  vi.  7,  vii.  25,  ix.  17,  20, 
25  twice;  Lk.  iv.  33,  36,  vi.  18,  vii.  21,  viii.  2,  29, 
ix.  39,  42,  X.  20,  xi.  24,  2<>,  xiii.  11 ;  Acts  v.  16,  viii. 
7,  xvi.  16,  18,  xix.  12,  13,  15,  16  ;  Eph.  ii.  2  [= 
Satan];  Rev.  xvi.  13,  14,  xviii.  2);  (3.)  less  often 
iu  pi.  of  ANGKLS,  IS  God's  miuistering  spirits  (Ueb. 
i.  14 ;  Rev.  i.  4,  iii.  1,  iv.  5,  v.  6).  (B)  Of  God  in 
reference  to  His  immateriality  (Jn.  iv.  24).  (0)  Of 
Jesus  Christ  in  His  exalted  spiritual  nature  in  dis- 
tinction from  His  human  nature  (Rom.  i.  4  ;  1  Tim. 
iii.  16  ;  1  Pet.  iii.  18).  (D)  Of  "  the  Spirit  of  God" 
or  "  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord,"  also  called  "  the  Holy 
Ghost,"  "  the  Holy  Spirit,"  "  the  Spirit,"  and  (as 
sent  or  communicated  by  Christ  after  His  resurrec- 
tion and  ascen-sion)  "  tlie  Spirit  of  Christ,"  repre- 
sented in  the  N.  T.  as  in  intimate  union  with  God  the 
Father  and  Son,  as  proceeding  from  and  sent  forth 
by  Them,  as  possessing  the  same  attributes  and  per- 
forming the  same  acts  with  God  the  Father  and  Son. 
The  N.  T.  passages  under  this  signitication  may  be 
divided  into  two  classes:  (1.)  The  Hoi;/ Spirit,  as 
exUting,  as  a  Divine  agent,  &c.  (a.)  joined  with  God 
or  the  Father,  and  Christ  the  LoRDf  the  Son,  with 
the  same  or  with  different  predicates  (Mat.  xxviii. 
19;  1  Cor.  xii.  4  [compare  6,  6]  ;  2  Cor.  xiii.  14 
[Gr.  13] ;  1  Pet.  i.  2  ;  Jude  20 ;  1  Jn.  v.  7 ;  John, 
First  Epistle  of);  (6.)  spoken  in  connection  with 
or  in  reference  to  God,  or  the  Father  (Jn.  iii.  6,  6, 
8  b  [compare  i.  13],  xv.  26  ;  Acts  i.  16  [compare  iv. 
24,  25],  V.  3,  9  [compare  4],  vii.  51  [compare  52], 
x.xviii.  25  [compare  Is.  vi.  8,  11];  Rom.  viii.  9  6, 
11  twice;  1  Cor.  ii.  10  *,  11  h,  iii.  16,  vi.  19,  xii.  11 
[compare  7]  ;  Eph.  vi.  17  ;  2  Tim.  i.  14  [compare  2 
Cor.  vi.  16] ;  Ueb.  iii.  7  [compare  Ps.  xcv.  7],  ix.  3 
[compare  i.  1],  .x.  15  [compare  Jer.  xxxi.  31  J);  (c.) 
spoken  in  connection  with  or  in  reference  to  Christ 
(Mat.  iii.  16;  Mk.  i.  10;  Lk.  iii.  22;  Jn.  i.  32,  33; 
Rom.  ix.  1,  XV.  30;  1  Cor.  vi.  11;  2  Cor.  iii.  17 
twice,  18;  Heb.  x.  29  [compare  the  passages  in  4 
above  with  Jn.  xiv.  23,  xv.  4 ;  2  Cor.  xiii.  5  ;  Eph. 
iii.  17]);  (rf.)  as  commg  to  and  acting  on  men, 
Christians,  exerting  in  and  upon  them  an  enlighten- 
ing, strengthening,  sanctifying  in8uence  (Mat.  x.  20; 
Mk.  xiii.  11 ;  Lk.  xii.  12  ;  Jn.  xiv.  17,  26,  xv.  26, 
xvi.  13  ;  Acts  i.  8,  ix.  31.  x.  19,  xi.  12,  xx.  23,  23  ; 
xxi.  11  ;  Rom.  viii.  14,  16  o,  26  twice,  27,  xiv.  17, 
XV.  13,  16;  1  Cor.  ii.  10  [compare  6  above],  13,  14; 
2  Cor.  i.  22,  iii.  17  [compare  c  above,  and  2  c  below], 
V.  5;  Eph.  iiL  16,  iv.  30,  vi.  18;  1  Th.  i.  6 ;  2  Th. 
ii.  13  ;  1  Tim.  iv.  1  a  ;  Jas.  iv.  5  ;  1  Pet.  i.  22 ;  Rev. 
ii.  7,  11.  17,  29,  iii.  6,  13,  22,  xiv.  13,  xxii.  17):  (2.) 
Melonymicully,  the  Holii  Spirit,  put  for  the  cifectg 


and  consequences  of  the  agency  and  operations  of 
the  Spirit  of  (iod,  i.  e.  a  Divine  influence,  a  Divine 
energy  or  power,  an  inspiration,  resulting  from  the 
immediate  agency  of  the  Holy  Spirit ;  spoken  (a.) 
of  that  physical  procreative  energy  exerted  in  the 
miraculous  conception  of  Jesus  (Mat,  i.  18,  20;  Lk. 
i.  35),  and  in  the  conceptioti  of  Isaac  out  of  the 
ordinary  course  of  nature  (Gal.  iv.  29) ;  (6.)  of  that 
special  Divine  influence,  inspiration,  energy,  which 
rested  upon  and  existed  in  Jesus  after  the  descent 
of  the  Hilly  Spirit  upon  Him  at  His  baptism  (Mat. 
iv.  1  ;  xii  18,  28  [compare  Lk.  xi.  20],  31,  32  ;  Mk. 
i.  12,  iii.  29;  Lk.  iv.  1  twice  [compare  iii.  22],  14, 
18  [compare  Is.  Ixi.  1],  xii.  10 ;  Jn.  iii.  34 ;  Acts  i. 
2,  X.  38;  Ueb.  ix.  14  ;  1  Jn.  v.  6  twice,  8  ;  comp.  C 
above) ;  (c.)  of  that  Divine  influence  by  which  proph- 
ets and  holy  men  were  excited,  when  they  are  said 
to  have  spoken  or  acted  in  or  through  the  Spirit,  i.  e. 
by  inspiration  (Mat.  xxii.  43  ;  Mk.  xii.  36  ;  Lk.  i.  15, 
41,  67,  ii.  25-27 ;  1  Pet.  i.  11  ;  2  Pet.  i.  21  ;  Rev.i. 
10,  iv.  2,  xvii.  3,  xix.  10,  xxi.  10),  by  which  Chris- 
tians are  taught,  enlightened,  guided,  in  respect  to 
faith  and  practice  (Lk.  xi.  13;  Jn.  vii.  39  twice 
[compare  xvi.  13,  14] ;  Rom.  v.  5  ;  1  Cor.  xii.  3 
twice ;  2  Cor.  iii.  3  ;  Gal.  v.  5  ;  Tit.  iii.  6  ;  Heb.  vi. 
4 ;  1  Pet.  iv.  14),  with  which  Christ's  disciples  are 
said  to  be  baptized,  i.  e.  richly  furnished  with  S|)ir- 
itual  gifts  (Mat.  iii.  11  ;  Mk.  1.8  ;  Lk.  iii.  16  ;  Jn.  i. 
83  b  ;  and  see  d  below) ;  emphatically  as  t/ie  Spirit 
of  the  Gospel,  put  for  (he  Gospel  in  opposition  to  the 
letter  of  the  Mosaic  Law  (2  Cor.  iii.  6  twice,  8  [comp. 
ver.  17,  and  1  d  above]) ;  {d.)  of  that  influence  of  the 
Spirit  by  which  the  apostles  were  originally  qualified 
to  act  as  preachers  and  directors  of  the  Church  of 
Christ  (Jn.  xx.  22,  compare  23),  specially  of  that 
powerful  energy  and  inspiration  imparted  by  the 
Holy  Ghoiit  on  the  day  of  Pentecost  and  afterward,, 
by  which  the  apostles  and  early  Christian  teachers 
were  endowed  with  high  supernatural  qualifications 
for  their  work,  e.  g.  a  full  knowledge  of  Gospel 
truth,  the  power  of  prophesying,  of  working  mir- 
acles, of  speaking  with  tongues,  kc,  sometimes  with 
special  reference  to  holy  boldness,  energy,  and  zeal, 
in  speaking  and  acting,  or  to  supi)i)rt  and  comfort, 
Christian  joy  and  triumph  (Acts  i.  5  [compare  8], 
ii.  4  twice,  17,  18,  33,  38,  iv.  8,  31,  v.  32,  vi.  3,  5, 10 
[compare  8],  vii.  55,  viii.  15,  17-19,  29, 39  [compare 
Mat,  iv.  1],  ix.  17,  x.  44,  45,  47,  xi.  15,  16,  24,  28, 
xiii.  2,  4,  9,  52,  xv.  8,  28,  xvi.  6,  7,  xix.  2  twice,  6, 
xxi.  4 ;  Rom.  xv.  19  ;  1  Cor.  ii.  4,  vii.  40,  xii.  7,  8 
twice,  9  twice,  13  twice  [compare  8,  9],  xiv.  2,  32 
[compare  33] ;  Gal.  iii.  2,  3,  5,  14;  Eph.  i.  13,  iii.  5, 
v.  18  ;  Phil.  i.  19  ;  1  Th.  i.  5,  iv.  8,  v.  19  [compare 
2  Tim.  i.  6]  ;  Heb.  ii.  4  ;  1  Pet.  i.  12) ;  in  the  pi. 
spiritual  gifts  (1  Cor.  xiv.  12,  A.  V.  "spiritual 
gifts") ;  (e.)  of  that  Divine  influence  by  which  the 
temper  or  disposition  of  mind  in  Christians  is  af- 
fected, or  rather  the  spirit,  temper,  disposition  of 
mind  produced  in  Christians  h/  the  influences  of  the 
Holfi  Spirit,  which  corrects,  elevates,  ennobles,  sanc- 
tifies their  views  and  feelings,  fills  tlie  mind  with 
peace  and  joy,  and  is  the  pledge  and  foretaste  of 
everhisting  happiness ;  e.  g.  as  opposed  to  "  the 
flesh"  (Jn.  iii.  &  h;  Rom.  viii.  1,  2,  4,  5  twice,  6 
[A.  V.  "  to  be  spiritually  minded ; "  margin,  more  lit- 
erally, "  the  minding  of  the  spirit  "],  9  n,  13  ;  1  Cor. 
vi.  17;  Gal.  v.  16,  17  twice,  18,  22,  25  twic,',  vi.  8 
twice);  in  a  general  sense  (Rom.  vii.  6,  viii.  9<! 
[compare  Eph.  iii.  17],  15  A,  23  ;  1  Cor.  ii.  12  6;  2 
Cor.  vi.  6 ;  Gal.  iv.  6 ;  Eph.  i.  17,  ii.  18,  22,  iv.  3,  4, 
v.  9  [in  the  common  text];  Col.  i.  8;  1  Tim.  iv. 
12;  1  Jn.  ill  24,  iv.  13 ;  Jude  19);  (8.)  Metonymi- 


k 


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STA 


cally,  of  a  person  or  teacher  acting,  or  professing 
to  ad,  wider  the  inspiration  of  the  Holy  Sjiirit,  by 
Divine  inspiration  (1  Cor.  xii.  3  a,  10,  xiv.  32 ;  2  Tli. 
ii.  2 ;  1  Tim.  iv.  1  6  ;  1  Jn.  iv.  1  twice,  2  twice,  3,  6 
twice). — 5.  Gr.  phantasina  =  &  phantasm,  phantom, 
apparition,  spolcen  of  a  spirit,  spectre,  ghost,  Rbn. 
N.  T.  Zfi.  (Mat.  xiv.  26;  Mlj.  vi.  49).  Angkls  ; 
Arciungel;  Demon;  Demoniacs;  Devil;  Ghost; 
God  ;  Immortality  ;  Inspiration  ;  Man  ;  Quicken  ; 
Reslrrectiox  ;  Salvation  ;  Sanctification  ;  Sin  ; 
SonL:  Spirit,  the  Holy  ;  Tongues,  Gift  of. 

Spir'it,  the  Holy,  in  the  0.  T.  generally  called 
"  the  Spirit  of  God  "  or  "  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord" 
(Spirit  2  [4]);  in  the  N.  T.  "the  Holy  Spirit"  or 
"  the  Holy  Ghost ;  "  sometimes  also  "  the  Spirit  of 
God,"  "  the  Spirit  "  (Spirit  4,  III.,  D),  "  the  Com- 
forter," Sac.  In  accordance  with  what  seems  to  be 
the  general  rule  of  Divine  Revelation,  that  the 
knowledge  of  heavenly  things  is  given  more  abun- 
dantly and  more  clearly  in  later  ages,  the  person, 
attributes,  and  operations  of  the  Holy  Ghost  are 
made  known  to  us  chiefly  in  the  N.  T.  And  in  the  light 
of  such  later  revelation,  words,  which  when  heard 
by  patriarchs  and  prophets  were  probably  under- 
stood imperfectly  by  them,  become  full  of  meaning 
to  Christians  (so  Mr.  Bullock).  In  the  N.  T.,  both 
in  the  teaching  of  our  Lord  and  in  the  narratives  of 
the  events  which  preceded  His  ministry  and  oc- 
curred in  its  course,  the  existence  and  agency  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  are  frequently  revealed,  and  are  men- 
tioned in  such  a  manner  as  shows  that  these  facts 
were  part  of  the  common  belief  of  the  Jewish  people 
at  that  time.  It  was  made  plain  to  the  under- 
standing of  the  Jews  of  that  age  that  the  same 
Spirit  who  wrought  of  old  among  the  people  of  God 
was  still  at  work.  But  the  Ascension  of  our  Lord  is 
marked  (Eph.  iv.  8 ;  Jn.  vii.  39,  &c.)  as  the  coin- 
menceniant  of  a  new  period  in  the  history  of  the  in- 
spiration of  men  by  the  Holy  Ghost.  The  interval 
between  that  period  and  the  end  of  the  world  is 
often  described  as  the  Dispensation  of  the  Spirit. 
Under  the  old  dispensation  the  gifts  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  were  uncovenanted,  not  universal,  intermit- 
tent, chiefly  external.  All  this  was  changed.  Our 
Lord,  by  ordaining  (Mat.  xxviii.  19)  that  every  Cliris- 
tian  should  be  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  indicated  at  once  the  absolute  necessity  from 
that  time  forth  of  a  personal  connection  of  every 
believer  with  the  Spirit;  and  (in  Jn.  xvi.  7-15)  He 
declares  the  internal  character  of  the  Spirit's  work, 
and  (in  xiv.  16,  17,  kc.)  His  permanent  stay.  And 
subsequently  tlie  Spirit's  operations  under  the  new 
dispensation  are  authoritatively  announced  as  uni- 
versal and  internal  in  Acts  ii.  16-21  and  Ileb.  viii. 
8-12.  Ghost;  Gon ;  Inspiration;  Miracles; 
Prophet  ;  Quicken  ;  Regeneration  ;  Revelation  ; 
Sanctification  ;  Son  of  God  ;  Spirit  ;  Tongues, 
Gift  of,  &c. 

*  Spoil.     Booty  ;  War. 

Spouge  [o  as  in  sow]  (fr.  Gr.  spo-'viffos),  a  well- 
known  porous  and  fibrous  elastic  substance,  inen- 
tione  1  only  in  the  N.  T.  (Mat.  xxvii.  48  ;  Mk.  xv.  36  ; 
Jn.  xix.  29).  Some  naturalists  regard  the  sponges 
as  belonging  to  the  vegetable  kingdom ;  but  other 
recent  authorities  regard  them  as  belonging  to  the 
animal  kingdom.  They  have,  when  living,  an  ap- 
parently homogeneous  jelly  filling  their  pores  and 
covering  their  surface.  The  sponges  of  commerce 
come  mostly  from  the  Jlediterranean  and  the  Baha- 
ma Islands.  They  are  usually  procured  by  divers, 
as  they  adhere  firmly  to  the  bottom  of  the  sea.  The 
commercial  value  of  the  sponge  was  known  from 


very  early  times ;  and  probably  it  was  used  by  the 
ancient  Hebrews. 


Common  Sponge  {Sj-ongia  <jffieinalti), — (Fbn.) 

'Spoon,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  caph  (lit- 
erally =  pahii  or  hollow  of  the  hand)  in  Ex.  xxv.  29, 
xxxvii.  16;  Num.  iv.  7,  vii.  14  ft'.;  1  K.  vii.  BO;  2 
K.  xxv.  14;  2  Chr.  iv.  22,  xxiv.  14;  Jer.  lii.  18,  19. 
Fiirst  renders  the  Heb.  "  a  jian,  a  dixh,  on  account 
of  the  resemblance  to  the  bent  hand ; "  Gesenius 
says,  "  a  hollow  vessel,  a  pan,  dish,  censer.  The  pre- 
cise meaning  probably  cannot  now  be  ascertained, 
and  the  A.  V.  may  be  correct.     Basin. 

Sponse.    Mauriage. 

*  Spring.  Agriculture;  Palestine,  Climate; 
Rain:  Ain;  Fountain;  Gulloth;  Palestine,  II., 
§  17  ;  Well. 

*  Spnnge  =  Sponge. 

*  Sta'ble.     Barn  ;  Herd  ;  Inn  ;  Manger. 
Sta'cliys  [-kisj   (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  nn  ear  of  grain),  a 

Christian  at  Rome,  saluted  by  St.  Paul  in  Rom.  xvL 
9.  A  tradition  makes  him  bi.-hop  of  Byzantium  be 
lore  Onesimus  for  sixteen  years. 

Stae'tc  (L.  fr.  Gr. ;  Heb.  nuluph),  one  of  the  sweet 
spices  which  composed  the  holy  incense  (Ex.  xxx. 
34).  The  Hebrew  word  occurs  once  again  (Job 
xxxvi.  27,  A.  V.  "  drops  "  of  water).  Celsius  iden- 
tifies the  Hebrew  word  in  Ex.  1.  c.  with  the  purest 
kind  of  myrrh  ;  Rosenmidler,  Gesenius,  Kalisch, 
Dr.  J.  Hamilton  (in  Fbn.)  identify  it  with  the  gum 
of  the  storax-tree  {Sti/rax  officinale  ;  Poplar)  ;  Fiirst 
makes  it  "  an  aromatic  gum  or  resin ; "  and  Mr. 
Houghton  "  an  odorous  distillation  from  some 
plant." 

*  Staff. 
herd. 

*  stall. 


Arms,  I.  2,  c,  f ;  Rod;  Sceptre;  Shep- 


Barn;  Herd;  Manger. 

Staud'ard.     Exsiox. 

*Star  (Heb.  cochub  ;  Gr.  aster,  astron),  a  general 
name  for  any  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  usually  except- 
ing the  SUN  and  moon  (Gen.  i.  16;  Mat.  ii.  2  ff. ; 
Acts  xxvii.  20,  &c.).  (Astronomy  ;  Heaven  ;  Star 
IN  THE  East,  &c.)  In  Num.  xxiv.  17  "star"  is  used 
metaphorically.  (Messiah.)  The  "  moniing  star  " 
in  Rev.  ii.  28,  xxii.  16,  is  a  symbol  of  splendor  and 
glory.  "Wandering  stars"  (i.e.  meteors  soon  to 
be  quenched,  Rbn.  N.  T.  Xra.)  in  Jude  13  symbol- 
ize false  and  erring  teachers,  heirs  of  perdition. 
According  to  Stuart,  Robinson,  &c.,  "star"  in  Rev. 
ix.  1,  and  perhaps  elsewhere,  symbolizes  one  of  the 
ANGELS.  "Seven  stars"  in  Rev.  i.  16,  20,  ii.  1,  iii. 
1,  symbolize  the  "angels"  (=  pastors  or  teachers?) 
of  the  seven  churches  in  Asia. 

* Star'-ga-zprp.     Astronomy;  Magic,  p.  585. 

Star  of  the  Wise  Blrn.  Tntll  the  last  few  years 
the  interpretation  of  Mat.  ii.  1-12,  by  theologians 
in  general,  coincided  in  the  main  with  that  which 


STA 


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1063 


would  be  given  to  it  by  any  person  of  ordinary  in- 
telligence who  read  the  account  with  due  attention. 
Some  supernatural  light  re3eml)liMg  a  star  had  ap- 
peared in  some  country  (possibly  Persia)  far  to  the 
E.  of  Jerusalem,  to  men  who  were  versed  in  the 
study  of  celestial  phenomena,  conveying  to  their 
minds  a  supernatural  impulse  to  repair  to  Jerusa- 
lem, where  they  would  find  a  new-born  king.  (East  ; 
Maoi.)  It  supposed  them  to  hi  followers,  and  pos- 
sibly priests,  of  the  Zend  religion,  whereby  they 
were  led  to  expect  a  ReJoemer  in  the  person  of  the 
Jewish  infant.  On  arriving  at  Jerusali^m,  after 
diligent  inquiry  and  consnltjtion  with  the  priests 
and  learned  m^n  who  could  naturally  best  inform 
them,  they  are  dire  -ted  to  proceed  to  Bethlehem. 
The  star  which  they  had  scan  in  the  Ea.st  reappeared 
to  them  and  preceded  them,  until  it  took  up  its  sta- 
tion over  the  place  where  the  youn^  child  was. 
The  whole  matter,  that  is,  was  supernatural.  (Jesl's 
Ohrlst;  .Me!<siah.) — Latterly,  however,  a  very  dif- 
ferent opinion  has  gradually  bejomo  prevalent  upon 
the  subject.  The  star  lias  been  displaced  from  the 
category  of  the  supernatural,  and  has  lieeti  referred 
to  the  ordinary  astronomical  phen:)m.'non  of  a  con- 
junction of  the  planets  Jupiter  and  Saturn.  The 
idea  originated  with  Kepler,  whose  suggo-ttion  was 
worked  out  by  Dr.  Ideler  of  Berlin.  In  .May,  a.  c.  7, 
a  conjunction  of  the  planets  Jupiter  an  1  Siturn  oc- 
cnrrc  I  not  far  fn):n  th;  first  point  of  .\.ri:is,  the 
planets  rising  in  ChalJoa  about  3}  li')ur.<  l)oforj  the 
sun.  It  is  s  lid  that  on  astrologle.il  grounds  such  a 
conjunction  could  not  fail  to  excite  the  attention  of 
men  like  the  Migi.  Supposing  thorn  to  have  set 
out  at  the  end  of  .May,  b.  c.  7,  upan  a  journey  for 
which  the  circam*tin3es  will  be  soea  to  re  juire  at 
least  seven  m  nit!is,  the  planets  were  observe  J  to 
separate  slowly  until  the  end  of  July,  when  t'ljir 
motions  becoming  retrograde,  they  again  came  into 
conjunction  by  the  end  of  September.  At  that  tims', 
there  can  be  no  doubt,  Jupiter  wotil  1  present  to 
astronomers,  especially  in  so  clear  an  atmosphere, 
a  mignidcent  .spectacle.  It  was  then  at  its  nust 
brilliant  apparition,  r)r  it  was  at  its  nearest  ap- 
proach botli  to  the  sun  and  to  the  eartli.  Not  far 
from  it  would  be  Sien  its  duller  and  much  les4  con- 
8;>icuou3  companion  S  iturn.  This  glorious  spectacle 
continued  almost  unaltered  for  several  days,  wlieii 
t'le  planets  again  slowly  separate!,  then  ca  no  to  a 
halt,  whe:i,  by  reassuming  direct  motion,  Jupiter 
again  approached  t)  a  co:ij  mction  for  the  third 
time  with  Saturn,  just  as  tlie  .Magi  may  bo  supposed 
to  have  entered  the  Holy  City.  And,  to  complete 
tlio  fascination  of  tha  tale,  about  an  hour  and  a  half 
after  su  iset,  the  two  planets  might  be  seen  from 
Jerusalem,  hanging  as  i;  were  in  the  meridian,  and 
suspended  over  Bethlehem  in  the  distance.  These 
celestial  phenomena  th\i3  described  are,  it  will  be 
seen,  l)cyond  tlie  reach  of  question,  and  at  the  first 
impression  they  assuredly  a;>pcar  to  fulfd  t';ie  con- 
dithms  of  the  Star  nf  the  Magi. — The  first  circum- 
stance which  created  a  suspicion  to  the  contrary, 
arose  from  an  exaggeration  on  the  part  of  Dr.  Ideler 
himself,  who  describe  I  the  two  planets  as  wearing 
tlie  appearance  of  one  bright  but  diffused  light  ti> 
f/ermitH  hrm'mg  weak  ei/m.  Not  only  is  this  imper- 
fect eyesight  inflicted  upon  the  Magi,  but  it  is  quite 
certain  that,  had  they  possessed  any  remains  of  cye- 
sigat  at  all,  tliey  could  not  have  failed  to  see,  not  a 
sing'e  star,  but  two  planets,  at  the  very  considerable 
distanc  ■  of  double  the  moon's  apparent  diameter. 
Alford  (first  edition  of  his  Greek  Testament)  rcp- 
Toseata  the  planets  as  forming  a  single  star  of  sur- 


passing brightness.  Exaggerations  of  this  descrip- 
tion induced  Mr.  Pritcbard,  the  original  writer  of 
this  article,  to  undertake  the  very  formidable  labor 
of  calculating  afresh  an  ephemeru  of  tlie  planets 
Jupiter  and  Saturn,  and  of  the  sun,  from  May  to 
I  December,  b.  c.  7.  Tlie  result  was  to  confirm  the 
fact  of  there  being  three  conjunctions  during  the 
\  above  period,  though  somewhat  to  modify  the  dates 
'  assigned  to  them  by  Dr.  Ideler.  Similar  results 
have  also  been  obtained  by  Encke,  and  the  Decem- 
ber conjunction  has  also  been  confirmed  by  the 
Astrono.uer  Royal.  But — (a.)  It  is  inconceivable 
that  solely  on  the  ground  of  astrological  reasons 
men  would  undertake  a  seven  mouths' journey.  And 
as  to  the  widely-spread  and  prevalent  expectation 
of  some  powerful  personage  about  to  show  himself 
in  the  East,  the  fact  of  its  existence  depends  on  the 
testimony  of  Tacitus,  Suetonius,  and  Josephus.  But 
all  these  writers  speak  of  this  expectation  as  apply- 
ing to  Vespasian,  in  a.  n.  69,  which  date  was  seventy- 
five  years,  or  two  generations,  aftjr  the  conjunction 
in  question  !  Furtliermore,  in  February,  b.  c.  66,  a 
conjunction  of  Jupiter  and  Saturn  occurred  in  the 
constellation  Pisres,  closer  than  the  one  on  Decem- 
ber 4,  B.  c.  7.  (''.)  On  December  4,  b.  c.  7,  the  sun 
set  at  Jerusalem  at  5  p.  m.  Suppo.-iing  the  Magi  to 
I  have  then  commenced  their  journey  to  Bethlehem, 
I  they  would  first  see  Jupiter  and  his  dull  and  soinc- 
i  what  distant  companion  an  hour  and  a  half  dis- 
I  taut  from  the  meridian,  in  a  S.  E.  direction,  and 
decidedly  to  the  E.  of  Bsthlehera.  By  tlie  time  they 
came  to  Rachel's  tomb  the  planets  would  be  duo  S. 
of  them,  on  the  merifliaii,  and  no  longer  over  the 
hill  of  Bethli-hem,  whieh  is  S.  13  E.  from  Rachel's 
tomb.  The  road  then  takes  a  turn  to  the  E.,  and 
ascends  the  hill  near  to  its  western  extremity ;  the 
planets,  therefore,  would  now  be  on  their  right 
hands,  and  a  little  io/tini  them  :  the  "star,"  there- 
;  fore,  ceased  altogether  to  go  "  before  them  "  us  a 
guide.  Arrived  on  the  hill  and  in  the  village,  it  be- 
!  came  physically  impossible  for  the  star  to  stand 
over  any  house  whatever  close  to  them,  seeing  that 
it  was  now  visible  far  away  beyond  the  hill  to  the 
W.,  and  far  off  in  the  heavens  at  an  altitude  of  57°. 
As  they  advanced,  the  star  would  of  necessity  re- 
cede, and  under  no  circumstances  could  it  be  said 
to  stand  "over"  any  house,  unless  at  the  distance 
of  miles  from  the  place  wliere  they  were.  If  the 
Magi  had  left  the  Jaftii  gate  before  sunset,  they 
would  not  have  seen  the  planets  at  the  outset;  and 
if  they  had  left  Jerusalem  later,  the  star  would 
have  bi^en  a  more  useless  guide  than  before.  Thus 
the  beautiful  jihantasm  of  Keoler  and  Ideler  van- 
ishes before  the  more  perfect  daylight  of  investiga- 
tion. 

"*  Stirs,  pi.  of  Star.  "  The  Seven  Stars "  = 
Pleiades. 

Stater  (Gr.;  A.  V.  "a  piece  of  money;"  margin, 
"stater").  1.  The  term  stater  is  held  to  signify  a 
coin  of  a  certain  weight,  but  perhajis  means  a  stand- 
ard coin  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole).  The  gold  staters 
were  didrachins  (Didbachma  ;  Drachm)  of  the  later 
Phenician  and  the  Attic  talents.  Of  the  former 
talent  were  the  Darie  staters  or  Darics  (Dkam)  ;  of 
the  latter,  the  stater  of  Athens.  Electrum  staters, 
coined  by  the  Greek  towns  on  the  western  coast  of 
Asia  Minor,  are  of  gold  and  silver  mixed,  three 
parts  of  gold  to  one  of  silver.  Thus  far  the  stater 
is  alwivs  a  didrachm.  In  silver,  however,  the  term 
is  applied  to  the  tetradrachm  of  Athen.s,  which  was 
of  the  weight  of  two  gold  staters  of  the  same  cur- 
rency.    2.  In  the  N.  T.   the  stater  is  once  men- 


1064 


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tioned,  in  the  narrative  of  the  miracle  of  the  sacred 
tribute-money  (Mat.  xvii.  27  margin).  The  stater 
must  here  mean  a  silver  tetradrachm  ;  and  the  only 
tetradrachms  then  current  in  Palestine  were  of  the 
same  weipht  as  the  Hebrew  shekel.  And  it  is  ob- 
servable, in  confirmation  of  the  minute  accuracy  of 
the  Evangelist,  that  at  this  period  the  silver  cur- 
rency in  Palestine  consisted  of  Greek  imperial  tet- 
radrachms, or  staters,  and  Roman  denarii  (Penny) 
of  a  quarter  their  value,  didrachms  having  fallen 
into  disuse  (so  Mr.  Poole). 

•Statute.    Law. 

•  Stares,  pi.  of  Staff. 

Steel.  In  all  cases  where  the  word  "  steel "  oc- 
curs in  the  A.V.,  the  true  rendering  of  the  Hebrew 
(so  Mr.  Wright)  is  "  copper."  (Brass.)  Wliether 
the  ancient  Hebrews  were  acquainted  with  steel,  is 
not  perfectly  certain.  It  has  been  inferred  from 
Jer.  XV.  12,  tliat  tlie  "  iron  from  the  north"  there 
spoken  of  denoted  a  superior  kind  of  metal,  hard- 
ened in  an  unusual  manner,  like  the  steel  obtained 
from  the  Chalybes  of  the  Pontus.  The  hardening 
of  iron  for  cutting-instruments  was  practised  in 
Pontus,  Lydia,  and  Laconia.  (Axb  ;  Knife.)  The 
Heb.  palddh,  which  occurs  only  in  Ivah.  ii.  3  (Ileb. 
4),  and  is  rendered  in  A.  V.  "  torches,"  most  prob- 
ably (so  Mr.  Wright,  with  Gesenius,  Henderson,  kc.) 
denotes  steel  or  hardened  iron,  and  refers  to  the 
flashing  scythes  of  the  Assyrian  chariots.  But 
Furst  would  translate  in  flashing  fire,  i.  e.  quick 
(Kimchi),  or  in  the  fire  of  fiasldng  armor,  A.  V. 
"with  flaming  (margin  'fiery')  torches." 

Stcpll'a-aas  (Gr.  a  crown,  or  crowned '(),  a  Chris- 
tian convert  of  Corinth  nhose  household  Paul  bap- 
tized as  the  "first-fruits  of  Achaia,"  and  who  was 
with  the  apostle  at  Ephesus  when  he  wrote  1  Cor. 
(1  Cor.  i.  16,  xvi.  15). 

Ste'plien  [ven]  (fr.  Gr.  =  a  erowx),  the  First 
Martyr.  His  Hebrew  (or  rather  Syriac)  name  is 
traditionally  said  to  have  been  Chelil  or  Chiiiel  (  = 
a  crown).  He  was  the  chief '  of  the  Seven  (com- 
monly called  "  Deacons ; "  see  Deacon)  appointed  to 
rectify  the  complaints  in  the  early  Church  of  Jeru- 
salem, made  by  the  Hellenistic  against  the  Hebrew 
Christians.  His  Greek  name  indicates  his  own  Hel- 
lenistic origin.  His  importance  is  stamped  on  the 
narrative  by  a  reiteration  of  emphatic,  almost  su- 
perlative phrases :  "  full  of  faith  and  of  the  Holy 
Ghost "  (Acts  vi.  5) ;  "  full  of  grace  and  power  " 
(ver.  8);  irresistible  "  spirit  and  wisdom"  (ver.  10); 
"  full  of  the  Holy  Ghost "  (vii.  55)."  Of  his  minis- 
trations among  the  poor  we  hear  nothing.  But  he 
seems  to  have  been  an  instance,  such  as  is  not  un- 
common in  history,  of  a  new  energy  derived  from  a 
new  sphere.  He  shot  far  ahead  of  his  six  com- 
panions, and  far  above  his  particular  office.  First, 
he  arrests  attention  by  the  "  great  wonders  and 
miracles  that  he  did."  Then  begins  a  series  of  dis- 
putations with  the  Hellenistic  Jews  of  North  Africa, 
Alexandria,  and  Asia  Minor,  his  companions  in  race 
and  birthplace.  The  subject  of  these  disputations 
is  not  expressly  mentioned ;  but,  from  what  follows 
it  is  evident  that  he  struck  into  a  new  vein  of  teach- 
ing, which  eventually  caused  his  martyrdom.  Down 
to  this  time  the  apostles  and  the  early  Christian 
community  had  clung  in  their  worship  not  merely 
to  the  Hoiy  Land  and  the  Holy  City,  but  to  the  Holy 

•  So  Dean  Stanley,  orlofinal  anthnr  of  this  article :  but 
the  N.  T.  t*iin[>ly  naincB  him  first.  (Compare  Peter, 
and  ApopTLK.t 

'■■  Traditionally  he  wag  reckoned  among  the  seventy  dis- 
ciples. 


"Place  of  the  Temple.  Tliis  local  worship,  with  the 
Jewish  customs  belonging  to  it,  he  now  denounced. 
So  we  must  infer  from  the  accusations  brought 
against  him,  confirmed  as  they  are  by  the  tenor  of 
his  defence.'  The  actual  words  of  the  charge  may 
have  been  false,  as  the  sinister  and  malignant  inten- 
tion which  they  ascribed  to  him  was  undoubtedly 
false.  He  was  arrested  at  the  instigation  of  the 
Hellenistic  Jews,  and  brought  beibre  the  Sanhedrim. 
When  the  charge  was  formally  lodged  iigainst  him, 
his  countenance  kindled,  and  his  judges  "  saw  his 
face  as  it  had  been  the  lace  of  an  angel  "  (vi.  15). 
For  a  moment,  the  account  seems  to  imply,  the 
judges  of  the  Sanhedrim  were  awed  at  his  presence. 
Then  the  liigh-priest  that  presided  appealed  to  him 
to  know  his  own  sentiments  on  the  accusations 
brought  against  him.  To  this  Stephen  replied  in  a 
speech  which  has  every  appearance  of  being  faith- 
fully reported  (vii.  2-53).  The  framework  in  which 
hLs  defence  is  cast  is  a  summary  of  a  history  of  the 
Jewish  Church.  In  the  facts  which  he  selects  from 
this  history,  he  is  guided  by  two  principles — at  first 
more  or  less  latent,  but  gradually  becoming  more 
and  more  apparent  as  he  proceeds.  The  first  is  the 
endeavor  to  prove  that,  even  in  the  previous  Jewish 
history,  the  presence  and  lavor  ol  God  had  not  been 
confined  to  the  Holy  Land  or  the  Temple  of  Jerusa- 
lem. This  he  illustrates  with  a  copiousness  of  de- 
tail whicli  makes  his  speech  a  summary  almost  as 
much  of  sacred  geography  as  of  sacred  history. 
The  second  principle  of  selection  is  based  on  the 
attempt  to  show  that  there  was  a  tendency  from 
the  earliest  times  toward  the  same  ungrateful  and 
narrow  spirit  that  had  appeared  in  tliis  last  stage 
of  their  political  existence.  Both  of  these  selections 
are  worked  out  on  what  may  almost  be  called  criti- 
cal pr  iiieiples.  (For  explanations  of  the  differences 
between  this  spcecli  and  the  Mosaic  history,  see 
Abraham  ;  Cmkonology  ;  Inspiration  ;  Jacob  1  ; 
Joseph   1  ;    Molech  ;    Moses  ;    Old  Testament  C  ; 

;  Remphan  ;  Syciikm,  &c.)  It  would  seem  that,  just 
at  the  close  of  his  argument,  Stcpiien  saw  a  change 
in  the  aspect  of  his  judges,  as  if  for  the  first  time 
they  had  caught  the  drift  of  his  meaning.  He  broke 
off  from  his  calm  address,  and   turned    suddenly 

I  upon  them  in  an  impassioned  attack  which  shows 
that  he  saw  what  was  in  store  for  him.  As  he  spoke 
they  showed  by  their  faces  that  their  hearts  "  were 
being  sawn  asunder,"  and  they  kept  gnashing  tlicir 
set  teeth  against  him ;  but  still,  though  with  diffi- 
culty, restraining  themselves.  He,  in  this  last  crisis 
of  his  fate,  turned  his  lace  upward  to  the  open  sky, 
and  as  he  gazed  the  vault  of  heaven  seemed  to  him 
to  part  asunder;  and  the  Divine  Glory  appeared 
through  the  rending  of  the  earthly  veil — the  Divine 
Presence,  seated  on  a  throne,  and  on  the  right  hand 
the  human  form  of  "  Jesus."  Stephen  sjiokeas  if  to 
himself,  describing  the  glorious  vision ;  and,  in  so 
doing,  alone  of  all  the  speakers  and  writers  in  the 
N.  T.,  except  only  Christ  Himself,  uses  the  phrase, 
"  the  Son  of  Man."  As  his  judges  heard  the  words, 
they  could  forbear  no  longer.  They  broke  into  a 
loud  yell ;  they  clapped  their  hands  to  their  ears ; 
they  flew  as  with  one  impulse  upon  him,  and  dragged 
him  out  of  the  city  to  the  place  of  execul  ion.  Those 
were  to  take  the  lead  in  this  wild  and  terrible  act 

'  "  We  are  not  to  Bupposo  that  Stephen  went  at  all  be- 
yond the  apostles  In  the  subBtance  of  his  teaching;  hut 
only  that,  from  his  own  bent  of  mind,  and  the  peculiar 
direction  which  his  evanijclistic  aL'ency  assumed,  the 
points  rcspcctine  the  temporary  nature  of  the  MoBiiic  in- 
Btltutions,  and  the  approachins;  desolation  of  Jcrusnlem, 
received  a  greater  prominence  ttian  in  theirs  "  (Fbn.). 


STE 


STO 


1065 


who  had  taken  upon  themselves  the  responsibility 
of  denouncing  him  (Deut.  xvii.  7  ;  comp.  Jn.  viii.  7). 
In  this  instance,  they  were  the  witnesse*  who  had 
reported  or  niisreported  tlic  words  of  Steplien.  They, 
according  to  the  custom,  for  the  salce  of  facility  in 
their  dreadful  t.islc,  stripped  themselves,  as  is  the 
Eastern  practice  on  commencing  any  violent  exer- 
tion ;  and  one  of  the  prominent  leaders  in  the  trans- 
action was  deputed  by  custom  to  signify  his  assent 
to  the  act  by  taking  the  clothes  into  his  custody,  and 
standing  over  them  whilst  the  bloody  work  went  on. 
The  person  who  officiated  on  this  occasion  was  a 
young  man  from  Tarsus — one  probably  of  the  Cili- 
cian  Hellenists  who  had  disputed  with  Stephen.  His 
Barae,  as  the  narrative  significantly  adds,  was  "  Saul." 
(Pall.)  Every  thing  was  now  ready  for  the  execu- 
tion. It  was  outside  the  gates  of  Jkrusalkm.  The 
earlier  tradition  fixed  it  at  what  is  now  called  tlie 
Damascus  gate.  The  lat:?r,  which  is  the  present  tra- 
dition, fixeJ  it  at  what  is  hence  called  St.  Stephe  I's 
gate.  As  the  first  volley  of  stones  burst  upon  him, 
he  called  upon  the  Master  whose  human  form  he 
had  just  seen  in  the  iieavens,  and  repeated  almost 
the  words  with  wliich  He  Himself  had  given  up  His 
life  on  the  cross,  "  0  Lord  Jesus,  receive  my  spirit." 
Anotiier  crash  of  stones  brought  him  on  his  knees. 
One  loud  piercing  cry — answering  to  the  loud  shriek 
or  yell  with  which  his  enemies  had  flown  upon  him 
— escaped  his  dying  lips.  Again  clinging  to  the 
spirit  of  his  Master's  words,  he  cried,  "  Lord,  lay  not 
this  sin  to  their  charge,"  and  instantly  sank  upon 
the  ground,  and,  in  the  touching  language  of  the  nar- 
rator, who  then  uses  for  the  first  time  the  word,  after- 
ward applied  to  the  di-parture  of  all  Christians,  but 
here  the  more  remarkable  from  the  bloody  scenes  in 
the  midst  of  wliich  the  death  took  place — "/f// 
aderrp."  His  mangled  body  was  buried  by  the  class 
of  Hellenists  and  proselytes  to  which  he  belonged. — 
The  legend  of  the  fifth  century  says  that  his  corpse, 
which  the  higli-priest  intended  to  leave  for  beasts 
of  prey  to  devour,  was  carried  off  at  night  by  Gama- 
liel 2  in  his  own  chariot,  and  buried  at  his  expense 
in  a  new  tomb  on  his  property  at  Caphar  Gamala 
(piVAw  o/'<.^e cfltmc/),  eight  leagues  from  Jerusalem, 
the  funeral  lamentation,-,  attended  by  all  the  apos- 
tles, lasting  forty  days.  In  A.  n.  415  the  martyr's  re- 
mains are  said  to  have  been  found  and  identified,  and 
were  then  buried  at  Jcru.^alem. — The  importance  of 
Stephen's  career  may  be  briefly  summed  iip  under 
three  heads : — I.  He  was  the  first  great  Christian 
ecclesiastic  (see  note  '),  "the  Arclideacon,"  us  he  is 
called  in  the  Eastern  Church. — \l.  He  is  the  first 
maH;/r — the  proto-martyr.  To  him  the  name 
"martyr"  is  first  applied"  (Acts  xxii.  20).— III.  He 
is  the  foreruimer  of  St.  Paul.  He  was  the  anticipa- 
tor, as,  had  he  lived,  he  would  have  been  the  propa- 
fator,  of  the  new  phase  of  Christianity,  of  which  St. 
'aul  became  the  main  support. 

•Sttw'aril.     Eliezer  1;  Governor  14;  King. 

•  Stinji  Adder  ;  Bee  ;  Death  ;  Hornet  ;  Scor- 
pion. 

Stotks.  The  term  "  stocks "  is  applied  in  the 
A.  V.  to  two  different  articles,  one  of  which  (Heb. 
mahpeeheih),  in  which  the  body  was  placed  in  a  bent 
position  by  the  confinement  of  the  neck  and  arms  as 
well  as  the  legs,  answers  to  the  English  pillory; 
while  the  other  (Heb.  »ml)  answers  to  the  English 
'•  stocks,"  the  feet  alone  IJeing  confined  in  it.  The 
prophet  Jeremiah  was  confined  in  the  first  sort  (Jer. 
XX.  2),  which  appears  to  have  been  a  common  mode 
of  punLshment  in  his  day  (xxix.  26),  as  the  prisons 
contained  a  chamber  for  the  special  purpose,  termed 


"the  house  of  the  pillory"  (2  Chr.  xvi.  10,  A.  V. 
"  prison-house  ").  The  stocks  (Heb.  sad ;  Gr.  xulon, 
literally  —  wood)  are  noticed  m  Job  xiii.  27,  xxxiii. 
11,  and  Acts  xvi.  24.  The  Heb.  ^ee/ies  used  in  Prov. 
vii.  22  (A.  V.  "stocks")  properly  =  a  feller  (so  Mr. 
Bevan,   with   Gesenius,   &c.).      Fetters  ;    Prison  ; 

PONISHMENTS. 

Sto'ies  (fr.  Gr.,  see  below).  The  Stoics  and  Epi- 
CDREANS,  who  are  mentioned  together  in  Acts  xvii. 
18,  represent  the  two  opposite  schools  of  practical 
PHILOSOPHY  which  survived  the  fall  of  higher  specu- 
lation in  Greece.  Tlie  Stoic  school,  founded  by  Zeno 
of  Citiuni  (about  b.  c.  280),  derived  its  name  from 
the  painted  "  portico  "  (Gr.  »lod)  in  which  he  taught. 
Zeno  was  followed  by  Cleanthes  (about  b.  c.  260), 
Cleanthes  by  Chrysippus  (about  b.  o.  240),  who  was 
regarded  as  the  intellectual  founder  of  the  Stoic  sys- 
tem. Stoicism  soon  found  an  entrance  at  Rome,  and 
under  the  Empire  stoicism  was  not  unnaturally  con- 
nected with  republican  virtue.  The  ethical  system 
of  the  Stoics  has  been  connnonly  supposed  to  have 
a  close  connection  witli  Christian  morality.  But  the 
morality  of  stoicism  is  essentially  l)ased  on  pride, 
that  of  Christianity  on  humility ;  the  one  upliolds 
individual  inilependence,  the  other  absolute  faith  in 
another ;  the  one  looks  for  consolation  in  the  issue 
of  fate,  the  other  in  Providence ;  the  one  is  limited 
by  perioils  of  cosmical  ruin,  the  other  is  consum- 
mated in  a  personal  resurrection  (Acts  xvii.  18). 
But  in  spite  of  the  fimdamental  error  of  stoicism, 
which  lies  in  a  su[)reme  egotism,  the  teaching  of  this 
school  gave  a  wide  currency  to  the  noble  doctrines 
of  the  Fatherhood  of  God,  the  commou  bonds  of 
mankind,  the  sovereignty  of  tlie  soul. 

Stoni'lirh-er  [stum'ak-er]  (=  an  ornament  or  sup- 
port to  the  breast,  Webster's  Diet),  the  A.  V.  trans- 
lation of  Ileb.  pithiffil,  which  denotes  some  article 
of  female  attire  (Is.  iii.  24).  The  LXX.  makes  it  a 
variegated  tunic ;  the  Vulgate,  a  species  of  girdle. 
Dress. 

Stanes.  The  uses  to  which  stones  were  ajiplied  in 
ancient  Palestine  were  variou>.  1.  They  were  used 
for  the  ordinary  purposes  of  building,  and  were 
sometimes  of  very  large  size  (Mk.  xiii.  1).  Robin- 
son gives  the  dimensions  of  one  as  24  feet  long  by 
6  feet  broad  and  'A  feel  high.  For  most  public 
edifices  hewn  stones  were  used  (ARciiiTEcnuE;  Je- 
RrsALEH,  Qtuirries);  an  exception  » as  made  in  re- 
gard to  altars  (Ex.  xx.  25  ;  Deut.  xxvii.  5  ;  Josh.  viii. 
31).  The  Phenicians  were  famous  for  skill  in  hew- 
ing stone  (2  Sam.  v.  11 ;  IK.  v.  18).  (Haniucraft.) 
Stones  were  selected  of  certain  colors  to  form  orna- 
mental string-courses  (1  Clir.  xxix.  2).  They  were 
also  employed  for  pavements  (2  K.  xvi.  17 ;  comp. 
Esth.  i.  6).  2.  Large  stones  were  used  for  closing 
the  entrances  of  caves  (Josh.  x.  18;  Dan.  vi.  17), 
sepulchres  (Mat.  xxvii.  60;  Jn.  xi.  38,  xx.  1),  and 
springs  (Gen.  xxix.  2).  3.  Flint-stones  occasionally 
served  the  purposes  of  a  knife  (Ex.  iv.  25;  Josh.  v. 
2,  3).  4.  Stones  were  used  as  a  munition  of  war  for 
slings  (1  Sam.  xvii.  40,  49),  catapults  (2  Chr.  xxvi. 
14),  and  bows  (Wis.  v.  22  ;  comp.  1  Mc.  vi.  51  ;  Ar.ms, 
I.  8,  4) ;  as  boundary-marks  (Deut.  xix.  14,  xxvii. 
17;  Job  xxiv.  2;  Prov.  xxii.  28,  xxiii.  10;  BoilAN  ? 
ZoHELETH?);  ns  weights  for  scales  (Deut.  xxv.  13; 
Prov.  xvi.  11;  Balance);  and  for  mills  (2  Sam.  xi. 
21 ;  Mill).  5.  Large  stones  were  set  up  to  com- 
memorate any  remarkable  events  ((Jen.  xxviii.  18, 
xxxi.  46,  XXXV.  14;  Jo.sh.  iv.  9 ;  1  Sam.  vii  12). 
Such  stones  wereoccasionnlly  consecrated  by  anoint- 
ing (Gen.  xxviii.  18).  6.  The  worship  of  stones  pre- 
vailed among  the  heathen  nations  surrounding  Pal- 


1036 


STO 


STO 


estine,  and  was  borrowed  from  them  by  apostate 
Israelites  (Is.  Ivii.  6;  Idol;  Idolatry).  7.  Heaps 
of  stones  were  piled  up  cii  various  occasions,  as  in 
token  of  a  treaty  ((ieu.  xx.\i.  46) ;  or  over  the  grave 
of  some  notorious  offender  (Josh.  vii.  26,  viii.  29 ; 
2  Sam.  xviii.  17).  8.  The  "white  stone"  noticed  in 
Rev.  ii.  17  has  been  variously  reg.irded  as  referring 
to  the  pebble  of  acquittal  used  in  the  Greek  courts; 
to  the  lot  cast  in  elections  in  Greece ;  to  both  these 
combined,  the  while  conveying  the  notion  of  acquit- 
tal, the  stone  that  of  election  (Bengel) ;  to  the  stones 
in  the  liigh-priest's  bieast-plaie  ;  to  the  tickets  pre- 
sented to  the  victors  at  the  public  games  (Hammond) ; 
to  the  custom  of  writing  on  stones  (Alford) ;  to  the 
diamond,  not  dead  white  but  lustrous,  with  an  allu- 
sion to  Urim  and  Thummim,  which  the  high-priest 
alone  saw,  and  which  might  have  the  name  Jehovah 
graven  on  it  (Trench).  9.  The  use  of  stones  for 
tal>iets  is  alluded  to  in  Ex.  xxiv.  12,  and  Josh, 
viii.  32.  10.  Stones  for  striking  fire  are  mentioned 
in  2  Mc.  X.  3.  11.  Stones  were  prejudicial  to  the 
operations  of  husbandry  (Agricdltlue)  ;  hence  the 
custom  of  spoiling  an  enemy's  field  by  throwing 
quantities  of  stones  upon  it  (2  K.  iii.  19,  25),  and  the 
necessity  of  gathering  stones  previous  to  cultivation 
(Is.  v.  2;  Eccl.  iii.  5).  12.  The  notice  in  Zech.  xii. 
8  of  the  "  burdensome  stone  "  is  referred  by  Jerome 
to  the  custom  of  lifting  stones  as  an  exercise  of 
strength  (comp.  Ecclus.  vi.  21) ;  but  it  may  equally 
well  be  explained  of  a  large  corner-stone  as  a  sym- 
bol of  strength  (Is.  xxviii.  16).  Stones  are  used  met- 
aphorically to  denote  hardness  or  insensibility  (1 
Sam.  XXV.  37  ;  Ez.  xi.  19,  xxxvi.  26),  as  well  as  firm- 
ness or  strength  (Gen.  xlix.  24).  The  members  of 
the  Church  are  called  "living  stones,"  as  contribut- 
ing to  rear  that  living  teniide  in  which  Christ,  Him- 
self a  "living  sUme,"  is  the  chief  or  head  of  the  cor- 
ner (Eph.  ii.  20-22;  1  Pet.  ii.  4-8).  riNiSHMENTS ; 
Rock  ;  Sto.nes,  Precious. 

Stones,  Pre'dons  [presh'us].  The  identification 
of  many  of  the  Hel^rew  names  of  precious  stones  is 
a  task  of  considerable  ditliculty.  As  far,  however, 
as  regards  the  stones  of  the  high-priest's  breastplate, 
the  authority  of  Josephus,  who  had  frequent  oppor- 
tunities of  seeing  it  worn,  is  preferable  to  any  other. 
The  Vulgate  agrees  with  his  nomenclature,  and  in 
Jerome's  time  the  breastplate  was  still  to  be  inspected 
in  the  Temple  of  Concord  :  hence  this  agreement  of 
the  two  is  of  great  weight.  Precious  stones  are  fre- 
quently alluded  to  in  the  Holy  Scriptures  ;  they  were 
known  and  very  highly  valued  in  the  earliest  times. 
The  Tyrians  traded  in  precious  stones  supplied  by 
Syria  (Ez.  xxvii.  16).  The  merchants  of  Sheba  and 
Raamah  in  South  Arabia,  and  doubtless  India  and 
Ceylon,  supplied  the  markets  of  Tyre  with  various 
precious  stones.  The  art  of  engraving  on  precious 
stones  was  known  from  the  very  earliest  times.  Sir 
G.  Wilkinson  says,  "  The  Israelites  learned  the  art  of 
cutting  and  engraving  stones  from  the  Egyptians ;  " 
but  probably  (so  Mr.  Houghton)  it  was  known 
to  tliem  long  before  their  sojourn  in  Egypt  (Gen. 
xxxviii.  18).  The  twelve  stones  of  the  breastplate 
were  engraved  each  one  with  the  name  of  one  of  the 
tribes  (Ex.  xxviii.  17-21).  It  is  an  undecided  ques- 
tion whether  the  diamond  was  known  to  the  early 
nations  of  antiquity.  The  A.  V.  gives  it  as  the  ren- 
dering of  Heb  yahaldm,  which  Mr.  Houghton  thinks 
is  probably  jaspeh.  The  substance  used  for  polish- 
ing precious  stones  by  the  ancient  Hebrews  and 
Egyptians  was  emery-powder  or  the  emery-stone  ( Co- 
rundum), a  mineral  inferior  only  to  the  diamond  in 
hardness.     In  the  article  on  Ligcee  Mr.  Houghton 


objected  to  the  "  hyacintli-stone  "  representing  the 
lyHinirium  of  the  ancients,  because  of  its  not  pos- 
sessing attractive  powers  in  any  marked  degree.  It 
appears,  however,  from  a  communication  made  by 
Mr.  King,  that  the  hyacintlt  (zircon)  is  higl.ly  electric 
wlien  rubbed.  Precious  stones  are  used  in  Script- 
ure in  a  figurative  sense  to  signify  value,  beauty, 
durability,  Jtc.,  in  those  objects  with  which  they  are 
compared  (Cant.  v.  14;  Is.  liv.  11,  12;  Lam.  iv.  7; 
Rev.  iv.  3,  xxi.  10,  21).  Ada.mant;  Agate;  Ame- 
thyst; Beuyl;  Caubuncle;  Chalcedony;  Chuys- 
OLiTE ;  CiiRvsopRASE  ;  Chrysoi'rasus  ;  Emerald  ; 
Enokateu  ;  Jacinth  ;  Onyx  ;  Pri.nt,  to  ;  Rlby  ;  Sap- 
phire;  Sakdine  ;  Sardils;  Sardonyx;  Seal;  To- 
paz. 
Sto'ning.    Punishments. 

*  Sto'rax,  Sweet,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Gr.  stakti 
(Ecclus.  xxiv.  15)  =  Stacte.     Poplar. 

*  Stoic  =  a  (luantity,  or  a  magazine  or  deposit  of 
a  quantity,  &c.  (Gen.  xxvi.  14,  xli.  36,  &c.).     Bread. 

*  Store'lionse  =  a  place  of  deposit  or  safe-keeping 
for  grain,  food,  &c.     Barn  ;  Egypt. 

Stork  (Heb.  hiixiiMli  or  cluinidith),  a  wading  bird 
allied  to  the  herons.  The  White  Stork  (Vicoiiia 
alba,  Liim.)  is  one  of  the  largest  and  most  conspic- 
uous of  land-birds,  standing  nearly  four  feet  high, 
the  jet  black  of  its  wings  and  its  bright-red  beak  and 


White  stork  iCieonia  alba). 


legs  contrastin-;  finely  with  the  pure  white  of  its 
plumage  (Zech.  v.  9).  In  the  neig!il)orhood  of  man 
it  devours  readily  all  kinds  of  ollal  and  garbage. 
For  this  reason,  doubtless,  it  is  placed  in  the  list  of 
unclean  birds  by  the  Mosaic  Law  (Lev.  xi.  19 ;  Dcut. 
xiv.  18).  The  range  of  the  white  stork  extends  over 
the  whole  of  Europe,  except  the  British  Isles,  where 
it  is  now  only  a  rare  visitant,  and  over  Northern 
Africa  and  Asia,  as  far  at  least  as  Birmah  (so  Mr. 
Tristram,  original  autlior  of  this  article).  The  black 
stork  (Ciconia  nigra,  Linn.),  though  less  abundant 
in  places,  is  scarcely  less  witlely  distributed,  but  has 
a  more  easterly  range  than  its  congener.  Both  spe- 
cies are  very  numerous  in  Palestine.  While  the 
black  stork  is  never  found  about  buildings,  Ijut  pre- 
fers mar.shy  places  in  forests,  and  breeds  en  the  tops 
of  the  loftiest  trees  ;  the  white  stork  attaches  itself 
to  man,  and  for  the  service  which  it  renders  in  the 


STO 


STE 


1067 


destruction  of  reptiles  and  the  removal  of  ofiHl  lias 
been  repaid  fro;n  the  earliest  times  by  protection 
and  reverence.  The  derivation  of  the  Hebrew  name 
(from  a  word  translated  "  merey,"  kindness,"  "  lov- 
ing-kindness ")  points  to  the  paternal  and  filial  at- 
tachment of  which  the  stork  seems  to  have  been  a 
type  among  the  llebiews  no  less  than  the  Greeks 
and  Roaiaiis.  It  was  believed  that  the  young  repaid 
the  care  of  their  parents  by  attaching  themselves 
to  them  for  life,  and  tending  them  in  old  age.  I'liny 
also  notices  their  habit  of  always  returning  to  the 
same  nest.  Pr.)bibly  there  is  no  foundation  for  the 
notion  that  the  stork  so  far  differs  friiin  otlier  birds 
as  to  recognize  its  parents  after  it  has  become 
mature;  but  of  the  fact  of  these  birds  returning 
year  after  year  to  the  same  spot,  there  is  no  qvies- 
tion.  That  the  parental  attachment  of  the  stork  is 
very  strong,  has  been  proved  on  many  occasions. 
I'ew  migratory  buds  are  more  punctual  to  t!ie  time 
of  their  reappearance  than  the  white  stork,  or  at 
Icist,  from  its  familiarity  and  conspicuousness,  its 
migrations  have  l>een  more  accurately  noted.  "  The 
stork  in  the  heaven  knowctli  her  appointed  time" 
(Jer.  viii.  7).  I'liny  states  that  it  is  rarely  seen  in 
Asia  Minor  after  the  middle  of  August.  This  is 
probably  a  slight  error,  as  tlic  ordinary  date  of  its 
arrival  in  Holland  is  the  second  week  in  April,  and 
it  remains  until  October.  In  Palestine  it  has  been 
observed  to  arrive  on  the  22d  March.  The  stork 
has  no  note,  and  the  only  sound  it  emits  is  that 
caused  by  the  sudden  snapping  of  its  long  mandibles. 
Some  unnecessary  dllliculty  has  been  raised  respect- 
ing t!ie  expression  in  I's.  civ.  17,  "As  for  the  stork, 
the  fir-trees  are  her  house."  The  instinct  of  the 
stork  seems  to  be  to  select  the  loftiest  and  most 
conspicuous  spot  he  c  in  find  where  his  huge  nest 
may  be  supported  ;  and  whenever  he  can  combine 
this  tiste  witli  his  instinct  for  the  society  of  man, 
he  naturally  selects  a  tower  or  a  roof.  In  lands  of 
ruins,  which  fro;n  their  neglect  and  want  of  drain- 
age supply  him  witli  abundance  of  food,  he  finds  a 
column  or  a  solitary  arch  the  most  secure  position 
for  his  nest;  but  where  neither  towers  nor  ruins 
aboimd  he  does  not  hesitate  to  select  a  tall  tree,  as 
storks,  swallows,  and  many  other  birds  mn.st  have 
done  before  they  were  tempted  by  the  artilicial  con- 
veniences of  man's  buildings  to  desert  their  natural 
places  of  nidifioation.  It  is  therefore  needless  to 
interpret  the  text  of  the  stork  merely  p:rch'mg  on 
trees.  It  prol)al)ly  was  no  less  numerous  in  Pales- 
tine when  David  wrote  than  now ;  but  the  number 
of  sult.able  towers  must  have  been  far  fewer,  and  it 
would  therefore  resort  to  trees.  The  black  stork, 
no  less  commim  in  Palestine,  has  never  relinrinished 
its  natural  habit  of  building  upon  trees.  This  spe- 
cies, in  the  northeastern  portion  of  the  land,  is  the 
most  abundant  of  t'.ie  two.     Ostrich. 

"  Storm.  Hail  ;  Rai.s  ;  Snow  ;  Thundbr  ;  Whirl- 
wind. 

Strain  at.  The  A.  V.  of  1611  renders  Mat.  xxiil. 
24,  '■  Ye  blind  guides!  which  ntraii  a'  a  gnat,  and 
swallow  a  camel."  There  ran  be  little  doubt,  that 
this  obscure  phrase  Is  due  to  a  printer's  error,  and 
that  the  true  reading  is  "strain  out."  "  Strain  out," 
is  the  correct  translation  of  the  Gr.  diulizd,  and  the 
rcidlng  of  Tyndale's  (1539),  Cranmer's  (1839),  the 
Bishops'  (15U8),  and  the  Geneva  (1557)  Bibles. 

•Strange  Woni'aa,  in  1  K.  xi.  I,  =  a  foreipn 
teomaii ;  but  usually  In  A.  V.  Is  opposed  to  a  im/c, 
and  spoken  In  n-spect  to  unlawful  intercourse,  and 
hence  =  an  aduUerau  or  harlot  (Prov.  ii.  16,  v.  8, 
20,  vii.  6,  lie).     Adultery  ;  Idolatry  ;  Stranger. 


Stran'ger  [«  as  in  gate]  (Heb.  ger,  tdshdh).  A 
"stranger,"  in  the  technical  sense  of  the  term,  = 
a  person  of  foreign  (i.  e.  non-lsraolitish)  extraction 
resident  within  the  limits  of  the  Promised  Land  (so 
Mr.  Bevan).  He  was  distinct  from  the  proper  "  for- 
eigner "  (Heb.  nochri  '),  inasmucli  as  the  latter  still 
belonged  to  another  country,  and  would  only  visit 
Palestine  as  a  traveller :  lie  was  still  more  distinct 
from  the  '  nations,"  or  noii-lsraclite  peoples.  (Gen- 
tile.) The  term  may  be  compared  with  our  expres- 
sion •'  naturalized  foreigner."  The  Heb.  gir  and 
loshdb  applied  to  the  "  stranger  "  have  special  refer- 
ence to  the  fact  of  his  residing  in  the  land.  The 
existence  of  such  a  class  of  perscms  among  the  Is- 
raelites Is  easily  accounted  for  :  the  "  mixed  multi- 
tude ''  that  accompanied  them  out  of  Egypt  (Ex. 
-xii.  38)  formed  one  element ;  the  Cana.anitish  popu- 
lation, which  was  never  wholly  extirpated  from  their 
native  soil,  formed  another  and  a  still  more  impor- 
tant one ;  captives  taken  in  war  formed  a  third  ; 
fugitives,  hired  servants,  merchants,  &c.,  formed  a 
fourth.  Tiie  census  of  them  in  Solomon's  time  gave 
a  return  of  153,600  males  (2  Chr.  ii  17),  wliicli  was 
equal  to  about  a  tenth  of  the  whole  population. 
The  enactments  of  the  Mosaic  Law,  which  regulated 
the  political  and  social  position  of  resident  stran- 
gers, were  conceived  in  a  spirit  of  great  liberality. 
With  the  exception  of  the  Moabites  and  Ammonites 
(Deut.  xxili.  3),  all  nations  were  admissible  to  the 
rights  of  citizenship  under  certain  conditions. 
(An.itiikm.i  ;  Citizen  ;  Slavk.)  Whether  a  stranger 
coul  1  ever  become  legally  a  landowner  is  a  (juestion 
about  which  there  may  be  doubt  (Gen.  xxiii.  4  ;  Lev. 
XXV.  23  ;  Aoricultlre  ;  Aralnah).  The  stranger 
appears  to  have  been  eligible  to  all  civil  offices, 
that  of  king  excepted  (Deut.  xvii.  15).  In  regard 
to  religion,  it  was  absolutely  necessary  that  the 
stranger  should  not  infringe  any  of  the  fundamental 
laws  of  the  Israelitish  state  (Ex.  xx.  10;  Lev.  xvii. 
10,  15,  xvlii.  26,  XX.  2,  xxlv.  16,  &c. ;  Law  of  Mo- 
ses). If  he  was  a  bondman  he  was  obliged  to  sul>- 
mit  til  ciRCl'MCisioN  (Ex.  xli.  44);  if  he  was  inde- 
pendent, it  was  optional  with  him ;  but  if  he  re- 
mained uncircuincised,  he  was  prohibited  from  par- 
taking of  tlie  Passover  (xii.  48),  and  could  not  bo 
regarded  as  a  full  citizen.  Liberty  was  also  given 
in  regard  to  the  use  of  prohibited  food  to  an  uncir- 
cuincised stranger.  Assuming,  however,  that  the 
stranger  was  ciicumcised,  no  distinction  existed  In 
regard  to  legal  rights  between  the  stranger  an  I  the 
Israelite  (xii.  49;  Lev.  xxiv.  22;  \um.  xv,  16,  &c.). 
The  Israelite  Is  enjoined  to  treat  him  as  a  brother 
(Ex.  xxii.  21-23;  Lev.  xlx.  34;  Dent.  x.  19;  Hos- 
pitality ;  Poor).  It  also  appears  that  the  "  stran- 
ger "  formed  the  class  whence  the  hirelings  were 

•  The  Heb.  nocftf^,  renilered  "forel'»nor"  onlv  In  Deut. 
XV.  8  and  Ob.  11,  anrt  "  alien  "  in  Deut.  xiv.  21,  also  In 
Job  xix.  l.'i  ani  P«.  Ixix.  8  [Flo').  9]  and  Lrn.  v.  S,  la  fro- 
quentlv  tniiislatral  "  stranirer"  (G>n.  xxxi.  15  ;  Dent.  xvll. 
IB,  xxlll.  2»  (Hob.  21],  xxix.  28  [Heh.  211  ;  Ju  lir.  xix.  13; 
Rn.  11.  10:  S  Sam.  xv.  19;  1  K.  viii.  41,  43:  2  Chr.  vi.  Hi, 
SA:  Prov.  il.  10.  v.  10.  20,  vii.  .'>,  xxvll.  2:  Eccl.  vl.  2;  Is. 
Il.fi).  or  "Htranio"'  (Ex.  ii.  22.  xvlli.  3.  xxl.  R :  1  K.  xl.  1. 
8;  Ezr.  x.  2.  10  IT. :  Neh.  xUi.  27:  Is.  xxviil.  21 :  Jcr.  ii. 
21;  Zeph.  1.  8).  once  "oiiilanrtish  "  (.Veil.  xiil.  50).  also 
"STBANOE  WOMAN"  (Prov.  vl.'JI.  XX.  10.  xxiii.  27,  .xxvil. 
13).  Oiaeniii-!  (and  so  Fflrst.  in  wnhxtancc)  diifliics  Hio 
word  as  an  mljectivn  —  miknown.  stranne,  fotvtjn.  spoken 
(a.)  of  line  from  another  land  and  pcopln,  as  a  man  (=  a 
itranger, /ofei^ner),  people,  land,  city.  vine,  t'linnunt:  16.) 
of  one  ftom  nnutlier  fiimlly  (=  a  utramer).  not  of  one's 
own  honKelinld,  as  in  Eccl.  vi.  2.  In  opposition  to  a  sun 
ami  lci»«l  heir,  and  in  the  feminine  (=  stuanok  woman) 
In  opposition  to  «  wife ;  (c.)  another,  not  one's  self  (Prov. 
xxvii.  2) ;  (d.)  strange,  unheard  of,  exciting  wonder  (Is. 
xxviil.  21). 


1068 


81S 


sue 


drawn  ;  the  terms  being  coupled  tosether  in  Ex.  xil. 
45  and  Lev.  xxii.  10,  xxv.  6,  40.  The  liberal  spirit 
of  the  Mosaic  regulations  respecting  strangers  pre- 
sents a  strong  contrast  to  tlie  rigid  exciusiveness  of 
the  Jews  at  the  commencement  of  the  Christian  era. 
The  growth  of  this  spirit  dates  from  the  time  of  tlie 
Babylonish  captivity.  Our  Li>rd  condemns  it  in  the 
parable  of  tlie  good  Samaritan,  where  He  defines 
the  term  "  neigiibor  "  in  a  sense  new  to  His  hearers 
(Lk.  X.  36).  It  should  be  observed,  however,  that 
the  PROSELYTE  of  the  N.  T.  is  the  true  representa- 
tive of  the  stranger  of  the  0.  T.,  and  toward  this 
class  a  cordial  feeling  was  manifested.  The  term 
"  stranger  "  (usually  =  Gr.  xenon)  is  commonly  used 
in  the  N.  T.  in  the  general  sense  of  foreigner,  and 
occasionally  in  its  more  technical  sense  as  opposed 
to  a  citizen  (Eph.  ii.  19). 

Stra»f  (Heb.  teben).  Both  wheat  and  barley  straw 
were  used  by  the  ancient  Hebrews  chiefly  as  fodder 
for  tlieir  horses,  cattle,  and  camels  (Gen,  xxiv.  25; 
1  K.  iv.  28 ;  Is.  xi.  7,  Ixv.  25).  There  is  no  intima- 
tion tliat  straw  was  used  for  litter.  It  was  em- 
ployed by  the  Egyptians  for  making  bricks  (Ex.  v. 
7,  16),  being  chopped  up  and  mixed  with  the  clay 
to  make  them  more  compact  and  to  prevent  their 
cracking.  (Brick  ;  Chaff  3.)  The  ancient  Egyp- 
tians reaped  their  corn  close  to  the  ear,  and  after- 
ward cut  the  straw  close  to  the  ground  and  laid  it 
by.  This  was  the  straw  that  Pharaoh  refused  to 
give  to  the  Israelites,  wlio  were  therefore  compelled 
to  gather  "stibule"  (Heb.  kash),  i.  e.  the  short 
strHw  left  standing  in  the  field,  which  was  commonly 
set  on  fire  (Is.  v.  24;  Joel  ii.  5,  &c.).  "Stubble" 
(Heb.  kash)  also  =:  the  straw  as  broken  up  in  tread- 
ing out  tlie  grain  and  so  separaled  by  ventilation, 
CHAFF,  Ges.  (Vs.  Ixxxiii.  13  [Heb.  14] ;  Jer.  xiii.  24, 
&c.).     Agriculture. 

*  Straw,  to  =  Ui  strew,  i.  e.  to  spread,  to  scatter 
(Ex.  xxxii.  20 ;  Mat.  xxv.  24,  26,  &c.). 

*  Stream.     Buook  ;  River. 

Stream  of  E'gypt  once  in  the  A.  V.  =  "  the  river 
of  Egypt  "  (Is.  xxvii.  12). 

Street  (Heb.  hiUs  or  chuts,  rCh6b  or  rfcliob,  shuk  ; 
Gr.  plaleia,  r/mme).  The  streets  of  a  modern  Ori- 
ental town  are  generally  narrow,  crooked,  and 
glofimy,  even  in  the  best  towns.  Their  character  is 
mainly  fixed  by  the  climate  and  the  style  of  archi- 
tecture, the  narrowness  being  due  to  the  extreme 
heat,  and  the  gloominess  to  the  circumstance  of  the 
windows  looking  for  the  most  part  into  the  inner 
court.  As  these  same  influences  existed  in  ancient 
times,  probaldy  the  streets  were  much  of  tlie  same 
character  as  at  present.  (Antioch  1  ;  House  ;  Je- 
rusalem; Nineveh.)  The  street  called  "  Straight," 
in  Damascus  (Acts  ix.  11),  was  an  exception  to  the 
rule  of  narrowness  :  it  was  a  noble  tlioroughfare, 
100  feet  wide,  divided  in  the  Roman  age  by  colon- 
nades into  three  avenues,  the  central  one  for  foot- 
passengers,  tlie  side  passages  for  vehicles  and  hor.se- 
men  going  in  different  directions.  The  shops  and 
warehouses  were  probalily  collected  together  into 
bazars  in  ancient  as  in  midern  times;  we  read  (so 
Mr.  Bevan)  of  the  baker's  bazar  (A.  V.  "street," 
Jer.  xxxvii.  21 ),  and  of  the  wool,  brazier,  and  clothes 
bazars  in  Jerusalem  (Jos.  B.  J.  v.  8,  g  1 ),  and  per- 
haps the  agreement  between  Ben-hadad  and  Abab, 
that  the  latter  should  "  make  streets  in  Damascus  " 
(1  K.  XX.  34),  was  in  reference  rather  to  bazai-s,  and 
thus  amounted  to  the  establishment  of  a  right  of 
trade.  That  streets  occasionally  had  names  appears 
from  Jer.  xx.\vii.  21  and  Acts  ix.  11.  That  they 
were  generally  unpaved  may  be  inferred  from  tlie 


I  notices  of  the  pavement  laid  by  Herod  the  Great  at 
Antioch,  and  by  Herod  Agrippa  II.  at  Jerusalem. 
Hence  pavement  forms  one  of  the  peculiar  featuies 
of  the  ideal  Jerusalem  (Tob.  xiii.  17  ;  Rev.xxi.  21). 
Each  street  and  bazar  in  a  modern  town  is  locked 
up  at  niglit :  the  same  custom  appears  to  have  pre- 
vailed in  ancient  times  (Cant.  iii.  3). 

*  Stringed  In'strn-meuts*    Musical  Instruments. 
Stripes.     Pu.mshmekts. 

*  Strong  Drink.    Drink,  Strong. 

*  Strong' hold.    Fenced  C;tv;  Tower;  War. 

*  Stnb'ble  (Heb.  kas/i).     Straw. 

Sa'ali  (Heb.  a  Kweeping,  Jtlth,  Ges.),  son  of  Zophali, 
an  Asherite  (1  Chr.  vii.  36). 

Sn'ba  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  ancestor  of  certain  sons  of 
Solomon's  servants  w  ho  returned  with  Zorobabel  (1 
Esd.  v.  34);  not  in  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 

Sn'ba-i  (Gr.)  =:  Sualmai  (1  Esd.  v.  30;  compare 
1  Ezr.  ii.  46). 

*  Sub  orbs  (fr.  L.  =  under  [or  near'\  a  citi/),  the 
A.  \.  translation  of^ — 1.  Heb.  migrash,  pi.  rnigrd- 
nhim,  migrisliolji,  r=  (so  Gesenius)  a  place  whither 
herds  arc  driven  to  graze,  a  pasture  (1  Chr.  v.  10  ; 
Ez.  xlviii.  15);  especially  the  open  country  set  apart 

:  for  pasture  round  the  Levitical  cities  (Lev.  xxv.  34  5 
Num.  xxxv.  2  fl'.,  &e. ;  Levites)  ;  also,  an  ope^i  place, 
area,  rouud  a  city  or  building  (Ez.  xxvii.  28,  xlv.  2, 
xlviii.  17).  According  to  the  Talmud,  Maimonides, 
and  most  English  expositors,  the  space  measured 
"  from  the  wall  and  outward  1,000  cubits  round 
about "  (Num.  xxxv.  4)  was  used  as  a  common  or 
suburb,  and  the  space  measured  "  from  w  ithout  the 
city  on  the  east  side,"  &c.  (ver.  5).  was  a  furtlier 
tract  of  land  of  2,000  cubits,  used  for  fields  and 
vineyards,  the  former  being  "  the  suburbs  "  proper- 
ly, the  latter  "  the  field  of  the  suburbs  "  (Ginsburg, 
in  Kitto).  (City.) — 2.  Heb.  parvdrim  (2  K.  xxiii. 
11  only).     Paubae. 

Snc'coth  (Heb.  booths,  Ges.).  1.  A  town  of  an- 
cient date  in  tlie  Holy  Land,  first  mentioned  in  the 
account  of  Jacob's  homeward  journey  from  Padan- 
arain  (Gen.  xxxiii.  17).  Jacob  there  put  up  "booths" 
(Sticvolh)  for  his  cattle,  as  well  as  a  house  for  him- 
self. From  the  itinerary  of  Jacob's  return  it  seems 
that  Succoth  lay  between  Peniel,  near  the  ford  cf  the 
Jabbok,  and  SnECHE.M  (compare  xxxii.  30,  and  xxxiii. 
18).  In  accordance  with  this  is  the  mention  of  Suc- 
coth in  the  iiairative  of  Gideon's  pursuit  of  Zebnh 
and  Zaimunna  (Judg.  viii.  5-17).  It  would  appear 
from  this  passage  that  it  lay  E.  cf  Jordan,  w  liich  is 
corroborated  by  its  being  allotted  to  Gad  (Josh.  xiii. 
27).  Succoth  is  named  in  1  K.  vii.  46  and  2  Chr. 
iv.  17  as  marking  the  spot  at  which  the  brass-foun- 
dries were  placed  lor  casting  the  inetal-work  of  (he 
Temple.  Jerome  says  there  was  in  his  time  a  town 
named  Sochoth  beyond  the  Jordan,  in  the  district  of 
Scythopolis.  Burckhardt,  having  crossed  the  Jor- 
dan at  a  spot  two  hours  (about  six  miles)  S.  S.  E. 
from  Beisdn,  says  :  "  Near  where  we  crossed  to  the 
S.  are  the  ruins  of  Sukkvt,"  evidently,  from  his  nar- 
rative, on  the  E.  of  Jordan.  Robinson  and  Van  do 
Velde  have  discovered  a  place  named  Siikul,  evi- 
dently entirely  distinct  both  in  name  and  position 
from  that  of  Burckhardt.  In  the  accounts  and 
maps  of  these  travellers  it  is  placed  on  the  west  side 
of  the  Jordan,  less  than  a  mile  from  the  river,  and 
about  ten  miles  S.  of  Beisdn.  The  distance  of  ^SiJ- 
kul  from  Beisdu  is  too  great,  even  if  it  were  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Jordan,  to  allow  of  its  being  the 
place  referred  to  by  Jerome.  The  Snkkot  of  Burck- 
hardt is  more  suitable.  But  it  is  drubtful  whether 
either  of  them  can  be  the  Succoth  of  the  0.  T.  (so 


stro 


SUN 


1069 


Kr.  Orov<?).  For  the  eventa  of  Gideon's  story  the 
latter  of  tlie  two  is  not  unsuitable.  Sdkut,  on  the 
other  hand,  seems  too  far  S.,  and  is  also  on  the  W. 
of  the  river.  But  both  appear  too  far  N.  for  the 
Succoth  of  .Jacob.  Until  the  position  of  Sueeoth  is 
more  exactly  ascertained,  it  is  impossible  to  say 
what  was  the  "  Valley  of  Succoth "  mentioned  in 
Ps.  Is.  6  and  cviii.  7. — 2.  The  first  camping-place 
of  the  Israelites  when  they  left  Egypt  (Ex.  xii.  37, 
xiii.  20;  Xura.  xxxiii.  5,  6J;  apparently  reached  at 
the  close  of  the  first  day's  march.  The  distance 
traversed  in  each  ilay's  journey  was  about  fifteen 
miles,  and  as  Succoth  was  not  in  the  desert,  the  next 
station,  Etiiam,  beitif;  'Mn  the  edge  of  the  wilder- 
ness" (Ex.  xiii.  20;  Xiim.  xxxiii.  6),  it  must  have 
been  in  the  valley,  and  consequently  nearly  due  E. 
of  Rameses,  and  fifteen  miles  distant  in  a  straight 
hue  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole).  ExoDCS,  the  ;  Red  Sea, 
Passage  of. 

Sae'eatta-be'iioth  (see  below)  occurs  only  in  2  K. 
xvii.  30.  It  hus  generally  been  supposed  that  this 
term  is  pure  Hebrew  =  the  "  tents  of  daujihters  ; " 
which  some  explain  as  "  the  booths  in  which  the 
daughters  of  the  Babylonians  prostituted  themselves 
In  honor  of  their  idol,"  others  as  "  small  tabernacles 
in  which  were  contained  images  of  female  deities." 
Sir  H.  Rawlinson  thinks  that  Succoth-benoth  rep- 
resents the  Chaldean  goddess  Zirhani/,  the  wife  of 
Merodach,  who  was  especially  worshipped  at  Baby- 
lon. 

Sa'fhatll-ltes  (fr.  Heb.  =  dearendants  of  a  Suc/iah, 
otherwise  unknown,  Ges.),  a  family  of  scribes  at 
Jabez  (1  Chr.  ii.  55).     Tiratihtes. 

Sad  (fr.  Gr.,  see  below),  a  river  in  the  immediate 
neighborhood  of  Babylon,  on  the  banks  of  which 
Jewish  exiles  lived  (Bar.  i.  4).  No  such  river  is 
known  to  geographers  :  but  the  original  (Hebrew  ?) 
text  may  have  been  Sur,  the  river  Euphrates,  which 
is  always  named  bv  Arab  geographers  "  the  river  of 
Sura." 

Sid  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Sia,  or  Siaha  (1  Esd.  v.  29 ;  com- 
pare N'ch.  vii.  47  ;  Ezr.  ii.  44). 

Sa'dl-as  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Hodaviah  3  and  Hodevah  (1 
Esd.  v.  26 ;  compare  Ezr.  ii.  40  ;  Neh.  xii.  43). 

*  Sae,  to>  Deposit;  Jcooe;  Loan;  Scretisbif; 
Trial,  &c. 

*  Sn'et.    Fat. 

*  Salt.     Dress  ;  Sue,  to,  &c. 

Sak'kl-lm,  Snlikl-ims  (Heb.  pi.  mkkti/im  =  dwell- 
ivg  in  bontM,  Ges.),  a  nation  mentioned  (2  Chr. 
,xii.  3)  with  the  Lubim  and  Cushim  (A.  V.  "  Ethi- 
opians ")  as  supplying  part  of  the  army  which  came 
with  Shishak  out  of  Egypt  when  he  invaded  Judah. 
The  .Sukkiims  may  correspond  to  some  one  of  the 
shepherd  or  wandering  races  mentioned  on  the 
Esyptian  monuments  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole). 

*  Sam'mer.  Aoricdltcre  ;  Chrosoloot  I. ;  Pal- 
estine, CHmatf. 

'SoDi'mrr  Frnlt  (Heb.  kayiu,  literally  =  fntii- 
harvett,  firf-hnrvett,  summer,  Ges.,  Fii.)  =  fruit, 
especially  _/?i7J,  as  harvested  in  summef  (2  Sam.  xvi. 
1,  2  ;  Am.  viii.  1,  2,  &c.).     Fio. 

Sna  (Heb.  usually  »Aeme«A  ,•  Gr.  hiUot).  In  the 
history  of  the  creation  the  sun  is  described  as  the 
"  greater  light  "  in  contradistinction  to  the  moon  or 
"lesser  light,"  in  conjunction  with  which  it  was  to 
serve  "  for  signs,  and  for  seasons,  and  for  days,  and 
for  years,"  while  its  special  office  wag  "  to  rule  the 
day"  (Gen.  i.  14-16).  The  "signs"  referred  to 
were  probably  (so  Mr.  Bevan,  original  author  of  this 
article)  such  extraordinary  phenomena  as  eclipses, 
which  were  regarded  as  conveying  premonitions  of 


coming  events  (Jer.  x.  2;  Mat.  x.xiv.  29,  with  Lk. 
xxi.  26)'.  (Eclipse  of  the  Sln.)  The  joint  influ- 
ence assigned  to  the  sun  and  moon  in  deciding  the 
"  seasons,"  both  for  agricultural  operations  (Agri- 
culture) and  for  religious  festivals,  and  also  in  reg- 
ulating the  length  and  subdivision  of  the  "  years," 
correctly  describes  the  combination  of  the  lunar  and 
solar  year,  which  prevailed  at  all  events  subsequent 
to  the  Mosaic  period.  The  sun  "  juled  the  day,"  not 
only  in  reference  to  its  powerful  influences,  but  also 
as  deciding  the  length  of  the  day  and  supplying  the 
means  of  calculating  its  progress.  Sunrise  and  sun- 
set are  the  only  defined  points  of  time  in  the  absence 
of  artificial  contrivances  for  telling  the  hour  of  tlie 
day.  Between  these  two  points  the  Jews  recognized 
three  periods,  viz.  when  the  sun  became  hot,  about 
I  nine  a.  m.  (1  Sam.  xi.  9;  Neh.  vii.  3);  the  double 
light  or  "noon"  (Gen.  \liii.  16;  2  Sara.  iv.  6),  and 
"  the  cool  of  the  day  "  shortly  before  sunset  (Gen. 
iii.  8).  The  sun  also  served  to  fix  the  quarters  of 
the  hemisphere,  east,  west,  north,  and  south,  which 
were  represented  respectively  by  the  rising  sun,  the 
setting  sun  (Ps.  1. 1 ;  Is.  xlv.  B),  &c.  ;  or  otherwise  by 
their  position  relative  to  a  person  facing  the  rising 
sun — before,  behind,  on  the  left  hand,  and  on  the 
right  hand  (Job  xxiii.  8,  9).  The  apparent  motion 
of  the  sun  (comp.  Heaven)  is  frequently  referred  to 
(Josh.  X.  13;  2  K.  xx.  11;  Ps.  xix.  6;  Eccl.  i.  6; 
Hab.  iii.  11).  The  worship  of  the  sun,  as  the  most 
prominent  and  powerful  agent  in  the  kingdom  of 
nature,  was  widely  diffused  throughout  tlie  countries 
adjacent  to  Palestine.  The  Arabians  appear  to  have 
paid  direct  worship  to  it  without  the  intervention  of 
any  statue  or  symbol  (Job  xxxi.  26,  27),  and  this 
style  of  worship  was  prob  ibly  familiar  to  the  ances- 
tors of  the  Jews  in  Chaldea  and  Mesopotamia.  The 
Hebrews  must  have  been  well  acquainted  with  the 
idolatrous  worship  of  the  sun  during  the  captivity  in 
Egypt,  both  from  the  contiguity  of  On,  the  chief  scat 
of  the  worship  of  the  sun  as  implied  in  the  name  it- 
self (On  =z  the  Hebrew  BErn-SHEMESii,  "  house  of 
the  sun,"  Jer.  xliii.  13  marg.),  and  also  from  the 
connection  between  Joseph  and  Poti-pherali  (=r  he 
who  belongs  to  Ra),  the  priest  of  On  (Gen.  xii.  45). 
After  their  removal  to  Canaan,  the  Hebrews  came 
in  contact  with  various  forms  of  idolatry,  which 
originated  in  the  worship  of  the  sun ;  e.  g.  Baal, 
MoLECH  or  Milcom,  and  the  Hadud  of  the  Syrians. 
These  idols,  except  the  last,  were  introduced  into 
the  Hebrew  commonwealth  at  various  periods  ;  but 
it  does  not  follow  that  the  object  symbolized  by  them 
was  known  to  the  Jews  themselves.  (Adrammklecii.) 
If  we  have  any  notice  at  all  of  conscious  sun-worship 
in  the  early  stages  of  their  history,  it  exists  in  the 
doubtful  term  hammdnim  or  chammdnim  (Lev.  xxvi. 
80;  Is.  xvii.  8,  &c. ;  Idol  16).  From  the  few  no- 
tices on  the  subject  in  the  Bible,  we  should  conclude 
that  the  Jews  derived  their  mode  of  worshipping  the 
sun  from  several  quarters,  the  Arabians  (Arabia), 
Persians,  &c.  The  importance  attached  to  the  wor- 
ship of  the  sun  by  the  Jewish  kings  may  be  inferred, 
from  the  fact  that  the  horses  were  stalled  within  the 
precincts  of  the  temple  (2  K.  xxiii.  11 ;  Parbar). 
In  the  metaphorical  language  of  Scripture  the  sun  is 
emblematic  of  the  law  of  God  (Ps.  xix.  7),  of  the 
cheering  presence  of  God  (Ixxxiv.  11),  of  the  person 
of  the  Saviour  (Jn.  i.  9 ;  Mai.  iv.  2),  and  of  the  glory 
and  purity  of  heavenly  beings  (Rev.  i.  16,  x.  1,  xii.  1). 

'  Oesenlns  and  Fttrst  more  natnrally  explain  "  sIotb  "  tn 
Gen.  i.  14  as  ttme-Hgnt.  marking:  the  seasous,  days,  and 
years,  the  sense  beliift  then  (by  hendladys.  so  Geeenlus), 
"  (or  elgna  both  for  aeasoDs  and  for  days  and  years." 


ao7o 


SUP 


*  Snn'-dl-al  (Is.  xxxviii.  8).     Dial. 

*  Sn-per-sti'tion  f-stishun]  (fr.  L.),  the  A.  V. 
translation  of  Gr.  (Irinidaimouia,  propci'ly  (so  Rbn. 
jV.  T.  Lex.)  =  fear  of  i/ie  gods,  then  religiousness, 
religion  (Acts  xxv.  19  only).  The  kindred  Gr.  adj. 
deisidaimoncsteros,  translated  in  the  A.  V.  "  too  su- 
perstitious" (xvii.  22  only),  is  rather  more  god-fear- 
ing, more  religious,  sc.  than  others.  Neither  of  these 
words  is  used  in  the  N.  T.  in  a  bad  sense.     Paul. 

*  So'phah.    Numbers,  B  ;  Vaiieb. 
*Sui)'per.     Lord's  Supper,  thk;  Meals. 

Snr  (Ir.  Gr.),  one  of  the  places  on  the  sea-coast  of 
Palestine,  named  as  disturbed  at  the  approach  of 
Holoferiies  (Jd.  ii.  28).  Some  have  suggested  Dor, 
others  a  place  named  Sora  I^Alhlit  [?  |  between  Dor 
and  Cannel),  others,  again,  Surafcnd  (Zarepuatii). 
But  none  of  these  are  satisfactory. 

*  Snr  (Ileb.  removed,  driven  out,  Gcs.),  thf  gate  of 
(2  K.  xi.  6),  a  gate  of  the  Temple,  at  which  Jehoaida 
stationed  gjards  at  the  inauguration  of  Joash : 
called  also  "  the  gate  of  the  foundation "  (2  Clir. 
xxiii.  5).  The  rabbins  say  it  was  tlie  E.  gate  of  the 
court,  where  the  unclean  were  commanded  to  depart 
(Keil). 

Sarc'ti-ship,  Sarc'ty-sbip,  In  the  entire  absence 
of  commerce  the  law  laid  down  no  rules  on  the  sub- 
ject of  suretiship,  but  it  is  evident  tliat  in  the  time 
of  Solomon  commercial  dealings  had  Ijecome  so  mul- 
tiplied that  suretiship  in  the  commercial  sense  was 
common  ( Prov.  vi.  1,  .\i.  15,  xvii.  18,  xx.  10,  xxii. 
26,  xxvii,  13).  But  in  older  times  the  notion  of  one 
man  becoming  a  surety  lor  a  service  to  be  discharged 
by  another  was  in  full  force  (see  Gen.  xliv.  3:). 
The  surety  of  course  became  liable  for  his  client's 
debts  in  case  of  his  failure.  Deposit;  Loan,  &c. 
Sn'si(L.)  =  SiiusMAN  (Esth.  xi.  3,  xvi.  18). 
Sn's.tn-ehitcs  [-kites]  (fr.  Hcb.  —  people  of  Snn- 
snAN,  Gos.)  no  doubt  dc-signates  cither  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  city  Snsa  (Siiusiias)  or  (less  probably, 
so  Rawlinson)  those  of  the  country — Susis  or  Su- 
siana  (Ezr.  iv.  9  only). 

Sii-8.«l'na  [-zan-]  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  o  Ulii).  1.  The 
heroine  of  the  Judgment  of  Daniel,  or  History  of  Su- 
sanna, in  the  Apocrypha.  (Daniel,  Apocrvpiial 
AnniTioNS  to.) — i.  One  of  the  women  who  minis- 
tered to  the  Lord  (Lk.  viii.  3). 

Sa'sl(IIeb.  hone-nan,  Ges.),  father  of  Gaddi  the 
llanassiie  spy  (Num.  xiii.  11). 

Swal'law  [swol-],  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Hcb. 
deror,  and  'dgAr.  Dcror  occurs  twice  (Ps.  Ixxxiv. 
3 ;  Prov,  xxvi.  2) ;  'dyur,  also  twice  (Is.  xxxviii.  14  ; 
Jer.  viii.  7),  botli  times  in  conjunction  with  sis  or  sAs, 
which  in  each  passage  is  rendered,  probably  cor- 
rectly, by  LXX,  SWALLOW,  A.  V.  "  crane,"  the  latter 
being  more  probably  (so  Mr.  Tristram,  original  au- 
thor of  this  article)  the  true  signification  of  'dgur. 
The  Heb.  deror  may  include  the  "  swallow "  with 
other  swiftly-flying  birds,  as  the  swift,  martin,  &c. 
Whatever  be  the  precise  rendering,  the  characters 
ascribed  in  the  several  passages  where  the  names 
occur  are  strictly  applicable  to  the  swallow,  viz.  its 
swiftness  of  flight,  its  nesting  in  the  buildings  of  the 
Temple,  its  mournful,  garrulous  note,  and  its  regu- 
lar migration,  shared  indeed  in  common  with  several 
others.  Many  species  of  swallow  occur  in  Palestine, 
including  all  those  familiar  in  Britain.  The  swallow,' 


SWE 

martin  (Chelidon.  urhiea,  Linn.),  and  sand  martin 
{Cotyle  riparia,  Linn.),  abound.  The  Eastern  swal- 
low (flirmido  rufuhr,  Temrainck),  which  nestles 
generally  in  fissures  in  rocks,  and  the  crag  martin 
(Cotyle  rupeslris),  which  is  confined  to  mountain- 
gorges  and  desert  districts,  are  also  common.  The 
common  European  swift  (Ci/pselus  Apus,  Linn.)  is 
common,  and  the  splendid  alpine  swift  (Ci/fKelits 
melba,  Linn.)  may  bo  seen  in  all  suitable  locahties. 
Sparrow. 


» The  common  Enropean  honeo-swallow  or  chimney 
ewallow  (Hirundo  rmttca)  Is  represented  In  America  liv 
the  bam-«walli)w  (Hirundo  rufa\:  the  common  K\in>pean 
ewin.  ( Cypselus  Aput)  is  nomowhat  larger  than  tlie  American 
Bwlft  or  chimney-swallow  (C/uelura  [nr  Ci/p^elus]  Pdas- 
Ota). 


Common  Enropaui  Swift  {Cfimtui  X^m)  -  "Swallow  "  of  Soriplure! 
— (Futrbuirn). 

Swan  [swon],  the  A.  V.  translation  (after  the  Vul- 
gate) of  Heb.  tiushemHh  in  Lev.  xi.  18  and  Dent.  xiv. 
16,  where  it  occurs  in  the  list  of  unclean  birds. 
Bochart  and  Fiirst  translate  owl ;  Gcsonius  suggests 
the  pelican  ;  but  the  owl  and  pelican  are  both  dis- 
tinctly expressed  elsewhere  in  the  catalogue.  Mr. 
Tristram  and  Mr.  Gossc(in  Fairbairn)  think  that  the 
swan  was  not  known,  or  at  least  not  familiar,  to 
Moses  and  the  Israelites,  and,  if  known,  would  rather 
have  been  classed  as  clean.  Swans  are  well-known 
web-footed  water-fowls  of  the  genus  Ci;gnus,  Linn., 
allied  to  the  common  goose,  but  usually  larger,  hand- 
somer, and  more  graceful.  Mr.  Tristram  regards 
what  he  considers  to  lie  the  renderings  of  the  LXX., 
porphyria  and  ibis  (Owl  2),  as  either  of  them  more 
probably  meant  by  the  Hebrew  word  than  the 
"  swan ''  of  the  A.  V. ;  for  neither  of  these  birds  oc- 
curs elsewhere  in  the  catalogue,  both  would  be  famil- 
iar to  residents  in  Egypt,  and  the  original  seems  to 
point  to  some  water-fowl.  The  j.orphuridn  or  por- 
phyrio  {Porphyria  Antiqnarum,  lip.),  the  purple 
water-hen,  is  a  wading  bird  of  the  rail  family,  larger 
than  the  domestic  fowl,  with  a  rich  dark-blue  plu- 
mage, brilliant  red  beak  and  legs,  and  extraordinarily 
long  toes.  It  frequents  marshes  and  the  sedge  by  the 
banks  of  rivers  in  all  the  countries  bordering  on  the 
Mediterranean,  and  is  abundant  in  Lower  Egypt. 
From  the  miscellaneous  character  of  its  food  it  might 
reasonably  be  classed  with  unclean  birds.     Mole  1. 

Swcar'lng.    Oath. 

Sweat,  Blo<\0'y.  One  of  the  physical  phenomena 
attending  our  Lord's  agony  (Jesus  Christ)  in  the 
Garden  of  Gethsemane  is  thus  described  (Lk.  xxii. 
44) :  "  His  sweat  was  as  it  were  great  drops  (literally 
clots)  of  blood  falling  down  to  the  ground."  The  gen- 
uineness of  this  verse  and  of  the  preceding  has  been 
doubted,  but  it  is  now  generally  acknowledged  (so 
Mr.  Wright).  Of  this  malady,  known  in  medical 
science  by  the  term  diapedesis,  there  have  been  ex- 
amples recorded  both  in  ancient  and  modern  times. 
Aristotle  was  aware  of  it.  The  cause  assigned  is  gen- 
erally violent  mental  emotion.     Dr.  Millingen  ( Onri- 


SWE 


SYC 


1071 


osiA'rt  of  iMUal  Experience,  p.  489,  2d  ed.)  gives  the 
following  explanation  of  the  plioiionienon:  "It  is 
probable  t'lat  this  strange  disorder  arises  from  a 
violent  commotion  of  the  nervous  systsm,  turning 
the  streams  of  blood  out  of  their  natural  course,  and 
forcing  the  red  particles  into  the  cutaneous  excre- 
tories.  A  mere  relaxation  of  the  fibres  could  not 
produce  so  powerful  a  revulsion.  It  may  also  arise 
in  cases  of  extreme  debility,  in  connection  with  a 
thinner  condition  of  the  blood."  Several  crises  of 
so-called  bloody  sweat  are  reported.  There  is  still, 
however,  wanted  a  well-authenticated  instance  in 
modern  time.<,  observed  with  all  the  care  and  attested 
by  all  the  exactness  of  later  medical  science. 

•  Sweep,  to.    Besom. 

*  Sweet.  Food  ;  Ho.SEr ;  I.\'CE.nse  ;  Reed  4  ; 
Spice.s;  Wise,  &c. 

Swine  (Hob.  h'lzir  or  chazir  ;  Gr.  ch.nros,  hits),  a 
well-known  quadruped,  the  male  of  which  is  the 
"boar"{P.s.  Ixxx.  1.3)  and  the  female  the  "sow" 
(2  Pet.  ii.  22).  (1.)  D-nneslic.  The  flesh  of  swine 
was  forbidden  as  food  by  the  Lcvitical  law  (Lev.  xi. 
V;  Dent.  xiv.  8);  the  abliorrenoo  wliich  the  Jews  as 
a  nation  had  of  it  may  be  inferred  from  Is.  Ixv.  4, 
Ixvi.  3,  17,  and  2  Me.  vi.  18,  19.  Swine's  flesh  was 
forbidden  to  the  Egyptian  priests.  The  Arabians, 
Phcnicians,  Ethiopians,  &c.,  were  also  disallowed  the 
use  of  it.  No  other  reason  for  the  command  to  ab- 
stain from  swine's  flesh  is  given  in  the  law  of  .Moses 
beyond  the  general  one  which  forbade  any  of  the 
mammalia  us  food  which  did  not  literally  fidfil  the 
terms  of  the  definition  of  a  "clean  animal,"  viz.  that 
it  was  to  be  a  cloven-footed  ruminant.  It  is,  how- 
ever, probable  that  dietoticul  considerations  may 
have  influenced  Moses  in  his  proliibition  of  swine's 
flesh ;  it  is  generally  believed  that  its  use  in  hot 
countries  is  liable  to  induce  cutaneous  disorders ; 
hence  in  a  people  liable  to  leprosy  the  necessity  for 
the  observance  of  a  strict  rule.  Although  the  Jews 
did  not  breed  swine,  during  the  greater  period  of  their 
existence  as  a  nation,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
the  heathen  nations  of  Palestine  used  the  flesh  as 
food.    At  the  time  of  our  Lord's  ministry  it  would 


appear  that  the  Jews  occasionally  violated  the  law 
of  Moses  with  respect  to  swine's  flesh.  Whether 
"  the  herd  of  swine  "  into  which  the  devils  were  al- 
lowed to  enter  (Mat.  viii.  32;  Mk.  v.  l.S)  were  the 
property  of  the  Jewish  or  (Jentilc  inhabitants  of 
Gadara  (Demokiaos;  Gerasa  ;  Gergesenes)  does 
not  appear  from  the  sacred  narmtivc;  but  that  the 
practice  of  keeping  swine  did  exist  amongst  some  of 
the  Jews  Bcems  clear  from  the  enactment  of  the  law 


of  Hyroanus,  "  that  it  should  not  be  lawful  for  any 
one  to  feed  swine."  Allusion  is  made  in  2  Pet.  ii. 
22  to  the  fondness  of  swine  for  "  wallowing  in  the 
mire."  Solomon  compares  "  a  fair  woman  without 
discretion"  to  "a  jewel  of  gold  in  a  swine's  snout" 
(Prov.  xi.  22).  Our  Lord  says,  "  Neither  cast  ye  your 
pearls  before  swine,  lest  they  trample  them  under 
their  feet"  (Mat.  vii.  6).  The  last  part  of  this  verse 
— "  and  turn  again  and  rend  you  " — Theopliylaet, 
Hammond,  Barnes,  &c.,  refer  to  the  "  dogs ;  "  but 
Lange  (on  Mat.  1.  c.)  says,  "it  applies  likewise  to 
the  swine."  (2.)  Wild.  The  wild  boar  of  the  wood 
(Ps.  Ixxx.  13)  is  the  common  wild  boar  or  wild  hog 
(Sits  Scrofa)  which  is  frequently  met  with  in  the 
woody  parts  of  Palestine,  especially  in  Mount  Tabor. 

Sword.    Ar,vs. 

Syea-mioc-tree  (Gr.  sukaminon},  mentioned  only 
in  lik.  xvii.  6,  is  (so  Mr.  Houghton,  with  Dr.  Royle 
[in  Kittol,  Dr.  Hamilton  [in  Fairluirn],  Dr.  Dau- 
beny,  &c.)  the  mulberry-tree  (Aftmis).  Both  black 
and  white  iil'i.berry-teees  are  conimon  in  Syria  and 
Palestine,  and  are  largely  cultivated  for  supplying 
food  to  the  silk-worm.  Thomson  (ii.  296)  says  the 
Damascus  mulberry-tree  is  now  grown  extensively 
at  Li/ild  (Lydda)  for  its  fruit,  which  almost  exactly 
resembles  the  largest  American  blackberries.  Leb- 
anon ;  Palestine,  Botany  ;  Silk  ;  Sycamore. 


■jcjt?r>tw 


Black  Malberry  (Jforu  nigra). 

Sye'a-more  (Ileb.  tkikmdh  ;  Gr.  anhomorea  !n  N.  T., 
tuhamiiioa  in  LXX.),  according  to  Prof  Stowe  (origi- 
nal author  of  this  article)  and  most  authorities,  = 
the Fic/mulberri/,  ov  Sycamore-fig (/'inM  Si/comorus), 
a  tree  of  Egypt  and  Palestine,  the  fruit  of  which  re- 
sembles the  no  (1  K.  x.  27 ;  1  Chr.  xxvii.  28;  2 
Chr.  i.  15,  ix.  27 ;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  47 ;  Is.  ix.  10  [Heb. 
9]  ;  Am.  vii.  14;  Lk.  xix.  4).  It  attains  the  size  of 
a  walnut-tree,  has  wide-spreading  branches,  and  af- 
fords a  delightful  shade.  On  this  account  it  is  fre- 
quently planted  by  the  waysides.  Its  leaves  are 
heart-shaped,  downy  on  the  under  side,  and  fragrant. 
The  fruit  grows  directly  from  the  trunk  itself  on 
little  sprigs,  and  in  clusters  like  the  grape.  To  make 
It  eatable,  each  fruit,  three  or  four  days  before  gath- 
ering, must,  it  is  said,  be  punctured  with  a  sharp  in- 


1072 


SYC 


SYC 


strument  or  the  finger-nail.  This  was  the  original 
employment  of  the  prophet  Amos  (Am.  vii.  14). 
The  wood,  though  very  porous,  is  exceedingly  dura- 
ble, Egyptian  mumray-colfins  made  of  it  being  still 
perfectly  sound.  It  was  much  used  for  doors  and 
large  furniture,  as  tables,  &c.  So  great  was  the 
value  of  these  trees,  that  David  appointed  for  tliem 
in  his  kingdom  a  special  overseer,  as  for  the  olives 
(1  Chr.  xxvii.  28);  and  it  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the 
heaviest  of  Egypt's  calamities,  that  her  sycamores 
were  destroyed  by  hailstones  (Ps.  Ixxvili.  47).  The 
"sycamore"  of  America  (I'latamis  Occidentalis),  a 
species  of  Plane-tree,  and  the  "  sycamore  "  of  Eng- 
land (Acer pnetido-plalanuii),  a  speci;s  of  maple,  are 
both  very  different  from  the  "  sycamore  "  of  the 
Scriptures, 


ng-miilbrrry,  or  SycamoM-fl;j  (Fie'ia  Sr/eomonii)  ^  •' Sycflmoru  "  of  tha 
Scriptures. 

Sy'eliar  [-knr]  (L.  fr.  Heb.  =  fakehood,  or  drunk- 
ard? Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.  ;  a  corruption  of  Shechem, 
Olshausen,  &c. ;  see  below),  a  place  named  only  in 
Jn.  iv.  6,  as  "  a  city  of  Samaria."  "  Sychar  "  was 
either  a  name  applied  to  the  to.vn  of  Shechem,  or  it 
was  an  independent  place.  1.  The  first  of  these 
alternatives  is  now  almost  universally  accepted.  In 
the  words  of  Dr.  Robinson,  "  In  consequence  of  the 
hatred  which  existed  between  the  Jews  and  the  Sa- 
maritans, and  in  allusion  to  their  idolatry,  the  town  of 
Sichem  received,  among  the  Jewish  comiuon  people, 
the  by-name  Sychar."  No  mention,  however,  of 
such  a  nickname  is  found  cither  in  tlie  Targums  or 
in  the  Talmud  (so  Jlr.  Grove,  original  author  of  this 
article).  But  presuming  that  Jacob's  well  was  then, 
where  it  is  now  shown,  at  the  entrance  of  the  val- 
ley of  Ndbulua,  Shechem  would  be  too  distant  to 
answer  to  the  words  of  St.  John,  since  it  must  have 
been  more  than  a  mile  off.     Eusebius  {^Onuni.)  says 


that  Sychar  was  in  front  of  the  city  of  Neapolis ; 
and,  again,  that  it  lay  by  the  side  of  Luza,  which 
was  three  miles  from  Neapolis.  Sychem,  on  the 
other  hand,  he  places  in  the  suburbs  of  Neapolis 
by  the  tomb  of  Joseph.  The  Bourdeaux  Pilgrim 
describes  Secliim  as  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain, 
and  as  containing  Joseph's  monument  and  plot  of 
ground,  and  then  says  that  a  thousand  paces  thence 
was  the  place  called  Sychar.  2.  In  favor  of  Sychar 
having  been  an  independent  place  is  tlie  fact  that  a 
village  named  'Askar  still  exists  at  the  southeastern 
foot  of  Ebal,  about  N.  E.  of  the  Well  of  Jacob,  and 
about  half  a  mile  from  it.  A  village  like  ^Aiihar 
answers  much  more  appropriately  to  the  description 
of  John  than  so  large  and  so  venerable  a  place  as 
Shechem.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  an  etymologi- 
cal difficulty  in  the  way  of  this  identification.  ''Aikai- 
begins  with  the  letter  ''Ain,  which  Sychar  does  not 
appear  to  have  contained.  Y-et  the  same  difference 
is  found  between  the  ancient  and  modern  names  of 
Ashkelon. 

Sy'rlicm,  the  Latinized  Greek  form  of  Shechkm, 
the  name  of  the  well-known  city  of  Central  Pales- 
tine (Acts  vii.  16  only).  This  verse  exhibits  an  ad- 
dition  to,  and  a  discrepancy  in  form  from,  the  0.  T. 
account.  (1.)  The  patriarchs  are  said  in  it  to  have 
bieri  buried  at  Sychem,  whereas  in  the  0.  T.  this  is 
related  of  the  bones  of  Joseph  only  (Jo.^h.  xxiv. 
32 i.  (2.)  The  sepulchre  at  Sychem  is  said  to  have 
been  bought  from  Emmor  by  Abraham ;  whereas  in 
the  O.  T.  Abraham  bought  the  cave  of  Machpelab 
at  Hebron  for  his  sepulchre,  and  Jacob  bought  the 
plot  of  ground  at  Shechem  from  llamor  (Gen.  xxxiii. 
10).  Various  explanations  have  been  given  of  these 
dilJerences.  That  Joseph's  brethren  were  buried  in 
Shechem  contradicts  nothing  that  we  know,  is  prob- 
able in  itself,  and  may  have  been  handed  down  by  tra- 
dition. Biscoe  refers  the  differences  to  the  brevity  with 
which  the  Hebrews  related  their  well-known  ances- 
tral history,  and  their  use  in  it  of  hints  and  ellipses, 
and  would  make  out  the  whole  thus  :  "And  were  car- 
ried over  into  Sychem,  and  w(>re  laid  (some  of  them, 
Jacob  at  least)  in  the  sepulchre  that  Abraham  bought 
for  a  sum  of  money  (and  others  of  them  in  that  which 
was  bought)  of  the  sons  of  Emmor  the  father  of 
Sychem."  Fairbairn  says  (Didionan/  of  the  Bible, 
article  Stephen),  "  Stephen's  object  is  not  properly 
to  relate  history,  but  to  apply  history  to  the  elucida- 
tion of  great  principles  and  truths.  .  .  .  Stephen 
identifies  the  transactions  as  to  Abraham  ar.d  Jacob 
buying  and  using  groimd  for  burial,  as  before  he 
had  identified  two  words  of  God  spoken  at  different 
times  (ver.  7;  compare  Gen.  xv.  16  and  Ex.  iii.  12) 
— not  as  if  he  ignored  their  actual  or  historical  di- 
versity, for  the  merest  child  could  not  but  be  aware 
of  that — but  because  for  his  purpose,  viz.  as  an  ex- 
pression of  faith  on  the  part  of  tlie  patriarchs,  and  a 
sign  of  their  interest  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  even 
when  to  the  eye  of  sense  there  seemed  so  much 
against  it,  they  were  virtually  one."  A  suggestion 
approved  by  Archdeacon  Lee  (Inspiration  of  Holy 
Scripture)  is  that  Abraham  may  have  purchased  a 
plot  of  ground  at  Sychem  as  described,  where 
Joseph  and  the  patriarchs  were  buried.  Professor 
Hackett  (on  Acti,  1.  c.)  would  omit  "Abrahjim,"  or 
exchange  it  for  "  Jacob."  Dr.  S.  Davidson  regards 
Stephen  as  not  inspired,  and  hence  making  a  mis- 
take. One  of  these  or  of  other  possible  explana- 
tions may  remove  the  difficulty  in  the  case. 

Sy'thcin-lte,  the  =  the  inhabitants  of  Shechem, 
taken  collectively  (Jd.  v.  16). 

*  SycVmore  (in  some  copies)  =  Sycamore. 


SYE 


SYX 


1073 


Sy-e'lns  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Jkiiiel  3  (1  Esd.  i.  8;  com- 
pare 2  Chr.  XXXV.  8). 

Sy-ene  (L. ;  Hel).  Slveneh  ;  fr.  Egyptian  =  the 
opcniny  or  keif  of  Egypt,  Champollion),  a  town  of 
EovPT  on  the  frontier  of  Cush  or  Ethiopia.  Ezekiel 
speaks  of  the  desolation  of  Egypt  "  from  Migdol  to 
Syene,  even  unto  the  border  of  Ethiopia"  (Ex.  xxi.x. 
10  margin),  and  of  its  people  being  slain  "  from 
MigJol  to  Syene"  (xxx.  6  margin;  A.  V.  text  in 
both  "  from  the  tower  of  Syene  ").  Migdol  was  on 
the  cft'lern  border,  and  Syeue  was  always  the  last 
town  of  Egypt  on  the  S.,  though  at  one  time  in- 
cluded in  the  nome  Nubia.  Its  ancient  Egyptian 
name  is  San,  the  modern  Arabic  AswAn.  The 
moJern  town  is  slightly  to  the  X.  of  the  old  site. 
Both  are  on  the  Nilk,  and  near  the  tropic  of  Cancer. 
Syenite,  which  differs  from  granite  only  in  having 
homblend  instead  of  mica,  was  anciently  quarried 
at  Syene.  The  town  at  so:ne  periods  has  had  a 
large  population  and  extensive  trade. 

*  Symc-oa  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Simeon  or  Simon  (2  Pet.  i. 
1  margin).     1'eter. 

*Sym'ph»-By  (fr.  Gr.)  =  a  sounding  together,  or 
harmony  of  sounds  (Dan.  iii.  5  margin).    Dulcimer. 

Syn'a-gDga*  [sin'a-gog]  (fr.  Gr.  snnagoje  =;  an 
aseembl;/ ;  see  below  and  Assembly  10).  Professor 
Plumptre,  original  author  of  this  article,  thus  notes 
the  points  of  contact  between  the  history  and  ritual 
of  the  synagogues  of  the  Jews,  and  the  facts  to 
which  the  inquiries  of  the  Biblical  student  are  prin- 
cipally directed,  (a.)  They  meet  us  as  the  great 
characteristic  institution  of  the  later  phase  of  Juda- 
ism. (6  )  We  cannot  separate  theni  from  the  most 
intimate  connection  with  our  Lord's  life  and  minis- 
try. In  them  He  worshipped  in  His  youth,  and  in 
His  manhood.  They  were  the  scenes  of  no  small 
portion  of  His  work  (Mat.  iv.  23,  xii.  9,  xiii.  54 ; 
Mk.  i.  23;  Lk.  iv.  16,  xiii.  11 ;  Jn.  vi.  59,  xviii.  20, 
&c.,  &e.)  (c.)  There  aro  the  questions,  leading  us 
back  to  a  remoter  past :  In  what  did  the  worship  of 
the  synagogue  originate  ?  what  type  was  it  intended 
to  reproduce  ?  what  customs,  alike  In  nature,  if  not 
in  name,  served  as  the  starting-point  for  it  ?  (d.) 
The  synagogue,  with  all  that  "belonged  to  it,  was 
connected  with  the  future  as  well  as  with  the  past. 
It  was  the  order  with  which  the  first  Christian  be- 
lievers were  most  familiar.  The  Ciinxcii  h.ad  its 
starting-point  in  the  Synagogue. — Keeping  these 
points  in  view,  it  remains  to  deal  with  the  subject 
in  a  somewhat  more  formal  manner. — I.  Name.  (1.) 
The  Aramaic  equivalent  clnithta  first  appears  in  the 
Targum  of  Onkelos  as  a  substitute  for  Heb.  VAJA 
(=  Co.sOKEOATio.N  ;  Assembly  5)  in  the  Pentateuch. 
The  more  precise  local  designation  (Bcy'h  hac-CSve- 
telh  =  //ouse  of  gath'n'ing)  belongs  to  a  yet  later 
date.  (2.)  The  word  swiagogi,  not  unknown  in 
cbssical  Greek,  appears  in  the  LXX.  as  tlie  trans- 
lation of  not  less  than  twenty-one  Hebrew  words 
in  which  the  idea  of  gathering  is  implied.  It  is 
used  130  times  for  'c(/«A,  and  23  times  for  kahdl. 
(Assembly  5,  7.)    In  Prov.  v.  14  the  Gr.  ekklHia 

!=■  Heb.  kdhal,  A.  V.  "  congregation  ")  and  suitaffoffi 
Heb.  'eJdh,  A.  V.  "a.s»embly")  appear  together. 
In  the  Apocrypha  the  word,  as  in  the  0.  T.,  retains  its 
general  meaning,  and  is  not  used  specifically  for  any 
recognized  place  of  worship.  In  the  \.  T.,  how- 
ever, the  local  meaning  is  the  dominant  one.  Some- 
times the  wonl  is  applied  to  the  tribunal  which  was 
connected  with,  or  gat  in,  the  synagogue,  in  the 
n.irrower  aemv  (Mat.  x.  17,  xxiii.'  84  ;  Mk.  xiii.  9  ; 
Lk.  xxi.  12,  xii.  11).  Within  the  limits  of  the  Jew- 
ish Church  it  perhaps  kept  its  ground  as  denoting 
68 


the  place  of  meeting  of  the  Christian  brethren  ( Jas.  ii. 
2).' — II.  Hiatori).  (1.)  Jewish  writers  have  claimed 
for  their  syiugogues  a  very  remote  antiquity.  In 
well-nigh  every  place  where  the  phrase  "  before  the 
Lord  "  appears,  they  recognize  in  it  a  known  sanc- 
tuary, a  fixed  place  of  meeting,  and,  therefore,  a 
synagogue.  The  Targum  of  Onkelos  finds  in  Ja- 
cob's "  dwelling  iu  tents  "  (Gen.  xxv.  27)  his  attend- 
ance at  a  synagogue  or  house  of  prayer.  That  of 
Jonathan  finds  them  in  Judg.  v.  9  and  in  "  the  calling 
of  assemblies"  in  Is.  i.  13.  (2.)  Apart  from  these 
far  fetched  interpretations,  we  know  too  little  of  the 
life  of  Israel,  both  before  and  under  the  monarchy, 
to  be  able  to  say  with  certainty  whether  there  was 
any  thing  at  all  corresponding  to  the  synagogues  of 
later  date  (compare  1  Sam.  xx.  5  and  2  K.  iv.  23, 
with  Judg.  viii.  27,  xvii.  5 ;  1  Sam.  ix.  12,  x.  5,  xix. 
20-24;  Prophet).  (3.)  During  the  exile,  in  the 
abeyance  of  the  Temple- worship,  the  meeting  of 
devout  Jews  probably  became  more  systematic  (Ez. 
viii.  1,  xi.  13,  16,  xiv.  1,  xx.  1,  xxxiii.  31),  and  must 
have  helped  forward  the  change  so  conspicuous  at 
the  return.  The  whole  history  of  Ezra  presupposes 
the  habit  of  solemn,  probably  of  periodic,  meetings 
(Ezr.  viii.  15;  Neh.  viii.  2,  ix.  1  ;  Zech.  vii.  5).  To 
that  period,  accordingly,  we  may  attribute  the  re- 
vival, if  not  the  institution  of  synagogues;"  yet 
they  are  not  in  any  way  prominent  in  the  Maccabean 
hi-story.  AVhen  that  struggle  was  over,  there  ap- 
pears to  have  been  a  freer  development  of  what 
may  be  called  the  synagogue  parocliia!  system 
among  t'.ie  Jews  of  Palestine  and  other  countries. 
Well-nigh  every  town  or  village  had  its  one  or  more 
synagogues.  (4.)  It  is  hardly  possible  to  overesti- 
mate tlie  influence  of  the  system  thus  developed. 
To  it  we  may  ascribe  the  tenacity  with  which,  after 
the  Maccabean  struggle,  the  Jews  adhered  to  the 
religion  of  their  fathers,  and  never  again  relapsed 
into  idolatry.  The  people  were  now  in  no  danger 
of  forgetting  the  Law,  and  the  external  ordinances 
that  hedged  it  round.  Here,  as  in  tlie  order  of  the 
Scribes,  there  was  an  influence  tending  to  diminish 
and  ultimately  almost  to  destroy  the  authority  of 
the  hereditary  priesthood.  The  way  was  silently 
prepared  for  a  new  and  higher  order,  which  should 
rise  in  "  in  the  fulness  of  time  "  out  of  the  decay 
and  abolition  of  both  the  priesthood  and  the  Temple. 
— III.  Slruclure.  (I.)  Tlie  size  of  a  synagogue, 
like  that  of  a  church  or  chapel,  varied  with  the 
population.  Its  position  was,  however,  determinate. 
It  stood,  if  possible,  on  the  highest  ground,  in  or 
near  the  city  to  which  it  belonged.  And  its  direc- 
tion, too,  was  fixed.  Jerusalem  was  the  central 
point  of  Jewish  devotion.  The  synagogue  was  so 
constructed,  that  the  worshippers,  as  they  entered 
and  as  they  prayed,  looked  toward  it.  The  liuild- 
ing  was  commonly  erected  at  the  cost  of  the  district. 
Sometimes  it  was  built  by  a  rich  Jew,  or  even,  as  in 

'  "  The  synaeogue  of  Satan  "  (Rev.  ii.  9,  iii.  9)  —  (so 
Ebn.  A''.  T.  Lex.)  "  Sitan's  wtsemMy.  I.  e.  ,Tew3  who  slan- 
der the  Christian  Church— who.  professing  to  be  trno 
Jews  and  to  worship  God,  are  not  so,  but  worghlp  Satan 
(compare  Rom.  Ii.  29)." 

'  In  Ptf.  Ixxiv.  8  the  Heh.  pi.  of  md'id  (Assembly  1)  is 
translated  "synagogues"'  by  the  A.  V.,  Glnebnrg  (in 
Kitto).  &c. :  and  the  Psalm  itself  Is  referred  by  some 
(Hltzljf,  Ginsburg,  &c.)  to  Maccabean  times.  Gesenins 
translates  the  sacred  places  of  otMmbly.  and  nnderstanda 
the  phrase  as  referring  to  other  places  than  the  Temple, 
which  were  In  a  certain  senso  sacred,  asRamnh.  Bctni !. 
Glial,  (Skc.  distin^lKhcd  as  seats  of  the  prophets  and  as 
nmu  PLACES,  Prof.  J.  A.  Alexander  translates  and  ex- 
plains the  latter  part  of  ver.  8—"  they  have  burned  all  the 
aiuemblkii  of  God  In  the  land,  by  burning  the  only  place 
where  such  aescmbUes  could  bo  held  (.Dent.  xii.  5, 11)." 


1074 


SYN 


SYN 


Lk.  vii.  6,  by  a  friendly  proselyte.  (2.)  In  the  in- 
ternal arrangement  of  (ho  synagogue  we  trace  an 
obvious  analogy  to  the  type  of  the  Tabernacle.  At 
the  upper  or  Jerusalem  end  stood  the  Ark,  the  chest 
which,  like  the  Ark  of  the  Covenant,  contained  the 
Book  of  the  Law.  It  gave  to  that  end  the  name 
and  character  of  a  sanctuary.  This  part  of  the 
synagogue  was  naturally  the  place  of  honor.  Here 
were  the  "  chief  seats,"  after  which  Pharisees  and 
Scribes  strove  so  eagerly  (Mat.  xxiii.  6),  to  which 
tlie  wealthy  and  lionored  worshipper  was  invited 
(Jas.  ii.  2,  3).  Here,  too,  in  front  of  the  Ark,  still 
reproducing  the  type  of  the  Tabernacle,  was  the 
eight-branched  lamp,  lighted  only  on  the  greater 
festivals.  Besides  this,  tiiere  was  one  lamp  kept 
biirning  perpetually.  A  little  further  toward  the 
middle  of  the  building  was  a  raised  platform  on 
which  several  persons  could  stand  at  once,  and  in 
the  middle  of  this  rose  a  pulpit  in  which  the  Reader 
stood  to  read  the  lesson  or  sat  down  to  teach.  The 
congregation  were  divided,  men  on  one  side,  women 
on  the  other,  a  low  partition,  five  or  six  feet  higli, 
running  between  thcni.  The  arrangements  of  mod- 
ern synagogues,  for  many  centuries,  have  made  the 
separation  more  complete  by  placing  the  women  in 
low  sido-galleries,  screened  off  by  lattice-work. — 
IV.  Officers.  (1.)  In  smaller  towns  there  was  often 
but  one  Radbi.  Where  a  fuller  organization  was 
possible,  there  was  a  cjllege  of  Elders  (Lk.  vii.  3) 
presided  over  by  one  who  was  "  the  ruler  of  the 
synagogue"  (viii.  41,  49,  xiii.  14 ;  Acts  xviii.  8,  17). 
(2.)  The  most  prominent  functionary  in  a  large 
synagogue  was  known  as  theShUlinh  or S/ilHach(z= 
L.  hf/nt'is,  i.  e.  one  sent  or  appointed  with  a  commis- 
sion or  charge,  a  legate),  the  officiating  minister  who 
ncteil  ns  the  delegate  of  the  congregation,  and  was 
therefore  the  chief  reader  of  prayers,  tec,  in  their 
name.  (.■?.)  The  ffaasdnov  Cha-zdn,  the  "minister" 
of  the  synagogue  (Lk.  iv.  2n),  had  duties  of  a  lower 
kind,  lie  was  to  open  the  doors,  to  get  the  build- 
ing ready  for  service.  (4.)  Besides  these,  tlicrc  were 
ten  men  attached  to  every  pynagngne,  known  ns  the 
BnilAnlrn  (=z  free  from  labor,  (7< /osure),  supposed 
to  be  men  of  leisure,  not  obliged  to  labor  tor  their 
livelihood,  able,  therefore,  to  attend  the  week-day 
as  well  as  the  Sabbath  services.  By  some  (Light- 
foot,  &c.)  they  have  been  identified  With  the  above 
onicials,  with  the  addition  of  the  alms-collectors. 
Rhent'erd,  however,  sees  in  them  simply  a  boiy  of 
men,  permanently  on  duty,  making  U|>  a  congrega- 
tion (ten  being  the  minimum  nmnber),  so  that  there 
might  be  no  del  ly  in  begiiming  the  service  at  the 
proper  hours,  and  that  no  single  worshipper  might 
go  away  disappointed.  (5.)  It  will  be  seen  at  once 
how  closely  the  organization  of  the  synagogue  was 
reproduced  in  that  of  the  Church.  Here  also  there 
was  the  single  presbyter-bishop  (Bisiior)  in  small 
towns,  a  council  of  presbyters  under  one  head  in 
large  cities.  The  lejabm  of  the  synagogues  appears 
in  the  "  angel "  (Rev.  i.  20,  ii.  1 ;'  Angels),  perhaps 
also  in  the  "  messenger  "  (Gr.  aposfnloa  ;  Apostle  ; 
EPAniRODiTUS,  &c.)  of  the  Christian  Ch\irch. — V. 
Worship.  (1.)  The  ritual  of  the  synagogue  was  to  a 
large  extent  the  reproduction  of  the  statelier  liturgy 
of  the  Temple,  and,  no  less  than  the  org.mization, 
was  connected  with  the  facts  of  the  X.  T.  history, 
and  witii  the  life  and  order  of  the  Christian  Church. 
It  would  hardly  be  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  the 
worship  of  the  Church  was  identical  with  that  of 
the  Synagogue,  modified  (a.)  by  the  new  truths,  (h.) 
by  the  new  institution  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  (c.)  by 
the  spiritual  "gifts."     (2.)   From  the  synagogue 


came  the  nse  of  fixed  forms  of  prater.  To  that 
the  first  disciples  had  been  accustomed  from  their 
youth.  The  forms  might  be  and  were  abused. 
(Lord's  Prayer;  Pharisees.)  (3.)  The  large  ad- 
mixture of  a  didactic  element  in  Christian  worship, 
that  by  which  it  was  distinguished  from  all  Gentile 
forms  of  adoration,  was  derived  from  the  older 
order.  "  Moses  "  was  "  read  in  the  synagogues  every 
Sabbath-day  "  (Acts  XV.  21),  the  whole  Law  being 
read  consecutively,  so  as  to  be  completed,  according 
to  one  cycle,  in  three  ye.irs,  according  to  that  which 
ultimately  prevailed,  in  a  single  year.  (Bible  IV.) 
The  writings  of  the  prophets  were  read  as  second 
lessons  in  a  corresponding  order.  They  were  fol- 
lowed by  the  "  word  of  cxhoi-tation  "  (Acts  xiii.  15), 
the  exposition,  the  sermon  of  the  synagogue.  (4.) 
To  the  ritual  of  the  s^^ynagogue  we  may  probably  (so 
Prof  Plumptre)  trace  the  practice  of  praying  for  the 
dead  (2  Mc.  xii.  44).  Prayers  for  the  "dead  have 
found  a  place  in  every  early  Christian  liturgy,  and 
the  practice  in  the  synagogues  is  as  old  at  least  as 
the  traditions  of  the  Rabbinic  father.-i.  (5.)  The 
conformity  extends  also  to  the  times  of  prayer.  In 
the  hours  of  service  this  was  obviously  the  case. 
The  third,  sixth,  and  ninth  hours  were  in  the  times 
of  the  N.  T.  (Acts  iii.  1,  x.  3,  9),  and  had  been  prob- 
ably for  some  time  before  (P>.  iv.  17 ;  Dan.  vi.  10), 
the  fixed  times  of  devotion.  The  same  hours  were 
recognized  in  the  Church  of  the  second,  probably  in 
that  of  the  fir;t  century  also.  The  solemn  days  of 
the  synagogue  were  the  second,  the  fifth,  and  the 
seventh,  the  last  or  Sabb.ath  being  the  conclusion  of 
tlie  whole.  The  transfer  of  the  sanctity  of  the  Sah- 
DATH  to  the  Lonn's  Day  involved  a  corresponding 
change  in  the  order  of  the  week,  and  the  first,  the 
fourth,  and  the  sixth  became  to  the  CIl^i^tian  society 
what  the  other  days  had  been  to  tlic  Jewish.  (6.) 
The  following  suggestion  as  to  the  mode  in  which 
this  transfer  was  effected,  involves,  it  is  lielicved, 
fewer  arbitrary  assumptions  than  any  other,  and 
connects  itself  with  another  interesting  custom,  com- 
mon to  the  Church  and  the  Synagogue.  It  was  a 
Jewish  custom  to  end  the  8abl)ath  with  a  feast,  in 
which  they  did  honor  to  it  as  to  a  parting  king.  The 
feast  was  held  in  the  synagogue,  A  cup  of  wine, 
over  which  a  special  blessing  had  been  spoken,  was 
handed  round.  It  is  obvious  that,  so  long  as  the 
apostles  and  their  followers  continued  to  use  the 
Jewish  mode  of  reckoning,  so  long  i.  e.  as  they  frat- 
ernized with  their  brethren  of  the  stock  of  Aluaham, 
this  would  coincide  in  point  of  time  with  their  LoRn's 
StPPER  on  the  Jirst  day  of  the  week.  By  degrees 
the  time  became  later,  passed  on  to  midnight,  to  the 
early  dawn  of  the  next  day.  (7.)  From  the  syna- 
gogue lastly  came  many  of  the  less  conspicuous 
practices,  which  meet  us  in  the  liturgical  life  of  the 
first  three  centuries.  Ablution,  entire  or  partial, 
before  entering  the  place  of  njceting  (Ileb.  x.  22  ; 
Jn.  xiii.  1-15);  standing,  and  not  kneeling,  as  the 
attitude  of  prayer  (Lk.  xviii.  11);  the  arms  strctchcil 
out ;  the  face  turned  toward  the  E. ;  the  responsive 
Amen  of  the  congregation  to  the  prayers  and  bene- 
diction of  the  elders  (1  Cor.  xiv.  16). — VI.  Judicnd 
Futielhns.  (1.)  The  language  of  the  N.  T.  shows  that 
the  officers  of  the  synagogue  exercised  in  certain 
cases  a  judicial  power  (Mat.  x.  17;  Mk.  xiii.  9  ;  Lk. 
xii.  11,  xxi.  12;  Jn.  xii.  42,  xvi.  2;  Acts  ix.  2,  xxii. 
5 ;  1  Cor.  v.  6,  xvi.  22  ;  Gal.  i.  8,  9  ;  1  Tim.  i.  20 ; 
ExcoMMtTNiCATioN  ;    JupoE).      (2.)   It  is  not  easy, 

i  however,  to  define  the  nature  of  the  tribunal,  and 
the  precise  limits  of  its  jurhsdietion.     In  Mat.  x.  17 

!  and  Mk.  xiii.  9  they  are  carefully  distingnished  from 


SYN 


SYR 


1075 


the  "councils."  It  seems  probable  that  the  cooNcit 
was  the  larger  tribunal  of  twenty-three,  which  sat 
in  every  city  (SASHEiiRisi),  and  that  under  the  term 
"  synasrogue"  we  are  to  understand  a  smaller  court, 
probably  that  of  the  Ten  judges  mentioned  in  the 
Talmu  I,  con.-'isiing  either  of  the  elder-",  "  minister," 
and  legnte,  or  otherwise  of  the  ten  men  of  leisure  (sec 
above,  IV.  2-4).  (3.)  Here  also  we  trace  the  out- 
line of  a  Christian  institution.  The  Church,  either 
by  itself  or  l)y  appointed  delegates,  was  to  act  as  a 
Court  of  .\rbitratii)n  in  all  disputes  among  its  mem- 
liors.  The  elders  of  the  Church  were  not,  however, 
to  descend  to  the  trivial  disputes  of  daily  life  (1  Cor. 
vi.  1-8).  For  tne  elders,  as  for  those  of  the  syna- 
gogue, were  reserved  the  graver  otlcnces  against  re- 
ligion and  morals  (v.  4).    Excoumunication  ;  Edc- 

CATIO.N. 

Syna-gftgne  (see  above),  the  Great.  (1.)  On  the 
return  of  tlic  Jews  from  Babylon,  a  great  council 
was  appointed,  according  to  Rabbinic  tradition,  to 
reorganize  the  religious  life  of  the  people.  It  con- 
sisted of  120  members,  and  these  were  known  as  the 
men  of  the  (jreat  Synagogue,  the  successors  of  the 
prophets,  themselves,  in  their  turn,  succeeded  by 
scRiBES  prominent,  individually,  as  teachers.  Ezsjl 
2  was  recognized  as  president.  Among  the  other 
members,  in  part  together,  in  part  successively,  were 
Joshua  4,  Zerudbabei.,  and  their  companions,  Daniel 

4  and  the  three  "children,"  Hagoai,  Zechabiah  1, 
Malachi,  XEHKxiiAn  1,  MoRDECAi.  SiMo.N  2.  Their 
aim  w.as  to  restore  again  the  crom)  or  glori/  of  Israel. 
To  this  end  they  collected  all  the  sacred  writings  of 
former  ages  and  their  own,  and  so  completed  the 
CANox  of  the  ().  T.  They  instituted  the  feast  of 
Plhim.  They  organized  the  ritual  of  thesvxAOOOL'E, 
and  gave  their  sanction  to  the  eighteen  solemn  ben- 
edictions in  it.  (2.)  Much  of  this  is  evidently  uii- 
CL-rtaiu.  T;ic  absence  of  any  historical  menticni  of 
such  a  body,  not  only  in  the  0.  T.  and  the  Apocry- 
pha, but  in  Jo.-iephus,  I'hdo,  and  the  Sfder  Olam,  so 
tha.  ihe  earliest  record  of  it  is  found  in  the  Pirke 
A/iot/i,  about  the  second  century  a.  c,  had  led  si)nie 
critics  to  reject  the  whole  statement  as  a  Rabbinic 
invention.  The  narrative  of  Xeh.  viil.  13  clearly  im- 
plies the  existence  of  a  body  of  men  acting  as  coun- 
sellors u:ider  the  presidency  of  Ezra,  and  these  may 
have  been  an  assembly  of  delegates  from  all  pro- 
vincial 9ynai;ogues — a  synod  of  the  National  (Miurch 
(so  I'rof.  Plumptre,  origin.al  author  of  this  article). 
IJr.  tiinsburg  (in  Kitto)  indorses  the  conclusion  of 
(iraetz  that  .Vehemiah  originated  the  Great  Syn- 
agogue after  Ezra's  death,  and  considers  its  period 

05  embracing  about  110  years  (b.  c.  410  300),  or 
from  the  latter  days  of  Nehemiah  to  the  death  of 
Simon  the  Just,  when  it  passed  into  the  Sanhedrim. 
lie  obtains  the  traditional  120  nunibers  of  Xche- 
mi.ah'«  time  from  Xeh.  x.  1-27,  &c.,  making  28 
priests,  viz.  24  chiels  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  7-18)  and  4 
others;  19  Levitcs,  viz.  7  chiefs  (Ezr.  v.  18,  19,  24; 
Neh.  ix.  4,  a),  and  12  others;  60  Israelites,  viz.  29 
chiefs  (coniji.  Ezr.  viii.  2,  9),  and  21  others;  22  rep- 
resentatives of  cities  (Ezr.  ii.  18-30;  Xeh.  vii.  24- 
33,  3ii,  37),  and  Nehemiah.  The  87  besides  chiefs 
and  representatives  he  considers  to  be  doctors  of  the 
Law. 

Sf  Htf-che  [sin'te-ke]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  a  chance,  hap- 
p;i  r/uncef),  a  female  member  of  the  Church  of 
Philippi  (Phil.  iv.  2,  3).     Elodias. 

Syr'a-ense,  or  Sy'ra-CDM  (fr.  Gr.,  named  from  an 
adjacent  marsh  or  lake  called  Syraeo),  a  celebrated 
city  on  the  eastern  cor  st  of  Sicily,  founded  B.  c.  734 
by  Arohias,  a  C  .rinth  in  exile,  and  said  to  have  had 


in  its  most  prosperous  period  from  600,000  to 
1,200,000  inhabitants.  It  was  the  native  place  of 
Archimedes;  the  celebrated  mathematician,  and  the 
residence  of  some  able  kings,  as  Hiero,  Dionysius, 
&c.  St.  I'all  arrived  thither  in  an  Alexandrian 
ship  from  Melita,  on  his  voyage  to  Rome  (Acts  xxviii. 
12).  The  magnificence  which  Cicero  describes  as 
SI  ill  remaining  in  his  time  was  then  no  doubt  greatly 
impaired.  But  it  was  a  convenient  place  for  the 
African  corn-snips  to  touch  at,  for  the  harbor  was 
excellent,  and  the  fnuntain  Arethusa  furnished  an 
unfailing  supply  of  excellent  water.  In  tlie  tune  of 
St.  Paul's  voyage  Sicily  did  not  supply  the  Romans 
with  corn  to  the  extent  it  had  done  in  the  time  of 
King  Hiero,  and  in  a  less  degree  as  late  as  the  lime 
of  Cicero.  The  country  had  become  depopulated  by 
wars,  and  when  it  passed  into  the  hands  of  Rome 
(b.  c.  212)  her  great  nobles  turned  vast  tracts  into 
pasture.  Syracuse  was  a  Roman  colony  in  St.  Paul's 
time,  and  was  the  provincial  capital  of  Sicily.  Syr- 
acuse has  been  repeatedly  destroyed  by  wars  and 
earthquakes.  Its  present  population  is  about  16,000 
(AVkj  Amer.  Ci/c). 

Syr'i-8  (L.  fr.  Gr.,  see  below),  the  usual  A.  V.  term 
for  the  Ileb.  Aram,  and  (Jr.  Suria.     Most  probably 
Syria  is  for  7's;/ria,  the  country  about  Tsur,  or  Tyre, 
which  was  the  first  of  the  Syrian  towns  known  to 
the  Greeks  (so  Prof  Rawlinson,  original  author  of 
this  article).    \.  Geographical  extent.    It  is  very  diffi- 
cult to  fix  the  limits  of  Syria.     The  Hebrew  Aram 
seems  to  commence  on  the  northern  frontier  of  Pal- 
estine, and  to  extend  thence  northward  to  tlie  skirts 
of  Taurus,  westward  to  the  Mediterranean,  and  east- 
ward probably  to  the  Khabnur  River.     (Elphrates.) 
Its  chief  divisions  are  Ararn-darnmesek  =  Syria  of 
DAMASrus,  Aram-znbnh  =  Syria  of  Zobah,  Aram- 
iiaharaim   =  "  Mesopotamia  "  =  Syria  of  the  Two 
Rivers,  and  Padan-aram  =  the  plain  Syria,  or  the 
plain  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains.     Of  these  the 
first  Is  the  rich  country  about  Damascus,  lying  be- 
1  tween  Axtilibaxis  and  the  desert,  and  the  last  is 
I  thedi.strictal)oiit/farra>i  and  Or/WA,  the  flat  country 
I  stretcbing  out  from  the  western  extremity  of  Mona 
!  Mosius  toward  the  source  of  the  Khabour,     Ararn- 
I  naharaim  seems  to  include  this  last  tract,  and  ex- 
;  tend  beyoni  it,  though  how  far  beyond  is  doubtful. 
(Mesomtamia.)     Aram-zohah  seems  to  be  the  tract 
I  between  the  Euphrates  and  Ccelesyria.     The  other 
1  divisions   of  Aram,  such   as  Aram-maachah,   and 
'  Aram-beth-ri-hoh,    were    probably   portions    of    the 
!  tract  between  Antilibanns  and  the  desert.     (Betr- 
I  RKHon ;     Maaciiah.)  —  The    Greek     writers     useil 
1  "  Syria "  still  more  vaguely  than  the  Hebrews  did 
"  Aram."     On  the  one  hand  they  extended  it  to  the 
Euxine,  including  Cappapocia  and  even  Bitiivxia  ; 
on  the  other  they  carried  it  to  the  borders  of  Egypt, 
and  made  it  comprise  Piiilistia  and  EnoM.   Still  they 
seem  always  to  regard  Syria  Proper  as  a  narrower 
region,     the  LXX.  and  N.  T.  distinguish  Syria  from 
Phenicia   on   the  one   hand,   anil    from   Samaria, 
JuDEA,  InuMBA,  &c.,  On  the  other.     In  the  present 
article  it  seems  best  to  take  the  word  in  this  narrow 
sense,  and  to  regard  Syria  as  bounded  by  Amanus 
and  Taurus  on  ihe  X''.,  by  the  Euphrates  and  the 
Arabian  desert  on  the  E.,  by  Palestine  on  the  S.,  by 
the  Mediterranean  near  the  mouth  of  the  Orontcs, 
and  then  by  Phenicia  on  the  W.     The  tract  thus  cir- 
cumscribed is  about  800  miles  long  from  N.  to  S., 
and  from  SO  to  160  miles  broad,  with  an  area  of 
about  30,000   square  miles. — 2.    General  Phifttical 
Fealuret.     The  general  character  of  the   tract  is 
mountainous,  as  the  Hebrew  Arau  implies.    On  the 


1076 


SYR 


SYR 


W.,  two  longitudinal  chains  (Lebanon  and  Anti- 
LiBANi's,  or  Anti-Lebanon,  the  former  becomin;; 
Bargy'ms  on  the  N.),  running  parallel  with  the  coast 
at  no  trrcat  distance  from  one  anotlier,  extend  along 
two-thirds  of  the  length  of  Syria,  from  the  latitude 
of  Tyre  to  that  of  Antioch  1,  where  tliey  are  met  by 
the  chain  of  Amanus,  an  outlying  barrier  of  Taurn?, 
having  the  direction  of  that  range,  wliioh  in  this  part 
is  from  S.  W.  to  X.  E.  The  most  fertile  and  valuable 
tract  of  Syria  is  the  long  valley  between  Lebanon 
and  Anti-Lebanon.  (Celosvria.)  The  northern 
mountain  region  is  also  fairly  productive ;  but  the 
soil  of  the  plains  aboiit  Aleppo  is  poor,  and  the  east- 
ern flank  of  the  Antilibai.us,  except  in  one  place,  is 
peculiarly  sterile. — 3.  The  MuuntainRany<s.  (a.) 
Lebanon,  the  most  interesting  of  the  mountain- 
ranges  of  Syria,  extends  from  the  mouth  of  the  Litauy 
to  'Arka  (Arkite),  nearly  100  miles,  (b.)  AxTi- 
libancs,  or  Anti-Lebanon,  as  the  name  implies, 
stands  over  against  Lebanon,  running  in  the  same 
direction,  i.  e.  nearly  N.  and  S.,  and  extending  the 
same  length.  (Hermon.)  (c.)  Bargylus.  Jlount 
Bargylus,  called  now  Jebel  en-Numh-hjeh,  toward  the 
S.,  and  toward  the  N.  Jihel  Kraad,  extends  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Nalir  f/-A'c6i)' (Elcutherus),  nearly  op- 
posite HiDiis,  to  the  vicinity  of  Antioch,  a  distance 
of  rather  more  than  100  miles.  One  of  the  western 
spurs  terminates  in  a  remarkable  headland,  more 
than  5,000  feet  high,  anciently  known  as  Mount 
Casius,  now  Jebd  cl-Akra  (=  the  Bald  Moimtain). 
(d.)  Amanus.  N.  of  the  mouth  of  the  Orontes,  be- 
tween its  course  and  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Gulf 
of  Issus  (lakaiiderun).  lies  the  r.mge  of  Amanus, 
which  divides  Syria  from  Cilicia.  Its  average  ele- 
vation is  5,000  feet,  and  it  terminates  abruptly  at 
Jids  el-Khamir,  in  a  high  cliff  overhanging  the  sea. 
—  4.  The  h'Vers.  Tlic  principal  rivers  of  Syria  are 
the  Lildny  (anciently  Lcontes),  and  the  Orontes. 
The  LilAin/  springs  from  a  small  lake  in  the  n)iddlc 
of  the  Cnelesyrian  valley  (Celosyria),  about  six  miles 
S.  W.  of  Ba'albch  It  enters  the  sea  about  five  miles 
N.  of  Tyre.  The  soin'ce  of  the  Orontes  is  but  aliout 
fifteen  miles  from  thjt  of  the  Litoni/.  Its  modern 
name  is  Nahr  el-'Asi/  (=  Jtebel  Stream),  from  its 
violence  and  impetuosity  in  many  parts  of  its  course. 
The  other  Syrian  streams  of  some  consequence,  be- 
sides t'.ie  Lltdnji  and  the  Orontes,  are  the  Barada 
(Abana),  or  river  of  Damascus,  the  Koweik,  or  river 
of  Aleppo,  and  the  Sajnr,  a  tributary  of  the  Euphra- 
tes.— 5.  The  Laken.  The  principal  lakes  of  Syria  arc 
the  Affh-Dengiz,  or  Lake  of  Antioch  ;  the  Sabakhah, 
or  Salt  Lake,  between  Aleppo  and  Balis ;  the  Bahr 
el-Kades,  on  the  upper  Orontes.' — 6.  The  Oreat  Val- 
lei).  By  far  the  most  important  part  of  Syria,  and  on 
the  whole  its  most  striking  feature,  is  the  great  val- 
ley which  reaches  from  the  plain  of  Umk,  near  An- 
tioch, to  the  narrow  gorge  on  which  the  Litany  en- 
ters in  about  latitude  33'  30'.  This  valley,  which 
runs  nearly  parallel  with  the  Syrian  coast,  extends 
the  length  of  230  miles,  and  has  a  width  varying  from 
six  or  eight  to  fifteen  or  twenty  miles.  Tlie  more 
southern  portion  of  it  was  known  to  the  ancients 
as  Coelesyria,  or  Celosyria  (=  the  Hollow  Hijria). 
— 1.  The  Northern  Highland!).  Northern  Syria,  es- 
pecially the  district  called  Commagcne,  between 
Taurus  and  the  Euphrates,  is  still  very  insufficiently 
explored.  It  seems  to  be  altogether  an  elevated 
tract,  consisting  of  twisted  spurs  from  Taurus  and 

'Tlie  three  lakes  or  marshes  E.  of  Dnmnscus,  into  which 
the  Barada  (Abana)  and  'Amaj  {PuAnrAR)  empty,  are 
Bahret  esh-Skiirkiyeh  (^  JS.  Lakf),  Ba/iret  elKmiyeh  {= 
S.  Lake),  and  Bahra  B^dneh  (Ptr.  1.  373  ff.). 


Amanus,  with  narrow  valleys  between  them,  which 
open  out  into  bare  and  sterile  plains.  The  highest 
elevation  of  the  plateau  between  the  two  rivers  is 
1,5(X)  feet;  and  this  height  is  reached  soon  after 
leaving  the  Euphrates,  while  toward  the  W.  the  de- 
cline is  gradual. — 8.  JTie  Eaulcrn  Desert.  E.  of  the 
inner  mountain-chain,  and  S.  of  the  cultivable  ground 
about  Aleppo,  is  the  great  Syrian  Desert,  an  elevated 
dry  upland,  for  tlie  most  part  of  gypsum  and  marls, 
producing  nothing  but  a  few  spare  bushes  of  worm- 
wood, and  the  usual  aromatic  plants  of  the  wilder- 
ness. The  most  remarkable  oasis  is  at  Palmyra. 
(Tadmor.)  The  best  known  and  most  productive  of 
the  fertile  tracts  toward  the  more  western  part  of  this 
legion  is  the  famous  plain  of  Damascis. — 9.  Chief 
DivisinnH.  According  to  Strabo,  Syria  Proper  w.is 
divided  into  the  following  districts: — (1.)  Comma- 
gene  in  the  N. ;  (2.)  Cyrrhestica,  S.  of  C'mimagene, 
anA  oi  Ain-tah  ;  (3.)  Scleucis,  on  the  Mediterranean, 
embriicing  the  region  about  Seleucia,  Antioch  1, 
Laodicca  (now  Zffl(/»A-«/fA),  Apamea,  &c.  ;  (4.)  Ccclc- 
syria;  and  (5.)  Damascene,  or  the  region  of  Damas- 
cus, E.  of  the  last.  If  we  take  its  limits,  how- 
ever, as  laid  down  above  (§  I),  we  must  add  to  these 
districts  three  others:  Chalybonitis,  or  the  coun- 
try abotit  Aleppo,  and  S.  of  Cyrrhcslica ;  Clutlcis 
or  Chalcidice,  a  small  tract  S.  of  this,  abcnt  the 
lake  in  which  the  river  of  Aleppo  ends;  and  Pal- 
myrene,  or  the  desert  so  far  as  we  consider  it 
to  have  been  Syrian.  10.  frindpal  tomis.  The 
chief  towns  of  Syria  may  be  thus  arranged,  as 
nearly  as  possible  in  the  order  of  their  importanee : 
(1.)  Antiocti  1  ;  (2.)  Damascis  ;  (3.)  Apamea;  (4.) 
SELhxxiA  ;  (5.)  Taomor  or  Palmvra  ;  (6.)  Laodioea; 
(7.)  Epiphanea  (Hamath);  (8.")  Samosata  ;  (0.) 
illerapolis  (Mabus);"  (10.)  Clialvbon  (now  Aleppo); 
(11.)  Emesa  (Hums);  (12.)  Hclioiolis  {Ba'alb<k) ; 
(13.)  Laodicca  ad  Lil'anuni;  (14.)  Cyrihus;  (15.) 
Chalcis;  (16.)  Po.^idcum ;  (17.)  Hcraclca ;  (18.) 
Gindarus; (10.) Zeugma;  (20.)Thapsaciis(TirnSAH). 
Of  these,  Samosata,  Zeugma,  Tliapsacus,  are  on  the 
Euphrates;  Sclcueia,  Laodicca,  Posideutn,  and  Iler- 
aclca,  on  the  seashore;  Antioch,  Apamen,  Epipha- 
nea,  and  Emesa  (Huuis)  on  the  Orontes  ;  Ilelinpolis 
and  Laodicca  ad  Liljanum,  in  Coelesyria  ;  Iliurapotis, 
Chalybon,  Cyrrhus,  Chalcis,  and  Gindarus,  in  the 
northern  highlands ;  Damascus  on  the  skirts,  and 
Palmyra  in  the  centre  of  tlie  eastern  desert. — 11. 
Hidorij.  The  first  occupants  of  Syria  appear  to 
have  been  of  Hamitic  descent.  The  Caiiaanitish 
]  races,  tlie  Hiltites,  Jebusites,  Amorites,  &c.,  are 
connected  in  Scripture  with  Egypt  and  Ethiopia, 
Cush  and  Mizraim  (Gen.  x.  6,  15-18).  These  tribes 
occupied  not  Palestine  only,  but  also  lower  Syria,  in 
very  early  times,  as  Hamath  is  assigned  to  them  in 
Geii.  X.  18.  Afterward  they  seem  to  have  become 
possessed  of  Upper  Syria  also.  (Ham  ;  IIittites.) 
After  a  while  the  first"  comers,  who  were  still  to  a 
great  extent  nomads,  received  a  Shcmitic  infusion, 
which  most  proliably  came  to  them  i'rom  the  S.  E. 
(Abraham;  CnEnoRLAOMER ;  Shemitic  Langiaoes.) 
The  only  Syrian  town  distinctly  marked  as  then  ex- 
isting is' Damascus  (Gen.  xiv.  IB,  xv.  2),  apparently 
already  a  pl.ace  of  some  importance.  Next  to 
Damascus  must  be  placed  Hamath  (Num.  xiii.  21, 
xxxiv.  8).  Syria  at  this  time,  and  for  many  centuries 
afterward,  seems  to  have  been  broken  up  among  a 
number  of  petty  kingdoms  (§1,  above ;  Aram).  The 
Jews  first  come  into  hostile  contact  with  the  Syrians, 
under  ffiat  name  (compare  Josh.  xi.  2-18),  in  the 

'  Here  >va3  a  cctchratcd  temple  of  Ataboatis. 


S?lt 


SYR 


1077 


time  of  DavUl.  Claiming  the  frontier  of  the  Eu- 
phrates, whicli  God  had  pioniised  to  Abraham  (Gen. 
-w.  18),  David  made  war  on,  and  signally  defeated, 
IIadadkzku,  king  of  Zouaii  (2  Sam.  viii.  3,  4,  13). 
Tlie  Damascene  Syrians  were  likewise  defeated  with 
great  loss,  and  soon  became  David's  subjects  (vcr. 
6,  6).  Zobali,  however,  was  far  from  being  subdued 
as  yet.  When,  a  few  years  later,  the  Ammonites 
determined  on  engaging  in  a  war  with  David,  and 
applied  to  the  Syrians  for  aid,  Zobah,  together  with 
Bbth-beiiob,  sent  them  20,OiiO  footmen,  and  two 
other  Syrian  kingdoms  furnished  13,000  (x.  6).  This 
army  being  completely  defeated  by  Joab,  Hadadc/.cr 
obtained  aid  from  Mesopotamia,  but  a  third  battle 
likewise  went  against  him,  and  produced  the  gen- 
eral submission  of  Syria  to  David  (ver.  IG  if.).  The 
submission  thus  begun  continued  under  the  reign 
of  Solomon  (1  K.  iv.  21),  who  seems  to  have  lost 
only  Damascus,  where  an  independent  kingdom  was 
set  up  by  Rk/.on,  a  n.-itivo  of  Zobah  (.\i.  23-25).  On 
the  separation  of  the  two  kingdoms,  soon  after  the 
accession  of  Kehoboam,  the  remainder  of  Syria  no 
doubt  shook  olf  the  yoke.  DAMASCfs  now  became 
decidedly  the  leading  state,  Hamath  being  .second 
to  it,  and  the  northern  IIittites  third.  The  result 
of  the  wars  at  this  period  was  to  attach  Syria  to 
the  great  Assyrian  empire  (Assyria),  from  which  it 
passed  to  the  Babylonians  (Babkl),  and  from  them 
to  the  Pkrsian.s.  In  b.  c.  333  it  submitted  to  Alex- 
ANDKii  THE  Great  without  a  struggle.  On  the  death 
of  Alexander  Syria  became,  for  the  first  time,  the 
head  of  a  great  kingdom.  On  the  division  ot  the 
provinces  among  his  generals  (b.  c.  321),  Seleucus 
Nieator  received  Mesopotamia  and  Syria.  He  be- 
came the  founder  of  the  Seleucidae  or  Seleucid  kings. 
The  era  of  the  Seleucidic,  much  used  in  ancient 
chronology,  is  reckoned  from  the  recovery  of  Baby- 
lon by  Seleucus  Nicator,  B.  c.  312.  The  successors 
of  Seleucus  Xicator  (who  reigned  till  b.  c.  280)  were 
— Antiochus  Soter,  Antiociils  Theos,  Seleucus  Cal- 
linicus,  Seleucus  Ccraunus,  A.ntiochcs  tiik  Great, 
Selkicus  PiiiLOPATOR,  Antiociius  Epipiiane.s.  Anti- 
ochus EtPATOii,  Demetrius  Soter,  Ale-xanoer  Bai.as, 
Demetrius  Nicator,  Antio:hus  Sidetks,  Antiochus 
Grypus,  Antiochus  Cyzicenus  (i.  e.  of  Cyzicus),  An- 
tiochus Eusebes  (=  the  Pima)  and  I'hilip,  Tigranes 
(king  of  Ar-me.via),  and  Antiochus  Asiatieus  (i.  e.  of 
Asia),  who  was  deposed  by  I'ompey,  about  n.  c.  64. 
Antiocii  1  was  begun  by  Seleucus  B.  c.  300,  and, 
being  finished  in  a  few  years,  was  made  the  capital  of 
his  kingdom.  Syria  grew  rich  with  the  wealth  whicli 
now  flowed  into  it  on  all  sides.  The  most  flourish- 
ing period  under  the  Seleucid  kings  was  the  reign 
of  the  founder,  Nicator.  The  empire  was  then  al- 
most as  large  as  that  of  the  Achemenian  Persians, 
for  it  at  one  time  included  Asia  Minor,  and  thus 
reached  from  the  yEgean  to  India.  The  reign  of 
Nicator'*  .lou,  Antiochus  I.,  called  Soter,  was  the 
beginning  of  the  decline,  which  was  progressive 
from  his  date.  It  passed  under  the  power  of  Ti- 
granes,  king  of  Armenia,  in  b.  c.  83,  and  was  not 
made  a  province  of  the  Roman  empire  till  after 
I'ompey's  complete  defeit  of  Mithridates  an<l  his 
ally  Tigrancs,  b.  c.  64. — As  Syria  holds  an  important 
place,  not  only  in  the  O,  T.,'but  in  the  N.  T.,  some 
account  of  its  condition  under  the  Romans  must 
now  be  given.  That  condition  was  somewhat  pecu- 
liar. While  the  country  generally  was  formed  into 
a  Roman  province,  under  governors  who  were  at 
first  proprctors  or  questors,  then  proconsuls,  and 
finally  legates,  there  were  exempted  from  the  direct 
rule  of  the  governor,  (1.)  a  number  of  "  free  cities," 


Miircut  .Cmiliua  Scftiirua 

Lucius)  MarciiiB  Hhilippus 

Unlulus  MurcelllDui'. 

Gabinlua. 

Crii!)*uB 

CouUit 

Murcui  Calpiiroius  Bibuiui. . . 

Seitus  Julius  CieBar. 

Quintuft  Caeclllus  Busus 

(Quintua  Cornificiua 

(Lucius  Stntius  MurcuR 

(Quinlus  Miircius  Crispus 

CRint  Cassius  L^nginiis 

Lucius  D«cidius  Sftxn 

Publlua  V«nIldiuB  Busus 

Cilus  Sosius  

Lucius  .Munalios  Plsncus. ... 
Lucius  Cnlpirrjiius  Bibuius.. . 

Quintus  Didias    

MaKus  ValtsriuB  Mcssalla 

Vam> 

Marcus  Vipaaoiua  A^ippa.. . 

Matcus  Tullius 

Marcus  VIpaauius  A^ippa... 

Marcus  Titius 

CaiusS^-ntius  Satnnilnus. 

Publlus  Quintiliua  Varus  .... 
PubliuB  Sulpicius  Quirinut.4  . 
Quinlus  Cscllius  Mcu-Ilus 

Crrticns  Sil.nns 

Mnrcus  Caipumius  Piso 

Cneius  Scntliis  Saturnlnus  . . 
Lucius  Poiiipnnius  Flaccus. . . 

Liicins  Vitellius 

Pubitus  Pfllronius 

VlblusMi.rsus 

t'alus  Cassias  Lnnpinas 

Titus  Numidin^H  Quadnitus 
DomitiusCorbuIo 

Cinrius 

Cnliis  Cestius  (ialluB 

Publlua  LIcitiiua  Muclaans. . 


whieh  retained  the  administration  of  their  own  af- 
fairs, subject  to  a  tribute  levied  according  to  the 
Roman  principles  of  taxation ;  and  (2.)  a  number 
of  tracts,  which  were  assigned  to  potty  princes, 
commonly  natives,  to  be  ruled  at  their  pleasure,  sub- 
ject to  the  same  obligations  with  the  free  cities  as 
to  taxation.  (Deputy  ;  Gover.noh  ;  1'rociirator  ; 
Province;  Taxes,  &c.)  Ttie  free  cities  were  An- 
tiocii 1,  Seleucia,  Apamea,  Epiphanea,  Tripolis, . 
SiDON,  and  TvRE ;  the  principalities,  Commagene, 
Chalcis  ad  Bclmn  (near  Ba'albek),  Aretlmsa,  Abila 
or  Abilene,  Palmyra  (Tadmor),  and  Damascus.  The 
principalities  were  sometimes  called  kingdoms,  some- 
times tetrarchics.  (Aketas  ;  Herod;  Judea  ;  Ly- 
SAXiAS,  &c.)  They  were  established  where  it  was 
thought  that  the  natives  were  so  inveterately  wed- 
ded to  their  own  customs,  and  so  well  disposed  for 
revolt,  that  it  was  necessary  to  consult  their  feel- 
ings, to  flatter  the  national  vanity,  and  to  give 
them  the  semblance  without  the  substance  of  (ree- 
dom.  The  list  of  the  governors  of  Syria,  from  its 
conquest  by  the  Romans  to  the  destruction  of  Je- 
rusalem, has  been  made  out  with  a  near  approach 
to  accuracy,  and  is  as  follows : — 

Date  of  Date  nf 

enlfriug         quittinf 

Namea.  TitlEs  of  office.  office.  olfice. 

frainrt'i B.C.  63 a.  a  61 

.  Propretor 61 69 

.  Propretor 69 57 

.  Procoosul 66 55 

55 63 

.  Questor    5a 51 

,  ProcODSul 51 47 

47 46 

Pretor. 46 44 

received  .lutboritv  from   th"   S»nat« 
to  dispo^a  sa  I'assus,  but  failed.  J 

,   Pryconsni B.  c.  43 B.  c.  43 

.  Lei^te 41 40 

.  Leplte .411 88 

.  Legate 38 85 

.  Lrpate 85 39 

.  Legate 31 81 

.  L  cnte .% 

.  Le^te 39 39 

.  Le^te 34 

.  Legate 93 90 

.  Legau 19(1) 

.  Legate 15 

.  Legate 11 7 

.  Legate 7 3 

.  Legate 3 A.  D.  5 

.  Legate A.  D.  6 

I.ogate  17 

.  Legate 17 19 

.  Prolegate 19 

.  Propretor. 33 .13 

.  Legate 35 39 

Leirate 39 43 

.  LegaU 42 48 

.  Legate 48 61 

.  Legate 61 60 

.  Legate 60 63 

.  Legale 63 

.  Legate 65 67 

.  I.e;ate 67 69 

The  history  of  Syria  during  this  period  may  be 
summed  up  in  a  few  words.  Down  to  the  battle  of 
Pharsalia,  Syria  was  fairly  trancpiil,  the  only 
troubles  being  with  the  Arabs,  who  occasionally  at- 
tacked the  eastern  frontier.  The  Roman  governor 
labored  hard  to  raise  the  condition  of  the  province, 
taking  great  pains  to  restore  the  cities,  which  had 

*  L.  —  »  qnestor  or  trcanurRr.  who  administered  the  pre- 
lorsiiip  of  tlie  pro\ince  wliile  liie  pretor  was  absent.  Ttic 
pretor  was  orlj;liinlly  a  liinil  of  third  consul  at  Ko.me  ;  but 
at  an  early  period  two  were  appointed  to  \w.  Jiuficial 
mnKistrates.  one  fur  tlio  city,  and  one  for  foreigners  :  and 
Hiill  later,  those  who  liad  "been  pretors  a  year  at  Itonie 
were  sent  the  next  year  to  the  provinces  as  governors  with 
the  titli^  of  pretor  or  propretor.  A  legate  (L.  hrjaliia,  lit- 
erally one  xenf)  was  sent  to  i:ovem  an  imperial  province 
at  tlie  emperor's  deputy.  (PROctjRATOR.)  A  proieirale 
was  a  lugate's  snbsiltute.    For  prucunsul  see  Deputy. 

*  See  llie  art-icle  Cvrknuts. 

*  Called  "  Vlnldius  "  by  Tacitus. 


1078 


SYB 


TAA 


gone  to  decay  under  the  later  Seleucidte.  After  the 
battle  of  Pliarsulia  (b.  c.  46)  tlie  trouble?  of  Syria 
were  renewed.  Julius  Cesar  gave  the  province  to 
his  relative  Sextus,  b.  c.  47  ;  but  I'onipey's  party 
was  still  so  strong  in  the  East,  that  the  next  year 
one  of  his  adherents,  Cajcilius  Bassus,  put  Sextus 
to  death,  and  established  himself  in  the  government 
80  firmly  that  he  was  able  to  resist  for  three  years 
three  proconsuls  appointed  by  the  Senate  to  dispos- 
sess him,  and  only  finally  yielded  upon  terms  which 
he  himself  offered  to  his  antagonists.  Bassus  had 
but  just  made  his  submission,  when,  upon  the  as- 
sassination of  Cesar,  Syria  was  disputed  between 
Cassius  and  Dolabelia,  the  friend  of  Antony,  a  dis- 
pute terminated  by  the  suicide  of  Dolabelia,  b.  c. 
43.  The  next  year  Cassius  left  his  province  and 
went  to  PuiLipn,  where,  after  the  first  unsuccess- 
ful engagement,  he,  too,  committed  suicide.  Syria 
then  fell  to  Antony,  who  appointed  as  his  legate, 
Lucius  Decidius  Saxa,  b.  c.41.  Pacorus,  the  crown- 
prince  of  Parthia,  son  of  Arsaccs  XIV.  (Pabtiiians), 
assisted  by  the  Roman  refugee  Labienus,  overran 
Syria  and  Asia  Minor,  defeating  Antony's  generals, 
and  threatening  Rome  with  the  loss  of  all  her  Asi- 
atic possessions  (b.  c.  40-39).  Ventidius,  however, 
B.  c.  38,  defeated  the  Parthians,  slew  Paeorus,  and 
recovered  for  Rome  her  former  boundary.  /_  quiet 
time  followed.  Syria  was  then  governed  peaceably, 
B.  c.  38-31,  by  the  legates  of  Antony,  and  afterward 
by  those  of  Augustus.  In  B.  c.  27  took  place  that 
formal  division  of  the  provinces  between  Augustus 
and  the  Senate  from  which  the  imperial  administra- 
tive system  dates ;  and  Syria,  being  from  its  ex- 
posed situation  among  the  imperial  provinces,  con- 
tinued to  be  ruled  by  legates  who  were  of  consular 
rank  and  bore  severally  the  full  title  of  Legatns 
Anffusli  pro  pmlori:  (L.  =  Legale  of  Augushia  as 
prelor).  During  this  period  Syria  enlarged  or  con- 
tracted its  limits  as  the  reigning  emperor  bestowed 
tracts  of  land  on  the  native  princes  or  placed  them 
again  under  his  legate.  Judea  was  ruled  by  a  spe- 
cial PROCf  RATOR,  who  was  subordinate  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  Syria,  but  within  his  own  province  had  the 
power  of  a  legate.  Syria  continued  without  serious 
disturbance  from  the  expulsion  of  the  Parthians 
(b.  c.  38)  to  tha  breaking  out  of  the  Jewish  war 
(a.  d.  66).  It  was  visited  by  Augustus  b.  c.  19.  It 
was  the  scene  of  a  severe  famine,  a.  d.  44-47. 
(AfiABCs.)  A  little  earlier  Christianity  had  begun 
to  spread  into  it,  partly  by  means  of  those  who 
"  were  Sfattered  "  at  the  time  of  Stephen's  persecu- 
tion (Acts  xi.  19),  partly  by  the  exertions  of  St. 
Pall  (Gal.  i.  21).  The  Syrian  Christians  soon  be- 
came very  numerous  (Acts  xiii.  1,  xv.  23,  3.5,  41, 
&c.). — To  the  above  from  Prof.  Rawlinson  it  maybe 
added,  that  Syria  was  a  part  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
and,  after  the  division,  of  the  Eastern  Empire. 
Chosroes  II.  of  Persia  took  Antioch,  &c.,  a.  d.  611, 
but  was  driven  out  of  the  country  in  627  ;  but  the 
Mohammedan  conrjuest  soon  followed.  (Arabia.) 
In  the  Ousades  (a.  d.  1099-1187)  a  large  part  of 
Syria  came  under  Cliristian  authority.  Afterward 
it  was  the  prey  of  contending  powers,  Egyptian, 
Tartar,  &c. ;  but  since  its  concpiest  by  Sultan  Selim 
I.,  in  1517,  it  has  formed  a  part  of  the  Ottoman 
Empire  or  Turkey,  except  in  1832-41,  when  it  was 
under  Egyptian  control.  Syria  now  forms  a  portion 
of  three  pashalics,  viz.  Aleppo,  Damascus,  and 
Sidon  (Porter,  in  Kitto).  The  population  (exclusive 
of  the  Arab  tribes  tli:it  roam  over  the  desert,  and 
may  number  200,000,  possiblv  500,000)  is  estimated 
(Thn.  i.  246-7)  at  about  1,610,000;  viz.   800,000 


Moslems,  60,000  Kftrds,  150,000  Nmairiyeh  (living 
ill  the  mountains  X.  of  Tripoli,  and  perhaps  de- 
scended from  tlie  ancient  Canaanites),  100,000 
Druzes,  20,000  hmail'Dieh,  Yezidees  and  Gypsies, 
25,000  Jews,  200,000  Maronites  (probably  descend- 
ants of  the  ancient  Syrians),  1 50,000  orthodox  Greeks, 
20,000  Armenians,  'l5,000  Jacobites,  80,000  Roman 
Catholics  of  various  sects,  some  Protestants,  &c. 
"  The  various  religions  and  sects  live  together,  and 
practise  their  coniiicting  superstitions  in  close  prox- 
imity, but  the  ])eople  do  not  coalesce  into  one 
homogeneous  community,  nor  do  they  regard  each 
other  with  fraternal  fccliijgs With  the  ex- 
ception of  the  Jews  and  Bedavnn  Arabs,  no  one  can 
trace  back  his  own  origin  to  any  ancient  race  or 
nation.  The  general  mass  of  the  Jloslems  are  the 
mingled  descendants  of  the  various  races  who  com- 
posed the  population  of  the  Greek  Empire  at  the 
time  of  Mohammed,  and  this  original  confusion  of 
races  has  been  infinitely  augmented  during  the 
twelve  centuries  of  their  lawless  occupation.  In 
all  the  Christian  sects  there  has  been  the  same  blend- 
ing of  primitive  races,  and  a  large  infusion  of  I'or- 
eign  and  European  blood  dr.ring  the  thiies  of  the 
Crusades,  and  subsequently  even  to  our  day,  so 
that  the  most  intelligent  and  learned  admit  that  it 
is  absolutely  impossible  now  to  ascertain  tlicir  true 
national  origin  "  (Thn.  i.  247-8). 

SjT'i-ac  Ver'sions.    Versions,  Ancient  (Syriac). 

* Syr'1-a-ma'a-thah  (1  Chr.  xix.  6).     Aram;  Ma-  ' 

ACAH  2. 

*  Syr'i-an  =  a  native  or  inhabitant  of  Syria  (Gen. 
XXV.  20 ;  Deut.  xxvi.  5  ;  2  K.  v.  20,  kc).  Si/ridtt 
(or  Si/riac)  larigmiye  (or  tongue) ;  see  Shemitic  Lan- 
guages. 

Sy'ro-phc-ni'dan,  also  written  Sy'ro-phoe-ni't'ian 
(Gr.  Surophoiuiasa  in  the  common  text ;  but 
Lachmann  [after  A,  K,  &c. ;  see  New  Testament, 
I.,  g  28]  reads  SurophoinikisHn,  and  Tiscliendorf 
[after  E,  F,  &e.]  has  Sura-Phoinikissa),  occurs 
only  in  Mk.  vii.  26,  and  has  been  generally 
supposed  to  distinguish  the  Phenicians  of  Syria 
from  those  of  Africa,  i.  e.  from  the  Garthagiiiiiuis 
(Alford,  Kbn.  N.  T.  Lex.,  &c.),  but  Prof,  liawlinson 
thinks  the  word  may  properly  denote  a  mixed  race, 
half-Phenician  and  half-Syrian,  though  he  regards 
Tischendorl's  reading  (=  a  Plietikian-Syriar)  as 
perhaps  most  probable.  The  Emperor  Hadrian 
(a.  d.  117-138)  divided  Syria  into  three  parts,  Syria 
Proper,  Syro-Pliii'iiice,  and  Syria  Pala;stina ;  and 
henceforth  a  Syro-Phenician  meant  a  native  of  this 
sub-province,  which  included  Plienicia  Proper,  Da- 
mascus, and  Palmyrene.  Lange  ( Co)?i»iCTitar.y)  says 
of  the  woman  in  Mk.  vii.  26  :  "  She  was  a  Phenician- 
Syrian  woman  ;  most  generally  viewed,  a  Gentiie 
(A.  V.  '  Greek  ') ;  more  specially,  a  Syrian  ;  and  still 
more  specifically,  a  Phenician.  Plienicia  belonged 
to  the  province  of  Syria.  But  the  word  may  also, 
more  precisely  still,  describe  the  Syrian  of  Phenicia, 
the  Cauaauite  woman  "  (compare  Mat.  xv.  22). 


Ta'a-nach  [-nak]  (Hcb.  nandii  soil,  Ges.),  an  an- 
cient Canaanitish  city,  whose  king  was  conquered 
bv  Joshua  (Josh.  xii.  21);  given  to  the  half-tribe  of 
Manasseh  (xvii.  11,  xxi.  25;  1  Chr.  vii.  29),  and 
then  to  the  Kohathite  Levites  (Josh.  xxi.  26  ;  A.  V. 
"Tanach").  But  the  Canaanites  held  it  (xvii.  12; 
Judg.  i.  27),  and  it  appears  to  have  foinied  the 
headquarters  of  Sisera'a  army  (v.  19).     Taanacli  is 


lAA 


TAB 


1079 


almost  always  named  with  Megidd.i,  and  tlioy  wore 
evidently  the  ehiet'  toiYiis  of  the  western  portion  of 
the  gre.it  plain  of  Esdrajlon  (1  K.  iv.  12).  There  it 
is  still  to  be  found  at  tlie  modern  hanilei  of  Ta'an- 
nvk,  about  four  miles  S.  E.  of  Lejjun. 

Tj  a-DJth-shi  loll  (Ueb.  appruiuh  to  SItito/i,  Ges.), 
a  place  named  once  only  ( Josii.  xvi.  0)  as  on  the  boun- 
dary of  Gphralm,  Janouaii  bjiug  E.  of  it.  In  a  list 
of  places  in  the  Talmud,  Taanath-sliiloh  is  said  to 
be  =  Siiii.oii.  The  view  of  Kurtz  .iiid  Ilen^tcn- 
berg,  that  Taanatli  was  the  ancient  Canaanito  name 
of  the  place,  and  Shiljh  the  Hebrew  name,  U  in- 
genious, but  at  present  it  is  a  mere  conjecture  (so 
Mr.  Grove) 

Tub  R-otil  (Gr.)  =  Tabbaoth  (1  Esd.  y.  29). 

Tab'ba-Dtll  (Heb.  rings,  Ges.),  ancestor  of  a  fam- 
ily of  Nethinim  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
ii.'  43  ;  Neh.  vii.  4<)). 

Tjb'bitll  (Ileb.  tJie  celebrated?  Ges.),  a  place  men- 
tioned only  in  Judg.  vii.  22,  in  desL'ribir.g  the  flight 
of  the  Midianite  host  after  Gideon's  niglit  attack. 
The  host  fled  from  the  v.illey  by  the  hill  of  Moueii  to 
Uktii-sihttaii,  ti  (A.  V.  "in")  Zk?.erath,  to  the 
blink  of  Abel-sieiulaii  on  (A.  V.  "unto  ")Tabl)atli. 
Mr.  Grove  suggests  that  it  must  be  at  or  near  Tuh- 
ukftt  Fahil  { =:  Terrace  nf  Fahil  or  of  Pella),  a  very 
striking  natural  bank,  600  feet  high,  on  the  E.  of 
JoRUAS,  over  against  Beth-shean. 

Ta'be-al  (Syr.  =  Tabeel).  The  "  son  of  Tabe:il " 
was  apparently  aii  Epiiraimito,  or  more  probably  a 
Syri.in,  wh.Jin  the  Syrians  and  Isriclitos  designed  to 
place  on  the  throne  of  Judah  in  the  place  of  Auaz 
(Is.  vii.  6). 

Ta'bc-i'l  (Syr.  God  is  rjood,  Ges.),  an  officer  of  the 
Persian  government  in  Samaria  in  the  leigii  of  Ar- 
taxerxes  (Ezr.  iv.  7) ;  probably  a  Svrian. 

Ti-bel'li-nj  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Tabeel  (1  Esd.  ii.  16). 

Tlb'f-rah  (lleb.  a  buminy,  Ges.),  a  place  in  the 
wilderness  of  Paran,  where  the  "  lire  of  the  Lord  " 
consumed  some  of  the  people  (Num.  xi.  3  ;  Dout. 
ix.  22);  not  identified.     Wilde.i.ness  Of  the  Wan- 

DKKINO. 

Ti'bsr-ln';  (Heb.  pi.  participle  meth6phephi>:h),  an 
obsolete  word  ussd  in  the  A.  V.  of  Xah.  ii.  7.  The 
Hebrew  woru  connects  itself  with  toph,  "  a  tim- 
brel." The  A.  V.  rcpro  luces  the  original  idea. 
Tlie  "  labour "  or  "  tabor  "  was  a  musical  instru- 
ment of  the  drum-typc,  which  with  the  pipe  formed 
the  band  of  a  country-village.  To  "  t.iljor,"  accord- 
ingly, is  to  beat  with  loud  strokes  as  niL'ii  beat  upon 
such  an  instrument,  and  "  taboring  "  or  "  tabcring  " 
=  drumming. 

T«b>r-Bl-cle  (fr.  h.  —  a  tent).  The  description 
of  the  Tab  rnacle  and  its  materials  will  bo  found 
under  Temple.  Tlie  present  article,  originally  by 
Prof.  Plumptre,' treats — (I.)  of  the  word  and  its 
synonyms;  (II.)  of  the  history  of  the  Tabernacle 
it.self ;  (III.)  of  its  relation  to  the  religious  life  of 
Israel ;  (IV.)  of  tlie  theories  of  later  times  respect- 
ing it. — I.  Th'  Hehrem  word  and  ilx  si/nonyms.  (1.) 
The  first  word  used  (Ex.  xxv.  9,  and  usually  in  xxvi., 
xxvii.,  XXXV.,  xxxvi.,  xxxix.,  xl. ;  Lev.  viii.  10,  xv. 
31,  xvii.  13  [Heb.  28],  xxvi.  11;  Num.  i.  50-63, 
&c. ;  coinp.  6,  7,  belowt  is  Heb.  miihcdn  =  dieellinff. 
It  connects  itself  with  the  Jewish,  though  not 
Scriptural,  word  Siieciii.vaii,  as  describing  the  dwcll- 
ing-pl  ice  of  the  Divine  Glory.  It  is  not  applied  in 
pro.se  to  t'le  common  "dwellings"  of  mm,  but 
seems  to  1  lelong  rather  to  the  speech  of  poetry  (Job 
xviii.  21  ;  Ps.  Ixxxrii.  2;  Cant,  i  8,  A.  V.  "tont"). 
(2.)  Another  word,  however,  is  also  used,  more  con- 
nected with  the  common  life  of  men,  Heb.  dhd,  the 


"  tent  "  of  the  patriarchal  age,  of  Abraham,  and 
of  Jacob  (Gen.  iv.  20,  ix.  21,  &c.).  Tor  the  most 
part  this  is  used,  when  applied  to  the  Sacred  Tent, 
with  some  distinguishing  epithet  (Ex.  xxvi.  9,  xxvii. 
21,  xxviii.  43,  xxix.,  xxx.,  xxxi.  7  twice,  xxxiii.  7 
thrice,  8  twice,  9  twice,  10,  11,  &e. ;  compare  6,  1, 
below).  In  1  K.  i.  39  it  appears  with  this  meaning 
by  itself.  (3.)  lleb.  Aa//iM  (=:  "holse"),  con.-^truct 
bc'jth  (:=  "  house  of")  is  applied  to  the  Tabernacle 
in  Ex.  xxai.  19,  xxxiv.  26,  and  in  Jo.-h.  vi.  24,  i.x. 
23,  and  Judg.  xviii.  81,  xix.  18,  xx.  18,  as  it  had 
been,  apparently,  to  the  tents  of  the  patriarchs 
(Gen.  xxxiii.  17).  So  far  as  it  differs  from  the  two 
preceding  words,  it  expresses  more  definitely  the 
idea  of  a  fixed  settled  habitation.  (4.)  Ilcb.  kodish 
(A.  V.  "  lioline.ss,"  "  holy,"  sc.  name,  place,  &c., 
" sanctuary  "),  milcddnh  (A.  V.  usually  "  sanctuary  "), 
the  holy,  consecrated  place,  and  therefore  aiiplicd, 
according  to  the  gradual  scale  of  holiness  of  which 
the  TalxTnacle  bore  witness,  sometimes  to  the  whole 
structure  (Ex.  xxv.  8  ;  Lev.  xii.  4),  sometimes  to 
the  couit  into  which  none  out  the  priests  might 
enter  (iv.  6 ;  Num.  iii.  33,  iv.  12),  sometimes  to  the 
iincrmost  s.vnctuary  of  all,  the  Holy  of  Holies  (Lev. 
iv.  0  ?).  (5.)  Hob.  and  Chal.  hsychid  (A.  V.  "  tem- 
ple," "palace"),  as  meaning  the  stately  building,  or 
pal  ice,  of  Jehovah  (compare  Ilcb.  AictJA,  A.V.  "pal- 
ace," in  1  Chr.  xxix.  1,  19),  is  applied  more  com- 
monly to  tlie  Temple  (2  K.  xxiv.  13,  &c.),  but  was 
used  also  of  the  Tabernacle  at  Siiiloh  (1  Sam.  i.  9, 
iii.  3),  and  Jerusalem  (I's.  v.  7,  Ueb.  8,  &c.).  (6.) 
The  two  Hebrew  words  (No.  1  and  No.  2)'  receive 
a  new  meaning  in  combination  (a.)  with  mu^ed{A..Y. 
usually  "  co.SGUEOATio.N  ;  "  see  Asse.mbly  1),  and  (6.) 
with  luCedath  (.\.  V.  "the  testimony,"  "witness"). 
To  understand  the  full  meaning  of  the  distinctive 
titles  thus  formed  is  to  possess  the  key  to  the  sig- 
nificance of  the  whole  Tabernacle,  (a.)  The  real 
meaning  of  the  word  rendered  "  congregation  "  is 
to  be  found  in  Ex.  xxix.  42-46.  It  is  clear  that 
"  congregation  "  is  inadequate.  Not  the  gathering 
of  the  worshippers  only,  but  the  meeting  of  God 
with  His  people,  to  commune  with  them,  to  make 
Himself  known  to  them,  was  what  the  name  em- 
bodied. (7.)  The  other  compound  phrase  (A.)  is 
rightly  rendered  "  the  tent  of  the  testimony"  (Num. 
ix.  15),  "  the  tabernacle  of  the  testimony"  (x.  II), 
"the  tabernacle  of  witness"  (xvii.  7,  8  [Heb.  22, 
23],  xviii.  2).  In  this  case  the  tent  derives  its  name 
from  that  which  is  the  centre  of  its  holiness.  The 
two  tables  of  stone  within  the  ark  are  emphatically 
ilie  testimony  (Ex.  xxv.  16,  21,  xxxi.  18). — II.  His- 
Inr;/.  (1.)  The  outward  history  of  the  Tabernacle 
begins  with  Ex.  xxy.  It  conies  after  the  first  great 
group  of  Laws  (xix.-xxiii.),  after  the  covenant  with 
the  people,  after  the  vision  of  the  Divine  Glory 
(xxiv.).  For  forty  days  and  nights  Moses  is  in  the 
mount.  There  rose  before  him,  not  without  points 
of  contact  with  previous  associations,  yet  in  no  de- 
gree formed  ont  of  them,  the  "pattern"  of  the 
Tabernacle.  Ho  is  directed  in  his  choice  of  the  two 
chief  artists,  Bc7.aleel  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  Alio- 
liab  of  the  tribe  of  Dan  (xxxi.).  The  sin  of  the- 
golden  calf  apparently  postpones  the  execution. 
As  in  a  transition  period,  the  whole  future  depend- 
ing on  the  penitence  of  the  people,  on  the  interces- 
sion of  their  leader,  a  tent  is  pitched,  probably  thiit 
of  JIoscs  himself,  outside  the  camp,  to  Ik  provision- 
ally the  Tabernacle  of  Meeting.     Of  this  provisional 

'  The  Or.  skene  is  niied  for  both  these  Heliiew  words  In 
the  I.XX.,  and  U  the  common  word  for  "  tabernacle"  In 
the  N.  T. 


1080 


TAB 


mm 


Tabernacle  it  has  to  bo  noticed,  tliat  there  was  as 
yet  no  ritual  and  no  priesthood.  The  people  went 
out  to  it  as  to  an  oracle  (xxxiii.  7).  Joshua,  though 
of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  had  free  access  to  it  (11). 
(2.)  Another  outline  Law  was,  however,  given  ;  an- 
other period  of  solitude,  like  the  first,  followed. 
The  work  could  now  be  resumed.  The  people  of- 
fered the  necessary  materials  in  excess  of  what  was 
wanted  (xxxvi.  5,  6).  Other  workmen  (xxxvi.  2) 
and  work-women  (xxxv.  25)  placed  themselves  un- 
der the  direction  of  Bezaleel  and  Alioliab.  The 
parts  were  completed  separately,  and  then,  on  the 
first  day  of  tlie  second  yenr  from  the  Exodus,  tlie 
Tabernacle  itself  was  erected  and  the  ritual  ap- 
pointed for  it  begun  (xl.  2).  (3.)  The  position  of 
the  new  Tent  was  itself  significant.  It  stood,  not, 
like  the  provisional  Tabernacle,  at  a  distance  from 
the  camp,  but  in  its  very  centre.  The  I'riksts  on 
the  E.,  the  other  three  families  of  the  Levites  on 
the  other  sides,  were  closest  in  attendance,  the 
"  body-guard "  of  the  Great  King.  In  the  wider 
square,  Judah,  Zebulun,  Issachar,  were  on  tlie  E. ; 
Ephraim,  Manasseh,  Benjamin,  on  the  W. ;  the  less 
conspicuous  tribes,  Dan,  Asher,  Naphtali,  on  the 
N. ;  Reuben,  Simeon,  Gad,  on  the  S.  When  the 
army  put  itself  in  order  of  march,  the  position  of 
the  Tabernacle,  carried  by  the  Levites,  was  still 
central,  tlie  tribes  of  tlie  E.  and  S.  in  front,  those 
of  the  N.  and  W.  in  the  rear  (Num.  ii.).  Upon  it 
rested  the  symbolic  cloud,  dark  by  day,  and  fiery 
red  by  night  (Ex.  xl.  38  ;  Cloud,  Pillar  of).  (4.) 
In  all  special  facts  connected  with  the  Tabernacle, 
the  original  thought  reappears.  It  is  the  place 
where  man  meels  with  God  (Num.  xi.  24,  25,  xii.  4, 
xiv.  10,  &c.).  (5.)  As  long  as  Canaan  remained  un- 
conquered,  and  the  people  were  still  therefore  an 
army,  the  Tabernacle  was  probably  moved  from 
place  to  place,  wherever  the  host  of  Israel  was,  for 
the  time,  encamped ;  and,  finally,  was  placed  at 
SiiiLoii  (Josh.  ix.  27,  xviii.  1).  There  it  continued 
during  the  whole  period  of  the  Judges.  There,  too, 
as  the  religion  of  Israel  sunk  toward  the  level  of 
an  orgiastic  heathenism,  troops  of  women  assembled, 
shameless  as  those  of  Midian,  worshippers  of  Jeho- 
vah, and  concubines  of  His  priests  (1  Sam.  ii.  22). 
(6.)  A  state  of  things  which  was  rapidly  assimilat- 
ing the  worship  of  Jehovah  to  that  of  Ashtoreth, 
&c.  (Idolatry),  needed  to  be  broken  np.  The  Ark 
of  God  was  taken  and  the  sanctuary  lost  its  glory : 
and  the  Tabernacle,  though  it  did  not  perish,  never 
again  recovered  it  (iv.  22).  It  probably  became 
once  again  a  movable  sanctuary,  less  honored  as  no 
longer  possessing  the  symbol  of  the  Divine  Pres- 
ence, yet  cherished  by  the  priesthood,  and  some 
portiiins,  at  least,  of  its  ritual,  kept  up.  For  a  time 
it  seems,  under  Saul,  to  have  been  settled  at  Nob 
(xxi.  1-6).  The  massacre  of  the  priests  and  the 
flight  of  Abiathar  must,  however,  have  robbed  it 
yet  further  of  its  glory.  It  had  before  lost  the  Ark, 
It  now  lost  the  presence  of  the  High-priest,  and 
with  it  the  oracular  ephod,  the  Urim  and  Tiil'mmim 
(sxii.  20,  xxiii.  6).  What  change  of  fortune  then 
followed  we  do  not  know.  In  some  way  or  other,  it 
found  its  way  to  Gideon  (1  Chr.  xvi.  39).  The  cap- 
ture of  Jerusalem  and  the  erection  there  of  a  new 
Tabernacle,  with  the  ark,  of  which  the  old  had  been 
deprived  (2  Sam.  vi.  17;  1  Chr.  xv.  1),  left  it  little 
more  than  a  traditional,  historical  sanctity.  (High 
Place.)  It  retained  only  the  old  altar  of  burnt-of- 
ferings (xxi.  29).  The  divided  worship  continued 
all  the  days  of  David.  (Zadok  1.)  The  sanctity  of 
both  places  waa  recognized  by  Solomon  on  his  ac- 


cession (1  K.  iii.  15;  2  Chr.  i.  3).  But  the  purpose 
of  David,  fulfilled  by  Solomon,  was  that  the  claims 
of  both  should  merge  in  the  higher  glory  of  the 
Temple. — III.  Relation  to  the  rcliffious  life  of  hrad. 
(1.)  Whatever  connection  may  be  traced  between 
other  parts  of  the  ritual  of  Is.ael  and  that  of  the 
nations  with  which  Israel  had  been  brought  into 
contact,  the  thought  of  the  Tabernacle  meets  us  as 
entirely  new.  The  "  house  of  God  "  (Bethel)  of  the 
patriarchs  had  been  the  large  "pillar  of  stone" 
(Gen.  xxviii.  18,  19),  bearing  record  of  some  high 
spiritual  experii-ncc,  or  the  grove  which,  with  its 
dim,  doubtful  light,  attuned  the  souls  of  men  to  a 
divine  awe  (xxi.  33).  A  sacred  tent,  a  moving  Beth- 
el, was  the  fit  sanctuary  for  a  people  still  nomadic. 
It  was  capable  of  being  united  afterward,  as  it  actu- 
ally came  to  be,  w.th  "  the  grove "  of^  the  older 
worship  (Josh.  xxiv.  26).  (2.)  The  structure  of  the 
Tabernacle  was  obviously  determined  by  a  complex 
and  profound  symbolism  ;  but  its  meaning  we  can 
but  dimly  guess.  No  interpretation  is  given  in  the 
Law  itself  That  which  meets  us  in  the  Epistle  to 
the  Hebrews,  the  application  of  the  ty/«s  of  the  Tab- 
ernacle to  the  mysteries  of  Redemption,  was  latent 
till  those  mysteries  were  made  known.  And,  yet,  we 
cannot  but  believe  that,  as  each  portion  of  the  won- 
derlul  order  rose  before  the  inward  eye  of  the  law- 
giver, it  must  have  embodied  distinctly  manifold 
truths  which  he  apprehended  himself,  and  t-ouglit 
to  communicate  to  others.  (3.)  The  thoujjht  of  a  ' 
graduated  sanctity,  like  that  of  the  outer  court,  the 
Holy  Place,  the  Holy  of  Holies,  had  its  counterpart, 
often  the  same  number  of  stages,  in  the  structure 
of  Egyptian  temples.  In  the  Adytum,  or  secret 
apartment,  often  at  least,  was  the  sacred  Ark,  the 
culminating  point  of  holiness,  containing  the  high- 
est and  most  mysterious  symbols,  winged  figures, 
generally  like  those  of  the  cherubim,  the  emblems 
of  stability  and  life.  Here  were  outward  points  of 
resemblance.  Of  all  elements  of  Egyptian  worship 
this  could  be  transferred  with  least  hazard,  with 
most  gain.  No  one  could  think  that  the  Ark  itself 
was  the  likeness  of  the  God  he  worshipped.  When 
we  ask  what  gave  the  Ark  its  holiness,  we  are  led 
on  at  once  to  the  infinite  difference,  the  great  gulf 
between  the  two  systems.  That  of  Egypt  was  pre- 
dominantly comiical,  starting  from  the  productive 
powers  of  nature.  (Idolatry.)  That  of  Israel  was 
predominantly  ethical.  In  the  depths  of  the  Holy 
of  Holies,  and  for  the  high-priest  as  for  all  Urael, 
there  was  the  revelation  of  a  righteous  Will  requi- 
ring righteousness  in  man.  And  over  the  Ark  was 
the  Mercy-seat  (Hcb.  capporeth  =z  ccrcr\  which 
covered  the  Ark,  and  was  the  witness  of  a  mercy 
covering  sins.  And  over  the  mercy-seat  were  the 
Cherubim.  Representing  as  they  did  created  life 
in  its  highest  form,  their  overshadowing  wings, 
meeting  as  in  token  of  perfect  harmony,  declared 
that  nature  as  well  as  man  found  its  highest  glory 
in  subjection  to  a  Divine  Law,  that  men  might  lake 
refuge  in  that  Order,  as  under  the  shadow  of  the 
wings  of  God.  The  matcridi  not  less  than  the 
forms,  in  the  Holy  of  Holies,  was  significant.  The 
acacia  or  shittim-wood,  least  liable,  of  woods  tl  en 
accessible,  to  decay,  might  well  re))reseiit  (he  ini- 
pcrishableness  of  Divine  Truth,  of  the  Laws  of 
Duty.  Ark,  mercy-seat,  cherubim,  the  very  walls, 
were  all  overlaid  with  gold,  the  noblest  of  all  metals, 
the  symbol  of  light  and  purity,  sunlight  itself  ns  it 
were,  fixed  and  embodied,  the  token  of  the  incor- 
ruptible, of  the  glory  of  a  great  king.  Dimensions 
also  had  their  meaning.     There  can  be  little  doubt 


^»fib 


TAB 


1081 


that  the  older  reUgiou3  systems  of  the  world  at- 
t;icheJ  a  mysterious  significance  to  each  separate 
NL'MUk:ri.     The  perfect  cube  of  the  Holy  of  Holies, 
the  constant  remembrance  of  the  numbers  4  and 
10  may  symbolize  order,  stability,  perfection.     (4.) 
Into  the  inner  sanctuary  neither  people  nor  the 
priest;'  as  a  boJy  ever  entered.     Strange  as  it  may 
seem,  that  in  which  every  thing  represented   light 
and  life  was  left  in  utter  darlvness,  in  profound  soli- 
tude.    Once  only  in  the  year,  on  the  Day  of  Atone- 
ment (Ato.vement,  Dav  or),  might  the  high-priest 
enter.     Tlie  strange  contrast  has,  however,  its  par- 
allel in  the  spiritual  life.      D.'ath  and  life,  light  and 
darkness,   arc    wonderfully  united.     Only   through 
death  can  we  truly  live.     Only  by  passing  into  the 
''thick  darkness"  where  God  is  (Kx.  xx.  21  ;   IK. 
viii.  12)  can  we  enter  at  all  into  the  "light  inacces- 
sible," in  which  He  dwells  everlastingly.     For  the 
high-priest  to  enter  into  the  Holy  of  Holies,  as  rep- 
resenting man  in  his  humiliation,  with  blood,  the 
symbol  of  life,  touching  with  that  blooJ  tlie  mercy- 
seat,  with   incense,  the  symbol  of  adoration  (Lev. 
xvi.  12-14),  what  did  that  expros-s  but  the  truth, 
(a.)   that   man   must  draw  near  to  the  righteous 
God  with   no   lower   offering  thin  the  pure  wor- 
ship of  the  heart,  with  the  living  sacrifice  of  body, 
soul,  and   spirit;   (A.)   thut  could   such  a  perfect 
sacrifice  ba   found,   it   would   have  a    mysterious 
power  working  beyond  itself,  in  proportion  to  its 
perfection,   to  cover  the  multitude  of  .sins?      (5.) 
From  all  others,  from  the  high-priest  at  all  other 
times,  the  Hfdy  of  Holies  was  shroudei  by  the  double 
Veil,  bright  with  many  colors  and  strange  forms,  [ 
even  as  curtains  of  golden  tissue  hung  before  the  | 
Adytum  of  an  Egyptian  temple,  a  strange  contra.it 
often  to  tlie  l)cstiai  form  behind  them.     VVithin  the 
veil  light  and  truth  were  seen  in  their  unity.     The 
▼eil  itself  represented  the  infinite  variety  and  mani- 
fold wisdom  of  the  Divine  order  in  Creation  (Eph.  iii.  , 
10).     Upon  the  veil  were  seen  the  mysterious  forms  , 
of  the  cherubim  ;  how  many,  or  in  what  attitude,  or  j 
of  wh;it  size,  or  in  what  material,  we  are  not  told.  [ 
(6.)  The  outer  sanctuary  was  one  degree  less  awful 
in  its  holiness  than  the  inner.     Silver,  the  typo  of 
Human  Puiity,  took  the  place  of  gold,  the  type  of 
the  Divine  (ilory.     It  was  to  be  trodden  daily  by  the 
prieits,  as  if  by  men  parpetnally  co.iscious  of  the 
nearness  of  God,  of  the  mystery  behind  the  veil. 
Barefooted  and  in  garments  of  white  linen,  like  the 
priests  of  [sis,  they  acsomplished  their  ministrations. 
And  here,  too,  were  other  emblems  of  Divine  reali- 
ties.     With  no  opening  to  admit  light  from  with- 
out, it  was  illumined  only  by  the  golden  lamp  with 
its  seven  lights,  one  taller  tiian  the  others,  as  the 
Sabbath  is  more  sacred  than  the  other  days  of  the 
week,  never  all  extinguished  together,  the  perpetual 
symbol  of  all  derived  gitts  of  wisdom  and  holiness 
in  man,  reaching  their  mystical  perfection  when  they  \ 
shine  in  God's  sanctuary  to  His  glorv  (Ex.  xxv.  31,  | 
xxvii.  20;  Zech.  iv.  1-14).     The  Sii'ew-brkad,  the  ' 
breid  of  the  Divine  Presence,  served  as  a  token  that, 
though  there  was  no  form  or  likeness  of  the  God- 
head, He  was  yet  there,  accepting  all  offerings,  rec- 
ognizing in  particular  that  special  offering  which 
represented  the  life  of  the  nation  at  once  in  the  dis- 
tinctness of  its  tribes  and  in  its  unity  as  a  people.  : 
The  meaning  of  the  Altar  of  Incense  was  not  less 
obvious.     The   cloud   of  fragrant  smoke  was   the 
emblem  of  the  heart's  adoration  (Ps.  cxli.  2).     Upon 
that  altar  no  "  strange  fire  "  was  to  he  kindled.  When 
fresh  fire  was  needed  it  wa.s  to  he  taken  from  the 
Altar  of  Burnt-offering  in  tha  outer  court  (Lev.  ix.  I 


24,  X.  1).     (7.)  Outside  the  tent,  but  still  within  the 
consecrated  precincts,  was  the  Colut,  fenced  in  by 
an  enclosure,  yet  open  to  all  the  congregation,  ex- 
cept the  ceremonially  unclean.     Xo  Gentile  might 
pass  beyond  the  curtains  of  the  entrance,  but  every 
I  member  of  the  priestly  nation  might  thus  far  "  draw- 
near  "  to  the  presence  of  Jehovah.     Here,  therefore, 
I  stood  the  Altar  of  Bi:rnt-okferino,  at  which  Sao- 
!  rifices  in  all  their  varieties  were  offered  by  pcni- 
[  tent  or  thankful  worshippers  (Ex.  xxvii.  1-8,  xxxviii. 
1).  the   brazen   Laver  at  which  those  wor.shippers 
purified  tiiemselves  before  they  sacrificed,  the  priests 
before  they  entered  into  the  sanctuary  (xxs.  17-21). 
Here  the  graduated  scale  of  holiness  ended. — IV. 
Theories  of  lalrr  times.     (1.)  Probably  the  elaborate 
symbolism  of  such  a  structure  was  not  understood 
by  the  rude  and  sensual  multitude  that  came  out  of 
Egypt.     Yet  it  was  not  the  less,  perhaps  the  more, 
fitted,  on  that  account,  to  be  an  instrument  for  the 
education  of  the  people.     To  the  most  ignorant  and 
debased  it  was  at  least  a  witness  of  the  nearness  of 
the  Divine  King.     It  met  the  craving  of  the  human 
heart  which  prompts  to  worship,  with  an  order  which 
was  neither  idolatrous  nor  impure.     More  thought- 
ful minds  were  not  slow  to  see  in  the  Tabernacle 
the  parable  of  God's  i)resonce  manifested  in  Creation. 
If  the  words,  "  He  that  dwelleth  between  the  cher- 
ubim," spoke  on  the  one  siJe  of  a  special,  localized 
manifestation   of  the   Divine  Presence,  they  spoke 
also  on  the  otlier  of  that  Presence,  as  in  the  heaven 
of  heavens,  in  the  light  of  setting  suns,  in  the  black- 
ness and  the  fl.ishe3   of  the  thunder-clouds.      (2.) 
The  thought  thus  uttered,  essentially  poetical  in  its 
nature,  had  its  fit  place  in  the  psalms  and  hymns  of 
Israel.     It  lost  its  beauty,  it  led  men  on  a  false  track, 
when  it  was  formalized  into  a  system.     At  a  time 
when  Judaism  and  Greek  philosophy  were   alike 
effete,  when  a  feeble  physical  science,  which  could 
read  nothing  but  its  own   thoughts  in  the  symbols 
of  an  older  and  deeper  system,  was  after  its  own 
fashion  rationalizing  the  mythology  of  heathenism, 
there  were  Jewish  writers  willing  to  apply  the  same 
principle  of  interpretation  to  the  Tabcinacle  and  its 
order.     The  result  appears  in  .losephus  and  in  Philo 
(Alexandria),  in  part  also  in  Clement  of  Alexandria 
and  Origen.     (3.)  The  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  has 
not  been  looked  on  as  designed  to  limit  our  inquiry 
into  the  meaning  of  the  symbolism  of  the  Taber- 
nacle, and   there   is   consequently   no   ground   for 
adopting  the  system  of  interpreters  who  can  see  in  it 
nothing  but  an  aggregate  of  types  of  Chri-stian  mys- 
teries.   Rightly  viewed,  there  is,  it  is  believed,  no  an- 
tagcmism  between  the  interpretation  which  starts 
from  the  iiiea  of  symbols  of  Great,  Eternal  Truths, 
and  that  which  rests  on  the  idea  of  tvpes  foreshad- 
owing Christ  and  His  work,  and  His  Church.^    Old 
Testament,  B. 


•  Prof.  A.  B.  Davidson  (In  Falrbalrn)  regards  the  Taber- 
nacle us  Kjmlx)llzhi^'.  ou  a  smaller  scale,  the  same  priiiciplos 
as  the  thiMKracy.  viz.— (1.)  The  reveallna  and  saiictifvlng 
presciuo  of  (Joil  In  the  tnidst  of  the  Chunth.  (2.)  The  nicef- 
Ini;  of  Olid  and  His  people,  and  contluiinus  and  reciprocal 
intercourse  Iwtwecu  them.  (3.)  In  order  to  this  hiter- 
roup-c,  even  in  its  lowest  form,  the  sopanitiiin  of  the 
Ohnrch  from  ihc  rest  of  the  world.  This  was  shown  by  the 
court.  (4.)  The  projrressiveness  throUL'h  variouB  staires 
of  tills  Intc^rcoursc  with  Ood  and  nearness  to  film,  once 
l)e','iin  liy  Boparation  from  without.  (5.)  The  fouiiilalion 
of  all  intercourse  In  atonement  by  blood:  and  that  each 
new  slaL-e  of  progress  mnst  be  won  by  atonement ;  and 
that  all  iiiterciiarse  and  service  and  life  of  men  around  (Jod 
must,  however  true,  anil  pure,  and  high,  yet  be  utoncfl  for 
as  in  many  ways  sinful.  (6.)  The  necessity  of  holiness  in 
those  drawing  uear  to  God  (Ps.  xxlv.).    The  Tabernacle  1» 


1082 


TAB 


'SA9 


Tab'er-aa-tlcs  (see  above),  thf  Feast  of,  the  third 
of  the  tluee  great  festivals  of  the  llebiews,  which 
lasted  fioiu  the  IStli  to  tiie  22d  of  Tisri.  (AoniciL- 
TURK.)  I.  The  principal  passages  in  tlie  Pentateuch 
wliicli  refer  to  it  are — Ex.  xxiii.  16,  "  the  feast  of 
ingatliering ; "  Lev.  xxiii.  34-36,  39-43  ;  Xum.  xxix. 
12-38;  Deut.  xvi.  13-15,  xxxi.  10-13.  In  Xeh.  viii. 
there  is  an  account  of  the  observance  of  the  feast  by 
Ezra.  It  was  also  mentioned  in  Jn.  vii.  2. — II. 
Tlie  time  of  tl.e  festival  fell  in  the  autumn,  «  hen  tlie 
whole  of  the  chief  fruits  of  the  ground,  tlie  corn,  the 
wine,  and  the  oil,  were  gathered  in  (Ex.  xxiii.  16; 
Lev.  xxiii.  39;  Deut.  xvi.  13-15).  Its  duration  was 
strictly  only  seven  days  (xvi.  13  ;  Ez.  xlv.  25).  But  it 
was  followed  by  a  day  of  holy  convocation,  which  had 
sacrifices  ol  it^  own,  and  was  sometimes  spoken  of  as 
an  eighth  day  (Lev.  xxiii.  36  ;  Neh.  viii.  18j.  Daring 
the  seven  days  the  Israelites  were  commanded  to 
dwell  iu  booths  or  huts  formed  of  the  boughs  of 
trees.  (Cottage  3;  Pavilion  2.)  The  boughs 
were  of  the  olive,  palm,  i>ine,  myrtle,  and  other  trees 
with  thick  foliage  (viii.  15,  16).  According  to  Rab- 
binical tradition,  each  Israelite  used  to  tie  the 
branches  into  a  bunch,  to  be  carried  in  his  hand,  to 
which  the  name  lulnb  was  given.  The  "fruit  (Lev. 
xxiii.  40  margin)  of  goodly  trees"  is  generally  taken 
by  the  Jews  to  mean  the  citron.  The  "  boughs  of 
thick  trees"  were  understood  by  Oiikelos,  &c.,  to  be 
myrtles  (but  comp.  Nch.  viii.  15).  The  biirnt-oft'er- 
ings  of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  were  far  more  nu- 
merous than  those  of  any  other  festival.  There  were 
oft'ered  each  day  two  rams,  fourteen  lambs,  and  a 
kid  for  a  sin-offering.  But  what  was  most  peculiar 
was  the  arrangement  of  the  sacrifices  ol'  bullocks 
(thirteen  the  first  day,  twelve  the  second,  eleven  the 
third,  &c.),  in  all  amounting  to  seventy  (Num.  xxix. 
12-38).  The  eighth  day  was  aday  of  holy  convoca- 
tion of  peculiar  solemnity,  and,  with  the  seventh  day 
of  the  Passover,  and  the  day  of  Pentecost,  was  de- 
signated Vi^sfreM.  (Assembly  3,  6.)  The  special  of- 
ferings of  the  day  were  a  bullock,  a  ram,  seven 
lambs,  and  a  goat  for  a  sin-offering  (xxix.  36,  38). 
When  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  fell  on  a  Sabbatical 
YEAR,  portions  of  the  Law  wcie  read  each  day  in 
puldie,  to  men,  women,  children,  and  strangers  (Deut. 
xxxi.  10  13).  It  is  said  that,  in  the  time  of  the 
king.^,  the  king  read  from  a  wooden  pulpit  erected 
ill  the  court  of  the  women,  and  the  people  »  ere  sum- 
moned by  the  trumpet.  Ezra  read  the  Law  during 
the  festival  "day  by  day,  from  the  first  day  to  the 
Last  day  "(Xeh.  viii.  18). — III.  Two  particulars  in  the 
observance  of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  not  noticed 
in  the  ().  T.,  appear  to  be  referred  to  in  the  N.  T., 
viz.  the  ceremony  of  pouring  out  some  water  of  tlie 
pool  of  SiLOAM,  and  the  display  of  some  great  lights 
in  the  court  of  the  women.  We  are  told  that  each 
Israelite,  in  holiday  atiire,  having  made  up  his  lulah, 
before  lie  broke  his  last,  repaired  to  the  Temple  with 
the  lulab  in  one  hand  and  the  citron  in  the  other,  at 
the  time  of  the  ordinary  morning  sacrifice.  The 
parts  of  the  victim  were  laid  on  tlie  altar.  One  of 
the  priests  IVtched  some  water  in  a  golden  ewer  from 
the  pool  of  Siloam,  which  he  brought  into  the  court 
through  the  water-gate.     As  he  entered  the  trumpets 

also  a  condcnsntion  of  the  theocracy  at?  to  it(*  typolntry.  In 
a  ffeneral  way  tlie  Tabernacle  will  he  found  to  siimil'y 
Christ.  But  this  will  widen  out  into  several  coiicenlri'c 
PUlieres;  (1.)  Christ's  person,  in  whicji  tiie  two  natures, 
God  and  man.  meet  in  inscparflble  fellowship  and  life  for- 
ever. Christ's  wiiole  person  is  the  sphere  of  intercourse 
between  Oud  and  man.  (2  )  The  ('liristian  Chnrcti.  wliicIi 
is  a  Temple  of  Ood  hy  His  Spirit  (Eph.  ii.).  (3.)  The  irlo- 
riiied  Church  around  God's  throne  will  most  fully  realise 


'  sounded,  and  he  ascended  the  slope  of  the  altar.  At 
the  top  of  this  were  fixed  two  silver  basins  with  small 
openings  at  the  bottom.  AVinc  was  poured  into  that 
I  on  the  eastern  side,  and  the  water  into  that  on  the 
western  side,  whence  it  was  conducted  by  pipes  into 
the  Cedron.  In  the  evening,  botli  men  and  women 
assembled  in  the  court  of  the  women,  expressly  to 
hold  a  rejoicing  for  the  drawing  of  the  water  of 
I  Siloam.  The  hallel  (IIallelljaii)  was  then  sung, 
the  sacrifices  of  the  day  wcie  offered,  and  special  ■ 
passages  from  the  psalms  were  chanted. — At  this 
feast  weie  set  up  in  tlie  court  two  lofty  stands,  each 
supporting  four  great  lamps.  These  w  ere  lighted  on 
each  night  of  the  festival.  Many  in  the  assembly 
carried  fiambeaux.  Levites  on  the  fifteen  steps  lead- 
ing up  to  the  women's  court  played  instruments  of 
music,  and  chanted  the  "Songs  of  Degrees"  (I's! 
cxx.-cxxxiv.).  Singing  and  dancing  were  afterward 
continued  for  some  tin.e. — It  appears  to  be  gener- 
ally admitted  that  the  words  of  our  Saviour  (Jn.  vii. 
I  37,  38) — "If  any  man  tliirst,  let  him  come  unto  Me 
I  and  drink.  lie  that  Lclieveth  on  Jle,  as  the  Seript- 
1  ure  hath  said,  out  of  his  belly  shall  Uow  rivers  of 
i  living  water  "—were  suggested  by  the  (lOuring  out 
(  of  the  water  of  Siloam  (comp.  Is.  xii.  3  and  1  Cor. 
X.  4).  But "  thelastday,  thatgreatday  of  the  feast" 
j  (Jn.  vii.  37)  may  mean  either  the  last  day  of  the 
feast  itself,  i.  e.  the  seventh,'  or  the  last  day  of  the 
I  religious  observar.ces  of  the  serits  of  annual  festi- 
I  vals,  the  eighth.  Dean  Alford  tuppo.ses  that  the 
eighth  day  may  be  iniant,  an<l  that  the  rcfirenceof 
our  Lord  was  to  an  ordinary  and  well-known  ob- 
servance (if  the  least,  though  it  was  not,  at  the  very 
time,  going  on.  Wc  must  resort  to  some  such  ex- 
planation (so  Mr.  Clark,  original  author  of  this  arti- 
cle) if  we  adopt  tlie  notion  thnt  our  Lord's  words 
(viii.  12) — "1  am  the  light  of  the  world  "  — refer  to 
the  great  lamps  of  the  festival. — IV.  Many  direc 
tions  for  the  dimensions  and  construction  of  the 
huts  arc  given  in  the  Mishna.  They  were  not  to  be 
lower  than  ten  palms,  nor  higher  than  twenty  cubits. 
They  were  to  stand  by  themselves,  not  to  rest  on 
any  external  support,  nor  to  be  under  the  shelter  of 
a  larger  building,  Qr  of  a  tree.  They  were  not  to  be 
covered  with  skins  or  cloth  of  any  kind,  but  only 
with  houghs,  or,  in  part,  with  reed  n^ats  or  liiths. 
The  furniture  of  the  huts  was  to  be,  according  to 
most  authorities,  of  the  ])lainest  description.  It  is 
said  that  tlie  altar  was  adorned  throughout  the  si  vcn 
days  with  sprigs  of  willows,  one  of  which  each  Is- 
raelite who  came  into  the  court  brought  with  liim. 
The  great  number  of  the  sacrifices  has  been  already 
noticed.  But  besides  these,  the  private  iieace-ctler- 
ings  (Heb.  h-igUjuh  or  clu'i'jUiuh  ;  Passover,  U.  8,  A) 
were  more  abundant  than  at  any  other  time. — V. 
Though  all  the  Hebrew  annual  festivals  were  seasons 
of  rejoicing,  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  was,  in  this 
respect,  distinguished  above  them  all.  The  huts  and 
the  litlahs  must  have  made  a  gay  and  striking  spco- 
taclc  over  the  city  by  day,  and  the  lamps,  the  fiam- 
beaux, the  music,  and  the  Joyous  gatherings  in  tl'.e 
court  of  the  Temple  must  have  given  a  still  more 
festive  character  to  the  night.  Hence,  it  was  called 
by  the  Rabbis  preeminently  llie  festival.  1'heu:  is  a 
proverb  in  the  Mishna,  "He  who  has  never  seen  the 
rejoicing  at  the  pouring  out  of  the  water  of  Siloam 

I  he  symbol,  and  therefore  the  Tabernacle  was  typical  of 
this. 

'  Dr.  Ginshiin:  (in  Kitto)  IhinliB  this  seventh  c!oy— tlie 
last  day  of  tlio  feslivnl,  called  in  tiie  Mishiia  t/ie  Gieat  Ho- 
yanvn  Day,  and  rcfrnrded  as  one  cf  I!k;  forr  days  wliereon 
God  Judges  tlie  world— must  be  meant  in  Jn.  vii.  £7. 


tAB 


TAB 


10S3 


lias  never  ncen  rojoicing  in  hisJife." — VI.  The  main 

purpose's  of  the  Feust  of  Tubernacles  are  plainly  set 
forth  (Kx.  xxiii.  10;  Lev.  xxiii.  43 1.  It  was  to  bc-at 
onci!  a  thanksgivinL;f<>r  the  harvest,  und  a  commem- 
oration of  the  time  when  t.xe  Israelites  dwelt  in 
tent.s  during  their  passai^e  through  the  wilderness. 
In  one  of  its  nieanin-is  ("  feast  of  ingatlioring  ")  it 
stands  in  conueetion  with  the  Passovkr,  as  tlie  Feast 
of  Abil) ;  and  with  Pk.vtbcosi,  as  the  feast  of  harvest ; 
in  its  other  meaning,  it  is  related  to  the  Passover  as 
the  great  yearly  memorial  of  the  deliven'.nce  from 
th_'  destroyer,  and  from  the  tyranny  of  Egypt.  But 
naturally  connected  with  tiiis  exultation  in  their  re- 
gained freedom  was  the  rejoicing  in  the  more  per- 
fect fuliilment  of  (iod's  promise,  in  the  settlement 
of  His  people  in  the  Holy  Land.  Besidis  this,  I'hilo 
saw  in  this  feast  a  witness  for  the  original  equality 
of  all  the  meinSers  of  the  chosen  r.ice.  But  the  cul- 
minating paint  of  this  blessing  was  the  establish- 
ment of  the  central  spot  of  the  national  worship  in 
thL-  TiMnple  at  Jerusalem.'  Hence  it  was  evidently 
fitting  that  the  Fea-t  of  Tabernacles  slionl  1  be  kept 
with  an  unwonted  degree  of  observonce  at  the  dedi- 
cation of  Solomon's  Temple  (1  K.  viii.  2,  63;  Jos. 
viii.  4,  §  5),  again,  after  the  rebuilding  of  the  Tem- 
ple by  Ezr.t  (Xch.  viii.  13-lS),  and  a  third  time  by 
Judas  Maccabeus  when  he  had  driven  out  the  Hyv- 
ians  and  restored  the  Temple  to  the  worship  of  Je- 
hovah (2  Me.  X.  6-8). 

■•  Tabi-tba  (see  below),  also  called  DoncAS,  a  female 
disciple  of  Joppa,  "full  of  good  works,"  among 
whicli  that  of  making  clothes  for  thj  poor  is  specifi- 
cally mentioned.  While  St.  Pkte[!  was  at  thenelgli- 
boiing  town  of  LvnnA,  Tabitha  died,  upon  which  the 
disciples  at  Joppa  sent  an  urgent  message  to  the 
apostle,  begging  hi  n  to  come  to  them  without  delay. 
Upon  his  arrival  Peter  found  the  decea-ied  already 
prepared  for  btnial,  and  laid  out  in  an  upper  cham- 
ber where  she  was  surrounded  by  the  recipients  and 
the  tokens  of  her  charity.  After  the  example  of  our 
Saviour,  in  the  house  of  Jairus  (comp.  Mk.  v.  40,  41, 
&c.),  "  Peter  put  tliem  all  forth,"  prayed  for  the 
Divine  a-ssistance,  and  then  co  nman  leJ  Tal/itha  to 
arise.  She  opened  her  eyes  and  sat  up,  and  then, 
assisti'd  by  the  apostle,  ro.se  from  her  couch.  This 
great  miracle  produced  an  extraordinary  clfcct  in 
Joppa,  and  was  the  occasion  of  many  conversions 
there  (Acts  ix.  36-42).  The  name  of"  Tabitha"  is 
the  Grecized  Aramaic  form  answering  to  the  lleb. 
taJbti/ilh  =  a  female  ^iiz -lie,  A.  V.  "  not:."  St.  Luke 
gives  "  Dorcas  "  as  the  Greek  equivalent  of  the  name. 
Miracles. 

•Ta'ble  [-bl],  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Ileb. 
luah  or  luwh  =  a  tah'.el,  tahh,  Ges. ;  used  especially 
of  the  tablets  or  slabs  of  stone  on  which  were  the 
Tkx  CoMMASnMKXTS  (Ex.  xxiv.  12,  xxxi.  18,  xxxii.  15 
ff.,  xxxiv.  1  if.,  &e.),  also  of  other  tablets  for  writino 
(Is.  XXX.  8;  Hab.  ii.  2),  and  figuratively  of  the  heart 
(Prov.  iii.  3,  vii.  3;  Jer.  xvii.  1),  also  translated 
"  board"  (Ex.  xxvii.  8,  xxxviii.  7  ;  Cant.  viii.  9  ;  Ez. 
ixvii.  5),  "plate"  once  (1  K.  vii.  3B).— 2.  Hcb. 
mhab  once  (Cant.  i.  12,  A.  V.  "at  his  table,"  on  h'm 
divan,  i.  e.  in  his  company  seated  on  the  diyan  round 
the  room,  Ges.),  usually  translated  "round  about" 
( 1  K.  vi.  29,  &c.).— 8.  Ileb.  nhidhdn  or  fkulchitn, 
uniformly;  =  a  tiMe.  especially  as  .spread  with  Foon 

"  "  The  Isnu^lbcK  in  tlicir  ciillorlive  position  and  history 
typlfliil  thff  deed  of  Go  I's  elect  under  the  Gospel ;  mid 
Inorefore.  In  thn  feast,  which  hp>iii,'lit  tom-iher  ilie  lie»ln- 
ninu'S  and  endni^s  of  God's  dealing  witli  Israel,  we  have  a 
repw<'ntatlon  of  tlic  vplrllual  lilc.  as  well  In  its  earlier 
virnz'.'Ics  as  in  Its  ultlmaie  triumphs  "  (Fbn.,  art.  Feast  uf 
Tabornaclea). 


(Ex.  XXV.  23  IT. ;  Judg.  i.  7 ;  2  Sam.  ix.  7  ff.,  &c.). 
(Meai.s.) — 4.  Gr.  klinS  (Mk.  vii.  4  only);  usually 
translated  "  bkd"  (Mat.  ix,  2,  6;  Mk.  iv.'21,  vii.  30, 
&c.)  ;■=:  a  bed,  conch,  for  resting,  lying  upon,  reclining 
at  .MKALS,  &c.  (Ubn.  jV.  T.  Lex.). — 5.  Gr.jo/aa;(2  Cor. 
iii.  3  twice  ;  Heb.  ix.  4),  =  (so  Rbn.  N.  7'.  Lex.)  a 
tabU  or  tablet  of  wood  or  stone,  on  which  any  thing 
is  inscribed,  used  figuratively  of  the  heart ;  in  LXX. 
=  No.  I. — 6.  Gr.  Irapeza  usually  (.Mat.  xv.  27,  xxi.  12, 
&c.);  once  translated  "ineit"  (Acts  xvi.  34),  and 
once  "bank"  (Lk.  xix.  23).  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.  de- 
fines this  word,  "  a  table,  properly  witli  four  legs ; 
generally,  a  table  for  setting  on  food,  taking  meals; 
specially,  a  money-changer's  table,  a  broker's  tnble  or 
counter  ;  hence,  a  brok  rs  office  or  bank,  where 
money  is  deposiied  and  loaned  out."  (Loa.n  ;  MoxEV- 
CIIANOKRS.) —  WrUinff-tabte  ;  see  Writlno.    Tablcts. 

♦Tab'letS,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb.  bolliy 
han-mphenh  (literally,  hounes  of  tlie soul)  =  perfume- 
buxe%,  ncenl-caacs,  or  smelling-boltks.  Ges.,  Fii.,  &c. 
(Perkl-me-S.)  — 2.  Ileb.  cumuz  (Ex.  xxxv.  22;  Num. 
xxxi.  50),  =  a  globe,  (/lobule  of  gold,  perhaps  collec- 
tively, tjlobulcK,  rlrojK,  or  rather  a  string  of  gold 
drops  like  ln'ads  worn  round  the  neck  or  arm  by  the 
Israelites  in  the  desert  (Ges  ).     Ciiai.n  ;  Taislk. 

Ta'bsr  (llel>.  a  moimd,  mount,  height,  or  [so 
others]  a  (juarrii,  Ges.),  or  Moont  Tabor,  a  remark- 
able mountain  of  Palestine,  rises  al)ruptly  from  the 
northeastern  arm  of  the  Plain  of  Esdr/Elon,  and 
'stands  entirely  insulited  except  on  the  W.,  where  a 
narrow  ridge  cuniiocts  it  with  the  hills  of  Nazareth. 
It  is  beautiful  and  symmetrical  in  its  proportions,  as 
seen  from  a  distance.  The  body  of  the  inoimtain 
consists  of  the  peculiar  limestone  of  the  country. 
On  it  is  a  omiiai'atively  den.se  forest  of  oaks,  and 
other  trees  and  bushes,  with  an  occasional  opening 
on  the  sides,  and  a  small  uneven  tract  on  the  sum- 
mit. Its  heiglit  is  estimated  at  1,000  feet.  It 
is  now  called  Jebel  et-Tur.  It  lies  about  six  or  eight 
miles  almost  due  E.  from  Nazareth.  The  ascent  is 
usually  made  on  the  W.  si  le,  near  the  little  village 
of  D::bdrieh  (probably  the  ancient  Dabeuatii  ),  though 
it  can  lie  nuvde  with  entire  ease  in  other  places.  It 
requires  three-quarlers  of  an  hour  or  an  hour  to 
reach  the  top.  The  path  is  circuitous  and  at  times 
steep,  but  one  may  ride  the  entire  way.  The  top  of 
Tabor  consists  of  an  irregular  platform,  emliracing 
a  circuit  of  half  an-honr's  walk,  and  cominandiiig 
extensive  and  beautiful  views.  Fioin  it  may  he  seen 
on  the  E.  tlic  entire  outline  of  the  Sia  of  Tiberias 
anil  some  portion  of  its  waters,  the  course  of  the 
Jordan  for  miles,  the  Haurdn  and  the  momitains  of 
Gdcid  and  Baslian  ;  Ilermon  and  intervening  hills 
on  t!ie  N.  and  N.  E. ;  Carmel  on  the  N.  \V. ;  on  the 
W.  the  Mediterranean  as  a  dirk  line  on  the  hori- 
zon and  the  rich  plains  of  Galilee  filling  up  the  in- 
termediate space;  on  the  S.  arc  (^ilboa,  En-dor, 
Nain,  &c.  Tabor  does  not  occur  in  the  N.  T.,  but 
is  prominent  in  theO.  T.  (Ps.  Ixxxix.  12,  &c.).  Josh, 
xix.  22  mentions  it  as  the  boundary  between  Issachar 
and  Zebulun  (see  vcr.  12).  Barak,  at  the  command 
of  Deborah,  assembled  his  forces  on  Tabor,  and  de. 
scended  thence  with  "ten  thousand  men  after  him" 
into  t!ie  plain,  and  con(|Ucred  Sisera  on  the  banks 
of  the  Kishon  (Judg.  iv.  6-15).  The  brothers  of 
GiiiEON  were  murdered  here  byZebah  and  Zahnunna 
(viii.  18.  19).  Some  writer.",  after  Herder  and  others, 
think  that  Tabor  is  intended  when  it  is  said  of  Issa- 
char and  Zebulun,  in  Dent,  xxxiii.  19,  that  "they 
shall  call  the  people  unto  the  mountain  ;  there  they 
shall  offer  sacrifices  of  righteousness."  Dr.  Kobin- 
son  (ii.  853)  has  thu.i  described  the  ruins  on  the 


1084 


TAB 


TkC 


summit  of  Tabor.  "  All  aroiiml  the  top  are  the 
foundations  of  a  thick  wall  Ijuilt  of  laige  stones, 
some  of  which  are  bevelleii,  showing  that  the  entire 
wall  was  peihaps  originally  of  that  character.  In 
se .  eral  parts  are  the  remains  of  towers  and  bastions. 


The  chief  remains  are  upon  the  ledge  of  rocks  on ' 
the  S.  of  the  little  basin,  and  especially  toward  its! 
eastern  end  ;  here  are — in  indiscriminate  confusion 
— walls  and  arches,  and  foundations,  apparently  of 
dwelling-houses,  as  well  as  other  buildings,  some  of 


View  or  Mount  Tabor  from  the  S.  W.,  from  a  sketch  taken  in  1S43  by  W.  Tipping,  Esq. 


hewn  and  some  of  large  bevelled  stones.  The  walls 
and  traces  of  a  fortress  are  seen  here,  and  fuither 
W.  along  the  southern  brow,  of  which  one  tall  point- 
ed arch  of  a  Saracenic  gateway  is  still  standing,  and 
bears  the  name  of  Bab  el-IIawa, '  Gate  of  the  Wind.' " 
The  Latin  Christians  have  now  an  altar  here,  at  which 
theii'  priests  from  Nazareth  perform  an  aniiual  mass. 
The  Greeks  also  have  a  chapel,  where,  on  certain 
festivals,  they  assemble  for  the  celebiation  of  reli- 
gious rites.  In  the  monastic  ages  Tabor  was  crowded 
with  hei'mits.  The  idea  that  our  Saviour  was  tians- 
figured  on  Tabor  prevailed  extensively  among  the 
early  Christians,  who  adopted  legends  of  this  natme, 
and  reappefrs  often  still  in  popular  religious  works. 
It  is  impossilile,  however,  to  acquiesce  in  the  correct- 
ness of  this  opinion  (so  Prof.  Hackett,  original  au- 
thor of  this  article,  with  Robinson,  I'ortcr  (in  Kitto], 
Bonar  [in  Fairbairn],  Stanley,  Ayre,  &c.).  It  can 
bo  proved  from  the  0.  T.,  antl  from  later  history, 
that  a  fortress  or  town  existed  on  Tabor  from  very 
early  times  down  to  b.  c.  53  or  50 ;'  and,  as  Jose- 
phus  says  that  he  strengthened  the  foi-fifications 
there,  about  a.  n.  60,  it  is  morally  certain  that  Tabor 
must  have  been  inhabited  during  the  intervening 
period,  i.  e.  in  the  days  of  Christ.  Tabor,  there- 
fore, could  not  have  been  the  Mount  of  Transfigura- 
tion ;  for  when  it  is  said  that  Jesus  took  His  disci- 
ples "  up  into  a  high  mountain  apart,  and  was  trans- 

'  Antiochiis  t!ie  (Jrcat  obtained  no-oosr^ion  of  tlip  city  on 
thn  summit  b.  c.  218.  and  nfter^var<l  forlifled  it :  here  a 
battle  wnn  foutrht  between  the  Romans  and  .Tcwp  aboat 
B  c.  M.  In  whicli  10.000  Jews  were  slain :  Ivre  in  the  sixth 
century  a.  r.  wore  three  chtn-elie-*  and  afterward  a  monas- 
tery, and  still  later  two  monasteries,  one  Oreek.  tiic  oliier' 
Latin  ;  iiere  a  si  rons:  fortress  was  erected  tiy  tlie  Mosiems 
A.  D.  1212.  i^iit  soon  aftei'ward  destroyed  bv'tlieni  (Rbn.  ii. 
357).  In  1799  Napoleon  caineri  at  Motmt  'I'abor  a  victory 
over  the  Turlis.  A  new  convent  has  recently  been  erecteii 
on  Ibo  summit  (Trm.  498). 


figured  before  them"  (Mat.  xvii.  ],  2),  we  must  un- 
derstand that  He  brought  thein  to  the  summit  of  the 
mountain,  where  they  were  alone  by  themselves. 
Hkiimon. 

Ta'bor  (see  above),  mentioned  in  1  Chr.  vi.  77, 
as  a  city  of  the  Merarite  Levitcs,  in  the  tribe  of 
Zebulun.  It  is  possible  (so  Mr.  Grove),  either  that 
CiliSLOTH-TADOR  (Josh.  xix.  12)  =  Tabor,  or  that,  by 
the  time  the  later  lists  in  1  Chr.  were  compiled,  the 
Jlerarites  had  established  themselves  on  the  .sacred 
mountain,  and  that  "Tabor"  is  Mount  Tabor  (see 
last  article). 

Tabor  (see  above),  the  Plain  of  (Heb.  clon),  prop- 
erly the  Oak  of  Tabur  (I'lain  7),  mentioned  in  1 
Sam.  X.  3  only,  as  one  of  the  points  in  the  l-.ome- 
ward  journey  of  Sall  after  his  anointing  by  Samu- 
el ;  site  unknown.  Ewakl  identifies  the  oak  of  Ta- 
bor with  the  tree  under  nhicli  Deborah  1,  Kachel's 
nurse,  was  buried  (Gen.  xxv.  8).  But  this  can  only 
be  received  as  a  conjecture  (so  Mr.  Grove). 

Tab' ret.     Timbrel. 

Tab'i'i-mon  (fr.  Syr.,  properly  Tul rimmon  =  i/iml 
in  Itinimon,  the  Syrian  god),  father  of  Ben-hadad  1., 
king  of  Syria  in  the  reign  of  Asa  (1  K.  xv.  18). 

Taehe  [tatsh]  (Heb.  kerem)  —  hook.  The  word 
thus  rendered  occurs  only  in  the  description  of  the 
structure  of  the  Tabernacle  and  its  fittings  (Ex.  xxvi. 
6,  11,  33,  XXXV.  11,  xxxvi.  13,  xxxix.  33),  iind  ap- 
pears to  indicate  the  small  hooks  by  which  a  curtain 
is  suspended  to  the  rings  from  which  it  hangs,  or 
connected  vertically,  as  in  the  ease  of  the  viil  of 
the  Holy  of  Holies,  with  the  loops  of  another  cur- 
tain (.so  Prof.  Plumptre). 

Tach  Dio-nltc  [tak-]  (fi'.  Heb.,  see  below),  the. 
"  The  Tachnionite  that  sat  in  the  seat,"  chief  among 
David's  captains  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  8i,  is  in  1  Chr.  xi.  11 
called  "Jasiiobeam   an   Hachmomte,"  or,   as   the 


TAO 


TAD 


1085 


margin  -^iros  it,  "son  of  Hac'.imoni."  Kennicott 
li.is  sliDivii  that  tlie  words  transliitoil  "  he  that  sat 
in  llic  feat  "  are  probalily  a  coiruption  of  Jasho- 
beain,  and  "  the  Taobinonitc  "  a  eorruption  of  "  the 
son  of  Uachmoni,"  wliich  was  the  family  or  local 
name  of  Ju^hobeam.  Therefore  he  concludes  "  Jash- 
obeam  the  Hachinonite  "  to  have  been  the  true  read- 
ing. 

Tad'nor  (Ilcb.,  see  below),  called  "Tadraor  in  the 
wilderness  "  (2  Chr.  viii.  4).  There  is  no  reasonable 
doti!)t  (so  Mr.  Twislelon,  with  most  scholars)  that 
this  city,  said  to  have  been  built  by  Solomon,  is  the 
same  as  Palmyra.  The  identity  of  the  two  cities  is 
thus  established:  (1.)  Josephiis  (viii.  0,  §  1)  men- 
tions the  same  city  as  bearing  in  his  time  the  name 
of  Tadmor  amon^  the  .Syrians,  and  PalTiyra  among 
the  Greeks  ;  aiid  Jerome  translates  Tadmor  by  Pal- 
mira (2  Chr.  viii.  4).  (2.)  The  modern  Arabic  name 
of  Palmyra  is  snlo'antially  tlie  same  as  the  Hebrew 
word,  being  Tarbnnr  or  Ta'hniur.  (.3.)  The  word 
Tadmor  has  nearly  the  same  meaning  as  Palmyra, 
signifying  probably  the  Citi/  of  Padns,  from  Heb. 
tdmdr  —  a  pnlin.  (4.)  The  name  Tadmiir  or  Tad- 
mor actually  occurs  as  the  name  of  the  city  in  Ara- 
maic and  Greek  inscriptions  found  ihere.  (5  )  In 
2  Chr.  viii.  the  city  is  mentioned  as  built  by  Solo- 
mon alter  his  conquest  of  U.vmatii-zobaii,  and  is 


I  named  with  "all  the  store-cities  which  he  built  in 
!  IIamath."     This  accords  fully  with  the  situation  of 
Palmyra  ;  and  there  is  no  other  known  city,  either 
in  the  desert  or  not  in   the  desert,  wliieh  can  lay 
claim  to  the  name  of  Tadmor. — In  1  K.  i.\.  18,  ac- 
cording to  the  Hebrew  marginal  reading  (AVjv),  tlic 
j  statement  that  f-'olonion  built  Tadmor,  likewise  oc- 
I  cnrs.     Bnt   the  original   Hebrew   test  {Cc'h'b)  has 
here  not  Tadmor,  but  Tamau,  which  Mr.  Twisleton 
thinks,  with  Thenins,  Movers,  &c.,  does  not  refer  to 
Palmyra  (compare  Kz.  .Nlvii.   19);    but  Keil,  I5er- 
thcau,  (jesenius,   Kitto,  Ayre,  &c.,  maintain   that   1 
K.  ix.  18  and  2  Chr.  viii.  4  both  refer  to  Palmyra. — 
It  is  evident  that  Solomon  had  large  vie«  s  of  com- 
;  MKiicE,  and   he  would  naturally  wish  to  trade  with 
I  B,al)ylon.     Now,  Palmyra  is  only  nljoui   120  miles 
'  across  the  desert  from  a  point  on  the  Euphrates  X.  W. 
from  Babylon,  and  about  tie  same  distance  across 
I  the  desert  from  Damascus,  and  would  be  in  the  regu- 
i  lar  caravan-route  between  Babylon  .and  Jerusalem. 
The   first    Roman    author  who    mentions    Palmyra 
is  Pliny  tlie  Elder,  who  notices  its  fine  situation, 
'■  ricli  soil  and  excellent  water,  with  a  great  desert  on 
every  side,  and  speaks  of  it  as  in  an  important  posi- 
i  tion  between  the   Roman   and   Parthian   Empires. 
j  Appian  mentions  Mark  Antony's  design  to  let  his 
I  cavalry  plunder  it,  but  the  inhabitants  having  gone 


Ra'-ns  of  Tidmsr  or  Pa\royn, 


with  their  cITectR  to  a  strong  position  on  the  Eu- 
phrates, the  cavalry  entered  an  empty  city.  In  the 
second  century  a.  c,  it  seems  to  have  been  beauti- 
fied by  the  Emperor  Hadrijn,and  the  name  changed 
to  lladrianopolis.  It  became  a  Roman  colony  under 
Caracalla  (a.  n.  211-217).  Sulwcqucntly,  in  the 
reign  of  Gallienus,  the  Roman  senate  invested  Ode- 
natlius,  a  senator  of  Palmyra,  with  the  regal  dig- 
nity, oil  account  of  his  service.^  in  defeating  Sapor, 
king  of  Persia.  On  the  assassination  of  Odonathus, 
his  celebrated  wife  Zcnobia  seems  to  have  conceived 
the  design  of  erecting  Palmyra  into  an  independent 
monarchy ;  and,  in  prosecution  of  this  object,  she, 
for  a  while,  successfully  resisted  the  Roman  arms. 
She  was  at  length  defeated  and  taken  captive  by  the 
Emperor  Aurelian  (a.  n.  273),  who  left  a  Roman 
garrison  in  Palmyra.  This  garrison  was  massacred 
in  a  revolt ;  and  Aureliiin  punished  the  city  by  the 
execution  not  onlv  of  those  who  were  taken  in  arms. 


but  likewise  of  common  peasants,  of  oUl  men,  wo- 
men, and  children.  From  this  blow  Palmyra  never 
recovered,  though  there  arc  proofs  of  its  having 
continiicii  to  be  inhabited  until  tlie  downfall  of  the 
Roman  Empire.  In  1172  Benjamin  of  Tudela  found 
4,000  Jews  there,  and  at  a  later  period  Abiilfeda 
mentioned  it  as  full  of  splendid  ruins.  Subsequently 
its  very  existence  became  unknown  to  modern  Eu- 
rope, when  in  IfiOl  it  was  visited  by  some  mer- 
chants from  the  English  factory  at  Aleppo.  The 
long  lines  of  Corinthian  columns  at  Palmyra,  a3 
seen  at  a  distance,  are  peculiarly  imposing ;  and  in 
their  general  effect  and  apparent  vastness  they 
seem  to  surpass  all  other  ruins  of  the  same  kind. 
The  principal  ruin  is  the  great  temple  of  the  sun, 
the  great  colonnade  supposed  to  have  consisted  of 
1,500  columns,  and  the  tombs,  which  arc  tower-like 
buildings,  two,  three,  or  four  stories  high.  The  pres- 
ent Tadmor  consists  of  peasants'  mud-huts  inliab- 


1086 


TAH 


TAM 


Ited  bv  Arabs.  It  is  said  to  be  in  N.  lat.  34°  18'  and 
E.  long.  38"  13'. 

Ta'liiln  (Heb.  Klation,  camp,  Ges.),  a  son  or  de- 
scendant oi'Ephraim  (Num.  xxvi.  35);  son  of  Telah 
(1  Clir.  vi;.  25).     Shutiiki.ah. 

Ta'lian-ites  (fr.  Heb.),  tlic  =  the  descendants  of 
Tahax  (Xiim.  xxvi.  3fi). 

"  Ta-hap'a-nes  [-necr.]  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Tahpanhes. 

Ta'hatll  (Ileb.  Mow,  place,  stalion,  Ges.).  I.  A 
Koliatliite  Levite,  ancestor  of  Samuel  and  Ilcman 
(1  Clir.  vi.  24,  37  [Heb.  9,  22]>.— 2.  Son  of  Beicd, 
and  great-grandson  of  Epin-aim  (vii.  20).  Burring- 
ton,  &c.,  mal<e  him  =:  Taiian.  (Siiutiiei.ah.) — 3> 
Grandson  of  \o.  2  fvii.  20).  Bnrringt(m,  &c.,  con- 
eider  liim  a  son  of  Ephraim,  and  :=  No.  2.     Shu- 

THELAH. 

Ta'hath  (see  above),  a  desert-station  of  the  Israel- 
ites between  Makheloth  and  Tarah  (Num.  xxxiii. 
26) ;  not  identified.  WanEisxEss  of  the  Wander- 
ing. 

Tali'pan-bcs  [hccz't,  Te-baph'ne-Iies  (botli  Heb.), 
Ta-Iiap'a-nCS  (fr.  Heb.  form  of  Egvplian  ;  compare 
Taiipexes,  and  see  below),  a  city  of  Egypt,  evidently 
near  or  on  the  eastern  border  of  Lower  Egypt. 
When  Johanan  and  the  other  captains  went  into 
Egypt,  "they  came  to  Talipanhes  "  (Jer.  xliii.  7). 
Here  Jeremiah  prophesied  Nebuchadnezzar's  con- 
quest of  Egypt  (8-13).  Ezekiel  foretclld  a  battle 
to  be  there  fought  (Ez.  xxx.  18).  The  Jews  in  Jere- 
miah's time  remained  here  (Jer.  xliv.  1).  It  was  an 
important  town,  twice  mentioned  with  Noph  or 
Memphis  (Ez.  ii.  16,  xlvi.  14).  Here  stood  a  house 
of  Pharaoli-hophra  liefore  which  Jeremiah  hid  great 
stones,  where  Nebuchadnezzar's  thrimc  and  pavilion 
were  to  be  (Jer.  xliii.  8-10).  It  is  mentioned  wi(h 
"  Ramessc  and  i.U  the  land  of  Gesen  "  in  Jd.  i.  9. 
Herodotus  calls  this  place  Daphne  of  Pelusium.  In 
the  IHncrari/ of  Anioiiinus  th\s  town,  called  Dafno, 
is  placc<l  sixteen  Roman  miles  S.  W.  of  Pelusium. 
(IIaxes;  Six.)  This  position  seems  to  agree  with 
that  of  7'el- Defanneh,  wliich  Sir  Gardner  Wilkinson 
supposes  to  mark  the  site  of  Daphne.  Can  the 
name  be  of  Greek  origin?  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole  rejects 
as  untenable  J.aljlonski's  Egyptian  etymology  = 
Ihe  head  or  het/imntig  of  the  age,  or  (so  Gescnius) 
the  berfinninq  of  the  world,  i.  e.  of  the  Egyptian 
world,  in  reference  to  its  position  at  the  northeast- 
ern extremity  of  Egypt. 

Tali'pe-nos  (fr.  Egyptian,  sec  above),  an  Egyptian 
queen,  wife  of  the  Pharaoh  0  who  received  lladad 
the  EJoinite,  and  who  gave  him  her  sister  in  mar- 
riage (1  K.  xi.  18-20).  In  the  LXX.  the  latter  is 
called  the  elder  sister  of  Thekemina,  and  in  the  ad- 
dition to  ch.  xii.  Shishak  (Siisakim)  is  said  to  have 
given  Ano,  the  elder  sister  of  Thekemina  his  wife, 
to  Jeroboam.  It  is  obvious  that  this  and  the  earlier 
statement  are  irreconcilable.  There  is  therefore  but 
one  Talipcnes  or  Thekemina.  No  name  that  has 
any  near  resemblance  to  cither  Tahpencs  or  Theke- 
mina has  vet  been  found  among  those  of  the  period 
(so  Mr.  R.'  S.  Poole). 

Tah-re'a  (Heb.  amning,  Ges.),  son  of  Micah,  and 
grandson  of  Mephibosheth  (1  Chr.  ix.  41);  =  Ta- 

REA. 

Tali'tlm-Iiod'shi  (Heb.,  see  below),  t^ic  Land  of ; 

one  of  the  places  vi.sited  by  Jo.ab  during  his  cen- 
stis  of  the  land  of  Israel.  It  occurs  between  Gilead 
and  Dan-ja.an  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  6).  Porter  (in  Kitto) 
regards  "  the  land  of  Tahtim-hodshi  "  as  a  section 
of  the  upper  Jordan  valley,  probably  the  modern 
Ard  el-Hitlch,  lying  deep  down  at  the  western  base 
of  Hcrmon.    But  the  exact  signification  is  doubtful. 


The  Vulgate  has  "  the  lower  land  of  Ilodsi ;  "  some 
translate  "  nether  (or  low)  land  newly  inhabited  ;  " 
Fiirst  would  separate  "  the  land  of  the  Tahtim " 
from  "  Ilodshi,"  and  make  "  Hodshi  "  a  city  in  north- 
em  Palestine  =  Hakosheth  ;  Gesenius  makes  "  Hod- 
shi "  =:  descendanl  of  HonESH. 

Tal'MIt  (Heb.  ciccdr ;  Gr.  lalanton),  the  greatest 
weight  of  the  Hebrews  ;  =:  3,000  shekels.  Shekel  ; 
Weights  Axn  Measures. 

Ta-li'tha  en'ml,  two  Latinized  Syriae  words  (Mk. 
V.  41),  signifying  "Damsel,  arise," 

Tal'mai  (Heb.  furrowed,  Ges.).  1.  One  of  the 
three  sons  of  Axak  slain  by  the  men  of  Jutlah 
(Num.  xiii.  22;  Josh.  xv.  14;  Judg.  i.  10;.— 2.  Son 
of  Amn)ilmd,  and  king  of  Geshur  ;  father  of  Maa- 
CAH  1  (2  Sam.  iii.  3,  xiii.  37;  1  Chr.  iii.  2). 

Ttil'lKOn  (Heb.  opprrsxed,  Ges.),  the  head  of  a  fam- 
ily of  doorkeepers  in  the  Temple,  "  the  j  orters  for 
the  camps  of  the  sons  of  Levi"  (1  Chr.  ix.  17  ;  Neh. 
xi.  19).  Some  of  his  descendants  relurned  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  42  ;  Neh.  vii.  45),  and  were  em» 
ployed  in  their  hereditary  office  in  the  days  of  Nc- 
liemiah  and  Ezra  (Neh.  xii.  26).     Telem. 

*  Tal'mndi    Phaei.»ees. 

T.nl'sas  (fr.  L.)  =  Ei.asah  (1  Esd.  ix.  22). 

Ta'Diah  (Sum.  laiir/hkr,  Ges.),  ancestor  of  certain 
Nethinim  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Neh.  vii. 
55);  —  Tiiamah. 

Til'mar  (Heb.  palni-lrce\  (he  name  of  three  women 
remarkable  in  the  history  of  Isratl. — 1.  The  wife 
succest^ively  of  the  two  sons  of  Jihah,  Er  and 
Oxax  (Gen.  xxxviii.  6-SO).  It  seemed  ns  if  Jtidah's 
family,  on  the  death  of  Er  and  Onan  and  of  Ju- 
dah's  v.ife,  were  on  the  point  of  extinction.  There 
only  remained  a  child  Sin  lah,  "hom  Judah  was  un- 
willing to  trust  to  the  dangeious  union,  as  it  ap- 
peared, with  Tan  ar,  lest  he  should  njcet  with  the 
same  fate  ns  his  brothers.  (Marriage,  II.  ii.  1.) 
Accordingly  she  resorted  to  the  desperate  expedient 
of  entrappirg  the  father  himself  into  the  union 
which  he  feared  for  his  son.  He  took  her  for  one 
of  the  unfortunate  women  who  were  consecrated  to 
the  impure  rites  of  the  Canaanite  worship.  (Har- 
lot ;  Idolatry.)  He  promised  her,  as  (he  price  of 
hi.s  intercourse,  a  kid  from  the  flocks  to  which  he 
was  going,  and  left  as  his  pledge  his  ornaments  and 
his  staff.  The  kid  he  sent  back  by  Ilirah  of  Adul- 
1am.  The  woman  could  nowhere  be  found.  Months 
aftenvard  it  was  discovered  to  be  Ms  own  daughter- 
in-law  Taniar.  She  was  sentenced  to  be  burnt  alive, 
and  was  only  saved  by  the  discovery,  throtigh  the 
pledges  which  Judah  had  left,  that  her  seducer 
was  no  other  than  Judah  himself.  The  fruits  of 
this  intercourse  were  twins,  Piiarez  and  Zarah, 
and  through  Pharcz  the  sacred  line  was  continued. 
She  is  mentioned  in  Ru.  iv.  12  and  Mat.  i.  3  (A.Y. 
and  Greek  "  Thamar"). — 2.  Dauchter  of  DAvm  and 
Maachah  5  the  Geshurite  princess,  and  thus  sister 
of  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xiii.  1-32;  1  Chr.  iii.  9).  She 
and  her  brother  were  alike  remarkable  for  their  ex- 
traordinary beauty.  This  fatal  beauty  inspired  a 
frantic  passion  in  her  half-Iirother  Amxox,  who,  by 
Jonadab's  advice,  feigned  sickness,  and  on  Ihe  king's 
coming  to  visit  him,  entreated  the  presence  of  Ta- 
n.ar,  on  the  pretext  that  she  alone  could  give  him 
food  that  he  would  eat.  It  would  ahtost  seem  tliat 
Tamar  was  supposed  to  have  a  peculiar  art  of  baking 
palatable  cakes.  She  came  to  his  house,  took  the 
dough  and  kneaded  it,  and  then  in  his  presence 
kneaded  it  a  second  time  into  the  form  of  cakes. 
She  then  took  the  pan,  in  which  they  had  been 
baked,  and  poured  them  all  out  in  a  heap  before 


TAM 


TaM 


1087 


the  prince.  He  caused  his  attendants  to  retire, 
called  tier  to  the  inner  room,  and  there  accomplished 
his  wicked  design.  In  her  touching  remonstrance 
two  points  are  remarkable  (so  Denu  Stanley,  origi- 
nal author  of  this  article).  Fii-st,  the  expression  of 
the  infamy  of  such  a  crime  "  in  Israel,"  implying 
the  loftier  standarJ  of  morals  that  prevailed,  as 
compared  with  other  countries  at  that  time ;  an<l, 
secondly,  the  belief  that  even  this  standard  might 
bo  overborne  lawfully  by  roy.il  authority — "  Speak 
to  tlie  king,  for  he  will  not  witlihold  me  from  thee." 
The  brutal  hatred  of  Amiion  succeeding  to  his  brutal 
passion,  and  the  indignation  of  Tamar  at  his  bar- 
bar3'is  insult,  even  surpassing  her  indignation  at  his 
shameful  outrage,  are  pathetically  and  graphically 
told.  She  remained  in  Absalom's  house  as  if  in 
widowhood,  a.id  out  of  his  vengeance  on  Aranon 
grew  the  scries  of  calamities  which  darkened  the 
close  of  David's  reign.  The  story  of  Tamar,  re- 
volting as  it  is,  has  the  interest  of  revealing  to  us 
the  interior  of  the  royal  household  beyond  any  other 
incident  of  those  times:  (1.)  The  cstahlirhments 
of  the  princes ;  (2.)  The  simplicity  of  the  royal 
employments  (Womkn)  ;  (3.)  The  dress  of  the 
princesses;  (4.)  The  relation  of  the  icixa  to  the 
princes  and  to  the  law. — 3>  Daugliter  of  Absalom, 
and  niece  of  No.  2  (2  Sam.  xiv.  7).  Slie  ultimately, 
by  h^r  marriage  with  Ukiel  of  Gibeah,  became  the 
mother  of  Maachah  3,  the  future  queen  of  Judah, 
or  wife  of  Abijah  (1  K.  xv.  2). 

TXatXT  (see  above),  a  spot  on  the  southoastem 
frontier  of  Judah  (Ez.  xlvii.  19,  xlviii.  28  only).  If 
not  —  UA7.AZ0N-T AMAR,  the  old  n.ime  of  Es-okdi,  it 
may  be  a  place  called  Thamar  in  the  O.ioma^llco  i, 
a  diy's  journey  S.  of  Hebron  (so  Deal  Stanley). 
Robinson  supposes  Tjniar  (Thamara  of  I'tole  uy) 
was  at  Kiirim'),  a  site  with  extensive  ruins,  al)out 
twe:ity  miles  \V.  of  the  south  end  of  the  DjaJ  Sea. 
KiNAir ;  Tadmo.i. 

Tinn'mnz  (llcb.,  see  below;  properly  "  the  Tam- 
muz,"  the  article  indicating  that  at  so  no  ti  ne  or 
otiier  Iha  word  had  been  regarded  as  an  appellative). 
In  the  sixth  year  of  Jehoiachin's  captivity,  on  the 
fifth  day  of  the  sixth  inontli,  the  p.'ophet  EzeUicl 
(Ez.  viii.  14),  as  he  sat  in  his  house  surrounded  by 
the  ciders  of  Judah,  was  transported  in  spirit  to  the 
far  distant  Temple  at  Jerusalem.  The  hand  of  the 
Lord  God  was  upon  him,  and  led  hi:n  "  to  the  door 
of  thn  gate  of  the  ho  ise  of  Jehova'i,  w^iicli  w;is 
toward  the  north  ;  and  behold  thoio  the  wo  non  sit- 
ting, weeping  for  the  Tammuz."  i^ome  translate 
the  last  clause  "causing  the  Tammuz  to  weep." 
No  satisfactory  etymology  of  the  word  ha»  l)ecn 
proposed  (so  Mr.  Wright,  origin.al  autlior  of  this 
article).  Roedi^er  (in  Gesenius)  su;;gest3  =  a  mill- 
iitg  aiea;/,  dmoliUion,  deptrtare,  and  so  the  dixap-  I 
pearancf  of  Adonis,  which  was  mourned  by  the  [ 
i'henician  women,  and  after  then  by  the  Greeks. 
The  LXX.,  the  Targnm  of  .Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel,  the 
Pcshito-Syriac,  and  the  Aribic  in  W.al ton's  Polyglot, 
merely  reproduce  the  Ilchrew  word.  The  Vulgate 
gives  Adonis  as  a  modern  equivalent,  and  this  ren- 
dering has  been  adopted  by  subsequent  commenta- 
tors, with  few  exceptions.  Jerome  in  his  note  on 
Ez.  viii.  14  adds  that  since,  according  to  the  (Jentile  | 
fable,  Tammuz  had  been  slain  in  June,  the  Syrians 
name  this  month  Taminuz,  and  then  celebrate  to 
him  an  anniversary  solemnity,  in  which  he  is  la- 
mented by  the  women  as  dead,  and  afterward  com-  ; 
ing  to  life  .again  is  celebrated  with  songs  and  [iraises. 
Jerome  elsewhere  speaks  of  him  as  the  lover  of  ! 
Venus.    According  to  the  Greek  legend,  ho  was  ' 


slain  by  a  wild  boar,  and  afterward  restored  to  life. 
The  Syriac  translation  of  .Melitj's  Apology,  the  origi- 
nal of  which,  if  genuine,  must  belong  to  the  second 
century,  has  this  account :  "  The  sons  of  Phenicia 
worshipped  Balthi,  the  queen  of  Cyprus.  For  she 
loved  'Tamuzo,  the  son  of  Cuthar,  the  king  of  the 
Phenicians,  and  forsook  her  kingdom  and  came  and 
dwelt  in  Gebal,  a  fortress  of  the  Pheiucians.  And 
at  that  time  she  made  all  the  villages  subject  to 
Cuthar  the  king.  For  before  Tamuzo  she  liad  loved 
Ares,  and  committed  adultery  with  him,  and  He- 
phaestus her  hu.sband  c.iught  her,  and  was  jealous  of 
her.  And  ho  (i.  c.  Ares)  came  and  slew  Tamuzo  on 
Lebanon  while  he  made  a  hunting  am  fug  the  wild 
boars.  And  from  that  time  Balthi  remained  in  Ge- 
bal, and  died  in  the  city  of  Apliaca,  where  Tanmzo 
was  buried."  Here  the  (ircek  legend  of  Adonis  is 
reproduced  with  a  change  of  name.  Rabbi  Solomon 
Isaalti  {—  Raslii)  has  the  following  note  on  the  pas- 
sage in  Ezokiel :  "An  i;Rago  which  the  women  made 
hot  in  the  inside,  and  its  eyes  were  of  lead,  and  they 
melted  l)y  reason  of  the  heat  of  the  burning  and 
it  seemed  as  if  it  wept;  and  they  (the  women)  said, 
He  askct'.i  for  ofTeiings.  Tammuz  is  a  word  signify- 
ing burning."  Solomon  ben  Abraham  Parchon  (a.  d. 
11(11)  has  the  following  observations  upon  Tannnuz: 
"  It  is  the  likeness  of  a  reptile  which  they  make 
upon  the  water,  and  the  water  is  collected  in  it  and 
flows  through  its  holes,  and  it  seems  as  if  it  wept." 
At  the  close  of  this  century  R.  David  Kimchi  says, 
"Our  Rabbi  Moslieh  bar  Maimon(=  Maimo  lides) 
of  blessL'd  me.nory,  has  wiitteii,  that  it  is  found 
written  in  one  of  the  ancient  idolatrous  books,  that 
there  was  a  man  of  the  idolatrous  prophets,  and  his 
nainc  was  Tammuz.  Ami  he  called  to  a  certain 
king  and  co  nmanded  him  to  serve  the  seven  planets 
and  the  twelve  signs.  And  that  king  put  hi  n  to  a 
violent  death,  and  on  the  iiijlit  of  his  dcitli  there 
were. gathered  together  all  the  images  fro  ti  the  ends 
of  the  earth  to  the  temple  of  Babol,  to  the  golden 
image  wliich  was  the  im'ige  of  th;'  sun.  Now  this 
image  was  suspended  between  heaven  and  earth, 
f.nd  it  fell  down  in  the  midst  of  the  temple,  and  the 
images  likewise  (fell  down)  round  about  it,  and  it 
told  thcin  what  had  befallen  Tammuz  the  prophet. 
And  the  images  all  of  them  wept  ami  lamented  all 
the  night;  and,  as  it  came  to  pa^s,  in  the  morning 
all  the  images  flew  avayto  their  own  temples  in  the 
ends  of  tlie  earth."  The  book  of  th?  ancient  idolaters 
from  which  Maimonides  quotes  is  the  work  on  the 
agricultu  e  of  the  Nabathcan?,  and  this  identifica- 
tion of  Tammuz  with  an  idolalrotis  prophet  h.as 
been  recently  revived  by  Prof.  Chwolson.  (Nkbai- 
OTH.)  The  tradition  recoided  by  Jerome,  which 
identities  Tammuz  with  Adonis,  has  been  followed 
by  most  subsequent  eommentators(Cyril,  Theodoret, 
Scldon,  Simonis,  Calmct,  J.  D.  Mich.ielis,  Gesenius, 
Rosenm  dier,  Maiircr,  Ew.ald,  Havornick,  Hitzig, 
Movers,  &c.).  Luther  and  others  re^jardcd  Tammuz 
as  a  name  of  Bacchus.  That  Tammuz  was  the 
Egyptian  Osiris,  and  that  his  worship  was  intro- 
duced to  Jerusalem  from  Egypt,  was  held  by  Cal- 
vin, Piscator,  Jimius,  Lctisden,  and  Pfeiifer.  All 
that  can  be  said  is,  that  it  is  not  impossible  that 
Tammuz  may  be  a  name  of  Adonis  the  sun-god,  but 
that  there  is  nothing  to  prove  it.— Byblos  in  Phe- 
nicia (Gebal)  was  the  headquarters  of  the  Adonia- 
worship.  The  feast  in  his  honor  was  celebrated 
each  year  in  the  temjilc  of  Aphrodite  on  Lebanon, 
with  riles  partly  sorrowful,  partly  joyful.  The  Em- 
peror Julian  was  present  at  Antioch  when  the  same 
fmtival  was  held.    It  Lasted  seven  days,  and  began 


1088 


TAK 


TAR 


wiUi  tlie  (lisappcarnnce  of  Adonis.  Then  followed 
the  search  made  by  the  women  after  him.  Ilis  body 
was  represented  by  a  woodtn  image  placed  in  the 
so-called  "gardens  of  Adonis,"  which  were  earthen- 
ware vessels  (illcd  with  mould,  and  planted  with 
wheat,  barle}',  lettuce,  and  fennel.  In  one  of  these 
gardens  Adonis  was  found  again.  The  finding-again 
was  the  commencement  of  a  wake,  accompanied  by 
all  the  usages  which  in  the  East  attend  such  a  cere- 
mony, prostitution,  cutting  off  the  hair,  cutting  the 
breast  with  knives  ( Jer,  .xvi.  6),  and  playing  on  pipes 
(compare  Jlat.  ix.  23).  The  image  of  Adonis  was 
then  washed  and  anointed  witli  spices,  placed  in  a 
cofiin  on  a"  bier,  and  the  wound  made  by  tlie  boar 
was  shown  on  the  figure.  The  people  sat  on  the 
grotind  round  the  bier,  with  their  clothes  rent  (com- 
pare Bar.  vi.  31,  32),  and  the  women  howled  and 
cried  aloud.  The  whole  terminated  with  a  sacrifice 
for  the  dead,  and  the  burial  of  the  figure  of  Adonis. 
— In  the  Targimi  of  Jonathan  on  Gen.  viii.  5,  "  the 
tenth  month  "  is  translated  "the  month  Tammuz." 

Ta'naeii  [-nak]  (Ileb.)  =  Taanach  (Josh.  xxi.  25). 

Tan'lm-metll  (Ileb.  comfort,  Ge».),  father  of  Seraiah 
in  the  time  of  Gedaliah  (2  K.  xxv.  23  ;  Jer.  xl.  8). 

Ta'nis  (Or.)  =  Zoa.n  (Jd.  i.  10). 

*  Tan'ncr.     IlA-vnicuAFT ;  Leather. 

*  Tap'*s-try  =  an  ornamental  figured  (iibric  woven 
of  worsted  or  silk  for  lining  the  walls  of  apartments. 
In  Piov.  vii.  16,  xxxi.  22,  the  Heb.  pi.  marhaddim , 
A.  V.  "  coverings  of  tapestry,"  =:  (so  Gesenius,  &c.) 
coverings,  coverlets,  as  spread  on  beds.     Bed  ;  Eii- 

BKOIDERER. 

Ta'f'liatb  (Ileb.  drop,  Gcs. ;  omameid,  Fii.),  Solo- 
mon's daughter,  married  to  the  son  of  Abiuadab  or 
Benabinadab  (1  K.  iv.  11). 

Ta'lihon  (fr.  Gr.),  one  of  the  cities  of  Judca  forti- 
fied by  Bacchides  (1  ilc.  ix.  50) ;  probably  =  Beth- 

TArPUAII. 

Tip'pn-ah  (Heb.  appJc-region,  Ges. ;  see  Apple). 
1.  A  city  of  Judah,  in  the  lowland  district  (Josh. 
XV.  34).  It  was  no  doubt  situated  on  the  lower 
slopes  of  the  mountain  of  the  northwestern  portion 
of  Judah,  about  twelve  miles  W.  of  Jerusalem  (so 
Mr.  Grove). — i,  A  place  on  the  boundary  of  the 
"  children  of  Joseph  "  (xvi.  8,  xvii.  8) ;  probably  = 
E.VTAPPiAii  (xvii.  7);  not  identified.  It  seems  nat- 
ural to  look  for  it  somewhere  to  the  S.  W.  of  Nabu'vs, 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Wady  Falaik  (so  Mr. 
Grove). 

Tap'pn-ali  (see  above),  one  of  the  soiis  of  Hebron, 
of  the  tribe  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  43);  doubtless  = 
BETn-TAPPtAn,  i.  c.  Tappuah  was  colonized  by  the 
men  of  Hebron. 

Tap'pn-ah  (see  above),  tbc  Land  of,  a  district 
named  in  the  specification  of  the  boundary  between 
Ephraim  and  Slanasseh  (Josh.  xvii.  8) ;  apparently 
near  the  torrent  Kanah  ( Wady  Falaik  ?),  but  not 
identified. 

Ta'rah  (Heb.  =  Terah),  a  desert-station  of  the 
Israelites  between  Tahath  and  Mithcah  (Num.  xxxiii. 
21,  28).     Wilderness  of  the  WANnERiNo. 

Tar'a-Iah  (Heb.  a  retW»?(7.?  Ges.),  a  city  of  Ben- 
jamin, named  between  Irpcel  and  Zelah  (josh,  xviii. 
27) ;  site  unknown. 

Ta-ie  a  (Heb.)  —  Tahhea  (1  Chr.  viii.  Sfl). 

Tares,  properly  =  the  common  vetch  (  ViHa  m- 
tiva\  a  leguminotis  plant  of  the  bean  kind ;  but 
critics  and  expositors  are  iigreed  that  the  Gr.  pi.  j 
ziiani^i,  A.  V.  "  tare,',"  of  the  parable  (Mat.  xiii.  25  | 
ff.)  denotes   the   weed   called    "bearded    darnel"  | 
{Loliiim  temidenium),  a  widely-distributed  grass,  and 
the  only  species  of  the  order  that  has  deleterious  | 


properties.  The  bearded  darnel  before  it  conies  into 
ear  is  very  similar  in  appearance  to  wheat,  and  the 
roots  of  the  two  are  olten  intertwined;  hence  the 
command  that  the  "  tares  "  should  be  left  to  the 
harvest,  lest  while  men  plucked  up  the  tares  "  they 


Bearded  (cr  poisonousl  DBroel  (£o/i"in  temutmlum)  —  •*  Tnres"  of  A.  V'.— 

should  root  up  also  the  wheat  with  them."  This 
darnel  is  easily  distinguishable  from  the  wheat  and 
barley,  when  headed  out,  but,  when  both  are  less 
developed,  "  the  closest  seruliny  will  often  fail  to 
detect  it.  Even  the  farmers,  who  in  this  country 
generally  weed  their  fields,  do  not  attempt  to  sep- 
arate the  one  from  the  other The  taste  is 

bitier,  and,  when  eaten  separately,  or  even  when 
diffused  in  ordinary  bread,  it  causes  dizziness,  and 
often  acts  as  a  violent  emetic"  (Thn.  ii.  Ill,  112). 
The  grain-growers  in  I'alestine  believe  that  this 
darnel  ("tares")  is  merely  a  degenerate  wheat; 
that  in  wet  seasons  the  wheat  turns  to  "  tares." 

*  Tar'gft.     Arms,  I.  2,  b  ;  II.  6. 

li'.r'gDDis,     Versions,  Ancie.nt  (TARctM). 

Tar'prl-ilfS  (fr.  Heb.,  as  if  fiom  Tarpcl),  the,  a 
race  of  colonists  planted  in  the  cities  of  Samaria 
after  the  captivity  of  the  northern  kingdom  of  Is- 
rael (Ezr.  iv.  9) ;  not  identified  w  ith  any  certainty, 
though  supposed  by  some  =  the  Tapyri,  a  >Ic('ian 
tribe  E.  of  Elymais ;  by  others  =  the  Tnrjietis,  a. 
people  at  the  I'alus  Mcrotis,  now  Sea.  of  Azof. 

Tar'sllUh  (Heb.,  perhaps  =  a  breaking,  subjection, 
i.  c.  subdued  country,  Ges.).  1,  Probably  =  Tai- 
tessus,  a  city  and  empoiium  of  the  Phenicians  in 
the  S.  of  f^PAiN.  With  three  exceptions  in  2  Chron- 
icles, the  following  are  references  to  all  the  pas- 
sages in  the  0.  T.,  in  which  "  Tarshish  "  or  "Thar- 
shish  "  occurs  as  the  name  of  a  place  (Gen.  x.  4  ;  1 
K.  X.  22  twice,  xxii.  48  [Heb.  49] ;  1  Chr  i.  7;  Ps. 
xlviii.  7  [Heb.  8],  Ixxii.  10;  Is.  ii.  16,  xxiii.  1,  6,  10, 
14,  1.x.  9,  hvi.   19;  Jer.   x.  9;  Ez.  xxvii.  12,  25, 


TAR 


TAR 


1089 


xxxviii.  13 ;  Joa.  1,  3  thrice,  iv.  2 ;  see  Xo.  2  and 
S,  below).  Xot  one  of  tlicsc  pasiiages  furnishes 
ilirect  proof  that  Tarsliish  =  Tartussus.  But  their 
identity  is  rendered  liighly  probable  by — i  1.)  The 
close  similarity  of  name  between  them,  Tartessus  , 
being  merely  Tarshish  in  the  Aramaic  form;  (2.)' 
The  apparently  special  relation  between  Tarshish 
and  Tyre,  such  as  existed  at  one  time  between  Tar-  ; 
tessus  and  the  Plienicians,  Tartessus  being  a  Phe-  i 
nician  colony  ;  (3.)  The  articles  which  Tarshish  (Ez. 
xxvii.  12)  supplied  to  Tyre  (silver,  lead,  iron,  and 
especially  tin),  being  precisely  such  as  we  know 
through  classical  writers  to  have  been  proJuctions 
of  the  Spanisli  Peninsula.  Even  now,  the  countries 
in  Europe,  or  on  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean 
Sea,  where  tin  is  found,  are  very  few  ;  and  in  refer- 
ence to  ancient  times  it  would  be  dilBcuIt  to  name 
any  such  countries  except  Iberia  or  Spain,  Lusitanii 
(nearly  =  the  modern  Portugal),  an  1  Cornwall  in 
Great  Britain.  Now,  if  the  Phenicians,  for  pur- 
poses of  trade,  really  made  coasting  voyages  on  the 
Atlantic  Ocean,  as  far  as  to  Gre.it  Britain,  no  em- 
porium was  more  favorably  situated  for  such  voyages 
than  Tart;  ssus. — When  Tyro  lost  its  independence, 
the  relation  between  it  and  Tarshish  was  probably 
altered,  and  for  a  while  the  exhortation  of  Is.  xxiii. 
10  may  have  been  realized  by  the  inhabitaut.s  pass- 
ing through  their  land,  free  as  a  river.  This  in- 
dependence of  Tarshish,  combined  with  the  over- 
shadowing growth  of  the  Carthaginian  power,  would 
explain  why  in  after-times  the  learned  Jews  do  not 
seem  to  have  known  where  Tars'iish  was.  Thus, 
although,  in  the  LXX.  translation  of  the  Pentateuch, 
the  Hebrew  word  was  as  closely  followed  as  it  could 
be  in  Greek  (Gr.  Tkarae'm),  the  LXX.  translators  of 
Is.iiah  and  Kzekiel  translate  the  word  Carllmrfe  and 
the  Cartli'xrfinmn^  (Is.  xxiii.  1,  10,  14  ;  Ez.  xxvii.  12, 
xxxviii.  13) ;  and  in  the  Targum  of  Kings  and  of 
Jeremiah,  it  is  translated  Africa  (1  K.  xxii.  48  ;  Jer. 
I.  9).  In  one  passage  of  the  LXX.  (Is.  ii.  16),  and 
in  others  of  tlie  Targum,  the  word  is  translated  sea  ; 
which  receives  apparently  some  countenance  from 
Jerome,  in  a  note  on  Is.  ii.  16,  wherein  he  states 
that  the  Hebrews  believe  that  Tliarsis  is  the  name 
of  the  sea  in  their  own  language.  And  Josephus, 
misled,  apparently,  by  misinterpreting  the  LXX. 
translation  of  the  Pentateuch,  regarded  Tharsis  as 
Tarsi's  in  Cilicia.  In  the  absence  of  positive  proof, 
we  may  acquiesce  in  the  statement  of  Strabo,  that 
the  river  Bajtis  (now  the  Ouadtlguiirir)  was  formerly 
called  Tartessus,  that  the  city  Tartessus  was  situ- 
ated between  the  two  arms  by  which  the  river 
(lowed  into  the  sea,  and  that  the  adjoining  country 
was  c.illeJ  Tartessis.  But  there  were  two  other 
cities  which  some  deemed  to  have  been  Tartessus  ; 
one,  Gadir,  or  Gadira  ( Cadiz),  and  the  other,  Carteia, 
in  the  Bay  of  Gibraltar. — 2.  If  the  Book  of  Chron- 
icles is  to  be  followed,  there  would  seem  to  have 
been  a  Tarshish,  accessible  from  the  Red  Sea,  in  Hd- 
dition  to  the  Tarshish  of  the  S.  of  Spain  (so  Mr. 
Twisleton,  original  author  of  this  article  and  of  No. 
1).  Thus,  the  ships  of  Tarshish,  which  Jelioshaphat 
caused  to  be  constructed  at  Ezion-geber  on  the  Elan- 
itic  Gulf  of  the  Kcd  Sea  ( 1  K.  xxii.  48),  it  is  said  in  2 
Ohr.  XX.  36  were  made  to  go  to  Tarshish  ;  and  so  the 
navy  of  ships  which  Solomon  had  made  in  Ezion- 
geber  (1  K.  ix.  26)  is  said  in  2  Chr.  ix.  21  to  have 
gone  to  Tarshish  with  the  servants  of  Hiram.  It 
18  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  author  of  Chronicles 
contemplated  a  voyage  to  Tarshish  in  the  S.  of 
Spain  by  going  round  what  has  since  been  called 
the  Cape  of  (iood  Hope.  Kcil  (Commentary  on 
69 


Khiffs)  supposes  the  vessels  built  at  Ezion-geber,  as 
mentioned  in  1  K.  xxii.  49,  50,  were  really  destined 
for  the  trade  to  Tarshish,  in  Spain,  but  were  to  be 
transported  across  the  isthmus  of  Suez  (as  Cleopatra 
afterward  wished  to  convey  her  whole  fleet  over 
this  isthmus,  and  as  in  ancient  times  whole  fleets 
were  often  transported  over  necks  of  land),  and  to 
make  the  voyage  to  Spain  from  one  of  the  havens 
of  Palestine  on  the  Mediterranean.  But  this  is 
improbable  (so  Mr.  Twisleton) ;  and  the  two  alter- 
natives from  which  selection  should  be  made  seem 
to  be,  first,  That  there  were  two  emporia  or  districts 
called  Tarshish,  viz.  one  in  the  S.  of  Spain,  and  one 
in  the  Indian  Ocean ;  or,  secondly.  That  the  com- 
piler (or  some  copyist)  of  the  Chronicles,  misappre- 
hending tlie  expression  "  ships  of  Tarshish,"  sup- 
posed that  they  meant  ships  destined  to  go  to  Tar- 
shish ;  whereas,  although  this  was  the  original 
meaning,  the  words  had  come  to  signify  large  Phe- 
nician  ships,  of  a  particular  size  and  description, 
destined  for  long  voyages,  just  as  in  England  "  East 
Indi.aman  "  was  a  general  name  given  to  vessels 
some  of  which  were  not  intended  to  go  to  India  at 
all.  The  first  alternative  was  adopteii  by  Bocliart, 
and  has  probably  been  the  ordinary  view  of  those 
who  have  perceived  a  difficulty  in  the  passages  of 
the  Chronicles.  The  second,  first  suggested  by  Vi- 
Iringa,  has  been  adopted  by  the  acutest  Biblical 
critics  of  our  own  time(De  Wetto,  Winer,  Gesonius, 
Ewald,  Movers,  Iliivernick,  Dr.  J.  Eadie  [in  Fbn.], 
Dr.  J.  R.  Beard  [in  Kitto],  &c.).  This  alternative 
is  in  itself  by  far  the  most  probable. — Although, 
however,  the  point  to  which  the  fleet  of  Solomon 
and  Hiram  went  once  in  three  years  did  not  bear 
the  name  of  Tarshish,  the  question  here  arises. 
What  was  that  point,  however  it  was  called?  And 
the  reasonable  answer  seems  to  be  India,  or  the 
Indian  Islands.  This  is  shown  by  the  nature  of  the 
imports  with  which  the  fleet  returned,  which  are 
specified  as  "  gold,  silver,  ivory,  apes,  .lud  pkacocks  " 
(1  K.  X.  22).  The  gold  might  possibly  have  been 
obtained  from  Africa,  or  from  Ophir,  in  Arabia,  and 
the  ivory  and  the  apes  might  likewise  have  been 
imported  from  Africa ;  but  the  peacocks  point  con- 
clusively not  to  Africa,  but  to  India.  The  inference 
to  be  drawn  from  the  importation  of  peacocks  is 
confirmed  by  the  Hebrew  names  for  ape  and  pea- 
cock. Neither  of  these  names  is  of  Hebrew,  or 
even  Shcmitic  origin ;  and  each  points  to  India. 
Thus  the  Hebrew  word  for  ape  is  kofih,  while  the 
Sanscrit  word  is  kapi.  Again,  the  Hebrew  word  for 
peacock  is  tukki,  which  cannot  be  explained  in 
Hebrew,  but  is  akin  to  ioka  in  the  Tamil  language, 
in  which  it  is  likewise  capable  of  explanation.  It 
is  only  to  be  added,  that  there  are  not  sufficient 
data  for  determining  what  were  the  ports  in  India 
or  the  Indian  Islands  which  were  reached  by  the 
fleet  of  Hiram  and  Solomon.  Sir  Emerson  Tennent 
has  made  a  suggestion  of  Point  de  Galle,  in  Ceylon ; 
but  this  can  only  bo  received  as  a  conjecture. — i. 
One  of  the  seven  princes  of  Media  and  Persia  in 
the  time  of  Ahasikrus  3  (Esth.  i.  14).  Tharsiiish. 
Tar'sns  (L.  fr.  Gr.,  fabled  [so  Juvenal]  to  have 
been  named  from  the  fall  here  of  the  wiiitf  [Gr. 
tarma  =  the  Jlat  of  the  foot  or  wing]  of  Pegasus, 
L.  &  S. ;  but  the  name  in  Phenician  indicates  firm- 
ness, hardness,  Ges.,  Wr.),  the  chief  town  of  Cimcia, 
"no  mean  city  "  in  other  respects,  but  illustrious  a.s 
the  birthplace  and  carlv  residence  of  the  Apostle 
Pall  (Acts  ix.  U,  30,  xl.  25,  xxi.  39,  xxii.  3).  It 
is  said  to  have  been  founded  by  the  Assyrian  king 
Sardana|>alus.      Even  in  the  Uourishing  period  of 


1090 


TAE 


TAV 


(ireck  history  it  was  a  city  of  some  cotisiJeralile  '  cinies.  In  tlio  Civil  Wars  of  Kome  it  tool;  Cesar'a 
consoqiiciice.  After  Alcxamlcr's  conquest  hud  swept  j  siJo,  and  on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  frtni  him  had 
this  way,  and  tlie  SileuciJ  kingdom  was  established  its  nanje  elianged  to  Juliopotis.  Augustus  made  it 
at  Antioch  (Sykia),  Tarsus  usi.ally  belonged  to  tiiat  a  "  free  city."  It  was  renowned  as  a  place  of  phi- 
kingdom,  though  for  a  time  it  was  under  the  I'tol-  |  losophy   and  general   education   under   the    early 


TLirsua,— (From  SnilUl'l  Smatltr  IHetionary.) 


Roman  emperors.  Strabo  compares  it  in  this  re- 
spect to  Alliens  and  Alexandria.  Tarsus  also  was 
a  place  of  much  commerce.  It  was  situated  in  a 
wide  and  fertile  plain  on  the  banks  of  the  River 
Cydnus.  No  ruins  of  any  importance  remain.  The 
modern  town  of  Tarsus  covers  only  a  part  of  the 
ancient  site,  has  a  population  of  7,000  or  8,000 
(30,000,  it  Is  said,  in  winter),  and  is  twelve  miles 
from  the  moutli  of  the  river.     Tarsiiisii  1. 

Tar'tak  (Heb.,  see  below),  one  of  the  gods  of  the 
Avite  (Ava)  colonists  of  Samaria  (2  K.  .wii.  31); 
worshipped,  according  to  Ralibinical  tradition,  under 
the  form  of  an  ass.  A  Persian  or  Pehlvi  origin 
has  been  suggested  for  the  name,  according  to  which 
it  signifies  either  iiifense  darkness,  or  hero  of  dark- 
nes%,  or  the  underworld,  and  so  perhaps  some  planet 
of  ill-hiclc  as  Saturn  or  Jlars. 

Tartan  (Ilcb.,  see  lielow),  which  occurs  only  in 
2  K.  xviil.  n  and  Is.  xx.  1,  has  been  generally  re- 
garded as  the  proper  name  of  an  Assyrian  general 
under  Saugon  and  SESXACHERin  (Gesenius,  Fiirst, 
Winer,  &c.).  Rawlinson,  however,  considers  Tar- 
t.an,  like  Rab-saris  and  RABSiUKF.n,  to  be  only  an 
Assyrian  title  or  olTicial  designation  =  genera^,  or 
commnnder-in-chief.  Fiirst  gives  suppose!  deriva- 
tions from  Persian  =  high  pcrsonn(fe,  or  star-form. 

Tat'nal,  or  T»t'na-1  (Heb.  fr.  Pers.  =  gifli'Gcs.), 
satrap  of  the  province  W.  of  the  Euphrates  In  the 
time  of  Darius  IIvstaspis  and  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  v. 
3,  6,  VI.  6,  I.')).     Rehum  2  ;  SnETHAR-BozxAi. 

"  Tan  (Ileb.  Ulv  —  a  mark,  sign,  especially  in  the 
form  of  a  cross,  fies.),  the  twenty  second  (or  twenty- 
third,  if  N/iin  and  Sin  are  counted  as  two  letters) 
and  last  letter  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  (Ps.  cxix.). 

WllITIXO. 

TaT'eras,  tlic  three.    Three  Tayeens. 


Tax'es.  I.  TTndcr  the  Judges,  according  to  the 
theocratic  government  contemplated  by  the  law,  the 
only  payments  incumbent  upon  tlie  people  as  of  per- 
manent obligation  were  the  Tithe.*,  the  First-Fri  its, 
the  Redemption-money  of  the  firstborn,  and  other 
offeiings  as  belonging  to  special  occasion,;.  (Priest.) 
The  payment  by  each  Israelite  of  the  hall-shekel  as 
"atonement money,"  for  the  service  of  the  Taber- 
nacle, on  taking  the  census  of  the  people  (Ex.  xxx. 
13),  does  not  appear  to  have  had  the  character  of  a 
recurring  lax,  but  to  have  been  supplementary  to 
the  ficc-wlU-offerings  of  Ex.  xxv.  1-7,  levied  for  the 
construction  of  the  sacred  tent  (so  Prof.  I'lumptre, 
original  author  of  this  article).  In  later  times,  in- 
deed, after  the  return  from  Babylon,  there  was  on 
annual  payment  for  maintaining  the  fabric  and  ser- 
vices of  the  Temple  ;  but  the  fact  that  this  begins  by 
the  voluntary  compact  to  pay  one-third  of  a  shekel 
(Neh.  X.  32)  shows  that  till  then  there  was  no  such 
payment  recognized  as  necessary.  A  little  later  the 
third  became  a  half,  and  under  the  name  of  the 
dnlraihrna  (A.  V.  "  tribute-monc.i/,"  Mat.  xvii.  24; 
Tribute)  was  paid  by  every  Jew,  in  whatever  part 
of  the  world  he  might  be'  living. — II.  The  king- 
dom, with  its  centralized  government  and  greater 
magnificence,  involved,  of  course,  a  larger  expendi- 
ture, and  heavier  taxation.  (King.)  The  chief 
burdens  appear  to  have  been:  (1.)  A  tithe  of  the 
produce  both  of  the  soil  and  of  live-stock  (1  Sam. 
viii.  15,  17).  (2.)  Forced  military  service  for  a 
month  every  vear  (vlli.  12  ;  IK.  ix.'22 ;  1  Chr.  xxvii. 
1 ;  Army).  (3.)  Gifts  to  the  king  (1  Sam.  x.  27,  xvi. 
20,  xvli.  18;  Gut).  (4.)  Import  diitles  (I  K.  x.  15). 
(5.)  The  monopoly  of  certain  iiranclies  of  com.mei!CE 
(Ix.  28,  xxii.  48,  x!  28,  29).  (6.)  The  appropriation 
to  the  king's  use  of  tlie  early  crop  of  hay  (.^m.  vil.  1). 


iAt 


TAX 


1091 


This  may  have  been  peculiar  to  the  northern  king- 
dom, or  occasioned  by  a  special  emergency.  (Mow- 
ing.)— At  times,  too,  in  t'ae  history  of  both  the  king- 
doms there  were  special  burdens.  (Adoiiam  ;  Reiio- 
boam  ;  Sjlomo.s.)  A  tribute  of  lifly  shekels  a  hea.l 
had  to  be  paid  by  Menalicm  to  the  Assyrian  king  (2 
K.  .XV.  20),  and  under  Hoshea  this  assumed  the  form 
of  an  annual  tribute  (xvii.  4  ;  comp.  x.xiii.  35). — III. 
Under  the  Persian  empire  t!ie  taxes  paid  by  the 
Jews  were,  in  their  broad  outlines,  the  same  in  kind 
as  those  of  other  subject  races.  The  tinaucial  sys- 
tem of  D.irius  llystaspis  involved  the  payment  by 
each  s.itrap  of  a  fi.xel  sum  as  the  tribute  due  from 
his  province.  In  Judea,  as  in  other  province.-*,  the 
inhabit mts  had  to  provide  in  kind  for  tlie  mainte- 
nance of  the  governor's  houseliold,  besides  a  money- 
payment  of  foriy  shekels  a  day  (X.-h.  v.  14,  1.")).  In 
Ezr.  iv.  13,  20,  vH.  24,  we  get  a  formal  enumeration 
of  the  three  great  branches  of  the  revenue,  "  toll " 
(Chal.  iitidii/i  or  mi.i<fi/i  =  fixed,  measured,  pay- 
ment, prohabiy  direct  tixation,  Grotins),  "tiibute" 
(Cliil.  b':l6  =  er.'Me  on  articles  of  cansmnption, 
(Jes.),  "custom"  (Ch.il.  Ii'dieh  =z  aiai-'MX,ioll,  Gii.). 
The  induenc.'  of  Kzra  secured  for  the  whjle  ecclesi- 
a-itic.il  order,  fr.)'n  the  priests  dawn  to  the  Xet!ii- 
nim,  an  immunity  froin  all  three  (Ezr.  vii.  24);  but 
the  burden  press..'d  heavilv  on  th?  great  bo  ly  of  the 
p.-'jple  (Xe  I.  V.  1-11,  ix.  37).— IV.  Under  the  E..;yp- 
tiaii  and  Syrian  Uinjs  the  taxes  p  lid  by  the  Jews  be- 
came yet  heavier.  The  "  far.nin:; "  system  of  Knaace 
was  a  lopted  in  its  worst  form.  The  taxes  were  put  np 
to  auctijn.  The  contr.ict  sum  for  those  of  Phenicia, 
Jii  lea,  Samaria,  had  bien  estinuted  at  about  8,00) 
talents.  An  u-.iscruunlois  adventurer  would  bid 
double  that  sum,  and  would  then  go  down  to  the 
province,  and  by  violence  and  cruslty,  like  that  of 
Turlcisli  and  Hin  loo  collectors,  squeeze  out  a  large 
margin  of  profit  for  himself! -los.  xii.  4,  §^  1-5;  1  Mc. 
X.  29,  3'),  xi.  23,  35,  xiii.  39 ;  2  Me.  iv.  9 ;  Seueuci-s 
Phii.opatoii). — V.  The  pressure  of  Roman  taxation, 
if  not  absolutely  heavier,  was  probably  more  galling, 
as  being  more  thorough  and  systeaiatic,  m  )re  dis- 
tinctively a  mark  of  bondage.  The  capture  of  Je- 
rusale  n  by  Pom.iey  was  f -llowed  immediately  by  the 
imposition  of  a  tdbtite,  and  within  a  short  time  the 
8u:n  thus  ta'cen  from  the  resources  of  the  country 
amounted  to  10,00)  talents.  By  tlie  decrees  of  Julius 
Cesar  the  tribute  was  not  to  be  farmed,  not  to  be 
levied  the  Sabbatic  year,  and  only  one-fourth  the 
following  year.  But  after  his  death  Cassias  levied 
700  talents  from  Judea.  Under  Herod  taxation  bo- 
came  heavijr.  When  Judea  became  formally  a 
Roman  p.wvince,  the  whole  financial  system  of  the 
empire  came  as  a  natural  conseinencc.  The  taxes 
were  systematically  farm.->l,  and  the  publicans  ap- 
peared as  a  new  curse  to  the  country.  (Pi;bi.ican.) 
The  customs  (Latin,  porloria)  were  levied  at  harbors, 
piers,  and  the  gates  of  cities  (Mat.  xvii.  24;  Rom.  xiii. 
7).  The  poll-tax,  paid  by  every  Jew,  was  looked 
upon  a.s  the  s;)ecial  ba  Ige  of  servitude.  Probably 
there  was  al.so  a  propeity-tax  of  .some  kind.  In 
addition  to  these  general  taxes,  the  inhabitants  of 
Jerusalem  were  subject  to  a  special  house-duty  about 
this  period.     Ji'das  oj- Galilee;  Taxino. 

Taxini  (Or.  apwjraphe).  I.  The  English  word 
convoys  to  us  more  distinctly  the  notion  of  a  tax  or 
tribute  actually  levied,  but  it  appears  to  h.ave  l«>en 
used  in  the  sixteenth  century  for  the  simple  assess- 
ment of  a  subsidy  upon  the  property  of  a  given 
county,  or  the  registration  of  the  people  for  the  pur- 
pose of  a  poll-tax  (.so  Prof.  Plumpire,  original  author 
of  this  article).     The  Gr.  apograplte  by  itself  leaves 


the  question  whether  the  returns  made  were  of  popu- 
lation or  property  undetermined.  Robinson  \N.  T. 
Lex.)  makes  apoijraith^  ■=:  cenaUH,  eri/vlinen/.'—ll. 
Two  distinct  registrations,  or  "taxings,"  are  men- 
tioned in  the  N.  T.,  both  of  them  by  St.  Luke.  The 
first  is  said  to  have  been  i:ie  result  of  an  edict  of  the 
Emperor  Augustus,  that  "  all  the  world  (i.  e.  the 
Roman  empire)  "liould  be  taxed"  (Lk.  ii.  1),  and  is 
connected  by  the  Evangelist  with  the  name  of  Cyue- 
NiL's,  or  Quiiinus.  The  second,  and  more  important 
(Acts  V.  37),  is  distinctly  associated  with  the  revolt 
of  Judas  of  Galilee. — HI.  There  are,  however,  some 
other  questions  connected  witii  the  statement  of  Lk. 
ii.  1-3,  which  call  for  some  notice,  (i.)  The  truth 
of  the  statement  has  been  questioned  by  Strauss  and 
De  Wette,  and  others,  on  tiie  ground  that  neither 
Josephus  nir  any  other  contemporary  wiiier  men- 
tions a  census  extending  over  the  whole  empire  at 
this  period  (a.  l".  c.  750).  (ii.)  Palestine,  it  is  urged 
further,  was,  at  this  time,  an  independent  kingdom 
under  llerod,  and  therefore  would  not  have  come 
under  the  operation  of  an  imperial  edict,  (iil.)  If 
such  a  measure,  involving  the  recognition  of  Roman 
sovereignty,  had  been  attempted  under  Hero!,  it 
would  have  roused  the  same  resistance  as  the  undis- 
puted census  under  Quirinus  did  at  a  latir  period, 
(iv.)  The  statement  of  St.  Luke,  that  "  all  went  to  be 
taxed,  every  one  into  his  own  city,"  is  said  to  be  in- 
eoisistent  with  the  rules  of  the  Roman  census,  which 
took  cognizance  of  the  place  of  residence  only,  not 
of  the  place  of  birth,  (v.)  Neither  in  t!ie  Jewish 
nor  the  Roman  census  would  it  have  been  necessary 
for  the  wife  to  travel  with  her  husband  in  order  to 
appear  persoially  before  the  registrar. — Tliese  five 
objections  may  be  thus  answered: — (i.)  It  must  be 
remembered  that  our  history  of  this  portion  of  the 
reign  of  Augustus  is  defective.  Tacitus  begins  his 
annals  with  the  emperor's  death.  Suetcmius  is  gos- 
siping, inaccurate,  and  ill-arranged.  Dion  Cassius 
leaves  a  gap  from  a.  u.  c.  74S  to  750,  with  hardly 
any  incidents.  Jo.iephus  does  not  profess  to  give  a 
history  of  the  empire.  It  might  easily  be  that  a 
general  census,  about  a.  ii.  c.  749-750,  should  re- 
main unrecorded  by  them.  St.  Luke's  testimony 
can  hardly  be  set  aside  in  the  absence  of  any  evi- 
dence against  it.  There  was  undoubtedly  a  geomet- 
rical survey  of  the  empire  at  some  period  in  Augus- 
tus's reign,  which  none  of  the  above  writers  notice. 
Ill  a.  I',  c.  726  Augustus  laid  before  the  senate  a 
statistical  table  of  the  empire,  and  another  with  full 
returns  of  population,  wealth,  and  resources  of  the 
whole  empire,  was  produced  after  his  death.  There 
is,  however,  some  evidence,  more  or  less  circumstan- 
tial, in  confirmation  of  St.  Luke's  statement.  (1.) 
The  inference  drawn  from  the  silence  of  historians 
may  be  legitimately  met  by  an  inference  drawn  from 
the  silence  of  objectors.  It  never  occurred  to  Cel- 
sus,  or  Lucian,  or  Porphyry,  questioning  all  that 
they  could  in  the  Gospel  history,  to  question  this. 
(2.)  Suidas  mentions  a  general  census  made  by  Au- 
gustus,  and  agreeing,  in  some  respects,  with  that  of 
St.  Luke.  (3.)  Tertnllian  appeals  to  the  returns  of 
the  census  for  Syria  under  Sentius  Saturninns  as  ac- 
cessible to  all  who  cared  to  search  them,  and  proving 
the  birth  of  Jesus  in  the  city  of  David.  (4.)  Gies- 
wcll  has  pointed  to  some  circumstances  mentioned 
bv  Josephus  in  the  last  year  of  Hcroil's  life,  which 
imply  some  special  action  of  the  Roman  government 
in  Syria,  the  nature  of  which  the  historian  carelessly 
or  deliberately  suppresses,  (ii.)  The  statistical  docu- 
ment already  referred  to  included  .subject  kingdoms 
and  allies,  no  less  than  the  provinces.     If  Augustus 


1092 


TBi 


TEL 


had  any  desire  to  know  the  resources  of  Judea,  the 
position  of  Herod  made  iiim  neither  willing  nor  able 
to  resist,  (iii.)  We  need  not  wonder  tliat  the  meas- 
ure should  have  been  carried  into  effect  without  any 
popular  outbreak.  It  was  a  return  of  the  population 
only,  not  a  valuation  of  property ;  there  was  no  im- 
mediate taxation  as  the  consequence,  (iv.)  The  al- 
leged inconsistency  of  what  St.  Luke  narrates  is  pre- 
cisely what  might  be  expected  under  the  known  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case.  The  census,  though  Roman 
in  origin,  was  effected  by  Jewish  instrumentality,  and 
in  harmony  therefore  with  Jewish  customs,  (v.)  If 
Mary  were  herself  of  the  house  and  lineage  of  David, 
there  may  have  been  special  reasons  for  her  appear- 
ance at  Bethlehem.  In  any  case  the  Scripture  nar- 
rative is  consistent  with  itself 

*  Teath'cr  =  one  that  imparts  instruction  or  com- 
municates knowledge  of  religious  truth  or  other 
thhigs.     Education;  Minister;  Pkkacher;  Rabbi. 

*  Tears  (i.  e.  drops  of  water  from  the  eye)  are  the 
well-known  expression  of  grief  or  mourning  (2  K. 
XX.  5;  2  Cor.  ii.  4,  &c.).  The  words  "Put  thou  my 
tears  into  Thy  bottle  "  (Ps.  Ivi.  8,  Heb.  9)  are  under- 
stood to  refer  to  the  custom  among  the  ancient  Ro- 
mans, &c.,  of  collecting  the  tears  of  mourners  for  the 
dead  and  preserving  them  in  a  tear  bottle  or  lachry- 
matory (Thn.  i.  147),  and  hence  denote  tiguraliveiy 
prenerw  them  in  l%y  memori;  (J.  A.  Alexander,  on 
Fk  1.  c). 

Te'ball  {'Rch.  slaughter,  Ges.),  eldest  of  the  sons  of 
Nahok  2,  by  his  concubine  Reumah  (Gen.  xxii.  24). 

Teb-a-ll'all  (fr.  Ileb.  =  whom  Jehovah  has  im- 
mersed, purified,  Ges.),  a  Merarite  Levite,  third  son 
of  Hosah(l  Chr.  xxvi.  11). 

Te'betli.    Month. 

*  Teeth,  plural  of  Tooth. 

*  Te-liaph'ne-hes  [-heez]  (Heb.)  —  Tahpanhes. 
Te-hiD'nah    (Ileb.   merci/,  cry  for    merry,  Ges.), 

father  or  founder  of  Ir-nahash  (marg.  "  the  city  of 
Nahash"),  and  son  ofEshton  (1  Chr.  iv.  12). 

Tf  ll'-tree  f  teel-]  =  the  lime-tree  or  linden.    Oak. 

*Te'kel(Chal.).    Mene,  &c. 

Te-ko'a  and  Te-ko'ali  (both  Heb.  =  a  pitching  of 
tentx,  perhaps  Irumpct-clang,  Ges.),  a  town  of  Judah 
(2  Chr.  xi.  6),  on  the  range  of  hills  which  rise  near 
Hebron,  and  stretch  eastward  toward  the  Dead  Sea. 
Jerome  says  that  Tckoa  was  six  Roman  miles  from 
Bethlehem,  and  that  as  he  wrote  he  had  that  village 
daily  before  his  eyes.  It  is  not  enumerated  in  the 
catalogue  of  towns  in  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  49),  except 
in  the  LXX.  "The  wilderness  of  Tekoa"  (2  Chr. 
XX.  20;  comp.  1  Me.  ix.  33;  Desert  2)  =  the  ad- 
jacent region  E.  of  the  town,  which  in  its  physical 
character  answers  entirely  to  that  designation  (so 
Prof  Hackctt,  original  author  of  this  article).  The 
people  of  Tekoa  must  have  been  mainly  shepherds, 
and  Tekoa  In  its  best  days  could  have  been  little 
more  than  a  cluster  of  tents,  to  which  the  men  re- 
turned at  intervals  from  the  neighboring  pastures, 
and  In  which  their  families  dwelt  during  their  ab- 
sence. (See  the  next  article.)  The  "  wise  woman  " 
whom  Joab  employed  to  effect  a  reconciliation  be- 
tween David  and  Absalom  was  from  this  place  (2 
Sam.  xiv.  2).  Here  also,  Ira,  the  son  of  Ikkesh, 
"the  Tekoite,"  was  born  (xxlli.  2(5).  It  was  one  of 
the  places  which  Rehoboam  fortified,  at  the  liegiii- 
nlng  of  his  reign,  as  a  defence  against  invasion  from 
the  S.  (2  Chr.  xi.  6).  Some  of  the  people  took  part 
in  building  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  after  the  Captiv- 
ity (Neh.  ill.  S,  27).  In  Jer.  vl  1,  the  prophet  ex- 
claims, "  Blow  the  trumpet  in  Tekoa  and  set  up  a 
sign  of  fire  in  Beth-haccesem  "  (probably  the  "  Frank 


Mountain").  But  Tekoa  is  chiefly  memorable  as 
the  birthplace  of  the  prophet  Amos  (Am.  vii.  14). 
Tekoa  Is  known  still  as  TekiCa,  a  village  within  sight 
of  the  "Frank  Mountain,"  beyond  question  the 
famous  Ilcrodiura,  or  site  of  Herod's  Castle,  which 
Josephus  represents  as  near  the  ancient  Tekoa.  It 
lies  on  an  elevated  liill,  w  liich  spreads  itself  out  into 
an  irregular  plain  of  moderate  extent.  Its  high  po- 
sition gives  it  a  wide  prospect,  especially  on  the  S.  E. 
toward  the  mountains  of  Moab.  Various  ruins  exist 
at  Tekoa,  as  the  walls  of  houses,  cisterns,  broken 
columns,  and  heaps  of  building-stones.  Some  of 
these  stones  have  the  so-called  "bevelled"  edges 
which  are  supposed  to  show  a  Hebrew  origin.  There 
was  a  convent  here  at  the  bef,innlng  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury, and  a  Christian  settlement  In  the  time  of  the 
Ciusaders;  and  undoubtedly  most  of  these  remains 
j  belong  to  modern  times  rather  than  ancient.  Among 
them  is  a  baptismal  font  of  limestone,  3  feet  9  Inehts 
deep,  4  feet  In  internal  diameter  at  the  top,  designed 
evidently  for  baptism  as  administered  In  the  Greek 
Church.  Near  TihiCa,  among  the  same  mountains, 
near  the  brink  of  a  frightlul  precipice,  arc  the  ruins 
oiKhureiiiai,  possibly  a  corruption  of  Kerioth  (Josh. 
.\v.  25),  and  perhaps  the  birthplace  of  Judas  Iscariot. 
High  up  from  the  bottom  of  the  ravine  is  an  opening 
In  the  face  of  the  rocks  which  leads  Into  an  Immense 
subterranean  labyrinth,  which  many  suppose  was  the 
cave  of  Adullam.  One  of  the  gates  of  Jerusalem  in 
Christian  times  seems  to  have  borne  the  name  of 
Tekoa. 

Te-ko'a  (see  above),  son  of  Ashur  In  the  genealo- 
gies of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  24,  iv.  5);  probably  =  the 
town  of  Tekoa,  implying  that  the  town  was  colonized 
or  founded  by  a  man  or  town  named  Ashur. 

Te-ko'ite  ( ir.  Heb.  =  one  from  Tekoa),  tlie.  Ira, 
the  son  of  Ikkesh,  one  of  David's  waniors,  is  thus 
designated  (2  Sam.  xxlli.  26;  1  Chr.  xl.  28,  xxvil. 
9).  The  common  people  among  the  Tek<.itcs  dis- 
played great  activity  In  the  repairs  of  the  wall  of 
Jerusalem  under  Nehemiah,  though  their  lords  or 
"  nobles "  took  no  part  in  the  work  (Neh.  iii.  5, 

Tel-a'bib  (Chal.  corn-hill,  Ges.),  a  place  by  the 
river  of  Chebar  ;  according  to  Gesenius,  Fiirst, 
Winer,  W.  L.  Alexander  (In  Kitto),  and  most 
Biblical  scholars,  in  Upper  Mesopotamia ;  but  ac- 
cording to  Rawllnson,  probably  a  city  of  Chaldea  or 
Babylonia  (Ez.  III.  15). 

Te'latl  (Heb.  brearh,  Ges.),  a  descendant  of  Ephra- 
hn,  and  ancestor  of  Joshua  (1  Chr.  vii.  25).  Shu- 
thei.aii. 

Te-laim,  or  Tera-im  (Heb.  lamhs,  young  and  ten- 
der, Ges.),  the  place  at  which  Saul  collected  and 
luimbered  his  forces  before  his  attack  on  Anialek  (1 
Sam.  XV.  4  only);  perhaps  =  Telem.  The  LXX.  in  1 
Sam.  XV.  4,  and  Josephus  (vi.  7,  §  2),  have  Gilgal. 
Wilton  makes  Telaim  =  Telem,  and  supposes  It  at 
a  ruined  site,  el-Kusrir,  in  tlie  region  of  the  Dhul/dm 
Arabs,  between  Beer-sheba  and  the  S.  end  of  the 
Dead  Sea. 

Te-Ias'sar  (Chal.,  probably  =  Asi.yrian  hill,  Ges.) 
is  mentioned  in  2  K.  xlx.  12  (A.  V.  "Thelasar"), 
and  in  Is.  xxxvli.  12  as  a  city  inhabited  by  "the 
children  of  Eden,"  which  had  been  conquered,  and 
was  held  In  the  time  of  Sennacherib  by  the  Assyr- 
ians. In  both  It  is  connected  with  Gozan,  Uaran, 
and  REZErii,  all  of  which  belong  to  the  hill-country 
above  the  Upper  Mesopotamlan  plain.  It  must 
have  been  in  VVestern  Mesopotamia,  In  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Harran  and  Orfa  (so  Rawllnson). 
Layard  (Nineveh,  i.,  ch.  ix.)  conjectures  that  Telas- 


fSb 


TEM 


1093 


gar  may  be  at  the  modem  Tel  A/er,  a  town  with  a  cas- 
tle on  a  mound,  thirty -five  or  forty  miles  W.  of  Mosul. 

Te'lem  (Ueb.  oppression,  Ges.),  one  of  the  cities 
in  the  extreme  S.  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  24) ;  named 
between  Ziph  and  Bcitloth.  The  name  Dhulldm  is 
attached  to  a  district  N.  of  the  Kitbbei  e/-Baul,S.  of 
e/-J/i7A(Moladah)  and  Mr'draA(Aroer) — a  position 
very  suitable  (so  Mr.  Grove).  Rowlands  (in  Fbn.) 
connects  Telem  with  the  following  name  "  Bealoth," 
and  makes  the  compound  name  —  the  modern 
Kubhel  elSiul.     Tklaiu. 

Teiem  (see  above),  a  porter  or  doorkeeper  of  the 
Temple  in  Ezra's  time,  who  had  married  a  foreign 
wife  (Ezr.  x.  24);  :=  Talmon  1 

Tel-har'M  (fr.  Chal.),  or  T*l-bar'-e-slia  (Chal. 
fnrest-hiti,  Ges. ;  hilt  of  the  magita,  Fii.),  one  of  the 
JBabylonian  towns  or  villages,  from  which  some  re- 
turned with  Zerubbabel  who  could  not  prove  their 
Israelitish  descent  (E/.r.  ii.  59  ;  Neh.  vii.  61) ;  prob- 
ably (so  Rawlinson)  in  the  low  country  near  the 
sea,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Tel-mclah  and  Cherub. 
Fiirst  places  it  ou  the  Chebar  in  Upper  Mesopotamia 
with  Telabib. 

Te!-me'lah  (Clial.  tall-hiU,  Ges.)  is  joined  with 
Tklhar-sa  and  CuEnrB  in  Ezr.  ii.  59  and  Neh.  vii. 
Gl.  Rawlinson  supposes  it  perhaps  =  the  Tiiclme 
of  Ptolemy,  a  city  near  the  Persian  Gulf.  Fiirst 
places  it  iu  Upper  Mesopotamia  with  Tel-iiarsa. 

Tc'iaa  (Heb.  righthaud,  south,  Ges.  ;  Ar.  =  desert, 
E.  S.  Poole,  Ptr.  [in  Kit.]),  ninth  son  of  Isjimael  1 
(Gen.  x-w.  15;  1  Chr.  i.  30);  whence  the  tribe 
called  after  him,  mentioned  in  .Job  vi.  19  and  Jer. 
XXV.  23,  and  also  the  land  occupied  by  this  tribe 
(Is.  xxi.  13,  14).  The  name  (so  Mr.  E.  S.  Poole, 
kc.)  is  identified  satisfactorily  with  Tei/md,  a  small 
town  and  district  on  the  confines  of  Syria,  on  the 
road  of  the  Damascus  pilgrim-caravan  to  Mecca. 
It  is  in  the  neighborhood  of  DoorrMt-d-Jcndd  = 
Di'MAii,  and  the  country  of  liei/ddr  or  Kedar. 

Te'lliail(IIeb.  what  is  on  the  rig>U  katid,  hence 
south,  Ges. ;  see  below).  I.  Son  of  Elipiiaz  1,  and 
grandson  of  Esau  ;  a  "  duke  "  or  pliylarch  of  Edom 
(Gen.  xxxvi.  11,  1.5,  42;  1  Chr.  i.  36,  53).— 2.  A 
country,  and  probably  a  city,  named  after  the  Edom- 
ite  phylarch,  or  from  which  the  pliylarch  took  his 
name.  The  Hebrew  signifies  "  socTti,"  &c. ;  and  it 
is  probable  that  the  land  of  Teman  was  a  sonthcrn 
portion  of  the  land  of  EnoM,  or,  in  a  wider  sense, 
that  of  the  sons  of  the  East.  Teman  is  mentioned 
in  five  places  by  the  Prophets  (Jer.  xlix.  7,  20  ;  Ez. 
XXV.  13 ;  Am.  i'.  12 ;  Ob.  9  ;  Hab.  iii.  3),  in  four  of 
which  it  is  connected  with  Edom,  and  in  two  with 
Dedan  (Jer.  xlix.  7,  S;  Ez.  xxv.  13).  In  wisdom, 
the  descendants  of  Esau,  and  especially  the  inhab- 
itants of  Teman,  seem  to  have  been  preijminent 
among  the  sons  of  the  East  (Jer.  xlix.  7 ;  Ob.  9 ; 
Teuanite).  In  common  with  most  Edomite  names, 
Toman  appears  to  have  been  lost.  Ensebius  and 
Jerome  mention  Teman,  as  a  town  in  their  day,  dis- 
tant fifteen  miles  from  Petra,  and  a  Roman  post.  The 
idrntification  of  the  existing  .Uaan,  E.  of  Petra,  with 
this  Teman  may  be  geographically  correct,  but  it  can- 
not rest  on  etymological  grounds  (so  Mr.  E.  S.  Poole). 

Trm'a-nl,  6rTc'ina-nl(fr.  Heb.)  =  TEMANiTE(Gen. 
xxxvi.  34). 

Te  man-lte  (fr.  Heb.)  =  a  descendant  of  Tkmah, 
Ges.  (1  Chr.  i.  46).  Eliphaz  the  Temanite  (Job's 
friend)  was  one  of  the  wise  men  of  Edom  (Job  ii. 
11,  &c.). 

Tein'«-al,  or  Te'n^■nl  (fr.  Hob.  =  Tfmasitk,  Ges. ; 
the  Iwkji,  Fii.),  son  of  Ashur,  the  father  of  Tckoa, 
by  his  wife  Naarah  (1  Clir.  iv.  6). 


*Tem'pest.  Hail;  Pacl  ;  Rain;  S.vow  ;  Tiiu.v- 
der;  Whirlwind. 

Temple  (Heb.  usually /ie^eiM/  Gr.  hieron,  tiaos). 
There  is  perhaps  no  building  of  the  ancient  world 
which  has  excited  so  much  attention  since  the  time 
of  its  destruction  as  the  Temple  which  Solomon 
built  at  Jerusalem,  and  its  successor,  as  rebuilt  by 
Herod  (so  Mr.  Fergusson,  original  author  of  this 
article).  Its  spoils  formed  the  principal  illustration 
of  one  of  the  most  beautiful  of  Roman  triumphal 
arches,  and  Justinian's  highest  architectural  ambi- 
tion was  to  surpass  it.  Throughout  the  middle  ages 
it  influenced  to  a  considerable  degree  the  forms  of 
Christian  churches,  and  its  peculiarities  were  the 
watchwords  and  rallying-points  of  all  associations  of 
builders.  When  tlie  French  expedition  to  Egypt, 
in  the  first  years  of  tliis  century,  had  made  the 
world  familiar  with  the  wonderful  architectural  re- 
mains of  that  country,  every  one  jumped  to  the 
conclusion  that  Solomon's  Temple  must  have  been 
designed  after  an  Egyptian  model.  The  Assyrian 
discoveries  of  Botta  and  Layard  have,  witlihi  the 
last  twenty  years,  given  a  new  direction  to  the  re- 
searches of  file  restorers  ;  bu!  no  Assyrian  temple 
yet  exhumed  throws  much  light  on  this  subject,  and 
we  are  still  forced  to  have  recourse  to  the  later 
buildings  at  Pebsepolis,  or  to  general  deductions 
from  the  style  of  tlie  nearly  contempovary  secular 
buildings  at  Nineveh  and  elsewhere,  for  such  illus- 
trations as  are  available.  Before  proceeding,  how- 
ever, to  investigate  the  arrangements  of  the  'Temple, 
it  is  indispensable  first  carefully  to  determine  those 
of  the  Tarernacle  which  Moses  caused  to  be  erect- 
ed in  the  Desert  of  Sinai  immcdintely  after  the  pro- 
mulgation of  the  Law  from  that  mountain. 

Tabernacle.  The  written  authorities  for  the  res- 
toration of  the  Tabernacle  arc,  first,  the  detailed 
account  to  be  found  in  Ex.  xxvi.,  and  repeated  in 
xxxvi.  8-38;  secondly,  the  account  given  of  the 
building  by  Josephus  (Ant.  iii.  6),  which  is  nearly  a 
repetition  of  the  account  in  the  Bible.  The  ad- 
ditional indications  contained  in  the  Talmud  nnd  in 
Philo  practically  add  nothing  to  our  knowledge. — 
Outer  Ewlonure.  The  court  of  the  Tabernacle  was 
surrounded  by  canvas-screens.  Tlinse  of  the  Taber- 
nacle were  6  cubits  in  height,  and  supported  by  pil- 
lars of  brass  5  cubits  apart,  to  wliicli  the  curtains 
were  attached  by  hooks  nnd  fillets  of  silver  (Ex. 
xxvii.  9,  &c.).  This  enclosure  was  only  broken  on 
the  eastern  side  by  the  entrance,  which  was  20 
cubits  wide,  and  closed  by  curtains  of  fine  twined 
linen  wrought  with  needlework,  nnd  of  tlic  most 
gorgeous  colors.  The  space  enclosed  within  these 
screens  was  a  double  square,  50  cubits,  or  75  lect 
X.  and  S.,  nnd  100  cubits,  or  150  feet  E.  and  W. 
In  the  outer  or  ensteni  half  was  placed  the  altar 
of  burnt-offerings,  described  in  Ex.  xxvii.  1-8,  and 
between  it  and  the  Tabernacle  the  laver,  at  which 
the  priests  washed  their  hands  and  feet  on  entering 
the  Temple.  In  the  square  toward  the  W.  was 
situated  the  Tabernacle  itself.  Josephus  states  its 
dimensions  as  30  cubits  long  by  10  broad,  or  45  feet 
by  15,  and  the  Bible  says  that  the  N.  and  S.  walls 
were  each  composed  of  twenty  upright  boards  (Ex. 
xxvi.  15,  &c.),  each  board  1}  cubits  in  width,  and 
at  the  W.  end  there  were  six  boards  (=9  cubits), 
which,  with  the  angle-boards  or  posts,  made  up  the 
10  cubits  of  Josephus  (see  fig.  1).  Each  of  these 
boards  was  furnished  with  two  tenons  at  its  lower 
extremity,  which  fitted  into  silver  sockets  placed  on 
the  ground.  At  the  top  at  least  they  were  jointed 
and  fastened  together  by  bars  of  ahittim  or  acacia- 


1094 


TEtt 


TEM 


wood  run  through  rinf^a  of  fjold  (Ex.  xxvi.  20). 
Both  authorities  n<;rec  that  there  were  five  bars  for 
each  ,<!ide,  but  a  little  difTiculty  arises  from  the  Bible 
describing  (ver.  28)  a  middle  bar  which  reached 
from  end  to  end.  As  we  shall  presently  see,  this 
bar  was  probably  applied  to  a  totally  different  pur- 
pose, and  we  therefore  assume  that  Josephus's  de- 
scription of  the  mode  in  which  they  were  applied  is 
correct: — "  Every  one,"  he  says  (Ant.  iii.  6,  §  3), 
"of  the  pillara  or  boards  had  a  ring  of  gold  affixed 
to  its  front  outward,  into  which  were  inserted  bars 
gilt  with  gold,  each  of  them  5  cubits  lung,  and  these 
bound  together  the  boards ;  the  head  of  one  bar 
running  into  another  after  the  manner  of  one  tenon 


inserted  into  another.  But  for  the  wall  behind 
there  was  only  one  bar  that  went  through  all  the 
boards,  into  which  one  of  the  ends  of  the  bars  on 
both  sides  was  inserted."  The  Tabernacle  was, 
therefore,  an  oblong  rectangular  structure,  30  cubits 
long  by  10  broad,  open  at  the  eastern  end,  and  di- 
vided internally  into  two  apartments.  The  Holy  of 
Holies,  into  wliich  no  one  entered — rot  even  the 
High-priest,  except  on  extraordinary  occasions 
(Atonement,  Dat  of) — was  a  cube,  lOctiliils  square 
in  plan,  and  10  cubits  high  to  the  top  of  the  wall. 
In  this  was  placed  the  JiIehcv-seat,  surmounted  by 
the  CHERCBiM,  and  on  it  was  placed  the  Ark  con- 
tninine  the  taMcK  of  the  Law.     In  front  of  these 


TEtf 


TEM 


1095 


was  nn  outer  chamber,  called  the  Holy  Place — 20 
cubits  lo.i^  by  10  bro.nl,  and  10  high,  appropriated 
to  th  •  use  of  tlie  priests.  lu  it  wore  plaL-ed  tlie 
go'.dca  cASDLKSTiCi  ou  0110  siJc,  the  table  of  shkh- 
BitKAO  opposite,  aud  bclweeu  them  in  the  centre  the 


-L- 


1 l_Ll 


-U.- 


=  ± 


^U 


to  protect  the  junction  of  the  two  curtains  of  rams' 
skins,  which  wuie  l.iid  on  each  slopp  of  tlie  roof, 
and  probably  (  nly  laced  together  at  the  top.  The 
question,  hitliei'to  a  stumbling-block  to  rcstoicrs,  is, 
to  know  how  t.iese  curtains  were  applied  as  a  cov- 
ering to  the  Tabernacle.  The  solution  of  the  d.ffi- 
culty  appears  singularly  obvious.  It  is  simply  that 
he  leM  ii.iJ  a  n l^j,  as  all  tents  have  had  Iron  the 
days  ol  iloses  down  to  the  present  da)  ;  and  we 
have  also  very  little  dilBenlty  in  predicating  that 
the  angle  formed  by  tlie  two  sides  of  the  roof  at 
the  ridge  was  a  riglit  angle — nut  only  because  it  is 
a  reasonable  and  usual  angle  for  such  a  roof,  and 
one  that  would  most  likely  be  adopted  in  so  regular 
tt  building,  but  bccausj  its  adoption  reduces  to  har- 
mony t.ie  only  abnormal  measurement  in  the  whole 
building  (see  tig.  2  and  3).  It  is  now  easy  to  explain 
all  the  other  dilliculties  which  have  met  previous 


0 


ALTAA  OF 

SURNT  orrcniNGS 


— 

_. 

— 

, 

, 

40  .  50  CubiU, 


10        SO        30       40        50        GO        70   75l-'(!et, 
Fig  1.— PUd  of  tb«  Outir  Court  of  Ac  Tabarancle,  by  J.  Ferj*iiuoQ,  Eaq. 

ALTAR  of  incense.  The  roof  of  the  Tabernacle  was 
formed  by  3,  or  rather  4  sets  of  curtains,  the  dimen- 
sions of  two  of  which  are  minutely  given  both  in 
the  Bible  and  by  Josephus.  The  innermost  (E<. 
xxvi.  1,  tic),  of  "fine  twined  linen  "  (Josi'phiis 
calls  tliem  wool),  were  10  in  number,  each  4.  cubits 
wide  and  28  cubits  long.  These  were  of  various 
colors,  anil  ornamented  with  cherubim  of  "cunning 
work."  Five  of  these  were  sewn  together  so  as  to 
form  larger  curtains,  each  20  cubits  by  28,  and 
these  two  again  were  joined  together,  when  used, 
by  fifty  gold  buckles  or  clasps.  (Tachk.)  Above 
these  were  placed  11  curtains  of  goats'  hair,  each 
4  cubits  wide  by  80  cubits  long ;  these  were  also 
sewn  together,  six  into  one  curtain,  and  five  into 
the  other,  and,  when  used,  were  joined  together  by 
fifty  "brass"  buckles  (A.  V.  "taches").  Over 
these  again  was  thrown  a  curtain  of  rains'  skins 
with  the  wool  on,  dyed  red,  and  a  fourth  covering 
is  also  specified  in  the  A.  V.  as  "badoers'  skins," 
but  probably  (so  Mr.  Fergusson)  of  seal-skijis.  This 
did  not,  of  course,  cover  the  rams'  skins,  but  most 
probably  was  only  used  ae  a  coping  or  ridge-pleoe 


o<'f 

/ 

a 

g 

(OX? 

—    X 
5     X 
3       X 
u         \ 

10               X 

D                    S 

3 

."SCUBITS 

20   CUBITS 
10  CUBITS 

i    3 

n             >o 
5  CUBITS, 

Fig.  $.— Dliigram  of  tlie  Dim.nsiona  of  the  Tabernacle  i 
FergueeoQ,  Esq. 


Sectici  ,  by  J. 


restorers.  (1.)  The  Holy  of  Holies  was  divided 
from  the  Holy  Place  by  a  screen  of /owe  pillars  sup- 
porting curtains  which  uo  one  was  allowed  to  pa.ss. 
But  in  ill;;  entrance  there  were  Jive  pillars  in  a  sim- 
ilar space.  Now,  no  one  would  put  a  pillar  in  the 
centre  of  an  entrance  without  a  motive ;  but  the 
moment  a  ridge  is  assumed  it  becomes  indispensable. 
IJy  the  hypothesis  heie  adopted  the  pillars  in  front 
would,  like  every  thing  el.sc,  be  spaced  cxiictly  5 
cubits  apart.  (2.)  Josephus  twice  a.sserts  that  the 
Tabernacle  was  divided  into  three  parts,  though  he 
specifies  only  two — the  Adi;lum  (i.  e.  the  "  Holy  of 
liorus"  and  the  I'roiiant  (\.  e.  the  vestibu'vm-  "Tab- 
ernacle" where  the  priests  wore).  The  third  was 
of  course  the  porch,  6  cubits  deep,  which  strctclied 
across  the  width  of  tfie  hoii.se.  (3.)  In  speaking  of 
the  western  end,  the  Bible  always  uses  the  plural, 
as  if  there  were  two  sides  there  (Ex.  xxvi.  22,  27, 
&c.).  There  was,  of  course,  at  least  one  pillar  in 
the  centre  beyond  the  wall, — there  may  have  been 
five, — so  that  there  practically  were  two  sides  there. 
(4.)  We  now  understand  why  there  are  10  breadths 
in  the  under  curtains  and  1 1  in  the  upper.  It  was 
that  they  might  break  joint,  i.  e.  that  the  scam  of 
the  one,  and  especially  the  great  joining  of  the  two 
divisions,  might  be  over  the  centre  of  the  low  er  cur- 
tain, 80  OS  to  prevent  the  rain  penetrating  through 
the  joints  As  the  two  cubits  which  were  in  excess 
at  the  VV.  hung  at  an  angle,  the  depth  of  friiigp 
would  be  practically  about  the  same  as  on  tho 
sides.  (5.)  As  to  the  disposition  of  the  side-bars 
of  shittim-wood  that  joined  the  boards  together, 
the  explanation  hinted  at  above  seems  the  most 
reasonable — that  the  6  bars  named  in  verses  2tS, 
27,  were  joined  end  to  end,  as  Josephus  asserts,  and 
the  bar  mentioned  in  ver.  28  was  the  ridge-pole  of 
the  roof.     The  Hebrew  will  equally  well  bear  the 


1096 


TEM 


TEM 


translation  "  and  the  middle  bar  which  is  between 
(instead  of,  'in  the  midst  of')  the  boards  shall 
reach  from  end  to  end."  Probably  a  ridge-pole 
was  employed  with  supports.  One  pillar  in  the 
centre  where  the  curtains   were  joined   would  be 


sudicient,  and  if  the  centre-board  at  the  back  of 
the  Holy  of  Holies  was  16  cubits  high,  the  whole 
would  be  easily  constructed.  (6.)  Mr.  Fergusson 
supposes  the  sides  of  the  Verandah  which  sur- 
rounded  the  Sanctuary  were   enclosed,  lor    h'olo- 


rig.  3.— Southeattara  Vlaw  of  tha  Tabernacle  &s  rejtjrai,  by  J.  Ferguaaon,  Eaq. 


men's  Temple  was  surrounded  on  all  sides  but  the 
front  by  a  range  of  small  cells  5  cubits  wide,  in 
which  resided  the  priests  who  were  specially  at- 
tached to  the  Temple-service,  and  such  an  arrange- 
ment would  have  been  both  easy  and  oonvenientat 
the  Tabernacle. 

Sclomoii^s  Temple.  It  was  David  who  first  pro- 
posed to  replace  the  Tabernacle  by  a  more  perma- 
nent building,  but  was  forbidden  for  the  reasons 
assigned  by  the  prophet  Nathan  ("  Sam.  vii.  5,  &c.). 


Fif.  4.. 


-Plan  of  Solomoa's  Temple,  ehowinsj  the  dtspnsitlon  of  the  cham- 
berii  in  two  stories,  by  J.  Fergusson,  Esq. 


and  though  he  collected  materials  and  made  arrange- 
ments, the  execution  of  the  task  was  left  for  his 
son  Solomon.  He,  with  the  assistance  of  Hiram, 
king  of  Tyre,  commenced  this  great  undertaking  in 
the  fourth  year  of  his  reign,  and  completed  it  in 


seven  years,  about  b.  c.  1005  according  to  the  re- 
ceived chronology.  (CHnoNoroov,  pp.  173-4  ;  Kings, 
1st  and  2d  Books  of,  p.  519.)  On  comparing  the 
Temple,  as  described  in  1  K.  vi.  and  2  Chr.  ii.  and 
by  Jos.  vii.  3,  witli  the  Tabernacle,  as  just  explained, 
the  first  thing  that  .strikes  us  is  that  all  the  arrange- 
ments were  identical,  and  the  dimensions  of  every 
part  exactly  double  those  of  the  preceding  struc- 
ture. Thus  the  Holy  of  Holies  in  the  Tabernacle 
was  a  cube,  ten  cubits  each  way;  in  the  Temple  it 
was  twenty  cubits.  The  Holy  Plnce  or  outer  hall 
was  ten  cubits  wide  by  twenty  long  and  ten  high  in 
the  Tabernacle.  In  the  Temple  all  these  dimensions 
were  exactly  double.  The  porch  in  the  Tabernacle 
was  five  cubits  deep,  in  the  Temple  ten :  its  width 
in  both  instances  being  the  width  of  the  house. 
The  chambers  round  the  House  and  the  Tabernacle 
were  each  five  cubits  wide  on  the  ground-floor,  the 
difference  being  that  in  the  Temple  the  two  h  alls 
taken  together  made  up  a  thickness  of  five  cubits, 
thus  making  ten  cubits  for  the  chambers.  Taking 
all  these  parts  together,  the  ground-plan  of  the 
Temple  measured  eighty  cubits  by  forty  ;  that  of  the 
Tabernacle  was  forty  by  twenty :  and  though  the 
walls  were  ten  cubits  high  in  the  one  and  twenty 
cubits  in  the  other,  the  whole  height  of  the  Taber- 
nacle was  fifteen,  that  of  the  Tem|)le  thirty  cubits; 
the  one  roof  rising  five,  the  other  ten  cubits  above 
the  height  of  the  internal  walls.  The  dimensions 
above  quoted  arc  as  clear  and  as  certain  as  any 
thing  that  can  be  predicated  of  any  building  of 
which  no  remains  exist ;  but  beyond  this  are  cer- 
tain minor  problems  by  no  means  so  easy  to  resolve, 
but  of  much  less  importance.  (1.)  The  Hcir/M. 
That  given  in  1  K.  vi.  2 — of  thirty  cubits — is  so 
reasonable  in  proportion  to  the  other  dimensions, 
that  the  matter  might  rest  there  were  it  not  for  the 
assertion  (2  Chr.  iii.  4)  that  the  height,  though  ap- 
parently only  of  the  porch,  was  120  cubits  =  180 
feet.'    Both  Josephus  and  the  Talmud  persistently 


1  "  The  120  cubits  =  180  feet,  in  2  Chr.  iii.  4,  are  so  en- 
tirely out  of  proportion  to  the  other  dimensions  of  the 


T^M 


TEM 


1097 


assert  that  there  was  a  superstructure  on  the  Tem- 
ple equal  in  height  to  the  lower  part,  and  the  total 
hei<;ht  they  also  call  120  cubits  or  180  feet.  In 
lookiii;;  through  the  monuments  of  antiquity  for 
something  to  suggest  what  this  might  bo,  the  only 
thing  that  occurs  is  the  platform  or  Tatar  that  ex- 
isted on  the  roofs  of  the  palace-temples  at  Persepo- 
lis.  (SHrsHAN.)  Nothing  could  represent  more  cor- 
rectly "the  altars  on  the  top  of  the  upper  cham- 
bers" which  Josiah  beat  down  (2  K.  sxiii.  12)  than 
tliis,  or  more  fully  meet  the  architectural  or  devo- 
tional exigencies  of  the  case ;  but  its  height  could 
ni-ver  have  been  sixty  cubits,  or  even  thirty,  but  very 
piobably  the  twenty  cubits  which  Josephus  (xv.  11, 
S  3)  meutiims  as  "sinking  down  in  the  failure  of  the 
foundations."  (2.)  Jaehhi  avd  Boaz.  Xo  features 
connected  with  the  Temple  of  Solomon  have  given 
rise  to  so  much  controversy,  or  been  so  difficult  to 
explain,  as  the  form  of  the  two  pillars  of  brass 
which  were  set  up  in  the  porch  of  the  house.  It 
ha^  even  been  supposed  that  they  were  not  "  pil- 
hrs"  in  the  ordinary  sense,  but  obelisks;  for  this, 
however,  there  docs  not  appear  to  be  any  authority. 
According  to  1  K.  vii.  15  ff.,  the  pillars  were  eigh- 
teen cubits  high  and  twelve  in  circumference,  with 
capitals  five  cubits  in  height.  Above  this  was  (ver. 
19)  another  member,  called  also  "chapiter"  of  lily- 
work,  four  cubits  in  height,  but  which  from  ver.  22 


Fig.  ft.— Ooni<c«  of  tily-worb  at  Pene|iolia. 

seems  more  probably  to  have  been  an  entablature, 
which  is  necessary  to  complete  the  order.  As  these 
members  make  out  twenty-seven  cubits,  leaving  three 
cubits  or  four  and  a  half  feet  for  the  slope  of  the 
roof,  the  whole  design  seems  reasonable  and  proper. 
(Boaz.)  If  this  conjecture  is  correct,  the  lily-work 
must  have  been  something  like  the  Persepolitan  cor- 
nice (fig.  6),  which  is  probably  nearer  in  style  to 
that  of  the  buildings  at  cTerusalcm  than  any  thing 
else  we  know  of.  (3.)  Internal  Supports,  the  ex- 
istence of  these  two  pillars  in  the  porch  suggests 
an  inquiry :  Were  there  any  pillars  in  the  interior 
of  the  Temple  ?  Mr.  Fergusson  maintains  the  af- 
firmative as  altogether  probable.  If  introduced  at 
all,  there  must  have  been  four  in  the  sanctuary  .and 
ten  in  the  hall,  not  necessarily  equally  spaced,  in  a 

porch  and  the  general  hcii;ht  of  the  bulldlns;,  that  it  Is 
communly  rappo^ed  there  in  •ome  error  In  the  text" 
(Falrbalm).    Ncxbeb. 


transverse  direction,  but  probably  standing  six  cu- 
bits from  the  walls,  leaving  a  centre  aisle  of  eight 
cubits.  The  Palace  or  Temple  ol  Darius  at  Persepo- 
lis,  which  closely  resembles  the  Jewish  Temple,  hav- 
ing a  porch,  a  central  hall,  an  adytum,  and  a  range 
of  small  chambers  on  each  side,  has  four  pillars  in 
its  porch  instead  of  two,  and  consequently  four 
rows  ill  its  interior  hall,  instead  of  two  rows  as  sug- 
gested above.  No  internal  supports  to  the  roofs  of 
either  the  Temple  or  the  Tabernacle  are  mentioned 
anywhere.  But  the  difficulties  of  construction  with- 
out them  would  have  been  enormous,  and  their  in- 
troduction usual  and  entirely  unobjectionable.  (4.) 
Chambers.  There  remains  to  be  noticed  the  applica- 
tion of  three  tiers  of  small  chambers  to  the  walls 
of  the  Temple  externally  on  all  sides,  except  that 
of  the  entrance.  Though  not  expressly  so  stated, 
these  were  appropriated  to  the  residence  of  the 
priests  who  were  either  permanently  or  in  turn  de- 
voted to  the  service  of  the  Temple.  The  lowest 
story  was  five  cubits  in  width,  the  next  six,  and  the 
upper  seven,  allowing  an  olf^sct  of  on;"  cubit  on  the 
side  of  the  Temple,  or  of  nine  inches  on  each  side, 
on  whicli  the  flooring  joists  rested,  so  as  not  to  cut 
into  the  walls  of  the  Temple  (fig.  4).  Only  at  Per- 
sepolis,  again,  do  we  find  any  tiling  at  all  analogous 
to  this ;  in  the  Palace  of  Darius  is  a  similar  range 
on  either  hand.  (6.)  Outer  Court.  The  enclosure 
of  the  Temple  consisted,  according  to  1  K.  vi.  36, 
of  a  low  wall  of  three  courses  of  stones  iind  a  row 
of  cedar-beams,  both  probably  highly  ornamented. 
As  probably  the  same  duplication  of  dimensions 
took  place  in  this  as  in  all  the  other  features  of  the 
Tabernacle,  we  may  safely  assume  that  it  was  ten 
cubits,  or  fifteen  feet,  in  height,  and  almost  certainly 
100  cubits  N.  and  S.,  and  200  E.  and  W. 

Temple  of  Zembbahcl.  We  have  very  few  par- 
ticulars regarding  the  Temple  which  the  Jews 
erected  after  their  return  from  the  Captivity  (about 
620  B.  c),  and  no  description  that  would  enable  us 
to  realize  its  appearance.  (Hagoai  ;  Zeciiabiah  1 ; 
Zerubbabel.)  But  some  dimensions  given  in  the 
Bible  and  elsewhere  afford  points  of  comparison  be- 
tween it  and  the  Temples  which  preceded  it,  or  were 
erected  after  it.  Ezr.  vi.  3,  quoting  the  decree  of 
Cyrus,  says,  "  Let  the  house  be  builded,  the  place 
where  they  offered  sacrifices,  and  let  the  foundations 
thereof  be  strongly  laid ;  the  height  thereof  three- 
score cubits,  and  the  breadth  thereof  threescore  cu- 
bits, wi(h  three  rows  of  great  stones  and  a  row  of  new 
timber."  Josephus  quotes  this  passage  almost  liter- 
ally, but  in  doing  so  enables  us  with  certainty  to 
transbte  the  word  here  called  Row  as  "Story" — as 
indeed  the  sense  would  leal  us  to  infer.  The  di- 
mension of  60  cubits  in  breadth,  is  20  cubits  in  ex- 
cess of  that  of  Solomon's  Temple,  but  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  its  correctness,  for  we  find  both  from 
Josephus  and  the  Talmud  that  it  was  the  dimension 
adopted  for  the  Temple  when-  rebuilt,  or  rather  re- 
paired, by  Herod.  We  must,  thciefore,  assume  that 
the  porch  and  the  chambers  all  round  were  20  cubits 
in  width,  including  the  thickness  of  the  walls,  in- 
stead of  10  cubits,  as  in  the  earlier  building.  This 
alteration  made  the  Temple  100  cubits  in  length  by 
60  in  breadth,  with  a  height,  it  is  s  lid,  of  60  cubits, 
including  the  upper  room  or  Talnr,  though  we  can- 
not help  suspecting  that  this  last  dimen-sion  is  some- 
what In  excess  of  the  truth. — The  only  other  descrip- 
tion of  this  Temple  is  found  in  Ilecatasus  the  Abdc- 
rite,  who  wrote  shortly  after  Alexander  the  Great. 
As  quoted  by  Josephus,  he  says,  that  "In  Jerusalem 
toward  the  middle  of  the  city  is  a  stone  walled  en- 


1098 


TES 


TEM 


closure  about  500  feet  in  length,  and  100  cubits  in  I 
width,  with  ilouhle  gates,"  in  which  he  describes  t]ie 
Temiilo  as  situated.  llecatcDus  also  mentions  that 
the  altar  was  20  cubits  square  and  10  high.  And 
although  he  mentions  the  Temple  itself,  he  does  not 
supply  us  witli  any  di.ncnsions.  From  these  dimen- 
sions we  gath.T,  that  if  "  the  I'liests  and  Levitcs  and 
Elders  of  the  families  were  disconsolate  at  seeing 
how  much  more  sumptu-us  the  old  Temple  was  than 
the  one  wliicli  on  account  of  their  poverty  they  had 
just  been  able  to  erect"  (Ezr.  iii.  12),  it  certainly 
was  not  because  it  was  smaller,  as  almost  every  di- 
mension had  been  increased  one-third.  In  speaking 
of  these  temples  we  must  always  bear  in  mind  that 
their  dimensions  were  praL'tically  very  far  inferior  to 


H- 


dHJ 


irjirit 


T\g  6.— Temple  of  Herod  restored,  hy  J.  Fer^sson,  Esq.    Scale  of  SOO  feet  to  1  inch. 


those  of  the  heathen.  It  was  the  lavi.sh  display  of 
the  precious  metals,  the  elaboration  of  carved  orna- 
ment, and  the  beauty  of  the  textile  fabrics,  which 
made  up  their  splendor  and  rendered  them  so  pre- 
cious in  the  eyes  of  the  people. 

2'emple  of  Ezeliel.  The  vision  of  a  Temple  which 
the  prophet  Ezekiel  saw,  while  residing  on  the  banks 
of  the  Chebar  in  the  twenty-fifth  year  of  the  Captivity, 
does  not  add  much  to  our  knowledge  of  the  subject. 
It  is  not  a  description  of  a  Temple  that  ever  was 
built  or  ever  could  be. elected  at  Jerusalem,  and  can 
consequently  only  be  considered  as  the  beau  idenl  of 
what  a  Shemitic  Temple  ought  to  be.'  The  Temple 
itself  was  of  the  exact  dimensions  of  that  built  by 
Solomon.  Beyond  this  were  various  courts  and  res- 
idences for  the  priests,  and  places  for  sacrifice  and 
other  ceremonies  of  the  Temple,  till  he  comes  to  the 
outer  court  which  measured  500  reeds  (=  500  x 
10.J^  feet  =  nearly  an  English  mile)  on  each  of  its 

'Key.  T.  O.  Paine  (Solomon's  Temple;  Boston.  1861) 
maintains  that  the  Temple  described  oy  Ezekiel  is  Solo- 
mon's Temple  seen  in  vision  after  its  des'tnirtion— that  tlic 
house  was  widest  at  the  lop  (viz.  70  cubits  outeide ;  Ez. 
ili.  7, 12)  and  narrowest  at  the  bottom  (viz.  20  cubits  Inside, 


sides.  The  whole  shows  what  were  the  aspiration.'? 
of  the  Jews  in  this  direction,  and  how  diU'erciit  they 
were  fnmi  (hose  of  other  nations  ;  and  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  the  arrangements  of  Herod's  Tcin- 
jile  were  in  a  great  measure  influenced  by  the  de- 
scription here  given. 

1'cmph  of  Herod.  For  our  knowledge  of  the  last 
and  greatest  of  tlw;  Jewish  Temples  we  are  indebted 
almost  wholly  to  the  works  of  Joscphus,  with  an  occa- 
sional hint  from  the  Talmud.  (JlEr.on;  jEiirsAi.EM.) 
The  Temple  or  naos  itself  was  in  dimensions  and 
arrangement  very  similar  to  that  of  Solomon,  or 
rather  that  of  Zerubhabel— more  like  the  latter; 
but  this  w:i8  surrounded  by  an  inner  enclosure  of 
great  strength  and  magnificence,  meiisuring  as  nearly 
as  can  be  made  out  180  cubits 
by  240,  and  adorned  by  porches 
and  ten  gateways  of  great  mag- 
nificence; and  beyond  this  again 
was  an  outer  enclosure  measur- 
ing e.\tei-iially  400  cubits  lacli 
way.  Mr.  Fergussnn  maintains 
that  the  Temple  was  certainly 
situated  in  the  S.  W.  angle  of 
the  area  now  known  as  the  //«- 
ram  area  at  Jkiusai.e.m,  and  that 
its  dimensions  were  wiiat  Jose- 
phiis  states  them  to  be,  400 
cubits,  or  one  stadium,  each 
way.  What  Herod  did  appar- 
ently was  to  take  in  the  whole  • 
space  between  the  Teniple  and 
the  city  wall  on  its  eastern  side, 
and  to  add  a  considerable  space 
on  the  N.  and  S.  to  suppoit  the 
porticoes  which  he  added  there. 
As  the  Temple  terrace  thus  be- 
came the  principal  defence  of  the 
city  on  the  E.  side,  there  were 
no  gates  or  openings  in  that  di- 
rection. The  N.  side,  loo,  where 
not  covered  by  the  fortress  An- 
tonia,  became  part  of  the  de- 
fences of  the  city,  and  was  like- 
wise without  external  gates.  On 
the  S.  side,  which  was  enclosed 
by  the  wall  of  Opliel,  there  were 
double  gates  nearly  in  the  ccn- 
still  exist   at    about   365   feet 


tre.      These    gates 

from  the  southwestern  angle,  and  are  perhaps  the 

only  architectural  features  of  the  Temple  of  Ilerod 

xll.  2;  1  K.  vi.  21— that  the  house  of  the  last  Temple  wa* 
similar  to  thnt  of  the  firct  in  beinx  widest  at  the  lop- Unit 
the  jralleries  iif  both  overjultcri.  or  projected  over.  20  ciibiis 
on  each  side.    The  annexed  diagram  of  the  front  or  E.  s.de 


5^  / 


lh 


^^ 


may  Ulustrnte  hl«  view:  a  being  a  prqjecllne  porch  sup- 
ported by  tlio  two  pillars,  Jnclitn  and  Bi)az.  0.  c.  over  the 
main  entrance,  d ;  the  projectinir  palleries  denoted  bv  the 
flgnres  1,  2.  8.  bcim;  Buppurted  by  3  rows  of  stone  pillars, 
e.f.  a,  and  forming  porches  on  Hie  fides  and  rear  of  the 
biitmin^.  At  h  on  each  side  is  a  side-door  to  which  ascind 
winding  slairs  behind  the  pillars  *,  c  ;  and  at  each  of  the 
figaresl,  2,  3,  is  a  window  wiih  palm-trees  on  each  side 
of  it. 


TEM 


TEM 


1099 


which  Toinnin  in  position.     This  entrance  consists  of  I 
a  doiihle  archnay  of  Oyclopoan  architecture  on  the  ' 
level  of  the  f;rou!ul,  opening  into  a  square  vestibule 
measuring  -lU  feet  each  way.     i'vom  this  a  double 
tunnel,  nearly  200  feet  in  length,  leads  to  a  lliglit  of  } 
steps  which  rise  to  the  surlaco  in  the  court  of  the 
Temple,  exactly  «t  that  gateway  of  the  inner  Temple  i 
(a  little  E.  of  the  exact  centre  of  the  enclosure)  which  ! 
Hd  to  the  altar.     We  learn  from  the  TalmuJ,  that  ; 
the  jjate  of  the  inner  Temple  to  which  this  passage 
led  was  called  the  "  Water  Gate"  (oonip.  Nch.  xii. 
37).     Toward  the  W.  there  were  four  gateways  to 
the  external  enclosure  of  th?  Temple,  and  the  posi-  j 
tion  of  three  of  tl-.ose  can  still  be  traced.     The  first  j 
or  more  southern  led  over  the  bridge  the  remains  of  ! 
w^hich  were  identitied  by  Dr.  Robinson  (cut  under  i 
JEBUS.VLEM,  p.  459),  and  joined  the  Sloa  Basilica  (or  | 
royal  porch)  of  the  Temple  with  the  royal  palace. 
The  second  was  that  discovered  by  Dr.  Barclay,  270 
feet  from  the  S.  W.  angle,  at  a  level  of  17  feet  be- 
low that  of  the  southern  gates  just  described.     The 
site  of  the  third  has  not  yet  been  seen,  bit  Mr.  Fer- 
pusson  places  it  between  200  and  2.50  feet  from  the 
N.  W.  angle  of  the  Templearca.    The  fourth  led  over 
the  causeway  which  still  exists  at  a  distance  of  000 
feet  from  the  S.   W.  angle. — C/oislem.     The  most 
niamificent  part  of  the  Temple,  in  an  nrchitectinal 
point  of  view,  seems  to  have  been  the  cloisters  added 
to  the  outer  court  when  it  was  enlarged  by  Herod. 
The  cloisters  in   the  W.,  X.,  and  E.  side  wore  com- 
posed of  double  rows   of  Corinthian  cohinms,  25 
cubits  or  37  feet  6  inches  in  height  with  flat  roofs, 
and  resting  against  the  outer  wall  of  the  Temple. 
These,  however,  were   immeasurably  snrjjassed   in 
magnificence  by  the  royal  porch  or  iS/oa  Basilica 
which  overhung  the  southern  wall.     This,  minutely 
described  by  Josephus,  coiisiste  1  of  a  nave  and  two 
aisles,  that  toward  the  Teuiple  being  open,  that  tow- 
ard the  country  closed  by  a  wall.     The  breadth  of  | 
the  centre  aisle  was  45  feet;  of  the  side  ai.sles   30 
from  centre  to  centre  of  the  pillars;  their  height  50  [ 
feet,  and  that  of  the  centre  aisle  100  feet.     This  mag-  : 
niiicent  structure  was  supported  by  162  Corinthian  i 
calunms,  in  4  rows,  the  2  odd  pillars  forming  appar-  j 
ently  a  screen  at  the  end  of  the  bridge  leading  to 
the  palace.     At  a  short  distance  from  the  front  of 
these  cloisters  was  a  marble  screen  or  enclosure,  3 
cubits  in  height.     Again,  at  a  short  distance  within 
this  was  a  flight  of  steps  supporting  the  terrace  or 
platform  on  which  the  Temple  itself  stood.     Accord- 
ing to  Jo.sephus   this  terrace  was  15  cubits  or  22 j- 
feet  high,  and  was  approached  first  by  14  stejis,  at 
the  top  of  which  was  a  platfoi-m  10  cubits  wide, 
called  the  Ilil  or  C'hil;  and  there  were  again  in  the 
depths  of  the  gateways  6  or  6  steps  more  leading  to 
the  inner  court  of  the  Temple.     To  the  E.,  where  the 
court  of  the  women  was,  this  arrangement  was  re- 
versed; 5  steps  led  to  the  /lU  or  C/iU,  and  16  from 
that  to  the  court  of  the  Temple.     The  court  of  the 
Temple  was  very  nearly  ,i  square.     It  may  have  been 
exactly  so,  for  we  have  not  all  the  details.     The  Tal- 
mud {Mi  UlCih)  says  it  was  187  cubits  E.  and  W.,  and 
137  X.  and  S.     To  the  eastward  of  this  was  the  court 
of  the  women,  the  dimensions  of  which  are  not  given 
by  Josephus,  but  are  given  in  the  Talmud  as  137  cu- 
bits squ.irc — a  dimension  wo  may  safely  reject.  If  the 
enclosure  of  the  court  of  the  Gentiles,  or  the  Chil, 
was  nearly  equidistant  on  all  four  sides  from  the 
cloisters,  its  dimension  must  have  been  about  37  or 
40  cubits  E.  and  W..  most  probably  the  former.    The 
great  ornament  of  these  inner  courts  seems  to  have 
been  their  gateways,  the  three  especially  on  the  N, 


and  S.  leading  to  the  Temple  court.  These,  accord- 
ing to  Josephus,  were  of  great  height,  strongly  for- 
titted  and  ornamented  with  greut  elaboration.  But 
the  wonder  of  all  was  the  great  eastern  gate  leading 
from  the  court  of  the  women  to  the  upper  court — 
covered  with  caiving,  richly  gilt,  having  apartments 
over  it.  This  was  in  all  probability  the  one  called 
the  "Beautiful  Gate"  in  the  N.  T.  Immediately 
within  this  gateway  stood  the  altar  of  burnt-otl'er- 
ing.  Both  the  Altar  and  the  Temple  were  enclosed 
by  a  low  parapet  one  cul)it  hi  height.  Within  this 
last  enclosure  toward  the  W.  stood  the  Temple  it- 
self. Its  internal  dimensions  were  the  same  as  those 
of  the  Temple  of  Solomon,  but  there  seems  no  reason 
to  doubt  that  the  whole  plan  was  augmented  by  the 
surrounding  parts  (porcli  and  chambeis)  being  in- 
creased from  10  to  20  cubits,  so  that  the  third  Tem- 
ple, like  the  second,  measured  CO  cubits  across,  and 
100  cubits  E.  and  W.  The  width  of  tlie  fagade  or 
front  was  also  augmented  by  wings  or  shoulders 
projecting  20  cubits  each  way,  nialiing  the  whole 
breadtli  100  cubits,  or  equal  to  the  length.  So  far 
all  seems  certain,  but  when  we  come  to  the  height, 
every  measurement  seems  doubtful.  Both  Joscplms 
and  the  Talmud  seem  delighted  with  the  truly  Jew- 
ish idea  of  a  building  which,  without  being  a  cube, 
was  100 cubits  long,  lOa  bioad,  and  100  high.  We 
cannot  help  suspecting  that  in  this  instance  Jose- 
phus systematically  doubled  the  altitude  of  thebuild- 
ing  he  wjs  describing,  as  it  can  be  proved  he  did  in 
some  other  instances.  There  is  tolerable  certainty  as 
to 'the  horizontal  dimensions  of  the  varijus  parts  of 
the  Temple,  and  their  arrangement  in  plan,  and,  in- 
deed, as  to  their  real  height.  But  when  we  try  to 
realize  the  appearance  of  the  Temple  or  the  details  of 
its  architeetuie,  we  launch  into  a  sea  of  conjecture 
with  very  little  to  guide  us,  at  least  in  regard  to  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  Temple  itself  We  are  told  (Jos.  xv. 
11,  §§6,  6)  that  the  priests  built  the  Temple  itself  in 
eighteen  months,  while  it  tQok  Herod  eight  years  to 
complete  his  part ;  and  as  only  priests  apparently  were 
employed,  we  may  fairly  assume  that  it  was  not  a  re- 
building, but  only  a  repair — it  may  be  with  additions 
— which  they  undertook,  and  that  a  great  part  of 
the  Temple  of  Zerubbabel  was  still  standing,  and  was 
incorporated  in  the  new.  The  only  things  added  at 
this  period  wore  tlie  wings  to  the  iii^ade,  and  it  may 
consequently  be  surmised  that  the  facade  was  en- 
tirely remodelled  at  this  time,  especially  as  ne  find 
in  the  centre  a  great  arch,  which  was  a  very  Roman 
feature.  It  is  nearly  certain  that  the  style  of  the 
second  Temple  must  have  been  identicai  with  that 
of  the  buildings  we  arc  so  familiar  with  at  Persepolis 
andSusa.  (SiirsnAN.)  The  Jews  were  too  clcsely 
connected  with  the  Persians  and  Babylonians  at  this 
period  to  know  of  any  other  style,  and  in  fact  their 
Temple  was  built  under  the  superintendence  of  the 
very  parties  who  were  erecting  the  contemporary 
edifices  at  Persepolis  and  Susa.  Whatever  the  ex 
appearance  of  its  details,  the  triple  Temple  of  .Tei 
salem — the  lower  court,  standing  on  its  magnificen 
terraces — the  inner  court,  raised  on  its  platform  in  the 
centre  of  this — and  the  Temple  itself  rising  out  of  this 
group  and  crowning  the  whole — must  have  formed, 
when  combined  with  the  beauty  of  its  situation, 
one  of  the  most  splendid  architectural  combinations 
of  the  ancient  world.  ARriiiTECTLRE ;  House  ;  Palacf. 
•  Tempt,  to,  and  Temp-ta'tlon  (both  fr.  L.  through 
Fr.).  These  words  etymologically  denote  the  tri/itig 
or  pulling  one  fo  the  proof,  like  the  words  (Heb. 
verbs  bdhan  or  bdchati,  ndndh,  and  noun  maasdh  ; 
Or.  verbs  peirazo,  ekpeirazd,  noun  peiratmot,  &c.) 


1100 


TEM 


TEN 


represented  by  them  in  the  A.  V.  Ther  may  there- 
fore designate  the  action  of  God  or  the  course  of 
His  Providence,  or  the  earthly  trial  by  which  human 
character,  views,  feelings  are  brought  out,  as  when 
"God  did  tempt  Abraham"  (Gen.  xxii.  1),  i.  e. 
proved  or  put  to  the  proof  his  faith  and  obedience 
by  the  command  to  sacrifice  Isaac,  &c.  These  trials 
or  "  temptations  "  often  severely  test  the  patience, 
submission  and  religious  principle  df  those  who  en- 
dure them,  and  are  deeply  afflictive,  and  are  hence 
not  to  be  sought  or  rashly  encountered  (Deut.  iv. 
34,  vii.  19  ;  Mat.  vi.  13  ;  Lk'  xxii.  28,  40,  46  ;  1  Cor. 
X.  13  twice;  Jas.  i.  2,  12,  &c.).  But  the  words 
"  tempt "  and  "  temptation  "  often  designate  par- 
ticularly that  trying  (by  Satan,  wiclfed  men,  &c.), 
which  is  adapted  and  designed  to  lead  astray  from 
GoD  and  virtue,  and  thus  nearly  =:  entire  or  entice- 
ment to  sin  (Mat.  iv.  1,  xvi.  1 ;  Lk.  iv.  13;  1  Tim. 
vi.  9 ;  Jas.  i.  13,  &c.).  The  words  are  also  used  of 
the  trial  of  God's  patience,  forbearance,  &c.,  by 
those  who  disobey,  or  distrust,  or  murm>ir  against 
Him  (Ex.  xvii.  2;  Ps.  xcv.  8;  Mai.  iii.  16;  Mat.  iv. 
7  ;  Acts  V.  9  ;  Heb.  iii.  8,  &c.).  The  Temptation  may 
be  used  with  special  reference  to  the  temptation  of 
our  first  parents  in  Eden  (Gen.  iii. ;  Adam)  or  of  the 
Lord  Jescs  Christ  (Mat.  iv.  1-11,  &c.),  in  both  of 
which  Satan  was  the  "  Tempter." 

*  Tempter  =  one  who  tempts  or  entices  another 
to  sin,  especially  Satan  (Mat.  iv.  3 ;  1  Th.  iii.  5). 
Tempt,  to. 

*  Ten.  MusinAi,  Instrcments  3  ;  Number  ;  Ten 
Commandments  ;  Tithe. 

Ten  Com-mand'ments.  (1.)  The  popular  name  iu 
this,  as  in  many  other  instances,  is  not  that  of  the 
Hebrew  Scriptures.  There  we  have  the  "ten 
words "  (Hob.  debdrim,  pi.  of  dabdr,  a  word ;  our 
decalopie  literally  =  the  ten  words),  not  the  Ten 
Commandments  (Hob.  and  margin  of  Ex.  xxxiv.  28 ; 
Deut.  iv.  13,  X.  4,  Heb.),  The  difference  is  not  alto- 
gether an  unmeaning  one.  The  uord  of  Gon,  the 
"  word  of  the  Lord,"  tlie  constantly  recurring  term 
for  the  fullest  revelation,  was  higher  ttian  any  phrase 
expressing  merely  a  command,  and  carried  with  it 
more  the  idea  of  a  self-fulfilling  power.  Other 
names  are  even  more  significant.  These,  and  these 
alone,  are  "  the  words  of  the  covenant"  (Ex.  xxxiv. 
28).  They  are  also  the  Tables  of  Testimony,  some- 
times simply  "the  testimony"  (xxv.  16,  xxxi.  18, 
&c.).  (2.)  The  circumstances  in  which  the  Ten 
great  Words  were  first  given  to  the  people  sur- 
rounded them  with  an  awe  which  attached  to  no 
other  precept.  In  the  midst  of  the  cloud,  and  the 
darkness,  and  the  flashing  lightning,  and  the  fiery 
smoke,  and  the  thunder,  like  the  voice  of  a  trum- 
pet, at  Sinai,  Moses  was  called  to  receive  the  Law 
without  which  the  people  would  cease  to  be  a  holy 
nation.  Here,  as  elsewhere.  Scripture  unites  two 
facts  which  men  separate.  God,  and  not  man,  was 
speaking  to  the  Israelites  in  those  terrors,  and  yet, 
in  the  language  of  later  inspired  teachers,  other  in- 
strumentality was  not  excluded  (Acts  vii.  53 ;  Gal. 
iii.  19  ;  Heb.  ii.  2).  No  other  words  were  proclaimed 
in  like  manner.  Of  no  other  words  could  it  be  said 
that  they  were  written  as  these  were  written,  en- 
graved on  the  Tables  of  Stone  (Table),  not  as  origi- 
nating in  man's  contrivance  or  sagacity,  but  by  the 
power  of  the  Eternal  Spirit,  by  the  "  finger  of  God  " 
(Ex.  xxxi.  18,  xxxii.  16).  (8.)  The  ncmher  Ten  was, 
we  can  hardly  doubt,  itself  significant  to  Moses  and 
the  Israelites.  The  received  symbol  of  complete- 
ness, it  taught  the  people  that  the  Law  of  Jcliovah 
was  perfect  (Ps.  xix.  7).     The  fact  that  they  were 


written  not  on  one,  but  on  two  tables,  probably  in 
two  groups  of  five  each,  taught  men  the  great  divi- 
sion of  duties  toward  God,  and  duties  toward  our 
neighbor,  which  we  recognize  as  the  groundwork  of 
every  true  moral  system.  It  taught  them  also,  five 
being  the  symbol  of  imperfection,  how  incomplete 
each  set  of  duties  would  be  when  divorced  from  its 
companion.  (4.)  In  what  way  the  Ten  Command- 
ments were  to  be  divided  has,  however,  been  a  mat- 
ter of  much  controversy.  At  least  four  distinct 
arrangements  present  themselves,  (a.)  In  the  re- 
ceived teaching  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  rest- 
ing on  that  of  Augustine,  the  first  Table  contained 
three  commandments,  the  second  the  other  seven. 
It  involved,  however,  and  in  part  proceeded  from  an 
alteration  in  the  received  arrangement.  What  we 
know  as  the  first  and  second  were  united,  and  con- 
sequently the  Sabbath  law  appeared  at  the  close  of 
the  First  Table  as  the  third,  not  as  the  fourth  com- 
mandment. The  completeness  of  the  number  was 
restored  in  the  Second  Table  by  making  a  separate 
(the  ninth)  command  of  the  precept,  "  Thou  shalt 
not  covet  thy  neighbor's  wife,"  which  with  us  forms 
part  of  the  tenth.  (6.)  The  familiar  division,  refer- 
ring the  first  four  to  our  duty  to«ard  God,  and  the 
six  remaining  to  our  dnty  toward  man,  is,  on  ethical 
grounds,  simple  and  natural.  (<:.)  A  modification 
of  (a.)  has  been  adopted  by  later  Jewish  writers 
(Jonathan  ben  Uzziel,  Aben  Ezra,  &c.).  Retaining 
the  combination  of  the  first  and  second  command- 
ments of  the  common  order,  they  have  made  a  new 
"  word "  of  the  opening  declaration,  "  I  am  the 
Lord  thy  God,  which  brought  thee  out  of  the  land 
of  Egypt,  out  of  the  house  of  bond.Tge,"  and  so 
have  avoided  the  necessity  of  the  subdivision  of  the 
tenth,  (d.)  The  arrangement  recognized  by  the 
older  Jewish  writers,  Josephus  and  Philo,  and  sup- 
ported ably  and  thoughtfully  by  Ewald,  places  five 
commandments  in  each  Table,  and  thus  preserves 
the  grouping  by  fae  and  ten  which  pervades  the 
whole  code.  A  modern  jurist  would  perhaps  object 
that  this  places  the  fifth  commandment  in  a  wrong 
position,  that  a  duty  to  parents  is  a  duty  toward 
I  our  neighbor.  From  the  Jewish  point  of  view,  it  is 
believed  the  place  thus  given  to  that  commandment 
was  essentially  the  right  one  (so  Prof.  Plumptrc, 
original  author  of  this  article).  Instead  of  duties 
toward  God,  and  duties  toward  our  neighbors,  we 
must  think  of  the  First  Table  as  containing  all  that 
belonged  to  the  Eusebtia  (=  revcraice  or  pieli/)  of 
the  Greeks,  to  the  Pietas  (=  jiietti)  of  the  Romans, 
j  duties  i.  e.  with  no  corresponding  rights,  while  the 
j  Second  deals  with  duties  which  involve  rights,  and 
j  come  therefore  under  the  head  of  Juslitia  (L.  = 
justice).  The  duty  of  honoring,  i.  e.  supporting, 
parents  came  under  the  former  head.  (5.)  To  these 
j  Ten  Commandments  we  find  in  the  Samaritan  Pen- 
!  tateucii  an  eleventh  added  :  "  But  when  the  Lord 
thy  God  shall  have  brought  thee  into  the  land  of 
Canaan,  whither  thou  goest  to  possess  it,  thou  shalt 
set  thee  up  two  great  stones,  and  shalt  planter  them 
with  plaster,  and  shalt  write  upon  these  stones  all  the 
words  of  this  Law.  Moreover,  after  thou  shalt  have 
passed  over  Jordan,  thou  shalt  set  up  those  stones 
which  I  command  thee  this  day,  on  Mount  (ierizim, 
and  thou  shalt  build  there  an  altar  to  the  Lord  thy 
God,  an  altar  of  stones:  thou  shalt  not  lift  up  any 
iron  thereon.  Of  unhewn  stones  shalt  thou  build 
that  altar  to  the  Lord  thy  God,  and  thou  shalt  offer 
on  it  burnt-offerings  to  the  Lord  thy  God,  and  thou 
shalt  sacrifice  peace-offerings,  and  shalt  eat  them 
there,  and  thou  shalt  rejoice  before  the  Lord  thy 


iM 


TEE 


1101 


God  in  that  mountain  beyond  Jordan,  by  the  way 
wliere  tlie  sun  goeth  down,  in  the  land  of  the 
Canaanite  that  dwellctli  in  the  plain  country  over 
against  Gilgal,  by  the  oalc  of  Moreli,  toward 
Sichem."  The  interpolation  (from  Deut.  xxvii.  2-7, 
xi.  30,  changing  "  Ebal  "  to  "  Gerizim  ")  has  every 
mark  of  being  a  bold  attempt  to  claim  for  the  wor- 
ship on  Gerizim  the  solemn  sanction  of  the  voice  on 
Sinai,  to  place  it  on  the  same  footing  as  the  Ten 
great  Words  of  God.  (6.)  In  the  Targum  of  Jon- 
athan ben  ITzziel  the  first  and  second  command- 
ments arc  united,  to  malte  up  the  second,  and  the 
words  "  I  am  the  Lord  thy  God,"  &c.,  are  given  as  the 
first,  A  distinct  reason  is  also  given  for  the  last 
five  commandments  no  less  than  for  the  first  five : 
"  Thou  shalt  commit  no  murder,  for  because  of  the 
sins  of  murderers  the  sword  goeth  forth  upon  the 
world,"  &.C.  (7.)  The  absence  of  any  distinct  refer- 
ence to  the  Ten  Commandments  as  such  in  the  Pirke 


Abolh  (=  Maxims  of  the  Fathers)  is  both  strange 
and  significant.  With  all  their  ostentation  of  pro- 
found reverence  for  the  Law,  the  teaching  of  the 
Rabbis  turned  on  other  points  than  the  great  laws 
of  duty.  Death;  Faith;  Jehovah:  Justify; 
Law  ;  Law  op  Moses  ;  Love  ;  Revelation  ;  Sal- 
vation ;  Si.N,  &c. 

Tent  (Heb.  usually  ohel ;  see  TABEnNACLE).  Among 
the  leading  cliaracteristics  of  the  nomad  races,  those 
two  have  always  been  numbered,  whose  origin  has 
been  ascribed  to  Jabal  the  son  of  Lamech  (Gen.  iv. 
20),  viz.  to  be  tent-dwellers  and  keepers  of  cattle. 
(Hero  ;  Shepherd.)  The  same  may  be  said  of  the 
forefathers  of  the  Hebrew  race  (Patriarch)  ;  nor 
was  it  until  the  return  into  Canaan  from  Egypt  that 
the  Hebrews  became  inhabitants  of  cities.  (Archi- 
tkcture.)  Among  tent-dwellers  at  the  present  day 
are  ( I.)  the  great  Mongol  and  Tartar  hordes  of  Cen- 
tral Asia,  whose  tents  are  sometimes  of  gigantic 


Armb  TisL— (Layard.) 


sixe,  and  (2.)  the  Bedouin  Arab  tribes,  whose  tents 
arc  probably  like  those  of  Abraham  and  Isaac.  An 
Arab  tent  is  minutely  described  by  Burckhardt.  It 
is  called  beit  —  "  house  ; "  its  covering  consists  of 
stuff,  about  three-quarters  of  a  yard  broad,  made 
of  black  goats'-liair  (Cant.  i.  5),  laid  parallel  with 
the  tent's  length.  This  is  sullicient  to  resist  the 
heaviest  rain.  The  ten^pole3  are  usually  nine, 
placed  in  three  groups,  hut  many  tents  have  only 
one  pole,  others  two  or  three.  The  ropes  which 
hold  the  tent  in  its  place  are  fasteneil,  not  to  the 
tent-cover  Itself,  but  to  loops  consisting  of  a  leath- 
ern thong  tied  to  the  ends  of  a  stick,  round  which  a 
piece  of  old  clotli  sewed  to  the  tent-cover  is  twisted. 
The  ends  of  the  tent-ropes  are  fastened  to  short 
sticks  or  pins,  which  are  driven  into  the  ground  with 
a  mallet  (Judg.  iv.  21  ;  Jael).  Round  the  back  and 
sides  of  the  tents  runs  a  piece  of  stuff  removable  at 
pleasure  to  admit  air.  The  tent  is  divided  into  two 
apartments,  separated  by  a  carpet  partition  drawn 
across  the  middle  of  the  tent  and  fastened  to  the 
three  middle  posts.  The  tents  of  Sarah,  Leah, 
Rachel,  &c.,  may  have  been  either  separate  tents  or 
separate  apirtments  in  the  principal  tent  (Gen.  xxiv. 
47,  xxiL  33).     When  the  pasture  near  an  encamp- 


ment is  exhausted,  the  tents  are  taken  down,  packed 
on  camels,  and  removed  (Is.  xxxviii.  12  ;  Gen.  xxvi. 
17,  22,  25).  In  choo.sing  places  for  encampment, 
Arabs  prefer  the  neighborhood  of  trees,  for  the 
shade  and  coolness  which  they  afford  (xviii.  4,  8). 
Pavilion;  Tabernacle;  Te.vt-maker. 

•  Ten-ta'tlon  (fr.  L.)  (Ex.  xvii.  7  margin,  in  some 
copies)  =  Temptation. 

•  Tenth.     Tithe. 

•  Tent'-ma'kf r  (Acts  xviii.  3).  Aquila;  IIanpi- 
CRAPT ;  Paul;  Text. 

Te'rah  (Hob.  utation,  Ges  ),  in  N.  T.  Thara,  the 
fathcrof  Arram,  NAnoR2,  andHARAN  l,and  through 
them  the  ancestor  of  the  great  families  of  the  Is- 
raelites, Ishmaelites,  Midianites,  Moabites,  and  Am- 
monites (Gen.  xi.  24-32 ;  1  Chr.  i.  26).  We  learn 
from  the  0.  T.  that  he  was  an  idolater  (Josh.  xxiv. 
2 ;  compare  Jd.  v.  6-8),  that  he  dwelt  beyond  the 
Euphrates  in  Ur  of  the  Chaldees  (Gen.  xi.  28),  and 
that  in  his  old  age  he  went  with  his  son  Abram,  his 
daughter-in-law  Sarai,  and  his  grandson  Lot,  "  to  go 
into  the  land  of  Canaan,  and  they  came  unto  Haran, 
and  dwelt  there.  And  the  days  of  Terah  were  two 
hundred  and  five  years  :  and  Terah  died  in  Haran  " 
(xi.  31,  82).     From  the  simple  facts  of  Tcrah's  life 


1102 


TER 


THA 


recorded  in  the  0.  T.  has  been  constructed  the  en- 
tire legend  of  Abram  in  Jewish  and  Arabian  tradi- 
tions. Teiah  tlie  idolater  is  turned  into  a  maker  of 
images,  and  "  Ur  of  the  Chaldees  "  is  the  oripnal 
of  the  "  furnace  "  into  which  Abram  was  cast  (com- 
pare Ez.  V.  2).  In  the  Jewish  traditions  Terah  is  a 
prince  and  a  great  man  in  the  palace  of  Nimrod, 
the  captain  of  his  army,  his  son-in-law  according  to 
the  Arabs.  His  wife  is  called  in  the  Talmud  Anite- 
lai,  or  Emtelai,  the  daughter  of  Carnebo  (so  Mr. 
Wright). 

Ter'a-pliim  (Heb.,  see  below),  only  in  plural,  im- 
ages connected  with  magical  rites.  (Divination; 
Magic.)  The  derivation  of  the  name  is  obscure. 
Gesenius  derives  the  word  from  an  obsolete  Hebrew 
root  =  to  live  in  comfort,  and  defines  it  "  household 
gods,  perhaps  so  called  as  the  supposed  guardians 
and  givers  of  prosperous  life  "•  (Lex.,  translated  by 
Robinson,  1854).  In  one  case  a  single  statue  seems 
to  be  intended  by  the  plural  (1  Sam.  six.  13,  16). 
The  teraphim  carried  away  I'lom  Laban  by  Rachel 
do  not  seem  to  have  been  very  small ;  and  the  image 
hidden  in  David's  bed  by  Michal  to  deceive  Saul's 
messengers,  was  probably  of  the  size  of  a  man,  and 
perhaps  in  the  head  and  shoulders,  if  not  lower,  of 
human  or  like  form.  Laban  regarded  his  teraphim 
as  gods,  and  it  would  thcrcCore  a]:pcar  that  they 
were  used  by  those  who  added  corrupt  practices  to 
the  patriarchal  religion.  Teraphim  agiiin  are  in- 
cluded among  Micah's  images  (Judg.  xvii.  3-5,  xviii. 
17,  18,  20).  Teraphim  were  consulted  for  oracular 
answers  by  the  Israelites  (Zech.  x.  2  ;  compare  Judg. 
xviii.  5,  6;  1  Sam.  xv.  22,  23,  xix.  13,  16,  LXX.;  2 
K.  xxiii.  24),  and  by  the  Kabylonians,  in  the  case  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  (Ez.  xxi.  19-22).  There  is  no  evi- 
dence that  they  were  ever  worshipped  (so  Mr.  R.  S. 
Poole,  oiiginal  author  of  this  article). 

Teresli  (Heb.  fr.  Pcrs.  =  setiere,  austere?  Ges.), 
one  of  the  two  eunuchs  whose  plot  to  assassinate 
Ahasuerus  was  discovered  by  Mordicai  (Esth.  ii.  21, 
vi.  2).     He  was  hanged. 

Ter'ti-us  [she-us]  (L.  third),  probably  a  Roman, 
amanuensis  of  Paul  in  writing  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans  from  Corinth,  and  sender  of  a  greeting  to 
the  Roman  Christians  (Rom.  xvi.  22).  Some  would, 
without  reason,  identify  hira  with  Silas.  Nothing 
certain  is  known  of  him,  though  some  writers  have 
Bpoken  of  him  as  bishop  of  Iconium. 

Tor-tnl'lns  (L.,  a  diminutive  from  Tertics),  "a 
certain  orator"  (Acts  xxiv.  1)  retained  by  the 
high-priest  and  Sanhedrim  to  accuse  the  Apostle 
Pail  at  Cesarea  before  Felix.  He  evidently  be- 
longed to  the  class  of  professional  orators.  We 
may  infer  that  Tertulhis  was  of  Roman,  or  at  all 
events  of  Italian  origin.  The  exordium  of  his  speech 
is  designed  to  conciliate  the  good-will  of  the  procu- 
rator, and  is  accordingly  overcharged  with  flattery. 
St.  Luke  probably  gives  only  an  abstract  of  his 
speech,  with  the  most  salient  points  (as  the  exordium 
and  the  character  ascribed  to  Paul)  in  full.  The 
part  (ver.  6-8)  "and  would  have  judged  ....  to 
come  unto  thee"  is  omitted  by  Lachmann  and 
Tischendorf,  and  marked  doubtful  by  Alford,  Hack- 
ett,  Mill,  Bengel,  Griesbach,  &c.,  as  omitted  in  all 
the  uncial  MSS.  except  E  (that  of  Laud  at  Oxford). 

*  Tf  s'ta-ment  (fr.  L.)  is  properly  a  will  or  document 
by  which  the  estate  of  the  "  testator  "  or  person 
who  signs  and  seals  it  is  to  be  disposed  of  after  his 
death.  It  is  a  common  translation  of  the  Gr.  dia- 
theke  (Mat.  xxvi.  28  ;  Mk.  xiv.  24  ;  Lk.  xxii.  20 ;  1 
Cor.  xi.  25  ;  2  Cor.  iii.  6,  14;  Heb.  vii.  22.  ix.  15 
twice,  16,  17,  20;  Rev.  xi.  19),  which  primarily  (so 


Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  =  a  disposition.,  arrangement,  and 
is  elsewhere  translated  "  covenant  "  (Acts  iii.  25, 
vii.  8;  Rom.  ix.  4,  xi.  27;  Gal.  iii.  15,  17,  iv.  24; 
Eph.  ii.  12;  Heb.  viii.  (i,  8,  9  twice,  10,  ix.  4  twice, 
X.  16,  29,  xii.  24,  xiii.  20),  and  commonly  in  the 
LXX.  —  Heb.  birith,  A.  V.  '■  covenant  "  or  "  league." 
"New  Testament"  and  "Old  Testament,'"  in  pop- 
ular language,  are  the  two  great  divisions  of  the 
Bible. 

*  Tes'ti-mo-ny  (Heb.  ^cdah,  'eduth,  tPuddh  ;  Gr. 
hiarturia,  inarturion)  —  witness,  evidence,  proof 
(Mat.  viii.  4;  Jn.  iii.  32,  33,  &c.),  applied  also  to 
the  precepts,  law,  revelation  of  God  (Ps.  xix.  7  [Heb. 
8],  cxix. ;  Is.  viii.  16,  20.  &c.),  and  especially  to  the 
Ten  Commandments  or  Decalogue  inscribed  on  the 
tables  of  stone  which  were  deposited  in  the  Ark  op 
THE  Covenant  (Ex.  xvi.  34,  xxv.  10,  21,  22,  kc). 
Tabernacle. 

le  ta  =  Hatita  (1  Esd.  v.  28). 

"^  Teth  (Heb.  teyth  =  [so  most]  a  serpent,  or  [so 
Lee]  something  rolled  or  tirisled  together,  or  pcihaps 
fr.  Egyptian  =  hand,  Ges.),  the  ninth  letter  of  the 
Hebrew  alphabet  (Ps.  cxix.).     Writing. 

Te'trarth  [-traik]  (Ir.  (Jr.),  properly  =  the  sov- 
ereign or  governor  of  the  fourth  part  of  a  country. 
(1.)  Herod  Antipas  (Mat.  xiv.  1  ;  Lk.  iii.  1,  19,  ix. 
7;  Acts  xiii.  1),  who  is  commonly  distinguished  as 
"  Herod  the  tetrarch,"  although  the  title  of  "  king  " 
is  also  assigned  to  liim  (Mat.  xiv.  9;  Mk.  vi.  14, 
22  ft'.).  (2.)  Hei-.od  Philip  II.,  who  is  called  (Lk. 
iii.  1)  'Mcliaich  of  iTiiiKA,  and  of  llie  region  of 
TiiACiiONiTis."  (3.)  LvsANiAS,  called  (iii.  1)  "te- 
trarch of  Abilene."  The  title  of  tetrarch  was  at 
this  time  probably  applied  to  petty  tiibutaiy  piinces 
without  any  such  determinate  meaning.  But  it  ap- 
pears from  Josephus  that  the  tetrarchics  of  Antipas 
and  Philip  were  regarded  as  constituting  each  a 
fourth  part  of  their  father's  kirgdcm.  We  conclude 
that  in  these  two  cases,  at  least,  the  title  was  used 
in  its  strict  and  literal  sense  (so  Mr.  Jones). 

Tliad-dic'n^  [-dee-],  the  Latin  form  of  Thaddeus. 

Tliad  de-ns  (L.  Thaddwus  ;  Gr.  'J'haddaios  ;  fr. 
Talmudic  Heb.  tadday  =  of  breast,  i.  e.  towageous, 
Lange  ;  darling?  Wr. ;  compare  Lebbevs),  one  of 
the  twelve  apostles  (Mk.  iii.  18);  =  Lebbeus,  and 
JiDAS  THE  Brother  of  James. 

Tha'lif.sli  (fr.  Heb.  =  "  badger,"  A.  V.),  son  of 
Naiior  2  by  his  concubine  Reumah  (Gen.  xxii.  24). 

Iha'mab  (fr.  Heb.)  r=  Tamah,  ancestor  of  a  fam- 
ily of  Nethinim  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
ii!  53). 

Tha'mar  (Gr.)  =  Tamar  1  (Mat.  i.  3). 

Tliam'na-tlia  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  Thimnathah  or  TiM- 
nath),  one  of  tlie  cities  of  Judca  fortified  by  Bac- 
chides  (1  Mc.  ix.  60);  possibly  (so  Mr.  Grove,  kc.) 
=  'liMNAH  1 ;  but,  according  to  Robinson  (ii.  17,  n.), 
and  Smith  {B.  &  for  1S43,  484-5),  luobably  the 
Thamna  of  Josiphus  (xiii.  1,  §  S,  xiv.  11,  g  2,  B.J. 
iii.  3,  §  6),  which  was  the  capital  of  one  of  the  Ro- 
man toparchies  or  districts  of  Judea,  and  was  prob- 
ably at  the  modern  Tilmeh,  a  ruined  site,  fifteen  or 
twenty  miles  N.  N.  W.  from  Jerusalem,  and  nearly 
as  far  E.  N.  E.  from  Ludd  (Lydda).  The  LXX. 
joins  Thamnatha  to  the  following  Pharatiioni. 
Timnath-sebah. 

Tliank'-of  ffr-ing.    Peace-offerino  ; 

Tha'ra  (Gr.)  =  Terah  (Lk.  iii.  34). 

Thar'ra  (Gr.)  =  Teresh  (Esth.  xii.  1). 

Tbar'i-hisb  (fr.  Heb.  =  Tarshish).  I. 
(1  K.  X.  22,  xxii.  481. — 2.  A  Benjamite  of  the  fam- 
ily of  Bilhan  and  house  of  Jediacl  (1  Chr.  vii.  10 
only) 


Sacrifice. 


TARsnisn 


THA 


THE 


1103 


Ttaas'sl  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  debilitation  or  weakenijiff, 
8C.  of  the  mother,  Shu. ;  it,  si:  fresh  grass,  trill  grow, 
i.  e.  tlie  sprhig  has  come,  Miehaehs  ;  the  Jloitruh- 
xng,  Ghisburg  [in  Kitto);  I'r.  Chal.  =:  boiling '(  Wr.), 
t^o  surname  of  Siiiiou  the  son  of  Matlalbias  (1  Mc. 
ii.  3).     Maccabees. 

'1  lll''a-ti'e  [ter  J  (Fr.  fr.  Gr.  theatron,  see  below).  The 
Greelt  ternj,  like  the  corresponding  Engli.-h  term, 
tlenotes  the  plare  where  dramatic  perforniunces  or 
other  public  spectacles  are  exhibited  (Acts  xix.  21) ; 
Ei'HESis;  Gaoara;  Herod  Agkippa  I. ;  Sela),  and 
also  the  scene  itself  or  xpeclncle  which  is  witnessed 
tiiere  (1  Cor.  iv.  9,  A.  V.  "spectacle,"  i.  e.  public 
show,  translated  "  gaziii.s-stock  "  by  Tyndale,  Cran- 
iner,  and  the  Geneva  version).  Theatres  were  often 
nsoJ  among  the  Greeks  for  public  assemblies  and 
tlio  transaction  of  public  business.  Criminals  were 
sometimes  exposed  and  punished  in  the  theatre ; 
and  to  this  practice  some  refer  1  Cor.  iv.  9  and  lleb. 
X.  33,  while  others  consider  the  allusion  as  figurative, 
pointing  out  Christians  as  objects  of  earnest  atten- 
tion to  a  grfat  multitude  in  earth  and  heaven  who 
beholil  their  endurance  of  reproaches  and  alUictions. 

Tlirkes  [theebz]  (fr.  Gr.  Thchai,  derived  fr.  Egyp- 
tian T-ape  =  the  head.  Smith's  Did.  nf  Geoy.  ;  lleb. 
No-tkmun  ;  A.  V.  "  No,"  "  the  multitude  of  No," 
"  populous  No  "),  a  chief  city  of  ancient  Egypt,  long 
the  capital  of  the  upper  country,  and  the  scat  of  the 
Diospolitan  dynasties,  that  ruled  over  all  Egypt  at 
the  era  of  its  highest  splendor.  The  sacred  name 
of  Thebes  was  I'-amen,  "  the  abode  of  Amox,"  wliicli 
the  Greeks  reproduced  in  their  Uiosjvi'is  (=  tvV//  <>/ 
Zeus  or  nf  Jlpiter),  especially  with  t.ie  addition 
tine  Great.  No-amo.n  is  tie  name  of  Thebes  in  the 
Hebrew  Scriptures  (Jer.  xlvi.  25  ;  Nah.  iii  8).  Eze- 
kiel  uses  iVo  simply  to  designate  the  Egyptian  seat 
of  Animon  (Ez.  xxx.  14,  16).  The  origin  of  the  city 
is  lost  in  antiquity  (so  Dr.  Thompson,  original  author 
of  this  article).  Niebuhr  is  of  opinion  that  Thebes 
was  much  older  than  .Memphis,  and  that,  "after  the 
centre  of  Egyptian  life  was  transferred  to  Lower 
Egypt,  Memphis  acquired  its  greatness  through  the 
ruin  ol'  Thebes."  Other  authorities  a.ssign  priority 
to  Memphis.  But  both  c'ties  dale  from  our  earliest 
anthentic  knowledge  of  Egyptian  history.  The  first 
allusion  to  Thebes  in  classical  literature  is  in  the 
Iliad  of  Homer  (ix.  381-38S) :— "  Egyptian  Thebes 
where  are  vast  treasures  laid  up  in  the  houses ; 
where  are  a  hundred  gates,  and  from  each  two  hun- 
dred men  go  forth  with  horses  and  ch.iriots."  Its 
fame  as  a  great  capital  had  crossed  the  sea  when 
Greece  was  yet  in  its  infancy  as  a  nation.  Herod- 
otus says,  "  1  went  to  llcliopolis  audio  T/mbes,  ex- 
pressly to  try  whether  the  priests  of  those  places 
■would  agree  in  their  accounts  with  the  priests  at 
Memphis "  (ii.  3).  Afterward  he  describes  the 
features  of  the  Nile  valley,  and  the  chief  points 
and  distances  upon  the  river,  as  only  an  eye-wit- 
ness would  be  likely  to  record  them.  In  the  first 
century  b.  c,  Uiodorus  visited  Thebes,  and  though 
he  saw  the  city  when  it  had  sunk  to  quite  secondary 
importance,  he  preserves  the  tradition  of  its  early 
grandeur — its  circuit  of  HO  stadia,  the  size  of  its 
public  edifices,  the  magnificence  of  its  temples,  the 
number  of  its  monuments,  the  dimensions  of  iu 
private  houses,  some  of  them  four  or  live  stories 
high — all  giving  it  an  air  of  grandeur  and  beauty 
Burpas.sing  not  only  all  other  cities  of  Egypt,  but  of 
the  world.  Diodorus  deplores  the  spoiling  of  its 
buililiiigs  anil  monuments  by  Cambyses.  Strabo, 
wlio  visited  Egypt  at  about  the  beginning  of  the 
Christian  era,  describes  the  city  under  the  name 


DiospoUs,  and  speaks  of  ite  ruins  as  extending  eighty 
stadia  (nearly  ten  miles)  in  length,  of  its  numerous 
temples,  many  of  Ihcm  mutilated  by  Cambyses,  and 
of  its  site  as  then  occupied  by  villages.  He  also 
notices  the  two  colossal  statues  of  stone  on  the 
western  plain,  one  of  which  is  known  as  the  "  vocal 
Memnon,"  from  the  noise,  as  of  a  slight  blow,  which 
was  believed  to  issue  at  sunrise  from  that  part  of 
the  statue  then  remaining  in  the  seat  anil  on  its 
base. — But  the  monuments  of  Thebes  arc  the  most 
reliable  witnesses  for  the  ancient  grandeur  of  the. 
city.  These  are  foinid  in  almost  equal  proportions 
upon  both  sides  of  the  Nile.  The  parallel  ridges 
H  hich  skirt  the  narrow  Nile  valley  u|)on  the  E.  and 
W.  from  the  northern  limit  of  Upper  Egypt,  here 

,  sweep  outward  upon  either  side,  forming  a  circular 
plain  whose  diameter  is  nearly  ten  miles.  The  plan 
of  the  city,  as  indicated  by  the  principal  monuments, 

'  was  nearly  quadrangular,  measuring  two  miles  from 
N.  to  S.,  and  four  from  E.  to  W.  Its  four  great 
landmarks  weie,  Karnak  and  Luxor  on  the  eastern 
or  Arabian  side,  and  Qoornuh  and  Medeenct  Hahoo 
on  the  western  or  Libyan  side.  There  are  indica- 
tions that  each  of  these  temples  may  have  been  con- 
nected with  those  facing  it  upon  two  sides  l.y  grand 

i  avenues,  lined  with  sphinxes  and  other  colossal  fig- 
ures. Upon  the  western  bank  there  was  almost  a 
continuous  line  of  temples  and  public  edifices  for 
two  miles,  from  Qoo)  nah  to  Medeniei  Uahoo  ;  and 

1  Wilkinson  conjectures  that  from 

:  a  jioint  near  the  latter,  perhaps 
in  the  line  of  the  colossi,  tlie 
"  Royal  street"  ran  down  to  the 
river,  which  was  crossed  by  a  ft'- 

[  ry  terminaling  at  Luxor  on  the 
eastern  side.  IJeginning  at  the 
northern  extremity  on  the  west- 
ern bank,  the  first  conspicuous 
ruins  are  those  of  the  Menejih- 

\  Iheion,  a  palace-temple  of  the 
nineteenth  dynasty,  and  there- 
fore belonging  to  the  middle 
style  of  Egyptian  architceture, 
on   a  slight   elevation,  nearly  a 

I  mile  from  ihc  river,  in  the  now 
deserted  village  of  old  Qonrnah. 
Nearly  a  mile  S.  from  the  Mc- 
nenhl/ieion  are  the  remains  of 
the  combined  palace  and  temple 
known  since  the  days  of  Strabo  , 
as  the  Mnnnohiuin,  but  clearly  ' 
erected  bv  Ranieses  11.    The  gcn- 

,    ^>        '       I-   tl         nr  •  ■     Plsn  of  the  Memnonmm, 

eral  form  oi  the  Memnojiium  is        Thebes— .Kin. i 
that  of  a  parallelogram  in  three  "Ontewny.  *t  Two  tnm- 
mam  sections,  the  interior  areas    .ideof  iheg„t«w:iy.  <■, 
being  successivclv  narrower  than    f"""  """"""i'^  '■y  • 

,         "7  *  ,      ,  ,      ,  portico    wilh    coluRilw. 

the  first  court,  and  the  whole  ter-     '  ■ 

cf 


d.  Inner  court,  hIso  sur- 
rounded bv  n  portico 
supported  Vy  columnt 
or  ^i<  IS,  H^Alnvt  which 
wer<  f{fiur>-B  of  thsklnir. 

e.  Hall  of  Columns. 
Smaller  rliiimbsrs  be- 
yond this. 


minatiiig  in  a  series  cf  sacred 
chambers  beautifully  sculptured 
and  ornamented.  But  the  most 
remarkable  feature  of  these  ruins 
is  the  gigantic  statue  of  Hameses 
II.,  once  a  single  blo'-k  of  syenite  (Syene)  carved  to 
represent  the  king  on  his  throne,  now  scattered  in 
fr.ignients  on  the  floor  of  the  first  hall.  Its  weight  has 
been  computed  at  887  tons  and  its  height  at  75  feet. 
About  one-third  of  a  mile  farther  S.  are  the  "vocal 
Memnon  "  and  its  mate,  the  height  of  each  being 
about  53  feet  above  the  plain.  At  Medeei.rt  Ilaboo, 
about  a  mile  fi.  of  the  Mcmno>iiiim,  we  find  ruins 
upon  a  more  stupendous  scale  than  at  any  other 
point  on  the  western  bank  of  Thebes.     These  con- 


1104 


THE 


TBK 


sist  of  a  temple  founded  by  Thothmes  I.,  and  the 
magnificent  adjacent  ruin  known  as  tlic  southern 


Hall  of  Column!  in  the  MemDonium. —  .Fbo.) 

Ranieseion,  the  palace-temple  of  Ramesea  III.  The 
latter,  like  the  Memno?iium,  &c.,  has  a  series  of  grand 
courts  or  halls  adorned  with  columns,  conducting  to 
the  inner  pavilion  of  the  king  or  sanctuary  of  the 
god.  Its  second  court  is  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  in 
Kgypt  for  the  massiveness  of 
its  columns,  which  measure  24 
feet  in  heiglit  by  nearly  23  in 
circumference.  Behind  this 
long  range  of  temples  and 
palaces  are  tlie  Libyan  hills, 
which,  for  a  distance  of  5 
miles,  are  excavated  to  the 
depth  of  several  hundred  feet 
for  sepulchral  chambers,  some 
of  them  of  vast  e.ttent.  Some 
of  the  sepulchres  of  kings,  in 
tlie  number  and  variety  of 
their  cliambers,  the  finish  of 
their  sculptures,  and  the  beau- 
ty and  freshness  of  their  fres- 
coes, are  among  the  most  re- 
markable monuments  of  Egyp- 
tian grandeur  and  skill.  From 
the  adornments  of  these  sub- 
terranean tombs  we  derive  our 
principal  knowledge  of  the  manners  and  cus- 
toms of  the  Egyptians.  —  The  eastern  side  of 
the    river    is    distinguisiied    by    the    remains    of 


Fipin;  of  RamewB  II. — From 
the  inner  court  of  tbo  Mem- 
noDium.— (Fbn.) 


Sculptared  Gateway  mi  Aar»at From  apliotogfraph.— Ayre.) 

'  Luxor  and  Earnak,  the  latter  being  of  itself  a 
city  of  temples.  The  approach  to  Karnak  from 
the  S.  is  marked  by  a  series  of  majestic  gateways 


and  towers,  which  were  the  appendages   of  later 
times  to  tlie  original  structure.     The  temple  prop- 
erly faces  tlie  river,  i.  e.  toward  tlie  N.  W.     The 
courts  and  propyla;a  connected  with  this  structure 
occupy  a  space  nearly  1,800  feet  square,  and  the 
buildings  represent  almost  every  dynasty  of  Egypt, 
from  Sesortasen  I.  to  Ptolemy  Eue'rgetes  I.     Every 
thing  pertaining  to  Karnak  is  on  the  grandest  scale. 
Nearest  the  river  is  an  area  of  275  feet  by  S29, 
which  once  had  a  covered  corridor  on  either  side, 
and  a  double  row  of  columns  through  the  centre, 
leading  to  the  entrance  of  the  hypostyle  hall,  the 
most   wonderful   monument  of  Egyptian   architec- 
ture.     This  grand   hall  is  a   forest   of  sculjitured 
columns  :  in  the  central  avenue  are  twelve,  each  66 
feet  higli  by   12  in  diameter,  which  formeily  sup- 
ported the  most  elevated  portion  of  tlie  roof,  an- 
swering to  the   clerestory   in  Gothic  ardiitectuic; 
on  either  side  of   these  are  seven  rows,  each  col- 
umn nearly  42  feet  high  by  9  in  diameter,  making  a 
total  of  134  pillars  in  an  area  of  170  feet  by  330. 
Most  of  the  pillars  are  yet  standing,  though  the  roof 
in  many  places  has  fallen  in.     The  outer  wall  of 
i  Karnak   is  40   feet  thick  at  the  base  and  nearly 
100  feet  high.     The  grandeur  of  Egypt  is  here  in 
its  architecture,  and  almost  every  pillar,  obelisk, 
and  stone  tells  its  historic  legend  of  her  greatest 
monarchs. — Probably  before  the  time  of  Menes,  who 
was  a  native  of  This  in  the  Thebaid  (the  territory 
of  Thebes),  there  was  a  local   sovereignty  in   the 
Thebaid,   but   the   historical   nationality  of  Egypt 
dates  from  the  founding  of  Mbmpiiis.     When  the 
Shepherds  or  Hyksos,  a  nomadic  race  from  the  E., 
invaded  Egypt  and  fixed  their  capital  at  Memphis,  a 
native  Egyptian  dynasty  was  maintained  at  Thebes, 
at  times  tributary  to  the  Hyksos,  and  at  times  iu 
military  alliance  with  Ethiopia  against  the  invaders; 
until  at  length,  by  a  general  uprising  of  the  Thebaid, 
the  Hyksos  were  expelled,  and  Thebes  became  the 
capital  of  all  Egypt  under  the  resplendent  eigh- 
teenth  dynasty.     This  supiemaey  continued  until 
the  close  of  the  nineteenth  dynasty,  or  for  more 
than  500  years  ;  but  under  the  twentieth  dynasty 
the  glory  of  Thebes  began  to  decline,  and  alter  the 
close  of  that  dynasty  her  name  no  more  appears  iu 
the  lists  of  kings.     Still  the  city  was  retained  as 
the  capital,  in  whole  or  in  part,  and  the  achieve- 
ments of  Shishonk  the  Bubastite  (Suisiiak),  of  Tir- 
HAKAH  the  Ethiopian,  and  other  monarchs  of  celeb- 
rity, are  recorded   upon  its  walls.      Ezekiel    pro- 
claims  the  destruction   of  Thebes   by  the  arm  of 
Babylon    (Ez.   xxx.    14-16).     The  Persian   invader 
Cambyses  completed  the  destruction  that  the  Baby- 
lonian had  begun. 

Thc'bcz  (fr.  Ileb.  =  btiglilncss,  Gcs.),  a  place  mem- 
orable for  the  death  of  Auimelech  3  (Judg.  ix.  50 ; 
2  Sam.  xi.  21) ;  identified  by  Dr.  Robinson  and  others 
after  him  with  Tubcis,  a  large  village  about  thirteen 
Roman  miles  from  Shechem  (Ndbuliis)  on  the  way 
to  Sevthopolis  (Beisdn). 

The-eo'r  (Gr.  Tlukoe  -  Tekoa),  (lie  nu'der-nesg 
of  (Gr.  eremos  ;  see  Desert  6),  the  uncultivated  pas- 
toral tract  around  Tekoa,  more  especially  to  the  E. 
ofit(l  Mc.  ix.  33). 

*  Theft.       Deposit  ;     Phnishme.nts  ;     Robbert  ; 
Thieves,  the  Two. 
The-la'sar  =  Tel-assar(2  K.  xix.  12). 
Th€-Ier'sas  (Gr.)  =  Tel-harsa  (1  Esd.  v.  36). 
The'man  (L.)  =  Teman  (Bar.  iii.  22,  23). 
The-o-ca'nns  (fr.  Gr.  form)  =  Tikvah  2  (1  Esd. 
ix.  14). 

The-od'o-tns  (L.  form  of  Gr.  •=  God-^ven),  an  en- 


THE 


THE 


1105 


VOT  sent  bv  Nicanor  to  Judas  Maccabeus  about  B.  c. 
162  (2  Mc.'xiv.  19). 

Tlie-oph'i-lns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  friend  of  God;  either 
GoJ-loi'iiig,  or  God-loved,  Schl.).  !•  The  person  to 
whom  St.  Luke  inscribes  his  Gospel  (Luke,  Gospel 
or)  and  tlie  Acts  op  the  Apostles  (Lk.  i.  3 ;  Acts  i. 
1).  Several  commentators,  especially  among  the 
Fathers,  have  been  disposed  to  regard  tlie  name 
either  as  that  of  a  fictitious  person,  or  as  applicable 
to  everv  Christian  reader.  But  the  epithet  "  most 
excellent  "(Gr  kruliste),  applied  to  Tlieopliilus  in  Lk. 
i.  3  (comp.  Acts  xxiii.  2r>,  xxiv.  3,  xxvi.  23),  is  a  suf- 
ficient evidence  of  his  historical  existence.  It  dues 
not,  indeed,  prove  that  he  was  a  Roman  governor, 
or  a  person  of  senatorial  rank,  as  Theophylact  con- 
jectures, but  it  makes  it  most  probable  that  he  was 
a  person  of  high  rank.  His  supposed  connection 
with  Antioch,  Alexandria,  or  Achaia,  rests  on  too 
slender  evidence  either  to  claim  acceptance  or  to 
need  refutation.  All  that  can  be  conjectured  with 
any  degree  of  safety  concerning  him,  comes  to  this, 
that  he  was  a  Gentile  of  rank  and  consideration,  who 
came  under  the  influence  of  St.  Luke,  or  under  that 
of  St.  Paul,  at  Rome,  and  was  converted  to  the 
Christian  faith  (so  Mr.  Jones,  original  author  of  this 
article). — 2.  A  Jewish  nioii-PRiKsr  a.  u.  37-41,  the 
son  of  Aknas  or  Ananus,  brothcr-in-l.iw  to  Caiapiias, 
and  brother  and  immediate  successor  of  Jonathan  ; 
not  mentioned  by  name  in  the  N.  T.,  but  mo.st  prob- 
ably the  high-priest  who  granted  a  commission  to 
Saul  to  priieeed  to  Damascus,  and  to  take  into  cus- 
tody any  believers  whom  he  might  find  there  (so  Mr. 
Jones). 

*  The-oph'y-Iact   (fr.   Gr.    Tlieophulaktoa  =  God- 
ffuarded),  a  native  of  Constantinople  and  archbishop 
-of  Acris  in   Bulgaria  a.  d.  1077;   compiler  (from 
i  'Chrysostom)  of  commentaries  on  most  of  the  N.  T., 
and  on  the  minor  prophets,  author  of  seventy-five 
Epistles,  &o.  (Murdock);  cited  in  margin  of  Mk.  vii. 
3  for  his  explanation  of  washing  hands. 
Thems  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Ahava  (1  Esd.  viii.  41,  61). 
Tlifr'mp-leth  (Gr.)  =  Tel-melah  (1  Esd.  v.  36). 
Tb^j-sa-ls'ni-ans  (=  peop/e  [i.  e.  Christians]  of 
Tiikssalo.vicai, FirstI'VpU'tlitOtlie.  l.ThaduU.  bur- 
ing  his  second  missionary  journey,  probaUy  in  a.  d. 
62,  St.  Hai'L  founded  the  Church  of  Thessalonica. 
■  Leaving  Thessalonica  he  passed  on  to  Borea.    From 
■••Berea  he  went  to  Athens,  and  from  .Vthcns  to  Corinth 
'  (.\cta  xvil.  l-xviii.l8).    Now,  when  this  Epistle  was 
written,  Silvanus  andTimotlicuswerein  the  apostle's 
Company(l  Th.  i.  1 ;  comp.  2Tli.  i.  1) — a  circumstance 
■  '■which  confines  the  date  to  the  second  missionary  jour- 
"'liey  (Acts  xviii.  5 ;  2  Cor.  1. 19).  The  Epi.stle  then  must 
have  been  written  between  St.  Paul's  leaving  Thessa- 
lonica and  the  close  of  his  residence  at  Corinth,  i.  e. 
accor<ling  to  the  received  chronology  witliin  the  years 
82-54.  Otlier  considerations  (1  Th.  iii.  1,  2,  C;  comp. 
the  following  article,  &c.)  enable  us  to  place  the  wri- 
ting of  this  Epistle  early  in  St.  Paul's  residence  at  Cor- 
inth, a  few  months  after  he  had  founded  the  Church  at 
Thessalonica,  at  the  close  of  a.  n.  52  or  the  beginning 
of  63  (so  Prof.  Lightfoot,  original  author  of  this  arti- 
cle, in  accordance  with  most  critics).    Tlie  statement 
in  the  subscription  appearing  in  several  MSS.  and  vcr- 
nions,  that  it  was  written  "  from  Athens,"  is  a  super- 
ficial inference  fiom  I  Th.  iii.  I,  to  which  no  weight 
should  he  attached. — IL  The  Epistles  to  the  Thes- 
galntiians  then  (for  the  second  foUoweil  the  first  after 
no  long  interval)  are  the  earliest  of  St.  Paul's  writ- 
ings— perhaps  the  earliest  written  records  of  Chri.s- 
tianity.     Comparing  the  Thessalonian  Epistles  with 
the  later  letters,  the  points  of  difTcrcuce  are  mainly 
70 


!  threefold.  (1.)  In  the  general  sli/le  of  these  earlier 
letters  there  is  greater  simplicity  and  less  exuberance 
of  language.  The  brevity  of  the  opening  salutation 
is  an  instance  of  this.  The  closing  benediction  is 
correspondingly  brief.  And  througliout  the  Epistles 
there  is  much  more  evenness  of  style.  (2.)  Tlie  oti- 
tagonism  to  St.  Paul  is  not  the  same.  Here  the  op- 
position comes  from  Jews  (1  Tli.  ii.  10).  A  period 
of  five  years  changes  the  aspect  of  the  controversy 
(comp.  1  and  2  Cor. ;  Gal. ;  Rom.).  The  opponents  of 
St.  Paul  are  then  no  longer  </««is,  so  much  mJudaizing 
Christians,  who  urged  that  though  the  Gentiles  may 
be  admitted  to  the  Church  of  Christ,  the  only  door 
of  admission  is  the  Mosaic  covenant-rite  of  circum- 
cision. The  language  of  St.  Paul,  speaking  of  the  Jew- 

,  i.sh  Christians  in  tliis  Epistle,  shows  tliat  the  opposi- 
tion to  his  teaching  had  not  at  this  time  assumed  this 
second  phase.  (3.)  Many  of  the  distinctive  doctrines 
of  Christianity,  though  implicitly  contained  in  the 
teaching  of  these  earlier  letters,  were  yet  not  evolved 
and  distinctly  enunciated  till  the  needs  of  the  Church 
drew  them  out  into  prominence  at  a  later  date.  In 
the  Epistles  to  the  Thessaloiiians,  there  is,  e.  g.,  no 
mention  of  the  characteristic  contrast  of  "  faith 
and  works;"  the  word  "justification"  does  not 
once  occur;  the  idea  of  dying  with  Christ  and 
living  with  Christ,  so  frequent  in  St.  Paul's  later 

[  writings,  is  absent  in  these.     In  the  Epistles  to  the 

1  Thessalonians,  the  Gospel  prtaclied  is  that  of  the 
coming  of  Christ,  rather  than  of  the  cross  of  Christ. 
Christ's  coming  was  closely  bound  up  with  the  fun- 
damental fact  of  the  Gospel,  viz.  His  resurrection, 
and  thus  formed  a  natural  starting-point  of  Chris- 
tian doctrine  ;  it  satisfied  the  Messianic  hopes  of  the 
Jewish  converts;  it  was  the  best  consolation  and 
support  of  the  infant  Church  under  persecution  ;  it 
was  essential  to  the  call  to  repentance  which  must 
everywhere  precede  the  divine  and  positive  teach- 
ing of  the  Gospel  (Acts  xvii.  30,  31).— 111.  The  oe- 
casioH  of  this  Epistle  was  as  follows:  St.  Paul  had 
twice  attempted  to  revisit  Thessalonica,  and  both 
times  had  been  disappointed.  Thus  prevented  from 
seeing  tliem  in  person,  he  had  sent  Timothy  to  inquire 
and  report  to  him  as  to  their  condition  ( 1  Th.  iii.  1- 
5).  Timothy  returned  witli  most  favorable  tidings, 
reporting  not  only  their  progress  in  Christian  faith 
and  practice,  but  also  their  strong  attachment  to 
their  old  teacher  (iii.  0-10).  This  Epistle  is  the  out- 
pouring of  the  apostle's  gratitude  on  receiving  this 
welcome  news.  At  the  same  time  the  report  of 
Timothy  was  not  unmixed  with  alloy.  There  were 
certain  features  in  the  condition  of  the  Thessalonian 
Church  which  called  for  St.  Paul's  interference,  and 
to  which  he  addresses  himself  in  his  letter.  (1.) 
The  very  intensity  of  their  Christian  faith,  dwelling 
too  exclusively  on  the  day  of  the  Lord's  coming,  had 
been  attended  with  evil  consequences  (iv.  11 ;  comp. 
2Tli.  ii.  1,  iii.  C,  11,  12).  On  the  other  hand,  a 
theoretical  difficulty  had  been  felt.  Certain  mem- 
bers of  tlie  Church  had  died,  and  there  was  great 
anxiety  lest  they  should  be  excluded  from  any  share 
in  the  glories  of  the  Lord's  advent  (1  Th.  iv.  13-18). 
(2.)  The  Thessalonians  needed  consolation  and  en- 
couragement under  persecution  (ii.  14,  iii.  2-4). 
(3.)  An  unhealthy  state  of  feeling  with  regard  to 
spiritual  gifts  was  m.inifcsting  itself  (v.  19,  20).  (4.) 
There  was  the  danger,  which  they  shared  with  most 
Gentile  churches,  of  relapsing  into  their  old  heathen 
profligacy  (iv.  4-8). — IV.  Yet  the  condition  of  the 
Thessalonian  Church  was  highly  satisfactory,  and  the 
most  cordial  relations  existed  between  St.  Paul  and 
hia  converts  there.     This  honorable  dfstinctioa  it 


1106 


THE 


THE 


shares  with  the  other  great  Church  of  Macedonia, 
that  of  Pliilippi  (comp.  Phil.). — V.  A  comparison  of 
tlie  narrative  in  tiie  Acta  with  the  allusions  in  this 
and  2  Th.  is  instructive.  Passing  over  patent  coin- 
cidences, we  njaj'  single  out  one  of  a  more  subtle  and 
delicate  kind.  It  arises  out  of  the  form  which  the 
nceusatiou  brought  against  St.  Paul  and  his  com- 
panions at  Thessalonica  takes  in  Acts  xvii.  1 ;  "All 
these  do  contrary  to  the  decrees  of  Cesar,  saying 
that  there  is  another  king,  one  Jesus."  The  allu- 
sions in  the  Epistles  to  the  Thessalonians  enable  us 
to  understand  the  ground  of  this  accusation.  It  ap- 
pears that  the  kingdom  of  Christ  had  entered  largely 
into  his  oral  teaching  in  this  city,  as  it  does  into  that 
of  the  Epistles  themselves  (1  Th.  i.  10,  iv.  6 ;  2  Th. 
ii.  6).  On  the  other  hand,  the  language  of  these 
Epistles  diverges  from  the  narrative  of  St,  Luke  on 
two  or  three  points  in  such  a  way  as  to  establish  the 
independence  of  the  two  accounts,  and  even  to  re- 
quire some  explanation.  (1.)  The  first  of  these  re- 
lates to  the  composition  of  the  Church  of  Thessalo- 
nica.  In  1  Th.  i.  9, 10  St.  Paul  addresses  his  readers 
distinctly  as  Gentiles,  who  had  been  converted  from 
idolatry  to  the  Gospel.  In  Acts  xvii.  4  we  are  told 
that  "  some  (of  the  Jews)  believed  .  .  .  and  of  the  de- 
vout Greeks  (i.  e.  proselytes)  a  great  multitude,  and  of 
the  chief  women  not  a  few."  Even  if  we  retain  the 
common  reading  ("  devout  Greeks ; "  some  read  "  de- 
vout ones  [i.  e.  proselytes]  and  Greeks  "),  the  account 
of  St.  Luke  does  not  exclude  a  number  of  believers 
converted  directly  from  heathendom.  Both  con- 
vey the  impression  that  the  Gospel  made  but  little 
progress  with  the  Jews  themselves.  (2.)  In  1  Th.  ii. 
14  the  persecutors  of  the  Thessalonian  Christians  are 
represented  as  their  fellow-countrymen,  whereas  in 
Acts  xvii.  5  the  Jews  are  regarded  as  the  bitterest 
opponents  of  the  faith.  This  is  fairly  met  by  Paley, 
who  points  out  that  the  Jews  were  the  instigators 
of  the  persecution,  which,  however,  they  were  power- 
less of  themselves  to  carry  out  without  aid  from  the 
heathen.  (3.)  The  narrative  of  St.  Luke  appears  to 
state  that  St.  Paul  remained  only  three  weeks  at 
Thessalonica  (Acts  xvii.  2),  whereas  in  the  Epistle, 
though  there  is  no  direct  mention  of  the  length  of 
his  residence  amongst  them,  the  whole  language  (1 
Th.  i.  4,  ii.  4-11)  points  to  a  much  longer  period. 
In  the  Acts  it  is  stated  simply  that  for  three  ?abbath 
days  St.  Paul  taught  in  the  synagogue.  The  silence 
of  the  writer  does  not  exclude,  but  his  success  rather 
implies,  subsequent  labor  among  the  Gentile  popu- 
lation. (4  )  The  notices  of  the  movements  of  Silas 
and  Timotheus  in  the  two  documents  do  not  accord 
at  first  sight.  In  the  Acts  St.  Paul  is  conveyed  away 
secretly  from  Berea  to  escape  the  Jews.  Arrived  at 
Athens,  he  sends  to  Silas  and  Timothy,  whom  he  had 
left  behind  at  Berea,  urging  them  to  join  him  as  soon 
as  possible  (Acts  xvii.  14-16).  It  is  evident  from 
the  language  of  St.  Luke  that  the  apostle  expects 
them  to  join  him  at  Athens.  Yet  we  hear  nothing 
more  of  them  for  some  time,  when  at  length  after 
St.  Paul  had  passed  on  to  Corinth,  and  several  inci- 
dents had  occurred  since  his  arrival  there,  we  are 
told  that  Silas  and  Timotheus  came  from  Macedonia 
(xviii.  5).  From  the  First  Epistle,  on  the  other  hand, 
we  gather  the  following  facts.  St.  Paul  there  tells 
us  that  they  (i.  e.  himself,  and  probably  Silas>,  no 
longer  able  to  endure  the  suspense,  "  consented  to 
be  left  alone  at  Athens,  and  sent  Timothy  their 
brother"  to  Thessalonica  (1  Th.  iii.  1,  2).  Timothy 
returned  with  good  news  (iii.  6)  (whether  to  Athens 
or  Corinth  does  not  appear),  and  when  the  two  Epis- 
tles to  the  Thessalonians  were  written,  both  Timothy 


and  Silas  were  with  St.  Paul  (1  Th.  i.  1  ;  2  Th.  i.  1  ^ 
comp.  2  Cor.  i.  19).  Now,  we  may  suppose  either 
that  (a)  Timotheus  was  dispatched  to  Thessalonica, 
not  from  Athens,  but  from  Berea.  In  this  case 
Timotheus  would  take  up  Silas  somewhere  in  Mace- 
donia on  his  return,  and  the  two  would  join  St.  Paul 
in  company ;  not,  however,  at  Athens,  but  later  on 
at  Corinth,  some  delay  having  arisen.  Or  (A)  TimO' 
theus  and  Silas  did  join  the  apostle  at  Athens,  where 
we  learn  from  the  Acts  that  he  was  expecting  them. 
From  Athens  he  dispatched  Timotheus  to  Thessalo- 
nica, so  that  he  and  Silas  had  to  forego  the  services 
of  their  fellow-laborer  for  a  time.  This  mission  is 
mentioned  in  the  Epistle,  but  not  in  the  Acts.  Sub- 
sequently he  sends  Silas  on  some  other  mission,  not 
recorded  either  in  the  history  or  the  Epistle ;  prob- 
ably to  another  Macedonian  Church,  e.  g.  Philippi 
(comp.  2  Cor.  xi.  9;  Phil.  iv.  14-16).  Silas  and 
Timotheus  returned  together  from  Macedonia  and 
joined  the  apostle  at  Corinth. — VI.  This  Epistle  is 
rather  practical  than  doctrinal.  It  was  suggested 
rather  by  personal  feeling,  than  by  any  urgent  need, 
which  might  have  formed  a  centre  of  unity,  and  im- 
pressed a  distinct  character  on  the  whole.  Under 
these  circumstances  we  need  not  expect  to  trace 
unity  of  purpose,  or  a  continuous  argument,  and  any 
analysis  must  be  more  or  less  artificial.  The  body 
of  the  Epistle,  however,  may  be  conveniently  divided 
into  two  parts,  the  former  of  which,  extending  over 
the  first  three  chapters,  is  chiefly  taken  up  with  a 
retrospect  of  the  apostle's  relation  to  his  Thessalo- 
nian converts,  and  an  explanation  of  his  present  cir- 
cumstances and  feelings,  while  the  latter,  comprising 
the  fourth  and  fifth  chapters,  contains  some  season- 
able exhortations.  At  the  close  of  each  of  thtse  dir 
visions  is  a  prayer,  commencing  with  the  same  words, 
"May  God  Hunself,"  &c.,  and  expressed  in  some- 
what similar  language.  The  Epi.stle  closes  with  per- 
sonal injunctions  and  a  benediction  (v.  25-28).-^ 
VII.  The  external  evidence  in  favor  of  the  genuine^ 
ness  of  1  Th.  is  chiefly  negative,  but  important. 
There  is  no  trace  that  it  was  ever  disputed  at  any 
age  or  in  any  section  of  the  Church,  or  even  by  any 
individual,  till  the  present  century.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  allusions  to  it  in  writers  before  the  close 
of  the  second  century  arc  confessedly  faint  and  un- 
certain. The  Epistle  was  included  in  the  Old  Latin 
and  Syriac  Versions,  is  found  in  the  Canon  of  the 
Muratorian  fragment,  and  was  also  contained  in  that 
of  Marcion.  Toward  the  close  of  the  second  cen- 
turv,  from  Irena;us  downward,  we  find  this  Epistle 
directly  quoted  and  ascribed  to  St.  Paul.  The  evi- 
dence derived  from  the  character  of  the  Epistle  it- 
self—its sti/le  and  matter— is  so  strong  that  it  may 
fairly  be  called  irresistible.  In  regard  to  the  maliery 
(1.)  The  firmness  and  delicacy  of  touch  with  which 
the  apostle's  relations  toward  his  Thessalonian  con- 
verts are  drawn,  are  quite  beyond  the  reach  of  the 
clumsy  forgeries  of  the  early  Church ;  and  (2.)  the 
writer  uses  language  which,  however  it  may  be  ex- 
plained (sec  the  next  article),  is  certainly  colored 
by  the  anticipation  of  the  speedy  advent  of  the 
Lord.  Such  a  position  would  be  an  anachronism  in 
a  writer  of  the  second  century.  The  genuineness 
of  this  Epistle  was  first  questioned  by  Schrader, 
who  was  followed  by  Baur.  The  following  is  a 
summary  of  Baur's  arguments:  (i.)  He  attributes 
great  weight  to  the  general  character  of  the  Epistle, 
the  difference  of  style,  and  especially  the  absence 
of  distinctive  Pauline  doctrines  (.see  II.  above).  (iL) 
In  the  mention  of  the  "  wrath  "  overtaking  the  Jew- 
ish people  (ii.  16),  Baur  sees  an  allusion  to  the  de- 


THE 


TBE 


1107 


struction  of  Jerusalem,  and,  therefore,  a  proof  of 
the  later  date  of  the  Epistle  (see  the  next  article ; 
Miracles;  Piiophft).  (iii.)  He  ur^e^  the  coiitradii-- 
tion<  to  the  aecimiit  in  the  Acts  (see  V.  above), 
(iv.)  Ije  discovers  references  to  the  Acts,  which 
show  that  the  Epistle  was  written  later.  But  the 
oincidcnces  are  subtle  and  incidental,  and  the 
points  of  divergence  and  apparent  contradictions 
are  .^o  numerous  a.s  to  preclude  the  supposition  of 
copying,  and  evince  the  independence  of  the  Epistle, 
(v.)  He  supposes  passages  in  this  EpLstl;-  to  have 
been  borrowed  from  the  acknowli-dj^c  1  li'tters  of 
St.  I'aul.  The  resemblances,  however,  wliich  he 
points  out  are  not  greitcr  than,  or  indeed  so  great 
as,  those  in  other  Epistles,  and  b^'ar  no  traces  of 
imitittion.  Biblk;  Caxo.'j  ;  I.nspiratio.n  j  New  Tes- 
tament. 

Tlies-sa-b'nl-ans  (see  above),  Scc'oad  E-pls'tls  to 
the.  I.  This  Epistle  appears  to  have  been  written 
trom  Corinth  not  very  loig  after  the  First  (see  the 
preccdins  article),  for  Silvanus  and  Timotheus  were 
still  with  St.  I'aul  (2  Th.  i.  1).  In  the  former  letter 
we  siw  chiefly  the  outpouring  of  strong  personal 
affection,  occa.-Honed  by  the  renew.al  of  the  apostle's 
intercourse  with  the  Thessalonians,  and  the  doctrinal 
and  hortatory  portions  are  there  subordinate.  In 
the  Sjcond  Epistle,  on  the  other  hand,  his  leading 
motive  seems  to  have  been  the  desire  of  correcting 
errors  in  the  Ohiireli  of  Thessalonica.  We  notice 
two  points  especially  which 'call  forth  his  reonke. 
First,  it  seems  that  the  anxious  expectation  of  the 
Lord's  advent,  instead  of  sjbsiding,  had  gained 
ground  since  the  writing  of  the  First  Epistle.  They 
now  looked  on  this  great  crisis  as  imminent,  and 
t  leir  daily  business  was  neglected  in  consequence. 
Expressions  in  1  Th.,  taken  by  themselves,  might 
seem  to  favor  this  view ;  and  at  all  events  such  was 
fdsely  represented  to  be  the  apostle's  doctrine.  He 
now  writes  to  sootlie  this  restless  spirit  and  quell 
t!ieir  apprehensions  by  showing  that  many  things 
must  happen  (irst,  ami  that  the  end  was  not  yet,  re- 
ferring to  his  oral  teaching  at  Thessalonica  in  con- 
firmation of  this  statement  (2  Th.  ii.  1-12,  iii.  6-12). 
SeconJh/,  the  apostle  had  also  a  jtersonal  ground  of 
complaint.  His  authority  was  not  denie  1  by  any, 
but  it  was  tampered  with,  and  an  unauthorized  us? 
w,«  nia  ie  of  his  name.  Designing  men  might  mis- 
represent his  teaching  either  by  suppressing  what 
he  actu.illy  had  writtL-n  or  said,  or  by  forging  letters 
and  in  other  ways  representing  him  as  teaching 
what  he  had  not  taught.  St.  Paul's  language  hints  in 
different  places  at  botii  these  modes  ot  false  dealing 
(c  mipare  1  Th.  v.  27).  Two  passages  allude  to  these 
misrepresentations  of  his  t..'aching.  In  the  first  he 
tells  them  in  vague  language,  "  not  to  be  troubled 
eitlicr  by  spirit  or  by  wonl  or  by  letter,  as  coming 
from  us,  as  if  the  day  of  the  Lord  were  at  hand  " 
(2  Th.  ii.  2,  .S).  In  t!ie  second  he  says,  "  The  salu- 
tation of  Paul  with  mine  own  hand,  which  is  a 
token  in  every  Epistle :  so  I  write"  (iii.  17) — evi- 
dently a  precaution  against  forgery.  It  will  be  seen 
then  that  the  teaching  of  the  Second  Epistle  is 
corrective  of,  or  rat'icr  supplemental  to,  that  of 
the  First,  and  therefore  presupposes  it  (ii.  15). — 
II.  This  Epistle,  in  the  range  of  subject  as  well  as 
in  style  and  general  character,  closely  resembles  the 
First  (see  the  preceding  article).  The  structure  also 
is  somewhat  similar,  the  main  body  of  the  Epistle 
being  divided  into  two  parts  in  the  same  way,  and 
each  part  closing  with  a  prayer  (ii.  16,  17,  iii.  Iti). 
The  first  part,  after  the  salutation  (i.  I,  2).  consists 
of  a  general  expression  of  thankfulness  and  interest. 


leading  np  to  the  difliculty  about  the  Lord's  Advent 
(i.  ;{-ii.  17) :  the  second  part  consists  of  direct  ex- 
hortation (iii.  1-16).  The  Epistle  ends  with  a  spe- 
cial direction  and  benediction  (iii.  17, 18). — III.  The 
external  evidence  in  favor  of  the  Second  Epistle  is 
somewhat  more  definite  than  tliat  in  favor  of  the 
First.  It  seems  to  be  referred  to  in  one  or  two  pas- 
sages of  I'olycarp ;  and  the  language  in  which 
Justin  Martyr  speaks  of  the  Man  of  Sin  is  so  simi- 
lar tliat  it  can  scarcely  be  independent  of  this  Epis- 
tle. The  Second  Epistle,  like  tlie  First,  is  fjund  in 
the  Canons  of  the  Syriac  and  Old  Latin  Versions, 
and  in  those  of  tlie  Muratorian  fragment  and  of 
Marcion  ;  is  quoted  expressly  and  by  name  by  Ire- 
na!us  and  others  at  the  close  of  the  second  century, 
and  was  universally  received  by  the  Church.  The 
internal  character  of  the  Epistle,  too,  as  in  the  for- 
mer case,  bears  the  strongest  testimony  to  its  Paul- 
ine origin.  Its  genuineness,  in  fact,  was  never 
questioned  until  the  beginning  of  the  present  cen- 
tury. It  has  been  rejected  by  some  modern  critics 
who  acknowledge  1  Th.  to  be  genuine.  The  apoc- 
alyptic passage  (2  Th.  ii.  1-12)  is  the  great  stumbling- 
block.  It  has  been  objected  to,  eitlier  as  alluding 
to  events  subseciuent  to  St.  Paul's  death,  e.  g.  the 
Neronian  persecution ;  or  as  betraying  religious 
views  derived  from  the  Mont.anism  of  the  second 
century  ;  or  lastly,  as  contradicting  St.  Paul's  antici- 
pations expressed  elsewhere,  especially  in  the  First 
Epistle,  of  the  near  approach  of  the  Lord's  Advent. 
— 1\'.  The  most  striking  feature  in  the  Epistle  is 
this  apocalyptic  passage,  announcing  the  revelation 
of  the  "Man  of  Sin"  (ii.  1-12),  an  J  it  will  not  be 
irrelevant  to  investigate  its  meaning. — (1.)  The  pas- 
sage speaks  of  a  great  apostasy  which  is  to  usher 
in  the  advent  of  Christ,  the  great  judgment.  There 
are  three  prominent  figures  in  the  picture,  Christ, 
Antichrist,  and  the  Restrainer.  The  "mystery  of 
lawlessness  '"  (A.  V.  "  iniquity ; "  Sis)  is  already  at 
work.  At  present  it  is  checked  by  the  Restrainer; 
but  the  check  will  be  removed,  and  then  it  will 
break  out  in  all  its  violence.  Then  Christ  will  ap- 
pear.— (2.)  Many  diflercnt  explanations  have  been 
offered  of  this  passage.  By  one  class  of  interpret- 
ers It  has  been  referred  to  circumstances  which 
passed  within  the  circle  of  the  apostle's  own  ex- 
perience. Others,  again,  have  seen  in  it  the  predic- 
tion of  a  crisis  yet  to  be  realized,  the  end  of  all 
things.  The  former  of  these,  the  Pretcrists,  have 
identified  the  "  Man  of  Sin  "  with  divers  historical 
characters — with  Caligula,  N'ero,  Titus,  Simon  Ma- 
gus, Simon  son  of  Giora,  the  high-priest  Ananias, 
&c.,  and  have  sought  for  an  historical  counterpart 
to  the  Restrainer  in  like  manner.  The  latter,  the 
Futurists,  have  also  given  various  accounts  of  the 
A.NTiciiRisT,  the  my.sterious  power  of  evil  wiiich  is 
already  working.  To  Protestants,  e.  g.,  it  is  the 
Papacy ;  to  the  (Jreek  Church,  Mohammedanism. — 
(3.)  Now,  in  arbitrating  lietwecn  the  Pretcrists  and 
the  Futurists,  we  are  led  by  the  analogy  of  other 
prophetic  announcements,  as  well  as  by  the  language 
of  the  passage  itself,  to  take  a  middle  course  (so 
Prof  Lightfoot,  original  author  of  this  article). 
Neither  is  wholly  right,  and  yet  both  are  to  a  cer- 
tain extent  right.  It  is  the  special  characteristic  of 
prophecy  to  speak  of  the  distjint  future  through  the 
present  and  immediate.  Following  the  analogy  of 
the  older  proph<!ts  and  of  our  Lord  himself  (Olo 
Tkstamknt  B;  Prophkt),  we  may  agree  with  the 
Pretcrists  that  St.  Paul  is  referring  to  events  which 
fell  under  his  own  cognizance ;  for,  indeed,  the 
Restrainer  is  said  to  be  restraining  now,  and  the 


1108 


Tip 


THE 


mystery  of  iniquity  to  be  already  working :  while 
at  the  same  time  we  may  accept  the  Kuturist  view 
that  the  apostle  is  desci  il jing  the  end  of  all  things, 
and  thai,  therefore,  the  pri)pl;eey  has  not  yet  re- 
ceived its  most  striking  and  complete  fullilment  — 
(4.)  If  tills  view  be  correct,  it  remains  to  inquire 
whiit  parricular  advei'sary  of  the  Gospel,  and  what 
particular  restraining  intiuence,  St.  Paul  may  have 
liad  in  view.  Hut,  before  attempting  an  explanation, 
we  may  lay  down  two  rules.  Urd.  The  imagery 
of  the  passage  must  be  interpreted  mainly  jjy  it- 
self, and  by  the  circumstances  pf  the  time.  The 
great  adversary  in  the  Revelation  seems  to  be  tlie 
Roman  power  ;  but  it  may  be  widely  different  here. 
There  were  even  in  the  apostolic  age  "  many  Anti- 
christs ; "  and  we  cannot  be  sure  that  the  Anti- 
christ present  to  the  mind  of  St.  Paul  was  the 
same  with  the  Antichrist  contemplated  by  St.  John. 
Secondly.  In  all  figurative  passages  it  is  arbitrary  to 
assume  that  a  person  is  denoted  where  we  find  a 
personification.  Thus  the  "  Man  of  Sin  "  here  need 
not  be  an  individual  man  ;  it  may  be  a  body  of  men, 
01  a  power,  a  spirituul  influence. — (5.)  Now  we  find 


that  tlie  chief  opposition  to  the  Gospel,  and  espe- 
cially to  St.  Paul  s  preaching  at  this  time  arose 
from  the  Jews  (compare  the  preceding  article).  It 
seems  on  the  wliole  i)robable  that  the  Asticiikist  is 
represented  especially  by  Judai.'-m,  and  that  the 
Roman  Empire  is  the  restraining  power.  It  was  lo 
Roman  justice  and  Roman  magistrates  that  the 
apostle  had  recouise  at  this  time  to  shield  him  from 
the  enmity  of  the  Jews,  and  to  cheek  their  violence 
(Acts  xvi.  37  f,  xvii.  6  ff,,  xviii.  VI  ft'.;  AppKiL  ; 
Uitize.n).  It  was  only  at  a  later  date,  under  Nero, 
that  Rome  became  the  nntagonist  of  Christendom, 
and  then  she  also,  4n  turn,  was  fitly  portrayed  by 
St.  John  as  the  type  of  Antichrist.  liiLLK  ;  Ca.non  ; 
Inspiration  ;  Nkw  Tkstamk.nt. 

Tlies-sa-lo-ni'(a(L.  fr.  Gr.,  see  hclow,  a  maritime 
city  of  Maceoonia;  originally  iianied  Themia,  and 
situated  on  the  Thermaic  Gulf,  now  the  Gttif  nf 
Suhniea.  The  city  rose  into  inipoitance  with  the 
decay  of  Greek  nationality.  Cas.sander,  the  son  of 
Antipater,  rebuilt  and  enlarged  it,  and  named  it  after 
his  wife  Tlussalonica,  the  sister  of  Alkxander  thk 
GiiEAT,  whose  name  comnicmoralcd  iu  Greek  a  vic- 


tor i/ over  the  TTiessaliaiis  which  her  father  (Philip  1) 
obtained  on  the  day  when  he  heard  of  her  birth  (so 
Dr.  Ilowson,  original  author  of  this  article).  The 
name,  ever  since,  under  various  slight  modifications, 
has  been  continuous,  and  the  city  has  never  ceased 
to  be  eminent.  It  is  now  known  as  Saloniki  or 
iSahnirn,  and  is  still  the  most  important  town  of 
European  Turkcv,  next  after  Constantinople.  Under 
the  Romans,  when  Macehonia  was  divided  into  four 
governments,  Thessalonici  was  the  capital  of  the 
second;  afterward,  when  the  whole  was  consolidated 
into  one  iirovince,  this  city  became  practically  the 
metropolis.  It  was  made  a  "  free  city "  (Rohan 
Empire  ;  ami  see  below),  and  in  the  first  and  second 
centuries  a.  c.  was  the  most  populous  city  in  Mace- 
donia. St.  Pa  CI,  vi.sited  it  (with  Silas  and  Timothy) 
during  his  second  missionary  journey,  and  thus 
Christianity    was     introduced     into    Thessalonica. 


Three  circumstances  illustrate  in  an  important  man- 
ner this  visit  and  this  journey  as  well  as  the  Two 
Epistles  to  the  Thessalonians  : — (1.)  This  was  the 
chief  station  on  'he  great  Roman  Road,  called  the 
Egnatiaii  Wai/,  which  connected  Rome  with  Amphip- 
oi.is,  AroLLOMA,  Neapoi.is,  Philipi'i,  and  the  whtde 
region  N.  of  the  yKgean  Sea.  (2.)  Placed  on  this 
great  Road,  in  connection  witli  other  important 
Roman  ways,  and  being  also  a  great  emporium  of 
trade  by  sea,  Thessalonica  was  an  invaluable  centre 
for  the"  spread  of  the  Gospel  (1  Th.  i.  8).  It  was 
nearly,  if  not  quite,  on  a  level  with  Corinth  and 
Ephesus  in  its  share  of  the  commerce  of  the  Levant. 
(3.)  The  circumstance  (Acts  xvii.  l)that  here  was 
the  synagogue  of  the  Jews  in  this  part  of  Mace- 
donia, had  evidently  much  to  do  with  the  apostle's 
plans,  and  also  doubtless  with  his  success.  Trade 
would  inevitably  bring  Jews  to  Thessalonica ;  and 


THE 


THI 


1109 


it  is  remarkable  that,  ever  since,  they  liave  liad  a 
prominent  place  in  tlie  annals  of  the  city.  In  the 
fifteenth  century  there  was  a  great  inliiix  of  Jews 
from  Spain.  Tlie  Jewish  tiniirter  is  in  the  south- 
eastern part  of  the  town.'  The  first  scene  of  the 
apostle's  worlc  at  Thessalonica  was  tlie  synagogue 
(xvil  2,  3).  His  ministra'.ions  among  the  Jews  con- 
tinued for  three  weeks  (ver.  2),  but  probably  he  re- 
mained longer  in  the  city  (ver.  6-10;  1  Tli.  i.  6,  ii. 
2,  14,  13,  iil.  3,  4  ;  2  Th.  i.  4-7;  Jasos).  He  was 
certainly  there  agiin  on  his  missio  lary  journey, 
both  in  going  and  returning  (Acts  xx.  1-3).  Pos- 
sibly he  was  also  there  again,  after  liis  liberation 
from  his  first  iniprisoument  (Phil.  i.  25,  2o,  ii.  24  ; 
1  Tim.  i.  3;  2  Tnn.  iv.  13;  Tit.  iii.  12).  A  flourish- 
ing Church  was  forme  1  there:  and  the  E  )istles 
show  that  its  elements  were  much  more  Gentile 
than  Jewish  (I  Th.  i.  9;  .Uistauchos;  Demas  • ; 
Gaios  [Acts  xix.  29];  Jasos;  Skccndus).  The 
narrative  in  the  Acts  ..fford-i  a  singular' y  accur.jte 
illustration  of  the  political  co  istifition  of  Thessalo- 
nic:i.  Not  only  is  "  tlie  people"  nicntion.'d  (Gr. 
dimo$.  Acts  xvii.  5)  in  hivmony  with  its  being  a 
"free  city,"  but  the  peculiar  title  (Gr.  pi.  pnlHitrchni 
=  politarcks,  or,  .as  in  the  A.  V.,  "  rulers  of  the 
ciiy,"  ver.  6)  of  the  chief  magistrates.  This  term 
occurs  in  no  other  writing;  but  it  maybe  read  to 
this  dav  co'is  neuously  on  an  arch  of  the  early  Im- 
perial tinie<,  whiji  spans  tlie  main  street  of  the 
city,  and  u'.)m  wliic'i  it  appears  thit  t!ie  numbjr 
of  politaroh-i  was  seven.  The  ar.h  just  montioneJ 
(c  tiled  the  Varddi-  gite)  is  at  tlie  western  extremity 
of  the  toivn.  At  its  eastern  extremity  is  another 
Roman  arch  of  later  date,  and  probably  commem- 
orating smne  victory  of  Constantino.  The  niiiii 
street,  which  both  thes^  arches  cross,  and  wliicli 
intersects  thj  city  from  E.  to  W.,  is  nndoubtedly 
the  Ime  of  t:ie  E/iinlian  Wa)/. — Tiiessal  mici,  dur- 
ing .-ieveral  ce  itaries,  was  the  bulw  irk,  not  simply 
of  th;  later  Greek  E.npire  (Rom.v.n  Empirk),  but  of 
Orient;iI  Christendom,  and  was  larg  .'iy  instrumental 
in  the  conversinn  of  the  Slavonians  anl  Unlg.irinns. 
Thus  it  received  the  designation  of  "the  Orthodox 
City;"  and  its  stnigg'es  are  very  prominent  in  the 
writings  of  the  Byzantine  historians  It  was  taken 
by  the  SiracensA.  n.  904,  by  the  Crusaders  1186, 
and  by  the  Turks,  under  Amurath  II.,  in  14  !0. 

Theadas  (Gr.  =  T/ieo/or',  i.  e.  f/ift  of  God  [so 
Pott,  &C.1 ;  but  in  !J.  T.  probably  fr.  Syr.  or  Heh.  = 
acknom'e  lifriml,  confesnion,  tlinnkuc/hiiig  [so  Sonntag, 
Prof.  Ilackett,  &c.]),  an  insurgent  mentioned  in 
Gamaliel's  speech  b'fore  the  Jewish  council  (Acts  v. 
36-39)  at  the  time  of  the  arraignment  of  the  apos- 
tle.'. He  appeared,  according  to  St.  Luke's  account, 
at  the  head  of  about  four  hundred  men,  but  was 
slain  and  his  party  annihilate  1.  Josephus  speaks 
of  a  Theudas  who  played  a  similar  part  in  the  time 
of  Claudius,  about  a.  n.  44,  i.  c  so'ne  ten  or  twelve 
years  at  least  later  than  the  delivery  of  Gamaliel's 
speech ;  and  since  Luke  places  his  Theudas,  in  the 
order  of  time,  before  Jenvs  op  Galilee,  who  made 
his  appearance  soon  after  the  dethronement  of 
Archelaiis,  i.  c.  a.  d.  6  or  7,  it  has  been  charged  that 
the  writer  of  the  Acts  either  fabricated  the  speech 
put  into  the  mouth  of  Gamaliel,  or  has  wrought  into 
it  a  transaction  which  took  place  thirty  years  or 
more  after  the  time  when  it  is  said  to  have  occurred. 

'  Rev.  E.  M.  Dodd.  American  mlstilonar^  at  Salnnlca, 
said  In  l&M.  •'  It  ha»  at  prei-enl  a  population  variously  es- 
tlmated  at  from  (JO.OOl)  to  W.OOO:  or  these  one-half  are 
Jews ;  a  few.  of  almo«t  nil  nallon!"  nnder  heaven ;  and  the 
ramaluder,  lialf  Urceks  and  naif  Turks  "  (B.  S.  xl.  839). 


But  either  of  the  two  following  solutions  of  the  didi- 
culty  fullils  every  reasonable  requisition,  and  both 
must  be  disproved  before  Luke  can  be  justly  charged 
with  having  committed  an  anachronism  in  this  pas- 
sage (so  Prof  Ilackett,  original  author  of  this  ar- 
ticle): (1.)  Since  Luke  represents  Theudas  as  hav- 
ing preceded  Judas  the  Galilean,  he  could  not  have 
appeared  later,  at  all  events,  than  the  latter  part  of 
the  reign  of  Herod  the  Great.  Now,  the  very  year 
of  that  monarch's  death  was  remarkably  turbulent ; 
the  land  was  overrun  by  insurrectionary  chiefs  or 
fanatics.  Josephus  mentions  but  three  of  these  dis- 
turbers Ay  name  ;  he  passes  over  the  others  with  a 
general  allusion.  Among  those  whom  the  Jewish 
historian  has  omitted  to  name,  may  have  been  the 
Theudas  whom  Gamaliel  cites  (so  Lardner,  Hengcl, 
Kuinoe!,  Olshausen,  Anger,  Winer,  &c.).  Tlic  name 
was  not  uncommon  (Winer).  (2.)  Another  explana- 
I  tion  (essentially  different  only  as  proposing  to  iden- 
tify thj  person)  is,  Luke's  Theudas  may  have  lieen 
one  of  the  three  insurgents  whose  names  are  men- 
tioned by  Josephus  in  connection  with  the  disturb- 
ances wliich  took  place  about  the  time  of  Herod's 
diMith.  Sonntag  ably  maintains  this  view,  and  ar- 
gues tliat  tlie  Theudas  referred  to  by  Gamaliel  is  the 
individual  whom  Josephus  mentions  as  Simon,  a 
slave  of  Herod,  wlio  attempted  to  make  himself  king, 
and  died  a  violeut  death. 

"»  Tliiaf.      Deposit  ;    Pojishme.sts  ;    Robbery  ; 

TlIIEVKS,  THE  Tuo. 

Thieves,  theTwa.  The  rien  who  under  this  name 
appear  in  the  historv  of  the  crucifixion  (Mat.  xxvii. 
3'<,  44;  Mk.  xv.  37,42;  eo  np,  Lk.  xxiii.  32-43;  Jn. 
xix.  18,  31  ff.)  were  robbers  (Gr.  Icalai ;  Rohbeit) 
rather  than  thieves  (Gr.  kkptoi),  b  'lo  iging  to  the 
lawless  bands  by  which  Palestine  was  at  that  time 
and  afterivard  tnf  sted.  Against  these  brigands 
I  every  Roman  procurator  had  to  wage  continual  war. 
(Jerusalem.)  It  was  necessary  to  use  an  armed 
police  to  encounter  them  (Lk.  xxii.  52).  Of  the  pre- 
vious history  of  th?  two  who  suffered  on  Golgotha  we 
know  notuing.  Th?y  liad  been  tried  and  condemtied, 
and  were  waiting  their  execution  before  our  Lord  was 
accused.  It  is  probable  enough,  as  the  death  of 
Barabbas  was  clearly  expected  at  the  same  time, 
that  they  had  taken  part  in  his  insurrection,  and 
had  expecte  1  to  die  with  him.  They  find  themselves 
crucified  with  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  (Cross  ;  Crcci- 
Fixiox;  Jiwrs  Chciist;  Pi:.nishmen'ts.)  They  could 
hanlly  fail  to  have  heard  something  of  his  famous  a 
prophet,  of  his  triumphal  entry  as  a  king.  They 
catch  at  first  the  prevailing  tone  of  scorn.  But  over 
one  of  them  oame  a  change.  He  looked  back  upon 
his  past  life,  and  saw  an  infinite  evil.  He  looked  to 
the  man  dying  on  the  cross  beside  him,  and  saw  an  in- 
finite compassion.  There  indeed  was  one  unlike  all 
other  "  kings  of  the  .Jews,"  whom  the  robber  had 
ever  known.  Such  a  one  must  he  all  that  He  had 
c'aimed  to  be.  To  lie  forgotten  by  that  King  seems 
to  him  now  the  most  tiuiible  of  all  pi.nishments; 
to  take  part  in  the  triumph  of  His  return,  the  most 
blessed  of  all  hopes.  The  yearning  prayer  was  an- 
swered, not  in  the  letter,  but  in  the  spirit.  "  To-Uaj 
shalt  thou  be  with  Me  in  Paradise." — The  simplest 
and  truest  way  of  looking  at  this  history  has  been 
that  of  those  who  have  seen  in  the  "  dying  thief" 
the  first  great  typical  instance  that  "  a  man  is  justi- 
fied by  faith  without  the  deeds  of  the  law  "  (so  Prof. 
Plumptre,  original  author  of  this  article).  Bengel 
finds  in  the  Lord's  words  to  him  an  indication  that 
the  penitent  thief  was  a  Gentile,  the  impenitent  a 
Jew,  and  that  thus  the  scene  on  Calvary  was  typical 


1110 


TUI 


Tno 


of  the  position  of  tlie  two  Climclics.  Stier  reads  in 
the  words  oC  reproof  tlie  language  of  one  who  had 
all  along  listened  mtli  grief  and  horror  to  the  re- 
vilings  of  the  multitude,  the  burst  of  an  indignation 
previously  suppressed.  The  Ajiocrvphal  Gospels 
give  his  name  as  Denias  or  Disinas,  and  make  him 
the  first  of  all  mankind  to  enter  Paradise.  "  St.  Dis- 
nias"  has  been  canonized  iu  the  Syrian,  Greek,  and 
Latin  Churches. 

Thim'ua-th.ll  (fr.  Heb.  Timnalhdh  =  Timnaii, 
Ges.),  a  city  named  between  Klon  and  Ekron,  re- 
garded by  Gesenius,  Robinson,  &e.,  as  =  Timnah  1. 

Thls'br  (Gr.  T/iisbe  or  Thibi),  a  city  of  Xaphtali 
from  which  Tobit's  ancestor  had  been  carried  cap- 
tive by  the  Assyrians  (Tub.  i.  2  only) ;  maintainid 
by  some  interpreters  to  be  the  native  place  of  Eli- 
jah the  Tishbite;  not  identified. 

Thistle  [this'slj.     TiiouNS  and  Thistles. 

Tbomas  [tom-J  (Gr.  fr.  Ileb.  torn,  tomd  —  twin ; 
see  below),  one  ot  the  apostles.  (Apostle.)  Accord- 
ing to  Eusebius  (H.  E.  i.  13),  his  real  name  was 
Judas.  This  may  have  been  a  mere  confusion  wiih 
Thaddeus,  who  is  mentioned  in  the  extract.  But  it 
may  also  be  that  Thomas  was  a  surname  (so  Dean 
Stimley,  original  author  of  this  article).  The  word 
TkomO,  means  a  twin  ;  and  so  it  is  translated  in  Jn. 
xi.  16,  xxi.  2  (Gr.  ho  didumos,  A.  V.  "Didvmis  "). 
Out  of  this  name  has  grown  the  tradition  that  he  had 
a  twin-sister,  Lydia,  or  that  lie  was  a  twm-brotlicr 
of  our  Lord;  which  last,  again,  would  confirm  his 
identification  wiih  Judas  (comp.  Mat.  xiii.  55).  He 
is  said  to  have  been  born  at  Antioch.  In  the  cata- 
logue of  the  apostles  he  is  coupled  with  Matthew 
(Mat.  X.  3;  Mk.  iii.  18;  Lk.  vi.  ]5)  and  with  Philip 
(Acts  i.  13).  All  that  we  know  of  him  is  derived 
from  the  Gospel  of  St.  John  ;  and  this  amounts  to 
three  traits,  presenting  his  character  as  that  of  a 
man  slow  to  believe,  seeing  all  the  difficulties  of  a 
case,  subject  to  despondency,  viewing  things  on  the 
dai'ker  side,  and  yet  full  of  ardent  love  for  his  Mas- 
ter. The  first  trait  is  his  speech  when  our  Lord  de- 
termined to  face  the  dangers  that  awaited  Him  in 
Judea  on  His  journey  to  Bethany.  Thomas  said  to 
his  fellow-disciples,  "  Let  us  also  go,  that  we  may  die 
with  Him  "  (Jn.  xi.  IB).  The  second  was  his  speech 
during  the  Last  Supper.  "  Thomas  saith  unto  Him, 
Lord,  we  know  not  whither  Thou  goest,  and  how  can 
we  know  the  way"(xiv.  5).  It  was  the  prosaic, 
incredulous  doubt  as  to  moving  a  step  in  the  unseen 
future,  and  yet  an  eager  inquiry  to  know  how  this 
step  was  to  be  taken.  The  third  was  after  the  Res- 
urrccMon.  He  was  absent — possibly  by  accident, 
perhaps  characteristically — from  the  first  assembly 
when  Jesus  had  appeared.  The  others  told  him 
what  they  had  seen.  lie  broke  forth  into  an  ex- 
clamation, the  terms  of  which  convey  to  us  at  once 
the  vehemence  of  his  doubt,  and  the  vivid  picture  that 
his  mind  retained  of  his  Master's  form  as  he  had  last 
seen  Him  lifeless  on  the  cross.  "  Except  I  shall  see 
in  His  hands  the  print  of  the  nails,  and  put  my  finger 
into  the  print  of  the  nails,  and  thrust  my  hand  into 
His  side,  I  will  not  believe  "  ( xx.  2.5 ).  On  the  eighth 
day  he  was  with  them  at  their  gathering,  perhaps  in 
expectation  of  a  recurrence  of  the  visit  of  the  pre- 
vious week ;  and  Jesus  stood  amongst  them.  He 
uttered  the  same  salutation,  "  Peace  be  imto  you  ; " 
and  then  turning  to  Thomas,  as  if  this  had  been  the 
special  object  of  His  appearance,  uttered  the  words 
which  convey  as  strongly  the  sense  of  condemnation 
and  tender  reproof  as  those  of  Thomas  had  shown 
the  sense  of  hesitation  and  doubt,  "Reach  hither 
thy  finger,  and  behold  My  hands  ;  and  reach  hither 


thy  hand,  and  thrust  it  into  My  side ;  and  be  not  faith- 
less, hut  believing."  The  eiicjct  on  Thomas  is  im- 
mediate. The  conviction  produced  by  tlie  removal 
of  his  doubt  became  deeper  and  stronger  than  that 
of  any  of  the  other  apostles.  The  words  in  which  he 
expressed  his  belief  contain  a  far  higher  assertion  of 
his  Master's  divine  nature  than  is  contained  in  any 
other  expression  used  by  apostolic  lips,  "  My  Lord, 
and  my  God."  The  answer  ot  our  Lord  sums  up  the 
moral  of  the  whole  narrative:  "  liecause  thou  hast 
seen  Me,  thou  hast  believed :  blussed  are  they  that 
have  not  seen  Mc,  and  yet  have  believed  "  (x.\.  29). 
In  the  N.  T.  we  hear  of  Thomas  only  twice  again, 
once  on  the  Sea  of  Galilee  with  the  seven  disciples, 
where  he  is  named  next  after  Peter  (xxi.  2*,  and 
again  in  the  assembliLge  of  the  apostles  after  the 
Ascension  (Acts  i.  13).  The  earlier  traditions,  as 
believed  in  the  fourth  century,  represent  him  as 
preaching  in  Parthia  or  Persia,  and  as  finally  buiied 
at  Edessa.  The  later  traditiims  make  him  founder 
of  the  Christian  (Jhurch  in  Malabar,  still  called  "  the 
Christians  of  St.  Thomas ;  "  ai.d  h:s  tomb  is  show  n  in 
the  neighborhood.  This,  however,  is  now  usually  re- 
garded as  arising  from  a  confusion  with  a  later  Thom- 
as, a  missionary  from  tlie  Nestoriana.  His  martyrdom 
(whether  in  Persia  or  India)  is  said  to  have  been  oc- 
casioned by  a  lance;  and  is  commemorated  by  the 
Latin  Church  on  December  21,  by  the  Greek  Church 
on  October  6,  and  by  the  Indians  on  July  1.  The 
"Gospel  of  Thomas"  (chiefly  relating  to  the  In- 
fancy), and  "  Acts  of  Thomas,"  are  apocryphal. 

Ihom'o-i  (Gr.)  —  TiiAMAii  or  Tamah  "(1  Esd.  v. 
32).  . 

Tliorns  and  Tlils'tles.  There  appear  to  be  eighteen 
or  twenty  Hebrew  words  which  point  to  diitlreut 


Europ«aa  Box-tham  (Lj/cium  Euro/aum). 

kinds  of  prickly  or  thorny  shrubs,  and  are  variously 
rendered  in  the"  A.  V.  "  thorns,"  "  briers,"  "  tliistlcs," 


THO 


TIIR 


nil 


"  brambles,"  &e.  We  shall  confine  our  remarks  (so 
Mr.  Houijliton)  to  some  of  tlie  most  important  names, 
and  those  which  seein  to  afford  some  slight  indica- 
tions as  to  the  plants  thev  denote. — 1.  Heb.  dtdd  oc- 
curs as  the  name  of  some  spinous  plant  in  Judg.  ix. 
H,  15  (A.  V.  "bramble,"  raurg.  "  thistle"),  and  in 
Ps.  Iviii.  9  (Heb.  10,  A.  V.  "  thorns").  The  plant 
in  question  is  supposed  to  be  Lycium  Europieum  or 
Lueium  A/mm  {bi;x4horn),  both  of  which  species 
occur  in  Palestine.  The  Arabic  name  of  this  plant 
is  identical  with  tlio  Hebrew.  Li/eium  Europ<eum 
(Earn/If an  box-thorn)  is  a  native  of  the  S.  of  Europe 
and  the  N.  of  Africa;  in  the  Grecian  islands  it  is 
common  in  hcdge:^. — 2.  lleh.  hedrk  or  chedek  occurs 
in  Prov.  .\v.  19  (.\.  V.  "thorns"),  and  in  Mic.  vii.  4 
(A.  V.  "brier").  Celsius,  referring  the  Hebrew  to 
the  Ar.  Chaduk,  is  of  opinion  tliat  some  spinous 
spt'cies  of  Sutanum  is  intended.  The  Arabic  term 
=:  some  kind  of  Solamim,  cither  the  Sotanam  melon- 
qela,  vanety  esru'entum  (Egg-planI)  or  the  Solaniiiii 
Sodomenin  (apple  of  Soilom) ;  but  it  is  hardly  prob- 
able that  these  are  meant  by  the  Hebrew  word,  which 
denotes  any  thorny  plant  suitable  for  hedges. — 3. 
Heb.  hoah  or  choack  denotes  some  thorny  plant  (A. 


V.  "  thickets,"  1  Sam.  xiii.  6 :  "thistle,"  2  K.  xir.  9 
twice ;  2  Chr.  x.w.  18  twice ;  Job.  xxxi.  40 :  "  thorn," 
2  Chr.  xx.xiii.  11;  Job  xIL  2  [xl.  26  Heb.];  Prov. 
xxvi.  9 ;  Cant.  ii.  2  ;  Hos.  ix.  6  :  "  brambles,"  Is.  xxxiv. 
13).  Celsius  believes  the  blackthorn  (Prunus  si/'- 
OTs/ra)  is  denoted;  but  from  Job  xxxi.  40 — A.  V. 
"  Let  thistles  grow  instead  of  wheat " — it  is  probable 
that  some  tliurny  weed  of  quick  growth  is  intended. 
Perhaps  the  term  is  used  in  a  wide  sense  to  signify 
any  thorny  plant. — 4.  Heb.  dardar  (A.  V.  "  thistle  ") 
is  mentioned  twice  with  Heb.  kols  (A.  V.  "tliorn"), 
viz.  in  Gen.  iii.  18,  and  Hos.  x.  8.  The  Gr.  triboloa 
(in  LXX.  for  dardar)  occurs  in  Mat.  vii.  16  (A.  V. 
"thistle")  and  Heb.  vi.  8  (A.  V.  "brier").  Prob- 
ably the  Tribulus  terre»lris(callrop),  which,  however, 
is  not  a  spiny  or  thorny  plant,  but  has  spines  on  the 
fruit,  or  else  the  Venlaurea  caldirapa  {slar-l/iiiit/e), 
is  the  plant  more  particularly  intended  by  dardar. 
— 5.  Heb.  slidinir  (A.  V.  "  briers  ")  is  almost  always 
found  with  Heb.  shanilh  (Is.  v.  6,  vii.  23-25,  ix.  18 
[Heb.  17],  -t.  17,  xxvii.  4),  once  with  Heb.  iote(xxxii. 
13):  it  is  variously  rendered  by  the  LXX.  (AnA- 
MAXT.)  According  to  Abu'lfadl,  cited  l>y  Celsius, 
"  the  Samur  of  the  Arabs  is  a  thorny  tree ;  it  is  a 


Caltrop  {Tributat  Untttrit . 


species  of  Sidra  which  does  not  produce  fruit."  No 
thorny  plants  are  more  conspicuous  in  Palestine  and 
the  Bible  Lands  than  different  kinds  of  Rhamnacece 
{bui-klhornx),  such  as  Paliuritu  ne>ilealu»  (Christ's 
Thorn),  and  Z!zi//ihitK  Spina  C/trisd ;  this  latter 
plant  is  the  nebk  of  the  Arabs,  a  shrub  or  tree  which 
grows  abundantly  in  Syria  .ind  Palestine.  The  Heb. 
na((*iu/»(A.V.  "  thorn")of  Is.  vii.  19,  Iv.  13,  probably 
denotes  some  species  of  ZLsuphiix.  The  "crows  or 
TiioBxs  "  which  was  put  in  derision  upon  our  Lord's 
head  just  before  His  crucifixion,  was  probably  com- 
posed of  the  pliant  thorny  twigs  of  the  nebk  (Zizy- 
p!tv»  Spina  C'hrisli)  mentioned  above ;  being  com- 
mon everywhere,  they  could  readily  be  procured. 
Still,  as  Rosenmiiller  remarks,  "  there  being  so  many 
kinds  of  thorny  plants  in  Palestine,  all  conjectures 
roust  remain  uncertain."  Although  it  is  not  possi- 
ble to  fix  on  any  one  definite  Hebrew  word  as  the 
representative  of  any  one  kind  of  "  thistle,"  this 
plant  is  doabtlcDs  sometimes  alluded  to,  as  thistles 
of  various  species  ( Carauiu,  Cuieiu)  are  numerous 
in  Piilcstine,  and  often  of  prodigious  size.  Hasscl- 
quist  thinks  the  rest-harrow  (Onnnin  npinota),  a 
troublesome  thorny  plant,  which  often  covers  entire 
fields  and  plains  both  in  Egypt  and  Palestine,  is  re- 


ferred to  in  some  parts  of  the  Scriptures.  Thorns 
and  briers  grow  so  luxuriantly  in  some  parts  of  Pal- 
estine that  they  must  be  burned  off  always  before 
the  plough  can  operate  (Thn.  ii.  6,  28).  Thomson  (i. 
81)  says,  thorns  are  cut  up  only  for  burning  in  the 
lime-kiln  (comp.  Is.  xxxiii.  12);  but  are  set  on  fire 
where  they  grow,  if  they  are  merely  to  be  destroyed. 
Bush;  Palesti.ne,  Botany  ;  Paul. 

Thra'tl-t  [-shea]  (L.  fr.  Gr.  ITirake ;  fr.  Tiras, 
so  Boch.,  &c.),  usually  called  TTirace  [pronounced 
thrase  in  one  syllabic]  in  our  language.  A  Thracian 
horseman  is  incidentally  mentioned  in  2  Mc.  xii.  35, 
apparently  one  of  the  body-guard  of  Gorgias,  gov- 
ernor of  Idumea  under  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  Thrace 
at  this  period  included  the  whole  of  the  country 
within  the  boundary  of  the  Strymon,  the  Danube, 
and  the  coasts  of  the  JJgean,  Propontis,  and  Euxine 
— all  the  region  of  European  Turkey,  now  compre- 
hended in  Bulr/aria  and  Roumelia.  In  the  early 
times  it  was  inhabited  by  a  number  of  fierce  preda- 
tory tribes,  each  under  its  own  chief;  but,  at  the 
Peloponnesian  war,  Sitalccs,  king  of  the  OdrysiB,  had 
acquired  the  predominant  power  in  the  country. 
In  the  wars  after  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great 
the  Thracians  found  a  demand  for  their  services  M 


1112 


THB 


THY 


Mercenaries  everywliere.  They  furnished  cavalry 
chiefly,  the  rich  pastures  of  Roumdia  abounding  in 
horses.  In  Gen.  x.  2,  Tiras  has  by  some  been  sup- 
posed to  mean  Thrace. 

Thra-se'as  (fr.  Gr.),  father  of  Apollonius  1  (2  Mc. 
iii.  6). 

*  Thread.  Cord  ;  Embroiderer  ;  Flax  ;  Linen  ; 
Yarn,  &c. 

9  Three.    KrMBER. 

Three  Tav'erns  (fr.  L.  Tret  Tabema ;  probably 
named  from  three  inns  or  eating-houses  for  trivel- 
lers),  a  station  on  the  Appian  Road,  along  which 
St.  Paul  travelled  from  Pitteoli  to  Rome  (Acts 
x,xviii.  15).  The  distances  southward  from  Rome 
are  given  in  the  Anioiiiue  llincrary,  "  to  Aricia,  six- 
teen miles  ;  to  Tliree  Taverns,  seventeen  miles  ;  to 
Appii  Forum,  ten  miles  ;  "  hence  "  Three  Taverns  " 
must  have  been  near  the  modern  Cinterna.  Just  at 
this  point  a  road  came  in  from  Antium  on  the  coast. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  "  Three  Taverns  "  was  a  fre- 
quent meeting-place  of  travellers.  Here  St.  Paul 
met  a  group  of  Christians  who  had  come  fiom  Rome 
to  meet  him. 

Thrcsh'lng.    Agriculture. 

Tlircsh'old  (Heb.  miphidn,  saph)  =  a  dnor-sill ;  a 
piece  of  timber,  stone,  or  other  material  under  a 
door  or  entrance  (Judg.  xix.  27 ;  1  Sara.  v.  4,  5, 
&c.).     Gate  j  House  ;  Lintel  ;  Post  I. 

Thrcsh'olds,  tlie,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Ilcb. 
Ii8upj>e>j  (construct  state  of  Omppim  ;  see  Ascppim). 
In  JCeh.  xii.  25  the  A.  V.  has  "  the  thresholds  (mar- 
gin '  or  trenmrii's,  or  assemblies ')  of  the  gates  " 
(Heb.  Ssuppey  fiaxh-shi  'dr.'m) ;  Gcsenius,  Piirst,  &c., 
translate  the  storc-chamfiera  nf  the  (jatea.     Asuppni. 

Throne  (Heb.  cisse  ;  Gr.  thronos).  The  Hebrew 
and  Greek  terms  =  any  elevated  seat  occupied  by 
a  person  in  authority,  whether  a  high-priest  (1  Sam. 
i.  9,  A.  v.  "scat"),  a  judge  (Ps.  cxxii.  5),  or  a  mili- 
tary chief  (Jer.  i.  15).  The  use  of  a  chair  in  a 
country  v,here  the  usual  postures  were  squatting 
and  reclining  (Furniture  ;  House  ;  Meals)  was  at 


Thrrn«  of  Sennacherib  and  Darius.— iFrom  Rin.  Ildt.  Iv.  15, 

all  times  regarded  as  a  sjTnbol  of  dignity  (2  K.  iv. 
10;  Prov.  ix.  14).  "The" throne  nf  the  kingdom" 
=  royal  dignity  (Deut.  xvii.  18  ;  IK.  i.  46  ;  2  Chr. 
vii.  18,  &c.).  The  charaeteriatic  feature  in  the  royal 
throne  was  its  elevation  :  Solomon's  tlironc  was  ap- 
proached by  six  steps  (1  K.  x.  19  ;  2  Chr.  ix.  18) ; 
and  Jehovah's  throne  is  described  as  "  high  and 
lifted  up  "  (le.  vi.  1).    The  materials  and  workman- 


ship were  costly :  Solomon's  was  of  "  itort,"  "  ovci^ 
laid  with  gold,"  i.  e.  wlicre  the  ivory  did  not  appear. 
It  was  (lunished  witli  arms  or  "  stays."  The  steps 
were  also  lined  with  paiis  of  lions.  As  to  the  form 
of  the  chair,  we  are  only  informed  in  1  K.  x.  19 
that  "the  top  was  round  behind."  The  king  sat  on 
his  throne  on  state  occasions,  arrayed  in  his  royal 
robes.  The  throne  was  the  symbol  of  supreme 
power  and  dignity  (Gen.  xli.  40).  Similarly,  "  to  sit 
upon  the  throne,"  implied  the  exercise  of  regal 
power  (Deut.  xvii.  18;  1  IC.  xvi.  11).  "Thrones" 
in  Col.  i.  16  =:  (so  Rbn.  M  T.  Lex.)  potentates  or 
higher  powers  in  general,  earthly  or  celestial  (i.  e. 
Archangels;  Angels). 
ThnDi'mini.  Urim  and  Thummim. 
Thnn'dor  (Heb.  ra'am  ;  Gr.  brnvtc)  and  ligiitxino 
are  extremely  rare  during  the  summer  months  in 
Palestine  and  the  adjacent  countries.  From  the 
middle  of  April  to  the  middle  of  September  it  is 
hardly  ever  heard.  Hence  it  was  selected  by  Samuel 
as  a  striking  expression  of  the  divine  displeasure 
toward  the  Israelites  (1  Sam.  xii.  17).  In  the  poetic 
language  of  the  Hebrews,  thunder  wa.T  the  voice  of 
Jehovah  (Job  xxxvii.  2,  4,  5,  xl.  9  ;  Ps.  xviii.  13, 
xxix.  3-9;  Is.  xxx.  SO,  31),  who  dwelt  bthind  the 
thunder-cloud  (Ps.  Ixxxi.  7).  Thunder  was  the  sym- 
bol of  Divine  power  (xxix.  3,  kc),  and  vengeance 
(1  Sam.  ii.  10;  2  Sam.  xxii.  14,  &c.).  Hail;  Pal- 
estine, Climate ;  Plagues,  the  Ten,  7  ;  Rain  ; 
Wiiirlwinp,  &c. 

Ihy-a-tlia  (L.  fr.  Gr. ;  named  [so  Sterhcn  of 
J5yzantium  |  by  Seloucus  Xicator  on  tlic  birth  of  his 
daui/hter  |Gr.  thugatcr])^  a  city  on  the  Lycus,  found- 
ed by  Seleucus  Nicatoi',  king  of  Syria  ;  one  of  the 
many  Macedonian  colonies  istablished  in  Asia  Minor 
after  the  destruction  of  the  Persian  Empire  by  Alex- 
ander. It  lay  to  the  left  of  the  road  from  Pergamos 
to  Sardis,  on  the  southern  incline  of  the  watershed 
which  separates  the  valley  of  the^CoAcn?.  (Bakyrlehai) 
from  that  of  the  Ilcrmus,  on  the  confines  of  Mvsia 
and  Ionia,  sometimes  reckoned  in  one,  sometimes 
in  the  other.  In  earlier  times  it  had 
borne  the  names  of  Pelopia,  Semiramis, 
and  Euhippia.  At  the  Christian  era,  the 
Macedonian  element  so  preponderated 
as  to  give  a  distinctive  chniacter  to  the 
population.  The  original  inhabitants 
had  probably  been  distributed  in  ham- 
lets round  about,  when  Thyatira  was 
founded.  During  the  continuance  of 
the  Attalic  dynasty  (Pergamos),  Thya- 
tira scarcely  appears  in  history;  and 
of  the  various  inscriptions  found  on 
the  site,  now  called  Ah  Hissai;'  not  one 
uneTiivocally  belongs  to  earlier  times 
than  those  of  the  Roman  Empire.  The 
prosperity  of  the  city  seems  to  have  re- 
ceived a  new  impulse  under  Vespasian 
(atiout  A.  D.  70).  Dyeing  apparently 
formed  an  important  part  of  the  indus- 
trial activity  of  Thyatira,  as  of  that  of 
CoLOSSE  and  Laopicea  (Acts  xvi.  14; 
Colors  ;  Dress  ;  Lypia).  The  princi- 
pal deity  of  the  city  was  Apollo,  wor- 
shipped as  the  sun-god  under  the  suiname  Tjt- 
imnas,  and  no  doubt  introduced  by  the  Mace- 
donian   colonists.      (Idolatry.)     A   priestess    of 

1  The  town  !»  nonrishinfr,  with  17,000  inhnhitar.ts.  The 
leeches  nsed  in  meilicine  in  Eastern  Europe  are  four.d 
here.  The  scarlet  cloth  here  dyed  ia  eaid  to  \>i:  nnsiir- 
paseed  for  its  hrllliant  and  permanent  color  (Kev.  H. 
Ciirlstmas,  In  Fairbalm),    .. 


THY 


TIB 


1113 


Artemis  (Diana)  is  also  mentioned  in  the  in- 
scriptions. Another  superstition,  which  existed 
at  Thyatira,  seems  to  have  been  brouglit  thither 
bv  some  of  tlie  corrupted  Jews  of  the  dispersed 
tribes.    A  fane  stood  outside  the  walls,  dedicated  to 


Samhatha — a  sibyl  sometimes  called  Clialdean,  some* 
times  Jewish,  sometimes  Persian — in  the  midst  of 
an  enclosure  designated  "  the  Chaldean's  court." 
Tiiis  seems  to  illustrate  "  the  prophetess"  ("Jeze- 
bel") in  licv.  ii.  20,  21,  whicli  Grotius  interprets 


Tiyi'.lri.  -FoTl  Sn'.th'a  Snillif  D.'clifljury.) 


of  t!ie  wife  of  the  hishop.  In  Thyatira  there  vrnn  a 
great  amalgamation  of  races.  Hut  nm.algamation 
of  different  races,  in  pag.an  nations,  always  went  to- 
gether with  a  syncretism  of  different  religions,  every 
relation  of  life  having  its  religious  sanction.  If  the 
siijvl  Samhatha  was  renlly  a  Jewess,  lending  her  aid 
to  this  proceeding,  and  not  discounte'ianced  by  the 
authorities  of  the  Jewish-Chri.^tian  Church  at  Thya- 


ThTtet^vood  (Utiya  art<tnl^la\ 


tira,  both  the  censure  and  its  (inalification  become 
easy  of  explanation  (ao  Mr.  Blakesley,  original  ai> 
thor  of  this  article). 

Thy'lne-  [-inl  (fr.  Gr.,  namel  from  the  plensant 
odor  given  out  by  the  wood  as  hnrnt  in  ancient  sac- 

i  rificc?)  iroad  (Rev.  xviii.  12  only,  margin  "sweet" 
wood)  is  probably  the  wood  of  the  Thui/a  arliculnta, 
Dcsfont.,  the  C'lUitrli  qiindrivnlvin  of  present  bot- 
anists, a  tree  of  the  CTPiiE.'is  tribe,  much  prized  by 
the  ancient  Oreeks  and  Romans,  on  account  of  the 
beauty  of  its  wood  for  tables  and  various  ornamental 
purposes.  By  the  Romans  the  tree  was  called  c(7)-w», 
the  wood  cilrum  or  citron-wond.  It  is  a  native  of 
Barbary,  and  grows  to  the  height  of  fifteen  to  twen- 
ty-five feet.  The  roof  of  the  mosque  at  Cordova  is 
of  thyine-wood.  Lady  Calcott  says  tlie  wood  is 
("ark  nut-brown,  close-grained,  and  very  fragrant. 
The  resin  known  by  the  name  of  Sandarach  is  the 
produce  of  this  tree. 

Ti-be'rl-RS  (Or.  and  L.,  see  below),  a  city  in  the 
time  of  Christ,  on  the  Soa  of  Galilee  (Gexnesarft, 
Sea  of);  first  mentioned  in  the  .X.  T.  (Jn.  vi.  1,  23, 
xxi.  1 ),  and  then  by  Jo.sephus,  wl,o  st,at?s  that  it  was 
built  by  HBson  ANTtPAS,  and  was  named  by  him  in 
honor  of  the  Emperor  TiBERirs  (so  Prnf  Hackctt, 
original  author  of  this  article).  It  was  probably  a 
new  town,  and  not  a  restored  or  enlarged  one 
merely  ;  for  "  Rakkath"  (Josh.  xix.  3.1),  said  in  the 
Talmud  to  have  occupied  the  same  position,  lay  in 
Xaphtali,  whereas  Tiberias  appears  to  have  been  in 
Zehulun  (Mat.  iv.  l.S).  (Compare  Cnix.NKRETii  and 
Hammath.)  Tiberias  was  the  capital  of  Galilee  from 
its  origin  until  the  reign  of  Hkbod  Aorippa  II.,  who 
changed  the  seat  of  power  back  again  to  Sepphoris, 
where  it  had  been  before  the  foimding  of  the  new 
city.     Many  of  the  inhabitants  were   Greeks  and 

,  Romans,  and  foreign  customs  prevailed  there  to 


1114 


TIB 


TIB 


•such  an  extent  as  to  give  offence  to  the  stricter 
Jews.  (Herodia.ns.)  Herod  Antipas  built  there  a 
palace,  race-course,  &c.  The  modern  Tubariiieh  oc- 
cupies unquestionably  the  original  site,  but  with 
narrower  limits  than  those  of  the  original  city.  On 
the  shore,  about  a  mile  S.  of  Thtbnrii/eh,  are  the  cel- 
ebrated warm  baths,  which  the  Roman  naturalists 
reckoned  among  the  greatest  known  curiosities  of 
the  world.  The  space  between  these  baths  and  the 
town  abounils  with  traces  of  ruins,  such  as  the 
foundations  of  walls,  heaps  of  stone,  blocks  of 
granite,  and  the  like.  Tiberias  stood  anciently  as 
now,  on  the  western  shore,  about  two-thirds  of  the 
way  between  the  northern  and  southern  end  of  the 
Sea  of  Galilee.  There  is  a  njargin  or  strip  of  land 
between  the  water  and  the  steep  hills  (wliich  else- 
where in  that  quarter  come  down  so  boldly  to  the 
edge  of  the  lake),  about  two  miles  long  and  a  quar- 
ter of  a  mile  broad,  somewhat  undulating,  but  ap- 


proximating to  the  character  of  a  plain.  Tubarii/eh, 
the  modern  town,  occupies  the  northern  end  of  this 
parallelogram,  and  the  Warm  Baths  the  soulhern 
extremity;  so  that  ihe  more  extended  city  of  the 
Roman  age  must  have  covered  all,  or  nearly  all  (jf 
the  peculiar  ground  whose  limits  are  thus  clearly 
defined.  The  inhabitants,  as  of  old,  draw  their  sub- 
sistence in  part  from  the  neighboring  lake.  (Fisil.) 
The  place  is  tour  and  a  half  hours  from  Xazaretii,  one 
hour  from  Mejdd  (MagdalaV),  and  thirteen  hours, 
by  the  shortest  route,  from  Bdiiius  or  Cksarea  Piii- 
I.IPPI.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  Gospels  give  us  no 
information,  that  the  Saviour,  who  spent  so  much 
of  His  pul)lic  life  in  Galilee,  ever  visited  Tibeiins 
(compare  Lk.  xxiii.  8).  'J  iberias  bme  a  conspicuous 
part  in  the  wars  between  the  Jews  and  the  Romans. 
The  Sanhedrim,  subsequently  to  the  fall  of  Jcinsa- 
lem,  after  a  temporary  sojourn  at  Janinia  and  Scp- 
phoris,  became  fixed  there  about  the  middle  of  the 


view  of  tbe  Toirn  nod  lake  of  Tltierlu  fr^ro  the  S.  W. — (Fbn.- 


Becond  century.  Celebrated  schools  of  Jewish  learn- 
ing flourished  there  through  a  succession  of  several 
centuries.  (EmCATio.v.)  The  Mishna  was  compiled 
at  this  place  by  the  great  Rabbi  Judah  Haklcodesh 
(a.  n.  190).  (Or.D  Tkstament  A,  §  1 ;  Pharisees.) 
The  place  passed,  under  Constantine,  into  the  power 
of  the  Christians ;  and  during  the  Crusades  was  lost 
and  won  repeatedly  by  the  different  combatants. 
Since  that  time  it  has  been  possessed  successively 
by  Persians,  Arabs,  and  Turks  ;  and-  contains  now, 
under  the  Turkish  rule,  a  mixed  population  of  Mo- 
hammedans, Jews,  and  Christians,  variously  esti- 
mated at  from  two  to  four  thousand.  The  Jews  are 
about  one-fourth  of  the  whole,  and  occupy  a  quar- 
ter in  the  middle  of  the  town  near  the  lake.  Tibe- 
rias suffered  terribly  in  the  earthquake  of  1837. 

Tl-be'rl-as  (see  above),  the  Sea  of  =  the  Sea  of 
Galilee  (Jn.  vi.  1,  xxi.  1).  Gensesaret,  Ska  of  ; 
Tiberias. 

Ti-be'ri-ns  (L. ;  named  from  the  River  Tiber,  near 
■which  he  was  born  ?  Schl.),  in  full,  Tiberius  Clau- 
dius Nero;  the  second  Roman  emperor,  successor 
of  AcousTCS,  reigned  a.  d.  14-37.  He  was  the  son 
of  Tiberius  Claudius  Nero  and  Livia,  and  hence  a 
stepson  of  Augustus.  He  was  born  at  Rome,  No- 
vember 16th,  B.  c.  42 ;  distinguished  himself  as  a 
commander  Iq  various  wars,  evinced  talents  of  a 


liigh  order  as  an  orator,  and  an  administrator  of 
civil  affairs,  and  even  gained  the  reputation  of  pos- 
sessing the  sterner  virtues  of  the  Roman  character. 
Yet,  on  being  raised  to  the  supreme  power,  he  livLd 
a  life  of  inactivity,  sloth,  and  scl.'-indulger.cc ;  he 


Silver  Coin  of  Tiberius  Ceasr. 


gave  up  tJie  affairs  of  state  to  the  vilest  favorites, 
and  wallowed  in  the  veiy  kennel  of  all  that  is  low 
and  debasing  (so  Prof  Hackett).  Uc  was  despotic 
in  his  government,  cruel  and  vindictive  in  his  dis- 
position. He  died  at  seventy-eight,  after  a  reign 
of  twenty-three  years. 

•  Tlb'liatli  (Heb".  slaughter,  Ges.),  a  city  of  Hadad- 
ezer,  king  of  Zobah  (1  Chr.  xviii.  8) ;  =  Betah. 

Tib'nl  (Heb.  building  of  Jehovah,  Ges.).  After 
ZiMRi  burnt  himself  in  his  palace,  there  was  a  di- 
vision in  the  northern  kingdom,  half  of  the  people 
following  Tibni,  the  son  of  Ginath,  and  half  follow. 


TID 


TIG 


1115 


Ing  Oust  (1  K.  XVI.  21,  22).  Omri  was  the  choice 
of  the  army.  The  struggle  between  the  coiiten<iing 
factiim^  hidtetl  four  ye:ira  (cimipare  ver.  15,  23), 
when  "  Tibiii  died,"  i.  e.  probably,  was  slain.  Israel, 
KiNUiioM  or. 

Tl'dll  (Heb.  /ear,  veneration,  Ges.),  a  "king  of 
nations"  undjr  Ciiedorlaomer  (Gen.  xiv.  1,  9  only). 
Prof.  Kawlinson  regards  his  name  as  probably 
Thurgnl.  (thi;  LXX.  has  Tlianial),  whieh  he  inter- 
prets, from  the  early  H.imitic  dialect  of  the  lower 
Tigris  an  I  Euphrates  country,  as  =  the  great  chief. 
The  title  "  king  of  nations  "  he  understands  as  = 
a  chief  over  various  nomadic  tribes. 

Tig  Ilt!l-pl-le's8r  (Heb.  fr.  Assyrian  =  lord  of  the 
Tigrii,  Ges. ;  a  loration  be  lo  the  sun  of  the  Zodiac, 
i.  e.  to  Nin  or  Hercules,  Oppert;  see  below).  In  1 
Chr.  V.  2o,  and  2  Chr.  xxviii.  20,  the  name  of  this 
king  is  written  "  Tilgath-pilneser ; "  but  in  tills 
form  there  is  a  doable  corruption  (so  Pnjf.  Uawlin- 
son,  original  luithor  of  this  article).  Thi-  native 
word  reads  as  Tiffiilli-pal-tsira,  for  which  the  Tiglath- 
pil-eser  of  2  Kings  is  a  fair  equivalent.  Tiglath- 
pileser,  the  second  king  of  Assyria  mentioned  in 
Scripture  as  having  come  into  contact  with  the  Israel- 
ites, attacked  Samaria  in  the  reign  of  Pekah,  prob- 
ably because  Pekali  withheld  his  tribute,  and,  having 
entered  his  territories,  "  took  Ijon,  and  Abel-betli- 
maachah,  and  .hiiioah,  and  Kedesii,  and  Ua/.or,  and 
Gilead,  anrl  Galilee,  and  all  the  land  of  Xapiitali, 
and  carried  them  captive  to  .\ssyria  "  (2  K.  xv.  2!i). 
After  his  first  expedition,  a  close  league  was  formed 
between  Rezi.v,  king  of  Syria,  and  Pekah,  havijig 
for  its  special  object  the  humiliation  of  Judah.  At 
first  great  successes  were  gained  by  Pekah  and  his 
confederate  (xv.  37;  2  Chr.  xxviii.  6-8) ;  but,  on 
their  proceeding  to  attack  Jerusalem  itself,  Ahaz 
applied  to  Assyria  for  assistance,  and  Tiglath-pileser, 
consenting  to  aid  him,  again  appeared  at  the  head 
of  an  tirniy  in  these  region.s.  He  first  marcJied, 
naturally,  against  Damascus,  which  he  look  (2  K. 
xvi.  9),  razing  it  to  the  ground,  and  killing  Rezin. 
After  this,  probably,  he  proceeded  to  chastise  Pekah, 
whose  country  he  entered  on  the  N.  E.,  where  it 
bordered  on  "  Syria  of  Damascus."  Here  he  over- 
ran the  whole  district  E.  of  Jordan,  carrying  into 
captivity  "  the  Reubenites,  the  Gadites,  and  the  half- 
tribe  of  Manasseh  "  (1  Chr.  v.  26  ;  compare  Is.  ix. 
1 ;  Israel,  Kincoom  of).  Tlins  the  result  of  this 
expedition  was  the  absorption  of  the  kingdom  of 
Damascus,  and  of  an  important  portion  of  Samaria, 
into  the  Assyriin  e:npire;  and  it  also  made  the  king 
of  Judah  a  vassal  of  the  Assyrian  monarch.  Be- 
fore returning  into  his  own  land,  Tiglath-pileser  had 
an  interview  with  Ahiz  at  Damascus  (2  K.  xvi.  10). 
This  is  all  t'.iat  Scripture  tells  us  of  Tiglath-pileser. 
He  appears  to  have  succeeded  Pl'L,  and  to  have 
been  succeeded  by  Shalmaneser;  to  hav?  been  con- 
temporary with  Kezin,  Pekah,  and  -ihnz ;  and  there- 
fore to  have  ruled  Assyria  during  the  latter  half  of 
the  eiglith  century  before  our  era.  From  his  own 
inscriptions  we  learn  that  his  reign  lasted  at  UaHt 
seventeen  years ;  that,  besides  warring  in  Syria  and 
Samaria,  he  attacked  Babylonia,  Media,  Armenia, 
and  the  independent  tribes  in  Upper  Mesopotamia  ; 
thus,  like  the  other  great  Assyrian  monarchi,  war- 
ring along  the  whole  frontier  of  the  empire ;  and 
finally,  that  he  was  (probably)  not  a  legitimate 
prince,  but  a  usurper  and  the  founder  of  a  dynasty. 
From  Berosus,  Herodotus,  and  the  monumental  in- 
dications, Rawlinson  concludes  that  the  founder  of 
the  Lower  Dynasty  or  Empire,  the  first  monarch 
of  the  Neir  kingdom,  nos  the  Tiglatb-pilcscr  of 


Scripture,  and  that  he  reigi'.cd  from  B.  C.  T47  to  d.  C; 
730,  and  possibly  till  b.  c.  725.  Tiglathpilescr's 
wjrs  advanced  the  limits  of  the  empire  only  on  the 
western  frontier,  in  Syria,  i:i'.,  as  mentioned  above. 
No  palace  or  great  building  can  be  ascribed  to  this 
king.  His  .'^labs,  wliich  are  tolerably  numerous, 
show  that  he  must  have  built  or  adorned  a  residence 
at  Calah  [XimrmU),  where  they  were  found. 

Tigris  (Gr.  fr.  Median  =  nrroit,  so  named  from 
its  swiftness,  Str.,  Pliny,  Ges.,\Vr.),  in  the  LXX.  =: 
Uiupekkl;  occurs  also  in  Tob.  vi.  1,  and  in  Jd. 
i.  6,  tnd  Eccliis.  xxiv.  23.  The  Tigris,  like  the 
EfPllRATES,  rises  fiom  two  principal  sources,  the 
western  and  most  distant  one  being  in  latitinle  38° 
10',  longitude  39'  20'  nearly,  a  little  S.  of  tjie  high 
mountain-lake  called  Goljik  or  Gti!enjik\  and  not 
more  than  two  or  three  miles  from  the  channel  of 
the  Euphrates.  The  course  of  the  Tigris  is  some- 
what N".  of  E.  for  the  first  twenty-five  miles,  tlicnS. 
to  Diarbekr,  then  E.  past  O-iman  KieiU  to  Tit, 
whence  it  flows  in  a  southeasterly  direction,  witlj 
certain  shght  variations,  to  its  final  junction  with 
the  Euphrates.  At  Oxmaii  Kieui  it  receives  from 
the  N.  the  Second  or  Eastern  Tigris ;  and  near  Til  a 
large  stream  from  the  X.  E.  From  Til  the  Tigris 
runs  southward  for  twenty  miles  through  a  long, 
narrow,  and  deep  gorge,  at  the  end  of  whieh  it 
emerges  upon  the  comparatively  low,  but  still  hilly 
country  of  Mesopotamia,  near  Jczireh.  At  Samara 
(between  latitude  34  and  35"),  the  hills  end  an.i  the 
river  enters  on  the  great  alluvium.  The  length  of 
the  whole  stream,  exclusive  of  meanders,  is  reck- 
oned at  IHii  miles.  It  can  be  descended  on  rafts 
during  the  flood  season  from  Diarhe/cr  ;  and  it  has 
been  nivigated  by  steamers  of  small  drauglit  nearly 
up  to  iIo,u'..  Below  Hainara  there  are  no  obstruc- 
tions; the  river  is  deep,  with  a  bottom  of  soft  mud, 
and  an  average  width  of  200  yards  ;  the  stream 
moderate;  and  the  course  very  meandering.  Be- 
sides the  three  head-streams  of  the  Tigris,  tlie  ri.cr 
receives,  along  its  middle  and  lower  course,  five  im- 
portant tributaries,  the  river  of  Zakko  or  Eastern 
Khabour,  the  Great  Zab  (Zah  Ala),  the  Lesser  Zab 
(Ziib  Axfal),  the  Adhem,  and  the  Dinaleh  or  ancient 
Gyndes.  AH  these  rivers  flow  from  the  high  range 
of  Zigros.  The  Tigris,  like  the  Euphrates,  has  a 
flood  season.  Early  in  March,  in  consequence  of 
the  melting  of  the  snows  on  the  southern  flank  of 
Xiphales,  the  river  risas  rapidly.  Its  breadth  grad- 
ually increases  at  Diarbekr  from  100  or  120  to  250 
yards.  The  stream  is  swift  and  turbid.  The  rise 
continues  through  .March  and  April,  reaching  its 
full  height  generally  in  the  first  or  second  week  of 
May.  About  the  middle  o(  May  the  Tigris  begins 
to  fall,  and  by  midsummer  it  has  reached  its  natural 
level.  In  October  and  November  there  is  another 
rise  and  fall  in  consequence  of  the  autumnal  rains, 
but  insignificant  compared  with  the  spring  flood. 
The  Tigris  is  at  present  better  fitted  for  purposes 
of  trallic  than  the  Euphrates;  but  in  ancient  times 
it  does  not  seem  to  have  been  much  used  as  a  liiie 
of  trade.  (Commerce;  Solomon;  Tadmok.)  Tho 
Tigris  appears  in  Scripture  under  the  name  of  11 ID- 
PEKEt,  among  the  rivers  of  Ede.n  (Gen.  ii.  14),  as 
"  running  eastward  to  Assyria."  But  after  this  wo 
hear  no  more  of  it,  if  we  accept  one  doubtful  allu- 
sion in  Nah.  ii.  fi,  until  the  Captivity,  when  it  be- 
comes well  known  to  the  prophet  Daniel.  With  . 
him  it  is  "  the  Great  River"  (Dan.  x.-xii.).  The  Ti- 
gris, in  its  upper  course,  anciently  ran  through  An- 
MEXiA  and  Assyria.  Lower  down,  from  about  the 
point  where  it  enters  uu  the  alluvial  plain,  it  sep- 


1116 


TIK 


TIM 


arated  Babylonia  from  Susiana.  (Babel  ;  Chaldka.) 
In  the  wais  between  tlic  Romans  and  the  Parthians 
we  find  it  constituting,  lor  a  short  time  (from  a.  u. 
114  to  A.  D.  117)  the  boundary-line  between  these 
two  empires.  Otherwise  it  lias  scarcely  been  of  any 
political  importance. 

llk'vail  (Heb.  a  curd,  expectation,  Ges.).  1.  Father 
of  Shai.lum  2,  the  husband  of  the  prophetess  Hri.- 
nAll  (2  K.  xxii.  14) ;  =  I'ikvath. — 8,  Father  of 
Jahaziah  (Ezr.  x.  15). 

llk'vath  (fr.  Heb.  Toklhath  [=  obedience,  Ges.], 
or  1'oUiath  [=  assemb/j/,  Ges.J)  =  Tikvah  1  (2  Chr. 
xxxiv.  22). 

Tile.  For  general  information  on  the  subject  sec 
the  articles  Brick,  Pottery,  j^eal.  Mr.  Phillott 
suggests  the  two  following  explanations  of  Lk.  v. 
1»,  A.  V.  "  through  the  tiling."  (1.)  Terrace-roofs, 
if  constructed  improperly,  or  at  the  wrong  season 
of  the  year,  are  apt  lo  crack,  and  to  become  so  sat- 
urated with  rain  as  to  be  easily  penetrable.  Slay 
not  the  roof  of  the  house  in  wnieh  our  Lord  per- 
formed His  miracle  have  been  in  this  condition? 
2.  Or  did  not  St.  Luke,  a  native,  proliahly  of  Greek 
Antioch,  use  the  expression  "  tiles  "  as  the  form  of 
roof  most  familiar  to  himself  and  to  his  Greek 
readers  without  reference  to  the  particular  material 
of  the  roof  in  question  ?  See,  however,  Bed  and 
House. 

1  ll'f atli-pil-no'ser  (Heb.)  =  Tiolath-pileser  (1 
Chr.  v.  6,  2« ;  2  Chr.  xxviii.  20). 

Ti'lon  (Heb.  ffi/t,  Sim.),  one  of  the  four  s(ms  of 
Shimon,  in  the  geneal.igies  of  Judah(l  Chr.  iv.  20). 

Tl-msens  (L.  fr.  Gr.)  =  Timeus. 

Tim  brol,  Tabrot.  By  these  words  the  A,  V. 
translates  the  Heb.  toph  (Gen.  xxxi.  27;  Ex.  xv.  20 
twice,  &c.)  and  topheth  (Job  xvii.  6  only),  derived 
from  nn  imitative  root  found  in  many  languages ;  =: 
Ar.  and  Pcrs.  duff,  and  .Span,  adufe,  a  tambourine. 
In  Old  English  tabor  =.  a  drum.  (Taberixo.)  'fa- 
b'lurcl  and  laborive  are  diminutives  of  labor,  and 
denote  llic  instrument  now  known  as  the  Ainiiojm'iie. 
Tabrd  is  a  contraction  of  tabouret.     Timbrel  is  also 


Tar ,-  "  timbrel  "  or  "  labrit "  of  A.  V.-(Lano's  Ucim  Eipjplianl.) 

a  diminutive  of  to;i/)OKr(rr.)  or  towiAoc (Spanish)  for 
tabor.  The  Heb.  tojih  U  undoubtedly  the  instrument 
described  by  travellers  as  the  duff  or  diff  of  the 
Arabs.  It  was  used  in  very  early  times  by  the 
Syrians  of  Padan-iiram  at  their  merry-makings  (Gen. 
xxxi.  27).  It  was  played  principally  bvwoiiicn  (Ex. 
XV.  20;  Judg.  xi.  o4;"l  Sam.  xviii.  6;'Ps.  Ixviii.  25 
fHcb.  26]),  as  an  accompaniment  to  the  song  and 
dance  (compare  Jd.  iii.  7),  and  appears  to  have 
been  worn  by  them  as  nn  ornament  (Jer.  xxxi.  4). 
The  (liff  of  the  Arsbs  (so  Russell,  Aleppo)  is  "a 
hoop  (sometimes  with  pieces  of  brass  fixed  in  it  to 
make  a  jingling)  over  which  a  piece  of  parchment 
is  distended.  It  is  beat  with  the  fingers,  and  is  the 
true  tympanum  (L.  =  drum,  timbrel)  of  the  ancients, 
as  appears  from  its  figure  in  several  relievo.s,  rep- 
resenting the  orgies  of  Bacchus  and  rites  of  Cybcle." 


In  Barbary  it  is  called  tar.     Mnstc;  Muskjal  Ix- 

STRUMEKTS. 

*  Time.  Agriculture  ;  Astronomy  ;  Chronol- 
ogy; CreatioK;  Day,  4;c. 

*  Tl-mc'ns  (L.  Timaux,  fr.  Gr.  —  Mphly  prized ; 
but  probably  from  Hel).  =  unelean,  pitiflvJed),  lather 
of  the  blind  man  Bartimeus  (Mk.  x.  46). 

Timna  (Heb.  Tnnna'  =  07ie  wilUhdd,  inaccessible, 
Ges.).  1.  A  concubine  of  Eliphaz,  son  of  Esau; 
mother  of  Amalek  (Gen.  xxxvi.  12):  probably  — 
Timna,  sister  of  Lotan  (ver.  22  and  1  Chr.  i.  ii9). — 
i,  A  son  of  Eliphaz  (1  Chr.  i.  3(i);  a  duke  or  phv- 
larch  of  Edom  in  the  last  list  (A.  V.  "  Timnahj" 
Gen.  xxxvi.  40;  1  Chr  i.  51).  Timnah  was  prob- 
ably the  name  of  a  place  or  district  (comp.  Aholi- 
bamah). 

"Tlmn-ih  (fr.  Heb.  Timnd')  =  Timna  2  (Gen. 
xxxvi.  40;   1  Chr.  i.  51). 

Tiia'nall  (Heb.  portion  asuipned,  Ges.).  1.  A  place 
on  the  is.  boundary  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  10);  prob- 
ably ~  Tui.MNATHAn,  and  Timnath  2,  and  (so  Mr. 
Grove)  Tiiamnatha.  The  modern  representative  is 
probably  Tibnch,  a  deserted  village  about  two  miles 
VV.  of  Vim  .'7«ms(Beth-sheniesh),  and  about  liftcen 
'  W.  of  Jerusalem,  in  the  broken  undulating  country 
by  which  the  central  moimtains  of  this  part  of  Pal- 
estine descend  lo  the  maritime  plain.  "  Timnah 
with  the  villages  thereof"  was  taken  by  the  Philis- 
tines in  the  time  of  Ahaz  (2  Chr.  xxviii'  18). — 2.  A 
town  in  the  mountain  district  of  Judah  ;  named  with 
Maon,  Ziph,  Carmf.l  2,  &c.,  and  piobably  S.  of 
Hebron  (Jo.sh.  xv.  57). 

Tim'niith  (fr.  Heb.  =  Timnati).  1,  The  scene  of  the 
adventure  of  Judah  with  his  daughter-in-law  Tamah 
1  (Gen.  xxxviii.  12-14).  There  is  nothing  here  lo 
indicate  its  position.  It  may  be  =  Timxah  1  or  2 ; 
or  with  the  place  (No.  2  below)  so  familiar  in  the 
story  of  Samson's  conflicts. — 2.  Heb.  '1  imndthuh  = 
Timnah,  Ges.).  The  residence  of  Samson's  wife 
(Judg.  xiv.  1,  2,  5);  probably  =  Timnah  1. 

lini'n8lli-lic'ri's(Heb.  portion  ofthesun,  Ges.),  the 
city  and  burial-place  of  Joshua  ( Judg.  ii.  9) ;  =  Tim- 
xath-serah. 

Tim'nath-se'rali  {Wch.  portion  of  abundance,  Ges.), 
the  city  which  was  presented  to  Joshua  after  the 
partition  of  the  country  (Josh.  xix.  50),  and  in  "the 
border"  of  which  he  was  buried  (xxiv.  30).  It  is 
specified  .is  "  in  Mount  Ephraim  on  the  N.  side  of 
the  hill  of  Gaash."  In  Judg.  ii.  9,  the  name  is  Tm- 
NATii-iiERES.  Jewish  writers  identify  tlic  place  with 
Kcfar  clurcn,  said  by  Rabbi  Jacob,  hap-Parchi,  and 
other  Jewish  travellers,  to  be  about  five  miles  S.  of 
Shechem  (jViJAk/ks).  No  place  with  that  name  ap- 
pears on  the  maps.  Anotlier  and  more  promising 
identification  (so  Mr.  Grove,  with  Robinson,  Kitto, 
&c.),  suggested  by  I)r.  Eli  Smith,  is  with  libneh, 
about  six  miles  N.  W.  from  Jifna  (Gophna).  Here 
ho  discovered  the  ruins  of  a  considerable  town, 
covering  a  gentle  hill.  Opposite  the  town  w.is  a 
much  higher  hill,  in  the  N.  side  of  which  arc  several 
excavated  sepulchres  (B.  S.  for  1843,  4S3-GJ.  Tham- 

NATHA. 

Tim'nltC  (fr.  Heb.  =  one  from  Timnah,  Ges.),  lh«, 
a  designation  of  Samson's  father-in-law  (Judg.  xv. 
6).     TniXATH  2. 

n'mon  (Gr.  honorable,  Cruden),  one  of  the  seven, 
commonly  called  "deacons"  (Acts  vi.  1-6);  prob- 
ably a  Hellenist.  (Deacon.)  Nothing  further  is 
known  of  him  with  certainty ;  though  a  tradition 
makes  him  one  of  the  "  seventy-two  "  disciples,  and 
afterward  bishop  of  Bostra  (Bozrah  2  5),  and  a 
martyr  there  by  fire. 


I 


TIM 

Ti-ma'the-as  (L.  fr.  Or.  =  hoHoring  God,  L.  &  S.). 
I.  A  "  eapluiii  of  the  Ammonites  "  Ueleated  on  sev- 
eral occasionj  bv  Judas  Miccabeus,  B.  c.  164  (1  Mc. 
V.  6,  11,3  l-t4  ;"  2  Mk.  xii.  2-23).  He  was  probably 
a  Uiecli  adventurer. — i.  A  leader  who  took  part  hi 
the  invasion  of  Xieanor  B.  c.  166  (2  Mc.  viii.  30,  ix. 
3),  and  beins;  aftenvarJ  driven  to  a  stron>;hold, 
Gazara  (—  (is.'ze.i),  whijh  was  stormed  by  Juda.-;, 
W.13  there  taken  and  slain  (x.  24-37).  It  has  been 
supposed  tliat  the  events  i-eeorded  in  this  latter  nar- 
rative are  identie.il  wit!i  those  in  1  Mc.  v.  6-8.  But 
the  naiui  Tiinolheus  was  very  eomnion,  and  it  is  evi- 
dent that  Tim jtlieus  th3  Ainnoiiile  leader  was  not 
slain  at  Ja/.er  (1  Me.  v.  34). — 3.  The  Latinized 
Greek  nxwvi  of  TiMornv  (.\cts  xvi.  1,  xvii.  14,  ic). 

Tiai  0-lilT(fr.  Gr.  =  TiMOTiti:i-s).  Tlie  disciple  thus 
named  ( =  TiMorHEUS  3)  was  the  son  of  one  of  those 
mixed  niarria^'es  which,  thou:;h  condemned  by  strict- 
er Jewish  opinion,  were  yet  not  uncommon  in  the 
later  periods  of  Jeivish  history.  (.M.iaRiAGE,  II.  i.) 
Tiie  fat  ler's  name  is  unknown  :  he  was  a  "Greek," 
i.  e.  a  G^'utile  by  descent  (.\cts  xvi.  1,  3).  The  ab- 
sence of  any  personal  allusion  to  the  father  in  tlie 
.Vets  or  Epistles  suggests  the  inference  th  it  he  must 
Irave  dieil  or  disappearel  during  his  sou's  infaicy 
(so  Prof.  Plumptre,  original  author  of  tliis  article). 
'iTie  care  of  the  boy  thus  developed  upo.i  his  mother 
Kk.xice  and  her  mother  Lois  (2  Tim.  i.  5).  Under 
tlieir  tr.iining  his  educatio.n  was  emphatically  Jew- 
ish. "Fro.n  a  child"  he  learnc  1  (probably  in  the 
LX.K.  vcrs-.on)  to  "  kno>v  the  Holy  Scriptures  " 
daily.  A  constitution  fir  from  robust  (1  Tim.  v. 
23),  a  morbid  shrinking  from  opposition  and  re- 
sponsibility (iv.  12-16.  v.  20,  21,  vi.  11-14;  2  Tim. 
ii.  1-7),  a  sensitiveness  even  to  tears  (i.  4),  a  ten- 
dency to  an  iiscetic  rigor  wl.ich  he  had  not  strength 
to  bear  (1  Tim.  v.  23),  united,  as  it  often  is,  with  a 
tem,i3rament  exposed  to  some  risk  froii  "youthful 
Insn  "  (2  Tim.  ii.  22)  and  the  softer  emotions  ( 1  Tim.  v. 
2) — thesj  we  may  well  think  of  as  eliaracterizing  the 
youth  as  afterward  the  man.  The  language  of  Aits 
xvi.  1,  2,  and  XX.  4,  leaves  it  uncertain  wliother  Lys- 
TRA  or  Derb.-:  were  the  residence  of  tha  devout  fa  n- 
ily.  The  arrival  of  PACLand  Barnabas  in  Lvi-aonia 
(.Vets  xiv.  6)  brought  the  message  of  glad-tidings  to 
Tiniollicus  and  his  moth 'r,  and  they  received  it  with 
"unfjigued  faith"  (2  Tin.  i.  5).  If  at.  Lystra,  as 
seems  pro'iable  from  2  Tim.  iii.  11,  he  may  hare 
witnessed  the  half-ompleted  sacrilice,  the  hali-Mn- 
ished  martyr  lorn,  of  .A.ct3  xiv.  19.  The  preacJiing 
o;'  the  apostle  o.i  his  return  from  his  short  ci'cuit 
prepared  him  for  a  life  of  sutlcring  (Acts  xiv.  22). 
c'lom  thit  tiine  his  life  and  education  nmst  have 
been  under  ttie  direct  supjrintendence  of  the  body 
of  elders  (23).  During  the  interval  of  seven  years 
between  tlie  apostle's  lirst  and  second  journeys,  the 
boy  grew  up  to  manhood.  His  ze  il,  probably  his 
asceticism,  became  known  both  at  Lystra  and  Ico- 
ni;i!ii.  Those  who  had  the  deepest  insight  into  char- 
acter, and  spoke  with  a  prophetic  utterance,  pointed 
to  him  (1  Tim.  i.  IS,  iv.  14),  aa  others  had  pointed 
before  to  Paul  and  Barnabas  (Acts  xiii.  2),  as  spe- 
cially (it  for  the  missionary  work  in  which  the  apos- 
tle was  engaged  Personal  feeling  led  St.  Paul  to 
the  sane  conclusion  (xvi.  3),  and  he  was  solemnly 
get  apart  to  do  the  work  and  possibly  to  bear  the 
title  of  EvANOELisT  (1  Tim.  iv.  14;  2'Tim.  i.  «,  iv. 
5).  A  great  obstacle,  however,  presented  itself. 
Timotheus,  though  reckoned  as  one  of  the  seed  of 
Abraham,  had  been  allowed  to  grow  up  to  the  age 
of  manhood  without  the  sign  of  circumcision.  His 
condition  was  that  of  a   negligent,  almost  of  an 


TIM 


HIT 


apostate  Israelite.  The  Jews  might  tolerate  a  hea- 
then, as  such,  in  the  synagogue  or  the  church,  but  an 
uncircumcised  Israelite  would  be  to  them  a  horror 
and  a  portent.  With  a  special  view  to  their  feelings, 
milking  no  sacrifice  of  principle,  the  apostle,  who 
had  refused  to  permit  the  circumcision  of  Titus, 
"  took  and  circumcised  "  Timotheus  (.\cts  xvi.  3) ; 
and  ihen,  as  conscious  of  no  inconsistency,  went  on 
his  way  distributing  the  decrees  of  the  council  of 
Jerusalem,  the  great  charter  of  the  freedom  of  the 
Gentiles  (4).  Henceforth  Timotheus  was  one  of  his 
most  constant  companions.  They  and  Silvanus,  and 
probably  Luke  also,  journeyed  to  Philippi  (12),  and 
there  already  the  young  evangelist  was  conspicuous 
at  once  for  his  lilial  devotion  and  zeal  (Phil.  ii.  22). 
His  name  does  not  appear  in  the  account  of  St.  Paul's 
work  at  Thessalonica,  and  it  is  possible  t'.iat  he  re- 
mained some  time  at  Philippi.  He  appears,  however, 
at  Be.ea,  and  remains  there  when  Paul  and  Silas  are 
obliged  to  leave  (Acts  xvii.  14),  going  on  afterward 
to  join  Paul  at  Athens  (1  Th.  iii.  2).  From  Athens 
he  is  sent  back  to  Thessalonica,  as  having  special 
gifts  for  comforting  and  teaching.  He  returns  from 
Thessalonica,  not  to  Athens  but  to  Corinth,  and  his 
name  appears  united  with  St.  Paul's  in  the  opening 
words  of  both  the  letters  wrilteii  from  that  city  to 
the  TiiEsSALON'iA.Ns  (1  Til.  i.  1;  2  Th.  i.  I).  Here 
also  he  was  apparently  active  as  an  evangelist  (2, Cor. 
i.  19).  Of  the  next  five  years  of  his  life  we.have 
no  record.  When  we  next  meet  with  him  it  is  as 
being  sent  on  in  advance  when  the  apos'le  was  con- 
templating the  long  journey  which  was  to  include 
Macedonia,  Achaia,  Jerusalem,  and  Rome  (.\ctsxix. 
22;  conip.  1  Cor.  iv.  17,  xvi.  10).  Probably  he  re- 
turned by  the  same  route  and  met  St.  Paul  accor  ling 
to  a  previous  arrangement  (xvi.  11),  and  w.as  thus 
with  him  when  the  second  Epistle  was  written  to  tiie 
ehurcli  of  Corinth  (2  Cor.  i.  1).  He  returns  with  the 
apostle  to  that  city,  and  joins  in  messages  of  greet- 
ing to  the  disciples  whom  ho  had  krown  personally 
at  Corinth,  and  who  had  since  found  tlieir  way  to 
Rome  (Rom.  xvi.  21 ).  He  forms  one  of  the  company 
of  friends  who  go  with  St.  Paul  to  Philippi,  and  then 
sail  by  themselves,  waiting  for  his  arrival  by  a  dif- 
ferent ship  (Acts  XX.  3-0).  The  language  of  St. 
Paul's  address  to  the  elders  of  Ephesus  (17-35)  ren- 
ders it  unlikely  that  he  was  then  left  there  with 
authority.  Theab.sence  of  liii  name  from  Acts  xxvii. 
in  like  manner  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  he  did 
not  share  in  tlie  perilous  voyage  to  Italy.  He  must 
have  joined  the  apostle,  however,  apparently  soon 
after  his  arrival  i;i  Rome,  und  was  with  him  when 
the  Epistles  to  the  Philippians,  to  the  Colossians, 
and  to  Philemon  were  written  (Phil.  i.  1,  ii.  19;  Col. 
i.  1 ;  Phn.  1).  All  the  indications  of  this  period  point 
to  incessant  missionary  activity  (Pliil.  ii.  19-23;  2 
Tim.  iv.  21  ;  Heb.  xiii.  23).  Assuming  tlie  genuine- 
ness of  the  later  date  of  the  two  epistles  addics  ed 
to  him  (Timothy,  Epistles  to),  we  are  able  to  put  to- 
gether a  few  notices  as  to  his  later  lite.  It  follows 
from  1  Tim.  i.  3  that  he  and  St.  Paul,  after  the  re- 
lease of  the  latter  from  his  imprisonment,  revisited 
the  proconsular  Asia,  that  the  apostle  tlien  continued 
his  journey  to  Macedonia,  while  the  disciple  remained, 
half-relnctantly,  even  weeping  at  the  separation  (2 
Tim.  i.  4),  at  Ephesus,  to  check,  if  possible,  the  out- 
growth of  heresy  and  licentiousness  which  had  sprung 
up  there.  The  position  in  which  he  found  himself 
might  well  make  him  anxious  (1  Tim.  iii.  14,  1.5,  iv. 
12,  V.  1  AT.,  &c.).  There  was  the  risk  of  being  en- 
tangled in  the  disputes,  prejudices,  covctousness, 
senguality  of  a  great  city.     Leaders  of  rival  sects 


ni8 


t:m 


TIM 


were  there  (2  Tim.  ii.  11,  iv.  14,  ID).  Tlie  name  of 
his  beloved  teaclier  was  no  longer  lionored  as  it  bad 
been  (i.  15).  W'e  cannot  woncier  that  the  apostle, 
knowing  those  trials,  should  be  full  of  anxiety  and 
fear  for  liis  disciple's  steadfastness  (1  Tim.  i.  18,  iii. 
15,  iv.  14,  V.  ai,  vi.  11).  In  the  second  epistle  to 
him  tliis  deep  personal  feeling  utters  itself  yet  more 
fully.  Tlie  last  recorded  words  of  ihe  apostle  ex- 
press the  earnest  hope,  repeated  yet  more  earnestly, 
that  he  miglit  see  him  once  again  (2  Tim.  iv.  9,  13, 
21).  We  may  hazard  the  conjecture  that  he  reached 
him  in  time,  and  that  the  last  hours  of  the  teacher 
were  soothed  by  the  presence  of  the  disciple  whom 
lie  loved  so  truly.  Some  writers  have  even  seen  in 
Heb.  xiii.  23  an  indication  that  he  shared  St.  I'aul's 
imprisonment  and  was  released  from  it  by  the  death 
of  Nero.  Beyond  this  all  is  apocryphal  and  uncer- 
tain. He  continues,  according  to  the  old  traditions, 
to  act  as  bishop  of  Ephesus,  and  dies  a  martyr's 
death,  under  Domitian  or  Nerva.  A  somewhat 
startling  theory  as  to  the  intervening  period  of  his 
life  has  found  favor  with  Calmct  and  others.  If  he 
continued,  according  to  the  received  tradition,  to  be 
bishop  of  Ephesus,  tiicn  he,  and  no  other,  must  have 
been  the  "angel"  of  that  churcli  to  whom  the  mes- 
sage of  Kev.  ii.  1-7  was  addressed.  (Angkls.)  The 
conjecture  lias  been  passed  over  unnoticed  by  most 
of  tlje  recent  commentators  on  the  Apocalypse. 

Tua'o-tliy  (see  above),  E-pis'tlrs  Jo.  l"  Author- 
ship. The  question  wlictlier  these  Epistles  were  writ- 
ten by  St.  I'al-l  was  one  to  which,  till  within  the 
last  halt-century,  hardly  any  answer  but  an  affirma- 
tive one  was  thought  possible  (so  Prof.  I'lumptre, 
original  author  of  tliis  article).  They  are  reckoned 
among  the  Pauline  Epistles  in  the  Muratorian  Canon 
and  the  Peshito  version.  Eusebius  places  them 
among  the  acknowkdjicd  books  (Canon,  p.  146)  of 
the  N.  T.,  and  while  recording  the  doubts  which  af- 
fected the  second  Epistle  of  St.  Peter  and  the  other 
dis/Mled  books,  knows  of  none  which  affect  these. 
They  are  cited  as  authoritative  by  Tertullian,  Clem- 
ent of  Alexandria,  and  lrena.'us.  There  were  indeed 
some  notable  exceptions  to  this  general  agreement. 
The  three  Pastoral  Epistles  were  all  rejected  by 
Marcion,  Basilides,  and  other  Onostie  teachtis. 
Tatian,  while  strongly  maintaining  the  genuineness 
of  the  Epistle  to  Titus,  denied  that  of  the  other  two. 
In  these  in.stances  we  can  discern  a  dogmatic  reason 
for  the  rejection.  The  sects  which  these  leaders 
represented  could  not  but  feel  that  they  were  cim- 
demned  by  the  teaching  of  the  Pastoral  Epistles. 
Origen  mentions  some  w  ho  excluded  2  Tim.  Irom  the 
Canon  because  the  names  of  Jannes  and  Janibres  be- 
longed to  an  apocryphal  histfry,  and  from  such  a 
history  St,  Paul  never  would  have  quoted.  The 
Pastoral  Epistles  have,  however,  bocD  subjected  to  a 
more  elaborate  scrutiny  by  the  criticism  of  (Jermany. 
The  first  doubts  were  uttered  by  J.  C.  Schmidt. 
Schleicrmacher,  assuming  the  genuineness  of  2  Tim. 
and  Titus,  undertook,  on  that  hypothesis,  to  trove  the 
spuriousness  of  1  Tim.  Eichliom  and  De  Wette 
denied  the  Pauline  authorship  of  all  three.  Scliott 
supposed  that  Luke  was  the  writer.  Baur  assigns 
them  to  no  earlier  period  than  the  latter  half  of  the 
second  century,  after  the  death  of  Polycarp  in  a.  d. 
167.  (JoiiN,  Gospel  ok.)  The  chief  elements  of 
the  alleged  evidence  of  spuriousness  of  the  three 
Pastoral  Epistles  may  be  arranged  as  follows; — 1. 
Laiigiiaffe.  It  is  urged  that  the  style  is  different 
from  that  of  the  acknowledged  Pauline  Epistles — 
that  there  is  less  logical  continuity,  a  want  of  order 
and  plan,  subjects  brought  up,  one  after  the  other, 


abruptly — that  not  less  than  fifty  words,  most  of 
them  striking  and  ( haracteristic,  and  some  of  them 
belonging  to  the  Gnostic  tcrminolog}'  of  the  second 
century,  are  found  in  these  Epistles  which  arc  not 
found  in  St.  Paul's  w  ritings. — On  the  other  side  it 
may  be  said  (a.)  that  there  is  no  test  so  uncertain 
as  that  of  language  and  style  thus  applied.  The 
style  of  one  man  is  stereotyped,  (brmcd  early,  and 
enduring  long.  That  of  another  ciianges,  more  or 
less,  from  year  to  year.  In  proportion  as  the  man 
is  a  solitary  thinker,  or  a  strong  assertor  ot  his  own 
will,  will  he  tend  to  the  former  slate.  In  pioportion 
to  his  power  of  receiving  impressions  from  without, 
of  sympathizing  with  others,  will  be  his  tendency 
to  the  latter,  (b.)  If  this  is  true  generally,  it  is  so 
yet  more  emphatically  when  the  circumstances  of 
authorship  are  different.  The  language  of  a  bishop's 
charge  is  not  that  of  his  letters  to  his  private  friends, 
(c.)  Other  letters,  again,  were  dictated  to  an  amanur 
ensis.  These  have  every  appearance  ot  having  leen 
written  with  his  own  hand,  and  this  tan  hardly  have 
been  without  its  influence  on  their  style,  (d.)  To 
whatever  extent  a  Ibrgcr  of  spurious  Epistles  would 
be  likely  to  Ibnu  his  style  after  the  pattern  of  the 
recognized  ones,  to  that  extent  the  diversity  which 
has  been  dwelt  on  is,  within  the  limits  that  have 
been  above  stated,  not  against  but  for  the  genuine- 
ness of  these  Epistles,  (c.)  There  is  a  large  com- 
mon element,  both  of  thoughts  and  words,  shared 
by  these  Epistles  and  the  others  (e.  p.  the  grounds 
of  faith,  the  law  of  life,  the  tendency  to  digress,  the 
personal  affection,  the  free  reference  to  his  own  suf- 
ferings for  the  truth),  the  coincidences  being  pre- 
cisely those,  in  most  Instances,  which  a  forger  would 
have  been  unlikely  to  think  of — 2.  It  has  been 
urged  against  the  reception  of  the  Pastoral  Epistles 
that  they  cannot  be  fitted  in  to  the  records  of  St, 
Paul's  life  in  the  Acts.  To  this  there  is  a  threefold 
answer,  (a.)  The  difficulty  has  been  enormously 
exaggerated.  (Pacl.)  (b.)  The  mere  fact  that  we 
cannot  fix  the  precise  date  of  three  letters  in  the 
life  of  one  of  whose  ceaseless  labors  and  journeys 
ings  we  have,  after  all,  but  fragmentary  records, 
ought  not  to  fie  a  stumbling-block,  (e.)  A  man 
composing  counterfeit  Epistles  would  have  been 
likely  to  make  them  square  with  the  acknowledged 
records  of  the  life. — 3.  The  three  Epistles  present, 
it  is  said,  a  more  developed  state  of  Church  organi- 
zation and  doctrine  than  that  belonging  to  the  life- 
time of  St.  Paul ;  particularly  (a.)  the  rule  that  the 
bishop  is  to  be  "  the  husband  of  one  wife  "  (1  Tim. 
iii.  2 ;  Tit.  i.  (i)  indicates  the  strong  opposition  to 
second  marriages  which  characterized  the  second 
century.  (A.)  The  "younger  widows"  of  1  Tim.  v. 
1 1  cannot  lie  literally  w  idow  s.  It  follows  therefore 
that  the  word  "widows"  (Gr.  cherai)  is  used,  as  it 
was  in  the  second  century,  in  a  w  ider  sense,  as  de- 
noting a  consecrated  life,  (c.)  The  rules  affecting 
the  relation  of  the  bishops  and  elders  indicate  a 
hierarchic  development  characteristic  of  the  Petrine 
element,  which  became  dominant  in  the  Church  of 
Rome  in  the  post-apostolic  period.  (</.)  The  term 
"heretic"  (Tit.  iii.  10)  is  used  in  its  later  sense. 
(e.)  The  upward  progress  from  the  office  of  deacon 
to  that  of  presbyter,  implied  in  1  Tim.  iii.  13,  belongs 
to  a  later  period. — It  is  not  difficult  to  meet  objec- 
tions which  contain  so  large  an  element  of  mere  ar- 
bitrary assumption.  («.)  The  rule  which  makes 
monogamy  a  condition  of  the  episcopal  office  is  very 
far  removed  from  the  harsh,  sweeping  censures  of 
all  second  marriages  which  we  find  in  Athenagoras 
and  Tertullian.     (A.)  There  is  not  a  shadow  of  proof 


i 


TIM 


TIM 


1119 


that  the  "  younger  widows  "  were  not  literally  such 
(comp.  Acts  vi.  1,  U.  39  ;  Widow),  (e.)  The  use  of 
"  BISHOP  "  and  "  elders  "  in  tiie  Pastoral  Epistles 
as  equivalent  (Tit.  i.  5,  7),  and  the  absence  of  any 
intermediate  order  between  the  bisliops  and  deacons 
(1  Tim.  iii.  1-8),  are  quite  unlike  what  we  find  in 
the  Ignatian  Epistles  and  other  writings  of  the  sec- 
ond century.  (<l.)  The  word  "heretic"  has  its 
counterpart  in  the  "heresies"  of  1  Cor.  xi.  19.  (<>.) 
Tiie  best  interpreters  do  not  see  in  1  Tim.  iii.  13  the 
transition  from  one  olliee  to  another.  (Deacon.) — 
4.  Still  greater  stress  is  laid  on  the  indications  of  a 
later  date  in  the  descriptions  of  the  false  teachers 
noticed  in  the  Pastoral  Epistles.  These  point,  it  is 
said,  unmistakably  to  Marcion  and  his  followers 
(e.  g.  "opposition  of  science  falsely  so  called,"  I 
Tim.  vi.  20).  The  "  genealogies "  of  1  Tim.  i.  4 
and  Tit.  iii.  9,  in  like  manner,  point  to  the  ^Eons 
of  the  Valentinians  and  Ophites.  The  doctrine  that 
the  "Reiurrection  was  past  already"  (2  Tim.  ii.  18) 
was  tliorouglily  Gnostic  in  its  character.  This  part 
of  Baur's  attack  is  perhaps  the  weakest  and  most 
capricious  of  all.  The  false  teachers  of  the  Pastoral 
Epistles  are  predominantly  Jewish  (1  Tim.  i.  7),  be- 
longing altogether  to  a  different  school  from  that 
of  .Mai-cion  (Tit.  i.  4,  iii.  9).  Even  the  denial  of  the 
Rkscrrectio.n  belongs  as  naturally  to  the  mingling 
of  a  Sadducean  element  with  an  Eastern  mysticism 
as  to  the  teaching  of  Marcion.  (Hymeneus  ;  Phile- 
Tis.)  The  wliole  lino  of  argument,  indeed,  first  mis- 
represents the  language  of  St.  Paul  in  these  Epistles 
and  elsewhere,  and  then  assumes  the  entire  absence 
from  the  first  century  of  even  the  germs  of  the 
teaching  which  chiracterized  the  second.  (Bible  ; 
Canox  ;  IxspiR.mos  ;  New  TESrAME.sT.) — II.  Date. 
Assuming  the  two  E;)istle3  to  Timothy  to  have  been 
written  by  St.  Paul,  to  what  period  "of  his  life  are 
they  to  be  referred  ? — 1.  Mmt  Epistle  to  Timothij. 
The  direct  data  in  this  instance  are  very  few.  (1.) 
1  Tim.  i.  3  implies  a  journey  of  St.  Paul  from  Ephe- 
8U3  to  Macedonia,  Timothy  remaining  behind.  (2.) 
The  age  of  Timothy  is  described  as  "youth"  (iv. 
12).  (3.)  The  general  resemblance  between  the 
two  Epistles  indicates  that  they  were  written  at  or 
aljont  the  same  time.  Three  hypotheses  have  been 
maintained  as  fulfilling  these  conditions.  (A)  The 
journey  in  question  has  been  looked  on  as  an  un- 
recorded episode  m  the  two  years'  work  at  Ephesus 
of  Acts  xi.t.  10  (Mosheim,  Schrader,  VVieseler,  &c.). 
(B)  It  has  1)0311  identified  with  the  journey  of  Acts 
XX.  1,  after  the  tumult  at  Ephesus  (Thcodoret,  Gro- 
tius,  Lightfoot,  Witsius,  Lardner,  W.  L.  Alexander 
[in  KittoJ,  Barnes,  &c.).  On  cither  of  these  sup- 
positions the  date  of  the  Epistle  has  been  fixed  at 
various  periods  after  St.  Paul's  arrival  at  Ephesus, 
before  the  conclusion  of  his  first  imprisonment  at 
Rome.  (C)  It  has  been  placed  in  the  interval  be- 
tween St.  Paul's  first  anil  second  imprisonments  at 
Rome  (Pearson,  Le  Clerc,  Cave,  Mill,  Whitby,  Mac- 
knight,  Paley,  Huther  [translated  in  B.  8.  viii.  320 
ff.],  Ellicott,  E.  A.  Litton  [in  Fairbairnl,  Conybeare 
&  Howson,  Alford,  Ayre,  &c.).  Of  these  conjec- 
tures, A  and  B  bring  the  Epistle  within  the  limit  of 
the  authentic  records  of  St.  Paul's  life,  but  they 
have  scarcely  any  other  merit.  In  favor  of  C,  as 
compared  with  A  or  B,  is  the  internal  eviilence  of 
the  contents  of  the  Epistle  (the  errors  against  which 
Timothy  is  warned  being  present  and  dxngerous,  and 
all  tne  circumstances  implying  the  apostle's  pro- 
longed atisence).  The  language  of  the  Epistle  also 
has  a  liearing  on  the  date.  Assume  a  later  date, 
and  then  there  is  room  for  the  changes  in  thought 


I  and  expression  which,  in  a  character  like  St.  Paul's, 
I  were  to  be  expected  as  the  years  went  by.    The  only 
i  objections  to  the  later  dale  are — (a.)  the  donbtful- 
I  ness  of  the  second  imprisonment  altogether  (Paul); 
!  and  (h.)  the  "youth"  of  Timothy  at  the  time  when 
the  letter  was  written  (iv.  1 2).     But  the  later  date 
j  would  probably  make  him  not  more  than  thirty-four 
or  thirty-five,'  young  for  authority  over  older  pres- 
I  byters  or  "  elders." — 2.   Second  Jiphl/e  to   Timothy. 
The  number  of  special  names  and  incidents  in  the 
Second  Epistle  make  the  chronological  data  more 
numerous.     Here  also  are  conflicting  theories  of  an 
'  earlier  and  later  date,  (A)  during  the  imprisonment 
of  Acts  xxviii.  30,  and  (B)  during  the  second  impris- 
onment already  spoken  of.     (1.)  A  parting  appar- 
ently recent,  under  circumstances  of  special  sorrow 
(i.  4).     Not  decisive  (compare  Acts  xx.  37  ;  1  Tim. 
;  i.  3).     (2.)  A  general  desertion  of  the  apostle  even 
by  the  disciples  of  Asia  (2  Tim.  i.  15).     Nothing  in 
the  Acts  indicates  any  thing  like  this  before  the  im- 
prisonment of  Acts  xxviii.  30.    This,  therefore,  must 
be  placed   on   the  side  of  C.     [3.)  The  position  of 
St.  Paul  as  suffering  (i.  12),  in  bonds  (ii.  9),  expect- 
ing "  the  time  of  his  departure  "  (iv.  6),  forsaken  by 
almost  all  (iv.  16).     Nut  quite  decisive,  but  tending 
to  B  rather  than  A.     (4.)  The  mention  of  O.vesipho- 
RCS,  and  of  services  rendered  by  him  both  at  Rome 
and  Ephesus  (i.  16-18).     Not  decisive  again,  but 
tends  to  B  rather  than  A.     (6.)  The  abandonment 
of  St.  Paul  by  Demas  (iv.  10).     Strongly  in  favor  of 
B.     (6.)  The  presence  of  Luke  (iv.  11).     Agrees 
with  A  (Col.  iv.  14),  but  is  perfectly  compatible  with 
B.     (7.)    The   request   that    Timothy   would   bring 
M.iRK  (2  Tim.  iv.  11).     In  connection  with  the  men- 
tion of  Demas,  tends  decidedly  to  B.     (8.)  Mention 
of  Tyciiicus  as  sent  to  Ephesus  (iv.  12).     Appears, 
as  connected  with  Eph.  vi.  21,  22,  and  Col.  iv.  7,  in 
favor  of  A,  yet   compatible   with   B.     (9.)  The  re- 
quest that  Timothy  would  bring  the  cloak  and  books 
left  at  Troas  (2  Tim.  iv.  13).     On  the  assumption  of 
A,  Paul's  last  visit  to  Tuoas  would  have   been  at 
least  four  or  five  years  before,  affording  probable 
opportunities  for  his  regaining  what  he  had  left,  and 
presenting  in  its  circumstances  no  trace  of  the  haste 
and  suddenness  which  the  request  more  than  half 
implies.     In  favor  of  B.     (10.)   "ALEXANnER  the 
coppersmith  did  me  much  evil,"  "  grc:.tly  withstood 
our  words"  (iv.  14,  15).     Somewhat  in  favor  of  A 
(compare  Acts  xix.),  yet  easily  reconcilable  with  B. 
(ll.)  The  abandonment  of  the  apostle  in   his  first 
defence,  and  his  deliverance  "  from  the  mouth  of 
the  lion"  (2  Tim.  iv.  16,  17).     Fits  in  as  a  possible 
contingency  with  either  hypothesis,  but   like  (5.) 
evinces  a  later  (late  than  any  other  Epistles  written 
i  from  Rome.     (12.)  "  Erastus  abode  at  Corinth,  but 
I  Trophimus  I  left  at  Miletus  sick  "  (iv.  20).     Lan- 
I  gniige,  as  in  (9.),  implying  a  comparatively  recent 
I  visit  to  both  places,  and  favoring  B  (compare  Acts 
xxi.  29,  XX.  4).     (13.)  "  Hasten  to  come  before  win- 
;  jef  "  (2  Tim.  iv.  21).     Assuming  A,  the  presence  of 
I  Timothy  in  Phil.  i.  1,  and  Col.  i.  1,  and  Phn.  1,  might 
I  be  regarded  as  the  consequence  of  this  ;  but  (com- 
i  pare  5  and  7  above)  there  are  almost  insuperable 
i  difficulties  in  supposing  this  Epistle  to  have  been 
I  written  before  those  three.     (14.)  The  salutations 
j  from  EuBULUS,  PunENS,  Linus,  and  Claudia  (2  Tim. 
I _ . . — __ 

'  Timothy  was  then  In  that  period  of  life  which  both  hy 

I  Ore*'kp  and  Romans  was  coneKlered  as  "  youth,"   Servius 

TulUiis.  It  i»  said.  clasKcd  tlic  Romans  iron)  seventeen  to 

forl.v-Bix  years  old  as  in  yoidh.  tliose  oltler  as  in  old  age^ 

thohc yonnrrcr  as  in  chitdltood.    Others  make  youth,  =  the 

i  period  of  military  age,  or  from  twenty  to  forty  years. 


1120 


TIN 


TIR 


iv.  21).  The  absence  of  these  names  from  all  the 
Epistles,  which,  accorJiug  to  A,  belong  to  the  same 
peiiod,  would  be  dillicult  to  explain.  B  leaves  it 
open  to  conjecture  that  they  were  converts  of  more 
recent  date,  and  might  have  become  acquainted  with 
Timothy  at  Rome.  On  the  whole,  it  is  believed  that 
the  evidence  preponderates  strongly  in  favor  of  the 
later  date. — III.  Flans.  lu  this  respect  also  1  Tim. 
leaves  much  to  conjecture.  Tlie  absence  of  any  local 
reference  but  that  in  i.  3,  suggests  Macedonia  or 
some  neighboring  district.  In  A  and  other  MSS. 
(N'e\v  Tksta.\ient,  I.  §  28),  in  the  Peshito,  Ethiopic, 
and  otlier  versions  (Versions,  Ancie.nt),  Laouicea 
is  named  in  the  inscription  as  the  place  whence  it 
was  sent,  liut  this  seems  to  have  grown  out  of  a 
traditional  belief  risting  on  very  insullicient  grounds. 
The  Coptic  version  as  improbably  suggests  Athens. 
The  Second  Epistle  is  free  from  this  conllict  of  con- 
jectures. With  the  exception  of  Uottger,  wlio  sug- 
gests Cesarea,  there  is  a  general  agreement  in  favor 
of  Rome. — IV.  Slruclure  and  Charavln-ixtics.  On 
the  language,  sec  I.  1,  above.  Assuming  the  genu- 
ineness of  the  Epistles,  some  characteristic  features 
remain  tj  be  noticed.  (1.)  The  ever-deepening  sense 
in  St.  Paul's  heart  of  the  Divine  Mercy,  of  which 
he  was  the  object.  (2.)  The  greater  abruptness  of 
the  Second  Epistle,  which  is  full  of  emotion  and 
without  any  carefully  arranged  plan.  (3.)  The  ab- 
sence, as  compared  with  St.  Paul's  other  E|jistles, 
of  0.  T.  references  (compare  2,  above,  and  2  Tim. 
iv.  13).  (4.)  The  conspicuous  positicm  of  the  "lliith- 
ful  sayings  "  as  taking  the  place  occupied  in  other 
Epistles  by  the  0.  T.  Scriptures  (1  Tim.  i.  13,  iv.  9  ; 
2  Tim.  ii.  11;  Tit.  iii.  8 ;  compare  1  Tim.  iv.  1  ; 
1  Cor.  xiv.).  (5.)  The  tendency  of  the  apostle's 
mind  to  dwell  more  on  the  universality  of  the  re- 
demptive work  of  Christ  (1  Tim.  ii.  ;i-6,  iv.  10),  and 
his  strong  desire  that  all  the  teaching  of  his  dis- 
ciples should  be  "sound"  (1  Tim.  i.  10,  vi.  3  [A.  V. 
"wholesome");  2  Tim.  i.  l:S,  iv.  3;  Tit.  i.  V,  13,  ii. 
1,  2).  6.)  The  injportance  attached  by  him  to  the 
practical  details  of  administration.  (7.)  The  recur- 
rence of  doxidegies  (1  Tim.  i.  17,  vi.  15,  16;  2  Tim. 
iv.  18).     Epistle;  Titus,  Epistle  to. 

Tin  (Ileb.  bidil),  a  well-known  white  metal,  easily 
melted  and  very  malleable.  Tin  was  found  among 
the  spoils  of  the  Midianites  (Num.  xxxi.  22).  It 
was  known  to  the  Hebrew  metal-workers  as  one  of 
the  inferior  metals  (lead,  tin,  &c.)  combined  with 
silver  in  the  ore  and  separated  from  it  by  smelting 
(Is.  i.  25;  Ez.  xxii.  18,  20).  The  markets  of  Tyre 
were  supplied  with  it  by  the  ships  of  Tarsiiisii 
(xxvii.  12).  It  was  used  for  plummets  (Zech.  iv. 
10),  and  was  so  plentiful  as  to  fuinish  Eccl.  .xlvii.  18 
a  figure  by  which  to  express  the  wealth  of  Solomon. 
In  the  Homeric  times  the  Greeks  were  familiar  with 
it.  The  melting  of  tin  in  a  smelting-pot  is  men- 
tioned by  Hesiod.  Tin  is  not  ibund  in  Palestiiie. 
Whence,  then,  did  the  ancient  Hebrews  obtain  their 
supply?  "Only  three  countries  are  known  to  con- 
tain any  considerable  quantity  of  it :  Spain  and 
Portugal,  Cornwall  and  the  adjacent  parts  of  Devon- 
shire (in  England),  and  the  islands  of  Junk,  Ceylon, 
and  lianea,  in  the  Straits  of  Malacca "  (Kenrick, 
Pheniiia,  p.  212).  There  can  be  little  doubt  that 
the  mines  of  liritain  were  the  chief  source  of  sup- 
ply to  the  ancient  world  (so  Mr.  Wright,  with  Sir 
G.  C.  Lewis,  &e. ).  The  tin  obtained  from  S|)ain  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  produced  in  suflicient  quan- 
tities to  supply  the  Phenician  markets.  Metals  ; 
Mines. 

Tiph'sah  (Heb.  passage,  ford,  Ges.),  mentioned  in 


1  K.  iv.  24  as  the  limit  of  Solomon's  empire  toward 
the  Euphrates,  and  in  2  K.  xv.  16  said  to  have  been 
attacked  by  Menahem.  It  is  generally  admitted  that 
the  town  intended,  at  any  rate  in  the  former  pas- 
sage,' is  that  known  by  tlie  Greeks  and  Romans  as 
Thapsacus,  a  town  of  considerable  importance  iu 
noithern  Syria,  at  a  point  where  it  was  usual  to 
cros'^  the  Euphrates.  It  nmst  have  been  a  place  of 
considerable  trade,  the  land-tralTic  between  East  and 
West  passing  through  it.  It  is  a  fair  conjecture 
that  Solomon's  occupation  of  the  place  was  con- 
nected with  his  efforts  to  establish  a  line  of  trade 
with  Central  Asia  directly  across  the  continent,  and 
that  Tadmou  was  intended  as  a  resting-place  on  tho 
journey  to  Thapsacus.  (Commerce  ;  Solomo.n.)  At 
Thapsacus  armies  marching  E.  or  W.  usually  crossed 
the  "  Great  River."  It  has  been  generally  supposed 
that  the  site  of  Thapsacus  was  the  modern  De'ir 
(D'Anville,  Rennell,  Vaux,  &c.).  But  the  Euphra- 
tes expedition  pioved  that  there  is  no  ford  at  De'ir, 
and  that  the  only  ford  in  this  part  of  the  Euphrates 
is  at  Surijieh,  45  miles  below  Balis,  and  165  above 
De'ir,  where  the  river  is  800  yards  wide  and  was  20 
inches  deep  in  the  winter  of  1841-2,  and  where  a 
paved  causeway  is  visible  on  each  side,  and  a  long 
line  of  mounds  in  the  form  of  an  irregular  paral- 
lelogram probably  marks  the  site  of  the  ancient  city. 
This,  then,  must  have  been  the  position  of  Thapsacus 
(so  Rawlinson). 

Tl'ras  (Heb.  longing,  desire,  Sim.),  youngest  son 
of  Japiieth  (Gen.  x.  2  only);  identified  by  ancient 
authorities  generally  (Josepbus,  Jerome,  Targums) 
and  by  many  moderns  (Bochart,  Michaelis,  Fiirst, 
&e.)with  the  Thracians.  (Thracia  ;  Tonoijes,  Con- 
fusion OF.)  The  precise  ethnic  position  of  tho 
Thracians  is,  indeed,  uncertain ;  but  all  authorities 
agree  in  their  general  Indo-European  character. 
Othtr  explanations  have  identified  Tiras  with  the 
Agathyrsi,  a  Scythian  tribe  in  Transylvania  (Kno- 
bel) ;  with  Taurus  and  the  various  tribes  occupying 
that  range  (Kalisch);  the  river  Tyras,  7>7«V«(«r,  with 
its  cognominous  inhabitants,  theTyrit8D(Havernick, 
Seluilthess) ;  and,  lastly,  the  Tyrrhenians,  ancestors 
of  the  Etrurians  of  Italy  (Tuch). 

Ti'rath-ites  (fr.  Ucb.  sing,  collective  =  people  of 
Tirah{\.  c.  gate],  a  place  otherwise  unknown,  Ges.), 
the  5  one  of  the  three  families  of  Scribes  residing  at 
Jabez  (1  Chr.  ii.  55),  the  others  being  the  SniMEATH- 
ITES  and  SrciiATiiiTES. 

Tire  (Heb.  plir),  an  ornamental  head-dress  worn 
on  festive  occasions  (Ez.  xxiv.  17,  23).     Chain. 

Tlr' lui'kall  (Heb.  fr.  Ar.  =  brovght  forth,  exalted, 
Sim.),  king  of  Ethiopia  (Cush),  and  the  opponent 
of  Sennacherib  (2  K.  xix.  9 ;  Is.  xxxvii.  9).  He 
advanced  to  fight  Sennacherib  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole, 
original  author  of  this  article)  b.  c.  about  718,  un- 
less we  suppose  that  the  expedition  took  place  iu 
the  twenty-fourth,  instead  of  the  fourteenth  year 
of  He/.ekiah,  which  would  bring  it  to  B.  c.  about 
703  (see  Chronolouy,  and  table  under  Israel,  Kinc- 
iioM  of).  If  it  were  an  expedition  later. than  that 
of  which  the  date  is  mentioned,  it  must  have  been 
before  b.  c.  about  698,  Hezekiah's  last  year.  But 
if  the  reign  of  Manasseh  is  reduced  to  thirty-five 
years,  these  dates  would  be  respectively  B.  c.  about 
693,  683,  and  678,  and  these  numbers  might  have 
to  be  slightly  modified,  the  fixed  dute  of  the  cap- 
ture of  Samaria,  B.  c.  721,  being  abandoned.  Ac- 
cording to  Manetho's  cpitomists,  Tarkos  or  Tarakos 

•  GeBCuius,  Fttrst,  Fairbaim,  Avre,  &c..  regard  the 
Tlphsah  of  2  K.  xv.  16  as  a  place  in  Palestine,  perhaps 
near  Tirzah,  or  at  a  ford  of  the  Jordan. 


TIK 


TIT 


1121 


was  the  third  and  last  king  of  the  twenty-fifth  dyn- 
asty, which  was  of  Ethiopians,  and  reigned  eighteen 
(so  Africanus)  or  twenty  (so  Eusebius)  yeai-s.  (So.) 
We  t^hould  prul)ably  date  Tiilialvah's  accession  b.  c. 
about  6U5,  and  assign  him  a  reign  of  twenty-six 
years.  In  this  case  we  should  be  oblijied  to  take 
the  later  reckoning  of  the  Biblieal  events,  were  it 
not  for  the  possibility  that  Tirhakuh  ruKd  over 
Ethiopia  before  becoming  king  of  Egypt.  The  name 
of  Tirhakah  is  written  in  hieroglyphics  Tekaika. 
Sculptures  at  Thebes  commemorate  bis  rule,  and 
at  Gebel  Berkel,  or  Napata,  he  constructed  one  t<>ra-- 
pic,  and  part  of  another. 

Tir'lia-ailli  (Ueb.  inclviation  ?  Ges. ;  condciccnMon, 
goodies,  Fii. ;  a  permanent  dwelling,  Sim.),  son  of 
Caleb  1  by  his  concubine  Maacliah  (1  Chr.  ii.  48). 

Tir'i-a  (fr.  Hcb.  =  fenr.  Ges.),  son  of  Jehaleleel 
of  the  tribe  of  Judaii  (1  Clir.  iv.  10). 

Tir-shi'tia,  or  Tir'slia-tba  (Hcb.,  always  written 
with  the  article ;  see  below),  the  title  of  the  gov- 
ernor of  Judoa  under  the  Persians,  derived  by 
Gesenius  from  a  Persian  root  signifying  sferu,  nevsre, 
=  your  tSeveril'/  (compare  the  English  expression 
"  dread  sovereign  " ).  It  is  added  as  a  title  after 
the  na:ne  of  XuilEMi.tn  (Xeh.  viii.  9,  x.  1  [Ileb.  2]); 
and  occurs  also  in  three  other  places  (Ezr.  ii.  63  ; 
Neh.  vii.  85, 70).  It  is  usually  rendered  "  governor  " 
in  the  margin  (compare  Neh.  xii.  26  and  Governor 

1)- 

Tir'zih  (fr.  Ileb.  =  delifffU,  Ges.),  the  youngest 
of  the  five  daugliters  of  Zelophehau  (Xuni.  xxvi. 
33,  xxvii.  1,  xxxvi.  11  ;  Jo.sh.  xvii.  3).     Heik. 

Tir'ztli  (see  above),  an  ancient  Canaanite  city, 
whose  king  is  enumerated  among  tlie  twenty-one 
overtiirown  in  the  contjuest  of  tlie  country  (Josh. 
xiL  24).  It  reappears  as  a  royal  city — the  resilience 
of  Jekoboam  1  (1  K.  xiv.  17),  and  of  his  successors 
Baasua,  ELAtt,  and  Zimri  (xv.,  xvi.).  Zimri  was 
besieged  tliere  by  Omri,  and  perished  in  the  flames 
of  his  palace  (xvi.  18).  OvRi  reigned  six  years  in 
Tirzih,  and  tlien  made  Samaria  his  capital.  Once 
only  does  Tirzah  reappear  as  the  seat  of  the  con- 
spiracy of  Menahem  against  Shallum  (2  K.  xv.  14, 
16).  Its  reputation  for  beauty  must  have  been 
wide-spread  (Cant.  vi.  4).  Eusebius  mentions  it  in 
connection  with  Slenahem,  and  identities  it  with  a 
"  village  of  Samaritans  in  Batanica,"  E.  of  Jordan. 
Brocardui  places  "  Thcrsa "  on  a  high  mountain, 
throe  leagues  from  Samaria  to  the  E.  This  is  tlie 
direction,  and  very  nearly  the  distance  of  Tnlluzah, 
which  Kobinson  (iii.  302-3)  and  others  would  iden- 
tify with  Tirzah.  It  Ls  a  large  and  thriving  village, 
on  a  comman  ling  eminence  N.  of  Xdbuliix. 

TIsllblte  (fr.  Heb.  TiKhbi ;  see  below),  the;  the 
well-known  designation  of  Elijah  (1  K.  xvii.  1,  xxi. 
17,  28;  2  K.  i.  3,  8,  ix.  36).  (1.)  The  name  natu- 
rally points  to  a  place  called  Tishbeh,  Tishbi,  or 
ratlior,  perhaps,  Teshcb,  as  the  residence  of  the 
prophet.  Assuming  that  a  town  is  alluded  to,  as 
Elijah's  native  place,  it  is  not  necessary  to  infer 
thit  it  was  itself  in  Gileail,  as  Epiphanius,  Adri- 
chomius,  Castcll,  and  others,  have  imagined  ;  for  the 
Ileb.  tosftib,  rendered  "  inhabitant "  (viz.  of  Gilead,  1 
K.  xvii.  1),  really  =  resident,  or  even  .stranger  (A.V. 
"sojourner"  in  Gen.  xxiii.  4,  &c.).  The  commen- 
tators and  lexicographers,  with  few  exceptions, 
adopt  the  name  "  Tishljite "  as  referring  to  the 
place  TiiisBE  in  Xaphlali,  which  is  found  in  the 
L.K.V.  text  of  Tob.  i.  2.  The  didiculiy  in  the  way 
of  t!iis  is  the  great  uncertainty  in  which  the  text  of 
that  passage  is  involved.  Bunsen  suggests  in  sup- 
port of  the  reading  "  the  Tishbite  from  Tishbi  of 


Gilead,"  that  the  place  may  have  been  purposely  so 

described,  to  distinguisli  it  from  the  town  of  the 
same  name  in  Galilee.  (2.)  Michaelis  translates  the 
Heb.  hul-tishbi  (dilferently  pointed)  as  an  appellative 
denoting  "  the  stranger." 

Titans  (fr.  Gr.  =  [so  Mesiod]  Ihe  xtre/ehers,  Ktrie- 
ers ;  or  [so  others]  anengers  ;  or  [so  others]  kings, 
L.  &  S.).  These  children  of  Uranus  (=  Heaven) 
and  tiaia  (=  Earth)  were,  according  to  the  earliest 
Greek  legends,  the  vanquished  predecessors  of  the 
Olympian  gods,  condemned  by  Zcus(=  L.  Jupiter) 
to  dwell  in  Tartarus  (Hell),  yet  not  without  retain- 
ing many  relies  of  their  ancient  dignity.  By  later 
(Latin)  poets  they  were  confounded  with  the  kindred 
Gigatites  (=  ginnts),  and  botli  terms  were  trans- 
ferred by  the  LXX.  to  the  Rephaim  (Gia.nts  3)  of 
Palestine.  In  2  Sam.  v.  18,  22,  "the  valley  of 
Rephaim  "  is  in  the  LXX.  the  valUy  of  the  Titans  ; 
ami  in  1  Chr.  xi.  15,  xiv.  9,  it  is  the  valley  of  the 
giants.  So  in  Jd.  xvi.  7,  "  the  sons  of  the  Titans  " 
stands  jjarallel  with  "  high  giants."  Several  Chris- 
tian Fathers  iuclined  to  tlie  belief  that  Te.ilan  (:= 
Titan)  was  the  mystic  name  of  "the  beast"  indi- 
cated in  Rev.  xiii.  18.     Ridole. 

Titllt!  (Heb.  nuCaser  ;  Gr.  deka'e)  ■—  a  tenth  part. 
(Number.)  Numerous  instances  of  the  use  of  tithes 
are  found  both  in  profane  and  in  Biblical  history, 
prior  to  or  independently  of  the  appointment  of 
the  Levitical  tithes  under  the  Law.  In  Biblical 
history  the  two  prominent  instances  are — ( 1.)  Abram 
presenting  the  tenth  of  all  his  property,  or  rather 
of  the  spoils  of  his  victory,  to  .Melciiizedek  (Gen. 
xiv.  20;  Heb.  vii.  2,  6).  (2.)  Jacob,  after  his  vision 
at  Luz,  devoting  a  tenth  of  all  his  property  to  God 
in  case  he  should  return  home  in  safety  (Gen.  xxviii. 
22). — The  Law  first  lays  down  the  general  principle 
that  the  tenth  of  all  produce,  as  well  as  of  flocks 
and  c.ittle,  belongs  to  Jehovah,  and  must  be  paid 
in  kind,  or,  if  rt  deemed,  nitii  an  addition  of  one- 
fifth  to  its  value  (Lev.  xxvii.  30-33).  This  tenth, 
called  a  "  heave-offering,"  is  assigned  to  the  Levites, 
as  the  reward  of  their  service,  and  it  is  ordered 
further,  that  they  are  themselves  to  dedicate  to  the 
Lord  a  tenth  of  tiiese  receipts,  to  be  devoted  to  the 
maintenance  of  the  priests  (Num.  xviii.  21-28). — 
j  This  legislation  is  modified  or  extended  in  Deuter- 
onomy, i.  e.  from  thirty-eight  to  forty  years  later. 
Commands  are  given  to  the  people,  (a. )  to  bring 
their  tithts,  votive,  anil  other  offerings  and  first- 
fruits  to  the  chosen  centre  of  worship,  the  metrop- 
olis, tliere  to  be  eaten  in  festive  celebration  in  com- 
pany with  their  children,  their  servants,  and  the 
Lev'ites  (Deut.  xii.  5-18).  (6.)  To  tithe  all  the 
produce  of  the  soil  every  year,  these  tithes  with  the 
firstlings  of  the  flock  and  herd  to  be  eaten  in  the 
metropolis,  (c.)  In  Ciuse  of  distance,  permission  is 
given  to  convert  the  produce  into  money,  to  be 
taken  to  the  appointed  place,  and  there  laid  out  in 
the  purchase  of  food  for  a  festal  celebration,  in 
which  the  Levite  is,  by  special  command,  to  be  in- 
cluded (xiv.  22-27).  (rf.)  At  the  end  of  tlirce  years 
all  the  titlie  of  tliat  year  is  to  be  gathere<l  and  laid 
up  "  within  the  gates,"  and  a  festival  is  to  be  held, 
in  which  the  stranger,  the  fatherless,  and  the  widow, 
together  with  the  Levite,  are  to  part  ike  (ver.  28, 
29).  ie.)  After  taking  tlie  tithe  in  each  third  year, 
"  which  is  the  year  of  tithing,"  an  exculpatory  dec- 
laration is  to  be  made  by  every  Israelite,  that  he 
has  done  his  Ijesl  to  fulfil  the  Divine  command 
(xxvi.  12-14). — From  all  this  we  gather,  1.  Tliatone- 
tenth  of  the  whole  produce  of  the  soil  was  to  be 
ass'gned  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Levites.     2. 


1122 


TIT 


TIT 


That  out  of  this  the  Levites  were  to  dedicate  a  tentli 
to  God,  for  tlie  use  of  the  priests.  3.  That  a  tithe, 
in  all  probability  a  second  tithe,  was  to  be  applied 
to  festival  purposes.  4.  That  in  every  third  year, 
cither  this  festival  lithe  or  a  titii'd  tenth  was  to  be 
eaten  In  company  with  the  poor  and  the  Levites. 
The  question  arises,  were  there  Ihi'cc  tithes  taken  in 
this  third  year;  or  is  the  third  tithe  only  the  second 
under  a  different  description  ?  It  must  be  allowed 
that  the  Ihird  tithe  is  not  without  support.  Josephus 
distinctly  says  that  one-tenth  was  to  be  given  to  the 
priests  and  Levites,  one-tenth  was  to  be  applied  to 
feasts  in  the  metropolis,  and  that  a  tenth  besides 
these  was  every  third  year  to  be  given  to  tlie  i)oor 
(compare  Tob.  i.  7,  8).  On  the  other  hand,  Maimon- 
ides  says  the  third  and  si.\th  years'  second  tithe  was 
shared  between  the  poor  and  the  Levilcs,  i.  e.  that 
there  was  no.  third  tithe.  Of  these  opinions,  that 
whieli  maintains  three  separate  and  complete  tith- 
in<;s  seems  improbable  (so  Mr.  Phillott,  Dr.  Glns- 
burg  [in  Kitto],  Prof.  Douglas  [in  Fbn.],  Ayre,  &c.). 
It  is  plain  that  under  the  kings  the  tithe-system 
partook  of  the  general  neglect  into  which  the  ob- 
servance of  the  Law  declined,  and  that  Ilezekiah, 
among  his  other  reforms,  took  effectual  means  to 
revive  its  use  (2  Chr.  .xxxi.  5,  12,  19).  Similar 
measures  were  taken  after  the  Captivity  by  Nehe- 
miah  (Neh.  xii.  44),  and  in  both  these  cases  special 
officers  were  appointed  to  take  charge  of  the  stores 
and  storehouses  for  the  purpose.  Yet,  notwitli- 
standing  partial  evasion  or  omission,  the  system  it- 
self was  continued  to  a  late  period  in  Jewish  his- 
tory (Heb.  vii.  5-8;  Mat.  xxiii.  23;  Lk.  xviii.  12). 
Agricultuee  ;  Alms;  Levites;  Poou;  Priest; 
Stua.nger. 

Ti'tns  (L.,  a  common  Roman  first  name;  possibly 
fr.  Gr.  =  [so  Schl.,  &e.]  honorable  or  honored).  Our 
materials  for  the  biography  of  this  companion  of 
St.  Paul  must  be  drawn  entirely  from  2  Cor.,  Gal., 
Tit.,  and  2  Tim.  He  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Acts 
at  all.  Taking  the  passages  in  the  Epistles  in  the 
order  of  the  events  ref  rred  to,  we  turn  first  totJal. 
li.  1,  3.  We  conceive  the  journey  mentioned  here 
(so  Dr.  Ilowson,  original  author  of  this  article)  to 
be  identical  witli  tliat  (recoried  in  Acts  xv.)  in 
which  Paul  and  Bar.vabas  went  from  Antioch  to 
Jerusalem  to  the  conference  which  was  to  decide 
the  question  of  the  necessity  of  circumcision  to  the 
Gentiles.  Here  we  see  Titr.s  in  close  association 
with  Paul  and  B.irnabas  at  Antioch.'  He  goes  with 
them  to  Jerusalem.  His  circumcision  was  either 
not  insisted  on  at  Jerusalem,  or,  if  demanded,  was 
firmly  resisted.  lie  is  very  emphatically  spoken  of 
as  a  Gentile  ("  Grkes  "),  by  which  is  most  probably 
meant  that  both  his  parents  were  Gentiles.  Titus 
Tvould  seem,  oft  the  occasion  of  the  councd,  to  have 
been  specially  a  representative  of  the  church  of  the 
uncircumcision.  In  the  p.issage  cited  above,  Titus 
is  so  mentioned  as  apparently  to  imply  that  he  had 
become  personally  known  to  the  Giilatian  Christians. 
After  leaving  Galatia  (Acts  xviii.  ^3),  and  spending 
a  long  time  at  Ephrsns  (xix.  1-xx.  1),  the  apostle 
proceeded  to  Jlacedonia  by  way  of  TnOAS.  Here 
he  expected  to  meet  Titus  (2  Cor.  ii.  13),  who  had 
been  sent  on  a  nnssion  to  Corinth.  In  this  hope  lie 
was  disappointed,  but  in  Macedonia  Titus  joine<l 
him  (vii.  fi,  7,  13-15).  The  mission  to  Cminth  had 
reference  to  the  iunnoralities  rebuked  in  1  Cor.  and 
to  the  effect  of  1  Cor.  on  the  offending  church,  and 


'  His  hlrthplaio  may  have  been  hero ;  but  this  is  uncer- 
tain C»o  Dr.  llowsou). 


it  was  so  far  successful  and  satisfactory.  Another 
part  of  the  mission  with  which  he  was  intrusted  had 
reference  to  the  collection,  at  that  time  in  progress, 
for  the  i)Oor  Christians  of  Judea  (2  Cor.  viii.  6). 
Tlie  apostle  now,  after  his  encouraging  conversa- 
tions with  Titus  regarding  the  Corinthian  Church, 
sends  him  back  from  Macedonia  to  Corinth,  with 
two  other  trustworthy  Christians  (Tropiiimus  ; 
Tvciiici:s).  bi'armg  the  Second  Epistle,  and  with 
an  earnest  request  (viii.  (>,  17)  that  he  would  see 
to  the  conipluiion  of  the  collection  (viii.  0).  It  has 
generally  been  considered  doubtful  wlio  the  "  breth- 
ren "  were  (1  Cor.  xvi.  11,  12)  that  took  the  First 
Epistle  to  Corinth.  Most  probably  tliey  were  Titus 
and  his  companion,  whoever  that  niiglit  be,  who  is 
mentioned  with  him  in  2  Cor.  xii.  18.  (Trophimus; 
Tyciiiccs.) — A  considerable  interval  now  elapses. 
St.  Paul's  first  imprisonment  is  concluded,  and  his 
last  trial  is  impending.  In  the  interval  between 
the  two,  he  and  Titus  were  together  in  Crete  (Tit.  i. 
5).  We  see  Titus  remaining  in  the  island  when  St. 
Paul  left  it,  and  receiving  there  a  letter  written  to 
him  by  the  apostle.  (TiTus,  Epistle  to.)  From 
this  letter  we  gallier  the  following  biographical  de- 
tails : — First  we  learn  that  he  was  (iriginally  con- 
verted through  St.  Paul's  instrumentality  (i.  4). 
Next  we  learn  the  various  particulars  of  the  respon- 
sible duties  which  he  had  to  discharge  in  Ciiete. 
He  is  to  complete  what  St.  Paul  had  been  oljliged 
to  leave  unfinished  (i.  5),  and  to  organize  the  Church 
throughout  the  island  hy  appointing  presbyters  in 
every  city.  Next  he  is  to  control  and  bridle  (vcr. 
11)  the  restless  and  mischievous  Judaizers,  and  to 
be  peremptory  in  so  doing  (ver.  13).  He  is  to  urge 
the  duties  of  a  decorous  and  Christian  life  upon  the 
women  (ii.  3-S),  some  of  whom  (ii.  3)  possibly  had 
something  of  an  official  character  (ver.  3,  4).  lie 
is  to  be  watchful  over  his  own  conduct  (ver.  7),  to 
impress  upon  the  servants  their  peculiar  duties  (ii. 
9,  10),  to  check  all  social  and  jiolitical  turbulence 
(iii.  1),  and  all  wild  theological  speculations  (vcr.  9), 
and  to  exercise  discipline  on  the  heretical  (ver.  10). 
The  notices  which  remain  are  mere  strictly  personal. 
Tilns  is  to  look  for  the  arrival  in  Crete  of  Ai'.temas 
and  Tvcnict;s  (iii.  12),  and  then  to  hasten  to  join 
St.  Paul  at  NicopOLis,  where  the  apostle  is  propo- 
sing to  pass  the  winter.  Zenas  and  Apollos  arc  in 
Crete,  or  expected  there  ;  for  Titus  is  to  send  them 
on  their  journey,  and  supply  lliem  with  whatever 
they  need  for  it  (iii.  13).  Whether  TiUis  diil  join 
the  apostle  at  Nicopolis  we  cannot  tell.  Hut  we 
naturally  connect  the  mention  of  this  place  with 
what  St.  Paul  wrote  not  long  afti  rward,  in  2  Tim. 
iv.  10  ("  Titus  to  Dalmatia  ") ;  for  Dalnialia  lay  to 
the  N.  of  Nicopolis,  at  no  great  di^itancc  from  it. 
From  the  form  of  the  whole  sentence  it  seeiiis  prob- 
able that  this  disciple  had  been  with  St.  Paul  in 
Rome  during  his  final  imprisonment ;  but  this  can- 
not be  asserted  confidently.  Titus  is  connected  by 
tradition  with  Dalmatia  ;  but  his  traditional  connec- 
tion with  Crete  is  much  more  specific  and  constant, 
though  here  again  we  cannot  lie  certain  of  the 
facts.  He  is  said  to  have  been  pernianent  bishop 
in  the  island,  and  to  have  died  there  at  an  .advanced 
age.  The  modern  capital,  Candia,  appears  to  claim 
tlie  honor  of  being  his  burial-place.  In  the  frag-  ' 
meiit  by  the  lawyer  Zenas,  Titus  is  called  Bishop  of  j 
Gortyna.  The  name  of  Titus  was  the  watchword 
of  the  Cretans  when  they  were  invaded  by  the  Ve- 1 
netians.     Evangelist  ;  Timothv. 

Ti'tns  (see  above),  E-pl.s'tle  to.     There  are  no  spe-  j 
cialties  in  this  Epistle  which  require  any  very  elab-j 


TIZ 


TOB 


1123 


orate  treatment  distinct  ft'Om  the  other  Pastoral  Let-  I 
ters  of  St.  Paul  (TiMoriiY,  EpisTt.M  to).  If  those  ' 
two  were  not  genuine,  it  woiilJ  be  dillicult  con(i-  ; 
dently  to  maintain  the  fjenuiiicness  of  this.  On  the  ' 
other  hand,  if  tlie  Epistles  to  Timothy  are  received  i 
as  St.  Paul's,  tliere  i.s  not  tlie  sliglitest  reason  for  ; 
doubting  the  authorship  of  that  to  Titus.  Xnthing  ; 
can  well  be  more  explicit  than  tlie  ((notations  in 
Ireumua,  Clemens  Ale.\andriiius,  Tertullian,  to  say 
uothingof  earlier  allusions  in  Ju.stin  JIartyr,  Theoph- 
ilus,  and  Clemens  Romanus.  As  to  internal  features, 
we  may  notice,  in  the  first  place,  that  the  Epistle  to 
Titus  has  all  the  characteristics  of  the  other  Pastoral 
Epistles.  This  tends  to  show  that  this  letter  was 
written  about  the  same  time  and  under  similar  cir- 
cumstances with  the  ot!)er  two.  Hut,  on  the  other 
liand,  this  Epistle  has  nuirks  in  its  phraseology  and 
s'yle  which  assimilate  it  to  the  general  body  of  the 
Episdes  of  St.  Paul.  As  to  any  dilHenlty  arising 
from  supposed  indications  of  advanced  hierarchi- 
cal arrangements,  it  is  to  be  observed  that  m  this 
Epistle  "ki.dkr"  =  "bishop"  (i.  5,  7),  just  as  in  the 
address  at  Miletus  aliout  a.  D.  58  (.\ct3  xx.  17,  28). 
At  the  same  time  this  Epistle  has  features  of  its  own, 
especially  a  certain  tone  of  abruptness  and  severity, 
which  probably  arises  ))artly  outof  the  circumstances 
of  the  Cretan  population,  partly  out  of  the  character 
of  Titus  himself.  Concerning  the  contents  of  this 
Epistle,  .something  has  already  becfi  said  in  the  ar- 
ticle on  Titus.  No  very  exact  subdivision  is  either 
necessary  or  possible.  As  to  the  time  and  place  and 
other  circumstances  of  the  writing  of  this  Epistle, 
the  following  scheme  of  tilling  up  St.  Paul's  move- 
ments after  his  first  imprisonment  will  satisfy  all  the 
conditions  of  the  case  : — We  may  suppose  him  (pos- 
sibly after  accomplishing  his  long-projected  visit  to 
Spain)  to  have  gone  to  Epiiesus,  and  taken  voyages 
from  thence,  first  to  Maeo  Ionia  and  then  to  Crete,  dur- 
ing the  former  to  have  written  1  Tim.,  and  after  re- 
turning from  the  latter  to  have  written  the  Epistle  to 
Titus,  being  at  the  time  of  dispatching  it  on  the  point 
of  starting  for  Nicopolis,  to  which  place  he  went, 
taking  Miletus  and  Corinth  on  the  way.  At  Nicopo- 
lis we  may  conceive  him  to  have  been  finally  appre- 
hended and  taken  to  Kome,  whence  he  wrote  the 
Second  Epistle  to  Timothy  (so  Dr.  Howson,  original 
author  of  this  article.)  Bible;  Canon;  Isspika- 
TioN ;  New  Tkstamkst. 

Titus  )Ian'li-ni.     Maxlius,  Titus. 

Ti'zite  (fr.  Heb.  Tilsi  —  one  from  an  unknown 
place  called  'Jits,  Ges. ;  one  from  Ta>/i/s  [=:extaiKio7i], 
FiL  ;  but  see  below),  the ;  the  designation  of  Jolia, 
one  of  David's  heroes  (1  Chr.  xi.  45  only).  Nothing 
is  known  of  the  place  or  family  which  it  denotes  (so 
Mr.  (Jrovc). 

Toah  (Ileb.  ineliiinl,  lomli/?  Ges.),  a  Koliathite 
Levite,  ancestor  of  Samuel  and  Ileman  (1  Chr.  vi. 
34  [Heb.  19]);  =  Toiiu  and  Namatii  2? 

Tob  (Ilcb.  f/ooi,  Ges.),  the  Land  of;  the  place  in 
which  Jkphtiiaii  took  refuge  wh.  n  expelled  from 
home  by  his  half-brothers  (Judg.  xi.  3) ;  and  where  he 
remained,  at  tin:  head  of  a  band  of  freebooters,  till  he 
was  brought  back  by  the  "elders"  of  Gilead  (verse 
B);  evidently  not  far  from  Gilead ;  but  toward  the 
cistern  deserts.  In  2  Sam.  x.  0,  8,  Isiitob,  i.  c.  Man 
of  Toll,  according  to  a  common  Hebrew  idiom,  =  the 
tiien  of  Tob.  It  appears  again,  in  the  Maccabean 
histiiry  in  the  names  Tobie,  and  Tubieni.  Mr. 
Grove  gives  the  names  Tell  Dohbe,  or  Tell  Dihbe,  at- 
tached to  a  ruined  site  at  the  S.  end  of  the  I.ijah,  a 
few  miles  N.  W.  of  KeiiawtU  (Kenatii),  and  of  ed- 
Dah,  some  twelve  hours  E.  of  the  mountain  el-KuU-ib, 


and  hence  thirty  to  forty  miles  S.  S.  E.  of  Kenawdt, 
as  both  suggestive  of  Tob,  but  does  not  positively 
identify  either  of  them  with  it. 

Tob'-ad-o-ni'jali  (fr.  Heb.  —  good  is  Adonijah^  or 
good  is  iii/i  Lord  Jehovah),  one  of  the  Levites  sent 
by  Jehosliaphat  through  the  cities  of  Judah  to  teach 
the  Liw  to  the  people  (2  Chr.  xvii.  8). 

To-bl'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  pleasing  to  Jehovah,  Ges.). 
!•  "  The  children  of  Tobiah  "  were  a  family  wlm  re- 
turned with  Zerubljabcl,  but  were  unuble  to  prove 
their  connection  with  Israel  (Ezr.  ii.  60  ;  Neh.  vii.  62). 
— 3.  "  Tobiah  the  servant,  the  Ammonite,"  played  a 
conspicuous  part  in  the  rancorous  opposition  made 
by  Sanballat  and  his  .idherents  to  the  rebuilding  of 
Jerusalem.  The  two  races  of  Moab  and  Ammon 
(bund  in  these  men  fit  representatives  of  their  hered- 
itary hatred  to  the  Israelites.  But  Tobiah,  though 
a  slave  (A.  V.  "servant,"  Heb.  'ebed ;  Xeh.  ii.  10, 
19),  unless  this  is  a  title  of  opprobrium,  and  an  Am- 
monite, was  him.self  sou-in-law  of  Shechasiaii  C,  and 
his  son  JoitANAN  10  married  the  daughter  of  Me- 
snuLLAM  1.3,  who  was  probably  a  pricsl  (vi.  17,  18); 
and  these  family  relations  created  for  him  a  strong 
faction  among  the  Jews.  Tobiah  gave  venom  to  the 
pitying  scorn  of  Sanlialhit  (iv.  3),  and  provoked  the 
bitter  cry  of  Neiiemiah  (4,  5);  he  kept  up  commu- 
nications with  the  factions  Jews,  and  sent  letters  to 
put  Nchcmiah  in  fear  (vi.  17,  19);  and  finally  took 
up  Ills  residence  in  the  Temple  in  the  chamber  which 
Eliashib  had  prepared  for  him  in  defiance  of  the 
Mosaic  statute  (Dent,  xxiii.  3),  upon  which  Nche- 
miah  "  c-.ist  forth  all  the  household  stuff  of  Tobiah 
out  of  tlie  chamber"  (Neh.  xiii.  7,  8).  Nothing 
further  is  known  of  him.  Ewald  conjectures  that 
Tobiah  had  been  a  piige  (slai  e)  at  the  Persian  court, 
and,  being  in  favor  there,  had  been  promoted  to  bo 
satrap  of  the  Ammonites. 

To-bi'as(Gr.  form  of  ToniAiior  Tobijah).  1.  Son 
of  ToBiT,  and  central  character  in  the  book  of  that 
name.  (Tobit,  Book  of.) — 2.  Father  (or  grandfather) 
of  the  Hyrcamis  or  Hircanits,  who  was  apparently  a 
man  of  great  wealth  and  reputation  at  Jerusalem  in 
the  time  of  Seleucus  Philopator,  about  b.  c.  187 
(2  Mc.  iii.  11).  In  the  high-priestly  schism  which 
happened  afterward  (Meselaus),  "  the  sons  of  To- 
bias" took  a  conspicuous  part. 

To'bic  (i'r.  Gr.),  tlic  Places  of  (1  Mc.  v.  13),  prob- 
ably =  the  land  of  Tob. 

To-W'el,  or  To'Ui-c!  (Gr.  fr.  Heb.  =  the  goodness 
of  God',  father  of  Tobit  and  grandfather  of  Tobias  1 
(Tob.  i.  1). 

To-bi'jali  (fr.  Heb.  =  Tobiah).  1.  One  of  the 
Levites  sent  by  Jehoshaphat  to  teach  the  Law  in  the 
cities  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xvii.  8). — 2,  One  of  the  Cap- 
tivity in  the  time  of  Zechariah,  In  whose  presence 
the  prophet  was  commanded  to  tAke  crowns  of  sil- 
ver and  gold  and  put  them  on  the  head  of  Joshua 
the  high-priest  (Zech.  vi.  10, 14).  Rosenmiiller  con- 
jectures that  ho  was  one  of  a  deputation  who  came 
up  to  Jerusalem,  from  the  Jews  who  still  remained 
in  Babylon,  with  contributions  of  gohl  and  silver  for 
the  Temple.  But  Matirer  considers  the  offerings 
presented  l)y  Tobijah  and  his  companions. 

To'blt  (Gr.  fr.  Ileb.  =  m;/  gootlness,  Ilgen;  more 
probably  =  Tobiah,  Fritzsche),  father  of  Tobias  1 
(Tob.  i.  1,  &c.).     Tobit,  Book  of. 

To'blt  (see  above),  ffook  of.  The  book  is  called 
simply  Tobit  in  the  old  MSS.  At  a  later  time  the 
opening  words  of  the  book  were  taken  as  a  title.  I. 
Tex'.  The  book  exists  at  present  in  Greek,  Latin, 
Syriac,  and  Hebrew  texts,  which  difler  more  or  less 
from  one  another  in  detail,  yet  are  so  far  alike  that 


1124 


TOi 


TOB 


it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  all  derived  from  one  writ- 
ten original,  which  was  modified  in  the  course  of 
translation  or  transcription.  The  Greek  text  is 
found  in  two  distinct  recensions.  The  one  is  followed 
by  the  mass  of  tlie  MSS.  of  the  LXX.,  and  gives  the 
oldest  text  which  remains.  The  other  is  only  frag- 
mentary, and  manifestly  a  revision  of  the  former. 
Of  this,  one  piece  (i.  1-ii.  2)  is  contained  in  the  Si- 
naitic  MS.  (New  Testament,  I.  §  28),  and  another  in 
three  later  MSS.  The  Latin  texts  arc  also  of  two 
kinds.  The  common  (Vulgate)  text  Jerome  formed 
by  a  very  hasty  revision  of  the  old  Latin  version  with 
the  help  of  a  Chaldee  copy  translated  into  Hebrew 
for  him  by  .•n  assistant  who  was  master  of  both  lan- 
guages. It  is  of  very  little  critical  value.  The  old 
Latin  texts  are  far  more  valuable,  though  these  pre- 
sent considerable  variations  among  themselves,  and 
represent  the  revised  and  not  the  original  Greek 
text.  Of  tlie  Hebrew  versions,  one  is  closely  moulded 
on  the  common  Greek  text,  the  otlier  an  extremely 
free  version  of  the  revised  text.  The  Si/riac  version 
to  ch.  vii.  9  is  a  close  rendering  of  the  cimimon 
Greek  te.xt,  in  the  rest  it  follows  tlie  revised,  text  — 
2.  Contents.  The  outline  of  the  book  is  as  follows. 
Tobit,  an  Israelite  of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali  and  strict 
observer  of  the  Law,  was  carried  captive  to  Assyria 
by  Shalmaneser.  While  "  purveyor  "  at  court,  he  ex- 
erted himself  to  relieve  his  countrymen,  and  lent  ten 
talents  of  silver  to  Gabael  at  Rages  in  Media.  Be 
fore  Sennacherib's  death  he  had  to  flee  from  Nineveh 
with  his  wife  Anna  anil  son  Tobias,  but  returned  un- 
der Es.u'-haddon.  As  he  lay  one  night  in  the  court 
of  his  house,  being  unclean  from  having  buried  a 
Jew  whom  his  son  had  found  strangled  iti  the  mar- 
ket-place, sparrows  muted  warm  dung  into  his  eyes, 
and  he  became  blind,  and  impoverished,  and  prayed 
to  God  for  help.  The  same  day  his  kinswoman  Sara 
2,  whoso  seven  husbands  had  successively  been  slain 
by  AsMODECs,  also  sought  help  from  God.  The  angel 
Rapiiaei,  was  sent  to  deliver  both  from  sorrow.  As 
a  kinsman  (Azahias  0)  he  accompanied  Tobias  on 
his  journey  to  reclaim  the  money  lent  to  Gabael. 
At  the  Tigris  a  Fisil  attacked  Tobias,  but  by  Raphael's 
direction  he  speared  it  and  took  out  the  heart  and 
liver  and  gall.  At  Ecbatana  Tobias  married  Sara, 
Asmodeus  being  driven  to  the  utmost  parts  of  Egypt 
by  a  snake  made  with  the  fish's  heart  and  liver.  The 
money  was  obtained  from  Raguel  by  Raphael,  and 
Tobias  returned  with  Sara  and  half  her  father's  goods 
to  Nineveh.  Tobit  was  restored  to  sight  by  the  fish's 
gall  rubbed  on  his  eyes.  Raphael  made  himself 
known.  Tobit  expressed  his  gratitude  in  a  fine 
psilm,  and  lived  to  see  the  long  prosperity  of  his 
son.  After  Tobit's  death  Tobias  returned  to  Ecbat- 
ana,  wliere  "  befoi'e  he  died  he  heard  of  the  deslrnc- 
tion  of  Nineveh,"  of  which  "Jonas  the  prophet 
spake." — ;}.  Historical  Character.  The  narrative 
seems  to  have  been  received  as  true  till  the  Refor- 
mation. Luther  expressed  doubts  as  to  its  literal 
truth,  and  tliese  doubts  gradually  gained  a  wide  cur- 
rency among  Protestant  writers.  Bertholdt  has 
given  a  summary  of  alleged  errors  in  detail,  but  the 
question  turns  rather  upon  the  general  complexion 
of  the  history  than  upon  minute  objecticms.  This, 
however,  is  fatal  to  the  supposition  that  the  book 
could  have  been  completed  shortly  after  the  fall  of 
Nineveh  (b.  c.  *iOfi  ;  Tob.  xiv.  15),  and  written,  in 
tlie  main,  some  time  before  (xii.  20).  The  whole 
tone  of  the  narrative  bespe.ks  a  later  age ;  and  above 
all,  the  doctrine  of  good  and  evil  spirits  is  elaborated 
in  a  form  which  belongs  to  a  period  considerably 
posterior  to  the  Babylonian  Captivity.     The  inci- 


dents are  not  referred  to  in  any  part  of  Scripture 
nor  in  Joscphus  or  Philo.  The  character  of  the 
alleged  miraculous  events  taken  together  is  alien 
from  the  general  character  of  such  events  in  the 
Scriptures,  while  there  is  nothing  exceptional,  as  in 
the  case  of  Daniel,  to  explain  the  difference.  The 
narrative  is  not  simply  history,  but  possibly  some  real 
occurrences  related  by  tradition  formed  its  basis. 
As  the  book  stands  it  is  a  distinctly  didactic  narra- 
tive. Its  point  lies  in  the  moral  lesson  which  it 
conveys,  not  in  the  incidents. — i.  Original  Lan- 
guage. The  superior  clearness,  simplicity,  and  ac- 
curacy of  the  LXX.  text  prove  conclusively  that  this 
is  nearer  the  original  than  any  other  text  which  is 
known,  if  it  be  not,  as  some  have  sujiposed,  the 
original  itself  Indeed,  the  arguments  brought  to 
show  that  it  is  a  translation  are  far  from  conclusive ; 
yet  there  is  no  internal  evidence  against  the  suppo- 
sition that  the  Greek  text  is  a  translation  (see  g5, 
below). — 5.  Date  and  place  of  Composition.  The 
data  for  determining  these  arc  scanty.  Eichhorn 
places  the  author  after  the  time  of  Darius  Ilystaspis. 
Bertholdt  brings  the  book  considerably  later  than 
Sclcucus  Nicator  (about  b.  c.  250-200),  and  sup- 
poses it  written  by  a  Galilean  or  Babylonian  Jew, 
from  the  prominence  given  to  those  districts  in  the 
narrative.  De  Wette  leaves  the  date  undetermined, 
but  argues  that  the  author  was  a  native  of  Pales- 
tine. Ewald  fixes  the  composition  in  the  far  East, 
toward  the  close  of  the  Persian  period  (about  B.  C. 
350).  This  last  opinion  is  almost  certainly  correct- 
(so  Mr.  Wcstcott,  original  author  of  this  article)'. 
Its  date  will  fall  somewhere  within  the  period  be- 
tween the  close  of  the  work  of  Nehemiah  and  the 
invasion  of  Alexander  (about  b.  c.  430-334).  The 
contents  of  the  book  would  suggest  that  he  was 
living  out  of  Palestine,  in  some  Persian  city,  per- 
haps Babylon,  where  his  countrymen  were  exposed 
to  the  capricious  cruelty  of  heathen  governors,  and 
in  danger  of  neglecting  the  Temple-service.  If 
these  conjectures  as  to  the  date  and  place  of  writing 
be  correct,  we  must  .assume  a  Hebrew  or  Clialdee 
original.  Even  if  the  date  of  the  book  be  brought 
much  lower,  to  the  beginning  of  the  second  century 
B.  c,  it  must  have  been  written  in  some  Aramaic 
dialect,  as  theCJreek  literature  of  Palestine  belongs 
to  a  much  later  time.  As  long  as  this  was  held  to 
be  strict  history,  it  was  supposed  to  be  written  by 
the  immediate  actors,  Tobit  and  Tobias,  the  con- 
cluding verses  (xiv.  12-15)  by  a  surviving  friend. 
But  if  the  historical  character  of  the  narrative  is 
set  aside,  there  is  no  trace  of  the  person  of  the 
author.' — 6.  History.  The  history  of  the  book  is 
in  the  main  that  of  the  LXX.  version.  (Cakon  ; 
Septuagist.)  There  appears  to  be  a  reference 
to  it  in  the  Latin  version  of  the  Epistle  of  Poly- 
carp.  Clement  of  Alexandria  and  Origen  practi- 
cally use  the  book  as  canonical ;  but  Origen  dis 
tinctly  notices  that  neither  Tobit  nor  Judith  was 
received  by  the  Jews,  and  rests  the  authority 
of  Tobit  on  the  usage  of  the  Churches.  Atha- 
nasius  quotes  Tobit  as  Scripture,  but  definitely 
excludes  it  from  the  Canon.  In  the  Latin  Church, 
Cyprian,  Hilary,  and  Lucifer,  quote  it  as  authorita- 
tive; Augustine  includes  it  with  the  other  apocrypha 
of  the  LXX.  among  "  the  books  which  the  Christian 
Church  received,"  and  in  this  he  was  followed  by 
the  mass  of  the  later  Latin  Fathers.  Jerome,  how- 
ever, followed  by  Rufinus,  maintained  the  purity  of 

'  "  It  can  only  \te  regarded  In  the  light  of  an  Eastern  ro- 
mance written  by  a  Jew  "  (Prof.  J.  G.  Mnrpliy,  in  Fbn.). 


wo, 


TOM 


1125 


the  Hebrew  Canon  of  the  0.  T.  Luther  pronounced 
it,  if  only  a  fiction,  yet  "  a  truly  beautiful,  wliole- 
some,  and  profitable   fiction,  the   work   of  a  gifted 

poet A  book  useful  for  Christian  reading." 

The  same  viev  is  h^'ld  also  in  the  English  Church, 
yet  the  book,  like  the  rest  of  the  ApocnvpnA,  seems 
t')  have  fallen  into  neglect. — 7.  Ilaligioui  Character. 
Xowhcre  else  is  there  preserved  so  complete  and 
bfa\itifiil  a  picture  of  tlie  domestic  life  of  the  Jews 
after  the  Return.  There  may  be  symptoms  of  a 
t;.'ndency  to  formal  righteousness  of  works,  but  as 
yet  the  works  are  painted  as  springing  from  a  living 
faith.  Of  the  special  precepts  one  (Tob.  iv.  15) 
contains  the  negative  side  of  tlie  golden  rule  of 
conduct  (Mat.  vii.  12),  whish  in  this  partial  form  is 
found  auong  the  maxims  of  Conuicius  Almost 
every  fimily  relation  is  touched  upon  with  natural 
grace  and  affection.  The  most  remarkable  doctrinal 
feature  in  the  book  is  the  prominence  given  to  the 
action  of  spirits  '  (see  §  2,  above  ;  Magic).  A  see- 
on  1  doctrinal  feature  of  the  book  is  the  firm  belief 
in  a  glorious  restoration  of  the  Jewish  people  ;  but 
tliere  is  not  the  slightest  trace  of  the  belief  in  a 
personal  Messiah. 

To'elien  [-ken]  (Heb.  a  task,  measure,  Ges.),  a 
place  mentioned  (1  Chr.  iv.  32  only)  among  the 
towns  of  Simeon  ;  site  unknown. 

To-s.tr'mah  (Ileb.  fr.  Sansc.  =  tribe  of  Armenia, 
Grimm),  sou  of  Gomer,  and  -brother  of  Ashkena/. 
and  RiPHATH  (Gen.  x.  3).  Togarniah,  as  a  geograph- 
ical term,  is  connected  with  Armenia,  and  the  sub- 
sequent notices  of  the  name  (Ez.  xxvii.  14,  xxxviii. 
C)  accord  with  this  view.  Ilerodotus  says  the  Ar- 
menians were  Phrygian  colonists  (lldt.  vii.  73), 
which  probably  implies  only  a  common  origin  of 
the  two  peoples  (so  Mr.  Bevan).  There  can  be 
little  doubt  that  the  Phrygians  were  once  the  domi- 
nant race  in  the  peninsula,  and  that  they  spread 
westward  from  the  confines  of  Armenia  to  the 
shores  of  the  jEgean.  The  Phrygian  language  is 
undoubtedly  to  be  classed  with  the  Indo-European 
family.  The  Armenian  language  presents  many  pe- 
culiarities which  distinguish  it  from  other  branches 
of  the  Indo-European  family;  but  no  hesitation  is 
felt  by  philologists  in  placing  it  in  this  family  of 
languages.     Toxgcf.s,  Coxfl'Sion  of. 

Tohn  (Heb.  —  Toah,  Ges.),  ancestor  of  Samuel 
the  prophet  (1  Sam.  i.  1);  =  Xah.vtii  2,  and  Toah  ? 

To'l  (Hell,  error.  Gas.)  .=  Tou,  king  of  Hamath 
on  the  Orontes,  who,  after  the  defeat  of  his  power- 
ful enemy  the  Syrian  king  HAOADEZEn  by  the  army 
of  David,  sent  his  son  .Joram,  or  Iladoram,  to  con- 
gratulate the  victor  and  do  him  hom.age  with  pres- 
ents of  gold  and  silver  and  brass  (2  Sam.  viii.  9,  10). 

To'l*  (Heb.  a  worm,  Ges.).  1.  Firstborn  of  Is- 
Bachar,  and  ancestor  of  th?  ToLAiTEs(Gen.  xlvi.  13 ; 
Num.  xxvi.  23;  1  Chr.  vii.  1,  2). — i,  Jcdoe  of  Is- 
rael after  Abimelcch  (JuJg.  x.  1,  2);  "the  son  of 
Puah,  the  sou  of  Dodo,  a  man  of  Issachar."  Tola 
judged  Israel  twenty-tlirec  years  at  Shamir  2  in 
Mount  Ephraiin,  where  lie  died  and  was  buried. 

To'lad  (Heb.  birth,  Gjs.),  a  city  of  Simeon  (1  Chr. 
iv.  29) ;  =  El-tolad. 

'  "  The  agency  of  A»modeai<  and  of  Raphael  U  out  of 
keepln;^  with  sober  hUlory.  Tlie  modes  of  repelling'  evil 
epirits  and  curin:,'  liUndncBs  betray  a  eniicrstitious'  or  tri- 
fling mind.  The  im:e\  is  made  tofelijn  hlinaclf  a  man.  of 
a  family  known  to  Tobit.  and  to  be  the  voiiclier  for  the 
false  criarms  which  are  Introduced.  The  moral  of  the 
story  reus  on  the  error  that  "alms  deliver  from  death' 
(Tob.  Iv.  10).  The  book  i«  of  no  historical  value,  and 
tends  to  beffct  a  weak.  indUcrtminalin;?  moral  feeling,  en- 
courage self-rlKhteousneas,  nud  cherleli  ^uperstllloa" 
(Prot  J.  O.  Murphy,  In  Fbn.). 


To'la-ites  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =  the  descendants  of  Tola 
the  son  of  Issachar  (Num.  xxvi.  26). 

Tol'ba-Des  [neez]  (Gr.)  =:  Telem,  a  porter  in 
Ezra's  time  (1  Esd.  ix.  25). 

Tomb.  The  sepulchral  rites  of  the  Jews  (Burial) 
were  marked  witli  the  same  simplicity  that  charac- 
terized all  their  religious  observances  (so  Mr.  Fer- 
gusson,  original  author  of  this  article).  This  sim- 
plicity of  rite  led  to  what  may  be  called  tlie  distin- 
guishing characteristic  of  Jewish  sepulchres — the 
deep lorulus  (L.  literally  a  Ktlle  place,  i.  e.  a  little 
chamber,  cell,  or  recess) — which,  so  far  as  is  now 
known,  is  universal  in  all  purely  Jewish  rock-cut 
tombs,  but  hardly  known  elsewhere.  Its  form  will 
be  understood  by  referring  to  the  annexed  diagram, 
representing  the  forms  of  Jewish  sepulture.      lu 


Dia^atn  of  Jtiwish  S 'p'.ilcbre. 

the  apartment  marked  A,  are  twelve  Buch  locnli, 
about  two  feet  wide  by  three  feet  high.  On  the 
grovmd-floor  these  generally  open  on  the  level  of 
the  floor ;  when  in  the  upper  story,  as  at  C,  on  a 
ledge  or  platform,  on  which  the  body  might  be  laid 
to  be  anointed,  and  on  which  the  stones  might  rest 
which  closed  the  outer  end  of  each  tocubts.  The 
shallow  loculus,  shown  In  chamber  B,  but  apparently 
only  used  when  sarcophagi  were  employed,  and, 
therefire,  so  far  as  we  know,  only  in  the  Greco-Ro- 
man period,  would  have  been  inappropriate,  where  an 
unembalmed  body  was  laid  out  to  decay — as  tliere 
would  evidently  be  no  means  of  shutting  it  olf  from 
the  rest  of  the  catacomb.  The  deep  loctdxs  on  the 
other  hand  was  as  strictly  conformable  with  Jewish 
customs,  and  could  easily  be  closed  by  a  stone  fitted 
to  the  end,  and  luted  into  the  groove  which  usually 
exists  there.  This  fact  affords  a  key  to  much  that 
is  otherwise  hard  to  be  understood  in  certain  pas- 
s.iges  in  the  N.  T.  Thus  in  Jn.  xi.  39  Jesus  says, 
"Take  away  the  stone,"  and  (ver.  40)  "they  took 
away  the  stone '  without  dinficulty,  apparetitly. 
And  in  xx.  1,  the  same  expression  is  used, 
"  the  stone  is  taken  away."  There  is  one  catacomb 
— that  known  as  the  "  Tombs  of  the  Kings  " — which 
is  closed  by  a  stone  rolling  .across  its  entrance;  but 
it  is  the  only  one,  and  the  immense  amount  of  con- 
trivance and  fitting  which  it  has  re(piired  is  sufficient 
|)roof  that  such  an  arrangement  w.as  not  applied  to 
any  other  of  the  numerous  rock-tombs  around  Je- 
rusalem, nor  could  the  t.'aces  of  it  have  been  oblit- 
erated, had  it  anywhere  existed.  Although,  there- 
fore, the  Jews  were  singularly  free  from  the  pomps 
and  vanities  of  funereal  magnificence,  they  were  at 
all  stages  of  their  independent  existence  an  emi- 
nently burying  people. —  Tombs  of  the  Patriarchs, 
One  of  the  most  striking  events  in  the  life  of  Abra- 
ham is  the  purchase  of  the  field  of  Ephron  the  Hit- 


1126 


TOM 


TOM 


tite  at  Hebron,  in  which  was  the  care  of  jrAcnPEi.Ait, 
that  lie  might  therein  biiiv  Sanili  liis  wile,  and  that 
it  might  be  a  sepulchre  fjr  himself  and  his  children. 
Aaron  died  on  the  summit  of  Mount  Hon  (Num.  xx. 
28,  .\x.\iii.  39),  and  was  probalily  iiuried  there. 
Moses  died  in  the  plains  of  Moab,  and  was  buried 
there,  "  but  no  man  knoweth  of  liis  sepulchre  to 
this  day  "  (Deut.  xxxiv.  fi).  Joshua  was  buried  in 
his  own  inlicritance,  in  Timnath-serah  (Josh.  xxiv. 
30),  and  Samuel  in  his  own  house  at  Kamah(1  Sam. 
XXV.  1).  Joab  was  also  buried  "  in  his  own  house 
in  the  wilderness'' (1  K.  ii.  34).  From  the  time 
when  Abraham  established  the  bnrying-placc  of  his 
family  at  Hebron  till  David  fixed  that  of  liis  family 
in  the  city  which  bore  his  name,  the  Jewish  rulers 
had  no  fixed  or  favorite  place  of  sepulture.  Each 
was  buried  on  his  own  property,  or  where  he  died, 
without  much  caring  either  for  the  sanctity  or  con- 
venience of  the  place  chosen. — Tomb  oj  die  Kings. 


I  Of  the  twenty-two  kings  of  Judah  who  reigned  at 

Jerusalem  from    1048  to  600  b.  c,  eleven   (David, 

I  t'olomon,    Rehiilioam,    Abijah,    Asa,    Jehoshaphat, 

I  Ahaziah,  Amaziah,  Jotham,  Ilezekiah,  Josiah,   with 

j  the  goocl  jn-iist  Jelioiada)  were  buried  in  one  hi/po- 

\  fieuiii.  (=  subterranean  structure)   in  the   "city  of 

David."     Of  all   these  it  is   merely  said  that  they 

were  buried  in  "the  sepulchres  of  their  lathers" 

or  "  of  the  kings  "  in  the  city  of  David,  except  of 

'  two — Asa  and  Hezekiah.     Two  more  of  these  kings 

I  (Jclioram  and  Joash)  were  buried  also   in  the  city 

!  of  David,  "  but  not  in  the  sepulchres  of  the  kings." 

Neh.  iii.  IC,  and  Ez.  xliii.  7,  9,  with  the  reiterated 

assertion  of  the  Books  of  Kings  and  Chronicles 

tliat  thisc  sepulehies  were  situated  in  the  city  of 

David,  leave  no  doubt  but  tliat  they  were  on  Zion, 

I  or  the  Eastern  Hill,  and  in  the  immediate  proximity 

I  of  the  Temple  (so  Mr.  Fergusson,  but  see  Jkrisa- 

I  LEM,  HI.  §  6).     Mauasseh  was  (2  Chr.  xxxiii.  20) 


.-^J^-^J^-/.. 


UJ  HrAn:« 


[0  nil 


PUi  of  ih)  "  Tjn")!  of  I'lO  Vnphels."— (Froa  De  Saulcy.) 


I)uried  in  his  own  house,  i.  e.  "  in  the  gtirdcn  of  his 
own  house,  in  the  garden  of  Uzza"  (2  K.  xxi.  18), 
where  his  son  Anion  was  also  buried  in  his  sepulchre 
(vcr.  26).  Ahaz  was  buried  "  in  the  city  even  in  Je- 
rusalem, but  tliey  brought  him  not  into  the  sepul- 
chres of  the  kings  of  Israel"  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  27). 
Up  to  the  present  time  wc  have  not  been  able  to 
identify  one  single  sepulchral  excavation  about 
Jerusalem  which  can  be  said  with  certainty  to 
have  been  used  for  burial  before  the  time  of 
the  Romans.  The  only  important  ht/por/ntm  which 
is  wholly  Jewish  in  its  arrangements,  and  may 
conscfiuently  belong  to  an  earlier  or  to  any  epoch, 
is  that  known  as  the  Tombs  of  the  Prophets  in 
the  western  flank  of  the  Mount  of  Olives.  It  has 
every  apnearauce  of  having  originally  been  a  nat- 
ural cavern  improved  by  ait,  and  with  an  ex- 
ternal gallery  some  140  feet  in  extent,  into  which 
twenty-seven  deep  or  Jewish  loculi  open.  Other 
chambers  and  loculi    have    been    commenced    in 


I  other  parts,  and  in  the  passages  arc  spaces  where 
I  many  other  graves  could  have  been  located.     It  has 
no  architectural  mouldings,  no  sarcophagi  or  shallow 
i  locidi,  nothing  to  indicate  a  foreign  origin. — Oreco- 
i  Roman  Tombs.  Besides  ihe  tombs  above  enumerated, 
there  are  around  Jerusalem,  in  the  Valleys  of  Hin- 
noni  and  Jehoshaphat,  and  on  the  plateau  to  the  N., 
a  number  of  remarkable  rock-cut  sepulchres,  with 
more  or  less  arcliitfctnral  decoration,  sufficient  to 
enable  us  to  ascertain  that  they  are  all  of  nearly  the 
same  age,  and  to  assert  with  very  tolerable  confi- 
dence that  the  epoch  to  which  they  belong  must  be 
between  the  introduction  of  Roman  influence  and 
the  destruction  of  the  city  by  Titus.     The  excava- 
tions in  the  Valley  of  Hinnom  with  Greek  inscrip- 
tions are  comparatively  modern,  the  inscriptions  be- 
ing all  of  Christian  import,  and  sncli  as  to  render  it 
doubtful  whether  the  chambei-s  were  not  the  dwell- 
ings of  ascetics.     In  the  village  of  Siloam  there  is  a 
I  monolithic  cell  of  singularly  Egyptian  aspect,  which 


TOM 


TOM 


1127 


De  Pauley  asfiiraes  to  be  a  chapel  of  Solomon's 
Egyptian  wife.  It  is  probably  of  very  mueli  more 
raoJeni  date,  more  Assyrian  than  Egyptian  in 
character,  but  probably  not  sepulchral.  The  prin- 
cipal remainin:;  architectural  scpulchrrs  may  be  di- 
vided into  three  groups:  (1.)  Those  existing  in  the 
Valiey  of  Jehoshaphat  (Jkhoshaphat,  Valley  of), 
and  known  popularly  as  the  Tombs  of  Zacliariah,  of 
St.  James,  and  of  Absalom.  Of  these  the  most 
southern  is  known  as  that  of  Zethariali,  a  popular 


I  is  of  a  very  different  character.  It  consists  of  a 
verandah  with  two  Doric  pillars  in  an/in,  which  may 
be  characterized  as  belonging  to  a  very  late  Greek 

i  order  rather  than  a  Roman  example.  Behind  this 
screen  are  several  apartments,  whifli  in  another 
locality  we  might  be  justified  in  calling  a  rock-cut 


So-called  "  Tomb  of  Zocharlah." 

name  which  there  is  not  even  a  shadow  of  tradition 
to  justify.  It  consists  of  a  square  solid  basement, 
measuring  18  feet  6  inches  each  way,  and  20  feet  high 
to  the  top  of  the  cornice.  On  each  face  are  four  en- 
gaged Ionic  columns  between  antoe  (the  wall-pilasters 
at  the  comers),  and  these  are  surmounted  by  a  cor- 
nice of  purely  A?.syrian  type,  such  as  is  found  at 
Ivhorsabad.  In  all  its  details  it  is  so  distinctly 
Roman  tliat  it  is  impossible  to  assume  that  it  be- 
longs to  an  earlier  age  than  that  of  their  influence. 
Above  the  cornice  is  a  pyramid  rising  at  rather  a 
sharp  angle,  and  hewn,  like  all  the  rest,  out  of  the 
solid  rock.  To  call  this  building  a  tomb  is  evidently 
a  misnomer,  as  it  is  absolutely  solid — hewn  out  of 
the  living  rock  by  cutting  a  passage  round  it.  It 
has  no  internal  chambers,  nor  even  the  semblance 
of  a  doorway.  Only  the  outward  face  or  that  front- 
ing Jerusalem  is  completely  finished.  Tlie  so-called 
tomb  of  Ab.<!alom  is  somewhat  larger,  the  base  being 
about  'il  feet  square,  and  probably  23  or  24  to  the  top 
of  the  cornice.  Like  the  other,  it  is  of  the  Roman 
Ionic  order,  surmounted  by  a  cornice  of  Ionic  type  | 
but  between  the  pillars  and  the  cornice  a  frieze,  un- 
mistakably of  the  Roman  Doric  order,  is  introduced. 
It  is  by  no  means  clear  whether  it  had  originally  a 
pyramidal  top  like  its  neighbor.  Immediately  in 
rear  of  the  monolith  wo  find  a  sepulchral  cavern, 
iindiscriminatingly  called  the  Tomb  of  Jehoshaphat, 
now  closed  by  the  rubbish  and  stones  thrown  at  the 
tomb  of  the  undutiful  son,  but  externally  crowned 
by  a  pediment  of  considerdble  beauty,  and  in  the 
same  style  as  that  of  the  Tombs  of  the  Judges  (see 
below).  The  third  tomb  of  this  group,  called  that 
of  St.  James,  is  situated  between  the  other  two,  and 


50  fT 


Plan  of  Tomb  of  St  Jiimet. 

monastery  appropriated  to  sepulchral  purposes.  In 
the  rear  of  all  is  an  apartment,  apparently  unfin- 
ished, with  three  shallow  locuH  meant  for  the  recep- 
tion of  sarcophagi,  and  so  indicating  a  post-Jewish 
date  for  the  whol»,  or  at  least  for  that  part  of  the 
excavation.  (2.)  The  hypogeum  known  as  the  Tombs 
of  the  Judges,  about  a  mile  north   of  the  city. 


^'o^ada  01  the  Tombs  < 


is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  of  the  catacombs 
around    Jerusalem,   containing    about    sixty  deep 
loettli,  arranged  in  three  stories ;  the  upper  stories 
with  ledges  in  front  to  give  convenient  access,  and 
to  support  the  stones  that  closed  them ;  the  lower 
flush  with   the  ground:    the   whole,  consequently, 
so  essentially  Jewish  that  it  might  be  of  any  age  if 
it  were  not  for  its  distance  from  the  town,  and  its 
architectural  cliaracter,  which  is  identical  with  that 
i  of  the  Tomb  of  Jelioshaphat,  and  has  nothing  Jew- 
!  ish  about  it.    The  so-called  "Jewish  Tomb"  in  this 
i  neighborhood  has  bevelled  facets  over  its  facade, 
but  with  late  Roman  Doric  details  at  its  angles.     (3.) 
The  group  known  as  the  Tombs  of  the  Kings,  about 
half  a  mile  N.  of  the  Damascus  gate  (Kidro.n,  Brook 
,  of),  mentioned  by  Josephus  {J3.  J.  v.  4,  g  2)  as  the 
Sepulchral  Caverns  of  the  Kims,  and  twice  (A  J.w 
:  3,  !52,  12,  §  2)  as  the  Monuments  of  Herod.     The 
;  architecture  exhibits  the  same  Roman  Doric  arrange- 
ments as  are  found  in  all  these  tombs,  mixed  with 
'  bunches  of  grapes,  which  first  appear  on  Maccabean 
:  coins,  and  foliage  which  is  local  and  peculiar,  and, 
!  so  far  as  any  thing  is  known  elsewhere,  might  be  of 


1128 


TON 


TON 


any  age.  Its  connection,  however,  with  that  of  the 
Tonibfi  of  Jehosliapliat  and  the  Jujges  fixes  it  to  the 
same  epoch.     The  entrance  doorway  of  tliis  tomb  is 


F.vadaof  Hjrod'. 


i  of  tho  Kln^s.— Trom  a  Photogr.iph.) 


below  the  level  of  the  ground,  closed  by  a  very 
curious  and  elaborate,  but  clumsy,  contrivance  of  a 
rolling  stone.     Within,  the  tomb  consists  of  a  vesJi- 


bule  or  entrance-hall  about  twenty  feet  square,  from 
which  three  other  square  apartments  open,  each  sur- 
rounded by  deep  loeu'i.  Tliese  possess  a  peculiarity 
not  known  in  any  other  tomb  about  Jerusalem,  of 
having  a  square  apartment  either  beyond  the  head 
of  the  tocw/us  or  on  one  side  ;  e.  g.  A  A  liave  these 
inner  chambers  A'  A'  within,  and  B  B  at  B  B'  on 
one  side.  But  perhaps  the  most  remarkable  pecu- 
liarity of  the  hiipogeum  is  the  sarcophagus  chamber 
D,  in  which  two  sarcophagi  were  found.  All  tends 
to  make  it  probable  that  tliis  was  really  the  sepul- 
chre of  Herod.  There  seems  no  reason  for  doubting 
that  all  the  architectural  tombs  of  Jeru.salem  Ijelong 
to  the  age  of  the  Romans,  like  every  tiling  that  has 
yet  been  found  either  at  Potr;!,  Ba'albek,  Palmyra, 
or  Damascus,  or  even  among  tlie  stone  cities  of  the 
Hauran. — Tomb  of  Helena  itj  AdUibi  ne.  Of  the  vei  y 
famous  tomb  of  Queen  Helena  of  Adiabene  not"one 
vestige  exists.  We  are  told  that  she  and  her  son 
Izates  were  buried  at  the  pyramids  which  she  had 
erected  more  than  three  stadia  from  Jerusalem  (Jos. 
XX.  4,  §  3).  These  pyramids  were  situated  outside 
the  third  wall,  near  a  gate  between  the  Tower 
P.sepliinus  and  the  Royal  Caverns  (Jos.  S.  J.  v.  '22, 
and  V.  4,  §  2).  They  remained  sufficiently  entire  in 
the  fourth  century  to  form  a  conspicuous  object  in 
the  landscape. — Since  the  destruction  of  the  city  by 


Plan  of  Tomba  of  Herod.— (From  De  Saalcy.) 


Titus,  none  of  the  native  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem 
have  been  in  a  position  to  indulge  in  much  sepul- 
chral magnificence,  or  perhaps  had  any  taste  for  this 
class  of  display  ;  and  we  in  consequence  find  no  rock- 
cut  hypogca^  and  no  structural  monuments  that  arrest 
attention  in  modern  times.  The  people,  however, 
still  cling  to  their  ancient  cemeteries  in  the  Valley 
of  Jehoshaphat  (JKHOSHAPnAX,  Vallky  of)  with  a 
tenacity  singularly  characteristic  of  the  East.  Abel  ; 
Cave  ;  Cyrus  ;  Ezra  ;  Modin  ;  Mordecai  ;  Pillar  ; 
RAcnEL ;  SnECHEM,  &c. 

*  Tongs  (Heb.  mel/ciihnj/im,  or  melkdchayim,  ma'S- 
tsdd).     Axe  6  ;  Snuffrrs. 

*  Tongae  [tung]  (Heb.  Mshon  ;  Gr.  gUnm,  fHalek-hs 
[=  dialect,  or  speech]),  literally  the  organ  in  the 
MOUTH,  used  by  animals  for  tasting,  licking,  &c.,  and 


by  mankind  for  articul.ition  also  (Ex.  xi.  7  ;  Judg. 
vii.  5  ;  Mk.  vii.  33,  35  ;  Rev.  xvi.  10,  &c.),  also  nieto- 
nyniieally  =  speech  (Job  xv.  5;  1  Jn.  iii.  18,  &c.), 
language  or  dialect  (Gen.  x.  5,  20,  31 ;  Acts  ii.  8, 11, 
&c.),  nation  or  people  having  their  own  language 
(Is.  Ixvi.  18;  Rev.  v.  9,  &c.),  and  tropically  =  that 
which  resembles  a  tongue  (Josh.  vii.  21  marg.  [text 
"wedge"],  XV.  2  marg.  [text  "bay  "];  Is.  v.  24 
margin,  xi.  15;  Acts  ii.  3,  &c.).  CHALnEANs; 
Greek  ;  Hebrew  ;  Latin  ;  Tongues,  Coxpusion  of  ; 
Tongues,  Gift  of. 

Tongues  (see  above),  fon-fn'sion  of.    The  unity 

of  the  human  r.aco  is  most  clearly  implied,  if  not 

positively  asserted,  in  the  Mosaic  writings.     (Adam  ; 

I  Creation;  Man;  Noah.)    Unity  of  language  is  as- 

j  sumed  by  the  sacred  historian  apparently  as  a  corol- 


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lary  of  ths  unity  of  race.  No  explanation  is  given 
of  the  origin  of  speei-li,  but  its  exercise  is  cviilently 
rc-^arJeJ  as  coeval  with  the  creation  of  man.  Speech, 
being  inherent  in  man  as  a  reHecting  being,  was  re- 
garded as  handed  down  from  father  to  son  by  the 
same  process  of  imitation  by  which  it  is  still  per- 
petuated. No  notice  is  taken  of  any  divergences  in 
the  antediluvian  period,  as  their  effects  were  oblit- 
erated by  the  Flood.  The  unity  of  speech  would 
naturally  be  retained  among  Noah's  descendants  as 
long  as  they  were  held  together  by  social  and  local 
bonds  (Gen.  xi.  1).  Disturbing  causes  were,  how- 
ever, early  at  work  to  dissolve  this  twofohl  union  of 
C3ui:nunity  and  speech.  The  human  family  endeav- 
ored to  check  tlia  tenlency  to  .separation  by  the  es- 
tablishment of  a  great  csntral  edifice,  and  a  city 
witiiM  would  serve  as  the  metropolis  of  the  whole 
world.  The  project  was  defeated  by  the  interi>osi- 
tion  of  Jehovah,  who  determined  to  •'  confound  their 
language,  that  they  might  not  understand  one  an- 
other's speech"  (xi.  7;  B.vbkl,  Towe;i  oy).  Con- 
temporaneously with,  and  perhaps  as  the  result  of, 
this  confusion  of  tongues,  the  people  were  scattered 
abroad  from  t!ienee  upon  the  face  of  all  the  eaith, 
and  tlie  memory  of  the  great  event  was  preserved  in 
the  name  B.vbkl. — Two  points  demand  our  attention 
in  reference  to  this  narrative,  viz.  the  degree  to 
which  the  confusion  of  tongues  may  be  supposed  to 
have  extended,  and  the  connection  Ijetween  the  con- 
fusion of  tongues  and  the  dispersion  of  nations.  (1.) 
It  U  unnecessary  to  assume  that  the  judgment  in- 
flicted on  the  builders  of  Babel  amounted  to  a  loss, 
or  even  a  suspL-nsion,  of  articulate  speech.  The 
desired  object  would  be  equally  attained  by  a  mirac- 
ulous forestalment  of  those  dialectical  difTerenees 
of  language  which  are  constantly  in  process  of  pro- 
duction, and  which  ordinarily  re'iuire  time  and  varia- 
tions of  place  and  habits  to  reach  such  maturity  that 
people  cannot  mdei'stand  one  another's  speech. 
The  elements  of  the  one  original  language  may  have 
remained,  but  so  disguised  by  variations  of  pronun- 
ciation, and  by  the  introduction  of  new  combinations, 
as  to  be  practically  obliter.ited.  (2.)  The  confusion 
of  tongues  and  the  dispersion  of  nations  are  spoken 
of  in  the  Bible  as  contemporaneous  events.  The 
divergence  of  the  various  families  into  distinct  tribes 
and  nations  ran  parallel  with  the  divergence  of 
speech  into  dialects  and  languages,  and  tlms  Gen  x. 
is  posterior  in  historical  sequence  to  the  events  re- 
corded in  Gen.  xi.  Both  passages  must  be  taken 
into  consideration  in  any  disquisition  on  the  early 
fortunes  of  tlie  human  race. — 1.  How  far  do  modem 
researches  into  the  phenomena  of  language  favor  tlie 
idea  that  once  "the  whole  earth  was  of  one  speech 
and  language  ?  "  The  advocate  of  the  historical 
unity  of  language  is  met  by  two  classes  of  opposing 
arguments,  one  arising  out  of  the  'lifferenna,  the 
other  out  of  the  rrsemb/anccf  of  existing  languages. 
As  to  the  former,  no  one  can  doubt  that,  though 
linguistic  science  it.self  has  hardly  advanced  beyond 
the  stage  of  infancy,  the  tendency  of  all  lirguistlc 
research  is  in  the  direction  of  unity  (so  Mr.  Bevan, 
original  author  of  this  article).  Variety  in  unity  is  a 
general  law  of  nature,  and  the  formal  varieties  of  lan- 
guage present  no  obstacle  to  the  theory  of  a  common 
origin.  Amid  these  varieties  are  manifest  tokens  of 
unity  in  t!;e  original  material  out  of  which  language 
was  formed,  in  the  stages  of  formation  through  which 
it  has  passed,  in  the  general  principle  of  grammati- 
cal expression, .and  in  the  spirit  and  power  displayed 
in  the  development  of  these  various  formations. 
The  lines  of  discovery,  therefore,  point  in  one  direc- 


tion an<l  favor  the  expectation  that  the  various  fam- 
ilies may  be  combined  by  the  discovery  of  connect- 
ing Ihiks  inti)  one  family,  comprehending  all  the 
languages  of  the  world.  But  should  such  a  result 
be  obtained,  the  probability  of  a  common  origin 
would  still  remain  unshaken ;  for  the  failure  would 
probably  be  due  to  the  absence,  in  many  classes  and 
I'amilies,  of  that  chain  of  historical  evidence,  which 
in  the  case  of  the  Indo-European  and  Shemitic  fam- 
ilies enables  us  to  trace  their  progress  for  above  3,000 
years. — As  to  the  second  class  of  opposing  argu- 
menis — that  the  resemblances  of  existing  languages 
do  not  necessitate  the  theory  of  historical  or  gen- 
tilic  unity,  but  may  be  satisfactorily  accounted  for 
on  psychological  principles — the  whole  question 
of  the  origin  of  language  lies  beyond  the  pale  of 
historical  proof,  and  no  argument  against  its  com- 
mon origin  can  be  derived  from  analogies  drawn  from 
the  animal  woild,  since  language  is  not  identical  with 
sound,  but  is  intimately  connected  with  reason,  and 
is  perpetuated  in  a  manner  wholly  distinct  from  that 
whereby  animals  learn  to  utter  their  cries.  Besides, 
the  theory  tliat  the  language  of  the  one  protoplast  was 
founded  on  strictly  psychological  principles,  is  cer- 
tainly as  consistent  with  psychological  unity  as  is  the 
theory  of  a  plurality  of  protoplasts  arriving  at  similar 
independent  results  under  tlie  influence  of  the  same 
psychological  laws. — The  present  position  of  the  lin- 
guistic science  in  respect  to  direct  proof  of  the  radi- 
cal identity  of  languages  may  be  thus  stated  :  All 
languages  being  classified  according  to  their  ideal 
forms  as  (I.)  isolathig,  also  called  monosyllabic  or 
radical,  (II.)  agglutinative,  or  (III )  inflecting,  the 
Indo-European  languages  and  the  (so-called)  Shemit- 
ic being  included  under  the  last  hi-ad.  The  Indo-Eu- 
ropean languages  have  an  acknowledged  and  well- 
defined  relationship  as  one  family ;  but  under  the 
Shemitic  family  some  include  the  sub  Shemitic  lan- 
guages, as  the  Egyptian  or  Coptic,  while  others  make 
these  intermediate  between  the  Shemitic  and  Indo- 
European  families  (see  B,  11.,  below).  The  agglu- 
tinative families  of  Europe  and  Asia  are  combined 
by  Prof.  Max  Miillerinone  family,  named  Turanian, 
but  divided  by  Pott  and  other  eminent  philologists 
into  a  great  number  of  families,  as  the  Ural-Altaian, 
&c.  The  monosyllabic  languages  of  S.  E.  Asia  are 
not  included  in  the  Turanian  family  by  Miiller,  ap- 
parently as  not  agglutinative ;  but  as  the  Chinese 
appears  to  be  connected  radically  with  the  Burmese, 
Tibetan,  and  Ural-Altaian  languages,  it  seems  en- 
titled to  a  place  in  the  Turanian  family.  The  Amer- 
ican languages  are  referred  by  eminent  writers  to 
an  Asiatic  or  Tur.inian  origin  (Bunsen,  Latham);  the 
bulk  of  the  African  languages  to  the  Shemitic  fam- 
ily (Latham);  yet  they  may  stand  by  themselves  as 
distinct  famdies.  The  problem  that  awaits  solution 
is,  whether  the  several  families  above  specified  can 
be  reduced  to  a  single  family  by  demonstrating 
their  radical  identity.  Here,  though  there  is  a  con- 
siderable amount  of  radical  identity  which  appears  to 
be  above  suspicion,  yet  the  absence  of  materials  and 
other  causes  afford  abundance  of  room  for  difference 
of  opinion. — B.  Do  the  ethnological  views  exhibited 
in  the  Mnsiic  table  (Gen.  x.)  accord  with  the  evi- 
dence furnished  by  history  and  language,  both  in  re- 
gard to  the  special  facts  recorded  in  it,  and  in  the 
general  Scriptural  view  of  an  historical  or,  more 
properly,  a  gentilic  unity  of  the  human  race  ?  We 
notice — I.  The  Jlosaic  table  does  not  profess  to  de- 
scribe the  process  of  the  dispersion  :  but,  assuming 
that  dispersion  as  an  accomplished  fact,  it  records 
the  ethnic  relations  existing  between  the  various 


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nations  affected  by  it.  These  relations  are  expressed 
under  the  t'orm  of  a  genealogy;  the  ethnological 
character  of  the  document  is,  however,  clear  both 
from  the  names,  some  of  which  are  gentilic  in  form, 
as  Ludim,  Jebusite,  &c.,  others  geographical  or  local, 
as  Mizraim,  Sidon,  &c. ;  and  again  from  the  formu- 
lary which  concludes  each  section  of  the  subject, 
"after  their  families,  after  their  tongues,  in  their 
countries,  and  in  iheir  nations"  (x.  5,  20,  31).  In- 
cidentally, the  table  is  geographical  as  well  as  eth- 
nological ;  but  this  arises  out  of  the  practice  of  des- 
ignating nations  by  the  countries  they  occupy.  The 
general  arrangement  of  the  table  Is  as  follows ; — 
The  whole  human  race  is  referred  back  to  Noah's 
three  sons,  Shem,  Ham,  and  Japheth,  The  Shemites 
are  described  last,  apparently  that  the  continuity  of 
the  narrative  may  not  be  further  disturbed  ;  and  the 
Hamites  stand  next  to  the  Shemites,  in  order  to 
show  that  these  were  more  closely  related  to  each 
other  tlian  to  the  Japhetites.  The  identification  of 
the  Biblical  with  the  historical  or  classical  names  of 
nations,  is  by  no  means  easy,  particularly  where 
the  names  are  not  subsequently  noticed  in  the 
Bible.  Equal  doubt  arises  where  names  admit  of 
being  treated  as  appellatives,  and  so  of  being  trans- 
ferred from  one  district  to  another.  (I.)  ThoJa- 
phetitc  list  contains  fourteen  names,  of  which  seven 
represent  independent,  and  the  remainder  affiliated 
nations,  as  follows : — (i.)  Gomer,  connected  ethni- 
cally with  the  Cimmcrii,  Cirnbri  (?),  and  Ci/mri/ ; 
and  geographically  with  Crimea.  Associated  with 
Gomer  are — (1.)  Asiike.vaz  ;  (2.)  Ripiiath  ;  (3.)  To- 
OARMAii.  (ii.)  Magog,  the  Scytnians.  (iii.)  Madai, 
Media,  (iv.)  Javax,  the  lonians,  as  a  general  ap- 
pellation for  the  Hellenic  race,  with  whom  are  as- 
sociated— (1.)  Elisbah  ;  (2.)  Tarshish  ;  (3.)  Kit- 
TIM ;  (4.)  DoDAXiJi.  (v.)  Tubal,  the  Tibnreni  in 
Pontus.  (vi.)  MEsnEcii,  the  Mosrhi  in  northwestern 
Armenia,  (vii.)  Tiras,  perhaps  ITiracia. — (II.)  The 
Hamitic  list  contains  thirty  names,  of  which  tour 
represent  independent,  and  the  remainder  affiliated 
nations,  as  follows: — (i.)  Cusn,  in  two  branches, 
the  western  or  African  representing  Ethiopia,  the 
Kecnh  of  the  old  Egyptian,  and  the  eastern  or 
Asiatic  being  connected  with  the  names  of  the  tribe 
Cosseei,  the  district  Ciniia,  and  the  province  Susinna 
or  Kliazistan.  With  Cush  are  associated — (1.)  Se- 
ba;  (2.)  Havilah;  (3.)  Sabtar  ;  (4.)  Raamah,  with 
whom  are  associated — (a)  Sheba,  and  (6)  Dedas; 
(5.)  Sabteciiah  ;  (6.)  Nimrod,  a  personal  and  not  a 
geographical  name,  the  representative  of  the  east- 
ern Cushites.  (ii.)  Mizraim,  the  two  Misra,  i.  e. 
Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  with  whom  are  connected 
— (1.)  Lcdim;  (2.)  Axamim;  (8.)  Naphtuium  ;  (4.) 
PATFmusiM;  (5.)  Casluhim;  (6.)  Caphtorim  ;  (7.) 
I'nuT.  (iii.)  Canaan,  to  whom  belong — (1.)  Sidon, 
the  well-known  town  in  Phenicia ;  (2.)  Heth,  or  the 
HiTTiTES;  (3.)  the  Jeditsite,  of  Jcbus  or  Jerusalem  ; 
(4.)  tlieAMoaiTE;  (5.)  the  Girgasite;  (6.)  the  Hi- 
viTE ;  (7.)  the  Arkite  ;  (8.)  the  Sinite  ;  (9.)  the  Ar- 
vadite;  (10.)  theZEMARiTE;  (11.)  the  Hamathite. — 
(III.)  The  Shemitic  list  contains  twenty-tive  names, 
of  which  five  refer  to  independent,  and  the  remain- 
der to  alTiliated  tribes,  as  follows:— (i.)  Elam.  (ii.) 
Assnrn.  (iii.)  ARPiiAXAn,  with  whom  are  associated 
— (1.)  Sai.aii  ;  Salah'.^  son  (n)  Eber;  and  Eber'a  two 
sons  (n')  Peleg  .ind  {>>')  Joktan,  with  thirteen  sons 
of  Joktan,  viz. : — fa')  Almodad,  {b')  Siiei-eph,  (e') 
Hazarmavetii,  (</*)  JERAn,  (e")  Hadoram,  (/') 
Uzal,  (ff)  DiKr.Aii,  (/(')  Obai.  or  Ebal,  («')  Abimaei., 
{j')  Sheba,  {k')  Opihr,  (P)  Havilah,  {m')  Jobab. 
(iv.)  LuD.     (v.)  Akam,  with  whom  are  associated — 


(1.)  Uz  ;  (2.)  HcL  ;  (3.)  Gether  ;  (4.)  Mash.  One 
name  noticed  in  the  table,  viz.  I'hilistim,  occurs  in 
the  Hamitic  division  (Gen.  x.  14),  but  without  any 
direct  assertion  of  Hamitic  descent.  The  total  num- 
ber of  names  noticed  in  the  table,  including  Philis- 
tiin,  would  thus  amount  to  seventy,  which  was  raised 
by  patristic  writers  to  seventy-two.  Before  pro- 
ceeding further,  it  would  be  well  to  discuss  a  ques- 
tion materially  affecting  the  historical  value  of  the 
Mosaic  table,  viz.  the  period  to  which  it  rel'ers.  On 
this  point  very  various  opinions  are  entertained. 
Knobcl,  conceiving  it  to  represent  the  commercial 
geography  of  the  I'henicians,  assigns  it  to  about  1 200 
B.  c,  while  others  allow  it  no  higher  antiquity  than 
the  Babylonish  Captivity.  Internal  evidence  leads 
us  to  refer  it  to  the  age  of  Abraham,  because — (a.) 
the  Canaanites  were  as  yet  in  undisputed  possession 
of  Palestine;  (h.)  the  Philistines  had  not  concluded 
their  migration  ;  (c.)  Tyre  is  unnoticed  ;  (d.)  various 
places  such  as  Sinv/ra  (Zemaritc),  Sinna  (Sinite), 
and  Area  (Arkite),  are  noticed,  which  had  fallen 
into  insignificance  in  later  times  ;  (e.)  Kittim,  which 
in  Solomon's  age  was  under  Phcnician  dominion,  is 
assigned  to  Japheth,  and  so  Tarshish,  which  in  that 
age  undoubtedly  referred  to  the  Phenician  empo- 
rium of  TarleKsus,  whatever  may  have  been  its  ear- 
lier significance.  The  chief  objection  to  so  early  a 
date  as  Al)raham's  time  is  the  notice  of  the  Medes 
under  the  name  Madai.  The  Aryan  nation,  which 
bears  this  name  in  history,  appears  not  to  have 
reached  its  final  settlement  until  about  900  b.  c.  ;  but 
the  name  Media  may  have  belonged  to  the  district 
before  the  arrival  of  the  Aryan  Medes. — The  Mosaic 
table  is  supplemented  by  ethnological  notices  re- 
lating to  the  various  divisions  of  the  Terahite  fam- 
ily (Naiior  2,  Abraham,  Isiimael,  Ketlrah,  Eho.m, 
MiDiAN,  Haran  3,  Lot,  >IoaB,  Ammox,  &c.). — Besides 
the  nations  whose  origin  is  accounted  for  in  tlie 
Bible,  we  find  other  early  populations  mentioned  in 
the  history  without  any  notice  of  their  ethnology 
(Amalckites,  Anakims,  Avinis,  Emims,  llorims, 
Rephaims,  Zamzummims,  and  Zuzims).  As  these 
fragmentary  populations  intermingled  with  the  Ca- 
naanites, they  probably  belonged  to  the  same  stock 
(compare  Num.  xiii.  22 ;  Judg.  i.  10).  They  may 
have  belonged  to  an  earlier  migration  than  the  Ca- 
naanitish,  and  may  have  been  subdued  by  the  later 
comers  ;  but  this  would  not  necessitate  a  different 
origin. — Having  thus  surveyed  the  ethnological  state- 
ments iu  the  Bible,  it  remains  to  inquire  how  far  they 
arc  based  on,  or  accord  with,  physiological  or  lin- 
guistic principles  Knobel  maintains  that  the  three 
fold  division  of  the  Mosaic  table  is  founded  on  the 
physiological  principle  of  color,  Shem,  Ham,  and 
Japhetii  representing  respectively  the  red,  black, 
and  white  complexions  prevalent  in  the  (iifferent 
regions  of  the  then  known  world ;  but  the  etymo- 
logical argument  weakens  rather  than  sustains  his 
view,  and,  while  it  is  quite  consistent  with  the  phys- 
ie.tl  c'.iaraeter  of  the  districts  that  the  Hamites  of 
the  south  should  be  dark,  the  Japhetites  of  the 
north  fair,  and  tlie  Shemites  intermediate  in  color 
as  in  geographical  position,  we  have  no  evidence 
that  this  distinction  was  strongly  marked. — The  lin- 
guistic difficulties  connected  with  the  Mosaic  table 
are  very  considerable,  and  there  are  many  conflict- 
ing opinions  on  the  subject.  The  primary  difficulty 
is  that  of  accounting  for  the  evident  identity  of 
language  spoken  by  the  Shemitic  Terahites  and  the 
Hamitic  Canaanites.  The  alternativss  hitherto  of- 
fered as  satisfactor)-  solutions,  viz  that  the Terahitis 
adopted  the  language  of  the  Canaanites,  or  the  Ca- 


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1131 


naanilcs  that  of  the  Terahites,  are  both  inconsis- 
tent with  the  enlarged  area  which  tlie  language 
covers  on  each  side.  The  real  question  at  issue  con- 
cerns the  language  not  of  the  whole  Hainitic  fam- 
ily, but  of  the  t'anaanites  and  Cushites.  Knobel  sup- 
poses that  the  t'anaanites  acquired  a  Sliemitic  lan- 
guage from  a  prior  population,  represented  by  the 
Kepliaites,  Zuzim,  Zanizummiin,  &c. ;  Burisen,  that 
thev  were  a  Sliemitic  race  who  had  long  sojourned 
in  fezypt :  but  neither  of  these  explanations  is  satis- 
factory. With  regard  to  the  Cushiics,  the  only  ex- 
planation is  that  a  Joktanid  immigration  supervened 
on  the  original  Hamitic  population,  the  result  being 
a  combination  of  Cushitic  civilization  with  a  Slie- 
mitic language  ;  but  time  and  research  may  clear  up 
much  of  the  mystery  on  this  subject.  That  the 
Egyptian  language  exhibits  many  striking  and  valu- 
able points  of  resemblance  to  the  Shemitic  type  is 
acknowledged  on  all  sides ;  but  there  is  not  an  equal 
degree  of  agreement  among  scholars  as  to  the  de- 
ductions to  b3  drawn  fron  these  resemblances. 
Turning  easstward  to  the  banks  of  the  Tigris  and 
Euphrates,  and  the  adjacent  countries,  the  examina- 
tion of  the  inscriptions  recently  discovered  has  not 
yet  yielded  undisputed  results.  The  Mosaic  table 
places  a  .Shemitic  population  in  Assyria  and  Elam, 
and  a  Cushitic  one  in  Babylon.  Sufficient  evidence 
is  afforded  by  language  that  the  basis  of  the  popu- 
lation In  Assyria  was  Shemitic ;  and  the  inscriptions 
especially  of  the  neighborhood  of  Susa  may  ulti- 
mately establish  the  fact  of  a  Shemitic  population 
in  Elam.  The  presence  of  a  Cushitic  population  in 
Babylon  is  very  generally  held  on  linguistic  grounds; 
and  a  close  identity  is  said  to  exist  between  the  old 
Babylonian  and  the  Mahri  language,  a  Shemitic 
tongue  of  an  ancient  type  still  living  in  a  district  of 
Hadrainant,  in  southern  Arabia.  With  regard  to 
Arabia,  the  Mosaic  table  is  confirmed  by  modern 
research.  The  Cushitic  element  has  left  memorials 
of  its  presence  in  the  south  in  the  vast  ruins  of 
Mareh  and  S-ma,  as  well  as  in  its  influence  on  the 
Nimi/ari'.ic  aiul  Mahri  languages,  as  compared  with 
the  Hebrew.  The  Joktanid  element  forms  the  basis 
of  the  Arabian  population,  the  Shemitic  character 
of  whose  language  needs  no  proof  (Shkmitic  Lax- 
OfAOES.) — It  re:nain<  to  be  inquired  how  far  the 
Japhetic  stock  represents  the  linguistic  character- 
istics of  the  Indt)-E  iropean  and  Turanian  families. 
Dividing  the  Indo-European,  as  suggested  by  the 
name  itself,  into  the  eastern  and  western  ;  and  sub- 
dividing the  eastern  into  the  Indian  and  Iranian,  and 
the  western  into  the  Celtic.  Ilcllcnic,  Illyrian,  Italian, 
Teutonic,  Slavonian,  and  Lithuanian  classes,  we  are 
able  to  assign  Madai  (Media)  and  Togarm.ah  [Arme- 
n'l)  to  the  Iranian  class  ;  Javan  (Ionian)  and  Ell- 
shah  (Julian)  to  the  Hellenic ;  Gomer  conjecturally 
to  the  Celtic ;  and  Dodanim,  also  conjecturally,  to 
the  Illyrian.  According  to  the  old  interpreters, 
Ashkcnaz  represents  the  Teutonic  class,  while,  ac- 
cording to  Knobel,  the  Italian  would  he  represented 
by  Tarshish,  whom  he  identifies  with  the  Etruscans ; 
the  Slavonian  by  Magog ;  and  the  Lithuanian  pos- 
nibly  by  Tiras.  Knobel  also  identifies  Riphath  with 
the  Oauls,  as  distinct  from  the  Cyrary  or  Gomer ; 
and  Kittim  (not  improbably)  with  the  Carlans,  at 
one  period  predominant  on  the  islands  adjacent  to 
Asia  Minor.  The  evidence  for  these  identifications 
varies  in  strength,  but  in  no  instance  approaches  to 
demonstration.  Whether  the  Turanian  family  is 
fairly  represented  in  the  Mosaic  table  may  be  doubt- 
ed. '  Those  who  advocate  the  Mongolian  origin  of 
the  Scythians  would  naturally  regard  Magog  as  the 


representative  of  this  family  ;  and  those  who  dissent 
from  this  theory  might  still  regard  Magog  as  applied 
broadly  to  all  the  nomad  tribes  of  northern  Asia, 
whether  Indo-European  or  Turanian.  Tubal  and 
Meslicch  Knobel  identifies  respectively  with  the 
Iberians  and  the  Liguriaiis,  both  perhaps  Turanians. 
— II.  The  question  now  conies,  IIiiw  far  do  the  pres- 
ent results  of  etiinological  science  support  the  gen- 
eral idea  of  the  unity  of  the  human  race,  which  un- 
derlies the  Mosaic  system  ?  The  chief  and  often  only 
instrument  at  our  command  for  ascertaining  the  re- 
lationship of  nations  is  language.  The  nomenclature 
of  modern  ethnology  is  not  identical  with  that  of 
the  Bible,  partly  from  the  enlargement  of  the  area, 
and  partly  from  the  general  adoption  of  language  as 
the  basis  of  classification.  The  term  Shemitic  is  re- 
tained, not,  however,  to  indicate  a  descent  from 
Shem,  but  the  use  of  languages  allied  to  the  Hebrew. 
Hamitic,  also,  is  used  as  subordinate  to,  or  coordi- 
nate with,  Shemitic  (see  A,  III.,  above).  Japhetic 
is  superseded  mainly  by  Indo-European  or  Aryan. 
The  various  nations  or  families  of  nations  which  find 
no  place  under  the  Biblical  titles  are  classed  by 
some  ethnoloj^sts  as  Turanian,  by  others  broken  up 
into  divisions  more  or  less  numerous.  (1.)  Amarked 
chanctcristic  of  the  Shemitic  family  is  its  inelastici- 
ty. It  has  expanded  only  about  the  Mediterranean 
through  the  commercial  colonies  of  the  Phknicians. 
(Shemitic  Languages.)  The  bulk  of  the  North  Af- 
rican languages,  both  ancient  and  modern,  though  not 
properly  Shemitic,  so  far  resemble  that  type  as  to  be 
called  SHl>-Shemitic.  South  of  Egypt  the  Shemitic 
typo  is  reproduced  in  the  majority  of  the  Abyssinian 
languages,  and  Shemitic  hilluence  may  be  traced 
along  tiie  eastern  coast  of  Africa  .as  far  as  Mozam- 
bique. As  to  the  languages  of  the  interior  and  south, 
Renan  denies  any  resemblance  to  the  Shemitic  type, 
while  L.athani  asserts  that  connecting  links  exist  be- 
tween the  sub-Shemitic  languages  of  the  north,  the 
Negro  languages  in  the  centre,  and  the  Caffre  lan- 
guages of  the  south,  and  that  the  Hottentot  lan- 
guage is  not  so  isolated  as  has  been  generally  sup- 
posed. Bunsen  supports  tins  view  as  to  the  lan- 
guages N.  of  the  equator,  but  regards  the  Southern 
as  rather  of  the  Turanian  type.  The  Indc-European 
family  of  languages  consists  now  of  nine  classes,  viz. 
two  Eastern  or  Aryan  (Indian  and  Iranian)  and  seven 
Western  (Celtic,  Italian,  Albanian,  Greek,  Teutonic, 
Lithuanian,  and  Slavonian).  Language  and  race  are, 
indeed,  by  no  means  coextensive  (e.  g.  Celtic,  Italian, 
&c.).  But,  while  the  races  have  so  intermingled  as 
often  to  lose  all  trace  of  their  original  individuality, 
the  broad  fact  of  their  descent  from  one  or  other  of 
the  branches  of  the  Indo-European  family  remains 
unaffected.  In  Asia  the  languages  fall  intu  two 
large  classes — the  monosyllabic,  represented  by  the 
Chinese — and  the  agglutinative,  represented  by  the 
various  nations  classed  by  Miillcr  as  Turanian,  and 
falling  geographically  into  two  divisions,  viz.  the 
Northern  or  Ural-Altaian,  a  well-defined  group  with 
five  branches  (Tungusian,  Mongolian,  Turkish,  Sa- 
moiedic,  and  Finnish),  and  the  Southern  with  four 
classes  (Tamulian,  Bhotiya  and  Lotiliic  languages, 
Tai,  Malay).  The  languages  of  Oceanica  are  gen- 
erally supposed  to  be  connected  with  the  Malay 
class;  but  the  linguistic  and  ethnological  relations 
between  the  Malay  and  the  black  or  Negrito  popula- 
tion found  on  many  of  the  groups  of  islands  are  not 
well  defined.  The  polysynthetic  languages  of  North 
America  are  regarded  as  of  the  Mongolian  stock, 
and  a  close  affinity  is  said  to  exist  between  the  North 
American  and  the  Kamtchadale  and  Korean  Ian- 


1132 


TON 


TON 


guages  on  the  opposite  coast  of  Asia.  Tlie  tendency 
of  all  linguistic  and  ethnological  research  is  to  dis- 
cover the  elements  of  unity  amidst  the  most  striking 
external  varieties.  Already  the  myriads  of  the  hu- 
man race  are  massed  together  into  a  few  large 
groups,  and  we  are  firmly  pernnaded  that  in  their 
broad  results  these  sciences  will  yield  an  increas- 
ing testimony  to  the  truth  of  the  Bible.  Ixspika- 
TION ;  Man. 

Tongnes,  Gift  of. — I.  The  Gr.  gUila,  or  gUgm,  uni- 
formly translated  "tongue," and  employed  through- 
out the  N.  T.  in  det^ignating  the  gift  now  under  con- 
sideration, is  used — (1.)  for  the  bodily  organ  of 
speech  ;  (2.)  in  Aristotle,  for  a  foreign  word,  im- 
ported and  half  naturalized  in  Greek,  and  hence 
needing  explanation  ;  (3.)  in  Hellenistic  Greek, 
for  ''speech"  or  "language."  (A)  Eichhorn  and 
Bardili,  and  to  some  extent  Bunsen,  starting  from 
the  first,  see  in  the  so-called  gift  an  inarticulate  ut- 
terance. (B)  Bleek  adopts  the  second  meaning, 
and  infers  that  to  speak  in  tongues  was  to  use  unu- 
sual, poetic  language.  (C)  The  received  traditional 
view,  which  starts  from  the  third  meaning,  and  sees 
hi  the  gift  of  tongues  a  distinctly  linguistic  power, 
commends  itself  most  (so  Prof  Plumptrc). — II.  The 
chief  passages  from  which  we  have  to  draw  our  con- 
clusion as  to  the  nature  and  purpose  of  the  gift  in 
question  arc — (1.)  Mk.  xvi.  17;  (2.)  Acts  ii.  1-13, 
X.  46,  xix.  6;  (3.)  1  Cor.  xii.,  xiv. — III.  The  prom- 
ise of  a  new  power  coming  from  the  Divine  Spirit, 
giving  not  only  comfort  and  insight  into  truth,  but 
fresh  powers  of  utterance  of  some  kind,  appears 
once  and  again  in  our  Lord's  teaching.  The  disciples 
are  to  take  no  thought  what  they  shall  speak,  for 
the  Spirit  of  their  Father  shall  speak  in  them  (Mat. 
X.  19,  '20;  Mk.  xiii.  11).  Galilean  peasants  are  to 
speak  freely  and  boldly  before  kings.  In  Mk.  xvi. 
17  a  more  definite  term  is  employed:  "They  shall 
speak  with  new  tongues."  The  obvious  meaning 
of  the  promise  is  that  the  disciples  should  speak  in 
new  languages  which  they  had  not  learned  as  other 
men  learn  them. — IV.  The  wonder  of  the  day  of 
Pentecost  (Acts  ii.)  is,  in  its  broad  features,  famil- 
iar. Suddenly  there  swept  over  them  "  the  sound 
as  of  a  rushing  mighty  wind  "  (compare  Ez.  i.  24, 
xliii.  2).  "  There  appeared  unto  them  tongues  like 
as  of  fire."  The  tongues  were  distributed  (A.  V. 
"cloven"),  lighting  upon  each  of  them.  "And 
they  were  all  filled  with  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  be- 
gan to  speak  with  other  tongues,  as  the  Spirit 
gave  them  utterance."  The  narrative  that  follows 
conveys  the  impression  that  the  disciples  were 
heard  to  speak  in  languages  of  which  they  had 
no  colloquial  knowledge  previously  (6-12).  What 
view  are  we  to  take  of  a  phenomenon  so  marvellous 
and  exceptional?  What  views  have  men  actually 
taken?  (1.)  The  prevalent  belief  of  the  Church  has 
been  that  in  the  Pentecostal  gift  the  disciples  re- 
ceived a  supernatural  knowledge  of  all  such  lan- 
guages as  tliey  needed  for  their  work  as  Evangelists. 
The  knowledge  was  permanent,  and  could  be  used 
at  their  own  will.  This  belief  goes  beyond  the 
data  with  which  the  N.  T.  supplies  us.  Each  in- 
stance of  the  gift  recorded  in  the  Acts  connects  it, 
not  with  teaching,  but  with  praise  and  adoration  ; 
not  with  the  normal  order  of  men's  lives,  but  with 
exceptional  epochs  in  them.  The  speech  of  St.  Peter 
which  follows  (Acts  ii.  14  ff),  hke  most  other 
speeches  addressed  to  a  Jerusalem  audience,  was 
spoken  apparently  in  Aramaic.  When  St.  Paul, 
who  "  spake  with  tongues  more  than  all,"  was  at 
Lystra,  no  mention  is  made  of  his  using  the  lan- 


guage of  Lycaonia.  It  is  almost  implied  that  he  did 
not  understand  it  (xiv.  11).  Not  one  word  in  the 
discussion  of  spiritual  gilts  in  1  Cor.  xii.-xiv.  im? 
plies  that  the  gift  was  of  this  nature,  or  given  lor 
this  purpose.  Nor,  it  may  be  added,  witliin  tlie  lim- 
its assigned  by  the  providence  of  Gud  to  the  noik- 
ing  of  the  Apostolic  Church,  was  such  a  gilt  neces- 
sary. Aramaic  (Shemitic  Languages),  Greek,  Lat- 
in, the  three  languages  of  the  inscription  on  the 
cross,  were  media  of  intercourse  throughout  the 
empire.  (2.)  Some  interpreters  have  seen  their  way 
to  another  solution  of  the  difficulty  by  changing  the 
character  of  the  miracle,  making  it  consist  not  in 
any  new  power  bestowed  on  the  speakers,  but  in 
the  impression  produced  on  the  hearers.  Thus, 
words  which  the  Galilean  disciples  uttered  in  their 
own  tongue  were  heard,  or  seemed  to  be  heard,  by 
those  who  listened  as  if  uttered  in  their  native 
speech.  Weighty  reasons  against  this  hypothesis 
are — («.)  It  is  at  vaiiance  with  the  distinct  state- 
ment of  Acts  ii.  4,  "  They  began  to  speak  with  other 
tongues."  (b.)  It  at  once  multiplies  the  miracle,  and 
degrades  its  character.  Not  the  120  disciples,  but 
the  whole  multitude  of  many  thousands,  are  in  this 
case  the  subjects  of  it.  (c)  It  involves  an  element 
of  falsthood.  The  miracle,  on  this  view,  was 
wrought  to  make  men  believe  what  was  not  actually 
the  fact,  (d.)  It  is  altogether  inapplicable  to  the 
phenomena  of  1  Cor.  xiv.  (3.)  Critics  of  a  negative 
school  have  rejected  the  narrative  cither  altogether 
or  in  part.  (Inspiration  ;  Miracles.) — V.  What, 
then,  are  the  facts  actually  brought  before  us  ? 
AVhat  inferences  may  be  legitimately  drawn  from 
them?  (1.)  The  utterance  of  words  by  the  dis- 
ciples in  other  languages  than  their  own  Galilean 
Aramaic  is  distinctly  asserted.  (2.)  The  words 
spoken  appear  to  have  been  determined,  not  by  the 
will  of  the  speakers,  but  by  the  Spirit  which  "  gave 
them  utterance."  (3.)  The  word  translated  "utter- 
ance" in  Acts  ii.  4  (the  Gr.  verb  apujjhlhengyomai 
=  lo  idler  forth,  sjifak  out,  declare,  Rbn.  N.7'.  Lex.  ; 
translated"  said  "  in  ver.  14,  and  "  speak  forth  "  in 
xxvi.  25)  has  in  the  LXX.  a  special  association  with 
the  oracular  speech  of  true  or  false  prophets,  and 
appears  to  imply  some  peculiar,  perhaps  musical, 
solemn  intonation  (compare  1  Chr.  xxv.  1,  A.  V. 
"  prophecy  ;  "  Ez.  xiii.  9,  A.  V.  "  divine  ").  (4.)  The 
"  tongues  "  were  used  as  an  instrument  not  of  teach- 
ing but  of  praise.  (5.)  Those  who  spoke  them 
seemed  to  others  to  be  under  the  influence  of  some 
strong  excitement,  "  full  of  new  wine"  (Actsii.  13). 
(6.)  Questions  as  to  the  mode  of  operation  of  a 
power  above  the  common  laws  of  bodily  or  mtntal 
life  lead  us  to  a  region  where  our  words  should  be 
"  wary  and  few."  In  all  likelihood  such  words  as 
they  then  uttered  had  been  heard  by  the  disciples 
before.  At  previous  Jewish  feasts  they  must  have 
met  a  varied  crowd,  the  pilgrims  of  each  nation 
uttering  their  praises  and  doxologics  ;  but  belore, 
the  Galilean  iieasants  had  stood  in  that  crowd, 
neither  heeding,  nor  understanding,  nor  remember- 
ing what  they  heard,  still  less  able  to  reproduce  it ; 
now  they  had  the  power  of  speaking  it  clearly  and 
freely.  The  Divine  work  would  in  this  case  take 
the  form  of  a  supernatural  exaltation  of  the  mem- 
ory, not  of  imparting  a  miraculous  knowledge  of 
words  never  heard  before.  (7.)  The  gift  of  tongues, 
the  ecstatic  burst  of  praise,  is  definitely  asserted 
to  be  a  fulfilment  of  Joel  ii.  28.  W' e  are  led,  there- 
fore, to  look  for  that  which  answers  to  the  Gift  of 
Tongues  in  the  other  element  of  prophecy  included 
with  teaching  in  the  0.  T.  use  of  the  word  (PRornET), 


TON 


TOX 


1133 


viz.  the  ecstatic  praise,  the  burst  of  song  (1  Sara. 
X.  5-18,  xix.  20-24  ;  1  Chr.  xxv.  3  ;  eompnre  1  Cor. 
xiv.).  (8.)  The  other  instances  in  the  Acts  oft'er 
essentially  the  same  phenomena.  By  implication  in 
xiv.  15-19,  by  express  statement  in  x.  47,  xi.  15, 
17,  xix.  6,  it  lielongs  to  special  critical  epochs,  the 
exercise  of  the  gilt  being  at  once  connected  with 
and  distin.!uished  from  "prophecy"  in  its  N.  T. 
sen.se. — V^I.  The  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians 
supplies  fuller  data.  The  spiritual  gifts  are  classi- 
fied and  compared,  arranged,  apparently,  according 
to  their  worth,  placed  under  regulation.  The  facts 
which  may  be  gathered  are  briefly  these : — (1.)  The 
phenomena  of  the  gift  of  tongues  were  not  confined 
to  one  Church  or  section  of  a  Church.  (2.)  The 
comparison  of  gifts,  in  both  the  lists  given  by  St. 
Paul  (I  Cor.  xii.  8-10,  28-30;  cjrap.  31,  xiv.  5,  18, 
20,  23,  39),  places  that  of  tongues,  and  the  inter- 
pretation of  tongues,  lowest  in  the  scale.  (3.)  The 
main  characteristic  of  the  "  tongue "  is  that  it  is 
nnintelligible.  The  man  "  speaks  mysteries,"  prays, 
blesses,  gives  thanks,  in  the  tongue  (xiv.  15,  10), 
but  no  one  understands  him.  He  can  liardly  be  said, 
indeed,  to  uuderstand  himself  (ver.  14).  (4.)  The 
peculiaf  nature  of  the  gift  leads  the  apostle  into 
what  appears  at  first  a  contradiction.  "  Tongues 
are  for  a  sign,"  not  to  believers,  but  to  those  who 
do  not  believe;  yet  the  effect  on  unbelievers  is  not 
that  of  attracting,  but  repelling.  They  disturb, 
startle,  awaken,  are  given  for  astonishing,  but  are 
not  and  cannot  be  the  grounds  of  conviction  and 
belief.  Therefore  it  is  that,  for  those  who  believe 
already,  prophecy  is  the  greater  gift.  (5.)  There 
remains  the  question  whether  these  also  were 
"  tongues  "  in  the  sense  of  being  languages.  It 
must  have  been  from  the  phenomena  of  Pentecost 
that  the  word  tongue  derived  its  new  and  s;)ecial 
meaning.  The  companion  of  St.  Paul,  and  St.  Paul 
himself,  were  likely  to  use  the  same  word  in  the 
same  sense.  The  "divers  kinds  of  tongues  "  (1 
Cor.  xii.  28),  the  "  tonffues  of  man"  (xiii.  1),  point 
to  differences  of  some  kind,  and  it  is  e-isier  to  con- 
ceive of  tliese  as  differences  of  language  than  as 
belonging  to  utterances  all  equally  wild  and  inartic- 
ulate. The  utterances  of  the  tongues  may  have 
been  in  wliole  or  in  part  Hebrew  and  Aramaic  wonls 
(compare  xvi.  22  with  xii.  3;  Rom.  viii.  15  ;  (5al.  iv. 
6).  "  Tongues  of  angels  "  in  1  Cor.  xiii.  1  may  be 
connected  with  tlie  words  surpassing  human  utter- 
ance, which  St.  Paul  heard  as  in  Paradise  (2  Cor. 
xii.  4),  and  tliesa  again  with  the  greit  Hallelujah 
hymns  of  Rev.  xix.  1-6.  (6.)  Here  also,  as  in 
Acts  ii.,  we  have  to  think  of  some  peculiar  intona- 
tion as  fre'iuently  characterizing  the  exercise  of  the 
"  tongues."  The  analogies  wliich  suggest  them- 
selves to  St.  Paul's  mind  are  those  of  the  pipe,  the 
harp,  the  trumpet  (1  Cor.  xiv.  7,  8).  In  the  case 
of  one  "singing  in  the  spirit"  (xiv.  15),  but  not 
with  the  understanding  also,  the  strain  of  ecstatic 
inelo  ly  must  have  been  all  that  the  listeners  could 
percfive  (compare  Epli.  v.  19).  (7.)  Connected 
with  th<;  "  tongues,"  was  the  corresponding  power 
of  interpretation  (1  Cor.  xiv.  l."!,  27).  Its  function 
must  have  been  twofold.  The  interpreter  had  first 
to  catch  the  foreign  words,  Arainaic  or  others,  which 
had  mingled  more  or  less  largely  with  what  was 
littered,  and  then  to  find  a  meaning  and  an  order 
in  what  seemed  at  first  to  be  without  cither.  Under 
the  action  of  one  with  this  in.sight  the  wild  utter- 
ances of  the  "tongues"  might  become  a  treasure- 
house  of  deep  truths.  Sometimes  the  tongues  ap- 
pear to  have  passed  beyond  the  limits  of  interpre- 


tation (xiv.  7-11). — VII.  (1.)  Traces  of  the  gift  are 
found  in  Romans,  Galatians,  and  Ephesi.ins.  From 
the  Pastoral  Epistles,  from  those  of  St.  Peter  and 
St.  John,  they  are  altogether  absent,  and  this  is  in 
itself  significant  of  a  calmer,  more  normal  state. 
(2.)  Probably,  however,  the  disappearance  of  the 
"  tongues "  was  gradual.  Irenajus  testifies  that 
there  were  brethren  in  his  time  "  wlio  had  proptietio 
gifts,  and  spoke  through  the  Spirit  in  all  kinds  of 
tongues."  For  the  most  part,  however,  the  part 
which  they  had  filled  in  the  worship  of  the  Church 
was  supplied  by  the  "  hymns  and  spiritual  songs " 
of  the  succeeding  age.  After  this,  within  the 
Church  we  lose  nearly  all  traces  of  them. — VIII. 
(i.)  A  wider  question  of  deep  interest  presents  it- 
self. Can  we  find  in  the  religious  history  of  man- 
kind any  facts  analogous  to  the  manifestation  of  the 
"tongues?"  The  three  characteristic  phenomena 
are,  as  has  been  seen,  (1.)  an  ecstatic  state  of  pai^ 
tial  or  entire  unconsciousness;  (2.)  the  utterance 
of  words  in  tones  startling  and  impressive,  but 
often  cdnveying  no  distinct  meaning;  (3.)  the  use 
of  languages  which  the  speaker  at  other  times  was 
unable  to  converse  in.  (ii.)  The  0.  T.  presents  us 
with  some  instances  in  which  the  gift  of  prophecy 
has  accompaniments  of  this  nature  (1  Sam.  xix.  24). 
(iii.)  We  cannot  exclude  the  false  prophets  and  di- 
viners of  Israel  from  the  range  of  our  inquiry.  We 
have  distinct  records  of  strange,  mysterious  into- 
nations. The  ventriloquist  wizards  "  peep  and 
mutter"  (Is.  viii.  19);  the  "voice  of  one  who  has  a 
familiar  spirit"  cnmes  low  out  of  the  ground  (xxix. 
4;  DiviNATiO-V;  Magic),  (iv.)  The  quotation  by 
St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  xiv.  21)  from  Is.  xxviii.  11  is  sig- 
nificant. With  the  phenomena  of  tlie  "  tongues  " 
present  to  his  mind,  he  saw  in  them  the  fulfilment 
of  the  prophet's  words.  A  remarkable  par.illel  to 
the  text  tlius  interpreted  is  found  in  Hos.  ix.  7.  (v.) 
The  history  of  heathen  oracles  presents  examples 
of  the  orgiastic  state,  in  which  the  wisest  of  Greek 
thinkers  recognized  the  lower  type  of  inspiration. 
(Divination;  Oracle;  Pvthon.)  (vi.)  More  dis- 
tinct parallels  are  found  in  the  accounts  of  the 
wilder,  more  excited  sects  (Montanists,  &c.)  which 
have,  from  time  to  time,  appeared  in  the  history  of 
Christendom,  (vii.)  The  French  prophets  at  the 
commencement  of  the  eighteenth  century  claimed 
the  gift  of  tongues,  (viii.)  The  so-called  "  Unknown 
Tongues  "  manifested  themselves  first  in  the  \V.  of 
Scotl.ind,  and  afterward  (1830)  in  the  Caledonian 
Church  in  Regent  Square,  London,  among  the  fol- 
lowers of  the  late  Edward  Irving.  Here,  more  than 
in  most  other  cases,  were  the  conditions  of  long, 
eager  expectation,  fixed  brooding  over  one  central 
thought,  the  mind  strained  to  a  preternatural  ten- 
sion. Suddenly,  now  from  one,  now  from  another, 
chiefly  from  women,  devout  but  illiterate,  mysterious 
sounds  were  heard.  Irving  himself  has  left  on 
record  his  testimony,  that  to  him  they  seemed  to 
embody  a  more  than  earthly  music,  leading  to  the 
belief  that  the  "  tongues  "  of  the  Apostolic  age  had 
been  as  the  archetypal  melody  of  which  all  the 
Churcli's  chants  and  hymns  were  but  faint,  poor 
echoes.  To  those  who  were  without,  on  the  other 
hand,  they  seemed  but  an  unintelligible  gibberish, 
the  yells  and  groans  of  madmen.  The  speaker  was 
commonly  unable  to  interpret  wh.at  he  nttered.  (ix.) 
In  certain  exceptional  slates  of  mind  and  body  the 
powers  of  memory  receive  a  wonderful  and  abnor- 
mal strength.  In  the  delirium  of  fever,  in  tlie  ec- 
stasy of  a  trance,  men  speak  in  their  old  age  lan- 
guages which  they  have  never  heard  or  spoken  since 


1134 


TOO 


TOR 


their  earliest  youth.  In  all  such  eases  the  marvel- 
lous power  is  the  accoinpaninient  of  disease. — IX. 
The  phenomena  wliich  have  been  descriljed  (VIII. 
above)  are,  witli  liardly  an  exception,  morbid  ;  the 
precursors  or  tlie  conscquencis  of  clearly-recogniz- 
able disease.  The  Gift  of  Tonjcues  was  bestowed  on 
men  in  full  vigor  and  activity,  preceded  by  no 
frenzy,  followed  by  no  exhaustion.  The  gift  of  the 
day  of  Pentecost  was  the  starting-point  of  the  long 
history  of  the  Church  of  Christ,  tlie  witness,  iu  its 
very  form,  of  a  universal  family  gathered  out  of  all 
nations.  It  belonged,  however,  to  a  critical  epoch, 
not  to  the  continuous  life  of  the  Cliurch.  It  im- 
plied a  disturbance  of  the  equilibrium  of  man's 
normal  state.  It  was  a  sign,  but  not  the  instrument 
for  building  up  tlie  Churcii  (1  Cor.  xiii.  8).  Spiuit  ; 
Spirit,  the  Holy. 

*  Tool.  AoiucDLTURE  ;  AxE ;  Coulter;  File.; 
FoiiK  ;  Hammer;  IIandickaft  ;  Harrow  ;  K.nife; 
Mattock  ;  Nail  ;  Planes  ;  Plumb-line  ;  Plummet  ; 
Razor  ;  Saw  ;  Tongs. 

*Tootb,  pi.  Teeth  (HeKand  Chal.  usually  alien; 
Gr.  odous),  used  mostly  in  a  literal  sense  in  respect 
to  men  and  animals  (Gen.  xlix.  12 ;  Ex.  xxi.  24,  27 ; 
Dent,  xxxii.  24  ;  Mat.  v.  38,  kc),  sometimes  denot- 
hig  that  wliicli  resembles  a  tootli,  as  the  tine  or 
prong  of  a  fork  or  flesh-hook  (1  Sam.  ii.  13),  a  sharp 
rock,  peak  of  a  hill  (xiv.  5  margin,  (ext  "  fore- 
front"), &e.  The  Hebrew  word  is  frequently  ren- 
dered "ivory."  "Cleanness  of  teeth  "  indicates 
hunger  or  fiimine  (jVm.  iv.  G) ;  "  gnashing  of  teeth," 
i.  e.  striking  or  grinding  the  teeth  together,  inilicatcs 
violent  passion,  as  rage,  anguish,  or  desperation 
(Vj.  XXXV.  16;  Mat.  viil.  12,  &e.);  "  to  cast  in  one's 
teeth  "  (xxvii.  44)  =  to  revile  or  reproach.  "  I  am 
escaped  with  the  sidn  of  my  teeth  "  (Job  xix.  20), 
Gesenius  explains  "  scarcely  do  my  gums  remain 
from  disease  and  Wiisting;"  Fiirst  says,  "i.  c.  my 
gums  being  almost  taken  away ; "  others  have  re- 
ferred "  the  skin  of  the  teeth  "  to  the  lip.s,  enamel, 
&c.  "Tooth  for  tooth"  was  an  inst.anee  of  com- 
pensation in  punishme.nts  (Ex.  xxi.  24,  &e.). 

To'parch-y,  or  Top'arcli-y  [ch  pronounced  as  i-], 
an  Anglicized  form  of  the  Gr.  toparchia,  once  (1  Mc. 
xi.  28)  applied  in  the  LXX.  to  the  three  districts 
(Apherema,  Lydda,  and  Ramathem)  to  which  else- 
where (x.  30,  xi.  34)  the  Greek  name  nonios\B  given. 
In  all  these  passages  the  A.  V.  has  "  governments." 
The  "toparehies"  or  governments  seem  to  have 
been  of  the  nature  of  agaliks,  and  the  passages  in 
whic'n  the  Gr.  word  lopai-ches,  i.  e.  a  toparch  or  ruler 
of  a  toparchy,  occurs  (Gen.  xli.  34,  A.V.  "officer;" 
2  K.  xviii.  24,  A.  V.  "  captain  ; "  Dan.  iii.  2,  3,  A.  Y. 
"giivernor"),  all  harmonize  with  the  view  of  that 
functionary  as  the  agri,  whose  duty  would  be  to  eol- 
tect  the  taxes  and  administer  justice  in  all  cases  af- 
fecting the  revenue,  and  who,  for  the  purpose  of 
enforcing  payment,  vrould  have  the  command  of  a 
small  military  force. 

To'paz  (Heb.  pUddh  ;  Gr.  iopazion),,  a  precious 
Btone,  the  second  in  the  first  row  of  the  high-priest's 
breastplate  (Ex.  xxviil.  17.  xxxix.  10),  an  Ethiopian 
gem  (.lob  xxviii.  19),  one  of  the  jewels  of  the  Tyrian 
king  (Ez.  xxviii.  13),  the  ninth  foundation  of  the 
wall  of  New  Jerusalem  (Rev.  xxi.  20).  The  ancient 
"  topaz "  was  probably  the  modern  Chrysolite, 
wliich  is  a  green  mineral,  a  .'•ilicate  of  magnesia  and 
iron.  For  the  modern  Oriental  topaz  (=  ancient 
chrysolite),  see  Adamant  and  Sapphire. 

To'plicl  (Heb.  lime,  Ges.),  a  place  mentioned  in 
Deuf.  i.  1  only;  probably  (so  Mr.  Hayman,  after 
Eobinson,  Winer,  Gesenius,  &c.)  at  Tufileh  or  Wady 


TufUch,  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  S.  E.  of  the  Dead 
Sea.     Sea,  the  Salt. 

To'pliet  (L.  form),  and  To'plietll  (Heb.  plctee  to  be 
njril  ujion,  to  be  abhorred,  Ges. ;  see  below),  a  place 
which  lay  somewhere  E.  or  S.  E.  of  Jerusalem,  in 
"the  Valley  of  the  Son  of  IIinno.m,"  which  is  "by 
the  entiy  of  the  east  gate  "  (2  K.  xxiii.  10 ;  Is.  xxx. 
33;  Jer.  vii.  31,  32,  xi.\.  6,  11-14).  It  nas  not 
identical  with  Ilinnom.  but  was  in  it,  and  seems  also 
to  have  been  part  of  the  king's  gardens,  and  watered 
by  Siloam,  perhaps  a  little  to  the  S.  of  the  present 
Biiket  el-Uamra  (so  Dr.  IJonar,  original  author  of 
this  article).  The  N.  T.  does  not  refer  to'it,  nor  the 
Apocrypha,  nor  Jose|  hus.  Jerome  is  the  first  who 
notices  it ;  but  we  can  sec  that  by  his  time  the  name 
had  disappeared.  Hinnom  by  old  writers,  western 
and  eastern,  is  always  placed  east  of  the  city,  and 
corresponds  to  what  we  call  the  "Mciuth  of  the 
Tyropceon."  Tophct  has  been  variously  translated. 
Jerome  says  breaJl/i  or  uidth  ;  others  garden,  drvm, 
place  of  burning  or  imrging,  abomination,  &c.  The 
most  natural  seems  that  suggested  by  the  occurrence 
in  two  consecutive  verses  of  the  two  nearly  identical 
Hebrew  words,  for  which  the  A.  V.  has  "tabi;et" 
and  "Tophkt"  (Is.  xxx.  32,  33).  Tophet  w^s prob- 
ably the  king's  tabrct-grove,  or  valley,  or  garden,  de- 
noting originally  nothing  evil  or  hateful.  Certainly 
there  is  no  proof  that  it  took  its  name  from  the 
drums  beaten  to  drown  the  cries  of  the  burning  vic- 
tims that  passed  thiough  the  fire  to  Molecii.  After- 
ward, defiled  by  idols,  and  polluted  by  the  sacrifices 
of  Baal  and  the  fires  of  Molech,  it  became  the  place 
of  abomination,  the  very  gate  or  pit  of  hell.  The 
pious  kings  defiled  it,  and  threw  down  its  altars  and 
high  places,  pouring  into  it  all  the  filth  of  the  city, 
till  it  became  the  "  abhorrence  "  of  Jerusalem, 

*  Torch.     Lamp;  La.ntern. 

Tor  Diah  (Heb.,  see  below)  occurs  only  in  the  mar. 
gin  of  Judg.  ix.  31.  The  Ileb.  bitormidi,  translated 
"  craftily,"  or  "  to  Tormah  "  in  the  margin,  is  trans, 
lated  "  privily  "  in  the  text,  and  m  frnnil  or  in  deceit 
by  Gesenius,  Bush,  &c.  A  few  commentators  have 
conjectured  that  the  word  was  originally  the  same 
with  Arumah  in  ver.  41. 

*  Tor-mentor,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Gr.  basnn- 
isth,  properly  a  ior'.urir,  examiner,  inquisitor  ;  but 
in  the  N.  T.  (so  Grotius,  Robinson,  L.  &  S.)  a  jailer 
or  prvion-lieepir  (.Mat.  xviii.  34  only).  Meyer  and 
Lange  sustain  the  literal  rendering  of  the  A.  V., 
"  tormentor."  Among  the  ancient  Romans  a  credit- 
or might  use  certain  legal  tortures,  as  a  heavy  chain 
and  a  system  of  half-slarvation,  to  extort  from  the 
debtor  a  confession  of  any  concealed  treasures,  or 
bring  him  to  terms  (Dr.  Scliaff,  in  Lange'a  Comm. 
071,  Mat.,  1.  c). 

Tor'tolsC  ['tis],  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb.  Ixdb, 


TortoUa  (JE^H  Cof^ica).— tFLn.) 


TOU 


TEA 


1133 


which  occurs  only  in  Lev.  xi.  29,  as  the  name  of 
some  unclean  animal.  Bochart  with  much  reason 
(so  Mr.  Houghton,  with  Geseiiius,  Fiirst,  W.  L.  Alex- 
ander (ill  kittoj,  &c.)  refois  the  Hebrew  terra  to 
the  kindred  Arabic  dimb,  "a  large  kind  of  lizarp," 
apparenily  the  terrestrial  monitor  or  skink  of  Egypt 
(Pfaiiimmauruii  Sciiievs  or  MouUor  termtris  of  Cn- 
vior),  which  is  three  or  four  feet  long,  and  conunon 
in  the  deserts  of  Palestine  and  X.  Africa.  M'-. 
Gossc  (in  I'airbairn)  favors  the  rendering  "  tortoise," 
in  which  the  A.  \".  follows  Elias  Levita.  Various 
fresh-water  tortoises.  land-tortoises,  and  sea-lor- 
toises  are  found  in  Palestine  and  its  neighborhood. 
The  Kri.t/s  Caspica is  a  marsh  tortoise,  found  iu  Eu- 
rope, Palestine,  ic.     Palestine,  Zoology. 


TarTMIrial  Mooltor  or  Skluk  of  E^'ypt  {Ptammotaunt*  Seineui). 

Ton  (Ileb.)  =  Toi  (1  Chr.  xviii.  9,  10). 

»Toff  [to],  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb. 
iiS'orelh  =  tow,  as  shaken  or  beaten  off  from  flax, 
Gc.scnius,  Fiirst  (Judg.  xvi.  9;  Is.  i.  31). — 2.  Ueb. 
pis/Uiih  —  a  wick,  as  made  of  i.ine.n,  Ges.  (xliii.  17); 
clsewliere  =:  "  vlax,"  A.  V.,  Gesenius,  Fiirst. 

Tower  (Heb.  mir/ddt,  mir/dol,  kc;  Gr.  purgos). 
For  towers  as  parts  of  eily-walls,  or  as  strongliolds 
of  refuge  in  villages,  see  Antoxia;  Fenced  Citv; 
ilANANKKi, ;  Jkkl'salem;  Laciiisii;  .Meaii;  Miuooi.  ; 
Opiibi, ;  Siloam;  War,  &c.  Watch-lowers  or  forti- 
fied posts  in  frontier  or  exposed  situations  arc  men- 
tioned in  Scripture,  as  the  tower  of  Eoak,  Leranon, 
&c.  (Gen.  XXXV.  21  ;  Mie.  iv.  8 ;  Is.  xxi.  0,  8,  11,  &c. ; 
Shephkku).  Kemains  of  such  fortifications  may  still 
be  seen,  whicli  probably  have  succeeded  to  more  an- 
cient structures  built  in  the  same  places  for  like  pur- 
po.scs.  Towers  were  also  built  in  vineyards  as  an 
almost  necessary  appendage  to  them  (Is.  v.  2;  Mat. 
xxi.  33;  Mk.  xii.  1).  Such  towers  are  still  in  use 
in  Palestine  in  vineyards,  especially  near  Hebron, 
and  are  used  as  lodges  for  the  keepers  of  the  vine- 
yards. God  is  figuratively  spoken  of  a.s  a  "  tower  " 
(Ps.  Ixi.  3);  likewise  (so  Gesenius)  proud  and  pow- 
erfiil  men  (Is.  ii.  1.5,  xxx.  2.5). 

'Town,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Weh.  hath, 
literally  ^' daug/iter,"  in  specifying  small  dependent 
"towns"  and  "  villages  "  (Jo^h.  xv.  45,  47  twice, 
xvii.  II  six  times,  Ki,  ic. ;  Dacghter  5). — 2.  Heb. 
plural  havvd'h  or  chavvoth  =z  vitlaijes,  xomailic  m- 
caiitpmenia,  properly  jilaccs  of  liuhig  or  dwelling, 
Ges. ;  used  onlv  of  "  the  towns  of  .lair  "  (Josh.  xiii. 
30;  IK.  iv.  13;  1  Chr.  ii.  23)  =  "  Havotii-jair;" 
m  Xum.  xxxii.  41  also  translated  "small  towns." 


— 3.  Ileb.  kdtier  or  cluitser  (Geo.  xxv.  16),  usually 
translated  "coi:rt"  or  "village."  (Hazer.) — i. 
Heb.  'iV  (Oeut.  iii.  5;  1  Sam.  xvi.  4,  xxiii.  7),  trans- 
lated "city"  more  than  l.OliO  times. — 5.  Heb.  kir 
(Josh.  ii.  is),  elsewhere  usually  translated  "  wall." 
— 6.  Ueb.  plural  perdzoth  (iu  part)  =  countrii  regions, 
open  counU-y,  Ges.  (Esth.  ix.  19,  A.  V.  "  uuwalled 
towns;"  Zeeh.  ii.  4,  Ueb.  8,  A.  V.  "towns  without 
walls");  in  Ez.  xxxviii.  11  translated  "  umvallod 
villages." — 7.  Gr.  home  =  a  ril'age,  hamlet,  country- 
town,  without  walls,  Ubn.  N.  T.  Lex.,  L.  it  S.  (Mat 
X.  11;  Mk.  viii.  23,  26  twice,  27;  Lk.  v.  17,  ix.  6, 
12  ;  Jn.  vii.  42,  xi.  1,  30),  oftener  translated  "  vil- 
lage" (Mat.  ix.  33,  &c.). — 8.  Gr.  komo/iohs  =  a  vit- 

'  lage-eity,  i.  e  a  large  village  or  town  like  a  city,  but 
without  walls,  Rbu.  N.  T.  Lex.  (Mk.  i.  38  only). 

!  Town'-tltrk,  the  A.  V.  triuslation  of  the  Gr. 
gramina'eus  (=  a  writer,  scribe,  secretary,  clerk),  the 
title  of  the  magistrate  at  Ephesis  who  appeased  the 
mob  in  the  theatre  at  the  time  of  the  tumult  ex«ited 
by  Demetrius  and  his  fellow-craftsmen  (Acts  xix. 
35).  The  original  service  of  this  class  of  men  was, 
to  record  the  laws  and  decrees  of  tlic  state,  and  to 
read  them  in  public  (so  Prof.  IlacUetl,  original  au- 
thor of  this  article).  "On  the  subjugation  of  Asia 
by  the  Romans,"  says  Baumstark,  "  grammaleis 
(Gr.  plural  =  scribes,  or  secretaries)  were  appointed 
there  in  the  character  of  governors  of  single  cities 
and  districts,  who  even  placed  their  names  on  the 
coins  of  their  cities,  caused  the  year  to  be  named 
from  them,  and  sometimes  were  allowed  to  assume 
the  dignity,  or  at  least  the  name,  of  high-piiest." 

Tradl-O-ni'tiS  (Gr.  a  rugged  or  ston;  trad),  in  Lk. 
iii.  1  only,  probalily  =  Aroob.  From  Joscplius  we 
gather  that  it  lay  S.  of  Damascus,  and  E.  of  Gatilan- 
itis.  and  bordered  on  Auranitis  and  Batana?a.  From 
Ptolemy  we  learn  that  it  bordered  on  Batantea,  near 
the  town  of  Saecaia.  In  the  Jerusalem  Gcmara  it  is 
made  to  extend  as  far  S.  as  Bostra.  Trachonitis  (so 
Prof.  Porter,  original  author  of  this  article)  included 
the  whole  of  the  modern  province  called  eULejah, 
with  a  section  of  the  plain  southward,  and  also  a 
part  of  the  western  declivities  of  Jehcl  Haunin.  The 
I^jah  is  bounded  on  the  E.  by  the  mountains  of 
Batantea  (now  Jehel  Jlaunhi),  on  whose  6lo])es  are 
the  ruins  of  Sacca;a  and  Kenatii;  on  the  S.  by 
Auranitis  (now  Hanrdn),  in  whicli  are  the  extensive 
ruins  of  Bostra  (Bozuaii  ?) ;  ^n  the  W.  by  Ganlanitis 
(now  .Jnuldn) ;  and  on  the  N.  by  Ituraja  (now  Jedur) 
and  Damascus. 

•  Trade*  Arabia  ;  Commercc  ;  Dispersion  ;  Sol- 
omon, &c. 

•  Tra-di'tion  (fr.  L.),  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Gr. 
pararlosis,  which,  in  N.  T.,  :=  (so  Rbn.  N.  T.  T^x.) 
mil/  thing  orally  delivered,  a  precept,  ordinance,  instruc- 
tion ;  applied  particularly  to  the  Oral  Law  of  the 
Jews  (Pharisees;  Scuibes),  or  their  precepts  and 
doctrines  handed  down  from  age  to  age  (Mat.  xv.  i, 
3,  6;  Mk.  vii.  3,  5,  8,  9,  13;  Gal.  i.  14;  Col.  ii.  8); 
thrice  used  in  a  more  gencial  sense  to  denote  the 
precepts  and  doctrines  which  the  apostles  taught 
(1  Cur.  xi.  2,  A.  V.  "ordinances;"  2  Th.  ii.  16,  iii. 
6).  The  apostles  taught  first  by  .void  of  mouth  or 
PKEACiiixo ;  afterward  tlieir  instructions  were  com- 
mitted to  writing,  and  appear  in  the  Gospels,  Epis- 
tles, &c.,  of  the  Xew  Testament. 

Trance  (fr.  L.  tramilus;  Gr.  ekstasisX  (1.)  In 
Xum.  xxiv.  4,  16,  where  only  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  0. 
T.  this  word  occurs,  tliere  is,  as  the  Italics  show,  no 
corresponding  word  in  Hebrew.  In  the  N.  T.  the 
word  occurs  three  times  (Acts  x.  10,  xi.  3,  xxii.  17), 
and  denotes  the  condition  of  seamiug  death  to  the 


1136 


TEA 


TRI 


outer  world,  or  the  state  in  which  a  man  has  passed 
out  of  tlie  usual  order  of  his  life,  beyond  the  usual 
limits  of  consciousness  and  volition  (so  I'rof.  Plump- 
tre,  original  autlior  of  tliis  article).  (2.)  From  the 
time  of  Hippocrates,  who  uses  it  to  describe  the  loss 
of  conscious  perception,  the  Greek  word  (used  in  the 
N.  T.,  in  this  special  sense,  only  by  Lulie  "  the 
physician  ")  had  probably  borne  the  medical  signifi- 
cation which  it  has  had,  with  shades  of  meaning  for 
good  or  evil,  ever  since.  (3.)  In  tlje  more  precise 
definitions  of  modern  medical  science  the  ecstatic 
state  appears  as  one  form  of  catalepsy.  In  cata- 
lepsy pure  and  simple,  there  is  "  a  sudden  suspension 
of  thought,  of  sensibility,  of  voluntary  motion."  In 
the  ecstatic  form  of  catalepsy,  "the  patient  is  lost 
to  all  external  impressions,  but  wrapt  and  absorbed 
in  some  object  of  the  imagination."  There  is,  for 
the  most  part,  a  high  degree  of  mental  excitement. 
The  patient  utters  the  most  enthusiastic  tind  fervid 
expressions  or  the  most  earnest  warnings.  The  char- 
acter of  the  whole  frame  is  that  of  intense  contem- 
plative excitement.  The  causes  of  this  state  are  to 
be  traced  commonly  to  strong  religious  impressions. 
(4.)  Whatever  explanation  may  be  given  of  it,  it  is 
true  of  many,  if  not  of  most,  of  those  who  have  left 
the  stamp  of  their  own  character  on  the  religious 
history  of  mankind,  that  they  have  been  liable  to 
pass  at  times  into  this  abnormal  state.  The  union 
of  intense  feeling,  strong  volition,  long-continued 
thought  (the  conditions  of  all  wide  and  lasting  influ- 
ence), aided  in  many  cases  by  the  withdrawal  from 
the  lower  life  of  the  support  which  is  needed  to  main- 
tain a  healthy  equilibrium,  appears  to  have  l)een 
more  than  the  "  earthen  vessel  "  will  bear.  The 
words  which  speak  of  "  an  ecstasy  of  adoration  "  are 
often  literally  true.  (5.)  We  are  now  able  to  take 
a  true  estimate  of  the  trances  of  Biblical  history. 
As  in  other  things,  so  also  here,  the  phenomena  are 
common  to  higher  and  lower,  to  true  and  false  sys- 
tems. We  may  not  point  to  trances  and  ecstasies 
as  proofs  of  a  true  revelation,  still  less  think  of  them 
as  at  all  inconsistent  with  it.  Thus,  we  have  the  thing, 
though  not  the  word,  in  the  "  deep  sleep,"  the  "  hor- 
ror ofgreat  darkness,"  that  fell  on  Abraham  (Gen.  XV. 
12).  Balaam,  as  if  overcome  by  the  constraining 
power  of  a  Spirit  mightier  than  his  own,  "  sees  the 
vision  of  God,  falHug,  but  with  opened  eyes  "  (Num. 
xxiv.  4).  Saul,  in  like  n^anner,  when  the  wild  chant  of 
the  prophets  stirred  the  old  depths  of  feeling,  him- 
self also  "  prophesied  "  and  "  fell  down  "  (most,  if 
not  all,  of  his  kingly  clothing  being  thrown  oft'  in 
the  ecstasy  of  the  moment)  "  all  that  day  and  all 
that  night"  (1  Sam.  xix.  24).  Something  in  Jere- 
miah made  men  say  of  him  that  he  was  as  one  that 
'■  is  mad  and  maketh  himself  a  prophet"  (Jer.  xxix. 
26).  In  Ezekiel  the  phenomena  appear  in  more 
wonderful  and  awful  forms  (Ez.  ni.  15,  viii.  3).  (6.) 
As  other  elements  and  forms  of  the  prophetic  work 
were  revived  in  "  the  Apostles  and  Prophets  "  of  the 
N.  T.,  so  also  was  this.  Though  different  in  form, 
it  belongs  to  the  same  class  of  phenomena  as  the 
gift  of  tongues  (Tonoces,  Gift  ok),  and  is  connected 
with  "  visions  and  revelations  of  the  Lord."  In 
some  cases,  indeed,  it  is  the  chosen  channel  for  such 
revelations  (Acts  x.,  xi.,  xxii.  17-21).  Wisely  for  the 
most  part  did  the  apostle  draw  a  veil  over  these 
more  mysterious  experiences  (2  Cor.  xii.  1-4). 
Paul  ;  Peter  ;  Prophet. 

*  Trans-fig-u-ra'tion.     Cesarea  Philippi  ;  Her- 
MON  ;  Jesus  Christ;  Tabor. 

*  Trans-gres  sion.    Sin. 

*  Treasure  [trezh]  (Heb.  6ts&r,  hdsen  or  chdsen, 


!  matmon,  plural  miscmoth,  &c. ;  Chal.  pi.  ginzhi ; 
Gr.  thisaurvs,  once  [Acts  viii.  27]  f/nza),  in  A.  V.  = 
whatever  is  laid  up  in  store,  as  provisions,  gold  and 
i  silver,  &c. ;  also  the  store,  repository,  or  magazine 
itself;  hence,  whatever  is  esteemed  precious  or 
highly  valued  (Gen.  xliii.  23 ;  Ex.  xix.  5 ;  1  K.  vii. 
51  ;  Neh.  xii.  44;  Job  xxxviii.  22  twice;  Mat.  vi. 
21,  xiii.  44,  52,  &c.).  'JWasure-cities  (Ex.  i.  11 ; 
Rameses)  =  store-cities,  i.  e.  cities  where  were 
magazines  or  depots  of  provisions,  &c.  Treasure- 
house  (Ezr.  V.  17 ;  Neh.  x.  38,  &c.)  =  storehouse  or 
treasury.  .,;  1 

*Treas'n-rcr  (Heb.  and  Chal.  gizbdr ;  Chal.  pL-l 
(/eddbiriii,  &c.)  =  one  who  has  charge  of  royal  treas. 
ures  or  of  a  treascry  (Ezr.  i.  8,  vii.  21 ;  Neh.  xiii. 
13;    Dan.   iii.   2,   3,   &c.).      Chamberlain;  Kinoj 
Mithredath  1;  Shebna.  >it 

*  Treas'n-ry,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb.^ 
dl»ir  =  what  is  laid  vp,  a  store  or  stock  of  fruit, 
produce,  provision,  gold,  silver,  &c.,  treasure,  a  store- 
house, garner,  Ges.  (Josh,  vi,  19,  24  ;  1  Chr.  ix.  26, 
xxviii.  12  twice;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  27  ;  Neh.  xiii.  12, 13; 
Ps.  cxxxv.  7;  Jer.  xxxviii.  11),  also  translated 
"treasure"  (Deut.  xxviii.  12,  xxxii.  34,  &c.,  often), 
"storehouse"  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  25;  Ps.  xxxiii.  7), 
"garner"  (Joel  i.  17),  "store"  (2  Clir.  xi.  11  ;  Mai. 
iii.  10),  &c. — 2.  Heb".  pi.  gendzim  =:  treastires,  treas- 
ure-chests, Ges.  (Esth.  iii.  9,  iv.  7).  (Chest  2.) — 3. 
Heb.  gaiizaeh  =  treasury  of  the  Temple,  Ges.  (1 
Chr.  xxviii.  1 1  only ;  see  No.  4  below). — 4.  Gr. 
gazophulakion  =  (so  Rbn.  A'.  T.  Lex.)  the  treasury 
of  the  Temple,  which,  according  to  the  Rabbins,  was 
in  the  court  of  the  women,  where  stood  thirteen  . 
chests  (called  trumpets  from  their  form)  into  which 
the  Jews  cast  their  offerings  (Mat.  xii.  41  twice,  43; 
Lk.  xxi.  1),  also,  by  metonymy,  the  court  itself  (Jn.  . 
viii.  20). — 5.  Gr.  korbaitds  =  (so  Rbn.  jV.  T.  Lex.) 
CORBAN ;  by  metonymy,  the  treasury  in  the  Temple 
=  No.  4  (Mat.  xxvii.  6).  Barn  ;  Food  ;  Money  ; 
Tribute. 

*Trce.  Adam;  Algum-Trees;  Almond;  Aloes; 
Apple  ;  Bay-tree  ;  Box ;  Cedar  ;  Chestxuttree  ; 
Fig;  Fir;  Holm-tree;  Juniper;  Mastich-tree ; 
Mulberry-trees  ;  Myrtle  ;  Oak  ;  Oil-tree  ;  Olive  ; 
Palm  ;  Pine  ;  Pomegranate  ;  Shittah-ti;ee  ;  Syca- 
mine-tree ;  Sycamore  ;  Willow,  &c. 

Tres'pass-of'fer-ing,    Sin-offering. 

Trl'aL  Information  on  the  subject  of  trials  under 
the  Jewish  law  will  be  found  in  other  articles.  (Ap- 
peal; Bribe;  Chain;  Council;  Deputy;  Excom- 
munication ;  Fetters  ;  Governor  ;  Jesus  Christ  ; 
Judge  ;  Judgment  ;  King  ;  Lawyer  ;  Lot  ;  Oath  ; 
Officer  ;  Orator  ;  Prison  ;  Procurator  ;  Pun- 
ishments; Sanhedrim;  Tormentor;  Witness.)  A 
few  remarks  may  here  be  added  on  judicial  pro- 
ceedings mentioned  in  Scripture,  especially  as  con- 
ducted before  foreigners.  1.  The  trial  of  our  Lord 
before  Pilate  was,  in  a  legal  sense,  a  trial  for  the 
offence  of  leze-majesty,  punishable,  under  Roman 
law,  with  death  (Lk.  xxiii.  2,  38;  Jn.  xix.  12,  15). 
2.  The  trials  of  the  apostles,  of  St.  Stephen,  and  of 
St.  Paul  before  the  high-priest,  were  conducted  ac- 
cording to  Jewish  rules  (Acts  iv.,  v.  27,  vi.  12,  xxii. 
30,  xxiii.  1).  3.  The  trial  (?)  of  St.  Paul  and  Silas 
at  Philippi  was  held  before  the  duumviri  (A.  V. 
"  magistrates ;  "  Gr.  stralegoi  =  pretors),  on  the 
charge  of  innovation  in  religion — a  crime  punishable 
with  banishment  or  death  (.xvi.  19,  22).  4.  The  in- 
terriiptcd  trial  of  St.  Paul,  before  the  proconsul 
Gallio,  was  an  attempt  by  the  Jews  to  establish  a 
charge  of  the  same  kind  (xviii.  12-17).  5.  The 
trials  of  St.  Paul  at  Cesarea  (xxiv.,  xxv.,  xxvi.)were 


TRI 


THO 


1137 


conducted  according  to  Roman  rules  of  judicature. 
Id  the  lirst  of  these,  before  Felix,  we  observe  (a.) 
the  employment  by  the  plaintilfs  of  a  Roman  advo- 
cate to  plead,  probably  in  Latin.  (Orator  ;  Ter- 
TDLLCs.)  (6.)  The  postponement  of  the  trial  after 
St.  Paul's  reply,  (e.)  The  free  custody  in  which  the 
accused  was  kept,  pending  the  decision  of  the  judge 
(xxiv.  23-26).  The  second  formal  trial  (xxv.  7,  8) 
presents  two  new  features :  (rf.)  the  appe.il  to  Cesar, 
by  St.  Facl  as  a  Roman  citi.?es,  this  removing  the 
case  at  once  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  emperor,  (c.) 
The  conference  of  the  procurator  with  '  the  cou.sciL  " 
(xxv.  12),  i.  e.  the  assessors,  who  sat  on  the  bench 
with  him  as  advisers  or  assistant  judges  (so  most), 
or  (so  Mr.  Phillott  suggests)  the  deputies  from  the 
Sanhedrim.  6.  A  judicial  assembly,  composed  of 
the  proconsul  and  his  assessors,  held  its  session  at 
Ephesiis  (xix.  38). 

"Tribe  (Hob.  matleh,  ahehel ;  Gr.  phule),  some- 
times —  a  race,  people,  or  nation  ( Ps.  Ixxiv.  2  marg. ; 
Mat  xxiv.  30);  usually  a  division  or  branch  of  a 
people,  especially  one  of  the  great  divisions  of  the 
Israelites  (Ex.  xxxi.  2,  6 ;  Num.  i.,  ii. ;  Mat.  xix.  28 ; 
Rev.  vii.  &.C.).  The  twelve  sons  of  Jacob  became 
each  tlie  head  of  a  tribL",  and  the  two  sons  of  Joseph 
likewise,  making  thirteen  tribes  in  all ;  but  the  tribe 
of  Levi  received  no  territorial  inheritance,  so  that 
Israel  was  usually  reckoned  as  consisting  of  twelve 
tribes.     Cosojieoation  ;  Elder  ;  Ximber,  &c. 

Tribnte  (fr.  L. ;  Ileb.  meches,  mas,  &c. ;  Chal. 
bi/o  ;  Gr.  p'loroK  [Lk.  xx.  22,  xxiii.  2 ;  Rom.  xiii.  6, 
1],  ta  diihachma  [Mat  xvii.  24  twice],  km'os  [25, 
xxii.  17,  19;  Mk.  xii.  14]).  (1.)  The  chief  Biblical 
facts  connected  with  the  payment  of  tribute  are 
given  umlor  Taxes.  A  few  remain  to  be  added  in 
conn«>ction  with  Mat.  xvii.  24,  25).  The  payment  of 
the  half-shekel  (=  half  stater  =  two  drachmae; 
see  Piece  of  Silver  2),  as  a  fixcil  annual  rale,  was 
of  late  origin'  (so  Prof  Plumptre),  though  resting  on 
an  ancient  precedent  (Ex.  xxx.  13).  It  was  pro- 
claimed according  to  Rabbinic  rules,  on  the  first  of 
Adar,  began  to  be  collected  on  the  15th,  and  was 
due,  at  1  itest,  on  the  first  of  Xisan.  It  was  applied 
to  defray  the  general  expenses  of  the  Temple. 
After  the  destruction  of  the  Temple  it  was  seques- 
trated by  Vespasian  and  his  successors,  and  trans- 
ferred to  the  Temple  of  the  Capitolinc  Jupiter.  (2.) 
The  explanation  thus  given  of  the  "  tribute "  of 
Mat  xvii.  24  is  adopted  by  Prof  Plumptre,  Robin- 
son, Lange,  and  moat  commentators.  To  suppose 
with  Chrysostom,  Augustine,  Muliionatus,  &c.,  that 
it  was  tlie  same  as  the  tribute  paid  to  the  Roman 
emperor  (.Mat  xxii.  17),  is  at  variance  with  the  dis- 
tinct statements  of  Josephus  and  the  Mishna,  and 
takes  away  the  whole  significance  of  our  Lord's 
words.  As  explained  by  most  commentators,  they 
are  aii  assertion  by  our  Lord  of  His  divine  Sonship,  \ 
an  implied  rebuke  of  Peter  for  forgetting  the  truth 
which  he  had  so  recently  confessed  (comp.  xvi.  16). 
Lange  (on  Mat  xviL  26,  Schaff's  ed.)  says,  "  God  is 
king  of  the  Temple-city  ;  hence  His  Son  is  free  from 
any  ecclesiastical  tribute.  .  .  .  Meyer  reminds  us,  that 
although  as  Messiah  Jesus  was  above  the  Law,  yet  in 
ills  infinite  condescension,  He  submitted  to  its  de- 
mands. .  .  .  But  it  was  Inconsistent  to  reject,  and 

_— — i 

! 

'"Tliorc  \*  the  clearest  proof  of  its  havingbeen  collected 
both  before  anil  after  the  Captivity;  allui'lon  Ismndrinit  in 
2  K.  xll.  4  and  2  C'hr.  xxiv.  9 ;  and  Iwth  .foscphiin  nnd  Plillo  i 
testify  to  its  being  reeiilarly  coiilribulea  l)y  all  Jews, 
wherever  tljey  were  Bojouniiiiff.  nnd  to  a  regular  ori;anlza- 
tlon  of  persons  and  plarcf*  for  Itn  proper  collection  and 
safe  IrantmlfsioD  to  Jerusalem  "  (FalrlxUrn). 


virtually  (though  perhaps  not  formally)  to  excom- 
municate Jesus,  and  yet  at  the  same  time  to  de- 
mand from  him  the  Temple  tribute.  And  in  this 
sense  the  apostles  themselves  were  included  among 
the  sons  ('  children  ').  They  were  to  share  in  the 
suffering  and  in  the  excommunication  of  their  Mas- 
ter." (3.)  But  Prof  Plumptre  thinks  that  a  higher 
and  broader  truth  is  implied  in  our  Lord's  teaching, 
which  he  presents  as  follows.  The  question  whether 
tho  cost  of  the  morning  and  evening  sacrifice  ought  to 
be  defrayed  by  such  a  fixed  compulsory  payment,  or 
left  to  the  free-will  offerings  of  the  people,  had  been 
contested  between  the  Pharisees  and  SAnorcEES, 
and  the  former  had  carried  the  day  after  a  long 
struggle  and  debate.  In  a  hundred  different  ways, 
the  teaching  of  our  Lord  had  been  in  direct  antag- 
onism to  that  of  the  Pharisees.  The  collectors  of 
the  rate  come,  half-expecting  opposition  on  this 
point  also.  Our  Lord,  in  His  answer  to  Peter, 
teaches  that  the  offerings  of  the  children  of  the 
kingdom  should  be  free,  and  not  compulsory  (comp. 
2  Cor.  ix.  7).  The  Sanhedrim,  by  making  the  Tem- 
ple-offering a  fixed  annual  tax,  collecting  it  as  men 
collected  tribute  to  Cesar,  were  placing  every  Israel- 
ite on  the  footing  of  a  "  stranger,"  not  on  that  of  a 
"  son."  In  proportion  to  the  degree  in  which  any 
man  could  claim  the  title  of  a  Sou  of  God,  in  that 
proportion  was  he  "  free  "  from  this  forced  exaction. 
Yet  our  Lord  adds,  "  Notwithstanding,  lest  we 
should  OFFEND  them,  .  .  .  give  unto  them  for  Me 
and  thee"  (xvii.  27) 

Trlb'nte-mon'ey.    Taxes  ;  Tribute. 

Trip'o-lls  (Gr.  a  union  of  thrre  cities,  L.  &  S.),  an 
important  commercial  city  of  Phenicia,  at  one  time 
a  point  of  federal  union  for  AraJus  (Arvad),  Sidon, 
and  Tyre.  At  Tripolis  b.  c.  351  was  planned  the 
simultaneous  revolt  of  the  Phenician  cities  and  the 
Persian  dependencies  in  Cyprus  against  the  Persian 
kingOchus.  (Zidon.)  The  subsequent  destruction  of 
Tyre  and  of  Sidon  would  naturally  tend  rather  to  in- 
crease than  diminish  the  importance  of  Tripolis  as  a 
commercial  port.  When  Demetrits  Soter  succeeded 
in  wresting  Syria  from  the  young  son  of  Antiochus 
(b.  c.  161),  he  landed  there  and  made  the  place  the 
base  of  his  operations  (2  Mc.  xiv.  1).  The  prosper- 
ity of  the  city,  so  far  as  appears,  continued  down  to 
the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  a.  c.  The  posses- 
sion of  a  good  harbor  in  so  important  a  point  for 
land-traffic,  doubtless  combined  with  the  richness 
of  the  neighboring  mountains  in  determining  the 
original  choice  of  the  site,  which  seems  to  have 
been  a  factory  for  the  purposes  of  trade  established 
by  the  three  great  Piienlcian  cities.  Each  of  these 
held  a  portion  of  Tripolis  surrounded  by  a  fortified 
wall.  It  was  laid  in  ruins  by  the  earthquake  of 
July,  A.  n.  543.  The  ancient  Tripolis  was  destroyed 
by^he  Sultan  El  Mansour  a.  d.  1289  ;  and  the  mod- 
ern Tardhulus  or  Tripoli  is  situated  a  couple  of 
miles  to  the  E.,  and  is  no  longer  a  port.  JEl-Mina, 
perhaps  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  Tripolis,  is  a 
small  fishing  village.  Tardbulunhas  15,000  or  16,000 
inhabitants  and  is  the  centre  of  one  of  the  four 
pa.shalics  of  Syria. 

TroM  (Gr.  and  h.  =  of  Troy,  Trojan,  FreundX 
the  city  from  which  St.  Paitl  sailed,  in  consequence 
of  a  divine  intimation,  to  carry  the  Gospel  from 
Asia  to  Europe  (Acts  xvi.  8,  11).  In  the  next  mis- 
sionary journey,  he  visited  Troas  twice  (2  Cor.  il. 
12,  13  ;  Acts  XX.  6,  6),  and  there  restored  Ei'tychus 
to  life.  There,  after  many  years,  the  apostle  left 
(during  a  journey  the  details  of  which  arc  unknown) 
a  clou  <iDd  some  books  and  parchments  in  the 


1138 


TIfO 


TUB 


house  of  Carpus  (2  Tim.  iv.  18).  The  full  name  of 
the  city  was  Alexandria  Troas,  and  sometiines  it 
was  called  simply  Alexandria,  sometimes  simply 
Troas.  It  was  first  built  by  Antigonus  (after  the 
death  of  Alexander  the  Great),  named  Antigonia 
Troas,  and  peopled  with  the  inhabitants  of  some 
neighboring  cities  ;  afterward  it  was  embcllislied  by 
Lysiraaehus,  and  named  Alexandria  Troas.  It  was 
on  the  coast  of  Mysu,  opposite  the  southeastern 
extremity  of  the  island  of  Tenedos,  and  a  little  S. 
of  the  ruins  of  ancient  Troy.  Under  the  Romehs  it 
was  one  of  the  most  important  towns  of  the  prov- 
ince of  Asia.  In  St.  Paul's  time,  it  was  a  Roman 
COLONY.  The  ruins,  now  called  Enki-Stamboul  (  = 
old  Constantinople),  are  considerable.  The  walls, 
which  may  represent  the  extent  of  the  city  in  the 
apostle's  time,  enclose  a  rectangular  space,  above  a 
mile  from  E.  to  W.,  and  nearly  a  mile  from  N.  to  S. 
The  harbor  is  still  distinctly  traceable  in  a  basin 
about  400  feet  long  and  200  broad. 

Tro-gyl'li-nm  [-jil-]  (fr.  Gr.).  Samos  is  exactly  op- 
posite the  rocky  extremity  of  the  ridge  of  Mycale, 
called  Trogyllium  in  Acts  xx.  15  and  by  Ptolemy. 
St.  Pacl  sailed  through  the  narrow  channel  here  at 
the  close  of  his  third  missionary  journey,  and  spent 
the  night  nt  Trogyllium.  It  was  the  time  of  dark 
moon,  and  the  navigation  of  this  coast  is  intricate 
(so  Dr.  Hon  son).  A  little  E.  of  the  extreme  point 
is  an  anchorage,  still  called  St.  PanPs  Port. 

Iroop  often  in  the  0.  T.  represents  the  ITeb. 
giditd,  which  (so  Gescnius)  is  used  mostly  of  light- 
armed  troops  engaged  in  plundering  and  predatory 
excursions  (Gen.  xlix.  19;  1  Sam.  xxx.  8,  15  twice 
[A.  V.  "  companv  "  here  and  in  23]  ;  2  Sam.  iii.  22  ; 
1  K.  xi.  24  [A.  V.  "  band  "]  ;  2  K.  v.  2  [A.  V.  "  com- 
pany"] ;  1  Chr.  xii.  21  [A.  V.  "band  of  the 
rovers  "] ;  Hos.  vi.  9,  vii.  1  [A.  V.  "  troop  of  rob- 
bers" in  both],  &c.).  Army;  Moab,  p.  606 ;  Re- 
CHAB  2,  &c. 

Troph'i-mns  (L.  fr.  Gr.  =  nourishinff,  nourishfd, 
L.  &  S.),  one  of  St.  Paul's  companions.  From  Acts 
XX.  4  we  learn  that  Tychicus  and  Trophimus  were 
natives  of  Asia,  and  travelled  with  the  apostle,  in 
the  third  missionary  journey,  from  Macedonia  as  far 
as  Asia,  where  Tychicus  seems  to  have  remained, 
while  Trophimus  proceeded  with  the  aposile  to 
Jerusalem.  There,  as  a  Gentile  and  an  Ephesian, 
he  was  the  innocent  cause  of  the  tumult  in  which 
St.  Paul  was  apprehended  (Acts  xxi.  27-29).  For 
a  considerable  interval  now  we  have  no  trace  of 
either  Tychicus  or  Trophimus  ;  but  in  the  last  letter 
written  by  St.  Pavil,  shortly  before  his  martyrdom, 
from  Rome,  he  mentions  both  (2  Tim.  iv.  12,  20), 
the  latter  passage  showing  that  no  long  time  belore 
Trophimus  had  been  with  the  apostle  in  the  Levant, 
and  had  been  left  in  infirm  health  at  Miletus.  Troph- 
imus was  probably  (so  Dr.  Howson,  with  Stanley, 
&c.)  one  of  the  two  brethren  who,  with  TiTCS,  con- 
veyed the  Second  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians  (2  Cor. 
viii.  16-24).  The  story  in  the  Greek  Menology  that 
Trophimus  was  one  of  the  seventy  disciples  is  evi- 
dently wrong ;  the  legend  that  he  was  beheaded  by 
Nero's  orders  is  possibly  true  (so  Dr.  Howson). 

Trnm'peti     Cornet  ;  Jubilee  ;  Trumpets,  Feast 

OF. 

Tnim'pfts,  Feast  of  (Num  xxix.  1 ;  Lev.  xxiii. 
24),  the  feast  of  the  new  moon  on  the  first  of  Tisri. 
It  differed  from  the  ordinary  festivals  of  the  new 
MOON  in  several  important  particulars.  It  was  one 
of  the  seven  days  of  Holy  Convocation.  Instead 
of  the  mere  blowing  of  the  trumpets  of  (he  Temple 
at  the  time  of  the  offering  of  the  eacrifiues,  it  was 


"a  day  of  blowing  of  trumpets."  In  addition  to 
the  daily  sacrifices  and  the  eleven  victims  offered  on 
the  first  of  every  month,  there  were  offered  a  young 
bullock,  a  ram,  and  seven  lambs  of  the  first  year, 
with  the  accustomed  meat-offerings,  and  a  kid  for  a 
sin-offering  (Num.  xxix.  1-6).  The  regular  monthly 
offering  was  thus  repeated,  with  the  exception  of 
one  young  bullock.  It  has  been  conjectured  that 
Ps.  Ixxxi.,  one  of"  the  songs  of  Asaph,  was  composed 
expres^sly  for  the  Feast  of  Trumpets.  The  psalm  is 
used  in  the  service  ibr  the  day  by  the  modern  Jews. 
Maimonides  considered  the  Feast  of  Trumpets  a 
preparation  for  the  solemn  humiliation  of  the  Day 
of  Atonement,  which  followed  it  within  ten  days 
(compare  Joel  ii.  15).  Some  h;ive  supposed  it  in- 
tended to  introduce  the  seventh  or  Sabljatical  month 
of  the  year.  Philo  and  some  early  Christian  writers 
regarded  it  as  a  memorial  of  the  giving  of  the  Law 
on  Sinai.  But  the  common  opinion  of  Jews  and 
Christians  is,  that  it  was  the  festival  of  the  New 
Year's  Day  of  the  civil  year,  the  first  of  Tisri,  the 
month  which  commenced  the  Sabbatical  Year  and 
the  year  of  Jubilee.  Some  regarded  it  as  the  anni- 
versary of  the  world's  birthday. 

Try-plic'na  (fr.  Gr.  =  delicions,  d/Hcate,  Schl.)  and 
Try-pllo'sa(L.  fr.  Gr.  —  living  delicately,  Schl.),  two 
Christian  women  at  Rome,  saluted  by  St.  Paul  as 
"  laboring  in  the  Lord  "  (Rom.  xvi.  12).  They  may 
have  been  sisters,  but  Dr.  Howson  supposes  them 
fellow-deaconesses.  An  improbable  tradition  makes 
Tryphena  a  rich  and  benevolent  Christian  widow  of 
Antioch.  The  columbaria  of  "Cesar's  household" 
in  the  Vigna  Codini,  near  Porta  San  Sebasliano, 
at  Rome,  contain  the  mimes  Tryphena,  Philologus, 
and  Julia  (15),  and  Aniplias  (8). 

Try'phon  (L.  fr.  Gr.  —  revtller,  gormandizer,  deb- 
auchee, Papej,  a  usurper  of  the  Syrian  throne.  His 
proper  name  was  Diodotus,  and  the  surname  Try- 
phon  was  given  to  him,  or,  according  to  Appian, 
adopted  by  him,  after  his  accession  to  power.  He 
was  a  native  of  Cariana,  in  the  district  of  Apamea 
(Syria).  In  the  time  of  Alexanoer  Balas  he  was 
attached  to  the  court;  but  toward  the  close  of  his 
reign  he  seems  to  have  joined  in  the  conspiracy  to 
transfer  the  crown  of  Syria  to  Ptolemy  Philometor 
(1  Mc.  xi.  18).  After  the  death  of  Alexander  Balas 
he  took  advantage  of  the  unpopularity  of  Deme- 
trius II.  to  put  forward  the  claims  of  Antiochus 
VI.,  the  young  son  of  Alexander  (xi.  39;  B.  c.  145). 
After  a  time  he  obtained  the  support  of  Jonathan, 
and  the  young  king  was  crowned  (b.  c.  144),  Try- 
phon,  however,  soon  revealed  his  real  designs  on  the 
kingdom,  and,  fearing  the  opposition  of  Jonathan, 
gained  possession  of  his  person  by  treachery  (xii. 
39-50),  and  after  a  short  time  put  him  to  death  (xiii. 
23).  He  now  murdered  Antiochus  and  seized  the 
supreme  power  (xiii.  31,  32),  Demetrius  was  pre- 
paring an  expedition  against  him  (b.  o.  141),  when 
he  was  taken  prisoner  (xiv.  1-3),  und  Tryphon  re- 
tained the  throne  till  Antiochus  VII.,  the  brother 
of  Demetrius,  drove  him  to  Dora,  from  which  he 
escaped  to  Orthosia  (xv.  10-14,  37-39  ;  b.  c.  139). 
Not  long  afterward,  being  hard  pressed  by  Antiochus, 
ho  committed  suicide,  or,  according  to  other  ac- 
counts, was  put  to  death  by  Antiochus.  Josephus 
adds  that  he  was  killed  at  Apamea,  the  place  which 
he  made  his  headquarters. 

Try-pho'sa  (L.  fr.  Gr.).    Tryphena. 

Tn'bal  (Heb.  a  flowing  forth  or  going  forth,  Sim.), 
Tubal  is  reckoned  witli  Javan  and  Meshkcii  among 
the  sons  of  Japheth  (Gen.  x.  2  ;  1  Chr.  i.  5).  The 
three  are  a-sociated  as  trading  "  the  persons  of  men 


TUB 


TUR 


113d 


(Slate)  and  vessels  of  brass  "  (copper)  in  the  mar- 
ket of  Tyre  {Ez.  xxvii.  13).  Tubal  and  Javan  (Is. 
Ixvi.  191,  Meshech  an  1  Tubal  (Ez.  xxxii.  26,  xxxviii. 
2,  3,  .xsxix.  1),  are  luitions  of  the  north  (xxxviii.  15, 
xxxix.  2).  Joscphus  identifies  the  descendants  of 
Tubal  with  the  Iberians,  i.  e.— not,  as  Jerome  would 
undi;rj!t.ind  it,  Spaniards,  but — the  inliabitants  of  a 
tract  of  country,  between  the  Caspian  and  Euxine 
Seas,  which  nearly  corresponded  to  the  modern 
(icorgia  (so  Mr.  Wright).  This  approximates  to  the 
view  ol  U  )chart,  who  makes  the  Moschi  and  Tiba- 
rcni  represent  Meshecli  and  Tubal.  The  Mosehi 
and  Tibareiii  are  constantly  associated,  under  the 
na  nes  of  J/u<i/ti  and  Tnp'ai,  in  tlie  Assyrian  in- 
scri  ilions.  In  th^-  time  of  Sargon,  according  to  the 
ins2ri,)tions,  Ainbris,  the  son  of  Khuliya,  »vas  he- 
reditary chiel'  of  Tubal  (the  southern  slopes  of  Tau- 
rus). In  former  times  the  Tibareni  were  probably 
more  important,  and  the  Mosehi  and  Tibareni,  Me- 
shech and  Tubal,  may  have  been  namea  by  which 
powerful  hordes  of  Scythians  were  known  to  the 
Ilobrews.  But  in  history  we  only  hear  of  thera  as 
occupyin;;  a  small  strip  of  coimtry  along  the  S.  E. 
coast  of  the  Euxine  or  Black  Sea,  between  Tra- 
poziis  ('IVebizind)  and  Sinope.  Professor  Rawlin- 
son  conjectures  that  the  Tibareni  occtipied  the  coast 
between  Cape  Yasoun  (Jusonium)  and  tlie  River  Me- 
lanthius  (3fctH  Ir:nak),  but  if  we  follow  Xenophon, 
we  must  place  Boon  (about  ten  miles  E.  of  the  prom- 
ontory of  Jasonium)  as  their  western  boundary, 
and  their  eastern  limit  must  be  some  ten  miles  E. 
of  the  MelH  Ir.nnk,  perhaps  not  far  froiti  the  mod- 
cm  Aplar.  In  the  lime  of  Xenophon  the  Tibareni 
were  an  independent  tribe.  Long  before  this  they 
were  subject  to  a  number  of  petty  chiefs,  which  ren- 
dered their  subjugation  by  Assyria  more  easy.  The 
Aribic  Version  of  Gen.  x.  2  gives  Ohorasan  and 
China  for  Meshech  and  Tub.al ;  in  Eusebius  (see 
Bochirt)  they  are  Illyria  and  Thcssaly. 

Tn  bal-«i'ta,  or  To'bjI-cala  (Hel).,  see  below),  son 
of  Lamec.i  1  by  his  wife  Zillah  (Gen.  iv.  22).  He 
is  called  "  a  furbisher  of  every  cutting  instrument 
of  copper  and  iron  "  (so  Mr.  Wright;  A.  V.  "an  in- 
structor [margin  'whettcr']  of  every  artificer  in 
br.ass  and  iron  ").  A  J-'wish  legend  associates  him 
with  his  father's  song.  "Lamech  was  blind,"  s.ays 
the  story  as  told  by  Rashi,  "  and  Tubal-cain  was 
leading  him  ;  and  he  saw  Cain,  and  he  appeared  to 
him  like  a  wild  beast,  so  he  told  his  father  to  draw 
his  bow,  and  he  slew  him.  And  when  he  knew  that 
it  was  Cain  his  ancestor  he  smote  his  hands  together 
and  struck  his  son  between  them.  So  he  slew  him, 
and  his  wives  M-iiliJraw  from  him,  and  he  conciliates 
them."  In  this  story  Tabal-eain  is  the  "young 
man  "  of  the  song.  The  derivation  of  the  name  is 
extremely  obscure.  Hassc  identifies  Tubal-cain  with 
Vulcan.  Gesenius  supposed  it  might  be  compound- 
ed of  Pers.  tupal,  iron  slaff,  or  ncorii,  and  Ar.  kain, 
a  s.nilh  ;  but  tiiis  etymology  Mr.  Wright  regards  as 
more  than  doubtfuL 

Tl-bt-e'ni  (fr.  Gr.  TnuUenoi).  The  "  Jews  called 
Tubieni  "  (2  Mc.  xii.  17)  were  doubtless  those  else- 
where mentioned  as  living  in  the  towns  of  Toubion 
(A.  V.  "ToBiE"),  probably  =  Tob. 

"T«rbins  (Dan.  iii.  21  margin,  text  "hats"). 
Dre.ss  III. ;  Heap-uress. 

Tar'pep-Hat-tree  occurs  only  once  (Ecclus.  xxiv. 
16),  as  (he  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Gr.  tereminthot 
or  terebituhon,  i.  e.  the  Htlacia  Terebinthua,  terebinth- 
tree,  common  in  Palestine  and  the  East,  supposed  by 
some  writers  to  represent  the  Hcb.  Mdh  =  "  oak." 
The  terebinth  (Ar.  butm)  occasionally  grows  to  a 


large  size.  (Elah,  Valley  op;  Palestise,  Botany.) 
Its  small  lancet-shaped  leaves  (so  Robinson)  fall  in 
the  autumn  and  are  renewed  in  the  spring.    Its  small 


Terebinth  or  TurpentiQ«-tree  (Pittaeia  Tertbitahui), 

flowers  are  followed  by  small  oval  berries  in  clusters. 
From  incisions  in  the  trunk  a  sort  of  transparent 
balsam  is  said  to  flow,  which  constitutes  a  very  pure 
and  fragrant  species  of  turpentine. 

TBr'llp,Tlirtle-^ioTi'(IIel). /or;  Or.  Imffon).  The 
name  is  phonetic,  evidently  derived  from  tlic  plain- 
t.ve  cooing  of  the  bird.  The  turtlc-ilovc  occurs  first 
in  Scripture  in  Gen.  xv.  9.  In  Ihe  Law  of  Mc  ses,  a 
pair  of  turtle-doves,  or  of  young  p'^eons  (Dove), 
are  constantly  prescribed  for  those  toa  pour  to  pro- 
vide a  Iamb  or  a  kid  for  sacrifice.  (Xazarite  ; 
PrRlPlCATio.v.)  During  the  early  period  of  Jewish 
history,  there  is  no  cvide  ice  of  any  other  bird  ex- 
cept the  pigeon  having  been  domesticated  ;  and  up 
to  the  time  of  Solomon,  who  may,  with  the  peacock, 
have  introduced  other  gallinaceous  birds  from  India, 
it  was  probably  the  ody  pouitry  known  to  the  Is- 
raelites (so  Mr.  Tristram,  (uiginal  aiitlior  of  this 
article).  Not  improbably  the  palm-dove  ( Titrtur 
./Eri)ifilincus,  Temminck)inay  in  some  measure  have 
supplied  the  sacrifices  in  the  wilderness,  for  it  is 
found  in  amazing  numbers  wherever  the  palm-tree 
occurs,  whether  wild  or  cultivated.  From  its  habit 
of  pairing  for  life,  and  its  fidelity  for  its  mate,  it 
was  a  symbol  of  purity  and  an  appropriale  oficring. 
Tlie  regular  migration  of  the  turile-dove  and  its  re- 
turn in  spring  are  al"ndeil  to  in  ,Jor.  viii.  7,  and  Cant, 
ii.  11,  12.  It  is  from  its  plainlive  note  donbtlesa 
that  David  in  Ps.  Ixxiv.  19,  pouring  forth  his  la- 
ment to  God,  compares  himself  to  a  turtle-dove. 
In  Palestine,  the  rock-dove  (Cnlnmha  livia,  Linn.) 
is  very  common  on  all  the  rocky  parts  of  the  coast 
and  in  the  inland  ravines,  and  from  it  all  the  varie- 
ties of  the  domestic  pigeon  are  derived;  the  ring- 
dove ( Co'KmAa  PalunibuK,  Linn.)  frequents  all  the 
wooded  districts  of  the  country;  the  stock-dove  or 
wild  pigeon  of  Europe  (Colnrnba  Aha*,  Linn.)  is  as 
generally  but  more  sparingly  distributed.  Another 
species  has  been  observed  in  the  valley  of  the  Jor- 
dan, perhaps  Columba  leuconota,  Vigors.  The  turtle- 


lUO 


TVVE 


TYR 


dove  (Turttir  aurit'is,  Linn.)  la  most  abundant,  and 
in  the  valley  of  the  Jordan,  an  allied  species,  the 
palin-dovo,  or  Egyptian  turtle  ( Tiirlur  yiffypliacus, 
Tcmiriinck),  is  by  no  means  uncommon.  Clean  and 
Unclean  ;  Food  ;  Palestine,  Zoolo/ji/. 


Egyptian  Turtle  or  Piilm-dove  i^Turtur  ^gyptiaevs), 

*  Twelve,  tho  =  the  apostles  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  originallv  twelve  in  number  (Mat.  xxvi.  20, 
47;  Mk.  xiv.  10,  14,  20,  43  ;  Lk.  xxii.  47  ;  Jn.  vi. 
71,  XX.  24  ;  1  Cor.  XV.  .') ;  compare  Mat.  x.  Iff.; 
Lk.  xxii.  14;  Jn.  vi.  70,  &e.).  Apostle;  Nu.mbek; 
Tribe. 

lyfh'i-cns  [tik'e-kus]  (L.  h.GT.:=fortuilou«,for- 
tunale,  L.  &  S.),  a  companion  of  St.  Paul  on  some 
of  his  journeys,  and  one  of  liis  fellow  laborers  in 
the  work  of  the  Gospel.  (1.)  In  Acts  xx.  4  he  is 
expressly  called  (with  Trophimls)  "of  Asia  ;  "  but 
while  Trophimus  went  with  St  Paul  to  Jerusalem 
(xxi.  29),  Tychicus  was  left  behind  in  Asia,  prob- 
ably at  Miletus  (xx.  15,  .38).  (2  )  In  St.  Paul's  first 
imprisonment  he  was  with  the  apostle  again — "  a  be- 
loved brother,  and  a  faithful  minister  and  fellow- 
servant  in  the  Lord  "  (Col.  iv.  7,  8).  Together  with 
Onesimr.s,  he  wiis  doubtless  t!ie  bearer  of  the 
epistles  to  the  Colossians,  Ephesians,  and  Philemon. 
(3.)  The  language  concerning  Tychicus  in  Eph.  vi.  21, 
22,  is  very  similar,  though  not  exactly  in  the  same 
words.  (4.)  The  next  references  are  in  the  Pastoral 
Epistles,  the  first  in  chronological  order  being  Tit. 
iii.  12.  Here  St.  Paul  (writing  possibly  from  Eph- 
esus ;  so  Dr.  Howson,  original  author  of  this  article ; 
Titus,  Epistle  to)  says  that  it  is  probable  he  may 
send  Tychicus  to  Crete,  about  the  time  when  he 
himself  goes  to  Nicopolis.  (5.)  In  2  Tim.  iv.  12 
(written  at  Rome  during  the  second  imprisonment) 
he  says,  "  I  am  herewith  sending  Tychicus  to  Eph- 
eaus  "  (so  Dr.  Howson  and  Wordsworth  ;  but  A.V., 
Conybcare  &  Howson,  and  most  render  "  I  have 
sent").  Bishop  EUicott  suggests  that  this  mission 
may  have  been  connected  with  the  carrying  of  the 
Jirst  Epistle.  The  tradition  which  places  him  after- 
ward as  bishop  of  Chalcodon,  in  Bithynia,  is  ap- 
parently of  no  vahie.  But  there  is  much  probabil- 
ity in  the  conjecture  that  Tychicus  was  one  of  the 
two  "  brethren  "  (Trophimus  being  the  other)  who 
were  associated  with  Titos  (2  Cor.  viii.  16-24)  in 


conducting  the  business  of  the  collection  for  the 
poor  Christians  in  Judea. 

•Typos  ('Jr.  Iiipoi,  pi.  of  tnpon)  occurs  in  A.  V. 
only  in  I  Cor.  x.  1 1  margin,  where  the  text  has  the 
better  rendering  "  ensaniplcs,"  i.  e.  examples.  The 
Gr.  iupos  (=  liipe)  is  translated  "  print  "  (Jn.  xx.  25 
twice), "  figure  "  (Acts  vii,  43  ;  Rom.  v.  14),"  fashion  " 
(Acts  vii.  44),  "  manner  "  (xxiii.  25),  "  foiin  "  (Rem. 
vi.  17),  "example"  (1  Cor.  x.  6  ;  1  Tim.  iv.  12), 
"ensample"  (1  Cor.  x.  11  ;  Phil.  iii.  17  ;  1  Th.i.  7; 
2  Th.  iii.  9  ;  1  Pet.  v.  3),  "  pattern  "  (Tit.  ii.  7 ;  Ilib. 
viii.  5).  Fire;  Incexsk.  ;  Law  of  Moses  HI. ;  Mics- 
siAii ;  Old  Testament  B  ;  Passover  IV.;  Protokt 
V.  ff.  and  note;  Sacrifice  III.;  Serpent,  Brazen; 
Shech;naii;  Tabernacle,  &c. 

Ty-ran'nns  (L.  I'r.  Gr.  =  a  soveretffn,  U/ranf,  L.  & 
S.),  a  man  in  whose  school  or  place  of  audience 
Paul  t.iught  the  Gosf  el  for  two  years,  during  his 
sojourn  at  Epiiesus  (Acts  xix.  9);  probably  (so  Prof. 
Hackett,  with  most  comnicntators)  a  Greek,  and  a 
public  teacher  of  philosophy  or  rhetoiic.  Meyer, 
Lightfoot,  Vitringa,  Doddridge,  &c.,  consider  Tyraii- 
nus  a  Jewish  rabbi. 

Tyre  (fr.  L.  Tyrus  ;  Gr.  Twos;  all  fr.  Heb. ;  see 
below),  a  ceUbrated  commercial  city  of  antiquity, 
situated  in  Phexicia,  on  tlie  eastern  const  of  the 
Mediterranean  .Sea,  in  latitude  33"  17  N.  Its  Ilt-b. 
name  Tuor  —  a  rock ;  which  well  agnes  with  the 
site  of  Sur,  the  modern  town,  on  a  rocky  peninsula, 
formerlyan  island. — Pa'a'tiiriis(\j.  fr.  Gr.  Ptiluituros) 
=  Old  Tyre.  There  is  no  doubt  that,  prcvii  us  to 
the  siege  of  the  city  by  Alexander  the  Great, 
Tyre  was  situated  on  an  island  (so  Mr.  Twislelon, 
original  author  of  this  article) ;  but,  according  to  the 
tradition  of  the  inhabitants,  if  we  may  believe  Ji  s- 
tin,  there  was  a  city  on  the  mainland  before  there 
was  a  city  on  the  island  ;  and  the  tiaditii  n  rcciivcs 
Borne  color  from  the  name  Palictyrus,  or  Old  'lyre, 
borne  in  Greek  times  by  a  city  on  the  cf  ntincnl,  30 
stadia  (nearly  3J  English  miles)  to  the  south.  But  a 
difficulty  arises  in  supposing  that  Palrctynis  was  built 
before  Tyre,  as  Tyre  evidently  means  a  )w^,  and  few 
persons  who  have  visited  the  site  of  Palirtyrus  can 
seriously  suppose  that  any  rock  on  the  surface 
there  can  have  given  rise  to  the  name.  To  cscai  e 
this  difficulty,  Hcngstenberg  (in  probably)  suggests 
tliat  Palfclyrus  meant  Tjire.  that  forni<rh/  exisltd, 
1  and  was  so  named  after  the  destructicn  cf  the 
greater  part  of  it  by  Nebuchadnezzar  to  riistii:iniish 
it  from  that  part  of  Tyre  which  continued  to  exist. 
Movers  suggests  that  the  original  inhabitants  of  the 
city  on  the  mainland  p<isscssed  the  island  as  part 
of  their  territory,  and  named  their  city  from  the 
characteristic  features  of  the  island,  though  the  island 
itself  was  not  then  inhabited.  This  explanation  and 
others  are  equally  possil)lo ;  but  this  question  re- 
garding Paliptyius  is  merely  archaeological,  and 
nothing  in  Biblical  history  is  afiected  by  it.  Nebu- 
chadnezzar necessarily  besieged  the  portion  of  tie 
city  on  the  mainland,  as  he  had  no  vessels  with 
which  to  attack  the  island,  but  it  is  reasonaldy  cer- 
tain that,  in  the  time  of  Isaiah  and  Ezekiel,  the 
heart  or  core  of  the  city  was  on  the  island.  The 
city  of  Tyre  was  consecrated  to  Hercules  (JWraj-/  ; 
compare  Samson),  who  was  the  principal  object  of 
worship  to  the  inhabitants;  and  Arrian  says  the 
temple  on  the  island  was  the  most  ancient  of  all 
temples  within  the  memory  of  mankind.  It  can- 
not be  doubted,  therefore,  that  the  island  had  long 
been  inhabited  '(compare  Is.  xxiii.  7),  though  it  is  not 

'  Accoraing-  to  Herodotue,  the  prlei-ti"  at  Tyre  told  him 


TYR 


TYR 


1141 


inentioned  either  in  the  Iliad  or  in  the  Odyssey. — The 
tribe  of  Cunaanites  inhabiting  Phenicia  Proper  was 
known  by  the  generic  name  ol'  Sidonians  (Judg. 
xviii.  7  ;  Is.  x.xiii.  2,  4,  12  ;  Josh.  xiii.  6  ;  Ez.  xxxii. 
SO) ;  and  this  name  undoubtedly  included  Tyrians 
(1  K.  V.  6),  tlie  inhabitants  being  of  the  same  race, 
and  the  two  cities  less  than  20  Englis!)  miles  apart. 
(ZiDON.)  In  the  Bible,  Tyre  is  6rst  named  in  Josh. 
xix.  29,  as  a  fortifii-d  city  (A.V.  "  the  strong  city"), 
in  giving  rlie  boundaries  of  the  tribe  of  .\sher.  The 
Israelites  dwelt  among  the  Sidonians  or  Pnenicians 
who  were  inhabitants  of  the  land  (Judg.  i.  31,  32), 
and  never  seem  to  have  had  any  war  with  that  in- 
telligent race.  In  2  .Sam.  xxiv.  7  it  is  stated  that 
the  enumerators  of  the  census  in  the  reign  of  David 
went  in  pursuance  of  their  mission  to  Tyre,  among 
other  cities,  implying,  not  that  Tyro  was  subject  to 
David's  authority,  but  merely  t  lat  a  census  was  thus 
taken  of  the  Jews  resident  there.  U  it  the  first 
passages  in  the  Hebrew  historical  writings  or  in 
ancient  history  generally,  whicli  afford  glimpses  of 
the  actual  condition  of  Tyre,  are  in  2  Sam.  v.  11,  in 
connection  with  Hiram  king  of  Tyie  sen  ling  ce  lar- 
wooil  and  workmen  to  David,  for  building  him  a 
palace;  and  8ubse<iuently  in  the  B  )ok  of  Kings,  in 
co)mection  with  the  building  of  Sdomon's  Temple. 
One  point  at  this  period  is  particularly  worthy  of 
attention.  In  contradistinction  from  all  the  other 
most  celebrated  independe.it  commercial  cities  out 
of  Piienicia  in  the  ancient  ami  m  jdern  worl  I,  Tyre 
was  a  monarchy,  and  not  a  republic.  Anotlier  point 
is  the  skill  in  the  mechanical  arts  which  seems  to 
have  been  already  attained  by  the  Ty.-ians.  (Ar- 
CHiTEcriRE;  Colors;  t'oi'PER;  Haniuciiajt;  Hiram 
2,  ic.)  It  is  evident  th.it  uii  ler  Salomon  there  w^as 
•1  close  alliance  between  the  Hebrews  an  1  the  Tyr- 
ians.  Hiram  supplied  Solomon  with  cedar-wool, 
precious  metuls,  and  workmen,  and  sailors  for  the 
voyage  to  Opiiir  and  India  (Tarshisi:  2),  while  Sol- 
omon gave  Hiram  supplies  of  corn  and  oil,  ceded 
to  him  some  cities,  and  permitted  him  to  make  use 
of  some  havens  on  the  UedSea(l  K.  ix.  11-14,  26- 
28,  X.  22).  These  friendly  relations  survived  for  a 
time  the  secession  of  the  Ten  Tribes,  and  a  century 
later  Ahab  marrie  I  Jezeskl,  a  daughter  of  Etiibaal, 
king  of  the  Sidonians  (1  K.  xvi.  31),  who,  accirding 
to  Menaiider,  was  daugliti-r  of  Itho  tal,  king  of  Tyre. 
When  merca:itile  cupidity  induced  the  Tynans  and 
the  neighboring  Phk.niciaxs  to  buy  Hebrew ciptives 
from  their  enemies  and  to  sell  them  as  slaves  (Slave) 
to  the  fireeks  and  Edomites,  there  corainencud  pro- 
phetical denunciations,  and  threats  (Joel  id.  4-8 ;  Am. 
i.  9, 10).  Accordingly,  when  Sualmaneser,  king  of 
Assyrii,  had  taken  Samaria,  con(|uered  the  kingdo:a 
of  Israel  and  carried  its  iniiabitants  into  captivity, 
lie  turned  his  arms  against  the  Phenician  cities.  At 
this  time  Tyre  had  reaclic  1  a  high  point  of  prosper- 
ity. It  had  planted  the  splendid  colony  of  Carthage 
(KoME) ;  it  possessed  Crpat's ;  and,  apparently,  Sidon 
was  subject  to  it.  Shalmaneser  seems  to  have  taken 
advantage  of  a  revolt  of  the  Cyprians ;  and  what 
ensued  is  thus  related  by  Menander,  who  translated 
the  archives  of  Tyre  into  Greek  (in  Jos.  ix.  14,  §  2): 
'■  Eliileus  reigned  thirty-six  years  (over  Tyre).  This 
king,  upon  ihe  revolt  of  the  Citteans  (Cyprians), 
sailed  with  a  fleet  against  them,  and  reduced  tliem 
to  submission.  On  the  other  hand,  tlie  king  of  the 
Assyrians  attacked  in  war  the  whole  of  I'hi.'iiicia, 

their  city  was  founded  2.^10  years  before  his  visit,  i.  e. 
flNiiii  B.  c.  'i7.Vl.  JtisephUf*  date^  iii*  roaiidarion  *i:»  years 
iK^rore  Solomitii  txnrau  to  buiid  the  Tuniplc,  1.  e,  about  B.  c. 

tUi.      CUUONOUHII. 


but  soon  made  peace  with  all,  and  turned  back.  On 
this,  Sidon  and  Ace  (i.  e.  Acciio  or  Acre)  and  Palse- 
tyrus  revolted  from  the  Tynans,  with  many  other 
cities  which  delivered  themselves  up  to  the  king  of 
Assyria.  Accordingly,  when  the  Tyriaiis  would  not 
submit  to  him,  the  king  returned  and  fell  upon  them 
again,  the  Plieuicians  having  furnished  him  with  60 
ships  and  800  rowers.     Against  these  the  Tyrians 

'  sailtd  with  12  ships,  and,  dispersing  the  fleet  op- 
posed to  them,  they  took  500  men  prisoners.     The 

:  reputation  of  all  the  citizens  in  Tyre  was  hence  in- 
creased. Upon  tills  tlie  king  of  the  Assyrians,  mov- 
ing off  his  army,  placed  guards  at  their  river  and 

I  aqueducts  to  prevent  tlie  Tyrians  from  drawing 
water.  This  continued  for  five  years,  and  still  the 
Tyrians  held  oul,  supplying  t!iemsclves  with  water 
from  wells."  In  reference  to  this  siege  the  prophecy 
against  Tyre  in  Is.  xxiii.  was  uttered.  After  the 
siege  of  Tyre  by  Shalmaneser  (not  long  after  721 
B.  c).  Tyre  remained  a  powerful  state  with  its  own 
kings  (.ler.  xxv.  22.  xxvii.  3;  Ez.  xxviii.  2-12),  re- 
markable for  its  wealth,  with  territory  on  the  main- 
land, and  protected  by  strong  fortitications  (xxviii. 

6,  xxvi.  4,  6,  8,  10,  12,  xxvii.  11  ;  Zech.  ix.  3).  Our 
knowledge  of  its  condition  thenceforward  until  the 
siege  by  Xebuchadnozzar  depends  entirely  on  notices 
of  it  by  the  Hebrew  prophets ;  but  some  of  these 
notices  are  singularly  full,  and  especially  Ez.  xxvii. 
furnishes  us  on  some  points  with  details  such  as 
have  scarcely  come  down  to  us  respecting  any  one 
city  of  antiquity,  except  Rome  an  J  Athens.  Tyre, 
like  Carthage,  employed  mercenary  soldiers  (Ez. 
xxvii.  10,  11).  Ezekiel  gives  interesting  details  re- 
specting the  trade  of  Tyre.  It  appears  that  its  gold 
came  from  Arabia  by  the  Persian  Gulf  (ver.  22), 
just  as  in  the  time  of  S.domon  it  came  from  Arabia 
by  the  Re  I  Sea.  Its  silver,  iron,  lead,  and  tin  came 
from  the  S.  of  Spain,  where  the  Phenicians  had  es- 
tiblished  their  settlement  of  Tarshisii,  or  Tartes- 
sus.  Copper,  we  slionl  I  have  presumeJ,  was  ob- 
tained from  the  valuable  mines  in  Cyprus ;  but  it  is 
mentioned  hero  (A.  V.  "  brass  ")  in  conjunction 
with  Javan,  Tubal,  and  Mesiikcm,  which  points  to 
the  districts  on  the  S.  of  the  Black  Sea,  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Armenia,  in  the  southern  line  of  the 
Caucasus,  between  the  Black  Sea  and  the  Caspian. 
Tyie  obtained  from  Palestine  wheat,  oil,  honey,  and 
balm,  but  not  wine  apparently,  notwithstanding  the 
abundance  of  grapes  and  wine  in  Judah  (Gen. 
xlix.  II).  The  wine  was  imported  from  Daina.scu8, 
and  was  called  wine  of  Helbon.  The  Bedawin 
Arabs  supplied  Tyre  with  lambs  and  rams  and 
goats.  Egypt  furnished  linen  for  sails,  and  the 
dyes  from  shell-flsh  were  imported  from  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus. (Colors  ;  Greece.)  Lastly,  from  Dkdan 
in  tlie  Persian  (iulf,  horns  of  ivory  and  ebony  were 
importe  I,  which  must  original!  v  have  been  obtained 
from  India  (Ez.  xxvii.  10,  11,  22,  12,  13,  17,  18,  21, 

7,  15).  In  the  midst  of  great  prosperity  and  wealth, 
the  natural  result  of  such  im  extensive  trade  (xxviii. 
4),  NEBixiiAn.sEZZAR,  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  the 
Chaldees,  invadcil  Judea  and  captured  Jerusalem. 
As  Tyre  was  so  near  to  Jerusalem,  iind  as  the  con- 
querors were  a  fierce  and  formidable  race  (Hab.  i. 
6),  it  would  naturally  be  supposed  that  this  event 
excited  alarm  and  terror  among  the  Tyrians.  In- 
stead of  this,  we  may  infer  from  Ez.  xxvi.  2,  that 
their  predominant  feeling  was  one  of  exultation. 
At  first  sight  this  appears  strange  and  almost  incon- 
ceivable ;  but  it  is  rendered  intelligible  by  some 
previous  events  in  Jewish  history.  Only  thirty-four 
years  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  com- 


1142 


TYR 


HrtBTR 


nienced  the  celubrated  Reformation  of  Josiati,  d.  c. 
622.  In  timt  reformation  (2  K.  xxii.,  xxiii.),  Josiali 
hail  heaped  insults  on  the  gods  who  were  the  i-b- 
jects  of  Tyrian  veneration  and  love  (Asheuaii  ; 
AsHTORETii ;  Baal;  Idolatry),  and  seemed  to  liave 
endeavored  to  exterminate  their  relii;i(in  (xxiii.  20); 
and  we  can  seareely  doubt  that  Ihe  deatli  in  battle 
of  Josiah  at  Mcgiddo,  and  the  subsequent  destruc- 
tion of  the  city  and  Temple  of  Jerusalem  were 
hailed  by  them  with  triumphant  joy  as  instances  of 
divine  retribution  in  human  attiiirs.  This  joy,  how- 
ever, must  soon  have  given  way  to  otlier  feelings, 
when  Nebuchadnezzar  invaded  Phenicia,  and  laid 
siege  to  Tyre.  Tiiat  siege  lasted  tliirtoen  yiars,  and 
it  is  still  a  disputed  point  whctlicr  Tyre  was  actu- 
ally taken  by  Xebueliadnezzar  on  this  occasion  (see 
below).  However  this  may  be,  it  is  probal)le  that, 
on  some  terms  or  other,  Tyro  submitted  to  the  Chal- 
dees.  This  would  explain  an  expedition  of  Aprics, 
the  Pharaoh-hoi)hra  of  Scripture,  probably  not  long 
after,  in  which  he  besieged  Sidon,  fought  a  naval 
battle  with  Tyre,  and  reduced  the  whole  coast  of 
Phenicia,  thougli  tliis  could  not  have  had  lasting 
effects.  The  rule  of  Nebuchadnezzar  over  Tyre, 
though  real,  may  have  been  light,  and  in  the  nature 
of  an  alliance.  During  the  Persian  domination  the 
Tyrians  were  subject  in  name  to  the  Persian  liing, 
and  may  have  given  him  tribute.  With  the  rest  of 
Phenicia,  they  had  submitted  to  the  Persians,  with- 
out strilcing  a  blow.  But  their  connection  with  the 
Persian  king  was  not  slavish.  They  refused  to  join 
Cambyses  in  an  cxpeililioa  against  Carthago.  They 
fought  with  Persia  against  Greece,  and  furnished 
vessels  of  war  in  tlie  expedition  of  Xerxes.  At  this 
time  Tyre  saems  to  have  been  inferior  in  power  to 
Sidon.  Under  the  Persian  dominion,  Tyre  and  Sidon 
supplied  cedar-wood  again  to  the  Jews  for  building 
the  second  Temple  (Ezr.  iii.  7).  B.  c.  332  Alexan- 
der THE  Gheat,  having  summoned  the  Plienician 
cities  to  submit  to  his  rule,  and  received  the  sub- 
mission of  all  but  Tyre,  commenced  the  memorable 
siege  which  lasted  seven  months,  and  the  success  of 
which  was  the  greatest  of  all  Alexander's  achieve- 
ments up  to  that  time.  Tyre  was  then  situated 
on  an  island  nearly  half  a  mile  from  the  main- 
lanil ;  it  was  completely  surrounded  by  prodigious 
walls,  the  loftiest  portion  of  which  on  the  side  front- 
ing tlie  mainland  was  not  less  than  150  feet  high, 
and  notwithstanding  his  persevering  efforts,  he  could 
not  have  succeeded  in  his  attempt,  if  the  liarbor  of 
Tyre  to  tlie  N.  had  not  been  blockaded  by  the 
Cyprians,  and  tliat  to  Ihe  S.  by  the  Phenicians,  thus 
affording  an  opportunity  to  Alexander  for  uniting 
the  island  to  tlie  mainland  by  an  enormous  artificial 
mole.  The  innnediate  results  of  the  capture  by 
Alexander  were  most  disastrous  to  it,  as  its  brave 
defenders  were  put  to  death,  and  30,000  of  its  in- 
habitants, including  slaves,  free  females  and  free 
children,  were  sold  as  slaves.  (War.)  It  gradually, 
however,  recovered  its  prosperity  through  tlie  im- 
migration of  fresh  settlers,  though  its  trade  is  said 
to  have  suffered  by  the  vicinity  and  rivalry  of  Alex- 
andria. Tlie  Seleucidai  (Syria)  bestowed  on  it 
many  privileges.  Under  the  Romans  (Roman  Em- 
pire), at  first  it  continued  to  enjoy  a  kind  of  fieedom. 
Sulisequently,  however,  on  the  arrival  of  Augustus 
in  the  East,  he  is  said  to  have  deprived  both  Tyre 
and  Sidon  of  tlicir  liberties  for  seditious  conduct. 
Still  the  prosperity  of  Tyre  in  the  time  of  Angus- 
tug  was  undeniably  great.  .  Strabo  speaks  of  the 
wealth  which  it  derived  from  the  dyes  of  the  cele- 
brate! Tyrian  purple  (Colors  II.),  and  of  the  houses 


as  consisting  of  many  stories.  Pliny  gives  the  cir- 
cumference of  tlie  city  proper  (i.  e.  on  the  peninsula) 
as  twenty-two  stadia  (about  two  and  a  half  Eiighsh 
miles),  and  that  of  the  whole  city,  including  Palw- 
tyrns,  as  nineteen  Roman  (about  seventeen  English) 
miles.  The  accounts  of  Strabo  and  Pliny  tend  to 
convey  an  idea  of  what  the  ciiy  must  have  been, 
when  visited  by  Christ  (Mat.  xv.  21 ;  Jlk.  vii.  24). 
It  was  perhaps  more  populous  than  Jerusalem,  and 
if  so,  it  W!is  undoubtedly  the  largest  city  which  He 
is  known  to  have  visited.  From  the  time  of  Christ 
to  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  that,  as  far  as  was  compatible  with 
the  irreparable  loss  of  independence.  Tyre  continued 
in  uninterrupted  prosperity.  Jerome,  in  his  Com- 
mentaries on  Ezekicl,  speaks  of  Tyre  as  being  in  his 
day  the  most  noble  and  beautifui  city  of  Phenicia. 
He  also,  in  his  remarks  on  Ez.  xxvii.  3,  in  wliich 
Tyre  is  called  "  a  merchant  of  the  people  for  many 
isles,"  says  that  tliis  continues  down  to  his  time,  so 
that  commercial  dealings  of  almost  all  nations  are 
carried  on  in  that  city.  Jerome's  Commentaries  on 
Ezekiel  are  supposed  to  have  been  written  about 
A.  D.  411-414,  so  that  his  testimony  respecting  the 
prosperity  of  Tyre  bears  date  almost  precisely  a 
tliousunil  years  after  the  capture  of  Jerusakm  by 
Nebuchadnezzar,  is.  c.  588.  As  to  the  passage  (Ez. 
xxvi.  1)  in  which  Ezekiel  states  that  Tyre  sliall  be 
built  no  more,  Jerome  says  the  meaning  is,  that 
"  Tyre  will  be  no  more  the  Queen  of  Nations,  hav- 
ing its  own  king,  as  was  the  case  under  Iliram  and 
other  kings,  but  that  it  was  destined  to  be  always 
subject,  cither  to  the  Chaldeans,  or  to  the  Mace- 
donians, or  to  the  Ptolemies,  or  at  last  to  the  Ro- 
mans." ^  Tyre  had  then  been  subject  to  the  Ro- 
mans more  than  400  years.  In  a.  d.  033-638  all 
Syria  and  Palestine  was  conquered  by  the  Khalif 
Omar.  (Arabia.)  But  Tyre  was  still  a  flourishing 
city  when  it  surrendered  to  the  Christians  on  the 
27lh  of  June,  1144.  It  had  early  been  Ihe  seat  of  a 
Christian  bisliopric  ;  and  in  1125  William,  a  Krench- 
man  (the  chronicler  of  the  Crusades),  was  made  its 
archbishop.  At  length,  however,  the  evil  day  of 
Tyre  undoubtedly  arrived.  It  had  been  more  than 
a  century  and  a  half  in  the  hands  of  Christians, 
when  in  March,  A.  D.  1291,  the  Sultan  of  Egypt  and 
Damascus  invested  Acre  (Accho),  then  known  to 
EniO|ie  as  Ptolemais,  and  took  it  by  storm  after  a 
siege  of  two  months.  The  result  was  thus  told  in 
the  beginning  of  the  next  century  by  Marinus  Sanu- 
tus,  a  Venetian  :  "  On  the  same  day  on  which  Ptole- 
mais  was  taken,  the  Tyrians,  at  vespers,  leaving  tlie 
city  empty,  without  the  stroke  of  a  sword,  without 
the  tumult  of  war,  embarked  on  board  their  vessels, 
and  abandoned  the  city  to  he  occupied  freely  by 
their  contjuerors.  On  the  morrow  the  Saracens  en- 
tered, no  one  attempting  to  |:ieveni  them,  and  they 
did  what  they  pleased."     This  was  the  turning-point 

'  "  Tlie  whole  that  the  prophet  can  in  fairness  he  iiuder- 
8to"d  to  declare  is.  that  Nchuchatlnezzar  should  by  violent 
means  become  master  of  Tyre,  ond  thus  commence  Hie 

firocess  of  her  downlall~a  process  which  niiirht  bo  de- 
iiyed.  but  wouH  never  altogether  cease  lill  tlie^period  of 
her  complete  destrnction.  ...  In  plain  terms.  T.vre  (like 
the  king  of  Babylon,  in  Is.  xiv.)  was  to  take  rank  with  the 
dead,  and  he  no  more  numbered  with  the  living.  But,  of 
course,  it  is  the  Tyro  thai  then  whs,  which  is  meant — the 
proud  imperial  mi^treps  of  Ihe  seas;  axsiich^  she  was  to 
cease  to  have  a  local  habitation  and  a  name  in  the  earth  ; 
she  was  to  be  found  only  anumj?  the  departed.  That  there 
should  still  he  a  Tyre  on  the  same  spot  where  the  ancient 
city  stood,  is  nothing  a^ain^t  the  description ;  for  this 
poor  and  shrivelled  thin  ■  Is  no  loni.'er  the  Tyre  of  the 
prophet — that  is  gone,  never  to  return  again  (Fbn.  on 
Ez.  xxvi.). 


TYR 


UCA 


1143 


in  the  history  of  Tyre,  1,879  years  after  the  capture 
of  Jerusalem  by  Nebuchadnezzar  ;  and  Tyre  has  not 
yet  recovered  from  the  blow.  In  May,  1751,  Has- 
eelquist  found  there  about  ten  iiiliabitants,  Turks 
and  Christians,  who  lived  by  fishing.     Since  the  be- 


ginning of  the  present  century  there  has  been  a  par- 
tial revival  of  prosperity.  But  it  has  been  visited 
at  different  times  during  the  last  thirty  years  by 
Biblical  scliolars,  Robinson,  Stanley,  Ronau,  &c., 
who  all  concur  in  the  account  of  its  general  aspect 


Ruiiu  o/Tyre. — From  Caa^iu,  Voyap'  PiUort»que  dt  la  S^ria, — (Fbn.) 


of  desolation.'  Its  great  inferiority  to  Beirut  for 
receiving  vessels  suited  to  the  requirements  of  mod- 
em navigation  will  always  prevent  Tyre  from  be- 
coming again  the  most  important  commercial  city 
on  the  Syrian  coast. — The  question  whether  Tyre 
wjs  actually  talcen  by  Nebuchadnezzar  after  his 
thiitcen  years'  siege  has  been  Iceenly  di.scussed, 
Geseuius,  Winer,  and  Hitzig  decide  it  in  the  nega- 
tive, while  Ilengstenberg,  lliivernicii,  Fairbairn,  &c., 
support  the  other  side.  Assuming,  with  ilovers, 
that  Tyre,  as  well  as  the  rest  of  Phenicia,  submitted 
at  last  to  Nebuchadnezzar,  the  following  points  may 
be  observed  respecting  the  suppose*!  capture  : — (1.) 
The  evidence  of  Ezekiel,  a  contemporary,  seems  to 
be  against  it.  The  obvious  itference  from  Ez.  xxi.\. 
18  is  that,  however  great  the  exertions  of  tlie  army 
may  have  been  in  digging  intrencliments  or  in  cast- 
ing up  earthworks,  the  siege  was  unsuccessful.  This 
is  continred  by  the  following  verses  (19,  20).  (2.) 
Josephus,  w)io  liad  access  to  historical  writings  on 
this  subject  which  have  not  readied  our  times, 
neither  states  on  liis  own  authority,  nor  quotes  any 
one  else  as  stating,  that  Nebucliadnezzar  took  it. 
(3.)  Tlie  capture  of  Tyre  on  this  occasion  is  not 
mentioned  by  any  (ireek  or  Roman  author  whose 
writings  are  now  in  existence.  (4.)  In  the  time  of 
Jerome  it  was  distinctly  stated  by  some  of  liis  con- 
temporaries that  they  liad  read,  amongst  other  his- 
tories ou  this  point,  histories  of  Greeks  and  I'he- 


•"With  but  Tew  except lono."  «ay»  Dr.  Thomson  (I. 
S73),  "  ii  Ik  now  n  cluHtcr  of  miserable  hutn.  InhiiMtctl  by 
about  S.non  inipovnrlKhcd  MntawcHcB  and  Arab  ChrlHtlans, 
deHtiiuti"  nlik*^  of  cd«rali<jn,  of  artp.  and  of  cnterpriHe, 
carryiiii;  on  with  Kgypt  a  small  trade  in  tobacco  from  the 
ncii'hlnrlnshlllH.  niiilof  lava  mill -stoneA  from  Ux  /faurtln. 
'Ihii.  I»  a  sorry  tchofliile  for  the  name  of  Tyre,  but  It  Is 
about  all  f\\tt  can  exhibit: 

'  Dim  Ir  tier  lt\ory,  ffont  b«*r  famt, 

H«r  boul«d  wealtli  hM  fled  : 
Oil  Iter  proud  rock,  >lu !  her  intme, 
The  tuber'i  net  li  apreAiJ. 

'Tbe  Tyrixn  h«r])  hw  flumbefwt  long, 

And  TyriN'R  mfrth  Is  low  , 
Tllit  tlm),ri'l,  dulcimer,  and  totig 
Aro  hnalud,  or  wakm  to  wo«.'  ** 


nicians,  and  especially  of  Nicolaus  Damascenus,  in 
which  nothing  was  said  of  the  siege  of  Tyre  by  the 
Chaldces :  and  Jerome,  in  noticing  this  fact,  does 
not  quote  any  authority  for  a  counter-statement,  but 
alleges  in  general  that  many  facts  are  related  in  the 
Scriptures  which  are  not  found  in  Greek  works,  and 
that  we  ought  not  to  acquiesce  in  tlie  authority  of 
those  whose  perfidy  and  falsehood  we  detest.  But 
in  Jerome's  Commentary  on  Ez.  xxix.  18  he  ex- 
plains that  the  meaning  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  having 
received  no  wages  for  his  warfare  against  Tyre  is, 
not  that  he  failed  to  take  the  city,  but  that  the 
Tyrians  had  previously  removed  every  thing  precious 
from  it  in  ships,  so  that  when  Nebuchadnezzar  en- 
tered the  city  he  found  nothing  there. 

Ty'rns  (L.)  =  TvnE  (Jer.  xxv.  22,  xxvii.  3,  xlvii. 
4  ;  Ez.  xxvi.  2-4,  7,  15,  xxvii.  2,  3,  8,  32,  xxviii.  2, 
12,  xxix.  18;  Uo.s.  i.x.  13;  Am.  i.  9,  10;  Zech.  ix. 
2,  3;  2  Esd.  i.  11  ;  Jd.  ii.  28;  1  Mc.  v.  16 ;  2  Me. 
iv.  18,  32,  44,  49). 

"  Tzad'dl  (ileb.  tsddey  =  reaping-hook  or  ictjihef 
Ges.),  the  eighteenth  letter  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet 
(Ps.  cxix.).     Writing. 

*  Tzl'don  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Zidon  (Gen.  x.  15  margin^. 

*  Tzor  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Tvbe  (Josh.  xix.  29  margin). 


u 


l''*al  (Heb.  enlen  up,  consumed t  Ges. ;  one  that  has 
pined  away,  sorrowful?  Kii. ;  see  below).  Accord- 
ing to  the  received  text  of  I'rov.  xxx.  1,  Itiiiki.  and 
Ileal  must  be  regarded  as  proper  names,  and  if  so, 
they  must  be  the  names  of  disciples  or  sons  of  Agur 
tlie  son  of  Jakkii.  an  unknown  sage  among  the  He- 
brews (so  Mr.  Wright).  But  there  is  great  obscurity 
about  the  passage.  Most  translators  and  commen- 
tators r<'gard  them  as  proper  names.  J.  D.  Micha- 
elis  renders  the  words,  which  are  translated  in  the 
A. v.,  "  unto  Ithiel  and  Ucal,"  thus :  "  I  have  wearied 
myself  for  God,  and  have  given  up  the  invcstiga- 


nu 


ITEL 


UNO 


tion,"  applj'ing  the  words  to  a  man  who  had  be- 
wildered himself  with  philosophical  speculations 
about  the  Deity,  and  had  been  compelled  to  give  up 
the  search.  So  Prof.  Stuart  ( Commetiiari/  oh  Prov- 
erbs), following;  Hitzig  and  Bertlieau,  alters  the  He- 
brew vowel-pointing,  forms  a  proper  name  out  of  a 
part  of  tlie  word  translated  "the  prophecy"  in  the 
A.  v.,  makes  the  Hebrew  answering  to  "  Ucal  "  — 
/  have  failed  or  ceased,  that  translated  "  unto  Ithiel " 
=z  I  have  toiled  for  God  (i.  e.  for  the  acquisition  of 
a  knowledge  of  God),  and  translates  the  whole  verse 
thus :  "  The  words  of  Agur,  the  son  of  her  who  was 
obeyed  in  Massa.  Thus  spake  the  man:  I  have 
toiled  for  God,  I  have  toiled  for  God,  and  have 
ceased."  Ewald  considers  both  Ithiel  and  Ucal  as 
symbolical  names,  employed  by  the  poet  to  desig- 
nate two  classes  of  thinkers  to  whom  he  addresses 
himself. 

C'el  (Heb.,  probably  =  wilt  of  God,  Ges.),  a 
"  son "  of  Bani,  and  husband  of  a  foreign  wife  in 
Ezra's  time  (Ezr.  x.  34). 

Ck'naz  (Heb.  =  ami  Keiiaz).  In  the  margin  of 
1  Chr.  iv.  15  the  words  "even  Kenaz"  in  the  text 
are  rendered  "  Uknaz,"  as  a  proper  name.  Some 
name  may  have  been  omitted  before  Kenaz. 

l''lai,  or  l"la-l  (Heb.  fr.  Pehlvi  or  ancient  Pers. 
=  the  pure  water,  Fii.)  is  mentioned  by  Daniel  (viii. 
2,  16)  as  a  river  near  to  Susa  (SiitsiiAN),  where  he 
saw  his  vision  of  the  i-am  and  the  h<?-goat.  It  has 
been  generally  identified  with  the  Eula;us  of  the 
Greek  and  Roman  geogi'aphers,  a  large  ptream  in 
the  immediate  neighborhood  of  that  city.  Tlie  Eu- 
liBus  has  been  by  many  identified  with  the  Choaspes, 
which  is  undoubtedly  the  modern  Kerkhah,  an  afflu- 
ent of  the  Tigris,  flowing  into  it  a  little  below  Kur- 
nah.  By  others  it  has  been  regarded  as  the  Kuran, 
a  large  river,  considerably  further  E.,  entering  the 
Khor  Bamishir  near  Mohammerah.  Some  have  sug- 
gested that  it  may  have  been  the  Shapur  or  Sha'ur, 
a  small  stream  which  rises  a  few  miles  N.  W.  of 
Susa,  and  flows  by  the  ruins  into  the  Diz/ul  stream, 
an  affluent  of  the  Kuran.  The  various  notices  of 
ancient  writers  appear  to  identify  the  upper  Eultcus 
with  the  upper  Kerkhah,  and  the  lower  Eula:us  with 
the  lower  Kuran.  A  recent  survey  of  the  ground 
has  shown  that  the  Kerkhah  once  l)ifurcated  at  Pai 
Pul,  about  twenty  miles  N.  W.  of  Susa,  sending  out 
a  branch  which  passed  E.  of  the  ruins,  absorbing 
into  it  the  Shapur,  and  flowing  on  across  the  plain 
in  a  S.  S.  E.  direction  til!  it  fell  into  the  Kuran  at 
Ahwaz.  Thus  the  upper  Kerkhah  and  the  lower 
Kuran  were  in  old  times  united,  and  might  be 
viewed  as  forming  a  single  stream.  The  name  Eu- 
Iseus  ("Ulai")  seems  to  have  applied  most  prop- 
erly to  the  eastern  branch-stream  from  Fat  Pvi  to 
Ahwaz  (so  Prof.  Rawlinson). 

flam  (Heb.  front,  vestibule,  Ges.).  1.  A  descend- 
ant of  Gilead  the  grandson  of  Manasseh  ;  father  of 
Bedan  (1  Chr.  vii.  17). — 2>  A  Benjamite,  the  first- 
born of  Eshek,  a  descendant  of  Saul  (viii.  39,  40). 
His  sons  were  valiant  archers. 

lU'ls  (Heb.  yoke,  Ges.),  an  Asherite  chief  (1  Chr. 
vii.  39). 

I'mmah  (Heb.  gathering,  Ges.)  a  city  of  Asher 
(Josh.  xi.\.  30  only).  Dr.  Thomson  conjectures  that 
a  place  called  'Alma  in  the  highlands  on  the  coast, 
about  five  miles  E.  N.  E.  of  Ras  en-Nakhura  (Lad- 
der of  Ttrus),  may  be  identical  with  Ummah. 

*  rn-rir-rnm-tU'lon.    Circcmcisiox. 

rn-<lean'  Meats  (see  Clean  •  and  Meat).  These 
were  things  strangled,  or  dead  of  themselves,  or 
through  beasts  or  birds  of  prey ;  whatever  beast  did 


not  both  part  the  hoof  and  chew  the  cud  ;  and  cer- 
tain other  smaller  animals  rated  as  "  crcepmg 
things  ;"  certain  classes  of  birds  mentioned  in  Lev. 
xi.  and  Deut.  xiv.,  twenty  or  twenty -one  in  all; 
whatever  in  the  waters  had  not  both  tins  and  scales ; 
whatever  winged  insect  had  not  besides  four  legs  the 
two  hind  legs  for  leaping ;  besides  things  oflered  in 
sacrifice  to  idols ;  and  all  blood  or  whatever  con- 
tained it  (save  perhaps  the  blood  of  fish,  as  would 
appear  from  that  only  of  beast  and  bird  being  for- 
bidden, Lev.  vii.  26 1,  and  therefore  flesh  cut  from 
the  live  animal ;  also  all  fat,  at  any  rate  that  dis- 
posed in  masses  among  the  intestines,  and  probably 
wherever  discernible  and  separable  among  the  flesh 
(Lev.  iii.  14-17,  vii.  23).  The  eating  of  blood  was 
prohibited  even  to  "  the  strangkr  that  sojourn- 
eth  among  you  "  (xvii.  10,  12-14).  The  prohibi- 
tion of  blood  indeed  dates  from  the  declaratidn  to 
NoAii  against  "  flesh  with  the  life  thereof,  which  ia 
the  blood  thereof,"  in  Gen.  ix.  4,  which  was  perhaps 
regarded  by  Moses  as  still  bhiding  upon  all  Noah's 
descendants.  Besides  these,  "  seething  a  kid  in  its 
mother's  milk  is  twice  prohibited."  The  general 
distinction  of  clean  and  unclean  is  rightly  observed 
by  Michaelis  to  have  its  parallel  among  all  nations, 
there  being  universally  certain  creatures  regarded  as 
clean,  i.  e.  fit  for  food,  and  the  rest  as  the  opposite 
(comp.  Lev.  xi.  47).  With  most  nations,  however, 
this  is  only  a  traditional  usage  based  merely  per- 
haps on  an  instinct  lehiting  to  health,  or  on  a  re- 
piignance  of  which  no  further  account  is  to  be  given. 
The  same  personal  interest  taken  by  Jehovah  in  His 
subjects,  which  is  expressed  by  the  demand  for  a 
ceremonially  pure  state  on  the  part  of  every  Israel- 
ite as  in  covenant  with  Him,  regarded  also  this  par- 
ticular detail  of  that  purity,  viz.  diet.  It  remained 
for  a  higher  Lawgiver  to  announce  that  "there  is 
nothing  from  without  a  man  that  entering  into  him 
can  defile  him"  (Mk.  vii.  1.5). — It  is  noteworthy  that 
the  practical  eftV'ct  of  the  rule  laid  down  is  to  exclude 
all  carnivorous  ([uadrupeds,  and  birds  of  prey.  This 
suggests  the  question  whether  they  were  excluded 
as  being  not  averse  to  human  carcasses,  and  in  most 
Eastern  countries  acting  as  the  servitors  of  the 
battle-field  and  the  gibbet.  Even  swine  have  been 
known  so  to  feed ;  and,  further,  by  their  constant 
rooting  among  whatever  lies  on  the  ground,  suggest 
impurity,  even  if  they  were  not  generally  foul  feed- 
ers. Of  fish  those  which  were  allowed  contain  un- 
questionably the  n.ost  wholesome  varieties,  save 
that  they  exclude  the  oyster.  The  exclusion  of  the 
camel  and  the  hare  from  allowable  meats  is  less 
easy  to  account  for,  save  that  the  former  never  was 
in  common  use,  and  to  eat  him,  especially  where  so 
many  other  creatures  give  meat  so  much  preferable, 
woiUd  be  the  worst  economy  possible  in  an  Eastern 
commissariat — destroying  the  best,  or  rather  the 
only  conveyance,  to  obtain  the  most  indifferent  food. 
The  iiAUE  was  long  supposed,  even  by  eminent  nat- 
uralists, to  ruminate,  and  certahily  was  eaten  by 
the  Egyptians.  The  horse  and  ass  would  be  gen- 
erally spared  from  similar  reasons  to  those  which 
exempted  the  camel.  Practically  the  law  left  among 
the  allowed  meats  an  ample  variety,  and  no  incon- 
venience was  likely  to  arise  from  a  prohibition  to  eat 
camels,  horses,  and  asses. — But  as  Orientals  have 
minds  sensitive  to  teaching  by  types,  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  such  ceremonial  distinctions  not 
only  tended  to  keep  Jew  and  Gentile  apart,  but  were 
a  perpetual  reminder  to  the  former  that  he  and  the 
latter  were  not  on  one  level  before  God.  Hence,  when 
that  ceremony  was  changed,  this  was  the  very  sym- 


UNO 


UNO 


1145 


bol  selected  to  instruct  St.  Peter  in  the  truth  that 
God  was  not  a  "respecter  of  persons  "  (Acts  x.  10 
ft'.).  It  was  no  mere  question  of  which  among  sev- 
eral means  of  supporting  life  a  mai)  chose  to  adopt, 
when  the  persecutor  dictated  the  alternative  of 
swine's  ticsh  or  the  loss  of  life  itself  (Maccabees), 
but  whether  lie  should  surrender  the  badge  and  type 
of  that  privilege  by  which  Israel  stood  as  the  favored 
nation  before  God  (1  Mc.  i.  63,  04;  2  Mc.  vi.  18, 
vii.  I ).  The  same  feeling  led  to  the  exaggeration 
of  the  Mo.saic  regulations,  until  it  was  "  unlawful  for 
a  man  that  was  a  Jew  to  keep  company  with  or  come 
unto  one  of  another  nation"  (Acts  x.  28) ;  and  with 
such  intensity  were  badges  of  distinction  cherished, 
that  the  wine,  bread,  oil,  cheese,  or  any  thing  cooked 
by  a  heathen,  were  declared  unlawful  for  a  Jew  to 
eat.  As  regards  things  offered  to  idols,  all  who  own 
one  God  meet  on  common  ground ;  but  the  Jew 
viewed  the  precept  as  demanding  a  literal  objective 
obedience,  and  had  a  holy  horror  of  even  an  uncon- 
scious infraction  of  the  law  :  hence,  as  he  could  never 
know  what  had  received  idolatrous  consecration,  his 
only  safety  lay  in  total  abstinence  (comp.  1  Cor.  x. 
25-29;  Shambles).  Michaelis  thought  that  the  pro- 
hibition to  "  seethe  a  kid  in  his  mother's  milk  "  was 
meant  merely  to  encourage  the  use  of  olive-oil  in- 
stead of  the  milk  or  butter  of  an  animal,  which  we 
commonly  use  in  cookery,  where  the  Orientals  use 
the  former.  This  will  not  satisfy  any  minil  by  wliich 
the  clew  of  symbolism  has  been  once  duly  seized 
(so  Mr.  Ilayman,  original  author  of  this  article). 
Mercy  to  the  beast  is  one  of  the  under  currents 
which  permeate  that  law.  To  soften  the  feelings 
and  humanize  the  character  was  the  higher  and  more 
general  aim.  The  milk  was  the  destined  support  of 
the  young  creature :  viewed  in  reference  to  it,  the 
milk  was  its  "life,"  and  had  a  relative  sanctity  re- 
sembling that  of  the  forbidden  blood.  The  Talmud- 
ists  took  an  extreme  view  of  the  precept,  as  forbid- 
ding generally  the  cooking  of  flesh  in  milk. — It  re- 
mains to  mention  the  sanitary  aspect  of  the  case. 
Swine  are  said  to  be  peculiarly  liable  to  disease  in 
their  own  bodies.  This  probably  means  that  they 
are  more  easily  led  than  other  creatures  to  the  foul 
feeding  which  produces  it ;  and  where  the  average 
heat  is  great,  decomposition  rapid,  and  malaria  easily 
excited,  this  tendency  in  the  animal  is  more  mis- 
chievous than  elsewhere.  The  prohibition  on  eating 
fat  was  salubrious  in  a  region  where  skin  diseases 
(Leprosy)  are  fre<|ueiit  and  virulent,  and  that  on 
blood  had,  no  doubt,  a  similar  tendency.  Yet  the 
beneficial  tendency  is  veiled  under  a  ceremonial  dif- 
ference, for  the  "  stranger  "  dwelling  by  the  Israelite 
was  allowed  it,  although  the  latter  was  forbidden. 
If  we  compare  the  animals  allowed  for  food  with 
those  forbidden,  there  can  be  no  doubt  on  which 
side  the  balance  of  wholesomeness  lies.  Clean  ; 
Food  ;  Idolatrv  ;  Law  ok  Mosts  ;  Purification  ; 
Samaritan  Pentateccii  IV. ;  Uncleanness. 

l'n-«lpan'De$.s.  The  distinctive  idea  attached  to 
ceremonial  uncleanness  among  the  Hebrews  was, 
that  it  cut  a  person  o6r  for  the  time  from  social 
privileges,  and  left  his  citizenship  among  God's  peo- 
ple for  the  while  in  abeyance.  (Citizen  ;  Cove- 
nant.) It  did  not  merely  require  by  law  a  certain 
ritual  of  purification  in  order  to  enhance  the  impor- 
tance of  the  priesthood,  but  it  placed  the  unclean 
person  in  a  position  of  disadvantage,  from  which 
certain  ritualistic  acts  alone  could  free  him.  There 
is  an  intense  reality  in  the  Divine  Law  taking  hold 
of  a  man  by  the  ordinary  infirmities  of  Uesli,  and 
setting  its  stamp,  as  it  were,  in  the  lowest  clay  of 


!  which  he  is  moulded.  The  sacredness  attached  to 
the  human  body  is  parallel  to  that  which  invested 
the  Ark  ok  the  Cove.sant  itself.  It  is  as  though 
Jeiiovam  thereby  would  teach  them  that  the  '  very 
.  hairs  of  their  head  were  all  numbered  "  before  Him, 
and  that  "  in  His  book  were  all  their  membei's  writ- 
ten." Thus  was  inculcated,  so  to  speak,  a  bodily 
I  holiness  (Lev.  xi.  44,  45,  xix.  2,  28,  32).  Xor  were 
I  the  Israelites  to  be  only  "  separated  IVom  other  peo- 
ple," but  they  were  to  be  "  holy  miJo  Ood"  (xx.  21, 
,  26),  "a  kingdom  of  priests,  and  a  holy  nation." 
j  Hence  a  number  of  ordiaaiiees  regarding  outward 
purity,  used  in  Egypt  only  by  the  priests,  were  made 
publicly  obligatory  on  the  Hebrew  nation.  The  im- 
portance to  physical  well-being  of  the  injunctions 
I  which  required  frequent  ablution  (Baptism  ;  Uatii  ; 
\  Laver  ;  Washing  the  Hands  and  Keet)  can  be  but 
i  feebly  appreciated  in  our  cooler  :ind  damper  climate. 
i  Hence  the  obvious  utility  of  reijnforcing,  by  the  sanc- 
j  tion  of  religion,  observances  tending  in  the  main  to 
I  that  healthy  state  which  is  the  only  solid  basis  of 
j  comfort,  even  though  in  certain  points  of  detail  they 
i  were  burdensome.  Uncleanness,  as  relerred  to  man, 
,  may  be — (1.)  that  which  deliled  merely  "  until  even," 
and  was  removed  by  bathing  and  washing  the  clothes 
at  the  end  of  it — such  were  all  contacts  with  dead 
animals ;  (2.)  that  graver  sort  which  defiled  for 
seven  days,  and  was  removed  by  the  use  of  the 
"water  of  separation"  (Purikk^ation) — such  were 
all  defilements  connected  with  the  human  corpse ; 
(3.)  uncleanness  from  the  morbid,  puerperal,  or 
menstrual  state,  lasting  as  long  as  that  morbid  state 
lasted  (Blood,  Issle  ok;  Child;  Issle,  Running; 
Medicine);  and  in  the  case  of  leprosy  lasting  often 
for  life.  As  the  human  person  was  itself  the  seat 
of  a  covenant-token  (Circumcision),  so  male  and 
female  had  each  their  ceremonial  obligations  in  pro- 
portion to  their  sexual  differences  (Lev.  xii.,  xv.). 
Further  than  this  the  increa.«e  of  the  nation  was  a 
special  point  of  the  promise  to  Abraham  and  Jacob 
(Gen.  xlix.  25),  and,  therefore,  their  fecundity  as 
parents  was  under  the  Divine  tutelage,  beyond  the 
general  notion  of  a  curse,  or  at  least  of  Gort's  dis- 
favor, as  implied  in  bairenness.  There  is  an  em- 
phatic reminder  of  human  weakness  in  the  fact  of 
birth  and  death — man's  passage  alike  into  and  out 
of  his  mortal  state — being  marked  w  ith  a  stated  pol- 
lution. Thus  the  birth  of  the  infant  brought  defile- 
ment on  its  mother,  which  she,  except  so  far  as  ne- 
cessarily isolated  by  the  nature  of  the  circumstances, 
propagated  around  her.  Nay,  the  conjugal  act  it- 
self, or  any  act  resembling  it  (Lev.  xv.  1(>-18),  en- 
tailed uncleanness  for  a  day.  The  corpse,  on  the 
other  hand,  bequeathed  a  defilement  of  seven  days 
to  all  who  handled  it,  to  the  "  tent "  or  chamber  of 
death,  and  to  sundry  things  within  it.  Nay,  contact 
with  one  slain  in  the  field  of  buttle,  or  with  even  a 
human  bone  or  grave,  was  no  less  effectual  to  pol- 
lute, than  that  with  a  corpse  dead  by  the  course  of 
nature  (Num.  xix.  11-18).  This  shows  that  the 
source  of  pollution  lay  in  the  mere  fact  of  death. 
The  duration  of  defilement  caused  by  the  birth  of 
a  female  infant — eighty  days  in  all,  double  that 
due  to  a  male  (Lev.  xii.  2-5) — may  perhaps  repre- 
sent the  woman's  heavier  share  in  the  first  sin  and 
first  curse  ((ien.  iii.  16;  1  Tim.  ii.  14).  For  a  man's 
"issue,"  besides  the  uncleanness  while  it  lasted,  a 
probation  of  seven  days,  including  a  washing  on  the 
third  day,  is  prescribed.  Similar  was  the  period  in 
the  case  of  the  woman,  and  in  that  of  intercourse 
with  a  woman  so  affected  ( Lev.  xv.  13,  28,  24  ;  comp. 
XX.  18).    The  propagation  of  uncleaunegs  from  the 


1146 


UNC 


XJNN 


porson  to  the  bed,  saddle,  clothes,  &c.,  and  through 
them  to  other  persons,  tends  to  impress  an  idea  of 
the  loathsomeness  of  such  a  state,  or  the  heinousncss 
of  such  acts,  more  forcibly  by  far  than  if  the  defile- 
ment clove  to  the  first  person  merely  (xv.  5,  6,  9,  12, 
17,  20,  22-24,  26,  27).  Uncleanness  from  contact 
with  a  corpse,  grave,  &c.,  was  communicated  to  other 
persons,  app.irently  lor  the  day  only,  by  the  unclean 
person's  contact  with  (hem  (Num.  xix.  22) ;  but  this 
minor  pollution  for  one  day  only,  whether  engen- 
dered by  the  major  jioUution  or  arising  directly,  Mr. 
llayuian,  original  author  of  this  article,  regaids  as 
not  communicable  (compare  v.  2-4  ;  Lev.  xv,  5-11). 
With  regard  to  uncleaimess  arising  from  the  loiver 
animals,  Lightfoot  reniarlcs,  that  all  which  were  un- 
clean to  touch  when  dead  were  unclean  to  eat,  but 
not  conversely ;  and  that  all  which  were  unclean  to 
cat  were  unclean  to  sacrifice,  but  not  conversely, 
(U.NCi.EAN  Meats.)  All  animals,  however,  if  dying 
of  themselves,  or  eaten  with  the  ulood,  were  unclean 
to  eat,  Tlie  carcass  also  of  any  animal  unclean  as 
regards  diet,  however  dying,  defiled  whatever  per- 
son, garment,  sack,  skin,  vessel,  &c,,  it,  or  any  part 
of  it,  touched.  All  these  defilements  were  "  until 
even"  only,  save  the  eating  "with  the  blood,"  the 
offender  in  which  respect  was  to  "be  cut  off"  (xi , 
xvii.  14),  The  same  sentence  of  "cutting  oft'"  was 
also  denounced  against  all  who  should  "do  pre- 
sumptuously  "  in  respect  even  of  minor  defilements ; 
by  which  we  may  understand  all  contempt  of  the 
legal  provisions  regarding  them,  (Plnishments; 
Si.N,)  The  term  "defilement"  also  includes  the  con- 
traction of  uidawful  marriages  and  the  indulgence 
of  unlawful  lusts,  as  denounced  ni  Lev,  xviii,  (Mar- 
riage,) The  fruit  of  trees  was  counted  as  "  unoir- 
cumcised,"  i.  e.  unclean  for  the  first  three  years, 
(First-fruits;  Food,)  The  directions  in  Deut,  xxiii, 
10-13,  relate  to  the  avoidance  of  impurities  in  the 
case  of  a  host  encamped,  and  are  based  on  the  scru- 
pulous ceremonial  purity  demanded  by  the  <iod 
wnose  presence  was  in  the  midst  of  them,  Tlie 
ashes  of  the  red  heifer,  liurne<l  whole,  which  were 
mi.xed  with  water,  and  became  the  standing  resource 
for  purifying  uncleanness  in  the  second  degree,  them- 
selves became  a  source  of  defilement  to  all  who  were 
clean,  even  as  of  purification  to  the  unclean,  and  so 
the  water,  Somewliat  similarly  the  scape-goat,  who 
bore  away  the  sins  of  the  people,  defiled  him  who 
led  him  into  the  wilderness,  and  the  bringing  forth 
and  burning  the  sacrifice  on  the  Great  Day  of  Atont- 
ment  had  a  similar  power,  (Ato.sement,  Pay  of,) 
This  lightest  form  of  uncleanness  was  expiati.'d  by 
bathing  the  body  and  washing  the  clothes.  Besides 
the  water  of  purification  made  as  aforesaid,  men  and 
women  in  their  "  issues  "  were,  after  seven  days, 
reckoned  from  the  cessation  of  the  disorder,  to  bring 
two  turtle-doves  or  young  pigeons  to  be  killed  by  the 
priests.  The  purification  after  childbed  is  well 
known  from  the  N.  T.  (Lk.  ii.  22-24) ;  for  that  of  the 
LKPKR,  see  Purification,  (Mourning  V',)  All  these 
kinds  of  uncleanness  disi|ualified  for  holy  functions  ; 
as  the  layman  so  affected  might  not  approach  the 
congregation  and  the  sanctuary,  so  any  priest  who 
incurred  defilement  must  abstain  from  holy  things 
(Lev.  xxii.  2-8).  But  the  priests,  in  their  contact 
with  the  leper  to  be  adjudged,  were  exempted  from 
the  law  of  <lefilement ;  and  the  garb  and  treatment 
of  the  leper  seem  to  be  that  of  one  dead  in  the  eye 
of  the  Law  or  rather  a  perpetual  mourner  for  his 
own  estate  of  death  with  "  clothes  rent  and  he.ad 
bare." — It  may  be  mentioned  that  among  the  Arabs 
the  touchiiig  a  corpse  still  defile!,  and  that  the  reli- 


gion of  the  Persians^  according  to  Chardin,  shows  a 
singularly  close  correspondence  with  the  Levitical 
code  in  regard  to  purification  and  uncleanness. 

*l'lie'tion  (1  Jn.  ii.  20)  =  Anointing. 

ln-d('r-glrd'ing(Acts  xxvii.  17).    Ship. 

I'lii-corn,  the  A.  V.  rendering,  alter  the  LXX.  and 
Vulgate,  of  the  Heb.  riem,  rieym,  reijm,  the  name  of 
some  large  w  ild  animal  (Num.  xxiii.  22,  xxiv.  8 ;  Deut. 
xxxiii.  17  ;  Job  xxxix.  9,  10;  Ps,  xxii.  21  [Heb.  221, 
xxix.  6,  xcii.  10[Hcb.  11];  Is.  xxxiv.  7  [margin  "rhi- 
nocerots"]).  The  Rieni  of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  how- 
ever, has  nothing  at  all  to  do  with  the  one-horned 
animal '  mentioned  by  Aristotle,  Pliny,  and  other 
Greek  and  Rom.in  writers,  as  is  evident  from  Deut. 
xxxiii.  17,  where,  in  the  blessing  of  Joseph,  it  is 
said,  "  His  glory  is  like  the  firstling  of  his  bullock, 
and  his  horns  are  like  the  horns  of  a  unicorn"  not, 
as  the  text  of  the  A.  V.  renders  it,  "  the  horns  of 
iiiiieornx''  The  two  horns  of  the  Rfem  are  "  the 
ten  thousands  of  Ephraim  and  the  thousands  of 
Manassch."  This  text  puts  a  one-horned  animal 
entirely  out  of  the  question,  and  disposes  of  the 
opinion  of  Bruce,  ic,  that  some  species  of  rhinoc- 
eros is  denoted,  and  of  other  writers  that  the  riim 
and  the  "  unicorn  "  =;  some  one-horneii  animal  uad 
to  have  been  seen  by  travellers  in  South  Africa  and 
in  Thibet  (so  Mr.  Houghton,  original  author  of  this 
article).  Boch.ut,  follow cd  by  Koscnmiiller,  Winer, 
Sac,  contends  that  the  Heb.  Rdm  =  the  Ar.  Rx>», 
which  is  usually  referred  to  the  On/r  hueori/x,  the 
white  antelope  of  North  Africa,  and  at  one  time 
perhajis  an  inhabitant  of  Palestine.  Arnold  Boot, 
with  much  better  reason,  conjectures  that  tlie  Riem 
=  some  species  of  Urns  or  wild-ox.  Kobinson  and 
Gesenius,  with  A.  Schultens,  De  Wette,  &c.,  have 
little  doubt  that  the  liuft'alo  (Bitbalus  Buffalus)  is  the 
Riem  of  the  Bible. — Little  can  be  urged  in  favor  of 
the  rhinoceros,  for  it  would  have  been  forbidden  to 
be  sacrificed  by  the  Law  of  Moses,  whereas  the 
RS('m  is  mentioned  by  Isaiah  as  coming  down  with 
bullocks  and  rams  to  the  Lord's  sacrifice.  Again, 
the  skipping  of  the  young  Riem  (Ps.  xxix.  6)  is 
scarcely  compatible  with  the  habits  of  a  rhinoceros. 
The  w'.dte  antelope  (Orjx/ij/'Oi-.i/j-);  like  the  rest  of 
the  family,  is  harmless  unless  wounded  or  hard 
])iessed  by  the  hunter,  nor  is  it  remarkable  for  any 
extraordinary  strength.  Considering,  therefore,  that 
the  Riem  is  spoken  of  as  a  two-horned  animal  of 
great  strength  and  ferocity,  was  evidently  well  known 
and  often  seen  by  the  Jews,  is  mentioned  as  an  ar.i- 
mal  fit  for  sacrificial  jinrposes,  and  is  frequently  as- 
sociated with  bulls  and  oxen,  we  think  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  some  species  of  wild-ox  is  intended. 
The  alluMon  in  Ps.  xcii.  10,  "  But  thou  shalt  lift  up, 
as  a  Rici/ni,  my  horn,"  seems  to  point  to  tlie  mode 
I  in  « Inch  the  ox  family  use  their  horns,  lowering  the 
head,  and  then  tosshig  it  up.  But  it  is  impossible 
to  determine  what  particular  species  of  wild-ox  is 
signified.  Some  have  conjectured  that  the  Riem 
denotes  the  wilu  buffalo.  Possibly  some  wild  spe- 
cies of  buffalo  (Buhalus  Arnce,  or  Bnljuhis  braehyc- 
rrtis)  may  have  existed  formerly  in  Palestine.  We 
arc,  however,  more  in  favor  of  some  gigantic  Urus. 

*  I'n-lcav'encd  Bread.  Bread  ;  Leaven  ;  Pass- 
over. 

Un'nl  (Heb.  depressed,  Ges.).  1,  A  Levite  door- 
keeper ("  porter,"  A.  V,)  and  musician  in  David's 
tinie(l  Chr,  xv.  18,  20). — 2.  A  second  Levite  (un- 
less the  family  of  the  foregoing  be  intended)  con. 

'  Thia  "unicorn"  of  the  aucieutsMr.  Houghton  regards 
ae  labulous. 


UPH 


UR 


114T 


cerned  in  the  sacreJ  offic3  .after  the  return  from 
Babylon  (Xeh.  xii.  9). 

*  li-pbar'slB  (Cbul.).     Mexe,  ke. 

I'phaz  (lleb ,  see  below),  a  gold  country  (Jer.  x. 
9;  Dan.  X.  5);  regarded  b.v  Gescnius,  Henderson, 
&«.,  Hi  a  corruption  of  Opiiir,  wliich  the  Clialdee, 
Syriac,  an'l  TheoJotion  put  for  it  in  Jer.  1.  c. ;  consid- 
ered by  Ilitzig  of  Sanscrit  origin,an  J  placed  by  him 
in  Yimen,  in  South  Arabia;  supposed  by  Bochart 
to  be  Ceiilon,  &c. 

Ir  (Heb.  liy/U  ;  as  an  appellative  [comp.  Pers.]  =; 
fiirtrtus,  ccutlel  Ges.),  the  land  of  Ilarau's  nativity 
(Gen.  xi.  28),  the  place  from  wliinh  Terah  and  .  bra- 
ham  started  "to go  into  the  land  of  Canaan"  (ver. 
31);  uniformly  calleii  in  tlie  0.  T.  "  L'r  of  the  Cll.vL- 
»KEs"  (xi.  28,  31,  XV.  7;  Xeh.  ix.  7),  but,  in  Acts 
vii.  2,  4,  iniplieJly  placed  by  Stephen  in  Mesopo- 
tamia. These  are  all  tlie  indications  which  Scrip- 
ture furnishes  as  to  its  locality,  (a.)  One  tradition 
ideutiljes  Ur  with  the  modern  Or/ah.  There  is  some 
ground  for  believing  that  this  city,  called  by  the 
Greeks  Edessa,  had  also  the  name  of  Orrha  as  early 
us  about  u.  (.'.  150.  Accordini;  to  Pocuck  that  Ur 
is  Edessa  or  Or/ah  is  "the  umvirxat  opinion  of 
the  Jews  ;  "  and  it  is  also  the  local  belief  (6.)  A 
tradltiim  in  the  Talmud  and  in  some  of  the  early 
ArabiiUi  writers  linds  Ur  in  W'arka,  the  Orchoe  of 
the  Greeks,  aiid  probably  the  Ehecii  of  Holy  Scrip- 
ture, (c.)  A  tliird  tradition  distinguishes  Ur  from 
W'arka,  while  still  placing  it  in  tlie  same  region. 
There  can  be  little  dDul>t  tliat  this  tradition  points 
to  the  city  which  appears  by  its  bricks  to  have  bceit 
called  Har  by  llie  natives,  and  is  now  represented 
by  the  ruins  at  Miiylieh-  or  (Imyheir.  (d.)  Bochart, 
Gatmet,  Bunsen,  Michaelis,  tJesenins,  &c.,  unsup- 
ported by  any  tradition,  identify  "  Ur  of  the  Clial- 
dees  ■'  with  a  place  of  the  name,  mentioned  by  Am- 


mianus  Marcellinus  (fourth  century  a.  c.)  as  "a 
castle  "  exis'.ing  in  his  day  in  Eastern  Mesopotamia, 
between  Uatra  and  Nisibis.  Of  these  four  local- 
ities two  (a,  d)  are  in  Upper  Mesopotamia,  between 
the  -Mons  Masius  and  the  Sinjar  range,  while  the 
other  two  (6,  c)  are  in  tlie  alluvial  tract  near  the 
sea,  at  least  4U0  miles  further  S.  That  Chaldea 
was,  properly  speaking,  the  southern  part  of  Baby- 
lonia, the  region  bordering  upon  the  Gulf,  will  lie 
admitted  by  all.  Those  who  maintain  the  northern 
emplacement  of  Ur  argue,  that  with  the  extension 
of  Chaldean  power  the  name  travelled  northward, 
and  became  coextensive  with  Mesopotamia;  but 
Prof  Kawlinson,  original  author  of  this  article, 
claims  that — (1.)  there  is  no  proof  that  the  name 
('haldca  was  ever  e.\teiideJ  to  the  region  above  the 
Sinjar  ;  (2.)  if  it  was,  the  Jews  at  any  rate  mean 
by  Chaldea  exclusively  the  lower  country,  and  call 
the  upper,  Mesopotamia  or  Padan-aram  (Job  i.  17; 
Is.  xiii.  19,  xliii.  14,  ic);  (3.)  there  is  no  reason  to 
believe  that  Babylonian  power  was  est.iblislied  be- 
yond the  Sinjar  in  these  early  times ;  (4.)  it  is  in 
the  lower  country  only"  that  a  name  closely  corre- 
sponding to  the  Ileb.  Ur  (iris)  is  found,  the  cunei- 
form //«)•  representing  the  Hebrew  letter  tor  letter, 
and  only  dillering  from  it  in  the  greater  strength  of 
the  aspirat.'  or  initial  letter.  The  argument  that 
Ur  should  be  sought  in  the  neighborhood  of  Arra- 
pacliHix  and  Seruj,  bec.iuse  the  names  Aepiia.xad 
and  Serio  occur  in  the  genealogy  of  Abraham,  has 
no  weight  till  it  is  shown  t'.iat  the  human  naniLS  in 
question  are  really  connected  with  the  places,  which 
is  at  present  assumed  somewhat  boldlv.  On  the 
whole  we  may  regard  it  as  tolerably  certain  tliat 
"  Ur  of  the  Ch  ildees  "  was  a  [ilace  situ  ited  in  the 
real  Chaldea — ihe  low  country  near  the  Persian 
Gulf.    The  only  question  that  remains  in  any  degree 


gfev  jL 


Rutnt  of  Ttirple  at  Mv^tir  (*  **  Ur  of  tb*  CbuMcM  t  "\— i  Frcm  Loftnt.) 


doubtful  is,  whether  Warka  or  Mitgluir  is  the  true 
locality.  They  are  not  far  apart;  traditions  at- 
tached to  both,  but  perhaps  more  distinctly  to 
Warka.  But  it  seems  certain  that  Warka,  Ihe  na- 
tive name  of  which  was  Hurak,  represents  the 
Ebkcb  of  GencsU,  which  cannot  possibly  be  the  Ur 


of  the  same  Bonk.  Miuihnr,  therefore,  which  bore 
the  exact  name  of  Ur  or  Har,  remains  with  the  best 
claim,  and  is  entitled  to  be  (at  least  provisionally) 
regarded  as  the  city  of  Abraham  (so  Prof  Kawlin- 
son, Porter  fin  Kitto],  Eadie  [in  Fbn.),  Loftus,  Ayre, 
&c.,  after  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson).    Ur  or  Huty  uow 


1148 


UR 


URI 


Mugheir,  or  Um-Mugheir  (=:  the  bitumened,  or  the 
mother  of  bitumen),  is  one  of  tlie  most  ancient,  if 
not  the  most  ancient,  of  the  Chaldean  sites  hither- 
to discovered.  It  lies  on  tlie  right  banlc  of  the 
Euphrates,  about  six  miles  from  the  present  course 
of  the  stream,  nearly  opposite  the  point  where  the 
Euphrates  receives  the  Shat-el-Hie  from  the  Tigris. 
It  is  now  not  less  than  125  miles  from  the  sea;  but 
there  are  grounds  for  believing  that  it  was  anciently 
a  maritime  town,  but  now  inland  from  the  rapid 
growth  of  the  alluvium.  The  remains  of  buildings 
cover  an  oval  space,  1,000  yards  long  by  800  broad 
The  most  reniaikable  building  near  the  northern 
end  of  the  ruins  is  a  temple  of  the  true  Chaldean 
type,  built  in  stages  of  bricks,  laid  chiefly  in 
bitumen  (Babel,  Towee  of),  and  bearing  the  name 
of  Urukh,  who  is  regarded  as  the  earliest  of 
the  Chaldean  moimmental  kings,  b.  c.  2000,  or 
a  little  earlier.  Ur,  the  capital  of  this  monarch, 
retained  its  metropolitan  character  for  above  two 
centuries,  and,  even  after  it  became  second  to 
Babylon,  was  a  great  city,  with  an  especially  sacred 
character.  It  is  in  the  main  a  city  of  tombs. 
It  probably  fell  into  decay  under  the  Persians,  and 
was  a  mere  ruin  at  Alexander's  conquests,  u.  c.  330. 
*  l'r(Heb.,  see  above),  father  of  Eliphal,  or  Eliph- 
clet,  among  David's  valiant  men  (1  Clir.  xi.  35); 

=   AlIASBAI. 

I'r'baoe  [a  as  in  cane\  (fr.  L.  Urbatni^  ■=  of  a  city, 
refined,  urbane,  Freund ;  as  a  proper  name  better 
written  Urhaii'),  a  Christian  man  among  those  whom 
St.  Paul  salutes  in  writing  to  Rome  (Rom.  xvi.  9); 
probably  at  some  time  in  active  religious  coopera- 
tion with  the  apostle. 

U'rl  (Heb.  fierij,  or  perhaps  =  Uriah,  Urijah, 
Ges.).  I.  A  man  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  ;  grandson 
of  Caleb  1,  and  father  of  Bezaleel  I,  the  architect 
of  the  Tabernacle  (Ex.  xxxi.  2,  xxxv.  30,  xxxviii. 
22  ;  1  Chr.ii.  20;  2  Clir.  i.  5).— 2.  Father  of  Geber, 
Solomon's  commissary  in  Gilead  (1  K.  iv.  19). — %,  A 
Levite  porter  or  doorkeeper,  husband  of  a  foreign 
wife  in  Ezra's  time  (Ezr.  x.  24). 

r-rl'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  light  nf  J--hovnh  —  TTruah 
and  Urias)  1.  One  of  tlie  thirty  commanders  of 
the  thirty  bands  into  which  the  Israelite  army  of 
David  was  divided  (1  Chr  xi.  41  ;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  39); 
called  Urias  in  N.  T.  Like  others  of  David's  offi- 
cers he  was  a  foreigner — a  Hittite.  Ilis  name,  how- 
ever, and  his  manner  of  speech  (xi.  11)  indicate  that 
he  had  adopted  the  Jewish  religion.  He  married 
Batii-siieba,  a  woman  of  extraordinary  beauty,  the 
daughter  of  Eliam.  It  may  be  inferred  from  Na- 
than's parable  (xii.  3)  that  he  was  passionately 
devoted  to  his  wife,  and  that  their  union  was 
celebrated  in  Jerusalem  as  one  of  peculiar  tender- 
ness. In  the  first  war  with  Amnion  he  followed 
Joab  to  the  siege,  and  with  him  remained  encamped 
in  the  open  field  (xi.  11).  He  returned  tp  Jerusa- 
lem, at  an  order  from  the  king  (Davio),  on  the  pre- 
text of  asking  news  of  the  war, — really  in  the  hope 
that  his  return  to  his  wife  might  cover  the  shame 
of  his  own  crime.  The  king  met  witli  an  unex- 
pected obstacle  in  the  austere,  soldier-like  spirit 
which  guided  all  Uriah's  conduct,  and  which  gives 
us  a  high  notion  of  the  character  and  discipline  of 
David's  officers.  On  the  morning  of  the  tiiird  day, 
David  sent  him  back  to  the  camp  with  a  letter  con- 
taining the  command  to  Joab  to  cause  his  destruc- 
tion in  the  battle.  The  device  of  Joab  was,  to  ob- 
serve the  part  of  the  wall  of  Rabbath-Ammon  (Rab- 
BAii  1)  where  the  greatest  force  of  the  besieged  was 
congregated,  and  thither,  as  a  kind  of  forlorn  hope,  to 


send  Uriah.  A  sally  took  place.  Uriah  and  the  officers 
with  him  advanced  as  far  as  the  gate  of  the  city, 
and  were  there  shut  down  by  the  archers  on  the 
wall.  Just  as  Joab  had  forewarned  the  messenger, 
the  king  broke  into  a  furious  passion  on  hearing  of 
the  loss.  The  messenger,  as  instructed  by  Joab, 
calmly  continued,  and  ended  the  story  with  tlie 
words :  "  Thy  servant  also,  Uriah  the  Hittite,  is 
dead."  In  a  moment  David's  anger  is  appeased. 
It  is  one  of  the  touching  parts  of  the  story  that 
Uriah  falls  unconscious  of  his  wife's  dishonor. 
Uriah  remains  to  us  an  example  of  the  chivalrous 
and  devoted  characters  found  among  the  Canaan- 
itcs  serving  in  the  Hebrew  army  (so  Dean  Stanley). 
— 2>  A  priest  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz,  a  witness  to 
Isaiah's  prophecy  concerning  Mahek-shalal-hasii- 
BAZ  (Is.  viii.  2);  probably  =  "Urijah  the  priest," 
who  built  the  idolatrous  altar  for  Ahaz(2  K.  xvi.  10- 
16),  and  perhaps  (so  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey)  summoned 
as  a  witness  on  account  of  his  position  as  high- 
priest,  not  on  account  of  his  personal  qualities; 
though,  as  the  incident  occurred  at  the  beginning 
of  the  reign  of  Ahaz,  Uriah's  irreligious  subserviency 
may  not  yet  have  manifested  itself.  He  probably 
succeeded  Azariah  14,  who  was  high-priest  in  the 
reign  of  Uzziah,  and  was  succeeded  by  that  Azaeiah 
18  who  was  high-priest  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah. 
Hence  he  was  probably  son  of  the  former  and  lather 
of  the  latter. — Z,  A  priest,  father  or  ancestor  of 
Meremotii  1  (Ezr.  viii.  33) ;  =  LTruah  2. 

U-ri'as  (L.  =  Uriah  or  Urijah).  1.  Uriah  1, 
husband  of  Bath-sheba  (Mat.  i.  6).— 2.  Urijah  3 
(1  Esd.  ix.  43). 

U'rl-el  (Heb.  the  fire  of  God).  1.  A  Kohathite 
Levite,  son  of  Tahath  (i  Chr.  vi.  24,  Heb.  9).— 2. 
Chief  of  the  Kohathites  in  David's  reign  (xv.  5,  11). 
— 3.  "  Uriel  of  Gibeah  "  was  the  father  of  Maachah 
3,  or  Michaiah,  the  favorite  wife  of  Rehoboam.  and 
mother  of  Abijah  (2  Chr.  xiii.  2).  In  2  Chr.  xi.  20 
she  is  called  "  Maachah  the  daughter  of  Ab.'^alom." 
Uriel  was  probably  husband  of  Tamar  3,  though 
Rashi  makes  his  name  Uriel  Abishalom. — 4.  An 
angel,  or  archangel,  named  only  in  2  Esd.  iv.  1,  36, 
V.  20,  x.  28. 

Il-rljah  (fr.  Heb.  ilriyuh  =  flame  of  Jehnvah, 
Ges. ;  =  Uriah  and  Urias).  1.  Urijah  the  priest 
in  the  reign  of  Ahaz  (2  K.  xvi.  10)  probably  = 
Uriah  2.-2.  A  priest  (N'eh.  iii.  4,  21);  ::=  Uriah 
3. — 3,  One  (proljably  a  priest)  who  stood  at  Ezra's 
right  hand  when  he  read  the  Law  to  the  [leople 
(Nell.  viii.  4). — 1.  A  prophet,  son  of  Shemaiah  of 
Kirjath-jearim.  He  prophesied  in  the  days  of  Je- 
hoiakim  concerning  the  land  and  the  city,  just  as 
Jeremiah  had  done,  and  the  king  sought  to  put  him 
to  death ;  but  he  escaped  into  Egypt.  His  retreat 
was  soon  discovered  :  Ehiathan  and  his  men  brought 
him  up  out  of  Egypt,  and  Jehoiakini  slew  him  with 
the  sword,  and  cast  his  body  forth  among  the  graves 
of  the  common  people  (Jer.  xxvi.  20-23). 

I'rim  and  Tham'nilm  (Heb.  plurals,  see  below). 
1.  (1.)  When  the  Jewish  exiles  were  met  on  their 
return  from  Babylon  by  a  question  which  they  had 
no  data  for  answering,  they  agreed  to  postpone  the 
settlement  of  the  difficulty  till  there  should  rise  up 
"  a  Priest  with  Urim  and"  Thummim "  (Ezr.  ii.  63 ; 
Neh.  vii.  65).  The  inquiry,  what  those  Urim  and 
Thummim  themselves  were,  seems  likely  to  wait 
long  for  a  final  and  satisfying  answer.  (2.)  The 
starting-point  of  such  an  inquiry  must  be  from  the 
words  themselves,  which  tlie  A.V.  has  lelt  untrans- 
lated, (a.)  Hebrew  scholars,  with  hardly  an  excep- 
tion, make  Urim  {urim)  the  plural  of  ur  (=  litihl. 


URI 


UZ 


1149 


or  fire).     The  LXX.  render  it  mcnifrilation,  moni- 

feil,  enliyhtfjiiriy  ;  tlie  Vulgate  Ifachiiifl,  jmliimenl, 
&c.  The  literal  Kiiglisli  ei|uivalciit  would  of  course 
be  "lights;"  but  the  rcuderiiifrs  in  tlie  LXX.  and 
Vulgate  indicate,  at  Icitst,  a  traditional  belicl' amuag 
the  Jewji  that  the  plural  form  did  not  involve  nu- 
merical pluralitv.  (4.)  TUumnim  is  almost  unani- 
mously deriveil  fron>  lorn  (=  perfertiim,  complete- 
n«v).  The  LXX.  and  Vulgate  render  it  pkufkct 
once  (Eir.  ii.  631,  elsewhere  <i'«M.  What  has  been 
said  as  lo  the  plural  of  Urim  applies  hi're  also. 
"  Light  and  perfection  "  woid  1  probably  be  the 
beat  En:;liih  equivalent  of  "  Urim  and  Thuminini." 
The  mere  phrase,  as  sucli,  leaves  it  iniccrtani 
whether  each  word  by  itself  denote  1  many  things 
of  a  given  kind,  or  whether  tlie  two  tiken  together 
might  be  referred  to  two  distinct  objects,  or  to  one 
and  the  sane  object  (.so  Prof.  Plumptre,  original 
author  of  this  article).  In  Dent,  xxxiii.  8,  we  have 
separately,  "Thy  Thunnnim  and  thy  Urim,"  the 
first  order  being  inverted.  "  Urim  "  is  found  alone 
in  Xum.  xxvii.  21  an  1  1  Sam.  xxviii.  6. — II.  Script- 
ura'  StUrirwnlx.  (1.)  The  mysterious  words  meet 
us  tir^^t,  as  if  they  needed  no  explanation,  in  the 
description  of  the  high-priest's  apparel  (Ex.  xxviii. 
30;  HiGii-PRiEST,  p.  3Sa).  Over  the  Ephod  is  to  bo 
a  "  bre.astplate  of  ja  Igmant,"  of  gold,  scarlet,  pur- 
ple, and  fine  linen,  folded  square  and  doubled,  a 
"  span  "  in  lengtli  and  width.  In  it  are  to  be  set 
four  rows  of  previous  at mes,  each  stone  with  the 
name  of  a  tribe  of  Israel  engraved  on  it,  that  Aaron 
m  ly  "  bear  them  upon  his  heart."  Inside  t!ie 
breastplate,  as  the  Tables  of  the  Covenant  were 
placed  in.side  the  Ark  (Ileb.  el,  Ex.  xxv.  16  [A.  V. 
"into"],  and  xxviii.  30  [A.  V.  "in"|),  arc  to  be 
placed  "  the  Uri.n  and  the  Thummim,"  the  light  and 
the  perfection  ;  and  they,  too,  are  to  be  on  Aaron's 
heart,  when  he  goes  in  before  the  Lord  (xxviii.  15- 
30).  Kot  a  word  describes  them.  They  are  men- 
tioned a-i  things  already  familiar  bith  to  Moses  and 
the  pco;)le,  connected  naturally  with  the  functions 
of  the  high-priest,  as  mediating  between  Jehovah 
and  His  people.  The  conmuid  is  fulfilled  (Lev. 
viii.  8).  They  pass  from  Aaron  to  Eleazar  with  the 
sacred  Ephod  and  other  pontiScals  (Num.  xx.  28, 
compare  xxvii.  21 ;  Deut.  xxxiii.  8,  9;  see  above,  I. 
2,6).  Once  only  are  the  "Urim"  mentioned  by 
name  in  the  history  of  the  Judges  and  the  monarchy 
(1  Sam.  xxviii.  6).  At  the  clo.se  of  the  Captivity 
there  is  no  longer  "  a  priest  with  Urim  and  Thum- 
mim "  (Ezr.  ii.  63;  Xeh.  vii.  65)  to  answer  hard 
questions.  (2.)  Besides  these  direct  statements, 
there  are  others  in  which  we  may,  without  violence, 
trace  a  reference,  if  not  to  both,  at  least  to  the 
"Urim."  When  questions  preci.sely  of  the  nature 
of  those  described  in  Num.  xxvii.  21  are  asked  by 
the  leader  of  the  people,  and  answered  by  Jehovah 
(Judg.  i.  1,  XX.  18J — when  like  questions  are  asked 
by  Saul  of  the  nigh-prie<t  Ahiah,  "  wearing  an 
ephod"  (1  Sam.  xiv.  3,  18) — by  David,  as  soon  as 
he  has  with  him  the  presence  of  a  high-priest  with  j 
his  ephod  (xxiii.  2,  12,  xxx.  7,  8) — we  may  legiti- 
mately infer  that  the  treasures  which  the  ephod  con-  ' 
tained  were  the  conditions  and  media  of  his  answer.  ' 
(3.)  In  some  eases  of  deflection  from  the  established 
religions  order,  we  find  the  ephod  connected  not  1 
with  the  Urim,  but  with  the  Teraphim  (Judg.  xvii.  I 
6,  xviii.  14,  20  ;  Hos.  iii.  4).— III.  Theories.  Of  the  J 
numerous  theories  upon  the  suliject  the  favorite  view  i 
of  Jewish  and  of  some  Christian  writers  has  been,  j 
that  the  Urim  and  Thummim  were  identical  with  | 
the  twelve  stones  on  which  the  names  of  the  tribes  I 


!  of  Israel  were  engraved,  and  the  mode  in  which  an 
oracle  was  given  was  by  the  illumination,  siniulta- 
'  neons  or  8Ucccs.sive,  of  tlie  letters  wliicli  were  to 
make    np    the    answer    (Maiiiioiiides,    Chrysosloni, 
;  Drusius,  (Jrotius,  &c.).     Another  theory  is,  that  in 
j  the  middle  of  the  ephod,  or  within  its  folds,  wa<  a 
>  stone  engraved  with   the  ii.inio  Jkiiovaii,  and   that 
I  by  gazing  on  this,  or  rcailing  an  invocation  eiignivod 
with  it,  or  standing  in  his  ephod  bef(ne  the  mercy- 
seat,  the  high-priest  became  capable  of  prophesying, 
or  hearing  the   Divine  voice  (Buxtorf,   Liglitl'oot, 
!  &c.).     Spencer  supposed   the  Uriin    =  TuRAniiM. 
i  Michaclis  regarded  the  Urim  and  Thuminim  as  three 
stones  (  y'ta,  Ao,  and  blank)  used  as  lots.     Ziillig 
(and  so  Winer)  regards  the  Urim  as  bright  (i.  c.  cut 
I  and  polished)  diamonds,  the  Thnramitn  as  perfect 
!  (i.  e.  whole,  uncut)  one.-',  each  class  witli  iiiscrij)- 
i  tions,  and  a  han.lful  of  them  carried  in  tlie  high- 
priest's  breastplite,  and,  on  being  taken  out  and 
;  thrown,  indicating  an  answer  by  their  position  in 
falling.     Prof.  Plumptre  would  trace  the  Urim  and 
Thummim  to  the  symbolism  of  Egypt,  where  priestly 
I  judges  each  wore  suspended  from  his  neck  by  a  gold 
\  ch.iin  an  image  of  Truth,  often  with  closed  eyes  and 
inaJe  sometimes  of  a  sapphire  or  other  precious 
stone,  and  wliere  members  of  the  priesily  caste  wore 
in  the  centre  of  a  pectoral  plate  or  over  the  iicart  a 
known  symbol  of  Light,  viz.  the  sacred  beetle  or 
/icaraAdeiAv.     Another  theory  is,  that  the  answer  was 
given  simply  by  the  Word  of  the  Lord  to  the  high- 
priest  (compare  Jn.  xi.  51),  when  he  had  inquired 
of   the    Lord  clothed   with  the  ephod  and   breast- 
plate.    But  all  the  theories  are  conjectures  with- 
out knowledge.     Divinatio.v  ;   Idolatry  ;   iNSPiRi- 
Tio.N  ;  Magic  ;  Oracle  ;  Prophet. 

I'sn-rjf  [yn  z'lU-re]  (fr.  L.  usurn  =  a  tutiiiff,  hence 
interest;  Ileb.  usually  uenhech ;  Gr.  tokos),  now  usu- 
ally =:  exorbitant  interest,  in  the  A.  V.  =  inlereit  of 
money  at  any  rate.  The  practice  of  mortgaging 
land,  sometimes  at  exorbitant  interest,  grew  np 
among  tha  Jews  during  the  Captivitv,  in  direct  vio- 
lation of  the  law  (Lev.  xxv.  36,  37 ;  Ez.  xviii.  8,  13, 
17).  We  find  the  rate  among  the  ancient  Romans, 
at  the  East  now,  &c.,  reaching  1  in  100  a  month,  or 
12  per  cent,  per  annum.  The  law  of  the  Koran, 
like  the  Jewish,  forbids  all  exaction  of  interest. 
The  laws  of  Menu  (Hindoo)  allow  18  and  even  21 
per  cent,  as  an  interest  rate;  but,  as  was  the  law  in 
Egypt,  accumulated  interest  was  not  to  exceed  twice 
the  original  sum  lent.  This  Jewish  practice  was 
annulled  by  Nehemiah  (Neh.  v.  3-13).     Loan. 

t'ta  (fr.  Gr,),  ancestor  of  certain  Xcthinim  (1 
Esd.  V.  30) ;  not  in  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 

I'thai,  or  I'tlu-I  (Ileb.  whom  Jehovah  succors, 
(ies.).  I,  Son  of  Ammihud,  and  descendant  of  Ju- 
dah  (1  Chr.  ix.  4) ;  =  Athaiah. — 2.  One  of  the  sons 
of  Bigvai,  who  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  14). 
C'thl  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Uthai  2  (1  E.sd.  viii.  40). 
I'Z  (fr.  Heb.  'uls  z=  light  sand;/  soil  and  fertile? 
Ges.).  1.  A  son  of  Aram  and  grandson  of  Shem 
(Gen.  X.  23  ;  1  Chr.  i.  1 7).— 2.  A  son  of  Naiior  2  by 
Milcah  (Gen.  xxii.  21 ;  A.  V.  "  Hiz  ").— 3.  A  son 
of  Dishan,  and  grandson  of  Seir  (xxxvi.  28). — !• 
The  country  in  which  Jon  lived  (Job  i.  1).  Mr. 
Bevan,  original  author  of  this  article,  regards  the 
genealogical  statements  of  the  Book  of  Genesis  as 
ethnological,  and  in  many  instances  also  geograph- 
ical (ToNOCES,  CoNFL'sics  op),  and  considers  the  co- 
incidence of  names  in  the  above  cases  as  pointing 
to  a  fusion  of  various  branches  of  the  Shcmitic  race 
in  a  certain  locality  (compare  Dedan,  Seba,  Shkba, 
lie).    In  his  view  the  coincidences  of  names  imply 


1150 


UZA 


TJZZ 


that  certain  branches  of  the  Aramaic  family,  being 
both  more  ancient  and  occupying  a  more  northerly 
position  than  the  others,  coalescerl  with  branches  of 
the  later  Abraliamids,  holding  a  somewhat  central 
position  in  Mesopotamia  and  Palestine,  and  again 
with  branches  ol  the  still  later  Edomites  of  the 
south,  after  they  had  become  a  distinct  race  from 
the  Aljraliamids.  This  conclusion  he  confirms  by 
the  geographical  position  of  Uz,  as  described  in  the 
Book  of  Job.  As  far  as  we  can  gather,  it  lay  either 
K.  or  S.  E.  of  Palestine  (Job  i.  3) ;  adjacent  to  the 
Sabeans  and  the  Chaldeans  (15,  17),  consequently 
northward  of  the  southern  Arabians,  and  westward 
of  the  Euphrates  ;  and,  lastly,  adjacent  to  the  Edom- 
ites of  Mount  Seir,  who  at  one  period  occupied  Uz, 
probably  as  conquerors  (Lam.  iv.  21),  and  whose 
troglodyte  habits  are  probably  described  in  Job  xxx. 

6,  7.  Hence  Mr.  IJevan  and  others  infer  that  the 
land  of  Uz  corresponds  to  the  Arabia  Deserta  of 
classical  geography,  at  all  events  to  so  much  of  it 
as  lies  X.  of  latitude  30'.  (Arabia.)  Whether  the 
name  of  Uz  survived  to  classical  times  is  uncertain  : 
a  tribe  named  .,Esita3  (Gr.  Ahitai)  is  mentioned  by 
Ptolemy :  this  Bochart  identifies  with  the  Uz  of 
Scripture.     East. 

U'z;il,  or  l"Ea-l  (Hcb.,  probably  =  sironft,  robrist, 
Gcs.),  father  of  Palal,  who  assisted  Nchemiah  in  re- 
building the  city-wall  (Xeh.  ill.  25). 

I'zal  (Ileb.  a  eonthiual  going  farth,  Pim.  ;  a  wan- 
derer .^  Ayre),  sixth  son  of  Joktan  (Gen.  x.  27;  1 
Chr.  i.  21),  whose  settlements  are  clearly  traced  in 
the  ancient  name  of  San'd,  the  capital  city  of  the  Ye- 
men, which  was  originally  ylirad^  (so  Mr.  E.  S.  Poole, 
and  scliolars  generally).  It  has  disputed  the  right 
to  be  the  chief  city  of  the  kingdom  of  Shf.ba  from 
the  earliest  ages  of  which  any  traditions  have  come 
down  to  us.  From  its  position  in  the  centre  of  the 
best  portion  of  that  kingdom,  it  must  alway  have 
been  an  important  city,  though  probaljly  of  less  im- 
portance than  Sebd  itself  Ni;;buhr  says  that  it  is 
a  walled  town,  in  an  elevated  country,  in  lat.  15° 
2',  and  with  a  stream  (alter  heavy  rains)  running 
throug'i  it,  and  another  larger  stream  a  little  to  the 
W.  It  has  a  citadel  on  the  site  of  a  fiimous  temple. 
The  houses  and  palaces  of  San'd  are  finer  than  those 
of  any  other  town  of  Arabia ;  and  it  possesses  many 
mo3(|Ucs,  public  baths,  and  caravanserais.  Its  pres- 
ent population  is  estimated  at  70,000  (JVcW  Amer. 
Ci/c).  Uzal,  or  Awziil,  most  probably  =  the  Au- 
zara,  or  Ausara,  of  the  classics.  It  is  perhaps  re- 
ferred to  in  Ez.  xxvii.  19,  translated  in  the  A.  V. 
"  Javan,  going  to  and  fro,"  margin  "  Meuzal ; " 
which  might  be  translated  from  Uzal;  but  Gese- 
nins,  &c.,  translate  something  spun,  i.  e.  thread,  yarn. 

I'z'za  (lleb.  strenr/th,  Ges.).  I.  A  Benjamite  of 
the  pons  of  Eluid  (1  Chr.  viii.  7). — 2.  Uzzah  (xiii. 

7,  9-11).— 3.  Ancestor  of  a  family  of  Xethinim  who 
returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  49;  Neh.  vii.  51). 
— 1.  A  Lcvite,  son  of  Shimei  and  descendant  of 
Merari  (1  Chr.  vi.  29  [Ileh.  14]).  Some  suppose  a 
gap  in  the  verse,  and  conjecture  that  this  Uzza  may 
be  a  Gorshonite,  =  Zin.a,  or  Zizah,  the  son  of  Shimei 
(xxiii.  10,  11  ;  Shimei  17). 

Hz'zs  (.see  above),  the  gar'den  of;  the  spot  in 
which  Manasseh  and  his  son  Amon,  kings  of  Judah, 
were  both  buried  (2  K.  xxi.  18,  26).  It  was  the 
garden  attached  to  Manassch's  palace  (ver.  18). 
The  fact  of  its  mention  shows  that  it  was  not  where 
the  usual  sepulchres  of  the  kings  were.  (Tomb.)  It 
is  ingenioisly  sugge  ted  by  Cornelius  a  Lapirie,  that 
the  garden  was  so  called  from  being  on  the  spot 
where  Uzza  2  or  Uzzaii  died. 


Fz'zah  (Heb.  =  Uzza,  Ges.),  one  of  the  sons  of 
AniSAOAB  1,  in  whose  house  at  Kirjath-jearim  the 
ark  rested  for  twenty  years ;  =  Uzza  2.  Uzzah 
probably  was  the  second,  and  Ahio  1  the  third  son. 
(Eleazah  2.)  They  both  accompanied  its  removal, 
when  David  first  undertook  to  carry  it  to  Jerusa- 
lem. Ahio  apparently  went  before  the  new  cart  ( 1 
Chr.  xiii.  7)  on  which  it  was  placed,  and  Uzzah 
walked  by  the  side.  "  At  the  thrcsliing-fionr  of 
Nachon  "  (2  Sam.  vi.  6),  or  Ciiidon  (1  Chr.  xiii.  9), 
the  oxen  stumbled.  Uzzah  caught  the  ark  to  pre- 
vent its  falling.  lie  died  immediately  by  its  side. 
His  death,  so  sudden  and  awful,  is  ascribed  directly 
to  the  Divine  anger.  The  narrative  seems  to  imply 
that  his  "error"  or  sin  was  the  rough,  hasty  han- 
dling of  the  sacred  coffer  (so  Dean  Stanley).     PEREa-; 

UZZAH.  ' 

I'z'zen-sbe'rah  (Ileb.  ear  of  Sherah,  or  SheralCs 
corner,  Ges.),  a  town  founded  or  relmilt  by  Siierah  ; 
named  only  in  1  Chr.  vii.  24,  in  connection  with  the 
two  Beth-!mrons.  No  trace  of  it  appears  to  have 
been  yet  discovered,  unless  in  B  il  Sira,  on  the  N. 
side  of  the  Wadi/  Suleiman,  about  three  miles  S.  W. 
of  Beitur  el-tnhta  (lower  Beth-iioron). 

I'z'zl  (Ileb.  =  UzziAii,  Ges.  I.  1.  Son  of  Bnkki, 
and  father  of  Zerahiah,  in  the  line  of  the  high-priests 
(1  Chr.  vi.  5,  61  ;  Ezr.  vii.  4).  He  must  have  been 
contemporary  with,  but  rather  earlier  than,  Eli. 
(Hinn-rniEST.) — 2,  Son  of  Tola  the  son  of  Issachar 
(1  Chr.  vii.  2,  3). — 3.  A  Benjamite  chief,  son  of 
Bela  (vii.  7). — !•  A  Benjamite,  f.ther  or  .ancestor 
of  the  Elah  settled  at  Jerusalem  after  the  Captivity 
(i.i:.  8). — 5.  A  Levitc,  son  of  Bani,  and  overseer  of 
the  Levites  at  Jerusalem,  in  Nehendah's  time(Xeh. 
xi.22). — 6>  A  priest,  chief  of  the  house  of  Jedaiah, 
in  the  time  of  high-priest  Jdiakim  (xii.  19). — 7.  One 
of  the  priests  who  assisted  Ezra  in  the  dedication  of 
the  w.all  of  Jerusalem  (xii.  42);  perhaps  =  No.  6. 

I'z-zl'a  (fr.  Ileb.  =  UzziEi.,  Fii.),  "the  Ashteiia-' 
THITE,"  one  of  David's  valiant  men  (l  Chr.  xi.  44). 

I'z-zi'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  might  of  Jthovnh,  Ges.).  1. 
A  king  of  Judah.  (Israel,  Kingdom  of;  JunAH, 
KiNcnoM  OF.)  In  some  passages  his  name  appears 
as  AzARiAli,  which  Gcsenius  attributes  to  an  error 
of  the  copyists.  This  is  possible,  but  there  are  other 
instances  of  the  princes  of  Judah  changing  their 
names  on  succeeding  to  the  throne  (so  Bishop  Cot- 
ton, original  author  of  tins  article).  After  the  mur- 
der of  Amaziaii,  his  son  Uzziah  was  chosen  by  the 
people  to  occupy  the  vacant  throne  at  the  age  of 
sixteen ;  and  for  the  greater  part  of  his  long  reign 
of  fifty-two  years  he  lived  in  the  fear  of  God,  and 
showed  himself  a  wise,  active,  and  pious  ruler.  He 
began  his  reign  by  a  successful  expedition  against 
his  father's  enemies,  the  Edomites,  who  had  revolted 
from  Judah  in  Jehoram's  time,  eighty  years  before, 
and  penetrated  as  far  as  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of 
'Akabah,  where  he  took  Elath  (2  K.  xiv.  22  ;  2  Chr. 
xxvi.  1,  &c.).  Uzziah  waged  other  victorious  wars 
in  the  S.,  especially  against  the  Mehunim,  and  the 
I  Arabs  of  Gir-baal.  Toward  the  W.,  Uzziah  fought 
with  equal  success  against  the  Philistines,  levelled  to 
the  ground  the  walls  of  Gath,  Jabneh,  and  Ashdod, 
and  founded  new  fortified  cities  in  the  Philistine  ter- 
i  ritory.  He  strengthened  the  walls  of  Jerusalem, 
and  equipped  an  army  of  307,500  men.  He  was 
also  a  great  patron  of  agriculture.  He  never  de- 
serted the  worship  of  the  true  God,  and  was  much 
influenced  by  Zechariah  24,  a  prophet  mentioned 
only  in  connection  with  him.  So  the  southern  king- 
dom was  raised  to  a  condition  of  prosperity  which 
it  had  not  known  since  the  death  of  Solomon.    Uz- 


uzz 


TAU 


1161 


ziali,  elated  with  his  splendid  career,  determined  to 
burn  incenae  on  the  altar  of  (>od,  but  was  opposed 
by  the  high-priest  Azariah  14  and  eighty  others  (see 
Ex.  XXX.  7,  8  ;  Num.  xvi.  40,  xviii.  7  ;  I'mtsi).  The 
kin;;  was  enraged  at  tlieir  resistance,  and,  as  he 
pressed  forward  witli  his  censer,  was  suddenly  smit- 
ten with  leprosy.  Uzziah  was  buried  "  with  liis 
fathers  "  ( ToMn),  yet  apparently  not  actually  in  the 
royal  sepulchres  ('J  Chr.  xxvi.  23).  During  liis  reign 
an  EARTiiQi'AKK  Occurred,  apparently  very  serious 
in  its  consequences  (Am.  i.  1 ;  Zech.  xiv.  5).  The 
prophets  Isaiah,  Amos,  and  Hosea  were  contempo- 
rary with  Uzziah.^2.  A  Kohathitc  Levitc,  ancestor 
oi  Simuel  (I  Chr.  vi.  24  [Heb.  9]).— 3.  A  priest  of 
the  sous  of  Ilarim  ;  husband  of  a  foreign  wife  in 
Ezra's  time  (Ezr.  x.  21). — i.  Fatlier  of  Athaiah,  or 
Uthai  (Xeh.  xi.  4). — .5.  F'ather  of  .Jehonathan,  one 
of  D.-iviil's  overseers  (I  Chr.  xxvii.  25). 

I'z'zl-el,  or  tz-zi'el  (Ileb.  might  of  Ood,  Ges. ; 
God  i»  mv  strength,  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey).  1.  A 
Levite,  fourth  son  of  Kohath,  and  ancestor  of  the 
UzziKLiTES;  father  of  MishasI,  Elzaphan  or  Eliza- 
phan,  and  Zithri,  and  uncle  to  Aaron  (Ex.  vi.  18,  22 ; 
Lev.  X.  4  ;  Num.  iii.  19,  30;  1  Chr.  vi.  2,  18,  xv.  10, 
xxiii.  12,  20,  xxiv.  24). — i,  A  Simeonite  captain,  son 
of  Ishi,  and  participant  in  the  expedition  against  the 
Amalekites  of  Seir  in  Hezekiah's  time  (iv.  42). — 3i 
A  Cenjamite  chief,  son  of  Bela  (vii.  7). — !•  A  Levite 
musician,  son  of  Ueman  (xxv.  4);  =  Azarf.kl  2. — 
5>  A  Levite,  of  the  sonsof  Jeduthun,  active  in  puri- 
fying the  Temple  in  Hezekiah's  time  (2  Chr.  xxix. 
14,  19). — 0.  Son  of  Harliaiah,  proliably  a  priest,  in 
the  days  of  Nehemiah,  who  took  part  in  repairing 
the  wall  (Xeh.  iii.  8).  He  is  described  as  "of  the 
goldsmiths,"  i.'e.  of  those  priests  whoso  hereditary 
ofBce  it  was  to  repair  or  make  the  sacred  vessels(80 
Lord  A.  C.  Hervey). 

I'z'zl-el-ites,  or  Iz-zi'cl-itcs,  fie  =  the  descend- 
ants of  L'zziKL  1,  and  one  of  the  four  great  families 
of  the  Kohatliites  (Num.  iii.  27  ;  1  Chr.  xxvi.  23). 


•  Ta'hrt  (Heb.  a  (lift  ?),  a  doubtful  word  found 
only  in  Num.  xxi.  14  margin,  translated  "  what  he 
did "  in  the  text ;  perhaps  the  proper  name  of  a 
place  in  the  territory  of  Moab  on  the  Arnon ;  ac- 
cording to  Le  CIcrc,  =  Matta.naii  in  ver.  18  (Ges.). 
Kl'mbers,  p.  74.5. 

•  Vail  =  Vkil. 

Va-jcz'a-tha,  or  Vi^-c-za'thn  (Ilcb.  fr.  Pers.  = 
white,  pure,  Ges.),  one  of  Ilaman's  ten  sons  whom 
the  Jews  slew  in  Shushan  (E.<th.  ix.  9). 

Vale,  and  Val'Irr  =^  a  hollow  sweep  of  ground  be- 
tween two  more  or  less  parallel  ridges  of  high  land. 
"Vale"  is  tlie  poetical  or  provincial  form.  The 
structure  of  the  greater  part  of  the  Holy  Land  does 
not  lend  itself  to  tlie  formation  of  valleys  in  our 
sense  of  the  word.  The  abrupt  transitions  of  its 
crowded  rocky  hills  preclude  the  existence  of  any 
extended  sweep  of  valley.  The  nearest  approach  is 
found  in  the  space  (not  mentioned  in  the  liible)  be- 
tween the  mountains  of  Gerizim  and  Ehal,  which 
contains  the  town  o{  Neibubu,  the  ancient  SnECiiEsi. 
Another  is  the  "  Valley  of  Jezreel."  Valley  is  em- 
ployed in  the  A.  V.  to  render  six  different  words, 
Hebrew  and  Greek,  two  of  which  (No.  1  and  5)  nre 
also  translated  "  vale." — 1.  Heb.  'cmek  (so  Mr.  Grove) 
appears  to  approach  more  nearly  to  the  general  sense 
of  the  English  word  than  any  other.    Qescnius  makes 


the  Hebrew  word  =  "  a  valley,  properly  a  long  low 
plain."  (Plain  8.)  It  is  connected  with  Achor, 
Ajalo.n,  Baca,  Berachah,  Betm-rehob,  Decision, 
Ei-ah,  Gideon,  Hebron,  jEiiosiiAriiAT,  Keziz,  Reph- 
AiM,  Shaveii,  SiuniM,  Slccotii  ;  but  the  only  one 
which  can  be  identilied  with  any  certainty  is  that  of 
Jezreel. — 2.  Heb.  (/nt/  and  r/ei/  =  a  vallei/.  so  called 
as  the  place  where  waters  flow  together  ;  then  a  level 
recfiott,  low  plain,  Ges.  One  example  remaining  can 
be  identihed  with  certainty — the  deep  liollow  which 
encompasses  the  S.  W.  andS.  of  Jerusalem,  and  with- 
out doubt  =  "  the  Valley  of  Hi.snom  "  (Heb.  geii- 
Hinnom)  or  "  the  valley  of  the  son  of  Hinnom  " 
(Ileb.  gei) hen-Hinnom)  of  the  0.  T.  Thi-  ideniifica- 
tion  appears  to  establish  the  aeij  as  a  deep  and  abrupt 
ravine,  with  steep  sides  and  narrow  bottom  (so  Mr. 
Grove).  Other  "valleys"  of  this  kind,  or  ravines, 
are  tliose  of  GEnoa,  Jiphthah-el,  Zeboi.m,  Zepiia- 
TiiAH,  of  Salt,  of  Ciiarashim  or  "  craftsmen,"  on  the 
N.  of  A  I,  and  opposite  Beth-peor. — 3.  Heb.  nnhal 
or  iiachal  —  Ar.  icady  —  "  Brook  "  4,  and  "  River  " 
2. — 4.  Heb.  i?/:'(JA  (Plain  2)  is  rendered  by  "  valley  " 
in  Dent.  viii.  7,  xi.  11,  xxxiv.  3;  Josh.  xi.  8,  17,  xii. 
7  ;  2  Clir.  XXXV.  22 ;  Ps.  civ.  S  ;  Is.  xli.  18,  Ixiii.  14  ; 
Ez.  xxxvii.  1,  2;  Zech.  xii.  11. — 5.  Heb.  hash- 
Shlphel&h  (Jl-daii  1  [II.];  Low  Country;  Pales- 
tine ;  Plain  6  ;  Sephela)  is  rendered  "  the  vale  "  in 
Dent.  i.  7;  Josh.  x.  40;  1  K.  x.  27;  2  Chr.  i.  15; 
Jer.  xxxiii.  13;  and  "the  valley  "  or  "valleys"  in 
Josh.  ix.  1,  xi.  2,  16  twice,  xii.  8,  xv.  33  ;  Judg.  i.  9 ; 
Jer.  xxiii.  44. — 6.  Gr.  pharanrix  =  (so  Rbn.  A'.  T. 
Lex.)  a  ravine,  ehnxin,  a  narrow  and  deep  pass  or 
valley  with  p-ecipitous  rocky  sidss  (Lk.  iii.  5  only, 
quoted  from  Is.  xl.  4,  where  the  LXX.  has  it  for 
No.  2  above). 

•  V^.ricy-gate  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  9;  Xeh.  hi.  13),  or 
date  of  the  Val'ley  (ii.  13,  15),  a  gate  of  Jerusalem, 
leading  out  into  the  upper  part  of  the  Valley  of  Hin- 
nom, where  now  is  the  Jaffa  gate  (Ges.). 

Va-ni'ab  (fr.  Hob.  =  Jah  is  praise,  Fii),  one  of 
the  sons  of  Bani ;  husband  of  a  foreign  wife  in  Ezra's 
time  (Ezr.  x.  36). 

»  Va'por,  the  A.  V.  translation  of^l.  Heb.  erf. 
(Mist.)— 2.  Heb.  vdni  (in  pi.  literally  rininijs,  i.  e. 
vapors  rising  from  the  earth,  Ges.)  (Ps.  cxxxv.  7; 
Jer.  X.  13,  li.  161,  also  translated  in  A.  V.  and  by 
Gesenius  once  "clouds"  (Prov.  xxv.  14).  (Cap- 
tain, &c.)— 3.  Heb.  ti/or  once  (Ps.  cxlviii.  8),  else- 
where translated  in  A.  V.  and  hv  Gesenius  "  .smoke  " 
(Gen.  xix.  28 ;  Ps.  exix.  83). — t.'lleb.  'oWi  once  (Job 
xxxvi.  33,  marg.  "that  wliieh  goeth  up;"  Gesenius 
translates  //>//  whogorlh  upon  hif/h,  i.  e.  God  ascend- 
ing in  tie  tempest).  5.  Gr.  atmis  (Acts  ii.  19 ;  Jas. 
iv.  14).     Ci.oun;  Dew,  &c. 

Vash'ni  (Hob.,  see  below),  the  firstborn  of  Samcel 
as  the  text  now  stands  (1  Clir.  vi.  28  [Heb.  13]);  = 
Joel  1.  Many  suppose  that  in  the  Chronicles  the 
name  "Joel"  has  dropped  out,  and  "Vashni"  is  a 
corruption  of  Heb.  vCshini, "  and  (the)  second."  But 
Fiirst  makes  "  Vashni  "  =  Jah  is  strong,  and  says, 
"  Joel,"  which  stands  for  it  in  1  Sam.  viii.  2,  may 
have  the  same  signification. 

Vash'tl  (Heb.  fr.  Pers.  =  a  benntii,  Ges.),  the 
"  queen  "  of  Ahascerus  3,  who,  for  refusing  to  show 
herself  to  the  king's  guests  at  the  royal  banquet, 
when  sent  for  by  the  king,  was  repudiated  and  de- 
posed (Esth.  i.).  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  supposes  that 
she  was  only  one  of  the  inferior  wives,  with  the  title 
of  "  queen,"  whose  name  has  disappeared  from  his- 
tory.    Esther. 

"  Vat.    Fat  ;  Olive  ;  Wine-press. 

•  Van  (Heb.  vda  =  a  peg,  nail,  hook,  Ges.),  the 


1152 


VED 


VER 


sixth    letter   of  the  Hebrew   alphabet   (Ps.   cxix.). 
Writino. 

*  Ve'dan.     Dan  3. 

Vf  U.  Under  Dress,  p.  235,  are  noticed  three  He- 
brew terms  (mitpahatli  or  milpackalh,  lua'iph,  and 
rddid),  rendered  "  vail  "  or  "  veil  "  in  the  A.  V.,  but 
regarded  as  denoting  rather  shawls,  or  mantles, 
which  might  at  pleasure  be  drawn  over  the  faee,  but 
were  not  designed  for  the  special  purpose  of  veils. 
The  following  terms  (so  Mr.  Bevan)  describe  the  veil 
proper: — 1.  ileb.  masveh,  used  of  the  "veil"  which 
MosKS  assumed  when  he  came  down  from  the  mount 
(Ex.  xxxiv.  33-35),  for  which  the  LXX.  (1.  c.)  and 
N.  T.  (2  Cor.  iii.  13)  have  Gr.  laliimma  It  was 
probably  an  ample  outer  robe  which  might  be  drawn 
over  the  face  when  required. — 2.  Heb.  pi.  mispdiioth, 
or  miapichoth,  used  of  the  veils  which  the  false  proph- 
ets placed  upon  their  heads  (Ez.  xiii.  18,  21  ;  A. 
V.  "kerchiefs"). — 3.  Ileb.  pi.  re'dlo'h,  used  of  the 
light  Veils  worn  by  females  (Is.  iii.  19,  A.  V.  "  mlf- 
FLEKS"). — 4.  Hob.  tsammdh,  understood  by  the  A. 
V.  (witli  Rashi,  and  Kimclii,  and  Winer)  of  "  locks  " 
of  hair  (Cant.  iv.  1,  3,  vi,  7  ;  Is.  xlvii.  2);  but  the 
contents  of  the  passages  in  which  it  is  used  favor 
the  sense  of  veil  (Gesenius,  Fiirst,  &c.).  The  use 
of  tlie  veil  was  by  no  means  so  general  in  ancient  as 
in  modem  times  (Gen.  xii.  14,  xxiv.  16,  xxix.  10;  1 
Sam.  i.  12).  At  present  females  are  rarely  seen 
without  it  ill  Oriental  countries.  Much  of  the  scru- 
pulousness in  tills  respect  dates  from  the  promulga- 
tion of  the  Koran,  which  forbade  women  ap^icaring 
Unveiled  except  in  the  presence  of  their  nearest  rela- 
tives. In  ancient  times,  the  veil  was  adopted  only 
in  exceptional  cases,  as  an  article  of  ornamental 
dress  (Cant,  iv  1,  3,  vi.  7),  or  by  betrothed  maidens 
in  the  presence  of  their  future  husbands,  especially 
at  the  tim.'  of  the  wedding  (Gen.  xxiv.  65,  xxix.  25), 
or  by  women  of  loose  character  for  purposes  of  con- 
cealment (xxxviii.  14).  Among  the  Jews  of  the  N. 
r.  age  it  appears  to  have  been  customary  for  the 
women  to  cover  their  heads  (not  necessarily  their 
fiices)  when  engaged  in  public  worship  (1  Cor.  xi. 
8-16).     JUriiiage  ;  Women'. 

Veil  of  thi-  Tab'er-na-clB,  Veil  of  tlie  Tcmplf 
(Heb.  ma^nkhd\  pgrochelh;  Gr.  kataptiasma).  Tab- 
er.nacle;  Temple. 

•  Ver-milion.    Colors,  II.  4. 

Versions,  An'eient,  of  the  Old  Md  New  Testa- 
ments.  The  ancient  versions  that  have  come  down 
to  us,  in  whole  or  in  part,  will  be  described  in  the 
alphabetical  order  of  the  languages.  In  most  of 
them  the  0.  T.  is  not  a  version  from  the  Hebrew, 
but  merely  a  secondary  translation  from  the  Septua- 
glnt  in  some  one  of  its  early  forms.  It  may  be  added 
that  during  the  present  century,  more  than  200  dif- 
ferent versions  of  the  Bible,  or  of  parts  of  the  Bible, 
in  more  than  150  different  languages  or  dialects,  an- 
cient or  modern,  have  been  published  and  circu- 
lated, in  great  part  through  the  efforts  of  Christian 
missionaries  and  Bible  societies.  Of  the  articles 
here  grouped  under  the  general  title  of  ancient  ver- 
sions,, eight  (A,  B,  D,  E,  F,  C,  .1,  K)  arc  abridged 
from  the  originals  by  Dr.  Tregelles,  and  one(I,)  from 
that  by  Mr.  Deutsch.  These  are  followed  by  a 
separate  article  (Version,  Acihorizep)  on  the  Eng- 
lish version.  The  Samaritan  Version,  Septuaoint, 
and  VcLOATE,  are  treated  of  elsewhere  under  their 
respective  titles.  Bible  ;  Canon  ;  New  Testauent  ; 
Olo  Testament,  &c. 

Ai  Ar  a-bic  Ver'sions> — I.  Arahic  Veraiong  of  the 
O.  T.—{A..)  From  the  Hebrew.  Rabbi  Saadia'h  (in 
L.  Saadicu)  Haggaon,  the  Hebrew  commentator  of 


the  tenth  century,  translated  portions  (some  think 
the  whole)  of  the  0.  T.  into  Arabic.  His  version 
of  the  Pentateuch  was  printed  at  Constantinople,  in 
1546.  The  Paris  Polyglott  contains  the  same  ver- 
sion from  a  MS.  differing  in  many  of  its  readings: 
this  was  reprinted  by  Walton.  It  seems  as  if  copy- 
ists had  in  parts  altered  the  version  considerably. 
The  version  of  Isaiah  by  Saadiah  was  printed  by 
Paulus,  at  Jemi,  in  1791,  from  a  Bodleian  MS.;  the 
same  library  contains  a  MS.  of  his  version  of  Job 
and  of  (he  Psalms.  Kimchi  quotes  his  version  of 
Hosea. — The  Book  of  Joshua  in  the  Paris  and  Wal- 
ton's Polyglotts  is  also  from  the  Hebrew;  and  this 
(so  Rodiger)  is  the  case  with  the  Polyglott  text  of  1 
1  K.  xii.-2  K.  xii.  16,  and  of  Neh.  i.-ix.  27.'  (Samar- 
I  ITAN  Pentateicii,  II.  3.)  (B.)  From  the  Feshilo- 
j  Si/riae.  This  is  the  base  of  the  Arabic  text  in  the 
j  Polyglotts  of  the  Books  of  Judges,  Ruth,  Samuel, 
I  Kings,  and  Nehemiah.  (C.)  From  the  LXX.  The 
version  in  the  Polyglotts  of  the  books  not  specified 
above.  Another  text  of  the  Psalter  in  J'u-litdan's 
Octuple  Paalter,  Genoa,  1516. -II.  Arabic  Versions 
of  the  N.  7'.  The  printed  editions  are — 1.  The  Ro- 
man fir-st  edition  of  the  four  Gospels,  1590-91.  2. 
The  Erpenian  Arabic.  The  whole  X.  T.  edited  by 
Erpenius,  1616,  at  Leyden,  from  a  MS.  of  the  thir- 
teenth or  fourteenth  century.  3.  The  Arabic  of 
the  Paris  Polyglott,  1645.  In  the  Gospels  this  fol- 
lows mostly  the  Roman  text ;  in  the  Epistles  a  MS. 
from  Aleppo  was  used.  The  Arabic  in  Walton's 
Polyglott  appears  to  be  simply  taken  from  the  Paris 
text.  4.  The  Carshuni  Arabic  text  (i.  e.  in  Syriac 
letters),  the  Syriac  and  Arabic  N.  T.,  published  at 
Rome,  in  1703.  For  this  a  MS.  brought  from  Cyprus 
was  used.— Storr  proved  tliat  in  all  these  editions 
the  Gospels  are  really  the  same  translation.  Juyn- 
boU  proves  that  an  Arabic  MS.  at  Franeker  coin- 
cides in  its  general  text  with  ihe  f!oman  first  edi- 
tion, that  both  follow  the  Latin  Vulgate.  The 
greater  agreement  of  the  Polyglctt  text  with  the 
Greek  he  a-scribcs  to  the  influence  of  the  Aleppo 
MS.  Juynboll  identifies  the  text  of  the  Franeker 
MS.  (and  of  the  Roman  edition)  with  the  version 
made  in  the  eighth  century  by  John,  Bishop  of  Se- 
ville. In  the  Erpenian  Arabic  the  latter  part  Ls  a 
translation  from  the  Peshito-Syriac ;  the  Epistles 
not  found  in  that  version  and  the  Apocalypse  are 
said  to  be  from  the  Memphitic.  The  latter  part  of 
the  text  in  the  Polyglotts  is  from  the  Greek  (see 
note  ',  below). 

B<  Ar-me'nI-an  Vor'sioDt  Before  the  fifth  century 
the  Armenians  are  sai  1  to  have  used  the  Syriac  al- 
phabet; but  at  that  time  Miesrob  is  stated  to  have 
invented  the  Armenian  letters.  Soon  after  this  it 
is  said  that  Miesrob,  with  his  companions,  Joseph 
and  Eznak,  began  a  version  of  the  Scriptures  from 
the  Syriac,  and  completed  all  the  0.  T. ;  and  in  the 
New,  they  used  the  Syriac  as  their  basis,  from  their 
inability  to  obtain  any  Greek  books.  But  when,  in 
431,  Joseph  and  Eznak  returned  from  the  council 
of  Ephesus  with  a  Greek  copy  of  the  Scriptures, 
Isaac,  the  Armenian  patriarch,  and  Miesrob,  threw 
aside  what  they  had  done,  that  they  might  execute 
a  version  from  the  Greek.  But  now  arose  the  diffi- 
culty of  their  want  of  a  competent  acquaintance 
with  that  language  :  to  remedy  this,  Eznak  and  Jo- 
seph were  sent  with  Moses  of  Chorene  (the  narrator 


•  A  new  and  accurate  AraWc  version  of  the  entire  Bible, 
made  ttom  the  original  languages  bv  Ihe  late  Eli  Sniilh, 
D.  D.,  and  Rev.  C.  It.  A.  Van  Dyck.  M.  D.,  American  mis- 
oionaries  at  Belrflt  in  Syria,  was  electrotyped  by  the  Amer- 
ican Bible  Society  in  1867. 


VER 


VER 


1153 


6f  those  details)  to  study  Greek  at  Alexandria. 
There  they  iiiadt?  what  Moses  calls  tluir  lliinl  trans- 
lation, the  fii-st  beinj!  that  from  tlie  Syriac,  and  tlie 
second  that  attempted  without  S'.ffieient  acciuaint- 
ance  with  the  Greek.  The  first  printed  edition  of 
the  O.  and  X.  T.  in  Armenian  appeared  at  Amster- 
dam in  1366,  under  tha  care  of  a  person  commonly 
termed  Osean,  or  Uscan,  and  described  as  an  Arrae- 
liian  bishop.  Zohrab,  in  1789,  published  at  Venice 
an  improved  text  of  the  Armenian  N.  T. ;  and  in 
ISO.'i  he  and  his  coadjutors  completed  an  edition  of 
the  entire  Armenian  Scriptures.  The  basis  was  a 
MS.  written  in  the  fourteenth  century.  The  Arme- 
nian version  in  its  general  texture  is  a  valuable  aid 
to  the  criticism  of  the  text  of  the  N.  T."     A«ue.nia. 

C.  f liJl'df p  Versions  =  T.u-gums.    (See  L,  below). 

Dt  G-syp  tUn  Ver'sbns. — I.  The  Mrmphilie  Ver- 
sion, formerly  called  (fro:n  the  ancient  Coptoa  in  Up- 
per Ej;ypt)the  Coptic  Ver-von,  was  for  a  considL'rabla 
lime  the  only  Egyptian  translation  known  to  sciiol- 
ars ;  but  when  the  fact  was  established  that  there 
were  at  least  two  Egyptian  versions,  the  n.ime  Co])- 
tic  was  found  to  be  indefinite,  and  even  unsuitable 
for  the  transLttion  then  so  ter.ned;  and  Copto-Meiu- 
pliitie,  or  more  simply  Memphitic  (Memphis),  is  the 
better  name  lor  the  version  in  the  dialect  of  Lower 
E;;ypt.  When  Egyptian  translations  were  made  we 
do  not  know :  probably  before  the  middle  of  the 
fourth  century.  When  the  attention  of  European 
sciiDJars  was  directed  to  the  language  and  races  of 
modem  Egypt,  it  was  found  that  while  the  native 
Christians  use  only  Arabic  vernacularly,  yet  in  their 
services  and  in  ihjir  public  reading  of  the  Script- 
ures they  employ  a  dialect  of  the  Coptic.  This  is 
the  version  now  termed  Memphitic.  WilUins  in 
1716  published  at  Oxford,  England,  the  fir.st  Mem- 
phitic N.  T.,  founded  on  MS.S.  in  th-'  B;)dleian,  and 
coinpar.'d  with  .some  at  Rome  and  Paris.  In  1846-8 
Schwartze  published  at  Berlin  an  edition  of  the 
Memphitic  Gospels,  in  which  he  etnjiloyeJ  MSS.  la 
the  Royal  Library  tlieie.  He  proJuicd  a  far  more 
satisfactory  work  than  that  of  Wilkins ;  but  death 
prevented  the  continuation  of  his  labors.  Since 
then  Boettieher's  editions,  first  of  the  Acts  and  then 
of  the  Epistles,  have  appeared.  In  184S-52  a  mag- 
nificent edition  of  the  .Memphitic  X.  T.  was  published 
by  t!ie  (English)  Society  for  Promoting  Christian 
Knowledge,  un  lor  the  editorial  care  of  the  Rev.  R. 
T.  Lie  lor  of  Cairo.  This  edition,  intond;.'d  solely 
for  the  n-e  of  tlie  Coptic  Churches,  has  at  the  side 
a  small  column  in  Arabic.  The  0.  T.  of  this  version 
was  made  from  tlie  LXX.  Of  this  various  portions 
have  been  published  at  different  times. — II.  7%e 
Thdxiic  VerA'm.  The  examination  of  Egyptian 
MSS.  in  the  last  century  showeil  besides  the  Mem- 
phitic another  version  in  a  cognate  Egyptian  dialect. 
To  this  the  name  Sahidic  was  applied  by  some,  from 
an  Arabic  designation  for  Upper  Egypt  and  its  an- 
cient language  ;  but  Copto-Thebaic  (as  styled  by 
Giorgi),  or  simply  Thebaic  (Thkbes),  is  far  prefei^ 
able.  In  1785  Mingarelli  published  a  few  portions 
of  this  version  of  the  X.  T.  from  MSS.  In  1789 
Giorgi  e<lited  very  valuable  Greek  and  Thebaic  frag- 
ments of  St.  John's  Gospel,  which  appear  to  belong 
to  the  fifth  century.     Miintcr,  in  1787,  published  a 

•The  ancient  Armenian  being  uninlelUziblc  to  tho  mnes 
of  the  people,  several  translations  of  the  Scriptures  into 
lite  ni(Klerii  .Armenian  and  Arnieiui-Turkish  (I.  e.  TurkUh 
In  Armenian  chara'-ters)  have  Iwcn  published,  tho  I'ltest 
and  best  helium  those  prepared  by  Ameriraii  inisfioiiarles 
in  Tnrkev  (Rev.  J.  B.  AcIkct.  Rov.  Klias  l{li;i!«.  1).  D..  Rev. 
Wm.  Onodell,  D.  D.,  i;c.),aiid  publislied  bf  the  American 
Bible  B<x:iety.  ■;  ■■'  •'  .. 

73 


I  fragtnent  of  Daniel  in  this  version ;  and  in  1789 
'  po.tions  of  the  Epistles  to  Timothy,  with  readings 
from  MS,S.  ill  otlier  parts  of  tho  X.  T.  In  the  fol- 
lowing year  Mingarelli  printed,  Imt  died  without, 
properly  speaking,  publishing,  Mk.  xi.  29-xv.  22, 
from  MSS.  Woide's  edition  appeared  after  his 
death,  under  the  editorial  care  of  Ford,  in  1799,  and 
contains  the  greater  part  of  the  Tliebaic  X.  T. — III. 
A  Third  Hgyfitian  \'ersioH.  Some  Egyptian  frag- 
ments, noticed  by  Jliiiiter  and  Giorgi  amongst  the 
Borgiau  MSS.,  and  differing  in  dialect  botli  from  the 
Memphitic  and  Thebaic,  were  edited  by  both  these 
soliolars  independently  in  1789.  Other  portions, 
transcribed  independently  by  Zoega  and  Eiigelbreth, 
appeared  in  1810  and  1811.  Arabian  writers  men- 
tion a  third  Egyptian  dialect  named  Jiashmiiric,  and 
this  lias  by  some  boon  assumed  as  the  appellation 
for  this  version.  Giorgi  supposed  this  the  dialect 
of  the  Amnionian  Oasis;  in  this  Miintcr  agreed 
with  liim  ;  and  thus  they  called  the  version  the  Am- 
moid  tiu  The  dialect  is,  liowever,  closely  allied  to 
the  Thebaic,  if  really  different  from  it. — Character 
of  live  Ejiipliuii  Veraiotis.  The  Thebaic  and  Mem- 
piiitic  translations  are  independent  of  each  other, 
and  botli  spring  from  Greek  copies.  It  is  probable 
that  the  Thebaic  version  was  made  in  the  early  part 
of  the  third  century,  for  the  common  people  among 
the  Christians  in  Upper  Egypt ;  that  it  was  formed 
from  MSS.  such  as  were  then  current  iu  the  regions 
of  Egypt  ilistant  from  Alexandria;  that  afterward 
the  Memphitic  version  was  executed  in  the  move 
polished  dialect,  from  the  Greek  copies  of  Alexan- 
dria ;  and  that  thus  in  process  of  time  the  Memphitic 
remained  alone  in  ecclesiastical  use.  In  textual 
criticism,  the  value  of  these  versions,  though  known 
only  through  defective  channels,  is  very  high.  (Nkw 
Testame-nt,  III.  3.)  The  fragments  of  the  tldrd 
Egyp;ian  version  follow  tlie  Thebaic  so  closely  as  to 
have  no  independent  character.  This  version  does, 
ho^veve^,  possess  critical  value,  as  furnishing  evi- 
dence in  a  small  portion  not  known  in  tho  Thebsdc. 
E.  E-tbi-op'ic  Ver'slon.  Christianity  was  intro- 
duced hito  Ethiopia  in  the  fourth  century,  through 
the  labors  of  Frumentius  and  ^Edesius  of  Tyre,  who 
had  been  made  slaves  and  sent  to  the  king.  Hence 
arose  the  episcopal  see  of  Axum,  to  whicli  Frumen- 
tius was  appointed  by  Athanasius.  The  Ethiopic 
version  which  we  possess  is  in  the  ancient  dialect  of 
Axum  ;  hence  some  have  ascribed  it  to  the  age  of 
the  earliest  missionaries  ;  but,  from  the  general  char- 
acter of  the  version  itself,  this  is  improbable  ;  and 
the  Abyssinians  themselves  attribute  it  to  a  later 
period.  The  O.  T.,  as  well  as  the  X'.  T.,  was  exe- 
cuted from  the  Greek.  (New  Testament  ;  Septua- 
oi.sT.)  In  1513  Potken  published  the  Ethiopic  Psal- 
ter at  Rome.  In  1648-9,  the  Ethiopic  N.  T.  was 
also  printed  at  Rome,  edited  by  three  Abyssinians. 
The  Uomun  edition  was  reprinted  in  Walton's  Poly- 
glott;  and  from  this  Bode,  in  1753,  published  a  care- 
ful Latin  translation  of  the  Ethiopic  text.  In  1826 
-80,  a  new  edition,  formed  by  a  collation  of  MSS., 
was  published  in  England  under  the  care  of  Mr. 
Thomas  Pell  Piatt,  whose  object  was  not  strictly 
critical,  but  rather  to  give  to  the  Abyssinians  their 
Scriptures  for  ecclesiastical  use  in  as  pood  a  form  as 
he  conveniently  could,  consistently  with  MS.  author- 
ity. The  probability  appears  to  be  that  there  was 
originally  one  version  of  the  Gospels  ;  that  this  was 
afterward  revised  with  (ireek  M.SS.  of  a  different 
complexion  of  text ;  that  succeeding  copyists  adopt- 
ed one  or  the  other  form,  or  a  confused  combination 
of  readings ;  and  that  all  the  portion  of  the  N.  T. 


1154 


VER 


VER 


after  the  Gospels  originated  from  some  of  the  later 
revisers  of  the  former  part,  its  paraplirastii:  tone  ac- 
cording with  this  opinion.  An  examination  of  the 
version  proves  both  that  it  was  executed  from  the 
Greeli,  and  also  tliat  the  translator  made  such  mis- 
takes that  he  could  hardly  have  been  a  person  to 
whom  Greek  was  the  native  tongue.  The  first  por- 
tion of  a  complete  edition  by  Dillmann  of  the  Ethi- 
opic  ().  T.  appeared  at  Leipsic  in  1853. 

F.  (iothie  Ver'sioili  Ulphilas,  born  in  a.  d.  318, 
succeeded  Theophilus  as  bisliop  of  the  Goths  (then 
inhabiting  regions  on  the  Danube)  in  348,  when  he 
subscribed  a  confession  rejecting  the  Nicene  creed ; 
through  him  it  is  said  that  the  Goths  in  general 
adopted  Arianism.  The  great  work  of  Ulphilas  was 
his  version  of  the  Scriptures,  the  use  of  which  can 
be  traced  among  the  Goths  in  Italy  (Koman  Empire) 
and  Spain.  In  1648,  amongst  the  spoils  from  Prague 
was  sent  to  Stockholm  a  copy  of  the  Gothic  Gospels, 
known  as  the  Codex  Argenteiis  (=  the  Silver  MS.), 
generally  supposed  to  be  the  same  that  Jlorillon  had 
noted  as  previously  in  the  monastery  at  Werden  in 
Westphiilia.  In  1055  it  was  in  the  possession  of 
Isaac  Vossius  in  Holland.  In  lti62  it  was  repur- 
chased for  Sweden  by  Count  Magnus  Gabriel  de 
la  Gardie,  who  placed  it  in  the  library  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Upsal.  While  the  book  was  in  the  hands 
of  V'ossius  a  transcript  was  made  of  its  text,  from 
which  Junius,  his  uncle,  edited  the  first  edition  of 
the  Gothic  Gospels  at  Dort  in  1665.  The  MS.  is 
written  on  vellum  that  was  once  purple,  in  silver 
letters,  except  those  at  the  beginning  of  sections, 
which  are  golden.  The  gospels  have  many  lacuna 
(~  ffapn) :  it  is  calculated  that  when  entire  it  con- 
sisted of  320  folios;  there  are  now  but  188.  It  is 
pretty  certain  that  this  beautiful  and  elaborate  MS. 
must  have  been  written  in  the  sixth  century,  prob- 
ably in  Upper  Italy  when  under  the  Gothic  sover- 
eignty. Knittcl,  in  1762,  edited  from  a  Wolfcnbiit- 
tel  palimpsest  some  portions  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Komans  in  Gothic,  in  which  the  Latin  stood  by  the 
side  of  the  version  of  Ulphilas.  In  1817  Cardinal 
Mai  found  among  the  palimpsests  in  the  Ambrosian 
Library  at  Milan  five  which  contained  portions  of 
tlie  Gotliic  Version.  Mai  and  Count  Carlo  Ottavio 
Castifrlione  deciphered  these  MSS.,  and  their  labors 
resulted  in  the  recovery,  besides  a  few  portions  of 
the  0.  T.,  of  almost  the  whole  of  the  thirteen  Epis- 
tles of  St.  Paul  and  some  parts  of  the  Gospels.  The 
edition  of  Gabelentz  and  Loebe  (1836-45J  contains 
all  that  has  been  discovered  of  the  Gothic  Version, 
with  a  Latin  translation,  notes,  and  a  Gothic  Dic- 
tionary and  Grammar.  In  1854Uppstr6m  published 
an  excellent  edition  of  the  text  of  the  Codex  Argen- 
ieu%,  with  a  beautiful  facsimile.  In  1855-6  Mass- 
mann  issued  an  excellent  small  edition  of  all  the 
Gothic  portions  of  the  Scriptures  known  to  be  ex- 
tant. As  an  ancient  monument  of  the  Gothic  lan- 
guage the  version  of  Ulphilas  possesses  great  in- 
terest ;  as  a  version  the  use  of  which  was  once  ex- 
tended widely  through  Europe,  it  is  a  monument  of 
the  Christianization  of  the  Goths  ;  and  as  a  version 
known  to  have  been  made  in  the  fourth  century,  and 
transmitted  to  us  in  ancient  MSS.,  it  has  its  value  in 
textual  criticism.  In  certain  passages  it  has  been 
thought  that  there  is  some  proof  of  the  influence 
of  the  Latin ;  but  its  Greek  origin  is  not  to  be  mis- 
taken. The  Greek  from  which  the  version  was  made 
must  in  many  respects  have  been  what  has  been 
termed  the  transition  text  of  the  fourth  century. 

C.  Greek  Versions  of  the  Old  Tes'ta-ment.— 1. 
Skptcaqixt. — 2.    Aquila.      The  first  of  the   three 


Greek  versions  of  the  0.  T.  made  in  the  second  cen- 
tury was  by  Aquila,  a  native  of  Sinope  in  Pontus, 
who  had  become  a  proselyte  to  Judaism.  The  Je- 
rusalem Talmud  describes  him  as  a  disciple  of  Rabbi 
Akiba ;  and  this  would  place  him  in  the  reign  of 
Hadrian  (a.  d.  117-138).  It  is  supposed  that  his 
object  was  to  aid  the  Jews  in  their  controversies 
with  the  Christians.  Extreme  literality  and  an  oc- 
casional polemical  bias  apjicar  to  be  its  chief  char- 
acteristics. Aquila  put  forth  a  second  edition  (i.  e. 
revision)  of  his  version,  in  which  (he  Hebrew  was 
yet  more  servilely  followed,  but  it  is  not  known  if 
tiiis  extended  to  the  whole,  or  only  to  Jeremiah, 
Ezckiel,  and  Daniel. — 3.  Thcodotioti.  The  second 
version  executed  in  the  .■second  century  is  Thcodo- 
tion's.  He  is  stated  to  have  been  an  Ephesian,  and 
an  Ebionite:  if  this  is  correct,  his  work  nas  prob- 
ably intended  for  those  semi-Christians  who  may 
have  desired  to  use  a  version  of  their  own  instead 
of  employing  the  LXX.  with  the  Christians,  or  that 
of  Aquila  with  the  Jews.  But  the  work  of  Theedo- 
tion  is  rather  a  revision  of  the  LXX.  with  the  Hebiew 
text  than  a  translation.  The  statement  of  Epipha- 
nius,  that  he  made  his  translation  in  the  reign  of 
Commodus,  accords  well  with  its  having  been  quoted 
by  Irena^us,  but  cannot  be  correct  if  it  is  one  of  ti.e 
translations  referred  to  by  Justin  Martyr  as  giving 
interpretations  contrary  to  the  Christian  doctrine 
of  the  N.  T.  In  most  editions  of  the  LXX.  Theodo- 
tion's  version  of  Daniel  is  still  substituted  for  that 
which  really  belongs  to  that  translation. — 4.  Si/m- 
maehns  is  stated  by  Eusebius  and  Jerome  to  have 
been  an  Ebionite:  so  too  in  tlie  Syrian  accounts 
given  by  Assemaui ;  Epiphanius,  however,  and  otliers 
style  him  a  Samaritan.  Epiphanius  says  that  he 
lived  under  the  Emperor  Severus.  The  translation 
which  he  produced  was  probably  better  than  the 
others  as  to  sense  and  general  phraseology. — 6.  The 
Fifthy  Sixth,  and  Sevinth  Venions.  Besides  the 
translations  of  Aquila,  Symmachus,  and  Theodotion, 
the  great  critical  work  of  Origen  comprised,  as  to 
portions  of  the  0.  T.,  three  other  versions,  placed 
for  comparison  with  tlie  LXX.  (Septiagint),  which, 
from  their  being  anonymous,  are  only  known  as  the 
filth,  sixth,  and  seventh ;  designations  taken  from 
their  places  in  Origcn's  colimmar  arrangement. 
Eusebius  says  that  one  of  these  versions  was  found 
at  Jericho,  and  another  at  Nicopolis  on  the  gulf  of 
Actium.  Epiphanius  says  that  the  fifth  was  found 
at  Jericho,  and  the  sixth  at  Nicopolis;  while  Je- 
rome speaks  of  the  fifth  as  found  at  the  latter  place. 
The  contents  of  Iheji/lh  version  appear  to  have  been 
the  Pentateuch,  Psalms,  Canticles,  and  the  minor 
prophets ;  it  seems  also  referred  to  in  the  Syro- 
Hexapl.ir  text  of  2  Kings.  The  tran.slator  used  the 
Hebrew  original,  but  was  aided  by  the  work  of  for- 
mer translators.  The  sixth  version  seems  to  have 
been  just  the  same  in  its  contents  as  the  fifth  (ex- 
cept 2  Kings).  Jerome  calls  the  authors  of  the  fifth 
and  sixth  -'Jewish  translators  ;"  but  the  translator 
of  this  must  have  been  a  Christian  when  he  executed 
his  work,  or  else  a  Christian  reviser  must  h.^vc  med- 
dled with  it  before  it  was  employed  by  Origen.  Of 
the  sevexth  version  very  few  fragments  remain.  It 
seems  to  have  contained  the  Psalms  and  minor 
prophets;  and  the  translator  was  prolal^lya  Jew. 
The  existing  fragments  of  these  varied  versions  are 
mostly  to  be  found  in  the  editions  of  the  relics  of 
Origcn's  Hexapla,  by  Montfaueon  and  by  Baidht. 
— 6.  The  Veiieto-Greek  Version.  A  MS.  of  the  four- 
teenth century,  in  the  library  of  St.  Mark  at  Venice, 
contains  a  peculiar  version  of  the  Pentateuch,  Piov- 


"ftH 


VER 


1155 


erbs,  Ecclesiaates,  Canticles,  Ruth,  Lamentations, 
and  Daniel.  All  of  these  books,  except  the  Penta- 
teuch, were  published  by  ViUoison  at  Strasburg  in 
1781 ;  the  Pentateuch  was  edited  by  Amnion  at 
Erlanj;en  in  1790-91.  Tlic  translation  was  made 
from  the  Hebrew,  althougli  the  present  punctuation 
and  accentua'.iou  is  often  not  followed,  and  tlie  trans- 
lator was  no  doubt  acquainted  with  some  other  Greek 
versions.     Matthkw  ;  New  Testame.nt. 

II.  L  it'in  Ver'slons.     Vulgate. 

I.  Sa-mar'i-tan  Ver'slsns.  Sahakitan  Fenta- 
TEion. 

J.  Sla-Tonie  Ver'sion.  In  a.  d.  862  there  was  a 
desire  expressed,  or  an  inquiry  made,  for  Christian 
teachers  in  Moravia,  and  in  863  the  labors  of  mis- 
sionaries began  amongst  them.  These  missionaries 
were  Cyrillus  (or  Cyril)  and  Methodius,  two  brothers 
from  Thessalonica:  to  Cyrillus  is  ascribed  the  in- 
vention of  the  Slavonian  alphabet,  and  the  com- 
mencement of  the  translation  of  the  Scriptures.  He 
appears  to  have  died  at  Rome  in  868,  while  Metho- 
dius continued  for  many  years  to  be  the  bishop  of 
the  Slavonians.  He  is  stated  to  liave  continued  his 
brother's  translation,  although  hoio  mitih  they  them- 
selves actually  executed  is  uncertain.  The  0.  T.  is 
a  version  from  the  LXX.,  but  what  revision  it  may 
since  have  received  seems  by  no  means  certain.  As 
the  oldest  knoivn  Slavonic  MS.  of  the  whole  Bible  is 
of  the  year  1499,  it  may  reasonably  be  qu 'Stioned 
whetlier  this  version  may  not  in  large  portions  be 
comparatively  modern.  Tlie  oldest  MS.  of  any  part 
of  this  version  is  one  of  the  four  Gospels,  of  the 
year  1056.  The  first  printed  portion  was  an  edition 
of  the  G9spels  in  W'allachia,  in  1512;  in  1575  the 
same  portion  was  printed  at  Wilna;  and  in  1581  t'jc 
whole  Bible  was  printed  at  Ostrog  in  VoUiynia. 
The  general  text  is  such  a-»  would  have  been  ex- 
jiected  in  the  ninth  century  :  some  readin.;s  from  the 
Latin  have,  it  appears,  been  intro  luced  in  places. 

K.  Syr'l-ae  Ter'slans.— I.  0/  the  O'd  TeslamoU. 
(A.)  From  the  Hebrew.  In  the  early  times  of  Syrian 
Christianity  there  was  executed  a  version  of  the  O. 
T.  from  the  Hebrew,  the  use  of  which  must  have 
been  as  widely  extended  as  was  the  Christian  pro- 
fession among  that  people.  (SyreiA.)  Ephrem  the 
Syrian,  in  the  latter  half  of  the  fourth  century,  calls 
it  our  version,  not  in  opposition  to  any  other  Syriac 
translation,  but  in  contrast  to  the  original  Hebrew 
text,  or  to  those  in  other  languages.  At  a  later 
period — probably  after  another  version  had  been 
formed  from  the  Hexaplar  Greek  text — this  Syriac 
translation  was  designated  Peiihito{=  Simple).  This 
translation  from  the  Hebrew  has  always  been  tlie 
ecclesiastical  version  of  the  Syrians.  It  Is  highly 
improbable  that  any  part  of  it  is  older  than  the  ad- 
vent of  our  Lord ;  those  who  placed  it  under  Ab- 
garug,  king  of  E  lessa,  seem  to  have  argued  on  the 
account  that  the  Syrian  people  then  received  Chris- 
tianity. All  that  the  account  sliows  clearly  is,  that 
it  was  believed  to  belong  to  the  earliest  period  of 
the  Christian  faith  among  them.  Ephrem,  in  his 
commentaries,  gives  explanations  of  terms  which 
were  obscure  even  in  the  fourth  century.  This 
might  have  been  from  age :  if  so,  the  version  was 
made  comparatively  long  before  his  days :  or  it 
might  be  from  its  having  been  in  a  dialect  different 
from  that  to  which  he  was  accustomed  at  Edessa. 
In  this  case,  tlien,  the  translation  was  made  in  some 
other  part  of  Syria.  Probal)ly  the  Old  Syriac  version 
differed  as  much  from  the  polished  language  of 
Edessa  as  4i<l  the  '^Id  Latin,  made  in  the  African 
province,  from  the  contemporary  writers  of  Rome. 


(VrLOATE.)  The  Old  Syriac  has  the  peculiar  value 
of  being  the  first  version  from  the  Hebrew  original 
made  for  Cliristiau  use.  The  proof  that  this  version 
was  made  from  the  Helirew  is  twofold — from  the 
direct  statements  of  Ephrem,  and  from  the  internal 
examination  of  the  version  itself.  The  first  printed 
edition  of  this  version  was  that  which  appeared  in 
the  Paris  Polyglott  of  Le  Jay  in  1645;  it  is  said 
that  the  editor,  Gabriel  Sionita,  a  Maronite,  had  only 
an  imperfect  MS.  In  Walton's  Polyglott,  1657,  the 
Paris  text  is  reprinted,  but  with  the  addition  of  the 
Apocryphal  books.  In  the  punctuation  given  in  the 
Polyglotts,  a  system  was  introduced  wliich  was  in 
part  a  peculiarity  of  Gabriel  Sionita  himself.  Dr. 
Lee  collated  for  t!ie  text  which  he  edited  for  the 
British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society  six  Syriac  MSS.  of 
the  0  T.  in  general,  and  a  very  ancient  copy  of  the 
Pentatcucli:  he  also  used  in  part  the  commentaries 
of  Ephrem  and  of  Bar-Hel)rteus.  From  these  various 
sources  he  constructed  his  text,  with  the  aid  of  that 
found  already  in  tlie  Polyglotts.  But  in  the  MSS. 
brouglit  to  Enaland,  from  the  Nitrian  valleys  in 
Egypt,  may  be  found  the  means  of  far  more  accu- 
rately editing  this  version. — It  lias  been  much  dis- 
cussed whether  this  translation  was  a  Jewish  or  a 
Christian  woik ;  but  there  need  be  no  reasonable  ob- 
jection to  the  opinion  that  it  is  a  Christian  work. 
The  Syriac  in  general  supports  the  Hebr^'w  text  that 
we  have.  A  resemblance  has  been  pointed  out  be- 
tween the  Syriac  and  the  reading  of  some  of  the 
Chaldee  Targuras  (see  L,  below);  if  the  Targum  is 
the  older,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  Syriac  transla- 
tor examined  the  Targums  in  difficult  pa.s.sages.  If 
existing  Targums  are  more  recent  than  tlie  Syriac, 
their  coincidences  may  have  arisen  from  the  use  of 
a  common  source — an  earlier  Targnm. — Another 
point  of  inquiry  of  more  importance  is,  how  far  h:is 
this  version  Ijeen  affected  by  the  LXX.?  and  to 
what  are  we  to  attriljute  this  influence?  It  is  pos- 
sible that  the  influence  of  the  LXX.  is  partly  to  be 
ascribed  to  copyists  and  revisers ;  while  in  part  this 
belonged  to  the  version  as  originally  made.  When 
the  extensive  use  of  the  LXX.  is  remembered,  and 
how  soon  it  was  ima^iiiod  to  have  been  made  by 
direct  inspiration  and  to  be  canonically  authoritative 
(Canon  ;  SEPTtiAOi.NT),  we  cannot  wander  that  read- 
ings from  the  LXX.  should  have  been  from  time  to 
time  introduced.  Some  comparison  with  the  Greek 
is  probable  even  before  the  time  of  Ephreifi ;  for,  as 
to  the  Apocryphal  books,  wliile  he  cites  some  of 
them  (thoug'i  not  as  Scripture),  the  Apocryphal  ad- 
ditions to  Daniel  and  the  Books  of  Maccaliees  were 
not  yet  found  in  Syriac.  Whoever  translated  any 
of  these  books  from  the  Greek  may  easily  have  also 
compared  with  it  in  some  places  the  books  previously 
tran.slated  from  the  Hebrew.  In  the  Book  of  Psalms 
this  version  exhibits  many  peculiarities.  Eittier  the 
translation  of  the  Psalter  must  be  a  work  indepen- 
dent of  the  Peshito  in  general,  or  else  it  has  liecn 
strangely  revised  and  altered,  not  only  from  the 
Greek,  but  also  from  liturgical  use.  It  is  stated 
that,  after  the  divisions  of  the  Syrian  Church  (fifth 
century),  thei'e  were  revisions  of  this  one  version 
by  tlie  Monophysitcs  an<i  by  the  Nestorians.  The 
Knrkajihettfiau  recension  mentioned  by  Bar-Hebrscug 
is  found  in  two  MSS.  in  the  Vatican,  and  was  formed 
for  the  use  of  Monophysitcs.  (B. )  The  Sifriae  vimioti 
from  the  /leza/Mnr  Crrek  Text.  The  only  Syriac  ver- 
sion of  theO.  T.  up  to  the  sixth  century  was  apparent- 
ly the  Peshito.  Moses  Aghela-us,  who  lived  in  the  mid- 
dle of  the  sixth  century,  speaks  of  the  versions  of  the 
N.  T.  and  the  Pnaller  as  made  in  Syriac  by  Polycarp 


1156 


VER 


VER 


It  is  said  that  the  Nestoiian  patriarch,  Marabba,  a.  d. 
652,  made  a  version  from  the  Greek.  The  version 
by  Paul  of  Tela,  a  Monophysite,  was  made  in  the 
beginning  of  the  seventh  eentury  ;  for  its  basis  he  used 
the  Ilexaplar  Greek  text,  i.  e.  the  LXX.,  with  Origen's 
corrections,  marks,  and  references  to  the  other  Greek 
versions.  (Skptuagint.)  The  Syro-Hexaplar  ver- 
sion follows  the  Greek  as  exactly  as  possible,  contains 
Origen's  marks  and  references,  and  acquaints  us 
most  accurately  with  the  results  of  his  critical  labors. 
A  MS.  of  this  version  in  the  Ambrosian  Library  at 
Milan  contains  the  Psalms,  Job,  Proverbs,  Eecle- 
siastes.  Canticles,  Wisdom,  Eoelcsiasticus,  minor 
prophets,  Jeremiah,  Baruch,  Daniel,  Ezekiel,  and 
Isaiah.  Norberg  published  at  Lund,  in  1787,  the 
Books  of  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel,  from  his  transcript 
of  the  MS.  at  Milan.  In  1788  Bugati  published  at 
Milan  the  Book  of  Daniel ;  he  also  edited  the 
Psalms,  the  printing  of  which  had  been  completed 
before  his  death  in  1816 ;  it  was  published  in  1820. 
The  rest  of  the  contents  of  the  Milan  MS.  (except 
the  Apocryphal  books)  was  published  at  Berlin,  in 
1835,  by  Middeldorpf  from  Xorberg's  transcript ; 
Middcldorpf  also  added  the  Fourth  (second)  Book 
of  Kings  from  a  MS.  at  Paris.  Besides  these  por- 
tions of  this  Sjriac  version,  the  MSS.  fiom  the 
Nitrian  monasteries,  now  in  the  British  Museum, 
would  add  a  good  deal  more.  Thomas  of  Uarkel 
(see  II.  B,  below)  seems  to  have  made  a  translation 
from  the  Greek  into  Syriac  of  some  of  the  Apoc- 
ryphal books — at  least,  the  subscriptions  in  certain 
MSS.  state  this.— II.  Of  the  New  Testament.  (A.) 
The  Peshilo-Si/rtac  N.  T.  It  may  stand  as  an  ad- 
mitted fact  that  a  version  of  the  N.  T.  in  Syriac  ex- 
isted in  the  second  century,  and  in  the  fourth  cen- 
tury was  as  well  known  as'  the  Syriac  version  of  the 
O.  T.  To  the  translation  in  common  use  among 
the  Syrians,  orthodox,  Monophysite,  or  Nestorian, 
from  the  fifth  century  and  onward,  the  name  of 
Pcshito  has  been  as  commonly  apphed  in  the  N.  T. 
as  the  Old.  Cosmas  Indicopleustes,  in  the  former 
half  of  tlie  sixth  century,  incidentally  informs  us 
that  the  Syriac  translation  docs  not  contain  2  Peter, 
2  and  3  John,  and  Jude.  In  1552  Moses  of  Mardin 
came  to  Rome  to  Pope  Julius  III.,  commissioned  by 
Ignatius  the  Jacobite  (Monophysite)  patriarch,  to 
state  his  rehgious  opinions,  to  effect  (it  is  said)  a 
union  with  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  to  get 
the  Si/Hat  N.  T.  pi-intid.  Through  the  influence  of 
Widmanstadt,  the  chancellor  of  the  Emperor  Ferdi- 
nand I.,  the  emperor  undertook  the  charge  of  an 
edition,  which  appeared  at  Vienna,  in  1555,  through 
the  joint  labors  of  Widmanstadt,  Moses,  and  Postell. 
In  having  only  three  Catholic  epistles,  this  Syriac 
N.  T.  agreed  with  the  description  of  Cosmas ;  the 
Apocalyp.oe  was  also  wanting,  as  well  as  Jn.  viii.  1- 
11.  One  of  the  principal  editions  is  that  of  Leusden 
and  Schanf,  1708-9,  with  a  text  as  fntt  as  possible, 
and  a  Lexicon  of  great  value.  Professor  Lee  pub- 
lished an  edition  in  1816,  in  which  he  corrected  or 
altered  the  text  on  the  authority  of  a  few  MSS.  In 
1828  the  edition  of  Mr.  William  Greenfield  was  pub- 
lished by  Messrs.  Bagster. — This  Syriac  version  has 
been  variously  estimated :  some  have  thought  it  a 
genuine  and  unaltered  monument  of  the  second,  or 
perhaps  even  of  the  frst  century.  Others  finding 
in  it  indubitable  marks  of  a  Utter  age,  were  inclined 
to  deny  that  it  had  any  claim  to  a  very  remote  an- 
tiquity. The  fact  is,  that  this  version  as  transmit- 
ted to  us  contains  marks  of  antiquity,  and  also 
traces  of  a  later  age.  The  two  things  are  so  blend- 
ed, that  if  either  class  of  phenomena  alone  were  re- 


garded, the  most  opposite  opinions  might  be  formed- 
Griesbaeh  (and  so  Tregelles)  supposed  that  it  had 
been  repeatedly  revised  at  different  times  by  differ- 
ent Greek  MSS.  Whether  the  whole  of  this  version 
proceeded  from  the  same  translator  has  been  ques- 
tioned. Dr.  Tregelles  thinks  that  the  N.  T.  of  the 
Peshito  is  not  from  the  same  hand  as  the  0.  T.,  and 
that  not  only  may  Michaelis  be  right  in  supposing  a 
peculiar  translator  of  Hebrews,  but  also  other  parts 
may  be  from  different  hands.  The  revisions  to  which 
the  version  was  subjected  may  have  succeeded  in 
part,  but  not  wholly,  in  effacing  the  indications  of  a 
plurality  of  translators.  The  Acts  and  Epistles 
seem  to  be  either  more  recent  than  the  Gospels, 
though  far  less  revised ;  or  else,  if  coeval,  far  more 
corrected  by  later  Greek  MSS.  The  MSS.  of  the 
Karknpheiisiau  recension  (as  it  has  been  termed)  of 
the  Peshito  0.  T.  contain  also  the  N.  T.  with  a 
similar  character  of  text. —  The  Curetrndau  Syriac 
Gospels.  Among  the  MSS.  brought  from  the  Nitrian 
nionasteries  in  1842,  Dr.  Cureton  noticed  a  copy  of 
the  Gospels,  differing  greatly  from  the  common 
text:  and  to  this  form  of  text  the  name  of  Cureto- 
nian  Syriac  has  been  applied.  Every  criterion  which 
pioves  the  common  Peshito  not  to  exhibit  a  text 
of  extreme  antiquity,  equally  proves  the  early  origin 
of  this.  Dr.  Cureton  considers  the  MS.  of  the  Gos- 
pels to  be  of  the  fifth  century,  a  point  in  whieli  all 
competent  judges  are  probably  agreed.  The  MS. 
contains  Mat.  i.-viii.  22,  x.  31-xxiii.  26;  Mk.,  the 
four  last  verses  only;  Jn.  i.  1-42,  iii.  6-vii.  37,  xiv. 
11-29;  Lk.  ii.  48-iii.  16,  vii.  33-xv.  21,  xvii.  24- 
xxiv.  41.  In  examining  the  Curetonian  text  with 
the  common  printed  Peshito,  we  often  find  such 
identity  of  phrase  and  rendering  as  to  show  that 
they  are  not  wholly  independent  translations :  then, 
again,  we  meet  with  sucli  variety  in  the  forms  of 
words,  &c.,  as  seems  to  indicate  that  in  the  Pccl.ito 
the  phraseology  had  been  revised  and  refined.  But 
the  great  (it  might  be  said  characteristic)  difference 
between  the  Curetonian  and  the  Peshito  Gospels  is 
in  their  readings.  The  Curetonian  Syriac  pr.  sents 
such  a  text  as  we  might  have  concluded  would  be 
current  in  theseeond  century :  the  Peshito  has  many 
features  which  could  not  belong  to  that  age.  Dr. 
Cureton  and  Dr.  Tregelles  regard  the  Curetonian 
Syriac  of  St.  Matthew's  Gospel  as  translated  from  the 
apostle's  Hebrew  (Syro-Chaldaic)  original,  although 
injured  since  by  copyists  or  revisers.  (Matthew, 
Gospel  ok.)— (B.)  The  Philoxeuian  Syriac  Version 
and  its  revision  by  Tliomas  of  Harkel.  Philoxeuus, 
or  Xcnaias,  a  Monophysite,  bishop  of  Hierapolis  or 
Mabug  at  the  begitming  of  the  sixth  century, 
caused  Polycarp,  his  Chorepiseopus  (local  or  assistant 
bishop),  to  make  a  new  translation  of  the  N.  T.  into 
Syriac.  This  was  executed  in  a.  d.  508,  and  it  is 
generally  termed  Philoxcnian  from  its  promoter. 
This  version  has  been  transmitted  to  us  only  as  re- 
vised with  Greek  MSS.  by  Thomas  of  Harkel  in  the 
following  ccnturv  (The  Gospels,  a.  p.  616),  and  there- 
fore called  the  liarklean  text.  This  was  edited  by 
White  at  different  times,  from  1778  to  1803,  and 
St.  John's  Gospel  from  a  Vatican  MS.  by  Bernstein, 
in  1851.  This  version  differs  from  the  Peshito  In 
containing  all  the  seven  Catholic  Epistles.  The  text 
of  this  version,  as  it  has  come  down  to  us,  is  char- 
acterized by  extreme  literality  :  the  Syriac  idiom  is 
constantly  bent  to  suit  the  Greek.  The  kind  of 
Greek  text  that  it  represents  Is  just  what  might 
have  been  expected  in  the  sixth  century.  The  work 
of  Thomas  in  the  text  itself  is  seen  in  Jhe  introduc- 
tion of  obeli,  by  which  passages  which  he  rejected 


VER 


VER 


1157 


were  condcmneJ ;  and  of  asferinH,  with  which  his 
insertions  were  distinguished.  His  model  in  all  this 
was  the  Hexaplar  Greek  text.  It  is  probable  that 
the  Philoxeiiian  ver.-iioii  was  very  literal,  but  that 
the  slavish  adaptation  to  the  fireek  is  the  work  of 
TliOfDas. — (C.)  Sffriac  Vfnionii  of  porfinmi  wauling 
in  the  Pethito.  (a.)  2  Peter,  2  and  3  John,  and  Jude 
were  publistied  by  Pococke  in  1630,  from  a  MS.  in 
the  Bodleian.  The  suggestion  of  Dr.  Davidson,  that 
the  text  of  Pococke  is  that  of  Philoxcnus  before  it 
was  revised  by  Thomas,  seems  most  probable,  (i.) 
Tlve  Apocahipse.  In  1627  De  Dieu  edited  a  Syriac 
version  of  the  Apocalypse  from  a  MS.  in  the  Leyden 
Library,  written  by  one  "  Caspar  from  tlie  land  of 
the  Indians,''  who  lived  in  the  latter  part  of  the  six- 
teenth century.  A  MS.  at  Florence,  also  written 
by  this  Caspar,  has  a  subscription  stating  that  it 
was  copied  in  1582  from  a  MS.  in  the  writing  of 
Thomas  of  llarkel,  in  ,k.  n.  622.  A  more  ancient 
copy  of  the  version  is  in  the  British  Museum.  It  is 
of  small  critical  value,  and  the  MS.  from  which  it 
was  edited  is  incorrectly  written.  This  book,  from 
the  Paris  Polyglott  and  onw.ird,  has  been  added  to 
the  Peshito  in  this  translation.^c.)  The SiiriacVer- 
tion  of  .In.  viii.  1-11.  From  the  MS  of  the  Syriac 
N.  T.  (of  what  version  is  unknown,  but  probably  of 
Paul  of  Tela,  who  translated  the  Hexaplar  Greek 
text  into  Syriac  [see  above,  I.B.])  sent  by  Archbishop 
Usher  to  De  Dieu,  the  latter  pulilished  this  section 
in  1031.  From  De  Dieu  it  was  inserted  in  the  Lon- 
don Polyglott,  with  a  reference  to  Usher's  MS.,  and 
hence  it  has  passed  with  the  other  editions  of  the 
Pcshito  where  it  is  a  mere  interpolation. — (D.)  T7te 
Jerusalem  Si/nae  Lcctionari/.  The  .MS.  in  the  V^atican 
containing  this  version  was  written  in  a.  n.  1031,  in 
peculiar  Syriac  writing;  the  portions  are  of  course 
those  for  the  different  festivals,  some  parts  of  the 
Gospjls  not  being  there  at  all.  The  dialect  was 
termed  the  Jerusalem  Syriac,  from  its  supposed  re- 
semblance to  that  of  the  Jerusalem  Talmud.  The 
grammar  is  peculiar;  the  forms  almost  Chaldee 
rather  than  Syriac ;  two  characters  are  used  for 
expressing  F  and  P.  For  critical  purposes  this 
Lectionary  has  a  far  hiiher  value  than  for  any 
other:  its  realinjs  often  coincide  with  the  oldest 
and  best  authorities.  Adier  dates  the  version  from 
the  fourth  to  the  sixth  century ;  but  more  probably 
this  Lectionary  was  translated  at  some  later  period 
from  a  Greek  Lectionary.  An  edition  of  this  Lec- 
tionary, containing  the  Syriac  text,  with  a  Latin 
translation,  glossary,  &c.,  has  been  published  by 
Count  Miniscalchi  Erizzo,  2  vols.  4to,  Verona,  1861 
-64.'  ; 

L.  Tar'sam,  a  Chaldee  word  of  uncertain  origin; 
the  general    term    for  the  Clial'drc,  or,  more  ac- 
curately, Ar-a-ma't2  Ve r'sli)n3  of  tlio  Old  Testamknt. 
The  injunction  to  "  read  the  Book  of  t!ie  Law  be-  i 
fore   all   Israel,  ....  the  men,  and  women,  and 
children,  and  the  strangers,"  on  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles of  every  Sabbatical  year,  as   a   means   of  \ 
solemn  instruction  and  edification,  is  first  found  in  j 
Deut.  xxxi.  10-13.     Among  the  first  acts  undertaken  | 
by  Ezra  toward  the  restoration  of  the  primitive  re-  ' 
ligion  and  public  worship  is  reported  his  reading  i 
"  before  the  congregation,  both  of  men  and  women," 
of  the  returned  exiles,  "  in  the  Book  in  the  Law  of 
God  "  (\eh.  viii.  2,  8  ;  Stnaoogde).     Aided  by  those 

»  The  ancient  Svrlac  i»  ctlll  the  sacred  or  cccle'«la«tlcnl 
language  of  tlic  .Maronitcs.  Nostorlnns.  Ac. ;  but  in  no 
longer  intclIiKible  to  the  people.  The  Bible,  translated 
Into  mo<lera  Syriac  by  American  mUKloiiaries  to  the  Mes- 
toriana,  has  been  published  at  Oroomlab,  In  Persia. 


men  of  learning  and  eminence  with  whom,  accord- 
ing to  tradition,  he  founded  the  (Jreat  Synagogue 
(Sy.naoogue,  thk  Great),  he  appears  to  have  so 
firmly  established  regular  and  frequent  public  read- 
ings ill  the  Sacred  Uecords,  that  later  authorities  al- 
most unanimously  trace  this  custom  to  times  imme- 
morial— nay,  to  the  times  of  Moses  himself.  To 
these  ancient  readings  in  the  Pentateuch  were  added, 
in  the  course  of  time,  readings  in  the  Prophets  (in 
some  Babylonian  cities  even  in  the  Hagiographa), 
which  were  called  H.iphidroth.  (Bible  IV.)  Ere 
long  it  was  found  necessary  to  translate  the  national 
books  into  the  Aramaic  (  IIeurew  ;  Siiemitic  Lan- 
ocages),  and  to  aild  to  the  translation  an  explana- 
tion, particularly  of  the  more  difficult  and  ob.scure 
pa.ssage3.  Both  translation  and  explanation  were 
designated  by  the  term  'Targum.  In  the  course  of 
time  there  sprang  up  a  guild,  whose  special  office  it 
was  to  act  as  iiitcrpretern  in  both  senses  (ileiargr- 
man),  while  formerly  the  learned  alone  volunteered 
their  services.  These  interpreters  were  subjected 
to  certain  bonds  and  regulations  as  to  the  form  and 
substance  of  their  renderings,  their  position,  voice, 
relation  to  those  who  read  the  Law  in  public,  &c. 
They  were  required  to  interpret  orally ;  certain  pas- 
sagos  were  specified  in  the  Mishna,  which  might  be 
read  in  the  synagogue  and  translated  ;  others,  which 
might  be  read  but  not  translated;  others,  again, 
which  might  neither  be  read  nor  translated.  These 
interpreters,  who  were  paid  for  their  services,  do 
not  seem  to  have  been  hold  generally  in  very  high 
respect.  A  fiiir  notion  of  what  was  considered  a 
proper  Targum  may  be  gathered  from  the  ma.>;im 
preserved  in  the  Talmud :  "  Whosoever  translates 

!as  Meiilrci.'m'iii'\  a  verse  in  its  closely  exact  form 
without  proper  regard  to  its  real  meaning]  is  a  liar, 
and  whosoever  adds  to  it  is  impious  and  a  b/asphemfr, 
e.  g.  the  literal  rendering  into  Chaldee  of  the  ver.se, 
'  They  saw  the  God  of  Israel '  (Ex.  xxiv.  10),  is  as 
wrong  a  translation  as  '  They  saw  theancfd  q/tJod ;' 
the  proper  rendering  being  'They  saw  the  glory  of 
the  God  of  Israel.' "  (Sheciiinah.)  Thesamecausea 
which,  in  the  course  of  time,  led  to  the  writing  down 
of  the  whole  liody  of  tlie  Traditional  Law,  engen- 
dered also,  and  about  the  same  period,  as  it  would 
appear,  written  Targums :  for  certain  portions  of 
the  Bible,  at  least.  The  gradual  growth  of  the  Code 
of  the  written  Targum,  such  as  now  embraces  almost 
the  whole  of  the  0.  T.,  and  contains,  we  may  pre- 
sume, but  few  snatclies  of  the  primitive  Targums,  is 
shrouded  in  deep  obscurity.  (Old  Testament,  B; 
Pharisees  ;  Scribes.)  The  Targums  now  extant  are 
as  follows: — I.  The  Targum  of  Onkelon  on  Uie  Pciiia- 
kueh.  Onkelos  =  Aquila,  the  Greek  tran.slatorof  the 
0.  T.  (so  Mr.  Deutsch,  with  Graetz,  &c. ;  .see above,  G, 
2);  and  the  name  Targim  had  become  expressive  of 
the  type  and  ideal  of  a  Bible-translation ;  so  that,  in 
fact,  tlie  Chaldee  version  was  a  Targum  done  in  the 
manner  of  Aquila : — Aquila  Targum  (so  Mr.  Deutsch, 
with  Luzzatto,  Geiger,  Jost,  Frankel,  Graetz,  and 
other  Jews).  The  writing  of  it  was  begun  about  the 
end  of  the  second  century  a.  c.  ;  but  it  was  so  far  from 
superseding  the  oral  Targum  at  once,  that  it  was 
strictly  forbidden  to  be  read  in  public.  We  may  place 
the  work  of  collecting  the  different  fragments  of 
translation  with  their  variants,  and  reducing  them 
into  one — finally  authorized  Version — about  the  end 
of  the  third,  or  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century, 
and  in  assigning  Babylon  as  its  birthplace.'    The  lan- 

*  Dr.  8.  Davidson  On  KItto)  regards  Onkelos  as  "  neither 
the  author  of  the  Targum  nor  a  historical  person.''  He 
supposes  '•  that  the  work  was  of  Palestinian  origin,  .  .  . 


1158 


VER 


VER 


guage  of  the  Targuni  is  Chiildee,  closely  approaching 
in  purity  of  idiom  to  that  of  Ezra  and  Daniel.  It 
follows  a  sober  and  clear,  though  not  a  slavish  exe- 
gesis, and  keeps  as  closely  and  minutely  to  ihe  text 
as  is  at  all  consistent  with  its  purpose,  viz.  to  be 
chiefly,  and  above  all,  a  version  for  tlie  people.  Its 
explanations  of  difficult  and  obscure  passages  bear 
ample  witnuss  to  the  competence  o(  those  who  gave 
it  its  final  shape,  and  infused  into  it  a  rare  unity. 
It  is  always  concise,  clear,  and  dignified.  It  avoids 
the  legendary  character  with  which  all  the  later 
TarguMis  entwine  the  Biblical  word,  as  far  as  ever 
circumstances  would  allow.  Only  in  the  poetical 
passages  it  was  compelled  to  yield — though  reluc- 
tantly—to the  popular  craving  for  Huf/addak  ;  but 
even  here  it  chooses  and  selects  with  rare  taste  and 
tact.  Ill  spite  of  its  many  and  important  changes 
of  the  text  i»  regard  to  language,  or  meaning,  or 
both,  the  Targum  never  forgets  its  aim  of  being  a 
clear,  though  free,  translation  for  llie  people,  and 
nothing  more.  Wherever  it  deviates  from  the  liter- 
alucss  of  the  text,  such  a  course,  in  its  case,  is  fully 
justified — nay,  necLSsitated — either  by  the  obscurity 
of  the  passage,  or  the  wrong  construction  that  nat- 
urally would  be  put  upon  its  wording  by  the  multi- 
tude. The  explanations  given  agree  cither  with  the 
real  sense,  or  develop  the  current  tradition  supposed 
to  underlie  it.  As  to  the  Bible  Text  from  which  the 
Targum  was  prepared,  we  have  no  certainty  what- 
ever on  this  head,  owing  to  the  extraordinarily  cor- 
rupt state  of  our  Targum  texts.  It  would  appear, 
however,  that,  broadly  speaking,  our  present  Jlaso- 
retic  text  has  been  tlie  one  from  which  the  Onk^los 
Version  was,  if  not  made,  yet  edited,  at  all  events. 
The  Samaritan  version  is  sometimes  identical  with 
it.  (Samaritan  Pentateuch,  II.  1.)  The  MSS.  of 
Onkelos  are  extant  in  great  numbers.  It  was  first 
printed  at  Bologna  in  1482  wi(h  the  Hebrew  text 
and  Rashi.  (Old  Testament,  A,  II.,  3.)  Other  edi- 
tions are  in  Buxtorfs  Rabbinical  Bible,  Walton's 
Polyglott,  &c.  A  recent  and  much  emendated  edi- 
tion dates  Wilna,  1852. — II.  Tare/nm  on.  the  Proph- 
ets, viz.  Joshua,  Judges,  Samuel,  Kings,  Isaiah,  Jere- 
miah, Ezekiel,  and  the  twelve  minor  prophets — called 
Tiir/fum  of  Jonathnn  ben  U::ziel.  We  may  place  tftis 
Targum  some  time,  although  not  long,  after  Onkelos, 
or  about  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century ; — the 
latter  years  of  Rabbi  Joseph,  who,  it  is  said,  occu- 
pied himself  chiefly  with  the  Targum  when  he  had 
become  blind.  Tliis  Targum  holds,  in  point  of  in- 
terpretation and  enlargement  of  the  text,  the  middle 
place  between  Onkelos,  who  only  in  extreme  cases 
deviates  into  paraphrase,  and  the  subsequent  Tar- 
gums,  whose  connection  with  their  texts  is  frequently 
of  the  most  flighty  character.  The  interpretation 
of  Jonathan,  where  it  adheres  to  the  text,  is  mostly 
very  correct  in  a  philosophical  and  exegetical  sense, 
closely  literal  even,  provided  the  meaning  of  the 
original  is  easily  to  he  understood  by  the  people. 
When,  however,  similes  are  used,  uufamiliar  or  ob- 
scure to  the  people,  it  unhesitatingly  dissolves  them, 
and  makes  them  easy  in  their  months  like  household 
words,  by  adding  as  much  of  explanation  as  seems 
fit ;  sometimes,  it  cannot  be  denied,  less  sagaciously, 
even  incorrectly,  comprehending  the  original  mean- 
but  underwent  ranch  alteration  In  the  hands  of  the  Baby- 
lonian Jew It  lias   been   supposed  not  without 

reason  that  Rabbi  Josepti  [president  of  the  colICL'e  at  Pum- 
badita  ;  born  in  Babylim  about  A.  d.  270 ;  t  ahunttiSS]  and 
bis  contcmporiiriert  lironeht  it  to  ItB  final  redaction;  but 
(t  is  now  impopsible  to  trace  the  various  f  tastes  of  improve- 
ment throuiih  which  it  passed  till  it  appeared  complete 
about  the  end  of  the  third  century." 


ing.  The  Ghemitic  fairy  and  legendary  Icre  is  to  a 
very  great  extent  to  be  found  in  an  embryo  state,  so 
to  say,  in  this  Targum.  Tlie  first  printed  edition 
was  at  Leiria  in  1494,  and  later  editions  are  in  the 
Polyglotts.  (Old  Testament,  A,  II.  3.) — 111.  and 
IV.  Targum  of  Jonathan  ben  Ueztel  and  Jeranukm- 
Targuiii  on  the  Pentateuch.  Onkelos  and  Jonathan 
on  the  Pentateuch  and  Propliets,  wliatever  be  their 
exact  date,  place,  authorship,  and  editorship,  are  the 
oldest  of  existing  Targums,  and  belong,  in  their  pres- 
ent shape,  to  Babylon  and  the  Babylonian  academies 
flourishing  between  the  third  and  fourth  centuries. 
But  precisely  as  two  parallel  and  independent  devel- 
opments of  the  Oral  Law  have  sprung  up  in  the  Pales- 
tinian and  Babylonian  Talmuds  respectively,  so  also 
recent  investigation  has  proved  the  existence  of  two 
distinct  cycles  of  Targums  on  the  Written  Law — i.  e. 
the  entire  body  of  the  O.T.  The  one  first  collected,  re- 
vised, and  edited  in  Babylon,  called — more  especially 
that  part  of  it  which  embraced  the  Pentateuch  (On- 
kelos)— the  Babylonian.  The  other,  continuing  its 
oral  life,  f  o  to  say,  down  to  a  much  later  period,  «  as 
written  and  edited — less  larelully,  or  rather  with  a 
much  more  faithful  retention  of  the  oldest  ai,d 
youngest  fancies  of  the  interpreters  and  preachers 
— on  the  soil  of  Judea  itself.  Of  this  entire  cycle, 
however,  the  Pentateuch  and  a  few  other  books  and 
fragmentary  piects  only  have  survived  entire,  while 
of  most  of  the  other  boohs  of  ihc  Bible  a  few  de- 
tached fragments  are  all  that  is  known,  and  this 
chiefly  from  quotations.  We  are  in  the  possession 
of  two  Palestinian  Targums  on  the  Pentateuch,  pre- 
served in  their  original  ibrms.  Tlie  one,  which  ex- 
tends from  the  first  verse  of  Genesis  to  the  last  of 
Deuteronomy,  is  known  under  the  name  of  Targum 
Jonathan  (ben  Uzziel)  or  Pseudo-Jonathan  on  the 
Pentateuch.  The  other,  interpreting  single  verses, 
often  single  words  only,  is  extant  in  the  following 
proportions  :  a  third  on  Genesis,  a  fourth  on  Deu- 
teronomy, a  fifth  on  Numbers,  three-twentieths  on 
Exodus,  and  about  one-fourtienth  on  Leviticus. 
The  latter  is  generally  called  Targum  of  Jerusalem 
or  of  the  land  of  Israel.  Not  before  the  first  half 
of  (his  century  did  the  fact  become  fully  established 
that  both  Targums  were  in  reality  one,  known  down 
to  the  fourttenth  century  only  as  the  Targum  of  Je 
rusaleni.  Zniiz  assumes  that  Pscudo-Jonathnn  is 
the  original  Targum,  and  that  the  fragmentaiy  Tar- 
gum of  Jerusalem  is  a  collection  of  variants  to  it. 
Frankel,  followed  by  Traub  and  Levysohn,  concludes 
that  the  Jerusalem  is  a  colkction  of  emendations 
and  additions  to  single  portions,  |  biases,  and  words 
of  Onkelos,  and  Pseudo-Jonathan  a  further  emended 
and  completed  tdition  to  the  whole  Pentateuch  of 
Jerusalem  Onkelos.  The  Jerusalem,  in  both  its  re- 
censions, is  written  in  the  Palestinian  dialect.  It  is 
older  than  the  Atdsorah  (Old  Testaj:knt)  and  the 
conquest  of  Western  Asia  by  the  Arabs.  Syria  or 
Palestine  must  be  its  birthplace,  the  second  half  of 
the  seventh  century  its  date.  Its  chief  aim  and  |iur- 
pose  is,  especially  in  its  second  edition,  to  form  an 
entertaining  compendium  of  all  the  Ildldehdh  ai  d 
HaggMah  (ScRiBfS),  which  refers  to  the  Pentateudi, 
and  takes  its  stand  upon  it.  And  in  this  lies  its 
chief  use  to  us.  There  is  hardly  a  single  allegory, 
parable,  mystic  digression,  or  tale  in  it  which  is  not 
found  in  the  other  haggadistic  writings — Mislina, 
Talmud,  &e.  The  Targum  of  Jerusalem  was  first 
printed  in  Romberg's  Bible,  Venice,  1518  ff.,  re- 
printed in  Walton,  &c.  Jonathan  to  the  Penta- 
teuch was  first  printed  in  1590  as  Targum  "Jona- 
than ben  Uzziel  "  at  Venice,  reprinted  in  Walton, 


VER 


VER 


1159 


&e. — V.  Targumt  of  "  Juneph  the  Blind  "  on  the  Ha- 
gio^rapha.  "  When  Jonathan  be:i  Uzziel  began  to 
paraphrase  the  CMMin^'  (Hagiographa;  Biblk, 
III.  8),  says  the  Talmud,  "  a  mysterious  voice  was 
heard  saying:  It  is  enough.  Thou  hast  revealed 
the  secrets  of  the  prophets — why  wouldst  thou  also 
reveal  those  of  the  Holy  Gho.»t?" — It  would  thus 
appear,  that  a  Targum  to  these  books  (Job  except- 
ed) was  entirely  unknown  up  to  a  very  late  period. 
Those  Targums  on  the  Hagiographa  which  we  now 
possess  Iiavi5  been  attributed  vaguely  to  different 
authors,  it  being  assumed  in  the  first  instance  that 
they  were  the  work  of  one  man.  Popular  belief 
fastened  upon  Joseph  the  Blind.  Yet,  if  ever  he 
diJ  translate  I  he  Hagiographa,  certain  it  is  that 
those  which  we  possess  are  not  by  his  or  his  dis- 
ciples' hands — i.  e.  of  the  time  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tury. Between  him  and  our  hagiographical  Tar- 
gums,  many  centuries  must  have  elapsed.  Yet  we 
do  not  venture  to  assign  to  them  more  than  an  ap- 
proximate round  date,  about  1000  a.  d. — Besides 
the  Targums  to  the  Pentateuch  and  the  Prophets, 
those  niw  extant  range  over  Psalms,  Proverbs,  Job 
(these  three  being  probably  nearly  contemporaneous 
prod.ictions  of  Syria,  and  the  two  former  mere  para- 
phrases, while  the  latter,  like  Onkelos,  adheres  as 
closely  to  the  original  as  possible),  the  five  Milge- 
lulh,  i.  e.  Song  of  Songs,  Ruth,  Lamentations,  Es- 
ther, Eoclesiastes  ("  versions  "  of  the  greatest  free- 
dom— mere  Hagjidih — probably  by  one  author 
much  later  than  the  Talmud) ;  the  Chronicles  and 
Daniel.  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  alone  are  left  without 
a  Targum  at  present. — VI.  Targum  on  the  Booh  of 
Chroiiie/en.  This  Targuii  was  unknown  up  to  a  very 
recent  period.  In  16S0  it  was  first  edited  from  an 
Erfurt  MS.  by  M.  F.  Beck,  and  in  1715  from  a  more 
complete  as  well  as  correct  MS.  at  Cambridge,  by 
D.  Wilkins.  The  name  of  Hungary  occurring  in  it, 
and  its  frequent  use  of  the  Jerusalem-Targum  to 
the  Pentatjuch,  amounting  sometimes  to  simple 
copying,  show  sufficiently  that  its  author  is  neither 
"  Jonithan  ben  Uzziel "  nor  "  Joseph  the  Blind,"  as 
has  been  suggested.  But  the  language,  style,  and 
the  f/aggdddh,  with  which  it  abounds,  point  to  its 
being  written  at  a  late  period  in  Palestine.  Its  use 
must  be  limited  to  philological,  historical,  and  geo- 
graphical studies;  exegesis  will  profit  little  by  it. — 
VII.  The  Targum  io  D.iniel.  Munk  found  this  in 
a  MS.  in  the  Imperial  Library  at  Paris,  entitled 
"  History  of  Daniel,"  not  indeed  in  the  original  Ara- 
maic," but  in  what  appears  to  him  to  be  an  extract 
of  it  written  in  Persian.  It  contains  several  legends 
and  a  lo.ig  prophecy  of  Daniel,  from  whicli  it  is  shown 
to  have  been  written  after  the  first  crusade. — VIII. 
There  is  also  a  Chaldee  translation  extant  of  the 
apocryphal  pieces  of  Esther,  published  by  De  Rossi, 
Tubingen,  178.3. 

Ter'sioB,  Aa'thor-Ized,  or  En'gllsh  Trr'slon.  I. 
Earli)  TraiitlalioiiK.  Caodmon  (f  A.  D.  680)  em- 
bodied the  whole  history  of  the  Bible  in  the  allitera- 
tive metre  of  Anglo-Saxon  poetry ;  Aldhelm,  bishop 
of  Sherborne,  in  the  seventh  century,  rendered  the 
Psalter ;  Bede  translated  in  the  last  hours  of  his 
life  (a.  d.  735)  the  Gospel  of  St.  John ;  King  Alfred 
(f  901)  set  forth  in  his  mother-tongue  as  the  great 
groundwork  of  his  legislation  Ex.  xx.-xxiii.,  and 
translated  for  his  own  and  his  children's  use  por- 
tions of  the  Bible,  some  of  the  Psalms,  and  extracts 
from  other  book.s.     One  Anglo-Saxon  version  of  the 

•  DavidsuD  (in  Elite)  and  others  doubt  the  exli-tence, 
either  now  or  formerly,  of  any  8uch  Aramaic  or  Cbaldoe 
parapbraa.;  of  Daniel. 


four  Gospels,  interlinear  with  the  Latin  of  the  Vul- 
gate, known  as  the  Durham  Book,  in  the  British 
Museum,  and  another  known  as  the  Rushnorth 
Gloss,  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  are  referred  to  the 
ninth  or  tenth  century.  The  name  of  .(EH'ric  (arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  f  1005  ?)  is  connected  with 
an  Epitome  of  Scripture  History,  including  a  trans- 
lation of  many  parts  of  the  historical  books  of  the 
Bible.  Three  versions  of  the  Gospels  belonging  to 
the  eleventh  or  twelfth  century  are  in  the  British 
Museum,  &c.     The  metrical  paraphrase  of  the  Gos- 

'  pel  history,  known  as  the  Ormuluin,  in  alliterative 
English  verse,  is  ascribed  to  the  latter  part  of  thfi 

I  twelfth  century ;  a  pro.-e  translation  of  the  Bible  into 
Norman-French  to  about  A.  d.  1260.  Three  English 
versions  of  the  Psalms  were  made,  one  about  the 
close  of  the  thirteenth  century ;  another  by  Schor- 

i  ham  about  A.  D.  1320;  another — with  other  canticles 
from  the  0.  T.  and  X.  T.  and  a  devotional  exposi- 
tion— by  Richard  Rolle  of  Hampole,  about  1349; 

!  and  a  version  of  the  Gospels  of  St.  Mark  and  St. 

'  Luke  and  of  all  St.  Paul's  Epistles  is  in  a  library  at 
Cambridge,  England.     All  these  versions  were  from 

;  the  Vulgate.— II.  Wydiffe  or  Wickiiffe  (born  1324; 

I  f  1384).  The  history  ot  the  English  Bible  begins 
with  the  work  of  the  first  great  reformer.  1.  The 
first  translation  from  the  Bible  connected  with  the 
name  of  John  Wyclilfe  was  of  part  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse. The  Last  Age  of  Ike  Church  (a.  d.  1356) 
translates  and  expounds  the  vision  in  which  the  re- 
former read  the  signs  of  his  own  times,  the  sins  and 
the  destruction  of  "  Antichrist  and  his  meynee"  (  = 
multitude).  Shortly  after  this  he  completed  a  ver- 
sion of  the  Gos  lels,  accompanied  by  a  commentary. 
Another  translation  and  commentary  appear  to  have 
been  made  about  the  same  time,  in  ignorance  of 
Wycliffe's  work.  These  preliminary  labors  were 
followed  up  by  a  complete  translation  of  the  N.  T. 
by  Wyclilfe  himself.  The  0.  T.  was  undertaken  by 
his  coadjutor,  Nicholas  de  Hereford,  but  was  inter- 
rupted, probably  in  1382,  and  ends  abruptly  (follow- 
ing so  f\ir  the  order  of  the  Vulgate)  in  the  middle 
of  Baruch.  Many  of  the  MSS.  of  this  version  now 
extant  present  a  different  recension  of  the  text,  and 
it  is  probable  that  the  work  of  Wycliffe  and  Here- 
ford was  revised  by  Richard  Purvey,  about  1388. 
2.  The  version  was  based  entirely  upon  the  Vulgate. 
Masiy  MSS.  were  compared,  and  the  true  reading 
ascertained  as  f\ir  as  possible.  Then  the  glosses, 
commentaries,  grammars,  &c.,  were  consulted  as  to 
the  meaning  of  difficult  passages.  He  aimed  at 
making  the  translation  idiomatic  rather  than  literal. 
As  he  went  on  he  submitted  the  work  to  the  judg- 
ment of  others,  and  obtained  their  suggestions.  3. 
The  extent  of  its  circulation  may  be  estimated  from 
the  fact  that,  in  spite  of  all  the  chances  of  time  and 
all  the  systematic  efforts  for  its  destruction  by  Arch- 
bishop Arundel,  &c.,  not  less  than  150  copies  are 
known  to  be  extant.  4.  The  following  characteris- 
tics may  be  noticed  :  (a.)  The  general  homeliness 
of  its  style.  (A.)  The  substitution,  in  many  cases, 
of  English  equivalents  for  quasi-technical  words. 
(e.)  The  extreme  literalness  with  which,  in  some  in- 
stances, even  at  the  cost  of  being  unintelligible,  the 
Vulgate  text  is  followed,  as  in  2  Cor.  i.  17-19. — III. 
Ti/nrlal.  The  work  of  Wycliffe  stands  by  itself. 
By  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  its  English  was  already 
obsolescent,  and  men  became  dissatisfied  with  a  ver- 
sion not  made  from  the  original.  William  Tyndal — 
who  went  to  Oxford  about  1800,  and,  after  some 
years  of  study  there,  to  Cambridge — is  the  patriarch, 
in  no  remote  ancestry,  of  the  A.  V.     More  than 


1160 


VEK 


VEB 


I 


Cranmer  or  Ridley  he  is  the  true  hero  of  the  English 
Reformation.  "  Ere  many  years,"  he  said,  at  the 
age  of  thirty-six  (a.  d.  1520),  he  would  cause  "  a 
boy  that  driveth  the  plough "  to  know  more  of 
Scripture  than  the  great  body  of  the  clergy  then 
knew.  Whether  Tyndal  had  gained  any  knowledge 
of  Hebrew  before  he  left  England  in  1524  may  be 
uncertain  ;  but  in  1530-31  he  pubhshed  a  transla- 
tion of  Genesis,  Deuteronomy,  and  Jonah.  The 
N.  T.  was,  however,  the  great  object  of  his  care. 
First  the  Gospels  of  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Mark  were 
published  tentatively,  then  in  1525  the  whole  of  the 
N.  T.  was  printed  in  4to  at  Cologne  and  in  small 
8vo  at  Worms.  The  work  was  received  in  England 
with  denunciations.  Tonstal,  bishop  of  London, 
preaching  at  Paul's  Cross,  asserted  that  there  were 
at  least  2,000  errors  in  it,  and  ordered  all  copies  of 
it  to  be  bought  up  and  burnt.  An  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment forbade  the  use  of  all  copies  of  Tyndal's 
"false  translation."  The  tieatment  which  it  re- 
ceived from  professed  friends  was  hardly  less  annoy- 
ing. Piratical  editions  were  published,  often  care- 
lessly, at  Antwerp.  A  scholar  of  his  own,  George 
Joye,  undertook  (in  1534)  to  improve  the  version 
by  conforming  it  more  closely  to  the  Vulgate,  &c. 
The  most  zealous  reformers  in  England  encouraged 
Coverdnle  in  undert.iking  another  version.  In  the 
mean  time  the  work  went  on.  Editions  weic  printed 
one  after  another.  The  last  appeared  in  1535,  just 
before  his  death.  His  heroic  life  was  brought  to  a 
close  in  1536.  We  may  cast  one  look  on  its  sad 
end — the  treacherous  betrayal,  Elie  Judas-kiss  of 
the  false  friend,  the  imprisonment  at  Vilvordcn,  the 
last  prayer  as  he  was  fastened  to  the  stake,  "  Lord, 
open  the  king  of  England's  eyes."  To  Tyndal  be- 
longs the  honor  of  having  given  the  first  example 
of  a  translation  based  on  true  principles,  and  the 
excellence  of  later  versions  has  been  almost  in  exact 
proportion  as  they  followed  his.  Believing  that 
every  part  of  Scripture  had  one  sense  and  one  only, 
the  sense  in  the  mind  of  the  writer,  he  made  it  his 
work,  using  all  philological  helps  that  were  acces- 
sible, to  attain  that  sense.  Believing  that  tlio  duty 
of  a  translator  was  to  place  his  readers  as  nearly  as 
possible  on  a  level  with  those  for  whom  the  books 
were  originally  written,  he  locked  on  all  tlie  later 
theological  associations  that  had  gathered  round  the 
words  of  the  N.  T.  as  hindrances  rather  than  helps, 
and  sought,  as  far  as  possible,  to  get  rid  of  them. 
All  the  exquisite  grace  and  simplicity  which  have 
endeared  the  A.  V.  to  men  of  the  most  opposite 
tempers  and  contrasted  opinions— is  due  mainly  to 
his  elear-siglited  truthfulness.  The  desire  to  make 
the  Bible  a  people's  book  led  him  in  one  edition  to 
Bomething  like  a  provincial  rather  than  a  national 
translation,  but  on  the  whole  kept  him  free  from 
the  besetting  danger  of  the  time,  that  of  writing  for 
scholars,  not  for  the  peo])lc.  And  throughout  there 
is  the  pervading  stamp  of  the  most  thorough  truth- 
fulness.— IV.  Coverdale.  1.  A  complete  translation 
of  the  Bible,  different  from  Tyndal's,  bearing  the 
name  of  Miles  Coverdale,  printed  probably  at  Zurich, 
appeared  in  1535.  The  undertaking  itself,  and  the 
choice  of  Coverdale  as  the  translator,  were  probably 
due  to  Cromwell,  secretary  of  King  Henry  VIII. 
Tyndal'3  controversial  treatises,  and  the  polemical 
character  of  his  prefaces  and  notes,  had  irritated 
the  leading  ecclesiastics  and  embittered  the  mind 
of  the  king  himself  against  him.  There  was  no  hope 
of  obtaining  the  king's  sanction  for  any  thing  that 
bore  his  name.  But  the  idea  of  an  English  transla- 
tion began  to  find  favor.    The  bishops  even  began 


to  think  of  the  thing  as  possible.  Cromwell,  it  !a 
probable,  thought  it  better  to  lose  no  further  time, 
and  to  strike  while  the  iron  was  hot.  A  divine 
whom  he  had  patronized,  thougli  not,  like  Tyndal, 
feeling  himself  called  to  that  special  work,  was  will- 
ing to  undertake  it.  To  him  accordingly  it  was  in- 
trusted. 2.  The  work  thu?  executed  was  done,  as 
might  be  expected,  in  a  very  different  fashion  from 
Tyndal's.  Of  the  two  men,  one  had  made  this  the 
great  object  of  his  life,  the  other,  in  his  own  lan- 
guage, "sought  it  not,  neither  desired  it,"  but  ac- 
cepted it  as  a  task  assigned  him.  One  prepared 
himself  for  the  work  by  long  years  of  labor  in  Greek 
and  Hebrew.  The  other  is  content  to  make  a  trans- 
lation at  second  hand  "out  of  the  Douche  (Luther's 
German  Version)  and  the  Latinc."  He  used  Tyn- 
dal's version  and  five  others.  3.  In  Coverdale's  ver- 
sion the  proper  names  of  the  0.  T.  appear  for  the 
most  part  in  their  Latin  form,  Elias,  Eliseus,  Ocho- 
zias;  sometimes,  as  in  Esay  and  Jeremy,  in  that 
which  was  familiar  in  spoken  English.  "  Cush," 
wliich  in  Wycliffe,  Tyndal,  and  the  A.  V.  is  uni- 
formly rendered  "  Ethiopia,"  is  in  Coverdale  "  Mo- 
rians'  land  "  (Ps.  Ixviii.  31  ;  Acts  viii.  27,  &c.),  after 
Luther,  and  appears  in  this  form  accordingly  in  the 
Prayer-book  version  of  the  Psalms.  The  proper 
name  Rabshakeh  passes,  as  in  Luther,  into  the 
"chief  butler"  (2  K.  xviii.  17;  Is.  xxxvi.  11). 
"  Shiloh,"  in  Gen.  xlix.  10,  becomes  "the  worthy," 
after  Luther.  The  singuharword  "Lamia"  is  taken 
from  the  Vulgate  (A.  V.  "  wild  beast")  in  Is.  xxxiv. 
14.  But  we  have  "  Congregation,"  throughout  the 
N.  T.,  for  Gr.  ckklisia  ("Church,"  A.  V.);  and 
"  love  "  instead  of  "  charity  "  in  1  Cor.  xiii.  Baruch 
is  placed  alter  Lamentations.  4.  What  has  been 
stated  practically  disposes  of  the  claim  sometimes 
set  up  for  this  version  of  Coverdale's,  as  though 
made  from  the  original  text.  It  is  not  improbable, 
however,  tliat  as  time  went  on  he  added  to  his 
knowledge.  He,  at  any  rate,  continued  his  work  as 
a  painstaking  editor.  Fresh  editions  of  his  Bible 
were  published,  keeping  their  ground  in  spite  of 
rivals,  in  16S7,  1539,  1550,  1553.  He  was  called 
in  at  a  still  later  period  to  assist  in  the  Geneva 
version. — V.  Matthew.  1.  In  1537,  a  large  folio 
Bible  appeared  as  edited  and  dedicated  to  the 
king,  by  Thomas  Matthew.  \o  one  of  that  name 
appears  at  all  prominently  in  the  religious  history 
of  Henry  VIII.,  and  this  suggests  the  inference  that 
the  name  was  adopted  to  conceal  the  real  trans- 
lator. The  tradition  which  connects  this  Matthew 
with  John  Rogers,  the  proto-maityr  of  the  Marian 
persecution,  is  all  but  undisputed.  Matthew's  Bible 
reproduces  Tyndal's  work,  in  the  N.  T.  entirely,  in 
the  0.  T.  as  far  as  2  Chr.,  the  rest  being  taken  with 
occasional  modifications  from  Coverdale.  2.  The 
printing  of  the  book  was  begun  apparently  abroad, 
and  was  carried  on  as  far  as  the  end  of  Isaiah.  At. 
th.at  point  a  new  pagination  begins,  and  the  names 
of  the  London  printers,  Gnifton  and  Whitchurch, 
appear.  A  copy  was  ordered,  by  royal  proclama- 
tion, 10  be  set  up  in  every  church,  the  cost  being 
divided  between  the  clergy  and  tlie  parishioners. 
This  was,  therefore,  tlio  first  Authorized  Ver.-iion. 
3.  What  has  been  said  of  Tyndal's  Version  applies, 
of  course,  to  this.  There  are,  however,  signs  of  a 
more  advanced  knowledge  of  Hebrew.  All  the 
technical  words  connected  with  the  Psalms,  Negi- 
noth,  Shiggaion,  Sheminlth,  &c.,  are  elaborately  ex- 
plained. Ps.  ii.  is  printed  as  a  dialogue.  The  names 
of  the  Hebrew  letters  are  prefixed  to  the  verses  of 
Lamentations.     Reference  is  made  to  ihe  Chaldec 


VER 


VER 


1161 


Paraphrase  (Jobvi.),  to  Rabbi  Abraham  (Job  lix.), 
to  Kimchi  (I's.  iii.).  A  like  range  of  knowledge  is 
shown  in  the  N.  T.  Strabo  is  <iuotcd  to  show  that 
the  Magi  were  not  kings,  Macrobius  as  testifying  to 
Herod's  ferocity  (Mat.  ii.),  Erasmus's  Paraphrase  on 
Mat.  xiii.,  xv.  The  popular  identilieation  of  Mary  -Mag- 
dalene with  "  the  woman  that  was  a  sinner"  is  dis- 
cussed and  rejocied  (Lk.  x.).  Jlore  noticeable  even 
than  in  Tyudal  is  the  boldness  and  fulness  of  the 
exegetieal  notes  scattered  throughout  the  book. 
Strong  and  earnest  in  asserting  what  he  looked  on 
as  the  central  truths  of  the  Gospel,  there  was  in 
Rogers  a  Lut!ioi'-like  freedom  in  other  things  which 
haj  not  appeared  again  in  any  autliorized  transla- 
tion or  popular  coninientary.  The  Preface  to  the 
Apocrypha  explains  the  name,  and  distinctly  asserts 
the  inferiority  of  the  books.  (4.)  In  the  order  of 
the  books  of  the  X.  T.  Rogers  follows  Tyndat, 
agreeing  with  the  A.  V.  as  far  as  Philemon.  This 
is  followed  by  the  Epistles  of  St.  John,  then  that 
to  the  Hebrews,  then  those  of  St.  Peter,  St.  James, 
and  St.  Ju  Je.  \Voadcut3,  not  freely  introduced  else- 
where, are  prefixed  to  every  chapter  in  the  Revela- 
tion.— VI.  Tai'crner  (1539).  1.  The  boldness  of 
the  pseudo-Matthew  had  frightened  the  ecclesiastical 
world  from  its  propriety.  Coverdale's  Version  was, 
however,  too  inaccurate  to  keep  its  ground.  It  was 
necessary  to  find  another  editor,  and  the  printers 
applied  to  Richard  Taverner.  The  fact  that,  though 
a  layman,  he  hid  been  chosen  as  one  of  the  canons 
of  the  Cardinal's  College  at  Oxford  indicates  a 
reputation  for  scholarship,  and  this  is  confirmed  by 
the  character  of  his  translation.  2.  In  most  re- 
spects this  is  .an  expurgated  edition  of  Matthew's. 
The  notes  are  briefer,  less  polemical,  some  entirely 
omitted;  the  Epistles  follow  the  same  order. — VII. 
Craiimer.  1.  In  the  same  year  as  Tavemer's,  and 
coming  from  the  same  press,  appeared  an  English 
Bible,  in  a  more  stately  folio,  printed  with  a  more 
costly  type,  bearing  a  liigher  n.tme  than  any  pre- 
vious edition.  The  title-page  is  an  elaborate  en- 
graving. It  declares  the  book  to  be  "  truly  trans- 
lated after  the  verity  of  the  Hebrew  and  Greek 
texts"  by  "divers  excellent  learned  men,  expert  in 
tlie  foresaid  tongues."  A  preface,  in  April,  1 540, 
with  the  initials  T.  C.  (i.  e.  Thomas  Cranmur,  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury)  implies  the  archbishop's  sanc- 
tion. In  a  later  edition  (November,  1540)  his  name 
appeal's  on  the  title-page,  and  the  names  of  his 
coadjutors  are  given,  Cuthbert  (Tonstal),  bishoi>  of 
Durham,  and  Nicolas  (Heath),  bishop  of  Rochester; 
but  other.*  may  have  been  employed  for  the  first 
edition.  2.  The  prologue  gives  a  more  complete 
ideal  of  what  a  translation  ought  to  be  than  we  have 
as  yet  seen.  Words  not  in  the  original  are  to  be 
printed  in  a  different  type.  The  sign  *  Indicates  di- 
versity in  the  Chaldee  and  Hebrew.  The  freipient 
bands  (^39~) '"  the  margin  show  an  intention  to  give 
notes  at  the  end  ;  but  Matthew's  Bible  had  made  men 
cautious,  and  thi  y  were  omitted,  and  no  help  was 
given  to  the  reader  beyond  the  marginal  references. 
There  is  a  greater  display  of  Hebrew  than  In  any 
prei  lous  edition.  But  in  the  edition  of  1539  the 
editors  a  lopted  the  Preface  to  the  Apocrypha  from 
Matthew's  Bible,  but  (substituting  Hagiographa  for 
ApocnvpnA)  said  that  "  the  books  were  called  Ha- 
giographa"  because  "they  were  read  in  secret  and 
apart)!)."  3.  A  later  edition  in  1541  appears  as 
"authorized"  to  be  "u.«ed  and  frequented"  in 
every  church  in  the  kingdom.  The  introduction, 
with  its  elaborate  promise  of  a  future  perfection, 
disippears,  and,  in  its  place,  is  a  long  preface  of  a 


neutral  character  by  Cranmer.  It  was  reprinted 
again  and  again,  and  was  the  Authorized  Version 
of  the  English  Church  till  1568— the  niterval  of 
Mary's  reign  excepted.  Prom  it,  accordingly,  were 
taken  most,  if  not  all,  the  portions  of  Scripture  in 
the  Prayer  books  of  1549  and  1552.  The  Psalms 
in  the  Prayer-book,  the  quotations  from  Scripture 
in  the  Homilies,  the  Sentences  in  the  Communion 
Services,  and  some  phrases  elsewhere,  still  preserve 
the  remembrance  of  It. — VIII.  Genma.  1.  The  ex- 
perimental translation  of  the  Gospel  of  St.  JIatthew 
by  Sir  John  Chekc  into  a  purer  English  than  before 
had  little  Influence  on  the  versions  that  folhiwed. 
The  reaction  under  Mary  gave  a  check  to  the  whole 
work,  as  far  as  Englind  was  concerned ;  but  the 
exiles  who  fled  to  Geneva — among  them  Whitting- 
ham,  Goodman,  PuUain,  Sampson,  and  Covei'dale 
himself — labored  "  for  two  years  or  more,  day  and 
night."  Their  translation  of  the  N.  T.  was  "  dili- 
gently revised  by  the  most  approved  Greek  ex- 
amples." The  N.  T.,  translated  by  Whittingham, 
was  printed  by  Conrad  Radius  in  1557,  the  whole 
Bible  In  1560.  2.  The  Geneva  Bible  was  for  sixty 
years  the  most  popular  of  all  versions.  \ot  less 
than  eighty  editions,  some  of  the  whole  Bible,  were 
printed  between  1558  and  1611.  It  kept  its  ground 
for  so.Tie  time  even  against  the  A.V.,  and  gave  way, 
as  it  were,  slowly  and  under  protest.  The  volume 
was  cheaper  and  more  porti«ble  than  Cranmcr's.  It 
was  the  first  Bible  which  appeared  in  Roman  type, 
and  the  first  which,  following  the  Hebrew  example, 
recognized  the  division  into  verses.  It  was  accom- 
panied, in  most  editions  after  1578,  by  a  Bible  Dic- 
tionary of  consider!iblo  merit.  The  notes  were  often 
really  helpful,  and  were  looked  upon  as  spiritual 
and  evangelical.  It  was  the  version  specially 
adopted  by  the  Puritan  party  through  the  reign  of 
Elizabeth,  and  far  Into  tliat  of  James.  Il  was  based 
on  Tyndal's  Version.  3.  Some  peculiarities  are — 
(a.)  It  professes  a  desire  to  restore  the  "true  wri- 
ting "  of  many  Hebrew  names,  and  we  meet  accord- 
ingly with  "  Izhak  "  (Isaac),  "  Jaacob,"  &c.  (A.)  It 
omits  the  name  of  St.  Paul  from  the  title  of  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews;  and.  In  a  short  Preface, 
leaves  the  authorship  an  open  question.  (<•.)  It 
avows  the  principle  of  putting  all  words  not  in  the 
original  in  Italics,  (d.)  Its  Calendar,  prefixed  to 
the  Bible,  commemorated  Scripture  facts,  and  the 
deaths  of  the  great  Reformers,  but  ignored  saints' 
days  altogether,  (e.)  It  was  the  first  English  Bible 
which  entirely  omitted  the  Apocrypha.  (/.)  The 
notes  were  characteristically  Swls.<,  not  only  in  their 
theology,  but  in  their  politics.  They  made  allegiance 
to  kings  dependent  on  the  soundness  of  their  faith. 
—IX.  The  Jiixhops'  Bible.  1.  The  facts  just  staled 
w^ill  account  for  the  wish  of  Arehbislicip  Parker,  to 
bring  out  another  version  which  might  establish  its 
claims  against  that  of  Geneva.  Great  pre!)aration8 
were  made.  The  correspondence  of  I'arker  with 
his  Suffragans  shows  little  agreement  as  to  the  true 
theory  of  a  translation.  2.  The  bishops  thus  con- 
sulted, eight  in  number,  together  with  some  deans 
and  professors,  l>rought  out  the  fruit  of  their  labors 
In  a  magnificent  folio  (1568  and  1572).  Every  thing 
had  been  done  to  make  it  attractive.  It  had  a  long 
erudite  preface,  many  wood  engravings,  three  cop- 
perplate portraits  (of  the  Queen,  Earl  of  Leicester, 
and  Lord  Burleigh),  a  map  of  Palestine  (in  the  edi- 
tion of  1672),  and  an  elaborate  series  of  genealogical 
tables.  It  was  avowedly  based  on  Cranmer's  trans- 
lation. Cranmcr's  Prologue  was  reprinted.  The 
Geneva  division  into  verses  was  adopted  throughout. 


1162 


TER 


"VKU 


D.  Some  peculiarities  were — (a.)  Tlie  Books  of  the 
Bible  were  classified  as  legal,  historical,  sapiential, 
and  prophetic.  (6.)  Many  passages  were  marlied  to 
be  omitted  in  the  public  service  of  the  Church,  (e.) 
One  edition  containe  1  the  version  of  the  Psalms 
from  Matthew's  Bible,  in  parallel  columns  with  that 
now  issued,  {d.}  The  initials  of  the  translators  were 
attached  to  the  books,  which  they  had  severally 
undertaken,  (e.)  Here,  as  in  the  Geneva,  is  the  at- 
tempt to  give  the  Hebrew  names  more  accurately, 
e.  g.  "  Heva,"  "  Izah:.c,"  "  Uzialm,"  &c.  4.  Of  all 
the  English  versions,  the  Bishops'  Bible  had  prob- 
ably the  least  success.  It  did  not  command  the 
respect  of  scholars,  and  its  size  and  cost  were  far 
from  meeting  the  wants  of  the  people.  It  had,  how- 
ever, some  good  Hebrew  scholars  among  the  trans- 
lators ;  and,  together  with  the  A.  V.,  received  from 
Selden  the  praise  of  being  "  the  best  translation  in 
the  world." — X.  Bheiinii  and  Douay,  The  succes- 
sive changes  in  the  Protestant  versions  of  the  Script- 
ures were,  as  might  be  expected,  matter  of  triumph 
to  Konian  Catholic  controversialists.  Some  saw  in 
it  an  argument  against  any  translation  of  Scripture 
into  the  spoken  language  of  the  people.  Others 
pointed  derisively  to  the  want  of  unity  which  these 
changes  displ.iyed.  Some,  however,  like  Sir  T. 
More  and  Gardiner,  under  Henry  VIII.,  did  not  ob- 
ject to  the  principle  of  an  English  translation,  but 
charged  all  the  versions  hilherto  made  with  being 
false,  corrupt,  heretical.  To  this  there  was  the 
ready  retort,  that  they  had  done  nothing;  that  their 
bishops  in  the  reign  of  Henry  had  promised,  but  had 
not  performed.  It  was  felt  that  they  must  take 
some  steps  to  turn  the  edge  of  this  reproach,  and 
the  English  refugees  who  were  settled  at  Rheims — 
Gregory  Martin  (a  graduate  of  Cambridge),  Allen 
(afterward  cardinal),  and  Bristow — undertook  the 
work.  After  some  years  the  N.  T.  was  published 
at  Rheims,  in  1582.  Though  Martin  was  competent 
to  translate  from  the  Greek,  it  professed  to  be  based 
on  "  the  authentic  text  of  the  Vuloate."  Xotes 
were  added  as  strongly  dogmatic  as  those  of  the 
Geneva  Bible,  and  often  keenly  controversial.  The 
work  was  completed  by  the  publication  of  the  0.  T. 
at  Douay,  in  1609.' — XI.  Authorized  Version  or  Com- 
mon  Enrjlixh  Version.  I.  The  position  of  the  Eng- 
lish Church  in  relation  to  the  versions  in  use  at  the 
commencement  of  the  reign  of  James  I.  was  hardly 
satisfactory.  The  Bishops'  Bible  was  sanctioned 
by  authority.  That  of  Geneva  had  the  strongest 
hold  on  the  affections  of  the  people.  Scholars, 
Hebrew  scholars  in  particular,  found  grave  fault 
with  both.  Among  the  demands  of  the  Puritan 
representatives  at  the  Hampton  Court  Conference, 
in  1604(Dr.  John  Rainolds  [or  Reynolds],  President 
of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Oxford.being  the  spokes- 
man), was  one  for  a  new,  or,  at  least,  a  revised  trans- 
lation. The  bishops  treated  the  difficulties  which 
they  raised  with  supercilious  scorn.  Had  it  been 
left  to  the  bishops,  we  might  have  waited  for  the 
A.  V.  "  till  the  day  after  doomsday."  But  the  king 
declared  that  there  was  as  yet  no  good  translation. 
Nothing,  however,  was  settled  at  the  Conference  be- 


'  This  is  now  the  standard  Enslisli  V(  rsion  of  tlie  Ro- 
man Catholics ;  but  the  present  otficially  approved  editions 
or  it  (after  Rev.  Dr.  ClinlloDer)  often  adopt  the  language 
iif  tlie  A.  v.  rather  than  tlint  of  the  Rhciras  and  Doiiny 
translations,  retaining,  however,  *'  pnscli "  and  "  azyms  '"' 
in  Mk.  xiv.  1,  4SC.  (A.  V.  "passoviT"  and  '"uideavened 
bread  "),  "  do  penance  "  in  JIat.  lii.  2.  Iv.  17,  &c.  (A.  V. 
'•repent").  "Justice"  in  Mat.  v.  6,  10,  80,  &c.  (A.  V. 
"rliihteousness"),  and  other  terms  In  imitation  of  the 
Latin  ft-om  wiiich  the  vereion  was  made. 


yond  the  hope  thus  held  out.  2.  But  the  king  was 
not  forgetful  of  what  he  thought  likely  to  be  the 
glory  of  his  reign.  The  work  of  organizing  and 
superintending  the  arrangements  for  a  new  transla- 
tion was  one  specially  congenial  to  him,  and  in  1606 
the  task  was  accordingly  commenced.  The  selec- 
tion of  the  fifty-four  scholars  to  whom  it  was  in- 
trusted, seems,  on  the  whole,  to  have  been  a  wise 
anl  fair  one.  Andrews,  Saravia,  Overal,  Montague, 
i-nd  Barlow,  represented  the  "higher"  party  in  the 
Cliurch ;  Rainolds,  Chaderton,  and  Lively  that  of 
the  Puritans.'  Scholarship,  unconnected  w"ith  party, 
was  represented  by  Henry  Savilc  and  John  Boy's. 
3.  What  reward  other  than  that  of  their  own  con- 
sciences and  the  judgment  of  posterity  were  the 
men  thus  chosen  to  expect  for  their  long  and  labori- 
ous task  ?  The  king  was  not  disposed  to  pay  tl.cm 
out  of  his  state  revenue.  A  king's  letter,  however, 
was  sent  to  the  archbishops  and  bishops,  to  be 
transmitted  by  them  to  their  chapters,  commending 
all  the  translators  to  their  favorable  notice.  They 
were  exhorted  to  contribute  in  all  1,000  marks,  and 
the  king  was  to  be  informed  of  each  man's  liberal- 
ity. If  any  livings  in  their  gift,  or  in  the  gift  of 
private  pers<ms,  became  vacant,  the  king  was  to  be 
informed  of  it,  that  lie  might  nominate  some  of  the 
translators  to  the  vacant  preferment.  Heads  of 
colleges,  in  like  manner,  were  enjoined  to  give  free 
boird  and  lodging  to  such  divines  as  were  sum- 
moned from  the  country  to  labor  in  the  great  work. 
That  the  king  might  take  his  place  as  the  director 
of  the  whole,  a  copy  of  fifteen  instructions  was 
sent  to  each  translator,  and  apparently  circulated 
freely  into  both  Univ(  rsities.  4.  These  fifteen  in- 
structions bote  thus  on  the  work  in  hand,  and  its 
relation  to  previous  versions:  [1."]  The  Bishops' 
Bible  was  to  be  followed,  and  as  little  altered  as 
the  original  will  permit.  [2.]  The  rames  of  proph- 
ets ami  others  were  to  be  retained,  as  nearly  as 
may  be,  as  they  are  vulgarly  used.  [3.]  The  old 
ecclesiastical  words  to  be  kept,  e.  g.  "  church  "  not 
to  be  translated  "congregation."  [4.]  When  any 
word  hath  divers  significations,  that  to  be  kept 
which  hath  been  most  commonly  used  by  the  most 
eminent  Fathers,  being  agreeable  to  the  propriety 
of  the  place  and  the  analogy  of  faith.  [5.]  The 
division  of  the  chapters  to  be  altered  either  not  at 
all,  or  as  little  as  possible.  [6.]  No  marginal  notes 
to  be  affixed  but  only  for  the  explanation  of  Hebrew 
and  Greek  words.  [7  ]  Such  quotations  of  places 
to  be  marginally  set  down  as  may  serve  for  fit  ref- 
erence of  one  Scripture  to  another.  Tlie  marginal 
references  of  the  A.  V.  of  1611  were  somewhat 
scanty,  most  of  those  now  printed  having  been 
added  in  later  editions.  [8.  and  9.]  State  plan  of 
translation.  Each  company  of  translators  is  to 
take  its  own  books ;  each  person  to  bring  his  own 
corrections.  The  company  to  discuss  them,  and 
having  finished  their  work,  to  send  it  on  to  anothei- 
company,  and  so  on.  [10.]  Differences  of  opinion 
between  two  companies  to  be  referred  to  a  general 
meeting.  [11.]  Gives  power,  in  cases  of  difficulty, 
to  consult  any  scholars.  [12.]  Invites  suggestions 
from  any  quarter.  [13.]  Names  the  directors  of 
the  work:  Andrews,  dean  of  Westminster;  Barlow, 
dean  of  Chester;   and  the    Regius  Professors   of 


2  Only  forty-sovcn  names  appear  in  the  kind's  list. 
Seven  may  have  died,  or  declined  to  net;  or  it  may  have 
been  intended  tliat  tlicrc  should  be  a  final  committee  of  re- 
vision. Rniiinlds  and  Lively  (Tlchrew  Professor  at  Cam- 
bridge for  thirty  years)  died  during  the  progress  of  the 


VER 


VER 


1163 


Hebrew  and  Greek  at  both  Universities.  [14.] 
Namei  tninslatioiis  to  be  followed  when  they  af;ree 
more  with  the  original  than  the  Bishops'  BibU?, 
80.  Tyndul's,  Coverdule's,  .Matthew's,  Whitchurch's 
(Cran  Tier's),  and  Geneva.  [13  ]  Authorizes  Uni- 
versities to  appoint  three  or  four  overseers  of  the 
work.  5.  It  is  not  known  that  any  of  the  corre- 
spoiidance  connected  with  this  work,  or  any  minute 
of  the  meetings  for  conference,  is  still  extant. 
6.  For  three  years  the  work  went  on,  the  sepa- 
rate companies  comparing  notes  as  directed.  When 
the  work  drew  toward  its  completion,  two  from  each 
of  the  three  groups  ^  were  accordingly  selected,  and 
the  six  met  in  London,  tj  superintend  the  publica- 
tion. Now,  for  tlie  first  time,  we  find  some  more 
definite  remuneration  than  the  .shadowy  promise 
held  out  in  the  king's  letter,  of  a  share  in  the  1,000 
marks  which  Deans  and  Cl>a|>ters  would  not  contrib- 
nt?.  The  Company  of  Stationers  tliought  it  expe- 
dient to  give  the  six  editors  thirty  pounds  each,  in 
weekly  pjvynients,  for  their  nine  month*'  labor.  The 
final  correction,  and  writing  the  arguments  of  t  le 
several  books,  was  given  to  Bilson,  bishop  of  Win- 
chester, and  Dr.  Miles  Smith,  the  latter  of  whom  also 
wrote  the  dedication  and  preface.  Y.  This  version 
did  not  all  at  once  supersede  those  already  in  pos- 
session, though  five  editions  of  it  wcic  published  in 
three  years.  But  the  Bishops'  Bible  probably  re- 
mained in  many  Churches,  and  of  the  Geneva  Ver- 
sion there  were  not  less  than  thirteen  reprints,  in 
whole,  or  in  part,  between  1611  and  1617.  It  is  not 
easy  to  ascertain  the  impression  whieli  the  A.  V. 
made  at  the  time  of  its  appearance  Selden,  a  few 
years  later,  says  it  is  "  the  best  of  all  translations  as 
giving  the  true  sense  of  the  original,"  yet  adds  that 
"no book  in  the  world  is  translated  as  tlie  Bil)le  is, 
word  for  word,  with  no  regard  to  the  difference  of 
idioms."  Proposals  for  another  revision,  brought 
forward  in  the  Grand  Committee  of  Religion  in  the 
House  of  Commons  in  January,  1656,  were  referred 
to  a  sub-committee  acting  under  Whitclock,  with 
power  to  consult  divines  and  report;  bat  nothing 
ever  came  of  this.  8.  The  highest  testimony  of  this 
period  is  that  of  Walton,  tlie  editor  of  the  Polyglott, 
who  characterized  this  version  as  "eminent  among 
all."  With  tlie  reign  of  Anne  the  tide  of  glowing 
panegyric  set  in.  It  would  be  easy  to  put  together 
a  long  string  of  praises  stretching  from  that  time  to 
the  present.  The  language  of  the  A.  V.  has  inter- 
twined itself  with  the  controversies,  the  devotion, 
the  literature  of  all  who  speak  the  English  language. 
The  most  solemn  and  tender  of  indivilual  memories 
are,  for  the  most  part,  a.ssociated  with  it.  While 
from  time  to  time  scholars  and  divines  have  admitted 
the  necessity  of  a  rcvisi<in,  those  who  have  attacked 
the  present  version  and  produced  new  ones  have 
been,  for  the  most  part,  men  of  narrow  knowledge 
and  defective  ta^te. — XII.  Schemes  for  a  revision. 
1.  The  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  was  not 
favorable  for  such  a  work.  An  almost  solitary 
Kvsaij  for  a  tiew  TS-amlalvm  by  11.  R.  (Ross),  1702, 
attracted  Utile  or  no  notice.  A  Greek  Testament 
with  an  English  translation,  singularly  vulgar  and 
offensive,  was  published  in  1729.  A  folio  New  and 
literal  tranxlatiun  of  the  whole  Bible  by  Anthony 
Purver,  a  Quaker  (1764),  in  spite  of  its  defective 
taste,  may  be  contrasted  favorably  with  most  of  the 

•  Those  appolnte<1  by  the  klne  met  at  Wostmlniitcr ; 
tho*e  appointed  by  the  Univcrpitica  of  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge met  within  Ihelr  rc^pectivp  precincts  Each  of 
these  three  trroupa  bad  been  aab<livld«>!,  and  (has  there 
were  six  ecctlons  in  all. 


single-handed  translations  which  hare  followed.  It 
was  far  above  the  depth  of  degradation  and  folly 
reached  in  Ilarwood's  Literal  Trantlalion  of  the  N. 
T.  "  with  freedom,  spirit,  and  elegance"  (1768).  2. 
Biblical  revision  was  happily  not  left  entirely  in  such 
hands  as  these.  A  translation  by  Worsley  '■  accord- 
ing to  the  present  idiom  of  the  English  tongue " 
(1770)  was,  at  least,  less  offensive.  Durell  (Preface 
to  Job),  Lowth  i  Preface  to  haiah),'B\.xyni:y  (Preface 
to  Jeremiah,  1784),  were  all  strongly  in  favor  of  a 
new,  or  revised  translation.  Each  contributed,  in 
the  best  way,  to  the  work  by  laboring  steadily  at  a 
single  book.  Kennicott's  labors  in  collecting  MSS. 
of  the  0.  T.  issued  in  his  Stale  of  tlie  present  Hebrew 
Text  (1753,  '59),  and  excited  expectations  that  there 
might  before  long  be  something  like  a  basis  for  a 
new  version  in  a  restored  original.  A  more  am- 
bitious scheme  was  started  by  the  Roman  Catholic 
Dr.  Geddes,  in  his  Protperttis  for  a  New  Translation 
(1786).  He,  too,  like  Lowth,  finds  fault  with  the 
superstitious  adherence  to  tlie  JIasorctic  text,  with 
the  undue  deference  to  lexicons,  and  disregard  of 
versions  shown  by  our  translators.  The  work  w.is 
issued  in  parts,  according  to  the  terms  of  the  Pros- 
pectus, but  did  not  get  further  than  2  Chr.,  in  1792, 
when  the  death  of  tiie  translator  put  a  stop  to  it. 
This  translation  fell  rapidly  into  disfavor.  3.  The 
revision  of  the  A.  V.,  like  many  other  salutary  re- 
forms, was  hindered  by  the  French  Revolution.  In 
1792,  .\rchbishop  Xewcome  had  published  an  elab- 
orate defence  of  such  a  scheme,  taking  the  same  line 
as  Lowth.  Revised  translations  of  the  X.  T.  were 
published  bv  Wakefield  in  179.5,  by  Xewcome  him- 
self in  1796^  by  Scarlett  in  1798.  Campbell's  ver- 
sion of  the  Gospels  appeared  in  1788,  Mackniglit's 
of  the  Epistles  in  1795.  But  in  1736  the  note  of 
alarm  was  sounded.  There  is  a  long  interval  before 
the  question  again  comes  into  any  thing  like  promi- 
nence. Dr.  John  Bellamy  published  a  new  transla- 
tion under  the  patronage  of  the  Prince  Regent  (181 8). 
The  work  was  poor  and  unsatisfactory,  and  tremen- 
dous batteries  were  opened  upon  it  in  the  Quarlrrl^ 
Review  and  elsewhere.  The  most  masterly  of  the 
manifestoes  against  all  change,  was  an  anonymous 
pamphlet  ( Remarks  on  the  Critical  Principles,  kc, 
Oxford,  1820),  written  by  Archbishop  Laurence.  4. 
A  correspondence  between  Herbert  Marsh,  bishop 
of  Peterborough,  and  the  Rev.  II.  Walter,  in  1828, 
is  the  next  link  in  the  chain.  Marsh  had  spoken 
(Lectures  on  Ribliral  Criticism)  with  some  contempt 
of  the  A.  V.  as  based  on  Tyndal's,  Tyndal's  on  Lu- 
ther's, and  Luther's  on  Munster's  Lexicon,  which 
was  itself  based  on  the  Vulgate.  Walter,  in  his  an- 
swer, proves  what  is  plain  enough,  that  Tyndal  knew 
some  Hebrew,  and  that  Luther,  in  some  instances, 
followed  Rabbinical  authority  and  not  the  Vulgate; 
but  the  evidence  hardly  shows  that  Tyndal's  version 
of  the  0.  T.  was  entirely  independent  of  Luther's, 
or  Luther's  of  the  Latin.  6.  The  last  five-and- 
twenty  years  have  seen  the  question  of  a  revision 
from  time  to  time  gaining  fresh  prominence  in  Great 
Britain.  Dr.  Conquest's  Bible,  with  "  20,000  emen- 
dations," has  not  commanded  the  respect  of  critics. 
Dr.  Beard's  A  Revised  English  Bible  the  li^ant  of  the 
Church  (1857),  though  tending  to  overstate  the  de- 
fects of  the  A.  v.,  is  yet  valuable  as  containing  much 
information,  and  representing  the  opinions  of  the 
more  learned  Nonconformists.  Far  more  important, 
every  way,  both  as  virtually  an  authority  in  favor 
of  revision,  and  as  contributing  largely  to  it,  are 
Professor  Scholcficld's  Hints  for  an  Improved  Trans- 
lalion  of  the  N.  T.  (1882).     To  Bishop  Ellicott  also 


1164 


VER 


VIL 


belongs  the  credit  of  having  spoken  at  once  boldly 
and  wisely  on  this  matter  ( I'reface  to  Pastoral  Epix- 
tlai).  Tile  translations  appended  by  Ellicott  to 
his  editions  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles  proceed  on  the 
true  principle  of  altering  the  A.  V.  "  only  where  it 
appears  to  be  incorrect,  inexact,  insiifficient,  or  ob- 
scure." Dr.  Trench  (On  the  A.  V.ofthe  N.  T.,  1858), 
in  like  manner,  states  his  conviction  that  "a revision 
ought  to  come,"  though  as  yet,  he  thinks,  "  tlie 
Greek  and  the  English  necessary  to  bring  it  to  a 
successful  issue  are  alike  wanting."  The  Jifrmon 
of  the  A.  V.  bji  Five  Clergymen  (Dr.  Barrow.  Dr. 
Jloberly,  Dean  Alford,  Mr.  Humphry,  and  I)r.  Elli- 
cott) represents  the  same  school  of  conservative 
progress.  As  yet,  tliis  series  incluiles  only  the  Gos- 
pel of  St.  John,  and  the  Epistles  to  the  Romans  and 
Corinthians.  The  puljlicaiions  of  the  American 
Bible  Union  are  signs  that  the  same  want  has  been 
felt  in  America.*  The  translations  given  by  Alford, ' 
Stanley,  Jowett,  and  C'onybeare  &  Howson,  in  their 
respective  commentaries,  are,  iu  like  manner,  admis- 
sions of  the  necessity  of  the  work  and  contributions 
toward  it.  Others,  as  Mr.  Sharpe  (1840),  Mr.  IJigh- 
ton  (1862),  Mr.  Cookesley,  &c.,  have  undertaken  to 
translate  the  entire  N.  T.  Yet  the  opponents  of  a 
revision  have  probably  the  majority,  and  Mr.  Scriv- 
ener, Dr.  McCaul,  Mr.  C.  S.  Malonc,  and  Dr.  Cumming 
have  given  utterance  to  the  feeling  on  this  side. — 
XIII.  Present  State  of  the  Qiiextion. — 1.  To  take  an 
accurate  estimate  of  the  c.\tent  to  which  the  A.  V. 
requires  revision  would  require  an  examination  of 
each  single  book,  and  involve  an  amount  of  detail 
beyond  our  limits.  2.  The  translation  of  the  N.  T. 
is  from  a  Greek  text  (Beza's  ?)  confessedly  imperfect. 
No  revision  ought  to  ignore  the  results  of  the  textual 
criticism  of  the  last  hundred  years.  (New  Testa- 
ment, II.,  III.)  3.  Still  less  had  been  done  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  seventeenth  century  for  the  text 
of  the  0.  T.  The  materials  for  a  revised  text  are, 
of  course,  scantier  than  with  the  N.  T.  (Old  Testa-  I 
MKNT,  A.)  4.  All  scholars  worthy  of  the  name  arc  ' 
now  agreed  that  as  little  change  as  possible  should  ' 
be  made  in  the  language  of  the  A.  V.  Some  words, 
however,  are  altogether  obsolete ;  others  have  been 
slowly  passing  into  a  different  meaning.  6.  The  i 
self-Imposed  law  of  fairness  which  led  the  A.  V. 
translators  to  admit  as  many  English  words  as  pos-  j 
Bible  to  the  honor  of  representing  one  in  the  Hebrew 
or  Greek  text  has,  as  might  be  expected,  marred  the 
perfection  of  their  work.  Side  by  side  with  this 
fault,  there  is  another  just  the  opposite  to  it.  One 
English  word  appears  for  several  Greek  or  Hebrew 
words,  and  thus  shades  of  meaning,  often  of  impor- 
tance to  the  right  understanding  of  a  passage,  are 
lost  sight  of.'  6.  Griunmatical  inaccuracy  must  be 
noted  as  a  defect  pervading,  more  or  less,  the  pres- 


'  The  commentaries  of  American  Biblicil  students  often 
coutnin  or  involve  new  tmnslations  of  particular  portions 
of  Scripture,  e.  g.  Prof.  Stunrt  dm  Roniaus.  Hebrews,  Anoc- 
alyiisc,  Daniel.  ProverbB,  Ecclesiastes),  Prof.  J.  A.  Alex- 
im(1<T  (on  Psalms.  Isaiali.  Marl;).  Prof.  II.  B.  Hackett  (on 
Acts,  kc.^.  Rev.  A.  Barnes  (on  N.  T.,  Isaiah.  Job,  nantei), 
Prof.  C.  H(i<l2e  (on  Romans.  1  Cor.,  Epbesians),  Prof.  G. 
Busli  (on  Genesis,  Exodus,  Leviticus,  Numbers,  Joslma, 
Judu'ca),  J.  J.  Owen  (on  Gospels),  Jacobus.  Conant,  Eiplcv, 
Wlicdon.  Nast,  &c.  Tlie  English  translation  of  Lance's 
Commentary,  edited  by  Dr.  Scliotf  and  otticr  American 
fccltnlare,  contains  numerous  emendations  of  ttie  A.  V. 

*  The  present  worlc  fumislies  help  for  overrominff  this 
ditTiculty.  not  only  by  systematically  Lnving  the  Hebrew 
and  Greeli  equivalents  of  important  terms  in  the  A.  V.. 
hut  also  by  ilmstraiing  the  various  English  renderings  of 
each  of  these  original  words  in  its  turn.  See  Assembly  ; 
Atonbment  ;  Eternal  ;  God  ;  Lord  ;  Orsaik  :  Preach  ; 
Sin  ;  BoyL ;  Spibit,  &c.,  &c. 


ent  Tcrsion.  Both  Greek  and  Hebrew  were  learned 
by  the  translators  through  the  medium  of  Latin, 
which  failed  utterly  to  represent,  e.  g.,  the  force  of 
the  Greek  and  Hebrew  article,  the  diBerence  of  the 
Greek  aorist  and  perfect  tenses,  &c.  1.  The  division 
into  chapters  and  verses  is  a  matter  that  ought  not 
to  be  passed  over  in  any  future  revision.  (Bible 
IV.)  8.  Other  points  of  detail  may  be  noticed:  (a.) 
The  chapter  headings  of  the  A.  V.  often  go  beyond 
their  proper  province.  What  should  be  a  mere 
table  of  contents  becomes  a  gloss  upon  the  text. 
(h.)  The  use  of  italics  in  printing  the  A.  V.  is  at 
least  open  to  some  risks.  At  first  they  seem  an 
honest  confession  on  the  jiart  of  the  translators  of 
what  is  or  is  not  in  the  original.  On  the  other  hand, 
they  tempt  to  a  loose  translation,  (c.)  The  marginal 
references,  as  now  printed,  are  over-abundant,  often 
only  verbal,  and  need  a  careful  sifting,  (d.)  Marginal 
readings,  on  the  other  hand,  indicating  variations  in 
the  text,  or  differences  in  the  judgment  of  trans- 
lators, might  he  profitabl>  increased  in  number,  and 
thus  many  dilliculties  and  stumbling-blocks  might 
be  removed.  9.  What  has  been  said  will  serve  to 
show  at  once  to  what  extent  a  new  revision  is  re- 
quired, and  what  arc  the  chief  difficulties  to  be  en- 
countered." 

*  Ves'scl.  Bag  ;  Barrel  ;  Basik  ;  Bottle  ;  Cal- 
dron ;  FcRNiTt  RE ;  Handicraft  ;  Kettle  ;  Pitcher  ; 
Pot  ;  Pot.«iierd  ;  Siiir,  &c. 

*  Vial,  the  A.  V.  translation  of — 1.  Hah. pach  r= 
a  fiask,  noTTLE,  Ges.  (1  Sam.  x.  1);  less  correctly 
translated  "box"  (2  K.  ix.  1,  3).— 2.  Gr.  phiaU  =i 
a  bowl,  gohlel,  broad  and  shallow,  Kbn.  N.  T.  Lex. 
(Rev.  v.  8,  XV.  7,  xvi.  1  ff.,  xvii.  1,  xxi.  9);  in  LXX. 
=  Ileb.  wierM,  translated  "basin"  and  "bowl." 

*  VU't'nals  [vit'lz].     Food. 

Vil'lagOi     It  is  evident  that  the  Ileb.  hcilstr  or 


•  The  views  of  Prof.  Plumptre  given  in  the  text  of  this 
article  agree  witit  tiiose  of  "many  eminent  Biblical  scholars, 
and  contain  ninch  truth  well  presenlid.  That  the  A.  V. 
has  many  infelicitous,  inexact,  iticonsistent.  and  even 
palpably  erroneous  renderings  is  freely  admitted ;  these 
renderitig-*  are  noticed  and  corrected  in'this  Dictionary  ac- 
cording to  the  best  authorities,  whenever  it  seemed  re- 
quisite and  practicable  so  to  do ;  yet,  as  a  whole,  the  A. 
V.  in  its  L'eeeril  laithfulness  to  theoriLnnal  Scriptures,  its 
pure  and" forcible  Eofjlish.  its  familiar  yet,  for  the  most 
part.  di^'Uified  forms  of  expression,  and  its  common  ac- ' 
ceptance  by  men  of  all  denominations  and  of  all  shades  of 
religious  belief,  presents  a  combination  of  advantages 
which  no  other  English  translation  yet  made  can  claim"  or 
counterbalance.  Certainly  no  denominational  versions, 
like  those  of  the  American  Bible  Union,  and  none  made 
simply  by  and  for  scholars,  lilie  many  of  those  mentiored 
under  Xll.  and  note  4  above,  and  indeed  none  made  by 
Britons  alone,  or  by  Americans  alone,  can  reasonably  ex- 
pect to  take  the  place  of  the  A.  V.,  except  to  a  limited  ex- 
lent  and  for  particular  purposes,  it  should  be  bonie  in 
mind  that  no  translation  made  by  men  is  itself  inspired, 
and  hence  none  either  in  or  can  be  iefallible  or  absolutely 
perfect ;  yet  one  that  is  conlesscdly  imperfect  or  faulty  in 
some  respects  may  not  only  t>e  tar  betler  than  none,  but, 
so  long  as  it  does' not  essentially  mislead  or  prevent  the 
use  ol\)ther  helps  to  ascertain  tlie  exact  truth  of  God,  it 
may  he  abundantly  suftlcient  to  till  the  place  which  it  is 
properly  designed  to  occupy.  "  Our  inc(mi])aralile  English 
Bible  stands  in  no  need  of^a  radical  revision;  its  idiom, 
beauty,  and  vigor  are  all  that  can  be  desired.  But  no  good 
scholar  will  deny  that  it  might  be  greatly  improved  as  to 
clearness  and  accuracy;  while  many  cloiibt  whether  it 
could  be  done  without  producing  greater  division  and  con- 
fusion, and  thus  doing  more  harm  than  good,  A  final  re- 
vision for  popular  use  should  proceed  from  a  body  of 
scholars  representing  the  British  and  American  Bible  So- 
cieties, and  all  the  Protestant  churches  which  worship 
God  in  the  English  language,  and  have  an  equal  claim  to 
this  inestimable  Inheritance  of  the  sixteenth  and  sevcn- 
t«enth  centuries.  In  the  mean  time,  no  one  can  object  to 
new  translations  and  revisions  for  exegetical  and  critical 
Use"  (Rev,  Philip  Schaff,  D,  D.,  Prtface  to  the  American 
Edition  qf  Lange  8  Commentari/).  , 


tm 


VIN 


1165 


chdlxer,  "a  village,"  literally  an  enclosure  (Cocrt; 
Hazer),  a  collection  of  huin,  is  often  used,  especially 
in  the  enumeration  of  towns  l;i  Josli.  xlii.,  xv.,  xix,, 
to  imply  uuwalled  suburbs  outside  the  walled  tonns 
(conip.  Lev.  xxv.  31  witii  34;  "  scbcrhs").  Arab 
villages,  as  found  in  Arabia,  are  often  mere  collec- 
tions of  stone  huts,  "  long,  low,  rude  hovels,  roofed 
only  with  the  stalks  of  palm-leaves,"  or  covered  for 
a  time  with  tent-cloths,  which  are  removed  when  the 
tribe  cliange  their  (juartcrs.  Others  are  more  solidly 
built,  as  are  most  of  the  modern  villages  of  Pales- 
tine, though  in  some  the  dwellings  are  mere  mud- 
huts.  Tliere  is  little  in  the  O  T.  to  enable  us  more 
precisely  to  define  a  village  of  Palestine,  beyond  the 
fact  that  it  was  destitute  of  walls  or  external  de- 
fences. Persian  villages  are  spoken  of  in  similar 
terms  (Ez.  xxxviii.  11 ;  Esth.  ix.  19).  By  the  Tal- 
mudists  a  village  was  defined  as  a  place  destitute  of 
a  synagogue.  In  the  N.  T.  the  term  "village"  (Gr. 
kome  ;  Tows  7)  is  applied  to  BKniPH.iGE  (Mat.  xxi. 
2),  Betiunv  (Lk.  X.  38),  Emjul's  (xxiv.  13,  28), 
Bethlehk.m  (Jn.  vii.  42,  A.  \^.  "town").  Depend- 
ence on  a  chief  town  of  a  district  appears  to  be  de- 
noted by  the  plirase  "  villages  of  Cesarea  Philippi " 
(Mk.  viii.  27).  Caperxauu;  Caphar;  City;  Havoxh- 
jair;  Town. 

Vin*  ( Ileb.  gephe»  ;  sdrek  =  "  the  choicest  vine  " 
[Is.  V.  2],  "a  noble  rine"  [Jer.  ii.  21];  nor^kdh  — 
"choice  vine"  [Gen.  xlix.  11];  ndzir  =  "viie  un- 
dressed," i.  e.  not  pruned  [Lev.  xxv.  5,  11 ;  Xaza- 
kite)  ;  Gr.  am/ielon),  the  well-known  valuable  plant 
(  17/w  vhiif'era),  very  freipiently  referred  to  in  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments,  and  cultivated  from  the 
earliest  times.  The  first  mention  of  this  plant  oc- 
curs in  Gen.  ix.  20,  21.  (N'oah.)  The  Egyptians 
.-.ly  til  it  Osiris  first  taught  men  the  use  of  the  vine. 
T.iat  it  was  abundantly  cultivated  in  Egypt  is  evi- 
dent from  the  monuments,  as  well  as  from  the 
Scriptural  allusions  (Gen.  xl.  9-11  ;  Num.  xx.  8  ;  Ps. 
IxxviiL  47).  The  vines  of  Palestine  wore  celebrated 
both  for  luxuriant  growth  and  for  the  immense 
clusters  of  grapes  which  they  produced.  The  spies, 
on  their  arrival  at  the  valley  of  Eshcol,  cut  down  a 
branch  with  one  cluster  of  grapes,  and  bare  it  be- 
tween two  on  a  staff  (Num.  xiii.  23).  Travellers 
have  frequently  testified  to  the  large  size  of  the 
grape-clusters  of  Palestine.  Sehulz  speaks  of  sup- 
ping at  lieiUhiii,  a  village  near  Ptolemais,  under  a 
vine  about  thirty  feet  high  with  a  stem  about  a  foot 
and  a  half  in  diameter,  forming  by  its  branches  a 
hut  upward  of  thirty  feet  broad  and  long.  "  The 
ciusterB  of  these  cxtraordinar\  vines,"  he  adds, "  are 
so  large  that  they  weigh  ten  or  tnclve  pounds,  and 
the  berries  may  be  compared  with  our  small  plums." 
£spccial  mention  is  made  in  the  Bible  of  the  vines 
of  Eshcol  (N'um.  xiii.  24,  xxxii.  9),  of  SiiiM.vH,  Hcsh- 
bon,  and  Slealeh  (Is.  xvi.  8-10;  Jer.  xlviii.  32), 
and  Eh-gedi  (Cant.  i.  14). — The  vine  i.s  frefiuently 
the  subject  of  metaphor  in  the  Scriptures.  To  dwell 
under  the  vine  and  fig-tree  is  an  emblem  of  doiriostic 
happiness  and  peace  (1  K.  \v.  25;  Mie.  iv.  4 ;  Ps. 
cxxviii.  3);  the  rebellious  people  of  Israel  are  com- 
pared to  "  wild  gra|)e3,"  "  an  empty  vine,"  "  the  de- 
generate plant  of  a  strange  vine,"  &c.  (Is.  v.  2,  4; 
Hos.  I.  I ;  Jer.  ii.  21).  It  is  a  vine  which  our  Lord 
selects  to  show  the  spiritual  union  between  Himself 
and  His  members  (Jn.  xv.  1-6). — The  ancient  He- 
brews probably  allowed  the  vine  to  grow  trailing  on 
the  ground,  or  upon  supports.  Dr.  Robinson  saw 
them  at  Hebron  planted  singly  in  rows  eight  or  ten 
f.et  apart,  the  stock  growing  up  large  to  the  height 
of  six  or  eight  feet,  then  fastened  in  a  sloping  position 


to  a  strong  stake,  and  the  shoots  extending  in  festoons 
from  one  plant  to  another,  but  pruned  away  in 
autumn.  The  vintage  (Heb.  bdtsir),  wiiich  fornierly 
was  a  season  of  general  festivity,  commenced  in 
September.  The  towns  are  deserted,  and  the  peo- 
ple live  among  the  vineyards  in  the  lodges  and  t.nts 
(compare  Judg.  ix.  27;  Jer.  xxv.  30;  Is.  xvi.  10). 
The  grapes  were  gathered  with  shouts  of  joy  by  the 
"grape-gatherers"  (Jer.  xxv.  30),  and  put  into 
baskets  (vi.  9).  They  were  then  carried  on  the 
head  and  shoulders,  or  slung  upon  a  yoke,  to  the 
"  WINE-PRESS."  Those  intended  for  eating  were  per- 
haps put  into  fl.it  open  baskets  of  wickerwork,  as 
was  the  custom  in  Egvpt.  (Basket.)  In  Palestine 
at  present  the  finest  grapes,  says  Dr.  Robinson,  are 
dried  as  "raisins"  (Heb.  tsimmuk).  and  the  juice  of 
the  remainder,  after  having  been  trodden  and  pressed, 
"  is  boiled  down  to  a  syrup  which,  under  the  name 
of  dibs,  is  much  used  by  all  classes,  wherever  vine- 
yards are  found,  as  a  condiment  with  their  food." 
(Dri.nk,  Stro.sg;  Foon;  Honey  ;  Wine.)  The  vine- 
yard, whicli  was  generally  on  a  hill  (Is.  v.  1 ;  Jer. 
xxxi.  5  ;  Am.  ix.  13),  was  surrounded  by  a  wall  or 
HEBGE  to  keep  out  the  wild  boars  (Ps.  Ixxx.  13), 
jackals,  and  foxes  (Num.  xxii.  24  ;  Neh.  iv.  3  ;  Cant. 
ii.  15  ;  Ez.  xiii.  4,  5  ;  .Mat.  xxi.  33).  Within  the 
vineyard  «as  one  or  more  towers  (Towek)  of  stone 
in  wliicii  the  vine-dressers  lived  (Is.  i.  8,  v.  2  ;  Mat. 
xxi.  33).  The  wine-press  and  vat  ("  fat  "),  which 
was  dug  (Mat.  xxi.  33)  or  hewn  out  of  the  rocky 
soil,  were  part  of  tlie  vineyard  furniture  (Is.  v  2). 
See  the  three  following  articles ;  also  AGRictLTUEE ; 

FiRST-FRLlTS  ;    GLEANING,  &C. 

Vine  (Ileb.  gephen)  of  Sodom  occurs  only  in  Deut. 
xxxii.  32.  It  is  generally  supposed  that  this  passage 
alludes  to  the  celebrated  apples  of  Sodom,  of  which 
Joseplius  speaks,  "  which  indeed  resemble  edible 
fruit  in  color,  but,  on  l)cing  plucked  by  the  hand, 
are  dissolved  into  smoke  and  ashes."  Some  travel- 
lers, as  Maundrell,  regard  the  wliole  story  as  a  fic- 
tion. Pococke  supposed  the  apples  of  Sodom  to  be 
pomegranates.  Hasselquist  seeks  to  identify  them 
witli  the  egg-shaped  fruit,  of  the  liolanum  MrUi  igena 
(egg-plant)  wlien  attacked  by  some  insect  (a  species 
of  Tenthredo)  which  converts  the  whole  of  tlie  in- 
side into  dust,  while  the  rind  remains  entire  and 
keeps  its  color.  Burckhardt,  Irby  and  Mangles, 
Robinson,  Tristram,  .VIr.  Houghton,  Dr.  Hamilton 
(in  Fbn.),  &e.,  identify  the  apples  of  Sodom  with 
the  fruit  of  the  bsher  of  the  Arabs,  the  Asehpian 
gigantin  or  Calotropix  proeera,  » hich  is  a  shrub  or 
tree  abinidant  in  Upper  Egypt,  &e.,  but  apparently 
confined  in  Palestine  to  the  borders  of  the  Dead 
Soa  :  growing  at  ^Ain  Jidif  to  a  height  of  ten  to  fif- 
teen feet,  and  a  diameter  of  six  or  eight  inches ; 
having  a  grayish  cork-like  bark,  and  long  oval 
leaves ;  discharging  copiously  from  its  broken  leaves 
and  fiowers  a  milky  fluid ;  and  in  general  appearing 
like  a  gigantic  perennial  species  of  the  milkweed  or 
silkweed  [^  Axelepim  comuli  i )  cmwmow  in  tlie  North- 
ern United  States;  bearing  fruit  in  clusters  of  three 
or  four,  having  a  slender  pod  in  the  centre,  con- 
taining a  small  quantity  of  tine  silk  with  seeds,  but 
filled  mostlv  with  air,  and  externally  resembling  a 
large,  smooth  apple  or  orange,  yellow  when  ripe, 
I  and,  on  being  pressed,  exploding  like  a  bladder  or 
!  puff-ball.  Mr.  Walter  Elliot  endeavors  to  show 
that  the  apples  of  Sodom  aie  oak  galls,  which  grow 
plentifully  on  dwarf  oaks  (Quercux  infeiloria)\n  the 
country  beyond  the  Jordan.  Dr.  J.  D.  Hooker 
identifies  the  Dead  Sea  apple  or  apple  of  Sodom 
I  with  the  Solanum  Sodomceum  (Palestink,  Botany). 


1163 


VIX 


vow 


Pr.  Hooker  and  Mr.  Ilougliton  regard  the  "vine  of 
tSodoni  "  as  the  colouynth  (Cuniiiis  Vohcyuilm ; 
Gourd  2),  "  wliich "  says  Di-.  Hooker,  "  is  bitter 
and  powdery  inside;  the  term  x'ine  would  scarcely 
be  given  to  any  but  a  trailing  or  olher  plant  of  the 
habit  of  a  vine." 

Vio'e-gar.  The  Hel)rew  term  hornets  or  chomds 
was  applied  to  a  beverage  consisting  generally  of 
iviNE  or  strong  drink  turned  sour,  but  sometimes 
artificially  made  by  an  admixture  of  barley  and 
wine,  and  thus  liable  to  fermentation.  It  was  acid 
even  to  a  proverb  (I'rov.  x.  26),  and  by  itself  nau- 
seous (Ps.  Ixix.  21),  but  was  used  by  laborers  (Ru. 
ii.  14).  Similar  to  this  was  the  aceium  of  the  Ro- 
Bians — a  thin,  sour  wine  consumed  by  soldiers, 
cither  pure,  or  more  usually  mixed  with  water,  and 
then  termed  poaca.  Of  this  (Gr.  oxos)  the  Saviour 
partook  in  His  dying  moments  (Mat.  xxvii.  48;  Mk. 
XV.  36 ;  Jn.  xix.  29,  30).  Crucifixion  ;  Gall  ; 
Myrrh. 

*  Vineyard  [vin-].     Vise  ;  Wine., 
Vineyards,  I'iain  of  the  (lleb.  Abel  Ca-umim  or 

Crumim),  mentioned  only  in  Judg.  xi.  33  ;  =  Abel 
5 ;  possibly  (so  Mr.  Grove),  at  a  ruin  Btit  el-Iurm 
( =  house  of  Oie  vine)  eucountered  by  De  Saulcy  to 
the  N.  of  Kerak. 

*  Vintagr.    Vine. 

Vi'ol.  For  an  e.Nplanation  of  the  Hebrew  word 
translated  "viol,"  see  Psalterv.  The  old  English 
viol,  like  the  Spanisli  ric/uela,  was  a  six-stringed 
guitar.  Etymologically,  viol  is  connected  with  tlie 
Dan.  Fiol,  and  the  A.  S.  fioele,  through  the  Fr.  fiole, 
Old  Fr.  viille,  Med.  Lai.  vitella. 

*  Vi'o-lct.    Colors,  II.  2. 

Viper,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb.  epVck, 
from  a  root  signifying  to  hiss  (Job  xx.  16  ;  Is.  xxx. 
6,  lix.  5).  Mr.  Houghton  thinks  it  impossible  to 
determine  tlie  species  of  serpent  indicated  by  this 
Hebrew  term;  Gesenius  defines  it  "avijxr,  adder  ; 
any  poisonous  serpent." — 2.  Heb.  eplm'  (Is.  xli.  24 
margin),  after  some  of  the  Rabbins,  but  wliolly 
agiiinst  the  context  (so  Gesenius).  The  A.  V.  text 
and  most  expositors  translate  "  nothing." — 3.  Gr. 
echidna  (Mat.  iii.  7,  xii.  34,  xxiii.  33;  Lk.  ill.  7; 
Acts  xxviii.  3).  The  "viper"  which  fastened  on 
Paul's  hand  in  Melita  was  probably  (so  Mr.  Hough- 
ton, &c.)  the  common  viper  of  Etirope  {I'elins  [or 


Common  Viper  of  Europe    Vipera  [or  PiKat^  fifrm). — (Fbn.) 

Vipera  ]  Stus),  or  else  the  Vipera  Aspis,  which  is 
not  uncommon  on  the  Mediterranean  coasts.  The 
poison  of  the  former  (so  Mr.  Gosse)  is  much  more 
virulent  in  the  S.  of  Europe  than  in  England. 
"  (Iexeratio.n  of  vipers  "  in  Mat.  and  Lk.  is  spoken 
figuratively  of  w  icked  men.  Adder  ;  Asp  ;  Gall  ; 
Poison  ;  Serpent. 

*  Virgin  [-jiii]  (Heb.  bethMdh,  'almdh  ;  Gr.  parlhe- 


nos)  —  a  maiden  chaste  and  pure  (Gen.  xxiv.  16, 
43  ;  Mat.  i.  23,  &c.).  The  Hebrews  olten  personi- 
fied the  inhabitants  of  a  city  or  country,  taken  col- 
lectively, as  a  "iiAUCiHTEii"  and  "virgin"  (2  K.  xix. 
21 ;  Lam.  i.  15,  &e.).  In  Rev.  iv.  14  "  virgins"  =: 
the  chaste  or  pure  in  a  moral  sense,  ard  is  applied 
to  males.  Adultery  ;  Child  ;  Daughter  ;  Idol- 
atry ;  Immanuel  ;  Marriage  ;  Mary  the  Virgin. 

*  Vision.    Dream  ;  Prophet  ;  Trance. 

*  Voinme.     Bible  ;  New  Testament  ;  Old  Testa- 
ment ;  t'CROLL ;  Writing. 

Vopll'sl  (Heb.  m\j  addition  or  appeiidarje?  Ges.), 
father  of  Nahbi,  the  Naphtalitc  spy  (Num.  xiii.  14). 

Vow.  The  practice  of  making  vows  is  extremely 
ancient,  and  common  in  all  systems  of  religion. 
The  earliest  vow  mentioned  is  Jacob's  (Gen.  xxviii. 
18-22,  xxxi.  13).  Vows  in  general  are  also  men- 
tioned in  Job  xxii.  27,  &c.  The  Law,  therefore,  did 
not  introduce,  but  regulated  the  practice  of  vows. 
Three  sorts  are  mentioned  : — I.  Vow  of  I'evotiuu 
(Heb.  nedcr) ;  II.  Vow  of  abstinence  (Heb.  isur  or 
issur)\  III.  Vow  of  destruction  (Heb.  herttn  or 
ckerem).  I.  As  to  vows  of  devotion,  the  following 
rules  are  laid  down : — A  man  might  devote  to 
sacred  uses  possessions  or  persons,  but  not  the 
first-born  either  of  man  or  beast,  which  was  de- 
voted already  (Lev.  xxvii.  26).  a.  If  he  vonid 
land,  he  might  either  redeem  it  cr  not.  If  he  in- 
tended to  redeem,  two  points  were  to  be  considered: 
(1.)  the  rate  of  redemption  (xxvii.  16  If.);  (2.)  the 
distance,  prospectively  and  retrospeitivtly,  from 
the  year  of  jubilee.  The  purchaser  of  land,  if  he 
devoted  and  also  wished  to  redeem  it,  was  rei|uir(d 
to  pay  a  redemption-price  according  lo  the  priestly 
valuation,  but  withi  ut  the  additioral  fifth.  The 
owner  who  wished  to  redeem  would  thus  be  re- 
quired to  pay  either  an  annual  rent  or  a  redemption - 
price  answering  to  the  number  of  years  short  of 
the  jubilee,  but  deduetii:g  Sabbatical  years  (xxv.  3, 
15,  16),  and  adding  a  filth,  or  twenty  ]ier  cent,  in 
eitlier  case.  If  he  rcfnscd  or  was  unalilc  to  re- 
deem, either  the  next  of  kin  came  forward,  as  he 
had  liberty  to  do.  or,  if  no  ndemption  was  cft'ccted, 
the  land  became  the  property  of  the  priests  (xxv. 
25,  xxvii.  21 ;  Ru.  iii.  12,  iv.  1,  &c.)  In  the  case  of 
a  liou.se  devoted,  its  value  was  to  be  assesse<l  by 
the  priest,  and  a  fifth  added  to  the  rcdeiupiif  ii-priec 
in  ease  it  was  redeemed  (Lev.  xxvii.  16).  h.  Animals 
fit  for  SACRIFICE,  if  devoted,  were  not  to  be  re- 
deemed or  changed ;  and  if  a  man  attempted  to  do 
so,  he  was  required  to  bring  both  the  devotee  and 
the  changeling  (xxvii.  ii,  10,  33 ;  Rlejuish).  An 
animal  unfit  for  sacrifice  might  be  redeemed  by  add- 
ing a  fifth  to  the  priest's  valuation,  or  it  Iccame 
ilie  property  of  the  priests  (ver.  12,  13).  c.  The 
ease  of  persons  devoted  stood  thus: — A  man  niiglit 
devote  either  himself,  his  child  (not  the  first-born), 
or  his  servant.  If  no  redemption  took  place,  the 
devoted  person  became  a  servant  of  the  sanctuary: 
see  the  case  of  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xv.  8).  (Naza- 
RITE.)  Otherwise  he  might  be  redeemed  at  a  valua- 
tion according  to  age  and  sex,  on  the  scale  given  in 
Lev.  xxvii.  1-8. — Among  general  regulations  affect- 
ing vows  may  be  mentioned; — 1.  Vows  were  en- 
tirely voluntary,  but  once  made  were  regarded  as 
compulsory  (Num.  xxx.  2  ;  Dent,  xxiii.  21  ;  Eeel.  v. 
4).  2.  If  persons  in  a  dependent  condition  made 
vows,  as  («)  an  unmarried  daughter  living  in  her 
father's  house,  or  (b)  a  wife,  even  if  she  afterward 
became  a  widow,  the  vow,  if  (n)  in  the  first  case 
her  lather,  or  (A)  in  the  second,  her  husband  heard 
and  disallowed  it,  was  void;  but  if  they  heard  with- 


V0L 


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1167 


out  disiillowance,  it  was  to  remain  good  (Xum.  xxx. 
8-lti).  3.  Votive  offerings  arising  iVora  the  produce 
of  any  impure  traffic  were  wholly  forbidden  (Deut. 
xxiii.  18;  Doo;  Sodomite). — II.,  III.  For  vows  of 
abstinence,  see  Cobban  ;  and  for  vows  of  extermi- 
nation, Anathema,  also  Ezr.  x.  8  and  Mie.  iv.  13.  For 
the  vows  of  the  Apostle  Paul  (Acts  xviii.  18,  xxi. 
24),  see  Xazakite  IV. 

VBlgatr,  this  (Abridged  from  the  original  article 
of  Mr.  VVcstcott.)  The  iidluence  of  the  Latin  Ver- 
sions of  the  Bible  upon  Western  Christianity  is 
scarcely  less  than  that  of  the  Septi'agint  upon  the 
Greek  Churches.  For  many  centuries  it  was  the 
only  Bible  generally  used ;  and,  directly  or  in- 
directly, it  is  the  real  parent  or  all  the  vernacular 
versions  of  Western  Europe.  The  Gothic  Version 
of  Ulphilas  alone  is  inJependent  of  it.  (Veksions, 
Ancient.)  The  Anglo-Saxon  and  Wickliffe's  vei-- 
sions  were  made  from  it.  In  the  age  of  the  Refor- 
mation the  Vulgate  was  rather  the  guide  than  the 
source  of  the  popular  versions,  though  all  the  Rom.in 
Catholic  vei'sions  were  derived  from  it.  That  of 
Luther  (N.  T.  in  1.523)  was  the  most  important,  and 
in  this  the  Vulgate  had  greut  weight.  From  Luther 
the  influence  of  the  Latin  passel  to  onr  own  Au- 
thorized Version.  (Version,  Adtiiorized.)  The 
Vulgate  is  not  only  tlie  source  of  our  current  theo- 
logical terminology,  but  it  is,  in  one  shape  or  other, 
the  most  important  early  witness  to  the  text  and 
interpretation  of  the  whole  Bible. — I.  Onrriii  and 
/lixlitr;/  of  Ike  name  Valgxte.  Tlie  name  Wgate,  = 
L.  Viilgata  e  litlo  {the  current  text  of  Holy  Script- 
ure), has  necessarily  been  used  ditfi»rcntly  in  various 
ages  of  the  Church.  The  phrase  originally  an- 
swered to  the  koiii'eXdonit  (Gr.  r=  common  edition  or 
reetuxion)  of  the  Greek  Scriptures  (Septuaoint,  p. 
995),  and  is  tlms  used  constantly  by  Jerome  in  his 
Commentaries.  In  some  places  Jerome  distinctly 
quotes  tlie  Greek  test ;  but  generally  he  regards 
tiie  Old  Latin,  which  was  rendered  from  the  LXX.. 
as  substantially  identical  with  it,  and  thus  introduces 
Latin  quotations  un  ler  the  name  of  the  LXX.,  or 
y'lilf^ita  cditio.  In  this  way  the  transference  of  the 
name  from  the  current  Greek  text  to  the  current 
Latin  (ext  became  easy  and  natural.  Yet  more: 
as  the  Gr.  koinS  ekdoKvi  came  to  signify  an  uncor- 
rected (and  so  corrupt)  text,  the  same  secondary 
meaning  was  attached  to  the  L.  vulgala  edilio. 
Thus,  in  some  places  the  vntpata  edltio  stanils  in 
contra-st  with  t'ne  true  Ilexaplaric  text  of  the  LXX. 
This  use  of  the  phrase  Vu'pa/a  cditio  to  describe 
the  LXX.  (and  the  Latin  Version  of  the  LXX.)  was 
continued  to  later  times.  As  a  general  rule,  the 
Latin  Fathei-s  s[ieak  of  Jerome's  Version  as  "our" 
Versicm;  but  it  was  not  uunatui'al  that  the  Council 
of  Trent  (as  many  later  scholars)  sliould  be  misled 
by  the  associations  of  their  own  time,  and  adapt  to 
new  circumstances  terms  which  had  grown  obsulete 
in  their  original  sense. — II.  The  Old  Latin  Ver&ion». 
The  history  of  the  earliest  Latin  Version  of  the 
Bible  is  lost  in  obscurity.  All  that  can  be  affi  med 
with  certainty  is  that  it  was  made  in  Africa.  During 
the  first  two  centuries  the  Churc'i  of  Rome,  and  so 
that  of  G^ul,  was  essentially  Greek  ;  but  the  Church 
of  Xorthern  Africa  seems  to  have  been  Latinspeak- 
ing  from  the  first.  At  what  date  this  Church  was 
founded  is  uncertain.  Teriullian  (about  a.  n.  200) 
distinctly  recognizes  the  general  currency  of  a  Latin 
Version  of  the  X.  T.,  characti-rized  by  a  "  rudeness  " 
and  "simplicity"  which  seem  to  point  to  the  nature 
of  its  origin.  The  version  of  the  X.  T.  appears  to 
have  arisen  from  individual  and  successive  efforts ; 


but  it  does  not  follow  by  any  means  that  numerous 
versions  were  simultaneously  circulated,  or  that  the 
several  parts  of  the  version  were  made  independent- 
ly. Even  if  it  had  been  so,  the  exigencies  of  the 
public  service  must  soon  have  given  definiteness 
and  substantial  unity  to  the  fragmentary  labors  of 
individuals.  The  work  of  private  hands  would  nec- 
essarily be  subject  to  revision  for  ecclesiastical  use. 
The  separate  books  would  be  united  in  a  volume ; 
and  thus  a  standard  text  ol'  the  whole  collection 
would  be  established.  With  regard  to  the  O.  T.  the 
case  is  less  clear.  Probably  the  Jews  settled  in 
Xorthern  Africa  were  confined  to  the  Greek  towns ; 
otherwise  it  might  be  sn|iposed  that  the  Latin  Ver- 
sion of  the  0.  T.  is  in  part  anterior  to  the  Christian 
era,  and  thut(as  in  tlie  case  of  Greek)  a  preparation 
for  a  Christian  Latin  dialect  was  already  made  when 
the  Go-pel  was  introduced  into  Africa.  However 
this  may  have  been,  the  substantial  similarity  of  the 
different  parts  of  the  0.  T.  and  N.  T.  justifies  the 
belief  that  there  was  one  popular  Latin  Version  of 
the  Bible  current  in  Africa  in  the  last  quarter  of  the 
second  century.  The  exact  literality  of  the  Old 
Version  was  not  confined  to  the  most  minute  ob- 
servance of  order  and  the  accurate  reflection  of  the 
words  of  the  original:  in  many  cases  the  very  forms 
of  Greek  construction  were  retained  in  violation  of 
Latin  usage. — From  considerations  of  style  and 
language  it  seems  certain  that  Hebrews,  James,  and 
2  Peter  did  not  form  part  of  the  original  African 
Version  of  the  N.  T.  In  the  0.  T.,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  Old  Latin  erred  by  excess,  and  not  by 
deliict,  including  the  Apocryphal  Books  from  the 
current  copies  of  the  LXX.,  to  which  2  Esdras  was 
early  added.  (Canon.)  After  the  translation  once 
received  a  definite  shape  in  Africa,  which  could  not 
have  been  long  after  the  middle  of  the  second  cen- 
tury, it  was  not  publicly  revised.  The  old  text  was 
jealously  guarded  by  e  'clesia-stical  use,  and  was  re- 
tained there  when  Jerome's  version  was  elsewhere 
almost  universally  received.  In  the  0.  T.  the  ver- 
sion was  made  from  the  nnrevised  edition  of  the 
LXX. — But  while  the  earliest  Latin  Version  was 
preserved  generally  unchanged  in  Xorthern  Africa, 
it  fared  differently  in  Italy.  There  the  provincial 
rudeness  of  the  version  was  more  offensive,  and  a 
revision  w.is  more  feasible.  In  the  fourth  century 
a  definite  ecclesia.stical  recension  (of  the  Gospels  at 
least)  appears  to  have  been  m;uie  in  Xorthern  Italy 
by  reference  to  the  Greek,  which  was  distinguished 
by  the  name  of  the  Ila'ian  (L.  Itala).  This  appears 
to  have  been  made  in  some  degree  with  authority  : 
other  revisions  were  made  for  private  use,  in  which 
such  changes  were  introduced  as  suited  the  taste  of 
scribe  or  critic.  The  next  stage  in  the  delorioraiion 
of  the  text  was  the  intermixture  of  thc^ie  various 
revi.^ions. — III.  Lalmrx nf  Jerome.  At  the  close  of 
the  fourth  century  the  Latin  texts  of  the  Bible  cur- 
rent in  the  Western  Church  had  fallen  into  the 
greatest  corruption.  The  evil  was  yet  greater  in 
prospect  than  at  the  time ;  for  the  separation  of  the 
East  and  West  was  gi owing  imminent.  But  in  the 
crisis  of  danger  the  great  scholar  was  rai.sed  up  who 
probably  alone  for  1,.">00  years  possessed  the  (|uali- 
fications  necessary  for  producing  an  original  version 
of  the  Scriptures  for  the  use  of  the  Latin  Churches. 
Jerome — in  Latin  Euscbius  Hieronyinus — was  born 
A.  D.  329  at  Stridon  in  Dalmatia,  and  died  at  Beth- 
lehem A.  n.  420.  After  long  and  self-denying  studies 
in  the  East  and  West,  Jerome  went  to  Rome  a.  d. 
382,  probably  at  the  request  of  Damasus  the  Pope, 
to  assist  in  an  important  synod.     Uis  active  biblical 


1168 


VUL 


VUL 


labors  date  from  this  epoch,  and  in  examining  them  I 
it  will  be  convenient  to  follow  llie  order  of  time, 
noticing — (1.)  Bemsioii  of  ilie  OM  Latin  Version  of 
Oie  iV.  T.  Jerome  had  not  been  long  at  Rome  (a.  d.  { 
38o)  when  Damasus  consulted  him  on  points  of 
Scriptural  criticism.  Apparently  in  the  same  year  { 
he  applied  to  Jerome  for  a  revision  of  the  current  j 
Latin  version  of  the  N.  T.  by  the  help  of  the  Greek 
original.  The  need  of  this  was  urgent.  "  There  i 
were,"  says  Jerome,  "almost  as  many  forms  of  text 
as  copies."  The  Gospels  had  naturally  suffered  | 
most.  Jerome  therefore  applied  himself  to  these  ! 
first.  His  aim  was  to  revise  the  Old  Latin,  not  to 
make  a  new  version ;  yet  the  difference  of  the  Old 
and  Revised  (HieronynJan)  text  is  clear  and  striking. 
Some  of  the  changes  whicli  Jerome  introduced  were 
made  purely  on  linguistic  grounds.  Others  involved 
questions  of  interpretation.  But  the  greater  num- 
ber consisted  in  the  removal  of  the  interpolations 
by  which  the  synoptic  Gospels  especially  were  dis- 
figured.— The  preface  to  Damasus  speaks  only  of  a 
revision  of  the  Gospels,  and  a  (juestion  has  been 
raised  whether  Jerome  really  revised  the  remaining 
books  of  the  N.  T.  But  Damasus  had  requested  a 
revision  of  the  whole;  Jerome  (a.  d.  398)  enumer- 
ates among  his  works  "  the  restoration  of  the 
(Latin  version  of  the)  N.  T.  to  harmony  with  the 
original  Greek  ; "  and  an  examination  of  the  Vidgate 
text,  with  the  quotations  of  fathers  before  Jerome 
and  the  imperfect  evidence  of  MSS.,  is  itself  suffi- 
cient to  show  tliat  the  revision  of  the  later  books 
was  real,  but  hasty  and  imperfect.  (2.)  Hevisiou  of 
Oie  0.  T.  from  the  LXX.  About  the  same  time 
(a.  n.  383  ?),  Jerome  made  a  first  revision  of  the 
I'salter  by  the  help  of  the  Greek,  but  the  work  was 
not  very  complete  or  careful.  This  revision  obtained 
the  name  of  the  Komiu  Psalter,  probably  because 
it  was  made  for  the  use  of  the  Roman  Church  at 
the  request  of  Damasus.  In  a  short  time,  at  the 
urgent  request  of  Paula  and  Eustochium,  Jerome 
connnenced  a  new  and  more  thorough  rcvi.sion  (6al- 
licnn  Psalter).  This  was  probably  soon  after  387, 
when  he  retired  to  Bethlehem,  and  certainly  before 
891,  when  he  had  begun  his  new  translations  from 
the  Hebrew.  In  the  new  revision  Jerome  adopted 
Origen's  notation  (Septuagixt),  and  attempted  to 
represent  as  far  as  possible,  by  the  help  of  the 
Greek  versions,  the  real  reading  of  the  Hebrew. 
This  new  edition  soon  obtained  a  wide  popularity. 
Gregory  of  Tours  is  said  to  have  introduced  it  from 
Rome  into  the  public  services  in  France,  and  from 
this  it  ot)tained  the  name  of  the  GalUcaii  Psalter. 
Numerous  MSS.  remain  which  contain  the  Latin 
Psalter  in  two  .or  more  forms  (Roman,  Galilean,  He- 
brew, &c.).  From  the  second  (Galilean)  revision  of 
the  Psalms  Jerome  appears  to  have  proceeded  to  a 
revision  of  the  other  books  of  the  0.  T.,  restoring 
all,  by  tlie  help  of  the  Greek,  to  a  general  con- 
formity with  tlie  Hebrew.  The  Prefaces  to  the  Re- 
visions of  Job,  Chronicles,  and  Solomon's  three 
books,  and  the  revised  texts  of  the  Psalter  and  Job 
have  alone  been  preserved  ;  but  there  is  no  reason 
to  doubt  that  Jeronie  carried  out  his  design  of  re- 
vising all  the  "  Canonical  Scriptures,"  though  there 
is  very  great  difficulty  in  tracing  the  history  of  the 
revision.  (3.)  Tranxlatijn  of  the  0.  T.  from  the 
Hebrew.  Jerome  conmienced  the  study  of  Hebrew 
when  he  was  alre.idy  advanced  in  middle  life  (about 
3'('l);  but  he  availed  himself  of  every  help  to  per- 
fect his  knowledge  of  the  language.  His  first 
teacher  had  been  a  Jewish  convert;  but  afterward 
he  did  not  scruple  to  seek  the  instructiyn  of  Jews, 


whose  services  he  secured  with  great  difficulty  and 
expense.  In  some  of  his  earliest  critical  letters 
(a.  d.  381,  383)  he  examines  the  force  of  Hebrew 
words;  and  in  384,  he  had  been  engaged  for  some 
time  in  comparing  the  version  of  Aquila  with  He- 
brew MSS.,  which  a  Jew  had  obtained  for  him  from 
the  synagogue.  After  retiring  to  Bethlehem,  he 
appears  to  have  devoted  himself  with  renewed  ar- 
dor to  t'.ie  study  of  Hebrew,  and  he  published  sev- 
eral works  on  the  subject  (about  389).  These  ec- 
says  served  as  a  jirelude  to  his  New  Version,  which 
he  now  commenced.  This  version  was  not  under- 
taken  with  any  ecclesiastical  sanction,  as  the  revision 
of  the  Gospels  was,  fjut  at  the  urgent  request  of 
private  friends,  or  from  his  own  sense  of  the  im- 
perious necessity  of  the  work.  Its  history  is  told 
in  the  main  in  the  prefaces  to  the  several  instal- 
ments successively  published.  The  Books  of  Samuel 
and Kinffs  were  issued  first,  and  to  these  lie  prefixed 
the  famous  Proloeius  galeatiis,  addressed  to  Paula 
and  Kustochium,  in  which  he  gives  an  account  of 
the  Hebrew  Canon.  At  the  time  when  this  was 
pubhsheil  (about  391,  392)  other  books  seem  to 
have  been  already  translated ;  and  in  393  the  six- 
teen prophets  were  in  circulation,  and  Job  had  lately 
been  put  into  the  hands  of  his  most  intimate  friends. 
Indeed,  it  would  appear  that  in  392  he  had  in  some 
sense  completed  a  version  of  the  0.  T. ;  but  many 
books  were  not  completed  and  pul)lished  till  some 
years  afterward.  The  next  books  which  he  put  into 
circulation,  yet  with  the  provision  that  they  should  be 
confined  to  friends,  were  Ezra  and  Xeheniiah,  proba- 
bly in  394.  The  Chronicles  may  be  set  down  to  395. 
The  three  Books  of  Solomon  followed  in  398,  "  the 
work  of  three  days  "  after  a  severe  illness.  The  Octa- 
teiivh  now  alone  remained  (i.  e.  Pentateuch,  Joshua, 
Judges  and  Ruth,  and  Esther).  Of  this  the  Pen- 
tateuch was  published  first,  probably  alter  400. 
The  remaniing  books  were  completed  shortly  after 
404.  Thus  the  whole  translation  was  spread  over 
about  fourteen  years,  from  the  sixtieth  to  the  sev- 
enty-sixth year  of  Jerome's  life  ;  yet  parts  of  it  were 
finished  in  great  haste  (e.  g.  the  Books  of  Solomon, 
Tobit,  Judith).  There  are  errors  in  the  work  which 
a  more  careful  revision  might  have  removed ;  but 
such  defects  are  trifling  compared  with  what  he  ac- 
complished successfully.  The  work  remained  for 
eight  centuries  the  liulwark  of  Western  Christianity ; 
and  as  a  monument  of  ancient  linguistic  power  the 
translation  of  the  0.  T.  stands  unrivalled  and  unique. 
— IV.  Nit^tori/  of  Jerome's  Translation  to  the  Inven- 
tion of  I'rintbig.  The  critical  labors  of  Jerome 
were  received  with  a  loud  outcry  of  reproach.  He 
was  accused  of  disturbing  the  repose  of  the  Church, 
and  shaking  the  foundations  of  faith.  Acknowl- 
edged errors,  as  he  complains,  were  looked  upon  as 
hallowed  by  ancient  usage  ;  and  few  had  the  wisdom 
or  candor  to  acknowledge  the  importance  of  seeking 
for  the  purest  possilde  text  of  Holy  Scripture.  Even 
Augustine  was  carried  away  by  the  popular  preju- 
dice, and  endeavored  to  discourage  Jerome  from  the 
task  of  a  new  translation,  which  seemed  to  him 
dangerous  and  almost  profane.  But  the  new  trans- 
lation gradually  came  into  use  equally  with  the  old, 
and  at  lengtli  supplanted  it.  In  the  fifth  century  it 
was  adopted  in  (iaul  by  Eucherius  of  Lynns,  Vin- 
cent of  Lerins,  Seduliiis  ai  d  Claudianus  Mamertus; 
but  the  Old  Latin  was  still  retained  in  Africa  and 
Britain.  In  the  sixth  century  the  use  of  Jerome's 
Version  was  universal  among  scholars  except  in  Af- 
rica, where  the  other  still  lingered ;  and  at  the  close 
of  it  Gregory  the  Great,  while  Commeoting  on  Jc- 


VUL 


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1169 


rome's  Version,  acknowledged  that  it  was  admitted 
equally  witli  the  Old  by  the  Apostolic  See.  But  the 
Old  Version  was  not  authoritatively  displaced,  though 
the  custom  of  the  Roman  Church  prevailed  also  in 
the  other  Churches  of  the  West.  In  the  seventh 
century  -the  traces  of  the  Old  Version  grow  rare. 
In  the  eighth  century  Bcde  speaks  of  Jerome's  Ver- 
sion as  "  our  edition ; "  and  from  this  time  it  is 
needless  to  trace  its  liistory,  though  the  Old  Latin 
was  not  wholly  forgotten.  Yet  throughout,  the  New 
Version  made  its  way  without  any  direct  ecclesias- 
tical authority.  It  was  adopted  in  the  ditlerent 
Churches  gradually,  or  at  least  without  any  formal 
command. — But  the  Latin  Bible  which  thus  passed 
gradually  into  use  under  the  name  of  Jerome  was  a 
strangely  composite  work.  The  books  of  the  0.  T., 
with  one  exception,  were  taken  from  his  Version 
from  the  Hebrew,  but  variously  corrupted,  and  in 
many  particulars  (especially  in  the  Pentateuch)  at 
variance  with  his  later  judgment.  Long  use,  how- 
ever, made  it  impossible  to  substitute  bis  Psalter 
from  the  Hebrew  for  the  Galilean  Psalter ;  and  thus 
this  book  was  retained  from  the  Old  Version,  as 
Jerome  had  corrected  it  from  the  LXX.  Of  the 
apocryphal  books  Jerome  hastily  revised  or  trans- 
lated two  only,  Judith  and  Tobit.  The  remainder 
were  retained  (rom  the  Old  Version  against  his  judg- 
ment; and  the  apocryphal  additions  to  Daniel  and 
Esther,  which  he  had  carefully  marked  as  apocryphal 
in  '.lis  own  version,  were  treated  as  integral  parts  of 
the  books.  In  the  N.  T.  the  only  important  addition 
which  was  frequently  interpolated  was  the  apoc- 
ryphal Epistle  to  the  Laodiceans.  The  text  of  the 
Gospels  was  in  the  main  Jerome's  revised  edition  ; 
that  of  the  remaining  books  his  very  incomplete 
revision  of  the  Old  Latin.  Thus  the  present  Vul- 
gate contains  elements  which  belong  to  every  period 
and  form  of  the  Latin  Version — (1.)  Unrevued  Old 
Latin:  Wisdom,  Ecclesiasticus,  1  and  2  Maccabees, 
Baruch.  (2.)  Old  Latin  revised  from  the  LXX.  : 
Faalter.  (3.)  Jerome'n  free  tramlalion  from  the 
oriffinal  text:  Judith,  Tobit.  (4.)  Jerome's  trans- 
lation from  the  Original:  0.  T.  except  Psalter.  (5.) 
OU  Latin  revised  from  MSS. :  Gospels.  (6.)  Old 
Lntin  eursorily  revise:}:  the  remainder  of  the  N.  T. 
— T/te  Revision  of  Alcuin.  The  simultaneous  use 
of  the  Old  and  New  Versions  led  to  great  corrup- 
tions of  both  texts.  Mixed  texts  were  formed  ac- 
cording to  the  taste  or  judgment  of  scribes,  and  the 
confusion  was  further  increased  by  the  changes 
sometimes  introduced  by  those  who  had  some 
knowledge  of  Greek.  Scarcely  any  Anglo-Saxon 
Vulgate  MS.  of  the  eighth  or  ninth  centuries  which 
Mr.  Westcott  has  examined  is  wholly  free  from  an 
admixture  of  old  readings.  As  early  as  the  sixth 
century,  Cassiodorus  attempted  a  partial  revision 
of  the  text  (Psalter,  I'rophets,  Epistles)  by  a  colla- 
tion of  old  MSS.  But  private  labor  was  unable  to 
check  the  growing  corruption  ;  and  Charlemagne  in- 
trusted to  Alcuin  (about  802)  the  task  of  revising 
the  Latin  text  for  public  use.  This  Alcuin  appears 
to  have  done  simply  by  the  use  of  MSS.  of  the  Vul- 
gate, and  not  by  reference  to  the  original  texts.  His 
revision,  which  bad  a  wide  currency,  probably  con- 
tributed much  toward  preserving  a  good  Vulgate 
text.  The  best  MSS.  of  his  recension  do  not  differ 
widely  from  the  pure  Hieronymian  text.  But  the 
new  revision  was  gradually  deformed,  though  at- 
tempts at  correction  were  made  by  Archbishop  Lan- 
franc  of  Canterbury  in  1089,  Cardinal  Nicolaus  in 
1150,  and  the  Cistercian  Abbot  Stephanus  about 
1160.  In  the  thirteenth  century  Correetoria  {  = 
H 


notes  of  corrected  readings)  were  drawn  up,  espe- 
cially in  France,  in  which  varieties  of  reading  were 
discussed.  Little  more  was  done  for  the  text  of 
the  Vulgate  till  the  invention  of  printing;  and 
Laurentius  Valla  (about  14.50)  alone  deserves  men- 
tion, as  one  who  devoted  the  highest  powers  to 
the  criticism  of  Holy  Scripture,  at  a  time  when 
such  sttidies  were  little  esteemed. — V.  History 
of  the  Printed  Text.  It  was  a  noble  omen  for 
the  future  progress  of  printing  that  the  first 
book  which  issued  from  the  press  was  the  Bible ; 
and  the  splendid  pages  of  the  Mazarin  Vulgate 
(Mainz,  Gutenburg,  and  Fust)  stand  yet  unsurpassed 
by  the  latest  efforts  of  typography.  This  work  is 
referred  to  about  1455,  and  presents  the  common 
text  of  the  fifteenth  century.  Other  editions  followed 
in  rapid  succession.  The  first  collection  of  various 
readings  appears  in  a  Paris  edition  of  1504,  and 
others  followed  at  Venice  and  Lyons  in  1511,  1513; 
but  Cardinal  Ximenes  (1502-1617)  first  seriously 
revised  the  Latin  text,  to  which  he  assigned  the  mid- 
dle place  of  honor  in  his  Polyglot,  between  the  He- 
brew and  Greek  texts.  (Nkw  Testament,  II.  2 ; 
Olb  Testament,  A,  3.)  Robert  Stephens  used  three 
MSS.  of  high  character  and  the  earlier  editions  in 
carefully  preparing  his  edition  of  1528  (second  edi- 
tion 1632).  About  the  same  time  various  attempts 
were  made  to  correct  the  Latin  from  the  original 
texts  (Erasmus,  1616;  Pagninus,  1518-28;  Cardi- 
nal Cajetan ;  Steuchius,  1529;  Clarius,  1542),  or 
even  to  make  a  new  Latin  version  (J.  Campensis, 
1533).'  A  more  important  edition  of  R.  Stephens 
followed  in  1540,  in  which  he  made  use  of  twenty 
MSS.  and  introduced  considerable  alterations  into 
his  former  text.  In  1641  another  edition  was  pub- 
lished by  J.  Benedictus  at  Paris,  based  on  the  colla- 
tion of  MSS.  and  editions,  and  often  reprinted  after- 
ward. Vercellone  speaks  much  more  highly  of  the 
Biblia  Ordinaria,  with  glosses,  &c.,  published  at 
Lyons,  1545,  as  giving  readings  in  accordance  with 
the  oldest  MSS.  An  authorized  edition  became  a 
necessity  for  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  the 
Council  of  Trent  decided  in  favor  of  the  oldest  Latin 
text. —  The  Sixtine  and  Clementine  Viilffatcs.  The 
first  session  of  the  Council  of  Trent  was  held  De- 
cember 13,  1545.  After  formally  promulgating  the 
Nicene  Creed  as  the  foundation  of  the  Christian 
faith,  February  4,  1546,  tlie  Council  proceeded  to 
the  question  of  the  authority,  text,  and  interpretation 
of  Holy  Scripture.  A  committee,  appointed  to  re- 
port upon  the  subject,  held  private  meetings  from 
February  20th  to  March  17th.  Considerable  varieties 
of  opinion  existed  as  to  the  relative  value  of  the 
original  and  Latin  texts,  and  the  final  decree  (April 
8th)— consisting  of  two  parts,  the  first  containing  the 
list  of  the  canonical  books,  with  the  usual  anathema 
on  those  who  refuse  to  receive  it,  and  the  second, 
"On  the  Edition  and  Use  of  the  Sacred  Books," 
without  an  anathema— was  intended  as  a  compro- 
mise. In  affirming  the  authority  of  the  "  Old  Vul- 
gate "  it  contains  no  estimate  of  the  value  of  the 
original  texts.  The  question  decided  is  simply  the 
relative  merits  of  the  current  Latin  versions,  and 

'  Other  Latin  versions  or  editions  of  the  Vnlgatp,  cor- 
rected from  the  orlrfnal  Hebrew  and  Grcc^k,  nre  those  of 
Bcza  fN.  T.,  1B5«,  &c.).  MOnater  (O.  T..  ISM-H.  2d  edition 
1548), Leo  .Tudce,  nibllander,  &c.  ("Zurich  vcrfion,"  1543, 
&c.),  Cantclllo  (l.Wl,  &c.),  .Iimlus  and  Tremelllus  (1575- 
9,  Ac).  Cm-cclus  (1701),  SehaBtian  Si-timld  (ISWi.  &c.).  Le 
aerc  (In  L.  Clericus;  1603-1731).  HoiiliiCTnt  (O.  T.  and 
Apocrypha,  1753),  Dathe  (O.  T.,  1773-JfO),  Schott  and  Wln- 
zcr  (Pentateuch.  181«;  N.  T.,  1805,  Ac),  &c.  See  KItto, 
article  oo  latin  Vur8ioni>,  by  Dr.  W.  L.  Alexander. 


1170 


VUL 


VUL 


this  only  in  reference  to  public  exercises.  It  was 
also  enacted,  that  "  Holy  Scripture,  but  eitpeciaUfi  the 
old  and  common  (Vulgate)  edition  should  be  printed 
as  correctly  as  possible."  The  decree,  however,  was 
received  with  little  favor,  and  the  want  of  a  standard 
text  of  the  Vulgate  practically  left  the  question  as 
unsettled  as  before.  The  theologians  of  Belgium 
did  something  to  meet  the  want.  In  1547  the  first 
edition  of  Hentenius  appeared  at  Lou  vain,  which  had 
very  considerable  influence  upon  later  copies.  It 
was  based  upon  the  collation  of  Latin  MSS.  and 
Stephens's  edition  of  1540.  In  the  Antwerp  Poly- 
glot of  1568-72  the  Vulgate  was  borrowed  from  the 
Complutensian  ;  but  in  the  Antwerp  edition  of  the 
Vulgate  of  1 573-4  the  text  of  Ilentenius  was  adopted 
with  copious  additions  of  readings  by  Lucas  Brugen- 
sis.  This  last  was  designed  as  the  preparation  and 
temporary  substitute  for  the  Papal  edition  :  indeed 
it  may  be  questioned  whether  it  was  not  put  forth 
as  the  correct  edition  required  by  the  decree  of  the 
Council  of  Trent.  But  a  Papal  board  was  already 
engaged,  however  desultorily,  upon  the  work  of  re- 
vision. In  1561  Paulus  Manutius  (son  of  Aldus 
Manutius)  was  invited  to  Rome  to  superintend  the 
printing  of  Latin  and  Greek  Bibles.  During  that 
year  and  the  next  several  scholars  (with  Sirletus  at 
their  head)  were  engaged  in  the  revision  of  the  text. 
In  the  pontificate  of  Pius  V.  the  work  was  continued, 
and  Sirletus  still  took  a  chief  part  in  it  (1569,  1570), 
but  it  was  currently  reported  that  the  difficulties  of 
publishing  an  authoritative  edition  were  insuperable. 
Nothing  further  was  done  toward  the  revision  of  the 
Vulgate  under  Gregory  XIII.,  but  preparations  were 
made  for  an  edition  of  the  LXX.  This  appeared  in 
1587,  in  the  second  year  of  the  pontificate  of  Sixtus 
v.,  who  had  been  one  of  the  chief  promoters  of  the 
work.  After  the  publication  of  the  LXX.,  Sixtus 
immediately  devoted  himself  to  the  production  of 
an  edition  of  the  Vulgate.  A  board  was  appointed, 
under  the  presidency  of  Cardinal  Carafa,  to  arrange 
the  materials  and  offer  suggestions  for  an  edition. 
Sixtus  himself  revised  the  text,  and  when  the  work 
was  printed  he  examined  the  sheets  with  the  utmost 
care,  and  corrected  the  errors  with  his  own  hand. 
The  edition  appeared  in  1590,  with  the  famous  con- 
stitution or  ordinance  (dated  March  1,  1589)  pre- 
fixed, in  which  Sixtus  decreed  that  this  edition  was 
"  to  be  received  and  held  as  true,  lawful,  authentic, 
and  unquestioned  in  all  public  and  private  discus- 
sion, reading,  preaching,  and  explanation."  He  for- 
bade expressly  the  publication  of  various  readings 
in  copies  of  the  Vulgate,  and  decreed  that  all  read- 
ings which  varied  from  his  edition  should  "  have  no 
credit  or  authority  for  the  future."  It  was  also 
enacted  that  the  new  revision  should  be  introduced 
into  all  missals  and  service-books ;  and  the  greater 
excommunication  was  tlircatened  against  all  who  in 
any  way  coutravened  the  constitution.  Sixtus,  how- 
ever, died  in  August,  1590;  and,  though  during  the 
brief  pontificate  of  Urban  VII.  nothing  could  be 
done,  the  reaction  was  not  long  delayed.  On  the 
accession  of  Gregory  XIV.  some  went  so  far  as  to 
propose  that  the  edition  of  Sixtus  should  be  abso- 
lutely prohibited;  but  Bellarmin's  suggestion — that 
the  erroneous  alterations  of  the  text  "  should  be 
corrected  with  all  possible  speed  and  the  Bible  re- 
printed under  the  name  of  Sixtus,  with  a  prefatory 
note  to  the  eflfect  that  errors  had  crept  into  the  for- 
mer edition  by  the  carelessness  of  the  prmtcrs  " — 
found  favor  with  those  in  power.  A  commission 
was  appointed  to  revise  the  Sixtine  text,  under  the 
presidency  of  the  Cardinal  Colonna  (Columna).    At 


first  the  commissioners  made  but  slow  progress ; 
but,  after  eliangos  in  the  mode  and  place,  the  work, 
if  we  may  believe  the  inscription  which  still  com- 
memorates the  event,  and  the  current  report  of  the 
time,  was  completed  in  nineteen  days.  Tlie  tisk  was 
hardly  finished  when  Gregory  died  (October,  1591), 
and  the  publication  of  the  revised  text  was  again  de- 
layed. His  successor.  Innocent  IX.,  died  the  same 
year,  and  at  the  beginning  of  1592  Clement  VIII. 
was  raised  to  the  popedom.  Clement  intrusted  the 
final  revision  of  the  text  to  Toletus,  and  the  whole 
was  printed  by  Aldus  Manutius  (the  grandson)  be- 
fore the  end  of  1592.  The  preface,  written  by  Bel- 
larmin,  is  favorably  distinguished  from  that  of  Six- 
tus by  its  temperance  and  even  modesty.  Another 
edition  followed  in  1593,  and  a  third  in  1598,  with 
a  list  of  errata  for  each  of  the  three  editions.  Other 
editions  were  afterward  published  at  Rome,  but  with 
these  corrections  the  history  of  the  authorized  text 
properly  terminates. — The  respective  merits  of  the 
Sixtine  and  Clementine  editions  have  been  often  de- 
bated. In  point  of  mechanical  accuracy,  the  Sixtine 
seems  to  be  clearly  superior.  The  collections  lately 
published  by  Vercellone  place  in  the  clearest  light 
the  strange  and  uncritical  mode  in  which  Sixtus 
dealt  with  the  evidence  and  results  submitted  to 
him.  The  recommendations  of  the  Sixtine  correct- 
ors are  marked  by  singular  wisdom  and  critical  tact, 
and  in  almost  every  case  where  Sixtus  departs  from 
them  he  is  in  error.  The  Gregorian  correctors 
(whose  results  are  given  in  the  Clementine  edition) 
in  the  main  simply  restored  readings  adopted  by  the 
Sixtine  board  and  rejected  by  Sixtus.  In  point  of 
fact  the  Clementine  edition  errs  by  excess  of  caution. 
— While  the  Clementine  edition  was  still  recent,  some 
thoughts  seem  to  have  been  entertained  of  revising 
it.  Lucas  Brugensis  made  important  collections  for 
this  purpose,  but  the  practical  difficulties  were  found 
to  be  too  great,  and  in  the  next  generation  use  and 
controversy  gave  a  sanctity  to  the  authorized  test. 
But  in  1706  Martianay  published  a  new,  and  in  the 
main  better  text,  chiefly  from  original  MSS.,  in  his 
edition  of  Jerome.  Valiarsi  added  fresh  collations 
in  his  revised  issue  of  Martianay's  work.  Sabatier, 
though  professing  only  to  deal  with  the  Old  Latin, 
published  important  materials  for  the  criticism  of 
Jerome's  Version,  and  gave  at  length  the  readings 
of  Lucas  Brugensis  (1743).  More  than  a  century 
elapsed  before  any  thing  more  of  importance  was 
done  for  the  text  of  the  Latin  version  of  the  0.  T., 
when  at  length  the  discovery  of  the  original  revision 
of  the  Sixtine  correctors  again  directed  the  attention 
of  Roman  scholars  to  their  authorized  text.  The 
first-fruits  of  their  labors  are  given  in  the  volumes 
of  Vercellone  (Rome,  1860-62),  which  have  thrown 
more  light  upon  the  history  and  criticism  of  the 
Vulgate  than  any  previous  work. — VI.  The  Critical 
Value  of  the  Latin  Vernonn.  Jerome's  translation 
of  the  0.  T.  as  a  whole  is  a  remarkable  monument 
of  the  substantial  identity  of  the  Hebrew  text  of  the 
fourth  century  with  tlie  present  Masoretic  text.  In 
the  N.  T.  the  revision  of  Jerome,  where  it  differs 
from  the  Old  Latin,  represents  the  received  Greek 
Text  of  the  fourth  century,  and  so  far  claims  a  re- 
spect (speaking  roughly)  equal  to  that  due  to  a  first- 
class  Greek  MS.  The  substance  of  the  Vulgate,  and 
the  copies  of  the  Old  Latin,  bear  witness  to  a  text 
more  ancient,  and,  therefore,  other  things  being 
equal,  more  valuable,  than  is  represented  by  any 
other  authority  (except  perhaps  the  Peshito),  yet 
not  free  from  serious  corruptions,  though  very  dif- 
ferent ones  from  those  which  affected  Greek  MSS , 


VUL 


VUL 


1171 


the  two  authorities,  therefore,  mutually  correcting 
one  another. — In  estimating  the  critical  value  of 
Jerome's  labors,  it  is  necessary  to  draw  a  distinc- 
tion between  his  ditferent  works.  The  three  ver- 
sions of  the  Psalter  represent  the  three  dift'erent 
methods  which  he  followed.  At  first  he  was  con- 
tented with  a  popular  revision  of  the  current  text 
(the  Homau  Psalter) ;  then  he  instituted  an  accurate 
comparison  between  the  current  text  and  the  origi- 
nal (the  OaWi-aii  Psalter) ;  and  in  the  next  place  he 
translated  independently,  giving  a  direct  version  of 
the  original  (the  Hebreio  Psalter).  These  three 
methods  follow  one  another  in  chronological  order, 
and  answer  to  tlie  wider  views  which  Jerome  grad- 
ually gained  of  the  functions  of  a  biblical  scholar. 
The  revision  of  the  N.  T.  belongs  to  the  first  period. 
When  it  was  made,  his  aim  was  little  more  than  to 
remove  obvious  interpolations  and  blunders ;  and  in 
doing  this  he  likewise  introduced  some  changes  of 
expression  which  softened  the  roughness  of  the  old 
version,  and  some  which  seemed  to  be  required  for 
the  true  expression  of  the  sense ;  yet  he  failed  to 
carry  out  even  this  limited  purpose  with  thorough 
completeness.  Jerome's  revision  of  the  Gospels  was 
far  more  complete  than  that  of  the  remaining  parts 
of  the  N.  T.  It  is,  indeed,  impossible,  except  in  the 
Gospels,  to  determine  any  substantial  difference  in 
the  Greek  te.tts  represented  by  the  Old  and  Hiero- 
nymian  Versions.  But  his  commentaries  show  that  he 
used  copies  differing  widely  from  the  recension  which 
passes  under  his  name,  and  even  expressly  condemned 
as  faidty  many  pa.ssages  which  are  undoubtedly  part 
of  the  Vulgate.  The  chief  corruptions  of  tlie  Old  Lat- 
in consist  in  the  introJuction  of  glosses.  Th«  places 
where  the  Old  Latin  and  the  Vulgate  have  separately 
preserved  the  true  reading  are  rare,  when  compared 
with  those  in  which  they  combine  with  other  ancient 
witnesses  against  the  great  mass  of  authorities.  Of 
the  interpretative  value  of  the  Vulgate  little  need 
be  said.  We  have  better  means  of  elucidating  the 
text,  at  least  of  the  N.  T.,  than  the  translators  of 
the  Latin  Version  enjoyed.  Versions  supply  au- 
thority for  the  text,  and  opinion  only  for  the  ren- 
dering.— VII.  J'/j?  Lanr/Mirje  of  the  Latin  Version. 
Generally  it  is  necessary  to  distinguish  two  distinct 
elements  both  in  the  Latin  Version  and  in  subsequent 
patristic  writings:  (I.)  Provincialising.  Early  forms 
found  in  Plautus  or  noted  as  archaisms  by  gram- 
marians reappear  in  the  language  of  the  Latin  Ver- 
sion, and  establish  in  a  signal  manner  the  vitality 
of  the  popular  as  distinguished  from  the  literary 
idiom.  There  are  also  many  other  peculiarities 
which  evidently  belong  to  the  African  (or  common) 
dialect,  and  not  merely  to  the  Christian  form  of  it. 
Compounds,  especially  formed  with  the  prepositions, 
are  peculiarly  abund.ant  in  the  Latin  Version.  (2.) 
Cfrecisms.  The  "  simplicity  "  of  the  Old  Version  ne- 
cessarily led  to  the  introduction  of  very  numerous 
Sjptuagintal  or  N.  T.  form.s,  many  of  which  have 
now  passed  into  common  use.  The  Vulgate  Latin 
bears  traces  of  a  threefold  influence  derived  from 
the  original  text  (viz.  [a.]  an  extension  of  the  use 
of  prepositions  for  simple  cases;  [4.]  an  assimilation 
of  pronouns  to  the  meaning  of  the  Greek  article ; 
[r.J  a  constant  employment  of  the  definitive  and 
epithetic  genitive,  when  classical  usage  would  have 
required  an  ailjective);  and  the  modifications  of 
form  traceable  to  this  source  occur  yet  more  largely 
in  modern  languages,  whether  from  the  plastic 
power  of  the  Vulgate  on  the  popular  dialect,  or, 
more  probably,  from  the  powers  widely  working  in 
the  times  of  the  empire  on  the  common  Latin  and 


I  making  their  record  in  the  Vulgate.  These  pecu- 
liarities, found  in  greater  or  less  frequency  through- 
out the  Vulgate,  are  naturally  most  abundant  and 
striking  in  the  parts  least  changed  from  the  Old 
Latin,  the  A|)Ocrypha,  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and  Apoc- 
alypse.— Generally  it  may  be  said  that  the  Scriptural 
idioms  of  our  conmion  language  have  come  to  iis 
;  mainly  through  the  Latin ;  and  in  a  wider  view  the 
;  Vulgate  is  the  coimecting  link  between  classical  and 
modern  languages.  It  contains  elements  which  be- 
long to  the  earliest  stage  of  Latin,  and  exhibits  (if 
I  often  in  a  rude  form)  the  flexibility  of  the  popular 
I  dialect.  On  the  other  hand,  it  has  furnished  the 
source  and  the  model  for  a  large  portion  of  current 
Latin  derivatives.  By  far  the  greater  part  of  the 
current  doctrinal  terminology  is  based  on  the  Vul- 
gate, and,  as  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  was  origi- 
nated in  the  Latin  Version.  Predestination,  justifi- 
cation, supereroffation  (Latin  verb  supercrojo),  sanc- 
tifieatiou,  salvation,  mediator,  regeneration,  revelation, 
visitatioH  (metaphorically),  propiliaiion,  first  appear 
in  the  Old  Vulgate.  Grace,  redemption,  election,  rec- 
onciliation, satis/action,  inspiration,  scripture,  were  de- 
voted there  to  a  new  and  holy  use.  Sacrament  (= 
Gr.  musterion,  mjisterit)  and  communion  are  from  the 
same  source ;  and  though  baptism  is  Greek,  it  comes  to 
us  from  the  Latin.  To  these  add  orders,  penance,  con- 
gregation, priest.  The  Latin  Versions  have  left  their 
mark  upon  our  language  and  upon  our  thoughts ; 
and  if  the  right  method  of  controversy  is  based  upon 
a  clear  historical  perception  of  the  force  of  words, 
]  it  is  evident  that  the  study  of  the  Vulgate,  however 
t  much  neglected,  can  never  be  neglected  with  im- 
punity. It  was  the  Version  which  alone  they  knew 
who  handed  down  to  the  Reformers  the  rich  stores 
of  mediaeval  wisdom ;  the  Version  with  which  the 
greatest  of  the  Reformers  were  most  familiar,  and 
from  which  they  had  drawn  their  earliest  knowledge 
of  Divine  truth. 

Vnl'tore,  the  A.V.  translation  of  Heb.  dd4h  (Lev. 

xi.  14only)and  daift/dh (Dent.  xiv.  13  ;  Is.  xxxiv.  15), 

also  once  of  ai/i/dh  (Job  xxviii.  7).     Mr.  Tristram, 

original  author  of  this  article,  regards  these  Hebrew 

words  as  referring  to  some  of  the  smaller  species 

of  raptorial  birds,  as  kites  or  buzzards.     DayyAh 

evidently   =  Ar.  Ii'd/ti/ah,  the  vernacular  for  the 

"kite"  in  North  Africa,  and  without  the  epithet 

"  red  "  for  the  black  kite  especially.  The  Samaritan 

and  all  other  Eastern  Versions  agree  in  rendering  it 

"  kite."     Ayii&h  yet  more  certainly  =  "  kite  "  as 

in  other  passages.     Two  very  different  species  of 

bird  are  comprised  under  the  English  term  vulture ; 

the  griffon  (  Vultur  fulvm,  or  Oiips  fuWtis,  Savigny), 

j  Ar.  neiser,  Ileb.  nesher,  invariably  rendered  "  eaole  " 

I  by  the  A.  V. ;  and  the  percnopter,  or  Egyptian  vul- 

!  ture  (Neophron  percnoptcrus,  Savigny),  Ar.  rakhma, 

j  Heb.  7-dhdm   or  rdchdm,  rendered   "  oier-eaole  " 

I  by  the  A.  V.      The   identity  of  the  Hebrew  and 

I  Arabic  terms  in  these  cases  can  scarcely  be  ques- 

i  tioned.     The  griffon  is  in  all  its  movements  and 

characteristics  a  majestic  and  royal  bird,  the  largest 

j  and  most  powerful  which  is  seen  on  the  wing  in 

Palestine,  and  far  surpassing  the  eagle  in  size  and 

power.      Its  only  rival    in   these    respects  is  the 

'  Bearded  Vulture  or  Lammergeyer  (see  below). — If 

we  make  the  Ueb.  ayydh  =  the  red  kite  (ifilvus  re- 

t  galit,  Temminck),  and  dayydh  =   the  black  kite 

'  (Milvus  ater,  Temminck),  we  shall  find  the  piercing 

sight  of  the  former  referred  to  in  Job  xxviii.  7,  and 

the  gregarious  habits  of  the  latter  in  Is.  xxxiv.  15. 

Both  species  are  inhabitants  of  Palestine,  the  red 

I  kite  being  found  all  over  the  country,  as  formerly 


1172 


WAS 


WAR 


in  England,  but  nowhere  in  great  numbers,  gener- 
ally soaring  at  a  great  height  over  the  plains,  and 
apparently  leaving  the  country  in  winter.  The 
black  kite,  so  numerous  everywhere  as  to  he  gre- 
garious, may  be  seen  at  all  times  of  the  year,  hov- 
ering over  the  vilbiges  and  the  outskirts  of  towns, 
on  the  lookout  for  offal  and  garbage,  its  favorite 
food. — Three  species  of  vulture  are  known  to  in- 
habit Palestine: — 1.  The  Lammergeyer  {Oi/paetos 
barbatus,  Cuvier),  which  is  rare  everywhere,  and  only 
found  in  desolate  mountain-regions.  (Ossifbage.) 
2.  The  griffon  ( Gi/ps  fulvus,  Saviguy),  mentioned 
above,  remarkable  for  its  power  of  vision  and  the 
great  height  at  which  it  soars.  It  scents  its  prey 
from  afar,  and  congregates  in  the  wake  of  an  army 
(compare  Mat.  xxiv.  28;  Job  xxxix.  30;  Eagle). 
Mr.  Tristram  observed  this  bird  univei-sally  distrib- 
uted in  all  the  mountainous  and  rocky  districts  of 
Palestine,  and  especially  abundant  in  the  S.  E.  Its 
favorite  breeding-places  are  between  Jerusalem  and 
Jericlio,  and  all  round  the  Dead  Sea.  3.  The  Egyp- 
tian vulture  (Neophron  percnoplerus,  Savigny),  often 
called  Pharaoh's  hen,  observed  in  Palestine  by  Has- 
selquist  and  all .  subsequent  travellers,  and  very 
immerous  everywhere.  It  is  slovenly  and  cowardly, 
the  familiar  scavenger  of  all  Oriental  towns  and 
villages,  protected  for  its  useful  habits,  but  loathed 
and  despised.    Gi£r-eagle. 


w 

*  Wa'fer  (Heb.  usually  rdkik)  =  a  thin  cake  or 
leaf-like  bread  (Ex.  xvi.  31,  xxix.  2,  23,  &c.). 

Wa'ges  (Heb.  mascdrelh,  sdchdr,  &c. ;  Gr.  mlsthos, 
opsonia).  The  earliest  mention  of  wages  is  of  a 
recompense  not  in  money,  but  in  kind,  to  Jacob 
from  Laban  (Gen.  xxix.  15,  20,  xxx.  28,  xxxi.  7,  8, 
41).  In  Egypt  money  payments  by  way  of  wages 
were  in  use,  but  the  terras  cannot  now  be  ascer- 
tained (Ex.  ii.  9).  The  only  mention  of  the  rate  of 
wages  in  Scripture  is  found  in  the  parable  of  the 
householder  and  the  vineyard  (Mat.  xx.  2),  where 
the  laborer's  wages  are  set  at  one  "  pennv  "  (= 
DE.NARius,  or  15  cents)  for  a  day,  a  rate  which  agrees 
with  Tob.  V.  14,  where  a  "  drachm  "  is  mentioned 
as  the  rate  for  a  day,  a  sum  which  may  be  fairly 
taken  as  equivalent  to  the  denarius,  and  to  the 
usual  pay  of  a  soldier  in  the  later  days  of  the  Ro- 
man republic  (Tacitus,  Annals,  i.  17 ;  Polybius,  vi. 
39).  In  earlier  times  the  rate  was  probably  lower. 
But  it  is  likely  that  laborers,  and  also  soldiers,  were 
supplied  with  provisions.  A  drachma  (=  17  cents) 
a  day  was  also,  according  to  Boeckh,  the  pay  of  a 
common  laborer  at  Athens  in  the  time  of  Pericles, 
B.  c.  450  ;  and  the  same  was  paid  to  the  members 
of  the  Council  of  500,  at  Athens  {B.  S.  xv.  188, 
193). — The  Law  was  very  strict  in  requiring  daily 
payment  of  wages  (Lev.  xix.  13  ;  Deut.  xxiv.  14, 
15).  The  employer  who  refused  to  give  his  laborers 
sufficient  victuals  is  censured  (Job  xxiv.  11),  and 
the  iniquity  of  withholding  wages  is  denounced 
(Jer.  xxii.  13;  Mai.  iii.  5;  Jas.  v.  4).  Monet; 
Weights  and  Measures. 

Wag'on  (Heb.  Sgdldh,  once  recheb  ;  Cart  ;  Char- 
iot). The  Oriental  wagon  is  a  vehicle  composed  of 
two  or  three  planks  fixed  on  two  solid  circular 
blocks  of  wood,  from  two  to  five  feet  in  diameter, 
which  serve  as  wheels.  To  the  floor  are  sometimes 
attached  wings,  which  slant  outward  like  the  sides 
of  a  wheelbarrow.  For  the  conveyance  of  passen- 
gers, mattresses  or  clothes  are  laid  in  the  bottom, 


and  the  vehicle  is  drawn  by  buffaloes  or  oxen.  The 
covered  wagons  for  conveying  the  materials  of  the 
Tabernacle  were  probably  constructed  on  Egyptian 
models.     Cart  ;  Chariot. 

*  WaU'lng,    Mourning. 

Wall  [wawl].  Only  a  few  points  need  be  noticed 
in  addition  to  what  has  been  said  elsewhere  on  wall- 
construction,  whethur  in  brick,  stone,  or  wood. 
(Brick;  Fenced  City;  Handicraft  ;  Hedge  ;  House; 
Jerusalem  ;  Mortar  2 ;  Sheep-fold  ;  Slime.)  1.  The 
practice  common  in  Palestine  of  carrying  founda- 
tions down  to  the  solid  rock  (Palestine,  II.,  §  26), 
as  in  the  case  of  the  Temple,  and  in  the  present 
day  with  structures  intended  to  be  permanent  (Lk. 
vi.  48).  2.  A  feature  of  some  parts  of  Solomon's 
buildings,  as  described  by  Josephus  (vlii.  5,  §  2), 
corresponds  to  the  method  adopted  atKineveh  of 
encrusting  or  facing  a  wall  of  brick  or  stone  with 
slabs  of  a  more  costly  material,  as  marble  or  ala- 
baster. 3.  Another  use  of  walls  in  Palestine  is  to 
support  mountain-roads  or  terraces  formed  on  the 
sides  of  hills  for  purposes  of  cultivation.  (Agri- 
culture; Highway.)  4.  The  "path  of  the  vine- 
yards "  (Num.  xxii.  24)  is  a  pathway  through  vine- 
yards, with  walls  on  each  side. 

Waa'der-lng  in  the  Wll'der-ness.  Wilderness  of 
THE  Wandering. 

War.  The  formation  of  the  army,  their  arms, 
and  ENCAMP.MENT,  have  been  already  described.  Be- 
fore entering  on  a  war  of  aggression,  the  Hebrews 
sought  for  the  Divine  sanction  by  consulting  the 
Urim  and  Thummim  (Judg.  i.  1,  xx.  2,  27,  28  ;  1  Sam. 
xiv.  37,  xxiii.  2,  xxviii.  6,  xxx.  8),  or  some  prophet 
(1  K.  xxii.  6;  2  Chr.  xviii.  5;  Divination).  Divine 
aid  was  further  sought  in  actual  warfare  by  bring- 
ing into  the  field  the  Ark  of  the  Covenant,  which 
was  the  symbol  of  Jehovah  Himself  (1  Sam.  iv.  4- 
18,  xiv.  18).  Formal  proclamations  of  war  were 
not  interchanged  between  the  belligerents ;  but  oc- 
casionally messages  either  deprecatory  or  defiant 
were  sent  (Judg.  xi.  12-27;  1  K.  xx.  2 ;  2  K.  xiv. 


Aiiyrian  kinir  putting  out  the  eve«  of  a  captive,  who,  with  others,  is  held 
priioDer  by  A  hook  in  the  llpe.— From  Botta'e  ^VinevM.— (Fbn.j 

8).  Before  entering  the  enemy's  district,  spies  were 
sent  to  ascertain  the  character  of  the  country,  and 
the  preparations  of  its  inhabitants  for  resistance 
(Num.  xiii.  17 ;  Josh.  ii.  1 ;  Judg.  vii.  10 ;  1  Sam. 


WAR 

xxrt  4).  When  an  engagement  was  imminent  a 
sacrifice  was  offered  (vU.  9,  xiii.  9),  and  an  inspirit- 
ing addreas  delivered  eitiier  by  tlie  commander  (2 
Chr.  XX.  20)  or  by  a  priest  (Deut.  xx.  2).  Then  fol- 
lowed the  battle-signal  (1  Sam.  xvii.  52;  Is.  xlii. 
18;  Jer.  1.  42;  Ez.  xxi.  22; 
Am.  L  14  ;  Cornet).  The  com- 
bat assumed  the  form  of  a  num- 
ber of  hand-to-hand  contests. 
Hence  the  high  value  attached 
to  fleetness  of  foot  and  strength 
of  arm  (2  Sam.  i.  23,  iL  18;  1 
Chr.  xii.  8).  Various  strate- 
gic devices  were  practised,  as 
the  ambuscade  (josh.  viii.  2, 
12 ;  Judg.  XX.  36),  surprise 
(Judg.  vii.  16),  or  circumven- 
tion (2  Sam.  V.  23).  Another 
mode  of  settling  the  dispute 
was  by  the  selection  of  cham- 
pions (1  Sam.  xvii. ;  2  Sum.  ii. 
14),  who  were  spurred  on  to 
exertion  by  the  offer  of  high 
reward  (1  Sam.  xvii.  25,  xviii. 
25;  2  Sam.  xviii.  11;  1  Chr. 
xi.  6).  The  contest  having 
been  decided,  the  conquerors 
were  recalled  from  the  pursuit 
by  the  sound  of  a  trumpet  (2 
Sam.  ii.  28,  xviii.  16,  xx.  22). 
— The  siege  of  a  town  or  for- 
tress was  conducted  thus  : — A 
line  of  circumvallation  was 
drawn  round  the  place  (Ez.  iv. 
2 ;  Mic.  V.  1 ),  constructed  out 
of  the  trees  in  the  neighbor- 
hood (Deut.  XX.  20),  earth,  &c. 
This  line  not  only  cut  off  the 
besieged  from  the  surrounding 
country,  but  also  served  as  a 
base  of  operations  for  the  be- 
siegers. The  next  step  was 
to  throw  out  from  this  line 
one  or  more  "  mounts  "  or 
"banks"  in  the  direction  of 
the  city  (2  Sam.  xx.  16  ;  2  K. 
xix.  32;  Is.  xxxvii.  33),  to  be 
gradually  increased  in  height 
until  about  half  as  high  as  the 
city  wall.  On  this  mound  or 
bank  towers  were  erected  (2 
K.  XXV.  1 ;  Jer.  Hi.  4 ;  Ez.  iv. 
2,  xvii.  17,  xxi.  22,  xxvi.  8), 
whence  the  slingers  and  arch- 
ers might  attack  with  effect. 
Battering-rams  (Ez.  iv.  2,  xxi. 
22)  were  brought  up  to  the 
walls  by  means  of  the  bank 
(Enoinc  ;  Ram,  Batteri.vo), 
and  scaling-ladders  might  also 
be  placed  on  it.  Undermining 
the  walls  is  not  noticed  in  the  Bible.  (Jerl'salem.) 
Burning  the  gates  was  a  mode  of  obtaining  ingress 
(Judg.  ix.  62).  The  water-supply  would  naturally  be 
cut  off,  if  pos.sible(Jd.  vii.  7).  The  besieged  strength- 
ened and  repaired  their  fortifications  (Is.  xxii.  10) ;  re- 
pelled the  enemy  from  the  wall  by  missiles  (2  Sam.  xi. 
24 ),  beams  and  heavy  stones  (Judg.  ix.  63  ;  2  Sam.  xi. 
21),  boiling  oil,  use  of  engines  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  15), 
Itc;  made  sallies  to  burn  the  besiegers'  works  (1 
Mc.  vi.  31)  and  drive  them  away. — The  treatment 
of  the  conquered  was  extremely  severe  in  ancient 


WAlf 


1173 


times.  The  bodies  of  the  soldiers  killed  in  action 
were  plundered  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  8  ;  2  Mc.  viii.  27);  the 
survivors  were  killed  in  some  savage  manner  (Judg. 
ix.  45  ;  2  Sam.  xii.  31 ;  2  Chr.  xxv.  12),  or  mutilated 
(Judg.  i.  6  ;  1  Sara.  xi.  2),  or  carried  into  c.iptivity 


A  e\ty  Uktn  hj  Mimlt,  and 


lh«  inbAMtaitU  l*d  awity  cAptive.     From  Aouvttn/f^.— <Lnyanl*t  jmntwA, 
it  VSS.) 

(Num.  xxxi.  26;  Deut.  xx.  14).  Sometimes  the  bulk 
of  the  population  of  the  conquered  country  was  re- 
moved to  a  distant  locality.  (Captivity.)  The 
Mosaic  Law  mitigated  to  a  certain  extent  the  sever- 
ity of  the  ancient  usages  toward  the  conquered. 
With  the  exception  of  the  Canaanites  (Canaan  1) 
who  were  under  an  anathema,  the  Israelites  were 
to  put  to  death  only  males  bearing  arms,  to  keep 
alive  women  and  children  (xx.  13,  14),  to  spare  fruit- 
trees  (vcr.  19),  to  treat  females  humanely  (xxi.  10- 
14).    The  majority  of  the  savage  acts  recorded  as 


1174 


■WAR 


■WAT 


practised  by  the  Jews  were  either  retaliatory  for 
some  gross  provocation  (Judg.  i.  6,  7 ;  2  Sam.  x.  2- 
4,  xii.  31 ;  1  Chr.  xx.  3),  or  done  by  lawless  usurp- 
ers (2  K.  XV.  16;  compare  1  K.  xx.  31).  The  con- 
querors celebrated  their  success  by  the  erection  of 


monumental  stones  (1  Sara.  vii.  12;  Pillae),  by 
hanging  up  trophies  in  their  public  buildings  (xxi. 
9,  xxxi.  10;  2  K.  xi.  10),  and  liy  triumphal  songs 
and  dances  in  which  the  whole  population  took 
part  (Ex.  XV.  1-21;  Judg.  v.;   1   Sam.  xviii.  6-8;  2 


Bas-relisfofCeutre  Palace,  JVtmrourf, representing  warriors  before  n  besieged  city.— A  battering-rum  drawn  up  to  the  walls,  and  captives  impaled.— 

(Uyard'a  A taeetj,  ii.  281) 


Sam.  xxii.;  Jd.  xvi.  2-17;  1  Mc.  iv.  24).— For  "the 
Book  of  the  Wars  of  the  Lord,"  see  Npmbers  B. — 
Booty  ;  Hostages  ;  Punishments  ;  Slave  ;  Unclean- 

NESS. 

•  Ward  =  watch,  guard,  custody,  &c.  (Gen.  xl.  3, 
4,  7,  &c.).     Prison. 

*  Wash'ing  [wosh-].  Washing  the  clothes  is  fre- 
quently spoken  of  in  the  Scriptures,  mostly  as  con- 
nec'ed  with  ritual  purifications  (E.x.  xix.  10,  14;  Lev. 
xi.  25, 40,  &c.),  sometimes  simply  for  cleansing  them 
from  dirt  (Neh.  iv.  23).  Jloral  and  spiritual  purifi- 
cation is  denoted  by  washing  the  clothes  or  the  per- 
son (Ps.  Ixxiii.  13;  Is.  i.  16;  Heb.  x.  22;  Rev.  vii. 
14,  &c.).  Neglect  of  washing  the  clothes  was  sig- 
nificant of  affliction  and  mourning  (2  Sam.  xix.  24). 
Anointing;  Baptism;  Bath;  Fuller  ;  Nitre  ;  Pu- 
rification; Regeneration;  Soap;  Washing  the 
Hands  and  Feet;  Water. 

Wash'inp;  the  Hands  and  Feet.  As  knives  and 
forks  were  di.^pensed  with  in  eating,  the  hand, 
which  was  thrust  into  the  common  dish,  needed  to 
be  scrupulously  clean ;  and  again,  as  sandals  were 
ineffet^tual  against  the  dust  and  heat  of  an  Eastern 
climate,  washing  the  feet  on  entering  a  house  was 
an  act  both  of  respect  to  the  company,  and  of  re- 
freshment to  the  traveller.  The  former  of  these 
usages  was  transformed  by  the  Pharisees  of  the 
N.  T.  age  into  a  matter  of  ritual  observance  (Mk. 
vii.  3),  and  special  rules  were  laid  down  as  to  the 
times  and  manner  of  its  performance.  The  Gr. 
pugmii  in  Mk.  1.  c.  is  translated  in  A.  V.  "  oft " 
(margin  "  or  di/iffenth/;  Gr.  with  the  Jisl — up  to  the 
elbow,  Theophylact ") ;   by   Alford,   &c.,  after   the 


Syriac,  "  diligently  ; "  by  the  'Vulgate,  Gothic,  &c., 
"  frequently  "  or  "  oft ;  "  Lange,  taking  the  literal 
meaning  "  with  the  fist,"  says,  "  probably  it  was 
part  of  the  rite,  that  the  washing  hand  was  shut, 
because  it  might  have  been  thought  that  the  open 
hand  engaged  in  washing  might  make  the  other  un- 
clean, or  be  made  unclean  by  it,  after  having  itself 
been  washed,"  and  suggests  that  "the  expression 
might  mean  a  vigorous  and  thorough  washing;" 
Rbn.  K.  T.  Lex.  explains,  "  literally,  unless  they  wash 
their  hands,  rubbing  them  with  the  Jist,  i.  e.  not 
merely  dipping  the  fingers  or  hand  in  water  as  a,sign 
of  ablution,  but  rubbing  tlie  hands  together  as  a 
ball  or  fist,  in  the  usual  Oriental  manner  when  water 
is  poured  over  them  ;  .  .  .  hence  (translated  freely) 
sedulousli/,  earefvlly,  diligently.''''  Washing  the  feet 
did  not  rise  to  the  dignity  of  a  ritual  observance, 
except  in  connection  with  the  services  of  the  sanc- 
tuary (Ex.  XXX.  19,  21).  It  held  a  high  place,  how- 
ever, among  the  rites  of  hospitality.  When  a 
guest  presented  himself  at  the  tent-door,  it  was 
usual  to  offer  the  necessary  materials  for  washing 
the  feet  (Gen.  xviii.  4,  xi.\.  2,  xxiv.  32,  xliii.  24 ; 
Judg.  xix.  21).  It  was  a  yet  more  complimentary 
act,  betokening  equally  humility  and  affection,  if 
the  host  actually  performed  the  oflice  for  his  guest 
(1  Sam.  XXV.  4l";  Lk.  vii.  38,  44  ;  Jn.  xiii.  5-14;  I 
Tim.  V.  10 ;  Jesus  Christ).  Sucli  a  token  of  hos- 
pitality is  still  occasionally  exhibited  in  the  East. 
Meals;  Sandal;  Washing. 

Watth'es  of  Night.  The  Jews,  like  the  Greeks 
and  Romans,  divided  the  night  into  military  watch- 
es instead  of  hours,  each  watch  representing  the 


WAT 


WEA 


1175 


period  for  which  sentinels  or  pickets  remained  on 
duty.  (Encampment.)  The  proper  Jewish  recUon- 
ing  recognized  only  three  sueli  watches,  entitled  the 
first  or  "  beginning  of  tho  watches  "  (Lam.  ii.  19), 
tlie  middle  watch  (Judg.  vii.  19),  and  the  morning 
watch  (E-x.  .\iv.  24;  1  Sam.  xi.  11).  These  would 
last  respectively  from  sunset  to  10  p.  m  ;  from  10 
p.  u.  to  2  A.  M. ;  and  from  2  a.  m.  to  sunrise.  After 
the  establishment  of  the  Roman  supremacy,  the 
Uiimber  of  watches  was  increased  to  four,  which 
w  ere  described  either  according  to  their  numerical 
order,  e.  g.  the  "  fourth  watch  "  (Mat.  xiv.  25),  or 
by  the  terms  "  even,  midnight,  oock-crowii)g,  and 
morning  "  (Mk.  xiii.  35).  These  terminated  respec- 
tively at  9  p.  jc.,  midnight,  3  a.  m.,  and  6  a.  m.  The 
GUARD  (Quaternion)  of  soldiers  was  accordingly  di- 
vided into  four  relays  (Acts  xii.  4).  Watchmen  ap- 
pear to  have  patrolled  the  streets  of  the  Jewish 
towns  (Cant.  iii.  3,  v.  7 ;  compare  Ps.  cxxvii.  1, 
cxxx.  6).    Chronology  ;  Da y  ;  Hoitr  ;  Peter,  note  '. 

*  Wa'ter  [waw-]  (Heb.  pi.  mai/lm,  construct  mei/ 
or  mejiiiicy ;  Gr.  hitdor).  To  the  ancient  Hebrews 
water  appeared  of  inestimable  value.  Famine  was 
a  direct  consequence  of  a  deficiency  of  it ;  and  in 
the  wilderness  the  people  often  murmured  from  the 
want  of  it  (Ex.  xv.  22,  xvii.  1  If.,  xx.  2  If.,  xxi.  S, 
&c.).  An  abundance  of  water  was  one  of  the 
choice  blessings  of  the  Promised  Land  (Deut.  viii. 
7,  &c.).  Water  is  an  emblem  of  the  spiritual  nour- 
ishment or  soul-satisfying  blessings  or  salvation 
which  God  bestows  upon  His  people  (Is.  Iv.  1  ;  Jn. 
iv.  14  thrice ;  Rev.  xxi.  6,  xxii.  1,  17,  &c.).  Agri- 
cdltl'RE  ;  AiN  ;  Brook  ;  Cistern  ;  Creation  ;  Dew  ; 
Firmame.vt;  Fou.ntain  ;  Frost  ;  Ishmael  1 ;  Jordan  ; 
Mist  ;  Jerusalesi  III.,  §  9,  &c. ;  Palestine  II.,  §§ 
13-15,  34  m,  Climate,  &c. ;  Pond;  Pool;  Rain; 
River  ;  Sea  ;  Snow  ;  Spring  ;  Tabernacles,  the 
Feast  op,  III. ;  Vapor  ;  Washing  ;  Well  ;  also 
t  je  five  following  articles,  &c. 

*  Wa't«r-gate  (Xeh.  xii.  37),  a  gate  of  Jerusalem, 
probably  (so  Gesenius)  N.  E.  of  the  Fountai.n-oate. 

EAST-(iATE. 

*  Wa'tpr-ing.  Aoricultcre  ;  Chaldea  ;  Cisteen  ; 
Egypt  ;  Well. 

Water  of  Jealons-y  (Num.  v.  11-31).  The  rit- 
ual prescribed  consisted  in  the  husband's  bring- 
ing the  woman  before  the  priest,  and  the  essential 
part  of  it  is  unquestionably  the  oath  to  which  the 
"  water  "  was  subsidiary,  symbolical,  and  ministerial. 
Witli  her  he  was  to  bring  the  tenth  part  of  an  ephah 
of  barley-meal  as  an  offering.  Perhaps  the  whole 
is  to  be  regarded  from  a  judicial  point  of  view,  and 
this  "  offering  "  in  the  light  of  a  court-fee.  God 
Himself  was  solemnly  invoked  to  judge,  and  His 
presence  recognized  by  throwing  a  handful  of  the 
barley-meal  on  the  blazing  altar  in  the  course  of 
the  rite.  In  the  first  instance,  however,  the  priest 
"  set  her  Iwfore  the  Lord  "  with  the  offering  in  her 
hand.  As  she  stood  holding  the  oQ'cring,  so  the 
priest  stood  holding  an  earthen  vessel  df  holy  water 
mixed  with  the  dust  from  the  floor  of  the  sanctuary, 
and  declaring  her  free  from  all  evil  consequences  if 
innocent,  solemnly  devoted  her  in  the  name  of  Jeho- 
vah to  be  "  a  curse  and  an  oath  among  her  people," 
if  guilty,  further  describing  the  exact  consequences 
ascribed  to  the  operation  of  the  water  in  the  "  mem- 
bers "  which  she  had  "  yielded  as  servants  to  un- 
cleanncss  "  (ver.  21,  22,  27  ;  compare  Rom.  vi.  19). 
He  then  "  wrote  these  curses  in  a  book,  and  blotted 
thcra  out  with  the  bitter  water,"  and  having  thrown, 
probably  at  this  stage  of  the  proceedings,  the  hand- 
ful ol  meal  on  the  altar,  "  caused  the  woman  to 


drink  "  the  potion  thus  drugged,  she  moreover  an- 
swering to  the  words  of  his  imprecation,  "  Amen, 
amen."  Josephus  adds,  if  the  suspicion  was  un- 
founded, she  obtained  conception,  if  true,  she  died 
infamously.  The  custom  of  such  an  ordeal  was 
probably  traditional  in  Moses'  time,  and  by  fencing 
it  round  with  the  wholesome  awe  inspired  by  the 
solemnity  of  the  prescribed  ritual,  the  lawgiver 
would  deprive  it  to  a  great  extent  of  its  barbarous 
tendency.  Adultery;  Law  of  Moses. 
Wa'ter  ol  Sep-a-ra'tlon.    Purification. 

*  Wa'ter-pot,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Gr.  hudria. 
In  Jn.  ii.  (i,  7,  it  is  a  large  vessel  of  stone  in  which 
water  is  kept  standing ;  in  iv.  28,  a  vessel  for  carry- 
ing water,  usually  in  the  East  of  stone  or  earthen- 
ware.    Pitcher  ;  Pot. 

Wave'-of'fer-Ing  (Heb.  Knupfidh).  The  breast  of 
every  peace-offering,  the  Passover  sheaf,  loaves 
I  and  lambs  at  Pentecost,  &c.,  were  to  be  "waved" 
before  the  Lord,  and  were  hence  called  "  wave-offcr- 
j  ings"  The  Scriptural  notices  of  these  rites  are  to 
I  be  found  in  Ex.  xxix.  24-28;  Lev.  vii.  30,  34,  viii. 
27,  29,  ix.  21,  .X.  14,  15,  xxiii.  10,  15,  20;  Num.  vi. 
20,  xviii.  11,  18,  &o.  (First-fruits;  Passovkr,  II. 
g,  h ,  Pentecost,  &c.)  It  seems  not  quite  certain 
from  Ex.  xxix.  26,  27,  whether  the  waving  was  per- 
formed by  the  priest  or  by  the  worshipper  with  the 
former's  assistance.  The  Rabbinical  tradition  rep- 
resents it  as  done  by  the  worshii)per,  the  priest  sup- 
porting his  hands  from  below.  This  rite  was  the 
accompaniment  of  peace-offerings.  These  not  only, 
like  the  other  sacrifices,  acknowledged  God's  great- 
ness and  His  right  over  the  creature,  but  they  wit- 
nessed to  a  ratified  covenant,  an  established  com- 
munion between  God  and  man.  The  Rabbis  explain 
the  heaving  of  the  shoulder  as  an  acknowledgment 
that  God  has  His  throne  in  the  heaven,  the  waving 
of  the  breast  that  He  is  present  in  every  quarter  of 
the  earth. 

*  \tax  (Heb.  donag),  a  well-known  substance  pro- 
duced by  bees,  and  employed  in  the  construction  of 
their  cells ;  mentioned  in  Scripture  only  as  easily 
melted  by  heat  (Ps.  xxii.  14  (Heb.  15J,  IxvUi.  2 
[Heb.  3],  xcvii.  5  ;  Mic.  i.  4).     Bee. 

*  Wax,  to  =  to  grow  or  become,  as  to  wax  great, 
to  waz  hot,  to  wax  old,  to  wax  faint,  &c.  (Gen.  xxvi. 
13,  xii.  56  ;  Ex.  xvi.  21  ;  Lev.  xxv.  47  twice  ;  1  Sam. 
ii.  5,  iii.  2;  2  Sam.  xxi.  15;  Ps.  cii.  26;  Mat.  xxiv, 
12,  &c.). 

*  Was'en  (participle  of  the  verb  "  to  wax  ")  = 
grown  or  become  (Gen.  xix.  13 ;  Lev.  xxv.  25,  35, 
39,  &c.). 

Way  (Heb.  derecli,  &c. ;  Gr.  hodos)  =  a  road, 
track,  p:ith,  or  highway  (Gen.  xvi.  7;- Num.  xiv. 
25;  1  Siim.  vi.  12;  Mat.  xx.  17:  Mk.  x.  32,  &c.); 
figuratively  a  course  or  mode  of  life  (Prov.  i.  31, 
xii.  15,  kc.) ;  a  religious  course  (Ps.  cxxxix.  24  ; 
Am.  viii.  14,  &c.);  particularly  applied  to  the  Chris- 
tian religion  (Acts  ix.  2,  xix.  9,  23,  &c.). 

*  Woau'lng.  Abraham  ;  Banquets  ;  Child  ;  Ish- 
mael 1  ;  Samuel. 

M'eap'ons.    Arms. 

Weasel  [wec'zl]  {lleh.  hUcd or  choled)  occurs  only 
in  Lev.  xi.  29,  in  the  list  of  unclean  animals.  Accord- 
ing to  the  old  versions,  the  Talmud,  Gesenius,  &c., 
the  Hebrew  denotes  "  a  weasel ;  "  but  Bochart,  kc, 
would  make  it  =  Ar.  chald  and  Syr.  chuldo  =  a  mole. 
The  weasel  family  have  long  slender  bodies  and 
short  legs,  and  are  remarkably  bloodthirsty  quadru- 
peds. Col.  C.  H.  Smith  (in  Kitto)  says,  the  ferret 
or  polecat  (which  he  regards  as  the  same  species, 
Ihttoriut  vulgarity,  the  weasel  {Muttela  vulgaris  Af- 


1176 


WEA 


WEE 


ricana,  larger  and  darker  than  the  common  Euro- 
pean weasel),  &c.,  Inhabit  Syria,  &c.  These  animals 
are  very  destructive  to  other  small  animals. 

•Weather.  Frost;  Palestine,  Climate;  Rain; 
Snow. 

Weav'ing.  The  art  of  weaving  appears  to  be  coe- 
val with  the  first  dawning  of  civilization.  In  what 
country,  or  by  whom  it  was  invented,  we  know  not ; 
but  it  was  very  early  practised  with  great  skill  by 
the  Egyptians.  The  "  vestures  of  fine  linen,"  such 
as  Joseph  wore  (Gen.  xli.  42),  were  the  product  of 
Egyptian  looms,  and  their  quality,  as  attested  by  ex- 
isting specimens,  is  pronounced  not  inferior  to  the 
finest  cambric  of  modern  times.  The  Israelites 
were  probably  acquainted  with  the  process  before 
their  sojourn  in  Egypt ;  but  undoubtedly  there  they 
attained  the  proficiency  which  enabled  them  to  ex- 
ecute the  hangings  of  the  Tabernacle  (Ex.  xxxv. 
36  ;  1  Chr.  iv.  21),  and  other  artistic  textures.  At 
a  later  period  the  Egyptians  were  still  famed  for 
their  manufactures  of  "fine"  (i.  e.  hackled)  flax 
and  of  hordy  or  choruy,  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "  net- 
works "  (margin  "  white  works"),  probably  (so  Mr. 
Bevan,  &c.)  a  white  material  either  of  linen  or  cot- 
ton (Is.  xix.  9 ;  Ez.  xxvii.  7).  The  Egyptian  loom 
(Handicraft)  was  usually  upright,  and  the  weaver 
stood  at  his  work.  The  cloth  was  fixed  sometimes 
at  the  top,  sometimes  at  the  bottom.  The  modern 
Arabs  use  a  procumbent  loom,  raised  above  the 
ground  by  short  legs.  The  Bible  notices,  not  the 
loom  itself,  but  the  beam  to  which  the  warp  was  at- 
tached (1  Sam.  xvii.  7 ;  2  Sam.  xxi.  19) ;  the  pin  to 
which  the  cloth  was  fixed,  and  on  which  it  was  rolled 
(Judg.  xvi.  14) ;  the  shuttle  (Job  vii.  6) ;  the  thrum 
or  threads  which  attached  the  web  to  the  beam  (Is. 
xxxviii.  12  margin);  and  the  web  itself  (Judg.  xvi. 
14,  A.  v.  "  beam ").  Whether  the  two  terms  in 
Lev.  xiii.  48,  rendered  "  warp  "  and  "  woof,"  really 
mean  these,  admits  of  doubt.  The  textures  pro- 
duceJ  by  the  Jewish  weavers  were  very  various. 
The  coarser  kinds,  such  as  tent-cloth,  sackcloth, 
and  the  "  hairy  garments  "  of  the  poor  were  made 
of  goat's  or  camel's  hair  (Ex.  xxvi.  7  ;  Mat.  iii. 
4).  Wool  was  extensively  used  for  ordinary  cloth- 
ing (Lev.  xiii.  47;  Prov.  xxvii.  26,  xxxi.  13;  Ez. 
.  xxvii.  18),  while  for  finer  work  flax  was  used,  vary- 
ing in  quality,  and  producing  the  diifcrcnt  textures 
described  in  tlie  Bible  as  "  linen"  and  "  fine  linen." 
The  mixture  of  wool  and  flax  in  cloth  intended  for 
a  garment  was  interdicted  (Lev.  xix.  19  ;  Deut.  xxii. 
11).  Babylonish  Garment  ;  Cotton  ;  Dress  ;  Em- 
broiderer ;  Spinning  ;  Tent  ;  Woolen. 

Wed'ding.    Marriage. 

Week  (Heb.  s/idbua' ;  Gr.  hebdomas  in  LXX.,ot6- 
baton  [usually  translated  "  Sabbath "]  in  N.  T.). 
The  origin  of  this  division  of  time  has  given  birth 
to  much  speculation.  Its  antiquity  is  so  great  (Gen. 
viii.  10,  xxix.  27),  its  observance  so  wide-spread, 
and  it  occupies  so  important  a  place  in  sacred 
things,  that  it  has  been  very  generally  thrown  back 
as  far  as  the  creation  of  man.  The  week  and  the 
Sabbath  are,  if  this  be  so,  as  old  as  man  himself. 
A  purely  theological  ground  is  thus  established  for 
the  week  and  for  the  sacredness  of  the  number  sev- 
en. They  who  embrace  this  view  support  it  by  a 
reference  to  the  six  days'  creation  and  the  Divine 
rest  on  the  seventh,  and  to  the  absence  of  any  nat- 
m-al  ground  for  it.  To  this  view  Mr.  Garden,  origi- 
nal author  of  this  article,  objects: — (a.)  That  the 
week  rests  on  a  theological  ground  may  be  cheer- 
fully acknowledged  by  both  sides ;  but  nothing  is 
determined  by  such  acknowledgment  as  to  the  origi- 


nal cause  of  adopting  this  division  of  time.  Whether 
the  week  gave  its  sacredness  to  the  number  sevks, 
or  the  ascendancy  of  that  number  helped  to  deter- 
mine the  dimensions  of  the  week,  it  is  impossible  to 
say.  ■  (ft.)  The  prevalence  of  the  weekly  division 
was  indeed  very  great,  but  a  nearer  approach  to 
universality  is  required  to  render  it  an  argument  for 
the  view  in  aid  of  which  it  is  appealed  to.  It  was 
adopted  by  all  the  Shemitic  races,  and,  in  the  later 
period  of  their  history  at  least,  by  the  Egyptians 
and  Hindoos ;  it  has  been  found  in  China,  either 
universally  or  among  the  Buddhists ;  the  Peruvians 
also  had  it  or  a  division  all  but  identical  with  it. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  is  no  reason  for  thinking 
the  week  known  till  a  lute  period  either  to  Greeks 
or  Romans,  (c.)  So  far  from  the  week  being  a  divi- 
sion of  time  without  ground  in  nature,  there  was 
much  to  recommend  its  adoption.  Where  the  days 
were  named  from  planetary  deities,  as  among  first 
the  Assyrians  and  Chaldees,  and  then  the  Egyp- 
tians,' there  of  course  each  period  of  seven  days 
would  constitute  a  whole,  and  that  whole  might 
come  to  be  recognized  by  nations  that  disregarded 
or  rejected  the  practice  which  had  shaped  and  de- 
termined it.  But  further,  the  week  is  a  most  nat- 
ural and  nearly  an  exact  quadripartition  of  the 
month,  so  that  the  quarters  of  the  moon  may  easily 
have  suggested  it. — Mr.  Garden  holds  that  the  in- 
stances in  Genesis  (viii.  10,  12,  xxix.  27  [compare 
Judg.  xiv.  12],  1.  10)  show  only  a  custom  of  observ- 
ing a  term  of  seven  days  for  any  observance  of  im- 
portance, not  a  custom  of  dividing  the  whole  year, 
or  the  whole  month,  at  all  times  and  without  regard 
to  remarkable  events.  (Sabbath.)  In  Exodus  the 
week  comes  into  very  distinct  manifestation.  Two 
of  the  great  feasts  (Festivals) — the  Passover  and 
the  Feast  of  Tabernacles — are  prolonged  for  seven 
days  after  that  of  their  initiation  (Ex.  xii.  15-20, 
&c.).  The  division  by  seven  was  expanded  so  as  to 
make  the  seventh  month  and  the  seventh  year  Sab- 
batical. (Jubilee,  Year  of;  Sabbatical  Year.) 
Whether  "  days  "  were  or  were  not  intended  in  Dan- 
iel and  the  Apocalypse  to  be  understood  as  meaning 
years,  their  being  so  would  have  been  a  congruous 
and  even  logical  attendant  on  the  scheme  which 
counts  weeks  of  years,  and  both  would  have  been  a 
natural  computation  to  minds  familiar  and  occupied 
with  the  law  of  the  Sabbatical  year.  (Day.) — The 
Christian  Church,  from  the  very  first,  was  iamiliar  ' 
with  the  week.  St.  Paul's  language  (1  Cor.  xvi.  2) 
shows  this.  We  cannot  conclude  from  it  that  such 
a  division  of  time  was  observed  by  the  inhabitants  ■ 
of  Corinth  generally ;  for  they  to  whom  he  was  wri-  ' 
ting,  though  doubtless  the  majority  of  them  were  " 
Gentiles,  yet  knew  the  Lord's  Day,  and  most  prob-  ' 
ably  the  Jewish  Sabbath.  But  though  we  can  in-  ' 
fer  no  more  than  this  from  the  place  in  question,  it 
is  clear  that  if  not  by  this  time,  yet  very  soon  after,  J 
the  whole  Roman  world  had  adopted  the  hcbdom-  '' 
adal  division.  Dion  Cassius,  who  wrote  in  the 
second  century,  speaks  of  it  as  both  universal  and 

>  The  credit  of  introducing  the  planetary  week  has  been  . 
claimed  for  the  Ejoptians,  the  Chaldeans,  and  the  Hin-  . 
doos.  Prof.  H.  H.  Wileon.  Roy.  R.  Hunter  (in  Fairhaim), 
&c.,  have  favored  the  claim  for  the  Hindoiif.— The  English 
names  of  the  days  of  the  week  are  dcTived  from  the  names 
of  Saxon  or  rather  Teutonic  deities;  viz.  Simdaj  from  the 
Sun.  Monday  from  the  Moon.  Tuesday  from  Tim  (=  Ro- 
man Mars),  Wednesday  from  Woden  (the  hi^diest  f;od 
among  the  Germans  arid  Scandinavians),  Thursday  from 
Thar  (the  god  of  thunder,  =  Roman  Jupiter).  Friday  from 
Frig  (wife  of  Woden  and  goddess  of  marriajje.  =  Roman 
Juno,  or  [so  some]  Venus),  Saturday  from  Sala-  or  Saturn. 


WEE 


wra 


1177 


recoDt  in  his  time,  and  represents  it  as  coming  from 
Egypt.     Chronology. 

Weeks,  Feast  of.    Pentecost. 

Welgbts  and  Meas'nres. — i.  Weights  (originally 
by  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole). — Introdtutioti.  The  general 
principle  of  the  present  article  is  to  give  the  evi- 
dence of  the  monuments  the  preference  on  all 
doubtful  points,  and  to  compare  it  with  that  of 
literature,  so  as  to  ascertain  the  purport  of  state- 
ments which  otherwise  appeared  explicable  in  two 
or  three  different  ways.  Besides  this  general  prin- 
ciple, it  will  be  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  the  fol- 
lowing postulates: — a.  All  ancient  Greek  systems 
of  weight  were  derived,  either  directly  or  indirectly, 
from  an  Eastern  source,  b.  All  the  older  systems 
of  ancient  Greece  and  Persia,  the  ^Eginetan,  the  At- 
tic, the  Babylonian,  and  the  Euboic,  are  divisible 
either  by  C,"00)  or  by  3,600.  c.  The  6,000th  or 
8,600th  part  of  the  talent  is  a  divisor  of  all  higher 
weights  and  coins,  and  a  multiple  of  all  lower  weiglits 
and  coins,  except  its  two-thirds,  d.  Coins  are  al- 
ways somewhat  below  the  standard  weight,  e.  The 
statements  of  ancient  writers  as  to  the  relation  of 
different  systems  are  to  be  taken  either  as  indicating 
original  or  current  relation,  f.  The  statements  of 
ancient  writers  are  to  be  taken  in  their  seemingly- 
obvious  sense,  or  discarded  altogether  as  incorrect 
or  unintelligible,  g.  When  a  certain  number  of 
drachms  or  otbec  denominations  of  one  metal  are 
said  to  correspond  to  a  certain  number  of  drachms 
or  other  denominations  of  another  metal,  it  must 
not  be  assumed  that  the  system  is  the  same  in  both 
cases. — I.  Enrlj)  Greek  talents.  Three  principal 
systems  were  used  by  the  Greeks  before  the  time 
of  Alexander  the  Great,  those  of  the  Jiginetan,  the 
Attic,  and  the  Euboic  talents.  1.  The  jEginetan 
talent  is  stated  to  have  contained  60  mina;,  and 
6,000  drachms.  Its  drachm  was  heavier  than  the 
Attic,  by  which,  when  unqualified,  we  mean  the 
drachm  of  the  full  monetary  standard,  weighing 
about  67.5  grains  Troy.  Pollux  states  that  it  con- 
tained 10,000  Attic  drachms  and  100  Attic  mina". 
We  find  accordingly  a  monetary  system  in  use  in 
Uaccdonia  and  Thrace,  of  which  the  drachm  weighs 
about  110  grains,  in  very  nearly  the  proportion  re- 
quired to  the  Attic  (6  j  10  ::  67.5  t  112.5).  The  sil- 
ver coins  of  Jigina,  however,  and  of  many  ancient 
Greek  cities,  follow  a  lower  standard,  of  which  the 
drachm  has  an  average  maximum  weight  of  about 
96  grains.  The  drachm  obtained  from  the  silver 
coins  of  jCgina  has  very  nearly  the  weight,  92.8 
grains,  that  Bocckli  assigns  to  that  of  Athens  before 
Solon's  reduction,  of  which  the  system  continued 
afterward  in  use  as  the  commercial  talent.  The 
coins  of  Athens  give  a  standard,  67.5  grains  for  the 
drachm  of  Solon.  An  examination  of  Mr.  Burgon's 
weights  from  Athens,  in  the  British  Musetmi  (one 
mina  weighing  9,980  grains  troy,  another  7,171 
grains  troy),  has,  however,  induced  us  to  infer  a 
higher  standard  in  both  cases,  viz.  about  99.8  grains 
troy  for  the  drachm  of  the  Commercial  or  Market 
Bystctn  and  about  71.7  grains  for  the  drachm  of  the 
I'opular  or  Solonian  system.  We  thus  obtain  the  fol- 
lowing principal  standards  of  the  vf'giuetan  weight : 
a.  Tlie  Macedonian  talent,  or  ^ginetan  of  the  wri- 
ters, weighing  about  660,000  grains,  containing  60 
mintc  and  6,000  drachms.  6.  The  Commercial  talent 
of  Athens,  used  for  the  coins  of  .ifigina,  weighing,  as 
a  monetary  talent,  never  more  than  about  676,000 
grains,  reduced  from  a  weight- talent  of  about  598,800, 
and  divided  into  the  same  principal  parts  as  the  pre- 
ceding.    2.  The  Attic  talent,  when  simply  thus  des- 


ignated, is  the  standard  weight  introduced  by  Solon, 
which  stood  to  the  older  or  Commercial  talent  in 
the  relation  of  100  to  138§.  Its  average  maximum 
weight,  as  derived  from  the  coins  of  Athens  and  the 
evidence  of  ancient  writers,  gives  a  drachm  of  about 
67.5  grains ;  but  Mr.  Burgon's  weights  enable  us  to 
i  raise  this  sum  to  71.7.  It  appears  that  the  Attic 
talent  weighed  about  430,260  grains  by  the  weights, 
and  that  the  coins  give  a  talent  of  about  405,000 
grains,  the  latter  being  apparently  the  weight  to 
which  the  talent  was  reduced  after  a  time,  and  the 
maximum  weight  at  which  it  is  reckoned  by  ancient 
writers.  It  gradually  lost  weight  in  the  coinage, 
until  the  drachm  fell  to  about  57  grains  or  less, 
thus  coming  to  be  equivalent  to,  or  a  little  lighter 
than,  the  denarius  ("  Pkn.ny  ")  of  the  early  Cesars. 
3.  The  Euboic  talent,  though  used  in  Greece,  is  of 
Eastern  origin  (see  II.  2,  below). — II.  Foreign  talents 
of  the  same  period.  Two  foreign  systems  of  the 
same  period,  besides  the  Hebrew,  arc  mentioned  by 
ancient  writers,  the  Babylonian  talent  and  the  Eu- 
boic. 1.  The  Babylonian  talent  may  be  determined 
from  existing  weights  (in  the  forms  of  lions  and 
ducks)  found  by  Mr.  Layard  at  Nineveh.  The 
weights  represent  a  double  system,  of  which  the 
heavier  talent  contained  two  of  the  lighter  talents, 
the  talent  in  each  system  being  divided  into  60 
manehs,  and  the  nianeh  in  eacli  subdivided  into  six- 
tieths, &c.    The  following  table  exhibits  our  results. 


Heavier  Talent. 

«OthB  of               SnthB  of 
Mitneli                Mftoeli 

Maneh 

TalfiDt 

Ore.  Iroy. 

1 

2            =        1 

60           =80 

3600           =1800 

=         1 

=      60        = 

Lighter  Talent. 

1 

2fi6.4 
B:!a.8 
=    16.9.*4 
=  969,040 

SOlhiofMlh.          6fllh!or 
ofMeneh               Muneh 

Mandl 

Tulent 

Grt.  troy. 

1 
!M             =1 
ISOO            =       fiO 
108000            =  3000 

I 
=        00          = 

1 

4.44 
=        133.2 
=     7,992 
=  479,620 

Herodotus  speaks  of  the  Babylonian  talent  as  not 
greatly  exceeding  the  Euboic,  which  has  been  compu- 
ted to  be  =  the  Commercial  Attic,  but  more  reason- 
ably as  nearly  =:  the  ordinary  Attic.  Pollux  makes 
the  Babylonian  talent  =:  7,000  Attic  drachms.  We 
may,  therefore,  suppose  that  the  lighter  talent  was 
generally,  if  not  universally,  in  nsc  in  the  time  of 
the  Persian  coins.  Herodotus  relates  that  the  king 
of  Persia  received  the  silver  tribute  of  the  satrapies 
according  to  the  Babylonian  talent,  b\it  the  gold 
tribute  according  to  the  Euboic.  The  larger  silver 
coins  of  the  Persian  monarchy,  and  tlio?e  of  the 
satraps,  are  of  the  following  denominations  and 
weights : — 

Gr«,  troT. 

Piece  of  three  (rfoa 253.0 

Piece  of  two  w'^a 109 

Siglm 84.6 

The  only  denomination  of  which  we  know  the  name 
is  the  siglot,  which,  as  having  the  same  type  as  the 
Daric,  appears  to  be  the  oldest  Persian  silver  coin. 
It  is  the  ninetieth  part  of  the  maneh  of  the  lighter 
talent,  and  the  B,400lh  of  that  talent.  2.  The  Euboic 
talent  is  rightly  held  to  have  been  originally  an 
Eastern  system.  As  it  was  used  to  weigh  the  gold 
sent  as  tribute  to  the  king  of  Persia,  we  may  infer 
that  it  was  the  standard  of  the  Persian  gold  money ; 
and  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  coinsge  of 
Eubcea  was  upon  its  standard.     We  suppose  th« 


1178 


WEI 


WEI 


Euboie  talent  was  to  the  Babylonian  as  60  to  72,  or 
5  to  6.  Taking  the  Babylonian  maneh  at  7,992 
grains  troy,  we  obtain  399,600  grains  for  the  Euboie 
talent.  The  principal,  if  not  the  only,  Persian  gold 
coin  is  the  Daric  ("dram"),  weighing  about  129 
grains.  This  was  the  standard  coin,  according  to 
which  the  silver  money  was  adjusted.  Its  double  in 
actual  weight  is  found  in  the  silver  coinage,  but  its 
equivalent  is  wanting,  as  thougli  for  the  salie  oi  dis- 
tinction. The  Daric  was  the  3,600th  part  of  the 
Babylonian  talent.  It  is  nowhere  stated  how  the 
Euboie  talent  was  divided,  but  if  we  suppose  it  to 
have  contained  50  min^e,  then  the  Daric  would  have 
been  the  sixtieth  of  the  mina,  but  if  100  minae,  the 
thirtieth.  In  any  case  it  would  have  been  the 
3,000th  part  of  the  talent.  The  coinage  of  Euba>a 
has  hitherto  been  the  great  obstacle  to  the  discovery 
of  the  Euboie  talent.  The  silver  coins  (the  only 
gold  coin  of  Euboea  known  to  us  weigbs  49.4  grains) 
give  the  following  denominations : 


Coins  of  Eubaa. 

Coins  of  Athens 

Highest              Aflsiimed  true 
weight.                    weight. 
Grs.  troy.                 Gre.  troy. 

Assumed  true 
weight. 
Grs.  troy. 

258 
lai                   129 
83                     86 
63                     64.5 
43                    43 

Tetradrachm  270 
Didrachm        135 

Drachm             G7.5 
Tetrobolon       45 

It  will  be  perceived  that  though  the  weights  of  all 
denominations,  except  the  third  in  the  Euboie  list, 
are  very  near  the  Attic,  the  system  of  division  is 
evidently  different.  The  third  Enboic  denomination 
is  identical  with  the  Persian  siglos,  and  indicates  the 
Persian  origin  of  the  system.  The  second  piece  is, 
however,  identical  with  the  Daric.  The  relation  of 
the  Persian  and  Greek  systems  may  be  thus  stated : 


Persian  silver, 
Bnbylonittn. 
Grs.  troy. 

253.5 
169 

84.5 


Persian  gold,  Greek  Euboie. 

Euboie.  Actual  weight.  Assumed. 

Gra.  troy.  Grs.  troy.  Grs.  troy. 

238 


129  121  129 

85  86 

63  64.5 

43  43 

3.  The  talents  of  Egypt  have  hitherto  formed  a  most 
unsatisfactory  subject.  The  gold  and  silver  coins  of 
the  Ptolemies  follow  the  same  standard  as  the  silver 
coins  of  the  kings  of  Macedon  to  Philip  II.  inclusive, 
which  are  on  the  full  jEginetan  weight:  but  the  cop- 
per coins  of  the  Ptolemies  follow  the  standard  of  the 
ancient  Egyptians,  tlie  two  talents,  if  calculated  from 
the  coins,  being  in  the  proportion  of  about  10  (gold 
and  silver)  to  13  (copper),  or,  if  calculated  from  the 
higher  correct  standard  of  the  gold  and  silver  sys- 
tem, in  the  proportion  of  about  10  to  12.7.  4.  The 
Carthaginian  talent  may  not  be  as  old  as  the  period 
before  Alexander,  yet  it  reaches  so  nearly  to  that 
period  that  it  cannot  be  here  omitted.  Those  silver 
coins  of  the  Carthaginians  which  do  not  follow  the 
Attic  standard  seem  to  be  struck  upon  the  standard 
of  the  Persian  coins,  the  Babylonian  talent. — III. 
The  Hebrew  talent  or  talents  and  divisioiis.  1 .  A  talent 
of  silver  is  mentioned  in  Ex.  xxxviii.  25-28  (comp. 
XXX.  13,  15),  which  contained  3,000  shekels,  distin- 
guished as  "  the  holy  shekel,"  or  "  shekel  of  the 
sanctuary."  2.  A  gold  maneh  is  spoken  of  (A.  V. 
"pound,"  1  K.  X.  17),  and,  in  a  parallel  passage  (2 
Chr.  ix.  16),  shekels  are  mentioned,  three  manchs 
being  represented  by  300  shekels,  a  maneh  there- 
fore =  100  shekels  of  gold.  3.  Joscphus  (iii.  6, 
§  7)  states  that  the  Hebrew  talent  of  gold  contained 


100  minse.  4.  Josephus  (xiv.  7,  §  1)  states  that  the 
Hebrew  mina  of  gold  =:  two  librce  (—  jmuiuls)  and 
a  half.  Taking  the  Roman  pound  at  5,050  grains, 
the  maneh  of  gold  =:  about  12,626  grains.  5.  Epi- 
phanius  estimates  the  Hebrew  talent  at  125  Roman 
pounds,  which,  at  the  value  given  above,  =  about 
631,250  grains.  6.  A  difficult  passage  in  Ezekiel 
seems  to  speak  of  a  maneh  of  60  (possibly  60,  LXX.) 
shekels  (Ez.  xlv.  12).  7.  Josephus  (iii.  8,  §  10) 
makes  the  gold  shekel  a  Daric.  From  these  data  it 
may  be  reasonably  inferred,  (1.)  that  the  Hebrew 
gold  talent  contained  100  manchs,  each  of  which 
again  contained  100  shekels  of  gold,  and,  basing  the 
calculation  on  the  stated  value  of  the  maneh,  weighed 
about  1,262,500  grains,  or,  basing  the  calculation  on 
the  correspondence  of  the  gold  shekel  to  the  Daric, 
weighed  about  1,290,000  grains  (129x100x100), 
the  latter  being  probably  nearer  the  true  value,  and 
(2.)  that  the  silver  talent  contained  3,000  shekels, 
and  is  probably  the  talent  spoken  of  by  Epiphanius 
as  equal  to  125  Roman  pounds,  or  631,250  grains, 
which  would  give  a  shekel  of  210.4  grains.  It  is 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  gold  talent  was  ex- 
actly double  the  silver  talent. — Let  us  now  examine 
the  Jewish  coins.  1.  The  shekels  and  half-shekels 
of  silver,  if  we  take  an  average  of  the  heavier  spec- 
imens of  the  Maccabean  issue,  give  the  weight  of 
the  former  as  about  220  grains.  A  talent  of  3,000 
such  shekels  would  weigh  about  660,000  grains. 
This  result  agrees  very  nearly  with  the  weight  of  the 
talent  given  by  Epiphanius.  2.  The  copper  coins 
are  generally  without  any  indications  of  value.  The 
two  heaviest  denominations  of  the  Maccabean  issue, 
however,  bear  the  names  "  half"  and  "  quarter."  In 
the  following  scheme  they  are  compared  with  the 
silver  coins : 


Copper  Coins. 

Average 

weight. 

Grs.  troy. 

Half 236.4 

Qnarter.. 132.0 
(Sixth;....  81.8 


SUver  Coins, 

Supposed  Average         Supposed 

weuht.  weight,  weight. 

Grs.  troy.  Grs.  troy. 

230  Shekel 220       Same. 

125  Half  shekel. 110       Same. 

83.3  [Third] 73.3 


Our  theory  of  the  Hebrew  coinage  would  be  as  fol- 
lows:— Gold  .  .  .  Shekel  or  Daric  (foreign)  129 
grains.  Silver  .  .  Shekel  220,  Half-shekel  110. 
Copper.  .  Half  (-shekel)  264,  Quarter  (shekel)  132, 
(Sixth-shekel)  88. — We  can  now  consider  the 
weights.  The  gold  talent  contained  100  manehs, 
and  10,000  shekels.  The  silver  talent  contained 
3,000  shekels,  6,000  bekas,  and  60,000  gerahs.  The 
copper  talent  probably  contained  1,500  shekels. 
The  "  holy  shekel,"  or  "  shekel  of  the  sanctuary," 
is  spoken  of  both  of  the  gold  (Ex.  xxxviii.  24)  and 
silver  (25)  talents  of  the  time  of  the  Exodus.  We 
also  read  of  the  "  king's  weight "  (2  Sam.  xiv.  26), 
But  there  is  no  reason  for  supposing  different  sys- 
tems to  be  meant.  The  significations  of  the  names 
of  the  Hebrew  weights  must  be  here  stated.  The 
Heb.  cicrdr  (A.  V.  "  talent ")  =  a  circle  or  fflobe,  prob- 
ably an  aggregate  sum.  Tlie  "  shekel "  simply  ^  o 
weight.  The  "  bekah  "  or  "  half-shekel "  =  a  division, 
or  half.  The  "  quarter-shekel  "  is  once  mentioned 
(1  Sam.  ix.  8).  The  "gerah"  =  «  grain  or  bean. 
— IV.  TIte  historji  and  relations  of  the  principal  an- 
cierU  talents.     The  following  is  a  list  of  the  talents : — 

A.  Eastern  Talents. 


Hebrew  gold 1,.320,000 

B»'^yl™J^»(f"-[  959,040 
Egyptian . . . . '. '. ....  840,000 

Hebrew  copper?., .792,000? 


Hebrew  silver 660,000 

Babvlouiau  lesser  { j,„n  koa 
(stiver) ^479,520 

Persian  gold 399,600 


WEI 


WEI 


1179 


B.  Oretk  TaUnts. 

iEginetan 660,000 

Attic  Commercial 5SI8,8!K) 

Attic  Commercial,  lowered 558,900 

Attic  Solonian,  double 860,5*) 

Attic  Snloiiian,  ordinary 430.260 

Attic  Soloriiaii.  lowered 405,000 

Euboic 387,000  + 

We  take  the  Hebrew  to  be  the  oldest  system  of 
weight.  Apart  from  the  evidence  from  its  relation 
to  the  other  systems,  this  may  be  almost  proved  by 
our  finding  it  to  obtain  in  Greeeo,  in  Phenicia,  and 
in  Judea,  as  the  oldest  Greelc  and  Phenician  sys- 
tem, and  as  the  Jewish  system.  The  Hebrew  system 
had  two  talents  for  the  precious  metals  in  the  rela- 
tion of  2:  1.  The  gold  talent,  apparently  not  used 
elseivhcre,  contiiineJ  100  manehs,  each  of  which 
contained  again  100  shekels,  there  being  thus  10,000 
of  these  units,  weighing  about  1 32  grains  each,  in  the 
talent.  The  silver  talent,  also  known  as  the  ^Egine- 
tan,  contained  ;i,000  shekels,  weighing  about  220 
grains  each.  One  gold  talent  appears  to  have  been 
equal  to  24  of  these.  Tlie  reason  for  making  the 
talent  of  gold  twice  that  of  silver  was  probably 
merely  for  the  sake  of  distinction. — The  Babylonian 
talent,  like  the  Hebrew,  consisted  of  two  systems,  in 
the  relation  of  2  to  1,  upon  one  standard.  It  ap- 
pears to  have  been  formed  from  the  Hebrew  by  re- 
ducing the  number  of  units  from  10,000  to  7,200. 
The  system  was  altered  by  the  maneh  being  raised 
so  as  to  contain  120  instead  of  100  units,  and  the 
talent  lowered  so  as  to  contain  60  instead  of  100 
m.tr.eh3.  It  is  possible  tliat  this  talent  was  origi- 
nally of  silver. — The  derivation,  from  the  lighter 
Babylonian  talent,  of  the  Euboic  talent,  is  easily 
ascertained.  Their  relation  is  that  of  6:5. — The 
Egyptian  talent  cannot  be  traced  to  any  other.  The 
Hebrew  copper  talent  is  equally  obscure.  Perhaps 
it  is  tiie  double  of  the  Persian  gold  talent. — The 
./Eginetan  talent  was  the  same  as  the  lesser  or  silver 
Hebrew  talent.  Its  introduction  into  Greece  was 
doubtless  due  to  the  Phenicians.  The  Attic  Com- 
mercial was  a  degradation  of  this  talent,  and  was  it- 
self further  degraded  to  form  the  Attic  Solonian. 
Mo.NEY  ;  SlIKKKL  ;   Talext. 

B«  Meas'ares  (originally  by  Mr.  Bevan).  The  most 
important  topic  to  be  discussed  in  connection  with 
the  subject  of  the  Hebrew  measures  is  their  relative 
and  absolute  value.  Another  topic  demands  a  few 
prefatory  re:narks,  viz.  the  origin  of  these  measures, 
and  their  relation  to  those  of  surrounding  countries. 
We  divide  the  Hebrew  measures  into  two  classes, 
according  as  they  refer  to  length  or  capacity,  and 
subdivide  each  of  these  classes  into  two,  the  former 
into  measures  of  length  and  distance,  the  latter  into 
liquid  and  dry  measures.  I.  Meaiitircs  of  lenr/th  and 
distance.  1.  The  denominations  referring  to  length 
were  derive!  for  the  most  part  from  the  arm  and 
hand.  We  may  notice  the  following  four  as  derived 
from  this  source : — (a.)  The  finger's  breadth  (Heb. 
etaha',  A.  V.  "riNOEH"),  in  Jcr.  lii.  21  only.  (6.) 
The  "  hand  breadth "  (Ueb.  tfjihah  or  -aaU  and 
ld/i!ia/i  or  -ach  ;  Ex.  xxv.  25 ;  IK.  vii.  26 ;  2  Clir. 
iv.  6,  &c.),  applied  metaphorically  to  a  short  period 
of  time  in  Ps.  xxxix.  5.  (c.)  The  "span"  (Heb. 
zerelh),  the  distance  between  the  extremities  of  the 
thumb  and  the  little  finger  in  the  extended  hand 
(Ex.  xxviii.  16,  xxxix.  9;  1  Sam.  xvii.  4;  Ez.  xliii. 
18),  applied  generallvto  describe  any  small  measure 
in  Is.  xl.  12.  (rf.)  The  "cubit"  (Heb.  amirM  ;  Gr. 
pichu\  the  distance  from  the  elbow  to  the  extrem- 
ity of  the  middle  finger.  This  occurs  very  fVequcntly 
in  the  Bible  in  relation  to  buildings,  &c.  (Gen.  vi. 


15  ;  Ex.  x.xv.-xxvii. ;  Jh.  xxi.  8 ;  Rev.  xxi.  17,  &c.). 
In  addition  to  the  above  we  may  notice : — (e.)  The 
Heb.(jfOrtie(/(A.  V.  "cubit"),  literally  a  rod,  applied 
to  Eglon's  dirk  (Judg.  iii.  16).  Its  length  is  uncer- 
tain, but  it  probably  fell  below  the  "  cubit "  (so  Mr. 
Bevan;  Ges.  has  c/(Ai7  ;  Fii.  span,  fol ;  ISX.npan; 
Vulg. palm,  &c.).  (/.)  The  "  reed  "  (Heb.  kdueh  ;  Gr. 
kalamos  ;  Reed  4),  for  measuring  buildings  on  a  large 
scale  (Ex.  xl.  5-8,  xli.  8,  xlii.  16-19  ;  Rev.  xi.  1,  xxi. 
15, 16). — Little  information  is  furnished  by  the  Bible 
itself  as  to  the  relative  or  absolute  lengths  described 
under  the  above  terms.  With  the  exception  of  the 
notice  that  the  "reed"  =  6  cubits  (Ez.  xl.  5),  we 
have  no  intimation  that  the  measures  were  combined 
in  any  thing  like  a  scale.  The  most  important  con- 
clusion to  be  drawn  from  the  Biblical  notices  is, 
that  the  cubit,  which  may  be  regarded  as  the  stand- 
ard measure,  was  of  varying  length,  and  that,  to 
secure  accuracy,  it  was  necessary  to  define  the  kind 
of  cubit  intended,  the  result  being  that  the  other 
denominations,  if  combined  in  a  scale,  would  vary 
in  like  ratio.  Thus  in  Deut.  iii.  11,  the  cubit  is 
specified  to  be  "  after  the  cubit  of  a  man  ;  "  in  2 
Chr.  iii.  3  "  after  the  first,"  or  rather  "  after  the 
older  measure  ; "  and  in  Ez.  xli.  8  "  a  great  cubit," 
or  literally  "  a  cubit  to  the  joint,"  further  defined 
in  xl.  5  "  a  cubit  and  an  hand  breadth."  These  ex- 
pressions involve  one  of  the  most  knotty  points  of 
Hebrew  archoeo'.ogy,  viz.  the  number  and  the  re- 
spective lengths  of  the  Scriptural  cubits.  That 
there  was  more  than  one  cubit,  is  clear ;  but  whether 
there  were  three,  or  only  two,  is  not  so  clear.  It  is 
generally  conceded  that  the  "  former  "  or  "  older  " 
measure  of  2  Chr.  iii.  3  was  the  Mosaic  or  legal 
cubit,  and  that  the  modern  measure,  the  existence 
of  which  is  implied  in  that  designation,  w'\3  some- 
what larger.  Further,  the  cubit  "  after  the  cubit 
of  a  man"  of  Deut.  iii.  11,  is  held  to  be  a  common 
measure  in  contradistinction  to  the  Mosaic  one,  and 
to  have  fallen  below  this  latter  in  point  of  length. 
In  this  case  we  should  have  three  cubits — the  com- 
mon, the  Mosaic  or  old  measure,  and  the  new  meas- 
ure. We  turn  to  Ezekiel,  aud  find  a  distinction  of 
another  character,  viz.  a  long  and  a  short  cubit. 
Now,  as  it  has  been  urged  by  many  writers,  Ezekiel 
would  not  be  likely  to  adopt  any  other  than  the 
old  Mosaic  standard  for  the  measurements  of  his 
ideal  temple.  If  so,  his  long  cuLit  would  be  iden- 
tical with  the  old  measure,  and  his  short  cubit  with 
the  one  "  after  the  cubit  of  a  man,"  and  the  new 
measure  of  2  Chr.  iii.  3  would  represent  a  still 
longer  cubit  than  Ezekiel's  long  one.  Other  ex- 
planations of  the  prophet's  language  have,  however, 
been  offered :  it  has  been  sometimes  assumed  that, 
while  living  in  Chaldea,  he  and  his  countrymen  had 
adopted  the  long  Baliylonian  cubit ;  but  in  this 
.case  his  short  cul)it  could  not  have  belonged  to  the 
same  country,  inasmuch  as  the  difference  between 
these  two  amounted  to  only  three  fingers  (Hdt.  i. 
178).  Again,  it  has  been  explained  that  his  short 
cubit  was  the  ordinary  Chaldean  measure,  and  the 
long  one  the  Mosaic  measure ;  but  this  is  unlikely 
on  account  of  the  respective  lengths  of  the  Baby- 
lonian and  the  Mosaic  cubits  (see  below).  Indepen- 
dently of  these  objections,  wo  think  that  Deut.  iii.  II 
and  2  Chr.  iii.  3  imply  the  existence  of  three  cubits. 
An  examination  of  Biblical  notices  (E.x.  xxvii.  1, 
compare  xx.  26  ;  1  K.  vii.  27,  &c.)  tends  to  the  con- 
clusion that  the  cubit  of  early  times,  or  Mosaic 
cubit,  fell  far  l>elow  the  length  usually  assigned  to 
it ;  but  these  notices  are  so  scanty  and  ambiguous 
that  this  conclusion  is  by  no  means  decisive.     Tlie 


1180 


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WEI 


earliest  and  most  reliable  testimony  as  to  the  length 
of  the  cubit  is  supplied  by  the  existing  specimens 
of  old  Egyptian  measures.  Several  of  these  have 
been  discovered  in  tombs,  carrying  us  back  at  all 
events  to  1700  b.  c,  while  the  Kilometer  at  Ele- 
phantine exhibits  the  length  of  the  cubit  in  the 
time  of  the  Roman  emperors.  No  great  difference 
is  exhibited  in  these  measures,  the  longest  being 
estimated  at  about  21  inches,  and  the  shortest  at 
about  20J,  or  exactly  20.4729  inches.  They  are 
divided  into  28  digits,  while  the  Mosaic  cubit,  ac- 
cording to  Rabbinical  authorities,  was  divided  into 
24  digits.  There  is  some  difficulty  in  reconciling 
this  discrepancy  with  the  almost  certain  fact  of  the 
derivation  of  the  cubit  from  Egypt.  It  has  been 
generally  surmised  that  the  Egyptian  cubit  was  of 
more  than  one  length,  and  that  the  sepulchral 
measures  exhibit  the  shorter  as  well  as  the  longer 
by  special  marks.  Wilkinson  denies  the  existence 
of  more  than  one  cubit ;  but  most  writers  on  the 
subject  agree  that  the  Egyptian  cubit-measures  in 
the  Turin  and  Louvre  Museums  contain  a  combina- 
tion of  2,  if  not  3  kinds  of  cubit.  Thenius  makes 
the  old  cubit  =  26  digits  or  19.066  inches,  the  royal 
cubit  =:  28  digits,  =  20.611  or  20.591  inches  (the 
length  of  the  Turin  and  Louvre  measures  respec- 
tively), and  a  third  or  ordinary  cubit  =  23  digits, 
or  about  16.9  inches.  Another  explanation  makes 
the  old  cubit  =  25  digits  or  18.189  inches;  another 
makes  it  =:  24  digits.  The  use  of  more  than  one 
cubit  appears  to  have  also  prevailed  in  Babylon, 
for  Uerodotus  states  that  the  "  royal "  exceeded  the 
"  moderate  "  cubit  by  three  digits.  Boeckh  makes 
the  Babylonian  royal  cubit  =  20.806  inches;  but 
Oppert's  data  would  give  23.149  inches. — Mr.  Bevan 
would  identify  the  new  Hebrew  measure  implied  in 
2  Chr.  iii.  3  with  the  full  Egyptian  cubit;  the  "  old  " 
measure  and  Ezekiel's  cubit  with  the  lesser  one, 
either  of  26  or  24  digits ;  and  the  "  cubit  of  a  man  " 
with  the  third  one  of  23  digits  of  which  Thenius 
speaks.  In  the  Misbna  the  Mosaic  cubit  is  defined 
to  be  one  of  6  palms.  It  is  termed  the  moderate 
cubit,  and  is  distinguished  from  a  lesser  cubit  of  8 
palms  and  from  a  larger  one  of  6  palms  and  a  digit. 
The  palm  consisted,  according  to  Maimonides,  of  4 
digits  ;  and  the  digit,  according  to  Arias  Montanus,  of 
4  barley-corns.  The  length  of  the  Mosaic  cubit,  as 
computed  by  Thenius  (after  several  trials  with  the 
specified  number  of  barley-corns  of  middling  size), 
is  214.512  Paris  lines,  or  19.0515  inches.  It  seems 
hardly  possible  to  arrive  at  any  very  exact  conclu- 
sion by  this  mode  of  calculation.  The  Talmudists 
state  that  the  Mosaic  cubit  was  used  for  the  edifice 
of  the  Tabernacle  and  Temple,  and  the  lesser  cubit 
for  the  vessels  thereof.  This  was  probably  a  fiction. 
Taking  the  estimate  of  Thenius,  the  length  of  the 
other  denominations  will  be  as  follows  : — 


Digit 

Inches. 
.7938 

4 

Palm. 
8 

6 
36 

3.1752 

12 

24 
144 

Span  . 

2 

12 

Cubit . 
6      1 

'ReedV 

9.6257 

.     19.0515 

114.3090 

Land  and  area  were  measured  either  by  the  cubit 
(Num.  XXXV.  4,  5  ;  Ez.  xl.  27)  or  by  the  reed  (xlii. 
20,  xliii.  17,  xlv.  2,  xlviii.  20 ;  Rev.  xxi.  16).  There 
is  no  indication  in  the  Bible  of  the  use  of  a  square 
measure  by  the  Jews.  (Acre.)  Whenever  they 
wished  to  define  the  size  of  a  plot,  they  specified  its 
length  and  breadth,  even  if  it  were  a  perfect  square, 
as  in  £z.  xlviii.  16.     The  difficulty  of  defining  an 


area  by  these  means  is  experienced  in  the  interpre- 
tation of  Num.  XXXV.  4,  6.  (SunnRBS.) — 2.  The 
measures  of  distance  noticed  in  the  0.  T.  are  the 
three  following : — (a.)  The  "  pace  "  (Heb.  toaW,  2 
Sam.  vi.  13),  answering  generally  to  our  yard.  (6.) 
The  Heb.  cibralh  hMrels,  rsndered  in  the  A.  V.  "^ 
Uttle  way,"  margin  "  a  little  piece  of  ground  "  (Gen. 
XXXV.  16,  xlviii.  7 ;  2  K.  v.  19).  The  Hebrew  ex- 
pression appears  to  indicate  some  definite  distance, 
but  the  only  conclusion  to  be  drawn  from  the  Bible 
is,  that  it  did  not  exceed  and  probably  equalled  the 
distance  between  Bethlehem  and  Rachel's  burial- 
place  (Rachel),  which  is  traditionally  identified  with 
a  spot  H  miles  N.  of  the  town,  (c.)  The  "  day's 
journey  "  (Heb.  derech  yom  or  muhalach  ymn  ;  Gr< 
hetneras  hodon),  which  was  the  most  usual  method 
of  calculating  distances  in  travelling  (Gen.  xxx.  36, 
xxxi.  23;  Ex.  iii.  18,  v.  3,  kc),  though  but  one  in- 
stance of  it  occurs  in  the  N.  T.  (Lk.  ii  44).  The 
ordinary  day's  journey  among  the  Jews  was  30 
miles;  but  when  they  travelled  in  companies  only 
10  miles  :  Neapolis  (Shechem)  formed  the  first  stage 
out  of  Jerusalem,  according  to  the  former,  and 
Beeroth,  according  to  the  latter  computation.  It 
is  impossible  to  assign  any  distinct  length  to  the 
day's  journey.  In  the  Apocrypha  and  N.  T.  we 
meet  with  the  following  additional  measures  : — (d.) 
The  "  Sabbath-day's  jocrney."  (e.)  The  "  furlong  " 
(Gr.  sladion,  L.  form  stadium,  Eng.  stade),  a  Greek 
measure  introduced  into  Asia  after  Alexander's 
conquest,  and  hence  first  mentioned  in  the  Apoc- 
rypha (2  Mc.  xi.  5,  xii.  9,  17,  29),  subsequently  in 
the  N.  T.  (Lk.  xxiv.  13;  Jn.  vi.  19,  xi.  18;  Rev.xiv. 
20,  xxi.  16).  Both  the  name  and  the  length  of  the 
stade  were  borrowed  from  the  footrace-course  at 
Olympia.  It  =  600  Greek  feet  (Hdt.  ii.  149),  or 
125  Roman  paces  (Pliny,  ii.  23),  or  606f  feet  of  our 
measure.  It  thus  falls  below  the  furlong  by  53J 
feet.  (/.)  The  Mile,  a  Roman  measure,  =  1,000 
Roman  paces,  8  stadcs,  or  1,618  English  yards,  {g.) 
The  "  fathom  "  (Gr.  orguia,  Acts  xxvii.  28  twice), 
strictly  =  the  length  of  the  outstretched  arms ;  as 
a  measure  of  length,  according  to  Herodotus,  zr 
yic  stadium  —  6  feet  1  inch  (L.  &S.). — W.  Measures 
of  capacity.  The  Hebrew  measures  of  capacity  for 
liquids  were: — (a.)  The  log  (Lev.  xiv.  10  ff.),  the 
Uiime  originally  signifying  a  basin,  (b.)  The  liin,  a 
name  of  Egyptian  origin  (properly  =  vessel,  Ges.), 
frequently  noticed  in  the  Bible  (Ex.  xxix.  40,  xxx. 
24;  Num.  xv.  4  ff. ;  Ez.  iv.  11,  &c.).  (c.)  The  bath 
( =  measured),  the  largest  of  the  liquid  measures  (1 
K.  vii.  26,  38 ;  2  Chr.  ii.  10,  iv.  5 ;  Ezr.  vii.  22 ;  Is. 
V.  10,  kc).  We  gather  from  Josephus  (iii.  8,  j  3) 
that  the  bath  contained  6  bins,  and  from  the  Rah- 
binists  that  the  hin  contained  12  logs.  The  relativjp 
values,  therefore,  stand  thus : —  ,  ,j 


Log 
12  I  Hin 
72       6    I  Bath 


ot 


The  Hebrew  dry  measure  contained  the  following 
denominations :  (a.)  The  cab  (literally  =  hollow  or 
concave),  mentioned  only  in  2  K.  vi.  25.  (b.)  The 
omcr  (—a  heap,  and  secondarily  a  sheaf),  men- 
tioned only  in  Ex.  xvi.  16-36.  The  same  measure 
is  elsewhere  termed  issdrou  (=  a  tenth),  as  being 
the  tenth  part  of  an  ephah  (compare  Ex.  xvi.  36), 
whence  in  the  A.  V.  "  tenth  deal "  (Lev.  xiv.  10, 
xxiii.  13 ;  Num.  xv.  4,  &c.).  (c.)  The  Heb.  scah, 
etymologically  and  appropriately  translated  "meas- 
ure," the  ordinary  measure  for  household  purposes 
(Gen.  xviii.  6;  1  Sam.  xxv.  18;  IK.  xviii.  32;  2  K. 


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1181 


viL  1,  16,  18).  The  Greek  equivalent  (saton,  A.  V. 
"measure")  occurs  in  Mat.  xiii.  33  and  Lit.  xiii.  21. 
The  »ea/i  was  also  termed  shdlink  (Heb.  =  a  l/tira), 
as  being  the  third  part  of  an  ephah  (Is.  xl.  12;  Ps. 
Uxx.  5  [A.  V.  "  great  measure"]),  (d.)  The  ephah 
(Heb.  form  iiipliAh,  rarely  ephAh).  a  word  of  Egyp- 
tian origin,  =  meanure,  specially  of  corn,  Ges. 
(Ex.  xvi.  30  ;  Lev.  v.  11,  vi.  20 ;  Ru.  ii.  17 ;  1  Sam. 
i.  24,  xvii.  17;  Ez.  xlv.  10,  II,  13,  24,  xlvi.  5,  7,  U, 
14,  *c.).  (e.)  The  Heb.  lelheeh,  A.V.  "half-homer" 
(Hos.  iii.  12  only),  literally  =  what  is  poured  out. 
(/.)  The  homer,  meaning  heap  (Lev.  xxvii.  16 ;  Num. 
XI.  32;  Is.  V.  10;  Ez.  xlv.  11-14;  Hos.  iii.  2).  It 
is  elsewhere  termed  eor  (properly  a  rouud  vessel, 
Ges.),  from  the  circular  vessel  in  which  it  was 
measured  (1  K.  iv.  22,  v.  1 1 ;  2  Chr.  ii.  10,  xxvii.  5 ; 
Ezr.  vii.  22;  Ez.  xlv.  14  [A.  V.  "cor"  here  and  in 
1  K.  iv.  22  margin ;  elsewhere  translated  "  meas- 
ure "]).  The  Greek  equivalent  {knrox,  A.V.  "  meas- 
ure") occurs  in  Lk.  xvi.  7.  The  following  is  the 
scale  of  relative  values  (partly  from  Ex.  xvi.  36  and 
Ez.  xlv.  11,  and  partly  from  the  Kabbinists): — 


Cab 

U 
6 
18 
180 


Omer 
3i 
10 
100 


Seah 
3     I  Ephah 
30  10 


Homer 


The  absolute  values  of  the  liquid  and  dry  measures 
form  the  subject  of  a  single  inquiry,  inasmuch  as 
the  two  scales  have  a  measure  of  equal  value,  viz. 
the  bath  and  the  ephah  (Ez.  xlv.  11).  Attempts 
have  been  made  to  deduce  the  value  of  the  hath 
from  a  comparison  of  the  dimensions  and  contents 
of  the  molten  sea  (Sea,  Molten)  as  given  in  1  K.  vii. 
23-26;  but  uncertainty  attends  every  statement. 
Josephus  (viii.  2,  §  9)  states  that  the  bath  =  72 
xeilce  (see  below),  that  the  bin  =  2  Attic  cho'es  (iii. 
8,  §  3,  9,  §  4),  and  that  the  seah  =  1^  Italian  modii 
(ix.  4,  g  5),  that  the  cor  =:  10  Attic  mediinni  (xv.  9, 
§  2),  and  that  the  issaron  or  omer  =  7  Attic  cot;^la 
(iii.  6,  g  6).  It  may  further  be  implied  from  Jos. 
ix.  4,  S  4,  as  compared  with  2  K.  vi.  25,  that  he  re- 
garded the  cab  =  4  xenles.  Now,  to  reduce  these 
statements  to  consistency,  it  must  be  assumed  that 
in  Jos.  XV.  9,  §  2,  he  has  confused  the  medimma 
vMh  the  mHreles,  and  in  Jos.  iii.  6,  §  6,  the  colyli 
with  the  xentes.  Such  errors  throw  doubt  on  his 
other  statements,  and  tend  to  the  conclusion  that 
Josephus  was  not  really  familiar  with  the  Greek 
measures.  Nevertheless  his  testimony  must  be 
taken  as  decisively  favoring  the  identity  of  the  He- 
brew bath  with  the  Attic  metreth.  The  statements 
of  Jerome  and  of  Epii)hanius  in  respect  to  Hebrew 
measures  are  equally  remarkable  for  inconsistency. 
Assuming  that  josephus  was  right  in  identifying  the 
bath  witii  the  melrelen,  its  value  would  be,  according 
to  Boeckh's  estimate  of  the  latter,  1993.95  Paris 
cubic  inches,  or  8.7053  English  gallons,  but,  accord- 
ing to  the  estimate  of  Bertheau,  1985.77  Paris  cubic 
inches,  or  8.6696  English  gallons.  The  Rabbinists 
furnish  data  of  a  different  kind  on  the  basis  of 
which  Thenius  has  estimated  the  bath  at  1014.39 
Paris  cubic  inches  or  4.4286  gallons.  As  we  are 
unable  to  decide  between  Josephus  and  the  Rab- 
binists, we  give  a  double  estimate  of  the  various  de- 
nominations, adopting  Bcrtheau's  estimate  of  the 
metriUi : — 


Homer  or  Cor 86.606 

Kpbah  or  Bath 8.e69ff 

Seah S.8808 


OmUobb. 
or       44.286 
or         4.4286 
or         1.4762 


Gallont.  GalloDt. 

Hin 1.4449  or  .7381 

Omer... 8609  or  .4428 

Cab 4816  or  .246 

Log 1204  or  .0615 

In  the  N.  T.  we  have  notices  of  the  following  foreign 
measures : — (a.)  The  Gr.  metrites  (in.  ii.  6 ;  A.  V. 
"  firkin  "),  for  liquids.  (A.)  The  chcenix  (Gr.  choinix. 
Rev.  vi.  6;  A.  V.  "measure"),  for  dry  goods,  (e.) 
The  xestes,  applied,  however,  not  to  the  particular 
measure  so  named  by  the  Greeks,  but  to  any  small 
vessel,  such  as  a  cup  (Mk.  vii.  4,  8 ;  A.  V.  "  pot  "). 
(rf.)  The  modius  (Gr.  modios),  similarly  applied  to 
describe  any  vessel  of  moderate  dimensions  (Mat. 
V.  15;  Mk.  iv.  21;  Lk.  xi.  33;  A.  V.  "bushel"); 
though  properly  meaning  a  Roman  measure  (=  }; 
Attic  medimuits,  or  J  Attic  metrites,  Rbn.  N.  T. 
Lex.),  amounting  to  about  a  peck.  Taking  the  At- 
tic  metrites  —  8.6696  gallons,  the  amount  of  liquid 
in  six  stone  jars,  containing  on  the  average  2^  metre- 
tee  each,  would  exceed  110  gallons  (Jn.  ii.  6).  Very 
possibly,  however,  the  metritis  represents  the  He- 
brew bath,  and  if  the  bath  be  taken  at  the  estimate 
of  the  Rabbinists  (see  above),  the  amount  would  be 
reduced  to  about  60  gallons.  The  chcenix  was  -/,  of 
an  Attic  medimrms,  and  contained  nearly  a  quart. 
It  represented  the  usual  amount  of  corn  for  a  day's 
food ;  hence  a  chcenix  for  a  "  penny  "  (denariu.^), 
which  usually  purchased  a  bushel  (Cic.  Verr.  iii.  81), 
indicated  a  great  scarcity.  (Wages.) — As  to  the 
use  of  fair  measures,  various  precepts  are  expressed 
in  the  Mosaic  Law,  &c.  (Lev.  xix.  35,  36 ;  Deut.  xxv. 
14,  15;  Prov.  xx.  10;  Ez.  xlv.  10),  and  probably 
standard  measures  were  kept  in  the  Temple,  as  was 
usual  in  other  ancient  countries. 

Well  (Heb.  usually  beer,  sometimes  bor,  ma't/dn, 
mMor,  or  'ai/in  ;  Gr.  phrear  and  pegi,  both  used  in 
N.  T.  only  of  Jacob's  "  well "  in  Jn.  iv. ;  see  Ai.s, 
Cistern,  Fountain,  Pit).  The  special  necessity  of 
a  supply  of  water  (Judg.  i.  15)  in  a  hot  climate  has 
always  involved  among  Eastern  nations  questions 
of  property  of  the  highest  importance,  and  some- 
times given  rise  to  serious  contention.  Thus  the 
well  Beer-sheba  was  opened,  and  its  possession  at- 
tested with  special  formality  by  Abraham  (Gen.  xxi. 
30,  31).  The  Philistines  stopped  up  the  wells  dug 
and  named  by  Abraham,  an  encroachment  stoutly 
resisted  by  Isaac's  followers  (xxvi.  15-33  ;  see  2  K. 
iii.  19;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  10).  The  Koran  notices  aban- 
doned wells  as  signs  of  desertion.  To  acquire  wells 
which  they  had  not  themselves  dug,  was  one  of  the 
marks  of  favor  foretold  to  the  Hebrews  on  their  en- 
trance  into  Canaan  (Deut.  vi.  11).  To  possess  one 
is  noticed  as  a  mark  of  independence  (Prov.  v.  15), 


Well  and  Bucket  at  Jiffil.— (KItto.) 


and  to  abstain  from  tlie  use  of  wells  belonging  to 
others,  a  disclaimer  of  interference  with  their  prop- 
erty (Num.  XX.  17,  19,  xxi.  22).  Similar  rights  of 
possession,  actual  and  hereditary,  exist  among  the 
Arabs  of  the  present  day.  Wells,  Burckhardt  says, 
in  the  interior  of  the  desert  are  exclusive  property. 


1182 


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WHE 


either  of  a  whole  tribe,  or  of  individuals  whose  an- 
cestors dug  the  wells.  Wells  have  become  in  many 
cases  links  in  the  history  and  landmarks  in  the 
topography  both  of  Palestine  and  of  the  Arabian 
Peninsula.  Wells  in  Palestine  are  usually  excavated 
from  the  solid  limestone  rock,  sometimes  with  steps 
to  descend  into  them  (Gen.  x.xiv.  16).  The  brims 
are  furnished  with  a  curb  or  low  wall  of  stone,  in 
which  furrows  are  worn  by  the  ropes  used  in  draw- 
ing water.  This  curb,  as  well  as  the  stone  cover, 
also  very  usual,  agrees  with  the  directions  of  the 
Law,  as  a  protection  against  accidents  (E.\.  xxi.  33). 
On  a  curb  of  this  sort  our  Lord  sat  when  He  con- 
versed with  the  woman  of  Samaria  (Jn.  iv.  6),  and 
it  was  this,  the  usual  stone  cover,  which  the  woman 
placed  on  the  mouth  of  the  well  at  Bahurim  (2  Sam. 
xvii.  19,  A.  V.  "a  covering").  The  usual  methods 
for  raising  water  are — 1.  The  rope  and  bucket,  or 
water-skin  (Gen.  xxiv.  14-20;  Jn.  iv.  11).  2.  The 
iakiy/h,  or  Persian  wheel.  This  consists  of  a  ver- 
tical wheel  with  buckets  or  earthen  jars  attached  to 
a  cord  passing  over  the  wheel,  which  descend  empty 
and  return  full  as  the  wheel  revolves.  3.  A  modifi- 
cation of  the  last  method,  by  which  a  man,  sitting 
opposite  to  a  wheel  furnished  with  buckets,  turns  it 
by  drawing  with  his  hands  one  set  of  spokes  pro- 
longed beyond  its  circumference,  and  pushing  an- 
other set  from  him  with  his  feet.  4.  A  method 
very  common,  in  ancient  and  modern  Egypt,  &c.,  is 
the  nhadoof,  consisting  of  a  lever  moving  on  a  pivot, 
which  is  loaded  at  one  end  with  some  weight,  and 
has  at  the  other  a  bowl  or  bucket.  Wells  are  usu- 
ally furnished  with  troughs  of  wood  or  stone,  into 
which  the  water  is  emptied  for  the  use  of  peisons 
or  animals  coming  to  the  wells.  Unless  ma- 
chinery is  used,  which  is  commonly  worked  by  men, 
v.omcn  arc  usually  the  water-carriers.  See  Bkf.r  ; 
Beer-lahai-roi  ;  Beer-siieba  ;  Bethlehem  ;  Corn  ; 
Dragon-well;  Elim  ;  Esek;  Haroo  ;  Rehoboth  ; 
Shechem  ;  Sitnah  ;  also  cuts  under  Chaldea  ; 
FoCNiAiN  ;  Hamath  ;  Jerusalem,  &c. 

*  Wen.  The  Heb.  i/abbdl,  A.  V.  "  having  a  wen," 
applied  to  animals  from  the  flock  or  herd  (Lev.  xxii. 
22  only),  is  translated  by  Gesenius  "f  owing,  ntn- 
ninff,  sc.  with  matter  as  a  sore,  i.  o.  having  running 
sores,  ulcers."     Medicike. 

*  Wench  (2  Sam.  xvii.  17  onlj-)  =  maidservant. 
Servant. 

*  West  (Heb.  y&m  [=  sea],  ma'cirdh,  once  [Is. 
xlv.  6]  ma'urdhdh  [both  literally  =  the  oc-iJent  or 
place  where  the  sun  sets,  Ges.]  ;  Gr.  dusinS  [=  the 
setting  of  the  sun]),  the  quarter  of  the  heavens  or 
earth  which  lies  toward  the  setting  sun,  or  opposite 
to  the  east  (Gen.  xii.  8,  xxviii.  14  [Heb.  yam  in 
both];  Pfl.  ciii.  12,  cvii.  3  [Heb.  ma'ur&b  in  both]; 
Mat.  viii.  11,  xxiv.  27,  &c.).  The  Mediterranean 
Sea  ("  the  hinder  sea ;  "  sec  East)  formed  the  west- 
ern border  of  Palestine,  and  hence  the  Hebrews 
would  naturally  use  "seaward"  or  "toward  the 
sea"  to  denote  a  western  direction.  Sea,  the 
Great  ;  Wind. 

Wlialf  •  For  the  Heb.  tan  and  tannin,  rendered  in 
the  A.  V.  "dragon,"  "whale,"  "serpent,"  "sea- 
monster,"  see  Dragon  1,  2.  The  Book  of  Jonah 
records  the  swallowing  of  that  prophet  by  some 
"  great  fish  "  which  in  Mat.  xii.  40  is  called  in  Greek 
kcton,  in  A.  V.  "  whale."  But  the  Gr.  ketox  is  not 
restricted  in  its  meaning  to  "  a  whaU,"  or  any  Ceta- 
cean ;  like  the  L.  eete  or  ccfas,  it  may  denote  any 
sea-monster,  "  a  whale,"  "  a  shark,"  "  a  seal,"  "  a 
tunny  of  enormous  size,"  &c.  (so  Mr.  Houghton, 
and  scholars  universally).     Although  two  or  three 


species  of  whale  are  found  in  the  Mediterranean 
Sea,  yet  the  "great  fish  "  that  swallowed  the  proph- 
et cannot  propeily  be  identified  with  any  Citanan, 
lor,  although  the  Sperm  whale  ( Catodon  maernccpha- 
lus)  lias  a  gullet  sutficiently  large  to  admit  the  body 
of  a  man,  yet  it  can  hardly  be  the  fish  intended ; 
as  the  natural  food  of  Cetaceans  consists  of  small 
animals,  such  as  medusa;  ar,d  Crustacea.  The  only 
fish,  then,  capable  of  swallowing  a  man  would  be  a 
large  specimen  of  the  while  shark  {Vareharias  vul- 
garis), that  dreaded  enemy  of  sailors,  and  the  most 
voracious  of  the  shark  family,  which  sometimes  at- 
tains the  length  of  thirty  f<  et.  Ruysch  says  that 
the  whole  body  of  a  man  in  armor  has  been  found 
in  the  stomach  of  a  white  shark  ;  and  Captain  King, 
in  his  Survey  of  Austialia,  says  he  caught  one  which 
could  have  swallowed  a  man  with  the  greatest  ease. 
Blumenbach  mentions  that  a  whole  horse  has  been 
found  in  a  shark,  and  Caj  tain  Basil  Hall  reports  the 
taking  of  one  m  which,  besides  other  things,  he 
found  the  whole  skin  ol'  a  buffalo  which  a  short  time 
before  had  been  thrown  overboard  from  his  ship. 
The  white  shark  is  not  uncommon  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean ;  it  occurs,  as  Forskal  assures  us,  in  the  Ara- 
bian Gulf,  and  is  connnon  also  in  the  Indian  Ocean. 
It  might  therefore  have  been  seen  on  the  voyage  to 
Tarshish.  So  far  for  the  nntural  portion  of  the 
subjecr.  But  how  Jonah  could  have  been  swallowed 
whole  unhurt,  or  how  he  could  have  existed  for  any 
time  in  the  shark's  belly,  cannot  be  explained  by 
simply  natural  causes,  though  certainly  no  more  re- 
markable than  the  preservation  of  Shadrach,  &c., 
in  the  "  burning  fiery  furnace."  Leviathan  ;  Mir- 
acles. 

Wheat,  the  well-known  valuable  cereal,  cultivated 
from  the  earliest  times,  and  frequently  mentioned 
in  the  Bible.  In  the  A.  V.  the  Heb.  bar,  ddydn,  and 
riphoth,  are  occasionally  translated  "  wheat ;  "  but 
the  proper  Hebrew  name  of  this  cereal,  a^  distin- 
guished from  "barley,"  "rye,"  &c.,  is  hilldh  or 
rhiltdh  (Clial.  hivtin  or  chintin).  As  to  Ihe  former 
Hebrew  terms  and  the  Gr.  sUos,  see  under  Corn. 
The  first  mention  of  wheat  ("  wheat-harvest ")  oc- 
curs in  Gen.  XXX.  14,  i'l  the  account  of  Jacob's  sojourn 
with  Laban  in  Mesopotamia.  Egypt  in  ancient  times 
was  celebrated  for  its  wheat ;  the  best  quality,  ac- 
cording to  Pliny,  was  grown  in  the  Thebaid  ;  it  was 
all  bearded,  and  the  same  varieties.  Sir  G.  Wilkin- 
son writes,  "existed  in  ancient  as  in  modern  times, 
among  which  may  be  mentioned  the  seven-eared 
quality  described  in  Pharaoh's  dream"  (Gen.  xii. 
22).  Babylonia  was  also  noted  for  the  excellence 
of  its  wheat  and  other  cereals.  Modern  writers,  as 
Chesney  and  Rich,  bear  testimony  to  the  great  fer- 
tility of  Mesopotamia.  Syria  and  Palestine  produced 
wheat  of  fine  quality  and  in  large  quantities  (Ps. 
Ixxxi.  16,  exlvii.  14,  &c.).  There  appear  to  be  two 
or  three  sorts  of  wheat  at  present  grown  in  Pales- 
tine, the  Tritieum  vulgare  (var.  hi/benmm,  the  com- 
mon "  winter  wheat "),  Tri'.icnm  Spelta  (i.  e.  spelt ; 
"Rye"),  and  another  variety  of  bearded  wheat 
which  appears  to  be  the  same  as  the  "  Egyptian 
wheat,"  the  Tri/icnm  contpositum.  In  ihe  parable 
of  the  sower  our  Lord  alludes  to  grains  of  wheat 
which  in  good  ground  produce  a  hundred-fold  (Mat. 
xiii.  8).  The  common  wheat  will  sometimes  pro- 
duce one  hundred  grains  in  the  ear.  Wheat  is 
reaped  toward  the  end  of  April,  in  May,  and  in 
June,  according  to  the  differences  of  soil  and  posi. 
tion ;  it  was  sown  either  broadcast,  and  then  ploughed 
in  or  trampled  in  by  cattle  (Is.  xxxii.20),  or  in  rows, 
if  we  rightly  understand  Is.  xxviii.  25,  which  seems 


WOE 


tVID 


1183 


to  imply  that  the  seeds  were  planUd  apart  in  order 
to  innure  larger  and  fuller  ears.  The  wheat  was 
put  into  the  ground  in  the  winter,  and  some  time 
after  the  barley  ;  in  the  Egyptian  plague  of  hail, 


EgTptlcn  Wleflt— <Fbn.) 

consequently,  the  barley  suffered,  but  the  wheat  had 
not  appeared,  and  so  escaped  injury  (Ex.  ix.  32). 
AotiicLLTirnE ;  Barn  ;  Bread  ;  First-frcits  ;  Food  ; 
Mill  ;  Mortar  1,  kc. 

"  Wheel  (Heb.  dphan,  ga'gaj,  &c.).  For  the  com- 
mon uses  of  the  wheel,  see  Cart  ;  Chariot  ;  Ha- 
math;  Laver;  Well,  &c.  In  Ps.  Ixxxiii.  13  (Heb. 
M),  the  A.  \'.  has  "wheel"  for  Heb.  gilgal,  which 
Gescnius  (and  .so  Fiirst  in  substance)  here  makes  = 
"  chaff,  sluhhle,  any  thing  driven  round  before  a 
WHIRLWIND."  Thomson  (ii.  357-8)  suggests  that  it 
denotes  in  Ps.  1.  c.  and  Is.  xvil.  13  (A.  V.  "a  rolling 
tlung,"  margin  "  thistledown")  the  globe  or  sphere 
—  a  foot  or  more  in  diameter  —  formed  by  the 
branches  of  the  wild  artichoke,  which,  becoming 
light  and  dry  in  autumn,  is  broken  off  from  the 
main  stem  and  carried  by  the  wind  over  the  plain, 
rolling  and  leaping  hither  and  thither  to  the  great 
annoyance  of  the  traveller  and  his  horse.  In  some 
parte,  as  on  the  plain  N.  of  Haraath  and  in  the  des- 
ert E.  of  Hanrdn,  hundreds  and  even  thousands  of 
these  artichoke  globes  may  be  seen  in  full  motion 
before  the  wind.  For  "  wheel "  in  Eccl.  xW.  6,  seo 
Medicine,  p.  628.    Whirlwind. 

•  Whip.    Goad  ;  Pl'nisiime.nts  ;  Rod  ;  Scouroino. 

WUrt'wlnd.    The  Hebrew  terms  thus  translated 


in  the  A.  V.,  viz.  mphdh  (Job  xxxvii.  9  ;  Prov.  i.  27, 
X.  25;  I.S.  V.  28,  .xvil.  13,  xxi.  1,  Ixvi.  15;  Jcr.  iv. 
13;  Hos.  viii.  7;  Am.  i.  14;  Nah.  i.  3;  translated 
"  storm  "  in  Job  xxi.  18,  also  in  Ps.  Ixxxiii.  15  [Heb. 
16],  and  Is.  xxix.  6),  sa'ur  (Jer.  xxiil.  19  A,  xxv.  32, 
XXX.  23  6/  translated  "tempest"  in  Ps.  Iv.  8  [Heb. 
9],  Ixxxiii.  lo  [Heb.  16],  also  in  Am.  i.  14  and  Jon. 
i.  4,  12),  and  si:''u,rah  (2  K.  ,i.  1,  11  ;  Job  xxxviil.  1, 
xl.  6  ;  l.s.  xl.  24,  xli.  16  ;  Jer.  xxiii.  19  a,  xxx.  23  a  ; 
Ez.  i.  4 ;  Zech.  ix.  14:  translated  "storm"  in  Ps. 
cvii.  29;  "stormy"  [literally  o/' storm  or  of  Ktonim] 
in  vei'.  25,  cxlviii.  8,  and  Ez.  xiii.  11,  13  ;  "  tempest 
in  If.  xxix.  0),  convey  the  notion  of  a  violent  wind 
or  hurricane,  the  first  because  such  a  wind  sweeps 
awai/  every  object  it  encounters,  the  other  two  be 
cause  the  objects  so  swept  away  are  tossed  and  agita/eu. 
Gesenius,  Fiirst,  &c.,  translate  by  "  whirlwind  "  the 
Heb.  gnlgal,  in  Ps.  Ixxvii.  18  (A.  V.  "  heaven  "),  and 
Ez.  X.  13  (A.  V.  "  wheel").  It  does  not  appear  (so 
Mr.  Bevan)  that  any  of  the  above  terms  express  the 
specific  notion  of  a  w/iiW-wind.  The  most  violent 
winds  in  Palestine  come  from  the  cast.  The  "  whirl- 
wind "  is  frequently  used  as  a  metaphor  of  violent 
and  sweeping  destruction.     Rain;  Wind. 

*  White  is  often  used  as  symbolical  of  cleanness, 
purity,  brightness,  &c.  (Is.  i.  18;  Dan.  xii.  10;  Rev. 
iii.  4,  5,  &c.).  Ass;  Colors;  Dress;  Leprosv; 
Linen  ;  Snow  ;  Stones  8. 

*  Wliore.    Harlot  ;  Idolatry  ;  Sodomite. 
Widow  (Wch.  almclnAh ;  Gr.  rhera).     Under  the 

Mosaic  dispensation  no  legal  provision  was  made 
for  the  maintenance  of  widows.  They  were  left  de- 
pendent partly  on  the  affection  of  relations,  espe- 
cially of  the  eldest  son,  whose  birthright,  or  extra 
share  of  the  property,  imposed  such  a  duty  upon 
him  (First-born  ;  Heir),  and  partly  on  the  privileges 
accorded  to  other  distressed  classes  (Alms  ;  Poor  ; 
Stranger),  such  as  a  participation  in  the  triennial 
third  tithe  (Deut.  xiv.  29,  xxvi.  12),  in  gleanino 
(xxiv.  19-21 ;  Corner),  and  in  religious  feasts  (xvi. 
11,  14;  Festivals).  Taking  a  widow's  garments  in 
pledge  was  specially  prohibited  (xxiv.  17;  compare 
Job  xxiv.  3).  The  widow  was  commended  to  the 
care  of  tlie  community  (Ex.  xxll.  22 ;  Deut.  xxvli. 
19 ;  Is.  i.  17 ;  Jer.  vii.  6,  xxii.  3;  Zech.  vii.  10),  and 
any  neglect  or  oppression  was  strongly  reprobated 
(Job  xxii.  9,  xxiv.  21 ;  Ps.  xciv.  0 ;  Is.  x.  2  ;  Ez.  xxii. 
7;  Mai.  ill.  5;  Mat.  xxlli.  14,  &c.). — With  regard  to 
the  remarriage  of  widows,  tlie  only  restriction  im- 
posed by  the  Mosaic  law  liad  reference  to  one  left 
childless,  whom  the  brother  of  the  deceased  husband 
was  to  marry  (Deut.  xxv.  5,  G ;  Mat.  xxii.  23-30 ; 
Marriage,  p.  605).  In  the  Apostolic  Church  the 
widows  were  sustained  at  the  public  expense,  the 
relief  being  daily  administered  in  kind,  under  the 
superintendence  of  officers  appointed  for  this  special 
purpose  (Acts  vi.  1-6).  Particular  directions  are 
given  by  St.  Paul  as  to  the  class  of  persons  entitled 
to  such  public  maintenance  (1  Tim.  v.  3-16).  These 
were  the  poor  and  friendless  (ver.  3-5,  16).  Out 
of  the  body  of  such  widows  a  certain  number  were 
to  be  enrolled  (A.  V.  "taken  into  the  number"), 
each  (1.)  not  under  sixty  years  of  age;  (2.)  having 
been  "  tlie  wife  of  one  man,"  probably  meaning  but 
oiire  married;  and  (3.)  having  led  a  useful  and 
charitiible  life  (ver.  9,  10).  Alford,  De  Wettc,  Lange, 
&c.,  favor  the  view  that  the  enrolled  widows  formed 
an  eeclesiasticnl  order,  having  duties  identical  with 
or  analogous  to  those  of  the  deaconesses  of  the 
early  Church.  (Deaconess.)  But  Mr.  Bevan,  origi- 
nal  author  of  this  article,  taking  the  passage  as  a 
whole,  concludes  that  the  main  condition  of  enrol- 


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WIP 


WIL 


merit  was  poverty,  and  its  primary  object  eleemosy- 
nary, simply  to  enibrce  a  more  uietliodical  adminis- 
tration of  tlie  Clmrcli  funds,  tliougli  the  order  of 
widows  might  easily  obtain  a  quasi-ollicial  position 
in  tlie  Church,  as  they  would  naturally  he  looked  up 
to  as  models  of  piety  to  their  sex,  and  would  belong 
to  the  class  whence  deaconesses  would  be  chiefly 
drawn.'     Women. 

UlfPt     Marriage;  Widow;  W^omen. 

Wild  Beast.     Beast. 

*  Wll'dor-ness.  Arabah  ;  Desert  ;  Wilderness 
op  the  Wandering  ;  Zin,  &c. 

WU'der-ness  of  the  Wan'der-lng.  The  evidence  in 
respect  to  many  of  tlie  localities  of  that  wilderness 
in  which  the  Israelites  wandered  for  forty  years,  is 
so  scanty  that  the  whole  subject  of  their  route  i.^ 
involved  in  much  obscurity.  The  fact  that  ftom 
"  Etiiam  in  the  edge  of  the  wilderness,"  their  path 
struck  across  the  Red  Sea  (Ex.  xiii.  20),  and  from 
the  sea  into  the  samb  wilderness  of  Etham,  seems  to 
indicate  the  upper  end  of  the  furthest  tongue  of  the 
Gulf  of  Suez  iis  the  point  of  crossing.  Tliere  seems 
reason  also  to  thiuk  that  this  gulf  had  then,  as  also 
at  Ezion-geber,  a  further  extension  northward  than 
at  present.  (Baal-zephon  ;  Exodus,  the  ;  Goshen  ; 
Migdol  1 ;  Pi-HAHiKOTH  ;  Red  Sea,  Passage  of.) — 
The  twin  gulfs  of  Suez  and  'Akaba/i,  into  which  the 
Red  Sea  separates,  embrace  the  Peninsula  on  its 
east  and  west  sides  respectively.  The  northern 
portion  of  the  whole  Peninsula  is  a  plateau  called 
el-Tih  {Ar.  —  the  wandering,  sc.  of  the  Israelites), 
bounded  S.  by  the  range  of  il-Tih,  which  extends 
somewhat  like  a  slack  cliaiu  from  Suez  on  the  W.  to 
some  sandstone  cliffs  on  the  E.,  which  shut  off  this 
region  from  theGulf  of  MA-«AoA.  The  northwestern 
member  of  tiiis  chain  converges  with  the  shore  of 
the  Gulf  of  Suez,  till  the  two  run  nearly  parallel. 
Its  eastern  member  throws  off  several  fragments  of 
long  and  short  ridges  toward  the  Gulf  of  'Ak-nbah 
and  the  northern  plateau  i/-7'«A.  The  greatest  ele- 
vation of  the  et-Tih  range  is  a  little  W.  of  long.  34", 
viz.  4,654  feet  above  the  Jlcditcrranean.  From  this 
point  the  watershed  of  the  plateau  runs  obliquely 
between  N'.  and  E.  toward  Hebron,  the  part  of  the 
plateau  W.  of  this  line  being  drained  by  the  great 

'  "J.  G.  M."  (in  article  "Widow,"  in  Kitto'p  Biti.  Cye., 
ed.  1866)  maintains  "thiit  hv  'widows  indeed'  (1  Tim.  v. 
8,  5, 16)  the  apostle  means  widows  by  the  decease  of  their 
husbands — widows  in  the  ordinary  way  common  to  all 
lands  and  ases;  and  that,  as  distinguished  from  these, 
he  intends  by  'widows'  (the  widows  of  b«']iovers)  to  de- 
note the  repiHliatefl  wives  of  converted  polyaeimist^y  He 
adds,  '•  Wlien  a  polygamlst,  eitlier  Jew  or  Gentile,  became 
a  Christian,  and  found  that  'one  wife'  was  tlie  law  of 
Christ's  house,  for  the  sake  of  a  podly  seed  (Mai.  ii.  IB), 
he  had  to  select  one  and  put  away  the  rest  of  his  two  or 
more  wives.  Ttie  niultiplicntion  of  disciples,  therefore, 
among  Jewish  or  Gentile  iiolvt-nmists  was  the  mnltiplica- 
tion  of  widows  ;  and  the  proper  cnrc  and  treatment  of 
puch  widows  was  the  first  perplexing  question  of  the 
Church,  occasioning  the  appointment  of  deacons  (Dea- 
con), and  grew  to  such  dimensions  by  the  conversion  of 
Gentile  polygjimists  and  the  consequent  incrensp  of  wid- 
ows by  divorce,  that  Pant  found  it  necessary  to  dispose  of 
the  question  forever  by  his  instructions  to  i  imcjthy."  He 
explains  1  Tim.  v.  10 — "  If  any  man  or  woman  that  be- 
lieveth  have  widows,  let  them  relieve  them,  mid  let  not 
the  Church  be  charged  ;  that  it  may  relieve  them  that  are 
widows  indeed" — by  reference  to*" a  converted  polyga- 
niist  in  Jamaica,  who,  on  his  conversion  repudiated  all 
his  wives  but  one,  and  provided  for  the  divorced  ones  ac- 
cordinir  to  his  ability.  .  .  .  Hcrewas  a  bclievini:  man  that 
had  widows,  whom  he  relieved.  .  .  .  When  such  a  man 
died,  the  obliLiition  to  relieve  the  surviving  '  widows'  de- 
scended witlThis  property:"  and  thus,  if  his  wife  (now  a 
"  widow  indeed  ").  or  a  believing  son  or  daughter  inher- 
ited, each  would  be  a  Iwlieving  man  or  woman  th.it  bad 
"  widows,"  and  was  under  obligation  to  provide  for  them. 
Divorce. 


WaJi/ cP Arish  along  a  gradual  slope  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean, and  consisting  of  limestone  covered  with 
coarse  gravel  interspersed  with  black  flints  and 
drift,  while  the  shorter  and  much  steeper  slope  east- 
ward is  drained  by  the  WaJi/s  Fikreh  and  el-Jeib  and 
el-Jeru/eh  into  the  Dead  Sea,  and  consists  of  a  flat 
ri.sing  here  and  there  in  heights  steep  on  one  side, 
eoniposied  of  white  chalk  with  frequent  lumps  of, 
flint  embedded.  Sand  is  rare  in  the  Peninsula,  ex- 
cept in  the  plain  or  broad  band  known  as  the  Deb- 
bet  er-Jiatnleh,  on  the  south  side  of  the  et-Tih  range." 
Of  sandstone  on  the  edges  of  the  granitic  central 
mass  tlicre  is  no  lack.  It  is  chiefly  found  ijetwecn 
the  chalk  and  limestone  of  el-'JVi  and  the  southern 
rocky  triangle  of  Sinai.  The  hat  dncssot  the  granite 
in  the  Jebcl  et-Tir  has  been  cm]iliatieally  noticed  by 
travellers. — As  to  the  sustenance  in  this  wilderness; 
of  the  2,000,000  to  3,000,000  Israelites  with  their : 
flocks  and  herds,  we  know  not  to  what  extent  the 
last  were  fed  with  the  manna  which  supported  the 
human  life,  and  tliere  is  no  doulit  that  the  vcgeta. 
tion  of  the  wadys  has  considerably  decreased  from 
the  violence  of  the  winter  torrents,  the  reckless  i 
waste  of  the  Bedouin  tribes  (who  have  of  late  years 
ruthlessly  destroyed  the  acacia-trees  for  charcoal), 
&c.  The  Wady  er-RAhah  (at  Sinai),  which  was  "  a 
vast  green  plain  "  in  the  sixteenth  century,  is  now 
entirely  bare.  Sectzen  gives  a  list  of  sixty-three 
places  as  a  proof  that  the  region  from  the  Ilijaz  to 
the  neighborhood  of  Damascus,  now  aiid  and  deso- 
late, was  once  extremely  populous.  The  gardens  at 
the  wells  of  Moses  (  Ayun  ilusa)  and  at  Mount 
Sinai  are  conspicuous  examples  of  successful  at- 
tempts to  produce  vegetation  in  this  desert.  There 
seems  to  be  no  deflcicncy  of  rain.  Human  foster- 
ing hands  might  extend  the  prospect  of  possible  re- 
sources from  the  present  "  transparent  coating  of 
vegetation  "  iu  the  wilderness  of  Sinai  to  a  point  as 
far  in  excess  of  present  facts  as  were  thfe  numbers 
of  the  Israelitish  host  above  the  6,000  Bedouins 
computed  now  to  form  the  population  of  the  desert. 
(Agriclltire.) — Assuming  the  passage  of  the  Red 
Sea  to  have  been  effected  at  some  spot  N.  of  the 
now  extreme  end  of  the  Gulf  of  Suez,  the  Israelites 
would  march  from  their  point  of  landing  a  little  to 
the  E.  of  S.  Here  they  were  in  the  wilderness  of 
Shur,  and  in  it  "  went  three  dajs  and  found  no  wa- 
ter." The  next  point  mentioned  is  Marah,  thought 
by  most  travellers  since  Burckhardt's  time  to  be 
Mjh  tl-Haicarah.  On  this  first  section  of  their 
desert-march,  Stanley  (Syria  and  Pahxline,  3^)  re- 
marks, "  There  can  be  no  dispute  as  to  the  general 
track  of  the  Israelites  after  the  passage  [of  the  Red 
Sea].  If  they  were  to  enter  the  mountains  at  all,  they 
must  continue  in  the  route  of  all  travellers,  between 
the  sea  and  the  table-land  of  the  Tih,  till  they  entered 
the  low  hills  of  Ghurundel.  Marah  must  either  be 
Hawdrah  or  Ghurundel."  He  adds  in  a  note,  "  Dr. 
Graul,  however,  was  told  ...  of  a  spring  near  Tih 
el-Amdra,  right  (i.  c.  south)  of  Havdruh,  so  bitter 
that  neither  men  nor  camels  could  drink  of  it. 
From  hence  the  road  goes  straight  to  Wady  Ghu- 
rundel." Seetzen  inclines  to  favor  the  identification 
of  el-Amdra  with  Marah.  It  seems  almost  certain, 
however,  that  llW»y  Ghurvndel — whether  it  be 
Marah,  as  Lepsius  and  (although  doubtfully)  Seetzen 
thought,  or  Elim  as  Niebuhr,  Robinson,  and  Kruse 
— must  have  lain  on  the  line  of  inarch,  and  furnished 
a  camping  station  (so  Mr.  Haymaii,  original  author 
of  this  article).  In  this  wady  Seetzen  found  more 
trees,  shrubs,  and  bnshes  than  anywhere  else  from 
Sinai  to  Suez.     The  scenery  in  this  region  becomes 


WIL 


AVIL 


11S5 


a  Buccessioti  of  watercourses;  and  tha  Wadi/  e<- 
Tuii/ibe/i(=  tlte good),  connected  with  G/mruutlel hy 
Usiil,  is  so  named  tVom  the  goodly  water  and  vege- 
tation wliich  it  contains.  These  three  wadya  en- 
compass on  three  sides  the  Jebel  Hummdtn  ;  the  sea, 


which  it  precipitously  overhangs,  being  on  the 
fourth.  There  seems  no  reason  why  all  tliree  sliould 
not  have  combined  to  form  Eiim,  or  at  any  rate,  as 
Stanley  suggests,  two  of  them.  Krom  Elim,  the  next 
stage  brought  the  people  again  lo  the  sea.   This  fact, 


.  ~  '-i-        •■ft'"  ■  •?.'.'=  i  .  ''.i-  S'  ' 


-§ 
«^' 


hn^' 


"       *jvr5'^  ?/  -sal    S  S, 


_i5 


ThU  Map  U  UbeD  from  Ayre'i  TVeuui^  0/  /Iifi7«  KwtwUAgt. 


and  the  water  supply,  and  consequent  great  fertility, 
enjoyed  by  Tur  on  the  coast  (lat.  28°  1 3' ),  would  make 
it  seem  probable  that  Tkr  was  the  locality  intended  ; 
but  as  it  lies  more  than  sevcniy  miles,  in  a  straight 
line,  from  the  nearest  probable  assignable  spot  for 
Elim,  such  a  distance  makes  it  a  highly  improbable 
75 


site  for  the  next  encampment.  The  account  in  Ex. 
xvi.  omits  this  encampment  by  the  sea,  and  brings 
the  host  at  onee  into  "  the  » ilderness  of  Sin."  This 
is  probably  the  alluvial  plain,  called  by  Stanley  the 
plain  of  MurkhAh,  wliich  lower  down  the  coast  ex- 
pands into  the  broadest  in  the  peninsula,  and  is  there 


1186 


WIL 


WIL 


called  d-Kd'a,  somewhere  in  tlie  still  northern  por- 
tion of  which  we  must  doubtless  plice  the  next 
stations,  Dophkaii  and  Ai.ush  (Xum.  xxxiii.  12-14). 
In  ttie  wilderness  of  Sin  occurred  tlie  first  murmur- 
ing for  food,  and  the  first  fall  of  manna.  If,  now, 
Rephidim  be  found  at  Feiriln,  it  becomes  almost 
eertaui  that  the  track  of  the  host  lay  to  the  N.  of 
Serbdl,  a  magnificent  five-penkcd  mountain,  which 
becomes  first  visible  at  the  plain  of  Mtirkhdh. 
(Sinai.)  FelrAn  must  have  been  gained  bj*  some 
road  striking  off  from  the  sea-coast,  like  the  llWy 
Mokalleb,  which  is  now  the  usual  route  from  Cairo 
thither,  perhaps  by  several  parallel  or  conveining 
lines.  Stanley  suggests  the  road  by  the  S.  of  Ser- 
bdl,  through  Wadt/  Hibrdn,  as  also  a  possible  route 
to  Sinai,  and  designates  it  "  the  southern  "  one.  The 
identification  of  Sinai  itself  will  probably  never  be 
free  from  obscurity,  though  Mr.  Hayman  thinks  that 
a  slight  preponderance  of  probability  rests  in  favor 
of  the  Jebet  Musa.' — The  sojourn  of  the  Israelites 
for  a  year  in  the  neighborhood  of  Mount  Sinai  em- 
braced the  memorable  events  connected  with  the 
receiving  of  the  two  Tables  (Ten  Commandments) 
and  the  institution  of  the  Law  of  Moses,  tlie  Golden 
Calf,  Moses'  vision  of  God  (Jehovah),  the  visit  of 
Jethro,  the  death  of  Nadab  and  Abihc,  &c.  The 
last  incident  mentioned  before  the  wilderness  of 
Sinai  was  quitted  for  that  of  Paran  is  the  intended 
departure  of  Hobab  the  Kenite,  which  it  seems  he 
abandoned  at  Moses'  urgency.  They  now  quitted 
the  Sinaitie  region  for  that  of  Paran,  in  which  they 
went  three  days  without  finding  a  permanent  en- 
campment (Num.  i.,  ix.  15-23,  x,  13,  33,  xi.  35,  xii. 
16).  Here  a  choice  of  two  main  routes  begins,  in 
order  to  cross  the  intervening  space  between  Sinai 
and  Canaan,  which  they  certainly  approached  in  tlie 
first  instance  on  the  southern,  and  not  on  the  eastern 
side.^  Taberah  and  Kibroth-iiattaavah  seem  to 
belong  to  the  same  encampment  where  Israel  abode 
for  at  least  a  month  (xi.  20),  being  names  given  to  it 
from  the  two  events  which  happened  there.  These 
stations  seem  from  Num.  x.  11-13,  33-.36,  to  have 
lain  in  the  wilderness  of  Paran  ;  Ijut  possibly  x.  11- 
13  should  come  after  33-36,  dnd  the  "three  days' 
journey"  of  verse  33  lie  still  in  tlie  wilderness  of 
Sinai ;  and  even  Taberah  and  Hazeroth,  reached  in 
xi.,  xii.,  also  there.  Hazeroth  is  coupled  with  Diza- 
HAB  =r  the  Dahab  on  the  shore  of  the  gulf  of  ''Aka- 
bah  (Dent.  i.).  This  makes  a  seaward  position  liltely 
for  Hazeroth,  which  is  probably  ^Ain  el-Hudliera. 
In  Hazeroth  the  people  tarried  seven  days,  if  not 
mora  (Num.  xi.  35,  xii.),  during  the  exclu.sion  of 
Miriam  from  the  camp  while  leprous.     The  next 

1  Mr.  Haymau  auajgests  that  this  loftiest  S.  E.  peak  may 
have  been  the  mount  to  which  Moses  retired,  leaving  tlie 
people  encamped  in  the  plahi  er-Rahah,  which  is  about 
three  miles  distant;  and  says,  "That  tlie  spot  is  out  of 
flight  from  that  plain  is  hardly  a  dilliculty,  for  •  Ihe  moun- 
tain burning  witli  fire  unto  the  midst  of  heaven  ^  was  wliat 
tlie  people  buw  (Deut.  iv.  11) ;  and  this  would  pive  a  rea- 
flonable  distance  for  the  spot,  somewhere  midway,  whence 
the  elders  enjoyed  a  partial  vision  of  God  (Ex.  xxiv.  9. 
10)."  Most,  however,  consider  the  plain  where  the  people 
stood  as  situated  at  tlie  base  of  Sinai  and  in  lull  view  of  it, 
and  hence  connect  Wady  er-Bahah  with  lim  Strfmfeh  (or 
Sasafeh),  Wady  es-Sebd'iyeh  (or  SebayeK)  \iii\i  Jebet  Musa, 
&c. 

'  Robinson  (i.  151,  &c.).  Porter  (in  Kitto).  &c.,  maintain 
that  the  route  of  the  Israelites  was  from  Wady  er-Rdhah 
at  tlie  foot  of  Sinai  nearly  N.  E.  to  Ihe  coast  of  tlie  Gulf 
of  "Akabah.  and  so  alons  the  coast  to  ''Akahah.  thence 
through  the  Warly  d-  Arahah  to  his  Kadesh  {" Ain  el-  Wei- 
beh).  Rev.  J.  Rowlands  (in  Fairbnini.  and  so  Stanley,  In 
part)  advocates  a  route  passing  nearly  N.  from  el-'Atn 
(about  twenty  miles  W.  from  the  Gulf  in  latitude  29°)  over 
the  desert  el-Tili  to  his  Kadesh  (Vlin  Kadeis). 


permanent  encampment  brought  them  into  the  wil- 
derness  of  Paran,  and  here  the  greatest  difficulties 
begin.  These  dillieulties  resolve  themselves  into 
two  main  questions.  Did  Israel  visit  Kadesh  once, 
or  twice?  And  where  is  it  now  to  be  looked  for? 
We  read  in  Num.  x.  11,  12,  that  "on  the  twentietli 
day  of  the  second  month  of  the  second  year  .... 
the  cliildren  of  Israel  took  their  journeys  out  of  the 
wilderness  of  Sinai,  and  the  cloud  reded  in  Ihenilder- 
uess  of  Paran."  The  latter  statement  is  probably 
to  be  viewed  as  made  by  anticipation ;  as  we  find 
that,  after  quittnig  Kibroth-hattaavah  and  Hazeroth, 
"  the  people  pitched  in  the  wilderness  of  Paran  " 
(Num.  xii.  16).  Here  the  grand  pause  was  made 
while  the  spies,  "sent,"  it  is  again  impressed  upon 
us  (xiii.  3),  "  from  the  wilderness  of  Paran,"  searched 
the  land  for  "  forty  days,"  and  returned  "  to  Moses 
and  to  Aaron,  and  to  all  the  congregation  .  .  .  uiilo 
(lie  mlderiiess  of  Paran  to  Kadesh."  Tliis  is  tlie  first 
mention  of  Kadesh  in  the  narrative  of  the  Wander- 
ings (verses  25,  26).  "  Kadesh  "  proljably  =  (1.) 
a  region  of  the  desert  spoken  of  as  having  a  relation, 
sometimes  with  the  wilderness  of  Paran,  and  some- 
times with  that  of  Zin  (comp.  verses  21,  26);  and 
(2.)  a  distinct  city  within  that  desert  limit.  Now,  all 
the  conditions  of  the  narrative  of  the  departure  and 
return  of  the  spies,  and  of  the  eonsequent  despond- 
ency, murmuring,  and  penal  sentence,  6f  vvandering, 
will  be  satisfied  liy  supposing  that  "  Kadesh  "  here 
means  the  region  merely.  It  has  been  proposed  un- 
der Kadesh  to  regard  part  of  the  'Arabah,  including 
all  the  low  ground  at  the  southern  and  southwestern 
extremity  of^  the  Dead  Sea,  as  the  wilderness  of  Zi.N. 
Then  the  broad  lower  plateau  N.  of  the  et-Tih  range, 
including  both  its  slopes  (viz.  the  more  gradual  one 
whose  waters  are  drained  by  the  iVadi/  el-Arhii  to- 
ward the  Mediterranean  on  the  N.  W.,  and  tlie  mucti 
steeper  one  whose  waters  pass  through  the  Wadjis 
el-Fikreh,  el-,Tcib,  and  el-Jer&feh,  into  the  Dead  Sea), 
will  be  defined  as  the  Paran  wilderness  proper.  If 
we  assume  the  higher  superimposed  plateau  to  bear 
the  name  of  "  Kadesh  "  as  a  desert  district,  and  its 
I  southwestern  mountain-wall  to  be  "  the  Mountain 
i  OF  THE  Amorhes,"  then  the  Paran  wilderness,  so  far 
i  as  synonymous  with  Kadesh,  will  mean  most  natu- 
I  rally  the  region  where  that  mountain-wall  from  Jebel 
I  ^Ardif  en-Ndkah  to  Jebel  Jfiikhrdh,  and  perhaps 
,  thence  northward  along  the  other  side  of  the  angle 
[  of  the  highest  plateau,  overhangs  the  lower  terrace 
;  of  the  Tih.  The  spies'  return  to  "  the  wilderness 
j  of  Paran  lo  Kadesh"  means  to  that  part  of  the 
I  lower  plateau  where  it  is  adjacent  to  the  higher,  and 
probably  the  eastern  side  of  it.  The  expression 
"from  kadesh-barnea  even  unto  Gaza,"  is  decisive 
of  an  eastern  site  for  the  fonner(Josh.  X.  41).  Here, 
as  is  plain  both  from  Nam.  xiv.  40-45  and  from  Deut. 
i.  41-44,  followed  the  wayward  attempt  of  the  host 
to  win  their  way,  in  spite  of  the  sentence  of  prohi- 
bition, to  the  "hill"  or  "mountain"  of  the  Amalek- 
ites,  and  Canaanites,  or  Amorites,  and  their  humil- 
iating defeat.  They  were  repelled  in  trying  to  force 
the  pass  at  Hormah  (or  Zephath,  Judg.  i.  14),  and 
the  region  of  this  defeat  is  called  SEiii. — Here,  then, 
the  penal  portion  of  the  wanderings  commences,  and 
the  great  bulk  of  it,  comprising  nearly  thirty-eight 
years,  passes  over  between  this  defeat  in  Num.  xiv., 
and  the  resumption  of  local  notices  in  Num.  xx., 
where  again  the  names  of  "  Zin  "  and  "  Kadesh  "  are 
the  first  that  meet  us.  We  gather  from  Deut.  i.  46, 
that  the  greater  part,  perhaps  the  whole,  of  this 
period  of  nearly  thirty-eight  years,  if  so  we  may  in- 
terpret the  "  many  days  "  there  spoken  of,  was  passed 


WIL 


WIL 


1187 


in  Kadesh,  i.  c.  the  region,  not  the  eity.  Bat  Num. 
XX.  1  brings  us  to  a  new  point  of  departure.  The 
people  have  grown  old,  or  rather  again  young,  in 
their  wanderings.  Here,  then,  we  are  at  "  the  desert 
of  Zin,  in  the  first  month,"  with  the  "  people  abiding 
in  Kadesh."  By  the  sequel,  "  Miriam  died  t/iere,  and 
was  buried  there"  a  more  precise  definition  of  locality 
now  seems  intended ;  which  is  further  confirme<l  by 
the  subsequent  message  from  the  same  place  to  the 
king  of  Edom,  "  Behold,  we  are  in  Kadesh,  a  ci(y  in 
the  uttermost  of  thy  border"  (Num.  xx.  16).  This, 
then,  must  be  supposed  to  coincide  with  the  encamp- 
ment, recorded  as  taking  place  "in  the  wilderness 
of  Zin,  which  is  Kadesh,"  registered  in  the  itinerary 
(xxxiii.  3(3).  We  see  then  why,  in  that  register  of 
specific  camping-spots,  there  was  no  necessity  for 
any  previous  mention  of  "  Kadesh ; "  because  the 
e:irlier  notice  in  the  narrative,  where  that  name  oc- 


I  curs,  introduces  it  not  as  an  individual  encampment; 
j  but  only  as  a  region,  within  which  perpetual  changes 
I  of  encampment  went  on  for  tlie  greater  part  of 
thirty-eight  years.  We  also  see  that  they  came- 
twice  to  Kadesh  the  region,  if  the  city  Kadesh  lay 
in  it,  and  once  to  Kadesh  the  city  ;  but  once  only  to 
Kadesh  the  region,  if  the  city  lay  without  it.  We 
are  not  told  how  the  Israelites  came  into  possession 
of  the  city  Kadesh,  nor  who  were  its  previous  occu- 
pants. The  itinerary  takes  here  another  stride  from 
Kadesh  to  Mount  Hon,  wliere  Aaro.n  was  buried. 
In  Deut.  X.  6,  7,  is  a  short  list  of  names  of  localities, 
on  comparing  which  with  the  portion  of  the  itin- 
erary in  which  corresponding  names  occur,  we  get  ' 
some  clew  to  the  line  of  niarcli  from  the  region  Ka- 
desh to  Ezion-geber  southward.  Their  order  is, 
however,  slightly  changed,  standing  in  the  two  pas- 
sages as  follows : — 


Conjectural  Site. 
(0.1  'Ain  Hw<h,  N.  W.  in  the  ' Arabah. 
(1.)  Kiixtuibeh,  mouth  of  tlie  Wady  Abu, 

near  the  foot  of  Mount  Hor. 
(2.)  ''Ain  QhitrutifM. 
(.?.!  Wadi/el-Ghudhaffidh. 
(4.)  Conriuenceof  Wddy  el-'  Adhbeh  ytWh 

d-Jer^feh. 


Num.  xxxiii.  80-35. 
(a.)  <IIasiimonau). 

(1.)    MoSEKOTU. 

(2.)  Bevejaakah. 

(3.)    tloK-HAOlOOAD. 

(4.)  jotbatuau. 
(Ebkonah). 
(ezion'ocbeb). 


Dedt.  X.  6,  7. 

(1.)    BEBROTU  OP  THE  CHILDBEN 

OP  Jaakan. 

(2.)   MOSEHA. 
(3.)  GUDOODAH. 
(4.)  JOTBATH. 


Now,  in  Num.  xx.  14,  16,  22-29,  the  narrative  con- 
ducts us  from  Kddesh  the  eitij,  reached  in  or  shortly 
before  "  the  fortieth  year,"  to  Mount  Hor,  where 
Aaron  died,  n  portion  of  whkh  route  is  accordingly 
that  given  in  Deut.  x.  6,  7  ;  whereas  the  parallel 
column  from  Num.  xxxiii.  gives  substantially  the 
tame  route  as  pursued  in  the  early  part  of  tlie  penal 
wandering,  when  fulfilling  the  command  given  in  the 
region  Kadesh,  "turn  you,  get  you  into  the  wilder- 
ness by  the  way  of  the  Red  Sea"  (Num.  xiv.  25  ; 
Deut.  i.  40),  which  command  we  further  learn  from 
Deut.  ii.  1  was  strictly  acted  on,  and  which  a  march 
toward  Ezion-geber  would  exactly  fulfil.  (Deutkr- 
o.NOMV,  B,  I.  5.) — The  mountains  on  the  W.  of  the 
^Arahah  must  have  been  always  poor  in  water,  and 
form  a  dreary  contrast  to  the  rich  springs  of  the 
eastern  side  in  Mount  Seir.  From  the  clilf  front  of 
this  last,  Mount  Hor  stands  out  prominently.  HoR- 
iiAuiDOAD,  or  Gudgodah,  possibly  =  WnJi/  el-Ohud- 
hlgh'ulk,  which  has  a  confluence  with  the  Wiulii el- 
Jerifeh,  the  latter  running  into  the  ' Arahah  on  the 
W.  side.  JoTBATii,  or  Jotbatha,  described  as  "  a  land 
of  rivers  of  waters"  (Deut.  x.  7),  may  stand  for  any 
confluence  of  wadys  in  sulTicient  force  to  justify  that 
character,  but  should  certainly  be  in  the  southern 
portion  of  the  'Arabah,  or  a  little  to  the  W.  of  the 
game. — The  probabilities  of  the  whole  march  from 
Sinai,  then,  seem  to  stand  as  follows :  they  proceeded 
toward  the  N.  E.  to  the  'Ainel-HudheralUAZKRom), 
unJ  thence  quitted  the  maritime  region,  striking  di- 
rectly northward  to  el-' Ain,  and  thence  by  a  route 
wholly  unknown,  perhaps  a  little  to  the  E.  of  N. 
acro.^s  the  lower  eastern  spurs  of  the  el-Tih  range, 
descending  the  upper  course  of  the  Wadfi  el-Jer&feh, 
until  the  southeastern  angle  of  the  higher  plateau 
confronted  them  at  the  Jehet  d-Mukhrah.  Hence, 
after  dispatching  the  spies,  they  moved  perhaps  into 
the  '  Ariibah,  or  along  its  western  overhanging  hills, 
to  meet  their  return.  Then  followed  the  disastrous 
attempt  at  or  near  esSu/Ah  (Zepiiath),  and  the 
penal  wandering  in  the  wilderness  of  Kadesh,  with  a 
track  wholly  undetermined,  save  in  the  last  half- 
dozen  stations  to  Ezion-geber  inclusively,  as  shown 
above.  They  then  marched  on  Kadesh,  the  city, 
probably  up  the  'Arabah  by  these  same  stations, 


took  it,  and  sent  from  there  the  message  to  Edom. 
The  refusal  with  which  it  was  met  forced  them  to 
retrace. the  'Arabah  once  more,  and  meanwhile  Aaron 
di?d.  Thus  tlie  same  stations  (Deut.  x.  0,  7)  were 
passed  again,  with  the  slight  variation  just  noticed, 
probably  caused  by  the  command  to  resort  to  Mount 
Hor  which  that  death  occasioned.  Tlience,  after 
re:iching 'JXyiAoA, and  turning  northeastw.rd,  they 
passed  by  a  nearly  straight  line  toward  the  eastern 
border  of  Moab. — Of  the  stations  in  the  list  of  Num. 
xxxiii.  19-28  (Uithmaii  ;  Rimmon-parez  ;  Lidnah  2  ; 
RissAn ;  KtiiiELATHAii ;  Siiapher,  Mount;  Hara- 
DAit ;  Makiieloth;  Tahath  ;  Tarah  ;  Mitiicaii) 
nothing  is  known,  though  Mithcah  and  the  few  pre- 
ceding it  probably  belong  to  the  wilderness  of  Ka- 
desh. After  the  burial  of  Aaron,  the  refusal  of 
Edom  to  permit  Israel  to  "  pass  through  his  border  " 
made  it  necessary  for  the  people  to  "  compass  the 
land  of  Edom  "(xxi.  4),  when  they  were  much  "dis- 
couraged on  account  of  the  way,"  and  the  con- 
sequent murmuring  was  rebuked  by  the  visitation 
of  the  "  fiery  serpents  "  (ver.  5,  6).  There  is  near 
Elatu  a  promontory  known  as  the  A'««  Uin  Haye, 
"  the  mother  of  serpents,"  which  seem  to  abound  in 
the  region  adjacent ;  and,  if  we  may  su|)posc  this 
the  scene  of  that  judgment,  the  event  would  be 
thus  connected  with  the  line  of  march,  rounding 
the  southern  border  of  Mount  Seir,  whence  "  turn- 
ing northward,"  having  "compassed  that  mountain 
(Mount  St'ir)  long  enough,"  they  "  pa3.sed  by  the 
way  of  the  wilderness  of  Moab"  (Deut.  ii.  3,  8). 
Some  permanent  encampment,  perhaps  atZALsiONAn 
(Num.  xxxiii.  41,  42),  seems  here  to  have  t;iken 
place,  to  judge  from  the  urgent  expression  of  Moses 
to  the  people  in  Deut.  ii.  13:  "  Now  rise  u(),  said  I, 
and  get  you  over  the  brook  ZtiiEn,"  which  lay 
further  N.  a  little  E.,  probably  the  Wady  el-Ahsy. 
The  delay  caused  by  the  plague  of  serpents  mxy 
account  for  this  apparent  urgency,  which  would  on 
this  view  have  taken  place  at  Zalmonah ;  and  as  we 
have  connected  the  scene  of  that  plague  with  the 
neighborlioml  of  Elath,  so,  if  we  suppose  Zalmonah 
to  liave  lain  in  the  Wadi/  el-Ithm,  which  has  its  junc- 
tion with  tlic  'Ara/iah  close  to  'Akabah,  the  modern 
site  of  Elath,  this  will  harmonize  the  various  indi- 


1188 


wa 


WIN 


cations,  and  form  a  suitable  point  of  departure  for 
the  last  stage  of  the  wandering,  which  ends  at  the 
brook  Zered  (Deut.  ii.  14).  Three  stations,  Punon, 
Oboth,  and  Ije-abarim,  were  passed  between  this 
locality  and  the  broolt  or  valley  of  Zered  (Num.  xxi. 
10-12,  compare  xxxiii.  43,  44),  this  last  name,  with 
"  the  brooks  of  Arnon,"  Beer,  Mattanah,  Naha- 
LiEL,  and  Bamoth,  being  in  Num.  x,\i.  14-20,  but 
not  in  xxxiii. ;  but  the  interval  between  Ije-abarim 
and  Nebo,  which  last  corresponds  probably  (Deut. 
xxxiv.  1)  with  the  Pisgah  of  Num.  xxi.  20,  is  filled 
by  two  stations  merely,  Dibon-gao  and  Almon- 
diblathaim,  whence  we  may  infer  that  in  these 
two  only  were  permanent  halts  made.  In  this  stage 
of  their  progress  occurred  the  "  digging "  of  the 
"well"  by  "the  princes,"  the  victories  over  Sihok 
and  Oo,  the  episodes  of  Balaam  and  Phinehas,  and 
the  final  numbering  of  the  people,  followed  by  the 
chastisement  of  the  MiDiANiTES(Num.  xxi.  17,  xxii.- 
xxvi.,  xxxi.  1-12 ;  compare  Deut.  ii.  24-37,  iii.  1- 
17).  Several  names  of  places,  which  are  identical 
with  some  herein  considered,  occur  in  Deut.  i.  1, 
where  Moses  is  said  to  have  spoken  "  on  this  (i.  e. 
E.)  side  Jordan  in  the  wilderness,  in  the  plain  over 
against  the  Red  Sea,  between  Paban  and  Topiiel, 
and  Laban  and  IIazeroth  and  Dizauab."  Paran 
here  i?  perhaps  the  El-paran  to  which  Chedorlaomcr 
came  in  Gen.  xiv.  6,  and  probably  Tophel  is  the 
well-known  Tufileh  to  the  N.  N.  E.  of  Petra ;  and 
similarly  the  Red  Sea,  "  over  against "  which  it  is 
spoken  of  as  lying,  is  defined  by  Dizahab  on  its 
coast,  and  Hazeroth  near  the  same.  The  introduc- 
tion of  "  Laban  "  is  less  clear.  Arabia  ;  Old  T&s- 
TAMENi  B;  Palestine,  Botami,  Zoology,  Climate, 
&c. ;  Parched  ;  Sea,  the  Salt,  &c. 

WH'lows  (Heb.  'urdbim  )  are  mentioned  in  Lev. 
xxiii.  40,  as  used  for  making  booths  at  the  Feast  of 
Tabernacles  ;  in  Job  xl.  22  as  giving  shade  to  behe- 
moth ;  in  Is.  xliv.  4  in  illustration  of  the  springing 


WeepiDg  Willow  or  **  Willow  of  Babyloa  "  {Salix  Dabyloniea) — (Fljn.) 


up  of  Israel's  offspring.  The  tree  upon  which  the 
captive  Israelites  hung  their  harps  (Ps.  cxxxvii.  2) 
was  undoubtedly  (so  Mr.  Houghton,  kc.)  the  weep- 
ing willow  (Salix  Babtilonica),  which  grows  abun- 
dantly on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates,  in  other  parts 
of  Asia  as  in  Palestine,  and  in  Northern  Africa.  Spren- 
gel  seems  to  restrict  the  Hebrew  word  to  the  weep- 
ing willow  ;  but  there  can  scarcely  be  a  doubt  that 
the  term  is  generic,  and  includes  other  species  of 
the  large  family  of  willows,  which  is  probably  well 
represented  in  Palestine  and  the  Bible  lauds,  as  the 
white  willow  (Salix  alba),  osier  (Salix  viminalis), 
Egyptian  willow  (Salix  JUgi/pliaca),  which  latter 
plant  Sprengel  identifies  with  the  Ar.  mfsaf,  prob- 
ably =  the  lleb.  tsaph-UAjMh{A.Y.  "willow")  of 
Ez.  xvii.  5. 

Willows,  the  Brook  of  the  (Heb.  nahal[0T  9iarhat] 
hd'ardOim),  a  wady  mentioned  (It.  xv.  7)  as  one  of 
the  boundaries  of  Moab — probably,  as  Gesenius  ob- 
serves, the  southern  one ;  possibly  =  a  wady  men- 
tioned in  Am.  vL  14  (A.  V.  "  the  river  of  the  wil- 
derness") as  the  then  recognized  southern  limit  of 
the  northern  kingdom,  the  Hebrew  word  being  the 
same  here  for  "  brook  "  in  Isaiah,  and  "  river  "  in 
Amos,  while  that  translated  "  wilderness  "  in  Amos 
is  hd-'Ardlidh  (Arabah),  elsewhere  almost  exclu- 
sively —  the  Valley  of  the  Jordan,  the  O/ior  of  mod- 
ern Arabs.  Mr.  Grove,  with  Ewald,  Hitzig,  &c.,  re- 
gards the  Heb.  \'irdbim.  in  Isaiah  as  =  deserts  (pi. 
of  Arabah);  the  A.  V.  margin,  with  the  LXX., 
Syr.,  and  Ar.,  translates  it  "  Arabians  ; "  while  the 
Vulgate,  Luther,  Gesenius,  Pusey,  J.  A.  Alexander, 
A.  v.,  &c.,  render  it  "  willows."  Most  consider  the 
IF«(/v  el-Almi  (Zered  ?)  as  intended  in  one,  if  not 
in  both,  of  tlie  above  passages,  though  Mr.  Grove 
remarks  that  the  name  HWy  Safsdf,  "  Willow 
Wady,"  is  still  attached  to  a  part  of  the  main 
branch  of  the  ravine  which  descends  from  Kcrak  to 
the  northern  end  of  the  peninsula  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
and  that  cither  of  these  positions  would  agree  wi^l^, 
the  requirements  of  either  passage.  , , ; 

Wills.  Under  a  system  of  close  inheritance 
(Heir),  like  that  of  the  Jews,  the  scope  for  bequest 
in  respect  of  land  was  limited  by  the  right  of  re- 
demption and  general  reentry  in  the  Jubilee  year. 
But  the  Law  does  not  forbid  bequests  by  will  of  such 
limited  interest  in  land  as  was  consistent  with  those 
rights.  (Vows.)  The  case  of  houses  in  walled 
towns  was  different,  and  they  must  have  frequently 
been  bequeathed  by  will  (Lev.  xxv.  30),  Two  in- 
stances are  recorded  in  the  0.  T.,  under  the  Law, 
of  testamentary  disposition,  (1.)  effected  in  the  case 
of  Ahithophel  (2  Sam.  xvii.  23),  (2.)  recommended 
in  the  case  of  Hezekiah  (2  K.  xx.  1  ;  Is.  xxxviii.  1). 

Wim'ple,  an  old  English  word  for  hood  or  veil, 
representing  the  Heb.  mitpahalh  or  mitpachath  in  Is. 
iii.  22.  The  Hebrew  word  signifies  rather  a  kind  of 
•shawl  or  mantle.     Dress,  p.  235.  ,m 

Wind  (Heb.  ruah  or  ruaeh  ;  Gr.  anemo$,  fmeuman 
pnoi).  That  the  Hebrews  recognized  four  prevail- 
ing winds  as  issuing,  broadly  speaking,  from  the 
four  cardinal  points,  north,  socth,  east,  and  west, 
I  may  be  inferred  from  their  using  the  "  four  winds  " 
as  =  the  "  four  quarters "  of  the  hemisphere  (Ez. 
xxxvii.  9;  Dan.  viii.  8;  Zcch.  ii.  6;  Mat.  xxiv.  31  ; 
compare  Jer.  xlix.  36).  The  N.  wind,  or,  as  it  was 
usually  called,  "  the  North,"  was  naturally  the  cold- 
est of  the  four  (Ecclus.  xliii.  20),  and  its  presence 
is  hence  invoked  as  favorable  to  vegetation  in  Caut. 
iv.  16.  It  is  described  in  Piov.  xxv.  23 (margin)  as 
bringing  rain  ;  in  this  case  we  must  understand  the 
N.  W.   wind.     The  N.  W.  wind  prevails  from  the 


WIN 


iiviy 


1189 


autumnal  equinox  to  the  beginning  of  November, 
and  tlie  N.  wind  Crom  June  to  tiie  e(|Hinox.  The  E. 
wind  crosses  the  sandy  wastes  of  the  Arabian  Desert 
before  reaching  Palestine,  and  was  hence  termed 
"  the  wind  of  the  wilderness"  (Job  i.  19;  Jer.  xiii. 
24).  It  blows  with  violence,  and  is  hence  supposed 
to  be  =  any  violent  wind  (Job  xxvii.  21,  xxxviii.  24; 
Pi.  xlviii.  7;  Is.  xxvii,  8;  Ez.  xxvii.  26).  Probably 
in  this  sense  it  is  used  in  Ex.  xiv.  21.  The  Greek 
translators  appear  to  hjvc  felt  the  dilHculty  of  ren- 
dering the  Heb.  kdJim  ("East  wind")  in  Gen.  xll. 
6,  23,  27,  because  the  panhing  effects  of  the  E. 
wind,  with  which  the  inhabitants  of  Palestine  are 
familiar,  are  not  attributable  to  that  wind  in  Egypt, 
but  cither  to  the  S.  wind,  called  in  that  country  the 
khamdaeen,  or  to  that  known  as  the  mmoom,  which 
comes  from  the  S.  E.  or  S.  S.  E.  (BLASTtNO ; 
PLAorfs,  THE  Ten.)  In  Palestine  the  E.  wind  pre- 
vails from  February  to  June.  The  S.  wind,  which 
traverses  the  Arabian  peninsula  before  reaching 
Palestine,  must  necessarily  be  extremely  hot  (Job 
xxxvii.  17 ;  Lk.  xii.  55).  In  Egypt  the  S.  wind 
(khaindven)  prevails  in  the  spring,  a  portion  of 
which  in  April  and  May  is  hence  termed  el-khamd- 
teett.  The  VV.  and  S.  W.  winds  reach  Palestine 
loaded  with  moisture  gathered  from  the  Mediter- 
ranean, and  are  termed  by  the  Arabs  "  the  fathers 
of  the  UAix."  Westerly  winds  prevail  in  Palestine 
from  November  to  February.  The  Sea  of  Genncs- 
aret  was  liable  to  local  squalls  (Mk.  iv.  37 ;  Lk.  viii. 
28).  Thomson  (i.  337)  mentions  a  fierce  wind  which 
in  the  plain  of  Ijon,  December  28,  chilled  ten  men 
and  eighty-five  cattle  to  death  in  a  few  minutes. 
(Am  ;  Elrocltoon  ;  WHiRLWisn.)  The  winds  are 
often  spoken  of  metaphorically ;  the  E.  wind  was  the 
symbol  of  nothingness  (Job  xv.  2;  Hos.  xii.  1),  of 
the  wasting  by  war  (Jer.  xviii.  17),  and  of  the  effects 
of  Divine  vengeance  (Is.  xxvii.  8),  in  which  sense, 
however,  general  references  to  violent  wind  are  also 
employed(Ps.  ciii.  16;  Is.  Ixiv.  6;  Jer.  iv.  11).  The 
wind  is  an  image  of  traneitoriness  (Job  vii.  7 ;  Ps. 
Ixxviii.  39),  a  witness  of  the  Creator's  power  (Job 
xxviii.  25 ;  Ps.  cxxxv.  7 ;  Prov.  xix.  4  ;  Eccl.  xi.  5 ; 
Jer.  X.  13;  Am.  iv.  13),  and  a  representative  of  the 
operations  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (Jn.  iil.  8 ;  Acts  ii.  2  ; 
SpiitiT). 

Window  (Heb.  hallon  or  challun ;  Chal.  eav  ;  Gr. 
Ihurh).  The  window  of  an  Oriental  housk  consists 
generally  of  an  aperture  closed  in  with  lattice-work, 
named  in  Ilcb.  liruhbdh  (Eccl.  xii.  3,  A.  V.  "  win- 
dow ; "  Hos.  xiii.  3,  A.  V.  "  chimney  "),  hUraccim  or 
ehSraccim  (Cant.  ii.  9),  and  eshndb  ( Judg.  v.  28 ;  Prov. 
vii.  6,  A.  V.  "casement").  (Lattice.)  Glass  has 
been  introduced  into  Egypt  in  modern  times  as  a 
protection  against  the  cold  of  winter,  but  lattice- 
work is  still  the  usual,  and  with  tlie  poor  the  only, 
contrivance  for  closing  the  window.  The  windows 
generally  look  into  the  inner  court  of  the  house, 
but  in  every  house  one  or  more  look  into  the  street. 
For  the  "  window  "  in  the  Ark,  see  Noah,  p.  788. 

Winr.  The  manufacture  of  wine  is  carried  back 
in  the  Bible  to  the  age  of  Noah  (Gen.  ix.  20,  21), 
to  whom  the  discovery  of  the  process  is  apparently, 
though  not  explicitly,  attributed.  For  the  natural 
history  and  culture  of  the  vine,  see  Vine.  The  only 
other  plant  whose  fruit  is  noticed  as  converted  into 
wine  was  the  pomeoranate  (Cant.  viii.  2).  In  Pales- 
tine the  vintage  takes  place  in  September,  and  is 
celebrated  with  great  rejoicings.  The  ripe  fruit 
was  gathered  in  baskets  (Jer.  vi.  9),  and  carried  to  the 
wine-pbess.  It  was  then  placed  in  the  upper  one  of 
the  two  vats  of  the  wine-press,  and  was  subjected 


to  the  process  of  "  treading,"  which  has  prevailed 
in  all  ages  in  Oriental  and  South-European  countries 
(Neh.  xiii.  15;  Job  xxiv.  11  ;  Is.  xvi.  10;  Jer.  xxv. 
30,  .xlviii.  33  ;  Am.  ix.  13  ;  Rev.  xix.  15).  A  certain 
amount  of  juice  exuded  from  the  ripe  fruit  from  its 
own  pressure  before  the  treading  commenced.  This 
appears  to  have  been  kept  separate  from  the  rest 
of  the  juice,  and  to  have  formed  the  sweet  ichie  (Gr. 
gleukm,  A.  V.  "  new  wine  ")  noticed  in  Acts  ii.  13. 
The  "  treading  "  was  by  one  or  more  men,  accord- 
ing to  the  size  of  the  vat.  They  encouraged  one 
another  by  shouts  and  cries  (Is.  xvi.  9, 10 ;  Jer.  xxv. 
30,  xlviii.  33).  Their  legs  and  garments  were  dyed 
red  with  the  juice  (Gen.  xlix.  11;  Is.  Ixiii,  2,  3). 
The  expressed  juice  escaped  by  an  aperture  into 
the  lower  vat,  or  was  at  once  collected  in  vessels. 
A  hand-press  was  occasionally  used  in  Egypt,  but 
we  have  no  notice  of  such  an  instrument  in  the 
Bible.  The  wine  was  sometimes  preserved  in  its 
unlermented  state,  and  drunk  as  must,  but  more 
generally  it  was  bottled  off  after  fermentation,  and, 
if  it  were  designed  to  be  kept  for  some  time,  a  cer- 
tain amount  of  lees  was  added  to  give  it  body  (Is. 
xxv.  6).  The  wine  consequently  required  to  be  "re- 
fined "  or  strained  previously  to  being  brought  to 
table  (xxv.  6). — The  produce  of  the  wine-press  was 
described  in  Hebrew  by  a  variety  of  terms,  indica- 


EgTptiaD  Wine-preM,  from  Wilkinson. 

tive  either  of  the  quality  or  of  the  use  of  the  liquid. 
The  most  general  Heb.  term  for  "  wine  "  is  yai/in 
(probably  from  a  root  signifying  to  boil  up,  to  fer- 
ment,  Ges.),  which  is  undoubtedly  connected  with  the 
Gr.  oinoK,  the  L.  vinum,  and  our  "  wine."  The  Heb. 
lironh  (A.  V.  "  wine,"  "  new  wine,"  once  "  sweet 
wine  ")  is  referred  to  the  root  ydrash  ■=  to  get  poa- 
seiaioti  of,  and  is  applied,  according  to  Gcscnius,  to 
wine  from  its  inebriating  qualities,  whereby  it  ffeta 
pot»e*»ionof  the  brain ;  but,  according  to  By  timer,  to 
the  vine  as  a  posseasion  in  the  eyes  of  the  Hebrews. 
Both  yayin  and  iiroth  are  occasionally  connected 
with  expressions  that  would  apply  properly  to  a  fruit ; 
e.  g.  the  former  (A.  V.  "  wine  ")  with  verbs  of  gath- 
eriuit  (Jer.  xl.  10,  12)  and,i7roiOT'»(7(Ps.  civ.  14,  15); 
the  latter  with  gathering (l».  Ixii.  9,  A.  V.  "brought 
it  together,"  viz.  "  thy  wine,"  comp.  ver.  8),  tread- 
ing (iixc,  vi.  15,  A.  V.  "sweet  wine"),  wi'Mfr/ni/ (Is. 
xxiv.  7,  A.  V.  "  the  new  wine  mourneth  ; "  Joel  i. 
10,  A.  V.  "the  new  wine  is  dried  up"),  Jituiing  "in 
the  cluster"  of  the  grapes  (Is.  Ixv,  8,  A.  V.  "new 
wine").  There  is,  however,  in  most,  if  not  all,  the 
passages  where  these  and  similar  expressions  occur, 
something  to  denote  that  the  fruit  is  regarded  not 
simply  as  fruit,  but  as  the  raw  material  out  of  which 


1190 


WBf 


WIS 


wine  i.s  manufactured.  Tlic  question  whether  cither 
of  the  above  terms  ordiuiuily  signified  a  solid  sub- 
stance, would  be  settled  by  the  manner  in  which 
they  were  consumed.  We  are  not  aware  of  a. single 
passage  which  couples  i/ayhi.  with  the  act  of  eating ' 
(so  Mr.  Bcvan,  original  author  of  this  article).  In 
the  only  passage  where  the  act  of  consuming  tirosh 
alone  is  noticed  (Is.  l.xii.  8  [A.  V.  "  shall  not  drink 
thy  wine  "J,  !)[" shall  drink  it"]),  the  Hebrew  verb 
is  shcUhdh,  which  constantly  indicates  the  act  of 
drinkin<)  (e.  g.  Gen.  ix.  21,  xxiv.  14,  18,  19,  22;  Ex. 
vii.  18,' 21,  24;  Ru.  ii.  9;  1  Sam.  xxx.  12,  16;  Job 
i.  4,  &c.).  To  the  argument  that  tirdnh  is  generally 
connected  with  "corn"  (Gen.  xxvii.  28,  37;  Dent, 
vii.  13,  xi.  14,  &c. ;  A.  V.  "wine"  usually  in  thi.s 
connection,  but  "  new  wine "  in  Neh.  x.  39  [Heb. 
40],  xiii.  5,  12),  and  therefore  implies  an  edible 
rather  than  drinkable  substance,  it  may  reasonably 
be  urged  that  in  any  enumeration  of  the  materials  for 
man's  support,  "meat  and  drink  "  would  be  specified, 
rather  than  several  kinds  of  the  former  and  none 
of  the  latter.  There  are,  moreover,  passages  which 
seem  to  imply  the  actual  maimfacture  of  tirosh  by 
tlie  same  process  by  which  wine  was  ordinarily  made 
(Mic.  vi.  16,  "sweet  wine;"  I'rov.  iii.  10,  "new 
wine;"  Joel  ii.  24,  "wine").  Lastly,  we  have  in- 
timations of  the  efi'ect  produced  by  an  excessive  use 
of  yni/in  and  tirdnh.  To  the  former  arc  attributed 
the  "darkly  flashing  eye"  (Gen.  xlix.  12,  A.  V. 
"red  with  wine"),  the  unbridled  tongue  (Prov.  xx. 
1 ;  Is.  xxviii.  7),  the  excitement  of  the  spirit  (Prov. 
xxxi.  6;  Is.  V.  11  ;  Zcch.  ix.  16,  x.  7),  the  enchained 
affections  of  its  votaries  (Hos.  iv.  11),  the  perverted 
judgment  (Prov.  xxxi.  5;  Is.  xxviii.  7),  the  indecent 
exposure  (Ilab.  ii.  15,  16),  and  the  sickness  result- 
ing from  the  heal  (Heb,  lumuh  or  cheind/i,  A.  V. 
"bottles,"  marg.  "heat")  of  wine  (Hos.  vii.  5).  In 
Hos.  iv.  11 — "  Whoredom  and  wine  (mf/in),  and 
new  wine  {tirosh)  take  away  the  heart " — tiroah  ap- 
pears as  the  climax  of  engrossing  influences,  in  im- 
mediate connection  with  i/ai/in.  The  impression 
produced  by  a  general  review  of  the  above  notices 
is,  that  both  yatiin  and  tirosh  in  their  ordinary  and 
popular  acceptation  referred  to  fermented,  intoxi- 
cating wine.'  A  certain  amount  of  fermentation  is 
implied  in  the  distension  of  the  leather  bottles'when 
new  wine  was  placed  in  them,  which  was  liable  to 
burst  old  bottles  (Job  xxxii.  19;  Mat.  ix.  17). 
Very  likely  new  wine  was  preserved  in  the  state  of 
must  by  placing  it  in  jars  or  bottles,  and  then  bury- 
ing it  in  the  earth.  But  we  should  be  inclined  to 
understand  the  passages  above  quoted  as  referring 
to  wine  drawn  off  before  the  fermentation  was  com- 
plete, either  for  immediate  use,  or  for  forming  it  into 
sweet  wine." — The  Heb.  dsis  (Cant.  viii.  2  [A.  V. 

•  Tlio  "buy  (Heb.  ehibrd)  and  eat"  of  In.  Iv.  1  properI.v 
means  "buy  oteId and  cat "  (Gcaenius).  or  "  buy  food  and 
eat  "  (J.  A.  Ali'xnndor,  Ac),  and  hence  expresses  in  itself 
the  enb»lnncc  to  lie  eaten,  witliout  referring  to  the  follow- 
ing WDrds  "  buy  wine  and  milk." 

'Dr.  Koblnson  (in  Ges,  Ueb.  Lex.  ed.  of  18541  says: 
"All  the  passnpcfl  go  to  show  that  tirt^fhW  new  ?r/rt^of  "the 
first  year,  the  nine-crop  or  rintage  of  tiie  sPHSon ;  and  hence 
It  1b  mostly  coupled  witli  wine  [coral  and  oil  as  a  product 
of  the  land.  That  it  was  regarded  ae  intoxicating  is  shown 
by  Hos.  Iv.  11." 

'  Rev.  Eli  Smith,  D,  1>.,  the  woll-known  American  mls- 
Bionary  in  Syria  (lS2fi-'.')7).  describes  the  methods  of  making 
wine  in  Mount  Lebanon  as  numerous,  but  reducible  to 
three  classes,  viz.  "(1. )Tlie  simple  Juice  of  thcgrape  Is  fer- 
mented, without  desiccation  or  boiling ;  (3.)  The  juice  of 
the  grape  is  boiled  down  before  fermentation:  (3.)  The 
grapes  are  partially  dried  In  the  sun  before  being  pressed." 
Brandied  wines,  drugged  wines,  and  unintoxlcatrngwines, 
all  appear  to  be  unknown  in  Syria  and  Palestine.  "  The 
puly  form  In  whlcli  the  unfermented  Juice  of  the  grope  \* 


"juice  "] ;  Is.  xlix.  26  and  Am.  ix.  1 3  [in  both  "  sweet 
wine,"  marg.  "new  wine") ;  Joel  i.  6,  iii.  18  [iv.  18, 
Heb.  ;  "  new  wine  "  in  both])  is  derived  from  a  word 
signilying  to  tread,  and  would  very  properly  refer  to 
new  wine  as  being  recently  trodden  out,  but  not  nec- 
essarily to  unfermented  wine.  It  forms  part  of  a 
Divine  promise  (Joel  iii.  18;  Am.  ix.  13)  very  much 
as  tirosh  occurs  elsewhere,  though  other  notices  im- 
ply that  it  was  the  occasion  of  excess  (Is.  xlix.  26  ; 
Joel  i.  5).  The  Heb.  sobe  is  derived  from  a  root 
signifying  to  soak  or  drink  to  excess  (Is.  i.  22,  A.  V. 
"  wine  ; "  Hos.  iv.  18,  "  drink  ; "  Nah.  i.  10,  "  drunk- 
en "),  and  seems  to  be  characterized  by  strength 
rather  than  sweetness.  The  term  occurs  in  Hos.  iv. 
18,  in  the  sense  of  a  debimch. — The  Heb.  hemer  or 
chcmer  (Deut.  xxxii.  14,  A.  V.  "  pure ;  "  Is.  xxvii.  2, 
"red  wine"),  Chal.  /jamacor  c/((V7?i(jr(A.  V.  "  wine" 
in  Ezr.  vi.  9,  vii.  22),  and  hamrd  or  chamrd  (A.  V. 
"wine,"  Dan.  v.  1  if.),  convey  the  notion  ofybamtn^ 
or  ehidlition,  and  may  equally  well  apply  to  the  proc- 
ess of  fcrnicntiition  or  to  the  frothing  of  liquid  fresh- 
ly poured  out,  in  which  latter  case  they  might  be 
used  of  an  unfermented  liquid. — The  Heb.  mcsech 
(A.  V.  "  mixture,"  Ps.  Ixxv.  8,  Heb.  9),  mezeg 
("liquor,"  margin  "mixture,"  Cant.  vii.  2,  Heb.  3), 
and  inimsaeh  (Prov.  xxiii.  30,  "  mixed  wine  ;  "  Is. 
Ixv.  11,  "drink-offering"),  imply  a  mixture  of  wine 
with  some  other  substance,  and  this  minglivg  raay 
have  increased  or  diminished  the  strength  of  the 
wine  according  as  the  substance  added  was  spices  or 
water.  The  notices  chiefly  favor  the  former  view ; 
for  mingled  liquor  was  prepared  for  high  festivals 
(Prov.  ix.  2,  5),  and  occasions  of  excess  (xxiii.  SO; 
is.  V.  22).  A  cup  "  full-mixed  "  nas  emblematic  of 
severe  punishment  (Ps.  Ixxv.  8).  The  wine  "mingled 
with  MVRRH  "  (Gall)  given  to  Jesus  may  have  been 
a  bitter  draught  or  one  designed  to  deaden  pain 
(Mk.  XV.  23),  and  the  spiced  pomegranate  wine  pre- 
pared by  thebride  (Cant.  viii.  2)  may  well  have  been 
of  a  mild  character. — The  Heb.  shcchur  (A.  V. 
"strong  drink  ")  is  a  generic  term  applied  to  all  fer- 
raented  liquors  except  wine  (Dhink,  Strong)  ;  hornets 
or  chomets  is  a  weak  sour  wine  (Vinegar)  ;  iishishdh 
(A.  V.  "FLAGON  of  wine,"  2  Sam.  xvi.  1,  &c.)  =  a 
cake  of  pressed  raisins ;  and  shlmdrim,  properly 
the  "leks"  or  "dregs"  of  wine,  in  Is.  xxv.  0  = 
wine  that  had  been  kept  on  the  lees  to  increase  its 
body. — In  the  N.  T.  tlie  Gr.  oinos  answers  to  the 
Heb.  j/ai/iii.  as  the  general  designation  of  "  wine " 
(Mat.  ix.  17  thrice;  Mk.  iv.  22  four  times,  xv.  23; 
Lk.  i.  In,  &c.);  sikera  is  a  Grecized  form  of  the 
Hob.  shechdr  =  "strong  drink  "  (Lk.  i.  15  only); 
oxos  =  "  viNKOAR."  The  Gr.  g/eukos,  properly  siceet 
wine,  A.  V.  "new  wine"  (Acts  ii.  13  only),  could 
not  be  veip  wine  in  the  proper  sense,  as  about  eight 

preserved  is  that  of  dlbf,  which  may  he  called  grope  molas- 
ses. .  .  .  Wine  in  Syria  is  not  an  article  of  exportation." 
Wine-making  "is  liot  the  most  important,  but  rather  the 
least  so.  of  nil  the  objocts  fur  which  f  lie  vini' is  cultivated  " 
(Ell  Smith.  D.  D.,  hi  B.  S.  iii.  385  IT.).  Rev.  Henry  A. 
Homes,  formerly  (lK:55-'ol)  American  missionary  in  Con- 
Rtantinoplc.  describes  (in  Jl.  S.  v.  2SS  f.)  grape  syrup  or 
moliisses  (Ar.  dibn ;  Turkish  jvkmez)  ns  made  by  boiling 
fresh  grape-lnice  or  must  (purified  by  calcnrcons  earth, 
&e.)  from  live  to  seven  hours  in  Turkey,  and  st  ill  longer  in 
Sj'ria,  the  Syrian  article  becoming  so  liard  that  it  does  not 
eflsilv  run.  This  ilibs.  which  is  sometimes  converlerl  into 
brandy.  Is  never  regarded  as  a  boiled  »ine,  but  as  a  sweet- 
ening syrup.  (Honey.)  Mr.  Homes  also  describes  Hwrafe/)*, 
wliich  is  simple  boiled  must  (not  puriflcd  by  any  earth, 
but  boiled  down  tooiie  fourlli).  as  unintoxicatlngaiid  cool- 
ing, and  used  as  a  syrnp  for  a  beverage,  one  part  of  the  syriip 
to  from  six  to  tilleen  parts  of  water,  and  regards  this  nar- 
denka*  corresponding  with  the  accounts  of  certain  drinks 
included  by  some  of  the  ancients  under  the  appellation 
"  wine." 


WDf 


WB" 


1191 


months  mnst  have  elapsed  between  the  vintajre  and 
the  feast  of  Pentecost,  and  the  context  implies  that 
it  waa  a  fermented  liqnor  (eonip.  note  ').  The  ex- 
planations of  the  ancient  lexicographers  lead  us  to 
infer  that  its  luscious  qualities  were  due,  not  to  its 
tjelnjr  recently  made,  but  to  its  being  produced  from 
the  very  purest  juice  of  the  grape. — Tliore  can  be 
little  doubt  that  the  wines  of  Palestine  varied  in 
quality,  and  were  named  after  the  localities  in  which 
tiiey  were  made.  The  only  wines  of  which  we  have 
special  notice,  belonged  to  Syria:  these  were  the 
wine  of  Uelbox  (Ez.  xxvii.  18),  and  the  wine  of 
Lebanon  (note  '),  famed  for  its  aroma  (Hos.  xiv.  7). 
— -Wine  was  produced  on  occasions  of  ordinary  hos- 
pitality (Gen.  xiv.  18),  and  at  festivals,  such  as  mar- 
riages (Jn.  ii.  8).  (Banquets;  Makbiage.)  The 
monuments  of  ancient  Egypt  furnish  abundant  evi- 
dence tliat  the  peojile  of  that  country,  both  male  and 
female,  indulged  liberally  in  the  use  of  wine. — Under 
the  Mosaic  law  wine  formed  the  usual  drink-offering 
that  accompanied  the  daily  sacrifice  (Ex.  xxix.  40), 
the  presentation  of  the  first-frcits  (Lev.  xxiii.  13), 
and  other  oiTerings  (Num.  xv.  5).  Tithe  was  to  be 
paid  of  wine  as  of  other  products.  The  priest  was 
also  to  receive  first-fruits  of  wine,  as  of  other  articles 
(Dcut.  xviii.  4;  compare  Ex.  xxii.  29).  The  priests 
were  prohibited  from  the  use  of  wine  and  strong 
drink  before  performing  the  services  of  the  Temple 
(Lev.  X.  9;  Abihu).  The  Nazarite  was  prohibited 
from  the  use  of  wine  or  strong  dank,  or  even  the 
juice  of  gi-apes,  during  his  vow  (Num.  vi.  .'?).  (Re- 
CIIABITF.S.)  The  use  of  wine  at  the  Passover  was  not 
enjoined  by  the  Law,  but  had  become  an  established 
custom,  at  all  events  in  the  post-Babylonian  period. 
The  wine  was  mixed  with  warm  water  on  these  oc- 
casions, as  implied  in  the  notice  of  the  warming- 
kettle.  Hence  in  the  early  Christian  Church  it  was 
usual  to  mix  the  sacramental  wine  with  water.  The 
Pastoral  Epistles  direct  that  bishops  and  deacons 
shall  not  be  "  given  to  wiue  "  ( 1  Tim.  iii.  3,  8 ;  Tit. 
ii.  3).  St.  Paul  advises  Timothy  himself  to  be  no 
longer  an  habitual  water-drinker,  but  to  take  a  little 
wine  for  his  health's  sake  (1  Tim.  v.  23).*     Drusk- 

ARII. 

*  Wine'-bib-b«r.    Dru.nkard;  Wise. 

•  Wlae-fat  =  wine-vat  or  wise-press.    Fat. 

WIne'-press.  The  wine-presses  of  the  Jews  con- 
sisted of  two  receptacles  or  vats  placed  at  different 
elevations,  in  the  upper  one  of  which  the  grapes 
were  trodden,  while  the  lower  one  received  the  ex- 
pressed juice.  The  two  vats  are  mentioned  together 
only  in  .Joel  iii.  13  (iv.  13,  Heb.): — "The  press (Hcb. 
ffath)  is  full :  the  vats ( Heb.  pi.  i/ekdhiiu)  overflow  " — 
the  upper  vat  being  full  of  fruit,  tlie  lower  one  over- 
flowing with  the  must.  The  Heb.  yekeb  is  similarly 
applied  to  the  lower  vat  in  Joel  ii.  24  (A.V.  "  fat") 
and  probably  in  Prov.  iii.  10  ("press  "),  &c.  The 
Ileb.  guth  is  also  strictly  applieid  to  the  upper  vat  in 
Neh.  xiii.  16,  and  inj^am.  i.  1 5  ( A.  V.  "  wine-press  " 
in  both),  and  Is.  Ixiii.  2  (A.V.  "  wine-fat "1,  with  Heb. 
purdh{K.  V.  "  wine-press  ")  in  a  parallel  sense  in 
ver.  3.  Gesenius  regards  the  Heb.  yckeb  in  2  K.  vi. 
27  and  Job  xxiv.  11  ("  wine-press"  in  both)  as  = 
the  upper  vat.  The  Heb.  pirdJi,  as  used  in  Hag.  ii. 
10  (A.  V.  "press"),  probably  refers  to  the  contents 
of  a  wine-vat,  rather  than  to  the  press  or  vat  itself. 

«Thc  2rr''at  Ohrli'tlnn  principle  of  sbntalnlnij  from  that 
whicli  occanlonH  Injury  or  h<*comert  a  crnmblin;:-bIock  to 
anntlier  is  thu>*  laid  clown  hv  thn  apnflile :  "It  ia  good 
neither  to  oat  floali  (Suambi.khi,  nor  lo  drink  wine,  nor 
any  thliii;  whrrchy  tliv  bnithor  htnmbloth,  or  is  ofTcnilcd 
(Offend,  to,  »),  or  U  made  weak"  (Horn.  ilv.  SI ;  comp. 
J  Cor.  vlil.  13). 


The  two  vats  were  usnully  dug  or  hewn  out  of  the 
solid  rock  (Is.  v.  2,  iiiar<;in  ;  Mat.  xxi.  33).  Dr. 
Robinson  describes  one  of  tliese  ancient  winc-prcssea 
in  the  rock  as  having  the  upper  vat  eight  feet  square 
and  fifteen  inches  deep,  the  other  vat  two  feet  lower 
down  and  four  feet  square  by  three  feet  deep. 

Win'now-log.     Agriculture  ;  Chaff,  &c. 

•Winter.  Agriculture;  Chronology  I. ;  Pal- 
estine, Climate;  Rain,  &c. 

WU'dom  of  Je'sns,  Son  of  Sl'rath.     Ecclesias- 

TICUS. 

Wis'dom  of  Sol'o-nion,  the  (Gr.  Sophia  Saldmdn  ; 
Sophia  Svloiitoiitos  ;  later,  he  Sophia).  (This  article 
is  abridged  from  tlie  original  of  Mr.  Westcott.)  A. 
y^exl.  The  Book  of  Wisdom  is  preserved  in  Greek 
(Skptuagint)  and  Latin  (Vulgate)  texts,  and  in  sub- 
sidiary translations  into  Syriac,  Arabic,  and  Arme- 
nian. (Versions,  Ancient.)  The  Greek  text  is  un- 
doubtedly the  original.  The  chief  Greek  MSS.  in 
which  the  book  is  contained  are  the  Sinaitic  (j^), 
Alexandrine  (A),  the  Vatican  (B),  and  Ephrem  (C). 
The  entire  text  is  preserved  in  the  three  former;  in 
the  latter,  onlv  considerable  fragments :  viii.  5-xi. 
10;  xiv.  19-xvii.  18;  xviii.  24-xix.  22.— B.  Con- 
tents. The  book  has  been  variously  divided,  but  it 
seems  to  fall  most  naturally  into  two  great  divisions: 
(L)  i.-ix. ;  (II.)  x.-xix.— I.  Chapters  i.-ix.  T/ie 
doctrine  of  Wisdom  in  its  spiritual,  intellectual,  and 
moral  aspects.  (1.)  i.-v.  Wisdom  the  giver  of  hap- 
piness and  immortality,  (a.)  The  conditions  of 
wisdom  (i.  1-1 1);  Uprightness  of  thought  (1-6) — 
Uprightness  of  word  (6-11).  (6.)  The  origin  of 
death  (i.  12-ii.  24):  Sin  (in  fact)  by  man's  free  will 
(i.  12-llS)— The  reasoning  of  the  Bensuilist(ii.  1-20) 
— Sin  (in  source)  by  the  envy  of  the  devil  (21-24). 
(c.)  The  godly  and  wicked  in  life  (as  mortal)  (iii.  1- 
iv.):  In  chastisements  (iii.  l-10)r— In  the  results  of 
Hfe(iii  11-iv.  6)— In  length  of  life  (7-20).  (d.)  The 
godly  and  wicked  after  death  (v.) :  The  judgment  of 
conscience  (1-14) ; — The  judgment  of  God — On  the 
godly  (15,  16)— On  the  wicked  (17-23).  (2.)  vi.- 
ix.  Wisdom  the  guide  of  life,  (a.)  Wisdom  the 
guide  of  princes  (vi.  1-21):  The  responsibility  of 
power  (1-11) — Wisdom  soon  found  (12-16) — Wis- 
dom the  source  of  true  sovereignty  (17-21).  (6.) 
The  clmnicter  and  realm  of  wisdom :  Open  to  all 
(vi.  22-vii.  7) — Pervading  all  creation  (vii.  8-viii.  1) 
— Swaying  all  life  (viii.  2-17).  (c.)  Wisdom  the  gift 
of  God  (viii.  17-ii.):  Prayer  for  wisdom  (i.\.) — II. 
Chapters  x.-xix.  The  doctrine  of  Wisdom  in  its  his- 
torical aspects,  (1.)  Wisdom  a  power  to  save  and 
chastise,  (a.)  Wisdom  seen  in  the  guidance  of 
God's  people  from  Adam  to  Moses  (x.-xi.  4).  (A.) 
Wisdom  seen  in  the  punishment  of  God's  enemies 
(xi.  6-xii.):  The  Egyptians  (xi.  5-xii.  1) — The  Ca- 
nnanites  (xii.  5-28) — The  lesson  of  mercy  and  judg- 
ment (19-27).  (2.)  The  growth  of  idolatry  the  op- 
posite to  wisdom,  (a.)  The  worship  of  nature  (xiii. 
1-9).  (A.)  The  worship  of  images  ( xiii.  10-xiv.  13). 
(c)  The  worship  of  deified  men  (xiv.  14-21).  (rf.) 
The  moral  effects  of  idolatry  (xiv.  22-31)— (3.)  The 
contrast  between  true  worshippers  and  idolaters 
(xv.-xix.)  (a.)  The  general  contrast  (xv.  1-17).  (A.) 
The  special  contrast  nt  the  Exodus:  The  action  ol 
beasts  (xv.  18-xvi.  13) — The  action  of  the  forces  of 
nature — water,  fire  (xvi.  14-29) — The  symbolic  dark- 
ness (xvii.-xviii.  4)— The  action  of  death  (xviii.  6- 
26) — The  powers  of  nature  changed  in  their  work- 
ing to  save  and  destroy  (xix.  1-21) — Conclusion 
(xix.  21). — C.  Unitji  and  Integrity.  The  book  forms 
a  complete  and  harmonious  whole.  But  the  distinct 
treatment  of  the  subject,  theoretically  and  histoi'i- 


1192 


WW 


WIS 


Cttlty,  in  two  parts,  has  given  occasion  for  the  main- 
tenance by  Houbiganf,  Eictihorn,  Bretschneider, 
Bertholtit,  &c.,  that  it  Is  the  work  of  two  or  more 
authors.  The  idea  (Grotiiis,  Griitz)  that  the  book 
has  been  interpolated  by  a  Christian  hand  is  as  little 
worthy  of  consideration  as  the  idea  (Eiehliorn,  Gro- 
tiiis, &c.)  that  it  is  incomplete. — D.  Style  and  Lan- 
guage. In  the  richness  and  freedom  of  its  vocabulary 
it  most  closely  resembles  the  fourth  Book  of  Macca- 
bees, but  it  is  superior  to  that  in  power  and  variety 
of  diction.  No  existing  work  represents  perhaps 
more  completely  the  style  of  composition  pro<iuced 
by  the  sophistic  schools  of  rhetoric,  and  hence  the 
effect  of  different  parts  of  the  book  is  very  unequal. 
The  6orid  redundancy  and  restless  str.iining  after 
effect,  which  may  be  not  unsuited  to  vivid  intellec- 
tual pictures,  is  wholly  alien  from  the  piiilosophic 
contemplation  of  history.  The  magnificent  descrip- 
tion  of  Wisdom  (vii.  22-vlii.  1)  must  rank  among 
the  noblest  passages  of  human  eloquence.  Ex- 
amples of  strange  or  new  words  may  be  found  on 
almost  every  page. — E.  Original  Latigvage.  The 
book  was  once  supposed  to  be  the  work  of  Solomon, 
yet  its  style  and  language  show  conclusively  that 
it  was  written  in  Greek,  not  translated  from  any 
Uebrew  or  Aramaic  text  (see  H,  below). — F.  Doc- 
trinal  character.  The  theological  teaching  of  the 
book  offers,  in  many  respects,  the  nearest  approach 
to  the  language  and  doctrines  of  Greek  philosophy 
which  is  found  in  any  Jewish  writing  up  to  the  time 
of  Philo.  Thus,  in  speaking  of  the  almighty  power 
of  God,  the  writer  describes  Him  as  "  having  cre- 
ated the  universeout  of  matter  without  form  "  (Wi.s. 
xi.  17),  adopting  the  very  phrase  of  the  Platonists, 
found  also  in  Philo.  Scarcely  less  distinctly  heathen 
is  the  conception  of  the  body  as  a  mere  weight  and 
Mog  to  the  so<il  (ix.  15;  contrast  2  Cor.  v.  1-4). 
The  preexistence  of  souls  finds  expression  in  Wis. 
viil.  20.  The  writer  represents  the  Spirit  of  (iod  as 
filling  (i.  7)  and  inspiring  all  things  (xii.  1),  but  even 
here  the  idea  of  "  a  soul  of  the  world  "  seems  to 
influence  his  thoughts.  There  is  no  trace  of  the 
Christian  doctrine  of  a  resurrection  of  the  body ; 
and  the  future  triumph  of  the  good  is  entirely  un- 
connected with  any  revelation  of  a  personal  Mes- 
siah (iii.  7,  8,  V.  16).  The  identification  of  the 
tempter  (Gen.  iii.),  directly  or  indirectly,  with  the 
devil,  as  the  bringer  "  of  death  into  the  » orld  " 
(Wis.  li.  23,  24),  is  the  most  remarkable  develop- 
ment of  Biblical  doctrine  which  the  book  contains. 
It  Is  in  this  point  that  the  Pseudo-Solomon  differs 
most  widely  from  Philo,  who  recognizes  no  such 
evil  power  in  the  world.  The  subsequent  deliver- 
ance of  Adam  from  his  transgression  is  attributed 
to  wisdom — not  the  scheme  of  Divine  Providence, 
but  that  wisdom  given  by  God  to  man,  which  is  im- 
mortality (viii.  17).  There  are  few  traces  of  the 
recognition  of  the  sinfulness  even  of  the  wise  man 
in  his  wisdom,  which  forms,  in  the  Psalms  and  the 
Prophets,  the  basis  of  the  Christian  doctrine  of  the 
atonement  (yet  compare  xv.'2).  A  typical  signifi- 
cance is  assumed  to  underlie  the  historic  details  of 
the  0.  T.  (xvi.  1,  xviii.  4,  5,  &c.).  In  connection 
with  the  O.  T.  Scriptures,  the  book,  as  a  whole,  may 
be  regarded  as  carrying  on  one  step  further  the 
great  problem  of  life  contained  in  Ecci.esiastes  and 
Jon. — C,  TTie  (lodrine  of  Wiadom.  It  would  be  im- 
possible to  trace  here  in  detail  the  progressive  de- 
velopment of  the  doctrine  of  Wisdom,  as  a  Divine 
Power  standing  in  some  sense  between  the  Creator 
and  creation,  yet  without  some  idea  of  this  history 
uo  correct  opiDion  can  be  formed  en  the  position  of 


this  book  in  Jewish  literature.  The  foundation  of 
the  doctrine  is  to  be  found  in  Prov.  viil.,  where 
Wisdom  is  represented  as  present  with  God  before 
(22)  and  during  the  creation  of  the  world.  By  the 
personification  of  Wisdom,  and  the  relation  of  Wis- 
dom to  men  (31),  a  preparation  is  made  for  the  ex- 
tension of  the  doctrine.  In  Ecclus.  xxlv.  AVisdom 
is  represented  as  a  creation  of  God  (9),  penetrating 
the  whole  universe  (4-6),  and  taking  up  her  special 
abode  with  the  chosen  people  (8-12).  Her  personal 
existence  and  providential  function  are  thus  dis- 
tinctly brought  out.  In  the  Book  of  Wisdom  the 
conception  gains  yet  further  completeness.  In  this. 
Wisdom  is  identified  with  the  Spirit  of  God  (Wis. 
ix.  17).  She  is  the  power  which  unites  (i.  7)  and 
directs  all  things  (viil.  1).  By  her,  in  especial,  men 
have  fellowship  with  God  (xii.  1).  Her  working,  in 
the  providential  history  of  God's  people,  is  traced  at 
length  (x.);  and  her  power  is  declared  to  reach  be- 
yond the  world  of  man  into  that  of  spirits  (vii.  23), 
The  conception  of  Wisdom,  however  boldly  personi- 
fied, yet  leaves  a  wide  chasm  between  the  world  and 
the  Creator.  Wisdom  an.swers  to  the  idea  of  a 
•spirit  vivifying  and  uniting  all  things  in  all  time,  as 
distinguished  from  any  special  outward  revelation 
of  the  Divine  Person.  Thus  at  the  same  time  that 
the  doctrine  of  Wisdom  was  gradually  constructed, 
the  correlative  doctrine  of  the  Divine  WoBn  was  also 
reduced  to  a  definite  shape.  The  Word  (Memrd),  the 
Divine  expression,  as  it  was  understood  in  Palestine, 
furnished  the  exact  complement  to  Wisdom,  the  Di- 
vine thought.  Broadly,  the  Word  properly  repre- 
sented the  mediative  element  in  the  action  of  God, 
Wisdom  the  mediative  element  of  His  omnipresence. 
The  Book  of  the  Pseudo-Solomon,  which  gives  the 
most  complete  view  of  Divine  wisdom,  contains  only 
two  passages  In  which  the  Word  Is  invested  with 
the  attributes  of  personal  action  (xvi.  12,  .will.  15; 
ix.  1  is  of  different  character).  These,  however,  are 
sufficient  to  Indicate  that  the  two  powers  were  dis- 
tinguished by  the  writer  ;  and  it  has  been  commonly 
argued  that  the  superior  prominence  given  In  the 
book  to  the  conception  of  Wisdom  is  an  indication 
of  a  date  anterior  to  Philo.  The  doctrine  of  the 
Divine  wisdom  passes  by  a  transition,  often  imper- 
ceptible, to  that  of  human  wisdom,  which  Is  derived 
from  it.  This  embraces  not  only  the  whole  range 
of  moral  and  spiritual  virtues,  but  also  the  various 
branches  of  physical  knowledge.  (Philosophy.) 
In  this  aspect,  tlie  enumeration  of  the  great  forms 
of  natural  science  in  vii.  17-20  (viil.  8)  offers  a  most 
instructive  subject  of  comparison  with  the  corre- 
sponding passages  in  1  K.  iv  32-34. — II.  Place  and 
date  of  writing.  It  seems  most  reasonable  to  believe 
that  the  book  was  composed  at  Alexandria  some 
time  before  the  time  of  Philo  (about  120-80  b.  c). 
Alexandria  was  the  only  place  where  Judaism  and 
philosophy,  both  of  the  East  and  West,  came  Into 
natural  and  close  connection.  The  mode  in  which 
Egyptian  idolatry  is  spoken  of  Indicates  present  and 
living  antagonism.  It  may,  indeed,  be  said  justly, 
that  the  local  coloring  of  the  latter  part  of  the  1  ook 
is  conclusive  as  to  the  place  of  its  composition. 
But  all  the  guesses  as  to  its  authorship  are  abso- 
lutely valueless.  The  earliest,  mentioned  by  Je- 
rome, assigned  it  to  Philo.  Luttcrbcck  suggested 
ABiSTonnns.  Elchhom,  Zeller,  Jost,  &c.,  supposed 
the  author  one  of  the  Therapcvim.  Some  later  crit- 
ics have  held  that  the  book  is  of  Christian  origin, 
or  even  definitely  the  work  of  ApoUos. — I.  Hitlory. 
The  history  of  the  book  is  extremely  obscure.  There 
is  no  trace  of  the  use  of  it  before  the  Chrjstiun  ere. 


WIS 


WOM 


1193 


On  the  other  hand,  it  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that 
St.  Paul,  if  not  other  apostolic  writers,  was  familiar 
with  its  laiiguai;e,  though  he  makes  no  definite  quo- 
tation from  it  (the  supposed  reference  in  Lk.  xi.  49 
to  Wis.  ii.  12-lt  is  wholly  unfounded).  Thus  we 
have  strikinp;  parallels  in  Rom.  ix.  21  to  Wis.  \r.  7; 
in  Rom.  ix.  22  to  Wis.  xii.  20;  in  Eph.  vi.  13-17  to 
Wis.  V.  17-19  (the  heavenly  armor),  &c.  It  may  be 
questioned  whether  his  acquaintance  with  the  book 
may  not  have  been  pained  rather  orally  than  by  di- 
rect study.  The  first  clear  references  to  the  book 
occur  not  earlier  than  the  close  of  the  second  cen- 
tury. According  to  Eusebius,  Irenaeug  made  use  of 
it  in  a  lost  work,  and  in  a  passage  of  his  great  work 
{ai/i)iiiit  llerfsien)  Irenicus  silently  adopts  a  charac- 
teristic clause  from  it  (Wis.  vl.  19).  From  the  time 
of  Clement  of  Alexandria  the  hook  is  constantly 
quoted  as  an  inspired  work  of  Solomon,  or  as 
"Scripture,"  even  by  those  Fathers  who  denied  its 
assumed  authorship,  and  it  gained  a  place  in  the 
Canon  (with  the  other  apocryphal  books;  Apoc- 
rypha) at  the  Council  of  Carthage,  about  a.  n.  397. 
From  this  time  its  history  is  the  same  as  that  of  the 
other  apocryphal  books  up  to  the  period  of  the  Ref- 
ormation. (VfLOATK.)  It  furnishes  for  the  Church 
of  Enj^land  and  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church 
of  America  several  lessons  for  church-festivals. 

•  Wise  no.    Magt. 

•  Wist  =  knew  or  had  knowledge  (Ex.  xvi.  15, 
xxxiv.  29,  &c.). 

•  Wit.  to  =  to  know  (Gen.  xxiv.  21 ;  Ex.  ii.  4). 
"  We  do  you  to  wit "  (2  Cor.  viii.  1)  =  we  cause 
you  to  know,  or  wo  make  known  to  you. 

WItf h,  Wlteirerafts.  X»ivination  ;  Enchantments  ; 
Maoic. 

•  Witlis,  or  Withes,  the  A.  V.  translation  of  Heb. 
yfOuirim  (Judg.  xvi.  7-9),  pi.  of  yethfr  =r  a  cord 
or  rope,  (Jes.,  Fii.  For  the  "  green  withs  "  of  the 
A.  v.,  Gesenius  and  Fiirst  have  neto  ropei,  A  mth 
or  withe  is  probably  a  flexible  twig  used  fur  binding. 

Witness.  Among  people  with  whom  writing  i- 
not  common  (Education),  or  who  for  any  reason  do 
not  have  permanent  offices  or  courts  of  record,  the 
evidence  of  a  transaction  is  often  given  by  some 
tangible  memorial  or  significant  ceremony.  Abra- 
ham gave  seven  ewc-lanibs  to  Abimelech  as  an  evi- 
dence of  his  property  in  the  well  of  Beer-sheba. 
Jacob  raised  a  heap  of  stones  as  a  boundary-mark 
between  himself  and  Laban  (Oen.  xxi.  30,  xxxi.  47, 
62).  The  tribes  of  Reuben  and  Gad  raised  an  "  al- 
tar "  as  a  witness  to  the  covenant  between  them- 
selves and  the  rest  of  the  nation  ;  Joshua  set  up  a 
Btonc  as  an  evidence  of  the  allegiance  promised  by 
Israel  to  God  (Josh.  xxii.  10,  26,  34,  xxiv.  2fi,  27). 
Thus  also  symbolical  usages,  in  ratification  of  con- 
tracts, or  completed  arrangements,  &c.,  as  the  cere- 
mony of  shoe-loosing  (Deut.  xxv.  9,  10;  Ru.  iv.  7, 
8;  Mahriaoe),  the  ordeal  prescribed  in  the  case  of 
a  suspected  wife  (Xum.  v.  17-31;  Ani;i.TF.Rv),  the 
ceremony  at  offering  Firsi-frpits,  &c. — But  written 
evidence  was  by  no  means  unknown  to  the  Jews. 
DivoRfE  was  to  be  proved  by  a  written  document 
(Deut.  xxiv.  1,  3).  In  civil  contracts,  at  least  in 
later  times,  documentary  evidence  was  required  and 
carefully  preserved  (Is.'viii.  16;  Jcr.  xxxii.  10-16). 
— The  Law  was  very  careful  to  provide  and  enforce 
evidence  for  all  its  infractions  and  all  transactions 
bearing  on  them  (Num.  xv.  39,  40,  xvi.  38 ;  Deut. 
xix.  14,  xxvii.  2-4,  17;  Josh.  iv.  9,  viii.  80;  Prov. 
xxil.  28;  Ark  OP  THE  Covenant;  Testimonv).  Spe- 
cial provisions  with  respect  to  evidence  are — 1.  Two 
witnesses  at  least  are  required   to   establish  any  i 


I  charge  (Num.  xxxv.  SO;  Deut.  xvii.  6;  Jn.  viii.  17; 
I  2  Cor.  xiil.  I ;  Heb.  x.  28;   compare  1   Tim.  v.  19). 

2.  In  the  case  of  the  suspected  wife,  evidence  be- 
sides the  hust)and's  was  desired  (Num.  v.  13).     3. 

I  The  witness  who  withheld  the  truth  was  censured 
(Lev.  V.  1).     4.  False  witness  was  puni.shed  as  the 

I  offence  which  it  sought  to  establi.sh.  (Oath  ;  Pun- 
ishments.)    5.  Slanderous  reports  and  officious  wit- 

I  ne-ss  arc  discouraged  (Ex.  xx.  16,  xxiii.  1 ;  Lev.  xix. 

\  16,  18,  &c.).  6.  The  witnesses  were  the  first  execu- 
tioners (Deut.  xiii.  9,  xvi.  7 ;  Acts  vii.  58).  7.  In 
case  of  an  animal  left  in  charge  and  torn  by  wild 

I  beasts,  the  keeper  was  to  bring  the  carcass  in  proof 
of  the  fact  and  disproof  of  his  own  criminality  (Ex. 
xxii.  13).     8.  According  to  Josephus,  women  and 

I  slaves  were  not  admitted  to  bear  testimony  (Jos.  iv^ 
8,  g  1 5). — In  the  N.  T.  the  original  notion  of  a  wit- 
ness is  exhibited  in  the  special  form  of  one  who  at- 
tests his  belief  in  the  Gospel  by  personal  suffering 
(Acts  xxii.  20;  Rev.  ii.  13,  &c. ;  Mabtyr).  Judge; 
Trial. 
WIz'ard.  Divination  ;  Enchantments  ;  Magic. 
Waif  I  Heb.  ztUb  ;  Gr.  lukos),  a  tierce  and  rapacious 
animal  (Gen.  xlix.  27;  Ez.  xxii.  27;  Hab.  i.  8;  .Mat. 
vii.  15),  which  prowls  at  night  (Jer.  v.  6;  Zeph.  iii. 

3,  &c.),  and  is  especially  destructive  to  sheep  and 
lambs  (Mat.  x.  16;  Lk.  x.  3;  Jn.  x.  12).  Isaiah 
(xi.  6,  Ixv.  25)  foretells  the  peaceful  reign  of  the 
Messiah  under  the  metaphor  of  a  wolf  dwelling 
with  a  lamb;  cruel  persecutors  are  compared  with 
wolves  (Mat.  x.  16;  Acts  xx.  29).  There  can  bo 
little  doubt  (so  Mr.  Houghton)  that  the  wolf  of  Pal- 
estine is  the  common  wolf  ( Cayiis  Lupus),  and  that 


Wolf  {Cau''i  Zii/>iM>.— (Fbo.) 

this  is  the  animal  so  frequently  mentioned  in  the 
Bible,  though  we  lack  precise  information  with  re- 
gard to  the  canine  animals  of  Palestine.  (Doo; 
Fox.)  Col.  Hamilton  Smith  mentions,  under  the 
name  of  dcrbotin,  a  species  of  black  wolf,  as  occur- 
ring in  Arabia  and  Southern  Syria.  Wolves  were 
doubtless  far  more  common  in  Biblical  times  than 
they  are  now,  though  they  are  occasionally  seen  by 
modern  travellers. 

Wom'tn  [o  as  in  wo//'],  pi.  Wom'rn  [wim'en] 
(Heb.  usually  ishsluih,  sometimes  nikibah  [commonly 
translated  "female"];  Gr.  usually .vmhc,  t/ieteia  [= 
female]  only  in  Rom.  i.  26,  27).  the  position  of 
women  in  the  Hebrew  commonwealth  contrasts  fa- 
vorably with  that  now  generally  assigned  to  them  in 
Eastern  countries.'    The  most  salient  point  of  con- 

'  Yet  in  the  Eaft  legal  rl'.'hts  arc  secured  to  women  more 
fhlly  than  In  Kiii.'laii(l  and  mi>»t  of  tlie  Unii«d  States. 
Here,  accordins  to  tlie  common  law.  a  woman'a  personal- 
ity U  merged  on  marriage  In  ber  buitband'a ;  but  In  tbe 


1194 


woo 


WOR- 


trast  in  the  usages  of  ancient  as  compared  with 
modern  Oriental  society  was  the  large  amount  of 
liberty  enjoyed  by  women.  Instead  of  being  im- 
mured in  a  harem,  or  appearing  in  public  with  the 
face  covered,  the  wives  and  maidens  of  ancient  times 
mingled  freely  and  openly  with  the  other  sex  in  the 
duties  and  amenities  of  ordinary  life.  Rebekah 
travelled  on  a  camel  with  her  face  unveiled,  until 
she  came  into  the  presence  of  her  aflianced  (Gen. 
xxiv.  64,  65).  Jacob  saluted  Rachel  with  a  kiss  in 
the  presence  of  the  shepherds  (xxix.  11).  Women 
played  no  inconsiderable  part  in  public  celebrations 
(Ex.  XV.  20,  21 ;  Judg.  xi.  34,  &c. ;  Dance).  The 
odes  of  Deborah  (Judg.  v.)  and  of  Hannaii  (1  Sam. 
ii.  1,  &c.)  exhibit  a  degree  of  intellectual  cultivation 
which  is  in  itself  a  proof  of  the  position  of  the  sex 
in  that  period.  Women  also  occasionally  held  pub- 
lic offices,  particularly  that  of  prophetess  or  in- 
spired teacher  (Ex.  xv.  20;  Judg.  iv.  4 ;  2  K.  xxii. 
14;  Xch.  vi.  14;  Lk.  ii.  36;  Athaliah  ;  Jezedei,). 
— The  management  of  household  affairs  devolved 
mainly  on  the  women.  The  value  of  a  virtuous  and 
active  housewife  forms  u  frequent  topic  in  the  Book 
of  Proverbs  (xi.  16,  xii.  4,  xiv.  1,  xxxi.  10  ff.). 
Her  influence  was  of  course  proportionably  great. 
The  effect  of  polygamy  was  to  transfer  female  in- 
fluence from  the  wives  to  the  mother.  (Qceen.) 
Polygamy  also  necessitated  a  separate  establishment 
for  the  wives  collectively,  or  for  each  individually. 
Adam  ;  Adultery  ;  Banquets  ;  Child  ;  Conci:bine  ; 
Creation  ;  Daughter  ;  Deaconess  ;  Divorce  ;  Dress  ; 
Eddcation  ;  Eve;  Forehead;  Fountain;  Hair; 
Head-dress  ;  Man  ;  Marriage  ;  Meals  ;  Ornaments, 
Personal  ;  Patriarch  ;  Purification  ;  Slate  ;  Veil  ; 
Widow. 

Wood.  Agriculture  ;  Architecture  ;  Coal  ; 
Festivals  II. ;  Fire  ;  Forest  ;  Oak  ;  Palestine, 
kc. 

Wool  (Heh.  tsemer ;  Chal.  'cimar ;  Gr.  erion). 
Wool  was  an  article  of  the  highest  value  among  the 
Jews,  as  the  staple  material  for  the  manufacture  of 
clothing  (Lev.  xiii.  47  ;  Deut.  xxii.  11 ;  Job  xxxi.  20  ; 
Prov.  xxxi.  13;  Ez.  xxxiv.  3;  Hos.  ii.  5).  The 
"  fleece  "  (Heb.  (/cz,  ghzuh)  is  mentioned  in  Deut. 
xviii.  4,  and  in  Judg.  vi.  37  if.  and  Job  xxxi.  20. 
The  importance  of  wool  is  shown  by  Mesha's  trib- 
ute of  rams  "with  the  wool"  (2  K.  iii.  4),  and  by 
its  being  specified  with  the  first-fruits  to  be  offered 
to  the  priests  (Deut.  xviii.  4).  The  wool  of  Damas- 
cus was  highly  prized  in  the  mart  of  Tyre  (Ez.  xxvii. 
18).  Wool  is  an  image  of  purity  and  brilliancy 
(Is.  i.  18;  Dan.  vii.  9;  Rev.  i.  14).  Dress;  Handi- 
craft ;  Sheep  ;  Spinning  ;  Weaving  ;  Woollen. 

Wool'en,  or  Wool'len  (Lln'en,  and).  Among  the 
laws  against  unnatural  mixtures  is  found  one  to  this 
effect :  "  Neither  shall  a  garment  mingled  of  linen 
and  woollen  come  upon  thee  "  (Lev.  xix.  19) ;  or,  as 
in  Deut.  xxii.  11,  "  thou  shalt  not  wear  a  garment 
of  divers  sorts,  <Mof  woollen  and  linen  together." 
The  same  Heb.  word  (sha'atnez)  is  translated  in  Le- 
viticus "  of  linen  and  woollen,"  and  in  Deuteronomy 
"  a  garment  of  divers  sorts."  The  word  sha'alnez  is 
foreign,  but  its  origin  is  uncertain.  Its  signification 
is  sufficiently  defined  in  Deut.  xxii.  11.     Jablonski 

Eflct  the  case  was  and  Is  different,  for  slie  retains  her  name 
and  property  (botli  real  and  personal),  she  can  carry  on 
I)UBineBi»  and  obtain  Icira!  redress  for  wrongs  done  her  by 
her  liusband  or  hy  others.  In  Mohammedan  countries 
the  Koran  is  the  basis  of  civil  law  as  tlie  Pentateuch  (Law 
or  McBES)  was  in  the  Hel)rew  commonweallh ;  but  tiie 
<oinm.)n  law  of  England  and  the  United  States  is  derived 
from  the  Uotn.in  law,  and  to  a  great  extent  ignores  the 
claims  of  morality  and  religion.    Markiaoe  IV. 


favors  Forster's  suggestion  that  a  garment  of  linen 
and  woollen  was  called  by  the  Egyptians  shonlncs, 
and  that  this  word  was  borrowed  by  the  Hebrews, 
and  written  sha'alnez.  The  reason  given  by  Jo- 
sephus  (iv.  8,  §  11)  for  the  law  against  wearing  a 
garment  woven  of  linen  and  woollen  is,  that  such 
were  worn  by  the  priests  alone.  Miiimonides  found 
in  the  books  of  tlie  ancient  Zabii  that  the  priests 
of  the  idolaters  clothed  themselves  with  robes  of 
linen  and  woollen  mixed  togetlier.  Probably  the 
law  was  based  on  some  relation  of  the  prohibited, 
mixtures  to  impurity  or  idolatry.  ^^ 

*  Word  in  the  general  sense  (—  something spolceii^ 
a  saying,  the  expression  or  sig7i  of  ati  idea)  o{\c\i  oc- 
curs in  the  A.  V.  as  the  translation  of  the  lleb. 
cmcr,  omcr,  imrdh,  dahar,  milluh,  &e.,  and  of  the 
Gr.  logos  and  rema.  But  in  Jn.  i.  1,  14  is  a  special 
application  of  the  Gr.  logos,  A.  V.  "  Word,"  to  the 
Lord  Jesls  Christ,  or  rather  to  His  preexistent. 
Divine  nature.  In  Jn.  i.  1-14  He  is  declared  to  be 
closely  united  with  God,  and  Himself  Divine,  the 
Creator  of  all  things,  the  Author  and  Source  of  all, 
life,  spiritual  as  well  as  physical,  the  Incarnate  God»^ 
Tlie  same  term  is  also  applied  to  Jesus  Christ  in  1 
Jn.  i.  1,  v.  7  (according  to  the  A.  V.,  and  the  Re- 
ceived Greek  text),  and  Rev.  xix.  13.  The  precise 
meaning  of  the  Gr.  logos  in  this  application  is  a 
matter  of  dispute.  Some  make  it  =  the  promised 
one;  others,  the  teacher  ;  others,  the  author  of  the 
word,  &e.  Perhaps  the  revealer  is  sufficiently  exact. 
The  origin  of  this  application  of  the  term  has  also 
been  much  discussed.  It  is  well  known  that  in  the, 
0.  T.  "  the  word  of  the  Lord  "  is  sometimes  per- 
sonified or  =  Jehovah  Himself  (Gen.  xv.  1  ff. ;  IK. 
xiii.  9,  17,  &c.) — that  the  Targums  (Versions,  An- 
cient [Targum])  often  used  the  Chal.  mcpurd  di 
Vehovdh  (=  the  uord  of  Jehovah),  kc,  instead  of  the 
simple  Divine  title  Jehovah  ('"  Loud,"  A.  V.),  &c. — 
that  the  "  wisdom  "  of  God  is  personified  (Prov. 
viii. ;  Wis.  vii.  21  ff. ;  Ecclus.  xxiv.)— that  Philo 
represents  in  a  peculiar  way  the  distinction  between 
God  revealed  and  God  concealed,  connecting,  if  not 
identifying,  the  "  wisdom  "  with  the  "  word  "  (logos) 
of  God.  See  Alexandria;  Pbilosopht;  Wisdom  of 
Solomon;  Prof.  Stuart  in  R  S.  vii.  13  ff.,  281  «., 
096  ff. ;  Rbn.  JV.  T.  Lex.,  &e. 

•World,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Heb.  erets 
(Ps.  xxii.  27  [Heb.  28]  ;  Is.  xxiii.  17),  usually  and 
properly  translated  "  earth  "  or  "  land."  (Earth 
1  )--2.  Ileb.  hedil  or  chedel  —  place  of  rest,  region 
of  the  dead,  hades,  Gcs.,Tn.  (Is.  xxxviii.  11  only). — 3, 
ileb.  heled  or  cheled  —  this  world  as  fleeting,  traili-., 
sient,  vain,  Ges.  (Ps.  xvii.  14,  xlix.  1  [Heb.  2]) ;  elscj*  ^ 
where  translated  "  age  "  (Job  xi.  17  ;  Ps.  xxxix.  5.,, 
[Heb.  61),  or  "time"  (Ixxxix.  47  [Heb.  48]).— 4.. 
Heb.  '61dm  (Ps.  Ixxiii.  12  ;  Eccl.  iii.  11 ;  [in  phrasesj 
Is.  xlv.  17  [A.  V.  "  world  without  end  "J  and  Ixiv.  4 
[Heb.  3,  A.  V.  "the  beginning  of  the  world"]), 
usually  translated  "for  ever"  or  "everlasting." 
(Eternal  1 ;  Eternity.) — 5.  Heb.  tebel  —  the  earth, 
as  fertile  and  inhabited,  the  hahitahle  globe,  world  ; 
also  often  the  whole  earth,  the  world  in  general,  Ges.  (1 
Sam.  ii.  8 ;  2  Sam.  xxii.  16,  and  33  other  passages; 
compare  No.  10  below),  once  (followed  by  No.  1) 
"  the  habitable  part"  of  his  earth  (Prov.  viii.  31). 
—6.  Gr.  aion  (Mat.  xii.  32,  xiii.  22,  39,  40,  49,  &e. ; 
Eternal  4). — 7.  Gr.  adj.  aionios  in  the  phrases 
"  before  (or  '  since  ')  the  world  began  "  (Rom.  xvL 
25 ;  2  Tim.  i.  9  ;  Tit.  i.  2  ;  Eternal  5).— 8.  Gr.  gi 
(Rev.  xiii.  3  only,  put  for  the  inhabitants  of  the 
earth),  usu.iUy  and  correctly  translated  "  earth  "  or 
"  land." — 9.  (jr.  kosnws,  primarily  (so  Rbn.  i^^Sf^,, 


WOR 


WRI 


1195 


£fx.)  =  order,  i.  e.  regular  disposition  and  arrange- 
ment; hence  in  S.  T.  (1.)  decoration,  ornament  (1 
Pet.  iii.  3  only  in  tliis  sense,  A.  V.  "  adorning ") ; 
(2.)  order  of  tlie  universe,  the  world,  so  used  bj- 
Pythagoras  and  subsequent  pliilosophers ;  hence 
(a.)  Generally,  the  world,  the  universe,  the  heavens 
and  earth  (Mat  xiiL  85,  xxiv.  21,  &c.),  by  metonymy 
the  iti/iabilants  of  the  universe  (1  Cor.  iv.  9),  and 
tropically  an  affjrerfale  or  eongeriex  of  any  thing,  as 
"  a  world  of  iniquity "  (Jas.  iii.  0) ;  (b. )  By  synec- 
doche, the  earth,  this  lower  world,  as  the  abode  of 
man  (Mat.  iv.  8;  Mk.  xvi.  15  ;  Jn.  i.  9,  iii.  17,  19, 
&c.),  and  by  metonymy  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth 
OT  mankind  (Mat.  v.  14,  xiii.  38,  &e.);  (c.)  In  the 
Jewish  mode  of  speakmg,  the  present  world,  the  pres- 
ent order  of  thinrjs,  as  opposed  to  the' kingdom  of 
Christ,  and  hence  as  transient,  worthless,  evil, 
troubled,  though  having  its  pleiisuies  and  good 
things  (Mat.  xvi.  26;  Jn.  xii.  25,  &c.),  and  by  me- 
tonymy Me  men  of  tills  world,  worldlings  (vii.  7,  xii. 
31  twice,  &c.).  This  word  occurs  in  N.  T.  nearly 
200  times,  and  is  uniformly  translated  "  world,"  ex- 
cept in  1  Pet.  iii.  3  (see  above). — 10.  Gr.  oikonmene 
=  (so  Rbn.  N.  T.  Lex.)  the  inhabited  earth,  the  world, 
i.  e.  (1.)  In  Greek  usage,  as  inhabited  by  Greeks, 
opposed  to  barbarian  lands,  and  hence  in  N.  T.  the  Ro- 
man world,  the  Roman  emj/ire  (Lk.  ii.  1 ;  Acts  xi.  28 
[these  two  pa-ssagos  probably  refer  chiefly  to  the 
regions  in  and  around  Palestine,  Rbn.l,  xvii.  6, 
xxiv.  6);  (2.)  Generally,  in  later  usage,  the  habitable 
globe,  the  earth,  the  world,  as  known  to  tlie  ancients 
(Mat.  xxiv.  14  ;  Lk.  iv.  5  [hyperbolically],  xxi.  26 ; 
Rom.  X.  18;  Heb  i.  6  ;  Rev.  xvi.  14),  and  by  me- 
tonymy the  inhabitants  of  the  earth,  mankind  (Acts 
xvii.  31,  xix.  27  ;  Rev.  iii.  10,  xii.  9),  also  once  trop- 
ically in  the  plirase  "the  world  to  come"  (Ileb.  ii. 
C),  i.  e.  the  ki.vodom  of  Christ  in  its  full  develop- 
ment after  the  day  of  judgment  (compare  Eternal, 
4  <•).  This  word  in  LXX.  is  used  for  No.  1,  and 
especially  for  No.  5. 

Worm,  the  A.  V.  translation  of— 1.  Ilcb.  sds  (Is. 
11.  8  only),  probably  =  some  particular  species  of 
MOTH,  whose  larva  is  injurious  to  wool. — 2.  Heb. 
rimmdh(Ex.  xvi.  24;  Job  vii.  5,  xvii.  14,  xxi.  26, 
xxiv.  20,  XXV.  6a;  Is.  xiv.  1 1  a).  The  Hebrew 
word  points  evidently  to  various  sorts  of  maggots, 
and  the  larvie  of  insects  which  feed  on  putrefying 
animal  matter,  rather  than  to  earthworms. — 3.  Heb. 
told'  (Ex.  xvi.  20),  tole'dh  and  lo'a'a'h  (Dent,  xxviii. 
89;  Job  XXV.  6  6;  Ps.  xxii.  6  [Heb.  7];  Is.  xiv. 
11  b,  xii.  14,  Ixvi.  24;  Jon.  iv.  7).  The  Heb.  rim- 
mdh  and  tole'dh  are  clearly  used  indiscriminately  to 
denote  either  true  worms  (Annelid i),  or  the  larval 
condition  of  various  insects.  (Colors,  II.  3.)  Job 
XXV.  6  compares  the  estate  of  ni.in  to  a  riinmdh, 
and  the  son  of  m.in  to  a  tole'dh.  This  latter  is  ap- 
plied in  Deut.  xxviii.  39  to  some  sorts  of  larva)  de- 
Btruclive  to  the  vines.  Of  the  various  insects 
which  attack  the  vine,  one  of  the  mo.st  destructive 
is  a  species  of  moth  ( Tortrlx  vilisana),  the  little 
caterpillar  of  which  eats  off  the  inner  parts  of  the 
blossoms,  the  clusters  of  which  it  binds  together 
by  spinning  a  web  around  them.— 4.  Gr.  sko'ez  == 
(so  Rbn.  A.  T.Lez.)  a  t«>ym,  feeding  on  dead  bodies 
(Mk.  ix.  44,  46,  48);  in  LXX.  =  No.  3.  The 
death  of  Herod  Agrippa  I.  was  caused  by  worms 
(Acta  xii.  23,  Gr.  tkolekobrotos,  A.  V.  literally 
"eaten  of  worms");  according  to  Josephus  (xix. 
8),  his  death  took  place  five  days  after  his  departure 
from  the  theatre.  Whether  the  worms  were  the 
cause  or  the  result  of  the  disease  is  an  immaterial 
question.     McniciNE. 


Worm' wood  (Heb.  la'andh;  Gr.  apsinthos),  a  bit- 
ter plant,  or  rather  the  name  common  to  several 
species  of  aromatic  and  bitter  plants  of  the  genus 
Arlemiiia.  The  word  occurs  frequently  in  tlie 
Bible,  and  generally  in  a  metaphorical  sense  (Deut. 
xxix.  18  [Heb.  17];  Prov.  v.  4;  Jer.  ix.  15  [Heb. 
14],  xxiii.  15;  Lam.  iii.  15,  19;  Am.  v.  7  [in  vi.  12 
the  A.  V.  has  "  hemlock  "  for  la'dnM]  ;  Rev.  viii. 
11  twice).  The  Orientals  typified  sorrows,  cruel- 
ties, and  calamities  of  any 'kind  by  plants  of  a 
poisonous  or  bitter  nature.  (Gall.)  Kitto  (Phys- 
ical History  of  Palestine,  p.  215)  enumerates  four 
kinds  of  wormwood  as  found  in  Palestine — Artemi- 
sia Nilolica,  Artemisia  Judaica,  Artemisia  fruticosa, 
and  Artemisia  cinerea. 

*  Wor'shlp.  Adoration;  Altar;  God;  Idol; 
Idolatry;  Minister;  Prayer;  Priest  ;  Sacrifice, 
&c. 

Wor'sIiip-(!r  or  Wor'$hip-per  =  one  who  renders 
worship  or  ADORATION,  as  to  Baal  (2  K.  x.  19  ff.) 
or  to  God  (Jn.  iv.  23,  ix.  31 ;  Heb.  x.  2).  In  Acts 
xix.  35  only  is  it  the  A.  V.  translation  of  the  Gr. 
neokoros  (margin  "  temple-keeper ; "  literally  temple- 
sweeper),  originally  an  attendant  in  a  temple,  prob- 
ably intrusted  wiih  its  charge,  but  afterward  ap- 
plied to  cities  or  communities  which  undertook  the 
worship  of  particular  gods,  and  even  of  emperors 
during  their  lives.  The  first  occurrence  of  the  term 
m  connection  with  Ephesus  is  on  coins  of  the  age 
of  Nero  (a.  d.  64-68). 

*  Wortll  is  used  in  the  A.  V.,  as  now,  to  indicate 
value  or  equ.ality  in  value  (Gen,  xxiii.  9,  15;  1  K. 
xxi.  2,  &c.);  once  as  a  verb  in  the  phrase  "  Woe 
worth  the  d.iy!"  (Ez.  xxx.  2),  i.  e.  woe  be  to  the 
day  !     Let  woe  befdll  the  day  ! 

*  Wot,  to  ~  to  know,  to  have  knowledge  (Gen. 
xxi.  26,  xxxix.  8,  xliv.  15,  &c.).     Wit,  to. 

Wrestling  [re.s'ling].     Games. 

*  Wrleil  [ride]  =  made  wry,  distorted  (Ps.  xxxviii. 
6  margin  ;  altered  to  "  wearied  "  in  some  copies). 

Wri  ting.  It  is  remarkable  that  although  the 
Hebrews  have  assigned  the  discovery  of  other  arts, 
e.  g.  of  music  and  metal  working,  to  the  heroes  of 
a  remote  antiquity,  there  is  no  trace  or  tradition 
whutever  of  the  origin  of  letters.  The  Book  of 
Genesis  has  not  a  single  allusion,  direct  or  indirect, 
either  to  the  practice  or  to  the  existence  of  writing. 
(Seal.)  That  the  Egvptians,  in  the  time  of  Joseph, 
were  acquainted  with  writing  of  a  certain  kind  there 
is  other  evidence  to  prove,  but  there  is  nothing  to 
show  that  up  to  this  period  the  knowledge  ex- 
tended to  the  Hebrew  family  (so  Mr.  Weight).  At 
the  same  time  there  is  no  evidence  against  it.  Wri- 
ting is  first  distinctly  mentioned  in  Ex.  xvii.  14,  and 
the  connection  clearly  implies  that  it  was  then  so 
familiar  as  to  be  used  for  historic  records,  Moses 
being  commanded  to  preserve  the  memory  of  Ama- 
lek's  onslaught  in  the  desert  by  committing  it  to 
writing.  The  tables  of  the  testimony  arc  said  to  be 
"  written  by  the  finger  of  God  "  (Ex.  xxxi.  18)  on 
both  sides,  and  "  the  writing  was  the  writing  of  God, 
graven  upon  the  tables"  (xxxii.  15).  The  engraving 
of  the  gems  of  the  high-priest's  breast-plate  with 
the  names  of  the  children  of  Israel  (xxviii  11)  and 
the  inscription  upon  the  mitre  (xxxix  30)  have  to 
do  more  with  the  art  of  the  enoravkr  than  of  the 
writer,  but  both  imply  the  existence  of  alphabetic 
characters.  The  curses  against  the  adulteress  were 
written  by  the  prict  "in  the  book;"  and  blotted 
out  with  water  (Num  v.  23)  This  proceeding, 
though  principally  distinguished  by  its  symbolical 
character,  involves  the  use  of  some  kind  of  ink,  and 


1196 


WRI 


WRI 


of  a  material  on  which  the  curses  were  written, 
which  would  not  be  destroyed  by  water.  Hitherto, 
however,  nothing  has  been  said  of  the  iipplieation 
of  writing  to  tlie  purposes  of  ordinary  life,  or  of 
the  knowledge  of  the  art  iiinong  the  common  people. 
Up  to  this  point  such  knowledge  is  only  attributed 
to  Moses  and  the  priests.  From  Deut.  xxiv.  1,  3, 
however — "  let  him  (the  husband)  write  her  a  bill  of 
divorcement"  (Divorce) — it  would  appear  that  it 
was  extended  to  others.  It  is  not  absolutely  nec- 
essary to  infer  from  this  that  the  art  of  writing  was 
an  accomplishment  possessed  by  every  Hebrew  cit- 
izen, though  there  is  no  mention  of  a  third  party ; 
and  it  is  more  than  probable  (so  Mr.  Wright)  that 
these  "bills  of  divorcement,"  though  apparently  so 
informal,  were  the  work  of  professional  scribes. 
It  was  one  of  the  king's  duties  (Deut.  xvii.  18)  to 
transcribe  the  book  of  the  Law  for  his  own  private 
study.  If  we  examine  the  instances  in  which  wri- 
ting is  mentioned  in  connection  with  individuals 
(Deut.  xxvii.  3,  8,  xxxi.  22,  24;  Josh.  viii.  32,  xviii. 
8;  Judg.  V.  14;  1  Sam.  x.  25;  2  Sam.  xi.  14,  15;  1 
Chr.  xxix.  29;  2  Chr.  ix.  29,  .\ii.  15,  xiii.  22,  xx.  34; 
Epistlk),  we  shall  find  that  in  all  cases  the  writers 
were  men  of  superior  position  (so  Mr.  Wright).  In 
Is.  xxix.  11,  12,  a  distinction  is  drawn  between  the 
man  wlio  was  able  to  read,  and  the  man  who  was 
not,  and  Mr.  Wright  regards  it  as  a  natural  inference 
that  the  accomplishments  of  reading  and  writing, 
though  possessed  by  the  Hebrews  at  a  very  early 
period,  were  not  widely  spread  among  the  people, 
especially  when  we  find  that  they  are  universally 
attributed  to  those  of  high  rank  or  education,  kings, 
priests,  prophets,  and  professional  scribes.  (Edu- 
cation ;  KiRjATH-SEPHER;  WITNESS.) — Recciit  in- 
vestigations have  shown  that  the  square  character 
of  the  Hebrews  is  of  comparatively  modern  date, 
and  has  been  formed  from  a  more  ancient  type  by  a 
gradual  process  of  development.  (Old  Testament, 
A,  I. ;  Samaritan  Pentateuch  ;  Shemitic  Lan- 
guages.) What,  then,  was  this  ancient  type  ?  Most 
probably  the  Phenician.  To  the  Phenicians  tradi- 
tion assigned  the  honor  of  the  invention  of  letters. 


Pliny  was  of  opinion  that  letters  were  of  Assyrian 

origin,  but  he  mentions  as  a  belief  held  by  others 
that  they  were  discovered  among  the  Egyptians  by 
Mercury,  or  that  the  Syrians  had  the  honor  of  the^ 
invention.  Diodorus  Siculus  says  that  the  Syrians 
invented  letters,  and  from  them  the  Phenicians  hav- 
ing learned  them,  transferred  them  to  the  Greeks. 
On  the  other  hand,  according  to  Tacitus  (.4nna/«,  xi, 
14),  Egypt  was  believed  to  be  the  source  whence 
the  Phenicians  got  their  knowledge.  It  may  be 
reasonably  inferred  that  the  ancient  Hebrews  de- 
rived from,  or  shared  with,  the  Phenicians  the 
knowledge  of  writing  and  the  use  of  letters.  The 
names  of  the  Hebrew  letters  indicate  (so  Mr. 
Wright,  &c.)  that  they  must  have  been  the  invention 
of  a  Shemitic.  people.  They  contain  no  trace  what- 
ever of  ships  or  seafaring  matters ;  on  the  contrary, 
they  point  distinctly  to  an  inland  and  pastoral  peo- 
ple. Perhaps  all  that  can  be  inferred  from  the  tra- 
dition that  letters  came  to  the  Greeks  from  the 
Phenicians,  but  that  they  were  the  invention  of  the 
Egyptians,  is  that  the  Egyptians  possessed  an  alpha- 
bet before  the  Phenicians.  Gesenius  argues  for  a 
Phenician  origin  of  the  alphabet,  in  opposition  to  a 
Babylonian  or  Aramean,  because — 1.  The  names 
of  the  letters  arc  Phenician,  and  not  Syrian.  2.  It 
is  not  probable  that  the  Aramaic  dialect  was  the 
language  of  the  inventors  ;  for  the  letters  i  (j/od), 
1  ("^v),  J  ('o.i//m),  {J  (dhph),  which  to  them  were  cer- 
tainly con.sonants,  had  become  so  weak  in  the  Ara- 
maic that  they  could  scarcely  any  longer  appear  as 
such,  and  could  not  have  been  expressed  by  signs 
by  an  inventor  who  spoke  a  dialect  of  this  kind. 
3.  If  the  Phenician  letters  are  pictorial,  as  there 
seems  reason  to  believe,  there  is  no  model,  among 
the  old  Babylonian  discoverers  of  writing,  after 
which  they  could  have  been  formed.  But  whether 
or  not  the  Phenicians  were  the  inventors  of  the 
Shemitic  alphabet,  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  their 
just  claim  to  being  its  chief  disseminators ;  and  with 
this  understanding  we  may  accept  the  genealogy  of 
alphabets  as  given  by  Gesenius,  and  exhibited  in  the 
accompanying  table. 


Phenician. 


Anc.  Greek. 

I 


Persia 


Anc.  Persiaa 


I 


EtroBcan.  Roman.      Later  Greek. 
Umbrian.  | 

Oscan.  Rnnic? 
Samnite. 

J  I  I  I 

Celt!      Coptic.    Gothic.    Slavonian, 
berian 


Numidian.  Anc.  Hebrew.  Anc.  Aramean. 


Samaritan.      Palmyrcne.  Ueb.  square 

I  character. 


Zend. 


II  I  I 

Sassania-writing.  Entrangelo  Sabian. 

I  and  Niistorlan. 

,      I       


Zeni 

Pehlvi. 


Armen'ant 


Whatever  minor  differences  may  exist  between 
the  ancient  and  more  modern  Shemitic  alphabets, 
they  have  two  chief  characteristics  m  common  : — 
1  That  they  contain  only  consonants  and  the  three 
principal  long  vowels,  ^^  (dleph,  a,)  i  (tod,  o),  i  (i/od, 
i),  the  other  vowels  being  represented  by  signs 
above,  below,  or  in  the  middle  of  letters,  or  being 
omitted  altogether  2  That  they  are  written  from 
right  to  left.  The  Ethopic,  being  perhaps  a  non- 
Sheinitic  alphabet,  is  an  exception  to  this  rule,  as  is 
the  cuneiform  character  in  which  some  Shemitic  in- 
scriptions are  found. — The  old  Shemitic  alphabets 


Cuflc. 
Nischi. 


Peshito.  Uienric,  or 

OldTurkish. 


may  be  divided  into  two  principal  classes:  1.  The 
Phenician,  as  it  exists  (a.)  in  the  inscriptions  in 
Cyprus,  Malta,  Carpentras,  and  the  coins  of  Phe- 
nicia  and  her  colonies ;  distinguished  by  an  absence 
of  vowels,  and  by  having  the  words  sometimes  di- 
vided and  sometimes  not.  (6.)  In  the  inscriptions 
on  Jewish  coins.  (Monet.)  (c.)  In  the  Phcnicio- 
Egyptian  writing,  with  three  vowel  signs,  deciphered 
by  Caylus  on  the  mummy  bandages.  From  (a)  are 
derived  (rf),  the  Samaritan  character,  and  (e),  the 
Greek.  2.  The  Hebrew-Chaldee  character ;  to  which 
belong  (a),  the  Hebrew  square  character ;  (J),  the 


wm 


WM 


1197 


P.ilmyrenc,  which  has  some  traces  of  a  cursive 
hand ;  («),  the  Estrangelo,  or  ancient  Syriac ;  and 
(</),  tiie  ancient  Arabic  or  Cufic.  The  oldest  Arabic 
writing  (the  Hiinvaritic)  was  perhaps  the  same  as 
the  ancient  Hebrew  or  Phenician. — Arguments  that 
the  Samaritan  character  is  older  than  the  square 
Hebrew  are  derived  from  the  existence  of  the  Sa- 
maritan Pestateccm,  from  the  names  of  the  letters 
and  the  correspondence  of  their  forms  to  their 
names  in  the  Phenician  and  Plicnicio-Samaritan  al- 
phabets, and  from  the  fact  that  the  Phenician  alpha- 
bet can  be  traced  much  further  baclc  than  the 
square  character,  the  latter  not  being  found  on  his- 
toric monuments  before  th<>  birth  of  Christ.  Gese- 
nins  (in  article  Palaographie,  in  Ersck  &  Gniher's 
Enqiklopddie)  concludes  as  most  probable  that  the 
ancient  Hebrew  was  first  changed  for  the  square 
charactei  about  the  birth  of  Clirist.  Hupfeld  main- 
tains that  the  original  alphabet  was  invented  by  the 
Babylonians  and  extended  by  the  Phenicians,  and 
that  from  this  the  square  character  was  developed 
by  three  stages:  (1.)  In  its  oldest,  form  it  appears 
on  Phenician  monuments,  stones,  and  coins.  Closely 
allied  with  it  are  the  characters  on  the  .VCaccabean 
coins  (Mo.set)  and  the  Simaritan  alphabet.  (2.) 
The  old  writing  underwent  a  gradual  transformation 
among  its  original  inventors,  the  Arameans,  es- 
pecially those  of  the  West  (Palmyrenes,  &c. ;  see 
SnEMiTic  LANorAGEs).  (3.)  A  similar  and  simul- 
taneous process  of  change  went  on  in  the  old  char- 
acter among  the  Jews,  and  thus  it  became  an  an- 
gular, uniform,  broken,  "  square  "  character.  Hup- 
feld rejects  altogether  the  theory  of  an  abrupt 
change  of  character. — It  is  evident  that  in  the 
fourth  century  a.  c.  the  siiuare  character  was  suh- 
stantially  the  same  as  now,  that  the  Hebrew  letters 
were  then  called  by  their  present  names,  and  that 
the  change  of  character,  even  in  Origen's  time  (a.  d. 
185-254)  was  an  event  already  long  past,  and  was 
attributed  in  the  common  legend  to  Ezra,  or  by 
most  of  the  Talmudists  to  God  Himself.  Mat.  v. 
18,  generally  brought  forward  as  a  proof  that  the 
square  cliaracter  must  have  been  in  existence  in  the 
time  of  Christ,  who  mentions  iota,  or  yd<l  ("  Jot  "), 
as  the  smallest  letter  of  the  alphabet,  proves  at 
least  that  the  old  Hebrew  or  Phenician  character 
was  no  longor  in  use,  but  that  the  Palmyrene  char- 
acter, or  one  very  much  like  it,  had  been  introduced. 
Mr.  Wright  supposes  it  was  probably  about  the  firpt 
or  second  century  after  Christ  that  the  square  char- 
acter assumed  its  present  form. — Jfie  Alphabet.  The 
oldest  evidence  on  the  subject  of  the  Helircw  alpha- 
bet is  derived  from  the  alphabetical  Psalms  and 
pocm3(Ps.  XXV.,  xxxiv.,  xxxvii.,  cxi.,  cxii.,  cxix.,cxtv.; 
Prov.  xxxi.  10-31 ;  Lam.  i.-iv.).  From  these  weascer- 
t;iin  that  the  number  of  the  letters  was  twenty-two, 
as  at  present.  The  Arabic  alphabet  originally  consist- 
ed of  the  same  number.  It  has  been  argued  by  many 
that  the  alphabet  of  the  Phenicians  at  llrst  consisted 
of  sixteen  letters,  or  according  to  Hug  of  fifteen, 
T>  Vy  1D>  Di  0.  2  being  omitted.  The  legend,  as 
told  by  Pliny,  is  that  Cadmus  brought  with  him  into 
Gi-ecec  sixteen  letters;  at  the  time  of  the  Trojan 
war  Palainedes  added  four  others,  © ,  E ,  ♦,  X , 
and  Simonides  of  Mcloa  four  more,  Z,  H,  V,  CI. 
Aristotle  recognized  eighteen  letters  of  the  original 
alphabet,  ABTAEZIKAMNOnPSTT*, 
to  which  B  and  X  were  added  by  Kpicbarmus.  But 
iu  the  oldest  story  of  Cadmus,  as  told  by  Herodotus 
and  Oiodorus,  nothing  is  said  of  the  number  of  the 
letters.  Recent  investigations,  however,  have  ren- 
dered it  probable  that  at  first  the  Shemitic  alphabet 


consisted  of  but  sixteen  letters.  It  is  true  that  no 
extant  monuments  Illustrate  the  period  when  the 
alphabet  was  thus  curtailed,  but  the  theory  is  based 
upon  an  organic  arrangement  first  proposed  by 
Lepsius,  and,  according  to  Dr.  Donaldson,  makes 
"four  clas.ses,  each  consisting  of  four  letters:  the 
first  and  second  classes  consist  each  of  three  mutes 
preceded  by  a  breathing,  the  third  of  the  three  liquids 
and  the  sibilant,  which  perhaps  closed  the  oldesl 
alphabet  of  all,  and  the  fourth  contains  the  three 
supernumerary  nmtes  preceded  by  a  breathing."  The 
original  sixteen  letters  of  the  Greek  alphabet,  corre- 
sponding to  those  of  the  Shemitic,  are  thus  given  by 
Dr.  Donaldson: 

'aIbFaI   'ElFHelAMNlS   I   O   ln9T 

"  In  the  Greek  alphabet,  as  it  is  now  given  in  the 
grammars,  F  and  O  are  omitted,  and  ten  other  char- 
acters added  to  these." — The  following  are  the  letters 
of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  in  their  present  shape,  with 
their  names,  probable  meanings,  and  Enghsh  repre- 
sentatives, as  employed  in  the  A.  V.,  and  in  this 
Dictionary : — 

i4  (  Alepb  {:=an ox).  The  old  Phenician  forms  have 

some  resemblance  to  an  ox-head,  'iT       y 

This  Heb.  letter  being  a  light  breathing,  is 
not  represented  by  any  corresponding  English 
letter.  Gr.  Alpha  ( A  )  =r  «. 
;2>  Beth  {—  a  house)  =  Eng.  b.  The  figure  in 
the  square  character  corresponds  more  to  its 
name,  while  the  Ethiopic  [\  has  greater  re- 
semblance to  a  tent.  Gr.  lieta  ( B )  =  6. 
5,  Gimi!l(=  a  camel)  ~  Eng.  g.  The  ancient 
form  is  supposed  to  represeut  the  head  and 

neck  of  this  animal.     In  Phenician  it  is  1  , 

in  Ethiopic  1 ;  in  Gr.  Gamma  (r)  =  </. 

^ ,  Daletii  (=  a  door).     The  significance  of  the 

name  is  seen  in  the  older  form  ^  ,  whence 

the  Greek  Delta  (A  =  Eng.  d),  a  tent-door. 
f^,  TXr.  (^^  lattice  or  window ?  Ges.)  =  A  (as  in  Iladc- 
ram,  Ilagar,  llaman,  &c.).     The  correspond- 
ing Gr.  letter  is  Mpsilon  (E  =  e  short),  which 

is  the  Phenician    ^     turned  from  left  to 
right. 
"[ ,   Vau  ( =  a  hook  or  tent-peg)  —  v.    The  old  Greek 
equivalent,  Sau  (  r^,  or  Digamma,  resem- 
bles the  Phenician   ye*  . 

T>  Zais  (=  a  weapon)  =  z.  It  appears  to  be  the 
same  as  the  ancient  Gr.  San  (afterward  dis- 
used). 

J^ ,  Ch  ETii  ( —  a  fence,  encloaure),  rarely  represented 
in  the  A.  v .  by  eh  (as  in  Achmetha,  Cheth, 
Rachel),  but  usually  by  h  (us  in  Habakkuk, 
Hadad,  Haggai,  Ham,  Hamatli,  Uananiah, 
&c.,  &c.) ;  commonly  written  ch  by  Geimaiis, 
and  uniformly  written  A  or  ch  in  this  Dic- 
tionary. Comp.  the  Phenician  R.  Cheth 
is  the  Or.  Eta  (  H )  =  «  long.  \ 

1^  ,   Teth  (=  «  snake,  Ges. ;  or  a  basket,  Fii.)  =  Gr. 
Theta(&)  =zth. 
1 ,  JoD  (=  a  hand),  properly  =  y  or  t  (as  in  Abid, 


1198 


WRI 


WRI 


Ariel,  Sinai,  &c.),  but  often  written  j  (as  in 
Hallelujah,  Jebus,  Jeliovah,  Jod,  and  mort 
proper  names  beginning  witlj  J),  or  with  both 
i  and  7  in  the  same  word  (as  in  Abijah,  Ahi- 
jah,  &c.).  The  form  of  the  letter  was  per- 
haps originally  longer,  as  in  the  Greek  Iota 
( 1 )  —  4.     Pheiiician  |  |  |  ;  Samaritan  rrl. 

5,  or  (when  final)  "J,  Caph  (=  the  hollow  of  tlie 
hand)  ■=  c  (as  in  Caleb,  Carmel,  Cush,  &c.) 
or  ch  (as  in  Achan,  Achbor,  Achish,  &f.); 
often  in  A.  V.  written  eh  in  the  beginning  of 
a  word,  when  c  bard  or  k  might  represent  it  (as 
in  Chalcol,  Cherub,  Chittim,  Chozeba,  &c.) ; 
represented  in  this  Dictionary  by  c,  or  (if 
aspirated)  by  ch.  The  Or.  Kappa  (  K  =  Eng. 
/■)  is  the  old  I'henieian  form  (s)  reversed. 

5 ,   Lamed  (=:  ox-goad)  =  /.    Gr.  Lamb  la  ( A)  =:  I. 

>3,  or  (when  final)  Q ,  Mem  (=  water)  =  m.     In 

the  old  alphabets  it  is  +f ,  in  which  Gcsenius 

sees  the  figure  of  a  trident,  and  so  possibly 
the  symbol  of  the  sea.     Gr.  Mu  (  M  )  =  m. 

5,  or  (when  final)  ^,  Nun  (=  a  fish,  Chal.,  Ar., 
and  Syr.)  =  n  .  In  almost  all  Phenician  alpha- 
bets the  figure  is  ^  .     Gr.  Nu  (N )  —.  n. 

Q ,  Samecb  (=  aprop)  =  s.     Gr.  Sigma  ( 2 )  =  «. 

y,  Am  (=  an  eye).  A  guttural  sound,  usually 
not  repnsented  in  the  A.  V.,  but  sometimes 
expressed  by  ff,  as  in  Gaza  (also  written 
Azzah),  Gomorrah,  &c. ;  represented  in  this 
Dictionary  by  an  apostrophe  ( ').  In  the 
Phenician  and  Greek  alphabets  0. 

S,  or  (when  final)  B,  Pe  (=  a  mouth)  =  p. 
Gr.  P((n)=/). 

2,  or  (when  final)  V,  Tzaddi  (=  a  reaping-hook 

or  fish-hook,  Fii.),  properly  =  is  (as  in  Hat?i- 
ham-nienuchoth),  but  usually  represented  in 
A.  V.  by  i(as  in  Azel,  Ezbon,  Mizraim,  Zadok, 
Zedekiah,  etc.),  rarely  by  tz  (as  in  Tzaddi). 
From  this  name  is  derived  the  Gr.  Zeta  (  Z ) 

p ,  Kopii  (=  the  back  of  the  head)  =r  k.     The  old 
'  Hebrew  form  (P),  inverted  q    ,  became  the 

old  Greek  JToppa  ( "  ) ;  and  the  form  ( Q ) 
which  occurs  on  the  ancient  Syracusari  coins, 
suggests  the  origin  of  the  Roman  Q. 
1,  Bf;sh  (—  a  head)  :;=  r.  The  Phenician  q 
wlien  turned  round  becaime  the  Gr.  Jiho  (P) 
=  r  or  r/(.     .  .  .  '  ■ ,  ■ 

'X  ,  Shin,  and  ^J  ,&'«(=  o  looth)  =  sh or  s.  (ScniN.) 
The  letters  'gj  and  'jj)  were  probably  at  first 
one  letter,  and  afterward  became  distin- 
guished by  the  diacritic  point.  The  Gr.  A'i 
( E  =  Eng.  ar)  is  derived  from  Shin. 

J^ ,  Tau  (=:  a  mark  or  sign  ;  probably  a  sign  in 
the  shape  of  a  cross,  such  as  cattle  were 
marked  with).  The  signification  corresponds 
to  the  shapes  of  the  old  Hebrew  letter  on 
coins  +,  X  ,  from  the  former  of  which 
conies  the  Gr.  Tau  (T)  —  t. 

The  Greek  alphabet  is  usually  given  as  consisting 
of  twenty -four  letters,  viz. : 

Alpha  (A,  o)  =  «  ;  Beta  (B,  $,  ^)  —  b ;  Gamma 
(r,  y)-=  g  hard  (when  doubled  =  ngg)  ;  l)elta{A,  S) 


=  d;  Epsilon  (E,  t)  =  e  short;  Zeta  (Z,  f )  =2/ 
Eta  (H,  ri)  =  e  long  (e);  Theta  (0,  S,  6)  =  th ; 
Iota  (I,  1 )  =  4  ;  Kappa  (k,  k)  =  k  ;  Lambda  (A,  X) 
=  I ;  Mu  (M,  /i)  —m;  JHu  (N,  v)  =  n;  A'i  (E,  () 
=  a; ;  Omicron  (O,  0)  =  0  short ;  Pi  (n,  ir)  =  p ; 
Jiho  (P,  p,  p)  =  r  or  rh  ;  Sigma  (2,  C,  a,  s)  =  s  ; 
'fan  (T,  r)  =  t ;  Upsilon  (T,  v)  —  u  (usually  written 
y  in  Latin) ;  Phi  (*,  ^)  =  ph(  =f) ;  Chi  (X,  x)  - 
ch  hard  (as  in  Christ) ;  Psi  (V,  \fi)  —  ps ;  Omega 
(n,  «)  =:  o  long  (o). 

Divisions  of  loords.  Hebrew  was  originally  writ- 
ten, like  most  ancient  languages,  without  any  divi- 
sions between  the  words  (so  Mr.  Wright).  The 
same  is  the  case  with  most  Greek  and  Plienician  in- 
scriptions. (New  Testament  ;  Old  Testament.) — 
Final  letters,  ttc.  We  find  in  all  Hebrew  MSS.  and 
printed  books  particular  forms  assumed  by  five  of 
the  Hebrew  letters,  when  they  occur  at  the  end  of 
words.  Their  invention  was  clearly  due  to  an  en- 
deavor to  render  reading  more  easy  by  distinguish- 
ing one  word  from  another,  but  they  are  of  com- 
paratively modern  date.  The  final  nun  is  found  on 
the  Palmyrene  inscriptions.  The  five  final  letters 
are  mentioned  in  Bereshith  Rabba  and  in  both  Tal- 
muds.  On  the  ancient  Phenician  inscriptions,  as  in 
the  Greek  uncial  MSS.,  the  letters  of  a  word  were 
divided  at  the  end  of  a  line  without  any  indication 
being  given  of  such  division,  but  in  Hebrew  MSS.  a 
twofold  course  has  been  adopted  in  this  case.  If  at 
the  end  of  a  line  the  scribe  found  that  he  had  not 
space  for  the  complete  word,  he  either  wrote  as 
many  letters  as  he  could  of  this  word,  but  left  them 
unpointed  and  put  the  complete  word  in  the  next 
line,  or  he  made  use  of  what  are  called  extended 
letters,  in  order  to  fill  up  the  superabundant  space. 
That  abbreviations  were  employed  in  the  ancient  He- 
brew writing  is  shown  by  the  inscriptions  on  the  Mac- 
cabean  coins.  The  greater  and  smaller  letters  which 
occur  in  the  middle  of  words  (compare  Ps.  Ixxx.  16 ; 
Gen.  ii.  4),  the  msjKiided  letters  (Judg.  xviil  30; 
Ps.  Ixxx.  14),  and  the  inverted  letters  (Num.  x.  36), 
are  transferred  from  the  MSS.  of  the  Masoretcs,  and 
have  all  received  at  the  hands  of  the  Jews  an  alle- 
gorical explanation.  (Old  Testament,  i,  1.)  Num- 
bers were  indicated  either  by  figures,  as  on  Pheni- 
cian coins,  on  the  sarcophagusof  Ashmunazar  (king 
of  Zidon),  on  the  Palmyrene  inscriptions,  and  prob- 
ably also  in  the  Arameo-Egyptian  writing;  or  by 
letters,  as  on  the  Maecabean  coins^  and  among  the 
Arabs,  and  the  early  Greeks.  It  is  also  conjectured 
that  figures  and  letters  were  likewise  used  as  numerals 
by  the  ancient  Hebrews.  (Ndmber.) —  Vowel-points 
and  diacritical  marks.  Almost  all  the  learned  Jews 
of  the  middle  ages  maintained  the  equal  antiquity 
of  the  vowels  and  consonants,  or  at  least  the  intro- 
duction of  the  former  by  Ezra  and  the  men  of  the 
Great  Synagogue;  but  the  preponderance  of  evi- 
dence goes  to  show  that  Hebrew  was  written  with- 
out vowels  or  diacritical  marks  all  the  time  that  it 
was  a  living  language  (so  Mr.  Wright).  No  vowel- 
points  are  found  on  any  of  the  Jewish  coins,  or  in 
the  Palmyrene  inscriptions,  or  in  the  relics  of  Phe- 
nician writing.  A  single  example  of  a  diacritical 
mark  occurs  for  the  first  time  on  one  of  the  Car- 
thaginian inscriptions.  The  first  certain  indication 
of  vowel-points  in  aShemitic  language  is  in  the  Ara- 
bic. (Shemitic  LANGirAGES.)  Kalisch,  one  of  the  first 
Hebrew  scholars  of  Europe,  states  his  conclusions 
thus :  "  According  to  a  statement  on  a  scroll  of  the 
Law,  which  may  liave  been  in  Susa  from  the  eighth 
century,  Moses  the  Punctator  was  the  first  who,  in 
order  to  facilitate  the  reading  of  the  Scriptures  for 


'^iWM 


vrm 


1199 


his  pupils,  added  vowels  to  the  consonants,  a  prac- 
tice ill  wiiicli  lie  was  followed  by  his  son  Judah,  the 
Corrector  or  Reviser.  These  were  the  beginnings 
of  a  full  system  of  Hebrew  points,  the  complctiou 
of  which  has,  by  tradition,  been  associated  with  the 
name  of  the  Karaite  Acha  of  Irak,  living  in  the 
first  half  of  the  sixth  century,  and  which  comprised 
the  vowels  and  accents,  dagenh  and  rapheh,  kcri  and 
eetfitb.  It  was,  from  its  local  origin,  called  the  Baby- 
lonian or  Assyrian  system.  Almost  simultaneously 
with  these  endeavors,  the  scholars  of  Palestine, 
'especially  of  Tiberias,  worked  in  the  same  direc- 
tion, and  here  Rabbi  Mocha,  a  disciple  of  Anan  the 
Karaite,  and  his  son  Moses,  fixed  another  .system  of 
vocalization  (about  570),'  distinguislied  as  that  of 
Tiberias,  which  marks  still  more  minutely  and  accu- 
rately the  various  shades  and  niceties  of  tone  and 
pronunciation,  and  which  was  ultimately  adopted  by 
all  the  Jews.  For  though  the  Karaites,  with  their 
characteristic  tenacity,  and  their  antagonism  to  the 
Rabbanitcs,  clung  for  some  time  to  the  older  signs, 
because  they  had  used  them  bufore  their  secession 
from  the  Talmudical  sects,  they  were  at  last,  in 
957,  induced  to  abandon  them  in  favor  of  those 
adopted  in  Palestine.  Xow,  the  Babylonian  signs, 
besides  differing  from  those  of  Tiberias  in  shape, 
are  chiefly  remarkable  by  being  almost  uniformly 
placed  above  the  letters.  There  still  exist  some 
USS.  which  exhibit  them,  and  many  more  would 
probably  have  been  preserveii  had  not,  in  later 
times,  the  habit  prevailed  of  S'lbstituting  in  old 
codices  the  signs  of  Tiberias  for  those  of  Baby- 
Ionia."  From  the  sixth  century  downward  the 
traces  of  punctuation  become  more  and  more  dis- 
tinct. The  object  of  the  accents  is  twofold:  (1.) 
To  mark  the  tone-syllable,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
show  tlie  relation  of  each  word  to  the  sentence ;  (2.) 
To  indicate  the  modulation  of  the  tone  according 
to  which  the  0.  T.  was  recited  in  the  synagogues. 
"The  manner  of  recitation  was  diS'erent  for  the 
Pentateuch,  the  Prophets,  and  the  metrical  books 
(Job,  the  Proverbs,  and  the  Psalms) :  old  modes  of 
caatillation  of  the  Pentateuch  and  the  Prophets 
have  been  preserved  in  the  German  and  Portuguese 
synagogues;  both  differ,  indeed,  tonsidcrably,  yet 
manifestly  show  a  common  character,  and  are  al- 
most like  the  same  composition  sung  in  two  different 
keys;  while  the  chanting  of  the  metric  il  books,  not 
Ijcing  employed  in  the  |>ublic  worship,  has  long  been 
lost "  (Kaliscli). —  Writing  rnateriah,  Jtc.  The  oldest 
documents  which  contain  the  writing  of  a  Sheraitic 
race  are  probably  the  bricks  of  Nlnevkfi  and  Baby- 
lon (Babkl)  on  which  are  impressed  tlie  cuneiform 
Assyrian  inscriptions.  There  is,  however,  no  evi- 
dence that  they  were  ever  employed  by  the  He- 
brews, Ez.  iv.  1  beiiig  manifestly  an  exception.  (Eu- 
oravkr;  Print,  to;  Stones;  T,vble ;  Tablets ;  Te-S 
CoMUAXnuENTS.)  Wood  was  used  upon  some  occa- 
sions (Num.  xvii.  3),  and  writing-tablets  of  box-wood 
are  meutioneJ  in  2  Esd.  xiv.  24.  The  "lead,"  to 
which  allusion  is  made  in  Job  xix.  21,  is  supposed 
to  have  been  poured  when  melted  into  the  cavities 
of  the  stone  made  by  the  letters  of  an  inscription, 
in  order  to  render  it  durable.  Probably  the  most 
ancient  as  well  as  the  most  common  material  which 
the  Hebrews  used  for  writing  was  dressed  skin  in 
some  form  or  other.  We  know  that  the  dressing 
of  skins  was  practised  by  the  Hebrews  (Ex.  xxv.  5  ; 
Lev.  xiii.  48),  and  they  may  have  acquired  the 
knowledge  of  the  art  from  the  Egyptians,  among 
whom  it  had  attained  great  perfection,  the  leathcr- 
C'lttcrs  constituting  one  of  the  priucipal  subdivisions 


of  the  third  caste.  (Leather.)  Perhaps  the  He- 
brews may  have  borrowed,  among  their  other  ac- 
quirements, the  use  of  papyrus  fiom  the  Egyptians, 
but  of  this  we  have  no  positive  evidence.  (Egypt; 
Paper-reeds;  Reed  2.)  In  2  Jn.  12  the  Gr.  chartea 
(A.  V.  "paper")  occurs,  which  refers  especially  to 
papyrus  paper,  and  in  3  Mc.  iv.  20  the  Gr.  charteria 
is  found  in  the  same  sense.  In  Josephus  the  trial  of 
adultery  is  made  by  writing  the  name  of  God  on  a 
skin,  and  the  seventy  men  sent  to  Ptolemy  from  Jeru- 
salem by  the  high-jiriest  Eleazar,  to  translate  the  Law 
into  Greek  (Septuacjint),  took  with  them  the  skins 
on  which  the  Law  was  written  il!  golden  characters 
(Jos.  xii.  2,  §  10).  Herodotus,  after  telling  us  that 
the  louians  Icarned'tlie  art  of  writing  from  the  Phe- 
nicians,  adds  that  they  called  their  books  skins, 
bec:iuse  they  made  use  of  sheep-skins  and  goat  skins 
when  short  of  paper.'  Parchment  was  used  for  the 
MSS.  of  the  Pentateuch  in  the  time  of  Josephus, 
and  the  "  parchments "  (Gr.  pi.  niembranai)  of  2 
Tim.  iv.  13  were  skins  of  parchment.  It  was  one 
of  the  provisions  in  the  Talmud  that  the  Law  should 
be  written  on  the  skins  of  clean  animals,  tame  or 
wild,  or  even  of  clean  birds.  The  skins  when  writ- 
ten upon  were  formed  into  rolls  (Heb.  pi.  mlgillolh  ; 
Ps.  xl.  8  ;  compare  Is.  xxxiv.  4  ;  Jer.  xxxvi.  14  ;  Ez. 
ii.  'J;  Zech.  v.  1).  They  were  rolled  upon  one  or 
two  sticks  and  fastened  with  a  thread,  the  ends  of 
which  were  sealed  (Is.  xxix.  11;  Dan.  xii.  4 ;  Rev. 
V.  1,  &c.).'  The  rolls  were  generally  written  on  one 
side  only,  oxce|)t  in  Ez.  ii.  9  and  Rev.  v.  1.  They 
were  divided  into  columns  (Heb.  pi.  deldthdth,  lit- 
erally doors,  A.  V.  "leaves,"  Jer.  xxxvi.  23);  the 
upper  margin  was  to  be  not  less  than  three  fingers 
broad,  the  lower  not  less  than  four ;  and  a  space  of 
two  fingers'  breadth  was  to  be  left  between  every 
two  columns.  (New  Testament,  I.  §§  2,  8,  17; 
Old  Testament,  A,  2;  Roll.)  The  rolls  were  kept 
in  a  case  (Gr.  teaehos  or  theke).  But  besides  skins, 
which  were  used  for  the  more  permanent  kinds  of 
writing,  tablets  of  wood  covered  with  wax  (Lk.  i. 
63,  Gr.  pinakidion,  A.  V.  "writing-table")  served 
for  the  ordinary  purposes  of  life.  Several  of  these 
were  fastened  together  and  formed  volumes.  They 
were  written  upon  with  a  pointed  style  (Heb.  'et,  A. 
V.  "  pen  "),  sometimes  of  iron  (Job  xix.  24 ;  Ps.  xlv. 
1  [Ileb.  2] ;  Jer.  viii.  8,  xvii.  1).  For  harder  mate- 
rials a  graver  (Heb.  fieret  or  cherct  ;  Ex.  xxxii.  4, 
A.  V.  "  graving  tool ; "  Is.  viii.  1,  A.  V.  "  pen  ")  was 
employed  :  the  hard  point  might  be  "  the  point  of  a 
DIAMOND,"  i.  e.  tipped  with  emery  or  corundum  (Jer. 
xvii.  1 ;  Engraver).  For  parchment  or  skins  a  reed 
was  used  (3  Jn.  13,  A.  V.  "pen,"  Gr.  kalamos  ;  Reed 
4 ;  3  Mc.  iv.  20).  The  ink  (Heb.  dli/d,  literally  black, 
Jer.  xxxvi.  18:  Gr.  melnn,  literally  A/act ;  2  Cor.  ill. 
3  ;  2  Jn.  12  ;  3  Jn.  13)  was  to  be  of  lamp-black  dis- 
solved in  gall-juice,  though  sometimes  a  mixture  of 
gall-juice  and  vitriol  was  allowable.  It  was  carried 
in  an  inkstand  (Heb.  keseth  hasmphlr,  A.  V.  "  a  wri- 


' "  Paper."  in  our  nso  of  the  word  to  denote  the  material 
for  writin-j;  mtido  of  cotton  or  linen  pulp,  was  not  known 
in  Europe  until  iunijaltt^r  the  Christian  era.  The  art  of 
manufacturln:^  paptjr  (if  this  kind,  is  said  by  Gibbon  to 
have  t)een  denvi^d  from  tlu;  manufHcturerd  of  Satnarcand, 
wlicrt!  it  was  introduced  from  Cliiua  a.  d.  tiSl,  and  thence 
spread  over  Europe. 

'  llcdce  a  "  lM»ok  "  (Flob.  sephfir  ;  Gr.  btbHon.  biNo^)  in 
the  Scriptures  is  ordlnarilv  a  roll  <ir  ncroli  of  parchment, 
&c.  rJcr.  xxxvi.  2 ;  Ez.  Ii.  9 ;  Lk.  iv.  17 ;  Rev.  v.  1  IT., 
&c.),  "The  book  of  life"  (Phil.  iv. :);  liov.  lii.  5.  xx.  12, 
15,  Ac. ;  compare  "  the  book  of  the  liviu'.;."  Pk.  Ixix.  23) 
is  tlie  roll  or  MH.  in  wlilch  Goo  Is  ll;;uratively  represented 
as  bavin;;  recorded  the  names  of  those  destined  to  etcrual 

UTE. 


1200 


XAN 


YEA 


tcr's  irikhorn  "),  which  was  Buspended  at  the  girdle 
(£z.  ix.  2,  3,  11),  as  it  is  done  at  the  present  day  in 


Anci«nt  WritiDg-materiala. — (Ayw.) 

the  East.  Modem  scribes  "have  an  apparatus 
consisting  of  a  metal  or  ebony  tube  for  their  reed 
pens,  with  a  cup  or  bulb  of  the  same  material,  at- 
tached to  the  upper  end,  for  the  ink.  This  they 
thrust  through  the  girdle,  and  carry  with  them  at 
all  times"  (Thn.  i.  188).  Bible;  Divi.nation  ; 
Epistle  ;  Prophet  ;  Revelation,  &c. 


X 

Xan'thi-cns  [zan'thc-kus]  (L.  fr.  Gr.),  one  of  the 
Macedonian  months ;  —  (so  Josephus)  Heb.  Nisan. 
Month. 


Tfarn  (Heb.  mihieh,  mikvi).  The  notice  of  yarn 
is  contained  in  1  K.  x.  28  and  2  Chr.  i.  16  :  "  Solo- 
mon had  horses  brought  out  of  Egypt,  and  linen 
yam  ;  the  king's  merchants  received  the  linen  yarn 
at  a  price."  The  probability  is  (so  Mr.  Bevan)  that 
the  term  refers  to  some  entrepot  of  Egyptian  com- 
merce, but  whether  Tekoah,  as  in  the  LXX.,  or 
Coa,  as  in  the  Vulgate  (with  which  agree  the  Chal- 
dee,  Maurcr,  Fiirst,  Bertheau,  W.  L.  Alexander  [in 
Kitto],  &c.),  is  doubtful.  The  Douay  Bible  (after 
the  Vulgate)  translates  the  verse  thus :  "  And  horses 
were  brought  for  Solomon  out  of  Egypt  and  Coa ; 
for  the  king's  merchants  brought  them  out  of  Coa, 
and  bought  them  at  a  set  price."  Gesenius  (fol- 
lowed by  Keil,  &c.)  gives  the  sense  of  company 
(Pool  4)  as  applying  equally  to  the  merchants  and 
the  horses: — ''A  company  of  the  king's  merchants 
brought  a  company  (of  horses)  at  a  price ; "  but  the 
verbal  arrangement  in  2  Chronicles  is  opposed  to 
this  rendering.  The  sense  adopted  in  the  A.  V.  is 
derived  from  Jewish  interpreters.     Horse;  Linen. 

Year  (Heb.  shandh  ;  Gr.  etos),  the  highest  ordinary 
division  of  time.  The  Hebrew  name  (root  ahdnAh 
=  to  repeat,  to  do  the  second  <!»!«)  is  thought  by  Gese- 
nius, Fiirst,  &c.,  to  mean  properly  a  repetition,  so.  of 
the  course  of  the  sun,  or  of  the  seasons. — I.  Years, 
properly  so  called.  Two  years  were  known  to,  and 
apparently  used  by,  the  Hebrews.  1.  A  year  of 
360  days,  containing  twelve  months  of  thirty  days 
each,  is  indicated  by  certain  passages  in  the  pro- 
phetical Scriptures.  The  time,  times,  and  a  half,  of 
Dan.  vii.  25,  xn.  7,  where  "  time "  means  "  year," 
evidently  =  the  42  months  of  Rev.  xi.  2  and  1,260 
days  of  Rev.  xi.  S,  xii.  6,  for  360  x  3.5  =  1,260, 
and  30  X  42  =  1,260.  This  year  perfectly  corre- 
sponds to  the  Egyptian  Vague  year,  without  the  five 


intercalary  days.  It  appears  to  have  been  in  use-in 
Noah's  time,  for  in  the  narrative  of  the  Flood  the 
interval  from  the  17th  day  of  the  2d  month  to  the 
17th  day  of  the  7th  of  the  same  year  appears  to  be 
stated  to  be  a  period  of  150  days  (Gen.  vii.  11,  24, 
viii.  3,  4,  compare  13),  and,  as  the  1st,  2d,  7tli,  and 
lOtli  months  of  one  year  are  mentioned  (viii.  13,  14y 
vii.  11,  viii.  4,  6),  the  1st  day  of  the  10th  month  of 
this  year  being  separated  from  the  1st  day  of  the 
Ist  month  of  the  next  year  by  an  interval  of  at  least 
54  days  (viii.  5,  6,  10,  12,  13),  we  can  only  infer  a 
year  of  12  months.  (Chronology  I. ;  Sabbath  ; 
Week.)  A  year  of  360  days  is  the  rudest  known. 
It  is  formed  of  12  spurious  lunar  months,  and  was 
probably  the  parent  of  tlie  lunar  year  of  354  days, 
and  the  Vague  year  of  365.  The  Ilcbrew  year,  from 
the  time  of  the  Exodus,  was  evidently  lunar,  though 
in  some  manner  rendered  virtually  solar,  and  we 
may  therefore  infer  that  the  lunar  year  is  as  old  as 
the  Exodus.  As  the  Hebrew  year  wos  not  an  Egyp-i 
tian  year,  and  as  nothing  is  said  of  its  being  newjj 
save  in  its  time  of  commencement,  it  was  perhaps 
earlier  in  u.se  among  the  Israelites,  and  either 
brought  into  Egypt  by  them  or  borrowed  from  She- 
mitic  settlers.  (Egypt,  Chronologi/  and  History.) 
2.  The  year  used  by  the  Hebrews  from  the  time  of 
the  Exodus  may  be  said  to  liave  been  then  instituted, 
since  a  current  month,  Abib,  on  the  14th  day  of 
which  the  first  Passover  was  kept,  was  then  made 
the  first  month  of  the  year.  This  Hebrew  year  was 
essentially  solar,  for  the  offerings  of  productions 
of  the  earth,  first-fruits,  harvest-produce,  and  in- 
gathered  fruits,  were  fixed  to  certain  days  of  the- 
year,  two  of  which  were  in  the  periods  of  great 
feasts,  the  third  itself  a  feast  reckoned  from  one  of 
the  former  days.  (Festivals  ;  Passover  ;  Pente- 
cost ;  Tabernacles,  Feast  of.)  But  the  months 
were  lunar,  each  commencing  with  a  new  moon. 
There  must  therefore  have  been  some  method  of 
adjustment.  Probably  the  Hebrews  determined 
their  new  year's  day  by  the  observation  of  heliacal 
or  other  stai^risings  or  settings  known  to  mark  the 
right  time  of  the  solar  year  (so  Mr.  R.  S.  Poole, 
original  author  of  this  article).  (Astronomy.)  It 
follows,  from  the  determination  of  the  proper  new 
moon  of  the  first  month,  whether  by  observation  of 
a  stellar  phenomenon,  or  of  the  forwardness  of  the 
crops,  that  the  method  of  intercalation  can  only 
have  been  that  in  use  after  the  Captivity,  the  addi- 
tion of  a  thirteenth  month  whenever  the  twelfth 
ended  too  long  before  the  equinox  for  the  offering 
of  the  first-fruits  to  be  made  at  the  time  fixed.  The 
later  Jews  had  two  commencements  of  the  year, 
whence  it  is  commonly  but  inaccurately  said  tliat 
they  had  two  years,  the  sacred  year  and  the  civil  We 
prefer  to  speak  of  the  sacred  and  civil  reckonings.i 
The  sacred  reckoning  was  that  instituted  at  the  Ex- 
odus, according  to  which  the  first  month  was  Abib  : 
by  the  civil  reckoning  the  first  month  was  the  sev- 
enth (—  Tisri).  The  interval  between  the  two  com- 
mencements was  thus  exactly  half  a  year.  It  lias 
been  supposed  that  the  institution  at  the  time  of  the 
Exodus  was  a  change  of  commencement,  not  the  in- 
troduction of  a  new  year,  and  that  thenceforward 
the  year  had  two  beginnings,  respectively  at  about 
the  vernal  and  the  autumnal  equinoxes.  (Agricul- 
ture.)— II.  Divisions  of  the  Year.  The  Bible  makes 
mention  of  two  sca.«ons  ("summer"  and  "winter")^ 
of  months,  weeks,  days,  &c.  (Agriculture  ;  Chro- 
nology I. ;  Day  ;  Fasts  ;  Festivals  ;  Hour  ;  Month  ; 
Palestine,  Climate;  Sabbath;  Week,  &c.) — III. 
Sacred  Years.   Sabbatical  Year  ;  Jubilie,  Ykaji  of» 


TEL 


ZAC 


1201 


•  Yfl'low.     Colors  ;  Leprosy. 

Yok«.  1.  A  wi'll-knonn  implement  of  husbandry 
(Agriclltcre),  described  by  the  Hebrew  terms  mot 
(Nab.  i.  13;  elsewhere  "bar,"  &e.),  tiiohXh  {Is.  Iviii. 
6,  9 ;  Jer.  xxvii.  2,  xxviii.  10,  12,  13  twice ;  Ez.  xxx. 
18;  elsewhere  "bands,"  &c.),  and 'o/ (Gen.  xxvii. 
40;  Lev.  xxvi.  13  ;  Xiun.  xix.  3  ;  Deut.  xxi.  3,  xxviii. 
48 ;  1  Sam.  vi.  7  ;  1  K.  xii.  4  ff. ;  2  Chr.  x.  4  ff.,  &c.), 
the  two  lonner  specifically  applying  to  the  bows  of 
wood  out  of  which  it  was  constructed,  and  the  last 
to  the  application  (6i)H/i»j/)  of  the  article  to  the  neck 
of  the  ox.  In  the  N.  T.  the  Gr.  zugm  is  usually  trans- 
lated "  yoke  "( Mat.  xi.  29,  30;  Acts  xv.  10,  &c.). 
"Yoke"  often  figuratively  denotes  a  burden,  bond- 
age, &c.  (1  K.  xii.  4  ff. ;  Jer.  xxviii.  2  ff. ;  Mat.  xi.  28, 
30,  &c.). — 2.  (H^eh.  tsemed.)  Apairof  oxen,  so  termed 
as  being  yoked  together  (1  Sam.  xi.  7,  xiv.  14 ;  IK. 
xix.  19,  21  ;  Job  i.  8,  xlii.  12;  Jer.  h.  23;  elsewhere 
translated  "  a  couple,"  "  two,"  &c. ;  Acre).  The 
Gr.  zeurfoi  is  applied  to  "  a  pair  "  of  turtle-doves  (Lk. 
ii.  24)  and  five  "yoke"  of  oxen  (xiv.  19). 

•  Yokf  -f*riow  (Gr.  sHzuffoa)  =  a  fellow-laborer, 
colleague  (Phil.  iv.  3).  It  is  not  known  whom  the 
apostle  here  addresses  by  this  title,  probably  (so 
Conybcare  &  Howson)  some  eminent  Christian  at 
Philippi.  Some  (improbably)  have  supposed  the 
word  a  proper  name  —  "  Syzygus." 


z 

Za-a-na'lia  (fr.  Heb.  =:  removals,  Gcs.),  the  Plain 
Ofdieb.  elon,  see  Plain  7),  more  accurately  "the 
oak  by  Zaanaim  ;  "  a  tree  near  which  Heber  the  Ke- 
nite  was  encamped  when  Sisera  took  refuge  in  his 
tent  (Judg.  iv.  11).  It  was  "near  Kedesh,"  i.  e. 
Kedesli-naphtali,  on  the  high  ground  AV.  of  the 
Lake  of  el-Huleh.  The  Targum  gives  as  the  equiva- 
lent of  the  name,  mishor  agganiyd  =  the  plain  of 
Hie  swamp,  which  can  hardly  refer  to  any  thing  but 
the  marsh  bordering  the  lake  of  IWek  on  the  N., 
and  probably  more  extensive  in  the  time  of  Deborah 
than  now.  On  the  other  hand.  Dr.  Stanley  has 
pointed  out  an  appropriate  situation  for  this  tree  in 
"a green  plain  ....  studded  with  massive  tere- 
binths," which  adjoins  on  the  S.  the  plain  contain- 
ing the  remains  of  Kedesh.  The  Kirt,  or  Hebrew 
correction,  of  Judg.  iv.  11  substitutes  Zaanakniu 
for  Ziianaim. 

Za'a-nan  (fr.  Heb.  =  plare  offlovlo,  Ges.),  a  place 
named  by  Mic-ih  (i.  11);  doubtless  =  Zenan. 

*  Zl-a-nan'iiilB  (fr.  Heb.  =  removals,  Ges.),  a  place 
on  t!ie  border  of  Naphtali  (Josh.  xix.  33).  Allon 
1;  Zaanaim. 

Za'a-Tan  (Ilcb.  unquiet,  Ges.),  a  Uoritc  chief,  son 
of  Kzer  the  san  of  Seir  (Gen.  xxxvi.  27);  =  Zavan. 

Za'bad  (Heb.  whom  God  gave,  Ges.)  1.  Son  of 
Kathan,  son  of  Attai,  son  of  Aiilai,  Sheshan's  daugh- 
ter (1  Chr.  ii.  31-37),  and  hence  called  son  of  Ahlai 
(xi.  41).  He  was  one  of  David's  "valiant  men."— 
Sf  An  Ephraimitc  (1  Chr.  vii.  21).  (Siiuthklah.) 
— 3>  Son  of  the  Ammonitess  Sliimeatli,  and  an  a.t- 
Bassin,  with  Jehozabnd,  of  King  Joash  (2  Chr.  xxiv. 
26);  =  JozAciiAR. — 4.  The  name  of  three  Israelites 
in  Ezra's  time  who  had  married  foreign  wives ;  viz. 
the  first,  one  of  the  sons  of  Zattu  (Ezr.  x.  27); — 5. 
The  second,  one  of  the  sons  of  Hashum  (x.  33);^-C 
The  third,  one  of  the  sons  of  Nebo  (x.  43). 

Zak-a-dai'as  [-da'yas]  (Gr.)  ;=  Zabad  6  (1  Esd.  ix. 
85). 

Zab-a>de'au  (fr.  Gr),  an  Arab  tribe  attacked  and 
spoiled  by  Jonatlian,  on  hi3  way  back  to  Damascus 
76 


from  his  fruitless  pursuit  of  the  army  of  Demetrius 
(1  Mc.  xii.  31).  Josephus(xiii.  5,  §  10)  calls  them  Nab- 
ateans,  but  he  is  evidently  in  error  (so  Mr.  Wright). 
Nothing  certain  is  known  of  them.  Jonathan 
had  pursued  the  enemy's  army  as  far  as  the  river 
Eleutherus  (Nahr  el-Kebir),  and  was  on  his  march 
back  to  Damascus  when  he  attacked  and  plundered 
the  Zabadeans.  Mr.  Wright  thinks  that  the  modern 
village  o[  Zebediiiit/,  on  the  road  from  Damascus  to 
Ba'albek,  about  8t  hours  (26  miles)  N.  W.  from  Da- 
mascus, at  the  upper  end  of  a  plain  of  the  same 
name,  which  is  the  very  centre  of  Antilibanus,  is  pos- 
sibly a  relic  of  tlie  ancient  tribe  of  the  Zabadeans. 

/ab'bal  (Heb.,  probably  a  corruption  of  Zaccat, 
Ges.).  I.  One  of  the  sons  of  Bebai,  and  husband  of  a 
foreign  wife  in  Ezra's  time  (Ezr.  x.  28). — 8.  Father 
of  the  Barccii  who  assisted  Nehemiah  in  rebuilding 
the  city  wall  (Neh.  iii.  20). 

Zab' bad  (Ilcb.  =  Zabuo,  Ges.),  one  of  the  sons  of 
Bigvai,  and  companion  of  Ezra  in  returning  from 
Babylon  (Ezr.  viii.  14;  margin  "  Zaecur,  as  some 
read"). 

ZaiMle'DS  (fr.  Gr.  form)  =  Zebadiah  6  (1  Esd.  ix. 
21). 

Zab'di  (Heb.  gift  of  Jehovah,  Ges.).  1.  Son  of 
Zerali,  the  son  of  Judah,  and  ancestor  of  Achan 
(Josh.  vii.  1,  17,  18);  Zimri  3  ?— S.  A  Benjamite 
chief,  son  of  Shimhi  (1  Chr.  viii.  19). — 3i  David's 
officer  over  the  produce  of  the  vineyards  for  the 
wine-cellars  (xxvii.  27);  called  "the  Shipiimite."^ 
i.  A  Levite,  son  of  Asaph  (Neh.  xi.  17);  probably 
=  Zaccur  3  and  Zichri  5. 

Zab'dl-el  (Heb.  gi/l  of  Ood,  Ges.).  1.  Father  of 
Jashobeam  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  2). — 2.  An  overseer  of 
the  priests  in  Nehemiah's  time ;  son  of  one  of  the 
great  men,  or,  as  the  margin  gives  it,  "  Haggedolim  " 
(Neh.  xi.  14). — 3.  An  Arabian  chieftain,  who  put 
Alexander  Balas  to  death  (1  Mc.  xi.  17). 

Za'bad  (Heb.  given,  Ges.),  son  of  Natman  1  (1  K. 
iv.  5);  described  as  a  priest  (A.  V.  "principal  offi- 
cer"), and  as  holding  at  the  court  of  Solomon  the 
confidential  post  of  "  king's  friend,"  which  had  been 
occupied  by  Uushai  the  Archite  during  the  reign  of 
David  (2  Sam.  xv.  37,  xvi.  16;  1  Chr.  xxvii.  33). 
Some  suppose  Zabud  =  Zabad  1.     King. 

Zab'n-lon,  the  Latinized  Greek  form  of  Zebulun 
(Mat.  iv.  13,  16;  Rev.  vii.  8). 

Zae'eal,  or  Zac'ca-I  (Heb.  pure,  innocent,  (Jcs.),  an- 
cestor of  760  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel(Ezr.  ii. 
9;  Neh.  vii.  14). 

Za(-(ha;'og  [-kee-]  (L.)  =  ZACcnEtis  2. 

Zae-«lie'iU  (L.  Zaechceus,  fr.  Heb.  =  Zaccai).  1. 
An  officer  of  Judas  Maccabeus  (2  Mfi.  x.  19). — 2,  A 
ta.x-collector  near  Jericho,  who  being  short  in  stature 
climbed  up  into  a  sycamore-tree,  to  obtain  a  sight  of 
Jesls  CHRi.sTas  He  passed  through  that  place  (Lk. 
xix.  1-10).  He  was  "  a  son  of  Abraham,  i.  e.  a  Jew. 
The  term  "  chief  among  the  publicans  "  (Gr.  archi- 
telones),  which  designates  his  office,  describes  him  no 
doubt  as  the  superintendent  of  customs  or  tribute 
in  the  district  of  Jericho,  where  he  lived,  as  one 
having  a  commission  from  his  Roman  principal  to 
collect  the  imposts  levied  on  the  Jews  by  the  Ro- 
mans, and  who  in  the  execution  of  that  trust  em- 
ploye<l  subalterns,  who  were  accountable  to  him,  as 
lie  in  turn  was  accountable  to  his  superior  (so  Prof. 
Ilackett).  The  office  must  have  been  lucrative  in 
such  a  region,  and  Zaccheus  was  "  rich."  (Pub- 
lican.) The  eagerness  of  Zaccheus  to  see  Jesus  in- 
dicates a  deeper  interest  than  that  of  mere  curiosity. 
There  was  evidently  a  religious  susceptibility  and  a 
preparation  for  the  reception  of  spiritual  blessings. 


1202 


ZAC 


ZAL 


Though  regarded  as  "  a  man  that  was  a  sinner,"  he 
was  ready  to  engage  to  restore  "  fourfold  "  for  the 
illegal  exactions  of  which  he  would  not  venture  to 
deny  thut  he  might  have  been  guilty.  That  day  sal- 
vation came  to  his  house.  The  Saviour  spent  the 
night  probably  in  his  house,  and  the  next  day  pur- 
sued liis  journey  to  Jerusalem.  We  read  in  the 
Rabbinic  writings  also  of  a  Zacoheus  who  lived  at 
Jericho  at  this  same  period,  well  known  on  his  own 
account,  and  especially  as  the  father  of  the  cele- 
brated Rabbi  Joehanan  ben  Zachai. 

Zac'char  (fr.  Heb.  =  Zaccur),  a  Simeonite,  of  the 
family  of  Mishma  (1  Chr.  iv.  2C). 

Zae'enr  (Ueb.  mindful,  Ges.).  1.  A  Reubenite, 
father  of  Shammua  the  spy  (Num.  xiii.  4). — i,  A  Me- 
rarite  Levitc,  son  of  Jaaziah  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  2'7).— 3. 
A  Levite,  son  of  Asaph,  and  chief  of  the  third  divi- 
sion of  the  Temple  choir  (xxv.  2,  10;  Neh.  xii.  35); 
probably  =  Zabdi  4  and  ZiciiRi  5. — 4.  Sonof  Imri, 
assisted  Neliemiah  in  rebuilding  the  city  wall(iii.  2). 
— 5.  A  Levite,  or  Pimily  of  L^vites,  who  sealed  the 
covenant  with  Nehemiah  (x.  12). — 6,  A  Levite, 
whose  son  or  descendant  Ilanan  was  one  of  tlie 
treasurers  appointed  by  Nehemiah  (xiil.  13). 

Zacll-a-ri'ali  [zak-],  properly  Zechariaii.  1.  Son 
of  Jeroboam  IL  ;  fourteenth  king  of  Israel,  and  the 
last  of  the  house  of  Jehu.  Most  chronologers  as- 
sume an  interregnum  of  eleven  years  between  Jero- 
boam's death  and  Zachariah's  accession,  during 
which  the  kingdom  was  suffering  from  the  anarchy 
of  a  disputed  succession.  (Israel,  Kingdom  of.) 
Zachariali's  reign  lasted  only  six  months.  He  was 
killed  in  a  conspiracy,  of  which  Shali.lm  was  the 
head,  and  by  which  the  prophecy  in  2  K.  x.  30  was 
accomplished. — i.  Father  of  Abi,  or  Abijah,  Heze- 
kiah's  mother  (2  K.  xviii.  2) ;  =  Zechariaii  25. 

Zaeh-a-rl'as(Gr.  and  L.  :=  Zechariah).  I.  Zech- 
ariaii 27  (1  Esd.  i.  8).— 2.  Heman  2  (i.  15).— 3.  Se- 
RAIAH  6  =  AzARiAH  20  (v.  8). — i.  The  prophet 
Zechariaii  1  (vi.  1,  vii.  3). — H.  Zechariaii  8  (viii. 
30).^-6.  Zechariah  9  (viii.  37). — 7.  Zechariaii  10 
(viii.  44).— 8.  Zechariah  11  (ix.  27). — 9.  Father  of 
Joseph  5,  a  leader  in  the  first  campaign  of  the  Mac- 
cabeau  war  (1  Mc.  v.  18,  56-62).— 10.  Father  of 
John  the  Baptist  (Lk.  i.  5,  &c.). — 11.  Son  of  Bar- 
achias,  slain,  our  Lord  says,  by  the  Jews  between 
the  altar  and  the  temple  (Mat.  xxiii.  35  ;  Lk.  xi.  51). 
There  has  been  much  dispute  who  this  Zacharias 
was.  Many  of  the  Greek  Fathers  maintained  that 
the  father  of  John  the  Baptist  (No.  10  above)  is  the 
person  to  whom  our  Lord  alludes ;  but  there  can  be 
little  or  no  doubt  that  the  allusion  is  to  Zechariah 
6,  the  son  of  Jehoiada.  The  name  of  the  father  of 
Zacharias  is  not  mentioned  by  St.  Luke,  and  we  may 
suppose  that  the  name  of  Barachias  crept  into  the 
text  of  St.  Matthew  from  a  marginal  gloss,  a  confu- 
sion having  been  made  between  Zachariah,  the  son 
of  Jehoiada,  and  Zacharias,  the  son  of  Barachias 
(Berechiah)  the  prophet. 

Zach'a-ry  (fr.  Or.)  =  the  prophet  Zechariah  1  (2 
Esd.  i.  40). 

Za'fher  (Heb.  remembrance,  memorial,  Ges.),  a  son 
of  Jehiel,  the  father  or  founder  of  Gibeon,  by  his 
wife  Maachah  (1  Chr.  viii.  31);  =  Zechariah  3. 

Za'dok  (fr.  Heb.  =  riffhteoits).  I,  Son  of  Aiiitcb 
2,  and  one  of  the  two  chief  priests  (High-prie.st)  in 
the  time  of  David,  Abiathar  being  the  other.  Zadok 
was  of  the  house  of  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Aaron  (1 
Chr.  xxiv.  3),  and  eleventh  in  descent  from  Aaron. 
The  first  mention  of  him  is  in  1  Chr.  xii.  28,  as  join- 
ing David  at  Hebron  after  Saul's  death  with  twenty- 
two  captains  of  his  father's  bouse,  and,  apparently. 


with  900  men  (4,600—3,700,  ver.  26,  27).  Up  to 
this  time,  it  may  be  concluded,  he  had  adhered  to 
the  house  of  Saul.  But  henceforth  his  fidelity  to 
David  was  inviolable.  When  Absalom  revolted,  and 
David  fled  from  Jerusalem,  Zadok  and  all  the  Le- 
viics,  bearing  the  Ark,  accompanied  him,  and  it  was 
only  at  the  king's  express  command  that  they  re- 
turned to  Jerusalem,  and  became  the  mciiium  of 
communication  between  the  king  and  Hushai  the 
Archite  (2  Sam.  xv.,  xvii.).  When  Absalom  was 
dead,  Zadok  and  Abiathar  persuaded  the  elders  of 
Judah  to  invite  David  to  return  (xix.  11).  When 
Adonijali,  in  David's  old  age,  set  up  for  king,  and 
had  persuaded  Joab,  and  Abiathar  the  priest,  to 
join  his  party,  Zadok  was  unmoved,  and  was  cm- 
ployed  by  David  to  anoint  Solomon  to  be  king  in  his 
room  (1  K.  i.).  Solomon  "  thrust  out  Abiathar  from 
being  priest  unto  the  Lord,"  and  "  put  in  Zadok  the 
priest "  in  his  room  (ii.  27,  35).  From  this  time, 
however,  we  hear  little  of  him.  In  the  eniuneration 
of  Solomon's  officers  of  state  Zadok  is  named  as  the 
priest  (iv.  4  ;  1  Chr.  xxix.  22),  but  no  single  act  of 
his  is  mentioned.  Zadok  and  Adiathar  were  of 
nearly  equal  dignity  (2  Sam.  xv.  35,  3B,  xix.  11). 
The  duties  of  the  office  were  divided.  Zadok  min- 
istered before  the  Tabernacle  at  Gibeon  (1  Chr.  xvi. 
39),  Abiathar  had  the  care  of  the  Ark  at  Jerusalem. 
Not,  however,  exclusively,  as  appears  from  1  Chr. 
XV.  1 1  and  2  Sam.  xv.  24,  25,  29).— 2.  According  to 
the  genealogy  of  the  high-priests  in  1  Chr.  vi.  12, 
there  was,  about  the  time  of  King  Ahaziah,  a  second 
Zadok,  son  of  a  second  Ahitub,  son  of  Amariah. 
Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  supposes  it  jirob-able  that  this 
second  Zadok  (and  so  Ahitub  3)  never  existed,  and 
that  the  insertion  of  the  two  names  is  a  copyist's 
error ;  but  we  have  no  authority  for  excluding  these 
names.  (Genealogy;  Uioh-priest.) — 3>  Father  of 
Jerushah,  the  wife  of  King  Uzziah,  and  mother  of 
King  Jothaiu  (2  K.  xv.  33;  2  Chr.  xxvii.  ]).— 4. 
Son  of  Baana,  repaired  a  portion  of  the  wall  in  the 
time  of  Nehemiah  (Nch.  Hi.  4);  probably  the  Zadok 
in  the  list  of  those  that  sealed  the  covenant  in  Neh. 
X.  21.-5.  Son  of  Imraer;  a  priest  who  repaired  a 
portion  of  the  wall  over  against  his  own  house  (iii. 
29). — 6.  In  Neh.  xi.  11,  and  1  Chr.  ix.  11,  mention 
is  made  of  Zadok,  the  son  of  Meraioth,  the  son  of 
Ahitub.  But  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  considers  Meraioth 
as  inserted  by  the  error  of  a  copyist,  and  Zadok  the 
son  of  Ahitub  as  meant.  (Ahitub  2;  Meraioth  1.) 
— T«  "Zadok  the  scribe  "  was  one  of  the  treasurers 
appointed  by  Nehemiah  (Neh.  xiii.  13). 

Za'bam  (Heb.  loathing,  (ies.),  son  of  Rehoboam 
by  Abihail,  the  daughter  of  Eliab  (2  Chr.  xi.  19). 

*  Za'ill(Heb.  zai/in  =  awcapm,  Ge*.),  the  seventh 
letter  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet(Ps.  cxix.).    Writing. 

Za'lr  (fr.  Heb.  =  small,  Ges.),  a  place  (probably  in 
or  near  Edom),  where  Joram,  in  his  expedition  against 
the  Edomites,  having  been  surroimded  by  the  latter, 
cut  his  way  through  them  by  night  and  escaped  (2 
K.  viii.  21  only).  In  2  Chr.  xxi.  9  the  words  "  to 
Zair  "  are  omitted,  and  the  words  "  with  his  princes  " 
inserted,  perhaps  by  the  error  of  a  copyist  (Dahlcr), 
or  intentionally,  because  the  name  Zair  was  not 
elsewhere  known  (Keil).  Others  (Movers,  Ewald) 
suggest  that  Zair  =  Zoar.  A  third  conjecture 
(Thenius)  is,  that  Zair  is  an  alteration  for  Seir. 

Za'laph  (fr.  Heb.  z=  fracture,  wound,  Ges.),  father 
of  llanun,  who  assisted  in  rebuilding  the  city  wall 
(Neh.  iii.  30). 

Zal'mon  (fr.  Heb.  —  shady,  Ges.),  an  Ahohite,  one 
of  David's  thirty  warriors  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  8) ;  =  Ilai. 

Zalmon  (see  above),  Honnt,  a  wooded  eminence 


ZAL 


ZAR 


1203 


ncnr  Shkchem,  from  whicli  Abimelcch  anil  his  peo- 
ple cut  down  the  boughs  for  setting  tire  to  the  eita- 
<iel  (Jintsr.  ix.  48).  Mount  Kbal  is  now  culled  Jcbel 
J^itlamii/eh  ;  but  it  is  nneertuin  whether  there  is  any 
connection  betweiMi  this  na:no  and  Zalniou.  The 
name  Dalmanutha  has  been  supposed  a  corruption 
of  Zaiinon.     Salmon". 

Zal-monab  (fr.  ileb.  -=  ehadif,  Ges.),  a  desert- 
Mition  of  the  Israelites  (Num.  xxxiii.  41 1.  It  lies  on 
the  E.  side  of  Edom  ;  but  whether  or  not  —  Jfa'dn, 
a  few  miles  E.  of  Petra,  as  Raumer  thinks,  is  doubt- 
ful. More  probal)iy  Zaimonah  may  be  in  the  U  a</y 
fLIlhm  (80  Mr.  Haynian).  Wilder.skss  ok  the  Wan- 

PKRINC. 

Z:ll-niDB  na  (^r.  Heb.  =  shelter  i»  deniedhxm,  Ges., 

Fii.),  one  of  the  two  "  kinps'"  of  MiDtAN  taken  and 
elain  by  Gideos  (Judg.  viii.  5-21 ;  I's.  Ixxxiii.  11). 
Zekah. 

Zam  bis  (fr.  Gr.)  —  Auariah  6  (1  Esd.  ix.  34). 

Zam  bri  (Gr.)  =  Zimri  1  (1  Me.  ii.  26). 

ZaniDth  (Gr  )  =  Zattc  (1  Esd.  ix.  28). 

Zara-ZDin'mlin  (Heb.  pi.  —  noisi/  people,  Ges.), 
Zam-znin  Bilms  (fr.  Heb.),  the  Anmionite  name  for 
the  people,  who  by  others  were  called  "  Rephaira  " 
(Dent.  ii.  20  only);  described  as  originally  a  power- 
ful and  numerous  nation  of  giants.  From  a  slight 
similarity  between  the  two  names,  and  from  the 
mention  of  the  Emim  in  ennneetion  with  each,  it  is 
usually  assumed  that  the  Zamzimimim  =  the  Zczi.u. 
(Giants  3.)  But  the  identilieation  is  conjectural  (so 
Mr.  Grove). 

Za-na'all  (Heb.  marsh,  borf?  Ges.).  In  the  gene- 
alogies of  .ludah,  Jekutiiikl  is  called  "the  father 
of  Zanoah"(l  Chr.  iv.  18).  Mr.  Grove  supposes 
this  p<s:;a2e  indio.ttes  that  Zanoah  2,  a  town  of 
Judah  (see  below),  was  colonized  by  Egyptians  or 
by  Israelites  directly  from  Egypt. 

Za-no'ah  (see  above),  the  name  of  two  towns  of 
Judah.  I.  In  the  low  country,  named  in  the  same 
group  with  Zoreah  and  Jarniuth  (Josli.  xv.  34) ;  re- 
inhabited  by  Jews  after  the  Captivity  (Neh.  xi.  30), 
the  inhabitants  assisting  in  the  repair  of  the  wall  of 
Jerusalem  (iii.  13);  identified  by  Dr.  Robinson,  &c., 
with  Ziiiiu'a,  a  site  on  the  low  slope  of  a  hill  not  far  E. 
of  \^i»  SJieiiut  (Heth-sheniesh),  and  about  ten  miles 
W.  S.  W.  from  Jerusalem. — 2.  In  the  mountains, 
named  with  Maon,  C'amiel,  Zi|ili,  &e.  (Josh.  xv.  56) ; 
perhaps  at  Za'iiulah  (Rbii.  ii.  204),  which  appears  to 
be  abmit  ten  miles  S.  S.  W.  of  Hebron. 

Zaph  natli  -  p.i  -  a-ne '  ah        . 

(Heb.  Uii/iki'iia'h  pu'aneali 
or  -ach  ;  written  in  the 
liXX.  pmuthomphanieh  ; 
see  below),  a  name  given 
by  Pharaoh  to  Joseph  1 
(Gen.  xli.  46).  This  name 
has  been  explaincil  as  He- 
brew or  flgyptian,  and  al- 
ways as  a  proper  name.  1. 
The  Rabbins,  Josephus, 
&c.,  interpreted  Zaphnath- 
paaneah  as  Hebrew  —  re- 
vtahr  of  a  »eere>..  2.  Isi- 
dore, Jerome,  Kiirst,  &c.,  in- 
terpret it  as  of  Egyptian 
origin  =  gavimtr  (or  pre- 
terver)vf  the  mortd.  3.  Mod- 
tern  scholars  have  looked 
to  Coptic  for  an  explana- 
tion of  this  name,  Jabloiiski  and  others  proposing  as 
the  Coptic  of  the  Egyptian  original  pnol  em  phenech 
'~  the  prtvrvation  (or  prttemtr)  of  the  age,  Qesenias 


I  prefers  the  form  p-tont-m-ph-enech  =  sugtaincr  (or 
defnider)  of  the  ape  ;  Brugsch  gives  pno-iilv-p-ctich 
=■  prince  of  the  life  of  the  uurlil.  Jlr.  R.  S.  Poole 
identifies  the  LXX.  form  with  psent-n  p-atdhee  = 
tlu  defender  (or  prexerrer)  of  tlu-  iiving  ;  but  he  gives 
no  satisfactory  explanation  of  the  name  as  it  appears 
1  in  the  Hel)rew  and  A.  V.  Mr.  Poole  says  that  the 
name,  at  first  sight,  seems  to  be  a  proper  name,  but, 
as  occurring  after  the  account  of  Joseph's  appoint- 
ment and  honors,  may  be  a  title. 

Za  pIlOD  (fr.  Heb.  =  the  north,  Ges.)  a  place  "in 
the  valley"  (Valley  1),  alloited  to  the  tribe  of  Gad 
(Josh.  xiii.  27).  Mr.  Grove  sup])0.ses  it  was  near  the 
Sea  of  Chinneroth  ;  but  its  site  is  unknown.  In  Judg. 
xii.  1  the  Heb.  laiiphoudh  (A.  V.  "nor(hward  ")  may 
be  rendered  to  Zaphon,  as  in  the  Alexandrine  LXX., 
&c. 

Za'ra  (Gr.)  =  Zarah  or  Zeraii  1  (Mat.  i.  3). 

Zar  a-<'C$  [-seez]  (fr.  Gr.,  apparently  a  corruption 
of  Zkdekiah),  brother  of  Jehoiakim  king  of  Judah 
(1  Esd.  i.  38). 

Za'rall  (Heb.)  —  Zerah  1  (Gen.  xxxviii.  30,  xlvL 
12). 

Za-ral'as  [-ra'yasl,  or  Zar-a-l'cs  (Gr.  =  Zerahiah). 
1.  ZEiiAHiAii  1  (1  Esd.  viii.  2). — 2.  Zerahiah  2  (viii. 
31).— 3.  Zebadiah  5  (viii.  34). 

Za'rc-all  (fr.  Heb.)  =  ZoRAii  and  Zoueah  (Neh. 
xi.  29). 

Za're-alh-ltes  (fr.  Heb.'),  the  =  the  inhabitants  of 
Zareah  or  ZouAH  (1  Chr.  ii.  53);  =  Zoiiatiiites. 

Za'red  (Heb.  =  Zereu),  the  Val'lcy  of 5  accurately 
Zered  (Num.  xxi.  12). 

Zar'e-piiatli  (fr.  Heb.  =  smelting-house ?  Ges.),  a 
town  near  to,  or  dependent  on,  Zidon  ;  the  residenes 
of  the  prophet  Elijah  during  the  latter  part  of  the 
drought  (1  K.  xvii.  9,  10).  It  is  also  mentioned  in 
Ob.  20.  It  was  on  the  coast  road  between  Tyre  and 
Zidon  (Josephus,  ,Ierome),  nciir  the  modern  village 
of  Snraff.ml,  which  is  more  than  a  mile  from  tlie 
co:\st,  higli  up  on  the  slope  of  a  hill.  Of  the  old 
town  on  the  shore  considerable  indications  remain. 
One  group  of  foundations  is  on  a  headland  called 
Vl/n  il-Kanterah  ;  but  the  chief  remains  are  S.  of 
this,  and  extend  for  a  mile  or  more,  with  many  frag- 
ments of  columns,  slabs,  and  other  arehitectural 
features.  The  site  of  the  chapel  erected  by  the  cru- 
saders on  the  spot  then  reputed  to  be  the  site  of  the 
wiiow's  house  wl:ere  Elijah  dwelt,  is  probably  now 
marked  by  a  tomb  and  small  khan  (k^'Jicatcd  to  el- 


.v«ry^ 


ZaKphttUt  (ndoa  ii««r  Suraftud).    From  D'Esi 


IChudr,  who  unites,  in  the  popular  Moslem  faith, 
Elijah  and  St.  George.  In  the  N.  T.  Zarepbatb  ap- 
pears under  the  Greek  form  of  Sarepta. 


1201 


ZAK 


ZEB 


Zar'e-tan  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Zarthan  (Josh.  iii.  16). 

Za'retll-slia'har  (fr.  Heb.  =;  splendor  of  the  dawn, 
Ges.),  a  town  of  Reuben,  named  between  Sibmah 
and  Beth-peor,  and  specified  as  "  in  the  Slount  of 
the  Valley"  (Josh.  xiii.  19  only);  site  unknown. 

Zar'hites  (fr.  Heb.  =  descendants  of  Zerah),  the. 

1.  A  branch  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  descended  from 
Zerah  2  (Xum.  xxvi.  20;  Josh.  vii.  17  ;  1  Chr.  xxvii. 
11,  13). — 3>  A  family  of  Simeonites,  descended  from 
Zerah  3  (Num.  xxvi.  13). 

Zar'ta-nah  (fr.  Heb.,  probably  =:  Zeheda,  Ges.),  a 
place  named  in  1  K.  iv.  12,  to  define  the  position  of 
Beth-shean  ;  possibly  =  Zarthan. 

Zar'than  (fr.  Heb.,  probably  =  Zereda,  Ges.),  a 
place  in  the  plain  or  circle  of  Jordan,  mentioned  in 
connection  with  Succoth  (1  K.  vii.  46);  also  named, 
in  the  account  of  the  passage  of  the  Jordan  by  the 
Israelites  (Josh.  iii.  16,  A.  V.  "Zaretan"),  as  de- 
fining the  position  of  the  city  Adam ;  =z  Zereda- 
THAH ;  perhaps  =  Zartanah  and  Zererath.  All 
these  spots  agree  in  proximity  to  the  Jordan,  but 
beyond  this  we  are  absolutely  at  fault  as  to  their 
position.  Van  de  Velde  would  identify  the  name 
with  Kuril  Surlabeh,  a  lofty  hill  on  the  W.  side  of 
the  Jordan  valley,  about  seventeen  miles  N.  of 
Jericho. 

Zatil'o-e  (Gr.,  see  below).  This  name  occurs  in  1 
Es;].  viii.  32,  for  Zattu,  supposed  by  some  to  have 
been  omitted  in  Ezr.  viii.  5,  which  would  then  read, 
"  Of  the  sons  of  Zattu,  Shechaniah  the  son  of  Jaha- 
ziel." 

Za-tlin'l  (fr.  Gr.)  =  Zattct  (1  Esd.  t.  12). 

Zaf  tlin  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Zattu  (Neh.  x.  14). 

Zat'to  (Heb.  a  sjiroiit,  Ges.),  ancestor  of  a  family 
of  laymen  of  Israel  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ezr.  ii.  8;  Neh.  vii.  13).  Several  of  this  family 
ma.'ried  foreign  wives  (Ezr.  x.  27).  One  of  the  chief 
of  the  people  who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehe- 
miah  was  "  Zatthu  '  =:  Zattu  (Neh.  x.  14).  Shecha- 
niah 3 ;  Zatmoe. 

ZaVan  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Zaatan  (1  Chr.  i.  42). 

Za'za  (Heb.  projection,  Fii. ;  comp.  Ziza),  son  of 
Jonathan,  a  descendant  of  Jerahnieel  (1  Chr.  ii.  33). 

*  Zeal  (Heb.  kiniXli ;  Gr.  zelo%)  may  include  both 
warmth  and  excitement  of  feeling  and  impetuosity 
or  vehemence  of  action,  and  may  be  commendable 
or  censurable  according  to  the  goodness  or  badness 
of  its  motives  and  aims  and  the  wisdom  or  folly  of  its 
modes  of  procedure.  Thus  the  "  zeal "  of  Jehu  (2 
K.  x.  16),  of  Saul  of  Tarsus  (Phil.  iii.  6),  and  of  the 
Israelites  who  opposed  Christ  (Rom.  x.  2),  was  un- 
worthy of  the  praise  bestowed  on  the  "  zeal  "  of  the 
Corinthian  Christians  (2  Cor.  vii.  11,  ix.  2)  and  of 
Epaphras  (Col.  iv.  13).  The  "zeal"  of  the  Lord 
of  hosts  (2  K.  xix.  31 ;  Is.  ix.  7  [Heb.  6],  xxxvii.  32, 
&c.)  signifies  "not  only  God's  intense  love  for  Ills 
people  but  His  jealousy  in  their  behalf,  i.  e.  His  dis- 
position to  protect  and  favor  them  at  the  expense  of 
others  "  (J.  A.  Alexander  on  h.  ix.  6).  "  The  zeal 
of  Thine  house"  (Ps.  Ixix.  9  [Heb.  10] ;  Jn.  ii.  17) 
was  "  a  jealous  regard  for  the  honor  of  the  Sanc- 
tuary, as  the  visible  centre  of  true  religion  .  .  .  im- 
plying an  extreme  intensity  of  feeling"  (Alexander 
on  Pa.  1.  c).  "  A  zeal  of  God,  but  not  according  to 
knowledge  "  (Rom.  x.  2),  is  zeal  or  ardor  for  God, 
which  is  not  intelligent,  discerning,  enlightened 
(Stuart  on  Rom.  1.  c  ). 

*  Zeal'ot  fzcl-].    JcDAs  OF  Galilee  ;  Zelotes. 
Zrb-a-dl'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jehovah  gave,  Ges.).     1. 

A  Bcnjamite  chief,  son  of  Beriah  (1  Chr.  viii.  15). — 

2.  A  Benjamite  chief,  son  of  Elpaal  (viii.  17). — 3. 
One  of  the  sons  of  Jeroham  of  Gedor,  joined  David 


at  Ziklag  (xii.  7).— 4.  Son  of  Joab's  brother  Asahel, 
and  Asahfl's  successor  as  David's  captain  for  the 
fourth  month  (xxvii.  7). — 5.  Son  of  Michael,  returned 
in  Ezra's  caravan  witli  eighty  sous  of  Shephatiah 
(Ezr.  viii.  8). — ii.  A  priest  of  the  sons  of  Immer ; 
husband  of  a  foreign  wife  m.  Ezra's  time  (x.  20).— T. 
A  Levite  porter,  third  son  of  Meshelemiah  the  Kor- 
hite(l  Chr.  xxvi.  2).^8.  A  Levite  in  Jehoshaphat's 
reign,  one  of  those  sent  to  teach  the  Law  in  the 
cities  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xvii.  8). — 9.  Son  of  Ishmacl 
and  prince  of  Judah  in  Jehoshaphat's  reign,  super- 
intendent or  judge  "for  all  the  king's  matters  "  (xix. 
11). 

Ze'bata  (Heb.  slauglUer,  sacrijure,  Ges.),  one  of  the 
two  "  kings  "  of  Midian  who  appear  to  have  com- 
manded the  great  invasion  of  Palestine,  and  fell  by 
the  hand  of  Gweon  himself.  He  is  always  coupled 
with  Zalmunka  (Judg.  viii.  5-21;  Ps.  Ixxxiii.  11). 
While  Oreb  and  Zeeb,  two  of  the  inferioi-  leaders  of 
the  incursion,  had  been  slain,  with  a  va,st  number 
of  their  people,  by  the  Ephraimites,  at  the  central 
fords  of  the  Jordan,  the  two  kings  had  succeeded  in 
making  their  escape  by  a  passage  further  to  the  N. 
(probably  the  ford  near  Beth-shean),  and  thence  to 
Karkor.  Here  they  were  reposing  with  15,000  men, 
a  mere  remnant  of  their  huge  horde,  when  Gideon 
overtook  them.  The  name  of  Gideon  was  still  full 
of  terror,  and  the  Midianites  were  entirely  unpre- 
pared for  his  attack — they  fled  in  dismay,  and  ihe 
two  kings  were  taken.  Gideon,  on  his  return  after 
this  victory,  probably  strode  on  foot  by  the  side  of 
his  captives.  They  passed  Pencel  and  Succoth; 
they  crossed  the  rapid  stream  of  the  Jordan ;  they 
ascended  the  highlands  W.  of  the  river,  and  at  length 
reached  Ophrah,  the  native  village  of  their  cai)lor. 
Then,  at  last,  the  question  which  must  have  been  on 
Gideon's  tongue  during  the  whole  of  the  return  ibund 
a  vent.  "  What  manner  of  men  were  they  which  ye 
slew  at  Tabor  y  "  Up  to  this  time  the  sheikhs  may 
have  believed  that  they  were  reserved  for  ransom  ; 
but  these  words  once  spoken,  there  can  have  been 
no  doubt  what  their  fate  was  to  be.  They  met  it 
without  fear  or  weakness.  One  request  alone  they 
make — that  they  may  die  by  the  sure  blow  of  the 
hero  himself — "and Gideon  arose  and  slew  them." 

Ze-b-lini  (fr.  Heb.  =  roes,  antflopes,  Ges.).  "  The 
children  of  Pochereth  of  Zebaim  "  are  mentioned 
among  the  children  of  Solomon's  servants,  who  re- 
turned from  the  Captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii. 
57  ;  Neh.  vii.  59).  Mr.  Grove,  &c.,  suppose  Zebaim 
the  name  of  a  place  (Zeboim  1  ?);  Gesenius,  W.  L. 
Alexander,  Ayre,  &c.,  make  Poehereth-Zebaim  (  = 
marine/  ihe  antelopes)  the  proper  name  of  a  man 
who  was  probably  a  mighty  hunter  of  antelopes. 

Zebe-dec  (fr.  Gr.  Zehedaios  —  ZEBEniAli,  Ges.),  a 
fisherman  of  Galilee,  the  father  of  the  apostles 
James  the  Great  and  John  (Mat.  iv.  21 ;  James  1 ; 
John  the  Apostle),  and  the  husband  of  Salome 
(xxvii.  56 ;  Mk.  xv.  40).  He  probably  lived  either 
at  Bethsaida  or  in  its  immediate  neighborhood.  It 
has  been  inferred,  from  the  mention  of  his  "  hired 
servants "  (i.  20),  and  from  the  acquaintance  be- 
tween the  apostle  John  and  Annas  the  high-piiest 
(Jn.  xviii.  15),  that  the  family  of  Zebedee  were  in 
easy  circumstances  (compare  xix.  27),  although  not 
above  manual  labor  (Mat.  iv.  21).  He  appears  only 
once  in  the  Gospel  narrative  (iv.  21,  22  ;  Mk.  i.  19, 
20),  where  he  is  seen  in  his  boat  with  his  two  sous 
mending  their  nets. 

Ze-bl'na  (Heb.  bought,  Ges.),  one  of  the  sons  of 
Ncbo;  husband  of  a  foreign  wife  in  Ezra's  time 
(Ezr.  X.  43). 


ZEB 


ZEC 


1205 


«  Zo-bollm  (fr.  IlL'b.)  =  Zeboim  1  (Gen.  xiv.  2,  8). 
Ze-bo  Im  (Ir.  Hcb.  =  rvea  or  Ai/fwds,  Ges.).     This 
word  represents  in  the  A.  V.  two  names  which  in 
the  original  arc  quite  ilistinet.     I«  One  of  tlie  five 
cities  of  the  "  plain  "  or  circle  of  Jordan  ;  also  writ- 
ten "  Zeboiini."   (Sea,  the  Salt  ;  Sodom  ;  Zoar.)   It 
is  mentioned  in  Gen.  x.  19,  xiv.  2,  8,  in  Dent.  xxix. 
23,  anil   in  llos.  xL  8,  in  each   either  coupled  with 
AioiAii,  or  pljced  next  it  in  the  lists.     No  attempt 
appears  to  have  been  made  to  discover  tlie  site  of 
Zeboim,  till  M.  de  Saulcy  suggested  the  Taliia  Sebdait, 
a  name  which  he,  and  lie  alone,  reports  as  attached 
to  extensive  ruins  nn  the  high  ground  between  the 
Dead  Sea  and  Kerak. — 2«   A   place,    named  with 
Hudid,  Xeliallat,  Lod,  Oiio,  &e.,  as  reinhabited  by 
Benjamites  alter  the  Captivity  (Neli.  xi.  34  only); 
i  site  unknown  (compare  No.  3). — ]•  "  The  Val'lof 
(Heb.  ffe;i  ;  Valley  2)  of  Ze-bg  Im  "  (fr.  Ueb.  = 
'h'jenaa  or  raivnoiM  beasts,  Ges.),  a  ravine  or  gorge, 
-lapparcntly  E.  of  Michmash,  mentioned  only  in  1 
liSam.  xiii.  18.     The  load  running  from  Michmash 
;'to  the  E.  is  specified  as  "  the  road  of  the  border 
that  looketh  to  the  ravine  of  Zeboim  toward  the 
^vilderne3S."      The    "  wilderness  "    (Ileb.    midbAr; 
■Deskrt  2)  is  no  doubt  the  district  of  uncultivated 
f  mountain  tops  and  sides  which  lies  between    the 
central  district  of  Benjamin  and  the  Jordan  Valley  ; 
and  here,  apparently,  the  ravine  of  Z>boim  should 
be  sought.     In  tliat  very  district  there  is  a  wild 
1  gorge,  bearing  the  name  of  Slmk  ed-Duhba'  (== 
iirariiie  of  Ihf  Ai/ena),  the  exact  equivalent  of  the 
;  iHebrew  (so  Mr.  Grove). 

V'  Zf-ba'dah  (Heb.  fern,  of  Zadud),  daughter  of 
Peilaiah  of  Rumah  ;  wife  of  Josiah,  and  mother  of 
King  Jchoiakim  (2  K.  xxiii.  36). 

Ze  bal  (Ileh.  /itbitalion,  Ges.),  chief  man  (A.  V. 

!  "ruler  ")  of  Sheciiem  at  the  contest  bctivcen  Abim- 

'•  SLEcn  and  the  men  of  Shechcm.     He  accomplished 

vtlic  ejection  of  Gaal  from  the  city  (Judg.  ix.  28  If.). 

Zeb  o>loii-ite  (fr.  Heb.)  —  a  member  of  the  tribe 

of  Zeditlcn  ;  applied  only  to  Elon,  the  one  judge 

produced  by  the  tribe  (Judg.  xii.  11,  12). 

Zeb'«-lnil  (Hob.  habitation,  dineUiitff,  (les.),  in  N.  T. 

■.Zabl'lox,  tenth  son  of  Jacob  ;  sixth  and  last  son 

of  Leah  (Gen.  xxx.  20,  xxxv.  23,  xlvi.  14 ;  1  Chr. 

ii.  1).     His  birth  is  recorded  iu  Gen.  xxx.  19,  20. 

His  three  sons,  Sered,  Elon,  Jahleel  (Gen.  xlvi.  14), 

-'Were  the  founders  of  the  chief  families  of  the  tribe 

./((compare  Num.  xxvi.  26)  at  the  time  of  the  migra- 

(iition  to  Egypt.     During  the  journey  from  Egypt  to 

..'Palestine  the  tribe  of  Zebulun  formed  one  of  the 

first  camp,  with  Juduli  and  Issachar  (also  sons  of 

Leah),  ninrching  under  the  standard  of  Judah.     Its 

numbers,  at  the  census  of  Sinai,  were  57,000,  snr- 

'.  p.tgseJ  o:dy  by  Simeon,  Dan,  and  Judah.     At  that 

■'  of  Shittira  they  were  CO,,1U0.     The  heid  of  t!ie  tribe 

at  Sinai  was  Eliab,  son  of  Hclon  (Num.  vii.  24);  its 

::^nce,  appointed  to  a.ssist  in  dividing  the  land  of 

-  jfiStnjan,  w.i3  Eli/.aphan,  .son  of  Parnach  (xxxiv.  25). 

I'lts  reprc«cntative  among  the  spies  was  Gaddiel,  son 

1  of  S.)di  (.xiii.  10).     Besides  what  may  be  implied  in 

"its  appearances  in  these  lists,  the  tribe  is  not  re- 

■'  corded  to  have  taken  part,  for  evil  or  good,  in  any 

■I  of  the  events  of  the  wandering  or  the  c  )nqucst.    In 

'  the  division  of  Canaan,  Judah,  Joseph,  Benjamin, 

v'had  acquired  the  south  and  the  centre  of  the  coun- 

'-  try.  To  Zebulun  fell  one  of  the  fairest  of  the  remain- 

*  '1i^  portions.     Its  limits  (Jos.  v.  I,  §  22)  reached  on 

the  one  side  to  the  Lake  of  Gcnnesiret,  and  on  the 

I  other  to  Carmcl  »nd  the  Mediterranean.     On  the  S. 

'•■it  wan  bounded  by  Issachar,  who  lay  in  the  great 

plain  or  valley  of  the  Kishon ;  on  the  N.  it  had 


Naphtali  and  Ashcr.  (Palestine,  map.)  It  was 
afterward  included  in  Galilee.  Tlie  fact  recognized 
by  Josephus,  that  Zebulun  extended  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean, though  not  appearing  in  the  lists  of  Joshua 
and  Judges,  is  alluded  to  in  the  Blessing  of  Jacob 
((Jen.  xlix.  13).  Situated  so  far  from  the  centre  of 
government,  Zebulun  remains  tliroughout  the  his- 
tory mostly  in  the  obscurity  which  envelops  the 
whole  of  the  northern  tribes.  But  the  conduct  of 
the  tribe  during  the  struggle  with  Sisera,  when  they 
fought  with  desperate  valor  side  by  side  with  their 
brethren  of  Naphtali,  was  such  as  to  draw  down 
the  especial  praise  of  Deborah,  who  singles  them 
out  from  all  the  other  tribes  (Jndg.  v.  18).  Elon, 
the  single  judge  produced  by  the  tribe  (Judg.  xii. 
11,  12),  may  have  been  one  of  the  "scribes"  re- 
ferred to  in  Josh.  i.  10,  i.  e.  probably  officers  who 
registered  and  marshalled  the  host.  A  similar  war- 
like reputation  is  implied  in  the  mention  of  the  tribe 
among  those  who  attended  the  inauguration  of  Da- 
vid's reign  at  Hebron  (I  Chr.  xii.  33).  The  same 
passage,  however,  shows  that  they  did  not  neglect 
the  arts  of  peace  (ver.  40).  The  head  of  the  tribe 
under  David  was  Ishmaiah,  the  son  of  Obadiah 
I  (xxvii.  19).  We  are  nowhere  directly  told  that  the 
people  of  Zebulun  were  carried  off  to  Assyria, 
though  it  is  implied  in  Is.  ix.  1.  Many  of  the  tribe 
I  came  to  Jerusalem  to  attend  Hczekiah's  passover 
j  (2  Chr.  xxx.  18).  In  Ez.  xlviii.  26-33  and  Rev.  vii. 
8  this  tribe  finds  its  due  mention. 

Zcb  a-lan-ites,  the  =  the  members  of  the  tribe 
of  Zedclun  (Num.  xxvi.  27  only). 

Zeeb-a-ri'ah  [zek-]  (fr.  Ueb.  =:  whom  Jehovah 
remembers,  Ges.  J.  1.  The  eleventh  in  order  of  the 
twelve  minor  prophets.  (Bible;  Canon;  Inspira- 
tion ;  Old  Testament  ;  Prophet.)  Of  his  personal 
history  we  know  but  little.  He  is  called  in  Zech.  i. 
1  the  son  of  Berechiah,  and  the  grandson  of  Iddo ; 
in  Ezr.  v.  1,  vi.  14,  the  son  of  Iddo.  Cyril  of  Alex- 
andria supposes  Berechiah  the  father  of  Zechariah 
according  to  the  flesh,  and  Iddo  his  instructor  and 
spiritual  father.  Gesenius  and  Rosenmiillcr  take 
"  son  "  in  Ezra  to  mean  "grandson."  Knobel  thinks 
that  "  Berechiah "  has  crept  into  the  present  text 
of  Zechariah  from  Is.  viii.  2.  Mr.  J.  J.  S.  Perowne, 
original  author  of  this  article,  considers  it  more 
natural  to  suppose,  as  the  propliet  himself  mentions 
his  father's  name,  whereas  the  historical  Books  of 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah  mention  only  Iddo,  that  Ber- 
echiah had  died  early,  and  that  there  was  now  no 
intervening  link  between  the  grandfather  (who  may 
have  been  the  priest  mentioned  in  Xeli.  xii.  4)  and 
the  grandson  (compare  No.  15,  below).  Zechariah, 
according  to  this  view,  like  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel 
before  him,  was  priest  as  well  as  propliet.  He 
seems  to  have  entered  upon  his  office  while  yet 
young  (Zech.  ii.  4),  and  must  have  been  bom  in 
Babylon,  whence  he  returned  with  tlie  first  caravan 
of  exiles  under  Zerubbab<d  and  Joshua.  It  was  in 
the  eighth  month,  hi  the  second  year  of  Darius, 
that  he  first  publicly  discharged  his  office.  In  this 
he  acted  in  concert  with  IIaooai.  Both  prophets 
had  the  same  great  object  before  them  :  both  di- 
rected all  their  energies  to  the  building  of  the 
Second  Temple.  The  foundations  of  the  Temple 
had  indeed  been  laid  (Ezr.  v.  16),  but,  discouraged 
by  the  opposition  encountered  at  first,  the  Jewish 
colony  were  not  able  to  finish  ;  and  even  when  the 
letter  came  from  Darius  sanctioning  the  work,  and 
promising  his  protection,  they  showed  no  hearty  dis- 
position to  engage  in  it.  At  such  a  time  no  more 
fitting  instrument  could  be  found  to  rouse  the  peo- 


1206 


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pie,  whose  heart  had  grown  cold,  than  one  who  united 
(o  the  authoiitv  of  the  prophet   the  zeal   and  the 
traditions  of  ii   sacerdotal  family.     (I'kikst.)      Ac- 
cordingly, to  Zocliariah's  inliiicnce  we  lind  the  re- 
building ot  the  Temple  in  a  great  measure  ascribed. 
"  And   the   elders   of   the  Jews   buildcd,  and   they 
prospered  through  the  prophesying  of  Haggai  the 
prophet,  and  Zeehariah   the  son  Oi'  Iddo"  (vi.  14). 
Later  traditions  assume,  what  is  indeed  very  prob- 
able, that  Zeehariah  took  personally  an  active  part 
in  providing  for  the  liturgical  service  of  the  Temple. 
He  and  IJaggai  are  both  said  to  have  eooapostd 
psalms  with  this  view.    If  the  later  Jewish  accounts 
nmy  be  trusted,  Zeehariah,  as  well  as  Haggai,  was  a 
member  of  the  Great  Syn.igogue.    (Synagool'e,  the 
Great.)     The  patristic  notices  of  the  prophet  arc 
worth  nothing.     According  to  these,  he  exercised 
his  prophetic  office  in  Chaldea,  and  wrought  many 
miracles  there ;    returned   lo  Jerusalem  at  an  ad- 
vanced age,  where  he  discharged  the  duties  of  the 
priesthood,  and  where  he  die<l   and  was  buried  by 
the  side  of  Haggai.     Zeehariah  leans  avowedly  on 
the  authority  of  the  older  prophets,  and  copies  their 
expressions.      Jeremiah  especially  seems    to  have 
been  his  favorite ;    and  hence  the  Jewish  saying, 
"  the  spirit  of  Jeremiah  dwelt  in  Zeehariah."     But 
in  what  may  be  called  the  peculiarities  of  his  proph- 
ecy,  he   approaches    more  nearly  to  Ezekiel    and 
Daniel.    Like  tliem  he  delights  in  visions,  uses  sym- 
bols and  allegories,  beholds  angels  ministering  be- 
fore Jehovah,  and  lulfilling  Uis  behests  on  the  earth. 
He  is  the  only  one  of  the  prophets  who  speaks  of 
Satan.     That  some  of  these  pccnliarities  are  owing 
to  his  Chaldean  education   can   hardly  be  doubted. 
Even  in  the  form  of  the  visions  a  careful  criticism 
might  iierhaps  discover  some  traces  of  the  prophet's 
early   training.      Generally    speaking,    Zeehariah's 
style  is  pure,  and  remarkably  free  from  Chalduisms ; 
but  in  orthography,  and  in  the  use  of  some  words 
and  phrases,  he  betrays  the  influence  of  a  later  age. 
— Coiilen's  of  the  Prcrphccy.  The  Book  of  Zeehariah, 
in  its   existing  form,  consists  of   three    principal 
parts,  chs.  i.-viii.,  chs.  ix.-xi.,  chs.  xii.-xiv.     I.  The 
first  of  these  division?  is  allowed  by  all  critics  to  be 
the  genuine  work  of  Zeehariah  the  son  of  Iddo. 
It  consists,  first,  of  a  short  intniductiou  or  preface, 
in  which  the  prophet  announces  his  couunission; 
then  of  a  series  of  visions,  descriptive  of  all  those 
hopes  and  anticipations  of  which  the  building  of 
the  Temple  was  the  pledge  and  sure  foundation ; 
and  finally  of  a  discourse,  delivered  two  years  later, 
in  reply  to  questions  respecting  the  observance  of 
certain  established  fasts.    1.  The  short  introductory 
oracle  (ch.  i.  1-6)  is  a  warning  voice  from  the  past, 
and  manifestly  rests  upon  the  former  warnings  of 
Haggai.     •!.  In  a  dream  of  the  night  there  passed 
before  the  eyes  of  the  prophet  a  series  of  visions 
(i.  7-vi.  15).     These  visions  are  obscure,  and,  ac- 
cordingly, the  prophet  asks  their  meaning.     The 
interpretation  is  given  by  an  angel  who  knows  the 
mind  and  will  of  Jehovah.     (1.)  In  the  first  vLsion 
(i.  7-15)  the  prophet  sees,  in  a  valley  of  myrtles,  a 
rider  upon  a  roan  horse,  accompanied   by  others 
who,  having  been  sent  forth  to  the  four  quarters  of 
the  earth,  had  returned  with  the  tidings-  that  the 
whole  earth  was  at  rest  (with  reference  to  Hag.  ii. 
20).     Hereupon  the  angel  asks  bow  long  this  state 
of  things  shall  last,  and  is  assured  that  the  indif- 
ference of  the  heathen  shall  cease,  and  that  the 
Temple  shall  be  built  in  Jerusalem.     (2.)  The  sec- 
ond vision  (ii.  1-17,  A.  V.  i.  18-ii.  13)  explains  hom 
the  promise  of  the  first  is  to  be  fulfilled.     It  sym- 


i) 


bolizes  the  destruction  of  the  heathen  kingdoms 
hitherto  combined  against  Jerusalem,  and  the  rapif) ,  , 
increase  of  its  population.     The  old  prophets,  ibj  (, 
foretelling  the  happiness   and   glory   of   the   times 
whicli  should  succeed  the  Captivity  in  Babylon,  had 
made  a  great  jiart  of  that  happiness  anil  glory  to 
consist  in  the  gathering  together  again  ol  the  «  hole 
dispersed  nation  in  the  land  given  to  iheir  I'alheis. 
This  vision  was  designed  to  teach  that  the  cxpecta-^ 
tion  thus  raised — the   return   of   the  dispersed  o(„:\ 
Israel— should    be   fulfilled.      (3.)   The   next    two 
visions  (iii.,  iv.)  are  occupied  with  the  Temple,  and 
with  the  two  principal  persons  on  wh'm  the  hopes 
of    the    returned    exiles    rested.      The  permission 
granted  for  the  rebuilding  of  the  Tcn;ple  had  no 
doubt  stirred  afresh  the  malice  and  tlie  animosity  /, 
of  the  enemies  of  the  Jews.    Joshua  the  high-priest';,  j 
had  been  singled  out,  it  would  seem,  as  the  espccialj,/^ 
object   of   attack,  and  perhaps  formal  accusation?  ■■^^ 
[  had  already  been  laid  against  him  before  the  Per-|,.,f 
sian  court.     The  prophet,  in  vision,  sees  him  sura-,!, 
j  moned  before  a  higher  tribunal,  and  solemnly  ac- 
quitted, despite  the  charges  of  the  Saian  or  Adver- 
j  sary.     This  is  done  with  the  forms  still  usual  in  nn 
j  Eastern  court,   the  filthy  garments  of  the  accused 
I  being  exchanged  for  the  robe  of  honor  put  on  the 
j  innocent.     (4.)  The  last  vision   (iv.)  si;pposes  tlmt,.  , 
all  opposition  to  the  building  of  the  Temple  shall, , 
be  removed.     This  sees  the  completion  of  llie  work,, ,,, 
— The  two  next  visions  (v.  1-11)  signify  that  the  ,,. 
land,  in  whicli  the  sancluaiy  has  just  been  erected,  .,| 
shall  be  purged  of  all  its  pollutions.     (5.)  First,  thei  j 
i  curse  is  recorded  against  wickedness  in  Iht  whole  land  ,j, 
j  (not  as  A.V.  "  earth ;  "  v.  3).    (G.)  Next,  the  uncleatl  .  , 
tiling,  whether  in  the  fonn  of  idolatry  or  any  other  .. 
abomination,   shall  be  utterly  removed.      (7.)  An^    i 
i  now  the  night  is  waning  fast,  and  the  morning  is  ,. 

about  to  dawn.     Chariots  and  horses  appear,  issii- 
I  ing  from  between  two  brazen  mountains,  the  liorsis 
like  those  in  the  first  viL-ion  ;  and  these  receive  iheir 
several  commands  and  aie  sent  foith  lo  execute  the 
will  of  Jehovah  in  the  four  ciuartcrs  of  the  earth. 
i  Thus,   then,   the    cycle    of   visions  is  completed. 
i  Scene  after  scene  is  unrolled  till  the  whole  glow- 
i  ing  pictuie  is  presented  to  the  eye.     All  enemies   ,: 
[  crushed  ;  the  land  repcopled  and  Jerusalem  girt  as, 
I  with  a  wall  of  fire;  the  Temple  rebuilt,  more  truly  ,  ;■ 
j  splendid  than  of  old,  because  more  abundantly  tilled  ,,  ■ 
with  a  Divine  Presence;  the  leaders  of  the  people.,. 
!  assured  in  the  most  signal  manner  of  the  Divine, i., 
!  protection  ;  all  wickedness  solemnly  sentenced,  and 
'  the  land  forever  purged  of  it ; — such  is  the  mag- 
nificent panorama  of  hope  which  the  prophet  dis- 
plays to  his  countrymen.     A  symbolical  act  imme-,!. 
diately  follows.     Three  Israelites  had  just  returned  '  „ 
liom  Babylon,  bringing  with  them  rich  gifts  to  Je- 
rusalem, apparently  as  contributions  to  the  Temple, 
and  had  been  received  in  the  house  of  Josiah  the   j 
son  of  Zephauiah.      Thither  the  prophet  is  com 


manded  to  go — whether  still  in  a  dream  or  not,  is.  ,  f 
not  very  clear — and  to  employ  the  silver  and  gold,,; 
of  their  offerings  for  the  service  of  Jehovah.     He  is 
to  make  of  them  two  crowns,  and  to  place  these  on 
the  head  of  Joshua  the  high-priest — a  sign  that,  in 
the  Messiah  «ho  should  build  the  Temple,  the  kingly 
and  priestly  offices  should  be  united.     3.  From  this 
time,  for  nearly  two  years,  the  prophet's  voice  was  ,; 
silent,  or  his  words  have  not  been  recorded.     But  in,,,, 
the  fourth  year  of  King  Darius,  in  the  fourth  day  :ii 
of  the  ninth  month,  there  came  a  deputation  of  Jews  i-. 
to  the  Temple,  anxious  to  know  whether  the  fast-,  ~ 
days  instituted  during  the  seventy  years'  captivity 


ZEC 


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1207 


were  still  to  be  observed.  It  i*  remarkable  that 
this  question  sliould  have  been  addressed  to  priests 
and  prophets  conjointly  in  the  Temple.  Still  Zecli- 
ari.ih,  as  cliief  of  the  prophets,  has  the  decision  of 
this  question.  In  language  worthy  of  his  position 
and  his  office,  language  which  reminds  us  of  one  of 
the  most  striking  passages  of  his  great  predecessor 
(Is.  Iviii.  5  7),  he  lavs  down  the  same  principle  that 
God  loves  mercy  ratlier  than  fasting,  and  trutli  and 
righteousness  rather  than  sackcloth  and  a  sad  coun- 
tenance (Zeeh.  vii.  4-14).  Again  he  foretells,  but 
not  now  in  vision,  the  glorious  times  near  at  hani 
when  Jehovah  shall  dwell  in  the  midst  of  them,  and 
Jerusalem  be  called  a  city  of  truth  (viii.  1-15). 
Again,  he  declares  that  "truth  and  peace"  (ver. 
16,  19)  are  the  bulwarks  of  national  prosperity. 
And  he  announces,  in  obedience  to  the  command 
of  Jehovah,  not  only  that  the  lasts  are  abalished, 
but  that  the  days  of  mourning  shall  henceforth  be 
days  of  joy,  the  fasts  be  counted  for  festivals.  His 
prophecy  concludes  with  a  prediction  that  Jerusa- 
lem sliall  be  the  centre  of  religious  worship  to  all 
nations  of  the  earth  (viii.  lG-2:j).^II.  The  remain- 
der of  the  book  consists  of  tn  o  sections,  ix.-xi.  and 
xii.-xiv.,  each  of  which  has  an  inscription.  1.  In 
the  first  section  he  threatens  Damascus  and  the  sea- 
coast  of  Palestine  with  misfortune ;  but  declares 
that  Jerusalem  shall  be  protected.  The  Jens  wlio 
are  still  in  captivity  shall  return  to  their  land.  The 
land  too  shall  be  fruitful  as  of  old  (compare  viii. 
12).  The  Teraphim  and  the  false  prophets  may  in- 
deed have  spoken  lies,  but  upon  these  will  th?  Lord 
execute  judgment,  and  then  He  will  look  with  favor 
upon  His  people  and  bring  back  both  Judah  and 
Ephraicn  from  their  capt.vity.  The  possession  of 
(rilead  and  Lebanon  is  again  promised,  as  the  spe- 
cial portion  of  Ephraim ;  and  botli  Egypt  and  As- 
syria shall  be  broken  and  humbled.  The  prophecy 
noiv  takes  a  sudden  turn.  An  enemy  is  seen  ap- 
proaching from  the  N.,  who,  having  forced  the  nar- 
row passes  of  Lebanon,  the  great  bulwark  of  the 
northern  frontier,  caniep.  desolation  into  the  coun- 
try beyond.  Hereupon  the  prophet  receives  a  com- 
mission from  God  to  feed  His  flock,  which  God  Him- 
self will  no  more  feed  because  of  their  divisions. 
The  prophet  undertakes  the  office,  makes  to  himself 
two  staves  in  order  to  tend  the  flock,  and  cuts  ofT 
several  evil  shepherds  whom  his  suiU  abhors ;  but 
obscn'cs  at  the  same  time  that  the  flock  will  not  be 
obedient.  Hence  he  throws  up  his  office  ;  he  breaks 
asunder  one  crook  in  token  that  God's  covenant 
with  Israel  is  dissolved  ;  he  demands  and  receives 
the  wages  of  his  service,  thirty  pieces  of  silver, 
which  he  cists  into  the  house  of  Jehovah ;  ho  cuts 
in  pieces  the  other  crook,  in  token  that  the  brother- 
hood between  Judah  and  Israel  is  dissolved.  2. 
The  second  section,  xii.-xiv.,  is  entitled  "  The  bur- 
den of  the  word  of  Jehovah  for  Israel."  hrael 
here  =  the  nation  at  large,  not  Israel  as  distinct 
from'  Judah.  The  prophet  beholds  the  near  ap- 
proach of  troublous  times,  when  Jerusalem  should 
be  hard  pressed  by  enemies.  But  in  that  day  Je- 
hovah sliall  come  to  save  them,  and  all  the  nations 
which  gather  themselves  against  Jerusalem  shall  be 
destroyed.  At  the  same  time  the  deliverance  shall 
not  be  from  outward  enemies  alone.  (lod  will  pour 
out  upon  them  a  spirit  of  gr.aee  and  supplications. 
There  shall  be  u  deep  and  true  repentance  (xii.  1- 
xiil.  6).  Then  follows  a  short  apostrophe  to  the 
Bword  of  the  enemy  to  turn  against  the  shepherds 
of  the  people;  and  a  further  announcement  of 
searching  and  purifying  judgments.     The  prophecy 


closes  with  a  grand  and  stirring  picture.     All  na- 
tions are  gathered  together  against  Jerusalem  ;  and 
seem  already  sure  of  their  prey.     Half  of  their  cruel 
work  has  been  accomplished,  when  Jehovah  Himself 
appears  on  behalf  of  His  people.     He  goes  forth  to 
war  against  the  adversaries  of  His  people.     He  estab- 
lishes his  kingdom  over  all  the  earth.     All  nations 
that  are  still  left  shall  come  up  to  Jerusalem,  as 
the  great  centre  of  religious  worship,  and  the  city 
from  that  day  forward  shall  be  a  holy  city.     Such 
is,  briefly,  an  outline  of  the  second  portion  of  that 
book  which  is  commonly  known  as  the  Prophecy  of 
Zcchariah. — iHtegrity.     Is  the  book  in  its  present 
form  the  work  of  one  and  the  same  prophet,  Zccha- 
riah the  son  of  IJdo,  who  lived  after  the  Babylonish 
e>;iley     Joseph  Mede  (f  1638)  was  the  first  to  call 
\  this   in   question.     The  probabiiity  that  the  later 
chapters   (ix.-xiv.)    were   by    some   other   prophet 
''  seems  first  to  have  been  suggested  to  him  by  the 
\  citation   in   Mat.  xxvii.  9,  10-—"  Then  was  fulfilled 
that  which  was  spoken  by  Jeremy  the   prophet," 
&c.      Mede   ascribed   Zech.   ix.-xiv.   to   Jeremiah, 
partly  on   the  authority  of  St.  Matthew,  and  partly 
on  the  ground  that  the  contents  of  the  later  chap- 
ter reciuire  a  date  earlier  than  the  exile.     Arc'a- 
I  bishop  Xewcome  was  the  first  who  advocated  the 
theory,  that  the  last  six  chapters  of  Zechariah  are 
'  the  work  of  two  distinct  prophets.     His  words  arc : 
1  "The  eight  first  chapters  appear  by  the  introductory 
\  parts  to  be  the  prophecies  of  Zechariah,  stand  in 
connection  whh  each  other,  are  pertinent  to  the 
I  time  when  they  were  delivered,  arc  uniform  in  style 
and  manner,  and  constitute  a  regular  whole.     But 
the  six  last  chapters  are  not  expressly  assigned  to 
I  Zcchariah ;  are  unconnected  with  those  which  pre- 
cede; the  three  first  of  them  arc  unsuitable  in  many 
I  parts  to  the  tim,>  when  Zechariah  lived;  all  of  them 
have  a  more  adorned  and  poctic.il  turn  of  composi 
tion  than  the  eight  first  chapters;  and  they  mani- 
festly break  the  unity  of  the  prophetical  book." 
"  I  conclude,"  he  continues,  "  from  internal  marks 
in  chs.  ix.,  x.,  xi.,  that  these  three  chapters  were 
written  much  earlier  than  the  time  of  Jeremiah  and 
before  the  captivity  of  the  tribes.  .  .  .  The  twelfth, 
thirteenth,  and  fourteenth  chapters  form  a  distinct 
prophecy,  and  were  written  after  the  death  of  Jo- 
siah  ;  but  whether  before  or  after  the  Captivity,  and 
by  what  prophets,  is  uncertain."     A  large  number 
of  critics  (Bishop  Kidder,  Whiston,  Hammond,  J.  P. 
Sniith,  S.  Davidson,  &e.,  in  England ;  Fliigge,  Eich- 
horn,  Bauer,  Berttioldt,  August!,  Forberg,  Roscn- 
miiller,  Credner,   Ewald,   Maurer,  Knobel,  Hitzig, 
Bleek,  &c.,  in  Gcnnany)  have  followed  Me<le  and 
Newcome  in  denying  the  later  date  of  Zech.  ix.-xiv., 
and  maintaining  that  these  chapters  are  not  the 
work  of  Zechariah  the  son  of  Iddo.     The  later  date 
of  these  chapters  and  their  being  the  work  of  Zech- 
i  ariah  the  son  of  Iddo  have  been  maintained  in  Eng- 
'  land  by  Blayney,  Henry,  Scott,  Henderson,  Ayre, 
I  &c. ;    in   Germany   by   Carpzov,   Beckhaus,  Jahn, 
I  Koster,  Hengstenberg,  Hiivernick,  Keil,  De  Wette 
I  (in  tne  later  editions  of  his  hitroiluetion),  Stahelin, 
I  &c.  ;   in  the  United  States  by  Moore,  &c.     Those 
i  who  impugn  the  later  date  of  Zech.  ix.-xiv.  rest 
I  their  arguments  on  the  change  in  style  and  subject 
j  after  ch.  viii.,  but  differ  much  in  the  application  of 
I  their  criticism.     Thus,  of  those  who  argue  that  chs. 
I  ix.-xiv.  must  have   been  written   by  one  author, 
I  Rosenmiiller  (from  Zech.  xiv.  6;  compare  Am.  i.  1) 
I  assigns  him  to  the  reign  of  tlzziah,  Davidson  (from 
I  Is.  viii.  2)  to  the  reign  of  Ahaz,  Eichhom  to  the  time 
!  of  Alexander  the  Great.    Others,  as  Hcrtholdt,  Gesc- 


1208 


Z£C 


ZED 


nius,  Knobel,  Mar.rcr,  Bunscn,  and  EwalJ,  think 
that  chs.  ix.-xi.  (to  which  Ewald  adds  xiii.  7-9)  are 
a  distinct  propliccy  from  chs.  xii.-xiv.,  most  of  them 
regarding  the  author  of  tlie  former  portion  as  the 
Zechariah  mentioned  Is.  viii.  2,  while  they  all  assign 
the  section  xii.-xiv.  to  a  period  immediately  previous 
to  the  Babylonish  Captivity.  According  to  this 
hypothesis  (of  Bcrtholdt,  &c.),  we  have  the  works 
of  three  different  prophets  collected  into  one  book, 
and  passing  under  one  name : — 1.  Chs.  ix.-xl.,  the 
book  of  Zechariah,  a  contemporary  of  Isaiah,  under 
Ahaz,  about  b.  c.  736.  2.  Chs.  xii.-xiv.,  author  un- 
known (Bunscn  makes  him  Urijah,  a  contemporary 
of  Jeremiah),  about  B.  c.  607  or  606.  3.  Chs.  i.- 
viii.,  the  work  of  Zechariah  the  son  (or  grandson) 
of  Iddo,  Haggai's  contemporary,  about  B.  c.  520- 
518.  In  reply  to  the  arguments  alleged  by  the  ad- 
vocates of  the  tlieories  that  chs.  ix.-xiv.  are  by  one 
or  two  proplicts  different  from  Zechariah  the  son  of 
Iddo,  Kcil,  Stahelin,  &c.,  urge  that  the  difference 
of  style  is  not  greater  than  may  reasonably  be  ac- 
counted for  by  the  change  of  subject — that  the  pre- 
dictions which  do  occur  in  the  first  section  have  a 
general  similarity  to  those  of  the  second — that  the 
same  peculiar  forms  of  expression  occur  in  the  two 
sections — and  that  the  historical  references  in  the 
later  chapters  are  perfectly  consistent  with  a  post- 
exile  date. — With  regard  to  the  quotation  in  Mat. 
xxvii.  9,  10,  there  seems  no  good  reason  for  setting 
aside  the  received  reading.  Jerome  said  that  he 
found  the  passage  word  for  word  in  an  apocryphal 
book  ot  Jeremiah,  but  was  still  inclined  to  think  ' 
the  quotation  made  from  Zechariah.  Eusebius 
thought  the  passage  thus  quoted  stood  originally 
in  the  prophecy  of  Jeremiah,  but  was  erased  subse- 
quently by  the  malice  of  the  Jews,  or  else  the  name 
of  Zechariah  was  substituted  for  that  of  Jeremiah 
through  the  carelessness  of  copyists.  Augustine 
testifies  that  the  most  ancient  Greek  copies  had 
Jeremiah,  and  thinks  that  the  mistake  was  originally 
St.  Matthew's.'  Some  have  suggested  that  in  the 
Greek  autograph  of  Matthew,  ZPIOT  (=  Zriou,  an 
abbreviation  for  Zachariou,  a  Greek  genitive  deno- 
ting Zechariah)  may  have  been  written,  and  that 
copyists  may  have  taken  this  for  IPIOT  (=  Iri'M, 
on  abbreviation  for  Icremiou  or  Hieremiou,  a  Greek  . 
genitive  denoting/frrmia/i  or  "Jeremy").  But  there 
is  no  evidence  that  abbreviations  of  this  kind  were 
in  use  so  early.  The  most  ancient  copy  of  the  Latin  ] 
Version  of  the  Gospels  omits  the  name  of  Jeremiah, 
and  has  merely  ''  it  was  said  by  the  prophet ;  "  it 
has  been  conjectured  that  this  represents  the  origi- 
nal Greek  reading,  and  tliat  some  early  annotator 
wrote  Jeremiah  en  the  margin,  whence  it  crept  into 
the  text.' — 3.  Son  of  Jleshelemiah,  or  Shelemiah ; 
a  Korhite  porter  (1  Chr.  ix.  21,  xxvi.  2,  14);  =  No. 
4? — 3.  A  Benjamite,  sou  of  Jeliiel  (ix.  37);  = 
Zacher. — 4.  A  Levite,  one  of  those  appointed  to 
play  "  with  psalteries  on  Alanioth  "  (xv.  18,  20);  = 

>  So  a\to  hold  Alford.  Meyer,  Frltzsche. 

'  Lnnje  (Comm.  on  Mat.  1.  c.  translated  by  Srliafl")  ro- 
eards  the  passage  as  combining  four  cliflcrent  quotations: 
(a.)  "And  they  took  the  thirty  pieces  of  yilver,"  derived 
from  the  narrative  In  Matthew,  with  ppccinl  reference  to 
Zcch.  xt.  12;  (6.)  'Mho  price  of  Him  that  was  valued." 
also  after  Zechariah  ;  (c.)  "  whom  they  bought  of  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel"  (as  In  A.  V.  marRln).  art^'r  Oen.  xxxvii. 
28;  (d.)  "and  gave  them  for  the  potter's  flcld."  fVoin  the 
narrative,  with  special  reference  to  Zechariah ;  (e.)  "  as 
the  Lord  appointed  to ;««"— the  key  of  the  whole  passage, 
quoted  from  Jer.  xxxil.  6,  8.— Lighifoot  and  Scrivener 
suppose  that  the  Buck  of  Jeremiah,  arranged  by  the  .Jews 
as  the  first  of  all  the  prophets,  gave  its  name  to  the  whole 
body  of  their  writtngs  (Schaff,  In  Lange).  Old  Testa- 
ment, C. 


Xo.  2  ? — 5.  One  of  the  princes  of  Judah  sent  to 
teach  the  people  the  Law  in  Johoshaphat's  reign  (2 
Chr.  xvii.  7).— fl.  Son  of  the  liigh-priest  Jehoiada, 
and  therefore  cousin  of  Joash,  king  of  Judah  (iiChr. 
xxiv.  20).  After  Jehoiada's  death  Zechariah  prob- 
ably succeeded  to  his  office,  and  in  attempting  to 
clieck  the  reaction  in  favor  of  idolatry  which  imme- 
diately followed,  he  fell  a  victim  to  a  conspiracy 
formed  against  him  by  the  king,  and  was  stoned  in 
the  court  of  the  Temple.  Probably  "  Zacharias  son 
of  Barachias,"  who  was  slain  between  the  Temple 
and  the  altar  (Mat.  xxiii.  35),  is  the  same  with  Zech- 
ariah the  son  of  Jehoiada.  (Zaciiarias  11.) — T.  A 
Kohathite  Levite,  an  overseer  of  the  workmen  at 
the  Temple  in  Josiah's  reign  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  12). — 8, 
Leader  of  the  sons  of  Pharosh  who  returned  with 
Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  8). — 9-  Leader  ( f  the  sons  of  Bebai 
under  Ezra  (viii.  11). — 10.  One  of  the  "chief  men  " 
whom  Ezra  summoned  in  council  at  the  river  Ahava 
(viii.  16).  Some  suppose  him  =  No.  9  or  10 ;  others 
suppose  him  z^  the  Zechariah  of  Neh.  viii.  4,  who 
was  probably  a  priest  or  Levite,  and  perhaps  =  No. 
16. — II.  One  of  the  family  of  Elam,  husband  of  a 
foreign  wife  in  Ezra's  time  (Ezr.  x.  26).— 12.  A  de- 
scendant of  Perez  and  ancestor  of  Athaiah,  or  Uthai 
(Neh.  xi.  4). — 13.  A  son  of  Smi.oM  and  ancestor  of 
Maasriah  9  (xi.  5). — 14.  A  priest,  son  of  Pashur 
(xi.  12).— 15.  Chief  of  the  priestly  family  of  Iddo 
in  the  days  of  Iligli-pi-icst  Joiakiin  (xii.  16);  prob- 
ably =  Zechariah  the  prophet  (No.  1,  above). — 16. 
A  descendant  of  Asaph,  and  participant  in  musical 
services  at  the  dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem 
(xii.  S5);  perhaps  different  from  the  Zechariah  ofver. 
41,  who  then  had  one  of  the  trumpets,  imd  was  ap- 
parently a  priest.— 17.  A  Heubenite  chief  at  the  cap- 
tivity by  Tiglath-pileser  (1  Chr.  v.  7).— 18.  One  of 
the  priests  with  trumpets  who  accompanied  the  ark 
from  the  house  of  Obcd-edom  (xv.  24). — 19.  A  Ko- 
hathite Levite  descended  from  Uzzid  ;  son  of  Isshiah 
or  Jcsiah  (xxiv.  25). — ^20.  A  Merarite  Levite,  fourth 
son  of  Hosah  (xxvi.  11). — 31.  A  Manassitc,  father 
of  Iddo  3  (xxvii.  21).— 22.  A  Levite,  father  of  Ja- 
IIAZIEL  4  (2  Chr.  XX.  14). — 23.  One  of  the  sons  of 
Jchoshaphat,  slain  by  Jehoram  (xxi.  2). — 24.  A  man 
in  Uzziah's  reign  "  who  had  understanding  in  the 
visions  (margin  'seeing')  of  God,"  i.  e.  a  prophet, 
or  (as  some  suppose)  one  eminent  for  piety,  or  for 
discernment  in  things  pertaining  to  God  or  liis  ser- 
vice (xxvi.  5).^25.  Father  of  Hezekiah's  mother 
(xxix.  1) ;  =  Zachariaii  2. — 26.  A  dcseciidant  of 
Asaph,  aided  in  purifying  the  Temple  in  Hezekiah's 
reign  (xxix.  13). — 2T.  One  of  the  rulers  of  tlic  Tem- 
ple in  Josiah's  reign  (xxxv.  S) ;  probably  (so  Bcr- 
thcau)  "the  second  priest"  (compare  2  K.  xxv.  18; 
IIigii-priest). — 28.  Son  of  Jebereehiali ;  taken  by 
the  prophet  Isaiah  as  one  of  the  "  fiiithful  witnesses 
to  record,"  when  he  v/rote  concerning  Mahcr-shalal- 
hash-baz  (Is.  viii.  2) ;  supposed  by  some  =  No.  26, 
and  by  others  =  No.  25.  Bcrtholdt,  &e.,  have 
ascribed  to  him  the  writing  of  Zech.  ix.-xi.  (see 
No.  1,  above). 

Ze'dad  (fr.  Heb.  =  a  mountainside,  Gcs. ;  steep 
place,  Fii.),  a  place  on  the  N.  border  of  the  land  of 
Israel,  as  promised  by  Moses  (Num.  xxxiv.  8)  and 
as  restored  by  Ezekiel  (xlvii.  15);  identified  by 
Robinson  (ii,  607),  Porter  (in  Kitto),  Wilson  (ii. 
358),  &c.,  with  the  large  modern  village  of  Snduri, 
E.  of  the  northern  extremity  of  the  chain  of  Anti- 
lihanns,  about  fifty  miles  E.  N.  E.  of  JBa'albek,  and  ' 
thirty-five  S.  S.  E.  of  ffunui.  ■ 

Zod-c-fhl'ds  [-ki-l  =  Zedekiah  1  (1  Esd.  i.  46).     *■ 
Zed-e-kl'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  justice  of  Jehovah,  GcB.'V ! 


ZED 


ZED 


1209 


1.  The  last  king  of  Judali  and  Jernsalcm.  (TsRAKr,, 
Kingdom  of;  Jtdah,  Kingdom  op.)  He  was  the 
son  of  Josun  by  liis  wife  ilumutal,  ami,  Ihereforo, 
own  brother  to  Jkhoauaz  (i  K.  xxiv.  18,  compare 
xsiii.  31).  His  original  name,  Mattaniah,  was 
changed  to  Zedekiah  by  NEBtciiADNEZZAR,  when  he 
carried  otf  liis  nephew  Jeiioiakim  to  Babylon,  and 
left  him  on  the  tlirone  of  Jerusalem.  Zctlekiah  was 
bul  twenty-one  years  old  wlicn  he  was  thus  placed  in 
charge  of  an  impoverished  kingdom,  and  of  a  city 
which,  though  still  strong,  both  naturally  and  arti- 
ficially, was  bereft  of  well-nigh  all  its  defenders.  His 
history  i.<  given  in  2  K.  xxiv.  17-xxv.  7,  and  in  Jer. 
xxxix.  1-7,  Hi.  1-11,  and  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  10,  &c. ;  and 
also  in  Jer.  xxi.,  xxiv.,  xxvii.-xxix.,  xxxii.-xxxiv., 
xxxvii.,  xxxviii.  (containing  Jeremiah's  prophecies, 
iic,  of  this  reign),  and  Ez.  xvi.  11-21.  To  these 
add  Jos.  X.  7,  8.  From  these  it  is  evident  that  Zed- 
ekiah was  a  man  not  so  much  bad  at  heart  as  weak 
in  will.  It  is  evident  from  Jer.  xxvii.  and  xxviii.  that 
the  earlier  portion  of  Zcdekiah's  reign  was  marked 
by  an  agitation  throughout  Syria  against  the  Baby- 
Jonian  yoke.  In  tlie  fourth  year  of  Zcdekiah's  reign 
we  find  ambassadors  from  all  the  neighboring  king- 
doms— Tyre,  .Sidon,  Edom,  and  Moab — at  his  court, 
to  consult  as  to  the  steps  to  be  taken.  This  hap- 
pened cither  during  the  king's  absence  or  imme- 
diately after  his  return  from  Babylon,  whitlicr  he 
went,  perhaps,  to  blind  tlie  eyes  of  Nebuchadnezzar 
to  his  contemplated  revolt  (Jer.  li.  59).  The  first 
act  of  overt  rebellion  of  which  any  record  survives 
was  the  formation  of  an  alliance  with  Egypt  (2  Chr. 
xxxvi.  13  ;  Ez.  xvii.  13).  As  a  natural  consequence 
it  brought  on  Jerusalem  an  immediate  invasion  of 
the  Clialdeans.  The  mention  of  this  event  in  the 
Bible  occurs  only  in  Jer.  xxxvii.  5-11,  xxxiv.  21, 
and  Ez.  xvii.  15-20;  but  Josephus  (x.  7,  §3)  relates 
it  more  fully,  and  gives  its  date,  viz.  the  eighth 
year  of  Zedeliiah.  It  appears  that  Kebuchadnczzar, 
made  aware  of  Zcdckiali's  defection,  either  by  the 
non-payment  of  the  tiibute  or  by  other  means,  at 
once  sent  an  army  to  ravage  Judea.  This  was  done, 
and  the  wliole  country  reduced, except  JERiSALiiM, 
Lachisii,  and  Azkkaii  (Jer.  xxxiv.  7).  In  the  panic 
which  followed  the  appearance  of  the  Chaldeans  the 
princes  and  people  at  Jerusalem  solemnly  cove- 
nanted with  Zedekiah  to  release  all  the  Hebrews 
lield  in  bondage,  and  many  were  tlius  freed  (8  ff.). 
— In  the  me.an  time  Pharaoh  had  moved  to  the  as- 
siiitance  of  his  ally.  On  hearing  of  his  approach  the 
Chaldeans  at  once  raised  the  siege  and  a  ivanced  to 
meet  him.  The  nobles  .seized  the  moment  of  respite 
to  reassert  their  power,  and  reduce  to  bondage  again 
those  recently  frcid  (11  ff.).  How  long  the  Babylo- 
nians were  absent  from  Jerusalem  we  are  not  told  ; 
but  on  the  tenth  day  of  the  tenth  month  of  Zcde- 
kiah's ninth  year  tlie  Chaldeans  were  again  before 
the  walls  (Hi.  4).  From  this  time  forward  the  siege 
progressed  slowly  but  snrely  to  its  consummation, 
with  the  accompaniment  of  both  famine  and  pesti- 
lence (Jos.).  Zedekiah  interfered  to  preserve  the 
life  of  Jeremi'ih  from  the  vengeance  of  the  princes 
(Jer.  xxxviii.  7-13),  and  then  occurred  the  interview 
between  the  king  and  the  prophet,  which  affords  so 
good  a  clew  to  the  condition  of  alyect  dependence 
Into  which  a  long  course  of  opposition  had  brought 
the  weak-minded  monarch  (14  ff.).  While  the  king 
wa.1  hesitating,  the  end  was  rapidly  coming  nearer. 
The  city  was  indeed  reduced  to  the  last  extremity. 
The  fire  of  the  besiegers  had  throughotit  been  very 
destructive  (Jos.),  but  it  was  now  aided  by  n  severe 
famiae.     The  bread  bad  for  long  been  consumed 


(Jer.  xxxviii.  9),  and  all  the  terrible  expedients  had 
been  tried  to  wliich  the  wretched  inhabitants  of  a 
besieged  town  are  forced  to  resort  in  such  cases 
(Lam.  iv.  5-10)  At  last,  after  sixteen  dreadful 
months,  the  catastrophe  arrive<l.  It  was  on  the 
ninth  day  of  the  fourth  month,  about  the  middle  of 
July,  at  midnight,  as  Josephus  with  careful  minute- 
ness informs  us,  that  the  breach  in  those  stout  and 
venerable  walls  was  effected.  The  moon,  nine  days 
old,  had  gone  down  below  the  hills  whicli  form  the 
western  edge  of  the  basin  of  Jerusalem,  or  was  at 
any  rate  too  low  to  illuminate  tlie  utter  darkness 
which  reigns  in  the  narrow  lanes  of  an  Eastern 
town,  where  the  inhabitants  retire  early  to  rest,  and 
few  windows  emit  light  from  the  interior  of  the 
houses.  The  wretched  remnants  of  the  army,  starved 
and  exhausted,  had  left  the  walls,  and  there  was 
nothing  to  oppose  the  entrance  of  the  Chaldeans. 
Passing  in  through  the  breach,  they  made  their  way, 
as  their  custom  was,  to  the  centre  of  the  city,  and 
for  the  first  time  the  Temple  was  entered  by  a  hos- 
tile force.  The  alarm  quickly  spre.id  through  the 
sleeping  city,  and  Zedekiah,  collecting  his  wives  and 
children  (Jos.),  and  surrounding  himself  with  the 
few  soldiers  who  survived,  niailc  his  way  out  of  the 
city  at  tlie  opposite  end  to  that  at  wliich  the  Assyr- 
ians had  entered,  by  a  street  which  ran  between 
two  walls,  and  issued  at  a  gate  above  the  royal  gar- 
dens and  the  Fountain  of  Siloam.  Thence  lie  took 
the  road  toward  the  Jordan.  On  the  way  they  were 
met  and  recognized  by  some  of  the  Jews  who  had 
formerly  deserted  to  the  Chaldeans.  By  them  the 
intelligence  was  communicated  to  the  generals  in  the 
city  (Jos.),  and,  as  soon  as  the  dawn  of  day  per- 
mitted it,  swilt  pursuit  was  made.  The  king's  party 
were  overtaken  near  Jericho,  when  just  within  sight 
of  the  river.  A  few  of  the  people  only  remained 
round  tlie  person  of  the  king.  'The  rest  fled  in  all 
directions,  so  that  he  was  easily  taken.  Nebuchad- 
nezzar was  then  at  Kini.An,  about  ten  days'  journey 
from  Jerusalem.  Thither  Zedekiah  and  his  sons 
were  dispatched  :  his  daughters  left  behind  were 
taken  to  Mizpah  anil  afterward  into  Egypt  (Jer.  xl.  7, 
xli.  16,  xliii.  0,  7,  lii.).  Nebuchadnezzar,  with  a  re- 
finement of  cruelly  characteristic  of  those  cruel 
times,  ordered  his  .sons  to  be  killed  before  him,  and 
lastly  his  own  eyes  to  be  thrust  out.  (Punishments  ; 
War.)  He  was  then  loaded  with  brazen  fetters,  and 
at  a  later  period  taken  to  Babylon,  where  he  died. 
—2,  Son  of  Chenaanah  ;  a  false  prophet  at  the  court 
of  Ahah.  He  appears  but  once,  viz.  as  spokesman 
when  the  prophets  are  consulted  by  Ahab  on  the 
result  of  his  proposed  expedition  to  Ramotli  gilcad 
(I  K.  xxii. ;  2  Chr.  xviii.).  Zedekiah  had  prepared 
himself  for  the  interview  with  a  pair  of  iron  horns 
after  the  symbolic  custom  of  the  prophets  (compare 
Jer.  xiii.,  xix.,  and  Deut.  xxxiii.  17).  With  these, 
in  the  interval  before  .Micaiah's  arrival,  he  illustrated 
the  manner  in  which  Ahab  should  drive  the  Syrians 
before  liim.  When  Micaiah  appeared  and  had  de- 
livered his  prophecy,  Zedekiah  sprang  forward  and 
struck  him  a  blow  on  the  face,  accompanying  it  by 
a  taunting  sneer.  For  this  he  is  threatened  by 
Micaiah  in  tcmis  which  evidently  allude  to  some 
personal  danger  to  Zedekiah.  Josephus  relates  that 
after  Micni<ih  had  spoken,  Zedekiah  again  came  for- 
ward, and  denounced  him  as  false  on  the  ground 
that  his  prophecy  contradicted  the  prediction  of 
Elijah,  that  Ahiib's  blood  should  be  licked  up  by 
dogs  in  the  field  of  Naboth  of  Jezreel ;  and  as  a 
further  proof  that  he  was  an  impostor,  he  struck 
him,  daring  him  to  do  what  Iddo,  in  somewhat  sim- 


1210 


ZEE 


ZEP 


ilar  circums'anccs,  had  done  to  Jeroboam — viz. 
wither  his  hand. — 3.  Son  of  JIaa.seiali ;  a  false 
projjhct  in  IJabvlon  (Jer.  xxix.  21,  22).  Ucwaade- 
noimeed  in  tlie  letter  of  Jeremiah  fur  havin;;,  with 
Ahalj  the  son  of  Kolaiah,  liuoyod  up  the  people  with 
false  hopes,  and  for  prol'ane  and  flagitious  eonduct. 
Their  names  were  to  become  a  byword,  and  their 
terrible  fate  of  being  burnt  to  death  a  warning. — 4. 
Son  of  Hananiali,  one  of  the  prinees  of  Judah  in 
Jeremiah's  time  (Jer.  .x.x.wi.  12). 

Zei'b  (Ilcb.  ■!'<>'/),  one  of  the  two  "princes" 
of  iliiiiA.N  in  the  great  invasion  of  Israel;  always 
named  with  OKEB(Judg.  vii.  25,  viii.  3;  Ps.  Ixxxiii. 
11).  Zecb  was  slain  by  the  Ephraimites  in  a  wine- 
press whii^h  in  later  times  bore  his  name — the  "  wine- 
press of  Zceb."     ZEB.ai. 

Ze'lah  (fr.  Ileb.  =  a  WA,  the  side,  Ge?.),  a  cily  of 
Benjamin,  named  between  Taralah  and  Eleph  (Josh, 
xviii.  28).  It  contained  the  family  tomb  of  Kish  the 
father  of  Saul  (2  Sam.  x.xi.  14).     Zelzah. 

Zc'Iek  (fr.  Ileb.  =  fixxure,  Ges.),  an  Ammonite, 
one  of  David's  thirty  "  valiant  men  "  (2  Sam.  xxiii. 
87;  1  Chr.  xi.  Sfl). 

Zc-lo'p-'.2-IiacI  (.'r.  Hcb.  =  Jird  fractir.e,  perhaps 
finiJmni,  Ges.),  son  of  Ileplier,  son  of  tjilead,  son 
of  Jlaehir,  son  of  Manasseh  (Josh.  xvii.  3);  appar- 
ently t!ic  second  son  of  Ilepher  (1  Chr.  vii.  15). 
Zelophehad  came  out  of  Egypt  with  Moses,  but  died 
in  the  wilderness,  as  did  the  whole  of  that  genera- 
tion (Xum.  xiv.  33,  xxvii.  3).  On  his  death  without 
mile  hJrs,  his  five  daughters  (Mahlah,  Noah,  Hog- 
lah,  Milcah,  Tirzah),  just  after  the  second  numbering 
in  the  wilderness,  came  before  Moses  and  Eleazar 
to  cl.iim  the  iulieritance  of  their  father  in  the  tribe 
of  Manasseh.  The  claim  was  admitted  by  Divine 
direction  (xxvi.  33,  xxvii.  1-11).     Heir. 

Zc-la'trs  (Gr.  the  Zealot  =  the  Canaanite,  Rbn. 
^.  T.  Jax.),  an  cpithe'  given  to  the  Apostle  Simon 
B  to  distingui.sh  him  from  Simon  Peter  (Lk.  vi. 
15). 

Zelzah  (fr.  Ileb.  =  shade  from  the  6«»,  Ges.),  a 
place  named  once  only(l  Sam.  x.  2),  as  on  the 
boundary  of  Benjamin,  close  to  Rachel's  sepulchre. 
It  is  usually  considered  =  Zklaii,  and  that  again 
with  Beil  Jain,  about  a  mile  W.  S.  W.  from  Rachel's 
tomb  (so  Wilson,  i.  401  ;  Porter  [in  Kitto],  &c.). 
"  But,"  says  Mr.  Grove,  "  this  is  not  tenable;  at  any 
rate  there  is  nothing  to  support  it." 

Zem-a-ra'im  (fr.  Ileb.  =  do'dh  mounfain-forenl, 
Fli. ;  See  below),  a  city  of  Benjamin,  named  between 
Blth-aradaii  and  Bethel  (Josh,  xviii.  22).  If  it 
lay  in  the  Jordan  valley,  a  trace  of  the  name  may 
remain  m  Khurbet  cs-Simirah,  about  four  miles  N. 
of  Jericho.  If  between  the  valley  and  Bethel,  it  may 
be  connected,  or  identical,  with  Mount  Zemaraim 
(see  below),  which  must  have  been  in  the  hig'dand 
district.  In  cither  event  Zemaraim  may  have  de- 
rived its  name  from  the  ancient  tribe  of  the  Zemai'im 
or  Zemarites  (so  Mr.  Grove).     Zemakitk. 

Zem-a-ra'lm  (see  above),  Monnt,  an  eminence  men- 
tioned in  2  Chr.  xiii.  4  only).  It  was  "  in  Mount 
Ephrfiim,"  i.  e.  within  the  general  district  of  the  high- 
lands of  that  great  tribe.  It  appears  to  have  been 
close  to  the  scene  of  the  engagement  mentioned  in 
the  narrative,  whicli  again  may  be  inferred  to  have 
been  S.  of  Bethel  and  Ephraim  (ver.  19).  Whether 
Mount  Zemaraim  is  identical  with,  or  related  to,  the 
Zemaraim  of  the  preceding  article,  cannot  be  ascer- 
tained. 

Zem'a-rlte  (fr.  Heb.  sing,  collective  ttlmArt  =  peo- 
ple of  Txemar  [i.  c.  mountain-region],  the  ancient 
aimyra,  Fii. ;  see  below),  the  \  a  son  of  Canaan,  or 


a  collective  name  of  one  of  the  Hamito  tribes  de- 
scended from  Canaan  (  Gen.  x.  18;  1  Chr.  i.  18). 
Xotliing  is  certainly  known  of  this  ancient  tribe. 
The  old  interpreters  (Jerusalem  Targum,  Arabic 
Version,  &c.)  place  them  at  Emesa,  the  modern 
hums.  (Syria.)  Michaclis,  Gcsenius,  Fiirst,  Dr. 
P.  Holmes  (in  Kitto),  &c.,  locate  thcmat  iS«»i)'a(the 
Simyra  of  the  classical  geographers),  a  site  of  ruins 
near '^'Jc.t«.     AnKiTK  ;  Zemaraim. 

Ze-mi'ra  (fr.  Heb.  —  son/j,  Ges.),  son  of  Bccber  the 
son  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  vii.  8). 

Ze'nnn  (tr.  Heb.  =  Zaanan  ?  Ges.),  a  city  of  Judnb  ' 
in  the  lowland  district  (Josh.  xv.  37;  probably  = 
Zaaxan.  Schwarz  proposes  to  identify  it  with  *'  the 
village  Zan-abra  (=  esSetidbirah  of  Robinson?), 
situated  two  and  a  half  English  miles  S.  E.  of  Ma- 
rcshali."  But  this  identification  is  more  than  doubt- 
ful (so  Mr.  Grove). 

Ze'uas  (Gr.  given  li)/  Zeus,  the  Rom.  Jupiter,  Pott, 
Pape),  a  believer,  and,  as  may  be  inferred  from  the 
context,  a  preacher  of  the  Gospel,  mcntioneil  hi  Tit. 
iii.  13,  and  described  as  "the  lawyer  "  (Gr.  nomi- 
I  l-os).  It  is  impossible  to  determine  whether  Zenas 
K.is  a  Roman  jurisconsult  or  a  Jewish  doctor. 
Grotius  thinks  that  he  was  a  Greek  who  had  studied 
Roman  law.  The  N.  T.  usage  of  "  lawyer  "  leads 
rather  to  the  other  inference  (so  Mr.  Jones).  An 
untrustworthy  tradition  makes  him  one  of  the  "sev- 
euty-two"  disciples,  and  subsequently  bishop  of 
Diospolis  (Lydda)  in  Palestine. 

Zeph-a-ni'illl  (fr.  Ileb.  =  Jehovah  hide's,  protects, 
Ges.).  I.  The  pedigree  of  the  PRoriiET  Zeplia- 
niah  (Zcph.  i.  1)  is  traced  to  his  fourth  ancestor, 
Hezekiah:  supposed  by  Aben  Ezra,  Eichhorn, 
llitzig,  liiivcrnick,  Keil,  IJIeek,  &c.,  to  be  tlio  cele- 
brated king  of  that  name. — Analysis  of  the  proph- 
ecy of  Zephaniah.  Ch.  i.  The  utter  desolation  of 
Judea  is  predicted  as  a  judgment  for  idolatry,  and 
neglect  of  the  Lord,  the  luxury  of  the  princes,  and 
the  violence  and  deceit  of  their  dependents  (ver, 
3-9).  The  prosperity,  security,  and  insolence  of  the 
people  is  contrasted  with  the  horrors  of  the  day  of 
wrath  (ver.  10-18).  Ch.  ii.,  a  call  to  repentance 
(ver.  1-3),  with  prediction  of  the  ruin  of  the  cities 
of  the  Philistines,  and  the  restoration  of  the  house 
of  Judah  after  the  visitation  (ver.  4-7).  Other  ene- 
mies of  Judah,  Moab,  Animon,  arc  threatened  with 
perpetual  dcstrueti(m.  Ethiopia  with  a  great  slaugh- 
ter, Nineveh  with  desolation  (ver.  8-lt>).  Ch.  iii. 
The  prophet  addresses  Jerusalem,  which  he  reproves 
sharply  for  vice,  disobedience,  &c.  (ver.  1-7).  He 
then  concludes  with  a  seriis  of  promises(vcr.  8-20). 
—The  chief  characteristics  of  this  book  are  the 
unity  and  harmony  of  the  composition,  the  grace, 
energy,  and  dignity  of  its  style,  and  the  rapid  and 
effective  alternations  of  threats  and  promises.  The 
general  tone  of  the  last  portion  is  Messianic,  but 
without  any  specific  reference  to  the  Person  of  our 
Eord.  The  date  of  the  book  is  given  in  the  in- 
scription ;  viz.  the  reign  of  JosiAil,  from  C42  to  611 
B.  c.  It  is  most  probable,  moreover,  that  the  proph- 
ecv  was  delivered  before  the  reformation  in  the 
eighteenth  vear  of  Josiah  (so  Mr.  Cook,  with  llitzig, 
Jahn,  Keil,"  Ewald,  De  Wettc,  Movers,  Anderson, 
&c.).  (Rible;  Canon;  Inspiration  ;  Old  Testa- 
ment.)—2.  A  Kohathite  Levite,  ancestor  of  Samuel 
and  Heman  (1  Chr.  vi.  36  [Heb.  21]).— 3.  The  son 
of  Maa.seiah  (Jer.  xxi.  1),  and  sagan  or  second  priest 
in  the  reign  of  Zedekiah.  (Hioii-priest.)  He  suc- 
ceeded Jehoiada  (xxix.  25,  26),  and  was  probably  a 
ruler  of  the  Temple,  whose  oiBce  it  was  to  punish 
pretenders  to  the  gift  of  prophecy,  &c.     In  this  ca- 


ZEP 


ZEIt 


1211 


paoity  ho  was  appealed  to  by  Shemaiah  the  Nche- 
lainit«  to  punUli  Jeromiah  (xxix.  29).  Twice  ivas 
ho  sont  Irimi  ZeJekiah  to  iiupiirc  of  Jeremiah  the 
issue  of  the  sieac  of  tlic  eiiv  by  the  Chaltic;iiis(xxi. 
1 ),  and  to  implore  him  to  intercede  for  tlio  people 
(xxxvii.  li).  On  Ihc  capture  of  Jerusalem  he  was 
taken  and  slain  at  Riblah  (lii.  24.  27  ;  2  IC.  xxv.  18, 
21). — I.  Kathcr  of  Jo3i.\H  2  and  of  Hkn  (Zech.  vi. 
10,  14). 

Xt  pliatb  (fr.  Heb.  =  valeh-touvr,  Gcs.),  a  Canaati- 
itc  t  jwn  (Judg.  i.  17),  which  after  its  capture  and 
destruction  wius  called  by  the  Isr.-»elitea  IIormaii. 
Two  idcntilicntioMs  have  been  propo.sed  for  Zepliatli : 
that  of  Robinson  with  the  well-known  Pass  rsSu/d, 
by  which  the  ascent  is  made  from  the  borders  of 
the  'Arabah  to  tfie  hijhor  level  of  the  "  South 
country,"  and  that  of  Rowlands  and  Wilton  with 
Sfhdla  or  Srbiit,  about  five  miles  S.  W.  of  Khulasnk 
(CilESii.  ♦)  on  the  road  to  Suez,  and  about  a  n-ile  X. 
of  Ri/ifhrh  or  RiihaUk  (RKiiODorri  ?).    Wilder.nkss 

OF  THK  W.tNDKRINO. 

Ztpli'a-thali  (fr.  lleb.  =  Zephath,  Ges.),  the  Val'- 
Ify  of  (Heb.  fiifi ;  see  Valley  2),  the  spot  in  which 
Asa  joined  battle  with  Zeraii  5  the  Ethiopian  (2 
Chr.  xiv.  10  only).  It  was  "at"  or  rather  "be- 
longing to  "  Maresham.  This  would  seem  (so  Mr. 
Grove)  to  exclude  the  possibility  of  its  being,  as 
suggested  by  Dr.  Robinson,  at  Tell  cx-Sa/ieh  (Gatii  ?), 
which  is  not  less  than  eight  miles  from  Maraxh  (  = 
Mareshah).  Porter  (in  Kitto)  would  identify  it 
with  a  deep  valley  which  runs  past  Marash  down  to 
Jieit  Jibfiit,  and  thence  down  to  the  plain  of  Philis- 
tia. 

Ze  phi  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Zepho  (1  Chr.  i.  3fi). 

Ze'pliO  (fr.  Heb.  =:  vmleh-tower,  Ges.),  a  son  of 
Elipha/.,  son  of  Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  11);  a  "duke" 
of  the  Edomites  (ver.  15);  =  Zephi. 

Zf  phon  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Ziphion  the  son  of  Gad 
(Xuin.  xxvi.  15),  and  ancestor  of  the  Zepiionites. 

Z«'plioa-ite!j  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =:  a  family  or  branch 
of  the  tribe  of  Gad,  descended  from  Zephon  or 
ZiPHios  (Num.  xxvi.  15). 

Zer  (fr.  Heb.  =_/fiXGes.),  a  fortified  town  of 
Xaphtali  (Josh.  xix.  35  only),  probably  (so  Mr. 
Grove)  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  S.  W.  side  of 
the  Lake  of  Gennesaret;  site  unknown. 

Zr'rall  (Heb.  a  riM>i^,  of  light,  Ges.).  1>  A  son 
of  Renel,  son  of  Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  13  ;  1  Chr.  i. 
37) :  a  "  dike"  of  the  Edomites  ((Jen.  xxxvi.  17). — 
i.  (FjCss  properly  Zaraii).  Twin  son,  with  his  elder 
brother  Piiarez,  of  Judah  and  Taniar  (xxxviii.  30; 
1  Chr.  ii.  R;  Mat.  i.  3).  His  descendants  were  Zar- 
iiiTES  1,  E'.iiAiiiTES,  or  Izraiiites  (Num.  xxvi.  20; 
1  K.  iv.  31  ;  1  Chr.  xxvii.  8,  11). — 3.  Snn  of  Simeon 
(1  Chr.  iv.  24) ;  ancestor  of  the  Zariiites  2  ;  =  Zo- 
har  2. — I.  A  Oershonite  Levite,  son  of  Iddo  or 
Adaiah  (1  Chr.  vi.  21,  41,  [6,  26,  Heb.]).— .i.  "  The 
Ethiopian  "  or  Cushite,  an  invader  of  Judah,  de- 
feated by  Asa  (2  Chr.  .\iv.  9  (f.).  (1.)  The  name, 
identical  with  the  Hebrew  proper  name  above,  has 
been  supposed  to  represent  the  Egyptian  Umrken, 
a  name  almost  certainly  of  Shcniitic  origin  (so  Mr. 
R.  S.  Poole,  original  author  of  this  article).  (2.) 
The  war  between  Asa  and  Zerah  appears  to  have 
taken  place  soon  after  the  tenth,  and  shortly  before 
the  fifteenth  year  of  Asa,  probably  late  in  the  four- 
teenth. It  therefore  occurred  in  about  the  same 
year  of  Usarkcn  II.,  fourth  king  of  the  twenty- 
second  dynasty  of  Egypt,  who  began  to  reign  about 
the  same  time  as  the  king  of  Judah.  Asa's  reign, 
as  far  as  the  fourteenth  year  inclusive,  was  B.  c. 
about  058-940,  or,  if  Mnnassch's  roign  be  reckoned 


of  thirty-flvc  years,  933-920.  (SnisitAK.)  (3.) 
The  first  ton  years  of  Asa's  reign  were  undisttirbed 
by  war.  Then  .\sa  took  counsel  with  his  subjects, 
and  walli'd  and  fortified  the  cities  of  Judah.  He 
also  maintaiuoil  an  army  of  .iSO.oilO  men,  .3(M),uOO 
spearmen  of  Judah,  and  28o,000  archers  of  IJenja- 
min  (2  Chr.  xiv.  1-8^.  At  length,  pro'.>ably  in  the 
fourteenth  year  of  Asa,  the  anticipated  danger  came. 
Zerah,  with  an  army  of  a  million,  invaded  the  king- 
dom, and  advanced  unopposed  in  the  litld  as  far  iis 
Maresmail  The  inv.adii.g  army  had  swarmed  acmss 
the  border  ami  devoured  the  I'liilisiine  fields  before 
Asa  could  march  to  meet  it.  "  In  the  Valley  of 
Zepiiatuaii  at  Mareshah,"  the  two  arnjics  met. 
From  the  prayer  of  Asa  wo  may  judge  that,  when 
he  came  upon  the  invading  arn)y,  he  saw  its  huge- 
ness, and  so  that,  as  he  dcseendrd  through  a  valley, 
it  lay  spread  out  beneath  hiin.  The  Egyptian  monu- 
ments enalilc  us  to  picture  the  general  disposition 
of  Zerah's  army.  The  chariots  formed  the  first 
corps  in  a  single  or  double  line ;  beliind  thom, 
mussed  in  plialanxes,  were  heavy-armed  troops ; 
probably  on  the  flanks  stood  archers  and  horsemen 
in  lighter  formations.  The  hills  and  mountains  were 
the  favorite  camping-places  of  the  Hebrews,  who 
usually  rushed  down  upon  their  more  numerous  or 
better-di.=ciplined  enemies  in  the  plains  and  valleys. 
The  chariots,  broken  by  the  charge,  and  with  horses 
made  unm.inageable  by  flights  of  arrows,  must  have 
been  forced  back  upon  the  cumbrous  host  behind. 
"  So  the  Loud  smote  the  Ethiopians  before  Asa,  and 
before  Judah  ;  and  the  Ethiopians  fled.  And  Asa 
and  the  people  that  [were]  with  him  pnrsuel  them 
unto  Gerar:  and  [or  'for']  the  Ethiopians  were 
overthrown,  that  they  could  not  recover  them- 
selves." So  complete  was  the  overthrow,  that  tho 
Hebrews  could  capture  and  spoil  the  cities  around 
Gerar, «  hich  must  have  been  in  alliance  with  Zerah. 
Zerah  and  his  people  were  too  signally  crushed  to 
attack  Asa  again.  (4.)  Zerah  h.as  been  thought  to 
be  a  Cushite  of  Ar.tbia,  or  a  Cushite  of  Ethiopia 
above  Egypt.  But  lately  it  has  boon  supposed  that 
Zerah  is  the  Hebrew  name  of  Usarkcn  I.,  second 
king  of  the  Egyptian  twenty-second  dynasty ;  or 
perhaps  more  probably  Usarkcn  II.,  his  second  suc- 
cessor. The  composition  of  the  army  of  Zerah,  of 
Cushim  (A.  V.  "Ethiopians")  and  Lubini  (2  Chr. 
xvi.  8),  closely  resembles  that  of  SiiisitAK  (xii.  3): 
both  armies  also  had  chariots  and  horsemen  (xvi.  8, 
xii.  3).  The  Cushim  might  have  been  of  an  Asiatic 
Cush,  but  the  LrniM  can  only  have  been  Africans. 
The  kings  of  the  twenty-second  dynasty  employed 
mercenaries  of  tlie  Manliuwnnha,  a  Libyan  tribe, 
which  apparently  supplied  the  most  important  part 
of  their  hired  force.  That  the  army  was  of  an 
Egyptian  king,  therefore,  cannot  be  doubted.  The 
name  Usarken  has  been  thought  to  be  Sarzon.  It 
is  less  remote  from  Zerah  than  seems  at  first  sight. 
According  to  Mr.  Poole's  computation,  Zerah  might 
have  been  Usarken  II.,  but  according  to  Dr.  Hincks's, 
Usarken  I.  (5.)  The  defeat  of  Zerah's  army  is 
without  parallel  in  the  history  of  the  Jews.  We 
have,  indeed,  no  distinct  statement  that  this  defeat 
was  a  miracle,  yet  God  providentially  enabled  the 
Hebrews  to  vanquish  a  force  gfeater  in  number, 
stronger  in  the  appliances  of  war,  with  horsemen 
and  cliariots,  more  accurate  in  discipline,  no  raw 
levies  hastily  eqnippe<l  from  the  king's  armory, 
but  a  seasoned  standing  army,  strengthened  and 
more  terrible  by  the  addition  of  swarms  of  hungry 
Arabs,  bred  to  war,  and  whose  whole  life  was  a 
time  of  pillage.     This  great  deliverance  is  one  of 


1212 


ZER 


ZER 


the  many  proofs  that  God    is  to  His  people  ever 
the  same. 

Zer-a-bi'ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  Jtkovah  caused  to  he  bom, 
Ges.).     I.  A  priest,  son  of  Uzzi,  and  ancestor  of  I 
Ezra  the  Scribe  (1  Chr.  vi.  6,  51;  Ezr.  vii.  4) ;  — 
Zaiiaias  1. — 2.  Father  of  Elihoenai  of  the  sons  of 
Pahath-nioab  (Ezr.  viii.  4);  =  Zaraias  2. 

Ze'rfd  (Heb.  exuberant  grouih  of  trees,  Ges.),  a 
brook  or  valley  (Brook  4)  running  into  the  Dead 
Sea  near  its  S.  E.  corner,  regarded  by  Robinson, 
Gesenius,  Porter  (in  Kitto),  Fairbairn,  &c.,  as  prob- 
ally  the  Wady  el-A/isi/.  It  lay  between  Moab  and 
Edoni,  and  is  the  limit  of  the  proper  term  of  the 
Israelites'  wandering  (Deut,  ii.  14);  =  Zaked.  La- 
borde,  arguing  from  the  distance,  thinks  that  tlie 
source  of  the  Wadif  Ghnrmulel  in  the  Arabah  is 
the  site.  Tlie  Wady  el-Ahsy,  also  known,  after  it 
issues  from  the  mountains,  as  H'arf//  cl-Kvrdhy  and 
Wntly  (or  h'ahr)  es-SAfie/t,  is  a  plentiful  stream,  and 
the  source  of  all  tlie  fertility  of  the  Glidr  es-SaJieh. 
It  forms  the  boundary  between  the  districts  of 
Jebdl  and  Kerek.  Sea,  the  Salt  ;  Wilpersess  of 
THE  WANnERiNO  ;  WiLi-ows,  Brook  op  the. 

Zfr'c-(la(fr.  Heb.  =  cooKn^,  Ges.),  tlie  native  place, 
according  to  the  present  Hebrew  text,  of  Jeroboam 
1  ( 1  K.  xi.  26  only).  The  Vatican  MS.  of  tlie  LXX. 
for  "  Zereda "  substitutes  Sareira,  "wliile  the  Alex- 
andrine LXX.  has  Snrida.  In  the  long  addition  to 
tlie  history  of  Jeroboam  which  the  LXX.  inserts 
between  1  K.  xii.  24  and  28  of  tlie  Hebrew  text, 
Sareira  appears  as  the  town  which  Jeroboam  forti- 
fied for  Solomon  in  Mount  Ephraim,  to  which  he 
;.  went  on  liis  return  from  Egypt,  and  wliere  he  as- 
'  sembled  tlie  tribe  of  Epliraim,  and  built  a  fortress. 
Tlie  LXX.  further  make  it  the  residence  of  Jero- 
boam at  the  time  of  the  death  of  his  child,  and  sub- 
stitute it  for  TiRZAH  three  times.  Gesenius,  Fiirst, 
Winer,  &c.,  suppose  Zereda  =  Zeradathah,  Zeue- 
rath,  and  perhaps  Zarthan  or  Zartanah. 

Zc-rfd'a-tliab  (fr.  Heb.  =:  Zereda,  Ges.),  a  place 
between  whicli  and  Si'ccoth  were  the  foundries  for 
the  brass-work  of  Solomon's  Temple  (2  Chr.  iv.  17 
only).  In  1  K.  vii.  46  Zakthan  occupies  the  place 
of  Zeredathah. 

Zer'c-rath  (fr.  Heb.  =  Zereda,  Ges.),  a  place 
named  only  in  Judg.  vii.  22,  in  describing  the  flight 
of  the  Midianito  host  before  Gideon  ;  apparently  in 
the  Jordan  valley,  and  probably  =  Zeredathah. 
Zereda. 

Ze'resh  (Heb.  fr.  Pers.  =  gold,  Ges.),  wife  of  Ha- 
MAN  the  Agagite  (Esth.  v.  10,  14,  vi.  13). 

Zc'reth  (fr.  Heb.  —  splendor,  Ges.),  son  of  Ashur 
the  founder  of  Tckoa,  by  his  wife  Ilelah  (1  Chr.  iv. 

V). 

Ze'rl  (fr.  Heb.)  =  IzRi,  son  of  Jeduthun  in  the 
reign  of  David  (I  Chr.  xxv.  3). 

Zc'ror  (fr.  Heb.  —  a  biendle,  pebble,  grain,  Ges.), 
a  Benjaniite,  ancestor  of  Kish  the  fattier  of  Saul  (1 
Sam.  ix.  1). 

Ze-rn'ali  (fr.  Heb.  =  leprous,  Ges.),  mother  of 
Jeroboam  1  (1  K.  xi.  26). 

Zr-rnb'ba-brl  (Heb.  sovm  [i.  e.  begotten]  in  Bahy- 
lm>,  Ges.),  in  N.  T.  and  Apocrypha  Zorobadei,  the 
head  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  at  the  return  from  the 
Babylonish  Captivity  in  the  first  year  of  Cyrus. 
His  exact  parentage  is  a  little  obscure,  from  his 
being  called  the  son  of  Shealtiel  or  Saiathiel 
(Ezr.  ill.  2,  8,  V.  2,  &c. ;  Hag.  i.  1,  12,  14,  &c.),  and 
r  appearing  as  such  in  the  genealogies  (Mat.  i.  12; 
Lk.  iii.  27),  whereas  in  1  Chr.  iii.  19  he  is  repre- 
sented as  the  son  of  Pedaiah  2,  and  consequently 
as  Salathiel's  nephew.     Probably  the  genealogy  in 


1  Chr.  exhibits  his  true  parentage  (so  Lord  A.  C. 
Hervey,  original  author  of  this  article),  and  he 
succeeded  his  uncle  as  head  of  the  house  of  Ju- 
dah. (Genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ.)  According 
to  the  Scriptures  (Ezr.  i.  if.,  &c.),  he  was  living  at 
Babylon  in  the  first  year  of  Cyrus,  and  was  the 
recognized  prince  of  Judah  in  the  Captivity,  what 
in  later  times  was  called  "  the  Prince  of  the  Cap- 
tivity," or  "  the  Prince."  (Rhesa.)  On  the  i&suing 
of  Cyrus's  decree  he  placed  himself  at  the  head 
of  tliose  of  his  countrymen  "  wliosc  spirit  God  had 
raised  to  go  up  to  build  the  House  of  the  Lgrd 
v.'liich  is  in  Jerusalem."  It  is  probable,  both  from 
his  having  a  Chaldcc  name  (Sheshbazzar),  and  from 
his  receiving  from  Cyrus  the  office  of  governor  of 
Judea,  that  he  was  in  the  service  of  the  king  of 
Babylon.  On  arriving  nt  Jerusalem,  ZerubbabeVs 
first  care  was  to  build  the  altar  on  its  old  site,  and 
to  restore  the  daily  sacrifice.  (Jeshua  4.)  But  his 
great  work,  which  he  set  about  immediately,  was 
the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple.  In  the  second  month 
of  the  second  year  of  their  return,  the  foundation 
was  laid  with  all  the  pomp  which  they  could  cimi- 
maiid.  But  there  were  muny  hindrances  and  delays 
to  be  encountered  before  the  work  was  finished. 
(Ezra,  Book  of;  Nehemiah,  Book  of.)  The  Samar- 
itans or  Cutheans  (Samaria  3)  put  in  a  claim  to  join 
with  the  Jews  in  rebuilding  the  Temple ;  and  when 
Zeiubbabel  and  his  companions  refused  to  admit 
them  into  partneiship,  they  tried  to  hinder  them 
from  building,  and  hired  counsellors  to  frustrate 
their  purpose.  They  were  successful  in  putting  a 
stop  to  the  work  during  the  seven  remaining  years 
of  the  reign  of  Cyrus,  and  through  the  eight  years 
of  Canibyses  and  Smcrdis.  (Ahasueris  2 ;  Arta- 
XF.RXES  1.)  Nor  does  Zerubbabcl  appear  quite 
blameless  for  this  long  delay.  The  difficulties  in 
the  way  of  building  the  Temple  need  not  have  stopped 
the  work ;  and  during  this  long  suspension  of  six- 
teen years  Zerubbabe!  and  the  rest  of  the  people 
h^d  been  building  costly  houses  for  themselves. 
But  in  the  second  year  of  Darius  the  spirit  of  proph- 
ecy (IIaggai  ;  Zechariaii  1)  suddenly  blazed  up 
with  a  most  brilli.int  light  amongst  the  retin-iied 
captives.  Their  words  fell  like  sparks  upon  tinder. 
In  a  moment  Zerubbabel,  roused  from  Ids  apathy, 
threw  his  whole  strength  into  the  work,  zealously 
seconded  by  Jeshua  and  all  the  people.  Undeterred 
by  a  fresh  attempt  of  their  enemies  to  hiiidw  the 
builiiing,  they  went  on  with  the  work  even  while  a 
reference  was  being  made  to  Darius ;  and  when,  after 
the  original  decree  of  Cyrus  had  been  found  at  Ec- 
batana,  a  favorable  decree  was  issued  by  Dariis  2, 
ertjoining  Tatnai  and  Siiethar-boznai  to  assist  the 
Jews  with  whatsoever  they  had  need  of  at  the  ting's 
expense,  the  work  advanced  so  rapidly  that  on  the 
third  day  of  the  month  Adar,  in  the  sixth  year  of 
Darius,  the  Temple  was  finished,  and  was  forthwith 
dedicated  with  much  pomp  and  rejoicing.  The  only 
other  works  of  Zerubbabel  which  we  learn  from  the 
Scripture  history  are  the  restoration  of  the  courses 
of  priests  and  Levites,  and  of  the  provision  for  their 
maintenance,  according  to  the  institution  of  David 
(Ezr.  vi.  18;  Nch.  xii.  47) ;  the  registering  Uie  re- 
turned captives  according  to  their  f,enealogies  (vii. 
5) ;  and  the  keeping  of  a  Passover  in  the  seventh 
year  of  Darius,  with  which  last  event  ends  all  that 
we  know  of  Zerubbabel's  life.  Zerubbabel  was  in- 
ferior to  few  of  the  great  characters  of  Scripture, 
whether  we  consider  the  perilous  undertaking  to 
which  he  devoted  himself,  the  importance,  in  the 
Divine  economy,  of  hia  work,  his  .courageous  fahh, 


ZER 


ZID 


1213 


or  th'j  singular  distinction  of  being  ttie  object  of  so 
many  ami  remarkable  prophetic  utterances. — The 
apocryphal  history  of  Zerubbabel,  wliich,  as  usual, 
Joscphus  follows,  may  be  siunincd  up  in  a  tew 
■worJs.  The  story  tolj  in  1  EsU.  iii.-vii.  is,  that  on 
tbe  occasion  of  a  great  feast  made  by  Darius  on  his 
accession,  three  young  men  of  his  bodyguard  had 
a  contest  who  should  write  the  wisest  sentence. 
That  one  of  the  three  (Zerubbabel)  writing  ''  Wom- 
en arc  strongest,  but  above  all  things  Truth  beareth 
away  the  victory ; "  and  afterward  defending  his 
sentence  with  much  eloquence,  was  declared  by  ae- 
clainatioa  to  be  the  wisest,  and  claimed  for  his  re- 
ward, at  the  king's  h-and,  that  tlie  king  should  per- 
form his  vow  wliich  he  had  vowel  to  rebuild  Jeru- 
salem and  the  Temple.  Upon  wliith  the  king  gave 
him  letters  to  all  his  treasurers  and  governors  on 
the  other  si  le  of  the  river,  with  grants  of  money 
and  exemption  from  taxes,  and  sent  him  to  rebuild 
Jerusalem  and  the  Temple,  accompanied  by  the 
families  of  which  the  list  is  given  in  Ezr.  ii.  and 
Neh.  vii. ;  and  then  follows,  in  utter  confusion,  the 
history  of  Zerubbabel  as  given  in  Scripture.  Jo- 
sephus  (xi.  4,  ^  9)  has  also  another  story,  not  in  1 
Esdras,  of  Zorobabel  going  to  Darius  and  obtaining 
from  him  a  decree  commanding  his  officers  in  Si- 
uaria  to  supply  the  high-priest  with  all  that  he  re- 
quire 1  for  sacriBces,  &c. — It  has  already  been  ob- 
served that  in  Mat.  i.  12,  and  Lk.  iii.  27,  Zerubbabel 
is  represented  as  son  of  Salatliiel,  though  the  Book 
of  Cliroiiicles  tells  us  he  was  the  son  of  Pedaiali,  and 
nephew  of  Salathiel.  It  is  of  more  moment  to  re- 
mark that,  while  St.  Mitthew  deduces  his  line  from 
Jechonias  (=  Jemoiachin)  and  Salomon,  St.  Luke 
deduces  it  through  Neri  and  Xathan.  Zerubbabel 
(so  Lord  A.  C.  Ilervey)  was  the  legal  successor  and 
heir  of  Jelioiachin's  royal  estate,  the  grandson  of 
Neri,  and  the  lineal  descendant  of  Xathan  the  son 
of  David.  GE.SE.vLOGi- op  Jesus  Christ;  IIamaniahS. 
'  Zer-n-rali,  or  Z2-rn'lah  (fr.  Ileb.  =  deft,  mouwlei, 
Ges.),  the  mother  of  tlie  three  leading  heroes  of 
David's  army — Adishai,  Joab,  and  Asahel  1  — the 
"  sons  of  Zcruiah."  Slic  and  .Vbioail  2  are  specified 
in  1  Chr.  ii.  16  as  sisters  of  the  sons  of  Jesse,  and  in  2 
Sam.  xvii.  25  Abigail  is  called  "  the  daughter  of  Nii- 
hash,  sister  to  Zcruiah,  Joab's  mother."  (Jesse; 
Nahasii  2.)  Zeruiah's  husband,  not  mentioned  in 
the  Bible,  is  called  by  Josephus  (vii.  1,  §  S)  Suri. 

Ze'tliani  (Heb.  =  Zeth.v.n?  (ies.),  a  Gershouite 
Lcvite,  so.N  or  grandson  of  Laadan  (l  Chr.  xxiii.  8, 
xxvi.  22). 

Ze'tinn  (fr.  Heb  =r  olive-tree,  Ges.),  a  Benjamite, 
son  of  Billian  (1  Chr.  vii.  10). 

Ze'thar  ( Heb.  star  /  Ges.),  one  of  the  seven  "  cham- 
berlains "  or  eunuchs  of  Ahasuerus  (Esth.  i.  10). 

Zi'a  (Heb.  motion,  Ges.),  one  of  the  Gadites  who 
dwelt  in  Bashan  (I  Chr.  v.  13). 

Zl'fci  (fr.  Heb.  =  fi'ttw,  Ges.),  "  a  servant  of  the 
•  bouse  of  Saul,"  one  of  Saul's  freedmen  (so  Jos.  vii. 
5,  §  5),  who  had  fifteen  sons  and  twenty  servants,  and 
was  prominent  in  the  transactions  between  Davio 
and  Mepiiibusiietii  (2  Sam.  ix.  2-12,  xvi.  1-4,  xix. 
17,  29). 

ZIbe-on  (fr.  Heb.  =  <///«'/,  Ges.),  father  of  Anaii, 
who.se  daughter  Aholibamah  was  Esau's  wife  (Gen. 
xxxvi.  2).  Although  called  a  Hivite,  he  probably  = 
Zibcon  the  son  of  Seir  the  Ilorite  (ver.  20,  24,  29 ;  1 
Chr.  i.  38,  40). 

Zlb-I'a,  or  Zlb'l-«  (fr.  Hob.  =  roe,  Ges.),  a  Ben- 
jamite, son  of  Shaharaim  by  his  wife  Uodesb  (1 
Chr.  viii.  9). 

Zib-I'ali,  or  Zib'l-ah  (fr.  Heb.  =  roe,  Ges.),  a  native 


of  Bcer-shcba,  and  mother  of  King  JoAsn  1  (2  K. 
xii.  1  ;  2  Chr.  xxiv.  1). 

Zith'rl  [zik-]  (Ueb.  remembered,  renowned,  Ges.). 

I.  Son  of  Izhar  the  son  of  Kohath  (Ex.  vi.  21,  in- 

\  correctly  "Zithri"  in  some  editions  ).^2.  A  Ben- 

!  jamlte  chief,  sou  of  Shimlii  (1  Chr.  viil.  19). — Z.  A 

Benjamite  chief,  .son   of  Shashak  (viii.  23). — li  A 

j  Benjamite  chief,  son  of  Jeroham  (viii.  27).— 5i  \. 

j  Levite,  son  of  Asaph  (ix.  15);  probably  =  Zabdi 

4  and  Zacclr  3.— 6t  A  Levite,  descended  from  Eli- 

I  ezer  the  son  of  Moses  (xxvi.  25). — T.  Father  of  the 

j  IJcubenitc  chief  Eliezer  (xxvii.  Ki). — %,  Father  of 

'  Jelioshaphat's  captain  Amasiah  (2  Chr.  xvii.  l(i)  — 

;  9.  Faihei  of  Elishaphat,  a  captain  associated  with 

*  Jchoiada  (xxiii.  1).— 10.  An  Ephraimite  hero  inPe- 

i  kali's  army,  who  slew  Maaseiaii   17,  &c.  (xxviii.  7). 

— 11.  Father  or  ancestor  of  Joel  14  (Neh.  xi.  9). — 

j  12.  A  priest,  chief  of  the  family  of  Abijah,  in  the 

days  of  High-priest  Joiakim  (xii.  17). 
'  Zlddim  (fr.  Heb.  =:  tlie  siden,  Ges.),  a  fortified 
;  town  of  Naphtali  (Josli.  xix.  35);  probably  (so  Mr. 
i  Grove,  &e.,  alter  Schwarz)  at  the  modern  village 
of  Hiitthi,  about  five  miles  nearly  W.  of  Tiberias. 
Zid-kijall  (fr.  Heb.  =  Zedekiah),  a  priest,  or 
■  fiinily  of  priests,  who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Ne- 
I  hemiah  (Xch.  x.  1). 

I       Zi  don  (fr.  Hub.  Tiidon  =  jwhimj  or  fislicrt/,  Ge.-^.), 
!  or  Si'doa  (Vn:  and  L.  fr.  Heb.)  (Gen.  x.'l9, 15  ;  Josh. 
i  xi.  8,  xix.  28  ;  Judg.  i.  31,  xviii.  28 ;   1  Chr.  i.  13  ;  Is. 
1  xxiii.  2,  4,  12;  Jer.  xxv.  22,  xxvii.  3;  Ez.  xxviii.  21, 
i  22;  Joel  iii.  4   [iv.  4|;  Zech.  ix.  2;  2  Esd.  i.   11; 
'  Jd.  ii.  28;  1  Mc.  v.  15;  Mat.  xi.  21,22,  xv.  21  ;  Mk. 
I  iii.  8,  vii.  24,  3!  ;  Lk,  iv.  26,  vi.  17,  x.  13,  14;  Acts 
xii.  20,  xxvii.  3),   .an   ancient  and   wealthy  city  of 
PnEsiciA,  on  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Mediterranean 
I  Sea,  in  latitii  le  :W  34'  05"  N.,  less  than  twenty 
I  English  miles  X.  of  Tyre.     Its  modern  name  is 
I  Saiila.     It  is  situate  in  the  narrow  plain  between 
I  Lebanon  and  the  sea.     From  a  Biblical  point  of 
I  view,  tills  city  is  inferior  in  interest  to  its  neighbor 
I  Tyre,  with  which  its  name  is  so  oflen  associated. 
j  Justin  says  that  the  inhabitants  of  Sidon,  when  their 
I  city  had  been  reduced  by  the  king  of  Ascaloii,  found- 
;  ed  Tyre  the  year  before  the  capture  of  Troy.     But 
j  Justin  is  a  weak  authority  for  any  disputed  histori- 
cal fact  (so  Mr.  Twisleton,  original  author  of  this 
article),  and  in  contradiction  of  his  statement,  it  has 
been  insisted  on,  that  the  relation  between  a  colony 
and  the  mother-city  among  the  Phcnicians  was  sa- 
cred, and  that  as  the  Tyrians  never  acknowledged 
this  relation  toward  Zidon,  the  supposed  connection 
between   Tyre    and    Ziilon   is  morally  impossible. 
There  i<  otherwise  nothing  improbable  in  Zi  lonians 
having   founded    Tyre,  as   the  Tyrians    are  called 
Zidonians,  but  the  Zidoiiians  are  never  called  Tyri- 
ans.    And  this  circumstance  tends  to  show  that  in 
j  early  times  Zidon  was  the  more  influential  of  the 
j  two  cities.     This  is  shadowed  forth  by  the  state- 
ment that  Zidon  was  the  first-born  of  Canaan  (Gen. 
X.  15;  1  Chr.  i.  13),  and  is  implied  in  the  name  of 
"Great  Zidon,"  or  "  the  Metropolis  Zi  ion  "(Josh, 
xi.  8  [margin  "  Zidon-rabbali  "1,  xix.  28).     It  is  con- 
firmed, likewise,  by  the  use  of  "Sidonians"  as  = 
Phcnicians,  or  Canaanitcs  (xiii.  6;  Judg.  xviii.  7); 
and  by  the  reason  assigned  for  there  being  none  to 
deliver  the  people  of  Laisii  from  ma8.sacre,  that 
"  they  were  far  from   the  Zidonians,"  though   the 
Tyrians  were  much  nearer  and  of  substantially  the 
same  religion  (xviii.  2S).    From  the  time  of  Solomon 
to  the  invasion  of  Nebuchadnezzar  Zidon  is  not  often 
directly  mentioned  in  the  Bible,  and  it  appears  to 
have  been  subordinate  to  Tyre.     When  the  people 


1214 


ZID 


ZID 


called  "  Zidonians  "  is  mentioned,  it  sometimes  seems 
that  the  Piikmcians  of  the  plain  of  Zidon  are  meant 
(1  K.  V.  6,  xi.  1,  5,  33,  xvi.  31 ;  2  K.  xxiii.  13).  And 
this  seenjs  to  be  equally  true  of  "  merchants  of  Zi- 
don," "Zidon,"  and  "daughter  of  Zidon,"  in  Is. 


xxiii.  There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  Zidon  itself, 
the  city  properly  so  called,  was  threatened  by  Joel 
(iii.  4)  and  Jeremiah  (xxvii.  3).  Still,  all  that  is 
known  respecting  it  during  the  epoch  is  very  scanty, 
amounting  to  scarcely  more  than  that  one  of  its 


Modero  Saidt  =»  Zidon  cr  Sidon.— (Kitto.) 


sources  of  gain  was  trade  in  slaves  (Slave),  the 
Zidonians  selling  inhabitants  of  Palestine  ;  that  the 
city  was  governed  by  kings  (Jer.  xxvii.  3,  xxv.  22); 
that,  previous  to  Nebuchadnezzar's  invasion,  it  had 
furnished  mariners  to  Tyre  (Ez.  xxvii.  8) ;  that,  at 
one  period  it  was  subject,  in  some  sense,  to  Tyre ; 
and  that,  when  Shalmancser,  king  of  Assyria,  in- 
vaded I'hcnicia,  Zidon  seized  the  opportunity  to  re- 
volt. During  the  Persian  domination,  Zidon  seems 
to  liave  attained  its  highest  prosperity;  and  it  is 
recorded  that,  toward  the  close  of  that  period,  it 
far  excelled  all  other  Plienician  cities  in  wealth  and 
importance.  Very  probably  the  long  siege  of  Tyre 
by  Ncljuchadnezzar  had  tended  to  enrich  Zidon  at 
the  expense  of  Tyre.  In  the  expedition  of  Xerxes 
against  Greece,  the  Sidonians  were  a  preeminently 
important  element  of  his  naval  power.  But  while 
the  Pkrsians  in  tlie  time  of  Artaxerxes  Ochus  were 
making  preparations  in  Pbenicia  to  put  down  the 


I  revolt  in  Egypt,  some  Persian  satraps  and  generals 
behaved  oppressively  and  insolently  to  Sidonians  in 
the  Sidonian  division  of  Tripolis.  On  this  the  Si- 
donian  people  projected  a  revolt ;  and  having  first 
concerted  arrangements  with  other  Phenician  cities, 
and  made  a  treaty  with  the  Egyptian  king,  they 
seized  and  put  to  death  the  insolent  Persians,  ex- 
pelled the  satraps  from  Phenicia,  strengthened  their 
defences,  equipped  a  fleet  of  100  triremes,  and  pre- 
pared for  a  desperate  resistance.  But  their  King 
Tennes  betrayed  into  the  power  of  the  Persian  king 
100  of  the  most  distinguished  citizens  of  Sidon,  who 
were  all  shot  to  death  with  javelins.  Five  hundred 
other  citizens,  wlio  went  out  to  the  king  with  en- 
signs of  supplication,  shared  the  same  fate;  the  Per- 
sian troops  were  treacherously  admitted  within  the 
gates,  and  occupied  the  city  walls.  The  Sidonians, 
before  the  arrival  of  Ochus,  had  burnt  their  vessels 
to  prevent  any  one's  leaving  the  town ;  and  when 


ZID 


ZIL 


1215 


they  saw  themselves  surrounded  by  the  Persian 
troopi,  they  shut  themselves  up  with  their  families, 
and  set  fire  each  man  to  his  otvu  house  (d.  c.  351). 
Forty  thousand  persons  are  said  to  huve  perished 
in  the  flames ;  Teunes  was  put  to  death  by  Ochus ; 
and  the  privilege  of  searching  the  ruins  was  sold  for 
money.  After  this  dismil  tragedy,  SiJon  gradually 
recovered  from  the  blow.  The  battle  of  Issus  was 
fought  B.  c.  333,  and  then  the  inhabitants  of  the  re- 
stored city,  from  hatred  of  Darius  and  the  Persians, 
opened  their  gates  to  Alkxa.nder  the  Gre.vt  of  their 
own  accord.  The  Sidonian  fleet  in  joining  Alexan- 
der was  an  essential  element  of  his  success  against 
Tyre.  From  this  time  Sidon,  dependent  on  the  for- 
tunes of  war  in  the  contests  between  the  successors 
of  Alexander,  ceases  to  play  any  important  political 
part  in  history.  It  became,  however,  again  a  flour- 
ishing town.  Strubo,  in  his  account  of  Phenicia, 
says  of  Tyre  and  Sidon,  "  Both  were  illustrious  and 
splendid  formerly,  and  novr  ;  but  which  should  be 
called  the  capital  of  Phenicia,  is  a  matter  of  dis- 
pute between  the  inhabitants."  According  to  Stra- 
bo,  it  was  on  the  mainland,  on  a  fine  naturally-formed 
harbor;  its  inhabitants  cultivated  arithmetic  and 
astronomy,  an.!  had  the  best  opportunities  for  ac- 
quiring a  knowledge  of  these  and  of  all  other 
branches  of  philosophy.  Strabo  mentions  distin- 
guished philosophers,  natives  of  Sidon,  as  Boijthus, 
with  whom  he  studied  the  piiiLosopiiy  of  Aristotle, 
and  his  brother  Diodotus.  The  names  of  both  these 
are  Greek,  and  probably,  in  Strabo's  time,  Gbekk  was 
the  language  of  tlie  educated  classes  at  least,  both 
in  Tyre  and  .Sidon.  A  few  years  aftor  Straho  wrote, 
Sidon  was  visited  by  Christ.  It  is  about  fifty  miles 
from  Xazareth,  and  is  the  most  northeni  city  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  His  journeys."  Pliny 
notes  the  manufacture  of  glass  here.  In  later  ages 
Sidon  has  shared  generally  the  fortunes  of  Tyrk,  ex- 
cept tliat  it  was  several  times  taken  and  retaken 
during  the  Crusades,  an  1  suffered  accordingly  more 
than  Tyre  previous  to  its  being  abandoned  to  the 
Mohammedans  in  1291.  Since  that  time  it  never 
seems  to  have  fallen  (pilte  so  low  as  Tyre.  Through 
Fakhr  ed-Diu,  emir  of  the  Druzes  1591-1031,  and 
the  establishment  at  Sidon  of  French  commercial 
houses,  it  had  a  revival  of  trade  in  the  seventeenth 
and  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  became  the 
principal  city  on  the  Syrian  coast  for  connnerce  be- 
tween the  East  and  the  West.  This  was  terminated 
in  1791  by  oppression  and  violence.  The  town  still 
shows  signs  of  former  wealth.'  Its  ancient  harbor 
was  fiUel  up  with  stones  and  earth  by  Fakhr  ed- 
Dln,  80  that  only  small  boats  can  now  enter  it.  The 
trade  between  Syria  and  Europe  now  maiidy  passes 
tlirough  lieirul. — At  tlie  base  of  the  moiintauis  E. 
of  SiUou  arc  numerous  sepulchres  in  the  rock,  and 
there  arc  likewise  sepulchral  caves  in  the  adjoining 
plain.  In  January,  1855,  a  sarcophagus  of  black 
syenite  was  di.-covcrcd  in  one  of  these  caves,  its  lid 
he«n  in  the  form  of  a  mummy  with  the  face  bare, 
upon  the  lid  a  perfect  Plienician  inscription  in  twen- 
ty-two lines,'  and  on  the  head  of  the  sarcophagus 


'  The  Apontlff  Piui,  tmicbcd  at  Sidon  In  Ills  voyage  to 
l^onif!,  uiid  was  permitted  to  rcfreHh  liimself  thero  with 
Ijia  friend-.  1.  c.  Cliristians  (Act*  xxvil,  3). 

•  Tile  popnliUicin,  accordinij  tn  erctc**1a8tical  retnrnH  fal- 
wayK  un(lcr«taie<li.  is  said  to  l>n  o.six)  MoslcniB  iini  Mc- 
taweiies,  8.*j0  Greek  Catiiolic-*.  T.'Mt  ,Maroiiite«.  ]5tj  Urceks. 
and  iSXI  Jo\v»,  Tlic  entire  population  is  tlierefore  not  fir 
from  10,000  (Tim.  I.  IM). 

•  Tlic  11  i  of  ttiU  oarcophB'.'iio  in  fonr  feet  broad  and 
abOQt  bevcn  loii*^.  The  Inscription  I.h  in  tiie  name  of  Asli- 
mnnazor.  king  of  tlie  Sidooions  and  furbida  opening  his 


'  another  almost  as  long.     This  sarcophagus  is  now 
in  the  Louvre  in  Paris.     Zidosians. 

Zi-danl-nns,  or  Si-dD'ai-ans  =  the  inhabitants  of 
ZiDON.     They  were  among  the  nations  of  Canaan 
left  to  practise  the  Israelites  In  the  art  of  war(Judg. 
;  ill.  3),  and  colonies  of  them  appear  to  have  spread 
I  up  into  the  hill  country  from  Lebanon  to  Misrophoth- 
j  maim  (Josh.  xlil.  4,  6),  whence  In   Liter  times  they 
i  hewed  ceJar-trees  lor  David  and  Solomon  (1   Chr. 
xxii.  4).     They  oppressed  the  Israelites  on  tlieir first 
j  entrance  Into  the  country  (Judg.  x.  12),  and  appear 
I  to  have  lived  a  luxurious,  reckle.-s  life  (xviil.  7) ;  they 
!  were  skilful  In  hewing  timber  (1  K.  v.  6),  and  were 
(  employed  for  this  purpose  by  Solomon.     Tiiey  were 
idolaters,  and  worslilpped  AsiiToiiiirii  as  their  tute- 
lary goddess  (xi.  B,  33 ;  2  K.  xxiii.  13),  as  well  as  the 
sun-goJ  Baal,  from  whom  their  king  was  named  (1 
i  K.  xvi.  31).     "Zldonians"  among  the  Hebrews  ap- 
pears =   PiiENiciANS  among  the  Greeks.     Glass; 

IlANniCIiAFT. 

!      *  Zi'don-rab'bali   (fr.   Hob.)   =   "  great  Ziix)s " 
(Josh.  xl.  8  niarg.). 

Zif.       Mo.NTlI. 

Zi'lia  (fr.  lleb.  =  dry,  thirsfy,  Ges.).     1.  Ancestor 

of  a  family  of  Xo'hinlm  who  returned  with  Zcrub- 

babel  (Ezr.  II.  43;  XcIl  vil.  4(1).— 2.  Chief  of  the 

Nethinim  in  Ophel  (xi.  21);  probably  representative 

i  or  descendant  of  No.  1 . 

I  Zlk'lag  (fr.  Heb.  =  oufpouriiiff  of  a  fomdain  [so 
I  Sim.]  y  Ges.),  a  place  first  mentioned  in  the  catalogue 
i  of  the  towns  of  Judah  (Josli.  xv.  31);  next  among 
the  places  allotted  out  of  the  territory  of  Judah  to 
I  Simeon  (xix.  5) ;  next  .as  in  tht'  possession  of  the 
Philistines  (1  Sam.  xxvil.  6),  when  it  was,  at  David's 
request,  bestowed  upon  him  by  Achlsh,  king  of  Gath. 
David  resided  there  for  a  year  and  four  months  (7 ; 
xxxi.  14,  2-3;  1  Chr.  xil.  1,  20).  There  he  received 
the  news  of  Saul's  death  (2  Sam.  i.  1,  iv.  10).  Ho 
then  relin(iulshed  it  for  Hebron  (II.  1).  Zlklag  is 
finally  mentioned  as  rcinhabited  by  the  peojile  of 
Judah  after  their  return  from  the  Captivity  (Neh. 
xl.  28).  The  town  was  certainly  in  "  the  south  " 
fJi:»Aii  1  [I.]);  yet  this  is  diflicult  to  reconcile  with 
its  connection  with  the  Philistines,  and  with  the  fact 
— which  follows  from  1  Sam.  xxx.  9,  10,  21 — that  It 
was  X.  of  the  Brook  B1':sok.  But  with  a  portion  of 
the  south  country  the  Philistines  had  a  connection 
which  may  have  lasted  from  tlie  time  of  their  resi- 
dence there  In  the  days  of  Abraham  and  Isaac.  Mr. 
Rowlands  (in  Falrhairn)  Identities  Zlklag  with  ' Asluj, 
or  Kasluj,  an  ancient  site  with  ancient  wells,  about 
four  hoirs  S.  S.  E.  o(  Khulamh  (Chcsll?),  and  about 
three  hours  S.  E.  or  E.  S.  E.  of  Sehdia  (Zephath  ?). 
The  Identification  is  supported  by  Mr.  Wilton  (Ner/eb, 
209) ;  but  it  is  impossible  at  present  to  do  more  than 
name  It  (so  .Mr.  Grove). 

ZH'lah  (fr.  Heb.  =.  shade,  Ges.),  one  of  the  two 
wives  of  Lamkch  1,  to  whom  he  addressed  his  song 
(Gen.  iv.  10,  22,  23).  She  was  the  mother  of  Tlbai^ 
CAIN  and  Xaamah  1. 

Zil'pall  (Heb.  «  dropping,  Ges.),  a  Syrian  given  by 
Laba.n  to  ills  daughter  Leah  as  an  attendant,  and  by 
Leah  to  Jacoh  as  a  coxct'BiNE;  mother  of  Gap  and 
AsiiKR  (Gen.  xxix.  24,  xxx.  9-13,  xxxv.  26,  xxxvii. 
2,  xlvl.  18). 

ZIt'thal  (fr.  Heb.  —  .ihadow  [i.  e.  protection]  o/Je- 
hovah,  Ges.).    1.  A  Benjamitc  chief,  son  of  Shimhi  (1 


repnlchrc  or  distnrhin!;  his  remains.  Tt  mentions  bia 
motlicr  a«  priestess  of  Aslarte  (Ashtoreth).  and  recortlg 
his  conque^t  of  *'I)or  and  Jopna.  and  ample  com-laucU 
whicliare  at  the  ruoi  of  Dan"  (thu.  i.  800-1). 


1216 


ZIH 


ZIZ 


Chr.  viii.  20). — 2.  A  Manassite  captain  who  joined 
David  at  Ziklag  (xii.  20). 

Zim'mab  (Hub.  plan,  mitrhlef,  Ges.).  1,  A  Ger- 
s'aonite  Levite,  '•son"  of  Jaliatli  (1  Chr.  vi.  20). — 8. 
A  Gershonite,  son  of  Shimoi,  and  grandson  of  Jaliath 
(vi.  42);  probably  =  No.  1. — 3.  Father  or  ancestor 
of  Joah,  a  Gershonite  in  tlie  reign  of  Hezelsiali  (2 
Chr.  xxlx.  \1)\  perliaps  —  No.  1. 

Zim'ran  (Ucb.  =  Zimri,  Ges.),  son  of  Abraham, 
eldest  by  Ketubah  (Gen.  xxv.  2  ;  1  Chr.  i.  32).  tlis 
descendants  are  not  mentioned.  Some  would  iden- 
tify Zimran  with  Zimri  5 ;  others  suggest  a  com- 
parison with  Zambran,  the  chief  city  of  the  Cinajdo- 
colpitie,  who  dwelt  on  the  Red  Sea,  \V.  of  Mecca; 
Hitzig  and  Lengerke  connect  Zimran  with  Zimiris, 
a  district  of  Ethiopia,  mentioned  by  Pliny ;  but 
Grotius,  with  more  plausibility,  finds  a  trace  of  it  in 
the  Zamereni,  a  tribe  of  the  interior  of  Arabia  (so 
Mr.  Wright). 

Zimri  (lleb.  sunp,  celebrated  in.  song,  Ges.).  1. 
Son  of  Salu ;  a  Rimeonite  chieftain,  slain  by  Piii.ne- 
HAS  with  the  Midianitish  princess  Cozdi  (Num.  xxv. 
14,  comp.  6  ff.).  (Baal-peob;  Midia.n.) — 2.  Fifth 
sovereign  of  the  separate  kingdom  of  Israel,  of 
which  he  occupied  the  throne  for  seven  days. 
(IsuAKL,  ICiNGDOM  OF.)  Originally  in  command  of 
half  the  chariots  in  the  royal  army,  he  gained  the 
crown  by  the  murder  of  Elah  3.  But  the  army  then 
besieging  Gibbethon,  when  they  heard  of  Elah's 
murder,  proclaimed  their  general  Omri  king.  He  im- 
mediately marched  against  Tirzah,  and  took  the  city. 
Zimri  retreated  into  tiie  innermost  part  of  the  late 
king's  palaca,  set  it  on  fire,  and  perished  in  the  ruins 
(1  K.  xvi.  9-20).— 3.  One  of  the  five  sons  of  Zerah 
the  sonof  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  6);  =  Zabdi  1. — i.  Son 
of  Jehoadah  and  descendant  of  Saul  (viii.  36,  ix.  42). 
— 5.  All  obscure  name,  mentioned  (Jcr.  xxv.  25)  in 
probable  connection  with  Dkdan,  Tema,  Bcz,  Ara- 
bia, the  "  mingled  people."  Nothing  further  is 
known  respecting  Zimri,  but  it  may  possibly  be  the 
same  as,  or  derived  from,  Zimran. 

Zin  (fr.  Heb.  =  a  low  palm-tree,  Ges.),  the  name 
given  to  a  portion  of  the  desert  tract  between  the 
Dead  Sea,  Ghor,  and  ^Arabah  on  the  E.,  and  the  gen- 
eral plateau  of  the  Till  which  stretches  westward. 
(WiLiiERNESs  OP  THE  Wanderino.)  Thc  Country  in 
question  consists  of  two  or  three  successive  terraces 
of  mountain  converging  to  an  acute  angle  at  thc  Dead 
Sea's  southern  verge,  toward  which  also  they  slope. 
Here  the  drainage  finds  its  chief  vent  by  the  Wadii 
et-Fiknh  into  the  Ghor,  the  remaining  waters  run- 
ning by  smaller  channels  into  the  'Arabah,  and  ul- 
timately by  the  Wadi/  el-Jrib  also  to  the  G/ior. 
Judging  from  natiiral  features,  it  is  likely  that  the 
portion  between,  and  drained  by  these  wadys,  is  the 
region  in  question  ;  but  where  it  ended  westward  is 
quite  uncertain.  KAnEsa  lay  in  it,  or  on  this  un- 
known boundary,  and  here  also  Iduinea  was  conter- 
minous with  Judah  ;  since  Kadesh  was  a  city  In  the 
border  of  Edoni  (Num.  xiii.  21,  x.k.  1,  xxvii.  14,  xxxiii. 
36,  xxxiv.  3;  Josh.  xv.  1). 

Zi'na  (Heb.)  =  Zizah  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  10,  comp.  11). 

Zi'on  (fr.  Heb.  Tsiyon  =  sunny  place,  sunni/  mount, 
Ges.),  in  N.  T.  Sion.  Jerlsalem,  pp.  458,  461-2, 
&c. 

Zl'or  (fr.  Heb.  =  tmallneaa,  Ges.),  a  town  in  the 
mountains  of  Judah,  named  next  after  Hebron  (Josh. 
XV.  54  only) ;  perhaps,  as  suggested  by  Mr.  Grove, 
at  the  modem  Sa'ir,  a  small  village  about  six  miles 
N.  N.  E.  of  Hebron. 

Zipli  (Heb.  rt  flowing,  Ges.),  the  name  borne  by 
two  towns  of  Judah.     1.  In  the  S. ;  named  between 


Ithnan  and  Telem  (Josh.  xv.  24  only).  Mr.  Row- 
lands (in  Fairbairn)  supposes  the  name  may  be  found 
in  the  pass  es-Su/iih,  and  the  site  of  the  town  may 
be  near  the  top  of  the  pass.  (Akrabbim.)— J,  In 
the  highland  district ;  named  between  Carmel  and 
JuTTAH  (xv.  55).  Near  it  some  of  the  greatest  perils 
and  happiest  escapes  of  David  took  place  (1  Sam. 
xxiii.  14,  15,  24,  xxvi.  2).  The  "wood"  near  it  in 
David's  time  has  disappeared  ;  but  the"  wilderness" 
(i.  e.  waste  pasture-ground ;  Desert  2)  remains. 
The  name  of  Zif  is  found  about  three  miles  S.  of 
Hebron,  attached  to  a  rounded  hill  of  100  feet  or 
more  in  height,  called  Tell  Zif.  About  half  a  mile 
E.  of  this  Ifllon  a  low  hill  or  ridge  are  ruins  regarded 
by  Robinson  (i.  492)  as  the  proper  ruins  of  Ziph. 
Mr.  Grove  supposes  the  ruins  on  the  top  of  the  tell 
itself  to  be  those  of  tlie  ancient  place  fortified  by 
Rehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  8).  In  1  Chr.  ii.  42  Mesha  2 
is  called  "  the  father  (i.  e.  founder)  of  Ziph "  (see 
Ziph,  below). 

Zipli  (see  above),  son  of  Jehaleleel  (1  Chr.  iv.  16 ; 
comp.  Ziph  2  above). 

Zl'pliali  (Heb.  =  Ziph),  son  of  Jehaleleel  (1  Chr. 
iv.  16  ;  comp.  Ziph). 

Ziphim  (Heb.  pi.),  Zipb'ims  [-imz]  (fr.  Heb.),  tlie 
=  the  inhabitants  of  ZiPii  2  (title  of  Ps.  liv.) ;  = 

ZiPIlITES. 

Zipli'itcs  (fr.  Heb.  Ziphi,  singular  of  Ziphim,  used 
collectively),  the  =  Ziphim  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  19;  xxvi. 

!)• 

Zipli'i-on  (fr.  Heb.  =:  a  looking  out,  Ges.),  son  of 
Gad  (Gen.  xlvi.  16);  =  Zephon. 

Zipll'ron  (Heb.  sweet  odor,  Ges.),  a  place  between 
Zedad  and  Hazar-enan,  on  the  N.  boundary  of  the 
Promised  Land  as  specified  bv  Moses  (Num.  xxxiv. 
9).  Dr.  W.  M.  Thomson  (in  B.  S.  v.  685)  suggests 
an  identification  with  a  ruin  called  Zephron  or  Za- 
phron,  about  twelve  miles  S.  S.  E.  of  Haniah  (Ha- 
math). 

Zip'por  (fr.  Heb.  =  a  little  bird,  sparrow,  Ges.), 
father  of  Balak,  king  of  Moab  (Num.  xxii.  2,  4,  10, 
16,  xxiii.  18;  .Josh.  xxiv.  9;  Judg.  xi.  25). 

Zlp-po'rali,  or  Zip'po-rall  (fr.  Heb.,  fem.  of  Zippoa, 
Ges.),  daughter  of  iteuel  or  Jethro,  the  priest  of 
Midian ;  wife  of  Moses,  and  mother  of  his  two  sons 
Gershom  1  and  Eliezer  2  (Ex.  ii.  21,  iv.  25,  xviii.  2, 
comp.  6).  Many  consider  Zipporah  the  Cushite  (A. 
V.  "  Ethiopian  ")  wife  who  furnished  Miriam  and 
Aaron  with  the  pretext  for  their  attack  on  Moses 
(Num.  xii.  1,  &c. ;  comp.  Hab.  iii.  7;  Ethiopian 
Woman).  Mr  Grove  supposes,  with  Ewald,  that  the 
Cushite  was  a  second  wife,  or  a  concubine,  taken  by 
Moses  during  the  march  through  tlie  wilderness. 

Zith'ri  (fr  lleb.  Sithri  =  prolecliou  of  Jehovah, 
Ges.),  a  Kohathite  Levite,  son  of  Uzzicl  (Ex.  vi.  22). 
In  verse  21,  "Zithri"  (in  some  copies)  should  be 
"Zichri,"  as  in  A.  V.  of  1611. 

Ziz  (fr.  Heb.  =  brightness,  flower,  wing,  Ges.),  tlie 
Cliff  of  5  the  pass  (Cliff)  by  which  the  horde  of 
Moabites,  Ammonites,  and  Mchunim,  made  their 
way  up  from  the  shores  of  the  Dead  Sea  to  the  wil- 
derness of  Judah  near  Tekoa  (2  Clir.  xx.  16  only, 
comp.  20) ;  probably  the  pass  o{ ' Ain  Jidt/ {En-j^eil\) 
— "  the  very  same  route,"  as  Dr.  Robinson  remarks, 
"  which  is  taken  by  the  Arabs  in  their  marauding 
expeditions  at  the  present  day."  The  name  may 
perhaps  be  traceable  in  el-f/ususah,  a  tract  of  table- 
land above  the  pass,  bounded  on  the  N.  by  Wady 
Husiisah  (so  Mr.  Grove). 

Zi  za  (Heb.  ftdl  breast,  abundance,  Ges.).  !•  A 
Simeonite  chief  in  Hezekiah's  reign  who  took  part 
in  the  raid  on  the  Hamite  shepherds  of  Gedor  ( 1 


ZIZ 

CTir.  iv.  SI). — t.  Son  of  Rehoboam  by  Maachah  (2 
Chr.  xi.  20). 

Zi'zab  (Heb.  =  Ziza,  Gcs.),  a  Gershonitc  Levite, 
second  son  of  Shimci  (1  Chr.  x.tiii.  11)  —  Zina. 
'  Ze'an  (Heb.  7'»i'an  ;  Gr.  and  L.  Taiih  ;  both  from 
EzypCian  =  Ime  retfinn,  Ges.,  Kii.;  but  see  below), 
■n  ancient  city  of  lower  Eoypt,  near  the  eastern  bor- 
der. Its  Shemitic  name  (so  Mr.  K.  S.  Poole,  original 
author  of  this  article)  indicates  a  place  of  (UfHirtnre 
from  a  country.  The  Egyptian  name  ha-{iwar,  or 
l*ii-airar  (=  Avaris),  means  Ihe  ahuile  (or  house)  of 
floiiiff  out  (or  departure).  Zoan,  or  Tanis,  is  situate 
in  .V.  latitude  31',  E.  longitude  31 '  55',  on  the  E. 
bank  of  the  canal  which  was  formerly  the  Tanitic 
branch  of  the  Xii.E.  Anciently  a  rich  plain — then 
known  as  the  "  Fields,"  or  "  Plains,"  or  "  Marshes," 
or  "  Pasture-lands,"  and  watered  by  four  of  the  sev- 
■ieti  branches  of  the  Nile,  but  now  almost  covered  by 
Ihe  great  lake  Afenzeleh — extended  due  E.  as  far 
-as  Pelusium  iSin),  about  thirty  miles  distant,  grad- 
ually narrowing  toward  tlie  east.  Tanis,  while 
Egypt  was  ruled  by  native  kings,  was  the- chief 
town  ot  this  teiritiuv,  and  an  important  post  tow- 
ard the  eastern  frontier.  It  is  said  to  have  been 
rebuilt,  strongly  walled,  and  garrisoned  with  "240,000 
men,  by  Salalis  the  first  of  the  Shepherd  kings. 
Manetho  explicitly  states  Avaris  to  have  been  older 
than  the  time  of  the  Shepherds;  but  there  are  rea- 
sons for  questioning  his  accuracy  in  this  matter. 
The  name  is  more  likely  to  be  of  foreign  than  of 
Egyptian  origin,  for  Zoan  distinctly  indicates  the 
place  of  departure  of  a  migratory  people,  whereas 
Avaris  has  the  simple  signilication  abode  of  di/tarl- 
tire.  A  remarkable  passage  in  Num.  xiii.  22 — 
"  Xow  Hebron  was  built  seven  years  before  Zoan 
in  Egypt  " — seems  to  determine  the  question.  He- 
bron was  already  built  in  Abraham's  time,  and  the 
Shepherd-invasion  may  be  dated  about  the  same 
period.  Whether  some  older  village  or  city  were 
succeeded  by  Avaris  matters  little :  its  history  be- 
gins in  the  reign  of  Salatis.  What  the  Egyptian 
records  tell  us  of  this  city  may  be  briefly  stated. 
Apepee,  probably  Apophis  of  the  fifteenth  dynasty, 
a  Shepherd  king  who  reigned  shortly  before  the 
eighteenth  dynasty,  built  a  temple  here  to  Set,  the 

■'  Egyptian  Baal,  and  worshipped  no  other  god.  Ac- 
cording to  Manetho,  the  Shepherd.s,  after  611  years 
of  rule,  were  expelled  from  all  Egypt  and  shut  up 
in  Avaris,  whence  they  were  allowed  to  depart  by 
capitulation  about  b.  c.  1500.  Kameses  II.  eml>el- 
lished  the  gi-eat  temple  of  Tanis,  and  was  tbllowcd 
by  his  son  Menptah.  Mr.  Poole  believes  ^hat  the 
Pharaoh  of  Joseph  as  well  as  the  oppressors  were 
Shepherds,  the  former  ruling  at  .Memphis  and  Zoan, 
the  latter  probably  at  Zoan  only.  Zoan  is  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  the  Plagues  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  leave  no  doubt  that  it  is  the  city 
spoken  of  in  the  narrative  in  Exodus  as  that  where 
Pharaoh  dwelt  (Ps  Ixxviii.  42,  43).  After  the  fall 
of  the  empire,  the  first  dynasty  is  the  twenty-fiitit, 

'  called  by  Manetho  that  of  Tanitcs.  Its  history  is 
obscure.  The  twenty-third  dvnasty  is  called  Tanite, 
and  its  last  king  is  probably  Sethos,  the  contempo- 
rary of  Tirhakah,  mentioned  by  Ilerodotus.  At 
this  time  Tanis  once  more  appears  in  sacred  history 
as  a  place  to  which  came  ambassadors  of  Uoslica, 

'  or  Ahttz,  or  possibly  of  Hezekiah  (Is.  xxx.  4).  As 
mentioned  with  the  frontier-town  Tahpanlies,  Tanis 
is  not  necessarily  the  capital.  But  the  same  proph- 
et perhaps  more  distinctly  points  to  a  Tanite  line — 
"the   princes  of  Zoan  "  (xix.    13).     The  doom  of 

'  Zoan  is  foretold  by  Ezekiel,  "  I  will  set  fire  in  Zoan  " 


ZOA 


121  ( 


(xxx.  14),  where  it  occurs  among  the  cities  to  be 
taken  by  Nebuchadnezzar. — The  "field  of  Zoan," 
now  the  plain  of  iViw,  has  become  a  barren  waste  ; 
and  one  cif  the  principal  .ibodes  of  the  Pharaohs  is 
now  the  habitation  of  tislici men,  the  resort  of  wild 
beasts,  and  infested  with  reptiles  and  malignant  fe- 
vers. It  is  remarkable  for  the  height  and  extent 
of  its  mounds,  which  are  upward  of  a  mile  from  \.  to 
S.,  and  nearly  three-ipiarters  of  a  mile  from  E.  to  W. 
The  area  in  w  Inch  the  saered  enclosure  of  the  temide 
stood  is  about  1,500  feet  by  1,250,  surrounded  by 
mounds  of  fallen  housis.  The  temple  was  adorned 
by  Uameses  II.  with  numerous  obelisks  and  most 
of  its  sculptures.  It  is  very  ruinous,  but  its  re- 
mains prove  ils  former  gr.uideur. 

Zo'ar(fr.  Heb.  =  s/natfness,  Ges.),  an  ancient  city, 
originally  named  Bkla  (Gen.  xiv.  2,  8).     It  was  in 
intimate  connection  with  the  cities  of  the  "'  plain 
of  JoRBAN  " — .SoDO.M,  G0.MORRAII,  Admaii,  and  Ze- 
BOiM  (see  also  xiii.  10;   but  not  x.  19);  and  its  king 
took  part  with  the  kings  of   those  towns  in  the 
battle  with   Ciikooulaomkii,  &c.,   which    ended    in 
their  defeat  and  the  capture  of  Lot.     In  tlie  gen- 
eral destruction  of  the  cities  of  the  plain,  Zoar  was 
spared  to  afford  shelter  to  Lot  (xix.  22,  23,  30).     It 
is  mentioned  in  the  account  of  ihe  death   of  Moses 
as  one  of  the  landmarks  which   bounded  his  view 
from  Pisgah  (Dent,  xxxiv.  3),  and  is  connected  with 
Moab   in  Is.  xv.  5  and  Jer.  xlviii.  34.     I.  Zoar  was 
situated  in  the  same  district  with  tlie  four  cities  al- 
ready mentioned,  viz.  in  the   "  plain  "   or  "  eiicle  " 
(Plain  3)  "of  the  Jordan,"  and  the  narrative  of 
Gen.  xjx.  evidently  implies  that  it  was  very  near  to 
Sodom   (ver.   15,  23,   27).      The  common    opinion 
among  Biblical  scholars  has  been,  and  is,  that  the 
"  plain  of  the  Jordan  "   in  Gen.  xiii ,  &c.,  extends 
to  the  southern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea.     ilr.  Grove, 
Mr.  Tristram,  &c.,  argue  that  the  plain  of  the  Jordan 
was  at  the  N.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  that  the  cities  cf 
the  plain  must  therefore  have  been  situated  there, 
because — (a.)   The   Jordan    must  have  discharged 
itself  into  the  lake  in  Abraham's  time  pretty  nearly 
wliere  it  docs  now.     (Ska,  tuk  Salt,  II.,  §  47).    (A.) 
The  plain  was  within  view  of  the  spot  from  which 
Abraham  and  Lot  took  their  survey  of  the  country 
(Gen.  xiii.  1-13).     Now  the  lower  part  of  the  course 
of  the  Jordan  is  plainly  visible  from  the  hills  E.  of 
I  Jicilin.     On  the  other  h.ind,  the  southern  half  of 
!  the  Dead  Sea  is  not  only  too  far  off  to  be  discerned, 
I  but  is  actually  shut  out  from  view  by  intervening 
I  heights.     To  this  argument  it  is  replied  that  the 
I  narrative  does  not  nceexsarVn  imply  cither  that  the 
!  cities  were  near,  or  that  every  part  of  the  plain  in 
I  which  they  were  contained  was  either  situated  E.  of 
I  the  spot  where  Abram  and  Lot  stood,  or  distinctly 
I  visilde  from  that  spot.    Lot's  view  embraced  so  much 
I  of  the  valley  as  to  give  a  correct  iilea  of  the  fruit- 
,  fulness,   &c.,   of   the   whole ;  anil   "  Lot  journeyed 
i  east "  from  Bethel  on  his  way  thither.     "  The  ar- 
1  guinent  assutnes  that  there  has  been  no  essential 
I  change  in  the  plain  and  the  sea  since  that  day,  ex- 
cept what  woidd  result  in  the  former  from  disuse 
!  of  the  artificial  irrigation   which   then  made  it  so 
I  fruitful.     But    the    phrase    '  Iiefore    the    Lord    de- 
j  stroyed,'  &c.  (ver.  10),  plainly  indicates  a  marked 
change  in  conseipienee  of  that  event;  and  there  is 
I  certainly  nothing   in   the  Seiipturc  narrative  iiicon- 
1  sistent  with  the  general   belief  that  the  catastrophe 
j  of  the  cities,  .ttlilch   destroyed  also  '  Ihe  country,' 
wrought  a  great  and  general  change  in  '  the  land 
of  So(lo:n  and  Gomorrah,'  thus  turned  'into  ashes.' 
If  the  cultivated  plain  or  valley,  with  or  without  a 


1218 


Z03 


ZOP 


lake  of  fresh  water,  in  a  part  of  the  present  bed  of 
the  sea,  then  extendeJ  as  i'ar  as  tlie  present  south- 
ern  limit   of  the  sea  and   adjacent  plain,  and  the 
cities  were  in  tliat  section  of  it,  the  fact  would  not 
euntlict  with  the  sacred  record  "  (Dr.  S.  Wolcott,  in 
B.  S.  XXV.  12fl).     (c.)  In  the  account  of  tlie  view  of 
Moses  from  I'isgah  the  "  plain  "  or  "  circle  "  is  more 
strictly  defined  as   "the  plain   (or  'circle')  of  the 
plain  of  Jericho  "  (A.  V.  "  plain  of  the-  valley  of 
Jericho  "),  and  Zoar  is  mentioned  in  immediate  con- 
nection  with  it  ("unto  Zoar").     Mr.   Grove  con- 
siders it  impossiljle  to  believe  that  the  "  plain  of 
Jericho  "  can  have  been  extended  to  the  southern 
end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  tlierefore  regards  it  as 
highly  probable  that  the  Zoar  of  the  Pentateuch  was 
to  the  N.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  not  far  from  its  northern 
end,  in  the  general  parallel  of  Jericho,  and  on  the 
eastern  side  of  tlie  valley,  because  the  descendants 
of  Lot,  the  Moabites  and  Ammonites,  are  in  posses- 
sion of  that  country  as  their  original  seat  when  they 
first  appear  in   (he  sacred  history.     Mr.  Tristram, 
on  the  other  Inmd,  would  place  Zoar  on  the  N.  W. 
side  of  the  Dead   Sea,  between  Wadi/  Dabur  and 
Rds  Feshkhnh,  because  this  was  the  limit  of  Moses' 
view  from  Xebo.     Porter  (in  Kitto,  art.  "  Sodom  ") 
sustains    the    connuon    view    by    remarking    that 
"  uaiLCS  derived  from  rivers  and  towns  often  extend 
to    a    wide    region ;    and    the    very    word    circuit 
('Plain'  3)  would  seem   lo  denote  a  district  de- 
fined by  some  great  natural  boundaries,  such  as  the 
mountains   which   shut   in  the  Jordan  valley,"  and 
that  "    it   is   not  uncommon  at  the   present    day 
for  geographers  to  give  the  name  '  Jordan  valley  ' 
to  the  wliole  valley  reaching  from  Hermon  to  Jebd 
Usdvmy     11.  The  passages  in  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah 
in  which  Zoar  is  mentioned  imply  that  it  was  a  city 
of  MoAD,  and  therefore  E.  of  the  Dead  Sea.     III. 
Among  later  writers,  including  Ptolemy  and  Jo- 
sephus,  Eusebius  and  Jerome,  the  crusaders  and 
later  histoiians,   travellers,   geographers,   &c.,   the 
representation  is  almost  unanimous  that  the  Zoar 
of  the  Bible  was  at  the  southeastern  end  of  the 
Dead  Sea.    Thus  Joscphus  (i.  1 1,  §  4)  says  that  it  re- 
tained its  name  to  his  day,  that  it  was  at  the  further 
end  of  the  Asphaltic  Lake,  in  Arabia — by  which  he 
means  the  country  lying  S.  E.  of  the  lake,  whose 
capital  was  Petra.     Fulcher  (a  monk  or  priest,  who 
accompanied  Piobert  of  Normandy  in  the  first  Cru- 
sade, A.  I).  1096,  &e.)  states  that  "having  encircled 
the  southern  part  of  the  lake  on  the  road  from  He- 
bron to  Petra,  we  found  there  a  large  village  which 
was  said  to  be  Segor,  in  a  cliarming  situation,  and 
aljounding  with  dates.     Here  we  began  to  enter  the 
mountains  of  Arabia."     The  natural  inference  from 
the  description  of  Fulcher  is,  that  Segor  lay  in  tlie 
Wadfi  Kcrak,  the  ordinary  road,  then  and  now,  from 
the  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea  to  the  eastern  highlands. 
The  conjecture  of  Irby  and  Mangles,  that  the  ex- 
tensive ruins  which  they  found  in  the  lower  part  of 
this  Wady  were  those  of  Zoar,  is  therefore  probably 
accurate.     The  name  Dra'a  or  Dera'ah,  which  tliey, 
Poole  and  Uurckhardt,  give  to  the  valley,  may  be  a 
corruption  of  Zoar.     Zoar  was  an  episcopal  see, 
represented  by  its  bishops  at  the  Council  of  Chalce- 
don  (a.  d.  461),  and  of  Constantinople  (a.  d.  536). 
M.  de  Saulcy  places  Zoar  in  the  Wadii  Zuweirah,  the 
pass  leading  from  Hebron  to  the  Dead  Sea.     But 
the  names  Zmoeirah  and  Zoar  are  not  nearly  so  sim- 
ilar in   the  originals  as  they  are  in  their  Western 
forms.     Zoijhal  (in  l/m  Zoghal)  is  much  nearer  the 
Hebrew  of  Zoar. 

Zybljor  /'i'bih  (both  fr.  Ileb.  —statioi,  Ges.),  a 


portion  of  Syria,  which  formed  a  separate  kingdom 
in  t'lc  time  of  Saul,  David,  and  Solomon.  Prof 
Uawlinson,  original  author  of  this  arlicle,  regards  it 
as  lying  cldefly  eastward  of  Ca'lesyria,  and  extend- 
ing thence  N.  E.  and  E.  toward,  if"  not  even  to,  the 
Euphrates.  Zobah  appears  fiist  in  Saul's  time 
among  his  enemies,  a  separate  counlry,  governed, 
apparently,  by  a  number  of  kings  who  owned  no 
conunon  head  or  chief  (1  Sam.  xiv.  47).  Some  forty 
years  later,  HAnAOEZKR,  son  of  Rehob,  ruler  of  Zo- 
bah, had  wars  with  Toi,  king  of  Hamath  (2  Sam. 
viu.  10),  and  held  various  petty  Syrian  princes  as 
vassals  under  his  yoke  (x.  19).  David  (viii.  3)  at- 
tacked Hadadezer  in  the  early  part  of  his  reign,  de- 
feated his  army,  and  took  from  him  a  thousand 
chariots,  seven  hundred  (seven  thousand,  1  Chr. 
xviii.  4)  horsemen,  and  twenty  thousand  footmen. 
Hadadezer's  allies,  the  Syrians  of  Damascus,  were 
defeated  in  a  great  battle.  The  wealth  of  Zobah  is 
very  apparent  in  the  narrative  of  this  campaign. 
(Arms,  II.  6.)  It  is  not  clear  whether  the  Syrians 
of  Zobah  submitted  and  became  tributary  on  this 
occasion,  or  whether,  although  defeated,  they  were 
able  to  maintain  their  independence.  At  any  rate, 
a  few  years  later,  the  Syrians  of  Zobah,  hired  by 
the  Ammonites,  were  again  in  arms  against  David. 
The  allies  were  defeated  in  a  great  battle  by  Joab, 
who  engaged  the  Syrians  in  person  (2  Sam.  x.  9). 
Hadadezer,  upon  this,  drew  to  his  aid  the  Syrians 
beyond  the  Euphrates  (1  Chr.  xix.  16).  A  battle 
was  fdught  near  Hklam,  where  the  Syrians  of  Zobah 
and  their  new  allies  were  defeated  with  great  slaugh- 
ter. Zobah,  however,  though  subdued,  continued  to 
cause  trouble  to  the  Jew  ish  kings.  A  man  of  Zobah, 
Rezon,  son  of  Eliadah,  made  himself  master  of  Da- 
mascus, where  he  proved  a  fierce  adversary  to  Israel 
all  through  Solomon's  reign  (1  K.  xi.  23-25).  Solo- 
mi>n  also  was,  it  would  seem,  engaged  in  a  war  with 
Zobah  itself  (2  Chr.  viii.  3).  This  is  the  last  that 
we  hear  of  Zobah  in  Scripture.  The  name,  how- 
ever, is  found  at  a  later  date  in  the  inscriptions  of 
Assyria,  where  the  kingdom  of  Zobah  seems  to 
intervene  between  Hamath  and  Damascus.  Aram; 
Hamath-zobaii. 

Zo-bc'bah  (fr.  Heb.  =:  the  sloie-moviny,  Ges.),  sou 
of  Coz,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  ( 1  Chr.  iv.  8). 

Zo'liar  (fr.  Heb.  =  wMlnuss,  Ges.).  I.  Father 
of  Ephron  the  Hittite  (Gen.  xxiii.  8,  xxv.  9).^2, 
Son  of  Simeon  (Gen.  xlvi.  10;  Ex.  vi.  15);  =:  Zk- 
RAII  2. 

Zo'he-leth  (Heb.  serpe>it,  Ges.),  the  ^'tonci  This  was 
"by  E-n-bogel"  (1  K.  i.  9);  and,  therelbre,  if  En- 
rogel  be  the  modern  Urn  ed-I)eraj,  this  stone,  "  where 
Adonijah  slew  sheep  and  oxen,"  was  in  all  likelihood 
not  far  from  the  well  of  the  Virgin.  (Jerusalem; 
SiLOAM.)  The  Targumists  translate  it  Ihe  rolling 
slotie ;  and  li-ishi  affirms  that  it  was  a  large  stone 
on  which  the  young  men  tried  their  strength  in  at- 
tempting to  roll  it.  Others  make  it  Ihe  xerpenl-atuine. 
Others  connect  it  with  running  water ;  but  there  is 
nothing  strained  in  making  lilhe  stone  of  the  cotiduil, 
from  its  proximity  to  the  great  rock-conduit  or  con- 
duits that  poured  into  Siloani.     Sto.ves. 

Zo  lieth  (Heb.  mrjntlent,  slronri,  Fii.),  son  of  Ishi 
of  the  tribe  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  20). 

Zo'pbah  (fr.  Heb.  =  a  cruse,  Ges.),  son  of  Helem, 
or  Hotham,  the  son  of  Heber,  an  Ashcrite  (1  Chr. 
vii.  35,  36). 

Zophai  (fr.  Heb.  —  Zcph),  a  Kohathite  Levite, 
son  of  Elkanah  and  ancestor  of  Samuel  (1  Chr.  vi. 
26  [Heb.  11]);  =  Zuph. 

Zo'pbar  (fr.  Heb.  =  Zippor  ?  Ges.),  one  of  the 


ZOP 


zuz 


1219 


three  friends  of  Job;  "the  Naamathite"  (Job  ii. 
II,  xi.  I,  XX.  1,  xlii.  9). 

Zopllini  (Hob.  watchers,  litokers-out,  Targum  of 
Onktlos,  S\  r.  |,  tlie  Held  of;  a  spot  on  or  near  the 
top  of  PlsGAii,  from  which  Balaam  had  his  second 
view  of  the  encampment  of  Israel  (Num.  xxiii.  14). 
If  the  Heb.  s'idth  (A.  V.  "field")  may  be  taken  in 
its  usual  sense,  then  "  the  field  of  Zophim  "  was  a 
cultivated  spot  high  up  on  the  tup  of  the  range  of 
Pisgah.  But  that  word  is  the  almost  invariable 
term  for  a  portion  of  the  upper  district  of  Moab ; 
and  Mr.  Grove  asks,  May  not  tiie  field  of  Zophim  be 
the  same  place  as  "  Mizpch  of  Jloab  ?  "  (Mizpaii 
2.)  Porter  (in  Kitto)  would  identify  the  field  of 
Zophim  with  a  plateau  of  arable  land  reaching  from 
Beshbon  to  the  ruins  of  MiVin  (Baal-meon). 

Zo'rah  (fr.  Heb.  =  hornets  loieii,  (Jes.),  a  city  of 
Dan  (Josh.  xix.  41),  previously  mentioned  (xv.  8K), 
in  the  catalogue  of  Judah,  among  the  places  in  the 
lowland  district  (A.  V.  "Zoreah").  In  both  lists 
it  is  in  immediate  proximity  to  Eshtaol.  Zorah 
was  the  residence  of  Manoaii  and  the  native  place 
of  Samson.  It  was  fortified  by  Rehoboam  (2  Chr. 
xi.  10),  and  reinhabited  after  the  Captivity  (A. 
V.  "  Zareah,"  Nell.  xi.  29).  In  the  Chiomcmticon  it 
is  mentioned  as  lying  some  ten  miles  N.  of  Eleu- 
THEROPOLis,  on  the  road  to  Nicopolis(=:  EM.«Ats  2). 
By  the  Jewish  traveller  hap-Parchi,  it  is  specified 
as  three  hours  S.  E.  of  Lt/dd.  These  notices  agree 
in  direction — though  in  neither  is  the  distance  near- 
ly sufficient — with  the  modern  village  of  Sur'ah, 
which  lies  just  below  the  brow  of  a  sharp-pointed 
conical  hill,  at  the  shoulder  of  the  ranges  which 
there  meet  and  form  the  northern  side  of  the  Wady 
Ohur&b,  the  northernmost  of  the  two  branches 
which  unite  just  below  Sur'ah,  and  form  the  great 
Wady  Surdr.    Zareatiiites  ;  ZoBAniiTES ;  Zorites. 

Zo'nitll-itfS  (fr.  Heb.),  the  =:  the  people  of  Zo- 
rah, mentioned  in  1  Chr.  W.  2  as  descended  from 
Shobal  3. 

Zo're-ah  (fr.  Heb.)  =  Zorah  (Josh.  xv.  33). 

Zorites  (fr.  Heb.  =  Zorathites,  Ges.),  the,  are 
named  in  the  genealogies  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  54) 
apparently  amongst  the  descendants  of  Salma  and 
near  connections  of  Joab  (so  Mr.  Grove);  the  Tar- 
gum, Gesenius,  Fiirst,  make  Zorites  =  Zorathites. 

Zo-rob'a-bel  (Or.  and  L.)  =  Zercbbabel  (1  Esd. 


IT.  13,  V.  S-W,  ri.  2-29;  Ecclus.  xlix.  11;  Mat.  i. 
12,  13;  Lk.  iii.  27). 

Zu'ar  (fr.  Ileb.  =  swallruss,  Ges.),  fiilhcr  of  Ne- 
thaneel  the  chief  of  Issachar  at  the  Exodus  (Num. 
i.  8,  ii.  5,  vii.  18,  23,  x.  15). 

Znph  (fr.  Heb.  =  honey-comb,  Ges.),  the  Land  of; 
a  district  at  which  Saul  and  his  servant  arrived  after 
passing  through  those  of  Shalisha,  of  Shalim,  and 
of  the  Benjaniitcs  (1  Sam.  iv.  8  only).  It  evidently 
contained  the  city  in  which  they  encountered  Samuel 
(ver.  6),  and  that  was  not  far  from  the  "tomb  of 
Rachel."  The  only  trace  of  the  name  of  Zuph  in 
modern  Palestine,  in  any  suitable  locality,  is  to  be 
found  in  Soba,  a  well-known  place  about  seven  miles 
due  W.  of  Jerusalem,  and  five  miles  S.  W.  of  Nrby 
Samwil.  But  this  is  conjecture,  and  unless  the  land 
of  Zuph  extended  a  good  distance  E.  of  Sola,  the 
city  in  which  the  meeting  with  Samuel  took  place 
could  hardly  be  sufficiently  near  to  Uachel's  sep- 
ulchre. 

Znph  (see  above),  a  Kohathite  Levite,  ancestor 
of  Elkanah  and  Samuel  (1  Sam.  i.  1 ;  1  Chr.  vi.  36 
[Heb.  20]);  -  Zophai. 

Znr  (fr.  Heb.  =  a  rock,  edr/e,  cut,  Ges.).  1.  Father 
of  Cozbi  (Num.  xxv.  15),  and  one  of  the  five  princes 
of  Midian  slain  by  the  Israelites  when  Balaam  fell 
(xxxL  8). — 2.  A  Bcnjamite,  son  of  Jehiel  the  founder 
of  Gibcon  (1  Chr.  viii.  30,  ix.  36). 

Zn'ri-el  (fr.  Heb.  =  my  rock  is  God,  Ges.),  son  of 
Abihail,  and  chief  of  the  Merarite  Levitts  at  the 
Exodus  (Num.  iii.  35). 

Zu-ri-shad  da-i,  or  Zn-rl-sh«d'dai  (fr.  Heb.  =  my 
rock  is  tlie  Ahidghtii,  Ges.),  father  of  Slielumitl,  the 
chief  of  Simeon  at  the  Exodus  (Num.  i.  6,  ii.  12, 
vii.  36,  41,  X.  19). 

Za'zlin  (Heb.  pi.  =  strong  people,  LXX.,  Targum 
of  Onkelos,  Samaritan  Version ;  the  wanderers,  Lc 
Clerc ;  dwarfs,  Michaelis;  Jlomiig  out,  abounding, 
from  the  fertility  of  the  soil?  Ges.;  t/ie  prominent 
ones,  giants,  Fii.),  Zn'zims  [-zimz]  (fr.  Heb.),  the;  an 
ancient  people  attacked  and  overthrown  by  Chedor- 
laomer  and  his  allies  (Gen.  xiv.  5  only).  There  is 
some  plausibility  in  the  suggestion  of  Ewald,  that 
the  Zuzim  inhabited  the  country  of  the  Ammonites, 
and  were  =  the  Zamzlmmim,  who  were  exterminated 
and  succeeded  in  their  land  by  the  Ammonites  (so 
Mr.  Grove).     Giants  ;  Hair  ;  Ham  2. 


THE      END. 


